A06237 ---- By the major a proclamation for the prices of tallow and candles. City of London (England). 1620 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A06237 STC 16727.7 ESTC S1337 22134228 ocm 22134228 25124 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A06237) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 25124) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1731:4) By the major a proclamation for the prices of tallow and candles. City of London (England). 1 broadside. By VVilliam Iaggard, printer to the honourable city of London, Printed at London : 1620. "Giuen at Guild-hall of the citty of London, this 14. day of September, in the eighteenth yeare of His Maiesties reign ..." Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Candles -- Prices. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the Major . ❧ A Proclamation for the prices of Tallow and Candles . THe Lord Maior and Aldermen his Brethren , hauing taken knowledge of the excessiue prices of Tallow & Candles vttered and sold within the City of London : and finding vpon search and suruey made of the store of Tallow and Candles in the hand of the Tallow Chandlers , and Candlemakers , aswell English as Strangers , within this City and Liberties thereof , that diuers of them not contented with reasonable profit , in vttering and selling of Candles and Tallow , haue engrossed vnduly into their hands , great quantities both of Tallow and Candles , thereby to enhance the prices thereof : Inasmuch as the principall sale lieth in the hands of few . For remedy whereof , the Lord Maior and Court of Aldermen , haue conceiued it very expedient and needfull , to set prices according to former presidents vpon Tallow and Candles vttered within this City . And therefore do by these presents , ordaine , publish , and declare , that no Butcher or other person whatsoeuer , shall from henceforth vtter or sell , or cause to be vttered or sold within this City or Liberties , any English Tallow aboue the price of twentie sixe shillings eight pence the hundred weight . And that no Tallow Chandler , Candlemaker , or other person whatsoeuer , that do , or shall make , vtter , or sell any Candles made of Tallow , within this City or Liberties thereof , shall at any time heereafter , vtter or sell , or cause to be vttered or sold , any tallow Candles aboue the prices hereafter mentioned : that is to say , good Cotton Candles for foure pence farthing the pound , and good Weeke Candles for three pence three farthings the pound , and not at any higher price or prices . And the said Butchers , Tallow Chandlers , Candlemakers , and such other persons afore mentioned , are hereby straightly charged and commanded , to obey and keepe the saide rates and prices set vpon Tallow and Candles as aforesaide , vntill further order to the contrary be taken by the Lord Maior and Aldermen his Brethren , vpon paine and perill that will fall thereon . Giuen at the Guild-hall of the Citty of London , this 14. day of September , in the eighteenth yeare of his Maiesties reigne of England , France , and Ireland , and of Scotland the foure and fiftieth . God saue the King. Printed at London by William Iaggard , Printer to the Honourable City of London , 1620. A06236 ---- Commune consilium tentum in camera Guild-hall civitatis London undecimo die Julii, anno Dom. 1612 ... City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1612 Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A06236 STC 16725 ESTC S2788 24639681 ocm 24639681 27842 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A06236) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 27842) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1856:11) Commune consilium tentum in camera Guild-hall civitatis London undecimo die Julii, anno Dom. 1612 ... City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1 broadside. W. Jaggard, [S.l. : 1612] Text begins: Whereas the Company of Painter-stainers have been an antient brotherhood in this city ... [Act requiring membership in the company]. Imprint suggested by STC (2nd ed.). Imperfect: slightly faded. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall Library (London, England) Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Company of Painter-stainers (London, England) Painters, Industrial -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Commun● Consilium tentum in Camera Guild-Hall Civitatis London , undecimo die Julii , Anno Dom. 1612. Annoque Regni Domini nostri Jacobi , Dei gratia Angliae , Scotiae , Franciae , & Hibernia Regis , Fidei Defensoris , &c. viz. Angliae , Franciae , & Hiberniae decimo ; & Scotiaequadragesimo quinto : Coram J●co●o Pemberton Milite , Majore Civitatis London , Henrico MountagueMilite , Recordatore ejusdem Civitatis , Thoma LeweMilite , Thoma Cambell Milite , Gulielmo Craven Milite , Clemens Scudemore Milite , Johanne J●lles Milite , Galfrido Ehres , Georgio Bolles , Gulielmo Cockain , Ri●hardo Pyot , Edward● R●theram , Alexandro Pre●●●t , dict●e Civitatis Aldermanis , ac Edwardo Barkham , Aldermano , & uno Vicecomite Civitatis pr●●dictae ; necnon majore parte Comm. dictae Civitatis de Comm. Concilio ejusdem Civitatis existentis ass●mblat , &c. WHereas the Company of Painter-Stainers have been an antient Brotherhood in this City , and for the better Exercise of the●r Ar● and Government of those that use the same Art of Painting of latter times have been Incorporated , the better to enable them for the Exercising and Ordering of that Trade , and performance thereof by Men of Skill and Cunning. But of late years , by reason that divers Freemen of this City do daily practise , use , and exercise Painting in and about the same ; neither have been brought up as Apprentices to the said Art , nor being free of the Company of Painter-Stainers , but of sundry other Companies of this City : which Freemen of other Companies using Painting as aforesaid , have taken upon them , and daily do , to have and keep more number of Apprentices , than the Freemen of the said Company of Painter-Stainers , using the said Art of Painting , by the Ordinances of their said Tompany lawfully may or can do , to the pestring and filling of this City with Men of that Faculty and Profession , and to the great prejudice and hindrance of the Freemen of the Company of Painter-Stainers : by reason whereof much bad and deceitful Workmanship is daily practised and used within this City , which ariseth principally by reason those Freemen of other Companies are not subject to the Search and Ordinances of the said Company of Painter-Stainers , so that their Defaults and Abuses cannot be discovered , espied , or amended ; nor the Offenders punished according to their Demerits , as they should be , in case they were subject to the said Company of Painter-Stainers . For Remedy and Reformation whereof , and to the intent that all Freemen of this City , practising and using the Art of Painting within this City , may be in time reduced , and brought to be free of the Company of Painter-Stainers ; and that the Master and Wardens of the said Company for the time being , may hereafter have a more free and absolute Survey and Search , and Correction and Punishment of all Freemen of this City , using their Art within the same City and Liberties thereof , ( of what Company soever they be ) than heretofore they have had , whereby Frauds and Of●ences may come to be discovered , and Offenders punished , according to the ancient Customs of this City in like Cases used : Be it Enacted , Ordained , and Established by the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor , the Aldermen his Brethren , and the Commons in this Common Council assembled , and by the Authority of the same , That all Persons free of this City , ( of what Company soever they be ) using the said Art of Painter-Stainers within this City and Liberties thereof , and making gain thereby , shall from henceforth be under the Survey and Search of the Master and Wardens of the said Company of Painter-Stainers for the time being ; and shall from time to time be subject to the Ordinances of the said Company , touching the Exercise of the said Art of Painting only . And be it further Enacted , by the Authority aforesaid , That no Person or Persons whatsoever , being Free of any Company of this City whatsoever , ( other than of the said Company of Painter-Stainers , ) which doth or shall use or practise the said Art of Painters , within this City and Liberties thereof , and shall make gain thereby , shall from henceforth take and bind any Apprentice or Apprentices to him , or themselves , but within one month after the taking of such Apprentice , and before the binding of such Appretice or Apprentices , shall first present him or them before the Master and Wardens of the said Company of Painter-Stainers , at the Common-Hall of the said Tompany ; and upon su●h Presentation of any Apprentice or Apprentices at the Place aforesaid , the same Apprentice or Apprentices shall become bound by Indenture to the Master or one of the Wardens of the said Company , for the time being , for the Term and number of Years agreed upon between the said Master and Apprentice or Apprentices , and the Party so presenting him or them : And that after the binding of such Apprentice or Apprentices in form before declared , the said Apprentice or Apprentices shall at the Charges of the Master so presenting the same Apprentice , be by the Party to whom he was bound set over before the Chamberlain of the said City of London for the time being , to the Party by whom he shall be so presented , and him shall serve the residue of his Term , to the intent that at the expiration of the said Term , the said Apprentice or Apprentices may be made free of the said Company of Painter-Stainers . And be it further Enacted , by the Authority aforesaid , That if any Person or Persons using the Art of Painting within this City or Liberties thereof , and not being free of the said Company of Painter-Stainers , shall at any time or times hereafter take any Apprentice or Apprentices bound unto himself , or in any other manner than is before declared , he or they shall forfeit for every Apprentice so bound the Sum of Twenty Pounds of lawful Money of England , to be recovered by Action of Debt , Bill , or Plaint , to be commenced and presented in the Name of the Chamberlain of the said City of London for the time being , in the King's Majesty's Court to be holden in the Chamber of the Guild-Hall of the said City , before the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the said City , wherein no Essoign or Wager of Law shall be admitted or allowed for the Defendant : And that the Chamberlain of the said City for the time being , in all Suits to be prosecuted by virtue of this present Act against any Offender , shall recover the Ordinary Costs of Suit to be expended in and about the prosecution of the same . And be it further Enacted , by the Authority aforesaid , That one Moiety of all Forfeitures to be recovered by virtue of this Act , ( the Charges of Suit for recovery of them being deducted and allowed ) after the recovery and receipt thereof , shall be paid and delivered to the Chamberlain of the said City for the time being , to the Vse of the Mayor , and Commonalty , and the Citizens of the same City : And the other Moiety of the same Forfeitures ( the Charges of Suit deducted as aforesaid ) to be paid and delivered over to the Master and Wardens of the said Company of Painter-Stainers for the time being , to the Vse of their said Company , to the intent that the said Master and Wardens of the said Company for the time being , may be the more careful to prosecute Suit against the Offenders in this behalf , in the Name of the Chamberlain of this City for the time being . A06234 ---- Orders conceiued and agreed to be published, by the Lord Mayor and aldermen of the citie of London, and the iustices of peace of the counties of Middlesex and Surrey, by direction from the Lords of His Maiesties most honourable Priuie Councell London (England) 1608 Approx. 11 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A06234 STC 16723.5 ESTC S4371 24226795 ocm 24226795 27394 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A06234) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 27394) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1820:11) Orders conceiued and agreed to be published, by the Lord Mayor and aldermen of the citie of London, and the iustices of peace of the counties of Middlesex and Surrey, by direction from the Lords of His Maiesties most honourable Priuie Councell London (England) City of London (England). Lord Mayor. [3+] p. By Iohn VVindet, printer to the honourable citie of London, Imprinted at London : [1608?] Caption title. "Whereas in the first yeare of His Maiesties most happy raigne ouer this realme of England, an acte was made, for the charitable reliefe, and ordering of persons infected with the plague ..."--First three lines of text. Place of publication and name of publisher taken from colophon; date of imprint suggested by STC (2nd ed.). Imperfect: torn with slight loss of print; lacking at least one sheet. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- History -- England -- Early works to 1800. Public welfare -- Law and legislation -- England -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Derek Lee Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Derek Lee Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Orders conceiued and agreed to be published , by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the Citie of London , and the Iustices of Peace of the Counties of Middlesex and Surrey , by direction from the Lords of his Maiesties most Honourable priuie COVNCELL . WHereas in the first yeare of his Maiesties most happy raigne ouer this Realme of England , an Acte was made , for the charitable reliefe , and ordering of persons Infected with the Plague : whereby Authority is giuen to Iustices of Peace , Mayors , Bayliffes , and other head Officers , to appoint within their seuerall Limittes Examiners , Searchers , Watchmen , Keepers , and Buriers for the persons and places infected , and to minister vnto them Oathes for performance of their Offices . And the same Statute also authorizeth the giuing of other Directions , as vnto them for the present necessity , shall seeme good in their discretions . It is therefore vpon speciall consideration thought very expedient , for the preuenting and auoyding of the infection of Sickenes ( if it shall please Almightie God ) which is now dangerously dispersed into many places within the Citie and Suburbs of the same : that these Officers following be appointed , and these Orders hereafter prescribed be duly obserued . FIrst it is thought requisite and so ordered , that in euery Parish there be one , two or more persons of good sorte and credite , chosen and appointed by the Alderman his Deputy , and Common Counceil of euery Ward , and by the Iustices of Peace in the Counties , by the name of Examiners , to continue in that Office the space of two moneths at least : and if any fit persons , so appointed as aforesaid , shall refuse to vndertake the same , the said parties so refusing , to be committed to Prison vntill they shall conforme themselues accordingly . THat these Examiners be sworne by the Alderman , or by one of the Iustices of the Countie , to enquire and learne from time to time what houses in euery Parish be visited , and what persons be sicke , and of what diseases , as neere as they can informe themselues and vpon doubt in that case , to command restraint of accesse , vntill it appeare what the disease shall proue : and if they find any persons sicke of the infection , to giue order to the Constable , that the house be shut vp : and if the Constable shall be found remisse or negligent , to giue present notice thereof to the Alderman , or the Iustice of Peace respectiuely . THat to euery infected house there be appointed two Watchmen , one for the day and the other for the night : and that these Watchmen haue a speciall care that no person goe in or out of such infected houses , whereof they haue the charge , vpon paine of seuere punishment . And the said Watchmen to doe such further Offices as the sicke house shall neede and require : and if the Watchman be sent vpon any busines , to locke vp the house and take the key with him : and the Watchman by day to attend vntill tenne of the clocke at night : and the watchman by night till sixe in the morning . company the Coarse to Church , or to enter the house Visited , vpon paine of hauing his house shut vp or be imprisoned . THat no Clothes , Stuffe , Bedding or Garments be suffered to be carried or conuayed out of any infected houses , and that the Cryers and carriers abroad of Bedding or olde Apparell , to be Solde or Pawned , be vtterly prohibited and restrained : and no Brokers of Bedding , or olde Apparell bee permitted to make any outward Show , or hang forth on their Stalles , Shop-boards or Windowes , towards any Streete , Lane , common Way or Passage , any olde Bedding or Apparell to be solde , vpon paine of Imprisonment : and if any Broker or other person shall buy any Bedding , Apparell or other Stuffe out of any infected house , within two moneths after the infection hath beene there , his house shall be shut vp as infected , and so shall continue shut vp twenty daies at the least . IF any person visited doe fortuue , by negligent looking vnto , or by any other meanes , to come or be conuayed from a place infected , to any other place , the Parish from whence such partie hath come , or beene conuaied , vpon notice thereof giuen , shall at their charge cause the saide party so visited and escaped , to be carried and brought backe againe by night , and the parties in this case offending , to bee punished at the direction of the Alderman of the Warde , and the Iustices of the Peace respectiuely : and the house of the receiuer of such visited person , to be shutte vp for twenty daies . THat euery house visited be marked with a red Crosse of a foote long , in the middle of the Doore , euident to be seene , and with these vsuall printed wordes : that is to say , Lord haue mercy vpon vs to be set close ouer the same Crosse , there to continue vntill lawfull opening of the same house . THat the Constables see euery house shut vp , and to bee attended with Watchmen , which may keepe them in , and minister necessaries vnto them at their owne charges ( if they be able ) or at the common charge if they be vnable : the shutting vp to be for the space of foure Weekes after all be whole . That precise order be taken that the Searchers , Chirurgions , Keepers and Buriers are not to passe the Streetes without holding a redde Rodde or Wand of three foote in length , in their hands , open and euident to bee seene , and are not to goe into any other house then into their owne , or into that whereunto they are directed or sent for , but to forbeare and abstaine from company , especially when they haue beene lately vsed in any such busines or attendance . And to this end it is ordered , that a Weekely Taxe be made in euery Parish visited , if in the Citie or Borough then vnder the hand of the Alderman of the Warde , where the place is visited : if neither of the Counties , then vnder the hands of some of the Iustices next to the place visited , who , if there be cause , may extend the Taxe into other Parishes also , and may giue warrant of distresse against them which shall refuse to pay : and for want of distresse or for assistance , to commit the offenders to Prison , according to the Statute in that behalfe . ❧ Orders for clensing and keeping sweete of the Stteetes . FIrst it is thought very necessary and so ordered , that euery House-holder doe cause the Streete to be daily Pared before his Doore , and so to keepe it cleane Swept all the Weeke long . THat the Sweeping and Filth of houses to be daily carried away by the Rakers , and that the Raker shall giue notice of his comming by the blowing of a Horne , as heretofore hath beene done . THat the Laiestals be remoued as farre as may be out of the Citie , and common Passages , and that no Night-man or other be suffered to emptie a Vault into any Garden , neere about the Citie . THat especiall care be taker , that no stinking Fish or vnwholsome Flesh , or mustie Corne or other corrupt fruits , of what sort soeuer be suffered to bee solde about the Citie or any part of the same . That the Bruers and Tipling houses be looked vnto , for musty and vnwholsome Caske . That order be taken that no Hogges , Dogges or Cattes , or tame Pigeons , or Conies be suffred to be kept within any parte of the Citie , or any Swine to be or stray in the Streets or Lanes , but that such Swine be Impounded by the Beadle , or any other Officer , and the owner punished according to the Acte of common Councell , and that the Dogges be killed by the Dog-killers , appointed for that purpose . ❧ Orders concerning loose Persons and idle Assemblies . FOrasmuch as nothing is more complained on then the multitude of Roagues and Wandering Beggers , that swarme in euery place about the Citie , being a great cause of the spreading of the infection , and will not be auoyded , notwithstanding any order that hath beene giuen to the Contrary : It is therefore now ordered , that such Constables and others , whome this matter may any way concerne , doe take speciall care , that no wandring Begger be suffered in the Streetes of this Citie , in any fashion or manner whatsoeuer , vpon paine of the penaltie prouided by the law , to be duly and seuerely executed vpon them . THat all Plaies , Bearebaitings , Games , Singing of Ballads , Buckler-play , or such like causes of Assemblies of people , be vtterly prohibited , and the parties offending , seuerely punished , by any Alderman or Iustice of the Peace . THat disorderly tippling in Tauernes , Alehouses and Sellers , be seuerely looked vnto , as the common sinne of this time , and greatest occasion of dispersing the Plague : and where any shall be found to offend , the penalty of the Statute to bee laide vpon them with all seueritie . And for the better execution of these orders , as also for such other directions as shal be needfull , It is agreed that the Iustices of the Citie and the Counties adioyning doe meete together once in tenne dayes , eyther at the Sessions house without Newgate , or some other conuenient place , to conferre of things as shall be needfull in this behalfe . And euery person neglecting the duety required , or willingly offending against any Article or clause , contained in these Orders , he to be seuerely punished by imprisonment , or otherwise , as by law he ought . God saue the King. Imprinted at London by Iohn VVindet , Printer to the honourable Citie of London . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A06234-e10 Examiners be appointed in euery Parish . The Examiners Office . Watchmen . No infected stuffe to bee vttered . Euery visited house to be marked . Euery visited house to bee watched . The streets to bee kept cleane . That the Rakers take it from out the houses . Laiestals to be made farre off from the Citie . Care to be had of vnwholsome Fish or Flesh , and of musty Corne. Beggers . Plaies . Tipling houses . A06241 ---- Orders to be vsed in the time of the infection of the plague vvithin the citie and liberties of London, till further charitable prouision may be had for places of receite for the visited with infection City of London (England). Court of Aldermen. 1625 Approx. 15 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A06241 STC 16729.1 ESTC S3287 33143268 ocm 33143268 28346 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A06241) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28346) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1881:8) Orders to be vsed in the time of the infection of the plague vvithin the citie and liberties of London, till further charitable prouision may be had for places of receite for the visited with infection City of London (England). Court of Aldermen. 2 leaves. By Isaac Iaggard, Printer to the Honourable City of London, Printed at London : 1625. Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Reproduction of original in: British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England -- London -- Prevention. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ Orders to be vsed in the time of the infection of the Plague within the Citie and Liberties of London , till further charitable prouision may be had for places of receite for the visited with infection . THat euery Alderman call before him his Deputie , and all the Church-wardens , Constables , Parish Clarkes , Sextons and Bedles within his Warde , and giue them streight and earnest charge from time to time to inquire what houses in euery parish and precinct of that Warde be infected . And that euery Constable doe bring euery day true , distinct , and plaine certificate thereof in writing to the Alderman or his Deputie . And that the Alderman or his Deputie from time to time send the same certificates to the Surueyers of the Parishes , to whom it shall appertaine , to the intent that they haue vnderstanding thereby to see the orders in that behalfe executed accordingly . And here is to be noted , that euery house wherein any shall bee sick of the Plague , is to be iudged and vsed as infected , as wel as where any dyeth thereof . And likewise euery house from whence any person infected shall be remooued to any house or place , shall bee iudged infected , if any eftsoones fall sicke in the same house . That in euery house infected , the Master , Mistresse , or gouernour , and the whole family and residents therein at the time of such infection , shall remaine continually without departing out of the same , and with the doores and windowes of the hall , shop , or other nether part of the house shut , by the space of xxviii . dayes from the death of the party dying of infection , and vntill the partie sicke , and not dying thereof , shall bee fully recouered , or their sore fully healed : and such person recouering , or healed , to tarry shut vp xx . dayes from such recouerie , or full healing . And that during all that time , no clothes , linnen , or other like thing , be hanged out , or ouer into the streete . And that none so to be shut vp , shal go abroad out of the said house , during the time aboue appointed , but one certaine person ( and not sundry at sundry times ) to be appointed by the Surueyers of that Parish , for prouision of necessaries for the said family . Which person so to be appointed , shall during all the time of his , or her being abroad out of such house carry in their hand openly , vpright in the plainest manner to be seene , one red wand of the length of iii. foot at the least , to be deliuered to them by the Surueyers at the charge of the Parish , without carrying it closely , or couering any part of it with their cloke or garment , or otherwise : and in their going in the streetes and lanes shall alway keepe the way close by the chanell side , shunning as much as may be , the meeting and vsuall way of other people . And shall not in any wise come into any throng or presse of publike assembly , on paine of imprisonment by the space of viii . daies without baile or maineprise , in some of the Cages next to the house so infected . Prouided alway , that it shal be free to the owner of any house so infected , and his said family , residents , or any of them at any time within the said xxviii . dayes , to remoue and depart out of this Citie , and the Liberties thereof , into any other his , or her house , or abiding in the Country , or to any house in the Citie , without being shut vp in such house infected , so that euery such person so remouing , or departing , doe abstaine from returning into the said Citie , or the Liberties thereof , and from going abroad out of such other house in the City , during the said xxviii . daies , and on pain that euery person so returning , or going abroad within the said xxviii . dayes , shall suffer imprisonment , as is aforesaid . That the Churchwardens and Constable in euery precinct , prouide , and haue in readinesse , one , or moe sober discreet women , as the case shall require to be prouiders and deliuerers of necessaries for the infected houses , and to attend the persons sick and infected , at the charge of such householders of such houses , if they be able : and if not , then at the charge of the Parish . And that such women once entring into charge of such prouision and attendance , shall carry red wands , goe by the chanell side , and forbeare assemblies , as is aforesaid . That such as haue Welles or Pumpes , shall cause euery morning before vi . of the clocke , and euery euening after viii . of the clocke , the same to be drawne , and x. buckets of water at the least to be powred to runne downe the Chanell . And that euery morning and euening at the said houres the streets and Chanels be made cleane , and swept by some one of euery house against the chanel , but so as the water be not in any wise swept out of the chanel to the sides of the streets nor the stones wet but within the chanel , excepted onely sprinkling for laying of the dust at the sweeping . And that the mud and filth of the streetes be at the said houres taked vp , and swept together in heapes out ▪ of the chanell , and not at any other time of the day . And that it be so drawne vp from the chanell , that the water powred downe the chanels may not carry away , or be mingled with such filth . That the streetes be made cleane by the Scauenger and Raker euery day , except Sunday . That the Alderman himselfe , or his Deputie , doe often visite the Warde to view whether the said orders bee duely obserued , specially touching cleanenesse of the streetes . That ouer the doore of euery house infected , in a place notorious and plaine for them that passe by to see it , the Clark or Sexton of that Parish cause to be set one Paper printed with these words , Lord haue mercy vpon vs , in such large forme as shall be appointed . And that the Constable of the precinct , and Bedle of the Warde , shall daily view & see that the said Paper remaine there during the said terme of xxviii . dayes without taking away , blotting or defacing . And if any be taken away , blotted or defaced , that a new be set in the place thereof . And if the same be taken away , blotted , or defaced , with the consent of the inhabitant of that house , that then a new such Paper shall be set in place thereof , and the shutting in of such house with the inhabitants , shall continue xxviii . daies more from such taking away , blotting , or defacing . And whosoeuer shall take away such Paper , shall suffer such imprisonment as is aforesaid . That in or for euery Parish there shall be appointed two sober ancient women , to be sworne to be viewers of the bodies of such as shall die in time of infection , and two other to be viewers of such as shall be sicke , and suspected of infection , which women shall immediately vpon such their viewes , by vertue of their oath , make true report to the Constable of that precinct , where such person shall die , or be infected , to the intent that true notice may bee giuen both to the Alderman or his Deputie , and to the Clarke of the Parish , and from him to the Clarke of the Parish Clarkes , that true certificate may be made as hath been vsed . And that euery of the said women , Constable , or Clarke , failing in the premisses , shall suffer imprisonment as is aforesaid . And euery woman so sworne , and for any corruption , or other respect falsely reporting , shall stand vpon the Pillorie , and beare corporall paine by the iudgement of the Lord Maior and Court of Aldermen . They at their going abroad to beare red Wands , goe neare the Chanell , and shun assemblies , as before . That euery woman , or other appointed to any seruice for the infected , and refusing , or fayling to do that seruice , shall not haue any pension out of the Hospitall or Parish . That the Lord Maior cause publike Proclamation to be made , that no person from the sixth day after such Proclamation , shall keepe any Dogge , or Bitch , but such as they will keepe within their owne dores , without suffering them to go loose in the streets not led in slip or string , nor within their owne doores making howling or other annoyance to their neighbours . And that the common Huntsman shall haue speciall charge to kill euery such Dogge or Bitch , as shall be found loose in any streete or lane of this Citie or the Suburbes thereof . And for the killing of euery such Dog or Bitch , and burying the same foure foote deepe at the least in the fields , shall haue two pence allowed by the hands of the Chamberlayne of the Citie . And if he be remisse and negligent , and wittingly spare and shew fauour in not killing any such Dogge or Bitch , he shall lose his place and seruice , and suffer imprisonment as is aforesaid . And if any Dog or Bitch kept within doores shal with howling or noyse be noyous to any neighbour , the Alderman of the Ward vpon complaint shall commit the offendor to warde , till order be taken vpon his submission by the Alderman , and such Dog or Bitch killed . That no Corps dying of infection shall be buried or remaine in any Church in time of common Prayer , Sermon , or Lecture . And that no children bee suffered at time of buriall of any Corpes in any Church , Churchyard , or burying place , to come neare the Corps , Coffin or Graue . And that all the Graues shall be at the least six foot deepe . And that at the buriall dinners , or attendance on the Corps , or other solemnitie of any dying of infection , there shall be no assembly of people in the house where such person shall die , within the time of xxviii . dayes after such death . That during the said terme of xxviii . dayes : no person be admitted to come into any such house infected , other then the persons of the same family , residing therein at the time of the infection , or such as for necessary reliefe of the same family shal be appointed by the Surueyers , on paine that the house shall remaine shut in , and the same with the family be in all things vsed as infected , for other xxviii . dayes , from the time of suffering any other so to come into the same . That diligent care be had for amending of the pauements where any holes be wherein any water or filth may stand to increase corruption and infection . That whosoeuer shall go abroad with a sore running , shal be imprisoned in the Cage for xxviii . dayes , & further grieuously punished by corporall paine , by the iudgement of the Lord Maior and Court of Aldermen . That no dunghils out of stables , brewhouses , or other places be suffered to be made in the street , or other open place of this Citie or the Suburbes thereof , on paine of imprisonment of the offenders , till the same at the offenders charge be remoued , and the offenders bound to the Chamberlaine of this Citie , neuer to commit the like offence againe . That restraint be made of Enterludes or Playes , assemblies of Fencers , or other prophane spectacles , and of going with Drummes , Proclamations , or calling of people to the same within this Citie and liberties thereof . And humble sute be made to the most Honourable Counsell , that the like restraint be in places of other Counties adioyning to the said Citie . That in euery Parish there be appointed two substantiall and discreet Citizens , or moe as need shall require , to be chosen monethly by the Alderman of the Ward , to be Surueyers , which Surueyers shall daily and diligently see the orders to be obserued , as is aboue said , and the Surueyers , Clarkes , Sextons , and Bedles , shall be sworne before the Alderman to doe their diligence faithfully therein . And if any such person so appointed , shall refuse or faile to take his oth , or being sworne , shall neglect his duty therein , that forthwith the Alderman commit such person to Ward , there to remaine , vntill he be discharged from thence by the Court of the Lord Maior and Aldermen . That order be taken and treatie had with the Colledge of Phisicions , that some certaine and conuenient number of Phisicions and Surgeons be appointed and notified to attend for the counsell and cure of persons infected , and none to deale with the infected but those : and the same to deale with no other patients but the infected , during the time of infection . And for their counsell and trauell to be recompensed by and for the persons of hability at their owne charge : and for the poore at the charge of the Parish . That whosoeuer shall by any subtilty or inuention defraud the good intent of any of these orders , shall receiue double as much punishment as he that openly or plainely offendeth . That the housholders of houses infected , be charged to aire the houses and things therein within the said xxviii . dayes , and that no clothes or other things about the persons infected be giuen or sold , but either destroyed , or well and sufficiently purified . On paine of punishment by discretion of the Lord Maior and Aldermen . God saue the King. Printed at London by Isaac Iaggard , Printer to the Honourable City of London , 1625. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A06241-e10 Inquire what houses be infected . Certificate daily to the Alderman . Surueyers of the Parish . Sicke dying remoued . House shut xxviii . dayes . Sicke xx . daies after recouery . Prouision . Red wand . Way by the Chanell . Assembly . Cage . Remouing . Returning . Prouiders . Women . Charge . Housholders or Parish . Red wands . Welles . Pumpes . Streets . Scauenger . Alderman visit Wardes . Lord haue mercy vpon 〈◊〉 . 2. Viewers of bodies dead . 2. Viewers of sicke . Pillorie . Red wands . Pension . Hospitall . Dogges , &c. Corps dying of infection . Church , Burial Resort to houses infected . Pauements . Goe abroad with sore . Dunghils . Enterludes , Playes , &c. Surueyer , Clerkes , Sextons , Beadles sworne . Phisisians . Defraud Order . Ayring houses , clothes . A06242 ---- By the major whereas the infection of the plague is daily dispersed more & more in diuers parts of this city and the liberties thereof ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor (1624-1625 : Gore) 1625 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A06242 STC 16729.2 ESTC S3728 33150860 ocm 33150860 28787 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A06242) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28787) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1881:9) By the major whereas the infection of the plague is daily dispersed more & more in diuers parts of this city and the liberties thereof ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor (1624-1625 : Gore) Gore, John, Sir, d. 1636. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed by Isaac Iaggard, Printer to the Honourable Citie of London, London : 1625. At head of sheet, royal arms, and shield surrounded by initials, I. G. M. Other title information from first 3 lines of text. "Giuen at Guild Hall, the fift day of Aprill, 1625. Reproduction of original in: British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England -- London -- Prevention. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-09 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2006-09 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE I. G. M. By the Major . WHereas the infection of the Plague is daily dispersed more & more in diuers parts of this City and the Liberties therof , aswell for that the houses infected haue not been , nor yet are kept shut vp , according to the Proclamation , and many Precepts and Orders in that behalfe made and taken , aswell by the Kings most excellent Maiestie , as by mee and my Brethren the Aldermen , as also for that the people infected , and whose houses are infected ( against all honestie , humane ciuility , and good conscience , seeking as it were rather the desolation of the Citie , and of this Kingdome by dispersing of the infection , then otherwise ) do daily intrude themselues into all companies , both priuate and publike , aswell at Sermons as elsewhere , and doe flocke and follow the dead to the Graue in multitudes , one still infecting another , to the displeasure of Almighty God , and great griefe of his Maiestie , to vnderstand of the destruction of his Subiects in such wilfull and desperate manner . To the end therefore that the cause of further infection , which may happen by any of the aforesaid occasions ( if God be so pleased ) may be taken away , and the Kings Subiects ( whom in his Princely and gracious care had ouer them , he tendereth as dearely as himselfe ) may be preserued from that perill . These are in Gods Name to exhort and perswade , and in his Maiesties Name straightly to charge and command all persons whatsoeuer , inhabiting within this Citie and the Liberties thereof , whose houses now are , or hereafter during this Visitation , shall be infected with the Plague , vpon their Allegiance , and due obedience , that they doe owe vnto our said Soueraigne Lord the King , to keepe their said houses shut vp , for the space of xxviii . dayes next after the buriall of any dying of the Plague out of their said houses , And that the people infected , and of the said infected houses , doe continue in their said houses , during the said time of xxviii . dayes , and none of them goe abroad , but onely for necessarie food , and with red wands in their hands , and doe not come into , or frequent any publike assemblies , nor follow the dead infected bodies to the Graue , vpon paine of his Highnesse heauy displeasure and imprisonment of their bodies so offending by the space of ten dayes , without bayle or maynprize : Requiring also , and charging all Churchwardens , Constables , Beadles of Wardes , Clarkes and Sextons of Parishes , and all other Officers and Ministers within this Citie and the Liberties thereof , euery one of them in his place and office , carefully to looke vnto the performance of the premisses , and of all other orders formerly set downe by the Lord Maior and Aldermen of this Citie for the time being , or by me and my Brethren the Aldermen , concerning the auoyding of the Plague , vpon like paine as aforesaid . Giuen at Guild Hall , the fift day of Aprill , 1625. ❧ God saue the King. ❧ London Printed by Isaac Iaggard , Printer to the Honourable Citie of London . 1625. A06243 ---- Orders heertofore conceiued and agreed to bee published by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the citie of London and the iustices of peace of the counties of Middlesex and Surrey, by direction from the lords of His Maiesties most honourable priuie councell, and now thought fit to be reuiued, and againe published. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1625 Approx. 13 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A06243 STC 16729.3 ESTC S3286 33143267 ocm 33143267 28345 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A06243) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28345) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1881:10) Orders heertofore conceiued and agreed to bee published by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the citie of London and the iustices of peace of the counties of Middlesex and Surrey, by direction from the lords of His Maiesties most honourable priuie councell, and now thought fit to be reuiued, and againe published. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 3+ leaves. By Isaac Jaggard, [London : 1625] Caption title. Imprint from STC (2nd ed.). Imperfect: first three leaves only. Best copy available for photographing. Reproduction of original in: British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England -- London -- Prevention. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-09 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2006-09 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Orders heeretofore conceiued and agreed to bee published , by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the Citie of London , and the Iustices of Peace of the Counties of Middlesex and Surrey , by direction from the Lords of his Maisteies most Honourable Priuie Councell , and now thought fit to be reuiued , and againe published . WHereas in the first yeare of his Maiesties most happie reigne ouer this Realme of England , an Act was made for the charitable reliefe , and ordering of persons infected with the Plague : whereby Authoritie is giuen to Iustices of Peace , Mayors , Bayliffes , and other head-Officers , to appoint within their seuerall limits Examiners , Searchers , Watchmen , keepers , and buryers for the persons and places infected , and to minister vnto them Oathes for performance of their Offices . And the same Statute also authorizeth the giuing of other directions , as vnto them for the present necessity , shall seeme good in their discretions . It is therefore vpon speciall consideration thought very expedient , for the preuenting and auoyding of the infection of Sicknesse ( if it shall please Almighty God ) which is now dangerously dispersed into many places within the Citie and Suburbs of the same : that these Officers following bee appointed , and these Orders hereafter prescribed be duly obserued . FIrst , it is thought requisite , and so ordered , that in euery parish there be one , two , or more persons of good sort and credite , chosen and appointed by the Alderman his Deputie , and Common Councell of euery Ward , and by the Iustices of Peace in the Counties , by the name of Examiners , to continue in that Office the space of two moneths at least : and if any fit persons so appointed as aforesaid , shall refuse to vndertake the same , the said parties so refusing , to bee committed to prison vntill they shall conforme themselues accordingly . THat these Examiners be sworne by the Alderman , or by one of the Iustices of the County , to enquire and learne from time to time , what houses in euery parish bee visited , and what persons be sicke , and of what diseases , as neere as they can informe themselues , and vpon doubt in that case , to command restraint of accesse , vntil it appeare what the disease shall proue : and if they find any persons sicke of the infection , to giue order to the Constable , that the house be shut vp : and if the Constable shall be found remisse or negligent , to giue present notice thereof to the Alderman , or the Iustice of Peace respectiuely . THat to euery infected house there be appointed two watchmen , one for the day , and the other for the night : and that these Watchmen haue a speciall care that no person goe in or out of such infected houses , whereof they haue the charge , vpon paine of seuere punishment . And the said Watchmen to doe such further Offices as the sicke house shall neede and require : and if the Watchman be sent vpon any busines , to locke vp the house , and take the key with him : and the Watchman by day to attend vntill ten of the clocke at night : and the Watchman by night till sixe in the morning . THat there be a speciall care , to appoint women Searchers in euery parish , such as are of honest reputation , and of the best sort as can bee got in this kinde : and these to be sworne to make due search and true report , to the vtmost of their knowledge , whether the persons , whose bodies they are appointed to search , do dye of the Infection , or of what other diseases as neere as they can . And for their better assistance herein , forasmuch as there hath bene heretofore great abuse in misreporting the disease , to the further spreading of the Infection : It is therefore ordered , that there be chosen and appointed three able and discreet Surgeons , besides those three that do already belong to the Pest-house : amongst whom , the City and Liberties to bee quartered , as the places lye most apt and conuenient : and euery of these sixe to haue one quarter for his limit : and the said Chirurgeons in euery of their limits , to ioyne with the Serchers , for the view of the body , to the end there may be a true report made of the disease . And further , that the said Chirurgeons shall visite and search such sicke persons as shall eyther send for them , or be named and directed vnto them by the Examiners of euery parish , and informe themselues of the disease of the said parties . And forasmuch as the saide Chirurgeons are to be sequestred from all other Cures , and kept onely to this disease of the Infection : It is ordred , That euery of the saide Chirurgeons , shall haue twelue pence a body searched by them , to be paide out of the goods of the party searched , if he be able , or otherwise by the parish . Orders concerning Infected Houses , and Persons sicke of the Plague . THe Master of euery house , as soone as any one in his house complayneth , eyther of botch , of purple , or swelling in any part of his body , or falleth otherwise dangerously sicke , without apparant cause of some other disease , shall giue knowledge thereof to the Examiner of health within two houres after the said signe shall appeare . AS soone as any man shall be found by this Examiner , Chirurgeon or Searcher , to be sick of the plague , he shall the same night be sequestred in the same house . And in case he bee so sequestred , then though he afterwards die not , the house wherein he sickned , shall bee shut vp for a moneth , after the vse of due preseruatiues taken by the rest . FOr sequestration of the Goods and Stuffe of the Infected , their Bedding , and Apparell and hangings of Chambers , must bee well ayred with fire , and such perfumes as are requisite within the infected house before they be taken againe to vse , this to be done by the appointment of the Examiner . IF any person shall haue visited any man , knowne to be infected of the plague , or entred willingly into any knowne infected house , being not allowed : the house wherein hee inhabiteth shall be shut vp for certaine dayes , by the Examiners direction . ITem , that none be remoued out of the house where he falleth sicke of the infection , into any other house in the City , Burrough , or County ( except it be to the Pesthouse or a Tent , or vnto some such house , which the owners of the said visited house holdeth in his owne hands , and occupieth by his owne seruants ) and so as security be giuen to the parish , whether such remoue is made , that the attendance and charge about the said visited persons , shall be obserued & charged in all the particularities before expressed , without any cost of that parish , to which any such remoue shall happen to be made , and this remoue to be done by night . And it shall be lawfull to any person that hath two houses , to remoue either his sound or his infected people , to his spare house at his choice , so as if he send away first his sound , he may not after send thither his sicke ; nor againe vnto the sicke the sound : and that the same which he sendeth be for one weeke at the least shut vp , and secluded from company for feare of some infection , at the first not appearing . THat the Buriall of the dead by this visitation bee at most conuenient houres , alwayes eyther before Sun-rising , or after Sunne-setting , with the priuity of the Churchwardens or Constables , and not otherwise ; and that no Neighbours nor Friends be suffered to accompany the Coarse to Church , or to enter the house visited , vppon paine of hauing his house shut vp or be imprisoned . THat no Clothes , Stuffe , Bedding or Garments be suffered to be carried or conuayed out of any infected houses , and that the Cryers and carriers abroad of Bedding or old Apparrell , to be sold or pawned , be vtterly prohibited and restrained : and no Brokers of Bedding , or old Apparrell be permitted to make any outward show , or hang forth on their Stals , Shop-boards , or Windowes , towards any Street , Lane , common Way or passage , any olde Bedding or Apparrell to be sold , vpon paine of imprisonment : and if any Broaker or other person shall buy any Bedding , Apparrell , or other Stuffe out of any infected house , within two moneths after the infection hath beene there , his house shall be shut vp as infected , and so shall continue shut vp twenty dayes at the least . IF any person visited doe fortune , by negligent looking vnto , or by any other meanes , to come or bee conueyed from a place infected , to any other place , the parish from whence such party hath come , or bene conueyed , vpon notice thereof giuen , shal at their charge cause the said party so visited and escaped , to be carried and brought backe againe by night , and the parties in this case offending , to be punished at the direction of the Alderman of the Ward , and the Iustices of the Peace respectiuely : and the house of the receiuer of such visited person , to bee shut vp for twenty dayes . THat euery house visited bee marked with a redde Crosse of a foote long , in the middle of the doore , euident to be seene , and with these vsuall printed words : that is to say , LORD haue mercy vpon vs , to be let close ouer the same Crosse , there to continue vntill lawfull opening of the same house . THat the Constables see euery house shut vp , and to bee attended with Watchmen , which may keepe them in , and minister necessaries vnto them at their owne charges ( if they be able ) or at the common charge if they be vnable : the shutting vp to be for the space of foure weekes after all be whole . That precise order be taken that the Searchers , Chirurgions , Keepers , and Buriers are not to passe the streets , without holding a red Rod or Wand of three foote in length in their hands open or euident to be seene , and are not to go into any other house then into their owne , or into that whereunto they are directed or sent for , but to forbeare and abstaine from company , especially when they haue bene lately vsed in any such businesse or attendance . And to this end it is ordred , that a weekely Taxe be made in euery parish visited , if in the Citie or Borrough then vnder the hand of the Alderman of the Ward , where the place is visited : if neither of the Counties , then vnder the handes of some of the Iustices next to the place visited , who ( if there be cause ) may extend the Taxe into other parishes also , and may giue warrant of distresse against them which shall refuse to pay : and for want of distresse or for assistance , to commit the offenders to prison , according to the Statute in that behalfe . ¶ Orders for clensing and keeping sweete of the Streets . FIrst it is thought very necessary , and so ordered , That euery house-holder do cause the street to be daily pared before his doore , and so to keepe it cleane swept all the Weeke long . THat the sweeping and filth of houses to bee daily carried away by the Rakers , and that the Raker shall giue notice of his comming by the blowing of a horne , as heretofore hath beene done . THat the Laystalles be remoued as farre as may bee out of the City , and common passages , and that no Night-man or other be suffered to emptie a Vault into any Garden , neere about the City . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A06243-e10 Examiners be appointed in euerie Parish . The Examiners Office. Watchmen . Chirurgions Notice to be giuen of the sicknes . Sequestration of the sicke . Ayring of the stuffe . Shuting vp of the house None to be remoued out of infected houses , but Buriall of the dead . No infected stuffe to bee vttered . Euery visited house to be marked . Euery visited house to be watched . The streetes to bee kept cleane . That the rakers take it from out the houses . Laystals to be made far off from the City . A06248 ---- By the mayor the right honourable the lord mayor, and his brethren the aldermen of the city of London, considering how the infection of the plague is dispersed in divers and sundry places neere about this city, doe ... command all manner of persons ... to take notice of, and obserue these seuerall articles ensuing ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1630 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A06248 STC 16731 ESTC S3729 33150863 ocm 33150863 28788 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A06248) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28788) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1881:11) By the mayor the right honourable the lord mayor, and his brethren the aldermen of the city of London, considering how the infection of the plague is dispersed in divers and sundry places neere about this city, doe ... command all manner of persons ... to take notice of, and obserue these seuerall articles ensuing ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed by Robert Young, Printer to the honourable Citie of London, [London] : 1630. At head of sheet, royal arms, and shield. "Guildhall London this XXII. of April. 1630." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England -- London -- Prevention. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Derek Lee Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Derek Lee Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Mayor . THE Right Honourable the Lord Mayor , and his Brethren the Aldermen of the City of London , considering how the infection of the Plague is dispersed in diuers and sundry places neere about this City , Doe for the better preuention of the increase thereof within the said City , ( so far as it shall please God to blesse mans endeauours ) hereby streightly charge , and in his Maiesties name command all manner of persons within the said City and Liberties thereof , to take notice of , and obserue these seuerall Articles ensuing , Viz. First , that all the seuerall Inhabitants within this City and Liberties thereof , doe from hence forth daily cause their houses to be kept sweet , the streets and lanes before their doores to bee paued , and cleansed of all manner of soile , dung , and noisome things whatsoeuer , and the channels thereof to be kept cleane , and washt , by water to be poured down , or let running into the same . That no Vagrants or Beggars doe presume to come , or presse together in Multitudes to any Buriall , or Lectures , or other publike meetings , whereby to seeke or gaine reliefe as hath beene lately vsed , but that they and euery of them vpon euery Buriall , doe repaire to such places to receiue the Almes , Charity or Reliefe , as they shall haue notice giuen them by the Officers of the Parish , wherein they doe reside . That no idle Vagaband , and vagrant Persons doe presume to come , wander or remaine in and about this Citie and Liberties thereof , either to begge reliefe or otherwise . And if any of them shall be found , or taken to offend therein , Then they and euery of them to be apprehended by the Constables and Warders within this Citie , and being punished , to be passed away according to the Lawes and statutes of this Realme , in that case made and prouided for . That the Feasts and Meetings at Hals , Tauernes , or other places within this Citie or Liberties , vsed to be made by the Countrimen of any Shire , or other place within this Realme , Wrastlings , and Fencers Prises , Shewes , or the like , which hath been a cause of gathering multitudes together , be now forborne , and not attempted to be made by any person or persons whatsoeuer , vntill the City and the places adiacent shall bee cleare of the present infection ( which God of his mercy grant . ) That no Fruiterer or other Seller of Fruite , Cabbages , Rootes or Herbes , doe keepe or lay vp in any their houses , warehouses , or other place within this City of Liberties thereof , any Apples , Herbes , Roots , Cabbages , or other fruite whatsoeuer , other than in the warehouses anciently vsed for such purpose , lying in or about Thamestreet , or the places thereunto adioyning . And for the better and more due performance of all and euery the premisses , the said Lord Mayor and Aldermen doe hereby straightly charge and command all Constables , Scauengers , Beadles , and other officers within this Citie and Liberties thereof , whom these may any way concerne , to vse all possible care and diligence they may , for the due and carefull execution and performance of all and euery the said Articles according to the true intent and meaning thereof , & to acquaint the Lord Mayor of this City , or some other his Maiesties Iustices of Peace within the same of all & euery the parties as shall be found to offend therein , whereby they & euery of them may be punished , & dealt withall according to the qualitie of the offence as the Law in such case shall require , As they and euery of them will answer to the contrary at their perils . Guildhall London this XXII . of April . 1630. God saue the King. Printed by Robert Young , Printer to the honourable Citie of London , 1630. A06251 ---- A true report of all the burials and christnings within the city of London and the liberties thereof, from the 23. of December, 1602 to the 22. of December 1603 whereunto is added the number of euery seuerall parish, from the 14. of Iuly to the 22. of December, aswell within the citie of London and the liberties thereof, as in other parishes in the skirtes of the cittie, and out of the freedome adioyning to the cittie : according to the weekly reports made to the Kings Most Excellent Maiestie / by the Company of Parish Clearks of the same citie. Worshipful Company of Parish Clerks. 1603 Approx. 17 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A06251 STC 16739.5 ESTC S2790 24641935 ocm 24641935 27844 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A06251) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 27844) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1856:13) A true report of all the burials and christnings within the city of London and the liberties thereof, from the 23. of December, 1602 to the 22. of December 1603 whereunto is added the number of euery seuerall parish, from the 14. of Iuly to the 22. of December, aswell within the citie of London and the liberties thereof, as in other parishes in the skirtes of the cittie, and out of the freedome adioyning to the cittie : according to the weekly reports made to the Kings Most Excellent Maiestie / by the Company of Parish Clearks of the same citie. Worshipful Company of Parish Clerks. 1 broadside. Printed by Iohn Windet, printer to the honourable city of London, [London?] : [1603] At head of title: 1602. 1603. Imperfect: slightly faded. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University. Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Mortality -- England -- London -- Statistics. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-10 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-10 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal English blazon or coat of arms 1602. 1603. blazon or coat of arms of the City of London A TRVE REPORT OF ALL THE BVRIALS AND CHRISTNINGS within the City of LONDON and the Liberties thereof , from the 23. of December , 1602 to the 22. of December , 1603. Whereunto is added the number of euery seuerall Parish , from the 14. of Iuly , to the 22. of December , aswell within the Citie of LONDON and the Liberties thereof , as in other Parishes in the skirtes of the Cittie , and out of the Freedome , adioyning to the Citie : According to the report made to the Kings most excellent Maiestie , by the Company of Parish Clearks of the same CITIE .   Buried in all . Of the plague Christnings . December 23 83 3 96 Ianuary 6 78 0 97 Ianuary 13 83 1 134 Ianuary 20 80 0 105 Ianuary 27 82 4 128 February 3 104 1 102 February 10 76 0 108 February 17 96 3 109 February 24 85 0 108 March 3 82 3 110 March 10 101 2 110 March 17 108 3 106 March 24 60 2 106 March 31 78 6 59 Aprill 7 66 4 143 Aprill 14 79 4 86 Aprill 21 98 8 84 Aprill 28 109 10 85 May 5 90 11 78 May 12 112 18 103 May 19 122 22 81 May 26 122 32 98 Iune 2 114 30 82 Iune 9 131 43 110 Iune 16 144 59 90 Iune 23 182 72 95 Iune 30 267 158 82 Iuly 7 445 263 89 Iuly 14 612 424 88 This weeke was the Out-parishes brought in to be ioyned with the City and Liberties .   Buried in all Of the plague Christnings . Iuly 21 1186 917 50 Iuly 28 1728 1396 138 August 4 2256 1922 115 August 11 2077 1745 110 August 18 3054 2713 95 August 25 2853 2539 127 September 1 3385 3035 97 September 8 3078 2724 105 September 15 3129 2818 89 September 22 2456 2195 90 September 29 1961 1732 81 October 6 1831 1641 71 October 13 1312 1146 73 October 20 766 642 67 October 27 625 508 75 Nouember 3 737 594 70 Nouember 10 585 442 65 Nouember 17 384 251 64 Nouember 24 198 105 58 December 1 223 102 64 December 8 163 55 72 December 15 200 96 71 December 22 168 74 70 The totall of all that hath beene buried this yeare 38244 Whereof of the Plague 30578 Christnings 4789 London within the Walles .   Buried in all . Of the Plague Albones in Woodstreet 183 164 Alhallowes Lumberstreet 109 98 Alhallowes the great 286 250 Alhallowes the lesse 227 182 Alhallowes Bredstreet 33 27 Alhallowes staynings 123 103 Alhallowes the Wall 216 174 Alhallowes Hony-lane 12 5 Alhallowes Barking 390 339 Alphage at Cripplegate 174 152 Androwes by the Wardrope 290 256 Androwes Eastcheape 114 108 Androwes vndershaft 165 142 Annes at Aldersgate 146 125 Annes Blacke Fryers 235 226 Auntlins Parish 32 27 Austines Parish 92 78 Barthelmew at the Exch. 93 63 Bennets at Pauls-Wharf 199 136 Bennets Grace-Church 40 30 Bennets Finck 95 78 Bennets Sherhogg 26 24 Buttols Billingsgate 91 73 Christ Church Parish 334 271 Christophers Parish 41 35 Clements by Eastcheape 48 40 Dennis Backe Church 112 88 Dunstones in the East 227 197 Edmunds in Lumbard-st . 78 67 Ethelborow within Bishopsg . 163 124 S. Faithes 115 96 S. Fosters in Fostar-lane 94 81 Gabriel Fan-Church 67 56 George Botolph lane 36 30 Gregories by Paules 272 217 Hellens within Bishopsg 98 83 Iames by Garlike hithe 141 110 Iohn Euangelist 9 5 Iohn Zacharies 131 118 Iohns in the Walbrooke 136 122 Katherines Cree-Church 400 337 Katherine Colemans 190 167 Laurence in the Iury 88 71 Laurence Pountney 161 134 Leonards Foster-lane 230 210 Leonards Eastechape 54 39 Magnus parish by the Bridge 109 76 Margrets New fishstreete 83 61 Margrets Pattons 54 44 Margrets Moyses 70 60 Margrets Lothbery 106 88 Martins in the Vintry 258 190 Martins Orgars 90 77 Martins Iremonger lane 27 19 Martins at Ludgate 199 161 Martins Outwich 39 32 Mary le Booe 26 24 Mary Botha●e 35 31 Mary at the hill 142 120 Mary Abchurch 124 11● Mary Woolchurch 52 37 Mary Colchurch 1● ●8 Mary Woolwich 99 91 Mary Aldermans ●● 68 Mary Alderman●●●●● 81 70 Mary Staynings 4● 37 Mary Mount●●● 51 45 Mary Sommersets 197 177 Mathew Friday street 16 13 Maudlins Milke street 33 3● Maudlins by Oldfish street 126 104 Mighels Bassie shawe 141 109 Mighels Corne hill 13● 91 Mighels in Woodstreet 156 137 Mighels in the Ryall 100 79 Mighels in the Querne 61 46 Mighels Queene-hithe 138 105 Mighels Crooked lane 110 97 Mildreds Poultry 84 62 Mildreds Bredstreet 43 33 Nicholas Acons 41 32 Nicholas Cole-abbay 147 103 Nicholas Olaues 83 69 Olaues in the Iury 41 33 Olaues in Hartstreet 201 171 Olaues in Siluer street 113 92 Pancras by Soperlane 20 16 Peters in Cornchill 141 80 Peters in Cheape 58 37 Peters the poore in broadst . 44 39 Peters at Pauls wharf 97 88 Stephens in Colymanstreet 363 315 Stephens in the Walbrook 24 20 Swithins at London-stone 120 95 Thomas Apostles 86 64 Trinity parish 116 108 London without the Wals , and within the Liberties . Androwes in Holborn 1191 1125 Barthelmew the lesse Smith 86 74 Barthelmew the great Smith 195 165 Brides parish 933 805 Buttols Algate 1413 1280 Bridewell Precinct 108 105 Buttols Bishops 1228 1094 Buttols without Aldersg . 576 508 Dunstones in the West 510 412 Georges in Southwarke 915 804 Giles without Cripplegate 2408 1745 Olaues in Southwark 2541 2383 Sauiours in Southwarke 1914 1773 Sepulchers parish 2223 1861 Thomas in Southwarke 249 221 Trinity in the Minories 40 33 Out Parishes adioining to the City . Clemēts without Templeb . 662 502 Giles in the fields 456 402 Iames at Clarkenwel 725 619 Katherines by the Tower 653 585 Leonards in Shordich 871 740 Martins in the Fields 505 425 Mary Whitechappell 1539 1352 Magdalens in Barmondsiy streete 597 562 At the Pest-house 135 135 Buried in all , within these 23. weekes 33681. Whereof , of the Plague 29083. Printed by Iohn Windet , Printer to the Honourable City of London . A06259 ---- A True bill of the whole number that hath died in the cittie of London, the citty of Westminster, the citty of Norwich, and diuers other places, since the time this last sicknes of the plague began in either of them, to this present month of October the sixt day, 1603 with a relation of many visitations by the plague, in sundry other forraine countries. 1603 Approx. 15 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A06259 STC 16743.2 ESTC S4372 24227514 ocm 24227514 27396 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A06259) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 27396) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1820:12) A True bill of the whole number that hath died in the cittie of London, the citty of Westminster, the citty of Norwich, and diuers other places, since the time this last sicknes of the plague began in either of them, to this present month of October the sixt day, 1603 with a relation of many visitations by the plague, in sundry other forraine countries. Chettle, Henry, d. 1607? Worshipful Company of Parish Clerks. 1 broadside. Printed by I.R. for Iohn Trundle, and are to be sold at his shop in Barbican, neere Long Lane end, At London : [1603] Attributed to the Worshipful Company of Parish Clerks by NUC pre-1956 imprints. Signed at end: Henry Chettle. Date of publication suggested by STC (2nd ed.) and NUC pre-1956 imprints. Text in two columns. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England -- Mortality. London (England) -- Statistics, Vital. Westminster (London, England) -- Statistics, Vital. Norwich (England) -- Statistics, Vital. 2003-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A true bill of the whole number that hath died in the Cittie of London , the citty of Westminster , the citty of Norwich , and diuers other places , since the time this last sicknes of the plague began in either of them , to this present month of October the sixt day , 1603. With a relation of many visitations by the plague , in sundry other forraine Countries . IT is no doubt that the corruption of the ayre , together with vncleanly and vnwholsome kéeping of dwelling , where many are pestered together , as also the not obseruing to haue fiers priuate & publiquely made as well within houses , as without in the stréets , at times when the ayre is infected , are great occasions to increase corrupt and pestilent diseases . Neither can it be denied , that the ouer-boldnes of many preasing into infected places , and the lewdnes of others with sores vppon them , presuming into the open ayre , some of wilfulnes , but truly many of necessitie , contaminateth & corrupteth diuers : as the Leprosie , the Pocks , and sundry such vncleane diseases doo : as by drinking , lying in company , and other such meanes , where pure complexions and cleane bloods are defiled with such as are putrified : and therefore carefully to be auoyded . But all these are accidentall , and rather effects then the cause . Then first this Citty of London cannot be denied , to haue had as great blessings as euer had Ierusalem , for héere God hath long time béen present by his Word and Sacraments , yet they haue abounded in all iniquitie , when Ierusalem long since had not a stone left vpon a stone . In the yéere of Christ , 81. and in the yere 188. there continued a great time a plague in Rome , of which there daily died two thousand people . In the yéere 254. fiftéene prouinces of the Romaine Empire , were in a manner consumed with the pestilence . In the yéere 530. there died in Constantinople fiue thousand a day , and diuers times tenne thousand : and at that time , in some other parts of Gréece , there were not sufficient liuing men left to bury their dead . And in the yéere 1569. there fell such a plague in Constantinople , that there died in sixe months space , 7. hundred thousand persons , and the yéere following fell such a famine , that a penny loafe of bread of English mony , was worth a crowne of gold : by reason whereof , the people died as fast then of the famine , as they did before of the plague . In the yéere 540. there began an vniuersall plague all ouer the world , that continued 50. yéeres with great violence . In the yéere 1348. in Paris in Fraunce , there died a hundred thousand people of the Plague . In the yéere 1359. so great a pestilence there was in Italy , that there were scarce tenne left of a thousand . And in the yéere 1521. there died in Rome a hundred thousand of the pestilence . In the yéeres 1576. and 77. in Millan , Padua , and Uenice , there fell a hundred thousand in euery Citty : and in Bohemia ( béeing but a small Kingdome ) there died thrée hundred thousand the same time . Soone after the conquest of King William , Duke of Normandy , when the people were subdued to him , and the Knights fés rated which he had made , and himselfe placed with crowne and scepter , hee tooke number of the acres of land in all the realme , and of all the people , and of all the cattell : after which fell so sore a plague , that the people died in such number that tillage decaied , and famine ensued , with rot of cattell , that men were faine to eate flesh of dogs , cats , & mise . A fearefull example for Princes . In the raigne of King Edward the third , there fell a very great pestilence in the East-Indies , among the Tartarians , Saracens , & Turks , which lasted the space of seauen yéeres : through the feare whereof , many of the Heathens willingly offered themselues to become Christians . And shortly after , by reason of passengers from one Prouince to another , the same pestilence was dispersed in many Christian Kingdoms , & amongst other places , brought into England : where it was so forcible all ouer the Land , that not onely men , but also beasts , birds , and fishes were smitten therewith , and found dead with botches vpon thē . Also among men , the number that were left aliue , were scarely sufficient to bury their dead . At which time , with the rest that then died of the plague , Henry Duke of Lancaster , Blanch Dutchesse of Lancaster , and the Earle of Warwicke ended the liues . So that in one yéere , in a little plot of ground of 13. acres compasse , then called Spittle-croft , and now the Charter-house , was buried fifty thousand persons , besides all them that were then buried in the Churchyards , and diuers places in the fields . Also in Barbarie , Alexandria , Tripolie , and in Constantinople , this last yéere 1602. fell so grieuous a plague , that there died thréere thousand a day for a long time together . Our visitations , though our sinnes excéede , haue beene more gentle . For in the first great plague in our memory after the losse of Newhauen , frō the first of Ianuary 1562. to Decemb. 1563. there died of the plague , twenty thousand , one hundred , thirtie sixe . And in the last great visitation , from the 20. of December 1592. to the 23. of the same month in the yéere 1593. died in all 25886. of the plague in and about London , 15003. And in the yéere before , 2000. God of his mercy , as he did then , hold his heauy hand from vs , and giue vs true repentance , the onely meane to win his grace toward vs. And now in this present visitation which it pleaseth God to strike vs with , there hath died from the 17. of December 1602. to the 14. of Iuly 1603. the whole number in London and the liberties , 4314. Whereof of the plague , 3310. The rest are set downe as they haue followed wéekely . From the 14 of Iuly , to the 21. of the same 867 vvhereof of the plague 646 In the out Parishes 319 Whereof of the plague 271 Buried in all this weeke , 1186. vvhereof of the plague 917. From the 21 of Iuly , to the 28 of the same 1103 vvhereof of the plague 857 In the out Parishes 781 vvhereof of the plague 671 Out of the pesthouse 18 Buried in all this weeke , 1728. vvhereof of the plague 1396. From the 28 of Iuly to the 4. of August , 1700 vvherof of the plague 1439 In the out parishes 537 vvhereof of the plague 464 Pesthouse , 19 Buried in all this weeke , 2256. vvhereof of the plague 1922. From the 4 of August , to the 11 of the same 1655 vvherof of the plague 1372 In the out Parishes 410 vvhereof of the plague 361 Pesthouse , 12 Buried in all this weeke , 2077. vvhereof of the plague 1745. From the 11 of August , to the 18 of the same , 2486 vvherof of the plague 2199 In the out Parishes , 568 vvhereof of the plague 514 In Bridewell 7. Pesthouse , 21 Buried in all this weeke , 3054. vvhereof of the plague 2713. From the 18 of August , to the 25 of the same , 2343 vvherof of the plague 2091 In the out Parishes , 510 vvhereof of the plague 448 In Bridewell 8. Pesthouse , 12 Buried in all this weeke , 2853. vvhereof of the plague , 2539. From the 25 of August , to the 1. of September , 2798 vvherof of the plague 2495 In the out Parishes , 587 vvhereof of the plague 540 In Bridewell 5. Pesthouse 6 Buried in all this weeke , 3385 , vvhereof of the plague , 3035. From the 1 of September to the 8 of the same , 2583 vvherof of the plague 2283 In the out Parishes , 495 vvhereof of the plague 441 In Bridewell 17 Pesthouse 5 Buried in all this weeke , 3078 Whereof , of the Plague 2724 From the 8 of September to the 15 of the same , 2676 wherof of the plague , 2411 In the out Parishes , 453 vvherof of the plague , 407 In Bridewell 7. Pesthouse . 10 Buried in all this weeke , 3129. Whereof of the plague , 2818. From the 15 of Septemb. to the 22 of the same , 2080 vvherof of the plague , 1851 In the out parishes , 376 vvhereof of the plague , 344 In Bridewell 19 Pesthouse , 10 Buried in all this weeke , 2456. vvhereof of the plague , 2195. From the 22 of Septemb. to the 29 of the same , 1666 wherof of the plague , 1478 In the out parishes , 295 vvhereof of the plague , 254 In Bridewell 8. Pesthouse , 4 Buried in all this weeke , 1961. vvhereof of the plague , 1732. From the 29 of Septemb. to the 6 of October , 1525 vvherof of the plague , 1367 In the out parishes , 306 vvherof of the plague , 274 In Bridewell 6. pesthouse , 4 Buried in all this weeke , 1831. vvhereof of the plague , 1641. Buried in all , within London and the liberties , since the sicknes began , 32353. whereof of the plague , 27710. The number that hath died this weeke in the Cittie of Westminster and the places following . Buried in Westminster , this weeke , 80. Whereof of the plague , 75. Buried in the Sauoy , this weeke , 12. Whereof of the plague , 10. Buried in Stepny parish , this weeke , 107. Whereof of the plague , 100. Buried at Newington-buts , this weeke , 18. vvhereof of the plague , 14. Buried in Islington , this weeke , 12. Whereof of the plague , 10. Buried in Lambeth , this weeke , 40. Whereof of the plague , 40. Buried in Hackny , this weeke , 10. Whereof of the plague , 8. Buried in Redrieffe , this weeke , 8. Whereof of the plague , 6. ¶ The whole number buried within the 8. seuerall places last before-named , since the sicknes began in them , is 4024. Whereof the number of the plague , is 3700. ¶ And the full number that hath beene buried in all , both within London and the liberties , and the eight other seuerall places last before mentioned , is 37376. Whereof the number of the plague is , 32368. ¶ The seuerall visitations by the Plague in the Citty of Norwich . ¶ In the yeere of our Lord , 1349. from the first of Ianuary to the last of Iune , there died of the plague within the Cittie of Norwich , 57104. persons , besides Ecclesiasticall Mendicants and Domanicks . ¶ From the first of Iune 1579. to the first of the same month , 1580. there died of the pestilence in the Citty of Norwich , 4928. persons . ¶ And from the 8 of Aprill 1603. ( which was the time that this last visitation beganne in the Citty of Norwich ) there haue died to the 29. of Iuly , of all diseases , ( as well Strangers as others ) 387. And from the 29 of Iuly , to the 30 of September following , the number is set downe weekely . From the 29 of Iuly , to the 6. of August , the whole number is 67. the number of Strangers , is 32 , the number of the plague , is 55. From the 6 of August to the 12. in all 75. Strangers 26. plague 60 From the 12 of August to the 19. in all 96. Strangers 32. plague 87. From the 19 of August to the 26 , in all 96. Strangers 32. plague 87 From the 26. to the 2 of Septem . in all 132. Stran. 53. plague 119. From the 2 of Septemb. to the 9 , in all 140. Strang. 38. plague 120. From the 9 of Septemb. to the 16 , in all , 218. Strang. 80. plague 204 From the 16 of Septemb. to the 23 , in all 166 , Strang. 70. plague 158 From the 23 of Septemb. to the 30. in all 169 , Strang. 75. plague 161 The whole number , is 1546. Whereof of the plague , 1536. Henry Chettle . God saue the King. FINIS . At London printed by I. R. for Iohn Trundle , and are to be sold at his shop in Barbican , neere Long lane end . A06260 ---- [Bill of mortality] 1621 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A06260 STC 16743.7 ESTC S1340 22134775 ocm 22134775 25129 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A06260) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 25129) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1731:7) [Bill of mortality] City of London (England). 1 broadside. s.n., [London : 1621] Title devised from content of item. "From the [blank] to the [blank] 1621 [i.e. 1620?]." Place and date of publication suggested by STC (2nd ed.). Handwritten entry indicates bill covers the period Dec. 1619-Dec. 1620. Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Mortality -- England -- London -- Statistics. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2008-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion From the to the 16   〈◊〉 Albons Woodstreet . Alhallowes B●rk . Alhallowes Bredstr . Alhallowes Great , Alhallows Honilane Alhallowes Lesse Alhall . Lumbardstr . Alhallows Staining Alhallowes Wal Alphage . Andrew Hubbard . Andrew Vndershaft . Andrew Wardrobe . Anne Aldersgate Anne Blacke-friers Autholins Parish Austins Parish Barthol . Exchange Bennet Fynch Bennet Gracechur Bennet Pauls whar . Bennet Sherehog . Botolph Billingsgat . Christs Church Christophers Clemēts Eastcheap Dionis Backchurch Dunstans East Edmonds Lūbardst . Ethelborough Faiths Fosters Gabriel Fenchurch . George Botolphlane Gregories Hellens Iames Garlickhith Iohn Baptist Iohn Euangelist Iohn Zacharie Katherin Coleman . Katherin Creechur . Lawrence Iewrie Lawrence Pountn . Leonard Eastcheap . Leonard Fosterlane . Magnus Parish Margaret Lothbury Margaret Moses . Margaret Newfish . Margaret Pattons Mary Abchurch Mary Aldermanbu .   〈◊〉 Mary Aldermarie Mary Bow Mary Bochaw Mary Colchurch Mary Hill Mary Mounthaw Mary Somerset Mary Staynings Mary Woolchurch Mary Woolnoth Martins Iremong . Martins Ludgate Martins Orgars Martin Outwitch Martins Vintre Matthew Fridaystr . Maudl●ns Milkstr . Maudlin Oldfishstr . Michael Bassithaw . Michael Cornehill Michael Crookedla . Michael Queenhith Michael Querne Michael Rial Michael Woodstreet Mildred Bredstreet . Mildred Poultrie Nicholas Acons Nicholas Coleabby . Nicholas Olaues Olaues Hartstreet . Olaues Iewrie Olaues Siluerstreet Pancras Soperlane Peters Cheape Peters Corne Peters Paulswharf . Peters Poore Stephens Coleman Stephens Walbrok . Sloithens Thomas Apostle Trinitie Parish . Bartholmew Great Bartholmew Lesse . Brides Parish Bridewell Precinct . George Southwark . Tham. Southwark . Trinitie Minories Pest-house . Parishes , standing part within the Liberties and part without .   〈◊〉   Londō Midd. Andrew Holborne . Botolph Aldersgate Botolph Algare . Botolph Bishopsgate . Dunstanes West . Giles Cripplegate . Sepulchers .   Londō Surrey Olaues Southwarke Sauiours Southwarke . The nine out Parishes .   Midd. Surrey Clements Templebarre Giles Fields Iames Clarkenwell Katharine Tower Leonard Shoreditch Mary Whitechappell Martins Fields . Maudlins Bermondsey Sauoy Parish . Buried in London within the wals Whereof of the Plague . Buryed without the wals within the Liberties and the Pest-house , Whereof of the Plague . The whole number in London and in the Liberties Whereof of the Plague Buryed of the Plague without the Liberties , in Middlesex and Surrey . Christned in those Places . Buryed in the nine out Parishes . Whereof of the Plague The Totall of all the Buryals this 〈◊〉 Whereof of the Plague Christned in the 121. Parishes Parishes cleare . Parishes infected . A06271 ---- London looke backe at that yeare of yeares 1625 and looke forvvard, vpon this yeare 1630 / written not to terrifie, but to comfort. Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1630 Approx. 33 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A06271 STC 16755 ESTC S2796 24646668 ocm 24646668 27850 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A06271) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 27850) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1856:19) London looke backe at that yeare of yeares 1625 and looke forvvard, vpon this yeare 1630 / written not to terrifie, but to comfort. Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [18] p. Printed by A.M. and are to bee sold by Ed. Blackmoore at the Angell in Paules Church-yard, London : 1630. Attributed to Thomas Dekker--Cf. STC (2nd ed.). Signatures: A-B⁴ C² (last leaf blank). Imperfect: cropped and faded, with loss of print. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall Library (London, England). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion London LOOKE BACKE , AT THAT YEARE OF YEARES 1625. AND LOOKE FORVVARD , VPON THIS YEARE , 1630. Written , not to Terrifie , But to Comfort . LONDON Printed by A. M. and are to bee sold by Ed. Blackmoore at the Angell in Paules Church-yard , 1630. London Looke Backe . TO looke backe at Ills , begets a Thankefuln●●●e t● haue esc●p●d them : So the Children of Israel hauing d●y foot passed through the red Sea ▪ looked backe , with a double Ioy ; To see themselues on Shore , & their enemies Drovvn'd To Looke Backe , at our sinnes , begets a Repentance : R●pentance is the Mother of Amendment : and Amendment leades vs by the hand to Heauen : So that if vvee looke not Backe , ther 's no going forward in that Iourney to Ierusalem . To looke Backe at an enemie , from whom wee flye ; Calls vp Hope , and Feare ; Hope to out-runne him , Feare to be ou●r-taken : Hope to fight with him agen , Feare neuer to fight more . To looke backe , strengthens wisedome , to looke forward , armes Prouidence : and lendes eyes to Pr●uention . What Marriner hauing gotten safely by a Rocke , but with a liu●l● spirit lookes backe , and pra●s●th Heauen , for S●yl●ng by such a danger ? What Generall , but at the end of a Battaile , lookes backe , on his slaughtered Souldiers with sorrow : and on his liuing Regiments , with Gladnes ; What a Glory is it , to repeat the story of the fight ? How such a Captaine cut a braue way to Victory with his Sword ? How another brake through the Battalia's , like the God of Warre . Looke backe therefore ( ó LONDON ) at Time , and bid him turne ore his Chronicles , and shew thee , that Yeare of Yeares 1625 For , if euer there was in England , a yeare , great with Childe of wonder , that very yeare was then deliuered of that Prodigious Birth . It was a yeare Fatall to all our Kingdomes ; For ▪ the Courts of our Kings , were forced to fly from place to place for safety ▪ and yet the pursuing enemie , D●ath , tracde thē and ouertooke thē by the pri●ts of th●ir feet . It was ●atall ( O thou Empresse of Cittiees , fa●re Troynouant ) to t●ce ; For ( bloud shedde excepted ) thou with Ierusalem , didst feele as g●ue● us a Desolation : eating vp , with Mariam , thine owne chil●r●n , vvith Samaria thou wert beseiged , 〈◊〉 go not ( like Samaria ) with Benha●ad King of the Aramites , and ●2 . Kings more with him : But with a farre more cruell enemy , ( the Pestilence , ) and an infinite Army of Sinnes , which to this very day , fight against thee . A more terrible Tyrant , then Benhadad ( and that is Death ) sayd then to thee , as h●e di● to Samaria ; Thy Gold and thy Siluer are mine , thy Women 〈◊〉 and thy faire Children are mine . O how much of the one vvas then buried in Earth , and what excellent Pieces of the other lay then defloured in Graves ▪ With Ierico , the wades of thy Glory ( O London ) were broken down ▪ for thy Princes tooke from th●e the Honour of their Chariots t●e Diuin●● the harmony of their Eloquence ; Thy Magi●t●ates , the splend●r ●f their Authority ; Thy Merchants the Renowne of Commerce : Thy Physi●ians gaue thee ouer ; Thy Soldiers 〈◊〉 Cowards left t●ee in the open field : Thy ol● M●n went away , and thy young-men fled before thee in the 〈◊〉 of their Marrow . Reader , to Feast thee with more v●riety , cast 〈◊〉 eye on these following verses , in which is set downe a 〈◊〉 full , and more liuely Description of that Lamentable Time. This was that yeere of wonder , when this Land , Was Ploughed vp into Graues , and graues did stand From morne , till next morne , gaping still for more . The Bells ( like our lowde sinnes ) ne're giuing ore . Then , life look't pale , and sicklier then the Moone , Whole Households , well ●'th morne , lying dead at Noone . Then sicknesse was of her owne face affrayle , And frighting all yet was her selfe dismayde : LONDON was great with childe , and with a fright Shee fell in labour — But O pitious sight ! All in her Child-bed Roome did nought but mourne , For , thos who were deliuer●d were still-borne . The Citty fled the 〈◊〉 , for those Bells Which calld the Church man , rung his neighbors knells : The Citty fled the Citty , a●d in feare , That enemy shu●●'d who me● her euery where . The Citty so much of her Bo●y lost , Th●● she ap●e●r'd 〈…〉 Ghost : Paules Or●ans ( th●n ) 〈…〉 , to call This day a Qui 〈…〉 Who yesterday sate 〈…〉 me To morning 〈◊〉 , yet ●re they got home , Had To●ens 〈◊〉 th●m 〈◊〉 they should no more Heare A●th●●s there They we●e to goe before Him , to whose 〈…〉 Anthems were all sung , To instruments , which wereby Angels strung . By this little Picture you may guesse , if that yeare of 1625. was not one of the worlds Cli●a●tericall yeares : If it bee not ( to this day ) more remarkeable , than any ot●er yeare in the memory of man , looke backe but on such Calenders , as your obseruations may set dovvne , and then be your owne iudges . Fi●st , 〈◊〉 ( in your looking backe ) remember those faynt and pu●gatiue Fl●xes , which then vvere the V●nt-currers , making vvay for other Diseases which immediately brake in vpon vs : How many Families f●ll by that Consumption ! How many househol 〈…〉 carry avvay ? 〈◊〉 one 〈◊〉 in a Thousand 〈◊〉 it ? Or if happily they get out of his fingers , did not a spotte●● Feauer then presently print her Nayles vpon their flesh ? How many Bo●yes were by this Purueyor of Death , mark'd for Funeralls ! Our Doctors giue that young Sicknesse then as they doe this , now Reigning a fine gentleman like name , the sp●tted Feauer , as if it had beene Er●●nd , the s●o●t●d Feauer , as if it h●d beene a Beautifull faire ski●d Sickenesse , and those Spotes , the fr●ckels in the face of it . But how many did this spotted Leopard set vpon , and teare in peces ! The Physitians were modest , and gaue it a pretty harmelesse Name , ( the spotted Feauer ) but wofull experience made vs confesse , it was the direct Plague ▪ or Couz●n-germane to it : The spotted Feauer serued but as a By-name : The spots were the signes that hung at the Doores , but the Pestilence dwelt within . Agen l●oke backe vpon that Moone , and that officious Starre , waiting so close vpon her , and reade in both th●ir faces , w●at followed after . Agen looke bac●e , at the sudden , and vnexp●cted death of K Iames : He lead the way , and Millio●s of Subiects followed after him ; Hee dyed of a Burning Feauer but that burning went cold to a great ●any Hearts in Christendome , and it ●●uck cold to vs in England . 〈◊〉 bre●th of 〈…〉 glittering of Bonfire● , and 〈…〉 People hea●ed vs agen , with the happy N●w●s of a Glorious Sunne ris●n And that Sunne was the Great Charlema●ne , our now present Soueraigne . Agen looke backe vpon 〈◊〉 ●aths of our N●bility : Dukes , Earles , and Lords , bei●g at that time snatch't from vs. Agen looke backe , on the heapes of English , th●n swallowed in the sea , & eaten vp in the Low-Countries . Rekcon our Losses of Men abroad , and at that time , the ruine of Men , Women , and children at home . Al this Remembrances being thus added vp together , poynt if you can ( through all the Reignes of our Kings ) to any one yeare so full of wonderful mutati●n● ! Such Shifting of the Windes from faire to foule , and frō foule to faire weather . Such Eclipses , and such affrighting Changes ▪ and then my Penne shall be silenc'd , But of al the changes happening that yeare , the greatest is not yet mention'd : When our Sinnes were in a full Sea , God call'd in the waters of our punishment , and on a sudden our miseries ebb'd : Whē the P●stilence struck 5000. and odde in a Weeke into the Graue ; an Angell came , and held the Sword from striking : So that the waues or Death fell in a short time , as fast as before they swelld vp , to our confusion : Mercy stood at the Church doores , and suffered but a few Coffins to come in : And this was the most wonderfull change of all the rest . This was a Change , worthy to bee set ouer euery doore in Letters of Gold , as before Red ▪ painted Crosses stood there , turning Cittizens to runn-awayes . But a white ●lagge was held out in signe of Truce ; A pardon was promis'd , and it came to the great Comfort of all our Nation . When more than threescore thousand were ●owen downe by the ●yeth of time : Deaths haruest towards the end of that yeare was all most all in . Looke backe ( O LONDON ) at these , and on thy knees , sing Hymnes to heauen to thy th●n d●liuerance . T is strange to obserue , that if a Bell be heard to Ring out , and that t is voyc'd in such a Parish within the walls of LONDON , a many is dead of the 〈◊〉 , O what talke it breedes ▪ If the next 〈…〉 two , then the Report stickes cold to the 〈…〉 Cit●● . But if ( as now ) it rises to 〈…〉 the Head , and thousands fearefully suspect , they 〈◊〉 bee vndone . And is there not great ●eaven for ●t is , thinke you ? Yes there is . For all other Infirmities , and maladies of the Bo●y , goe simply in their owne Habit , and liue wheresoeuer , they are 〈…〉 , vnder their proper and knowne Names 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 pass●th onely by the name of the 〈…〉 an Ague , the Pox Fistula , &c. 〈…〉 so 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 that they 〈◊〉 and King out , sometimes ▪ night and d●y , ) that sudden destroyer of Mankind : that Nimble executioner of the Diuine Iustice : ( The Plague or Pestilence ) hath for the singularity of the Terrors waiting vpon it , 〈◊〉 title ; THE SICKNESSE . It hath a Preheminence about all others : And none being able to match it , for Violence , Strength , Incertainty , Su●tlety , Catching , Vniuersality , and Desolation , it is called the Sicknesse . As if it were , the onely Sicknesse ▪ or the Sicknesse of Sicknesses , as it is indeede . But , for all this Tyrants Raging and Rauing vp and downe this Citty ; after punishment : Mercy as you heard b●fore , came downe : when the deluge was p●st , a Raine-bow was seene : Martyrdome went before , and Glory with a Crowne of Starres immediately followed . To Dye is held fearefull : and the Graue hath many formidable shapes . A Prisoner being drag'd to a Iayle , out of vvhich hee can neuer be deliuered , may truely call his Chamber , his Liuing Graue , where his owne sorrowes and the cruelty of creditors , bury him . They , who with fearefull labour , maintaine life by digging vnder-ground , goe daily to their Graue ; So doe all Traytors that lay traynes to Blow vp their K. and Countre● : So doe all those whose blacke consciences pr●ck them on to dige Pitts for others , into which they fall then solues . But to open a graue as it is indeede , the graue is our last Inne , and a poore wooden Coffin our fairest Lodging Roome . No : the Graue is not our Inne , ( where we may lie to Night and be gon to Morrow ) but it is our standing House , it is a perpetuity , our Inheritance for euer : A peece of ground ( with a litle garden in it , fiue or sixe foot long , full of flowres and herbes , purchas'd for v● and our posterity , at the deerest Income in the world the losse of Life . The World is our common Inne , in which wee haue no certaine abyding : It stands in the Road-way for all pass●ngers ; And wither we be vpon speed , or goe slowly on foot , sure we are that all our Iourneyes are to the land of death , and that 's the Graue . A sicke-mans bed is the gate or first yard to this Inne , where death at our first arriuall stands like the Chamberlaine to bid you welcome , and is so bold , as to aske if you will alight , and he will shew you a Lodging . In this great yeare of contagion , ( I meane 1625. ) whē the Bell man of the Citty ( Sicknesse ) beate at euery dore , there was one who whilst he lay in his graue ( his death-bed as he accounted it : ) yet afterwards he Recouered , reported to his friends he beheld strange apparitions . He saw a purchas'd Sessions ; The Iudge was terrible : In his hand , Lightning in his voyce , Thunder : After thousands were cast , and condemn'd to dye , ( sayd this sicke man ) I saw my selfe a Prisoner , and cal'd to the Barre : The Iudge looking sternly vpon mee , was angry : my offences ( being read to me ) were heauy , my accusers many ; what could I doe but pleade guilty ! And falling on my knees , with hands held vp , cry for mercy . Teares , sighes , and Anguishes of soule , speaking hard for me , the Iudge melted in compassion , signed a repriue , sau'd me from death , and set me free . O in what a pittifull state had I beene else ! for my conscience araigned me , my owne tongue accus'd mee , my owne guilt condemn'd mee : Yet the mercy of the Iudge sau'd mee . In this graue I lay , my memory being dead , my Sences buried , my Spirits couered with Earthly weaknesses , and all the faculties of my soule , cold as the clay into which I was to be turned . Yet loe ! I was called out of this Graue ; I quickned and reuiued : Seeing then that albeit death was about to thrust mee downe with one hand , yet life gentley pluckt me vp by the other , what did I but looke back● at the Horror which had beset me round ! I did not onely looke backe but I looked forward at the Happinesse comming toward mee , which with spred armes I embraced : neither did I onely looke forward , but I looked vpward to heauen . Had I not reason to pay my heauenly Ph●sitian with an humble & hearty Thankes-giuing ! I did so . Haue I not reason to put al others , ( that either t● is yeare or in any yeare to come , shall be call'd to the same Iudgment-seat ) in minde of their deliuerance ! Wee , being ( at least we ought to be ) Christs followers , vse as he did to giue thankes before we breake our Bread : and when we are satisfied , he is not satisfied , vnlesse wee pay him , thankes agen , thankes ! that 's all : Poore is that good turne which is not worth goda●ercy : That benefit withers , which is not warm'd by the breath of the Receiuer . Here , leaue we our ●icke-man , well recouered , and singing holy Ditties for his restoring : Let vs now agen looke backe , and stedf●stly fix our Eyes , vpon the ●errible face of that former wond●rfull yeare . How many in that swallowing Sea of contagion , were strucke with dreadfull Calentures , and Madnes of the Braines ! Rauing , Raging and Rayling : yea cursing God to his face ! And who had greater cause to Register vp his mercy , in fetching them out of such a hell , then they ? How many did then , with Iob ( through the anguish of their Soar●s ) wish that the day might perish in vvhich they were borne ! Yet some at the same time being recouered did not onely not send vp prayers and prailes for their safety , but hauing tasted of the f●ll Cup of Gods mercy , they agen did te●pt , his Iustice. If Drunkards before their Sickenesse , they were ten times worse , after they were well . They were not good , for Ioy they grevv vnto strength , but being perfectly hea●thfull , vvere madd in their heartes that their purses were too weake to maintain thē in their old Riots . What would not such haue ventur'd vpon , but that poue●ty gaue them Lame hands . These People had a minde to Cheate God by thinking they owed him nothing : But God stop't them in their Carrecre ; for seeing no amendment in them , after they had beene smitten downe once or twice , at the third blow he struck them into Earth . To close vp this sad Feast , to which none but Wormes were invited : let vs looke onely once more backe , at this , all-Conquerin● yeare , 1625. And remember that Preaching in many Churches , was in the heate of the Battails , forced to fly : Law , was at a Non-plus . Traficke cast ouer-board , Trading in the Citty lay Bed-ridde , and in the Countrey ●orely shaken vvith an Ague . Remember O you Cittizens , that our Schooles then lock'd out Learning , ( a wound to your children ; ) that your Seruants got little ( a Bruze to your Family ! ) that your selues spent much , and many of your Stockes vvere almost vvasted to nothing : ( a Mayme to the Citty ) But then aftervvards on the sudden , to see all this dis●oynted Buildings , put orderly into frame agen ! vvas there not great reason to reioyce ? When that mighty number of 5000. and odde , in LONDON , and round about vvere carryed on Mens shoulders to their last Home , what Glory is due to the Diuine mercy ! That wee ( vvho now vvalke vp and downe the Streets , ) Liue ! Nay , not onely liue in Health but liue ! hauing been layd in deaths Lappe , full of Sores , of Feauers , of Frenzes , yet are now healed in body and cured ●n minde . Had euery Man , and Woman , as many voices as Birdes haue notes : All of them ought to be singing from Morne to Night , Praises , Hymnes , and Honours to this almightie Iohouah . Are you not wearied , thus long with looking backe , turne your Heades therefore round , and now looke forward ▪ Looke not ( as all this while you haue done ) through perspectiue-glasses , to make obiects afarre off , appeare as if they vvere neere you , but looke vvith full eyes , at those presentations , vvhich are directly now before you . Looke forvvard as the Men of Genazaret did , who bringing all the sicke in the Countrey to Christ , besought him , that they might touch the Hemme of his Garment onely . Looke forvvard , as the Cananitish Woman did who cryed alovvd to Christ , saying : Haue mercy on mee O Lord , thou Sonne of Dauid ; My daughter is miserably vexed vvith a Deuill . Christ sayd nothing at first : Hee put her by once or twice , but see hovv the Key of importunity , can open the very gates of Heauen ! Her incessant intreaties , won●e him at length to say , ● woman , great is thy faith , bee it to thee as thou desirest , and her Daughter was made whole at that houre . Looke forward as the fiue wise Virgins did , to fill your Lampes with Oyle , and expect the comming of the Bridegroome . When open warre is denounced against a Nation , they ( albeit before they slept in security , and lay drown'd in sensuall streames ) yet then awaken , they start vp , and looke forward for their armour , lest the enemy should come vpon them vnprouided . To looke forward is to see where the fire is giuen to the Cannon , and so that weake part , which lyes subiect to battry , is fortified for resistance . Looke forward therefore now ; For now the Drumme of Death is beating vp : the cannon of the Pestilence does not yet discharge , but the small shot playes night and day , vpon the suburbes : And hath sent seauē bullets singing into the Citty . The arrowes fly ouer our heades and hit so●e , though they as yet misse vs ; But none knowes how soone the strong Archer , may draw his Bow , and clea●e our very heartes ▪ Looke forward howsoeuer , and looke vp with open eyes , vnder your sheildes to receiue them as they come flying , lest they peirce you quit through , & nayle you to destructiō . This World is a Schoole , wee are Gods Schollers ; Our Schoole-master has taken vp ( this yeare ) as yet , but the twigge of a Rodde , in comparison of that bundle of Roddes hee vsed in that yeare 1625. He shakes the twigg at vs , and a few ( of the lower formes in the Schoole ) feele the smart , but the head Schollers that sit in the higher formes , doe not as yet so much as tremble . Many are preparing to breake vp Schoole and steale into the Countrey : But take heed , and looke forward on the Booke , which your Schoole-master sets you to reade : For if hee findes you not perfect in your Lessons ; Hee is binding the Rodde in his hand , harder and harder , and bee sure ( when hee strikes ) to bee payd soundly . The Bell tolles in a few places , but heartes ake in many . Is Sicknesse come to thy doore ! Hath it knock't there ? And is it entred ? There are many good Bookes set forth , to driue backe Infection , or if it cannot be driuen away , instructions are giuen how to welcome it . Make much of thy Physitian : let not an Emperick or Mounti-bancking Quacksaluer peepe in at thy window , but set thy Gates wide open to entertaine thy learned Physitian : Honour him , make much of him Such a Physitian is Gods second , and in a duell or single fight ( of this nature ) will stand brauely to thee . A good Physitian , comes to thee in the shape of an Angell , and therefo●e let him boldly take thee by the hand , for he has been in Gods garden , gathering herbes : and soueraine rootes to cure thee ; A good Physitian deales in simples , and will be simply honest with thee in thy preseruatiō . I neuer sat with Aesculapius at the Table ; I scarce know what a Salu●tory-box meanes : yet● without asking leaue of the learned Colledge , to hang out my bill or begging licence at Surgeons hall , to seale aprobasum est vpon my Vnguents and Plaisters . I will aduenture to Minister Physicke , and Salues to any one , that in this time , is troubl'd with the Sicknesse : and my Patien●s in the end , shall confesse : That Gallen Hyppocrates , Paracelsus , nor all t●e great Maisters , of those Artes , did neuer lay downe sounder prescriptions . And heere come my Medicines martching in . Art thou ( in this visitation stricken with Carbu●cles , Blaynes , and Blisters , Is thy body spotte● all ouer ? Art thou sure death bids : hee come away , by some Tokens which he hath sent thee ? Be ru●de by me , and take this receipt ; Trust to it , for it cui'd a King of Israel . Cry out with Dauid , O Lord ! Chast●ze me not in thy wrath ▪ for thine Arrowes haue lighted vpon mee : There is nothing sound in my flesh because of thine anger : neither is there rest in my bones because of my sinnes . My woundes are putrified ; my Reynes full of burning : I am weakned and sore broken . My heart panteth : my strength fayleth me : And the light of mine eyes ( euen they ) are not mine owne : my Louers and my friends stand aside from my Plague , and my Kinsemen stand afarre off : Yet continue thou vvith the holy singer , and conclude thus , O Lord , hast to helpe mee . Hovv like you , this Medicine ? Is it of such vertue , that albeit , thou art sicke to thy Death : It vvill by degrees take away all thy Torments . This second is a lulep to sweeten the mouth of thy Stomacke , after the bitternesse of thy sickenesse : ●or , when by an Armipotent hand , thou art lifted out of thy death-bed ; when the Bell hath ceast rolling for thee , and thy Womer-sle●pers leaue gaping for thy Linnen , thy goodes , and thy money : And are madde they are not likely to Rifle thy House : vvhen thou hast an appetite to eate , and that thy feete are able to walke vpon that Earth , which was hungry to d●noure thy whole bdoy ; Then fall thou vpon that Earth , and Magnifie God. Then say , though thy sinnes in thy sickenesse made thy conscience shev a face to thee as blacke as Hell , yet seake thou to it , and tell it , that this Recouery vvith new repentance ( continued ) sh●ll make it like the vvinges of a Doue , couered with Siluer : and vvhose Feathers are like the yellovv Gold ; Say to thy Soule , it shal bee as white as the Snow in Zumon , and co●s●sse that Gods Mercy is like the mountaine of Bashan : Say to thy Health , that the Chariots vvhich God sent to guard it vvere tvventy thousand Angels , amongst whom , the Lord was as in the Sanctuary of Sinay . Nay , albeit Death should lay his Mouth to thine Eare , and bid thee put thy House in order : For , thou shall Dye ; Yet , an Isaiah ( some good Mans prayer● ) or thine ovvne , may bee heard , and God may Ad●e to thy dayes fifteene yeares more , as he did to Hezekiah , vpon his Repentance . Repentance is a Siluer Bell , and soundes sweetly in the Eare of Heauen . It is a Dyamond shyning and sparkling in the darke , to inlighten all our miseries . It is a 〈◊〉 for euery vvound : It is a golden ladder by whose st●pp●s wee climbe to immortality . It is a Chayne of Orient Pearle , tying vp Gods handes that hee shall not strike vs : Repentance smelleth sweeter then the Oyntment vvhich the Woman Annoynted Christs feete ▪ when shee wip●d them vvith her Hayre . Repentance winnes the King of Heauen , to smile vpon vs as if wee were his ●auorites : and to say thus . If thou still art ascending , and getting vp this hill of Repentance , blessed shalt thou bee in the Citty , and bless●d in the field ; Blessed bee the fruit of thy Body , and the fruit of thy Ground , and the fruit of thy Ca●tle , the increase of thy King , and the 〈◊〉 of thy sheepe : Blessed shall be the Basket , and thy Dough : Blessed shalt thou bee when thou comest in , and blessed also when thou goest out . Thy Land-soldiers ( O England ! ) Shall not stand in feare ●or thy Royall Nauy , for thine enemies that rise against thee , shall fall before thy face : They shall come out against thee one way , and fly before thee seauen wayes . His word ( that speakes this ) may bee taken better then any Kings in the world : And therefore , hold out both thy hands vnder , this Tree of Blessings . and catch the golden apples when so freely they are taken downe into thy lappe . But , if thou trample these gifts vnder thy feete , and spur●est at Gods fauour bestowed vpon thee , in thy Health , in the midst of a hot sicknesse . If the Tolling of Bells cannot awaken you , nor the opening of graues affright you ▪ If Bill-men standing at other mens dores , cannot put you in minde , that the same guard , may locke vp yours , and the same red Crosses bee stucke in your Banners , : If to bee shut vp close for a Moneth , seeme but a short Saeue in a Tragedy , and not car'd for , when t is Acted ; Then heare ( O England and thou her eldest Daughter , so admired amonst Nations for thy Beauty . ) Heare what New Quiners of Punishments will bee opened ; For , these are the Arrowes which God himselfe sayes hee will draw out at rebellious Kingdomes : A Pestilence cleauing fast , Consumptions , feauers , burning Agues ; The Sword , Blasting new-Dewes , Heauen shall bee turned to brasle , and Earth to Iron : Or Houses to haue others dwell in them , our Vineyardes , to haue others ●ast them , our Ox●n to bee slaine , yet wee not eate them , our Sheepe to bee slaughtered , and to feede our enemies . These , and hideons squ●ldrons besides are threatened to bee sent out against disobedient people : What Physitians , Doctors , Surgeons , or Apothecaries , haue wee to defend vs in so dreadfull a Warre ? None , not any . If therefore with Naaman , thou wouldst bee cleansed from Leprosy , thou must obey Elisha , and wash thy selfe seauen times in Iordan : Wee●e seauen times a day ▪ Nay , seauen times an houre for thy sinnes . Whosoeuer with Ahaziah , ( the King of Samaria ) falleth sicke , and sendeth for recouery of Baal-Zebub , ( the god of Ekron ) and not to the true God indeede , hee shall not come from his bed , but dye the Death . For , wee sincke to the Bottome of the watters , as the Carpenters Axe did : But , though neuer so Iron-hearted , the voyce of an Elisha , ( the feruency of prayer and praysing God ) can fetch vs from the bottome of Hell : And by contrition make vs swimme on the toppe of the waters of Life . Now , albeit at the first crying to God , nay , the Second , Third , Fourth , or twentith time , hee will not heare thee ; But that thy sighes are neglected : Thy teares vnpittyed : Thy sores nor repented : Thy hunger not satisfied ; Thy pouerty not relieued . Yet giue thou not ouer : stand at the gate of Gods mercy still ; Begge still : Knock still , and knock hard ▪ For , 〈◊〉 was barren , yet being an importunate suiter , her petition was heard , and signed . Shee was fruitfull , and had three Sonnes , and two Daughters . So , albeit wee bee barren in Repentance , in Thanksgiuing , in Charity , in Patience , in Goodnes : Yet if vnfeignedly wee pray to Heauen , wee shall bee fruitfull : And these fiue shall bee our Sonnes and Daughters . By this meanes our Ma●● shall change her Name agen to Naomi , and our bitternes , bee turned into sweetnes . Art thou sicke ! Thy best and onely Doctor dwells aboue : Hast thou beene sicke ! Art thou amended ! Fill Heauen and Earth , full of Songes to thy Eternall Physition , who takes nothing of thee , for any Eloctu●ri●s hee giues thee , His Pilles are bitter , but whol●some , and of wonderous operation : And so much the better , because what he giues , comes gratis ? Art thou recouered ? Hast thou pluck't thy foot out of the graue , when it was stepping in ? Then with the Sonne of Syrach , acknowledge , that a Beggar in health is better then a diseased Monarch , Health and Strength , are fairer then gold , and a sound body is an infinite Treasure . So that , if thou doest not open thy Lippes , to Magnifie him , that hath snatched thee out of the lawes of destruction , His blessings are to thee , as messes of meate set vpon the graue . I must yet once more wish thee ( O Troy nouans ) to cast thine eyes about thee : Looke forward on thy sad Neighbour ( distressed Cambriage , ) Sickenesse shakes her , her glorious Buildings are emptied , her Colledges shut vp , her Lourned Sonnes forsake her , her Tradesmen cry out for succour . Want walkes vp and downe her streetes , a few Rich , a many Poore ; But the hands of the one cannot feede , not fill the mouthes of the other . To thee therefore ( O thou Nourishing mother of all the Citties in England ) to thee ( albeit thou art in some Sorrow thy selfe ) does this afflicted Nource of Schollers come ; What tree hath Branches broad enough to shelter her from stormes but thine ? Where is a Sunne to warme her frozen Limbes if it moues not in thy Zodiack ? Thou ( O Queene of Citties ) art Royall in thy gifts ; Charity sits in thy Gates , and compassion waites vpon thee in thy Chamber ; So that with Dido , thou often sayeth . Non ignara mali , Miseris succurrere disco . My miseries to my selfe being knowne , Makes me count others wants , mine owne . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A06271-e100 The yeare ●625 . Fatall to our Kingdome . To the Citty . ● Kings . 20 ● . 1 Kings 20 5. Ioh. 6.20 . London ▪ generall Misery . The spotted Feauer . A kin man to the Plague . The Moon and her Wa●ting-ma●de .. The Death of K. I. The Death 〈…〉 The 〈…〉 graue . The great Change. Crosses 〈…〉 . A 〈◊〉 ●para 〈…〉 Enemie . The 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 . Men alive in graue . A graue Opened . The World a fair Inne , but il Lodging in it . A Chamberline for all Trauelers . A man i● his Graue ●ees strange sights . A sickmans Sessions . The best , Iudge in England . When men is weakest , God is strongest . A due de●t must be payd . Iob. 3.3 Old s●r●s ill cured , breake out agen . Many men dea● , few amended . The ●um●er that dyed in 1625. Luk. 7.30 . Math. 25.4 . A wicked ●c●o le , but the best Schollers . To trewants . Loue thy Physi●ian . King Dauids P●ysi●ke . A Iulep . Dauids Song set to our tune . Read 67. 2 Kings 20.1 . Good Men sicke Luke 7 38. Great 〈…〉 . Deut. 25 Bad seruice ▪ bad wages . 2 Kings . 5.14 . 2 Kings 7. ● 2 Kings ● . 5 . God lou●● an earned Sui●e● . 1 Sam. 1. ●● Ruth . ● . 2● ▪ Syrack . 30● . 14 . A07877 ---- Londons mourning garment, or funerall teares worne and shed for the death of her wealthy cittizens, and other her inhabitants. To which is added, a zealous and feruent prayer, with a true relation how many haue dyed of all diseases, in euery particuler parish within London, the liberties, and out parishes neere adioyning from the 14 of Iuly 1603. to the 17 of Nouember. following. Muggins, William. 1603 Approx. 55 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A07877 STC 18248 ESTC S121897 99857056 99857056 22724 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A07877) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 22724) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1321:2) Londons mourning garment, or funerall teares worne and shed for the death of her wealthy cittizens, and other her inhabitants. To which is added, a zealous and feruent prayer, with a true relation how many haue dyed of all diseases, in euery particuler parish within London, the liberties, and out parishes neere adioyning from the 14 of Iuly 1603. to the 17 of Nouember. following. Muggins, William. [34] p. Printed by Raph Blower, At London : 1603. Dedication signed: VVilliam Muggins. Mostly in verse. Signatures: [A]² B-D⁴ E² . "A true relation of al that haue bin buried of all diseases ..", quire E. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England -- London -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-03 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-03 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion LONDONS Mourning garment , or Funerall Teares : worne and shed for the death of her wealthy Cittizens , and other her inhabitants . To which is added , a zealous and feruent Prayer , with a true relation how many haue dyed of all diseases , in euery particuler parish within London , the Liberties , and out parishes neere adioyning from the 14 of Iuly 1603. to the 17 of Nouember . following . At London printed by Raph Blower . 1603. To the Right Worshipfull , Sir Iohn Swinnerton Knight : one of the worshipfull Aldermen , of the honorable Citty of London : VV. M. wisheth Earths Happines , and Heauens Blessednes . RIght Worshipful and graue Senator : if my knowledge and learning , were answerable to my good will and affection : this my poore labour now mourning in a sable Weede , should be as great and precious , as to the contrary it is weake , and slender . And knowing that the Vertuous minde , respecteth not so much the valewe of the guift , as the good will of the giuer , emboldeneth me to presēt this smal Pamphlet to your Worships view ; most humbly crauing pardon for my rash attempt , which if to your wonted clemmencie I doe obtaine . I shall liken my selfe to a poore Debtor owing much , freely forgiuen of all his large reckonings and dangerous accounts , and bound in duty to pray for your Worships long life , with increase of honor . Your Worships at Commaund , VVILLIAM MVGGINS ¶ Londons mourning garment , and Funerall Teares . With heauy heart , and sighes of inward Cares , With wringing hands● explayning sorrows wo , With blubbered cheekes , bedewde with trickling teares With minde opprest lamenting griefs that flowe , London lament , and all thy losses showe : What al ? nay some , all were too much to tell , The learned Homer could not penne it well . Ay me poore London , which of late did florish , With springing MARCH , the tidings of a King : And APRILL showers , my blossomes so did nourishe , That I in MAIE , was calde a famous thing , Yea Townes and Cities did my glory ring : Nay thorowe the worlde my golden fame so grewe , That Princes high , crost Seas , my seate to viewe . And like to AGAMEMNONS gallant trayne , Throughout my streetes , with stately steps did goe , Where them with welcomes , I did entertaine ; Pleasing their liking , with each seuerall showe , Where they in me , much treasure did bestowe , Honouring the Church with Prayers , the Change with golde , Where Princes bought , and beauteous Virgins solde . To adde more glory to my prosperous state , My Soueraigne Lord , most high and mighty King , Made oft repayre , both Moining , Eu'en and late , To me both gainefull , and a pleasant thing : My heart was glad , my voice SOL , FA , did sing , My head did muse , not strucke with sorrowes sad , But how to make , my crowned Soueraigne glad . And as a Bryde , against her Nuptiall day , Doth deck her selfe , with fayre and rich attyre , Accompanide with Damsells fresh and gay , To plight her faith , to him she did desire Euen so did I with zeale as hot as fyer . Prepare my selfe against this day of ioye , To giue him welcome , with VIVE LE ROYE . My Magistrates were all so ready prest In skarlet rich , this potent Prince to greet : My wealthy Free-men also wrought their best , Preparing Pageants in each famous street● My Marchant-strangers laboured hands and feete , And scattered coyne , like IVPITERS showres of Golde , Hoping with ioy this CESAR to behold . And as those men the wealthiest in my Bower , Was neuer sparing in this good intent , So did my Artisauts with all their power , For loue or gaine , to worke were ready bent . PIGMALION foorth his skilfull Caruers sent ? Cunning APPELLES with his pencill drew Prospectious strange , for King and Peeres to veiw . But oh , a sudden qualme doth crosse my heart twixt cup and lip are dangers oft we see , Vnwelcome death approcheth with his dart , Yelping , oh , LONDON , thou must yeeld to mee : I must hau● rootes and branches for my fee. The fruits full ripe and blossomes that might grow Are mine , not thine , the Fates decree'd it so . Drown'd in deepe seas ( poore Lady ) thus I lye , Vnlesse some speedie helpe a comfort yeeld : Is there no wife nor widdow that will hye , And reach a hand that hath some sorrowes felt , My griefes are more then I my selfe can welde , Helpe some good woman with your soules-sigh deepe , For you are tender hearted and can weepe . VVhat none ? nay , then I see the Prouerbe old is true , The widdowes care is st●dious where to loue , Sith women are so fickle , men to you , LONDON laments , will ye her plaints remoue . I heare no Eccho ; men like women proue , VVidowers for wiues , widdowes for husbands seeke , Before the teares are dryed from their cheekes . To children then I will my sorrowes shew , VVhole Parent● lately in the graue were layde ; Their hearts with sighs will cause fresh teares to flow , And reach a hand for sorrowing LONDONS ayde . Come children mourne , I cry but am denayde , Their Parents riches so inflames their brest , That they long since did wish them at their rest . VVhere , or to whom , may I my voyce set forth ? Men mourne for men , where friendship long hath bred : Fye no ( good Lady ) there is found small troth , The liuing Friend deceiues the friend that 's dead , Robbing his children with a subtill head : By reason he executor , made the drowne By wresting Law , the riches are his owne . Oh ( helplesse Lady ) whither shall I ●lye , To find true mourners in this sad lament ? To aged people ; no , their heads are dry , They cannot weepe , long since their teares were spent : To middle age ? ( alas ) their wits are bent To purchase lands and liuings for their heires , Or by long life , ●o gainé which other spares . The louing seruant may yet helpe at neede , That now hath lost his Master and his stay , Sending foorth sithings till the heart doth bleed : Oh , LONDON , thou in vaine to him doest pray , His power and wits he bends another way : His Masters custome , shoppe , and trade to get , Is all the teares , the blithe yong man can let . Is there none then , that will take Londons part ? And help to sing , a welcome vnto wo ? Is there none founde , that feeles a present smart ? Nor none a liue , that can c●use Teares to flow ? If any be ? then freely them bestow . Two mourne together , swage e●h others grief , Weepe on a while , and I will be the chiefe . I heare no answere yet in these estates , Let me but study , where , and whom to seeke , Oh , now I haue bethought me , come on mates , For you and I , must mourne it by the weeke : And neuer will , new teares , be long to seeke● For Parents loue , vnto their Children deare , In iudgment sounde , nothing can come more neare . The loue of Pare●ts , are like Graftes that grow , Euer encreasing , till it proue a tree : The loue of Children , like the melting Snow , Euer decreasing , till an ende there be , Dayly experience , proues this true we see , Loue to the Children , euermore dependes : But to the Parents , seldome re-discendes . And now I haue , with trauel , griefe and paine , Founde foorth two mourners , that will Agents be : Choose which of vs , shal settle to complaine , Or if you will , leau● all the chardge to me : Onely I with you , to abandon glee . And to my voice , prepare your glowing Eares , With sighes and groanes , and sometimes scalding Teares . And if to high my warbling notes ascendes , Iudge me not bolde but zealous in my loue : If that too lowe , thinke that with sigh●s for friendes , My voice is hoarse , yet I againe will proue , The vtmost power , I can for to remoue , Your too forgetfull , sorrowes which are drye , And place them now , a fresh in memory , Art thou a Father , or a Mother deare ? Hadst thou a Sonne , or Daughter of thy side : Were not their voice , sweete musicke in thy Eare , Or from their smiles , could'st thou thy countnance hide . Nay , were they not , the glories of thy pride ? I doubt too much , thy loue on them were set , That whilst thou liuest , thou canst not them forget . Remember well , you Dames of London Cittie , As for you men , I le leaue you for a while , Because small paines , deserues the lesser pity , And you are stronger , sorrowes to begyle : A space we will , your company exile , And bid you farewell , till another day , When time and place , will giue you cause of stay . And now my harts , olde Widdowes and yong wiues , You that in silence , sit so sad and mute : You that wring hands , as weary of your liues , Heare London speake , she wil expresse your suite . I know your sighes , is for your tender fruite . Fruite in the budde , in blossome ripe and growne , All deare to you , now death hath made his owne . And as the greedy Wolfe , from harmeles Ewes , Robbs them of Lambes , sucking their tender Tett : And in his Rigour , no compassion shewes , But gormondizing , kils them for his meate . Euen so deaths fury , now is growne so great , The tender Lambe , will not his fury stay . Both Lambes and Ewes , he swalowes for his pray . Witnes I ca● , poore LONDON for my part , What palefac't Death , within fiue Monthes hath wrought● Seauen hundred Widdowes , wounded to the Hart , With their sweet Babes , which they full dearely bought● Some dead new borne , some neuer forth were brought , You Mothers weepe , if euer you bore any , To thinke how sore , Death did perplexe so many . Not yet content , he Rageth vp and downe , And secretly , his heauy visage shewes : In euery streete , and corner of the Towne , Emptyeing whole hou●es , soone whereas he goes , Taking away , both olde and young G●d knowes , The weeping Mother , and the Infant cleare , The louing Brother , and the Sister deare . Oh , mothers sigh , sit and shed teares a while , Expell your idle pleasures , thinke on woes : Make not so much as countenance of a smile But with downe lookes , which inward sorrow showes , And now a fresh , remember all your throwes , Your g●ipes your panges , your bodies pincht with paine , As if this instant , you did them sustaine Let not so much , forgotten be of you , As the least qualme , that then your harts opprest : No nor the smallest , dolor did ensue , As heauy wincks and too too little rest ; Remember al , the sorrowes of thy breast , Which in the bre●ding , bearing and deliuery , You did indure , with paine yet willing Againe bethinke you , at that instant hower , The little diff●r●nce , was twixt li●e and death : When as the insant , with his naked power , Laboured for life , to haue his right●ull birth , And with the sickly , Mother gaspt for breath , The one ne●e dead , as nigh to death the other , Sore to the babe , worse Trauell for the Mother . If any Mother , can forget this smart , Her for a woman , I will neuer take : And out of Londons , fauor may she part , And all such brutish , strumpets for her sake : For such light hus-wiues , I a wish will make , That neuer any , may approch my Citty , Euer to want , a●d no hart them to pittie . And now ●eturne I , to you honest wiues , Who grieuing sits , and sighing send forth Teares , Which to your Husbands , lyue chast and true liues , And with your Children , passeth forth your yeares , To you that Londons , Lamentations heares . And are true parteners , in my pla●nts and mones , Experience shewes it , by your inward gro●es . The Child new borne , the Mother some de●le well Are all the griefes , and sorrows at an end : No cares and troubles , yet I haue to tell , Though Child be swath'de , and sickly Mother mende , The feeble Infant , many a fret doth send . Which grieues the Mother , till she weepe againe , To heare and see , the Infant in such paine . And with her seeble , hand and weakely strength , She playes and d●llyes , for the babyes good : And to her milke-white , brestes doth lay at length The prety foole , who learnes to take his foode . His onely meanes , to nourish life and bloud , He fed● , she paynd , he drawes , poore Mother yeelds , Whose louing brests both shutes and prickings feeles , And when the Babe doth gather strength a maine , Most strongly labouring at his mothers dugge . She patiently endureth all the paine , Su●fering his lipp●s her nipple still to lugge , And with her armes most closely doth it hugge , As she should say , draw childe and spare not mee , My brests are thine , I feele no paine with thee . Though that poore heart her brest doth ake full sore , And inwardly sell prickings shee indures , Till eyes gush teares , and lippes reach kisses store ; Which in true mothers gladsome ioyes procures , And to more a●dent loue them still allures : That toares and kisses greet the Babe together , Like to sunne-shine when it is dropping weather , Ymmagin heere , the pretty Lambe doth cry , The Mother strong , and times of Custome past : Will , she then leaue it , to the worldes broad Eye , No , whilst her life , and vitall powers last , The Mothers loue , to Child is fixte so fast . She stills it straight , and layes it to her brest , With kisses more , then VENVS could disgest And with h●r Armes , she heaues it high and lowe , As if a cradle , it sweete foole lay in : Doubt you not to , she kisses did bestow , And if it smile , a fresh she doth begin . On prety looke , a hundred kisses winne My more then sweete , vnto her Child she saith , I would not for , a Kingdome wish thy Death . Now is her minde , full straight with inward ioy● As if all things , she thought should come to passe : Vttering forth Sighes , vnto her prety boy , Shall Death haue thee , and lay thee in the grasse , I le rather goe , to Earth from whence I was , Fell Death goe seeke , for crooked age and olde , My Child is fayre , vnfitting for the molde . I hope to see , more comfort and more ioy , Of this sweete Babe , which cost my life almost : I pray thee grimme Death , doe not him annoy , Goe get thee further , to some other Coast. To kill an Infant giues small cause of boast . There 's many liuing , that would gladly dye , Take them away , but spare my Childe and I. Chast LONDON wiues● me thinkes I see you all , Each seuerall Mother , hau●ng greefes to shewe , And with your greefes , I see the Teares doe fall , The onely Phisicke , women can bestow , Oh , that I could , but ease your hart sicke woe , LONDON would spare , no labour cost not time , To wipe the water , from your blubbered Eyen . But I a skilfull Surgeons part will play , First search the sore , then minister things meete : Vnto yovr memories , I your plants will lay , Causing a fresh your heauie eyes to greet . Then gentler salues , I meane perswasions sweete ; This is the surgery wounded LONDON layes To all her Patients , that her hests obayes . One tender mother cryeth loude and shrill , Wringing her hands , my children both are dead : Sweet louing Henry , and my eldest gyrle , Ah Besse , my wench thou hadst thy mother sped With sorrowes , that will neuer from my head . Thy forward wit to learning and to awe , A sweeter daughter neuer woman sawe . Thy flaxen haire , thy collour red and white , Thy yeeres full ten , thy body straight and tall , Thy countnance smilling , neither sad nor light , Thy pleasant eyes , thy hands with fingers small , Thy manners milde , thy reading best of all , With needle pregnant , as thy Sampler shewes , Patient in death like sucking Lambe she goes● My hopes were that I might haue kept thy life To see more yeeres , and be a beutious Mayde ; To see thee match't , and be a LONDON wife , To see thy childe-bed , and be safely layde , To see thy children in the streete haue playde : To cheere my age , as should a louing daughter , But thou art gone , and I must follow after . My little HENRIE , oh , that prety foole ; That oft hath made my sorrowing heart full glad , His words were Mamma : sit , here is a stoole , Some bread and butter I haue nothing had ; I le busse you well , ( good Mamma ) be not sad , Vp on cock-high , I will sit in your lappe , Where oft ( poore sweeting ) he hath caught a nappe . And if sometimes , he hearde his Father chide , As housholde wordes , may passe twixt man and wife : Vnto my Husbande , presently he hyed As he should say , I will appease the strife ; And with his Childish ●hirth , and pleasvres rise . Abates the heat , and makes vs both to ioy : To see such nature , in the little Boy . But Death , oh Death , that hater of my wealth Hath slaine my D●ughter , and my little Sonne : Both of them proppes , vnto my wished health Both to haue kept . I woulde barefoote haue runne : Fel ATROPOS , her fatall stroke hath done ; With the eternall . I beleue they rest , Oh , happy Babes , for euer they are blest . Step after Step , I see an other come , Casting her handes , abroade , as shee were wood : Seeming to tell a heauy tale to some , But silly Dame , thou art not vnderstoode ; Speake mildely , lowly , not with chafing bloude : For hastie speach , hath seldome reason showne , When soft deliuerance , makes the matter knowne . I am a Widdow poore , Christ shew me pittie , Feeble and weake of yeeres , three score and ten : I had two Daughters , married in the Cittie , Both of them well , & vnto honest men ; They had my loues , and I had ●heirs againe : With them I hop't to spend my aged yeeres , And to be buried , with their funerall teares . To them I gaue , that little I possest , With them to dwel , as long as life ensured : Three Monthes with one , my Custome was to rest , Then , with the other , I like space endured : With vs the Diuel , no iarres nor brawles procured . But liued and lou'de , as quiet as might be , I bore with them , they dayly honouring me . But now alas , a heauy Tale to tell , As with my Chickins , I at pleasure slept : Comes the great Puttocke , with his Tallantes fel , And from me quite , my youngest Chicken swept ; Then to the other , he full nimbly leapt , Seazing on her , as hee had done the other , Oh greedy Death , could'st thou not take their Mother ? My age is fitter for the yawning Graue , Their yeeres more tender in the worlde to stay : My bones are dry , and would their porcions haue , Their Lymmes were nimble , and a while might play ; My bloude is colde , theires hote , mine weares away . They both were matched , & fruite might bring foorth store I olde and withered , and can yeelde no more . Thou cruel leane , and ill deformed Death , Thou great intruder , and vn-welcomde guest : Thou palefac't hog , thou shortner of long breath , Thou mighty murdrer , of both man & beast : VVhy doest thou not , inuite me to thy feast ? And on my body , shew thy fury great That lackes house , lodging , sight , & what to eate . VVith lamentations , and with Teares good store , Ymmagin now , you heare a Mothers griefe : Shee most of all , her sorrowes doth deplore , Vttring foorth woordes , as helples of reliefe , She is depriu'de , of all , both lesse and chiefe ; Aswell her Children , as her Husbande good , VVith labouring seruantes that did earne their foode . Ah my sweet Babes , what woulde not I haue done ? To yeelde you comfort , & maintaine you heer● : Early and late , no labour woulde I shun , To feede your mouthes , though hunger pincht me neere ; All three at once , I woulde your bodies cheere . Twaine in my lappe , shoulde sucke their tender Mother , And with my foot , I woulde haue rockt the other . Me thinkes I see them still , and heare their cryes Chiefly a nights when I on bed am layde , Which make fresh teares goe from my watry eyes , When I awake and finde I am deceiued ; Sweet pretie Babes , Christ hath your souls receiued ; Faire Babes to mee , you nere shall come againe , But where you are , I trust aye to remaine . Your louing father tooke a great delight , O●ten in Armes to haue those children small , And now he hath them euer in his sight , Not one or two , the heauens possesse them all , Father and Babes obayde when Christ did call . They all are gone , I onely left with breath , To byde more sorrowes in this wretched earth . Poore and in want yong widddow left am I , Kindles and friendlesse , lacking meanes to liue , Had but my seruants stayde their worke to plye Their labour , would some comfort to me giue , My hopes are like to water powrde in syue . Onely I trust God will increase my health , That I may worke and hate dishonest wealth . Many more sorrowes might I here repeate , Of grieued Mothers for their children deare , But times are precious and worke too great For my hoarse voice to shew and vtter here , Onely I pray you listen and giue eare To LONDONS sorrowes , which so many are , My clacking tongue cannot them hal●e declare . And as with paine I did endure to tell Your too too heauie and vnwelcom'd woés , Wherein poore LONDON labour'd to do well , But wanting giftes , the best she can she showes The willing minde , that all she hath bestowes , Must needes be reconed for a friendly part , Deseruing thankes , with as cheerefull a heart , Excuse me then , and heare me too , a while , For many sorrowes compasse me throughout : Neuer since BRVTE set footing in this Isle , Nor nere since it was walled round about : More blessed newes , nor happy spring cold sprout ; Then did to LONDON , in this present yeere , When Englands CESAR came this Citie neere . All went as●aunt , happy that Marchant was Which had rich wares to please his Chapmans eyes The finest shagges , wrought stuffes , and purest glasse , Rare cloth of gold , and silkes of euery dye : Who for his money could know where to buy , Both went and sent to fetch in wares good store , Not doubting sale for that and three times more . And as they thought a while it did continue , Doings waxt quicke , and wares a pace did sell , Great men of honours with their retinue , Approch't my Citie minding here to dwell , Houses and Chambers were let deare and well , There was no corner in me did remaine , But the true Owner might imploy to gaine , With ICARVS , I soring then aloft , Bathing my limbes in heat of highest sonne , Till waxen wings with melting heate were soft , And had no power me from the waues to shunne , Downe must I fall , my glorie quite vndone , He sits aboue that looketh downe below , Comm●nding powers his iustice here to show . And with King DAVIDS chance doth me correct , Spreading his Plague , where pleaseth him to strike ; Because in health his lawes I did reiect , Trusting in menes , in man , in horse , and pike : Boasting of riches , beautie and such like . Neuer redeeming of swift passing times , But still committing new and vgly crimes . And to the ende , none dwelling in my Cittie Should thinke themselues more safer then the rest , Iudging their slights and not Gods lasting pittie , To be the cause why they with health are blest ; Gods iudgement vpon all degrees are prest , From poorest begger , to the wealthiest Squire , From yongest infant , to the oldest Syre . For if the aged people hee should spare , They would attribute to themselues too much , And say their bloudes are drye , their bones so bare , The Pestilence ●heir bodies cannot touch . If middle age should scape , their wits are such , That through their dyet● or by letting blood , They wonne the victorie , and the Plague with-stood . The frolicke youths would iudge the strengths the meane , Boasting of ioyntes , armes , legges and sinewes strong , The little infant being weake and leane , Wants substance for the Plague to worke vpon . These are excuses , but effects haue none ; Gods Messenger ( the Plague ) doth feare no States , But strikes both lowest and the highest Mates . Now for the rich which haue of golde such store , Feeding their bodyes with dilicious fare , Keeping great fires , stirre not out of doore , Vsing perfumes , shunning infected ayre ; Shall they escape ? No , the Plague will them not spare : Because they shall not thinke their heaped treasure , Can keepe them longer then it is Gods pl●asure . If rich men dye , and poorer people stay , They will exclame with hate and deadly ire , Saying with surfects they cousume the day , Wallowing in ease like dirtie Swyne in myre , Iudging thei● scarcitie and their thinne atyre The onely Phisicke , poysons to with stand , But they like others haue giuen death their hand . If any then should scape deathes heauie sight , And claime a pardon for a longer day ; The zealous Preacher and the godly wight , Which for themselues , and sor their hearers pray , Might hau● some fauour in this world to stay : But God saith no , they sh●ll yeeld to their kinde , Lest they prooue haughti● which remaine behinde . There are a people that doe leawdly liue , Swaggering and swearing , prone to euery sinne , Sh●ll those men scape ? No , they account shall giue Of all the vices they haue wallowed in . Such wretched Caytiffes , made the Lord beginne , To strike poore LONDON● with thy heauie rod , For pleasing Sathan , and offending God. What should I say my sorrowes are so many , One for a thousand I cannot repeate , Within my liberties scarce any , Which haue no● felt Gods wrath and mightie threate , Either by death , or sicknesse fell and great , If Parents scap'de , the children had their part , If both remaine , their seruants felt some smart . The sicke bequeather of his wealth by Will , Not onely dead , but his executors too , And eke the Scriuener that did make the Bill , All in one fort-night haue payde death their due , The like vnto the Landlord doth ensue , Both wealthy father , and succeeding heire , With their poore tenants ended haue their care . The ioyfull Brydegroome married as to day , Sicke , weake , and feeble before table layde , And the next morrow dead and wrap't in clay , Leauing his Bride , a widdow , wife and mayde . Which sudden change doth make her so dismayde , That griefes and sorrowes doth perplexe her heart , Within three dayes she takes her husbands part , Much might I speake of other sad laments , And fill your eares with new and seuerall woes , Spending a weeke , repeating discontents , Which needlesse is , where all both sees and knowes , How many thousands death and graues inclose : Making me ( LONDON ) which long time hath slowrish't Scorned of those which I both fed and nourish't . And thos● that haue my glory most set forth , Boasting that I for beautie did excell ; Now to approch vnto me are so loath , As if my presence were a swallowing hell : Within their houses they refuse to dwell , And to the Countrey flye like swarmes of Bees , Where wealth and credite many of them leese . But most of all my sorrowing heart doth grieue , For such as worke and take exceeding care , And by their labour knowe not how to liue , Going poore soules in garments thinne and bare , The bellie hungry , of flesh leane and spare . Pawning and selling clothes , and what they ●aue , To seed their children which for foode doe craue . And when poore hearts their hunger once is stayed , The day insuing brings the like distresse : The painefull Parents working all their trade For new supply , fell famine to suppr●sse , But all in vaine their woes are nere the lesse . Their worke being made , abroade poore soules they trott , From Morne to Noone , from Noone to Night , God wott . Offering their wares , and what they haue to sell , Vnto such Trades-men as haue small pittie , But they like NABALS , will not with them mell , Vnlesse for halfe the worth they may it buy : The rich man laughs , the poore in heart doth cry , Shedding foorth teares in sorrow to his wife , This world doth make me wearie of my life . The Wife doth weepe , the needy seruantes play , The Children cry for foode where none is bought : The Father saith , I cannot sell to day , One iot of worke , that all of vs haue wrought ; In euery shoppe , I haue for mo●ey sought . And can take none , your hunger to sustaine , Teares part from him , the Children cry amaine . VVhat shall we doe ? a counsell straight they take , Meate must be had , our people must not starue , Wi●e , take such thinges , & goe without A LOATE , In HOVVNDES DITCH , pawne them , our great neede to serue , They wil make sure , if that a day we swa●ue ; All will be lost , our garments are their owne , Though for a pound we giue a shilling lone . Besides the Bill a powling groat will cost , And euery Moneth our pawne must be renew'd , So was my Lease to griping vsurie lost , The first beginner of my sorrowes brew'd , And euer since want vpon want insew'd . My bedding forfeite for a thing of nought , My brasse and Pewter , want of conscience bought . If now our clothes which clad out naked skinne , Should thus be lost , as was our other good , Alas , ( poore Wife ) what case are we then in , Such shamefast Beggers neuer asked food . If honest labour could this griefe withstood , We would haue reckoned day and night as one , To worke for meate , rather then make such mone . O you of LONDON , now heare LONDON speake , Especially you Magistrates of might , And wealthy Citizens , whose store is great , I gently wooe you to haue good fore-sight , And cast your eyes vpon the needy wight , Though feare of sicknesse driue you hence as men , Yet leaue your purse , and feeling heart with them . Remember all , your riches are but lent , Though in this world , you beare such power and sway : Remember too , how soone your yeares are spent , Remember eke , your bodies are but clay , Remember death , that rangeth at this day . Remember when , poore Lazers woes did end , The full fed glutton , to hell , did discend . Remember rulers , of each publycke charge , The seuerall branches , of your priuate oath : Remember them , that vse a conscience large , And on themselues , the needyes stocke bestow'th , He robbes his God , and his poore neighbours both . He that graunts blessings , to the poore that lends , Giues treble cursings , to those it miss-spends . Remember likewise , God hath plac't you heere , To be as nursing , fathers to the poore , Let then your kindnes , now to them appeare , Giue much and be , no niggards of your store : G●d in his wisedome , gaue it you therefore . Put foorth your tallents , and gaine ten for fiue , so shall you in , the heauenly Cittie thriue . One other boone , doth mournefull LONDON craue , Of you on whom , her weale and woes depende When in the senate , house with counsell graue , You sit debating , causes how to end . Make some decree , poore working trades to mend , At least set downe , some order for their good , That each man may , with labour earne his foode . Restraine the number , of deuouring drones , That sucks the hunny , from the laboring bees . Catching by peece-meale , in their bribes and lones , Mens whole estates , which are of poore degrees : And brings them quickly , on their naked knees , Fower groates a month , for twenty shillings lent , Ys like windes tempest , till the house be rent . The number , numb●rlesse of houses vaine , Which beere and ale , forsooth make shewe to sell : Vnder which couller , doth such vyces rayne My cheeke doth glowe , my toongue refraines to tell , Offending God , and pleasing Sathan well , Like wicked SODOME , doth my Subburbs lye , A mighty blemish , to faire LONDONS eye . Reforme these things , you heads of LONDON Citie , Punnish lewd vice , let vertue spring and grow : Then Gods iust wrath , now hot will turne to pittie , And for his children , you againe doe know : Your former health , on you he will bestow , The Plague and Pestilence , wherewith he visites still , To end or send , are in his holy will. You see the runner , in his race is tript , Well when he went , dead ere his iourneyes done : You see how soddaine , beauties blase is nipt , Which sought all meanes , deaths danger for to shunne , You heare what successe , followe them that runne : Most true report , doth tell vs where and how , The Countreys plauge , exceedes the Citties now . Sith then it resteth , in Gods mighty power , Who when he please , can bid his Angell stay : Or if he will , destroy you in an hower A thousand yeares , being with him as one day , Why should you not , to him for mercy pray . Desiring pardon , with a contryte heart , And from your former , wickednes depart . Yf this you will , incontinently doe , The Lorde in pittie , will his iudgments cease , And many blessings will he powre on you : Health and long life , Honour & happie peace , Your Foes shal quaile , your friendes shall still increase , Your VViues shall flourish like a fruitfull Vine , Your Children prosper , and your griefes decline● Your Termes shall holde , your men of Worth shall stay , Your Marchants trafficke , and great riches gaine , Your Trades-mens sorrows shall bee done away , True loyall seruants shall with them remaine : Your Artisants shall neuer more complaine , Their honest labour so shall thriue and speede , That they shall giue to others that haue neede . And I that long haue beene a loathed Dame , shall frolicke then with myrth and inward glee , Renowned Lady , now must be my name , O famous LONDON , who is like to thee ; Thy God is serude by men of each degree , Thy Churches filde , thy Preachers burne with zeale , Thy glory shines , O blessed Common-weale . My crowned CESAR and his Peerlesse Queene , Comes now tryumphing with their princely sonne , Deck●t with rich robes the like was neuer seene , Nor neuer none more welcome to LONDON , Me thinkes I see the people how they runne , To get them roome this happy sight to see , That this may come say all Amen , with mee . FINIS . A godly and zealous Prayer vnto God , for the surceasing of his irefull Plague , and grieuous Pestilence . O LORD God Almightie , the Father of mercies and God of all consolation , we miserable distressed creatures , wounded with th● multitude of our grieuous sins , repayre vnto thee ( the Phisition of our soules ) for Balme to cure our Sores . O Lord , we acknowledge and confesse our owne vnworthinesse : great is thy goodnesse towards vs , and great is our ingratitude towardes thee . Thou hast opened the Windowes of Heauen , and powred out thy blessings vpon vs , as out of a store-house or treasurie : thou hast giuen vs of the fatte of the earth , and fed vs with the dewe of heauen : peace and plentie haue beene our portion , and inheritance these many yeeres : the sword hath not deuoured vs , hunger and famine haue not come neere vs : the knowledge of thy word hath florished amongst vs : And whereas other Nations sit in darkenesse , and grope at Noone day , being ouerwhelmed with the fogges & mystes of error and supersticion , wee still inioy the fruition of thy glorious Gospell , and the sunne of righteousnes still shineth cleerely in our climate : whose sweete influence might hau● caused vs ( had we not bene barren trees ) to haue brought foorth much fruite . But alas , in vaine hath the doctrine of thy sonne Christ Iesus , dropped as the deaw : in vaine haue the sweet distilling showres of thy mercies beene powred out vpon this Land. For we haue not yet brought forth the first fruites of the spirit : we haue had the first , and the latter raine ; but we bring foorth the fruit of righteousnes , neither first nor last : our Wine is bitter as the Wine of Sodom , and our grapes as the grapes of Gomorrah : wee are become as the seede of the wicked corrupt children , disobedient seruantes , a rebellious people , & now that we are rich , and are waxen fat , we spurne with the h●ele , like the vnruly Heifar , we are sicke of long prosperity , & haue surfeited of peace and plentie : fulnes of bread hath caused vs to ●●n against thre , & we haue wearied thee with our iniquities , they are too sore and heauy a burthen for vs to beare . Therfore is thy visitation come amongst vs , & thine hand i● sore against vs : therefore hast th●u armed thy selfe with displeasure , like a man of warre , thou hast prepared thy instruments of wrath , thou hast whet thy sword , thou hast bent thy bow , thou hast put thine hand to the quiuer , thou hast shot ●ut thine arrowes of indignation against vs , like a Gyaunt refreshed with wine , hast smitten vs , and wee are wounded at the heart . Woe vnto vs , for the voyce of lamentation and mourning is heard in our Cities , as when thou slewest the first borne of Egypt . Our houses are left desolate , and men abhorre their owne inheritance . Wee are one afraid of another , men hardly trust themselues , yea , scarcely the clothes of their backes . Where are our solemne meetings , and frequent assemblies : men stand a farre off : the Streates and high wayes mourne : trafficke ceaseth : marchandize decayeth : the craftes-man and cunning artificer is ashamed of his pouertie . These things doe we iustly suffer for our sinnes , at thy hands ; O God , and yet still we goe forwards in our sinnes , like the swift Dromedorie in his ●ourse : Or like the Asse in the mountaines , which draweth in the ayre at her pleasure , we haue not comforted the weake and feeble knees , we haue not wept with them that weepe . We haue not had that sympathy , and fellow-s●lling of each others miserie , which ought to bee in the members of Christ , Nay , often times while one prayeth in the bitternesse and anguish of his spirit , another blasphemeth in the pride and presumption of his heart . Heare one groueleth on the ground , gasping & gaping after life , there another walloweth in th● sincke of sin , and puddle of iniquitie , vomiting vp his own● shame . O God , how displeasing a spectacle is this to thin● eyes : how harsh musicke ( and distempered harmony ) is it to thine eares . Therefore thine hand is stretched out , to smit● off the withered brāches of those trees which are corrupt . O Lord , thou knowest that it is not in man to direct his owne wayes . Turne vs vnto thee , and we shall be turned . Draw thou vs , and we wil run after the smell of thine oyntments . Touch our ●linty hearts , and our eyes shall gush out with water , as the stonie Rocke which Moses smote : Then wilt thou repent thee of this euill , when wee haue repented vs of our sinnes : then wilt thou turne from vs thy fierce wrath , when wee haue turned from our iniquities : Then will we offer vp with the calues of our lips a sacrifice of prayse and thankesgiuing , when thou hast raised vs vp , out of the pit of our grieued desolatiō , then shalt thou put myrth and gladnesse into our heartes . Most mercifull Father , let it be ynough that we haue hitherto borne the stormes of thy displeasure , now let thy angry Angell hold his destroying hand : let vs not all dye in our sinnes for whom Christ dye● , that wee might liue vnto thee , take away thy cup of indignation from vs , and let vs drinke no more of the dreg● of thy furie ; saue the remnant that are left with thy preseruatiues of grace , Send thy good Angell vnto the ●ings Court , and giue him charge ouer his Maiestie , that the arrowes that flye by night touch not his sacred pers●n , nor come nere his princely Progeny . Let treacherie , and conspiracie blush and be ashamed and confounded at their presence : let prosperitie attend them on the right hand and on the left : Lord giue vnto the Nobles , & Senators of this Land , the spirit of wisedome , counsell and vnderstanding : the spirit of true fortitiude , courage● and magnanimitie . Inspire the Ministers of thy Gospel with knowledge of thy word , inflame their hearts with a feruent zeale for thy glory : giue vnto all Superiors , discretion & moderation : vnto all inferiors , loyalty and obdedience . More perticulerly , for our selues , Wee pray thee blesse our downe sitting and our vprising , blesse our going foorth , and our comming in : saue vs from the noysome Plague and pestilence , which i● the rod of thy furie , and the hammer of thine indignation , which breakest in peices like a Potters vessell irrepentant sinners , therefore suffer vs not , we beseech thee , to walke any longer in the stubburnesse of our owne hearts , least we hoard vp vengeanc● for our selues in the day of wrath . O Lord illuminate our vnderstanding● , reforme oure irreguler disordered affections , mortifie our sinnes , let them dye in this nights rest , that to morrow whē we awake , we may shake off sinnes , and liue vnto righteousnesse , neuer fea●ing to goe foreward from grace to grace , from vertue to vertue , vntill we haue arriued at the hauen of rest : whither Christ bring vs , which bought vs for his mercies sake : To wh●m with the Father and the holy Ghost , be all honour , power , and dominion , for euermore . Amen . FINIS . A true Relation of al that haue bin buried of all diseases , in euery seuerall Parish ; aswell within the Cittie of London , & liberties thereof , as also in the out parishes neere therevnto adioyning , from the 14 of Iuly last past , 1603 , to the 17. of Nouember following . Albones in Woodstreet 174 Alhallowes Lumbarstr . 107 Alhallowes the great 278 Alhallowes the lesse 220 Alhallowes Bredstreet 27 Alhallowes staynings 121 Alhallowes the wall . ●11 Alhallowes Hony-lane 14 Alhallowes Barking 411 Alphage at Cripplegate 168 Androwes by the Wardrope 282 Androwes Eastcheape 104 Androwes vndershaft 159 Annes at Aldersgate 140 Annes Black Fryers 240 Auntlins parish 34 Austines Parish 91 Bartholmew at the Exch : 76 Bennets at Pauls-wharf . 190 Bennets Grace-Church 39 Bennets Finck 93 Bennets Sherhogg 26 Buttols Billinsgate 18 Christ Church parish 323 Christophers parish 36 Clements by East-cheape 46 Dennis Back-church 105 Dunstones in the East 222 Edmunds in Lumbard-st 72 Ethelborow within Bishopsg 156 S. Faithes 101 S. Fosters in Foster-lane 93 Gabriel Fan-Church 66 Georges Buttolph-lane 35 Gregories by Paules 260 Hellens within Bishopsg . 95 Iames by Garlick-hith 136 Iohn Euangelist 9 Iohn Zacharies 131 Iohns in the Walbrooke 133 Katherines Cree-Church 391 Katherines Colemans 180 Laurence in the Iury 86 Laurence Pountney 157 Leonards Foster-lane 239 Leonards Eastcheape 50 Magnus parish by the Bridge 107 Margrets New fishstreet 81 Margrets Pa●tens 51 Margrets Moyses 67 Margrets Lothbery 99 Martins in the Vintry 242 Martins Orga●s 89 Martins Iremonger lane 25 Martins at Ludgate 19● Martins Outwich 38 Mary le Booe 26 Mary Bothaw 39 Mary at the hill 1●9 Mary Abchurch 120 Mary Woolchurch 48 Mary Colchurch 10 Mary Woolnoth 85 Mary Aldermary 75 Mary Aldermanbery 78 Mary Stayning● 49 Mary Mountawe 47 Mary Sommersets 193 Mathew Friday-street 16 Maudlins in Milke-street 32 Maudlins by oldfishstreet 128 Mighels Bassie shaw 135 Mighels Cornehill 119 Mighels in Woodstreet 151 Mighel● in the Ryall 99 Mighels in the Querne 59 Mighels Queene-hith 128 Mighel Crooked lane 139 Mildreds Poultry 79 Mildreds Bredstreet 39 Nicholas Acons 32 Nicholas Cole-Abbay 139 Nicholas Olaue 80 Olaues in the Iury 40 Olaues in Hartstreet 186 Olaues in Siluer-street 111 Pancras by Soperlaue 18 Pete●s in Cornehill 132 Peters in Cheape 45 Peters the poore in broadstr , 44 Peters at Pauls-wharfe 95 Steuens in Colman-street 339 Steuens in the Walbrok 22 Swithins at London-stone 116 Thomas Apostles 83 Trinitie Parish 116 VVithout the VVals of London . Androwes in Holborn 1178 Barthelmew the lesse Smith● 84 Barthelmew the great Smit● 200 Brides Parish 907 Buttols Algate 1465 Buttols Bishopsgate 1202 Buttols without Aldersg . 556 Dunstones in the West 484 Georges in Southwarke 895 Giles without Creeplegate 2455 Olaues in Southwarke 2459 Sauiours in Southwarke 1858 Sepulchers parish 2219 Thomas in Southwark 245 Trinitie in the Minories 39 Clements without Templeb . 624 Giles in the Fields 439 Iames at Clarkenwell 716 Katherines by the Tower 639 Leonards Shoredich 856 Martins in the Fields 458 Mary Whitechappel 1534 Magdalens in Barmondsey — streete . 578 Bridewel precinct . 103 At the Pest-house 134 The true Number of al that haue bin buried , aswel within the Cittie of London : as also within the liberties and Subburbes thereof , of all diseases , since the first beginning of this Uisitation , is 37717. FINIS . A13497 ---- Stripping, vvhipping, and pumping. Or, The five mad shavers of Drury-Lane strangely acted, and truely related. Done in the period, latter end, tayle, or rumpe of the dogged dogge-dayes, last past, August. 1638. Together with the names of the severall parties which were actors in this foule businesse. Taylor, John, 1580-1653. 1638 Approx. 19 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A13497 STC 23795.3 ESTC S122283 99857435 99857435 23174 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A13497) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 23174) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1611:17) Stripping, vvhipping, and pumping. Or, The five mad shavers of Drury-Lane strangely acted, and truely related. Done in the period, latter end, tayle, or rumpe of the dogged dogge-dayes, last past, August. 1638. Together with the names of the severall parties which were actors in this foule businesse. Taylor, John, 1580-1653. [4], 19, [1] p. : ill. (woodcut) Printed by I[ohn] O[kes] for T. Lambert, London : 1638. By John Taylor. Printer's name from STC. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Social life and customs -- Early works to 1800. 2002-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2002-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Stripping , VVhipping , and Pumping . OR , The five mad Shavers of Drury-Lane ; Strangely Acted , and truely Related . Done in the Period , latter end , Tayle , or Rumpe of the Dogged Dogge-dayes , last past , August . 1638. Together with the names of the severall parties which were Actors in this foule businesse . LONDON : Printed by I. O. for T. Lambert . 1638. Stripping , VVhipping , and Pumping : OR , The Five mad Shavers of Drury-lane . WIthin the large Circumference of this great Theater , and Stage of the World , all people , Kingdomes , and Nations , Males or Females , of all ages and degrees , are Actors of such parts as they have studied , either from the Rules and Inspirations of Vertue , or from their owne inclinations , and Sathans suggestions to Vice. And the Devill w●ll knowing our fraile and weake conditions and instability , doth every day and houre ( like a cunning Iugler or a Gipsy ) devise new Tumbling casts and feats of Activity 〈◊〉 allure and delight the minds of as many as he findes to be addicted to take pleasure in his Le●gerdemaine . Hee gives a false sweete-seeming rellish to the Drunkards Cup , he ●ars the Glut●on against the day of slaughte● , he tips the Blaspheamers tongue with Oaths and Curses , he wher 's the Slanderers and backbiters speech , and makes it keene and cutting ; hee teaches the rare and ancient Ar● of Lying , ( and hath 〈◊〉 innumerable ●umber of apt 〈…〉 Scholl●●s ) hee turnes ang 〈…〉 venge , Revenge into Murd 〈…〉 to Impie●y , Truth into Theft● Love into Jealousie , Jealousie into hatred and madnesse ; and ( in a word ) to summe up all together , the Devill doth labou● dayly , and all his endeavour is wholly bent to make worke for the Hangman , and draw soules to his Infernall Kingdome . And amongst all the ●icks and sleights which this Grand cunning Master of mischiefe doth use , to bring us to destruction with all , there is no one policy of his that is more prevalent and advantagious to him , than is the sowing of discord and debate betwixt Man and Wife ; and although he hath a thousand innumerable wayes for the effecting of his damnable projects and purposes , yet Jealousie is the chiefe and maine Engine to bring it so to passe , that modesty shall be turn'd into madnesse , peace into strife , and love into hatred and mischiefe , as shall be shewed in this short following Treatise . About the latter end of August last , 1638. this hellish fire of Jealousie did most strangely inflame five Women , whom my Pen should not name , nor should they be knowne by any writing of mine , but that they and their mad and barbarous proceedings are too much true , and too many wayes scattred and spread abroad by sundry Pens and Tongues , some of them making the matter that was ( and is ) bad enough already , worse ; some mincing it , to make it better ; some for affection , some for malice ; some for flattery , and some as their idle and various humours please , doe report it as they list to frame it , not caring whether they speake or write truth or falsehood . The matter hath beene Rim'd upon beyond Reason , and therefore I hold it Reason it should be related with truth , and thus it was . At the time , or neare the time aforesaid , one Master Evans , a Barber in Drury-lane , did chance to meete with one Ioane Ilsley in the Streete , and belike the woman had formerly kept the said Evans his wife when shee lay in Child-bed , in which season ( of Gander-month or Wander-month ) perhaps the suspicious woman began to be a little inkindled with the sparkles of jealousie : but suspicion is no proofe● but Evans afterwards , when hee by chance once met the woman , offered her ● Pint of Wine , which after some d●nyall was at last accepted : So in they went to a Taverne ( the Signe of the Phoenix ) n●●re the lower end of Drury-lane , behind , or on the back-side of the Bell , which is an Inne and a Taverne in the Easterne part of the Strand : But they being over their one Pint , in a low Roome , and a Drawer standing at the Tables end , the one sitting on one side of the Boord , and the other on the other side , so that there neither was nor could bee any immodesty said or done at that time : but some busie-body or other went and told Evans his wife , that her Husband was at the Taverne drinking with Ioane Ilsley , whereupon she went in a heate to the Phoenix , and found them there , upon whom shee bestowed such hot and hasty language as her tongue could afford , which made them breake company , ( some of the words were , she told the said Ioane that she was naught with her Husband ) But some few daies after , Mistris Evans ( being still jealously angry ) did breake her minde to some women , her neighbours , and withall made a shew to Ioane that her anger was past against her , so that agreement was made , that a Pigge should be eaten at Mistris Evans her house at night , and that in a faire seeming way Ioane Ilsly should be sent for as a loving guest invited to the Pigge . At the time appointed the Pigge was roasted , and the women dissembled , were assembled , and simple Ioane was sent for , who ( poore wench ) not suspecting the sharpnesse or sowernesse of the Feast , suspecting nothing , went to them , and being come amongst them , they seemed very friendly and courteously to entertaine and bid her welcome : to whom Mistris Evans said , 〈◊〉 prethee Ioane , thou art well acquainted with my house , goe up into the upper Chamber , and fetch downe some stooles for us to sit on , so innocent Ioane went quickly up the staires for stooles , and presently there followed her three of the five Women , to wit , Evans Wife , one Cox his Wife , and one Fosters Wife ; these three had with them a per●iworth of Birchin Rods , after whom followed the other two , to wit , one Smiths wife a Broker , & one Mistris Lee a widdow , then they beganne to revile her in most strange manner , and withall to lay hands on her , to plucke her cloathes violently off from her body , but she resisted and strived and strugled with them as long as she could , till at last they tore her apparrell off from her , then having her naked , they beganne their execution , some to hold her , and some to whippe her , so that the smart , and their harsh usage inforc'd her to beginne to cry ; which they perceiving stopt her mouth ●ith a clout or a handkerchiefe : Then ●the first penny-worth of rods being wasted to the st●mps they fetch'd , or sent for two penny-worth more● and after they had whipped them out upon her , they sent for one penny-worth more : ( still stopping her mouth , that her crying might not be heard ) Shee being thus naked , and all gore-bloody , they cald up 〈…〉 bade him bring up a Bason of water , & a Razor , which the boy did ; but when he came within the Chamber doore he was abashed and ashamed , and threw downe the Razor and Bason , running downe the staires as fast as hee could : the one of the women tooke up the Razor , meaning to doe I know not what with it . But Ioane being used thus harshly by them , and in bodily feare of some worse abuse , did strive against them , in which scuming shee received a cut , or wound in her backe , neare the shoulder , with the Razor . This extreamity being past , these Women ( if I may so call them ) had 〈◊〉 much modesty as to make fast 〈◊〉 Apron , or halfe a Kir●●e before her , over the fore-part of her body , and as she was , being cut , whipped , and all bloody over , they haled and thrust her downe the staires , and pump'd her at a Pumpe which was in Evans his backe ●ide : after that they thrust her into the streete , ( i● being betweene ten , and eleven of the Clocke at night ) and from the streete ( or Dr●ry Lane ) they puld and ●ug●●her ( with her haire about her eares ) into a Court called Reine-Deere Court , where at a Pumpe they held her under the spout , and pump'd Water upon her , and us'd her more shamefully than is fit to write of , still stopping her mouth with a clout● also in the Yard , at the last Pumpe , there were two men that did abuse her , one Smith was one : but shee striving with them had her Kirtle or Apron torne off from her , so ●●at shee had nothing to cover her ●●rkasse , but the darknesse of the Night . At last this bu●ling was overheard by an honest Coach-man , whose name is Thomas Finch , who marvailing what it might bee that made such a stirre at that time of night : hee and his Wife comming to the Pumpe , finding a Woman in such a pittifull plight , so handled by such rough and pittilesse Creatures , he ( in humanity ) rescued her from them , and suddenly pluck'd off his Horse-mans Coate , and coverd her nakednesse : whereupon her Adversaries ( or lawlesse executioners ) all forsooke her , and dispers't themselves , it is no great matter whither . The Coach-man demanded of the poore abused creature what she was , and wherefore they had used her so cruelly : and she answer'd , that shee was a poore yong Woman that did get her living by Nursing and keeping of Childe-bed Women , and also that sometimes shee did attend and kee●● sicke folkes , and that she at that ti●● was a Keeper or Waiter on a si●ke Gentleman ( a Captaine ) at the signe of the Helmet in the Strand : he asked her further where her cloathes were , and wherefore those women had us'd her so ? and she answer'd him , that they had torne and rent her cloathes in pie●es , and also that shee had five shillings of money in one of her Pockets : wherupon the Coach-man did pitty her hard estate and usage , and withall did bring her presently home to the aforesaid Signe of the Helmet , where shee dwelt , and doth remaine yet to this twelfth of October , 1638. being much bruised and hurt , and spets blood . Now Reader I imagine you have not heard of such a mad crew of Shavers , Whippers , and politicke Pumpers ; nor doe I thinke that any Penne , or relation of tongue or History doth mention the like . After shee had recoverd a little ●●rength , she procured Warrants from 〈◊〉 Justice of the Peace ; which when the matter was heard and understood , they were bound all of them to answer for this outrage to the Woman , the spoiling of her , and her Apparrell , and the losse of her money ; but they did put in good Baile for their appearance at the Sessions , and on the eight and twentieth of September they went to Westminster to save their Baile and Recognisence : ( Quarter Sessions being then holden there ) from which tryall , they have by a Writ of Sursarara remov'd their cause up to the right honourable Court of Kings Bench , but as they were returning homeward , some women ( belike that had heard of their desperate and unmannerly exployts ) as soone as they saw them passe did raile on them , and revile them most scoldingly eloquent ; and withall so embroydered them with dirt , which they cast at them , that they seemed more like Ladies of the soyle , than women of any meane degree . And thus have these five foolish women run●● themselves into sixe pecks of trouble : How it will bee answered and ended time will shew , if the Reader hath the patience to stay so long . These are the fruits of mad-braind , Hare-braind , shallow-braind jealousie ; for as the Pedegree of cure ( or remedy ) may bee thus delineated : Itch begat Scratch ● Scratch was the Father of Scabbe ; Scabbe begat Sore , to whom Smart succeeded ; then Smart was the Father of Paine ; Paine begat Griefe , who was the Sire of Care , and Care begat Cure : So Idle thoughts are the fathers of Whisperings ; Whisperings begat Pratling , Babling , Talking , Lying , Slandering ; these Mongrels are for the most part begotten at Gossippings , and are the incurable Issues or Fistulaes of wicked mindes : from them Fame sends out Rumour , Report , and Heare-say ; and they set Malice , Backebiting , and Slander on worke , who are so double diligent in their damnable Devices , that they doe never cease working , till such time as they have h●led Jealousie by the eares out of the Dungeon of Hell : and sure there is no Tiger or Beare when they are robbed , or bereaved of their Whelpes , so divelish mad as a jealous man or woman . It hath beene indeed too often knowne that Beauty hath beene the ruine of Chastity , ( if grace guide and guard it not ) and as the flattery of men may overcome the weaknesse of women , so the wiles and snares of subtile Strumpets have intangled and ruin'd too many men ; for ●ole , Deianeira , and Omphale , were too hard for Hercules , and one of them made him lay by his Club , and fall to spinning with a Dista●fe . The Queene of Love subdu'd the god of Warre , and the same Venus naked , did foile Pallas who was arm'd on Mount Ida : and whosoever hee be that sowes kisses on such lips as are lasciviously manur'd with the dung of temptation , shall be sure to reape 〈◊〉 Harvest either of contempt , diseases , beggery , and defamation ; for the world is full of examples and presiden●s of many thousand , that have reap'd such a crop as they have sowne . That man that is yoak'd with a scold , that will be jealous without cause ; o●●ly because she will be so ; and for that surmise and slander shee like a Devill doth make her house her Husbands continuall Hell : Surely such a man is partly happy , if withall hee hath the vertue of Patience , ( as wife Socrates had with his Xantippe ) for hee that is match'd with such a Fiend , hath no need to care where he goes , nor what society he keeps ; nor hath he reason to be affraid of any harme that any wicked company can doe him , for the Devill himselfe will not hurt him that is match'd with one of his Sister . But if any shuttle-witted fellow , that is wedded to a chaste and modest woman , and is so farre troubled with a wild buzzing ●●d-flye in his braines , that he nothing but dreames of supposed invisible Hornes , such a kind of Cacadudgeon C●xcombe , doth justly deserve to have beene match'd to a wench whose heeles had beene lighter than his head , and then hee might meritoriously have made a Combe of a Fire-forke , and worne an Oxe-feather in his Hat without wrong or injury : in a word , there is nothing can grieve or torment the heart either of a good man or woman , than to finde their truth , constancy , loyalty , and honest integrity suspected or question'd ; for let it be truely weighed and considered , what hurt or occasion of suspicion can be for a man to give a woman a part of one Pint of wine , in an open low roome in a publick Taverne ? it is not to bee doubted but such accidents doe happen dayly , at the least a thousand , and yet for all that there is not one Whoore or Cuckold the more : but when as rashnesse addes waxen wings ( like those of Icarus ) of indiscretion and inconsideration , and that either the man or the woman are mounted or soar'd aloft to the height of Love-killing hell-borne jealousie , then doth the furious heate and flame of rage melt those deceitfull and suspicious wings , wings whereby the jealous party drops and tumbles downe headlong into the bottomelesse Ocean of irreperable disgrace and infamy . The envy and inveterate hate of wicked women is almost past thought ; Envy is the mistresse of injustice ; it stirreth and inciteth both the thought and the hand to all ill and wicked actions : and that envy which is secret and hidden , is more to bee feared than that which is open and manifest : such was the secret malice of this Barbers wife , whose jealousie did burne a great while within her , and at length her envy did burst out into a flame , and so hath brought ruine and disgrace to her and her Husband , which is so farre distant : And if any woman be so full of wrath and revengefull as this woman is , and her associates , and especially if they know that they have power of command , or authority , they will soone bring all to destruction : for they will plot either to poyson , stob , or else some ther way make their will and passions their Law : and therefore I advise all to learne this saying , rather to be affraid of that renowne and credit which is dishonest and shamefull , for they plotted this businesse , because they would he talk'd on hereafter . Suppose this I●●●e had beene guilty of a fault , must these Women be their owne revengers , their owne witnesses , their owne Judges ? must they have the Law in ●●eir owne hands , thus to usurpe● 〈◊〉 wholsome Lawes , and make havo●● of a woman in this un●ill mann●●● Women shall I call them● nay , rather monsters : or else some evill spirit in their shapes , to commit such inhumane and unnaturall acts as these : such actions they be that are past example , nay ; never the like heard of , to commit such uncivill actions , and upon their owne Sexe , whose civill carriage should be example to the younger sort ; their actions were such , as I said before , that I blush to relate them , and ought not to be divulg'd no lowder than a whisper : The Heathens that knew not God would not have done the like : nay , the wilde beasts of the wildernesse would have pursu'd to de●th such beasts as rapin'd and live upon the spoyle of other beasts ; they themselves punish , and shall these creatures hate these acts which a Christian commits , and we commit them ? but their punishment no doubt will be inflicted upon them according to their deserts ; and my second part , which I will shortly publish , shall shew their confessions and their punishments : And so I end this Relation , wishing their sufferings may be an example to others , that none dare attempt such uncivill and immodest actions hereafter . FINIS . A06473 ---- London and the countrey carbonadoed and quartred into seuerall characters. By D. Lupton Lupton, Donald, d. 1676. 1632 Approx. 86 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 79 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A06473 STC 16944 ESTC S108946 99844598 99844598 9427 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A06473) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 9427) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 847:08) London and the countrey carbonadoed and quartred into seuerall characters. By D. Lupton Lupton, Donald, d. 1676. [16], 143, [1] p. Printed by Nicholas Okes, London : 1632. The first leaf is blank. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng England -- Social life and customs -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. 2003-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-11 Ben Griffin Sampled and proofread 2004-11 Ben Griffin Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TO THE RIGHT Honorable Lord , the Lord GORING , Baron of Hurster-point , and Mr. of the Horse to the Queenes Highnes . Right Honorable : YOur Brothers real worth shewed to mee in the Warres abroad , imboldned me to present this new borne babe to your Protection , not doubting but to finde the same Reality of worth in your Selfe in the Court at home , as I found in Him in forraigne Leagers : The Subiect is new & Merry , the fitter eyther for Court or Field . It was conceiued and perfected in ten daves space ; and how desires tuition vnder your Lordship . It is the Emblem of my affection , and so hopes to be lou'd & lik'd the better & sooner ; it is the first , but not perhaps to bee the last . I had thought to haue presented it vnto your Lordship , before this time in Print , as I did in the Manuscript , had not eyther some maleuolent spirit , or enuious Planet crost me in my designes . I wish that it may bee esteem'd nere the worse , though from so meane a hand , and so vnworthy a person as my self . Lend it a fauourable sm●le to comfort and cherish it , and it shal be the highth of my desires ; thus presenting my selfe , it , and what is , or shall be mine , to your Honor. I humbly take my leaue . your Honors Obliged : D. Lupton . To the Reader . IF Courteous , I loue thee ; if otherwise , I feare not , deale by me , as thou wouldest haue others doe to thy selfe : if the matter prooue as pleasant , as the Subiect is New , I doubt not thy approbation : 't is one comfort , thou canst not say , I am the first Foole in Print , nor as I thinke , shall bee the last . Friends perswasions preuaile much , had they not , I had not showed my self in this kinde : I am in Presse , do not ouer-presse me with preiudicate Opinions . I desire thy smile and benigne aspect ; yet feare not much thy frown . If thou sayest , 't is idle , know it came not into the World to worke much ; Like it and Loue it if thou Please , leaue it is thou wilt ; t is all I say , if thou Louest mee , and my Childe , I loue thee , and Thine as thou art mine . D. Lupton . In Commendation of the Author . TAke in good part what here I offer , T is my maiden louing proffer ; I wonder at thy strange deuice , That thus thou shouldst Charactize : And how alone that thou shouldst finde , These two new Subiects to thy minde . Braue Ouerbury , Earle , nay none Found out this Plot but thou alone . But most of all , I wonder yet , How in ten dates thou finish'd it , The Mirth , the Wit , the Stile , the phrase , All giue thee a sufficient praise . Hee that thy Booke shall buy and read , Shall finde I 'ue spoken truth indeed . Thine Iohn Barker . To his louing Friend , D. Lupton . FEare not Momus , though hee Carpe , Nor Zoylus though hee snarle or Barke ; Mirth is the Subiect of thy Booke , Citty and Country here may looke , Wonder at thee , and praise thy paine , That labour'd hast Sans hope of gaine ? Thy Wit and Learning I Commend , To thee Applause , I freely lend : The wise will like , I wish the rest To spare their Censure , it is best : They le hurt themselues with their owne tong , Their Snarling can do thee no wrong . Per Samuel Perkings , Philomath . The Table . OF London . 1. The Tower. 2. St. Paules Church . 3. The Bridge . 4. Of the Thames . 5. Exchanges Old and New. 6. Cheapeside . 7. Innes of Court , and Chancery . 8. Smithfield 9. Bridewell . 10. Ludgate and Counters . 11. Newgate . 12. Turnebull-streete . 13. Hounsditch and Long-lane . 14. Charter-house . 15. Christs-hospitall . 16. Paris-Garden . 17. Artillery Garden . 18. Bedlam . 19. Play-houses . 20. Fencing-Schooles . 21. Dancing-schooles . 22. Fisher-woemen . 23. Scauengers and Goldefinders . 24. OF the Countrey . 1. Hospitality . 2. Enclosures . 3. Tenants by Lease . 4. Tenants at will. 5. Country Schoole masters 6. Country Vshers . 7. Country Chaplaines . 8. Ale-houses . 9. Apparators . 10. Constables . 11. 〈◊〉 or weekely Newes . 12. London and the Countrey Carbonadoed and Quartred into seuerall Characters . SHE is growne so Great , I am almost affraide to meddle with Her ; She 's certainely ● great World , there are so many little worlds in Her : She is the great Bee-hiue of Christendome , I am sure of England : Shee swarmes foure times in a yeare , with people of al Ages , Natures , Sexes , Callings : Decay of Trade , the Pestiletice , and a long Vacation , are threescar-Crowes to her ; Shee seemes to be a Glutton , for shee desires alwayes to bee Full : She may pray for the Establishing of Churches , for at the first view , they are Her chiefest Grace : she seemes contrary to al other things , for the older she is , the newer and more beautifull . Her Citizens should loue one another , for they are ioyn'd together ; onely this seemes to make them differ ; they liue one aboue another : most commonly he that is accounted richest liues worst . I am sure I may call her a gally-mophrey of al Sciences , Arts , & Trades : She may be sayd to bee alwayes with childe , for shee ●owes greater euery day then other ; she is a Mother well stored with daughters , ●t none equall to Her for ●reatnesse , Beauty , wealth : she is somewhat politicke , ●r she inlarges her bounds ●ceedingly , in giuing way 〈◊〉 make Cities of Common ●ardens ; and it 's thought ●r greatnes doth dimi●sh her Beauty . Certaine● shee is no Puritaine , for ●er buildings are now Conformitant ; nor shee 〈◊〉 no Separatist , for they ●re vnited together : shee ●ath a very great desire t is ●ought to bee good , for she is alwayes mending : she may be called a great Book faire Printed , Cum Priuilegio Regis : She is the Country-mans Laborinth , he can find many things in it , but many times looseth himselfe ; he thinkes Her to bee bigger then Heauen , for there are but 12. Caelestiall signes there , and he knowes them all very wel , but here are thousands that he wonders at : well , she is a glory to her Prince , a common gaine to her Inhabitants , a wonder to Strangers , an Head to the Kingdome , the nursery of Sciences , and ● wish her to bee as Good 〈◊〉 Great . 2. The Tower. FOwre things make it to be remarkeable . Ma● , Antiquity , Scituation , Strength , an head fitting so great a body , a Royall residence hath graced it : it stands principally , now for Defence , Offence , and punishment of Offenders . Anger it , and you shall heare it thunder farther then you can see it . Time seemes to bee a little angry with her , for shee striue to ruine her beauty , ●ere it not supported by 〈◊〉 hand of Maiesty . Gold ●nd Siluer the 〈◊〉 of our Land receiue their a● lowed formes from hence● A Coronation day is brau● ly exemplified here . It i● faithfull , for what is put i● here is surely safe : they tha● are within need not muc● feare , for they are sure t● be kept well , I cannot say● they shall presently be● forth comming . The me● that keepe it are no slug● gards , but are very ready for they Watch and War● continually . I wish it may be my prospectiue for pleasure , but not my abode by compulsion , I had rather bee an honest poore man without it , then otherwise neuer so Great , and 〈◊〉 in it : I thinke it to be 〈◊〉 Changling , for shee still ●epes the old fashion , It ●ay bee sayd to bee the Schoole of Morall Philosophy , for it ciuilizes Lyons and other Wild beasts : the Officers ought to bee faithfull Stewards , for they are much trusted , they had ●eed be wise , for they doe ●ot onely keepe themselues but others too . Those that are in it are reserud , still , and well stayed men : those that keepe it , are well payd , for it keepes them : Those that come to see it , rather ●dmire at euery thing 〈◊〉 ●eight any obiect . It is th●●ublick Megazine for warlick● prouision , it doth seeme terrible to those that doe offend her Prince , for her owne part she hath taken Allegiance , and withall Loyalty intends to keepe it . This Land hath affoorded this place many brethren , strong fortified Castles ; but through rebellion , through times malice , and the frownes of Princes , they cannot bee knowne almost but by their ruines , this kept her obedience to her Rulers , and so escaped as yet destruction . To conclude shee is the glory & strength both of City and Kingdome . 3. Of S. Paules Church . OH Domus Antiquae , a fit obiect for pitty , for Charity ; further Reported of then knowne , it is a compleat Body , for it hath the ●hree dimensions of Longi●ude , Latitude , and Profundity , and as an excellent O●er-plus famous for height . It was a maine poynt of Wisedome to ground Her ●ppon Faith , for Shee is the more likely to stand ●ure : the great Crosse in the middle , certainly hath bin , and is yet ominous to this Churches Reparation . S. Paul called the Church , the pillar of Truth , and surely had they not beene sound , they had fallen before thi● time . The Head of this Church hath beene twice troubled with aburning Feuer , and so the City to keep it from a third danger , let it stand without an head . I can but admire the Charity of former times , to Build such famous temples , when as these Ages cannot finde Repaire to them , but then the World was all Church , and now the Church is all World : then Charity went before , and exceeded Preaching ; now there is much Preaching , nay more the● euer , yet lesse Charity ; o● fore-Fathers aduanc'd the Church , and kept their Land : These times loose their Lands , and yet decay the Churches : I honor Antiquity so much the more , because it so much loued the Church . There is more Reason to suspect the precise Puritaine deuoyd of Charity , then the simple Ignorant fraught withgood Workes . I thinke truly in this one point , the ends of their Actions were for good , and what they aimed at was Gods glory , & their owne happines . They builded Temples , but our degenerating Age can say ▪ Come , let vs take them into our hands and possesse them : Amongst many others , this cannot be sayd to bee the Rarest , though the greatest . Puritaines are blowne out of the Church with the loud voice of the Organs , their zealous Spirits cannot indure the Musicke , nor the multitude of the Surplices ; because they are Relickes , ( they say , ) of Romes Superstition . Here is that famous place for Ser mons , not by this Sect frequented , because of the Title , the Crosse. The middle I le is much frequented at noone with a Company of Hungarians , not walking so much for Recreation , a● neede ; ( and if any of these meete with a yonker , that hath his pockets well lined with siluer , they will relate to him the meaning of Tycho Brache , or the North-Star : and neuer leaue flattring him in his own words and sticke as close to him , as a Bur vppon a Trauailers cloake ; and neuer leaue him til he and they haue saluted the greene Dragon , or the Swanne behind the Shambles , where I leaue them . ) Well , there is some hope of Restoring this Church to its former glory ; the great summes of money bequeathed , are some probabilitles , & the charity of some good men already , in cloathing and Repayring the inside , is a great incouragement ; and there is a speech that the Houses that are about it , must be puld down , for Paules Church is old enough to stand alone . Here are prayers often , but sinister suspition doubts more formall then zealous ; they should not be worldly , because al Church-men ; there are none dumbe , for they can speake loud enough . I leaue it and them , wishing all might be amended . 4. The Bridge . IT is almost Arts wonde● , for strength , length , beauty , widenesse , height : It may be sayd to be Polypus , because it is so well furnished with legges : Euery Mouth is foure times filled in eight and forty houres , and then as a Child it is still , but as soone as they be empty , like a Lyon it roares , and is wondrous Impatient : It is made of Iron , Wood , and Stone , and therefore it is a wondrous hardy Fellow . It hath changd the forme , but as few doe now a dayes , from worse to better : certainely it is full of Patience , because it beares so much , and continually : It 's no Prison , for any one goes through it : It is something addicted to pride , for many a Great man goes vnder it ; and yet it seemes something humble too , for the poorest Peasant tread vpon it : It hath more Wonders then Arches , the houses here built are wondrous strong , yet they neyther stand on Land or Water : It is some praeiudice to the Water-mans gaines ; many goe ouer here , which otherwise should row or sayle : It helpes many a Pennilesse Purse to passe the water without danger or charges : nothing afrights it more , then Spring-tides or violent inundations : It is chargeable to keep , for it must be continually Repayred : it is the onely chiefe crosser of the water , his Arches out-face the water , and like Iudges in the Parliament are plac'd vpon woole sackes : one that liues heere neede not buy strong Water , for heere is enough for nothing : it seemes to hinder the Water-bearers profit , for the Inhabitants easily supply their Wants by Buckets : He is a setled fellow , and a maine vpholder of houses ; hee is meanely plac'd , for there are diuerse aboue him , and many vnder him , & his houses may wel bee called None-such , for there is none like them , and to conclude , he pertakes of two Elements , his nether parts are all for Water , his vpper for Land ; in a word , it is without Compare , being a dainty streete , and a strong and most stately Bridge . 5. Thames . THis is a long , broad , slippery Fellow ; Rest hee affects not , for he is alwaies in motion : he seemes something like a Carrier , for he is stil eyther going or comming , and once in sixe or eight houres , salutes the Sea his Mother , and then brings Tydings from her : He followes the disposition of the VVind , if that be Rough , so is the VVater ; if that calme , so is this : and hee loues it , because when the VVinde is at highest , then the VVater will best show her strength and anger : it is altogether vnsteedy , for it commonly is sliding away . Mans vnconstant state , and Vncertayne frayle condition , is truely Resembled by this , alwayes either ebbing or flowing , beeing in a trice high and low : he will not be a Martyre , for he will turne , but neuer burne : Resolution is absolutely his Guide and Counsellour , for he will run his course ; hee cannot be sayd to be a Wel or Spring without Water , for he is puteus in exhaustus . Merchandize hee likes and loues ; and therefore sends forth Ships of Trafficke to most parts of the Earth : his Subiects and I●habitants line by oppresion like hard Land-lords at Land , the greater rule & many times deuoure the lesse : the City is wondrousl● beholden to it , for shee is furnished with almost all necess●ries by it : He is wondrously crost , hee is the maintainer of a great company of Water-men ; he is a great 〈◊〉 , for he works as much in the night as the day . Hee is led by an vnconstant Guide , the Moone : he is cleane contrary to Smithfield , because that is all for Flesh , but this for Fish ; his inhabitants are different from those vpon Land , for they are most without legges : Fisher-men seeme to off●r him much wrong , for th●y rob him of many of his Subiects ; he is seldome without company , but in the night , o●●ough weather : H● meets the Sun but followes the Moone : ●e seemes to complaine a● the Bridge , because it hath intruded into his bowels , and that makes him Roare at that place : to speake truth of him , he is the priuiledg'd place , for Fish and Shippes ▪ the glory and wealth of the City , the high way to the Sea , the br●nger in of wealth and Strangers , and his busines is all for water , yet hee deales much with the Land too : he is a little Sea , and a great Riuer . 6. Exchanges Old and Neu● THe one of these came from Antwerpe , the other from a Stable ; the one was Dutch , yet made Denison ; the other was not lo at the beginning , but did Exchange his name and nature . The Merchants are men generally of good habite , their words are vsually better then their Consciences ; their Discourse ordinarily begins in Water , but ends in Wine : the frequenting of the Walkes twice a day , and a careles laughter , argues that they are sound : if they visit not once a day , t is suspected they are cracking , or broken : their Countenance is ordinarily shap'd by their successe at Sea , eyther merry , sad , or desperat : they are like ships at sea , top and top gallant this day , to morrow sincking : the ●ea is a Tennis-court , their State● are Bals , the Winde is the Racket , and doth strike many for lost vnder Line , and many in the hazard : They may seeme to bee acquainted with Athens , for they all desire Newes : Some of them do keepe two brittle Vessels , their Shippes and their Wiues : the latter is lesse ballast , and that makes them so light : the Merchants Respect the former most , for if that sinke or be ouer-throwne , they fal , but the fall of the latter , is oftentimes the aduancing of their heads : Conscience is sold here for nought ; because it is as old Sermons , a dead Commodity : they wil dissemble with , and cozen one another , though all the Kings that euer were ●nce the Conquest , ouerlooked them . Here are vsually more Coaches attendant , then at Church-doores : The Merchants should keepe their Wiues from visiting the vpper Roomes too often , least they tire their purses by attyring themselues . Rough Seas , Rockes , and Pyrats , treacherous Factors , and leaking ships affright them : they are strange polititians , for they bring Turkey and Spaine into London , & carry London thither . Ladies surely loue them , for they haue that which is good for them , Farre fe●cht , & dear● bought : they may proou● stable men , but they must first leaue the Exchange . It is a great House full of goods ; though it be almost in the middle of the Citty , yet it Stands by the Sea. There 's many Gentle-women come hither , that to helpe their faces and Complexions , breakes their husbands backs , who play foule in the Countrey with their Land , to be faire ; and play false in the City : the place to conclude , is thought to bee a great Formal●st , and an hazardable Temporizer , and is like a beautifull Woman , absolutely good , if not too common . 7. Cheapeside . T Is thought the Way through this streete is not good , because so broad , and so many go in it ; yet though it be broad , it 's very streight , because without any turnings : it is suspected here are not many sufficient able men , because they would sell all : and but little honesty , for they show all , and some think , more some time then their owne : they are very affable , for they 'le speak to most that passe by : they care not how few be● in the streets , so their shop● bee full : they that bring them money , seeme to bvsed worst , for they are sure to pay soundly : their Bookes of accounts are not like to their estates ; for the latter are best without , but the other with long crosses ▪ there are a great company of honest men in this place , if all bee gold that glisters : their parcell-gilt plate is thought to Resemble them selu●s , most of them haue better faces , then hearts ; their monies and coines are vsed as prisoners at Sea , kept vnder hatches . One would thinke them to bee good men , for they deale with the purest and best mettals , & euery one striues to work best , and stout too , for they get much by knocking , & especially by leaning on their Elbowes . Puritans doe hold it for a fine streete , but something addicted to Popery , for adorning the Crosse too much . The inhabitants seeme not ●o affect the Standard ; the Kings and Queenes would bee offended with , and punish them , knew they how these batter their faces on their coynes . Some of their Wiues would bee ill priso●ers , for they cannot in●re to be shut vp ; and as bad Nunnes , the life is so solitary : there are many vertuous and honest Women , some truly so , others are so for want of opportunity ▪ they hold that a harsh place of Scripture , That women must be no goers or gadders abroad in going to a lecture many vse to visite a Tauern : the young attendant must want his eyes , and change his tongue , according as hi● mistresse shal direct , though many times they do mistake the place , yet they will remember the time an houre and halfe , to auoyd suspition . Some of the men are cunning Landerers of plat● and get much by washing that plate they handle , and it hath come from some of them , like a man from the Brokers that hath casheer'd his cloake , a great deale the lighter . Well , if all the men be Rich and true , and the women all faire and honest , then Cheapeside shall stand by Charing-Crosse for a wonder , and I wil make no more Characters . But I proceede . 8. Innes of Court , and Chancery . THese were builded for Profit , Grace , Pleasure , Iustice : the buildings grace City , the Men grace the Buildings , Iustice & Learning grace the Men : These places furnish our Land with Law : Here Nobility , Learning , Law , Gentrey , haue their Residence ; here are Students and Professors ; here are Students that will not be Professors ▪ here are Professors & Students : here are Professors yet not Students ; & here bee some that are neyther Students nor Professors : Many hold , that for an excellent Custome , in the Temple , immunity , from danger of Serieants or such like proling Vermine . Some liue here for profite , others for Grace , some for pleasure , some for all , yet most for profite and pleasure : They that meane to liue by Law , desire not so much the Theory as the Practicke part : though many here follows the Law , yet all keep it not , but some transgresse : They are the Seminaries of Iudge ment and Iustice ; hee that is most expert in the Law , is the most fitting for publicke imployment , and the Magistracy ; these cause Caesar to haue his due , and giue the Subiect his Right : that Land is likely to flourish where Religion and Iustice are honour'd and practis'd : take away Iustice , and Religion wil halt ; remooue Religion , and Iustice will degenerate into tyranny ; let Moses and Aaron Rule , and our Israel will prosper : these places Moralize , Ciuilize the younger , aduance the Learned : their Founders intended the stablishing of Peace , and confirming of Religion : many things that begin with blows , & would end in blood , are by these Professors mediated , and Christian agreement made ▪ their number , Vnity , great imployment , makes the● admired , to conclude , the● are Rich Megazines for Law , store-houses for policy , Bulwarkes of Equity , let them euer flourish , as long as they are Deo , Regi , Patria ; for God , their King and Country . 9. Smithfield . YOu may haue a faire prospect of this square Fellow , as you passe from the streights of Pie Corner ; this place is wel stored with good harbours for Passengers to put into for flesh & drinke , and fish it is admirable ; but fish harbour appeares now but two dayes in seauen aboue water : here thrice in a week one may see more beasts then men . Butchers that haue money make this their Hauen , or Rendeuouz : Men that are downe-fled , and better fed then taught , may see many like themselues , boght here for the slaughter : Butchers surely cannot indure Cuckolds , because they kill so many horn'd beasts . Some I suppose , may bee sayd to buy themselues , such as trafficke for Calues : though the place besquare , yet here is much cheating in it : here Land-pirates vse to sel that which is none of their own : heere comes many Horses , ( like Frenchmen ) rotten in the ioynts , which by tricks are made to leape , though they can scarse go ; he that lights vpon a Horse in this place , from an olde Horse-courser , sound both in wind and limbe , may light of an honest Wife in the Stews : here 's many an olde Ia●e , that trots hard for 't , that vses his legs sore against his will , for he had rather haue a Stable then a Market , or a Race : I am perswaded that this place was paued without the consent of the Horse-courses company : this place affords those leather blacke-coates , which run so fast vppon Wheeles , they shake many a young Heire out of his stocke and meanes : the men that liue here , may be said to be wel fed , for here 's meat enough ; this place 〈◊〉 what Rich Countrey England is ▪ and how well it breedes Beasts , a man that considers their number and greatnes and how soone Consumed ▪ may thinke there are a World of mouthes , or else that Englishmen are great eaters . Well , I will speake this of Smithfield , it is the greatest , fairest , richest , squarest market place of this great City or Kingdome . 10. Bridewell . HEre comes many that haue beene at many a Dance , but neuer affected the Bride-Well ; heere 's a Pallace strangly Metamorphosed into a prison : in the outward Court were Carts not for the Husband-man , but for those that haue vsed the vnlawfull game of Venery ; it seemes to be contrary to nature , to make those draw which were made to beare , a strange inuention to haue such a new punishment , for such an old sinne . Me thinkes the house complaines , Oh quam a dispari Domino : It may be sayd of it , that it hath beene Eminent , Great , and Maiesticall , so much may bee sayde of it yet , that the Court is where it was : It should maintaine Vertue , for it punishes vice , they are seuere Gouernors , for they are most vpon correction : when men haue here done their work , they are sure of their wages , a whip : they are temperate here , for they eate not ouer much ; for their drinke , if all were to follow their course , it would make Male cheape , for it's water . It may be sayd of this , as of the Palatinate , would it was restor'd In statu qu● prius : some say there are many idle persons in it ; strange ! yet work so hard : It ' is thought there 's scarse a true fellow in it , for they all lye hard : there 's none can say hee workes for nothing , for they are all s●e of payment . It 's the only Remembrancer of Aegypts slauery , they haue task●maisters to holde them to their worke : their whippemaister is like a Countrey Pedagouge , they many times whippe better , then himselfe , and both take a pride in their office , they inflict that vppon others , which they deserue themselues : they that come out of it neede not feare Purgatory , for it's thought to be a place of more ease . This is a two fold comfort vnto them , that they may once come out , and then they can scarce light of an harder maister , or a worse seruice : they may be Papists , for they fast often , haue their bodies afflicted , are shut vp from the World , seeme wondrous penitent , onely they pray not so often . I leaue the place , wishing they may come out , amend , and neuer more come into it . 11. Ludgate and Counters . I Le ioyne all these together , because their natures are not much diferent , some of the Officers make the places worse then they would be , if a man cannot by monies or good security pay his debts , yet hee may l●e for them here ▪ the Prisoners are like Apprentices , desire hartily to bee Freemen : Certainly , they haue beene men of great credite , for they haue beene much trusted : they hate three persons , an extream Creditor , a cunning Lawyer , and a biting Serieant : these three are all fishers of men , the Creditor ownes the Net , the Lawyer places and spreads it , the Serieant ●als and drawes it to a purse : the Serieant seemes to bee most of trust , for hee hath the Whole businesse put into his hands , and if he can , concludes it : the Lawyer next to him , for hee is trusted with the Bonds : the Creditor himselfe is of least note , for he will not be seene in his owne busines : yet the Creditor is Lord of the Game , the Lawyer is his Hunsman , the Serieant his blood Hound , the Yeoman his Beagle , and the Debtor is the wild Hare ; if hee be taken , most commonly hee is tamed in one of these M●ses : a Serieant is worst when most imploied , & a Lawyer when most trusted , the Cre ditor when without pitty , and the Debtor when prodigality and ill courses haue procured this Cage . The Attourney and Serieant may be termed Hang-men , they procure and serue so many Executions : These places are fullest when men break their bonds , & make forfeitures ; they may bee called Dens , the Serieant Lyons , and the Debtor the Prey . It is a● ancient Gate , yet not affected by Citizens , though a closet for safety . For the Counters , they teach wandrings Nitingals the way vnto their Nests , and learne them to sing the Counter-Tenor : the Counters seeme very courteous , for they will open almost at any houre in the night , they would not haue men lye in the streets : wel , they are places that are too full , the more pitty that men eyther haue not better Estates , Consciences , or manners , to pay their Debts , & li●e vprightly and orderly . 12. Newgate . IT may well answere to the name , and thanke the City for her care and charges : It is now well fac'd and heāded , Charity helps much to a decayed Estate : but that Saint Pauls is a Church , and so to beare no anger or grudge , it would enuy the prosperity of the Gates , and be angry with the Citizens for not thinking vppon her old age and pouerty . Newgate is generally a place of safety , and few comes hither , but by merit : the captiues are men that once would not , now must liue within compasse , they should be men of worth , for the Keeper will not , dare not loose one of them . When they are forsaken euery where , then this place takes them in , for feare their heeles should bee as quicke as their Hands haue beene : Hee layes them in irons , that he may be the surer of them : they are , or may be supposed to be sound men , for they seldome break out : as long as they stay heere , they cannot be sayd to bee vnstayd fellowes or Vagrants , for they are sure of a place of stay : they are quicke-sighted , for they can see through iron grates : some of them seeme to be Eminent men , for they are highly aduanced ; they are like Fish , haue a long time nibled away the baite , but are now caught : Certainly they are no Libertines , and are conuicted of Free will : they are vncharitable , for they seldome loue their Keeper ; they haue the power of life and death in their owne hands , and put many to be prest to death . By seeking others goods they procur'd their owne hurt . They liued without any thought of Iudgement , now it is the onely thing they feate : They hold a Triangle to be a dangerous Figure . Of all places they hold Holborne-hill an vnfortunate place to ride vp . It seemes they goe that way vnwillingly , for they are drawne : They cannot misse their way to their Iourneys end , they are so guarded and guided . Lice seeme to bee their most constant Companions , for they 'le hang with them for company : It seemes these men were not made for Examples , for at their Confession they wish all men not to follow their courses : and most are easily perswaded , for ther 's very few dare do as they haue done . Well , I passe from them , thus much you may bee sure of , once a Moneth you may heare , know , and see if you please ; whether they liue , or dye 13. Turnebull-streete . IT is in an ill name , and therefore halfe-hang'd : here may bee some Probability of Honesty , little or no demonstration , especially a Priory . Heere are Lasses that seeme to hate Enclosures , for they would lay all open , they may seeme good Subiects , for they loue standing or lying for the Common : They hold it was a good Age , when Woemen practis'd Astronomy . They seeme to bee P●ritans , for they loue priuate Conuenticles : They are not altogether vnpractif'd in the Law , for they know and loue Feelings : The Aspect here is the Conjunction , and they hold a noune Substantiue , a Preposition , an Interiection & Coniunction the best parts of speech . They haue learn'd thus far in their Ac●idences , that femin● ludificantur viros . They seeme to bee no whit addicted to pride , for they desire to be below : they loue not Lent , because they delight more in flesh : they seeme to bee well-wishers to Lawyers , and to the Citie , for they loue Terme-times , and pray against the decay of trading . Their chiefest desire is to bee well mann'd , they keepe open houses : It is hazardable to trust them because they are much addicted to Lying : They affect a Cannoneire well , because hee will force a breach , and enter the passage . They Ioue not to wrastle , they had rather take a fall , then giue one . When this Streete was builded , surely Mars and Venus were in a Coniunction . Here are very few men , but they are well arm'd : Nay the Woemen haue receiued presse-money , & haue performed the Seruice : woemen though the colder vessels by Nature , yet these are the hotter by Art : they may bee thought to be great Schollers , for they pertake of all the liberall Sciences , for Grammar they know the Syntax●s , and the Figure cal'd Apollo P. For Logic● they haue skill in the Antepraedicaments & the Fall●cies ; for Musicke they a● not affected with Vnisons ▪ but are skilfull in Chroches and quauers , & loue Ela● because the highest Note and makes them squeake for Retoricke , they kno● the Metonomia adiuncti , and Apostrophe ; for Arethmeticke , the loue addition , and deuision ; for Astronomy , they know the motion of Venus , and are obseruers of Mars ; for their skil in Geography , they know the Tropickes and the Torrid Zone , and ●o being thus experienc'd in these Sciences , they are much frequented and sought too . I wish all in this Streete to take heed of their Cellars , least they fire first , and to lay their Trading downe , or else it will lay them downe . 14. Hounsditch and Long-lane . THese two are twinnes , they haue both set vp one Profession ; they will buy a mans Suite out of his hands , but it shal be hang'd or prest for 't . A man that comes here as a stranger would think that there had beene some great death of men and woemen , here abouts he sees so many suites & no men for them . Here are Suites enough for all the Lawyers in London to deale withall : the Inhabitants are men of many outsides , their faults are not seene easily , because they haue so many cloakes for them : they should be well affected to the Romane Church , for they keepe , & lay vp old Reliques : They are beholden to the Hangman , for he furnishes their Shops : And most of their Creditors wish that they may furnish his three corner'd shop , which often comes to p●sse ; and as many say , the oftner the better : Broke Currs they are in two respects , most of them were broke before they set vp , & Currs for biting so sore euer since they set vp : his shop is a Hell , he the Diuell in 't , & torments poore soules : the Iayler & Broker are Birds of a feather , the one Imprisons the Body , the other the Cloaths , both make men pay deare for their lodging : The Broker seemes somwhat the kinder , for he layes the cloaths in Lauender : he is much of a Seruing mans nature , liues much vpon the Reuersion of cast cloathes : the Seruing-man hath them the cheaper , but the other keepes them the better , they many times do make a bargaine : Hee loues those birds best , that oftnest cast their Feathers : to conclude , he is no Tradsman , if the whole bunch of them be weighed , you shal not scarse finde a dramme of honesty , for a pound of craft . 15. Charter-house . THis place is wel described by three thinges , Magnificence , Munificence , and Religious gouernment : Magnificence is the ●erminus a quo , good Orders the Terminus mediari , Munificence and Charity the Terminus ad quem : the first showes the wealth of both Founder and Establisher : the second showes the ●eanes to make the good thing done , durable : the third demonstrates his in●ent that thus Establisht it : had it beene great without good gouernment , it had long ere this time come to ruine : or had it bin great & yet deuoyd of Charity , it would haue bin laught at & derided ; but now Charity showes it is well gouerned , and the good Gouernment keeps it firme , and make● it famous : Souldiers and Schollers , I thinke , beginne their loue here , that they continue hereafter firme & solide , by liuing together ▪ callings both honorable , & here bountifully maintayned : It is a Reliefe for decaied Gentlemen , old Souldiers , and auncient Seruingmen : t is to bee pittied , that such Religious , Charitable houses , increase not in number : this one place hath sent many a famous member to the Vniuersities , and not a few to the Warres : I wil not censure as some do , that many places are heere sold for monies , nay the reuersions also : I le rather ex●ort the Gouernors to discharge a good conscience , ( and not to suffer their men , or any other whom they affect , to get thirty or forty pounds for the promise of the next vacant place for a youth to come in , ) and to obserue their first Institutions ; and those that so suppose , I wish them that they speake not that with their mouthes , which they know not in their hearts . The deede of this man that so ordered this House , is much spoken of , and commended : but there 's none ( except onely one ) that as yet , hath eyther striuen to equall or imitate that , and I feare neuer will : there 's many that will not doe any such good Workes , and giue out that they smell something of Popery , and therfore not to be imitated : well , I durst warrant thus much , let the Ouer-seers liue Religiously , gouerne Ciuily , auoid Bribery , keep their Cannons directly , and this House shall stand to vpbraid this Iron Age , and see many brought to beggery for prodigality , when they shall be satisfied , and haue enough : Well , this is my opinion of it , that the Founder is happy , and so are all his Children that liue here ; if they degenerate not , and ●rne from fearing God , obeying their Prince , and from liuing in loue amongst themselues . 16. Christs-hospitall . THe former place and this are much of one nature , yet some difference there is ; Charter-house is the younger for time , but exceedes for reuenews : It was erected by one , this by many Citizens . Christs-hospitall is principally for Childrens education , that are fatherlesse and motherlesse , the other for Mens and Childrens too . The former is for any , as well as Citizens , the latter not , that onely , it is for Children ; seemes to be conformable to Christs will , Suffer little Children to come vnto mee : None that are in this place can be sayd to bee without portions , for they haue Education : the Cities Charity is the lesse , for shee Relicues but her owne . It 's a good means to empty their streetes of young beggars , and fatherlesse Children : She doth no more then the Lawes of the Land seeme to enioyne , to keepe those that were borne within her : it 's a good policy to p● them young to this place , because they may learne Vertue before Vice : And ordinarily , if youth be wel seasoned , it is the more hopefull to be good in age . The City doth deserue very great commendation for this action , because it 's rare to see so great a Company ioyne together , for the good of the poore , and last out . You may easily know the Children that belong vnto this place , by their Azure liueries , and their Sable head-peeces : This House may be termed the Childrens Common-wealth , and to speak truth , it 's well gouerned by good Lawes , I wish the City not to be proud for her Charity , nor to be weary of wel doing ; and the Hospitall to remember their Benefactors , and the Children to liue and learne well , for feare of Correction . 17. Paris-Garden . THis may better bee termed a foule Denne then a faire Garden . It 's pitty so good a piece of ground is no better imploied : Heere are cruell Beasts in it , and as badly vs'd ; heere are foule beasts come to it , and as bad or worse keepe it , they are fitter for a Wildernesse then a City : idle base persons ( most commonly ) that want imployment , or else will not be otherwise imploy'd , frequent this place ; and that money which was got basely here , to maintaine as bad as themselues , or spent lewdly ; here come few that either regard their credit , or losse of time : the swaggering Roarer , the cunning Cheater , the rotten Bawd , the swearing Drunkard , and the bloudy Butcher haue their Rendeuouz here , and are of chiefe place and respect . There are as many ciuil religious men here , as thei 're Saints in Hell. Here these are made to fight by Art , which would agree by Nature : They thriue most when the poore beasts fight oftenest : their imployment is all vpon quarrels as vnlawfull , as vnseemely , they cause the Beasts first to fight , and then they put in first to part them : It 's pitty such beastly Fellowes should bee so well maintain'd , they torment poore creatures , & make a gaines and game of it . The Beasts come forth with as ill a will , as Beares to the stake . A Beare-ward and an Atturney are not much vnlike , the Atturney seemes the more cruell , for these baite but Beasts ; but these men , their Clients : The Beareward striues to recouer the hurts of his Beasts , but the Atturney regards not the dammages of any , and they both follow the Trade for profit . Well , I leaue the place , and when I intend to spend an houre , or two , to see an Asse and an Ape , to losse and charges , I may perhaps come hither : But as long as I can haue any imployment elsewhere , I will not come to see such a great Company so ill occupied , in so bad a place . 18. Artillery . THis place is the Cities Campe , and Mars his Schoole : Here are foure braue Flowers in this Garden , Manhood , Courage , Actiuity , Armes . The vse and expert skill of Warre may be seene here in peace : Decency , Nimblenesse , Skill , Vniforme order , and Experience , the fiue qualifications gracing Military Discipline , are vsually here to be view'd . In their exercising how many little bodies may you see , that by their proportionable motion make a great body ? and that suddenly alterede into any Forme : Here are braue Martiall Blades , that at three words , and three motions will giue fire : here are more armes then heads or feete : Yet when one moues , like Wheeles in a Iacke they all moue . They are men that must not encroach into one anothers ground , but as they are com manders , so they must keep distance ; & they seeme not affect Confusions , for they all striue to keepe order : ●is no maruell why Souldiers desire so to fight , for they are alwayes in Diuisions . You may know by their Marchinge where euer either the best Gentleman , or the ancienest Souldier is plac'd , for hee is euer in the Right before , or Left behinde : They are strange men ; for in tenne yards space of ground they can all turne their faces about : there 's thought to bee no steadinesse in them , for like Fortunes wheele , they many times suddenly alter & turne : they are generally men of good Order and Ranke , they then are at compleatest view , when their length and breadth agree , ten euery way . They are most dislik'd , when they are either out , or off their Files . They vse to put their worst Peices in the middest . They seeme to bee suddenly angry , for one word moues them all . Obedience and Silence they must practise , to doe as they are commanded , and to harken vnto their charge . A good Souldier must be like a true Maide , seene but not heard : Hee 's more for actions then words . The City did well to prouide Mars a Garden , as well as Venus an House . No question , but when these meete , they will be at push of Pike , and often discharge . Before I leaue this honourable place , I may speake this of it : that 's excellent the oftner vs'd , the best when 't is fullest , and most Eminent Wisedome , Courage , Experience , Policy , bee the foure Coronels ; and the foure Regiments consist of Patience , Obedience , Valour , and Constancy ; and their Colours Deo , Regi , Gregi , Legi , for God , their King , Law , and Countrey , flourishing all in the field of Honor and Victory . 19. Bedlam . HEere liue many , that are cal'd men , but seldome at home , for they are gone out of themselues : Nature hath bin a Steppemother to some , and misery and crosses haue caused this strange change in others : they seeme to liue here , eyther to rectifie Nature , or forget Miseries : they are put to Learne that Lesson which many , nay all that will be happy , must learne to know , and be acquainted with themselues : this House would bee too little , if all that are beside themselues should be put in here : it seemes strange that any one shold recouer here , the cryings , screechings , roarings , brawlings , shaking of chaines , swearings , frettings , chaffings , are so many , so hideous , so great , that they are more able to driue a man that hath his witts , rather out of them , then to helpe one that neuer had them , or hath lost them , to finde them againe . A Drunkard is madde for the present , but a Madde man is drunke alwayes . You shall scarce finde a place that hath so many men & woemen so strangely altered either from what they once were , or should haue beene : The men are al like a Shippe that either wants a Sterne , or a Steresman , or Ballast ; they are all Heteroclites from Nature , either hauing too much Wildnesse , or being defectiue in Iudgment . Here Art striues to mend or cure Natures imperfections and defects . Certainely , hee that keepes the House may be sayd to liue among wilde Creatures : It 's thought many are kept here , not so much in hope of recouery , as to keepe them from further and more desperate Inconueniences . Their Faculties and Powers of their Soules and Bodies being by an ill cause vitiated and depraued , or defectiue . The men may be said to be faire Instruments of Musicke , but either they want strings , or else though beeing strung are out of tune , or otherwise want an expert Artist to order them : Many liue here that know not where they are , or how they got in , neuer thinke of getting out : there 's many that are so well or ill in their wits , that they can say they haue bin out of them , & gaine much by dissembling in this kind : desperate 〈◊〉 that dare make a mocke of iudgment : well , if the Diuell was not so strong to delude , & men so easily to be drawne , this house would stand empty , and for my part , I am sorry it hath any in it . 20. Play-houses . TIme , Place , Subiect , Actors , and Cloathes , either make or marr a play : the Prologue and Epilogue are like to an Host and Hostesse , one bidding their Guests welcome , the other bidding them farwell : the Actors are like Seruingmen , that bring in the Sceanes and Acts as their Meate , which are lik'd or dislik'd , according to euery mans iudgment , the neatest drest , and fairest deliuered , doth please most . They are as crafty with an old play , as Bauds with olde faces ; the one puts one a new fresh colour , the other a new face and Name : they practise a strange Order , for most commonly the wisest man is the Foole : They are much beholden to Schollers that are out of meanes , for they sell them ware the cheapest : they haue no great reason to loue Puritans , for they hold their Calling vnlawfull . New Playes and new Cloathes , many times help bad actions : they pray the Company that 's in , to heare them patiently , yet they would not suffer them to come in without payment : they say as Schollers now vse to say , there are so many , that one Fox could find in his heart to eate his fellow : A player often changes , now he acts a Monarch , tomorrow a Beggar : now a Souldier , next a Taylor : their speech is loud , but neuer extempore , he seldome speaks his own minde , or in his own name : when men are heere , and when at Church , they are of contrary mindes , there they thinke the time too long , but heere too short : most commonly when the play is done , you shal haue a ligge or dance of al trads , they mean to put their legs to it , as well as their tongs : they make men wonder when they haue done , for they all clappe their hands . Sometimes they flye into the Countrey ; but t is a suspicion , that they are either poore , or want cloaths , or else Company , or a new Play : Or do as some wandring Sermonists , make one Sermon trauaile and serue twenty Churches . All their care is to be like Apes , to immitate and expresse other mens actions in their own persons : they loue not the company of Geese or Serpents , because of their hissing : they are many times lowzy , it 's strange , and yet shift so often : As an Ale-house in the Country is beholden to a wilde Schoolemaster , so an whoore-house to some of these , for they both spend all they get . Well , I like them well , if when they Act vice they will leaue it , and when vertue , they will follow . I speake no more of them , but when I please , I will come and see them . 21. Fencing-Schooles . HEere 's many a man comes hither , which had rather work then play , though very few can hit these men , yet any one may know where to haue them , vpon his guard : his Schollers seeme to bee strangely taught , for they do nothing but play ; his care seemes to be good , for he learnes men to keepe their bodies in safety . Vsually they that set vp this Science haue bin some Low-countrey Souldier , who to keep himselfe honest from further inconueniences , as also to maintayne himselfe , thought vp on this course , and practise it : the worst part of his Science is , hee learnes men to falsifie : hee is glad to see any Nouice that reads his Orders with his hat on , for then he hopes for a forfeiture ; there are many blows giuen and taken , yet little or no blood spilt , the more he beates , the better man he is held to be , he will make many daunce about his Schoole , as a Beare about a stake . A little touch vpon your elbow , is commonly his first acquaintance and salutation : he hath his Discourse ordinarily of single Combates , and then will show you his Wounds , and cause you to heare his oaths which are his familiar Retoricke : He is for the most part a potter and piper and if he be well in age or not , you may know by the sanguine complexion of his nose , and the number of pearles that are vsually about it , accompanied with Rubies and Saphires , show that hee is some Ieweller . His Schoole is an introduction to blowes , and hee makes many mans head to ●ee the pillow of his Cudgell : one must not trust to his lookes , for he lookes at one place , and strikes at another : you must bee sure to keepe him off , for hee is most dangerous when neerest to you : hee seldome strikes downe right , but either back● - wards or forwards : He that loues fighting in earnest , let him goe to the Wars ; he that loues to fight in iest , let him come hither . 22. Dancing-schooles . THey seeme to be places Consecrated , for they that vse to practise heere , put off their shoes , & dance single-sol'd ; they are not exceeding men , for they teach and delight in Measures : they seeme to be men of spare dyet , for they liue vpon Capers : their trade is not chargeable to beginne withal , for one treble violl sets it vp : they should bee good players at Cards , for for they teach men to Cut and shuffle wel : their schollers armes are like pinion'd Prisoners , not to reach too or aboue their heads : their heeles seem to hinder their preferment , & that makes them to rise vppon their roes : whatsoeuer their actions bee , they must carry their bodies vpright : The Schollers are like Courtiers , full of Cringes : And their Master seemes to bee a man of great Respect , for they all salute him with hat in hand , and knees to the ground : the number of fiue is the dauncing A , B , C , both Maister and Schollers seeme to loue Newes , for they both consist much of Currantoes : their eyes must not see what their feet do , they must when they Daunce , be like men that haue the French disease , stiffe in the Hammes ; they are guided by the Musicke , and therefore should be merry men . What they may seeme to intend , is that they hope to dance before Gentlewomen : But in the next Iigge you shall bee sure to haue them turne like Globes all round . They like a Fiddle better then a Drumme , and hold Venus to bee a more auspicious Planet then Mars . When they are in the Schooles they are Antickes , when they are out , I thinke you will iudge as I doe , they loue the Faeminine gender more then the Masculine : Generally , these Schooles learne men to begin merrily , leaue off sighing , and therefore they are players of Tragedies , not Comedies ; I thinke hee that seldome dances , liues well ; but he that neuer , liues best . When I intend to shew my bodies strength , and my mindes weakenesse , I will bee one of their Proficients : I had rather haue my body not dance here , for feare my Soule should not like the Musicke : Giue me that place whereall is Musicke , but no Dancing . 23. Fisher-woemen . THese Crying , Wandring , and Trauailing Creatures carry their shops on their heads , and their Store-house is ordinarily . Bilings gate or the Bridge-foote , and their habitation Turnagaine-lane , they set vp euery morning their Trade afresh . They are easily set vp and furnish't , get something , and spend it Iouially and merrily : Fiue shillings a Basket , and a good cry , is a large stocke for one of them . They are merriest when all their Ware is gone : in the morning they delight to haue their shop ful , at Euen they desire to haue it empty : their Shoppe's but little , some two yards compasse , yet it holds all sorts of Fish , or Hearbs , or Roots , Strawberries , Apples , or Plums , Cowcumbers , and such like ware : Nay , it is not destitute some times of Nutts , and Orenges , a●d Lemmons . They are fre● in all places , and pay nothing for shop-rent , but onely finde repaires to it . If they drinke ou● their whole Stocke , it 's but pawning a Petticoate in Long - 〈◊〉 or themselues in Turnebull-streete for to set vp againe . They change euery day almost , for Shee that was this day for Fish , may bee to morrow for Fruit ; next day for Hearbs , another for Roots : so that you must heare them cry before you know what they are furnisht withall , when they hau● done their Faire , they meet in mirth , singing , dancing , & in the middle as a Parenthesis , they vse scolding , but they doe vse to take & put vp words , & end not till either their money or wit , or credit bee cleane spent out . Well , when in an euening they are not merry in an drinking-house , it is suspected they haue had bad returne , or else haue payd some old score , or else they are banke-rupts : they are creatures soone vp , & soone downe . 24. Scauengers and Goldfinders . THese two keep al clean , the one the streetes , the other the backe-sides , but they are seldom clean them selues , the one like the hang man doth his worke all by day , the other like a theife , doeth their's in the night : the Gold-finders hold the sense of smelling the least of vse , and do not much care for touching the businesse they haue in hand , they both carry their burdens out into the ●ieldes , yet sometimes the Tha●es carries away their loads : they are something like the Trade of the Barbars , for both doe rid away superfluous excrements The Barbers profession is held chiefe , because that deales with the head and face , but these with the excrements of the posteriorums . The Barbers trade & these haue both very strong smels , but the Gold-finders is the greatest for strength , the others is safest & sweetest : the Barber vseth washing when hee hath done , to cleanse all , and so do these : the Barber vseth a looking glass , that men may see how he hath done his work , and these vse a candle : they are all necessary in the City : as our faces would bee foule without the Barber , so our streets without the Scauenger , and our back-sides with out the Gold-finder : The Scauenger seemes not to be so great an Officer , as the Gold-finder , for he deales with the excrements chiefly of Beasts , but this latter of his owne Species : well , had they beene sweeter fellowes I would haue stood longer on them , but they may answer , they keepe all cleane , and do that worke which scarse any one but themselues would meddle withall . The Country Carbonadoed and Quartred into Characters . 1. Of the Countrey . THis is the Circumference of London : It is the Embleme of the City in Folio , and the City of it in Decimo sexto : the Country iustifies that Verse to be true , that Anglia , Mons , Pons , Fons , Ecclesia , Faemina , Luna . It doth now of late begin to complaine that the Citty offers her wrong in harboring her chiefe members of Nobility , and Gentry : her Gentry for the most part of late are growne wondrously vndutifull that will scarse otherwise then vpon compulsion , come and liue with their mother & maintayner : Shee allowes these more meanes a great deale , then shee did their Grandfathers ; yet these young Storkes flye from her ; the other alwayes liu'd with her , and lou'd her : she doth much suspect their Faith & Loue towards her , because she being as beautifull , as bountifull , as healthy , and as rich , as euer , should be thus fleighted of her yonger sonnes , yet three times or foure in a yeare , perhaps they will vouchsafe their mother their presence , but it is to be suspected , that either a publicke proclamation , or a violent plague , or to gather vp their rackerents moouethem from the City , or else the pleasure of Hawkin or Hunting , or perhaps it is to show his new Madame some pritty London bird , the credit of his fathers house , but his owne discredite to let it stand for Iack-daws to domineere in : well , this Country is the Map of the world , the bea● ty of Lands , and may wel be cal'd the rich Dyamond gloriously Plac'd ●t may be emblem'd by these 9. particulars , a faire great Church , a learned Colledge , a strong rich ship , a beautifull Woman , a golden fleece , a delightfull spring , a great mountaine , a faire bridge , & a goodly m●n , to conclude , it is the life of the City , & the store-house of al Christendome , for peace , War , Wealth , or Religion : they that will know more , must eyther trauayle to see , or reade the desription of it by Geographers . 2. Hospitality . THis true noble hearted fellow is to be dignified and honor'd , wheresoeuer he keeps house : It 's thought that pride , puritans , coache● and couetousnesse hath caused him to leaue our Land : there are sixe vpstart tricks come vp in great Houses of late which he cannot brook Peeping windowes for the Ladies to view what doings there are in the Hall , a Buttry hatch that 's kept lockt , cleane Tables , & a French Cooke in the Kitching , a Porter that lo●kes the gates in dinner time , the decay of Blacke-iackes in the Cellar , and blew coates in the Hall : he alwayes kept his greatnesse by his Charity : he loued three things , an open Cellar , a full Hall , and a sweating Cooke : he alwayes prouided for three dinners , one for himselfe , another for his Seruants , the third for the poore : any one may know where hee kept house , other by the Chimnies smoak , by the freedom at gate , by want of whirligige Iackes in the Kitchin , by the fire in the Hall , or by the full furnish'd tables ▪ he affects not London , Lent , Lackaies , or Bailifes , there are foure sorts that pray for him , the poore , the passenger , his Tenants , and Seruants : hee is one that will not hou●d vp all , nor lauishly spend all , he neyther rackes or rakes his Neighbours , they are sure of his Company at Church as wel as at home , and giues his bounty as wel to the Preacher , as to others whom hee loues for his good life and doctrine ●hee had his wine came to him by full Buts , but this Age keepes her Wine-Celler in little bottles . Lusty able men well maintayned were his delight , with whom he would be familiar : his Tenants knew when they saw him , for he kept the olde fashion , good , commendable , plaine : the poore about him wore him vppon their backes ; but now since his death , Land-lords weare and wast their Tenants vppon their backes in French , or Spanish fashions . Well , wee can say that once such a charitable Practitioner there was , but now hee 's dead , to the griefe of all England : And t is shroudly suspected that hee will neuer rise againe in our Climate . 3. Enclosures . THe Land-lords that inclose their Villages , are affraid that either the Townc , or the Land would runne away , or rebell against them . Therefore they b●leaguer it with deep Trenches and Thorn-roots for Palliz●does : they could not make th●ir Trenches so easily , if all wer●●ue within : But the person he is like a false Canoniere , that came by his place by Simoniacke meanes , and perhaps is sworne , either not to molest the enemie at all : or else if hee doth giue fire , either to shoote ouer , or short , or vpon the side , neuer direct : or else he is poore , couetous , hopes to haue some crackt chamber-mayde , or some by preferment , and so giues leaue to the exacting Landlord to doe as hee pleases . In this businesse the Landlord he is as Lord-general , the Person is as his Horse that he rides , galls , spurres on , and curuetts with as h● pleases : turnes him and rules him any way , by a golden Bit , a strong hand , and ticking Spurres . The Bayliffe is his Intelligencer , which if hee was either strapt , or hang'd outright it was no great matter for his newes . The Surueyor is his Quartermaster , which goes like a Beare with a Chaine at his side , his two or three of the Parishoners , who walke with him , and helpe him to vndoe themselues . The poore of the Parish and other places are his chiefe Pioneres , who like mouldy Worps cast vp e●rth ▪ the Parish hee eyther winnes by Composition , or famishes by length of time , or batters downe by force of his lawlesse Engines : Most of the Inhabitants are miserably pillaged and vndone , he loues to see the bounds of his boundlesse desires ; hee is like the Diuell , for they both compasse the earth about : Enclosures make fat Beasts , & leane poore people ; there are three annoyancers of his Flocke , the Scab , Thieues , and a long Rotte : Husband-men hee loues not , fot he maintaines a few sheph●ards with their Curres . Hee holds those that plough the land cr●ell oppressors , for they wound it hee thinkes too much , & therefore he intends to lay it downe to rest : Well , this I say of him , that when hee keepes a good house constantly , surely the World will not last long : There 's many one that prayes for the end of the one , and I wish it may bee so . 4. Tenants by Lease . THere compasse ordinarily is three Prentishippes in length , one and twenty yeares . Once in halfe a yeare they must bee sure to prepare for payment . New-yeares day must not passe ouer without a presentation of a gift : If the Land-lord bee either rich , good , religious , or charitable , hee feasts their bodies ere Christmas runne away . If they see the Ladies or Gentlewomen , or my Ladies Parrat , Babone , or Monkey , you may know what their talke is of with wonder when they come home againe : many fill their Tenants bodies once , but empty their purses all the yeare long . They take it for no small grace , when the Groome , or the Vnder-cooke , or some such great Officer conuay them to the Buttry to drinke , they haue done Knights ●eruice , if they haue drunke to the ●ppermost Gentlewoman : And it 's a maruaile if they they stand not vp to performe this point of Seruice , or else blush a quarter of an houre after ; they ●eeme merry , for most eate simpering : They dare not dislike any meate , nor scarce venter vpon a dish that hath not lost the best face or piece before it come thither , many of them Suppe better at home , then they Dine here : It 's their owne folly . Hee seemes to bee a Courtier compleate , that hath the witte or the face to call for Beere at the Table : their Land-lord fetches their Charges out of them ere halfe the yeare passe , by getting them to fetch Coale , Wood , or Stone , or other burthens to his House . The Land-lord , Bayly , and other Informers are so cunning , that the Tenants shall but liue to keep Life and Soule together , if through Pouerty and hard Rents they forfeit not their Leases . You may know where they liue ordinarily , for Leases runne now with this clause vsually i● them , they must not let or sell away their right to another . Well , he that hath a good Land-lord , a firme Lease , and good ground , prayes for his owne life , and Landlords ▪ and wishes hee had had a longer time in his Lease . 5. Tenants at will. THese are Continuers onely vpon their Maisters pleasure ▪ their owne behauiour , or ability . They are men that will take short warning a quarter of a yeare , they are like poore Curats in the Countrey that stand at the old Parsons Liber●m arbitrium . They must study how to please before they speake ; when they are discharged , they are like Souldiers casheir'd , both want a place of stay or preferment , as they depart suddenly , so they are sure to pay extremly : they are not vnlike courtiers , for they often change places : their Land-Lords loue to bee vppon a sure ground with them , for vsually they 'le haue their Rents before hand , if they come not to bee censured for inmates they may abide the longer , they must alwaies bring security where they intend to stay : London is one of the freest places for their aboad , without questioning them what they are , for if they pay for their lodging and other charges , they neede not remooue : they are like vnto Seruants gone vppon a discharge , and they should reckon their places of abode , no h●ritage : If they be imploy'd in worke , and if they will stay at it , they are then most likely to hold their house the longer : they are a degre aboue a beggar , and one vnder a Tenant by Lease : many of them will not stay too long in a place , lest they should being ▪ ill , be too wel known : vppon their iournies many prooue true Carriers , for they beare their goods , Children and some houshold st●ffe : wel , they are Tenants at wil , but whither good or bad , you that would know must aske their Land-lord or them . I wish that yet they may come to be Snailes , haue an house of their owne , ouer their heads . Winter 's the worst quarter to them to shift in . 6. Countrey Schoolemaisters . IF they be well Gound & Bearded , they haue two good Apologies ready made ; but they are beholden to the Taylor and Barber for both : if they can p●ouide for two pottles of Wine against the next Lectu●e-day , the Schoole being voyde , there are great hopes of preferment : if he gets the place , his care next must be for the demeanure of his Countenance ; hee lookes ouer his Schollers with as great and graue a countenance , ( as the Emperour ouer his Army : ) He wil not at first be ouer-busie to examine his V●her , for feare hee should prooue as many Curats , better Schollers then the chiefe master . As he sits in his seate , hee must with a grace turne his Muc●atoes vp ; his Scepter lyes not farre from him , the Rod : He vses Marshall law most , and the day of execution ordinarily is the Friday : at ●ixe a clocke his army all beginne to march ; at eleauen they keepe Rendeuouz , and at fiue or sixe at night , they take vp their quarters : There are many set in Authority to teach youth , which neuer had much learning themselues ; therefore if hee cannot teach them , yet his lookes and correction shal affright them : But there are some who deserue the place by their worth , and wisdome , who stayd with their Mother the Vniuersity , vntill Learning , Discretion , and Iudgement had ripened them , for the well managing of a Schoole : these I loue , respect , and wish that they may haue good means eyther here , or somewhere else : These come from the Sea of Learning , well furnished with rich prizes of Knowledge , and excellent qualities , ballasted they are wel with gra●ity and iudgement , well ster'd by Rel●gion & a good conscience ; and these abi●ities make them the onely fit men to gouerne and instruct tender age ; he learnes the Cradle to 〈◊〉 seueral languages & ●its them for places of publicke note : being thus qualified , 't is pitty hee should eyther want meanes or imployment . 7. Country Vshers . THEY are vnder the Head-maister , equall with the chiefe Schollers , and aboue the lesser boyes : hee is likely to stay two yeares before hee can furnish himselfe with a good cloake : They are like vnto Lapwings run away from the Vniuersity , their Nest , w●th their shels on their heads . Metriculation was an hard terme for him to vnderstand : and if he proceeded it was in Tenebris : the Chancellors Seale and Lycense for the place , is a great grace to him : At a Sermon you shall see him writing , but if the diuision of the Text be expressed in Latine termes , then hee could not eyther heare , or not vnderstand , and só oftentimes looses the diuision of the Text : it 's no small credite for him to sit at the neather end of the Table with the Ministers ; he seldome speaks there amongst them , vnlesse like a nouice he be first asked , and then hee expresses his weaknesse boldly : he goes very far , if he dare stay to drinke a cup of Ale when one houre is past : His discourse ordinarily is of his exployts when he went to Schoole : hee hath learn'd enough in the Vniuersity , if hee knowes the Figures , and can Repeate the Logicall Moods : vsually he makes his Sillogismes in Baralipton , if hee can make any : Hee holds Greeke for a Heathen language , and therefore neuer intends to learne it : for Lati●e , his blacke cloathes are sufficient proofes to the Country-fellowes , that he is wel furnisht : For Hebrew it would pose him hard to make a difference in writing betwixt Hebraeus and Ebrius ; in a word , he is but a great Schoole boy with a little Beard and blackecloathes , and knowes better how to whippe a Scholler then learne him : if hee had beene fit for any thing in the Vniuersity , hee had not left her so soone : Yet I confesse there are some that deserue better preferment then this , yet accept of it ; but its pitty that Virtu● and Learning are so slightly regarded , and that so rich a iewell should bee no better plac'd . 8. Country Chaplaines . THey must do as Marygolds , immitate their Master , as these do the Sun : they are men of Grace before and after Dinner and Supper ; they are men that seeme desirous of preferment , for they rise before their Lord and Maister : their habite is neate , cleanly , if not too curious it s wel . In a well gouern'd house , they performe praier twice a day , to be commended for , because it showes and teaches Zeale , Godlinesse . Their Sermons are not long , but generally good & pithy ▪ their Lords Respect and fauour , makes the Seruants to Respect and loue them ; graue modesty and Learning , with an affable carriage , winnes them regard and Reuerence : the more priuate their persons be , the mo●e publicke their prayse : Their Studies generally are their best Closets , and their Books their best Counsellors : Such as these deserue to bee made o● ▪ but there are others of the same profession , yet much different in Nature , who striue to satisfie and please , euen by smothering , counter●etting , or immitating , their Maisters faults , and loue the strong Beere Cellar , or a Wine-tauerne more then their Studies : whose ambition is to bee conuersant with the Gentle woemen , and now and then to let an oath slippe with a grace ; whose acquaintance and familiarity is most with the Butler , and their care to slippe to an Ale-house vnseene , with the Seruants . Their allowance is good if it bee 20. Marke , and their Dyet . If they bee Married they must be more obsequious and industrious to please , if they come ●ingle , it 's a thousand to one but they either bee in Loue or Married before they goe away : I honour both Lord and Chaplaine , when they are Godly , and Religious ; but I dislike , when either the Lord will not bee told of his faults , or the Chaplaine will not , or dare not : I loue the life when Zeale , Learning and Grauity are the gifts of the Preacher . But I dislike it , when by respects Conniuency or Ignorance with Pride keepe the Chappell . If they be wise , they will keepe close , till they haue the Aduouson of a Liuing , the better they are liked of their Master , and the more store he hath of Liuings , they haue the more hopes of a presentation . It 's a great Vertue in their Patrone if hee doe not geld it , or lessen it before they handle it . 9. Ale-houses . IF these houses haue a Boxe-Bush , or an old Post , it is enough to show their Profeshion . But if they bee graced with a Signe compleat , it 's a signe of good custome : In these houses you shall see the History of Iudeth , Susan●a , Daniel in the Lyons Den , or Diues & Laz●rus paint●d vpon the Wall ▪ It may bee reckoned a wonder to see , or find the house empty , for either the Parson , Churchwarde● , or Clark , or all ; are doing some Church or Court-businesse vsually in this place . They thriue best where there are fewest ; It is the Host's chiefest pride to bee speaking of such a Gentleman , or such a Gallant that was here , and will bee againe ere long : Hot weather and Thunder , and want of company are the Host●sses griefe , for then her Ale sowres : Your drinke vsually is very young , two daies olde : her chiefest wealth is seene , if she can haue one brewing 〈◊〉 another : if ei●her the Hostesse , or her D●ughter , or Maide will kisse handsomely at parting , it is a good shooing-Horne or Bird-lime to draw the Company thither againe the sooner . Shee must bee Courteous to all , though not by Nature , yet by her Profession ; for shee must entertaine all , good and bad ; Tag , and Rag ; Cut , and Long-tayle : Shee suspects Tinkers and poore Souldiers most , not that they will not drinke soundly , but that they will not pay lustily . Shee must keepe touch with three sorts of men , that is ; the Malt-man , the Baker , and the Iustices Clarkes . Shee is merry , and halfe made , vpon Shroue-tuesday , May-daies , Feast-dayes , and Morrice dances : A good Ring of Bells in the Parish helpes her to many a Tester , she prayes the Parson may not be a Puritan : a Bag-piper , and a Puppet-play brings her in Birds that are flush , shee defies a Wine-tauerne as an vpstart outlandish fellow , and suspects the Wine to bee poysoned . Her Ale , if new , lookes like a misty Morning , all thicke ; well , if her Ale bee strong , her reckoning right , her house cleane , her fire good , her face faire , and the Towne great or rich ; shee shall seldome or neuersit without Chirping Birds to beare her Company , and at the next Churching or Christning , shee is sure to be ridd of two or three dozen of Cakes and Ale by Gossiping Neighbours . 10. Apparators . SPirituall busines is their Profession , but Carnall matters are their gaine and reuenewes . The sinnes of the Laity holds them vp , Ember-weekes , Visitations and Court-dayes shew their Calling and Imployment , then shall you see them as quicke as Bees in a Sommer day : Surrogates , the Arch-deacon , and the Chancellor , they dare not offend : they liue vpon Intelligence ; they haue much businesse with the Church-wardens and Sides-men , they ride well furnish't with Citations , and sometime Excommunications : They are glad if they can heare of any one that teaches Schoole , or read Prayers in that Diocesse without a speciall Licence , they are to Peccant Wenches , as bad Scar-crowes , as Bailiffes be to desperate Debtors . The Curate must reade Prayers on Wednesdayes and Fridayes formaliter , sub paena of a further Charge : they are sworne to their Office before admitted , but being admitted , oftentimes they dispense with the Oath : sometimes they haue eyes , and are tongue-tyed ; sometimes they haue tongues , and are blind : But without Fees they will see too much , and speake more ; and fetch men into their Courts with a Coram nomine . Yet though they doe much abuse their office , they make many affraide to sinne , either for feare o● shame , punishment , or charges : Whatsoeuer shift a man or woman make for monies , yet they are sure to pay for their faultes here . And if hee bee any thing in Age , th●n in the Court hee weares a furr'd Gowne , and ordinarily cryes Peace , peace there , when in his heart he means no such matter . 〈◊〉 are like a company of stragling Sheepe , or vnruly Goates , for they will neuer agree , or bee vnder one Shephard . Most commonly when they go to the Visitation , they Ride on poore Iades , and their accoutrements an old Saddle , one Stirrope , a Spur without a Rowell , a blacke boxe , and an Office Seale : if the Wench that 's in fault , want monies to pay her Fees , they 'le take their penny-worths in flesh : Well , their Office is none of the best , and yet is it oftentimes too good for the Maister . When all Wenches prooue Honest , they may begge , but as long as Venus Rules , they will bee sure to finde imployment . 11. Constables . THere names imply that they should be constant and able for the discharge of their Office : They haue the command of foure places of note , the Stockes , the Cage , the Whipping post , and the Cucking-stoole : they appoynt & command the Watch-men with their rusty Bils to walke Circuit ; and doe also send hue and cryes af●er Male ▪ factors . They are much imployed in foure occasions ; at Musters , at pressing foorth of Souldiers , at quarter Sessions , and Assizes : their Office many times make them proud and crafty : if they bee angry with a poore man , hee is sure to be prefer'd vpon the next Seruice : The Ale houses had best hold correspondency with them : they are Bug-beares to them that wander without a Passe . Poore Souldiers are now and then helpt to a Lodging by their meanes : They 'le visit an Ale-house vnder colour of Search , but their desire is to get Beere of the Company , and then if they be but meane men , they Master them ; and they answere them , Come pay , with this vsuall Phrase , yo● ●re not the men wee ▪ 〈◊〉 for ; and demand of the Hostesse if shee haue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in her h●uing got their de●re , they 〈◊〉 with this Comple●ent ▪ 〈◊〉 if 〈◊〉 businesse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pl●ces vp● 〈◊〉 , it is ▪ 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 King ▪ and so 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 of the hone● Com●ny , & laughter 〈◊〉 them● . It 's a 〈◊〉 to one if they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ but they will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bills 〈◊〉 sixe● ▪ and 〈◊〉 downe layd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such matter ; a fine tricke to get money by their place . They should seeme to bee either very poore , or couetous , or crafty men ; for they put their Charges alw●ies vpon the Parish : If an accompt happen to bee among the Pari●hioners when such a thing , or such a thing was done ; they 'le answere , in the same yeare , o● there abouts , I was Constable , in thinking thereby to set forth their owne Credit . I lea●e them , wishing them to bee good in their Offic● , it is not long they h●ue to stay in it . 12. Currant●es ●r ●eekly Newes . THese commonly begin with Vienna and end wi●h Antwerpt : The Spanish & French affaires must not be left out : The three names that grace their Letters , are the Sweds , Tillies , or Imperialists : ordinarily they haue as many Leyes as Lines , they vse to lye ( as weather-beaten Souldiers ) vpon a Booke-bi●ders stall , they are new and old in si●e dayes : they are busie fellows , for they meddle with other mens Affaires : No Pope , Emp●rour , or King , but must bee touched by their pen : Nay they vse to interline some great exploit at Sea betwixt the Hollander and D●nkerker , or else betwixt the Hollander and Spaniard , at the Cape or the straights of Magellan , and vsually they conclude with this Phrase , The Admirall or Vice-Admirall of our side , gaue a ●road side to the vtter ouer throw of the Spaniard , with so many men hurt , such a Rich prize taken , such a Ship sunke , or fired : Being faithfully translated out of the Dutch coppy , with the first and second Part , like Ballads . And these are all conceites ordinarily , which their owne idle braine , or busie fancies , vpon the blockes in Paules , or in their Chambers inuented : They haue vsed this trade so long , that now euery one can say , it s euen as true as a Currantoe , meaning that it 's all false . Now Swedens and the Emperors War in Germany , is their Store-house , with how 〈◊〉 , Hamburgh , Leipsich , Breame , and the other Hans-Townes affect the Kings Maiesties procee-●dings : If a Towne be Beleagured , or taken , then they neuer take care , but how they may send thei● Leyes fast enough , and far enough : Well , they are politicke , not to be descried , for they are asham'd to put their names to their Books . If they write good Newes of our side , it is seldome true ; but if it be bad , it 's alwayes almost too true . I wish them eyther to write not at all , or lesse , or more true ; the best newes is when we heare no Newes . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A06473-e30 Lieutenant Coronell Goring . Notes for div A06473-e1010 The lash . Lice . Syon Col ledg ner● CripleGat● . A22510 ---- By the King a proclamation for the better discouery and apprehension of those malefactors, who were actors in the late insolent riots and murders committed in Fleetstreet, London, vpon Friday, the tenth day of this instant moneth of Iuly. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1629 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22510 STC 8933 ESTC S122762 33150662 ocm 33150662 28694 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22510) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28694) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:116) By the King a proclamation for the better discouery and apprehension of those malefactors, who were actors in the late insolent riots and murders committed in Fleetstreet, London, vpon Friday, the tenth day of this instant moneth of Iuly. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : Anno Dom. M.DC.XXIX [1629] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. "Giuen at Our Court at Whitehall, the eighteenth day of Iuly, in the fift [sic] yeere of Our Reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Vaughan, Henry. Stamford, Henry Grey, -- Earl of, 1599?-1673. Fleetstreet Riot, London, England, 10 July 1629. Riots -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-06 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-00 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the King. A Proclamation for the better discouery and apprehension of those Malefactors , who were Actors in the late insolent Riots and Murders committed in Fleetstreet , London , vpon Friday , the tenth day of this instant moneth of Iuly . WHereas vpon Friday , the tenth day of this instant Moneth , vpon the occasion of an Arrest then made by the Sheriffes Officers of the Citie of London , diuers insolent Assaults and Tumults were made and raised vpon the Constables and Watches of the Citie , whereupon much bloodshed , and the barbarous murther of diuers of Our louing Subiects hath insued , and those insolencies so long continued , and at the last grew to such height , that there was an open and violent resistance and opposition made against Our Lord Maior of London , and Our Sheriffes of Our Citie , assisted with some of the trained Bands necessarily drawne forth to suppresse those outrages , which were committed rather in Rebellious then in a Riotous manner ; We hauing taken these affronts to Justice , and to Our publique Officers and Ministers , into our Princely consideration , and hauing already giuen a strict Charge and Command for the due examination of these so bold and audacious attempts , and finding by the returne of those , whose paines Wee haue imployed in that Seruice , that very few of the principall Actors can by their industry bee yet taken or discouered , and , Wee bring resolued , in a case of this extraordinary qualitie and consequence , to proceed according to the strict rule of Iustice , against all those who shall bee found to bee the Offendors , that by their examples others may hereafter be warned not to dare to runne into the like : To the end therefore that those malefactors may not be concealed , and so escape their due punishments , These are to Will and Command , all and euery Our Louing Subiects whom it may concerne , especially the Chirurgions , in , or neere Our City of London or Westminster , who haue , or since that day had , any hurt or wounded men in their Cure , that they and euery of them vpon their allegiance to Us , and the duty they owe to the Publike peace of Our State , and vpon paine of such punishments , as by Our Lawes , or by Our Prerogatiue Royall ran be inflicted vpon them , for their neglect herein , doe foorthwith vpon publication of this Our Royall pleasure , discouer to the Lord President of Our Priuie Councell , or to one of Our principall Secretaries of State , the names of all such persons as they know , or by probable coniecture , doe suspect to have beene Actors in any of those late tumults , and the places of their abidings , and that they , and all other persons whatsoeuer , doe their best indeauours , to detaine or apprehend them , or cause them to bee detained or apprehended without expecting any further or other Warrant in that behalfe , and by name that they apprehend , or cause to bee apprehended , wheresoever they shall be found , Captaine Vaughan , Henry Stamford , and one Ward , an Ensigne , that so they and euery of them , may bee ready to answere such matters , as on Our behalfe shall be obiected against them ; Hereof all and euery persons , whom it may concerne in their seuerall places , are to take notice , and carefully to obserue the same , at their vttermost perills . Giuen at Our Court at Whitehall , the eighteenth day of Iuly , in the fift yeere of Our Reigne , of Great Britaine , France , and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M.DC.XXIX . A20080 ---- A rod for run-awayes Gods tokens, of his feareful iudgements, sundry wayes pronounced vpon this city, and on seuerall persons, both flying from it, and staying in it. Expressed in many dreadfull examples of sudden death ... By Tho. D. Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1625 Approx. 50 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A20080 STC 6520 ESTC S105262 99840991 99840991 5546 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A20080) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 5546) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 831:03) A rod for run-awayes Gods tokens, of his feareful iudgements, sundry wayes pronounced vpon this city, and on seuerall persons, both flying from it, and staying in it. Expressed in many dreadfull examples of sudden death ... By Tho. D. Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [32] p. [By G. Purslowe] for Iohn Trundle, and are to be sold at his shop in Smithfield, Printed at London : 1625. Tho. D. = Thomas Dekker. With a title-page woodcut. Printer's name from STC. Signatures: pi¹ (=D4) A-D⁴ (-D4). Running title reads: Gods tokens: or, A rod for run-awaies. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Rod for Run-awayes . Gods Tokens , Of his feareful Iudgements , sundry wayes pronounced vpon this City , and on seuerall persons , both flying from it , and staying in it . Expressed in many dreadfull Examples of sudden Death , falne vpon both young and old , within this City , and the Suburbes , in the Fields , and open Streets , to the terrour of all those who liue , and to the warning of those who are to dye , to be ready when God Almighty shall bee pleased to call them . By THO. D. Lord , haue mercy on London . 〈…〉 London for Iohn Trundle and are to be sold 〈…〉 TO THE NOBLE Gentleman , Mr. Thomas Gilham , CHIRVRGIAN . SIR , IN this Vniuersall sicknesse , giue mee leaue ( in a few Leaues ) to salute your Health , and I am glad I can do so . To whom , in an Epidemiall confusion of Wounds , should a man flye , but to Physicke and Chirurgery ? In both which you haue skill . In the last , the World crownes your Fame ( as beeing a great Master . ) Many of your excellent Pieces haue beene ( and are to bee ) seene in this City . No Painter can shew the like , no Limner come neere such curious Workemanship . What you set out , is truely to the life ; their 's but counterfeit . I honour your Name , your Art , your Practice , your profound Experience : And , to testifie I doe so , let this poore Monument of my loue bee looked vpon , and you shall finde it . The Sender beeing sorry , it is not worth your acceptation : But if you thinke otherwise , he shall be glad , And euer rest , at your seruice , THO. Dekker . To the Reader . REader , how farre soeuer thou art , thou maist here see ( as through a Perspectiue-Glasse ) the miserable estate of London , in this heauy time of contagion . It is a picture not drawne to the life , but to the death of aboue twelue thousand , in lesse then six weekes . If thou art in the Countrey , cast thine eye towards vs here at home , and behold what wee indure . If ( as thou canst not choose ) thou art glad thou art out of this Tempest , haue a care to man thy Ship well , and doe not ouer-lade it with bad merchandize ( foule Sins ) when thou art bound for this place : for all the danger will be at thy putting in . The Rockes of insection lye hid in our deepe Seas , and therefore it behoues thy soule to take heed what sayles she hoyses , and thy body , what Pylote it carries aboord . Wee doe not thinke , but numbers of you wish your selues here againe : for your entertainement a far off cannot be courteous , when euen not two miles from vs , there is nothing but churlishnesse . But it is to be feared , some of you will get such falls in the Corne-Fields of the Country , that you will hardly bee able ( without halting ) to walke vp and downe London . But take good hearts , and keepe good legges vnder you , and be sure , you haue hung strong Pad-lo●…es vpo●… your doores ; for in many Streetes , there are none to guard your goods , but the Houses themselues . If one Shop be open , sixteene in a row stand shut vp together , and those that are open , were as good to be shut ; for they take no Money . None thriue but Apothecaries , Butchers , Cookes , and Coffin-makers . Coach-men ride a cock-horse , and are so full of Iadish trickes , that you cannot be iolted sixe miles from London , vnder thirty or forty shillings . Neuer was Hackney-flesh so deare . Few woollen Drapers sel any Cloth , but euery Church-yard is euery day full of linnen Drapers : and the Earth is the great Warehouse , which is piled vp with winding-sheetes . To see a Rapier or Feather worne in London now , is as strange , as to meet a Low-countrey Souldier with Money in his Purse : The walkes in Pauls are empty : the walkes in London too wide , ( here 's no lustling ; ) but the best is , Cheape-side is a com fortable Garden , where all Phisicke-Herbes grow . Wee wish that you ( the Run-awayes ) would suffer the Market-Folkes to come to vs , ( or that they had hearts to come ) for the Statute of fore-stalling is sued vpon you . Wee haue lost your companies , and not content with that , you robbe vs of our victuals : but when you come backe , keepe open house ( to let in ayre ) and set good cheere on your Tables , that we may bid you welcome . Yours , T. D. Gods Tokens , Of His fearefull Iudgements . WEE are now in a set Battaile ; the Field is Great Britaine , the Vantguard ( which first stands the brunt of the Fight ) is London : the Shires , Counties and Countries round about , are in danger to be prest , & to come vp in the Reare : the King of Heauen and Earth is the Generall of the Army ; reuenging Angels , his Officers ; his Indignation , the Trumpet summoning and sounding the Alarum ; our innumerable sinnes , his enemies ; and our Nation , the Legions which he threatens to smite with Correction . Sinne then being the quarrell and ground of this warre , there is no standing against so inuincible a Monarch ( as God is ) no defending a matter so foule , as our sinnes are . Would you know how many Nations ( for sinne ) haue beene rooted vp , and swept from the face of the earth , that no memory of them is left but their name , no glories of their Kings or great Cities remaining but only this , Here they liued , Here they stood ? Reade the Scriptures , and euery Booke is full of such Histories , euery Prophet sings songs of such lamentable desolations . For , Iehouah , when he is angry , holds three Whips in his hand , and neuer drawes bloud with them , but when our Faults are heauy , our Crimes hainous : and those three Whips are , the Sword , Pestilence and Famine . What Country for sinne hath not smarted vnder these ? Ierusalem felt them all . Let vs not trauell so farre as Ierusalem , but come home , looke vpon Christendome , and behold Hungaria made desolate by sword and fire , Poland beaten downe by battailes , Russia by bloudy inuasions : the Turke and Tartar haue here their insolent triumphs . Looke vpon Denmarke , Sweden , and those Easterne Countries : How often hath the voice of the Drumme called them vp ? Euen now , at this houre , the Marches are there beating . How hath the Sword mowed downe the goodly Fields of Italy ? What Massacres hath in our memory beene in France ? Oh Germany ! what foundations of bloud haue thy Cities beene drowned in ? what horrors , what terrors , what hellish inuentions haue not warre found out to destroy thy buildings , demollish thy Free States , and vtterly to confound thy 17. Prouinces ? Gods three whips haue printed deepe markes on thy shoulders ; the Sword for many yeeres together hath cut thy people in pieces ; Famine hath beene wearied with eating vp thy children , and is not yet satisfied ; the Pestitence hath in many of thy Townes , in many of thy Sieges and Leagers ; plaid the terrible Tyrant . In all these thy miseries , the Spaniard hath had his triumphs ; his Fire-brands haue been flung about to kindle and feede all thy burnings ; his furies haue for almost foure score yeeres stood , and still stand beating at the Anuils , and forging Thunder-bolts to batter thee , and all thy neighbouring Kingdomes in pieces . Whilst these dreadfull Earth-quakes haue shaken all Countries round about vs , we haue felt nothing : England hath stood and giuen aime , when Arrowes were shot into all our bosomes . But ( alas ! ) hath this Happinesse falne vpon her because of her goodnesse ? Is shee better then others , because of her purity and innocence ? Is shee not as vgly as others ? Yes , yes , the Sword is how whetting ; Dearth and Famine threaten our Corne-fields , and the rauing Pestilence in euery part of our Kingdome is digging vp Graues . The three Rods of Vengeance are now held ouer vs. And shall I tell you why these Feares are come amongst vs ? Looke vpon the Weapon which hath struck other Nations ; and the same Arme that wounded them , smites now at vs , and for the same quarrell ( Sinne. ) The Gospell ( and Gods Heralds , Preachers ) haue a long time cryed out against our iniquities , but we are deafe , sleepy and sluggish ; and now there is a Thunder speakes from Heauen to wake vs. We flatter our selues , that the Pestilence serues but as a Broome , to sweep Kingdomes of people , when they grow ranke and too full : when the Trees of Cities are ouer-laden , then onely the Plague is sent to shake the Boughs , and for no cause else : As in Turky and Barbary ; where when a mortality happens , they fall sometimes ten thousand in a day by the Pestilence . But we that are Christians , and deale in the merchandise of our soules , haue other bookes of account to turne ouer , then to reckon that we dye in great numbers , onely because we are so populous , that we are ready ( as the Fishes of the Sea ) to eat vp one another . Our eyes haue beene witnesses , that for two whole Reignes together of two most excellent Princes , & now at the beginning of a third ( as excellent as they ) we haue liued in all fulnesse : yet at the end of Queene Elizabeths foure and forty yeeres , when she dyed , she went not alone , but had in a traine which followed her , in a dead march of a twelue-moneth long , onely within London and the Liberties , the numbers of 38244. those , who then dyed of the Plague , being 35578. the greatest totall in one weeke being 3385. of all diseases , and of the Plague 3035. Thus shee went attended from her earthly Kingdome , to a more glorious one in Heauen , it being held fit in the vpper-House of the Celestiall Parliament , that so great a Princesse should haue an Army of her subiects with her , agreeing to such a Maiesty . But what numbers God will muster vp to follow our Peace-maker ( King Iames of blessed memory ) none knowes : by the beginning of this Prest which Death makes amongst the people , it is to bee feared , they shall be a greater multitude . To Queene Elizabeth and to King Iames ; wee were an vnthankfull and murmuring Nation , and therefore God tooke them from vs ; they were too good for vs ; we too bad for them and were therefore then , at the decease of the one , and now , of the other , are deseruedly punished : our sinnes increasing with our yeeres , and like the Bells , neuer lying still . We are punished with a Sicknesse , which is dreadfull three manner of wayes : In the generall spreading ; in the quicknesse of the stroke ; and in the terror which waites vpon it . It is generall : for the spotted wings of it couer all the face of the Kingdome . It is quicke : for it kills suddenly ; it is full of terror , for the Father dares not come neere the infected Son , nor the Son come to take a blessing from the Father , lest hee bee poysoned by it : the Mother abhors to kisse her owne Children , or to touch the sides of her owne Husband : no friend in this battell will relieue his wounded friend , no Brother shake his brother by the hand at a farewell . This is something , yet this is nothing : many Physicians of our soules flye the City , and their sicke Patients want those heauenly medicines which they ear tyed to giue them , & those that stay by it , stand aloofe . The rich man , when hee is dead , is followed by a troupe of Neighbours : a troupe of Neighbours , not a troupe of Mourners . But the poore man is hurried to his Graue by nasty and slouenly Bearers , in the night , without followers , without friends , without rites of buriall due to our Church , due to our Religion , to our Nation , to the Maiesty of our Kingdome ; nay , to the decency of a Christian. O lamentable ! more honour is giuen to a poore Souldier dying in the field , more regard to many a Fellon , after hee is cut downe from the Gallowes . I need not write this to you , my fellow Sufferers in London ; for you know this to be too true , you behold this , you bewaile this . But I send this newes to you , the great Masters of Riches , who haue for saken your Habitations , left your disconsolate Mother ( the City ) in the midst of her sorrowes , in the height of her distresse , in the heauinesse of her lamentations . To you that are merry in your Country houses , and fit safe ( as you thinke ) from the Gun-shot of this Contagion , in your Orchards and pleasant Gardens ; into your hands doe I deliuer this sad Discourse , to put you in minde of our miseries , whom you haue left behind you . To you that are fled , and to you to whom they flye , let me tell thus much , That there were neuer so many burials , yet neuer such little weeping . A teare is scarce to be taken of from the cheeke of a whole Family ( nay , of a whole Parish : ) for they that should shead them , are so accustomed , and so hardned to dismall accidents , that weeping is almost growne out of fashion . Why , saies a Mother , doe I showre teares downe for my Husband or Childe , when I , before to morrow morning , shall goe to them , and neuer haue occasion to weepe any more ? Whilst I am setting these things downe , word is brought me , that this weeke haue departed 3000. soules ( within 200. ) and that the Plague is much increased . O dismall tidings ! O discomfortable Relation ! Three thousand men would doe good seruice in desending a City : but when in euery weeke so many thousands and more shall drop downe of our great Armies , what poore handfuls will be left ? To see three thousand men together in Armour in a field ; is a goodly sight : but if wee should behold three thousand Coffins piled ( in heapes ) one vpon another , or three thousand Coarses in winding sheetes , laid in some open place , one on the top of each other , what a sight were this ? Whose heart would not throb with horror at such a frightfull obiect ? What soule , but would wish to be out of her body , rather then to dwell one day in such a Charnell house ? O London ! ( thou Mother of my life , Nurse of my being ) a hard-hearted sonne might I be counted , if here I should not dissolue all into teares , to heare thee powring forth thy passionate condolements . Thy Rampiers and warlike prouision might haply keepe out an Enemy : but no Gares , none of thy Percullises ; no , nor all thy Inhabitants can beate backe the miseries which come rushing in vpon thee . Who can choose but break his heart with sighings , to see thee ( O London ) the Grandame of Cities , sit mourning in thy Widdowhood ? Thy rich Children are runne away from thee , and thy poore ones are left in sorrow , in sicknesse , in penury , in vnpitied disconsolations . The most populous City of Great Brittaine is almost desolate ; and the Country repines to haue a Haruest before her due season , of Men , Women , and Children , who fill their Houses , Stables , Fields and Barnes , with their inforced and vnwelcommed multitudes . Yet still they flie from hence , and still are they more and more feared and abhorred in the Country . How many goodly streets , full of beautifull and costly houses , haue now few people or none at all ( sometimes ) walking in the one , and not so much as any liuing rationall creature abiding in the other ? Infection hath shut vp , from the beginning of Iune , to the middle of Iuly , almost ( or rather altogether ) foure thousand doores . Foure thousand Red-Crosses haue frighted the Inhabitants in a very little time : but greater is their number who haue beene frighted , and fled out of the City at the setting vp of those Crosses . For euery thousand dead here , fiue times as many are gotten hence : with them must I haue about ; to them onely doe I now bend my Discourse . To the Run-awaies from London . WE are warranted by holy Scriptures to flie from Persecution , from the Plague , and from the Sword that pursues vs : but you flye to saue your selues , and in that flight vndoe others . In Gods Name flye , if you flye like Souldiers , not to discomfort the whole Army , but to retire , thereby to cut off the Enemy , which is , Famine , amongst the poore ( your fellow Souldiers ) and discomfort amongst your brethren and fellow-Citizens , who in the plaine field are left to abide the brunt of the day . Fly , so you leaue behind you your Armour for others to weare ( some pieces of your Money for others to spend ) for others to defend themselues by . Liue not ( as Captaines doe in the Low-Countries ) vpon dead pay ; you liue by dead pay , if you suffer the poore to dye , for want of that meanes which you had wont to giue them , for Christ Iesus sake , putting the Money vp into your fugitiue purses . How shall the lame , and blinde , and halfe starued be fed ? They had wont to come to your Gates : Alas ! they are barred against them : to your doores , ( woe vnto misery ! ) you haue left no Key behinde you to open them ; These must perish . Where shall the wretched prisoners haue their Baskets filled euery night and morning with your broken meat ? These must pine and perish . The distressed in Ludgate , the miserable soules in the Holes of the two Counters , the afflicted in the Marshallseas , the Cryers-out for Bread in the Kings Bench , and White Lyon , how shall these be sustayned ? These must languish and dye . You are fled that are to feed them , and if they famish , their complaints will flye vp to heauen , and be exhibited in the open Court of God and Angels , against you . For , you be but Gods Almoners ; and if you ride away , not giuing that siluer to the needy , which the King of Heauen and Earth puts into your hands to bestow as he inioynes you , you robbe the poore , and their curse falls heauy where it once lights . This is not good , it is not charitable , it is not Christian-like . In London , when Citizens ( being chosen to be Aldermen ) will not hold , they pay Fines ; why are they not fined now , when such numbers will not hold , but giue them the slip euery day ? It were a worthy act in the Lord Maior , and honourable Magistrates in this City , if , as in the Townes to which our Merchants , and rich Tradesmen flye , the Countrey-people stand there , with Halberds and Pitchforkes to keepe thē out ; so , our Constables & Officers , might stand with Bils to keepe the rich in their owne houses ( when they offer to goe away ) vntill they leaue such a charitable piece of Money behinde them , towards the maintenance of the poore , which else must perish in their absence . They that depart hence , would then ( no doubt ) prosper the better ; they that stay , fare the better , and the generall City ( nay the vniuersall Kingdome ) prosper in blessings from Heauen , the better . To forsake London , as one worthy Citizen did , were noble ; it would deserue a Crowne of commendations : for hee , being determined to retyre into the Countrey , sent for some of the better sort of his Neighbours , asked their good wils to leaue them , and because ( the poyson of Pestilence so hotly reigning ) hee knew not whether they and he should euer meet againe , he therefore deliuered to their hands , in trust , ( as faithfull Stewards ) fourescore pounds to be distributed amongst the poore . I could name the Gentleman , and the Parish , but his charity loues no Trumpet . Was not this a rare example ? but , I feare , not one amongst a thousand that goe after him , will follow him . But you are gone from vs , and we heartily pray , that God may go along in all your companies . Your doores are shut vp , and your Shops shut vp ; all our great Schooles of learning ( in London ) are shut vp ; and would to Heauen , that , as our numbers ( by your departing ) are lessened , so our sinnes might be shut vp , and lessened too . But I feare it is otherwise : For all the Kings Iniunction of Prayer and Fasting , yet on those very dayes ( acceptable to God , were they truely kept , and comfortable to our soules ) in some Churches you shall see empty Pewes , not filled as at first , not crowding , but sitting aloofe one from another , as if , whilest they cry , Lord , haue mercy vpon vs , the Plague were in the holy Temple amongst them . Where , if you looke into the Fields , looke into the Streetes , looke into Tauernes , looke into Ale-houses ; they are all merry , all iocund ; no Plague frights them , no Prayers stirre vp them , no Fast tyes thē to obedience . In the Fields they are ( in the time of that diuine celebration ) walking , talking , laughing , toying , and sporting together . In the Streets , blaspheming , selling , buying , swearing . In Tauernes , and Ale-houses , drinking , roaring , and surfetting : In these , and many other places , Gods Holy-day is their Worke-day ; the Kings Fasting-day , their day of Riot . I wash an Aethiope , who will neuer be the whiter for all this water I spend vpon him , and therefore let mee saue any further labour . And now to you , who , to saue your houses from Red Crosses , shift your poore seruants away to odde nookes in Gardens : O take heed what you doe ; in warding off one blow , you receiue sometimes three or foure . I haue knowne some , who hauing had a Childe or Seruant dead , and full of the TOKENS , it has beene no such matter , a little bribe to the Searchers , or the conniuence of Officers , or the priuate departure and close buriall of such a party , hath hushed all ; but within a day or two after , three , foure , or fiue haue in the same House deceased , and then the badge of Gods anger hath beene worne by them , as openly as by other Neighbours . For , God will not haue his Strokes hidden : his markes must bee seene : Hee strikes not one at once , ( when hee is vexed indeed ) but many ▪ one may bee couered , many cannot . As his mercy will bee exalted in our weekely Bills ( when the totall summes fall ) so will hee haue his iustice and indignation exemplified , in the increasing of those Bills : and therefore let no man goe about to abare the number : His Arithmerick brookes no crossing . To arme you therefore with patience ( in this great day of Battell , where so many thousands fall ) take a strong heart , a strong faith vnto you ; receiue your wounds gladly , beare them constantly , be not ashamed to carry them about you , considering vnder what Commander you receiue them , and that is , The great Omnipotent Generall of Heauen . Why should any man , ( nay , how dare any man ) presume to escape this Rod of Pestilence , when at his back , before him , round about him , houses are shut vp , Coarses borne forth , and Coffins brought in ? or what poore opinion , what madnesse fastneth that man , who goes about to conceale it , when the smiting Angell goes from doore to doore , to discouer it ? Hee makes choyce in what Roomes , and what Chambers such a disease shall lye , such a sicknesse bee lodged in , and where Death must ( as Gods Embassadour ) be entertained . There is no resisting this authority , such Purseuants as these cannot be bribed . Stay therefore still where you are , ( sicke or in health ) and stand your ground : for whither will you flye ? Into the Countrey ? Alas ! there you finde worse enemies then those of Breda had in Spinola's Campe. A Spaniard is not so hatefull to a Dutch-man , as a Londoner to a Country-man . In Terme-time , a Sergeant cannot more fright a Gentleman going muffled by Chancery-lane end , than a Citizen frights one of your Lobcocks , though hee spies him fiue Acres off . In middest of my former compassionate complaynings ( ouer the misery of these times ) let mee a little quicken my owne and your spirits , with telling you , how the rurall Coridons doe now begin to vse our Run-awayes ; neyther doe I this out of an idle or vndecent merriment ( for iests are no fruit for this season ) but onely to lay open what foolery , infidelity , inhumanity , nay , villany , irreligion , and distrust in God ( with a defiance to his power ) dwell in the bosomes of these vnmannerly Oasts in these our owne Netherlandish Dorpes . When the Brittaines heere in England were opprest by Pictes and Scots , they were glad to call in the Saxons , to ayd them , and beate away the other : The Saxons came , and did so , but in the end , tasting the sweetnesse of the Land , the Brittaines were faine to get some other Nation to come and driue out the Saxons . So , the Countrey people , being of late inuaded by the Pictes , ( beaten with wants of Money to pay their rackt Rents to their greedy Land-lords ) with open armes , and well-comming throats , call'd to them , and receiued a pretty Army of our Saxon-Citizens ; but now they perceiue they swarme ; now they perceiue the Bels of London toll forty miles off in their eares ; now that Bils come downe to them euery Weeke , that there dye so many thousands ; they would with all their hearts call in very Deuils ( if they were but a little better acquainted with them ) to banish our briske Londoners out of their grassy Territories . And for that cause , they stand ( within thirty and forty miles from London ) at their Townes ends , forbidding any Horse , carrying a London load on his back , to passe that way , but to goe about , on paine of hauing his braynes beaten out : and , if they spy but a foot-man ( not hauing a Russet Sute on , their owne Country liuery ) they cry , Arme , charge their Pike-Staues , before he comes neere them the length of a furlong ; and , stopping their noses , make signes that he must be gone , there is no roome for him , if the open Fields be not good enough for him to reuell-in , let him pack . O you that are to trauell to your friends into the Countrey , take heed what Clothes you weare , for a man in black , is as terrible there to be looked vpon , as a Beadle in blue is ( on Court-dayes at Bridewell ) being called to whip a Whore-master for his Letchery . A treble Ruffe makes them looke as pale , as if , in a darke night , they should meet a Ghost in a white Sheet in the middle of a Church-yard . They are verily perswaded , no Plagues , no Botches , Blaynes , nor Carbuncles can sticke vpon any of their innocent bodies , vnlesse a Londoner ( be he neuer so fine , neuer so perfumed , neuer so sound ) brings it to them . A Bill printed , called , The Red Crosse , or , Englands Lord haue mercy vpon vs , being read to a Farmers Sonne in Essex , hee fell into a swound , and the Calfe had much a doe to be recouered . In a Towne not farre from Barnet ( in Hartfordshire ) a Citizen and his Wife riding downe to see their Childe at Nurse , the doores were shut vpon them , the poore Childe was in the Cradle carryed three Fields off , to shew it was liuing : the Mother tooke the Childe home , and the Nurses valiant Husband ( beeing one of the Traind-Souldiers of the Countrey ) set fire of the Cradle , and all the Clothes in it . A Broker in Houndes-ditch hauing a Brother in Hamshire , whom hee had not seene in fiue yeeres , put good store of money in his Purse , and rode downe to visit his beloued Brother , beeing a Tanner ; to whose House when hee came , the Tanner-clapped to his doores , and from an vpper woodden window ( much like those in a Prison ) comming to a Parlee , hee out-faced the Broker to be no Brother of his , hee knew not his face , his fauour , his voyce : such a Brother hee once had , and if this were hee , yet his Trade ( in being a Broker ) was enough to cut off the kindred , his Clothes smelt of infection , his red Beard ( for he hath one ) was poyson to him ; and therefore , if hee would not depart to the place from whence hee came , hee would eyther set his Dogges vpon him , or cause his Seruants to throw him into a Tan-Fat ; and if ( quoth hee ) thou art any Brother of mine , bring a Certificate from some honest Brokers dwelling by thee ( when the Plague is ceast ) that thou art the man , and , it may bee , mine eyes shall bee then opened to behold thee : So , farewell . — With a vengeance ( replyed the Broker ) and so came home , a little wiser then hee went. No further from London then Pancridge , two or three Londoners , on a Sunday ( being the seuenteenth of this last past Iuly ) walking to the Village there-by , called Kentish-Towne , and spying Pancridge-Church doores open ( a Sermon being then preached ) a company of Hobnayle-fellowes , with Staues , kept them out ; and foure or fiue Hay-makers , ( who out of their Countries came hither to get worke ) offering likewise to goe in , to heare the Preacher , they were threatned by the worshipfull wisdome of the Parish , to bee set in the Stockes , if they put but a foot within the Church-doores . Hath not God therefore iust cause to be angry with this distrust , this infidelity of our Nation ? How can wee expect mercy from him , when wee expresse such cruelty one towards another ? When the Brother defies the Brother , what hope is there for a Londoner to to receiue comfort from Strangers ? Who then would flye from his owne Nest , which hee may command , to be lodged amongst Crowes and Rauens , that are ready to picke out our Eyes , if we offer to come amongst them ? The braue Parlors , stately dining-Roomes , and rich Chambers to lye in , which many of our Citizens had here in London , are now turned to Hay-lofts , Apple-lofts , Hen-roosts , and Back-houses , no better then to keepe Hogges in : I doe not say in all places , but a number that are gone downe , and were lodged daintily heere , wish themselues at home , ( as complayning Letters testifie ) but that the heat of Contagion frights them from returning , and it were a shame ( they thinke ) to come so soone backe to that City , from whence with such greedy desire , they were on the wings of feare hurryed hence . Flocke not therefore to those , who make more account of Dogges then of Christians . The smelling to your Iuory Boxes does not so much comfort your Nosthrils , as the Sent of your perfumed brauery , stinkes in the Noses ( now ) of Countrey-people . It may bee perceyued , by the comming backe of many Carts laden with goods , which in scorne are returned to London , and cannot for any Gold or Siluer be receyued . What talke I of Cart-loades of Stuffe ? If some more tender-hearted amongst the rest , giue welcome to his brother , kinseman , or friend ; a Beare is not so woorried by Mastiffes , as hee shall bee by vncharitable Neighbours , when the Stranger is departed . They loue your Money , but not your persons ; yet loue not your money so well , but that if a Carrier brings it to them from London , they will not touch a penny of it , till it be twice or thrice washed in a Pale or two of water . But leauing these Creatures to be tormented by their owne folly and ignorance ; yet praying that God would open their eyes , and inlighten their soules with a true vnderstanding of his diuine Iudgements ; I will now shut vp my Discourse with that which is first promised in the Title-page of the Booke , and those are , Gods Tokens , &c. Gods Tokens . ANd now , O you Citizens of LONDON , abroad or at home , be you rich , bee you poore , tremble at the repetition of these horrors which here I set downe : and of which ten thousand are eare-witnesses , great numbers of you that are in the City , hauing likewise beheld some of these , or their like , with your eyes . Neither are these warnings to you of London onely , but to you ( who-euer you bee ) dwelling in the farthest parts of the Kingdome . Shall I tell you how many thousands haue been borne on mens shoulders within the compasse of fiue or six weekes ? Bills sent vp and downe both Towne and Countrie , haue giuen you already too fearefull informations . Shall I tell you , that the Bels call out night and day for more Burials , and haue them , yet are not satisfied ? Euery street in London is too much frighted with these terrors . Shall I tell you , that Church-yards haue letten their ground to so many poore Tenants , that there is scarce roome left for any more to dwell there , they are so pestred ? The Statute against Inmates cannot sue these , for hauing taken once possession ; no Law can remoue them . Or shall I tell you , that in many Church-yards ( for want of roome , they are compelled to dig Graues like little Cellers , piling vp forty or fifty in a Pit ? And that in one place of buriall , the Mattocke and Shouell haue ventured so farre , that the very Common-shore breakes into these ghastly and gloomy Ware-houses , washing the bodies all ouer with foule water , because when they lay downe to rest , not one eye was so tender to wet the ground with a teare ? No , I will not tell you of these things , but of These , which are true ( as the other ) and fuller of horror . A woman ( with a Child in her armes ) passing thorow Fleet-street , was strucke sicke vpon a sudden ; the Childe leaning to her cheeke , immediatly departed : the Mother perceiuing no such matter , but finding her owne heart wounded to the death , she sate downe neere to a shop where hot Waters were sold ; the charitable woman of that shop , perceiuing by the poore wretches countenance how ill she was , ranne in all haste to fetch her some comfort ; but before she could come , the Woman was quite dead : and so her childe and she went louingly together to one Graue . A Gentleman ( knowne to many in this Towne ) hauing spent his time in the Warres , and comming but lately ouer in health , and lusty state of body , going along the streets , fell suddenly downe and dyed , neuer vttering more words then these , Lord , haue mercy vpon me . Another dropped downe dead by All gate , at the Bell-Tauerne doore . A Flax-man in Turnebull street , being about to send his Wife to market , on a sudden felt a pricking in his arme , neere the place where once he had a sore , and vpon this , plucking vp his sleeue , he called to his Wife to stay ; there was no neede to fetch any thing for him from Market : for , see ( quoth he ) I am marked : and so shewing Gods Tokens , dyed in a few minutes after . A man was in his Coffin , to be put into a Graue , in Cripple-gate Church-yard , and the Bearers offring to take him out , he opened his eyes , and breathed ; but they running to fetch Aqua vita for him , before it came , he was full dead . A lusty country fellow , that came to towne to get Haruest-worke , hauing sixteene or eighteene shillings in his Purse , fell sicke in some lodging he had , in Old-street ; was in the night time thrust out of doores , and none else receiuing him , he lay vpon Straw , vnder Suttons Hospitall wall , neere the high way , and there miserably dyed . A woman going along Barbican , in the moneth of Iuly , on a Wednesday , the first of the Dog-daies , went not farre , but suddenly fell sicke , and sate downe ; the gaping multitude perceiuing it , stood round about her , afarre off ; she making signes for a little drinke , money was giuen by a stander by , to fetch her some : but the vncharitable Woman of the Ale-house denyed to lend her Pot to any infected companion ; the poore soule dyed suddenly : and yet , albeit all fled from her when she liued , yet being dead , some ( like Rauens ) seized vpon her body ( hauing good clothes about her ) stripped her , and buried her , none knowing what she was , or from whence she came . Let vs remoue out of Barbican , into one of the Churches in Thames-street , where a Gentleman passing by , who on a sudden felt himselfe exceeding ill , and spying a Sexton digging a Graue , stept to him , asked many strange questions of the fellow , touching Burials , and what he would take to make a Graue for him : but the Sexton amazed at it , and seeing ( by his face ) hee was not well , perswaded him to get into some house , and to take something to doe him good . No ( said he ) helpe me to a Minister , who comming to him , and conferring together about the state of his soule , hee deliuered a summe of Money to the Minister , to see him well buried , and gaue ten shillings to the Sexton to make his Graue , and departed not till he dyed . Now , suppose you are in Kent , where you shall see a young handsome Maid , in very good apparell , ready to goe into the Towne , to a Sister , which dwelt there : but then as you cast an eye on her ( comming into the City ) so behold a company of vnmercifull , heathenish , and churlish Townesmen , with Bils and Glaues , driuing her by force backe againe ; enter there shee must not ( it being feared she came from London ) neither could her Sister be suffred to goe forth to her . Whereupon , all comfort being denyed her , all doores bard against her , no lodging being to be had for her ; shee , full of teares in her eyes , full of sorrow in her heart , sighing , wailing , and wringing her hands , went into the open fields , there sickned , there languished , there cracked her heart-strings with griefe , and there dyed , none being by her : When she was dead , the Den of a Serpent was not more shunned then the place she lay in . It was death ( in any Townesmans thinking ) but to stand in the wind of it : there the body lay two or three daies , none daring to approach it ; till at the last , an old woman of Kent , stealing out of the Towne , ventured vpon the danger , rifled her Purse and Pockets , found good store of Money , stript her out of her apparell , which was very good , digged a homely Graue ( with the best shift she could make ) and there in the field buried her . The Kentish Synagogue hearing of this , presently laid their heads together , and fearing lest the breath of an old woman might poison the whole Towne , pronounced the doome of euerlasting banishment vpon her . And so was she driuen from thence , with vpbraidings and hard language , and must neuer come to liue more amongst them . Into another part of this Kingdome ( not full forty miles from London ) did a Citizen send his man for thirty pound , to a country Customer , which was honestly payed to him ; the young man departed merry , and in good health from him : and , albeit he had so much money about him , yet in his returne to London , hee could get no loging in any place ; at which , being much afflcted in his minde , and offring an extraordinary rate to be entertained , neither Money , nor Charity , nor common Humanity , could get a doore opened to receiue him . Patient he was to endure this cruelty , and comforted himselfe , that carrying health about him , he should make shift to get to the City : but God had otherwaies bestowed him , his time was come , the Glasse of his life almost runne out , and his iourney must bee shortned . For taking vp his lodging ( by compulsion ) in the open field , there he fell sicke , and wanting all humane helpe and comfort , there dyed . It was soone knowne by those that walked out of the Towne , into their grounds , that there he lay dead , and as soone did they consult together what to doe with his body . None was so valiant as to come neere it : It was an eminent danger , to suffer the Carkasse lye aboue ground , and a greater danger for any one ( as they thought ) to remoue it from thence . In the end , one more couragious then the other , was hyred ( for money ) to rid the Towne of this mortall feare ; who ( whatsoeuer should become of them ) purposing to saue himselfe , muffled his mouth , went into the same field where the dead body lay , a far off digged a Pit ( a Graue hee knew not how to make ) and then , with a long Pole , hauing a hooke to it , taking hold of the young mans clothes , he dragged him along , threw him in , and buried him . The Master of this seruant , musing at his long staying , and being loth to lose both man and money , rode downe to see how both of them were bestowed ; and vnderstanding , that the Money was paid , and which way his man went for London , came to the same towne , where ( by ghesse ) he thought he must needs put in for lodging ; and vpon strict inquiry , if such a young fellow had not beene seene amongst them ; it was confest , Yes , with all the former Relations of his death , and where he lay buried . The much-perplexed Londoner hearing this , did , by faire meanes and money , get his Graue opened , had his body in the clothes taken vp , and found all his Money about him , and then in the Towne bestowed vpon him , a friendly , louing , and decent buriall . It fell out better with a company of merry Companions , who went not aboue ten miles from London ; for they , getting with much adoe , into a country Victualing-house , were very iouiall , and full of sport , though not full of money . Beere and Ale they called for roundly , downe it went merrily , and the Cakes were as merrily broken . When the round O's beganne to increase to foure or six shillings , quoth one mad fellow amongst the rest , What will you say , my Masters , if I fetch you off from the Reckoning , and neuer pay a penny ? A braue Boy , cryed all the company , if thou canst doe this . Hereupon , the Oastesse being called vp for t'other Pot , and whilest it was drinking , some speech being made of purpose , about the dangerous time , and the sicknesse , it fortuned that the Tokens were named . Vpon which , the Woman wondring what kinde of things they were , and protesting she neuer saw any , nor knew what they were like ; this daring companion ( who vndertooke the shot ) clapping his hand on his brest ; How ( quoth hee ) neuer saw any ? Why then I feare , I can now shew you some about me ; and with that , hastily vnbuttoning his Doublet , opened his bosome , which was full of little blue Markes , receiued by Haile-shot out of a Birding-piece through a mischance . At sight of these , his Comrades seemed to bee strucke into a feare ; but the innocent Oastesse was ready to drop downe dead . They offred to flye , and leaue him there . Shee fell on her knees , crying out , Shee was vndone . A reckoning then being call'd for , because they would be honest to the house ; the poore woman cared for no reckoning , let them call for as much more ( so they dranke it quickly ) and there was not a penny to pay ; prouided , that they would take the spotted man away with them . They did so , and being gotten some little distance from the house , the counterfeit si●…ke Companion danced and skipped vp and downe , to shew hee was well : Shee cursing them for cheating Raskalls , that so had gulled her . This was a tricke of merriment , but few men , I thinke , would fill their bellies with drink so gotten . It is not safe to kisse Lightning , mocke at Thunder , or dally with diuine Iudgements . The Bells , euen now toll , and ring out in mine eares , so that here againe and againe I could terrifie you with sad Relations . An ample Volume might be sent downe to you in the Country , of dismall and dreadfull Accidents ; not onely here within London , but more in the Townes round about vs. Death walkes in euery street : How many step out of their Beds into their Coffins ? And albeit , no man at any time is assured of life , yet no man ( within the memory of man ) was euer so neere death as now : because he that breakes his fast , is dead before dinner ; and many that dine , neuer eat supper more . Let these then ( as terrifying Scourges ) serue to admonish the proudest of vs all , to haue a care to our footing , lest we fall suddenly . How many euery day drop downe staggering ( being strucke with infection ) in the open Streets ? What numbers breathe their last vpon Stalles ? How many creepe into Eatries , and Stables , and there dye ? How many lye languishing in the common High-wayes , and in the open Fields , on Pads of Straw , end their miserable liues , vnpittyed , vnrelieued , vnknowne ? The great God of mercy defend vs all from sudden death : and so defend you ( the rich Run-awayes ) at your comming backe to this desolate and forsaken City , that , as you fled hence to scape the Stroke of Contagion , you bring not , nor lay heauier strokes of mortality and misery vpon vs , when you returne to your Houses . It so fell out in the last great time of Pestilence , at the death of the Queene , and comming in of the King : The Weekes did rize in their numbers of dead , as the numbers of the liuing did increase , who then came flocking to Towne : As the fresh houses were filled with their old Owners , so new Graues were opened for the fresh commers . A heauy and sad welcome they had at home , after their peaceable being in the Countrey : and how could it happen otherwise ? They went out in haste , in hope to preuent death ; in iollity , to preserue life ; But when they came backe , then began their terrours , then their torments : The first foot they sit out of their Countrey-Habitations , was to them a first step to their Graues : the neerer to London , the neerer to death . As condemned persons , going to execution , haue oftentimes good colour in their faces , cheerefull contenances , and manly lookes all the way that they are going : but the neerer and neerer they approch the place where they are to leaue the World , the greater are their feares , the paler they looke , the more their hearts tremble ; so did it fare with Londoners in those dayes ; but we that are heere , pray that you may speed better : that you may returne full of health , full of wealth , full of prosperity ; that your Houses may bee as Temples to you . your Chambers as Sanctuaries ; that your Neighbours , Kindred , Friends , and acquaintance may giue you ioyfull and hearty welcomes ; that the City may not mourne then for your thronging in vpon it , as shee lamented to behold you ( in shoales ) forsaking her in her tribulation ; but that God would be pleased to nayle our sinnes vpon the Crosse of his Sonne Christ Iesus , restore vs to his mercy , render vs a Nation worthy of his infinite blessings , and plucking in his reuengefull Arme from striking vs downe continually into Graues , wee all ( abroad and at home , in Countrey and City ) may meete and imbrace one another , and sing an Allelniah to his Name . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A20080-e320 Sinne , the cause of the Plague . All Nations upon earth punished for sinne . Gods three whips . Hungary . Poland . Russia . Denmarke . Sweden . Norway , &c. It●…y . France . The miseries of ●…ermany . 〈…〉 for them . Englands security . Gods three whips ready to scourge England . Sin , the offence . It is not the numerous multitude of people causeth the Plague . The number that dyed When Queene Elizabeth dyed . Sinnes like the Bels , neuer lie still . The Plague dreadfull for three causes . How the rich are buried . How the poor ●… . Newes for Run-awayes . Much wayling , ●…ttle weeping . Thursday the ●…1 . of Iuly . Coffins and corslcts . No gates keepe out Thunder . The rich fly . the poore dye . London growes leaues . The Countrie too f●… . Both sicke of 〈◊〉 disease . Foure thousand doores shut vp . Foure thousand cro●…es set 〈◊〉 . Now to the Run-awayes . We may flye : and , we may not flye . Londoners must not liue vpon dead pay . The poore perish . The Prisoners pine : And ( Run-awaies ) all in long of you . A new policy , good for the City . A Phoenix in London . Shops shut vp . Schooles shut vp . Our s●…es stand open . A Festiuall Fasting ▪ No 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 . G●… must haue faire p●…ay . A wound well cared for , is balse cured . Angels are Heauens Harbingers , and appoynt our Lodgings . A Londoner , a Bugbeare . A digression a little merrily , taxing the inciuility of the common people . The old Brittaines opprest by the Pictes , call in the Saxons . The Country people the bold Brittaines , W●… of Moneys are the Pictes , and Londoners the Saxons , at first called in , but now they care not if the Diuell fetched them . Ouerthr●… horse and foot . The foolish feare of the Corydons . An Essex Calfe , killed without a Butcher . Sparrowblastings . A Hounds-ditch Broker entertained like a brother . This was aboue threescore in the hundred . The wisdome of Pancridge-Parish . The world is altered with Londoners . A Retreate founded . There be Iuries enough to sweare bis . To wash money , is against the Statute . Burials still passing . Bels still going . Churchyards still receiving . Graues still gaping for more . The horrors of the tune . A woman and her childe . A Souldier . A Flax-man . A country fellow . Another . A woman in Barbican . Whosoeuer , in my Name , giue●… a cup of cold water , &c. T is the Prey makes the Thiefe . A Gentleman in Thames street . A Kentish tale , but truer then those of Changers . Thirty pound 〈◊〉 lost , well recouered . The like was done three and twenty yeeres agoe . Madnesse in merriment . ●…iserable obiects Merry mornings goe before sad euenings . A22610 ---- Charles by the grace of God, king of England, Scotland, France & Ireland, defender of the faith, &c., to all and singular archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, deanes, and their officials ... to whome these presents shall come, greeting whereas we are credibly giuen to vnderstand, that by reason of grieuous visitation in this time of the great contagion of the plague amongst our poore subiects ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1636 Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22610 STC 9074 ESTC S3768 33150938 ocm 33150938 28827 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22610) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28827) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1877:32) Charles by the grace of God, king of England, Scotland, France & Ireland, defender of the faith, &c., to all and singular archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, deanes, and their officials ... to whome these presents shall come, greeting whereas we are credibly giuen to vnderstand, that by reason of grieuous visitation in this time of the great contagion of the plague amongst our poore subiects ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). By Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie: And by the Assignes of Iohn Bill, Imprinted at London : 1636. "Witnes Our selfe at Copt-hall, the seuenth day of October, in the twelfth yeere of Our Reigne." Reproduction of original in: Harvard University. Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms DIEV ET MON DROIT CHARLES by the grace of God , King of England , Scotland , France , & Ireland , defender of the Faith , &c. To all and singular Archbishops , Bishops , Archdeacons , Deanes , and their Officials , Parsons , Uicars , Curates , and to all Spirituall persons ; And also to all Justices of Peace , Maiors , Sheriffes , Bailiffes , Constables , Church-wardens , and Headboroughes ; And to all Officers of Cities , Boroughes , and Townes corporate ; And to all other Our Officers , Ministers , and Subiects whatsoeuer they be , aswell within Liberties , as without , to whom these presents shall come , greeting . Whereas we are credibly giuen to vnderstand , that by reason of grieuous visitation in this time of the great Contagion of the Plague amongst Our poore Subiects , in the Cities of London and Westminster , and Borough of Southwarke , and parts adioyning , the inhabitants of some Parishes and places are brought into such distresse , as that the Parishes are not able of themselues to support and relieue the poore of the said Parishes , and to prouide for the infected , and for the necessary watching and warding of the houses which are shut ; And albeit , the Justices of Peace haue done their best endeauours , by taxing the Parishes and Townes adiacent , to supply these wants and necessities ; yet so many difficulties haue occurred , that although for the time past they haue prouided in some competent measure , yet by the continuance of the Infection , they finde the burden to grow euery day more and more heauy : Whereof Our selfe being informed on the twenty fifth of September last , haue with the aduice of Our Councell , thought fit , that for the present , a Collection should be made of the charitable Beneuolences of well disposed people , within the Cities of London and Westminster , and in the Counties of Middlesex and Surrey , and Borough of Southwarke , and to the Beneuolence of all Cities , Townes Corporate , Villages , and Priuiledged places within the said Counties , not extending the same further for the present ; because it is hoped , that by Gods goodnesse , the Infection will abate ( the Winter season , and cold weather now approaching ) before it shall be needfull to pray the ayde of more remote Counties ; Not doubting , but that all good Christians , duely considering the misery , and pitifull calamity , which so many poore distressed and deiected Christians doe vndergoe by such an ineuitable and grieuous visitation , will in their owne pious commiseration of their great extremity , be herewith moued , out of the bowels of compassion , and forward , as feeling members one of anothers miseries , freely and willingly to extend their liberall Contributions towards the reliefe and comfort of a number of wretched creatures in this their great necessity . KNOW YE therefore , that We well weighing the wofull and lamentable estates of Our said poore and distressed Subiects , and commiserating the same , of Our especiall grace , and Princely compassion doe order and grant , that a Collection be made of the charitable deuotions , and liberalities of all Our louing Subiects , within the seuerall Counties , Cities , and Townes Corporate aboue named , for , and towards the reliefe and succour of the said poore inhabitants of London , and other Infected places adioyning : Which Collection , We will , grant , appoint , and require , shall be ordered in manner and forme following : That is to say , We will , grant , appoint , and require all and singular Parsons , Vicars , Curats of the seuerall Churches and Chappels within the said Counties , Precincts , Cities , Villages , and Townes Corporate aboue mentioned , with all possible speed to publish , and recommend this Collection to the charity of all well disposed persons within their Churches and Precincts , with an especiall exhortation to the people , for the better stirring vp of their liberall and extraordinary Contributions in so good and charitable a deed . And We will and command , that you the Churchwardens of every Parish within the Counties , Cities , and places aforesaid respectiuely , to take a care of the furtherance of the said Collection : And if any housholder , or parishioner be absent when these Our Letters Patents shall be there published , you the said Churchwardens , to goe to the habitations of such persons , and to aske their charity for the purpose aforesaid : And what shall be by you so gathered , to be by the Minister and your selues , endorsed on the backside of these Our Letters Patens , or the Copy or Briefe hereof , in words at length , and not in figures , with your names subscribed thereunto : And the summe and summes of money so gathered and endorsed , to be paid ouer as is hereafter mentioned . And lastly , Our will and pleasure is , that the moneys Collected in Surrey , be paid ouer to the hands of Sir Thomas Grymes Knight , and Edward Bromefield Esquire , Justices of Peace in the said County of Surrey , for the present reliefe of Southwarke , Newington and other places adiacent as stand in need by reason of the Infection . And the moneys collected in Middlesex , to be paid to the hands of Thomas Gardiner Esquier , Recorder of London , and to Iohn Herne Esquier , two of the Justices of Peace for the County of Middlesex , or to either of them , for the present reliefe of Westminster , and other places in Middlesex adiacent , or neere to the Cities of London and Westminster , as stand in need by reason of the Infection . And the moneys Collected in London , to be paid to the Lord Maior there for the time being , and by him to be deliuered euer , as there shall be any remainder at the end of his yeere , to his Successor : Which moneyes so Collected in London , to be , vpon conference betweene the said Lord Maior and Recorder of the City of London , disposed as shall be most needfull , not onely for the reliefe of such places , as by reason of the Infection , doe , or shall stand in need , in London , Westminster , and Middlesex , but also as occasion and necessity shall require , shall out of the same adde thereunto to the ayde and reliefe of Southwarke , Newington , and other places in Surrey , in manner and forme before recited , according to the true meaning of Our gracious intention by these Our Letters Patents , Any Statute , Law , Ordinance , or prouision heretofore made to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . IN WITNES whereof We haue caused these Our Letters to be made Patents , for the space of foure whole moneths , next after the date hereof to endure . WITNES Our selfe at Copt-hall , the seuenth day of October , in the twelfth yeere of Our Reigne . Dawe . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie : And by the Assignes of IOHN BILL . 1636. A20054 ---- The dead tearme. Or, VVestminsters complaint for long vacations and short termes Written in manner of a dialogue betweene the two cityes London and Westminster. The contentes of this discourse is in the page following. By T. Dekker. Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1608 Approx. 109 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A20054 STC 6496 ESTC S105243 99840972 99840972 5522 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A20054) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 5522) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 880:24) The dead tearme. Or, VVestminsters complaint for long vacations and short termes Written in manner of a dialogue betweene the two cityes London and Westminster. The contentes of this discourse is in the page following. By T. Dekker. Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [54] p. Printed [by W. Jaggard] and are to be sold by Iohn Hodgets at his house in Pauls Churchyard, London : 1608. Printer's name from STC. Signatures: A-G⁴ (-G4). Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Social life and customs. Westminster (London, England) -- Social life and customs. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-02 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-02 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Principall matters contayned in this discourse . A Short Encomiasticke speech in praise of Charing-crosse . The sinnes of Westminster . The sinnes of London . The Buildings of Westminster and London . The Names of all the Kings and Queenes that lie buried in Westminster . Westminsters complaint . Vacations and Tearmes compared . A paradox in praise of going to Law. A paradox in praise of a Pen. Londons answere to Westminster . Paules steeples Complaint . The walkes of Paules described . The Stewes on the Banke-side , and the Suburbe-houses of iniquity at 〈…〉 compared together . A paradox in 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 . An Inuectiue against 〈◊〉 . The Originall of London . A description of 〈◊〉 bridge-Fayre . A merrie lest of two London Porters performed there , about burying of a Londo●●● . To the very Woorthy , Learned , Iuditious , and Noble Gentleman , Syr Iohn Harrington Knight . SIR , the Loue ( which your immortall Ariosto tels to the world ) that you really beare to Diuine , ( but now Poore and Contemned ) Poesie , hath a long time made me an Honorer of those bright ascending Vertues in you , which those Holy and Pure Flames of Her haue kindled in your bosome . Happy you are by Birth , Happy , by your bringing vp , but most happy in that the Muses were your Nurses , to whome you haue beene so tender , that they make you an Elder sonne and Heyre of their Goodliest Possessions . So that your Loue to Them , hath drawne from Others , an Honourable Loue and Regarde of you . The Path which True Noblenesse had wont ( and ought ) to tread , lyes directly before you : you haue beene euer , and are now in the way , which emboldens me to presume , that as our Greatest Commanders will not disdaine to instruct euen Fresh-water souldiers in the Schoole-poynts of war , so ( out of your Noble disposition ) you will vouchsafe to viewe the labours of so dull a Pen , as This that writes , vnto you . Two Citties haue I summoned to a Parley , and of their great Enter-view haue I chosen you to be Arbiter . It is Boldnes in me , I confesse , but it is the Boldnes , of my Loue , referring which ( and my selfe ) to your worthy Censure , I Rest. Deuoted to you in all seruice , Thomas Dekker . Westminsters speech to London . O Thou goodliest Queene , euen ouer the greatest Citties ! How glad am I ( O London ) that wee two are met together ? For now will I poure my sorrows into thy bosome . Thou art Reuerend for thy Age , ( as béeing now , two thousand seauen hundred and fouretéene yeares old , which is more then my selfe , am , by a thousand , six hundred and foure yeares ) for I am but one thousand , one hundred , and tenne yeares of age . ) Thou art Grandam almost to this whole Kingdome : A blessed Mother thou art , for no lesse then one hundred and thréescore Emperours , Kinges , and Queens , hast thou borne in thy Wombe . Healthfull thou art of body , it appeareth by thy strength in holding out so long ; pure thou art of complexion ; It is séene by thy Chéekes , the Roofes of them are nothing wythered : Rich thou art in the treasure of all thinges , witnesse the number of Nations , that for thy substaunce , are thy dayly suitors : stored are thy breastes with wisedome , and the glory thereof shines in the gouernment of thy Rulers . Thou art full of pollicy , great with experience , renowned for Learning ; Thou art full of loue full of pitty , full of piety : yea , thou art ( O Noblest Daughter of Brutus ) my Eldest Sister ; thou rather ( if our descents bee well looked into ) art my Mother . Unto whom therefore can my condolements better come than to thée . Upon whose lap shall I lay my aking temples if not vpon thine ? One eye of Heauen lookes downe vpon vs both ; one and the same handfull of earth , serues vs both to dwell vppon : The teares that fall from both our eyes , make vp one Riuer , and that Riuer serues againe for both our bodyes to bath in . Since therefore wee are partners in all other thinges , why should wee not be Sharers in our mothers affliction ! Thou standest silent , I sée at these my spéeches , as beeing driuen into wonder , why I ( that haue alwayes kept company with the proudest , and beene euer Iocond ) should now sinke downe into any kinde of complayninges . But to kéepe thée ( O my best and fayrest Neighbour ) from tormenting thy selfe with thinking on the causes of this my grieuing : let mée tell thée ( thou Nurse to many thousandes of people ) that I doe not pine , to see that Auncient and oldest * Sonne of mine , with his Limbes broken to péeces , ( as if hee were a Male-factor , and hadde beene tortured on the Germaine Whéele : ) his Reuerend Head cut off by the cruelty of Time ; The Ribbes of his body bruizes ; His Armes lop't away ; His backe ( that euen grew crooked with age ) almoust cleft in sunder : yea , and the ground ( on which hee hath dwelt so many * hundreds of yeeres ) ready to bee pulled from vnder his feete , so that with gréefe his very heart séemes to be broken . I confesse ( thou brauest of Citties ) that this Graund-Childe of mine , hath beene the tallest and hardiest of all the Sonnes of my body : for thou knowest it aswell as I , that hee hath borne himselfe valiantly , ( and without shrinking ) in many a storme . Many a tempest hath beene flung from Heauen to shake him , yet still hath hee kept his owne footing . Many astounding blow hath he taken on his head , yet for a long time did he beare them without réeling . So well beloued hath hee beene amongst the Kinges and Princes of this Nation , that they would almost neuer passe , to these Royall Pallaces where I inhabit , and neuer repayre to their Houses of Parliaments , or to their places of Kingly Tryumphes , but they would of purpose take their way by him : yea , so greatly hath hee in times past beene helde in honour , that the knees of common people hath beene bowed before him , and the bare heades of the greatest Prelates héertofore haue shewed to him a kinde of reuerence . Yet it is not for his sake ( O farre renowed Troynouant ) that my Soule liues in sorrow : albeit , I see him now laughed at ●nd contemned . Neither am I afflicted by beholding the vnrulynesse of those Children that are vnder my kéeping . It were a madnesse in mee to trette at theyr wickednesse , because no sorrow of mine can amend it . I know it , and am ashamed to tell thée , that Drunkennesse reeles euery day vp and down my streetes . Fellowes there are that follow mee , who in déepe bowles shall drowne the Dutchman , and make him lie vnder the Table . At his owne weapon of Vpsie freeze will they dare him , and beat him with wine-pots till hée be dead drunke . Out swagger they will besides ( being armed with that French weapon ) a whole Fayre full of Butchers and Tinkers , who commonly are the greatest Fighters , and most profound swearers . As for that sin that is after serued in dinner , and after Supper : or rather that sinne that is vp night and day , and can see aswell in darkenesse as in Lights that Monster with two bellies , ( Lechery I meenne ) doe what I can , no whips are able to make it leape out of my Iurisdiction . More Mayden-heades I verily beléeue are cut off vpon my owne feather-beds ( in one year ) than are heads of Cattell cut off in ( in two ) amongst the Butchers that serue my families . But I feare ( O London ) that by dwelling so near thée thou hast infe●ted my houses with these two plagues , that now run ouer all the Kingdome : for all the world knowes that euen thy shop-kéepers and poorest Tradesmen lay by their owne occupations , and fall to these . Other sinnes lies gnawing ( like diseases ) at my heart , for Pride sits at the doores of the rich : Enuy goes vp and downe with the Begger , féeding vpon Snakes . Rents are layde vpon the racke ( euen my own sight ) and by my own Children that I haue borne , whilst Conscience goes like a foole in pyed colours , the skin of her body hanging so loose , that like an Oxford Gloue , thou wouldst swear there wer a false skin within her . Couerousnes hath got a hundred handes , and all ●●●se hands do nothing but tye knots on her Purse-strings , but Prodigality hauing but two handes , vndoes those knottes faster , than the other can tie them . O thou Darling of Great Brittaine , thy Princes call thée Their Treasurer and thou art so . But more peeces of Siluer and Gold passe not through thy fingers , then oathes from the mouthes of my inhabitants . Thou art held to be ( O London ) the lowdest swearer in the kingdome , because ( some say ) thou hast whole shoppes and Ware-houses filled vvith oathes yet I feare , I haue those about me that for filthy mouthing wil put thée down , for I am haunted with some that are called Knights onely for their swearing . Ranckely doe these and other stinking wéedes grow vp in my walkes , and in my Gardens , the sauours of them are Pestilent to my Nosthrils , and are able to kill me , yet much good wholesome fruits do I féed vpon , that are to my life a preseruation . So , that for the aches that these diseases bréed in my bones I doe not languish neyther . Thou knowest and I confesse it , ( for if I should not , the whole world would swear it ) that thou possessest the more , but I the more goodly buildings : thy hauses are contryued for thrist and profitable vses , mine for state and pleasure : thou dwe lest vnder plaine roofes , I within royall Pallaces : euery roome that thou lodgest in , is but called a Chamber , and euery Chamber I sleepe in , is a Kinges Court : In thine Armes lie the sonnes of England to suck wealth , but in my lap sit the Princes of England to be Crowned , In my bosome doe they slumber whilest they liue , and when they dye , they desire to bee buried betwéene my breasts . To testifie this , all the annoyted kinges and Queenes , ( except one , who receiued his Crowne at Glocester ) with all the Wiues of those kinges , that haue raigned heere since that Norman Conqueror , would if they were now liuing speake on my side in that behalfe , for the full number of 21. Kinges and two Quéens ( being a payre of Sisters ) haue receiued the glorious Titles of Maiestie , and were seen the very first day of their sitting on the English throne onely at my hands , and in my presence , of which that conquerour , and Matilda ( his wife ) had the honour to begin , for till hys time , other places wer made happy by that dignity , as Kingston , &c. which then were farre aboue me , but now can no way be my equall . To proue how much the Rulers of this Monarchy haue loued mee euen on their Death-beds , their bodies which they haue ( as their richest Legacies ) bequethed to my kéeping , are royall witnesses . I can shew thee ( O thou Noblest of thy Nation ) the bones not onely of most of those kinges before-named , but of some that liued here long before them . But because the Graue is the vtter destroyer of al beauty , yea and so defaceth the lookes and the bodies euen of the goodliest princes , that men abhorre to behold them : also for that it is helde an acte most impious , and full of Sacriledge to offer violence to the deade , I will onely giue thee the names of all those Kinges , Queenes , and Princes Royal bloud , that now lay their heads on my knées & must sléepe there till that day , when all that rest in graues , shal be summoned to awaken . Of these , was Sybert ( King of the East - Saxons ) the first , with his wife Aethelsoda . Sybert gaue me my first being in the world , and at his departure from the worlde , did I giue his body an euerlasting habitation . Next vnto him did I lay Harold ( Sir-named Hare-foot ) King of the West Saxons . Then Edward the Confessor , vppon whome king William bestowed a shryne of Syluer and Golde . And then these . Aegytha , wife to that Conquerour . Matilda , wife to Henry the first , and daughter to Malcoline king of Scots . Henry 3. who builded a great part of that my famous Temple , and whose Sepulcher was adorned with precious stones of Iasper , fetched by his sonne Edwarde the 1. out of France . Eleanor , wife to that Henry . Edmund second Sonne to that Henrie , the first Earle of Lancaster , Darby , and Liecester , wyth Auelyne ( hys Wife ) who was Daughter and heyre to the Earle of Albemarle . Besides him , all the Children of the sayde Henry the 3. and of Edward , 1. ( being nine in number . ) Edward the first , who offered to the Shryne of Edward the Confessor , the Chaire of Marble , wherein the kinges of Scotland had wont to be crowned , and in which the king that first made England and Scotlande one Monarchy , was now lately inthronized . Eleanor wife to that Edward 1. and Daughter to Ferdinando king of Castyle . In memory of whose death , so many stately Crosses ( as Mon●umentes of his loue to her ) were erected in all those places where her body was set downe , when it was sent to bee lodged with mee . Eleanor , Countesse of Barre , Daughter of Edwarde the first , Edward 3. and Phillip of Henalt ( his wife . ) Wiliam of Windsore and Blanch ( his Sister ) children to Edward the third . Thomas of Wood-stock , sonne likewise to that Edward , Iohn of Eltham , ( Earle of Cornewall ) sonne to Edward the second . Richard 2. that vnfortunate king with Anne his Wife , Daughter of Vinceslaus king of Bohem , which Anne brought vp the fashion for women to ride in side Saddles , which till her time rode as men . Then that Guttorum Mastix , the scourge of the French , Henry 5. to doe honor to whose victorious and dreaded name , Katherine his wife , and daughter to the King of France , caused an Image ( to the portraiture of hir husbande ) to bee made of Massy Siluer , all gilded ouer , which was layde vpon his Monument : but Couetousnes , not suffering euen hallowed places , and the shrines of the dead to bee frée from hir griping talents , the head of that Image , which was al of Massy siluer , is now broke off , & the plates that couered the body stoln , and conueyed away . That royall Quéene and Bedfellow of his , Lady Katherine , was with mee likewise layd to rest , but after , beeing taken vp , ( without any wrong meant to the body ) it nowe lyes vnburied in a poore Coffin of bordes and with the least touch falleth into ashes . Adde to these , Anne the wife of Richard the third . Margaret Countesse of Richmond and Darby , mother to Henry the 7. Anne of Cl●ue , wife to Henry the 8. Henry 7. and Elizabeth his wife , do in mine armes likewise take their euerlasting sleeps : so does Elizabeth daughter to those most happy Princes . So doth Margaret daughter to Edward 4. So doth Edward the 6. Sonne to that famous prince , Henry 8. So doth Mary whose name serues her only as a Monument . And lastly so doth Elizabeth , daughter to that great wariour , who if shee had no Monnument at all consecrated to memory , yet were her name sufficient to eternize her Sacred worth , and the wonder of her 44. years gouernement . Thus ( besides other personages of great byrth , too many in number for me to recite and too tedious for thée to heare ) am I compassed about with the dead bodies of 42 , Kings , Quéenes , and the sons and daughters of Kings & Quéens , the remembrance of whom is able to turn me which sorrow into Marble , but that their statues & sumptuous monuments , do shine in my Temples , and worke such astonishment in the eyes ( euen of straungers ) that I estéeme that hurt of mine , the best part of my glory . Besides all these gallant obiects . The swifte-footed Thamesis , daunseth all the day long , ( in wanton Water-ringes ) before mee , shee transformes her Christall body into a thousand shapes to delight mee : Sometimes does shee chaunge her selfe into * a Girdle of Siluer , and then doe I weare it about my middle . Sometimes lookes shee like an Amazon , ( along curled hayre hanging loosely about her shoulders ) and then dooes shee fight with the windes , and her combates are discharged with excellent grace . Anon shall you beholde her lymbes stretcht out to an infinite , but comely length , ) and then ( O my worthyest Sister ) doe we two grow proude , and take her for a Ryuer whilest shee continues in that shape , thou knowest what delicate turnings and windinges shee does make euen at our féete : thy habitations stande then like a rich Embrodery about the skirts of an imperial garment , but my buildinges shew like so many Castles , raised by Enchantment , where faire Ladies locke vppe their beauties , whilst knights aduenturers come armed thether with loyalty , challenging them for their loues : yea in such goodly , & in so artificial an order are my Turrets and Towers errected , that the Sun ( at his rising ) makes mee beléeue they are Rockes of Burnisht Siluer , & with his blushing vpon them ( at his going downe ) I haue a thousande times sworne they were so many hils of Gold. Bee thou nowe an indifferent Iudge ( O London , thou fayrest Daughter of Europe ) if I , beeing accustomed to this fulnesse of dignitie , and this variety of pleasures , haue not good cause to languishe when I am depriued of them all . The more princely are my guests , the more insufferable , and more to be pittied are my passions , spent for their absence . Well was it for thée ( thou Metropolis of the world ) that the honours , the Habits , the Tryumphes , the gifts of Kinges , and the Reuennewes that belong to my Royaltyes , are not made Thine : thou swellest in thy heart enough already , but then wouldst thou haue bin too proud and insolent . How therefore can I choose but buffet my owne chéekes through the anguish of my Soule ? Teare my owne hayre to sée my selfe distressed ? and euen drinke mine own hart-bloud in teares , to looke on my present miserie ? Listen to me : for now ( O my déerest Play-fellow ) shalt thou heare the very true tunes of my most iust bewaylings . Those throwes of sorowe come vppon mee foure times euery yéere , but at one time more , ( and with more paines ) then at all the rest . For in the height and lustiest pride of Summer , when euery little Uillage hath her Bathilers & her Damosels tripping deftly about May-pols : when Medowes are full of Hay-makers : when the fieldes vpon the workidaies are full of Ha●●estars singing , and the towngréenes vpon Hollydayes , trodden downe by the Youthes of the Par●● dancing : when thou ( O thou beautifull , but bewitching Citty ) by the wantonnesse of thine eye , and the Musicke of thy voyce allurest people from all the corners of the Land to throng in heapes , at thy Fayres and thy Theators ; Then , ( euen then ) sit I like a Widdow in the middest of my mourning : then doe my buildings shew like infected lodgings , from which the Inhabitants are fledde ▪ then are my chambers empty , and my common paths vntrodden : then doe I not looke like thy next neighbour , but like a creature forlor●e , and vtterly forsaken . Were it not that my state is vphold by fiue great Pillers , ( the chiefe of them being so hie , that Kinges and Princes sit on the top of it ) I should euen loose my name , and the memory of mée would be buryed in the earth , that now beares me vp . That first and Capitall * Columne ( on which leanes all my strength ) is a Pyramides , whose point reaches vppe to the Starres : whilest that stands in mine eye , I behold a * Maiesty , equall to Ioues : I sée a * Vine , whose braunches shall spread so farre , and so hie , that one day they shall couer Kingdomes . I see likewise a * Table , at which sit none , but Those , whose heads grow white onely with the Cares of a Kingdom : I sée a Row of * Lords too , whose flourishing doth dignify the place vppon which they grow , and whose shady boughes beate backe , and kéepe off from the people the violent heate of Tyrrany and oppression : Besides all these , do I behold a goodly Fountain , * large , cleare , strongly , and curiously built , out of which come a thousand pipes , ( some greater then the rest ) thorough whome a swéete water flowes , that giues life vnto the Soule . And last of all ( so full is my happinesse ) in stead of earthly Creatures , I see none but * Goddesses . But ( woe is me ) when this great Piller is remooued from my sight , then ( casting vp mine eye ) me thinks I looke vpon nothing but my owne Ruines . Nay , that calamitie of mine doth euen stretch to thée ; for thou thy selfe , for all thy loftinesse and boasting , dooest at that time droope , and hauge the head . But note how the Rulers of this Land haue loued mee ; though they giue mee woundes , they giue mee Balme to cure them : though the Sunne goe from me , yet am I comforted with the brighnesse of the Stars . The Law ( which lyes in , at euery Uacation ) is brought to bed in foure seuerall months of the yeare , and deliuered of foure * Sonnes . Those Sonnes inuite me to foure kingly Feasts ; they kéep their Tournes ; and their Returnes , are so many seuerall Seruices . They are the Foure Elements that gouerne ▪ and giue life to my body ; yea , so déere doe I make them vnto me , that I account of them , as of Foure Golden Ages . Whilest any of these foure abide in my Company , I am more Iocond then a Woman in the embracements of her Louer . My Chéekes looke then red , with a high and lusty colour , for I wash them in Wines : my heart is merry , for I nourish it with gladnesse . Then doe my Tenants sléepe soundly , ( for they drinke soundly : ) Then dare they talke any thing for they haue Lawe on their sides ; Then are they content to take crackt Crownes , though at another time they would stabbe him that should but hitte theyr eare . Vintners are then as busie as Bees are in Hiues , for as Bées flye from one Flower to another to sucke out Hony , so doth the Drawers leape from one Hogshead to another to let out Wines . In euery roome are the Pottle Pottes working , to bring in gaines to their Maister , as the other labor , to bring forth wax for their hiues . The strings are in the tailes , and that is at the end of their Cups , when they come to a barre for the Reckoning : The Drones are those that drinke that which should doe others good , yet hurt themselues by it , taking too much of it . Neither do Tauernes alone fall into this profitable and healthfull sweating Sicknesse : but all other Trades , Occupations , Misteries , and Professions , do row vp & down this Spring-tide streame of businesse ; and such good Draughts haue they , that all is Fish that comes into their Net. Yea , in the open streetes is such walking , such talking , such running , such riding , such clapping too of windowes , such rapping af Chamber doores , such crying out for drink , such buying vp of meate , and such calling vppon Shottes , that at euery such time , I verily beléeue I dwell in a Towne of Warre . For euery morning do the men of law march to the Hall , as it were to the fielde : The Counsellore are the Leaders , Atturnies and Clarkes , are petty Commaunders , and Officers of the band : the trayned old Weather-beaten Souldiers , are those that haue followed the Law a long time , and haue vndoone themselues by brabblinges . The raw , fresh-water-Souldiers , are such as entered but yesterday into the action . In which March of theirs , if you fall but in amongst the Rankes , you will by and by suppose your selfe in the Low-Countries ; for as the Souldiers ( there ) so these ( here ) talk of nothing but Stratagems and poyntes of War. Some threaten to ouerthrow their aduersaries , vpon assaults and Battryes : Some ( as if an enemy were to be blown vp in a Towne ) sweare to driue them out of their houses by way of Eiectments : Others , as if they came to the sacking of a Citty , cry out vpon nothing but Attachments , both of goodes and body . And as among Soaldiers , some delight in bloud more then others , so amongst these , some take a pryde in crueltie more then others , and labour onely to haue their Enemies in Execution . At the length , they come into the fielde , ( that is to say , to the Barre ) where they must trie the quarrell by Arbiterment of wordes in stead of swords : for there either the one side or other is ouerthrown : There stand the Pikemen ( that is to say , such as haue had long sutes ) and being wearyed , care not almost which end goes forward , because they are at a stand , The Bill-men hard by them , but they for the most part are euer complayning . And thus ( thou Minion of so many Kinges ) doth this stirring vp and downe of my body , stirre vppe my bloud , and kéepes mee sound : this peopling of my stréets , makes me to be crowned with the title , dignity , and liberties of a Cittie , ( for what are Citties if they be not peopled : ) this Phisick ( so long as I take it ) preserues my body in health : But because I am compelled sometimes to giue it ouer , ( which is commonly in Haruest , and now a little at the beginning of the fall of the lease , ( for this part of the yeare doth most trouble mee ) I féele the state of my body weake , and subiect to infirmities . For alasse there are certaine Canker-Wormes ( called Uacations ) that destroy the Trées of my Inhabitants , so soone as euer they beare any fruite . These Uacations are to mine owne body , like long and wasting consumptions , they are more grieuous to my remembrance , then the comming on of a tedious night to a man tormented with sicknes : or then marriages delaied , to them that lie sighing for the delights thereof . The vnwholesome breath of Autumne , who is so full of diseases , that his very blowing vppon trées , makes theyr leaus to fal off ( as the French Razor shaues off the haire of many of thy Suburbians , ) euen that , and all the foure Maister-windes that kéepe such a blustring in the world , do not more scatter the dust of the Earth , then the cold blastes of foure Uacations , doe blow abroad the wealth that before I haue gotten together . In the Tearme times euery day to me is a day of feasting , but euery Uacation starues me with ill dyet , for all the daies of them are to me nothing but fasting daies . Yea , the Dog-dayes are not halfe so vnwholesome , so pestilent & so perilous to the bodyes of men , as those are to mee . The Tearmes are my flowings , the Uacations my ebbinges . So that ( if I were sure the world would not hold mee for a miserable and couetous wretch ) I could euen wish , that these battayles of the law , were fighting all the yeare long . It were as much glory , fame , and preferment for mee to haue it so , as it is for the Low countries , to be all the year vp in armes . And tell me I pray , ( thou prouident Mistris ouer so many families ) tell mee in thine opinion , if it were not fit to haue all these foure Riuers of the law , run into one stream , without any stoppings or turnings . For , do but consider what voyage a man is to make when he sayes , I must goe to Law : It is a Voyage , but short and easie to finish , if you méete with an honest and skilfull Pilot , that knowes the right puttings in , the watering places , and the Hauens , and can auoyd the Rockes , Gulfes , Créekes , & quick-sands that lie cleane out of the way , and yet many a thousand do desperately runne themselues on ground , and suffer Shipwracke vppon them . But on the contrary part , if a Man sets out carelesly , not taking the Counsell of men experienced in those Seas , though he be neuer so well furnished , neuer so well manned , neuer so strong in heart , neuer so able to brooke stormes and tempests ; yet let him bee sure to be tossed from coast to Coast , to bee driuen forward with one prosperous gale to day , and to be blown thrée times further backward with a boistrous breath to morrow : to haue his Soule afflicted with cares , and his heart eaten vppe with frettinges , and in the end to finde ( to his cost ) that he had beene better to haue vndertaken a Voyage to the East and West Indyes : and sooner hadde he made his returne home . So that to hoyst vppe Sayles in this Ocean of Controuersies , and to méete with a fortunate and faire Ariuall , is as much honor , as to go to Ierusalem , and safely to come back againe . The Law is vnto vs , as the heauens are ouer our heads : of their owne Nature they are cléere , gentle , and readie to doe good to man : they giue light to his eyes , comfortable Ayre to his Spirits , warmth to reuiue him , coolenesse to refresh him . But if they bee troubled by brablings and vnruly mindes , and be put from their owne smooth and euen by as , then doe they plague the world with stormes : Then doth Thunder shake the Rich mans building , lightning burnes vp the poore mans Corne , Haile-stones beat down the fruites of the earth , and all Creatures that are within reach of their fury , tremble , and hide their heads at the horrour . The very phrase of Going to Law , shewes the greatnes , Maiesty , and state of Law : for the Law comes to no man , but he is eyther driuen , or else so busie of himselfe , that he goes to it . The Law sléepes continually , vnlesse shee bee wakened by the wronges of men oppressed , or by the turbulency of those that will not let her rest : for the first sort of which people , she hath a payre of Balance , wherein shee wieghes their Innocence , and the Iniuries of others ▪ forcing one to make good the hurts of the other . Against the second , she drawes a sword , with which shee both strikes them that break hir peace , and defends thē that are threatned to be struck wrongfully . He that Goe , therfore to Law , goes before a personage , whose browes are vnwrinckled , yet full of Iudgement ; whose eyes are not wandring , yet turning to both sides ; whose lips are sildome opened , yet what they pronounce is iust ; whose countenāce is austere , yet setled in vprightnesse ; whose hands are open to all , yet neuer filled with bribes ; whose heart lies hidden , yet frée from corruption . And what man would not desire to bee hourly conuersant with so excellent , and so composed a creature . He that is vp to the eares in Law , is vp to the eares in experience ; He cannot choose but bee a good Subiect , bycause he kéepes the Statutes and ordinances of his Country : he cannot choose but proue a worthy souldier , because he is still in action : he must of necessity be both honest and pittifull , for hee measureth other mens cases by his owne . Law : why it makes a man watchfull , for he that meddles with it , is sure neuer to sléepe ? It keeps him from the Irish mans disease , ( Lazynes : ) from the Dutch-mans weakenesse ( in not Bearing drinke : ) from the Italians euill spirit that haunts him , ( Lust ) for hee s so busied with so many Actions of the Case , that hee can haue no leysure nor stomacke , to the Case of Actions : It preserues him from the French falling sicknesse , yet no Stoues in Mosco●y can put a man into more violent sweates . And last of all , it kéepes him out of the English-mans su●●rites , for his wayting at his Counsels Chamber so runs in his head , that he scarcely allowes himselfe a time to dine or sup in . O what an excellent Husband doth this going to Law make a man ? He giues ouer gaming presently vppon it ? He shakes off al commany that drew him to expences , and in euery Uacation is so prouident , that with the Ant hee layes vp Money then , to let it flye amongest Councellors , and Atturnies in the Tearme-time ? what an able and lusty bodie doth he get by it , that followes it hard ? No Carryer is able to take more paynes : no Porter beares more . It makes a man to be well giuen , for he prayes ( euen as hee ambles vp and downe the stréetes : ) It makes him to be beloued amongst Lawyers Clarks , and to be feared amongst his owne neigbours , ( two properties which euery King desires from the hearts of his Subiects ( Loue and Feare . ) If men should not goe to Lawe one with another , the Courtier would walke vp and down ( Ietting ) by the Mercers doore , and wearing his Silkes vnder his nose , which now he dare not doe . Thy Cittizens ( O thou the Best and onely Huswife of this Iland ) if Suites were not tryed , some would scarce kéepe a good Sute on their backs , Solicitors might likewise goe beg , and Scriueners goe starue themselues . Had not the people of this large Kingdome faine to so many priuate quarrels , about blowes giuen ; To so many intricate bargains , about buying and selling of Lands ; To so many Cozenages of wicked Executors , in vndoing Orphans and Heires , and so many starting holes , Crannies , Creuises , windings , wrestlings , rackings , Circumgirations , & Circumuentions , to abuse the beautiful body of the Law , and to make it grow crooked , which of it selfe is comly & vpright . And had not the Law prouided cures for these sores of a common-wealth , & whips to punish such villains , Thou ( O princely Mother of many Citties ) shouldst neuer haue had so many gallant , Sumptuous , & rare Nurseries for young Students , erected full in thine eye , which stand before thy buildinges , as Gates to Kinges Pallaces , and are the onely honor for entrances into thée . Had not the Inhabitants of this Empyre warred so in law from time to time , one with another , shee coulde not haue boasted of so many Graue , wise , and Learned Iudges . Of so many Discréet , Sage , and reuerend Iustices , Of so many carefull , prudent , and honourable Maiestrates . By meanes of this , is the Gentry of the Land increased , ( for Studyes are Trées that bring forth aduancement ) by meanes of this , the multitude is helde in Obedience , for lawes are bridles , to curbe those that are head-strong . What a rare inuention therefore was pen and Incke , out of whom ( as streames from a Fountaine , flow all these wonders ? How much beholden are men to his witte , that out of a poore Goose-quill was the first deuiser of so strange an Instrument as a Pen , which carries in it such power , such Conquest , such terror , such comfort , and such authority , that euen the greatest Subiects in kingdomes are glad somtimes to be beholden to it , and as often to tremble whē it is but held vp against them . For a Pen in a princes hand commaunds with as ample force as his Scepter , with it doeth he giue Pardons for life , or the heauy doom of death . It bestowes honours and preferments , and like a Trumpet proclaimes a kinges Liberality . Yea , of such Uertue is that worke which a princes hand doth with it , that Actes of Parliament cannot giue a stronger confirmation . In the hande of a Iudge , it is as dreadfull as his voyce , for it either saues or condemnes , pronounceth freedome or imprisonment . In the handes of a Spirituall finger , it sets downe notes of Musicke , which to heare the very Angels leape for ioy in heauen , and deliuereth forth such Diuine Oracles , that out of them , mortals finde meanes to climbe vp to eternity . Lastly , in the hand of a good Lawyer , a Pen is the common sword of Iustice , and doth as much in the quarrell of the poore man as of the rich : with it , doth he help those that are beaten downe by oppression , and liftes them vp by supplications : but they that are trespassers against the sacred Orders of equity , doeth hee with that Axe onely leade into Execution . In the handes of badde and vncon●●ionable Lawyers , Pens are forkes of yron , vpon which poore Clients are tossed from one to another , till they bléede to death : yea the nebs of them are like the Beakes of Vu●tures , ( who so they may glutie their appetite with flesh ) care not from whose backes they teare it . How many thousandes ( with that little Engyne alone ) do raise vp houses to their posterity , whilest the Ignorant prodigall , drownes all the Acres of his Auncestors in the bottome of a Wine-seller , or buries them al in the belly of a Harlot ? How many fly higher , and spread a more Noble wing with that one feather , then those Butter-flies do , that stare vp and downe in the eyes of a kingdome , with all the painted feathers of their riotous pride . Is it not pitty then ( O thou wisest Censurer of worldly matters . ) Is it not great pitty , that an Instrument of so musicall a sound , of such excellent rarity and perfection , should at any time lie dumbe and vntouched , and not rather be played vpon , euen from the beginning of the Suns early progresse to his ending , and without intermission ? It is , It is , and I know for all thy silence thou subscribest in thought to this my opinion . Thus haue I made thée a witnes of my lamentings , the teares of mine eyes haue in their falling down , dropt vpon thine owne cheekes : I haue opened vnto thée my Bowels , and thou séest what consumptions hang vpon me , to make me pyne to nothing , Be thou now ( O thou Bryde woorthy the loue euen of the greatest king . ) Be thou and the whole worlde my witnesses , if I descend into these complaynings without iust inforcement . I haue heere , and there ( in this story of my fortunes , ) reckoned vppe some part of my owne worth , and my owne ▪ inioyinges , least swimming altogether , or too long in the streame of my sorrowes , I shoulde vtterly quicke haue sunke , and so drowne my honour , by forgetting that I am a Citty . Counsell mee therefore now , ( O thou Charitable Releeuer and Receiuer of distressed Strangers ) how I way either make this burden of my affliction lye more lightly on my shoulders , or else how my shoulders may bear it with a commendable patience . Londons aunswere to Westminster . AT these wordes , ( The Mother of the twelue Companies , ) once or twice shaking her aged but reuerend head , on the top of which stood ( as the Crowne of her honour ) a heape of lofty Temples and Pynnacles , to the number of one hundered and nine ) thus grauelie began . That I haue summoned vppe more yeares , and therefore more care than thou hast ( O beloued of all our Englysh Princes ) the Chronicles of Tyme , ( who sets downe al Occurrents ) can testifie . I dare boast , that Experience hath with her owne finger written her Histories on my fore-head , for I haue had Negotiation with all the Nations that be in the world . I haue séene the growings vppe , and the withering of many Empyres : the obseruation of forraigne Countryes hath bin my studdy , whylest the polliticke and stayed gouernment of my owne hath béene my glory . So carefull haue I béene , and so Iealous of my own estate , ( séeing Cittyes greater than my selfe , to lye as lowe nowe as their firste Foundation ) that I haue Printed downe theyr mutabilities and their greatest miseries in the midst and depth of my palmes , because they should be euer in mine eye as Cautionary prospects . So that it shall well become thee , ( neyther néedest thou be ashamed ) to borrow aduice from me that am thine Elder , and so beaten to the affayres of the world . Counsell is the cheapest gift that one Friend can bestow vpon another , yet if it be well husbanded , the Interest of no Golde nor Siluer , can amount to halfe the value of it . Giue me leaue therefore to speake ( O thou Courtly Paramour ) and to speake my minde boldly , for albeit thou art the Fauourite of Greatnesse , & standest Gracious ▪ ( as theyr Minions ) in the eyes of our princes , yet will I be no slaue to my owne thoughtes ( like a Parasite ) to flatter thée in euils , wherein I shall finde thee woorthy of reprehension . If I spy any blemishes on thy body , I will lay euen my finger vpon them ( not to haue them hidden but discouered ) and whatsoeuer I doe or say , take it not thou , as done in scorne or in thy dishonour , but as out of the office , of integrity , zeale , & hawty affection of an honest friend . For wee two haue reason to assist one another with all the faculties and powers that are within vs , sithence , no calamitie can fall vpon the one , but the other must receiue many bruises by it . Noble thou art of byrth , as my selfe am , for from two seueral kings had we both our beings . Noble is thy bringing vppe as is thy raising to high fortunes . Such therefore as thou arte , woulde I haue thée still to beare thy selfe , and not to be deiected into vulgar , low , & earthlie prostitutions , for any threatninges or any blowes of insulting Fortune . Well did it become the greatnes of thy place , thy state and calling , not to be throwne downe into a womanish softnes , for that aged and reuerend ( but * wry-necked ) sonne of thine , whose woorthinesse thou hast sufficientlie proclaimed . Miseries that fall vpon vs by our owne wilfulnes , or by others Tyranny , are to be grieued at , because wee suffer iniustly : But stroakes that are ineuitable , are to be receaued , yea , to bee met and stood vnder with a most constant and resolued fortitude . His downefall , though it séeme great , yet is it not to be lamented , but to be borne , because he fell not vpon a dishonorable Graue ; But into such a one , as by the frailety of Time , Nature , and destiny , was preordayned for him . His end was not like the end of Traytors , who are cut off in the pride of their bloud and youth , or as the end of Citties , that reuolt from the obedience of their Soueraignes , and haue their Obloquies growing vp still , euē in their Ashes : But he threw himselfe vppon the earth , séeing the hand of extreame age ( which must pull downe at last the whole frame of this Worlde ) lay so hardly , and so heauily vppon him . Had his Ruine béene wrought by those terrible thunder-Clappes of ciuill Warre , when ( in the raigne of King Stephen ) all the Realme was in a flaming combustion of discord , kindled by Maud the Empresse , in the quarrell of Duke Henry ( her Son , ) Or had he béen condemned in that mad Parliament held at Oxford , when the Barons of this Land ( within fewe monthes after ) first forced their King ( Henry of that name the third ) to take my Tower for his Sanctuary , and after tooke him prysoner with his Sonne , and many of his Nobility , at the battaile at Lewes . Or had he béene brought to slauery and confusion , as I my selfe ( for all my strength of friendes and my owne greatnesse ) was likely to haue béene in two seuerall rebellions : The one in the raigne of Richard the second , by Essex men , who beheaded all men of Law , destroyed the Records and Monaments of Learning ; tyrranized ouer Straungers , and threatned to lead me and my Inhabitantes into Captiuit● , and so bring vpon me vtter disolation . The other in those tempestuous and variable tossinges of that vertuous , but wretched King Henry the sixt , in the handes of Fortune , when a fire of commotion was kindled by Kentish-men ▪ whose flames euen beganne to burne in my owne bosome . Or had that Sonne of thine perished betwéene the rage of those two great Families , ( the Yorkists and Lancastrians , ) that was nourished so many yéers together , with the liues , honors , and ouerthrowes of so many Princes of the bloud Royall , and with the fall of so many Subiects , that in one bat●aile were discomfited on both sides , 35111. Persons , then if thou hadst not lamented for him , I should worthily haue blamed thee , then would I my selfe haue borne a par● in thy sorrow . A better , and not so blacke a fate hath weighted vppon That Mirror of antiquity belonging to thee , than ( euer since the first ra●sing ) hath falne vpon the Goodliest , the Greatest , the Highest , and most Hallowed * Monument of mine . His miseries haue béene so many , and the top of his calamities is clymbed vp to such a height , that I should do his sorrows wrong , to set thē to the tune of my voyce , whō no notes but his owne are able to sing them foorth . Lift vp therefore thy heauy head ( O thou that art maintayned by the Pillers of the Church ) and though thou hast a leaden countenance , of which may be gathered the true and full weight of that which lyes vppon thée to presse thée downe , yet with a voyce ( lower then theirs that are daily Singers of heauenly songs in thy hearing , ) ring thou forth the Allar●● of those passionate heart-breaking vlulations , which ( like the ruptures of Thunder ) force a continuall passage through thy bosome . Bee thou attenti●e likewise ( thou Nurser vp of all our English Nobility ) and as I haue lent an erected and serious eare to those Complaints which thou powrest forth in behalfe of thy Sonne , So be thou ( I coniure thée ) a silent and obseruing Auditor of these Lamentations , which I sée are already striuing to make way through the lips of this afflicted Child of mine . Marke him well , for now he begins . Paules Steeples complaint . WHerein ? O wherein haue I ( ●he most infortunate of all this Kingdome ) offended so highly , that thus often , and with such dreadfull blowes , I shold be smote by the hand of heauen ? So cruelly haue I béene strucke that euen fire ( to my thinking ) hath ●las●en out at mine eye : and such ●éepe woundes haue I receiued on my head , that instead of teares , my vary batilements haue dropt downe , and in their falling haue scalded my chéekes , as if they had béene shewers of molten Lead . Doth this hot Uengeance fly ( as if it were with the swiftest winges of Lightning ) from aboue , to se●ze vpon me , for my owne sinnes , or for his , that first beganne to set me vppe ? But alasse : How ingratef●ll am I , to haue of my Patron so vnrighteous , and so godlesse a remembraunce ? Ethelbert ( King of Kent ) was my Founder : out of the dust of the earth did he raise mée ; out of the hard Rock was I fashioned to a beautifull shape , and by him consecrated to a most holy and religious vse : For Ethelbert ( that good King ) was the first that gaue entertainment to Augustine , Melitus , Iustus , and Iohn : who by Saint Gregory were sent hither to preach the Misteries Diuine : The deuotion of which men , like foure streames , caused the Christian Fayth to fly into this land , and that princely father of moe , was the first whom they conuerted . In aduauncement of Religion , and to make it spread higher , did hee set mee into the earth , planted mée , and hadde a reuerend care to haue mee grow vppe in state and beauty . It cannot be therefore , that so good and meritoryous a worke in him , should be so ill rewarded . No , no , it is not for his sake , that I haue béene punnished , but eyther for my owne or some others wicked deseruing . Howsoeuer it be , or in whom-soeuer the fault lyes , on mée are the plagues inflicted , on my head are heaped the disgraces and dishonours , mine is the smart , mine is the Sorrow . And though the eyes of euery Straunger , and of euery starting Passenger be cast vp vppon mee , all of them wondering at , but none pittying my misfortune , because to them it appeares sleight , or else it appeares to them nothing at all , yet let mee stand before a Iuditious , cleéere , and impartiall Censor , and the condition of the most wretched will not séeme so miserable and base as mine . When the Hawthorne and Low Bryer are cut downe , the spoyle of them is not regarded , for it moones not any : But when the Prince of the Forrest ( the mighty and sacred Oake ) hath the Axe layed to his roote , at euery blow that is giuen , the very woods send out Grones . Small Cottages beeing on fire , are quickly either quenched , or if not quenched , the wound that a Common-wealth receiues by them is easily cured : But when a body ( so noble ; So antient , so comely for Stature , so reuerenced for State , so richly adorned , so full of beauty , of strength , of Ceremonies : so followes , so kneeled vnto , and almost so adored as my selfe am , and euer haue béene daily ) is defaced by flames , and shaken into dust by the wrath of the breath Almighty . The very sight of this is able to bréede Earthquakes in Citties that behold it . And euen from such a height , such a happinesse , and such an honor am I fallen . My head was aduanced with the loftiest in the Kingdome , and so tender a care had the heauens ouer it , that it was taken vp and layde in the bosome of the Clouds . My aking browes rested themselues vpon the Christall Chariot of the Moone , and the Crowne of my head ( when I stoode on Tiptoe and stretched my body to the length , ) touched that Celestiall roofe , embossed all ouer with studs of golde , I did not onely ouer-looke the proudest buildinges in thée ( O thou Land-lady to so many thousands of houses ) with those also that are the inheritance of her thy next neybour : But mine eye at euery opening hadde the greatest part of the kingdome as a prospect . The Marriner then called mee his Sea-marke , for to him I stood as a Watch-tower to guide him safely to our English shore . No sooner did the Traueller by land sée me , but his heart leaped for ioy , and the wearisomnesse of his way seemed to go from him , because he knew he was in sight of the most goodly Cittie which he loued . But how often hath this glory of mine bin Ec●lipsed , and at such times when it was in the fulnes ? whether my own ambition ( in aspyring too high ) or whether the Iustice of those aboue mee in punnishing my pride , were the cause of my Fall ▪ I know not . But sure I am , that my head hath beene often laid to the blocke , and many blowes giuen to strike it off . The first blow was * giuen me when I had stood vntaynted , and vnblemished 477. years after the beginning of my foundation , for I was raised , and intituled to the name & hono●r of a Temple . about the yeare after the Incarnation 61● . And in the yeare of Redemption , 1087. was I , ( with a great parte of thy body ( O thou Best of Citties ) consumed in Fyre . But I was in a shorte time healed of those hurts , by Mauritius * ( thy Byshop ) who to defend me from after-burnings , mounted me vpon Arches & gaue me ribs of stone , which was fetched from Cane in Normandy . Frée from the mallice ( at least from the strokes ) of ruinating T●me and the enuious * blasts of Fortune ▪ did I continu● full 357. yeares together after this first blowe , but in Anno 1444. heauen smote me with lightning , yet did I presently recouer , and held vppe my heade loftier then before , * for in Anno 1462. did my body carry in heigth 52● . foot , the stone worke being 260. foot and the Spire as many . In length was I 720. foot , and in bredth 130. At the same time , did I weare on the Crowne of my head ( as it hadde bin a Crest vnto it ) a Cocke or Eagle , which beeing inconstant was ( I thinke ) destroyed for turning about with euery winde : It carryed in weight fort● poundes ▪ being of copper gilded ouer : the length from the bil to the taile four foote , the breadth ouer the wings , three foote , and a halfe , the crosse ( from the bole to the Eagle ) fifteene foote , and sixe ynches of a size , the length thereof ouer-thwarte , was fiue foote , and ten ynches . The compasse of the bole nine foote and one ynch : of which crosse ( which stood aboue my head as a rich Diadem ) the inner part was Oke , the next couer was lead , and a third ( vppon that ) of copper , which with the bole and Eagle being of Copper also ) were al gilded ouer . In this magnificence was I arrayed , thus was I with Marble Towers and Pynnacles crowned : the wonder of the world was I counted in the iudgement of all eyes that beheld mee , and the onely marke that enuie of forraigne kingdomes shot at , who did but heare of my Greatnes . But ( alacke ) how momentary is all earthly happinesse ? Howe fading is our painted Glory ? Many yeares were not numbred , but behold in Anno ▪ 1561. the hand of Heauen was once more filled with vengeance , which in clouds of fire , was there throwne vpon my head● , so that in lesse than the space of foure houres , I that was the Mirrhor of the world ( for beauty ) was made the miserablest creature in the worlde by my deformity . Yet did that woorthy and my euer to be honoured Mistris bestow vpon me in Gold 1000. Markes to make good my losses , and gaue ( besides ) warrant for a 1000. loades of Timber , to repayre my ruines : Thy Cittizens likewise ( O my dearest mother ) and the Cleargy of the Lande , were euen Prodigall of theyr pursses to set me vp againe . Some good was done vnto mee , and much good lefte vndone . This last blow was to mee fatall and deadly , for now , am I both headlesse , and honourlesse : my shoulders ●●ing daily troden vpon in scorne , branded with markes and Letters , and scoared vppon with the points of kniues and B●dkins , which howsoeuer the ignorant laugh at , those that are wise know they are Characters of my infamy , yea to so low a ●●●te am I brought , that madmen and fooles , & euery ydle companion lay wagers in mockery , onely to abuse mee . Some ( séeing me so patient to endure Crowes and Dawes ) pecking at my ribs , haue driuen tame Partridges ouer my bosome , others euen riding ouer me , and Capring vpon my backe , as if they had bin curvetting on the horse , which in despight they brought to Trample vpon me . Who therefore that did but eyther knowe or hath but heard of my former prosperity , would not gréeue to sée mée fallen into this basenes , and most contemptible bondage , but I haue deserued ( I confesse ) I haue most iustly deserued to haue these afflictions , these dishonours , and these open punnishmentes layde vppon mee , albeit they were tenne times numbred ouer and ouer . For whereas I was at first consecrated to a misticall & religious purpose ( the Ceremonies of which are daily obserued in the better part of me , for my hart is euen to this hower an Altar vpon which are offred the sacrifices of holy prayers for mens Sinnes ) yet are some limbes of my venerable bodie abused , and put to prophane , horrid and seruile customes , no maruell though my head rotte , when the bodie is so f●l of diseases : no maruell if the Diuine Executioner cut mee off by the shoulders , when in my bosom is so much horrible and close Treason practised against the King of the whole world . For albeit though I neuer yet came downe all my stayres , to bee Occuler witnesse-bearer of what I Speake , and what is ( sometimes spoake openly , and sometimes spoke in priuate ) committed in my Walkes , yet dooeth the daily sounde and Eccho of much knauish villany strike vp into mine eare . What whispering is there In Terme times , how by some slight to cheat the poore country Clients of his full purse that is stucke vnder his girdle ? What plots are layde to furnish young gallants with readie money which is shared afterwards at a Tauern ) therby to disfurnish him of his patrimony ? what buying vp of oaths , out of the hands of knightes of the Post , who for a few shillings doe daily sell their soules ? What layinge of heads is there together and ●●●ting of the brains , still and anon , as it growes towardes eleuen of the clocke , ( euen amongst those that wear guilt Rapiers by their sides ) where for that noone they may shift from Duke Humfrey , & bee furnished with a Dinner at some meaner mans Table ? What damnable bargaines of vnmercifull Brokery , & of vnmeasurable Usury are there clapt vp ? What swearing is there : yea , what swaggering , what facing and out-fasing ? What shuffling , what shouldering , what Iustling , what Ieering , what byting of Thumbs to beget quarels , what holding vppe of fingers to remember drunken méetings , what brauing with Feathers , what bearding with Mustachoes , what casting open of cloakes to publish new clothes , what muffling in cloaks to hyde broken Elbows , so that when I heare such trampling vp and downe , such spetting , such ●●lking , and such humming , ( euery mans lippes making a noise , yet not a word to be vnderstoode , ) I verily beléeue that I am the Tower of Babell newly to be builded vp , but presentlie despaire of euer béeing finished , because there is in me such a confusion of languages . For at one time , in one and the same ranke , yea , foote by foote , and elbow by elbow , shall you sée walking , the Knight , the Gull , the Gallant , the vpstart , the Gentleman , the Clowne , the Captaine , the Appel-squire , the Lawyer , the Usurer , the Cittizen , the Bankerou● , the Scholler , the Begger , the Doctor , the Ideot , the Ruffian , the Cheater , the Puritan , the Cut-throat , the Hye-men , the Low men , the True-man , and the Thiefe : of all trades & professions some , of all Countryes some ; And thus dooth my middle Isle shew like the Mediterranean Sea , in which as well the Merchant hoysts vp sayles to purchace wealth honestly , as the Rouer to light vpon prize vniu●●ly . Thus am I like a common Mart where all Commodities ( both the good and the bad ) are to be bought and solde . Thus whilest deuotion kneeles at her prayers , doth prophanation walke vnder her nose in contempt of Religion . But my lamentations are scattered with the winds , my sighes are lost in the Ayre , and I my selfe not thought worthy to stand high in the loue of those that are borne and nourished by mee . An end therefore doe I make heare of this my mourning . The Steeple of S. Paule abruptly thus breaketh off , because he felt himselfe not so well as he could wish ; The Lady of Citties ( who is gouerned by the wisedome of 24. graue Senators , all those 24. submitting themselues to the authority onely of One , thereby teaching examples of Obedience ) did thus breake silence , and renew her spéech : Tell me now ( O Westminster ) which of Vs two , haue greatest cause to complaine for the misfortune of our sons ; yet thou and I are not indifferent Iudges in this case , because it is our owne particuler : let vs therefore leaue the censure of it to the Arbite●ment of the world ; and whilest the Controuersie is in deciding , bee not thou offended with me , if now a litle I take vpon me the office of a Mother , & fall into a gentle reprehension of thée . I remember , that when thou haddest layd abroad the Ruines of thy Sonne , and yet on the top of them haddest builded vp his honors , which to doe , did in thée seeme glorious ; thou diddest then presently beginne to rip open the adulterous Wombe of those sinnes that are euery day begotten vnder thy roofes : the very naming of which , though it be odious to heauen and earth : yet diddest thou séeme to haue so little feeling of thine owne infamy , that thou diddest laugh at thy dishonor , and wert it not sory for those euilles which thou thy selfe confessest , aboundantly swarme within thée . O how palpable is thy blindnesse ! How grosse thine ignoraunce , in running into this errour ! What vpholdeth Kingdomes but gouernement ? What subuerteth licentiousnesse and disorder ? Uices in a common-wealth are as diseases in a body , if quickly they be not cured , they suddenly kill . They are Weedes in the fayrest Garden , if eare they take roote , you pull them not vp : they spoyle the wholesome Hea●hes and Flowers , and turne the Ground into a Wildernesse . There is no destruction so fearefull to a Citty , as that destruction which a Citty brings vpon it selfe : and neuer is it more néere a fall , then when it maketh much of those sins , which like Snakes lie in the bosome of it , and sucke out the bloud . All those Cankers of a State , that lye gnawing to eate thee vppe ; All those sensuall streames , that ●ow about thy body , and labour to drowne it in impieties , flowe in thy Ueynes , but as little Riuolets , but in mine they excéede all boundes , and swell vppe to an Ocean . And that the very least of them vndermineth and shaketh my strongest buildings . What abhomination reigneth in thée , which is not in me doubled ? If Pride ride vp and downe in thy Coa●hes , She is all the fore-noone at her Glasse in my priu●●e chambers , and in the after no●ne sits like a prosti●uted Harlot , tempting Passengers to the ●talles of my Inhabitantes . If Usurers ( who are Christiā Iews ) dwell in thy stréets ; I haue both Vsurers and B●okers , ( who are the English Deuils ) opening shopp●s in mine . Doost thou bring vppe Swearers , I can sweare thée downe ? Art thou Quarrelsome ? I thirst after bloud ? Is there any one in thée that scoffes at Religion ? Many there are in mee that sweare there is no Religion . As for that Monster with many heades , that Beast , ( both Male and Female ) I meane Letchery , it is within my Freedome more ma●e of , then Island Dogges are amongest Cittizens ●liues : and when it gets out of my fréedome , it is then like the place where it desires to lurk● in , for then it lyes out of the cricuite of all ciuill Liberty . In the troublesome reigne of King Stephen , there were shewed at one muster twenty thousand armed Horsemen , and thréescore thousand Footemen , all which number were Cittizens that liued within my walles : But I verily beléeue , that in this peaceable reigne of our Princes in these dayes , if a true muster were taken , there would be found almost as many Strumpets as would bee able to dare the Turke , ( with all his Concubines ) into the fielde , or to ouer-ranne all the Lowe Countries , and to spoyle the enemy , were he neuer so strong or desperate , if it came to handy● gripes . Beastes in their Act of generation vse not more community : sauage people that know not their Maker , breake not more the limites of Modesty : Common Inglers , Fidlers , and Players , doe no : more basely prostitute themselues to the pelasures of euery two-penny drunken Plebeian , than doe those Quadrantariae Me●etrices , the Mercenary Hackneies that stand at racke and manger within my suburbes . As Buls and Beares are for small pieces of Siluer to be bayted , so are these . As at common Outropes , when housholds-stuffe is to bee sold , they cry Who giues more . So stand these vppon their thresholdes , not crying Who giues more , ( only ) but Who giues any thing . But that it stands not with the Maiesty of our state , nor with the Lawes of our Religion , It were as good , nay better , to giue fréedom and liberties to the setting vp of a cōmon Stewes , as heretofore on the Banck ( opposite to thée and me on the farther side of the Thames ) it hath béene vsed . In those dayes Orders were established to kéepe this Sin within certaine boundes , but now it breakes beyond all limits . It was then enacted by a parliament ( at which thou y● hast had thy voyce in so many Parliaments wert present ) that the Bordello or common Stewes on the Bancke-side , should obserue these constitutions . First , no Stew-holder , or his wife was to compell any single Woman to stay with them against her will , but to giue her leaue to come and go at her pleasure . Secondly , that no Stew-holder should keepe any Woman to b●ard , but shee to b●●rd abroad , or where shée lysted . Thirdly , to take for a Courtezan● * Chamber not aboue 14. pence by the wéeke . Fourthly , not to kéepe open doores * vpon Holy-dayes . Fiftly , not to kéepe any single woman in his house on the Holy-dayes , but the Bailiffe to sée them voyded out of the Lordship . Sixtly , that no single woman should be detayned in any such house against her wil , hauing an intent to forsake that course of life . Seauenthly , that no Stew-ho●der was to giue entertainment to any Woman of any order in Religion , or to any mans wife . Eyghtly , that no Courtezan was to receiue hire of any man to lye with him , but she was to lye all night with him till the next morning . Ninthly , that no man was to be drawne by violence , or be inticed by any impudent and whorish allurements into any Stew-house . Tenthly , that euery Brothely or Stew-house was to bee searched wéekely by Constables , and other Officers . Lastly , That no Stew-holder should lodge in hys house any Woman that had the daungerous infirmity of burning , &c. These ( amongst others ) with penalties and punishments vppon the breath of any one of them , were the ordinances of these times , but nowe ( thankes to the negligence of this age ) though sharper Lawes doe threaten to strike , this sinne , yet they do but threaten , for they seldom strike , or if they strike , it is with the backe of the sworde of Iustice . The setting vp of a Whore-house , is now as common as the setting vp of a Trade : yea , and it goes vnder that name . A stocke of two beds and foure wenches is able to put a Lady Pandaresse into present practise , and to bring them into reasonable doings . In these shoppes ( of the worlde , the flesh and the deuill ) soules are set to sale , and bodies sent to shipwracke : men and women as familiarly goe into a chamber to damne one another on a Feather-hedde , as into a Tauerne to bee merrie with wine . But for al this it goes vnder the name of The sweet sin , and of all , they are counted Wenches of the old Religion , and for all their dancings in Tauernes , ryots in Suppers , and ruffling in Taffities , yet A cloyster of such Nunnes standes like a Spittle , for euery house in it is more infectious then that which hath a Redde Crosse ouer the dore . Such as Smithfield is to horses , such is a House of these Sisters to women : It is as fatal to thē , It is as infamous ▪ The Bawds Pettie Bawds , and Panders are the Horse-coursers that bring Iades into the market : wher they swear they are frée from diseases , whē they haue more hanging on their bones then are in a French Army ; and that they are but Coltes of halfe a years running , when they haue scarse a sounde tooth in their heades . There shall you find beastes of all ages , of all Colours , of all prices , of all paces , yet most of them gyuen to false gallops : hardly among twenty one that is good , for euery one that proues so , a hundred continue bad . Such is the quality of Smithfield Nags , such the property of Suburbe Curtizans . In briefe , their beginning is brauery , their end beggery , their life is detestable , & death ( for the most part ) damnable . Since therfore so dangerous a Serpent shootes his ranckling stinges into both our bosomes , let vs not ( as desperate of our owne estates ) open our brests to receiue them , and so be guilty to our own destruction , but rather prouide vs of Armor to resist the malice of her poyson , for be assured ( O thou that art still ready , and still most woorthy to entertaine forraygne Princes and Embassador● ) that so long as this double dealing-diuell , ( Lechery ) walks vp and down in our houses , Vengeance will neuer be driuen from our doores . A litle more must I yet chyde thée ( O thou Minion , now to Two mighty Nations ) for I begin to growe Iealious of thee , that thou séekest to rob mee of my best , my most worthy , most Princely , and my most desired Louer , to enioy him solely to thy selfe : else wherefore dost thou repine that either I , or any other of our Sister-citties , should be made happy by his company ? It shewes that thy heart is stufte with a rancke and boyling e●uie , thou gréeuest that any should prosper but thy selfe . It condemnes thee of ambition , ( which ●nne thou thinkest becomes thée , because thou art a Courtier ) It condemnes thée of Couetousnes , a vyce , than which none more vi●y blemisheth a noble mind , ( such as all Nations that haue bin thy Guests , haue neuer supposed to shine in thée . ) I esteeme my selfe the most Fortunate of all my neighbour Citties in this large kingdome , if That Royall Maister of vs both ( nay of vs all ) doe but vouchsafe to passe by mee , or but so much as to cast hys eie vpon me , and dost thou cry out Thou art vndone , when after his embracings of thée so many whole moneths ( oftentimes ) together , after his bestowing so many dignities , and so much wealth vpon thée : yea , and when hee giues thée his Royall word , not to be absent from thée long ? cannot this content thée , and satisfie the flame of thy desyres , but that thou must wish to haue him fonde ouer thée , and that the beams of his most princely and frée affection , shuld haue all their points méete in thy bosome , as their onelie fixed Obiect ? for shame desire it not , for this immoderate appetite of thine is to the dishonour and hurt of al the Citties r●and about thee . Bridle therfore these passions of thy soule , which otherwise will make thée turne wild , and win them by gentle meanes to come in , and subiect themselues to the laws of Reason . If the moyst handed Isis , shold send all her melted Siluer to that insearchable and vnknowne Treasury of Neptune , ( into which all Riuers pay their custome ) and shoulde neuer haue an profitable Returne of it , how soone would she grow poore ? Or if the Sea-god , ( out of a prodigal and flowing humor ) should do nothing but ●our his gifts into the lappe of that his Christ all bosom daughter , how soone would her swimming too hie in riches , make her forget her selfe ? and in that pride of swelling , worke the subuersion both of thée and me ? we should lye drowned in her greatnes , as other partes of the land would bee ouerwhelmed in thyne , if thou haddest what thou desirest and couetest . But thou séest the Sunne neuer tarries in one poynt of heauen alone , his remoo●ing from place to place , shewes his Soueraignty , and makes him better welcome thither , where hee hath beene the longest absent , and euen so of kinges . A Cittizen of 〈◊〉 ( to his immortall memory ) dyd in one day , feast at his Table Foure Kings ( Viz ) Edwarde the third ( king of England ) Iohn King of France , Dauid le Bruce . king of ●●ots , and the king of Cyprus , and now of late ( imitating that example ) did another of my Praeters , feast ( tho not foure kinges ) one equal in power ▪ in Maiesty and in Dominion , to all th●se 4. ( euen the Heyre and present Inheritor of 4. mighty Empires our soueraign Lord & maist ▪ Iames the 6. To looke but backe vpon which happy daies ( because I haue seene but few of thē ) makes my hart beate against my ribbes for ioy : I am proud euen in the remembraunce of them , and to the intent they may neuer be forgotten , those yeares and months that brought forth this honor vnto me , shall be Chronicled in the midst● of my bosome in Charecters of Gold. Thus do I comfort my selfe by repeating ouer the blessings bestowed vpon me by a few of our Princes , but how many of them haue feasted , banqueted and reuealed with thée ▪ And yet wouldst thou barre any of them from taking hys pleasures abroad , but onely in thy presence . Thou arte proude , and takest vpon thée to stretch forth too imperious a hand . Thou art contented to receiue in the Golden Haruest , but loath to bee shaken with the breath of Autumne . Thou likest it well to haue a Summer all the yeare , but dost not consider , that Winter is as wholesome for thy body . This shewes thy indiscretion , thy improuidence , and indulgence of thy selfe , to bee pampred like an Epicure . Thou art gréedy as the Sea , and wouldest deuoure all thinges , but wouldst part from nothing : thou art catching as ●●re , so thy self mayst be fed , thou carest not who perish . Uncharitable are thy wishes , immodest are thy longings , and most vnconscionable are thy aspyrings , and most vnneighborly are thy fore-stallings . That which thou wouldest haue done , is not ( I graunt ) against all Law , but it is with All Law , for thou desirest to haue men go to Law all the yeare long , which wish of thine is as dishonest as if it were to haue continuall warres , and continuall wars are continual Slaueries : It is as if thou shouldest wish to haue an euerlasting thunder , for what are pleadinges of causes , but noise without ceasing . Thou sayest the foure Tearmes are vnto thée as foure great Feasts , yet doost thou in bitternes of thy sorrow , cry out vpon foure Vacations : wherein thou behauest thy selfe all one , as if thou shouldest complain , because thou art not euery houre féeding . If foure Tearmes should be without tearme and neuer come to an end , those feastes which they incite thée to , would be to their incurable surfeits , and so consequently thy destruction . If the sounde of Lawyers tongues were but one whole twelue month in thine eare , thou thy selfe wouldst euen loath it , tho it were vnto thee neuer so delicate Musicke . Nothing increaseth in vs as a delight in any pleasure , but to haue that pleasure taken away for a time . But that the night offends vs with darknes , we should grow weary of the day . So that foure Vacations ( if thou canst rightly make vse of them ) may be vnto thée as 4. seueral saw●es , to sharpen thy stomacke against those great feasts , are serued vp to thy Tables . So goe to Law ( I confesse ) is necessary in a Republike ; So is it to haue a Plague , for thereby the Superfluo●s numbers of people , which otherwise ( if they increased ) would deuo●ure one another , are swept away : So is it to haue War , for the Sword cuts off those idle branches that steale away the Sap from the profitable boughes of a Kingdome . But to haue a Warre without end , or a Plague without mercy , is the vndoing of a Realme , and so would it be ▪ if men were euer in brablings . The 4. Vacations are like so many Soundings of Retreat after 4. Battailes ; in which breathing-times men renew their courages , their forces , and their manners of fight : where ( else ) the Pleader ( neuer giuing ouer ) would grow too rich , and so bee enuied , and the clyent euer spending , would be made a Beager , and so gather into faction . Uaine therefore , idle , sencelesse , shapelesse , and of no validity are those Encomiasticke honors , with which thy rhetoricall cunning hath fethered a Pen so , gaily . An Idoll hast thou made of it , whereas in the true nature it is a pyneon puld from the left wing of the deuill . A Pen ! The inuention of that , and of Incke hath brought as many curses into the world , as that damnable Witch-craft of the Fryer , who tore open the bowels of Hell , to find those murdering engines of mankind , Guns and Powder . Both these are alike in quality , in mischiefe : yea , and almost in fashion ; The Pen is the Piece that shootes , Inck is the powder that carries , and Wordes are the Bullets that kill . The one doth onely destroy men in time of warre , the other consumes men , both in warre and peace . The one batters downe Castles , the other barters them away . Cedant Arma Togae , let G●ns therefore giue place to Gownes , for the Pen is the more dangerous weapon to run vpon . Why then doost thou , nay , howe canst thou without blushing defend a cause so notoriously badde ? How darest thou hang a Trée so barren of goodnesse , and so rancke of poyson at the roote , with so many Garlandes of prayses ? Canst thou find in thy heart to write Ealogies in honour of that deadly double pointed Engine , that hath béen the confusion of so many thousands ? Then let wreathes of Lawrell Crowne their Temples , that shall sing the dishonorable Acts of those Swords , which basely haue béen inbrued in the bowels of their owne Countrey : for in what other tryumphes ( then in the afflictions of men ) are these warlike Instruments of writing imployed ? One dash of a Pen hath often beene the downefall of a man and his posterity . By help of this , Wiues practise to abuse their Husbands , by the Witch-craft of Amorous passions , ( which are coniurd out of a Goose-quill , ) Louers intice young wenches to folly . This is that which spreads abroad , and sowes the Séedes of Schismes and Heresies . This is that , which marres all Learning , and makes it contemptible , by making it common . It is the Weapon of a Foole , and oftentimes his braynes drop out of the end of it in stead of Incke . It is a sharpe G●ade that prickes our young Gentry to beggery , for in lesse than a quarter of an hower , ( with a Pen ) doe they betray all the Landes and liuings purchased by their progenitors , into the hands of Brokers , Scriueners , and Usurers . What forten hand hath euer béen working in the forge of Treason ( for the deuastation of this Kingdome , for the extirpation of the Religion in it , or for the murdering of our Princes ) But Pennes ( like Hammers on an Anuile ) haue continually béene beating out the plottes , and conueying them hither to bee made smooth , and to passe currant . What Libilles against Princes , against Péeres , against the State , or against our Magistrates , were euer ( like pricking Thornes ) thrust into the sides of this Empire , to make it bléed , of which a Pen was not guilty ? This , by leauing a word vnpoynted , was the death of Edward the second : with this , holding it but in his hand , did Richard the second giue away all the royalties belonging to a Crowne , and blotted out his owne name for euer any more to be found written with the name of a King. In conclusion , the Tragedie of so many of our Ancient Nobility , were neuer acted on Scaffo●des , but a Pen was chiefe Actor in their deaths and downefals . So then you may perceiue , that this Rauens bill draweth bloud where it once fastneth : The Iawes of a Toade ( sweating & foaming out poyson ) are not more dangerous than a Pen being filled with that banefull and venomous mixture of Gall and Copporas . Accursed therefore be that * Bird , out of whose wing , so pestilent and so malitious an enemie to humane creatures is taken : offensiue to the stomacke , be for euer the meat of it , and apt to engender mortall surfeits , sithence so small a part of it ( as a Quill , ) hath bred from the beginning , and ( til the dissolution of this Vniuersall Frame ) will be the cause of so much distemperature in the body of the Worlde . Which mischiefe that worthy Romaine Captain , who ( about the eight yéere of the raigne of Cassibelan , Brother to King Lud ( my first Founder and 54 yéeres before the King , both of Heauen and earth , sent his Sonue to dwell amongst men ) entred this Land , conquered it , & made it tributary to the people of Rome , wisely looking into , and obseruing , that Princes , Rulers , and Great personages , must of necessity ( being bound thereto by the ceremony of their birth , or by their place in the state ) yéeld sometime to that , which otherwise that noblenes of their owne bloud would abhor , did often wish that he could not know how to handle a Pen. And that Mirror of her Sexe , both for magnanimity of minde , inuinciblenesse of Spirit , and ( which is to her the greatest part of her ●ame ) for the closing vppe of so long a raigne , with so full and so grieuous a period , that Goddesse vpon earth whilest she liued , that our Good Mistris ( Eliza ) when shee was to signe any warrant for the death of any Péere , would passionately ( yet with a Spirit equal to Cea●ars ) say thus , Would to God wee had neuer beene taught how to write . And thus ( O thou that sittest crowned like an Empresse ) withall our riches and fairest Monuments haue I discharged the Office of a faithfull surueior , by telling thée what part of thy goodly body is builded too high , wherein my Counsell is that thou shouldest a little plucke downe thy Pryde And in what other part thou stan●est too low , where I could wish thée to raise it vp to a more noble Eminence . I haue likewise pointed with my finger , at al those Cracks , disioyntings , Flawes , and Flyings out , which if they bee not repayred , are able in time to shake into dust a Citty greater then thy selfe : And ( in my Reall loue to thée ) haue I scored such plaine markes vpon thy hidden Ruines , which ( like Treacherous Seruants ) receiue in stormes ( for euer to vnd● thée ) that if in any fit season , thou vnderprop them , and take down whatsoeuer is amisse , thou shalt in this thy old age growe strong and lusty againe , and with an easie Rest saue thy selfe from Falling . With a frée and vn-mercenary voyce , haue I pleaded for thy good , by discouering what is ill in thée : so that my Lectures of Reprehention may serue as wholesom Councell . Thou canst not blame me for opening thy woundes , and searching them to the quick , sithence thou séest I spare not mine owne . My pils perhaps may séeme a little bitter in going downe , but in the working thou shalt finde them as comfortable as Restoratiues . Take courage therefore to thee , and like a Prince that can commaund his owne affections ( which is the Noblest Soueraignty , be bold not onely to strike off those sicke and infected parts , about the body of the Weale-publicke , whych threaten daunger to those that are sounde , but also applie thou the same sharp medicines , which I haue ministred to thée , if hereafter ( as I often féele my self ) thou perceiuest me ready or subiect to fall into loathsome diseases . We are now both of vs as Buildings belonging to one Land lorde , so closely ioyned together in league , that the world thinkes it a thing impossible , by any violence , vnlesse we fall to ciuill discention within our selues , euer to be seperated : our handes as if it were at a marriage , are plighted one to another our bodies are still embracing , as if they were Twinnes : wee are growne so like and euerie day doe more and more so resemble each other that many who neuer knew vs before , woulde sweare that we were all One. Sithence then we are held to be so , let vs neuer bee taken to be otherwise . But as sisters do , if the one féel sorrow let the other mourne , if the one bee lifted vp to honors , let not the other repine . And as stringes to an instrument , tho we render seuerall soundes , yet let both our soundes close vp in swéet concordant Musicke . Arme thy selfe therefore ( with Mee ) to maintaine that Vnion , without whych Realmes are builded vpon sande , and On whych they are stronger then if they stood vpon Rockes . And because al Citties were bound in common ciuility , in pollicie , and in honour to maintaine their Names , their Callings , their Priuiledges , and those Ancient houses that Spring out of them , I wil in thy presence Annatomize my selfe , euen from head to foot , thou shalt know euery limbe of me , and into how many parts my bodie is deuided . My birth , may bringing vp , and my rising shall bee as manifest to thy vnderstanding as to mine , because by the wilfull ignorance of those that ought of duety to preserue my credit , my good name is oftentimes and in many places abused & taken from me . Neither would I haue thée account mee insolent , vain-glorious , or ambitious , in erecting these Trophyes of Fame to my selfe , with mine owne handes : for vpon them shall neither be ingrauen the Actes of my sumptuous Builders , ( whych would be too great an ostentation ) nor the battels which my Citizens haue oftentimes fought and won in defence of my liberties , which ( more to my glory ) might be rehearsed by others . But passing ouer the Names of some ( which to repeate would be to me an euerlasting renown ) . As to boast ( which lawfully & without the blot of arrogance I could doe ) that Constantine the Emperor y● builded Constantinople , drew his breath from my bosome , or that Maud the Empresse , did honour to me as to the mother that gaue her life , or that King Henry ( son to Henry 2 , ) was begotten in my womb , which Hen●y at the age of 7. years was maried to Marg. ( the French kings daughter ) being not two years old , & afterwards with her in the life time of his father , were crownd at Winch. But burying this glory of mine ( to be forgotten ) in the Graues where these my children lye ( now consumed to nothing ) I will onely content my selfe ( & it is but a poore ambition ) to tell thée how I came to be called a Citty . By what Names London from time to time hath bin called , and how it came to bee diuided into Wardes . OBserue me therfore ( O my most ingenious Pupill and scorne not to cal me thy Tutor ) for I must heere and there speake of some matters , that I was an Eye-witnesse to , long before thou hadst any being . Kn● thē ( because time ) who alters all things , may perhaps heereafter as hee hath done already , giue me some other new vpstart name ) that Brute from whom I tooke my byrth , after had broght me ( as thou séest to this day I abide ) close to the Ryuer of Thames , did there bestow a Name on me , & called me Troynouant or Trinouant , and sometimes Trinobant , to reuiue ( in me ) the memory of that Citty which was turned into Cinders , and that for all the spight of those Gods who hated it , there should be a new Troy which was my selfe . That was the style by which I was knowne , for the space of more than one thousand years , and then Lud chalenging me as his owne , tooke away none of my dignities , but as women marryed to great persons , loose theyr old names , so did I mine being wedded to that king , and ( after himselfe ) was crowned with the Title of Laire-lud , that is to say , the Citty of Lud or Ludstone , vpon whych some nations cald me London●ū or Longidinū , & Laodinū , others Lundayne , the Saxons Londonceaster , and London-bridge . The Spaniardes Londra , the French Londres , and nowe in these dayes the people of our owne countrey , London . In my Infant● rising was I but of base and meane estimation amongest other Citties , and was scarcelie knowne for all I was the Daughter of a king . But Ludde lifted mee vppe to high honours and greate aduauncementes , for hee set a Corronet of Towers vppon my heade , and although it were not beautifull for Ornament , yet made he for me a Gyrdle , strong for defence , which being made of Turffe and other such stuffe , trenched rounde about , serued in the Nature of a Wall or Rampyre , to keepe and defende off the assaulting enemies . Afterwardes the Romaynes beeing the Lordes of the whole Kingdome , and so consequently of mee , insteede of throwing mee into seruile Slauery , raysed mee vppe to high dignity and honour , and whereas I trembled wyth feare to ha●e my buildinges flaming about mine eares , they adorned my body , and apparrelled it rounde about with stone , for til the arriuall of that warlike and industrious Nation on our shores , the Brittons dwelt in Townes as basely builded , as those now of the wild Irish. After I was thus fashioned and refined into the ciuill and beautifull shape of a Citty , I began to be courted , and to be the onely Minio● of the Land , the Romaines fought in my quarrell ▪ the Brittons heaped vpon me honours , the Saxons ( that draue out them ) bound Garlands of victorye about my forehead . But these being beaten from my company by the Danes , I was by them spoyled of all my Ornamentes , and prostituted as a strumpet to the lust of ciuill discord , In heate of which the Normans came in rescue , chased hence that Danes recouered the whole Empyre , and reduced it into one Monarchy . From that day haue I euer since flourished , euer since haue I swelled vp in greatnes , euer since haue I bin loued of our kings , because euer since haue to our kinges bin loyall . In which prosperous growing vp of mine , all my boughes and my branches , haue more and more in stead of bearing fruit , bin replenished with multitudes of peoples , whose numbers increasing , it was thoght fit ( in policy ) that they should be quartered like Souldiers into hands , the better to bring them into order . According therfore to the Romans custome of Citties , was I diuided into certaine Signories , all of them notwithstanding , like so many streames to one Head , acknowledging a priority and subiection , to One , Greater than the rest , and who sith aboue them , those Diuisions or Partages are called Wardes , or Aldermanries , being 26 in number , which are ciuilly guarded and wisely prouided , for by 24. Aldermen , in whom is represented the dignity of Romaine Senatours , and of Two Sheriffes , who personate ( in theyr Offices and places ) the Romane Consuls . Then is there a Subdiuision , for these Greater Cantles 〈◊〉 againe 〈◊〉 into lesse , being called Parishes , which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 number 〈◊〉 which are vnto 〈…〉 within 〈…〉 : so 〈…〉 with buildings , so furnishes with 〈…〉 people● with wealthy Cittizens , 〈◊〉 so 〈◊〉 , wisely , and peaceably gouerned . Thost things are a●well knowne to thée , 〈◊〉 to my selfe , which 〈…〉 I am willing to repeate 〈◊〉 , because that both of vs calling to minde , the greatnesse of our byrthes , and casting our eyes on the state and flourishing glory , wherein we haue alwayes carryed our selues , our misfortunes may be the more pittyed ( at the hands of for●en Citties , who may fall into the like ) séeing the present condition , in which wee nowe stand . For ( alacke ! ) What auayles it vs to beast of our former strength , of our beauties , of our honours , of our possessions , or of the Ri●h●● wherein we flow , when that wee cannot inioy our healthes , which is worth all these ; Sicknesse hath dwelt a long time in thy Chambers , she doth now walks still in a ●hostly and formidable shape vppe and downe my stréets . Shee ( with her Ill Company ) infe●teth my Sonnes and Dau●hters , and leades them dayly into such daungers , that ( in hundreds at a time ) doe they loose theyr liues . Fiue yéeres hath shee beene a troublesome Guest vnto me ; I receiued her at first , ( though I loued not her Company ) yet I giue her good entertainement , and patiently endu●ed her insulting oust mee and mine , because I knew shée was a Messenger sent from aboue . But woe to mee ( infortunate Citty ! ) Woe vnto vs both ( O my distressed Neighbour , ) shall wee neuer shake handes with her and part ? Shall our faire bodies neuer re●●uer of this Disease , which so often and often hath run all 〈◊〉 them , and doth nowe againe beginne to bee as a plague vnto vs ? Howsoeuer ( out of the fashion of Confe●●●es , or out of a pride to shew my wit ) I haue checkt thée for de●ecting thy Spirits for any stroakes of calamity , yet beléeue me , the care that I haue of my Children , whom I sée drooping , Conquers the height of my minde , subdues my Nature , 〈…〉 me ( with sorrow ) almost the gra●●ling on the ground . ●ead vnto vs both , are 〈…〉 dayes , whilest this pestilent vapour hanges ouer our heades : Dead are our pleasures , for wée do now take delight in nothing but in mourning : Dead are 〈◊〉 houres of leysure , and those which are full of 〈…〉 the Lawe it selfe , ( of whose presence wee both are glad , because we gayne by her , and because she● eue● bringes vs good and merry Company to chéere our heartes ) will sitte heauily in thy Courts of Iustice , nay , I feare shee will bee vnwilling ( séeing vs so subiect to diseases ) to sit there at all . Many a sad & black Tearme hath bin séen walking in thy Hall , ( like a Mourner ) and I perceiue by thy lookes , thou art now in feare to bee troubled with the like ▪ I cannot blame thee , neither will I chide thée , for I purpose to be as great with griefe as thy selfe . Neyther if that Blacke and Ominous day so happen and fall vpon vs , shall I wonder ▪ For I cannot see , how the Diuine Vengeance should bee driuen back , since so many bold darings are giuen , forcing it to breake through the gates of heauen . The shaking of the Rodde is not thought of , the stripes mooue vs not , the very drawing of bloud , is by some but made a mockery : to proue it I will recite vnto thee ( though to fell it , my buildinges will shake at the very horrour of the same ) A story of death , both true and new . And this it is . One ( vppon whom I had but lately bestowed the T●le and Dignity of a Cittizen ) of whome I had good hope ▪ cause I found him woorthy him to bee aduanced , taking his last leaue of mee ( as since it hath faine out ) departed to that quarter of the Land , to which from all other partes men in multitudes repayre , to sucke the swéetenesse of honest gaynes , and so to increase theyr wealth . It is a place , where ( is a large fielde ) a Citty as it were is in a fel●e dayes builded vppe , and so quickely raysed , as if it had beene done by Enchantment , and in as few daies is it afterwardes pulled down , no memory remayning of it , nor Monnument to shewe that there it stoode : though whilst the earth beareth it vppe , there be Fayre streetes , so filled with people , that they séeme to bee paued euen with the féete of men : whilest on eyther side , shops are so furnished and set forth with all rich and necessary commodities , that many comming thyther , haue taken that place for my selfe , and haue not stucke to call it by the name of Little London , so like do they sweare it hath been vnto me , both in face and fashion of body . Thither went this young Sonne of mine , and there mistaking the place , for me , layed downe his head , as thinking it had béene my bosome , but neuer lifted it vp againe . A token had hee sent from heauen , by which hee was bidden to make hast thither , hee obeyed the bringer of it , and in pawne of his soule that was gone at the iourney , left hee his cold body behind . To kéepe which safe , Two followes were hyred to hide it in the earth , they did so , vsing the body , as Souldiers do Townes which are taken , they risted it , of all that belonged vnto it , and what al men else were affraid to touch or come néere , did they ( being armed with the desire of mony ) nimbly , and Iocundly packe vppe , intending at theyr comming home to share it . No sooner had they dispatched their deadly busines , but those that had Authoritie of the place , and who made much of these two Sharkers before , when they stoode in néede of their helpe , make nowe as much hast as they can , to ridde them out of theyr company : Away therefore like Pedlers from the ende of a Fayre , so doe they send them away ●rudging . The Town looked euen sick so long as they were in it ▪ It was a killing to any Countrey ▪ fellowe to haue looked vppon them , if hee had but heard what parts in this black Tragedy of death they had played . And both of them being Porters , were taken by reason of their white Frocks , for two Ghosts walking in white Shirts : to haue drunk with these Pot-toffers hadde beene no way but one , to haue solde any drinke to them , had béene for a Tapster to haue drunke his last : nay , whosoeuer did but spy them 12. store off , or were but told that two such Rauens ( who preied vppon a dead body ) flew that way , cryed presently out , Lord haue mercy vppon vs , clapping their hard handes on their Country breastes , and looking more pale then the shéete in which the man was buryed . But the best was these Parine●s ( that dealt in such a a dead commodity ) were borne to beare , & tooke all thing● patiently . But ambling on their way towards their 〈…〉 , ( which is vnder my wing ) where they kn●we they sh●●ld finde better entertainement , their mindes were troubled ; and their téeth watered , at the remembraunce of not onely Money , but also of apparell , and other luggage which was left in the Bed chamber where the sicke man 〈…〉 which they perswaded themselues no man ( vppon payne of life ) vnlesse it were They two , 〈…〉 . They shrugged as they went , 〈…〉 backe , would they stand stone - 〈◊〉 , for their 〈…〉 ●●zzing about seuerall plottes 〈…〉 . But the powder of 〈…〉 take 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 speak nothing to help them in this 〈…〉 should they 〈…〉 itched to lay hold vpon the prize , but all the 〈…〉 in the 〈◊〉 . At length one of them hauing a more plaugy pate than his 〈◊〉 , swore 〈…〉 with sicknes , and with the 〈…〉 if he got not the bayt that he nibled at , 〈…〉 himselfe with the 〈◊〉 ) 〈…〉 for it : but if he w●nt away 〈…〉 in Cambridge 〈…〉 , The other scratched at this , and grind , instéed of gyuing applaud it , which 〈…〉 . Then 〈…〉 ( n●●re Cambridge ) 〈…〉 following 〈…〉 héed of the man , hée s 〈…〉 vp and downe ) 〈…〉 sought to stop him . At length he came to the house where the deade man had bin 〈…〉 be driuen , that was his Inne , there he would lie , that was his Bedlam , and there or no where must his mad tricks be plaid . In the end , the feare of further daunger to flowe from him ( as being thought to haue the plague ) and the authority of those that could command , made this vnruly guest be let into the same house , where entring , none durst kéep him company , but the Byrd of his own feather , and that was the sport which hee looked for : In no other chamber must he be lodged , but onely that where , al the dead mans 〈…〉 FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A20054-e650 Brute builded London , he conquered this I le in A●● 1108. yeares before Christ. Sybert King of the East Saxons , builded Westminster ● he raigned in An. 596. after Christ. 160. Kinges in Brittaine since Brute . * Charing-Crosse . * 316. yeeres since Charing Cross. vvas bui●ded by Ed : 1 , Anno. Ch●● . 1291. An Encomion of Charing Crosse. The sinnes of Westminster● . Drunkennesse Quartelling . Lechery . Pride . Enuy. Extortion . Auarice Vathriftines . Swearing : Knights of the Posl . The building of Westminster and London compared . 21 Kings and two Queenes besides the wiues of those Kinges haue bin crowned at Westminst . William conquerour , and his Wife the first that were crowned in Westminster . Kings buryed in Westmin . 42 Kings and Queenes and the Children of Kinges buried in West . * High water . Rough water . Ebbing water for then shee runs into the Sea , where hir length cannot be measured . Westminsters complaint . Bartholmewtide . The long vacation before Michelmas Tearme . The Court & 4. Tearmes * The Court. * The King. * The Queen and her P●ogeny . * The Counsell . * The Nobility . * The Clergy * The Ladyes of the Court. * The foure Tearmes . The good that the terms bring to westminster . How busie Westminster is in a tearme time . Going to law compared to going to war. They that haue had long sutes are like Pike-men , Chancery-mē like Bill-men . The hurt that vacations doe to Westminster . Praise of the Law. Paradox in prayse of going to law . A Paradox in praise of a Pen. It giues charters to citties , binds leagues of Ammitie with forraign Nations . Notes for div A20054-e4260 109. parishes in London . * Charing Crosse. Warres of the Barons in K. Stephens raigne . Mad parliament at Oxford held by the Barons in 23. of Henry the third . Rebellion in Essex by Wa●●yk● . Rebellion in Ke●●● lack Cade . Dissention of the two Families , Lancaster and Yorke . Battaile on Palm sunday . * Pauls steeple London speaking to Pauls steeple . Notes for div A20054-e4970 The first bringers of the fayth into this Land. * pauls church builded about the year after Christ 610 , & about 477. yeares after was consumed by fire 1087 in the time of Willi● Conqueror . * Mauritius repayred it & new built it of stone . * 1444 in the raign of Henry 6 , Burnt with lightning . * The description of the Steeple when it was at the H●i●th , & of the body of the church as it is now 1561 in the raigne of Q : Elizabeth fyred by lightning 4. of Iu : Q. Elizabeth gaue 1000 marks in gold to reedifie the Ch●rch 8 Partridges on the top of Powles in an . 1597 A horse there likewise in An. 1600. The quyre in which is diuine service twice euerie day in the yeare . The bodie of the Church serues onely for walkes The walks in Paules 24. Aldermes L : Mayor . Londons speech to westminster continued . Cities soonest destroy themselues . The sinnes of London . First Pride Vsury Brokery Periury Murder Atheisme Lechery Orders for the Stewes . Our suburb Bawdes keepe ordinaries for all commers * The price of sin is raysed , & so are the rents . * Noctes atque does now . Officers now haue siluer eies and canot see . Few Turne-coates in houses of this Religion . Aswell Pu●itane as Protestant are welcome . Now they work like Bakers night and day . Now they vse plaine dealing They are searched daily . ●amque vrit flaminant dull●s . King Iames. The Thames who takes the name from Thame & Isi● Hen. Pichard v●●ner , maior in An. 30 , of Edward 3. Sir Iohn wat 's Clothwerker Lord Mayor now this present yea , 1607 A paradox in praise of Vacations . Inuectiue against a Pen. The wordes were these , E●u●rdam nec●le●e nolite 〈◊〉 bonu●● est . * A Goose. Iulius Caesar , 54. yeeres before Christ , conquered Brittaine . Constantine the Emperor Mawd the Empresse , and Henry son to Henry 2 born in London . Notes for div A20054-e8880 The Names of London . Lud made a wall about London of Turfe &c , but the Romain● cause● it to be made of stone . The seuerall Nations that conquered this land frō time to time How London cam to be deuided into Wards . Londons cōplaint about the Plague . A description of Sturbridge fayre . The death of a young man a linnen Draper dwelling in Friday-street . The two Porters of London . A20060 ---- The guls horne-booke: By T. Deckar Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1609 Approx. 94 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A20060 STC 6500 ESTC S105251 99840980 99840980 5530 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A20060) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 5530) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 881:03) The guls horne-booke: By T. Deckar Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. Dedekind, Friedrich, d. 1598. Grobianus. [8], 39, [1] p. [By Nicholas Okes] for R. S[ergier?], Imprinted at London : 1609. Based on: Dedekind, Friedrich. Grobianus. Printer's name supplied and publisher's name conjectured by STC. The first leaf is blank. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Social life and customs. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-02 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-02 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE GVLS Horne-booke : Stuliorum plena junt omnia . Al Sauio meza parola , Basta . By T. Deckar . Imprinted at London for R. S. 1609. To all Guls in generall , wealth and Libertie . WHOM can I choose ( my most worthie Mecaen-asses ) to be Patrons to this labour of mine fitter thē your selues ? your hands are euer open , your purses neuer shut . So that you stand not in the Common Rancke of Dry-fisted Patrons , ( who giue nothing ) for you giue all . Schollers therefore are as much beholden to you , as Vintners , Players and Puncks are . Those three trades gaine by you more then Vsurers do by thirty in the hundred : You spend the wines of the one , you make suppers for the other , and change your Gold into White-money with the third . Who is more liberall then you ? who ( but onely Cittizens ) are more free ? Blame me not therefore if I pick you out from the bunch of Booke-takers , to consecrate these fruits of my braine ( which shall neuer die ) onely to you . I know that most of you ( O admirable Guls ! ) can neither write nor reade . A Horne-booke haue I inuented , because I would haue you well schooled . Powles is your VValke ; but this your Guid : if it lead you right , thanke me : if astray , men will beare with your errors , because you are Guls. Fare-well . T. D. To the Reader . GEntle Reader , I could willingly be content that thou shouldest neither be at cost to buy this booke , nor at the labour to reade it . It is not my ambition to bee a man in Print , thus euery Tearme ; Ad praelum , tanquàm ad praelium ; Wee should come to the Presse as we come to the Field ( seldome . ) This Tree of Guls was planted long since , but not taking roote , could neuer beare till now . It hath a relish of Grobianisme , and tastes very strongly of it in the beginning . The reason thereof is , that hauing translated many Bookes of that into English Verse , and not greatly liking the Subiect , I altred the Shape , and of a Dutchman , fashioned a meere Englishman , it is a Table wherein are drawne sundry Pictures : the callors are fresh : if they bee well laid on , I thinke my workmanship well bestowed : if ill , so much the better , because I draw the pictures onely of Guls. T. D. The Chapters contained in this Booke . CHAP . 1. The old world and the new weighed together : The Tailors of those times and these compared : The apparel & diet of our first fathers . CHAP. 2. How a yong Gallant shall not onely keep his Clothes ( which many of them can hardly do ) from Brokers ; but also haue the charges of taking physick , with other rules for the morning : The praise of sleep , and of going naked . CHAP. 3. How a Gallant should warme himselfe by the fire : How attire himselfe : Description of a mans head : The praise of long haire . CHAP. 4. How a Gallant should behaue himselfe in Powles-Walkes . CHAP. 5. How a Gallant should behaue himselfe in an Ordinary . CHAP. 6. How a Gallant should behaue himselfe in a Play-house . CHAP. 7. How a Gallant should behaue himselfe in a Tauerne . CHAP. 8. How a Gallant is to behaue himselfe passing through the Cittie at all houres of the night : and how to passe by any Watch. The Guls Horn-booke : OR Fashions to please all sorts of Guls. Pr●aemium . I Sing ( like the Cuckooe in Iune ) to bée laught at : if therefore I make a scuruy noise , and that my tunes sound vnmusically ( the Ditty being altogether lame in respect of the bad féete , and vnhansome in regard of the worme-eaten fashion ) you that haue authority vnder the broad seale of mouldy custom , to be called the Gentle Audience , set your goodly great hands to my pardon : or else because I scorne to be vpbraided that I professe to instruct others in an Art , whereof I my selfe am ignorant , Doe your worst : chuse whether you will let my notes haue you by the eares or no : hisse or giue plaudities , I care not a nut-shell which of either : you can neither shake our Comick Theater with your stinking breath of hisses , nor raise it w t the thunder claps of your hands : vp it goes in Despetto del fato : y e motley is bought , & a coat with foure elbowes ( for any one that will weare it ) is put to making in defiance of the seuen wise maisters : for I haue smelt out of the musty shéetes of an old Almanacke , that ( at one time or other ) euen he that iets vpon the neatest and sprucest leather , euen he that talkes all Adage & Apothegme , even he that will not haue a wrinckle in his new Satten suit , though his mind be vglier then his face , and his face so ill fauoredly made , that he lookes at all times as if a tooth-drawer were fumbling about his gommes with a thousand lame Heteroclites more , that cozen the world with a guilt spurre , and a ruffled boote , will be all glad to fit themselues in Will Somme● his wardrob , and be driuen ( like a Flemish Hoy in foule weather ) to slip into our Schoole , and take out a lesson . Tush , Caelum p●timus stultitia , all that are chosen Cunstables for their wit go not to heauen . A fig therefore for the new found Colledge of Criticks . You Courtiers that do nothing but sing the Gamuth-Are of complementall courtesie , and at the rusticall behauiour of our Countrie Muse , will skrew forth worse faces then those which God and the Painter has bestowed vpon you , I defie your perfumd scorne : and vow to poyson your Muske cats , if their ciuet excrement doe but once play with my nose . You ordinary Gulles , that through a poore and silly ambition to be thought you inherit the reuenues of extraordinary wit will spend your shallow censure vpon the most elaborate Poeme , so lauishly , that all the painted table-men about you , take you to be heires apparant to rich Midasle , that had more skill in Alchimy , then Kelly with the Phylosophers stone : ( for all that he could lay his fingers on , turned into heaten gold ) dry Tobacco with my leaues ( you good dry brained Polipragmonists ) till your pipe offices smoake with your pittifully stinking girds shot out against me . I coniure you ( as you come of the right Goose-caps ) staine not your house ; but when at a new play you take vp the twelue-penny roome next the stage , ( because the Lords & you may seeme to be haile fellow wel met ) there draw forth this booke , read alowd , laugh alowd , and play the Antickes , that all the garlike mouthd stinkards may cry out , Away with the Foole : As for thée Zoylus , goe hang thy selfe : and for thée Momus chew nothing but hemlock , & spit nothing but the sirrup of Aloes vpon my papers , till thy very rotten lungs come forth for anger . I am Snake-proofe : and though with Hanniball you bring whole hogs-heads of vinegar railings , it is impossible for you to quench or come ouer my Alpine-resolution : I will saile boldly and desperately alongst the shore of y e I le of Guls : & in defiance of those terrible blockhouses their loggerheads , make a true discouery of their wild ( yet habitable ) Country . Sound an Allarum therefore ( O thou my couragious Muse ) and like a Dutch cryer make proclamation with thy Drum : the effect of thine O-yes , being , That if any man , woman , or child , be he Lord , be he Lowne , be he Courtier , be he Carter , of y e Innes a Court , or Innes of Citty , that hating from the bottome of his heart , all good manners and generous education , is really in loue , or rather doates on that excellent country Lady , Innocent simplicity , being the first , fairest , and chiefest Chamber-maide that our great Grandame Eue , entertained into seruice : Or if any person aforesaid longing to make a voyage in the ship of Fooles , would venture all the wit that his mother left him , to liue in the country of Guls , Cockneyes , and Coxcombs ; to the intent that haūting Theaters , he may fit there like a popiniay , onely to learne Play-spéeches , which afterward may furnish y e necessity of his bare knowledge , to maintaine table talke , or else heating Tauernes , desires to take the Bacchanalian degrées , and to waite himselfe in Arte bibendi magister : that at ordinaries would sit like Bias●e , and in the stréets walke like a braggart , that on foote longs to goe like a French Lacque , and on horse-backe rides like an English Tailor , or that from seuen yeares and vpward , till his dying day , has a monethes mind to haue y e Guls Horn-booke by heart , by which in time he may be promoted to serue any Lord in Europ , as his crafty Foole or his bawdy Iester , yea and to be so déere to his Lordship , as for the excellency of his fooling , to be admitted both to ride in Coach with him , and to lie at his very féete on a truckle-bed . Let all such ( and I hope the world has not left her olde fashions . but there are ten thousand such ) repaire hither . Neuer knocke , you that striue to be Ninny-hammer ) but with your féete spurne open the doore and enter into our Schoole : you shall not néede to buy bookes , no , scorne to distinguish a B from a battle doore , onely looke that your eares be long enough to reach our Rudiments , and you are made for euer . It is by heart that I would haue you to con my lessons , and therefore be sure to haue most deuouring stomaches . Nor be you terrified with an opinion that our Rules be hard and indigestible , or that you shall neuer be good Graduates in these rare sciences of Barbarisme , and Idiotisme : Oh fie vppon any man that carries that vngodly minde ! Tush , tush , Tarleton , Kemp , nor Singer , nor all the litter of Fooles that now come drawling behinde them , neuer plaid the Clownes more naturally then the arrantest Sot of you all , shall , if hee will but boyle my Instructions in his braine-pan . And lest I my selfe , like some Pedanticall Vicar , stammering out a most false and crackt latine oration to maiester Maior of the towne , and his brethren , should cough and hem in my deliueries , by which meanes you ( my Auditors ) should be in danger to depart more like woodcockes then when you came to me : O thou venerable father of antient ( and therefore hoary ) customes , Syluanus , I inuoke thy assistance ; thou that first taughtest Carters to weare hob-nailes , and Lobs to play Christmas gambols , and to shew the most beastly horse-trickes : O do thou , or ( if thou art not at leasure ) let thy Mountibancke goat-footed Fauni , inspire me , with the knowledge of all those silly and ridiculous fashions , which the old dunsticall world woare euen out at elbowes : draw for me the pictures of the most simple fellowes then liuing , that by their patterns I may paint the like . Awake thou noblest drunkerd Bacchus , thou must likewise stand to me ( if at least thou canst for réeling ) teach me ( you soueraigne Skinker ) how to take the Germanies vpsy freeze ; the Danish Rowsa , the Switzers stoap of Rhenish , the Italians Parmizant : the Englishmans healthes , his hoopes , cans , halfe cans , Gloues , Frolicks and flap dragons , together with the most notorious qualities of the truest tospots , as when to cast , when to quarrell , when to fight , and where to sléepe : hide not a drop of thy moist mystery from me , ( thou plumpest swil-bowle ) but ( like an honest red-nosed wine bibber ) lay open all thy secrets & y e mystical Hierogliphick of Rashers ath coales , Modicums & Shooing hornes , and why they were inuented , for what occupations , and when to be vsed . Thirdly ( because I will haue more then two strings to my bow ) Comus , thou Clarke of Gluttonies Kitchen , doe thou also bid me proface , and let me not rise from table , till I am perfect in all the generall rules of Epicures and Cormorants . Fatten thou my braines that I may féede others , and teach them both how to squat downe to their meat , and how to munch , so like Loobies , that the wisest Solon in the world shall not be able to take them for any other . If there be any strength in thée , thou beggerly monarke of Indians , and setter-vp of rotten-lungd chimney-swéepers ( Tobacco ) I beg it at thy smoaky hands : make me thine adopted heire , that inheriting the vertues of thy whiffes , I may distribute them amongst all nations , and make the phantastick Englishmen ( aboue the rest ) more cunning in the distinction of thy Rowle Trinidado , Leafe and Pudding , then the whitest toothd Blackamoore in all Asia . After thy pipe , shal ten thousands be taught to daunce , if thou wilt but discouer to me the swéetnesse of thy snuffes , with the manner of spawling , slauering , spetting and driueling in all places , and before all persons . Oh what songs will I charme out in praise of those valiantly-strong-stinking breaths . which are easily purchast at thy hands , if I can but get thée to trauell through my nose . All the foh's in the fairest Ladies mouth that euer kist Lord , shall not fright me from thy browne presence : for thou art humble , and from the Courts of Princes hast vouchsafed to be acquainted with penny galleries , and ( like a good-fellow ) to be drunke for company , with Water-men , Carmen and Colliers , wheras before , and so still , Knights and wis● Gentlemen were , & are thy companions . Last of all , thou Lady of Clownes and Carters , Schoolemistres of fooles and wisacres , thou hemely ( but harmelesse ) Rusticity , Oh breath thy dull and dunsticall spirit into our ganders quill ; crowne me thy Poet , not with a garland of Bayes , ( oh no! the number of those that steals Lawret is too monstrous already ) but swaddle thou my browes with those vnhansome boughes , which ( like Autums rotten haire ) hang dangling ouer thy dusty eye-lids . Helpe me ( thou midwife of vnmannerlinesse ) to be deliuered of this Embryon that lies tumbling in my braine : direct me in this hard and dangerous voyage , that being safely arriued on the desired shore , I may build vp Altars to to thy Vnmatcheable Rudenesse : the excellency whereof I know will be so great , that Grout-nowles and Moames will in swannes fly buzzing about thee . So Herculean a labour is this that I vndertake , that I am enforcd to ball out for all your succours , to the intent I may aptly furnish this feast of Fooles , vnto which I solemnely inuite all the world : for at it shall sit not only those whom Fortune fauours , but euen those whose wits are naturally their owne . Yet because your artificiall Fooles beare away the bell , all our best workmanship ( at this time ) shall be spent to fashion such a Creature . CHAP. I. The old world & the new waighed together : T the Tailors of those times and these compared : The apparell and dyet of our first fathers . GOOD Cloathes are the embrodred trappings of pride , and good cheere the very Eringo-roote of gluttony : so that fine backes , and fat bellies are Coach-horses to two of the seuen deadly sins : In the bootes of which Coach , Lechery and Sloth fit like the waiting-maide . In a most desperate state therefore doe Taylors and Cookes stand by meanes of their offices , for both those trades are Apple-squices , to that couple of sinnes . The one inuents more phantasticke fashions , then Fraunce hath worne since her first stone was laid : the other more likerish Epvcurean dishes , then were euer serud vp to Gallonius table . Did man ( thinke you ) come wrangling into the world , about no better matters , then all his life time to make priuy searches in Bucch●n-law for Whale-bone doublets , or for pies of Nightingale tongues in Heliogabalus his kitchin ? No ▪ no , the first suit of apparell that euer mortall man put on , came neither from the Mercers shop , nor the Merchants ware-house : Adams bill would haue béene taken then sooner then a Knights bond now , yet was hee great in no bodies bookes for satten and veluets : the silk-wormes had something else to do in those dayes then to set vp loomes and be frée of the weauers , his bréeches were not so much worth as K. Stephens ▪ that cost but a poore noble : for Adam ▪ holyday hose and doublet were of no better stuffe then plaine fig leaues , and Eues best gowne of the same péece , there went but a paire of sheeres betwéene them . An Antiquary in this towne , has yet some of the powder of those leaues dryed to shew . Taylors then were none of the twelue Companies : their Hall that now is larger then some Dorpes among the Netherlands , was then no bigger then a Dutch Butchers shop● they durst not strike downe their customers with large hilles : Adam cared not an apple-paring for all their lowzy hems . There was then neither the Spanish slop , nor the Skippers galligas●● : the Switzers blistred Cod-péece , nor the Danish sléeue , sagging downe like a Welsh wallet , the Italians close strosser , nor the French standing coller : your trebble-quadruple Daedalian ruffes , nor your stiffe necked Rebatoes ( that haue more arches for pride to row vnder , then can stand vnder fiue London Bridges ) durst not then set themselues out in print : for the pattent for starch could by no meanes bee signd . Fashions then was counted a disease , and horses dyed of it : But now ( thankes to folly ) it is held the onely rare phisicke , and the purest golden Asses liue vpon it . As for the dyet of that Saturnian age , it was like their attire , homely : A sallad , and a messe of léeke porridge , was a dinner for a farre greater man then euer the Turke was : Potato-pies and Custards , stood like the sinfull suburbs of Cookery , and had not a wall ( so much as a handfull hie ) built rownd about them . There were no daggers then , nor no Chayres Crookes his ordinary in those parsimonious dayes , had not a Capons leg to throw at a dog . Oh golden world , the suspicious Venecian carued not his meate with a siluer pitch forke : neither did the swéet toothd Englishman shift a dozen of trenchers at one meale . Peirs ploughman layd the cloth , and Simplicity brought in the voyder . How wonderfully is the world altered ? and no maruell , for it has lyen sicke almost fiue thousand yeares : So that it is no more like the old Theater du munde then old Paris garden is like the Kings garden at Paris . What an excellent workeman therefore were he that could cast the Globe of it into a new mould : And not to make it looke like Mullineux his Globe with arownd face sleekt and washt ouer with whites of egges ; but to haue it in Plano , as it was at first , with all the ancient circles , lines , paralels and figures , representing indéede , all the wrinckles , crackes , creuises and flawes that ( like the Mole on Hartens chéeke , being os amoris ) stuck vpon it at the first creation , and made it looke most louely ; but now those surrowes are fild vp with Ceruse and Uermilion , yet all will not doe , it appeares more vgly . Come , come , it would be but a bald world , but that it weares a periwig . The body of it is fowle ( like a birding-péece ) by being too much heated : the breath of it stinks like the mouthes of Chamber-maides by féeding on so many swéet meats . And though to purge it wil be a sorer labour then the clensing of Augeaes stable , or the scowring of Moore-ditch : yet Ille ego , qui quondam , I am the Pasquilles mad-cap , that will do ot . Draw néere therefore all you that loue to walke vpon single and simple soules , and that with to kéepe company with none but Innocents , and the sonnes of ciuill Citizens , out with your tables , and naile your eares , ( as it were to the pillary ) to the Musique of our instructions : nor let y e title Gullery , fright you frō schoole : for marke what an excellent ladder you are to clime by . How many worthy , and men of famous memory ( for their learning of all offices , from the scauenger and so vpward ) haue flourished in London , of y e ancient familie of y e Wiseacres , being now no better estéemd then fooles and yonger brothers ? This geare must be lookt into , lest in time ( O lamentable time when that houre-glasse is turnd vp ) a rich mans sonne shall no sooner péepe out of the shell of his minority , but he shall straight waies be begd for a concealement , or set vpon ( as it were by frée-booters ) and tane in his owne purse-nets by fencers and cony-catchers . To driue which pestilent infection from the heart , heere 's a medicine more potent and more precious then was euer that mingle mangle of drugs which Mithrydates boyld together . Feare not to tast it , a cawdle will not goe downe halfe so smoothly as this will : you néede not call the honest name of it in question , for Antiquity puts off his cap , and makes a bare oration in praise of the vertues of it : the Receipt hath béene subscribed vnto , by all those that haue had to doe with Simples with this moth-eaten Motto , Probatum est : your Diacatholicon aureum , that with gun-powder brings threatens , to blow vp all diseases that come in his way , & smels worse then Assa soetida in respect of this . You therefore whose bodyes either ouerflowing with the corrupt humours of this ages phantasticknesse , or else being burnt vp with the inflāmation of vpstart fashions , would faine be purgd : and to shew that you truly loath this polluted and mangy-fisted world , turne Pimonists , not caring either for men or their maners ; doe you pledge me : spare not to ●ake a déepe draught of our homely councell : the cup is full , and so ●rge , that I holdly drinke a health vnto all commers . CHAP. II. How a young Gallant shall not onely keepe his clothes ( which many of them can hardly doe for Brokers ) but also saue the charges of taking physicke : with other rules for the morning . The praise of Sleepe and of going naked . YOU haue heard all this while nothing but the Prologue , and séene no more but a dumbe shew : Our Vetus Comaedia steps out now . The fittest stay , vpon which you ( that study to be an Actor there ) are first to present your selfe , is in my approued iudgement ) the softest and largest Downe-bed : from whence ( if you will but take sound councell of your pillow ) you shall neuer rise till you heare it ring noone at least . Sléepe in the name of Morpheus your belly full , or ( rather ) sléepe till you heare your belly grombies and waxeth empty . Care not for those coorse painted cloath rimes , made by y e Uniuersity of Salerne , that come ouer you , with S● breuis , aut nullus ; tibi somnus meridianus . Short let thy sleepe at noone be , Or rather let it none be . Swéete candied councell , but there 's rats-bane vnder it : trust neuer a Bachiler of Art of them all , for he speakes your health faire but to steale away the maidenhead of it : Salerne stands in the luxurious country of Naples , and who knowes not that the Neapolitan , will ( like Derick the hang-man ) embrace you with one arme , and rip your guts with the other ? there 's not a haire in his Mustachoo , but if he kisse you ; will stabbe you through the chéekes like a penyard : the slaue to be auenged on his enemy , will drink off a pint of poison himselfe , so y e he may be sure to haue the other pledge him but halfe so much : And it may be that vpon some secret grudge to worke the generall destruction of all mankinde , those verses were composed . Phisitians I know ( and none else ) tooke vp the bucklers in their defence , railing bitterly vpon that venerable and princely custome of Long lying a bed : Yet now I remember me , I cannot blame them : for they which want sléepe ( which is mans naturall rest become either meere Naturals , or else fall into the Doctors hands , and so consequently into the Lords : whereas he that snorts profoundly scornes to let Hippocrates himselfe stand tooting on his Urinall : and thereby saues that charges of a groates-worth of Physicke : And happy is that man that saues it : for phisick is , Non minus venefica , quàm benefica , it hath an ounce of gall in it , for euery dram of hony . Ten Tyburnes cannot turne men ouer y e pearch so fast as one of these brewers of purgations : the very nerues of their practise , being nothing but Ars Homicidiorum , an Art to make poore soules kick vp their héeles . In so much that euen their sicke grunting patients , stand in more danger of M. Doctor and his drugs ▪ then of all the Cannon shots which the desperate disease it selfe can discharge against them . Send them packing therefore to walke like Italian Mountibankes , beate not your braines to vnderstand their parcell-gréeke , parcell-latine gibrish : let not all their sophisticall buzzing into your eares , nor their Satyricall canuasing of feather-beds and tossing men out of their warme blanckers , awake you till the houre that héere is prescribed . For doe but consider what an excellent thing sléepe is : It is so inestimable a Iewell , that if a Tyrant would giue his crowne for an houres slumber , it cannot be bought : of so beautifull a shape is it , that tho a man lye with an Empresse , his heart can not be at quiet , till he leaues her embracements to be at rest with the other : yea so greatly indebted are we to this kinseman of death , that we owe the better tributary , halfe of our life to him : and ther 's good cause why we should do so : for sleepe is that golden chaine that ties health and our bodies together . Who complaines of want ? of woundes ? of cares ? of great mens oppressions ? of captiuity ? whilest hée sléepeth ? Beggers in their beds take as much pleasure as Kings : can we therefore surfet on this delicate Ambrosia ? can we drink too much of that whereof to tast too little , tumbles vs into a Church-yard , and to vse it but indifferently , throwes vs into Bedlam ? No , no , looke vppon Endymion , the Moones Minion , who stept thréescore & fiftéene yeares and was not a haire the worse for it . Can lying abedde till noone then ( being not the thréescore and fifteenth thousand part of his nap be hurtfull ? Besides , by the opinion of all Phylosophers and Physitians , it is not good to trust the aire with our bodies till the Sun with his flame-coloured wings hath fand away the mistrie smoake of the morning , and refind that thicke tobacco-breath which the rheumaticke night throwes abroad of purpose to put out the eye of the Clement : which worke questionlesse cannot be perfectly finisht till the Sunnes Car-horses stand prancing on the very top of highest noone : so y t then , ( and not till then ) is the most healthfull houce to be stirring . Do you require examples to perswade you ? At what time do Lords and Ladies vse to rise but then ? your simpring Merchants wiues are the fairest lyers in the world , and is not eleuen a clocke their common houre ? they finde ( no doubt ) vnspeakeable swéet●esse in such lying , else they would not day by day put it so in practise . In a word , mid day slumbers are golden , they make the body fat , the skin faire , the flesh plump ▪ delicate and tender ; they set a russet colour on the chéekes of young women , and make lusty courage to rise vp in men : they make vs thirfty , both in sparing victuals ( for breakefasts thereby are sand from the hell-mouth of the belly ) and in preseruing apparell : for whilest wée warme vs in our beds , our cloathes are not worne . The casements of thine eyes being then at this commendable time of the day , newly set open , choose rather to haue thy wind-pipe cut in péeces then to salute any man. Bid not good morrow so much as to thy father , tho he be an Emperour . An idle ceremony it is , and can doe him little good ; to thy selfe it may bring much harme : for if he be a wise man that knowes how to hold his peace , of necessity must he be counted a foole that cannot kéepe his tongue ? Amongst all the wild men , that runne vp and downe in this wide forrest of fooles ▪ ( the world ) none are more superstitious then those notable Ebritians , the Iewes : yet a Iewe neuer weares his cap thréed-hare with putting it off : neuer bends it'h hammes with casting away a leg : neuer cries God saue you , tho he sées the Diuell at your elbow . Play the Iewes therefore in this , and saue thy lips that labour , onely remember that so soone as thy eye lids be vnglewd thy first exercise must be ( either sitting vpright on thy pillow , or rarely loling at thy bodies whole le●●th , to yawne , to stretch and to gape wider then any oysterwise : for thereby thou doest not onely send out the liuely spirits ( like Vaunt-currers ) to fortifie and make good the vttermost borders of the body ; but also ( as a cunning painter ) thy goodly lineame●ts are drawne out in their fairest proportion . This lesson being playd : turne ouer a new leafe , and ( vnlesse that Fréezela●d Curre cold winter , offer to bite thée ) walke a while , vp and downe thy chamber , either in thy thin shirt onely , or else ( which at a bare word is both more decent aad more delectable ) strip thy selfe starke naked . Are we not borne so ? and shall a foolish custome make vs to breake the lawes of our Creation ? our first parents so long as they went naked , were suffered to dwell in paradice , but after they got coates to their backes , they were turnd out a doores : Put on therefore either no apparel at all , or put it on carelesly : for looke how much more delicate libertie is then bondage , so much is the loosenesse in wearing of our attire , aboue the imprisonment of being neatly and Tailor-like drest vp in it : To be ready in our clothes , is to be ready for nothing else . A man lookes as if hee hung in chaines ; or like a scar-crow : and as those excellent birds ( whom Pliny could neuer haue the wit to catch in all his sprindges commonly called woodcocks ( whereof there is great store in England ) hauing all their feathers pluckt from their backes , and being turnd out as naked as Platoes cocke was before all Diogenes his Schollers : or as the Cuckooe in Christmas , are more fit to come to any Knights board , and are indéede more seruiceable then when they are lapt in their warme liueries : euen so stands the case with man. Truth ( because the bald-pate her father Time , has no haire to couer his head ) goes ( when she goes best ) starke naked ; But falshood has euer a cloake for the raine . You sée likewise that the Lyon , being the king of beasts , the horse being the lustiest creature , the Unicorne , whose horne is worth halfe a City , all these go with no more clothes on their backes , then what nature hath bestowed vpon them ; But you Babiownes , and you Iack-an-apes ( being the scum , and rascality of all the hedge-créepers ) they go in ierkins and mandilions : marry how ? they are put into these rags onely in mockery . Oh beware therefore both what you weare , and how you weare it , and let this heauenly reason moue you neuer to be hansome , for when the Sunne is arising out of his bed , does not the element séeme more glorious then ( being onely in gray ) at noone when hée s in all his brauery ? it were madnesse to deny it . What man would not gladly sée a beautifull woman naked , or at least with nothing but a lawne or some loose thing ouer her , and euen highly lift her vp for being so ? Shall wee then abhorre that in our selues , which we admire and hold to be so excellent in others ? Absit . CHAP. III. How a yong Gallant should warme himselfe by the fire : How attire himselfe : The description of a mans head : The praise of long haire . BUT if ( as it often happens vnlesse the yeare catch the sweating sicknesse ) the morning like charity waxing cold , thrust his frosty fingers into thy bosome , pinching thée black and blew , ( with her nailes made of yce ) like an inuisible Goblin , so that thy téeth ( as if thou wert singing prick-song ) stand coldly quauering in thy head , and leap vp and downe like the nimble Iackes of a paire of Uirginals : be then as swift as a whirle-winde , and as boystrous in tossing all thy cloathes in a rude heape together : With which bundle filling thine armes , steppe brauely forth , crying Roome , what a coyle keepe you about the fire ? The more are set round about it , the more is thy commendation , if thou either bluntly ridest ouer their shoulders , or tumblest aside their stooles to créepe into the chimney corner : there toast thy body , till thy scorched shinne be speckled all ouer , being staind with more motley colours then are to be séene on the right side of the rainebow . Neither shall it be fit for the state of thy health , to put on thy Apparell , till by sitting in that hot house of the chimney , thou féelest the fat dew of thy body ( like basting ) runne trickling down thy sides : for by that meanes thou maist lawfully boast that thou liuest by the sweat of thy browes . As for thy stockings and shoos , ●o weare them , that all men may point at thee and make thee ▪ amous by th●t glorious name of a Male content ▪ Or if thy quicksiluer can runne so ●arre on thy errant as to fetch three bootes out of S. Ma●ren● let it be thy prudence to haue the tops of them wide as y e mouth of a wallet , and those with fringed boote-hose ouer them to hang downe to thy ankles . Doues are accounted innocent & louing creatures : thou in obseruing this fashion , shalt seeme to be a rough-●ooted doue , and bée held as innocent . Besides , the strawling , which of necessity so much lether betwéen thy legs must put thée into , will bee thought not to grow from thy disease , but from that gentleman-like habit . Hauing thus apparelled thée from top to toe , according to that simple fashion which the best Goose-caps in Europ striue to imitate , it is now high time for me to haue a blow at thy head , which I will not cut off with sharp documents , but rather set it on faster , bestowing vpon it such excellent caruing , that if all the wise men of Gottam should lay their heades together , their Iobber-nowles should not bee able to compare with thine . To maintaine therefore that sconce of thine , strongly guarded , and in good reparation , neuer suffer combe to fasten his téeth there : let thy haire grow thick and bushy like a forrest , or some wildernesse , lest those sixe-footed creatures that bréede in it , and are Tenants to that crowne-land of thine , bee hunted to death by euery base barbarous Barber ; and so that delicate and ticling pleasure of scratching , be vtterly taken from thée : For the H●ad is a house built for Reason to diuell in : and thus is the tenement framd . The two Eyes are the glasse windowes , at which light disperses it selfe into euery roome , hauing goodly penthouses of haire to ouershaddow them : As for the nose , tho some ( most iniuriously and improperly ) make it serue for an Indian chimney yet surely it is rightly a bridge with two arches , vnder which are neat passages to conuey as well perfumes to aire and sweeten euery chamber , as to ●arry away all noisome filth that is swept out or vncle●ne corners . The cherry lippes open like the new painted gates of a Lords Maiors house , to take in prouision . The tongue is a bell , hanging iust vnder the middle of the roofe , and lest it should be rung out too déepe ( as sometimes it is when women haue a peale ) whereas it was cast by the first founder , but onely to tole softly , there are two euen rowes of Iuory pegs ( like pales set to kéep it in . The eares are two Musique roomes into which as well good sounds as bad , descend downe two narrow paire of staires , that for all the world haue crooked windings like those that lead to the top of Powles stéeple : & because when the tunes are once gotten in , they should not too quickly slip out , all the walles of both places are plaistred with yellow wax round about them . Now as the fairest lodging , tho it be furnisht with walles chimnies , chambers , & all other parts of Architecture , yet if the féeling be wanting , it stands subiect to raine , and so consequently to ruine . So would this goodly palace , which wée haue moddeld out vnto you , bee but a cold and bald habitation , were not the top of it rarely couered . Nature therfore has plaid the Tyler , and giuen it a most curious couering , or ( to speake more properly ) she has thatcht it all ouer , and that Thatching is haire . If then thou desirest to reserue that Fée-simple of wit , ( thy head ) for thée and the lawfull heires of thy body , play neither the scuruy part of the Frenchman , that pluckes vp all by y e rootes , nor that of the spending Englishman , who to maintaine a paltry warren of vnprofitable Conies , disimparkes the stately swift-footed wild Deere : But let thine receiue his full growth that thou maiest safely and wisely brag t is thine owne Bush-Naturall . And with all consider , that as those trées of Cob-web-lawne , ( wouen by Spinners the fresh May-mornings ) doe dresse the curled heads of the mountaines , and adorne the swelling bosomes of the valleyes : Or as those snowy fléeces which the naked bryer steales from the innocent nibling shéepe , to make himselfe a warme winter liuery , are to either of them both an excel-cellent ornament : So make thou account that to haue fethers sticking héere and there on thy head , will embellish and set thy crowne out rarely None dare vpbraid thée , that like a begger thou hast lyen on straw or like a trauelling Pedler vpon musty flockes : for those feathers will rise vp as witnesses to choake him that sayes so , and to proue that thy bed was of the softest Downe . When your noblest Gallants consecrate their houres to their Mistresses and to Reuelling , they weare fethers then chiefly in their hattes , being one of the fairest ensignes of their brauery : But thou a Reueller and a Mistris-seruer all the yeare by wearing fethers in thy haire ▪ whose length , before the rigorous edge of any puritanicall paire of scizzers should shorten the breadth of a finger , let the thrée huswifely spinsters of Destiny rather curtall the thréed of thy life . O no , long haire is the onely nette that women spread abroad to entrappe men in ; and why should not men be as farre aboue women in that commodity , as they go beyond men in others ? The merry Greekes were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 long haird : loose not thou ( being an honest Troian ) that honour , sithence it will more fairely become thée . Grasse is the haire of the earth , which so long as it is suffred to grow , it becomes the wearer , and carries a most pleasing colour , but when the Sunne-burnt clowne makes his mowes at it , and like a Barber ) shaues it off to the stumps , then it withers and is good ●●r nothing , but to be trust vp and thrown amongst Iades . How vgly is a bald pate ? it lookes like a face wanting a nose : or like ground eaten bare with the arrowes of Archers , wheras a head al hid in haire , giues euen to a most wicked face a swéet proportion , & lookes like a meddow newly marryed to the Spring : which beauty in men the Turkes enuying , they no sooner lay hold on a Christian , but the first marke they set vpon him , to make him know hée s a slaue , is to shaue off all his haire close to the scull . A Mahumetan cruelty therefore is it , to stuffe bréeches and tennis balles with that , which when t is once lost , all the hare-hunters in the world may sweat their hearts out and yet hardly catch it againe . You then to whom chastity has giuen an heire apparant , take order that it may be apparant , and to that purpose let it play openly w t the lasciuious wind euē on y e top of your shoulders . Experience cries out in euery Citty , that those selfe-same Criticall Saturnists , whose haire is shorter then their eye-browes , take a pride to haue their hoary beards hang slauering like a dozen of Fox tailes , downe so low as their middle . But ( alas ) why should the chinnes and lippes of old men lick vp that excrement which they vyolently clip away from the heads of yong men ? Is it because those long béesomes ( their beards ) with swéeping the soft bosomes of their beautiful yong wiues , may tickle their tender breasts , and make some amends for their maisters vnrecouerable dulnesse ? No , no there hangs more at the ends of those long gray haires , then all the world can come to the knowledge of . Certaine I am , that when neue but the golden age went currant vpon earth , it was hither treason to clip haire , then to clip money : the combe and scizers were condemned to the currying of hackneyes : he was di●franchized for euer , that did but put on a Barbers apron . Man , woman and child , woare then haire longer then a law-suit : euery head , when it stood bare or vncouered , lookt like a butter-boxes ●owle hauing his thrumbd cap on . It was frée for all Nations to haue shaggy pates , as it is now onely for the Irishman : But since this polling and shauing world crept vp , locks-were lockt vp ▪ and haire sell to decay . Reuiue thou therefore the old buryed fashion , on ▪ and ( in scorne of per●wigs and shéep-shearing kéep thou that qu●lted head-péece on continually . Long haire will make thée looke dreadfully to thine enemies , and manly to thy friends . It is in peace , an ornament : in warre , a strong helmet ! It blunts the edge of a sword , and deads the len●en thunip of a bullet . In winter it is a warme night-cap , in sommer a cooling ●a●ne of fethers . CHAP. IIII. How a Gallant should behaue himselfe in Powles-walkes . BEEING weary with sayling vp & downe almost these shores of Barbaria , héere let vs cast our Anchor and nimbly leape to land in one coast● , whose fresh aire shall be so much the more pleasing to vs , if the Ninny hammer ( whose perfection we labour to set forth ) haue 〈…〉 much ●oolish wit le●t him ▪ as to choose the place where to suche in : ●or that true humorous Gallant that desires to powre himselfe into all fashions ( 〈◊〉 his ambition be such to excell euer Complement it selfe ) must as well practise to diminish his 〈◊〉 as to bee various in his salle●s curious in his 〈◊〉 ; or ingenious in the tru●●ing vp of a new Sretchhose : All which vertues are excellent and able to maintaine him , especially if the old worme-eaten Farmer , ( his father ) bée dead , and left him fiue hundred a yeare , onely to kéepe an Irish hobby , an Irish horse-boy , and himselfe ( like a gentleman . ) Hée therefore that would striue to fashion his legges to his silke stockins , and his proud gate to his broad garters , let him whiffe downe these obseruations , for if he once get but to walke by the booke ( and I sée no reason but hee may as well as fight by the booke ) Powles may be prowd of him , Will Clarke shall ring forth Encomiums in his honour , Iohn in Powles Church-yard , shall fit his head for an excellent blocke , whilest all the Innes of Court reioyce to behold his most hansome calfe . Your Mediterranean I le , is then the onely gallery , wherein the pictures of all your true fashionate and complementall Guls are and ought to be hung vp : into that gallery carry your neat body , but take héede you pick out such an houre , when the maine Shoale of Ilanders are swimming vp and downe : and first obserue your doores of entrance , and your Exit , not much vnlike the plaiers at the Theaters , kéeping your Decorums euen in phantasticality . As for example : if you proue to be a Northerne Gentleman I would wish you to passe through the North doore more often ( especially ) then any of the other : and so according to your countries , take note of your entrances . Now for your venturing into the Walke ▪ be circumspect and wary what piller you come in at , and take héede in any case ( as you loue the reputation of your honour ) that you auoide the Seruing mans Logg , and approch not within fiue fadom of that Piller , but bend your course directly in the middle line , that the whole body of the Church may appeare to be yours , where , in view of all , you may publish your suit in what manner you affect most , either with the slide of your cloake from the one shoulder , and then you must ( as t were in anger ) suddenly snatch at the middle of the inside ( if it be taffata at the least ) and so by y e meanes your costly lining is betrayd , or else by the pretty aduantage of Complement . But one note by the way do I especially we●e you to , the neglect of which , makes many of our Gallants cheape and ordinary , that by no meanes you be séene aboue foure turnes , but in the fift make your selfe away , either in some of the Sempsters shops , the new Tobacco-office , or amongst the Booke-sellers , where , if you cannot reade , exercise your smoake , and inquire who has writ against this diuine wéede : &c. For this withdrawing your selfe a little , will much benefite your suit , which else by too long walking , would be stale to the whole spectators : but howsoeuer , if Powles Iacks bee once vp w t their elbowes , and quarrelling to strike eleuen , as soone as euer the clock has parted them , and ended the fray with his hammer , let not the Dukes gallery conteyne you any longer , but passe away apace in open view . In which departure , if by chance you either encounter , or aloofe off throw your inquisitiue eye vpon any knight or Squire , being your familiar , salute him not by his name of Sir such a one , or so , but call him Ned or Iack &c. This will set off your estimation with great men : and if ( tho there be a dozen companies betwéene you , t is the better ) hee call alowd to you ( for that 's most gentile ) to know where he shall find you a● two a clock , tell him at such an Ordinary or such , and bée sure to name those that are déerest , and whither none but your Gallants resort . After dinner you may appeare againe hauing translated yourselfe out of your English cloth cloak , into a light Turky-grogram ( if you haue that happinesse of shifting ) and then we séene ( for a turne or two ) to correct your téeth with some quill , or siluer instrument , and to cleanse your gummes with a wrought handkercher : It skilles not whether you dinde or no , ( that 's best knowne to your stomach ) or in what place you dinde , though it were with chéese ( of your owne mothers making ) in your chamber or study . Now if you chance to bee a Gallant not much crost amongst Citizens , that is , a Gallant in the Mercers bookes , exalted for Sattens and veluets , if you be not so much blest to bée crost ( as I hold it the greatest blessing in the world , to bee great in no mans bookes ) your Powles walke is your onely refuge : the Dukes Tomb is a Sanctuary , and will kéepe you aliue from wormes and land-rattes , that long to be féeding on your carkas : there you may spend your legs in winter a whole after-noone : conuerse , plot , laugh , and talke any thing , iest at your Creditor , euen to his face , and in the euening , euen by lamp-light , steale an t , & so cozen a whole coup of abhominable catch-pols . Neuer be séene to mount the steppes into the quire , but vpon a high Festiuall day , to preferre the fashion of your doublet , and especially if the singing boyes séeme to take note of you : for they are able to buzze your praises , aboue their An●hems if their v●y●es haue not lost their maiden-heads , but be sure your siluer spurres dogge your heeles , and then the B●yes will sw●rme about you like so many white 〈…〉 when you in the open Quire shall dr●we forth a 〈◊〉 embrodred purse , ( the glorious ●ight of which ▪ will ent●ce ma●y Country-men from their deu●sion to wondring ) 〈…〉 Siluer into the Boyes handes ▪ that it may 〈◊〉 hea●d 〈◊〉 the first lesson , although it be reade in a voy●e as big as one of the great Organs . This noble and notable Act being performed you are to vanish presently out of the Quire , & to appeare againe 〈◊〉 the ●alk ; But in any wise be not obserued to t●e●d there long alone , for feare you be suspected to be a Gallant , ●●sh●●rd from the 〈◊〉 of Captens and Figh●ers . Sucke this humour vp especially ▪ Put off to none vnlesse his hatband be of a 〈…〉 ●uainter : but for him that 〈…〉 about his h●tte , ( though he were an Aldermans sonne ) neuer moue to him : for hee s suspected to be worse then a Gull , ● not worth the putting off to , that cannot obserue the time of his hat●band , nor know what fashiond block is most kin to his head : for in my opinion , y e braine that cannot choise his Felt well , ( being the head ornament ) must needes powre folly into all the rest of the members , and bée an absolute confirmed Foole , in Summa Totali . All the diseasd horses in a tedious seige , cannot shew so many fashions , as are to be séene for nothing euery day in Duke Humfryes walke . If therefore you determine to enter into a new suit , warne your T●lor to atte●d you in Powles who , with his hat in his hand , shall like a spy discouer the stuffe , colour , and fashion of any doublet or hose that dare be séene there and stepping behind a pilles to fill his table-bookes with those notes , will presently send you into the world an accomplisht man , by which meanes you shall weare your clothes in print w t the first edition . But if Fortune fauour you so much as to make you no more then a méere country gentleman , or but some ▪ degrées remoud fi● him ▪ ( for which I should be very sor●e , because your London-experience wil cost you 〈◊〉 before you shal haue y e wit to know what you are ) then take this lesson along with you : The first time that you 〈…〉 Powles , passe through the body of the Church like a P●r●er , yet presume not to fetch so much as one whole turne in the middle I le , no nor to cast an eye to Siquis d●o●e ( pasted & plais●●ed vp with Seruingmens supplications ) before you haue paid tribute to the top of Powles steeple with a single penny 〈◊〉 when you are mounted there , take heede how you ●oo●e downe into the yard ; for the ra●●es are as 〈◊〉 as your great Grand-father : and therupon it will not be 〈◊〉 if you 〈◊〉 how ●it Woodros●e durst vault ouer , and what reason h● had ●or● , to put his necke in hazard of reparations . From hence you may descend to talke about the horse that went vp , and 〈…〉 to know his keeper , take the day of the Moneth , and the number of the steppes , and suffer your selfe to beleeue verily that it was not a horse , but something else in the likenesse of one . Which wonders you may publish when 〈…〉 into the country , to the great amazement of all Farme●s daughters that will almost swound at the report , and neuer recouer till their ba●es bee asked twice in the Church . But I haue not left you yet : Before you come downe againe , I would desire you to draw your knife , and graue your name , ( or for want of a name , the marke which you clap on your shéep ) in great Caracters vpon the leades by a number of your brethren ( both Citizens and country Gentlemen ) and so you shall be sure to haue your name lye in a coffin of lead when your selfe shall be wrapt in a winding-shéete : and indeed the top of Powles conteins more names then Stowes Cronicle . These lofty tricks being plaid , and you ( thanks to your féete ) being safely ariud at the st●●es ●oote againe , your next worthy worke is , to repaire to my Lord Chancellors Tomb ( and if you can but reasonably spel ) bestow some time vpon y e reading of sir Phillip Sydneyes briefe Epitaph in the compasse of an houre you may make shift to stumble it out . The great Dyall is your last monument , there bestow some halfe of the thréescore minutes , to obserue the sawcinesse of the Iackes , that are aboue the man in the moone there : the strangenesse of the motion will quit your labour . Besides , you may héere haue fit occasion to discouer your watch by taking it forth , and setting the whéeles to the time of Powles , which I assure you goes truer by fiue notes then S. Sepulchers Chimes . The benefit that wil arise from hence is this , y t you publish your Change in maintaining a gilded clocke ; and withall the world shall know that you are a time-pleaser . By this I imagine you haue walkt your belly ful , & therupon being weary , or ( which rather I beléeue ) being most Gentleman-like hungry , it is fit that as I brought you into the Duke , so ( because he followes the fashion of great men , in kéeping no house , and that therefore you must go séeke your dinner ) suffer me to take you by the hand , and lead you into an Ordinary . CHAP. V. How a yong Gallant should behaue himselfe in an Ordinary . FIRST , Hauing diligently enquired out an Ordinary of the largest reckoning , whither most of your Courtly Gallants do resort , let it be your vse to repaire thither some halfe houre after eleuen , for then you shall find most of your fashion-mongers planted in the roome waiting for meate : ride thither vpon your galloway-nag , or your Spanish Iennet , a swift ambling pace , in your hose and doublet ( gilt rapier & poniard bestowd in their places ) and your French Lackey , carrying your cloake , and running before you , or rather in a coach , for that will both hide you from the baseliske-eyes of your creditors , and out-runne a whole kennell of bitter mouthd Serieants . Being ariud in the roome , salute not any but those of your acquaintance : walke vp and downe by the rest as scornfully and as carelesly as a Gentleman Usher : Select some friend ( hauing first throwne off your cloake ) to walke vp and downe the roome with you , let him be suited if you can , worse by farre then your selfe , he will be a foyle to you : & this will be a meanes to publish your clothes better then Powles , a Tennis-court , or a Play-house : discourse as lowd as you can , no matter to what purpose , if you but make a noise , and laugh in fashion , and haue a good sower face to promise quarrelling , you shall bée much obserued . If you be a souldier , talke how often you haue béene in action : as the Portingale voyage Cales voiage , the Iland voiage , besides some eight or nine imploiments in Ireland and the low Countries : then you may discourse how honorably your Graue vsed you : obserue that you cal your Graue Maurice your Graue ; How often you haue drunk with Count such a one , and such a Count on your knées to your Graues health : and let it bee your vertue to giue place neither to S. Kynock , nor to any Dutchman , whatsoeuer in the seuentéene Prouinces for that Souldiers complement of drinking . And if you perceiue that the vntraueld company about you take this downe well , ply them with more such stuffe , as , how you haue interpreted betwéene the French King , and a great Lord of Barbary , when they haue béen drinking healthes together , and that will be an excellent occasion to publish your languages , if you haue them ; if not , get some fragments of french , or smal parcels of Italian to fling about the table ; but beware how you speake any latine there , your Ordinary most commonly hath no more to do with Latine then a desperate towne of Garison hath . If you be a Courtier , discourse of the obtaining of Suits : of your mistresses fauours , &c. Make inquiry if any gentleman at boord haue any suit to get , which he would vse y e good means of a great mans Interest with the King : and withall ( if you haue not so much grace left in you as to blush ) that you are ( thankes to your starres ) in mightie credit , though in your owne conscience you know , and are guilty to your selfe that you dare not , ( but onely vpon the priuiledges of hansome clothes ) presume to péepe into the presence . Demand if there bee any Gentleman , ( whom any there is acquainted with ) that is troubled with two offices ; or any Uicar with two Church-liuings ; which will pollitickly insinuate , that your inquiry after them , is because you haue good meanes to obtaine them ; yea ; and rather then your tongue should not be heard in the roome , but that you should sit ( like an A●●e ) with your sinner in your mouth and speake nothing : discourse how often this Lady hath sent her Coach for you : and h●w o●ten you haue swe●t in the Tennis-court with that great Lord : for indéede the sweating together in Fraunce ( I meane the society of Tennis ) is a great argument ●●most déere affection , euen betweene noble men and Pesants . If you be a Poet and come into the Ordinary ( though it can be no great glory to be an ordinary Poet ) order your se●●e thus : Obserue no man , dost not cap to that Gentleman to day at dinner , to whom not two nights since you were behold●n for a supper , but after a turne or two in the roome , take occasion ( pulling out your gloues ) to haue some Epigram , or Satyre or Sonnet , fastned in one of them , that may ( as it were vomittingly to you ) offer it selfe to the Gentlemen : they will presently desire it : but without much coiuration from them , and a pretty kind of counterfet loathnes in yourselfe , do not read it : and though it be none of your owne , sweare you made it . Mary 〈◊〉 chaunce to get into your hands any witty thing of another mans that is somewhat better , I would councell you then , if demand bee made who composd it , you may say , faith a learned Gentleman , a very worthy friend : And this séeming to lay it on another man will be counted either modestie in you or a signe that you are not ambitious of praise , or else that you dare not take it vpon you for feare of the sharpnesse it carries with it . Besides , it will adde much to your fame to let your tongue walke faster then your téeth , though you be neuer so hungry , and rather then you should sit like a dumb Coxcomb , to repeat by heart , either some verses of your owne , or of any other mans stretching euen very good lines vpon the rack of censure , though it be against all law , honestie or conscience , it may chaunce saue you the price of your Ordinary , & be●et you other Suppliments . Ma●y I would further intreat our Poet to be in league with the Mistresse of the Ordinary because from her vpon condition that he will but ryme Knights and yong gentlemen to her house , and maintaine the table in good sooling ) he may eas●y make vp his mouth at her cost , Gratis . Thus much for particular men but in generall let all that are in Ordinary-pay , march after the sound of these directions ▪ Before the meate come smoaking to the board , our Gallant must draw out his Tobacco-box , the ladell for the cold snuffe into the nosthrill , the tongs and prining Iron : All which artillery may be of gold or siluer ( if he can reach to the price of it ) it will bée a reasonable vsefull pawne at all times , when the current of his money falles out to run low . And heere you must obserue to know in what state Tobacco is in towne , better then the Merchants , and to discourse of the Potecaries where it is to be sold , and to be able to speake of their wiues as readily as the Pottecary himselfe reading the barbarous hand of a Doctor : then let him shew his seuerall tricks in taking it . As the Whiffe , the Ring , &c. For these are complements that gaine Gentlemen no meane respect , and for which indéede they are more worthily noted , I ensure you , then for any skill that they haue in learning . When you are set downe to dinner , you must eate as impudently as can be ( for that 's most Gentleman like ) when your Knight is vpon his stewed Mutton , be you presently ( though you be but a Capten ) in the bosome of your goose : and when your Iustice of peace is knuckle déepe in goose , you may without disparagement to your bloud , though you haue a Lady to your mother , fall very manfully to your woodcocks . You may rise in dinner time to aske for a close stoole , protesting to all the gentlemen that it costs you a hundred pound a yeare in physicke , besides the Annuall pension which your wife allowes her Doctor : And ( if you please ) you may ( as your great French Lord doth ) inuite some speciall frind of yours , from the table to hold discourse with you as you sit in that withdrawing chamber : from whence being returned againe to the board , you shall sharpen the wits of all the eating Gallants about you , and doe them great pleasure to aske what Pamphlets or Poems a man might thinke fittest to wipe his taile with ( mary this talke will bée some what fowle if you carry not a strong perfume about you ) and in propounding this question , you may abuse the workes of any man , depraue his writings that you cannot equall , and purchase to your selfe in time the terrible name of a seuere Criticke : nay and be one of the Colledge , if you le be liberall inough : and ( when your turne comes ) pay for their suppers . After dinner , euery man as his busines leades him : some to dice some to drabs , some to playes , some to take vp friends in the Court , some to take vp money in the Citty , some to lende testers in Powles , others to bōrrow Crownes vpon the Exchange : and thus as the people is sayd to bee a beast of many heads ( yet all those heads like Hydraes ) euer growing as various in their hornes as wondrous in their budding & branching , so in an Ordinary you shal find the variety of a whole kingdome in a few Apes of the kingdome . You must not sweare in your dicing : for that Argues a violent impatience to depart from your money , and in time will betray a mans néede . Take héede of it . No! whether you be at Primero or Hazard , you shal sit as patiently ( though you loose a whole halfe-yeares exhibition ) as a disarmd Gentleman does when hée s in y e vnmerciful fingers of Serieants . Mary I will allow you to sweat priuatly , and teare six or seuen score paire of cards , be the damnation of some dozen or twenty baile of dice , & forsweare play a thousand times in an houre , but not sweare . Dice your selfe into your shirt : and if you haue 〈◊〉 that your frind wil lend but an angell vpon , shaue it of● and pawne that rather then to goe home blinde to your lodging . Further , it is to be remembred , He that is a great Gamester , may be trusted for a quarters board at all tunes , and apparell prouided if néede be . At your twelue-penny Ordinary you may giue any Iustice of peace , or yong Knight ( if hee sit but one degrée towards the Equinoctiall of the Salt-seller ) leaue to pay for the wine , and hée shall not refuse it , though it be a wéeke before the receiuing of his quarters rent , which is a time albeit of good hope , yet of present necessity . There is another Ordinary to which your London Usurer , your stale Batchilor , and your thrifty Atturney do resort : the price thrée-pence : the roomes as full of company as a Iaile , and indéede diuided into seuerall wards , like the beds of an Hospital . The complement betwéene these is not much , their words few : for the belly hath no eares , euery mans eie héere is vpon the other mans trencher , to note whether his fellow lurch him or no : if they chaunce to discourse , it is of nothing but of Statutes , Bonds , Recognizances , Fines , Recoueries , Audits , Rents , Subsidies , Suerties , Inclosures , Liueries , Indicements , outlaries , Feoffments , Iudgments , Commissions , Bankerouts , Amercements , and of such horrible matter , that when a Lifetenant dines with his punck in the next roome , hee thinkes verily the men are coniuring . I can find nothing at this Ordinary worthy the sitting downe for : therefore the cloth shall bee taken away , and those that are thought good enough to be guests héere , shall be too base to bee waiters at your Grand Ordinary . At which , your Gallant tastes these commodities ; he shall fare wel , enioy good company receiue all the newes ere the post can deliuer his packet , be perfect where the best bawdy-houses stand , proclaime his good clothes , know this man to drinke well , that to féede grosly , the other to swaggar roughly : he shall if hee hée minded to trauell , put out money vpon his returne , and haue hands enough to receiue it , vpon any termes of repaiment : And no question if he be poore , he shall now and then light vpon some Gull or other , whom he may skelder ( after the gentile fashion ) of mony : By this time the parings of Fruit and Chéese are in the voyder , Cards and dice lie stinking in the fire , the guests are all vp , the guilt rapiers ready to be hangd , the French Lacquey , and Irish Footeboy , shrugging at the doores with their masters hobby-horses , to ride to the new play : that 's the Randenous : thither they are gallopt in post , let vs take a paire of Dares , and now lustily after them . CHAP. VI. How a Gallant should behaue himsefe in a Play-house . THE Theater is your Poets Royal-Exchange , vpon which , their Muses ( y e are now turnd to Merchants ) meeting , barter away that light commodity of words for a lighter ware then words . Plaudities and the Breath of the great Beast , which ( like the threatnings of two Cowards ) vanish all into aire . Plaiers and their Factors , who put away the stuffe , and make the best of it they possibly can ( as indéed t is their parts so to doe ) your Gallant , your Courtier and your Capten , had wont to be the soundest paymaisters , and I thinke are still the surest chapmen : and these by meanes that their heades are well stockt , deale vpō this comical freight by the grosse : when your Groundling , and Gallery Commoner buyes his sport by the penny , and , like a Hagler , is glad to vtter it againe by retailing . Sithence then the place is so frée in entertainement , allowing a stoole as well to the Farmers sonne as to your Templer : that your Stinkard has the selfe same libertie to be there in his Tobacco-Fumes , which your swéet Courtier hath : and that your Car-man and Tinker claime as strong a voice in their suffrage , and sit to giue iudgement on the plaies life and death ▪ as well as the prowdest Momus among the tribe of Critick : It is fit y ● hée , whom the most tailors bils do make roome for , when he comes should not be basely ( like a vyoll ) casd vp in a corner . Whether therefore the gatherers of the publique or priuate Play-house stand to receiue the afternoones rent , let our Gallant ( hauing paid it ) presently aduance himselfe vp to the Throne of the Stage . I meane not into the Lords roome , ( which is now but the Stages Suburbs ) No , those boxes by the iniquity of custome , conspiracy of waiting-women and Gentlemen-Ushers , that there sweat together , and the couetousnes of Sharers , are contemptibly thrust into the reare , and much new Satten is there dambd by being smothred to death in darknesse . But on the very Rushes where the Commedy is to daunce , yea and vnder the state of Cambises himselfe must our fetherd Estridge like a péece of Ordnance be planted valiantly ( because impudently ) beating downe the mewes & hisses of the opposed rascality . For do but cast vp a reckoning , what large cummings in are pursd vp by sitting on the Stage , First a conspicuous Eminence is gotten , by which meanes the best and most essenciall parts of a Gallant ( good cloathes , a proportionable legge , white hand , the Persian lock , and a tollerable beard ) are perfectly reuealed . By sitting on the stage ▪ you haue a signd pattent to engrosse the whole commodity of Censure ; may lawfully presume to be a Girder : & stand at the helme to stéere the passage of S●aenes yet no man shal once offer to hinder you from obtaining the title of an insolent ouer-wéening Coxcombe . By sitting on the stage , you may ( without trauelling for it ) at the very next doore , aske whose play it is : and by that Quest of Inquiry , the law warrants you to auoid much mistaking : if you know not the author , you may raile against him : and peraduenture so behaue your selfe , that you may enforce the Author to know you . By sitting on the stage , if you be a Knight , you may happily get you a Mistresse : if a méere Fleet-street Gentleman , a wife ; but assure your selfe by continuall residence , you are the first and principall man in election to begin the number of We three . By spreading your body on the stage , and by being a Iustice in examining of plaies , you shall put your selfe into such true Scaenicall authority that some Poet shall not dare to present his Muse rudely vpon your eyes , without hauing first vnmaskt her , rifled her , and discouered all her bare and most mysticall parts before you at a Tauerne , when you most knighly shal for his paines , pay for both their suppers . By ●itting on the stage , you may ( with small cost ) purchase the déere acquaintance of the boyes : haue a good stoole for sixpence : at any time know what particular part any of the infants present : get your match lighted , examine the play-suits lace , and perhaps win wagers vpon laying t is copper , &c. And to conclude whether you be a foole or a Iustice of peace , a Cuckold or a Capten , a Lord Maiors sonne or a dawcocke , a knaue or an vnder Shreife , of what stamp soeuer you be , currant or counterfet , the Stagelike time will bring you to most perfect light , and lay you open : neither are you to be hunted from thence though the Scar-crowes in the yard , hoot at you , hisse at you , spit at you , yea throw durt euen in your téeth : t is most Gentleman like patience to endure all this , and to laugh at the silly Animals ; but if the Rabble with a full throat , crie away with the foole , you were worse then a mad-man to tarry by it : for the Gentleman and the foole should neuer sit on the Stage together . Mary let this obseruation go hand in hand with the rest : or rather like a country-seruingman , some fiue yards before them Present not your selfe on the Stage ( especially at a new play ) vntill the quaking prologue hath ( by rubbing ) got cullor into his chéekes , and is ready to giue the trumpets their Cue that hée s vpon point to enter : for then it is time , as though you were one of the Properties , or that you dropt out of y e Hangings to créepe from behind the Arras with your Tripos or thrée-sooted stoole in one hand , and a teston mounted betwéene a fore-finger and a thumbe in the other : for if you should bestow your person vpon the vulgar , when the belly of the house is but halfe full , your apparell is quite eaten vp , the fashion lost , and the proportion of your body in more danger to be deuoured , then if it were serud vp in the Counter amongst the Powltry : auoid that as you would the Bastome . It shall crowne you with rich commendation to laugh alowd in the middest of the most serious and saddest scene of the terriblest Tragedy : and to let that clapper ( your tongue ) be tost so high that all the house may ring of it : your Lords vse it ; your Knights are Apes to the Lords , and do so too : your Inne-a-court-man is Zany to the Knights , and ( many very scuruily ) comes likewise limping after it : bee thou a beagle to them all , and neuer lin snuffing till you haue sented them : for by talking and laughing ( like a Plough-man in a Morris ) you heape Pelion vpon Ossa , glory vpon glory : As first , all the eyes in the galleries will leaue walking after the Players , and onely follow you : the simplest dolt in the house snatches vp your name , and when he méetes you in the stréetes , or that you fall into his hands in the middle of a Watch , his word shall be taken for you , hée le cry , Hee s such a Gallant , and you passe . Secondly , you publish ▪ your temperance to the world , in that you séeme not to resort thither to taste vaine pleasures with a hungrie appetite ; but onely as a Gentleman , to spend a foolish houre or two , because you can doe nothing else . Thirdly you mightily disrelish the Audience , and disgrace the Author : mary you take vp ( though it be at the worst hand ) a strong opinion of your owne iudgement and inforce the Poet to take pitty of your weakenesse , and by some dedicated sonnet to bring you into a better paradice , onely to stop your mouth . If you can ( either for loue or money ) prouide your selfe a lodging by the water side : for aboue the conueniencie it brings , to shun Shoulder-clapping , and to ship away your Cockatrice betimes in the morning it addes a kind of state vnto you , to be carried from thence to the staires of your Play-house : hate a Sculler ( remember that ) worse then to be acquainted with one ath Scullery . No , your Oares are your onely Sea-crabs , boord them , & take héed you neuer go twice together w t one paire : often shifting is a great credit to Gentlemen : & that diuiding of your Fare wil make y e poore watersnaks be ready to pul you in péeres to enioy your custome : No matter whether vpon landing you haue money or no , you may swim in twentie of their boates ouer the riuer , vpon Ticket : mary when siluer comes in , remember to pay trebble their fare , & it will make your Flounder-catchers to send more thankes after you , when you doe not draw , then when you doe : for they know , It will be their owne another daie . Before the Play begins , fall to cardes , you may win or loose ( as Fencers doe in a prize ) and beate one another by confederacie , yet share the money when you méete at supper : notwithstanding , to gul the Ragga-muffins that stand a loofe gaping at you , throw the cards ( hauing first torne foure or fiue of them ) round about the Stage , iust vpon the third sound , as though you had lost : it skils not if the foure knaues ly on their backs , and outface the Audience , there 's none such fooles as dare take exceptions at them , because ere the play go off , better knaues then they will fall into the company . Now sir , if the writer be a fellow that hath either epigramd you , or hath had a flirt at your mistris , or hath brought either your feather or your red beard , or your little legs &c. on the stage , you shall disgrace him worse then by tossing him in a blancket , or giuing him the bastinado in a Tauerne , if in the middle of his play , ( bee it Pastorall or Comedy , Morall or Tragedie ) you rise with a skreud and discontented face from your stoole to be gone : no matter whether the Scenes be good or no , the better they are , the worse doe you distast them : and béeing on your féete , sneake not away like a coward , but salute all your gentle acquaintance , that are spred either on the rushes , or on stooles about you , and draw what troope you can from the stage after you : the Mimicks are beholden to you , for allowing them elbow roome : their Poet cries perhaps a pox go with you , but care not you for that , there 's no musick without frets . Mary if either the company , or indisposition of the weather hinde you to sit it out , my counsell is then that you turne plaine Ape , take vp a rush and tickle the earnest eares of your fellow gallants , to make other fooles fall a laughing : mewe at passionate spéeches , blare at merrie , finde fault with the musicke , whew at the childrens Action , whistle at the songs : and aboue all , curse the sharers , that whereas the same day you had bestowed forty shillings on an embrodered Felt and Feather , ( scotch-fashion ) for your mistres in the Court , or your punck in the Cittie , within two houres after , you encounter with the very same block on the stage , when the haberdasher swore to you the impression was extant but that morning . To conclude , hoord vp the finest play-scraps you can get , vppon which your leaue wit may most sauourly féede for want of other stuffe , when the Arcadian and Euphuird gentlewomen haue their tongues sharpened to set vpon you : that qualitie ( next to your shittlecocke ) is the onely furniture to a Courtier that 's but a new beginner , and is but in his ABC of complement . The next places that are fild , after the Playhouses bée emptied , are ( or ought to be ) Tauernes , into a Tauerne then let vs next march , where the braines of one Hogshead must be beaten out to make vp another . CHAP. 8. How a gallant should behaue himselfe in a Tauerne . WHosoeuer desires to bee a man of good reckoning in the Cittie , and ( like your French Lord ) to haue as many tables furnisht , as Lackies ( who when they kéepe least , kéepe none ( whether he be a yong Quat of the first yéeres reuennew , or some nustere and sullenfacd steward , who ( in despight of a great heard , a satten suite , and a chaine of gold wrapt in cipers ) proclaimes himselfe to any ( but to those to whom his Lord owes money ) for a ranck coxcombe , or whether he be a country gentleman that brings his wife vp to learne the fashion , sée the Tombs at Westminster , the Lyons in the Tower , or to take physicke , or else is some yong Farmer , who many times makes his wife ( in the country ) beléeue he hath suits in law , because he will come vp to his letchery : be he of what stamp he will that hath money in his purse , and a good conscience to spend it , my councell is that hée take his continuall diet at a Tauerne , which ( out of question ) is the onely Rende-vous of boone company ; and the Drawers the most nimble , the most bold , and most sudden proclaimers of your largest bounty . Hauing therefore thrust your selfe into a case most in fashion ( how course soeuer the stuffe be , t is no matter so it hold fashion ) your office is ( if you meane to do your iudgement right ) to enquire out those Tauernes which are best customd , whose maisters are oftenest drunke ( for that confirmes their taste , and that they choose wholesome wines ) and such as stand furthest from y e counters , where landing your self & your followers , your first complement-shall be-to grow most inwardly acquainted with the drawers , to learne their names , as Iack , and Will , and Tom , to diue into their inclinations , as whether this fellow vseth to the Fencing Schoole , this to the Dauncing Schoole ; whether that yong coniurer ( in Hogsheads ) at midnight , kéepes a Gelding now and then to visit his Cockatrice , or whether he loue dogs , or be addicted to any other eminent and Citizen-like quality : and protest your selfe to be extreamely in loue , and that you spend much money in a yeare , vpon any one of those exercises which you perceiue is , followed by them . The vse which you shall make of this familiarity is this : If you want money fiue or six daies together , you may still pay the reckoning , with this most Gentlemanlike language Boy , fetch me money from the Barre , and kéepe your selfe most , prouidently from a hungry melancholly in your chamber . Besides , you shal be sure ( if there be but one fawcet that can betray neate wine to the barre ) to haue that arraignd before you , sooner then a better and worthier person . The first question you are to make ( after the discharging of your pocket of Tobacco and pipes , and the houshold stuffe thereto belonging ) shall be for an inuentorie of the Kitchen : for it were more then most Tailor-like , and to be suspected you were in ●eague with some Kitchen-wench , to descend your selfe , to offend your stomach with the sight of the Larder , and happily to greaze your Acconstrements . Hauing therefore receiued this bill , you shal ( like a Capten putting vp déere paies ) haue many Sallads stand on your table , as it were for blankes to the other more seruiceable dishes : and according to the time of the yeare , vary your face , as Capon is a stirring meate sometime , Oisters are a swelling meate sometimes , Trowt a tickling meate sometimes , gréene Goose , and Woodcock a delicate meate sometimes , especially in a Tauerne , where you shall sit in as great state as a Church-warden amongst his poore Parishioners at Pentecost or Christmas . For your drinke , let not your Physitian confine you to any one particular liquor : for as it is requisite that a Gentleman should not alwaies be plodding in one Art , but rather bée a generall Scholler ( that is , to haue a licke at all sorts of learning & away ) So t is not fitting a man should trouble his head with sucking at one Grape , but that he may be able ( now there is a generall peace ) to drink any stranger drinke in his owne element of drinke , or more properly in his owne mist language . Your discourse at the table must be such as that which you vtter at your Ordinary : your behauiour the same , but somewhat more carelesse : for where your expence is great , let your modesty be lesse : and though you should be mad in a Tauerne , the largenesse of the Items will beare with your inciuility , you may without prick to your conscience set the want of your wit against the superfluity and sawcines of their reckonings . If you defice not to be haunted with Fidlers ( who by the statute haue as much libertie as Roagues to trauell into any place , hau●ng the pasport of the house about them ) bring then no women along with you ; but if you loue the company of all the drawers , neuer suppe without your Cockatrice : for hauing her there , you shall be sure of most officious attendance . Enquire what Gallants sup in the next roome , and if they be any of your acquaintance , do not you ( after the City fashion ) send them in a ●ottle of wine , and your name swéetned in two pittifull papers of Suger , with some filthy Apologie cramd into the mouth of a Drawer ; but rather kéepe a boy in fée , who vnder hand shall proclaime you in euery roome , what a gallant fellow you are , how much you spend yearely in Tauernes , what a great gamester , what custome you bring to the house , in what witty discourse you maintaine a table , what Gentlewomen , or Cittizens wiues you can with a wet finger haue at any time to sup with you , and such like . By which Encomiasticks of his , they that know you not : shall admire you ; and thinke themselues to bée brought into a paradice but to be meanely in your acquaintance : and if any of your endéered friends be in the house , and beate the same Iuy-bush that your selfe does , you may ioyne companies and bee drunke together most publikly . But in such a deluge of drinke , take héede that no man counterfeit him selfe drunck , to frée his purse from the danger of the shot : t is an vsuall thing now amongst gentlemen , it had wont bée the qualitie of Cockne●es , I would aduise you to leaue so much braines in your head , as to preuent this . When the terrible Reckoning ( like an inditement ) bids you hold vp your hand , and that you must answere it at the barre , you must not abate one peny in any particular , no , though they reckon chéese to you when you haue neither eaten any , nor could euer abide it , raw or toasted : but cast your eie onely vpon the Totalis and no furder ; for to trauerse the bill , would betray you to be acquainted with the rates of the market , nay more , it would make the Uintners beléeue , you were Pater-familias , and kept a house which I assure you is not now in fashion . If you fall to dice after Supper , let the drawers be as familier with you as your Barber , and venture their siluer amongst you : no matter where they had it , you are to cherish the vnthriftinesse of such yong tame pigions , if you be a right gentleman : for when two are yoakt together by the purse strings ▪ & draw the Charriot of Madam Prodigalitie , when one faints in the way , and slips his hornes , let the other reioice and laugh at him . At your departure forth the house , to kisse mine Hostis ouer the barre , or to accept of the courtesie of the Celler , when t is offered you by the drawers ( and you must know that kindnes neuer créepes vpon them , but when they sée you almost cleft to the shoulders ) or to bid any of the Uintuers good night , is as commendable , as for a Barber after trimming to laue your face with swéete water . To conclude , count it an honour either to inuite , or to be inuited to any Rifling , for commonly though you finde much satten there , yet you shall likewise find many cittisens sonnes , and heires , and yonger brothers there who smell out such feasts more gréedily then Taylors hūt vpon sundaies after weddings . And let any hooke draw you either to a Fencers supper , or to a Players that acts such a part for a wager : for by this meanes you shall get experience by béeing guilty to their abhominable shauing . CHAP. 8. How a gallant is to behaue himselfe passing through the Cittie at all houres of the night , and how to passe by any watch . AFter the sound of pottle pots is out of your eares , and that the spirit of Wine and Tobacco walkes in your braine , the Tauerne doore béeing shut vppon your backe , cast about to passe through the widest and goodliest stréetes in the Cittie . And if your meanes cannot reach to the kéeping of a boy , hire one of the drawers , to be as a lanthorne vnto your féete , and to light you home : and still as you approch néere any night-walker that is vp as late as your selfe , curse and sweare ( like one that speaks hie dutch ) in a lofty voice , because your men haue v●d you so like a rascoll in not waiting vpon you , and vow the next morning to pull their blew cases ouer their eares , though if your chamber were well searcht , you giue onely six pence a wéeke to some old woman to make your bed , and that she is all the seruing-creatures you giue wages to . If you smell a watch , ( and that you may easily doe , for commonly they eate onions to kéep them in sléeping , which they account a medicine against cold ) But if you come within danger of their browne bils , let him that is your candlestick , and holds vp your torch from dropping ( for to march after a lin●k , is shoomaker like ) let Ignis Fatuus , I say béeing within the reach of the Constables staffe , aske alowd , Sir Giles , or Sir Abram , will you turne this way , or downe that stréete ? It skils not , though there be none dubd in your Bunch , the watch will winke at you , onely for the loue they beare to armes and knighthood : mary if the Centinell and his court of Guard stand strictly vpon his martiall Law and cry stand , cōmanding you to giue the word , and to shew reason why your Ghost walkes so late , doe it in some Iest , ( for that will shew you haue a desperate wit , and perhaps make him and his halberdiers afraid to lay fowle hands vpon you , ) or if you read a mittimus in the Constables booke , counterfeit to be a French man , a Dutchman , or any other nation , whose country is in peace with your owne , and you may passe the pikes : for béeing not able to vnderstand you , they cannot by the customes of the Citie take your examination , and so by consequence they haue nothing to say to you . If the night be old , and that your lodging bée in some place into which no Artillery of words can make a breach , retire , & rather assault the dores of your punck , or ( not to speak broken English ) your swéete mistris : vpon whose white bosome you may languishingly consume the rest of darkenesse that is left , in rauishing ( though not restoratiue ) pleasures without expences , onely by vertue of foure or fiue oathes ( when the siege breakes vp , & at your marching away with bag and baggage ) that the last night you were at dice , and lost so much in gold , so much in siluer , and séeme to vex most that two such Elizabeth twenty shilling péeces , or foure such spur-ryals ( sent you with a chéese and a bakt meate from your mother ) rid away amongst the rest . By which tragicall ▪ yet pollitick spéech , you may not only haue your night worke done Gratis , but also you may take dyet ther● the next day and depart with credit onely vpon the bare word of a Gentleman to make her restitution . All the way as you passe ( especially being approcht néere some of the Gates ) talke of none but Lords , and such Ladies with whom you haue plaid at Primero , or daunced in the Presence the very same day : It is a chaunce to lock vp the lippes of an inquisitiue Bel-man : and being arriud at your lodging doore , which I would councell you to choose in some rich Cittizens house , salute at parting no man but by the name of Sir , ( as though you had supt with Knights ) albeit you had none in your company , but your Perinado or your Inghle . Happily it will be blowne abroad that you and your Shoale of Gallants swom through such an Ocean of wine , that you danced so much money out at héeles , and that in wild-●oule there slew away thus much , and I assure you to haue the 〈◊〉 of your reckoning lost of purpose , so that it may be ●ublisht , will make you to be held in déere estimation : onely the danger is , if you owe money , and that your reuealing ge●s your Creditors by the eares ; for then looke to haue a peale of ordinance thundring at your chamber doore the next morning . But if either your Tailor , Mercer , Haberdasher , Silkeman , Cutter , Linnen-Draper , or Sempster , stand like a guard of Switzers about your lodging watching your vprising , or if they misse of that , your downe lying in one of the Counters , you haue no meanes to auoid the galling of their small shot , then by sending out a light-horseman to call your Potecary to your aide , who encountring this desperate band of your Creditors , only with 2. or 3. glasses in his hand , as though that day you purgd , is able to driue them all to their holes like so many Foxes : for the name of taking physicke is a sufficient Quietus est , to any endangered Gentleman , and giues an acquittance ( for the time ) to them all , though the twelue Companies stand with their hoods to attend your comming forth , and their Officers with them . I could now fetch you about noone ( the houre which I prescribed you before to rise at ) out of your chamber , and carry you with mee in to Paules Church-yard , where planting your selfe in a Stationers shop , many instructions are to bée giuen you , what bookes to call for , how to censure of new bookes , how to mew at the old , how to looke in your tables and inquire for such and such Greeke , French , Italian or Spanish Authors , whose names you haue there , but whom your mother for pitty would not giue you so much wit as to vnderstand . From thence you should blow your selfe into the Tobacco-Ordinary , where you are likewise to spend your iudgement ( like a Quacksaluer ) vpon that mysticall wonder , to bee able to discourse whether your Cane or your Pudding be sweetest , and which pipe has the best boare , and which ●urnes black , which breakes in the burning , &c. Or if you itch , to step into the Barbers , a whole Dictionary cannot afford more words to set downe notes what Dialologues you are to maintaine whilest you are Doctor of the Chaire there . After your shauing , I could breath you in a Fence-schoole , and out of that cudgell you into a Dauncing Schoole , in both which I could weary you by shewing you more tricks then are in 5. galleries , or 15. prizes . And to close vp the stomach of this feast , I could make Cockneies , whose fathers haue left them well , acknowledge themselues infinitely beholden to me for teaching them by familiar demonstration , how to spend their patrimony , and to get themselues names when their fathers are dead and rotten . But lest too many dishes should cast you into a surfet , I will now take away : yet so that if I perceiue you relish this well , the rest shall be ( in time ) prepared for you . Fare-well . FINIS . A20087 ---- A strange horse-race at the end of which, comes in the catch-poles masque. And after that the bankrouts banquet: vvhich done, the Diuell, falling sicke, makes his last will and testament, this present yeare. 1613. VVritten by Thomas Dekker. Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1613 Approx. 97 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A20087 STC 6528 ESTC S105271 99841000 99841000 5556 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A20087) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 5556) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 881:11) A strange horse-race at the end of which, comes in the catch-poles masque. And after that the bankrouts banquet: vvhich done, the Diuell, falling sicke, makes his last will and testament, this present yeare. 1613. VVritten by Thomas Dekker. Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [52] p. Printed [by Nicholas Okes] for Ioseph Hunt, and are to bee sold at his shop in Bedlem, neere Moore-field Gate, London : 1613. Printer's name from STC. Signatures: A-F⁴ G² . Variant: title page partly in a different setting, with "catch-pols". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Social life and customs -- Early works to 1800. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-02 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-02 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Strange Horse-Race , At the end of which , comes in The Catch-pols Masque . AND AFTER THAT The Bankrouts Banquet : Which done , the Diuell , falling sicke , makes his last will and Testament , this present yeare . 1613. Aliquid latet , quod non patet . VVritten by THOMAS DEKKER . LONDON , Printed for Ioseph Hunt , and are to bee sold at his Shop in Bedlem , neere Moore-field Gate . 1613. TO THE VERY WORTHY , IVDITIOVS AND VNDERSTANDING Gentleman , THOMAS VVAL●HAL Esquire . IF I put into your hands a homely peice of Worke ( neither so good as you deserue , nor so rich as I do wish it ) I must entreat you to blame the vanitie of our times which are so phantasticall , that they couet Stuffes , rather slight , to feede the eye with shew , then Substantiall for enduring . Let the Fashion be French it is no matter what the Cloth be . I haue therefo●●ot ( with the Sturgeon ) swomme against the streame ; But followed the Humorous Tides of this Age , and ( like Democritus ) haue falne a Laughing at the world , sithence it does nothing but mocke it selfe . But seeing no creature is so wise as man , nor any so foolish , my Wits haue heere beene at charges to feast either sort . A mixt Banquet of Sweete and Sowre , Fulsome , and VVholesome , Seria cum Iocis , stands furnished before them . In this Horse-Race there is no cheating , my Building ( as many Rich mens great houses ) is not onely to keepe Rats , and Spiders in it , but euery Roome ( though all be but meane ) hath some picture to delight you . The Plat-forme being narrow , I could raise no lofty Stories ; for when the Ditty is light , the Aire must not be Graue ; A Crow is not to build so high as an Eagle : as the Face of my Inuention was drawne , such I could not chose but proportion out the Body . Yet the Picture hath lost some of the Cullors I gaue it . I know you loue to Reade , because you know to Censure ; Reade , this I pray as I writ it — ( willingly , ) and Censure , as I send it — ( in Loue ) Beare with the hard-fauourdnesse of the Title . The value of a Diamond is not lessened by the roughnesse when it is Vncut . It can bee no shame to gather a Violet , growing close to the ground . Had I better you should enioy it ; such as it is if you entertaine , I shall rest . Most affectionately deuoted Yours , THOMAS DEKKER . Not to the Readers : but to the Vnderstanders . HE that writes , had need to haue the Art of a skilfull Cooke ; for there must be those Condimenta ( seasonings ) in his pen , which the other caries on his tongue : A thousand palats must bee pleased with a thousand sawces : and one hundred lines must content fi●e hundred dispositions . A hard taske : one sayes , it is too harsh another , too supple : another too triuiall : another too serious . The first reades , and mewes : the second reades , and railes : the third reades , and rackes me : the fourth reades , and rends me . He is tyed to a stake like a Beare to be baited that comes into Paules Church-yard to bee read . So that bare Readers ( I meane not threed-bare ) are not Lectores , but Lictores , they whip Bookes ( as Dionysius ▪ ●id boyes ) whereas to Vnderstanders , our libri , which we bring forth , are our Liberi ( the children of our braine ) and at such hands are as gently intreated , as at their parents : at the others , not . The Titles of Bookes are like painted Chimnies in great Countrey-houses , make a shew a far off , and catch Trauellers eyes ; but comming nere them , neither cast they smoke , nor hath the house the heart to make you drinke . The Title of this booke is like a Iesters face , set ( howsoeuer he drawes it ) to beget mirth : but his ends are hid to himselfe , and those are to get money . Within is more then without ; you shall not finde the kirnell , vnlesse you both cracke and open the shell . Aliquid latet , quod non patet : Digge vnder the right tree , and it is ten to one but you take vp gold : for in this ( as in all other my former Nocturnis lucubrationibus ) I haue stroue to feed the mind , as well as the body : If one leafe make you laugh , the next settles your countenance . Tart meates go easily downe , being strewd with sugar : as musicke in Tauerns makes that wine go downe merily , till it confound vs , which ( if the Fidlers were not there ) would hardly be tasted . So for the sake of the sawce which I haue tempered for this dish , you may ( perhaps ) eate the meat , which otherwise you would not touch . The maine plot of my building is a Moral labyrinth ; a weake thred guides you in and out : I will shew you how to enter , and how to passe through , and open all the Roomes , and all the priuate walkes , that when you come to them , you may know where you are : and these they be — Y●● will not ; I know it is more pleasure to finde out the conceitfull-deceits of a Paire of Tarriers , then to haue them discouered . That pleasure be yours , the Tarriers are mine . Fare-well . The Contents of this Booke . A Strange Horse-race . Chariot-races . Foot-races . The Sunnes Race . The Moones Race . Races of winds and waters . Races of the Elements . Races of Vertues and Vices . A Masque of Catch-pols . VVho are Catch-pols . The Diuels falling sicke . His Will and Legacies . His Recouery . His Dam brought to bed with two Children . Their Nursing . A Banquet of Bankrouts . The Comfit-makers inuectiue against Bankrouts . A strange Horse-race . THE first step into a Princes Court , treads not in the brauest roomes , but they are reached to , and ent●e● by ascensio●s , and degrées . This state and complement begetting more obseruance , delectation , astonishment , and reuerence : by the same 〈◊〉 ●●sser squares draw●● . For if you come into a Gold-smiths , or Lapidaries shop , and desire to buy the fairest Iewels ; the running Artizan tempts you first with slight ones , and then bewitcheth you with costlier , and ( for the vp-shot ) strike● your eye with admiration , by gazing at the best of all . So that 〈◊〉 man , ( how wretched soeuer ) can comparatiuely be miserable , because the pal●●e dame hand of Fortune can throw him to no basenesse and deiection so low , but hee shall fall vpon s●me other as low as himselfe . Euen likewise 〈◊〉 contrary par●● are there no obiects of triumph , ( a●●ashe● presentations , banquets , and such like ) how glorious soeuer of themselues , but may haue their splendor and dignity ●eightned by a comparatiue tra●●cing of things in the same rank● and qualitie . Giue me leane therefore , first to make a flourish with my pen , and cleare the way , ( as a Fe●cer doth in a May-game ) for more roome , vntill the Masquers come in : so shall you know the cause of that cost , and the sumpt●●●snesse of the Banquet ; to which I wish no man to be too sawcy in pressing in , lest he pay more déere for his sweet 〈◊〉 ( the banquet being prepared in ●●ll ) then the ●●essing 〈…〉 of one Peacocke , and two Pheasants cost in one of the Kings of Tunis his Kitchin , which amounted to an hundred duckets . What talke I of an hundred duckets ? Nay , lest he be more peppered then those Masons , Bricke-layers , and Carpenters were , that builded those Pyramids in Egypt , during their worke ab●●● o●e of which Pliny brings in a ●●t of a 1800. Talents , that were laid out for Scallions , Onions , Garlicke , and Léekes onely , besides Bread and Cheese , which he scores not downe : for belike the Gypsey-Kings left that vnpaid . But before either this Masque , or Suger-feast come marching in their true and most sw●●t state , I inuite you ( for variety ) to behold a Race , on ●●●t , and horse , with some triumphing in Chariots , after the Roman fashion : to set forth which of ours 〈◊〉 their thundring velocity , lightning-like violence , and earthquak●●● , ●●orrying , so liuely , that ( i● it were possible ) the noyse should make you mad , as the sight could make you merry : I will ( as I held it fit , before ) giue you seuerall pictures of Races , that in former Ages ran themselues out of breath● to the end that the now dead colours of the one● may set off the braue , fresh , and amazeable-starting pageantry of these our other . When the Romans were Lords ouer the world , and their Emperours maisters ouer them , no glory was wanting to illustrate their triumphes , after the 〈◊〉 of stronge Nations , nor any cost spared in popular presentations , to binde vnto them , and bewitch the hearts of their owne people , after their victorious returning home . Those that did triumph ▪ sate in Chariots guilded all 〈◊〉 , drawne sometimes by white horses ; so was Augustus : somtimes with Elephants , so was Pompey . To excell whom in that pride , Caesar had his Chariot of triumph drawne by forty Elephants : so●● haue béene drawne by Harts , and so was Aurelianus . In these Chariots , with the Emperours , sate their sonnes , as heires to their fathers glory ; and after them followed the Roman Souldiers , crowned with garlands , as partners in their Emperours honours . Before the Chariots we●● the Capti●●s , ( Kings , Quéenes , and others ) chained , the spoyles taken in warres , borne al●●● to despite them , and more to dignifie the Conquerour , pictures and countersets of all the Citties , Mountaines , Riuers and Battailes , from whence they came victors , were drawne in Ensignes to the liueliest portrature , all supported before the Triumpher . And in this last manner did Germanicus Caesar enter into Rome , in a triumphall Chariot , loden with fiue of his children , after the victories gotten against the Cherusie , Chatti , and Angrinari , with all other Nations inhabiting to the riuer Albis , as Corn. Tacit. sets downe in the second of his Annalles . Now , lest these highest exaltations of Fortune should make their Emperours swell into too much insulence , and so into a scorning of their subiects ; the Souldiers themselues , yea and the common Plebeians that stood vpon 〈◊〉 so beh●ld these sights , would commonly ( in ha●e of such honours , and in abatement of such pride that might 〈…〉 Emperours ) as they march in all that pompe , ca●● b●●ter aspersions vpon them . As for example : When Ven●idius Ba●sus came home in a Parthian triumph , the Souldiers aloud cryed out thus in mockery of him ; Behold , 〈…〉 la●ely rub'd horses heeles , is now your glorious 〈◊〉 . And at another time to the people thus : O you Citizens of Rome , keepe your wiues at home in your shops , you are best for now we haue brought you your bald-pate Whore-maister , their Emperour hauing , at that time , more used of a peri●ing , then a Barber . These beames of worldly felicity sh●● ab●●t ●he heads of their Princes : let vs now sée what pleasures the Roman people enioyed . For them were built Theaters , and Amphi theaters , in some of which might fit fourescore thousand people together ; the Theaters themselues being some of ●●one , some of wood , curiously adorned with columnes , and Images of their Emperours : some guilded all ouer , some mouing vpon whéeles , to avoyd the heate of the Sunne . All of them spacious , all sumptuous : In these they somtimes saw playes tragicall or comicall , with all sorts of musicke , Doricke , Chromaticke , soft and delicate , Lidian , Nypolydian mournfull , fit for Tragedies : and to these sorts of musicke they had all sorts of Dauncing ; And Hyporchema ( in time of a pestilence ) a daunce to Apollo in the Campe ; The Pyrichian , which was a daunce in Armour : In the Chamber ( as wee now haue ) dances , with wanton gesticulation . All which , as well Musicke as Daunces , they borrowed from the Greekes . Then had they both in Circo , & Theatris , ( their Race and Theaters ) fights both on foot and horsebacke ; sometimes Man to Man , now and then Men and Beasts incountring together , three hundred Gladiators , or Sword-players , fighting at one time at sharpe , with equall number . In which pastimes Gordianus the Emperour , to feede the people to the full , consumed twelue dayes , euery dayes presentation ▪ varying from each other ; As sword-playing , 〈…〉 kindes , casting of Dartes and Speares , Chariot-chaces , Huntings , and such like ; In one day to a hundred Fencers , thrusting out a hundred and fifty of the fiercest Lybian beasts ; in another a thousand , which they were to kill with their swords , or to hazard their owne liues : for he maintained a large and thicke wood , strongly defensible , in which ran two hundred wilde Harts , thirty vn-back'd fierce horses of Brittaine , a thousand sheepe , ten Roe-buckes , which he caused to be guilded all ouer ; thirty wilde Asses , a hundred and fifty wilde Boares , two hundred Ibices , and two hundred wilde Heluetian Goates : vpon all which he cryed hauocke to the people , to haue them torne in peeces in one solemne festiuall meeting . The like did Philippus Arabs the Emperour , at two seuerall times ; the first at the celebration of the Circumcision Games ( so called of Circus , the place where they were performed ) At which time he turned out two and thirty Elephants , twenty Tygers , an hundred Hyenae● , one Rhynoceros , threescore tame Lyons , and ten curle-mained Lyons , ten Panthers , thirty Leopards , and ten fierce Horses to be cut in péeces . The second time was at the celebration of those games , which were held but once in a hundred yeares ; and thereupon were called Ludi Seculares , ( of Seculum , an age of a man , which was then counted an hundred yeares ) their Solemnization being in honour of Apollo , and Diana . Against which day a Cryer went vp and downe the Citty of Rome , with this note : Whosoeuer will see games , which no man aliue hath euer seene , nor any man liuing shal euer see more , now let them come . At which time , the Rites due to that Celebration béeing performed , and the people of Rome in infinite numbers assembled together , he caused to bee hunted ( besides the beasts before named , to as great or a greater number ) ten horned Elkes more , by no other persons , then by two thousand Fencers , armed onely with their Swords in their hands , the beasts running loose , madding and roaring vp and downe . Thus haue you s●ene the Roman Emperours in their Chariots of Triumph , after which the people further rewarded them with Statues , or Images made to the life , some in massy gold , some in siluer , some in brasse , and some in marble , vpon which were insculped and richly cut out , all their Battailes , Conquests , and Triumphes : and besides these Statues , they had also at first Crownes of Gold sent them , and those were after changed to Garlands of Laurell , the honour of both being all one . The common people receiued after their combats , fights , victories , &c. ( to incite them likewise to hunt after ●ame , & military renowne ) wreathes & Coronets to adorne their temples . The horsemen and Charioters being by this time wearied , giue way for the infantery to come vp , and try how nimbly they be●tir their héeles . In which Races on foot , not onely the Romanes , but also the Greekes , Troians , Athenians , Macedonians , and many other Nations excelled for their incredible swiftnesse : I thinke the wilde Irish are be●t at it in these latter times . This kinde of exercise had three changes in it : For some , vpon whose heads the wagers were layd , stood breast-wise in a direct line , at a marke , and ran onely to a goale proposed and left there : others being at the goales end before their fellowes , wan no glory by it , vnlesse they could againe recouer the marke from which they first set forth . The third Race was to run and returne to and fro , from the marke to the goale , without intermission by the space of eight changes , and neuer vnder sixe : and he that could hold out his winde so long , to be first at the bounds where he began his race , carryed away both garland and prizes . My Muse could heere leaue running at Base thus vpon earth , and stretching her wings forth to a more noble expansion , soare aloft vp into the Celestiall Habitations , and from thence bring news , what race the Sun runs in his Zodiacall Circle , where he sets out euery morning , and where he rests euery night : at what houses he stayes ( being 12 in number ) and how long he tarries , in what part of the world he shortens his Careeres , and in what part hee enlargeth it : his fires burning at all times alike , but not alike in all places : by whose heate all Countries do propagate and bring forth blessings to their inhabitants ; but no Country can boast she possesseth all , because what one wants , another should supply , and so euery land to be beholden one to another : then to shew , that al-be-it he runs not in a perfect Orbicular Circle , but that sometimes he runs side-wise with an oblique carriage of his body , yet his course is constant : his horses , ( Pirois , Eous , Aethon , and Phlegon ) as they are foure in number , making foure great Stoppes , or Careeres in Heauen , which beget foure Changes , or foure Renouations of time vpon earth , that is to say : the Vernall , Aestmall , Autumnall and Brumall , they kéeping euer their day ( like iust Debitors ) onely a few minutes difference . But so much reuerence do I owe to the Diuine study of the transcendently-learned Astronomer , that I lay downe heere this Buckler , knowing him most worthy to take it vp . From tracing therefore any further the wheeles of this Illuminous Chariot , wherein the God of the day rides , our Protean Muse altering the shape of her course , a little lower could stand and discouer how the Queene of the night ( ●he Moone ) is , ( with a swifter whirling then the Sunne her brother ) whirled vp and downe in a coach of siluer , & there shew likewise , why sometimes ●he sits Horned , sometimes Halfe-faced , sometimes Full and perfectly Round : then , where that Light is locked vp that is taken from our sight ; and by what meanes , and how so quickely it is againe restored . Then could I without helpe of her light , slip in a moment into the Seas , and saile onely by that Star , whose influence now guides my pen. There could I describe what warlike Races the Winds held with the Waters : their Wrastling , Running , Retiring , and Chasing this way and that way , like two great Princes striuing for Superiority , and confounding , by their contention , not themselves , but those vnder them , Quicquid delirant Reges , plectuntur Achiui . But because you shall not bee weary by being weather-beaten in Tempests : suppose the Windes haue spent their Malice ( like Rich-men , vndon by going to Law in defending vniust Actions ) But the Seas swell still vp by a Naturall pride which the Moone ( their Mistresse ) puts into them , because their Nature being quarrellous , they rage ( like Roaring Boyes vpon the Land ) that they can fasten no opposite to go together ●i'th eares withall , the next they meete they instle , and that 's the Earth : there they purpose to begin another Race ; for their Wanes run ( like Mad-men out of Bedlam ) beyond their bounds vp into the Land , doing what they can to swallow it , and that shewes ( me-thinkes ) like an vnthrifty riotous Heire , washing away ( in Tauernes ) the possessions of his father , and his owne Patrimony , whilst the carefull old man seekes to keepe all within compasse ; as the walles of the Earth striue to hold the vnruly Waters within their owne dominions , and to bar them entrance into her owne , for all their bustling , and for all their billowes , we are now leap'd safe on shore . Whilst thus I stand vpon the soft and vn-remoueable habitation of our great Grand-mother ( the Earth ) Another Race , is presented to mine eie , for I could heere describe , how the foure Elements , ( like so many wheeles in a Clocke ) are proportioned to more diuerse waies , and with strange turnings , yet all to meete in one delicate tune within Mans body , And then , if any one of those foure Protectors , bée predominant aboue the other , and so set the rest together by the eares , how then the bloud hath his Race , and runnes into diseases , and the shortning of that Race is to stumble at Deaths Dore. Againe , if I should rifle this Treasure-house of liuing Creatures , and looke into the depth of it , I could bring you to those hidden Races of Minerals , and Mettals , which the Sunne neuersees , yet can they not liue without him : there should you behold a Mine of Lead , labouring to turne it selfe into Tynne , and so to rise to preferment ; but like a poore Man , that workes day and night to grow rich , hee striues with impossibilities , and is at the yeares end no better then at the biginning . There should you behold a Mine of Tynne , ( sister to Siluer ) vsing all the Art she can , to be transform'd into her sisters shape , and to carry a beauty as faire as her's ; but like a Rich Man , that hauing enough , and being well to liue , yet practiseth vnlaw●ull courses to encrease his state , as his , so her doings do seldome prosper : There likewise should you behold a Mine of Siluer , ambitiously aspiring to bee as glorious Gold : but she workes like an Alchimist , watches long , and looses her labour ; yea , though shee were able to passe through those twelue gates . 1 Calcination . 2 Dissolution . 3 Separation . 4 Coniunction . 5 Putrifaction . 6 Congelation . 7 Cibation . 8 Sublimation . 9 Firmentation . 10 Exaltation . 11 Multiplication . 12 Proiection . And so come to weare in a King , the very Phylosophers Stone , yet the triall of her beauty would bee when her painting came to the Touch ▪ Last of all , you should there likewise behold ( the eldest child of the Sunne ) A Mine of Gold , who being King of Mettals , neuer aspires to bee higher , because it knowes , there is none aboue him . Touching Minerals of ba●er quality let vs not cast our eye vpon them , hauing enriched our Lading with the best ; hoyst now vp Sailes , therefore from hence and away ; for these Races ( if I should measure the shortest of them to his end ) would weary me too much , and appeare , yrkesomely , too long , like that iourney of Philippides , who ranne one thousand , two hundred and forty furlongs ( which makes 155 miles ) ( from Athens in Greece to Lacedemon ) in two daies , if Polyhistor lies not . I could here be content after this weary Uoyage , round about the vast compasse of the world ( dispatcht , as you sée , by my Sea-chariots , within a little time , ) now to fire vp Herculean Pillars , and write vpon them Non vltra . But our Muse is ambitious , and ( to her ) Non sufficit Orbis , she must on againe . For she hath one Race yet to Run , which ( for Antiquity ) is as Reuerend , ( for Persons ) as Renowned , ( for the Contention ) as Glorious , and ( for the Uictory ) as Memorable , as any that euer yet haue bene in the World. It is ( because you shall weary your eyes with staring no longer ) A Race or Challenge betwixt the Uertues that dwell in the little world ( Man ) and the Uices to whom hee giues free entertainement ; they are all ready to present their Troupes , and to do their Deuoire : But before they enter the lists , ( some on horse-backe , some on foote , some in Chariots ) I will play the Herauld to marshall them in order , according to their quality and worth , and send them forth , marching in braue equipage before you . The Vertues are not Mounted , and haue Few Followers , they haue no Plumes , and so , no Pride ; their Attire is decent , sober , girt to them , and ciuill : their Faces graue , austere in very swéetenesse , swéete in austerity ; fairest when they are neerest ; louely a farre off , and all open ; vsed to no maske , their pace demure , maiestically-humble , constant and comely . The Vices are Gallant Fellowes , they are Mounted , and haue no small Fooles to their Followers : they haue Plumes , like Estridges , and Perfumes like Muske-cats , ( so strong ) they are soone smelt out : for Attire , they carry Lordships on their backes , a Knights liuing in their Bréeches , & a Shop-kéepers wealth in a Hat-band , Garters , and Shoe-strings ; Their Faces light , anticke , impudent , disdainefull , amorously bewitching , shadowed now & then , but not possible alwaies to be couered : As a Fools face can neuer be hid . The Vertues will go sometimes from you ( when anon you see them ) but the Vices will still come with their Faces towards you , for if you looke narrowly vpon their backes , if they shew but them to you first , you will straight turne taile to them too , & no more care a pin for their company , vnlesse you be mad ; I will giue you an example of some of them , that carry their heads highest : thus , The Hole i' th' Counter , is the Backe of Riot ; if a Prodigall lay there in Hunger and Cold , but fiue such moneth● no worse then the last great Frost was , in a deere yéere , and in a Plague-time when no body would come at him ; and this hée should suffer before hee bound himselfe for euer to his Mercer , being sure , else , to suffer it after-wards , I doe not thinke but my Gallant would loue a warme Freze Ierkin better then a saite of cut Sattin , and choose rather ( like a Horse ) to draw béere , then to weare rich trappings like an Asse , for which his bones pay so derrely , So Head-ach is the Backe of Drunkennes : if the Head-ach would knocke our Coxcombs soundly , so soone as wee cry out Drawer in a Tauerne , we should neuer quarrel with y e Watch , nor breake do 〈◊〉 Bandy-house windowes of mid-night . But best sinnes , like the worst faces , are most and euer painted , and that 's the reason they so bewitch vs , for it is a good eye can see their deformity : Hearke , The Trumpets sown● , they are ready for the Lists : behold , they enter ; you perhaps ( that are but Standers-by ) may mistake them , and therefore I will describe them , as they either begin the Race or end it . The first that r●ns , is Blasphemous Insolence , a Turke , ( for you must vnderstand , that of all Nations , some are at this Race ) he will be first , because he will be first ; his looks are full of Darings , his voyce thunders out Braues ; hee laies downe Threates insteed of Wagers , hee scornes to Wage any thing vpon an euen Lay , for if terror or tyrany can win it , he will haue All ; By his side comes his Surgeon ( called Infidelity ) the horse he rides on is swift Uengeance , his two Pages are Fyre and Sword. A Christian Lady runs against him , her name Innocen● Humility , if she get to the 〈…〉 , she is promised a paire of wings , besides the pr●●e her looks are modest , her words few , to her-selfe ( as shee sets forth ) she praies , she has onely one Maid waites vpon her , called Sufferance ; they both run on foote : Sée , see , the Turke flies like a winged Dragon , the Christian flies too , like a D●ue , yet with no●●er speed ; ●h●e has now gotten the better way 〈◊〉 , and is gone beyond him , and sée ! Rage and Hast to disgrace her , in her spéed , haue cast him from his Horse ; his owne Horse kickes and tramples on the Maister . The Christian Lady runs in pitty to saue him : but he cursing Her , and calling onely vpon his owne Surgeon ( Infidelity ) shee ( for want of skill ) poisons his wound in steed of curing it ; he 's dead : his Surgeon rips his body , to search what was perished within him ( vpon so ●light a fully as she tearmes it ) and ( see ! ) his heart is turned into a Flint , Blacke , and Hardened as Marble ; & lying ●rown● in the bloud of a thousand poore Hungarians , yet all that could not ●often it . The Wager they ranne for was a Garland of Palme-trées held vp by a Lady at the Goales end ( whose name is Eternity ) and by her giuen to the Christian Conqueror , with the Wings , besides , which were promised her , if shee fainted not in her Race . When the whéeles of Desire are once set a going , the more weights you hang vpon them , the faster turne they about , for lo● all the Opponents in this Race-running haue done what they came for in a moment , whilst you were busy about the first Challenger and Defendant , so great was their Fernor : but I haue the Roll here of the persons and their names , and albe●t you haue lost the sight of them in Action , you shall not loose the sport of it in my Relation . The second that ran , and made the brauest show , was a yong Gallant , his name , Prodigallity , loued of many Ladies for his good gifts , and followed by many rich Citizens sons , who were preferd vnto him by their fathers Mony , he sat in a Chariot , open on euery side , foure Horses drew him , ( Rashnesse , Luxury Folly , and Hanger-on ) his Coach-man being drunke , A Whore whipped him for-ward , and made all Fly ; at the backe of the Chariot , two leaped vp , & were drawne after him , viz : Beggery and a Foole , whose gesture of making mouthes and anticks faces was excellent sport to the spectators , he ran a swift and thundring pace , after him and close by him rid many Merchants , Mercers , and Silke-men , who had laid great Wagers on his head , but he gaue them all the slip ▪ and was before hand with them still . The Defendant whom he challenged , was a polliticke Belgicke , his name , Hans-thrift ( a Dutchman ) vigilant in his course , suttle in laying his wager , prouident in not venturing too much , honest to pay his losses , industrious to get more ( twenty sundry waies ) if hee should happen to bee cheated of all ; his Horse was not so swift as sure , his Attire not curious , but rich & neate , they set out both together , but before Prodigallity came halfe way of his iourney , Thrift got the start of him , out-went , out-wearied , out-spent him , tother lost all , this won what the other lost . Prodigality vpon this disgrace hid his head , 〈◊〉 incountring when , he went away , with a c●ue of Male-●ontents , they schooled him , and they spoyled him : for in a ho●e bloud hee presently grew desperate , and swore to vndertake ( for raising of his fortunes ) the plots of Treason , to blow vp kingdomes , to murder ●ings , and to poyson Princes : But the Hang-man 〈◊〉 ing their whispering , set vp a paire of gallowes in his way at which hee can ●●lt ▪ but , fell downe , brake his necke , and neuer since could kéepe any good quarter . The third that same sneaking in was a 〈…〉 faced shotten-herring-bellied rascall , his nose ●r●pt as soone as he entred into the Race , whose ●●lth , because it would scoure , and so same so●e , hee wrapt vp in as filthy a hand-kercher : his apparrell was cut out of 6 or 7 religio●s , and as they turned , that turned : He stole one onely 〈◊〉 of fire from Prodigality , which hee to●● betwixt his hands to 〈◊〉 them : he had in his pocket ( to victuall him for this voyage ) two dried cobs of a red herring reserued by a ●●●●menger at the ●iege of Famagosta , & then afterward laid on a 〈◊〉 , and the 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉 that had 〈…〉 at the 〈◊〉 Indies . This Thing was a Vsurer , cald Niggardlinesse , he had no page , but two Brokers ( out of their loue to him , hoping to get by it ) came along with him vpon their owne charge . Against this wretch ( in braue 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 ●orth 〈◊〉 did Lord ( that is now no 〈◊〉 for has 〈◊〉 place in the Countrey , & all the 〈◊〉 in it smoke● 〈…〉 his money as he spends the water that passeth to his house , it comes thither in great pipes , but it is all consumed in his kichin , his name Hospitality . It is a graue & reuerend counteneance ; he weares his bea●● 〈◊〉 of purpose , that y e haires being white , & kill in his eie , he may 〈…〉 any thing vnworthy their honor : his app 〈◊〉 for war●●●● , not brauery : if he thinke ill at any time , he presently think● wel : for iust vpon his breast he wears his Reprehension . As a iewel comprehends much treasure in a little roome ; and as that nut-shell held● all Homers Iliads smally written in a péece of Vellum . So , though the trée of his vertues grow high , and is laden with goodly fruit , yet the top-bough of all , and the fairest Apple of all he counteth his Hospitality : His bread was neuer too stale , his drinke was neuer sowre , no day in the yeare was to them that are hungry , A ●asting day , yet he ●bseru●s them all : Hee giues moderately euery houre , but in reuerence of one season in the yeare , all that come may fréely take . And this is ( as the Booke doeth remember ) The cold frosty season of December : Phoebus waxed old , and hewed like Lato●● That afore in his hot Declination Shone as the burned gold , with streames bright , But now in Capri●●●●● adowne he light , Where is he shor●● full pale , I d●●● well seyne , The bitter frostes with the sleet and ●a●e Destroyed hath the greene in euery yerd , Ianus firteth by the fire with double ●erd , And drinketh of his Bugle-hor●● the wine , 〈…〉 the Brawne of the 〈…〉 The h●rse he sate vpon was gray and aged , like his maister , but weake by reason of yeares ; yet his heart good , and knew the way to many holy places , whither hee had 〈◊〉 carried 〈…〉 he should ●ncounter 〈…〉 an opposite as he saw stand brauing ; ●ee breathed a kinde of quicke fire in and out at his snoring nostrils in signe he had quickned his old courage , and that he wished to stand on ●● ground till this ●●●●ke were ended . Forward therefore both 〈◊〉 , Hospitality had thou 〈…〉 and prai●es 〈◊〉 Niggardliness euery man laughed , euery man disdained him ; none clapped him on the backe , but his two trunch-men ( the Brokers ) the tother rode like a prince with all eyes throwne vpon him in admiration : but this poore 〈◊〉 ran as if a scar-crow had flowen : it was not a running , but a kinde of false scur●y Am●le , or rather Hobling , which put him into such a heate ( he neuer in all his life sweating before ) that hee melted all his tallow , which at the most was not able to make a pi●●ing Candle ; and so the snuffe of his life went out ●●inking . Before hee dyed , he gaue his keyes to the Brokers , and made them his heires , with charge to bury him there in the high-way , onely to saue charges , and to strip off his cloathes , which he made them sweare they should sell : Et hic finis priami , and with that word he lay as dead as a dogge . His heires performed his will , and going home me●●● , to share his wealth , which they knew to be infinite , they 〈◊〉 nothing in the house but two peny Halter : ( for all his money hee had buried vnder the earth in a field ) the sight of this struck cold to their hearts : and so ( séeing their owne Father ▪ as it were , had cozened them ) the Broke● went ●●th away like a cupple of Hounds from the dogge-house in a 〈◊〉 together , and lye buried at the grate which receiues the common Sewer in the midst of Hounds-ditch . Hospitality had the honour of the day , and went away : crowned with poore mens Benedictions . The next Contenders that followed those 〈◊〉 an English Knight and a Spanish ▪ the Don was a temperate and very little féeder , and no drinker , as all Spaniards are : the Knight had béene dub'd onely for his valour in that seruice : to it they went both , h●●●ed alike , manned 〈…〉 alike , the Spaniard not so gawdy , but more rich . Sir D●gonet had scarce set spurs to his Bucephalus , but with health● which he tooke out of euery commanders fist , drinking to his ●oone voyage , ●e fell sicke , & his horse both of the Scaggers , of which hee neuer recouered : hee had ( besides his Page ) some Voluntaries that attended him , that is to say , the drowsie and decayed Memory , the one filled his glasses , the other his Tobacco-pipes . Shortnesse of Life held his bridle , and helped him stil off . The Diego was a dapper fellow , of a frée minde and a faire , bounteous of his purse , but sparing in his Cups , as scorning to make his belly a wine●eller , therefore the more nimble ; and hauing nothing in him but fire , ( as the other nothing but the contrary Element ) hee flew before the winde like a gallant Pinnace vnder sayle , and held out his Race to the end , leauing the English-man dead-drunke , in lesse then a quarter of the way . Then came in two by two , other Troopes , whose onsets , and ouer-throwes , honours , and disgraces , darings , and dauntings , merit an ample Chronicle , rather then an Abstract ; of all which the Braggadochio-vices still got the worst : the Vertues departing in Triumph , but not with any insulting . And thus the glory of this Race ended . Now , as after the cleare streame hath glided away in his owne current , the bottome is muddy and troubled . And as I haue often s●ene , after the finishing of some worthy Tragedy , or Catastrophe in the open Theaters , that the Sceane after the Epilogue hath béene more blacke ( about a nasty bawdy Iigge ) then the most horrid Sceane in the Play was : The Stinkards speaking all things , yet noman vnderstanding any thing ; a mutiny being amongst them , yet none in danger : no tumult , and yet no quietnesse : no mischife begotten , and yet mischiefe borne : the swiftnesse of such a torrent , the more it ouerwhelmes , bréeding the more pleasure . So after those Worthies and Conquerours had left the field , another Race was ready to begin , at which , though the persons in it were nothing equall to the former , yet the shoutes and noyse at these was as great , if not greater . They marched in no order , and that made them séeme comely ; Handsomenesse in them had beene a disgrace , the worse they shewed , the better they were liked : They could do nothing ill , because they could doe nothing well , and were therefore commended , because there was in them nothing commendable : Such praise as they brought , they caried away ; and this it was . The first Troope that came thronging in , were a company of braue staring fellowes , that looked like Flemings , for they were as fat as butter , and as plumpe in the face as Trumpeters are when their chéekes swell like bladders . No horses could bee hired for them : for ( as Gallants doe Citizens ) they were sure to breake their backes : they were all Foot-men therefore , and ran very heauily ( like men going to hanging ) because if they should fall , their bellies making them leape heauy , they were sure to breake their necekes . These termed themselues Epicures , and all that heard them beléeued it : for their Guts was their God , their Heads , Hogsheads of wine , their Bodies , Cages for wild-fowle , and their Soules nothing else but the steame and breath of roasted Capons serued vp piping bot . These ran into a thousand mens Debts , but ran so farre one from another , ( for feare of breaking Ribbes if they had iustled ) that they would be sure neuer to run in any certaine danger . The last Race they ran ( for you must know they had many ) was from a cry of Sergeants : yet in the end the Law ouer-tooke them , and after a long , sweaty , and troublesome Race , ouer-threw and layd them in the dust ; they dyed in prison , and were buryed in silence . After them came in a pert Lawyer , puffing and blowing ( one that for putting a wrench into the Lawes mouth , to force her to speake any thing , was pitched ouer the barre ) and hee can really : but with whom thinke you ? against this owne Conscience : but in the Race ( sweat and sweare , do what he could ) she gaue him the slip , tired him extreamely , and was still out of his reach the length of Gracious street , at the least ; yet the Lawyer was a goodly man , strong , and full of action , and his Conscience nohing in the world to speake of . The next was one that should haue beene a scholler , and was indéed , and he ran horrible fast after foure Benefices all at one time , they held him nobly to it a long space ; but with much adoe hee got beyond them , and wonne what he ran for : Mary hee caught such an incurable cold ( by reason of his pursinesse ) that hes lost his voyce presently , and grew by degrees , so hoarse , that he neuer spake after to any great purpose , all his lights we●e so stopped . At last comes skipping in a terse , spruise , neatified Capricious Taylor , new leaped from his Shop-boord , and the Diuill could not perswade him , but hee would runne with Pride , and with none else . Pride was for him , and tooke hold of him presently , Horses were offered to them both : No ( sayd the Taylor ) I will not bee set on Horfe-backe , I will not ride , nor be ridden : Pride scorned any courtesie more then he . To it they go then ; Pride got still before him , and he followed her at an ench like a mad-man , tooth and nayle . In the end hee had her at his backe : Pride then ( for anger that any should out-strip her ) made such extreame haste , that shee caught a fall . The Taylor ( hauing many gallant parts of a Gentleman about him ) looking aside , and seeing his Incounterer downe , came brauely to her , offering to take her vp , which she disdaining , allowed him a yard before her , which hee was content to take , and to it they go againe : Pride followed him close , and comming home vp to him , spyed her aduantage ( being neere the Races end ) and leaping forward , hit him full at the heart , and so ouerthrew him . Inraged at which , hee drew out a Spanish weapon , and would haue runne it through her ; shee put him by , and cut his combe , which so cut his heart ( to see a woman his confusion ) that hee was neuer his owne man afterward . But he sayd hee wrought his owne woe himselfe , and confest it was his owne seeking to meddle with her ; and therefore such bread as he brake , was but broken to him againe , yet swore ( if a man might beleeue him ) that though he sunke into hell for it , he would , at one time or other , sawce her . This quarrell made peace ; for the vn-rauelling of this bottome , was the last thréed that ended all . You now see what voyage this ship of fooles ( in which these last were imbarked ) hath made . Heere cast they Anchor , and leap on Shore . A preparation to the Masque ensuing , and the cause therof . FAME , who hath as many tongues as there are mouthes in the world , hearing of the honourable defeature giuen by those worthy Champions to to their ignoble ( but insulting ) enemies , could not choose ( because shee is a woman , but pratile of it , in all places , and to all persons ; insomuch that the Courts of Kings rang of it Cities made bone-fires for it , the Country had almost broke all their bels about it : at euery Crosse it was proclaimed , at euery Market , one word went about the price of victuals , and flue about that : Barbers had neuer such vtterance of a newes , Booke-sellers sold more sheetes then Linnen-drapers ; Carriers could load their horses with no Packes but of This : No Ship went to Sea , but some part of the fraight was this victory : It was written of at home , dispersed in letters abroad , and sung to a new Tune euery where . Omitting these hither parts of Christendome , she ( Fame I meane ) taking her Trumpet ( because she is Times Herald ) flew with it ouer the Mediterranean-sea into Asia , first into Turkey , so to Caldaea , Persia , Hircania , Assiria , Armenia , and then getting vp higher ouer the Caspian sea , away shee poasted to the Tartars , and Cathayans , then to the Chynois , and other East Indians , so backe againe ouer the Arabian Sea , into Arabia Foelix : then crossing ouer Numidia , her next cut was into Barbary in Affrica , from thence downe to Noua Guinea ; and from thence crossing the Lyne into the Ethyopian sea , away swoopes shee by Brasill , and so beates her Wings in the West Indies , whose heate being ready to melt her , ( as the East Indies did before ) ouer the Lyne againe she scuds to Noua Hispania , & so to the Northward of America : then homeward through Florida , taking Virginea , Noua Francia , Norembega , and all those Septentrionall Countries in her passage , and so crossing the Deucalidonian sea , hauing beaten her selfe almost to death in proclaiming and trumpeting lowdly the News , she pantingly ariues where shee set forth , pruning and péecing vp her flagging and broken Wings . The winds caching her breath in all kingdoms , through which she went , were as great with it as her selfe , & ready to burst vntill they were deliuered . Neuer was such puffing & blowing , such blustring & roaring , since they threw downe Babel : so that with their strugling who should cry out first , they were all brought a bed of it at one time : for all of them breaking by force into the bowels of the earth , and by that irrruption tearing her very foundation with an vniuersall earth-quake , the massy frame was cleft & riuen asunder , and so the terror of the report was by the wherrying winds shot ( as if with a thunder-bolt from heauen ) and neuer tarryed , or met any rub , till it burst open the Gates of infernall Erebus . The Grand-Sophy of the Satanicall Synagogue , at the very sound of it belchd out a groane , the rebound of which ( like one bandogs whyning in Paris Garden , setting all the Kennels a barking ) left all the Stygian Hel-hounds in a most clamorous howling . The dismall consort hauing ( with a worse noise then the grating and crashing of Iron when it is a ●yling ) ended these Blacke Sants , & shooke their gastly heads foure or fiue times together , & with chaines ratling at their heeles , ( as if so many blacke Dogs of New-gate had beene mad in a Tauerne there ) ran bellowing All , about their Father of Mischiefe , to know what Qualme came ouer his stomake . He ( darting an eye vpon them , able to confound a thousand Coniurers in their owne Circles , ( though with a wet finger they could fetch vp a little Diuell ) and with an Vlulation , ( his chin almost bursting his breast-bone with a Nod ) from which , fum'd out a breath ( blacker then sea-coale smoake out of a Brew-house chimney ) which if their withered chaps had bin there , yawning to sucke it downe was of power to haue turned ten thousand old Beldams in Lapland into the rankest Witches ) Hee thus grumbled : Hel's vndone , Why , yelped all the rest ? An Armada ( quoth he ) cannot saue vs , our Legions ( in the world next aboue vs ) are ouerthrowne by that Stigmaticall Virago Vertue : All those Battalions that warred vnder y e cullors of our Red & fiery Dragō are debaushed : Suffer this bracke into our Acheronticke Territories ; & hotter Assassinations will euery day pel mel maule vs. Al about him cryed they would neuer endure it . Whilst this indisgested mischiefe lay broyling on their stomackes , roome was made for an Intelligencer newly arriu'd vpon these stronds of Horror . It was one of those nimble Vmbratici Daemones , as inuisible as the Aire , & ( like Aire ) neuer out of our company , one of those Gnomi , whose part Theophrastus Paracelsus takes so terribly , prouing that whether we swmme , or are on land , or in the woods , or in houses , wee are still haunted with a spirit or two at least , neither hurtfull nor doing good , and such a One was This : Belial Belzebub of Barathrum , had lately employed this Purseuant of his about serious businesse ; in which hauing done nothing , and dreading but sorry paiment for his labour , hee knew not how better to escape the Furies , then by forging some egregious lies , by the same Anuile , that all hell was now striking ( that 's to say , touching the late victorie of the Vertues ) and so to bee thought hee had spent all his time in that intelligence . He therefore being tossed , ( the throng was so great ) vpon their glowing flesh-hookes , from one to one , till hee came before the grand Cacodemon , ( his Maister ) who sate in a chaire all on fire , downe fell my little spirit flat at his clouen feete : and then , the Captaine of Damnation , ( hauing first spit out foure or fiue Blasphemies , which one of his Gentlemen Ushers still trod out ) hee gnashed his teeth , and asked if the newes were current : it was replied , yes . Nay ( cries this Goblin ) to vnclaspe a booke of my further trauels , let mee bee hung in chaines of yce ( as you are in fire , if I lie ) and bee bound to eate flakes in the Frozen Zone for a thousand yeares , if the Gloabe of the Terrestriall world bee not new Moulded , the Ball of it hath none of the Old Stuffing : not an inch of knauery can now bee had for loue or money , if you would giue a Million of Gold you cannot haue a Courtier in debt , if you would bestow a thousand pounds worth of Tobacco on a Souldier but to sweare a Garrison-oth , hee would die ere hee drunke it ; besides all Rich-men are liberall , Poore men not contentious , Beggars not drunke , Lawyers not couetous , rich heires not rietous , Cittizens not enuious , clownes most religious . No more , 〈…〉 Tarrarian Tarmag●n● ▪ The ●●ther stop'd in his 〈◊〉 , and it was time , for this sa● Cannon , 〈◊〉 Schellum Wafferhand through both his broad sides . The fair of this Mile-stone had almost burst his heart , hee 〈◊〉 nothing but flashes of fire , spit nothing but flakes of 〈◊〉 , weep'd nothing but scoopes-full of scalding-water , for now he saw the Dilaceration of his owne Luciferan Kingdome . And the exaltation of his enemies ; out of his presence hee commanded all , They breake their Neckes for hast ; he hawle for Musicke , Ten thousand soules were presently set a yelling , hee tooke no pleasure in 't , Hee felft himselfe damnably heart-burnt , pan●ues worse then the tortures of euerlasting death fell vpon him , and no hope of his Recouery , which made an inerpressible howling in hell . No Amendment being in him , hee cals for Physitions : not one would come neere him , they knew his payment too well , for Potecaries they were little enough , and cared not for his custome . He then ●ard out , for a cunning 〈◊〉 to make his Will , one was at his Elbow presently , 〈◊〉 he hugd in his armes , and cry'd out . Welcome my Sonne ; thou 〈…〉 euer bind mee vnto thee . S r Satrapa● Satan , then 〈…〉 him Hee 's 〈…〉 and miserable estate , 〈…〉 desperate , 〈…〉 being vtterly giuen ouer , hee 〈◊〉 for him to 〈◊〉 his Last Will and Testament , and 〈◊〉 or Scriuano , begins , and galops as fast but then , as Monsieur Diabole 〈…〉 his chaps , The Will 〈◊〉 this . The Diuels last Will and TESTAMENT . BEHEMAH Dornschweyn , Prince of all that lyes betwéene the East and the West , the North and the South ; Mighty both on the Sea , and on the Land , chiefe Uayuode of Usury , Symony , Bribery , Periury , Forgery , Tyrranny , Blasphemy , Calumny , &c. ( My Uassails and Deputies , with all their Petty Officers vnder them ) Patron of all that study the blacke and Negromanticke Arts ; Father of all the Roaring Boyes ; The Founder and Upholder of Paintings , Dawbings , Plaisterings , Pargettings , Purflings , Cerusings , Cementings , Wrinkle-fillings , and Botchings vp of old , decayed , and weather-beaten Faces ; being confounded , and tormented in euery limbe : but hauing my Memory and Wits fresh and liuely , doe make this my last Will and Testament in manner and forme following : Inprimis , I will bequeath the World ( whereof I am Prince ) with all the Pleasures , Inticements , and Sorcerous Uanities thereof , to bee equally distributed amongst my Sons and Daughters ; and because ( of my owne knowledge ) I find very many of them , to be damnable and wicked , I lay vpon all such a fathers heauy curse ; not caring though they ha●g in hell , because they haue ran a villanous , impious , preposterous , and diuelish Race . Item . To all those Ladies , Gentlewoman , and Cittizens wiues , ( being set downe by their Names in my Black book ) to whose houses & company I haue bene welcome at mid-night , my Will is y e they all , shall mou●ne . Item . I further will and bequeath to my louing and deerest friends , the Usurers of this Citty , all such moneis as are now , or shall heereafter bee taken aboue the rate of 10 . i th hundred . Item . My Will is , that euery Gentleman who serues mee , shall bee kept in his Chaine , yea ; the worst that hath followed mee , let him goe in a blacke s●●te of Durance . Item . Whereas , I haue many Base Daughters lurking about y e Suburbs , I giue to thē Carbuncles a peece , the biggest that 〈◊〉 be goten . And to those Matrons ( that for my sake haue bene euer déere to those my said Daughters ) I giue to each of them a bottle of the same Aqua-vitae , whereof I my selfe drinke . Item . I giue my inuisible cloakes to all Bankrouts , because they made them , but to one Poet onely ( called Poet Comedy ) I giue my best inuisible Cloake , because it onely fits his shoulders better then mine 〈◊〉 , but chiefly for that hée will trim it vp well , and line it with Come not neere me , or stand off ; And because he is a ●lip of mine owne grafting , I likewise bequeath to him my best Slippers , to walke and play with his kéepers noses . Item . I giue to all Officers that loue mee , a brace of my owne Angels to hang about their neckes , as a remembrance of mee . Item , my Wil is , that all the Brokers in Long-lane be sent to me with all spéed possible , because I haue much of them laid to pawne to me , which will , I know , neuer be redeemed , and what I giue to them shall bee in Hugger-Mugger ; and for their brethren ( the rest of their Iewish Tribe in the Synagogue of Houns-ditch ) let thē be assured they shall not bee forgotten , because I heare they pray for mee howrely , I pitty these poore dispised soules , because if they should misse mee , I know what would become of them . Item . I giue toward the mending of the High-waies , betweene New-gate and Tyburne , all the grauell that lies in the Kidneys , Reynes and Bladders , of Churles , Usures , Baudes , Harlots , and Whoore-maisters , and rather then those Grauel-pits , should grow scanty , I will that they bee supplied continually . Item . I giue to all Iailors and Kéepers of prisons , to euery one of them , the soule of a Beare ( to bee rauenous ) the body of a Woolfe ( to be cr●●ll : ) the speech of a Dog ( to be churlish ; ) the Tallons of a ●ulture ( to bee griping , ) and my countenance to beare them out in their office , that they may looke like diuels vpon poore prisoners : Item . My Will is , that if any Roaring Boy ( springing from my Race ) happen to be Stabd , swaggering , or swearing three-pil'd oathes in a Tauerne , or to bee kild in the quarrell of his Whoore ▪ let him bee fetched hither ( in my owne Name ) because heere he shall be both ●ookt too ▪ and prouided for . Lastly , I make and ordaint ( by this my last Will and Testament ) a common Barretour to bee my Executor ; and two Knights , who are my sworne seruants and are of the Post ; ( their Names and seruice being naild vpon Pillers in Westminster Pallace ) I make them , ( al-be-it they are pur-blind ) my Ouerseers , and for their paines therein , I will bequeath to each of them a great round Pearle , to be worne in their eyes , because I may be still in their sight , when I am gone from them . And to testify that this is my last and onely Will which shall stand , I subscribe my Name vnto it , thereby Renouncing , Retracting , Reuocating , Disanulling , & quite Cancelling , all former Wils whatsoeuer by mee at any time or times made ; In witnesse whereof all the States Infernall ; Auernall , Acheronticke , Stygian , Phlegetonticke , and Peryphlegitonticke , haue likewise subscribed , in the yeare of our Ranging in the World , 5574. Mounsieur Nouerint ( being a man , whose conditions were too well knowne ) had nothing said to him at this time , because the Diuell was very bad , and had no stomacke to talke of old Reckonings ( for Vniuerse was in his debt ) but had his payment , and was glad he got away . Now , as it often happens to rich Curmudgeons , that after they haue settled their estates on their death-beds , ( as they verily feare ) and that their wiues gape day and night to be widdowes , that from their husbands 〈◊〉 they may leape into a Coach and be Ladies , their sonnes and heires cursing as fast ( as the mothers pray ) vntill they great Capon-bell ring out , the daughters weeping ( when they know their portions ) onely because they are not marriageable , or if mariageble , because ere they mourne in blacke , they haue not Suiters to make them merry & the kindred as greedy ( for their parts ) to see the winding sheete laid out , that they may fetch their 〈◊〉 Legacies , & then ( oh terrible then ! ) y e old Fox reuiues , fals to his sleepe , cals for his victuals , feeles himselfe mend , remembers his bags , cries out for his keies , seales vp his , mony ▪ no talk of a Wil , no hope of a Widdow , no sharing of his wealth ; Euen the selfe-same Pill tooke this Diego Daemonum , and recouered vpon it . For all his children , acquaintance , and seruants , standing round about him , howling and ●rying for him , behold ! this howling of theirs made him almost o●t of his wits , that madnesse quickened his spirits , his spirits made him rowze vp himselfe , with that rowzing hee began to looke into what danger he was falne , and by looking into it , to deuise plots againe to raise it . Heereupon , a Synode was called of all the subtillest and plaugiest prates in Hell , ( of which there are good store ) Magog Mammon , there discouers his disease , the cause of it , and the perill ; his feare is that his Kingdome would now bee sorely shaken , and his sorrowes , because all they should be sure to smart for it more then he himselfe , hee therefore craues their infernall counsell . They sit , they confer , they consult , and from that consultation ( after many villanous proiects tosd on their hornes like dung vpon Pitch-forkes , and smelling worse ) this Aduice was hatched , and had fethers stucke on the backe , the rest were pluckt naked ; And this it it was , That Minotaure Polyphem ( the Sire of all those Whelpes barking thus in the Kennels of Hell ) should forth-with put fire into his old Bones , and fall to threshing of their Damme , to get more Hell-hounds , ( braue yong little Diuels ) whom hee may ( like Tumblers ) hoyst from one Fiends shoulder vp to another , and so pop them into the world : And they againe going to Bull , with other blacke Goblins , may ingender , what monsters they please to set all the world and all the people in it out of tune , and the worse Musicke they make , the more sport it is for him . This Act was Filed vpon Record : most Uoyces carried it away ; the Councell flowed currant , the Court is adiourned , and the great Beglherby of Lymbo fals ho●ly to his businesse . Now you must vnderstand that the Diuell bring able to get children faster then any man else , had no sooner touched his old ●aplendian Gueneuora , but shee as speedily quickned ; and no sooner quickned , but was deliuered , and lay in , and had at this Litter or Burden , two twins . Dabh ▪ Aldip Alambat , their father gaue them their names , the one was called Hypocrisie , the other Ingratitude . Hypocrisie was put to nurse to an Anabaptist of Amsterdam , but Ingratitude was brought vp at home . In a short time they battend , and were plunipe as fat Chop-bacons they were , and toward to practise any trickes that were shewed them . So that béeing ripe for maisters , Hypocrisie was presently bounded a Puritane Taylor , by his Nurle , and did nothing but make Clokes of Religion for to weare , of a thousand colours . Hee ran away from the Taylor , and then dwelt with a Uizard maker , and there hee was the first who inuented the wearing of two faces vnder a hood . After this hee trauelled into Italy , and there learned to embrace with one arme , and stabbe with another to smile in your face 〈…〉 a ponyard in your bosome : to protest , and 〈◊〉 lye to sweare loue , yet hate mortality . From Italy hee came into the Low-countries , where he would not talke , vnlesse hee dranke with him ▪ and-cast you Myn Leeuin Broder , with a full grasse , onely to ouer● reach you in your cups of your bargaine . Out of Germany hee is againe come ouer into England , his lodging is not certaine : For ( like a whoore ) hee lyes euery where . Hée sometimes is at Court , and is there excéeding full of complement , hee goes sometimes like a threed-bare Scholler , with lookes humble , as a Lambes , and as innocent , but his heart prouder then a Turkes to a Christians . Hee hath a winning and bewitching presence , a sweete breath , a musicall voyce , and a warme soft hand . But it is dangerous to keepe company with him , because he can alter himselfe into sundry shapes . In the Citty hee is a Dogge , and will fawne vpon you : In the fields hee is a Lyons Whelpe , and will play with you : In the Sea hee is a Mer-mayd , and will sing to you . But that fawning is but to reach at your throat : that playing is to get you into his pawes , and that singing is nothing else but to sink and confound you for euer . This picture of Perdition ( Hypocrisie ) was not drawne so smoothly , so cunningly , and so enticingly , but his brother ( Ingratitude ) though there went but a paire of Sheares betweene them , was as vgly in shape , and as blacke in soule : hee was a Fiend in proportion , and a Fury in condition . It is a monster with many hands , but no eyes : It catcheth at any thing , but cannot see the party from whom it receiues . This is that follow made all the Diuels at first , and still supplyes their number continually . This is that Lethargy that makes vs forget our Maker , and neuer to thanke him for whatsoeuer he bestowes on vs : for no estate is content with his state . If wee are poore , wee curse : If rich , wee grumble it comes in no faster ; If hard-fauoured , wee enuy the beautifull ; If faire , it is our trée of damnation , and for money euery slaue climbes it . This is that Torpedo , which if we touch , a Numbnesse strikes all our ioynts , and wee haue no féeling one of another . This is hee which maketh one forget God and his country , the King and his kindred , only to please the great Diuell his father . He that this day hath beene comforted with thy ●●e , fed with thy bread , relieued with thy purse , and kept from being lowsie by thy linnen , to morrow will bée ready to set the same house on fi●● y t hid him from cold , for thy bread to giue thee stories ; for the money thou lentest him , to sell thee ( like a Iudas , ) and for thy linnen , which wrapped him warme , glad to see thee in danger to goe naked ▪ Thus hast thou this Gorgon in his liuely colours : because therefore that the odiousnesse of this beast , Ingratitude , should still be in our eye , God hath Hierogliphically figured it in many of his creatures . The Viper is an Embleme of it , whose yong-ones gnaw out the belly in which they are bred . So is the Mule , whose panch being full with sucking , she kickes her dam. So is the Iuy , which kils that by which it climbes : and so is fire , which destroyes his nourisher . The tongue of Ingratitude is the sting of that frozen Snake , which wounds the bosome that gaue it heate and life . The hands of Ingratitude are those Tubbes full of holes , which the daughters of Da●au● fill vp with ●●ter in hell , and as fas● as it is 〈◊〉 in , it all rans out againe . An ingratefull man therefore is not like Nero , that gathered flowers out of Ennius his heape of dung , but like the Cantharides that sucke● poyson out of the sweetest flower . Not without great wisedome did that old Serpent , ( the Anchropophagiz de Satyr ) cloath his Hellish brood of his in human shapes : for you see how beneficiall their seruice may ●ee to him , and how maleuolent they are likely to be to man : for these are those Ichneumons that creepe in at our mouthes , and are not satisfied only first with deuouring what 's within vs , and then to eate quite through our bodyes ▪ but the food which they lust after , is to rauen vpon the soule . My purpose was ( when the grand Helea had gotten these two Furies with nine liues , onely to haue drawne the Curta●●es of her Childe-bed , in which shee lay in , and to haue she●●e no more but the well-fauoured faces of her 〈◊〉 of Monkyes ; But you see , from her withered T●●tes I haue brought them to their cradles , from the coadle 〈◊〉 thee to Nurse ; & from thence followed them till they were able to doe seruice in the world . How they haue sped , you heare , and how they are likely to prosper , you may iudge . But you must thinke that there father , after hee had begun to digge ▪ and séeing his labours thr●●ie , would not so giue ouer : For the old Countesse Canidia , ( his wife ) being a teeming Lamia , after she was deliuered of the two first Lemures , ( Hypocrisie and Ingratitude ) did within short time after , bring forth others , as Schisme , Atheisme , Paganisme , Idiotisme , Apostacy , Impeniten●cy , Diffidence , Presumption , and a whole generation of such others : of whom the father needes not bee iealous that the Sorceresse their mother playd false with him , euery one of them 〈…〉 him in visage , and carrying in their bosomes his villanous conditions : For as he himselfe goes prowling vp and downe for his Prey , so do these take after him , and play their parts so well , that all Hell routes with ●●ughing , and rings with giuing them plaudits . For these Furies haue in the Church bred Contentions , in Courts Irreligion , in the Ctity Prophanation ; in the Countrey ignorance of all goodnesse ; and in the World , a knowledge of the most flagicious Impieties . At the birth of euery one these Monsters , were particular Triumphes , but aboue all the rest , one had the glory to be graced with a Masque , and it was at an vp-sitting , when the Gossips and many great States were there present . It was a Morall Masque , a Misticall Masque , and a Conceited , set out at the cost of certaine Catchpols , who were witty in the Inuention , liberall in the Expence , quicke in the Performance , and neate in the putting off . The Masquers themselues were braue fellowes , bare-faced , not néeding , nor caring for any Uizards , ( their owne visages béeing good enough , because bad enough ) they were not ashamed of their doings . Euery one of them came in with some property in his right hand , appliable to the name of a Catch-poll , and to the nature of the Catch-pols Masque : For one had a Fishermans Net , another an Angling rod , another a trée like a Lime-bush , another a Welsh-hooke , another a Mouse-trap ▪ another a handfull of Bryers , and such like : and euery one of these had ●●aite , and a Soule nibling at eueuery baite . In their left hands they held whips , vpon their heads they wore Anticke crownes of Feathers plucked from Rauens wings , Kites and Cormorants , ( béeing all Birds of Rapine and Catching : ) And on their bodyes loo●e Iackets of Wolues skinnes , with Bases to them of Uultures , whose heads hang dangling downe as low as their kn●es ; which made an excellent shew . Their legges were buttoned vp in Gamashes , made of Beares paw● , the naile● sticking out at full length . They who supplyed the places of Torch-bearers ▪ carryed no Torches , ( as in other Masqueries they doe ) but ( their armes being stript vp naked to their elbowes ) they griped ( in either hand ) a bundle of liuing Snakes , and Adde●s , which writhing about their wrists , spit wild fire and poyson together , and so made excellent sport to the assembly . They had a Drum , after which they marched ( 〈◊〉 & two ) & that was made of an old Caudron , the head of it being couered with the skins of two flead Spanish Inquisitors , and a hole ( for vent ) beaten out at the very bottome : the Drum-stickes were the ●hin-bones of two Dutch-Free-booters : So that it sounded like a Switzers Ket●le-drum . The Musicke strucke vp , and they daunced ; in their dauncing it was an admirable sight to behold , how the Soules that lay nibbling at the baites , did bobbe vp and downe : and still as they did bite , the whippes lashed them for their liquorishnesse . The swallowing of the baytes was ( to those Soules ) a pleasure , and their skipping to and fro , when they were whipped , made all Hell fall into a laughing . One of those baytes was Promotion , the second was Gold , the third Beauty , the fourth Reuenge , the fift a pipe of Tobacco : and such rotten stuffe were all the rest . The Daunce was an infernall Irish-hay , full of mad and wilde changes , which ( with the Masquers ) vanished away as it came in , ( like vnto Agryppaes shadowes . ) Now because ( in naming this the Catch-pols Masque ) some squint-eyd Asse , ( thinking he can sée quite through a load of Mill-stones ) will goe about to perswade the credulous world , that I meane those Sergeants and Officers who sit at Counter●●ates . No , there is no such traine layd , no such powder , no such liustocke in my pen to giue fire : they are Boni & legaies homines , good fellowes , and honest men : ( that name of Catch-poll is spitefully stucke vpon them by a by-name : for to these Catch-pols , that are now vnder my fingers , doth it properly , naturally , and really belong , and to n●●● other . If those two set of Counters compell a man to cast vp his Reckoning , what he owes , and how much hee is out , yet they catch no man , except the Law put them on , and it is their office . No , no , Paulo Maiora Canamus . Those Catch-pols whom we deale with , are of a larger stampe , of a richer mettall , and of a coine more currant . I will therefore first tell you what a Catch-poll is , and then you may easily picke out what those gallants are whom we call so . A Catch-poll is one that doth both catch and poll : who is not content onely to haue the sheepe , but must sheare it too ; and not sheare it , but to draw bloud too . So then by this Etymology of the word , any one that sinisterly wrests and serues Monopolies into his hands , to all his Coffers , ( though his owne conscience whispers in his eare , that hee beggers the Common-wealth ) and his Prince neuer the better for it : but the poore Subiects much the worse : Hee is a Grand Catch-poll . Any one that takes Bribes , and holds the Scales of Iustice with an vn-euen hand , laying the rich mans cause ( be it neuer so bad ) in the heauy scale , and the poore mans ( be it neuer so good ) in the light one , hée is a Catch-poll . A Pastor , that hauing a Flocke to féede , suffers them to breake into strange fields , lets them stray he cares not how ; be dragged away by the Wolfe , he regards not whither : séeth them sicke and diseased , and will not cure them ; hee is a Catch-poll . So is a Lawyer , that fleas his C●●ent , and doth nothing else for him . So is an 〈◊〉 man , if he rob the poore Widow , or friendlesse-forsaken Orphant . So is a Soldier , that makes bloud , rapes , lust and violence his proper ends ; and not Gods quarrell , his Princes right , or the honour of his Country . So is a Citizen , that cozens other men of their goods , and ●els bad ware in a blind shop , to honest Customers , of which they neuer are able to make the one halfe : yet if they breake their day , hee will let them rot in prison rather then release them . And lastly , that Prentice , who robs his maister , and spends his substance vpon Harlots ; hée is a Catch-poll as egregious as the best . Out of these Rankes were those Hot-shots ( the Masquers ) drawne , whom I leaue to double their Files by themselues , because I sée the Reare-ward comming vp , and I must likewise teach them their Postures . THE BANKROVTS BANQVET . WHAT is a Masque without a Banquet ? And what is a Banquet if it hee not serued vp in State ? To heighten therefore the Solemnity of this Child-beds vp-sitting , as also to curry fauour , with the Blacke King of Neagers , ( their Lord and Maister ) Another crew , of as bo●ne Companions as the former , as fat in the purse and as lauish in spending , but more-carefull of beeing blazoned in the world , for what they did , and therefore all of them hiding their heades , laid their monies together , and presented a Strange , Rare , En●ious , and most Sumptuous Banquet , to Donzell Diauolo . Inuitng not onely himselfe , but also his new-deliuered Spouse ( Queene of the Grimme Tartars , the Trogto●●●●res , who eate Serpents , the foode of Diuels , the Cimerians , the Sodomites , and the Gomorrhaeans ) and with her , the great Diabolicall Conuenticle there assembled together . To stoppe all these mouthes with Sugar-plumes , you must needs thinke , would aske a huge charge ; but they who vndertake the cost , respected not the expence , for they had not onely coyne of their owne enough , but they had shragd others too of theirs , and being hunted from corner to corner in the world , hither ( into the Iland of the Bermudes haunted as all men know with Hogs and Hobgoblings ) came they for shelter , for heere they know they are sure , from hence none dare fetch them ; they are called Bankrouts . And because the Catch-pols proportiond out a Deuice responsible to their Name and Quality ; these Bankrouts , ( treading in the same steps of Ambition ) Martiald vp a Banquet , rellishing likewise of their name , carriage and condition . So that , although they had hooked into their hands , all sorts of Wares , Goods , Commodities , and Merchandize , out of the true Owners singers , and had laid them far enough from their r●ath ; yet would they serue this Banquet to the Table , neither in Plate , in Christall , in Chyna dishes , glasse or any other furniture , but in a Stuffe , deerer to them ( and more deere to others ) then any of the Mettals recited , For they to get wealth into their Fists , not makings feare . nor conscience to seale to any Parchements , in Sealed Dishes , therefore was their Banquet brought in . And thus the Bankrouts themselues ( to adde more State to the Ceremony ) come marching with their Suckets , &c. in order . First , the vpper end of the Table was such 〈◊〉 with the heauiest , costliest , and cunningst Bondes that could be got , for loue , wit , or mony ; and they were heaped vp with Cynamon Comfits . ( Cynamon being an extreme Bynder ; ) and of this Banquetting Dish was such store , that it ran cleane through the Board . Next , came in Bils Obligatory , ( a thousand in a cluster ) and they were filled with Conserues of Slowes , and other Stipticke sweete meates . After these in most Iudiciall manner , and with great pompe and charge , were Statutes serued vp : and they were laden with Candyed Ering●●s ▪ of purpose to put spirit into him that should eate of this dish , and to keepe him vp , because , if hee sinke or grow sicke with chewing downe or swallowing of Statute , he●es g●ne and little hope of recouery . Iust in the taile of those , were brought to the Table a goodly company of Defeazances , and they held delicate Flakes of White and Red Iellies , being both Restoratiue , and very loosing to the stomake , and good against those Binding and Restringent dishes , which came in first , at the vpper end of the Table this dish should haue bene serued vp , but it had a mischance . After all this , a C●pias with a Latitat , went from one to one , but none touched those dishes , yet they were heaped full to the brim with Sugar-pellets , and cakes of Gynger-bread piled round about them ; But the Pellets when they were shot did scarce hit , and the Gynger so bit their tongues , and set their mouths in a heat , that none at the Table toucht them , but shifted them one from another . At the last , Attachments appeared in their likenesse , and they were fild into bottels of Hypo●●as , and other strong Wines , able to lay hold of a 〈◊〉 , as suddenly as he laies hold of them , and to make him ( if hee drinke hard of them ) to bee carried away , and his good-night Land-lord . Next those dishes , were brought in , a number of Outlaries , thwackt with Purging-Comfits , for they are able to make a man flye ouer nine hedges . And below them stood Iudgements , full of newbakt Diet-bread , and therefore hard for the stomack● to disgest . But close by them were placed Executions , which cloyed euery ones stomacke there ; for they were Tarts of of seuerall Fruites , stucke with Muske-comfits of purpose , to sweeten the mouth , if any should happen to lay his lippes to sowre a dish . The last Banquetting - 〈◊〉 ( saue one ) were Ne exeat Regnum , and those were heaped to the top with Annis-seed-comfits , being exceeding good to procure Long-winds , if a man haue a minde , or bee forced to Run his Country . The last of all were Protections , some larger then other ; and when these came in , a shoute was giuen , for all the Bankrouts slung vp their caps , and bid their Guests profaces , for now they saw their Cheere . In those Protections lay March-panes , which shewed like Bucklers , y e long Orange-comfits standing vp like Pikes , & in the midst of euery March-pane a goodly swéet Castle , all the bottomes being thickely strewed with Careawaies . And this was the Bankrouts Sybariticall Banquer . The queint casting of the dishes so brauely , all in wax was wondred at , the working , tempering , moulding , and fashioning of the Sweete-meates were commended , the conceipt of Furnishing the Table extolled , the cost well liked off , and the Bestowers , not reward with common thankes , for the Grand-Signior of the triple worse called the Bankrouts his White Sonnes , and swore a Damnable Oath , that hee himselfe would haue an Eye ouer them . And so , after hee and his Bash●●● , had 〈◊〉 their guts , they rose , euery Officer being charged to looke to his place , that no more such 〈…〉 hils , that support his Kingdome , and with such lessons , they flye seuerall waies , swift , and as horrid as whi●lewindes . A musse being made amongst the poorer sort in Hell , of the sweete-meate-scraps , left after the Ban-quet . The Feasters being dispersed , the maisters of the Feast , ( the Bankrouts ) held in a knot together : it was told them , there was beating at the gates to speake with them . All went to sée : and who was it but the Comfit-maker , that trusted them with his stuffe , and brought a bill of three-score and odde pounds , requesting to haue his money . His Pay-maisters told him this was no world to part from money , but to get as much as euery man could into his owne hands : other men did so , and so would they , their elders read them that lesson , and they must take it out . If he would take two shillings in the pound , they would pay him downe vpon the na●le : If not , they were resolued to try the vtmost , and therefore bid him go shake his eares . The poore rotten-tooth'd Comfit-maker , et these out-of-tune notes , was ready to run out of his wits : Hee rapt at the gates , swore , cursed , and railed ; Are you m●● ( cryed he out ) or diuels ? Now shall I pay my Sugarmarchant : Now my Grocer● ▪ Now my Bakers ? Now my worke-men ▪ Now my Orange-women , if you pay me thus with slips ? Into halters slip you all ; you haue robbed me , vndone me , beggered me , and left nothing in my ship but one box of 〈◊〉 Almonds , and I would they were burning red-hot in your bellies too . The more sowre his language was , the more sweet it was to them : for they did but laugh to heare him curse , and went their wayes : He séeing no remedy , swore hee would rattle all hell about their eares if they bod'd him off thus : And so betwéene scolding and whining , he thus tooke his peny-worths of them in words , though not in siluer . If ( fai● he ) you were poore , 〈◊〉 had it not , I would neuer aske you a peny , if you 〈◊〉 forced to breake by any 〈◊〉 ship-wracke at sea , or by the villany of Debitos on the land , or by the frownes of the world , or the falsenesse of seruants , I should pawne my shirt from my backe to releiue you ; but you burst vpon knauery , cheating and roguery . You that thus vndermine your owne estates , ( with other mens ) your selues , are like trées standing in your next neighbours ground , which you climbe in the darke , & gathering the fruit ( like théeues ) run away with it by Moone-shine . But if your states were weake for want of ability to pay , then are you those tree that ( in your owne ground ) are beaten with stormes , whose apples are shaken downe spitefully on the earth , and are deuoured by such Hoggish debters before the true Owners can come to take them vp and if so , you are to be pittied and releeued . You tell me you will breake : do so , breake your neckes . But before you do so , make this account , that you are as bad as halfe hanged ; for you haue an ill , and a most abhominable name : try else . A Bankrout , that is to say , a Banker-out : A Citizen that deales in mony , or had mony in Banke , or in stocke , He is out ( when he Breakes : ) But me thinkes hee is rather In. I sée no reason we should say , he breakes , there is more reason to cry out , He makes all whole , or hee makes vp his mouth , ( as you haue done with my plums ) or he gets the diuell and all . For what doe you , but lye grunting in your flyes , like Hogges , and sat your ribbes with fruits of other mens labours . In my opinion you should feare the bread you eate should choke you , because it is stolne ; the drinke you swallow should strange you , because you quaffe the bloud of honest housholders : and that the wine you carowse should dam you , because ( with it ) you mixe the teares of mothers , & the cries of children . If a Rogue cut a purse , hee is hanged : if pilfer , hée is burnt in the hand : You are worse then Rogues ; for you cut many purses : Nay , you cut many mens throats , you steale from the husband , his wealth : from the wise her dowry : from children their portions . So that ouer your heads hang the curses of Families : how then can you hope to prosper ? For to play the Bankrout , is to bid men to a Citty-rifling , where euery one puts in his money , and none wins but one , and that is the Bankrout . If all the water in the Thames were inke , and all the fethers vpon Swans backes were pens , and all the smoky sailes of westerne barges , were white paper , & all the Scriueners , all the Clarkes , all the Shoole-maisters , & all the Scholers in the kingdome were set a writing , and all the yeares of the world yet to come , were to be imploied only in that businesse : that inke would be spent , those pens grub'd close to the stumps , that paper scribled all ouer , those writers wearied , and that time worne out , before the shifts , legerdemaines , conueiances , reaches , fetches , ambushes , traines , and close vnder-minings of a Bankrout could to the life be set downe . This was the last winter-plum the sad Comfit-maker threw at their heads ; and so left them , and so I leaue them . My Muse that art so merry , When wilt thou say th' art weary ? Neuer ( I know it ) neuer , This flight thou couldst keepe euer : Thy shapes which so do vary , Beyond thy bownds thee cary . Now plume thy ruffled wings , Hee 's hoarse who alwayes sings . Contigimus portum , quò mihicursus erat . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A20087-e700 Blondus de Roma Triumphante . Chariot Races for triumph . Tranquil . Suetonius . The manner of Roman Triumphes . Cor. Tacit. lib. 2. annal . Qui Mulos frica●a● factus est Cōsul . Romani seruate vxores , Maechum calvum vobis adducimus . In the Roman Theaters were alwaies their Scoenici Ludi , stage-playes . Grecian musicke . Plutarch . in Moralib . Trāquillus Suctonius . Sword-players . Sword-playing , Hunting , and the fighting of beast in the Roman Amphitheaters . Ludi Circēses , cuius ludi Originem . Virgil. lib. 5. describit Venite ad Ludos quos nemo mortalem vidit , neque visurus est . Vide Plin. Lib. 18. Aureis post-modum successerunt , Laureae : erantque & virtutis & honoris eiusdem praemia . Gellius . Garlands giuen to the Romans . The first sort of Rūners were called Stadiodromi . The secōd sort were called Diaulodromi . The third sort were called Dolichodrmi . Races in heauen . The Suns Race . Sol fons lucu . 1 Spring . 2 Summer 3 Autum . 4 Winter . The 〈◊〉 Race . The Sun the cause of the Moones variable shapes . The Race of the windes & the Waters . The Sea flowes when the motion of the Moon is downewards and neerer to it . The Race of the Elements in Mans body . 1 Earth . 2 Water . 3 Aire . 4 Fire . The Race of Minerals . The ambition of Lead . The ambition of Tynne . Ambition of Siluer . Rip●●y● Chanon of 〈◊〉 . Gold hath no ambition . A fres● Race . Vertue & Vice run . Vertue is seldome mounted . Her picture . Vice is euer mounted . Her picture . The backe part of Riot . The backe part of drunkennesse . The Race beginnes . The charracter of a proud Turke . The Turks owne vengeance prepar'd for others , cōfounds himselfe . Hungary ouer-run by the Turkes . Prodigalities Race . The Character of a Prodigall . Thrifts Race . Discontēt the mother of Treason . A malo in peius . The Character of a Niggard . Hospitality pictured . Chaucer in the Franklins tale . They that vphold hospitality are in these daies weake , because few . Niggardlinesse & Hospitali●● 〈◊〉 . The Spaniard temperate in dyet , the English a glutton . A drunkards followers . Plures occidit ●rapula , quam glad●us . Other Races . Belly-gods . Of Epicurus , from whom sprang that Sect. A Lawyer and his conscience run . A Vicar . A Taylor runs with Pride . Notes for div A20087-e5460 A newes spred . The naturall cause of an earth-quake . The Diuel put in feare when Good-men prosper . Hels Army defeated . Paracelsus de gnomis . Furies are H●ls Beadels , are three in number : Alecto , Tysiphone , and Maegera : to the number of those three Passions which carry vs headlong , viz. Anger , Couetousnesse , and Luxury . Lactantius de verae cultu . Blasphemy the dia els spittle . Schellum in Dutch , a Theife : Wasserhand a Fauning Cur , Names fitting for the Diuell . The Notary dwels in Helstreete in Paris . Notes for div A20087-e6510 The Diuill is Behemah , an Elephant for strength to ouercome and Dornschweyn , a Porcupine for quils , he shoots daily at our soules . A Vayuode is a chiefe Ruler : an Attribute giuen to great Men in those parts of Morauia and Transalpine Hungary . The Legacies . To his children . A Legacy to Ladies . A Legacy to Vsurers . A Legacy to Gallants , that follow him . A Legacy to Puncks of the Cittie . A Legacy to Baudes . A Legacy to Bankrouts . A Legacy to Officers tha● loue him . A Legacy to Brokers . A Legacy for repairing the way to Tyburne . A Legacy to Iaylors . A Legacie to Roaring Boies . A Legacie to the Diuels Ouer-seers . Although there be , Vestigia nulla retrorsa out of Hell , yet you must know hee had a conueiance for that purpose , to haue ingresse and egresse . Rich mens false alarums . Dabh , the Hyaena that digs dead men out of graues to deuoure them Aldip Alambat , is a rauenous or furious Woolfe ▪ Ingratitude , & Hypocrisy borne . Hypocrisyes cloake maker . The picture of an hypocrite . Fistula dulce canit , &c. Ingratitude pictured . Lethargiaest mentis alienatio & ●erum prope omnium obliuio . Torped●aem pistem , siquis attgeril , torpent m●mbra . A Gorgon is a beast euer looking downeward , it eateth serpents , is scaly as a dragon , toothed as a swine : it hath wings to flye , the breath is venemous , the eyes fiery , and strike beholders dead . All which properties belong to the Diuell . Aesop. Fab. 5. Cantharidum succos , dante parente bibas . Ouid . in Ibim . The Man-eating-monster . Anthropophagi were Scythians ( now Tartars ) so called for eating men , & drinking bloud in their sculs . Polyhistor . Canidia a witch of whom Hor. writes . Lamia a letcherous , spirit , that neuer takes rest . a spectre . A Race of vnhapy children . The Masque . The Masquer● Their Masquing apparrell . The Torch-bearers . Their Drum. The Masquers Daunce . What a Catch-poll is . Their Species . Notes for div A20087-e9140 Bermudes called the Iland of Diuels , by reason of the grunting of Swine , heard from thence to the Sea. The Bankrouts banquet . Bondes , a binding meate . Bils , binders too . Statutes dangerous meats . Defeysance cōfortable to the stomacke . Latitats no sweetnesse in them . Hot in the mouth and biting . Attachments a heady-drinke . Outlaries are terrible Purges . Iudgements lie heauy in the stomacke . Executions a very sowre meate and vnwholsome . Ne exeat Regnum good to stay a running . Protections wholesome & comfortable . Men that are forc'd to break are to be pittied . An inuectiue against voluntary and cofening bankerouts . Their good name lost . Who is a Bankrout . The life of a Bankrout . The 〈◊〉 of a Bankrout . The villany of Bankrouts can not be expressed . A20067 ---- A knights coniuring Done in earnest: discouered in iest. By Thomas Dekker. Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1607 Approx. 120 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 41 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A20067 STC 6508 ESTC S105253 99840982 99840982 5532 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A20067) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 5532) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1170:12) A knights coniuring Done in earnest: discouered in iest. By Thomas Dekker. Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. Newes from hell. [82] p. Printed by T[homas] C[reede] for VVilliam Barley, and are to be solde at his shop in Gratious streete, London : 1607. An enlargement of Dekker's "Newes from hell". Printer's name from STC. Signatures: A-K⁴ L² (-L2). The first leaf is blank. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Social life and customs. 2002-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Jennifer Kietzman Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Jennifer Kietzman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A KNIGHTS Coniuring . Done in earnest : Discouered in Iest. By Thomas Dekker . LONDON , Printed by T. C. for VVilliam Barley , and are to be solde at his Shop in Gratious streete ▪ 1607. TO THE VERIE worthy Gentleman , Syr Thomas Glouer , Knight . SIr , the loue I owe your name ( for some fauours by mee receiued from that noble-minded Gentleman ( your kinseman ) wh● is now imploied vpon an honourable voiage into Turky ) makes my labours presume they shal not be vnwelcome to you . If you please to read me ouer , you shall finde much morrall matter in words merily ●et down : and a serious subiect inclosde in applications that ( to some , whose salt of iudgement is taken off ) may appeare but triuiall and ridiculous . The streame of custome ( which flows through al kingdoms amongst schollers in this fashion ) beares mee forward and vp in this boldnes : It being as common to seeke patrons to bookes , as Godfathers to children . Yet the fashion of some patrons ( especially those that doate more vpon mony , who is a common harlot ; then on the Muses who are pure maides , but poore ones ) is to receiue bookes with cold hands & hot liuers : they giue nothing , and yet haue red cheekes for anger , when any thing is giuen to them . I take you ( Sir ) to bee none of that race : the world bestowes vpon you a more worthy Caracter . If the Art of my Pen can ( by any better labour ) heighten yo●r name and memory , you shall find my loue . Most readie to be all , yours , Tho : Dekker . To the Reader . AN Epistle to the Reader , is but the same propertie , that a linck is to a man walking home late : he hopes by that , and good words ( tho he be examined ) to passe without danger , yet when he comes to the gates , if hee meete with a porter that is an Asse , or with a constable , that loues to lay about him with his staffe of authoritie , more then he needes , then let the partie , that stumbles into these prouinces or puddels of ignorance , bee sure either to bee strucke downe with barbarisme ( which cutteth worse then a browne bill ) or to be committed and haue the seuerest censure laide vpon him ; let him bee neuer so well and so ciuilly bound vp in faire behauiour : though hee be a man euen printed in the best complements of courtesie ; tho he giue neuer so many and so sweet languages , yea and haue all the light of vnderstanding to lead him home ; yet those Spirits of the night , will hale him away , and cast him into darkenesse . In the selfe-same scuruey manner doe the world handle poore bookes : when a Reader is intreated to bee curteous , hee growes v●ciuil : if you sue to his worship , and giue him the stile of Candido Lector● ; then hee 's proud , and cries mew : If you write merily , he cals you Bu●●on ; seriously , he swears such stuffe cannot be yours . But the best is , that as in Spaine you shall haue fellowes for a small peece of siluer , take the S●rappado , to endure which torture , another man could not be hyrde with a kingdome ; so they that haue once or twice lyen vpon the rack of publicke censure , of all other deaths , doe least feare that vpon the Presse ▪ Of that Wi●g I hold my selfe one : and therfore ( Reader ) doe I once more stand at the marke of Criticisme ( and of thy bolt ) to bee shot at , I haue Armour enough about mee , that warrants me● not to bee fearefull , and yet so well tempered to my courage , that I will not bee too bolde . Enuie ( in these ciuill warres , ) may hit me , but not hurt mee : Calumny may wound my name , but not kill my labours ; proude of which , my care is the lesse , because I can as proudly boast with the Poet , that Non 〈…〉 bee ●words● mori . Tho : Dekker . A KNIGHTS Coniuring . CHAP. I. To enlarge Golde , there 's a petition writ , The Diuell knowes not how to answer it : Hee chafes to come in print : In which mad Straine , ( Roaring ) hee hea●long runnes to Hell againe . IN one of those mornings of the yere , wherin the Earth breathes out richer pe●fumes then those that prepare the wayes of Princes : by the wholesomnesse of whose Sent , the distempered windes ( purging their able bodies ) ran too and fro , whistling for ioye through the leaues of trees ; whilst the Nightingale sate on the branches complaining against lust ; the Sparrow cherping on the tops of houses , proude that lust ( which he loues ) was maintained there : whilst sheepe lay nibling in the valleys , to teach men hu●mility ; and goates climbing vp to the tops of barren mountaines , browzed there vpon weedes and barkes of trees , to shew the misery of Ambition : Iust at that time when Lambes were wanton as yong wiues , but not lasciuious ▪ when shepherds had care to feede their flockes , but not to fliec● them : when the Larke had with his musicke calld vp the Sun , and the Sun with his light , started vp the husband man : then , euen ●hen , when it was a morning to tempt Ioue to leap from heauen , & to goe a wenching ; or to make wenc●●s leaue their softe beds , to haue greene gownes geuen them in the fields . Behold on a sudden the caues where the most vnruly and boisterous windes lay imprisoned , were violently burst open : they being got loose ; the waters roard with feare of that insurrection , the element shot out thunder in disdayne of their threatning : the sturdiest oakes were thē glad to bow & stand quiuering ; onely the haw-thorne & the bryer for their humblenes were out of danger : So dreadfull a furie lead forth this tempest , that had not the Rainebowt beene a watermarke to the world , Men would haue looked for a second Deluge : for showre came downe so ●ast , as if all clowdes had bin distild into water , & would haue hid their curled heads in the Sea , whilst the waues ( in corne to see themselues so beaten downe ) boylde vp to such height , as if they meant that all men should swarm in heauen , and shippes to sayle in the Skie . To make these terrors more heauie , the Sun pulld in his head , and durst not be seene , darknes then in ●riumph , spred her pitchie wings , and lay vpon all the earth : the blacknes of Night was doubled vpon high Noone : Beasts ( beeing not wont to beholde such sightes , ) bellowed and were mad : women ran out of their wits , children into their mothers bosomes : Men were amazed ▪ and held vp their hands to heauen , yet were verilie perswaded that heauen was consumde to nothing , because they could not see it : but to put them out of that error , Ioue threwe downe his forked dartes of lightning so thickly , that ●imple fellowes swore there could bee no more fire left in heauen : So that the world shewd as if it had bin halfe drowning , and halfe burning : the waters striuing to haue victory ouer the flames ▪ and they sweating as fast to drink dri● the waters . To conclude , this Tragedie was so long a playing , & was so dismall , the Scoene was so turbulent and was so affrighting : This battaile of Elements , bred such another Chaos , that ( not to bee ashamde to borrow the wordes of so rare an English Spirit , ) Did not GOD say Another Fiat , It had n'ere been day . The storme beeing at rest , what buying vp of Almanacks was there to see if the weather-casters had playd the Doctors to a haire , & told this terrible disease of Nature right or no : but there could be found no such matter : the celestiall bodies for any thing St●r-ca●chers knew , were in very good health : the 12. Signes were not beaten downe from any of the houses in heauen : the Sun lookt with as cherry cheekes as euer he did : the Moone with as plump a face : It could not be found by all the figures which their Prognostications cast vp their accounts by , that any such heauy reckoning was due to the wickednes of the world : whervpon all men stood staring one in anothers face , not knowing how to turne this hard matter into good English. At length , the gun-powder was smelt out , and the trayne discouered . It was knowne for certain , that ( tho there was no pla●e lost ) there was coniuring abroad , and therefore that was the dambd diuell in the vault that digd vp all this mischiefe . But wherabouts think you , was this Coniuring ? Mary it goes for currant all ouer Powles church-yard ( and I hope there comes no lies ) that this Coniuring was about a Knight . It was not ( let me tell you ) a Knight of worship , or a Knight that goes by water , or rides by land to Westminster : but it was a Westminster-hall knight , a swearing knight , or ( not to allow him that honor , for hee is no true knight that cannot ●weare ) this was a knight forsworne , a poore knight , a periurde knight , a knight of the Po●● . This yeoman of both Counters , had long agoe bin sen● with a letter to the Diuell , but no answere could euer be heard off : so that some mad fellowes layd their heads together , & swore to fetch him from Hell with a vengeance , and for that cause kept they thi● Coniuring . The occasion of sending the letter grew thus : the temple of the Muses ( for want of looking to ) falling to decay , & many ( that seemd to hate Bar●arisme and Ignor ance ) beeing desirous to set workmen about it , and to repaire it , but hauing other buildings of their owne in hand , vtterly gaue it ouer . A Common Councell was therfore call'd of all those that liu'de by their witts , and such as were of the liuery of Learning , amongst whom , it was found necessarie , ( sithence those that had mony enough were loath to part from it , ) that to ease the priuate puise , a generall subsidy as it were , should be leuyed through all the Worlde , for the raizing of such a competent Summe as might maintaine the saide Almes-house of the Nine Systers , in good fashion , and keepe it from falling . The collectors of this money , labourde till they swet●e , but the Haruest would not come in , nothing could bee gathered . Gentlemen swore by their bloud , & by the tombs of their ancestors , they would not lay out a peny : they had nothing to doe ( they said ) with the Muses , they were meere strangers to them , and why should they be assessed to paye any thing towards the reliefe of such lazy companions ? there was no wit in it . A number of Noble men were of the same opinion . As for Lawyers , they knew there was no Statute in anie Kings time , could compell them to disburse ; & besides they were euery day purchasing thēselues , so that it were folly to looke for any mony from them . Soldiers swore by their Armes ( which were most lamentablie out at elbowes ) that they would be glad of mony to bu●prouant : Peace they said , had made them begg●r and suffered them almost to starue in her streetes yet some of them went vpon lame wodden legs , because their Country might goe sound and vpright vpon their own : they ( pore wretches ) wanted Action , and yet had a number of Actions against them , yea & were ebbed so lowe , that Captens gaue ouer their charges , & were lead by Serieants , no siluer therefore could be coynde out of them . Schollers could haue found in their hearts to haue made mony of their bookes , gownes , corner caps , & bedding , to haue payde their share towards this worke of Charitie , but men held all that was theirs ( howe good soeuer , ) in such vile contēpt , that not euen those who vpon a good pawne will lend money to the Diuell , ( I meane Brokers ) would to them part with any coyne , vpon any Interest , so much did they hate the poore wenches and their followers . This matter beeing openly complainde vpon , at the Parliament of the Gods , It was there presently enacted , that Apollo ( out of whose brayne Wisemen come into the world ) shuld with all speed descend , and preuent this mischiefe : least Sacred Knowledge , hauing her Intellectuall soule banished from the earth , hauing no house to dwel in there , the earth should ( as of necessity it would ) turne into the first Chaos , and Men into Gyants , to fight againe with the Gods. Mercury likewise , for the same purpose , was forthwith sent from the whole Synode , as Embassadour to Plutus ( who is mon●ymaister of those Lowe Countreyes of Lymbo ) to ●●rswade him by all the eloquence that Hermes co●ld vse , that Gold might be suffred to haue a little more liberty : And that schollers for want of his sweete and royall company , might not be driuen to walk in thred-bare cloakes , to the dishonor of Learning ; nor goe all their life time with a lanthorne & candle to find the Philosophers stone ( out of which they are able if they could hit it , to strike such sparks of gold , that all the world should be the wa●mer for it , nay to begger the Iudges ) yet in the end to die arra●t beggers themselues . For you must vnderstand , that tho the Muses are held of no reckoning here vpon earth , but are set below the Salt , when Asses sit at the vpper ende of the table , yet are they borne of a heauenlie race , and are most welcome guests euen to the banquets of the Gods. The diuine Singer ( Apollo ) according to the Decree of the Coelestiall vpper House , is now aliue come vpon earth : the fountaines of Science flowe ( by his influence ) & swell to the brim : Baye trees to make garlandes for Learning , are newe set , and alreadie are greene , the Muses haue fresh cullours in their cheekes ; their Temple is promised to be made more faire : there is good hope that Ignorance shall no longer weare Sattin . But for all this , Mercury with all his Coniuring , cannot raise vp the yellowe spi●it of Gold out of Hell , so perfectly as was expected : he puts vp his bright & a●ia●le face aboue ground , and shrincks it downe againe , ere one can ca●●●e him by the lockes . Which mockery the world taking note of , a mad Greeke that had drunk of the Holy water , and was full of the Diuine Furie , taking a deep bowle of the Helliconian liquor in his hands , did in a brauery write a Supplication in the behalfe of Gold for his enlargement , vowing that hee would spend all his bloud into yncke , and his braines to cotton , but he would haue an answere , and not according to the manner of Suiters , bee borne off with delayes . The petition being ingrossed , he thought none could run faster to hell , nor be sooner let in there , then either a Pander , a Broker , or a knight of the Post , had made choise therfore of the last because of his name , & sent it by him , who belike hauing much to doe with the Diuell , could not of a long time be heard of , and for that cause was all that Coniuring , which I spoke of before . Wherevpon ( entring into consideration , what shifts and shapes men run into , what basenes they put on , through what dangers they venture , hold much of their fames , their conscience , their liues , yea of their houses , they will laye out to purchase that piece of Heauenly earth ( Golde , ) the strange Magick of it draue me straight into a strange admiration . I perceiu'de it to be a witch-craft beyond mans power to contend with : a Torrent whose winding creekes were not with safety to be searcht out : a poyson that had a thousand contrarie workings on a thousand bodies : for it turnes those that keepe it prisoner in chests , into Slaues , and Idolaters , they make it their god and worship it ; and yet euen those that become such Slaues vnto it , doth it make soueraine commanders ouer a world of people : some for the loue of it would pluck downe heauen , others to ouertake it , runne quick to hell . But ( alas ) if a good head hammer out these Ir●ns with skill , they are not so hard : It is not so monstrous a birth to see Gol● create men so de●ormed : for this strompet the world hath tricks as wanton as these : he that euery night lyes by the sides of one fairer then Vulcans wife , hath been taken the next morning in the Sheetes of a Blackamore : Nay euen in those currants that run fullest of Ceremony , there 's a flowing ouer of Apishnes and folly : for ( like Riders of great horses ) all our Courses are but Figures of 8 : the end of one giddie Circle , is but a falling into a worse , & that to which on this day we allow a religiou● obseruance , to morrowe doe we make the selfe-same thing ridiculous , For you see at the end of great Battailes wee fall to burie the dead , and at the ende of Burialls , wee sit downe to Banquets : when banquets haue beene playd about , Drinking is the next weapon ; from the fire o● drinking , flames out Quarrell ; Quarrell breakes forth into Fighting , and the streame of Fighting runn●s into Bloud . This Forr●st of Man and beast ( the World ) beeing then so wilde , and the most perfect Circles of it , drawne so irregualler 〈◊〉 It can be no great sawcines in me , if snatching the Constables staffe out of his hand , I take vpon mee to make a busie priuy s●●rch in the Suburbs of Sathan , for the supplication-caryer , and to publish the answer to the world , that should come with him . Into the which troublesome sea , I am the more desperatly bold to lanch forth , & to hoyst vp the full sailes of my inuētion , because ( as Rumor goes gossiping vp and downe ) great wagers were laide in the worlde , &c : that when the supplication was sent , it would not be receiued , or if receiued , it would not be reade ouer ; or if read ouer , it would not be answered : ●or Mammon beeing the god of no beggers , but Burgomasters & rich Cormorāts , was worse thought of then he deserued : Euery man that did but passe through Pauls church-yard , & had but a glance at the title of the petition , would haue betted ten to fiue , that the Diuell would hardly , ( like a Lawyer in a busy Terme ) be spoken with , because his Client had not a penny to pay Fees , but sued in Forma pauperis . Had it bene a Challenge , it is cleare , he would haue answered it : for hee was the first that kept a Fence schoole , when Cayn was aliue , and taught him that Embrocado , by which he kild his brother : Since which time , he hath made ten thousand Freeschollers as cunning as Cayn . At sword and buckler , little Dauy was no body to him , and as for Rapier & Dagger , the Germane may be his iourneyman . Mary the question is , in which of the Playhouses he would haue performed his Prize , if it had growne to blowes , & whether the money being gathered , hee would haue cozende the Fencers , or the Fencers him , because Hell beeing vnder euerie one of their Stages , the Players ( if they had owed him a spight ) might with a false trap-dore haue slipt him down , & there haue kept him as a laughing-stock to all their yawning Spectators . Or had his I●●er●allship ben arrested to any action how great so euer , all the Lawe in Westminster●hall could not haue kept him from appearing to it ( for the Diuell scornes to be nonsuited ) he would haue answered that too : But the mischiefe would haue beene , where should hee haue got anie that would haue pleaded for him ? who could haue endured to see such a dānable Cliant euery morning in his chamber ? what waterman ( for double his fare ) would haue landed him at the Temple , but rather haue strucke in at White-Fryers , & left him there a shore with a Poxe to him ? Tush : there was no such matter , the streame hee was to enter into , was not so daungero●s , this Coyner of Light Angels knewe well enough how the Exchaunge went , he had but bare words lent vnto him , and to pay bare wordes againe ( though with some Interest ) it could be no losse . He resolued therefore to aunswere his humble Orator : But being himselfe no● brought vp to learning ( for the Diuell can neither write not reade ) yet he has ben at all the Vniuersities in Christendom , & throwne dānable Heresies ( like bo●es for dogges to gnaw vpon , amongst the Doctors themselues : ) but hauing no skill but in his owne Horne booke , it troubled his mind where he should get a pen-man fit for his tooth to scrible for him , all the Scriueners i●th towne he had at his becke , but they were so set a worke with making bonds betweene Vsurers and Vnthristy heyres , between Marcha●ts and Trades-men , ( that to couzen and vndoe others , turne Bank-rowtes themselues , and defeate Cred●●ouis ) and with drawing close conueyances betweene Land-lordes and Bawdes , that nowe sit no longer vpon the Skyrtes of the Cittie , but iette vp vp and downe , euen in the cloake of the Cittie , and giue more rent for a house , then the prowdest London occupyer of them all , that Don Lucifer was loath to take them from their Nouerints , because in the ende he knewe they were but his Factors , and that he should be a part-owner in their lading , himselfe ; Lawiers clarks were so durtied vp to the hammes , with trudging vp & downe to get pelfe , & with fishing for gudgeons , and so wrung poore ignorant Clyents purses , with exacting vnreasonable Fees , that the Paye-maister of Perdition would by no meanes take them from their wide lines , and bursten-bellyed straggling ●ffs , but stroking them vnder the chinnes , calld them his white boyes , and tolde them he would empty the ynkepot of some others . Whether then marches Monsieur Malefico ? Mary to all the wryting Schoole-maisters of the towne , he tooke them by the fists , and lik'de their handes exceedingly ( for some of them had ten or twelue seuerall hands , and co●ld counterfeit any thing , but perceiuing by the copies of their countenances , that for all their good letters , they writ abominable bad English , & that the world would thinke the Diuell a Dunce , if there came false Orthographi● from him ( though ●here be no truth in his budget ) away hee gallops from those tell-tales ( the Schoolmaisters ) damning himselfe to the pit of Hell , if any scribling petition wryter , should euer get a good word at his hands . I hearing this , and fearing that the poore Suppliant should loose his longing , and be sent away with Sinihilattuleris , resolued to doe that for nothing , which a number would not for any mony . I sell to my ●ooles , ( pen , ink , and paper ) roundlie , but the Headward●n of the Horners ( Signior Beco Dia●olo ) after hee had cast vp what lay in his stomack , suspecting that I came rather as a spie to betraye him , then as a spirit to runne of his errands , and that I was more likely to haue him to Barber Surgeons hall , there to Anatomize him , then to a Barbers shop to trimme him neately , would by no meanes haue the answere go forward : Notwithstanding , hauing examined him vpon Interrogatories , and thereby sifting him to the very bran , I swore by Hellicon , ( which hee could neuer abide ) that beca●●e t' is out of fashion to bring a Diuell vpon the Stage , be should ( spite of his spitting fire and Brimstone , ) be a Diuell in print . Inraged at which , he flu●g away in a furie , and leapt into Barathrum , whil'st I mustred all my wits about mee , to fight against this Captaine of the damned Crewe , and discouer ●is Stratagems . CHAP. II. Don Luciser● acquaintance soone is got , At London or at Westminster : where not ? Hells Map is drawne , In which it does appeare , Where Hell does lye , and who they are , liue there . WOnder is the daughter of Ignorance , none bu●●ooles will maruell , how I and this Grand Sophy of the whore of Babilon came to be to familiar together , or how we met , or howe I knewe where to find him , or what Charmes I carried about mee whil'st I talkt with him , or where ( if one had occasion to vse his Diuellsh●p ) a Porter might fetch him with a wet finger . Tush , these are silly inquisitions ; his acquaintance is more cheape , then a common Fidlers ; his lodging is more knowne then an English bawdes , a midwiues , or a phisitions ; and his walkes more open to all Nations , thē those vpon the Exchange , where at euery step a man is put in mind of Babell , there is such a confusion of languages . For in the Terme time , my Cauailiero Cornuto runs sweating vp & downe between Temple barre & Westminster hall , in the habite of a knight Errant , a swearing knight , or a knight of the Poste : All the Vacation you may either meet him at the Dycing Ordinaryes , like a Captaine , at Cockpits , like a young countrey Gentleman ; or else at Bowling-Alleys in a flat cap , like a shopkeeper : euery market day you may take him in Cheap ●side , poorely attyrde like an Ingrosser , and in the afternoones , in the two peny● roomes of a Play-house , like a Puny , seated Check by Iowle with a Punke : In the heate of Sommer hee commonlie turnes Intelligencer , and carries tales betweene the Arch-duke and the Graue : In the depth of Winter , hee sits tipling with the Flemmings in their townes of Garrison . Hauing therefore ( as Chamber-maides vse to doe for their Ladies faces ouer night ) make ready my cullors , the pencell being in my hand , my Carde lined , my Needle ( that capers ouer two and thirty pointes of the Compas ) toucht to the quicke , East , West , North , and Sout● , the foure Trumpetters of the Worlde , that neuer blowe themselues out of breath , like foure dropsie Dutch Captaines standing Cent●nells in their quarters , I will ingenuously and boldely giue you the Map of a country , that lyes lower then the 17. valleys of Be●gia , yea lower then the Cole-pits of Newe castle , is farre more darke , farre more dreadfull , and fuller of knauerie , then the Colliers of those fire-workes are . The name of this straunge Countrey is Hell , In disouery of which , the Quality of the kingdom , the condition of the Prince , the estate of the people , the Traffique thither , ( marie no transporting of goods from thence ) shall be painted to the life . It is an Empire , that lyes vnder the Torria Zone , and by that meanes is hotter at Christmas , then t' is in Spaine or France ( which are counted plaguy hotte Countreyes ) at Midsommer , or in England when the Dogge-daies bite sorest : for to saie truth ( because t' is sinne to belye t'i●s● Dinell ) the Vniuersall Region is built altogether vppon Stoues and Hotte-houses , you cannot set loote into it , but you haue a Fieri facias seru'de vpon you : for like the Glasse-house Furnace in Blacke-friers , the bone-fires that are kept there , neuer goe out ; insomuch that all the Inhabitants are almost broyld like Carbonadoes with the sweatting sicknes , but the best is , ( or rather the worst ) none of them die on 't . And such dangerous hot shortes are all the women there , that whosoeuer meddles with anie of them is sure to be burnt : It stands farther off then the Indies : yet to see the wonderfull power of Nauigation , if you haue but a side-winde , you may ●aile sooner thither , than a married man can vpon St ; Lukes day to Cuckolds hauen , from St : Katherins , which vpon sound experience , and ●y the opinion of many good Marriners , may be done in lesse than haife an hower . If you trauell by land to it , the wayes a●e de●icate , euen , spatious , and very faire , but toward the end● very fowle : the pathes are beaten more ba●e then the liuing ; of Church-men . Y●u neuer , turne , when you are trauelling thither , but keepe altogether on the left hand , so that you cannot lose your selfe , vnlesse you desperately doe it of purpose . The miles are not halfe so long as those betweene Colchester & Ipswich in England , nor a quarter so durty in the wrath of Winter , as your Fren●● miles are at the fall of the leafe . Some say , it is an Iland , embrac'de about with certaine Riuers , called the waters of Sorrowe : Others proue by infallible Demonstration , that t' is a Continent , but so little beholding to Heauen , that the Sunne neuer comes amongst them . Howe so euer it be , this is certaine , that t' is exceeding rich , for all Vsurers both Iewes and Christians , after they haue made away their Soules for money here , meete with them there againe : You haue of all Trades , of all Professions , of all States some there : you haue Popes there , aswell as here : Lords there , as well as here : Knights there , as well as here : Aldermen there , as well as here : Ladies there , as well as here : Lawyers there , as wel as here : Souldiers marche there by myllions , so doe Citizens , so doe Farmers , very fewe Poets can be suffered to liue there , the Colonell of Coniurers dryues them out of his Circle , because hee feares they 'le wryte Libells against him : yet some pitti●ull fellowes ( that haue faces like fire-drakes , but wittes colde as whetstones , and more blunt ) not Poets indeed , but ballad makers , rub out there , & write Infernalls : Marrie players swarme there as they doe heere , whose occupation beeing smelt out , by the Cacodaemon , or head Officer of the Countrey , to be lucratiue , hee purposes to make vp a companie , and to be chiefe sharer himselfe , De quibus su● loc● , of whose doings you shall heare more by the next Carrier : but heere 's the mischiefe , you may finde the waye thither , though you were blinder then Super stition , you may be set ashore there , for lesse then a Scullers fare : Any Vinteners boye , that has beene cup-bearer to one of the 7. deadly sinnes but halfe his yeeres , any Marchant of maiden-heads , that brings commodities out of Virginia , can direct you thither : But neither they , nor the weather-beatenst Cosmographicall Starre-catcher of em all , can take his oath , that it lyes iust vnder such an Horizon , whereby manie are brought into a Fooles Paradice , by gladlie beleeuing that either ther 's no such place at all , or els that t' is built by Inchauntment , and stands vpon Fayrie ground , by reason such pinching and nipping is known to be there , and that how well-fauoured soeuer wee departe hence , we are turn'd to Changelings , if we tarry there but a minute . These Territories , notwithstanding of Tartarie , will I vndermine and blowe vp to the viewe of all eyes , the blacke and dismall shores of this Phlegetonticke Ocean , shal be in ken , as plainly as the white ( now vnmaidend brests of our own Iland ) China , Peru , and Cartagena , were neuer so ri●led : the winnings of Cales , was nothing to the winning of this Troy that 's all on fire : the very bowels of these Infernall Antipodes , shal be ript vp , and pull'd out , before that great Dego of Diuells his owne face : Nay , since my flag of defiance is hung forth , I will yeelde to no truce , but with such Tamburlaine-like furie , march against this great Turke , and his legions , that Don Beelzehub shall be ready to damme himselfe , and be horne-mad : for with the coniuring of my pen , all Hell shall breake loose . Assist mee therefore , thou Genius of that ventrous , but iealous Musicion of Thrace ( Euridices husband , ) who beeing besotted on his wife , ( of which sin none but Cuckoldes should be guiltie ) went aliue ( with his Fiddle at 's backe ) to see if hee could baile her out of that Adamantine pri●on ; the fees he was to pay for her , were Iigs and countrey daunces : he paid them : the forfeits , if he put on yellow stockings , & look't back vpon her , was her euerlasting lying there , without bayle or Mayne-prize : the louing Coxcomb could not choose but looke backe , and so lost her , ( perhaps hee did it , because he would be rid of her . ) The Morall of which is , that if a man leaue his owne busines , and haue an eye to his wiues dooings , shee le giue him the slip , though she runne to the Diuell for her labour . Such a iourney ( sweet Orpheus ) am I to vndertake , but Ioue forbid my occasion shuld be like thine , for if the Marshall himselfe should rake Hell for wenches , he could not finde worse , ( no nor so bad ) there , as are heere vpon earth . It were pitie that any woman should be damn'd , for she would haue trickes ( once in a moone , ) to put the Diue I out of his wits . Thou ( most cleare throated singlngman , ) with thy Harpe , ( to the twinckling of which , inferior Spirits skipt like Goates ou● the Welsh mountaines ) hadst priuiledge , because tho● wert a Fiddler to be sawcy , & to passe and repass● through euery roome and into euery noo● 〈◊〉 the Diuels wine-celler : Inspire mee therefore with thy cunning that carryed thee thither , and thy courage that brought thee from thence , teache mee which way thou went'st in , and howe thou scapt'st out , guide me in true fingering , that I may strike those tunes which thou plaid'st , ( euery dinner and supper ) before that Emperor of Lowe Germanie , and the brabbling States vnder him : Lucifer himselfe danced a Lancashire Horne-pipe , whil'st thou wert there . If I can but Harpe vppon thy string , he shall now for my pleasure tickle vp the Spanish Pauin . I will call vppon no Midwiues to help me in those Throws , which ( after my braines are fallen in labour ) I must suffer , ( yet Midwiues may be had vp at all howers , ) nor vpon any coniurer , ( yet Coniurers thou know'st , are fellowe and fellow-like , with Mounsieur Malediction , as Puncks are , who raise him likewise vp continually in their Circaean Circles ) or as Brokers are , who both day and night studie the blacke Arte : No , no , ( thou Mr : of thy Musicall companie , ) I sue to none , ( but to thee , because of thy Prick-song : ) For Poetrie ( like Honestie and olde Souldiers ) goes vpon lame feete , vnlesse there be musicke in her . But the best is , Facilis descensus Auerni , It 's but slipping downe a hill , and you shall fall into the Diuells lappe presently . And that 's the reason , ( because his Sinfulnesse is so double diligent , as to bee at your elbowe with a call , wherein he giues good examples to Drawers , if they had grace to followe his steppes ) that you swallow downe that Newes first , which should be eaten last : For you see at the beginning , the Diuell is read●e to open his mouth for an Answere , before his howre is come to be set to the Barre . Since therefore , a Tale of the whole voyage would make any liquorish mouth'd News-monger like his lippes after it , no mans teeth shall water any longer , hee shall haue it ; for a very briefe Cronicle shall be gathered , of all the memorable occurrents , that presented themselues to the view of our wandring Knight in his iorney , the second part of Erra Paters Almanack , whose shooes Platoes Cap was not worthie to wipe , shall come forth , and without lying , ( as you Calendermongers vse to doe , ) tell what weather wee had all the way he went , to a drop of raine : wee will not loose him from the first minute of his iumping a ship-bo●●d , to the last of his leaping a shore , and arriuall at Tamor Chams Court ( his good Lord and Maister ) the Diuell . CHAP. III. Hells Post through London rydes : by a mad crewe , Hee s calld into a Tauerne : In which view They drinke and raile : each of them by the Post Sends a strange message to his Fathers Ghost . THe Post therefore , hauing put vp his packet , blowes his horne , & gallops all the way like a Citizen , so soone as euer hee 's on horseback , downe to Billingsgate , for he meant when the Tide seru'de to angle for Soules , and some other fresh fish in that goodly fish-pond the Thames , as he passed ouer it , in Grauesend-barge : that was the water-coach he would ride in , there he knewe he should meet with some voluntaries that would venture along with him : In this passage through the Citty , what a number of Lord Mayors , Aldermens , and rich Commoners sonnes & heires kept hollowing out at Tauernwindows to our knight , and wafted him to their Gascoigne shores , with their hats only ( for they had molten away all their feathers ) to haue him strike fayle , and come vp to them : he vaild , and did so : their phantastick salutations being complemented , with much intreatie ( because hee stood vppon thornes ) hee was aduaunc'd ( in regard of his Knighthood ) to the vpper end of the b●ord : you must take out your writing tables , and note by the way , that euery roome of the house was a Cage full of such wilde fowle , Et crimine ab vno disce omnes , cut vp one , cut vp all , they were birdes all of a beake , not a Woodcocks difference among twenty douzen of them ; euery man had before him a bale of dice , by his side a brace of Punks , & in his fist a nest of bowls . It was spring-tide sure , for all were full to the brimmes , with French beeing turn'd into English , ( for they swum vp and downe the Riuer of Burdeux ) signified thus much , that dycing , drinking , and drabbing , ( like the three seditious Iewes in Ierusalem , ) were the ciuil plagues that very vnciuily destroied the Sonnes ( but not the sinnes ) of the Cittie . The bloud of the grape comming vp into their cheeks , it was hard to iudge , whether they blushed to see themselues in such a pickle , or lookt red with anger , one at another : but the troth is , their faces would take any dye but a blush ●colour , and they were not made of the right mettle of courage to be angry , but their wits ( like wheeles in Brunswick clocks ) being all wound vp , so farre as they could stretch , were all going , but not one going truely . For some curst their byrth , some their bringing vp , some rayled vpon their owne Nation , others vpon Strangers . At the last , one of these Acolasti , playing at doublets with his pue-fellowe , ( which they might well doe , being almost driuen to their shyrtes , ) and hearing vpon what Theame the rest sung Ex tempore , out-draws his ponyard , and stabbing the tables , as if he meant to haue murder'd the thirty men , swore he could find in his heart to goe presently ( hauing drunk vpsy Dutch , ) & pisse euen vppon the Curmudgion his Fathers graue : for , sayes hee , no man has more vndone me , than hee that has done most for me , I le stand too 't , it 's better to be the sonne of a Cobler , then of a common councell man : if a Coblers sonne and heyre run out at heeles , the whoreson patch may mend himselfe ; but wee , whose friendes leaue vs well , are like howre-glasses turn'de vp , though wee be neuer so full , wee neuer leaue running , till wee haue emptied our selues , to make vp the mouthes of slaues , that for gayne are content to lye vnder vs , like Spaniels , fawning , and receiue what falls from our superfluity . Who ●reedes this disease , in our bones ? Whores ? No , alack let 's doe them right , t' is not their fault , but our mothers , our cockering mothers , who for their labour make vs to be calld Cockneys , or to hit it home indeed , those golden Asses our Fathers . It is the olde Man , it is Adam , that layes a curse vppon his Posteritie : As for my Dad , t' is well knowne , hee had hippes reeling at Sea , ( the vnlading of which giues me my loade nowe , and makes me stagger on land , ) hee had ploughes to teare vp dere yeres out of the guts of the earth i' th countrey , and Yeomens sonnes , North countreymen , fellowes ( that might haue beene Yeomen of the Guard for feeding ) great boyes with beards , whom he tooke to be Prentizes , ( mary neuer any of them had the grace to be free , ) and those lads like Sarieants ) tore out mens throates for him to got money in the Citie : hee was richer then Midas , but more wretched then an Alchumist : so couetous that in gardning time , because hee would not be at the cost of a loade of Earth , hee par'de not his nailes for seuen yeeres together , to the intent the durte that hee filch't vnder them , should serue for that purpose : So that they hung ouer his Fingers , like so many shooing-hornes : doe but imagine how farre euer any man ventred into hell for money , and my Father went a foote farder by the standard , and why did he this , thinke you ? he was so sparing , that hee would not spend so much time as went to the making vp of another childe , so that all was for mee , he cozen'd young Gentlemen of their Land , onely for mee , had acres morgag'd to him by wise-acres , for ● . hundred poūds , payde in hobby-horses , dogges , bells , and lute-strings , which if they had bene sold by the dru● , or at an out-rop , with the crye , of No man better ? would neuer haue yeelded 50. li. and this hee did only for mee , he built a Pharos , or rather a Block-house beyond the gallows at Wapping , to which the blacke fleete of Cole-carriers that came from Newcastle , strooke faile , were brought a bed , and discharg'de their great bellies there , like whores in hugger-mugger , at the common price , with twelue pence in a chauldern ouer & aboue , thereby to make the common wealth blowe her nayles till they ak'de for colde , vnlesse she gaue money to sit by his fire , onely for mee : the poore curst him with bell , booke and candle , till he lookt blacker with their execration , thē if he had bin blasted , but he car'de not what dogges bark't at him , so long as they bit not me : his hous-keeping was worse then an Irish Kernes , a Rat could not cōmit a Rape vpon the paring of a moldy cheese , but he died for 't , only for mysake , the leane lade Hungarian would not lay out a penny pot of sack for himselfe , though he had eaten stincking fresh herring able to poyson a dog , onely for me , because his son & heire should drink egges and muskadine , when he lay rotting . To conclude , hee made no conscience , to run quick to the Diuel of an errand , so I had sent him . Might not my father haue beene begg'd ( thinke you ) better thē a number of scuruy things that are begd ? I am perswaded , fooles would be a rich Monopolie , if a wise man had em in hand : would they had begunne with him , I le be sworne , he was a fat one : for had he fild my pockets with siluer , and the least corner of my coxcomb with wit how to saue that siluer , I might haue beene cald vpon by this , wheras now I am ready to giue vp my cloake : Had he set me to Gr●ner-schoo●e , as I set my selfe to dancing schoole , in stead of treading Carontoes , & making Fidlers fat with rumps of capōs , I had by this time read Homilyes , and fed vpon Tith-pigs of my owne v●caridge , whereas now , I am ready to get into the Pr●digals seruice , and cat loues nuts , that 's to say , Acorns with swine : But men that are wisest for officers , are commonly arrand woodcocks , for Fathers : He that prouides liuing for his child , and robs him of learning , turnes him into a Beetle , that flies from perfumes and sweet Odours , to feed on a cow-sheard ; all such rich mēs darlings are either christened by some left-handed Priest , or els born vnder a threepeny Planet , and then they 'le neuer be worth a groat , though they were left Landlords of the Indies . I confesse , when all my golden veines were shrunk vp , & the bottome of my Patrimony came within 200. pound of vnraueling , I could for all that haue bin dub'd : But when I saw how mine vncle plaid at chesse , I had no stomack to be knighted . Why , sayes the Post ? Mary quoth he , because when I prepar'd to fight a battaile on the Chesse-board , a Knight was alwaies better then a Pawne : but the Vsurer mine vncle made it playne , that a good pa●ne nowe was better then a Knight . At this the whole Chorus , summos mouere Cachinnos , laught till they grind agen , and call'd for a fresh gallon , all of them falling on their knees , & drawing out siluer & guilt rapiers , the onely monumēts that were left of hundreds & thousands in Pecunijs numeratis . swore they would drinke vp these in deepe Healthes , to their howling Fathers , so they might be sure the pledging should choake them , because they brought them into the Inne of the World , but left them not enough to pay their ryotous reckonings , at their going out . The knight was glad he should carry such welcome newes with him , as these , to the clouen-footed Synagogue , & tickled with immoderate ioye , to see the world runne vpon such rotten wheeles . Whervpō pleading the necessity of his departure , he began first to run ouer his Alphabet of Congees , & thē with a French Basilez , slipt our of their cōpany . But they knowing to what cape he was bound , būg vpon him , like so many beggers on an Almoner , importing , and coniuring him , by the loue he did owe to Knight-hood , and Armes , and by his oath , to take vp doun-cast Ladies , whom they had there in their companyes , and whom they were bound in Nature & humanity to relieue : that hee wold signi●y to their fathershow course the threed of life fell out to be nowe towards the Fagge en●e : therfore , if any of them had ( inth'daies of 〈◊〉 abomination , and idolatry to money ) bound the spirit of gold , by any charmes , in Caues , or in iron setters vnder the groūd , they should for their own soules quiet , ( which questionlesse els would whine vp & down ) if not for the good of their childrē , release it , to set vp their decay'd estates . Or if ther had bin no such coniuring in their life times , that they wold take vp money of the Diuel ( thogh they forfeyted their bondes , and lay by it for euer , or els get leaue with a keeper , to trie how much they might be trusted for among their olde customers vppon earth , thogh within two dayes after , they proued Bankrupts by Proclamation . The Post-maister of Hell plainly told them , that if any so seditious a fellow as Golge , were cast in prison : their fathers would neuer giue their consent to haue him ransom'd : because ther 's more greedines among them below , then can be in the Hyeland-countreys aboue : so that if all the Lordships in Europ were ofsfred in Morgage for a quarter their value , not so much as 13. pence half penie can be had from thence , though a man would hang himselfe for it : And as for their Fathers walking abroad with keepers , alas they lye there vpon such heauy Ex●cutions , that they cannot get out for their soules . Hee counsells them therefore to draw arrowes out of another quiuer , for that those markes stand out of their reache , the groūd of which counsell , they all vow to trauerse : Some of them resoluing to cast out liquorish baits , to catch old ▪ ( but fleshly ) wealthy widdowes , the fire of which Sophysticated loue , they make account shal not go out , so long as any drops of gold can be distilld from them : Others sweare to liue and dye in a man of W●re , though such kinde of Theeuery be more stale then Seabeefe : the rest that haue not the hearts to shead bloud , hauing reasonable stockes of wit , meanes to imploy em in the sinnes of the Suburbs , though the Poxelyes there as deaths Legyer : For since● Man is the clocke of Time , they 'le all be Tymes Sextens , and set the Dyall to what howres they list . Our Vaunt ' currer applauded the lots which they drew for themselues , and offred to pay some of the Tauern Items : but they protesting he should not spend a Baw-bee , as hee was true knight consedere Duces , they sate downe to their Wine , and he hasted to the water . CHAP. IIII. Hells Post lands at Graues-end : see 's Dunkirk , France , And Spayne : then vp to Venice does aduance : At last hee comes to the Banck-side of Hell : Of Charon and his boate , strange newes doth tell . BY this time is he lāded at Grauesend , ( for they whom the Diuell dryues , feele no Lead at their heeles , ) what stuffe came along with him in the Barge , was so base in the weauing , that t' is too bad to be set out to sale : It was onely Luggadge , therefore throwe it ouerboord . From thence hoysting vp saile into the Maine , he struck in among the Dunkerks , where hee encountred such a number of all Nations , with the dregs of all Kingdomes , vices dropping vpon them , and so like the Blacke-Gentleman his Maister , that hee had almost thought himselfe at home , so neere do those that lye in Garrison there , resemble the Desperuatoes that fill vp Plut●es Muster-booke : But his head beating on a thousand Anuiles , the scolding of the Cannon drew him speedily frō thence : So that creeping vp along by the ranke Flemmish shores ( like an Eues dropper ) to whisper out what the brabbling was , he onely set downe a note for his memorie , that the States sucking Poyson out of the sweete flowers of Peace , but keeping their coffers sound and healthfull by the bitter Pills of Warre , made their coun●rey a pointing stocke to other Nations , and a miserable Anatomie to themselues . The next place he call'd in at , was France , where the Gentlemen , to make Apes of Englishmen , whom they tooke daylie practising all the foolish tricks of fashions after their Mounsieur-ships , with yards in steede of Leading Staues , mustred all the French Taylors together , who , by reason they had thin haire , wore thimbles on their heads , in stead of I 〈◊〉 caps , euery man being armed with his 〈…〉 Iron , which he call's there his goose ( 〈◊〉 ▪ of them beeing in France : All the crosse-capere●s b●●ing plac'd in strong rankes , and an excellent o●ation cut out and stitch't together , perswading them to sweat out their braines , in deuising new cuts , newe french collers , new french cod-peec●s , and newe french panes in honour of Saint Dennys , only to make the gydd●-pated Englishman consume his reuenewes , in wearing the like cloathes , which on his backe at the least , can shew but like cast sutes , beeing the second edition , whil'st the poore French peasant iets vp & down , ( like a Pantaloun ) in the olde theed-bare claoke of the Englishman , so that we● buy fashions of them to feather our pride , and they borrowe rags from vs to couer their beggery . The Spanyard was so busy in touching heauen with a launce , that our Knight of the burning shield , could not get him at so much leysure , as to eat a dish of Pilchers with him . The gulfe of Venice hee purposes shall therfore swallowe a fewe howres of his obseruation , where hee no sooner sets sooting on shore , but he encounters with Lust , so ciuilly suted , as if it had bene a Marchants wife : Whore-mongers there , may●vtter their commodities as lawfullie as Costermongers here , they are a ●ompany as free , and haue as large priuiledges for what they doe , as any of the twelue Companyes in London . In other Countreys Lecherie is but a Chamber-mayde : Here , a great Lady : Shee 's a retaylor , and has warrant to sell soules , and other small wares , vnder the Seale of the Cittie : Damnation ha's a price set vpon it , and dares goe to Lawe for her owne : For a Curtizans action of the Case , will hold aswell as a Vsurers plea of debt , for ten i' th hundred . If Bride-well stood in Venice , a golden key ( more easilie then a picklocke ) would open all the doores of it : For Lechery heere lyes night and day with one of Prides daughters ( Liberty ) and so farre is the infection of this Pestilence spredde , that euery boye there has much harlot in his eyes : Religion goes all in changeable silkes , and weares as manie maskes as she do'es colours : Churches stand like Rocks , to which very fewe approach , for feare of ship-wrack . The seuen deadly sinnes , are there in as great authoritie , as the seuen Electors in Germeny , and women in greater then both : In so much as drunkennesse , which was once the Dutch-mans head-ake , is now become the Englishmans : so ielouzy , that at first was whipt out of Hell , because the tormented euen Diuels , lies now euery howre in the Venetians bosom : Euery Noble man grows there like a Beeche tree , for a number of beasts couche vnder his shade : euery Gentleman aspires rather to be counted great then good , weighing out good works by pounds , & good deeds by drams : their promises are Eeues , their performances hollidayes , for they worke hard vpon the one , and are idle on the other . Three thinges there are dog-cheap , learning , poore mens sweat , and oathes : Farmers in that countrey are pe●●ie Tyrants , and Landlords Tyrants ouer those Farmers , Epicu●es grow as fat there , as in Englād , for you shall haue a slaue eat more at a meale , thē ten of the Guard , & drink more in two daies , then all Maning-tree does at a Whitsun-ale . Our Rank●yder of the Stygian borders seeing how well these Pupils profited vnder their Italian School-master , and that all countreyes liu'de obedient to the Luciferan ●awes , resolu'd to change Post-horse no more , but to conclude his Peregrina●ion , hauing seene fashions , and gotten Table-talke enough by his trauell . In a few minutes therefore is hee come to the banck-side of Acheron , where you are not bayted at by whole kennels of yelping watermen , as you are at Westminster-bridge , and ready to be torne in peeces to haue two pence rowed out of your purse : no , Shipwrights there could hardlie liue , there 's but one boate , and in that one Charon is the onely Ferry-man , so that if a Cales Knight should bawle his heart out , hee cannot get a paire of oares there , to doe him grace with ( I ply'de your Worship first , ) but must be glad to goe with a Sculler : By which meanes , though the fare be small ( for the watermans wages was at first but a half-peny , then it came to a peny , t' is now mended , and is growne to three hal●e pence , for all thinges wax deere in Hell , as well as vpon earth , by reason t' is so populous , ) yet the gaynes of it are greater in a quarter , then ten Westerne Buges get in a yeere : Dotchet Ferry comes nothing neere it . It is for all the world , like Graues-end Barge : and the passengers priuiledged alike , for there 's no regard of age , of sexe , of beauty , of riches , of valor , of learning , of greatnes , or of birth : Hee that comes in first , sits no better then the last . Will Sommers giues not Richard the third the cushions , the Duke of Guyze & the Duke of Shoreditche haue not the bradth of a benche betweene them , Iane Shore and a Gold-smiths wife are no better one then another . Kings and Clownes , Souldiers and Cowards , Church-men and Sextons , Aldermen and Coblers , are all one to Charon : For his Naulum , Lucke ( the old Recorders foole ) shall haue as much mat , as Syr Launcelot of the Lake : He knowes , though they had an oar in euery mans Boat in World , yet in his they cannot challenge so much as a stretcher : And therefore ( though hee sayles continuall with wind and Tyde , ( he makes the prowdest of them all to stay his leasure . It was a Comedy , to see what a crowding ( as if it had bene at a newe Play , ) there was vpon the Acheronticque Strond , ( so that the Poste was faine to ●arry his turne , because he could not get neere enough the shore : He purpos'd therefore patiently to walke vp and downe , til the Coast was cleare , and to note the condition of all the passengers . Amongst whom there were Courty●●s , that brought with em whole Truncks of apparell , which they had bought , and large pattents for Monopolies which they had beg'd : Lawyers laden with leases , & with purchas'd Lordships , Churchmen so pursy & so windlesse with bearing three or four Church li●ings , that they could scarce speake : Marchants laden with baggs of golde , for which they had rob'd their Princes Custom : Schollers with Aristotle and Ramus in cloake-bags , ( as if they ment to pull down the Diuel ) in disputation , being the subtillest Logician , but full of Sophistrie : Captains , some in guilt armour ( vnbat●red , ) some in buffe Ie●kens , plated o're with massy siluer lace , ( raiz'd out of the ashes of dead pay , ) & banckrupt citizens , in swarms like porters , sweating basely vnder the burdens of that , for which other men had sweat honestly before . All which ( like Burgers in a Netherland towne taken by Freebo●ters , ) were compelld to throwe downe bag and baggage , before they could haue pasporte to be shipt into the F●emmish Hoye of Hell : For if euery man should be sufferd to carry with him out of the world , that which he took most delight in , it were enough to drown him , and to cast awaye the Vessell hee goes in : Charon therefore strippes them of all , and leaues them more bare then Irish beggers : And glad they were ( for all their howling to see themselues so fleec'd , ) that for their siluer they could haue wa●tage ouer . In therefore they thrung , some wading vp to the knees , and those were young men : they were loth to make too much haste , swearing they came thither before their times . Some , vp to the middles , & those were women , they seeing young men goe before them , were asham'd not to vēture farder than they . Others waded to the chin , & those were old men , they seeing their gold taken from them , were desperate , and would haue drown'd themselues ; but that Charon slipping his Oare vnder their bellies , tost them out of the water , into his Wherry . The boate is made of nothing but the wormeaten ribs of coffins , nailed together , with the splinters of fle●hlesse shin-bones , dig'd out of graues , being broken in pieces . The sculs that he rowes with , are made of Setxons spades , which had bin hung vp at the end of some great plague , the bench he sits vpon , a rank of dead mens sculs . The worst of them hauing bin an Emperor , as great as Charlemaine : And a huge heape of their beards seruing for his cushion : the Mast of the hoat is an arme of an Yew tree , whose boughs ( in stead of Rosemary ) had wont to be worne at burials ? The sayle , two patcht winding sheetes , wherin a Broker & an Vsurer had bin laid : for their linnen , will last longest , because it comes cōmonly out of Lauender , and is seldome worne . The waterman himselfe is an olde grisly-fac'd fellow : a beard filthier then a Bakers mawkin that hee sweepes his ouen , which hung ●ull of knotted Elf-locks , and serues him for a Swabber in fowle weather to clense his Hulk : A payre of eyes staring so wide ( by beeing blear'd with the wind ) as if the lidds were lifted vp with gags to keep them open : More salt Rew maticke water runnes out of them , then would pickle all the Herrings that shall come out of Yarmouth : A payre of handes so hard and scal'd ouer with durte , that Passengers thinke hee wea●es Gauntlets , and more stinkingly musty are they then the fists of Night-men , or the fingers of bryb●rie , which are neuer cleane : His breath belches out nothing but rotten damps , which lye so thicke and foggie on the face of the Waters , that his Fare is halfe choak't , ere they can get to Land : The Sea-coale furnaces of ten Brew-houses , make not such a smoke , nor the Tallowe pans of fifteene Chaundlers ( when they melt , ) send out such a smell ; Hee 's dreadfull in looks , and currish in language , yet as kinde as a Courtyer where he tak●s . Hee ●its in all stormes bare headed , for if hee had a cap , he would not put if off to a Pope : A gowne gyrt to him ( made all of Wolues skinnes ) tanned , ( figuring his greedynesse ) but worne out so long , that it has almost worne away his elbowes : Hee 's thicke of hearing to them that sue to him , but to those against whose willes hee 's sent for , a Fiddler ●eares not the crecking of a windowe sooner . As touching the Riuer , looke howe ' Mooreditche shewes , when the water is three-quarters out , and by reason the stomack of it is ouer-laden , is readie to fall to casting , so does that , it stincks almost worse , is almost as poysonous , altogether so muddie , altogether so blacke : In taste very bitter , ( yet to those that knowe howe to distill these deadly waters , ) very wholesome . CHAP. V. The Post and Charon talke , as Charon rowes , He Fee's Helis Porter , an● then on hee goes : Sessions in Hell : Soules brought vnto the barre , Arraign'd and iudg'd , A Catalogue who they are . CHaron , hauing discharged his ●raight , the Packet carryer ( that all this while wayted on the other side , ) cry'de A boat , a boat : His voyce was knowne by the Tune , and ( weary though hee were , ) ouer to him comes our Ferry-man . To whom ( ●o soone as euer euer hee was let ( Charon complaines what a bawling there has beene , with what Fares hee has bene posted , and how much tugging ( his boat being so twack● ) he has split one of his Oares , and broken his Bid●ook , so that he can row but lazily til it be mēded . And were it not that the Soules p●yes excessiue Rent for dwelling in the body , he sweares ( by the Stygian Lake ) hee would not let em passe thus for a trifle , but raise his price : why may not he doe it as well as Puncks and Trades men ? Here vpo'n hee brags what a number of gallant fellows & goodly wenches went lately ouer with him , whose names he has in his booke , and could giue him , but that they earnes●lie intreated not to haue their names spr●d any farther ( for their heyres sakes , because most of them were too great in some mens books already . The only wonder ( says Charon ) that these Passengers driue mee inio , is , to see how strangely the wo●ld is altred since Pluto and Proserpina were married : For whereas in the olde time , men had wo●t to come into his boate all slash't , ( some with one arme , some with neuer a leg , and others with heades like calues , cleft to their shoulders , and the mouths of their very wounds gaping so wide , as if they were crying , A boat , a boat , ) now contrarywise , his fares are none but those that are poyson'd by their wiues for lust , or by their heires ●or liuing , or burnt by Whor●s , or reeling into Hell out of Tauerns : or if they happē to come bleeding , their greatest glorie is a stab , vpon the giuing of a lye . So that if the 3. Destinies spin no finer threds then these , men must eyther ( like Aesculapius ) be made immortall for meere pittie sake , and be sent vp to Iupiter , or else the Land of Black-amoores must bee made bigger : for the Great Lord of Tartarie wil shortlie haue no roome for all his Retayners , which would be a great dishonour to him , considering hee 's now the onely hous-keeper . By this time , Charon looking before him ( as Watermen vse to doe ) that 's to say , behinde him , spied he was hard at shoare : wherevppon seeing hee had such dooings ( that if it held still ) hee must needs take a seruant , ( and so make a paire of oares for Pluto ) he offered great wages to the Knight passant , to be his iourney-man : but hee being onely for the Diuells land seruice , told him he could not giue ouer his seruice , but assuring him , hee would enforme his Mr : ( the King of Erebus , ) of all that was spoken , hee payde the boate hyre fitting his Knighthood , leapt ashore , and so parted . The wayes are so plaine , and our trauellers on foote so famyliar with them , that hee came sooner to the Court gate pf Auernus , then his fellowe ( the Wherry-man ) could fasten his hooke on the other side of Acheron : the Porrer ( though he knew him well enough , and fawn'd vppon him , ) would not let him passe , rill hee had his due : for euery officer there is as greedy of his Fees , as they are here . You mistake , if you imagine that Plutoes Potter is like one of those big fellowes that stand like Gyants at Lordes gates ( hauing bellyes bumbasted with ale in Lambs-wool ) and with Sacks : and checks strutting out ( like two footeballes , ) beeing blowen vp with powder beefe and brewis : yet hee 's as surly as those Key-turners are , but lookes as little more scuruily : No , no , this doore keeper waytes not to take money of those that passe in , to beholde the Infernall Traged●es , neither has he a lodge to dyne and sup in , but on●ly a kennell , and executes ●●s bawling ●ffice meerely for victuals : his name is Cerberus , but the household call him more properly , The Black dog of Hell : He has three heads , but no hayre vpon them , ( the place is too hot to keepe hayre on ) for in stead of hayre they are all rurl'd ouer with snakes , which reach from the crownes of his three he ads alongst the ridge of his back to his very tayle , and that 's wreathed like a dragons taile : twentie couple of hounds make not such a damnable noyse , when they howle , as he does when he barks : his propertie is to wag his taile , when any comes for enterance to the gate , and to licke their hands , but vpon the least offer to scape out , he leaps at their throates ; sure hee 's a mad dog , for wheresoeuer he bites , it rankles to the death : His eyes are euer watching , his ear●s euer listning , his pawes euer catc●ing , his mouthes are gaping : Insomuch , that day and night , he lyes howling to be sent to Paris Gara●n , rather then to be vs'de so like a curre as he is . The Post , to stop his throat , threwe him a Sop , and whil'st hee was deuouring of that , hee passed through the gates . No sooner was he entred , but he met with thousands of miserable soules , pyneond and dragd in chaines to the Barre , where they were to receiue their tryall , with bitter lamentations bewayling ( all the way as they went ) and with lowd ex●crations cursing the bodies with whom they sometimes frolickly kept cōpany , for leading them to those impieties , for which they must now ( euen to their vtter vndoing ) deerly answer : it was quarter Sessions in Hel , & though the Post-master had bin at many of their arraignments , and knew the horrour of the Executions , yet the very sight of the prisoners struck him now into an astonishable amazement . On not withstanding he goes with intent to deliuer the Supplication , but so busy was Bohomoth ( the prince of the Diuels ) and such a prease was within the Court , and about the Barre , that by nò thrusting o● shouldring , could hee get accesse ; the best time for him must be , to watch his rising at the adiourning of the Sessions , and therefore hee skrewes himselfe by all the insinuating Art he can , into the thickest of the crowd , and within reach of the Clarke of the Peaces voyce , tò heare all their inditements . The Iudges are set , ( being three in number ) seuere in look , sharp in iustice , shrill in voyce , vnsubiect passion ; the prisoners are souls that haue committed treason against their creation : they are cald to the bar , their number in finit , their crimes numberlesse : The Iury ●hat must passe vpon them , are their sinnes , who are impanel'd out of the s●uerall countries , & are sworn to find whose Conscience is the witnes , who vpon the booke of their liues , where all their deedes are written , giues in dangerous euidence against them , the Furies ( who stand at the elbow of their Conscience ) are there ready with stripes to make them confesse , for eyther they are the Beadels of Hell that whippe soules in Lucifers Bride-well , or else his Executioners to put them to worse torments : The Inditements are of seuerall qualities , according to the seuerall offences ; Some are arraigned for ambition in the Court ; Some for corruption in the church ; Some for crueltie in the campe ; Some for hollow-hartednes in the Citie ; Some for eating men aliue in the Countrey , euery particular soule has a particular sinne , at his heeles to condemne him , so that to pleade not guiltie , were iolly : to beg for mercy , madnesse : for if any should doe the one , hee can put himselfe vpon none but the diuel and his Angels : and they ( to make quick worke ) giue him his Pasport . If do the other , the hāds of ten kings vnder their great Seales will not be taken for his pardon . For though Conscience comes to this court , poore in attire , diseased in his flesh , wretched in his face , heauy in his gate , and hoarse in his voice , yet carries hee such stings within him , to torture himselfe , if he speake not truth , that euery word is a Iudges sentence , & when he has spoken , the accursed is suffred neither to plead for himselfe , nor to see any Lawier , to argue for him . In what a lamentable condition therefore stands the vnhappie pris●n●r , his Inditemnt is impleadable , his euidence●irre●utable , the fact impardonable , the Iudge impenitrable , the Iudgement formidable : the torments insufferable , the manner of them invtterable : he must endure a death without dying , Tormentes ending with worse beginnings , by his shrikes others shall be affrighted , himselfe afflicted , by thousands pointed at , by not one amongst milions pitied , hee shall see no good that may help him , what he most does loue , shall be taken from him , and what hee most doth loath , shal be powred into his bosome . Adde herevnto the faide cogitation of that dismall place , to which he is cōdemned , the remēbrance of which is almost as dolorous , as the punishments there to be endured . In what colours shall I lay downe the true shape of it ? Assist my inuention . Suppose that being gloriously attired , deliciously feasted , attended on maiestically , Musicke charming thine eare , beautie thine eye ; and that in the very height of al worldly pompe that thought can aspire to , thou shouldest be tumbled downe , from some high goodly pinnacle ( builded for thy pleasure ) into the bottome of a Lake , whose depth is immeasurable , & circuit incomprehensible : And that being there , thou shouldest in a moment be ringed about , with all the murtherers that euer haue bin since the first foundation of the world , with all the Atheists , al the church-robbers , al the Incestuous Rauishers , & all the polluted villaines , that euer suckt damnation from the breastes of black impietie , that the place it selfe is gloomy , hideous , and in accessible , pestilent by dampes , and rotten vapors , haunted with spirits , and pitcht all ouer , with cloudes of darkenes , so clammy & palpable , that the eye of the Moone is too dull to pierce through them , and the fires of the Sun too weake to dissolue them , then that a Sulphurous stench must stil strike vp into thy nosthrils , Adders and Toads be still crawling on thy bosome , Mandrakes & night Rauens still shriking in thine eares , Snakes euer sucking at thy breath , and which way soeuer thou turnest , a fire flashing in thine ●ies , yet yeelding no more light than what with a glimse may shew others how thou art tormented , or else shew vnto thee the tortures of others , and yet the flames to be so deuouring in the burning , that should they but glowe vpon Mountaines of Iron , they were able to melte them like Mountaines of Snow . And last of all , that all these horrors are not wouen together , to last for yeeres , but for ages of worlds , yea for worlds of ages ; Into what gulfe of desperate calamity , would not the poorest begger now rhrowe himselfe head-long : rather then to tast the least dram of this bitternes : If imagination can giue being to a more miserable place then this described ? Such a one , or no worse then such a one , is that , into which the guiltie Soules are led captiue , after they haue this condemnation . And what tongue is able to relate the grones and vlulations of a wretch so distressed , a hundred pennes of steele would be worne blunt in the description , and yet leaue it vnfinished . CHAP. V. The Writ for Gold senlargement now is read , And by the Prince of Darkenes answered : The Diuell abroad his commendations sends : All Traitors are his Sonnes , Brokers his friends . LEt vs therfore sithence the Infernall Sessions are rejourned , & the Court breaking vp , seeke out his knightship , who hauing wayted all this while for the Diuell , hath by this time deliuer●d to his paws the S●pplication , about Golde , & so Matuolio his Secr●tary is reading it to him , but before he was vp to the middle of it , the work-maister of Witches , snatched away the Paper , & thrust it into his bosome in great choller , rayling at his Letter carryer , and thr●atning to haue him la'sh● by the Furies , for his l●ytring so long , or Cauteriz'de with hotte Irons for a Fugitu● . But Mephostophiles discoursing from point to point , what pai●es hee had taken in the Su●uey 〈◊〉 ●uery Countrey , and how hee had 〈…〉 Serjeant Sathan gaue him his bles●ing , and told him that during his absence , the Wryler that penn'd the Supplication had ben landed 〈◊〉 Charon , of whom he willed to enquire within what pa●t of their domini●n hee had taken vp his 〈◊〉 this 〈◊〉 to answere euery worde by word of mouth , yet because he knowes , tha● at the returne of his Post● ship , and walking vpon the Exchange of the Worlde , ( which he charges him to hasten , for the good of the Stygian kingdome , that altogether stands vpon quicke tafficque they will flutter about him , crying , What newes ? what newes ? what squibs , or ra●ther what peeces of ordinance doth the McGunner of Gehenna discharge against so sawcie a suitor , that by the Artill●rie of his Secretaries penne , hath shaken the walles of his Kingdome , and made so wide a breache , that anie Syr Giles may looke into his , and his Officers dooings : to stop th●u mouthes with some thing , stop them with this : That touching the enlargement of Gold : ( which is the first branch of the Petition : ) So it is , that Plutus his kinsman ( being the onely setter vp of tempting Idolles , ) was borne a Cripple , but had his eye sight as faire as the daye , for hee could see the faces & fashions of all men in the world in a twinkling . At which time , for all he went vpon Crutches , hee made shifte o walke abroad with many of his friends , Marrie they were none but good men . A Poet , or a Philosopher , might then haue sooner had his company , than a Iustice of Peace : Vertue at that time , went in good cloaths , & vice fed vpon beggery . Al●hes baskets , honestie , and plaine dealing , had all the Trades in their owne handes , So that Vnthrifts , Cheaters , and the rest of their Faction , ( though it were the greater ) were borne downe , for not an Angell durst bee seene to drink in a Tauerne with them : wherevpon they were all in danger to be famisht : Which enormity Iupiter wisely looking into , and seeing Plutus dispersing his giftes , amongst none but his honest brethren , strucke him ( either in anger or enuie ) starke blinde , so that euer since hee hath play'de the good fellowe , for now euery gull may leade him vp and downe ●ike Guy , to make sports in any drunken assemblie , now hee regards not who thrusts his handes into his pockets , nor how it is spent ; a foole shall haue his heart nowe , assoone as a Physition : And an Asse that cannot spell , goe laden away with double Ducke●rs from his Indian store-house , when Ibis Homere , that hath layne sick seuenteene yeeres together of the Vniue●sitie plague , ( watching and want ) only in hope at the last to finde some cure , shall not for an hundred waight of good Latine , receiue a two penny waight in Siluer , his ignorance ( arising from his blindenes ) is the onely cause of this Comedie of errors : so that vntill some Quack-saluer or other ( either by the help of Tower hill water , or any other , either Physicall or Chirurgicall meanes ) can picke out that pin and webbe which is stucke into both his eyes , ( and that will very hardly be . ) It is irreuocably set downe , in the Adamantine booke of Fate , that Golde shall be a perpetuall slaue to slaues , a drudge to fooles , a foole to make Woodcocks mery , whil'st wisemen mourne : or if at any time he chance to break prison , and flie for refuge into the Chamber of a Courtier , to a meere hawking countrey Gentleman , to a young student at the lawe , or to any Trades-mans eldest sonne , that rides forth to cast vp his Fathers reckonings , in fortified Tauerns , Such mighty searche shal be made for him , such Hue & Crie after him , such mis-rule kept , vntill he be smelt our , that poore Gold must be glad to get him out of their companie , Castles cannot protect him , but he must be apprehended , and suffer for it . Nowe as touching the seauen leaued Tree , of the deadly sinnes , which in the Supplication are likewise requested to be heawen downe , his Suite is vnreasonable , for that growes so rancke in euery mans garden , and the flowers of it worne so much in euery womans bosome , till at the last generall Autumnian quarter of the dreadfull yeare , when whole Kingdomes ( like seare and sap-lesse leaues ) must be shaken in pic●es by the consuming breath of fire , & all the fruits of the earth he raked together , by the Spirit of Stormes , & burnt in one heap like stubble , till then , it is impossible to cleere the oaken forehead of it , or to loppe off any of the branches . And let this satisfy itching Newes-hunters , for so much of mine answere to the poore fellowes Supplication , as I meane to haue publisht to the world : Whatmore I haue to vtter , shall be in his care , because he was more busie in his prating then a Barber , with thee my Seruaunt , about my houshold affaires , and therfore it is to be doubted hee lu●kes in our C●merian Prouinces , but as an Intelligencer , which if 〈◊〉 prooued , hee shall buy it with his soule : Dispa●●lre therefore ( my ●aithfull Incarnate D●uell , ) proclaime these thinges to the next Region aboue vs. Goe and deliuer my most harty condemnations to all those that steal subiects hearts from their Soueraigns , say to all those , they shall haue my letters of Mart for their Pyracie : factious Guyzards , that lay trains of seditiō to blowvp the cōmon wealth , I hug them as my children , to all those churchmen that bind thēselues together in schismes , like bundles of thorns , only to prick the sides of Religion , till her heart bleede ; I will giue them new orders . To all those that vntyle their Neighbours houses , that whil'st storms are beating them our , they thēselues may enter in , bestowe vpon such officers of mine , a thousand condemnations from their maister , tho they be sitting at King Arthurs Table : When thou doest thy message , they shall haue Te●ements of me for nothing in Hell. In briefe , tell all the Brokers in Long-Lane , Houns-ditch , or else wher , with all the rest of rheir Colleagued Suburbians , that deale vppon ouerworne commodities , and whose Soules are to vs impawned , that they lye safe enough , and that no cheater can hook them out of our hands , bid them sweate and sweare in their vocation ( as they do● hourely ) if thou beeing a knight of the Post , canst not helpe them to oathes , that may make them get the Diuell and all , they haue a sound Carde on their sides , for I my selfe will Abi in malam , go● and minde thy businesse . CHAP. VII . A Vsurer describ'de : his going downe to Hell : The Post to him a strange at scourse doth tell : Hee teaches him the waye , and doeth discouer What Riuers the departed Soules goe ouer . HIs warrant beeing thus sign de , the messenger departs , but before hee could get to the vttermost Ferrie , he met with an old , leane , meagre fellowe , whose eyes was sunke so deepe into his head , as if they had beene set in backward , his haire was thinner then his cheekes , and his cheekes so much worne away , that when he spake , his tongue smoak't , and that was burn't blacke , with his hore and valiant breath , was seene to mooue too and fro so plainely , that a wise man might haue taken it for the Snuffe of a ca●dle in a Muscouie Lant-horne , the Barber Surgions had beg'd the body of a man at a Sessions , to make an Anatomie , and that Anatomy this wretched creature begged of them to make him a body , Charon had but newly landed him : yet it seem'd he stood in pittyfull feare , for his eyes were no bigger then pinnes heads , with blubbring and howling , keeping a coile to haue some body shew him the nearest way to hell , which he doubted he had lost , the other puts him into a pathe , that would directlie bring him thither , but before he bid him farewell , our blacke knight inquired of him what hee was : who answered , that he was sometimes one that liued vpon the Lechery of mettals , for hee could make one hundred pound be great with child , and be deliuered with another in a very short time , his mony ( like pigions ) laid euery month , he had bin in vpright tearmes , an Vsurer ; And vnderstanding that he fel into the hāds of the hel● post , he offered him after a penny a mile , between that & y e townes end hee was going too , so he would be his guide . Which mony , when the watermen came to rifle him , he swallowed downe , and rakte for it afterwards , because hee knewe not what neede hee should haue , the waies being damnable : But the goer of the diue●s errands told him , if he would allow him Pursiuants sees , he durst not earne them , hee would doe him any Knights seruice , but to play the good Angells part , and guide him , he must pardon him . Doctor Diues request him ( in a whining accen● ) to tell him if there were any rich men in hell , & if by any base d●udgery which the diuell shall put him too , & which beele willingly moile in , he shuld scrape-any muck togither , whether he may set vp his trade in hel , & whither there be any brokers there , that with picking strawes out of poore thatcht houses to build nestes where his : twelue pences should ingenner , might get fethers to his backe , and their owne too . To all which questions , the vaut curier answers briefly , that he shall meete a number there , who once went in black veluet coats , and welted gownes , but of Brokers , there 's a Longer lane in He●l , than there is in London . Marry for opening shops , and to keep a Bawdy house , for Lady Pecunia , Ho● sifata negant , If the Bay liffe of B●rathrum denye that priuiledge to those that haue serued twice seuen yeeres in the Freedome , there 's no reason a Forrayner should taste the fauour . This news tho it went coldly down , yet as those that are troubled with the tooth-ache , enquyre of others what the payne is , that haue had them drawn out , & think by that means they lessen their owne , So it is some ease to Syr Timothy , thirtie per centū , to ha●ken out the worst that others haue endured , he desires therfore to know how far it is frō the earth to hell ; & being told that hel is iust so many miles from Earth , as earth is from Heauen , he stands in a brown study , wondring ) sithens : the length of the iournies were both alike to him , how it should happen , that he tooke rather the one path then the other . But then cursing himself that euer he fell in loue with mony , and that which is contrary to nature ) hee euer made a cracke French Crowne , beget an English-Angell , he roar'de out , & swore that gold sure would dambe him . For sayes hee , my greedinesse to 〈◊〉 mine eye with that , made me starue my belly , and haue vndone those for sixe pence , that were readie to starue . And into such an Apoplexie of Soule , fell I into , with the lust of money , that I had no sense of other happinesse : So that whil'st in my Closet I sat numbring my bags , the last houre of my life was told out , before I could tel the first heap of gold , birdlime is the sweat of the Oake tree , the dung of the Blackbird falling on that tree , turnes into that slimie snare , and in that snare , is the bird her selfe taken . So fares it me , mony is but the excrement of the earth , in which couetous wretches ( like swine ) rooting continually , eate thorowe the earth so long , till at length they eate themselues into hell . I see therefore , that as Harts , being the most cowardly and hartlesse creatures , haue also the largest hornes . So we that are drudges to heapes of drosse , haue base & leane consciences , but the largest damnation . There appeared to Timotheus , an Athenian , Demonijvmbra , and that gaue him a net to catch Cities in , yet for all that he died a begger . Sure it was Vmbr ae daemonis that taught me the rule of Interest : for in getting that , I haue lost the principall ( my soule ) . But I pray you tel me , saies my setter vp of Scriueners , Must I be stript thus out of all ? Shall my Fox-furd gownes be lockt vp from me ? Must I not haue so much as a shirt vpon me ? Heer 's worse pilling and polling then amongst my countrey men the Vsurers , not a rag of linnen about me , to hide my nakednesse . No , sayes the light Horse-man of Lymbo no linnen is worne heere , because none can bee wouen strong enough to hold , neither doe any such good 〈◊〉 come hither as to make cloath , onely the Destinies are allowed to spinne , but their yarne serues to make smockes for Pr●serpina , You are now as you must euer bee , you shall neede no cloathes , the aire is so extreame hot ; ●esides , there be no Tailors sufferd to liue here , because ( they as well as Players ) haue a hell of their owne , ) ( vnder their shopboard ) & there lye their t● t●ered soules , patcht out with nothing but rags . This Careere being ended , our Lansquenight of Lowe-Germanie , was readie to purspurres to his ho●●● , and take leaue , because he saw what disease hung vppon him , and that his companion was hard at his heeles , and was loth to proceede in his iourney . But he , Qui nummos admiratur , the pawn-groper , clingde about his knees like a Horsleech , and coniurde him , as euer he pittied a wretch eaten to the bare bones , by the sacred hunger of gold , that he would either bestowe vpon him , a short Table ( such a one as is tide to the tayle of most Almanacks ) chalking out the hye-waies , be they neuer so durtie , and measuring the length of all the miles betweene towne , and towne , to the breadth of a hayre , or if this Geographicall request tooke vp too much conceald land to haue it granted , that yet ( at last ) he would tell him , whether he were to passe ouer any more riuers , and what the name of this filthy puddle was , ouer which hee was lately brought by a dogged waterman , because sithence he must runne into the diuels mouth , hee would runne the neerest way , least hee wearied himselfe . Of this last request , the Lacquy of this great Leuiathan , promisde he should be maister , but he would not bring him to a miles end by land , ( they were too many to meddle with ) . You shall vnderstand therefore ( saies our wild Irish footeman ) that this first water ( which is now cast behind you ) is Acheron , It is the water of troub●e , & works like a Sea in a tempest ( for indeede this first is the worst ) It hath a thousand creekes , a thousand windings , and ●u●●ings , It vehemently boyles at the bottome ( like a Caldron of molten leade , ) when on the top it is smoother then a still streame : And vpon great reason is it calde the Riuer of molestation , for when the soule of man is vpon the point of departing from the Shores of life , and to be shipt away into another world , she is vext with a conscience , and an auxie us remembrance of all the parts that euer she plaid on the vnruly stage of the world : She repeats not by roate , but by heart , the iniuries done to others , and indignities wrought against her selfe : She ●urnes ouer a large volume of accountes , and findes that sh●ees runne out in pride , in lustes , in ●iots , in blasphemies , in irreligion , in waslowing through so many enormous & detestable crimes , that to looke back vpon them , ( being so infinite ) , and vpon her own face ( being so fowle ) the very thought makes her desperate . She neuer spake , or delighted to heare spoken , a●y bawdie language , but it now ●●ngs in her ●are , neuer lusted after lu●urious meates , but their taste is now vpon her tongue , neuer fed the sight witl any licen●ious obiect , but now they come all into her eye , euerie wicked thought before , is now to her a dagger , euery wicked word a death , euery wicked act a damnation : If shee scape falling into this Ocaean , she is miraculously saued from a shipwracke , hee must needs be a churlish but a cunning Waterman , that steeres in a Tempest so da●gerous : This first Riuer is a bitter water in taste , and vnsauou●y in sent , but whosoeuer drinks downe but halfe a draught of his remem●red former follies , Oh it cannot chuse but be 〈…〉 Gall is hony to it , Acheron like is a thicke water , and howe can it otherwise choose , being stirred with so m●ny thousand fighting perturbations . Hauing passed ouer this first Riuer ( as now you are ) you shall presently ha●e your waie stopt with another , It s a little cut by l●●d thither , but a tedious and dangerous voyage by water . Lies there a Boate readie ( quor●● my rich Iew of Malta ) to take me in so so●ne a● I cal ? No , saies the other , you must wait your mariners leisure , the same wrangling fellowe that was you● first man , is your last man : Marry you shallie at euery Hauens mouth for a wind , til Belzab●●s hale you for Ach●ron ( after many circumgirations ) fale i● to the S●igian Lake ( your second Riuer carries that name ) It is the water of Loathsomnes , and runnes with a swifter Current then the former ● f●● when the soule sees deaths Barge tarrying for her , shee begins to be sorie for her ante acted euil● , and then shee s sayling ouer Acheron , but when sh●● drawer the Curtaine , and lookes narrowly vpon the pictures , which her own hand drew , and findes them to be vgly , she abhorres her owne work-manship , and makes haste to hoyste vp more Sayles , and to bee transported swiftlie ouer the Stygian Torrent , whose waters are so reuerend , that the Gods haue no other oath to sweare by . The third Ryuer is Cocitus , somewhat clearer then both the other , and is the water of Repentance , beeing an Arme of Styx : Many haue heere bene cast away , and frozen to death , when the Riuer hath waxen cold , ( as oftentimes it doth , ) neyther are all sortes of Soules suffred to saile vpon it , for to some ( as if the water had sense , and could not brooke an vnworthy burden , ) it swells vp into tempests , and drownes them , to others more loue cannot appeare in Dolphins to men , then in that does smoothnes . Besides these , there are Phlegeton and Pyriphlegeton that fall in with Cocytus ( burning Riuers , ) In which ( tho they be dreadfull to looke vppon , ) are no vtter danger : If the Ferry-man waft you safelie , ouer the waters of Repentance , otherwise those hote liquors will scalde you . But what a Traytoram I , ( to the vndiscouered Kingdomes , ) thus to bring to light their dearest Treasury ? sworne am I to the Imperiall State Infernall , and what dishonour would it bee to my Knight-hood , to be found forsworne ? Seale vp your lips therefore I charge you , and drinke downe a full bowle of this Lethoean water , which shall wash out of you the remembrance of any thing I ha●e spoken : Be proude thou Grandchild of Mammō , that I haue spent these minutes vppon thee , for neue● shall any breathing mortall man , with tortures wring our of mee so much againe . There ●yes your way : Fare well . In such a strange Language was this vltimum Vale sent forth , that Mounsieur Money-monger stood onely staring and yawning vpon him , but could speake no more : yet at the last ( Coniuring vp his best Spirits , he onely in a dumb shew , ( with pittifull action , like a Player , ( when hee 's out of his part , ) made signes to haue a Letter deliuered by the Carryer , of condemnation , to his Sonne , ( a young R●ueller , prick't downe to stand in the Mer●ers bookes for next Christmasse , ) which in a dumbe shewe , likewise beeing receyued , they both turn'de backe the Vsurer , looking as hungrilie , as if he had kist the post . CHAP. VIII . ●ells Sculler and the Pursiuant of Heauen , Cast mery reckonings vp , but growe not euen Tilla Plague ●alls : Soldiers set out a throate For Char●n : Eps comes mangled to his boate . AT the Banck ende , when Plutoes pursiuāt came to take water , Mercurie , ( that runs of all the errands betweene the Gods ) hauing bin of a message from Ceres , to her daughter Proserpine , ( the Queen of lower Affrica , finding Charon idle in his boat , because ( as if it had bene out of Terme time ) no Fares was stirring , fel to cast vp old reckonings , between himselfe , & the weatherbeaten Sculler , for certain tryfling money , layd out about Charons businesse . So that the Knight slipping in like a Constable to part a Fray , was requested to be as Arbitator . The first Item that stood in his Bill , was , For nayles to mend your Wherrie , when twoo Dutchmen comming drunck from the Renishwine-house , split three of the boards with their club fi●ts , thinking they had cal'd for a reckoning . iiij . pence . Those Butter-boxes ( sayes Charon ) owe me a peny vpon the foote of that account : For I could distill out of them but onely three poore drops of siluer for the voyage , & all my losse at Sea. What 's next ? Item , laid out for pitch to trim your boat about the middle of the last plague , because she might go light & vare , and do her labour cleanly , xj . pence . I am ouer-reckoned that odde penny , ( quoth Charon , and I le neuer yeeld to pay it , but vi & armis , that 's to say , by lawe . I disburst it ( by my Caducens sayes the Herald ) nay sayes Charon , if thou wilt defile thy conscience with a penny-worth of pitch , touch ●●●ill : on . Itē , for glew & whipcord , to mēd your brokēoar , iij. d. That 's reasonable ; yet I haue caryed some in my Wherie that haue had more whip-cord giuen them for nothing● on . Item laid out for Iuniper to persume the boate , when certain Frenchmē were to go by water : j. ob . I , a pox on them , who got by that ? on . Item lent to a company of Countrey-players , being nine in number , one sharer , & the rest Iourneymen , that with strowling were brought to deaths door , xiij . d. ob . vpon their stocke of apparell , to pay for boat hyre , because they would trye if they might be suffered to play in the Diuels name , which stock afterwardes came into your clawes , and you dealt vpon it : xiij . ob . They had his hand to a warrant ( quoth Charon ) but their ragges serued to make me Swabbers , because they neuer fetcht it againe , so that belike hee proued a god Lord and master to them , and they made new Pergementiri . Tickle the next Minkin . Item , when a Cobler of Poetrie , called a Playe patcher , was condemned with his Catte to be duckt three times in the cucking-stoole of Pyriphlegeton , ( beeing one of the scalding Riuers , ) till they both dropt again , because he scolded against his betters , and those whom hee liued vppon , laid out at that time for straw , to haue caried pusse away if she had kittend , to auoyd anie catterwalling in Hell. j. pennie . Mew , they were not both wroth a pennie : on . Item , for needle and threed to ●arne vp aboue two and fiftie holes in your sailes , and to a Botcher for halfe a dayes worke about it : vij . pence . That botcher I preferd to be Lucifers Tailer , because he workes with a hot needle and burnt threede , and that seuen pence he gaue me for my good will , why should not I take bribes as well as others , I will clip that money , and melt it . Not for my Bill ( sayes the Herald of the gods ) for it went out of my purse , the Tayler may pay it ▪ backe againe , it is but stealing so much the more , or cutting out 5. quarters to a garment , nay , Mercurie , you shall filch for vs both , for all the gods know you are a notable Pick-pocket , as the knight of the Post here can take his oath , but what is your Summa totalis , ( quoth Charon ) Summa totalis , answeres the other comes to three shillings and a pennie . The Scullèr told him , hee was now out of Cash , it was a hard time , he doubts there is some secrete Bridge made ouer to Hell , and that they steale thither in Coaches , for euery Iustic●s wife , and the wife of euery Cittizen must bee iolted now . But howsoeuer the market goes , beare with me , ( quoth Charon ) till there come another plague , or till you heare of such another battaile as was at Newport , or till the Dunkirks catch a Hoy of Hollanders , and tumble them ouer-boord , or til there be more ciuill Wars in France , or if Pa●ris garden would but fall downe againe , I should not onely wipe off this olde score , but hope to make mee a new boat . Mercury seeing no remedy ( tho he knew well enough he was not without mony ) tooke his wings , and away went he to Olympus . The Postes iorney lay nothing neere that path , but inquiring whether one Pier●● Penni●esse came not ouer in his Fer●y : and vnderstanding , because hee could not pay his Fare , he was faine to goe a great way about to Elizium , thither in an Irish gallop is our swearing knight gone . Scarce was hee out of kenne , but on the other side of the Riuer stoode a companie crying out lustily , A Boat , hey , a Boat , hey , and who should they be but a gallant troope of English spirits ( all mangled ) looking like so many old Romans , that for ouercomming death in their manly resolutions , were sent away out of the field , crowned with the military honour of Armes . The foremost of them was a personage of so composed a presence , that Nature and Fortune had done him wrong , if ●hey had not made him a souldier . In his countenance , there was a kinde of indignation , fighting with a kind of exalted ioy , which by his very gesture were apparantly descipherable , for he was iocond , that his soule went out of him in so glorious a triūph ; but disdainfully angry , that she wrought her enargement through no more daungers : yet were there bleeding witnesses inow on his breast , which testified , he did not yeelde till he was conquered , and was not conqu●red , till there was left nothing of a man in him to be ouercome . For besides ●hose Mortui & Muti testes , which spake most for him , when he himselfe was past speaking , ( thogh their mouthes were stopped with scarres ) he made shift to lay downe an ouer-plus of life , ( when the debt was discharged at one mortall payment before ) onely to shew in what abiect account he held deathes tyranny . Charon glowring vpon him , demanded who he was , but hee skorning to be his owne Chronicle , and not suffering any of the rest to execute the office , they al leaped into the Ferry . Amongst whome , one that sate out of his hearing , but within the reach of the Waterman , ( to shorten the way ) discoursed all , thus : England ( quoth hee ) gaue him breath , Kent education , he was neuer ●uer-maistered , but by his own affections : against whom , whensoeuer he got the victorie , there was a whole man in him : he was of the sword , and knewe better how to ende quarrels , then to beginne them ; yet was more apt to begin , then other ( better bearded ) were to answer , with which ( some that were euer bound to the peace ) vpbraided him as a blemish . His country barring him ( for want of action ) of that which he was borne to inherit , ( same ) he went in quest of it into the Low Countries , where ( by his deare earnings ) hee bequeathed that to those of his name , with nothing , but his name seemed to depriue him of in England . Ost-end beeing besieged , hee lost one of his eyes , whilst hee looked ouer the walles , which first storme did rather driue him on to more dangerous aduentures , though to the hazard euen of a shipwracke , ( then like a fearefull Merchant ) to runne his fortunes and reputation on ground , for the boysterous threatnings of euery idle billow . So this his resolution set vpon his rest , to leaue all the remainer of his body to that Countrey , which had take from him one of the best iewells of his life , since it had a peece of him , he would not so dishonor the place , as to carry away the rest broken . Into the field therefore comes he , the sates putting both his eies into one , ( of purpose ) because he should looke vpon none but his enemies : where , a battaile being to be sought , the desert aduanced him to aduance the Colours ; by which dignitie , he became one of the fairest markes , which was then to be shot at : and where a great part of that daies glory was to be wonne ; for the Regent that followed his Ensigne , ( by being hardly set to ) giuing ground , and the enemies ambition , thirsting after his Colours , threw at all , in hope to winne them . But the destinies ( who fought on their side ) mistooke themselues , and in steede of striking the Colours out of his hand , smote him : in so much , that hee was twice shot , & twice runne through the body , yet wold not surrender his hold for al those breaches , but stripping the prize for which they stroue , off from the staffe that helde it vp , and wrapping his dying bodie in it , drewe out his weapon , with which before his Collours could bee called his winding sheete , he threwe himselfe into the thickest of danger : where after he had slaine a horseman , and two other ; most valiantlie , hee came off ( halfe dead , halfe aliue , ) brauely deliuering vp his spirit in the ar●es of none but his friendes and fellow souldiers . So that ( as if Fortune had beene iealous of her owne wauering , ) death ( at her intreatie ) tooke him away , in the noone-tide of a happinesse ; lest anie blacke euenings ouercasting should spoyle it with alteration . He was married to the honour of a fielde in the morning , and died in the Armes of it the same day , before it was spoyled of the mayden-head : so that it went away chaste and vnblemishable . To conclude , ( Father Sculler ) because I see wee are vppon landing , heere is as much as I can speake in his praise : he dyed Auncient in the very middest of his youth . Charon hum'de and and cryde well : and hauing rid his boat of them , dyrected them to those happie places , which were alotted out to none but Martialists . CHAP. IX . The Fieldes of ●oye describ'de : None there must dwell , 〈◊〉 purged Soules , and such as haue done well : Some Soldiers there : and some that 〈◊〉 in Loue , Poets sit singing in the Baye-tree Groue . WH●●● the 〈◊〉 man was plying his Fares , & following his thrift , the wandring knight , ( Syr Dago●● ) hauing d●●patch't with the 〈…〉 that hee 〈…〉 hee went , was ●ust at that time walking in one of the 〈◊〉 Gardens ; hee meant to take that in his waye , But the internall lawes barring him from entrance into those sacred palaces , he wa●●ed the other to him , and ●hen related ( verbatim ) his maisters answere and resolution : which the Suppliant receiues ( considering he was now where he would be ) with as ●●we words as hee was wont to carry pence in his pu●s● . The Post hauing as little to say to him , cast onely a sleight eye vppon all the Elizaan 〈◊〉 ( much like to a disdainfull phātasticke French-man when he comes into a s●raunge countrey , as though he trauelled rather to be seen then to obserue ) and vp hee leapes vpon one of the Diuells hackneys ▪ and away he rides , to follow his 〈…〉 busines ▪ about which whilst hee is damnably swea●ing , let mee carrie you into those Insul● Fortunatae , ordained to be the Abydings , for none but blessed Soules . The walles that incompasse these goodly habitations , are white as the forehead of Heauens they glyster like pollisht Iuorie , but the stuffe is fyner : high they are , like the pillers that vphold the Court of loue ; & strong they are , as Tow●rs built by Enchauntment : there is but one Gate to it All , and that 's of refined Siluer : So narrowe it is , that but one at once can enter : Round about , weares it a gyrdle of waters , that are sweet , redolent , & Christalline : the leaues of the vine are not so pre●ious , the Nectar of the Gods nothing so delicious . Walk into the Groues , you shall heare all sor●s of birds melodiously singing : you shall see Swaynes defly piping , and virgins chaftly dancing . Shepheards there , liue as merily as Kings , and kings are glad to be companions with Shepheardes . The widow there complains of no wrong : the orphan sheads no teares , for Couetousnes cannot carrie it away with his Gold , nor Crueltie with the swaye of Greatnesse , the poore Client needes see no Lawyer to pleade for him , for there 's no Iurie to condemne him , nor Iudges to astonish him , there is all mirth , without immodestie : all health without base abusing of it : all sorts of Wines without intemperance : all Riches without Sensualitie : all Beauty without painting : all Loue without dissimulation . Winter there playes not the Tyrant , neither is the Sommers breath pestilēt : for Spring is all the yere long , tricking vp the Boughes : so that the trees are euer flourishing , the fruites euer growing , the flowers euer budding : yea such cost , and such Arte is bestowed vppon the A●bours , that the very benches ( whereon these blest Inhabitants sit ) are sweet beds of violets : the beds whereon they lye , bancks of Muske-r●ses : their pillows hearts , are hearts-ease , their Sheetes the silken leaues of Willow . Neither is this a Common Inne , to all Trauellers , but the very Pallace wher Happines her selfe maintaines her Court , and none are allowed to followe her , but such as are of merit . Of all men in the world Landlords dare not quarter thēselues here , because they are Rackers of rents : a pettifogger , that has taken brybes , wil be dambd ere he come neere the gates . A Fencer is not allow'd to stand within 12. score of the Place : no more is a Vintner , nor a Farmer , nor a Taylor , vnlesse he creep through the eye of his Needle : no , and but fewe Gentlemen-Vshers . Women ▪ ( for all their subtiltie , ) scarce one amongst fiue hūdred has her pewe there , especially old Myd-wiues , Chamber-maides , & wayting-wenches , their dooings are too well knowne , to be let into these lodgings . No , no , none can be free of these Liberties , but such as haue consciences without cracks , hands not spotted with vncleannesse ; feete not worne out with walking to mischiefe , and heartes that neuer were hollowe . Listen therefore , and I will tel you what Passengers haue licence to land vpon these shores . Young Infants that dye at the brest , and haue not suckt of their parents sinnes , are most welcom thither for their innocēcy . Holy singers whose diuine Anthemes haue boūd ●oules by their charmes & whose liues are Tapers of virgin waxe , set in siluer candlesucks , to guide Men out of errors darknes , they knowe their places there ▪ and haue them for then Integri●y . Some Schollers are admitted into this societie , but the number of them all is not halfe so many as are in one of the Colledges of an Vniuersitie , and the reason is , they eyther kindle firebrands ( in the the sanctified places ) by their contention ; or kill the hearts of others by their coldnes . One field there is amongst all the rest , set round about with willows , It is call'd the field of M●urning and in this ( vpon bancks of flowers that wither away , euen with the scorching sighes of those that 〈◊〉 vppon them , ) are a band of Malecontents : they looke for all the world like the mad-folkes in bedlam , and desire ( like them ) to be alone , & these are For ●orn louers : such as pyn'de away to nothing , for nothing : such as for the loue of a wanton wench , haue gone crying to their graues , whilst she in the mean time , went ( laughing to see such a kinde coxcombe ) into anothers bed : All the ioye that these poore fooles feed vpon , is to sit singing lamentable ballades to some dolefull tunes ▪ for tho they haue chang'de their olde liues , they cannot forget their young loues ; they spend their time in making of myr●●e garlands , & shed so much water out of their eyes , that it hath made a prettie little riuer , which 〈◊〉 so s●●king : continually at the roots of the willow trees , that halfe the leaues of them , are almost washt into a whitenes . There is another piece of ground , where are incamped none but Soldiers : and o● those , not all sortes of Soldiers neither , but onely such as haue died noblie in the warres : and yet of those , but a certaine number too : that is to say , such that in execution were neuer bloudy : in their Countries reuenge , seuere , but not cruell : such as held death in one hand , and mercy in the other : such as neuer rauisht maidens , neuer did abuse no widowes , neuer gloried in the massacre of babes : were neuer druncke , of purpose before the battaile began , because they would spare none , nor after the battaile did neuer quarrell about pledging the health of his whoare . Of this Garrison , there are but a few in pay , & therfore they liue without Mu●iny . Beyond all these places is there a Groue , which stands by it selfe like an I●and ; for a s●●eame ( th●t makes musicke in the running ) cla●p●● it round about like a hoope girdle of christall : Lawrells grew so thicke on all the bankes of it , that lighming it selfe if it came thither , hath no power to pierce through them . It seemes ( without ) a desolate and vnfrequented wood , ( for those within are retyrde into themselues ) but from th●● came forth such harmonious sounds , that birdes build nests onely , in the trees there , to teach T●nes to their young ones prettily . This is called The Gro●● of Bay Trees , and to this Consort Rome , res●● one but the children of Pboebus , ( Poets and Mus●●tons : ) the one creates the ditty , and giues it the life or number , the other lends it voyce , and makes it speake musicke . When these happy Spirits sit asunder , their bodies are like so many Starres , and when they ioyne togither in seuerall troopes , they shew like so many heauenly Constellations . Full of pleasant Bowers and queint Arboures is all this Walke . In one of which , old Chaucer , reuerend for prioritie , blythe in cheare , buxsome in his speeches , and benigne in his hauiour , is circled a round with all the Makers or Poets of his time , their hands leaning on one anothers shoulders , and their eyes fixt seriously vpon his , whilst their eares are all tied to his tongue , by the golden chaines of his Numbers ; for here ( like Euanders mother ) they spake all in verse : no Attick eloquence is so sweete : their language is so pleasing to the goddes , that they vtter their Oracles in none other . Gra●e Spencer was no sooner entred into this Chappell of Apollo , but these elder Fathers of the diuine Furie , gaue him a Lawrer & sung his Welcome : Chaucer call'de him his Sonne , and plac'de him at at his right hand . All of them ( at a signe giuen by the whole Quire of the Muses that brought him thither , ) closing vp their lippes in silence , and tuning all their eares for attention , to heare him sing out the rest of his Fayrie Queenes praises . In another companie sat learned Watson , industrious Kyd , ingenious Atchlow , and tho ( hee had bene a Player , molded out of their pennes ) yet because he had bene their Louer , and a Register to the Muses , Inimitable B●ntley : these were likewise ca● rowsing to one another at the holy well , some of them singing Paeans to Apollo , som of them Hymnes to the rest of the Goddes , whil'st Marlow , Greene , and Peele had got vnder the shades of a large vyne , laughing to see Nash ( that was but newly come to their Colledge , ) still haunted with the sharpe and Satyricall spirit that followd him heere vpon earth : for Nash inueyed bitterly ( as he had wont to do ) against dry-fifted Patrons , accusing them of his vntimely death , because if they had giuen his Muse that cherishment which shee most worthily deserued , hee had fed to his dying day on fat Capons , burnt sack and Suger , and not so desperately haue ventur'de his life , and shortend his dayes by keeping company with pickle herrings : the rest ask't him what newes in the world , hee told them that Barbarisme was now growne to bee an Epidemiall disease , and more common then the tooth-ache : being demaunded how Poets and Players agreed now , troth sayes hee , As Phisitions and patients agree , for the patient loues his Doctor no longer then till hee get his health , and the Player loues a Poet , so long as the sickn●sse lyes in the two-penie gallery when none will come into it : Nay ( sayes he ) into so lowe a miserie ( if not contempt , ) is the sacred Arte of Po●sie falne , that tho a wryter ( who is worthy to ●it at the table of the Sunne , ) wast his braines , to earne applause ●rom the more worthie Spirits , yet when he has done his best , hee workes but like O●nus , that makes ropes in hell ; for as hee twists , an Asse stands by and bites them in sunder , and that Asse is no other than the Audience with hard hands . He had no sooner spoken this , but in comes Chettle sweafing and blowing , by reason of his satnes , to welcome whom , because hee was of olde acquaintance , all rose vp , and fell presentlie on their knees , to drinck a health to all the Louers of Hellicon : in dooing which , they made such a mad noyse , that all this Coniuring which is past , ( beeing but a dreame , ) I suddenlie started vp , and am now awake . Finis . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A20067-e260 The Diuell ●he b●st fe●●er , & very apt to q●arrell . He can se●●on● to picad for him . He keepes no Watermen . 〈…〉 The Diuells Rendev●us . Description of Hell. What Persont are there Wise mothers make foolish children . Miserable fathers make wretched sonnes . Fashions borne in France , and sent to be nurst in England . Pryde the Spanyards bastard , kephere . Lust the Italians mistris , is now cōmon with the E●glishman . Dronkenues hath 〈◊〉 a from the Low countries into great Brittaine . Mors Scep●●● , Legioni●●● aquat . The Waterman of Hell , is , as Churlish a knaue , as our Waterman . The Passengers . The stuffe of which the Wherry is made . What manner of fellow the sculler is . His appar●●● . Miscent Aconita M●uercae . Filius ante diem patris inquirit in anno . The Porter of Hell. Bribes in Hell. Sessions in Hell. Sinne is th● Iury. Conscience giues in euidence . The seuerall inditements . The miserie of a prisoner in that Iury. The Diuells answere to the Petition . Gold at the first was lame and went vp & down with goodmen , but now hee is blinde , and cares not what foole leades him . A Curse laid vpon gold . Sinne beares from all the yeare long . The Diuell sendes his c●mendations . The picture of a Vsurer . How ●surers get into bell . The Ri●●rs which ●he s●u●● passes . Remēbrance of the sinnes , the first water . L●athing of our 〈◊〉 the second 〈◊〉 . Repentance of our sinnes , the third Water . Vnlesse you saile safety ouer the waters of Repentanc , you are in danger to be drownd in Dispaire . Lucian in Dialog . William Eps his death . A20094 ---- The vvonderfull yeare. 1603 Wherein is shewed the picture of London, lying sicke of the plague. At the ende of all (like a mery epilogue to a dull play) certaine tales are cut out in sundry fashions, of purpose to shorten the liues of long winters nights, that lye watching in the darke for vs. 1603. The wonderfull yeare Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1603 Approx. 100 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A20094 STC 6535.5 ESTC S105274 99841003 99841003 5559 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A20094) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 5559) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 780:05) The vvonderfull yeare. 1603 Wherein is shewed the picture of London, lying sicke of the plague. At the ende of all (like a mery epilogue to a dull play) certaine tales are cut out in sundry fashions, of purpose to shorten the liues of long winters nights, that lye watching in the darke for vs. 1603. The wonderfull yeare Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [48] p. Printed by Thomas Creede, and are to be solde in Saint Donstones Church-yarde in Fleet-streete [by N. Ling, J. Smethwick, and J. Browne, London : 1603?] By Thomas Dekker. Another edition of "1603. The wonderfull yeare", originally published in 1603. Booksellers' names supplied and publication date conjectured by STC. Signatures: A-F⁴. In this edition the last line of A4v has "Farewell" in italic. Identified as STC 6535a on UMI microfilm. Reproduction of the original in the Folger Shakespeare Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2002-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Jennifer Kietzman Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Jennifer Kietzman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE VVonderfull yeare . 1603. Wherein is shewed the picture of London , lying sicke of the Plague . At the ende of all ( like a mery Epilogue to a dull Play ) certaine Tales are cut out in sundry fashions , of purpose to shorten the liues of long winters nights , that lye watching in the darke for vs. Et me rigidi legant Catones . LONDON Printed by Thomas Creede , and are to be solde in Saint Donstones Church-yarde in Fleet-streete . TO HIS VVELRESPECTED GOOD friend , M. Cutbert Thuresby , VVater Bayliffe of London . BOokes are but poore gifts , yet Kings receiue them : vpō which I presume , you will not turne This out of doores . Yet cannot for shame but bid it welcome , because it bringes to you a great quantitie of my loue : which , if it be worth litle , ( and no maruell if Loue be solde vnder-foote , when the God of Loue himselfe goes naked ) yet I hope you will not say you haue a hard bargaine , Sithēce you may take as much of it as you please for nothing . I haue clapt the Cognizance of your name , on these scribled papers , it is their liuery : So that now they are yours : being free frō any vile imputation , saue only , that they thrust themselues into your acquaintance . But gene●all errors , haue generall pardons : for the title of other mens names , is the common Heraldry which all those laie claime too , whose crest is a Pen-and-Inckhorne . If you read , you may happilie laugh ; t is my desire you should , because mirth is both Phisicall , and wholesome against the Plague : with which sicknes , ( to tell truth ) this booke is , ( though not sorely ) yet somewhat infected . I pray , driue it not out of your companie for all that ; for ( assure your soule ) I am so iealous of your health , that if you did but once imagine , there were gall in mine Incke , I would cast away the Standish , and forsweare medling with anie more Muses . To the Reader . AND why to the Reader ? Oh good Sir ! there 's as sound law to make you giue good words to the Reader , as to a Constable when hee carries his watch about him to tell how the night goes , tho ( perhaps ) the one ( oftentimes ) may be serued in for a Goose , and the other very fitly furnish the same messe : Yet to maintaine the scuruy fashion , and to keepe Custome in reparations , he must be honyed , and come-ouer with Gentle Reader , Courteous Reader , and Learned Reader , though he haue no more Gentilitie in him than Adam had ( that was but a gardner ) no more Ciuili●ie than a Tartar , and no more Learning than the most errand Stinkard , that ( except his owne name ) could neuer finde any thing in the Horne-booke . How notoriously therfore do good wits dishonor , not only their Calling , but euen their Creation , that worship Glow-wormes ( in stead of the Sun ) because of a litle false glistering ? In the name of Phoebus what madnesse leades them vnto it ? For he that dares hazard a pressing to death ( that 's to say , To be a man in Print ) must make account that he shall stand ( like the olde Weathercock ouer Powles steeple ) to be beaten with all stormes . Neither the stinking Tabacco●breath of a Sattingull , the Aconited sting of a narrow-eyde Critick , the faces of a phantastick Stage-monkey , nor the Ind●ede-la of a Puritanicall Citizen , must once shake him . No , but desperately resolue ( like a French Post ) to ride through thick & thin : indure to see his lines torne pittifully on the rack : suffer his Muse to take the Bastoone , yea the very stab , & himselfe like a new stake to be a marke for euery Hagler , and ●herefore ( setting vp all ●hese rests ) why shuld he regard what fooles bolt is shot at him ? Besides , if that which he presents vpon the Stage of the world be Good , why should he basely cry out ( with that old poeticall mad-cap in his Amphitruo ) Iouis summi causa clarè plaudite , beg a Plaudite for God-sake ! If Bad , who ( but an Asse ) would intreate ( as Players do in a cogging Epilogue at the end of a filthie Comedy ) that , be it neuer such wicked stuffe , they would forbeare to hisse , or to dam it perpetually to lye on a Stationers stall . Eor he that can so cosen himselfe , as to pocket vp praise in that silly sort , makes his braines fat with his owne folly . But Hinc Pudor ! or rather Hinc Dolor , heere 's the Diuell ! It is not the ratling of all this former haile-shot , that can terrisie our Band of Castalian Pen-men from entring into the field : no , no , the murdring Artillery indeede lyes in the roaring mouthes of a company that looke big as if they were the sole and singular Commanders ouer the maine Army of Poesy , yet ( if Hermes muster-booke were searcht ouer ) thei le be found to ●e most pitifull pure fresh-water souldiers : they giue out , that they are heires-apparent to Helicon , but an easy Herald may make them meere yonger brothers , or ( to say troth ) not so much . Beare witnes all you whose wits make you able to be witnesses in this cause , that here I meddle not with your good Poets , Nam tales , nusquàm sunt hîc ampliüs , If you should rake hell , or ( as Aristophanes in his Frog sayes ) in any Celler deeper than hell , it is hard to finde Spirits of that Fashion . But those Goblins whom I now am cōiuring vp , haue bladder-cheekes puft out like a Swizzers breeches ( yet being prickt , there comes out nothing but wind ) thin-headed fellowes that liue vpon the scraps of inuention , and trauell with such vagrant soules , and so like Ghosts in white sheetes of paper , that the Statute of Rogues may worthily be sued vpon them , because their wits haue no abiding place , and yet wander without a passe-port . Alas , poore wenches ( the nine Muses ! ) how much are you wrongd , to haue such a number of Bastards lying vpō your hands ? But turne them out a begging ; or if you cannot be rid of their Riming company ( as I thinke it will be very hard ) then lay your heauie and immortall curse vpon them , that what●oeuer they weaue ( in the motley-loome of their rustie pates ) may like a beggers cloake , be full of stolne patches , and yet neuer a patch like one another , that it may be such true lamentable stuffe , that any honest Christian may be sory to see it . Banish these Word-pirates , ( you sacred mistresses of learning ) into the gulfe of Barbarisme : doome them euerlastingly to liue among dunces : let them not once lick their lips at the Thespian bowle , but onely be glad ( and thanke APollo for it too ) if hereafter ( as hitherto they haue alwayes ) they may quench their poeticall thirst with small beere . Or if they will needes be stealing your Heliconian Nectar , let them ( like the dogs of Nylus , onely lap and away . For this Goatish swarme are those ( that where for these many thousand yeares you went for pure maides ) haue taken away your good nemes , these are they that de●lowre your beauties . These are those ranck-riders of Art , that haue so spur-gald your lustie winged Pegasus , that now he begins to be out of flesh , and ( euen only for prouander sake ) is glad to shew tricks like Bancks his Curtall . O you Bookes-sellers ( that are Factors to the Liberall Sciences ) ouer whose Stalles these Drones do dayly flye humming ; let Homer , Hesiod , Euripid●s , and some other mad Greekes with a band of the Latines , lye like musket-shot in their way , when these Gothes and Getes set vpon you in your paper fortifications ; it is the only Canon , vpon whose mouth they dare not venture , none but the English will take their parts , therefore feare them not , for such a strong breath haue thesee chese-eaters , that if they do but blowvpon a booke they imagine straight t is blasted : Quod supra nos , Nihil ad nos , ( they say ) that which is aboue our capacitie , shall not passe vnder our commendation . Yet would I haue these Zoilists ( of all other ) to reade me , if euer I should write any thing worthily : for the blame that knowne-fooles heape vpon a deseruing labour , does not discredit the same , but makes wise men more perfectly in loue with it . Into such a ones hands therefore if I fortune to fall , I will not shrinke an inch , but euen when his teeth are sharpest , and most ready to bite , I will stop his mouth only with this , Haec mala sunt , sed tu , non meliora facis . Reader . WHereas there stands in the Rere-ward of this Booke a certaine mingled Troope of straunge Discourses , fashioned into Tales , Know , that the intelligence which first brought them to light , was onely slying Report : whose tongue ( as it often does ) if in spreading them it haue tript in any materiall point , and either slipt too farre , or falne too short , beare with the error : and the rather , because it is not wilfully committed . Neither let any one ( whom those Reports shall seeme to touch ) cauill , or complaine of iniury , sithence nothing is set downe by a malitious hand . Farewell . THE VVONDERfull yeare . VErtumnus being attired in his accustomed habit of changeable silke , had newly passed through the first and principall Court-gate of heauen : to whom for a farewell , and to shewe how dutifull he was in his office , Ianus ( that beares two faces vnder one hood ) made a very mannerly lowe legge , and ( because he was the onely Porter at that gate ) presented vnto this King of the Moneths , all the New-yeares gifts , which were more in number , and more worth then those that are giuen to the great Turke , or the Emperour of Persia : on went Vertumnus in his lustie progresse , Priapus , Flora , the Dryades , and Ha●●adryades , with all the woodden rabble of those that drest Orchards & Gardens , perfuming all the wayes that he went , with the swéete Odours that breathed from flowers ; hearbes and trées , which now began to péepe out of prison : by vertue of which excellent aires , the skie got a most cleare completion ; lookte s●●g and smoothe , and had not so much as a wart st●●king on her face : the Sunne likewise was freshly and very richly apparelled in cloth of gold like a Bridegroome , and in stead of gilded Rosemary , the hornes of the Ramme , ( being the signe of that celestiall bride house where he lay , to be marryed to the Spring ) were not like your common hornes parcell gilt , but double double-gilt , with the liquid gold that melted from his beames , for ioy wereof the Larke sung at his windowe euery morning , the Nightingale euery nighte the Cuckooe ( like a single sole Fidler , that réeles from Tauerne to Tauerne ) plide it all the day long : Lambes friskte vp and downe in the vallies , Kids and Goates leapt too and fro on the Mountaines : Shepheards sat piping , country wenches singing : Louers made Sonnets for their Lasses , whilest they made Garlands for their Louers : And as the Country was frolike , so was the Citie mery : Oliue Trées ( which grow no where but in the Garden of peace ) stood ( as common as Béech does at Midsomer ) at euery mans doore , braunches of Palme were in euery mans hand : Stréetes were full of people , people full of ioy : euery house séemde to haue a Lorde of misrule in it , in euery house there was so much ●ollity : no Scritch-Owle frighted the silly Countryman at midnight , nor any Drum the Citizen at noone-day ; but all was more calme than a still water , all husht , as if the Spheres had bene playing in Consort : In conclusion , heauen lookt like a Pallace , and the great hall of the earth , like a Paradice . But O the short liu'de Felicitie of man ! O world of what slight and thin stuffe is thy happinesse ! Iust in the midst of this iocund Holy-day , a storme rises in the West : Westward ( from the toppe of a Ritch-mount ) descended a hidious tempest , that shooke Cedars , terrified the tallest Pines , and cleft in sunder euen the hardest hearts of Oake : And if such great trées were shaken , what thinke you became of the tender Eglantine , and humble Hawthorne ; they could not ( doubtlesse ) but droope , they could not choose but die with the terror . The Element ( taking the Destinies part , who indéed set abroach this mischiefe ) scowled on the earth , and filling her hie forehead full of blacke wrinckles , tumbling long vp and downe ( like a great bellyed wife ) her sighes being whirlewindes , and her grones thunder , at length she fell in labour , and was deliuered of a pale , meagry , weake child , named Sicknesse , whom Death ( with a pestilence ) would néedes take vpon him to nurse , and did so . This starueling being come to his full growth , had an office giuen him for nothing ( and that 's a wonder in this age ) Death made him his Herauld : attirde him like a Courtier , and ( in his name ) chargde him to goe into the Priuie Chamber of the English Quéene , to sommon her to appeare in the Star-chamber of heauen . The sommons made her start , but ( hauing an inuincible spirit ) did not amaze her : yet whom would not the certaine newes of parting from a King●ome amaze ! But she knewe where to finde a richer , and therefore lightlie regarded the losse of this , and thereupon made readie for that heauenlie Coronation , being ( which was most strange ) most dutifull to obay , that had so many yeares so powrefully commaunded . She obayed Deaths messenger , and yéelded her body to the hands of death himselfe . She dyed , res●gning her Scepter to posteritie , and her Soule to immortalitie . To report of her death ( like a thunder-clap ) was able to kill thousands , it tooke away hearts from millions : for hauing brought vp ( euen vnder her wing ) a nation that was almost begotten and borne vnder her ; that neuer shouted any other Aue than for her name , neuer sawe the face of any Prince but her selfe , neuer vnderstoode what that strange out-landish word Change signified : how was it possible , but that her sicknes should throw abroad an vniuersall feare , and her death an astonishment ? She was the Courtiers treasure , therefore he had cause to mourne : the Lawyers sword of iustice , he might well faint : the Merchants patronesse , he had reason to looke pale : the Citizens mother , he might best lament : the Sepheards Goddesse , and should not he droope ? Onely the Souldier , who had walkt a long time vpon wodden legs , and was not able to giue Armes , though he were a Gentleman , had brisseld vp the quills of his stiffe Porcupine mustachio , and swore by no beggers that now was the houre come for him to be●●irre his stumps : Usurers and Brokers ( that are the Diuels Ingles , and dwell in the long-lane of hell ) quak● like aspen leaues at his oathes : those that before were the onely cut-throates in London , now stoode in feare of no other death : but my Signior Soldado was deceiued , the Tragedie went not forward . Neuer did the English Nation behold so much black worne as there was at her Funerall : It was then but put on , to try if it were ●it , for the great day of mourning was set downe ( in the booke of heauen ) to be held afterwards : that was but the dumb shew , the Tragicall Act hath bene playing ●uer since . Her Herse ( as it was●borne ) s●emed to be an Iland swimming in water , for round about it there rayned showers of teares , about her death-bed none : for her departure was so sudden and so strange , that men knew not how to wéepe , because they had neuer bin taught to shed teares of that making . They that durst not speake their sorrowes , whisperd them : they that durst not whisper , sent them foorth in sighes . Oh what an Earth-quake is the alteration of a State ! Looke from the Chamber of Presence , to the Farmers cottage , and you shall finde nothing but distraction : the whole Kingdome s●emes a wildernes , and the people in it are transformed to wild men . The May of a Countrey so pitifullie distracted by the horor of a change , if you desire perfectlie to behold , cast your eyes then on this that followes , which being heretofore in priuate presented to the King , I thinke may very worthily shew it selfe before you : And because you shall sée them attirde in the same fashion that they wore before his Maiesity , let these fewe lines ( which stood then as Prologue to the rest ) enter first into your eares . NOt for applauses , shallow fooles aduenture , I plunge my verse into a sea of censure , But with a liuer drest in gall , to see So many Rookes , catch-polls of poesy , That feede vpon the fallings of hye wit , And put on cast inuentions , most vnfit , For such am I prest forth in shops and stalls , Pasted in Powles , and on the Lawyers walls , For euery basilisk-eyde Criticks bait , To kill my verse , or poison my conceit : Or some smoakt gallant , who at wit repines , To dry Tabacco with my holesome lines , And in one paper sacrifice more braine , Than all his ignorant scull could ere containe : But merit dreads no martyrdome , nor stroke , My lines shall liue ▪ when he shall be all smoke . Thus farre the Prologne , who leauing the Stage cléer● , the feares that are bred in th● wombe of this al●ring kingdome do next step vp , acting thus . THe great impostume of the realme was draw●e Euen to a head : the multitudino●s spawne Was the corruption , which did make it swell With hop'd sedition ( the burnt seed of hell . ) Who did expect but ruine , blood , and death , To share our kingdome , and diuide our breath . Religions without religion , To let each other blood , confusion To be next Queene of England , and this yeere The ciuill warres of France to be plaid heere By English-men , ruffians , and pandering slaues , That faine would dig vp gowtie vsurers graues : At such a time , villaines their hopes do honey , And rich men looke as pale as their white money : Now they remoue , and make their siluer sweate , Casting themselues into a couetous heate , And then ( vnseene ) in the confederate darke , Bury their gold , without or Priest , or Clarke . And say no prayers ouer that dead pelfe , True : Gold 's no Christian , but an Indian elfe . Did not the very kingdome seeme to shake Her precious massie limbes ? did she not make All English cities ( like her pulses ) beate With people in their veines ? the feare so great , That had it not bene phisickt with rare peace , Our populous power had lessend her increase . The Spring-time that was dry , had sprung in blood , A greater dearth of men , than e're of foode : In such a panting time , and gasping yeare , Victuals are cheapest , only men are deare . Now each wise-acred Landlord did dispaire , Fearing some villaine should become his heire , Or that his sonne and heire before his time , Should now turne villaine , and with violence clime Vp to his life saying father you haue seene King He●ry , Edward , Mary , and the Queene , I wonder you 'le liue longer ! then he tells him Hee s loth to see him kild , therfore he kills him , And each vast Landlord dyes lyke a poore slaue , Their thousand acres makes them but a graue , At such a time great men conuey their treasure Into the trusty Citie : wayts the leisure Of bloud and insurrection , which warre clips , When euery gate shutts vp her Iron lips , Imagine now a mighty man of dust , Standeth in doubt , what seruant he may trust , With Plate worth thousands : Iewels worth farre more ▪ If he proue false , then his rich Lord proues poore : He calls forth one by one , to note their graces , Whilst they make legs he copies out their faces , Examines their eye-browe , consters their beard , Singles their Nose out , still he rests afeard : The first that comes by no meanes hee le alow , Has spyed three Hares starting betweene his brow , Quite turnes the word , names it Celeritie , For Hares do run away , and so may he : A second shewne : him he will scarce behold , His beard 's too red , the colour of his gold : A third may please him , but t is hard to say , A rich man 's pleasde , when his goods part away . And now do cherrup by , fine golden nests Of well hatcht bowles : such as do breed in feasts , For warre and death cupboords of plate downe pulls , Then Bacchus drinkes not in gilt-bowles , but sculls . Let me descend and stoope my verse a while , To make the Comicke cheeke of Poesie smile ; Ranck peny-fathers scud ( with their halfe hammes , Shadowing their calues ) to saue their siluer dammes , At euery gun they start , tilt from the ground , One drum can make a thousand Vsurers sound . In vnsought Allies and vnholesome places , Back-wayes and by-lanes , where appeare fewe faces , In shamble-smelling roomes , loathsome prospects , And penny-lattice-windowes , which reiects All popularitie : there the rich Cubs lurke , When in great houses ruffians are at worke , Not dreaming that such glorious booties lye Vnder those nasty roofes : such they passe by Without a search , crying there 's nought for vs , And wealthie men deceiue poore villaines thus : Tongue-trauelling Lawyers faint at such a day , Lye speechlesse , for they haue no words to say . Phisitions turne to patients , their Arts dry , For then our fat men without Phisick die . And to conclude , against all Art and good , Warre taints the Doctor , le ts the Surgion blood . Such was the fashion of this Land , when the great Land-Lady thereof left it : Shée came in with the fall of the leafe , and went away in the Spring : her life ( which was dedicated to Uirginitie , both beginning & closing vp a miraculous Mayden circle : for she was borne vpon a Lady Eue , and died vpon a Lady Eue : her Natiuitie & death being memorable by this wonder : the first and last yeares of her Raigne by this , that a Lee was Lords Maior when she came to the Crowne , and a Lee Lorde Maior when she departed from it . Thrée places are made famous by her for thrée things , Greenewich for her birth , Richmount for her death , White-Hall for her Funerall : vpon her remouing from whence , ( to lend our tiring prose a breathing time ) stay , and looke vpon these Epigrams , being composed , 1. Vpon the Queenes last Remoue being dead . THe Queene 's remou'de in solemne sort , Yet this was strange , and seldome seene ; The Queene vsde to remoue the Court , But now the Court remou'de the Queene . 2. Vpon her bringing by water to White Hall. THe Queene was brought by water to White Hall , At euery stroake , the Oares ●eares let fall . More clung about the Barge : Fish vnder water Wept out their eyes of pearle , and swom blind after . I thinke the Barge-men might with easier thyes Haue rowde her thither in her peoples eyes : For howsoe're , thus much my thoughts haue skand , S'had come by water , had she come by land . 3. Vpon her lying dead at White Hall. THe Queene lyes now at White Hall dead , And now at White Hall liuing , To make this rough obiection euen , Dead at White Hall at Westminster , But liuing at White Hall in Heauen . Thus you sée that both in her life and her death shée was appointed to bee the mirror of her time : And surely , if since the first stone that was layd for the foundation of this great house of the world , there was euer a yeare ordained to be wondred at , it is only this : the Sibils , Octogesimus , Octauus Annus , That same terrible 88. which came sayling hither in the Spanish Armado , and made mens hearts colder then the frozen Zone , when they heard but an inckling of it : That 88. by whose horrible predictions , Almanack-makers stood in bodily feare their trade would bée vtterly ouerthrowne , and poore Erra Pater was threatned ( because he was a Iew ) to be put to ●aser offices , than the stopping of mustard●pots : That same 88. which had more prophecies waiting at his héeles , thā euer Merlin the Magitian had in his head , was a yeare o● Iubile to this . Platoes Mirabilis Annu● , ( whether it be past alreadie , or to come within these foure yeares ) may throwe Platoes cap at Mirabilis , for that title of wonderfull is bestowed vpon 1603. If that sacred Aromatically persumed fire of wit ( out of whose flames Phoenix poesie doth arise ) were burning in any brest , I would féede it with no other stuffe for a twelue-moneth and a day than with kindling papers full of lines , that should tell only of the chances , changes , and strange shapes that this Protean Climactericall yeare hath metamorphosed himselfe into . It is able to finde ten Chroniclers a competent liuing , and to set twentie Printers at worke . You shall perceiue I lye not , if ( with Peter Bales ) you will take the paines to drawe the whole volume of it into the compasse of a pennie . As first , to begin with the Quéenes death , then the Kingdomes falling into an Ague vpon that . Next , followes the curing of that feauer by the holesome receipt of a proclaymed King. That wonder begat more , for in an houre , two mightie Nations were made one : wilde Ireland became tame on the sudden , and some English great ones that before séemed tame , on the sudden turned wilde : The same Parke which great Iulius Caesar inclosed , to hold in that Déere whome they before hunted , being now circled ( by a second Caesar ) with stronger pales to kéepe them from leaping ouer . And last of all ( if that wonder be the last and shut vp the yeare ) a most dreadfull plague . This is the abstract , and yet ( like Stowes Chronicle of Decimo sexto to huge Hollinshead ) these small pricks in this Set-card of ours , represent mightie Countreys ; whilst I haue the quill in my hand , let me blow them bigger . The Quéene being honoured with a Diademe of Starres , France , Spaine , and Belg●a , lift vp their heads , preparing to do as much for England by giuing ayme , whilst she shot arrowes at her owne brest ( as they imagined ) as she had done ( many a yeare together ) for them : and her owne Nation betted on their sides , looking with distracted countenance for no better guests than Ciuill Sedition , Uprores , Rapes , Murders , and Massacres . But the whéele of Fate turned , a better Lottery was drawne , Pro Troia stabat Apol●o , God stuck valiantlie to vs. For behold , vp rises a comfortable Sun out of the North , whose glorious beames ( like a fan ) dispersed all thick and contagious clowdes . The losse of a Quéene , was paid with the double interest of a King and Quéene . The Cedar of her gouernment which stood alone and bare no fruit , is changed now to an Oliue , vpon whose spreading branches grow both Kings and Quéenes , Oh it were able to still a hundred paire of writing tables with notes , but to sée the parts plaid in the compasse of one houre on the stage of this new-found world ! Upon Thursday it was treason to cry God saue king Iames king of England , and vppon Friday hy● treason not to cry so . In the morning no voice heard but murmures and lamentation , at noone nothing but shoutes of gladnes & triumpe . S. George and S. Andrew that many hundred yeares had de●●●d one another , were now sworne brothers : England and Scotland ( being parted only with a narrow Riuer , and the people of both Empires speaking a language lesse differing than english within it selfe , as the prouidence had enacted , that one day those two Nations should marry one another ) are now made sure together , and king Iames his Coronation , is the solemne wedding day . Happiest of all thy Ancestors ( thou mirror of all Princes that euer were or are ) that at seauen of the clock wert a king but ouer a péece of a little Iland , and before eleuen the greatest Monarch in Christendome . Now — Siluer Crowds Of blisfull Angels and tryed Marytrs tread On the Star-●eeling ouer Englands head : Now heauen broke into a wonder , and brought forth Our omne bonum from the holesome North ( Our fruitfull souereigne ) Iamns , at whose dread name Rebellion swounded , and ( ere since ) became Groueling and nerue-lesse , wanting blo●d to nourish , For Ruine gnawes her selfe when kingdomes flourish , Nor are our hopes planted in regall springs , Neuer to wither , for our aire breedes kings : And in all ages ( from this soueraigne time ) England shall still be calde the royall clime . Most blisfull Monarch of all earthen powers , Seru'd with a messe of kingdomes , foure such bowers ( For prosperous hiues , and rare industrious swarmes ) The world containes not in her solid armes . O thou that art the Meeter of our dayes , Poets Apollo ! deale thy Daphnean bayes To those whose wits are bay-trees , euer greene , Vpon whose hye tops , Poesie chirps vnseene : Such are most fit , t'apparell Kings in rimes , Whose siluer numbers are the Muses chimes , Whose spritely caracters ( being once wrought on ) Out-liue the marble th' are insculpt vpon : Let such men chaunt thy vertue , then they flye On Learnings wings vp to Eternitie . As for the rest , that limp ( in cold desert ) Hauing small wit , lesse iudgement , and least Art : Their verse ! t is almost heresie to heare , Banish their lines some furlong , from thine eare : For t is held dang'rous ( by Apolloes signe ) To be infected with a leaprous line ▪ O make some Adamant Act ( n'ere to be worne ) That none may write but those that are true-borne : So when the worlds old cheekes shall race and peele , Thy Acts shall breath in Epitaphs of Steele . By these Comments it appeares that by this time Ling Iames is proclaimed : now does fresh blood leape into the chéekes of the Courtier : the Souldier now hangs vp his armor , and is glad that he shall féede vpon the blessed fruites of peace : the Scholler sings Hymnes in honor of the Muses , assuring himselfe now that Helicon will bée kept pure , because Apollo himselfe drinkes of it . Now the thriftie Citizen casts beyond the Moone , and séeing the golden age returned into the world againe , resolues to worship no Saint but money . Trades that lay dead & rotten , and were in all mens opinion vtterly dambd , started out of their trance , as though they had drunke of Aqua Caelestis , or Unicornes horne , and swore to fall to their olde occupations . Taylors meant no more to be called Merchant-taylors , but Merchants , for their shops were all lead foorth in leases to be turned into ships , and with their sheares ( in stead of a Rudder ) would they haue cut the Seas ( like Leuant Taffaty ) and sayld to the West Indies for no worse stuffe to make hose and doublets of , than beaten gold : Or if the necessitie of the time ( which was likely to stand altogether vpon brauery ) should presse them to serue with their iron and Spanish weapons vpon their stalls , then was there a sharpe law made amongst them , that no workman should handle any néedle but that which had a pearle in his eye , nor any copper thimble , vnlesse it were linde quite through , or bumbasted with siluer . What Mechanicall hardhanded Uulcanist ( séeing the dice of Fortune run so swéetly , and resoluing to strike whilst the iron was hote ) but perswaded himselfe to bée Maister or head Warden of the company ere halfe a yeare went about ? The worst players Boy stood vpon his good parts , swearing tragicall and busking oathes , that how vilainously soeuer he randed , or what bad and vnlawfull action soeuer he entred into , he would in despite of his honest audience , be halfe a sharer ( at least ) at home , or else strowle ( that 's to say trauell ) with some notorious wicked sloundring company abroad . And good reason had these time-catchers to be led into this fooles paradice , for they sawe mirth in euery mans face , the stréetes were plumd with gallants , Tabacconists fild vp whole Tauernes : Uintners hung our spicke and span new Iuy bushes ( because they wanted good wine ) and their old raine-beaten lattices marcht vnder other cullors , hauing lost both company and cullors before . London was neuer in the high way to preferment till now ; now she resolued to stand vpon her pantoffles : now ( and neuer till now ) did she laugh to scorne that worme-eaten prouerbe of Lincolne was , London is , & Yorke shall bée , for she saw her selfe in better state then Ierusalem , she went more gallant then euer did Antwerp , was more courted by amorous and lustie suiters then Venice ( the minion of Italy ) more loftie towers stood ( like a Coronet , or a spangled head-tire ) about her Temples , then euer did about the beautifull forehead of Rome : Tyrus and Sydon to her were like two thatcht houses , to Theobals : y e grand Cayr but a hogsty . Hinc illae lachrimae , She wept her belly full for all this . Whilst Troy was swilling sack and sugar , and mowsing ●at venison , the made Gréekes made bonefires of their houses : Old Priam was drinking a health ●o the wooden horse , and before it could be pledgd had his throat cut . Corne is no sooner ripe , but for all the pricking vp of his eares hée is pard off by the shins , and made to goe vpon stumps . Flowers no sooner budded , but they are pluckt vp and dye . Night walks at the héeles of the day , and sorrow enters ( like a tauerne-bill ) at the taile of our pleasures : for in the Appenine heigth of this immoderate ioy and securitie ( that like Powles Stéeple ouer lookt the whole Citie ) Behold , that miracle-worker , who in one minute ●urnd our generall mourning to a generall mirth , does nowe againe in a moment alter tha● gladnes to shrikes & lamentation . Here would I faine make a full point , because posteritie should not be frighted with those miserable Tragedies , which now my Muse ( as Chorus ) stands ready to present . Time would thou hadst neuer bene made wretched by bringing them forth : Obliuion would in all the graues and sepulchres , whose ranke iawes thou hast already closo vp , or shalt yet hereafter burst open , thou couldst likewise bury them for euer . A stiffe and fréezing horror sucks vp the riuers of my blood : my haire stands an ende with the panting of my braines : mine eye balls are ready to start out , being beaten with the billowes of my teares : out of my wéeping pen does the inck mournefully and more bitterly than gall drop on the pale●ac'd paper , euen when I do but thinke how the bowels of my sicke Country haue bene torne , Apollo therefore and you bewitching siluer-tongd Muses , get you gone , Inuocate none of your names : Sorrow & Truth , sit you on each side of me , whilst I am deliuered of this deadly burden : prompt me that I may vtter ruthfull and passionate condolement : arme my trembling hand , that it may boldly rip vp and Anotimize the v●cerous body of this Anthropophagized plague : lend me Art ( without any counterfeit shadowing ) to paint and delineate to the life the whole story of this mortall and pestifero●s battaile , & you the ghosts of those more ( by many ) then 40000. that with the vir●lent poison of infection haue bene driuen out of your earthly dwellings : you desolate hand-wringing widowes , that beate your bosomes ouer your departing husbands : you wofully distracted mothers that with disheueld haire falne into swounds , whilst you lye kissing the insensible cold lips of your breathlesse Infants : you out-cast and downe-troden Orphanes , that shall many a yeare hence remember more freshly to mourne , when your mourning garments shall looke olde and be for gotten ; And you the Genij of all those emptyed families , whose habitations are now among the Antipodes : Ioyne all your hands together , and with your bodies cast a ring about me : let me behold your ghastly vizages , that my paper may receiue their true pictures : Eccho forth your grones through the hollow truncke of my pen , and raine downe your gummy teares into mine Incke , that euen marble bosomes may be shaken with terrour , and hearts of Adamant melt into compassion . What an vnmatchable torment were it for a man to be ●ard vp euery night in a vast silent Charnell-house ? hung ( to make it more hideous ) with lamps dimly & slowly burning , in hollow and glimmer●ng corners : where all the pauement should in stead of gréene rushes , be strewde with blasted Rosemary : withered Hyacinthes , fatall Cipresse and Ewe , thickly mingled with heapes of dead mens bones : the bare ribbes of a father that begat him , lying there : here the Chaplesse hollow scull of a mother that bore him : round about him a thousand Coarses , some standing bolt vpright in their knotted winding shéetes : others halfe mouldred in rotten coffins , that should suddenly yawne wide open , filling his nosthrils with noysome stench , and his eyes with the sight of nothing but crawling wormes . And to kéepe such a poore wretch waking , he should heare no noise but of Toads croaking , Screech-Owles howling , Mandrakes shriking : were not this an infernall prison ? would not the strongest , harted man ( beset with such a ghastly horror ) looke wilde ? and runne madde ? and die ? And euen such a formidable shape did the diseased Citie appeare in : For he that durst ( in the dead houre of gloomy midnight ) haue bene so valiant , as to haue walkt through the still and melancholy stréets , what thinke you should haue bene his musicke ? Surely the loude grones of rauing sicke men : the strugling panges of soules departing : In euery house griefe striking vp an Allarum : Seruants crying out for maisters : wiues for husbands , parents for children , children for their mothers : here he should haue met some frantickly running to knock vp Sextons ; there , others fearfully sweating with Coffins , to steale forth dead bodies , least the fatall hand-writing of death should seale vp their doores . And to make this dismall consort more full , round about him Bells heauily folling in one place , and ringing out in another : The dreadfulnesse of such an houre , is in vtterable : let vs goe further . If some poore man , suddeinly starting out of a swéete and golden slumber , should behold his house flaming about his eares , all his family destroied in their sléepes by the mercilesse fire ; himselfe in the very midst of it , wofully and like a madde man calling for helpe : would not the misery of such a distressed soule , appeare the greater , if the rich Usurer dwelling next doore to him , should not stirre , ( though he felt part of the danger ) but suffer him to perish , when the thrusting out of an arme might haue saued him ? O how many thousands of wretched people ha●e acted this poore mans part ? how often hath the amazed husband waking , ●ound the comfort of his bedde lying breathlesse by his side ! his children at the same instant gasping for life ! and his seruants mortally wounded at the hart by sicknes ! the distracted creature , beats at death doores , exclaimes at windowes , his cries are sharp inough to pierce heauen , but on earth no ●are is opend to receiue them . And in this maner do the tedious minutes of the night stretch out the sorrowes of ten thousand : It is now day , let vs looke forth and try what Consolation rizes with the Sun : not any , not any : for before the Iewell o● the morning be fully set in siluer , hundred hungry graues stand gaping , and euery one of them ( as at a breakfast ) hath swallowed downe ten or eleuen liuelesse carcases : before dinner , in the same gul●e are twice so many more deuoured : and before the sun takes his rest , those numbers are doubled : Thréescore that not many houres before had euery one seuerall lodgi●gs very delicately furnisht , are now thrust altogether into one close roome : a litie noisome roome : not fully ten foote square . Doth not this strike coldly to y e hart of a worldly mizer ? To some , the very sound of deaths name , is in stead of a passing-bell : what shall become of such a coward , being told that the selfe●same bodie of his , which now is so pampered with superfluous fare , so per●umed and bathed in odoriferous waters , and so gaily apparelled in varietie of fashiōs , must one day be throwne ( like stinking carion ) into a rank & rotten graue ; where his goodly eies , y ● did once shoote foorth such amorous gla●ces , must be beaten out of his head : his lockes that hang wantonly dangling , troden in durt vnder-foote : this doubtlesse ( like thunder ) must néeds strike him into the earth . But ( wretched man ! ) when thou shalt sée , and be assured ( by tokens sent thée from heauen ) that to morrow thou must be tumbled into a Mucke-pit , and s●ffer thy body to be bruisde and prest with thréescore dead men , lying ●louenly vpon thée , and thou to be vndermost of all ! yea and perhaps halfe of that number were thine enemies ! ( and sée howe they may be reuenged , for the wormes that bréed out of their putrifying carkasses , shall crawle in huge swarmes from them , and quite deuoure thée ) what agonies will this strange newes driue thée into ? If thou art in loue with thy selfe , this cannot choose but possesse thée with frenzie . But thou art gotten safe ( out of the ciuill citie Calamitie ) to thy Parkes and Pallaces in the Country , lading thy asses and thy Mules with thy gold , ( thy god ) , thy plate , and thy Iewels : and the fruites of thy wombe thriftily growing vp but in one onely sonne , ( the young Landlord of all thy carefull labours ) him also hast thou rescued from the arrowes of infection ; Now is thy soule iocund , and thy sences merry . But open thine eyes thou Foole and behold that darling of thine eye , ( thy sonne ) turnd suddeinly into a lumpe of clay ; the hand of pestilence hath smote him euen vnder thy wing : Now doest thou rent thine haire , blaspheme thy Creator , cursest thy creation , and basely descendest into bruitish & vnmanly passions , threatning in despite of death & his Plague , to maintaine the memory of thy childe , in the euerlasting brest of Marble : a tombe must now defen● him from tempests : and for that purpose , the swetty hinde ( that digs the rent he paies thée out of the entrailes of the earth ) he is sent for , to conuey foorth that burden of thy sorrow : But no●e how thy pride is disdained : that weather-beaten sun-burnt drudge , that not a month since fawnd vpon thy worship like a Spaniell , and like a bond-slaue , would haue stoopt lower than thy féete , does now stoppe his nose at thy presence , and is readie to set his Mastiue as hye as thy throate , to driue thée from his doore : all thy golde and siluer cannot hire one of those ( whom before thou didst scorne ) to carry the dead body to his last home : the Country round about thee shun thée , as a Basiliske , and therefore to London ( from whose armes thou cowardly fledst away ( poast vpon poast must be galloping , to fetch from thence those that may performe that Funerall Office : But there are they so full of graue-matters of their owne , that they haue no leisure to attend thine : doth not this cut thy very heart-strings in sunder ? If that doe not , the shutting vp of the Tragicall Act , I am sure will : for thou must be inforced with thine owne handes , to winde vp ( that blasted flower of youth ( in the last linnen , that euer he shall weare : vpon thine owne shoulders must thou beare part of him , thy amazed seruant the other : with thine owne hands must thou dig his graue , ( not in the Church , or common place of buriall , ) thou hast not fauour ( for all thy riches ) to be so happie , ) but in thine Orcharde , or in the proude walkes of thy Garden , wringing thy palsie-shaking hands in stead of belles , ( most miserable father ) must thou search him out a sepulcher . My spirit growes faint with rowing in this Stygian Ferry , it can no longer endure the transportation of soules in this dolefull manner : let vs therefore shift a point of our Compasse , and ( since there is no remedie , but that we must still bée tost vp and downe in this Mare mortuum ) hoist vp all our sailes , and on the merry winges of a lustier winde séeke to arriue on some prosperous shoare . Imagine then that all this while , Death ( like a Spanish Leagar , or rather like stalking Tamberlaine ) hath pitcht his tents , ( being nothing but a heape of winding shéetes tackt together ) in the sinfully-polluted Suburbes : the Plague is Muster-maister and Marshall of the field : Burning Feauers , Boyles , Blaines , and Carbuncles , the Leaders , Lieutenants , Serieants , and Corporalls : the maine Army consisting ( like Dunkirke ) of a mingle-mangle , viz. dumpish Mourners , merry Sextons , hungry Coffin-sellers , scrubbing Bearers , and nastie Graue-makers : but indéed they are the Pioners of the Campe , that are imployed onely ( like Moles ) in casting vp of earth and digging of trenches ; Feare and Trembling ( the two Catch-polles of Death ) arrest euery one : No parley will be graunted , no composition stood vpon , But the Allarum is strucke vp , the Toxin ringes out for life , and no voyce heard but Tue , Tue , Kill , Kill ; the little Belles onely ( like small shot ) d●e yet go● off , and make no great worke for wormes , a hundred or two l●st in euery skirmish , or so : but alas that 's nothing : yet by those desperat sallies , what by open setting vpon them by day , and secret Ambuscadoes by night , the skirts of London were pittifully pared off , by litle and litle : which they within the gates perceiuing , it was no bo●t to bid them take their héeles , for away they trudge thick and thréefold ; some riding , some on foote : some without bootes , some in their slippers , by water , by land , In shoales swo● they West-ward , mary to Grauesend none went vnlesse they be driuen , for whosoeuer landed there neuer came back again : Hacknies , water-men & Wagon● , were not so terribly imployed many a yeare ; so that within a short time , there was not a good horse in Smith-field , nor a Coach to be set eye on . For after the world had once run vpon the whéeles of the Pest-cart , neither coach nor caroach durst appeare in his likenesse . Let vs pursue these runnawayes no longer , but leaue them in the vnmercifull hands of the Country-hard-hearted Hobbinolls , ( who are ordaind to be their Tormentors , ) and returne backe to the stege of the Citie ; for the enemie taking aduantage by their ●●ight , planted his ordinance against the walls ; here the Canons ( like their great Bells ) roard : the Plague tooke sore paines for a breach ; he laid about him cruelly , ere he could get it , but at length he and his tiranous band entred : his purple colour● were presently ( with the sound of Bow-bell in stead of a trompet ) aduanced , and ioynd to the Standard o● the Citie ; he marcht euen thorow Cheapside , and the capitall stréets of Troynouant : the only bl●t of dishonor that struck vpon this Inuader , being this , that he● plaid● the tyrant , not the conqueror , making ha●ocke of all , when h● had all lying at the foote of his mercy . Men , women & children dropt downe before him : houses were ri●led , stréetes 〈◊〉 , beautifull maidens throwne on their beds , and rauisht by sicknes : rich mens Cofers broken open , and shared amongst prodigall heires and vnthri●tie seruants : poore men vsde poorely , but not pittifully : he did very much hurt , yet some say he did very much good . Howsoeuer he behaued himselfe , this intelligence runs currant , that euery house lookte like S. Bartholmewes Hospitall , and euery stréete like Bucklersbury , for poore Methrid●tum and Dragon-water ( being both of them in all the world , scarce worth thrée-pence ) were ●oxt in euery corner , and yet were both drunk● euery houre at other mens cost . Lazarus laie groning at euery mans doore , mary no Diues was within to send him a cru● , ( for all your Gold-●●nches were fled to the woods ) nor a dogge left 〈◊〉 licke vp his sores , for they ( like Curres ) were knockt downe like Oxen , and fell thicker then Acornes . I am amazed to remember what dead Marches were made of thrée thousand trooping together ; husbands , wiues & children , being led as ordinarily to one graue , as if they had gone to one bed . And those that ●ould shift for a time , and shrink their heads out of the collar ( as many did ) yet went they ( most bitterly ) miching and muffled vp & downe with Rue and Wormewood ●●utt into their ●ares and nosthrils , looking like so many Bores heads stuck with branches of Rosemary , to be serued in for Brawne at Christmas . This was a rare worlde for the Church , who had wont to complaine for want of liuing , and now had more liuing thrust vpon her , than she knew how to bestow : to haue bene Clarke now to a parish Clarke , was better then to serue some foolish Iustic● of Peace , or than the yeare before to haue had a Bene●ice . Sextons gaue out , if they might ( as they hoped ) continue these doings but a tweluemoneth longer , they and their posteritie would all ryde vppon footecloathes to the ende of the world . Amongst which worme-eaten generation , the thrée bald Sextons of limpi●g Saint Gyles , Saint Sepulchres , and Saint Olaues , rulde the roaste more hotly , than euer did the Triumuiri of Rome ▪ Iehochanan , Symeon , and Eleazar , neuer kept such a plaguy coyle in Ierusalem among the hunger-starued Iewes , as these thrée Sharkers did in their Parishes among naked Christians . Cursed they were I am sure by some to the pitte of hell , for tearing money out of their throates , that had not a crosse in their purses . But alas● they must haue it , it is their Fee , and therefore giue the Diuell his due : Onely Hearbe-wiues and Gardeners ( that neuer prayed before , vnlesse it were for Raine or faire Weather , were now day and night vppon their marybones , that God would blesse the labors of those mole-catchers , because they sucke sweetnesse by this ; for the price of ●low●rs , Hearbes and garlands , rose wonderfully , in so much that Rosemary which had wont to be sold for 12. pence an armefull , went now for six shillings a handfull . A fourth sharer likewise ( these winding-shéete-weauers ) deserues to haue my penne giue his lippes a Iewes Letter , but because he worships the Bakers good Lord & Maister , charitable S. Clement ( whereas none of the other thrée euer had to do with any Saint ) he shall scape the better ▪ only let him take heede , that hauing all this yeare buried his praiers in the bellies of Fat ones , and plump Capon-eaters , ( for no worse meat would downe this Bly-foxes stomach ) let him I say take héee least ( his flesh now falling away , his carcas be not plagude with leane ones , of whom ( whilst the ●ill of Lord haue mercy vpon vs , was to be denied in no place ) it was death for him to heare . In this pittifull ( or rather pittilesse ) perplexitie stood London ; forsaken like a Louer , forlorne like a widow , and disarmde of all comfort : disarmde I may well say , for fiue Rapiers were not stirring all this time , and those that were worne , had neuer bin séene , if any money could haue bene lent vpon them , so hungry is the Estridge disease , that it will ●euoure euen Iron : let vs therefore with bag & baggage march away from this dangerous sore Citie , and visit those that are fled into the Country . But alas ! Decidis in Scyllam , you are pepperd if you visit them , for they are visited alreadie : the broad Arrow of Death , flies there vp & downe , as swiftly as it doth here : they that rode on the lust●est geldings , could not out-gallop the Plague , It ouer-tooke them , and ouerturnd them too , horse and foote . You whom the arrowes of pestilence haue reache at eightéen and twenty score ( tho you stood far enough as you thought frō the marke ( you that sickning in the hie way , would haue bene glad of a bed in an Hospitall , and dying in the open fieldes , haue bene buried like dogs , how much better had it bin for you , to haue ly●●●uller of byles & Plague-sores than euer did Iob , so you might in that extremity haue receiued both bodily & spiritual comfort , which there was denied you ? For those misbeléeuing Pagans , the plough-driuers , those worse then Infidels , that ( like their ▪ Swine neuer looke vp so high as Heauen : when Citizens boorded them they wrung their hands , and wisht rather they had falne into the hands of Spaniards : for the sight of a flat-cap was more dreadfull to a Lob , then the discharging of a Caliuer : a treble-ruffe ( being but once named the Merchants set ) had power to cast a whole houshold into a cold sweat . If one new suite of Sackcloth had béene but knowne to haue come out of Burchin-lane ( being the common Wardrope for all their Clowne-ships ) it had béene enough to make a Market towne giue vp the ghost . A Crow that had béene séene in a Sunne-shine day , standing on the top of Powles , would haue béene better than a Beacon on sire , to hau● raizd all the townes within ten miles of London , for the kéeping her out . Neuer let any man aske me what became of our Phisitions in this Massacre , they hid their Synodicall heads aswell as the prowdest : and I cannot blame them , for their Phlebotomies , Lo●inges , and Electuaries , with their Di●catholicons , Diacodions , Amulets , and Antidotes , had not so much strength to hold life and soule together , as a pot of Pinders Ale and a Nutmeg : their Drugs turned to durst , their simples where simple things : Galen could do no more good , than Sir Giles Goosecap : Hipocrates , Auicen , Paraselsus , Rasis , Fernelius , with all their succéeding rabble of Doctors and Water-casters , were at their wite end , or I thinke rather at the worlds end , for no● one of them durst péepe abroad ; or if any one did take vpon him to play the ventrous Knight , the Plague pu● him to his Nonpl●s ; in such strange , and such changeable shapes did this Camel●onlike si●k●es appeare , that they could not ( with all the cunning in their budgets ) make pursen●ts to take him napping . Onely a band of Desper-vewes , some fewe Empiricall mad-caps ( for they could neuer be worth veluet caps ) tu●ned themselues into Bées ( or more properly into Drones ) and went humming vp and downe , with hony-brags in their mouthes , sucking the swéetnes of Siluer ( and now and then of Aurum Potabile ) out of the poison of Blaines and Carbuncles : and these iolly Mountibanks clapt vp their bils vpon euery po●t ( like a Fencers Challenge ) threatning to canuas the Plague , and to ●●ght with him at all his owne seuerall weapons : I know not how they sped , but some they sped I am sure , for I haue heard ●hem band for the Heauens , because they sent those thither , that were wisht to tarry longer vpon earth . I could in this place make your chéekes looke pale , and your hearts shake , with telling how some haue had 18 ▪ sores at one time running vpon them , others 10. and 12. many 4. and 5. and how those that haue bin foure times wounded by this yeares infection , haue dyed of the last wound , whilst others ( that wer● hurt as often ) goe vp and downe now with sounder limmes , then many that come out of France , and the Nether-lands . And descending from these , I could draw forth a Catalogue of many poore wretches , that in fieldes , in ditches , in common Cages , and vnder stalls ( being either thrust by cruell maister● out of doores , or wanting all worldly succour but the common benefit of earth and aire ) haue most miserably perished . But to Chronicle these would weary a second Fabian . We will therefore play the Souldiers , who at the end of any notable battaile , with a kind of sad delight rehearse the memorable acts of their friends that lye mangled before them : some shewing how brauely they gaue the onset : some , how politickly they retirde : others , how manfully they gaue and receiued wounds : a fourth steps forth , and glories how valiantly hée lost an arme : all of them making ( by this meanes ) the remembrance euen of tragicall and mischieuous euents very delectable . Let vs striue to do so , discoursing ( as it were at the end of this mortall stege of the Plague ) of the seuerall most worthy accidents , and strange birthes which this pestiferous yeare hath brought ●oorthsome of them yéelding Comicall and ridiculous stuffe , others lamentable : a third kind , vpholding rather admiration , then laughter or pittie . As first , to rellish the pallat of lickerish expectation , and withall to giue an Item how sudden a stabber this ruffianly swaggerer ( Death ) is , You must belée●e , that amongst all the weary number of those that ( on their bare féete ) haue trauaild ( in this long and heauie vocation ) to the Holy-land , one ( whose name I could for néede bestow vpon you ) but that I know you haue no néed of it , tho many want a good name ) lying in that cōmon Inn● of sick-men , his bed , & séeing the black & blew stripes of the plague sticking on his flesh , which he receiued as tokens ( from heauen ) that he was presently to goe dwell in the vpper world , most earnestly requested , and in a manner coniured his friend ( who came to enterchange a last farewell ) that hée would see him goe handsomely attirde into the wild Irish countrey of wormes , and for that purpose to bestow a Coffin vpon him : his friend louing him ( not because he was poore ( yet he was poore ) but because hee was a Scholler : Alack that the West Indies stand so farre from Uniuersities ! and that a minde richly apparelled should haue a thréed-bare body ! ) made faithfull promise to him , that he should be naild vp , he would boord him , and for that purpose went instantly to one of the new-found trade of Coffin-cutters , bespake one , and ( like the Surueyour of deaths buildings ) gaue direction how this little Tenement should be framed , paying all the rent for it before hand . But note vpon what slippery ground , life goes ! l●ttle did he thinke to dwell in that roome himselfe which he had taken for his friend : yet it seemed the common law of mortalitie had so decréede , for hée was cald into the colde companie of his gra●e neighbours an houre before his infected friend , and had a long lease ( euen till doomes day ) in the same lodging , which in the strength of health he went to prepare for another . What credit therefore is to be giuen to breath , which like an harlot will runne away with euery minute . How nimble is sickenesse , and what skill hath he in all the weapons he playes withall ? The greatest cutter that takes vp the Mediterranean I le in Powles for his Gallery to walke in , cannot ward off his blowes . Hée s the best Fencer in the world : Vincentio Sauiolo is no body to him : He has his Mandrit●aes , Imbrocataes , Stramazones , and S●occataes at his ●ingers ends : hee le make you giue him ground , though y● were neuer worth foote of land , and beat you out of breath , though Aeolus himselfe plai● vpō your wind-pipe . To witnes which , I will call forth a Dutch-man ( yet now hée s past calling for , has lost his hearing , for his eares by this time are eaten off with wormes ) who ( though hée dwell in Bedlem ) was not mad , yet the very lookes of the Plague ( which indéed are terrible ) put him almost out of his wits , for when the snares of this cunning hunter ( the Pestilence ) were but newly . layd , and yet layd ( as my Dutch-man semlt it out well enough ) to intrap poore mens liues that meant him no hurt , away sneakes my clipper of the kings english , and ( because Musket-shot should not reach him ) to the Low-countries ( that are built vpon butter●irkins , and Holland chéese ) sailes this plaguie fugitiue , but death , ( who hath more authoritie there than all the seauen Electors , and to shew him that there were other Low-countrey besides his owne ) takes a little Frokin ( one of my Dutch runnawayes children ) and sends her packing , into those Netherlands shée departed : O how pitifully lookt my Burgomaister , when he vnderstood that the sicknes could swim ! It was an easie matter to scape the Donkirks , but Deaths Gallyes made out after him swifter then the great Turkes . Which he perceiuing , made no more adoo , but drunke to the States fiue or sixe healths ( because he would be sure to liue well ) and backe againe comes he , to try the strength of English Béere : his old Randeuous of mad-men was the place of meeting , where he was no sooner arriued , but the Plague had him by the backe , and arrested him vpon an Exeat Regnum , ●or running to the enemie , so that for the mad tricks he plaid to cozen our English wormes of his Dutch carkas ( which had béene fatted héere ) sicknesse and death clapt him vp in Bedlem the second time , and there he lyes , and there he shall lye till he rot before I le meddle any more of with him . But being gotten out of Bedlem , let vs make a iourney to Bristow , taking an honest knowne Citizen along with vs , who with other company trauailing thither ( onely for feare the aire of London should conspire to poison him ) and setting vp his rest not to heare the sound of Bow-bell till next Christmas , was notwithstanding in the hye way singled out from his company , and set vpon by the Plague , who had him stand , and deliuer his life . The rest at that word shifted for themselues , and went on , hée ( amazed to sée his friends flye , and being not able to defend himselfe , for who can defend himselfe meeting such an enemy ? ) yéelded , and being but about fortie miles from London , vsed all the slights he could to get loose out of the handes of death , and so to hide himselfe in his owne house , whereupon , he calld for help at the same Inne , where not long before he and his fellowe pilgrimes obtained for their money ( mary yet with more prayers then a beggar makes in thrée Termes ) to stand and drinke some thirtie foote from the doore . To this house of tipling iniquitie hée repaires againe , coniuring the Lares or walking Sprites in it , if it were Christmas ( that it was well put in ) and in the name of God , to succor and rescue him to their power out of the handes of infection , which now assaulted his body : the Diuell would haue bene afraid of this coniuration , but they were not , yet afraid they were it séemed , for presently the doores had their woodden ribs crusht in pieces , by being beat●n together : the casements were shut more close than an Usurers greasie veluet powch : the drawing windowes were hangd , drawne , and quartred : not a creuis but was stopt , not a mouse-hole left open , for all the holes in the house were most wickedly dambd vp : mine Hoste and Hostesse ranne ouer one another into the backe-side , the maydes into the Orchard , quiuering and quaking , and ready to hang themselues on the innocent Plumb trées ( for hanging to them would not be so sore a death as the Plague , and to die maides too ! O horrible ! ) As for the Tapster , he fled into the Cellar , rapping out fiue or sixe plaine Countrey oathes , that hée would drowne himselfe in a most villanous Stand of Ale , if the sicke Londoner stoode at the doore any longer . But stand there he must , for to go away ( well ) he cannot , but continues knocking and calling in a faint voyce , which in their eares sounded , as if some staring ghost in a Tragedie had exclaimd vpon Rhadamanth : he might knocke till his hands akte , and call till his heart akte for they were in a worse pickle within , then hée was without : hée being in a good way to go to Heauen , they being so frighted , that they scarce knew whereabout Heauen stoode , onely they all cryed out , Lord haue mercie vpon vs , yet Lord haue mercy vpon vs was the only thing they feared . The dolefull catastrophe of all is , a bed could not be had for all Babilon : not a cup of drinke , no , nor cold water be gotten , though it had 〈◊〉 or Alexander the great : 〈◊〉 a draught of Aqua●v●tae might haue saued his soule , the towne denyed to do God that good seruice . What miserie continues euer ? the poore man standing thu● at deaths doore , and looking euery minute when he should bee let in , behold , another Londoner that had likewise bene in the Frigida zona of the Countrey , and was returning ( like Aeneas out of hell ) to the heauen of his owne home , makes a stand at this sight , to play the Physition , and seeing by the complexion of his patient that he was sicke at heart , applies to his soule the best medicines that his comforting spéech could make , for there dwell no Poticary néere enough to helpe his body . Being therefore driuen out of all other shi●tes , he leads him into a field ( a bundle of Stawe , which with much adoe he bought for money , seruing in stead of a Pillow . ) But the Destinies hearing the diseased partie complaine and take on , because hée lay in a field●bedde , when before hee would haue beene glad of a mattresse , for very spight cut the threade of his life , the crueltie of which déede made the other that playd Charities part ) at his wittes end , because hée knew not where to purchase tenne foote of ground for his graue : the Church nor Churchyard would let none of their lands . Maister Uiear was strucke dumbe , and could not giue the dead a good word , neither Clarke nor Sexton could be hired to execute their Office ; no , they themselues would first be executed : so that he that neuer handled shouell before , got his implements about him , ripped vp the belly of the earth , and made it like a graue , stript the colde carcasse , bound his shirt about his téete , pulled a linnen night cappe ouer his eyes , and so layde him in the rotten bedde of the earth , couering him with cloathes cut out of the same piece : and learning by his last words his name and habitation , this sad Trauailer arriues at London , deliuering to the amazed widdow and children , in stead of a father and a husband , onely the out-side of him , his apparell . But by the way note one ●hing , the bringer of these heauy tydings ( as if he had liued long enough when so excellent a worke of pietie and pittie was by him finished ) the very next day after his comming home , d●parted out of this world , to receiue his reward in the Spirituall Court of heauen . It is plaine therefore by the euidence of these two witnesses , that death , like a thiefe , sets vpon men in the hie way , dogs them into their owne houses , breakes into their bed chambers by night , assaults them by day , and yet no law can take hold of him : he deuoures man and wife : offers violence to their faire daughters : kils their youthf●ll sonnes , and deceiues them of their seruants : yea , so full of trecherie is he growne ( since this Plague tooke his part ) that no Louers dare trust him , nor by their good wils would come neare him , for he workes their downfall , euen when their delights are at the highest . Too ripe a proofe haue we of this , in a paire of Louers ; the maide was in the pride of fresh bloud and beautie : she was that which to be now is a wonder , yong and yet chaste : the gifts of her mind were great , yet those which fortune bestowed vpon her ( as being well descended ) were not much inferiour : On this louely creature did a yong man so stedfastly ●ixe his eye , that her lookes kindled in his bosome a desire , whose ●●ames burnt the more brightly , because they were fed with swéet and modest thoughts : Hymen was the God to whome he prayed day and night that he might marry her : his praiers were receiued , at length ( after many tempests of her deniall , and frownes of kinsfolk ) the element grew cléere , & he saw y e happy landing place , where he had long sought to ariue : the prize of her youth was made his own , and the solemne day appointed when it should be deliuered to him . Glad of which blessednes ( for to a louer it is a blessednes ) he wrought by all the possible art he could vse to shorten the expected houre , and bring it néerer : for , whether he feared the interception of parents , or that his owne soule , with excesse of ioy , was drowned in strange passions , he would often , with sighs mingled with kisses , and kisses halfe sinking in ●eares , prophetically tell her , that sure he should neuer liue to enioy her . To discredit which opinion of his , behold , the sunne had made hast and wakened the bridale morning . Now does he call his heart traitour , that did so ●alsly conspire against him : liuely bloud leapeth into his chéekes : hee s got vp , and gaily attirde to play the bridegroome , shée likewise does as cunningly turne her selfe into a bride : kindred and friends are mette together , soppes and muscadine run sweating vp and downe till they drop againe , to comfort their hearts , and beca●se so many coffins pestred London Churches , that there was no roome left for weddings , Coaches are prouided , and away rides all the traine into the Countrey . On a monday morning are these lustie Louers on their iourney , and before noone are they alighted , entring ( insteade of an Inne ) for more state into a Church , where they no sooner appeared , but the Priest fell to his busines , the holy knot was a tying , but he that should fasten it , comming to this , In sickenesse and in health , there he stopt , for sodainly the bride tooke holde of , in sicknes , for in health all that stoode by were in feare shee should neuer be kept . The maiden-blush into which her chéekes were lately died , now beganne to loose colour : h●r voyce ( like a coward ) would haue shrunke away , but that her Louer reaching her a hand , which he brought thither to giue her , ( for hée was not yet made a full husband ) did with that touch somewhat reuiue her : on went they againe so farre , till they mette with For better , for worse , there was she worse than before , and had not the holy Officer made haste , the ground on which shée stood to be marryed might easily haue béene broken vp for her buryall . All ceremonies being finished , she was ledde betwéene two , not like a Bride , but rather like a Coarse , to her bed : That ; must now be the table , on which the wedding dinner is to be serued vppe ( being at this time , nothing but teares , and sighes , and lamentation ) and Death is chiefe waiter , yet at lenght her weake heart wrastling with the pangs , gaue them a fall , so that vp shée stoode againe , and in the fatall funerall ▪ Coach that carried her forth , was she brought back ( as vpon a béere ) to the Citie : but sée the malice of her enemy that had her in chase , vpon the wensday following being ouertaken , was her life ouercome , Death rudely lay with her , and spoild her of a maiden head in spite of her husband . Oh the sorrow that did round beset him ! now was his diuination true , she was a wife , yet continued a maide : he was a husband and a widdower , yet neuer knew his wife : she was his owne , yet he had her not : she had him , yet neuer enioyed him : héere is a strange alteration , for the rosemary that was washt in swéete water to set out the Bridall , is now wet in teares to furnish her buriall : the musike that was heard to sound forth dances , can not now he heard for the ringing of belles : all the comfort that happened to either side being this , that he lost her , before she had time to be an ill wife , and she left him , ere he was able to be a bad husband . Better fortune had this Bride , to fall into the handes of the Plague , then one other of that fraile female sex , ( whose picture is next to be drawne ) had so scape out of them . An honest cobler ( if at least coblers can be honest , that liue altogether amongest wicked soales ) had a wife , who in the time of health treading her shooe often away , determined in the agony of a sicknesse ( which this yeare had a saying to her ) to fall to mending aswell as her husband did . The bed that she lay vpon ( being as she thought or rather feared ) the last bed that euer should beare her , ( for many other beds had bo●ne her you must remember ) and the worme of sinne tickling ▪ her conscience , vp she calls her very innocent and simple husband out of his vertuous shoppe , where like Iustice he sat distributing amongst the poore , to some , halfe-penny peeces , penny péeces to some , and two-penny peeces to others , so long as they would last , his prouident care being alway , that euery man and woman should goe vpright . To the beds side of his plaguy wire approacheth Monsieur Cobler , to vnderstand what deadly newes she had to tell him , and the rest of his kinde neighbours that there were assembled : such thicke teares standing in both the gutters of his 〈◊〉 , to sée his beloued lie in such a pickle , that in their salt water , all his vtterance was drownd : which she perceiuing , wept as fast as he : But by the warme counsell that sat about the bed , the shower ceast , she wiping her chéekes with the corner of one of the shéetes : and he , his sullie● face , with his leatherne apron . At last , two or thrée sighes ( like a Chorus to the tragedy ensuing ) stepping out first , wringing her handes ( which gaue the better action ) shée told the pittifull Actaeon her husband , that she had often done him wrong : hee onely shooke his head at this , and cried humh ! Which humh , she taking as the watch-word of his true patience , vnraueld the bottome of her frailetie at length , and concluded , that with such a man ( and named him , but I hope you would not haue me follow her steppes and name him too ) she practised the vniuersall & common Art of grafting , and that vpon her good mans head , they two had planted a monstrous paire of inuisible hornes : At the sound of the hornes , my cobler started vppe like a march Hare , and began to looke wilde : his awle neuer ranne through the sides of a boote , as that word did through his heart : but being a polliticke cobler , and remembring what péece of worke he was to vnder-lay , stroking his beard , like some graue headborough of the Parish , and giuing a nodde , as who should say , goe on , bade her goe on indéed , clapping to her sore soule , this generall salue , that All are sinnes , and we must forgiue , &c. For hée hoped by such wholesome Phisicke , ( as Shooemakers waxe being laide to a byle ) to draw out all the corruption of her secret villanies . She good heart being tickled vnder gilles , with the finger of these kind spéeches , turnes vp the white of her eye , and fetches out an other . An other , O thou that art trained vp in nothing but to handle péeces : ) Another hath discharged his Artillery against thy castle of fortification : here was pass●on predominant : Vulcan strooke the coblers ghost ( for he was now no cobler ) so hardy vpon his breast , that he cryed Oh! his neighbours taking pitte to sée what terrible stitches pulld him , rubde his swelling temples with the iuice of patience , which ( by vertue of the blackish sweate that stoode reaking on his browes , and had made them supple ) entred very easily into his now-parlous-vnderstanding scull : so that he left wenching , and sate quiet as a Lamb , falling to his old vomite of councell , which he had cast vp before , and swearing ( because he was in strong hope , this shoo should wring him no more ) to seale her a generall acquittance , prick● forward with this gentle spur , her tongue mends his pace , so that in her confession shée ouertooke others , whose po●tes had béene set all night on the Coblers laast , bestowing vppon him the poe sie of their names , the time , and place , to thin tent it might be put in to his next wifes wedding ring . And although shée had made all these blots in his tables , yet the bearing of one man false ( whom she had not yet discouered ) stucke more in her stomacke than all the rest , O valiant Cobler , cries out one of the Auditors , how art thou set vpon ? how are thou tempted ? happy arte thou , that thou art not in thy shop , for in stead of cutting out péeces of leather , thou wouldst doubtlesse now pare away thy hart : for I sée , and so do all thy neighbours here ( thy wife 's ghostly fathers ) sée that a small matter would now cause thée turne turk , & to meddle with no more patches : but to liue within the compasse of thy wit : lift not vp thy collar : be not horne mad : thanke heauen that the murther is reueald : study thou Baltazars Part in Ieronimo , for thou hast more cause ( though lesse reason ) than he , to be glad and sad . Well , I sée thou art worthy to haue patient Griseld to thy wife , for thou bearest more than she : thou shewst thy selfe to be a right cobler , and no sowter , that canst thus cleanely clowt vp the seam-rent sides of thy affection . With this learned Oration the Cobler was tutord : layd his singer on his mouth , and cried paucos palabros : he had sealed her pardon , and therefore bid her not feare : héervpon he named the malefactor , I could name him too , but that he shall liue to giue more Coblers heads the Bastinado . And told , that on such a night when he supt there ( for a Lord may sup with a clobler , that hath a pretty wench to his wife ) when the cloth , O treachero●s linnen ! was taken vp , and Menelaus had for a parting blow , giuen the other his fist : downe she lights ( this half-sharer ) opening the wicket , but not shutting him out of the wicket , but conu●is him into a byroom ( being the wardrob of old shooes and leather ) from whence the vnicorne cobler ( that dream● of no such spirits ) being ouer head and eares in sléepe , his snorting giuing the signe that he was cock-sure , softly out-steales sir Paris , and to Helenaes téeth prooued himselfe a true Troian . This was the creame of her confusion , which being skimd off from the stomach of her conscience , we looked euery minute to goe thither , where we should be farre enough out of the Coblers reach . But the Fates laying their heades together , s●nt a repriue , the plague that before meant to p●pper her , by little and little left her company : which newes being blowne abro●d , Oh lamentable ! neuer did the olde buskind tragedy beginne till now : for the wiues of those husbands , with whom she had playd at fast and loose , came with nayles sharpened for the nonce , like cattes , and tongues forkedly cut like the stings of adders , fi●st to scratch out false Cressidaes eyes , and then ( which was worse ) to worry her to dath with scolding . But the matter was tooke vp in a Tauerne ; the case was altered , and brought to a new reckoning ( mary the blood of the Burdeaux grape was first shead about it ) but in the end , all anger on euery side was powred into a pottle pot , & there burnt to death . Now whether this Recantation was true , or whether the stéeme of infection , fuming vp ( like wine ) into her braines , made her talke thus idlely , I leaue it to the Iury. And whilst they are canuasing her case , let vs sée what dooings the Sexton of Stepney hath : whose ware-houses being all full of dead commodities , sauing one : that one hée left open a whole night ( yet was it halfe full too ) knowing y ● théeues this yeare were too honest to break into such cellers . Besides those that were left there , had such plaguy pates , that none durst meddle with them for their liues . About twelue of the clock at midnight , when spirites walke , and not a mowse dare stirre , because cattes goe a catter-walling : Sinne , that all day durst not shew his head , came réeling out of an ale-house , in the shape of a drunkard , who no sooner smelt the winde , but he thought the ground vnder him danced the Canaries : houses séemed to turne on the toe , and all things went round : insomuch , that his legges drew a paire or Indentures , betwéene his body and the earth , the principal couenant being , that he for his part would stand to nothing what euer he saw : euery trée that came in his way , did he iustle , and yet chalenge it the next day to fight with him . If he had clipt but a quarter so much of the Kings siluer , as he did of the kings english , his carkas had long ere this bene carrion for Crowes . But , he liued by gaming , and had excellent casting , yet seldome won , for he drew reasonable good hands , but had very bad feete , that were not able to carry it away . This setter vp of Malt-men , being troubled with the staggers , fell into the selfe-same graue , that stood gaping wide open for a breakfast next morning , and imagining ( when he was in ) that he had stumbled into his owne house , and that all his bedfellowes ( as they were indéede ) were in their dead sléepe , he , ( neuer complaining of colde , nor calling for more shéete ) soundly takes a nap til he snores again : In the morning the Sexton comes plodding along , and casting vpon his fingers ends what he hopes y e dead pay of that day will come too , by that that which he receiued the day before , ( for Sextons now had better doings than either Tauernes or bawdy-houses ) In that siluer contemplation , shrugging his shoulders together , he steppes ere he be aware on the brimmes of that pit , into which this worshipper of Bacchus was falne , where finding some dead mens bones , and a scull or two , that laie scattered here and there ; before he lookt into this Coffer of wormes , those he takes vp , and flinges them in : one of the sculls battered the sconce of the sléeper , whilst the bones plaide with his nose ; whose blowes waking his mustie worship , the first word that he cast vp , was an oath , and thinking the Cannes had flyen about , cryed zoundes , what do you meane to cracke my mazer ? the Sexton smelling a voice , ( feare being stronger than his heart ) beléeued verily some of the coarses spake to him , vpon which , féeling himselfe in a cold sweat , tooke his héeles , whilst the Goblin scram●led vp and ranne after him : But it appeares the Sexton had the lighter foote , for he ran so fast , that hee ranne out of his wittes , which being left behinde him , he had like to haue dyed presently after . A meryer bargaine than the poore Sextons did a Tincker méete withall in a Countrey Towne ; through which a Citizen of London being driuen ( to kéepe himselfe vnder the léeshore in this tempest●ous contagion ) and casting vp his eye for some harbour , spied a bush at the ende of a pole , ( the auncient ●adge of a Countrey Ale-house : ) Into which as good lucke was , ( without any resistance of the Barbarians , that all this yeare vsed to kéepe such landing places ) veiling his Bonnet , he strucke in . The Host had bene a mad Greeke , ( mary he could now speake nothing but English , ) a goodly fat Burger he was , with a belly Arching out like a Béere-barrell , which made his legges ( that were thicke & short , like two piles driuen vnder London-bridge ) to stradle halfe as wide as the toppe of Powles , which vpon my knowledge hath bene burnt twice or thrice . A leatherne pouch hung at his side , that opened and shut with a Snap-hance , and was indéed a flaske for gun-powder when King Henry went to Bulloigne . An Antiquary might haue pickt rare matter but of his Nose , but that it was worme-eaten ( yet that proued it to be an auncient Nose : ) In some corners of it , there were blewish holes that shone like shelles of mother of Pearle , and to too his nose right , Pearles had bene gathered out of them : other were richly garnisht with Rubies , Chrisolites and Car●unckles , which glistered so oriently , that the Hamburgers offered I know not how many Dollars , for his companie in an East-Indian voyage , to haue stoode a nightes in the Poope of their Admirall , onely to saue the charges of candles . In conclusion , he was an Host to be ledde before an Emperour , and though he were o●e of the greatest men in all the shire , his bignes made him not proude , but he humbled himselfe to speake the base language of a Tapster , and vppon the Londoners first arriuall , cryed welcome , a cloth for this Gentleman : the Linnen was spread , and furnisht presently with a new Cake and a Can , the roome voided , and the Guest left ( like a French Lord ) attended by no bodie : who drinking halfe a Can ( in conceit ) to the health of his best friend in the Citie , which laie extreame ●icke , and had neuer more néed● of health , I knowe not what qualmes came ouer his stomach , but immediately he fell downe without vttering any more wordes , and neuer rose againe . Anon ( as it was his fashion ) enters my puffing Host , to relieue with a fresh supply out of his Celler , ) the shrinking Can , if hée perceiued it stoode in daunger to be ouerthrowne . But séeing the chiefe Leader dropt at his féete , and imagining at first hée was but wounded a little in the head , held vp his gowty golles and blest himselfe , that a Londoner ( who had wont to be the most valiant rob-pots ) should now be strooke downe only with two hoopes : and therevpon iogd him , fombling out these comfortable words of a souldier , If thou be a man stand a thy legges : he stird not for all this : wherevpon the Maydes being raisde ( as it had bene with a hue and cry ) came hobling into the roome , like a flocke of Géese , and hauing vpon search of the bodie giuen vp this verdict , that the man was dead , and murthered by the Plague ; Oh daggers to all their hearts that heard it ! Away ●●udge the wenches , and one of them hauing had a freckled face all her life time , was perswaded presently that now they were the tokens , and had liked to haue turned vp her héeles vpon it : My gorbelly Host , that in many a yeare could not without grunting , crawle ouer a threshold but two foote broad , leapt halfe a yarde from the coarse ( It was measured by a Carpenters rule ) as nimbly as if his guts had béene taken out by the hangman : out of the house he wallowed presently , being followed with two or thrée dozen of napkins to drie vp the larde , that ranne so fast downe his héeles , that all the way he went , was more greazie than a kitchin-stuffe-wifes basket : you would haue sworne , it had béene a barrell of Pitch on fire , if you had looked vpon him , for such a smoakie clowde ( by reason of his owne fattie hotte stéeme ) compassed him rounde , that but for his voyce , hée had quite béene lost in that stincking myst : hanged himselfe hée had without all question ( in this pittifull taking ) but that hée feared the weight of his in tollerable paunch , would haue burst the Roape , and so hée should bee put to a double death . At length the Towne was raised , the Countrey came downe vpon him , and yet not vpon him neither , for after they vnderstood the Tragedie , euery man gaue ground , knowing my pursie Ale-cunner could not follow them : what is to bée done in this straunge Allarum ? The whole Uillage is in daunger to lye at the mercy of God , and shall bée bound to curse none , but him for it : they should doe well therefore , to set fire on his house , before the Plague scape out of it , least it forrage higher into the Countrey , and knocke them downe , man , woman , and childe , like Oxen , whose blood ( they all sweare ) shall bée required at his handes . At these sp●eches my tender-hearted Hoste , fell downe on his maribones , meaning indéede to entreat his audience to bée good to him ; but they fearing hée had béene pepperd too , as well as the Londoner , tumbled one vpon another , and were ready to breake their neckes for haste to be gone : yet some of them ( being more valiant then the rest , because they heard him roare out for some helpe ) very desp : rately stept backe , and with rakes and pitch-forkes lifted the gulch from the ground : Cōcluding ( after they had laid their hogsheads togither , to draw out som holesom counsel ) that whosoeuer would ve●ter vpon the dead man & bury him , should haue fortie shillings ( out of the common towne-purse , though it would bée a great cut to it ) with the loue of the Churchwardens and Side-men , during the terme of life . This was proclaimed , but none durst appeare to vndertake the dread●ull execution : they loued money well , mary the plague hanging ouer any mans head that should meddle with it in that sort , they all vowde to dye beggers before it should be Chronicled they kild themselues for forty shillings : and in that braue resolution , euery one with bagge & baggage marcht home , barricadoing their doores & windowes with f●rbushes , ter●e , and bundels of straw to kéepe out the pestilence at the staues ende . At last a Tinker came sounding through the Towne , mine Hosts house being the auncient w●●ring place where he did vse to cast Anchor . You must vnderstand hé was none of those base rascally Tinkers , that with a ban-dog and a drab at their tayles , and a pike-staffe on their necks , will take a purse sooner then stop a kettle : No , this was a deuout Tinker , he did honor ●od Pan : a Musicall Tinker , that vpon his kettle-drum could play any Countrey dance you cald for , and vpon Holly-dayes had earned money by it , when no Fidler could be heard of . Hee was onely feared when he stalkt through some townes where Bées were , for he strucke so swéetely on the bottome of his Copper instrument , that he would ●mpie whole Hi●es , and leade the swarmes after him only by the sound . This excellent egregious Tinker calls for his draught ( being a double Iugge ) it was fild for him , but before it came to his nose , the lamentable tale of the Londoner was tolde , the Chamber-doore ( where hée lay ) being thrust open with a long pole , because none durst touch it with their hands ) and the Tinker bidden ( if he had the heart ) to goe in and sée if hée knew him . The Tinker being not to learne what vertue the medicine had which hée held at his lippes , powred it downe his throate merily , and crying trillill , he fea●es no plagues . In hée stept , tossing the dead body too and fro , and was sorie hée knew him not : Mine Hoste that with griefe began to fall away villanously , looking very ruthfully on the Tinker , and thinking him a fit instrument to be playd vpon , offred a crowne out of his owne purse , if he would bury the partie . A crowne was a shrew● temptation to a Tinker ; many a hole might he stop , before hée could picke a crowne of it , yet being a subtill Tinker ( & to make all Sextons pray for him , because hée would raise their fées ) an Angell he wanted to be his guide , and vnder ten shillings ( by his ten bones ) he would not put his finger into the fire . The whole parish had warning of this presently , thirtie shillings was saued by the bargaine , and the Towne like to be saued too , therefore ten shillings was leuyed out of hand , put into a rag , which was tyed to the ende of a long pole and deliuered ( in ●ight of all the Parish , who stood aloo●e stopping their noses ) by the Headboroughs owne selfe in proper person , to the Tinker , who with one hand receiued the money , and with the other struck the boord , crying hey , a fresh double pot . Which armor of proofe being fitted to his body , vp he hoists the Londoner on his backe ( like a Shoole-boy ) a Shouell and Pick-axe standing ready for him : And thus furnished , into a field some good distance from the Towne he beares his deadly loade , and there throwes it downe , falling roundly to his tooles , vpon which the strong béere hauing set an egde , they quickely cut out a lodging in the earth for the Citizen . But the Tinker knowing that wormes néeded no apparell , sauing onely shéetes , stript him starke naked , but first diu'de nimbly into his pocket , to see what liuings they had , assuring himselfe , that a Londoner would not wander so farre without siluer : his hopes were of the right stampe , for from out of his pockets he drew a leatherne bagge with seuen pounds in it : this musicke made the Tinkers heart dance , he quickely tumbled his man into the graue , hid him ouer head and eares in dust , bound vp his cloathes in a bundle , & carying that at the end of his staffe on his shoulder , with the purse of seuen pounds in his hand , backe againe comes he through the towne , crying aloud , Haue yée any more Londoners to bury , hey downe a downe dery , haue ye any more Londoners to bury : the Hobbinolls running away from him , as if he had béene the dead Citizens ghost , & he marching away from them in all the hast he could , with that song still in his mouth . You see therefore how dreadfull a fellow Death is , making fooles euen of wisemen , and cowards of the most valiant ; yea , in such a base flauerie hath it bound mens sences , that they haue no power to looke higher than their owne roofes , but séeme by their turkish and barberous actions to belieue that there is no feliciti● after this life , and that ( like beasts ) their soules shall perish with their bodyes . How many vpon sight onely of a Letter ( sent from London ) haue started backe , and durst haue layd their saluation vpon it , that the plague might be folded in that empty paper , belieuing verily , that the arme of Omnipotence could neuer reach them , vnlesse it were with some weapon drawne out of the infected Citie : in so much that euen the Westerne Pugs receiuing money there , haue tyed it in a bag at the end of their barge , and so trailed it through the Tha●●es , least plague-sores sticking vpon shillings , they should be naild vp for counterfeits when they were brought home . More ventrous than these block-heads was a certaine Iustice of peace , to whose gate being shut ( for you must know that now there is no open house kept ) a company of wilde fellowes being lead for robbing an Orchyard , the stout●hearted Constable rapt most couragiously , and would haue about with none , but the Iustice himselfe , who at last appeard in his likenesse aboue at a window , inquiring why they summond a parlée . It was deliuered why : the case was opened to his examining wisedome , and that the euill doers were onely Londoners : at the name of Londoners , the Iustice clapping his hand on his brest ( as who should say , Lord haue mercie vpon vs ) started backe , and being wise enough to saue one , held his nose hard betwéene his fore-finger and his thumbe , and speaking in that wise ( like the fellow that described the villainous motion of Iulius Caesar and the Duke of Guize , who ( as he gaue it out ) fought a combat together ) pulling the casement close to him , cryed out in that quaile-pipe voice , that if they were Londoners , away with them to Limbo : take onely their names : they were sore fellowes , and he would deale with them when time should serue : meaning , when the plague and they should not be so great together , and so they departed : the very name of Londoners being worse then ten whetstones to sharpen the sword of Iustice against them . I could fill a large volume , and call it the second part of the hundred mery tales , onely with such ridiculous stuffe as this of the Iustice , but Dij meliora , I haue better matters to set my wits about : neither shall you wring out of my pen ( though you lay it on the rack ) the villanies of that damnd Kéeper , who kild all she kéept ; it had bene good to haue made her kéeper of the common Iayle , and the holes of both Counters , for a number lye there , that wish to be rid out of this motley world , shée would haue tickled them , and turned them ouer the thumbs . I will likewise let the Church-warden in Thames stréete sléepe ( for hée s now pasi waking ) who being requested by one of his neighbors to suffer his wife or child ( that was then dead ) to lye in the Church-yard , answered in a mocking sort , he kéept that lodging for himselfe and his houshold : and within thrée dayes after was driuen to hide his head in a hole himselfe . Neither will I speake a word of a poore boy ( seruant to a Chandler ) ●welling thereabouts , who being struck to the heart by sicknes , was first caryed away by water , to be left any where , but landing being denyed by an army of browne bill●men that kept the shore , back againe was he brought , and left in an out-celler , where lying groueling and groning on his face ( amongst fagots , but not one of them set on fire to comfort him ) there continued all night , and dyed miserably for want of succor . Nor of another poore wretch in the Parish of Saint Mary Oueryes , who being in the morning throwne , as the fashion is , into a graue vpon a heape of carcases , that kayd for their complement , was found in the afternoone , gasping and gaping for life : but by these tricks , imagining that many a thousand haue bene turned wrongfully off the ladder of life , and praying that Derick or his executors may liue to do those a good turne , that haue done so to others : Hic finis Priami , héere 's an end of an old Song . Et iam tempus Equûm fumantia soluere colla . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A20094-e850 Vertumnus God of the yeare . Description of the Spring . Vpon the 23. of March the Spring begins , by reason of the Sunnes entrance into Aries . The Queenes ●icknes . Her death . The genera●● terror that her death bred . 1603. A more wonderfull yeare than 88. King Iames proclaimed . The ioyes that followed vpon his proclayming . The Pl●gu● Anthropophagi are Scithia●s , that feed on mens flesh . A26164 ---- Additions answering the omissions of our reverend author Atwood, William, d. 1705? 1681 Approx. 62 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A26164 Wing A4166 ESTC R9859 12124979 ocm 12124979 54561 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A26164) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54561) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 756:7) Additions answering the omissions of our reverend author Atwood, William, d. 1705? [2], 46 p. Printed for Edward Berry, London : 1681. Includes bibliographical references. "In connection with the author's work, Ius Anglorum ab antiquo [Mendham Coll. Cat.]"--Halkett & Laing. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Atwood, William, d. 1705? -- Jus Anglorum ab antiquo. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ADDITIONS Answering the OMISSIONS OF OUR Reverend AUTHOR . LONDON , Printed for Edward Berry 1681. ADDITIONS Answering the OMISSIONS , &c. SInce the Doctor thinks to flourish with some of his frivolous Omissions , like running his Sword through me after he had slain me in imagination ; To shew that I am not quite killed , I shall venture to try the length of his new whetted Animadverting Weapon , and give him a few home thrusts in exchange for his intended ones . Because I find him a gentle , and easie Foe , I shall advise him like a Friend , Frange miser Calamos , vigilataque praelia dele . Your miserable Scribling pray give o're , With such Polemicks vex the World no more . Nor censure every thing as Impertinent , Vnintelligible , and Obscure , that 's above the level of your understanding . For proof of his great understanding he taxes three Paragraphs of mine with Obscurity , and that darkness which is in his own mind . 1. The first is , that the City of London being charged with a Tallage , their Common-Council dispute whether it were Tallagium , or Auxilium , which is there meant of voluntary aid , not due upon the account of their Houses being of of the Kings Demeasn , though indeed 't is then shewn that they had several times before been talliated . Quid est quod in hâc Causâ defensionis egeat ? I must needs say I take all this to be so plain that I know not which part I ought to add any light to . Is the difference between Tallage and a Voluntary Aid obscure ? Or is it not well known that the Kings Demeasns only were talliated , and that the City having been talliated , 't was in vain to urge that they paid only voluntary Aid ? But perhaps in the two next the obscurity may lye , and yet , by the Doctors Art of multiplying faults , they may make three obscure Paragraphs . 2. This explains that part of the Charter , Simili modo fiat de Civitate London , that is as in all Cases besides those excepted Escuage or Tallage should not be raised but by a Common-Council of the Kingdom , that is of all the persons concerned to pay ; so for the City of London , unless the Aid was ordered in Common-Council , wherein they and all other Tenants in chief were assembled , none should be laid upon any Citizens but by the consent of their own Common-Council , and if the Ordinance were only in general Terms , that all the Kings Demeasns should be talliated , the proportions payable there should be agreed by the Common-Council of the City . This consists of two parts ; First , That where there was not the consent of a Common-Council of all the Tenents in chief , the Citizens might of themselves give a Tallage , which is not in dispute between us , but is with admirable ingenuity turned into an assertion , that Cities and Burroughs were not taxed or assessed towards any payments , but by their own Common-Councils , ( which is not to be inferred from the priviledge of one City , suppose it were so for London , nor can be gathered from my words , which yield that even London might be Taxt or Assessed by the consent of the Common-Council of Tenents ) or that they , as part of the Common-Council of the Land taxed themselves , which is true ; but no man of sense can understand that to be the meaning of this part of the Obscure Paragraph , but that something farther was intended . 2. The second I need not explain since he understands , for all his affected ignorance , that after a Tax was imposed upon the City of London the Inhabitants ( or those who composed its Council ) met to proportion it , so as it might be paid with as much equality as could be . This he yields to my hand , that they always did if they would , it seems convinced by that Record , which shews that when the Council of the City would not agree to the Sum demanded by the King , 't was de voluntate omnium Baronum nostrorum Civitatis ejusdem , that the King talliated his Tenents per se , or per Capita , so much upon every head . 3. This clears the last Paragraph which I need not recite , it having no meaning differing from the Record , but if my Record give not sufficient light and strength he , I thank him , according to his usual Curtesie cites one clear enough . Et cum praedicti Cives noluissent intrare finem praedict ' trium mille marcarum praedicti Thes . & alii voluerint assidere illud Tal. per Capita . So that till the Citizens refused the the Sum in gross , the King did not Talliate each man in particular . But I am told that this is nothing to my purpose , 't is strange that he who blames me in other places for not quoting more than is for my purpose , when nothing behind makes against me , should now tax me for not skipping over any part of that Clause which 't was needful to take and explain entire . To clear up his understanding if possible , though I thought to have left this Task , I will obviate an objection which such as our Answerer may make , that 't is obscure how the Record of the Common-Council of London's concerning its self about the Charge laid upon the City should explain that part of the Charter which sayes Simili modo fiat de Civitate London , but surely practice is a good Interpreter of a Law , and there is this further evidence that here is provision for the power of the Common-Council of the City , because that holding in Capite , and being mentioned distinct from all the other Tenents there named in general , it must be for something else , besides that for which 't is joyned with the other Tenents . But Excedimus tenebris in crepusculum , from this obscurity and darkness to be felt by the Doctors groaping hand , we come to broad day light . When in the 39th . H. 3. Provisum fuit per Consilium Regis apud Merton , that he should talliate his Demeasns , though this was after King John 's Charter , which was intended to restrain the King from levying publick Taxes without publick consent ; yet it seems to be plain by the Record that the King by the advice of his Privy Council taxed the City of London , even without the consent of the Common Council of his immediate Tenents , whom he makes the Common-Council for all manner of Aid and Escuage . But it may be said , a Tallage was no publick Tax , though the Tax here spoke of , is made no more publick than the consent required to charge it ; Which consent according to him , was from immediate Tenents only , so that Tallage might be a publick Tax as well as any other . And to be sure Scutagium concerning the Kings Tenents only , and the Cases in which the King reserv'd to himself power of taxing without publick consent in his sense , relating only to them ; the Tax because of tenure must be provided for , as well as other , if any other were there meant by Auxilium , vel Scutagium . Nay , he owns expresly , that according to the Law in King John 's Charter , London and other Cities and Burghs were to be Assessed and Taxed by the Common-Council of the Kingdom . And he makes a reason of that provision , to be the usage in the time of H. 2. for the King to Talliate , or Tax them without such a Council . The Doctor has doubtless the most particular convincing way of reasoning of any man , he says that Law in King John 's Charter intended to restrain the King from levying of publick Taxes without publick consent : And the reason of this Artice in King John 's Charter is Argument sufficient to prove it : for , mark the weighty reason , H. the Third after this was granted , and Edw. 1st . taxed their Demeasns through England , though not the whole Kingdom by Advice and Consent of their Privy-Councils only until the Stat ' de Tallagio non concedendo , That is ( as Tallage is confest to be , a Publick Tax ) because some of King John's Successors Tax't their Demeasns without publick consent . Therefore 't was provided in King John's time , by way of Prophesy , that no publick Tax , Aid , or Escuage should be raised without publick consent . So that what was done after , was a moral cause , or occasion of what preceded . 'T will be said , that the thing that the Doctor went to prove was , that the Common-Council mentioned in the Charter was the Great and Common-Council of the Kingdom , to all intents and purposes . Not that the King was restrained from levying a publick Tax without the consent of the Great Council . But surely when he goes to give the reason why the Charter must be taken in such a sense , we are to expect the proof of that , not of something else , quitting the thing to be proved . If I can understand his dark meaning , he was proving that Nullum Scutagium , &c. intended to restrain the King from levying publick Taxes without publick Consent . That is ( to explain what he very obscurely drives at , ) the restraint was only from Taxing the whole Kingdom ; not from Taxing his Tenants in Chief . And the reason of this Article , viz. as taken in this sense , is , that several times after this Charter was granted , Hen. 3. and Edw. 1. Taxed their Demeasns through England , though not the whole Kingdom , by Advice and Consent of their Privy-Councils only , until the Statute De tallagio non concedendo was made 34 E. 1. And both Richard the First and King John had Taxed the whole Kingdom without common Assent , before the grant of Magna Charta . And when he has made good the Premises in this Argument for the meaning of the Article , which will be ad graecas Calendas , then , he may conclude that this Article intended to restrain the King , only from levying of publick Taxes without publick Consent , not to provide about Escuage , or Tallage , which none but his immediate Tenants were liable to . And from hence when prov'd , we might with some more colour and coherence raise the Consequence that the Common-Council mentioned in King John's Charter was the Great and Common-Council of the Kingdom to all intents and purposes . But how that should appear from the mention of Aid , and Escuage only , will be a Question . 'T is by him observ'd of Richard the First , Accepit de unaquâque carucatâ terrae totius Angliae sex solidos . But what proof is there from the word accepit , or the collecting of a Tax , ex praecepto Regis , that he took it without publick consent ? I am sure Bracton , as good an Author as the Historian whom he Vouches , tells us Carvage , and such this was , could never be raised but Consensu communi totius regni . But if the King in his Privy-Council might Tax the Kingdom its self , till the making King John's Charter , and was restrain'd then , I wonder our Reverend Author has made the Constitution of the House of Lords , that is according to him , the whole great Council , to have been no earlier than the 49th . of H. 3. And unless such a Council as is mentioned in that Charter were Constituted before , how comes it to pass that the Clerus and Populus , which were of the Kings Council for making Laws , and giving Taxes , were not till 17. Jo. confin'd to such of them as were of the Privy-Council , as well as Communitas populi , after Magnates was meant of such people as were Magnates , and Milites , & liberè tenentes , besides Barons , were the Tenents in Capite , who by their Acts oblig'd all that held of them by Knights Service : that is all the Milites , but not the liberè tenentes . We are taught that in the 6 of King John Tenents in Capite only , provided that every nine Knights should find a tenth for the defence of the Kingdom , and that they who were to find them were all Tenents in Military Service . Though the Record shews , that besides the Miles vel Serviens , Alius terram tenens was Charged with this . And he vouchsafes not to take notice of my Argument , that every Knight being bound by his tenure to find a man ; if this had not extended to all that had to the value of a Knights Fee , though not held by Knights Service , it would have been an abatement of the Services due , and a weakning of the Kingdom . Besides , admit that Tenents in Capite only laid this Charge , and only Tenents by Knights Service were bound by it , here is such a Commune Concilium of Tenents , as I say King John's Charter Exhibits , and no Charge laid by them upon others . Whereas he should have prov'd that they did oblige others without their consent . But suppose Tenents only were Charged , why might not the Charge have been laid by Omnes fideles in my sense , as we find Omnes de Regno , taxing Knights Fees only ? The Doctor in his Margin gives us an admirable nota , that Liberi were Tenants in Military Service , or Gentlemen , Rustici Socagers , possessors or Freeholders in Socages only , which is as much as to say that Freeholders were not Freemen , unless they held in Military Service , and yet a Tenement , or Possession neither added to , or detracted from the person of any man , if free or bond before . But surely Mr. Professor has some colourable proof for his remark here : For that let others judge . Hoveden acquaints us with the manner of collecting a Carvage in the ninth of Richard the First , which was , that in every County the King appointed one Clergyman , and one Knight , who with the Sheriff of the County to which they were sent , and lawful Knights chose , and sworn to execute this business faithfully , Fecerunt venire coram se senescalos Baronum istius comitatûs , & de qualibet villâ Dominum vel Ballivum villae & prepositum cum quatuor legalibus hominibus villae , sivae liberis , sive rusticis , who were to swear how many Plough Lands there were in every Town . If here liberi , and rustici are not meant for two denominations of the same sort of men , that is ordinary Freeholders , I will leave him to fight it out with Hoveden , since he himself is directly contrary to the old Munk ; Hoveden shews us that these Socagers were legales homines , such as chose Juries , and serv'd on Juries themselves , &c. but our new light is positive that Tenants in Military Service were the only Freemen , and the only legal men . Thus I have done right to his Omissions , passing by nothing which has not received justice before , and shall add some confirmations of what I have taken leave to assert in other places . I had affirmed for one reason why the Doctor could have small assistance from Domesday Book , that the Titles whereby men enjoy'd their Estates are seldom mentioned there . And if I find by Record a whole County in the Doctors sense , that is all the Lands of the County enjoy'd by descent from before the imaginary Conquest ; What will he say in justification of his whymsies upon the Conquest , and the authority he would fetch for it from Domesday Book ? He may please to consider , and give a Categorical Answer to this memorable Record . IN placito inter Regem & priorem Ecclesiae de Coventre de annua pensione uni Clericorum Regis , ratione nove creationis ejusdem prioris quousque , &c. prior venit & defendit vim & injuriam & quicquid est in contemptu domini Regis , &c. non cognovit Ecclesiam suam beatae Mariae de Coventre fore Ecclesiam Cathedralem nec ipsum priorem tenere aliquid de domino Rege per Baroniam prout pro domino Rege in narratione sua proponitur . Et dicit quod tenet prioratum praedictum ex fundatione cujusdam Leofrici quondam Comitis Cestriae qui prioratum praedictum fundavit tempore sancti Edwardi dudum Regis Angliae progenitoris domini Regis nunc per Cantam suam in haec verba . Anno dominice incarnationis 1043. Ego Leofricus Comes Cestriae Consilio & assensu Regis qui literas suas infrascriptas sub sigillo misit & testimonio aliorum religiosorum virorum tam laicorum quam Clericorum Ecclesiam Coventre dedicari feci , in honore dei & Ecclesiae sanctae Mariae genitricis ejus , & sancti Petri Apostoli & sancte Osburge Virginis , & omnium sanctorum ; Has igitur viginti quatuor villas eidem Ecclesiae attribui , ad servitium dei & ad victum & vestitum Abbatis & Monachorum in eodem loco deo servientium , videlicet Honiton Newenham Chaldeleshunt Ichenton Vlston Soucham Grenesburgh Burthenburgh Mersten juxta Avonam Hardewick Wasperton Creastorton Sotham Rugton dimidium Sowe Merston in Gloucestriae provincia Salewarpe in Wigorniensi Eton juxta amnem qui dicitur dee in Cestriae provincia Keldesbye & Windwyk in Hamptoniensi provincia Borbach Barewell Scrapstofte Pakinton & Potteres Merston in Leycestrensi provincia . Has autem terras dedi huic Monasterio cum Soca Saca cum telonio & theme cum libertatibus & omnibus consuetudinibus vbique Sicut a Rege Edwardo melius unquam tenui . Cum hiis omnibus Rex Edwardus & ego libertates huic Monasterio dedimus , ita ut Abbas ejusdem loci Soli Regi Angliae sit Subjectus . Ibidem recitatur Charta ejusdem Regis Edwardi quas donationes & concessiones diversi alii Reges confirmaverunt & dicit quod postea per processum temporis nomen Abbatiae praedictae divertebatur in nomen prioratus , eo quod Leofwinus ad tunc ibidem creatus fuit in Episcopum Cestriae & ordinavit per assensum Monachorum ibidem quod Abbatia praedicta ex tunc foret prioratus & quod Superiores ejusdem Ecclesiae forent priores successive in perpetuum , & dicit quod de ipso Leofrico , quia obiit sine herede de corpore suo descendente advocatio Ecclesie predicte tempore Willielm ' Conquest ' Angliae cuidam Hugoni Comiti Cestriae ut Consanguineo & heredi ipsius Leofrici , viz. Filio Erminelde sororis ejusdem Leofrici & de ipso Hugone cuidam Ricardo ut filio & heredi & de ipso Ricardo cuidam Ranulpho ut Consanguineo & heredi , viz. filio Matildis sororis praedicti Hugonis & de ipso Ranulpho cuidam Ranulpho ut filio & heredi & de ipso Ranulpho filio Ranulphi quia obiit sine herede de corpore suo descendente advocatio praedicta simul cum Comitatu Cestre & Huntingdon & aliis diversis Castris Maneriis terris & tenementis cum pertinentis in Anglia & Wallia quibusdam Matildae Mabilliae Ceciliae & Margeriae ut sororibus & heredibus predicti Ranulphi inter quas propertia facta fuit de predictis Comitatibus advocationibus & Castris Maneriis terris & tenementis cum pertinentiis supradictis . Et predicta advocatio Simul cum toto predicto Comitatu Cestriae cum pertinentiis allocata fuit predicte Matilde pro proparte sua in allocationem diversorum aliorum Castrorum Maneriorum terrarum & tenementorum cum pertinentiis praedictis Mabilliae Ceciliae & Margeriae seperatim allocatorum & de ipsa Matilda descendebant predicta advocatio simul cum praedicto Comitatu Cestriae cum pertinentiis post propertiam predictam cuidam Johanni Scot ut filio & heredi praedictae Matildae Qui quidem Johannes Scot advocationem praedictam simul cum praedicto Comitatu Cestriae cum pertinentiis dedit Henrico quondam Regi Angliae filio Regis Johannis & heredibus suis in perpetuum , &c. praedictus prior sine die . This was a Judgment upon solemn Debate and Tryal , and it cannot be believed but the Judges , and Kings Council so many hundred years ago , knew as much of the right of the Conquest as our Doctor can discover . 'T will be said notwithstanding this Record , that Hugh had the Confirmation of his Kinsman the Conqueror . Admit he had , he being his Kinsman would either thereby wheedle others in to the like acknowledgment of Williams power ; Or else having the Government of the County , would do this in complement to the supream Governour . But that such Confirmation as to the Lands he had there , and all appendants or appurtenances to them was wholly neeedless , appears in that the Title is laid only in descent , nor does it in the least appear that William either granted or confirm'd more than the Comitatus , Government , or Jurisdiction of it , or that more than that was held by the Sword , which the Doctor makes Tenure in Capite . Let him shew how , by what manner of tenure his Land was held . Not being aware that so great an Author as the Doctor would have condemn'd for precarious , all that I think I have prov'd from the Records and Histories which I cite for the foundation of my former Essay , viz. that till the 48. and 49th . H. 3. all Proprietors of Land came to the Great Council without exclusion . I had asserted that the probi homines , or bonae conversationis , came to the Great Councils ( which in common Intendment is meant of coming as Members ) in their own persons , and when they agreed to it , which was no abridgment of their personal right , they came by Representation , and Election , and every one was there himself virtually by his Deputy , but they often met in vast bodies , and in capacious places , both in the Saxon times , and after William the First obtained the Imperial Crown . ( 1. ) If you 'l believe the Chair all this is precariously said , without Foundation or Authority ; however 't is granted that I seem to back it with an instance , where I say , The whole body of Proprietors were assembled at Runemede between Stanes and Windsor , at the passing of King John's Charter . The Doctor refers us to p. 106. and 107. of his pretended Answer to Mr. Petyt , to see what this Assembly was , and of whom it consisted ; where he proves my Assertion , being all that he there shews is , that there was not time for Writs to issue to chuse any Representatives of the Commons , but not a word offer'd against their being there in their own Persons , having been got together expecting the Kings Answer to their Demands , who appointed a meeting at Runemede . The Record saith there were Comites , & Barones , & liberi homines totius regni , or according to that Expounder of more fallible Record Ma. Paris , there were the Magnates , which must there be meant of the Nobilitas Major , ( unless you take them for the Kings friends only , as the great men of the Kingdom elsewhere ) these Magnates had drawn to their side , and to that treaty , Vniversam fere totius Regni Nobilitatem , and this Nobility was so numerous , that they made a vast Army , exercitum inestimabilem confecerunt , and the Records not only shew that such as were but liberi homines were there , and parties to the agreement being inter Regem , Comites , & Barones & liberos homines , but the body of the Charter shews that Tenents by other free tenures , besides Knights service were interested in it . Besides this , the frequent meetings in so wide a place as Runenede call'd Pratum Concilii , as I observed in the same page , is a strong Argument that vast bodies compos'd the great Councils in those days , and why Tenents in free Socage were not Members , as well as such as held of Subjects by Knights service I see no reason , but wait for the Doctors ; In the mean while I shall present him with some other Authorities which shew that my Assertion was not precarious . ( 2. ) If in the 38th . of H. 3. the Commons , or probi homines were Members of the Great Council by Representatives of their own choice , and degree , there being besides all the Tenents in Capite two chose for every County , Vice omnium & Singulorum , and yet such came in their own persons both before , and after the making of King John's Charter , since which till the 48th . or 49th . of H. 3. no alteration in the way , or right of coming is supposed ; then it follows that Representations were brought in when the Commons ( who might have come in their own persons ) agree to it , and there being of the Councils before the Norman times and then , Barones & populus , 't is not to be doubted but that they came in their Persons if they would , both in the Saxon , and Norman times , especially since William the First did but confirm the Law of the Confessor concerning the power of the Great Council , in words that shew'd that all the Members were in those ages stiled Peers , such as might come in person , and that inferior Proprietors were Members , the Law of the great Folcmote then received proves beyond all dispute . 3. If besides Barones , and Milites , we find Libere tenentes , or Fideles in the account of Great Councils before 49 H. 3. we are to suppose , even without Consideration of the Capacious places of their Assembly , and the multitudes there , that such Proprietors of Land as would , came personally , till a Law or common practice to the contrary be shewn , it being according to their natural right , and the natural import of the words ; besides the Doctor does not allow of Representations , except the Tenents in Capite who came without Election , were Representatives of the rest . 4. If King John's Charter does not exhibit the full form of our English Great , and most general Councils in those days , but , by continuing the rights of every particular place , leaves room for Proprietors of Land to have been Members , as well as Tenents in Capite , then the libere Tenentes , which many Records before the supposed change in the time of H. 3. mention as Members of the Great Councils , were not Tenents in Capite . And as Tenents in Capite came in their own persons for matters concerning their Tenures ; So , unless the contrary can be shewn , we are to believe that the libere tenentes , not holding in Capite , came in like manner , especially if we consider how mean were some of the Majores Barones , to whom special Writs were to be directed , as he that held part of the Barony of Mulgrave , per servitium millesimae ducentesimae partis Baroniae . Nay I find Norman Darcy , who indeed held several parcels of the Mannor of Darcy , which seem to be by several purchases , amongst other shares holding Centessimam partem Centessimae Sexagessimae partis Baroniae . The hundreth part of the Hundred , and sixtieth part of the Barony , and yet that he who had only so much was Baro Major appears , in that the Common Law exempted him from being of a Common Jury as holding part of a Barony . Besides the Doctor yields that more than such as are expresly mention'd in the contested Clause , Tenents in Military service of King John's Charter , viz. of Tenents in Capite were Members of the Great Councils , ( which he does not always confine to the great Tenents ) and some of these were as inconsiderable , and as unfit for Counsellors as the generality of the libere Tenentes ; for though he in his sixteen years search , could find no less a part of a Knights Fee , than a twentieth , yet in the last recited Record he may meet with the sixtieth part of one Knights Fee in the Mannor of Norton . 5. Being all that were Members of the Great Councils in those times of which our dispute is , were Nobles , in which the Doctor and I agree , and the Nobles came in their own Persons , the libere Tenentes , part of the Nobility were personally present . Indeed Corporations holding in Capite might well come by Representation , being they were but as one Noble , and one Tenent , and would have been an unweildy body to move to Council united as their interest was . ( 6. ) King John's Resignation was void , because 't was without the consent of the Commons , Sanz leur assent , and to say that this is without the assent of a general Council , Colloquium , or Parliament , in those times when it was done ; unless he yield the same sort or degree of men to have been Members of the Great Councils formerly as then , does not take in the full meaning , but is to say nothing , being the Commons manifestly assert their right , as when they declared that they had ever been a Member of Parliament , and as well Assenters as Petitioners . And what force does it bring to the Doctors Assertion , that the Commons answer in the same form of Speech conceiv'd by the Barons ? Which he thinks worthy of great Letters , is that an Argument that the Commons did not think that they ought to have been parties ? He himself grants that King John resigned before them that came upon a Military Summons , that is ( as all who ought to come were concluded by them that came ) before all his Barons ; wherefore nothing wanted to the Confirmation , but the Consent of the Commons . And if the Commons were then an essential part of the Great Council they might come in Person , unless the change in 49 H. 3. can be shewn to have been any otherwise than in the bringing in a Representation of them . ( 7. ) By the Charter of H. 1. for the King 's dominica necessaria , or de arduis Regni , all the Counties and Hundreds , that is the Freeholders , the Suitors at those Courts were to be summon'd to the Great Council , as it had been in the time of the Confessor , when there repaired to the Great Folcmote , or General Council held once a year , all the Peers , Knights , and Freemen , at least Freeholders of the Kingdom . ( 8. ) For demonstration that libere tenentes came to the Great Councils in their own Persons , and as Members ; King John before the passing of his Charter , writes to the Milites , & Fideles , ( the last of which takes in all the libere tenentes ) and tells them that if it might have been done he would have sent Letters to every one of them ; wherefore these Members whose right is here acknowledged were single , individual persons ; for they could not have been summoned to come by Representation in the case of such particular Writs , or Letters , unless the Representation were setled before the Summons , which is not to be supposed . These Arguments all but the last , which the Doctor has supplied me with , arise out of my former Treatise , and I take it that this which the Doctor has occasioned , will yield a few more without pressing . ( 9. ) Since William the First was no Conqueror , it follows that the Great Folcmote , or General Council in the Saxon times , where to be sure all Proprietors of Land were to be Members , could not have been turn'd into an Assembly of the Kings Tenents upon the old legal Title , ( and without a Conquest there was no other . ) And as there must have been a vast number of the Proprietors whom the Kings immediate Tenents could not oblige ; so they must have been Members of those Councils which laid any general Charge , and that with the same priviledges the Tenents in Capite , who came in Person , had . ( 10. ) Though demonstration it self will not satisfie unreasonable men , yet not to mention more I shall urge the Authority of the Legier Book of Ely before cited , ( the great Antiquity of the hand writing of which is beyond all exception ) to persuade the Doctor that my Notion is far from being precarious ; Since that M. S. shews that King Stephen consulted about the State of the Kingdom , not only with the Bishops , Abbots , Monks , and inferior Clergy , but with the Plebs , and they in an infinite number , Concilio adunato Cleri & populi , Episcoporum , atque Abbatum , Monachorum , & Clericorum , Plebisque infinitae multitudinis , &c. de statu Regni cum illis tractavit . This single instance is sufficient to prove that the Primates , Primores , Proceres , Magnates , and Nobiles , were not the Constituent parts of Great Councils in the Reigns of W. the 1st . H. 1st . King Stephen , H. 2. R. 1st . according to his restrictive and limited understanding and exposition of these words and phrases , but that the CLERUS and POPULUS ( the general words which often comprehend all the Members ) signifie as well as Great Men , the Common Freeholders , as at this day ; nor need I examine his Book any farther : but I hope the Doctor , a man of that known integrity , as his excellent Book expresses him to be , will now make good his promise to be of my opinion , when I should evince that Common Freeholders had this great priviledge . ( 11. ) The Lords right of answering for their Tenents being founded in the imaginary feudal right , which is made to extend only to Tenents by Knights Service , the Socagers , being free from that Law , could not be charged without their own consent , and that given by word of their own mouths , if they pleased . ( 12. ) The Authority cited by Mr. Cambden , and approved of by our Author as well as by me , shews that the only change in the Great Council was in leaving out of the special Summons what Earls and Barons the King pleased but the right of all other Barons ▪ as Singular Persons , to share in the Legislature was preserv'd by the alia illa brevia , by which the Representatives for the Counties came , and being all the Members of the Great Councils , but Citizens and Burgesses , or all such Barons as aforesaid , came before the change in their own Persons , and no new kind of Members were then Created , and yet there was a substantial alteration , a new Government fram'd and set up , this alteration must consist in the Commons , or Barones Minores , their being put to Representatives when before they came Personally . ( 13. ) I could bring many Arguments from the Doctor , as , besides others , that the Vniversitas Militiae , or qui militare servitium debebant , that is as Record explains , Ma. Paris , the Fideles besides Milites were Members of Parliament , but I may spare farther proof till he gives me fresh occasion . ( 14. ) And possibly then amongst his other marvellous discoveries , I may have time to animadvert a little more largely upon his fancy , that the Suitors in the County Court were all Tenents in Military Service , except Barons , both in the Saxon and Norman times ; by the way you must understand that the Barons were not Tenents in Military Service , though they held in Capite by Knights Service . And that William the the First made no alteration of the Government ; for Tenents by Military Service , were the only legal men , and the only Members of the Great Council before . But as Tenents in Capite , and their Tenents in Military Service were of the Great Councils in Person , all the Suitors at the County Court , who were according to the Charter of H. 1. qui liberas habent terras , in each County respectively , were there in Person as Members . Though not relating to the foundation of my Essay , according to him , who makes the Question about the Conquest not directly to reach the Controversy between us , I may make a little sport with his Arguing that William 1st . gave whole Counties to his Followers , under the word Comitatus , that is as he renders it , all the Lands in the Counties , and yet that besides whole Counties , he gave a great proportion of Lands in them . But since he taxes what I lay for the foundation of my Essay for precarious , let 's see a little whether he does not render his own so , where it opposes mine . His whole Book in that respect resolves its self into these three Heads ; 1. That King John's Charter in affirmance of the Law imposed by William , or in force before , declares that the Tenents in Capite were the only Members of the General Council of the Kingdom . 2. That from thence to the 49 H. 3. the practice or fact was for Tenents only to compose the Great or General Council . 3. That none but Tenents in Capite were Nobles . ( 1. ) If he himself yields that till King John's Charter there was no such Council as one made up only of Tenents in Capite , he thereby renders all under this head precarious , but this he does in two places at least . One where he urges that if the Curia Regis Ordinaria , which I say was the Court of the Kings Tenents , and Officers exclusive of others , went off by reason of the Clause in King John's Charter , it certainly went off before it began , that is , such a Court began not before ; and agreeable to this , he says , that after the granting of this Charter by King John there were many General , and Great Councils , or Colloquiums summon'd by Edict according to the form there prescribed : that is , as he will have it , after that the Tenents in Capite only were summon'd to the Great Council , but not before , for then began this form . In another place ( though he charges upon me what are his own words ) he says King John resigned his Crown the 15. of May in the 14th . of his Reign , and he granted the great Charter of the Liberties three years after on the 15. of June in the 17. of his Reign , and therefore could not resign it in such a Council as was Constituted three years after his Resignation . And 't is a question whether he asserts not this in a third place , where he affirms that before this Charter the Kingdom had been Taxt by our ancient Kings , and their Privy-Council only . ( 2. ) But in truth he not only yields that the Tenents in Chief were first made the General Council by King John's Charter ; but that after that , more than such were Members , not only the Tenents in Military Service , of Tenents in Chief , but other ordinary Freeholders . So that he submits himself to be goard by both the horns of that Dilemma inforc't in my former Treatise , viz. that King John's Charter was either declarative of the Law as 't was before , or introductive of a new Law. And yields the precariousness of his own vagaries . ( 3. ) But does he not own that the Notion that Tenents in Capite only were Noble , is precarious ? Since he yields that no kind of tenure does nobilitate , or so much as make a man free who was not so before according to his Blood or Extraction . Though , according to this , one that held of the King in Chief might have been a Subjects Villain , yet none that held a certain Estate of Freehold could be a Villain , because 't is contrary to the nature of a Freehold , that it should be so no longer than another pleas'd , that is only an Estate at will. He will have it that Mr. Petyt is guilty of some horrible Design , from the effects of which it seems this mighty Champion is to rescue the Government . And for me I am a Seducer , one who would seduce unwary Readers , a malicious insinuation , as if I would wheedle to my side a party against Truth and the Government ; but whether he who would set aside the evidences for the Rights of the Lords , and Commons , or they who produce them fair , and would render them unquestioned , is guilty of the worst design , the World will judge ; and I doubt not , but he has at home a thousand Witnesses , who , if he will hear their unbyast Testimonies , will inform him whose are the groundless and designing interpretations . But I must confess they are so weak that these sacred things need very little help to rescue them ; especially since their Enemies are so far from agreeing amongst themselves , that 't is more easie to conquer than to reconcile them . As on Mr. Petyts , and my side , the design can be no other , than to shew how deeply rooted the Parliamentary Rights are ; So the Doctors in opposition to ours , must be to shew the contrary , ( a design worthy of a Member of Parliament ) and 't is a Question whether he yields these Rights to be more than precarious . For according to him the Tenents in Capite were the only Members of the Great Council before 49 II. 3. and if others were after , 't was by Usurping upon the Rights of Tenents in Capite , who and not others , when the new Government was set up , began to be Represented by two Knights for every County , out of their own number , and they at first , that is then , Elected their own Representatives ; and yet these Tenents in Capite might be set aside if the King and his Council pleased , nor was any power given to others to chuse till 10 H. 6. c. 2. which gave no new power , and the Lords depend upon the Kings pleasure . Therefore what the design is , and at whose door the crime of it lies ▪ the thing it self speaks , tho I should be silent . But for fear he should seduce unwary Readers , I must observe his Artifice in imposing upon them the belief that as it has ever since 49 H. 3. been at the Kings pleasure that any Lords came to the Great Council ; so the King could of right name to the Sheriff what Representatives for the Counties , Cities and Burroughs he pleas'd , as he observes in the Margent upon a Record 31 E. 3. but he is not so Candid to observe , that though indeed at that time there was such a nomination , yet that was not to any Parliament , or to make any new Law , or lay any kind of Charge upon the Nation , or particular men ; but was a Summons of a Council to advise how what was granted by full Parliament , legally Summon'd , might be best answered juxta intentionem concessionis praedictae , and in such Cases the Judges only , who are but Assistants in Parliament , might well be consulted ; but pro magnis , & urgentibus negotiis , ( as when King Charles the First called the Magnum Concilium , or Great Council of Peers to York , upon the Scotch Rebellion ) the King call'd more to Advise with ▪ and the Counsellors might well be of his own Choice . 'T will be urg'd that when the King appointed but one for every County , they were impowr'd to consent to what de Communi Consilio contigerit ordinari , and that such a Council made Laws , as the Statute of the Staple made the 21 of E. 3. to which the answer is very obvious , that they made only Ordinances , not Laws , and that these were Magna Consilia , taken in a sense totally different from the Generalia Concilia , or Parliaments , and all this appears above the power and subtilty of our learned Doctors Evasions , in that the Record cited by himself in the 26 E. 3. calls the Assembly they are Summon'd to , Concilium only , and an Act of Parliament in the twenty eight of that King calls what was done in the twenty seven Ordinances , and that meeting a Great Council , Magnum Concilium ; but such a Council it was , and its Resolutions such meer Ordinances ( the distinction of which from Acts is well known ) that that very next Parliament finds it needful to confirm , and give them the force of a Law. Agreeably to this the Earl Marshal in that grand Case in the 3 H. 6. pleads , that though a determination hadde be made against the said Earl Marshall in great Council , though he hadde be of full age , that might not disherit him without Authority of Parliament , these are uncontrollable evidences , and proofs against him , let him to save the great Credit of his Learning answer them if he can . But who is the new Government-Maker , and new Parliament-Maker , perhaps one might know from himself when he has considered a little better , and then he may think the Government , as 't is now establisht , nighly concern'd in his Errors . Perhaps 't will be said I injure this good man in imputing to him a design in relation to the present Government ; Since he owns that the most excellent great Council , ( and goes to prove it evidently from Records ) received its perfection from the Kings Authority , and time . But 't is obvious that its Perfection , must be meant of such its Perfection , as his Book allows , and he would make evident , but what is that ? That Lords should , to the time of his excellent discoveries , be Summon'd to Parliament , or past by , at the Kings pleasure , and that if the King pleas'd , he might Summon one Knight for a County , one Citizen for a City , one Burgess for a Burgh , and those nam'd to the Sheriff . And this design will be very evident if we observe his aery ambuscade , to return his own phrase , and meer juggle in joyning the Kings Authority and time together ; we think we have something , but by an Hocus Pocus Trick 't is gone ; for admit that its Perfection were such as we say it has at this day , viz. for Lords to come of Right in their own Persons , and that the Commons should send Representatives of their free Choice . Yet let us see what setlement he gives this Great Council , for which purpose we must divide the two Authorities , which sometimes may differ . And ( 1. ) Suppose that though time would preserve that power which the Great Council exercises , a King would hereafter take it all to himself , and make Laws by a Council of his own chusing , or without any . If the Doctor allows this power , doubtless the next Parliament will thank him . ( 2. ) Suppose that without , or against the Kings Authority , time only would establish this Great Council , can this be done ? He that affirms it surely will be no great friend to Prerogative , nor understands he that Maxim , Nullum tempus occurrit Regi . And one of these must be clos'd with . 'T will be objected that I am as injurious to Prerogative in arguing that some Lords may have a Right of Prescription to come to the Upper-House . But I think no sober man will deny that there is a right either from Writs alone , or from Writs as prescribed to , and 't is strange that it should not be against Prerogative to urge a right from one Royal Concession , and yet it should be to urge it from many ; but farther , if they who had no right to come in Person , or be Represented in Parliament , should by colour of Prescription put themselves upon the King for Counsellors , this were derogatory to the Prerogative . But if there be a natural right for Proprietors of Land ( with whom some say is the ballance of power within this Nation ) to be interested in the Legislature , which I 〈◊〉 not affirm . Or if there be such a positive right , not only from the Laws for frequent Parliaments , which suppose such to be Members as had been , but more particularly from the Law received in the 4th . of William the First , and by positive Law or Custom the King us'd to send special Writs for some , general for others ; the Prescribing to special Writs , which is not of Substance as to the Legislative Interest , is no diminution of Prerogative ; because no more in effect is out of the King than was before , which is , that this man should one way or other have a share in the Legislature . If this Solution of mine will not pass I cannot help it , I am sure the Law for a right grounded upon one or more Special Writs of Summons , stands fast , though the reason of it should be above my reach . Having run through a Book so ill-natur'd to the Government , and so impotent in its setled anger , as that which some may think to have no other design , than that of exposing Mr. Petyt and me , the one for Artifice , unhandsom dealing with , and false application of Records , &c. the other amongst other things , for Ignorance , Confidence , and Cheating his Readers ; I may hope notwithstanding the disparity of years , and the dignity of his place , to be very excusable in using our Answerer with no more respect . When a man renders himself cheap by his folly , and yet meets with many so weak that they are discipled by him , to notions of dangerous and pernicious consequence to the State. — Ridentem dicere verum , Quis vetat ? — In summing up the Product of his many years labours , which my Preface charges him with , perhaps it may be thought that I omitted one considerable Head ; however I leave to others if they think fit to add for a seventh . That both Lords , and Commons may be depriv'd of all Shares , or Votes in making of Laws for the Government of the Kingdom , when ever any future King shall please to resume the Regality . Some perhaps may add an eighth ; That the Parliaments are nothing but Magna Concilia , such as are called only to Advise upon what shall be given in direction , but no consent of theirs required to make the Kings determination a binding Law. And Vice Versa , every Great Council , such as that call'd to York , is a Parliament . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A26164-e60 Against Jani , &c. p. 1. Ib. p. 113. and 114. Jani , &c. p. 26. Quid , a new Paragraph . He adds such to Cases , to render it obscure . Jani , &c. p. 26. Na. So if a sum in gross were laid upon them . Viz. To such payment as Tallage . Against Jani , &c. p. 113. Indeed he would take in more places . Na. the King did perhaps require a certain sum after a general Ordinance made by the Council of Tenents for a Rationabile auxilium . Jani , &c. p. 26. Dr. p. 115. Against Jani , p. 115. & 117. p. 117. & 118. p. 118. Na. he should have added only . Nullum Scutagium , &c. Bracton Lib. 1. cap. 16. Nay sometimes he Argues that it was not before , p. 56. p. 110. 112. 113. Against Jani , &c. p. 125 , 126 , 127. Jani , &c. p. 225. p. 119. Glos . p. 10. Galls Milites . Against Mr. Petyt , p. 36. So Against Jani . p. 36. p. 78. Placita coram Rege Hill. Anno 14 R. 2. Rot. 50 ▪ warw . Na. this is the Hugh to whom he imagines that William , gave all the Lands of the County of Chester . Against Jani , &c. p. 89. Jani , &c. p. 264. ib. p. 264. Against Jani , p 4. Against Jani , &c. p. 89. Rot. Pat. 17. Joh. pars unica m. 13. n. 3. ib. m. 23. dorso . Against Mr. Petyt , p. 183. p. 127. in Marg. Ma. Paris fo . 244. Jani , &c. p. 244. Vide amongst other Authorities . Jani , p. 51. 57 , 58 , 59 , 60 , 61. 66. 2●4 . 248. Rex debet omnia rite facere in regno & per judicium Procerum Regni Leges Par. Ed. Jani , &c. p. 241. Against Mr. Petyt , p. 112. The free Tenents in Scotland , and the Possessionati in Poland us'd to be Members of their great Councils without Representation . Jani , &c. p. 248. & p. 66. Jani , &c. throughout . Communia de Term. Mich. An. 39 E. 3. Rot. 36. penes Rem . R. in scaccario . Penes Rem . Regis in scaccario de Term. Pasche 29 E. 3. Lincoln de Re. Brook tit . exemption . Against Mr. Petyt , p. 41. Jani , &c. p. 32. 35 , 36. 40. 57. 62 , 63 , 64. 66. 185. 219. Against Mr. Petyt , p. 133. ib. p. 140. Against Jani , &c. p. 22 , 23 , 24. Vid. the 12th . head . Jani , &c. p. 34. V. Domesday , &c. Besides ( according to the terms first agreed on ) he received the Confessors Laws about this Folcmote . Confutation , p. 33. Jani , p. 41. Against Jani , p. 62. p. 62. Jani , &c. p. 248. Against Mr. Petyt , p. 226. ib. p. 228. Confutation , p. Against Mr. Petyt , p. 210. Against Mr. Petyt , p. 183. & 192. Against Jani , &c. p. 34. Yet this tenure came in with Will. 1st . Against Mr. Petyt , p. 31. Glos . p. 26. Against Mr. Petyt , p. 43. Against Jani , p. 15. Against Mr. Petyt , p. 29. Glos . p. 8. Against Jani , p. 46. & 47. ib. p. 22. & 23. Thus p. 48. & 49. he charges Mr. Petyt and me for averring that even Servants who are not in a legal sense people of the Kingdom were Members of the Great Council . My words are in such a Council as this here . Jani , p. 15. which is as much as to say that there was such a Council as this before . p. 118. Against Jani , p. 66. Jani , p. 236. Glos . p. 10. Against Mr. Petyt , p. 1. Against Jani , p. 71. Conscientia mille testes . Against Mr. Petyt , p. 1. ib. ib. p. 210. ib. 42. How were Cities and Burroughs holding in Capite Represented according to this ? And how came they ever to be Represented ? ib. p. 79. ib. p. 42. ib. p. 227. & 228. Against Mr Petyt , p. 249. An. 164● . p. 242. 26 E. 3. p. 246. 27 E. 3. 28 E. 3. c. 13. Rot. Par. 3 H. 6. n. 12. Against Mr. Petyt ▪ p. 229. ib. p. 227. & 228. ib. p. 249. Rex debet omnia rite facere in Regno & per judicium procerum Regni . Above all vid. Title page Against Mr. Petyt , & p. 81. An. 1640. A26409 ---- A declaration of a small society of baptized believers, undergoing the name of Free-willers, about the city of London Adis, Henry. 1660 Approx. 42 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A26409 Wing A576 ESTC R211455 99835045 99835045 39698 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A26409) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 39698) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2184:4) A declaration of a small society of baptized believers, undergoing the name of Free-willers, about the city of London Adis, Henry. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for the author Henry Adis uphouldster, living in Princes Street, and published the 12. day of the 11. month, heathenishly called in houour [sic] to their God Janus, January, London : 1659 [i.e. 1660] By Henry Adis, whose name appears in the imprint. Publication date given according to Lady Day dating. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Society of Friends -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2003-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-06 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2003-06 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DECLARATION Of a small Society of BAPTIZED BELIEVERS , undergoing the name of Free-Wil●…s , about the City of London . WE well knowing , that we are and have been mis-represented to the people of this and other Nations , as well by particular Letters from friend to friend , as by publick intelligence in pamphlets and news books , by which means we have been rendred odious in the eyes almost of all , and as it were made a by-word , and a hissing to all ; Were notwithstanding willing according to the requirement of our Saviour , Luke 21.19 . In our patience to possess our souls , and silently to wait upon our God , for a clearing of our innocency , and the cleanness of our hands in his eye-sight , but lately having had a view of a Declaration , dated the 12 of December last , made by some persons of the particular Judgment , in which some others of another perswasion have joyned , to the which in several particulars we cannot in the least assent to ; we therefore thought it our bounden duty , for the vindication of that truth which we are in present profession and practice of , as also fearing lest they having declared to publick view , we by our silence should be looked upon , either to be of the same Judgment with them in what they have declared , or else guilty of all or some of those five particulars they in that Declaration say the Baptists in general are charged withall ; have therefore set pen to paper , and shall first give a particular of the said five charges , and then as in the presence of God lay down our real Judgments , and perswasions grounded upon Scripture record , to those charges ; by which it will be apparent that we are not guilty of them at all , and that we differ from the said Declarers in point of Judgment ; and if we shall in any thing therein derogate from the mind of God , we shall desire in the Spirit of love to be rectified by better Judgments from the word of truth , and shall think our selves happy gainers in such a Christan reproof . Say they , we being mis-represented to the Nation ; 1. As such as are opposite to Magistracy . 2. That we would destroy the Publick Ministry of the Nation , who differ from us in some things about Religion . 3. That we do countenance the people called Quakers , in their Irregular practice . 4. That we do endeavour a tolleration of all miscarriages in things ecclesiastical and civil , under pre●ence of Liberty of conscience . 5. That we desire to murder and destroy those that differ from us in matters of Religion . To the first , we positively say , that we are so far from opposing Magistracy , as that it would be to us matter of great rejoycing to know who were our Magistrates . But far greater to see such set up who are men fearing God , and hating covetousness , that so Justice might be duly executed without respect of persons , and Iudgment run down like water , and righteousness like a mighty stream , that so there might be no more leading into captivity , and that complaining in our streets might have an end ; But for our parts to take a ca●nal weapon in our hands , or use the least violence either to support or pull down the worst , or to set up or maintain the best of men , we look not upon it to be our duty in the least ; much less to have a thought of endeavouring to set up our selves , either directly or indirectly ; for were we Abillitated and furnished with such endowments as might render us capable of being Rulers , yet could we not allow our selves to act as Magistrates , because we are a people chosen out of the World , Iohn 15.19 . And look upon our selves as Pilgrims and strangers in the earth , Heb. 11.13 . 1 Pet. 2. ●1 . But this we know to be the mind of God , from Rom. 13. the beginning , 1 Pet. 2 : 13. T it 3.2 . that we are to be subject to , and not to resist the powers , because they be ordained of God ; and as God sets them up , so he requires his Sons and daughters to render to them Tribute , Custome , Fear and Honour , Rom. 13.7 . And we further declare , That it is our bounden duty in obedience to our God , to pray for Kings , and all that are in authority , 1 Tim. 2.2 So that we are so far from opposing them , as that we say it is our duty to obey them , in all civil things , that are agreeable to the mind of God , and if they shall require any thing from us that is contrary to his mind and will revealed in his holy Scriptures of truth , we say we are not to resist them , but if in conscience we cannot obey them , then we are patiently to suffer under them , whatever they shall inflict upon us for our non obedience to their requirements : and to this , we yet further declare , that it is , our real Judgment as to things spiritual , not to own them as our Law-givers in the least , for there is one Law-giver which is able to save and to destroy , Iam. 4.12 . which is the Lord , Isa. 33.22 . And therefore if they shall at any time impose upon us , Laws in point of worship , that is either to worship a false God , or the true God after a false manner , we by Gods assistance shall tell them with Shadrach , Meshach , and Abednego , Dan. 3.16 . That we are not careful to answer them in that matter , yet shall not violently resist , but with them patiently suffer under them as aforesaid . To the second , That we would destroy the publick Ministry of the Nation , that differ from us in some things about Religion ; We do declare , that if there be a destruction intended between us , we must leave it at their doors , and desire them to Judge between the al-seeing God the searcher of all hearts and their own consciences , what they have intended by their so often pressing Parliament men from time to time , for a suppression of all that are not of their Judgment in matters of Religion : and upon search made , if they find themselves guilty of a desire of any such destruction to us , we shall beg them in Gods fear , to break off that evil by timely repentance , and make their pe●ce with God ; as for our parts , we are so far from desiring any revenge against them , or any other that shall desire or endeavour our ruin , as that in the presence of God , we shall rather pitty then envie them , and according to the requirement of our Law-giver , Mat. 5.44 . pray for them , and their conversion , not at all in the least desiring or endeavouring their confusion : That there are many things wherein the publick Ministry of the nation and we differ , in matters of religion , both in doctrine and discipline , is very clear , and that we design or so much as desire the destruction of them , or any other persons whatsoever , for such differences , or any other matters concerning our selves , we hope in our further answer to this , and to the fourth and fifth particulars , we shall manifest to be as clear , and also therein discover our selves to be the peaceable Lambs of Christ , Iohn 21.15 . the great Shepheard and Bishop of our souls , 1 Pet. 2.25 . 1 Pet. 5.4 . Heb. 10.22 . Who doth require us to learn of him , for he is lowly and meek , Mat. 11.29 . yet notwithstanding , we do declare , when or wherever some of us shall conveniently meet with any of them , either in private or in publick , we shall resolve ( God assisting us ) to contend earnestly with them for the faith once delivered to the Saints , according to that exhortation of the Spirit of God , by his Apostle , Iude 3. and against them and all oppositions and opposers wha●soever , as good Souldiers of Iesus Christ , 2 Tim. 2.3 . fight the good fight of faith , 1 Tim. 6.12 . In which combate we are confident , we neither shall hazard life , nor draw blood , for through mercy we can say , with our Apostle , 2 Cor. 10.3 , 4 that though we live in the flesh , yet we warr not after the flesh , for the weapons of our warfare are not carnal . To the third , That we countenance the people called Quakers in their Irregular practice ; To this we answer , and God is our witness we lie not , that we are so far from countenancing the Quakers or our selves in any Irregular practice , as that if we our selves be found in any such actings , we shall not violently oppose , but patiently subject to such penalties as the breach of such Laws cals for ; it would have been well , if the assertors had declared wherein this Irregular practice doth consist , that so we might have given a more particular answer , yet we hope by what hath and shall be declared , it will easily be judged , that we for our parts are not such people as the Baptists generally are reported , and some shew themselves to be . To the fourth , That we endeavour a tolleration of all miscarriages in things Ecclesiastical and Civil under pretence of Liberty of Conscience . If by indeavouring a tolleration of all miscarriages in things ecclesiastical , the assertors intend amongst our selves in our own assemblies : we shall answer them as in the presence of God , the searcher of all hearts : That we are so far from any such toleration , as that we at this very day go under a reproach by that people we formerly walked withal , because in the reality of our souls , and the integrity of our hearts , we cannot allow of some things , that we judge to be of that nature amongst them , we well knowing , that the Lord Christ requires a perfect observation of , and a universal obedience to all things whatsoever he commanded ; Mat. 28.20 . And that as well to what hath been laid down by his Apostles , given in by the incomes of that Spirit that was to lead them into all truth , and to shew them things to come , Iohn 16.13 . which are also the commands of Christ , 1 Cor. 14.37 . as to those that were laid down by himself , Iohn 18.12.15 . so that we positively say , that if we shall allow of any miscarriages either in Doctrine or Discipline amongst our selves , to thwart the mind of Christ revealed in his Scriptures of truth , we can expect no better answer from him , then a proclamation of our worship to be a vain worship , as once he declared against the Jews , Mat. 15.9 . And therefore if miscarriages rise amongst us , we are to bring such miscarriages to the touch-stone of Gods word , and so weigh them in the ballance of the Sanctuary , and finding them either too heavy or too light , that is , either adding or diminishing from or to the mind of Christ , we are then to repair to those wholsome laws left us in Scripture record , for the regulating of such miscarriages , according to the nature of them , as they are private or publick , or more or less in their several agravations ; and as they are committed by persons standing in such or such relations : we say the more of this , because most persons think , and many do not stick to say , that we live and act in things Ecclesiastical as Libertines , and without Church government , because we withdraw our selves from the publick assemblies ; But did such persons rightly consider , what the discipline of the Ministry of the Nation is , in their Parochial assemblies , who profess themselves to be the true Spouse and Church of Christ , and compare It with the mind of Christ revealed in the Scriptures of truth , who gives Laws to his Church , which is that body of which he himself is the head , Ephes. 4.15.21.22 . Col. 1.18 . ● . 19 . They would then find themselves to be the Libertines and not we ; and therefore we shall earnestly desire all that are unacquainted with the true discipline of the Church of Christ , well to weigh and seriously to consider these statute Laws of Christ , in that case provided , 2 Tim. 3.16 . 2 Tim. 4.1 , 2. Ephes. 5.11 . Mat. 18.15 . 1 Tim. 5.12 , 19 , 20. 1 Tim. 6.5 . 1 Tim. 1.20 . Tit. 3.10 . 2 Thes. 2 15. 2 Thes. 3 10. 1 Cor. 5 4 , 9 , 11. The which as we will answer the contrary at the great day of account , we dare not in the least wilfully violate or neglect . But if by miscarriages in things Ecclesiastical , they mean that we endeavour a Tolleration of all miscarriages amongst them in their assemblies , we shall in the presence of God clear ourselves and say , we have nothing at all to do with them , in such matters , for we say , they are without as to us ; 1 Cor. 5.12 , 13. And so we look upon our selves to be as to them : And if any one shall seem to be troubled at this term Without , and object and say , that we are all the Creation of God , and what need these expressions of , stand at a distance , I am more holy than you ; To such we shall answer in the Spirit of Love and Meekness , and God is our witness without AUSTENTATION , That it is true , all the Sons and Daughters of Adam , are the Sons and Daughters of God by creation , but few by regeneration and adoption ; for many are called but few are chosen , Mat. 20.16 . for not the hearers of the Law , but the doers shall be justified , Rom. 2 13. And not every one that saith , Lord Lord , shall enter into the Kingdome of Heaven , but he that doth the will of the Father , Mat. 7.21 . We well know , that many will say these are hard sayings , and cannot well bear them ; But to such we shall give a direction in our Post-script , where from one of us they may expect , and we hope also find good satisfation as to the tearm Without . That we own Liberty of Conscience we confess , but under that or any other pretence , to endeavour a toleration of any miscarriages either in things Ecclesiastical or Civil , we have given ( we hope ) full satisfaion , for seeing it is the will of our Master to have the Tares and the wheat grow together till the Harvest , Mat. 13.30 . And that our Heavenly Father doth exercise his long suffering to the whole bulk of man-kind , not willing that any●…d perish , but that all should come to Repentance , 2 Pet. 3.9 . We look upon it to be our duty to follow God as dear Children , and ●… to walk in love , Ephes. 5.1 , 2. and therefore are like minded , having the same love Phil. 2.2 . And therefore do further declare , ●… we are as free , that all others should injoy their Liberties as we our selves , of what Judgment soever they be ; we well knowing , ●… some are called at the eleventh hour , as well as at the first and third , Mat. 20.1 , 6 ; And had the Apostle Paul been plucked up w●…he was a tare , a persecutor , a blasphemer , 1 Tim. 1.13 . and the chief of sinners , vers . ●5 . he had never been such choyce wheat , ●…atisfie , Refresh , Enable , Inliven , Inlighten , Encourage , build up and Instruct , Corerct and Reprove , the building of God ; ●… 1.3 9. the house of God , Heb. 3.6 . the houshold of God , Ephes. 2.19 . the Sons and Daughters of God , 2. Cor. 6.18 . Nor that b●…of which Christ is the head , Col. 1.18 , and therefore we cannot but say again , that we are as free that all others should injoy ●…r Liberties in the things of God , as we our selves , We well knowing , that every one must give an account of himself to God , Rom. ●… 12. for every one shall receive the things done in the body , according to what they have done , whether it be good or bad , 2 Cor. 5. ●… Mat. 25.34 , 41. But either to procure or maintain our own or others Liberties by force of armes , or the least violence , we can ●… no warrant from the Scriptures of truth in the least , which is that only and alone rule that we walk by , for all the remedy that we●…d there recorded is , that if they persecute us in one City , we may flee into another ; and this we see acted by our Saviour himself , Iohn ●… and by his patents , Mat 2.14 . and the Apostle Peter , Acts 12.17 . and Saint Paul , Acts 9.25 , 26. 1 Cor. 11.33 . And to fo●…w our Master , and to tread in the foot-steps of the flock of God gone before us , we Judge it very safe ; but to resist by force of ●…nes , or use the least violence , we judge unwarrantable . To the fift and last particular , that we woun●…urther and destroy those that differ from us in maters of Religion . To this we cannot but answer , that so to●…e Judge were not so much as Common humanity , much less religion or Christianity ; but our Religion is , pure and undefi●… before God and our father , which is to visit the fatherless and widdowes , not to make fatherless and widdowes ; and to visit them in ●…eir afflictions , not to murther and destroy their Relations , to bring them under afflictions : but to this we further answer , that t●… and the fourth particular we judge seem to contradict one another , for murthering and destroying for difference in matters of R●…igion , and liberty of conscience cannot stand together , nor in the eye of reason can they be charged against one and the same per●…ns , for murthering and destroying for difference in matters of religion , destroyes liberty of conscience , & liberty of conscience sw●…ows up & drowns murthering , & destroying for difference in matters of religion ; so that it argues , that the assertors of these things ●…re yet in Babylon and confusion , with those our Apostle writ of ; in 1 Tim. 1.7 . not knowing well what they say , nor whereof they do af●…e ; yet notwithstanding , seeing we are there with charged , in order to the discharging our selves of this confused burthen , we ●…all in the singleness of our souls yet farther discover our real judgments , as to the main intent of the charge , which is murthering a●… distroying ; and add this further , that we read of a three fould sword in Scriptures . 1. The Sword of the Spirit , which is the wor●… of God , Ephes. 6.17 . 2. The Sword of Justce , which is the Magis●…rates sword , Rom. 13.4 . 3 : The Sword of steele , usualy so called , whic●… is the sword of slaughter , Isa. 1.20 . Ezek. 9.1 , 2. The first of these we are required to take to us ●…nd put on , Eph. 6.12 , 13 , 17 and Thus to be strong in the Lord , and in the power of his might , whose might was evidenced once , again an●… again , by using this sword skilfully Mat 4 4 7 , 9 , for it is mighty through God , to the pulling down of strong holds , casting down immagina●…ions , and every high thing , that exalteth it self against the knowledge of God , and bringing into captivity , &c. and having in a readines to revenge all disobedience , 2 Cor. 10.4 5 , 6. and is profitable for doctrine , for reproof , for correction , for instruction in righteousness , tha●… the man of God may be perfect , thorowly furnished unto all good workes , 2 Tim. 3.16 , 17. for we wrastle not with flesh and blood , bu●… against prinscipalities , powers , the rulers of the darkness of this world , Ephes 6.12 . not for nor against the Magistrates , Parliaments , no●… Armies of the world , the best of whose strength is flesh and not spirit , who shall be destroyed together , Isa. 31.1.2 , 3. Mat. 26.58 . As for the sword of justce , or the Magistrates sword , we are to be subject to it as we have fully declared , and not to resist it , which sword takes revenge on no man before he be apprehended , charged , heard , and by good evidence convicted , and sentence according to the fact proved given , and then an immediate commission given to an executioner , according to the fact and sentence , for the putting this sword in execution . But the sword of slaughter without examination or due consideration , is many times put in execution to the slaying and destroying of friends as well as enemies , witness those slaughters , and 〈…〉 And for our acting in this sword , we can find no warrant from Scriptures in the least , for that sword being 〈…〉 Peter and another of the disciples , and that by an immediate commission from Christ , the work being finished for which it was intended , we find an immediate and peremptory command for the sheathing it again ; and this reason rendred from the lip of truth it self , for all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword , Mat. 26.52 . for whosoever will save his life , shall lose it , Mat 16.25 . and we find no tolleration in holy writ to the people of God for the drawing it again in the least , neither by precept or example . But least this countermand , should not be looked upon to be a sufficient warrant for its continuance in its place by the people of God for the time to come , the Lord Christ amongst several other weighty things , sent to the seven Churches in Asia , and in them to us , by Iohn the Revelator , is not backward to remind them and us in them of it again , as a matter of no small concernment ; ( And as we judge ) least it should not be taken so much notice of by us in this our day , as he would have it , he bringeth it in , in the midst of a discourse , not long before the rise of the man of sin , when one of the heads of the beast is wounded , as it were to death , and that deadly wound was healed , Rev. 13.3 . Intimating thus much as we apprehend , that as Kingly power hath had a wound in these Nations , even as it were unto death , so we know that the design of God shall be brought about ; and the Scriptures must be fulfilled , for that deadly wound shall be healed , Rev. 13.3 . and we finding the spirits of the generality of the people of the three Nations , very high in this juncture of time , in the behalf of Kingly Government , like Israel of old , 1 Sam. 8. so that by the face of things as they appear to us in this last change , we do discern as through a glasse darkly , that the deadly wound is now going to be healed , although we do really judge , that several that are in present eminent power , intend no such thing , no more then the Jews in the crucifying of Christ , intended the bringing the great design , and fore-appointment of God about , Acts 2.23 . by all which we judge , that caution was intended cheifly to us , upon whom the ends of the world is come ; and least we should not be so mindfull of our duties as he would have us , he makes as it were a Proclamation , to bespeake our better attention , to what he intendeth and saith , Rev. 13.9.10 . He that hath an eare to hear let him hear , he that leadeth into Captivity , shall go into Captivity , he that killeth with the sword ; shall be killed with the sword ; here is the faith and patience of the Saints , that whilst others are leading into coptivity and killing with the sword , to pull down or set up this or that Power , man or Government , to give a deadly wound to Kingly power , or to heal that deadly wound again , that then the People of God should in their patience possess their souls , & in the midst of these revolutions , exercise their fai●h as once that Prophet did , Heb. 3.17 . and faithfully to depend upon God for his preservation and protection , keeping themselves pure and undefiled from leading into captivity , or killing with the sword , least they themselves be led into captivity , and be killed by the sword , thereby evidencing themselves to be the peacable flock of Christ , chosen out of the world , Iohn 15.19 . and following their Master the Lord and Prince of peace , Isa 9.6 . 2 Thes. 3.16 . being regulated by his requirements in the Gospel of peace , Romans 10.15 . Ephesians 6.15 . having received from the God of peace , Rom. 15.33 . Rom. 16.20 . 2 Cor. 13.11 . that spirit , whose fruits is love , joy , peace , long suffering , gentleness , goodness , faith , meekness and temperance , against which there is no law , that as they are Christs , so they should evidence that they have crucified the flesh with the affections and lusts , Gal. 5.22 , 23 , 24. but lust being not crucified it breaks forth into wars and fightings , for when men lust and have not , then they kil and desire to have , Iames 4.1 , 2. and when the people of God shall act thus , the spirit of God brands them wi●h those Ignominious names of adulterers and adultresses , informing them , that what they are fighting for is enmity against God , and that if they obtain it they aret enemies to God , Iames 4.4 . and we well knowing , that whilst we are friends to the world we are enemies to God , dare not in the least , have to do in the world , so as to set up our selves ; or to side with any either in setting up or pulling down , and how can a mans love to the world be evidenced more , then in ventering his life for it , according to that saying of our saviour , Iohn 15.13 . And we further declare , that as we are to be a peaceable people upon the account of action , so we look upon it to be our duty , to keep our selves from oaths , Ingagments , and Covenants , either for or against this or that person Government , or Persons whatsoever , For because of SWEARING the Land mourneth , Ier. 22.10 . For the Lord hath a controversie with the Inhabitants of the Land. Because there is no truth , nor mercy , nor knowledge of God in the Land , for by SWEARING , and lying , and killing , and Stealing , and committing Adultery , they break forth , and blood toucheth blood , saith the Prophet , Hos. 4.1 , 2 , 3. and saith the same Prophet , Hos. 10.3 , 4. they have spoken words , SWEARING falsly in making a Covenant , THUS judgement springeth up as Hemlock in the furrows of the field ; and we not knowing what the Cabbinet Counsell of God is in this our day upon the account of Goverment , dare not in the least , have so much as a thought to ingage in any such thing , least we be found fighters against God , according to the saying of Gamaliel , though in another case , Acts 5.39 . And therefore do declare our resolution herein , that we shall not ( God assisting us ) enter into any ingagement whatsoever upon any such account , yet shall this say again , that we shall not violently resist the imposers , of any such ingagements , but shall patiently suffer the penalty of our non-obedience as aforesaid . And we further declare as in the presence of God , who is the searcher of all hearts , that as it hath been some of our great trouble for a long time , to see some of those that are in the same faith and order with us , so acting ; so it is now become even an overwhelming burthen upon our souls , to see them generally runing such a precippitant course , by which actings of theirs , the mouths almost of all men are opened against them , and that truth they professe , most ignominiously branded and reproached . And therefore we further declare , that in the sight of God , Angels and men , that we bear our Testimony against them in their present actings , and cannot stand by them , nor have communion with them therein , nor with those that strengthen their hands in standing by them ; and must tell them in the words of our Saviour , Luke 9.55 . That they know not what Spirit they are of ; for , the Son of man ( their Mr. ) came not to destroy mens lives but to save them ; The Premises considered , we shall appeal to the judgements of all rational men , whether we are guilty of what we are charged withall or not , yet if they shall still go on notwithstanding , to use us reproachfully for the name of Christ , we shall be so far from endeavouring or desiring a revenge , as that in the words of Christ , we shall in our requests at the throne of grace , crie out and say , Father forgive them they know not what they do . POST-SCRIPT . FOrasmuch , as the said declarers in their answer to the first perticular in their Declaration , do call the Independants and Presbyterians their Christian friends , the which however it is they so complement with them , yet in reallity ( we judge ) they cannot own them as such upon a Scripture account ; as also because one Mr. William Alleyn , in a book lately by him published , intituled , A Retractation to Seperation . In which booke in the whole currant of it , all the Scriptures that he brings , which were written by the immediate direction and incomes of the Holy Spirit of God , to the Churches as they were in the faith and order of the Gospel , he applieth to , and also for , and in the behalf of Episcopals , Independants , and Presbyterians , who are opposite both to the Doctrine and disipline of those Churches , he intendng thereby to perswade us if possible , to a beliefe that they are the true and visible members of that body , of which Christ is the head ; the which book , by Gods assistance , is intended suddenly to be answered by one of our soceity , who resolveth to intitle it , The Retractators work Scaned or the conceptions and supposals of Mr. William Alleyn , regulated by Scripture record ; in which , with other things , a Gospel believer , or a true Church of Christ , upon a Gospel account , is intended to be stated , the which is hoped will be so plain , that it may prove instrumental to the undeceiving of some that are under a deceipt by meanes of that and such deceiptful discourses as that is ; in which answer it is farther hoped , that those that are unsatisfied with our tearme Without , in our answer in our Declaration to the fourth particular may receive also good satisfaction , and in the mean time we desire all to take notice , that though we thus speake , yet we have good thoughts of those friends that go under those denominations , and do own them and all others of all other opinions whatsoever , in union , so far as they own God , Christ and their truthes ; but to own the best of men to be members of that body of which Christ is the head , and so to have communion with them , either to make them our mouth in Prayer to God for us , or Gods mouth in speaking forth his truths to us , or in breaking of bread at the table of the Lord , we cannot own them in the least , our reasons we hope will be fully laid down in the answer to the said book . Henry Adis . Richard Pilgrim . William Cox. In the behalf of themselves , and those that walk with them . And if any man shall question the reason why there are no more Subscribers to this long Declaration , we must answer them in the sorrow of our hearts , in the Language of the Prophet , Micah 7.1 . Woe is us , for we are as when they have gathered the Summer fruits , as the grape gatherings in the Vintage , there is no clusters to eat . vers . 2. The good man is perished out of the earth , and there is none upright amongst men , they all lie in wait for blood : they hunt every man his Brother with a net . vers . 3. That they may do evil with both hands earnestly , the Prince asketh , and the Iudge asketh for a reward : And the great man he uttereth his mischievous desire : so they wrap it up . vers . 4. The best of them is as a brier , the most upright is sharper then a thorne hedge : the day of thy watchmen , and thy visitation cometh ; now shall be their perplexity . For thus saith the Lord by his Prophet , Isa. 59.2 . Your iniquities have separated between you and your God , and your sins have hid his face from you , that he will not hear . vers . 3. For your hands are defiled with blood , and your fingers with iniquity , your lips have spoken lies , your tongue have muttered perverseness . vers . 4. None calleth for justice , nor any pleadeth for truth : they trust in vanity , and speak lies ; they conceive mischief , and bring forth iniquity . vers . 5. They hatch cockatrice egs , and weave the spiders web : he that eateth of their eggs dieth , and that which is chrushed breaketh out into a viper . vers . 6. Their webs shall not become garments , neither shall they cover themselves with their works : their works are works of iniquity , and the act of violence is in their hands . vers . 7. Their feet run to evil , and they make hast to shed innocent Blood , their thoughts are thoughts of iniquity , wasting and destruction is in their paths . vers . 8. The way of peace they know not , and there is no Iudgment in their goings : they have made them crooked paths , whosoever goeth therein , shall not know peace . vers . 9. Therefore is judgment far from us , we wait for light , but behold obscurlty : for brightness , but we walk in darkness . And so read on to the 18. vers . and vers . 18. According to their deeds , accordingly he will repay , fury to his adversaries , recompence to his enemies , to the Islands he will repay recompence . But lest any man should think us to be what we are not , by what hath been inserted in our paper , after our subscriptions , we shall in FINE declare , that in the presence of God we fight not against sinners but their sins , against sinful Actions and not persons , as they stand in such or such relations in this Land of our nativity ; And therefore shall earnestly beg all of all ranks and qualities , to set themselves upon the work of self examination , and to take that good advice from the Lord by his Prophet , Isa. 1.16 . Wash ye , make ye clean put away the evil of your doings from before mine eyes , cease to do evil , and learn to do well , seek judgment , relieve the oppressed , judge the fatherless , plead for the widdow ; ( TO WHICH ) if ye be willing and obedient , ye shall eat the good of the Land , but if ye refuse and rebel , ye shall be destroyed by the sword , for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it , vers . 19 , 20. And to our dissenting Brethren , we shall give that Christian advice , that the Apostle Paul once gave to the Corinthians , 2 Cor. 7.1 . That they cleanse themselves from all filthiness of flesh and spirit , perfecting holiness in the fear of God. LONDON , Printed for the Author Henry Adis Uphouldster , living in Princes Street , and Published the 13. day of the 11. Month , Heathenishly called in honour to their God Ianus , Ianuary , 1659. A20101 ---- Iests to make you merie with the coniuring vp of Cock VVatt, (the walking spirit of Newgate) to tell tales. Vnto which is added, the miserie of a prison, and a prisoner. And a paradox in praise of serieants. Written by T.D. and George Wilkins. Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1607 Approx. 119 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A20101 STC 6541 ESTC S105305 99841034 99841034 5591 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A20101) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 5591) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 831:05) Iests to make you merie with the coniuring vp of Cock VVatt, (the walking spirit of Newgate) to tell tales. Vnto which is added, the miserie of a prison, and a prisoner. And a paradox in praise of serieants. Written by T.D. and George Wilkins. Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. Wilkins, George, fl. 1607. aut [4], 63, [1] p. By N[icholas] O[kes] for Nathaniell Butter, dwelling neere to St. Austins Gate, at the signe of the pide Bull, Imprinted at London : 1607. T.D. = Thomas Dekker. Printer's name from STC. Signatures: A-H⁴ I² . Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng English wit and humor. London (England) -- Social life and customs -- Early works to 1800. 2002-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Iests to make you Merie : With The Coniuring vp of Cock Watt , ( the walking Spirit of Newgate ) To tell Tales . Vnto which is Added , the miserie of a Prison , and a Prisoner . And a Paradox in praise of Serieants . Written by T. D. and George Wilkins . Imprinted at London by N. O. for Nathaniell Butter , dwelling neere to St. Austins Gate , at the signe of the pide Bull. 1607. To the Reader . BOokes are a strange commoditie , the estimation of them riseth and falleth faster then the exchange of money in the Low countries , which alters more often then the english man doth the fashion of his apparell . Men that write to feede fantastike humors , are no better then Apes , that shew their trickes to others , the doing of which is painefull to themselues , and at going away are but laught at , and so nice are our Paules Churchyard-walkers in beholding these pictures , that to day they cry excellent at the drawing of that , vpon which to morrow they will cast a mewing countenance , ther 's no one Stationer stall can fit all customers with bookes to their dyet , nor can all men that write ( if all that can but speake should write ) fit some Stationers . Go to one and offer a coppy , if it be merrie , the man likes no light stuffe , if sad , it will not sell. Another meddles with nothing but what fits the time , I wold haue his shop stuft with nothing but proclamations , because he lyes i' th winde only for the change of weather . Since therefore that neither hot nor colde can please , neither straight nor crooked , can serue as a measure , to some mouthes ; what a miserable and endlesse labour does he vndertake that in a few scribled sheetes hopes to wrap vp the loues of all men . Better it were for him in my iudgement to turne his leaues into such paper-kites as boyes runne after , whilest they flye in the Ayre , then to publish his wits in Follio , and yet be counted but a foole for his labour . 〈◊〉 notwithstanding , with such a tickling Itch is this printed Ambition troubled , that some are neuer at better ease then when they are scratching vpon paper , and finde no sweetnesse but in drawing blood . Of those sharp-toothed dogs you shall finde me none , I hould no whip in my hande , but a soft fether , and there drops rather water th●n gall out of my quill , if you taste it and finde it pleasing . I am glad , if not , I cannot be much sorry , because the Cooke knew not your dyet , so that his error was his ignorance , and ignorance is a veniall sinne to be pardoned . Nam veniam pro laude pete : Laudate●● abundè Non fastiditus fi tibi ( Lector ) er● . T. D. and G. W. Iests to make you Merrie . VVhat a Iest is . A Iest is the bubling vp of wit. It is a Baum which beeing well kindled maintaines for a short time the heate of Laughter . It is a weapon wherewith a 〈◊〉 does oftentimes fight , and a wise man def●nds himselfe by . It is the 〈◊〉 of good companie . if it bee seasoned with iudgement : but if with too much tar●ness● , it is hardly disgested but turne to quarrel . A 〈◊〉 i● tried as powder is , the most sudden is the best . It is a merrie ●●●deman and hath a brother so like him , that many take them for Twins : For the one is a Iest spoken ▪ the other is a Iest done . Stay but the reading of this book● some halfe an houre , and you shall bee brought acquainted with both . The 1. Iest. A Fellow that ( to be a foole in print ) had spent the stocke of his wits vpon inke and paper ▪ and made it into a booke , offred it to sell a● diuerse Stationers 〈◊〉 , but none would buy it : At the length 〈◊〉 came to one of the company , and swore to him he should not 〈◊〉 to feare to venture money vpon it , 〈◊〉 it would be to him an euerlasting booke . Oh sayes the other then I will not meddle with it ; euerlasting bookes are ill commodities in our trade , bring me a booke that will go away , and I am for you . The 2. Iest. A Iustice of Peace found his man laying his mistresse on the lippes , at which the Iustice in a rage , and wrapping out a great oath , cald him Rascall , and asked him what he did , why sayes the fellow ( and swore as déepe as he ) I was kissing your wife . The Iustice told him if he tooke him kissing there againe , he would make him kisse in another place . Truth sir ( sayes the Seruingman ) had not you come in , I had kis● in another place indéed . The 3. Iest. A Citizen méeting by chance a kinseman of his , about the Strand , that was come to the Tearme , askt him where he had béene , who told him he had beene at Westminster : And what newes ( quoth he ) at Westminster ; Mary sayes the other Lawyers get the Diuell and all : What an Asse , replied the Citizen is the diuell ? if I were as he I would get some of them . The 4. Iest. IN the Quéenes time a couple of Merchants walking on the Change , amōgst other newes , the one told y ● other , he thought the peace betwéene England and Spaine would be broken : God help the poore Iustices then ( answered the other ) for if the peace b● broken , sure y ● Iustices of the Peace cannot be sound . The 5. Iest. A Mad countrey Parson inuiting certaine of his friends to the eating of a tyth pigge and some other good chéere , one of the guests brought along with him a Precisian , ( which se● the person neuer could abide ) and hauing carn'd once or twic● to the rest . At length he cald aloud in latin to the Precisian ( for he tooke him to be a scholler , because he went all in blacke ) Heus domine , vis tu Comedere Turdum , vis ●u comedere ●artum , vis tu comedere pistum Fartum . At which the other blessing himselfe , to thinke that a Churchman should vtter such filthy words ( as he construed them ) rose from the board and d●parted reprouing the Parson for a beastly and vnmannerly christian , whereas by Turdum he meant a blacke bird , that stood on the board , by Fartum a pudding , and by pistum fartum , a pan-pudding that 's bak'd . The 6. Iest. DOe you see ponder bawd , saies one to his cōpanion ( ●tting in a play-house together ) she should haue bin burnt once in Paris for a martir● : A martir quoth the other ? why she has suffered for the truth heere in London , for she was carted but last weeks . The 7. Iest. SIrra ( saies a Iustice to a bailie●●e , that had brought a cutpurse before him ) keepe that knaue till I call for him anon when I am more at leasure : yes quoth the bailieffe , I will keepe the knaue for your worship . The 8. Iest. A Woman seeing a tumult in the open stréete , about a man and a woman , askt one of the standers by , what the matter was : sa●es he ▪ Thou art a whore ; Thou art an arrant knaue ( saies the woman ) to call me whore , why about this ( quoth the party that was askt the question ) did those two fall out . The 9. Iest. ONe called a Captaine coward , and said he had no heart , it s no matter , quoth the Captaine , I haue legs . The 10. Iest. VVHat is the reason saies , a Gentleman to his friend , that chesse-play ( being so witty a game ) is not vsed so much now as it had wont to be : diuerse reasons , saies the others one is because Rookes stand too neere the Bishops : another is because Knights had wont to be better then pawnes , but now a good pawne is better th●● a Knight . The 11. Iest. A Taylor in this Towne maintaind a whore besides his wise , who afterwards came to the knowledge of it : where vpon , on● wondring how it should be discouered , because the Taylor was a close fellow , askt one of his neighbors , how the diuell his wife could smell out his wench : oh ; easily replyed the other , for he kept her vnder his wifes nose . The 12. Iest. An auncient Gentlewoman making her brag● , that she was descend●d from Iohn of Gaunt : One that stood by , sayd he thought she was rather descended from William the Conqueror , because her face was so old . The 13. Iest. ONe demanded of his friend what was the reason that when a man 〈◊〉 a light Wench , the ●●st word he speaks to her is , Gentlewoman will you goe to the Tauerne ? O saies the other , ● Leman is neuer good without wine . The 14. Iest. A Couple of Seruingmen , hauing drunke hard in Southwarke , came to take water about ten or eleauen of the clock at night , at S. Mary-oueries sta●res : But the M●●ne ●●ning , and a puddle of water lying before them , which th●y could not perfectly discerne ( without better ●ies ) by reason that their shadowes bid it , one of them ●●umbled and fel● in , labouring with his hands & feete as if he had bin a swimming , his fellow● stood ( so well as a man in his case could stand looking vpō him & sayd : Art thou gon ? Art thou gon● Iesus recea●● thy soule , yet if thou canst but get the Temple staires , theirs some hope thou shalt doe well enough : tush saies the other ( that was downe , ) I looke not to g●t , so I may saue my selfe , I care for no more . The 15. Iest. A Silly fellow being for some misdemeanor brought befor● the old Recorder , after some short ●xamination , was ( by him ) demāded whom he seru●d ; I serue ( quoth the fellow ) a poore kinsman of your good worship . A poore kinsman of mine thou varlet , who is that ? looke you saies he , and drew from vnder his cloake a flute . The 16. Iest. A Player riding with his fellowes ( in a yeare of Peregrination ) vp and downe the countries , resolued to be merry , th● they ●ot little money , and being to passe through a Towne , h●e gets a good way before the rest , crying ( wi●h his drawne Rapier in his hand ) which is the Constables house where is the Constable ; the dogs of the parrith at the no●se , fell to barking , the Threshers came running out with their ●●●iles the Clounes with rakes & pitch-forks , asking without what the matter was , cried still , and you be men bring me to the Co●●●able . At last , the wise Gentleman appeared in his 〈◊〉 : Are you the Constable saies the player , yes that I am for fault of a better , quoth he , why then blurt Maister Constable saies the other , and clapping spurres to his horse , gallopd away amaine , some of the companions laughing , others rayling , the Constable swearing , and the rest of the players that came behind , post through the thickest of them , and laughing the whole Towne to scorne , as if it had bin the foole in a Comedie , which made y ● hob-nailewearers stampe tenne times worse then they did before . The 17. Iest. A Company of merry Gallants , comming in a winter night late from a Tauerne , to increase that mirth in the streetes ( as they went along ) which the wine had begotten in them before , fell to taking downe of Lāthornes that their hung out . And one of them being nibling to vntie the cord at which a Sconc● hung : a seruant of the house by chance suddenly opened the doore , and tooke him at his worke , roughly asking him what he meant to doe there , nothing Sir , saies the other , but to s●uff your candle . The 18. Iest. A Young man passing to his lodging somewhat late , was by the dreadfull voyce of browne-bilmen , cald to come before the Constable ; he did so , but perceiuing him that sat there in the examiners office to be no Constable , but knew him to be a bare Deputie , and had for wages serued ( for other men ) some sixe or seauen yeares together , y ● fellow gaue him scuruy words , for which the Uice-regent of the Ward , grew so into choller y ● he swore , the great Turke should not ransome him from lying by the héeles : nay more , he would execute Iustice in his owne proper naturall person , and leade him himselfe ; he did so , and the other 〈◊〉 before , but in the middle of Cheapeside bee kneeled downe , crying out aloud : O thou euerlasting Constable , what meanest thou to doe with me ? The 19 Iest. A Seruingman bringing a Capon and white-broth to the t●ble , stumbled & let all fal to the ground , for which his Maister reuilde him , and sayd , I could haue done so much my selfe , I thinke so , quoth the fellow ; any foole may doe it , now t is done before him . The 20. Iest. VPon a time when there was a great muster made by the Citty , of souldiers , a countrie fellow séeing them march thr●ugh the stréetes , inquired of one that stood likewise by as a beholder , to what end these souldiers kept this marching ? mary to Mile-end saies the other : yea but to what end , are those Lighters and Boates , and Ships , prouiding on the Riuer ? quoth the country mā why to Theames-end , answered the other , nay but then saies he againe , to what end should they make such adoe both by Land and water ? faith replyed the other , to no End. The 21. Iest. I Thinke ( saie some to his friend ) I am the 〈◊〉 coxcom● liuing : truth , so thinke I , saies the other : why should you thinke so ( replyed the first , and grew halfe angry ) mary sayd the second , because you say so , & I hope none should know that ●●tthen your selfe . The 22. Iest. A Paire of Players growing into an emulous contention of one anothers worth , re●ulde to put themselues to a day of hearing ( as any Players would haue done ) but stood onely vpon their good parts . Why saies the one , since thou wouldst same be taken for so rare a peece report before all these ( for they had a small audience about them you must note ) what excellent parts thou hast discharged ? Mary saies the other , I haue so naturally playd th● Puritane , that many tooke me to be one . True saies the first agen thou playdst the Puritane so naturally , that thou couldst neuer play the honest man afterwards : but I ( quoth he ) haue playd the Sophy : the Sophy , replyed the second : what a murren was he ? What was he saies the other : why he was a Turke : right , quoth his aduersarie get to play as many Turkes parts as thou canst , for ●●e bee hangd if euer thou playst a good christian . The 23. Iest. A Gentlewoman comming to one that stood at a window reading a booke , Sir ( sayd she ) I would I were your booke , ( because she lou●d the Gentlemā , ) So would I quoth he , I wish you were . But what booke would you haue me to bee ( sayd the other ) if I were to be so ? Mary , an Almanacke ( quoth the Gentleman ) because I would change euery yeare . The 24. Iest. TWo Brothers méeting together , sayd the welthier of them , to the other : And how goes the world Brother ? what , you rub out , make shift to liue Yes faith replyed the second , I thank God , and liue without shifting too . The 25. Iest. A Cittizen ●●tting with his wife at doore , cald his child to him ( that was playing before them , ) to giue him an apple , and bid him say , thanke you Father ▪ the mother likewise was busie to teach him that lesson But a Gentleman passing by , iust at the instant , ( who belike had taken vp of the wife , some of her husbands commodities ) stept to her , and whispring in her eare , asked if she were not asham'd to teach her child to lie being yong : the husband séeing a stranger so sau●ie with his wife , grew halfe angry , and askt her what customer that was , & what he spake in her eare : Nothing Sir ( sayd she ) but séeing me eate apples , hee askt if I would haue any chéese to my fruit . The 26. Iest. VVHat reason ( saies one so his friend ) has your Lord to keepe a foole ? He hath no reason at all , answered the other . The 27. Iest. THou art an arrant Begger , saies a Merchant to a Scholler : true Sir , ( answered the Scholler ) for I am an hone●● man : but you can be no Begger , for all the city knowes you Play the Merchant . The 28. Iest. A Woman finding her husband reeling in the stre●tes , till hée was vnable to stand , rayld vpon him , and sayd : art not thou ashamd to lie like a drunken beast , thus in the open streetes ? thou liest like a sober whore as thou art , quoth hee , if I were a beast , I would not lie drunke . The 29. Iest. ONe that had bin Knighted but lately , ryding through Poules churchyard , his wife , his chamber-maide , the nurse , and two young children , sitting in the Coach with him , his sonne and heire , leading the way before : the creatures in blew , trotting too and too behind : Oh saies a prentice that ●●ood in his shop , to his fellow : By Ioue me thinkes , it s a braue thing to be a Knight : A braue thing , quoth 〈◊〉 fellow : what an asse art thou : a man may haue any thing for money . The 30 Iest AN old man talking with his sonne , and comparing this Age , with that which he liued in , when he was a Boy : said , that now the world was cleane found vpside downe : Nay that 's not true father , ( replyed the other ) for i● it were so , women should goe with their heeles vpwards . The 31. Iest. A Lady that by sitting to sée a play at Court , came home late , cald for victuals , and swore she was as hungry as a dogge : It may be as a bitch Madam ( sayd her page , standing by ) else the comparison will not hol● . The 32. Iest. A Fishmonger hauing lost all his money at dice , to another gamster , sauing three or foure shillings , clapt it all downe on the boord together : What doe you set ( sayd the other ? this Dosser quoth the fishmonger ) and then I haue done . The 33. Iest. ONe that had neuer bin seene to handle weapon , being met with a great basket-hilt sword by his side was demanded , why he caried so much Iron about him . Mary sayd he , for foure causes , to kill dogs , and to kéepe off Sergeants , to huff bawdes , and to guard my whore . The 34. Iest. A Yong man , being taken by a watch in the day time , for an idle fellow , was by a Constable brought before one of the Sheriffes of London , and being examined what he was , and whom he had serued , it was found that hee had bin in diuerse seruices , but had shifted his Maisters , almost euery yeere wherupon the Sheriffe sayd , hee should goe to bridewell , and there grind chalke . I am contented to doe so , answered the fellow ▪ but doe me Iustice good Maister Sheriffe , let all your Officers h●● sent to grind chalke too , for I am sure they shift their Maisters , euery yeere aswell as I. The 35. Iest. A Barber standing very sadly at his shop doore , one of his customers came to him , and asked him why he lookt so scuruily : Oh sayd the Barber , my maide has had a sore mischance , my man has playd the knaue with her , and got her with child : Call you that a mischance quath the other ? of all chances in the dice , I warrant your maide likes that best : your man has done no more then what he is bound to by indenture , which is to follow his trade , and that 's to trimme folkes . The 36. Iest. A Country Gentleman , comming downe Westward by water to London , vpon the day when my Lord Maiors Galley ●●ist was in all her holliday attire , and séeing such triumphing on the Theames , but not knowing the cause , demanded of his Watermen , why there was such drumming , and piping , and trumpeting , and wherefore all those Barges ( like so many Water-pageants ) were caryed vp and downs so gaylie with Flags , and Streamers ? It was told him , the Lord Mayor went that day to be sworne , to Westminister . What neede your Lord Mayor ( quoth he ) goe so farre to be sworne : I haue heard ther● is as good swearing in London , as in any place in England : but goe all these ( in blacke gownes ) to be sworne there too ? No ( Sir ) sayd his Waterman , these sweare fast enough in the cittie . The 37. Iest. A Company of Gallants hauing supped in a Tauerne , and being ( as the fashion is ) extreamely ouer-reckend in their bill of Items , yet paying all , departed in as extrea me a chafe ; swearing , neuer to hold vp their hands agen , at that vnmercifull barre : One of the rest ▪ as he went along , demanded in mockerie , what was to pay : Nothing , sayd one of the pewter-potclinkers : All is payd sir ; I le take my oath vpon a booke : All is payd answered the other , for we payd you well , and you haue payd vs soundly . The 38. Iest. A Scrinener meeting an Atturnie in Fleete-streete , ( after some talke had passed betwéene them ) asked him how they should doe 〈◊〉 , so much of the 〈◊〉 was cut off : truth saies the Atturnie , for my part 〈◊〉 shuffle for one : Michaelmas tearme you know is like a great houshold loa●e , you may cut out a good many shi●es , and yet feeds vpon it well too , I care not , so I may come but to haue a cut , at the last cantle . But how ( quoth the Scrinener ) if it bee cut all cleane away : Say it bee ( replyed the Lawyer , ) it s but like a Barbers cutting off a mans haire , within a little time after it will grow againe , and he 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 againe . The 39. Iest. VVHen the Horse 〈◊〉 on the top of Poules , a Seruingman came sweating to his Maister , that was walking in the 〈◊〉 I le ▪ and told him the wonder he had séene , and what multitudes of people were in the streetes staring to behold it , the fellow most vehemently intreating his Maister , to goe and make one . Away thou fool● ( sayd hee ) what neede I goe so farre to sée a Horse on the top , when I can looke vpon so many Asses at the bottome : O yes Sir , replyed the Seruingman ▪ you may sée Asses heere euery day , but peraduenture you shall neuer see a Horse there againe though there were a thousand beasts in the citti● . The 40. Iest. A Clarke of y ● Guyide Hall , being requested by his Client ( at the end of a Triall ) to draw him out a bill of charges : Yes sayd the Clarke , I will draw it out presently , and did so , the Client running it ouer , knew to himselfe , that he was at more cost with him , then was needfull , yet sayd nothing , because hee was to vse his helpe in other matters , but payd it all : and then requested my young Lawyer , to goe drinke a cup of Muscadine with him at the Tauerne , which he did : the Client at the end of the shot , paying all too . Nay them ( quoth the Clarke ) By the Lord , I haue done you wrong , to put you to so much charges . In good troth answered the Cliēt , so I thought before , though I sayd nothing , but since you sweare it , now I dare verily belieue it . The 41. Iest. TWO Cittizens ouer-taking one another , as they came from Westminister , ( the one of them being excéeding pen●●ue , ) it was askt by the other , why he went so heauily : O quoth hee , I haue reason to goe heauily , for I had an Action tryed to day at Westminister , of 200. ● . and it is gone against me . Who was your Counsell sayd the other : Mary such a one , replyed the second . What strange qualities , ( quoth the first ) haue these men of law , the selfe same man that makes you so heauy , has made me excéeding light . The 42. Iest. A Prisoner that stood vpon his comming forth ▪ was put backs till he had payd , such fees as the Keepers demanded of him , which he thought were vnreasonable , and against both l●we and conscience , whereupon he raild at them , cald them bloud-hounds , bloud-suckers , hel-hounds , and such other vngodly names : but one standing by , counsaild him to hold his tongue , and not to spit his venome against men that are in place , for sayd hee , Keepers of Prisons are as good men as the best , where they take . The 43. Iest. A Young wanton wench that had maryed an old man , being a Forrester , whō she had so transford , that comming amongst the heard of Deere : he went for a Stag , fell suddenly sicke , for the loue of a Gallāt , that had a good while together gone a hunting with her , but vpon some dislike of his game , gaue it ouer : the kind old fellow her husband , that suspected nothing , brought her a Doctor , but the cause of her disease being loue , she proud him a D●nce ; he could neither by her water , nor by feeling her pulse , find what sicknes bred within her : whereupon the old Ranger her husband , perswaded her , to shew all how it came first vpon her , for sayd he , we must hide nothing from our Phisitian . Why then ( quoth she ) good husband shew your forhead to him , which me thinkes is all broken out : Alas sayd he , that 's onely the weaknes of thy sight . Nay husband , ( sayd the sicke louer ) if your browes grieue not you , they shall neuer hurt me . The 44. Iest. A Country H●bbin●ll , h●●ing seene she mad-folkes in Bedlam , fell so in ●oue with their trickes , that he swore he could ●nd in his heart , to liue in the Sommer-time amongst them , and demanded ( of him that caryed him thether to see them ) how he might soonest be made to runne mad , if one had such a mind● , easily sayd the other , for doe but mary with a whore , or else haue to doe with players , and thou shalt quickly runne madde . The 45. Iest. A Wench hauing a good face , a good body , and good clothes on , but of bad conditions , sitting one day in the two-penny roome of a play-house , & number of yong Gentlemen about her , against all whom she maintaind talke . One that sat ouer the stage sayd to his friend : doe you not thinke that yonder flesh will stincke anon , hauing so many flyes blowing vpon it . Oh ( quoth his friend ) I thinke it stinckes already , for I neuer saw so many crowes together , but there was some carion not far off . The 46. Iest. LOoke ( sayd one ) is it not strange ? yonder is a fellow that the last day went for a Lieftenant , and now he is a Pandor : Alas sayd one that stood next him , Souldiers you know if they cannot get it by faire meanes , they will haue it out of the flesh . The 47. Iest. A Couple of Gentlemen talking of a common Punck , one of them sayd she was a Recusant : Nay before God , quoth the other , that 's a lie , shee le take any thing . The 48. Iest. A Uniuersity man , cald one of the Constables of London , Onyon , at which the Constable , ( as if he had bin slyced into peeces ) kept a coyle , and wondered , why he should call him an Onyon , that was rather one of the best dishes , that stood vpon the table of Iustice ; Mary sayd the Scholler , I tell thée againe thou art an Onyon , because thou hast a great head , but no wit in it . The 49. Iest. TWo Tradesmen falling out , and vpbrayding one another with house-keeping , & miserable feeding of their seruants : Saies the one , I spend more mustard and vineger , in a yeare in my house , then thou dost béefe in thine . Nay quoth the other I believe thée , for I alwaies tooke thee for a very saucie knaue . The 50. Iest. A Notable scolding Queane , ralling hand to hand , with thrée men that were her neighbours , and beating them all three at it , because it was her owne weapon ; her husband standing by ● taking part with neither . At last shee began to reuile him , and told those that fl●ckt about her , how her husband thought to haue euery rascall a top on her : And reason good , quoth one that ●ood by , what 〈◊〉 Iades for , but to be made hackneis ? The 51. Iest. A Gentleman made all the friends he could , to the Captaine of the french Kings guard , that hee might bee one of them , but the Captaine told him , he was so hardly prest vpon by sun●ry Noble men for their Seruants , and fellowes , that he could not by any meanes doe him the pl●●sure : Oh sir ( quoth the gentleman ) sure you mistake ▪ you are not ( as I am told ) so prest vpon by so many Noble men , but rather with so many Nobles . The 52. Iest. A Water-bearer complaynd before a Iustice , of his wifes misusing , and ouer-maistring him : t is strange quoth the Iustice , that you two should iarre , for I am told , that you ( Sirra ) are neuer seene to goe into an Alehouse , but your wife is seene there too ; you are neuer drunke , but she is drunke too : you neuer quarrell with your neighbours , but she quarrels too ; I wonder that hauing quallities so alike , you should no better agree . So doe I and it please your Worship ( sayd the Water-bearer ) for my owne part , I could agree with her , if shee were worse , so she would be but better ; I pray therefore let me haue her bound , either to her good behauiour , or else to the peace . Seeke but out a Scriueuer ( quoth the Iustice ) that can make such a ●ond , and thou shalt haue my furtherance . The 53. Iest. A Farmer of the country going to Law , for certaine Acres , about which he would neuer haue ve●tured his money but that his Councell whetted him on , by telling him the matter was cleare on his side , and that all the Law in England could not take it from him ; came iocundly vp to the Tearme and yet after much heauing & shouing was ouerthrowne Horse and foote , so that he had scarce money le●t to carry him home , wherevpon meeting an acquaintance of his , and wondring ( as hee said ) that men of learning should so much ouershoot themselues , in that wherein they are so perfect : oh ( replied the other ) the Sun showes men their shadowes , but not their faces . The 54● Iest. AN Apothecary that had a gallant creature to his wi●e , was wondred at , that shee ( especially ) and himselfe could be so rich in apparell , and so expensiue in dyet , hauing no customers resorting to their shop for any phisicall stuffe , but onely a few Gentlemen that came to take pipes of the diuine smoake : whereupon some of his neighbors giuing vp their credit , that this geere could not last long , oh ( said one of them ) you are all deceiued in that man , it is not possible he should sinke , hee is so well held vp by the heade . The 55● Iest. A Yong bryde ( that had married a stale ou●d bachiler ) sate at the wedding dinner with a very sad and discontented looke , to thinke what a ba● market she had bin at● but an Ancient merry gentlewoman ●●tting next to her , cheerd her vp , in her eare thus , daughter quoth the neuer repent the bargaine thou ha●● this day made , for an ou●d horse will hould out a ●●long iorney , as well as a nagge of foure yeere ould : It may be so , ( quoth the bride , ) but as little skill as I haue in riding . I doubt whether he can hould out in some hye waye● that I could name . The 56● Iest. AN impudent fellow meeting a ciuill gentlewoman vpon a narrow cawsie , that she could not passe him without striuing ( in courtesie ) to giue wayrudely brake out into this question Gentlewoman are not you a whore ? She being nothing dan●ed at his blunt beha●iour , but hauing more witte about her then he had ciuilitie , answered him thus , trust me Sir I am none now , nor euer was I any but once , and that was when your father being no better then a Chimny-sweeper , lay with me all night , whilest she whom you now cal mother kept y ● dore . The 57. Iest. A Company of ●heeues , brake 〈◊〉 night into a cou●trie schoole-maisters house , but hee hearing them , neuer stired out of his bed for the matter , but cryed out aloude you mistake your marke my maisters , goe to the next house , that 's a rich Farmers , I wonder you will loose time to seeke any thing heere by night , when I my selfe can finde nothing by day . The 58. Iest. THree waiting gentlew●men sitting vp late one euening began to shriue one another , and to know what manner of Louers each other had : saies the first I loue o●e of our Seruingmen , and I ( quoth the second ) loue the Tutor , nay ( sayes the third ) then I like my choice best , for I loue my Ladyes Gentleman Usher : out vpon him , cryed one of the other , I had rather ten other men should lye with me night by night , then one gentleman vsher . The 59● Iest. TWo friends hauing drunke much Tobacco as they safe togeither in a chamber , ( one of which was in loue with one of the ●●p●ny 〈◊〉 sinnets that lay in y ● Spittle in shoredich , and they both hauing spet much vpon the ground , one of them suddenly started vp , and with the end of a wand stood rakeing vp and downe in the spettle that lay before them , the other wondring at it , askt what he meant by doing so ? mary quot● his friend , I am trying if I can finde what ●illanie thy 〈◊〉 punc● ( whom thou dotest vpon ) is committing in the Spittl●● . The 60. Iest. A Pipe of kindled Tobacco being offered to 〈◊〉 y ● was not●● to be a greedy taker of it , was by him refused , and being demanded , why he that loued it so well , should now leaue it ? he answered , for three bad properties that he found in it , for sa●●● hee , Tobacco makes any man a thee●e ( and vpon that hangs danger ) a good fellow , ( and that requires cost , ) & a niggard ( the name of which is hatefull : ) It makes him a theefe for he will steale it from his father , a good fellow , for he will giue the smoake to a begger : a niggard , for he will not part with his ●or to an Emperour . 〈…〉 The discoueries made by Cock Wat , the walking spirit of Newgate . COck Watt , as I am priua●ly knowne , & commonly cald by knaues , theeues and con●catchers but more properly named C●ck W●r● who giues warning to Court , citie and country . Haue amongst you then , for the forefront of my name Cock , know I am so titled & discouered by it , in y ● place where I keep my twinkling 〈◊〉 , as distinctly as your likely horse by his white star in y ● forehead , your wāton wench , by her black patch worne on the side of her browe your house of iniquitis , by little cakes and lesse cans , and your perfect tuddlecap by his red nose And not vnproperly n●ither , 〈◊〉 called Cock , for about that time when the last 〈◊〉 takes his farewell of the ensuing day and that earely bird , the morning● herauld giues his wakefull sum●ōs to the darke clouds ( vnder whose canopie , théeues , baud●s , and strumpets doe their hatefu●l actiuities ) to disport themselues from the desired day by whose cheerefulnes , the honest laborer reioycingly , eates his bread got by the sweate of his browes , doe I like a cand●e at his halfe going out , in that stilnesse of ho●res , making my soueraignty amongst the monstrous thée●es and murtherers , and my pa●lac● a prison● creeping vp the wall , from side to side , and roofe to roofe , appeare . So much for the character of my name Cock , now for my name , and nature of my name Watt , or Wary , thus : know y ● I am neuer seene to make my visitation and nigh●● progr●sse , to the terrifying of some , and comfort of other : that either in my Iourney see me● or the next morning heare of me : but about thr●● dayes before the sessions or 〈◊〉 when comming into the prison . I finde for seuerall offences , plenty of offenders , some lying on hard 〈◊〉 - beds , but the most 〈◊〉 on harder bordes ▪ some with course 〈◊〉 and thinne couerings , the rest in 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉 barle● , or other couer●ure , heauy Irons , some 〈◊〉 lawyers , some for walking on the padd , some hor●est●a●●rs , ●ome mi●s , some foy●●● , some stals , some I●glers , some 〈◊〉 , some morts some li●●s , some d●coy●s , all cunning 〈◊〉 and cosoning quea●s , and of all these , wh●● they are , and their seuerall course of 〈◊〉 , in their due places . Where bone●● reader thou shalt perceiue , how easily thou 〈◊〉 be deceiued , bow the goods 〈◊〉 , be ready to accuse , nay euen to I●dite thy guiltlesse ser●ants , be suspitious of thy Children , and onely by the di●elish sleights of many , who 〈◊〉 with a fairer glosse of brauery , honest show of behauiour , or priuat 〈◊〉 : feede like drones vpon thy labours , and 〈◊〉 like vipers in the common wealth . But for my power and benefit of arriuall in your prison ; know I most comm●nly appeare on the side of a wall , and from thence cary my selfe about in as swift a motion , as water glides from a spring , from bed to bed , and b●●rde to boorde , onely at the head of euery pris●ner , I make a seuerall stay : And as it 〈◊〉 giuen mee by diuine power ▪ I draw from each particular ▪ the certaine continuance of his life to succeede , and whether at the following sessions or Assises , they shall bee c●●demned to suffer their deserued and shamefull death or not . At first I make my seate vppon the ●eade , where resting a whi●e , I suddenly start from thence vp to the roofe , and downe againe vppon the face , in as quick motion as lightning , when as if I had then receiued , by certaine Intelligence , whether the party I haue ●oothed on , shall bee executed or not , I thus to the Iudgement of any who are then waking make it euident . For vppon my returns , the prisoner I haue made tryall of , shall shortly 〈◊〉 , about his head and face , like a lampe neare 〈…〉 I make a 〈◊〉 twinkling and goe out . But it hath pleased GOD , his present Imprisonment hath beene layed vppon him , as a 〈◊〉 and mercifull correction , for his future amendment and to instruct him , that as this certaine to vnhonest pleasure , is begot a compa●●on repentance , so to vnlawf●ll actions , doth become this succ●ssion , a shamefull death on 〈◊〉 or the rest , that for that time are preserued , my light saileth not , but 〈◊〉 and descends from one to another : ( whome I finde lying , as they haue liued , like sw●e ) but decayeth not one any but such onely whome shortly the Lawe shall condemne , and the speedy execution thereof , cut off . While thus then , I continue my visitation , know that to th●●● to whome for that moment I am visible , the horror of thunder , mixt with the ●lashes of affrighting lightning , dreadfull to Beasts , terrible to Man , putting him in minde , that in such a minut , and by such m●●●ngers , the worlde shall determine and euery sinner shall bee cald to a strict account , wherein the best shall be found short of their reckoning , as I say , the remembrance of that hower , begets not a more earthquake in the bosomes of the wretched , then doth my light ( beeing no more in show , then a starre by vs ) increase in my beholder : for in what ra●cke of the seauen deadly ●inn●s so euer his conscienc● doth witnesse against him , that his prisoned life hath marcht in , seeing my light , for the same foot●●●ps , extinct vppon another , hee expects the like due rewards is desc●nd vppon him selfe . And in this terror of his , the plagues here is euery seuerall sinne , are as visible in the eyes of his soule , ●s they were then thrusted in Hell , for the corruption of his bodie . If hee haue beene as proud as a Player that feedes on the fruite of diuine poetry , ( as swine one 〈◊〉 ) that 〈◊〉 from the noble O●● of their ●●ndes , and in the least Win●er of prosperitie , will not stick to make their ●●ye , in that bo●ome which of late 〈◊〉 them , in an hower 〈…〉 like this , they shall with trembling remember ( what in the height of their vaineglory they presumptuously forgot ) that though they are in their fulst of rankor , fatted vp like a Bore in his trunck that eates vp all is brought vnto him , yet are they stil but swines flesh , that the damnedst shew , will not eate a bit one , nay the Diuels themselues thought them the fittest r●●●es , vnder which to keepe their Court in , semper excipimus , and that a minuit will come perhaps in this moment , when they shall be like Tantalus in hell , to gape after their old fodder , but get none of it or in such an howre as this , when either I or death shall visit them they shall euidently perceiue it was their pride which is the peruerter of all vertue , taught them to thinke , themselues wise , but prou'd fooles , instructed them to despise learning , scorne pouerty , mew at desert , yea and that merit , which from starke Asses , which they naturally were , made their fit momusses worthy to be laught at , yet remembers them withall in their best prosperity , they are but like the flower sparagus , that growes out of euery mans dunge , and contemned of euery man. If hee haue beene as enuious as a serpent , enemie to all mankinde , and hath giuen as many pricks , to the destruction of a mans life , & reputation , as a taylor , stitches in his clothes ; for this long tongue and tooth'd maleuole , ( that lookes as desperately on the prosperity of any , as your vsurer on a yong heire , greedy to deuoure him ) hath not the feathers of his birdboults glewed on onely with backbitings , calumnies , and slanderous reproaches which onely contummate the credyt , but he hath as many shapes besides , as Proteus , and like Signior don spaniardo , who in fight , aymeth all at the hart , or your northerne fencer , in playing his prise , who sticks your marke fairer vpon his own brest yet sends his stoccado cleanly into your bosome , so will hée vpon any occasion of reuengement shift himselfe into seuerall suites of Apparell , into a mans dish , his drinke his nosegay , his any thing he has an excellent wardrop too , change of garmēts , and not beholding either to his mercer , marchant or taylors Booke ( as I hope most of our gallants are ) for a penny . O enuy thou forerunner of murther ( as a great mans sumpter-horse who makes shew before that his Maisters comming after ) ●●sit thy 〈◊〉 , wash thine e●es that lookes flaming like the ceaselesse fire of the Glashouse , doe not vse to grate thy iawes , nor haue the continuall hartburning at other mens happinesse , but by y ● misery which these feele , by beholding of me repent thy life , and reforme thy condition , for know it seemes to them in the instāt , they are tórne by Diuels in the shapes of dogs , in that bl●●● & read kingdome , for béeing so dogged to mankinde , twixt whom and them there was a christian affinity here vpon earth . If he haue béene as letherous as a mountaine goate , and to kéepe his effeminacy in repaire , and make his desires perpetuall , hath beene at cost to maintaine his monethly bathes , somentations , electuaries , and to cherish his loy●es in high 〈◊〉 , hath had his Culle●●es of dissolued pearle , and bruis● amber , 〈◊〉 , cocksparrows , braines of larks , lambst●●● all the earths chiefest vyan●s , to r●●lenish his pleasures , and p●mper vp his rancknesse in this minut , by me his ●essenger , hee is remembred , all is vanity : And begins to reckon with him selfe , how miserable man is , whose body is preserued from the plenty and cheefest of the land , and by the delicatest store of the sea , yet thus nourisht and nusled vp , not as all other creatures or for man y ● nobler person , but for wormes the very dregs and ●●●all of the earth ▪ and as he hath liued licentiously like a g●ate , so his skin bathed , rubd , sterket nay perhaps painted for that purpose , shall then like a goate be tand not to make spruce spanish leather , fit for wanton Ladies shooes , but to make gloues for friends , ( like Salamanders skins ) able to resist the heate of the low country : for though they are farre from the Sunne , they alwaies liue in the fire , and the best ●ffice their hides can be put to ● is to make pumps for Proserpin , gra●●d Pluto King of Lecyfrs Concubine . And as of these● so insues to all the rest , such as by drunkennesse , haue made their bodies like dry fats , and their fac●● like a shriefes post of seuerall colours or swearers , whose oaths fly out at their mouths , like smoake out of a chimney , that de●●les all the way it passes , or lyers , and such commōly are theeues : for lying and stealing , or as inseperable companions , in sinfull society , as a théef● and a receiuer , and indeede all sinners of what condition so euer , are at the sight of me , struck with a suddaine and violent remorce , reckon vp their liues , and make themselues Iudges of themselues in these offences , wherein their conscince giues ●estimonie against them , that they are guilty , and in 〈◊〉 present horror , they s●eme in minde to ta●e the vpright Iustice and punishment which they know , long before this they haue deserued . Well , hauing brought these that behold me into this ague , you walking spirit will 〈◊〉 them in their 〈◊〉 , and returne to the rest , whom wée left 〈◊〉 ●●ely by the way , I could wish that I had that su●●erance in the Citie , that I progresse once a moneth , about the Goale , I then durst vndertake , you should soone heare of more charity , and fewer cuckolds , find-lesse houses ▪ & more hospitality , not so many promises , but more payment , not so many Foles rich , and so many wise Beggers , nothing should be amisse , all should b●● amended , or your Cock Wach would walke the sinfull round like a Sentin●ll , and the sinners should swet ●ort . But to them whom I left sléeping , not like the rest of good men , wherein they find comfortable recreation after their carefull labours , but like the sléeps of ●illayns : For somnia bonoru● meliora quam malorum . So I finde these not in sound sléepes , but distressed flūbers , troubled dreams , visited with stairings , grones and passions , and afflicted in minde , as they are persecuted in bodie , one that went drunke to bed ouer night , hee réeles in his sléepe , and sweares to begin at the last halfe pot , where he left in the morning , others that haue béene ●* soysts , all or the most part of their time , and thriued well in the profession , and now lately drawne into some other action , as they call it , as to breake a house , or to lift a cup from a Uinteuers red barre , to be 〈◊〉 for it at the black barre in the old bayly , he curses his education , complaines of the destynies , malignes his starres , and concludes thus , what a villon was I , to leaue my old trade , meaning picking of pockets , to vsurpe and ●eale into an othermans mysterie , namely house-breaking , or what other waies ; I heretofore haue liued well by mine owne , and that which I was brought vp in , drawne forty or fifty pound for mee and my punck , in one tearme , out of a rum coues ●ung , ( so called in their canting vse of spéech ) ( and as much as to say in ours , a rich chuffes purse ) and now after in my many escapes , common bale , the helpe to many a venterous thée●e , a plague of all Ill lucks , I must ride Crowee as much as to say , beha●ged for a trifle , & in the bitternesse of his passion , breakes out thus , may all they take another mans trade vpon them , neuer spéede better . Here you must vnderstand euery man kéepes his own trade , among théeues as orderly , as they of the twelue companies , as he that is a vintner , is a vintener and no more , so he that is a pick-pocket , is a pickpocket and no more : and so of the rest , yet in the end , closes vp his elegie , beeing sung 〈◊〉 his dreame , with this resolution , well I haue seene the worst , t is but halfe a● howres hanging , t will saue mee halfe a yé●res drinking , twoo turnes , the knot vnder the eare , and a wry mouth will doe it ▪ let me sweete hart , ( speaking by his mort ) haue a white sh●●te tyed about mee , and my black wrought Cap on my head , my nosegay in my hand , t is but the way , which many a good fellow has gone before , and welcome death , when she perhaps , then present with him , as if their soules did ●●mpathise in one , answeres dialogue wise to him , making vp her protestations with ●thes enowe , no doubt of it , his will see will s●● performed , nay for his sake , she will neuer loue none of his 〈◊〉 more neuer come vp newgate staires , nay for euer will be a stranger to the I le of man , in remembrance of him . Well , suppose the Sessions past , our dreamer awake , and caried in a cart to haue a corner of Docter Stories cap , whē she once s●ing him gone , makes no doubt but he has borne a noose w t him , will hold him fast enough from comming back , & straight she forgets her promises , neuer to haue more friends , nay ten to one , neuer takes care to see him buried , y ● hath brought himselfe to the gallows for her , but rather studies , where and how , she may get money to bee drunke with a new loue , and in fresh fild cups , make vp a new combination between thē , thus like water men , that shift their fares , from one landing place to waite for another , so doe these morts euery sessions shift their sutors , they dispatch o●e at Newgate stares , & a Noble to a groate , they take vp another betwixt that and Tiburne . Yet shall it not be Impertinent , that I Cock Watt , your new discouerer , make euident , what vse these kinde of people draw from these she creatures , both abroad and in prison , first know , that your thée●es trauelling mort , is partly a setter of rob beries , partly a théefe her 〈◊〉 , but alwaies a receiuer of whats● euer is ●●lne and brought vnto her : for which fellonies , if him whom she cals her hus●and , chance to be apprehended , she tross in his businesse , labours his aduersarie to be good to him , & suffer him to be bayld ●ut , you shall want no teares , no knéelings , no intercessions , no perswasions , that it is the first fact that euer the poore man her bedfellow fell into , and will you s●ke his bloud , that he was neuer in prison before , and will you bee his ●●doing , when if you but search the record at Newgate , you sh●ll 〈◊〉 him to haue payd his garnish twentie times at least , but if it proue that at her Importunity you are mooued , and in pitty of her , spare her mates life . Take this from me , it shall happen to you , as to an honest Iuror of this City not long since , who séeing a comely proper yong man stand i●dighted for a purse , and by his verdit giuen against him , ●as to be hanged , in pity of his present youth , and hope of better grace to come , béeing at that time foreman of the Iury , so laboured with his a●●●tants , that for that fact hee was acquitted , who in recompēce presently vpon his discharge , paying his fées , came to the place where this Iuror was , and pickt his pocket , then i● poore Cock may not preuaile wt●ou t● spare none of them , learne this of Horras . Quo semel est Imbuta re●ens seruabit odorem Testa d●●● A 〈◊〉 vessell will neuer bee made swéete , and our english prouerbe is as true as old , saue a theefe from the gallowes , & hee le hang you if hee can , and though these parties themselues will in person no more steale from you , yet imboul●●cd by your pitty they will be instruments , to intice others to worke you hurt , otherwise if shee findes you not moued at her Crocadiles teares , but according as iustice in y ● case has prouided will prosecute against him , then fals she to rayling against you , abuses your 〈◊〉 ●annes your children curs●s your procéedings , and if she haue a childe her selfe , brings it and sayes at your doore shee will leaue it , for you or the parish to bring vp , if by your meanes her hus●●nd perisheth , thinking thus to ouercome you with impudence , if shee could not doe by perswasion , they that haue had any trading know this to be true , then poore Cock leau● & euery man to his ow●e discretion , and will now tell how these shee b●asts behaue themselues abroade . In the day time two of them neuer lesse , often more , w●lke vp and downe streets together with their handbaskets in their hands , so neate and decent in atire , that suspition it selfe cannot cease on them for other , then people of honest conuersatiō when vigilantly as thy passe along , they cast their eyes about , to obserue where , they can finde a shop furnished , but with one to giue attendance on customers , be it ma●●●●●r , mistresse , or man , so but one they respect not , which taken note of , into that shop of what trade soeuer they wil enter , for these wil play small game before they will sit out , mary their chiefs venture is eyther with Mercers , Gouldsmiths , Linnen drayers , ha●●da●hers and such like ( now a simple man would thinke these should bee credible people that thus loue to deale with the best● ) at first they demand for this , or that sort of wares , as rings , taffety , cambricks ▪ hats , gloues , garters , or what soeuer the shoppe keepes 〈◊〉 of , much they desire to see but are contented with none , yet still requesteth you to turne about and reach h●r this thing or th●● thing , all which trouble is to no more purpose , but that 〈◊〉 your face is away from them , they may ●●ke aduantage to 〈◊〉 somwhat away from you , which at that instanc● she that is ●ext you failes not 〈◊〉 ●ffect , and closely conuayes it to her that stands of fit purpose a prety way off , thus hauing the pray they fish for , she modestly dis●ikes your wares , sayes she is sory shee has troubled you , she will now make bold to see further , and if she cannot speed her selfe better , she will returne to you againe , a●d whilest she is vsing this complement , sh●e withall opens her basket , shakes and begins to gather vp her cloth●● , and you seeing no occasion of mistrust , the one , laying all meanes to free suspition opens to you , and the other standing aloofe and not comming neere your wares , kindly bids them welcome & so part , you to the making vp of your wares againe ( and ten to one for that instant misse nothing ) and they to make away that purchase , and by the like to prouide for more . Thus is many an honest Cityzen robd , ten , nay perhaps , twentie times , vy the vildnes of this condition , and of long time mistrust nothing , but comming to cast vp his shop , findes his goods gone , and no acount to be made of them , he suspects his wife , distrusts his children , accuses his seruants , when these make pray of your endeuours , and consume your substance in as vild or vilder manner then they get it . Another instruction learne , to auoyd these dangers by , at the coming in of two in this fashion , into your shop , though by your vigilance both in laying out & making vp of your wares , you are certaine there is nothing lost , yet of her that stands aloofe haue this foresight , that nothing lye within her reach , for while shee perceiues your eye to be diligent on her you are seruing , her eye is not idle to obserue what lyes at randome abroad , for thothey haue beene hole ●olts of Hollād , peeces of Taffety , or Sattane probatum est , that many an honest man hauing had a care of y ● o●e , haue beene by the other whom they mistrusted not in the meane time deceiued , for sometimes , they will not come in as of one aquaintance , but when she perceiues you busied with the other , and cals hard for such wares which she knowes you , haue , whē you as loth to loose a customer , intreat her but to slay a litle & you will attēd her straight , she ●aies she will y ● other whō you are seuing there prolonges the time , and shee walking about about till shee has plaid her prise , in fit opportunity takes h●● leaue and saies shee will come againe when you are 〈◊〉 more leysure , and so at one time giues you the list and the slip , straight retires home to her Copesmates , who neuer go● abroade vnles sometimes to be drunke but liue like ●wl●s , wh● in the day are wondred at and seldome seene but by night , when your goods are deuided , and you the honour for your neglect iested at . But if , as it is seldome they misse of their purpose , yet come they not home , without meanes to set some other pr●ie●● a foote , as by noting your dores sellors , windowes , casements , whether your seruants lye in your shop , and how they finde all things easily for entrance , or defensiue● against a burglary , y ● next night , when , with two or thrée men and a boy , the purposed act , as shall be after reuealed in what manner is vndertooke . These that thus steale , for there be of them , both men and women , are among them selues called running lifts , of which , there are that steale in another maner , and thus it is . If they perceiu● a Nobleman or gentlemans dore opē , they will straight without asking presse in , and so far vp , euen to the fairest lodgings where if by chance they are met by any , and resisted with this question , who would you speake withall , they haue either of these two answeres , for their reply , Pray you is not this such a Ge●tlemans house , who dwelleth within a ●●re or two of , or is not such a gentleman within , whose lodging they know it is , & they themselues haue watcht his going out , but if as it often happeneth , they bee intercepted by none , what plate , apparell any thing of worth happens in their way ▪ it is 〈◊〉 to their net : for in things that are trifles , these will not venter , as I will now tell you of a trick that happened to a gentleman of worth , nere Holborne , by one of this profession , and the shee théefe yet liuing , the more is the pitie . This gentlewomans maide being vp earely in y ● morning it was her chaunce to come out at the street doore , to go into y ● sellor to fetch coles or some other necessaries , she had presently to vse , w t this , she lift perceiuing , slept in & in an instant vp toward the chambers ( hauing prouided at for the purpose , on her feet , a paire of cloth 〈◊〉 with pump soles , so far was she climde ●til shee was at the chamber doore where the gentleman & his wife lay , as she suspected a sleep , for it was in the morning early , the maid● by this time was come out of the sellor , & going forwarde with her busines in the Citchen misdoubted nothing : while she list●●ng at the chamber doore if she could heare all quiet , in the end went in , but it was the gentlemans chaunce at this time to be awake , and perceiuing betweene two curtens the glance of a woman to passe by , closed his eyes of purpose & lay breathing as if he had slept soundly to note the euent , when shee thinking all safe opened a presse doore that stood in the roome , & in which was the whole encrease of the gentlemans plate , and began to ●ather it out as charily , and with as much regard for bruising as it had bin her owne , first she filled this pocket , then y ● , t●entother , took vp this vpper cote then a second , then a third , euen to her very smoke , which the gentlman perceiuing he thought like Bankes his horse , or the Baboones , or captaine Pold w●th his motion , shee would haue showne him some strange & monstrous ●ight for his siluer & guilt before she had left him , at last hauing fild some eight or ten deep pockets , too many for an honest body to beare , made the gentlman thinke she had made them a purpose to carry his plate in , downe went all her co●es as the seuerall couers of them , and hauing now left no more in the c●bbord ● but one faire bason and ewer out came that too , & being as charitably minded towards that as the rest , because it should not lie abroade and take cold , she g●ue it houseroome in her apron , which he that ought it percie●ing , said smilingly to himselfe , I see now that theeues haue no conscience , well she began to trusse vp her selfe , hoping for a boone voyage , & like a theefe as she came vp , to steale out of the chamber , mary better ballast by three or foure hundred pound then at her comming to that rode , when the gentleman stepping out of his bed● caught her by the arme , and cried halfe share in faith , for in this commody I haue playd a part and deserued it well , thankes bee to the Diuill , shee had scarce so much yet as to blush at it , but in bréefe , he cald for his neighbors , vpon whose comming , his goods béeing sound about her , she was caried before a Iustice , and from thence to prison , but whether of the gentlemans mercy , or what composition , I know not , ( but money can do much ) in three or foure daies , she outrun the kéepers , and was quit of her trouble , which makes poore Cock Watt to complaine , that such ●●ld théeues should haue better luck then honester men , and for that I know , let them haue neuer somuch mercie shewed them , they are still like dogs , Redire ad vomitum , what though one Broker , who had his beginning from an inch of this profession , is now become an honest man , because he is rich , and a fréeholder , he yet must be no president for the rest , for might I haue beene her Iudge , shee should haue had her due , and ●anst Derriks ●ance in a hempen halter . I my selfe haue liued in the same state , when I was a creature on earth , wherein they remaine , and I know , their custome so vilde , and life so abhorred , that I had rather chuse with those , whom Circes transformed , to liue in the nature of bruit beasts , then to reassume my antient habite , and liue like them . Another sort of these shee morts , or monsters . I must Anatomise vnto you , who though their nature of stealing be alike , their maner of attēpting is different , yet their purpose one , & they are led Glimerers . Your Glimerer , shée s vp in the morning betweene 5 or 6 of the clock , drest in her night attire her bodies and cotes scarce laced togither , her apron defusedly put on , & with a black brād in her hād , of the colour of her owne soule , which she caries vnder her apron , as if to kindle that , were her purposd busines , about stréete she goes , taking the like opportunity with the former , to goe into any house where she finds the doore open nay presumes further : If it be in the darkest winter mornings , to knock for admittance , if she but perceiue a light● when the mayd or man seruant , but most commonly y ● mayd , comming to know her arrand , she desires to haue leaue to kindle her stick , which vsuall curtes●e bé●ing granted , in she goes into the kitchen● and while her stick lies in the fire , as if she were a seruant : newly come to some Gentleman or Citizen thereabouts ( whome shee 〈◊〉 perfect to nominate ) she begins with that goships chat , which is familiar and in vse amongst ●atling houswiues , which is to discouer the humor , and manners of their maisters & mistresses , their forme of gouernment in their house , how they agrée , or disagrée , one with another , & in what order they must rub their roomes , wash , dresse meate , reckoning vp all the forme of her huswiferie , to kéepe her mistres 〈◊〉 quiet , ( when as she seldome meets it otherwise ) finding the other as ready to enquire and listen after nouelties , as she to offer , she begins to commend her cleanlines , and de●ence in keeping that house in so good order , praises the pillors of the building , the necessary contriuing of it , and offers her selfe to walke further into the next parlor , to haue more caus● to speake more in her commendation , when this mistru●●les soule , proud to heare her selfe praisde , & suspectlesse that she com●● for any other end but to kindle her sticke , keeps waitfull eye ouer her , but giues way to her presumption , which leaue giuen she has dispatcht that she came for in a twinckling , and neuer comes back empty handed , takes vp her sticke , giues some kinde farewell at parting , as I hope we shall meet at the Backehouse , or Market & be merry , or if you receiue on Palme sunday next , I would be glad to haue your company , & so with her new purchase departs , the maide she followes her busines , and not long after , riseth her maister and mistres , when shortly whatsoeuer the vulture had before made gripe of , is mist , the maide accused for it , and the maister and mistres angring against her , they saw themselues their goods but late last night when they went to bed , and of her they must know what is become of them , y ● accused wretch she weepes , protests she knowes not , & vowes to her knowledge , nay she is certaine there came none in but such a gentlewomans maide , rehearsing her name , whose seruant she had named her selfe to be to kindle a brande , then whiles the maister ●rets and is suspitious that his maide is a thee●e , the seruant is a ielous y ● the maister or mistres haue béene théeues to themselues , & conuaide away their goods , with intent to defraud her of her wages , in y ● end the gentlewomans house before named is enquired alter , and the seruant examined , and not found to haue beene in the others house , as the accused● had inferd , the suspition growes more strong : for the maister knowes his goods to be lost , findes his seruant whom he suspects to faile in her answere , & doubting no such ●raudulent practise , as these drones haue inuented , imprisons his maide , ●ay somtimes as in case of a fellon , proceeds in ordinary tryall against her , that were not our graue bench of Senators , Preleous , & Patrons of this comon wealth , carefull to distinguish betwixt partie and partie , the Lambe might oftentimes perish for the wolues rauenings . So this I hope then shall be sufficient for maisters to giue admonishment to their seruants to be warie ouer them that come to kindle sparkes . By your leaue yet , and let your new discoueror wade a little further , and giue warning to Merchants wiues and women of the best sort , to learne how to preuent this fresh practise inuented to deceiue them . There is a new company arising , though not yet halfe so many in maner , as y ● fellowship of the Porters , & thus call themselues Reachers , they walke togeither Male and Female , and keepe house together like man and wife , they will haue you a house to dwell at about Endfield , Brainford , or any place within 6. 7. or 8. miles of London , but withall kéepe a priuat lodging for them selues to retire vnto , at one Brokers house or another in the suburbes , vpō the market daies these two come to towne ▪ she attired like a comely country woman , in cleanly white linn● with a muster on her face , and in russet clothes outward signes of the countries honest simplicity , & in her mawnd or basket which she beares on her arme , lapt in a pure white cloth , some fine tidy pig , fat goose , yong kid , orh aunch of venison , indéed any prouision but of the daintiest , which eyther she can buy for her money , or more probably her mate may steale from any , in this neat maner lapt vp , the ware it selfe of the delicatest , able to entice any eye to haue a desire to buy of her , comes she to make her markets , when lingring in the towne , at on place of receist or other , as they want no shelter t●●l toward y ● breaking vp of the market , which is much about y ● houre when exchange time is held for the m●ting of our merchants , when thus cōiecturing , as very profitable it is , that at that time our worthiest citizens are from home , they goe into Milk-street , Bread-street , Lime-street , S. mary Axe , or the most priuiest places where they kept their residence to make their ●enture , when she knocks at the doore , and demands of the seruant that comes whether her worshipfull good mistresse bee within , and whether it will be her pleasure , to buy of her , her goose , pig , kid , or whatsoeuer , when shewing it to the seruant , ( and she can do no other but commend it , ) she prayes her to expresse the purely of it to her mistres , that she may bargaine for it : For in truth sister , quoth she , we poore country folkes , dare not proffer any thing so dainty as this to the open view of the market , lest any one of spight , informe either the King , or my Lord Mayors officers thereof , and so our goods shall be taken from vs , we hauing not halfe the vallue returnd vs for recompence . With this reasonable and honest seeming preuention , the maide knowing her mistres to be of the minde of all our Citizens gallant wiues , loth to let any dainties , or good thing go by from their owne tasts , which they either haue desire vnto , or may haue for money , though they pay neuer so deere & their husbands prooue bankerupts for it , wils her to come stand within the doore , which she indeede requests , left any Catch-pole or busy knaue should se her , and so her commodity be forfeited , being as it is held vnlawfull , the sale to be offered not at the market , well the maide goes vp to informe her mistres , ( and withal takes the dainties along with her . whom she finds in her chamber , perhaps scarce redy , for t is growne a fashion amongst them to eate their breakfasts in their beds and not to be ready till halfe an houre after noone , about which time , their husbands are to returne from the Bursse and they make it their dinner time , now while the mayde is aboue , flattering her mistres ( as flattery is a part of their worke , for why they haue their wages , with the delicasie of the offer and the cleanlines of the country woman , which brought it to be sold , the Fox beneath 〈…〉 what pray she can espy , to carry home to her den , whē 〈◊〉 hole piles of broad clothes , Cearses , or such like commodities , too burthensome for any one to suspect a lone woman could defra●d you of she straight beckens ouer her companion , who stands ready at an inch , & being a quicke good sturdey knaue , with a hand shifts a way one of them . This is no surmise , there is merchants in this towne , by the losse of commodities 20 ● thicke can witnesse it well , by this time the gentlewoman has lik● that which was brought her , cals for , and commends the country womans cleanlinesse , bargaines with her at her owne rate , and requests shee may see her chap-woman on the like occasion , by this also has my porter , though without the badge of the porters Hall , brought his burthē to the Brokers house ▪ where béeing once put in : t is an abisse too bottomlesse for any search to reach out againe . O your cloth is good ware , it may be cut out into seuerall garments , by this also my marchants come home , where soone taking note of his losse , it makes his wiues markets eate not half so sauery as they would haue done , yet in the end ●ends for a cup of sack , and comforts himselfe with this , that I in his behalfe , would admonish theword , Foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum . And this much for my order of lists , which I hope shall be a caueat sufficient for courtiers , to haue a care of their chambers , gentlemen their lodgings , citzens their sho●s , chapmen to haue an eye at their faire , and by diligence , defend that hereafter which by these meanes heretofore hath béene their hinderance . Now to our Foysts , alias , pickpocket , alias cutpurse , he has as many alias as a good gentleman of Wales ▪ and indéede is as good a benefactor to the alehouse hee consists of an army of three strong ▪ namely , foystes and snaps , his common wealth to liue in , or ground to encamp in , is the antient great grand father Powles , & all other little churches his children , besides Parish garden , or rather ( places of more benefit ) publick , & by your leaue priuat play houses Westminster hall is his good soyle , the dark entry going to the Six clarcks office , in chancary lau● his in the tearme time his deere and speciall good friend , London bridge his bountifull benefactor , all markets are his pur●eiors , and carefully prouide for him all faires his diligent factors , that bring him in his prouision in abundance , all pockets his exchequor , that are neuer shut against him , progr●sses his true paymaisters , though they pay seldome-in y ● Court or cock-pit , though the King himselfe be there , he dare incounter , he pri●e●●●ges no person , nor no place exempt with him , only the Exchange excepted , for saies he , where merchants méete , is no méeting for vs , If they once take vs , we are sure tog● to the old turn , for they are men deale all with great store of money , & very little mercy , the times when his skirmishes are hottest , is y ● time when they run attilt , is the day the Lord Mayor takes his oath , a new play , or whē some great cause is hard at the Star Chamber , now for the person himselfe that dus pick the pocket , and his ministers about him that giue furtherance to the action . Know at a new play , he is alwaies about the playhouse do●e , watches out of which side you draw your purse , & then gessing whether the lyning be worth the ventring , for that serues his turne , if hee see you buying of ware at any stall or shop , hee obserues when you pay for t , on which side you put your purse , and that serues him likewise , If in a throng he thus comes to knowledge whether your pocket be worth the sacking or no , If you be a man that once appeare likely to him , hee gathers iust behind , or on the side of you , and there clapping his hand easily on the place where the bottome of your pockets are , poyses them with all , and by the waight getteth how well they are ballast , if he bée a Countryman that comes from far to the tearme , or one that dwels not farre from London , or seruingman , such either to bestow money , if he walke without a cloake , as for the most part they will , two of them méete him at a corner ▪ and only with streaking of their hands on his hose , gesse whether this bayle be worth the nibling at , nay perhaps at the first encounter , gaue it the draught , but this happens not alwaies the generall . Then thus . When they haue once agréed , which is the Coue they will ●asten on , if it be in a throng or gasing after any obiect to delight you , the stall he gets before you , and there he rings himselfe too & fro , while the foyst dooing as much behind , they both disquiet you , & the one picke your pocket . If they follow you in the stréet , and once know where the bung and the bit is , as much as to say , your purse and the money , out goes your stall before likewise , when comming at a corner , by which you must passe , being direct before you , stoopes of the sudden , as if to take vp somwhat , when the other as néere behinde you , as if hee were to passe by in hast , Ius●es you vppon to ther , and withall drawes your purse : Thus rather then fayle , will he follow you , and offer vpon you twice or thrice , if he misse at the first of his purpos● al this while , now you shall sée like a scout , he come after a loofe , watching , If any stranger were suspitious of you in the iusle , or the man himselfe , which if he finds and you before haue sped then comes he apace after you , and ere the man in that space , has time to miss● his purse , and come after you , he glides by the foyst , with these words , kinchen the coue toures , which is as much as , Fellow the man smokes or suspects you , when the foyst slips the purse either to him or the stall , & feares not to be searcht , nay vpon the challenge will so out-face the party : and stand vpon his credyt , beeing sure there is nothing to be found about him , and the rest gone : that the honest man is rather ready to aske him mercy then accuse him : and now I will tell you a prety tale of a foyst , whose unpudent euent happened at Charing Crosse , not long since . Their liued a foyst in this Towne , whose gettings by the trade was so good , that he kept his punck , though he called her his wife : in none worse ware , then Taffeties and Ueluet of the best , and himselfe more like a rich knight , then a kua●ish Cutpurse : and indéed the comlinesse of his feature and faire behauiour , was so answerable to the brauery of his apparels , that it procurde him accesse into the worthiest places , nay oftentimes made him estéemed as a companion with the best , this fellow seing a good lusty Seruingman , & one hopefull to haue some purchase in his pocket would serue his turne , if he could get it , stept to him , and as he wisht gaue him a little Iustle : and withall , twicht 3 ● out of his pocket , the seruingman , who but new before had ●ought a peny worth of pares , and ●pon this thrust , ●lapping his r●and to his side and ●ist his purse , stept after the loy● , and rouded him , what do you here gentleman ? ( for by his apparell he apear●d no lesse ) though I put vp your iustle , I wold bee loath ●o haue you put vp my purse , there is thrée pound in it , come let me hat it againe and no more words out , the pickpurse vpon this challenge began to reuile the honest fellow , calling him rogue , ●laue , knaue , and I know not what , to charge a Gentleman , of my fashion with thy purse , as they were at these words , being spoke against a great faire House , where some great personage dwelt , comes me a Coatch whirring on the suddaine , and there made a stand , to discharge his burthen at that lodging , when as the Lady dismounted , the foyst béeing exceeding gallant , tooke occasion by the hand , stept to her , caught her by the arme , and lead her in , leauing the f●llow in a muse , whether he were awake , and might assertaine himselfe , he had lost his money or no. The foyst by this time had brought in the Lady , where after some curtes●e discharged , stept to her , kist her and departed , leauing the gentlewoman in as strange wonder who it should bée had done her that present seruice , and blaming her memory y ● she should forget in what place was begun their acquaintance . ( when indéede her eies and his did neuer parle together before ) yet gessing by his habite , he could be a man worthy of no lesse then that kindnesse , a kisse which she had receiued , she past it ouer . By this time the foyst was come back to the seruingman , & roūdly began to tell him , that now he had brought in his honourable Aunt , he should know he had done him wrong , to charge him with his purse , he would fight with him , y●●ellow séeing him selfe thus outfaste out of himselfe , and holding it his best to proceede no further , replyed , It he had done him wrong , ● r he was sory for t , but howsoeuer hee was sure thrée pound he had when 〈◊〉 ius●ed him , and hee was as sure t was hee ius●ed him , and withall answered the foyst , I am as sure thou presumptuously didst challenge me for it , and I am sure I will fight with thee . The fellow halfe angred for the losse of his money , entertaind this offer : and into Tuttle fields they went where they had not changed past halfe a dussen thrusts , but the foyst had hurt him in the arme , and so they gaue ouer , but ere they parted , the foist puts his hand into his pocket , told out twenty shillings of his money , and speaking to the fellow , sayd that hee should see hee would proue himselfe a Gentleman , since he had but him , there was so much for him , & so sent him to the Chirurgio●s , the seruingman praysing his resolution and minde of a Gentleman , they so parted , the seruingman with thanks , and the foyst with this Impudent bost . If this were not a trick to shift a foole . A more knaue learne mee , and I le go to schoole . But now to the manner of the foysting of a pocket , the sharing of the money , and how honest men may auoide them . First know your pocket is drawne vp , that he may the easier come by your purse with two fingers , onely the fore-finger and the middle , and with that forke , he cetches hold not of the lining , nor on the side next your skin , but the other : for if hee should faste● on that ne●t your thigh , he were in danger you would feele him sooner then on the other . When hauing drawne your pocket vp , till he can reach your purse , it is then gon with the least twitch nay by this meanes of drawing , If your money be loose , they will turne you the case cleane out , and the bit , into their hands , now for the sharing of this bit , as they call it , your Stall is equall part with your foyst , if the foyst his none , which is shift some aside , ere they come to sharing , but your snap has his wages at their discretion . For the manner to auoide them , though their cunning bee great , it is very easie , which is , if euer you take any , to hang them , and let not this composition preuaile with you , for that meane of compounding with the aduersarie , hath béene like an vsher to ●enstole in this mysterie of cutting of purses , embol●ned many schollers , and increast their number , and also to bee gog●uernd by these instructions , If béeing in a Crowd you perceiue a busy knaue , or cunnin● whore , ( for wee haue shee foysts as well as hée ) labouring and thrusting about you , how gallant so euer they bée in apparrell ) and the male haue alwaies one side of his cloke cast ouer his shoulder , for that 's the perfect badge to know a pick-pocket in a throng by , séeme either not at all to regarde him , till you take him in the trap , or else looke once or twise eagerly vpon him , then l●●ke away , and then léere at him , kéeping your hands downe on the ●ide of your pockets , when presently he will perceiue himselfe to be smoked , or at least , in his guilty conscience suspect himselfe , and so shew from you , from whence you may take note of him for one o● the trade , and for that time are rid of a knaues company . If going through the stréete , or standing at some Corner , your purse be attempted with a iustell , vpon the touch , haue this in remembrance straight to search , if you misse nothing , when , if you finde your purse wanting , spare not to apprehend him that iu●led you , and him that stood next before you , when though they will appeare to you to haue no acquaintance , you shall finde them a kinne in conuersation , when they come to Newgate . Now if he haue mist his hold , and the snap that stood C●ntinell or comes after , perceiues you vppon the shoue together , to your pocket to féele for your money , then hastens he after you with his old lesson , kinchen the coue towres you , which is so ●ufficient a warning he will not angle with you after . Among the profession of theeuing , this kinde is held the ba●est , as your lawyer , whole course is so sufficiently knowne I shall neede to speake of , is held the worthiest , yet among them selues they reckon if the best , bosting thus of it , wee are not troubles in our venter , with luggage , as your millure quasi Breakehouse , and others are , which is dangerous to put away : But wee as soone as wee haue done our worke , we haue our money . Thus hoping that this instruction will in Citie and country , fayers , and méetings , to kéepe honest mens money in their purses , and pickpockets , poore Cock VVatt will onely discouer a word or two of the mill , quasi breakhouse , and so go to bed , you Mill or breakhouse , to whome your broker is your onely vpholder , and merchant to transport his commodities , whereas all other théeues worke in the day , hee onely sleepes in the day and toyles in the night , there is of these as of Foysts and Lifts , both men and weomen , whose Instruments are either little Iron hookes , which are called picklocks , and they that vse thē termed Iunglers or a strong Iron barre made sharpe at one end , and they which trade with that , are called Mils , withall a boy to créepe in at a crushard or small hole , which they make or finde . The time that they go forth , is about one or two a Clock in the morning , at which houre commonly the watches are discharged . They lightly set forth foure in number , of which the Boy is one , when if they haue in the day taken note of any casement , without a speere going vp in the middle , if there be either signe-post , or pent-house about , thither doe they vpp●n their hands and shoulders lift vp the Boy , who beeing brought vp for the purpose , presently créepes in , then two of them beneath go to stand Centinell at each end of the stréete , and the third waites to receiue whatsoeuer the Boy shall throw out . If they breake a sellor or a shop window , they doe the like , but it alwaies followes not , that these burglaries haue a Boy : for somtimes they are all men , but then are they associated with an excelling iugler , a fellow that will pick you open a lock , as soone as a man will blow his nose , he has the power of Gun-pouder , he will blow them open , but not with halfe so much noyse . This fellow opens the dore , if not bolted on the inside , & makes easie entrance , who where euer they finde to the fullest burthen , they take away , the distribution whereof , this is some parte to the punck , and the rest to the Broker . Now if this robbery shall extend to forty , fifty , or a hundred pound , If none of it be money , but apparrell or commodities she is so Imbusied away in the suddaine , so altered , so transported from one to another , that if the looser take not his theeues , within two or thrée daies , he shall find his goods bought & sold , metamorphosd into so manie seuerall shapes , and sold for so litle at the first , this little but their liues will bee his recompence , A plague of these Brokers , priuat buyers , priuie receiuers , saies Cock Watt , they haue giuen me c●use in time past to curse them my selfe , & my hart will not let me be sory for them . They make me theirs in England , then your owers , and Schullers dus land men vpon the Thames , Your Iuglers exercise besides , this is picking open the locks as partakers and chesse them , but those that kéepe Innes , & haue their riches in one ro●me haue a cut of them ▪ for your other sort of mils I haue set downe the Characterie o●t , aduise all men whose shops & houses are not together , to let a seruant lie there : for they stand dangerous , such as haue low windowes , as though a story high without a spare , in the midst to all them , & if there be a paint-house vnder any window , to leaue nothing they respect there ouer-night , least they say they had it in the morning . And thus wishing the happinesse of honest men , and the end of théeues . Cock Watt bid● you . God ●ight . The miserie of a Prison , and a Prisoner . THis Ghost ( that haunts no places but houses of Calamitie ) béeing weary of beholding so much villany though not weary in discouering it was about to go to rest , & to walk no more aboue earth , but to retire to this discomfortable and gloomy shades ( vnder-ground whither all such troubled spirits ( after the second Cock crowing ) hasting to be assembled . But glyding by a darke and dolefull lo●ging ( for it was about midnight ) it suddenly stopt at the sound of a voice which sorrow ( who seldome layes her eies together ) sat vp heauily playing vpon so late , & filling the vast roome with nothing but lamentations . Cock Watch darted a sudden glaunce in at a cranny to obserue what it was , and beeing delighted with the obiect , stept back behind certaine curtaines of Cobweb lawne , which spiders had hung there most richly , and there hid himselfe , appearing ( not by the thousand part of the least fraction ) halfe so big as the glymering of a Sextons candle , standing ouer a Country Church yard in a black and silent night , when the twinckling of it is scarce discernd the distance of some mile or two off . The thing that complained , was a man : that for age , would haue séemed Reuerend , but that Care ( who sat at the be●s head turning his haires into whitenesse with too ill handling of it , made his countenance appeare miserable , and discontentedly was hée throwne vpon a poore and vnhansome pallat : In his face were the Ruines of youth , In his garments , of Time : In both , the Triumphs of pouer●y , His Armes were seuentimes folded together , like a withered garland of willow , worne carelesly by a forsaken Louer : Sometimes did he vnwinde them , but then did his handes cla●pe each other so harde , that betwéene them they embraced many witnesses , for now his eyes stood ( like floating Islands compassed rownde with waters : his chéekes like Bankes to Riuers , eaten hollow by cruell torrents . Had Aduers●ty ( with whom hee fought long ) not giuen him any one of these scarres to be knowne by , it might easily be iudged hee was a Wretch , for he was a Prisoner . And albeit the rest of that wretched and forlorne houshold , where hee lay , knowing what happinesse they were to loose in the world , by want of their liberty , gladly suffered themselues , ( like these whose limmes are to be cut of by Chirurgions , ) to be cast into drepe and Lethaean slumbers , and so to take away all sense of their paine , yet hee hauing his heart ( like Corat whilest it is vnder water ) continually , soft by the teares , that inwardly dropt vpon it , was more tender ouer his affliction , and because he had sometimes beene a Scholer , though hee could reade comfort to himselfe out of his owne Librarye , ( which was his memorie ) yet woundes are gri●uous when they receiue them , euen to those that can cure them , discord seemes most harsh to the Musition , and calamity most Irkesome to the gentle Nature , such was his , it should seeme , and therfore such was his Condolement . Oh most miserable spectacle of Creatures that I am , the wide and vniuersall World was made ( as a goodly Orchard ) for thee to walke in , yet art thou denied to treate vpon three times so much grounde as must one day couer thee . Thou we●t borne free but art likly to dye a Slaue , yee and to dye in the worser state of Slauery , and whereas that but in a Prison● Better had it beene for thee to haue beene the Sonne of a common Begger , for it then thou hadst beene smitten by the Lawe , the houres of thy punishment would quickly haue runne out : But these are like Shelues of Sande growing in Riuers neuer to be taken away , so long hast thou worne the fetters of miserable thraldome , that thou canst scarce remember that there is such a thing as libert●e . Thy dayes haue gone ouer thee like the dreames of a foole , thy nights like the watchings of a mad man , numberlesse are thy haires , numberlesse therefore must needes be thy sorrowes : for at euery haires end doth hang a sorrow . Oh sacred libertie ! with how little deuotion doe m●n come into thy temples , when they cannot bestowe vpon thee too much honour ? Thy embracements are more delicate then those of a yong bride with her Louer , and to be deuorced from thee is halfe to be damned ? For what else is a Prison but the very next doore to hell : It is a mans graue , wherein he walkes aliue : It is a Sea wherein he is alwaies shipwrackt , it is a lodging built out of the world , it is a wildernes where all that wander vp and downe grow wilde , and all that come into it are deuoured , it is an vnsa●●able gulfe , a feadomelesse wherlepit , an euerlasting scaffold on which men go dayly to execution , it is the caue where horror dwels , it is a bed of terror , no , no , it stands not next doore to hell , but it is hell it selfe : for soules lye languishing and cannot dye . The keepers of i● are churlish , and so are Diuills , the officers of it tormentors , and what are torments ? goeth not a man therefore toward hell when hee is leade to a Prison ? for alacke what are the comforts hee meetes , there his wife and children grieue him , when hee beholdes them , his kinsefolkes grow blinde and cannot see him , his friendes are stricken deafe and cannot heare his mones , they vpon whose company hee spent his coyne and credit , will not come neere the sight of that cold Harbor where he lies , whliest others that fed him with wholesome councell do now laugh at his folly for refusing that good dye● . What musicke hath he to cheer● vp his Spirites in this sadnes none but this , he heares wretches ( equally miserable ●reaking their heart-strings , euery night with grones , ●uery da● with sighes , euery houre with cares : the meate heates doth ●ake him pine , his drinke is vnto him as a poyson , if he haue money he shall there soone consume it , if he want it , be must be sure to consume himselfe , How cruell therefore is death in striking the rich man amongst his heapes of gold , in drowning the voluptuons man in his drye cups of wine , in damning the Letcher in the fires of his l●st but how much more cruell is he to the poore Prisoner only in sparing him . When kne●s ring out ( abroade ) for ioy that soules haue made a voyage to heaue● , what sorrow is amongst them that were by at the leaue taking , what shrikes are heard from the wiues , because they are become widdowes ? what sobbings frō the children , because they are become Orphanes , what complaints from seruants , because they are left comfortlesse , what 〈…〉 flow from friends , because Societie is broken : yet euen then when the warning peeces of men so newly departed from the shores of life , go● off , the languishing Prisoner lying on his melancholy bed , abruptly shakes off al other cogitations , and as one wrapt with ioy for his friends good fortune , suddenly cryes out to himselfe , Oh happy man art thou , that by the hands of death art thus set at libertie ; but most vnfortunate am I that coue●ing him day and night , I can no wayes get into his fauour . A Prison shure is so dreadfull a place that death feares 〈…〉 it , the grates are so strong and so narrow , & the lockes so full of wardes and so many , the roomes so wide , and so vnwholsome , the beds so pestered with guests , and yet so old , the dyet so costly and yet so sparing , the family so great and yet so vnruly , that death would thinke it more then double death to himselfe to abide in so strange a lodging , or else men that are compelled to lye there are such forlorne and miserable wretches , that death scornes to be seene in their company , Yes , yes , it is so . Dulce noui miseris ●ed mors optata re●ug it , These Latin bullets , were shot so heauily out of the olde mans mouth , ( like the songs of fidlers when they bée ouer-watcht ) That sleepe hearing him so wrongd by his brother ( Death ) and taking pittie on his greefes , layd charmes vppon the lids of his eies , and bound them fast vp in slumbers . At which our nymble Ignis Fatuus , that all this while stood Centinell in a darke Corner , vanisht out of that place and like a péece of fire-worke running on a line , was , ( in the turning of an 〈◊〉 , ) at another , ( whether if you please ) let vs follow him . A Paradox in praise of Sergiants , and of a Prison . OUr Newgate-Bird ( whose notes you haue heard before ) spreading his Dragon-like wings , ( which with a horred & a fainting sound , brake open the Ayre before him ) rested himselfe in his flight , on he tops of many other pollutes houses , and looking downe ( sometimes through chimneys , and sometimes in at dormer windows that stood gaping wide open to swallow vp the ayre , ) he beheld a thousand Synnes , that in the shapes of Bats , Skréech-owles , and such other ominous mid night-walkers , wasted the bawdy night in shameles and godlesse Reuilings , but in the day-time , like snailes they lye couer'd , hiding in causes their vgly and deformed heads . Of all which hee taking notes , with purpose to sing their liues openly to the world , when he is perfect in their tunes , hee spent all the next day in a theeuish thicket , not far from the Citie , to practise the straynes by himselfe , but the Sun going to bed , being his houre to rise , forth flutters he amaine , close by the edge of darknesse houering vnder the E●ues of the suburbs , till hee heard watchmen cald to their browne bils , & till Vintners were rea●y to adiourne their Sessions , and to araigne no more at their fearefull Barres till the next morning : Iust at that time ( being much about the houre when spirits begin their round ) did he enter the citie , and passing by a Tauerne doore , he might behold a tumultuous crew , ( like drunken waues ) reeling from one side to the other ; the whirlewinde that raiz'd this tempest , beeing nothing else then the clapping of one on the shoulders that was watcht for when he came out of his cup , you would haue thought the Allarum had beene giuen , and that the Citie had béene in an vprore , for you might heare the clashing of swords , the hacking of bils , and such a confuses noise , as if all the Diuels in hell had fallen together by y e eares . Some cald for more lights , others to put out , some cryed clubs , others to strike him downe , those then had the greater part swore , all shewed as if they had bin mad , yet on they went , holding a kinde of orderly procéeding in this disorder . Cock-Watch followed them aloofe by the noyse , till he came to one of the Counpter gates , which presently flew open mor● suddenly , then if they had béene blowne vp with powder , and as suddenly were ●ard vp againe : At which the thunder-bolt brake , that kept before such a rumbling , rash Phaeton , that set a●● on fire , was throwne headlong into a lodging , the fury of the multitude was quencht , and euery one went to his pillow . Onely the good Daemon , whose nature it was to sit out she very last Sceine , of such Tragi-comedies , followed the cheife Actor ( that played This ) euen vp into his bed-chamber , where he was fast enough lockt all night , to rehearse his parts by himselfe . The waking Cock had softly clymbd vp to such another Roost , as he sat vpon the night before , for the Inne was all one , but the Guests were not alike . This was not an old Souldier , that had bene beaten to the wars of Calamity , ( as the former was ) & béeing wounded in thē● lay now sick and groaning on his bed for cures : But this was a first man in the schoole of the World ; A gallant that had spent much , and learnt little , one whose outside onely shewd he was a Gentleman , ( for within the sumptuous tombe of him , was nothing but Carcas ) It was one vnto whome Vsurers , and Citizens would offer vs Golden and silken robes ( as once the Heathen did to the Images of their Gods ) because they knew he was borne to Actes , and now to make him wise , and to take héede what pasture he breakes into next , haue they put him ( like a Iade into a pownd ) into a prison . Where , ( because this was the first time that hee euer came to the Ten-penny Ordinarie ) he went cu●s●ng vp and downe to thinke himselfe so base to leaue that by Paules-wharfe , to come in to this : he bid the crosses of the plaine in all Merters bookes , wisht he had neuer beene brought vp like a gentleman , to this writing and reading , damnd Scriueners & bond-makers to the déepest pit of hell . Stampt , stared , tore his haire , called for faggots and wine . misusde the kéepers , and cryed to euery one of them , doe you heare goodman Rogue , yet swore to make them drunke , but they making many lyes in mockery to his good worship , counsaild him to take his naps , and so were ready to turne the key vpon him , and their tailes both at one time , but he stroaking vp a handfull of his ha●re in diuerse parts of his heace , as if he had some great matter there to fetch out , & thumping the table with his f●st : as if he had beene coniuring vp a diuill , cald for pen and inke , and vowde that might not to lye in the streetes of captiuitie . The instruments of Learning being set before him , and the roome cleared after fiue or six paire of oathes were spet forth ( like wild-fire ) to thinke how hee was taken like a woodcocke ( beeing in the company of the onely gallants ) and how he was drayde along , and how scuruily he was vsde in words : hée sharply began to rayle against Sergiants , because they knew not their Gamoth , neither had any mus●ck in them , & yet durst presume to teach him , ( that was a Gentleman ) one of the chiefest notes in musick viz. Counter tenor , he swore he would haue the statute of Garbling sued vpon them for offering Mace to men that was able to poysen them , as for Marshals men , the blacke booke did neuer so tickle them as he would . The next heard whose heades like mad Aiax he uowed to cut off , were Bailifes , he calde them poore Snakes that lye in euery corner at the townes endes , to sting passengers to death , if they slumble but vpon them , and comparde them to hornets & great humming flies , that are bred out of cowshards , yet held them the basest Go●lins that walked vp and downe the Suburbs , because they were Buttery-bugs , that lay scouting only in bawdy and beggerly 〈◊〉 - houses . The Linstock that gaue fire to these Canon threats of our yong Colonell of cockneyes , against thrée such mighty commanders , was kindled partly out of his feare , and partly out of an intelligence that both citie and country were layd for him , and that pur●ies and liberties had mousetraps set to catch him ; but looking , well vpon the smoaky wals , and the singed roofe of his lodging and remembring that he was but in one of the Counters , he resolued to put on the cloake of mercie , and to spare the two last for a time , but to drawe out the sworde and dagger of his iustice , and to stab home the first for arresting him , and cooping him vp , ( like poultry ware , ) and they were the Sergeants . Against them would he write Inuectiues Satyres , Lybals , Rimes , yea causeth such Iambicks as Archilocus made against Lycambes , or such stuffe as Hipponap , the painter of Ephasus : this very inke should be Squ●azed out of the guts of toades : His pens should be cut out of Indian Canes after the heads of them were poysoned , and his paper made of the filthy lin●en rags that had beene wrapt about the infected and vlcerous bodyes of beggers , that had dyed in a ditch of the pestil●nce . But behold , Nocte pluit tota , redeunt spectacula mané . It thundered and lightened all night , yet was it a faire day the very next morning for furious Tamberlaine , who as you heard , was cutting out 3 sorts of banners for his 3 sworne enem●es , he had ●●arce taken a nap ouer his i●ck pot that stood iust vnder his nose , whilest he leaned on his elbow writing out crabbed faces as he studied for bitter words to begin his execrations . But into his chamber came these ; who the night before , as he thought made him to suffer persecution : they gaue him the kinde good morrow , told him where his cloake and rapier were , protested they were sorry for him or any gentleman whose vnrulines inforces them to vse them hardly , and that for his arrest they could not preuent it , nor refuse it , because the Creditors were at their elbowes , yet would they ride or runne , and do any office of friendship to worke his deliuery , and to shew how much they deserued to comfort him , they askt him what he would drinke next his heart , but he that not an houre before had nothing but daggers in his mouth , leaps about their neeks , cals them mad Greekes , tru● Troians , commands a gallon of sacke & suger to vs burnt for the Sergiants , and musc●dell , and ●gges to bruise for the yeamen , empties his pockets of Tobacco to both , drinkes a health to them all , & sweares he will ouer into the Low Countries , and for loue or money get a Captains place , ( though he neuer be a Souldier ) only to make them Sergiants of his company : And whereas before their comming into his roome , he had a foolish humor to pistoll them with paper-bullets shot out of pen & i●ke-hornes , he proteseth ( with his eyes lifted vp to heauen , higher then his heade ) that now he will waite Palinodes Recantations , and Retractions , yea he will presently eats his owne words , though he were sure like Earle Goodwines dri●ke they should choake him , and therefore because he felt the diuine sury créeping into his braine , he requested them ●o play off the sacke and begon , for he would instantly powre out a parodox to their praises , which should do them more honour when they were deade , then twentie Epitaphes , they thankt him for his paines , and in requitall promist to deale with his Philistines . ( his creditors ) that are now come vpon him , to see if they could take them off , and so departed , their backes being turnde , thus he beginnes . What a ranke Pagon am I to wish distruction to this Temple of peace . What In●idels are all you ( for by this 〈◊〉 all that lay on the maisters side were swarming about him , ) what In●idels are all you , that cannot be brought into a beleefe , that there is no place of safety but a Prison ? Looke vpon your lodgings , Looke vpon your walkes , Looke vpon your B●llwarkes , Looke vpon any thing that is worth the looking vpon , and you may safely sweare no Lord liues such a life as a Prisoner , for note by what staires he climbes vp to his state . At his first entrance is hee led through the stréetes in pompe , and the more coyle he kéepes , ( I speake it by experience , my braue garnish dri●kers , vpon rest●rnights worke ) the more gallantly comes he in triumph , for then Clubbes are cryed , hath hee his g●arde of Ha●berders , then doe an hundred of Uoluntaries follow at his heeles , when before he could scarce keepe one man , beeing entred , the gates are strongly shut , and there stands his Porters and double Porters , all whom he keepes in Fée : his Cookes are ready to prouide his Diet , if his purse haue a stomach ; his Clarkes likewise are attendant in their offices , and all these do liue by him , when he goes to bed , so carefull are they ouer his life , and his foorth comming againe , that he cannot lye downe but he is watcht . How worthy therefore are they to lye by the heeles , that dare not come neere a Prison , and are ashamed to enter it , because t is giuen out that none shall lye there but Swaggerers and Banckerupts , that it is a place of ill husbandrie , a receptable for theeues , a drinking house for Beggers , and that though a man commit all the uillanies that are set downe in the Chronicles , yet there he shall be sure to ly● safe . But Oh you that thus goe about to slander such Ancient house , ( which you cannot doe , how much do you ouershoot your selues ? Is not a Prison the only best schoole , ( foundded by our fore-fathers ) wherein is learnt Experience ? Experience bréeds Wisedome , VVisedome is mother to Honour , Honour to Riches , Riches to Hearts●ease , so then on the tree of Thraldome , you see you may gather the fruits of cont●utation . I speake this to the comfort of all Captaines , and L●i●tenants , whome a little swelling of Warre , makes proude , and the lazinesse of a peace , makes arrant beggers , and where can they appoint a better Rander-vous , than in a Prison ? I speake it for the good of all yong Quats , who ( béeing sent vp by the honest farmers ( their Fathers ) to bee turned into Gentlemen by finding the Law , study onely how to Moote , that is , how to cast all their feathers , and to what nest can they fly , to lye warme in , and to hide their nakednesse , but into this goodly bird-cages ? O you that are the Poets of these sinfull times , ( ouer whome the Players haue now got the vpper hand , by making fooles of the poore country people , in driuing them like flocks of Géese to ●●t cackling in an old barne : and to swallow downe those playes , for new , which here euery punck and her squire ( like the Interpreter and his poppet ) can rand out by heart , they are so stale , and therefore so stincking ▪ I know the Lady Pecunia and you come very hardly together , & therefore trouble not you vpon this ancient Theater , you present , your Tragicall Sceines , for here you shall be sure to be clapt , Nay your mercenary soldiers , or you that are the Switzers to players ( I meane the hired men ) by all the prognostications that I haue sêene this yeare , you make but a hard and a hungry liuing of it , by strowting vp and downe after the Waggon ; Lea●e therefore O leaue the company of such as lick the fat from your heards ( if you haue any ) and come hether , for here I know you will bée Sharers . Lastly O you Citizens , & you whose craft lies in your hands , It may go warmer to your harts than Sack , or Aqua vitae , whē you shall know that ( by kéeping in your shops , Plaugy vacations and lame Termes , that haue their lymbs cut off . ) you your selues are scarce able to stand , yet that ( Here ) you may imploy your stocks ; for in a prison men of all Trades , of all professions , may set vp , by the Customes of the Citie . But admit these Castles of no comfort ( as the ignorant vulger termes them ) had no such appropriations , Charters , nor priuiledges belonging to them , and that they had not such Ordinance in them , nor were so well mand , as they are : yet the very martiall discipline , by which they are held vp , is sufficient ●alone● to ●iue them superlatiue commendations . For what place of Gouernment ( in any Cōmon-wealth ) doth more resemble a Campe than a Prison ? The Keepers of it , and the vnder-Keepers , and the Colonels and Captains , and they cōmand all : then haue Sergiants , and they double the Fyles : them haue you Clarcks of Bonds , and they be Attorneys : then haue you Serieants , and they double the Fyles : then haue you Clarks of the Bonds , and they be Attorneys , Clarcks , who fly out and in , and discouer to the besieged prisoner how the enemies hart ( his creditor ) lyes misconcde in hardnesse , or with what powre of Councellors , witnesse , petty or grand iury men , hee comes marching downe to giue him battaile , then haue you Pioners , and they be the ●ame messengers ( of the house ) who with Paper instruments ( cald tickets ) hobble from place to place , to vndermine friends abroad , to try what they will doe , and these may properly as I saide before , be called Pioners , for these help to dig out the Prisoner . Nay a Prison does yet come nearer to a Campe , by many degrées , & can shew farre more noble markes of it than the former : for Prisoners lye as hard as Soldiers , drinck as hard as soldiers , sweare as hard as souldiers , goe as tattered as soldiers , are as louzy as soldiers , as discontent as soldiers , go cursing vp and downe as brauely as soldiers , and to conclude , are as little regarded as soldiers . How much then are we beholden to them that kéepe vs here in pay ? nay what thancks are they worthy of , that put vs vnto so strong a garrison , and who be those but Serieants ? Serieants are the cunning pilots that in all stormes bring men safely to these hauens of peace and contemplation : the compasse they saile by , is the Law , which is toucht by the Loadstone of Reason ; the poynts of that compasse , are the customs of the Cittye , vppon which whosoeuer kéepes not directly , he runs himselfe on the sands , and so sincks , or vpon rocks , and so splits . Serieants are those nymble-footed Cenii , that walke at mens elbowes ( on either side , one ) to kéepe them vpright . They are neither Russians nor Turkes ( though some count them ) that beat ill debterson the shinnes , or on the soles of their féete ( like e●ecutioners ) to make them confesse the debt , But ( knowing how coldly an ill word from their mouth goes to a mans hart , ( when any by chance fall into their company , they presently play the phisitions , and counsell him to step into a Zauerne , & to drinck wine to comfort his poore hart , or if wine doe no good , then to send for his friends aboute him , to try if the sight of them can make him any better , and this is an act pitious and charitable . So that to a man that is meatefyed in flesh , and whose state ( in this world ) is desperate , a Sergiant may serue instead of a Deaths head , to put him in minde of his last day , and what hee is to come to . They are called in Latine ( and so set downe vppon Records seruientes ad Clauum : and most properly haue they that title bestowed vpon them : for Clauus hath many fields quartred out in Herauldry , and all are the Ensignes of a Sergiants armes , some times Clauus signifies a Nayle , and fitly may they challenge a dignity by that word , for they are Naylers of mē to their words , promises , Contracts , Bills , Bonds , & Reckonings , they ioyne them to the Grounds of the Law and Iustice , from whence ( like vnseasoned boards that warpe and fly out ) they would ( but for them ) start and reuolt● Sometimes Clauus is taken for a Key , and thereby likewise haue they an Atcheiuement of honor : for what are Sergiants but strong Keyes ( that can hardly bee broken ) to open mens harts and make them looke into their estates and by looking to know themselues , which the Philosopher saith is the onely wisedome in the world , and the hardest to learne , Clauus is also a club , the double propertie of which is in euery officer , for his duety is ( & so is his oath ) to beate downe wrong and to guard the Right ; he must as soone strike the rich , as the poore , and be as ready to take the poore mans part , as the rich , he is like death to spare no man. All which attributes , necessarily depend vpon his function , and because no one word could simply in it selfe expresse them all , they were made vp into one lūp or masse together , and of them all ( beeing so compounded ) is made the Serieants Mace , which is nothing else but the Badge of his place , and figure of his authority . What should I say more of Sergiants , though I cannot speake too much of them ? they are the painfullest members of the common wealth : they are the lawes Factors , the Citisens men of Warre , that bring in bad Dettors , who like pir●tes haue seizd vpon others goods , as lawful prize : they are the Scriueners good Lords and maisters , they are Relieuers of prisons , good Benefactors , to Vintners Hall : they are kéepers of yong Gentlemen , from whorehouse , and driuers of poore Handy-crafts men , from bowling allies , In one word they are the only bringers-home of y ● prodigall Child , to feede vpon veale after he hath liued vpon Acorns . The officers that by reason of the burnt Sack went forth with hye cullors before , are now in smoaking clowdes of Sweate returned back againe , as if it had béene iust their Qu. to enter at the fag end of their commendations : the newes that they brought ( vno ore ) and which they vttred with a hye and full mouth together , was , that he must presently goe along with them and meete all his creditors ( in a more dangerous place than the field ) in a Tauerne ; for ioy of which , he bestowed his vltimum in wine vpon his fellow-commoners , who were all busie in prouiding pen ynck and paper , to register ( In aeternam rei memoriam ) his learned Encomium of them , their colledge , and their officers , whilst hee descended in more state of attendants , then he came vp in , for the most part of his money ( which flew out as easily as smoake out of a Tobacco pipe ) was cut out ( like loynes of mutton at the Innes ) in fées , and a generall volley of Farewels from all the grates béeing shot off at his departure , the key was turnd , and he Vno graditur comitatus Achate . hath no more but one onely Serieant wayting vpon him , ( to auoide wonder ) whilst the rest of the Infantery , that tooke him prisoner , came marching softly behinde , to share in his ransome Cock-Watch had no great desire to follow , but stealing out , ( as he came in ) like an Owle from an Iuy to● , he made hast to his old Rendez because Sessions was at hand , where what is done the Cryer will proclaime it . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A20101-e2220 〈…〉 〈…〉 . of li●●● of 〈◊〉 Of F●ys●s . 〈…〉 Notes for div A20101-e3660 〈…〉 His Cōplaint The description of a Prison . 〈…〉 A28134 ---- A warning from the Lord God of life and power unto thee o city of London, and to the suburbs round about thee : to call thee and them to repentance & amendment of life, without which you cannot see God : be ye separated from your priests, and from your idolatrous worship, and touch not the unclean thing, that the Lord may receive you ... and something also to the scattered seed of God, which hath been held in bondage under Pharaoh the Task-master : who am hated by the unwise, and foolish in heart, and am reproachfully call'd a Quaker / Ester Biddle. Biddle, Ester. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A28134 of text R37073 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing B2866). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 55 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A28134 Wing B2866 ESTC R37073 16204287 ocm 16204287 105066 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A28134) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 105066) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1088:3) A warning from the Lord God of life and power unto thee o city of London, and to the suburbs round about thee : to call thee and them to repentance & amendment of life, without which you cannot see God : be ye separated from your priests, and from your idolatrous worship, and touch not the unclean thing, that the Lord may receive you ... and something also to the scattered seed of God, which hath been held in bondage under Pharaoh the Task-master : who am hated by the unwise, and foolish in heart, and am reproachfully call'd a Quaker / Ester Biddle. Biddle, Ester. [2], 22 p. Printed for Robert Wilson ..., London : 1660. Imperfect: stained, with some loss of print. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Society of Friends -- England -- Pastoral letters and charges. Repentance. London (England) A28134 R37073 (Wing B2866). civilwar no A warning from the Lord God of life and power, unto thee o city of London, and to the suburbs round about thee: to call thee and them to rep Biddle, Ester 1660 11433 21 0 0 0 0 0 18 C The rate of 18 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-09 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-09 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A WARNING FROM THE Lord God of LIFE and Power , UNTO THEE O CITY OF LONDON , AND TO The SUBURBS round about thee : To call thee and them to repentance & amendment of life , without which you cannot see God . Be ye separated from your Priests , and from your Idolatrous Worship , and touch not the unclean thing , that the Lord may receive you ; Written by one who follows the Lamb , and desires the welfare of all Souls , as I was moved thereunto by the Eternal and true Spirit of God , being quiet and still in my habitation . And something also to the scattered Seed of God , which hath been held in bondage under Pharaoh the Task-master . Who am hated by the unwise , and foolish in heart , and am reproachfully call'd a QUAKER . ESTER BIDDLE . LONDON , Printed for Robert Wilson , at the Black-Spread-Eagle and Windmill in Martins , neer Aldersgate , 1660. A Warning unto the City of London , and the Suburbs round about , &c. O The day and hour of thy Visitation is now , O City of London ! with all thy Suburbs , and likewise the day , hour , and time of Gods righteous Judgements is at hand , and will be executed upon thee in flames of fire from heaven : O my soul mourneth for thee , and my bowels is troubled , and my heart is pained within me , to see thy desolation , my eyes runneth down as a Fountain for the misery that is overtaking thee : O the fury of the Lord ! it is terrible , and who may stand , when it waxeth hot , and burneth as a flaming fire : O repent , repent , repent ! for thy wickedness surmounteth the wickedness of Sodom and Gomorrah , thy pride and ambition far exceedeth Jerusalems : Jerusalem had one Temple to worship in , and it was commanded of the Lord to be built , and the Lord commanded them to worship in it ; but according to your imaginations , so is your worship , and as your streets are , so are your Idols Temples , and thy Idolatrous Worship ; the abomination of desolation , sitteth where it ought not , and the Seed that belongeth to Immortal Life , is buried in thee ! O London , London ! how art thou fallen ? and from whom art thou gone astray ? even from the righteous Judge , and pure God of heaven , and of earth , O! thou art dead , and dying from the true worship and service of the Lord , which is in Spirit & in truth ; thou art groaping at noon-day , and thy light is not risen out of obscurity , that should give thee the knowledge of the Glory of God in the Face of Jesus Christ , although the measure of Gods grace hath called thee to repentance , and doth strive with thee against thy pride , cruelty , hard-heartedness , and oppression , but thou wilt not lend thine ear unto it , neither doth the grace of God teach thee ; but to the contrary art thou led unto persecution , by that spirit which leadeth into transgression : O! how many of the Lords dear servants , Lambs and Babes , hath the Lord sent into thy streets , high-wayes , and Idols Temples ? to declare what they have seen , tasted , and handled of the Word of Life , and hath proclaimed this notable terrible day , which they see is coming upon thee , & to declare unto thee thy sins & transgressions , and how great the indignation of the glorious God will be executed upon thee by reason of them , and for clearing their consciences , and being obedient unto the Commands of the Lord , some of them hast thou stoned , and some imprisoned , and cruelly beat , and unmercifully used them , of which doings the Lord taketh notice , and heareth the groans of the innocent , and the cries of the oppressed : O! it s entered , it s entered into the ears of the Lord God of Sabbath , who knoweth how great our sufferings is in this City , and in all quarters of the whole earth , where we have been sent , we have groaned under cruel oppression and tyranny , by unjust Judges , and unrighteous Rulers , especially by our own Countrymen , and in the Land of our Nativity , for which my spirit is troubled , because we all profess the name of Christians , and own Christ in words , to be a Saviour , but in works and life you deny him ; and by this thing is the name of the Lord blasphemed amongst all them , who doth not own Christ at all , whom you call Heathens ; but truly their life condemns yours , they having no Law , are a Law unto themselves , and they shall rise up in Judgement with this Generation , who draweth nigh unto the Lord with their lips , and their mouths , but their hearts is far from God : O the Lord God will be eased of such a vain Religion as this , he that seeth thee in secret is the munition of rocks , & he will reward thee openly , his Sickle shall pierce thy heart , and his sword shall rip up thy bowels ; pain , sorrow , and anguish shall overtake thee , as a woman in travel , and from it thou shalt not escape : O friends ! as a woman hath pain before she bringeth forth , so certainly and surely must you feel the pangs of death , before you know the Birth immortal ; and if that this be not witnessed , there is no seeing of God , nor no inhabiting of his holy Hill , where alone dwelleth purity ; holiness , and righteousness for ever : O search and try , you who are Citizens of this mortal City , which may truly be called Sodom and Egypt , for in thee is the Son of God crucified , and put to open shame ! Do you feel or know a part in another City which is immutable , which fadeth not away ? Do you eat of the hidden Manna which corrupteth not ? or do you drink of the Blood of the Lamb ? Have you yet found peace with the Lord ? Are you reconciled unto the God of Jacob ? Are you saved , or saving from your sins ? Or have you seen the Lord , and the place where the mighty God dwelleth ? if not , your Religion is all in vain , and if you do not speedily repent , you shall die in your sins , and where he is , you shall not come ; This will be his answer unto you , who is the Alpha and Omega , the first and the last , Depart ye workers of iniquity , I know you not : O this will be sad tidings unto you , who have got a fair covering , but it s not of the Spirit of God , which the Lord will rent off in the day when he shall take peace from the earth ! O ye Inhabitants of this bloody City ! cast away every man from him the Idols of Egypt , with your gods of gold and silver , of precious stones and goodly houses , and make no longer your belly your gods , least God cut you off in this day in which he is slaying the wicked with the First-born of Egypt , the Lord will choak Pharoah , with all his Host , in the Sea of confusion ! O! a night of darkness is a coming upon thee , and upon all thy neighbour Cityes , O! a thick cloud covereth thee , mists and fogs is spread upon thee , thy glory is staining , thy honor is laying in the dust , and thy mortal Crown shall be thrown into the pit , thy destruction is coming upon thee at noon-day ; thou shalt look for light , but have none , and for the dawning of the day , but it shall not appear ; glad tidings shall be hid from thee , sorrow , and trouble , and fear , shall compass thee about ; thou shalt wish for death rather then life , and for the grave , but shall not find it , then shalt thou seek to thy Priests , thy Rulers , and Judges , who have caused thee to erre , thinking thereby to get peace , but shalt find none ; the earth shall not bring forth unto thee her encrease , as in times past ; and as thy vultrous eye hath been delighted with vanity , and thy adulterated ear hath been filled with curiosities of strange voices , and thy heart hath been filled with lust , pride , and vanity , thy tongue exercised with cursing , swearing , and lying , cheating and cozening , and taking the Name of the Lord in vain ; and as thy feet hath walked after pleasures , and thy hand hath handled deceitfulness , guile , and fraud , and have been all servants unto sin , and fulfilling the devils will , even so must the Vengeance and Plagues of the Lord be powred out upon the Man of Sin , which hath captivated thy mind , and misled thy members , which was created only and alone to serve the living God , the Creator of Heaven and Earth . O! what rioting , swearing , cursing and drunkenness , murder , whoredome , and theft , is found in thee , which grieveth the soul of the righteous , cozening , and cheating , & deceiving souls for dishonest gain , buying and selling the Words of God on the Market day , and in the Idols Temple , all this is found in thee , which Words of God , the holy men of God spoke them to the people freely ; as they had freely received ; they coveted no mans gold , or silver , but having food & rayment , they were therewith content ; and they who preached freely , were Co-heirs with Christ , who had purchased a City for them , whose Builder and Maker is God , they said to the Scribes and Pharisees which sate in Moses Chair , who had the Prophets words read amongst them , that they would not enter in themselves , nor let others to enter in : They said also , that they might all prophesie one by one , and if any thing was revealed to one that stood by , he was to speak , and the first was to hold his peace , for God is a God of Order ; but in this our day , which is the Lords , and the time wherein we are cast , if any in the Spirit of the Lord come amongst you , and be moved to speak in his power , thou beatest , and bruisest , and hallest before thy Magistrates , and castest into prisons , by this we see plainly and clearly , that thy Religion is not the pure Religion , and that thy Church is the Church of Rome , and thou art governed by the Whores power , which God is laying wast , and dashing to pieces , in this his glorious day : Thy clouds of Religion , be they never so thick , they are seen thorongh ; in the light and power of God we do measure the height , the length , depth , and breadth of all thy Religion , thy Sun is eclipsed , and thy glory is fallen . O thou Lucifer , Son of the Morning ! thy portion is in the lowermost hell , thy part and lot is vanished away , and thy beauty is driven away , as the dust in the Summers day before the wind ; woe from the Lord God of Power be unto thy lawyers , for they have stollen away the key of knowledge : O the oppressed groaneth under their cruel tyranny of oppression ! they lie in wait to ensnare the simple , and to beguile and intrap the honest-hearted ; but the Lord loveth the pure in heart , and preserveth them out of the Lions mouth , and out of the paw of the Bear , glory be to God on high , Dominion and strength be given to his Son for evermore : Howl ye Lawyers , weep bitterly ye Rulers , and Judges , lament ye Priests , for the day of Gods account is coming on , and it hasteneth , wherein the Book of Conscience shall be opened , wherein your sins are written , as with the point of a Diamond , and out of the Book of Life you shall be judged , according as your works shall be , so shall your reward be , for our God is pure and immortal , he will torment the wicked , and plague the ungodly , and cast into the pit for ever : O! I most humbly beseech you , as in Christ stead , leave off your covetousness , with your hypocritical Religion , your fained prayers , and abhor your selves in dust and ashes , that repentance and amendment of Life you may know with the Lord , before thy house of clay be dissolved , for the Son of Life weepeth over thee , as he did over Jerusalem . O that thy eyes were open , and thy heart unvailed , that thou mights see how good the Lord is unto all the sons and daughters of men , and how long he hath tendered his mercy and grace unto thee , and hath held forth his hand with a cup of blessings for thee , but thou hast joyned issue with the transgressor , and art rebellions and stiff-necked against the Seed of God , the Lord God make thee sensible of thy back-slidings , and heal thee , if he see it good : O! my soul is truly powred forth unto the Lord for thee , that thou may est not inherit the Lake which is prepared , but peace and rest for thy immortal soul thou mayest find ; for the soul is immortal , and there is no mortal thing can satisfie thy soul , but the presence of the Lord , which is far beyond the gold of Ophir , or the Onick stone . O! what wouldst thou give for peace with God , when thy day shall be turned into darness , & thy table shall be made a snare unto thee , and thou shalt be like the hearth in the Wildernesse , which seeth not when good cometh , thy lovers shall pass away , & trouble shall compass thee round about ; then if thou hadst the whole world thou wouldst give it for peace with God , but then will thy day be sealed up , and there will be no place found for repentance ; therefore I desire thee in the dreadful power of God , put not the day of the Lord afar off , but let the Sword of the Lord cut down , and the fire burn up all that is contrary to God ; and away with thy Idols , down with thy Images , pluck down thy high places , for the Lord will be avenged of thy Groves , thy strong Okes , and tall Cedars , and he will ride upon thy high hills , and thy fenced City will he lay waste ; and he will ease the innocent , and deliver the oppressed , thy prison doors shall be broke up , and the bonds of iniquity burst asunder , the agreement made with hell and death will be disannulled ; and though many of us have been halled out of your Mass-houses , and have been halled before Magistrates , both by Papists and Protestants ; yet know this , that our God in whom we trust , he lives for ever , and he sits as Judge amongst the Gods . O! the fury of the Lord is gone forth against the wicked , and they shall not prosper , and although they may reign for a while , and build their nests in the stars for a short time , and joyn hand in hand to punish the righteous , and to oppress the just , and to oppose Christ and his Kingdome , yet he whose glorious reign is begun in the earth , who is the King of Saints , and Governour of heaven and earth , he will pluck them from their stately thrones , and disinherit them of their mortal life , unless they turn to the sword which will cut , and to the axe which will hew , & to the fire which will burn them ; then wilt thou come to know the Circumcision which is made without hands , and a baptizing into Christs death ; and if a baptizing , then a death of deaths unto all mortal , and visible , and dying things ; then wilt thou be a new creature , All old things will passe away , the old heavens and the old earth will be burned up , and a new heaven , & a new earth will be created in righteousness , wherein the Lamb dwelleth , whose Name is called the Word of God , who is the light of the world , and was given of the Father a light to lighten the Gentiles , and to be the glory of his people Israel : This light checks thee in secret , when no mortal eye seeth what thou art doing ; this light beholds thee ; and this is Gods swift Witness , which he hath placed in man , which is only and alone sufficient to lead into immortal life , although the blind guides , who are of the cursed stock of Ham , sayes , that this light which is in man , is natural , and not sufficient of it self to lead to God . This is my testimony friends , which I must bear amongst you , for the true light , against all that doth oppose it , who hath been a Citizen with you in this bloody City , and have been feeding with you upon the husks with the Swine , and alienated from God , and a stranger to his life , as you are at this day , whilest I was one with you in your Religion and Worship , my soul was hungry , and was even black with thirst , I had almost fallen in your streets for want of the Bread of Life ; no peace nor true rest amongst you could I find , yet mornings , and evenings , and at noon-day , I sought the Lord , but could not find him , because I was not in his way , neither did I hearken to his light , neither could any of your chief Priests tell me where the Lord was to be found , but told me in heaven , but what heaven was , and where it was , they knew not ; the light which is pure condemned me , and no peace with the Lord could I find amongst all your dead worships , and earthly performances ; but at length the Lord , ●ho is rich in mercy , he looked down from his holy habitation , and he saw there was no help amongst men , nor no refreshments to be received from their Ministry , but my soul was dying and fainting away , with a numberless number besides me , by reason of our sins & transgressions , then the Lord sent in fulness of time his Servants into this City , F H and E B , who spoke the Word of Eternal Life , whereby my weary soul was refreshed , and the dead heard , and lived , and glorifies the Lord in the land of the living : Glory and honor be given to God , who sent them furnished with the treasure of knowledge and wisdome , and to speak comfort unto the prisoner of hope ; and I , amongst many in this City , may blesse the hour and the time that they came in the Power and Spirit of God to visit this City , for by their coming was I turned from darknesse to light , and from Satans power to Gods ; and they were instruments in the hand of the Lord to bring me to his Kingdome , the Lord God in his endlesse love hath made me forsake this City , with all the glory and pleasures of it , and I see another City , and do inhabit a more durable habitation , which will never fade away , but will stand me in stead for ever ; and by the light of Christ , which is eternal , was I brought to this habitation ; and if ever thou comest to God , thou must own this light which thy Teachers speak against : if thou wilt love the light , it will lead thee in a path which thou hast not yet trodden in ; there is no Lyon , or Lyons Whelp , hath trodden in this path , no vultrous eye hath seen it ; therefore thou must come forth of thy fallen estate , thy whoredomes and ungodlinesse , before one step thou canst tread in ; therefore repent , and come and drink freely of our Fountain , and eat of our Rock , who liveth for ever : O! my hearts desire unto the Lord is , that you may be saved from your sin , and purged from your iniquities , and be made clean by the blood of the Lamb , before you return to the dust from whence you came , and shall be seen no more : For friends , there must be a laying down of the earthly , and as that is laid down , there is a receiving of the heavenly ; but if you live in sin , and die in sin , then is there no redemption from sin , sin separates from God ; the wa●●● of sin is death , and after death to Judgement : Hell is prepar●● for the wicked , and the worm which shall never die , and the fire that shall never be quenched , is the sinners portion , who lives and dies in sin ; For there is no repentance in the grave , nor no remissinn of sin after death , but as the tree falleth , so it lieth , as Death leaveth you , Judgement will find you ; and as the lightening shineth in the East unto the West , so is the coming of the Son of man in his day upon all sinners : He will come as a thief in the night upon thee , then what secret corner hast thou to hide thee in ? or what remote place canst thou fly unto for shelter ? seeing our God is potent over Sea and Land , and his eye is over the whole world , and his hand is stretched over all living . O! the Rocks and the Mountains shall not cover thee , nor dens , nor holes , nor caves of the earth shall not shelter thee , but the Lord will be avenged of thee , and plead with thee himself , who is a just God , and a Saviour , and will give unto every man according as his works shall be , from whose presence the wicked must depart . O! blessed and happy for ever are all they who knows a redeeming from amongst men , and from a vain and a light conversation , by the precious blood of the Lamb . O! give thanks to God fro ever , that he hath , and is giving you a possession in the durable inheritance , that never fadeth away ; you are built upon the Rock of Ages , never to be removed . O! let us dwell together in the unity of the Spirit , and in the bond of love for ever , that we may stand for ever witnesses against this wicked and perverse Generation , who have not the fear of God before their eyes , whom God will destroy as he did the old world , and they shall be as ashes under the soals of the righteous feet . O London ! in the presence of the Lord God I declare unto thee , thy peace is not durable , neither will thy Faith remain , it is as the raging Sea , whose waves are up and down , and thou art tossed in thy mind , as a Ship upon the Sea , driven with a mighty wind ; thy hope is in man , and it faileth ; thy joy is dying , and will die away . O! therefore put thy trust in the living God , and not in man , whose breath is in his nostrils , that thou mayest be saved from the day of wrath , which will suddenly come upon the families of the earth : All Nations shall partake of his wrath , and all Tongues of his fury ; for all flesh hath corrupted its way before the Lord , all flesh hath sinned , and come short of the glory of God , so all flesh must know the wrath of God executed upon the wicked , for the Lord hath determined a Consumption to come upon the whole earth ; therefore O earth , earth ! hear the Word of the Lord , and be thou separated from your uncleanness , and live before the Lord , that all the dayes of thy appointed time , thou mayest wait till the change comes , for nothing but life will stand before the Lord , who is immortal . And know this of a truth , that this is written in pure love to thy soul : O London ! the righteous is oppressed in thee , and the innocent cryeth in thy streets , by reason of oppression : O! feed the hungry , and cloath the naked , and hide not thy self from thy own flesh , for you are all made of one blood , and one mould , upon the face of the whole earth : He that saith he loves God , and doth not feed the hungry , and cloath the naked , and judge the cause of the poor and needy , he is a lyar , and doth not the truth . And know this ye Judges , and Rulers , and Magistrates , that there is a Judge above you which will call you to an account , and will judge you out of the book of Conscience , and give you a full reward ; and you shall all know in the day when the Lord rips off all coverings , and takes peace from the earth , that there is a Deliverer in Sion , which will deliver his righteous seed , and none shall hinder ; and although we are despised in thee , and hated by thee , yet the Lord who is the everlasting Councellor and Prince of Peace , he is our Redeemer , who is the portion of our cup , and the lot of our inheritance , & we have none in heaven but him , nor upon earth that can deliver but he , & he wil plead our cause with them that hate us , and our innocency shall appear as the Sun in her ful strength , & we shall be as a morning without clouds , when the Lord shall arise , and take the honor to himself , and exalt his Kingdome above the heavens , and his Dominion above the stars , then shall Jerusalem be the praise of the whole earth , and they shall rejoyce in her who now mourneth , and say one to another , Come let us stand upon Mount Sion , and sit down upon the holyhill , for our God and his Christ reigneth over all the whole earth . O! this is a blessed estate which the ●ighteous doth inherit ; but as for the wicked , they are as stubble throughly dried ; and the Word of the Lord is as a fire , and they must be burned up , and be shut without the gates of the City , where the Lamb treads the Wine-press of Gods wrath . So in the fear of the Lord repent , and amend thy life , least God sweep thee away into the pit of utter destruction , out of which there is no redemption . Oh London ! the Lord God of Heaven and of Earth , he is burdened with thy vain Religion ; who maketh a profession of God , and of Christ , and yet liveth in lust and vanity , pride and vain-glory , in swearing and curfing , and yet is covered with a covering which the Lord will take away : O how doth gluttony abound in thee , rioting and sporting in the day time ! thou knowst not how almost to go along the streets , thou art so proud and haughty , and the poor in thee are ready to famish , for whose estate and condition my heart is pained within me , old and young , blind and lame , lieth in thy streets , and at thy Masse-houses doors crying for bread , who are almost naked for want of cloathing , and fainting for want of bread , and yet thou canst passe by them in thy gaudy apparrel ; and our-stretched neck , with thy face decked with black spots , which are the marks of the Whore , the Beast , and the False Prophet , which is not the attire of Sarah , Abrahams wife : Thou knowest not what to eat , nor what to drink , nor wherewith to be cloathed , thy mind is so vain , and thy Religion is so aiery ; and if any of these that are blind , or lame , or destitute of a being , asketh of thee a penny , or farthing , thou sayest thou hast it not for them . O! remember the Lord will call thee to an account ; and truly a sad day it will be for thee , when he shall take thy peace away ; who hath lavishly spent Gods Creation upon thy lusts , and hath not distributed thy morsel to the poor , and to the needy , the light of Christ in thy Conscience condemns thee for thy not so doing , and from that thou canst not fly , that shall be thy condemnation for ever if thou hatest it , and thy salvation for ever , if thou lovest it . O! tremble and quake before the Lord , ye sons of Sodom , and Daughters of Gomorrah , who doth inhabit this mortal City which doth-corrupt , and will die away , your glory the Lord will bring to nothing ; therefore keep to the light which condemns you , that an entrance into the immortal Kingdome you may find : Woe be unto all thy Usurers , who hoardeth up the unrighteous mammon , and doth not lend to the poor and distressed , and saith , they have it not for them , the rust of their money in the Day of Judgement shall rise up against them , and Gods swift Witness in their own hearts shall condemn them which lives for ever ; therefore all ye Usurers , Soothsayers , and Star-gazers , that inhabiteth this place , and elsewhere , repent , for Gods plagues and Judgements is to be executed upon you , and upon all that lendeth an ear unto you , you Star-gazers and Astrologers , who can discern the face of the Sky , but doth not know the signs of the coming of the Son of Man , whose glorious appearance will discover your dark works that you act in the dark night , and tho night shall passe away , and you shall know a day of Judgement , and see him whom you have pierced , of whom the Sun , Moon , and Stars , bears testimony , and keepeth their station with God ; therefore its good for you to know the Rod of God , to instruct you in his path , and to lead you to his Kingdome , and this is the desire of my soul , that you may all inhabit peace , and rest with the King of Heaven and Earth : So know , that your day of visitation is now , the Lord doth hold forth unto you mercy and peace , therefore imbrace it whilst it is tendred unto you , least you be shut out , and your day be sealed up . The Lord is risen in Sion , and is shining forth in the perfection of beauty and holinesse for ever : O! how glorious and beautiful are his garments ? and how lovely is his countenance unto all his sons and daughters , who have forsaken all to follow him , who is a man of sorrows , and well acquainted with grief ; who trampled upon all the glory of this world , the Oni●k stones , and the gold of Ophir was nothing unto him , neither are they any thing in comparison of him , for all who doth enjoy him , enjoyeth fulness , both of wisdome , and knowledge , prudence , and understanding ; he doth endow them with all those treasures which this empty world cannot afford ; he is not of this world , who is the seed , the light , the power of God , but he is Heir of Eternal Peace , and in him are the families of the earth blessed , who doth deny themselves , and take up their daily crosse , and follow the Seed , the Angel of the New Covenent , wheresoever he goeth ; it is they that are saved , who walketh in the light of life , and doth rejoyce in sufferings , tryals and tribulations , knowing that thorough these things they must enter into the Lambs Kingdome , and hereby may they know that they are in the way of God , for this is a remarkable token whereby they may know that they are in their spiritual journey ; if they are hated and persecuted of all men for righteousnesse sake , then are ye blessed of the most high God ? Art thou halled out of the Synagogues , and plucked before Rulers , for the Kingdom of Heavens sake ? Art thou made a prey of in the gate , for reproving sin and iniquity in the gate , and suffereth the enemy to plough long furrows upon thy ba●k , for the testimony of truths sake ? Know this , thy reward is great in the Kingdome of heaven ; and these are marks and tokens wherein thou mayest certainly know that thy journey is holy , and thy path is pure wherein thou treadest , where thy persecutors can by no means walk in , but they must own thee and thy life , which will slay the first nature , birth , and glory , and bring into the fools estate , that ye may truly be made wise , and endued with the treasure of wisdome , which liveth and abideth for ever . O! all ye my dear friends , that knoweth a bathing and washing , and a making white in the blood of the Lamb , unto you doth my Royal love flow forth from the fountain of life : O! ye are near and dear unto me , as in the fountain of love ye dwell , which knitteth our hearts together in one , which is Christ , the Way , the Truth , and the Life , unto whom none can come , but they who doth deny their own wills , their pleasures and delights , and bow to his Sceptor which is swayed in righteousness : O! they must lay down their Crowns at the feet of the Immortal Birth , the Seed Royal , which is a Noble Priesthood , which remaineth for ever , before they can have peace with him : Therefore all ye Lambs , and Babes , and Plants of God , in the Lords power dwell , that you may be preserved in the day of tryal , which is coming to try all them that dwelleth upon the earth ; and in the hour of temptation , you may find bread in your own house , and water in your own Well , which will satisfie your soul in the time of draught , that glory and honor you may render unto the Lord , whose Name is , I am , and there is none like him amongst all the gods , who saveth his people from their fine , and blotteth out their transgressions , who filleth both heaven and earth with his glory ; Glory , and eternal honor , and everlasting dominion be ascribed vnto the God of my life , who is eternally pure , and as he is , so is his City , which is a habitation for all the followers of the Lamb , the situation is righteous indeed , and is of Gods own Nature , which Nature hath fallen man received a measure from the beautiful God to bring him out of sin , and transgression , and to redeem him wholly from the fallen estate , it is placed in man only and alone to redeem him from death to life , and to be his salvation , and satisfaction , or condemnation for ever ; and this is my witness in every man , and to this do I speak , and it shall arise and answer for me in the day of the Lord ; and this is the seed that the Lord hath left in the earth , in which seed the families of the earth is blessed , and in the seeds light shall all the Nations that are saved walk in , and triumph in his name , which is called the Word of God , by which the world was made , and the heavens was framed , who was in his Fathers bosome before man was , or had a being upon the earth , and shall live and abide for ever , glory and thanks be given unto the Lord , whose Royal Standard is set up in the earth , and whose Reign is begun upon the earth , and whose Tabernacle is with men , whose dwelling and abiding is with the sons and daughters of men : Glory over all Sea and Land be given to the pure God , who searcheth ; and tryeth , and seeth the way of all flesh , and it s he that justifieth the righteous , and who is he that doth condemn , or lay any thing to the charge of Gods Elect ? It is the Lamb of God that taketh away all sin , and in him is no sin , and if he condemneth , who can justifie ? Therefore let all that are justified , and set free by the Lamb , abide in their freedome , and live in the power and life of the Birth Immortal , that they may not be intangled again with the yoke of bondage , which is truly a yoke indeed , and heavier to be borne then it was at the first : for there remaineth no more sacrifice for sin unto such who have tasted of the Word of God , and of the powers of the world to come , and afterwards looketh back to Egypt , and to the goodlinesse of Pharaohs house , such falleth short of a resting place , and dieth in the wildernesse , and leaveth an ill savour unto Generations to come : But blessed and happy are all by Sea and Land , who abideth low in their measures of life given them , by the husband-man , who is Lord over Sea and Land , and entereth into the good land , and seeth all to be turned out before them , and inherit the promise , and the Kingdome without end , with Caleb and Joshud , who have fought a good fight , and lay down their heads in peace , and entred into rest with their Fathers , who gained a good report , and are a good savour unto this day unto all that doth believe in the same Gospel which was preached unto Abraham , who saw the Gospel , and believed in it : So all that are of faith , are of Abraham , for his Seed shall be multiplied as the stars of heaven , or the sand upon the Sea shore for number , which is the Seed of the Kingdome of God , there is a numberlesse number that is redeemed and redeeming out of Nations , Tongues , and people , by the seed up to God and many there is , whose faces are turned towards Sion , the City of our solemnity , there to praise the Lord in that City ; the morning stars meet together , and the Sons of God shoot for joy , and singeth Halelujah to the Highest ; the Bridegroom is come , & he hath betrothed them to himself , who cannot but rejoyce ; his Table is prepared , where the Lambs and Babes eateth , and is satisfied ; there is a river as clear as Christal , which runneth softly , of which all drinketh freely , and is satisfied . O! here is fulness of joy to be reaped in this City , honor , glory , and dignity inhabiteth here : O! come hither all ye ignorant , unwise , and simple ones , who knows not a stay to your minds , nor a resting place for the soal of your feet , neither satisfaction for your souls : O! come and drink , and eat freely with us , without money and without price , for we have found him whom our souls loveth , who is the choicest of ten thousand , and the chiefest in the whole earth , he hath been exposed from amongst us for many years , but now is he come , contrary to the whole earths expectation , to visit and redeem his people , and to get himself a name in the earth : Glory be to him who hath been as a stranger upon the earth for ages , and as a wayfaring man ; to tarr● for a night for Generations , but glory for ever , he is well known in Sion , for he hath comforted the mourners therein , and he hath revived the fainting spirit , and hath bound up the broken-hearted , the feeble knees hath he strengthened , the blind he causeth to see , and the lame to go upright , the Leopard is cleansed , the dead is raised , the deaf heareth , the dumb speaketh , all this is done by Sions King , in this the latter day , and our eyes hath seen it . O! what tongue is able to expresse the Noble acts of our God : O! its unutterable and undeclarable , words are too short , Declarations must end , but the life by which they are written , liveth in it self for ever and ever . O! all ye dear and tender ones , who doth abide either by Sea or Land , dwell in the pure life , in the single being , in the lovely estate , let not your minds be captivated by any created object , or visible thing , but feel the birth immortal to be brought forth , and reign over the world ; and you espoused to Christ , Children of the Lamb , Heirs of the world which is without end , let him be your beloved alone , who is light and life , beauty and strength , wisdome and prudence , altogether lovely and glorious , whose day is glorious and perfect , and all must be perfect that walks in it ; therefore be ye holy as he is holy , without which none shall see God , who is immutable , and dwelleth in everlasting burnings , no flesh can see him and live : O! the notable terrible day of the Lord will suddenly come upon all slothful and disobedient ones , who idly spendeth away their present time , and hideth Gods money in the earth , but an account one day must you all give , when the last Trumpet shall sound ; then shall you come to Judgement , the Just to the Resurrection of Life , and the unjust to everlasting torments ; therefore be awakened all ye that have been long convinced of the truth of God ; arise and shake off the dust of the earth , plough up the fallow ground of your hearts with the power of God , let judgement be brought forth unto victory , let the Sickle reap the earth , that the righteous branch may come forth , which you hold in bondage thorough your negligence and unbelief : O! dishonor the Lord no longer with your out-side profession , which is as a shell without a kernel , which God will rent off , it will not cover you no longer , for it is deceit , and a hypocritical Religion , which is covered over with fair words , and a fair gloss on the out-side , and within side is rottennesse and putrifying sores : O! this is loathsome in the sight of the Lord ; woe be unto all from the Lord God of heaven and earth , who holdeth the truth of God in unrighteousnesse : O! your coverings will be too narrow to cover you , and your beds will be too short to stretch your selves on , for the Lord is come to torment you : O! the Lake is prepared for you , that burneth for ever : O! what will you do , when the Lord shall appear to strip you , and to uncrown you , and bereave you of all your mortal glory , and lay your honor in the dust , then without repentance there will be no enjoying of Gods presence , which giveth life to the weary soul : O repent , repent ! ye Aliens and strangers , who are yet without the knowledge of the pure God , and knows not an entrance into an undefiled being , which is made without hands : O! come and sit down where we have sate , abhorring our selves in dust and ashes , we have lain as they that have been dead of old , and our sorrow has been our sin , and our beauty hath been turned into ashes , and our glory as stubble , and our hour as the morning dew , and our wisdome as a shadow which hath been , and now is not : O consider ! all ye Kings and Princes , Dukes and Earls , Lords and Ladies , Governours and Magistrates , Priests and Jesuites , this will the Lord do by you , as he hath done by us , he will lay your habitations wast , who respects not the person of any , but you shall sit as a Widdow , that is , rebuked of husband and children , bemoaning her self ; even so shall you be : But if you are willing to endure this straight way , and narrow gate , wherein nothing that is of this world shall enter , but must be laid down ; and if you will deny your selves , and take up your daily crosse , and follow the light , whom you have grieved and wounded with your whoredomes and idolatry whithersoever he goeth , then shall you be with us , where we are , and eat and drink with us of the living Bread and Water of Life , and see him who is invisible , who cannot be seen but by Faith , and this Faith purifies the heart , and maketh pure , as God is pure . O! Come unto the Fountain of Life , and drink freely with us : O! Christ hath invited all upon the whole face of the earth , poor and rich , to come into his banqueting house , and to eat freely of the Bread of Life , and to drink of the still waters of Shilo , which satisfieth the hungry soul . O! come to our Shepherd , who hath laid down his life for his sheep : O come ! and see how good he is , and where he feedeth his flock at noon-day ; O! come into his Fold , who is all love , and life , and gaineth unto God the hungry soul , and reconcileth every tyred spirit which panteth after him , and blessed are all they who feeleth satisfaction with the Lord , it is better then wine or oyl ; and all who joyneth issue with the Seed of God , they know a more durable encrease , for they encrease in wisdome , purity , and holiness , and so dwelleth with the Lord in their measures . O! all ye that have followed Christ , the Heir of Life and Salvation , and doth follow him in the straight way , and narrow gate , your portion is eternal , if you dwell therein , and look not out at the over-turnings of men , and their power , and what they may inflict upon you , or cause you to suffer hardships for your Religion , which you profess in truth and righteousness , but look to the Lord , who hath the hea●ts of all the Sons and Daughters of Adam in his hand , and as a river of water he can turn them whither soever he will : therefore my dear beloved friends , who are friends of God , let us dwell together in the life immortal , and let us be compassed about with Gods righteousness and strength for ever , that if the Lord suffereth that we should suffer death for our Religion which is pure , let us choose it rather then life , and joyfully , and heartily , and patiently imbrace it , and bear it , for our God is good , and in the midst of flames ( he hath ) and will be with us , and from the waters he will deliver us ; in the sixth trouble he hath been with us , and from the seventh he hath delivered us , glory be to him who is as a wall of brass round about us , and as a flame of fire he compasseth us about ; he was with the Patriarchs in the deepest of their calamities ; the Prophets in times past he upheld , and was their meat and drink , and in him they rejoyced , and with him they suffered , and finished their testimony in faithfulness ; he was unto the Disciples , a stay , and a staff , salvation and righteousness , even their exceeding great reward ; their houses was filled with his life and power , he was a mouth of utterance unto them , he carried them thorough great tryals , he was their meat and drink , and they fed upon him in a weary Land , even so can we truly say , that he hath been with us in a vast howling wilderness , in a strange Land , and amongst strange people , who have not truly worshipped the God of heaven and earth , he hath been our stay and the upholder of our head in the day of battel : Glory be to him who is our Rock , who never leaved nor forsaked any that fears him , but he watereth them with the dew from heaven , and maketh them green as the grass , or tender plants ; he cloatheth them far beyond the Lillies in the field , he giveth breath , and life , and length of dayes for ever in his sight ; therefore all who have known this cloathing , let it dwell with you for ever , and let your hearts be upright in his sight , your consciences exercised continually in the sight of God and men ; and the Lord God of heaven and of earth preserve us all in all , and over all , and thorough all , up to himself : The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ , which is perfect , and the peace which standeth for ever , keep your hearts and minds staid upon him for ever , out of all mortal and dying things . London the 16th of the 12th Moneth , 1659. E. B. Something after . O London ! who should●t be as a nursing Mother unto thy Nation , and a Pattern and Example unto all Nations , for in thee and from thee doth the Law proceed , and Councel is given forth which should be pure , and thy Law direct , whereby the Just and Innocent might be Judged in Righteousness ; thy Judges and Rulers should Judge for God , and be guided by the just Law of God in them , but for want of true Judgement and Equity the Just is oppressed , and the Innocent and Harmless groaneth for want of Righteous Rulers and Godly Judges , and wholesom Lawes . O London thou hast sacrificed upon the Mountains unto sirange gods , and that 's Cains sacrifice which the Lord accepteth not , neither doth he regard your Joy and Mirth , for your joy is but for a moment saith the Lord , but your sorrow is for ever and for ever , and your torment world without end , O! my Soul lamenteth for thee , to see what an estate thou art in , all above the witness of the pure God , in ungodliness , lust , pride and wantonness , you spend Gods Creation upon your lusts , pride and vain glory ; O! let the Seed of the Lord arise in you , and condemn you and bear witness for me and the rest of us who are called and calling out of you , and are redeeming from amongst you up to God , and our Souls is sorrowful for to see how you neglect the pure way of God . And likewise the day of your visitation , my heart did even bleed within me to see your sacrifices , knowing from whence it came , and whether it went , and to whom it was offered ; And I could have wept day and night to have seen the path of Righteousness trodden down , and all trampling upon the Seed of God , which lyeth low in you , some in drunkenness , others in swearing and taking the Name of God in vain , some in pushing and haling and beating the Lambs of God , and all in disorder dishonouring of God , on the 21th of the 12th Month , 1659. your evil works and words did exceed in that day and night , and it shall rise up in Judgement against you , that day and night shall you remember with all the rest of your time ill spent , to your torment and utter overthrowing ; and know this , that God will call you to Judgement , and give you your portion with the hypocrites , unless you repent and amend your lives ; therefore every one who hath any true desires after the Lord , be ye separated from the wickedness that is acted in this City , and from the actors of it , that you may find your desires to be satisfied , & your souls raised up out of the pit , & saveth from the condemnation which is coming upon all workers of iniquity ; the Lord spareth and suffereth but for a time , until he hath gathered his remnant from amongst you , and made up his Jewels which shall live in his house for ever , Then desolation and misery and a woful cry shall be heard in your streets , and your houses shall be left unto you desolate , and your Idols temples shall be a habitation for Owls and Birds , the Satyrs shall dance there , they shall be a habitation for every unclean spirit , your Priests shall preach no more , & your Diviners shal go mad , God wil dry up the tongue of the Egyptian Sea , who hath opened a door of mercy in this City in due season , and hath given you yet a Day to repent in , but remember thy Day will be over , as thy Sisters Sodoms and Gomorrahs , their time was spent , and the Day of their visitation is passed , the Lord spared the Righteous , even Just Lot , whose Soul was grieved with the ungodly conversation of the wicked ; even so is ours , this day with the unjust and impure conversation of thee O London : but Ju●t is our God and Righteous for evermore , who is able to deliver us , and hath delivered us out of the flames which sha●● come upon you our God beholdeth all your unjust proceedings with his Seed , for which he will give you your reward , who is a Just God , and a Saviour ; and wo from the Lord God be unto all the Magistrates and Rulers of this City , who doth not Rule yet in Righteousness ; and wo from the Lord be unto all Masters and Mistresses that doth inhabit this place before mentioned , who doth not order their Families in the fear of God , nor are not in the fear nor power themselves , who one day shall know another Master who will give you a just reward according as your works shall be , who is Gods Righteousness , and to whom all power in Heaven and Earth is given , and it is he alone that will Judge this bloudy City with all the Families and Kindreds of the whole Earth , and they shall not escape his Righteous Judgements , although thou maist cry for the Rocks and the Mountains to cover thee , and thy Religion to hide thee from the wrath of God , but it cannot be , for his eye , whom we serve , is over the whole world , and his Arm of Power is stretched over thee with a sword which is fourbished in his hand , which will cut down and utterly destroy thy Priests in thee , who divineth for money , and preacheth for filthy lucre , and love give ye , which feedeth of the fat and cloatheth with the wool and makes Merchandize of Souls with fair words ; Gods vengeance , wo and wrath is their portion , and they shall fall by the sword of the living God , thy Judges and Rulers shall be slain in the day that the Lord visiteth thee in the fierceness of his wrath , for his Soul is burthened with thee , and his Spirit is grieved every moment of time with thy filthy conversation ; therefore repent , for the day is coming , and thy time of torment and misery hasteneth apace , thy condemnation slumbereth not , thou hast forgotten good dayes without number , and thou art yet in the land of forgetfulness , thy ●imes testifieth against thee , and thy iniquities is gone over thy head , and thy transgressions is without number , even as the stars in the firmament , and thy ungodliness before the Lord is for multitude as the sands of the Sea shore , thou ha●t corrupted thy way before the Lord , and art fallen short of the glory of the Lord ; therefore return to the measure of Gods Spirit , that thou mai●t know amendment of life and an inheritance in another City before thou art dispossessed of this City : and peace and re●t , purity and joy may possess thy house , and the New Heaven and the New Earth thou maist witness , and a feeding upon the bread of Life that maketh truly wise , and a drinking of the water of life which truly satisfieth the immortal Soul ; this must thou witness if ever thou wilt enjoy the pure habitation of God , or sit down upon his holy Hill which is beautiful indeed before thou returns to the d●●t from whence thou camest , there is the center of the earthly ; the center of the heavenly is unmortal and dwelleth in immortality , and as thou serve●t and obeyest , and joineth issue with this , it will lead thee up to God the Saviour and Redeemer of thy Soul , where the earthly center and the first birth and nature cannot enter , there is a great gulf and separation between the two seeds and the two natures , the one delighteth to ser●e the Lord , and it is its nature to work , Righteousness and Holiness for ever , and it cannot join with the cursed the other is continually prone to do wickedness , and it leadeth in drunkenness , lying , swearing and d●ssembling , cheating and cozening , and it cannot do good , neither shall it have a habitation with Abels nature , who sacrificed upon Gods Altar a Sacrifice of praise , and the Lord had regard unto to it : So if thou joyneth with Hagars Seed , the Bond-woman , thou shalt not inherit the durable possession ; therefore as thou lovest the good of thy soul , and thy immortal life , return to that which yet condemns thee , which is the light of Christ , and it is pure and immortal , and know it to justifie thee , for the Spirit of the pure God will not alwayes strive with thee , no more then it d●d with the Old World : O thou City of London ! remember how the Lord overtook the old world in their evil deeds , he came upon them as a thief in the night , when they little thought of him , he took them eating and drinking , Marrying , and giving in marriage , and he repented that ever he made man upon the Earth , and he overtu●ned them in his fiery wrath , and in his fiery indignation , he spared not Jerusalem , wherein his Temple was built ; and dost thou think that the Lord will spare thee ? I am afraid the Lord will overturn thee in flames of fire , as he did them in their gain-sayings : Therefore amend thy life while it is to day , and prize the short moment of time which thou hast yet to spend , least God cast thee into Hell , which is prepared for the wicked and abominable . And this is my councel unto thee , whether thou wilt receive it , yea or nay : It is good , and the same which the Apostles gave to the ungodly in that day , and to the Scribes and Pharisees , who were learned men , whose zeal did far exceed thine in this thy day ; and this is it , that thou return to the Spirit of God which is in thee , and be guided by it , and led with it , into righteousness , meekness , and long-suffering , and walk in the light whilst you have the light , for the night will come , wherein no man can work ; but in this glorious day the Son worketh , and the Father worketh , therefore let him not work in vain , but let the Spirit of the pure God work down , and lead out of all that 's contrary to God , that so life over death may reign in thee . O! that thou wert like the Noble Bereans , that searched the Scripture in their day , and if thou wouldst do so with the same Spirit that gave them forth , then wouldst thou see clearly that we are in the way of God , and live the life of the Scriptures , and then wouldst thou joyn issue with us , and leave thy dumb idle Shepherds , which indeed are greedy dumb dogs , and can never have enough , and come to Christ , whom God hath given for a Leader and a Commander to his people , and to be Salvation to the ends of the earth , who is the Physitian and the Bishop of the soul , who leadeth into the Fold immortal , where he feedeth his Flock at noon-day , in the heat of persecution , and in the day of fiery tryals , he is a sure hiding place , his Name is a strong Tower , the righteous fly thereinto , and are saved ; but as for the wicked , they must inherit the Lake that burn , for ever , for that 's their habitation , which is never-dying torments , which God hath prepared since the Foundation of the earth for them . E. B. A29648 ---- The case of Richard Bromley as to his being concern'd in city affairs / humbly offered to the consideration of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Common-council in answer to the reflections of Colonel Pierce. Bromley, Richard. 1700 Approx. 12 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A29648 Wing B4887 ESTC R35789 15561463 ocm 15561463 103753 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29648) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 103753) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1586:17) The case of Richard Bromley as to his being concern'd in city affairs / humbly offered to the consideration of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Common-council in answer to the reflections of Colonel Pierce. Bromley, Richard. 3 p. s.n., [S.l. : 1700?] Caption title. Date of publication suggested by Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2006-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-05 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-05 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE CASE OF Richard Bromley , As to his being Concern'd in City Affairs : Humbly Offer'd To the Consideration of the Lord Mayor , Aldermen and Common-Council ; In Answer to the Reflections of Colonel Peirce . THAT the 29th of May , 1696. a Committee of Common-Council being appointed to consider of the Abuses committed by the Farmers of the Markets , I was imployed by them to prosecute Mr. Burdit , one of the said Farmers for Extortion , who upon a Tryal before the Lord Chief Justice Holt was Convicted for the same ; And the said Committee having the 26th of July next following made a Report to the Common-Council of their Proceedings in those Matters the said Court Referred by their Order then made , all Matters in Difference between the City and the said Farmers , touching an Arrear of Rent of about Five Thousand Pounds , and Five Hundred Pounds per Annum for the remaining time of the said Farmers Lease , which was about Nine Years then to come ; in which Business I was likewise Imployed by the same Committee , and was Instrumental in the Recovery of the said Rent , which amounted in the whole to about Nine Thousand Pounds : Unto which Management is owing the late Improvement of the said Farm , in the Advancement of the Rent from 3600 , unto 4350 l. per Annum , besides Ten Thousand Pounds Fine . And the said Committee having settled all Matters as to the Markets in the Year 1697 , and made a Report thereof unto the Common-Council . The said Court referred to the same Committee the Business of the City Beams , to consider how the same might be made Beneficial unto the City . And I being Imployed in that Matter also , took great Pains therein , in Searching the City Books , to set out their Title , and in attending Council with a State of the Case , and in getting a New ACT of Common-Council , &c. But whilst these Things were Transacting , one Mr. Fawson , an Under-Weigher or Porter belonging to the Iron-Beam died , whose Place Sir Humphry Edwin , the then Lord Mayor , sold unto Mr. Charles Booth for his Kinsman , for about Two Hundred Pounds ; And the said Mr. Booth likewise Purchased another Under-Weighers Place of one Mr. Wayte , for about the like Sum , but the same coming to the Knowledge of the Committee , they Opposed his Lordship's getting them admitted into the said Place , by the Court of Aldermen : Such Sales and Admissions being against an ACT of Common-Council , made the 13th of May , 1681. Sir Patient Ward Mayor , but Sir Humphry having got the Money into his Hands , was unwilling to part with it , and used his Endeavour to obstruct all he could the passing the BILL about the Beams , until he had got his Men admitted , and the utmost the Committee could get of him , was , that the said Officers should in their Admissions , Covenant upon their being Re-paid their Purchase-Money , surrender up the Grant under which they held , ( as was done in the CASE of Mr. Carlton and Mr. Pretyman , who were Admitted in the Year 1694. and whose Discharge cost the City Seven Hundred Pounds , besides Law-Charges , and Abatement of Rent in the Case of the late Farmers of the Beams ) And this way of Admission being not only contrary to the aforesaid ACT , but was like to cost the City Four Hundred Pounds if it went on . To prevent which , I with the Privity of some of the said Committee , got Printed an Abstract of the said ACT , with the Abstract of the Oaths of an Alderman , a Freeman and Common-Council-Man . And some Queries and Reflections made thereupon , which were as followeth , viz. By an ACT of Common-Council , made the 13th of May , 1681. Ward Mayor . IT is amongst other Things Enacted , That the Chamberlain of this City , for the time being , shall from henceforth pay unto the Lord Mayor of the City of London , for the time being , the Sum of 40 l. per Annum out of the Profits of the King's Beams , in Consideration of the Advantages , &c. formerly accruing to the Lord Mayors of this City , and that all other Profits to be made and raised out of the Duties of the said Beams ( all necessary Charges being first deducted ) shall wholly be to the Vse of the Mayor and Commonalty , and Citizens of this City , to be paid and accounted for accordingly , to the Chamberlain of the said City , for the time being , and to no other Vse or Purpose whatsoever : And all other Acts of Common-Council repugnant hereunto , are by the said Act Repealed , Annulled , and made Void , to all Intents and Purposes whatsoever . Every Alderman being an Officer of Trust , and obliged by an Oath to give good and lawful Counsel for the common Profit of the City , and to Keep and Maintain the Laws and Franchises thereof . Q. 1. Whether since the making the said Law for the Lord Mayor and Aldermen , to grant the Fees and Profits of the said 〈◊〉 ( being an ●●●●di●ament of the City ) to any Person or Persons , unless for a valuable Consideration to the Use of the Mayor and Commonalty , be not a Breach of Trust , and Repugnant to the Act aforesaid ? Every Freeman of this City of London , upon his Admission , amongst other things , Swears to maintain and keep harmless the Franchises and Customs thereof , as much as in him is ; and to Colour no Foreign Goods under , or in his Name , whereby the King , or this City , may lose their Customs or Advantages , &c. Q. 2. Whether those Freemen , who by Assignment , or Partnership , or otherwise , colour Foreign Goods , whereby this City is defrauded of its Customs , be not Violators of the Faith and Oath they have given to this City ? Q. 3. Whether they who are guilty of any of the Practices aforesaid , are not Punishable for the same , though no New Law should be made for that Purpose ? Note , That besides the Obligation of the Oath of a Freeman , as aforesaid , Every Common-Council-Man is Sworn to give good and true Counsel in all Things , touching the Commonwealth of this City , after his Wit and Cunning. And that for Favour of any Person , he will maintain no singular Profit against the Common Profit of this City , &c. Q. 4. Whether any Persons , who slight or regard not the Obligations they are under , by their taking the aforesaid Oaths , can either be good Magistrates , Senators or Citizens ? This Paper I gave unto the said Lord Mayor and Aldermen , as they went into Court , and it had the Effect I design'd it for , in keeping Mr. Booth and his Kinseman from being admitted into the said Offices , and consequently saved the City Four Hundred Pounds ; but the said Court were very Severe upon me , and without hearing what I had to say for my self , made the following Order upon me , as 't is Published by Colonel Peirce , as his Answer to my Affidavit . Edwin Mayor . Jovis XV. Die Sep. 1698. Annoque Wilhelmi Tertij Angl ' &c. Decimo . THis Court taking Notice , That Richard Bromley hath Printed and Published several Malicious and Libellous Papers , reflecting upon the Government and Magistracy of this City , which are both False and Scandalous : It is Agreed and Ordered , That the said Richard Bromley shall not for the future be Imployed by this Court , or Court of Common-Council , or by any Committee of either , nor be admitted to inspect any Books or Records in any of the Offices of this City , nor be any ways Imployed or Concerned in the Business of the same . Ashhurst . This I thought an unkind Treatment after all my faithful and signal Services done for the City . And if in this Particular Instance my Zeal did exceed my Discretion in exposing my self to the Anger and Censure of the Court of Aldermen ; yet I did not herein go beyond the Bounds of Truth , nor had or could have any other End or Design in it , than for the Benefit and Service of the City ; and therefore might have Challenged a more Favourable Construction . The said Committee had an other Opinion of me , and were so well satisfied with my Service done for the City , that they out of their own Generosity ( without any Application of mine ) gave me One Hundred Guineas , and some of them thought I deserved a far greater Reward . And I was Imployed by them in City Business long after this Order was made , until such Time as the City Beams were Lett to Farm , and the said Committee discontinued . The Lord Mayors may hereafter again sell the Coal and Corn-Meeters Place , and the Court of Aldermen grant away the Fees and Profits thereof , notwithstanding the late ACT of Common-Council to the contrary , with the same Reason and Justice as they could Grant away from the City the Fees and Profits of the Common Beams , since the making of the aforesaid ACT in the Year ●●●1 . And therefore the setting forth these Matters in a due Light , can never be adjudged Scandalous , Malicious or Criminal by any Good Magistrate or Citizen , which is all Colonel Peirce hath to Alledge or Charge against me . He takes no Notice of his Endeavouring to defeat the City of 800 l. per Annum Rent , in the Business of the Scavage , by a Present of a Thousand Guineas to Sir Henry Tulse , nor of the Nineteen Guineas he hath promised me upon the Confirmation of his Contract with the Committee . What he saith as to the Guinea he gave me is false . Note , That the said Committee not only Recover'd from the Farmers of the Markets the full Rents reserved in their Lease , and Relieved the Market People that were then Oppressed : But got an Award , founded upon a Rule of the Court of Queen's-Bench , made by the Honourable Sir Nathan Wright , the now Lord Keeper , and Sir Bartholomew Shower , with the Approbation of the Lord Chief Justice Holt ; by which all Matters in Difference between the City Farmers and the Market People are Regulated for the future , which Award his Lordship commended to be Inrolled at Guild-Hall . Which if it had been done , and were duly observed , would be of great Use to the City , and Market People . Thus have I set forth a short State of my CASE in Reference to my Service done for the City , and the different Treatment I have met with : All which I submit to the Wisdom and Justice of this Honourable Court. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A29648-e10 Carlton admitted 〈…〉 weigher 〈…〉 Steel 〈…〉 Beam , 〈…〉 all Fees , 〈…〉 , &c. 〈…〉 1694. 〈…〉 Pretty 〈…〉 was ad 〈…〉 ed Master 〈…〉 gher at 〈…〉 ron and 〈…〉 ams 〈…〉 all Fees , 〈…〉 , &c. Oct. 1694 , A31107 ---- Mercy in the midst of judgment by a gracious discovery of a certain remedy for London's languishing trade : in a sermon preached before the right honourable, the lord mayor and the citizens of London, on September 12, 1669, at the new repaired chappel at Guild-Hall / by D. Barton ... Barton, William, 1598?-1678. 1670 Approx. 66 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A31107 Wing B989 ESTC R37078 16204963 ocm 16204963 105071 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31107) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 105071) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1087:2) Mercy in the midst of judgment by a gracious discovery of a certain remedy for London's languishing trade : in a sermon preached before the right honourable, the lord mayor and the citizens of London, on September 12, 1669, at the new repaired chappel at Guild-Hall / by D. Barton ... Barton, William, 1598?-1678. [6], 55 p. Printed for James Allestry ..., London : 1670. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Wealth -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. London (England) -- Commerce -- Sermons. 2004-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-10 Melanie Sanders Sampled and proofread 2004-10 Melanie Sanders Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion MERCY In the midst of JUDGMENT : By a gracious discovery of a certain Remedy for LONDON'S Languishing TRADE . In a Sermon Preached before the Right Honourable , the Lord Mayor and the Citizens of London , on September 12. 1669. at the new repaired Chappel at Guild-Hall . By D. BARTON , M. A. and Rector of Saint Margarets New Fish-street , London . LONDON , Printed for James Allestry , at the Rose and Crown in S. Paul's Church-Yard , 1670. To the Right Honourable , Sir SAMVEL STARLING Knight , Lord Mayor of the City of LONDON , AND THE Court of ALDERMEN . Right Honourable , THIS Sermon , savouring of the Countrey , in which it was conceived , and brought forth , without the Midwifry of a Library ( my own perishing in the same Flames with your City , and the place of my now residence not affording an assistant ) was intended onely for your religious ears , in them to have both its birth and buriall ; but since it hath pleased you to reprieve it to a longer and more publick life , where should it be more justly laid than at your doors ? who for your able parts and endowments have been fitted for the publick imployment , and intrusted with the weightiest affairs of this City ; and who by your Favour and Countenance are able to cover the rawness , and rudeness , or what other defects in my weake and unworthy handling so necessary a subject . I have in publishing it , regarded more your Opinion than my own conceipt ; and I hope ( because you think so ) that the matter will not be altogether unprofitable , or unseasonable ; although it be not handled so artificially , and rhetorically as it ought , my main study being to be plain and to apply the things delivered to the present times : whatever it be , ( and I wish it much better ) it is now no more mine but yours ; and if under the beames of your goodness , it shall so thrive , as to become an Instrument for the furthering that important Work mentioned in it ; next under God your Honour and your worshipful assessors are to have the Praise , and I therein shall receive a sufficient reward of my labour ; accounting it my greatest happiness on earth , to have been able to performe any acceptable service to that Royal City , to which for many yeares past , and my whole life for the future , I have dedicated all my endeavours . I will not detain your Honour , &c. any longer from your more publick and serious affaires , but only beseech the Almighty and All-wise God , that he would give you understanding and valiant hearts to manage them Couragiously and Prudently , that you may be instruments in Gods hand for the making up the breaches in our Syon and Jerusalem ; which is , and shall be the dayly Prayer of , Your Honours and Worships unfainedly devoted , in all Christian duty and Observance , DAV : BARTON . Haggai I. 9. Ye looked for much , and loe , it came to little ; and when ye brought it home , I did blow upon it ; Why , saith the Lord of Hosts ? Because of mine House that is waste , and ye run every Man unto his owne House . SOme Geographers have observed that there is no Land so placed in the World , but from that Land a man may veiw some other Land : though between Land and Land you may see Seas enraged with stormes and tempests , yet land is still within ken . An observation , perhaps , of more curiosity than verity in the material Sea of this World : yet most certain if it be applyed to the mistical Sea of Gods Judgments , ( which the Royal Prophet compares to a great deep ) and the dry land of his mercy : though between mercy , and mercy God interposeth a raging Ocean of trouble and calamity , raised by the storme of his indignation , so that men seeme to be in the condition of the material world , Gen. 7. When the waters prevailed exceedingly upon the earth , and all the high hils that were under the whole Heaven were covered . Omnia pontus erant , deerant quoque littora Ponto . All was a Sea and that Sea had no shores , yet if they looke but onward they cannot miss of a prospect of dry land , of Mercy . The Almighty God hath so interwoven these two in the dispensation of his providence , that the one is never discernable without the other . When God landeth his people in the Haven of prosperity , he would have them look back on the tempestuous Sea from which they are escaped , and fear his Justice : when he lancheth them forth into the depth of misery he carries them not out of sight of land , that there may be hope of mercy . Thus doth the most Gracious God in the midst of Judgment remember Mercy , and giveth even the vally of Achor , the vally of trouble for a door of hope , and in the deepest Ocean of his Judgments , discovers a little Island of Mercy to repaire to . And thus did he of old deal with his People the Jewes ; He caused the King of Babylon to arise like waters out of the North , and to become an overflowing flood , and to overflow the land and all that was therein , whereby they were swept away into Captivity ; yet then when these waters did so overflow their heads that they said they were cut off , the all-merciful God lifted up their heads , and shewed them a prospect of mercy , by a faithful promise of deliverance after seventy years : at which harbour they are no sooner arrived , but their sins provoke God to bring them back into the Sea of his Judgments , and he afflicts them with famine , ye have sown much and bring in little : ye eat but have not enough : ye drinke but ye are not filled with drinke : &c. vers . 6. of this Chapter ; Yet even here though the Sea roared , and the Heaven was black with Clouds , that God which gave to the Sea his decree , saying , Thus far shalt thou go and no farther , and there thy proud waves shall be staied ; not only discovers a Cape of good Hope , and makes a path in that mighty water for his ransomed to pass to it , Go up to the Mountain , and bring wood , and build the House : and I will take pleasure in it , and I will be glorified , saith the Lord , vers . 8 : but also gives them a faithful representation of their present state and condition , with the by-path that brought them into it , that so they might be induced to consider their waies , and leave them and return into the way of peace , and this he doth in the words of my Text : Ye looked for much , and loe it comes to little , &c. So that my Text is made up of the two parts of Davids Song , Psalm 101. 1. Mercy , and Judgment , which in God are alwayes twisted together , Gracious and righteous is the Lord , Psal. 25. 8. and all his pathes are mercy and truth , v. 10 , Not one path of mercy , and another of truth , but every path mercy , and truth both . The red Cross of his Justice ( as in your City Armes ) is born on the white Field of his mercy : as these therefore were the burden of David's Ditty , so they must be the support of my Meditations , and the object of your Attentions Judgment and Mercy , the former included in the very words of my Text , the latter in the designe and scope of those words . And first of the Judgment , that so I may end with that , which is not onely the end of all our aimes , and desires , but of all Gods Judgments too , and that is Mercy . In the Judgment we may consider , First , The Judgment it self , which was Famine . Secondly , The Author of it , the Lord of Host. Thirdly , The cause moving God to it , the neglect of Gods House . The Judgment very dreadfull , the inflicter most powerful , the cause provoking exceeding sinful . And first of the Judgment , which we shall consider , first in it's nature : Secondly , In it's severity . First , Of the nature of it , it was Famine , a generall want of the supports of this life , because of the failing of the creature , both in the production and breeding ; Ye sow much and bring in little : and in the vigour , and nourishing power of them ; ye eat , but are not satisfied . And this is a sore , and dreadfull Judgment , King David choseth the Pestilence as the lesser evil , which yet was so destructive , that there died of the people in less then three daies space , threescore and ten thousand men , of whose destructive nature too , he could not be ignorant , having an instance in the law of Moses ( wherein he meditated day and night ) of three and twenty thousand slain by it , while Aaron was putting incense into the Censer ; And as he prefers the Pestilence , so the Prophet Jeremy , the Sword : They that be slain with the sword , are better than they that be slain with hunger : for these pine away , stricken through for want of the fruits of the field . Lam. 4. 9. and yet the Sword makes a deplorable desolation ; take it in the words of the prophet Joel : A fire devoureth before them , and behind them a flame burneth : the land is as the garden of Eden before them , and behind them a desolate wilderness , yea and nothing shall escape them . Neither is it less dismal in its effects , for necessity is an hard weapon , and want will make a man part with any thing : fourscore pieces of Silver ( ten pound sterling ) for an Asses head , and five pieces of Silver ( 12 s. and 6 d. ) for the fourth part of a Kab ( which is but halfe a pint ) of Doves dung , 2. King. 6. 25. The Aegyptians who were famous , or rather infamous for their covetousness , yet can part with all their mony for Corn. Gen. 47. It not only makes men forget common humanity , for the people are ready to stone Moses , who had done so great things for them , when they are ready to starve , Exod. 17 : but it dissolves all the bonds of nature , making men to eat , not only dogs , cats , and rats , but one another ; pone pretium humanae carni , was a proclamation in Rome in Honorius daies . And in England An. 1316. Men did eat one another , and thieves newly brought into the Goale were torn in pieces and eaten halfe alive , by them that had been longer in : nay it stifles natural affection . In this Famine of my Text , the Jewes sold their Sons and their Daughters for bond-slaves to buy Corne ; And in the before mentioned , in Samaria Parents did devour their own Children . The Prophet Esay foretels of one , wherein every man should eat the flesh of his owne arme ; And our Chronicles tell us of one in England about An. 700. So violent that not only many dyed for hunger , but great numbers joyned hand in hand 40 or 50 in a company , and threw themselves headlong into the Sea. But we shall better understand how sad , and dreadful this Judgment was , if we shall consider it in relation to several circumstances hinted in the Text. The first whereof is the country afflicted , a most plentiful and fruitful land , A land like not only the Garden of Eden , but the Garden of God , full of all kind of pleasant and delightful fruits ; which cannot be described more fully , and signally , than Moses hath done it to our hands : Deut. 8. 7. A good land , a land of brooks of waters , of fountaines and depths that spring out of the Vallies . A land of Wheat and Barly , and Vines , and Figtrees , and Pomegranats : a land of Oyle-olive , and Hony : A land wherein they might eat bread without scarceness : a land whose Stones were Iron , and out of whose Hils they might dig Brass . And again , c. 32. 13. A land wherein they might suck Honey out of the Rocks , and Oyl out of the flinty Rocks ; Butter of Kine , and Milk of Sheep , with Fat of Lambs , and Rams of the breed of Bashan , and Goats , with the fat of Kidnies of Wheat , and drink the pure blood of the Grape . A Land which had not only plenty for it self , but bounty for others : For the Country of Tyre , was nourished by this Country . That this fruitfull Land should become barren ; that this Paradise should be turned into a Wilderness ; that there should be scarcity in such a fruitfull Land , is the first aggravating circumstance . The second is , That it was National , universal , an over-spreading Famine ; a comprehensive Judgment , like a Chain-shot bearing all before it , reaching to all men , the great and good , as well the mean and wicked : Zerubbabel the Governour , and Joshua the High Priest ; for to them the Prophet speaks , verse 1. They are included in this , Ye look for much , &c. Wisedom , Riches , or Strength may secure from other annoyances , but Scarcity , and Famine strike at the Life of every man. The King as well as the Clown must beg for daily bread ; and the profit of the Earth is for all . That the King himself is served by the Field , was wise Solomons observation . And King Ahab may be an evidence of it ; who in time of Dearth could not help himself , much less others , out of the Barn-floor , or out of the Wine-press . Even the Saints have their share , and portion in it , as being parts , and members of that people which is to be punished ; and though not actors in those gross impieties which kindle the fire of Gods vengeance , yet are guilty of sins , though of a smaller nature , which add to the fewel of Gods wrath . Zerubbabel and Joshua , though perhaps not themselves in fault , or at least not so much , for they were both very Religious , yet because not so forward , and putting forth as they should have been , are lyable to the common Judgment . The third Character of the Severity of this Judgment , was the season of it , which was immediatly after their returne from the Babylonian Captivity ; They had but a very little breathing space from the burden of that Yoake , when God laies on an heavyer : there , to use Jeroboams expression , they were Chastised with Whips but here with Scorpions . There , very probably , they had meat after their labour , and though they trod out the Corn , their mouths were not muzled , their masters sometimes lifted up the Yoake , and set meat before them . As in Aegypt , although they had hard Taskes , and cruel Task-masters , yet they had their Fleshpots , and their Garlicks , and their Onyons to the full ; bnt now they labour , and have nothing to eat , thus the Messengers of ill newes , as to Job , did throng upon them , one at the heeles of another , which was none of the smallest aggravations of this Calamity , that it followed so immediatly on the neck of the other . The fourth marke of the Severity of this Judgment , was the frustration of their hopes , and expectations : Ye looked for much , and loe , it came to little . If hope deferred makes the heart sick . Prov. 13. 12. Hope frustrate , and lost , can do no lesse then breake it . When men thinke themselves sure , as Esau did of the blessing , and it then failes them , this is matter of bitter weeping . For God to take away the Corn in the time thereof , and the Wine in the season thereof , that is just at harvest , when it is to be inned : when the old store is spent , and they looke for a new recruit , then to have the meat cut from their mouths , and the morsel from between their teeth , then to have their hopes defeated , hightens the misery . A fifth print of the Severity of this Judgment , was the loss of their labour . It is very frequent , and scarce ever otherwise , to see the Sluggards hopes blasted ; he that will not sow in Winter , can never promise himselfe to reap in Harvest ; but after Plowing , Sowing , nay Reaping too , and bringing home , to find but little , that adds to the weight of the want : Nothing so much discontents men as labour in vain ; to take paines , and to see nothing come of it , is enough to make a Prophet complain ; to labour all night in fishing , and take nothing may tempt an Apostle to desist . To labour in the fire , and to weary themselves for vanity , to lose oleum & operam , cost and paines , is sufficient to bring men to desperation ; Especially when that little which is coming in , doth no good ; when God blows on it , and takes away the nourishing virtues , so that either men dare not eat their fill ▪ for feare of want another day ; or if they do eat , the Staffe of bread being broken for want of Gods concurrence , they are not satisfied A Boulimy , or Canine appetite , being a disease common at such times , when in the fulness of their sufficiency ( as Zophar in Job speaks of the wicked ) they are in streights ; that little is so far from abating , that it encreaseth the Calamity : And so much for the first Particular , the Judgment with the Severity of it . The Second thing is the Author of this Judgment . I did blow upon it , Saith the Lord of Hosts . Shall there be Evil in the Citty , and I have not done it , Saith God himselfe , Am. 3. 6. God Challengeth the execution of Justice to himselfe ; not only at the Last Day , but in this world , and it is as agreeable to his nature now , as it will be hereafter . It is not luck , or fortune that tosseth or tumbleth things below ; but God sits at the stern , and steers the affairs of this World. The Genealogy of all the good creatures is resolved by God into himself , Hos. 2 ▪ 21. Unless he hear the Heavens , and the Heavens hear the Earth , no Corn , or Wine , or Oyle can be expected . The Earth is a kind Mother , yet it cannot open her bowels to yield seed to the sower , or bread to the eater , if it be not watered from above . The Heavens are the Storehouses of Gods good treasure , which he openeth to mans profit and nourishment , yet they cannot drop down fatness on the earth , if God close it up , and with-hold the seasonable showers , which he can do if he please , and will do , if he be provoked . First , He can do it easily . Secondly , He will do it justly . First , He can do it easily . It is but his blowing upon it , and it is done . As he made all things , so he can dissolve them by the breath of his mouth . He hideth his face , and the creatures are troubled ; he taketh away their breath and they dye . He sendeth forth his breath and they are created , and reneweth the face of the Earth . He turneth man to destruction , and again he saith , come again ye children of men . And this he can do so easily because he is the Lord of Hosts ; a title frequently used by these three last Prophets , Haggai , Zachary , and Malachy , who prophesying after the Jews return from the Babylonian Captivity , when their state was at the lowest , scarce ever name God by any other title ; to denote unto them , how easie it was for him to bring his Judgments upon them , and to remove them again ; all creatures being at his command as Lord of Hosts ; and like the Centurions Servants , if he say to one , Go , hee goeth , to another , Come , hee cometh : and to a third , Do this , hee doth it . When he will do a thing , who shall hinder him ? Nature may be resisted , and stopped in her course ; Men and Devils , though never so potent , may want of their will , and be crossed in their designes and desires ; but the Lord of Hosts doth whatsoever he will , both in Heaven and Earth without controul or contradiction . Secondly , He will do it justly . Gods Judgments are not alwaies manifest , they are alwaies just . And he may say as David to his Brethren in another case ; What have I now done ? is there not a cause ? God never punisheth a People : but there is a just cause for it , and could men but see it , the root of the matter would be found in themselves . It is the Plague of their own hearts , that procures them all their mischief ; and this might have been put among the aggravations of the Judgment , that it is from themselves that they are the cause of their own ruine ; that they may thank themselves , and blame their sin , as the Mother of their misery , and cause of their Calamity , O Israel thou hast destroyed thy self , Saith God. So that there is no ground of complaint : why should a living man complain : a man for the punishment of his sin ? Had man never been sinful , he had never been miserable ; had he never lift up his heart against Heaven to provoke , God , God had never lift up his hand on earth to punish man. If these Jewes would but have considered their own waies , as God himselfe exhorts them twice in a breath , vers 5. and 7. They might have easily found the Serpent that bit them , to be lurking in their own bosom ; the contempt and neglect of Gods worship , which brings me to The Third particular , The cause of this Judgment , why saith the Lord of Hosts ? &c. Wherein three things offer themselves to our Consideration : First , The sin it's selfe , Gods House lyes wast . Secondly , The Aggravation of that sin , Ye run every man to his own house . Thirdly , The Proportion between the sin , and the punishment . First , The sin it selfe , is , that Gods House is suffered to lie wast . This House , which God Challengeth to himself , as his own possession , was that glorious fabrick of the Temple at Jerusalem , built by King Solomon , and consecrated by him to Gods immediate worship , and which God was pleased to accept of , and wherein he promiseth to dwell for ever . This is my rest for ever , here will I dwell , for I have desired it , saith God. Although he be the high and lofty one , that inhabiteth Eternity whose name is Holy ; Although he be infinite , and Comprehended in no place , and so dwelleth not in Temples made with hands : yet it was his good pleasure , that Solomon should build him an house , wherein as to his manifestative presence , he was resolved to dwell more especialy among his people the Children of Israel , whither he would have the Tribes goe up , the Tribes of the Lord , unto the Testimony of Israel to give thanks unto the name of the Lord. And this he calls his house . My House , saith he , shall be called the House of Prayer , and in my Text , Because of my House , which is wast . Wast , the Hebrew word signifies properly dryed up . A similitude taken from a piece of ground , dried up , and parched by the Sun , so that nothing is able to grow in it , and is used by the Holy Ghost to express an extreame desolation , and destruction . His spring shall become dry , and his foundation dryed up , saith the Prophet Hosea of Samaria , when he would set forth their utter ruine : so that their sin was the permitting Gods House to lie in it's ruines , and not repaire it . And it is observable that these Jews had not demolished it themselves , they had not laid it wast ; that was done by Necuchadnezzar , and his Officers , it was they which set fire to the Temple , these had no hand at all in it : and yet it is looked on as a sin in them , that it is wast . Not only pulling down Churches , but not repairing , when God gives oportunity is a sin . Omissions are sins with God , as well as Commissions . It was the rich mans ruine , not that he robbed the poor , but that he did not relieve them . Fasting as well as fulness may breed diseases , and make work for the Sexton or Physitian . Not onely the commission of evill sinks men to Hell , but the omission of goodness . The Fig-tree had no bad fruit on it , and yet was cursed because it had none at all ; the forbearance of wickedness is not enough to acquit the soul , unless there be a performance of Righteousness . These Jews are condemned , not for wasting Gods House , but letting it lye waste . That 's the first , the sin . The Second thing is the aggravation of this , by their self-seeking . Ye run every man to his own House , or , Ye take pleasure every man in his own House : Ye are all self-seekers private-spirited persons , all for your own Interest , none for the honour and glory of God. They were like the Tortoyse , Toti in se , wholly drawn up into themselves , and insensible of the publike good , or common danger of Church and Religion : Far from Nehemiah's temper , who drowned all selfe-respect in Gods glory , and the publick good ; far from true goodness , which will be publick spirited , although it be to private disadvantage : And if nature will venture its own particular good for the general , as heavy things will ascend , to keep out a vacuity and preserve the Universe ; much more will grace make men in all their desires and designs to study Gods end more then their own , and as Solomon did to build Gods House first , and afterward their own ; and not like these Jews , who so themselves were warm in their Feathers , in their own houses , never did regard the ruines of Gods House . Secondly , This self-seeking is aggravated in two particulars ; First , In the persons guilty ; and Secondly , In their earnestness in that guilt . First , In the persons guilty . The first universally ; Secondly , Emphatically . First , Ye ; universally ; every man of you , even the best of you , Zerubbabel , and Joshua too . When all Flesh have corrupted their way , when all the foundations are out of course , when as in Sodom , all the people from every quarter , both old and young , are guilty ; no wonder then that God punisheth . When not onely private men , but publick run into the same sin , it is then incorrigible as to man , those that should punish it being themselves guilty , and therefore then it is time for God to lay to his hand ; for private men to have private spirits and to run every man to his own House , to mind their own particular good , is no such rare thing , but for publick persons to have private aims , to have such narrow souls as to mind themselves only , this is an aggravation of the crime . Secondly , Ye , emphatically ; Ye that are so much concerned in it , when others not so much , or not at all concerned in it , have been so zealous . When Cyrus and Darius , a payr of outlandish , and Heathen Kings , shall not onely give leave to the Jews to return to their Countrey , and build both their City and Temple , but also restore the Vessels and Jewels , which had been taken from it , and allow the expences of the building out of their own Revenues ; and supply them with Sacrifices , with a check to all Adversaries ; be ye far from thence , and a peremptory Decree , That whosoever should alter that sentence , that the Wood should be pulled down from his House and he hanged thereon ; And lastly , a direful imprecation on all those , whether Kings or People , that should put their hands to alter and destroy the House of God which is in Jerusalem ; the History whereof you may read at large in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah ; when these shall thus zealously , and earnestly promote the work , and the Jews themselves universally , who were most concerned , be careless and negligent , this is a first aggravation of the sin . A Second is their diligence and earnestness in their own private interest , Ye run every man , &c. When ye do not so much as creep , crawl , or go to Gods House . They thought no time , no labour , no cost , too much for their own House ; and every little portion of either of them too much for Gods. The least cost is esteemed mispent , saying with Judas , To what purpose is this wast ; the lazyest labour is accounted lost . It is in vain to serve the Lord , and what profit is it that we have kept his Ordinance , say these very men , Mal. 3. 14. The shortest time is thought cast away ; The time is not come , The time that the Lords House should be built , say they , vers . 2. They followed the business of their own Houses earnestly and industriously , but of Gods very negligently ; which , if nothing else ; were enough to condemn them . The third considerable in the sin , is the proportion between that and the punishment , they leave Gods House , Chareb , wast ; God , vers . 11. cals for Chereb , a drought , or as the Septuagint probably read it , Choreb , a Sword , which shall in like manner lay their Land wast , and their House desolate , they had pinched on Gods side , and he pays them home in the same kind , they thought in the Famine to have kept the more for themselves ; and they had less for keeping from him , that which was his own . A just hand of God upon all such , who think every thing too much for his service , for the most part they are alwayes in want and needy , their wealth melting away like Snow before the Sun. The Merchant that denyes to pay his Customs , forfeits all his Commodities ; they forfeit their own portion , who with-hold Gods from him . God tames his Prodigals , and starves their bodies , who by neglect of his worship starve their owne souls ; God denies the same external things to them which they deny to Gods House . But might not these Jews have pleaded against this Sentence , and charged God with too much severity , saying with their Forefathers , The way of the Lord is not equal ? What is this Temple more then another place ? Cannot we worship God in any House as well as this ? Is not God a spirit , and will be worshiped in spirit and truth ; and that we may do in any Mountain as well as this ? Whereunto although it might be a sufficient answer to say with S. Paul , O man , who art thou that replyest against God ? Shall the thing formed say to him that formed it , why hast thou made me thus ? Shall sinful man plead with his Maker ? Yet because this malapert sauciness is the temper of many in this age , as well as that ; that the most just God may be justified when he speaketh , and clear when he judgeth , we may take notice of the equity of it , by a twofold consideration ; First , Of the nature of the place ; and Secondly , Of the nature of the punishment , First , Gods equity will be cleared from the nature of the place , which was , First , A visible sign and token of Gods more immediate and gracious presence ; for although God dwels not in Temples made with hands ; that is , so as we dwell in our Houses to be comprehended in them , yet God is sayed to dwell there where he manifests himself ; and therefore what was done before the Temple , was sayed to be done before God ; called therefore , The Throne of his Glory ; The place of his rest ; The place of his habitation ; His dwelling place : Now we know that affronts offered to the Kings Chayre of State although in his absence , are as much resented as when he is present . Secondly , That House was the choisest , and chiefest instrument of Gods worship in the Jewish administration , they were to direct all their worship towards it : It was the King of Heavens Court of Requests , which he had appointed for the hearing their prayers , and granting their Petitions ; and which had the priviledge of an universally gracious audience ; In this place will I give peace , saith the Lord , c. 2. 9. Now because the honour done to any part of Gods service reflects on himself ; as those that offered any polluted bread on Gods Altar are sayed to despise his name , therefore to punish this offence so grievously could be no over much severity . Thirdly , That House was a type of Christ , it was a sacred Mystery representing their Messiah to them , who was the true Temple made without hands ; as himself makes the application , John 2. 19. Destroy this Temple , and after three dayes I will raise it up ; which S. John who was his beloved Disciple , and lay in his bosome , interprets as meant of his own body , Vers. 21. He spake of the Temple of his body ; And this the Apostle asserts at large , in the ninth Chap. of the Epistle to the Hebrews . Jesus Christ was that true Temple in which the God-head dwelt bodily ; that is , really , fully , substantially ; by the neerest union , and most intimate conjuction as the soul dwels in the body ; and so the neglect was the neglect of Christ himself . Fourthly , That place was the spring-head of all their blessings ; God had made that the staple of all his favours ; In all places where I record my name , I will come to thee and bless thee . From whence it is that in Scripture , Gods blessings are not said to be given from Heaven immediatly , but from Syon the place of Gods worship ; There the Lord commanded the blessing , even life for evermore , Psal. 133. 3. And the Lord that made Heaven and Earth , bless thee out of Syon , Psal. 134. 3. The Ocean of blessing is in Heaven , but the well-head is Syon , and so by neglecting Gods House they forsook their own mercy ; so that the nature of the place acquits the Lord of Hosts from the imputation of over-rigorous proceeding , which likewise will appear , Secondly , From the nature of the Judgment , if we shall consider those veins of mercy which run through it , which is the Second general part , and is included in the scope and designe of the words of my Text. And this mercy is visible in four particulars . First , In the Judgment it self . Secondly , In the matter of that Judgment Thirdly , In the measure of it . Fourthly , In the discovery of the cause , and consequently the means of removing it . First , It was mercy that they were punished at all , correction being a signe of Gods paternal care ; For every Son , whom he loveth , he Chastneth ; and Scourgeth every Son whom he receiveth . Immunity from Chastisement and Correction , is the Bastards , not the Childs prerogative . Gods forbearances are his most dreadful Severities ; and a prosperous iniquity is the most unprosperous condition in the world . It is cruelty , not mercy , to suffer men to go on in sin unpunished , it being that which hardens men in sin , and consignes them over to ruine and reprobation . It is a deplorable condition when God shall say ; Why should ye be stricken any more ? ye will revolt more and more . Vis indignantis Dei terribilem vocem audire ? will you here the terrible voice of a provoked God ? Hear it saith Origen in that of Hos. 4. 14. I will not punish your Daughters when they commit whoredome . Never was Jerusalem's case so desperate as when God sayd to her ; I will make my fury towards thee to rest , and my jealousy shall depart from thee , and I will be quiet , and will be no more angry . Ezek. 16. 42. That 's the first beame of mercy ; that they are punished . A Second , is that their Punishment is in external temporal things , and not in internal and Spiritual , which as they are most necessary , so the loss is most dangerous : Man may be happy without the one , he cannot be so without the other . The Lord of Hosts might instead of a famine of bread have sent a famine of the word of God , which is the Souls proper food , and without which it cannot live , which he threatens in another Prophet as the most dreadful Famine . Behold the day is come , saith the Lord , that I will send a Famine in the Land , not a Famine for Bread , nor a thirst for Water , but of hearing the Word of the Lord. We never fear a dearth if we have Bread-Corne , though we want Apples and Plums . Let God deny us the worldly toyes of earthly enjoyments , if he continue his spiritual blessings , we cannot be esteemed miserable . A third Island of mercy appearing in this Sea of misery , is the measure of it . They had a little , though not much ; God did not take away all , but left them a pittance , as we say , enough to keep life and soul together . I will correct thee in measure , saith God to his people , and not leave thee altogether unpunished . If he should have been extreame to have marked what had been done amiss , he might have utterly destroyd them as he did Sodome and Gomorrha , and set them forth as perpetuall examples of divine vengeance , but it was of the Lords mercies that they were not consumed , because his mercies fail not . There is yet a fourth ray of mercy shining in this judgment , and that is the discovery of the cause , which he doth not onely in respect of himself , for the vindication of his justice , but also in respect to them , that they might provide for deliverance . God by reason of that independent dominion , which he hath over all his creatures , which in their very being depend upon him , hath no obligation lying on him , to give any other reason of his acting , than his Sic volo , sic jubeo ; and therefore it must be an act of great mercy , to come to debate and reason with his creature , to be content to bring himself as it were before mans tribunal , and to plead his cause , and make even sinners his judges , yet so he doth frequently ; Come now , and let us reason together . And now , O Inhabitants of Jerusalem , and men of Judah , judge I pray you between me and my Vineyard . Should he have made short worke with them , and dispatcht them in a moment , yet he would have continued just and holy , and he might have justified his proceedings ; but to stoop so low as to give an account of his doings , and to render a reason of his sentence , is a condescention of mercy that can be never expressed , and never enough admired , or praised . And thus having run through the two Stages of my Text , Judgment and Mercy ; I cannot dismiss you without making you partakers of some observations , which you may improve to your advantage , As , First , That all the industry and labour of man in his calling , is in vain , if God withhold his blessing ; he may sow , and reap , and bring in too , he may export , nay import too , and little come of it , if God do but blow upon it . Not but that men may , nay must take paines in their vocations . Adam even in his innocency and integrity , before his fall , had his employment set out to him to dress and keep the Garden ; much more since the fall , when all the Creatures are under the Curse for the sin of man ; and the earth is so farre from yeelding fruit without our labour , that it is often fruitless , and barren with it . So that now it is not so much our curse as our duty , that in the sweat of our brows we should eat our bread , and he that will not labour , as he doth not deserve , so he hath no promise that he shall eat : Labour then they must , but in that they must depend upon God for the success , whose blessing only can make rich . Moses , saith , It is not bread that man liveth by only , but by the word of God , that is his blessing ; and therefore , except the Lord build the House and watch the City , mans labour and watching is to no purpose ; It is but lost labour that ye rise early , and so late take rest , and eat the bread of Carefulness if God doth not give sleep . Joyne then to your honest labour , trust in God , and fear not a good success ; you have King Davids warrant for it . Trust in the Lord and do good , and verily thou shalt be sed . Psa. 37. 3. Let your labours as well as the Creatures for which you labour , be Sanctified by the word of God , and Prayer . Secondly , The use or abuse , the care or neglect of the Instruments of Gods worship , is no indifferent thing , no matter of slight consequence it procures a blessing or brings down a curse . These Jewes neglect to build Gods House , and God neglects to provide for their Families . They no sooner go up to the Mountain and bring Wood , and begin to build , but from that very day , God begins to bless them . Take one instance more ; The Arke , which before the building of the Temple , was the dwelling place of Gods name , was among the Philistins , who profanely insult , and triumph over it , and are smitten with sore diseases , and the hand of God is heavy upon them ; Afterwards it comes to the Bethshemites , who are bold with it and pry into its secrets , and fifty thousand of them are slain for it . After this Vzzah toucheth it irreverently , and is struck dead before it ; whereas Obed-Edom entertains it reverently , and cheerfully , and is blessed in all that he hath . When God sends the instruments and means of Religion among a people , it concerns them deeply to look about them ; God intends something towards them , either of judgment or mercy , and counts it an high indignity , if men think he will do neither good or evil . The Prophet Isaiah compares Gods Word to Rain , which returns not voyd , but accomplisheth what he pleaseth , and prospers in the thing whereunto he sends it ; it either brings up wholsome Herbs , or noysom Weeds , it either furthers our Salvation , or hastens our Destruction . The Gospel of Christ is savour either of life unto life , or of death unto death . Gods Ordinances are all of the same nature , with the Lords Supper , they are either for the better , or for the worse . Christs coming to a Nation , as to Capernaum , is fatal , it either lifts neerer to Heaven , or throws lower into Hell. Thirdly , The neglect of Gods worship forfeits all our temporal estate ; as Tenants that refuse to do their homage , to perform Suit and Service , and to pay their Land-lords rent , do make their Estates lyable to a seizure . These outward blessings are the appurtenances of Gods worship ; And it is piety onely which hath the promises both of this life and that which is to come . These provisions are properly for Gods Household , and those that wait in the House of the Lord ; If a profane person that regards not Gods worship hath them , it is but at adventures , and they are so farre from beeing a blessing to him that they become a Snare , making him fall into many foolish and hurtful lusts , which drowne men in destruction and perdition : search the Chronicles and Annals of the Kings of Israel , and you shall still find those times wherein Religion was advanced , as under David , Solomon , Asa , Jehoshaphat , and Hezekiah , to be prosperous times , whereas under Idolatrous Kings all things went contrary . So that the best way to secure what men have , is to employ part of it in Gods service : Honour God with all thy encrease , and thy Estate shall be increased . Gods Storehouse is the best Assurance-Office ; pay thy dues to that , and the rest will be secured to thee . As Samson's strength and glory lay in his Haire , so doth the honour and prosperity of your City depend on the true Religion , and sincere worship of God , which if it be once deprived of , it may say with Phinees Wife Ichabod , The glory of London is departed . Fourthly , God expects that our first care should be for his service , that his glory and worship should have the precedency in our thoughts . These Jews upon their return home from Babylon , set up their own Houses , fell to husbandry , plowed and sowed their lands , they thought it not time to undertake so costly a work as building the Temple ; and flesh and blood might have thought that delay excusable if not reasonable , but God counts it matter of just exception , and sends them two Prophets to reprove them for it ; what an obvious excuse had they ? That that God who had dwelt so long of old in a Tabernacle , and was now worshipped at his new created Altar , would bear with them if they first built their own Houses , intending afterwards to build his with greater care and cost ; but what saith God to them , Vers. 4. Is it time for you , O ye , to dwell in your Ceiled Houses ( not covered only , but Ceiled with Cedar , as the Chaldee renders it , arched and garnished as the Greek ) and my House to lye waste . The man after Gods own heart was of another mind , he would not come into his House , nor go up unto his bed , nor give sleep to his eyes , or slumber to his eye-lids , until he had found out a place for the Lord , an habitation for the mighty God of Jacob. Noah's first care after he came out of the Arke , was , not to build an House for himselfe , but an Altar for Gods worship ; he pleads not necessity of preserving store , nor stays till the creatures are multiplyed , but takes of every clean creature that came out of the Arke , and offers them to God. True Faith teacheth to prefer God before our selves ; the World as it is inferiour in worth to Religion , so it must be in our repute and respects ; Seek ye first the Kingdom of God and the righteousness thereof , was the councel of our Saviour . God will crown such early piety with encrease of store , for all these things shall be added unto you : If the Widow make a little Cake for the Prophet first , and bring it to him , her Barrel of Meal shall never wast , nor her Cruise of Oyl fail . Thirdly , If the not repairing the House of God be so severely punished , what shall become of those that demolish his Houses : If the Innocent be scarcely saved , where shall the wicked and sinner appear ? is S. Peter's way of arguing . If the labours and hopes of these Jewes , who onely suffered the Temple to lye in its ruines , come to little , certainly theirs shall come to nothing , or at least worse than nothing , eternal destruction , that are the instruments of ruining it . If God shall destroy him that defileth the Temple of God , what shall he do to them that destroy it ? If Ananias and Sapphira withholding that which was their own , were accounted Church-robbers , and punished with sudden death ; what a severe revenger will God be against those that rob the Temple of that which hath been dedicated to it by others ; Christ would not suffer Gods House , which was to be called an House of prayer to all Nations , to be made a den of thieves , by prophane usage of it , much less will he endure to have it destroyed after he hath reformed it ; this is sacriledge , and that the Apostle ranks with Idolatry , as being full out as evil , if not worse than it ; for what Idolatry but pollutes , sacriledge quite pulls down ; and easier it is to new hallow a Temple polluted , than to build a new one out of an heap of stones . Once more , Sixthly , If the flood of Gods indignation ariseth so high against those that suffer the material Temple dedicated to his service to be waste , how shall it rage against them that do not repair his spiritual Temples , their own souls and bodies which have been consecrated to him in Baptism ; for so saith the Apostle , Ye are the Temples of the living God , as God hath sayd , I will dwell in them , and walk in them : And God takes more delight in these , than in the other . For , thus saith the high and lofty one , that inhabiteth eternity , whose name is holy , I dwell in the high and holy place , with him also that is of a contrite and humble spirit . And he refuseth all the services that are done him in his external Temple , as an abomination ; if the spiritual Temple be defiled with sin and demolished by inquity . Sin not onely defiles but destroyes these Houses of God , let us therefore build them againe by our sincere Repentance and Reformation , let us cleanse them from all Filthiness of Flesh and Spirit : we cry , shame ! to see a Church turned into a Barn , or Stable ; to see a Christian all for the world is no better sight ; Let us take heed that we do not make this House of God a Den of Theeves , a Brothel House for uncleaness , a Cage for unclean Birds , but let us adorne it with all the grace of Gods Spirit , for Holiness becometh the Lords House for ever . Especially since the ruines of this Spiritual House will draw with it the ruines of the Material , as God threatens the Jewes to do to their Temple , as he did unto Shiloh for the wickedness of his people Israel . And now to close up all . If any man shall think this concernes him not ; because God sends no Prophets now to tell us that for such and such sins , God sends such and such Judgments . Let him know , that all these things that are recorded in the Prophets , happened unto them for examples , and are written for our admonition upon whom the ends of the world are come . 1 Cor. 10. 11. when therefore we may see a paralel of sins and punishments with those registred in sacred writ : we may without presumption conclude that those sins were the provoking cause of those Judgments . And here the Paralel is so visible , that he that runneth may read ; and I make no question but your owne meditations have run Paralel with my discourse so that most of my labour that way is already saved . For is it not the general complaint , and out-cry of this City , that there is an universal decay of Trade ? Do not the Merchants complain ? we looke for much , and that upon good ground ; for we have sent forth our Ships richly laden and ventured them on long and dangerous Voyages ; but lce it comes to little , our Ships return not , or if they do , the income doth not answer the expence , our Commodities hardly yeeld what they cost . Doth not the Shop-keeper complain ? we look for much , having taken Houses at great Prices and Furnished our shops with rich wares , but loe it comes to little , there are few Buyers , and but small gaines , we can scarce pay our rents . Doth not the Handicrafts man complain we look for much , for we labour hard and work good and sufficient wares ; but loe it comes to little ; The Shop-keeper will not buy but at his own rates ; so that we have little more than our labour for our Paines . And that which adds to the unhappiness of all this is , that every one of these is apt to impute this Calamity to any thing , rather than the right cause and so hinder themselves of the true remedy , because they will not understand the true cause of the distemper : Either a Forreigne Nations ingrossing Trade abroad , or the Magistrates neglect of Trade at home must bear the blame ; who is it that considers that Gods House lyes wast , while every man runs to his owne House ? Gods House said I , nay Gods Houses , how many of them lie in their ruines , in their rubbish ? for we must not fancy that God hath no Houses now , and that because that Temple at Jerusalem together with it's Ceremonial worship is abolished that God hath not adopted any other places , which he will own for his ; for before the foundations of that Temple were laid , and since they have been razed , and one stone not left on another which was not thrown downe , God always had a place appropriated to his worship , and where he was pleased to afford a more gracious Presence than elsewhere . Even in Paradise , Adam had a place to present himself before God. Which was called Gods Presence or Face . Gen. 3. 8. From which he hid himselfe , for from Gods general presence nothing can be hid , but all things are naked and open . And his Sons out of Paradise had their places where to bring their Sacrifices , Gen. 4. 3. From which when Cain stood excommunicate for the Murther of his Brother Abel , he is said to be cast out from the presence of the Lord. Vers. 16. Abraham , besides Altars in several places , planted a grove , Gen. 21. 23. To be a fixt place for Gods worship , for there he called on the name of the Lord. And so it is expounded by one that was no great friend to our Churches . And afterwards when he is commanded to offer his Son Isaac , the very Mountain is prescribed him , Gen. 21. 1. and Gods title to it ceased not with that one act , for there Solomons Temple was afterwards built , which God in my Text calls his House ; nor did it then begin , if we may believe the general consent of the Jewish Rabbins , who assert that to be the place where Cain and Abel , nay Adam himself offered : When Jacob consecrated that place where he saw the Vision of the Ladder reaching to Heaven , Gen. 28. 18. he called it Beth-el , Gods House , the ground of which both consecration and name is rendred , Vers. 16 , 17. Surely the Lord is in this place and I knew it not , how dreadful is this place ? This is none other , but the House of God , the gate of Heaven . So that Gods Houses began not with the Temple of Solomon , no nor that ambulatory Temple of Moses the Tabernacle , which is peculiarly by David called Gods House ; nor while they were in being , did they ingross that title to themselves , for there were both in Jerusalem and in other places of the Land no small number of Synagogues for the People to resort unto for their Devotions , which are called Synagogues of God , and Houses of God , in the Plural Number : and these were Frequented by Christ and his Apostles as well as the Temple . And since the Destruction of that Temple , God was never destitute of Houses for his Worship . True it is that in the Primitive times of Christianity , when they had not the Publick allowance and Countenance of authority , they could exercise their Religion only in Private , yet then they had places for the Saints to meet in for Divine Worship , such were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the upper-roomes mentioned so frequently in the Acts of the Apostles , and distinguished by St. Paul from Private Houses . 1 Cor. 11. 22. Have ye not Houses to Eat and Drink , or despise ye the Church of God ? understood by most Interpreters both ancient and modern of the publick place of Gods Worship ; those perhaps not so sumptous and stately as afterwards , the Churches mean Condition and the worlds envy would not permit that , but such as their Poverty would allow they had . But when it pleased God to raise up Kings and Emperours to favour sincerely the Christian Faith , Churches were then erected in all places , and no cost spared , nothing thought to deere which that way was spent and these were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Lords from whence the Scots Kirke and our English Church doth proceed , and is the same title which is given to his day Rev 1. 10 ; And not improperly since we find the place and time of Gods Worship Joyned together by the Holy Ghost in Scripture , Ye shall keep my Sabbaths , and reverence my Sanctuary ; and then what the Son of Syrach saith of one may be applied to the other , and we may say why doth one place excel another ? by the knowledg of the Lord they are distinguished , and some of them he hath made high places and hallowed them , and some of them he hath made ordinary places . As the one is the Day of rest , and when we hallow it , it is called Gods rest , so the other when Consecrated to his name is called Gods rest , This is my rest for ever . And such were those Houses in this City , which are now wast , for they were Dedicated and Consecrated to Gods service , in them the Saints were assembled , the Gospel of Jesus Christ was Preached , The Lords Holy Name was Invocated , and the Sacraments of the new covenant duly administred , to all which Christ under the Gospel hath Promised a gracious presence . Where two or three are gathered together in my name , there am I in the midst of them . Mat. 18. 20. And to this promise he hath set to his seale by Converting to , and Confirming many a Soule in the doctrine of Jesus Christ from these places . Now , that these are wast , is as legible , as if writ in Text ; but where to lay the blame is not perhaps so easily discovered . To impute it to the Magistracy of this City , this Honorable Bench would be no less then Scandalum Magnatum . Their Zeale in general is Sufficiently evidenced by this place wherein we are now Assembled ; and in particular many of them either by actual contribution , or subscription , have testified abundantly their respects to these Houses : And of the Commonalty , I have reason to have as good an opinion , if their abilities were consonant to their desires , when I consider their ancient zeal while the City was Flourishing to these Houses of God , how they opened their hands , and filled with Blessings many Churches both at home and abroad , both in their own and forreign Countries ; yet even the best Saylers may be becalmed and want the gale of a Prophet to encourage them , to go up to the Mountain and bring wood , &c. Your hearts I am confident are good , it is but setting to your hands , and the worke will be done . Do but begin , and never feare the reproach of not having wherewithal to finish ; Do but lay the first stone , and never distrust the providence of that God who is the Alpha and Omega , the Beginner and Finisher of every good worke . When Moses was about Building the Tabernacle , his charge was no more but this , every one that is of a willing heart , let him bring into the offering of the Lord , and they brought in so fast both men and women , that there was too much ; and a proclamation was made in the Camp that they should bring in no more . When stuffe was to be provided for the Temple , King David left it at large : Whoso is willing to consecrate his Service to the Lord. and both Kings , Princes and People offered abundantly and willingly , insomuch that he for himselfe and them giveth thanks to the Lord in this forme ; Who am I , and what is my People ; that wee should offer so willingly ? Do but lead the way , and I doubt not but God will stir up the hearts of others to follow ; there is not a Soul , that feareth God but the Zeal of Gods House will eat it up , there will be many a true hearted Araunah who will offer not his land but his Timber for the House of the Lord ; The Rich out of his abundance will give more , and the poore Widdow out of her Penury will give a mite . Even the labourer out of his hire , the servant out of his wages , and the souldiers out of their pay , will dedicate somthing , as the two Generals of Saul and Davids armies did . The Living will lay up in store for themselves a good foundation against the time to come , that they may lay hold on Eternal life , and the dying , ( I perswade my selfe ) will not make a will , but Gods House shall have a Legacy in it . Even , the covetous usurer will out of compliance with the times , if not out of remorse of conscience throw down some of his Silver with Judas into the Temple : Do but propose the meanes , and you have a great and gracious King , the Churches nursing Father , and faiths defender , who will promote the worke , and rather than it shall not go on , will with his Countryman Constantine the no less religious than Magnificent Emperour , be content to carry stones on his own shoulders towards it . You have a Loyal and Religious Parliament the Churches Nursing Mother ; ready to enact whatsoever shall be propounded to them for the advancement of so great and glorious a worke ; nay do but set earnestly about it , and God himselfe will go before you to make the crooked places streight , and to break in pieces the Gates of Brass , and to cut in sunder the bars of Iron , that is , to remove all rubs and impediments , which would hinder the foundation of the Temple to be laid : and he also will lay the head-stone thereof with shouting , saying , Grace , Grace unto it . I cannot conclude better then with the exhortation of this Prophet . c 2. v. 4. Be now strong O Zerubbabel , saith the Lord , and be strong O Josuah Son of Josedech the high Priest and be strong all ye People of the Land , saith the Lord , and worke for I am with you , saith the Lord of Host ; With you by my helpe , and assistance ; with you by my care and acceptance ; with you by my reward , and recompence : for then will I fill these Houses with Glory , dwelling and having a delight in them , and in them will I give peace , and in them will I furnish you with plenty too : and then happy would be the People that are in such a Case yea blessed will this City be , which hath this Lord of Hosts to be their God. Now to this Lord of Hosts , Father , Son and Holy Ghost , three Persons but one Infinite God , be ascribed in his holy Temple all Praise Honour and Thanksgiving now and for ever , Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A31107-e240 Psa. 36. 6. Hos. 2 15. Jer. 47. 2. Lam. 3. 54. 2 Sam. 24. Neh. 5. 5. Isa. 9. 29. Act 12. 20. Ecc. 5. 9. 2. King 6. 27. 1 King. 12. 24. Isa. 49. 4. Job . 20. 22. Psa. 104. 29. 30. Psa. 90. 3. Mat. 8. 9. 1. Sam. 17. 29. Job . 19. 28. Hos. 13. 9. Lam. 3. 36. Psa. 132. 14. Psal. 122. 4. Hos. 13. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Joh 4. 24. Rom. 9. 20. Jer. 14. 21. Psa. 132. 14. Psa 76. 2. Exod. 20. 24. Heb. 12. 6 , 7. Am. 8. 11. Jer. 30. 11. Lam. 3. 22. Esa. 1. 18. Esa. 5. 3. Prov. 10. 22. Psa. 127. 1 , 2. 1 Tim. 4. 5. c. 2. 8. Psa. 74. 7. 1 Sam 5. c. 6. 19. 2. Sam. 9. 9. vers . 6. Zeph. 1. 12. Esa 55. 10. 2. Cor. 2. 16. 1. Cor. 11. 17. Mat. 11. 23. 1. Tim. 6. 9. 1 Sam. 4. 22. Psa. 132. 3. 5. 2 K●ngs . 17. 14. Pet. 4. 18. 1 Cor. 3 17. 2 Cor. 6. 16. Esa. 57. 15. Jer. ● . 12 , 14 Ainsworth in l c. Maimony in misnoth l. 8. and in Treatise of the Temple , c. 2. s. 2. Psa. 66. 13. Psa. 74. 8. Psa. 83. 12. Lev. 19. 30. 8 , 26. 2. Ecclesasticus 33. 7. Psal. 132. 14. Exod. 35. 5. 1. Cr●n . 29. 5. vers 14. 2. Chr. 26. 28. Esa. 45. 2. c. 2. 7. v. 9. vers . 19. A32288 ---- Charles R. His Majesty in his princely compassion and very tender care taking into consideration the distressed condition of many his good subjects, whom the late dreadful and dismal fire hath made destitute ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) 1666 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A32288 Wing C3088 ESTC R22604 12124889 ocm 12124889 54549 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32288) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54549) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 760:21) Charles R. His Majesty in his princely compassion and very tender care taking into consideration the distressed condition of many his good subjects, whom the late dreadful and dismal fire hath made destitute ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) Charles II, King of England, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by John Bill and Christopher Parker ..., London : [1666] Broadside. Title from opening lines of text. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Fire, 1666. Broadsides -- England -- London -- 17th century 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Charles R. HIs Maiesty in his princely compassion and very tender care , taking into consideration the distressed condition of many his good Subjects , whom the late dreadful and dismal fire hath made destitute of habitations , and exposed to many exigencies and necessities ; For present remedy and redresse whereof , his maiesty , intending to give further testimony and evidences of his grace and favour towards them as occasion shall arise , hath thought fit to declare and publish his royal pleasure , That as great proportions of bread and all other provisions as can possibly be furnished , shall be daily and constantly brought , not onely to the Markets formerly in use ; but also to such Markets as by his Majesties late Order and Declaration to the Lord Mayor and Sherifs of London and Middlesex have been appointed and orained , viz. Clerkenwell , Islington , Finsbury-fields , Mile-end-Green , and Ratclif : his majesty being sensible that this will be for the benefit also of the Towns and Places adjoyning ; as being the best expedient to prevent the resort of such persons thereunto as may pilfer and disturb them . And whereas also divers of the said distressed persons have saved and preserved their Goods , which nevertheless they know not how to dispose of : It is his maiesties pleasure , That all Churches , Chappels , Schools , and other like Publick Places , shall be free and open to receive the said Goods , when they shall be brought to be there laid . And all Iustices of the Peace within the several Counties of middlesex , Essex , and Surry , are to see the same to be done accordingly . And likewise that all Cities and Towns whatsoever shall without any contradiction receive the said distressed persons , and permit them the free exercise of their manual Trades ; his maiesty resolving and promising , that when the present exigent shall be passed over , he will take such Care and Order , that the said persons shall be no burthen to their Towns or Parishes . And it is his maiesties Pleasure , That this his Declaration be forthwith published , not onely by the Sherifs of London and middlesex , but also by all other Sherifs , mayors ▪ and other Chief Officers in their respective Precincts and Limits , and by the Constables in every Parish . And of this his maiesties pleasure all persons concerned are to take notice , and thereunto to give due obedience to the utmost of their power , as they will answer the contrary at their peril . Given at our Court at Whitehall , this Fifth Day of September , in the Eighteenth year of Our Reign , One thousand six hundred sixty six . God save the king . London , Printed by Iohn Fill and Christopher Farker , printers to the Kings most excellent maiesty . A20082 ---- The seuen deadly sinnes of London drawne in seuen seuerall coaches, through the seuen seuerall gates of the citie bringing the plague with them. Opus septem dierum. Tho: Dekker. Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1606 Approx. 204 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 55 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A20082 STC 6522 ESTC S105270 99840999 99840999 5555 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A20082) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 5555) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 881:10) The seuen deadly sinnes of London drawne in seuen seuerall coaches, through the seuen seuerall gates of the citie bringing the plague with them. Opus septem dierum. Tho: Dekker. Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [14], 40, 31-37, [1] p. Printed by E[dward] A[llde and S. Stafford] for Nathaniel Butter, and are to be solde at his shop neere Saint Austens gate, At London : 1606. The title page is in four settings, all in red and black: (1) title has "deadlie sinns"; (2) with Good Shepherd device; (3) with device of a lion's head atop a shield; (4) with an ornament with female head and laurel leaves at top, dated 1598. There are some minor variations in imprints. "Allde app[arently]. pr[inted]. at least piA3,4 (dedic[ation]. and to Reader); Stafford pr[inted]. at least A-C (induction and beginning of text)"--STC. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Crime -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Criminals -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Social life and customs -- Early works to 1800. 2002-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Seuen deadly Sinnes of London : Drawne in seuen seuerall Coaches , Through the seuen seuerall Gates of the Citie Bringing the Plague with them . Opus septem Dierum . Tho : Dekker . At London Printed by E.A. for Nathaniel Butter , and are to bee sold at his shop neere Saint Austens gate . 1606. Reader , IT is as ordinarie a custome ( for vs that are Bookish ) to haue about with thee , after wee haue done with a Patron , as for Schollers ( in the noble Science ) to play at the woodden Rapier and Dagger at the ende of a Maisters prize . In doing which we know not vpon what Speeding points wee runne , for you ( that are Readers ) are the most despe●ate and fowlest players in the world , you will strike when a mans backe is toward you , and kill him ( if you ●ould for shame ) when he lies vnder your feete . You are able ( if you haue the tokens of deadly Ignorance , and Boldnes at one time vpon you ) to breede more infection on in Pauls Church-yard , then all the bodies that were buried there in the Plague-time , if they had beene left still aboue ground . You stand somtimes at a Stationers stal , looking scuruily ( like Mules champing vpon Thistles ) on the face of a new Booke bee it neuer so worthy : & goe ( as il fauouredly ) mewing away : But what get you by it ? The Booke-seller euer after when you passe by , pinnes on your backes the badge of fooles to make you be laught to scorne , or of sillie Carpers to make you be pitted : Comadus Gesner neuer writ of the nature of such strange beasts as you are : for where as we call you Lectores , Readers , you turne your selues into Lictores , Executioners , & tormenters . I wold not haue him that writes better than I , to Reade this , nor him that cannot doe so well , to Raile , or if hee cannot chuse but Raile , let him doe it to my face : otherwise ●me being absent ) it is done cowardly : for Leonem mortuum mordent etiam Catuli : Cats dare scratch Lions by the face when they lie dead , and none but Colliers will threaten a Lord Maior when they are farre enough from the Cittie . I haue laide no blockes in thy way : if thou findest Strawes , ( Vade , vale , ) caue ne titubes . The names of the Actors in this old Enterlude of Iniquitie . 1 Politike Bankeruptisme . 2 Lying . 3 Candle-light . 4 Sloth . 5 Apishnesse . 6 Shauing . 7 Crueltie . Seuen may easily play this , but not without a Diuell . The Induction to the Booke . I Finde it written in that Booke where no vntruthes can be read : in that Booke whose leaues shall out-last sheetes of brasse , and whose lynes leade to eternity : yea euen in that Booke that was pend by the best Author of the best wisedome , allowed by a Deity , licensed by the Omnipotent , and published ( in all Languages to all Nations ) by the greatest , truest , and onely Diuine , thus I find it written , that for Sinne , Angels were throwne out of heauen ; for Sinne , the first man that euer was made , was made an outcast : he was driuen ouf of his liuing that was left vnto him by his Creator : It was a goodlier liuing , than the Inheritance of Princes : he lost Paradice by it ( he lost his house of pleasure : ) hee lost Eden by it , a Garden , where Winter could neuer haue nipt him with cold , nor Summer haue scorcht him with heate . He had there all fruits growing to delight his taste , all flowers flourishing to allure his eye , all Birds singing to content his eare ; he had more than he could desire : yet because he desired more than was fit for him , he lost all . For Sinne , all those buildings which that great Worke-master of the world had in sixe dayes raysed , were swallowed at the first by waters , and shall at last be consumed in fire . How many families hath this Leuiathan deuoured ? how many Cities ? how many Kingdoms ? Let vs a while leaue Kingdomes , and enter into Citties . Sodom and Gomorrah were burnt to the ground with brinstone that dropt in flakes from heauen : a hot and dreadfull vengeance . Ierusalem hath not a stone left vpon another of her first glorious foundation : a heauy and fearefull downefall . Ierusalem , that was Gods owne dwelling house ; the Schoole where those Hebrew Lectures , which he himselfe read , were taught ; the very Nursery where the Prince of Heauen was brought vp ; that Ierusalem , whose Rulers were Princes , & whose Citizens were like the sonnes of Kings : whose Temples were paued with gold , and whose houses stood like rowes of tall Cedars ; that Ierusalem is now a dezert ; It is vnhallowed , and vnt● odden : no Monument is left to shew it was a Citty , but only the memoriall of the Iewes hard-hartednes , in making away their Sauiour : It is now a place for barbarous Turks , and poore despised Grecians ; it is rather now ( for the abominations committed in it ) no place at all . Let vs hoyst vp more Sayles , and lanch into other Seas , till wee come in ken of our owne Countrey . Antwerp ( the eldest daughter of Brabant ) hath falne in her pride , the Citties of rich Burgundy in theyr greatnes . Those seuenteene Dutch Virgins of Belgia , ( that had Kingdomes to theyr dowries , and were worthy to be courted by Nations ) are now no more Virgins : the Souldier hath deflowred them , and robd them of theyr Mayden honor : Warre hath still vse of their noble bodyes , and discouereth theyr nakednes like prostituted Strumpets . Famine hath dryed vp the fresh bloud in theyr cheekes , whilst the Pestilence digd vp theyr Fields , and turned them into Graues . Neither haue these punishments bin layd vpon them onely ; for bloud hath bin also drawne of their very next neighbours . France lyes yet panting vnder the blowes which her owne Children haue giuen her . Thirty yeeres together suffred she her bowels to be torne out by those that were bred within them : She was full of Princes , and saw them all lye mangled at her feete : She was full of people , and saw in one night a hundred thousand massacred in her streetes : her Kings were eaten vp by Ciuill warres , and her Subiects by fire and famine . O gallant Monarchy , what hard fate hadst thou , that when none were left to conquer thee , thou shouldst triumph ouer thy selfe ! Thou hast Wynes flowing in thy veynes : but thou madest thy selfe druncke with thine owne bloud . The English , the Dutch , and the Spanish , stoode aloofe and gaue ayme , whilst thou shotst arrowes vpright , that fell vpon thine owne head , and wounded thee to death . Wouldst thou ( and the rest ) know the reason , why your bones haue bin bruzed with rods of Iron ? It was , because you haue risen in Arch-rebellion against the Supremest Soueraigne : You haue bin Traytors to your Lord , the King of heauen and earth , and haue armed your selues to fight against the Holy Land. Can the father of the world measure out his loue so vnequally , that one people ( like to a mans yongest child ) should be more made of than all the rest , being more vnruly than the rest ? O London , thou art great in glory , and enuied for thy greatnes : thy Towers , thy Temples , and thy Pinnacles stand vpon thy head like borders of fine gold , thy waters like frindges of siluer hang at the hemmes of thy garments . Thou art the goodliest of thy neighbors , but the prowdest ; the welthiest , but the most wanton . Thou hast all things in thee to make thee fairest , and all things in thee to make thee foulest : for thou art attir'de like a Bride , drawing all that looke vpon thee , to be in loue with thee , but there is much harlot in thine eyes . Thou sitst in thy Gates heated with Wines , and in thy Chambers with lust . What miseries haue of late ouertaken thee ? yet ( like a foole that laughs when hee is putting on fetters ) thou hast bin merry in height of thy misfortunes . She ( that for almost halfe a hundred of yeeres ) of thy Nurse became thy Mother , and layd thee in her bosome , whose head was full of cares for thee , whilst thine slept vpon softer pillowes than downe . She that wore thee alwayes on her brest as the richest Iewell in her kingdome , who had continually her eye vpon thee , and her heart with thee : whose chaste hand clothed thy Rulers in Scarlet , and thy Inhabitants in roabes of peace : euen she was taken from thee , when thou wert most in feare to lose her : when thou didst tremble ( as at an earth-quake ) to thinke that bloud should runne in thy Channels , that the Canon should make away through thy Portcullises , and fire rifle thy wealthy houses , then , euen then wert thou left full of teares , and becamst an Orphan . But behold , thou hadst not sat many howres on the banks of sorrow , but thou hadst a louing Father that adopted thee to be his owne : thy mourning turnd presently to gladnes , thy terrors into triumphs . Yet , lest this fulnesse of ioy should beget in thee a wantonnes , and to try how wisely thou couldst take vp affliction , Sicknes was sent to breathe her vnholsome ayres into thy nosthrils , so that thou , that wert before the only Gallant and Minion of the world , hadst in a short time more diseases ( then a common Harlot hath ) hanging vpon thee ; thou suddenly becamst the by-talke of neighbors , the scorne and contempt of Nations . Heere could I make thee weepe thy selfe away into waters , by calling back those sad and dismall houres , wherein thou consumedst almost to nothing with shrikes and lamentations , in that * Wonderfull yeere , when these miserable calamities entred in at thy Gates , slaying 30000. and more as thou heldst them in thine armes , but they are fresh in thy memory , and the story of them ( but halfe read ouer ) would strike so coldly to thy heart , and lay such heauy sorrow vpon mine ( Namque animus meminisse horret , luctuque refugit ) that I will not be thine and my owne tormentor with the memory of them . How quickly notwithstanding didst thou forget that beating ? The wrath of him that smot thee , was no sooner ( in meere pitty of thy stripes ) appeased , but howrely ( againe ) thou wert in the company of euill doers , euen before thou couldst finde leysure to aske him forgiuenes . Euer since that time hath hee winckt at thy errors , and suffred thee ( though now thou art growne old , and lookest very ancient ) to goe on still in the follyes of thy youth : he hath ten-fold restor'de thy lost sonnes and daughters , and such sweete , liuely , fresh colours hath hee put vpon thy cheekes , that Kings haue come to behold thee , and Princes to delight their eyes with thy bewty . None of all these fauours ( for all this ) can draw thee from thy wickednes : Graces haue powrd downe out of heauen vpon thee , and thou art rich in all things , sauing in goodnes : So that now once againe hath he gone about ( and but gone about ) to call thee to the dreadfull Barre of his Iudgement . And no maruaile : for whereas other Citties ( as glorious as thy selfe , ) and other people ( as deare vnto him as thine ) haue in his indignation bin quite taken from the face of the earth , for some one peculiar Sinne , what hope hast thou to grow vp still in the pride of thy strength , gallantnes and health , hauing seuen deadly and detestable sinnes lying night by night by thy lasciuious sides ? O thou beawtifullest daughter of two vnited Monarchies ! from thy womb receiued I my being , frō thy brests my nourishment ; yet giue me leaue to tell thee , that thou hast seuen Diuels within thee , and till they be cleane cast out , the Arrowes of Pestilence will fall vpon thee by day , and the hand of the Inuader strike thee by night . The Sunne will shine , but not be a comfort to thee , and the Moone looke pale with anger , whē she giues thee light . Thy Louers will disdayne to court thee : thy Temples will no more send out Diuine oracles : Iustice will take her flight , and dwell else-where ; and that Desolation , which now for three yeeres together hath houered round about thee , will at last enter , and turne thy Gardens of pleasure , into Church-yards ; thy Fields that seru'd thee for walks , into Golgotha ; and thy hye built houses , into heapes of dead mens Sculs . I call him to witnes , who is all Truth , I call the Cittizens of heauen to witnes , who are all spotlesse , that I slander thee not , in saying thou nourishest seuen Serpents at thy brests , that will destroy thee : let all thy Magistrates and thy officers speake for me : let Strangers that haue but seene thy behauiour , be my Iudges : let all that are gathered vnder thy wings , and those that sleepe in thy bosome , giue their verdict vpon me ; yea , try me ( as thy brabblings are ) by all thy Petit and Graund Iurors , and if I belye thee , let my Country ( when I expire ) deny me her common blessing , Buriall , Lift vp therefore thy head ( thou Mother of so many people : ) awaken out of thy dead and dangerous slumbers , and with a full and fearelesse eye behold those seuen Monsters , that with extended iawes gape to swallow vp thy memory : for I will into so large a field single euery one of them , that thou and all the world shall see their vglinesse , for by seeing them , thou mayst auoyd them , and by auoyding them , be the happiest and most renowned of Citties . Politick Bankruptisme , Or , The first dayes Triumph of the first Sinne. IT is a custome in all Countries , when great personages are to be entertained , to haue great preparation made for them : and because London disdaines to come short of any City , either in Magnificence , State , or expences vpon such an occasion , solemne order was set downe , and seuen seuerall solemne dayes were appointed to receiue these seuen Potentates : for they carry the names of Princes on the earth , and wheresoe're they inhabit , in a short time are they Lords of great Dominions . The first dayes Triumphs were spent in méeting and conducting Politick Bankruptisme into the Fréedome : to receiue whom , the Master , the Kéepers , and all the Prisoners of Ludgate in their best clothes stood most officiously readie : for at that Gate , his Deadlinesse challenges a kind of prerogatiue by the Custome of the Citie , and there loues he most to be let in . The thing they stood vpon , was a Scaffold erected for the purpose , stuck round about with a few gréene boughes ( like an Alehouse booth at a Fayre ) and couered with two or thrée thréed-bare Carpets ( for prisoners haue no better ) to hide the vnhandsomnes of the Carpenters worke : the boughes with the very strong breath that was prest out of the vulgar , withered , & like Autumnian leaues dropt to the ground , which made the Broken Gentleman to hasten his progresse the more , and the rather , because Lud and his two sonnes stood in a very cold place , waiting for his comming . Being vnder the gate , there stood one arm'd with an extemporall speech , to giue him the onset of his welcome : It was not ( I would you should well know ) the Clarke of a country parish , or the Schoolemaster of a corporate towne , the euery yéere has a saying to Master Maior , but it was a bird pickt out of purpose ( amongst the Ludgathians ) that had the basest and lowdest voice , and was able in a Terme time , for a throat , to giue any prisoner great ods for the bor at the grate : this Organ-pipe was ●unde to rore for the rest , who with a hye sound & glib deliuery , made an Encomiastick Paradoxicall Oration in praise of a prison , prouing , that captiuity was the only blessing that could happen ●o man , and that a Politick Bankrupt ( because he makes himselfe for euer by his owne wit ) is able to liue in any common wealth , and deserues to go vp the ladder of promotion , whē fiue hundred shallowp●ted feollwes shall be turnd off . The poore Orator hauing made vp his mouth , Bankruptisme gaue him very good words , & a handful or two of thanks , vowing he would euer liue in his debt . At which , all the prisoners rending the ayre with shouts , the key was turnd , & vp ( in state ) was he led into king Luds house of Bondage , to suruey the building , and to take possession of the lodgings ; where he no sooner en●red , but a ●usty peale of welcomes was shot out of Kannes in stead of Canons , and though the powder was excéeding wet , yet off they went thick and thréefold . The day was proclaymed Holiday in all the wardes ; euery prisoner swore if he would stay amongst them , they would take no order about their debts , because they would lye by it too ; and for that purpose swa●md about him like Bées about Comfit-makers , and were drunke , according to all the learned rules of Drunkennes , as Vpsy-Freeze , Cra●bo , Parmizant , &c. the pimples of this ranck and full-humord ioy rising thus in their faces , because they all knew , that though he himselfe was broken , the linings of his bags were whole ; & though he had no conscience ( but a crackt one ) yet he had crownes that were ●ound . None of all these ●ookes could fasten him to them : he was ( like their clocks ) to strike in more places than one , & though he knew many Citizens hated him , and that if he were encountred by some of them , it might cost him déere , yet vnder so good a protection did he go ( as he said ) because he owed no ill will euen to those that most sought his vndoing ; and therefore tooke his leaue of the house , with promise , to be with them , or send to thē once euery quarter at the least . So that now , by his wise instructions , if a Puny were there amongst them , he might learne more cases , and more quiddits in law within seuen dayes , that he does at his Inne in fourtéene moneths . The Politician béeing thus got into the City , caries himself to discreetly , that he steales into the hearts of many : In words , is he circumspect : in lookes , graue : in attire , ciuill : in diet , temperate : in company affable ; in his affaires serious : and so cunningly dooes he lay on these colours , that in the end he is welcome to , and familiar with the best . So that now , there is not any one of all the twelue Companies , in which ( at one time or other ) there are not those that haue forsaken their owne Hall , to be frée of his : yea some of your best Shop-kéepers hath he entited to shut themselues vp from the cares and busines of the world , to liue a priuate life ; nay , there is not any great and famous Streete in the City , wherein there hath not ( or now doth not ) dwell , some one , or other , that hold the points of his Religion . For you must vnderstand , that the Politick Bankrupt is a Harpy that lookes smoothly , a Hyena that enchants subtilly , a Mermaid that sings swéetly , and a Cameleon , that can put himselfe into all colours . Sometimes hée 's a Puritane , he sweares by nothing but Indéede , or rather does not sweare at al● , and wrapping his crafty Serpents body in the cloake of Religion , he does those acts that would become none but a Diuell . Sometimes hee 's a Protestant , and deales iustly with all men , till he sée his time , but in the end he turnes Turke . Because you shall beléeue me , I will giue you his length by the Scale , and Anatomize his body from head to foote . Héere it is . Whether he be a Tradesman , or a Marchant , when he first sets himselfe vp , and séekes to get the world into his hands , ( yet not to go out of the City ) or first talks of Countries he neuer saw ( vpon the Change ) he will be sure to kéepe his dayes of payments more truly , then Lawyers kéepe their Termes , or than Executors kéepe the last lawes that the dead inioyned them to , which euen Infidels themselues will not violate : his hand goes to his head , to his meanest customer , ( to expresse his humilitie ; ) he is vp earlier then a Sarieant , and downe later then a Constable , to proclaime his thrift . By such artificiall whéeles as these , he winds himselfe vp into the height of rich mens fauors , till he grow rich himselfe , and when he sées that they dare build vpon his credit , knowing the ground to be good , he takes vpon him the condition of an Asse , to any man that will loade him with gold ; and vseth his credit like a Ship freighted with all sorts of Merchandize by ventrous Pilots : for after he hath gotten into his hands so much of other mens goods or money , as will fill him to the vpper deck , away he sayles with it , and politickly runnes himselfe on ground , to make the world beléeue he had sufferd shipwrack . Then flyes he out like an Irish rebell , and kéepes aloofe , hiding his head , when he cannot hide his shame : and though he haue fethers on his back puld frō sundry birds , yet to himselfe is he more wretched , then the Cuckoo in winter , that dares not be séene . The troupes of honest Citizens ( his creditors ) with whom he hath broken league and hath thus defyed , muster themselues together , and proclaime open warre : their bands consist of tall Yeomen , that serue on foot , cōmanded by certaine Sarieants of their bands , who for leading of men , are knowne to be of more experiēce th●n the best Low-countrey Captaines . In Ambuscado do these lye day & night , to cut off this enemy to the City , if he dare but come downe . But the politick Bankrupt barricadoing his Sconce with double locks , treble dores , inuincible bolts , and pieces of ●imber 4. or 5. storyes hye , victuals himselfe for a moneth or so ; and then in the dead of night , marches vp higher into the country with bag and baggage : parlies then are summond ; compositions off●ed ; a truce is sometimes taken for 3. or 4. yéeres ; or ( which is more common ) a dishonorable peace ( séeing no other remedy ) is on both sides concluded , he ( like the States ) being the only gayner by such ciuill warres , whilst the Citizen that is the lender , is the loser : Nam crimine ab vno disce omnes , looke how much he snatches from one mans ●hea●e , hée gleanes from euery one , if they bée a hundred . The victory being thus gotten by basenes & trechery , back comes he marching with spred colours againe to the City ; aduances in the open stréete as he did before ; se●s the goods of his neighbor before his face without blushing : he iets vp and downe in silks wouen out of other mens stocke , féeds deliciously vpō other mēs purses , rides on his ten pound Geldings , in other mens saddles , & is now a new man made out of wax , that 's to say , out of those bonds , whose seales he most dishonestly hath canceld . O veluet-garded Theeues ! O yea-and-by-nay Cheaters ! O ciuill , ô Graue and Right Worshipfull Couzeners ! What a wretchednes is it , by such steps to clime to a counterfetted happines ? So to be made for euer , is to be vtterly vndone for euer : So for a man to saue himselfe , is to venture his own damnation ; like those that laboring by all meanes to escape shipwrack , do afterwards desperatly ●rown themselues . But alas ! how rotten at the bottom are buildings thus raised ! How soone do such leases grow out of date ! The Third House to them is neuer heard of . What slaues then doth mony ( so pur●hast ) make of those , who by such wayes thinke to find out perfect fréedome ? But they are most truly miserable in midst of their ioyes : for their neighbors scorne them , Strangers poynt at them , good men neglect them , the rich man will no more trust them , the begger in his rage vpbrayde● them . Yet if this were all , this all were nothing . O thou that on thy pillow ( lyke a Spider in his ●oome ) weauest mischeuous nets , beating thy braynes , how by casting downe others , to rayse vp thy selfe ! Thou Politick Bankrupt , poore rich man , thou ill-painted foole , when thou art to lye in thy last Inne ( thy loathsome graue ) how heauy a loade will thy wealth bée to thy weake corrupted Conscience ! those heapes of Siluer , in telling of which thou hast worne out thy fingers ends , will be a passing bell , ●olling in thine ●are , and calling thée to a fearefull Audit. Thou canst not dispose of thy riches , but the naming of euery parcell will strike to thy heart , worse then the pangs of thy departure : thy last will , at the last day , will be an Inditement to cast thée ; for thou art guilty of offending those two lawes ( enacted in the vpper House of heauen ) which directly forbid thee to steale , or to couet thy neighbors goods . But this is not all neither : for thou lyest on thy bed of death , and art not carde for : thou goest out of the world , and art not lamented : thou art put into the last linnen y● euer thou shalt weare , ( thy winding-shéete ) with reproch , and art sent into thy Graue with curses : he that makes thy Funerall Sermon , dares not speake well of thée , because he is asham'd to belye the dead : and vpon so hate full a fyle doest thou hang the records of thy life , that euen when the wormes haue pickt thée to the bare bones , those that goe ouer thee , will set vpon thée no Epitaph but this , Here lyes a knaue . Alack ! this is not the worst neither : thy Wife being in the heate of her youth , in the pride of her beawty , and in all the brauery of a rich London Widow , flyes from her nest ( where she was thus fledg'd before her time ) the City , to shake off the imputation of a Bankrupts Wife , and perhaps marries with some Gallāt : thy bags then are emptied , to hold him vp in riots : those hundreds , which thou subtilly tookst vp vpon thy bonds , do sinfully serue him to pay Tauerne bills , and what by knauery thou got●t ●rom honest men , is as villanously spent vpon Pandars and Whores : thy Widow being thus brought to a low ebbe , grows desperat : curses her birth , her life , her fortunes , yea perhaps curses thée , when thou art in thy euerlasting sléepe , her conscience perswading strongly , that she is punished from aboue , for thy faults : and being poore , friendlesse , comfortlesse , she findes no meanes to raise her selfe , but by Falling , and therfore growes to be a common womā . Doth not the thought of this torment thée ? She liues basely by the abuse of that body , to maintaine which in costly garments , thou didst wrong to thine owne soule : nay more to afflict thée , thy children are ready to beg their bread in that very place , where the father hath sat at his dore in purple , and at his boord like Diues , surfeting on those dishes which were earnd by the sweat of other mens browes . The infortunate Marchant , whose estate is swallowed vp by the mercilesse Seas , and the prouident Trades-man , whom riotous Seruants at home , or hard-hearted debters abroad vndermine and euerthrow , blotting them with the name of Bankrupts , deserue to be pitied and relieued , when thou that hast cozend euen thine owne Brother of his Birth-right , art laught at , and not remembred , but in scorne , when thou art plagued in thy Generation . Be wise therefore , you Graue , and wealthy Cittizens ; play with these Whales of the Sea , till you escape them that are deuourers of your Merchants ; hunt these English Wolues to death , and rid the land of them : for these are the Rats that eate vp the prouision of the people : these are the Grashoppers of Egypt , that spoyle the Corne-fields of the Husband-man and the rich mans Uineyards : they will haue poore Naboths piece of ground from him , though they eate a piece of his heart for it . These are indéede ( and none but these ) the Forreners that liue without the fréedome of your City , better than you within it ; they liue without the freedome of honestly , of conscience , and of christianitie . Ten dicing-houses cheate not yong Gentlemen of so much mony in a years , as these do you in a moneth . The théefe that dyes at Tyburne for a robbery , is not halfe so dangerous a wéede in a Common-wealth , as the Politick Bankrupt , I would there were a Derick to hang vp him too . The Russians haue an excellent custome : they beate them on the shinnes , that haue mony , and will not pay their debts ; if that law were w●ll cudgeld from thence into England , Barbar-Surgeons might in a few yéeres build vp a Hall for their Company , larger then Powles , only with the cure of Bankrupt broken-shinnes . I would faine sée a prize set vp , that the welfed Usurer , and the politick Bankrupt might rayle one against another for it : ô , it would heget a riming Comedy . The Challenge of the Germayne against all the Masters of the Noble Science , would not bring in a quarter of the money : for there is not halfe so much loue betweene the Iron and the Loadestone , as there is mortall hate betwéene those two Furies . The Usurer liues by the lechery of mony , and is Bawd to his owne bags , taking a fée , that they may ingender . The Politick Bankrupt liues by the gelding of bags of Siluer . The Usurer puts out a hundred poūd to bréede , and lets it run in a good pasture ( that 's to say , in the lands that are mortgag'd for it ) till it grow great with Foale , and bring forth ten pound more . But the Politick Bankrupt playes the Alchimist , and hauing taken a hundred pound to multiply it , he kéepes a puffing and a blowing , as if he would fetch the Philosophers stone out of it , yet melts your hundred pound so l●ng in his Crusibles , till at length to either melt it cleane away , or ( at the least ) makes him that lends it thinke good , if euery hundred bring him home ●iue , with Principall and Interest . You may behold now in this Perspectiue piece which I haue drawne before you , how deadly and dangerous an enemy to the State this Politick Bankrupusme hath bin , & still is : It hath bin long enough in the Citty , and for anything I sée , makes no great haste to get out . His triumphs haue bin great , his entertainement rich and magnificent . He purposes to lye héere as Lucifers Legiar : let him therefore alone in his lodging ( in what part of the Citty soeuer it be ) tossed and turmoyled with godlesse slumbers , and let vs take vp a standing néere some other Gate , to behold the Entrance of the Second Sinne : but before you go , looke vpō the Chariot that this First is drawne in , and take speciall note of all his Attendants . The habit , the qualities and complexion of this Embassador sent from Hell , are set downe before . He rides in a Chariot drawne vpon three whéeles , that run fastest away , when they beare the greatest loades . The bewty of the Chariot is all in-layd work , cunningly & artificially wrought , but yet so strangely , and of so many seuerall-fashiond pieces , ( none like another ) that a sound wit would mis●rust they had bin stolne from sundry worke-men . By this prowd Counterfet ran two Pages ; on the left side Conscience , raggedly attirde , ill-fac'd , ill-coloured , and misshapen in body . On the right side runs Beggery , who if he out-liue him , goes to serue his children . Hipocrisy driues the Chariot , hauing a couple of fat well-coloured and lusty Coach-horses to the eye , cald Couetousnes and Cosenage , but full of diseases , & rotten about the heart . Behind him follow a crowd of Trades-men , and Merchants , euery one of them holding either a Shop-booke , or an Obligation in his hand , their seruants , wiues and children strawing the way before him with curses , but he carelesly runnes ouer the one , and out-rides the other ; at the tayle of whom ( like the Pioners of an Army ) march troopewise , and without any Drum struck vp , because the Leader can abide no noyse , a company of old expert Sarieants , bold Yeomen , hungry Baylifs , and other braue Martiall men , who because ( like the Switzers ) they are well payd , are still in Action , and oftentimes haue the enemy in execution ; following the héeles of this Citty-Conqueror , so close , not for any loue they owe him , but only ( as all those that follow great men do ) to get mony by him . We will leaue them lying in Ambush , or holding their Courts of Gard , and take a muster of our next Regiment . The seuen deadly 2. Lying . Or , The second dayes Triumph . WHen it came to the eares of the Sinfull Synagogue , how the rich Iew of London , ( Barabbas Bankruptisme ) their brother , was receyued into the Citty , and what a lus●y Reueler he was become , the rest of the same Progeny ( being 6. in number ) vowd to ryde thither in their greatest State , and that euery one should challenge to himselfe ( if be could enter ) a seuerall day of Tryumph ; for so he might doe by their owne Customes . Another therefore of the Broode , being presently aptly accon●●red , and armed Cap-a-pe , with all furniture fit for such an Inuader , sets forward the very next morning , and arriu'de at one of the Gates , before any Porters eyes were vnglewd . To knocke , hee thought it no policy , because such fellowes are commonly most churlish , when they are most intreated , and are key-cold in their comming downe to Strangers , except they be brybed : to stay there with such ● confusion of faces round about him , till light should betray him , might call his Arriuall , being strange and hidden , into question ; besides , he durst not send any Spy he had , to listen what newes went amongst the people , and whether any preparation were made for him , or that they did expect his approche , because indéede there was not any one of the Damned Crewe that followed his tayle , whom he durst trust for a true word . He resolues therefore to make his entrance , not by the sword , but by some sleyght , what storme or fayre weather soeuer should happen : And for that purpose , taking asunder his Charriot , ( for it stood altogether like a Germane clock , or an English , Iack or Turne-spit , vpon skrewes and vices ) he scatters his Troope vpon the fields and hye-way , into small companies , as if they had bene Irish beggers ; till at last espying certayne Colliers with Carts most sinfully loaden , for the Citty , and behind them certayne light Country Horse-women ryding to the Markets , hée mingled his Footemen carelesly , amongst these , and by this Stratagem of Coales , brauely thorow Moore-gate , got within the walles ; where marching not like a plodding Grasyer with his Droues before him , but like a Citty-Captayne , with a Company ( as pert as Taylours at a wedding ) close at his héeles , because nowe they knewe they were out of feare ) hée musters together all the Hackneymen and Horse-courses in and about Colman-streete . No sooner had these Sonnes and Heyres vnto Horse-shooes , got him into their eyes , but they wept for ioy to behold him ; yet in the ende , putting vp their teares into bottles of Hay , which they held vnder their armes , and wyping their slubberd chéekes with wispes of cleane Strawe , ( prouyded for the nonce ) they harnessed the Grand Signiors Caroach , mounted his Cauallery vpon Curtals , and so sent him most pompously ( like a new elected Dutch Burgomaster ) into the Citty . He was lookt vpon strangely by all whom he met , for at the first , few or none knew him , few followed him , few bid him welcome : But after hée had spent héere a very little péece of time , after it was voyc'd that Monsieur Mendax came to dwell amongst them , and had brought with him all sorts of politick falshood and lying , what a number of Men , Women and Children fell presently in loue with him ! There was of euery Trade in the City , and of euery profession some , that instantly were dealers with him : For you must note , that in a State so multitudinous , where so many flocks of people must be fed , it is impossible to haue some Trades to stand , if they should not Lye. How quickly after the Art of Lying was once publiquely profest , were false Weights and false Measures inuented ! and they haue since done as much hurt to the inhabitants of Cities , as the inuention of Gunnes hath done to their walles : for though a Lye haue but short legs ( like a Dwarfes ) yet it goes farre in a little time , Et crescit eundo , and at last prooues a tall fellow : the reason is , that Truth had euer but one Father , but Lyes are a thousand mens Bastards , and are begotten euery where . Looke vp then ( Thou thy Countryes Darling , ) and behold what a diuelish Inmate thou hast intertained . The Genealogy of Truth is well knowne , for she was borne in Heauen , and dwels in Heauen : Falshood then and Lying must of necessity come out of that hot Country of Hell , from the line of Diuels : for those two are as opposite , as day and darkenes . What an vngracious Generation wilt thou mingle with thine , if thou draw not this from thée : What a number of vnhappy and cursed childrē will be left vpō thy hand ? for Lying is Father to Falshood , and Grandsire to Periury : Frawd ( with two faces ) is his Daughter , a very Monster : Treason ( with haires like Snakes ) is his kinseman ; a very Fury ! how art thou inclos'd with danger ? The Lye first deceiues thée , and to shoote the deceit off cleanly , an oath ( like an Arrow ) is drawne to the head , and that hits the marke . If a Lye , after it is molded , be not smooth enough , there is no instrumēt to burnish it , but an oath : Swearing giues it cullor , & a bright complexion . So that Oathes are Crutches , vpon which Lyes ( like lame soldiers ) go , & néede no other pasport . Little oathes are able to beare vp great lyes : but great Lyes are able to beate downe great Families : For oathes are wounds that a man stabs into himselfe , yea , they are burning words that consume those who kindle them . What fooles then are thy Buyers and Sellers to be abused by such hell-hounds ? Swearing and Forswearing put into their hands perhaps the gaines of a little Siluer , but like those pieces which Iudas receiued , they are their destruction . Welth so gotten , is like a trée set in the depth of winter , it prospers not . But is it possible ( Thou leader of so great a Kingdome ) that heretofore so many bonfires of mens bodies should be made before thée in the good quarrell of Trueth ? and that now thou shouldst take part wish her enemy ? Haue so many Triple-pointed darts of Treason bin shot at the heads of thy Princes , because they would not take Truth out of thy Temples , and art thou now in League with false Witches the would kill thée ? Thou art no Traueler , the habit of Lying therefore will not become thée , cast it off . He that giues a soldier the Lye , lookes to receiue the stab : but what danger does he run vpon , that giues a whole City the Lye ? yet must I venture to giue it thée . Let me tell thée then , that Thou doest Lye with Pride , and though thou art not so gawdy , yet are thou more costly in attiring thy selfe than the Court , because Pride is the Queene of Sinnes , thou hast chosen her to be thy Concubine , and hast begotten many base Sonnes and Daughters vpon her body , as Vainglory , Curiosity , Disobedience , Opinion , Disdaine , &c. Pride , by thy Lying with her , is growne impudent : She is now a common Harlot , and euery one hath vse of her body . The Taylor calls her his Lemman , he hath often got her great with child of Phantasticallity and Fashions , who no sooner came into the world , but the fairest Wiues of thy Tennants snatcht them vp into their armes , layd them in their laps and to their brests , and after they had plaid with them their pleasure , into the country were those two children ( of the Taylors ) sent to be nurst vp , so that they liue sometimes there , but euer and anon with thée . Thou doest likewise Lye with Vsury : how often hast thou bin found in bed with her ! How often hath she bin openly disgraced at the Crosse for a Strumpet ! yet still doest thou kéepe her company , and art not ashamed of it , because you commit Sinne together , euen in those houses that haue paynted posts standing at the Gates . What vngodly brats and kindred hath she brought thée ? for vpon Vsury hast thou begotten Extortion , ( a strong , but an vnmannerly child , ) Hardnes of heart , a very murderer , and Bad Conscience , who is so vnruly , that he séemes to be sent vnto thée , to be thy euerlasting paine . Then hath she Sonnes in law , and they are all Scriueners : those Scriueners haue base sonnes , and they are all common Brokers ; those Brokers likewise send a number into the world , & they are all Common Theeues . All of these may easily giue Armes : for they fetch their discent from hell , where are as many Gentlemen , as in any one place , in any kingdome . Thou doost lye with sundrie others , and committest strange whoredomes , which by vse and boldnesse growe so common , that they seeme to be no whoredomes at all , Yet thine owne abhominations would not appeare so vilely , but that thou makest thy buildings a Brothelry to others : for thou sufferest Religion to lye with Hipocrisie : Charity to lye with Ostentation : Friendship to lye with Hollow-heartednes : the Churle to lye with Simony : Iustice to lye with Bribery , and last of all , Conscience to lye with euerie one . So that now shee is full of diseases : But thou knowest the medicine for al these Feauers that shake thée : be therfore to thy selfe thine owne Phisitian , and by strong Pilles purge away this second infection that is breeding vpon thee , before it strike to the heart . Falshood and Lying thus haue had their day , and like Almanackes of the last yeare , are now gon out : let vs follow them a step or two farther to see how they ride , and then ( if we can ) leaue them , for I perceiue it growes late , because Candle-light ( who is next to enter vpō the stage ) is making himself ready to act his Comicall Scenes . The Chariot then that Lying is drawne in , is made al of whetstones ; Wantonnes and euil custome are his Horses : a Foole is the Coachman that driues them : a couple of swearing Fencers sometimes leade the Horses by the reynes , and sometimes flourish before them to make roome . Worshipfully is this Lord of Limbo attended , for Knights thīselues follow close at his heeles ; Mary they are not Post and Poyre-Knightes but one of the Post. Amongst whose traine is shuffled in a company of scambling ignorant Petti-foggars , leane Knaues and hungrie , for they liue vpon nothing but the scraps of the Law , and heere and there ( like a Prune in White-broth , is stucke a spruice but a meer● prating vnpractised Lawyer● Clarke all in blacke . At the tayle of all ( when this goodly Pageant is passed by ) ollow a crowde of euerie trade some , amongst whome least we be smothered , and bee taken to bee of the same list , let vs strike downe my way . Nam● 〈◊〉 Vulgus . ● . Candle-light . OR , The Nocturnall Tryumph . O Candle-light : and art thou one of the Cursed Crew ? hast thou bin set at the Table of Princes , & Noble men ? haue all su●es of peop●e ●oone reuerence vnto thee and stood b●re 〈…〉 ●ey haue seene thee ? haue Theeues , Traytors , and Murderers been affraide to come in thy presence , because they knewe thee iust , and that thou wouldest discouer them ? And act thou now a harborer of all kindes of Vices ? nay , doost thou play the capitall Vice thy selfe ? Hast thou had so many learned Lectures read before thee , & is the light of thy Vnderstanding now cleane put out , and haue so many profound schollers profited by thee ? hast thou doone such good to Vniuersities , beene such a guide to the Lame , and seene the dooing of so many good workes , yet doest thou now looke dimly , and with a dull eye vpon al Goodnes ? What comfort haue sickmen taken ( in weary and irkesome nights ) but onely in thee ? thou hast been their Phisition and Apothecary , and when the rellish of nothing could please them , the very shadow of thee hath beene to them a restoritiue Consolation . The Nurse hath stilled her way ward Infant , shewing it but to thee : What gladnes hast thou put into Mariners bosomes , when thou hast met them on the Sea ? What Ioy into the faint and benighted Trauailer when he has met thee on the land ? How many poore Handy-craftes men by Thee haue earned the best part of their liuing ? And art thou now become a Companion for Drunkards , for ●eachers , and for prodigalles ? Art thou turnd Reprobate ? thou wilt burne for it in hell , And so odious is this thy Apostacy , and hiding thy self frō the light of the truth , the at thy death & going out of the world , euen they y● loue thée best , wil tread thee vnder their feete : yea I that haue thus plaid the Herrald , & proclaimd thy good parts , wil now play the Cryer and cal thee into open count , to arraigne thee for thy misdemeanors . Let the world therefore vnderstand , that this Tallowfacde Gentleman ( cald Candle-light ) so soone as euer the Sunne was gon out of sight , and that darkenes like a thief out of a hedge crept vpon the earth , sweate till hee dropt agen , with bustling to come into the Cittie . For hauing no more but one onely eye ) and that ster●er●● with drinking & sitting vp late ) he was ashamed to be seene by day , knowing he should be laught to scorne , and hoo●ed at . He makes his entrance therefore at Aldersgate of set purpose , for though the streete be faire and spatious , yet few lightes in mistie euenings , vsing there to thrust out their goldē heads he thought that the aptest circle for him to be raised in , because ●here his Glittering would make greatest show . What expectation was there of his cōming ? setting aside the 〈◊〉 , there is not more triumphing on Midsommer night . No sooner was he aduaunced vp into the moste famous Streetes , but a number of shops for ioy beganne to shut in : Mercers ●olde vp their silkes and Ueluets : the Goldsmithes drew backe their Plate , & all the Citty lookt like a priuate Play-house , when the windowes are clapt downe , as 〈◊〉 some Nocturnal , or dismall Tragedy were presently to be acted before all the Trades-men . But Caualiero Candle-light came for no such solemnitie : No he had other Crackers in hand to which hee watcht but his houre to giue fire ▪ Sc●rce was his entrance blown abroad , but the Banckrupt , the Fello● , and all that owed any mony , and for feare of arrests , or Iustices warrants , had like so many Snayles kept their houses ouer their heads al the day before , began now to creep out of their shel● , & so stalke vp & down the streets as vprightly , & with as proud a gate as if they meant to knock against the starres with the crownes of their heads . The damask coated Cittizen , that sat in his sh●p both fo●●noone and afternoone , and lookt more sowerly on his poore neighbore , th●n if he had drunke a quart of Uineger at a draught , sneakes out of his owne doores , and slips into a Tauerne , where either alone , or with some other that battles their money together , they so plye themselues with penny pots , which ( like small-shot ) goe off , powring into their fat paunches , that at length th●y haue not an eye to see withall , nor a good legge to stand vpon . In which pickle if anye of them happen to be iustled downe by a post ( that in spite of them will take the wall ) and so reeles them into the kennell , who takes them vp or leades them home ? who has them to bed , and with a pillow smothes this stealing so of good liquor , but that brazen-face Candle-light ? Nay more , hee intices their verie Prentices to make their desperate sallyes out , & quicke retyres in ( contrarie to the Oath of their Indentures ) which are seauen yeares a swearing , onely for their Pintes , and away . Tush , this is nothing : yong shopkeepers that haue but newly ventured vpon the pikes of marriage , who are euery houre shewing their wares to their Customers , plying their businesse harder all day then Vulcan does his Anuile , and seeme better husbands than Fidlers that scrape for a poore liuing both day and night , yet euen these if they can but get Candle-light , to sit vp all night with them in any house of Reckning ( that 's to say in a Tauerne ) they fall roundly to play the London prize , and that 's at three seuerall weapons , Drinking , Dauncing , & Dicing , Their wiues lying all that time in their beds sighing like widowes , which is lamentable : the giddie-braind husbāds wasting the portions they had with them , which lost once , they are ( like Maiden-heades ) neuer recouerable . Or which is worse , this going a Bat-fowling a nights , beeing noted by some wise yong-man or other , that knowes how to handle such cases , the hush is beaten for them at home , whilest they catch the bird abraode , but what bird is it ? the Woodcocke . Neuer did any Cittie pocket vp such wrong at the hands of one , ouer whom she is so iealous , and so tender , that in Winter nights if he be but missing , and hide himselfe in the darke , I know not how many Beadles are sent vp and downe the streetes to crie him : yet you see , there is more cause she should send out to curse him For what Uillanies are not abroad so long as Candle-light is stirring ? The Seruing-man dare then walke with his wench : the Priuate Puncke ( otherwise called one that boords in London ) who like a Pigeon sits billing all day within doores , and feares to steppe ouer the thresholde , does then walke the round till midnight , after she hath beene swaggering amongst pottle pots and Uintners boyes . Nay , the sober Perpetuana suited Puritane , that dares not ( so much as by Moone-light ) come neere the Suburb-shadow of a house , where they set stewed Prunes befor you , raps as boldly at the hatch , when he knowes Candle-light is within , as if he were a new chosen Constable . When al doores are lockt vp , when no eyes are open , when birds sit silent in bushes , and beasts lie sleeping vnder hedges , when no creature can be smelt to be vp but they that may be smelt euery night a streets length ere you come at them , euen then doth this Ignis fatuus ( Candle-light ) walke like a Fire-drake into sundrie corners . If you will not beleeue this , shoote but your eye through the Iron grates into the Cellers of Uintners , there you shall see him hold his necke in a Iin , made of a clift hoope-sticke , to throttle him from telling tales , whilest they most abhominably iumble together all the papisticall drinkes that are brought from beyond-sea : the poore wines are rackt and made to confesse anie thing : the Spanish & the French meeting both in the bottome of the Cellar , conspire together in their cups , to lay the Englishman ( if he euercome into their company ) vnder the boord . To be short , such strange mad musick doe they play vpon their Sacke-buttes , that if Candle-light beeing ouer come with the steeme of newe sweete Wines , when they are at worke , shoulde not tell them t is time to goe to bedde , they would make all the Hogges-heads that vse to come to the house , to dannce the Cannaries till they reeld againe . When the Grape-mongers and hee are parted , hee walkes vp and downe the streetes squiring olde Midwiues to anie house , ( ●e●e s●cretly ) where any Bastards ●re to be brought into the worlde . From them , ( about the houre when Spirits wal●e , and Cats goe a gossipping ) hee visits the W●tch where creeping into the Beadles Cothouse ( which handes betweene his legges , that are lapt rounde about with peeces of Rugge , as if he had newe strucke of Sh●ckles ) and seeing the Watch-men to nodde at him , hee 〈◊〉 himselfe presently , ( knowing the token ) vnder the slapp● 〈…〉 and teaches them ( by instinct ) howe to st 〈…〉 into their heades , because hee sees all their Cloakes cannot one good nappe vppon them and vppon his warrant snort they so lowde , that to those Night walkers ( whose wittes are vp so late ) it serues as a Watch-worde so keepe out of the teach of their ●rowne 〈◊〉 : by which meanes they neuer come to aunswere the matter b●●ore maister Constable , and the Benc● vppon which his men ( t●at shoulde watch ) doe sitte : In that the Coun●e●s are cheated of Prisoners , to the great ●amm●ge o● these that shoulde haue their mornings draught out of the Garnish . O Candle-light , Candle-light ! to howe manie costly Sacke-posse●s ▪ and rea●s Banquets hast thou beene musted by Prentices and 〈◊〉 - maiden● ? When the Bell-man for anger to spie ( such a Purloyner of Cittizens goods ) so many , hath bounced 〈◊〉 the doore like a madde man , At which ( as if Robin Good-fellow had beene coniur'd vp amongst them the We●ches haue , falne into the handes of the Greene-sicknesse , and the yong fellowes into colde Agues , with verie feare least their maister ( like olde Ieronimo and Isabella his wife after him ) starting out of his naked bed should came downe ( with a Weapon in his hande ) and this in his mouth : What outcryes pull vs from our naked bedde ? Who calles ? &c. as the Players can tell you . O Candle-light , howe hast thou stuncke then , when they haue popt thee out of their compayne : howe hast thou taken it in snuffe , when thou hast beene smelt out especially the maister of the house exclayming , that by day that deede of darknesse had not beene . One Uennie more with thee , and then I haue done . How many lips haue beene worne out with kissing at she street doore , or in that entry ( in a winking blind euening ? ) how many odde matches and vneuen mariages haue been made there betwéene young Prentises and there maisters daughters , whilest thou ( O Candle-light ) hast stood watching at the staires h●ade , that none could come stealing downe by thee , but they must bee seene ? It appeares by these articles put in agaynst thee , that thou art partly a Bawd to diuerse loose sinnes , and partly a Coozener : for if any in the Cittie haue badde wares lying deade vppon their handes , thou art better than Aqua vitae to fetch life into them , and to sende them packing . Thou shalt therefore bee taken out of thy proude Chariot , and bee carted : yet first will wee see what workmanship , and what stoffe it is made of , to the intent that if it bee not daungerous for a Cittie to keepe anie Relique belonging to such a crooked Saint , It may bee hung vp as a monument to shewe with what dishonour thou wert driuen out of so noble a lodging , to deface whose buildings thou hast béene so enuious , that when thou hast beene left alone by any thing that woulde take fire , thou hast burnt to the ground many of her goodlyest houses . Candle lights Ceath is made all of Hor●e , shauen as thin as Changel●●yes ate . It is drawne ( with ease ) by two Rats : the Coachman is a Chaundler who so s●ears wi●h yea●king them , that he drops tallowe , and t●at f●eors them as prouend●r : yet a●e the lashes that hee giues the squeaking Vermine more deadly to them then al the Rats-bane in Buckle●sb●rie . Painefulnesse and Studdy are his two Lac●ey●s and run by him : Darknesse , Conspiracy , Opportunitie , Stratagems and Feare , are his attend●nts : hee 's sued vnto by Diggars in Mines , Grauers , Schollers , Mariners , Nurses , Drunkards , Vnthriftes and shrote Husbands : hee destroyes that which feedes him , & therefore Ingratitude comes behinde all this , driuing them before her . The next Diuel that is to be commaunded vp , is a very lazie one , and will be long in rising : let vs therefore vnbinde this , and fall to other Charmes . 4. Sloth : OR The fourth dayes Tryumph . MAn ( doubtlesse ) was not created to bee an idle fellow , for then he should bee Gods Vagabond : he was made for other purpose then to be euer eating as swine : euer sleeping as Dormise : euer dumb as fishes in the Sea , or euer prating to no purpose , as Birdes of the ayre : he was not set in this Vniuersall Orchard to stand still as a Tree and so to bee cut downe , but to be cut downe if he should stand still . And to haue him remember this , he carries certaine Watches with Larums about him , that are euer striking : for all the Enginous Wheeles of the Soule are continually going : though the body lye neuer so fast bownde in Slumbers , the imagination runnes too and fro , the phantasie flyes round about , the vitall Spirits walke vp and downe , yea the very pulses shew actiuitie , and their hammers are still beating , so that euen in his very dreames it is whispered in his eare that hee must bee dooing something . If hee had not these prompters at his elbowe , yet euerie member of his body ( if it could speake would chide him ) if they were put to no vse , cōsidering what noble workmanship is bestowed vpon them . For man no sooner gets vpon his legges , but they are made so that either hee may run or goe : when he is weary , they can giue him ●ase by stāding still , if he will not stand , the Knees le●ue like Hindges to bow vp and downe , and to let him kneele His armes haue artificiall cordes and stringes , which shorten or flye ●ut to their length at pleasure : They winde about the bodye like a siluer Girdle , and being held out before , are weapōs to defend it : at the end of the armes , are two beautiful Mathematicall Instruments , with fiue seuerall motions in each of them , and thirtie other mouing Engines , by which they stirre both . His head likewise standes vppon three Skrewes , the one is directly forward to teach him Prouidence , the other two are on eather side one , to arme him with Circumspection : How busie are both the eyes , to keepe d●nger from him euerie way . But admit hée had none of these Wonderfull Volumes to reade ouer , yet hee sees the clowdes alwaies working : the waters euer labouring : the earth continuallye bringing foorth : he sees the Sunne haue a hye co●our with taking paines for the day . The Moone pale and sickly , with sitting vp for the night : the Stars mustring their armyes together to guard the Moone . ●ll of them , and all that is in the world , seruing as Schoolemaisters , & the world it selfe as an Academ to bring vp man in knowledge , and to put him still into action . How then dares this nastie , and loathsome sin of Sloth venture into a Ci●ie amongst so many people ? who doth he hope wil giue him entertainmēt ? what lodging ( thinks he ) can be tame vp , where he & his ●eauy-headed cōpany may take their afternoones nay soundly ? for in euery stréet , carts and Coaches make such a thundring as if the world ranne vpon wheeles : at euerie corner , men , women , and children meete in such shoales , that postes are sette vp of purpose to strengthen the houses , least with iustling one another they should shoulder them downe . Besides , hammers are beating in one place , Tube hooping in another , Pots clincking in a third , water-tankards running at tilt in a fourth : heere are Porters sweating vnder burdens , there Marchants-men bearing bags of money , Chapmen ( as if they were at Leape-frog ) skippe out of one shop into another : Tradesmen ( as if they were daūcing Galliards ( are iusly ) at Legges and neuer stand still : all are as busie as countrie Atturneyes at an Assises : how then can Idlenes thinke to inhabit heere ? Yet the Worshipfull Sir , ( that leades a Gentlemans life , and dooth nothing ) though he comes but slowly on ( as if hee trodde a French March ) yet hee comes and with a great trayne at his tayle , as if the countrie had brought vp some Fellon to one of our Gayles , So is hee connaide by nine or tenne drowsie Malt-men , that lye nodding ouer their Sackes , and euen a moste sléepie and still Triumph begins his entrance at Bishopsgate . An armie of substantiall Housholders ( moste of them liuing by the hardnesse of the hand ) came in Battaile array , with spred Banners , bearing the Armes of their seuerall occupations to meete this Cowardly Generall and to beate him backe . But hee sommoning a parlee , hammered out such a strong Oration in praise of Ease ▪ that they all strucke vp their Drums , flung vp their Round-Cappes , ( and as if it had beene another William the Conqueror came marching in with him ) and lodged him in the quietest streete in the Cittie , for so his Lazinesse requested . Hee then presently gaue licenses to all the Uintners , to keepe open house , and to emptye their Hogsheades to all commers , who did so , dying their grates into a drunkards blush ( to make them knowne from the Grates of a prison ) least customers should re●le away from them , and hanging out new bushes , that if men at their going out , could not sée the signe , yet they might not loose themselues in the bush . He likewise gaue order that dicing-houses , and bowling alleyes should be erected , wherupon a number of poore handy crafts-men , that before wrought night and day , made stocks to thēselues of ten groates , & crowns a peece , and what by Betting , Lurches , Rubbers and such tricks , they neuer tooke care for a good daies worke afterwards . For as Letchery is patron of al your Suburb Colledges , and sets vp Vaulting-houses , and Daunsing-Schooles : and as Drunkennesse when it least can stand , does best hold vp Alehouses , So Sloth is a founder of the Almes-houses first mentioned , & is a good Benefactor to these last . The Players prayed for his comming , they lost nothing by it , the comming in of tenne Embassadors was neuer so sweete to them , as this our sinne was : their houses smoakt euerye after noone with Stinkards , who were so glewed together in crowdes with the Steames of strong breath , that when they came foorth , their faces lookt as if they had beene perboylde : And this Comicall Tearme-time they hoped for , at the least all the summer , because t is giuen out that Sloth himselfe will come , and sit in the two-pennie galleries amongst the Gentlemen , and see their Knaueries and their pastimes . But alas ! if these were the sorest diseases ( Thou noblest City of the now-noblest Nation ) that Idlenes does infect thee with : thou hast Phisick sufficient in thy selfe , to purge thy bodie of them . No , no , hee is not slothfull , that is onelye lazie , that onelye wastes his good houres , and his Siluer in Luxury , & licentious ease , or that onely ( like a standing water ) does nothing , but gather corruption : no , hee is the true Slothfull man that does no good . And how many would crie Guilty vnto thee , if this were there Inditement ? Thy Maiestrate● ( that when they see thee most in danger ) put vp the swordes that Iustice hath guided , to their loynes , & flie into the conntrie , leauing thee destitute of their Counsell , they would crie guilty , they are slothfull . Thy Phisitions , that feari●g to die by that which they liue , ( sicknes ) doe most vnkindely leaue thee when y●●rt ready to lye vpon thy death bed , They are slothful , They would crie Guilty . Thy great men , and such as haue been thy Rulers ▪ that being taken out of poore Cradles , & nursed vp by thee , haue fild their Cofers with golde , and their names with honour , yet afterwards growing weary of thee , ( like Mules hauing suckt their dammes ) most ingratefully haue they stolne from thee , spending those blessings which were thine , vpon those that no way deserue them , Are not These Slothfull ? They would crie guiltye . There is yet one more , whome I would not heare to Cry Guilty , because ( of al● others ) I would not haue them slothfull . O you that speake the language of Angels , and should indeed be Angels amōgst vs , you that haue offices aboue those of Kinges , that haue warrāt to cōmaund Princes , & controle them , if they doe amisse : you that are Stewards ouer the Kings house of heauen , and lye heere as Embassadors about the greatest State-matters in the world : what a dishonour were it to your places , if it should bee knowne that you are Sloathfull ? you are sworne labourers , to worke in a Uineyard , which if you dresse not carefully , if you cut it not artificially , if you vnderprop it not wisely whē you see it laden , if you gather not the fruites in it , when they bee ripe , but suffer them to drop downe , and bee eaten vp by Swine . O what a deere account are you to make him that must giue you your hire ? you are the Beames of the Sun that must ripen the Grapes of the Uine , & if you shine not cleerely , he will eclipse you for euer : your tongues are the instruments y● must cut off rancke & idle Sprigs , to make the bearing-braunches to spred , and vnlesse you keep them sharpe and be euer pruning with them , he will cast you by , and you shall be eaten vp with rust . The Church is a garden and you must weede it : it is a Fountaine , & you must keepe it cleere : it is her Husbands Iewell , and you must pollish it : it is his best belooued , and you must keepe her chast . Many Merchants hath this Cittie to her Sonnes , of al which you are the most noble , you trafficke onely for mens Soules , sending them to the Land of Promise , and to the heauenly Ierusalem , and receiuing from thence ( in Exchange ) the ritchest Commoditie in the world , your owne saluation . O therefore bee not you Slothfull : for if being chosen Pilots , you Sleepe , and so sticke vpon Reckes , you hazard your owne shipwracke more then theirs that venture with you . What a number of Colours are here grounded , to paint out Sloth in his vglines , and to make him loathed , whilst he ( yawning , and his Chin knocking nods into his brest ) regardes not the whips of the moste crabbish Satyristes . Let vs therfore looke vpon his Horse-litter that hee rides in , and so leaue him . A couple of vnshodde Asses carry it betweene them , it is all fluttishly euergrowne with Mosse on the out-side , and on the inside quilted through out with downe pillowes : Sleepe and Plenty leade the Fore-Asse ; a pursie double chind Laena , riding by on a Sump●er-horse with prouāder at his mouth , & she is the Litter-Driuer : shee keepes two Pages , & those are an Irish Beggar on the one side , & One that sayes he has been a Soldier on the other side . His attendants are Sicknes , Want , Ignorāce , Infamy , Bōdage , Palenes , Blockishnes and Carelesnes . The Retayners that wear his cloth are Anglers , Dumb Ministers Players , Exchange-Wenches , Gamsters , Panders , Whores and Fidlers . Apishnesse : OR The fift dayes Triumph . SLoth was not so slow in his march , when hee entred the Citie , but Apishnesse ( that was to take his turne next ) was as quick . Do you not know him ? It cannot be read in any Chronicle , that he was euer with Henrie the eight at Bulloigne or at the winning of Turwin & Turnay : for ( not to belle the sweete Gentleman , ) he was neither in the shell then , no nor then when Paules-steeple and the Weathercocke were on fire ; by which markes ( without looking in his mouth ) you may safely sweare , that hee s but yong , for hee s a feirse , dapper fellow , more light headed then a Musitian : as phantastically attyred as a Court Ieaster : wanton in discourse : lasciuious in behauiour : iocond in good companie : nice in his trencher , and yet he feedes verie hungerly on scraps of songs : be drinkes in a Glasse well , but vilely in a deepe French-bowle : yet much about the year● when Monsieur came in , was hee begotten , betweene a French Tayler , and an English Court-Seamster . This Signior Ioculento ( as the diuell would haue it ) comes prawncing in at Cripplegate , and he may well doe it , for indeede all the parts hee playes are but cou'd speeches stolne from others , whose voices and actions hee counterfestes : but so lamely , that all the Cripples in tenne Spittle-houses , sh●we not more halting . The Grauer Browes were bent against him , and by the awfull Charmes of Reuerend Authoritie , would haue sent him downe from whence he came , for they knew howe smooth soeuer his lookes were , there was a diuell in his bosome : But hee hauing the stronger faction on his side , set them in a Mutenie , Saeu●que animis ignobile vulgus , the manie headed Monster fought as it had beene against Saint George , won the gate , and then with showtes was the Gaueston of the Time , brought in . But who brought him in ? None but ●ichmens sonnes that were left wel● , and had more money giuen by will , then they had wit how to bestow it : none but Prentises almost out of their yéers , and all the Tailors , Haberdashers , and Embroderers that could be got for loue or money , for these were prest secretly to the seruice , by the yong and wanton dames of the Citie , because they would not be seene to shewe their loue to him themselues . Man is Gods Ape , and an Ape is Zani to a man , doing ouer those trickes ( especially if they be knauish ) which hee sees done before him : so that Apishnesse is nothing but counterfetting or imitation : and this flower when it first came into the Citie , had a prettie scent , and a delightfull colour , hath bene let to run so high , that it is now feeded , and where it fals there rises vp a stinking weede . For as man is Gods Ape , striuing to make artificiall flowers , birdes , &c. like to the naturall : So for the same reason are women , Mens Shee Apes , for they will not bee behind them the bredth of a Taylors yard ( which is nothing to speake of ) in anie new-fangled vpstart fashion . If men get vp French standing collers , women will haue the French standing coller too ●● Dublets with little thick skirts , ( so sh●rt that none are able to sit vpon them . ) womens foreparts are thicke skirted too : by sur●etting vpon which kinde of phantasticall Apishnesse in a short time , they fall into the disease of pride : Pride is infectious , and breedes prodigalitie : Prodigalitie after it has runne a little , closes vp and ●ester● , and then turnes to Beggerie . Wittie was that Painter therefore , that when hee had limned one of euery Nation in th●●r proper attyres , and beeing at his wittes endes howe to drawe an Englishman : At the last ( to giue him a quipp● for his follie in apparell ) drewe him starke naked , with Sheeres in his hand , and cloth on his arme , because mans could cut out his fashions but himselfe . For an English-mans suite is ●ke a traitors bodie that hath beene hanged , drawne , and quart , red , and is set vp in se●erall places : his Co●peece is in Denmarke , the collor of his Duble a●d the belly in France : the wing and narrow sleeue in ●taly : the short tras●● hangs ouer a Dutch Botchers stall in Vtrich : his huge stoppes speakes Spanish : Polonia giues him the Bootes : the blocke for his heade alters faster then the Feltmaker can fit●e him , and thereupon we are called in scorne Blockheades . And thus we that mocke euerie . Nation , for keeping one fashion , yet steale patches from euerie one of them , to peece out our pride , are now laughing-stocks to them , because their cut so scuruily becomes vs : This sinne of Apishnesse ▪ whether it bee in apparell ▪ or in diet , is not of such long life as his fellowes , and for seeing none but women and fooles keepe him companie , the one wil be ashamed of him when they begin to haue wrinckles , the other when they feele their purses light . The Magistrate , the wealthy commoner ▪ and the auncient Cittizen , disdaine to come neare him : wee were best therefore , take note of such things as are aboute him , least on a suddaine hee slip out of sight . Apishnesse ri●es in a Chariot made of nothing but cages , in which are all the strangest out-landish Birds that can be gotten : the Cages are slucke full of Parats feathers : the Coach-man is an Italian Mownti-banck who driues a ●awne and a Lambe , for they drawe this Gew-g●w in Winter , when such beasts are r●rest to be had : In Sommer , it goes alone by the motion of wheeles : two Pages in light coloured suites , embrodered full of Butterflies , with wings ●●at slutter vp with the winde , run by him , the one being a dauncing boy the other a T●●●bler : His attend●nts are Folly ▪ Laughter , Inconstancie , Riot , Nicenesse , and Vainglorie : when his Court remoues hee is folowed by Tobacconists , Shittlecock-makers , Feather-makers , Cob-web-lawne-weauers , Perfumers , young Countrie Gentlemen , and Fooles . In whose Ship whilest they all are sayling , let vs obserue what other abuses the Verdimotes Inquest doe present on the lande , albeit they bee neuer reformed , till a second Chaos is to bee refined . In the meane time , In nouafert Animus . Shauing : OR The sixt dayes Triumph . HOw ? Shauing ! Me thinkes Barbers should crie to their Customers winck hard and come running out of their shoppes into the open streetes , throwing all their Suddes out of their learned Latin Basons into my face for presuming to name the Mysterie of Shauing in so vil●anous a companie as these seuen are . Is that Trade ( say they ) that for so many yeares hath beene held vp by so many heades , and has out-hearded the stowtest in England to their faces , Is that Trade , that because it is euermore Trimming the Citie , hath beene for many yéers past made vp into a Societie , and ●a●e their Guild , and their Priuiledges with as much freedome as the best , must that nowe bee counted a sinne ( 〈◊〉 and one of the Deadly sinnes ) of the Cittie ? No , no● be not angry with me , ( O you that bandie away none but sweete washing Balles , and cast none other then Rose-waters for any mans pleasure ) for there is Shauing within the walles of this Great Metropolis , which you neuer ●reamed of : A shauing that takes not only away the rebellious h●ltes , but brings the flesh with it too : and if that cannot suffice , the very bones must follow . If therfore you , and Fiue companies greater then yours , should chuse a Colonel to lead you against this mightie Tamburlaine , you are too weake to make him Retire , and if you should come to a battell , you would loose the day . For behold what Troopes forsake the Standard of the Citie , and flie to him : neither are they base & commōn souldiers , but euen those that haue borne armes a long time . Be silent therfore , and be patient : and since there is no remedie but that ▪ ( this combatant that is so cunning at the sharp ) wil come in , mark in what triumphant and proud manner , he is marshalled through Newgate : At which Bulwarke ( & none other ) did he ( in policy ) desire to shew himself . First , because he knew if the Citie should play with him as they did with Wiat , Newgate held a nūber , that though they were false to all the world , would be true to him . Couragiouously therfore does he enter : All of them that had once serued vnder his colors ( and were now to suffer for the Truth , which they had abused ) leaping vp to the Iron lattaces , to beholde their General , & making such a ratling with shaking their chaines for ●oy , as if Cerberus had bin come frō hell to liue and die amongst them . Shauing is now lodged in the heart of the Citie , but by whom ? and at whose charges ? Mary at a common purse , to which many are tributaries , & therfore no maruell if he be feasted royally . The first that paid their mony towards it , are cruel and couetous Land-lords , who for the building vp of a Chimny , which stands them not aboue 30. s. and for whiting the wals of a tenement , which is searce worth the daubing raise the rent presently ( as if it were new put into the Subsidy book , assessing it at 3. li. a yéer more then euer it went for before : fi●thy wide-mouthd bandogs they are , that for a quarters rent will pull out their ministers throte , if he were their tenāt : And ( though it turn to the vtter vndoing of a man ) being rubd with quicksiluer , which they loue because they haue mangyconsciences , they will let to a drunken Flemming a house ouer his own coūtry-mans head , thinking hee s safe enough from the thunderbolts of their wiues & children , and from curses , and the very vengeance of heauen , if he get by the bargaine but so many Angels as will couer the crowne of his head . The next that laide downe his share , was no Sharer among the Players , but a shauer of yong Gentlemen , before euer a haire dare peepe out of their chinnes : and these are Vsurers : who for a little money , and a greate deale of trash : ( as Fire-shouels , browne-paper , motley cloake-bags , &c. bring yong Nouices into a ●ooles Paradice till they haue sealed the Morgage of their landes , and then like Pedlers , goe they ( or some Familiar spirit for them ra●zde by the Vsurer ) vp and downe to cry Commodities ) which scarce yeeld the third part of the sum for which they take them vp . There are like wise other Barbers , who are so well customed , that they shaue a whole Citie sometymes in three dayes , and they doe it ( as Bankes his horse did his tricks ) onely by the eye , and the eare : For if they either see no Magistrate comming towardes them ▪ ( as being called back by the Common-weale for more serious imployments ) or doe but heare that hee lyes sicke , vpon whom the health of a Cittie is put in haza●d : they presently ( like Prentises vpon Shroue-tuesday ) take the lawe into their owne handes , and doe what they list . And this Legion consists of Market-folkes , Bakers , Brewers , all that weigh their Consciences in Scales . And lastly , of the two degrees of Colliers , viz. those of Char-coles , and those of Newcastle . Then haue you the Shauing of Fatherlesse children , and of widowes , and that 's done by Executors , The Shauing of poore Clients especially by the Atturneyes Clearkes of your Courts , and that 's done by writing their Billes of costs vpon Cheuerell . The Shauing of prisoners by extortion , first , taken by their kéepers , for a prison is builded on such ranke and fertil ground , that if poore wretches sow it with hand-fulles of small debts when they come in if thery lie thee but a while to see the comming vp of them : the charges of the house will bee treble the demaund of the Creditor . Then haue you Brokers that shaue poor men by most iewish interest : marry the diuils trimme them so soone as they haue washed ▪ others . I wil not tell how Uintners shaue their Guestes with a little peece of Paper not aboue three fingers broade ; for their roomes are like Barbars Chaires : Men come into them willingly to bee Shauen . Onely ( which is worst ) bee it knowne ●o thee ( O thou Queene of Cities ) thy Inhabitants Shaue their Consciences so close , that in the ende they growe baloe , and bring foorth no goodnesse . Wee haue beene quicke ( you see ) in Trimming this Cutter of Queene Hith , because t is his propertie to handle others so , let vs bee as nymble in praysing his Houshold-stuffe : The best part of which is his Chariot , richly adorned , It is drawen by foure beasts : the 2. formost are a Wolfe ( which will eate till he be readie to burst ) and hee is Coach-fellow to a she-Bea●e , who is cruell euen to women great with childe : behinde them are a couple of Blood-houndes : the Coach-man is an Informer . Two Pettifoggers that haue beene turned ouer the barre , a●e his Lackies : his Houshold seruants are Wit ( who is his Steward ) Audacitie : Shifting : Inexorabilitie : and Disq●ietnesse of mind : The Meanie are ( besides some person , before named ) skeldring soldiers , and begging schel●ces . Crueltie : OR The seuenth and last dayes Triumph . WHat a weeke of sinfull Reueling hath heere bin with these six p●oud Lords of Miscu●e ? to which of your Hundred parishes ( O you Citizens ) haue not some one of these ( if not all ) remoued their Courts , and feasted you with them ? your Percuilises are not strong inough to keepe them out by day your Watchmen are too sleepy to spie their ●●ealing in by night . There is yet another to enter , as great in power as his fellowes , as subtill , as full of mischiefe : If I shoulde name him to you , you would laugh mee to scorne , because you cannot bee perswaded that such a one should euer bee suffered to liue within the freedome : yet if I name him not to you , you may in time , by him ( as by the rest ) bee vndone . It is Crueltie , O strange ! mee thinkes London should start vp out of her sollid foundation , and in anger bee ready to fall vppon him , and grinde him to dust that durst say , shee is possest with such a deuill . Cruelty ! the verie sound of it shewes that it is no English word : it is a Fury sent out of hel , not to inhabit within such beautifull walles , but amongst Turkes and Tarta●s . The other sixe Monsters transforme themselues into Amiable shapes , and set golden , inticing Charmes to winne men to their Circaean loue , they haue Angelical faces to allure , and bewitching tongues to inchaunt : But Cruelty is a hag , horred in forme , terrible in voice , formidable in threates , A tyrant in his very lockes , and a murderer in all his actions . How then comm●th it to passe that heere he seekes entertainment ? For what Cittie in the world , does more drie vp the teares of the Widdowe , and giues more warmth to the fatherlesse then this ancient and reuerend Grandam of Citties ? Where hath the Orphan ( that is to receiue great portions ) lesse cause to mourne the losse o● Parents ? He findes foure and twentie graue Senators to bee his Fathers instead of one : the Cittie it selfe to bee his Mother : her Officers to bee his Seruants , who see that hee want nothing : her lawes to suffer none to doe him wrong : and though he be neuer so simple in wit , or ●o ●ender in yeares , shee lookes as warily to that welth which is left him , as to the Apple of her owne eye . Where haue the Leaper and the Lunatick Surgery , and Phisicke so good cheape as heere ? their payment is onely than●es : large Hospitalls are erected ( of purpose to make them lodgings ) and the rent is most easie , onely their prayers : yet for all this that Charitie hath her Armes full of children , & that ●ender brested Compassion is still in one street or other dooing good workes : off from the Hindges are one of the 7. Gates readie to bee lifted , to make roome for this Giant : the Whiflers of your inferior and Chiefe companies cleere the wayes before him , men of all trades with shoutes & acclamations followed in thrōges behinde him , yea euen the siluer-bearded , & seuearest lookt cittizēs haue giuen him welcomes in their Parlors . There are in Lond & within the buildings , that roūd about touch her sides , & stand within her reach , Thirteene strong houses of sorrow , where the prisoner hath his heart wasting away sometimes a whole prentiship of yeres in cares . They are most of them built of Fréestone , but none are frée within thē : cold are their imbracemēts : vnwholsom is their chear●● dispaireful their lodgings , vncōfortable their s●ocieties , miserable their inhabitants : O what a deale of wretchednes can make shift to lye in a little roome ! ●f those 13 houses were built al together , how rich wold Griefe be , hauing such large inclosures ? Doth cruelty challēge a fréemans roome in the City because of these places : no , the politicke body of the Republike wold be infected , if such houses as these were not maintained , to keep vp those that are vnsound . Claimes he then an inheritance here , because you haue whipping postes in your streete● for the Uagabond ? the Stocks and the cage for the vnruely beggar ? or because you haue Carts for the Bawde and the Harlot , and Beadles for the Lecher ? neither . Or is it because so many mōthly Sessions are held ? so many men , women and Children cald to a reconing at the Bar of death for their liues ? and so many lamentable hempen Tragedies acted at Tiburne ? nor for this : Iustice should haue wrong , to haue it so reported . No ( you Inhabitants of this little world of people ) Crueltie is a large Tree & you all stand vnder it : you are cruel in compelling your children ( for wealth ) to goe into loathed beds , for therby you make them bond-slaues : what ploughman is so foolish to yoake young hecfars & old bullocks together ? yet such is your husbandry . In fitting your Coaches with horses , you are very curious to haue them ( so neere as you cā , both of a colour , both of a height , of an age , of proportion , and will you bee carelesse in coupling your Children ? he into whose bosome threescore winters haue thrust their frozen fingars , if hee be rich ( though his breath bee rancker then a Muck-hill , his bodye more drye than Mummi , and his minde more lame than Ignorance if selfe ) shall haue offered vnto him ( but it is offered as a sacrifice ) the tender bossome of a Uirgin , vpon whose fore-head was neuer written sixteene yeares : if she refuse this liuing death ( for lesse than a death it cannot be vnto her ) She is threatned to bee left an out-cast , cursd for disobedience , raild at daily , and reuylde howerlye : to saue herselfe from which basenes , She desprately runnes into a bondage , and goes to Church to be married , as if she went to be buried . But what glorye atcheiue you in these conquests ? you doe wrong to Time , inforcing May to embrace December : you dishonour Age , in bringing it into scorne for insufficiency , into a loathing for dotage , into all mens laughter for iealousie . You make your Daughters looke wrinckled with sorrowes , before they be olde , & your sonnes by riot , to be beggars in midst of their youth . Hence comes it , the murders are often contriued , & as often acted : our countrie is woful in fresh examples Hence ●omes it , that the Courtiers giues you an open scoffe , the clown a secret mock , the Cittizen that dwels at your threshald , a ieery frūp : Hence it is , that if you goe by water in the calmest day , you are driuen by some fatall storme into the vnlucky & dangerous hauen betwéene Greenewich & London . You haue another cruelty in keeping men in prison so long , til sicknes & death deal mildely with them , and ( in despite of al tyranny ) baile them out of all executions . When you see a poore wretch that to keep life in a loathed body hath not a house left to couer his head from the tempestes , nor a bed ( but the common bedde which our Mother the earth allowes him ) for his cares to sleepe vppon , when you haue ( by keeping or locking him vp , robd him of all meanes to get , what seeke you to haue him loose but his life ? The miserable prisoner is ready to famish , yet that cānot mooue you , the more miserable wife is readye to runne mad with dispaire , yet that cannot melt you● the moste of all miserable , his Children lye crying at your dores , yet nothin● can awakenin you compassion : if his debts be heauie , the greater and more glorious is your pitt● to worke his freedome , if they be light , the sharper is the Vengeance that will be heaped vpon your heades for your hardnes of hea●t . Wee are moste like to God that made vs , when 〈…〉 one to another , and doe moste looke like th● Di●ell that would destroy vs , when wee are one another st●rme 〈◊〉 If any haue so much flint growing about his bosome , that he will needes make D●ce of mens bones . I would the●e were a lawe to compell him to make drinking bowles of their Sculs too : and that euerie miserable debter that so dyes , might be buried at his Creditors doore , that when hée strides ouer him he might thinke he still rises vp ( like the Ghost in Ieronimo ) crying Reuenge . Crueltie hath yet another part to play , it is acted ( like the old Morralls at Maningtree ) by Trades-men , marrye seuerall companies in the Cittie haue it in study , and they are neuer perfect in it , till the end of seauen yeares at least , at which time , they come off with it roundly . And this it is : When your seruants haue made themselues bondmen to inioy your fruitefull hand-maides , that 's to lay , to haue an honest and thriuing Art to liue by : when they haue fared hardly with you by Indenture , & like your Beasts which carry you haue patiently borne al labours , and all wrongs you could lay vpon them . When you haue gathered the blossomes of their youth , and reaped the fruites of their strength , And that you can no longer ( for shame ) hold them in Captiuitie , but that by the lawes of your Country and of conscience you must vndoe their fetters , Then , euen then doe you hang moste weightes at their heeles , to make them sincke downe for euer : when you are bound to send them into the world to liue , you send them into the world to beg : they seru'd you seuen yéeres to pick vp a poore liuing , and therein you are iust , for you will be sure it shall be a poore liuing indéede they shall pick vp : for what do the rich cubs ? like foxes they lay their heats together in conspiracy , burying their leaden consciences vnder the earth , to the intent that all waters that are wholesome in taste , and haue the swéetnes of gaine in going downe , may he drawne through them only , being the great pipes of their Company , because they sée t is the custome of the Citty , to haue all waters that come thither , conueyed by such large vessels , and they will not breake the customes of the Citty . When they haue the fullnesse of welth to the brim , that it runs ouer , they scarce will suffer their poore Seruant to take that which runs at waste , nor to gather vp the wind-fals , when all the great trées , as if they grew in the garden of the Hesperides , are laden with golden apples : no , they would not haue them gleane the scattered eares of corne , though they themselues cary away the full sheafes : as if Trades that were ordaind to be Communities , had lost their first priuiledges , and were now turnd to Monopolyes . But remember ( ô you Rich men ) that your Seruants are your adopted Children , they are naturalized into your bloud , and if you hurt theirs , you are guilty of letting out your owne , than which , what Cruelty can be greater ? What Gallenist or Paracelsian in the world , by all his water-casting , and minerall extractions , would iudge , that this fairest-fa●●●e daughter of Brute , ( and good daughter to King Lud , who gaue her her name ) should haue so much corruption in her body ? vnlesse ( that béeing now two thousand and seuen hundred yéeres old ) extreme age should fill her full of diseases ! Who durst not haue sworne for her , that of all loathsome sinnes that euer bred within her , she had neuer toucht the sinne of cruelty ? It had wont to be a Spanish Sicknes , and hang long ( incurably ) vpon the body of their Inquisition ; or else a French disease , running all ouer that Kingdome in a Massacre ; but that it had infected the English , especially the people of this now once-againe New-reard-Troy , it was beyond beliefe . But is she cléerely purg'd of it by those pills that haue before bin giuen her ? Is she now sound ? Are there no dregs of this thick and pestilenciall poyson , eating still through her bowels ? Yes : the vgliest Serpent hath not vncurld himselfe . She hath sharper and more black inuenomed stings within her , than yet haue bin shot forth . There is a Cruelty within thée ( faire Troynouant ) worse and more barbarous then all the rest , because it is halfe against thy owne selfe , and halfe against thy Dead Sonnes and Daughters . Against thy dead children wert thou cruell in that dreadfull , horrid , and Tragicall yeere , when 30000. of them ( struck with plagues from heauen ) dropt downe in winding-shéets at thy feet . Thou didst then take away all Ceremonies due vnto them , and haledst them rudely to their last beds ( like drunkards ) without the dead mans musick ( his Bell. ) Alack , this was nothing : but thou tumbledst them into their euerlasting lodgings ( ten in one heape , and twenty in another ) as if all the roomes vpō earth had ●in full . The gallant and the begger lay together ; the scholler and the carter in one bed : the husband saw his wife , and his deadly enemy whom he hated , within a paire of sheetes . Sad & vnséemely are such Funeralls : So felons that are cu● downe from the trée of shame and dishonor , are couered in the earth : So souldiers , after a mercilesse battaile , receiue vnhansome buriall . But suppose the Pestiferous Deluge should againe drowne this little world of thine , and that thou must be compeld to breake open those caues of horror and gastlinesse , so hide more of thy dead houshold in them , what rotten st●nches , and contagious damps would strike vp into thy nosthrils ? thou couldst not lift vp thy head into the aire , for that ( with her condensed sinnes ) would stifle thée ; thou couldst not dine into the waters , for that they being teinted by the ayre , would poison thée . Art thou now not cruell against thy selfe , in not prouiding ( before the land-waters of Affliction come downe againe vpon thée ) more and more conuenient Cabins to lay those in , that are to goe into such farre countries , who neuer looke to come back againe ? If thou shouldst deny it , the Graues when they open , will be witnesses against thée . Nay , thou hast yet Another Cruelty gnawing in thy bosome ; for what hope is there that thou shouldst haue pitty ouer others , when thou art vnmercifull to thy selfe ! Looke ouer thy walls into thy Orchards and Gardens , and thou shalt sée thy seruants and apprentises sent out cunningly by their Masters at noone day vpon deadly errands , when they perceiue that the Armed Man hath struck them , yea euen whē they sée they haue tokens deliuered them from heauen to hasten thither , then send they them forth to walke vpon their graues , and to gather the flowers thēselues that shall stick their own Herse . And this thy Inhabitants do , because they are loth & ashamd to haue a writing ouer their dores , to tell that God hath bin there , they had rather all their enemies in the world should put them to trouble , then that he should visit them . Looke againe ouer thy walls into thy Fields , and thou shalt heare poore and forsaken wretches lye groaning in ditches , and traualling to seeke out Death vpon thy common hye wayes . Hauing found him , he there throwes downe their infected carcases , towards which , all that passe by , looke , but ( till common shame , and common necessity compell● none st●p in to giue them buriall . Thou setst vp pos●s to whip them when they are aliue : Set vp an Hospitall to comfort them being sick , or purchase ground for them to dwell in when they be well , and that is , when they be dead . Is it not now hye time to so●nd a Retreate , after so terrible a battaile fought betwéene the seuen Electors of the Low Internall Countryes , and one little City ? What armyes come marching along with them ? What bloudy ●●●lors do they spread ? What ●rtillery do they mount to batter the walls ? How valiant are their seuen Generalls ? How expert ? How full of fortune to conquer ? Yet nothing sooner ouerthrowes them , than to bid them battaile fi●st , and to giue them defiance . Who can deny● now , but that Sinne ( like the seuen-headed Nylus ) hath ouerflowed thy banks and thy buildings ( o thou glory of Great Brittaine ) and made thée fertile ( for many yéeres together ) in all kindes of Vices ? Volga , that hath fifty streames falling one into another , neuer ranne with ●o swift and vnreststable a current as these Black-waters do , to bring vpon thee an Inundation . If thou ( as thou hast done ) knéelest to worship this Beast with Seuen Crowned Heads , and the Whore that sits vpon it , the fall of thée ( that hast out-stood so many Citties ) will be greater then that of Babylon . She is now gotten within thy walls ; she rides vp and downe thy stréetes , making thee drunke out of her cup , and marking thée in the forhead with pestilence for her owne . She causes Violls of wrath to be powred vpon thee , and goes in triump● away , when she sées thée falling . If thou wilt be safe therefore and recouer health rise vp in Armes against her , and driue her ( and the Monster that beares her ) out at thy Gates . Thou seest how prowdly and impetuously sixe of these Centaures ( that are halfe man , halfe beast , and halfe diuell ) come thundring alongst thy Habitations , and what rabbles they bring at their heeles ; take now but note of the last , and marke how the seuenth rides : for if thou findest but the least worthy quality in any one of them to make thee loue him , I will write a Retractation of what is inucyd against them before , and pollish such an Apology in their defence , that thou shal● be enamored of them all . The body and face of this Tyrannous Commander , that leades thus the Reareward , are already drawne : his Chariot is tramed all of ragged Flint so artificially bestowed , that as it runnes , they strike one another , and beate out fire that is able to consume Citties : the wheeles are many , and swift : the Spokes of the wheeles , are the Shin-bones of wretches that haue bin eaten by misery out of prison . A couple of vnruly , fierce , and vntamed Tygers ( cal● Murder and Rashnes ) drew the Char●ot : Ignorance holds the reynes of the one , and Obduration of the other : Selfe-will is the Coach-man . In the vpper end of the Coach , sits Cruelty alone , vpon a bench made of dead mens sculls . All the way that he rides , he sucks the hearts of widdowes and father-lesse children . He kéepes neither foote-men nor Pages , for none will stay long with him . He hath onely one attendant that euer followes him , called Repentance , but the Beast that drawes him , runnes away with his good Lord and Master so fast before , that Repentance being lame ( and therefore slow ) t is alwayes very late ere he comes to him . It is to be feared , that Cruelty is of great authority where he is knowne , for few or none dare stand against him : Law only now and then beards him , and stayes him , in contempt of those that so terribly gallop before him : but out of the Lawes hands , if he can but snatch a sheathed sword ( as oftentimes hée does ) presently hée whip● it out , smiting and wounding with it euery one that giues him the least crosse word . He comes into the Citty , commonly at All-gate , beeing drawne that way by the smell of bloud about the Barres , ( for by his good will he drinks no other liquour : ) but when hee findes it to be the bloud of Beasts ( amongst the Butchers ) and not of men , he flyes like lightning along the Causey in a madnes , threatning to ouer-runne all whom he méetes : but spying the Brokers of Hownsditch shuffling themselues so long together ( like a false paire of Cards ) till the Knaues be vppermost , onely to doe homage to him , he stops , kissing all their chéekes , calling them all his déerest Sonnes ; and bestowing a damnable deale of his blessing vpon them , they cry , Roome for Cruelty , and are the onely men that bring him into the Citty : To follow whom vp and downe so farre as they meane to goe with him , — Dii me terrent , & Iupiter hostis . FINIS . Tho. Dekker . Warres . THe purple whip of vengeance , ( the Plague hauing beaten many thousands of mē , women , & children to death , and still marking the people of this Cittie , ( euery weeke ) by hundreds for the graue , is the onely cause , that al her Inhabitance walke vp & downe like mourners at some great soleme funeral , the Citie her selfe being the Chiefe mourners . The poyson of this Lingering infection , strikes so déepe into all mens harts , that their cheekes ( like cowardly Souldiers ) haue lost their colours ? their eyes , ( as if they were in debt , and durst not looke abroad , ) doe scarce péepe out of their heads ; and their tongues ( like phisitions ill payd ) giue but cold comfort . By the power of their Pestilent Charmes , all mercy méetings are cut off . All frolick assemblyes dissolued , and in their circles are raised vp , the Blacke , Sullen and Dogged spirits of Sadnesse , of Melancholy , and so ( consequently ) of Mischiefe . Mirth is departed , and lyes dead & buryed in mens bosomes , Laughter dares not looke a man in the face ; Iests are ( like Musicke to the Deafe , not regarded : Pleasure it selfe finds now no pleasure , but in Seghing , and Bewailing the Miseries of the Time. For ( alack ) what string is there ( now ) to bée played vpon whose tench can make vs merry ? Play-houses , stand ( like Tauernes , that haue cast out their Maisters ) the dores locked vp , the Flagges ( like their Bushes ) taken down , or rather like Houses lately infected , from whence the affrited dwellers are fled , in hope to liue better in the Country . The Players themselues did neuer worke till now , there Comodies are all turned to Tragedies , there Tragedies to Nocturnals , and the best of them all are weary of playing in those Nocturnall Tragedies . Thinke you to delight your selues by kéeping company with our Poets ? Proh Dolor ! their Muses are more Sullen then old Monkeys , now that mony is not stirring , they neuer Plead chéerfully , but in their Tearme times , when the Two-peny Clients , and Peny Stinkards swarme together to héere the Stagerites : Playing vocations are Diseases now as common and as hurtful to them , as the Fowle Euill to a Northen Man , or the Pox to a French man. O Pittifull Poetry , what a lamentable prentiship hast thou serued , and ( which is the greatest spite ) canst not yet be made Free ! no , no , there is no good doings in these dayes but amongst Lawyers , amongst Vintners , in Bawdy houses and at Pimlico . There is all the Musick , ( that is of any reckning ) there all the méetings , there all the mirth , and there all the mony . To walke euery day into the fields is wearisome ; to drink vp the day and night in a Tauerne , loathsome : to bée euer ryding vpon that Beast with two Heades , Letchery ) most damnable , and yet to be euer idle , is as detestable . What merry Gale shall wée then wish for ? vnles it bée to Ferry ouer the Hellespont , and to crosse from Sestus to Abidus , that is to say , from London to the Beare Garden ? The company of the Beares hold together still ; they play their Tragi-Comaedies as liuely as euer they did : The pide Bul héere kéepes a tossing and a roaring , when the Red Bull dares not stir . Into this I le of Dogs did I therefore transport my selfe , after I had made tryall of all other pastimes . No sooner was I entred but the very noyse of the place put me in mind of Hel : the beare ( dragd to the stake ) shewed like a black rugged soule , that was Damned , and newly committed to the infernall Charle , the Dogges like so many Diuels , inflicting torments vpon it . But when I called to mind , that al their tugging together was but to make sport to the beholders , I held a better and not so damnable an opinion of their beastly doings : for the Beares , or the Buls fighting with the dogs , was a liuely represētation ( me thought ) of poore men going to lawe with the rich and mightie . The dogs ( in whom I figured the poore creatures ) and fitly may I doe so , because when they stand at the dore of Diues , they haue nothing ( if they haue thē but bare bones throwne vnto them , might now & then pinch the great ones , & perhaps vex them a little by drawing a few drops of blood from them : but in the end , they commonly were crushed , & either were carried away with ribs broken , or their skins torne & hanging about their eares , or else ( how great so euer their hearts were at the first encounter ) they ( stood at the last ) whining and barking at their strong Aduersaries , when they durst . not , or could not bite them . At length a blinde Beare was tyed to the stake , and in stead of baiting him with dogges , a company of creatures that had the shapes of men , & faces of christians ( being either Colliers , Carters , or watermen ) tooke the office of Beadles vpon them , and whipt monsieur Hunkes , till the blood ran downe his old shoulders : It was some sport to sée Innocence triumph ouer Tyranny , by beholding those vnnecessary tormentors go away with scratchd hands , or torne legs from a poore Beast , arm'd onely by nature to defend himselfe against Violence : yet me thought this whipping of the blinde Beare , moued as much pittie in my breast towards him , as y● leading of poore starued wretches to the whipping posts in London ( when they had more néede to be reléeued with foode ) ought to moue the hearts of Cittizens , though it be the fashion now to laugh at the punishment . The last Chorus that came in , was an old Ape drest vp in a coate of changeable cullers ( on horsebacke ) and he rode his circuit with a couple of curres muzled , that like two footemen ran on each side of his old Apes face , euer and anon leaping vp towards him and making a villanous noise with their chappes , as if they had had some great suites to his Apishnes , and that he by the haste he made had no leisure to heare such base and bashfull Petitioners . The hunny that I sucked out of this weede , was this : That by séeing these , I called to minde the infortunate cōdition of Soldiers ▪ and old seruitors , who when the stormes of troubles are blowne ouer , being curbd of meanes ▪ and so burying that courage and worth that is in their bosoms , are compeld ( by the vilenesse of the tune ) to follow y● heeles of Asles with gay trappings , not daring so much as once to open their lips in reprehension of those apish beastly and ridiculous vices , vpon whose monstrous backes they are carried vp and downe the world , and they are flattered onely for their greatnes , whilst those of merit liue in a slauish subiection vnder them . No pleasure thus , nor any place being able to giue perfect contentment to the minde : I left swimming in those common sensuall streames , wherein the world hath béene so often in danger of béeing drowned , and waded onely in those cleare brookes , whose waters had their currents from the springs of learning . I spent my howres in reading of Histories , and for the laying out of a little time , receiued larger interest then the greatest vsurers doe for their money . By looking on those perspectiue glasses . I beheld kingdomes and people a farre off , came acquainted with their manners , their pollicies , their gouernement , their risings , and their downefalles : was present at their battailes , and ( without danger to my selfe ) vnlesse it were in gréeuing to sée States so ouerthrowne by the mutabilitie of Fortune , I saw those Empires vtterly brought to subuersion , which had béene terrours and triumphers ouer all the nations vppon earth . The backe of Time which was next to mine eie , ( because he was gone from me ) was written full of Tragicall wonders : but the hinder part of his reuerend head was bare and made bald by mens abusing it , O Histories ! you soueraigne balmes to the bodyes of the dead , that preserue them more fresh then if they were aliue , kéepe the fames of Princes from perishing , when marble monuments cannot not saue their bones from being rotten , you faithfull entelligensers , betwéene Kingdomes and Kingdomes , your truest councellors to Kings , euen in their greatest dangers ! Hast thou an ambition to be equall to Princes ! read such bookes as are the Chronicles of Ages , gone before thée : there maiest thou finde lines drawre ( if vertue be thy guide ) to make thee paralell with the greatest Monarch : wouldest thou be aboue him ▪ there is the scale of him ascending Huntst thou after glory ? marke in those pathes how others haue run , and follow thou in the same course . Art thou sicke in minde ? ( and so to be diseased , is to be sicke euen to the death ) there shalt thou finde physicke to cure thée . Art thou sad ? where is swéeter musicke then in reading ? Art thou poore ? open those closets , and inualuable treasures are powred into thy hands . Whilest I dwelt vpon the contemplation of this happinesse , the dreames of Infants were not more harmelesse then my thoughts were , nor the slumbers of a conscience that hath no sting to kéepe it waking more delicate then the musicke which I found in reading ; but the swéetest flower hath his withering , and euery pleasure his ending . This full Sea had a quicke fall , and the day that was warme and bright in the morning , had frosts and gloomy darknesse to spoile the beauty of it ere it grew to be noone : for on a suddaine all the aire was filled with noise , as if heauen had bin angry , and chid the earth for her Villanies , people rush headlong together , like torrents running into the sea , full of fury in shew , but loosing the effect of doing violence ▪ because they know not how to do it , their rage and madnesse burning in them like fire in wet straw , it made a great stinking smoake , but had no flame . Wildnesse and afrightment were ill fauouredly drawne in euery face , as if they had all come from acting some fresh murder , and that at euery step they were pursued , Arme was cryed , and swords were drawne , but either they had no hearts to strike , or no hands , for ( like so many S. Georges on horse-backe ) they threatned , but gaue not a blow , euery one fearing to smite first , least the rest should make that an occasion to kill him for beginning the quarrell . But at the last drummes were heard to thunder , and trumpets to sound alarums , murmure ran vp & downe euery streete , and confusion did beate at the gates of euery City , men met together , and ran in heards like Deere frighted , or rather like Beares chased , or else séeking for prey . But what wild beasts ( thinke you ) were these that thus kept such a roaring ? it was a people sauage and desperate , a nation patchd vp ( like a beggers cloake of the worst péeces ) that could be gathered out of all nations and put into one . They were more scattered then the Iewes , and more hated ; more beggerly then the Irish , and more vnciuill ; more hardy then the Switzers , and more brutish : giuen to drinke , more then the Dutch , to pride more then the French , to irreligion more then the Italian . They were like the Dunkirkes , a mingle mangle of countries , a confusion of languages , yet all vnderstanding one another . Such as the people were , such was the Princesse whom they followed , she had all their conditions , & they all hers , séeming to be made for no other purpose then to gouerne them , because none else could be bad inough to be their gouernour . They obeyed her not for loue , nor feare , but made her onely great amongst them , because it was their will to haue it so , she ( amongst a number of vices , that reigned in her ) hauing onely this vertue of a Prince , not to see her people take wrong . Into armes therfore as well for her owne chastity ▪ as defence of her subiects doth she determine to put her selfe presently . A faithful & serious inquisition made I to vnderstād the cause of this suddaine and vniversall vprore , and by true intelligence ( from persons of either side ) found that the quarrell was old , the enmity mortall , the enemies puissant and fierce , many leagues had béene made , and all were broken , no conditious of peace would now be looked vpon , open warre must be the the sword to stricke open wrong . The fires ( kindled by Guizian Leagues ) set not France in hotter combustions then these are likely to proue , if the flames in time be not wisely quenched . The showers of bloud which once rained downe vpon the heads of the two kingly families in England , neuer drowned more people , not that braue Romane tragedy acted in our time , at the battel of Neuport , not the siege of Bommell , where heads flew from sholders faster then bullets from the Cannon . No , nor all those late acts of warre and death , commenced by Hispaniolized Netherlanders , able to make vp a Chronicle to hold all the world reading : did euer giue rumour cause to speak so much as the battailes of these two mighty enemies ( so mortally falling out ) will force her to proclaime abroade , vnlesse they grow to a reconcilement , to which , by the coniecture of all strangers , that haue trauailed into both their dominions , and know the hot and ambitious spirits of the quarrellers , they cannot easily be drawne : for no one paire of scales being able to hold two Kings at one time : and this law being ingrauen on the very inside of euery Kings crowne ( because it is the wedding ring of his Empire to which hée is the Bride-groome ) that , Nulla fides socijs Regni ▪ omnisque potestas , Impatiens Consortis erit . At the sterne of a kingdome , two Pilots must not sit , nor principality endure a partner , and againe , that Non capit Regnum duos , A Kingdome is heauen , and loues not two suns shining in it . How is it possible , or how agréeable to the politick grounds of state , that two such potentates should be vnited in firme friendship , sithence their quarrel is deriued from an equall claime of soueraignety . Ouer Citties is there ambition to bée Superiours , yet not together but alone . and not onely ouer London ( the great Metropolis of England ) but also ouer Paris in the kingdom of Fraunce ; ouer Ciuil , and Madril in Spaine ; ouer Rome in Italy : Francfurt and Colin in high Germany : Antwerp in Brabant , Elsinor in Denmarke , Prage in Bohemia ; Craconia in Poland : Belgrad in Hungary , and so ouer all the other Capitall Citties , that bewtifies the greatest Kingdomes of Europe . For Signority in these doe they contend . Haue you not a longing desire , to know the names of the generals that are to commaund these expected armies ; and from what countries they come ? what forces march with them ? and what warlike Stratagems they stand vpon ? I haue a little before roughly drawne the picture of one of them ; the Princesse her selfe being barbarous , néedy , of great power by reason of her people , but far vnable to kéepe them in pay , or in order , they themselues ( how valiant soeuer they bée ) being likewise all together , vntrained and indisciplinable , yet full of courage , and desire to set vpon the Enemy . Whose Army though it consist not of such multitudes , ( number being oftentimes the confusions of battailes ) yet is the Empresse , vnder whose collours they fight , full of riches ( which are the sinews of Warre ) of great commaund , feared and loued , yea adored as a Diety , of a Maiesticall presence of incomparable bewty . Such a one , that euen the very sight of her is a Charme strong enough to make mē venture their liues in the quarrell of her right . Kings are to her beholden , for she often sends them suplies , and therefore pay they homage vnto her . Her Captaines are pollitik & fight rather vpon aduantages , then vpon equality , her soldiers braue & resolute , hardly drawne to venture into dangres , but when they are in , a thousand Stratagems vse they to saue themselues : what they get they kéepe , which is one of the noblest points belonging to a souldier , for it is more hard to vse a victory wel after it is gotten , then it is to get it . The name of this latter Princesse , is the renowned Empres Argurion ( Mony ) The name of the former , is that warlike Virago famd ouer all the earth , for her hardines , called Pouerty . Now to the intent that the whole world ( as an indifferent Iudge may arbitrate the wrongs done by betwéene these two states , & by that meanes find out which of them both come into the field with vniust armes : you shal vnderstand the Pouerty being sundry waies déeply indebted to the kingdome of Money , as hauing beene from time to time relieued by her ▪ and not being well able to maintaine herselfe in her owne dominions , but that Money hath sent her in prouision , it had béene neither policy , neither could it stand with her honour , that Pouerty should first breake the league , neither indéede hath she , but hath euer had a de●ire to be in amity rather with the excellent Princesse , then with any other Monarch whatsoeuer . But the golden mines of the west & east Indies , ( ouer which the other Empresse is sole Soueraigne , swelling vp her bosome with pride , couetousnesse , and ambition , as they doe her coffers with treasure , made her to disdaine the miserable poore Quéene , & in that height of scorne , to hate the holding of any confederacy with her , that she on the soddaine , ( most treacherously and most tyrannously ) laboured by all possible courses , not onely to driue the subiects of Pouerty from hauing commerce in any of her rich & so populous Cities , but also wrought ( by the cruelty of her own ministers , and those about her ) to roote the name , not onely of that infortunate and deiected Princesse , from the earth , but euen to banish all her people to wander into desarts , & to perish , she cared not how or where . Hereupon strict proclamation went thundring , vp and downe her dominions , charging her wealthy subiects , not to negotiate any longer with these beggers , that flocke dayly to her kingdome , strong guards were planted at euery gate , to barre their entrance into Cities , whipping-postes and other terrible engines , were aduaunced in euery street to send thē home bléeding new , if they were takē wandring ( like shéep broken out of leane pastures into fat ) out of their owne liberties , Constables were chosen of purpose that had Marble in their hearts , thornes in their tonges , and flint-stones like pearles ) in their eies , and none cou●d be admitted into the office of a Beadle , vnles he brought a certificate from Paris Garden , that he had béene a Beare-ward , and could play the Bandog brauely in baiting poore Christians at a stake , better then curres ( there ) baite the Bull , or then Butchers Mastiues , when they worry one another . These peales of small shot , thus terribly going off , the poore Hungarians ( with their pennilesse Princesse ) did not onely not shew a fowle paire of héeles , to flye to saue themselues ( as it was to be feared they would haue done , like cowardly peasants ) but rather they grew desperate , and sticking closly , ( like Prentises vpon Shrouetwuesday one to another , they vowed ( come death ) , come diuels ) to stand against whole bands of browne rusty bille-men , though for their labours they were sure to be knockt downe like Oxen for the slaughter ; but a number of ●ack-strawes being amongst them , and opening whole Cades of councell in a cause so dangerous , they were all turned to dry powder , took fire of resolution , and so went off with this thundring noise , that they would dy like men , though they were but poore knaues , and counted the stinkards and scum of the world : and yet as rash as they were they would not run headlong vpon the mouth of the Canon ▪ No , but like snailes pulling in the hornes of their fury , they hid their heades for a time , either ( like spies to watch for aduantages , or to try if this rotten whéele of Fortune would turne , and that the broken world could mend , but all the waters of chastity and goodnesse being poisoned , of which they both thirsted , & hoped to drinke : and all the wayes to come to the presence of Money , at whose féete they would haue fallen , and complained of their wrongs , being likewise cut off , & none of their thréed-bare company , vpon paine of death , daring to stand within ten miles of her Court gates , for feare they should either lift them off the hinges and steale them quite away , ( being all of beaten gold ) or else cunningly in the night time , should file off handfuls ( like pin-dust , thereby to enrich themselues , she being their vowed enemie . It was therefore by a generall voice concluded , that they would all put themselues into armes , and for that purpose went in swarmes to the Court of Pouerty , ( their good Lady and mistresse ) and neuer gaue ouer balling in their eares , till shee had sworne by her crowne , though she had scarce two shillings in her purse , that open warre should presently be proclaimed against that arrogant haughty , ambitious Tyrant Money . Hereupon pouerty summoned her councel for war , together they came , and being set , shée at large laide open what wrongs and dishonors her enemy had done to her & her subiects , withal declaring how willing her poore people were to venture their liues in her quarrell , and that their very fingers itched to be doing with the rich chuffes , and Usurers , and others that were seruants , or rather slaues to Money , adding moreouer , that a number of her enemies subiects too wel known by the name of Banck-rupts ( being a great and auncient family in her greatest City ) haue of late gotten other mens goods into their hands , spending them basely and villanously in prisons , colouring this their politicke theft , by giuing out , that they are subiects to Pouerty , albeit they were neuer suffered to harbour in her dominions . To cleare herselfe of these , and such like imputations and dishonorable scandals , as also to let Money know , that she hath more right to those townes & Cities to which she pretendeth sole claime then Money hath her selfe , and that like a Prince , though her coffers be not so full , nor he● forces so able , she purposeth to defend her owne title , & not to loose one foote of that which was left to herby her Ancestors , all of them comming out of old & ancient houses , it is therefore her resolution , to send defiance to her insolent enemy , and to that end ( for their aide and Aduice , hath she thos called them before her . Her councellors applauded the courage of their Princesse , and ( being first brought on their knées ) g●ue her reasons to goe forward in so iust a warre . All of them for the most part being glad , that the Golden age should now come amongst them , and proudly reioycing that they should bid battaile to so rich an enemy as Money and her 〈◊〉 to haue about with whom , they haue for a long time had both a desire , and waited for aduantage to picke a quarrell . Those that were at this time of Pouerties counsel , were then well beaten to the world ▪ all of them great 〈◊〉 , such as had seene many countries : As hardy as they were wise , i● shall not be amisse in this place , to draw the liuelie pictures of them , because if any of their owne countrimen happen to behold them their report may cō●irme the trueth of all that is h●re related . Their names are these : Councellors to Pouerty . Discontent . Hunger . Sloth . Industry . Despaire . Carelesnesse . Repining . Beggery . Miserie . DIscontent had a graue coun●enance , somewhat inclining to melancholie , temperate of spéech , and sparing in diet , not caring either for pleasures , or gréedy of honours : but ( as a man that is wearie of the world for the impieties in it ) wishing rather to die then to liue . One thing was noted in him more then in any other Courtier , that in all his life time , hee had neuer béene a teuellor , nor euer courted Lady , he séem'd indifferent whether the warres went forward or not : yet inwardly more gréeued at the wrongs of his Prince , then at any iniuries that could be done to himselfe . Despaire and Carelesnesse were brothers , & in great fauour with Pouety ( their Princess● ) she neuer was well but when one of them was in her company , yet the wiser sort thought that they did much mischéefe to the State. Despaire was not bel●ued by reason of his crueltie : for if hee got any man into his hands , hee hung him vp presentlie . Hunger was one of the best commanders for warre , that was in all the Land : a man of almost an inuincible stomack , hée had euerthrowne many armies , & sped most fortunately at the besieging of a Towne or Cittie , where continually he vseth to behaue himselfe so valiantly that no stone w●ll ( of what height or strength whatsoeuer ) is able to hold him out : yet is hee not accounted so ●ound a common wealths man as some of the rest , for that it is imagined , hee loues the enemy better then his owne country , & if occasion were offered , would rather fly to Money then serue Pouerty ( his Soueraigne . ) A great transporter of corne he hath beene from time to time : for which cause the people hate him in their hearts , and d ee now and then openly cry out against him with such clamor● , that he hath béene glad to stop their mouthes . The onely good that he doth , and indéede the only cause for which the kingdome loues him , is that when hee leads men on in any hot piece of seruice , they get such stomacks by séeing ho●● brauely he laies about him , that they neuer come off stil they be satisfied , 〈◊〉 béeing as good to them as meate and ●rinke . Sloth , by reason that he is troubled with the gout , bu●ies himselfe little with State matters , he hath lyen bed-●id for many yéeres , and gréeues that any stir should be made in the common wealth he was neuer either ●ilter or trauellor , his body being weake and subiect to diseases , which made him vnapt for both . Repining w●s the onely man , that whetted on both his Prince and her subiects to go forward in these warres : for he could by no means abide either Money or her followers , it fretted him more to sée any of them prosper , then if himselfe had fallen into the lowest misfortune . He dealt altogether in Monopolies : for which the people gaue him many bitter curses , and those ( I thinke ) kéepe his body so leane . Industry , was a goodly personage , a faithfull friend to his Prince , and a father to his country , a great Lawyer , & a déepe scholler , stout in warre , and prouident in peace . Pouerty ( whom he serued ) did often say , that two such councellors ( as Industry ) were able vpon their shoulders onely to support any State in the world . In deare yeeres , when the Land had beene ready to sterue , hath he reléeued it , and turned dearth into plenty : his head is euer full of cares , not for himselfe so much as for the people , whom hee loues and tenders as déerely as if they were his kindred : yet stand they not so well affected to him , because he compelles them to take paines , when t is their naturall inclination ( like Drones ) to liue basely , and to féede upon the bread that the sweat of other mens browes doe earne . A good States man he is , and a louer of peace , séeking rather to draw Money to be stil in league with Pouerty , then to haue them thus at defiance one against another . Beggery , and Miserie , are so well knowne to vs , I shall not néede to draw their faces . These councellors , after many arguments , weighed out to prooue the necessity either of warre or peace ▪ at the last concluded vpon the former . The drumme was therefore struck vp , to ●ry what voluntaries would offer themselues : but few uoluntaries ( or none at all ) came in . Then went forth a uery streight command , to presse not onely all masterlesse men , but all others of what condition or profession soeuer , that liued vnder the subiection of Pouerty . The Captaines Lieftenants , Corporals , Serieants , and the companies that were casheard and cast , vpon concluding of the late league in the low Countries , hearing of these new wa●res , threw vp their old weather-beaten hattes with torne fethers in them , fetcht capers aboue ground , danced , swere , drunke tobacko , and Dutch béere , and after they had fallen on their knées cursing for halfe an howre together , all truces , leagues , confederacies , & combinations of peace , they bitterly cryed out vpon the proud and tyranous gouernement of Money : some of them damning themselues to the pit of hell , if euer they could but finger her , they would see an vtter confusion and end of her : because for her sake , and vpon her golden promises they had ventured their liues , spent their blood , lost legs and armes , had béene pinched with cold parched with heate ▪ fed vpon cabbage , vpon rootes , & vpon Christmas day ( in stead of minched pyes ) had no better chéere then prouant ( mouldy Holland chéfe , and course browne bread ) not a rag to their backes , yes , rags more thē they cared for : but not thrée sti●ers among fiue of them . They therefore uowed to serue Pouerty , to liue and dye with her , and with all their forces to set vpon Money , who had made them slaues to the world , not rewarding thē to their merit : and thereupon striking vp their drum , and spreading their tottered cullors which hung full of honour , because it was full of holes , and was indéede no bigger , nay scarce so big , as the flagge of a Play-house , away they came ( troopewise ) with bag and baggage marching , and were receiued ( as old soldiers should be ) at the hands of Pouerty , she sweating by her birth , and the fame of her Ancestors ( who were well knowne farre and néere ) that she would neuer forsake their company , but sticke to them euen to the death . The businesse thus successefully thriuing at the first , gaue encouragement to all to haue it set forward , so that precepts were forthwith directed to the Hals of euery Company , who albeit they had furnished the Queene of siluer and gold ( Mony ) with certaine voluntary hands of sound approued souldiers : Yet ( because they themselues , that were old growne okes , cared not how many paltry low bushes that nestled vnder their shadowes were cut downe ) they prest ten times more of euery trade , to fight vnder the banner of Pouerty , than those were that went to serue her enemy . Yet was it a long time ere the Handicrafts men could be mustred together : for Carelessenes ( one of the former councellours ) whose ambition consisted in popular greatnesse , and had stolne the hearts of the common people , gaue them a pr●uy inck●●ng of the presse before it ca●●●orth , and wished them to shut for themselues , by being dispersed , ●or a time abroad , whose counsel they following , threw by their tooles , neglected their trades fled from their shops , and spent both their gettings and their goods in common bowling-allies , dicing houses and alehouses . But proclamation being made , That vpon paine of death they should all ( by such an howre ) be ready to come into the field , and fight for Pouerty ( their soueraigne Lady and mistres . ) It is incredible to be spoken , what infinite multitudes of all occupations , ( some yong , some old , were in a short time assembled together . Schollers hearing of this , fled from the Uniuersities , and made such hast to be in pay with Pouerty ( whom they had knowne a long time ) that some of them had scarce put shoes to their seete : The Queene bestowed very good words vppon them , because Schollers had alwayes béene fauored by her progenitors , and ( vpon her bare command ) they tooke such place vnder her in the Army , as was sutable to their professions . Young Gentlemen , that neither durst walke vp and downe the Citty , for feare of Rauens and Rites , that houered to catch them in their tallons , and could get no entertainement in the court of Money , because they were yonger brothers , and condemned by the verduict of Silkemen and Mercers to be most Desperate fellowes : yet were they all wellcome to Pouerty . These yonger Brothers were appointed to stand Insans perdus ( or the Forlorne hope ) because though they had little to loose but their liues : yet they should wi●ne honour , nay perhaps knighthood , which in these dayes are better then lands : is fat widdewes can be but drawne to nibble at that worshipfull ba●te . And for that purpose did a goodly troupe of knights put them selues ( as knights errant ) into Armes , in defence of the innocent wronged Lady , ( Pouerty ) which Cheualiers , though they durst not ( as some ill-tongd people gaue out ) shew their heads in the Cittie : yet were they appointed Masters of the field , and had the charge of the most resolute troopes that were to scale the Cittie ( If the enemie should cowardly happen to fly thether ) and to ransacke all the Mercers and Gold-smiths shops , not so much to set frée the silkes , veluets , plate and iewels imprisond most cruelly in them , as to vndoe the old Cittizens , & then to marry their yong wiues , and so to raise them vp to honour in their most knightly posteritie . A regiment of old seruingmen were sworne the guard to Pouerties person , of whom there was great hope , that they would both stand stifly to her in any danger , and if the maine battailes did euer ioyne , would be the onely Canonéeres to breake their ranckes , because they had such excellent skill in charging and discharging of the great Bombard . There came in some seuen thousand Banckrouts , offering their seruice to the distressed and wronged Princesse , who gaue them thankes for their loue : yet was she fearefull to trust them , because a number in her owne army exclaimed vpon them , as the ranckest villaines in a common wealth , and that they had vndone them , their wiues and children : But the dangers wherein they now all stoode , requiring rather hands to punish the wrongs done by an enemie , then to rip vp old wounds of their owne . Those seuen thousand had the ordering of all fire-workes , Mines , and countermines , as béeing the onely rare fellowes for damnable and spéedy blowing vp of men in any assault . The vanguard béeing filled vp thus with their troopes before named , a stoute company of honest Housholders , ( whose seruants like Acteons dogs , had with whoring , dicing ▪ and drinking eaten vp their Masters ) came brauely vp in the Reare : their wings consisted of schoolemasters , husbandmen , fencers , Knights of the Poste , and such like , who had all vowed by the crosse of their swords , and by the honour of a souldier to die at Pouerties féete . It was in the middle of a Terme , when the fire of these ciuill broiles first began to kindle : but Law hauing with many hard words on both sides taken vp a number of brabling matters , and for her healths sake beeing rid into the country , whereby a great crew of her followers , that were not able with bag and baggage to march after her in that progresse ) were ready to giue vp their cloakes , ( the summer was so hot for them ) and because all their practise was but to set people together by the eares , a number of them therfore vpon their bare knées , begd that they might serue Pouertie in her warres , whereupon certaine broken-héeld , gowtie-legd , durty-hamd pettifoggers , with some lack-latine prowling pennurious country Attorneys , were promoted to be Clarkes of Bands , Pandors , Pimpes , and Apple-squires came thicke and thréefold , and had the leading of the Pioners , because they had déepest skill in digging of Trenches . The victualers to the Camp , were a company of double-chind polt-footed , stincking-breathd Bauds , who with pewter bottles of Aqua vitae at their girdles , rings with deaths heads on their fore fingers , and old stitchd hats , out of fashion on their heads , came along with the bag & baggage , and were ready if any poore soldier fainted , to put life into him againe by a sip from their bottles , and to lift vp his spirits . The whole Army being thus leuyed , Pouerty was found to be one hundred thousand strong in the field , whom martialling in the best order of warre , they marched forward with full resolution , either to take Money and her subiects prisoners , or else neuer to come out of the field , so long as they & Pouertie ( their mistresse and powrefull commander ) could be able to hold life and soule together . The Preparation , strength , and stratagems of the second Armie . NO treason was euer so secretly contriued , so cunningly carried , nor so resolutely attempted : but either in the very growing vp it hath beene discouered , or the head of it cut off , where it was at point to come to the full ripenesse . The workes of Princes are great , and require many hands to finish them , and a number of engines cannot be set , going so closely , that no eare shall heare them : Ioue may talke in his big voice of thunder as soone and not be vnderstoode , as a kingdome may call vp her owne subiects with the yron tongue of warre , and not awaken those people that are her neighbours . The eies of a true State do neuer sléepe , Princes are quickest of hearing , the blowes that forraine enemies giue , are broken for the most part : because the weapon is alwaies séene and put by , otherwise they would cut déepe , and draw blood , where ( by such preuention ) they scarce giue bruises . This mercilesse tyrant therefore ( Pouerty ) could not kindle such fires of vprores , and ciuill mischiefes , but that the flames ( like burning beacons ) armed her enemies with safetie , euen as they put them into feare . Her ragged troopes were more apt to betray themselues and their procéedings , then polliticke to betray the foe into any danger . With swift wings therefore did the newes of this inuasion fly abroad into all countries , and at last alighted before that glorious and most adored Empresse ( Money ) whom néerest it concerned , because all the arrowes of their enuie and intended malice were shot at her bosome . The drom of warre beate in her eare , not in the dead of night , when her glories and beauties were darkened and eclipsed , but when she was seated in the throne of all her pleasures ( which a whole world was rifled and trauailed ouer to maintaine in height and fulnesse ) when her pallate surfeited on the variety of dishes and delicacy of féeding , when her body shone brighter then the sunne it selfe , who ( in his lusty heate begot her ) strucke an amazement into those that beh●ld her , by the splendor of those maiesticall roabes which she wore : when musicke went into her eare in ten thousand seuerall shapes , when her walkes were perfumed , her sports varied euery hower , when her chéekes were dimpled with laughters at her iesters her Parasites , her Pandors , and all the rest of those seruile soothing Apes , that in pide colours waite vpon and shew trickes to sate the appetite of that Lord of flesh and bloud , the blacke Prince of the world , her husband . Then , euen then , in the full sea of all these iollities , pompes , and whorish ceremonies , the onely bewitchers of mankinde , came sayling in , the newes of a suddaine insurrection , and an vnexpected inuasion , by that common , fatall , and barbarous spoiler of so many kingdoms , infamous amongst al nations by that beggerly name of Pouerty . These newes ( vpon the first arriuall ) did no more moue the great Indian Empresse ( Money ) then the bleating of a shéepe terrifies the king of forrests ( the Lyon. ) Money was rich , strong in friends , held league with Princes , had whole countries at her becke , nations were her slaues , no people but did loue her . On the contrary side , Pouerty ( her enemy ) had small reuenues , fewer friends , a world of followers , but none of any reckoning , except a few Philosophers , Alchemists , &c. She held many townes , and was obeyed in most kingdomes , but how ? as théeues are obeyed by true men , for feare , and because they cannot otherwise choose , her owne strength therefore being so good , and her enemies fuller of spite then of power , she onely laughed at the thunder of her threates , and resolued that her pleasure should spread larger sailes . But her councell being prouident , carefull , and iealous of their owne estates , wisely considering the dangers that a weake enemy ( being desperate , and hauing little to loose ) may put the best fortefied kingdome to , & the most valiant nation did in the end , with one consent fall on their knées , most humbly intreating thier Soueraigne Mistresse to giue ouer her reuellings , maskes , and other Court-pleasures for a time , and that aswell for the safety of her owne royall person ( to take héede of them : for many plots were now , and had oftentimes bin laid ) as also for themselues , whose liues and liberties wholly depended on her , either to leuy present forces , which should méete this beggerly Monarch in the field , and so vtterly to driue her out of the kingdome , or else to giue the rich men of her Empire leaue to make strict and seuere lawes to take away the liues of that wretched & scattered people that follow Pouerty in these commotions , wheresoeuer or whensoeuer they take them medling in any of her wealthy dominions . These words brake forth with such lighning , that Money stampd for very anger , that so base an enemy should put her subiects into feare . Their vigilance awaked her , and like a good Prince that would loose her life rather then her subiects should perish , she began ( with the Eagle ) to shake her royall wings , and to be rouz'd out of her late golden slumbers , & securities , that lay vpon her like enchantments . To their requests she yéelded , and thereupon to fortifie her kingdome against all the shot of Villany & Vengeance , shee summoned those of her councell together , whom shee know to be most faithfull and most seruiceable in a busines of this nature , state & importance . Her councellors names were these . Councellors to Money . Couetousnesse . Parsimony . Deceipt . Prouidence . Monopoly . Violence . Vsury . Couetousnesse was an old wretched leane fac'd fellow , that seldome sléep'd : for his eyes ( though they were great , and suncke at least two inches into his head ) neuer stood still , but rolled vp and downe , expressing a very enuious longing gréedinesse to enioy euery thing that they looked vpon . He neuer pared his nailes , and being often asked the reason why , he alwaies answered , that he saued them for his heire , for béeing cut off , after hée himselfe was dead , they might be put to sundry good thrifty purposes , as to make hornes ( being thinly scraped ) for a Scriueners lanthorne to write by a nights , or to nocke arrowes , &c. Hée kept not so much as a Barber , but shaued his owne head and beard himselfe , and when it came to wey a pound , hée sold it to a Frenchman to stuffe tennis balles . Money ( his Soueraigne ) cared not so much for him , as he did for her , she could make him do any vile office how base soeuer ; but because he was saucy , and would often checke her for taking her pleasures , séeking to restraine her of her liberties , she hated him , and was neuer more merry then when one brought her newes once that Couetousnesse lay a dying . Yet was he well beloued af the best Citizens , and neuer rode through the city but he was staid , and feasted by many Aldermen , and wealthy Commoners , few Courtiers loued him heartily , but onely made vse of him , because he was great , and could do much with Money ( their empresse . ) Prouidence was but of meane birth , the ladder by which he climbd to such high fortunes , as to be a councellor to Money , being made by himselfe , much giuen to study , yet no great scholler , as desiring rather to be frée of the City , then to serue a long thréed-bare Prentiship in the Uniuersities . He is rarely séene in Minerals , and distillations , and will draw Aurum potabile , or fetch quick-siluer out of horse-dung , he will grow rich , and be in time the head warden of a company , though he were left by his friends but thrée shillings thrée pence stocke to set vp , such another he was as Whittington , a very cat shall raise him if he be set vpon● , He is the best that writes Almanackes in these times , and where the rest write whole Calenders of lies for bar● forty shillings a yéere , ( seruingmens wages ) he foreséeing what will happen , buies vp all the commodities of one or two Countries at one bargaine , when he knowes they will bee déere , and so makes vp his owne mouth , and for it , gets much fauour at the hands of Couetousnesse his elder brother . Parsimonie is kinsman to those two that go before , he is not vp yet : for he vseth to lie a bed till afternoone , onely to saue dinners , when he rises ( which will be presently ) the motion shall be shewen and interpreted to you . Monopoly is a very good man where he takes , that is to say , 9. maner of waies . Deceipt lookes a little a squint , yet is of déeper reach then any of the rest : for he doth oftentimes fetch ouer Couetousnesse himselfe . He is great in Lawyers bookes , and tradesmen not onely loue him , but their yongest wiues , thinke themselues highly happy , if at a running at Tilt , at a maske or a play at Court , or so ( as he oftē doth ) he will but voutchsafe to place them ( and the sports done ) he commonly sends them home lighted . He hath more followers then the 12. Péeres of France , he studies Machiauell , and hath a french face . Violence hath borne many great offices , and Money hath done much for him . He purchaseth lands daily : but looseth : mens hearts , some of the richer sort follow him & loue him : yet he cannot go thorough the stréetes , but the common people curse him , hee reades Law as men reade Hebrew ( backward ) and neuer makes one Lawe , but he breaks two . Of all men , he cannot abide a Iustice of Peace , yet oftentimes is hee séene at the Sessions : many of his Ancestors haue béene Traytors , and by that meanes were still cut off before they were old men , the Nobilitie hate him , he is a méere martiall man. Vsurie was the first that euer taught Money to commit incest with Gold and Siluer , her néerest kinsmen Brokers are now their Baudes , and kéepe the dores till the letchery of ten in the hundred be sated : he hath made many a man , but how ? to be damned , he is a great housekéeper , for thousands in the Cittie liue vpon him ▪ and would hang themselues but for his sauing them . There is no more conscience in him then in Tauerne faggots , yet yong gentlemen pray for him daily that he may be fetched quick to hell . He is an insatiable féeder : for a Scriuener and he will eate vp foure men at a breakefast , and picke them to the bare bones . He loues not a Preacher , because hee frights him out of his wits : for he neuer heares any of them talke to him but he thinkes himselfe damned . He hath no skill in Arithmeticke , but onely in the rule of Interest . He is the Diuels Tole-taker , and when he dies , lies buried with his ancestors in the widest vault of hell . These were the councellors whom Money assembled together , to consult vpon hers and their owne safeties , from the base assaults of their wild and desperate enemy : who being solemnely set in their due places and the Quéene of Riches her selfe beeing aduanced vp into her imperial chaire , Parsimonie ( who by this time was gotten vp and ready ) tooke vpon him to be speaker for all the rest . This Parsimonie is a nasty batcheller of fourescore , one that neuer went trussed ( to preuent hanging ) to which end he will not be at charges of a paire of garters ( though they were but woollen lists ) for feare of temptation , his breches once were veluet , when his great grandfather wore them , and thrée-piled , but the pox of any pile can be seene there now , vnlesse betwéene the clifts of his buttocks , to saue a pennie , hee will damne halfe his soule , hee weares cloathes long , and will sooner alter his religion ten times , then his doublet once , his hatte is like his head , of the old blocke , he buies no gloues but of a groat a paire , and hauing worne them two daies hee quarrels with the poore Glouer that they are too wide , or too ill stitched , & by base scolding and lorldly words gets his money againe , and the wearing of so much leather for nothing . He will be knowne by a paire of white pumpes some 16. or 20. yeares , onely by repairing their decaied complection with a péece of chalke . This whining Parsimonie ( that for a supper of 16. pence will budge & slip his necke out of the coller from his owne father ) and that vowes neuer to marry , because he will not spend so much as may kéepe a childe , stood vp so well as he could stand with his crinckling hammes , and knowing that it was high time for him to be stirre his ●tumps , thus shot his bolt after much stammering , coughing and hemming , silence béeing first cryed , which accordingly was giuen him . The Oration which Parsimonie made before his Empresse . O Sacred Money ! Queene of Kingdomes , Mistres ouer the mines of Gold and Siluer , Regent of the whole world : Goddesse of Courtiers , Patronesse of Schollers , Protectresse of Souldiers , Fortresse of Cittizens , & the onely comfort to Saylors . Me seemeth good and fit , ( brightest-facde Lady ) sithence that bold and saucie begger , with her pennurious sunne-burnt troopes , armed onely with short troncheons vnder their arme-pits , and most commonly walking in thred-bare Plimoth cloakes , haue made their impudent and contagious insurrection , that you ( at whose feete lie Crownes to tread vpon ) being Queene Mother of the west and east Indies , do presently giue ouer your needlesse expences and open houshkeeping in the Country , where your swarming enemies lye in ambushes to attach you vpon the least issuing forth , and betake your selfe to the close safetie of the Cittie , where your seame-rent and white bitten foes dare not ( within gun-shot approch , to be further sure of which , and least any spies should be sent to looke into the strength and wealth of that your principall and most secure fortresse , we haue ordeined that through euery ward ( for your happie safetie , and their vtter terrifying ) there be erected one sound , sufficient , and well painted whipping poste , the very sight of which wil not only scarre them , worse then the scowting face of a Serieant being seen peeping through a red lettice , frights a yong gallant , but also in time driue the whole band of Tatterdemalions from poste to piller . Dixi. No sooner was Dixi sounded , but the maine points of this Parsimonions oration , came backe againe like an eccho from all the rest of the voices there present . All their breath blew one way , all their councels were directed and went only by this compasse . Money weighing ( in the vpright scales of her iudgement ) their wise and thirsty opinions , found them not halfe a graine too light , and therefore very royally y●elded to whatsoeuer they consulted vpon , whereupon sodaine order was giuen , and all speedy preparation made for the entertainment and receiuing of Money into the Citie , whose presence all the Cittizens day and night thirsted to behold . To set downe all the deuices , the intended merriments , the sh●wes , the ceremonies , the diligence of workemen for standings and scaffoldings , the inexplicable ioy of Poets , who did nothing but pen encomious Gratulatorie to bid her welcome , drinking healths in rich malago to the honour of her , and their mistresses , ( the nine Muses ) and on the other side , to point to the life , the seuerall glad faces , gestures and action of the players , who had pined for her absence a long and tedious vacation : or to t 〈◊〉 what dressing vp of howses there were , by all the neate dames and Ladies within the fréedome , what starching of ruffes , what poaking , wha● stiffning of falles , what painting of chéekes & lips , as if they had béene y● two leaued gates of a new chosē Alderman , are able ( if they were set down at large ) to adde a third volume to our English Chronicles . Time at length turned vp his Glasse , and the Holliday ( so gapingly looked for ( was come . Diuisum imperium cum Ioue , Nummus habet , had Ioue béen hidden to dinner to the Guyld hall on Simon and Iudes day , he could not haue had more welcomes giuen him then Money had . Oh! with what iocund hearts did the Cittizens receiue her ? The Mercers swore by their maydenhead , that all their polliticke pent-houses should bee clothed in cloth of siluer , & so they were . The silkemen guarded their very posts with gold lace , and thereupon euer since , the fashion of larding suites with so much lace is come vp : But aboue all , the Company of the Goldsmiths receiued her with the greatest honour , and she againe to pay their loues home , did as much or more honour them : for they spread all their stalles with gréene cotten , and so adorned their shoppes , that they looked like a spring garden , in which grew flowers of gold , set in such order , & comely equipage , it would haue rauished any poore mans eie to behold them . Here ( in the very midst of the rowe ) she allighted from her Chariot , staid a prety space , & enriched both the shopkéepers and their wiues with her presence , cheapning of 2. or 3. of them some of their fairest iewels , the beautie of their faces béeing of farre richer value then the costliest iewels there , and more worth ( beeing rightly estimated ) then the best stone in the whole rowe , and by this her staying at their stalles , heaped on their heads this grace besides . All her chosen Courtiers came hereby acquainted with their delicate wiues , and euer after their husbands had of them perpetuall custome . At last mounting againe into her Chariot she rode on : being as richly attended as her selfe was glorious , Desert and Learning ran by her side as her footemē , Bounty guided the horses that drew her , Lust , Epicurisme , Pride , and Follie , were 4. Querries of the Stable , and had much adoe to leade a goodly-coloured fatte beast called Sensualitie , that ( for more state ) went emptie by , Money neuer riding on the backe of that spotted Panther , but onely for speede and to ride away . Beautie , Honestie , Youth and Pleasure , came in a Caroach behinde her , as her wayting women . Old Age ( her Treasurer ) rode bare-headed before her : Thrift carried the priuie purse : Riot ( a smooth-fac'd Ganimed ) slept in her lap , whose chéeke she would so often ki●●e , that he grew proud and carelesse of her fauours . What a world it was to see men ( whose backe bones were almost growne compasse , because their eies should still be fixed vppon their graues ) running more gréedily after her , then after Physitions , to take off those diseases that hang most spitefully vpon Age. Some ran out of the Church to sée her , with greater deuotion following her all the way that she went , then the former deitie they worshipped . Young men did onely cast a glaunce at her , and staid not long in her ●●ght , other women pleased them better , if they we●e young Courtiers , they had their Mistresses , if Merchants men , their maisters maides , that go fine by weight and measure , imitating in darke corners , their maisters profession : if Seruingmen , the waiting wenches doe commonly fit them a peniworth , in this state Magnificence and royalty this Empresse arriues in the very heart of the City , a strong guard being planted about her , Trenches , Bulwarkes and Fortifications ( inuincible as walles of Iron ) being cast , raised vp , and manned against the assaults of her tottred enemies , who brake like so many wilde Irish , and are left without the Citie ▪ onely to rub their backes against the walles . Presently ( for more defence ) were all the gates shut , the Porcullises let downe , double lockes put to making , thicke barres to hammering , and all the subtilties which the wit of man could possibly find out , were put in practise to kéepe Money safe within the City . To second which prouident courses proclamations went presently forth to banish all those that were like to be of Pouerties company , for feare they should reuolt in time of most néede , wherupon many thousands , with bagge and baggage , were compelled to leaue the citie , and cling onely to the Suburbs . In whose roomes Money entertaines rich strangers of al nations , hauing those ( that should be ) these she puts into office , and traines them vp for Soldiers , to be néerest about her , because shee sées they come well prouided and armed out of forraine countries : and therefore dares trust their diligence against those her halfe-shirted enemies , the rather because they cannot abide to sée a begger amongst them , especially if he be of their owne nation . The fires of this dissention growing hotter and hotter on both sides , were more likely to flame more fiercely then to be quenched by the aproach of Pouerty and her ragged regiments , who by her scoutes vnderstanding that the golden Idoll ( which so many fooles knéele to ) was carryed and kept close within the walles of the City , being as the Pollodium was to Troy , thither she marches with all spéed , but perceiuing all places of entrance barred vp , she pitcheth her tents round about the Suburbs , planteth her artilery against the walles , leuelleth her great ordnance vpon the very wickets of the City gates , and by the sound of trumpet , did often summon Money to appeare in her likenesse , and not to hide her proud & cowardly head . Parlies were nine or ten times called on the Forreners part that dwelt without , but no answere returned from those that slept within the Frée-dome . Which scornefull disdaine being taken in snuffe by the poore snakes ( who already began to shiuer with cold ) Pouertie , ( their Ringleader ) quickned the chilnesse of ther frozen spirits , by the heate of a braue resolution newly kindled in her owne bloud : for calling Scatter-good her owne Herald , that still rides before her , when any tempest of warre is towards , him she chargeth vpon his life and allegiance , to go to the walles , and boldly to throw in her name , a proud defiance in the very face of Money , telling her , that for the safety of liues ( which ly in the ballance of warre ) she desires that two onely may arbitrate the quarrell in a Monarchy , and that therefore Pouerty challengeth Money to leaue the City if she dare , and hand to hand to grapple with her . Scatter-good ( because he was knowne to be an Herald ) was admitted to haue a sight of Money , and vpon first presenting himselfe , very stoutly deliuered his Ladies defiance . Money was no●ed to change colour , and to looke excéeding pale , all the while the challenge was breathing forth , either for very anger , or extreame feare , but those that knew her qualities swore it was with anger , and the conclusion iustified their oath , for on a soddaine shaking her golden tresses with a maiesticall brauery , she defied that base defiance in regard the sender was of slauish and beggerly condition . Her selfe being high-borne , of bloud royall , of Noble discent , the other a penurious fugitiue , a méere canting Mort , traytor to all kingdomes , corrupter to all learning , & mother of none but such as are ●urdensome to euery Common-wealth . They both standing therefore vpon so vnequall bases , Money may by the law of Armes , refuse the combat , and in plaine tearmes did so , disdaining to defile her glorious hands vpon so wretched and infamous an enemy , but with a full oath swore and vowed to weary Pouerty and all her lank-bellied army , by driuing them quite from the gates of the City , or else to hold her and them play within so long , till she and her suncke-eyed company , famish and dye vnder the walles . And for that purpose , albeit she her selfe swim in pleasures and in plenty , and though the earth opens her wombe liberally , powring forth her blessing to all thankfull creatures , yet will she ( onely to vndo them and punish their carkases with pennury and famine , send her precepts into euery shire , to all rich Farmers , Land-lords , and Graziers , that they ( by exprrsse commandement from her and her Lords , vpon their allegiance and loue they owe to Money , and as they are her slaues , vas●●iles and subiects , cause hard times to be made , onely to pinch the poore Hungarians , and to disable their sallow facd Empresse from once approaching the walles . These words she vttred with indignation , and high colour in her chéekes , and hauing eased the greatnesse of her wrath , commanded the messenger away : yet ere he went ( to shew that a true Prince when he wrastleth hardest with his owne passions , should be carefull still of his renowne , fame and honours , she bestowed a golden chaine on Scatter-good , which Pouerty tooke from him , as scorning to sée any fauours ( giuen by her enemy ) worne by any of her subiects , especially her housholde seruants . Scarce was the Herald turnd out at the Citty gates , but the glorious mother of Plenty , checking her owne great spirit , for giuing her enemy so much cause to triumph ouer her as to proclaime her a coward , was halfe mad with rage at her owne folly , and in that heate of bloud , charged her droms to strike vp , her colours to be spread , her armies to be put in array , and the gates of the City to be set wide open for ( in a brauado ) she vowed to issue forth , and bid battaile to the beggerly Tartarians that beleagerd her . But her councel ( wiser then so ) kept her in perforce , doubling the guards about her , and inchaunting her eare with all the bewitched tunes of musicke to cast her into a slumber till these stormes in her were at quiet , which if they had not done , but had pitched the field , as she once determined , it is ▪ by many probabilities ) thought , that Pouerty had had a great hand ouer her , and would haue put her to the worst . They therefore locked her vp , as it were by Iron force , compelling her against her frée-borne nature and condition , to be directed by them , and to lye close for a time , till noble aduantage should call her into action : and making present vse of her owne former spéeches , a common councell was called : where by the generall head it was ordered that Hard-heartednesse should haue the keyes of the City in kéeping , his office and charge being , not to suffer Money to goe out of the gates , though she her selfe in proper person commanded it , and was further ordained that precepts should presently be drawne , into all Shires , Countries and Cities . The tenor of which precepts followeth . By the Queene of Gold and Siluer . TO all and Singular our Shires , Countries , Cities , Corporations , Townes , Villages Hamblets , &c. by what name or title soeuer , to whom these presents shall come , and to all you our obedient Subiects , Slaues and Vassailes , commonly stiled by the names of Money-mongers , viz. rich Farmers , yong Land-lords , Engrossers , Graziers , Forestallers , Hucksters Haglers , &c. with all the residue of our industrious , hearty & louing people , in all or any of these our shires or places formerly recited , either now resident , or at any time or times hereafter to be resident , greeting . These are to will and require you vpon especial and expresse commandement deliuered in our owne person , and as you will answere the contrary at your vtmost perrils . First that you ( the said rich Farmers ) by your best power , meanes , sleights , pollicies , by-waies , and thrifty endeuours , cast all the nets you can , to get all manner of graine that growes within your reach , and being so gotten to aduance , raise , and heighthen the prices of them , worke vpon the least inch of aduantage , make vse of all seasons , hot , cold , wet , dry , foule or faire , in one rainy weeke your wheate may swell from foure shillings the bushell , to six shillings , seuen shillings , nay eight shillings . Sweepe whole markets before you , as you passe through one towne , if you finde the corne ( like mens consciences , and womens honesties ) low-prized , & sell the same in other townes when the price is enhanced . Let the times be deere , though the grounds be fruitfull , and the Markets kept empty though your barnes ( like Cormorants bellies ) breake their butten-holes , and rather then any of Pouerties soldiers , who now range vp and downe the kingdome , besieging our Cities , & threatning the confusion , spoile and dishonour both of you and vs , should haue bread to relieue them . I charge you all vpon your allegiance , to hoord vp your corne till it be musty , and then bring it forth to infect these needy Barbarians , that the rot , scuruy , or some other infectious pestilent disease , may ●un through the most part of their enfeebled army : Ori● I , who may command , may perswade you , let mice and rats rather bee feast●d by you , and fare well in your garners , then the least and weakest amongst Pouerties starued infantery , should get but one mout●full , let them leape at crusts , it shall be sport enough for vs and our wealthy subiects about vs , to laugh at them whilest they nibble at the baite , and yet be choaked with the hooke . Next , we will and command , that you the young Land-lords , who haue cause to go dancing to Church after your old rotten fathers funerals , with all might & main stretch your rents , til the heart strings of those that dwell in them be ready to cracke in sunder . Racke your poore neighbours , call in old leases , and turne out old tenants , those which your forefathers haue suffered quietly to enioy their liuings , and thereby to raise fat commodities to themselues , and begger families : Change you their coppy , cancell their old euidences , race out all workes of charity , vndoe them in a minute , that haue stood the stormes of many an Age , make the most of your riches , and the least of such poore snakes . When you let your land , carry many e●es in your head , looke into euery acre , into euery bush , euery ditch , euery turfe , wey euery blade of grasse to the full , that those who take it , may saue nothing by it , no not so much as shall keepe a black-bird , or a sparrow , turne forty pence an acre , into forty shillings , and laugh at the simplicity of your forefathers , make bitter iests vpon your dead Gaffers , now you are made gentlemen of the first head , though it be by their digging in muck-hils , & in your Queanes company pittie the capacity of the kerzy stockingd VVhoresons , for not hauing so much wit to raise profit as you their sonnes haue , nor had euer the meanes to spend it so fast . Thirdly our high pleasure is , that all you Engrosers of what name soeuer , buy vp the prime and pride of all commodities , that done , keepe them in your hands , to cause a dearth , and in the time of deerenes , marke them with what price you list . First and principally , I charge you , as you loue me , and for my only sake , who haue euer beene good Lady to you all , that in times of plenty you transport your corne , butter , cheese and all needfull commoditiess into other countries , of purpose to famish and impouerish these hated whining wretches , that lye vpon the hands of your Owne . Hire ware-houses , Vaults vnder ground , and cellers in the City , and in them imprison all necessary prouision for the belly , till the long nailes of famine breake open the dores , but suffer not you those treasured victuals , to haue their free liberties till you may make what prey you please of the buyers and cheapners . At which time I will prepare a certaine people that shall giue you your owne asking , and buy vp all you bring by the great , who shall afterwards sell it deerer then it was bought , by three parts , of purpose to choake this starueling scallion-eaters , whose breath is stinking in my nosthrils , and able to infect a quarter of the world . The people whom thus I promise to haue in a readines ▪ are well knowne what they are , some call them Huksters or Haglers , but they are to me as honest Purueyers and Takers , and these politicke smooth faced Harpyes , shall out of a dearth raise a second deerenesse . These and such like omitting my precepts , to Bakers , whose vpright dealing is not now to be weied , no , nor stood vpon , are the effects of my pleasure , which on your allegiance to me your Empresse , I strictly command you to obserue and put in practise . No sooner was this precept drawne , but it went post into the country , no sooner was it read there ▪ but the world was new moulded , yet some say it neuer looked with a more ill-fauoured face . The Farmers clapt their hands , 〈◊〉 went vp and downe shrugging their shoulders , Land-lords set all the Scriueners in the country to worke to draw leases , conueiances , defeisances , and I know not what , in thrée market daies , dearth was made Clearke of the maket , the rich Curmudgeons made as though they were sorry , but the poore Husbandman looked heauily , his wife wrang her hands his children pined , his hyndes grumbled , his leane ouer-wrought Iades bit on the bridle . They , who were in fauour with Money , and were on her si●e sp●d wel enough but Pouerties people were driuen to the wal , or rather downe into the kennell : for corne skipt from foure to ten shillings a bushell , from ten to twelue shillings , stones of boose began to be pretious , and for their price had beene w●●re in rings but that the stone cutter spoiled them in the grinding . Mutten grew to be doere , two crownes a buttocke of pee●● , and halfe a crowne a wholesome breast of mutton , euery thing ( to say truth ) riz , except desert and honesty , & they could and nothing to rise by . Pouerty was somewhat grieued , ( but little dismayed ) at these tyranous , Godlesse and base procéedings of her enemy , because she herselfe and most of her army , haue béene old Sernitors to the warres , and béen familiarly acquainted with Emptinesse and Necessity , casting therefore all her troopes into seuerall rings , she went from one to one , and in the middest of each , councelled them all not to be disheartened , but with her to endure what miseries soeuer , sithente she would venture formost and fardest in any danger that could come vpon them . She told them by way of encouragement , that where as Money ( their daring enemy ) brags that she is the daughter to the Sun , and Quéene of both the Indies . It is not so : for she is but of base birth bred , and begotten onely of the earth , whom she cannot deny to be her mother : and albeit it cannot be gainsayed , but that by her gripping of riches into her hands , she is owner of many faire buildings , parkes , forrests , &c. Yet doth she oftentimes so farre forget her high birth , ( whereof shee vainly boasteth and those beauties of which a company of old Misers , Churles , & penny-fathers are with dotage enamoured , that now and then ( like a base common harlot ) she will lye with a Cobler , a Car-man , a Collier , nay with the Diuels owne sonne and heire , a very damned broker , with these will she ly whole yeares together , they shall handle her , embrace her , abuse her and vse her body after any villainous manner to satisfie their insatiable lust , whereas on the contrary part , quoth she , I that am your leader , famous ouer all the world , by my name and stile of Pouerty , vnder whose enfignes , full of rents , as tokens of seruice and honour , you are all now come to fight , am well known to be a Princesse , neither so dangerous nor so base as Money shewes herselfe to be . Money makes all seruice done to her a very bondage in them that do it : those whom she fanours most , are her onely slaues ; but Pouerty giues all her subiects liberty to range whither they list , to speake what they list , and to do what they list , her easist impositions are burdens , but the burdens which I throw vpon any , grow light by being bor●e . Who hath béene the Foundresse of Hospitals but I ? who hath brought vp Charity but I ? am not I the mother of Almes-doedes , and the onely nurse of Deuotion ? do not I inspire Poets with those sacred raptures that bind men , how dull and brutish soeuer , to listen to their powerfull charmes , and so to become regular ? doe not I sharpen their inuention , and put life into their verse ? And whereas Money vaunts and beares her head high , by reason of her glorious and gallant troops that attend her , you all know , and the whole world can witnes with you , that Kings , Lords , Knights , Gentlemen , Aldermen , with infinite others that were her deerest and wantonnest minions , haue vtterly forsaken her and her lasciuious pleasures , onely to liue with Pouerty ( your Quéene ) though now she be a little deiected in the eye of the world , though not in her owne worth . Thus she spake , and her spéeches kindled such fi●es of resolution in the hearts of her soldiers , that the Allarum was strucke vp , Ordnance planted for Batterie , sealing Ladders made ready , and all the instruments of terrour and death put in tune , which were set to be played vpon at the assault of a Cittie . They that kept their dennes like Foxes in their holes , slept not , hearing such thundring : but armed themselues with as braue resolution to defend , as the other had to inuade . It was excellent musicke ( considering how many discords there were ) to heare how euery particular regiment in Pouerties Camp , threatned to plague the Gold-finches of the Cittie , and to pluck their feathers , if euer they made a breach . Taylors swore to tickle the Mercers , & measure out their Sattins & velvets without a yard before their faces , when the prowdest of them all should not dare to say Bo to a Taylors Goose. Shoomakers , had a spite to none but the rich Curriers , and swore with their very awle , to flea off their skins ( and the Tanners ) ouer their eares , like old d●ad rabbets . Euery souldier prickt downe one Goldsmiths name or another , or else the signe in stead of the name , as the Goate , the Vnicorne , the Bull , the Hart. &c. swearing damnable oathes to pisse in nothing but siluer , in méers scorne , because he had oftentimes walked by a stall , when his teeth hath watred at the golden bits lying there : yet could not so much as licke his lips after them . There was one little dwarfish Cobler with a bald pate , and a nose indented like a scotch saddle , who tooke bread and salt , and praid God it might be his last , if he ran not ouer all the fine dames that withstoode him , in blacke reuenge that hee neuer had their custome in his shop , because it could neuer be found out or séene , that any of them did euer treade her shooe awry . And thus as they without shot their terrible threatnings into the aire , so did those within , laugh to thinke how they should domineere ouer the shake-rags , if the warres might but cease . All this while were trenches cast vp of a great height by the Poldauies to saue them from shot of the walles , whilst Pouerties Pioners had digd at least a quarter of a mile vnder the earth , and the mine with gun powder to blow vp one quarter of the Cittie : But this béeing quickly descryed , was as spéedily preuented by a countermine , so that all that labour tooke not such fire as was expected : yet went the Artillerie off on both sides , wilde fire flew from one to another , like squibs when Doctor Faustus goes to the diuell , arrowes flew faster then they did at a catte in a basket , whē Prince Arthur , or the Duke of Shordich strucke vp the drumme in the field , many bullets were spent , but no breach into Monies quarters could be made : they that fought vnder her cullers were very wary , polliticke strong , and valiant , yet would they not venture forth but on great aduantages , because they had somthing to loose , but Pouerties wild Bandetti , were desperate , carelesse of danger , gréedy of spoile , and durst haue torne the diuell out of his skinne to haue had their willes of Money , but Night ( like a surly constable ) commanding them to depart in peace , and to put vp their tooles . This assault ( which was the first ) gaue ouer , euery Captaine retyring to his place , the Desperueines ( on Pouerties side ) comming off at this time with the most losse . Few attempts were after made to any purpose : onely certain yong prodigall Heires , who ( as voluntaries ) maintained themselues in seruice vnder Money , were appointed to be light-horsemen for discouery of the enemies forces ( as she lay incamped ) who now and then in a few light skirmishes had the honour to issue forth , and to set vpon the Assailants that beleagured the Cittie : but Pouertie still draue them either in to their owne shame , or else had them in execution ( euen in despight of the Cittie forces ) and put them euer to the worst . The Gold-beaters ( who knew themselues on a sure ground within the walles ) lingred of purpose , and would neuer bring it to a battaile , onely to wearie the aduersarie , whom they meant to vndoe by delay , because she could not hold out long for want of victuals . They within cared not though ten thousand diuels amongst them , so Money ( their mistresse ) whom they worshipped as a God , would not leaue their company , and the rascoll Déere that ( without the walles ) were euery howre hunted out of breath , vowed to eate vp one another , before they would raise the Seige , and be hanged vp like Dogs ( at the C●ttie gates ) for they were now accounted no better then dogs , but they would haue their peniworths out of Money for a number of wrōgs which by her meanes they had endured , when she hath seene them and their children ready to starue , yet scornd to reléeue their necessities . Thus both their stomacks beeing great , and aswell the defendants as the assailents resolutely confirmed to sta●d vpon their guard , and to stay the vtmost of any miserie that could waite vppon a lingring warre ▪ behold the rich-plumde estridges , who had most fethers on their backes , and least cause to murmure , began to mutinie amongst themselues , the imprisoning of Money ( their sole soueraigne ) so close within stony battlements , did not shew well : they were loyal● subiects to her & would free both her & themselues , vnlesse she might vse her sports and princ●ly pleasures as she had wont Mercers had their shops musty , and their silkes moldie for want of customers , Goldsmiths had t●eir plate hid in cellors , where it lay most richly , but looked more pittifully and with worse cullour , then prisoners lying in the hole . Haberdashers had more hats then they could finde heads to weare them , if they had béene such arrant blockes themselues to haue giuen their wares away , trades had no doings , all the men were out of heart by beeing kept in , and all the women ready to be spoyled for want of walking to th●ir Gardens : Euerie one spent & spent , but who tasted the sweetenes ? In stead of selling their wares , they plyed nothing now but getting of children , and scowring of péeces . In stead of what doe you lacke ? was heard Arme , Arme , Arme. This géere was to be looked into , and therefore they desi●ed their gratious Empresse ( Money ) not to lye lasing thus in a chamber , but either that she would be more stirring , that they ( her Subiects might haue better stirrings too , and ( opening the Cittie gates ) to fight it out brauely , or else they vowed there were at least ten thousand ( whose names stood now in her Muster booke ) that shortly if this world lasted , would shut vp their dores , shew her a faire paire of héeles , and from her fly into the hands of Pouertie their enemie . Upon the necke of this , came likewise a supplication from certaine troopes of Uintners without the Barres , Inkéepers , common Uictuallers and such like , who plaid y● iackes on both sides , and were indéede Neuters , a linsey-wolsey people , that tooke no part , but stood indifferent betwéene Money , and Pouerty , the tenor of which petition presents it selfe thus to the world . The pittifull Petition of Vintners , Victuallers , Inkeepers , &c. without the Barres : To the great Empresse of old mens harts , and yong mens pleasures , yclipped Money . HVmbly sueth to you● currant Excellency , your vncustom'd drooping Suppliants , the Vintners , and Innekeepers , and others of the Ale-draperie , that are bard out of the Cittie : Whereas through the extreame deadnesse of time and terme , we all run backward in our condition , hauing great rents to pay , and greater scores , which will neuer bee paid , guests now being glad if they can make vs take chalke for cheese , our wines lying dead vpon our hands , and complaining for want of good doings : we our selues making many signes to passengers , but few comming at vs , and hanging vp new bushes , yet hauing onely beggers hansell , trimming our roomes for no better men then Barbers and Taylors , a rapier scarce beeing seene in a veluet scabert within 40. yards of our precincts . — Quis talia fando , Myrmidonum , Dolopumi●e , aut duri miles Vlissi Temperet a lach●imis ! O Neither the Mermaide , no● the Dolphin , not he at mile-end greene , can when he list be in good temper when he lackes his mistres ( that is to say Money . ) May it therefore please thee ( O thou pay-mistresse to all the fidlers that should haunt our howses , if thou wouldest put them in tune ) to send ( at least ) some of thy Harpers to sound their nine-penie musicke in our eares , but we rather humbly beg it , that thou wouldest enrich vs with thy Angellike-presence , be no longer percullized vp in the Citie , visit the subburbes , against thy comming all her cawseies shall be paued & made euen , how broken soeuer her conscience be left and vnmended . Our houses stand emptie , as if the plague were in them , onely for want of thee , our Drawers cannot be drawne to any goodnesse , nor our Hostlers to deale honestly with horse or man , onely by reason of thee : Issue therefore forth amongst good fellows , that will sooner fight for thee , then those snudges & miserable cormorants that now feede vpon thee . This lamentable supplication ( together with the feare of a mutiny amongst her soldiers ) so wrought with the Empresse , that ( cleane against the perswasion of her councell ) she determined to leaue the Cittie , and to march into the field : hereupon her Army Royall was set in order , to the intent she might take a full view of all her Colonels , Generals , Captaines and men of warre . She went from squadron to squadron , not so much delighting her owne eies with beholding so many thousands ready to fight in her defence , as they were gréedy to enioy her presence , which with braue encouragement lifted vp the deadest spirit , all swore to follow her , none to leaue her , or if any did , a curse was laid vpon him to die a begger . The first regiment consisted of Courtiers , some of them being Lords ( who came very well prouided ) some Knights , ( but most of the valiant knights that were true soldiers indéed , serued in the other armie ( Councellors at Law gaue directions where to encampe , what ground was best to defend themselues and annoy the foe , by what trickes and stratagems to circumuent her , how to leade the Troopes on , how to come off , and by plaine demonstration shewed how easie it was to put Pouertie to her shifts , and to haue her & her troopes in execution , if Money would be pleased to say the word , and for that purpose they made orations to set the armies together by the eares , which accordingly tooke effect , Attorneys were very busie , and serued as Clarkes to the Bandes , running vp and downe from one rancke to another expressing a kinde of puzled and dizzie distraction in all their businesses . But that which made the best shew of all , was a lane of Brokers , who handled their Pieces passing well , & were old dog at a marke , they had skill in any weapon , Musket , Caliuer , Petronel , Harguibusse , a Crock , Pollax , Holbert , Browne-hill , Pike , Dimilance , sword , Bow and arrowes , nothing came amisse to them , and which was most strange they fought by the Booke , at a breach none so forward as they , they had beene at the ransacking of many a house , and would vndertake to vndoe all the troopes that were led by Pouertie . These Brokers were armed with thrumd cappes , ( but they should haue had Murrions ) and those they wore to keepe their wits from taking cold : for they had all diuellish heads , and were suited in sparke of veluet Iackets with out sleeues , tuft taffatie bréeches , close to them like Irish Stroozes , Sattin doublets with sagging bellies , as if ●agpuddins had bumbasted them , and huge dutch Aldermens sleeues , armed strongly with back péeces of canuas , dugeon daggers instead of Pistols hanging by their sides , fine p●●d silke stockens on their legs , tyed vp smoothly with caddis garters , all which had béene taken as spoiles from the other Armie . The Inuader vnderstanding that the quarrell would be decided in a pitcht field , and that crackt crownes would be both giuen and taken on either side , grew excéeding ioyfull : and therefore calling for Sharker ( one of her boldest & wittiest Heralds ) him she sent to Money , to know where the Rendeuous should be made for both armies to meete in , and what péece of ground should be best famous to posterities by their battaile . Money tooke aduice vpon this , most of her old beaten Captaines , laboured earnestly to haue it at Bagshot , but all the gallants cryed baw waw at him that named Bagshot , so that for a quarter of an hower , none could be heard to speake , there was such a Baw wawing . The Herald Sharker , in name of his Mistresse , who sent him , requested it might be at beggers bush . But euery soldier swore that was a lowzy place , and so for a day or two , it rested vncertaine and vndetermined . In which Interim , a murmuring went vp and downe that not onely Pouerty had maintained this terrible Siege against the City , but that Dearth also , Famine and the Plague , were lately ioyned with the same Army , besides many strange and incurable diseases were crept into the camp , that followed Money : for Ryot her minion , was almost spent , and lay in a consumption . A hundred in a company were drowned in one night in French bowles : fiue times as many more were tormented with a terrible gnawing about their consciences . All the Usurers in the Army had hung themselues in chaines , within lesse then three howers , and all the Brokers , being their Bastards , went crying vp and downe , The Diuell , the Diuell , and thereupon because they should not disquiet the rest of the Soldiers , they were fetched away . These and such other vnexpected mischifes , put Money into many feares , doubts and distractions , so that she inwardly wished that these vnlucky warres had either neuer béene begun , or else that they were well ended ▪ by the conclusion , if it might be , of some honourable peace . And as these stormes of misery fell upon Money and her troopes , so was the army of Pouerty plagued as much , or more on the other side : nothing could be heard amongst the Souldiers but cries , complaints , cursings , blasphemies , Oathes , and ten thousand other blacke and damned spirits , which euer hawnted them and their Generall herselfe . Want pinched them in the day , and wildnesse and rage kept them waking and raueing all the night . Their soules were desperate , their bodies consumed , they were weary of their liues , yet compelled to liue for furder miseries , and nothing did comfort them but a foolish hope they had to be reuenged vpon Money . So that so many plagues , so many diseases , so many troubles and inconueniencies following both the armies ( by meanes of the tedious Siege ) a perpetuall truce , league and confederacy was confirmed by Money and Pouerty , and the councellors on either part : that in euery Kingdome , euery Shire , and euery City , the one should haue as much to doe as the other : that Pouerties subiects should be euer in a redinesse ( as the Switzers are for pay ) to fight for Money , if she craued their aid , & that Money againe should help them whensoeuer they did néede : and that sithence they were two Nations so mighty and so mingled together , and so dispersed into all parts of the world , that it was impossible to seuer them . A 〈…〉 presently enacted , that Fortune should no longer bee blinde , but that all the Doctors and Surgeons should by waters , and other 〈◊〉 helpe her to eies , that she might see those vpon whom shee bestowes her blessings , because fooles are serued at her doale with riches , which they know not how to vse , & wise men are sent away like beggers from a misers gate with empty wallets . The Armies hereupon brake vp , the Siege raised , the Citty gates set wide open . Shop keepers fel●●● their old , What doe you lacke : The rich men feast one another ( as they were w●nt ) and the poore were kept poore 〈◊〉 in pollicy , because they should doe no more hurt . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A20082-e360 〈◊〉 Eliza●eth● death . King Iames his Coronation . * A Booke so called , written by the Author , describing the horror of the Plague in 1602 , when there dyed 30578. of that disease . King of England , and Christierne King of Denmarke . Notes for div A20082-e700 The maner how Bank●uptisme is entertained , and at what Gate . Solamen miseris socios habuisse doloris . Misery makes men cunning . His qualities . His disguises . His policy . Against forced Mariages . Against cruell Creditors . Against vnconsionable Maisters . 2700 and odde yee●es since London was first builded by B●ute . Against want of places for Buriall in extremity of sicknes . 1602. Against want of prouision for those that dye in the fields . The Conclusion . Notes for div A20082-e7440 The miseres that a Plague brings to Men. Play-houses stand empty . Poets walke in me●ancholy . Ne● dant proceres ●eque histriones . Ignauum corrumpunt otia corpus . The Beares are hardly put downe . Paris garden an Image of hell . Poore men cōtending with rich men , are as dog● fighting with Beares . Innocence punished . No slaue like the soothing vp of fooles in their vices . Nulla est sincera ●ai●●ta● . Excellence of Histories . Et quae mox imitêre legas . Discitur hinc nullos mer●tis obsifiere casus . Discitur hinc quantum pau● Pertas sobre● possit . A Commotion . O quantum cogit egestus VVhat vices are companions ( for the most part ) with pouerty . The quarrel betweene money and pouerty . Diuitis hoc viti●●● e●t auri . Ciuell wa●res of Fraunce . Diuision of the two Houses . Low country warres . The chiefe Cities of Christendome . The Princes that raise these warres . Pouerty & her Army . Mony and her Army . Auri sacra ●ames quid non mortalia cog●s Pectora . Poore men fall not first out with the rich , but the rich with them . Rich men hate poore men . The poore may begge . O nosiri infami● 〈◊〉 . Onites Diomedi● Equi Eusidis ●ra . Clementes . Sors vbi pe●●i●● ri●um sub pedibus timor est . Qui nil potest sperare desperet nihil . Money hard to be spoken with . Open warre . Pouerties speech to her councell . The villany of Bank-routes . Dum ciuitas erit , pauperes er unt . Pouertie brings any man on his knees . Discontent described . A●●●ic●●●ga●dereget . Despaire . Hunger . Sloth . Repining . Industry . Beggery . Misery . A presse for soldier● to serue Pouerty . Low country soldiers come from thence to fight vnder Pouerty here . Hals of euery company furnish men on both sides . Carelesnesse Learning held ●n contempt . Yonger brothers . Old Seruingmen the gaurd to Pouerty . Banckrowtes come to Pourty but as spies . Masters vndon by seruants , serue in the Rareward . Poore Attorneys . Pandors euer poore . Baudes seldom rich . Notes for div A20082-e11580 The life of a sensuall man. Riches make men cowards . Councellors to Money . Couetousnesse Couetous men are slaues to that which is a slaue to them . Prouidence . Parsimonie . Monopoly . Deceipt hath many great friends in the Cittie . Violence . Might ouercomes right . Nullum violentum perpetuum . Vsurie . A Broker is an V●●●ers Baude . Parsimony . Praises of Money . 〈…〉 mana 〈…〉 . paren● . Money entertayned into the Citty . And by whom● Mercers . Silkemen . Goldsmiths . Hee is wise enough that hath wealth enough . Any thing to be had for money . Old men most greedy of mony when money & they are vpon pa●ting for euer . Some for money will sell religion . Riches are yong mens Har●ots . How carefull rich men are of their wealth . Strangers . Pouerty layes siege to the City . Rich men are deafe , and cannot heare poore mens cries . Scatter good ●ent to mony . They that haue nothing en●y 〈◊〉 that are wealthy . Money giues men courage . How scarcity of victuals gro●●● in the Land. Couetousnesse of ●●ch Farmers makes the country poore , and the people to pine . How corne riseth in prise , & maketh deere the markets . Cruelty of Land-lords in ●acking of 〈◊〉 is the vndoing of many ●ousholders . How 〈◊〉 & chee●e grow deere . Hagglers . Bakers . Euery man pin ▪ 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 . Pouerty comforteth her followers . Paupertatemque ferendo , ●ffe●ere le●em nec iniqua mente ferendo . Et laris et sundi paupertas mapulet a●dax vt versus face . em . No trade loues one another . The Citty besi●ged . Tutum carpit inanis Iter Prodigall heirs meete soonest with Pouerty . Dead termes & times that are cold in doings pinch the rich as well as ●he poore . A supplication from the inhabitants of the Suburbs . Mony takes a view of all her army . Lords , Knights , Lawyers . Aturnies . Brokers come well armde . Famine and the plague come along with Pouerty to besiege the City . Nulla salus b●ll● pacem to poscimus omnes . A Truce . The Siege is raised . A26181 ---- The rights and authority of the Commons of the city of London in their Common-hall assembled, particularly in the choice and discharge of their sheriffs, asserted and cleared in answer to the vindication of the Lord-Mayor, Court of Aldermen, and Common-Council. Atwood, William, d. 1705? 1695 Approx. 165 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A26181 Wing A4180 ESTC R28315 10521999 ocm 10521999 45191 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A26181) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 45191) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1394:23) The rights and authority of the Commons of the city of London in their Common-hall assembled, particularly in the choice and discharge of their sheriffs, asserted and cleared in answer to the vindication of the Lord-Mayor, Court of Aldermen, and Common-Council. Atwood, William, d. 1705? 28 p. [s.n.], London : 1695. Attributed to William Atwood by NUC pre-1956 imprints. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng City of London (England). -- Court of Common Council. Sheriffs -- England -- London. London (England) -- Politics and government. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-07 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2006-07 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE RIGHTS AND AUTHORITY OF THE COMMONS OF THE City of LONDON , In their COMMON-HALL assembled , Particularly in the Choice and Discharge OF THEIR SHERIFFS , Asserted and Cleared . In Answer to the Vindication of the Lord-Mayor , Court of Aldermen , and Common-Council . LONDON , Printed in the Year MDCXCV . The Rights and Authority of the Commons of the City of London in their Common Hall assembled , Particularly in the Choice and Discharge of their Sheriffs , asserted and cleared . In Answer to the Vindication of the Lord-Mayor , Court of Aldermen , and Common-Council . IF the present Controversy in the City of London be unhappy , and ill-tim'd ; the blame of continuing , if not of raising it , must fall upon that Side , which shall appear to have been in the wrong . But since such a Contest is begun , in some Respects the present Time may be thought propitious , for bringing it to a fair Decision . For , 1. There is the less Danger in it , because it happens chiefly among Men united in the same Cause and Common Interest ; who have always stood up for the Rights of the City , and are likely to manage the Question , who are principally entrusted with the Care of its Rights , without Animosities ; and quietly to submit to Authority , or Conviction . 2. The Learning and Integrity of the present Judges , and the Independency of their Places , assure the right Side of Justice . 3. If it could be imagin'd , that they would be influenc'd by the Court : It is an happiness that there is no colour to suspect , that our present Ministry should interpose to the Prejudice of either's Right . And as no Prince , who is not truly popular himself , can be pleas'd to have Power lodg'd in any great Body of his People ; the Common Hall could not , in any Reign but this , since Queen Elizabeth's , have expected to bring on their Cause without great Disadvantage . And certain it is , there never was so great a Body of Men , of more steady Loyalty to their Prince , than this Common Hall is to his present Majesty King William . Yet I cannot but hope , that this Controversy may be ended , without recourse to Westminster-Hall , or the last resort to Parliament . For to me it seems , there wants nothing to the quieting the Controversy , but the setting it in a true Light : Which I shall endeavour to do with that faithfulness and impartiality , which becomes a constant Servant to Truth , and the Old English Liberties . But I must premise , that tho the Author of the pretended modest Essay , runs the Dispute as high as if the Common-Council and Common-Hall , were like Rome and Carthage ; The sole Point now in Question is , Whether the Lord-Mayor , and Court of Aldermen , by themselves , or in conjunction with the Common-Council , as now composed or acting , have rightful Power to discharge any Person , whom the Citizens assembled in Common-Hall have chosen Sheriff ; and to exempt him , or others , from the Service , for a Year , or Years to come ? Bating what relates to the higher Controversy , he uses but three Topicks to justify the defeating , or vacating the Election of the Common-Hall . I. The Resolution of the Judges , 40 & 41 Eliz. II. By-Laws . III. Custom . Every one of which I shall shew to be fully against him : and that both such By-Laws and Custom , unless of another Nature than is or can be pretended , would be absolutely void . I. The Resolution of the Judges is no more in Substance than this ; That tho the Choice of Officers in Cities and Towns incorporated by Charters , be granted to Mayor and Commonalty , or the like ; yet antient and usual Elections , by a certain select Number , are warrantable , by reason of By-Laws , made to avoid popular Confusions ; by virtue of a Power of making By-Laws given by the Charters . And that tho such By-Laws cannot be found , they shall be presum'd : and that this was by common Assent , because of such especial manner of antient and continual Election . And according to this Resolution , the Elections are said to have been in the City of London . But since the Common-Council do not pretend to chuse the Sheriffs , otherwise than as part of the Common-Hall , which has long been in possession of this Right ; it is evident , that the Resolution of the Judges is so far from proving the pretended Authority of the Common-Council , to set aside Elections made by the greater Body of the City ; that it manifests the illegality of the Attempt : since , according to this Resolution , the Common-Hall is , to this Purpose at least , not only the fullest , but the truest Representative or the Body of Citizens ; who , according to Grotius his Distinction , are the Common Subject of this Power , while their Representatives assembled in Common-Hall , are the Proper Subject by which it is exercised . And if it were admitted , that an Authority to make this Power useless , or to weary them out of it , were by some By-Law given to the Common-Council as now composed ; or that the Custom has so long been on their Side , that such a By-Law is now to be presumed ; yet it is very evident , that there is nothing to warrant it in that Resolution . For besides , that , as I have observed already , it only concerned Elections : 1. The Case is only of such Provisions as have been made , or are presumable to have been made , to avoid popular Confusions : which the Common-Council may , if they please , urge , for the setting aside the Usage for Elections in Common-Hall : But then they must consider , that an Arbitrary Court would be sure to fight them with their own Weapon , and , with parity of Reason , to set them aside . And I submit it to their calm Consideration , whether the indefeazibleness of Elections , without the Consent of those who made them ; or the defeating them at the Pleasure of others , and from time to time requiring a new Choice , be the most likely to occasion popular Confusions ? 2. The Case put is only of Corporations by Charter , and deriving their Power of making By-Laws from such Charters ; in most , if not all of which , that Power is by the Charters lodg'd in a select ●umber there appointed . When , as I shall shew , the Citizens of London were a Body Politick , with Power of making Laws for the Welfare of the City ; and had the ●hoice of their Portreve , since called Mayor , and of the Sheriff of their ●ity , by Prescription , before they had any Charter : Which if they had , tho the Sheriffwick of Middlesex were annex'd to London by Charter ; that would fall under the same Government , and be subject to an Authority independent on any Charter ; especially if such Annexation has been before time of memory , and confirmed by Acts of Parliament . And further yet , if it will appear , that no Charter to the City of London about making By-Laws , appoints any select Number for the exercice of this Power ; it will if possible be more evident , that the Resolution of the Judges has nothing to support the Authority claim'd by the present Common-Council . However it must be remember'd , that the Resolution says , Such especial manner of antient and continual Election , could not begin without common Assent . Since therefore common Assent has plac'd the Election of Sheriffs in the Common-Hall ; it will lie upon the other Side to shew at least the Presumption of common Assent , to place the Discharge in the Common-Council . And they must not for this urge any Act of Common-Council as Authoritative in it self . 2. I do not find that the Vindicator pretends , that the Custom for the Mayor and Aldermen by themselves , or in conjunction with the Common-Council , to discharge a Person chosen Sheriff by the Common-Hall , is so antient , that a By-Law to warrant it , made by the Common-Council as now acting , much less by the Common-Hall , is to be presumed . But he insists upon Positive By-Laws made in the Common-Council , for their excusing any Persons duly chosen , by admitting them to Fine for one Year . This he supposes to have been established by several Acts of Common-Council , one of which he pretends to have transcribed . But certainly no Act ever began with [ and ] as his Transcript does : And it is visible , that what he gives as the whole Act , 7 C. 1. is very lame and imperfect . Had he publish'd the beginning of it , the pretence of more Acts of Common-Council than that one , unless they be of very late and suspected Date , must have vanish'd . For tho , as may appear by comparing it with former Acts , it makes in great measure the same Provisions , and uses almost the same words with some of them , only altering the Penalties , and Values of Estates requir'd for a Qualification , with some other necessary Circumstances ; yet it in express Terms repeals all former Acts made upon that Subject . The Substance of what he is pleas'd to communicate , is this ; If any Freeman of the City , being duly chosen Sheriff , shall not personally appear before the Mayor and Aldermen , at their next Court , unless he have such reasonable Excuce as the Mayor and greater part of the Aldermen then present shall allow ; and there enter into Bond to take the Office upon him in Common-Hall , on Michaelmass Eve ; or shall openly refuse ; he shall forfeit as is there provided ; Unless he shall be duly discharged for want ☞ or defect of Ability in Wealth ; and shall nevertheless remain eligible yearly afterwards , as if he had never been chosen . Upon thus much of the Order it is observable ; 1. That the Excuce to be allowed by the Lord-Mayor and Aldermen , is not for not taking the Office upon him ; but for not attending at the next Court-Day ; and not entring into Bond before-hand , to oblige himself to take the Office upon him in Common-Hall . Now it is probable , that Men may have been out of Town , or detain'd by Sickness , or necessary Affairs , which hindred them from engaging at the next Court-Day to take the Office ; and yet they might appear in Common-Hall time enough to enter upon it . And therefore the Court of Aldermen might be Judges of the Reasonableness of the Excuce , for not engaging before-hand ; or at least not so soon as the Order in strictness requires : and yet there would be no Consequence from thence , That it is in their Power totally to excuse from holding . Further yet it will appear , That this of entring into Bond , was an additional Provision made 34 Eliz. and repeated 7 Car. 1. beyond what was in any former Order ; Nor was there any Custom in the City for entering into such Bond. This therefore being a Creature of Common-Council , might be left to the Discretions of the Mayor and Aldermen , without the least Prejudice to the Right of the Common-Hall . 2. The Excuce of which the Mayor and Aldermen are made Judges , is only such as is reasonable ; so that their Discretion is a legal Discretion : And if the Excuce be for not holding the Office , it is evident that no Excuce for that is to be allowed , unless it be want of sufficient Estate ; in which Case , only , the Party is dischargable by the Words of that Order . 3. Paying a Penalty is not properly any Excuce . 4. He is to be discharged duly ; the Order does not mention by whom : But this , as it will appear , ought to be by the Common-Hall ; either in express Terms , or by implication , in their proceeding to a new Choice . But for what Time the Discharge shall be , will , notwithstanding that Order , be absolutely at the Discretion of the Common-Hall . Some would infer from the Words , [ be shall be yearly eligible ] that the Person who is excused by the Mayor and Aldermen on paying his Fine , shall not be eligible till another Year . Whereas , 1. It must be remembred , that the Excuce of which they are made the Judges , is not from holding ; but tho he should hold , he is subject to the Penalty , if he does not in due time oblige himself to hold . 2. The [ yearly Eligible ] may be in every Year after that Order , when the Penalty should happen to be incurred . Accordingly , the Order speaks only of the Discharge of Persons to be chosen ; and without such an Interpretation as this of [ yearly ] , could not be taken to extend to Persons actually chosen . Or else it may be for every Year following his Default : according to the usual Entries , that such a Man was chosen Sheriff for the Year ensuing . Besides , by the express Words , the Party is Eligible , as if he had never been chosen : And therefore he must remain Eligible , as if he had never paid his Fine ; which follows the Choice . This will be yet more evident , if we compare this with the Act of Common-Council , 19 H. 8. repeated in Substance by that 34 Eliz. with only necessary Alterations ; and by this 7 Car. 1. For it will appear to have been the Intention of this , as well as of former Orders , as indeed it is of most Laws , to oblige Men to their Duty by exacting the Penalty : not to take the Penalty to excuse from their Duty ; much less thereby to exempt from Penalties , when the Offence shall be repeated . And it is observable , that the Order , 19 H. 8. has not the word [ Yearly ] , which gives colour to a Dispute ; it declaring , That such Person shall be Eligible , notwithstanding his paying the Penalty . 3. If there had been any intention of exempting the Offender for a Year , upon suffering the Penalty ; it would certainly have been in the Negative , that he should not be eligible till the next Year . Which , indeed , would have been no very wise Provision ; and , as will appear , directly contrary to the Preamble , and declar'd Intention of that very Order . But for certain , whatever Power may have been entrusted with the Common-Council ; they cannot , according to the known Rule of Law , set aside the City's common Law-Right of chusing any Person capacitated for the Service , without a Clause in the Negative ; that is to say , that they shall not chuse a Person , discharg'd by the Mayor , Aldermen , and Common-Council , upon paying his Fine , till another Year . Tho , as it will appear , it signifies nothing to the Merits of the Cause , what the Mayor , Aldermen , and Common-Council have done , for drawing to themselves Jurisdiction or Authority from a greater and higher Court in being , and full exercice of Authority , and of which they make but a small part ; yet what is call'd Argumentum ad Hominem , is never to be neglected . For to prove , that those very Arguments in which Men place their Strength , make directly against them , is to disarm , if not convince them . To this end it may be of Service to shew , what Provisions had formerly been made in this Matter : and what has been omitted by the Vindicator , out of the Order 7 C. 1. agreeing with those former Provisions . In the 24 th of E. 3. a publick Act or Ordinance had been made , which taking notice , That many sufficient Persons us'd to absent themselves out of the City to avoid the Office of Sheriff ; by means whereof Persons less sufficient were chosen thro their Default ; to the great Mischief of them , and to the Desolation of the City ; and so following to the great Jeopardy of the Franchises of the same : Disfranchises such Absenters , and allows of no Excuce , unless they swear with six Vouchers , that they did not absent themselves for that Purpose . This was manifestly made in Common-Hall : For one Evidence of which it is to be observ●d , that it was on the Feast of St. Matthew , which had been the usual Day for such Elections , till the Day was altered 19 H. 8. And it is observable , that tho the Common-Council 19 H. 8. as some would think , to colour their Authority to alter the Day and Penalty ; say it was ordain'd and establish'd by the Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons , in their Common-Council , 24 E. 3. yet it is plain it was the Common-Council of all those who assembled at that Day for the Election . And the Common-Council , 18 H. 8. voting that antient Act to be put in execution in the Case of one Hynde , and of all other such Offenders ; calls it , according to the Stile it had at the making , An Ordinance made by Walter Turk Mayor , Simon Franceys , and others , [ with the Assent of the whole City ] . It will further appear , that whatever Councils may , before the time of that old Act , have been summon'd to particular Purposes ; no Common-Council separate from them that used to assemble in the Common-Hall , was ever settled as a standing Council , of any considerable Authority , before that time . This publick Act of the whole City , having therefore absolutely required all sufficient Persons chosen Sheriffs to serve , upon pain of Disfranchisement ; and allowing of no Excuce but Insufficiency in Estate ; all Acts of Common-Council allowing any less or other Court , to discharge sufficient Persons chosen , or to exempt 'em from being chosen , must be void in themselves : And , according to what the City has declared in its fullest Authority , is the assuming a Power , not only to injure those Persons , who thro the Default of others , serve before their turn : Which is a stretch beyond the Exercice of a Dispensing Power by the most Arbitrary of our Kings : But as it tends to the Desolation of the City , and hazards the loss of its Franchises ; is beyond , and contrary to , any Power that they can pretend to for the making By-Laws : which can be only for the Benefit of the City . But , in truth it will appear , that Common-Councils after this solemn Declaration of the Sense of the City , only took care to inforce the Substance of what was then enacted ; expressing what shall be adjudged Sufficiency ; and making other Penalties more likely to be effectual , than the Bugbear of Disfranchisement , can be with a wealthy Citizen , who is above his Trade , or any need of the Privileges of the City . Wherefore the Common-Council , 19 H. 8. having alter'd the Day of Election to a more convenient Day than the Feast of St. Matthew ; which was too near the Day on which Sheriffs were to be presented at the Exchequer , making almost the same recital with the Act 24 E. 3. provides , That if the Person chosen shall make Default , he shall pay 200 l. to the Vse of the Commonalty of the City ; 100 l. of which shall be given to him who next serves thro his Default . But expresly declares , That every Person so making Default , at all times be eligible unto the said Room and Office of Sheriffwick ; the said former Act , or any ☞ thing therein contained to the contrary , [ or the paiment of the said 200 l. for such Default , notwithstanding ] . Thus the By-Laws in this Matter stood , till 13 Eliz. when an Order of Common-Council was made , expresly affirming , or confirming , all former Acts of Common-Council , and Decrees of Court , herein . Where Decrees of Court may well be taken to include the Decrees of the Common-Hall pronounc'd on the Hustings ; and consequently that 24 E. 3. as to the requiring Persons chosen to hold , without any Excuce but Insufficiency , stands affirm'd 13 Eliz. That of the 13 th of Eliz. continued the same Penalty as 19 H. 8. but made nothing under 2000 l. to be a sufficient Qualification : Yet that , as well as the Order 19 H. 8. stood in need of some amendment . Wherefore 34 Eliz. it was prudently provided , 1. That the Day of Election being within too few Days of the Time for presenting the Sheriffs at the Exchequer , should be put back to the 24 th of June . 2. There being no sufficient Means of securing the City before-hand , that they might depend on a Person 's standing ; a Bond was required for that purpose . 3. The Penalty proving over-mild , it was rais'd from 200 l. to 400 Marks ; and if the Person chosen were an Alderman , to 600 Marks . 4. It was not express'd , 19 H. 8. what Estate should qualify a Person for the Service ; and the Qualification required 13 Eliz. became insufficient ; wherefore the Order , 34 Eliz. requir'd 5000 l. Upon these Accounts it repeal'd all former Orders about this Matter ; that a more effectual one might take place . But then it must be agreed , that till the 34 th of Eliz. there was no manner of colour to imagine , that paying a Fine could discharge any Man without Consent of the Common-Hall . And as it has appeared already , that 7 Car. 1. made no Alteration herein , or plac'd any Power of discharging or exempting , where it had not been before : Neither did that 37 Eliz. which that 7 C. 1. transcribes as to this Matter . But notwithstanding the requisite Alterations made 34 Eliz. the Expensiveness of Shrievalties , and Mens backwardness to hold , occasioned the Provision , 7 Car. 1. which has given Ground , tho no true Colour , for the present Dispute . That Act repeals all former Acts of Common-Council : but does not pretend to repeal any Act of Common-Hall . So that all the Obligation which lay upon Citizens to be concluded by their own Consent , publickly , and solemnly declared , 24 E. 3. still remains unshaken . Nor does the Act , 7 C. 1. repeal former Acts of Common-Council , as too severely keeping Men to their Duty : but , [ for that the same have not taken so good Effect as might be wished ; by reason that the Penalties and Forfeitures therein contained , have been over-mil'd : and thereby his Majesty's Services have been in danger of Prejudice ; and the good Citizens of this City , by reason of the often refusals of the said Office of Shrievalty , have been much troubled and disquieted . The better to secure good Sheriffs , it appoints the Day of Election to be the 24 th of June . And that no Freeman of the said City , so to be chosen or elected as aforesaid , shall be exempted from the execution of the said Office of Shrievalty , by supposition , or excuce of defect or insufficiency of Wealth ; [ except ] he will voluntarily take his Corporal Oath , before the Mayor , and greater part of the Aldermen , in open Court of Lord-Mayor , and Aldermen for the Time being ; that he then is not of the Value of Ten thousand Pounds , &c. Now considering how the former Provisions were , this is as much as if it said , Whereas according to former By-Laws , no sufficient Person is to be discharged or exempted from holding Sheriff ; and what was Sufficiency then , is not so now ; but the Penalties upon sufficient Persons were over-mil'd : therefore every sufficient Person chosen shall serve , upoin pain of forfeiting the sum of 600 Marks , if an Alderman , and 400 l. if a Commoner : unless he can swear , as is hereby required . Wherefore , according to the plain scope and meaning of this Order , and which , indeed , is expressed in that very Part which the Vindicator uses , no Man is to be discharged , or exempted , but for insufficiency in Estate . But however that Order were ; it is evident , that the Act of Common-Hall , 24 E. 3. is far from being antiquated or repealed : and is of force as to the Obligation , which the Body of the City laid upon every individual Person of the City , and upon all Inferiour Courts or Councils : and if the Penalty be duly taken away , that will not weaken the Sanction of such a declaratory Law. And surely no Man can say , that because of this Alteration , the exempting or discharging a sufficient Person from being Sheriff , will not be to the Prejudice of less sufficient Persons , who shall be oblig'd to serve before their turn : or that it will not tend to the Desolation of the City , and to the Hazard of its Franchises . As I take it , all the Citizens are precluded by this Act from saying otherwise , than themselves did so long since by their Predecessors ; and yet speak in this their standing Law. III. I come now to consider how the Custom has been : which , by what has already appeared , could not signify much , if it were contrary to these By-Laws ; and yet , as I shall shew , that is quite otherwise than the Vindicator would seem to believe . In the * 18 th Edw. II. one John Causton had been chosen Sheriff at the usual time , he not appearing ‖ whether upon personal Notice by Order of the Common-Hall , or upon a Proclamation , is uncertain ; the Aldermen and Commons were summon'd to be at Guildhall the Michaelmas Day next following : On which Day Causton was * disfranchised , and put out of his Aldermanship . And one Alan Gill was chosen Sheriff , and sworn : Afterwards , at the Hustings holden on Monday next after the Feast of Simon and Jude , Causton came and put ‖ himself upon the Mercy of the Mayor , Aldermen [ and Commonalty ] and begg'd to be restored to his former Estate , proffering to take the Shrievalty upon him . The * Mayor , Aldermen [ and Commons ] having the same Day consulted together ; and Respect being had to the Impotency or Insufficiency of Gill ; Causton was admitted to his former State , and sworn Sheriff : after which he was accepted , and sworn at Westminster . Observe , 1. Here was a Disfranchisement by Common Hall , before any Act of other Common Council was made in the Matter : and indeed , as it will appear , before there was any other Common Council ; or any Authority to make By-Laws given or confirmed to the City by any Charter . 2. The Common Hall restores a Man who had been disfranchised . 3. It discharges a Man who had been actually sworn Sheriff . To come to Times after the supposed Settlement of the present Common-Council , and of the Livery Common-Hall . In the 18 th Hen. 8. one Thomas Hinde was chosen Sheriff by the Common Hall : He not appearing , his Default was recorded ; and the Mayor directed the Persons that were of the Common Council of the City , to resort up to their Place accustomed , there to hold a Common Council ; and that all others should abide within the Hall. In that Common Council the Ordinance above-mentioned 24 Edw. 3. was read , and agreed to be put in execution . Hynde not yet appearing ; it was shewn to the Commons by the Common Clerk , in the Recorder's Absence , that inasmuch as the City was destitute of a Sheriff ; and also in consideration , that the Day of presenting the Sheriff at the Exchequer drew near , they should immediately proceed to a new Election . Then the Commons chose Simon Rice on a Saturday . The Day for presenting the Sheriffs being the next Monday , the Commons were appointed to meet on the Sunday . But Rice not being to be found , such Persons as were of the Common-Council were again ordered to resort up to their Place accustomed to Council ; where it was ordered , that every Citizen who had dep●●●ed out of the City since the Friday before , should forfeit 20 l. Thereupon the Commons being ordered to proceed to another Election , chose William Robins : who appearing before the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons , swore , [ before them all ] that he was not worth 1000 Marks ; upon which Oath he was immediately clearly dismissed . The Commons being again commanded by the Mayor to proceed to a new Election ; the Mayor and Aldermen returned to the great Chamber ; in whose Absence the Commons chose Mr. William Lok : who making humble Supplication to the Mayor , Aldermen [ and Commons ] shewed them , that considering his Youth and great Charges , he was nothing apt nor liable to take the Office upon him : which Mayor , Aldermen [ and Commons ] having Pity and Compassion of the said Mr. William Lok , upon his said Declaration , clearly discharged him for that time , without making of any Oath . The Commons being commanded to proceed to a new Election , the Mayor and Aldermen withdrew as before , and the Commons chose Mr. Nicholas Lamberd , who was sworn Sheriff . At this time it is evident , beyond Contradiction , that though the Lord Mayor gave the Rule , as Chief in the Common-Hall ; and he , with the Common-Council in the Council-Chamber , set the Penalty upon Absenters ; the Discharge of the Persons chosen was in the Common-Hall , and the Act of the Common Hall. Within three Years after this the Authority of the Common-Hall in this Matter , exclusive of all other Powers , is asserted in a very remarkable Instance . They having chosen Sheriff one Mr. Ralph Rowlet , an Officer in the Royal Mint ; the King wrote to the Mayor and Citizens , shewing that Mr. Rowlet was occupied in the Charge of the Mint ; and therefore will'd them , having Knowledg of his Privilege , no farther to inquiet him , but to proceed to a new Choice . Whereupon it was ordered , decreed and determined , by the Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons , that the Persons there named should repair to the King in the Name of the Mayor , Aldermen , and Citizens , in their most humble manner to beseech him , that the Liberties , Customs and Franchises of the City , by his most noble Progenitors granted to the same , and by his Highness ratified and confirmed , may stand , and be in their Strength and Virtue , concerning the said Ralph Rowlet ; that he may take upon him the said room of Sheriffwick , according to the Effect of the same . The Persons so deputed having attended the King , returned with a second Letter ; directed , to our trusty and right well beloved the Mayor of our City of London ; and our trusty and well beloved the Aldermen , Citizens , and Commons of the same . Wherein , as he says , Tendering the entire Conservation , and Maintenance , of the Liberties and Privileges of the City ; and seeing that his learned Councel were absent ; for which Cause he was in suspence and doubt , whether his Letters Patent to Rowlet were of such Force , that by Virtue of the same he ought to be discharged ; he desires them to proceed to the Election of some other Person , [ so to discharge ] the said Ralph Rowlet : Not in Contemplation of the said Letters Patent , but of those Presents , being only of request . Whereupon it was agreed , by the said Mayor , and Aldermen , that a Common-Council should be warned against the Vigil of St. Michael the Arch-Angel , concerning the same : And [ to their Advyses ] in the Premises . The Common-Council meeting , it was then and there agreed , according to the Tenor , and Effect , of the said Letter . It must be own'd , That in the Entries of the Common-Council there are these words ; It is agreed , That the said Ralph Rowlet shall be discharged of the said Office for this time only : And that thereupon the Commons proceed to a new Election . Where they do not pretend actually to discharge him , but agree that he shall be discharged : Which shews , that the Discharge was to be in the Place where another was to be chosen : And they only advised this , or recommended it , to the Common-Hall . That this was only by way of Advice appears farther ; not only by the declared End for which they were summon'd ; but by what follows the former part of the Journal ; which , after mentioning what was done in Common-Council , has these words ; And then immediately , the said Letter was openly read in the Guild-Hall aforesaid , [ to all the Commons in their Liveries , then and there assembled . ] And in like manner were agreed , in manner and form as the said Common-Council had agreed and granted . And thereupon , the said Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons , by one Assent , and Consent , proceeded to the Election of a new Sheriff , in the stead and place of the said Mr. Rowlet . Here 't is observable , 1. That it was held and declared , whether by the Common-Hall , or ordinary Common-Council , it matters not ; That the King's Prerogative to require the Service of his Subjects , could not defeat the Right of the City , to employ its Citizens : Tho' the King had exercised his Prerogative , before the City had applied that Right to the particular Person . 2. That the King did not think it in the Power of the Mayor , and Aldermen , or any other Body of Men , without the Commons , to discharge the Person chosen . 3. That he suppos'd the Choice of another Person , to amount to the Discharge of the first . 4. That tho' the Common-Council among themselves agree , that the Person shall be discharged ; they did not insist upon this Order or Vote , as conclusive to the Common-Hall . But caus'd the King's Letter to be read in Common-Hall . Where all agreed in manner and form as the Common-Council had done before : That is , they agreed to discharge the Party . So that the Agreement of the Common-Council was but matter of Advice , or a probationary Order ; which wanted the Placet , or Fiat , of the Commons . The next Case which I find to this Point , is that of Richmond , 33 H. VIII . In which , as I am informed , the Asserters of the Authority of the Common-Council much triumph : And yet it will prove to have been the Effect of a strong Prepossession ; or of not attending to those governing Passages and Expressions , which will fully explain what may seem doubtful in this , or other Entries of the like kind . Richmond having been chosen by the Common-Hall , and his Election certified to the Mayor , and Aldermen , in the utter Chamber of Guild-Hall ; the Mayor , and Aldermen , are there said lovingly to have confirmed and allowed the same . After this , the Lord-Mayor , and his Brethren the Aldermen , returning [ into the Hall ] Richmond came up unto the Lord-Mayor , and his Brethren the Aldermen , and [ then ] and [ there ] made right humble and hearty Suit , Petition , and Request , both [ unto them ] and [ unto the whole Commons there present ] That , forasmuch as he had not sufficient Estate , It might please [ them all ] to be so good Lord and Maisters unto him , and to discharge him thereof again . Notwithstanding his Allegations and Reasons for his Excuse and Discharge , because it seemed [ unto them ] that he was a Man very meet and hable for the same , his said Petition and Request would not , nor was not granted unto him . He proffer'd his Oath , that he was not worth 1000 Marks : But the Mayor , Aldermen , and Council of the City answer'd , That such Oath was not sufficient without Six Vouchers , according to the late Act of Common-Council . However , he swore to his Insufficiency , before the Mayor , Aldermen , and [ Commons ; ] Whereupon , forasmuch as his own Othe did not discharge him , according to the Laws and Usages of the said City , of and from the said Office ; but that he stood still , and remained chargeable to the same , and expresly refused , and denied there openly to take it upon him , and to meddle withal ; he was sent to Ward for his Disobedience , and Obstinacy , by the whole Court [ and Consent of the Commons ] there assembled . After this , he was several times brought in Custody before the Mayor , and Aldermen , and as often remanded ; till at last he agreed to pay 200 l. to the use of the City , for his Discharge ; and gave Bond for the Money . Thereupon he was discharged from his Imprisonment . Then the Mayor , Aldermen , Common-Council , and [ other the Commoners assembled at Guild-Hall , for the Discharging of the said Richmond ] of and from the said Office , and for the Election of another . Whereupon , great part of the Premises , and the Circumstances of the same , by Mr. Recorder , first to the Common-Council , and afterwards [ to the Commons aforesaid ] [ then ] and [ there ] being substantially , discreetly , and prudently , published and declared [ at length ] the same Mr. Richmond was [ then ] and [ there ] by the said Mayor , Aldermen , and [ Common-Counsail there holden ] clearly discharged for that time only , of and from the said Office , for his said Fine . Here they will take no notice of what was transacted in the first Common-Hall ; where Richmond petition'd [ the whole Commons ] as well as the Mayor , and Aldermen , for a Discharge , which he could not then obtain ; and further , the Commons agreed , That he should be committed to Prison : Wherein they , with the Mayor and Aldermen , acted as a Court of Justice , and Common-Council . If the Council of the City , which urg'd an Act of Common-Council , were the Common-Council it self ; then it is evident , that they acted there but as of Counsel or Advice to the Common-Hall ; in which that Entry places the Authority of Discharging . If they were the Cities Counsel at Law who mention'd this ; then the Common-Council had no share in any part of that Transaction , otherwise than as part of the Common-Council in Common-Hall assembled , who consented to the committing Richmond . Still some will hang upon that part of the Entry concerning the Second Common-Hall , where Richmond is said to be discharged by the said Common-Counsail there holden . When it manifestly was the very same Body of Men , to whom he petitioned for a Discharge , which he could not then obtain ; and by whose Consent he was committed to Prison for his Disobedience and Obstinacy . To give colour to their Sense , they must have it , that tho' Richmond sued to the Mayor , Aldermen , Common-Council , and Common ; who would not then discharge him ; and tho' , after he had fined all met to discharge him , and chuse another ; yet the Commons met only to chuse another ; and the Mayor , Aldermen , and Common-Council , to discharge him . And tho' the Discharge is plainly shewn to have been in Common-Hall , where the Common-Council cannot pretend to act as a Council , with Authority ; and that [ at length ] after the Commons , as well as the Common-Council , had been applied to by the Recorder ; yet they must fansie , that the Common-Council withdrew out of the Common-Hall , and went up to the Council-Chamber , to make a particular Order for his Discharge . Of which there is not the least mention or intimation , in relation to that Second Common-Hall . But , as this is meer Imagination , not only without ground , but directly contrary to the careful and solemn entry of the Proceedings , from the beginning to the end ; it is evident , That the Common-Council was but part of the Common-Counsail , there holden , consisting of Mayor , Aldermen , Common-Council , and other Commoners . Farther yet , if it should appear by other Evidences , as I make no doubt but it will , That the Commons of the City , with their Officers , and Council , assembled in their Common-Hall , or other Folk-mote , in their own Persons , or by Representation ; have , from long before the reputed Conquest to this Day , been and continued the Common-Council of the City ; and that the Common-Hall , wherein Richmond was discharged from serving Sheriff , was a true Representative of all the Commons ; it will be certain that all together were properly called a Common-Counsail . And if the Common-Hall , as now compos'd , be the same with that which discharg'd Richmond ; it will also follow , That the Right of Discharging belongs to this Common-Hall : And that it is the true Common-Counsail , or rather Council , of the City . Take all the Precedents together , as they strengthen and give Light to one another ; and , I think , there can be no question , but they will so explain and govern following Orders of Common-Council , that not one of them shall be taken as a Precedent to the Contrary : Unless it can be shewn , that the Person discharged by the Common-council , has been look'd upon in Law as duly discharged ; before the Commons have allowed of the Discharge , by proceeding to a new Choice ; and even tho' they absolutely refus'd to chuse again . However , lest it should be thought , that all the Entries since the Reign of H. VIII . to 7 Car. I. ( when the Order was made on which the Vindicator lays his chief stress ) are on the Side of the Common-Council ; I shall give the Words of the Journal of the Common-Hall , 1 Eliz. which may govern all the Entries to 7 Car. I. Common Hall. In Congregatione Majoris , Aldror ' & Communitatis , Civitatis Lond ' apud Cuihalde , xxi Die Sept ' Anno Reg ' dnae Eliz. Dei Grat ' Ang ' Franciae & Hiberniae Reg ' Fidei Defensor ' &c. primo . Forasmuch , as Mr. Walter Jobson , Citizen and Cloth-worker of the said City of London , who was lawfully elect and chosen the 11th Day of August last past , by the Commons of this City , one of the Sheriffs of the same City , and of the County of Middlesex , for the Year next ensuing after the Feast of St. Michael the Arch-Angel now next ensuing ; hath since that time signified and given sufficient knowledge unto my said Lord-Mayor , and Aldermen ; that he , by reason of Sickness and debility of Body , wherewith he a long time hath been and yet is fore vexed , detain'd , and troubled ; as he saith , is not in any wise able , to take upon him the exercice and execution of the same Office accordingly . In consideration whereof [ the said Commons ] have this Day eftsoons assembled for the Election of one other able and sufficient Person , to bear and exercise the said Room and Office of Shrievalty for the said time , in the stead a●d place of the said Mr. Jobson ; did this Day elect and chuse Mr. Roger Martin , Alderman , one of the Sheriffs of the said City and County of Middlesex , to have , occupy and exercise the said Office of Shrievalty , from the Feast of St. Michael the Arch-Angel now next coming , unto the Feast of St. Michael the Arch-Angel then next ensuing , acc●rding to the ancient custom of this City in that behalf . Here observe ; 1. That in the First of Eliz. the Common-Hall was a Court which kept the Journals of its Proceedings . 2. That the Matter of which the Mayor and Aldermen had taken Cognizance , was not within any By-Law : So that they could not pretend to any Authority to discharge . Nor is it said that the Party was discharged , tho' they were satisfied that he was not able to hold . Wherefore this Matter represented to the Common-Hall , could be no more than as the Opinion , and Advice , of the Mayor and Aldermen . 3. Accordingly , the Common-Hall takes the Matter into consideration : For they , being assembled for the Election of another , did elect , in consideration of the Matter represented to them in Common-Hall . 4. To put this Matter beyond Controversie , it is observable , That no Common-Council was held upon this Occasion ; and there is no colour of Authority , or ancient Usage pretended , for the Mayor and Aldermen to discharge without the Consent of the Common-Council . Therefore Mr. Jobson must have been discharged by the Common-Hall , or otherwise he continued Sheriff ; which , 't is certain he did not . 5. No other discharge of the Party is mentioned , or implied , than the Common-Hall's proceeding to a new Choice . And if in any following Instances they have proceeded to new Elections , upon such Inducements as they had at the respective times , whether upon taking Fines , or otherwise , the Entries of Clerks can be no Prejudice to their Right so manifest upon many Entries in the Common-Hall Journals . According to what is said in Slade's * Case , The Returns of Sheriffs , or Entries of Clerks , without challenge of the Party , or consideration of the Court , being contrary to common Law , and Reason , are not allowable . And therefore , whatever may have been entred in the Books of the Common-Council , it shall not be suppos'd that the Common-Hall ever admitted any Man to have been discharg'd , till they had actually consented to it ; or did it virtually , in chusing another in his stead . And the same may be applied to Exemptions , of which I will admit there are some Instances to be found in the Books of the Common-Council . 4 th . That no Man was ever duly discharged or exempted , till there was the Consent of the Common-Hall , may sufficiently appear by what I have shewn of the By-Laws and Custom in this Matter . And yet if both favour'd the Mayor , Aldermen , and Common-Council , I shall make it evident , that they would be void in Law. To which purpose I shall shew , 1. That the exempting a Person from being chosen Sheriff within the City of London , and the discharging or amoving one chosen , is contrary to the common-Law Right of the Electors . 2. That it is contrary to their Charters , confirm'd by Parliaments . 3. That Magna Charta , and other Acts of Parliament , declaratory of the Common-Law , have so vested the exemption and discharge in the Electors ; that if their free Consent out of Parliament might divest them of it ; for certain nothing less can . 4. That they have never parted with , or quitted it : Yet if they had , are restor'd to their Right by his present Majesty's gracious Act of Restitution . A Canon of Waltham having , in the Reign of H. 6. been arrested by a Serjeant of the City , in the Close of St. Martin le Grand ; the Legality of it coming in question , because of the pretended Privilege of that Place , granted by W. 1. there called Conqueror . The Mayor , and Citizens justify , and say , All the Close is and ought to be , and of all time beyond memory of Man was , of and in the Liberty and Jurisdiction of the said City : For the verifying which they say and shew , divers Reasons and Evidences . First , they say , That the said City is , and beyond memory of Man was , the Capital City of the whole Kingdom of England , before the rest of the Cities and Towns of the same , adorn'd as well with Honours , as Liberties ; and very many free Customs of divers Kinds : For it was founded of Old by the famous Progenitors of our Lord the King that now is , after the likeness , and manner , and in memory of Antient Troy the Great : and from hence was long called Trinovant . Which City , in the time of St. Edward , King and Confessor , and [ of all time before ] was of it self , and in it self [ one sole and entire County ] , and one sole and entire Jurisdiction and Liberty , [ held at Farm by the said Citizens and their Predecessors ] of the said King and his Predecessors . And the same Citizens then , and from all the time aforesaid , by reason of their said Jurisdiction and Liberty , have among other , such Liberties and free Customs : to wit , to chuse and make of themselves , every Year , certain principal Officers in the said ●●●y , who may faithfully answer the King of the said Farm , and immediately under him , the People of the said City , and others resorting to the same , in Peace and Justice according to its antient Laws and Customs , to rule . And also they could , ought , and for all the times aforesaid , us'd to make other Ministers under them , in aid of the sustaining and 〈◊〉 ●●ising the Premisses : So that all the said time , no Summons , Attachment , Distress , or Execution , ought , or us'd to be made , in the Place where the said Close now is , nor elsewhere in any Part of the City ; unless by the Officers and Ministers aforesaid , except on their failure . And they say , That the said Lord William the Conqueror , before the Foundation of the Church aforesaid , and the making the said Charter , of which before was mention , by the Authority of his Parliament ; and by two Charters which the said Mayor and City here proffer : to wit , by one of them demised to the Citizens of London , the whole said City and County , with all its Appendences , Things , and Customs , to them in any manner appertaining . And by the other he granted , and by the Authority aforesaid confirm'd , to the same Citizens , and their Successors , that they should have the said , and all other their Liberties and Free Customs unhurt , which they had in the time of the said holy King Edward his Progenitor : and that they should peaceably use and enjoy them , &c. And , speaking of other Kings , his Successors , Which Kings severally , some by their Charters , and some by their Charters and the Authority of divers their Parliaments , granted and confirmed , to the said Citizens and their Successors , all the said City and County , with all the Rights , Jurisdictions , Liberties , and Free Customs before-mentioned , with their Appurtenances whatsoever [ in Fee Farm ] . Indeed , I find no Judgment upon this , but it seems the Plea quieted the Dispute . That the Plea was rightly founded , may appear from two considerable Authorities , not to name more . 1. The * Confessor's Law ( received and sworn to by Wil. 1. more than once ) out of which the Passage concerning the Antiquity of the City , and its being founded in Imitation and in Memory of Old Troy , is transcribed : That Law derives the City's Laws , Rights , Liberties , and Royal Customs , from its first Foundation ; and says it has preserved them with an entire Inviolability ; and consequently affirms those Laws , Rights , Liberties , and Royal Customs , to have been at Common Law before any Charter . A † Charter passed in Parliament 1 E. 3. and at the Request of the City , express'd by the Recorder , ‖ enrolled in the King's-Bench soon after . This Charter , mentioning the great Charter's Confirmation of all the City's antient Liberties and Customs , adds , that at the making of that Charter , and in the times of Edward King and Confessor , and of William the Conqueror , and other E. 3 d's Progenitors , the said Citizens had divers Liberties and Customs , as well by Charters of Kings , as without , of antient Custom : Where the Custom is laid from before the reputed Conquest . And thus their Plea above , which I find likewise pleaded or prepared , * 25 H. 8. is in effect warranted by Act of Parliament . It appears that the Charter to St. Martins , which occasioned this Plea , was granted 2 Will. 1. and that in Parliament , for it was at the Queen●s Coronation , which , as appears ‖ by the old Rituals and Histories , could not then be without the Consent of the States : Though in the Charter to be seen in the Tower by inspeximus , there are Words exempting the Place from all secular Jurisdiction ; yet the whole County of London being the City's Farm , Jurisdiction in every part of it was such an Incident as could not be taken away by general Words in an Act of Parliament : According to a Case , * 2 E. 3. wherein it was adjudged , that though the Stat. of Westminster gave an Attaint against a Jury for a false Verdict ; an Attaint would not lie upon a Verdict in the City of London , because of the Credit the Oaths of a City-Jury had by Prescription before the Statute . Since therefore the County of London is the City's Farm , and of such a Nature , that what belongs to the Farm is not separable by the general Words of an Act of Parliament ; neither will the discharging the Sheriffs otherwise than at the Pleasure of the Electors , that is , of the City duly represented , at least for that Purpose , be to be taken from the Electors by a less Authority than a Parliament : And if a Parliament cannot do it by general or doubtful Words , much less can any others . But to evince that the discharging or amoving is incident to the Right of the Election , I must observe , that in other Counties , which are not of Fee , though the Choice of Sheriffs was at common Law in the Freeholders of the Counties , yet the Sheriffs had their Commissions and Authority from the King. And as they have their several Bailywicks under them , they were and are the King's Bailiffs of the whole County ; which in many Records is stiled their † Balliva or Bailywick . And though ordinarily the King constitutes them his Bailiffs for a Year , they at Common Law were amoveable at his Pleasure . But as the County of London is the City's Farm , it is the Sheriff's Bailywick under the City , whose Election and Confirmation constitutes him Sheriff , without any Commission from the King. And because the City is answerable to the King , if the Sheriff be not able , ( though not for his Crimes , which several Charters provide against ) the Sheriffs used antiently to find ‖ Sureties to indempnify the City . The Sheriffs therefore being but Bailiffs to the Electors , in the Nature of the thing , are amoveable or dischargeable by them ; and consequently by them only : unless we suppose two supreme Powers within the City ; which , according to * Grotius's Argument against the Plurality of Gods , are absolutely inconsistent . 2. If there were any Question , whether the discharging Sheriffs at Common Law belongs to the Electors ; Charters confirm'd by Parliament put it beyond Dispute . In a Charter † 1 Joh. after the Confirmation of the Sherifwick of London and Middlesex , with all the Customs and Things to the Sherifwick belonging , at the Rent of 300 l. per annum , with a special saving to the Citizens of London of all their Liberties and free Customs ; it adds , Moreover , we have granted to the Citizens of London , that they from among themselves may make Sheriffs whom they will , and amove them when they will. This is not only confirm'd in general by that King 's Great Charter at * Runny-mead , or Redden-mead , and by H. Third 's Great Charter , under the Cities Liberties , and free Customs ; but by the express words of a Charter , 11 H. III. and by two Acts of Parliament at the least ; one 1 , the other 7 of R. II. In the first of which this is preserv'd , ‖ among other Rights , tho' not us'd : And in the later , tho' not us'd , or abus'd . And all of them are repeated and confirm'd † , 2 E. IV. And that of 7 R. II. is exemplified under the Broad-Seal * , 8 J. I. It is observable , That the managing Part of the City took Care to leave the Parliamentary Confirmations of this , and other Clauses ; which , possibly , they thought too much to favour the Commonalty , out of the Confirmation of their Charter , 16 C. II. However , the Acts of Parliament stood in no need of Confirmation ; and the late Exemplification , of the most considerable of them , confirming the rest , removes the Pretence of their being antiquated , or lost , by any supposed disuse . And , besides what I have mentioned , according to the Cities Plea to the Quo Warranto in Michaelmas-Term , 1681. The entire Benefit of these Charters , in this Point , was confirm'd , 5 H. VIII . 2 E. VI. 1 Mar. 4 Eliz. 6. J. I. 14 C. I. To which , not to mention others , I may add the Statute , ‖ 7 H. IV. which , after providing that Holy Church , the Lords-Spiritual , and Temporal , and all the Cities and Burghs , have , and enjoy , all their Liberties and Franchises before that time granted ; adds , And that the Great Charter , and the Charter of the Forest , and all the Ordinances and Statutes made in the time of our Sovereign Lord the King , and in the time of his Progenitors , [ not repealed ] be firmly holden and kept , and duly executed , in all Points . It may be material here , to shew how the Law , as to the Cities Liberty and Franchise , for the chusing and amoving Sheriffs , was taken in the next Reign after the making that Statute . In the 6th of H V. a Sheriff dying in his Shrievalty , the Mayor , Aldermen , and the more sufficient of the Commons , that is , as will afterwards appear , the Livery-men , were summon'd † before the King in Council , to shew their Right to chuse , upon the death of a Sheriff . They appearing , answer by the Recorder , That , ‖ among other , the Libertus granted to the Citizens of London , and ratified in divers Parliaments , it is con●●i●ed , That the Citizens of London may make Sheriffs of themselves , as often as they will , and amove them when they will. By reason of which Liberty they say That often hitherto , after they have chosen Sheriffs from among themselves , who have behaved themselves ill , or died , as it now happened , they have chosen others in their stead . This Plea was then allowed by the Counsel , or before the King in Council , where such Matters us'd to be determin'd . And it was said to the Mayor and Commons , That they should use as they had done hitherto . Where the Chusers and Amovers are agreed to be the same : And that these were the Mayor and Aldermen , with the more sufficient of the Commons . And , if it will appear , that these were the Livery-men ; here is a Judgment of that time , That , according to the Charters confirm'd by Acts of Parliament , the chusing , and amoving , or discharging of Sheriffs , belongs to the Livery-men , and , consequently , to none besides . If the above-mentioned Charters and Acts of Parliament , in affirmance , as I have shewn , of the Common-Law , are not enough to preserve the Cities Right of amoving , or discharging Sheriffs , as well as chusing them ; and if they may not chuse Persons exempted by Order of a Common-Council , as well as others ; it is in vain to talk of such a thing as Legal Rights : For none can be more firmly and plainly established . If it be said , That the City has this , but not the Citizens which meet in Common-Hall : It may as well be said , That they are not the Electors in any Case ; for whoever are , by Law , the Electors , have Right to disallow Exemptions by others , even by the King himself , as in Rowlet's Case ; and to amove , or discharge , in as full a manner as they have the chusing . Farther yet , Whatever is inconsistent with an undoubted Right , is absolutely void ; but for the Common-Council to discharge a Person whom the Common-Hall and they themselves as Part did chuse by an undoubted Right , is inconsistent , as it makes the Right useless ; and therefore such a Discharge must be void . And the same will hold against Exemptions ; and indeed , if others may exempt , they cannot chuse whom they will. In either Case they are defeated of what the Common-Law and Charters , confirmed in Parliament , vested in ' em . 3. Since therefore , they remain the Electors , it will be a great Question , whether they could barr themselves , or succeeding Common-Halls , from a Right so incident , and annexed to the Election , as the amoving , or discharging , a Person chosen Sheriff ; or exempting Persons being chosen ; according to the Notion of Sir Robert Filmer , and others , of Supreme Power ( in which they mistake only for want of observing how the Power , which is in its Nature indivisible , is seated , and enjoyed . ) To this Matter I may well apply what that great Man , the late Earl of Clarendon , says of the Supposition , That our Ancestors had absolutely submitted to the Will of a Conqueror . If it * can be supposed , That any Nation can concur in such a Designation , and devesting themselves of all their Right , and Liberty ; it could only be , in reason , Obligatory to the present Contractors : Nor does it appear to us , That their Posterity must be bound by so unthrifty a Concession of their Parents . To which I may add that of ‖ Grotius ; No Man can oblige himself by way of Law , that is as a Superior : And hence it is , that the Authors of Laws have Right to change their Laws ; yet any Body may be oblig'd by his own Law ; not directly , but by consequence , ( that is to say ) as he is a Part of the Community ; according to natural Equity , which requires that Parts should be compos'd with respect to the Whole . But here the Electors stand in the Place of the whole Body of Citizens , and therefore might at any time re-assume the Right which belongs to them as Electors . However , that they shall not be thought to have parted with it by Implication , in suffering a Common-Council to act as if the sole Authority in this Matter rested in them ; tho' for a longer time than can be pretended here , may , besides the reason of the thing , appear : 1. From observing some parallel Cases . 2. From the Resolution of Judges , directly in this Point . First , I may observe some Cases , of many , wherein a greater length of time than is supposed here , can take away no Right . 1. Discontinuance of part of the Services , belonging to Tenure , when the Lord of a Mannor has been possessed of other Part , or at least of the Principal ; as in Bevil's Case . According to which , possession of the Right of Chusing carries with it the incidental Right , of Exempting and Amoving , or , Discharging . 2. Where a Custom which has long obtain'd , is contrary to the Common-Law Right , confirm'd by Magna Charta , of a considerable Body of Men. Thus from the Precedent in the Case of the Earl of Warwick , 14 or 15 H. VII . a Custom and suppos'd Prerogative had obtain'd , for the King to name a select Number of Peers to try any one of them for his Life . And this is supported not only by the Opinion of the Lord Coke , but by the Year-Book , 1 H. IV. where there is a formal Account of the Trial of an Earl of H. in such manner , at that time . When it appears by the Summons to Parliaments at that time , that there was no other Earl of H. besides the Earl of Huntington : And the Record * of 2 H. IV. shews , that he being taken in open Rebellion , was executed by the People without any Legal Process . This , and other Evidences of the Right of the Lords to fair Trials , having been communicated to several of them , occasioned their Resolution , Jan. 14. 1689. That it is the ancient Right of the Peers of England to be try'd only in full Parliament , for Capital Offences . Which they explained three Days after , excepting Appeals for Murther , or other Felony . Which Resolution was 189 Years since the Precedent to the contrary , which had been followed ever since to that Day . 3. It is to be consider'd , That the Right here in question , is a Right belonging to the Citizens of London by Prescription , confirm'd by Charters and Acts of Parliament : And a Right , which , as has appear'd above , the present Representatives of the Citizens , for the election of Sheriffs , were possess'd of in the Reign of H. VIII . if not as late as 1 Eliz. But if the Custom ever since , or for a much longer time , had placed the Exemption and Discharge in others ; such a Custom could not destroy the Cities prescriptional Right : For tho' Interruption may destroy the prescriptional Rights of particular Persons , it shall not such Rights of Cities and Boroughs , as may be regularly exercised without confusion . Accordingly , tho' some ‖ Boroughs never sent Burgesses to Parliament above once , twice , or thrice , in one or two , and some not in three hundred Years , they , in pursuance of several Votes of the House of Commons , from the 18th of J. I. downwards , have been restored and remitted to their Antient Right : As (b) Agmondesham , St. Albans , Alverton , alias Allerton , Andover , (c) Asperton , Beverley , Botolph , Dunster , Fawy , Gatton , Herewich , Honyton , Lancaster , Leychesfeld , Lee , (d) Malton , Marlaw Magna , Okhampton , Oreford , (e) Pontefract , Preston , Richmond , Seaford , Web●eley , Wendover , Wych . I shall take leave to observe what is cited upon this Occasion , in one of the Reports of the ●ommittee of Privileges , An. 1628. from Hankford , 11 H. 4. The long discontinuance might come from Poverty , or the nescience or neglect of the Sheriff . Tho for certain , in so long a Succession of Parliaments , these Burroughs had sufficient Opportunities of freeing themselves from any Prejudice which might arise from such ●●science , or Neglect ; and by so long a Sufferance , seem to have given up their Right : Yet it appears to be a Right of such a Nature , as is assumable whenever they are in a condition to exercise it . For evidence of which , I take leave to add a farther Instance , that no discontinuance , tho for several hundreds of Years , shall destroy such a Right . Which is the Case of St. Edmond's Bury in Suffolk . This by King * Cnute's Charter , confirm'd by † Edward the Confessor , and afterwards by W. 1. and ( whatever some talk of the publishing his Laws in French ) according to the Usage of his and former Times ‖ published or proclaimed m●re than once , in the Sax●n Tongue ; appears to have been a Burrough , from the Time of K. Edmond , who died about 800 Years since , and yet but one Precept can be found for this Burrough to send Members to Parliament till within late Days : and that single Precept was as early as 30 Edw. 1. nor was there any Return upon it . But this appearing to have been an Antient Burrough ; the right of being represented in Parliament was such an Incident , as no discontinuance could sever . 4. Nothing appears to the contrary , but that from the Time that this Common-Council receiv'd its Settlement , whenever that was , they have been chosen by the Inhabitants in the several Wards , free and unfree : tho directly contrary to the Charters , which place the Rights of the ●ity in the Freemen . And thus it continued , till the Mayoralty of that prudent Magistrate , Sir Thomas Stamp : When it was declared , That it is , and antiently hath been , the Right and Privilege of the Freemen of the said City only , being Housholders , paying Scot and bearing Lot , and or none other whatsoe●er , in their several and respective Wards , from time to time , as often as there was or should be occasion ▪ to nominate Aldermen , and elect Common-Council-men , for the same respective Wards . There is not in that Act the least intimation , that there ever was a Custom for the Freemen to chuse , exclusive of all others : And yet the Sense of the Common-Council was , that such Right remained , notwithstanding the long Disuse , and the usurpation of Foreigners , with the Permission of the Freemen . 2. Among Resolutions of Judges , directly to the present Point , I may very well use that which is cited on the other Side , 40 & 41 Eliz. According to which , it is to be presum'd , that Common Assent has placed the Elections of Sheriffs in the Livery-men : but the Claim or Exercice of Authority to discharge or exempt a Person chosen , can have no Foundation in Law , unless transferred from the Electors to others , by the express Common Assent of the Electors , or at least such as is presumable to have been very long since given : for which Presumption , I challenge any Man to shew the least Ground . But there is another Resolution of Judges of yet greater Authority ; that 40 and 41 Eliz. being extrajudicial upon a Case put at Serjeants-Inn . Whereas I shall shew a formal Judgment , that Common Assent , to be of any Force in such Case , ought to be express , and not by Implication . The Judgment follows in these words : 3 d. It was agreed by Coke , Chief Justice , and the whole Court , in this Case of Colchester , concerning their Corporation , that if there be a popular Election of the Mayor , and Aldermen , in Corporate Towns , and this happens to breed Confusion amongst 'em , this may be altered by their Agreement , and by the common Assent of all , to have their Elections by a fewer Number ; but not otherwise . But if by their Charter they are to be elected by them all : then this is not to be altered , but by and with the general Assent of the whole Town , and so by this means to take away Confusion . This is so plain , that it needs no Comment , only that it must not be objected , that this speaks only of Elections , not the discharging of Persons chosen , or any other Incident . For if even in the Case of Elections , where there is a Necessity to restrain the Numbers of Electors , to avoid Confusion ; this Restraint will not bind without a general Assent ; much less can it be pretended , that where Elections can be , and are , duly made , it shall be in the Power of others to defeat or vacate the Election ; and put the Electors in danger of wanting sufficient Men to serve , or of Confusion by Elections often repeated : when the Power of doing this was never parted with in express Terms , or so much as by Implication . 4. But that the Common-Hall have never parted with this ; or if they had , are restored to it , may very easily appear , if we consider , 1. That the Right of chusing what qualified Persons they please , or amoving or discharging 'em at pleasure , is not only vested in 'em by common Law , confirmed by Charters , and Acts of Parliament ; but has been exercised by the Common-Hall , not only before the supposed Settlement of the present Common-Council , and the Livery Common-Hall , but after ; and that in Instances very remarkable , and fully expressive of their Authority . And if there had been any Discontinuance , their adhering to their Choice of Sir Christopher Lethieulier , and Sir John Houblon , and obliging them to hold , after they had fined ; according to a known Term in Law , would work a Remitter , by which they would be restor'd to their best Right , which is so favour'd in Law , that if one who has been disseis'd of Land , enter under a Lease from the Disseisor ; he shall be adjudg'd to be in Possession upon his former Right . 2. That whereas the Vindicator will have a supposed Custom for the Mayor , Aldermen , and Common-Council , to discharge , or exempt , to have been confirmed by the late Act , restoring the City Charter ; it restores to the Mayor , Commonalty , and Citizens , all their Rights , [ which they lawfully had ] at the recording or giving the Judgment : But surely a Custom of so late Days as this is , take it with the greatest colour of Pretension , ( especially when the Custom is of such a Nature , that whatever Entries may have been in the Books of the Common-Council , the Common-Hall's unanimous Choice of any other Person , may be well taken to have been the only legal Discharge ; as it plainly was so late as 1 Eliz. ) cannot come within the meaning of those words ; and that to the Prejudice of a Right which Magna Charta , and so many other Charters and Statutes ; and some of them not very Antient , have vested in the Electors . Wherefore the lawful Custom in this Matter , used by the Common-Hall , from the beginning , till within the Time of Queen Elizabeth , and of which they were possess'd at the making the Statute , 2 W. & M. is indisputably restored and confirmed by that Statute . And if all this cannot fix a Right in the Common-Hall , I must needs think the Rights of English-men very precarious . Which leads me to the higher Controversy ; where the Vindicator supposes , that if there has been no former By-Law or Practice , directly in this Point ; yet the Common-Council may exercise such a Power , by a Right inherent in them , as the City's Legislators , who were not only prior in time to the Livery Common-Hall , but gave being to 'em in the Time of E. 4. and can controul their Acts. Not here to insist upon the plain Consequence of these Assertions , that if what the Vindicator holds be true , the Common-Council may not only place Elections of Sheriffs in themselves , but of all other Officers , and even of Members of Parliament , and Common-Council Men ; and make themselves a Body of perpetual Continuance , supplying Vacancies by the Choice of the Survivers ; and so by one single Act of a Common-Council overthrow all the Rights of the City ; to leave this Reflection to be improv'd by others . I shall prove , that the present Common-Hall is by Law chiefly entrusted with executing the Powers given by Common Law , and Charters confirmed by divers Parliaments , to the Body of Freemen : Where I shall shew , 1. That the Rights and Liberties of the City rested in the whole Body of the Freemen : and the whole Body of them have regularly voted in making Laws , for the Benefit and Government of the City , before they had any Charters , and since . 2. That whoever are legally possess'd of the publick Common-Hall , are intituled to all the Authority which the whole Body ever had : especially in those Matters wherein the present Possessors exercise Authority : and that the Livery-men have this Right . 3. That a Representation of the Commons , by the Mysteries , was settled in the Council-Chamber , with Authority to make By-Laws , before any Common-Council of the present Form had such Authority . And , however , that the Authority of that Council was soon taken away by Act of Common-Hall ; and lodg'd for some time in the Representation by the Mysteries . 4. That whoever are intituled to the Council-Chamber ; that Council is a meer Creature and Committee of the Common-Hall , by it entrusted with the dispatch of some things ; and for preparing others for its ease . And whatever Power they have about Circumstances , cannot by their Act deprive the Common-Hall of any Right . 5. That there is no colour to believe , that the Common-Hall , as now compos'd , received its Being or Authority from such Common-Council as now acts : or from any thing but the general Consent of the Freemen , express'd in some Act of Common-Hall , before the Time of E. 4. or imply'd in the long submission of the rest of the Freemen , before that Time , or since . ( 1. ) As I before observ'd , the Confessor's Law derives the City's Laws , Rights , Dignities , and Royal Customs , from its first Foundation . I may add , that it says , in every County there ought to be a (a) Folkmote on the first of the Kalends of October , there to provide who shall be Sheriff , and who shall be their (b) Heretochs : and there to hear their just Precepts , by the Counsel and Assent of the Peers , and [ Judgment of the Folkmote ] . That London had such a Folkmote , and the Judgment of that Folkmote extended to the making By-Laws , before the Time of the Confessor , appears by the following Instance . In the Time of King (c) Athelstan , above 120 Years before the reputed Conquest , Laws had been made at Gratelie , Exeter , and Winresfeld ; or rather the Laws made at Gratelie , were ratified at the two other Places ; all the wise Men not being able to meet at the first . These Laws are not only received by the Earls , or rather Companions , and Townsmen , or Citizens of London ; but they make considerable Additions to them for the Good of the City . (d) Their Act or Judgment is called the Constitution , (e) which the Bishops , and Head-boroughs , who belong to the Court of London , have made or published : and which the Earls , or rather Companions , or Companies , and Townsmen , have confirm'd by Oath in their Free-Gild . There , among other things , they provide , that no Thief above 12 Years old , found guilty by Inquisition , or upon Trial , shall be spared . And that (f) he who was rob'd , having receiv'd his Capital or Principal , the King should have half ; the Society should share the rest with the Lord , of whom he held Book-Land , or Bishops-Land . It provides (g) for a Common Stock for the Good of all : and that all in common shall inquire into the disposal of it . It settles (h) Decennaries , or Tythings : and that there shall be one over 'em , who shall summon them for their common Profit ; and take an Account what they send , (i) when they are to contribute , or be taxed ; and what , (k) when they receive Money , by Order of all the Citizens , upon their treating together . With other Particulars , which I need not mention ; this being enough to shew their Authority at Common Law , before the reputed Conquest . (l) Then , which was above 750 Years since , they had their Guildhall ; and , as the * Confessor's Law shews , their Court of the Hustings ; which in that Law is spoken of as an antient Court : and all things of Moment seem to have been transacted there ; till the Numbers of Freemen so encreased , that they could not all meet in the Hall , but were forc'd to keep their Folkmotes in the open Air at St. Paul's Cross ; where was a very wide Field before there were Buildings to the Water-side . I shall not detain the Reader with the many Presidents of their Assemblies there upon all emergent Occasions ; but must observe , that as late as † 19 E. 2. they prescribed to a Right of holding Assemblies there . I shall give but one Instance , how early the Aldermen , with those who called themselves the more discreet of the City , would have usurp'd upon the Rights of the Commons in their Guildhall , or Folkmote in the open Air. At the end of H. 3 's Reign , the Citizens , according to Custom , had met in Guildhall for the Election of a Mayor : the Aldermen and more discreet of the City would have chosen Philip the Taylor ; the Commonalty contradicted it with great Noise , and chose one Hervey , and placed him in the Chair . Upon this the Aldermen and their Party complain to the King , that they were over-run by the Commonalty . The People follow'd them with great Noise , to the Disturbance of the King , who lay upon his Death-bed ; and cried , that they were the Commons , and to them belong'd the Election of a Mayor . The others said , they were the Head , and the People but the Members : the King's Council put them off till next Day , and bid Hervey not to come to Court with more than ten in his Company : However he summoned all the Citizens , except those who adhered to the Aldermen : And next Day a vast Number of Horse and Foot came to Westminster . The King's Council finding they could not agree , threatned to amove Hervey , and put a Custos over them . To avoid which they agreed , that five should be chosen of each side to settle who should be Mayor . However , this being in Diminution of the Right of the Commons , took no effect . H. 3. dying , the Archbishop , the Earl of Glocester , and others of the Nobility , came into the City , where they caused E. 1. to be proclaimed King ; and then went into Guildhall , where a Common Hall was then assembled ; and enquiring about the Business of the Mayor , the Aldermen told them , the Matter was left to Arbitration . The Earl of Glocester not valuing this , bids them hold a Folkmote the next Day at St. Paul's Cross ; and he should be the Mayor to whose Election the major Part of the City should assent . The great Men going into the Church with the Aldermen , perswaded them to yield : upon which Hervey was declared Mayor before all the People . And thus were they in full Possession of their Right , 1 E. 1. That this People who had the Right to carry Elections and other Matters in Guild-hall , or their Folkmote in the open Air , were the Freemen , appears by the Words of some of their Charters declaratory of their antient Right . Many of which are granted to the Citizens , which the Charter pass'd in Parliament 1 E. 3. explains , of Freemen of the City ; where it provides , that they shall not be impleaded or troubled at the Exchequer , or elsewhere , by Bill , except it be by those things which touch the King and his Heirs . And how careful the City has been to keep Foreigners from partaking in the Privileges of Freemen , appears from the Act of Common-Hall , return'd under the Common Seal into Parliament , * 12 E. 2. and there confirmed ; whereby it is provided , that if Foreigners be of any Mystery , they shall not be admitted into the Liberty of the City without Sureties of six honest Men of the Mystery , for their indempnifying the City : and if † they be of no Mystery , they shall not be admitted without the Assent of the Commonalty of the City . That the Freemen of the Mysteries had their several Gilds or Halls , where the Society or Fraternity met , not to mention more Authorities , appears by a Charter of ‖ E. 3. reciting one of E. 1. which recites H. 2 d's granting to the Weavers of London their Gild , to hold in London , with all Liberties and Customs which they had in the time of Henry his Grandfather , which was H. 1. * and that no Man , unless by them , should within the City meddle with their Ministry , unless he be in their Gild. As therefore the Gild was that Company , or the Hall where the Men of that Mystery met ; the Common Guildhall was where all the Mysteries or Companies met . ( 2. ) That whosoever are legally entituled to the Common Hall are entituled to all the Authority which the whole Body ever had , especially in those things wherein the present Possessors exercise any Authority ; though they are not the whole Body of Men who used to assemble , as long as they are a large Part of that Body , may appear . 1. In that the Folkmote in the open Air , and that in Guildhall , were antiently taken to be of the same Nature . Accordingly , I find † a Writ to the Mayor , Sheriffs , and whole Commonalty of the City , requiring them to swear Allegiance in their Hustings , or at Paul's Cross . 2. Guildhall has , time out of mind , been the * Common-Hall of the Citizens ; and the Assemblies there have of all times , before ‖ the first supposed Settlement of the Livery Common-Hall , and since † , been accounted the Assembly of all the Commonalty , as some Entries have it ; of all the City , as others . And if the whole City can regularly act together , it is absurd to imagine , that its Acts can be controled by a small part of the Great Body . 3. The chief Power of making By-Laws for the Benefit of a City , or Burrough , is an Incident to the having a Gild , or Common-Hall . Accordingly in the * Reign of H. 2. the Archbishop of York , by the Counsel of his Barons , granted to the Men of Beverlay in Yorkshire † their Hanse ; that there they may treat of their Statutes for the Honour of God and St. John , and the Canons , and for the bettering the whole Town ; with the same kind of Liberty as they of York have in their Hanse . H. 2. ‖ confirming this , grants to the Men of Beverlay free Burgage , according to the free Laws and Customs of the Burgesses of York , and their Gild of Merchants . So that Gild is the same with Hanse ; and Hanse , as Bertius * tells us , in the old German Tongue signifies a League or Council . According to this , in a Case which I shall have another Occasion to mention , the turning out of the Council of the Citizens was the turning out of the Gild , and that was plainly a Disfranchisement . 4 Such of the Commons as have from time to time assembled in the Common-Hall , have , with others , been a true Common-Council of the City , and acted as such since their Numbers have been restrained , as well as before . It must be observed , that the City had , or made , a Common-Council before any such Restraint ; which is plainly intimated in Magna Charta , † 17 of K. John : which mentioning a Common-Council of the Kingdom ( whether only for Aids belonging to Tenure of the Crown , or such a Common-Council as the Cities , Boroughs and Villages were at in Person or by Representation , which D. ‖ Brady at last yields , need not here be determined ) adds , In like manner let it be concerning the City of London , that is , that the Cities Aids shall be taxed in its Common-Council . * Sutably to this , 11 H. 3. a Tallage was assessed in the City , by the Will of all the Barons or Citizens . And thus the Commonalty of London , in the time of † Edw. 1. plead that the Citizens , and their Heirs and Successors may , for the Necessity or Profit of the City , among themselves , by their common Assent , assess and raise Tallages without troubling the King. So ‖ Ipswich , not to name other Burroughs , had its Common-Council of the Town , &c. And 25 H. 3. I find the Choice of Sheriffs in London by the Common Counsel and Assent of the honest Men of the City . The Hustings I find to be the Court of these honest Men ; there they joined with the Mayor and Aldermen in the Grants of City-Land ; were Judges at Trials , and Parties in the making By-Laws . Prosecutions for Offences against the Rights of the City were in their Name : And Quo Warranto's upon supposed Abuses of their Liberties were brought against them : And therefore they not being represented by the Common-Council , now using that Name ; those two great Ornaments of their Profession , the late and present Chief Justices of the Common Pleas , maintained , with the Strength inseperable from their Arguments ; that no Act of the present Common-Council could be a Forfeiture of the City-Charter . Indeed as the Clerks generally favoured the Prerogative , often exercised by the Chair , with the Advice of private Cabals ; I find a Mayor , 47 H. 3. blamed for making the Aldermen and great Men useless , while he did nothing without the Assent of the Commonalty . That they acted as a Council , and exercised a judicial Power at the Hustings , after that time , I might shew by numerous Instances , but shall here content my self with one , 3 E. 1. * which was in the Judgment against Hervey above-mentioned ; who , though he was the Darling of the People when he was chosen Chief Magistrate , was soon overcome with the Infection of the Chair . Some time after his Mayoralty , the Mayor and † Citizens having met in Guildhall for trying Common Pleas ; a Dispute arose before all the People between Hervey and the then Mayor , and it seems Hervey's Party there was then the strongest ; for the Mayor found himself obliged to withdraw , and make Complaint to the King. The ‖ next Day the Mayor and Citizens returning to Guildhall , to finish the Pleas depending before them ; a Roll was shewn , and read before all the People , containing several notorious Articles of Hervey's Presumptions ; one of which was , that in the time of * his Mayoralty he acted contrary to the Ordinances made by the Aldermen and discreet Men of the City . Another was , that he used the Common Seal , which was in his Custody , without the Assent of the Aldermen [ and others : ] which others , as I could shew , were to be particularly chosen by the Common-Hall , for that purpose . For these Offences , among others , † against the whole Commonalty of the City , and contrary to his Oath , he was judicially degraded from his Aldermanship , and ‖ for ever incapacitated to be of the Council of the Citizens : which was plainly a depriving him of his former Right of voting in Gildhall ; and indeed a Disfranchisement , as it turn'd him out of the Gild. And thus I * find Privileges in Canterbury granted to all the Burgesses of the Gild of Merchants . 5. The present Possession of the Common-Hall is or must be agreed to be a legal Possession : and therefore in all things which they have not parted with , the Possessors are the legal Successors to them who exercised Power in greater Numbers . 6. Even when those Numbers could regularly meet , they were concluded by such a Number as came upon general Notice , though the Number which met were very small ; according to the Resolution , 33 Eliz. † in the Case of the Vestry of St. Saviour's in Southwark . 7. ‖ Though it may be proved that the great Barons in Parliament were antiently only those who held by Baronies , or were created in Parliament ; yet those who have been made Peers by Patent or Writ , succeed to the same Jurisdiction ; as they are possessed of the same House which the Lords formerly had . 8. A Corporation by one Name is entituled to the prescriptional Rights which that City or Town had by another Name . And thus it was held , that though the * Town of Colchester was incorporated by the Name of Bayliffs and Commonalty ; the Mayor and Commonalty might prescribe to the antient Customs of that Town . That the Livery-men have such a Right to the Common-Hall , appears by their long Possession ; for which , according to the Resolutions of Judges before-mentioned , we are to presume , that there had been the express Assent of the Body of Freemen , or of such of them as met upon a general Summons . If I shew an Act of Common-Hall , as antient as the Time of E. 3. for the Mysteries to chuse such as should represent the Commons , which I shall have Occasion to shew under the next Head ; if we find that they had been represented in Common-Hall , by the Mysteries , before that Time , and downwards to this Day ; and no Act of Common-Council , or Common-Hall , will appear to have first settled the Right of Elections in the Livery-men of the Mysteries ; then it will be evident , that tho Originally the Mysteries might have been represented by such as they should chuse , from time to time ; It is to be presumed , that they agreed to be represented by the Livery-men , as a standing Representative . 8 E. 2. above 30 Years before the Pretence to any Act of Common-Council , or Common-Hall , which may be thought to restrain the Freemen from the exercice of the Power originally vested in them ; I find a Writ to prohibit the Multitude from meeting to chuse a Mayor , and Sheriffs , alledging , that such Elections for Times past , us'd to be made by the more discreet Men of the City , especially summon'd : But then , lest this special Summons should seem at the Discretion of the Mayor , and Aldermen , it forbids all to meet , unless specially summon'd , or [ at the Time bound to come ] . And a Proclamation which was publish'd in the City , in pursuance of that Writ , says , That no Man , upon pain of Imprisonment , shall come to any Election , but Mayor , Sheriff , Alderman , and other good People of the chief of the City , who by the Mysteries , are especially summon'd to come thither ; or to whom it belongs to be there . These Representatives of the Mysteries , according to what I have before observed of the legal Possession of the Common-Hall , are to be supposed to have been the Livery-men , and none others : but because the Partiality of the Masters and Wardens might occasion the not summoning some of the Livery-men ; therefore there is Liberty left for them who had Right , to come , though not summoned . That they and none others had this Right , will further appear when I come to prove , that no Act can be found , from whence their Right , exclusive of others , is or could be derived , or so much as occasioned . 3. That a Representation of the Commons by the Mysteries was settled in the Council-Chamber , with Authority to make By-laws , before any Common-Council of the present Form had any such Authority ; And however , that the very Being of a Council of the present Form was soon taken away by Act of Common-Hall ; and a Representation by the Mysteries settled in their Places with greater Authority , will appear very evidently . I must agree , that 20 E. 3. it was ordered by the Common-Hall , That every Alderman , at the holding of his Wardmote yearly , should cause 8 , 6 or 4 of the ablest and wisest of his Ward to be chosen , to treat of the Affairs concerning the Commonalty of the City . But upon this it is observable . 1. That though according to the Lord Coke the Wardmote is of the Nature of an Hundred Court ; that is , in relation to the Districts or Divisions of the City , and chiefly as to the Returns of Juries ; but in Relation to the present Debate , it is more fully of the Nature of a Court Leet , where all Resiants are obliged to attend , and upon the Account of Resiancy are to bear Offices ; and contribute in several things together with the Citizens , who in this Respect are as the Barons or Free-Tenents of a Mannor . Wherefore this Order does not restrain Foreigners from being Electors , or elected . 2. This is not said to be appointed for the Common-Council of the City ; but in truth the Common-Hall , as they were before , then continued the only Common-Council . Nor , taking the Original Entry of that Order to import more than [ Affairs ] , does the treating of [ the Affairs ] concerning the Commonalty , in this Place imply more than such Affairs as concern them , according to their Divisions by Wards , in the Choice of Constables , or the like ; or the assessing of Aids and Tallages : for which Purpose I find certain Numbers in every Ward , appointed very antiently , before there is the least Pretence of the Settlement of any other Common-Council besides the Common-Hall . But it is far from appearing , that the Men of the Wards appointed to treat of Affairs , 20 E. 3. were to treat of such as concerned the Commonalty , as divided or acting by Mysteries : Or , however , if the treating of Affairs extends to all the Affairs of the City ; it can here imply no more than treating of them by way of Advice , to that supreme Power in the City which made them what they were , and divested it self of no Authority : nor indeed could any form of Words have passed away the Authority of that , much less of succeeding Common-Halls . And it is certain , that antiently whatever Power the Common-Hall placed elsewhere , they never thought it abridg'd their own Power : of which I shall give a considerable Instance . 21 E. 1. The Commonalty of the City in their several Wards chose their Aldermen freely and with full Consent ; and presented them to the Custos then over them , in this form . That all and singular the Things which the said Aldermen of their Counsel and Discretion , with the Custos , and Superiour for the time being , should make and ordain to be firmly observed ; for the Government of the City , and for keeping the King's Peace ; and for [ other Provisions touching the Commonalty of the City , ] they will hold ratified and firm , without Challenge or Reclaim for the future to be made . And also every Ward chose its Alderman , for whom as to his Deeds touching the City and Commonalty , and State of the same , they will answer . Notwithstanding the Power so amply conferr'd upon those Aldermen , they did not pretend to use the common Seal without the express Consent of those who set them up , and could then pull them down at pleasure , at least at the Year's end . That very day after the Commons had presented their Aldermen in Common-Hall , a Grant of City-Land pass'd with the common Assent , and Consent of all then present . And that the Common-Hall thought themselves in full Possession of their Power , notwithstanding the Ordinance they had made 20 E. 3. for some to Treat about their Affairs ; appears in that they being found useless , or too assuming ; the Mayor , Aldermen and Commons , who seem to have turn'd them off * before ; within 23 or 24 Years after they had received them into their Service , and 28 or 29 Years after the City's Power of making By-Laws was first expresly affirmed by Charter ; referring † to that Grant , by common Assent , agree upon a method for putting it in Execution : but till then seem never to have exercised that Power otherwise than in Common-Hall : Then the Mayor and Aldermen [ by the Assent of all the Commons ] Ordain , and firmly establish for ever , as the most convenient manner they could find , to debate of the Mischiefs which had at that time been complained of ; and to eschew all Suspitions , and outragious Tumults , which often happen'd to great Assemblies ; that every Year against the day that the new Mayor shall be sworn , the Surveyors of every sufficient Mystery of the City shall assemble the Mysteries each by it self , where they shall please ; and * they shall chuse certain Persons in whom the Mysteries shall hold themselves content , with whatever shall by the Mayor , the Aldermen , and these chosen , be assented and ordained in the Guild-Hall ; and that these chosen and none others , be summon'd to the Election of Mayor , and Sheriffs ; and also at all times that any matter shall be touched at Guild-Hall , for which they ought to assemble and take Counsel of the Commons . Hence it appears ; 1. That this Provision agrees with what was 8 E. 2. affirm'd to have been the Custom then : so that this was but in Affirmance of the Custom . 2. That the Commons in Person , or by Representation , made a Council ; or Counsel was to be taken of them ; which comes to the same thing . 3. That whatever Representation may have been at some times , by certain Numbers out of the Wards , or any other way ; the settled Representation was by the Mysteries or Companies : and this amounted to a Repeal of all former Acts which might have placed this in others . 4. That they who were entituled to the Common-Hall for Elections , were to the Council-Chamber for making By-Laws . Thus it continued 50 E. 3. when the Commons having by their Common Sergeant complain'd , that the Mayors us'd to call together such mean People as depended upon them , and to pretend that what was done at such Meetings was with the Assent of the Commons : the Mayor , by Advice of several principal Citizens , summon'd the Mysteries , according to the Order of 43 or 44 E. 3. They meeting in great Numbers , the like Order as the former , and with the like Recital , was made by the Mayor and Aldermen , with the Assent of all the Commonalty . Indeed , they particularly provide , that at their Assemblies to treat and consult of the common Business of the City , no Action shall be try'd before them , if it does not touch at least an entire Ward , or a whole Mystery . And they restrain the Mysteries to a certain number of Representatives , providing that the greater Mysteries shall not send more than six , the less than four , and the least but two : But this was looked upon as too great a Restraint of Common-Right ; and therefore was never followed . A * Council being holden in the City 9 R. 2. about the Case of one John of Northampton , there met 13 of the Ward of Cordwayner-street . And I find it upon † Record , to have been one of the Articles in an Appeal brought against him , that against the meeting of every Common-Council in his Mayoralty , he caused a Man or two that for that Year was chosen to be in the Common-Council of the Crafts which held with him , to meet at a Tavern to prepare Matters for their carrying his Designs with one Voice at the Common-Council . And that in an Assembly at Goldsmiths Hall he caused Persons of divers Crafts more than were enter'd for the Common-Council , to be ‖ called at the day of Election into the Common-Council , to help his Election . Which not only shews that the Common-Council at that time was , as it is elsewhere call'd in those Articles , the Common-Council of Crafts ; but that they who made the Elections in Common-Hall made Ordinances in the Council-Chamber ( tho as it will appear they were to be ratified in Common-Hall , or else had no force : ) And that they were not confin'd to a certain number according to the Ordinance 50 E 3. or that 7 R. 2. which I shall soon consider . And argues strongly that those who were then brought upon the Livery , tho not before return'd , were held to have Right to be at the Elections , and Common-Councils . And it appears by most Entries concerning Elections from those times downwards to the present time ; that tho Orders have been made to keep some Elections within the Council-Chamber ; those Orders have been look'd on as absolutely void , and the Elections have been made by great multitudes , or the immense Community , as often stiled ▪ nor has the Common-Council assembled in the Council-Chamber kept within the number appointed by former Ordinances . But it is observable , that in H. 6 th's time the Common-Council is called Commune Concilium Ministratorum , that is , of those who exercised the Ministeries or Mysteries , as a Trade is call'd in H. 2 d's Charter to the Weavers Company . And it will appear by the By-Laws 7 and 15 E. 4. that the Common-Council then consisted of the Mysteries ; that is , as the Ordinance 15 E. 4. explains it , the Livery-Men of the Mysteries . And 6 H. 7. I find the Common-Council called the Common-Council of the Wardens , and other honest Men of all the Mysteries . According to which Instances it seems the Council appointed 7 R. 2. was very short-liv'd : and the present Common-Council must date it self from after the 6 th H. 7. 4. But whosoever are entituled to the Council-Chamber ; that the Council there is a meer Creature of the Common-Hall , and in the nature of a Committee entrusted with the dispatch of some things , and the preparing others in Ease of the Common-Hall ; and that they cannot deprive the Common-Hall of any Right ; may appear beyond Contradiction , if we consider , 1. The only Foundation upon which the present Common-Council now stands . 2. The nature of the Power of making By-Laws ; and some particular Evidences that that Power is subject to the Controll of the Common-Hall . ( 1. ) Some have supposed the present Common-Council to have had its Establishment and Settlement 20 E. 3. the contrary of which has appeared . But the true Foundation of such a sort of Establishment as it has , was the Act of Common-Hall , 7 R. 2. in the infamous Mayoralty of Brember , when John of Northampton before mentioned was ruined , for standing up for the Rights of the City ; in which he was * afterwards justified by Act of Parliament . Whereupon all the Ordinances made against him in the City were repealed by † the then Common-Council . The Act which gives some sort of Settlement to this Common-Council is as follows . On Friday next before the Feast of the Purification of the blessed Virgin Mary , in the 7 th Year of the Reign of King Richard II. in the Presence of the Mayor , Aldermen , and the immense Community ‖ of the honest and discreet Men of the said City , in Guildhall , for diverse Affairs touching the said City assembled ; the under-written * Petitions by the honest Men of the City before , by the Mayor , Aldermen , and Commonalty , chosen and assign'd † to ordain with mature Deliberation , how Judgments in times past in the Common-Council of the said City given and made were made by Noise more than by Reason , and sometimes by Men less sufficient deputed to the said Common-Council : for the taking which away , the said honest Men , in the said Assembly , with full Deliberation ordained the said underwritten Ordinances , and caus'd them to be read in form following , ‖ For as much as by Complaint of many honest Men of the Town , made to the Mayor that now is , how divers times in the Counseils used within the Hall and Chambers of the Guyhalde , great Rumour and Peril had been perceived , as well by great Assemblies , as often by insufficient Persons deputed to the said Counseils ; seeing that oftentimes the Judgments of the said Counseils were more by Clamour than by Reason , to the great Disturbance of the Peace , and Quiet between the People for times pass'd , and more likely to be in time to come , if Remedy be not provided . Whereupon , the Mayor , with the Aldermen , and the good Commons , chose certain Persons thereupon by Deliberation to advise them , how such Rumour and Peril might be eschewed and remedied : Which Persons being divers days assembled upon the Matter aforesaid , have [ by their Advice ] ordain'd , for remedying such Perils , the Articles after-written . If this please the Mayor , and the other good Men of the Town , to try for a time , to such intent , that if Good and Peace be found in such Counsels by the Ordinances after-written , in the Name of God let them be confirmed ; and if the contrary , as God forbid , that this may in time be amended , for the common Good of all the Town . For the continuing a Common-Council of the Town by sufficient Persons , as well of Substance as Sense , let it be Ordained ; " That every Year on the Day of St. Gregory , when the Aldermen are established for the Year ensuing , let them be firmly charged 15 Days after the said Day , to go to assemble their Wards ; and by good Deliberation , charge them to chuse Four of the most sufficient Persons that are in their Ward , without regard to the State which they bore before , to be of the Common-Council the Year ensuing : And the Names of the said Four to present to the Mayor for the time being ; which Persons shall be accepted by the Mayor , and commanded to take their Oath as is comprized in Writing heretofore made . Provided always , that the Mayor for the time being shall not receive throughout the Town , of any Mystery , for the Common-Council more than Eight Persons of a Mystery : Altho it happen that more than Eight of one Mystery be presented and chosen , &c. Which Ordinance was approved , and confirmed to endure for ever . Here it is observable , 1. That at the time of this Common-Hall , there was no standing Common-Council other than the Common-Hall , all others being discontinued ; and that before that time , the Common-Council filled both the Hall and Chambers belonging to it : And Matters were carried as the noise was communicated , from one place to the other . 2. That the Persons who are said to have made the Ordinance were only a Committee , appointed and chosen by the Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons , for that single Purpose , and for that Time only . 3. They suppos'd Themselves , and all Common-Councils for the future , according to the Provision then made , to have no farther Power , than to prepare Matters for the Common Hall , and propound them for their Fiat . 4. They do not propound the Constitution of that Common-Council as an absolute Form ; but that it may continue as long as it proves convenient , and that it may be try'd for a time . 5. Therefore the Establishment , according to the very Words , as well as the Nature of the thing , is of no farther force than as a probationary Order ; to be observed only till the Common-Hall should think fit to set it aside . 6. As they who propound this Ordinance , in relation to that Body of which they were part , were Inferiours , and therefore Petitioners , to the Body assembled in Common-Hall ; they set a good Example to all future Common-Councils . But that the Common-Hall has not thought it self bound always since that Act of Common-Hall , which ratified the Ordinance above , to keep to that Form of Common-Council there appointed , we may gather from the Entries , which argue Representations at Councils after that , by the Mysteries . 'T is certain , the Number of Common-Council-men appointed 7 R. 2. was never kept to ; no not the very next Year : For then , as has before appeared in the Case of John of Northampton , the Representation was by the Mysteries , and sent from the several Halls . And in the Year after that , there were in the Council-Chamber , 13 of Cordwayner-Street ; that is , as I should think , Cordwayner's Mystery . And it is certain , Companies used antiently to keep together within the same Streets , or Districts . And some Wards to this very day retain the Names of the Companies , or Guilds , which liv'd there ; as the last above-named , Candlewick-Ward and the Vintry . And Cornhil-Ward , as I take it , was from the Gild settled there . Nor can I omit the Observation , that in some (a) Records I find Ward and Gild , or Company , synonymous . 2. Having trac'd this Common-Council to its weak and infant State , we may consider it as possessed of a Power of making By-Laws : But then we must observe , that this will bear no Comparison to the Possession which the Livery-men have of the Common-Hall , which has been exclusive of all others . Whereas all the Possession which the present Common-Council have had of the Common-Chamber , has been only as a Committee entrusted by a greater Court , having Continuance , and acting with Supream Authority . Besides , it has been resolved by the Judges , That a By-Law to make a Monopoly , and a Prescription of such a Nature , to induce a sole Trade or Traffick to a Company or Person , and to exclude all others , is against Law. Which is easily applicable to the Common-Council's engrossing the Power of the Common-Hall . It would be endless to heap Authorities which might be brought to evince , that the Common-Council has no colour of Pretence to make By-Laws , of such a Nature as they now insist upon . But I cannot pass by the Resolution in the Case of the Chamberlain of London , in an Action brought by him for a Penalty raised by a By-Law . All such Ordinances , Constitutions , or By-Laws , are allowed by the Law , as are made for the true and due Execution of the Laws or Statutes of the Realm ; or for the good Government and Order of the Body-corporate : And all others which are contrary , or repugnant to the Laws or Statutes of the Realm , are void and of no effect . To apply this to the Case in Question ; for the Common-Council to vacate an Election made in Common-Hall , or to exempt any Person from being chosen , is not for the good Government and Order of the Body-corporate ; and besides , is directly contrary or repugnant to the Laws and Statutes of the Realm , which have fixed the Election of any sufficient Citizen in the Livery Common-Hall ; and have provided it with Authority to oblige them to hold : And therefore any By-Law made in the Common-Council contrary to this Right , is void . Nay , and thus they themselves have judg'd but lately in the like Case . In the Mayoralty or Sir John Fleet , he acquainted the Common-Council , that 40 or 50 foreign Merchants would pay 400 l. a-piece to the use of the Orphans , if they might be admitted to the Freedom of the City , and have an Act of Common-Council to exempt 'em from bearing chargeable Offices . After several long Debates , this Project , though of apparent Advantage to the City , was laid aside ; the Common-Council declaring it was not in their Power , to restrain the Right of the Common-Hall to chuse any sufficient Citizen . The Opinion of the Learned Judg Bracton , is very applicable to this Matter ; where speaking of the English Laws , he says ; Which since they were approved by the Consent of those who use them , and confirmed by the Oaths of Kings , cannot be changed or destroyed , without the common Consent , and Counsel , of those by whose Counsel , and Consent , they were promulged . But they may be changed for the better ; because that is not destroyed which is made better . With such a Limitation we may allow the Common-Council to act for the Ease of the Common Hall , in relation to Times , Places , and other Circumstances ; for the better Execution of the Laws and Customs of the City . But that the Power of making By-Laws , exercised by the Common-Council , is controlable by the Common-Hall , will , besides what I have already observed , appear by the Charter 15 E. 3. which is the only Charter expresly affirming the City's Power of making By Laws . Moreover , we have granted , that if any Customs in the City of London , [ newly arising ] where a Remedy was not before ordain'd [ want Amendment ] the said Mayor and Aldermen , and their Heirs and Successors [ with the Assent of the Commonalty of the same City ] remedy convenient , consonant to good Faith and Manners , for the common Vtility of the Citizens of the said City , and other our Liege People flocking to the same , may apply and ordain , as often , and when it shall seem expedient to ' em . Provided ☜ nevertheless , That such kind of Ordinance be of Utility to us , and our People , and consonant to good Faith , and Reason as abovesaid . According to this Charter , 1. The Power of making By-Laws relates to Amendments for the common Utility of the Citizens . 2. Those Amendments cannot sap , or weaken any antient Constitution or Custom . 3. They are to be made with the Assent of the Commonalty of the City . Neither of which can be pretended in the Matter in question : And since , as is said in the Chamberlain's Case , Corporations cannot make Ordinances or Constitutions without Custom or the King's Charter , unless for things which concern the Publick Good , as Reparations of Churches , or High-ways , and the like ; but the Power now claimed , is neither of that Kind , nor is there Legal Custom or Consent or Charter for it : I need raise no Consequence upon it . To conclude this Point ; if this Common-Hall legally succeeds the Common-Hall which appointed this Committee ; and the Committee may be set aside at the Pleasure of the Common-Hall ; if since the raising this Committee , and that of late days , the Mayor , Aldermen , and Common-Council , have acted together as one Court : If farther , as in the Case of Rowlet , before-mentioned ; they have acted with a Superior Authority in those very things , wherein the Mayor , Aldermen , and Common-Council , have exercised Authority by themselves ; if most of these Premises hold , especially if all do ; there can be no Question but By-Laws , and other Acts of the Common-Council , are controlable by the Common-Hall : and then it would be very strange to imagine that it should be in the Power of the Common-Council to take away , or abridg , any Right of its Superior , from whence it came , and in which it is contain'd . I shall not so much question the Judgment or Memory of my Readers , as to repeat the Proofs of every one of these Premises . But I would desire 'em to remember the Instances of Disfranchisements by Common-Hall , before any standing Rule for ' em . This Power , I must confess , the Common-Council have pretended to ; and as if they not only had it , but had it without delegation , have fansied they could delegate it to others . Accordingly I find an Act of Common-Council , impow'ring the Mayor and Aldermen to Disfranchise , upon competent Proof by Oath , before them , of any Citizen's Trespass , Act , Disobedience , or Offence , against the City , and the Liberties , Franchises , and free Customs and Privileges of the same . Which would be a very dangerous Weapon in the Hands of Aldermen , who by Act of Parliament obtain'd by Surprize , and contrary to the Sense of the City , declared more than once , and ratified by former Parliaments , have their Stations , in effect , for their Lives . But as it appears by the Resolution in Baggs's Case , the above-mention'd Act of Common-Council is void in Law ; no such Power having been derived to them by the express words of any Charter , or Prescription . Yet this Power the Common-Hall undoubtedly has , and , I may say , incommunicably , till that part of their Court , or the Committee from them , which sits in the Council-Chamber , shall have legally possess'd themselves of the Hall. I shall add but one Precedent , of many , where the Mayor , Aldermen , Common-Council , and Commons , acted together as one Court , and true Common-Council of the City ; and that since the time that the present Common-Council , and Livery Common-Hall , are suppos'd to have been setled . A Mayor * dying in his Mayoralty , the Locum tenens , or Senior Alderman , with the rest of the Aldermen , appoint a Day for the choice of a new Mayor ; and order the Servants of the Chamber to summon the immense Community of the City . There met the ‖ Common-Council , and the immense Multitude of Commoners , in their last Livery but one . Aylmer was there chosen Mayor , and sworn before the Aldermen , and Commons . In that Common-Hall they , after the Election was over , acted together as a Council : For whereas the Mayor should , as it seems , according to the usual course in such Cases , have been sworn to the King the next Day ; The Aldermen , and Commons , for certain Reasons moving them thereto , appointed a farther Day . That the Commons who did this were the Livery-men , appears by what immediately follows in the same Entry : Where it is said , That the Aldermen conducted the new Mayor to the taking his Oath , in their Violet-colour'd Gowns , and the Common in their last Livery . 5. That there is no colour to believe , That the Common-Hall , as now compos'd , receiv'd its Being , or Authority , from such a Common-Council as now acts , or from any thing but the general Consent of the Free-men , express'd in some Act of Common-Hall before the time of E. IV. or implied in the long submission of the rest of the Free-men , before that time , may sufficiently appear by what has been prov'd under former Heads : And yet if any Act or Acts of Common-Council , in the Reign of E. IV. were the occasion of Elections having been restrain'd to the Livery-men , it may appear by what has been formerly shewn , That the submission of the Free-men , implied in the Custom ever since that time , gave the only force to that Restriction ; that of it self carrying no manner of Authority to diminish the Right of the Common-Hall . But any one , who remembers the Evidence that the Mysteries had Representatives of their own , before the time of E. IV. and the Legal Presumption , that those Representatives were the Livery-men , will be more fully satisfied , that they were so before the time of E. IV. when he observes the words of those Orders , which are pretended to have given Being to the Livery Common-Hall . The first Order is thus : At a Common-Council holden on Wednesday , in the 7th Year of the Reign of King Edward the Fourth , it was agreed by John Young Mayor , John Norman , &c. Aldermen , and the Commonalty of the City of London , ( inter alia ) That the Election of the Mayor and Sheriffs , shall hereafter be made [ only by the Common-Council : ] The Master and Wardens of every Mystery of the said City coming in their Liveries ; and by other honest Men for that purpose specially summoned . 1. It must be remember'd , That the Common-Council in Hen. the Sixth's time , was the Council of the Mysteries ; and consequently , unless an alteration can be shewn , must be thought to have continued so at the time of that Order , 7 E. IV. 2. This Representation of the Commons being so large as has appear'd above , their Act is call'd , The Act of the Commonalty of the City : And this we must suppose to have been made in Common-Hall . 3. None besides the Masters and Wardens are by this Act oblig'd to come in Liveries . 4. Here is no restriction of Elections to the Liveries ; but to the Common-Council : That is , as is there explained , the Masters , and Wardens , and other honest Men of the Mysteries , specially summoned . To which special Summons , as has been shewn before , the Livery-men , and no others , were entituled . Wherefore , this was no more than a repeating , or affirming , former Orders , often occasioned upon the breaking in of other Free-men , to the disturbance of Elections , before plac'd in the more discreet , which the Custom has interpreted to be the Livery-men : Who , according to this Ordinance with which the present Common-Council triumph , were the only Common-Council at that time . And thus , as appears by the Entry before-cited , 6 Hen. VII . they continued after this Ordinance , and after the next , 15 E. IV. which has these words . Then in the same Common-Council it is agreed , That the Master and Wardens of the Mysteries of the City , in their Halls , or other Places of the City , fit and convenient ; associating to them the honest Men of their Mysteries , being clothed in their last Livery , shall go together to the Guild-Hall of their City , for the Election of Mayor , &c. And in their last Livery but one , to the Election of the Sheriffs of the City , &c. And that no others , besides the honest Men of the Common-Council of the City , shall be present at the said Elections . All that this adds to the former Provision , 7 E. IV. is only the requiring all the Livery-men , for distinction's sake , to go in their Liveries , to prevent the interposition of others . Which was no restraint upon Persons ; but a requiring the Persons who came according to their former Right , to wear their proper Habit , to distinguish 'em from others . Some may suppose , that this speaks of honest Men of the Common-Council , besides the honest Men of the Mysteries : Whereas the Common-Council is plainly here mentioned as exegetical , or explanatory , of the honest Men of the Mysteries : That is to say , such honest Men of the Mysteries as are of the Common-Council , and no others , shall be present at the Elections : Which , as has appear'd , were , long before that Ordinance , the Livery-men only . If this and the other be not taken in this Sense , then they neither confine the Election to Livery-men ; nor suppose the Livery-men only , to have right to come ; but allow any Commoner , who is chosen to the Common Council , to Vote at the Elections , tho' no Livery-man : Whereas they who would derive the Authority of the Common-Hall from these Ordinances , suppose , that they restrain Elections to the Livery-men only . But , could it be imagin'd , that those Ordinances , or either of them is , or are conceiv'd in terms importing a restriction of Elections to the Livery-men ; and that the Ordinances were made by a Common-Council chosen by the Wards , it appears by the Ordinance which laid the moveable Foundation , upon which following Common-Councils of the Wards have built up themselves ; besides , other Evidences of the Superior Authority continuing in the Common-Hall , ( the true Common-Council of the Mysteries or Crafts , as it is called 8 R. II. ) That the force of such restraint could not proceed from the Authority of the Common-Council ; but that subsequent Common-Halls not having thought fit to alter this ; and the generality of the Free-men having rested contented with their Livery-men ; Such Sufferance and Consent has made that become a legal Settlement , which at first could be no more than Matter of Advice . And , according to this , I find Writs from the Crown , and Acts of Common-Council , place the legality of such Restrictions in the Custom of the City . But I must submit to Consideration , whether there is not better ground to believe , That the Livery-men were the standing Representatives of the rest of the Free-men , before ever such a Council as now acts had any setled Being ; or , at least , before the time of E. IV. than there is to think , that the Words of either of the Ordinances of his time , so much as recommend any other designation of Electors , than what Custom , and consequently the Consent of the Free-men , had setled before . In short , it has appear'd , That the Resolution of the Judges , cited on the other side , and more particularly , mother upon the like Occasion us'd by me , are strong for the Common-Hall . That according to that very Act of Common-Council , 7 Car. I. on which the Vindicator relies , no Man chosen Sheriff is dischargeable , unless for want of sufficiency in Estate : Nor is there any ground for other Exemption : And whatever Discharge or Exemption may have been given by any besides the Common Hall ; the Party is nevertheless elegible , as if he had never been discharged , or exempted . This is made yet more evident , by comparing the Act of Common-Council , 7 Car. I. with former Acts : But chiefly , with the Act of Common-Hall , 24 E. III. which was reinforc'd , 18 Hen. VIII . and to this very Day stands in full Virtue , declaring the Sense of the Body of Free-men , That for the Common-Council to vacate or defeat their Elections , is to the Prejudice of particular Persons , who are oblig'd to serve , through Default of others ; and of the whole City in general , who may want sufficient Persons to serve : Or , at least , cannot find Men of the like Qualifications in every respect , with those whom they first chose . If we look into the Custom , it is manifest , That the Authority of the Common-Hall , and of none besides , to Discharge , or Exempt , has been fully exerted ; and own'd , not only by Common-Councils , but by the Crown ; and that in Times neither too long since past , nor such wherein Precedents on the side of the Commons could have obtain'd , if their Right had not been undoubted . And , as this Authority has been exercised by the Common-Hall , before ever any Common Council of the present Form or Nature , had a setled Being ; so it has been after ; and since the Time that the Vindicator supposes the Livery Common Hall to have been instituted . And the seeming Practice of later Days to the contrary , has been of such kind , as has been far from proving any Authority to go along with Acts of Common-Council , for the discharging or exempting any one Person . The Discharge arising from the Common-Hall's proceeding to a new Choice . Farther yet , if either By-Laws or Custom , or both , have crept in to the seeming Diminution of the Right of the Electors ; as has appeared ; they would have been void in Law , being contrary to their Common-Law Right declared by Charters , and confirmed by Acts of Parliament . And whatever Force , Custom and By-Laws , supposing them clear , might have had against Rights so established , the Act of Restitution , 2 W & M. being made while the Commons were in Possession of their Power , to oblige the Person whom they had chosen to hold , notwithstanding any pretended Discharge ; certainly wrought a Remitter to their antient Right . And this was remitted and restored to the Livery-men . I may add , that by the express Words of that Statute it is enacted , that the several Companies , that is , the Mysteries ( so often named in the City-Journals ) shall have all their lawful Liberties ; and particularly every Person admitted into the Freedoms or Liberties of the Companies , shall enjoy the Rights and Privileges of a Freeman , and Livery-man . Which confirms the Livery-men in the Possession of the Common-Hall , with all the Rights and Incidents belonging to that Possession . And whereas the Vindicator supposes that the Common-Council can set aside the Rights and Privileges of the Livery-men , as they of the Common-Council are the City's Legislators . If they were such , the Restrution , 2 W. & M. settles the Livery men beyond being shaken by any Authority within the City , for the making By-Laws . And in truth the Authority of making By-Laws , both at Common-Law , and by Charter , originally rested with the whole Body of Freemen ; and has formerly been regularly exercised by the whole Body , in their Assemblies in Guildhall , or other Folkmote . The Exer●ice of this has by Custom been confined to Guildhall ; and is now become impracticable elsewhere . Of this Common-Hall , and the Authority of this Court , the Livery-men , with the Mayor and Aldermen , were in full legal possession , before such a Common Council as now acts had any settled Being : nor has any Act of Common-Council so much as occasioned the Privileges of the Livery-men , much less has it created them . But , according to the Presumption of Law , they have had an uninterrupted Possession from before 8 E. 2. nor does it appear that any Man can gave any Vote among them , otherwise than as a Livery-man , ; the Right of Suffrages in the Common-Hall being settled in the Livery-men ; who have been , and yet are the true Common-Council of the ●ity On the other side , that which now obtains the Name of the Common-Council , has been from its several Institutions , and yet is , a mere Creature of the Common-Hall , and dependent upon its Pleasure : at the most is but of the Nature of a Committee , and has no greater or higher Relation than of a Part to the whole : and whether it acts by it self , or in Conjunction with the greater Body ; must be concluded by the Majority . To close this Argument , which may seem tedious to many ; and , yet possibly , is no more labour'd than the strength of Prepossession requires ; I may well say , with the Vindicator , While some strive to make Breaches , my business shall be to promote Peace . But it must be consider'd , That Men have very different Notions of Peace . When our Governors , in Church and State , valued themselves upon the Peacefulness of former Reigns ; many , who now would have the Commons of the City of London to sacrifice their Right , to the quieting this Controversie , were thought properly to have applied that old Sarcasm ; " They make Solitude , and call it Peace . For my part , I always thought the asserting and adhering to the Fundamental Constitution of the Great Community in the first place ; and next of the City of London , which , according to the Confessor's Law , is the Head of the Great Body , to be the best means to secure such a Peace , as English Men may rejoice to transmit to Posterity . And I cannot but hope , That both Sides may receive this my sincere Endeavour , as a seasonable Peace-Offering . FINIS . Sold by Richard Baldwin near the Oxford-Arms in Warwick-lane . Price 6 d. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A26181-e110 The Question , Of the Resolution of the Judges , 40 & 41 Eliz. Vid. 〈◊〉 . de jure belli & pacis . Of By-Laws , particularly that 7 C. 1. Vid. Vindic. Vid. inf . Vid. inf . Of By-Laws before 7 C. 1. In Archiv . Civ . Lib. Dunthorr . f. 416. B. & Lib. O. f. 10. a. The Act of Common-Hall , 24 E. 3. In Arch. Civ . Lib. O. f. 10. 18 H. 8. In Arch. Civ . Lib. O. f. 53. Of the Act of Common-Counc . 19 H. 8. In Arch. Civ . Lon. 13 Eliz. The Act of Common-Council , 13 Eliz. Of the Act of Common-Counc . 34 Eliz. Com , Council , 7 C 1. Deucy Mayor . This Part omitted by the Vindicator . Of the Custom . * In Arch. Civ . Lond. lib. D. f. 76. b. Causton 's Case . ‖ Solemniter vocatus . * Depositus fuit à libertate & de Aldermannia . ‖ Posuit se in gratia Maj. Ald. & Communitatis . * Maj. Aldris . & coitat . super hoc eodem die consultis . Habitoque respectu ad impotentiam , &c. In Arch. Civ . I. Lib. O. f. 10. A. 18. H. 8. Of several Elections , and two Discharges by the Common Hall in one Day . 2d Choice . 3d Choice . 4th Choice . 5th Choice . In Arch. Civ . Journal Seym. 1.163 . A. 21 H. 8. Ralph Rowlet 's Case . Fol. 165. In Arch. Civ . li● Q. f. 35. a. 33 ● VIII . Richmond 's Case . Note , This was upon the Hustings in Guild-Hall . Vid. Infra . Of a Discharge in the Common-Hall , 1 Eliz. * 4. Rep. f. 93. That if the By-Laws and Custom were on the Side of the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Common-Council : Such By-Laws and Custom would be void in Law. Lib. K. f. 120. temp . H. 6. That for any to amove or discharge Sheriffs , but the Electors , is contrary to their Common Law-Right . * Lambert 's Archaionomia , f. 148. Fundata enim erat ad instar & ad modum & in memoriam maguae Trojae & usque in hodiernum diem , &c. † Vid. Rot. Cart. 1 E. 3. m. 45. n. 76. By I nspex . 1 R. 2. m. 31. n. 22. & 2 E. 4. pars 5. m. 23. ‖ Placita coram Rege apud Ebor . 1 E. 3. * Journal Seym. f. 385. h. 25 H. 8. ‖ Vid. Bir. Cor. sub effi●ie Claudil A. 3. Coronatio Regis Athelredi An. 989. & H 1. An. 11 co . * Lib. E. f. 174. a 2 E. 3 coram Rege . Vid. Mitton's c. 4. rep . Tho. the King even before he makes a Sheriff grant away the Office of County Clerk , the King's Grant is void , because it is an Incident to the Sheriff's Office , † Vid. Selden's Tit. of Honour , f. 587. 15 Johannis omnes milites Ballivae tuae qui sum moniti fuerunt ad nos , &c. Rot. Claus . 38. H. 3. m. 7. n. 12. d. Omnes de Ballivâ tuâ qui tenent 20 horat . terrae , &c. ‖ Lib. C. f. 111. n. 32. E. 1. * Vid. Grot. de veritate Religionis Christianae . † Vid. this in the printed Charters , p. 13. and in several Inspeximus's . * A 〈◊〉 place for Great Councils in the open Air. Hence call'd Pratum Concilii . Vid. Rot. Cart. 7 R. 2. m. 8. n. 11. A Charter of Cnute's , with the Advice of his Redgynen wisemen . ‖ Rot. Cart. 1 R. 2. m. 31. n. 37. 7 R. ● . n. 37. † Rot. Cart. 2 E. 4. pars 5. m. 23. * Vid. Lib. Q. Arch. Civ . L. ‖ 7 H. 4. c. 1. Lib. Dunthorn , f. 442. a. 6. H. 5. † Mora questione inter Dominos de Consilio Regis mittebatur , &c. ‖ Quòd inter ceteras libertates Civibus L. concessus ac in diversis Parl. Ratificat . &c. Vid. Infra . A Question , whether the Cōmon Hall could barr themselves of this Right . * Survey of Hobbs 's Leviathan . ‖ Grot. de Jure Belli & pacis , lib. 4. c. 12. Not parted with by Implication from a suppos'd Custom . 4. Rep. 1 H. IV. f. 1. * Rot. Parl. 2 H. IV. n. 30. Vid. Journals of the House of Lords , Jan. 1689. Jan. 14. 1689. Of Rights of Boroughs , not loss'd by discontinuance . Vid. The Resolutions sup . ‖ Vid. Pryn 's 4 th Register of Writs , p. 1176. (b) Pr●n 's 4 th Reg. p. 900. 28 E. 1. 1 E. 2. 2 E. 2. none since till late days . (c) lb. p ●05 . 26 E. 1. not before or since , tell ut s●pra . (d) lb p. 1●5● . 26 E. 1 〈…〉 . (e) P. 1180. 26 E. 1. not before or since , till . 8 J. 1. * Vid. Inspex . Rot. Cart. 7. R. 2. m. 8. n. 11. † Cart. Antiq. in Tur. Lond. Litera P. n. ● . ‖ Cart. Orig. Bib. Cotton . Of the Choice of Common-Council Men. Vid. Act of Com. Council , Anno 1692. f. 2. Of Resolutions of Ju●●es to this Point . Bulstrod , f. 71. Corp. of Colchester . Vid. 1 st Inst . f. 347. Lit. Sect. 695. Stat. 2. W. & M. Sess . 1. C. 8. The higher Controversy rais'd by the Vindicator . P. 1 , 2 , 3. Of the Authority of the Common-Hall . Of the Rights and Liberties belonging to the Body of Freemen . (a) Lambert 's Archionomia , f. 148. (b) That is their Earl , or other chief Commander . (c) His Reign began , Ann. 924. ended 940. (d) Vid. Corpus Legum in Bibliothecâ Cottonianâ sub E●fi● . Claudii D. f. 14. c. (e) Hoc est constitutum quod Episcopi , & Prepositi qui Londinensi Curiae pertinent , e●ixerunt & jure jurando confirmaverunt , in suo Fridegildo . Comites & villani in adjectione judiciorum quae apud Grate leiam , &c. (f) Excipiatur imprimis captale repetentis , & dividatur postea superplus , &c. (g) Diximus ut unusquisque nostrum ponat unum denarium ad nostrum commodum , &c. (h) Et habeamus nobis omnes eam inquisitionem . (i) Fraternities by Tens . (k) Quando ipli gildare debebunt . (l) Et quid recipiant , si nobis Pecunia surgat , à nostro communi locutione . * Vid. Leges Sancti Edw. Declaring they shall be held weekly every Monday , and so in Charters after tha● time . † Mic. 19 E. 2. coram Rege Rot. 22. Lib. de antiquis Legibus in Archiv . Civ . f. 132. a. A. 1272 * Rot. Par. 12 E. 2. m. 2. par . 2. † Et si non sint de certo mysterio , tune in libertatem non admittantur sine assensu communitatis civit . illius . ‖ Rot. cart . 1 E. 3. m. 33. n. 68. * Ib. Et quod nullus nisi petillos incromittat infra civir . de cor . ministerio ; nisi fit in eor . gilda . † In Arch. Civ . lib. de antiq . leg . de A. 1270. 54 H. 3. in Hustingo vestro vel ad crucem , &c. * Rot. de 18 E. 1. A Grant of a Message prope communem aulam in civitate Lond. ‖ In Arch. civ . Lib. Dunthorn , f. 416. The Ordinance 20 E. 3. De assensu totius communitatis in Gihaldâ † Lib. X. f. 73. 13 Eliz. congregatio Majoris , Ald. & totius civitatis in Gihaldâ . * Cartae antiq . in Tur. Lond : R. n. 18. † Suam Hansiam , &c. ‖ Ibid. * Bertius de Urbibus Germaniae , p. 25. ●oedus & concilium prisca Germanorum voce Hansan dicunt . † An. 1215. 17 J. ‖ Vid. Dr. B's Appendix to his compleat History . * Rot. Claus . 11 H. 3. † Lib. Dunthorn in Arch. Civ . f. 89. temp . E. 1. ‖ Rot. cart . 4 Joh. p. 2. m. 28. n. 188. Gipsewich Burgus , Quod iidem Burgenses nostri per commune concilium villarae suae eligant , &c. Lib. D. f. 46. 25 H. 3. * In Arch. Civ . Lib. de antiquis legibus 3 E. 1. † Venientibus Maj. & Civibus ad Gildhalliam ad coia placita placitanda ‖ Pervenientibus Majore & Civibus in Gildhalliam ad placita quae incoata fuerunt , &c. * Tempore Majoratus sui tenetur conservare & observari facere omnes assisas factas per Aldermannos & discretiores viros civitatis , &c. † Contra totam communitatem civitatis , &c. ‖ Et à consilio civium in perpetuū privatus * Rot. Cart. 2 Joh. m. 16. n. 44. † Lane 's Rep. f. 21. ‖ Vid. communia de term . St. Hil. 19 E. 2. Rot. penes rememb . in secio where Thomas de Furnival pleads , That he was no Baron , nor held his Land by Barony , or part of a Barony ; yet Father and Son had been specially summoned to a great many Parliaments from the 3d of E. 1. downwards . Vid. Rot. Claus . 23 E. 1. m. 9. dorso 24 E. 1. m. 7. dorso , &c. * Carter 's Reports , f. 122. Rot. Claus . 8 E. 2. m. 3. Temporibus retroactis . In Arch. Lib. Dunthorn . f. 313. a. 414. b. Etautres bones gentz de la dite Citee que per ministrez de mesine la Citee illoques avenir especialment sont somons , &c. A Representation by Mysteries first settled in the Council-Chamber with Authority to make By-laws . Vid. A Paper entituled , The Right of the Citizens to elect Sheriffs , &c. citing the Books in Gild-hall , 20 E. 3. This , according to the Reference which I have to that time , is Lib. Dunthorn , f. 416. b. 417. a. In Arch. civ . lib. C. f. 6. a. 21 E. 1. Ibid. * 43 or 44 E. 2. † In Arch. civ . Lond. lib. Legum , à 15. E. 3. * Et islirent , certain Persons en qui eux ils se tendront content . &c. In Arch. civ . L. lib. H. f. 45. 50 E. 3. Ward Mayor . * In Arch. civ L. lib. H. f. 198. b. † Rot. in ●ur . Lond. 8 R. 2. ‖ Cleped . Journ . Foster . f. 1●6 . a. 210 , b. 218. b , 32 , & 33 H. 6. ●id Inf. Lib. L. f 〈…〉 6 H. 〈…〉 Mai A. 〈…〉 mu●● . 〈…〉 Gard●● 〈…〉 & al. 〈◊〉 ru●n 〈◊〉 omnium ●●●steria●um . The Common-Council a Creature of the Common-Hall . The Foundation of the present Common-Council . * In Arch civ . lib H. f. 262. b. 15 R. 2. † Ib. f. 300. a. 18 R. 2. In Arch. civ . lib. H. f. 173 , & 197. ‖ Immensae Communitatis , proborum , &c. * ●ot . Petitions . † This seems not very good sense : but the Original is Ad ordinandum cum maturâ deliberatione quomodo judicia tempore praeterito in Communi Concilio reddita & facta , &c. fiebant . ‖ Par causeque , &c. Note , They chosen only to advise the Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons . Note , A probationary Order . Note , The Aldermen used to be chosen annually . Vid. The rest in the Right of the Common-Hall , &c. Rot. Pat. 21 H. 6 p. 1. M. 25. To several Parishioners there . (a) Vid. Rot. Pat. 12 E. 2. m. 5. n. 4. pro mercatoribus de societate Gardarum de Florentiâ . Of the Nature of By-Laws , and the Common-Council's Pretence to make ' em . Moor 's Rep. f. 576 , & 591. 5 Rep. f. 63. Anno 1693. Bracton , lib. 1. c. 2. Temp. H. 3. Vid. By Inspect . Rot. Cart. R. 2. M. 31. n. 22. 5 Rep. sup . Journal Cotes , f. 103. 36 H. 8. Bagg 's Case , 11. Rep. f. 99. * In Arch. Civ . Journal Haddon , f. 34. a. and b. Aylmer Mayor , 23 H. 7. ‖ Commune consilium ac immensa multitudo communario um in penultimâ liberaturâ . Note , This is not according to the Ordinance , 15 E. 4. Communiarii in ultima liberaturâ . That the present Common-Hall did not receive its Being , or Authority , from such a Common-Council as now acts , &c. Vindic. p. 2. Li. l. Young Mayor . Vindic. p. 3. Lib. L. f. 113. Vindic. p. 8. Caput legum & Regni . A32567 ---- By the King a proclamation for the keeping of markets to supply the city of London with provisions, and also for prevention of alarms and tumults, and for appointing the meeting of merchants. England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) 1666 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A32567 Wing C3491 ESTC R214894 31354791 ocm 31354791 110260 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32567) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110260) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1736:20) By the King a proclamation for the keeping of markets to supply the city of London with provisions, and also for prevention of alarms and tumults, and for appointing the meeting of merchants. England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) Charles II, King of England, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed by John Bill, and Christopher ..., London : 1666. "Given at Our Court at Whitehall the sixth day of September 1666. in the Eighteenth year of Our Reign." Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Markets -- England -- London. London (England) -- Economic conditions. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2008-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-10 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-11 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the King , A PROCLAMATION For the keeping of Markets to supply the City of London with Provisions , and also for prevention of Alarms and Tumults , and for appointing the Meeting of Merchants . CHARLES R. WHereas most of the places wherein Markets were kept in our City of London are destroyed by the late fire , We are desirous , That Our loving Subjects may nevertheless be furnished with a constant Supply of Provisions , as well as the present Exigency will permit : It is therefore Our will and pleasure , That Markets be kept and held within and without Bishops-gate , at Towerhill , and Smithfield every day of the week , and also continued in Leaden-hall-street upon the daies wherein they have been accustomed to be held . Requiring all persons whom it may concern , duely and constantly to resort unto the places , and at the times above mentioned , We having taken care to secure the said Markets in safety , and prevent all disturbances by refusal of payment for their Goods , or otherwise . And We do further charge and command all Mayors , Sheriffs , Iustices of the Peace , and other Our Officers and Ministers within the Counties from whence Provisions are or have been usually brought to Our said City of London , to take notice of this Our Will and pleasure , and to use their utmost diligence and Authority to see the same performed accordingly . And whereas through the temerity and unadvisedness of some persons , groundless fears and apprehensions have been and may be cast into the minds of our people , to prevent all Tumults and Disorders which may thereby or otherwise arise , it is Our Will and pleasure , That upon any Alarm raised or taken , no man stir or disquiet himself by reason thereof , but only attend the business of quenching the fire , We having in our Princely Care taken order to draw together such a sufficient force both of Horse and Foot in and about Our said City , as may abundantly secure the peace and safety thereof , and prevent or repress any Attemps whatsoever that can be made to disturbe the same . And whereas the Royal Exchange is demolished and burned down by the late fire , It is Our pleasure , that Gresham Colledge in Bishops-gate street be for the present the place for the usual meeting and assembling of Merchants in the same manner as heretofore the Exchange was . Given at Our Court at Whitehall the sixth day of September 1666. in the Eighteenth year of Our Reign . God save the KING . London , Printed by John Bill , and Christopher Barker , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Majesty , 1666. A32652 ---- By the King, a proclamation touching the charitable collections for relief of the poor distressed by the late dismal fire in the city of London England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) 1668 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A32652 Wing C3589 ESTC R39207 18271112 ocm 18271112 107277 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32652) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107277) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:107) By the King, a proclamation touching the charitable collections for relief of the poor distressed by the late dismal fire in the city of London England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) Charles II, King of England, 1630-1685. 1 broadside. Printed by the assigns of John Bill and Christopher Barker ..., In the Savoy [i.e. London] : 1668. "Given at our court at Whitehall the twenty sixth day of September, 1668. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Disaster relief -- England -- London. Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2008-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms By the King. A PROCLAMATION Touching the Charitable Collections for Relief of the Poor Distressed by the late Dismal FIRE in the City of LONDON . CHARLES R. WHereas by Our Proclamation of the Thirteenth day of September , in the Eighteenth year of Our Reign , for a General Fast and Humiliation in reference to that Conflagration , We did earnestly recommend the distressed estate of those who had been undone by that Fire , to the Charity of all good and well disposed Christians , Requiring Collections to that purpose to be made in all Churches and Chappels , and the Moneys Collected to be faithfully and entirely returned up to London to the Lord Mayor of that City , or as he should appoint , to be distributed amongst poor Sufferers by that Fire : And whereas We are informed by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the said City , That the Collections intended by that Proclamation , have not been so made or answered as they ought to have been , but in many places omitted and not made at all , and from many parts no Returns at all made : And although many Cities , Towns and places have expressed their forward sense and compassion of the deplorable estate of the same Our poor Subjects , by Liberal Contributions , yet the Receipt in the whole falls short of what hath been Collected at other times upon like Losses in small Towns and Villages ; which doth manifest the remiss execution of Our said Proclamation . Therefore , to the end Collections may be made in places where they were omitted , although the time prefixed for making such Collections by the said former Proclamation be elapsed , and that just and regular Accompts may be taken , made , and published for general satisfaction , of all the Moneys Collected , and to be Collected , and of the issuing and distribution thereof to and for the said Charitable uses and intents ; We are graciously pleased , and by Advice of Our Privy Council , Do hereby strictly Charge and Command , upon pain of Our high Displeasure , and such other Penalties as may by Law be inflicted upon them , That where the said Collections according to the Tenor of Our former Proclamation , have been omitted , All Ministers , Parsons , Vicars or Curates , shall cause the same to be made in their respective Churches or Chappels on some Lords day forthwith after receipt hereof : And that all the present Ministers , Parsons , Vicars or Curates , and Churchwardens , and all Officials , Registers , Officers of all Parishes and places within Our Realm , where any of the said Collections have been , or shall be made ; And all Officials , Registers , and other Officers concerned , who have received any Moneys for the uses aforesaid , shall before the First day of February now next ensuing , deliver , or send in to the High-Constables of the respective Hundreds to which such Parishes and Places do belong , a true and perfect Certificate in writing under their hands , and under the hands of the late Churchwardens who were in Office at the time of the said Collections made , of the Total sum of Money Collected , Given , or Contributed in every the said Parishes or Places , and to whom the same was delivered or paid over to be returned or sent up to the Lord Mayor of London , and how much thereof ( if any ) is resting unpaid , and by whom , and in whose hands or charge the same is still remaining . And that all Churchwardens , and others who have Collected or Received , and not paid , or shall Collect or Receive , or otherwise have in their hands or charge any of the said Moneys , shall before the said First day of February , pay the same to the said respective High-Constables of the Hundreds or Divisions wherein they live ; and the said High-Constables shall and are hereby Required and Commanded to receive the said Moneys , and send out their Warrants to the said Ministers , Churchwardens , and others , to bring in the said Certificate , and to pay the said Money accordingly . And that the said High-Constables shall forthwith after the said day , send or deliver the said Certificates , together with what Parishes or Places have not certified , unto the Sollicitors appointed in the several Counties by the Lords Commissioners of Our Treasury for the Eleven moneths Assessment , from the Six and twentieth day of January , One thousand six hundred sixty and seven : And that the said Sollicitors shall and are hereby Required and Commanded without delay to transmit the same Certificates to the Chamberlain of the City of London for the time being , for and to the end a perfect Accompt may be thereupon stated and made up of the said Receipts ; and in the said Certificates to return the names of the Parishes and Places that have neglected their duty : And also that the said High-Constables shall with all expedition after receipt of the said Moneys from the several Persons , Parishes and Places within their Constableries , pay over the same to the General-Receivers of the said Eleven moneths Assessment in their several Counties respectively ; and the said General-Receivers shall also forthwith after the receipt of the Moneys from the said High-Constables , remit and pay the same to the Chamberlain of the City of London for the time being : And in case they cannot find ways safety to remit the same as aforesaid , That they give notice thereof to the Chamberlain aforesaid , that care may be taken for the speedy bringing it into the hands of the said Chamberlain , to be disposed and imployed for Relief and Succour of the said Distressed Poor , as is intended and directed by Our Former Proclamation . And that all persons concerned may take notice of this Our Royal Pleasure and Command , It is Our further Will and Pleasure , That the Sheriffs of Our respective Counties and Cities do cause this our Proclamation to be so distributed , as that it may be Read in all Churches and Chappels on the Lords-day , which will be the Third Lords-day in the moneth of November next ensuing . Given at Our Court at Whitehall the Twenty sixth day of September , 1668. GOD SAVE THE KING . In the SAVOY , Printed by the Assigns of John Bill and Christopher Barker , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Majesty . 1668. A32848 ---- The Petition of the most substantiall inhabitants of the citty of London, and the liberties thereof, to the Lords and Commons for peace together with the answer to the same, and the replye of the petitioners. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32848 of text R383 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C3881). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 45 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32848 Wing C3881 ESTC R383 12952474 ocm 12952474 95975 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32848) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 95975) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 733:23) The Petition of the most substantiall inhabitants of the citty of London, and the liberties thereof, to the Lords and Commons for peace together with the answer to the same, and the replye of the petitioners. Chillingworth, William, 1602-1644. Reply of the London petitioners to the late answer to their petition for peace. England and Wales. Parliament. [2], 20 p. Printed for Edward Husband, London : 1642. The reply of the petitioners, according to Thomason, is by William Chillingworth. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Sources. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Sources. A32848 R383 (Wing C3881). civilwar no The petition of the most substantiall inhabitants of the citty of London, and the liberties thereof, to the Lords and Commons for peace· Tog [no entry] 1643 8662 12 0 0 0 0 0 14 C The rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE PETITION OF THE MOST SUBSTANTIALL INHABITANTS OF the Citty of London , and the Liberties thereof , TO THE LORDS and COMMONS FOR PEACE ▪ Together with the Answer to the same . AND The REPLYE of the Petitioners . LONDON , Printed for EDWARD HUSBAND , Anno Dom. 1642. TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE THE LORDS and COMMONS now assembled in the High Court of PARLIAMENT . The humble Petition of divers Inhabitants of the City of London , and the Liberties thereof . SHEWETH , THat the present sense of our miseries , and apprehension of inevitable ruine both of the Church and Common-wealth , make us to become humble suitors to this Honourable Assembly ( the likeliest means under God for our reliefe ) to consider our distressed estates , and to provide a speedy remedy for our present and future evills , earnestly desiring you to weigh the care and Iudgement of our Predecessors , who by a known Law , setled and preserved our Protestant Religion , our Liberties , and Properties , with a right understanding between King and Subjects , which produced peace and plenty in our Streets . And to reflect with serious thoughts upon our present distempers , violating Religion by Papists and Sectaries , engaging our Nation into a Civill , Bloody , and Distructive Warre , invading our Lawes and Liberties , endangering all our Lives , and utterly disinabling us to relieve our distressed brethren in Ireland : We beseech you likewise to consider the effects of cont●nued Wa●re , as the destruction of Christians , the unnaturall effusion of blood ; Fathers against Sonnes ▪ Brothers by Brothers , Friends by Friends slaine ; then famine and sicknesse , the followers of civill Warre , making way for a generall confusion , and invasion by a forraigne Nation , while our Treasure is exhausted , our Trade lost , and the Kingdome dispeopled . These things weighed and enlarged by your wisdomes , we doubt not will be strong motives in us to desire a speedy Peace , and a happy Accommodation . Wherefore we humbly crave , that ( not lending an eare to any fomenters of these present Warres , under what pretence soever , nor remembring ought that may increase Iealousies , or continue divisions between his Majesty and his Houses of Parliament ) you will speedily tender His Majesty ( according to His Royall intimations ) such Propositions for Accommodation , as He may with Honour and Safety to the whole Kingdome accept . For effecting whereof , we shall be ready to assist you with the best and utmost of our abilities , and whilest you endeavour Peace , we shall send up our Prayers to Heaven for the blessing of peace upon you , and all those that desire it . An Answer to the London PETITION . You Gentlemen and Citizens , BOth you and your request are welcome to Vs , and cannot faile of a kind reception here , where your former merits , and your present good intentions are so well knowne . It is naturall in the Patient to seeke cure of his disease , and to move the Phisitian to use his best skill , and it is commendable in you under your sufferings to apply your selves to Vs for ease ; and we hope it is not meere impatience urges you to seeke things impossible , or unjust : your prayers for Peace are Honourable , so was Iacobs wife for children , yet when she cryed , give me children or I dye , she was to blame ▪ for she sought that of Iacob , which Iacob had no power to give , and she sought the same with such violence , as Iacob ought not to have heard . But we will only conceive , that without all impatience , you seeke of us Peace , so farre as we can procure it , and not absolutely , for it depends not so much upon us , as the King , and it is not in us to draw the King to a Peace , except His Majesty be as inclinable to it , as we are . And we will conceive also that you seeke not Peace nakedly , except it come along with Truth , Righteousnesse , and Honour , and of such a Peace we are as zealous as you can wish us to be ; and for other Peace , if we should wholly submit to the Kings party , without all conditions for future security , such a submission to that Party would be no redresse but an increase of your present sufferings . We are intrusted in this by the whole Kingdome , and that trust we must not breake upon the solicitation of any part of the Kingdome : you are a considerable part of London , but you are not whole London , and London is a considerable part of this Kingdome , but it is not the whole Kingdome , and we , according to our trust , must looke upon the whole Kingdome : but it may be , that you see more than the whole Kingdome , and may out of that sight offer some thing to us for the ease and reliefe of the whole Kingdome ; in this we will not gaine-say you , it is possible that some cleere way & forme of a just , safe , and honourable Accommodation may be opened , and discovered to you , which hath not yet been found out by us ; if this be so , we desire you cordially , and in a friendly manner to communicate your apprehensions , and understandings of this affaire to us , and by our sudden and full embracement thereof , you shall soon find how deere , and precious the face , the very name or sound of Peace is to us : in the meane time we desire you to rest assured , that if there be any defect in us , it must needs be in point of understanding , it cannot be in point of affection . No men living can be in affection more devoted to safe Peace then we are . And further , we desire you not to censure us of any defect at all , no , not so much as in understanding , except you can reveal to us some better way , then we have hitherto assayed . No Accommodation can be , but we must leave something to the King upon trust , and if the Accommodation be even , the King will not deny some trust to us ; but in this , helpe to advise us how farre we shall trust the King , and how farr we shall trust the Kings party ; were the King utterly disingaged from all parties , perhaps we would wholly trust the King , and desire no trust at all to be left in us from His Majesty : but we see in the Kings party , some that have a strange power in His affection , yea a greater power farre than we have , and yet they are knowne to be deeply inraged Papists , violently ingaged Delinquents , and if you would wholly put your selves and the Kingdome into the trust of such a party , we are bound to withstand it , as much as we can . The King protests to hate Popery , and disavowes all thoughts of Arbitrary Rule , yet we know all , how farre He is addicted to Papists , and malignant haters of Parliaments : and since we cannot submit to the King , but we must submit to His Party , who He preferres before us , what advantage is it to us , whether He be in heart the selfe same , as His party is , or not ? The truth is , we and the Kings party are so diametrically opposite in Religion and State both , that he cannot protect both , if they are His friends , we are his enemies ; if we are his friends , they are questionlesse his enemies ; if he shield them from our justice , he must expose us to their injustice ; either they must judge us , or we them , no middle way can be safe , nor deserve the name of Accommodation ; it must prove inevitable confusion in the end . Many yeares we have already strugled together , and they have all the while found more favour from the Court then we ; but now we are more implacably exasperated by blood , one against the other , and they will not lay downe Armes before us ; nor ought we before them ; and if both lay downe Armes together , yet little safety will be to us ; for our religion and profession will binde us truly to performe , but theirs will bind them to betray us ; and since they are greater in the Kings favour , and are loose from Oaths , when we are discountenanced , and our hands are tyed from defence , what equality of Treaty is there ? We will speake now to you , as we would to the whole body of England ; if you prefer their cause and being before ours , speake it out more plainly : if you wish better to us , and thinke better of us , be wary of such Accommodation , as may render us upon unequall tearmes into their hands . You will say we have received other Petitions with more favour , when they have more concurred with us in their Votes , we confesse and justifie it : for when the people have encouraged us by Petitions , answering to our Votes , and have invited us to be more hardy in searching their wounds , fearing our too much tendernesse in their owne case , we could not but resent a better disposition and capacity of cure , then now we take notice of in such contrary Petitions , as seeme to expresse a distrust of us , though indeed your professions be cleane contrary . Yet to deale plainly with you , and all other Petitioners : we love not to be sollicited at all by the people in any case whatsoever , except when we doe manifestly faile of our Duty , either out of too much feare , or too much presumption . Howsoever for the present goe peaceably home , and if you thinke us worthy of that trust which you have hitherto reposed in us , leave to us to consider of this your Petition with all its circumstances , and assure your selves , we will condescend to the more hazzard , and depart something the more from our owne due in our demands from His Majesty , for your sakes . And if you prefer your owne Iudgements before ours , proceed to advertise us lovingly and fairely , wherein we may doe you more good , or how we may draw nearer to a prudent Accommodation , and impart more particularly your open sence thereof . Howsoever we desire you to addresse your selves to His Majesty , in the same manner as you have done to us , unlesse you condemne us as more indisposed to peace then His Majesty is ; and let your request be , that in this valuation of His Party , and His Parliament , He would be equally pleased to condescend , and depart from His former rigor of Tearmes , as you expect from us , or else we must pronounce you in this unequall . And for the summe of all , let your desired Accommodation be such , as shall maintaine us to be the Kings legall Parliament , and a legall Parliament to be the Kings highest Court of Iudicature , and the highest Iudicature of the King fittest to determine all publike disputes , and best disposed to mercy , as well justice ; and policy , as well as Law : and without more adoe your wished Accommodation is perfected , and agreed upon . The REPLY of the London Petitioners to the late Answer to their PETITION . WEE perceive , those Arts which first caused , are the fittest means to continue this common calamity . If the People ( of honest affections generally , but weak reason , and so easily abused , and made to advance private ends with a publique conscience , ) yet at last faithfully instructed by the sense of miseries , begin to grow wiser , the great contrivers of these sad divisions , evidently discerne , the Kingdom is in danger to be restored to happinesse , unlesse their long exercised malice , can still prevaile under specious pretences , to keep up that unfortunate misunderstanding between King and Subject . No sooner had we , being the most considerable persons in the Citty ( after too long patience , and a most just apprehension of pressures howrely growing upon us , so that of late , every new Vote hath been looked upon as a new affliction , ) taken such courage to our selves , as humbly to expresse our unwillingnesse to be longer active in our own unhappinesse , and to sue unto you for remedy , being desirous to receive those great blessings of Peace and Plenty , and true Religion established by Law , from no other hand : but presently under-agents are imployed to continue ( if it be possible ) the distractions of this Kingdom , and stifle our honest intentions in the womb . Alderman Penington seizes upon our Petition , and commits one to Prison , ( because it seems he was better affected to the quiet of his Country , then was convenient for his ends , ) notwithstanding not any thing in the matter of it , was against any known law , and the manner of it had been so often countenanced by both your Houses . Out of these considerations , we the Citizens animated by innocency , and a necessary care to prevent our otherwise unavoidable destruction , with sober courage , and honest stoutnesse recover our Petition . Next the Lecturers undertake the work , and turne all the spirituall militia into weapons of the flesh , exhorting us to fight against the King in the feare of God , and under the mask of Religion preaching down peace and holinesse . Yet these virulent declamations prevaile not with us , who were more conscionably instructed , then to believe , we cannot expresse our love to God , unlesse we maintain enmity with men ; and who by sad experience have found the bitter fruits of their so much cryed-up reformation ; wherein the sonnes of peace are become the loudest Trumpets of Warre . This policy being now worn out , and the journey-men-Rebells at a stand , it concernes the maisters to take the ruine of the Common-wealth into their own managery . An answer is cast out , which seems to carry in it the authority of the House , but presents really the subtilty of those , who have hitherto craftily abused the Peoples affections into those miserable distempers . Their words are softer then oyle , but poyson of Aspes is under their lips ; for the designe of it is by a seeming meek complyance with us , who from our soules desire and sue for peace , to send us away , contented to ingage our selves in a most unnaturall Warre . It is full of Sophistry , and such eloquence , as is described in Catiline , ( the fire-brand of his Country ) which was first to disturbe a state , unable to compose and settle it . We and our request is said to be Welcome . Certainly both ought to be so really , and deserve to be entertained with the greatest thanks and alacrity by all honest men , as aiming at the publique interest , and common good of the Kingdome . What ever Astronomers faine of the Celestiall bodies , 't is to be feared , many inferior Orbes in a State have particular contrary motions to that of the whole . If a kind reception were truly meant , what can be the cause , we should meet with such opposition , such difficulties in the accesse ? It requires no deep understanding to look through the matter : it costs nothing to give good words , and you manage this affaire very prudently , if instead of a grant , you can satisfy us with a complement . But your Petitioners are wiser , then to desist upon empty Courtship , when our suit is of so high concernment , as the Kingdoms preservation . It is commendable in us , to come as patients to their Phisition . ] What doe they deserve then , who hinder us from seeking a remedy for our distempers ? He who forces sicknesse upon us , may thereby hasten his own death . We must not out of impatience seek things impossible , or unjust . ] Our request is neither vaine , nor wicked ; it desires both what can , and what ought to be done . It is very easily effected : if you withdraw the fuell , a fire is soon extinguished ; so if you , I doe not say , correct , but even not foment ill humors , the Wound will heale of it selfe . The Subject is in so ready a way of recovery , doe but apply the Great Charter , and the Petition of Right , and he is restored to Health and Strength ; that is , take not our estates from us by force , and without our Consent , and we aske not Peace , ingage the Kingdom in Warre if you can . We expect not Physick from you , only prescribe us a good dyet , that is , let us live by certain and known rules , and we shall not want letting blood . If Peace be to be compassed by these means , the desire of it cannot be unjust . Your Prayers for Peace are Honourable , so was Iacob's wife for Children , yet when she cried , give me Children , or I dye , she was to blame , for she sought that of Iacob , which Iacob had not power to give . ] There is great difference between Rachells impatience , and our humble request , addrest to you as the fittest means under God to convay unto us the fruits ( not of the womb , but ) of good Government , Peace and Plenty . That we live , it is the bounty of God , that we are destroyed , may be the fault of men . We desire no more , then what good Patriots may , and ought to performe , that you would be pleased , not to neglect those means , which most probably will conduce to the Kingdoms preservation . And she sought the same with such violence , as Iacob ought not to have heard . ] There was not any thing in our addresses , which could make this observation pertinent . But the doctrine is so reasonable , we could wish , you had declared it sooner , as being forced to take notice , the contrary position was once taught , and made the rule of former actions ; That some things must be done to satisfy the People . We cannot be ignorant of the many tumults , dismissed with thanks , though they ( as Iacob with God ) did even wrestle with you for blessings . This cleare opening your selves against violent Petitioners , will satisfy the world in the innocency of those Members , who absented themselves from the House out of this consideration . Peace depends not so much on us , as the King , and it is not in us to draw the King to a peace : ] We humbly desire you not to be wanting in your duty ; and we have had frequent testimonies of His Majesties peaceable inclinations . His withdrawing His forces from our City , after great advantages , clearely demonstrates , He came up to London with an army , not so much to fight , as to appeare in such a condition , as you might without losse of Honour consent to a peace . We must remember with what cheerfulnesse He entertained the Messengers of peace at Colebrook , how gratious a Reply He returned to the Message , without any mention of former unkindnesses , and such indignities , as private men could hardly have digested . After this , though provoked with new injuries , and most unreasonable imputations of breach of Faith , and delight in bloud ; as if He were only sensible of our misery , He seeks to continue the Treaty by a message from Reading , ending with the same gratious close as that from Colebrook . This as yet hath not been thought worthy any answer . We will conceive also that you seek not Peace nakedly , except it come along with truth , righteousnesse and Honour . With truth ; ] we readily embrace this limitation , as being perswaded the breach of peace in the Church , by Sectaries unpunished , we wish , we could not say countenanced and encouraged , hath begot and nourisht Warre in the State . Therefore to deale plainly , if you mean by truth the Protestant Religion established by Law , ( to which you know His Majesty conformes in constant practice even beyond the strictnesse of most Subjects , ) let the Penalties by Act of Parliament appointed be indispensably exacted from all offendors : If you mean some of your own private opinions , speak them out clearely , and I doubt not but the Kingdom will entertaine peace , without that which you call truth . With righteousnesse , with Honour . ] It is very obvious , how Peace and Righteousnesse may kisse each other , but how without forfeiture of this , any can take up Armes against their Soveraigne , ( to whom they have sworn allegiance ) we cannot comprehend . It is no diminution of your honour to provide for the Kings , ( as you are obliged by oath ) and to yeeld Him all those rights , with which the Law hath invested Him . These are no hard conditions : If you like them , you will have no reason to prolong our miseries by civill dissentions ; if they displease , confesse it roundly , and we are confident , we shall have no long warre . If we should wholly submit to the Kings party , without all conditions of future security . ] You are required to submit to the King , not to any of your fellow Subjects . There cannot be greater security , then the Lawes of the Land , ( and such only your Ancestors claimed ) the benefit of which you shall enjoy , and by which only you are to be tryed . If you challenge security of any higher nature , and think not your selves safe , till you have all the power in your selves , we make no doubt all well-affected People will cleerely discerne , this is nothing else , but under the name of free Subjects , to take upon you the Power of Kings . We humbly desire you to informe us plainly , what provisions you will have made for your safety , and to open your selves in this point , whether there can be any possible security in Monarchy . Vnder this forme much must of necessity be committed to the trust of one . If therefore you will not entertain peace , as being unsafe to you , because there is a possibility this one may faile in performance of trust , you clearly tell us , this Kingdome shall not be quiet , till you have changed this ancient , and well founded Monarchy into a popular State , and till the supream disposall of all is placed in you . By this the people will understand at last what it is they fight for . We are intrusted in this by the whole Kingdome . ] This must be meant of the House of Commons , and by the same Logicke that the King is denyed His Rights , the Lords may loose theirs , and this might breed an under-civill Warre betweene Your two Houses . The trust committed to you by the people , who are the third estate , cannot give any power , to entrench upon the other two , or either of them . The performance of this trust is to be regulated according to the Lawes , so that if You doe any thing against Law , you are accomptable for such actions , and the people is no way concerned in it , as having no legall authority in such a case . It is not possible , the People should give unto you , what they had not in themselves , a Priviledge to breake the Lawes . You are but a part of London , and London but a part of the Kingdome . ] It is very true ; so the Porters were but a part , the women were but a part , and the beggers were but a part , all which had the happinesse to thinke as you did , and so deserved thankes for it . We challenge no greater Priviledge then was allowed to them , to present our desires ; to approve or disallow belongs unto you , according as the greatest reason shall direct . Yet thus much we shall take the boldnesse to say , though you chance to affect warre , you must give us leave , to love and pray for peace , and not to engage our Estates or Persons , ( for such right in this case the Law gives us ) if we conceive it an unreasonable warre ; for we shall be unwilling to contribute a part , only that we may bring the whole in danger . And it may be necessary to tell you , we are much the best part of London , and London much the most considerable part of the Kingdome , and we have great reason to presume , that the most to be valued in other parts also , will second our desire , though you perhaps may have different apprehensions of their affections . For indeed the causes of liking and disliking warre , are not the same in you , and the rest of the Kingdome . You sit in the midst of us encompassed with safety , whereas others are exposed to the hazard . Their Hay , their Corne , their Household-stuffe , their flocks of Sheep , and heards of Cattell , and Horses are subject to the plunder , which makes them disrellish those distractions . It is no marveile , if the active men amongst you find in warre a more pleasing tast , since they have put themselves into good preferment by severall commands , and the Kingdomes misery , is become their patrimony . So while their trade flourishes , they have no deep sense of the universall decay of ours in severall callings . We doe not much wonder , if men that stand upon the shore , delight in tempests , as often as the wrack is to be shared amongst them . But it may be that you see more then the whole Kingdome . ] This is a pretty kind of Rhetoricke , to endeavour to baffle our reason , by pressing on our modesty . We compare not with others , ( though we might tell you , in some things we that are standers by , might perhaps see more clearly , then you , who are playing your game : ) whether in this cause our understanding be weaker or not , it concernes not us to determine ; since this we know , we are bound to practise , according as that informes us in our duty , and that God ( however some undervalue the spilling of Christian blood ) will call us to a severe accompt ; and most miserable is he , who shall be found guilty of shedding the blood of his brethren unjustly . You shall soone find , how deare and precious the face , the very name or sound of Peace is to us . ] Many dayes are not passed over since the name would not be entertained with patience . You know who said , I like not dawbing ; and that other expression , I hate the name of Accommodation . Certainly it was lesse cunningly carryed . But it seemes , it was beleeved the people was irrecoverably mad , and that they would never be weary of misery ; or at least , that they were so much in your power , that he which should dare to mention Peace , should suffer the injuries of warre . This part would have beene better acted then : It would have given much more satisfaction , if you had embraced the name of Peace with all cheerfulnesse , and broken of the thing by perplexed disputes , and sending unreasonable propositions . Now it will be a worke of greater difficulty , to over-rule our understandings , since we have evident grounds to suspect your affections . We heartily wish , we may prove false Prophets , but we cannot command our feares ( which worke naturally , and make judgement of the future by what is past , ) from presaging , you will keep up the warre still , but in a more plausible way ; and under a seeming desire of Peace ( having perceived the disadvantage of your open error , ) use unfit meanes to effect it , by proposing unreasonable conditions , so hoping to avoyd the envy , and yet preserve to your selves the benefits of these divisions . The sense of the following discourse is this , No Accommodation can be , because something must be left to the King upon trust , and something to you . ] It will be very easie to assigne the bounds of these severall trusts . It is done to our hand ; for His Majesty requires no new trust to himselfe , nor will He deny an old trust to you ; the Lawes and Customes of this Land determine both . But He must not be trusted , because he is not utterly disingaged from all parties . Here is a plaine Declaration , what the issue is likely to be . As long as the King hath any power left , so long you will suspect his Faith , and the people must be miserable , so long as you please to be fearefull . Certainly , the meanest understanding can quickly apprehend this to be a most seditious principle , and all true lovers of their Country , will looke upon it as the seed-plot of Rebellion to all ages . For all men cannot be prefer'd , and pretences will never be wanting of a King's engagement to a party , as often as ambitious persons , who thinke they have equall deserts , find they have not equall preferment . Such men commonly , when they cannot attaine to great offices , in the discharge whereof , they promise to the people some extraordinary good , they out of indignation , manifest their abilities in hurting the State . You object to the King , He hath a party . Alas ! this is His unhappinesse , and your fault . He desires and ought to have the whole . But if you will obstinately persist in this lay-Schisme , and admit of no condition of Reconciliation , except He will remove those servants , which in His afflictions He hath found honest and faithfull to Him , and preferre you in their places , He hath small encouragement to bestow such favours , ( not yet deserved by you ) and cannot satisfie His conscience in such an ill requitall of their tryed Loyaltie . The next is a stale calumny against Papists and Delinquents . Though reason be not lesse concluding , because old and often repeated , yet slanders loose their credit by time , because most men can confute them by experience . His Majesty hath fully satisfied the world in this point ; and the most considering part even of the people , having long time in vaine expected proofes , are now growne more stayd in their beleef , then to be led away by a bare confidence , and boldnesse of defaming . Wee and the Kings party are so diametrically opposite in Religion and State , that He cannot protect both . ] The same justice may governe both , if you will returne from whence you are swerved , and submit to the common rule of Law , which ought to be the measure of our actions . We most earnestly beseech you , ( that we may not perish , while we are detained in generalls , ) you would be pleased to tell us , what Religion you would have . If the publike forme of worship , established already , and sealed with the bloud of many Martyrs herein can be no ground of difference ; they professe and practise it , and will become suitors to you , that you will severely punish all persons whatsoever that transgresse against it : If you meane some other Religion , ( as you doe , if there be any reall disagreement amongst us ) let us know what it is , perhaps the Kingdome will renounce their old faith , and like your Creed better . However , let not the people be blindly ingaged to fight against their King in defence of their owne , and His Religion , and to maintaine that , which He and they approve off , and only you dissent from . If they are His friends , we are His enemies ; if we are His friends , they are questionlesse His enemies . ] It becomes not us to decide , who are His friends , who His enemies , nor to publish our thoughts , which may perhaps be guided by that common notion , to fight for , or against ; to endeavour to preserve , or destroy . Friendship and enmity here are not to be taken for affections , but for a civill vertue orvice , and to be understood in a law notion . They only are to be esteemed His friends , who are obedient to Lawes ; & transgressors , His enemies . So that a King is enemy to none , as not punishing out of hatred , but justice . That some men have found more favour then others ▪ ( we may guesse at the cause of your discontents , by this frequent complaint ) can be no just ground to disturbe a State . The Kingdome will never be free from Rebellion , if Subjects may be allowed to give law to the Princes courtesies . Either they must judge us , or we them , no middle way can be safe . ] The tryall of this Land is well known , which is per judicium parium , by verdict of Pears , it being a way of proceeding equally indifferent to all ; where none have cause to feare wrested explications , or obscure consequences , verdicts being brought in , in capitall causes , according to evident and knowne law . We make no question all uninterested persons will quickly be satisfied in the present difference , in case of Treason , which can be the only sub●ect of this debate , ( and yet this seemes to be the maine ground of distance . ) For certainly our Lawes have provided for the tryall of it , and the House of Commons never heretofore challenging a power of judicature , and the Lords not using to censure any in this nature under the degree of Baron , therefore it undeniably appeares , they are to be referred to the ordinary tryall of the Kings Bench . They will not lay downe Armes before us , nor ought wee before them . ] Cleare satisfaction hath beene offered you by His Majesty in this point , that the Armes should be returned to those hands , in which they are by law intrusted . The King is invested with the sole power of trayning , arraying , and mustering , it being most consonant to reason , as well as grounded on law , that he which is bound to Protect , should be enabled to compasse that end . Little safety will be to us , for our Religion and our profession will bind us truly to performe , but theirs will bind them to betray us . ] Of all men living we should least have expected , you should make advantage of this argument ; the breach of Faith in your Souldiers being most infamously notorious . Witnesse Farneham Castle , where after hands shaken with two of your Captaines , and time given upon the reputation of Gentlemen and Souldiers , to draw up Propositions of surrender , the Commanders being retired , and the Souldiers forbid to shoot , you brooke in upon them against the lawes of Truce , tooke them all Prisoners and plundred them , not affording any benefit of the former agreement ▪ witnesse Winchester , where after composition set downe in writing , you against it , rob'd them , stript them and kill'd many in coole bloud , insomuch that some of your Commanders , more sensible of honour , openly exclaimed against your barbarous cruelty , scarce to be paralell'd amongst the storyes of Germany . witnesse Yorkeshire , where , after the Gentry had very prudently setled a peace and security in that County , by mutuall covenant not to injure each other , the Lord Fairefax is bitterly reproved for breaking your Priviledges , by presuming to agree to the happinesse of His Country , when the House , or rather the Committee had resolved to ingage the whole Kingdome in misery , and he is accordingly commanded not to regard his promise . The truth is , ( and you have declared it to the world in print ) that you might perswade him not to be honest , you tell him plainly he was not wise , and therefore injoyne him not to stand to that Covenant which was made with so much disadvantage : witnesse Mr Marshall , and Dr Downing . The King in extraordinary mercy pardoned and dismissed 300 prisoners ( though guilty of high Treason , and taken in actuall hostility against him , ) onely taking security ( at least as he then thought it was , having not yet learnt , that the Religion of that party , is not capable of laying any obligation against Interest ) for their future innocency by oath , they swearing , never after to beare Armes against His Majesty . These being returned are satisfied in conscience , they swore unlawfully , as binding themselves not to advance the good cause , and for this consideration , as also it being taken in their owne defence , their lives being endangered upon refusall , ( so that being now safe they were againe free ) they are formally absolv'd from their Oath by these two City Popes , and preached into new and perjurd Rebells . Good God that these men in so short time , should be guilty of so many publique violations of Faith , ( one of which , even amongst the ancient Heathen , would have stained an age , ) and yet that all the people are not yet undeceived ! It cannot be , but all such as have any sense of true piety ▪ will upon full information detest these foule proceedings , and abhorre that Religion , which is made but an Art to dispense with honesty . Certainly you cannot believe , that you Religion binds you truly to performe : men of such perswasions could not so grossely equivocate themselves into disloyalty , and raise an Army to desttroy their King in His own defence . If you preferre their cause and being before ours , speake it out more plain●y . ] We most humbly thank you , and shall ( if necessity require it ) make use of this freedom . The rule by which our liking will be guided , is this , we shall acquit that party , which doth not intrench upon Our Liberty , by imprisoning any of us without cause , and maintaining the Legality of it , and professing to measure it according to pleasure , so that , if they think it convenient to doe so , it shall be a crime to question it ; Our property , by taking our Estates from us without our consents ; our Religion , by committing our most painfull and conscientious Professors , and publique thwarting our long beleeved Preachers by new Sectaries , with great care and cunning planted in our severall Congregations . We love not to be sollicited by the People in what case soever , except when we doe manifestly faile in our duty . ] Your minds are much changed of late ▪ you did love it dearely . And such care hath been taken , to entertain you with this your delight , that , least good affections should not be able to shew themselves for want of understanding , ( as commonly your well meaning friends were defective in that part ) your sense hath been put into their papers , and you have lent them a head , that they might expresse their good hearts . It cannot be so sudainly forgotten , that when reason formerly hath gainsaid proposalls , the affections of the people have been judged the fittest measure of votes . Here is yet a possibility of failing by this confession , and so you have overthrown the strongest , and most popular argument of your innocence , the authority of the doer . If we , or any part of the Kingdome shall conceave you faile of duty to your Soveraigne , you have by this granted us full liberty to sollicite you when we think fitting . We desire you to addresse your selves to His Majesty , in the same manner as you have done to us , unlesse you condemne us , as more indisposed to peace then his Majesty is . ] We have had frequent evidences of His Majesties peaceable inclinations , in His many Messages continually by you rejected , and we have observed how long and how much he hath suffered formerly , that He might have prevented ( if malice could have been wearied ) this unnaturall Warre . We thought a Petition to Him for Peace not so seasonable , because He out of His detestation of the effusion of His Subjects blood , had Himselfe ( in His Message from Nottingham ) even sued to you for it . We extremely wonder , We should now be put upon this course , for which formerly you have punished others . It was then a crime to think of making any addresses to His Majesty , and the authors have suffered for it , before it was known what they meant to have desired . Concerning the matter of the Petition you would frame for us , ( that art hath formerly done good service , and must not now be forgotten ) that He would depart from his former rigor of termes , we must freely acknowledge , we have not yet met with any harsh proposalls from His Majesty , and we believe , if any such were , they would have been named , you not using to dissemble any advantages , nor to be over nice in respect to His Regall dignity . What ever conditions have come to our hands , seem as reasonable in sense , as mild in language . Notwithstanding he hath been frequently tempted to use harsher expressions , by that freedom you have taken of accusing him , in such words , as we should count it incivility to use towards our equalls . Too oft they were so below the respect due to a King , that they were unfit to be given to a Gentleman . Inbriefe , that you may not flatter your selves with an opinion , we shall easily be put off with generalities , which signity nothing , we shall take some paines in this businesse , which so highly concernes us , and with our utmost care , and all due respects , descend to particular Propositions , such as we according to our apprehensions shall conceave reasonable . And that we may ( as much as in us lies ) remove all those rubbs out of the way to an happy accommodation , which some with designe and study purposely cast in ; we shall for the present make one Proposition , which carries in it much equality , and ( if we mistake not ) will take off all exceptions , which seem to stand betwixt us and happinesse in this agreement : That is , that as His Majesty doth readily consent to all the rights , which belong to both Houses ; so you would with as much forwardnesse , grant what ever rights belong unto him : and that time may not be wasted in doubtfull disputes , while the Kingdome lies at stake , that you would make the Reigne of Queen ELIZABETH ( acknowledged by all to be happy and glorious ) the measure by which to determine them . This we conceive a more equall way , then for two of the Estates ( especially when the major part by fear of tumults and Armies is absent ) to judge by no rule but their own votes of the Rights of the third : to whom if it may be allowed to be sole arbitrary Iudges both of Iustice and Policy , both of what is due to you , and fit for you , both from King and Subjects , the accommodation that is left can only be this ; that , so you may have all that your selves desire , you are contented to endure peace , and such an one indeed you had hard hearts , if you would not accept . If this appeare more reasonable , we shall not need to trouble our selves with those involved conditions by you prescribed , the meaning whereof we doubt in some , the truth in others . That you are the Kings Legall Parliament . That the two Houses are distinct parts of the Parliament , we acknowledge , and the King never denied it . That you have not the power of the whole in right ( though it hath been executed upon us in fact ) you your selves must confesse , unlesse you will say , that you can make an Act of Parliament without the King . Wherein we desire you to declare your sense plainly . If you shall not pretend to this , we request the Subject may not suffer under illegall names , that is , that an Ordinance of either or both houses , may not have the vertue or power , since you will not justify the name of Law in it . That you are the Kings highest court of Iudicature . ] We conceive , the House of Commons , and much more the Committee , hath power of accusing only , not of judging ; This belongs to the House of Lords ( an appeale being made from an inferior Court , and writs of error being legally exhibited ) who are presumed to passe sentence according to the known Law , and not according to reason of State , Because this would place an arbitrary power in them , and enable them to overthrow ( the birth-right and inheritance of every English man ) our Lawes by Policy . Since there cannot be imagined a more absolute power , and government according to bare will , then to determine the same action right or wrong , as they shall please to call it necessary or convenient . That you are fittest to determine all publique disputes . ] If it be understood in relation to Lawes , the only allowed rules of decision , it is granted without any inconveniences . If you will maintain it in the largest sense , which the words may seem to beare , we are confident , the people will abhorre the Doctrine ; for by this rule you must maint●ine , it is in your power to depose not a King only , but Monarchy it selfe , if this chance to be the subject of your disputes . That you are best disposed to mercy , as well as justice . ] We desire you to expresse these words in plain English , and to tell us clearely , whether you doe challenge to your selves a right of pardoning whom you please ( which yet hath been acknowledged this very Parliament a prerogative only belonging to the King . ) But if this be the meaning , we shall lesse wonder , that persons highly corrupt , and most known offendors in publique offices , have been protected from your Iustice , by the Prerogative of your mercy , and that Policy should so farre over-rule Law , that it should be delivered , for sound State Doctrine , that former faults ought not to be lookt upon , if the party accused hath done good service for the present . If this free opening our apprehensions find a gratious acceptance , and ( as is by us infinitely desired ) prosperous successe , we shall render you our most humble and hearty thankes ; if our further endeavours shall be necessary , we will not be wanting to our own and the Kingdoms preservation . FINIS . A33393 ---- The speech of Sir Robert Clayton, Kt., Lord Mayor elect for the city of London, at the Guild-Hall of the said city, to the citizens there assembled on the 29th of September 1679, for the electing of a lord mayor for the year ensuing Clayton, Robert, Sir, 1629-1707. 1679 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A33393 Wing C4615 ESTC R862 13170390 ocm 13170390 98277 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A33393) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 98277) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 412:2) The speech of Sir Robert Clayton, Kt., Lord Mayor elect for the city of London, at the Guild-Hall of the said city, to the citizens there assembled on the 29th of September 1679, for the electing of a lord mayor for the year ensuing Clayton, Robert, Sir, 1629-1707. Edwards, James, Sir, d. 1691. 4 p. Printed for Tho. Collins ..., London : 1679. Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. "The speech of Sir James Edwards, Lord Mayor": p. 4. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Politics and government. 2006-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE SPEECH OF Sir Robert Clayton Kt. Lord Mayor Elect For the City of LONDON , at the Guild ▪ Hall of the said City , TO THE CITIZENS There Assembled on the 29th of September 1679. For the Electing of a LORD MAYOR for the Year ensuing . GENTLEMEN , I Make no question , but every one of You is sensible of the great Burthen , the Honour You have done Me This Day , carries with it , even in the most Sedate Times : But when Publick Calamities seem to Threaten this City , and Nation , so much the greater ought the Care and Vigilancy of the Magistrate to be . I wish I could truly say , There were no Occasion for any such Apprehensions ; and whatever hath been of late of that kind , were without cause . I have the Testimony of my own Conscience ▪ that I have always had a great sence of my Unfitness for such a Trust ; and that my own Ambition hath not had any share in the Work of this Day . But seeing the Providence of God , with your good Opinions , hath placed me in this Station , I intend ( by His Blessing ) to undergo it chearfully ; and endeavour to understand , and then to do my Duty , as becomes an Honest Man , without Favour , or Affection , or regard to any Private Interest of my Own. And I resolve , ( according to the best of my Understanding , and with the Advice of my Worthy Brethren the Aldermen ) that the Law shall be my Rule ; the Observation of which , next to our Duties to God , I make no question will by His good Providence , be a means to preserve Us in our Religion , and Properties , protect Me in doing My Duty , and be grateful to You and every good Man. There is One Thing I would beg , That every one of You in your several Stations , would consider the Duty incumbent upon himself , by the wholsom Laws , Customs and Usages of this City ; and answer to a good Mind the discharge of the same ; lest , whilst we are under such great Apprehensions of the Loss of our good Government and Constitution by the Attempts of our Enemies , we become Instruments of our own Ruine , and bring that Confusion upon our selves by a supine Neglect , which otherwise ( I trust ) all the diligence of our Enemies will never be able to accomplish . Let it never be said of this Famous City , ( the present Envy of all her Neighbours ) as once it was of old Rome , ( then the Envy of the whole World ) Rome's Destruction was from her self : but let it never be so said of London . Rome indeed had many and powerful Enemies Abroad ; but , had She not Divided within Her Self , and fallen into Faction at Home , those could not have hurt Her. We cannot be Ignorant how Busie our Common-Adversaries , the Church of Rome , and Her Emissaries , are , in Sowing Seeds of Dissention amongst us , in hopes of a Plentiful Harvest in our Destructions : Let us therefore , who Intend to be Protestants , as we tender our own Preservation , be Admonish'd to Unite , and Joyn Together , as becomes Men in the Same Common-Danger to do ; I Mean , in Defence of His Majesties Royal Person , and Government ; The True Protestant Religion , our Laws , our Lives , our Liberties , and Properties ; and , This Great Metropolis , Against all such Endeavours , and Damnable Plots and Contrivances , as have been , and ( I fear ) still are , in Agitation against us ; And , let no diligence of the Adversary prevail to make a Breach amongst us ; nor no Difference of Opinion , amongst Protestants , be so much as Remembred , or once mention'd in This Our Time of Extremity , When , no less then Utter Ruine is Threatned to the Whole Protestant Interest ; and which , nothing but a Firm Vnion amongst Themselves , and Gods Providence , can , in Human Probability , Prevent : And , if we thus Joyn our Hands , and Vnite our Hearts in Prayer , to that God , who hath so Miraculously Preserved , and Restored this CITY hitherto , notwithstanding the many Attempts against it , we may reasonably assure our selves , He will , in His Good Time , Work out a Mighty Deliverance for us ; Which God of His Mercy Grant ; and , let all Good Protestants Say , AMEN . The SPEECH of Sir JAMES EDWARDS , Lord Mayor ; at the Election of Sir ROBERT CLAYTON . GENTLEMEN , I Bless God for this Opportunity , That I can see the Face of my Successor ; a Person , from whom you may , and I do promise my self a Supply , of what was deficient in me . I call God to Witness , that I have endeavoured to Serve you Impartially ; for which , I do first Return my Hearty Thanks to that Good God ; and next , to my Worthy Brethren , who were alwayes so near me . Now , I Pray God to continue his Blessings upon your Persons , and Families ; upon the Governor , and Government of this CITY ; Particularly , upon HIS MAJESTY , and His Government ; That God would give Him a Long and Happy Reign . FINIS . London , Printed for Tho. Collins , at the Middle-Temple-Gate in Fleetstreet , 1679. A33493 ---- The case of several hackney-coachmen in and about the cities of London and Westminster and the suburbs, occasioned by one Robert Murrey and his adherents, to the utter ruin of many families, for his and his accomplices private interest Cadman, Thomas. 1690 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A33493 Wing C4747 ESTC R9374 12274837 ocm 12274837 58418 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A33493) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 58418) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 176:37) The case of several hackney-coachmen in and about the cities of London and Westminster and the suburbs, occasioned by one Robert Murrey and his adherents, to the utter ruin of many families, for his and his accomplices private interest Cadman, Thomas. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 169-?] Signed: Thomas Cadman [and 7 others]. Place and date of publication from Wing. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Murrey, Robert. Cadman, Thomas. Coach drivers -- England -- Law and legislation. London (England) Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. 2006-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The CASE of several Hackney-Coachmen in and about the Cities of London and Westminster and the Suburbs , occasioned by one Robert Murrey , and his Adherents , to the utter Ruin of many Families , for his and his Accomplices private Interest . 1. THE said Robert Murrey , a common Projector , in the Year 1682 obtained an Act of Common Council in London , to restrain all but 400 Hackney Coachmen to ply in and about the City of London and Suburbs thereof , under the Penalty of Forty Shillings each Coach for every Offence : By which Project the said Murry did get clear to himself Four hundred and fifty Pounds , besides all Bribes and other Incomes ; but the Coachmen that were oppress'd by the said Murrey's Project , having obtained the then Attorny General 's Opinion , That the said Act was against Law , staid several Suits , and cast the said Murrey , or those imployed to put the said Act in Execution . 2. That then the said Murrey and his Accomplices did obtain an Order from Sir Edmand Villers , then Knight-Marshal for the Liberty of the Verge ( viz. Westminster , Whitehall , and St. James's ) to suppress the Hundred Hackney Coachmen from plying with their Coaches within the Liberties aforesaid , and did with Money hire Men and keep them from their said Imployment , until one Thomas Cadman did send his Servant with his Hackney-Coach to ply within the said Verge , after having suffered Nine Weeks Restraint , by means of the aforesaid Order , resolving to see by what Right they held their Power ; whereupon the Knight-Marshals Men immediately seized upon the said Cadman's Servant , and kept him Prisoner at White-Hall for above Six Houres , until he gave a Note under his Hand of Forty Pounds penalty to appear before the said Sir Edward Villers the next Day by Nine of the Clock : And the said Thomas Cadman appeared accordingly on his said Servants behalf before his Honour , and made him sensible of the Oppression , who was thereupon pleased to take it off , and never put it upon the said Coachmen after . 3. That the said Murrey and his Accomplices afterwards Sollicited his Honour Capt. Cheek , then Governour of the Tower of London , to keep the said One hundred Hackney Coachmen from taking up any Fare upon the Bulwark Wharfe before the Tower Gate , under the Penalty of Five shillings for each Coach so offending , so that many poor men suffered thereby , until the said Thomas Cadman Petitioned his Honour , and made him sensible of the Abuse put upon them by the aforesaid Murrey and his Accomplices , so that now the said Robert Murrey , having made what Mony he could of the said 400 Hackney Coachmen , came to those he had formerly ruined , and by his deluding Speeches prevailed upon some poor Hackney-Coachmen and others not qualified for that Imploy , to assist him with Money to sollicit the then Popish Commissioners to Licence 600 Hackney-Coachmen , and to pay more Money in one Year for working their Coaches in the streets , to the Commissioners and the said Murray and his Accomplices than all the said Hackney-Coachmen were worth , and if the Rich Men should pay the Poor Mens Debts ; the Commission was Sealed and Security given in to the Lords of the Treasury in November , 1688. ( as the said Coachmen are credably inform'd , ) And if it had not pleased Almighty God to send His Highness , the then Prince of Orange , to their Relief at that very time , the said Hackney-Coachmen had been all ruined and undone by the unjust and wicked Contrivance aforesaid . 4. That when the said Murrey saw the late King James was gone out of this Kingdom , and his Popish Commission of no effect , Did with the assistance of a Friend or Two in London , for his own By-Ends since Christmas last , get the Act of Common-Councel revived . And the said Coachmen being informed , that the said Murrey , and several others , are endeavouring , for their own private Interest , and to the Prejudice of your Petitioners , to procure one or more Bills , of their own framing , to be brought into this Honourable House , for the Regulating of Hackney-Coaches . The said Coachmen therefore humbly desire that the Act made for Regulating of Hackney-Coaches in the 13th and 14th Years of King Charles II. may be vived , with the Addition only of One Hundred Coaches . And that they may be settled at the same Yearly Rent that was Limitted by the said Act. Wherefore we most humbly beseech Your Honours to take the Premises into Your Serious Consideration ; And we and all the rest , as in Duty bound , shall ever Pray , &c. Thomas Cadman , Thomas Whittle , Peter Welch , John Hurt , John Sheldarick , George Loverick , John Beaver , John Hugins . A33715 ---- A full and more particular account of the late fire with several losses at Newmarket : in a letter from thence of the 24th instant. 1683. Cole, John, 17th cent. 1683 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A33715 Wing C5023 ESTC R16790 12394564 ocm 12394564 61090 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A33715) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 61090) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 935:2) A full and more particular account of the late fire with several losses at Newmarket : in a letter from thence of the 24th instant. 1683. Cole, John, 17th cent. 1 sheet ([2] p.) Printed for John Smith, London : 1683. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. Signed: John Cole. Broadside. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Fire, 1683. Broadsides 2006-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Full and more Particular Account OF THE Late FIRE . With the several losses at NEWMARKET : In a Letter from thence of the 24th Instant . 1683. HAving seen a forged Paper ( pretended to be Written in a Letter from hence ) giving a short and imperfect Account of the late dreadful Fire at Newmarket , I thought my self obliged as well to Answer your Request as to satisfie others , to give you a particular and more exact Account of that unfortunate Accident . On the 22d Instant being Thursday , betwixt Eight and Nine a Clock at Night , by the carelesness of a Groom smoaking Tobacco ; it first broke out in a Stable , having seized upon the Litter , Straw , Hay , and Roof of the Stable before it was discern'd , and then too violent to be overcome , till it had seized upon the next House , and so from one to another till it had run through all the Houses on that side of the Town . It began at the lowermost end of the Town next the Heath , the Wind being at South-west , which carrying the Flame strongly forward , no Water being near to quench it , nor Powder to blow up the Houses in less than three hours time , all the Houses on that side of the Town were on Fire , and continued burning till the Morning , by which time they were Reduced to Ashes . That which made the worse for the Town , was the many Thatch'd Houses , Stables and Hayricks , which took Fire from one another like a train of Gunpowder , having not left a House before Twelve a Clock that the Fire had not seized upon . In this dreadful and terrible condition all burning at once , and most of all the Houses yet standing , the Roofs being the first that took the Flame , the Houses seem'd all the way as if they had been Arched or rather Roof'd with Fire . Some of them continuing burning till the next day . It would be Dreadful to tell you the Consternation we were in upon this so sudden and unhappy an Accident ; which from the First Kindling , Burnt on with that Violence , that those who were Twelve Houses and upwards from the place where the Fire began , had scarce time to save any thing , scarce their Horses , and those that were nearer could hardly save themselves ; many People by the sudden Surprize , and others who were assisting in the Quenching of the Fire , having perished therein , several of whom we have since found Buried under the Rubbish . Many brave Horses , Coaches , and Chariots , with all their Rich Furniture , were lost in this general Conflagration . Some run about the Streets half naked , with their Saddles , Bridles , and Portmantles , others run into the Houses to save what they could , till they were many of them half Burnt , and many lost , endeavouring to save their Horses ; which by no means they could get to come through the Fire till they had Hoodwincked them , or the Fire had seized upon them behind , the pain of which drove them forward to seek for their Safety . The distracted People were in such Consternation , that many Horses which were taken out of the Flame , and set loose in the Street , to shift for themselves upon the Heath with the People , instead of making towards the Heath , made to the Stables , where they were Burnt without all possibility of preventing it . Many sustained great Losses , not only of Horses , but Coaches and other things ; But the greatest of this Nature fell upon the Lord Sunderland , who not only lost his chief Saddle-Horses , but his best set of Coach-Horses ; the Lord Clarendon , Lord Clifford , Lord Rochester , lost several Race Horses , and best Saddle-Horses , and many others , which would be too tedious to Relate . All that happened well in so unhappy an Accident was , that the Fire all this time , did not touch on that side of the Street where the Kings House stood ; which was the only Comfort we had in the midst of all our Losses . It would but create a trouble to tell you the miserable Estate these poor Wretches are in , expos'd to the Wind and Weather upon the Heath , having neither House nor Goods , Cloathes nor Sustenance . I will therefore add no more , but that I am Your Distressed humble Servant . John Cole . LONDON , Printed for John Smith . 1683. A34205 ---- Concerning the prices of wine &c. Die Mercurii, Maii 26, 1641. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A34205 of text R43115 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C5697). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A34205 Wing C5697 ESTC R43115 26832652 ocm 26832652 109818 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A34205) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 109818) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1714:9) Concerning the prices of wine &c. Die Mercurii, Maii 26, 1641. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. 1 sheet. s.n., [London : 1641] Place and date of publication supplied by Wing. A resolution, which includes a declaration of the illegality of the patent obtained by Alderman Abell and Richard Kilvert. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. eng Abell, William, fl. 1640. Kilvert, Richard, d. 1649. Wine industry -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A34205 R43115 (Wing C5697). civilwar no Concerning the prices of wine &c. Die Mercurii, Maii 26, 1641. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons 1641 301 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Concerning the Prices of VVine , &c. Die Mercurii , Maii 26. 1641. UPon the whole matter of the Report , It was resolved upon the Question , 1. That the Patent for the payment of 40. shill. per Tun on Wines by the Merchants , is illegall in the creation , and a grievance . 2. That the imposition of a penny on a quart on French Wines , and two pence on a quart on Spanish Wines , is a grievance . 3. That the Patent of the imposition of 40. shillings per Tun , is a grievance in the execution . 4. That Alderman Abel , and Master Richard Kilvert are the principall Projectors both in the creation and execution of this illegall imposition of 40. shill. per Tun. Resolved upon the Question , That there shal be a Bill prepared , declaring the offences of Alderman Abel , and Richard Kilvert , to the end they may be made exemplary . Resolved , &c. That a select Committee be named , to examine who were the Referrees , Advisers , Sharers , Complotters and Contractors , and those that have received any bribe or benefit by this Patent , and who drew the Patent . Resolved , &c. That the Proclamation dated the 15. of July , in the 14th . yeare of the King , prohibiting the Wine-Coopers to buy and sell Wine , is illegall , and against the liberty of the Subject . Resolved , &c. That the Decree made in the Starre-chamber in December 1633. prohibiting retailing Vintners to dresse meat in their own houses , to sell againe to guests , is illegall , and against the liberty of the Subject . A29768 ---- Amusements serious and comical, calculated for the meridian of London by Mr. Brown. Brown, Thomas, 1663-1704. 1700 Approx. 176 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 83 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A29768 Wing B5051 ESTC R19929 12676391 ocm 12676391 65557 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29768) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 65557) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 681:1) Amusements serious and comical, calculated for the meridian of London by Mr. Brown. Brown, Thomas, 1663-1704. [2], 160 p. Printed for John Nutt, London : 1700. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Social life and customs. 2004-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-03 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2004-03 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Amusements SERIOUS AND COMICAL , Calculated for the MERIDIAN OF LONDON . By Mr. BROWN . LONDON , Printed for Iohn Nutt , near Stationers-Hall , 1700. Amusements SERIOUS AND COMICAL . The PREFACE . Amusement I. THE Title I have confer'd upon my Book , gives me Authority to make as long a Preface as I please ; for a Long Preface is a true Amusement . However I have ventured to put one here , under the Apprehension that it will be very necessary toward the understanding of the Book ; tho' the Generality of Readers are of Opinion , that a Preface , instead of setting off the Work , does but expose the Vanity of the Author . A good General of an Army , is less embarrass'd at the Head of his Troops , than an ill Writer in the Front of his Productions . He knows not in what Figure to dress his Countenance . If he puts on a Fierce and Haughty look , his Readers think themselves obliged to lower his Topsail , and bring him under their Sterns : If he affects an Humble Sneaking Posture , they slight and despise him : If he boasts the Excellency of his Subject , they believe not a Syllable of what he says : If he tells them there is little or nothing in 't , they take him at his Word ; and to say nothing at all of his Work , is an unsufferable Imposition upon an Author . I know not what Success these Papers will find in the World ; but if any amuse themselves in Criticizing upon them , or in Reading them , my Design is answer'd . I have given the following Thoughts the Name of Amusements ; you will find them Serious , or Comical , according to the Humour I was in when I wrote them ; and they will either Divert you , Instruct you , or Tire you , after the Humour you are in when you read them . T'other Day one of the Imaginary Serious Wits , who thought it a Weakness in any Man to laugh : Seeing a Copy of this Book ; at the opening of it , fell into a Passion , and Wrinkling up his Nostrils like a heated Stallion that had a Mare in the Wind , said , The Book was unworthy of the Title ; for Grave Subjects , should be treated with Decorum , and 't was to profane Serious Matters , to blend them with Comical Entertainments . What a Mixture is here says he ! This Variety of Colours , said I to my Censurer , appears very Natural to me ; for if one strictly examines all Mens Actions and Discourses , we shall find that Seriousness and Merriment are near Neighbours , and always live together like Friends , if Sullen Moody Sots do not set them at Variance . Every Day shews us , that Serious Maxims , and Sober Counsels , often proceed out of the Mouths of the Pleasantest Companions , and such as affect to be always Grave and Musing , are then more Comical than they think themselves . My Spark push'd his Remonstrance further : Are not you ashamed , continued he , to Print Amusements ? Don't you know , that Man was made for Business , and not to sit amusing himself like an Owl in an Ivy-Bush ? To which I answer'd after this manner . The whole Life of Man is but one entire Amusement : Vertue only deserves the Name of Business , and none but they that practise it can be truly said to be employed , for all the World beside are Idle . One Amuses himself by Ambition , another by Interest , and another by that Foolish Passion Love. Little Folks Amuse themselves in Pleasures , Great Men in the Acquisition of Glory , and I am Amused to think that all this is nothing but Amusement . Once more , the whole Transactions of our Lives , are but meer Amusements , and Life it self is but an Amusement in a continued Expectation of Death . Thus much for Serious Matters : Let us now make haste to Pleasantry . I have a great mind to be in Print ; but above all , I would fain be an Original , and that is a true Comical Thought : When all the Learned Men in the World are but Translators , is it not a Pleasant Jest , that you should strive to be an Original ! You should have observed your Time , and have come into the World with the Ancient Greeks for that purpose ; for the Latines themselves are but Copies . This Discourse has mightily discouraged me . Is it true then that there is such an Embargo laid upon Invention , that no Man can produce any thing that is perfectly New , and intirely his own ? Many Authors , I confess , have told me so : I will enquire further about it , and if Sir Roger , Mr. Dryden , and Mr. Durfey Confirm it , then I will Believe it . What need all this Toyl and Clutter about Original Authors and Translators ? He who Imagines Briskly , Thinks Justly , and Writes Correctly , is an Original in the same things that another had thought before him . The Natural Air , and Curious Turn he gives his Translations , and the Application wherewith he graces them , is enough to perswade any Sensible Man , that he was able to think and perform the same things , if they had not been thought and done before him , which is an advantage owing to their Birth , rather than to the Excellency of their Parts beyond their Successors . Some of our Modern Writers , that have built upon the Foundation of the Ancients , have far excell'd in disguising their Notions , and improving the first Essays , that they have acquir'd more Glory , and Reputation , than ever was given to the Original Authors : Nay , have utterly effaced their Memories . Those who Rob the Modern Writers , study to hide their Thefts ; those who filch from the Ancients , account it their Glory . But why the last should be more Reproach'd than the former , I cannot imagine , since there is more Wit in disguising a Thought of Mr. Lock 's , than in a lucky Translation of a Passage from Horace . After all , it must be granted , that the Genius of some Men can never be brought to Write correctly in this Age , till they have form'd their Wits upon the Ancients , and their Gusts upon the Moderns ; and I know no reason , why it should be their Disparagement , to capaciate themselves by these Helps to serve the Publick . Nothing will please some Men , but Books stuff'd with Antiquity , groaning under the weight of Learned Quotations drawn from the Fountains : And what is all this but Pilfering . But I will neither Rob the Ancient , nor Modern Books , but Pillage all I give you from the Book of the World. The Book of the World is very Ancient , and yet always New. In all Times , Men , and their Passions , have been the Subjects . These Passions were always the same , tho' they have been delivered to Posterity in different Manners , according to the different Constitution of Ages ; and in all Ages they are Read by every one , according to the Characters of their Wit , and the Extent of their Judgment . Those who are qualified to Read and Understand the Book of the World , may be beneficial to the Publick , in communicating the Fruit of their Studies ; but those that have no other knowledge of the World , but what they collect from Books , are not fit to give Instructions to others . If the World then is a Book that ought to be read in the Original : One may as well compare it to a Country that one cannot know , nor make known to others , without Traveling through it himself . I began this Journey very Young : I always loved to make Reflections upon every thing that presented it self to my View : I was amused in making these Reflections : I have amused my self in Writing them : And I wish my Reader may Amuse himself in Reading them . Some will think it another Amusement to find a Book without a Dedication , begging the Protection of a Mighty Patron , and by some fulsome kind of Flattery , expose the Great Man , the Author intended to praise ; but that I have avoided , by sending the Brat naked into the World to shift for it self . It was not design'd to give any Man Offence . Innocent Mirth , compounded with Wholsome Advice , is the whole Burthen it travails with ; and therefore the Author flatters himself with the hopes of pleasing all Men : Which is a Pitch if his Book arrives to , will be the greatest Amusement in the World. Amusement II. The Voyage of the World. THERE is no Amusement so entertaining and advantageous , as improving some of our Leisure Time in Traveling . If any Man for that reason has an Inclination to divert himself , and Sail with me round the Globe , to supervise almost all the Conditions of Humane Life , without being infected with the Vanities , and Vices that attend such a Whimsical Perambulation ; let him follow me , who am going to Relate it in a Stile , and Language , proper to the Variety of the Subject : For as the Caprichio came Naturally into my Pericranium , I am resolv'd to pursue it through Thick and Thin , to enlarge my Capacity for a Man of Business . Where then shall we begin ? In the Name of Mischief what Country will first present it self to my Imagination ? He Bien ! I have hit upon 't already : Let 's Steer for the Court , for that 's the Region which will furnish us with the finest Lessons for our Knowledge of the World. The COVRT . THE Court is a Country abounding with Amusements . The Air they breath there , is very fine and subtile ; only for about three parts and a half of four in the Year , 't is liable to be Infected with Gross Vapours full of Flattery and Lying . All the Avenues leading to it are Gay , Smiling , Agreeable to the Sight , and all end in one and the same Point , Honour , and Self-Interest . Here Fortune keeps her Residence , and seems to expect that we make our Addresses to her , at the bottom of a long Walk , which lies open to all Comers and Goers . One would be apt to think at first sight , that he might reach the End on 't , before he could count Twenty ; but there are so many By-Walks and Allies to cross , so many Turnings and Windings to find out , that he is soon convinced of his Mistake . 'T is contrived into such an Intricate Maze and obscure manner , that the Straitest Way is not always the Nearest . It looks Gloriously in the Country , but when you approach it , its Beauty diminishes . After all the Enquiry I have made about it , I am not able to satisfie your Curiosity , whether the Ground it stands upon be firm and solid . I have seen some New Comers tread as confidently upon it , as if they had been Born there ; but quickly found they were in a New World , where the tottering Earth made them Giddy and Stumble : For tho' they knew Good and Evil were equally useful to their Advancement , yet were so confounded , to know which of the two they ought to employ to make their Fortunes , that for want of understanding only that pretty knack , they made a Journey to Court only to go back again , and report at Home they had the Honour of seeing it . On the other side , I have seen some Old Stagers walk upon Court Ground , as gingerly as upon Ice , or a Quagmire : And with all the Precaution and Fear imaginable , lest they should fall from a great Fortune by the same Defects that rais'd them : And not without cause , for the Ground is Hard in some Places , and Sinks in others ; but all People covet to get upon the highest Spot , to which there is no coming but by one Passage , and that is so narrow , that no Ambitious Pretender can keep the Way , without Justling other People down with his Elbows : And the further Mischief on 't is , that those that keep their Feet , will not help up those that are fallen : For 't is the Genius of a true Courtier not to lend a Hand , or part with a Farthing to one that wants every thing ; but will give any thing to him that wants nothing : Or rather will lay up for a Rainy Day , because what he sees befal another to Day , may be his own Turn to Morrow . He a stout Heart should have , and Steady Head , That in a dangerous Slipery Path does tread ; And 't is the Court that Slipery Place I call , Where all Men Slip , and very few but fall . The Difficulties we meet with in this Country , are very surprizing ; for he takes the longest Way about , that keeps the old Track of Honesty and True Merit ; for where the Address of some , does not help to make the Fortune of others , immediately to Eclipse his Desert , Calumny raises the thickest Clouds , Envy the Blackest Vapours , and the Candidate is lost in the Fog of Competitors , and must hide himself behind a Favourites Recommendation , if ever he hopes to obtain what he seeks for : So that Vertue is no longer Vertue , nor Vice Vice , but every thing is confounded and eaten up by particular Interests . A new comer , with his Pockets well lined , is always welcome to any Court in Christendom , and every thing is provided for him without his own Trouble . He neither Acts nor Speaks , and yet they admire him as a very Wise Man : First , because he is so Foolish to hear them Talk Impertinently , and next because there is no little Wisdom in his Modesty and Silence ; for had he Acted or Spoke never so little , they wou'd soon have found out the Coxcomb . He that holds a Courtier by the Hand , has a Wet Eel by the Tail. He no sooner thinks he is sure of him , but he has lost him . Tho' you presented him in the Morning , he will forget you at Night , and utterly Renounce you the Day following . A profest Courtier , tho he never aims at the Peace of God , is past any Man's Understanding . He is incomparably skill'd in Modish Postures , and Modeling his Looks to every occasion : Profound and Impenetrable , can Dissemble when he does Ill Offices , Smile an Enemy to Death , Frown a Friend into Banishment , put a Constraint upon his Natural Temper , act against his own Inclination , Disguise his Passions , Rail against his own Principles , Contradict his own Opinion , and by a Brillant Humour , convert a Friendly Openness and Sincerity , into a Sly Chicanry and Falshood . Is it not a great Amusement , that a Man which can subsist upon his own , should throw himself into the two great Plagues of Mankind , Expectation and Dependance , and spend his Life in an Anti-chamber , a Court-Yard , or a Stair-Case , where he finds no Advantage or Content ; but is also hindred from finding it elsewhere . Is it not strange , I say , to see a great Man that lives and is respected in his own Country like a Prince , Haunt the Court to make himself little by Comparison , and bow to those little Animals at the Palace , whose Creeping , Cringing , and long Services , are all the Merits they can pretend to . Let the Courtiers value themselves upon their refined Pleasures , their Power and Interest : Their being able to do Good by Chance , and Evil by Inclination ; yet he that is under no Necessity of living precariously , or mending his present Circumstances , 't is an Amusement to see him Dance Attendance for a single Office at Court , that has so many at his own Disposal in the Country . And now let 's take our Leave of all the Courts in Europe , and hoist Sail for London ; the Chiefest City in all Christendom ▪ where we shall find Matter enough to Amuse our selves , tho' we should live as long as Mathusela . Amusement III. LONDON . LONDON is a World by it self . We daily discover in it more New Countries , and surprizing Singularities , than in all the Universe besides . There are among the Londoners so many Nations differing in Manners , Customs , and Religions , that the Inhabitants themselves don 't know a quarter of them . Imagine then what an Indian wou'd think of such a Motly Herd of People , and what a Diverting Amusement it would be to him , to examine with a Traveller's Eye , all the Remarkable Things of this Mighty City . A Whimsy now takes me in the Head , to carry this Stranger all over the Town with me : No doubt but his Odd and Fantastical Ideas , will furnish me with Variety , and perhaps with Diversion . Thus I am resolv'd to take upon me the Genius of an Indian , who has had the Curiosity to Travel hither among us , and who had never seen any thing like what he sees in London . We shall see how he will be amazed at certain things , which the Prejudice of Custome makes to seem Reasonable and Natural to us . To diversifie the Stile of my Narration , I will sometimes make my Traveller speak , and sometimes I will take up the Discourse my self . I will represent to my self the abstracted Ideas of an Indian , and I will likewise represent ours to him . In short , taking it for granted , that we two understand one another by half a Word , I will set both his and my Imagination on the Ramble . Those that won't take the Pains to follow us , may stay where they are , and spare themselves the trouble of reading further in the Book ; but they that are minded to Amuse themselves , ought to attend the Caprice of the Author for a few Moments . I will therefore suppose this Indian of mine , dropt perpendicularly from the Clouds , and finds himself all on the sudden in the midst of this Prodigious and Noisy City , where Repose and Silence dare scarce shew their Heads in the Darkest Night . At first Dash the confused . Clamours near Temple-Bar , Stun him , Fright him , and make him Giddy . He sees an infinite Number of differenr Machines , all in violent Motion . Some Riding on the Top , some Within , others Behind , and Iehu in the Coach-Box before , whirling some Dignify'd Villain towards the Devil , who has got an Estate by Cheating the Publick . He Lolls at full Stretch within , and half a Dozen Brawny Bulk-begotten Footmen behind . Some Carry , others are Carry'd : Make Way there , says a Gouty-Leg'd Chair-man , that is carrying a Punk of Quality to a Mornings Exercise : Or a Bartholomen . Baby Beau , newly Launch'd out of a Chocolate-House , with his Pockets as empty as his Brains . Make Room there , says another Fellow driving a Wheel-Barrow of Nuts , that spoil the Lungs of the City Prentices , and make them Wheeze over their Mistresses , as bad as the Phlegmatick Cuckolds their Masters do , when call'd to Family Duty . One Draws , another Drives . Stand ap there , you Blind Dog , Says a Carman , Will you have the Cart squeeze your Guts out ? One Tinker Knocks , another Bawls , Have you Brass Pot , Iron Pot , Kettle , Skillet , or a Frying-Pan to mend : Whilst another Son of a Whore yells louder than Homer's Stentor , Two a Groat , and Four for Six Pence Mackarel . One draws his Mouth up to his Ears , and Howls out , Buy my Flawnders , and is followed by an Old Burly Drab , that Screams out the Sale of her Maids and her Sole at the same Instant . Here a Sooty Chimney-Sweeper takes the Wall of a Grave Alderman ; and a Broom-Man Justles the Parson of the Parish . There a Fat Greasie Porter , runs a Trunk full Butt upon you , while another Salutes your Antlers with a Flasket of Eggs and Butter . Turn out there you Country Put , says a Bully with a Sword two Yards long jarring at his Heels , and throws him into the Channel . By and by comes a Christning , with the Reader and the Midwife strutting in the Front , and Young Original Sin as fine as Fippence , followed with the Vocal Musick of Kitchen-Stuff ha' you Maids ; and a Damn'd Trumpeter calling in the Rabble to see a Calf with Six Legs and a Top-knot . There goes a Funeral , with the Men of Rosemary after it , licking their Lips after their three Hits of White , Sack , and Claret at the House of Mourning , and the Sexton walking before , as Big and Bluff as a Beef-Eater at a Coronation . Here 's a Poet scampers for 't as fast as his Legs will carry him , and at his Heels a Brace of Bandog Bayliffs , with open Mouths ready to Devour him , and all the Nine Muses . Well , say I to the Indian ; And how do you like this Crowd , Noise , and Perpetual Hurry ? I admire and tremble , says the poor Wretch to me . I admire that in so narrow a Place , so many Machines , and so many Animals , whose Motions are so directly Opposite or Different , can move so dexterously , and not fall foul upon one another . To avoid all this danger , shews the Ingenuity of you Europeans ; but their Rashness makes me tremble , when I see Brute heavy Beasts hurry through so many Streets , and run upon slippery uneven Stones , where the least faise Step brings them within an Ace of Death . While I behold this Town of London , continues our Contemplative Traveller , I fancy I behold a Prodigious Animal . The Streets are as so many Veins , wherein the People Circulate . With what Hurry and Swiftness is the Circulation of London perform'd ? You behold , say I to him , the Circulation that is made in the Heart of London , but it moves more briskly in the Blood of the Citizens , they are always in Motion and Activity . Their Actions succeed one another with so much Rapidity , that they begin a Thousand Things before they have finish'd one , and finish a thousand others before they have begun them . They are equally uncapable both of Attention and Patience , and tho' nothing is more quick , than the Effects of Hearing and Seeing ; yet they don't allow themselves time either to Hear or See ; but like Moles , work in the Dark , and Undermine one another . All their Study and Labour is either about Profit , or Pleasure ; and they have Schools for the Education of their Stalking-Horses , which they call Apprentices in the Mystery of Trade . A Term unintelligible to Foreigners , and that none truly understand the Meaning of , but those that practice it . Some call it Over-witting those they deal with , but that 's generally denied as a Heterodox Definition ; for Wit was never counted a London Commodity , unless among their Wives , and other City Sinners ; and if you search all the Warehouses and Shops , from White-Chappel Bars , to St. Clement's , if it were to save a Man's Life , or a Womans Honesty , you cannot find one Farthing worth of Wit among them . Some derive this Heathenish Word Trade from an Hebrew Original , and call it Over-Reaching , but the Iews deny it , and say the Name and Thing is wholly Christian ; and for this Interpretation quote the Authority of a London Alderman , who sold a Iew five Fat 's of Right-handed Gloves , without any Fellows to them , and afterwards made him purchase the Left-handed ones to Match them , at double the Value . Some call Trade , Honest Gain , and to make it more Palatable , have lacker'd it with the Name of Godliness ; and hence it comes to pass , that the Generality of Londoners are accounted such Eminent Professors ; but of all Guessers , he comes nearest the Mark , that said Trade was playing a Game at Losing Loadum , or dropping Fools Pence into Knaves Pockets , till the Sellers were Rich , and the Buyers were Bankrupts . About the Middle of London , is to be seen a Magnificent Building , for the Accommodation of the Lady Trade and her Heirs and Successors for ever , so full of Amusements about Twelve a Clock every Day , that one would think all the World was converted into News-Mongers and Intellingencers , for that 's the first Salutation among all Mankind that frequent that Place . What News from Scandaroon and Aleppo ? says the Turkey Merchant . What Price bears Currants at Zant ? Apes at Tunis ? Religion at Rome ? Cutting a Throat at Naples ? Whores at Venice ? And the Cure of a Clap at Padua ? What News of such a Ship ? says the Insurer . Is there any hope of her being Cast away , says the Adventurer , for I have Insured more by a Thousand Pounds , than I have in her ? So have I through Mercy , says a second , and therefore let 's leave a Letter of Advice for the Master , at the New Light-House at Plimouth , that he does not fail to touch at the Good-win-Sands , and give us Advice of it from Deal , or Canterbury , and he shall have another Ship for his Faithful Service as soon as he comes to London . I have a Bill upon you , Brother , says one Alderman to another . Go Home , Brother , says the other , and if Money and my Man be Absent , let my Wife pay you out of her Privy-Purse , as your Good Wife lately paid a Bill at Sight for me , I thank her Ladyship . Hark you , Mr. Broker , I have a Parcel of Excellent Log-Wood , Block-Tin , Spiders Brains , Philosophers Guts , Don Qnixot's Windmills , Hens-Teeth , Ell-Broad Pack-Thread , and the Quintescence of the Blue of Plumbs . Go you Puppy , you are fit to be a Broker , and don 't know that the Greshamites buy up all these Rarities by Wholesale all the Year , and Retail them out to the Society every first of April . Hah , Old Acquaintance ! Touch Flesh : I have have been seeking thee all the Change over . I have a pressing Occasion for some Seeds of Sedition , Iacobite Rue , and Whig Herb of Grace , Can'st furnish me ? Indeed lau , No ; saith the Merchant . I have just parted with them to the several Coffee-Houses about the Town , where the respective Merchants meet that Trade in those Commodities ; but if you want but a small Parcel , you may be supplied by Mrs. Bald — n , or Da — y and his Son-in-Law Bell and Clapper , and most Booksellers in London and Westminster . Da , da , I 'll about it immediately . Stay a little Mr , — , I have a Word in private to you . If you know any of our Whig Friends that have occasion for any Stanch Votes for the Choice of Mayors or Sheriffs , that were Calculated for the Meridian of London , but will serve indifferently for any City , or Corporation in Europe , our Friend Mr. Pars — l has abundance that lie upon his Hands , and will be glad to dispose of them a good Pennyworth . Enough said , They are no Winters Traffick , for tho' Mayors and Woodcocks come in about Michaelmas , they don't lay Springes for Sheriffs till about Midsummer , and then we 'll talk with him about those weighty Matters . There stalks a Sergeant and his Mace , smelling at the Merchants Backsides , like a Hungry Dog for a Dinner . There walks a Publick Notary tied to an lnkhorn , like an Ape to a Clog , to put off his Heathen-Greek Commodities , Bills of Store , and Charter Parties . That Wheezing Sickly Shew with his Breeches full of the Prices of Male and Female Commodities , Projects , Complaints , and all Mismanagements from Dan to Beersheba , is the Devil's Broker , and may be spoken withal every Sunday from Eleven in the Morning , till Four in the Afternoon , at the next Quakers Meeting , to his Lodging , and not after ; for the rest of his time on that Day he employs in adjusting his Accompts , and playing at Back-Gammon with his Principal . There goes a Rat-catcher in state , Brandishing his Banner like a Blackamore in a Pageant on the Execution-Day of Rost Beef , Greasie Geese , and Custards . And there Sneaks a Hunger-starv'd Usurer in quest of a Crasie Citizen for Use and Continuance-Money , which the other shuns as carefully as a Sergeant , or the Devil . Now say I to my Indian , Is not all this Hodge-Podge a Pleasant Confusion , and a Perfect Amusement ? The Astonish'd Traveller reply'd , Without doubt the Indigested Chaos was but an imperfect representation of this congregated Huddle . But that which most Amuses my Understanding , is to hear 'em speak all Languages , and talk of nothing but Trucking , and Bartering , Buying and Selling , Borrowing and Lending , Paying and Receiving , and yet I see nothing they have to dispose of unless those that have them , fell their Gold Chains , the Braziers their Leathern Aprons , the Young Merchants their Swords , or the Old Ones their Canes and Oaken-Plants , that support their Feeble Carcases . That doubt , quoth I to my inquisitive Indian , is easily solved , for tho their Grosser Wares are at Home in their Store-Houses , they have many Things of Value to Truck for , that they always carry about them : As Justice for Fat Capons to be delivered before Dinner , A Reprieve from the Whipping-Post , for a Dozen Bottles of Claret to drink after it . Licences to sell Ale for a Hogshead of Stout to his Worship ; and leave to keep a Coffee-House , for a Cask of Cold Tea to his Lady . Name but what you want , and I 'll direct you to the Walks where you shall find the Merchants that will Furnish you . Would you buy the Common Hunt , the Common Cryers , the Bridge-Master's , or the Keeper of Newgate's Places ? Stay till they fall , and a Gold-Chain , and a Great Horse will direct you to the Proprietors . Would you buy any Naked Truth , or Light in a Dark-Lanthorn ? Look in the Wet-Quakers Walk . Have you occasion for Comb-Brushes , Tweezers , Cringes , or Complements , A la mode ? The French Walk will supply you . Want you Old Cloaks , Plain Shooes , or Formal Gravity ? You may fit your self to a Cows-Thumb among the Spaniards . Have you any Use in your Country for Upright Honesty , or Downright Dealing ? You may buy plenty of them both among the Stock-Iobbers , for they are dead Commodities , and that Society are willing to quit their Hands of them . Would you lay out your Indian Gold for a New Plantation ? Enquire for the Scotch Walk , and you buy a Good Pennyworth in Darien : Three of your own Kings , for as many New Hats , and all their Nineteen Subjects into the Purchase , to be delivered at the Scotch East-India Office , by Parson Pattison , or their Secretary Wisdom Webster . If you want any Tallow , Rapparee's Hides , or Popish Massacres , enquire in the Irish Walk , and you cannot lose your Labour : But I am interrupted . Look ! Yonder 's a Iew treading upon an Italian's Foot , to carry on a Sodomitical Intrigue , and Bartering their Souls here , for Fire and Brimstone in another World. See , there 's a Beau that has Play'd away his Estate at a Chocolate-House , going to Sell himself to Barbadoes , to keep himself out of Newgate , and from Scandalizing his Relations at Tyburn . There 's a Poet Reading his Verses . and squeezing his Brains into an Amorous Cits Pockets , in hopes of a Tester to buy himself a Dinner . Behind that Pillar is a Welch Herald deriving a Merchant's Pedigree from Adam's Great Grandfather , to entitle him to a Coat of Arms , when he comes to be Alderman . But now the Change began to empty so fast , I thought 't was time to troop off to an Eating-House ; but my Indian pull'd me by the Sleeve to satisfie his Curisioty , why they stain'd such stately Pillars with so many Dirty Papers . I told him , they were Advertisements . Why , says he , don't they put them into the Post-Boy ? Can't the Folks in this Country read it ? Pray let me know the Contents of some of these Serawls . Why first here is a Ship to be sold , with all her Tackle and Lading , There are Vertuous Maidens that are willing to be Transported with William Penn into Merriland , for the Propogation of Quakerism . In another is a Tutor to be Hired , to instruct any Gentleman's , or Merchant's Children in their own Families : And under that an Advertisement of a Milc-Ass , to be sold at the Night-Mans in White-Chappel . In another Colume in a Gilded-Frame was a Chamber-Maid that wanted a Service ; and over her an Old Batchelor that wanted a House-keeper . On the sides of these were two lesser Papers , one containing an Advertisement of a Red-Headed Monkey lost from a Seed-Shop in the Strand , with two Guineas Reward to him or her that shall bring him Home again with his Tail and Collar on . On the other side was a large Folio fill'd with Wet and Dry Nurses ; and Houses to be Lett ; and Parrots , Canary-Birds , and Setting-Dogs to be sold. They Way to my Lodging lay through Cheapside , but dreading the Canibal Man-catchers at the Counter-Gate , that suck the Blood , and pick the Bones of all the Paupers that fall into their Clutches ; nay , are worse than Dogs , for they 'll Devour one another ; I Tack'd about , and made a Trip over Moor-fields , and Visited our Friends in Bedlam . A Pleasant Piece it is , and abounds with Amusements ; the first of which is the Building so stately a Fabrick for Persons wholly unsensible of the Beauty and Use of it : The Outside is a perfect Mockery to the Inside , and admits of two Amusing Queries : Whether the Persons that ordered the Building it , or those that Inhabit it , were the Maddest ? And whether the Name and Thing be not as disagreeable as Harp and Harrow ? But what need I wonder at that , since the whole is but one Intire Amusement : Some were Preaching , and others in full Cry a Hunting . Some were Praying , other Cursing and Swearing . Some were Dancing , others Groaning . Some Singing , others Crying , and all in perfect Confusion . A sad Representation of the greater Chimerical World , only in this there 's no Whoring , Cheating , nor Sleeping , unless after the Platonick Mode in Thought , for want of Action . Here were Persons Confined that having no Money nor Friends , and but a small Stock of Confidence , run Mad for want of Preferment . A Poet that for want of Wit and Sense , run Mad for want of Victuals , and a Hard-favour'd Citizens Wife , that lost her Wits because her Husband kept a Handsome Mistress . In this Apartment was a Common Lawyer Pleading ; in another a Civilian Sighing ; a third enclosed a Iacobite Ranting against the Revolution ; and a fourth a Morose Melancholy Whig , bemoaning his want of an Office , and complaining against Abuses at Court , and Mismanagements . Missing many others , whom I thought deserved a Lodging among their Brethren , I made Enquiry after them , and was told by the Keeper , they had many other Houses of the same Foundation in the City , where they were disposed of till they grew Tamer , and were qualified to be admitted Members of this Soberer Society . The Projectors , who are generally Broken Citizens , were coop'd up in the Counters and Ludgate . The Beaus , and Rakes , and Common Mad Gilts , that labour under a Furor Uterini in Bridewell , and Justice Long 's Powdering-Tub ; and the Vertuosi were confined to Gresham-College . Those , continued he , in whose Constitutions Folly has the Ascendant over Frenzy , are permitted to Reside , and be Smoaked in Coffee-Houses ; and those that by the Governors of this Hospital , are thought Utterly Incurable , are shut up with a pair of Foils , a Fiddle , and a Pipe , in the Inns of Court and Chancery ; and when their Fire and Spirits are exhausted , and they begin to Dote , they are removed by Habeas Corpus into a certain Hospital built for that purpose near Amen-Corner . Walking from hence , I had leisure to ask my Indian his Opinion of these Amusements , who after the best manner his Genius would suffer him , harangued upon Deficiency of Sence , as the only Beneficial Quality , since the bare pretence to Wit was attended by such Tragical Misfortunes , as Confinement to Straw , Small Drink , and Flogging . Hearing a Noise as we approached near Cripplegate Church , my Curiosity lead me into the Inside of it , where Mr. Sm — ys was Holding-forth against all the Vices of the Age , but Whoring and Midwifery ; for such a stretch of Extravagancy had lost both his own and his Wifes Fees at Christenings , and Stuffing their Wembs at Churchings : And you know none but Poets and Players decry their own way of Living . He was very Heavenly upon Conjugal Duties and Chastity , for a reason you may imagine : Press'd Filial Obedience and Honesty , with as much Vigour , as if his own Sons had been his Auditors : But above all , laid out himself as powerfully in exciting his Hearers to be Charitable to the Poor , as if himself had been the Iudas and the Bag-bearer . Now I that am always more scared at the sight of a Sergeant , or Bayliff , than at the Devil and all his Works , was mortally frighted in my Passage through Barbican and Long-Lane , by the Impudent Ragsellers , in those Scandalous Climates , who laid hold of my Arm to ask me , What I lack'd ? At first it made me Tremble worse than a Quaker in a Fit of Enthusiasm , imagining it had been an Arrest ; but their Rudeness continuing at every Door , relieved me from those Pannick Fears ; Uterini in Bridewell , and Justice Long 's Powdering-Tub ; and the Vertuosi were confined to Gresham-College . Those , continued he , in whose Constitutions Folly has the Ascendant over Frenzy , are permitted to Reside , and be Smoaked in Coffee-Houses ; and those that by the Governors of this Hospital , are thought Utterly Incurable , are shut up with a pair of Foils , a Fiddle , and a Pipe , in the Inns of Court and Chancery ; and when their Fire and Spirits are exhausted , and they begin to Dote , they are removed by Habeas Corpus into a certain Hospital built for that purpose near Amen-Corner . Walking from hence , I had leisure to ask my Indian his Opinion of these Amusements , who after the best manner his Genius would suffer him , harangued upon Deficiency of Sence , as the only Beneficial Quality , since the bare pretence to Wit was attended by such Tragical Misfortunes , as Confinement to Straw , Small Drink , and Flogging . Hearing a Noise as we approached near Cripplegate Church , my Curiosity lead me into the Inside of it , where Mr. Sm — ys was Holding-forth against all the Vices of the Age , but Whoring and Midwifery ; for such a stretch of Extravagancy had lost both his own and his Wifes Fees at Christenings , and Stuffing their Wembs at Churchings : And you know none but Poets and Players decry their own way of Living . He was very Heavenly upon Conjugal Duties and Chastity , for a reason you may imagine : Press'd Filial Obedience and Honesty , with as much Vigour , as if his own Sons had been his Auditors : But above all , laid out himself as powerfully in exciting his Hearers to be Charitable to the Poor , as if himself had been the Iudas and the Bag-bearer . Now I that am always more scared at the sight of a Sergeant , or Bayliff , than at the Devil and all his Works , was mortally frighted in my Passage through Barbican and Long-Lane , by the Impudent Ragsellers , in those Scandalous Climates , who laid hold of my Arm to ask me , What I lack'd ? At first it made me Tremble worse than a Quaker in a Fit of Enthusiasm , imagining it had been an Arrest ; but their Rudeness continuing at every Door , relieved me from those Pannick Fears ; and the next that attack'd my Arm with What ye buy , Sir , What ye lack ? I threw him from my Sleeve into the Kennel , saying , Tho' I want nothing out of your Shops , methinks you all want good Manners and Civility , that are ready to tear a New Sute from my Back , under pretence of selling me an Old one : Avant Vermin , your Cloaths smell as rankly of Newgate and Tyburn , as the Bedding to be sold at the Ditch-side near Fleet-Bridge , smells of a Bawdy-House and Brandy . Smithfield would next have afforded us variety of Subjects to descant upon ; but it being neither Bartholomew-Fair Time , nor Market-Day , I shall adjourn that View to another opportunity ; and now proceed to , Amusement IV. Westminster-Hall . A Magnificent Building , which is Open to all the World , and yet in a Manner is shut up , by the Prodigious Concourse of People , who Crowd and Sweat to get in or out , and happy are they that don't leave their Lives , Estates , nor Consciences behind them . Here we entered into a great Hall , where my Indian was surprized to see , in the same Place , Men on the one side with Bawbles and Toys , and on the other taken up with the Fear of Judgment , on which depends their inevitable Destiny . In this Shop are to be sold Ribbons and Gloves , Towers and Commodes , by Word of Mouth : In another Shop Lands and Tenements are disposed of by Decree . On your Left Hand you hear a nimble Tongu'd Painted Sempstress , with her Charming Treble , Invite you to buy some of her Knick-Knacks : And on your Right , a Deep-mouth'd Cryar commanding Impossibilities , viz. Silence to be kept among Women and Lawyers . What a Fantastical Jargon does this Heap of Contrarieties amount to ? While our Traveller is making his Observations upon this Motly Scene , he 's frighted at the Terrible Approaches of a Multitude of Men in Black Gowns , and Round Caps , that make between them a most Hideous and Dreadful Monster , call'd Pettyfogging , of which there is such store in England , that the People think themselves obliged to pray for the Egyptian Locusts , and Catterpillars , in exchange for this kind of Vermin . And this Monster bellows out so pernicious a Language , that one Word alone is sufficient to ruine whole Families . At certain Hours appointed , there appears Grave and Dauntless Men , whose very Sight is enough to give one a Quartan-Ague , and who says this Monster on his Back . Scarce a Day passes over their Heads , but they rescue out of his greedy Jaws some Thousand of Acres half devoured . This Cursed Petty-Fogging is much more to be feared than Injustice it self . The latter openly undoes us , and affords us at least this Comfort , That we have a Right to bewail our selves ; but the former by its Dilatory Formalities , rob us of all we have , and tells us for our Eternal Despair , that we suffer by Law. Justice , if I may so express my self , is a Beautiful Young Virgin Disguis'd , brought on the Stage by the Pleader , Pursued by the Artorney , Cajol'd by the Counsellor , and Defended by the Iudge . Some Pert Critick will tell me now that I have lost my way in Digressions . Under favour , this Critick is in the wrong Box , for Digressions properly belong to my Subject , since they are all nothing but Amusements ; and this is a Truth so uncontested , that I am resolved to continue them . By way of Digression , I must here inform you , that in all those Places of my Voyage , where the Indian perplexes me with his Questions , I will drop him , as I have already done , to pursue my own Reflexions : Upon this Condition however , that I may be allowed to take him up again , when I am weary of Travelling alone . I will likewise make bold to quit the Metaphor of my Voyage , whenever the Fancy takes me ; for I am so far from confining my self like a Slave to one particular Figure , that I will keep the Power still in my Hands , to change if I think fit at every Period , my Figure , Subject , and Stile , that I may be less tiresom to the Modern Reader ; for I know well enough , that Variety is the Predominant Taste of the present Age. Altho' nothing is durable in this Transitory World , yet 't is observ'd , that this Saying proves false in Westminster-Hall , where there are things of eternal continuance , as Thousands have found true by Woful Experience , I mean Chancery Suits . Certain Sons of Parchment , call'd Sollicitors and Barristers , make it their whole Business to keep the Shuttle-Cock in motion , and when one Hand is weary of it , they Play it into another . 'T is the chiefest part of their Religion to keep up and animate the Differences among their Clyents , as it was with the Vestal Virgins in the Days of Yore , to maintain the Sacred Fire . 'T is a most surprizing thing that notwithstanding all the Clamour , Squaling , and Bawling there is in the Courts , yet you shall have a Judge now and then take as Comfortable a Nap upon the Bench , as if he was at Church ; and every Honest Christian has reason to pray , that as often as a Cause comes to be heard , the Judges of Ancient Times were Awake , and the Modern Fast Asleep . However this must be said for them , that they are Righteous enough in their Hearts ; but the Devil on 't is , that they can't tell which way to take to instruct themselves in the Merits of the Cause . The Contending Parties are suspected by them , the Solicitor embroils them , the Counsellor Deafens them , the Attorney Importunes them , and ( is it not a sad thing ? ) the Shee-Sollicitor Distracts them . Well! Let what will happen on 't , give me for my Money the Female Sollicitor . A certain Judge in the Days of Yore , made his Boasts one Day , that the most Charming Woman in the World , was not able to make him forget that he was a Judge . Very likely , Sir , said a Gentleman to him ; but I 'll lay Twenty to One on Nature's side . The Magistrate was a Man before he was a Iudge . The first Motion he finds is for the Shee Solicitor , and the Second is for Iustice. A very Beautiful Countess went to a Morose Surly Judge's Chamber , to prepossess him in Favour of a very Unrighteous Cause , and to Sollicite for a Colonel , against a Tradesman that Sued him . This Tradesman happened that very Moment to be in his Lordship's Closet , who found his Cause to be so Just , and Clear , that he could not forbear to promise him to take care he should carry the Day . The Words were no sooner out of his Mouth , but our Charming Countess appear'd in the Anti-Chamber . The Iudge immediately run as fast as his Gouty Legs would give him leave to meet her Ladyship . Her Eyes , her Air , her Graceful Deportment , the Sound of her Voice , so many Charms in short , pleaded so powerfully in her Favour , that at the first Moment he found the Man too Powerful for the Iudge , and he promised our Countess , that the Collonel should gain his Cause . Thus you see the Poor Judge engaged on both sides . When he came back to his Closet , he found the Tradesman reduc'd to the last Despair . I saw her , cries the Fellow as it were out of his Wits . I saw the Lady that solicits against me , and Lord what a Charming Creature she is ? I am undone my Lord , my Cause is lost and ruin'd ! Why , says the Judge , not yet recovered from his Confusion , imagine your self in my Place , and tell me if 't is possible for frail Man to refuse any thing that so Beautiful a Lady asks ? As he spoke these Words , he pull'd a Hundred Pistols out of his Pocket , which amounted to the Sum the Tradesman sued for , and gave them to him . By some means or other the Countess came to the knowledge of it ; and as she was Vertuous even to a Scruple , she was afraid of being too much obliged by so Generous a Judge , and immediately sent him a Hundred Pistoles . The Colonel full as Gallant as the Countess was Scrupulous , paid her the Sum aforesaid ; and thus every one did as he ought to do . The Judge was afraid of being Unjust , the Countess feared to be too much obliged , the Collonel paid , and the Tradesman was satisfied : Or according to our old English Adage , all was well , Iack had Ioan , and the Man had his Mare again . Shall I give you my Opinion of this Judge's Behaviour . The first Motion he found in himself , was for the Charming Sollicitrix , which I cannot Excuse him for ; and the second was for Iustice , for which I Admire him . While I thus amus'd my self , my Traveller is lost in a Fog of Black-Gowns ; let us go and find him . Oh yonder he is at the farther end of the Hall , I call to him , he strives to come to me , but his Breath fails him , the Crowd over-presses him , he 's carried down the Stream , he Swims upon his Elbows to get to Shoar . At last half Spent , and dripping from every Pore in his Body , he comes up to me , and all the Relation I could get from him of what he had seen , was ; Oh this Counfounded Country ! Let us get out of it as soon as possibly we can , and never see it more . Come , come , says I to him , let 's go and Refresh our selves after this Fatigue ; and to put the Idea of the Hall out of our Heads , let 's go this Evening into the Delicious Country of Opera . Amusement V. The Play-House . THE Play-House is an Inchanted Island , where nothing appears in Reality what it is , nor what it should be . 'T is frequented by Persons of all Degrees and Qualities whatsoever , that have a great deal of Idle Time lying upon their Hands , and can't tell how to employ it worser . Here Lords come to Laugh , and to be Laugh'd at for being there , and seeing their Qualities ridicul'd by every Triobolary Poet. Knights come hither to learn the Amorous Smirk , the Ala mode Grin , the Antick Bow , the Newest-Fashion'd Cringe , and how to adjust his Phiz , to make himself as Ridiculous by Art , as he is by Nature . Hither come the Country Gentlemen to shew their Shapes , and trouble the Pit with their Impertinence about Hawking , Hunting , and their Handsome Wives , and their House-wifery . There sits a Beau like a Fool in a Frame , that dares not stir his Head , nor move his Body , for fear of incommoding his Wig , ruffling his Cravat , or putting his Eyes , or Mouth out of the Order his Maitre de Dance had set it in , whilst a Bully Beau comes Drunk into the Pit , Screaming out , Dam me , Jack , 't is a Confounded Play , let 's to a Whore and spend our time better . Here the Ladies come to shew their Cloaths , which are often the only things to be admir'd in or about ' em . Some of them having Scab'd , or Pimpled Faces , wear a Thousand Patches to hide them , and those that have none , scandalize their Faces by a Foolish imitation . Here they shew their Courage by being unconcerned at a Husband being Poison'd , a Hero being Kill'd , or a Passionate Lover being Jilted : And discover their Modesties by standing Buff at a Baudy Song , or a Naked Obscene Figure . By the Signs that both Sexes hang out , you may know their Qualities or Occupations , and not mistake in making your Addresses . Men of Figure and Consideration , are known by seldom being there , and Men of Wisdom and Business , by being always absent . A Beau is known by the Decent Management of his Sword-Knot , and Snust-Box . A Poet by his Empty Pockets : A Citizen by his Horns and Gold Hatband : A Whore by a Vizor-Mask : And a Fool by Talking to her . A Play-House Wit is distinguish'd by wanting Understanding ; and a Iudge of Wit by Nodding and Sleeping , till the falling of the Curtain , and Crowding to get out awake him . I have told you already , that the Play-House was the Land of Enchantment , the Country of Metamorphosis , and performed it with the greatest speed imaginable . Here in the Twinkling of an Eye , you shall see Men transform'd into Demi-Gods : And Goddesses made as true Flesh and Blood , as our Common Women . Here Fools by Slight of Hand , are converted into Wits . Honest Women into Errant Whores , and which is most miraculous , Cowards into Valiant Hero's , and Rank Coquets and Iilts into as Chaste and Vertuous Mistresses , as a Man would desire to put his Knife into . Let us now speak a Word or so , of the Natives of this Country , and the Stock of Wit and Manners by which they Maintain themselves , and Ridicule the whole World besides . The People are all somewhat Whimsical , and Giddy-Brain'd : When they Speak , they Sing , when they Walk , they Dance , and very often do both when they have no mind to it . The Stage has now so great a share of Atheism , Impudence , and Prophaneness , that it looks like an Assembly of Demons , directing the Way Hellward ; and the more Blasphemous the Poets are , the more are they admired , even from Huffing Dryden , to Sing-Song Durfey , who always Stutters at Sence , and speaks plain when he Swears G — Dam me . What are all their New Plays but Damn'd Insipid Dull Farces , confounded Toothless Satyr , or Plaguy Rhiming Plays , with Scurvy Heroes , worse than the Knight of the Sun , or Amadis de Gaul . They are the errantest Plagiaries in Nature , and like our Common News-Writers , Steal from one another . When any Humour Takes in London , they Ride it to Death before they leave it . The Primitive Christians were not Persecuted with half that Variety , as the poor Unthinking Beaux are tormented with upon the Theatre . Character they supply with a Smutty Song , Humour with a Dance , and Argument with Lightning and Thunder , which has often reprieved many a Scurvy Play from Damning . A Huge great Muff , and a Gaudy Ribbon hanging at a Bully's Backside , is an Excellent Jest ; and New Invented Curses , as Stap my Vitals , Damn my Diaphragma , Slit my Wind-Pipe ; Rig up a New Beau , tho' in the Main 't is but the same everlasting Coxcomb ; and there 's as much difference between their Rhimes , and Solid Verse , as between the Royal Psalmist , and Hopkins and Sternhold , with their Collars of Ay 's and Eeke's about them . 'T is a hard Matter to find such things as Reason , Sense , or Modesty , among them ; for the Mens Heads are so full of Musick , that you can have nothing from them but empty Sounds ; and the Women are so Light , they may easily be blown up or down like a Feather . Amusement VI. The WALKS . WE have divers sorts of Walks about London , in some you go to see and be seen , in others neither to see nor to be seen , but like a Noun Substantive to be Felt , Heard , and Understood . The Ladies that have an Inclination to be Private , take Delight in the Close Walks of Spring-Gardens , where both Sexes meet , and mutually serve one another as Guides to lose their Way , and the Windings and Turnings in the little Wildernesses , are so intricate , that the most Experienc'd Mothers , have often lost themselves in looking for their Daughters . From Spring-Garden we set our Faces towards Hide-Park , where Horses have their Diversion as well as Men , and Neigh and Court their Mistresses almost in as intelligible a Dialect . Here People Coach it to take the Air , amidst a Cloud of Dust , able to Choak a Foot Soldier , and hinder'd us from seeing those that come thither on purpose to shew themselves : However we made hard shift to get now and then a Glance at some of them . Here we saw much to do about nothing ; a World of Brave Men , Gilt-Coaches , and Rich Liveries . Within some of them were Upstart Courtiers , blown up as big as Pride and Vanity could swell them to ; sitting as Upright in their Chariots , as if a Stake had been driven through them . It would hurt their Eyes to exchange a Glance upon any thing that 's Vulgar , and that 's the Reason they are so sparing of their Looks , that they will neither Bow nor move their Hats to any thing under a Duke or a Dutchess ; and yet if you examine some of their Originals ; a Covetous , Soul-less Miser , or a great Oppressor , laid the Foundation of their Families , and in their Retinue there are more Creditors than Servants . See , says my Indian , what a Bevy of Gallant Ladies are in yonder Coaches ; some are Singing , others Laughing , others Tickling one another , and all of them Toying and devouring Cheefe-Cakes , March-Pane , and China Oranges . See that Lady says he , was ever any thing so black as her Eye , and so clear as her Forehead ? One would Swear her Face had taken its Tincture from all the Beauties in Nature ; and yet perhaps , answered I to my Fellow Traveller , all this is but Imposture ; she might , for ought we know , go to Bed last Night as ugly as a Hagg , tho' she now appears like an Angel : and if you did but see this Puppet taken to pieces , her whole is but Paint and Plaster . From hence we went to take a Turn in the Mall . When we came into these Pleasant Walks , my Fellow Traveller was Ravish'd at the most agreeable Sight in Nature . There were none but Women there that Day as it happened , and the Walks were covered with them . I never , said he to me Laughing , beheld in my Life so great a Flight of Birds . Bless me , how Fine and Pretty they are . Friend , reply'd I to him in the same Metaphor , these are Birds to Amuse one , that change their Feathers two or three times a Day . They are Fickle and Light by Inclination , Weak by Constitution , but never weary of Billing and Chirping . They never see the Day till the Sun is just going to Set , they Hop always upright with one Foot upon the Ground , and touch the Clouds with their proud Toppings . In a word , the generality of Women are Peacocks when they Walk ; Water-Wagtails when they are within Doors , and Turtles when they meet Face to Face . This is a bold Description of them , says my Indian . Pray tell me , Sir , says he , is this Portrait of them after Nature ? Yes , without Question , answer'd I , but I know some Women that are Superior to the rest of their Sex , and perhaps to Men also . In relation to those , I need not say much to distinguish them from the rest , for they 'll soon distinguish themselves by their Vertuous Discourse and Deportment . Nothing is so hard to be Defined as Women , and of all Women in the World none are so undefinable as those of London . The Spanish Women are altogether Spanish , the Italians altogether Italians , the Germans altogether Germans , the French Women always like themselves ; but among the London Women we find Spaniards , Italians , Germans , and French , blended together into one individual Monopoly of all Humours and Fashions . Nay , how many different Nations are there of our English Ladies . In the first place there is the Politick Nation of your Ladies of the Town . Next the Savage Nation of Country Dames . Then the Free Nation of the Coquets . The Invisible Nation of the Faithful Wives , ( the worst Peopled of all . ) The Good-Natur'd Nation of Wives that Cuckold their Husbands , ( they are almost forced to Walk upon one anothers Heads , their Numbers are so prodigious . ) The Warlike Nation of Intriguing Ladies . The Fearful Nation of — , but there are scarce any of them left . The Barbarous Nation of Mothers-in-Law . The Haughty Nation of Citizens Wives , that are Dignified with a Title . The Strowling Nation of your regular Visitants , and the Lord knows how many more : Not to reckon the Superstitious Nation that run after Conjurers and Fortune-Tellers . 'T is pitty this latter sort are not lock'd up in a Quarter by themselves , and that the Nation of Cunning Women are not rooted out that abuse them , and set them upon doing some things , which otherwise they would not . I have suffer'd my self to be carried too far by my Subject . 'T is a strange thing that we cannot talk of Women with a Just Moderation : We either talk too much , or too little of them : We don't speak enough of Vertuous Women , and we speak too much of those that are not so . Men would do Justice to 'em all , if they could talk of them without Passion ; but they scarce speak at all of those that are Indifferent : They are prepossessed for them they Love , and against them by whom they cannot make themselves to be Beloved . They rank the latter in the Class of Irregular Women , because they are Wise , and indeed Wiser than they would have them be . The Railing of the Men ought to be the Justification of the Women ; but it unluckily falls out , that one half of the World take delight to raise Scandalous Stories , and t'other half in believing them . Slander has been the Product of all Times , and all Countries ; it is very near of as Ancient standing in the World , as Vertue . Defamation ought to be more severely punish'd than Theft . It does more Injury to Civil Societies , and 't is a harder matter to secure one's Reputation from a Slanderer , than one's Money from a Robber . All the World are agreed , that both one and the other are Scoundrels , yet for all that we esteem 'em when they excel in this Art. A Nice and a Witty Railer is the most agreeable Person in Conversation ; and he that Dexterously picks another Man's Pocket , as your Quacks and Attornies , draws the Veneration even of those who live by Cutting of Purses . When one observes in what Reputation both of them live , one would be apt to say , That'tis neither Defamation , nor Robbery , that we blame in others ; but only their Awkardness and want of Skill . They are punish'd for not being able to arrive at the Perfection of their Art. Come , come , says my Indian , you ramble from your Subject ; you speak of Back-Biting in General , whereas at present we are only talking of that Branch of it which belongs to Women . I would bring you back to that Point , which puts me in mind of certain Laws , which was heretofore proposed by a Legislator of my Country . One of these Laws gave permission for one Woman to Slander another ; in the first place , because it is impossible to prevent it ; and besides , because in Matters of Gallantry , she that accuses her Neighbour , might her self be accused of it in her turn , pursuant to the Ancient and Righteous Law of returning a Rowland for an Oliver . But how would you have a Woman quit Scores with a Man , who has publish'd disadvantageous Stories of her ? Must she serve him in the same kind ? By all means : For if Men think it a piece of Merit to Conquer Women , and Women place theirs in well defending themselves , she that gets a Lover sings a Triumph ; and she that Loves , confesses her felf to be Conquered . If it were true , that the Ladies were more Weak than we are , their Fall would be more excusable ; but I think we are Weaker than our Wives , since we expect they should pardon us in every thing , and we will pardon nothing in them . One would think that when a Man had got a Woman into a Matrimonial Noose , 't was enough for her to be wholly his : And by the same Reason should not the Man be wholly hers ? What a Tyranny is this in the Men , to monopolize Infidelity to themselves ? But if Men will be slandering Women , let them vent their Fury against those only that are ugly , for that is neither Slandering nor Calumniating , tho'it be a Crime the Ladies will never forgive ; for the Generality of them are more Jealous of the Reputation of their Beaties , than of their Honours , and she that wants a whole Morning at least to bring her Face to perfection , would be more concern'd to be surpriz'd at her Toilet , than to be taken in the Arms of a Gallant . I am not at all surprized at this Notion , for the chief Vertue in the Ladies Catechism is to please ; and Beauty pleases Men more effectually than Wisdom . One Man loves Sweetness and Modesty in a Woman ; another loves a Jolly Damsel with Life and Vigour ; but Agreeableness and Beauty Relishes with all Humane Pallats . A Young Woman who has no other Portion than her hopes of Pleasing , is at a loss what Measures to take that she may make her Fortune . Is she Simple , we despise her : Is she Vertuous we don't like her Company . Is she a Coquet , we avoid her : Therefore to succeed well in the World , 't is necessary that she be Vertuous , Simple , and a Coquet all at once . Simplicity Invites us , Coquetry Amuses , and Vertue Retains us . 'T is a hard matter for a Woman to escape the Censures of the Men. 'T is much more so to guard themselves from the Womens Tongues . A Lady that sets up for Vertue , makes her self envied ; she that pretends to Gallantry , makes her self despised ; but she that pretends to nothing , escapes Contempt and Envy , and saves her self between two Reputations . This Management surpasses the Capacity of a Young Woman : Those that are Young and Handsome , are exposed to two Temptations : To preserve themselves from them they want the Assistance of Reason ; and 't is their Misfortune that Reason comes not in to their Relief , till their Youth and Beauty , and the Danger is gone together . Tell us why should not Reason come as soon as Beauty , since one was made to defend the other ? It does not depend upon a Woman to be Handsome ; the only Beauty that all of them might have , and some of them , to speak Modestly , think fit to part with , is Chastity ; but of all Beauties whatsoever , 't is the easiest to lose . She that never was yet in Love , is so asham'd of her first Weakness , that she would by all means conceal it from her self : As for the second , she desires to conceal it from others ; but she does not think it worth the while to conceal the third from any Body . When Chastity is once gone , 't is no more to be retriev'd than Youth . Those that have lost their Chastities , assumes an affected one , which is much sooner provoked than that which is real : Of which we had an Experiment in the Close Walk at the Head of Rosamond's Pond , where for one poor Equivocal World , a Brisk She was ready to tear a Gentleman's Cravat off ; who after a further Parley , discover'd her self to be sensible of some things which she ought to have been ignorant of , to have maintained her affected Modesty . A Lady of this Character was sitting on the side of this Pond upon the Grass with her Younger Sister newly come out of the Country , to whom a Spark sitting by , entertain'd her with a Relation of an Amorous Adventure between my Lord — , and my Lady Love it ; but expressing himself in such Obscene Ambiguous Terms , that a Woman that did not know What was What , could as soon fly with a Hundred Weight of Lead at her Heels , as tell what to make of it : The more obscurely the Gentleman told his Story , the more attentively did our Young Creature listen to it , and discover'd her Curiosity by some simple harmless Questions . The Elder of the two Sisters desirous to let the Gentleman , and others that sate by them , understand that she had more Modesty than her Younger Sister , cryed out , Oh fie , Sister , fie ; Can you hear such a wicked Story as this without Blushing ? Alas , Sister , says the Young Innocency , I don't yet know what it is to Blush , or what it is you mean by it ! The Gentleman soon took the Hint , and whispering the Elder Sister in the Ear , she immediately sends Home the Young Ignorant Creature by her Footman , and Trig'd away Hand in Hand with the Gentleman . Her cunning Management , shew'd her an Experienc'd Coquet , who observ'd a sort of Decorum , to Usher in a greater Liberty . Every thing is managed in good Order , by a Woman that knows her Company , and understands her Business . He that loses his Money out of Complaisance , yields place to him who lends the Lady his Coach to take the Air in . The Young Heir begins where the Ruin'd Cully ended . He that pays for the Collation , is succeeded by another that Eats it ; and when my Lord comes in at the Gate , poor Sir Iohn must Scamper out at the Window . The Green Walk afforded us variety of Discourses from Persons of both Sexes . Here walk'd a Beau Bare-headed by a Company of the Common Profession in Dishabilie , and Night-Dresses ; either for want of Day Cloths , or to shew they were ready for Business . Here walk'd a French Fop with both his Hands in his Pockets , carrying all his Pleated Coat before , to shew his Silk Breeches . There were a Cluster of Senators talking of State Affairs , and the Price of Corn , and Cattle , and were disturb'd with the Noisy Milk Folks , crying , A Can of Milk , Ladies ; a Can of Red Cows Milk , Sir. Here were a Beavy of Bucksom Lasses complaining of the Decay of Trade , and Monopilies ; and there Vertuous Women , Railing against Whores , their Husbands , and Coquettry . And now being weary of Walking so long , we reposed our selves upon one of the Benches , and digesting several Dialogues between the Modest Ladies and Coquets , made this Observation . That tho' the Coquets were despised by the generality of Ladies , yet they immitate them to a Hairs Breadth in their whole Conduct . They learn of them the Winning Air , the Bewitching Glance , the Amorous Smirk , and the Sullen Pout . They Talk , and Dress , and Patch like them : They must needs go down with the Stream . It is the Coquets that Invent the New Modes and Expressions ; every thing is done for them , and by them ; tho' with all these Advantages , there is a vast difference between the one and the other . The Reputation of Vertuous Women is more solid ; that of Coquets is more extended . But I am sensible I have made too long a stay in this part of my Voyage . A Man always Amuses himself longer with the Women , than he is willing . Well , since we are here , let 's shew our Indian the Horse-Guards , the Country of Gallantry . In our Way thither , was nothing worth our Observation , unless 't was the Bird-Cage , inhabited by Wild-Fowl ; the Ducks begging Charity , the Black-Guard Boys robbing their own Bellies to relieve them , and an English Dog-Kennel Translated into a French Eating-House . GALLANTRY . LET'S enter into this Brave Country , and see — : But what is there to be seen here ? Gallantry and Bravery which was formerly so well Cultivated , so Flourishing and Frequented by many Persons of Honour , is at present Desolate , Unmanur'd , and Abandoned ! What a Desert 't is become ! Alass , I can see nothing in it but a Disbanned Soldier mounted upon a Pedestal , standing Centinel over the Ducks and Wild-Geese , and to prevent an Invasion by O — 's Spanish Pilgrims , or Webster's Darcinus . Why , says my Indian , is that a Soldier ? He has ne'er a Sword , and is Naked . I suppose , reply'd I to the Indian , since the Peace he has Pawn'd his Sword to buy him Food ; and for his being Naked , who regards it ? What signifies a Soldier in Time of Peace ? Pish , a Soldier Naked , is that such a Wonder ? What are they good for else but Hanging , or Starving , when we have no occasion for them ; as has been learnedly determined by the Author of that Original Amusement , Arguments against a Standing Army . Our God , and Soldier , we alike Adore , Iust at the Brink of Danger , not before ; After Deliverance , they are alike requited , Our God 's Forgotten , and our Soldier 's Slighted . Come , this is a Melancholy Country , let 's leave Amusing our selves about Gallantry and Bravery , and all at once , like Men that have nothing to Do , nor nothing to Have , take a Trip into the Land of Marriage , and see Who and Who are together : But first , What are those Soldiers doing ? They look like Brave Fellows . They are , ( says I ) drawn up to Prayers ; and would be brave Men indeed , if they were half as good at Praying , and Fighting , as they are at Cursing and Swearing . Amusement VII . MARRIAGE . T IS a difficult Task to speak so of Marriage , as to please all People . Those who are not Noos'd in the Snare , will thank me for giving a Comical Description of it . The Grand Pox eat this Buffoon , says the Serious Wary Husband ; if he was in my Place , he wou'd have no more Temptation to Laugh , than to Break his Neck . If I Moralize gravely upon the Inconveniences of Matrimony , those that have a Longing to enter into that Honourable State , will complain that I disswade them from so Charming a Condition . How then shall I order my Discourse ? For I am in a great Perplexity about it . A certain Painter made a Picture of Hymen for a young Lover . I wou'd have him drawn , says this Passionate Gentleman , with all the Graces your utmost Skill can bestow upon him : Above all , remember that Hymen ought to be more Beautiful than Adonis : You must put into his Hands a Flambeau more Brillant than that of Love. In short , give him all the Charms that your Imagination and Colours can bestow . I will pay you for your Picture , according as I find you use my Friend Hymen . The Painter who was well acquainted with his Generous Temper , was not wanting , you may be sure , to answer his Expectations , and brought him Home the Piece the Evening before he was Married . Our young Lover was not at all satisfied with it . This Figure , says he , wants a certain Gay Air , it has none of those Charms and Agreements . As you have Painted him , he makes but a very indifferent Appearance , and therefore you shall but be indifferently paid . The Painter who had as much Presence of Mind , as Skill in his Profession , took a Resolution what to do that very Moment . You are in the right on 't , Sir , said he , to find fault with my Picture , it is not yet dry : This Face is Soak'd , and to deal freely with you , the Colours I use in Painting , don't appear worth a Farthing at first . I will bring you this Table some Months hence , and then you shall pay me , as you find it pleases you : I am confident it will appear quite another thing then . Sir , your Humble Servant , I have no occasion for Money . The Painter carried his Piece Home ; our young Lover was Married the next Day , and some Months went over his Head before the Painter appear'd . At last he brings the Picture with him , and our young Husband was surpriz'd when he saw it . You promis'd , says he , that time wou'd mend your Picture , and you are as good as your Word . Lord , what a difference there is ? I swear I scarce know it now I see it again . I admire to see what a strange effect a few Months have had upon your Colours ; but I admire your Ingenuity much more . However , Sir , I must take the freedom to tell you , That in my Opinion his Looks are somewhat of the Gayest , these Eyes are too Brisk and Lively : Then to deal plainly with you , the Fires of Hymen ought not to be altogether so bright as those of Love ; for his is a Solid but Heavy Fire . Besides , the Disposition of your Figure , is somewhat to Free , and Chearful , and you have given him a certain Air of Wantonness , which let me tell you , Sir , does not at all sit well upon .. … In short , this is none of Hymen . Very well , Sir , said the Painter ; what I foresaw is now come to pass . Hymen at present is not so beautiful in your Idea , as in my Picture . The Case is mightily alter'd from what it was three Months ago . 'T is not my Picture , but your Imagination that is changed : You were a Lover then , but now a Husband . I understand you very well , says the Husband interrupting him , Let us drop that Matter . Your Picture now pleases , and here is more Money for it than you could reasonably have expected . By no means says the Painter , you must excuse me there ; but I will give you another Picture , wherein by certain Optick Rules and Perspectives , it shall be so contrived , as it shall please both the Lovers and the Husbands , and perform'd it accordingly , placing it at the end of a Long-Gallery , upon a kind of an Alcove ; and to come to this Alcove , one must first pass over a very Slippery Step. On this side of it was the Critical Place where the Piece look'd so Lovely and Delicious ; but as soon as you were gone beyond it , it made a most lamentable Figure . If you understand how difficult a thing it is to paint Matrimony to the Gust of all People , pray suspend your Censure here , I am going to Present my Picture , chuse what Light you please to view it in . To come back to my Travelling Stile , I must tell you at first Dash that Marriage is a Country that Peoples all others : The Commonalty are more fruitful there than the Nobility , the reason of which perhaps is , That the Nobility take more delight to Ramble Abroad , than stay at Home . Marriage has this peculiar Property annext to it , that it can alter the Humours of those that are setled in it . It frequently transforms a Jolly Fellow into a Meer Sot , it often melts down a Beau into an errant Sloven ; and on the other Hand it so happens sometimes , that a Witty Vertuous Woman will improve a Dull Heavy Country Booby , into a Man of Sence and Gallantry . People Marry for different Motives : Some are lead by Portion , and others by Reason ; the former without knowing what they are going to do , and the latter knowing no more , but that the thing must be done . There are Men in the World so weary of Quiet and Indolence , that they Marry only to divert themselves . In the first place the Choice of a Woman employs them for some time : Then Visits and Interviews , Feasts and Ceremonies ; but after the last Ceremony is over , they are more Tired and Weary than ever . How many Hundred Married Couples do we see , who from the second Year of their coming together , have nothing more in Common than their Names , their Quality , their Ill Humour and their Misery . I don't wonder there are so many Unhappy Matches , since Folks Masry rather wholly of their own Heads , or wholly by those of others . A Man that Marries of his own Head , not seeing that in his Spouse , which all the World sees in her , is in danger of seeing much more in her , than others ever did . Another that has not Courage enough to trust his own Judgment , fairly applies himself to the next Match-Maker in the Neighbourhood , who knows to a Tittle the exact Rates of the Market , and the Current Price of Young Women that are fit to Marry . These Marriage Hucksters , or Wife-Brokers , have an admirable Talent to sort Conditions , Families , Trades , and Estates : In short , every thing together , except Humours and Inclinations , about which they never trouble themselves . By the Procurement of these experienc'd Matrons , a Marriage is struck up like a Smithfield Bargain : There is much Higling and Wrangling for t' other Ten Pound . One side endeavours to raise , and the other to beat down the Market Price . At last , after a World of Words spent to fine purpose , they come to a Conclusion . Others that have not time to Truck and Bargain so , go immediately to a Scrivener's to find out a Rich Widow , as they go to the Office of Intelligence to hearken out a Service . It is not altogether the Match-makers Fault , if you are deceived in your Woman . She gives you an account of her Portion to a Farthing ▪ You examine nothing but the Articles relating to the Family and the Fortune ; the Woman is left in the Margin of the Inventory , and you find her too much at long run . After all that I have said , I am not afraid to advance this Proposition ; that 't is possible for those that Marry to be Happy . But you must call it Trucking or Bartering , and not Marrying , to take a Woman meerly for her Fortune , and reckon her Perfections by the Number of Pounds she is like to bring with her . Not is it to Marry but to Please one's self , to choose a Wife as we do a Tulip , meerly for her Beauty . It is not to Marry , but to Doat at a certain Age , to take a Young Woman only for the sake of her Company . What is it then to be Marry'd ? Why , 't is to choose with Circumspection , and Deliberation , by Inclination , and not by Interest , such a Woman as will chuse you after the same manner . Besides other things in common with all the World , the Country of Marriage has this Particular to it self ; That Strangers have a desire to Settle there , and the Natural Inhabitants wou'd be Banish'd out of it with all their Hearts . A Man may be Banish'd out of this Country by certain things call'd Separation ; but the true way of getting out of it is by Widdow-hood , and is much to be preferred before Separation ; for the Separated are Savage Animals , uncapable of the prettiest Ties of Society . The usual Causes of Separation is assign'd as the Fault of the Wife , but often the Husband is the occasion that the Wife is in the Fault ; and he himself is a Fool to proclaim to the World that his Wife has made a false Step. It will be expected now , that I speak a few Words of Widdowhood . 'T is a Copious and Fertile Subject that 's certain ; but a Man may burn his Fingers by medling with it . For if I describe them but as little concern'd for the Death of their Husbands , I shall offend the Rules of Decency and good Manners , and if I exaggerate their Afflictions , I shall offend the Truth . Whatever our Railers pretend to the contrary , I say there 's no Widdowhood without a sprinkling of Sorrow in it . Is it not a very Sorrowful Condition to be obliged to Counterfeit a perpetual Sorrow ? A very Doleful Part this , that a Widdow must plhy , who would not give the World occasion to Talk of her . There are some Widdows in the World so mightily befriended by Providence , that their Sighs and Tears cost them nothing I know one of a contrary Temper to this , who did honestly all that in her lay to afflict her self ; but Nature it seems had denied her the Gift of Tears . She desir'd to raise the Compassion of her Husband's Relations , for her All depended on them . One Day her Brother-in-Law , who lamented exceedingly , reproach'd her for not having shed one Tear. Alass , reply'd the Widow to him , my Poor Heart is so over-whelm'd with this unexpected Calamity , that I am , as it were become insensible by it . Great Sotrows are not felt at first ; but I am sure mine will Kill me in the End. I know very well , said her Brother-in-Law to her , that Griefs too great don't make themselves at first to be perceived ; and I know as well , that Violent Griefs don't continue long . Thus , Madam , you will be strangely surprized , that the Grief of your Widdowhood will be past before you are aware . Another Widow was reduced to the last pitch of Despair , nor was it without a very Sorrowful Occasion . She had lost upon the same Day the Best Husband , and the prettiest little Lap-Dog in London . This double Widdowhood had brought her to so low a Condition , that her Friends were afraid of her Life . They durst not speak to her of Eating and Drinking ; nay , they durst not so much as offer to Comfort her . 'T is a dangerous Matter , you know , to combat a Woman's Grief . The best way is to let Time and their Natural Inconstancy work it off . However to accustom our Widdow by little and little to support the Idea of her Two Losses , a Good Friend spoke to her first of her Little Dog. At the bare Name of Dony , there was such a Howling and Crying , such Tearing of Hair , and Beating of Breasts ; in short , such a Noise , and such a Pother , that one would have thought Heaven and Earth had been coming together ▪ At last she fainted away . Well , says this Prudent Friend of hers , God be prais'd I was so happy as not to mention her Husband to her , for then she had certainly Died upon the Spot . The next Day the Name of Dony set her Tears a running in so great plenty , that it was hoped the Spring would stop of it self , and the above-mentioned Zealous Friend , thought she might now venture to administer some Consolation to her . Alass , says she , if the bare Name of Dony gives you so much Affliction , what might we not fear from you , should we talk to you of your Dear Husband ? But God forbid I should do that . Ah Poor Dony ! To be Mow'd down thus in the Flower of Youth and Beauty ! Well , Madam , you 'll never have such another pretty Creature again . But 't is happy for the Dog that he 's Dead , for you cou'd never have Lov'd him longer that 's certain ! Is it possible for a Woman to love any thing after she has lost her Husband ? After this manner it was that this Discreet Gentlewoman very dexterously mingled the Idea of the Husband with that of Dony , well knowing that as two Shoulders of Mutton drive down one another , so two powerful Griefs destroy one another by making a Diversion . She observed that at the Name of Dony , her Tears redoubled , which stopt short at the Name of Husband : It was without question , a sort of a Qualm . Every Body knows that Tears are a Tribute we owe , and only pay to ordinary Griefs . However it was , our poor Afflicted Widow passed several Days and Nights in this sad Alternative of Weeping for her Dog , and Lamenting her Husband . At last her Good Friend enquired all over the Town for a Pretty Dog ; and it was her good Luck to light upon one much Finer and Prettier than Dony of Happy Memory , and presented it to our Widdow , who burst into a fresh Stream of Tears as she accepted it . This Beautiful New-comer , so strangely insinuated himself into her Good Affections , that within Eight Days he had got the Ascendant of her Heart , and Dony was no more thought of , then if he had never had a Being there . Observe now what a Consequence our Widows Friend drew from it . If a New Dog has put a stop to her Tears , perhaps a New Husband will have the same Operation upon her Qualms . But Alass , the one was not to be so easily effected as the other . The New Dog so play'd his Cards , that he effaced the Memory of his Predecessors in Eight Days ; but it was above Three Long Tedious Months , before our Widow could be brought to take a New Husband into her Bed. Now tho' I left my self full power to drop my Indian Traveller as often as I saw convenient , yet I have no intention to lose him out of my Sight ; for I have occasion for him to authorize certain Odd Fances that come into my Head , concerning Philosophy and Physick , which are the next Countries I design to visit . Amusement VIII . The Philosophical , or Virtuosi Country . IN this Country every thing is obscure , their Habitations , their Looks , their Language , and their Learining . 'T is a long time ago since they undertook to cultivate the Country of Science ; but the only Thing they have made clear and undeniable , is , that One and One makes Two : And the Reason why this is so clear , is because it was known by all Men before they made a Science of it . Their Geometricians work upon so solid a Foundation , that as soon as ever they have well laid the first Stone , they carry on their Buildings without the least fear , so high as the Atmosphere ; but their Philosophers build those haughty Edifices they call Systems , upon a quite different Bottom . They lay their Foundation in the Air , and when they think they are come to solid Ground , the Building disappears , and the Architects tumble down from the Clouds . This Country of Experimental Philosophy , is very Amusing , and their Collections of Rarities exceeds that of Iohn Tradusken , for here are the Galls of Doves , the Eye-Teeth of Flying Toads , the Eggs of Ants , and the Eyes of Oysters . Here they weigh the Air , measure Heat , Cold , Dryness , and Humidity , great Discoveries for the publick advantage of Mankind . Without giving our selves the trouble to make use of our Senses , we need but only cast our Eyes upon a Weather-Glass , to know if 't is Hot or Cold , if it Rains , or is Fair Weather . Tempted by these Noble Curiosities , I desired the favour of seeing some of the Gentlemen they called Improvers of Nature , and immediately they shewed me an Old Bard cutting Asp Leaves into Tongues , which were to be fastened in the Mouths of Flowers , Fruits , Herbs , and Seeds , with design to make the whole Creation Vocal . Another was Dissecting Atomes , and Mites in Cheese , for the improvement of the Anatomical Science , and a third was transfusing the Blood of an Ass into an Astrological Quack ; of a Sheep into a Bully ; and of a Fish into an Exchange-Woman , which had all the desired Effects ; the Quack prov'd a Sot , the Bully a Coward , and the Tongue-Pad was Silent . All Prodigies in Nature , and none miscarried in the Operation . In another Apartment were a curious Collection of Contemplative Gentlemen , that had their Employments severally assign'd them . One was Chewing the Cud upon Dr. Burnet's New System of the World , and making Notes upon it in Consutation of Moses and all the Antidiluvian Historians . Another was Reconciling the Differences among Learned Men , as between Aristotle and Des Cartes , Cardan and Copernicus , William Penn and Christianity , Mr. Edwards and Arabick : Determining the Controversy between the Acidists and Alkalists , and putting a Period to the Abstruse Debates between the Engineers and Mouse-Trap Makers . If any one ask me , which of these Disputants has Reason of his side , I will say that some of them have the Reason of Antiquity , the other the Reason of Novelty ; and in Matters of Opinion , these two Reasons have a greater influence upon the Learned , than Reason it self . Those that set up for finding the North-West Passage into the Land of Philosophy , would with all their Hearts , if it were possible , follow these two Guides all at once , but they are afraid to travel in a Road where they talk of nothing but Accidents and Privation , Hecceities and Entelechias . Then they find themselves all on the sudden seized with Hot and Cold , Dry and Moist , penetrated by a subtile Matter , encompassed with Vortexes , and so daunted by the fear of a Vacuum , that it drives them back , instead of encouraging them to go forward . A Man need not lay it much to Heart that he never Travel'd through this Country ; for those that have not so much as beheld it at a distance , know as much of it almost , as these that have spent a great deal of Money and Time there ; but one of their Arts I admire above all the rest , and that is , when they have Consumed their Estates in trifling Experiments , to perswade themselves they are now as Rich , and Eat and Drink as Luxuriously as ever ; they view a single Shilling in a Multiplying Glass , which makes it appear a Thousand , and view their Commons in a Magnifying Glass , which makes a Lark look as big as a Turkey-Cock , and a Three-penny Chop as large as a Chine of Mutton . Before I let my Traveller pass from this place to Physick , 't will not be amiss to make him remark , That in the Country of Science and the Court , we lose our selves ; that we don't search for our selves in Marriage ; that in the Walks and among Women we find our selves again ; but seldom or never come back from the Kingdom of Physick . Amusement IX . PHYSICK . THE first thing remarkable in the Country of Physick , is , that it is situate upon the Narrow Passage from this World to the other . 'T is a Clymaterick Country , where they make us Breath a Refreshing Air , but such a one as is a great Enemy to the Natural Heat , and those that Travel far in this Climate , throw away a World of Money in Drugs , and at last Die of Hunger . The Language that is spoken here , is very Learned ; but the People that speak it are very Ignorant . In other Countries we learn Languages to be able to express what we know in clear and intelligible Terms ; but it looks as if Physicians learnt their Gibberish for no other purpose , than to embroil what they do not understand . How I pitty a Patient of good Sence that falls into their Hands ? He is obliged at once to Combat the Arguments of the Doctor , the Disease it self , the Remedies , and Emptiness . One of my Friends , whom all this together had thrown into a Dilyrium , had a Vision in his Fever which sav'd him his Life . He fancied he saw a Feaver under the Shape of a Burning Monster , that press'd hard upon a Sick Man , and every Minute got Ground of him , till a Man who look'd like a Guide , came and took him by the Wrist to help him over a River of Blood. The poor Patient had not Strength enough to cross the Stream and so was Drown'd . The Guide used means to get himself paid for his Pains , and immediately run after another Sick Man , who was carried down a Stream of Carduus Posset-Drink , Barly-Broth , and Water-Gruel . My Friend advised by this Vision , discarded his Doctor , and 't was this that did his Business ; for when he was by himself , there was no Body to hinder him from recovering . The Absence of Physicians , is a Soveraign Remedy to him that has not Recourse to a Quack . These Gentlemen of the Faculty , are Pensioners to Death , and Travel Day and Night to enlarge that Monarch's Empire ; for you must know , notwithstanding Distemper'd Humours make a Man Sick , 't is the Physician that has the Honour of Killing him , and expects to be well paid for the Job , by his Relations that lay in wait for his Life to share his Fortune : So that when a Man is ask'd how such a one Died , he is not presently to answer according to Corrupt Custome , that he Died of a Feaver or Pleurisy ; but that he Died of the Doctor . See a Consult of them marching in State to a Patient , attended by a Diminitive Apothecary , that 's just Arse high , and fit to give a Clyster . How Majesterially they look , and talk of the Patient's Recovery , when they themselves are but Death in a Disguise , and bring the Patient's Hour along with them . While the Patient breaths and Money comes , they are still Prescribing ; but when they have sent the Patient hence , like a Rat with a Straw in 's Arse ; they 'll say his Body was as Rotten as a Pear , and 't was impossible to Save him . Cruel People , that are not contented to take away a Man's Life , and like the Hangman , be Paid when they have done ; but must Persecute him in the Grave too ; and Blast his Honour , to excuse their Ignorance . It were to be wish'd that every Physician might be obliged to Marry ; for its highly reasonable , that those Men should beget Children to the State , who every Day rob the King of so many of his Subjects . In this Land of Physick they have erected themselves a College , for the Improvement of the Mystery of Man-Slaughter ; which may be call'd their Armory ; for here are their Weapons and Utensils forged , and a Company of Men attending to Kill Poor Folks out of meer Charity . In one part of their Convent , is a Chymical Elabaratory , where some were Calcining Calves-Brains , to supply those of the Society that wanted . Some fixing Volatile Wits , and others Rarifying Dull ones . Some were playing Tricks with Mercury , promising themselves vast Advantages from the Process ; but after they had Resolv'd the Viscous Matter , and brought the Materia Prima into the Coppel , all went away in a Fume , and the Operator had his Labour for his Travel . In another place were Apothecaries preparing Medicines . The Outsides of their Pots were Gilded , with the Titles of Preservatives , Cordials , and Panpharmacons ; but in the Inside were Poysons , or more Nauseous Preparations . However of all our late pretended Aschimists , commend me to the Apothecaries , as the Noblest Operators and Chimists ; for out of Toads , Vipers , and a Sir Reverence it self , they will fetch ye Gold ready Minted , which is more than ever Paracelsus himself pretended to . Here were also Chirurgeons in great Numbers , talking hard Words to their Patients , as Solution of Continuity , Dislocations , Fractures , Amputation , Phlebotomy , and spoke Greek Words , without understanding the English of them . One of the Gravest among them , propounded this Question to the rest . Suppose a Man falls from the Main-Yard , and lies all Bruised upon the Deck ; Pray what is the First Intention in that Case ? A Brisk Fellow answers : You must give him Irish Slate quantum sufficit , and Embrocate the Parts affected Secundum Artem . At which I seeming to Smile , another Reprimands me , saying , What do you Laugh at , Sir , the Man 's i' th right on 't . To whom I reply'd , With Reverence to your Age and Understanding , Sir , I think he 's in the wrong ; for if a Man falls from the Main-Yard , the first Intention is , To take him up again . Among all these People every thing is made a Mystery , to detain their Patients in Ignorance , and keep up the Market of Physick ; but were not the very Terms of Art , and Names of their Medicines sufficient to fright away any Distempers , 't is to be feared their Remedies would prove worse than the Disease . That nothing might be wanting in this Famous College , there were others that like Porters and Plaisterers stood ready to be Hired , as Corn-Cutters , and Tooth-Drawers . The One of which will make you Halt before the best Friend you have ; and if you do but Yawn , the other Knaves will be examining your Grinders ; Depopulate your Mouths , and make you Old before your time , and take as much for Drawing out an Old Tooth , as would buy a Sett of New ones . An Ill Accident happened while we were viewing the Curiosities of this College . A Boy had swallowed a Knife , and the Members of the College being sitting , he was brought among them , if it were possible to be Cured . The Chirurgeons claim'd the Patient as belonging to their Fraternity , and one of them would have been poking a Cranes Bill down his Throat to pluck it up again , but the Doctors would not suffer him . After a long Consultation , one of the two Remedies was agreed on , viz. That the Patient should swallow as much Aqua fortis , as would dissolve the Knife into Minute Particles , and bring it away by Seige ; but the other Remedy was more Philosophical , and therefore better approv'd , and that was to apply a Loadstone to his Arse , and so draw it out by a Magnetick Attraction ; but which of the two was put in practice I know not , for I did not stay to see the Noble Experiment , tho' my particular Friend Dr. W — d was the first that proposed that Remedy , and he is no Quack I assure you . Not but that there are some Quacks as Honest Fellows as you would desire to Piss upon . This Foreigner here for instance , is a Man of Conscience , that will take you but Half a Crown a Bottle for as good Lambs-Conduit Water as ever was in the World. He pretends it has an Occult Quality that Cures all Distempers . He Swears it , and Swears like T. O. on the right side of the Hedge , since this very Individual Water has Cured him of Poverty , which comprehends all Diseases . 'T is with Physicians in London , as with Almanacks , the Newest are the most Consulted ; but then their Reign like that of an Almanack , concludes with the Year . When a Sick Man leaves all for Nature to do , he hazards much . When he leaves all for the Doctor to do , he hazards more : And since there is a Hazard both ways , I would much sooner chuse to rely upon Nature ; for this , at least , we may be sure of , That she acts as Honestly as she can , and that she does not find her Account in prolonging the Disease . I pardon those that are brought to the Extremity of their Lives , to Resign themselves to the Doctors , as I pardon those that are at the Extremity of their Fortune to abandon themselves to Poetry , or Gaming , Amusement X. Gaming-Houses . GAMING is an Estate to which all the World has a Pretence , tho' few espouse it that are willing to keep either their Estates , or Reputations . I knew two Middlesex Sharpers not long ago , which Inherited a West-Country Gentlemen's Estate ; who , I believe , wou'd have never made them his Heirs in his last Will and Testament . Lantrillou is a kind of a Republick very ill ordered , where all the World are Hail Fellow well met ; no distinction of Ranks , no Subordination observed . The greatest Scoundrel of the Town with Money in his Pockets , shall take his Turn before the best Duke or Peer in the Land , if the Cards are on his side . From these Priviledg'd-Places , not only all Respect and Inferiority is Banish'd ; but every thing that looks like Good Manners , Compassion , or Humanity : Their Hearts are so Hard and Obdurate , that what occasions the Grief of one Man , gives Joy and Satisfaction to his next Neighbour . The Gracians met together in former Times , to see their Gladiators shew their Valour ; that is , to Slash and Kill one another ; and this they called Sport ? What a Cursed Barbarity was this ? But are we a Jot Inferiour to them in this respect , who Christen all the Disorders of Lansquenet by the Name of Gaming , or to use the Gamesters own Expression , where a Parcel of Sharks meet , To Bite one anothers Heads off . It happened one Day , that my Traveller dropt into a Chocolate-House in Covent-Garden , where they were at this Noble Recreation . He was wonderfully surprized at the Odness of the Sight . Set your self now in the room of a Superstitious Indian , who knows nothing of our Customs at Play , and you will agree that his Notions , as Abstracted and Visionary as they may seem , have some Foundations in Truth . I present you here with his own Expressions as I found them set down in a Letter which he sent into his own Country . The Fragments of an Indian Letter . THE English pretend that they they Worship but one God , but for my Part , I don't believe what they say : For besides several Living Divinities , to which we may see them daily offer their Vows , they have several other Inanimate ones to whom they pay Sacrifices , as I have observed at one of their Publick Meetings , where I happened once to be . In this Place there is a great Altar to be seen , built round and covered with a Green Whachum , lighted in the midst , and encompassed by several Persons in a sitting Posture , as we do at our Domestick Sacrifices . At the very Moment I came into the Room , one of those , who I supposed was the Priest , spread upon the Altar certain Leaves which he took out of a little Book that he held in his Hand . Upon these Leaves were represented certain Figures very awkardly Painted ; however they must needs be the Images of some Divinities ; for in proportion as they were distributed round , each one of the Assistants made an Offering to it , greater or less , according to his Devotion . I observed that these Offering were more considerable than those they make in their other Temples . After the aforesaid Ceremony is over , the Priest lays his Hand in a trembling manner , as it were , upon the rest of the Book , and continues some time in this posture seized with Fear , and without any Action at all : All the rest of the Company , attentive to what he does , are in Suspence all the while , and unmovable , like himself . At last every Leaf which he returns to them , these unmovable Assistants are all of them in their Turn possest by different Agitations , according to the Spirit which happens to seize them : One joyns his Hands together , and Blesses Heaven , another very earnestly looking upon his Image , Grinds his Teeth ; a third Bites his Fingers and stamps upon the Ground with his Feet . Every one of them , in short , make such extraordinary Postures and Contortions , that they seem to be no longer Rational Creatures . But scarce has the Priest returned a certain Leaf , but he is likewise seised by the same Fury with the rest . He tears the Book , and devours it in his Rage , throws down the Altar , and Curses the Sacrifice . Nothing now is to be heard but Complaints and Groans , Cries and Imprecations . Seeing them so Transported , and so Furious , I judge that the God they Worship is a Jealous Deity , who to Punish them for what they Sacrifice to others , sends to each of them an Evil Demon to Possess him . I have thus shewed you what Judgment an Indian would be apt to pass upon the Transports he finds in our Gamesters . What wou'd he not have thought then , if he had seen any of our Gaming Ladies there . 'T is certain that Love it self as extravagant as it is , never occasion'd so many Disorders among the Women , as the unaccountable Madness of Gaming . How come they to abandon themselves thus to a Passion that discomposes their Minds , their Healths , their Beauty , that Ruines — What was I going to say ? But this Picture does not shew them to Advantage , let us draw a Curtain over it . In some Places they call Gaming-Houses Academies ; but I know not why they should inherit that Honourable Name , since there 's nothing to be learn'd there , unless it be Slight of Hand , which is sometimes at the Expence of all our Money , to get that of other Mens by Fraud and Cunning . The Persons that meet are generally Men of an Infamous Character , and are in various Shapes , Habits , and Employments . Sometimes they are Squires of the Pad and now and then borrow a little Money upon the King's High-Way , to recruit their Losses at the Gaming-House , and when a Hue and Cry is out , to apprehend them , they are as safe in one of these Houses , as a Thief in a Mill , and practise the old Trade of Cross-biting Cullies , assisting the Frail square Dye with high and low Fullums , and other Napping Tricks , in comparison of whom the common Bulkers , and Pick-Pockets , are a very honest Society . How unaccountable is this way to Beggary , that when a Man has but a little Money , and knows not where in the World to compass any more , unless by hazarding his Neck for 't , will try an Experiment to leave himself none at all : Or , he that has Money of his own , should play the Fool , and try whether it shall not be another Man's . Was ever any thing so Nonsensically Pleasant ? One idle day I ventur'd into one of these Gaming-Houses , where I found an Oglio of Rakes of several Humours , and Conditions met together . Some that had lost were Swearing , and Damning themselves , and the Devil's Bones , that had left them never a Penny to bless their Heads with . One that had play'd away even his Shirt and Cravat , and all his Clothes but his Breeches , stood shivering in a Corner of the Room , and another comforting him , and saying , Damme Jack , who ever thought to see thee in a State of Innocency : Cheer up , Nakedness is the best Receipt in the World against a Fevor , and then fell a Ranting , as if Hell had broke loose that very Moment . What the Devil have we here to do , says my Indian , do's it Rain Oaths and Curses in this Country ? I see Gamesters are Shipwrackt before they come to understand their Danger , and loose their Clothes before they have paid their Taylors . They should go to School in my Country to learn Sobriety and Vertue . I told him , instead of Academies , these Places should be call'd Cheating-Houses : Whereupon a Bully of the Blade came strutting up to my very Nose , in such a Fury , that I would willingly have given half the Teeth in my Head for a Composition , crying out , Split my Wind-pipe , Sir , you are a Fool , and don 't understand Trap , the whole World 's a Cheat. The Play-House cheats you of your time , and the Tradesmen of your Money , without giving you either Sense or Reason for 't . The Attorney picks your Pocket , and gives you Law for 't ; the Whore picks your Purse , and gives you the Pox for 't it ; and the Poet picks your Pocket , and gives you nothing for it . Lovers couzen you with their Eyes , Orators with their Tongues , the Valiant with their Arms , Fidlers with their Fingers , Surgeons with Wooden Legs , and Courtiers and Songsters , empty your Pockets , and give you Breath and Air for it : And why should not we Recruit by the same Methods that have Ruin'd us . Our Friends , continued he , gives us good Advice , and would fain draw us off from the Course we are in , but all to no purpose : We ask them what they would have us do ? Money we have none , and without it there is no Living : Should we stay till it were brought , or come alone ? How would you have a poor Individuum Vagum live ? that has neither Estate , Office , Master , nor Friend to maintain him : And is quite out of his Element , unless he be either in a Tavern , a Bawdy-House , or a Gaming Ordinary . No , we are the Men , says he , that Providence has appointed to live by our Wits , and will not want while there is Money above Ground . Happy Man catch a Mackeril . Let the Worst come to 'th Worst , a Wry Mouth on the Tripple Tree , puts an end to all Discourse about us . From the Gaming-House we took our Walk through the Streets , and the first Amusements we Encountred , were the Variety and contradictory Language of the Signes , enough to perswade a Man there were no Rules of Concord among the Citizens . Here we saw Ioseph's Dream , the Bull and Mouth , the Hen and Razor , the Ax and Bottle , the Whale and Crow , the Shovel and Boot , the Leg and Star , the Bible and Swan , the Frying-Pan and Drum , the Lute and Tun , the Hog in Armour , and a thousand others that the wise Men that put them there can give no Reason for . Here walk'd a Fellow with a long white Rod on his Shoulder , that 's asham'd to cry his Trade , though he gets his Living by it ; another bawling out TODD's Four Volumes in Print , which a Man in Reading of , wou'd wonder that so much Venom should not tear him to pieces , but that some of the ancient Moralists have observed , that the Rankest Poyson may be kept in an Asses Hoof , or a Fool 's Bosom . Some say , the first Word he spoke was Rascal , and that if he lives to have Chldren , they will all speak the same Dialect , and have a Natural Antipathy to Eggs , because their Father was palted with hundreds of them , when he was dignified on the Pillory . Other Amusements presented themselves as thick as Hops , as Moses Pictur'd with Horns on his Head , to keep Cheapside in Countenance . Bishop Overal's Convocation Book Carved over the Dean of St. P — l's Stall in that Cathedral . Here sate a Fellow selling little Balls to take the Stains out of the Citizens Wives Petticoats , that should have been as big as Foot-Balls , if applied to that purpose . Under that Bulk was a Prejector clicking off his Swimming Girdles , to keep up Merchants Credits from sinking . A pretty Engine to preserve Bankers and Ensurers from Breaking , and prevent publishing it in the Gazette , when they are Broke ; that they will pay all their Debts as far as it may stand with their Convenience . In that Shop was an indebted Lord talking of his Honour , and a Tradesman of his Honesty , things that every Man has , and every thing is , in some Disguise or other , but duly consider'd , there are scarce any such things in the World , unless among Pawn-Brokers , Stock-Jobbers , and Horse-Coursers ; so that the Lord and Tradesman were discoursing about nothing ; and signified no more , than the Parson 's Preaching against Covetousness to the Maim'd , Blind , and superannuated Soldiers in Chelsey-College , nor Dr. Salmon's prescribing Cow Heels to a Married Couple , as a conglutinating Aliment . But there the Weaver had the Afcendant of the Doctor . As we pass'd along , I could not forbear looking into some of the Shops , to see how the Owners imployed themselves in the Absence of Customers , and in a Barber's Shop I saw a Beau so overladen with Wig ▪ that there was no difference between his Head , and the Wooden one that stood in the Window . The Fop it seems , was newly come to his Estate , though not to the years of Discretion , and was singing the Song . Happy is the Child whose Father is gone to the Devil , and the Barber all the while keeping time on his Cittern ; for you know a Cittern and a Barber is as natural as Milk to a Calf , or the Beares to be attended by a Bag-piper . In the Scrivener's Shop I saw a company of Sparks that were selling their Wives and their Portions , and Purchasing Annuities ; and Old Ten-in-the-Hundred-Fathers , Damning themselves to raise their Posterities . In the Tobacconist's Shops Men were sneezing and spawling , as if they were all Clapt , and under a Salivation for the cure on 't . They that smoak'd it , were persecuting others to follow their Example , and they that snuff'd it up in Powder , were drawing upon themselves the Incommodies of all Age , in the perpetual Annoyance of Rheum and Drivel . Pursuing my Voyage through the City , and casting a Leere into the Shops of the Rich Drapers , Mercers , and Lacemen , I saw them haunted by many People in Want , especially young Heirs newly at Age , and Spendthrifts , that came to borrow Money of them . Alas , said the Traders , Times are Dead , and little Money stirring . All we can do , is to furnish you with what the Shop affords ; and if a Hundred Pound or two in Commodities will do you any good , they are at your Service . These the Gallants take up at an excessive Rate , to sell immediately for what they can get ▪ and the Trader has his Friend to take them off Underhand at a third part of the Value , by way of helping Men in Distress . These are they that inveagle unthinking Animals , into all sorts of extravagant Expences , and ruin them Insensibly under colour of Kindness and Credit : For they set every thing at double the Value ; and if you keep not touch at your Day , your Persons are imprisoned , your Goods seized , and your Estates extended . And they that help'd to make you Princes before , are now the forwardest to put you into the Condition of Beggars . Among other Amusements , let us speak a Word or two of Lombard-street , where Luxury seems to carry us to Peru , where you behold their Magazines , Ingots of Gold and Silver as big as Pigs of Lead ; and your Ladies after they have travell'd thither with some liberal Interloper , carry home with them more than their Husbands are worth , and drag at their long Tails the whole Substance of a Herd of Creditors . Here are Jewels and Pearls , Rubies and Diamonds , Broad Pieces , Guineas , Lewis d'Or's , Crown Pieces , and Dollars without Number : Nay , in some of their Shops is nothing to be seen , or Sold , but great heaps of Money ; that would tempt a Man to think , the whole Indies were emptied into one single Shop 't is so full of Gold and Silver ; and yet it often happens , that he that is possest of all this vast Treasure , is not worth a brass Farthing . To Day his Counters bend under the weight of Cash , and to Morrow the Shop is shut up , and you hear no more of our Goldsmith , till you find him in a Gazette , torn to pieces by a Statute of Bankrupt : And he and his Creditors made a Prey by a parcel of devouring Vermin , call'd Commissioners . The Neighbouring Country is Stocks-Market , where you see a large Garden , Paved with Pibble Stones in all the Beds and Allies ; indifferently open to all Comers and Goers , and yet bears as good Herbs , Fruits , and Flowers , as any in the World. Here is Winter dress'd in the Livery of Summer . Every day a Crop is gather'd , and every Night are stockt up in Baskets , till the next days Sun does open them . About this Garden great Numbers of Nymphs reside , who each of them live in their respective Tubs : They have not only that in common with Diogenes , but like that Philosopher also , they speak out freely to the first Comer whatever comes uppermost . A further Description I would give you of their Parts , and Persons , but that I cannot endure the smell of the Serjeants at the Counter-Gate , who stink worse than old Ling , or Assa faetida , and would poyson the Country , if this pleasant Garden was not an Antidote against their Infection . And therefore I 'll go back again into the Country of Coffee-Houses . WHere being arriv'd I am in a Wood , there are so many of them I know not which to enter . Stay , let me see ! Where the Sign is Painted with a Woman's Hand in 't , 't is a Bawdy-House . Where a Man 's , it has another Qualification ; but where it has a Star in the Sign , 't is Calculated for every Leud purpose . Every Coffee-House is Illuminated both without and within Doors ; without by a fine Glass-Lanthorn , and within by a Woman so Light and Splendid , you may see through her without the help of a Perspective . At the Bar the good Man always places a charming Phillis or two , who invite you by their Amorous Glances into their smoaky Territories , to the loss of your Sight . This is the Place where several Knights Errant come to seat themselves at the same Table , without knowing one another , and yet talk as familiarly together , as if they had been of many years Acquaintance . They have scarce look'd about them , when a certain Liquor as Black as Soot , is handed to them , which being Foppishly fumed into their Noses , Eyes , and Ears , has the Vertue to make them Talk and Prattle together of every thing but what they should do . Now they tell their several Adventures by Sea , and Land. How they Conquer'd the Geand , were overcome by the Lady , and bought a pair of wax'd Boots at Northampton , to go a Wooing in . One was commending his Wife , another his Horse , and the third said he had the best smoak'd Beef in Christendom . Some were discoursing of all sorts of Government , Monarchical , Aristocratical , and Democratical . Some about the choice of Mayors , Sheriffs , and Aldermen , and others of the Transcendent Vertues of Vinegar , Pepper , and Mustard . In short , I thought the whole Room was a perfect Resemblance of Dover-Court , where all Speak , but no body heard nor answer'd . To the Charms of Coffee , the wiser sort joyn'd Spirit of Clary , Usquebaugh , and Brandy , which compleatly Enchants the Knights : By the force of these Soporiferous Enchantments , you shall find one Snoaring heartily on a Bench , another makes Love to beautiful Phillis at the Bar ; and the third as valiant as Orlando Furioso , goes to signalize his Valour in scouring the Streets . I should never have done , if I should attempt to run through all the several Countries within the Walls of London ; as the long Robe , the Sword , the Treasury . Every State , in brief , is like a separate Country by its self , and has its particular Manners and Gibberish . Here you may view the Fruitful Country of Trade , that has turn'd Leather Breeches into Gold Chains , blue Aprons into Fur Gowns , a Kitchinstuff Tub into a gilded Chariot , a Dray-man into a Knight , and Noblemen's Palaces into Shops and Ware-Houses . Here is also the Barren Country of the Philosopher's-Stone , inhabited by none but Cheats in the Operation , Beggars in the Conclusion , and now is become almost Desolate , till another Age of Fools and Knaves do People it . To this may be added the Cold Country of the News-Mongors , that Report more than they hear , affirm more than they know , and swear more than they believe , that Rob one another , and lye in Sheets for want of a Coverlid . The Hot Country of the Disputers , that quarrel and raise a Dust about nothing . The Level Country of Bad Poets , and Presbyterian Parsens : One of which is maintain'd by a good stock of Confidence , and by the other Flattery and Canting . The Desert uninhabited Country of Vertuous Women . The Conquer'd Country of Coquets , and an infinite Number of others ; not to reckon the Lost Country inhabited by Strowlers , who aim at nothing but to lead others out of their way . They are of easie access , but 't is dangerous to Traffick with them . Some of them have the Art to please without Management , and to love without Loving . But how have I forgot my own Dear Country , that is consecrated to Bacchus ; that abounds with Nectar , the Wonder working Liquor of the World ; that makes a Poet a Prince in 's own Conceit ; a Coward Valiant , and a Beggar as Rich as an Alderman . Here I live at Ease , and in Plenty , Swagger and Carouze , Quarrel with the Master , Fight the Drawer , and never trouble my self about paying the Reckoning , for one Fool or other pays it for me . A Poet that has Wit in his Head , never carries Money in his Breeches , for fear of creating a New Amusement . In Leicester-Fields , I saw a Mounte-bank on the Stage , with a Congregation of Fools about him , who like a Master in the Faculty of Lying , gave them a History of his Cures , beyond all the Plays and Farces in the World. He told them of Fifteen Persons that were Run clear through the Body , and glad for a matter of three Days together , to carry their Puddings in their Hands ; but in Four and twenty Hours he made 'em as whole as Fishes , and not so much as a Scar for a Remembrance of the Orifice . If a Man had been so bold as to ask him when , and where ? his Answer would have been ready without Studying ; that it was some Twelve hundred Leagues off in Terra Incognito , by the Token , that at the same time he was Physician in Ordinary to a great Prince , that dy'd about Five and twenty years ago , and yet the Quack was not Forty . All these Subjects , though very Amusing , were not equally Edifying , and therefore in my Voyage towards the City , I call'd in at a Quaker's Meeting , where a Fellow was talking Nonsence as confidently , as if he had had a Patent for it , and confirm'd the Popish Maxim , That Ignorance is the Mother of Devotion . The Women were the Oddest Creatures in the World , neither Flesh nor Fish ; but like Frogs , only their lower Parts were Man's Meat . From thence I sailed into a Presbyterian Meeting near Covent-Garden , where the Vociferous Holder-forth was as bold and Saucy , as if the Deity and all Mankind had owed him Money . He was shewing the way to be Rich when Taxes rise , and Trading falls , and Descanting upon all Humours and Manners . He ( says the Tubster ) that would be Rich according to the Practice of this wicked Age , must play the Thief or the Cheat ; he that would Rise in the World , must turn Parasite , or Projector . He that Marries , ventures for the Horn , either before , or afterwards . There is no Valour without Swearing , Quarrelling , or Hectoring . If you are Poor , no body owns you . If Rich , you 'll know no body . If you dye young , what pity 't was they 'l say , that he should be cut off in his Prime . If Old , he was e'en past his best ; there 's no great Miss of him . If you are Religious , and frequent Meetings , the World will say you are a Hypocrite : And if you go to Church , and don 't make a liberal Contribution to us , we say you are a Papist . To which I make bold to add , If you are Gay and Pleasant , you pass for a Buffoon ; and if Pensive and Reserv'd , you are taken to be Sour and Censorious . Courtesy is call'd Colloguing and Currying of Favour : Downright Honesty and Plain-Dealing , is interpreted to be Pride and Ill Manners : And so I took my leave of Dr. — And Peep'd into a Fine Church in my Way to Fleet-street , where a huge double Belly'd Doctor , was so full of his Doubtlesses , that he left no room for one Grain of Scepticism , and made me so perfect a Dogmatist , that I made these Innocent Reflections . The Doctor is very Fat , Doubtless he is Rich. He looks very Grum and Surly , Doubtless he is not the best Humour'd Man in the World ; but I soon gave over these Remarks ; for being a Stranger to his Worship , Doubtless I might have been sometimes in the Right , and Doubtless I should sometimes have been in the Wrong ; and therefore I removed my Corps to another Church in my Road to London . Here a very Genteel Reader , to shew himself Frenchify'd , instead of reading Porage , after our Old Honest English Custom , gave it an A la Mode Turn , and pronounc'd it Pottaugsh ; whereas to have been more Modish in his Tongue , as well as his othr Parts , he might have called it a Dish of Soop . Before Sermon began , the Clark in a Slit Stick ( contrived for that purpose at a Serious Consult by the Famous Architects and Engineers , Sir C. W , and Col. Pickpeper ) handed up to the Pulpit a Number of Prayer-Bills , containg the Humble Petitions of divers Devoto's , for a supply of what they wanted , and the removal of their Afflictions . One was a Bill from a Courtier , that having a good Post , desired he might keep it for his Life , without being call'd to an Account for Neglect , or Mismanagement ; and that he might continue without controul , God's Servant in Ordinary , and the King 's Special Favourite . A Young Virgin , apprehensive of her Wants , and Weaknesses , being about to enter into the Holy State of Matrimony , prayed for proportionable Gifts and Graces , to enable her for such an Under-Taking . Some Pray'd for Good Matches for their Daughters , and good Offices for their Sons ; others beg'd Children for themselves : And sure the Husband that allows his Wife to ask Children Abroad , will be so Civil as to take them Home when they are given him . Now came abundance of Bills from such as were going Voyages to Sea , and others that were taking long Journeys by Land ; both Praying for the Gift of Chastity for their Wives , and Fidelity for their Prentices , till they should return again . Then the Bills of Complaint coming in thick and threefold , Humbly shewing that many Citizens Wives , had hard Hearts , Undutiful Husbands , and Disobedient Children , which they heartily Pray'd to be quit of ; I discharg'd my Ears from their Attendance on so Melancholy a Subject , and employed my Eyes on the variety of Diverting Faces in the Gallery . Where you might see in one Pew , a Covey of Handsome , Bucksome , Bona Roba's , with High-Heads , and all the Mundus Muliebris of Ornament and Dress about them , as Merry as Hawks in a Mew , as Airy as their Fans , and as Light as a Beaux Head , or his Feather . In another Pew was a Nest of such Hard-favour'd She 's , that you would have blest your self . Some with their Faces so Pounced and Speckled , as if they had been Scarified , and newly pass'd the Cupping-Glass ; with a World of little Plasters , Large , Round , Square , and briefly cut out into such variety , that it would have posed a good Mathematician to have found out another Figure . They employ'd themselves while the Bills were reading , about — Hush , hush . The Wou'd be Bishop is beginning , and 't is a sign of a Clown , as well as an Atheist , Ludere cum Sanct is ; for tho' I expose the Foppery of Persons , I have a great Veneration for Holy Offices . Our Doctor , I Grant it , has some of the Qualifications of an All-Souls Candidate , Bene Vestiti & Mediocriter Docti ; and in good earnest fills a Pulpit very well ; but that he so often hauls in his Common-Place Book by Neck and Shoulders , that he cloys his Auditors with that unpalatable Ragoust , called in Latin Cramben Biscoctum , and in plain English , Twice-boil'd Cabbage ; for having in every Harangue , let the Subject be what it will , Marshal'd his Discourse by the help of the Warlike Josephus , and by the Assistance of the Learned Grotius , and Pious Dr. Hammond our own Countryman , puzzled Aquinas , Confuted Bellarmin , and Baffled Origen , pass we on ( says he ) to the next thing as considerable . The Clark is such an Affected C. C. C — , that he Sings out of Tune , says out of Order , and does nothing as he should do : For instead of saying , Amen , he Screams out A Main , which had like to put me into a Confounded Fit of Laughter ; for a Spark who had been Over-night at 7 or 11 , falling Asleep in the Church , and being waked by the Noise of A Main , he starts up , and cries out aloud , I 'll Set you Half a Crown Crowding to get out to breath my Spleen at this Adventure , I put the Bilk upon a Pick-Pocket ; who measuring my Estate by the Length and Bulkiness of my New Wig , which ( God knows ) is not paid for , he made a Dive into my Pocket , but encountring a Disappointment , Rub'd off , Cursing the Vacuum ; and I as heartily laughing at his Folly , that could think a Poet ever went to Church , when he had Money to go to a Tavern . Poets are better Principled than to hoard up Trash ; and could they as well secure themselves from the Flesh and the Devil , as they do from the World , there would not be a Hairs breadth 'twixt them and Heaven . Now I cross'd the way to a Booksellers , in hopes to get a Dinner and a Bottle ; but the Stingy Curr pop't me off with a Dish of Coffee , and the old Talk that Trading was Dead , that they suffer'd for other Mens Works as well as their own ; and in short , finding not a Penny to be screw'd out of the Prig , I pursued my Voyage to the City ; but it happening to Rain , to shelter my self from it , I run my Face into A Heralds Office. HERE was a Confounded Noise of Descents , Pedigrees , Genealogies , Coat Armour , Bearings , Additions , Abatements , and a deal of that insignificant Jargon . While I was listening to this Gibberish , in comes a Fellow with a Role of Parchment in his Hand , to be made a Gentleman , and to have a Coat of Arms finely Painted to hang up in his Dining-Room till his Wife Died , and then to be transported on the Outside and Front of the House , to Invite a Rich Widdow to Marty him . My Father , says he , has bore Arms for His Majesty , in many Honourable Occasions of Watching and Warding ; and has made many a Tall Fellow speak to the Constable at all Hours of the Night . My Uncle was the first Man that ever was of the Honourable Order of the Black-Guard : And we have had five Brave Commanders of our Family , by my Father's side , that have served the State in the Quality of Marshal's Men , and Thief Takers , and gave His Majesty a fair Account of all the Prisoners that were taken by them : And by my Mothers side , it will not be denied , but that I am Honourably Descended ; for my Grandmother was never without a Dozen Chamber-Maids and Nurses in Family . Her Husband wore a Sword by his Place , for he was Deputy-Marshal ; and to prove my self a Man of Honour , I have here a Testimonial in my Hand , in Black and White ; and in my Pocket brave Yellow-Boys , to pay for a Coat of Arms : Which being produced and Finger'd by the Herald , he immediately assign'd him a Coat , viz. A Gibbet Erect , with a Wing Volant . A Ladder Ascendant . A Rope Pendant , and a Marshal's Man Swinging at the end on 't . I am Sandalized , says my Indian , at your Custome in London , in making every Saucy Iack , a Gentleman . And why are you not as well offended , reply'd I to my Indian , to hear almost every Gentleman call one another Iack , and Tom , and Harry They first dropt the Distinction , Proper to Men of Quality , and Scoundrels took it up and bestowed it upon themselves ; and hence it is , that a Gentleman is sunk into plain Iack , and Iack is rais'd into Gentleman . In Days of Yore , a Man of Honour was more Distinguishable by his Generosity and Affability , than by his Lac'd Liveries ; but too many of them having degenerated into the Vices of the Vulgar Fry , Honour is grown Contemptible , the Respect that is due to their Births , is lost in a Savage Management , and is now assumed by every Scoundrel . The Cobler is Affronted , if you don't call him Mr. Translator . The Groom Names himself Gentleman of the Horse , and the Fellow that carries Guts to the Bears , writes himself one of His Majesty's Officers . The Page calls himself a Child of Honour , and the Foot-Boy stiles himself my Ladies Page . Every Little Nasty Whore takes upon her the Title of Lady , and every Impudent Broken-Mouth'd Manteau-Maker , must be call'd Madam Theodosia Br — . Every Dunce of a Quack , is call'd a Physician . Every Gown-Man , a Counseller . Every Silly Huff , a Captain . Every Gay thing , a Chevalier . Every Parish Reader , a Doctor : And every Writing Clerk in the Office , Mr. Secretary : Which is all but Hypocrisie and Knavery in Disguise ; for nothing is now called by its right Name . The Heralds I see have but little to do , Honour and Arms which used to employ all Men of Birth and Parts , is now almost dwindled into an Airy Nothing : Let us then go and see how the World wags in the City Circle . Amusement XI . The City Visiting-Day . I Have given my Traveller Walking enough from Country to Country , let us save him the trouble now of Beating the Hoof , and shew him the rest of the World as he sits in his Chair . To be acquainted with all the Different Characters of it , it will be sufficient for him to frequent certain Numerous Assemblies , a sort of City Circle , they are set up in imitation of the Circle at Court. The Circle in Foreign Courts is a Grave Assembly , but ill seated upon Low Stools set in a Round . Here all Women Talk , and none of them Listen . Here they make a Pother about nothing . Here they Decide all things , and their most diversified Conversations ons are a sort of Roundeaus that end either in Artificial Slanders , or gross Flattery , but this being in no wise applicable to the English Court , I shall wave a further Description of it , and come to The City Circle . WHICH is a Familiar Assembly , or a General Council of the Fair and Charming-Sex , where all the Important Affairs of their Neighbors are largely discuss'd , but Judged in an Arbitrary Manner , without hearing the Parties speak for themselves . Nothing comes amiss to these Tribunals . Matters of High , and no Consequence , as Religion , and Cuckoldom , Commodes and Sermons , Polliticks and Gallantry , Receipts of Cookery and Scandal , Coquettry and Preserving , Jilting and Laundry ; in short every thing is subject to the Jurisdiction of this Court , and no Appeal lies from it . A Venerable Old Gentlewoman , call'd Madam Whimsey , whose Relations are dispersed into all Corners of the Earth , is President of this Board . She is Lineally Descended from the Maggots of the South , an Illustrious and Ancient Family , that were a Branch of the Wag-Tails of the East , who boast themselves Descended in a Right Line from Madam Eve. Here are to be found as many Different Opinions as there are Heads in the Room . The same Judge is sometimes Severe , and sometimes Indulgent , sometimes Grave and sometimes Trifling , and they Talk exactly there , as I do in my Amusements . They pass in a Moment from the most Serious , to the most Comical Strain ; from the greatest things to the smallest ; from a Duke , to a Chimney-Sweeper ; from a Council of War to a Christning , and sometimes a sudden Reflexion upon a Womans Head-Dress , hinders the Decision of a Case of Conscience under Examination . In this Country Twenty several Sentences are pronounced all at once . The Men Vote when they can , the Women as often as they please . They have two Votes for one . The great Liberty that is allowed in the City Circle , invites all sorts of Persons to come thither to see and to be seen . Every one talks according to his Designs , his Inclination , and his Genius . The Young Folks talk of what they are now a doing ; the Old Fellows Talk of what they have done in the Days of Queen Dick ; and your Sots and Coxcombs of what they have a design to do , tho' they never go about it . The Ambitious Rail at the Sluggards as a Company of Idle Fellows that take up a room in the World , and do nothing ? The Sluggards return back the Compliment to the Ambitious , that they trouble all the World with their Plots to advance themselves and ruine others . The Tradesman Curses War from the bottom of his Heart , as that which spoils Commerce , Depopulates Countries , and destroys Mankind ; and the Soldier wishes those that had a Hand in making the Peace , were at the Devil . The Vertuoso despises the Rich for making such a bustle about so Foolish and Pale-faced a Mettal as Gold. The Rich laugh at Learning , and Learned Men , and cry , A fig for Aristotle and Des Cartes . Your Men of Gravity and Wisdom forsooth , rail at Love as the most Foolish and Impertinent Trifling thing in the World ; and the Lover fattens himself with his own Fancies , and laughs at Wisdom as a Sower and Severe thing that is not worth the Pursuit . Those that are Unmarried fall foul upon the Jealous-Pated Husbands , as Men that create their own Troubles . And those that are Married justify their own Prudent Conduct in endeavouring to prevent their own Dishonour . A Young forward Puppy full of Vigour and Health , seem'd to intimate by his Discourse , that he thought himself Immortal . Well , says he , I have drank my Gallon of Claret every Night this Seven Years , and yet the Devil of a Feaver or any other Disease dares Attack me , tho' I always keep two or three Sins going at once . Before George I think our Family 's made of Iron . There 's that Old Prig my Father ( a Plague on him ) turn'd of Seventy , and yet he 's as sound as a Roach still . He 'll ride you Forty Mile out-right at a Fox-Chase . Small-Beer be my Portion here and hereafter , if I believe he 'll ever have the Good Manners to troop off . A Grave Old Gentleman offended at this Rude and Frothy Discourse gave his Whiskers a Twirl , and thus repremanded our Saucy Whipper-Snapper . Know Boy , cries he to him in an Angry Tone : Know , Sirrah , that every Age stands upon the same Level as to the Duration of Life . A Man of Fourscore is Young enough to Live , and an Infant but of Four Days Birth , is Old enough to Die. I apprehend your Meaning , Old Gentleman , says our Young Prig to him , well enough . You are Young enough to Live to Day , and Old enough to Die to Morrow . Those whom you have hitherto heard , talk'd only to let the Company see what they were : The rest both in their Conversation and Manners , appear'd directly contrary to what they were . You admire the Gay Noisy Impertinence of that Country Wit yonder , that tells of many Pleasant Stories , and sets all the Company a Laughing . Don't be mistaken in him , he 's the Dullest Rogue alive , if you strip him of what he has Plunder'd from others . All his Jests and Repartees he Purloin'd from his Fathers Chaplain ; they are the effect of his Memory , and not of his Invention . That other Spark there sets up for a Wit , and has some Sence to 't . Pray mind that Worshipful Lump of Clay , that Inanimate Figure that lolls in the Elbow-Chair ; he takes no manner of Notice of what is said in the Company . By his Plodding Starch'd Solemn Looks , you would conclude that Business of Importance , and Affairs of State , took up all his Thoughts , and that his Head was brim full of Dispatches , Negotiations , Decrees , Orders of Council , and the Lord knows what . I 'll tell you what ; he 's the Emptiest , Dullest , Shallowest Monster , within the Bills of Mortality . He 's equally incapable of Business and Pleasure : He 'll take you a Nap over a Game at Cards , and Yawn and Stretch at the most diverting Comedy : Nay , under the Pulpit when the Parson has Preach'd all the Dogs out o' th' Church . He Dreams as he Walks , and the Sot when he 's a Sleep , differs from the Sot when Waking , as a Nine-Pin when it is up , differs from a Nine-Pin when it s down . He has a Considerable Post in the Government , and a Pretty Wife , and minds them both alike ? 'T is pity he has not a Deputy to officiate for him . That Young Creature there by the Window , at the bare mention of the Word Love , Starts , and Trembles , as if a Demi-Culvirin were shot off at her Ear. Her Vertuous Mother has told her such terrible Stories about it , that the Poor Fool believes she hates it . And do you think , Sir , she 'll hate it to the end of the Chapter ? That 's not so certain , I dare not engage for it . A Woman that hates Love before she knows what it is , is not in danger to hate it very long . Perhaps I explain things after a Freer manner than I ought , and Unmask too many Faces in my Circle ; but if I were never so much inclined to spare them , and they themselves had Address enough to conceal their own Defects : I see a Lady of great Penetration coming into the Room , who will decipher them more Unmercifully than I can . Now she has Seated her self . Observe what a Modest Air she has ? How Critically she draws off her Gloves ? How Artfully she manages her Fan ? And if she lift up her Eyes , 't is only to see whether other Women are as Handsome and as Modest as her self . She has so much Vertue the World says , that she can't endure any that have a less share on 't than her self . What is harder still , those that have more Vertue than she , do equally displease her . 'T is for this reason she spares no Body . I ask'd a Lady of the same Character t'other Day , how it came to pass that her Exhortations were half Godliness , and half Slander ? Bless me , crys she , Slander ! What mean you by the Word ? 'T is enough to give one the Spleen , or an Augue Fit. The Truth on 't is , I am sometimes obliged to accommodate my self to the Taste of the World , to Season my Remonstrances with a little Satyr , for the World expects we should make every thing agreeable , even Connection it self . We must sometimes give a little Slip from Morality , to bring in a few Strokes of Satyr . Speak more Honestly , Madam , says I to her , and confess that you bring in one stroke of Morality , to countenance the making of a Thousand Scandalous Reflexions . Very well , replies the Indian to me , I find the Londoners are as Comical in their Garbs , as affected in their Discourses . They would think themselves dishonour'd to appear in a Suit they wore last Year . According to the Rule of Fashions , this Furious Beau the next Year must make but a Scurvy Figure ; but I pardon them for following the Custom of their Country . I put so ill a Construction upon their Curiosity , I will not hereafter Judge of the Hearts of Women by the Steps I see them make . As for that Beau yonder , I have a great Curiosity to know whither his Inside answers his Outside . Not a Word has drop'd from him as yet ; but surely the Oracle will open Anon. The Ladies that encompass him , said I to my Curious Traveller , are as impatient to hear him Talk , as you can be . Therefore let us listen . They all Compliment , and address their Discourses to him . What Answers does he make them ? Sometimes Yes , and sometimes No , and sometimes Nothing at all . He speaks to one with his Eyes , to another with his Head , and Laughs at a third with so Mysterious an Air , that 't is believed there is something extraordinary meant by it . All the Company are of Opinion that he has Wit in abundance . His Physiognomy Talks , his Air Perswades , but all his Eloquence lies in the Fine Outside he makes ; and as soon as the Spark has shew'd himself , he has concluded his speech . 'T is a thousand pitties that Nature had not time enough to finish her Workmanship ▪ Had she bestowed never so little Wit upon an Outside so Prepossessing us in his Favour , the Idlest Tales from his Mouth wou'd have pass'd for the most Ingenious Story in the World. But our Ladies now begin to be weary of holding a longer Discourse with their Idol , All of 'em resolv'd , if they must speak , to speak with some Body that would answer them again , and not with a Statue . Our Beau retires into the next Chamber , intent upon nothing but how to display his Charms to the best advantage . He is at first view enamour'd with a Pretty Lady whom he saw in the Room . He Besieges her with his Eyes , he Ogles at her , he Prims and Plumes himself , and at last he Boards her . This Lady is very Reserved , and tho' our Gentleman appear very Charming to her , yet she is not surprized at the first sight of him . 'T is nothing but her Curiosity which makes her hazard meeting him in the Field . With this Intention she listens to what our Adventurer has to say to her . In short , this was the success of his Affair with her . He found himself mightily at a loss how to Cope with this Lady . She had an inexhaustible Source of Wit , and would not be paid with Gracious Nods and Smiles , but as we see there are a Hundred Witty Women in the World , that are not displeas'd with a fair Outside ; our Confident Spark flatter'd himself , that if he cou'd but once perswade the Lady that he was in Love with her , the Garrison wou'd immediately surrender . To effect this he employ'd the Finest Turns of Eloquence , and the most touching Expressions of the Mute Language ; but this Fair Lady made as if she did not understand him . What should he now do to explain himself more clearly to her . He had a Diamond-Ring of a considerable Value upon his Finger , and found himself put to 't to contrive a Piece of Gallantry A la Mode , to present it to her . Thus Playing with his Hand , and holding it so that he might shew his Diamond more advantageously to the Eyes of the Fair Indifferent , he plays with it : She turns her Head , first on one side , then on the other side . This Unconcernedness mortified him extreamly ; yet still he kept on his Shew , which is always the last Refuge of a Coxcomb . He is Astonish'd to find a Woman insensible to such a Beau as himself , and to such a Diamond as his was ; but this made no Impression on the Lady , who still continued Inexorable and Cruel . At the very Moment he despair'd of his Enterprize , this Cruel , this Insensible seiz'd him hastily by the Hand , to look nearer at the Diamond , from which she first turn'd her Eyes : What a Blessed turn of the Scene was this to a Dejected Lover ! He reassumes his Courage , and to make a Declaration of his Passion for once and all , he takes the Ring from his Finger , and after a Thousand Cringes and Grimaces , Presents her with it . The Lady takes it in her Hand , and holds it close to her Eyes , to view it more carefully : He redoubles his Hope and Assurance , and thought he had a Right to Kiss that Hand , that had received his Diamond . The Lady was so taken up in looking at it , that she was not at leisure to think of being angry at this Freedom ; but on the contrary smiled , and without any more Ceremony put the Ring upon her Finger . Now it is that our Lover thinks himself secure of Victory , and transported with Joy , proposes the Hour and Place of Meeting . Sir , says this Lady coldly to him , I am Charm'd with this Diamond ; and the reason why I have accepted it without Scruple , is because it belongs to me . Yes , Sir , this Diamond is mine ; my Husband took it from off my Toilet some Three Months ago , and made me afterwards believe he had lost it . That cannot be , replys our Fop , it was a Marchioness that exchang'd it with me for something that shall be Nameless . Right , right , continues the Woman , my Husband was acquainted with this Marchioness , he Truck'd with her for my Diamond , the Marchioness Truck'd with you for it , and I take it for nothing ; tho if I were of a Revengeful Nature , my Husband very well deserves , that I should give the same Price for it , as he received from the Marchioness . At this unexpected Blow , our Fine Thing stood Confounded and Astonish'd ; but I can now forgive his being Mute upon so Odd an Occasion . A Man of Wit and Sence could hardly avoid it . That Great Lord yonder , was Bred and Born a Lord : His Soul is full as Noble as his Blood , his Thoughts as high as his Extraction . I Esteem , but don't Admire his Lordship ; but the Man , who by his Merits and Vertues raises himself above his Birth and Education , I both Esteem and Admire . Why then should you , whose Virtues equal your Fortune , conceal the Meanness of your Original , which raises the Lustre of your Merit ? And as for you that have no other Merit to boast of , but that of advancing your Fortune ; never be ashamed to own the Meanness of your former Life : We shall better esteem the Merit of your Elevation . Look , yonder goes a Man , says one , that takes upon him so much of the Lord , that one would think he had never been any thing else . It often happens , that by our Over-acting of Matters , the World discovers we were not always the Men we appear . While I made my Reflections , my Indian was likewise busie in making his . He did not so much wonder at the Man in the Embroidered Coat , who did not know himself , as at the Assembly , who likewise seem'd not to know him . He was treated with the Respect due to a Prince ; these are not Civilities , but downright Adorations . What cannot you be content , says our Indian , cannot you be content to Idolize Riches that are useful to you ? Must you likewise Idolize the Rich , who will never do you a Farthings-worth of Kindness ? I confess , continued he , that I cannot recover out of this Astonishment . I see another Man of a very good Look come into the Circle , and no body takes the least Notice of him . He has seated himself and Talks , and very much to the purpose too , and yet no one will vouchsafe him a Hearing . I observe , the Company Files off from him by degrees , to another part of the Room , and now he is lest alone by himself . Wherefore say I to my self , Do they shun him thus ? Is his Breath Contagious , or has he a Plague-Sore running upon him ? At the same time I took Notice , That these Deserters had flock'd about the Gay Coxcomb in the laced Suite , whom they worshipp'd like a little God. By this I came to understand , that the Contagious Distemper the other Man was troubled with was his Poverty . Oh Heavens ! says the Indian , falling all on the sudden into an Enthusiastick Fit , like that wherein you saw him in his Letter ; Oh Heavens ! Remove me quickly out of a Country , where they shut their Ears to the wholsom Advice , and sage Instructions of a Poor Man , to lissen to the Nonsensical Chat of a Sot in Gawdy Cloathes . They seem to refuse this Philosopher a Place among Men , because his Apparel is but indifferent , while they Rank that Wealthy Coxcomb in the Number of the Gods. When I behold this Abominable Sight , I cou'd almost pardon those that grow Haughty and Insolent upon Prosperity . This latter Spark a little while ago was less than a Man among you , at present you make a sort of a Deity of him . If the Head of their new Idol should grow Giddy , he may e'en thank those who Incense him at this abominable Rate . There are among us in my Country , continues he , a sort of People who Adore a certain Bird , for the Beauty and Richness of its Feathers . To justifie the Folly wherein their Eyes have engaged them , they are perswaded that this proud Animal has a Divine Spirit that Animates him . Their Error is infinitely more excusable than yours ; for in short , this Creature is Mute , but if he could Talk , like your Brute there in the Rich Embroidery , they would soon find him out to be a Beast , and perhaps would forbear to Adore him . This sudden Transport , carry'd our well-meaning Traveller a little too far . To oblige him to drop his Discourse , I desir'd him to cast his Eyes upon a certain Gentleman in the Circle , who deserved to have his Veil taken off with which he covered himself , to procure the Confidence of Fools . Examine well this serious Extravagant . The Fool 's Bawble he makes such a pother with , is his Probity , an amiable thing indeed , if his Heart were affected by it ; but 't is only the Notion of it that has Fly-blown his Head. Because , forsooth , it has not yet appear'd in his Story , that he is a Notorious Cheat and Falsifier , upon the Merit of this Reputation , the Insect thinks himself the most Virtuous Man in the World. He demands an Implicite Faith to all he says . You must not question any thing he is pleas'd to affirm , but must pay the same Deference to his Words , as to the Sacred Oracles of Truth it self . If he thinks fit to assert that Romulus and Remus were Grand Children to Iohn of Gaunt , 't is a Breach of Good Manners to enquire into their Pedigrees . If any Difference happens , he pretends his Word is a Decree , from which you cannot Appeal without Injustice . He takes it for a high Affront , if you do but ask him to give you the common Security . All the Universe must understand that his Verbal Promise is worth a thousand Pounds . He would fain have perswaded his Wifes Relations to have given him her in Marriage upon his bare Word , without making a Settlement . He affects to be exactly Nice to a Tittle in all his Expressions , and if you think it impossible to find a Model of this impracticable Exactness , he tells you that you may find it in him , all his Words you ought to believe to a Hairs breadth : Nothing less , and nothing beyond it . If ever he gives you liberty to Stretch a little , it must be in his Commendation . Let the Conversation turn upon what Subject it pleases , be it of War , or of Religion , Morality , or Politicks , he will perpetually thrust his Nose into it , though he is sure to be laughed at for his Pains , and all to make a fine Parade of his own good Qualities and Vertues . A certain Lady for Instance , after she had effectually proved that all Gallantry , and Sincerity , was extinct among the young Fellows of this Age , corrected her self pleasantly in this manner . I am in the wrong Gentlemen , says she , I am in the wrong , I own it . There is such a thing as Sincerity still among the Men : They speak all that they think of us Women . Upon the bare Mention of the Word Sincerity , our Gentleman thought he had a fair opportunity to enlarge upon his own . Every Man , says he , has his particular Faults My Fault is to be too Sincere . Soon after this , the Discourse fell upon other Matters , as want of Compassion and Charity in the Rich. What an excess of Barbarity crys our Man of Honour , is this ? For my part , I always fall into the opposite Extream . I melt at every thing , I am too Good in my Temper , but 't is a Fault I shall never Correct in my self . To make short , another who towards the Conclusion of his Story , happen'd accidentally to let the Word Avarice drop from him , found himself interrupted by our Modest Gentleman , who made no difficulty to own that Liberality was his Vice. Ah Sir , replied the Man coldly , who was interrupted , you have three great Vices , Sincerity , Goodness , and Liberality . This excess of Modesty in you , which makes you own these Vices , give me to understand Sir , that you are Masters of all the contrary Vertues . In my Opinion now , this was plucking off the Vizor of our Sir Formal . This was discharging a Pistol at his Breast : One would have thought it wou'd have went to the very Heart of him . In the mean time he did not so much as feel the Blow ; the Callus of his Vanity had made him invulnerable , he takes every thing you say to him in good part . Call him in an Ironical manner , the Great Heroe of Probity , he takes you in the Litteral Sense . Tell him in the plain Language of T. O. that he 's a confounded Rascal , Oh Sir , says he , your humble Servant , you are disposed to be merry I find : thus he takes it for Raillery . These Raillers have a fine time on 't you see , to Iest upon a Man of so Oily a Temper . What a Vexation is it to your Gentlemen that speak sharp and witty Things , to level them at so supple a Slave . All the Pleasure wou'd be to touch him to the Quick , to confound his Vanity . Wit does but hazard it self by Attacking him in the Face , there 's nothing to be got by it : Vanity is a Wall of Brass . But I find nothing will be lost . There sits a Gentleman in the corner of a quite different Temper , who takes every thing upon himself , that was meant to another . He Blushes , he grows Pale , he 's out of Countenance ; at last quits the Room , and as he goes out , threatens all the Company with his Eyes . What does the World think of this holding up the Buckler , they put but a bad Construction upon it , and say that his Conscience is Ulcerated , that you cannot touch any String , but it will answer to some painful place . Touch a Gall'd Horse and He 'll Wince . In a word , he 's wounded all over , because he 's all over Sensible of Pain . These are two Characters that seem to be directly opposite ; however , it were easie to prove that these two are the same at Bottom . What 's this Bottom ? Divine it if you can : One Word wou'd not be sufficient to explain it clearly to you , and I am not at leisure to give you any more . I perceive a Man coming into the Room whom I am acquainted with , he will interrupt me without Remorse . I had better be beforehand with him , and hold my Tongue . Silence Gentlemen , Silence , and see you shew due Respect . You will immediately see one of those Noble Lords who believe that all is due to them , and that they owe nothing to any Body . When my Lord enter'd , every one put on a demure Look , and he himself came in with a Smiling look , like a true Polititian . Immediately he makes a thousand Protestations of Friendship to every one ; but at the same time that he promises you his Service , he looks as Pale as a Scotchman , when he offers you his Purse . He is scarce sate down in his Chair , but he embroiles the Conversation . He talks to four several Persons about four several Affairs at once : He puts a Question to one Man , without waiting for an Answer of another : He proposes a Doubt , Treats it , and resolves it all by himself . He 's not weary of Talking , though all the Company be of hearing him . They steal off by degrees , and so the Circle ended . The Publick is a great Spectacle always New , which presents it self to the Eyes of private Men , and Amuses them . These private Men are so many diversified Spectacles , that offer themselves to the Publick View , and Divert it . I have already as it were in Minature , shew'd some few of these small inconsiderable private Spectacles . My Fellow Traveller not content with this , still demands of me , that I should speak a few Words more of the Publick . Amusement XII . The PVBLICK . THE Publick is a Prince of which all those Hold , that aim at Honour , Reputation and Profit . Those Sordid Mean-Spirited Souls , that don't take any Pains to merit its Approbation , are at least afraid of its Hatred , and Contempt . The Right we assume to our selves to Judge of every thing , has produc'd abundance of Vertues , and stifled abundance of Crimes . The Publick has a Just , a Solid , and Penetrating Discernment : In the mean time , as 't is wholly composed of Men ; so there 's a great deal of the Man very often in its Judgments . It suffers it self to be Prepossessed as well as a Private Person , and afterwards prepossesseth us by the Ascendant it hath had over us for many Ages . The Publick is a true Misanthrope , it is neither guilty of Complaisance , nor Flattery ; nor does it seek to be Flatter'd . It runs in Crowds to Assembles , where it hears Truths of it self , and each of the Particulars that compose the whole Body , love rather to see themselves Ieer'd , than to deprive themselves of the Pleasure of seeing others Ieer'd . The Publick is the Nicest and most Severe Critick in the World ; yet a Dull Execrable Ballad , is enough to Amuse it for a whole Year . It is both Constant and Inconstant . One may truly affirm , that since the Creation , the Publick Genius has never changed . This shews its Constancy ; but it is fond of Novelties , it daily changes all its Fashions of acting , its Language and its Modes . A Weather-Cock is not more Inconstant . It is so Grave it strikes a Terror upon those that Talk to it , and yet so Trifling that a Band , or a Cravat put the wrong way , sets the whole Auditory a Laughing . The Publick is served by the greatest Noblemen : What Grandeur is there ? And yet it depends upon those that serve it : How Little it is ? The Publick is , if I may allow my self the Expression , always at Man's Estate , for the Solidity of its Judgment , and yet an Infant , whom the errantest Scoundrel of a Iack-Pudding , or a Merry-Andrew , shall lead from one end of the Town to the other . 'T is an Old Man , who shews his Dotage by Murmuring without knowing what he would have , and whose Mouth we cannot stop , when he has once began to Talk. I should never have done , were I minded to set down all the Contrarieties that are to be found in the Publick , since it possesses all the Vertues , and all the Vices , all the Forces , and all the Infirmities of Mankind . Let us reassume our Gravity to consider the Real Grandeur of the Publick . 'T is out of it we see every thing proceeds , which is of any Consideration in the World : Governors to Rule Provinces , Iudges to Regulate them , Warriers to Fight , and Heroes to Conquer . After these Governors , these Judges , these Warriers , and these Heroes , have Gloriously signaliz'd themselves in all Parts , they all come to meet again at Court ; where Interpidity it self Trembles , Fierceness is Softned ; Gravity Rectified , and Power Disappears . There those that are distinguish'd in other Places , like so many Sovereigns ; among the Crowd of Courtiers , become Courtiers themselves ; and after they have drawn the Eyes of so many Thousands after them , think it their Glory to be look'd upon by One from whom those Illustrious Stars derive their Splendour , and are never so near their Meridian , as when the Monarch , that Spring of Glory , shines upon them , and Communicates some Beams of his Magnificence to them . As his very Looks raise the Merit of the greatest Actions , every one is Jealous of him who endeavours to attract them to himself ; but for all that , they are so Complaisant , that they don't neglect to Caress the Man of whom they are Jealous . However , there are some Elevated Souls that have infinitely rais'd themselves about those Court Infirmities . Real Heroes and Brave Men indeed ! Who are no more grieved at the Glory of others , than to share the Light of the Sun in Common with them . I own indeed , says my Indian , in taking his leave of me , that England produces some of these perfect Englishmen , whose Reputations have reached our Parts of the World ; but it was to see something Greater than this , that I undertook this Voyage ; and consider how I reason'd with my self as I pass'd the Ocean . England abounds with Illustrious Men , and tho' there may be Animosities among them ; yet they all unanimously now agree to Reverence and Respect the King alone : And must not he be an Extraordinary Man ? FINIS . A34518 ---- A copy of the report of the Committee of Common Council appointed to consider the abuses committed by the farmers of the city markets, &c. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1696 Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A34518 Wing C6228A ESTC R36052 15598344 ocm 15598344 104023 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A34518) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104023) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1589:19) A copy of the report of the Committee of Common Council appointed to consider the abuses committed by the farmers of the city markets, &c. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1 broadside. s.n., [London : 1696] "London, May 29. 1696." Imprint suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Retail trade -- Law and legislation -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A. COPY of the Report of the Committee of Common Council , appointed to Co●sider of the Abuses committed by the Farmers of the City Markets , &c. London , May 29. 1696. A Complaint being made to the Common Council , of several Enormities committed by the Farmers of the City Markets , the said Court did then appoint a Committee of Four Aldermen and Eight Commoners , or any One of the said Aldermen and Two of the said Commonets , to be a Committee to consider of the Abuses complained of , and of Methods to Redress the same , and to Report the same to the said Court ; which said Committee did often meet , and made strict Enquiry into the Abuses committed by the said Farmers , and did on the 29th of July following , make a Report to the Common Council , which followeth in these Words , viz. To the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons in Common Council Assembled . IN Obedience to an Order of this Honourable Court , bearing Date the 29th of May last , We whose Names are hereunto Subscribed , being of the Committee appointed to Consider of the several Abuses committed by the Farmers of the Markets , and of the Methods for the Redress thereof , have several Times met and consider'd of the same ; and have Examined the present Rates received by the Farmers of the several Markets , ( viz. ) Newgate , Honey-Lane , Stocks and Leaden-Hall Markets ; and do find , as they stand now Lett by the said Farmers , to amount to 6379 l. 19 s. 10 d. and for Provisions , Fruits , and other Wares brought to and sold in the said Markets , and in the Streets 4516 l. 10 s. in all 10896 l. 9 s. 10 d. which said Sum of 10896 l. 9 s. 10 d. we are o● Opinion , they do Yearly receive : Besides which , we also find , that the said Farmers have recived of the present Tenants 2194 l. 01 s. 6 d. by way of Fines for Admittances . We have also Considered and Examined the Lease Granted to the Farmers , and likewise the Act of Common Council made in the Mayoralty of Sir William Hooker , and do find , that they have exacted greater Rents than in the said Act is mentioned . We have also several Times heard the Complaints of the Market People , Inhabitants and others , and do find , That the said Farmers have taken from them greater Rates than they ought to have done , Extorting the same by all the ill Usages imaginable , as by putting them to vexatious Suits , Arresting , Imprisoning , and Ruining many of them , and thereby have forced them from the said Markets , which have very much Inhanced the Rates of Provisions , and made them the more scarce . And also find , That the said Farmers have turned , and allowed others to turn , the Market-Houses , and a great number of Stalls and Standings into inclosed Shops , many of which are Lett to several Traders , to the great Prejudice of the House-Keepers and Freemen of this City , which might be much better Employed in the Sale of Provisions ; others of the said Shops are Lett to Butchers and Hucksters , which very much encourage Regrating and Forestalling of Provisions , and the Advancement of the Prices thereof . We humbly conceive , That great Sums are Exacted by way of Rents and Fines , and are yet undiscovered , through the Dread many of the Market People were under , of being farther Oppressed by the Farmers , in Case the City did not give them Relief . Upon the whole Matter , We are of Opinion , That the present Farmers have Forfeited their Lease by Non-Payment of their Rent , and by Converting the Markets to other Uses than ought to be by the Covenants contained therein ; and that , according to a Proviso in the said Lease , Five Shillings may be tender'd to avoid the same accordingly , and that the said Markets may be managed by a Committee , according to the aforementioned Act , which We humbly conceive will tend much to the Advantage of the City , and the Ease of the People concerned ; All which we humbly submit to the Wisdom of this Honourable Court. Win Gore , Robert Rowland , Samuel Westall , Peter Parker , Daniel Dorvill , Roger Thompson , John Sherbooke , Thomas Aunger . The said Committee did the 5th of August following order the Publishing a Printed Table of Rates ( for the Information of the Market People ) as settled in an Act of Common Council , made the 17th of September , 1674. And likewise , That the Farmers of the said Markets have Covenanted in their Lease , That in case they or any of them shall at any time ( during the Term thereby demised ) Exact or Take any greater Rates or Duties than are limited and appointed by the aforesaid Act of Common-Council , they or some of them shall pay to the City , for every time they shall fo Exact or Take , the Penalty of Ten Pounds . And that if the said Farmers , or their Assigns , shall Require and Receive more than according to the aforesaid Rates , or Disturb the Market-People , who have paid or tender'd the said Legal Rates , in the quiet Selling or Exposing to Sale , according to Law , their Commodities ; It is Recommended to the Parties grieved , to apply themselves to the Lord Mayor , or some other Justice of Peace of this City , for Redress ; And to give Notice thereof to this Committee , that they may be proceeded against according to Law , and the Covenants and Conditions of their Lease . ☞ Note , That the said Committee being determined , and no Regard had to the Prosecuting of their begun Reformation of the Abuses then complained of , the greatest part of them are still continued , to the very great Oppression of the Poor Market-People , and Inhancing of the Prices of Victuals Sold in the said Markets . Now that all Persons aggriev'd may be inform'd what provision the Law hath made in this Case ; The Statute made the 3 d. Year of Edw. I. cap. 31. against excessive Toll , follows in these Words : Touching them that take outragious Toll , contrary to the Common Custom of the Realm in Market Towns. It is provided , That if any do so in the King's Town , which is Lett in Fee Farm , the King shall seize into his own hand the Franchise of the Market . And if it be anothers Town , and the same be done by the Lord of the Town , the King shall do in like manner . And if it be done by a Bailiff or any mean Officer , without the commandment of his Lord , be shall restore to the Plantiff as much more for the outragious taking , as he had of him if he hath carried away his Toll , and shall have forty days Imprisonment . A35206 ---- Londineses lacrymæ Londons second tears mingled with her ashes : a poem / by John Crouch. Crouch, John, fl. 1660-1681. 1666 Approx. 15 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A35206 Wing C7299 ESTC R29669 11191750 ocm 11191750 46634 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A35206) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 46634) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1439:13) Londineses lacrymæ Londons second tears mingled with her ashes : a poem / by John Crouch. Crouch, John, fl. 1660-1681. 9 p. Printed for T. Palmer ..., London : 1666. "Chronogram. Vrbs LonDon CoMbVsta sVlt. M. DC. LXVI." Reproduction of the original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Fire, 1666 -- Poetry. 2006-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-10 Celeste Ng Sampled and proofread 2006-10 Celeste Ng Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion LONDINENSES LACRYMAE . LONDONS Second Tears mingled with her Ashes . A POEM By John Crouch . Non Priamus tanti , totaque Troja fuit . CRONOGRAM . Vrbs LonDon CoMbVsta fVIt . M.DC.LXVI . London , Printed for T. Palmer at the Crown in Westminster-Hall . 1666. Londinenses Lacrymae . A POEM . THou Queen of Cities , whose unbounded fame Shadow'd thy Country and thy Countries Name ! London ! that word fill'd the vast Globe ; Japan Saluted Londoner for English-man . 'T was thy peculiar , and unrivall'd pride At greatest distance to be magnify'd . When thy next * Christian Sister scarce do's know Whether there be another World or no : When the false Dutch more known in Forreign parts , Buy scorn with gold ; Merchants of wealth not hearts . Good Heavens , good in the most severe Decree ! Must London first burn in Epitomie , And then in gross ? Must , O sharp vengeance ! must The Glory of the World kiss her own dust ? Shall then this Mole-Hill , and it's Ants expire By parcels , some by water , some by fire ? Or do great things , like restless Circles , tend From their first point , unto the last , their End ? When neither Forreign nor Domestick Wars , The Distillations of malignant Stars , Thunder from Heaven , nor it's Terrestial Ape Gun-powder , could thy total ruine shape ; Nor the long smotherings of Fanatick heats , Which when they broke out ended in cold sweats : Shall Balls of Sulphur ( Hells blew Tapers ) light Poor London to its fun'ral in one night ? Shall Britains great Metropolis become Alike in both her Fortunes to old Rome ? Whose Seat ( if we believe Antiquitie ) Is full as old , though not so proud as she ; Surviv'd the Cornucopia of her Hills : Time , strongest Towns , as well as Bodies , kills ! But when her Life had drawn so long a breath , Must she be mow'd down by a sudden Death ? Three days undo three thousand years ? O yes , One day ( when that one comes ) shall more than this ; Shall make the World one fatal Hearth , That Day The last that ever Hearth shall Tribute pay ; Though now as just as Law ; ( And they that Curse This Duty , may they want both Hearth and Purse . ) But as in three days our Jerus'lem fell , And gave the World an easie miracle : So three ( O golden Number ) years being gone , Shall spring old London's Resurrection . Now ( dearest City ) let my Pencil trace The scatter'd lines of thy dis-figur'd Face ; Dropping tears as I pass ; tears shed too late To quench thy Heats , and bribe thy stubborn fate ! This dreadful Fire first seiz'd a narrow Lane , As if the Dutch or French had laid a Train . But grant they or that Boutifeu their Roy , Form'd this Cheval for Britain 's envy'd Troy ; These might the stroke , did not the wound dispense , Were but the Vulcans of Jove's Providence . Sin was the Common Cause , no faction freed ; Here all dissenting Parties were agreed . And let the Author of our welfare , be The welcome Author of our Miserie ! Rather than Enemies , who but fulfill Heavens just decrees , more by Instinct then Skill ! The fierce flame gathering strength had warm'd th' Air And chill'd the people into cold despair : With swift wing from it straitned Corner posts , And forth-with Fish-street and fat East-cheap rosts . Sunday ( to scourge our guilty Rest with shame ) Had giv'n , full dispensation to the flame . Now London-Bridge ( expected to provide Auxiliar forces from the other side ) Alarum'd by the fall of Neighb'ring Bells Takes fire , and sinks into its stony Cells ; Blocks up the way with rubbish , and dire flames , Threatning to choke his undermining Thames . Southwark , shut out , on it 's own banks appear'd As once when fiery Cromwell domineer'd . Thames-street hastens it ashes , to prevent All aids and succours from the River sent . The heated wind his flaming arrows cast , VVhich snatch'd both ends , and burnt the middle last . Now the proud flame had took the open field And after hearts were vanquish'd , all things yeild ! Rores thorough Cannon-street and Lombardie Triumphing o're the Cities Liberty . This fiery Dragon , higher still it flyes , The more extends his wings , and louder cryes . Just so that spark of Treason , ( first supprest In the dark angles of some private brest ) Breaks through the Mouth and Nostrills into Squibs , And having fir'd the Author's reins and ribs , Kindles from man to man by subtile Art , Till Rebells are become the major part : Thus late Fanaticks in their Zeal of pride March from close Wood-street into broad Cheap-side . Now all in Coaches , Carrs , and VVaggons flye , London is sack'd withour an Enemy . All things of beauty , shatter'd lost and gone ; Little of London whole but London-stone . As if those Bull-works of her Wall and Thames Serv'd but to Circle , and besiege her flames ! Such active Rams beat from each opposite Wall , You would have judg'd the fire an Animal . VVhen ( strangely ) it from adverse VVindows ror'd : Neighbour his Neighbour kindl'd and devour'd . Houses the Churches , Churches Houses fir'd , While profane Sparks against divine conspir'd . This devastation makes one truth appear , How sanctimonious our fore-fathers were ; How thick they built their Temples , long conceal'd By lofty Buildings , now in flames reveal'd . Then one small Church serv'd many Preists , but they The truth is , eat not rost meat every day . Now the profane , not superstitious Rout ( Whose faith ascends no higher than to doubt ) May , without help of weekly papers , tell Their Churches , to their Eyes made visible . Our Non-conformists ( if not harden'd ) may Scatter some tears , where once they scorn'd to pray . Now the Imperious Element did range Without Controle , kept a full Ev'ning Change. Where the religious Spices for some Hours , Seem'd to burn Incense to th' incensed Powers . At last the flame grown quite rebellious , calls Our Sacred Monarchs to new Funeralls . The Conquerour here Conquer'd , tumbles down As Conscious of the burthen of a Crown . Only the good old Founder , standing low , His Station kept , and saw the dismal Show . Though the Change broke , he 's not one penny worse , Stands firm resolv'd to visit his new Burse . Which by her * Opticks happily was sav'd , And for the honour of the City pav'd . Here a good sum of active Silver rais'd Th' ingenious Beggar , and wise Donors prais'd . All fall to work , assisted by the Guard , To whom , and money , nothing seemed hard . Here fires met fires , but industry reclaims Lost hope , and quench'd a Parliament of flames . Mean time the Neighb'ring Steeple trembling stood , Defended not by Stone , nor Brick , but Wood : Yet was secure ' cause low ; to let us see What safety waits upon humilitie ! VVhen Lawrence , Three-Cranes , Cornhill , lofty Bow , Are all chastis'd , for making a proud show . One Steeple lost its Church , but not one Bell ; Reserv'd by fate to Ring the City's Knell . Now the Circumference from every part The Center scalds ; poor London pants at heart ! Cheapside the fair , is at a fatal loss VVants the old blessing of her golden Cross . Poor Paul the Aged has been sadly tost , Reform'd , then after Reformation lost ; Plac'd in a Circle of Heaven's fiery wrath : The Saint was tortur'd when he broke his Faith ! At the East-End a spacious sheet of Lead ( Rent from the rest ) his Altar canoped ; But from its Coale below strange fires did rise , And the whole Temple prov'd the sacrifice . Altars may others save , but cannot be ( VVhen Heaven forsakes 'em ) their own Sanctuarie ! Then was their doleful Musick as the Quire , When the sweet Organs breath was turn'd to fire . Was 't not enough the holy Church had been Invaded in her Rites and Discipline ? Must her known Fundamentals be baptiz'd In purging flames , and Paul's School chatechiz'd ? She that had long her tardy Pupills stripp'd , Is now her self with fiery Scorpions whipp'd . But when I pass the sacred Martyrs West I close my Eyes and smite my troubled Breast ; VVhat shall we now for his dear Mem'ry do VVhen fire un-carves , and Stones are mortal too ? Let it stand un-repair'd , for ever keep Its mournful dress , thus for its Founder weep . By this time Lud with the next Newgate smokes , And their dry Pris'ners in the Dungeon chokes ; VVho left by Keepers to their own reprives Broke Goale , not for their Liberty but Lives ; VVhile good Eliza on the out-side Arch Fir'd into th' old Mode , stands in Yellow Starch . Though fancy makes not Pictnres live , or love , Yet Pictures fancy'd may the fancy move : Me-thinks the Queen on White-Hall cast her Eye ; An Arrow could not more directly flye . But when she saw her Palace safe , her fears Vanish , one Eye drops smiles , the other tears . VVhere ( Christ-Church ) is thy half-Cathedral now ? Fallen too ? then all but Heaven to Fate must bow ! VVhere is thy famous Hospital ? must still The greatest good be recompens'd with ill ? That House of Orphans clad in honest blew ; The VVorld's Example , but no parallel knew . Cold Charity has been a long Complaint , Here she was too warm like a martyr'd Saint . VVhere are those stately Fabricks of our Halls , Founders of sumptuous Feasts and Hospitalls ? VVhere is the Guild , that place of grand resort For Civil Rights , the Royal Cities Court ? Forc'd to take Sanctuary in the Tower , To show , what safety is in Regal Power ! Not Gog or Magog could defend it ; These Had they had sense , had been in Little-Ease . Chymnies and shatter'd VValls we gaze upon Our Bodie Politicks sad Skeleton ! Now was the dismal Conflagration stopp'd , Having some branches of the Suburbs lopp'd . Though most within the verge ; As if th' ad show'd Their mutual freedome was to be destroy'd . VVhen after one dayes rest . The Temple smokes , And with fresh fires and fears the Strand provokes But with good Conduct all was slak'd that night By one more valiant than a Templar Knight . Here a brisk Rumour of affrighted Gold Sent hundreds in ; more Covetous than bold . But a brave Seaman up the Tyles did skip As nimbly as the Cordage of a Ship , Bestrides the sings'd Hall on its highest ridge , Moving as if he were on London-Bridge , Or on the Narrow of a Skullers Keel : Feels neither head nor heart nor spirits reel . Had some few Thousands been as bold as hee , And London , in her fiery Tryal free ; Then ( with submission to the highest will ) London now buried had been living still . Thus Chant the people , who are seldom wise Till things be past , before-hand have no Eyes . But when I sigh my self into a pause , I find another more determin'd cause : Had Tyber swell'd his monstrous Waves , and come Over the seven Hills of our flaming Rome , 'T had been in vain : no less than Noah's flood . Can quench flames kindled by a Martyr's blood . Now Loyal London has full Ransome paid For that Defection the Disloyal made : Whose Ashes hatch'd by a kind Monarch's breath , Shall rise a fairer Phoenix after Death . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A35206-e160 * [ Paris . ] * Mr. Hooke . A35591 ---- A word of remembrance, reproof & counsel, to England and London put forth by one that loves and longs for their prosperity. M. C. 1663 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A35591 Wing C86 ESTC R37526 16966721 ocm 16966721 105538 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A35591) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 105538) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1610:45) A word of remembrance, reproof & counsel, to England and London put forth by one that loves and longs for their prosperity. M. C. 1 broadside. s.n., [London : 1663] Signed at end: M.C. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Great Britain -- History -- Prophecies. London (England) -- History -- Prophecies. Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Word of Remembrance , Repoof & Counsel , TO ENGLAND AND LONDON : Put forth by One that Loves and Longs for their Prosperity . OH People of England and London , remember thy former Zeal , when thou wast willing of thy self , to enter into a League and Covenant with thy God , with Hands lifted up to the Heavens , that thou wouldest Reform , and square thy Life in Matters of Religion , according to the Word of God , and the best reformed Churches ; for the performance of which , thy Ministry did sound an Alarm , for Men and Money , which was answered in a large measure , in an Army which God furnished , with a Spirit of Prayer and Courage , in subduing thy Enemies , which thou didst then judge , was an answer of thy Dayes of Fasting and Prayer , in which thou didst greatly rejoyce , and set many Dayes of Thanksgiving a part , to praise the Lord for his Goodness , which thou didst account at that time Infinite Mercy . These thy Enemies being subdued , that did Tirannize over thee , both in Spirituals and Temporals ; and God did put a Prize into thy hands , that thou mightest have been happy , hadst thou improved it , but thou didst grow Proud and Kicked against the Lord , and fell from thy Promises and Engagements , and the Mercies now are swallowed up in Selfe-Intrest ; none must now Serve and Worship God , but as one Sort of People would have it ; and when that could not be obtained , then Hatred and Malice did increase , and those that stood in the Gap in a day of trouble , must now be made the Objects of Scorn and Reproach in the Streets : And this was occasioned by some that carried a great stroak in Religion , because they had not their Lust satisfied , to have all brought into one Uniformity in Religion ; bitter and sharp Disputations were daily ; by which means Brethren were divided , and looked one upon another , as Enemies and Strangers , rather chusing to close with the common Enemy , that endeavoured to destroy them both , then to own one another ; which to accomplish , there was secret Designes carried on with much Industry , for a closure with that party , that God had born a Testimony against , in the face of the Son , to the Terror of the Nations , in making of them like the Chaff of the Summer Threshing-Floor . This Designe at last taking effect , the common Enemy having now obtained that which they long looked for , thorow the help of those restless Spirits , who must now be the Subjects of Ruin and Dissolation ; but those who had ingaged their Lives , Liberties and Estates , and spilt much Pretious Blood , to save the City of London from Dissolation , by Fire and Bloodshed , their Houses from Plundring , and their Wifes from Ravishment , and their Children from being Murdered ; these I say , must now be delivered up to be destroyed by a revengful Enemy ; in which thou didst sport thy self in their being Executed , and their dead Bodies set upon the Gates of thy City , for the Fowls of the Air to eat , further assisting the Enemy to Persecute , in filling the Prisons and Dungeons with such as fear the Lord , that prayed for thee , and sought thy Welfare ; thy Ungratefulness is written in Capital Letters , that they that run may read it ; nothing will satisfie thee but a great Trade , which to accomplish , thou must have a K. though thou didst destroy thy Friends : But hadst thou ever such a loss of Trade , as now thou hast , by which Poverty is coming upon thee as an Armed man ? Thou didst complain of Taxes and Oppression , hadst thou ever the like as now thou hast , and art like to have ? Thou didst complain of Prophaness , and the abuse of God's Ordinances ; but was there ever such Prophaness , and Contempt of God's Word and Ordinances as is now ? What designes there is to destroy all Virtue , and to encourage all Vice , I shall leave to the Rational to Consider . Oh People of England and London ! I appeal to your Consciences , whether these things be not true , and many more of the like nature ; Oh! remember how many of you that pretended much Religion , how deep you were in encouraging of Prophaness , in making Bone-Fires , Drinking Healths , Roasting of Rumps , to the abuse of the Creatures , Swearing and Blaspheming of the holy Name of God , all manner of Debauchery committed , which must needs enter into the Eares of the Lord of Host , and do undoubtedly cry unto him for Vengeance upon this Nation and City . Oh! England and London , look into thy aforesaid Actions , and repent of thy Wickedness , humble thy self before it be too late ; consider how Strangers now throng thy Streets , the Gunsmiths and Sword-Cutlers can inform you , if they will , how the French and Irish Papists , do this day buy up Armes , and how they walk in Companies Armed , and how they buy up Horses in Smithfield , is notoriously taken notice of : Surely these things speak no less than Ruin to thy Inhabitants , if God in much Mercy prevent not ; how are the Papists Meetings this day suffered , and Idolatry pleaded for , and the Lord's People who desire to Worship him in Spirit and in Truth , are abused in such a manner , as the like hath never been since those People have born the Name of Protestants , nor hardly ever before , as it hath of late been . Oh People of England and London ! be ashamed and horribly amazed , for this thy abusing thy Friends , and strengthening the hands of thy Enemies ; was ever People so Industrious to destroy themselves , as you have been ? Oh! let my Counsel be acceptable unto thee , and repent , which my Soul desires ; who am one of thy poor Children , that have , and do pray for thee , and shall conclude with the Words of my Master once to Jerusalem ; Oh! that thou hadst known , in this thy day , the things that belong unto thy present and Eternal Peace ; least it fall out with thee , oh England and London , as it did to Jerusalem , that it shall be suddenly bid from thine Eyes . M. C. A37567 ---- An act for reviving and continuing of several acts of Parliament touching the militias of the city of Westminster, borough of Southwark, and the hamlets of the Tower of London England and Wales. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A37567 of text R40492 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing E1066). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A37567 Wing E1066 ESTC R40492 19340565 ocm 19340565 108714 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A37567) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 108714) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1668:20) An act for reviving and continuing of several acts of Parliament touching the militias of the city of Westminster, borough of Southwark, and the hamlets of the Tower of London England and Wales. 1 broadside. Printed by John Field ..., London : 1651. Reproduction of original in the British Library. eng Law -- Great Britain. London (England) -- History, Military. Great Britain -- Militia. A37567 R40492 (Wing E1066). civilwar no An Act for reviving and continuing of several Acts of Parliament touching the militia's of the city of Westminster, borough of Southwark, an England and Wales 1651 355 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion seal of the Commonwealth AN ACT FOR Reviving and Continuing of several Acts of Parliament touching the MILITIAS Of the City of Westminster , Borough of Southwark , and the Hamlets of the Tower of LONDON . BE it Enacted and Declared , and it is Enacted and Declared by this present Parliament , and by the Authority thereof , That the Persons named in one Act , Entituled , An Act of the Commons assembled in Parliament for setling the Militia of the City of Westminster , and Liberties thereof ; And in one other Act , Entituled , An Act of the Commons assembled in Parliament for setling the Militia of the Borough of Southwark , and Parishes adjacent , mentioned in the Weekly Bills of Mortality on the South side of the River Thames , in the County of Surrey , with the names of the Persons intrusted therewith ; And in one other Act , Entituled , An Act for setling the Militia within the Hamlets of the Tower of London , or any seven or more of them respectively , Be hereby Authorized and Enabled to do and execute all and every the Powers and Authorities by the said several and respective Acts , or by any other Act or Ordinance of Parliament , given or granted unto the late respective Militia's of the Parishes and places abovesaid ; which said Persons so Authorized as abovesaid , are hereby Impowered , Ordered and Directed to do and execute all such further acts and things , as they from time to time shall receive from this present Parliament or Councel of State . And be it further Enacted , That this present Act be in force and continue until the first of December in the Year of our Lord God , One thousand six hundred fifty and one . Tuesday the 12th of August , 1651. ORdered by the Parliament , That this Act be forthwith printed and published . Hen : Scobell , Cleric . Parliamenti . London , Printed by John Field , Printer to the Parliament of England . 1651. A37852 ---- The new uotes of Parliament for the fvther secvring of those officers that are appointed for the ordering of the militia, May 1642 Votes. 1642-05-12. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A37852 of text R221694 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing E1672). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A37852 Wing E1672 ESTC R221694 99832967 99832967 37442 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A37852) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 37442) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2170:06) The new uotes of Parliament for the fvther secvring of those officers that are appointed for the ordering of the militia, May 1642 Votes. 1642-05-12. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for G.W., [London : 1642] Votes in support of the militia and the trained bands of the City of London. Imprint from Wing; cataloged copy cropped at foot. Copy imperfect; closely trimmed; cropped at foot with loss of imprint. Reproduction of the original in the Harvard University Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. A37852 R221694 (Wing E1672). civilwar no The new uotes of Parliament for the fvther secvring of those officers that are appointed for the ordering of the militia, May 1642. England and Wales. Parliament 1642 421 1 0 0 0 0 0 24 C The rate of 24 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE NEW UOTES OF PARLIAMENT FOR THE FVTHER SECVRING OF THOSE OFFICERS THAT ARE APPOINted for the Ordering of the Militia , May 1642 : Rosolved . THat this House doth declare , that if any person whatsoever shall arrest , or Imprison the Persons of those Lords and Gentlemen or any of them , or any other of the Members of either House of Parliament that shall bee imployed in the service of both Houses of Parliament , or shall offer violence to them or any of them for doing any thing in pursuance of the commands or instructions of both Houses , shall bee held disturbers of the proceedings of Parliament and publicke enemies of the State : And that all persons are bound by their Protestation to indeavour to brirng them to condigne punishment . That this House doth declare that those of the City of London , and all othar persons that have obayed the Ordinance for the Malitia , and done any thing in execution thereof , haue done according to the Law of the Land , and in persuance of what they were Commanded by both Houses of Parliament : and for the defence of King and Kingdome , and shall have the assistance of both Houses of Parliament , against any that shall presume to question them for yeelding their obedience unto the said commands in this necessary and important service : And that whosoever shall obey the said Ordinance for the time to come , shall receive approbation and assistance from both Houses of Parliament . That this House doth declare that they are resolved to maintaine those Lords , and Gentlemen in those things they have done , and shall further doe in defence of their Commands for thepreserving the peace of this Kingdome . Die Martis Maii. 1642. ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That the Persons intrusted with the ordering of the Militia of the Citie of London , shall have power to draw the trained Bands of the Citie into such usuall and convenient places within three miles of the said Citie , as to them from time to time shall seem fit for the training and exercising of the Souldiers , & that the said Soldiers upon summons shal from time to time appeare & not depart from their Colours without the consent of their Officers , as they will answer their contempt to the Parliament . Ioh Browne Cler. Parliam . 〈…〉 A38662 ---- The Earle of Essex his speech in the Partilrie garden to the souldiers on Tuesday last with His Majesties propositions to the citizens of London likevvise terrible and blovdy news from Yorke concerning the great affront which was given to the said city by the cavileers and how the citizens gave them a repulse and shut up the gates : whereunto is annexed, Londons resolution for the defence of the King and Parliament. Speech in the Artilrie garden to the souldiers on Tuesday last Essex, Robert Devereux, Earl of, 1591-1646. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A38662 of text R17460 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing E3335). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A38662 Wing E3335 ESTC R17460 13037568 ocm 13037568 96840 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A38662) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 96840) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 259:E200, no 54 or 259:E200, no 55) The Earle of Essex his speech in the Partilrie garden to the souldiers on Tuesday last with His Majesties propositions to the citizens of London likevvise terrible and blovdy news from Yorke concerning the great affront which was given to the said city by the cavileers and how the citizens gave them a repulse and shut up the gates : whereunto is annexed, Londons resolution for the defence of the King and Parliament. Speech in the Artilrie garden to the souldiers on Tuesday last Essex, Robert Devereux, Earl of, 1591-1646. 8 p. ... Printed for Thomas Baley, [London?] : July 38, 1642. "Londons resolution for the Parliaments defence" : 259:E.200, no. 55. The Earle of Essex speech is not included in the eight pages. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Sources. A38662 R17460 (Wing E3335). civilwar no The Earle of Essex his speech in the artilrie garden to the souldiers on Tuesday last. With His Majesties propositions to the citizens of Lo Essex, Robert Devereux, Earl of 1642 1035 4 0 0 0 0 0 39 D The rate of 39 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-10 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2004-10 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE EARLE OF ESSEX His SPEECH in the Artilrie garden to the Souldiers on Tuesday Last . WITH HIS MAJESTIES Propositions to the CITIZENS OF LONDON , LIKEVVISE TERRIBLE AND BLOVDY NEWS FROM YORKE Concerning the great affront , which was given to the said City , by the Cavileers , and how the Citizens gave them a repulse and shut up the gates . Whereunto is annexed , Londons Resolution for the defence of the King and Parliament . Ioh. Bro. Cler. Par. Hen : Els. Parl. D. Com. July . 28. Printed for Thomas Baley . 1642. His Maiesties PROPOSITIONS TO THE Citizens of London . Wherin he declares his Royall intentions concerning the said City . BY wofull experience we have knowne and found , the rebellions insurections & wicked pollicies and stratagens of these most hellish Papists , and malignant party are grown to such a head that it is feared , without the great mercy of God , we are like to indure the hardest Censure , and bloudy devises : they possiblely can inflict upon this our Kingdom ; For these Counties viz. YORKSHIRE , LINCOLNSHIRE , LANCASHIRE , are so greviouslie perplexed , with the feare of a Civill Warr , which still these Cavileers with oaths and threats , do daily insist to the fears of all good Christians ; they are now growne to so insolent and turbulent spirits , being countenanced with the smiles of many Peers , of this Kingdome , and they are growne to such a higth that they began to vse such lacivious actions that the inhabitants of these parts , are growne to a most miserable thinking daly and hourely when these men will cease upon their goods , and they began since His Majestie went into L●ncolne , and Beverly , to vse many outrages against the City . Wherevpon the Citizens of Yorke foreseing the danger that would ensue , caused the gates to be shut up , they having a long time groaned under the dominering of the Cavileers . The truth whereof was reported to the Honourable House of Commons , on Saturday last the sixteenth of Iuly , both Houses taking into consideration the Militia , of the Kingdome propounded and Ordered , that it is against the Lawes , and liberties of the Kingdoms , that any of the Subiects thereof should be compelled by the King , to attend him at his pleasure but saith as is bound therto , And the Lords and Commons , in Parliament doe declare . That it is both against the Lawes of the Land and the libertie of the Subiect , for any Messenger or Officer , to cease upon any His Maiesties Subjects . And likewise declare that it ●s against the Publique Peace of the Kingdome , and that the same be forthwith Printed and Published , and Assigned vnder the Clarks hand - His Royall Majesty likewise declareth that neither the testimony of , so many of our Lords now with vs can credit , with divers men that they proceed to Levie Men , and Money , and raise Horse . Therefore Wee are not to be misliked if after so many gratious expositious vpon considerable purposes and reasons , which they answer by Ordering that wee answer to be Reason and so appear to leavie Warr against Us . And therefore Wee make such Provision , that as we have beene forst from London , and kept from HVL Wee may not be surprized at YORKE , but in a condition to bring Iustice on these men , who would perswade Our People that their Religion is in danger , because wee will not consent , it shall be in their power , and that their Votes and liberties are in danger , because Wee will allow no Iudge of that liberty , but the knowne power of the land . Yet whatsoeuer prouison , wee shall be compelled to make for our securitie , Wee shall be ready , to lay down ▪ so soone as they shall have revoked their Orders which they have made , and submit those persons , who have detained Our townes carried away our Armes , and put the Militia in Execution contrary to our Proclamation , to that triall of innocencie , and to which they were borne . and if this be not submitted Wee shall with as good a Conscience , and wee beleeve Wee shall not want , the good affections of our Subiects to that end , proceed against those who shall prepare to exercise that pretended Ordnance of the Militia , and Sr. Iohn Hotham who keeps Our Towne of HUL from Us , as Wee would resist persons that come in a farre greater way ; And therefore Wee shall repose and require our City of London to obey our Commands , and not to be misled by those men who are led desperat by their fortunes who tell them that their Religion , liberty , and propertie , is to be preserved by no other way but by their disloyalty . Therefore wee propound unto them that they are now at the brincke of the Riuer , and may draw their swords when nothing pursues them but their owne evill Consiences . His Royall Majesty likewise declareth that the worth and glory of the City is not like to be destroied any other way but by rebelling against Us , or their wives and Children to be exposed to uiolence and villanie , but by those who make their appitite and will , their measurs and guid to all their Actions . And his Royall and Sacred Majesty doth likwise againe propound and declare that he is resolued to proseed against all those persons that shall assist by furnishing of Horse , Men , and Plate as against the disturbers of the publike Peace of the whole Kingdome in generall protesting that for his one parte his intenciones are Royall as alredey hath b●e published and declared to all the world . A38845 ---- An exact account of all who are the present members of the King's College of Physicians in London, and others authorized by them to practice in the said City, and within seven miles compass thereof, whereby ignorant and illegal pretenders to the exercise of the said faculty, may be discovered, who dayly impose on unwary people, and claim immunities and priviledges, appertaining only to that corporation. Lists. 1676. Royal College of Physicians of London. 1676 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A38845 Wing E3561 ESTC R213655 99825985 99825985 30377 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A38845) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 30377) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1758:45) An exact account of all who are the present members of the King's College of Physicians in London, and others authorized by them to practice in the said City, and within seven miles compass thereof, whereby ignorant and illegal pretenders to the exercise of the said faculty, may be discovered, who dayly impose on unwary people, and claim immunities and priviledges, appertaining only to that corporation. Lists. 1676. Royal College of Physicians of London. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], London : printed in the year 1676. Caption title. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Physicians -- England -- London -- Directories. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2008-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon of King's College of Physicians An exact Account of all who are the present Members of the King's College of Physicians in London , and others authorized by them to Practice in the said City , and within seven Miles compass thereof , whereby Ignorant and Illegal Pretenders to the exercise of the said Faculty , may be discovered , who dayly impose on unwary people , and claim Immunities and Priviledges , appertaining only to that Corporation . Fellows . Sir George Ent Knight , President . The Right Honourable Henry Lord Marquess of Dorchester . Dr. Baldwin Hamey . Dr. Francis Glisson . Dr. William Stanes . Sir Alexander Fraiser Knight , Med. Reg. Primarius . Dr. John Micklethwait , Treasurer . Dr. Nathan . Paget . Dr. John King. Dr. Thomas Cox , Censor . Dr. Daniel Whistler , Censor and Register . Sir Charles Scarburgh , Knight , Med. Reg. Dr. Christopher Merret . Dr. Samuel Collins , Senior . Dr. Luke Rugely . Sir William Petty , Knight . Sir John Baber . Sir Edward Greaves . Dr. Thomas Wolf. Dr. Martin Lluellin . Sir John Finch . Sir Thomas Banes. Dr. Robert Waller . Dr. Thomas Burwell , Senior . Dr. George Rogers . Dr. Walter Mills . Dr. Zurishaddi Lang. Dr. John Betts . Dr. John Twisden . Dr. Thomas Waldron , Med. Reg. Dr. Peter Barwick . Dr. Arthur Dacres . Dr. Samuel Collins , Junior . Dr. Jaspar Nedham . Dr. Henry Clark. Dr. John Packer . Dr. Thomas Allen. Dr. Nathanael Hodges . Dr. Thomas Millington . Dr. John Smith . Dr. John Lawson . Dr. Elisha Coysh . Dr. Humphrey Brooks , Censor . Dr. John Atfield . Dr. John Downes . Dr. William Croone . Dr. Edward Brown. Dr. Thomas Burwell . Dr. Thomas Short. Dr. Josias Clark. Dr. Richard Lower . Dr. Thomas Franckland , Censor . Dr. Richard Torless . Candidates . Dr. John Wybert . Dr. Thomas Bear. Dr. Theophilus Garenciers . Dr. Robert Strachey . Dr. Henry Yerbury . Dr. William Parker . Dr. George Smith . Sir Thomas Bathurst . Dr. Richard Trevor . Dr. William Marshall . Dr. Peter Gerrard . Dr. Samuel Morrice . Dr. Thomas Alvey . Dr. James Rufine . Dr. William Vaughan . Dr. Francis Eedes . Dr. Edward Hulst . Honorary Fellows . Dr. William Denton . Sir Richard Napier . Sir John Hinton , Med. Reg. Dr. Walter Charleton . Dr. Theodore Deodate . Dr. William Fogart . Dr. William Hawes . Dr. John Skinner . Dr. Thomas Timme . Dr. Edward Warner . Dr. Richard Harris . Dr. Samuel Argal. Dr. Thomas Arris . Sir William Langham . Dr. Owen Meverell . Dr. Robert Fielding . Sir Theodore de Vaux . Dr. Thomas Witherley . Dr. Henry Tichborn . Dr. Thomas King of Alisbury . Dr. William Bright . Dr. Thomas More . Dr. James Cursellis . Dr. William Waldgrave . Dr. John Clark. Dr. Nicholas Stanly . Dr. Edward Duke . Dr. John Fisher . Dr. Lancelot Harrison . Dr. Nicholas Barbone . Dr. Richard Griffith . Dr. Walter Nedham . Dr. Thomas Trapham . Dr. John-Christopher Moeseler . Dr. Nicholas Carter . Sir Thomas Brown. Dr. Henry Glisson . Dr. Thomas Laurence . Dr. Henry Payman . Dr. Robert Bidgood . Dr. Edmund Dickinson . Dr. John Yardley . Dr. Robert Grey . Dr. Frederick Sagitary . Dr. _____ White . Dr. _____ Waterhouse . Licentiates . Mr. Trist . Dr. Barrough . Dr. Broome . Mr. Welman . Mr. Sydenham . Dr. Wrench . LONDON , Printed in the Year , 1676. A36598 ---- Annus mirabilis, The year of wonders, 1666 an historical poem containing the progress and various successes of our naval war with Holland, under the conduct of His Highness Prince Rupert, and His Grace the Duke of Albemarl : and describing the fire of London / by John Dryden, Esq. Dryden, John, 1631-1700. 1667 Approx. 109 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A36598 Wing D2238 ESTC R14738 12650132 ocm 12650132 65260 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A36598) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 65260) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 351:3) Annus mirabilis, The year of wonders, 1666 an historical poem containing the progress and various successes of our naval war with Holland, under the conduct of His Highness Prince Rupert, and His Grace the Duke of Albemarl : and describing the fire of London / by John Dryden, Esq. Dryden, John, 1631-1700. [25], 77 p. : port. Printed for Henry Herringman ..., London : 1667. First issue. Cf. Wing. "Imprimatur, Roger L'Estrange, Novem. 22, 1666"--P. [25]. Errata: p. [24]. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685 -- Poetry. London (England) -- Fire, 1666 -- Poetry. 2002-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-11 Jennifer Kietzman Sampled and proofread 2002-11 Jennifer Kietzman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Mr Iohn Dryden ANNVS MIRABILIS : The Year of WONDERS , 1666. AN HISTORICAL POEM : CONTAINING The Progress and various Successes of our Naval War with Holland , under the Conduct of His Highness Prince RUPERT , and His Grace the Duke of ALBEMAR● . And describing THE FIRE OF LONDON . By JOHN DRYDEN , Esq 〈…〉 , an homines latius impera●● 〈◊〉 . Trajan . Imperator . ad Pl●n . V●rg London , Printed for Henry Herringman , at the Anchor in the Lower Walk of the N●● Exchange . 1667. TO THE METROPOLIS OF GREAT BRITAIN , The most Renowned and late Flourishing CITY of LONDON , I● its REPRESENTATIVES The LORD MAYOR and Court of ALDERMEN , the SHERIFS and COMMON COUNCIL of it . AS perhaps I am the first who ever presented a work of this nature to the Metropolis of any Nation , so is it likewise consonant to Justice , that he who was to give the first Example of such a Dedication should begin it with that City , which has set a pattern to all others of true Loyalty , invincible Courage and unshaken Constancy . Other Cities have been prais'd for the same Virtues , but I am much deceiv'd if any have so dearly purchas'd their reputation ; their fame has been won them by cheaper trials then an expensive , though necessary , War , a consuming Pestilence , and a more consuming Fire . To submit your selves with that humility to the Judgments of Heaven , and at the same time to raise your selves with that vigour above all humane Enemies ; to be combated at once from above and from below , to be struck down and to triumph ; I know not whether such trials have been ever parallel'd in any Nation , the resolution and successes of them never can be . Never had Prince or People more mutual reason to love each other , if suffering for each other can indear affection . You have come together a pair of matchless Lovers , through many difficulties ; He , through a long Exile , various traverses of Fortune , and the interposition of many Rivals , who violently ravish'd and with-held You from Him : And certainly you have had your share in sufferings . But Providence has cast upon you want of Trade , that you might appear bountiful to your Country's necessities ; and the rest of your afflictions are not more the effects of God's displeasure , ( frequent examples of them having been in the Reign of the most excellent Princes ) then occasions for the manifesting of your Christian and Civil virtues . To you therefore this Year of Wonders is justly dedicated , because you have made it so . You who are to stand a wonder to all Years and Ages , and who have built your selves an immortal Monument on your own ruines . You are now a Phoenix in her ashes , and , as far as Humanity can approach , a great Emblem of the suffering Deity . But Heaven never made so much Piety and Vertue to leave it miserable . I have heard indeed of some vertuous persons who have ended unfortunately , but never of any vertuous Nation : Providence is engag'd too deeply , when the cause becomes so general . And I cannot imagine it has resolv'd the ruine of that people at home , which it has blessed abroad with such successes . I am therefore to conclude , that your sufferings are at an end ; and that one part of my Poem has not been more an History of your destruction , then the other a Prophecy of your restoration . The accomplishment of which happiness , as it is the wish of all true English-men , so is by none more passionately desired then by The greatest of your Admirers , and most humble of your Servants , JOHN DRYDEN . An account of the ensuing Poem , in a LETTER to th● Honorable , Sir ROBERT HOVVARD . SIR , I Am so many ways oblig'd to you , and so little able to return your favours , that , like those who owe too much , I can onely live by getting farther into your debt . You have not onely been careful of my Fortune , which was the effect of your Nobleness , but you have been sollicitous of my Reputation , which is that of your Kindnes● . It is not long since I gave you the trouble of perusing a Play for me , and now , instead of an acknowl●dgment , I have given you a greater , in the correction of a Poem . But since you are to bear this persecution , I will at least give you the encouragement of a Martyr , you could never suffer in a nobler cause . For I have chosen the most heroick Subject which any Poet could desire : I have t●ken upon me to d●scribe the motives , the beginning , progr●ss and successes of a most just and necess●ry War ; in it , the care , management and prudence of our King ; the conduct and valour of a Royal Admiral , and of two incomparable Generals ; the invincible courage of our Captains and Sea men , and three glorious Victories , the result of all . After this I have , in the Fire , the most deplorable , but withall the greatest Argument that can be imagin'd : the destructio● being so swift , so sudden , to vast and miserable , as nothing can parallel in Story . The former part of this Poem , relating to the War , is but a due expiation for my not serving my King and Country in it . All Gentlemen are almost oblig'd to it : And I know no reason we should give that advantage to the Commonalty of England to be for most in brave actions , which the Noblesse of France would never suffer in their Peasants . I should not have written this but to a Person , who has been ever forward to appear in all employments , whither his Honour and Generosity have call'd him . The latter part of my Poem , which describes the Fire , I owe first to the Piety and Fatherly Affection of our Monarch to his suffering Subjects ; an● , in the second place , to the courage , loyalty and magnanimity of the City : both which were so conspicuous , that I have wanted words to celebrate them as they deserve . I have call'd my Poem Historical , not Epick , though both the Actions and Actors are as much Heroick , as any Poem can contain . But since the Action is not properly one , nor that accomplish'd in the last successes , I have judg'd it too bold a Title for a few Stanza's , which are little more in number then a single Iliad , or the longest of the Aen●ids . For this reason , ( I mean not of length , but broken action , ti'd too severely to the Laws of History ) I am apt to agree with those who rank Lucan rather among Historians in Verse , then Epique Poets : In whose room , if I am not deceiv'd , Silius Italicus , though a worse Writer , may more justly be admitted . I have chosen to write my Poem in Quatrains or Stanza's of four in alternate rhyme , because I have ever judg'd them more noble , and of greater dignity , both fro the sound and number , then any other Verse in use amongst us ; in which I am sure I have your approbation . The learned Languages have , certainly , a great advantage of us , in not being tied to the slavery of any Rhyme ; and were less constrain'd in the quantity of every syllable , which they might vary with Spondaees or Dactiles , besides so many other helps of Grammatical Figures , for the lengthning or abbreviation of them , then the Modern are in the close of that one Syllable , which often confines , and more often corrup●s the sense of all the rest . But in this necessity of our Rhymes , I have always found the couplet Verse most easie , ( though not so proper for this occasion ) for there the work is sooner at an end , every two lines concluding the labour of the Poet : but in Quattrains he is to carry it farther on ; and not onely so , but to bear along in his head the troublesome sense of four lines together . For those who write correctly in this kind must needs acknowledge , that the last line of the Stanza is to be consider'd in the composition of the first . Neither can we give our s●lves the liberty of making any part of a Verse for the sake of Rhyme , or concluding with a word which is not currant English , or using the variety of Female Rhymes , all which our Fathers practis'd ; and for the Female Rhymes , they are still in use amongst other Nations : with the Italian in every line , with the Spaniard promiscuously , with the French alternately , as those who have read the Alarique , the Pucelle , or any of their latter Poems , will agree with me . And besides this , they write in Alexandrins , or Verses of six feet , such as amongst us is the old Translation of Homer , by Chapman ; all which , by lengthning of their Chain , makes the sphere of their activity the larger . I have dwelt too long upon the choice of my Stanza , which you may remember is much better defended in the Preface to Gondibert , and therefore I will hasten to acquaint you with my endeavours in the writing . In general I will onely say , I have never yet seen the description of any Naval Fight in the proper terms which are us'd at Sea ; and if there be any such in another Language , as that of Lucan in the third of his Pharsalia , yet I could not prevail my self of it in the English ; the terms of Arts in every ●ongue bearing more of the Idiom of it then any other words . We hear , indeed , among our Poets , of the thundring of Guns , the smoke , the disorder and the slaughter ; but all these are common notions . And certainly as those who , in a Logical dispute , keep in general terms , would hide a fallacy , so those who do it in any Poetical description would vail their ignorance . Descriptas servare vices operumque colores Cur ego , si nequeo ignoroque , poeta salutor ? For my own part , if I had little knowledge of the Sea , yet I have thought it no shame to learn : and if I have made some few mistakes , 't is onely , as you can bear me witness , because I have wanted opportunity to correct them , the whole Poem being first written , and now sent you from a place , where I have not so much as the converse of any Sea-man . Yet , though the trouble I had in writing it was great , it was more then recompens'd by the pleasure ; I found my self so warm in celebrating the praises of military men , two such espe●ially as the Prince and General , that it is no wonder ●f they inspir'd me with thoughts above my ordinary ●evel . And I am well satisfi'd , that as they are incom●arably the best subject I have ever had , excepting ●nely the Royal Family ; so also , that this I have written of them is much better then what I have perform'd on any other . I have been forc'd to help out other Arguments , but this has been bountiful to me ; ●hey have been low and barren of praise , and I have ex●alted them , and made them fruitful : but here — Omnia Sponte suâ reddit justissima tellus . I have had a large , a fair and a pleasant field , so fertile , that , without my cultivating , it has given me two Harvests in a S●mmer , and in both oppress'd the Reaper . All other greatness in subjects is onely counterfeit , it will not endure the test of danger ; the greatness of Arms is onely real : other greatness burdens a Nation with 〈◊〉 weight , this supports it with its strength . And as it is the happiness of the Age , so is it the peculiar goodness of the best of Kings , that we may praise his Subjects without offending him : doubtless it proceeds from a just confidence of his own vertue , which the lustre of no other can be so great as to darken in him : for the Good or the Valiant are never safely prais'd under a ●ad or a degenerate Prince . But to retu●n from this digression to a farther account of my Poem , I must crave leave to tell you , that as I have endeavour'd to adorn it with noble thoughts , so much more to express those thoughts with elocution . The composition of all Poems is or ought to be of wit , and wit in the Poet , or wit writing , ( if you will give me leave to use a Schoo● distinction ) is no other then the faculty of imaginatio● in the writer , which , like a nimble Spaniel , beats ove● and ranges through the field of Memory , till i● springs the Quarry it hunted after ; or , without metaphor , which searches over all the memory for the species or Idea's of those things which it designs to represent ▪ Wit written , is that which is well defin'd , the happy result of thought , or product of that imagination . But to proceed from wit in the general notion of it , to the proper wit of an Heroick or Historical Poem , I judge it chiefly to consist in the delightful imaging of persons , actions , p●ssions , or things . 'T is not the jerk o● sting of an Epigram , nor the seeming contradiction of a poor Antithesis , ( the delight of an ill judging Audience in a Play of Rhyme ) nor the gingle of a more poor Paranomasia : neither is it so much the morality of a grave sentence , affected by Lucan , but more sparingly used by Virgil ; but it is some lively and apt description , dress'd in such colours of speech , that it sets before your eyes the absent object , as perfectly and more delightfully then nature . So then , the first happiness of the Poet's imagination is properly Invention , or finding of the thought ; the second is Fancy , or the variation , driving or moulding of that thought , as the judgment represents it proper to the subject ; the third is Elocution , or the Art of clothing and adorning that thought so found and varied , in apt , significant and sounding words : the quickness of the Imagination is seen in the Invention , the fertility in the Fancy , and the accuracy in the Expression . For the two first of these Ovid is famous amongst the Poets , for the latter Virgil. Ovid images more often the movements and affections of the mind , either combating between two contrary passions , or extremely discompos'd by one : his words therefore are the least part of his care , for he pictures Nature in disorder , with which the study and choice of words is inconsistent . This is the proper wit of Dialogue or Discourse , and , consequently , of the Drama , where all that is said is to be suppos'd the effect of sudden thought ; which , though it excludes not the quickness of wit in repartees , yet admits not a too curious election of words , too frequent allusions , or use of Tropes , or , in fine , any thing that showes remoteness of thought , or labour in the Writer . On the other side , Virgil speaks not so often to us in the person of another , like Ovid , but in his own , he relates almost all things as from himself , and thereby gains more liberty then the other , to express his thoughts with all the graces of elocution , to write more figuratively , and to confess , as well the labour as the force of his imagination . Though he describes his Dido well and naturally , in the violence of her passions , yet he must yield in that to the Myrrha , the Biblis , the Althaea , of Ovid ; for , as great an admirer of him as I am , I must acknowledge , that , if I see not more of their Souls then I see of Dido's , at least I have a greater concernment for them : and that convinces me that Ovid has touch'd those tender strokes more delica●ely then Virgil could . But when Action or Persons are to be describ'd , when any such Image is to beset before u● , how bold , how maste●ly are the strokes of Virgil ! we see the objects he represents us with in their native figures , in their proper motion● ; but we so see them , as our own eyes could never have beheld them so beautiful in themselves . We see the Soul of the Poet , like that universal one of which he speaks , informing and moving through all his ●ictures , Totamque in●usa per artus mens agitat motem , & magno se corpore miscet ; we behold him embellishing his Images , as he makes Venus breathing beauty upon her son . Aeneas . — lumenque juventae Purpureum , & laetos oculis afflârat honores : Quale manus addunt Ebori decus , aut ubi flavo Argentum , pariusve lapis circundatur auro . See his ●empest , his Funeral ●ports , his Combat of Turnus and Aeneas , and in his Georgicks , which I esteem the Divinest part of all this writings , the Plague , the Country , the Battle of Bulls , the labour of the Bees , and those many other excellent Images of Nature , most of which are neither great in themselves , nor have any natural ornament to bear them● up : but the words wherewith he describes them are so excellent , that it might be well appli'd to him which was said by Ovid , Materiam superabat● opus : the very sound of his words has often somewhat that i● connatural to the subject , and while we read him , we sit , as in a ●lay , beholding the Scenes of what he represents . To perform this , he made frequent use of Tropes which you know change the nature of a known word , by applying it to some other signification : and this is it which Horace means in this Epistle to the Pisos . Dixeris egregie notum si callida verbum Reddiderit junctura novum — But I am sensible I have presum'd too far , to entertain you with a rude discourse of that Art , which you both know so well , and put into practise with so much happiness . Yet before I leave Virgil , I must own the vanity to tell you , and by you the world , that he has been my Master in this Poem : I have followed him every where , I know not with what success , but I am sure with diligence enough : my Images are many of them copied from him , and the rest are imitations of him . My expressions also are as near as the Idioms of the two Languages would admit of in translation . And this , Sir , I have done with that boldness , for which I will stand accomptable to any of our little Criticks , who , perhaps , are not better acquainted with him then I am . Upon your first perusal of this Poem , you have taken notice of some words which I have innovated ( if it be too bold for me to say re●in'd ) upon his Latin ; which , as I offer not to introduce into English prose , so I hope they are neither improper , nor altogether unelegant in Verse ; and , in this , Horace will again defend me . Et nova , ●fictaque nuper habebunt verba fidem , si Graeco fonte cadant , parcè detorta — The inference is exceeding plain ; for if a Roman Poet might have liberty to coin a word , supposing onely that it was derived from the Greek , we put into a Latin termination , and that he us'd this liberty but seldom , and with modesty : How much more justly may I challenge that privilege to do it with the same praerequisits , from the best and most judicious of Latin Writers ? In some places , where either the fancy , or the words , were his , or any others , I have noted it in the Margin , that I might not seem a Plagiary : in others I have neglected it , to avoid as well the tediousness , as the affectation of doing it t●o often . Such descriptions or images , well wrought , which I promise no● for mine , are , as I have said , the adequate delight of heroick Poesie , for they beget admiration , which is its proper object ; as the images of the Burlesque , which is contrary to this , by the same reason beget laughter ; for the one shows Nature beautified , as in the picture of a fair Woman , which we all admire ; the other shows her deformed , as in that of a Lazar , or of a fool with distorted face and antique gestures , at which we cannot forbear to laugh , because it is a deviation from Nature . But though the same images serve equally for the Epique Poesie , and for the Historique and Panegyrique , which are branches of it , yet a several sort of Sculpture is to be used in them : if some of them are to be like those of Juvenal , Stantes in curribus Aemiliani , Heroes drawn in their triumphal Chariots , and in their full proportion ; others are to be like that of Virgil , Spi●antia mollius aera : there is somewhat more of s●ftness and tenderness to be shown in them . You will soon find I write not this without concern . Some who have seen a paper of Verses which I wrote last year to her Highness the Dutchess , have accus'd them of that onely thing I could defend in them ; they have said I did humi serpere , that I wa●ted not onely height of fancy , but dignity of words to set it off ; I might well answer with that of Horace , Nunc non erat his locus , I knew I address'd them to a Lady , and accordingly I affected the softness of expression , and the smoothness of measure , rather then the height of thought ; and in what I did endeavour , it is no vanity to say , I have succeeded , I detest arrogance , but there is some difference betwixt that and a just defence . But I will not farther bribe your candour , or the Readers . I leave them to speak for me , and , if they can , to make out that character , not pretending to a greater , which I have given them . Verses to her Highness the DUTCHESS , on the memorable Victory gain'd by the DUKE against the Hollanders , June the 3. 1665. and on Her Iourney afterwards into the North. MADAM , WHen , for our ●akes , your Heroe you resign'd To swelling Seas , and every faithless wind ; When you releas'd his courage , and set free A valour fatal to the Enemy , You lodg'd your Countries carès within your breast ; ( The mansion where soft Love should onely rest : ) And ere our foes abroad were overcome , The noblest conquest you had gain'd at home . Ah , what concerns did both your Souls divide ! Your Honour gave us what your Love deni'd : And 't was for him much easier to subdue Those foes he fought with , then to part from you . That glorious day , which two such Navies saw , As each , unmatch'd , might to the world give Law. Neptune , yet doubtful whom he should obey , Held to them both the Trident of the Sea : The winds were hush'd , the waves in ranks were cast , As awfully as when God's people past : Those , yet uncertain on whose sails to blow , These , where the wealth of Nations ought to flow . Then with the Duke your Highness rul'd the day : While all the brave did his command obey . The fair and pious under you did pray . How pow'rful are chast vows ! the wind and tyde You brib'd to combat on the English side . Thus to your much lov'd Lord you did convey An unknown succour , sent the nearest way . New vigour to his wearied arms you brought ; ( So Moses was upheld while Israel fought . ) While , from afar , we heard the Canon play , Like distant Thunder on a shiny day , For absent friends we were asham'd to fear , When we consider'd what you ventur'd there . Ships , Men and Arms our Country might restore , But such a Leader could supply no more . With generous thoughts of conquest he did burn , Yet fought not more to vanquish then return . Fortune and victory he did pursue , To bring them , as his Slaves , to wait on you . Thus Beauty ravish'd the rewards of Fame , And the Fair triumph'd when the Brave o'rcame . Then , as you meant to spread another way By Land your Conquests far as his by Sea , Leaving our Southern Clime , you march'd along The stubborn North , ten thousand Cupid's strong . Like Commons the Nobility resort In crowding heaps , to fill your moving Court : To welcome your approach the Vulgar run , Like some new Envoy● from the distant Sun. And Country Beauties by their Lovers go , Blessing themselves , and wondring at the show . So when the new-born Phoenix first is seen , Her feather'd Subjects all adore their Queen . And , while she makes her progress through the East , From every grove her numerous train's increast : Each Poet of the air her glory sings , And round him the pleas'd Audience clap their wings . And now , Sir , 't is time I should relieve you from the tedious length of this account . You have better and more profitable employment for your hours , and I wrong the Publick to de●ain you longer . In conclusio● , I must leave my Poem to you with all its faults , which hope to find fewer in the printing by your emendations I know you are not of the number of those , of whom th● younger Pliny speaks , Nec sunt parum multi qu● carpere amicos suos judicium vocant ; I am rathe● too secure of you on that side . Your candour in pardoning my errors may make you more remiss in correctin● them ; if you will not withall consider that they come int● the world with your approbation , and through you● hands . I beg from you the greatest favor you can con●e●● upon an absent person , since I repose upon your management what is dearest to me , my Fame and Reputation & therefore I hope it will stir you up to make my Poem fairer by many of your blots ; if not , you know the stor● of the Gamester who married the rich man's daughter● and when her father denyed the portion , christned 〈◊〉 the children by his sirname , that if , in conclusion , the must beg , they should do so by one name , as well as 〈◊〉 the other . But since the reproach of my faults wi●● light on you , 't is but reason I should do you that justic● to the Readers , to let them know that if there be an● thing tolerable in this Poem , they owe the Argumen● to your choice , the writing to your encouragement , th● correction to your judgment , and the care of it to you● friendship , to which he must ever acknowledge himsel● to owe all things , who is , SIR , The most obedient and most faithful of your Servants , IOHN DRYDEN . From Charleton in Wiltshire , Novem. 10. 1666. To the Readers . NOtwithstanding the diligence which has been used in my absence , some faults have escap'd the Pr●ss : and I have so many 〈◊〉 my own to answ●● for , that I am not willing to be charg'd with those ●f the 〈◊〉 . I have onely noted the grossest of them , not such as by 〈…〉 have consou●ded the se●se , but such as by mistaken wo●ds ●ave corrupted it . ERRATA . PAge 4. line 3. for an read 〈◊〉 page 5. in the Not●s , read thus , ponti armenta & mag●as pascit , &c. page 8. line 2. for under●ook ▪ read 〈◊〉 ▪ page 10. in the 〈◊〉 , for nau●●agiunt est read 〈…〉 page 15. line 3. 〈◊〉 read a loud . ibid. line 10. ●or in distant order read in dreadful ●●der . page 33. line 3. for own●ead ●ead one . ibid. line 16. read , and as the Surgeons . page 41. in the ●ote to the second S●anza , for 〈◊〉 vicis , read solisque vias . page 47. line 3. for flots read flats . page 49. line 15. for Verro read Va●ro . page 53. line 5. for smiles read smile . ibid. line 11. for falling 〈◊〉 p●●ling . ibid. line 7. for open read tender . ibid. in the note , for ac●rude●et read accenderet . page 63 line 2. for night has read night-●ags . Imprimatur . Roger L'Estrange Novem. 22. 1666. ANNVS MIRABILIS : The YEAR of WONDERS , MDCLXVI . 1. IN thriving Arts long time had Holland grown , Crouching at home , and cruel when abroad : Scarce leaving us the means to claim our own . Our King they courted , & our Merchants aw'd . 2. Trade , which like bloud should circularly flow , Stop'd in their Channels , found its freedom lost : Thither the wealth of all the world did go , And seem'd but shipwrack'd on so base a Coast. 3. For them alone the Heav'ns had kindly heat , a In Ea●tern Quarries ripening precious Dew : For them the Idumaean Balm did sweat , A●d in hot Ceilon Spicy Forrests grew . 4. The Sun but seem'd the Lab'rer of their Year ; b Each wexing Moon suppli'd her watry store , To swell those Tides , which from the Line did bear Their brim-full Vessels to the Belg'an shore . 5. Thus mighty in her Ships , stood Carthage long , And swept the riches of the world from far ; Yet stoop'd to Rome , less wealthy , but more strong : And this may prove our second Punick War. 6. What peace can be where both to one pretend ? ( But they more diligent , and we more strong ) Or if a peace , it soon must have an end For they would grow too pow'rful were it long . 7. Behold two Nations then , ingag'd so far , That each seav'n years the fit must shake each Land Where France will side to weaken us by War , Who onely can his vast designs withstand . 8. See how he feeds th' c Iberian with delays , To render us his timely friendship vain ; And , while his secret Soul on Flanders preys , He rocks the Cradle of the Babe of Spain . 9. Such deep designs of Empire does he lay , O're them whose cause he seems to take in hand . And , prudently , would make them Lords at Sea , To whom with ease he can give Laws by Land. 10. This saw our King ; and long within his breast His pensive counsels ballanc'd too and fro ; He griev'd the Land he freed should be oppress'd , And he less for it then Usurpers do . 11. His gen'rous mind the fair Idea's drew Of Fame and Honour which in dangers lay ; Where wealth , like fruit an precipices , grew , Not to be gather'd but by Birds of prey . 12. The loss and gain each fatally were great ; And still his Subjects call'd aloud for war : But peaceful Kings o'r martial people set , Each others poize and counter-ballance are . 13. He , first , survey'd the charge with careful eyes , Which none but mighty Monarchs could maintain ; Yet judg'd , like vapours that from Limbecks rise , It would in richer showers descend again . 14. At length resolv'd t'assert the watry Ball , He in himself did whole Armado's bring : Him , aged Sea-men might their Master call , And choose for General were he not their King. 15. It seems as every Ship their Sovereign knows , His awful summons they so soon obey ; So here the skaly Herd when d Proteus blows , And so to pasture follow through the Sea. 16. To see this Fleet upon the Ocean move Angels drew wide the Curtains of the skies : And Heav'n , as if their wanted Lights above , For Tapers made two glareing Comets rise . 17. Whether they unctuous Exhalations are , Fir'd by the Sun , or seeming so alone , Or each some more remote and slippery Star , Which looses footing when to Mortals shown . 18. Or one that bright companion of the Sun , Whose glorious aspect seal'd our new-born King ; And now a round of greater years begun , New influence from his walks of light did bring . 19. Victorious York did , first , with fam'd success , To his known valour make the Dutch give place : Thus Heav'n our Monarch's fortune did confess , Beginning conquest from his Royal Race . 20. But since it was decreed , Auspicious King , In Britain's right that thou should'st wed the Main , Heav'n , as a gage , would cast some precious thing And therefore doom'd that Lawson should be slain . 21. Lawson amongst the formost met his fate , Whom Sea-green Syrens from the Rocks lament : Thus as an off'ring for the Grecian State , He first was kill'd who first to Battel went. 22. * Their Chief blown up , in air , not waves expir'd , To which his pride presum'd to give the Law : The Dutch confess'd Heav'n present , and retir'd , And all was Britain the wide Ocean saw . 23. To nearest Ports their shatter'd Ships repair , Where by our dreadful Canon they lay aw'd : So reverently men quit the open air When thunder speaks the angry Gods abroad . 24. And now approach'd their Fleet from India , fraught With all the riches of the rising Sun : And precious Sand from e Southern Climates brought , ( The fatal Regions where the War begun . ) 25. Like hunted Castors , conscious of their store , Their way-laid wealth to Norway's coasts they bring : There first the North's cold bosome Spices bore , And Winter brooded on the Eastern Spring . 26. By the rich scent we found our perfum'd prey , Which flanck'd with Rocks did close in covert lie : And round about their murdering Canon lay , At once to threaten and invi●e the eye . 27. Fie●cer then Canon , and then Rocks more hard , The English undertook th' unequal War : Seven Ships alone , by which the Port is barr●d , Besiege the Indies , and all Denmark dare . 28. These fight like Husbands , but like Lovers those : These fain would keep , and those more fain enjoy ▪ And to such height their frantick passion grows , That what both love , both hazard to destroy . 29. Amidst whole heaps of Spices lights a Ball , And now their Odours arm'd against them flie : Some preciously by shatter'd Porc'lain fall , And some by Aromatick splinters die . 30. An though by Tempests of the prize bere●t , In Heavens inclemency some ease we find : Our foes we vanquish'd by our valour left , And onely yielded to the Seas and Wind. 31. Nor wholly lost we so deserv'd a prey ; For storms , repenting , part of it restor'd : Which , as a tribute from the Balthick Sea , The British Ocean sent her mighty Lord. 32. Go , Mortals , now , and vex your selves in vain For wealth , which so uncertainly must come : When what was brought so far , and with such pain , Was onely kept to lose it neerer home . 33. The Son , who , twice three month 's on th' Ocean tost , Prepar'd to tell what he had pass'd before , Now sees , in English Ships the Holland Coast , And Parents arms in vain stretch'd from the shore . 34. This carefull Husband had been long away , Whom his chast wife and little children mourn ; Who on their fingers learn'd to tell the day On which their Father promis'd to return . 35. f Such are the proud designs of human kind , And so we suffer Shipwrack every where ! Alas , what Port can such a Pilot find , Who in the night of Fate must blindly steer ! 36. The undistinguish'd seeds of good and ill Heav'n , in his bosom , from our knowledge hides ; And draws them in contempt of human skill , Which oft , for friends , mistaken foes provides . 37. Let Munsters Prelate ever be accurst , In whom we seek the g German faith in vain : Alas , that he should teach the English first That fraud and avarice in the Church could reign ! 38. Happy who never trust a Strangers will , Whose friendship 's in his interest understood ! Since money giv'n but tempts him to be ill When pow'r is too remote to make him good . 39. ●ill now , alone the Mighty Nations strove : The rest , at gaze , without the Lists did stand : ●nd threatning France , plac'd like a painted ●ove , Kept idle thunder in his lifted hand . 40. That Eunuch Guardian of rich Holl●●● trade , Who envies us what he wants 〈◊〉 enjoy ! Whose noisefull valour does no foe invade , And weak assistance will his friends destroy . 41. Offended that we fought without hi● 〈◊〉 , He takes this time his secret ha●e to show : Which Charles does with a mind so calm receive ▪ As one that neither seeks , nor 〈◊〉 his foe . 42. With France , to aid the Dutch , the Danes unite : France as their Tyrant , Denmark as their Slave . But when with one three Nations joyn to fight , They silently confess that one more brave . 43. Lewis had chas'd the English from his shore ; But Charles the French as Subjects does invite . VVould Heav'n for each some Salomon restore , VVho , by their mercy , may decide their right 44. VVere Subjects so but onely buy their choice , And not from Birth did forc'd Dominion take , Our Prince alone would have the publique voice ▪ And all his Neighbours Realms would desarts make . 45. He without fear a dangerous VVar pursues , VVhich without rashness he began before . As Honour made him first the danger choose , So still he makes it good on virtues score . 46. The doubled charge his Subjects love supplies , VVho , in that bounty , to themselves are kind : So glad Egyptians see their Nilus rise , And in his plenty their abundance find . 47. With equal pow'r he does two Chiefs create , Two such , as each seem'd worthiest when alone : ●ach able to sustain a Nations fate , Since both had found a greater in their own . 48. ●oth great in courage , Conduct and in Fame , Yet neither envious of the others praise . Their duty , faith , and int'rest too the same . ●ike mighty Partners equally they raise . 49. The Prince long time had courted Fortune's love , But once possess'd did absolutely reign ; ●hus with their Amazons the Heroes strove , And conquer'd first those Beauties they would gain . 50. ●he Duke , beheld , like Scipio , with disdain That Carthage , which he ruin'd , rise once more : And shook aloft the Fasces of the Main , To fright those Slaves with what they felt before . 51. Together to the watry Camp they haste , Whom Matrons passing , to their children sho● Infants first vows for them to Heav'n are cast , And h future people bless them as they go . 52. With them no riotous pomp , nor As●an train , T' infect a Navy with their gawdy fears : To make flow fights , and victories but vain ; But war ; severely , like it self , appears . 53. Diffusive of themselves , where e'r they pass , They make that warmth in others they expect Their valour works like bodies on a glass , And does its Image on their men project . 54. Our Fleet divides , and straight the Dutch appea● In number , and a fam'd Commander , bold : The Narrow Seas can scarce their Navy bear , Or crowded Vessels can their Soldiers hold . 55. The Duke , less numerous , but in courage more , On wings of all the winds to combat flies : His murdering Guns aloud defiance roar , And bloudy Crosses on his Flag-staffs rise . 56. Both furl their sails , and strip them for the fight , Their folded sheets dismiss the useless air : i Th' Elean Plains could boast no nobler sight , When strugling Champions did their bodies bare . 57. Born each by other in a distant Line , The Sea-built Forts in distant order move : So vast the noise , as if not Fleets did joyn , k But Lands unfix'd , and floating Nations , strove . 58. Now pass'd , on either side they nimbly tack , Both strive to intercept and guide the wind : And , in its eye , more closely they come back To finish all the deaths they left behind . 59. On high-rais'd Decks the haughty Belgians ride , Beneath whose shade our humble Fregats go : Such port the Elephant bears , and so defi'd By the Rhinocero's her unequal foe . 60. And as the built , so different is the fight ; Their mounting shot is on our sails design'd : Deep in their hulls our deadly bullets light , And through the yielding planks a passage find ▪ 61. Our dreaded Admiral from far they threat , Whose batter'd rigging their whole wa● receives ▪ All bare , like some old Oak which tempests beat , He stands , and sees below his scatter'd leaves . 62. Heroes of old , when wounded , shelter sought , But he , who meets all danger with disdain , Ev'n in their face his ship to Anchor brought , And Steeple high stood propt upon the Main . 63. At this excess of courage , all amaz'd , The foremost of his foes a while withdraw . With such respect in enter'd Rome they gaz'd , Who on high Chairs the God-like Fathers saw . 64. And now , as where Patroclus body lay , Here ●rojan Chiefs advanc'd , & there the Greek : Ours o●r the Duke their pious wings display , And theirs the noblest spoils of Britain seek . 65. Mean time , his busie Marriners he hasts ; His shatter'd sails with rigging to restore : And willing Pines ascend his broken Masts , Whose lofty heads rise higher then before . 66. Straight to the Dutch he turns his dreadful prow , More fierce th'important quarrel to decide . Like Swans , in long array his Vessels show , Whose creasts , advancing , do the waves divide . 67. They charge , re-charge , and all along the Sea They drive , and squander the huge ●elgian Fleet. Berkley alone who neerest Danger lay , Did a like fate with lost Creusa meet . 68. The night comes on , we , eager to pursue The Combat stil , and they asham'd to leave : Till the last streaks of dying day withdrew , And doubtful Moon-light did our rage deceive . 69. In th' English Fleet each ship resounds with joy , And loud applause of their great Lead'rs fame . In fiery dreams the Dutch they still destroy , And , slumbring , smile at the imagin'd flame . 70. Not so the Holland Fleet , who tir'd and done , Stretch'd on their decks like weary Oxen lie : Faint swea●s all down their mighty members run , ( Vast bulks which little souls but ill supply . ) 71. In dreams they fearful precipices tread , Or , shipwrack'd , labour to some distant shore : Or in dark Churches walk among the dead : They wake with horrour , & dare sleep no more . 72. The morn they look on with unwilling eyes , Till , from their Main-top , joyful news they hear Of ships , which by their mould bring new supplies , And in their colours Belgian Lions bear . 73. Our watchful General had discern'd , from far , This mighty succour which made glad the foe . He sigh'd , but , like a Father of the War , l His face spake hope , while deep his sorrows flow . 74. His wounded men he first sends off to shore : ( Never , till now , unwilling to obey . ) They , not their wounds but want of strength deplore , And think them happy who with him can stay . 75. Then , to the rest , Rejoyce , ( said he ) to day In you the fortune of Great Britain lies : Among so brave a people you are they Whom Heav'n has chose to fight for such a Prize . 76. If number English courages could quell , We should at first have shun'd , not met our foes ; Whose numerous sails the fearful onely tell : Courage from hearts , and not from numbers grows . 77. He said ; nor needed more to say : with hast To their known stations chearfully they go : And all at once , disdaining to be last , Sollicite every gale to meet the foe . 78. Nor did th'incourag'd Belgians long delay , But , bold in others , not themselves , they stood : So thick , our Navy scarce could sheer their way , But seem'd to wander in a moving wood . 79. Our little Fleet was now ingag'd so far , That , like the Sword-fish in the Whale , they fought . The Combat onely seem'd a Civil War , Till through their bowels we our passage wrought . 80. Never had valour , no not ours before , Done ought like this upon the Land or Main : Where not to be o'rcome was to do more Then all the Conquests former Kings did gain . 81. The mighty Ghosts of our great Harries rose , And armed Edwards look'd , with anxious eyes , To see this Fleet among unequal foes , By which fate promis'd them their Charls should rise . 82. Mean time the Belgians tack upon our Reer , And raking Chace-guns through our sterns they send : Close by , their Fire-ships , like Ia●kals , appear , Who on their Lions for the prey attend . 83. Silent in smoke of Canons they come on : ( Such vapours once did fiery Cacus hide . ) In these the height of pleas'd revenge is shown , Who burn contented by another's side . 84. Sometimes , from fighting Squadrons of each Fleet , ( Deceiv'd themselves , or to preserve some friend ) Two grapling Aetna's on the Ocean meet , And English fires with Belgian flames contend . 85. Now , at each Tack , our little Fleet grows less ; And , like maim'd fowl , swim lagging on the Main . Their greater loss their numbers scarce confess While they lose cheaper then the English gain . 86. Have you not seen when , whistled from the fist , Some Falcon stoops at what her eye design'd , And , with her eagerness , the quarry miss'd , Straight flies at check , and clips it down the wind . 87. The dastard Crow , that to the wood made wing , And sees the Groves no shelter can afford , With her loud Kaws her Craven kind does bring , Who , safe in numbers cuff the noble Bird. 88. Among the Dutch thus Albemarl did fare : He could not conquer , and disdain'd to flie . Past hope of safety , 't was his latest care , Like falling Cesar , decently to die . 89. Yet pity did his manly spirit move To see those perish who so well had fought : And , generously , with his dispair he strove , Resolv'd to live till he their safety wrought . 90. Let other Muses write his prosp'rous fate , Of conquer'd Nations tell , and Kings restor'd : But mine shall sing of his eclips'd estate , VVhich , like the Sun's , more wonders does afford . 91. He drew his mighty Fregates all before , On which the foe his fruitless force employes : His weak ones deep into his Ree● he bore , Remote from Guns as sick men are from noise . 92. His fiery Canon did their passage guide , And foll'wing smoke obscur'd them from the foe . Thus Israel safe from the Egyptia●'s pride , By flaming pillars , and by clouds did go . 93. Elsewhere the Belgian force we did defeat , But here our courages did theirs subdue : So Xenophon once led that fam'd retreat , Which first the Asian Empire overthrew . 94. The foe approach'd : and one , for his bold sin , Was sunk , ( as he that touch'd the Ark was ●lain ; ) The wild waves master'd him , and suck'd him in , And smiling Eddies dimpled on the Main . 95. This seen , the rest at awful distance stood ; As if they had been there as servants set , To stay , or to go on , as he thought good , And not persue , but wait on his retreat . 96. So Lybian Huntsmen , on some sandy plain , From shady coverts rouz'd , the Lion chace : The Kingly beast roars out with loud disdain , m And slowly moves , unknowing to give place . 97. But if some one approach to dare his force , He swings his tail , and swiftly turns him round : With one paw seizes on his trembling Horse , And with the other tears him to the ground . 98. Amidst these toils succeeds the balmy night , Now hissing waters the quench'd guns restore ; n And weary waves , withdrawing from the fight , Lie lull'd and panting on the silent shore . 99. The Moon shone clear on the becalmed floud , Where , while her beams like glittering silver play , Upon the Deck our careful General stood , And deeply mus'd on the o succeeding day . 100. That happy Sun , said he , will rise again , Who twice victorious did our Navy see : And I alone must view him rise in vain , Without one ray of all his Star for me . 101. Yet , like an English Gen'ral will I die , And all the Ocean make my spatious grave . Women and Cowards on the Land may lie , The Sea 's a Tomb that 's proper for the brave . 102. Restless he pass'd the remnants of the night , Till the fresh air proclaim'd the morning nigh , And burning ships , the Martyrs of the fight , With paler fires beheld the Eastern sky . 103. But now , his Stores of Ammunition spent , His naked valour is his onely guard : Rare thunders are from his dumb Cannon sent , And solitary Guns are scarcely heard . 104. Thus far had Fortune pow'r , here forc'd to stay , Nor longer durst with vertue be at strife : This , as a Ransome Albemarl did pay For all the glories of so great a life . 105. For now brave Rupert from afar appears , Whose waving Streamers the glad General knows : With full spread Sails his eager Navy steers , And every Ship in swift proportion grows . 106. The anxious Prince had heard the Cannon long , And from that length of time dire Omens drew Of English over-match'd , and Dutch too strong , Who never fought three days but to pursue . 107. Then , as an Eagle , ( who , with pious care , Was beating widely on the wing for prey ) To her now silent Eiry does repair , And finds her callow Infants forc'd away . 108. Stung with her love she stoops upon the plain , The broken air loud whistling as she flies : She stops , and listens , and shoots forth again , And guides her pinions by her young ones cries . 109. With such kind passion hastes the Prince to fight , And spreads his flying canvass to the sound : Him , whom no danger , were he there , could fright , Now , absent , every little noise can wound . 110. As , in a drought , the thirsty creatures cry , And gape upon the gather'd clowds for rain , And first the Martlet meets it in the sky , And , with wet wings , joys all the feather'd train ▪ 111. With such glad hearts did our dispairing men Salute th' appearance of the Princes Fleet ▪ And each ambitiously would claim the Ken That with first eyes did distant safety meet . 112. The Dutch , who came like greedy Hinds before , To reap the harvest their ripe ears did yield , Now look like those , when rowling thunders roar , And sheets of Lightning blast the standing field . 113. Full in the Princes passage , hills of sand And dang'rous flats in secret ambush lay , Where the false tides skim o'r the cover'd Land , And Sea-men with dissembled depths betray : 114. The wily Dutch , who , like fall'n Angels , fear'd This new Messiah's coming , there did wait , And round the verge their braving Vessels steer'd , To tempt his courage with so fair a bait . 115. But he , unmov'd , contemns their idle threat , Secure of fame when ere he please to fight : His cold experience tempers all his heat , And inbred worth does boasting valour ●light . 116. Heroique virtue did his actions guide , And he the substance not th' appearance chose : To rescue one such friend he took more pride Than to destroy whole thousands of such foes . 117. But , when approach'd , in strict embraces bound , Rupert and Albemarl together grow : He joys to have his friend in safety found , Which he to none but to that friend would owe. 118. The chearful Souldiers , with new stores suppli'd , Now long to execute their spleenfull will ; And , in revenge for those three days they tri'd , Wish one , like Ioshuah's , when the Sun stood still . 119. Thus re-inforc'd , against the adverse Fleet Still doubling ours , brave Rupert leads the way . With the first blushes of the Morn they meet , And bring night back upon the new-born day . 120. His presence soon blows up the kindling fight , And his loud Guns speak thick like angry men : It seem'd as slaughter had been breath'd all night , And death new pointed his dull dart agen . 121. The Dutch , too well his mighty Conduct knew , And matchless Courage since the former ●ight : Whose Navy like a stiff stretch'd cord did show Till he bore in , and bent them into flight . 122. The wind he shares while half their Fleet offends His open side , and high above him shows , Upon the rest at pleasure he descends , And , doubly harm'd , he double harms bestows . 123. Behind , the Gen'ral mends his weary pace , And sullenly to his revenge he sails : p So glides some trodden Serpent on the grass , And long behind his wounded vollume trails . 124. Th' increasing sound is born to either shore , And for their stakes the throwing Nations fear . Their passion , double with the Cannons roar , And with warm wishes each man combats there . 125. Pli'd thick and close as when the fight begun , Their huge unwieldy Navy wasts away : So sicken waning Moons too neer the Sun , And blunt their crescents on the edge of day . 126. And now reduc'd on equal terms to fight , Their Ships like wasted Patrimonies show : Where the thin scatt'ring Trees admit the light , And shun each others shadows as they grow . 127. The warlike Prince had sever'd from the rest Two giant ships , the pride of all the Main ; Which , with his own , so vigorously he press'd , And flew so home they could not rise again . 128. Already batter'd , by his Lee they lay , In vain upon the passing winds they call : The passing winds through their torn canvass play , And flagging sails on heartless Sailors fall . 129. Their open'd sides receive a gloomy light , Dreadful as day let in to shades below : Without , grim death rides bare-fac'd in their sight , And urges ent'ring billows as they flow . 130. When one dire shot , the last they could supply , Close by the boar'd the Prince's Main-mast bore : All three now , helpless , by each other lie , And this offends not , and those fear no more . 131. So have I seen some fearful Hare maintain A Course , till tir'd before the Dog she lay : Who , stretch'd behind her , pants upon the plain , Past pow'r to kill as she to get away . 132. With his loll'd tongue he faintly licks his prey , His warm breath blows her flix up as she lies : She , trembling , creeps upon the ground away , And looks back to him with beseeching eyes . 133. The Prince unjustly does his Stars accuse , Which hinder'd him to push his fortune on : For what they to his courage did refuse , By mortal valour never must be done . 134. This lucky hour the wise Batavian takes , And warns his tatter'd Fleet to follow home : Proud to have so got off with equal stakes , q Where 't was a triumph not to be o'r-come . 135. The General 's force , as kept alive by fight , Now , not oppos'd , no longer can persue : Lasting till Heav'n had done his courage right , When he had conquer'd he his weakness knew . 136. He casts a frown on the departing foe , And sighs to see him quit the watry field : His stern fix'd eyes no satisfaction show , For all the glories which the Fight did yield . 137. Though , as when Fiends did Miracles avow , He stands confess'd ev'n by the boastful Dutch , He onely does his conquest disavow , And thinks too little what they found too much . 138. Return'd , he with the Fleet resolv'd to stay , No tender thoughts of home his heart divide : Domestick joys and cares he puts away , For Realms are housholds which the Great must guide . 139. As those who unripe veins in Mines explore , On the rich bed again the warm turf lay , Till time digests the yet imperfect Ore , And know it will be Gold another day . 140. So looks our Monarch on this early fight , Th' essay , and rudiments of great success , Which all-maturing time must bring to light , While he , like Heav'n , does each days labour bless ▪ 141. Heav'n ended not the first or second day , Yet each was perfect to the work design'd : God and Kings work , when they their work survey ▪ And passive aptness in all subjects find . 142. In burden'd Vessels , first , with speedy care , His plenteous Stores do season'd timber send Thither the brawny Carpenters repair , And as the Chyrurg'ons of maim'd ships attend 143. With Cord and Canvass from rich Hamburgh sent , His Navies molted wings he imps once more : Tall Norway Fir , their Masts in Battel spent , And English Oak sprung leaks and planks restore . 144. All hands employ'd , r the Royal work grows warm , Like labouring Bees on a long Summers day , Some sound the Trumpet for the rest to swarm , And some on bells of tasted Lillies play : 145. With glewy wax some new foundation lay Of Virgin combs , which from the roof are hung : Some arm'd within doors , upon duty stay , Or tend the sick , or educate the young . 146. So here , some pick out bullets from the sides , Some drive old Okum through each seam & rift : Their left-hand does the Calking-iron guide , The ratling Mallet with the right they lift . 147. With boiling Pitch another near at hand ( From friendly Sweden brought ) the seams in-stops ▪ Which well paid o'r the salt-Sea waves withstand , And shakes them from the rising beak in drops . 148. Some the gall'd ropes with dawby Marling bind , Or sear-cloth Masts with strong Tarpawling coats : To try new shrouds one mounts into the wind , And one , below , their ease or stifness notes . 149. Our careful Monarch stands in Person by , His new-cast Canons firmness to explore : The strength of big-corn'd powder loves to try , And Ball and Cartrage sorts for every bore . 150. Each day brings fresh supplies of Arms and Men , And Ships which all last VVinter were abrode : And such as fitted since the Fight had been , Or new from Stocks were fall'n into the Road. 151. The goodly London in her gallant trim , ( The Phoenix daughter of the vanish'd old : ) Like a rich Bride does to the Ocean swim , And on her shadow rides in floating gold . 152. Her Flag aloft spread ruffling to the wind , And sanguine Streamers seem the floud to fire : The Weaver charm'd with what his Loom design'd , Goes on to Sea , and knows not to retire . 153. With roomy decks , her Guns of mighty strength , ( Whose low-laid mouthes each mounting billow laves : ) Deep in her draught , and warlike in her length , She seems a Sea-wasp flying on the waves . 154. This martial Present , piously design'd , The Loyal City give their best-lov'd King : And with a bounty ample as the wind , Built , fitted and maintain'd to aid him bring . 155. By viewing Nature , Natures Hand-maid , Art , Makes mighty things from small beginnings grow : Thus fishes first to shipping did impart Their tail the Rudder , and their head the Prow . 156. Some Log , perhaps , upon the waters swam An useless drift , which , rudely cut within , And hollow'd , first a floating trough became , And cross some Riv'let passage did begin . 157. In shipping such as this the Irish Kern , And untaught Indian , on the stream did glide : E●e sharp-keel'd Boats to stem the floud did learn , Or fin-like Oars did spread from either side . 158. Adde but a Sail , and Saturn so appear'd , When , from lost Empire , he to Exile went , And with the Golden age to Tyber steer'd , Where Coin & first Commerce he did invent . 159. Rude as their Ships was Navigation , then ; No useful C●●pass or Meridian known : Coasting , they kep● the Land within their ken , And knew no North but when the Pole-star shone . 160. Of all who since have us'd the open Sea , Then ▪ the bold English none more fame have won : s Beyond the Year , and out of Heav'ns high-way , They make discoveries where they see no Sun. 161. But what ●o long in vain , and yet unknown , By poor man-kinds benighted ▪ wit is ●ought , Shall in this Age to Britain first ●e shown , And hence be to admiring Nations taught ▪ 162. The Ebbs of Tydes , and their mysterious flow , We , as Arts Elements shall understand : And as by Line upon the Ocean go , Whose paths shall be familiar as the Land. 163. t Instructed ships shall sail to quick Commerce ; By which remotest Regions are alli'd : Which makes one City of the Universe , VVhere some may gain , and all may be suppli'd . 164. Their , we upon our Globes last verge shall go , And view the Ocean leaning on the sky : From thence our rolling Neighbours we shall know . And on the Lunar world securely pry . 165. This I fore-tel , from your auspicious care , VVho great in search of God and Natu●● grow : VVho best your wise Creator's praise declar● , Since best to praise his works is best to know . 166. O truly Royal ! who behold the Law , And rule of beings in your Make●● mind , And thence , like Limbecks , 〈◊〉 Idea's draw , To fit the levell'd use of humane kind . 167. But first the toils of war we must endure , And , from th' Injurious Dutch redeem the Seas . War makes the valiant of his right ●ecure , And gives up fraud to be chastis'd with ●ase . 168. Already were the Belgians on our coast , Whose Fleet more mighty every day became , By 〈◊〉 success , which they did falsly boast , And ●ow , by first appearing seem'd to claim . 169. Designing , subtil , diligent , and close , They knew to manage War with wise delay : Yet all those arts their vanity did cross , And , by their pride , their prudence did betray . 170. Nor staid the English long : but , well suppli'd , Appear as numerous as th' insulting foe . The Combat now by courage must be tri'd , And the success the braver Nation show . 171. There was the Plimouth Squadron new come in , Which in the Straights last Winter was abroad : Which twice on Biscay's working Bay had been , And on the Mid-land Sea the French had aw'd . 172. Old expert Allen , loyal all along , Fam'd for his action on the Smirna Fleet , And Holmes , whose name shal live in Epique Song , While Musick Numbers , or while Verse has Fleet. 173. Holmes , the Achates of the Gen'rals fight , VVho first bewitch'd our eyes with Guinny Gold : As once old Cato in the Roman's sight The tempting fruits of Africk did unfold . 174. VVith him went Sprag , as bountiful as brave , VVhom his high courage to command had brought : Harm●n , who did the twice fir'd Harry save , And in his burning ship undaunted fought . 175. Young Hollis , on a Muse by Mars begot , Born , Cesar-like , to write and act great deeds : Impatient to revenge his fatal shot , His right hand doubly to his left succeeds . 176. Thousands were there in darker fame that dwell , VVhose deeds some nobler Poem shall adorn ▪ And , though to me unknown , they , sure , fought well , VVhom Rupert led , and who were British born . 177. Of every size an hundred fighting Sail , So vast the Navy now at Anchor rides , That underneath it the press'd waters fail , And , with its weight , it shoulders off the Tydes . 178. Now Anchors weigh'd , the Sea-men shout so shrill , That Heav'n & Earth and the wide Ocean rings : A breeze from VVestward waits their sails to fill , And rests , in those high beds , his downy wings . 179. The wary Dutch this gathering storm foresaw , And durst not bide it on the English coast : Behind their treach'rous shallows they withdraw , And their lay snares to catch the British Hoast . 180. So the false Spider , when her Nets are spread , Deep ambush'd in her silent den does lie : And feels , far off , the trembling of her thread , Whose filmy cord should bind the strugling Fly. 181. Then , if at last , she find him fast beset , She issues forth , and runs along her Loom : She joys to touch the Captive in her Net , And drags the little wretch in triumph home . 182. The Belgians hop'd that , with disorder'd haste , Our deep-cut keels upon the sands might run : Or , if with caution leisurely were past , Their numerous gross might charge us one by one . 183. But , with a fore-wind pushing them above , And swelling tyde that heav'd them from below , O'r the blind flots our warlike Squadrons move , And , with spread sails , to welcome Battel go . 184. It seem'd as there the British Neptune stood , With all his host of waters at command , Beneath them to submit th'officious floud : u And , with his Trident , shov'd them off the sand . 185. To the pale foes they suddenly draw near , And summon them to unexpected fight : They start like Murderers when Ghosts appear , And draw their Curtains in the dead of night . 186. Now Van to Van the formost Squadrons meet , The midmost Battels hasting up behind , VVho view , far off , the storm of falling Sleet , And hear their thunder ratling in the wind . 187. At length the adverse Admirals appear : ( The two bold Champions of each Countries right ) Their eyes describe the lists as they come near , And draw the lines of death before they fight . 188. The distance judg'd for shot of every size , The Linstocks touch , the pond'rous ball expires : The vig'rous Sea-man every port-hole plies , And adds his heart to every Gun he fires . 189. Fierce was the fight on the proud Belgians side , For honour , which they seldome sought before : But now they by their own vain boasts were ti'd , And forc'd , at least in show , to prize it more . 190. But sharp remembrance on the English part , And shame of being match'd by such a foe : Rouze conscious vertue up in every heart , w And seeming to be stronger makes them so . 191. Nor long the Belgians could that Fleet sustain , Which did two Gen'rals fates , and Cesar's bear . Each several Ship a victory did gain , As Rupert or as Albemarl were there . 192. Their batter'd Admiral too soon withdrew , Unthank'd by ours for his unfinish'd ●ight : But he the minds of his Dutch Masters knew , Who call'd that providence which we call'd flight . 193. Never did men more joyfully obey , Or sooner understood the sign to flie : With such alacrity they bore away , As if to praise them all the States stood by . 194. O famous Leader of the Belgian Fleet , Thy Monument inscrib'd such praise shall wear As Verro , timely flying , once did meet , Because he did not of his Rome despair . 195. Behold that Navy which a while before Provok'd the tardy English to the fight , Now draw their beaten vessels close to shore , As Larks lie dar'd to shun the Hobbies flight . 196. Who ere would English Monuments survey , In other records may our courage know : But let them hide the story of this day , Whose fame was blemish'd by too base a foe . 197. Or if too busily they will enquire Into a victory which we disdain : Then let them know , the Belgians did retire x Before the Patron Saint of injur'd Spain . 198. Repenting England this revengeful day y To Philip's Manes did an off'ring bring . England , which first , by leading them astray , Hatch'd up Rebellion to destroy her King. 199. Our Fathers bent their baneful industry To check a Monarchy that slowly grew : But did not France or Holland's fate foresee , Whose rising pow'r to swift Dominion flew . 200. In fortunes Empire blindly thus we go , And wander after pathless destiny : Whose dark resorts since prudence cannot know . In vain it would provide for what shall be . 201. But what ere English to the bless'd shall go , And the fourth Harry or first Orange me●t : Find him disowning of a Burbon foe , And him detesting a Batavian Fleet. 202. Now on their coasts our conquering Navy rides , Way-lays their Merchants , and their Land besets ▪ Each day new wealth without their care provides , They lie asleep with prizes in their nets . 203. So , close behind ●ome Promontory lie The ●uge Leviathans t' attend their prey : And give no chace , but swallow in the frie , Which through their gaping jaws mistake the way . 204. Nor was this all : in Ports and Roads remote , Destructive Fires among whole Fleets we send : Triumphant flames upon the water flote , And out-bound ships at home their voyage end . 205. Those various Squadrons , variously design'd , Each vessel fraighted with a several load : Each Squadron waiting for a several wind , All find but one , to burn them in the Road. 206. Some bo●nd for Guinny , golden sand to find , Bore all the gawds the simple Natives wear : Some for the pride of ●urkish Courts design'd , ●or folded Turbans finest Holland bear . 207. Some English Wool , vex'd in a Belgian Loom , And into Cloth of spungy softness made : Did into France or colder De●mark doom , To ruine with worse ware our staple Trade . 208. Our greedy Sea-men rummage every hold , Smiles on the booty of each wealthier Chest : And , as the Priests who with their gods make bold , Take what they like , and sacrifice the rest . 209. But ha ! ●how , unsincere are all our joys ! Which , sent from Heav'n , like Lightning make no stay : Their falling taste the journeys length destroys , Or grief , sent post , o'r-takes them on the way . 210. Swell'd with our ●ate successes on the Foe , Which France and Holland wanted power to cross : We urge an unseen Fate to lay us low , And feed their envious eyes with English loss . 211. Each Element his dread command obeys , Who makes or ruines with a smile or frown ; Who as by one he did our Nation raise , So now he with another pulls us down . 212. Yet , London , Empress of the Northern Clime , By an high fate thou greatly didst expire ; z Great as the worlds , which at the death of time Must fall , and rise a nobler frame by fire . 213. As when some dire Usurper Heav'n provides , To scourge his Country with a lawless sway : His birth , perhaps , some petty Village hides , And sets his Cradle out of Fortune's way : 214. Till fully ripe his swelling fate breaks out , And hurries him to mighty mischiefs on : His Prince surpriz'd at first , no ill could doubt , And wants the pow'r to meet it when 't is known . 215. Such was the rise of this prodigious fire , Which in mean buildings first obscurely bred , From thence did soon to open streets aspire , And straight to Palaces and Temples spread . 216. The diligence of Trades and noiseful gain , And luxury , more late , asleep were laid : All was the nights , and in her silent reign , No sound the rest of Nature did invade . 217. In this deep quiet , from what scource unknown , Those seeds of fire their fatal birth disclose : And first , few scatt'ring sparks about were blown , Big with the flames that to our ruine rose . 218. Then , in some close-pent room it crept along , And , smouldring as it went , in silence fed : Till th'infant monster , with devouring strong , Walk'd boldly upright with exalted head . 219. Now , like some rich or mighty Murderer , To great for prison , which he breaks with gold ▪ Who fresher for new mischiefs does appear , And dares the world to tax him with the old . 220. So scapes th' insulting fire his narrow Jail , And makes small out-lets into open air : There the fierce winds his open force assail , And beat him down-ward to his first repair . 221. a The winds , like crafty Courtezans , with-held His flames from burning , but to blow them more : And , every fresh attempt , he is repell'd With faint denials , weaker then before . 222. And now , no longer letted of his prey , He leaps up at it with inrag'd desire : O'r-looks the neighbours with a wide survey , And nods at ●very house his threatning fire . 223. The Ghosts of Traitors , from the Bridge descend , With bold Fanatick Spectres to rejoyce : About the fire into a Dance they bend , And sing their Sabbath Notes with feeble voice . 224. Our Guardian Angel saw them where he sate Above the Palace of our slumbring King , He sigh'd , abandoning his charge to Fate , And , drooping , oft look back upon the wing . 225. At length the cra●kling noise and dreadful blaze , Call'd up some waking Lover to the sight : And long it was ere he the rest could raise , Whose heavy eye-lids yet were full of night . 226. The next to danger , hot pursu'd by fate , Half cloth'd , half naked , hastily retire : And frighted Mother strike their breasts , too late , For helpless Infants left amidst the fire . 227. Their cries soon waken all the dwellers near : Now murmuring noises rise in every street ▪ The more remote run s●umbling with their fear , And , in the dark , men justle as they meet . 228. So weary Bees in little Cells repose ▪ But if night-robbers lift the well-stor'd Hive , An humming through their waxen City grows , And out upon each others wings they drive . 229. Now stree●s grow throng'd and busie as by day : Some run for Buckets to the hallow'd Quire : Some cut the Pipes , and some the Engines play , And some more bold mount Ladders to the fire . 230. In vain : for , from the East , a Belgian wind , His hostile breath through the dry rafters sent : The flames impell●d , soon left their foes behind , And forward , with a wanton fury went. 231. A Key of fire ran all along the shore , b And lighten'd all the River with the blaze : The waken'd Tydes began again to roar , And wond'ring Fish in shining waters gaze . 231. Old Father Thames rais'd up his reverend head , But fear'd the fate of Simoeis would return : Deep in his Ooze he sought his sedgy bed , And shrunk his wate●s back into his Urn. 233. The fire , mean time , walks in a broader gross , To either hand his wings he opens wide : He wades the streets , & straight he reaches cross , And plays his longing flames on th' other side . 234. At first they warm , then scorch , and then they take : Now with long necks from side to side they feed : At length , grown strong , their Mother fire forsake , And a new Collony of flames succeed . 235. To every nobler portion of the Town , The curling billows roul their restless ●yde : In parties now they straggle up and down , As Armies , unoppos'd , for prey divide . 236. One mighty Squadron , with a side wind sped , Through narrow lanes his cumb●r'd fire does haste : By pow'rful charms of gold and silver led , The Lombard Banquers and the Change to waste . 237. Another backward to the 〈◊〉 would go , And slowly ea●s his way against the wind ▪ But the main body of the marching foe : Against th' Imperial Palace is design'd . 238. Now day appears , and with the day the King , Whose early care had robb'd him of his rest : Far off the cracks of falling houses ring , And shrieks of subjects pierce his tender breast . 239. Near as he draws , thick harbingers of smoke , With gloomy pillars , cover all the place : Whose little intervals of night are broke By sparks that drive against his Sacred Face . 240. More then his Guards his sorrows made him known , And pious tears which down his cheeks did show'r : The wretched in his grief forgot their own : ( So much the pity of a King has pow'r . ) 241. He wept the flames of what he lov'd so well , And what so well had merited his love . For never Prince in grace did more excel , Or Royal City more in duty strove . 242. Nor with an idle care did he behold : ( Subjects may grieve , but Monarchs must redress . ) He chears the fearful , and commends the bold , And makes despairers hope for good success . 243. Himself directs what first is to be done , And orders all the succours which they bring . The helpful and the good about him run , And form an Army worthy such a King. 244. He sees the dire contagion spread so fast , That where it seizes , all relief is vain : And therefore must unwillingly lay waste That Country which would , else , the foe maintain . 245. The powder blows up all before the fire : Th' amazed flames stand gather'd on a heap ; And from the precipices brinck retire , Afraid to venture on so large a leap . 246. Thus fighting fires a while themselves consume , But straight , like Turks , forc'd on to win or die ▪ They first lay ●ender bridges of their fume , And o'r the breach in unctuous vapours flie . 247. Part stays for passage till a gust of wind Ships o'r their forces in a shining sheet : Part , creeping under ground , their journey blind , And , climbing from below , their fellows meet . 248. Thus , to some desart plain , or old wood side , Dire night has come from far to dance their round : And o'r brode Rivers on their fiends they ride , Or sweep in clowds above the blasted ground . 249. No help avails : for , Hydra-like , the fire , Lifts up his hundred heads to aim his way . And scarce the wealthy can one half retire , Before he rushes in to share the prey . 250. The rich grow suppliant , & the poor grow proud : Those offer mighty gain , and these ask more . So void of pity is th' ignoble crowd , When others ruine may increase their store . 251. As those who live by shores with joy behold Some wealthy vessel split or stranded nigh ; And , from the Rocks , leap down for shipwrack'd Gold , And seek the Tempest which the others flie . 252. So these but wait the Owners last despair , And what 's permitted to the flames invade : Ev'n from their jaws they hungry morsels tear , And , on their backs , the spoils of Vulcan lade . 253. The days were all in this lost labour spent ; And when the weary King gave place to night , His Beams he to his Royal Brother lent , And so shone still in his reflective light . 254. Night came , but without darkness or repose , A dismal picture of the gen'ral doom : Where Souls distracted when the Trumpet blows And half unready with their bodies come . 255. Those who have homes , when home they do repair To a last lodging call their wand'ring friends . Their short uneasie sleeps are broke with care , To look how near their own destruction tends . 256. Those who have none sit round where once it was , And with full eyes each wonted room require : Haunting the yet warm ashes of the place , As murder'd men walk where they did expire . 257. Some stir up coals and watch the Vestal fire , Others in vain from sight of ruine run : And , while through burning Lab'rinths they retire , With loathing eyes repeat what they would shun . 258. The most , in fields , like herded beasts lie down ; To dews obnoxious on the grassie floor : And while their ●abes in sleep their sorrows drown , Sad Parents watch the 〈◊〉 of t●eir store . 259. While by the motion of the flames they ghess What streets are burning now , & what are near : An Infant , waking , to the paps would press ▪ And meets , instead of milk , a falling tea● . 260. No thought can ease them but their Sovereign's care , Whose praise th' afflicted as their comfort sing : Ev'n those whom want might drive to just despair , Think life a blessing under such a King. 261. Mean time he sadly suffers in their grief , Out-weeps an Hermite , and out-prays a Saint : All the long night he studies their relief , How they may be suppli'd , and he may want . 262. O God , said he , thou Patron of my days , Guide of my youth in exile and distress ! W●o me unfriended , brought'st by wondrous ways The Kingdom of my Fathers to possess . 263. Be thou my Judge , with what unwearied care I since have labour'd for my People's good : To bind the bruises of a Civil Wa● , And stop the issues of their wasting bloud . 264. Thou , who hast taught me to forgive the ill , And recompense , as friends the good , mis●ed ; If mercy be a Precept of thy will , Return that mercy on thy Servant's head . 265. Or , if my heedless Youth has stept astray , Too soon forgetful of thy gracious hand : On me alone thy just displeasure lay , But take thy judgments from this mourning Land. 266. We all have sinn'd , and thou hast laid us low , As humble Earth from whence at first we came : Like flying shades before the clowds we show , And shrink like Parchment in consuming 〈◊〉 . 267. O let it be enough what thou hast done , When spotted deaths ran arm'd through every street , With poison'd darts , which not the good could shun . The speedy could out-fly , or valiant meet . 268. The living few , and frequent funerals then , Proclam'd thy wrath on this forsaken place : And now those few who are return'd agen Thy searching judgments to their dwellings trace . 269. O pass not , Lord , an absolute decree , Or bind thy sentence unconditional : But in thy sentence our remorce foresee , And , in that foresight , this thy doom recall . 270. Thy threatnings , Lord , as thine , thou maist revoke : But , if immutable and fix'd they stand , Continue still thy self to give the stroke , And let not foreign foes oppress thy Land. 271. Th' Eternal heard , and from the Heav'nly Quire , Chose out the Cherub with the flaming sword : And bad him swiftly drive th' approaching fire From where our Naval Magazins were stor'd . 272. The blessed Minister his wings displai'd , And like a shooting Star he cleft the night : He charg'd the flames , and those that disobey'd , He lash'd to duty with his sword of light . 273. The fugitive flames , chastis'd , went forth to prey On pious Structures , by our Fathers rear'd : By which to Heav'n they did affect the way , Ere Faith in Church-men without Works was heard . 274. The wanting Orphans saw , with watry eyes , Their Founders charity in dust laid low : And sent to God their ever-answer'd cries , ( For he protects the poor who made them so . ) 275. Nor could thy Fabrick , Paul's , defend thee long , Though thou wert Sacred to thy Makers praise : Though made immortal by a Poet's Song ; And Poets Songs the Theban walls could raise . 276. The dareing flames peep 't in and saw from far , The awful beauties of the Sacred Quire : But , since it was prophan'd by Civil War , Heav'n thought it fit to have it purg'd by fire . 277. Now down the narrow streets it swiftly came , And , widely opening , did on both sides prey . This benefit we sadly owe the flame , If onely ruine must enlarge our way . 278. And now four days the Sun had seen our woes , Four ●ights the Moon beheld th' incessant fi●e : It seem'd as if the Stars more sickly rose , And farther from the ●eav'rish North retire . 279. In th' Empyrean Heaven , ( the bless'd abode ) The Thrones and the Dominions prostrate lie , Not daring to behold their angry God : And an hush'd silence damps the tune●ul sky . 280. At length th' Almighty cast a pitying eye , And mercy softly touch'd his melting breast : He saw the Town 's one half in rubbish lie , And eager flames give on to storm the rest . 281. An hollow chrystal Pyramid he takes , In firmamental waters dipt above ; Of it a brode Extinguisher he makes , And hoods the flames that to their quarry strove . 282. The vanquish'd fires withdraw from every place , Or full with feeding , sink into a sleep : Each houshold Genius shows again his face , And , from the hearths , the little Lares creep . 283. Our King this more then natural change beholds ; With sober joy his heart and eyes abound : To the All-good his lifted hands he folds , And thanks him low on his redeemed ground . 284. As when sharp frosts had long constrain'd the earth , A kindly thaw unlocks it with mild rain : And first the tender blade peeps up to birth , And straight the green fields laugh with promis'd grain : 285. By such degrees , the spreading gladness grew In every heart , which fear had froze before : The standing streets with so much joy they view , That with less grief the perish'd they deplore . 286. The Father of the people open●d wide His stores , and all the poor with plenty fed : Thus God's Annointed God'● own place suppli'd , And fill'd the empty with his daily bread . 287. This Royal bounty brought its own reward , And , in their minds , so deep did print the sense : That if their ruines sadly they regard , 'T is but with fear the sight might drive him thence . 289. But so may he live long , that Town to sway , Which by his Auspice they will nobler make , As he will hatch their ashes by his sta● , And not their humble ruines now forsake . 290. They have not lost their Loyalty by fire ; Nor is their courage or their wealth so low , That from his Wars they poorly would retire , Or beg the pity of a vanquish'd foe . 291. Not with more constancy the Iews of ol● , By ●yrus from rewarded Exile sent : Their Royal City did in dust behold , Or with more vigour to rebuild it went. 292. The utmost malice of their Stars is past , And two dire Comets which have scourg'd the Town , In their own Plague and Fire have breath'd their last , Or , dimly , in their sinking sockets frown . 293. Now frequent Trines the happier lights among , And high-rais'd Iove from his dark prison freed : ( Those weights took off that on his Planet hung ) Will gloriously the new laid work succeed . 294. Me-thinks already , from this Chymick flame , I see a City of more precious mold ▪ Rich as the Town which g●ves the c Indies name , With Silver pav'd , and all divine with Gold. 295. Already , Labouring with a mighty fate , She shakes the rubbish from her mounting brow , And seems to have renew'd her Cha●ters date , Which Heav'n will to the death of time allow . 296. More great then humane , now , and more d August , New dei●i'd she from her fires does rise : Her widening streets on new foundations trust , And , opening , into larger parts she flies . 297. Before , she like some Shepherdess did show , Who sate to bathe her by a River's side : Not answering to her fame , but rude and low , Nor taught the beauteous Arts of Modern pride . 298. Now , like a Maiden Queen , she will behold , From her high Turrets , hourly Sutors come : The East with Incense , and the West with Gold , Will stand , like Suppliants , to receive her doom . 299. The silver Thames , her own domestick Floud , Shall bear her Vessels , like a sweeping Train ; And often wind ( as of his Mistress proud ) With longing eyes to meet her face again . 300. The wealthy Tagus , and the wealthier Rhine , The glory of their Towns no more shall boast : And Sein , That would with Belgian Rivers joyn , Shall find her lustre stain'd , and Tra●fick lost . 301. The vent'rous Merchant , who design'd more far , And touches on our hospitable shore : Charm'd with the splendour of this Northern Star , Shall here unlade him , and depart no more . 302. Our pow'rful Navy shall no longer meet , The wealth of France or Holland to invade : The beauty of this Town , without a Fleet , From all the world shall vindicate her Trade . 303. And , while this fam'd Emporium we prepare ▪ The British Ocean shall such triumphs boast , That those who now disdain our Trade to share , Shall rob like Pyrats o● our wealthy Coast. 304. Already we have conquer'd half the War , And the less dang●rous part is left behind : Our trouble now is but to make them dare , And not so great to vanquish as to find . 305. Thus to the Eastern wealth through storms we go ; But now , the Cape once doubled , fear no more : A constant Trade-wind will securely blow , And gently lay us on the Spicy shore . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A36598-e2440 a In Eastern Quarries , &c. Precious Sto●es at fi●st are Dew , condens'd and ●ardea'd by the warmth of the Su● , or subt●rran●an Fires . b Each wexing , &c according to their opinio● , who think that g●eat hea● of waters under the L●ne is depressed into Tydes by the Moon , towards the Pol●s . c Th' Iberian , the Spaniard . d Wh●● Prote●s blows , or Caeruleus Proteus immania pouti armenta , & magnas poscit sub gurg●te Pho●as . Vi●g . * The Admiral of Holland . e So●thern Climates , Guinny . The attempt at Berghen . f Such are , &c , from Petronius . Si , bene calculum ponas ubique naufragiunt est . g The German saith . Tacitus saith of them . Nullos mortalium side aut armis ante Germanos ●sse . War declar'd by France . Prince Rupert and Duke Albemarl sent to sea . h Future people , Examin● insant●um futurusque populus . Pl● Jun. in pan . ad Traj . Duke of Albemarl's Battel , first day . i Th' Elean , &c. Where the Olimpick Games were celebrated . k Lands unfix'd , from Virgil : Credas innare revultas Cycladas , &c. S●cond days Battel . l His face , &c , Spem vultu simula● premit alto c●rde dolor●m . Virg. m The simile is Virgil 's , Vestigia re●ro improperata refert , &c. n Weary waves , Statius Sylv. Nec trucibus fluviis idem sonus : occidit hor●or aeq●oris , ac tenis maria acclinata quiescunt . o The third of June , famous for two ●ormer Victories . Third day . Fourth days B●ttel . p So glides , &c ●●om Virgil Quum medii nexus , ●xtremoequ● 〈…〉 solvuntur ; tar●osque trahit sinus ulti●us orbes , &c. q From Horace : Quos opinius fallere & effugere est triumpl●us . His Majesty repairs the Fleet. r Fervet opus : the same similitude in Virgil. Loyal London d●scrib'd . Dig●ession concerning Shipping and Navigation . s Extra anni solisque vicis . Virg. t By a more exact knowledge of Longitudes . Apostrophe to the Royal Society . u Levat ipse Tridenti , & vastas aperit Syrtes , &c. Virg. Second Battel . w P●s●unt quia p●sse videntur . 〈◊〉 x Patron Saint : St. James , on whose day this victory was gain'd . y Philip's Maa●s : Philip the second , of Spain , against whom the Hol●●nders rebelling , were aided by Queen Elizabeth . Burn●ng of the Fleet in the Vly by Sir Robert Holmes . Transitum to the Fire of London . z Quum mare quum tellus correptaque regia Coeli , ardeat , &c. Ovid. a Like crafty , &c. Haec arte tractaba● cupidum virum , ut 〈◊〉 animum i●opia accrud●ret . b Sigaea igni freta lata relucent . Virg. K●ng's Prayer . Cities request to the King not to leave them . c M●xico . d Augusta , the old name of London . A38556 ---- London's calamity by fire bewailed and improved in a sermon preached at St. James Dukes-Place wherein the judgements of God are asserted, the times of those judgments specified, the reasons for those judgments assigned, and all in some measure suitably applied / by Robert Elborough ... Elborough, Robert. 1666 Approx. 89 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A38556 Wing E320 ESTC R37316 16350294 ocm 16350294 105318 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A38556) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 105318) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1091:8) London's calamity by fire bewailed and improved in a sermon preached at St. James Dukes-Place wherein the judgements of God are asserted, the times of those judgments specified, the reasons for those judgments assigned, and all in some measure suitably applied / by Robert Elborough ... Elborough, Robert. [8], 36 p. Printed by M.S. for Dorman Newman, and are to be sold at his shop ..., London : 1666. "Licensed according to order." Numerous errors in paging. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Bible. -- O.T. -- Ezekiel XX, 47 -- Sermons. Fire -- Religious aspects -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Sermons. 2006-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-10 Taryn Hakala Sampled and proofread 2007-10 Taryn Hakala Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion LONDON's CALAMITY BY FIRE Bewailed and Improved , In a Sermon Preached at St. James Dukes-Place ; wherein the Judgements of God are Asserted , the times of those Judgments specified , the Reasons for those Judgments assigned , and all in some measure suitably applied . By Robert Elborough , Minister of the Parish that was lately St. Laurence Pountney , London . Is it nothing to you all ye that pass by ? Behold and see , if there be any sorrow like unto my sorrow , which is done unto me , wherewith the Lord hath afflicted me in the day of his fierce anger . Lament . 1. 12. Rejoyce not against me , O mine enemy ; though I am fallen , I shall arise ; though I sit in darkness , the Lord shall be a light unto me , Micah 7. 8. Licensed according to Order . LONDON , Printed by M. S. for Dorman Newman , and are to be sold at his Shop at the Chirurgeons Arms near the Hospital-gate in Little Britain , 1666. TO THE Lately most Renowned , but now sadly Ruined CITY , And all concerned and Sufferers in her sore Affliction . Oh thou afflicted and not comforted ! THe Lion hath roared , who will not fear ? the Lord God hath spoken , who can but prophesie ? Amos 3. 8. I , God hath spoken in the voyce of Mercy , and thou hast not heard ; in the voyce of his Ministers , and thou hast not heard ; in the voyce of Threatnings , and thou hast not heard ; in the voyce of sad Presages , and thou hast not heard ; in the voyce of the Plague , and the Sword , and thou hast not heard ; and now in this dreadful Judgement of Fire , and thou dost not hear ; no , though the Fire hath burnt round about , and in the midst of thee , and there be such sad and dismal effects of it , yet thou dost not hear . What therefore shall be done unto thee , or wherewith shall I bewaile thee ? Is this the joyous City , whose Antiquity was of Ancient dayes , whose Merchants were Princes , and whose Traffiquers the Honourable of the Earth ? Isa . 27. 7 , 8. How art thou fallen , Oh thou Darling of England ! How art thou levelled with the ground , Oh thou Wonder of Europe ! How art thou brought to Ruine , Confusion , and Desolation , Oh thou Queen of Cities , whose Fame was spread in all Nations , far and near , by reason of that Comeliness which the Lord did put upon thee ! Was there none of all thy Sons , whom thou hast brought forth , to deliver thee ? Was there none of all thy Sons , whom thou hast brought up , to quench the Flames for thee ? The Lord had and hath purposed to stain the pride of all Glory , and to bring into contempt all the Honourable of the Earth , Isa . 23. 9. These things will be told in Gath , and declared in the streets of Askelon : I , the Philistines will rejoyce , and the Daughters of the Uncircumcised will triumph over thee . But laugh not too soon , lest you cry and repent at leisure . If Judgement begin thus at the City of God , what shall and will be done to those that are none of Gods Cities ? If God cause his people to see and feel such terrible things , what terrible things shall those see and feel , that are none of Gods people ? If God kindle ▪ such Fire in Sion , what Fire shall be kindled in Babylon ? I , the Lord is risen out of Sion , and he will not sit down , till he be come to the Gates of Babylon . For thus saith the Lord to His afflicted One ▪ I have taken out of thy hand the cup of trembling , even the dregs of the cup of my fury : thou shalt no more drink it again : But I will put it into the hands of them that afflict thee , which have said to thy soul , Bow down , that we may go over : and thou hast laid thy body as the ground , and as the streets to them that went over , Isa . 51. 22 , 23. Now that all this may be made good to thee , I would ( and Oh that I might ) perswade thee , and all those sufferers with thee , to see thy Abomination , by reason whereof thou art under this Desolation ; lay thy self low before that God , who hath laid thee low ; accept of thy Calamity as the punishment for thy Iniquity ; cry mightily unto the Lord for the pardon of thy transgressions , and he will delight in thee notwithstanding thy affliction , and then mayest thou say indeed , Rejoyce not against me , O mine Enemy : though I am fallen , I shall arise ; though I sit in darkness , the Lord shall be a light unto me , Micah 7. 8. I , assemble your selves , and ye shall be broken in pieces ; take counsel together , and it shall come to nought ; speak the word , and it shall not stand ; for God is with me , Isa . 8. 9 , 10. Thou canst not be so sinful , but God is as merciful ; and where Gods mercy , thy misery , and thy Favourites spiritual fervency meet at the Throne of Grace , the result thereof will be thy Restauration and Re-edification ; to thy Enemies Confusion , and to thy Sons and Daughters Consolation : For it's Gods own promise , In the day that I shall have cleansed you from all your iniquities , I will also cause you to dwell in the Cities , and the wastes shall be builded , Ezek. 36. 33. Accept of my desires earnestness for thy good , which hath prevailed with me , not so directly to apply my self to those towards whom under a Ministerial consideration I more peculiarly stood ( and still stand ) related ▪ yet in remembring thee , I don't , neither shall I forget them , and accordingly I hope the same will be acknowledged by them . I have seen the Plague ( adored be Divine Goodness for preserving me ) not leaving any Persons in Houses , and now this dreadful Judgement of Fire , not leaving Houses for Persons ; the sense therefore of my duty , as sympathizing with thy misery , and , I say , the desire for thy Prosperity , hath drawn forth these Lines and the subsequent Subject , with bleedings of heart , and distillings of tears ; and may the same be so seriously considered and improved by thee , as that no more Judgements be inflicted on thee . For , whatsoever is said as to thy Restauration , remember , and so I must be understood , that it depends upon thy Reformation . The Lord grant therefore that thy Magistrates that are and shall be , may be Vigorous , thy Ministers Zealous , thy People Conscientious , and All every way pious . The Lord grant that thy dispersed Ones may be gathered , thy suffering Ones succoured , thy succouring Ones solaced , thy dismayed Ones encouraged , and thy poor Ones enriched . The Lord grant that thy Windows may be of Agates , thy Gates of Carbuncles , and all thy Borders of pleasant Stones , I , and above all , that thy Foundation be Holiness , thy Superstructure Righteousness , and the Top-stone thereof crying , Grace , Grace . This is and shall be the desire of him , who is , and desires to be Thy fellow-sufferer and unfeigned well-wisher in the Gospel , Rob. Elborough . LONDONS CALAMITY by Fire BEWAILED and IMPROVED . EZEK . 20. 47. Behold , I will kindle a Fire in thee , and it shall devour every green Tree in thee , and every dry Tree : The flaming Flame shall not be quenched , and all faces from the South to the North shall be burnt therein THese words are a true Comment upon our Times , and our Times are a sad Comment upon these words . In the words we have a sad Judgment threatned , and in our Times we have seen a sore Judgment of Fire inflicted . If therefore I have made choyce of these words to recommend them to you , it 's because God hath made choyce of them in verifying them upon us . The Lord grant , that what shall be discovered , may be so improved , as that though our houses be destroyed by Fire on earth , our souls may not be destroyed by Fire in Hell. In this Chapter we have Promises on the one , and threatnings on the other hand ; Promises of mercy in case of obedience , and threatnings of misery in case of disobedience . It 's usual with God to apply Lenitives and Corrosives , and to administer Cordials and bitter Potions . It must be a Sun-shiny day indeed that is without any Clouds ; and it must be a cloudy day indeed , that 's without any shining of the Sun. God had done more for them than he had done for others ; he woo'd them by Promises , and he endeavoured to awe them by threatnings : and when by reason of their abominations he might again and again have broken in upon them with the fury of his indignation , he was pleased to work for his Names sake , bestowing good things upon them , and with-holding evil things from them , vers . 9. 14 , 22. But alass , Promises did not work upon them , Threatnings did not at all prevail with them , and Gods Patience and forbearance did not at all engage them to Repentance : and therefore what was it God commissionated Ezekiel to prophesie ? and what was it Ezekiel prophesied according to his Commission ? Behold , I will kindle a Fire in thee , &c. This you will find to be the sum of the Chapter in general ; and this we find , alass , we find to be the substance of our condition by vertue of Gods dispensations in particular . We have had Promises , and they have not wrought ; we have had threatnings , and they have not prevailed ; we have had the forbearings of Gods wrath and indignation ▪ and the same have not been influential as to a Reformation in Church and State , in our Magistracy , Ministry , and Commonalty ; and therefore what was in Ezekiels Commission is made good upon us , as to our sad , ruinated , consumed and destroyed condition . I will kindle a Fire in thee . The words of my Text are a Declaration of Gods more than ordinary Judgment against Judaea and Jerusalem , termed a Forrest , by reason of its unfruitfulnesse ; and The Forrest of the South , as lying Southwards from Chaldaea . You have here , sad , doleful , and dreadful tydings , as never ear heard before , lips expressed before , eyes saw before , or , in some sence , the hand of God inflicted before . From the first to the last there is nothing but woe and misery , and destruction , and desolation . Hear O Heavens , and be astonished O Earth , yea , be amazed O you inhabitants of the South , for the Lord hath spoken , yea the Lord speaks , yea by Fire doth the Lord God contend ; I will kindle a Fire in thee , &c. But I come more close to the words , wherein we have observable four particulars . First , What God will do . Secondly , What this Fire will do . Thirdly , What they shall not be able to do towards this Fire . Fourthly , What they shall find and feel by reason of and in this Fire . First , What God will do ; I will kindle a Fire in thee . Fire is taken in Scripture , amongst other significations , either , Literally , for a material Fire , consuming houses , laying wast , and bringing level to the ground good and stately Structures , Jer. 21. 10. Metaphorically or Typically , for great and sore Judgments , whereby God will ruine and destroy us , even as Fire consumes and destroyes whatsoever it meets with , Nah. 1. 6. Jer. 4. 4. I can see no reason but that both , and in particular the former may be , and that right and apposite enough , understood here , inasmuch as it was made good in a great part of Jerusalems conflagration when it was taken by Nebuchadrezzar , and afterwards by Vespatian , and that the Church and people of God acknowledge the truth hereof , Isa . 64. 11. Lam. 4 , 11. Now this and such Fire God threatens to kindle , and that in thee ; not about thee , but in thee ; not in the skirts , but in the heart ; not in the Suburbs , but in the City ; not within the usual Lines of Communication , but in the Center whence those Lines are drawn . Secondly , What this Fire shall do . Ah! what should this Fire do but undoe ! and indeed this it doth : It shall devour every green Tree in thee , and every dry Tree . Whether by green Tree you understand the Saints , usually compared to Trees that flourish ; or by dry Tree you mean the sinner , compared to Trees that don't flourish : Or whether by green you take things that are delightful , or by dry you take things that are needful ; the one being for ornament , the other being for exigent ; both one and the other shall be consumed in thee , Ezek. 21. 3 , 4. Thirdly , What they shall not be able to do towards this Fire ; The flaming flame shall not be quenched . He doth not say , they shall not endeavour to quench it . In a common Calamity , who will not put to his helpng hand ? though in our sad disaster I wish every one had conscienciously discharged their duty : But notwithstanding their endeavours it shall not be quenched . Such , such shall be the rage and violence of it , as that aching hearts and helping hands , as that , to speak in our dialect and usual practice , Buckets , Engines , Ladders , Hooks , the opening of Pipes , and sweeping of Channels , shall not avail any thing at all : No , they would not withdraw the fewel of their corruption , and God would not withdraw the Fire of his indignation . If the sinner do not leave off finning before God comes , God will not soon leave off punishing when he comes . Fourthly , What they shall find and feel by reason of and in this Fire ; And all faces from the south to the North shall be burnt therein . None shall have cause to rejoyce , but all cause to complain and bewail . Do any live in the Southern parts of the City , they shall be burnt ? Do any live in the Northern Parts , and so think it will not come at them ? they shall likewise be burnt , All faces from the South to the North. Alass , poor sinner , how dost thou toyl and moyl to build thy nest ! but there is too much of sin within , and so suddenly it 's burnt , and thou it may be , with the Pelican art burnt therein . Thus you see , Beloved , the Parts of a sad Text. First , What God will do ; that speaks his Judgment . Secondly , What the Fire shall do ; that evidences the greatness , soreness , and extraordinariness of Gods Judgments . Thirdly , What they shall not be able to do towards this Fire ; that shews the irresistibleness of those Judgments . Fourthly , What they shall find and feel by and in this Fire ; that intimates the universalness of this sore , sad , dismal and unusual Judgment . From these particulars I might , but must not , recommend several Truths to you . I shall only present you with one as suitable to the occasion ; and Oh my bowels , my bowels , that there is such an occasion to present you with this Truth and Doctrinal Observation . God is somtimes more than ordinary in his sore Judgments upon a Nation or City . God will not alwayes bear with a sinful Nation and City , but let them know what abused mercy , and disdained Grace , and provoked Justice , and an incensed God means . God somtimes whips a Nation with some small twigs , when at other times he scourges it with Scorpions : God somtimes layes upon it his gentle hand of correction , when at other times he pours forth the Vials of his indignation . So Isa . 42. 13 , 14 , 15. Jer. 9. 10 , 11. Jer. 16. 9. Jer. 19. 3. Ezek. 7. 2 , 3 , 4. Ezek. 2. 9 , 10. By all those places you see , that the Sun of prosperity doth not alwayes shine in a Nations Horizon ; I , and somtimes it 's hid in such a dark cloud , as that all faces gather paleness , the hearts of Adams children ready to fail , and they are within a step or two of being utterly ruined and undone . Oh how many places have found God more than ordinary in his Judgments , who little thought that he would have been such a God of Judgment . Little did Sodom think of a fiery rainy day , when they had such a Sunshiny morning . Ah how art thou poor London a sad instance and evidence of the truth of this Doctrine , when in the midst of thy security thou art overtaken with unparallel'd misery . But to methodise a little , what as to this , though constrained , must be spoke unto , I shall First , Instance in some of those sore and great Judgments , wherewith God punisheth a Nation or City . Secondly , Discover unto you what those times are , wherein God is more than ordinary in his sore Judgments upon a Nation and City . Thirdly , Study to give you an account , as near as I can , with the Spirit 's and Scriptures assistance , why it is that God is so eminent and extraordinary in his Judgments . Fourthly , See what improvement may be made of it by way of Application ; and in all have reference to Gods late proceedings , especially as to that sore Judgment of Fire . As to the First , I shall name , amongst others , four sore Judgments , which God inflicts upon a Nation and City . First , The Plague . Gods hand hath been , and that so severe as to this Judgment , as that the greatest Atheist cannot but acknowledg him a God of Judgment . When God takes away here one , and there another , it 's not much ; but when God leaves but here and there one amongst those many thousands that be taken away , that is much indeed , 1 Chron. 21. 14. Amos 4. 10. Jer. 42. 17. If an Atheist do not see the works of Gods hand , let him but go to the places of Interment , and he may see Gods handy work . I bless God for his goodness continued towards me in the midst of those many thousands destroyed round about me . I have seen Londons health exchanged into sickness , fulness into emptiness , & where one could not pass for Inhabitants , no Inhabitants at all to pass by ; and God forbid that any one should not say , God hath done more than he hath done before . London's Pestilential Visitation , cannot but be an evidence of Gods more than ordinary Judicial dispensation . Certainly , God did ride his Circuit in Judgment , when the Judgments of God did thus ride their Circuit . Secondly , The Sword. When God hath furbished the Sword in his hand , it can't but be an evidence of the sore displeasure of his heart . I hope you will take the Judgment of God to be truth as to this ; and what is the truth of his Judgment , but that it 's the severity of his Judgment , Jer. 16. 5. Ch. 25. 15 , 29. Amos 4. 10. And therefore consult , Ezek. 5. 12. Jer. 50. 35 , 36. Ah how do Christians complain of the loss of those Relations , who having escaped the fury of the Pestilence , have not escaped the edg of the Sword. Certainly , It cannot but be a severity , though not parallel to our iniquity , to be preserved from the Plague , and to be rereserved to the Sword. They who spiritually have not known God , have looked upon the Sword as a sore ▪ Judgment from God. Oh how sore and how soon must that place needs be undone , in reference whereunto God saith , The Sword , the Sword is drawn for the slaughter , it's forbished to consume because of the glittering . Thirdly , Famine When the figtree don't blossom ; & there is no fruit in the Vine , when the labour of the Olive failes and the fields yeeld no meat , when the flock is cut ▪ off from the fold , and there is no heard in the stalls . Too too many have turned their fulness into sinfulness , and God , hath turned their fulness into emptiness . Those that commonly are wanton under mercies are not like to have those mercies continued long in Common . What was Judahs sin but fulness of bread ; and God soon made even with her in giving her cleanness of teeth . In England there was a Famine of three years continuance , and the same so violent , that not only many died daily for hunger , but great numbers joyning hand in hand threw themselves head-long into the Sea. In Samaria the famine was so great , as that an Asses head was sold for fourscore pieces of silver , and the fourth part of a cab of Doves dung for five pieces of silver . And therefore what saith God ? Amos 4. 6. Ezek : 5. 16 , 17. Jerem. 14. 16 , 18. It 's good , Christians , to make much of a little . It 's great impiety to sin much in much ; and so 't is great & righteous severity not to have either little or much . God is the great house-keeper of the world , and for him to let his family starve , his creatures pine away , and those that had their dependance upon him to have no sustinance and allowance at all from him . Ah those that have felt any thing as to this , have found it sad enough when God at any time brought this Judgment upon them . If as yet London there be not this calamity , the Lord grant that this calamity may never be . Fourthly , Fire . Fire and Water are proverbially said to be good servants , but bad masters . Both are good enough , whilst within their limits , but bad enough God know's when got beyond their bounds . It 's usual with God in Scripture to set forth the greatness of his wrath by Fire and fiery indignation . God when eminently he would avenge himselfe on Sodom for their abominations , it was by raining Fire and brimstone from heaven . What can be more terrible to man than Fire ? and therefore how sore and terrible must needs those Judgments be that are inflicted by Fire ! Ezek : 20. 47. Jerem. 17. 29. Ch. 15. 14. Lamen . 4. 11. God is great in this Judgment ; and oh how great must needs this Judgment be , when London that lately was is no more , and she that gloried in the stateliness of her structures , hath now none of those structures to glory in ▪ I , thy houses are burnt , thy Churches consumed , thy places of Judicature ruined , thy Halls and Pinacles brought low , even to the ground , I , those that see thee cannot but bemoan thee ; that pass by thee , can't but pity thee ; they that know thee cannot but say ( and alas poore London for it ) Is this the joyous City , whose antiquity was of ancient dayes ? Whose Merchants were Princes , and whose traffiquers the honourable of the Earth ! Isa . 23. 7. 8. My beloved , our eyes have seen , our goods and estates have found , and our persons have experienced the greatness of Gods Judgment , when he hath made a City an heap , and a ruine of a defenced City , Isa . 25. 2. Thus much as to the first thing proposed , which I shall close with recommending to your perusall , as sutable enough to our condition , and whereby you may see the sence of God as to those former severe judgements , Jer. 29. 17 , 18. Ezek. 14. 21. Ezek. 15. 6 , 7. The second thing premised , is to shew what those times are wherein God is more than ordinary in his judgements upon a Nation and City : And as to this I shall in plainness , and I hope , faithfully instance in these following . First , Times of more then ordinary iniquity . Times of more then ordinary abomination are times of more then ordinary desolation . Though God may bear with peccadilloes , and not presently evidence his displeasure from heaven ; yet when persons sin in heavens face as to gross enormities , he will stretch out heavens hand as to sore calamities . Sin is a cloud in the ayre ; the more it 's thickened with vapours from the earth , the more the cloud empties it selfe into dismall showers and stormes , Ezek. 5. 5 , 6 , 7 , 12. Jer. 15. 5 , 13 , 14. Jer. 4. 18 , 19 , 20. When the Amorites cup was full as to iniquity , the Amorites cup did not remain long empty as to calamity : Oh London , hadst not thou been more then ordinary as to thy abomination , God would not have been more then ordinary as to thy destruction and desolation . It is a remarkable expression , Gen. 18. 20 , 21. And therefore see , Lam. 4. 6. If wee goe on in Sodoms defilement , we shall not go without Sodoms punishment ; and if wee outgoe Sodom as to iniquity , wee shall outgoe Sodom as to Calamity . We are fallen into sad times as to sufferings , I , and we were fallen into sad times as to sinning ; we commit those sins against God , which wee committed not before , and so wee have undergone those punishments from God , which were not undergone before : The ready way for a Nation and City to be undone by calamity , is to doe all manner of iniquity . That is the first . Secondly , Times of oppression and cruelty . It 's an hard thing for us to be hard-hearted , and God to be tender-hearted ; when we put off the heart of Humanity , God will put out the hand of severity ; when we doe what we can to bring others under the hatches , God will bring those hatches upon us . Methinks I hear poor oppressed souls crying out in the bitterness of their Spirit , and there is none to help ; methinks I hear poor souls crying out , Bread , Bread for the Lords sake . And therefore look to it England , and those remaines of London , for if no repentance as to this , there is sure to be vengeance as to this , Jer. 34. 16 , 17. Micah . 2. 2 , 3 , 4. And therefore those expressions in Amos cannot but must be observed , Amos 1. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. The cryes of poor oppressed soules so pierce Gods eares , as that they cannot but work upon Gods heart . I could wish I had not seen so much of Cruelty , and I am confident I should not have seen so much of calamity : What hath been thy sin , London , as to this but oppression ? and therefore how deservedly punished ! Oh if you that are preserved goe on in your rigorous exactions , in your unheard of Fines , and your high , ah too high Rents . You that now Lett your houses , ere long may have no houses at all to Lett : To make an advantage of your suffering brethren , will but be a disadvantage to your selves in your sufferings . If we drink out of Babylons cup as to cruelty , we shall drink out of Babylons cup as to calamity . That 's the second . Thirdly , Times of Pride and Arrogancy . God will soon bring those low enough , that think they can never be high enough . God will make those remember they are but dust and ashes , that forget themselves to be dust and ashes . When persons deface the Image of God which is Humility , God will maintaine his power and authority in their Calamity . Herods heart was no sooner lift up against God , but Gods hand was as soon lifted up against Herod , Isa . 16. 6. 3. 10. 24. Humility is one of the best jewels in a Nations Crown : It s impossible a political body should be in a good Crasis and constitution , whilest swelled with this Tympany of pride . Oh God cannot bear with this sin of pride in persons , or that persons should pride themselves in this sin . If we don't lay our selves at Gods feet , in a way of Humility , God will lay us at others in a way of misery ; I , thou hast prided thy self in what thou hadst , and God hath sent a sore Judgement of fire to remove what thou hadst , Jer. 50. 31 , 32. Remember oh you daughters of London , remember your sin in this , when they that did feed delicately are desolate in the streets , and they that were brought up in Scarlet , Alas , alas , now embrace dunghills . If we ruffle it up and down the streets with those garments , for which we are still endebted in heavens debtbook , God will soon send some sore Judgement or other as a Serjeant to arrest us . How much better is it for us to be humbled that we may be exalted , then to be exalted that we should be humbled ! Arrogancy turned the Angels out of heaven into hell , and Humility turnes persons out of hell into heaven . That 's the third . Fourthly , Times of carnall confidence and Reliancy . When we look for help more from man then from God , and assistance from the creature more then from the Creator , and comfort from broken Cysternes more then from the fountaine of living waters . The sin of carnall Confidence is sure to be attended with more then ordinary Vengeance . God will let us see the creatures emptiness in our ruine and misery , if we look to the creatures fullness for our safety and security . If we lay Gods honour in the dust , in giving that to man which is Gods , God will lay our honour in the dust in suffering us to be dishonoured by man , see Isa . 30. 15 , 16 , 17. Hosea 8. last . I would willingly be resolved in this question , Whether ever the Nation was less in it's sufferings from God , then when least in it's dependance upon man ? Thou trustest not a little in thy much customed shop , well replenished warehouses , full and crowded Congregations , and in thy great practise ; & so God kindles a fire , and thy shop 's destroyed , thy warehouses ruined , thy Churches consumed , and thy patients scattered and dispersed . My beloved , God will be sought unto in all we doe ; and if we are so far of seeking to him as that it 's something else , alas what miseries have and will not break in upon us ! Never needst thou have feared , London , I , and never wouldst thou have felt this calamity , if thou hadst but come to this , It 's God and God alone , and not man that is my safety , and security : They that won't make use of God as a place of refuge in time of trouble , will finde trouble enough in their times , and the inlet to all their troubles this , their not dependance on God. That 's the fourth . Fifthly , Times of heedlesness and security . Times full of security are commonly times full of calamity : we are never nearer destruction , then when we are farthest from it in our apprehension . God would have us sensible of judgements threatned , as not knowing how soon they may be inflicted ; but if we put the evil day far from us , the more sore and sudden it 's sure to overtake us , Jer. 21. 13 , 14. Micah . 3. 12. Ezek. 39. 6. Little did Dives think of his souls being required , when he sang such a lullaby , Soul take thine ease , thou hast goods laid up for many years . Agag cryes out in the fondness of his Spirit , surely the bitterness of death is past , when on a sudden hewen in pieces . You remember , Christians , ah you cannot but remember Gods sore judgement of the Plague ; and were we not ready to say , Oh now God hath done with us ? I , we soothed our selves in all being well , we cryed , the bitterness of death is past , we ranted it up and down the Taverns , Oh a severe judgement cannot overtake us ; and behold , where the Plague left us , there the Fire found us ; and how , Alas , are we brought to the ground that did dwell securely ! I , thou tookest many a sweet nap in thy downy bed of security , and on a sudden thou art awakened with this dreadfull Fire about thine ears . Oh that we were awakened to our duty by this calamity : I pray , Sirs , Let me tell you , that the onely way to be safe is not to be secure . God will , and he hath already disappointed us in our delighted insecurity , in laying on us those not delighted in fiery calamities . That 's the fifth . Sixthly , Times of Sabboth unobservancy . When persons make light of Gods own institution , God will avenge himself in our ruine and desolation : God hath set apart this day for his own use , but if we abuse it , God will be sure to abase us for it . Ahasuerus would not respite Haman at all , when , in his judgement , he would offer violence to his Queen . The Sabboth is the queen of days ; and therefore when he sees we offer violence to her by our looseness and prophaneness , by our Moore-fields-walkes and Hide-park Recreations , Execution shall be done upon us . How many places have been eminent in their sinnings as to this , who have been eminent in their sufferings as to this , Jer. 17. 29. I pray , when was the Sabboth more prophaned within these late years then now ? and therefore how severely and justly hath God punished us on the Sabboth ! If thy Sabboths be continued to thee , I wish they may better be sanctified by thee ; If we doe the work of iniquity on Gods day , God will doe his strange work of severity on his and our day . That 's the sixth . Seventhly , Times of Popery and Idolatry . The great quarrell God hath with his people is their being an apostatising people ; and though God may bear with them as to other backslidings , yet when it comes to this , Baal and not the God of Eliah ; the language of Ashdod , and not the language of Canaan ; Bethaven and not Bethel , God will not bear with them . God is so far of giving his power to graven Images , as that they are sure to be destroyed , I , and the supporters and upholders of them shall fall with them , Isa . 42. 8. Hosea 8. last . Jer. 7. 18 , 19 , 20. I could wish that what of Popery and Idolatry there hath been and is , were suppressed ; it may be we should then not have been destroyed : How much better it is to stub up those bryers and thorns , which if let alone , may set on fire the tallest Cedars in our Lebanon . The Jews will acknowledge to this day , that in all those judgements that have befallen them , there is an ounce of the golden Calfe made by their forefathers in the wilderness . That 's the seventh . Eighthly , Times of Remisness in the Ministry . When those that should tread out , tread down the Corn ; that should be labourers , are loyterers ; that should tell England of her sins , and London of her iniquities , cry peace , peace , healing but slightly the wound of the Sons of Sion , and the daughters of Jerusalem , Lament . 4. 11 , 13. Ezek. 22. 25 , 26 , 31. That body cannot be long in a good constitution , whose more noble and essentiall parts are in a consumption . God soon left the Jews house desolate unto them , and them unto it , when from the Prophets of Jerusalem prophaness went forth into all the Land , Jer. 23. 15. One may well write , Lord have mercy upon a Nation , when those that are Angels in their Function and Profession , are far of being Angels in their Lives and Conversation . That 's the eighth . Ninthly , Times of Incorrigibleness , notwithstanding former misery . Incorrigible times are miserable times . Times of continued abomination are times of renewed and encreased desolation . What can be thought of that Nation that hath been twenty years and upwards in the furnace of affliction , and no removall at all of the dross of Corruption ? The patient not recovered by milder , must undergoe sharper and more severe medicines , Levit. 26. 27 , 28. Amos 4. 9 , 10 , 11. The Sword , my beloved , was sheathed for severall years in one anothers bowels , and we are not reformed ; we have been under turnings upon turnings , and under powrings forth from one vessell into another , and not reformed ; the Plague hath been in the midst of us , and yet not reclaimed , the Sword hath been and is still furbished in in Gods hand , and no amendment ; and therefore God is come now with this dreadfull Judgement of Fire , and hath made such a desolation in the midst of us . I dare appeal to any person concerning the righteousness of Gods proceedings , though never so rigorous on all those , who through the abatement of Judgements being returned to their possessions , estates , and grandeur , both in Church and State , return again to their corruption . If we continue acting such Comedies , God will be sure to act a severer Tragedy upon us , then ever yet hath been acted . Hadst thou ere this but turned sin out of thy house by repentance , God would not have turned thee out of thy house by this fiery Vengeance . That 's the ninth . The third thing proposed , is to give an account of the Doctrine , why God is more than ordinary in his Judgments upon a Nation and City ; and those I humbly conceive to be these following . First , That thereby he may evidence his Soveraignty . If we don't acknowledg his dominion over us in a way of Reformation , God will make us feel his dominion over us in a way of desolation . The Soveraignty of God is the Scepter in his hand ; if we don't fall down before it in a submissive and pious adoration , God will cause it to fall upon us to our dismal ruine and destruction . Hath God taken away thousands , and ten thousands , in the midst of us ? it's no more than what he may : Hath God continued his Visitation from City to County , and from one County to another ? it's no more than what he may . Hath God forbished the Sword in his hand , and given it a Commission to devour ? It 's no more than what he may . Hath God destroyed our Houses , ruiued our Churches , turned us out of our Possessions , and levelled our stately Monuments of antiquity and glory even with the ground ? It 's no more than what he may . And when he hath done all this , he may still do more , Ezek. 58. two last verses . Ch. 20. 48. Ezek. 30. 8. Oh the sorest Judgments that a poor Place can possibly lye under , are but the demonstrations of his Prerogative , the Nonesuch of the World. Alas , we take God every way to be like unto us , but God will evidence himself to be every way above us . God will not give his Glory to another , but rather stain the beauty of the whole Creation ( how much more of a particular City ) than that there should be any flaw in the least Jewel belonging to the Crown of Heaven , Isa . 42. 8. Secondly , That thereby he may destroy the workers of iniquity . He will not alwayes suffer the earth to bear those who could not bear with him on the earth . As to these God will empty the earth in a way of destruction , who would otherwise fill the earth with their abomination . Who are the Caterpillars of a Nation , if not the contemners of holiness , and practitioners of profaneness ? And it 's not every misling rain , but storms and showrs must be their ruine . It 's not every potion that presently removes the bodies peccant-humours . God as a wise Physitian so tempers his Providential ingredients in the cup of affliction , as that indeed they shall do the work , Isa . 13. 9. Isa . 31. 2. Ch. 10. 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. Jer. 4. 24 , 25. I hope , London , God will doe thee good by this fiery Calamity , when thereby those may be removed , that spiritually are enemies to thy prosperity . I know in a common calamity the good may be removed , but it 's the bad that indeed shall be destroyed . I am apt to think that the work of God at present in this and other Nations , is to suffer those no longer to live in the world , that care not at all for living to the Creator of the World. Remember , Sirs , and I pray don't forget it , God will here maintain his own glory , either to the Sinners Conversion , or the Sinners Confusion . Thirdly , That thereby he may procure to his people safety . God works his peoples recovery out of sore troubles and miseries ; and is so far from undoing them , as that others shall be undone , that they may not be undone . The same Cloud of Providence that hath darkness on the one , hath brightness on the other side . The showres that destroy the Caterpillars , refresh the dry and parched Gardens . When Egypt was punished , it was that Israel might be delivered . See Isa . 51. two last verses . Ezek. 28. 23 , 24. Nah. 1. ult . Gods people , though they have lived in sad times , yet have they found the result of those sad times to be for their advantage ; and that God hath punished the Inhabitants of the earth , that they might not be so much harassed by them . God will bring his peoples settlements out of the greatest dissettlements , and will not think much to shake Heaven and Earth , that the desire of all flesh may come . Lord , had not I been undone by this temporal-Fire , I should have been undone by eternal fire . I hope London , thou wilt esteem those that are Christians in sincerity , seeing such sore evils have befallen thee from the God of those Christians . The Fire that consumes the Dross , makes way for the Golds brightness . It was high time for the Egyptians to let the Israelites go , when they were upon the poynt of being utterly ruined and undone . Fourthly , That there may be an acknowledgment of his own Glory ; the glory of his greatness in destroying so much , and the glory of his goodness in destroying no more ; the glory of his Majesty in dealing so severely , and the glory of his Mercy in dealing so favourably . Persons don't observe God in his ordinary proceedings of Judgment , and therefore he will be more than ordinary in his judicial proceedings , that he may be observed . The Seas usual keeping its course don't engage persons admiration , as it 's unexpected and unaccustomed Tydes . It 's not the Fire in the Chimney , as on the House top , that makes persons to look about them . For two at a Mill , the one to be taken , and the other left ! for two in the field , the one to be taken , and the other left ! for several to be in a Family , and so many removed , and thee to be continued ! for thousands to be taken away in a Fight , and thou to be spared ! for so many thousand houses to be destroyed , and thine escape the flames rage and violence ! God had power enough to destroy me and my house ; and for both to be preserved ! There could not but be a more than ordinary observance of God in dealing so favourably with Zoar , when he dealt so severely with Sodom . For any of you , and your houses to be as so many brands pluckt out of the burning . when thousands are not only scorched , but consumed ▪ Who , oh ▪ who under more than ordinary experiences of mercy , can otherwise than observe God under more than ordinary proceedings of severity ? Hath God destroyed a third part and more of the City by Fire ? why that which remains , and all the Suburbs at the same time might have been destroyed . Fifthly , That others may be warned by Gods severity . God would have his Judgments be advertisements ; the Rod of Correction to be a Rod of Instruction ; and every lush to be a lesson . We don't care for coming into that house , that still hath the sent of Fire . Punishments inflicted for sin , are often more disswasive from sin , than Gods commands on the one hand , and his threatnings on the other hand . It 's usual for others to be punished , that Princes children may thereby be warned and reclaimed . God makes some Monuments of his severity , that thereby others may not be Practitioners of iniquity . What is it that God saith to others by Londons Constagration ? Oh have a care of Londons abomination . If you partake of London , as to its sinning , you shall partake of London as to it's suffering . Remember'd Pet. 2. 6. God by this terrible sound of the Trumpet alarums others , that they may look about them . God hath no small intendments of mercy to some , in his intendments of misery on others . It 's high time for me to remove my combustible matter , when my neighbours house is on Fire round about me . If God hath made the City a Elaming Beacon , Oh see and fear , and do no more so wickedly . Sixthly , That so a Nation may be reformed , & not meet with utter ruine and misery . God is so far from delighting in a Nations destruction , as that he comes again and again in a way of Judgment , in hopes of a timely amendment . God had rather see a Nation famous for Reformation , than that it should be famous for desolation . Gods greatest severities as to this are not severities , when they are only preventive as to that severity , which is utter ruine and misery , Amos 4. 11. 12. Jer. 6. 29 , 30. Ezek. 24. 6 , 7. It 's true , and alas , who will not acknowledge that God hath dealt severely with London ? and yet herein he deals not severely , in that he may not deal more severely . Who knows but that Londons destruction improved , may keep off Englands total desolation ? God comes with the Plague , and that don't work ; God comes with the Sword , & that don't work ; at last he comes with a Fiery Judgment , that so he may not come with this , London adieu , and England Farewel , thy house is left desolate unto thee , and thou art left desolate without an house . Remember , that this Fiery Rod on thy back , is only that the rope thereby may be kept from thy neck . We complain of bad times ; and why are the times so bad , but that if possibly the times may not be worse ? How many would have been undone to all Eternity , if they had not been undone on this side Eternity ! Thus much as to this Doctrinal consideration , wherein hath been shewed what Gods Judgments are , what commonly are the times of Gods Judgments , and what the reasons , why God is so much in those Judgments . We come now to the improvement of it by way of Application . Application . Is God more than ordinary somtimes in his Judgments upon a Nation and City ? then I observe for Information , First , That God is not an approver of sin in a Nation . A Nation may be guilty of many abominations , but none of all those abominations have Gods approbation . I , there may be , and is , wickedness , loosness , and profaneness ; there may be , and is , hypocrisie , formality , and Apostasie ; and they that think God is taken with these , are much mistaken as to God. Those Judgments inflicted by God upon a Nation , are sufficient evidences of his not approving sin in a Nation . Hab. 1. 13. And canst not look on iniquity . Jer. 5. 29. Jer. 7. 18 , 19 , 20. You know the Father brings the child under the Rod , because he delights not in the childs wallowing in the mire . Why is so much evil brought upon London , but that God abhors the evil so much committed in London ? It would be hard measure for a poor place to lye under so many miseries , the Plague , the Sword , Deadness of Trade , want of imployment , and lastly , this dreadful Judgment of Fire , if all this while God was delighted with its sins . I dare say the greatest quarrel God hath with this Nation is because of its abomination . Secondly , God then is of an unlimited Power in his proceedings of Judgment . Judgments upon a Nation are not so few , but they may be more ; and they are not so severe , but they may be more severe . God hath been and is still at work , as to eminent and remarkable Judgments ; and if we think he is now at a loss as to more Judgments , we shall find that God will find more Judgments for us . Time was that we thought all was well with us , and Oh how sore Judgments have overtaken us ! and if we think that God hath now done with us , he hath power enough utterly to ruine and undoe us , Levit. 20. 27 , 28. Ezek. 15. 7. They shall go from one Fire , and another fire shall devour them . Oh how easily did God encrease Judgments upon Pharaoh , when Pharaoh encreased his sin against God! Who would not fear thee O thou King of Kings , who if thou wilt canst soon turn Judgments into mercy , and as soon canst turn our present sore Judgments into greater . If London continue its iniquity , I dread to think what will befall it , notwithstanding what already hath overtaken it . You may , and oh who knows how soon you may lose your lives by another , as you have lost your houses and ●states by this Judgment ? Thirdly , Sin then is a Nations greatest enemy . You can't express your selves sins friend , but you will find it your foe . It 's impossible a Nations Interest should be established , let its Superstructure be what it will , as long as there is sin for it's Foundation . Though thou build thy Wall as high as Heaven , said the Oracle to Phocas , yet sin that lyes at the Foundation will one day overturn them . Have we been Christians ? and are we still under the Sword without , and the Plague within ? it's because of sin . Do we live in sad and miserable times ? it's because of sin . Is the City ruined ? the Foundations thereof discovered ? and the Streets desolate , without Inhabitants and houses ? it's because of sin , and therefore oh how great an enemy ! Jer. 30. 15. Jer. 21. 12 , 13 , 14. Isa , 9. 18 , 19. If we think to procure a Nations happiness by our wickedness , we take the ready way for a Nations wretchedness . Oh London , thy greatest Enemies have been within , though too too many without favour thy ruine . Fourthly , Security then is no wayes becoming a Nation . Security may be a Nations temper , but it 's one of the Nations greatest distempers . Ah Christians , is it for you with the old worldlings to put off the evil day , when you know not how soon you may be under a deluge of misery ? Is it for you with Agag to say , The bitterness of death is past , when on a sudden you may be hew'n in pieces , and Butchered ? Is it for you with him in the Gospel to say , Soul take thine ease , thou hast goods laid up for many years ; when alas , the Fire already hath destroyed thy house and goods , and thou knowest not how soon a bloody knife may be put to thy throat ? Oh the remembrance of Gods more then ordinary proceedings of Judgement is not to be attended with groundless promisings of what not to our selves , Ezek. 15. 7. Neh. 3. 13 , 15. Oh you suffering Christians , I beseech you , stand to your watch , when too too many watch that you may not stand . The Lord keep this poor Nation , and us in it , from a spirit of security , as being never less secure then when most secure , Ezek. 39. 6. Fifthly , The vanity of all Creature confidences . Alas we are apt to lay our selves at their feet , who when God comes in a way of Judgment , can't be a place of safety and refuge to us . I , thou wilt have the world , come of it what it will ; and when all comes to all , what is it able to doe for thee ? Thy house can't secure thee against an Arrest from heaven , thy riches can't priviledge thee against the prison of affliction , and the worlds best Cordials and prescription can't keep thee from a bed of languishing , Jer. 47. 13 , 14. Zeph. 1. 18. Jer. 51 , 58. How many in the enjoyment of all have found troubles overtaking them , and none of all those enjoyments could or have kept those troubles from them . Alas , Christians , what are become of your Houses , Shops , Goods , Estates and Warehouses , when you could not keep them from being destroyed , and they could not keep your houses from being consumed . Forbear O my Soul , endeavouring after that which never succoured thee less , then when thou stood'st most in need of being succoured . It 's enough , O my God , that the world hath been desired so much , and thy self so little , when it 's not the world , but thy self that is most to be desired . Sixthly , Gracious Souls are persons of more esteem then commonly esteemed . There are none more trodden under feet then believers ▪ and there are none more prevailing with God for the keeping off and removall of Judgements then believers . Who diverted the fierce anger of the Lord from breaking in upon Israel , but Moses ? Who stayed the Plague from raging amongst the people , but Aaron ? Who prevailed with God for the clouds to empty themselves into showers in the time of drought , but Elias ? Who kept the Fire from Jacob ; that thereby he might not be destroyed when he was small , but Amos ? Amos 7. 4 , 5. Jam. 5. 17 , 18. Jer. 15. 1 , 2. Job 42. 8. Godliness was never yet an hinderance to a Nation , though many have been the hinderancers of the Godly in a Nation . A few more persons of the same size with Lot as to Godliness would have kept Sodom from being entombed in it's own ashes . I believe that God was in no place more owned and acknowledged then in the late City ; and therefore how great must needs be it's provocation , when their Relation unto , and all their interest with God could not keep off it's ruine and desolation ! The best counsel that can be given to a Nation , is to countenance those who have the greatest interest with God in his Judgements upon a Nation . Oh England , England , wert thou not more beholding to a Company of upright and Sincere Christians then thy prophane and debauched sinners ; thou wouldest have been long ere this a Sodom , and like unto Gomorrah . The second improvement of this doctrine shall be by way of consolation , to those who are sufferers through this sore Judgement of Fire upon their houses . And indeed who stand most in need of comforts , if not those who are without their comforts ? But , alas , suffering Souls , how shall I speak to you , or wherewithall shall I comfort you for this sore affliction that is laid upon you ? My hearts desire for you all is and shall be , that God would answer your desire , and in his own time make up all your loss in the midst of all your sufferings ▪ This cannot but be the result of my bowels yerning with Compassion towards you . But yet more particularly by way of Comfort , I would leave these things with you , as so many Cordials to your swooning Spirits . First , Hath God removed from you the worlds comforts ? it may be , it 's made up with heavens comforts The meanness of the ground without is made up with the richness of the Myne within ▪ The meanness of a Christians outward condition is made up with the richness of a Christians inward condition ; Col. 4. 16. And therefore see Ch. 1. of the said Epistle , 5. v. It 's not unusuall with God to smile upon his with a piece of brown bread , when he frowns upon others in enjoying their choisest dainties . Well then , thou art now none of the worlds honoured ones , but thou art heavens beloved one ; there are crosses without , but there are comforts within ; God denies thee the pleasures of Egypt , but he feeds thee with milk and honey of Canaan . I hope it the some ▪ and the Lord grant that all of you may know experimentally , how to reconcile that seeming contradiction of outward poverty and inward plenty , outward sufferrings and inward solacing . A Silken Soul under thredbare clothes is better then a thredbare Saul under Silken garments . It 's enough surely , Friend , that there is comfort within , though there are not comforts without . Secondly , Hath God destroyed thy house , and taken away thy comforts and enjoyments , why he hath left still some of thy enjoyments and comfort . The mother won't alwayes give to her babe the breasts to the full , but yet to it's wants . I , thou art a childe , and what is thy desire ? Lord , let such a mercy continue to me ; but what faith God , a great deale less will serve thy turne , and that thou shalt not be without . God it may be don't proportion mercy to thy petition , but still to thy condition , Math. 6. 30. Well then , thou hast had such and such mercies , and they are gone , and what dost thou want ? Is it daily bread ? he gives it food and rayment ? he gives and continues it ; in it what may serves thy turne ? Why still he continues it . I , God hath removed thy superfluities , but still he continues thy necessaries . Thou hast still thy daily food and drink , though thou art not served on thy Silver plates , and with thy Silver bowles . I suppose , Christians , you may doe well enough without those bespotted faces , perriwigg'd heads , long trayling gowns , and those silken garments ; these were but superfluities , and God hath continued thy necessaries . Thirdly , Hath God taken away your enjoyments and houses ? why he gives you content in the want of enjoyments . God takes care that you shall not be without contentation in the removall of the worlds full accommodation , Phil. 4. 11. The little bird sings as pleasantly in gathering here and there a corn , as others that are fed to the full . I dare say , the Christian blesses God as heartily at the meanest board , and coursest commons , as the greatest Epicure at his full Cups , curions dishes , and downy beds . Doth God remove mercies from me ? I am content . Doth God lay miseries on me ? I am content . Doth God feed me with the crumbs that fall from others table ? I am content , Job 1. 21. I pray which is better , to have a large Estate to an unsatisfied mind , or a satisfied minde to a mean Estate ? Oh it 's a great deal better to want enjoyments , and to have contentment , then to want contentment in the greatest enjoyments . Fourthly , Hath God destroyed thy house , and taken away thy enjoyments ? for all that he will take the care of thee . When is the mothers care drawn out towards the child , but when it wants those mercies which it had before ? God will find out some way or other to relieve thee , though he don't see good bountifully to supply thee . Piety hath had too too much of the worlds enmity , yet still God hath provided some or other to relieve her in her greatest Indigency . God hath his daughter of Pharaoh for his Moses in the water , his Ebadmilechs for his Jeremiahs in the dungeon , his Onesipherasses for his Paul & his distressed Saints and servants , and his Zoars for his Lots in Sodom . See Davids expression Psal . 23. 1. and let it be your comfort in the lowest condition . If this be not enough , why remember the Apostles exhortation , suitable enough to your condition , 1 Peter 1. 7. Casting all your care upon him , for he careth for you . Will you remember , Sirs ? and what would I have you remember but this : The worst of times have not been without the best of Christians , and the best of Christians have not been without some or other to provide for them , when it went hardly with them . Fifthly , Hath God destroyed thy house ? he might the same time have destroyed thy soul ; hath he dealt so severely with thee on earth , he might have dealt more severely with thee as to Hell ; thou mightst have been in hell , thy Soul might have been roaring in the place of torments , thou mightst have been reserved in chains of darkness unto the judgement of the great day . Oh had it not been for infinite mercy , thy soul would have flamed in hell , as well as thy house hath been all in a flame . Oh don't complain , but rather comfort thy self in the greatest severity , that it is not severity in hell . The greatest misery on this side Hell , can't but be infinite mercy . Sixthly , Hath God destroyed thy House , and taken away thy enjoyments ? why he hath not , neither will he take away himself . How great a loser soever thou art as to other things , thou art not a loser as to God ; and how great a sufferer soever thou art , thou art not a sufferer as to God , and this God as thine , and this God to be thine , and that for ever . He that was thy God in Prosperity , when those mercies were , he will be thy God in adversity , now those mercies are no more , Psal . 27. 10. and 89. 31 , 32 , 33. Rest assured of it , thy God will not leave thee , and thou hast enough , whatsoever is not left thee ; that thy God is still left , and that he will not leave thee . One God in the want of all is enough , and the enjoyment of all in the want of God is and will be every way sad enough . What canst thou have to comfort thee when thou hast not a God ? what canst thou have to sadden thee in the want of all , when thou hast a God ? I have done with thee thou poor suffering Christian . I am so far of representing thee under this Calamity a frighted Citizen , as that the Lord knows I would willingly leave thee a comforted Christian ; The Lord of all comfort in his own time comfort thee . The Third and last improvement of this Doctrine shall be by way of Exhortation , and that in these particulars . First , Sanctifie God in all , and in this sore Judgment of Fire upon us . It s easie and usual to speak-well of God , when he dealeth well with us , but rare and hard to extol him when he debaseth , and advance him when he vilifieth us . Acknowledg God as righteous in his proceedings , when his proceedings are ne're so rigorous . Let your apprehensions of God be honourable , when your condition from God is sad and miserable . It is said of the Turks when cruelly lashed , that they are compelled to return to the Judg , to kiss his hand , give him thanks ; and pay the Officer that whipt them , and so clear the Judge and Officer of injustice . My Beloved , as to the unrighteousness of our wayes , God expects that we should be humbled ; and as to the rigorousness of his wayes , that he should be acquitted , Isa . 24. 15. L am . 1 : 18. Dan. 9. 14. Doth the Angel destroy from one County to another ? God is righteous . Doth the Sword devour from one year to another ? God is righteous . Am I under want of the choycest mercies , and a sense of the severest miseries ? God is righteous . Is the City ruined and undone , my house consumed , my Goods burnt , and my Estate lost ? Why God is righteous . It was an holy expression of the suffering Emperour Mauritius , when his wife and children were slain before his face , Righteous art thou O Lord , and in very faithfulness hast thou afflicted me . Oh remember , That his Will is the Rule of Justice , and so his actings cannot be charged with any thing of injustice . Condemn thy self , but acquit thy God. Secondly , Get your hearts affected with this sore Judgment of God upon us . Don't put off the Judgments of God , or this place of sore Judgments , with this Gallio-like Spirit , Let look to it who will. Let your eyes be open to see , wherein Gods Hand hath gone out , and accordingly let there be the outgoings of your heart . Insensible hearts are no wayes becoming miserable times . How sad is it for others to feast while the City flames ! and to go abroad with their garments of joy , whilst the Nation hath on her mourning Apparel ! Rom. 12. 15. latter part , Weep with those that weep . Zach. 11. 2. Jer. 49. 2 , 3. The times I am confident are not so hard , but persons hearts , alas , towards those times are harder . Ah Christians , where are your hearts for Gods Judgments in the midst of Gods Judgments upon your Shops and Houses ? Oh get broken hearts for broken times , and sorrowing hearts for suffering times , and a pitying heart for a flaming City . Is it nothing unto you that pass by ? Behold and see , whether there be any sorrow like unto mine , wherewith the Lord hath afflicted me in the day of his fierce anger , Lament . 1. 12. For my part , let him pass for an hard hearted wretch indeed , who in the day of Londons Calamity can be without any yearnings of pity . O London , what shall be done for thee , or how shall my heart be drawn out with compassion towards thee ? My Bowels , my Bowels , Oh that my head were waters , and mine eyes a Fountain of tears , that I might weep day and night for the ruine and destruction of the daughter of my people , Jer. 9. 1. Thirdly , Be submissive unto God under this fore Judgment . Thy mercies are not , and thy miseries are ; oh but be content . God hath made sore breacher again and again upon thee , but be quiet ; thy house is burnt , thy Shop destroyed , thy Trade decayed and lost , I , it may be with many , alas , thou art turned out of a possession of all ; but let there be a sweet acquiescence in the will of God. It 's not a murmuring and quarrelling , it 's not a contradicting and counteracting of God , No ; it was Israels sin , the Lord grant it may not be ours , to quarrel with God , and to be unsubmissive unto God. I am sure the Churches practice herein is every way commendable , Mic. 7. 9. I will bear the indignation of the Lord. And therefore 1 Sam. 3. 18. Ely hears such news , as should make the ears of such as heard it to tingle , & their hearts to tremble , and yet quietly and calmly he submits unto it . Remember Christians , That Obedience is due to Gods severest precepts , and patience is your duty under the sharpest Providence . I confess we never underwent a sorer Judgment than this of Fire ; Oh but for all that there must be a submissiveness unto God. I , God hath laid a Fiery rod on our backs ; Oh but don't let us fly in Heavens face , but rather lay our selves at Heavens feet . Fourthly , Don't act any thing to encrease Gods Judgments . Do what you can to quench , but not to kindle the Fire ; to allay , but not to raise the storme ; to recover this place out of its rubbish , but not that it may be ruined . In a common Calamity all ought to put to their helping hand ; what then should be done with those that help forward the Calamity ? Oh take away the fewel , but don't add to the fewel . I don't see how in the judgment of sobriety , they really wish Englands and Londons welfare , that encrease the Fewel to encrease the Fire . Oh that God would do us good , that God would take away his Plagues , that God would make us succesful , that God would build again the desolate streets in the midst of us . My Beloved , I say so likewise , and God forbid that any should not cry , Grace , Grace , to such undertakings and undertakers ; and yet those I , those very persons will not leave their Ranting , and Drinking , and Healthing , and Damming , and Chambering , and Stage-playing . Oh Sirs , Sirs , the earnestness of our lips must be attended with the religiousness of our lives , Amos 4. 12. Jer. 8. 6 , 13. If we pray that God would do London , we must live that God may do it good . Oh don't walk in any wayes , wherein God will meet with us , and lay more Calamity upon us . Piety is the only way for our Prosperity , whereas iniquity will be the only way for our ruine and calamity , Ezek. 36. 33. A little more loosness , a little more remisness , and a little more profaneness , will make us cry out , when God will say , Why cryest thou for thine afflictions ? thy breaches , sores , and wounds , are incurable , for the multitude of thine iniquities . Fifthly , Be much with God for removing his sore Judgments : How canst thou Christian , see trouble upon trouble , and misery upon misery , and calamity upon calamity , such dreadful Judgments one after another , and not so much as speak a word to God in reference unto them ? Times of more than ordinary indignation and desolation should be times of more than ordinary supplication . It 's not some few formal expressions or other that will serve turn upon Gods turning upon us in eminent wayes of Judgement . When should we poure out a Spirit of supplication , but when God poures out the Vials of his Indignation ? How sad is it to hear persons ranting in Taverns , when they should be upon their knees to God in their closets ! Lam. 2. 18. Let teares run down like a river day and night . Chap. 8. 48 , 49 , 50. Ezek. 22. 30 , 31. I don't see how they can be Londons real Favourers , that are not so much as it 's faithful remembrancers . I could wish , and the Lord grant , while we endeavour to make a prey one of another , there may be more of praying with and for one another ; For Englands sake don 't you hold your peace , and for Londons sake don 't you rest , till the righteousness thereof goe forth as brightness , and the Salvation thereof as a lamp that burneth , Isa . 62. 1. Sixthly , Secure the interest of your Soul with and in God ; get God to be yours in the midst of those Judgements , wherein you can't say , that any thing is yours Hath God by Fire destroyed thy house , and taken away thy Estate ? and hast thou not yet God to be thine ? what wilt thou doe ? Oh hath God poured out the Vials of his Indignation , and hast thou not got God to be thine ? what wilt thou doe ? Is God risen out of his Sanctuary to punish the inhabitants of the earth ? and hath he severely punished us ? and hast thou not got God to be thine ? what wilt thou doe ? For my part I must say it , and I can't but say it again , I don't know what thou wilt doe unless thou hast got God to be thine , and that thou art his , Isa . 10. 3 , 27 , 5. Psal . 5. 7. 1. Labour , oh labour and make it your work , that though your houses be destroyed by Fire on earth , yet that your Souls be not destroyed by : Fire in hell . If God be none of yours , I don't know what can be done ; but if he be yours , I don't know what can be done undone . This , this is your maine work ; and more to stir you up to this , as the close of all , give me leave to recommend these following considerations . First , I don't know any thing that is more your duty then this : you will tell me it 's the world cap and knee ; I tell you no , It 's God : you will tell me it 's your shop , and warehouses and merchandising ; I tell you , no , it 's God : you will tell me it's getting something , or other these hard times to keep soul and body together ; I tell you no , it 's God , and keeping God and your soul together . Amos 5. 6. Luke 21. 36. The greatest security in the world without a God , as yours , will be found not to be your security . So far as I know my own heart , I would be faithful to your eternal interest ; and if any thing ought to be your work more then this , God forbid that the same should not be discovered to , and pressed upon you . It 's a fond thing for Ministers to make so much adoe in the Pulpit concerning a God in Covenant Relation as yours , if not your duty , and the maine of your duty . W● secure now adays what not to our selves ; and what doe we secure , but what cannot be secure ? Methinks I hear poor wretches crying out , Oh that in Londons Conflagration , when houses lost , and goods lost , and estate lost , and all lost , I had secured a Covenant Relation . Secondly , It 's the Concernment of your Souls that you are to secure . It 's the jewel in the Cabinet , the treasure in the field , the child in the cradle , and the eternal well-being of your precious Souls . God allowes us time enough to live comfortably in this world , but no time at all to live wretchedly in another world . God would have the sum and substance of a Christians Spiritual circumspection to be his Souls salvation , not his Souls destruction . Oh , that we should be so serious as to trifles , and trifle as to that which is so serious ! Luke 12. 21. Thou fool , this night , &c. Shall I be so serious as to houses and riches which have been destroyed by Fire , and not as to a soul which may be burnt with Fire in hell ? What folly would it have been for any in the late fiery calamity to regard his Lumber , and not at all his Jewels , Mat. 16 26. That person must needs come home by weeping Cross , that hath seemingly it may be secured his Estate in houses , but not his Estate in God ; the Soul of his Estate , but not the Estate of his Soul. I pray let it not be said of you , Christians , that you should be Penny-wise , and Pound-foolish . Be wise unto sobriety is the Apostles expression ; and it s the greatest sobriety , yea policy , to be wise to our Souls safety . Thirdly , God with the voyce of judgement calls upon you as to this . God is more then ordinary in his judicial proceedings , and so the result of them should be your spiritual ensurings . God alarums persons by this Fire on earth , that so they may keep their Souls from that Fire in hell . All will , and alas , they must say ? we live in miserable times : but what saith God ? Have a care , you be not miserable with and after those times , Luke 21. 35 , 36. Psal . 57. 1. In the shadow of thy wings will I take my refuge . Are your houses destroyed , see your souls be not destroyed ; are your riches lost ? See you don't lose your treasure in heaven ; are you turned out of all ? See you be not turned out by the God of all : is there so much misery here ? See there be nothing of misery hereafter . Times of prosperity , Sirs , though too too often they influence us with security , yet the voyce of God in times of Calamity is , see that your work be done , least otherwise you be undone . Oh it 's high time , Christians , to look to the childe in the cradle , and the jewels in the Cabinet , when the house is on Fire . Oh make sure of your God , and never more then when his judgments have been , and are so sore . Fourthly , This is that which will secure you in the midst of judgements . It 's not so much the money in your bags , as grace in your hearts , that will indemnifie you in the sorest troubles . How often makes God a manifest difference between those that fear him , and those that fear him not ; between sinners in their rufflings of profaneness , and the Saints in their Garbe of holiness . I confess both the one and the other , have and doe often drink out of the same bitter cup ; but then the Saint kisses onely the cup in comparison of the sinner , who must drink the very dregs , Zeph. 2. 3. It may be ye shall be hid , Ezek. 9. 4 , 5. Job 5. 19 , 20. Gracious Souls are marked by God for preservation , when loose and debauched sinners for wrath and indignation . Oh how poor preservatives are all things to this , a Covenant Relation to God! I don't know any thing that will or can secure you from an arrest of Evil , but only as you have Heavens protection . If safety is to be had any where on earth , I may rather hope for it in the place of Gods worship , then in an house of Goodfellowship . When there was nothing but darkness in Egypt , there was brightness in Goshen . Fifthly , This is that which will comfort you in the midst of judgments : You may drink out of the same bitter cup with others , but this will sweeten it to you . The clouds of a sad providence may empty themselves into showers , but this will be a Soul comforting Sunshine to you . The Fire may and hath destroyed your houses with others , but this will be a support to you , 1. Sam. 30. 6. David encouraged himself in the Lord his God. David with a God as his , could not but encourage himself , whereas without a God he could not but be discouraged . I have lost my friends , but I have God to be my friend ; I have lost my houses , but I have a God to be my house ; I have lost my riches and all that ever I had , but I have God to be my riches , and all that ever I can want , 2 Sam. 23. 5. Psal . 23. 1. The Lord is my shepheard , I shall not want . Oh how chearfull may the Soul be in the loss of all , that is not at a loss as to God! Go and be miserable with a God if thou canst , and let others be comfortable without a God if they can . I had rather choose a Saint in his meanest rags , then a sinner in his stateliest robes . If a God can't comfort thee , alas , what will or can comfort thee ! A God as thine cannot but be a Cordial to thee in all thy swoonings . Sixthly , Your Souls shall be saved notwithstanding the greatest and sorest judgements . When judgements break the Cabinet of your bodies , they shall not be prejudicial to the jewel , your Souls . Those judgments that make way for others to be damned , they make way for you to be saved . Those judgments that are so many Serjeants haling others away to a prison , are but so many servitours convaying you to a Pallace , Malach. 3. 16 , 17. They shall be mine , saith the Lord. What was a fiery Chariot to E●●ah , when therein he was had away for heaven , Ps . 73. 24. When judgments have done their work upon you , you shall not be undone by those Judgments . I , the Fire hath destroyed your houses , and a next may destroy your lives : God this time hath put Fire to your houses , and men through their cruelty the next may put a bloody knife to your throats ; but when your houses , goods , and lives themselves are gone , your souls for all that shall not be gone , but bound up in the bundle of life . A believer may say to Judgments , the Plague , the Sword , Famine and Fire , do your work and spare not ; my body can but be resolved into dust , but my soul shall not be sentenced into hell . I believe that many good men may be removed in a common calamity , but I dont believe that any good man shall be sentenced into eternal misery . To draw therefore to an end . It 's salvation work , Christians , and dear Friends , that I have put you upon ; and if any thing would do it without securing your souls with and in God , I would not trouble you with one word of what hath been delivered . You don't know what evil there will be in the earth ; we have lost our goods and houses , and we may next lose our lives , and the lives of our poor babes . All that I am earnest for , is only , and I hope you wont blame me for it , that it may not go ill with you hereafter , how ill soever it hath & may still go with you here . Oh who would not be safe as to heaven , when heaven alone it is that will be his safety . And now I have done the whole ; and may the blessing of God attend the whole that hath been done , in setting it so upon our hearts , and our hearts upon it , as that the Judgments that have been , may be removed , this sore fiery Judgment sanctified , and those that may be , and are still threatned , through mercy , prevented , that so England may once more be a quiet habitation , and Londons ruined Foundations again laid , yea , the Topstone thereof crying , Grace , Grace : Even so Blessed Lord God , and let all thy people heartly and reformedly say , Amen , and Amen . FINIS . P. 20. l. 14. r. Justifie God. P. 24. l. 24. r. wherein you can be undone . A39247 ---- London's lamentation: or, Godly sorrow and submission. By George Elliott, author of God's warning-piece to London. London's lamentation. Eliot, George, 17th cent. 1665 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A39247 Wing E547 ESTC R214795 99826864 99826864 31273 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A39247) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 31273) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 1776:11) London's lamentation: or, Godly sorrow and submission. By George Elliott, author of God's warning-piece to London. London's lamentation. Eliot, George, 17th cent. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1665?] Verse - "Oh whither shall I flee? Where must I go?". Imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2006-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion LONDONS LAMENTATION : OR , Godly sorrow and submission . By GEORGE ELLIOTT , Author of God's Warning-piece to London . OH whither shall I Flee ? Where must I Go ? I am undone , my sins pursue me so : If I should wander all the World about , They will me follow , and will find me out My Bones do tremble , and my Heart doth ake , God's dreadful Arrows make me fear and quake I know not what to do , I dare not stay , And 't is in vain I 'me sure to run away . I will not stir afoot , I will not shrink , This bitter Cup God gives me , I will drink , And take it kindly at his Sacred Hand , I 'le not refuse it ; I will notwithstand His Will and Pleasure : shall be my direction , Under his Wings I hope to find Protection . If he do Scourge , and whip me never so , I will not Flee , I will not from him go : But humbly at his Footstool I will lie , And if I Live , I Live ; If Dye , I Dye . My Sins are Numberless , I must confess ; But if compar'd they be to God's Goodness , They are as Nothing : Then appear they will , Like a small Molehill to a mighty Hill. My Friends forsake me , they are fled away , But GOD I hope will be my staffe and stay : He will not fail me , will not me forsake , Nor of a City me a Desart make . I hope the World shall see that God above , Doth not me hate , but dearly doth me love ; And that the time will come , I trust e're long , When God will put into my mouth a Song Of Thanks and Praise , then shall I see and know , My Scarlet sins are wash'd as white as Snow . I do confess , O LORD , I do confess , My sins are altogether Numberless : But to thy only Mercy I appeal , For I am sure that hand that smites , can heal . Thy Grace and Mercy is my only stay , For Mercies Sake I do thee humbly pray , Pardon my Sins , with Hyssop make me clean , For Christ his Sake restore me once again To thy blest Favour , and I then will give My self unto thee , and will ever live Unto thy glory , and will spend my Dayes , In killing Sin , and to my Makers Praise . Thy PLAGUES are on me , and thy heavy hand So sore doth Crush me , that I cannot stand ; My Enemies me daily do Revile , My Forreign Foes that hate me , laugh and smile , Because thou dost Chastise me with thy Rod ; Are these the People that did trust in God ? Where is He now , say they , Hee 'll not them Own ? Both they and all their Works are fully known . My heart would break in pieces , I should be Like one that 's dead , but that I trust to see Thy Love , thy Mercy , and thy Gracious Smile , Although I suffer Punishment awhile ; I willingly submit my self to God , And with Humility will kiss the Rod He whips me with : I will not take it ill , But will be subject to his Sacred Will ; Although his hand lie on me very sore , And DEATH himself stands vaunting at the door , And GYANT like doth Domineer and Brave , And with his Fist doth Fell into the GRAVE , Above FIVE HUNDRED in a single day , And will have more before HE go away ; Yet on my God I wholly do depend , Who in his time I know will comfort send : If that the Hills into the Sea was hurl'd ? Or that a Fire did overspread the World ? I would not fear , I would not be dismaid , God is my Rock , why should I be afraid ? He is my only trust , my staffe and stay , So that I may ( I hope ) with safety say , The LORD is my salvation , and my light , My GOD , my guide , my strength , and eke my might ; In this same punishment , methinks I see His tender Mercy , and his Love to me . His Strokes and Lashes do me plainly tell , He whips me now to keep me out of Hell. I do commit my self to Gods good grace , And will sincerely seek his gracious face : For whom have I in Heaven but him alone ? And upon Earth there is not any one , That in comparison of him I love , My only trust is in my God above . His strength and goodnesse nothing doth abate ; For whom he once loves , he doth never hate : He doth but frown upon me now awhile , That afterwards he may more fully smile . I 'me not forsaken , though I be cast down , My God will but awhile upon me frown ; I shall again be had in Reputation , And be the Glory of the ENGLISH NATION ! Although my Friends are fled , and run away , And will not with me in my Troubles stay ; But SWALLOW-like away they fast do flie , In my distress they will not me come nigh : Though Friends do fail , yet God I trust will never , Because his mercies do endure for ever ! Ease me good Lord , take off thy heavy hand , These PLAGUES I am not able to withstand : Consume me not , O do not me destroy , Instead of Grief , I pray thee send me Joy. Come , come , good God , make haste , do not delay , To do me good , I do thee humbly pray . FINIS . Poor CITY , how thou dost thy Self bemoan , How sadly dost thou sigh , lament and groan ; If thou with Patience wilt a little Stay , Vpon my Word I 'le wipe thy Tears away . A39838 ---- Mercy in the midst of judgment with a glimpse of, or a glance on, London's glorious resurrection like a Phoenix out of it's ashes delivered in a sermon preach'd at St. Dunstans in the West, Sept. 2, 1669 being the day of publick fasting and humilation in consideration of the late dreadful fire, by Chr. Flower. Flower, Christopher, 1621 or 2-1699. 1669 Approx. 58 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A39838 Wing F1383 ESTC R28644 10731770 ocm 10731770 45550 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A39838) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 45550) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1402:25) Mercy in the midst of judgment with a glimpse of, or a glance on, London's glorious resurrection like a Phoenix out of it's ashes delivered in a sermon preach'd at St. Dunstans in the West, Sept. 2, 1669 being the day of publick fasting and humilation in consideration of the late dreadful fire, by Chr. Flower. Flower, Christopher, 1621 or 2-1699. [3], 26 p. Printed for Nath. Brooke, London : 1669. Reproduction of original in the Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Judgment Day -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. London (England) -- Fire, 1666 -- Sermons. 2006-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-10 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2008-10 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion MERCY In the midst of JUDGMENT , WITH A GLYMPSE of OR A GLANCE on LONDON'S GLORIOUS RESURRECTION , Like a Phoenix out of it's Ashes . Delivered in a Sermon Preach'd at St Dunstans in the West , Sept. 2. 1669. Being the day of Publick Fasting and Humiliation , in consideration of the late Dreadful Fire . By CHR. FLOWER , Master of Arts , and Rector of St Margaret Loathbury , London . LONDON , Printed for Nath. Brooke , at the Sign of the Angel in Cornhill , MDCLXIX . To the Right Honourable Sir Samuel Starling Knight , Lord Mayor of the City of London , and the Honourable Court of Aldermen . Right Honourable , THrough the Conduct of Divine Providence having attain'd the place of my Nativity , some few days before the Anniversary Fast for that Dreadful Fire , Nigro Carbone Notandus , which cannot be markt with too black a coal ; being desir'd by a Reverend Brother of mine in the Ministry to Preach for him on the fore-mentioned day , never to be forgotten : Though my unpreparedness for so great a Task might have furnished me with a denyal , yet I entertain'd the motion , having only that of the Divine Proverbialist to Apologize for my Presumption ( if it may merit such an Appellation ) * The preparations of the heart are in man , but the Answer of the tongue is from the Lord. Having spoke a word in season , as it was thought , and being desir'd to Publish it ; how could I , having received so great a wound in my Temporals , but shelter my self , and this weak Birth of my Brain under your Honours Patronage , Those Stars of the greatest Magnitude that shine so bright in the Firmament of the Metropolis of this Nation , whose care and vigilancy hath been so influential to the carrying on of the re-edifying of it even to Admiration ; That a City , so great a City should be burnt down in three days , and re-built in respect of the Diamond in the Ring of the Ornamentals of it , the Royal Exchange , and in respect of the chief Streets of it , within the space of three years ( I had almost said two years ) and a little more ; this cannot but create wonder in all that shall either see it , or hear of it : As if that in the Prophet Isaiah * were now fulfill'd in a good sense , every one helped his Neighbour , and every one said to his Brother , be of good courage ; So the Carpenter encourag'd the Goldsmith , and he that smootheth with the Hammer him that smote the Anvil , saying , it is ready for the Sodering , and he fastned it with Nails , so that it could not be moved . And think it no small thing to be instruments in Gods hand to make up those Breaches in our Ruinated Jerusalem , which our sins have made . You may suppose me , Noble Senators , if you please , to present you with a Sprig of Rosemary in one hand , and a Branch of Laurel in the other , or if you will , to present you with the City in its Ruines and Ashes , and like a Phoenix gloriously rising out of them . May it never be said , that the Re-builders of it held a Trowel in one hand , and a Sword in the other , but may a Continuation of Peace Crown the endeavours of all those that are employ'd in so Noble an Enterprise . This is his hearty , and daily Prayer , who is Yours Honours most humble Servant in Christ , Chr. Flower . MALACHI IV. 5. And behold I will send Elijah the Prophet , before the Coming of the Great and Dreadful Day of the Lord. SOME there are that understand these words of the first Coming of Christ in the Flesh , which though it was a Day of Salvation to God's People , yet to others it was terrible . But I shall treat of them at present as they relate to the day of Judgment . And if we consult the answer which the Angel gave to Esdras , enquiring of him about the day of Judgment , we shall find this to be part of it ; And there shall Fires break forth in many places . I hope then I need not Apologize for my self , because I have made choice of this subject , as if a Word not in Season . Now the two Columns on which I intend to build the Structure of my ensuing discourse , are only the two Epithetes here in the Text given by the Holy Ghost to the Day of the Lord ; of which I shall speak first severally , and then jointly in the Application . The day of the Lord is here stiled , Dies magnus , the Great day , and that not without great reason : For then there shall be such a Convention , such a huge meeting as never was before that day , and never will be after it . For 1. Christ shall come from Heaven with Power and great Glory , as he himself expresseth it , Luke 21. 27. Saint Paul says as much , Titus 2. ver . 13. Looking for that blessed hope , and the glorious appearing of the great God , and our Saviour Jesus Christ . The first coming of Christ was in Humility . The second time he shall come as the Great God with Power , and great Glory . All things shall be subject unto him . He shall have his feet upon the neck of all Rule , of all Authority , and of all Power : And the knees of all things in Heaven , in Earth , and under the Earth shall bow down to him : and every Tongue confess him to be the Lord , to the Glory of God the Father , as Saint Paul hath it , Phil. 2 11. 2. All the Angels shall be present , attending like so many Courtiers upon him ; for he himself hath said it , The Son of man shall come in his Glory , and all the Holy Angels with him , Mat. 25. He shall not leave one behind him in Heaven . The vast Regions of the Air that that multitude must needs fill ! Oh what a brave , glorious , great day must that needs be , when so many glorious Suns shall shine in the Firmament , and among , and above them all Christ the Sun of Righteousness ! Some think the Angels at that day will bear him aloft with their natural strength as on their shoulders , that his Glory and Power might be the more visible to the greater terrour of the wicked . 3. All the Elect will be present with him in glorious glorified Bodies , as his Children , and dearest Friends , according to that Prophecy of Enoch , mentioned by Saint Jude , Behold the Lord comes with ten thousand of his Saints : that is , with an innumerable company , who together with Christ shall judge the world . 4. Before him on that day shall be gathered all Nations , Mat. 25. 32. even as many as ever were born into the world from the beginning to the end of it : Then shall Adam see all his off-spring at once , none shall be exempted from appearing at this general Assizes ; neither shall any appear by Proxy , but every one in person ; neither shall men only , but all the Legions of the Devils , how many soever they be , they shall then appear , and that ( as it is thought ) in a corporeal shape to be seen . Lord ! what a great , wonderful , stupendious sight must that needs be , to see the whole Hemisphere above embroidered with Saints and Angels reaching unto Heaven ; and beneath an innumerable multitude of the Damned covering the face of the Earth far and near , howling , and weeping , and sighing : but in the midst of these two vast Bodies wonderfully rallied together , Christ the Judge . Ought not this to be stiled a Great day ? who ever saw at any time such a Convention , such a Meeting , such an Assembly ? Great , confessedly great will this day of Jesreel be , that is , of the Seed of God ; for Christ shall then separate his Seed from the Seed of the Devil . As in an Amphitheatre , such as the Romans had , innumerable spectators sate round about it above , and below on the floor were the poor persons condemned to be devoured by Beasts , ruefully expecting them to be turn'd loose upon them . Thus all the Saints will be as so many spectators plac'd in the Region of the Air above ; but on the Earth the Damned that are by the Devils ( when the sentence shall be given ) to be drag'd to Hell. 2. It may be call'd the Great Day , because on that day business of the greatest Concernment shall be Transacted . Not about the Affairs of one single Empire , or of some certain Kingdoms , but the work of that day will be about the business of the whole World : About the chiefest and eternal Good , about the chiefest and eternal Evil. At that day it will be known what condition every particular person shall abide , and continue in to all Eternity . For then as the Tree falls , whether toward the South , or toward the North , in the place where the Tree falls there it shall be , Eccles . 11. 3. which denotes an Eternity of Bliss or Torment . 3. It may be call'd the Great Day , because that day will comprehend the past days of all Ages : it will be as a Recapitulation of all days , from the first day that ever dawn'd ; and on it , as in the last Scene of a Comedy , whatsoever at any time was acted on the Stage of the World , shall then be exhibited to view . 1. For all the actions of mortals shall be laid open , and survey'd as at one view . There is not an idle word , but we shall give an account of it , Mat. 12. 36. Saint Paul goes somewhat farther then this , Rom. 2. 16. In that day God shall judge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The secrets of mens hearts . 2. Those Thoughts , Words , and Actions shall be examined by Christ — Quem latebit nil occultum , Nec relinquet quid inultum ; as one hath it : Who will suffer no Person , or Thing to escape his most exact Scrutiny . 3. Every one shall be rewarded by Christ according to what he hath acted in the Flesh . Then the Lord will open his Treasures both of Rewards and Punishments , which he heaped up together till that day , then to be distributed ; hence is that , Deut. 32. 32. Is not this laid up in store with me , and sealed up among my Treasures ? A Treasure , you know , is a great heap , or heaps of Money that hath been a great while a gathering ; and such are the actions of men , and the deserts of them lockt up from the beginning of the world in the mind and memory of Almighty God , which he will open on that day , and reward every one according to his doings . Saint Peter calls this day the day of Restitution of all things , saying , that the Heaven must receive Christ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , till the times of Restitution of all things , Acts 3. 21. meaning , he shall then restore whatsoever any committed to him , or deposited as in his hand . The Apostle using that Expression , minds me of Razis , of whom we may read in the 2. Book of Machabees , Chap. 14. who that he might animate and encourage the Jews to stand for their Laws , fatally wounded himself being over-zealous , rather then he would give himself into the hands of wicked men ; so when his blood was utterly gone , saith the History , he took out his own Bowels with his hands , and threw them upon the People , calling upon the Lord of Life and Spirit , that he would restore them again unto him , viz. at the last and Great Day , and so he dyed . The same reason holds for evil actions , witness that expression of Saint Paul , Rom. 2. 5. But after thy hardness and impenitent heart , treasurest up unto thy self wrath against the day of wrath . Now in treasuring , as one hath well observed , there is , 1. A laying in . 2. A lying hid . 3. A bringing out again , as there is occasion . Thus wicked profligate persons , while by following of their Lusts they think they do somewhat to the furthering of their happiness , they shall in the end find , pro Thesauro Carbones , instead of other Treasure , hot burning coals . And if it will be thus , what is there hid that shall not be made manifest , that it may have its reward ? The Adulterer who waits for the twilight , and to whom the morning is as the shadow of death , shall in that day be manifest at Noontide to the view of Men and Angels ; and if his being known here puts him in the terror of the shadow of death ; how terrible shall that day be to him , when what he hath done in secret shall be proclaimed on the house top ! 4. It merits to be call'd the Great Day , because it will be a day of the gretest combat and conquest . For behold , saith the Lord , by the Prophet Joel , In those days , and at that time , I will gather all Nations , and will bring them down into the valley of Jehosaphat , and will plead with them there , Joel 3. 2. Behold here the Warriour , and the Triumphant Conquerour . But with what Weapons will he wage War ? I answer , with no other then the two edg'd Sword of the Word of his mouth , with which he will object against the wicked their abominable ingratitude ; so that they shall have nothing to say for themselves , no more then he in the Gospel who had not on his wedding garment ; 't is said of him , he was speechless , Mat. 22. Suppose we Christ sitting in the Air near Jerusalem judging the world there where himself was judged , and using this , or the like language . Behold me sitting over against that place where first I labour'd , and began my Passion ; here , here in Gethsemani I did sweat blood for you ; here I was betray'd , and taken , and led like some notorious Thief , or Robber into the City , where I was hurried from one Tribunal to another , scourg'd , buffeted , abused , and at length unjustly condemn'd ; after that , lugging my Cross , I came to Mount Calvary , where I was Crucified for you . Behold the very place where hanging between Heaven and Earth , ( being plac'd between two Thieves ) I offer'd my self a Sacrifice for you to the Father : you Pilat can witness this , and you Herod , Caiphas , Annas , Judas , and ye ô Jews that opened thus like a pack of Blood-hounds upon me , Away with him , away with him , he is not worthy to live ; Crucifie him , Crucifie him : Heaven and Earth can witness as much , for the Heaven that was darkened ▪ all the face of it , and the Earth opened , and did cleave asunder the most rocky part of it : Nay , these very scars that your eyes see in my body testifie no less : After this being risen from the dead , I ascended up into Heaven from this very Mount of Olives , in the publick view of my Apostles and many other Disciples , to shew that I came down from Heaven for your Salvation , and my Embassy being done was to return to my Father . The Angels at my Ascension were heard to say , that I should so come in like manner as you saw me go into Heaven ; and I my self spake of it to Caiphas , the chief Priests , and the Jews , using this very Language ; Ye shall see the Son of man sitting on the right hand of Power , and coming in the Clouds of Heaven : why then did ye not credit so great , and so good Testimony ? Behold now my condition is chang'd with yours , ye sate once as Judges , and I was the Prisoner at the Bar , now ye are the Malefactors , and I am the Judge ; see my hands and my feet , that it is I my self ; see the very holes that ye dig'd with your instruments of cruelty in this Body of mine . These like so many mouths cry out against you , these accuse and condemn you ▪ go ye unworthy Wretches , ye Christ-Killers , get ye packing into unquenchable fire ; and ye ô Infidels , Turks , and profligate Christians , who know these things , or might have known them , but ye have neglected , but ye have despised , and contemned whatsoever I did , and suffer'd ; ye accounted the Blood of the Covenant an unholy thing , ye chose rather to follow the dictates of your own Lusts then of my Law : ye preferr'd Riches , and sensual Pleasures , and momentary Preferments , before Eternal Salvation promis'd by me ; ye made a mock of me when I threatned Eternal Torments : now ye see him whom ye have despised , now ye find my words to be more then wind ; my Threatnings not to be vain , but true ; my Promises not to be Chimera's , but realities ; now ye experience your Delights and Dignities , and sinful Pleasures ye so much magnified , to be vain and fallacious : now ye see how foolish , and sottish , and senseless ye have been in your love ; ye now lament and bewail with a passionate wringing of your hands , and beating of your breasts , but too late , and therefore all in vain . Go therefore ye Wicked , go ye Ingrateful , go ye Infidels , go ye Cursed into everlasting Fire prepared for the Devil and his Angels ; but for you my Apostles , who saw me in this place Condemn'd , Scourg'd , Crucifi'd , Murther'd , and yet believ'd in me , followed me throw the same Red Sea of Blood ; and you Apostolical , and Religious Persons , who did contemn the world , and were not asham'd of my Cross , espous'd my Poverty and Humility , propagating my Doctrine and Faith throughout the whole world : and as for you , O ye Faithful ones , who did believe in me your Redeemer , hope in me , love , worship , and obey me , leading a life worthy of me , a sober , righteous , and a godly life , who did look for that blessed hope , and this my second coming to judgment ; Come ye , come ye my Elect , come ye blessed of my Father , inherit the Kingdom prepared for you , from the Foundation of the world . That then must needs be a Great Day that determines business of such great Concernment . 5. It may be stil'd the Great Day , because that day will put an end to the world , will put a period to time , to troubles , and all kind of impieties , and to all the labours and endeavours of men . Thus those days among the Romans were call'd Great Days , which did put an end to great and grievous Troubles : Alexander got the Appellation of Great in that he won strong holds , and slew the Kings of the Earth , so that the whole world stood in awe of him , it was hush and silent , but that silence continued not long , but till his death , which soon came to pass . But Christ the King of Kings in that Great Day , when he hath destroy'd all the wicked , he shall impose a perpetual and universal silence on the whole world . Then the Heavens shall be silent because their motion shall cease , and so consequently the vicissitude of day and night , winter and summer must cease too : The motion of the Elements shall cease , and so consequently Clouds , Winds , Rain , Hail , Tempests , and Earthquakes will be no more : All Creatures will be silent , because there will be none to make any disturbance : All the Studies , Arts , Disciplines , Desires , Quarrels , and Contentions of Men will be silent , because all things that were in motion will obtain their period ; methinks our Saviour pointed at this ( as it were ) with his finger ; for when he read that place in the Prophet Isaiah , which runs thus , The Spirit of the Lord is upon me , &c. to Preach the acceptable year of the Lord ; Et Diem retributionis , and the Day of Retribution , 't is said , he clos'd the Book , Luke 4. 18. hinting thus much to us , that in that Great Day of Restitution , or Retribution , all things shall have an end , and the Heavens be roll'd up like a Book or Scroll once more . This Day of the Lord it may be stil'd the Great Day , because the beginning of that Great Day call'd Eternity : A Type of which Day we may read of in the Book of Josuah , Chap. 10. when Josuah that he might pursue his Enemies to purpose , caus'd the Sun to stand still : The Sun and Moon stood still the space of one whole day , so that one day was as long as two , saith the Son of Syrach ; there was no day like that , before it or after it , saith the Holy Ghost , Josuah 10. 14. Thus when Christ shall encounter his Enemies , he will make the Sun and Moon to stand still till he hath reveng'd himself upon them : But because that vengeance is to be Eternal , the Day must be Eternal too : I may adde , as in the Day of Josuah's victory one part of the Heaven was always bright , and the other dark ; thus in that Day it will be eternally light to the Elect , but as long darkness with the Damned : What shall we think those People thought in the time of Josuah , who in the opposite part of the Heavens had so long night , with what a deal of perplexity did they expect day ? and if so , what will an Eternal night be ? but if to an Eternal Night be added an Eternal Prison , everlasting Hunger , and Thirst , a never-dying Worm , an Eternal Stink , an Eternal Horrour , Eternal Weeping , and Wailing , an Eternal Fire , and whatever misery the mind of man is able to think of : Qualis illa nox erit ! Tell me , if you are able , what a Night that will be ? Good reason then there is that this Day of the Lord spoken of here in my Text should be styl'd Dies Magnus , the Great Day . That which remains for me to shew you , is , in what respect it will be Terrible , or Dreadful . Behold I will send you Elijah the Prophet , before the Coming of the Great and Dreadful Day of the Lord. Certainly , Beloved , the Dreadfulness of that Day will consist chiefly in the Judge : As , 1. In his Dreadful coming to Judgment , which Saint John therefore ushers in with an Ecce , Rev. 1. 7. Behold he comes with Clouds , and every eye shall see him : The Royal Chariot then of this Judge will be a Cloud : But what kind of Cloud think you ? such a one as was that , which defended the Israelites from extremity of heat in the day , and gave them light by night ? Or like that little Cloud in the days of Elias , no bigger at first then a mans hand , which increasing brought rain to the parched Earth ? certainly no : The Clouds that are for this service will not be such as our eyes may often behold , coasting about the Regions of the Air as they are driven by the Winds , and employing themselves to the refreshment of the Earth ; but stormy tempestuous Clouds breathing Fire , and casting forth hot Thunder-bolts : hence is that , Psalm 50. 3. Our God shall come , and shall not keep silence , a Fire shall devour before him , and it shall be very tempestuous round about him : Not before him only , but , which is very observable , round about him , lest the wicked should hope to escape by creeping behind him . That was a terrible Tempest I read of that befel Alexander the Great , and his Army marching into the Country of Gabiza , when by reason of continual Thundring , and Lightning with Hail-Stones , and Light-Bolts , the Army was dis-ranked , so that they wandred many ways : but alas that was nothing to the rout that will be at the coming of this Judge ; Saint Paul in his first Epistle to the Thessalonians , Chap. 1. 8. he says that he will come in flaming fire , taking vengeance on them that know not God ; 't is true , our Saviour hath appeared comfortably to his , though over-shadow'd with a Cloud , as at his Transfiguration ; but when he comes in a warlike manner against his Enemies , as he will do then , his appearance must needs be Dreadful . 2. This Dreadfulness will consist in his being known , Revelations 1. ver . 13. we may read of one in the midst of the seven Golden Candlesticks like to the Son of man , which shews that Christ the Judge of the world will be so manifest as to be acknowledg'd : Then there shall be no contest about him , as whether he be Elias , or Jeremias , or the Baptist ; such questions as these shall then be put out of question . Neither shall he come obscurely , as when he came first in the flesh : But why is he said to be like the Son of man only , and is not call'd the Son of man , as he was call'd when he liv'd on Earth ? because , saith one , Sicut in Christo aliquando Divinitatis suae gloriam occultabai Humanitas , &c. As the Humanity once obscur'd in Christ the Glory of his Divinity , so now the meanness of his Humanity will seem to be swallow'd up of the Glory of his Majesty ; as then at first he appear'd so meanly , that little or nothing of his Divinity externally shew'd it self ; so at his coming to Judgment he will appear so splendent , and glorious , that he will be believed by all to be the Son of God. Suffer me here a little to expostulate ; If powerful Herod fear'd him lying in the Manger , will he not be much more fear'd sitting upon his Throne ? If the Buyers and Sellers were drove out of the Temple by him having a scourge of small cords only in his hand , who shall stand before him punishing to death with Scorpions ? If he so stun'd a whole Troop of his Enemies in the Garden at the speaking of one word , that they fell backward , what Terror will it be to hear him pronounce the last Sentence of Damnation ? What amazement and shame will take hold of them who either believ'd him not to be God , or did not believe in him aright , or honour'd him not with a good life , who yet confess'd him to be God with their lips ? Then Herod will look upon him with astonishment as the wisest , whom when on Earth he did cause to be gorgeously attir'd like a fool , on purpose to laugh at him , and deride him . Then Caiphas will behold him coming in the Clouds of Heaven , as he himself told him to his head , whom therefore he did pronounce a Blasphemer . Then will Pilate see him whom he expos'd to the People to be seen , nay , deliver'd up to their brutish will. Then will the Jews know whether he was their King whom they deny'd ; and then shall all wicked wretches , who said in the pride of their hearts , Nolumus hunc regnare , we will not have this Christ to Reign over us , see him Reigning over them , and Arraigning them both as King and Judge . 3. In the Authority , and Power he shall be invested with , shadow'd forth by the Garment he was cloath'd with , which reach'd down to his feet , Rev. 1. 13. Kings , saith the Proverb , have long hands , but they are not so long , but some sometimes escape unpunish'd in some blind places of their Kingdoms . From this Judge there is no flinching ; every Transgression , and Transgressor from him shall receive a just recompence of reward ; even those Corruptions that are most inward , and lye up in the heart of the Country , as it were ; those Pollutions , not of flesh only ( that is , worldly lusts , and gross evils ) but of spirit also , more spiritual lusts come within his cognizance : He eyes not only the act but the intention . 4. The Dreadfulness of this Day of the Lord consists in the rigorousness of the Judge . 'T is true , he is said to be girt about the paps with a golden girdle , but this denotes severity as well as mercy : The pardoning of the Thief on the Cross ; the long waiting for the Conversion of the Jews , and the patience of his which we daily exercise , shews that he hath paps ; But a time will come , I mean , the Day of Judgment , when he will shut up his bosome , and girt it close about with a girdle of gold , to shew the justice of such a proceeding , they being deservedly despis'd then , who despise him now when he offers the milk of Grace , and Mercy unto them . 5. In the Equity of the Judge this Dreadfulness will consist ; his head , and his hairs , 't is said , were white like Wool , as white as Snow , Rev. 1. 14 that is , the Decisions , or Conclusions of this Judge will be most pure , most true , and most just . 'T is confest in the Fifth Chapter of the Canticles , where he is describ'd resembling one that is young ; his locks are said to be bushy , and black as a Raven : Because here in this life we experience Christ benign , and liberal , for he rewards true repentance with receiving into his favour , gives Heaven for a few Cordial Sighs , or Groans , proceeding from an humble , and a contrite Heart ; but the case will be alter'd when he comes to sit in Judgment , then he will appear white as Snow , the Ancient of days , not to be wrought upon to shew favour . Youth ( you know ) is more liberal then old Age : Ancient people hardly part with any thing , as knowing the difficulty of getting what youth freely gives . 6. His Eyes , 't is said , were like a Flame of Fire , that is , agile , nimble , and able to penetrate any thing ; hence is that of the Apostle , Heb. 4. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . There is not any creature that is not manifest in his sight , but all things are naked , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and opened unto the eyes of him with whom we have to do : naked for the out-side ; dissected , quartered , cleft in the back-bone for the in-side ; Erasmus renders it resupinata , making it a Metaphor from those that lye with their faces upward , that all Passengers may see who they are . Thou numbrest my steps , saith Job ; he did no less then confess that he kept an exact account of every sin of his , of every step that he trod awry , yea , though it were but some wry motion of his mind , so curious and critical he is in his observation ; even then when to many he seems to sleep , and to shut his eyes , and to see nothing , he takes notice of every thing . Of this Judge it is said , Psalm 11. His eyes behold , his eye-lids try the Children of men . Where his eye points out his knowledge , and his eye-lids his critical descant . Those Creatures that have fiery eyes can see in the night ; and there is nothing but is open to the sight of this Judge . Again , 'T is said , his Feet were like fine Brass , as if burned in a Furnace : which may signifie the inflexibleness of this Judge , proceeding from an ardent zeal to do justice : while life lasts he is pleased to bend his feet , and bow them going forth in a way of Commiseration , and compassion towards the Sons of Men : but it shall not be so , when he acts the Judge : Then his Legs will be Marble , and his Feet Brass ; where he placeth his Foot , there it shall inflexibly stand . This very thing is signified likewise by the twofold Rod , which the Scripture speaks of ; the one is a Rod of Wood , mentioned Psalm 23. which Rod is easily bow'd if any thing of weight be fastned to the end of it ; but the other altogether inflexible as being a Rod of Iren , spoken of , Psalm 2. which the Holy Ghost there puts into the hand of this Judge . 'T is possible that the Rods of earthly Judges may be bow'd if a Purse of Money be ty'd at the end of them ; but the Rod of this Judge is not of Wood , but Iron , and so is inflexible . To proceed ; His voice is said to be as the sound of many Waters , terrible ; suppose , as the noyse of a whole Army that is heard far , and near . A River or Stream that is damm'd up for a time , when once it breaks forth , the noyse it makes is inutterable , not to be exprest . No wonder then if the Ocean of the wrath of God streightned , as it were , for so many thousand years , at length breaks forth like the sound of many Waters . I have a long time held my Peace , saith the Lord himself , I have been still , and refrain'd my self , now will I cry like a travelling Woman , I will destroy , and devour at once , Isaiah 42. 14. If Job was forc'd to say , Destruction from God was a terrour to me , and by reason of his Highness I could not endure ; How will the Damned be able to bear the weight of that Sentence , Arise ye Dead , and come to Judgment ? or of that , I was an Hungry , and ye gave me no meat , I was thirsty , and ye gave me no drink , &c. And if these whisperings , as I may say , be so terrible , how terrible and insupportable will the pronouncing of this Sentence be ; Ite maledicti , Go , or Depart from me ye cursed into everlasting fire ? words which breath nothing but fire , and brimstone , stings , and horrors . Neither is this all , for 't is said , out of his mouth went a sharp two edged Sword , which some interpret of the definitive Sentence of the Judge , and its Executi●n : citing that passage in Deuteronomy , Chap. 32. 41. If I whet my glittering Sword , and my hand take hold of Judgment , I will make mine Arrows drunk with Blood , and my Sword shall devour flesh , that is , say they , shall consume all the Corruptibility of the flesh , so that the bad as well as the good shall be incapable of dying any more . The Sword was two edg'd , to shew the 〈…〉 fulness of this , doubtless , to the Bad , yea , and to the Good also at first , till they have recollected , or 〈…〉 thought themselves , terrible it will be to the Bad , because they know themselves guilty , and terrible to the Good too , since they know they cannot stand in judgment without God's Grace , cannot by any strength of their own escape . Thus while the Parent corrects a refractory Child , the more ingenuous , and obedient fear , and tremble , because they think they may commit the same fault for which the other is beaten : As the wicked shall be sure to be condemned , that are on the left hand ; so the righteous shall hardly be saved , that are on the right hand . 'T is added by Saint John in his Description of this Judge , That his Countenance was as the Sun in his strength , or in its Zenith . If the righteous shall shine as the Sun in the Kingdom of their Father , as they shall , Mat. 13. 43. how much more bright shall Christ shine , who will appear in the strength of his own glory ? Christ was a Sun on Earth , who rose , as I may say , at his Nativity , and set or went down at his Death . But alas , how few minded that Day of his , because that Sun was obscur'd with the Cloud of his Humanity , much more by the darkness of the Jews obstinate blindness . He rose again at his Resurrection , beginning , as it were , another day ; was in the Ascendant , when he Ascended ; at the Day of Judgment he will be in the Meridian , and will never set again unless it be to the wicked , from whom he will for ever obscure himself , not vouchsafing them the least ray of the light of his Countenance to all Eternity . Thus I have shew'd you in what respects the Day of the Lord may stil'd , Dies Magnus , the Great Day , and in what respects the Dreadful Day . As in respect of the Judges dreadful coming to judgment mounted on the Clouds ; in respect of his being well known to all to be the same as was judg'd , and unjustly condemn'd ; in respect of his Authority , rigour , and strict justice that he will execute , in respect of his piercing eye , his inexorableness ; his dreadful denouncing of Sentence ; and in respect of his brightness , every Ray of which will be as a Dagger to stab the Reprobates at the very heart . I come now ( according to my promise ) to speak jointly of these two Epithites by way of Application to our selves of what hath been already said . 1. Then is there a day , that the Lord hath appointed to judge the world in ? Then let us take Saint Paul's golden Counsel which he gives to his Corinthians . Let us judge nothing before the time , until the Lord come , who will bring to light the hidden things of darkness , and will make manifest the counsels of the heart , 1 Cor. 4. 5. Let no man anticipate this Judge , take his office out of his hand by judging his brethren . Exact knowledge is requisite in a Judge , the eyes of Man are too dim to judge of the Actions of others , because they cannot see into the heart , their root , or fountain , for God alone is the searcher of the Heart . Hence it is that holy men in this life are oft judg'd to be Hypocrites , when as on the contrary , the glistring Glow-worm of morality in this dark night of the world goes under the the notion of holiness , and integrity . Thus the righteous are condemn'd , and the wicked ustified by those who judge after the light of their eyes , according to appearance , and not righteous judgment . 2. Is this day coming ? The thought of this should take off the wheels of their Chariots , make them drive heavily , who walk not only , but run in the way of their hearts , and in the sight of their eyes , those windows of wickedness , and loop-holes of lust . Know this whosoever thou art thac takest thy swing in sinful courses , that God will bring the to judgment , either in this life as he did Hophni , and Phineas , Nadah , and Abihu , or infallibly at thy Death's day , which is thy Dooms-day , then God will bring thee per force be thou never so loath to come to it , he will hale thee to his Tribunal be it never so much against the heart , and against the hair of thee . To contract , will this Day of the Lord which is coming , be a great and terrible or dreadful day in so many respects as you have heard ? Then as you tender the safety of your immortal Souls in that Day , soak them before in the consideration of it ; and to this end suffer me to furnish you with a few Meditations , which may conduce to the farther setting home of what hath been already said on this subject As Almighty God hath shar'd his Pow'r in the creating of things , his Wisdom in the Government of them , his Mercy in the Restauration of faln man ; so he hath reserved his justice in punishing of wicked to be declared eminently on this Day . 'T is true , the wicked meet often with some of Gods vengeance here in this life ; but that is only as the heat-drops to the swinging shower of Gods wrath , and indignation , which on this day will take hold upon them ; 't is but the brief Preface to the huge Volume of misery that then will attain them . For if he made such variety of things to shew his power , so wonderfully hath qualified them as he hath done to shew his wisdom : If he hath done , and suffer'd so much as he hath done that he might manifest his mercy to all , what think you will he do when he sets himself about it , makes it his business to manifest the greatness of his justice ? Or if you will thus , to make this day appear somewhat more dreadful yet ; If when he intended to shew the greatness of his mercy , He the Son of God would be born in a Stable , lye in a Manger , converse with sinners here in the world , and at length for wretched sinners be apprehended , bound , spit upon , buffeted , crown'd with thorns , ridiculously array'd , bear his Massy Cross on his own shoulders , and at last on it be Crucified between two Malefactors ; if , I say , the Son of God deigned to undergo such things to the astonishment of Heaven , and Earth , Men , and Angels , and this to declare the greatness of his Goodness , and Mercy : Then conceive , if you can , what he will do when he intends fully to declare the greatness of his Justice , kept with much long-suffering and patience till this Great Day . If you would have this farther illustrated , then thus : Saint Luke in his relation of the manner of Saint Paul's Conversion , tells us , in the 9. Chap. of the Acts , that after he was dismounted he heard a voice , saying , Saul , Saul , why persecutest thou me ? and he said , who art thou Lord ? and the Lord said , I am Jesus whom thou persecutest ; and he trembling , and astonished , said , Lord what wilt thou have me to do ? To apply this to our purpose , If the Apostle was struck with such trembling , and astonishment , when he did but come to the knowledge that it was Jesus whom he persecuted , crying out , Lord what wilt thou have to do ? as if he should have said , behold I am ready to believe , ready to obey , ready to dye for thee , ready to suffer any thing at thy hand for what I have ignorantly done : Oh what fear , what trembling , what amazement , what horror , will take hold of the wicked , when they shall see Christ coming in such Glory , and Majesty , and Power , whom they for them embracing of most vile things have neglected , contemned , and despis'd , to speak the best of it ; whose Ministers they have scoft at and abused , whose menaces , and threats they have vilified , whose precious Pearls of Promises , and wholsome Admonitions they like Swine have trampled on , whose Livery they have worn , but have serv'd themselves . Neither is it to be past by without wonder , that so much trembling , and astonishment should surprize Saint Paul ; for what dreadfulness could there be in that voice that courteously call'd him ( so vile a person ) by his name ; brought life to him that persecuted the Lord of life , and Glory ; promised Salvation to one that breath'd forth nothing but malice and hatred ; kindly received so cruel an Enemy ? And yet being not able to bear up under the weight of this voice from Heaven , nor to endure that beam or glympse of the Divine Majesty ; 't is said , he fell on the Earth as if destitute of life and spirit : What then will their Torment , and Destraction , be whom the same Majesty of God shall entertain not with smiles , but frowns , not with life , but death and destruction ; not with any token of love , but with a drawn sword , and all manner of cruelty ? certainly , they that cannot endure him calling them to Repentance , will not be able to endure him coming to take Vengeance ; they that cannot bear the guilt of their sins , will never endure to look the Avenger of sin in the face . Mountainous s●nners at this Great and Dreadful day will be forc'd to call upon the Mountains to fall upon them , and the Hills to hide them from the presence of him that shall sit as Judge on his Throne . I shall shut up my discourse with this story : When Sapores King of Persia rais'd a violent Persecution against the Christians ; one Vsthazanes an old Nobleman , a Courtier , that had Sapores Government in his Minority , being a Christian , was so terrified , that he left off his Profession : but he sitting at the Court-gate when Simeon an aged Bishop frown'd upon him , and turn'd away his face with indignation , as being loth to look upon a man that had deny'd the Faith ; Vsthazanes fell a weeping , saith my Author , went into his chamber , put off his Courtly attire , and brake out into these words , Ah! how shall I appear before the Great God of Heaven , whom I have deny'd , when Simeon but a man will not look on me ? if he frown , how will God look upon me , when I come before his Tribunal ? The thought of Gods Judgment Seat wrought so strongly upon him , that he recover'd his spiritual strength , and dyed a Glorious Martyr . Thus did but men consider , that they must one day stand before the Bar of Gods Tribunal , they would be casting up how things stand betwixt him and their own Souls : would any man loyter away the day when he knows he must shew his work to his Master at night ? Let every man in all his doings remember his end , and so he shall never do amiss ; remember that all must come to a reckoning in this Great and Dreadful day , and that though here in this world men may wear Vizard Masks of Hypocrisie , yet when they consider they shall be pluckt off in that day , it will be a means that they will order their lives so that their appearance may be with comfort . I have done with my Text , and it may now be expected that I should speak somewhat of the occasion . For you are to know we at present solemnize no less then the Funeral of the Metropolis of this Nation . But if you look that I ( though present when it was on Fire , and a Fellow-Sufferer with many of you ) should present you with a Hypotyposis or Description of that most lamentable and devouring Fire , as it is deservedly stil'd ; you must excuse me if I frustrate your expectation ; that I conceive is more lively to be depainted by a Pensil , then a Pen , and better exprest on a Table or Draught then by the Tongue , only thus much I shall speak : As it is said concerning the roll of a Book given to Ezekiel , that it was written within and without , and there was written therein Lamentation and Mourning , and Woe , Ezek. 2. So in every circumstance that accompanied this dismal Conflagration , Judgment was writ as in Text Letters , whether we consider the Time when it first broke forth , the dead of night ; or the Place , a close narrow Lane , where many Houses were burn'd down before any Engines could come to play in order to the extinguishing of it ; or Manner of it , burning against the wind so fiercely , that is spared no Fabrick in its way though never so august and stately : Churches now prov'd no Sanctuaries as in the time of other Fires : I may adde , it was an amazing Judgment , which deluded People , and deprived them of the use of their reason . I believe there are some here present , who with my self , did not think that ever the Adversary and Enemy , that Dreadful Fire would have entred into our Streets , the place where it began being so far distant from our Habitations : And so you 'l say this Fire well deserves both the Epithetes in my Text , Great and Dreadful ; as if Almighty God had spoke to London in terminis , expresly under the name or notion of a Forrest , as once he did to Jerusalem , Ezek. 20 47. Behold , I will kindle a Fire in thee , and it shall devour every green Tree in thee , and every dry Tree in thee , the flaming flame shall not be quenched , &c. And all flesh shall see that I the Lord have kindled it , and it shall not be quenched : I the Lord who am a consuming Fire . 'T was brought to pass then , Deo irato , & irritato , God being not only angry , but provok'd . It was not long before this Fire hapned that God visited this City with the Plague of Pestilence , which walkt in as much state along the Streets as ever the chief Magistrate of it did ; its retinue wore a kind of Purple to the fatal spots being of that colour . O the high silence that I was witness of ( to Gods Glory be it spoke ) in many places of the City , at other times clamorous and tumultuous enough ! Had it been askt where dwells such a one , the answer would have been , he is dead ; where his Wife ? dead ; where his Children ? dead ; where his Man ; his Maid ? dead . Pale Death sate in the Windows , kept Shop , seal'd up Doors , so that none durst enter . But London soon forgat this Tragedy ; her filthiness was in her skirts , she remembred not her last end , or rather how near to her end ( in some sense ) she was brought : God had no sooner turn'd her sorrow into joy ; her sighing into singing ; her mourning into melody ; her prayers into praises ; her Tears into Triumphs , but they , nay , we made a bad use of his mercy , till a Flood of Fire brake in upon us , as a Deluge of Water did on the old World. Hence it was that she came down wonderfully , to use that expression in the Lamentation of Jeremy , concerning Jerusalem . Londons incogitancy and and inconsiderateness , together with the licentious lewdness following thereupon , not to spare the place of my Nativity , brought her down with a vengeance to sit in Ashes , as Job's calamities brought him to the Dunghil . You may suppose her then as a disconsolate Matron using these words ; Is it nothing to you all ye that pass by , behold , and see if there be any desolation like unto my desolation , which is done unto me , wherewith the Lord hath afflicted me in the day of his fierce , or fiery anger : He hath sent Fire among my buildings , and it hath prevailed against me , he hath made me desolate . Is it in the wishes of you the Inhabitants of this place , whose habitations are yet standing , that they should not partake of Londons punishment ? would you that your Bethel ( in which through God●s goodness ye are assembled at this time ) should never be turn'd into Bethaven ? would you not have Iccobod written upon all that you can call Beautiful and Glorious ? then see you decline such sins as are mentioned in the specifick Prayer for this occasion . Neither are we to forget that in the midst of judgment God remembred mercy : not only in not consuming the whole Suburbs that were contiguous , but in sparing some of the City , and in blessing the endeavours of the Re-builders of it even to a miracle : The little time I have been in it , I have seen enough to be thankful for while I live : As if when in its rubbish it had been solemnly buried by some of her Ministers in several places of it , saying , since it hath pleas'd Almighty God in his righteousness to take away from us our dear Habitations in which we so much delighted , we commit them to the ground , Earth to Earth , Ashes to Ashes , Rubbish to Rubbish , in sure and certain hope to see them to have such a Glorious Resurrection ( like a Phoenix out of its Ashes ) as shall create wonder in all that shall behold it , and this through his Almighty Power who is able to subdue not persons only , but all things to himself , even the vastest Structures , and can with as much ease give them a being again . Or as if the whole Body of her Inhabitants , to the credit of us their Teachers , had said , seeing the Fire approaching their Habitations , well , Gods will be done , we brought nothing into this world , neither shall we carry any thing out of it , the Lord gave , and the Lord hath taken away , blessed be the name of the Lord. Nay , we know that if these earthly Houses of ours , these Candle-Rents , old Timber Buildings be dissolv'd , be consum'd by Fire , we shall have buildings run up so strongly , and so suddenly , as if they had been made without hands ; nay , we shall have buildings of Gods own making , for except the Lord build the house , they labour in vain that build it . There is no good to be done unless God set his Fiat to it , and say let it be done . If he blast and not bless mens endeavours and policies , they are all but Arena sine Calce , sand without lime , they will not hang together , but like untemper'd Mortar fall asunder . The Jews at this day when they build a house , they are , say the Rabbins , to leave one part of it unfurnisht , and lying rude , in remembrance that Jerusalem and the Temple are at present desolate ; at least they use to leave about a yard square of the house unplaistred , on which they write in great letters that of the Psalmist , If I forget thee ô Jerusalem , let my right hand forget its cunning . I know not whether any of you that are Building or have Built your Houses , will be willing to leave a yard square of them unplaistred to write in it in great letters , If I forget thee O London , &c. this may be thought too great a blemish in your fair beautiful Buildings ; but as ever you would have the Bricks laid in order to continue long so , and not to be burnt again , but to crumble away between the teeth of Time ; let old London dreadfully consum'd by Fire have a room in your minds and memories , not forgetting the mercy God shew'd in the midst of that dreadful judgment . To conclude ; Let those of us that have been large sharers in this judgment , who are Christians not by Water only but by Fire , heartily bee of God that we may come forth of the Crucible of Affliction , as Gold doth out of the fire refin'd , that we may lose the dross only of our sins , not the gold of our patience , and holy submission to his will , and other graces . And you whose Habitations are standing Monuments of Gods Goodness , be sure at least that you thus warble it on this solemn day , so often as it shall come about ; If it had not been the Lord who was on our side , we may well say , if it had not been the Lord who was on our side when the Fire brake out most furiously upon us , then the Flames had consumed our Habitations , when the Fire of Gods wrath was kindled against us ; but blessed be the Lord who hath not given our Habitations up to ruine , but hath mercifully pluckt them as so many brands out of the fire . Beloved , God hath many ways to make desolate , he can effect it by Fire , or Sword , or Pestilence , or Famine , and there is but one safe way to avoid those out-goings of his judgment , and in the Prophet Jeremie's language is to take away the fore-skins of your heart , Jer. 4. 4. That place of Scripture is well worthy my citing of it , and your diligent attention to it , it runs thus ; Circumcise your selves unto the Lord , and take away the fore-skins of your hearts ye Men of Judah , and Inhabitants of Jerusalem , lest my fury come forth like fire , and burn that none can quench it . Begin at Adam's sin , heartily bewail that , and then set upon your beloved sin ; out with that Eye , off with that Hand , cast away all your Transgressions , with as great indignation as angry Ziporah did her childs fore-skin ; so will the Lord lengthen out your Tranquility , neither shall your iniquities be your ruine . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A39838-e190 * Pro. 16. 1 * Cap. 41. 6 , 7. A39902 ---- The speech of Sr. Richard Ford, Knight, and alderman of London made at Guild-hall to the liveries of the several companies of that city, on Michaelmass day, 1670, upon their election of him to be lord mayor of the same city for the year ensuing / taken in short-hand writing by a person then present. Ford, Richard, Sir, d. 1678. 1670 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A39902 Wing F1472 ESTC R37348 16396632 ocm 16396632 105351 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A39902) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 105351) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1092:10) The speech of Sr. Richard Ford, Knight, and alderman of London made at Guild-hall to the liveries of the several companies of that city, on Michaelmass day, 1670, upon their election of him to be lord mayor of the same city for the year ensuing / taken in short-hand writing by a person then present. Ford, Richard, Sir, d. 1678. [2], 5 p. Printed for N.B., London : 1670. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Elections -- England -- London. Mayors -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2006-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-01 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-01 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE SPEECH OF S R Richard Ford Knight , and Alderman of London : MADE AT GUILD-HALL TO THE Liveries of the several COMPANIES of that CITY , on Michaelmass day , 1670. Upon their Election of Him to be LORD MAYOR of the same CITY for the Year ensuing . Taken in Short-Hand Writing by a Person then present . LONDON , Printed for N. B. 1670. THE SPEECH OF Sir RICHARD FORD Knight , and Alderman of LONDON : Made at Guildhall to the Liveries of the several Companies , &c. GENTLEMEN , IF I should tell you , that this Election of me to this great Office was to me very much unexpected , I should tell you nothing but a very great Truth , and ( if you believe that ) then you will easily apprehend , that the Work of this day hath put me to a great surprize ; therefore you cannot reasonably expect that I should entertain you , either with a long , or well concocted discourse ; I know according to custom ( and custom prescribed by book ) I am ( to do that which I own to be my Duty too , that is ) to give you thanks , which I do with all my heart , and that to every individual person ; and first to those that have had the charity for me , as to think me in some degree capable for the manage of this great Trust ; and for those that had the charity to have prevented me from an Office of so great burthen , they shall not go away without a share of my thanks , I do also thank them ; and I shall be very heartily glad , that this little beginning of Union of you in my Thanks , may be the introduction to a perfect reconciliation of all those unhappy differences which have of late so much distracted both the Councils and Actions among all the degrees of Citizens . You have been pleased to call me to an Office , the burthen of which I always apprehended ( even in the most peaceable Times , and greatest Union of the Hearts of the Citizens ) did require a person of the greatest abilities that ever this City bred , but I tremble to think what an insupportable Burthen ( and how impossible ) it will be for you and me to render our Duties either to God , the King , or this great City , unless it please God to make up those breaches and animosities , which Gods just judgments ( for our sins ) have lately laid upon us ; I do readily submit to the Call of God by you , and will endevour by my Councils and Actings , to leave you at the latter end of my Year , in a more perfect Knot of Unity . I am more conscious to my self of my own weakness , than to be an Undertaker ; and I would not put my self under a promise , of which I have not a very near prospect of abilities to perform ; and therefore I shall not promise you much of my self , only thus much I do , in the presence of God , engage my self , That in the Execution of this Office , I shall endevour so to comport my self , as that I may prove an Instrument of Peace amongst all the Citizens of London , as far as I can ; and I shall neither sharpen the edge of the Sword ( when it comes to my hand ) to chastise any man beyond the intention of the Law , for any disrespect that I may have for his person , or his Principles ; nor blunt the edge of it , for fear or favour of any of His Majesties Subjects ; and by the Grace of God ( as far as he shall enable me ) I shall in all things endevour , to perform my Duty to God , the King , and this City , and in that , give you a real Thanks for the honour of this day . FINIS . A41346 ---- A few lines in true love to the inhabitants of England, especially this great City of London, who are called Christians. Fisher, A. Abigail. 1696 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41346 Wing F985 ESTC R218287 99829896 99829896 34343 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41346) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 34343) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2029:16) A few lines in true love to the inhabitants of England, especially this great City of London, who are called Christians. Fisher, A. Abigail. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed and sold by T. Sowle, in White-Hart-Court in Grace-Church-street, London : 1696. Signed at end: A.F., i.e. Abigail Fisher. Reproduction of the original in the Friends House Library, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Christian life -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A few Lines in True Love TO THE Inhabitants of England , Especially this Great CITY of LONDON , who are called CHRISTIANS . DEar People , many are so called , that have not yet considered the end of Christ in his coming , who came not to call the Righteous , but Sinners to Repentance ; therefore to you that are in that State , his Call is yet extended , that you may now consider while you have time , lest any or many of you should prove of that number that hates to be Reformed , but will still persist to go on in Pride and Wickedness to Destruction , provoking the Righteous God to Anger , who is angry with the Wicked every day ; then consider how many Days , Months , and Years , some of this Generation hath been kindling the Anger of the Lord , which in his hot Displeasure ( if it should break forth ) will be terrible to the Workers of Iniquity : Therefore , let such Repent , and seek the Lord while he is to be found in Mercy , or otherwise he may be seen in Judgment ; and therefore all prepare and seek the Lord , Oh Inhabitants of England ; Professor and Prophane , for you the Lord hath often visited , with the Tenders of his Love , by and through his Son Christ Jesus , who gave himself a Ransom for all Mankind , that he might Redeem them out of that State in which the Lord was displeased with them : Therefore , consider all you who bear the Name of Christians ; but too many are still found out of that pure peaceable Spirit of Truth and Righteousness , that Christ Jesus left an Ensample of , but many have been , and still are Resisting his Spiritual Appearance , which is the way that God hath appointed for Man's Salvation and Restauration out of that Fallen State of Deprivation , in which he is Separated from the Glory of his Power , and the Belief of the Benefit they may receive thereby ; through which we see by woful Experience , That the Spirit of Antichrist hath prevailed over Nations , Kindreds , Tongues and People ; but the Lord hath looked and beheld their Babel-Buildings , although their Tops have seemed to reach to Heaven ; he will confound the wise Builders , and bring to nought the Understandings of the Prudent Professors of his Worthy Name , who will not bow to the Yoak and Cross of our Lord and Saviour Christ Jesus , by which they may come to live that Righteous Life which doth bespeak his Glory and his Fame : Therefore , Dear People , all consider while there is a day of Mercy yet extended , and remember what Severity hath been shown to other Nations and Places ▪ and forget not how the Lord doth yet spare you , and lengthen out the day of your Visitation , to see , if by any means , that may work a Reformation from those Evil Corruptions that do abound in the Nation ; and O how ready People are to forget both Mercies and Judgments which the Lord hath often mixed in , and to the City of London ; therefore it is high time now to consider and Remember to be Wise , and depart from Iniquity , which is of many kinds ; and forsake all those crying sins that do abound , for the Call of the Lord is come out of Babylon , partake not of her Sins , lest you should partake of her Plagues ▪ and also remember his Gracious Call hath been extended many ways : How gently did the Lord lately shake the Earth , as many know , that People might hear and fear before him , the Great Almighty Powerful God , who will not only shake the Earth , but the Heavens also ; For he will not hold them guiltless that take his Name in vain : Therefore , Dear People , once more hear and fear , and prepare to meet the Lord ; that if happily you may obtain farther Mercy from the Gracious long-Suffering God , who can afford us Peace and Plenty , if People will love him and forsake Iniquity , which is of absolute necessity for all that desire Englands Prosperity , and the good of their own Souls . A. F. And the Lord said , My Spirit shall not always strive with Man , Gen. 6.3 . Tribulation and Anguish shall be upon the Soul of every Man that doth evil , of the Jew first , and also of the Gentile , Rom. 2.9 . London , Printed and sold by T. Sowle , in White-Hart-Court in Grace-Church-street , 1696. A41571 ---- The discovery of a great and wicked conspiracy against this kingdom in generall, and the City of London in particular Being a letter sent from the Hague in Holland, and directed to Secretary Nicholas, but intercepted by the way, and read in both Houses of Parliament on Saterday the 26 of November, 1642. Also, what great preparations of money, men, and arms, there is now made in Holland, France, and Denmark, to assist the Kings Majesty in England. With the manner how the said letter was intercepted and taken. Whereunto is added, an order by the Lord Major, for the raising of 30000 l. in the City of London. Goring, George Goring, Baron, 1608-1657. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A41571 of text R217958 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing G1303E). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 11 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A41571 Wing G1303E ESTC R217958 99829593 99829593 34033 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41571) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 34033) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2005:20) The discovery of a great and wicked conspiracy against this kingdom in generall, and the City of London in particular Being a letter sent from the Hague in Holland, and directed to Secretary Nicholas, but intercepted by the way, and read in both Houses of Parliament on Saterday the 26 of November, 1642. Also, what great preparations of money, men, and arms, there is now made in Holland, France, and Denmark, to assist the Kings Majesty in England. With the manner how the said letter was intercepted and taken. Whereunto is added, an order by the Lord Major, for the raising of 30000 l. in the City of London. Goring, George Goring, Baron, 1608-1657. Nicholas, Edward, Sir, 1593-1669. Penington, Isaac, Sir, 1587?-1660. City of London (England). Lord Mayor. England and Wales. Parliament. Proceedings. 1642-11-26. aut [8] p. printed for Ed. Blackmore, London : Novemb. 28. 1642. By George Goring. Signatures: A⁴. Sir Isaac Penington was Lord Mayor of London from 1642 to 1643. On A4v: This (letter as it is supposed) was writ by Collonell Goring. Reproduction of the original in the Christ Church Library, Oxford. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A41571 R217958 (Wing G1303E). civilwar no The discovery of a great and wicked conspiracy against this kingdom in generall, and the city of London in particular. Being a letter sent f Goring, George Goring, Baron 1642 1931 2 0 0 0 0 0 10 C The rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-08 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2003-08 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE DISCOVERY Of a great and wicked Conspiracy against this Kingdom in generall , and the City of London in particular . Being a Letter sent from the Hague in Holland , and directed to Secretary Nicholas , but intercepted by the way , and read in both Houses of Parliament on Saterday the 26 of November . 1642. Also , what great preparations of money , men , and Arms , there is now made in Holland , France , and Denmark , to assist the Kings Majesty in England . With the manner how the said Letter was intercepted and taken . Whereunto is added , An Order by the Lord Major , for the raising of 30000 l. in the City of London . Die Sabbathi , 26 Novemb. 1642. ORdered by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , that this Letter be forthwith printed and published , and read in all Parish Churches within the City of London and the Suburbs thereof , by the Parsons , Vicars , or Curates of the same . J. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . LONDON : Printed for Ed. Blackmore . Novemb. 28. 1642. IT is now long since I had the opportunitie of writing to you , but since my first have not heard any thing from you at all ; The occasion of our long stay here , was first the expectation of our Irish ships , next the raising money , which the proposition of Newcastle drew as fast as it could advance , the failing of the Ships had it not been supplyed by the reputation of the Kings successe at Land , had given us a dangerous blow here ; but that hath so supported our credit that the Prince of Orange hath since plaid his part , and advanced all those summes we were to expect , of which 20000.l . is sent towards you , 20000. l. to Newcastle , and 20000.l . at least we bring with us , besides the great businesse which we expect this day a finall end of , which will advance 60000 l. more , in which we are ascertained of the Prince of Orange his utmost power ; such neverthelesse we apprehend the importance of the Queenes being in England , that we had gone this last weeke , and expected the coming of thatafter , had not an unseasonable complement from your side stopt us , till this expresse sent to you : the fleet is now ready , and this weeke we certainly goe , if those counsels , or chances , that move to dilatory resolutions , move not more effectually then the certaine advantages of our expedition and dispatch from hence , all our affaires now done , and nothing more to be expected . That you may know upon what grounds we goe , and what securitie we expect there , and what advantage you in the South are to derive from it , you must know we have sent over 10000. foot armes , besides the Garrison neere 2000 horse armes , and 20 peece of Canon ; we bring over wagons and all accommodation to march so soon as we arrive , we carry very considerable Officers from hence , and by the advice we receive from that side 8000 men are on foot already , 6 Troops of Horse , and the rest will not belong on raising after we come there . Generall King is designed for Lievtenant-generall , hath been with the Queen , and will be suddenly there . From Denmarke are likewise sent Arms for 10000 foot , and 1500 horse , with a traine of Artillery , and every thing proportionable , to the very Drums and Halbards . Two good men of warre come their Convoy , and in them an Embassadour to His Majesty , a person of great qualitie in Denmarke , I hope it will be a generall care there to see him Nobly treated , for the entertainment and neglect of the last was much complained of , and is so much insented by the King , that it had like to have frustrated all our expectations in that Court , had not Cochran very handsomely evaded it , he comes along with the Embassadour , with whom if you encounter you will communicate some Propositions of great importance , which in how much the fewer hands they are carried , will be so much the better liked by them you are to deale with , if my imployment in this affaire may fall upon your servant that writes to you , I know you will not be unmindfull of him . We have great apprehensions here by something intimated from my Lord of Holland , of a treaty further entred into then we have advertisement of , or can well approve ; We have confidently bel●eved your approaching London , ( if you had not made too long stay upon the way ) would have determined that matter , and what the difficulties are now of that we cannot yet understand , for if intelligence from hence came as freely to you as to us , the Kings partie there are very considerable , and full of that expectation , and a day or two losse of time by the late example of Hull , may be judged of what contrary consequences it may produce . We heare my Lord of Essex approaches London , but beleeve he will be so waited on by the Kings Horse , not to let him joyne with their Forces there , being now so lame an Army without Horse or Canon , as the Relations you send hither makes him to be . We beleeve the Kings Horse likewise , now so great a body , that it will be as troublesome as unnecessary for them to subsist together , and thinke so many Troops might be well spared as might be sent into Kent , to countenance a partie to be set on foote there , which according to our intelligence here would undoubtedly be found very affectionate and considerable , so that by sparing 500 Horse , you might possibly adde to your Army 5000 Foote , to be imployed upon the River on that side the Towne . If the unhappy interception had not come of the last weeks Letters , we had undoubtedly been with you on the other side in Norfolk and Essex , within three weekes , and in that condition having all the Kingdome behinde us on every side , it will not be hard to judge whether should have been better able to subsist , they within the Towne , or the Kings Army without ; admit my Lord of Essex were gotten in , or that the Towne had not yeelded it selfe so soone as you had approached , you may yet certainly presume on this , that our being once on foote we shall be able to collect for you all the 400000 l. Subsidies , universally throughout the Kingdome , which will make the Kings Army subsist , and weare out theirs , besides which the money we bring ; what we expect from Denmarke , and France , are all encouragements to make us expect no Treaties to be admitted , but upon termes of great advantage and honour to His Majesty , those you are best able to judge of upon the place . If the King have use of them , I am confident you may expect from France , ( so soone as you set footing in Kent , and shall intimate you desire the same ) the three Regiments of His Majesties own Subjects there imployed , under Colonell Hill , Colonell Fitz williams , and Colonell Beling : your Letters directed to Newcastle will direct our addresses to France , for I hope wee shall yet be there before you can returne any in answer to this . Hague , Novemb. 22. 1642. The manner how this aforesaid letter was intercepted and taken . ON Saterday morning the Gentleman that brought this letter from Holland came up to London in a Gravesend-boat , intending to land at Brainford , and therefore for the more expedition shot the Bridge , which being perceived by one of the Pinaces that lie on this side for the guard of the City and Parliament , and being known to be a Gravesend-boat , which alwayes land on the other side at Billinsgate : they called to them to know their businesse ; But they not regarding their summons still posted away , whereupon the men in the ship made after them and hald them in , examined the Gentleman , and having some suspition searcht him , and found this with some other letters about him ; whereupon they presently carried him up to the Parliament , where after examination his letters were taken from him , and he committed to safe custody . This letter ( as is supposed ) was writ by Collonell Goring . By the Maior . VVHereas certain Letters from forrain parts and severall places of the Kingdom have been intercepted , and brought unto the Parliament , discovering the desperate designes and plots of Papists and other ill affected , in collecting great sums of money and providing many thousands of men and Arms , for the ruine of our Religion and Kingdom . For the preserving and securing wherof , there is great necessity of a present and speedy supply of money , that the Army may suddenly advance , for preventing of the many outrages that the Cavaleers daily commit in severall places of this Kingdom at once ; & in regard the burthen hath hitherto lain upon the willing and well-affected persons ; the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament have passed an Ordinance , that all such persons as hitherto have not contributed , or not proportionable to their estates , upon the Propositions of Parliament , for the safety of the Kingdom , shall be assessed and compelled to contribute and pay according to their ability . And forasmuch as moneys cannot be advanced by vertue of that Ordinance , to supply the urgent and pressing occasions of the Army ; It is desired by a Committee of the Lords and Commons , appointed by the Parliament , for advancing of mon●ys , that a sum of 30000 l. might be raised by Tuesday in the afternoon , and all such as shall lend any money for the present raising of the same , shall be repayed their moneys so lent out , of the first moneys that shall be collected upon the said Ordinance : and for the better advancing of this necessary service , the Ministers of every Parish are requested , publickly to stir up their Parishioners hereunto , and that the Church wardens of every Parish cause an assembly of the Parishioners tomorrow after Sermon , in the afternoon , that amongst them they raise a proportionable summe , and that upon Munday next , at three of the clock in the afternoon the Church-wardens appear at Guild hall before the said Committee , to give an account of what moneys they have raised . Dated November 26 , 1642. Isaac Pennington Major . FINIS . A42008 ---- A lamentation taken up for London that late flourishing city, a bitter, yea a bitter lamentation over all her inhabitants yet living within and about her borders, and over all her rulers and mighty men, who are fled from her as from a murtherer, with good counsel and advice, from the spirit of the Lord to all, that they may turn unto him before the vials of his wrath be poured out for their utter destruction. By a lover of truth and righteousness: Thomas Greene. Greene, Thomas, 1634?-1699. 1665 Approx. 18 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42008 Wing G1844 ESTC R215904 99827662 99827662 32085 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42008) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 32085) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1848:31) A lamentation taken up for London that late flourishing city, a bitter, yea a bitter lamentation over all her inhabitants yet living within and about her borders, and over all her rulers and mighty men, who are fled from her as from a murtherer, with good counsel and advice, from the spirit of the Lord to all, that they may turn unto him before the vials of his wrath be poured out for their utter destruction. By a lover of truth and righteousness: Thomas Greene. Greene, Thomas, 1634?-1699. 8 p. s.n.], [London : Printed in the year, 1665. Place of publication from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the Friends House Library, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th centurty -- Early works to 1800. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Derek Lee Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Derek Lee Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Lamentation Taken up for LONDON , THAT Late Flourishing CITY , a bitter , yea a bitter Lamentation over all her Inhabitants yet living within and about her Borders , and over all her Rulers and Mighty Men , who are Fled from her as from a Murtherer , with good Counsel and Advice , from the Spirit of the Lord to all , that they may turn unto him before the Vials of his Wrath be poured out for their utter Destruction . By a Lover of Truth and Righteousness : THOMAS GREENE . Printed in the Year ▪ 1665. A Lamentation taken up for London . OH London , London , what Lamentation may I take up for Thee , who was of late a flourishing City ; whose Scituation is by a pleasant River , thorough which great Riches in abundance hath been brought to thee , by which thy Inhabitants have been made rich ; thy Pomp and thy greatness , thy Excellency , and variety of Treasures , hath allured many to flock unto thee , from one end of the Nation to the other ; and many have counted themselves happy , that could get a convenient Habitation in or about thy Borders : A City that was so joyous and counted a place of delight , and a Palace for Princes , a meeting place for those called the Nobility of the Land ; unto thee hath the Embassadours from far Countries resorted : Oh how is this City become solitary that was full of people , she is now left as a widow of youth that was counted the pleasant place of the Nation , and as a Princess in the Province , for how hath thy great Men left thee , and are fled as from a Monstrous woman ; how are thy Inhabitants a dread to the Country , because of the Plague that is broken out in thee ; Oh my heart hath been in sorrow for thee , and a burthen hath layn upon me as concerning thee , ever since the Lord began to manifest his displeasure against thee , even ever since the Ship called the London was blown up , where more then 200. persons were torn in pieces , whose Graves were in the Sea ; this then was the cry of my heart ; saying , think yee they were greater sinners above all men ? and this was the answer from the Lord , Except they repent they shall likewise perish with a mighty slaughter , though not in the same way . This was signified unto me by the Spirit of the Lord when I was in his dreadful fear , overshadowed with his Heavenly power , and I waited to see it effected , or a return to the Lord by cealing from unrighteousness , which most of all I desired , that he might have diverted his intended Judgments ; But Oh how hast thou dishonoured his name , and walked after thy own hearts lusts , as those that have forgotten the Lord dayes without number , and hast not humbled thy self before him , but hast regarded iniquity , and walked in cruelty , against the Lord and his poor people , and hast walked proudly , so that many of thy Inhabitants scarcely knew what to eat , or to drink , or what to put on , and yet a professing people , having on you the name of Christians , but are seen of all those whose eyes are open to be in the nature of Heathens , Turks , or Infidels , who are not found in the nature of Christ , who came not to destroy mens lives but to save them ; but on the contrary thy Rulers and Magistrates with their attendance , have been found persecuting and imprisoning , knocking down , and wounding even some unto death a peaceable people that fear the Lord , that he hath raised up in these last dayes to be as signes and wonders , whose residence and dwelling is amongst you ; who have but testified against unrighteousness , and assembled themselves together as the antient Christians in the dayes of old , who feared the Lord , and thought upon his Name ; and when all this Cruelty would not do nor bring them down , whom God hath raised up ; then was invented in thee another way , thou didst see thy pomp and greatness would do thee no good while these people called Quakers were among you , their Laws being divers from thy Laws , their Worship to thy Worship ; then thou hast concluded with the rest of the Rulers of the Land , even as Haman who said , it 's not for the Kings profit to let them live among us ; then this cruel Edict was invented in thy Borders to make such a Law as thou might be sure to find these people transgressors of , that thou mightest say as those unworthy Jewes , who said , Wee have a Law , and by our Law Christ ought to die . Oh this your Law will not excuse you before the Lord who seeth your insides , and will judge you according as your works are , not by the sight of the eye nor by the hearing of the ear , but he will enter into righteous judgement with you , for he is determined to plead with all flesh to bring down the haughty , and to lay the lofty low ; and for all thy transgressions and cruelties God is now risen to plead with thee ; for thou hast been the womb in the which cruelty without mercy hath been conceived , thy Rulers with their Allies have been examples to all cruel minded men thorough the Nation , therefore must thou drink a bitter cup , and into thy hand hath the Lord first put it ; for when thou began to banish ( by that late devised Law ) those people out of the Land that feared the Lord , and durst not mak shipwrack of their faith , and of a good conscience ; then did the Lord begin with thee , and poured out his Plagues upon very few , as thou beganest first to banish two or three of the people of the Lord ; Oh that thou hadst considered and made a stop then of that woful sin of Persecution , but still thou wouldest go on ; and didest send away seven more of the servants of the Lord ; and wouldest not take notice of the encrease of the Plague , but still thou hast hardened thy heart against Gods innocent people , and sent away eight more , though still the Plague encreased in thy borders ; and as thou hast multiplyed thy cruelty , so the Lord hath caused his Plague to encrease ; and now at last thou hast by force carryed near threescore of the servants of the Lord both men and women on board , a Ship in order to their exilement , even into an inconsiderable Vessel where is not convenience as becometh Christians ; the Deck being so low that they are fain to go double between the Decks , where they must be forc'd to be & lodg , as if they were intended to be destroyed . And as thou hast sent near threescore more of the servants of the Lord away , so hath his Plague encreased to near three thousand by the weekly bill ; though it 's judged to be more ; and by many of the Inhabitants of this City here is a cry , saying , this is that which will encrease the Plague ; yet still were the hearts of thy Rulers hardened against this innocent people : Well , they may all know the Lords anger is not yet over , but his hand is stretched out still ; for , as thou hast encreased in cruelty , so hath the Lord executed his righteous Judgments ( and will yet more and more ) yet wouldest thou go on like Pharaoh in the dayes of old , though the first born was slain , yet he would pursue Israel into the Sea , which became a Grave for him : Oh that thou wouldest have taken notice of the dealings of the Lord , and have ceased from all oppression and cruelty ; that those whom you have nothing against but as concerning the Law of their God , might have lived peaceable amongst you , being such that loves peace , and can learn war no more ; yet they are assured the Lord will plead their cause , who is their reward in the day of tryal , and hath and is with them in the hour of temptation ; Oh but thy Pride and wantonness and fullness of bread , thy drunkenness , whoredoms , couzenings and cheatings , hath so eaten thee up that thou hast not considered the most High ruleth in the Kingdoms of Men ; for in seeing thou couldest not see , and in hearing thou hast not considered , but thy heart hath waxed fat thorough the abundance of thy Dilicacy ; the voice of Musick , and the sound of the Organs thou hast delighted in ; but now instead thereof , the voice of sorrow , weeping , and bitter Lamentation shall be heard in thee , and none shall comfort thee , because thou hast not regarded the afflictions of the afflicted , but hath added grief unto their sorrow : Oh , oh the Lord hath seen , the Almighty hath taken notice , and is now risen to plead with thee , and as thou hast added affliction to the afflicted by drawing and rending the people of the Lord from Prison where they have long lay'n to send them by force into exile ; so the Lord hath encreased thy Plagues , who would have none of his counsel , neither regarded his reproofs in your hearts , but have hardened your selves against Gods good spirit that hath reproved you , ( for your good ) but you have rushed into iniquity as a Horse into the battle , & have not had so much understanding as Balaams Asse , who saw the Angel of the Lord in the way , and those that have you have smote them more then three times , who have warned you that you should not rise up against the Lord and his people , but you have done despite unto the spirit of Grace , whereby you might have been led into the way everlasting . Neither have you regarded the servants of the most high God , which have been sent unto you from several places , who have warned you and exhorted you , and beseeched you in the bowels of Gods love that you would give over oppressing the innocent and persecuting the upright , knowing that vengeance belongs to the Lord and he will repay it ; and that those might not suffer Persecution , Imprisonment , or Exilement , whom you have nothing against , but as concerning the Law of their God ; yet them nor their Testimony hath not been regarded , but they have been villified and derided of many , and have been counted as those who have been telling of idle Tales . Oh , but many may say , why dost thou upbraid us in the day of Calamity , or tell us of our Iniquities in this day of our sore Distress , to which I answer , I do not upbraid you , but rather lay those things before you which you have been guilty of , that you may consider the Mercy and Justice of the Lord , and look back and ponder the long-suffering of the Almighty , and of the meanes of grace that he hath afforded thee , and of the Light that he hath lighted thee withall , and that thy Inhabitants might have been as his pleasant Children , and that now whilst thou hast a Day to live thou mayest return unto him with unfeigned repentance , for they that repents and turns unto him , they shall finde mercy : Oh , but thy Priests and false Prophets have dealt deceitfully with thee , who have said , Peace , peace , none evil shall come upon us ; they have not discovered the Iniquity to turn away thy Captivity , thy Prophets are become fooles , and thy spiritual Men mad , for thy breach is great like the Sea ; and none of thy Prophets can stay it , nor thy spiritual Men make it up , though they Prophesie smooth things unto thee , and make Books to confess thy sins by , for the stoping of this breach , and that you should return to the Lord ; yet we see Those that do depart from Iniquity , are made a prey on ; and while they call for mercy , they are oppressing the up-right ; their Feet run swiftly to do evil , their thoughts are thoughts of wickedness against Gods People , for which cause Desolation and Destruction is in their path , the way of peace they know not , there is no equity in their goings , they have made them crooked pathes , whosoever walketh therein shall not finde peace : Therefore Oh yee Inhabitants of London , whether fled away , or yet remaining in her alive , return to the Lord with all your hearts , and know his fear placed in you , and take up with me a bitter Lamentation ; And as for you that are fled from the City , and have left your outward Dwellings , think not that yee are safe or secure , for the Lord can finde you out at his pleasure , for the destroying Angel goeth forth according to the determination of the Lord , and neither Hill nor Mountain can cover or hide you from his anger and fierce wrath , nor from the stroke of his Hand there is none can fly , though thou fly upon the swift , a swifter shall overtake thee , thy Riches cannot save thee , nor thy Strength deliver thee , neither can the Clifts of the Rocks hide thee from the Lord , who turneth a fruitfull Land into a barren Wilderness , because of the wickedness that is committed therein ; and you that are yet Inhabitants in this City , and cannot well go out of it , fear yee the living God , and wait to feel his Power in your Hearts to break down the man of Sin , that Christ the Power of God may be known to rule in you , and to be a Leader unto you who is the Teacher , which shall never be removed into a Corner , as others are , who are made after a Carnal Commandment ; but he after the power of an endless life , who is the Lord of Lords , and King of Kings , whose right it is to Rule for ever and ever . And Nations shall walk in his Light , and Kings shall bring their Glory unto him . Therefore every one return unto the Lord by ceasing to do Iniquity , and lay aside all Cruelty and Oppression , release the too long oppressed Ones , and let the Prisoners go free , who suffer upon the Account of tender Conscience towards God , or else in vain is all thy formed and framed humiliations and fastings confessing iniquity and hanging down the Head like a Bull-rush for a day ; this is not the Fast that the Lord hath chosen while you take not off the heavy burthens , neither let the oppressed go free , for if this was done , then would the hearts of the upright be inlarged to the Lord on your behalf , and their Mouths opened to Cry to the Almighty , to stay his Judgments and to retain his Fury , which begins to burn as an Oven , which your wickedness hath procured ; Oh let my Counsel be accepted , and break off thy sins by righteousness , & thy iniquities by shewing mercy to the poor , if it may be , that the Lord may have mercy on thee and lengthen thy tranquility , but if thou like Pharaoh hardens thy heart , and repent not by turning speedily to the Lord , thou shalt be left as a Widdow , and thy Babilonish Merchants that have made themselves rich in thee , shall run afar off thee , Crying , Alass , alass , that great City where many were made rich , now is her torment come on a sudden , and they themselves shall not escape , though they have cryed peace , peace , when Death was coming in at the Door to cut off thy young Men from without , and thy Children from the streets ; Therefore , all you that is living in fleshly Tabernacles , that belongs to this great City , whether in it or fled away , this to you I send , expecting that many of you that are gone , may never see this City again , that now you may , be seeking a City and dwelling place whose foundation is the Lord , and this you may know if you return to the Spirit of the Lord , which tryeth all things , and wait to know it to be your Leader , then will it witness to your Spirits that you are the Children of God ; so that then , if you eat the bread of adversity , and drink the water of affliction , and in the world yee have great trouble yet shall you live in the peace of God , and die in his favour that your end may be blessed ; But , if you follow them that teach for Doctrines the commandements of men , and obey not the pure spirit of the Lord , then will God give over striving with you ; and then everlasting sorrow and wo will be your portion , and he shall say as to Ephraim , let him alone , let him alone ; so thy time is almost out and the long suffering of the Lord is neer an end to this Generation ; Therefore none be stout hearted , but fear and tremble all careless ones , before the living God , for the slain of the Lord shall be many , and with a stronge hand is he going forth and none can hinder his purpose ; but as all return and humble themselves as the people of Niniveb from the greatest unto the least , for then did the Lord stay his hand and did A42600 ---- A general bill for this present year ending the 19. of December, 1665. according to the report made to the Kings most excellent Majesty. By the Company of Parish Clerks of London, &c. Bills of mortality. 1665-12-19. Worshipful Company of Parish Clerks. 1665 Approx. 16 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42600 Wing G491 ESTC R219855 99831302 99831302 35765 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42600) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 35765) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2049:13) A general bill for this present year ending the 19. of December, 1665. according to the report made to the Kings most excellent Majesty. By the Company of Parish Clerks of London, &c. Bills of mortality. 1665-12-19. Worshipful Company of Parish Clerks. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1665] Imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the University of London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Mortality -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. London (England) -- Statistics, vital -- Early works to 1800. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A general BILL for this present year , ending the 19. of December , 1665. according to the report made to the KINGS most Excellent MAjESTY . By the Company of Parish Clerks of London , &c.   Buried Pla. St Albans Woodstreet 200 121 St Alhallowes Barking 514 330 St Alhallowes Breadst . 35 16 St Alhallowes Great 455 426 St Alhallowes Honila . 10 5 St Alhallowes Lesse 239 175 St Alhall . Lumbardstr . 90 62 St Alhallowes Staining 185 112 St Alhallowes the Wall 500 356 St Alphage 271 115 St Andrew Hubbard 71 25 St Andrew Undershaft 274 189 St Andrew VVardrobe 476 308 St Anne Aldersgate 282 197 St Anne Black-Friers 652 467 St Antholins Parish 58 33 St Austins Parish 43 40 St Barthol . Exchange 73 51 St Bennet Fyrch 47 22 St Benn . Grace-church 57 41 St Bennet Pauls Wharf 355 172 St Bennet Sherehog 11 1 St Botolph Billingsgate 83 50 Christs Church 653 467 St Christophers 60 47 St Clements Eastcheap ●8 20 St Dionis Back-church 78 27 St Dunstans East 265 150 St Edmunds Lumbard . 70 36 St Ethelborough 195 106 St Faiths 104 70 St Fosters 144 105 St Gabriel Fen-church 69 39 St George Botolphlane 41 27 St Gregories by Pauls 376 232 St Hellens 108 75 St James Dukes place 262 190 St James Garlickhithe 189 118 St John Baptist 138 83 St John Evangelist 9   St John Zacharie 85 54 St Katherine Coleman 299 213 St Katherine Creechu . 335 231 St Lawrence Jewry 94 48 St Lawrence Pountney 214 140 St Leonard Eastcheap 42 27 St Leonard Fosterlane 335 255 St Magnus Parish 103 60 St Margaret Lothbury 100 66 St Margaret Moses 38 25 St Margaret Newfishst . 114 66 St Margaret Pattons 49 24 St Mary Abchurch 99 54 St Mary Aldermanbury 181 109 St Mary Aldermary 105 75 St Mary le Bow 64 36 St Mary Bothaw 55 30 St Mary Colechurch 17 6 St Mary Hill 94 64 St Mary Mounthaw 56 37 St Mary Summerset 342 262 St Mary Staynings 47 27 St Mary Woolchurch 65 33 St Mary Woolnoth 75 38 St Martins Iremonger . 21 11 St Martins Ludgate 196 128 St Martins Orgars 110 71 St Martins Outwitch 60 34 St Martins Vintrey 417 349 St Matthew Fridaystr . 24 6 St Maudlins Milkstreet 44 22 St Maudlins Oldfishstr . 176 121 St Michael Bassishaw 253 164 St Michael Cornhill 104 52 St Michael Crookedla . 179 133 St Michael Queenhith . 203 122 St Michael Querne 44 18 St Michael Royal 152 116 St Michael Woodstreet 122 62 St Mildred Breadstreet 59 26 St Mildred Poultrey 68 46 St Nicholas Acons 46 28 St Nicholas Coleabby 125 91 St Nicholas Olaves 90 62 St Olaves Hartstreet 237 160 St Olaves Jewry 54 32 St Olaves Silverstreet 250 132 St Pancras Soperlane 30 15 St Peters Cheape 61 35 St Peters Cornhill 136 76 St Peters Pauls Wharf 114 86 St Peters Poor 79 47 St Stevens Colmanstr . 560 391 St Stevens Walbrooke 34 17 St Swithins 93 56 St Thomas Apostle 163 110 Trinity Parish 115 79 Buried in the 97 Parishes within the Walls , 15207 Whereof , of the Plague , 9887 St Andrew Holborne 3958 3103 St Bartholomew Great 493 344 St Bartholomew Lesse 193 139 St Bridget 2111 1427 Bridewell Precinct 230 179 St Botolph Aldersga . 997 755 St Botolph Algate 4926 4051 St Botolph Bishopsg . 3464 2500 St Dunstans West 958 665 St George Southwark 1613 1260 St Giles Cripplegate 8069 4838 St Olaves Southwark 4793 2785 St Saviours Southwark 4235 3446 St Sepulchres Parish 4509 2746 St Thomas Southwark 475 371 Trinity Minories 168 123 At the Pesthouse 159 156 Buried in the 16 Parishes without the walls , 41351 Whereof , of the Plague , 28888 St Giles in the Fields 4457 3216 Hackney Parish 232 132 St James Clarkenwel 1863 1377 St Katherines Tower 956 601 Lambeth Parish 798 537 St Leonard Shorditch 2669 1949 St Magdalen Bermon 1943 1363 St Mary Newington 1272 1004 St Mary Islington 696 593 St Mary Whitechappel 4766 3855 Redriffe Parish 304 210 Stepney Parish 8598 6583 Buried in the 12 out Parishes , in Middlesex and Surrey 28554 Whereof , of the Plague 21420 St Clement Danes 1969 1319 St Paul Covent Garden 408 261 St Martins in the Field 4084 2883 St Mary Savoy 303 198 St Margaret Westminst . 4710 3742 Whereof at the Pesthouse   156 Buried in the 5 Parishes in the City and Liberties of Westminster 12194 Whereof , of the Plague 8403 The Total of all the Christnings 9967 The Total of all the Burials this year 97306 Whereof , of the Plague 68596 The Diseases and Casualties this year . ABortive and Stilborne 617 Aged 1545 Ague and Feaver 5257 Appoplex and Suddenly 116 Bed●d ●● Blasted 5 Bleeding 16 Bloody Flux , Scowring and Flux 185 Burnt and Scalded 8 Calenture 3 Cancer , Gangrene and Fistula 56 Canker and Thrush 111 Childbed 625 Chrisomes and Infants 1258 Cold and Cough 68 Chollick and Winde 134 Consumption and Ptisick 4808 Convulsion and Mother 2036 Distracted 5 Dropsie and Timpany . 1478 Drowned 50 Executed 21 Flox and Small Pox 655 Found dead in streets , fields , &c. 20 French Pox 86 Frighted ●● Gout and Sciatica 27 Grief 46 Gripping in the Guts 1288 Hang'd and made away themselves 7 Headmouldshot and Mouldfallen 14 Jaundies 110 Imposthume 227 Kill'd by several accidents 46 Kings Evil 86 Leprosie 2 Lethargy 14 Livergrown 20 Meagrom and Headach 12 Measles 7 Murthered and Shot 9 Overlaid and starved 45 Palsie 30 Plague 68596 Plannet 6 Plurisie 15 〈◊〉 ●1 Quinsie 35 Rickets 557 Rising of the Lights 397 Rupture 34 Scurvy 105 Shingles and Swine Pox 2 Sores , Ulcers , broken and bruised Limbs 82 Spleen 14 Spotted Feaver and Purples 1929 Stopping of the stomack 332 Stone and Strangury 98 Surfet 1251 Teeth and Worms 2614 Vomiting 51 Wenn 1 Christned Males 5114 Females 4853 In all 9967 Buried Males 48569 Females 48737 In all 97306 Of the Plague 68596 Increased in the Burials in the 130 Parishes and at the Pesthouse this year 79009 Increased of the Plague in the 130 Parishes and at the Pesthouse this year 68590 A42601 ---- A general bill of all the christnings and burials, from the 17. of December, 1678 to the 16. of December, 1679 according to the report made to the Kings Most Excellent Majesty, by the Company of Parish- Clerks of London, &c. Worshipful Company of Parish Clerks. 1679 Approx. 16 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42601 Wing G492 ESTC R42047 23292135 ocm 23292135 109530 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42601) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 109530) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1701:10) A general bill of all the christnings and burials, from the 17. of December, 1678 to the 16. of December, 1679 according to the report made to the Kings Most Excellent Majesty, by the Company of Parish- Clerks of London, &c. Worshipful Company of Parish Clerks. 1 broadside. s.n., [London : 1679] Place and date of publication suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Statistics, Vital. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE A General Bill of all the Christnings and Burials , from the 17. of December , 1678. to the 16. of December , 1679. According to the Report made to the KINGS Most Excellent MAJESTY : By the Company of Parish-Clerks of London , &c. blazon or coat of arms of City of London   Buri . Pl. S t ALban Woodstreet 30   Alhallows Barkin 118   Alhallows Breadstreet 26   Alhallows Great 54   Alhallows Honilane     Alhallows Less 15   Alhallows Lumbardstreet 20   Alhallows Staining 36   Allhallows the Wall 70   S t Alphage 48   S t Andrew Hubbard 15   S t Andrew Undershaft 56   S t Andrew Wardrobe 63   S t Ann Aldersgate 39   S t Ann Blackfriers 106   S t Antholins Parish 11   S t Austins Parish 15   S t Bartholom . Exchange 29   S t Bennet Fynck 18   S t Bennet Gracechurch 18   S t Bennet Paulswharf 49   S t Bennet Sherehog 1   S t Botolph Billingsgate 15   Christs Church 113   S t Christophers 14   S t Clement Eastcheap 11   S t Dionis Backchurch 39   S t Dunstans East 92   S t Edmund Lumbardstr . 37   S t Ethelborough 26   S t Faiths 43   S t Gabriel Fenchurch 12   S t George Botolphlane 15   S t Gregories by S t Pauls 80   S t Hellen 30   S t James Dukes place 20   S t James Garlickhithe 40   S t John Baptist 19   S t John Evangelist 4   S t John Zachary 16   S t Katharine Coleman 51   S t Katharine Creechurch 78   S t Laurence Jewry 60   S t Laurence Pountney 26   S t Leonard Eastcheap 18   S t Leonard Fosterlane 46   S t Magnus Parish 39   S t Margaret Lothbury 43   S t Margaret Moses 5   S t Margaret Newfishstr .     S t Margaret Pattons 13   S t Mary Abchurch 25   S t Mary Aldermanbury 33   S t Mary Aldermary 37   S t Mary le Bow 25   S t Mary Bothaw 2   S t Mary Colechurch 3   S t Mary Hill 18   S t Mary Magd. Milkstreet     S t Mary Magd. Oldfishstr . 25   S t Mary Mounthaw 11   S t Mary Summerset 37   S t Mary Stainings 13   S t Mary Woolchurch 3   S t Mary Woolnoth 29   S t Martins Ironmongerl . 13   S t Martins Ludgate 36   S t Martins Orgars 32   S t Martins Outwich 19   S t Martins Vintrey 61   S t Matthew Fridaystreet 15   S t Michael Bassishaw 36   S t Michael Cornhil 34   S t Micha●● Crookedlane 42   S t Micha●● Queenhith 51   S t Micha●● Quern 24   S t Micha●● Royal 17   S t Micha●● Woodstreet 17   S t Mildr●d Breadstreet 24   S t Mildr●d Poultrey 40   S t Nicho●as Acons 9   S t Nicho●as Coleabby 27   S t Nicho●as Olaves 11   S t Olave ●artstreet 64   S t Olave Jewry 16   S t Olave Silverstreet 33   S t Pancr●s Soperlane ●4   S t Peter Cheap 6   S t Peter Cornhil 33   S t Peter Pa●lswharf 9   S t Peter Poor 32   S t Steven Colemanstreet 126   S t Steven Walbrook 29   S t Swithin 32   S t Thomas Apostle 21   Trinity Par●sh     S t Vedast dias Fosters 48   Christned in the 97 Parishes within the Walls 1876 Buried 3074 Plague 0 S t Andrew Holborn 937   S t Bartholomew Great 89   S t Bartholomew Less 25   S t Bridget 413   Bridewel Precinct 23   S t Botolph Aldersgate 245   S t Botolph Aldgate 681   S t Botolph Bishopsgate 465   S t Dunstan West 341   S t George Southwark 375   S t Giles Cripplegate 1466   S t Olave Southwark 954   S t Saviour Southwark 614   S t Sepulchr●s Parish 727   S t Thomas Southwark 105   Trinity Minories 21   At the Pesthouse     Christned in the 16 Parishes without the Walls 4023 Buried 7481 Plague 0 Christs Church 159   S t John at Hackney 88   S t Giles in the Fields 1245   S t James Clerkenwel 416   S t Kathar . near the Tower 181   Lambeth Parish 337   S t Leonard Shoreditch 423   S t Magdalen Bermondsey 598   S t Mary Islington 132   S t Mary Newington 199   S t Mary Whitechappel 924   S t Paul Shadwel 475   Rotherhith Parish 197 2 Stepney Parish 1749   Christned in the 14 Out-Parishes in Middlesex and Surrey 3769 Buried 7123 Plague 2 S t Clement Danes 621   S t Paul Covent Garden 177   S t Martins in the Fields 2147   S t Mary Savoy 103   S t Margaret Westminster 1004   Whereof at th● Pesthouse     Christned in the 5 Parishes in the City and Liberties of Westminster 2620 Buried 4052 Plague 0 The Diseases and Casualties this Year . ABortive and Stilborn 66● Aged and Bedridden 1141 Ague and Feaver 2763 Apoplexy and Suddenly 103 Bleeding 2 Bloodyflux , Scowring & Flux 61 Burnt and Scalded 13 Bursten and Rupture 35 Calenture 2 Cancer 52 Canker and Thrush 91 Childbed 300 Chrisomes and Infants 274 Cold , Cough and Chincough 11 Colick and Wind 133 Consumption and Tissick 3675 Convulsion 2837 Distracted and Lunatick 12 Dropsie and Tympany 252 Drowned 69 Evil 67 Executed ●0 Falling Sickness 2 Flox and Small Pox 1967 Found dead in the streets , &c. 5 French Pox 104 Frighted 1 Gangrene and Fistula 40 Gout and Sciatica 24 Grief 14 Griping in the Guts 2996 Hang'd and made away themselves 19 Headmoldshot 7 Jaundies 67 Imposthume 99 Kild by several accidents 74 Leprosie 1 Lethargy 49 Livergrown 20 Measles 117 Megrim 3 Murthered 14 Overlaid 100 Palsie 26 Plague 2 Plannet 4 Plurisie 16 Poisoned 4 Quinsie 17 Rickets 394 Rising of the Lights 116 St. Anthony's Fire 3 Scurvy 47 Shot 2 Smothered 1 Sores , Ulcers , &c. 50 Spleen 8 Spotted Feaver and Purples 160 Stone and Cut of the Stone 68 Stopping in the Stomach 327 Strangury 5 Surfeit 466 Teeth 1034 Vomiting 27 Worms 38 CHRISTNED Males 6247 Females 6041 In all 12288 BURIED Males 11154 Females 10576 In all 21730 PLAGUE 2 Increased in the Burials this year 1052 Decreased in the Plague this year 3 A43604 ---- A Preparative to studie, or, The vertue of sack This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A43604 of text R22858 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H1790). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A43604 Wing H1790 ESTC R22858 12744695 ocm 12744695 93216 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43604) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 93216) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 253:E158, no 7) A Preparative to studie, or, The vertue of sack Beaumont, Francis, 1584-1616. Brathwaite, Richard, 1588?-1673. Edwards, Henry, 17th cent. Heywood, Thomas, d. 1641. Taylor, John, 1580-1653. [2], 5 p. [s.n.], London : 1641. Variously ascribed to Thomas Heywood, Henry Edwards, Francis Beaumont, Richard Brathwaite, and John Taylor. In verse. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Drinking of alcoholic beverages -- England -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Social life and customs -- 17th century. A43604 R22858 (Wing H1790). civilwar no A preparative to studie: or, The vertue of sack· [no entry] 1641 911 1 0 0 0 0 0 11 C The rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-12 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-12 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A PREPARATIVE to Studie : OR , THE VERTUE OF SACK . LONDON , Printed Anno Dom. 1641. A PREPARATIVE to Study : OR , THE VERTVE OF Sacke . FEtch me Ben. Iohnsons Scull , and fill 't with Sacke , Rich as the same he dranke , when the whole packe Of jolly Sisters pledg'd , and did agree , It was no sinne to be as drunke as hee ; If there be any weakenesse in the wine , Ther 's vertue in the Cup to mak 't divine ; This muddy drench of Ale does tast too much Of Earth , the Malt retaines a scurvy touch Of the dull Hynde that sow'd it , and I feare There 's heresie in hops ; give Calvyn Beere , And his precise Disciple , such as thinke There 's Powder Treason in all Spanish drinke , Call Sack an Idoll , we will kisse the cup , For feare their Conventicle be blowne up With superstition ; aw●y with Brew-house Almes , Whose best mirth is six-shilling Beere and Psalmes . Let me rejoyce in sprightly Sack that can Create a Braine even in an empty Pan , Canary ! it is thou that dost inspire And actuate the soule with heavenly fire . Thou that sublim'st the Genius-making wit Scorne earth , and such as love or live by it , Thou mak'st us Lords of Regions large and faire , Whilst our conceipts build Castles in the Ayre . Since fire , earth , ayre , thus thy inferiors bee , Henceforth I le know no Element but thee ; Thou precious Elixar of all Grapes Welcome , by thee our Muse begins her scapes ; I would not leave thee Sack to be with Iove , His Nectar is but faign'd , but I doe prove Thy more essentiall worth : I am ( me thinkes ) In the Exchequer now , harke how it chinks , And doe esteeme my venerable selfe As brave a fellow as if all that Pelfe Were sure mine owne , and I have thought a way Already how to spend it , I would pay No debts , but fairely empty every Trunke And change the Gold for Sack to keepe me drunke , And so by consequence till rich Spaines wyne Being in my Crowne , the Indies too were mine , And when my Braines are once aflote ( Heav'n blesse us ) I thinke my selfe a better man then Croesus , And now I doe conceipt my selfe a Judge , And coughing , laugh , to see my Clyents trudge After my Lordships Coach unto the Hall For Justice , and am full of Law withall , And doe become the Bench as well as hee That fled of late for want of honestie , But I le be Judge no longer , though in jeast , For feare I should be talk't with like the rest , When I am sober : who can chuse but thinke Me wise , that am so wary in my drinke ? Oh , admirable Sack ! heer 's dainty sport , I am come backe from Westminster to Court , And am growne young againe , my Phtisick now Hath left me , and my Judges graver brow Is smooth'd , and I turn'd amorous as May , When she invites young Lovers forth to play Upon her flowry bosome : I could winne A Vestall now , or tempt a Saint to sinne . Oh , for a score of Queenes ! you 'd laugh to see How they would strive , which first should ravish mee . Three Goddesses were nothing : Sack has tipt My tongue with Charmes like those which Paris sipt From Venus when she taught him how to kisse Faire Helen , and invite a farther blisse , Mine is Canary-Rhetorique , that alone Would turne Diana to a burning stone , Stone with amazement burning with Loves fire , Hard to the touch , but short in her desire , Inestimable Sack ! thou mak'st us rich , Wise , amorous , any thing ; I have an itch To t'other Cup , and that perchance will make Me valiant too , and quarrell for thy sake : If I be once inflam'd against thy Foes That would preach down thy worth in small-beer-prose , I shall doe Miracles as bad or worse , As he that gave the King an hundred horse : I 'me in the North already ; Lasley's dead , He that would rise , carry the King his head , And tell him ( if he aske , who kill'd the Scot ) I knock't his Braines out with a pottle pot . Out ye Rebellious Vipers ; J 'me come back From thence againe , because there 's no good Sack , T'other odde Cup , and I shall be prepar'd To snatch at Starres , and pluck downe a reward With mine owne hands , from Iove upon their backs That are , or Charles his Enemies or Sacks ; Let it be full , if I doe chance to spill Over my study by the way , I will , Dipping in this diviner Incke my pen , Write my selfe sober , and fall too t agen . FINIS . A44971 ---- An humble advice to His Sacred Majesty anent the drawing of Londons charter by a Scottish pen. Scottish pen. 1683 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A44971 Wing H3395 ESTC R33611 13533715 ocm 13533715 100012 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A44971) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100012) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1551:24) An humble advice to His Sacred Majesty anent the drawing of Londons charter by a Scottish pen. Scottish pen. 1 broadside. Printed by the heir of Andrew Anderson ..., Edinburgh : 1683. In verse. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Poetry. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN HUMBLE ADVICE TO His Sacred Majesty , Anent the Drawing of LONDONS CHARTER . By a SCOTTISH Pen. DRead SIR , You still was Good , but now most Great ; Ye now do Reign in Majestie and State : Your unsheath'd Sword of Justice hath done more , Than all the Kings of England did before , By Strength , and force of Armes ; Yea , it is strange , There 's not a drop of Blood spilt in this Change : A Wonder SIR , like to Your coming Home , To see R●bellion Buried in it's Tomb ; VVhich lately Roar'd and Rag'd in every Bench , In Street , in Coffee-house : then let the French , And other Monarchs , Vail their Capes to Thee , VVho Rules by Laws , and not by Tirranie : But since they thus , are at YOUR Royal Feet , Crying Peccavi , and humblie do Intreat Your Grace and Favour , Pray You take Advice , Compose their CHARTER , as the Heavens do Ice , To last no longer then it is Your Pleasure . Clip YOU their Wings , not they the VVings of Caesar : And left that they , and their Pesteritie , Turn wanton , and abuse YOUR Clemencie ; Let that their CHARTER , bear this special Clause , That these who slight Authoritie , or Laws ; Or vent Seditious words , may breed mischief , Shall never taste Bag-pudden , nor Rost-bief , Nor Pig , nor Pork , nor Powthered-bief and Cabbage , But Brownest-bread , Boyl'd-beans , and such like Baggage And that but once a Day , to save their Life ; This is the way to keep them free of Strife : And since their Patience was Impertinent , Let Patience be their sole Medicament . FINIS . Edinburgh , Printed by the Heir of Andrew Anderson , Printer to His most Sa cred Majesty , Anno DOM 1683. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A44971-e10 Conform to Hen 8. Statute . A43159 ---- The floating island, or, A new discovery relating the strange adventure on a late voyage from Lambethana to Villa Franca, alias Ramallia, to the eastward of Terra del Templo, by three ships, viz. the Pay-naught, the Excuse, the Least-in-sight, under the conduct of Captain Robert Owe-much, describing the nature of the inhabitants, their religion, laws and customs / published by Franck Careless, one of the discoverers. Head, Richard, 1637?-1686? 1673 Approx. 89 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43159 Wing H1253 ESTC R9532 12091009 ocm 12091009 53878 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43159) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53878) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 72:13) The floating island, or, A new discovery relating the strange adventure on a late voyage from Lambethana to Villa Franca, alias Ramallia, to the eastward of Terra del Templo, by three ships, viz. the Pay-naught, the Excuse, the Least-in-sight, under the conduct of Captain Robert Owe-much, describing the nature of the inhabitants, their religion, laws and customs / published by Franck Careless, one of the discoverers. Head, Richard, 1637?-1686? [4], 39 p. s.n.], [London : 1673. Pseudonyms of Richard Head: Franck Careless and Samuel Swiftnicks. Cf. BM. Attributed to Richard Head. Cf. Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.). Place of publication from Wing. Reproduction of original in Library of Congress. "Mimic voyage imaginaire, exploring London, low-life, taverns, prisons, etc."--Cambridge bibliography of English literature. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Social life and customs -- Anecdotes 2008-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2009-01 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Floating Island : OR , A NEW DISCOVERY , RELATING The strange Adventure on a late VOYAGE , FROM LAMBETHANA TO VILLA FRANCA , ALIAS RAMALLIA , To the Eastward of Terra del Templo : By three SHIPS , Viz. The Pay-naught , The Excuse , The Least-in-Sight , Under the Conduct of Captain Robert Owe-much : Describing the Nature of the Inhabitants , their Religion , Laws and Customs . Published by Franck Careless , one of the Discoverers . — Longis erroribus actus Qui mores hominum — Printed in the Year 1673. To the Reader . READER . LEt me beg thee not to cavil with the name of this ensuing Treatise , since the nature of it is not to reflect on any perticular person ; and therefore it is expected that you will be less offended at any thing herein contained , than at the late Theatrical Entertainments , which are the severe Anatomies of these licentious Times , and the harsh characters of the follies of some Janties , who ( one would think ) should be deterred from the Commission of them , if for no other reason than to avoyd the hard censure of this o're critical Age. It is well observed by the Remarker of the Humours and Conversation of the Town , that all are content to be taken in pieces at a Playhouse , and to be exhibited for divertisement on the Stage . I hope these my Reflections may be accompanied with as little exception , or displeasure My intent herein was not grounded on private revenge , occasioned by any animosity to one or more persons , but following the just Laws of Writing , I have insisted on those errours and fopperies , which may convey insiruction and admonition to others . I have only lasht the debauchery of a Fop-Jaunty Suburbian ; it being indeed a shame the City should be made by every Cap'ring Fancy , the continual Subject of insufferable abuses . I will step ere long into the Country , aed observe what vices are there most predominant , whether they are communicated from us to them , or have their derivation from their own sourses and Fontinels . I question whether there be among them that Innocence in affairs and pastime , which is pretended ; but that under every Hedge and little Village , Vice and Vanity walk as bare faced as in Holborn , Strand , &c. But I only promise you this Description with this proviso , that you like my present Discovery . It was pen'd last long Vacation , when all I had to do , was to hide my self from the Inquisition of my cruel Creditors ; for which purpose I lodg'd in Ram-alley for the benefit of the Temple Walks , which I call the Rum Stampers under the Blowers , and for the daily converse of such as were equally indigent and indebted as my self : In which place to divert my self and boon associates , I formed this supposed Voyage from Lambeth to the Bridge on one side , and back again the other , recounting all remarkables between the two Shores ; the one whereof ( on the City side ) I call the Christian , on Southwark side the Turkish or Barbarian . Towards Cape-verd ( or Greens-wharse near Chairing-cross ) I have somewhat sharply censur'd the idle humors of some ; but I protest none but such who deserve the severest censure : Men that are so onely in appearance , and Gentlemen by their gaudy apparel ; who having little to live on but their shifts , imploy all the time they can spare from Drinking and Whoring , in racking their Wits to indulge their sensuality by any means whatever . Coming to Ramallia ( which I call Villa Franca , because there is a place so named in the Indies , which is a Sanctuary to all persons whatsoever ) I say coming thither under the pretence of describing the nature of the Inhabitants of that famous Kingdom , ( which is now different from what it was ) I give an account of the Condition of a poor Debtor , and what shifts he is forced to use to preserve his Liberty . As for their Laws ( which I have comprehended in some few cases ) I hope none will cavil at , since they were never intended to be cavil'd with ; and he that shall put himself under the administration of them , shall ( I hope ) reap loud laughter , instead of long vexation : in short , if this meets with a total dislike , very shortly I shall endeavour to please you better , Farewell . THE Nevv Discovery : OR , A VOYAGE FROM Lambethana to Villa Franca , alias Ramallia . THe Term being ended , and a long Vacation ensuing , a Council was held of Indigent persons , and such who were both Indebted and Insolvent : wherein it was debated what course might be the most expedient , for the present relief , and future prevention of such insufferable mischiefs , which dayly threatned the utter ruine of the poor and distressed Society , called the Owe-much , or Bankrupt . Then did this Council of Safety sit , when the Scrivener at Temple-Bar had no other imployment , but making of pens , writing of blank Bonds , or texting of Bills for letting of Chambers in Chancery lane . The Vintners and Cooks were now possest with a humility more than usual ; with the one you might drink , and with the other eat , without the perpetual din of an ill tun'd jarring Bell , or the incessint hauling of a peek-wide mouth , half roasted with the scalding hot dripping of its own greasie substance . Now had the Hostlers of Holborn , and the Strand , more than ordinary care to lay up their Guests Boots , not so much out of observance to their Masters ( as they call them ) as out of fear of their slipping out of Town , without their knowledg ; for they well knew that a Country Attorney could no longer indure the unwholsom air of an eight peny Ordinary : and now was the time when we ( as well as others ) thought it fit to withdraw , or hide our selves from the horrour of a dreadful Judgment , and irremediless cruel Execution . I Robert Owe much , by the unanimous voice of the whole Society , was elected President of this Council , in that my name did so correspond with my debts ; they knowing I owed as much as the whole Company besides : the names of the Persons then present , were Solomon Trust-all quondam Mercer . Oliver Pride Draper . Giles Sweeting Confectioner . Luke Vander Goose Taylor . James Standish Stationer . Tobias Bottom Weaver . William Whiting Colour-man . Timothy Mould Button-seller John Bushel Meal-man . Jonathan Sawyer House-Carpenter . Samuel Dash Vintner . Humfry Holland Linnen-Draper . Various were our consultations for the general good , without any result , till at length one James Standish , a man very fluid , and a notable Penman stood up ; and having before bound up his opinion in some studied expressions , unclasping his thoughts he thus opened his meaning . The Speech of James Standish Stationer , at a special Meeting of the Society of Owe-much . Friends & Brethren , THe old saying , Solamen miseris Socios habuisse dolore pleads not greater antiquity , than comfort for to be miserable alone is insufferable ; our affliction is so much the more extenuated , by how much others are interested therein ; now therefore in civil policy it concerns us to be so much the more industrious , as we are become numerous above former Ages ; and no endeavour can be so beneficial , and honourable , than the enlarging of our Territory by Discovery , and plantation in parts habitable and agreeable with our debitory disposition , where we may disperse our Colonies with more conveniency and advantage , than at this present : for which purpose it will be very requisite , that immediately two ships be fitted out , Viz. The Least in Sight , and the Excuse , and that the Paynought ( that approved , and well appointed Pinnace ) shall accompany them ; and that the charge and command of them be committed and confirmed on Robert Owe-much , who shall man them with persons best qualified in the Art of Insolvency , the greater part whereof the said Robert hath known , and tryed to be men of much Trust , being his own Creditors , and Creatures of his own making , and that he requite some of them , by bestowing on them Employments under his Command ; for Example , let his Mercer be made Master of the Least in Sight , and his Baker , Boat-Swain ; as for his Vintner , because he bestowed many a shot upon him in his prosperity , let him be made Master-Gunner in adversity ; and that he may make his Enemies to Smoak , let his Tobacco-man be Gunner's-Mate ; let his Taylor ( having the best Stomach for action ) be made Steward and have charge of the Victual for the Voyage . I think a Purser we need not , since it is held among us to be a very foolish thing to keep Accounts , where there is no purpose of Payment . This Speech was generally approved of , nemine contradicente ; and thereupon many hands were set at work for the fitting out these Ships for the Discovery . The Winter Season being over , and the Spring advancing , we got all things in a readiness ; and on Munday , being the first of March ( and S David's Day ) the Wind at West South-West , we Sailed fron Lambethana , keeping our Course East and by North : we Sailed few Leagues , before the Weather grew hazie , at length the Air became very thick and foggy , insomuch that the Pinnace lost sight of the Admiral , and could not have recovered her , but for a Leek that was placed in her Stern , in the place of the Lanthorn , by the sent whereof the Pinnace recovered sight of her again by break of day the next morning . The Second day the weather was very variable , and stormy ; this day we met with a Western Brigantine who kept us company in peaceful manner , till by an unhappy accident , the Fleet had like to have been utterly ruined , and thus it was . One of our Ships Crew was a Welch-man , who in honor of his Country and S. David ( whose Festival was the day before ) told many wonderful , and incredible things , in praise of his heroick Country-men : but more especially he averred that the Welch ( the antient Brittish Stock ) were never conquered by the Romans ; t is true ( said an unlucky Crack ) but you may thank your policy for that ; for when Caesar had slain the major part of the flower of your youth , and still pursuing his Conquests ; and that you saw no remedy but that the rest of you must likewise fall into his hands , ye then raised a long Bulwark , not so much to oppose , as to surprize him , for ye took a vast number of your long bearded Goats , and fastned them at a convenient distance , causing nothing to appear above the Rampire , but their heads and beards , and then retired your selves into the mountains ; Caesar about to make an assault , was hindred by the dismal cry of the poor Goats , one ecchoing to the other Baw , baw ; whereupon that valiant Commander withdrew , saying , let it suffice we have slain the Youth , and let us not fall on their old doting Grandsires , who now cry to us for mercy : This story did not create so great a laughter in us , as it did fury in the Western Brigantines , who thinking we had cry'd baw in derision to them , discharged upon us a broad-side of stones , repeated so often , that had we not been excellent Sailers , we had not escaped without considerable loss . The third and fourth day we spoon'd onward for most advantage , and met with several Fisher-men , but not an Hollander among them , it seems they have other fish to fry . The fifth day about eight a Clock we met with a floating Hulk without a man in her ; we boarded her , but for our lives we could not rummage her Hold , as we would ; however we made a shift to carry off some Eels , but no other fish , though there was variety and plenty , which fresh provision was a great refreshment to our sickly Landmen . The Enemy from the Turkish shore perceiving this , made out to us , but their Oars came short of our Sails . The next morning about ten a clock , my Pylot ( which formerly had been a Spectacle-maker ) descryed a Sail making towards us ; coming up , we vilely suspected him by his flag to be the Water Cannibal of Troy-novant . Whereupon I called a Council aboard , to consider what was to be done in this imminent extremity . Some advised , that it was most fit to make to Land , if any knew where to touch without-hazard : Others of more undaunted Spirits , and higher resolution , advised to run the risk of an engagement , and to draw our number out of sight into the Hold , the more to encourage the Enemy to a nearer approach ; which opinion was generally approved of , and allowed . Presently I gave order for the Sublimation of every Spark aboard , and for the exhilerating their Spirits , that an extraordinary allowance be made instantly ; viz. That one ounce of Tobacco be divided between every two ; and as for liquors , let every man that hath them drink what he please out of his own Guarde Vines . Looking about me , not without some fear , rais'd by the apprehensions of danger , a Taylor ( who had formerly been a Creature of mine ) addrest himself to me , whose Conscience being more tender than his Stomach , would needs be resolved in two points concerning his Souls health , before the fight should begin . The first was , whether the Cause , and Quarrel they were to undertake , were justifiable or not , since that he ever held Ludgate , more worthy than Newgate , in divers respects ? And the next was , whether ( in case he should miscarry in the action ) Limbus Patrum & Infantum were not under his own Shop-board ? My Chaplain over-hearing the Taylors conscientious propositions ( although he was formerly a Vinegar man , yet still a fellow of excellent sharp apprehension ) and straining to answer these Scruples , he could not be heard for the insufferable noise of a Confectioner , and Sugar-baker , who nothing but bawled up and down ( to the great disheartning of our men ) Sweet meet must have sour sauce , I see ; whereupon to still their clamouring . I was forced to command Bushel ( the Meal-man ) to sow them up in two sacks , and to let them breath no otherwise , than through the holes the Rats had eaten , and so keep them Prisoners till the Fight was ended . The Enemy approaching nearer and nearer , every one applied himself to his charge ; and now just as the Master-Gunner was ready to let fly ( I do not mean for fear ) we perceived our supposed Assailant to be a friend , coming from the Canaries , and bound for Fox-hall ; the men were all very jolly , though some of them a little Sea-sick ; they need not hang out any Colours , what was in their Faces was sufficient to declare them what they were : whether they arrived safe to their intended Port I know not , and indeed it is doubtful ; for all of us judged the Vessel to be over laden , of which they themselves were not insensible , for we perceived them ever and anon to cast over board . Leaving this Canary-man , we stood away still to the Eastward , but night coming on , and our Pilot careless , it hapned that the Excuse was Stranded : whereupon the whole Fleet was forced to wait upon her till the next Tide , at the approach of which she got off , with greater fear than damage . Having again doubled the former allowance ( for the better encouraging our men ) we sailed onwards , and in two Watches we discerned Firm land , lying upon the Savoyans Eastward from Lambethana . I immediately man'd out my Long-boat and sent it ashore , who in a little time return'd , and inform'd me , that they believed it a spacious Continent , fit for Plantation at four degrees Westward from Terra del Templo . Hereupon I resolved to take most of my men with me , and make a further Discovery ; I soon found the nature of the climate , it being very temperate , & all accommodations most excellent , as long as we had Silver to barter for their Commodities , of which they had plenty of all sorts . The Inhabitants little differ from Europeans , and are ( like them ) very covetous , being over greedy of Silver and Guinny Gold , for which we might purchase any thing necessary , or desireable , either on the Coast , or brought down from the Up land Countries . The Palace is a very stately Fabrick , and hath been formerly employed for charitable uses , and still serves as an excellent Refuge , and Sanctuary for such , who are either forced by banishment , or voluntary Exile , to desert their native or long lov'd habitations , where they may live obscurely , and yet take their pleasure abroad in the Countries round about , by the means of those several convenient Avenues belonging thereunto , viz. for sporting on a brave River , the Stairs ; for the Land , the Great Gate butting Norwards and seperated but by a very small Channel from Excestria . To the Eastward there is an outlet which leadeth two ways , the one on the left into the Dutchy , the other turning a little on the right , into Somersetania ; by the first you have a conveyance into the Country called Maypolia , and so have the whole Country before you to make choice of , by the last a safe passage by water , or a conduct short and commodious through the Provinces of White-Hart into Hortensia ( vulgarly called Covent-Garden ) from whence you may travail through the whole Kingdom . The Slavonian-women supplied us with Fish , and fruits of all sort , which they bring down in abundance from the Vpland Countries ; in so much that we could not fear want of Provision , so long as we had Money ; nor question our Security , whilst we did put our selves under the Protection of this place , or of the Dutchy Liberty . There have been some private assaults to infringe the ancient priviledges hereof , but the Enemy most commonly came off with considerable loss ; some hardly escaping with their Ears . Some have endeavoured to surprize the place by a Special Warrant and a Staff , under the pretence of detecting Fellons , Traytors , &c. but when it hath been discovered , that this was only a stratagem to betray a poor Debtor , into the merciless hands of his cruel Creditor , the Beacons have been instantly fired , and by only saying , an Arrest ; the whole Country hath been alarm'd , and the treacherous underminers of this Countries antient Priviledges have been all shamefully put to flight : I cannot but commend the Inhabitants for so doing , they acting herein both charitably and Christianly ; although some conceited Zealots may accuse them of Heathenism , for imitating Ethnick customs in the strange elevation of a May-pole , which say they , is the same with those antient Wooden Pyramids dedicated to the honour of the Goddess Flora. Here among the Savoyans we left , Humfrey Holland , Linnen Draper , and Luke Vander-Goose , Taylor , with several others , to Winter it , and the rest returned aboard with me ; Hereupon I presently order'd our Anchors to be weighed , having before given notice , by loosing my fore-topsail , that I intended to depart speedily : here we were in a little time under a fresh Gale of Wind , Steering due East ; but the wind chopt about in our teeth , which made us alter our course for Cape-verd , or Greens Wharfe , where landing we forraged it quite through on both sides . This Country is very pleasant ; the Inhabitants near the Shore , are a borish clownish fort of people , having few sparks of Civility among them , and yet but a little way from them , their Neighbours I may call them , are great Pretenders to good breeding . Now since I have toucht in general on the Character of the Inhabitants , give me leave to discourse in particular , their Humors , Natures , and Dispositions . My stay being not long in this place , I shall lay down my observations as brief as I can , and therefore the first thing I shall acquaint you with is , As some of them are over affected with fashions , and fine cloaths , so they are extraordinary conceited of their own ingenuity . In the speculation of their own good parts ( as well Male , as Female ) every thing appertaining to them , seems far better then it is , like a Microscope multiplying any minute thing to forty times its bignes ; so opinionative they are , that where ever they appear , they conceive all mens thoughts very idle , that are not busied about them : in short , they know themselves so well , that they do not know themselves at all . They are great pretenders to wit , nothing being now more a la mode , than to be accounted ingenious , if for no other reason , than that this Age hath out-done all former Ages in producing a Society of Virtuosi ; and yet for all this , they look not on learning as the fewel to the fire of that wit they pretend to , and so having but a little , spend upon the main stock , and in a little time become Bankrupts . They are hugely addicted to quibbling , and will dart out on a sudden , that which if taken , whilst warm , may be laught at ; but if suffer'd to cool , worth nothing . Some of them when they have arrived to the height of writing a Song , or Poem ( I speak of the Women , as well as the Men , for in this witty Age , womens wit doth pester too the Stage ) I say if their fancy sore so high , as to be guilty of a measur'd line , they never go without it , and in all Companies read it , as if they were inspired or raptured ; then rail at the ignorance and foppery of some late ingenious drammatick Writers ; and although they can give no reason for their Censure , yet they think it commendable enough they have done it , and thereby have added much to their own reputation . I observed among these witty men , that nothing must stop a Jest when it is coming , nor friend nor danger , but out it must , though their bloods follow after . In short , they think their life is but to laugh , and I think to be laughed at , being Wits in Jest , and Fools in Earnest . Another sort there are , whose whole delight consists in Whoring , Drinking , and Dancing : if any mischief escape these men , it is not their fault , for they laid as fair for it as they could . They think that day mis-spent , in which they go sober to bed ; and if they have not made some new bawdy discovery that day , they can give no account on 't . There is nothing that they hate more than a serious , or a melancholly thought , and if at any time it seise them , it sends them to be drunk again , delighting in no other company but Wine , Wenches , and Chyrurgeons . Another sort of people I observed , whose soul and its faculties consisted in rigging or dressing themselves to the best advantage ; and that they might not lose either the benefit of nature or their extraordinary labour , they omit no opportunity to visit such publick or private places , where a good shape and habit is best shown : the pointing of their discourse is new studied Oaths , being as curious of them as their fashion : their talk is generally of Ladies , and such like pretty Toys , and do take a wonderful delight in repeating some passages in Plays , which with a grace they utter , even to self-admiration . I wonder these people are not deafned with the continual noise of Coaches , the dead of night being not exempted from their confused rattling ; since I have read that the fall of Nile ( called the Cataracts ) deafens with its noise the people seven miles round : these Coaches are almost as numerous as the people . But they have another way of carriage called a Sedan , which I should highly commend for its easiness , were I as Gouty and Pocky as their first Founders . I will not detain you with more Characters , onely I will tell you how afrighted I was upon my first coming ashore , meeting with a thing in glorious habit but with a face as black as Hell ; I took her to be some She-Devil had lost her infernal Sweet-heart , and thought to have found him here in some carnal disguise ; had she cry'd bough as I came near her , she had undoubtedly frightned my wits from making these discoveries ; but let us leave her with a soul as black within , as her face is without , shrowded by that Diabolical invention the Vizard-mask , the absolute Pimp to her secret leacherous contrivances . Lastly you are to take notice , that this place ( besides other goodly beasts of all sorts ) is famous for Harts , whose horns are of the comliest branch and spreading that can be ; whose dimension and extension is unfathomable , so that in memory of them , we agreed to call the lower part of this Country Harts born Alley . To give this place its last encomium , let me tell you , that the constitution of the Air agreeth best with such that are in a single condition : the youth here have an unlimited freedom , especially such who are known and try'd to be men of great natural parts , although they have but slender understandings : whereby some of them can afford to spend five hundred pounds per Annum , although their whole generation before them never saw so many shillings of their own : and that their strength may be throughly discovered , and their native vigour known before they are admitted as Menials for venerial Service , some Chamber-maid must take them to task , who shall make report what meer Nature hath perform'd , without the help of jellies , or any such like provocations . Likewise before they are admitted into this lulling , yet labouring employ , Tobacco , and frequent Drunkenness is absolutely forbidden by their Mistresses , they well knowing how much the one exhausts the radical moisture , and the other weakens and debilitates the strongest constitution . Men that are married live here very well too , provided they have obtain'd the gift of seeing , and not seeing when they please ; and such who give the greatest freedom to their wives to be courted abroad , shall have at home the greater in-some . This is held as a Maxim among them , the handsomer the wife , the greater trade , and if she be a grain too light , with prudence and good management , it will add weight to her husbands concerns , And therefore an handsome woman standing at the door , will attract more Customers than a gaudy gilded sign , fetter'd with a Tun of Iron , which cost the value of a rising Scavenger's whole Estate . But we have dwelt too long upon this subject , and in this place , and therefore it is time to give you a farther account of our Voyage . From Cape-Verd we sailed , keeping our Course due South , and about four days after our departure , we made Land , but could not tell what part of the world it belonged unto , at length we espied floating Timber , with deal boards piled on the Bank-side , which made some of us conclude it was Norway ; but that opinion was soon blown away by the sight of a monsirous tall bulky thing , which seem'd to us to wave his hat about his head , and that way induce us to come ashore ; whilst from his guts proceeded a confused hideous noise , but from the found we could not understand a word ▪ the more we stared hereon , the more did our admiration encrease ; fear made us stand at a distance , and yet we were so near that we could look into his very entrals , his belly being wide open , and could perceive a very strange motion within , whilst his arms were continually agitated circularly , we knew not what to think , but at length it was agreed on all hands , that this Country must be Denmark , and that this monstrous creature was one of the Issue of the Giant Colbron , who there stood with his arms abroad , bidding defiance to all that past that way . Fear did so wing our flight , and the wind so largely contributed its assistance , that in a little time we found our selves not in a condition to be harm'd or prejudiced by that Giganttick Scare-crow : had we had as much valour as there was in Don-Quixot , one assault would have prov'd him a meer airy flash , and could do nothing but cry , saw , saw . We were no sooner freed from this sight , but we encountred another , which appeared no less terrible than the former at first sight ; but approaching somewhat nearer , some of our men having seen it before , knew it to be a floating Island , called the Summer Island , or Scoti Moria ; it is an Island not so great , but that in less than four and twenty hours we sail'd it round ; it is much longer than it is broad , but how many leagues the length may be , I cannot tell , for I took not its dimension : it lies in the midst of Golpho de Thame-Isis : The Christian-shore lying to the Norward , and the Turkish-shore to the Southward , bounded to the Eastward with Pont-Troynovant , but to the Westward thereof , you may sail up the Streights till you go as far as Maiden-head , and farther , crossing the Equinoctial-line . In our circumferating this Floating Summer-Island , we took special notice of its ingresses , but with our strictest indagation we could find but two , one lying to the Southward , and the other to the Westward , for the more convenient reception of the Christian and Barbarian Amazons , who in the Summer time constantly repair thither , to meet with their Bully-Huffs and Hectors to generate withall . A Council was held to consult which Port was safest to land at ; the one we found guarded with Knights of the Blew-apron , with Pet-guns mounted , and charged , and their noses like Linstocks were ready to fire them ; hereupon we stood off , and made to the other Port , whereupon we espied a white Apron , as a Flag of Truce , displaying it self over the belly of a delicate woman , who came thither Procreandi causâ ; that colour we looked on as the Emblem of Peace , and thereupon hoisting out my Long-boat , I selected some of my principal men aboard , and went ashore , where I was received with all demonstrations of Civility and Respect . Their Language , I and my Company understood very well , for it was the Lingua Franck which they spoke . The greatest thing that I wondred at was , that instead of treading on the surface of their Earth , we immediately enter'd into the bowels of their Country ; it somwhat startled us to think where we were going , and now I thought of Aeneas his descent to Hell , and wisht we might escape but half as well . My Myrmidons followed me close at heels , but Oh how we shook when we heard the Thunder from above , and we had lightning too before we went from thence . I askt them the reason of this sudden thundring noise , hearing not the least without ? Sir , said one , The Naides are above playing at Nine-pins , and you may make one if you please : I in modesty refused , as thinking my self unfit company for Gods and Goddesses . Looking about me I saw a lovely face , and every thing ( to outward view ) thereunto corresponding , I presently imagined her one of the Cyprian Dames waiting Gentlewoman , who had given her Lady the slip , to injoy her greater liberty and freedome ; upon which suggestion I accosted her , and found her pliable beyond expectation , and therefore gave her an invitation into my Tent. I askt her divers questions , amongst the rest , whether she were an Inhabitant of this Isle ? she answered no , but a Westmonasterian ; the resolution of my question made me more inquisitive than before , to know what this Monasteria was , and where it lay : but according to the Custome of Lambethana , I thought it civility first to drink , before we entred further into Discourse ; whereupon I called one of the baser sort of people to me , and bid him procure me some of the best Liquors of their Country , if they would take Moneta Carolina in Exchange ; gladly , gladly , said this Scoti Morian , and in a trice brought me a Liquor , that differ'd not at all in taste , from what is brewed at Lambethana , and every whit as small : the Vice Roy of the Isle condescended so low , as to bring me ( propria personâ ) a Bottle of Red stuff ; when I tasted it , methought I could have sworn it was Claret , that 's flat : I bad him bring me some other Wine , which he did , but I found it was a Spaniard rack'd to death . I soon gather'd from this pittiful pimping Vice Roy , that his whole Country could not afford one drop of strong Liquor , but what was imported to him at extraordinary rates , by Merchants of other Countries ; nay , he had scarce any Water in his whole Dominion , but what flowed about it ; for which cause he had concav'd his whole Isle , and turn'd it , as I may say , into a Cellar to contain what comfortable Liquors , and other things should be brought him : What Commodities he returns in exchange I know not ; for I saw none , but what were wrapt up in Silken petticoats , which like a Pig in a Poke you must buy , or not at all . Well the Inhabitants are a lazy sort of people , and not given to Tillage ; and yet sometimes they will plow with another mans Heifer . They are to be commended for Lovers of Pasture , and yet you shall not see a green spot in their whole Land , but what covers the belly of the Vice Roy's Lady , or his Billiard-Table . In short , they are a wicked people , delighting in , and living on the sins of others ; so lazy , that they will not work ; their whole employment is drinking ; Tobacco serves to air them after a washing , and is their only breath and breathing while . The entertainment of the place I liked not , and therefore I resolved to hasten from thence , only I first desired to be satisfied as to the Country aforesaid , called Westmonasteria ; whereupon I demanded of this Lady Errant an information herein . Sir , said she , It lyeth to the Westward of Pallatium Regale , which place is too splendent for common eyes to behold , and too virtuous for vulgar breath to prophane . This Westmonasteria ( although the place of my nativity ) I cannot describe perfectly , only I can tell you , it pleads great antiquity , and is very famous for a wonderful structure once called the Temple of Apoll , besides it is beautified with the stately structures of many Noble-Men . The Gentry live in all manner of pleasure imaginable , but the Plebeians delight is very uncertain , being always upon the extreams , having either too much business to do , or too little . For there are four Seasons of the Year , which are as so many Marts for the Westmonasterians ; the chiefest Commodity that then is sold there , is only Words , only the Buyers and Sellers bestow their Money now and then in somewhat that is more substantial , to keep out the wind . These Seasons are called Terms , at which times there is great resort of people coming from all parts of that great and glorious Kingdom , called formerly by the name of Druina , of which Troynovant is the Metropolis . These people repair to a great and famous structure , called Aula Westmonasteriensis , and are distinguished by several names and titles : Their habit is as strange as their Speech , and both concur to amuze , and amaze the people . They are very litigious , and never better pleased than in a hurly burly of cavils and dissentions : ever more delighting to fish in troubled Waters . One would think that there is a great analogy between the profession of these men , and a Taylor ; for they are excellent at making Suits , which some after endeavouring to mend , mar them quite : some know how to begin a Suit , but are ignorant how to finish it . Or they may in some respect be compared to the Camelion , since no creature lives more by the air than they ; for as there are a sort of people ( according to report ) which can sell a wind to a Sailer ; so these men will not part with their breath without a reward . Having bauld themselves out of breath , and half swelter'd to death , some of them withdraw into Hell , there to cool and refresh themselves ; one would think it a very improper place for that purpose , and yet 't is true , where such good entertainment is to be had , that this Hell hath ever had a greater estimation than its neighbouring Heaven ; I have been in 60th , and had rather eat Barley-broath in the one , than drink Canary in the other . She would have proceeded but that this Amazon was called away , and so we lost the benefit of a further Discovery : having paid the Customs of this Floating Summer-Island , we departed : I call it a Summer-Island , because it is never seen in this Golpho de Thamisis in the Winter ; for cold frosty weather will be the ruine of it , and therefore as Swallows and Cuckoos are never seen in this Country , but in Summer , so this Island always takes its choice of the Summer season for its appearance . And as some fishes retire into the Concaves of rocks , upon the approach of cold weather , so this Scoti Moria absconds or hides it self within some narrow gut of the Inland-Country , and crawls out again in fair and warm weather . Not long after our departure , the Air serene and clear , and the wind at West , we descried a Sail ; hereupon I ordered the Decks to be clear'd , and the Hammocks to be cut down ; and having quarter'd my men most advantagiously for fight , we bore up to this supposed Man of War , and hail'd her ; at first they return'd us very rough language , but in fine , they told us they were a people called Sanguinarii , and came from Holbornia , and were bound for Vrsina , called by the Natives the Bear Garden , in Barbary . Being desirous to make farther Discoveries , we agreed to bear this Ship Company to this strange Land : by the way we askt them what they intended to do with those Smithfieldian Lyons they carried with them ; they told us , that it was customary for the Vice Roy of Vrsina frequently to issue out his Proclamations , summoning , or inviting all strangers whatsoever to come freely into his Territories , and there participate with him in such sports , as he hath appointed for the Recreation of the People . This report incouraged us to proceed , and having a fair wind and a fresh gale , we quickly arrived at our intended Port. Landing , we forth with directed our course to the famous Vrsina , in our way we overtook great droves of forreign Nations , resorting to this place to act their parts with Staff and Tayl ; here were the Barriers of Holbornia , and Chapel Blanck ; the Sanguinaries of the Forum near Nova Janua ( by some called the Whit ) and of the Forum near Via Lactea , commonly called Milk-street : hither also repaired the People of Cheap Orient , as also the Smithfieldians , and Fieldlanians , with Ruffins , and Ragga-Muffins , all which , or most , are subjects unto a Slavenian King , called Brute . We had not travel'd far , before we espied a Larg Flag to give notice to strangers , where the Games were to be celebrated ; coming to the Gates of Vrsina , we could not get entrance , till we had paid the Tribute the Vice Roy was accustomed to demand . It seems this Vice Roy hath little other revenue , than what comes in by this Tax or Tribute ; and therefore , not so much for sport , as profit , he often publisheth his Proclamations to congregate the People , and so concur with him in his Bestial Entertainments . Before the Sport begins , the Vice Roy treats at their own charge , whosoever will come into his Cellar , where the charge and shot of five shillings is as quickly dispatcht , as the discharge of a Pistol . The People being all placed in this Amphitheatre , as many almost , and as strange Beasts are let out promiscuously , as were formerly in the Ark. There was a great and strong beast called by the name of one of the Signs of the Zodiack , Taurus ; a creature far more terrible than the Colchester Bull of old : for as he stately walkt defying all opponents with his horns , so on a sudden came an cruption of fire from his side , with a report , as if his Ribs had been converted into Carbines : Phalaris his Bull was never half so hot as this appear'd , to all the Spectators admiration ; at the same time two Creatures ( which borrowed their names from two Constellations , Vrsa Major , and Vrsa Minor ) to avoid the fire , ran full drive at two Cornucopians ( vulgarly Staggs ) who endeavouring to shun by flight the approaching danger of these ill shapen , terrible Creatures , had like to have dismounted Monsieur Simea , that little dapper Gentleman , who was carelesly acting his Buffoonries in this Amphitheatre ; his Horse having more understanding than himself ( and being very apprehensive of the danger ) did presently rise before , and yerking out his hinder leggs to keep off the Cornucopians from goring his sides , gave poor Tom Dove such a bang on the Ribs , that he roar'd like the Lyons in the Tower : this noise alarm'd the Canes and Caniculi , ( a sort of dogs whose names I cannot well remember ) who came running in , and without asking what 's the matter , fell in tooth and nail ; Luponi seeing this , was at his wits ends , not knowing what to do , or whither to fly ; but Vulpone being the craftier of the two , skulkt into a by Corner , keeping himself out of harms way , nor could any means remove him from his resolved Station . The Vrsinians , with Bear-herds and others , did now begin to bestir themselves , being as much busied as their Beasts , and every whit in as stinking a condition : after a great Cry and little Wool , with a great noise to little purpose , the Company was dismist , and every man had permission to repair to his own Country , excepting only such as were reserved for a Prey , for the great White Lyon , belonging to the King of Marshelsia ; the cruelty of which Tyrant we had sufficiently heard of , which made us with greater speed to remove out of his Territories : whereupon we all went on board , not missing a man , and standing away to the Eastward , we sailed so far , till we came to a Ne plus ultra , and by the great fall and hideous noise of the Waters , we concluded we were arrived near that Gulph , which Sir Francis Drake shot , when he went to visit the Antipodes : as for my part I had not finisht my business in this World , and till that was done , I had no mind to visit another . All under my command were of the same opinion , and therefore we resolved to return ; and to favour our design , the Wind veerd about to South and by East ; hereupon we shaped our course Norwards , without discovering any thing remarkable for a great while , only we met with by the way some Turks coming from Jetland , and bound for Cole-Harbour . The nineteenth of June we met with several Men-Mermaids , swiming and sporting up and down : We were informed that they are Amphibii , and will live both on the land , and in the Water . Here we only saw the Males of these Sea-wonders , but up higher in the Straits mouth , there are Female Mermaids , which take their opportunities to delight themselves in swiming , but are mighty shie , and therefore choose the night for their pastime . Whilst I was in a serious contemplation of these Creatures , one of our men cry'd out , Land , at which we were all over joy'd : and that we might be certainly assured hereof , our Pilot ( the aforesaid Spectacle-maker ) drew out his Perspective , with which he confirmed our joys . Hereupon we directed our course to this Land , and in three Watches we came to an Anchor in White-Fryars Bay , and soon after landed , and were very civily received by the Inhabitants , who attended us on the shore . We askt them the name of the Country , who told us that formerly it had been called Lupania , or by some Vulpinia , but its later and truest appellation was Villa Franca , or Ramallia ; but the Dutch-men call it Ramy-kins . The grumbling of our dissatisfied guts , would not permit us to ask more questions , and indeed if we had , we should not have been heard for their croaking noise ; which the Inhabitants understanding without more ceremony conducted us to their Metropolis or chiefe City , where by the Governor and his Assistants , we were very well entertain'd . The next day we were shown the Antiquities , Curiosisities , and strength of this City . And now give me leave to acquaint you with my Observations . Villa Franca , or Ramallia , lyeth contiguous to Terra del Templo , the Fleta lying at some distance thereof to the North-East : In the Description of this Ramallia , I must look into Terra del Templo , but shall not pry into its Court , nor any the standing houses , the House-keepers lodging nor into the menial precincts of the Inns of Court , farther , than they stand for Refuge and Relief of the neighbouring Priviledges about them . And indeed ( since the general purgation by fire ) the first , and chiefest of all , which for advantage of ground ; for fortifications , for Water works , Posterns , Passages , Supplies , and provisions by land , or otherwise , is that so far fam'd and so fitly nam'd Ramallia : In it are several Garrisons of old Soldiers , every one of the which is able to lead a whole Army of Younger Debtors . They call their Muster-role in the Round Church , which might more properly be called their Corps du Guard ; then they draw them out into the Cloysters , and either exercise them there , or in the Garden , which is an excellent Military Spot for that purpose ; but under the Blowers in the Rum Stampers ( called the Kings Bench walks ) they pitch their set Battles , where every evening that ground ( which was listed in , and level'd for their use ) is fil'd with men of desperate or undaunted resolution . The first work in Ramallia , is rais'd and contrived in the form of a Ram ; there is no other reason I can render for it , but that Rams were of great use in the Jewish Discipline , for Batteries , as you may read in Josephus his History more at large . This work is of reasonable strength ; in former times it had a watch Tower in the similitude of a Coblers shop adjoyning , from whence all the forces about are called together , upon the least approach of the Enemy . There is another , called the Maiden-head , and is impregnable , where the Enemy dares not come within shot , and is the nearest to the confines of Terra del Templo . There are other pretty contrived Platforms , as Teste Royal , the Falcon , Mitre , &c. and these in the fashion and form of Cook-shops ; where if a Setter or Spy chance to peep in at them ( though very dark ) they will make him pay for the roast , before he depart . To this Ramallia , or Ramy-kins , belongs a very great Fleet , consisting of many Sail , well man'd , and are a great preservation to the Ramy-kins . This place , according to the late Geographieal Map , as well as the report of antient Writers , cannot possibly be so besieged , but that they within may go in and out at their pleasure , without impeachment ; for at the Middle-Temple Gate , they issue in spight of the Devil ; at the Inner-Temple Gate , they fear no colours in the Rain-bow ; and at the Postern of the Ramy-kins , in case they cannot make over to Fetter-lane , but discover Ambuscado's , they need only draw their bodies within guard of Pike , turn faces about , and retreat through the Mitre . Now admit they stand for Rio del Plata ( commonly called Fleet street ) and be so intercepted that they cannot recover the Ramy-kins , all that is required in that case , is but to mend their March ; fall downward , as if they gave way , suddenly discharge their right-hand file , and fall easily into Sergeants Inn ; where by antient Treaty had between this famous place , and Terra del Templo , it was agreed , That the parties in such distress might ( paying a small Fee ) have convoy and conveyance without the re-hazzard of any of their persons . If at any time they had a mind to Forrage , they are no sooner out of the Middle Temple Gate , but there is a threefold way to defend them ; the Bell-Inn , the Bar Gate , and Shire-lane . The passage through the Rum Stampers under the Blowers , is a most excellent safe way for close contriving and retriving : neither is the Gardners Wharsage ( as the Tide may serve ) any ways inconsiderable . To speak the truth , the nature of Ramallia is much alter'd in few years , neither is the place so much frequented as formerly by Forreigners for Refuge , the Inhabitants slighting or being careless in the preservation of their antient Priviledges . This place in former time was very populous , in such sort , that they were forced to send their people abroad into Forreign Plantations , of which they had , and have still some very considerable , for Example , Milford-lane , Fulwoods Rents , Baldwins-Garden , Great St. Bartholomews , the Fryers , Mountague-clese , with divers others ; I shall thus run them over , as I have nam'd them . Milford-lane was at first taken by indigent Officers and their Companies , who coming hither and liking the scituation , did there erect divers works , both to the Land and Water side , for their security . As they came in by conquest , so they hold it by the sword , and not withstanding their title hath been much disputed heretofore , yet they have now commuted the matter , prov'd Plantation , and have withal reduced it to a most absolute Hance and free Town of it self , without dependency . The chiefest benefit they have for securing their persons , is by Water , for to the land there is little safety , when they are once without their works . Fulwoods Rents I could never well approve of for a place of Refuge , it lies so on the Main Continent , and therefore requires the stricter watch , and yet with the greatest care cannot lie safe . At the upper end of these Rents , and at the very Portall of Purpool Palace westward , was a most excellent piece of work begun , which had it not been interrupted by those that Play'd upon it from Above ; questionless it had been the strongest and surest Hold that ever was raised within the Continent for this purpose . The Back-gate into Graies-Inn lane , with the benefit of Bauldwins Gardens is of excellent use ; but the passages through certain Inns on the Field-side , are not attempted without hazard , by reason of the straggling Troops of the Enemy , who lie Purdue in every Ale-house thereabouts . The safest way of Sally , is that through the Walks , from whence the Red-Lyon in Graies-Inn-lane receives them with good quartering , and passes them through the back way into the Main Land. Bauldwins Gardens is a Fortress of considerable strength , being much embellisht of late , and the Pavement near the Battlements is renewed , so that the Defendants may march much more commodiously to the Breast-works ; the Canniballs or Tenter-hooks have made several attempts to storm this Fortress , but have commonly come off with considerable loss , and though notable Shavers have not come off so trimly , but that they were forced to make their escape through the Bog-house . There was a famous Cittadel belonging to the Ramy-kins , but long since surprized and taken in by the Enemy , it still retains the name of Great St. Bartholomews , upon whose Platform a whole Army of Borrowers and Book-men might have been mustred and drawn out in length , or into what form or figure it had pleased them to cast themselves . What works , yea what variety of Art and Workmanship was within it ? What an excellent half-Moon was there cast up without it , for defence to the Eastward ? What excellent Sconces , in the fashion of Tobacco-shops and Ale-houses in all parts of it . But alas these are demolisht , for the most part , the old Soldiers discharg'd , and all delivered up into the hand of the Enemy upon composition . The frequent assaults that have been made upon St. John of Jerusalem , have rendred the place incapable of holding out longer , so that the band of Borrowers there billeted are disbanded and dismist . The Fryers Augustine and Cruciate , Black , White and Gray , had all their Cowls pull'd or'e their heads , and were for the most part led into the City captive , where they remain to this day . It is believed by most of the Sword-men thereunto belonging , that these places had ne'r been lost , had they not suffer'd those of the freedom to dwell among them , who increased and multiplyed after that wonderful manner , that by their general planting , they supplanted the Nobility and Gentry which upheld their Liberties , and in the end engrossed all the power of Office , Trust and Authority into their hands , and thereby did set open the Gates to let the Military men of the Mace to enter and surprize all . The Commanders of the City were only content upon Treaty , to article and agree with those of the Black-Fryers , that not withstanding they so entred upon Conquest , yet the old Companions , especially the English Feather makers , the Scotch Taylors , and the French Shoo-makers , with some Forreign Forces , should enjoy their antient priviledges without molestation or interruption , or any other that will manfully fight for their antient rights and customs . To the Northward of the Black-Friers , lies a very strong and formidable Cittadel belonging to the Enemy , standing on the brow of an Hill , which scours all the whole Country about . This Cittadel is guarded like Marselles wi●h Bloodhounds , who almost daily bring in a great number of Prisoners upon horses , called Duce facias's . This place is so remarkable I cannot pass it by without a small description . It is much like the Apples of Sodom , better for sight without than in ; It s who●e prospect from within , are Iron grates , where through every Transen , the forlorn Captives may take a view of the Iron Age ; there is one single entrance , which like Hells Gate , le ts many in , but few out , turn once the Ward — Et vestigia nulla retrorsum . The Cimmerians in their dwellings resemble these in their lodgings , only their lights are different ; those receive some scatter'd beamlings by their Mountain Crannies ; these by their disconsolate loopholes : Yet from above , the Inhabitants may take a view of all those places which club'd to their restraint : and be reminded of the loss of time which brought them thither . The Governour here of is careless whence they come , but infinitely cautious how they go away ; and if they go away without his favour , they are in great danger to break their necks for their labour . This place holds as much as the world ; all its inhabitants are either good or bad ; here is a good Prisoner , and he makes contemplation his refection ; nothing can confine him , because he finds nothing fit to entertain him which Earth can afford him : here is a fat sensual Prisoner , who is content with any place that may belul his clowdy understanding in a careless sleep , freedom and bondage are indifferently equal to his fruitless pilgrimage ; here is the lean Prisoner , who one would think had procured such a divorce from his flesh , as if he had only enter'd into covenant with his spirit ; whose weak exhausted feature proceeding from the defective reversions of a trencher , merits pity , bearing the Characters of his renury in the dying colours of his Physiognomy . To be out at Elbows here is to be in fashion , it being a great indecorum not to be thread-bare . Every man shews here like so many wracks on the Sea , here the ribs of five hundred pound , here the relick of a shop well furnished , and a good portion with his Wife . The Company one with the other , is but a vying of complaints , and the causes they have to rail at fortune & fool themselves , and there is a great deal of good fellowship in this . The mirth of this place is but feigned , where over a large dose they endeavour to keep themselves from themselves , and so drown the torment of thinking what they have been . They huddle up their lives as a thing of no use , and wear it out like an old suit , the faster the better ; and he that deceives the time best , best spends it . In the next place , I should speak som what of Mountagues close , but that I think it doth not properly belong to the Ramy-kins , and therefore I shall desist , and give you an account what the nature and disposition of these people are which appertain to Ramallia , or the Ramy-kins , with the Territories thereunto belonging , as also what those people are that fight against them . The manners and dispositions of the Ramallians , with their Religion , Laws , and Customs . THey are a wandring sort of people who like the Tartars , never abide long in a place , but remove often , carrying all that they have about them . They are very fearful and cautelous , and dangerous to be dealt withall ; and you cannot affront them worse , than to bring any Mace by way of barter , for they hate it worse than a Jew Swines flesh . You may know them from any other people by these marks following . If any of them have occasion to walk into the Imperial City , to be sure at the lanes end he looks behind him , and after he hath turned out of sight he mends his pace in an extraordinary degree of footmanship , till he hath gain'd some ground of the followers ; and then he makes another stand , to take notice whether any of them have arrived thither with more than ordinary speed , or precipitate himself at the coming about at the Lanes end , which he knows to be the certain sign of the Enemies besetting him . He loves variety of apparel , and hates ( if he have it ) to be known long in a Suit ; ask him the question , and he will give you an account of all the Taverns with back-doors , especially such which lead to the water side ; and envies the encrease of the Moon more then the decrease of his Fortunes . He is a great enemy to idleness , for he loves not to see one leaning on a Stall , or looking about him , and cannot endure whistling after Candle light . They may be paralel'd with the Jews , who are a mixt people born in several places , yet coming from one stock , and are as much Inhdels occasioned by the Infidelity of others . They pray not in common form , but that the Commons may meet in form asoresaid ; and no sin sticks so close to their Consciences , as that they ever paid any thing to their Creditors in part . As for their Religion I can speak little of it ; only this , they believe liberty to be Heaven , Money the Guardian Angel that conducts them thither : They hold there is a local Hell , which is placed in the Center of a Prison , and their Creditors the Devils which torment them ; they believe there are several Purgatories , the principal whereof do lie in Woodstreet and in Grocers Alley , where Paying instead of Praying gives deliverance . And now it is high time to relate who are the Enemies to these Ramy-kins or Ramallians , who implacably assault them upon all occasions . Within London there are two Regiments of Macemen , the one is encamped in the Poultry , the other in Woodstreet ; at both which places there are great numbers attending their Colours , where they are ever ready to sally upon the Alarm or signal given ; others of them guard their Colonels person by turns ; the rest are appointed and exposed as followeth . Some of the best able and most trusty of the Cavalry ( as their service requires , and especially in Term time ) are planted at Teste Royal , near Chancery lane end , to make good that place , and to cut off such as issue out of the works on the other side , or come down from other parts to put themselves under the protection of Terra del Templo , and the places thereunto nearly adjacent . Of these Chancery-lane-end men , ( if the design do deserve it ) some two or three of them are drawn out to defeat the passage between the Middle Temple and Bell yard , or the Bar-gate , but this is upon especial occasion , and therefore seldome attempted , but when they have intelligence of some extraordinary booty coming that way . Others of them are quarter'd in Smithfield , where every Monday , Wednesday and Friday they stand charg'd and cockt , ready to give fire at every poor Butcher in the Graziers quarrels ; and these are of their Infantry . Others are on every Market day commanded for Leaden-hall , where they serve one day under the Tanner against the Shoo-maker , another day under the Butcher against the Tanner , and sometimes the Scrivener against both . Others are appointed to several other Markets , where rather than not be employed in service , they will bear arms against the very Butter-wives ( enough to make their very hearts to melt with the very thought on 't ) who wont be satisfied without a greasing in the fist . The eldest sort of them , such as hold charge rather for their advice than ability , are laid at the Exchange , where though the service be daily , and the Nations against whom they serve are a stubborn stomachful people , meeting ever at dinner and supper time , yet the danger is but small , in regard they have the Country round about to befriend them . The only Desperveio's among them are severally appointed to the several Gates , where they secure and keep clear the passage to the Bars being the utmost extent of their works . For stratagems of War they are most excellent ; to gain a Conquest by surprize , they sometimes wear a Porters Frock , and with a pretended Letter effect their purpose . A Lawyers or a Parsons Gown is somtimes of singular use , ( lates quod non patet . ) The habit of a Country Bumpkin somtimes will not do amiss , especially if booted and with dirt bedaubed ; they have a thousand tricks besides , but so cunningly intricate , that I cannot describe them . It may be expected that I should say something of the Discipline of the Bayliffs , but to say the truth , I hold them not worthy to be discoursed of , nor to be ranked with men of the Mace , and therefore , by my good will , I will have nothing to do with them at any hand . It is time to return to Ramallia , and give you a further account of that place ; I have already discourst the nature of the Climate and the people , with a geographical description of that Country and the Plantations thereunto belonging , not omitting their strength within themselves , and the form of their Adversaries without ; the next thing I shall treat of is the several Schools of Learning contained herein , as also an account of their Laws and Customs . As there are several Schools , so there are several Arts and Sciences studied . Some moody Souls there are here , who will drink till they are Maudling drunk , and then weep their Liquor out as fast as they drink it , these men are said to study Hydromancy . He that walks up and down a room smoaking whilst the rest of the Company is sitting , is stiled a Peripatetick . He that prattles perpetually , interlining every sentence with a causless misbecomming laughter , is a Naturalist . He that in his Cups falls into theological disputes , or builds Castles in the Air , studieth Metaphysicks . He that cannot drink a little extraordinary , but presently vomits to ease himself and offend the Company , is a young Practitioner in Physick . He that boasts of his Travels , and impudently professeth to have been in places he never saw but in a Map , is called a Cosmographer . He that hath attained to the Art of Wheedling , and can by a word or two wind himself into credit among strangers ( for he that knows him will not trust him for a sarthing ) this man is ftiled a Rhetorician . He that by the overflowing of his Cups perpetually sings tunes a la mode , and so saves his reckoning , is one of the Quire , or a Musitian . He that can so insinuate or wriggle himself into the affection of some wealthy Maid , Wise , or Widdow , as to have his necessities supplyed from time to time by a liberal and generous contribution , is a perfect Logician , having gotten Piscator in Ramum by heart . He that by specious pretences and subtle perswasions hath gotten largely into a Vintners score , and for some special kindnesses hath borrowed so much money of his wise to cancel the debt , without the least mistrust of an overflowing familiarity , is a Merchant Adventurer , and a singular good Accountant . He that falls down on his back with a Pipe of Tobacco in his Mouth , fast asleep , is a proficient in Astronomy . Lastly , He that reels in the streets , as if they were too narrow to contein him , is a Geometrician . Their Military School . THere is one very famous Military School which is held in great estimation , in that it brings the Students to a great proficiency in a very little time , and thus the Students therein concern'd are rankt according to their Qualifications . He that fl●ngs a bottle down stairs , to no other intent than to double the Files , and inflame himself as well as the reckoning , is stiled Marshal of the Field . He that found out that crafty knack of calling for a Gill of Canary , and thereby meant a Pint , and so an half Pint a Quart , by which the intemperance of a compacted jovial Crew was muffled up from the knowledg of their serious Relations , I say this man they call Master of the Ordnance . He that runs all the Town over having no other bufiness than to find out so much Liquor as will send him drunk to bed , is called Scout-Master-General . He that drinks three Glasses in a hand , is Master-Gunner . He that in a hot dispute of headstrong resolute Bacchanalians gets first drunk in the Society , is made Captain of a foot company , and he that is last drunk is Lieutenant . He that is quarrelsome in his Liquor , and upon the least occasion delivers his box about , is Marshal of the Regiment . He that will not fight upon just occasion given , but turns his revenge upon the Innocent Drawer , is a Drum Major , but he that draws upon every body is a Serjeant . He whose indigency makes a meer hanger on , and being a Low-Country Soldier , is made Gentleman of the Pikes . He that makes two Pence serve for his expence in company , though the stay be very long , is Lanspresado , or Powder-Monkey . He that will not let any small trifling thing escape his hands , but instantly secures them , as Knives , Handkerchiefs , Gloves , &c. is termed a Suttler . He that will drink eight and forty hours without sleep , or if he should chance to catch a nap , he lyeth rough , this man is called an old Soldier . Their Court of Admiralty or Navy . Office. HE that bears briskly up in the turbulent waves of an Ocean of Liquor , is Master or Pilot of a Ship. He that spills his Liquor on the table , and then leans and lolls his elbows in it , is Swabber . He that will never let the glass stand still ; but when it lies at his Neighbours door , out of a covetous principle , steals it from him , is a Dutch Caper , or Pirate . He that is suddenly taken with the hickup , is Gunners-Mate ; He that is perpetually smoaking , Cook ; and he that belcheth or breaketh wind backwards , is Trumpeter . In what manner the Inhabitants hold their Lands . WE have already shown you what kind of Philosophy and Soldiery is profest and practised in Ramallia ; we shall describe next , how the Inhabitants hold their Lands . Imprimis , He that by impertinent foolish discourse or apish gesture makes himself a laughing stock to the whole Company , is Tenant in Fee-simple . He that watcheth all opportunities to kiss his Landlady , her Daughter , or her Maid , so that he stick to one only , is Tenant in Tail special . He that kisseth all that come nigh him without distinction of persons , is Tenant in Tail general . He that is half Seas over ( i. e. three quarters drunk ) yet will run madding after Mutton , without the consideration of its being sound or rotten , is Tenant in Tail , after possibility of Issue extinct . He whose head is lop heavy by too large a Grace-cup , and takes a nap , is Tenant by the Courtesie of England . If a parcel of merry Wives frequently meet at a Tavern or elsewhere to drown'd the troublesome thoughts of having pevish aged impotent husbands , they are Tenants in Dowr . He that hath heels much lighter than his head , holds in Soccage ; and he that hath an head much lighter than his heels , holds in Capite . He that drinks with his hat off , Tenders in homage ; if on the knee besides , doth his fealty . He whose Wife will not suffer him to be drunk , unless she may be drunk with him , either in the same company or elsewhere , is a Free-holder He that sneakingly capitulates about the reckoning , till some franck generous soul hath discharged it , is a poor Copy-holder . Lastly , That mean spirited thing which suffers it self to be drag'd home by his Wife from the Alehouse , with railing reproachful speeches , is Tenant at will , and deserves to be kick●d over his own Threshold . I might enlarge my self upon this subject : let this suffice for any rational man to guess at the rest . I shall in the next place tell you what are the qualifications of their principal Officers . The Principal Officers of Ramallia , and their Qualifications . AS Arts and Sciences are not attained unto , but with great labour and study , so high Titles are not commonly obtained without singular worth : but in this sensual drunken Country the worst of men have the best preferment ; for be that drinks much and talks little , is a Judge . He that will not drink an health by any means , and yet will make an hard shift but will go to bed intoxicated , is a Justice of Peace . He that continually clacks with his Tougue , so that no other talk can be heard , is a Barrester . He that forcibly puts his friend or acquaintance into the Tavern or Alehouse , is a Counter Serjeant . He that being proud of his parts , and very opinionative , will engross all the discourse to himself , is Fore man of the July . He that bawls and wrangles in his liquor , is Cryer of the Court. He that drinks in hugger mugger , is a Bencher . He that is lost in his own argument , is a Mooter . He that scorns to baulk his Liquor , is a hopeful young Student . He that takes the tale out of another mans mouth , is a Publick Notary . He that talks he knows not what , a Sollicitor . He that is tediously long in telling his own stories , is a Register ; and he that is ever kind and complemental in his Liquor , is a Civilian . Be pleased to take notice , That he who calls his Landlady Whore , puts in his Declaration ; he that is melancholy or sottishly drunk is said to demur upon the Plantiff ; he that payeth the whole reckoning suffering none else to pay a farthing , Pronounceth Judgment ; he that sumbleth in his pocket till the reckoning be paid , is quit by Proclamation , and he that gives his Landlord a bill Obligatory , under hand and Seal to stop his mouth for the present , is saved by his Clergy . Special Cases in the Law of Ramallia , as they have been argued privately , between Mr. Simon Spend-all , Son to Sir Ferdinando Sackbut ; and Philip Philpot , Son and Heir to Giles Spiggot . The first Case . If a Debtor at any time be frighted by a Capias , or any other Writ , and he fly for safety , it shal be free for him to enter forceably into the next Tenement adjacent , without trespassing , especially if the Door or Window be checquered with blew or red , and all because when the Landlord demanded Quo Jure , or by what right this Entrance was made , it was answered Libertate probanda ; in this Case the Landlord shall by a Dedimus potestatem , give him entertainment if the Defendant please usque diem clausit extremum , after the expiration of which time the Defendant paying the Fees of the House , shall remove himself by virtue of a Habeas Corpus where he list , but in default of payment , the Landlord may stop him by a Writ , called a Ne Exeat Regnum , provided the Defendants heels prevent not the Attachment . The second Case . If three Gentlemen , boon Associats and true Topers , purchase twenty bottles of Canary to themselves and the remainder over in Fee to their servants ; if these men grow intokicated ( Anglice drunk ) before their Masters without issue , the remainder reverts ( i.e. returns ) as Escheat to the Donor , and the surviving Purchaser ( his fellows being defunct to all out ward appearance ) goes away with the whole , which he may alienate to the next commer in , or to whom he pleaseth , non obstante the Statute of Alienation . The third Case . If there be two Brethren , the one whereof ( the elder ) is seized of a Noble in Credit , and shall be made dead drunk , the younger Brother may enter as the next Heir upon the Noble in Demesne , and presently convey it over in Fee to the Landlord ; but unless he please , the Noble shall not descend , because the Elder brother dyed not seized . A fourth Case , very remarkable . In case of Linnen , it hath been adjudged , that if three good fellows and constant Companions have but one shirt between them , and that these three ( seeing none of their other shifts will do them any good ) jointly consent this shirt shall be sold , it shall be lawful for them to expose it to sale , vended and condemned for the common good of three , and that forthwith the money be spent in the cherishing that blood that retired from the extream parts , being chil'd with the fright of parting with so dear and near a friend . A fifth Case . If any Student having a mind to follow his book close call to a Servitor to bring him a book , and he bring him a Decimo sexto for a Duodecimo ; an octavo for a quarto , or a vicessimo quarto for a pot folio ; although the Student turn it over for instruction sake , yet if his choler be moved by a dislike of the volumn , he may lawfully knock it about the Servitors ears , and may beat learning into his pate till he break the cover of the book , or his coxcomb , and afterwards justifie it by a Decree made by the Masters of Brazen Nose . A sixth Case . If three poor Scholars happen to visit a School in the Suburbs , and having viewed the Library therein , where are books of the old English character , and having studied a while , are called to an account for their learning , and thence arise a hot dispute , insomuch that the Library keeper is soundly beaten for his pains , they may by force of Common-Law depart in the heat of that dispute , scot-free , and shot-free . A seventh Case , no less admired for its antiquity as for its obscurity . After that old seignior John had heard of the unkind dealing of Edmund towards Marmaduke , when that Nicholas came to intreat Roger to go to Nathaniel to certifie William that Jeffery was at variance with Anthony , not withstanding that Joseph was arrested by Henry at the suit of Ralph , he comes unto Robert to certifie Randolph , that Ambrose would be revenged of Leonard for the love he bore to Silvester , whereupon Jaspar had like to have slain Theophilus , which when Edward espied , he made it appear both to Luke and to Francis , that Rowland was the cause of this falling out , and all was because Samuels bald Nag was put into Martins stable in the dead of the night , by Thomas , Andrew and Ahsolon , and that they would not deliver him out to Hugh unless James and Giles became bound unto Christopher , whereupon Philemon drew his knife at Oliver the Hostler , and had like to have slain him , had not Peter and John held his hands whilst Gabriel and Isaac ran for Matthew and Thomas the two Constables of the Town , but before they could return , oln Father Adam , by the help of Philip , had so far pacified the parties as to come to a good agreement , or else compremise . Quere , who is in fault ? The eighth Case . It so hapned , that whilst Jenkins was on the Ladder thatching of an house , a Sow that was bent on Mischief , ran her head through the rounds of the Ladder , nor could this be avoided , notwithstanding he was admonisht of the danger approaching , by Alexander his faithful servant ; Lewis observing this unlucky accident , cry'd out Murder , the noise whereof a wakened Jeremy out of a drunken sleep , who instantly laid hold on Edgar , swearing bitterly if Charles did not immediately run and setch Endimion , Walter should hold up his hand at the Bar ; this so inraged George , that Andrew with a quarter staff did let drive at Josua in such sort , that had not Richard interposed , Hubert had undoubtedly been knockt on the head ; Valentine was all this while eating hasty pudding for his breakfast , the sight whereof so sharpned Benjamin's revenge , that snatching the pudding out of his hands , eating up the one half , he threw the rest scalding hot in the face of Tobias ; hereupon Moses and Jacob rubbing their eyes did very much condemn the sauciness of Simon ; at this up starts Ezechiel and Gregory , protesting they could no longer indure the leud and insolent carriage of Phineas , which caused Fredrick to acknowledg , that Nehemiah was in the right ; how can that be , said Ferdinando , since it is well known to Zachary , that Simon , Humphrey and Daniel were all concerned in the conspiracy of the aforesaid malitious Sow , in the taking away the life of the poor Thatcher . A ninth and last Case . Whilst Martha was frying Tripe for Dorothies dinner , in came Susan and assaulted Barbarah a young widdow , Jane hereupon took the frying-pan and threw it about the house , and it so hapned that a broad piece of Tripe fell so exactly all over Judiths face , that Ann could not see the way out of door to call in Jone to the assistance of Frances , who by this time had her face so plaister'd with boyling hot Custard , by the cruel dealing of Lucy and Elizabeth , that it was verily believed by Alice and Mary , that Priscilla the Virgin would go near to miscarry upon it ; hereupon Sarah was much troubled that the patience of Grizel should exceed that of Elenors in suffering Esther to knock down Cassandra with a Churmstick into the dripping pan , Beatrice seeing this , did with violence thrust Sisly up to the arm-pits in a pan of hot codlings , in the mean time Deborah and Thomasin had pull'd off each others head gear , and had so claw'd one the others face that they could not see how to put an end to the present difference . Quere , what must be done in both these Cases ? FINIS . A44696 ---- A sermon preach'd Febr. 14, 1698, and now publish'd, at the request of the Societies for reformation of manners in London and Westminster by John Howe ... Howe, John, 1630-1705. 1698 Approx. 61 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A44696 Wing H3041 ESTC R22726 12744227 ocm 12744227 93192 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A44696) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 93192) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 984:4) A sermon preach'd Febr. 14, 1698, and now publish'd, at the request of the Societies for reformation of manners in London and Westminster by John Howe ... Howe, John, 1630-1705. [2], 51 p. Printed by S. Bridge, for Tho. Parkhurst ..., London : 1698. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Sermons. 2004-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON Preach'd Febr. 14. 1698. AND NOW Publish'd , at the Request OF THE SOCIETIES FOR Reformation of Manners IN London and Westminster . By JOHN HOWE , Minister of the GOSPEL . LONDON , Printed by S. Bridge , for Tho. Parkhurst at the Bible and Three Crowns in Cheapside , near Mercers-Chappel , 1698. A SERMON FOR THE Reformation of Manners . ROM . xiii . 4. For he is the Minister of God , to thee for Good — THE Temper of this our present Assembly ought to be not only serious , but also mournful : For the occasion it hath reference to , is both very important , and most deplorable , and requires to be attended to , as with very intense Consideration , so with deep sorrow . Even Rivers of Tears running down our Eyes , as the words are , Psal. 119.136 . could not more than equal the Sadness of the Case , i. e. the same there mentioned ; because Men ( as is meant by the Indefinite they ) kept not God's Law. That there should be such Disorders in the Intellectual World ! That Reasonable Creatures should be so degenerate , that 't is become hardly accountable why they are called so ! They are said to be Constituted and Distinguish'd by Reason , but disdain to be govern'd by it , accounting their Senses and their Vices , their better and wiser Directors . WITH us the Case is yet worse ! that in a Christian City and Kingdom , the Insolencies of Wickedness are so high , tumultuate at such a rate , and so daringly assault Heaven , that the Rigor of Laws , the Severity of Penalties , the Vigilancy and Justice of Magistrates , with the vigorous assisting Diligence of all Good Men , in their several Stations , are more necessary than sufficient to repress them . THE same Considerations that should excite our Zeal , ought also to influence our Grief ; and the more apparently necessary it is , that all possible Endeavours be used for Redress , and the stronger and more convictive Arguments can be brought to evince it , the deeper sense we ought to have of the Evils that create this Necessity , and the more feelingly we should lament them . AND if this be the Temper of this Assembly and of all other , upon this Occasion , this would give us Measures , and set us right , as to the whole Business of such a Season . No Body will then think it should be the Business of the Sermon , to please curious Ears , or of the Hearers to criticize upon the Sermon , or that it ought to be my present Business to complement the Worthy Persons that have Associated on this Account , how laudable soever their Undertaking is . But it will be the common agreed Business of us all , to take to Heart the sad Exigency of the Case , to be suitably affected with it , and quickned to what shall appear to be our Duty in reference thereto . AND tho the Words I have read do more directly respect the Part and Office of Rulers , yet since there is that Relation between them that Govern , and those that are under Government , that the Duty of the one , will plainly imply , and connote the Duty of the other . I shall so consider the Words , as they may have a direct , or collateral Reference to all sorts of Hearers ; and do point out the Duty , as well of them that live under Government , as of them that Govern. WE are therefore to take notice , that the Text admits , either of an Absolute Consideration , or a Relative . ABSOLUTELY considered , 't is an Assertion ; RELATIVELY , it is an Argument . As the Introductive Particle , for , shews . 1. FOR the Absolute Consideration of the Words , as they are an Assertion , we are to see what they assert . The Person spoken of under the Term He , is any Ruler , Supream or Subordinate , as in that parallel Text , which we may take for a Comment upon this , is exprest , 1 Pet. 2.13 , 14. Submit your selves to every Ordinance of Man for the Lord's sake , whether to the King as Supream , or to Governours sent by him , for the Punishment of Evil Doers , and for the Praise of them that do well . The Words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , used in this Context admit of the same extent . So among others , that great Man Grotius understands this place also , not only of Kings and Princes , but whosoever are the Tutores status publici , ( borrowing that Expression from Seneca ) any that are to take care of the Publick State , by whatsoever Name they are designed . Indefinitely , any Magistrate whatsoever . THAT which is said of such a one , contains an account of THE Original , and THE End of his Office and Power . THE Original of it , that he is the Minister of God , which signifies he is , as such , to act only by his Authority , deriv'd from him , as V. 1. There is no Power but from God , and the Powers that be , are ordained of God. Which also implies , that such Power is to be used for God. And that consequently God is to be the Ruler's first and last : And he is to be Subordinate to God , both as his Principle and End. Acting by his Authority , he is by consequence to act for his Interest . His Minister , or Servant is to serve him . BUT besides what is thus imply'd of the General and Vltimate End of the Magistrates Power , in what is more directly said of the Original of it ; we have also a more explicit account of THE End of it , viz. the next , and more particular End , which is twofold . The End for whom , indefinitely exprest . For thee , i. e. for every , or any one that lives under Government ; and by consequence , the whole governed Community . For all the Parts make up the whole . And further we have THE End for what , viz. for Good , the Good of each Individual , and of the whole Community , as comprehending all the Individuals . Thus we see what the Words contain absolutely considered , as they are an Assertion . 2. WE are to consider them relatively as they are an Argument . So the Particle , for , shews their Relation , and directs us backward , where we shall see what they argue . And we find they are brought in to enforce the Duty before enjoyn'd , which is twofold . PRIMARY , and more principal . CONSEQVENTIAL , deduced from the former . I. THE primary Duty is that V. 1. Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers , or to the Powers that are above us . Some blame the comparative Expression , sublimioribus , higher , for which there is no pretence , from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that only signifies the Powers mention'd , to be over us , whether in an higher or lower degree . Let them be less or more above us , we are to be subject to them . II. THE Subsequent Duty is double , 1. THAT they are not to be resisted . A Doctrine which from the Terms of the Context is capable of being so stated , as neither to be just matter of Reproach or Scandal to the Wise and Good , nor of Sport and Laughter to another sort of Men. But that is not my present Business . 2. THAT they are not to be ( unduly ) dreaded , or apprehended as a Terrour , i.e. not otherwise , than ( in the design of their appointment ) they are so , viz. to Evil Works , and the Workers of them , not to the good , V. 3. A fear of Reverence is indeed due from all to their Character , and the Dignity of their Station : A filial fear , that of Children , for they are the Fathers of their Country ; not a Servile , or that of Slaves , except from such as are so ; Evil Doers , who are Slaves of the vilest and more ignoble sort ; to their own Lusts , that inslave their Minds , which might otherwise enjoy the most Generous Liberty , under the meanest and more oppressive external Servitude . THE Text , according to its immediate Reference , is but an amplification of the Reason alledg'd , Why the Magistrate is not to be look'd upon with Terrour and Affright , by any but such as resolve upon a profligately wicked course of Life , not by such as intend only a course of well-doing . For , if thou be such , he is the Minister of God to thee for good . His Sword is only formidable when it fetches its Blow from above , when it is bathed in Heaven , as we may borrow the words , Isa. 34.5 . when it is weilded according to Divine Appointment , and God and he concur in the same stroak . When it is otherwise , 't is true that the Fallible or Unrighteous Humane Ruler , may for well doing afflict thee , and therein do thee wrong , but he can do thee no hurt , even tho the Stroak were Mortal , Luke 12.4 . for our Lord forbids the fear of what is no worse . So said Socrates of them that Persecuted him to Death , They can kill me , but cannot hurt me . Who is it that can harm you ( saith a great Apostle ) if ye be Followers of that which is good , 1 Pet. 3.13 . And 't is added , V. 14. If ye suffer for Righteousness sake , happy are ye — And hath any Man reason to be afraid of being happy ? BUT tho this be the more immediate reference of these words [ He is the Minister of God to thee for good ] and is therefore [ not to be unduly feared , ] they do yet ultimately and more principally respect the grand Precept first laid down , of being subject to the Powers over us . Which is evident , for that upon this very ground , and the intervening Considerations , which further illustrate it , this same Precept is resumed and prest upon Conscience , and a necessity is put upon it , on the same account , viz. that because the Magistrate , is the Minister of God for good ; and is to be a Terror to Evil-doers , and hath a Sword put into his Hands for that purpose , which he is not to bear in vain , but must be the Minister of God in this kind , viz. as a Revenger , to execute Wrath , upon such as do evil . That therefore we must needs be Subject , and that not only for Wrath , but also for Conscience sake . THIS is therefore the principal relation of these words viz. as an Argument to prove that he , the Magistrate , is the Minister of God to us for good ; that therefore we ought not only not to resist him , when he is doing his Duty , nor be afraid of him when we are but doing ours ; but that we also ought to be subject to him ; and that , not only that we may escape Wrath , but that we may satisfie Conscience . THIS is therefore the Relation , according whereto we shall consider these words , viz. AS they are an Argument to inforce the required Subjection . WHICH Subjection that we may the more fully apprehend , 't will be requisite with the more care , to consider the Propriety of the word , used to express it . It is a word that carries Order , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Bowels of it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , V. 1. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , V. 4. And with the Preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it signifies Order under another , as of Inferiours under Superiours . It imports therefore not to be subject only , but Subordinate and Subservient . And the form wherein it is here used , admitting of its being taken not strictly in the Passive sense , but in the middle , whereupon it may be indifferently capable of being render'd actively , viz. not only to be Subordinate , but by your own act , and with your own design , subordinate your selves to the Magistrate , come into order under him , as he is God's Minister invested by him with Power for such and such Purposes . This without straining , carries the sense yet higher . AND whereas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a word of known Military import , and signifies the Order of an Army formed for Battle , wherein every one knows his own Rank , Place and Station , 't is as if it were said , Take your Place , come into Rank , that you may , under the Commander's Conduct , in acie stare , stand in Order of Battle ; as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 renderd to resist the Ruler , is ex adverso in acie stare , to stand in Rank , or in Battalia against him . You are not only not to resist , but you are to assist , and in your Place and Station stand by him , whom God hath deputed to be his Minister , as he is to promote Common Good , and be a Terrour to them that do evil . This was the just Claim and Demand of that excellent Prince , Psal. 94.16 . Who will rise up for me against the Evil-doers , and stand up for me against the Workers of Iniquity ? THIS according to Lexicographers of good note , is the import of that word , which we lay such weight upon , and accordingly very valuable Expositors understand this place . BY this time therefore you may see what Place and Order these Words I pitch'd upon have in the Series of the Apostles Discourse ; and thereupon what aspect they have upon the design for which we are met . Pursuant whereto , they admit of being thus Summ'd up . THAT for this Reason , and under this Notion , as the Magistrate is to be a Terror to them that do evil , and therein God's Minister for good to them over whom he is set . It belongs to every Soul , or to all Persons under his Government , to be each one in his Station , and according to his Capacity , actively and with their own design , Subordinate and Subservient to him herein . IN speaking to this I shall shew . I. THAT the Magistrate is God's Minister , upon the mention'd account . II. THAT therefore such Duty is incumbent upon all that live under Government . The former whereof is a Doctrinal Proposition ; The other the Vse of it . 1. THAT the Magistrate is the Minister of God , for the Good of them over whom he is set . This we are to consider by parts . THAT 1. He is God's Minister . Hereof none can doubt , who doubt or deny not the Being of God. His being God's Minister signifies his deriving his Power from him . Who else can be the Fountain of Power , but he who is the Fountain of all Being ? 'T is true , the Governing Power hath not been always derived the same way ; but it hath been always from the same Fountain . When God was pleased to have a People within a peculiar sort of inclosure , more especially appropriate to himself , he was very particular in signifying his Will concerning all Material Things that concern'd their Government . WHAT the Form of it should be . WHAT Persons should govern ; or in what way the Power and Right to govern should descend and be convey'd to them . WHAT Laws they should be govern'd by . WHAT the Methods should be of governing according to those Laws . SINCE , it is very evident , much is left to the prudence of Men , always to be directed by general Rules of Equity , and , as these allow , by immediate Interpositions of his own Providence . I resolve this Discourse shall be involv'd in no Controversies ; And therefore shall not determine , nor go about to dispute , as to what is so left , how much or how little that may be . But it is plain and indisputable that the Governing Power he reserves and claims to himself , i. e. not to exercise it himself , immediately , in a Political way , but to communicate and transmit it to them that shall . So that in what way soever it is deriv'd to this or that Person , or under whatsoever form , the conferring of it he makes his own Act , as we find it said to Nebuchadnezzar , Dan. 2.37 . The God of Heaven hath given thee a Kingdom . And he is told , c. 4.32 . The most High ruleth in the Kingdoms of Men , and giveth them to whomsoever he will. AND so much you see is in this Context asserted to him over and over . TWO Things are plain in this Matter . THAT it is the Mind of God there should be such a thing as Magistracy and Government in this World. AND again , That Men shall be governed by Men ; by some of other of themselves ; who shall be , as the Text speaks , God's Ministers . As he is the Original of the Governing Power , the Administration shall be in them . AND of the Mind of God in both these there is sufficient Indication by the very Law of Nature . How is it conceivable such Sentiments should be so common , if they were not from a common Cause ? He seems to me to have determin'd well if it be considered in what way the Course of Nature is now continued , and by whom all things consist , that makes the Governing Power to be from God , as the Author of Nature . And that tho Government as it is such and such be juris humani , it is juris divini , absolutely consider'd , or as it is Government . IT was most apparently a thing worthy of God , when he Peopled this World with such a sort of Creatures as Man , to provide for the maintaining of common Order among them , who without Government were but a Turba , a Colluvies , as a noted Heathen speaks on a different account , a Rout of Men. Had Man continued in unstained Innocency , 't is concluded on all Hands there must have been a Government among them , i. e. not Punitive or Coercive for which there could have been no occasion , but directive , and conservative of Superiority and Inferiority , as it is also even among the Angels of Heaven , where are no inordinate Dispositions to be represt . Much more is Government in the severer Parts of it , necessary for lapsed Man on Earth ; the making of restrictive Laws , and Governing by them . And , THAT God should design the Governing of Men By Men , was also most agreeable to the Perfections of his Nature , especially his Wisdom and his Goodness , considered in Comparison to the Imperfection of this our present State. When the Government over Israel was a Theocracy , God used the Ministry of Men in the Management of it . THAT it should be his ordinary stated Course to govern by Voices or Visions , or by frightful Appearances such as those on Mount Sinai , had been very little suitable to this our State of Probation ; as his accurate Wisdom we find hath determin'd . And was less agreeable to his Benignity and Goodness , which would not amazingly terrifie , where he design'd more gently to admonish and instruct . Hence had he regard to their frailty who so passionately supplicated , Let not God speak to us lest we die . And this his compassionate goodness we are led to consider , being next to treat of the End of this his Constitution , viz. 2. THAT the Magistrate is God's Minister to Men for their Good. Next to the sweet Airs and Breathings of the Gospel it self , Where have we a kinder or more significant discovery of God's good Will to Men ! Here we are to stay and wonder , not to Assent only but Admire ! To behold the World in a Revolt ! The Dwellers on Earth in Arms against Heaven ! And the Counsels that are taken above are how to do them good ! How God-like is this ! How suitable to magnificent Goodness ! Or beneficent Greatness ! Being secure from hurt by their impotent Attempts ; and when Revenge was so easie ; to study not only not to Harm them ; nor also how they might less harm and mischief themselves , but how to do them good ! This was every way Great , and most suitable to the greatness of God , wherein it falls into Conjunction with so immense and absolute Goodness as doth beyond what any Created Mind would ask or think . This imports not implacableness , or destructive Design towards the generality of Mankind , but great Benignity even to every Soul in as full extent as the Command runs to be subject to the higher Powers . This is we find another Medium by which God testifies , or leaves not himself without witness , besides what we have elsewhere , that he gives Men Rain from Heaven and fruitful Seasons . THE most compassionate Eye of God beholds Men under the Power of vicious Inclination , bent upon destructive Ways ; whereas by the course of Nature , which he hath fix't , he should give them ordinarily competent Time , as he hath given them Breath and Being and all Things , Acts 17. That they might seek after him and labour to feel and find him out ; They live in a contemptuous neglect of him , and are Cruel to themselves , oft shorten their own Time , live too fast , and make too much haste to dig their own Graves , and turn their Habitation into a Charnel-house ; yea even bury themselves alive in stupifying Sensuality and Vice , He though provok't hastens not their Destruction more , by sudden Revenge . He animadverts not upon them by Flames , and Thunderbolts , nor amazes them by astonishing appeaances . His Terrors make them not afraid . He only cloths some from among themselves with his Authority , who shall appear on the Stage with them , as Gods among Men , resembling themselves in humane Nature , and God in Power , as they should in other Godlike Excellencies ; if Men would so far co-operate towards their own welfare as they ought ; that by such gentler Methods some stop might be put to the Stream , and Flood of Miseries wherewith otherwise unrestrained Wickedness is continually ready to deluge the World. THE Magistrate is herein an Instrument of Good , and of Wrath at once . These two Things disagree not , to be a Minister for Good , and to execute Wrath. This latter is said in Conformity to vulgar Apprehension . Because when Men afflict one another , 't is usually the Effect of Wrath , when a fixt , though most sedate and calm Resolution to Punish , hath the same Effect , this most different Cause is call'd by the same Name . In this Allusion is Wrath ascrib'd to God , the most serene and dispassionate of all Beings . And hence , they who represent him among Men in Authority , ought in this respect to be God-like too . Magistratus non debet irasci . Judges ( as Cicero most aptly speaks ) ought to be Legum similes , like the Laws themselves , which are moved by no Passion , are angry with no Man , but keep one steady Tenor , so as neither to despite an Enemy , nor indulge a Friend . To this Temper it well agrees , to design good ( as in lancing a Tumor ) where one does a present Hurt . Two ways may Punishment be a proper and apt , tho it be not always an effectual means of doing good . 1. AS it may work the good of the Offenders themselves . To which it hath in it self , a tendency , if the Disease be not so strong and stubborn as to defie the Remedy . As it puts them upon reflecting , and should awaken in them their considering Power . AS in the Matter of Treason against a Rightful Power , Deliberasse est descivisse , to deliberate whether to be Loyal , or no , is to Revolt . So it is in the Just and Glorious Rupture that is to be made of the Bonds of Vice , whereby Men are held as Slaves under the Vsurped Power of the Devils Kingdom . If once they come duly to consider , they will disdain so vile a Servitude . When they meet with a Check in their way , it may occasion them to check themselves , and consider their ways . No external means do any good to the Minds of Men otherwise than as they themselves are engag'd , drawn in and made Parties , in some sense , against , but ( as we are compounded , in an higher and nobler sense ) for our selves . This comes in , as one , among external Means of that kind , as do give some present Vneasiness , but in order to after Advantage . It afflicts 't is true , and no Affliction is , for the present Joyous , but Grievous , but yields afterwards , a peaceable Fruit. When the Magistrates Power is call'd a Sword , it signifies its business is to wound ; but as Wounds are generally painful , some are Sanative , healing Wounds , and so are these designed , and apt to be . They vex a while , but vexatio dat intellectum . It rouzes the Understanding , and is most apt to do so to good purpose , in plain and undisputed Cases ; And where there is no pretence for Conscience in the Cause one suffers for . WHERE indeed a formed and fixed Judgment of Conscience , once hath place , for the practice which exposes a Man to suffering , Mulcts , and Prisons , Gibbets , and Faggots , are very improper means of Illumination ; or of publick Vtility , if the Civil Peace , and the Substance of Religion be not hurt by such practice . And the Sincerity of that Conscience is much to be suspected , that is ever altered by such Methods . But no Man will pretend it is against his Conscience , not to be Drunk , not to Debauch , or to be Sober , Chaste and Vertuous . Therefore a Man's Way lies open to that Consideration which is most immediately to influence his Practice , to correct a lewd , and begin a regular good Course . He needs not be detain'd with any subtle Disputes , or be put to solve perplext Doubts , or answer specious Arguments and Objections . It is obvious to him to bethink himself , What a strange sort of anomalous Creature am I become ; whom the Law of mine own Nature remonstrates against ? How degenerate a thing ! that have forsaken my own Noble Order of intelligent Creatures , to herd with Brutes ! That have made my self unfit for humane Society , otherwise than as one that must bear a Mark , wear a disgraceful Scar from the wound of a Sword , not that of a Publick Enemy , or my own , but a Sword drawn in defence of the Sacred Rights of God , and to vindicate the Honour of Mankind ! AND hereupon , if the Crime be not Capital , with the concurrent use of other appointed Means , and the Blessing of God upon all ( from whence only the good Issue can be hoped for ) may a vicious Person be so reclaimed , as to become of great Use in the World. Yea , and if the Crime be Capital , such as that the Criminal survives not the Punishment , but the Sword of Justice must cut him off from the Land of the Living ; our Charity will not let us doubt but there have been Instances wherein a Prison and Arraignment , and the Sentence of Death have been the blest effectual means to the Offendors , of their escaping the more terrible Sentence , and of obtaining Eternal Life . But however , tho the Ministry of Civil Justice doth often fail of its most desirable effects , as to the particular Persons that suffer it ( as even the Ministration of the Gospel of Grace proves also ineffectual to many . ) Yet 2. IT is not only apt , but effectual to do much Good to others , and generally to the Community . Punishment is justly said To be in its proper Design Medicinal to the Delinquents : Yet not always in the event * . But the Common Good , it may serve , when Contumacious Offendors perish under the deserved infliction of it . This was the thing design'd by the Righteous Judge of all the Earth , when he gave so particular Directions how to punish Offendors in such and such kinds , that Others might hear and fear and do no more so wickedly . And in all equal Government , 't is the Design of Poenal Laws that The Terror might reach to all , the Punishment it self , but to a few . And when the utmost Endeavours that can be used , shall have had that Happy Success to reduce a vast number of Offenders to a Paucity , we should rejoyce to see that there needed to be but few Examples made in such kinds . IN the mean time , where this Sword of the Lord , in the hands of His Ministers of Justice , is unsheathed , and used according to the exigency of the Case , it is an apt and likely Means to have an Happy Effect for the good of the Community , both as it MAY put a stop to the prevailing Wickedness of Men , and MAY avert from a Nation the provoked Wrath of God. 1. AS it may give some Check to the Daringness and Triumph of Vnrebuked Wickedness , which indeed , naturally carries in it a Pusillanimous Meanness , and a vile abjection of Mind , so as no where to insult , but where it meets , in those who should oppose it , a timorous fainting and succumbency . It so far resembles the Devil , whose Off-spring it is , that being resisted it flees . When Men find that while they dare to affront the Universal Ruler , and offer Indignities to His Throne ; there are those , that , cloathed with His Authority , and bearing His Character , dare to vindicate the Injury : When they feel the smart and cost of open Wickedness , it will , no doubt , become at least , less open , and seek closer corners . They will not long hold up the head , in so hopeless and deplorate a Cause , that can afford them no support , no relief to their abject sinking Spirits , in suffering for it . What encouraging Testimony of Conscience can they have , that not only act from No Direction of Conscience , but in Defiance of it ? What God can they hope , will reward their Sufferings which they incur by highest Contempt of God ? AND if such gross Immoralities be somewhat generally Redrest , as more directly fall under the Magistrates Animadversion , how great a Common Good must it infer , inasmuch as those Evils , in their own nature , tend to the detriment , decay , and ruine of a People where they prevail ? THEY darken the Glory of a Nation which how great a Lustre hath it cast abroad in the World , from the Romans and Spartans , and other civilized People ! when their Sumptuary , and other Laws , were strictly observed , that represt undue Excesses ; And when Temperance , Frugality , Industry , Justice , Fidelity , and consequently Fortitude and all other Vertues excell'd , and were conspicuous among them . It were a great thing we should have to transmit to Posterity , might we see England recover its former , or arrive to the further Glory which it is to be hoped it may acquire in these kinds ! YEA and the Vices which are endeavoured to be redrest , are such as not only prejudice the Reputation , but the real Welfare of any Nation . PROFANE Swearing tends gradually to take away the Reverence of an Oath ; which , where it is lost , what becomes of Humane Society ? AND more Sensual Vices , tend to make us an Effeminate Mean-spirited , a Desident , Lazy , Slothful , Unhealthful People , useless to the Glorious Prince , and excellent Government we live under , neither fit to endure the Hardships , or encounter the Hazards of War , nor apply our selves to the Business , or undergo the Labours that belong to a State of Peace , and do consequently tend to infer upon us a deplorable , but unpitied Poverty ; and ( which all will pretend to abhor ) Slavery at length . For they are most unfit for an Ingenuous , Free sort of Government , or to be otherwise governed than as Slaves or Brutes ; who have learnt nothing of Self-Government , and are at the next step of being Slaves to other Men , who have first made themselves Slaves to their own Vitious Inclinations . Thus are such liable to all sorts of Temporal Calamities and Miseries in this World. BESIDES , what is of so far more tremendous import , that the same vile and stupifying Lusts , tend to infer an utter Indisposition to comport with , or attend to the Glorious Gospel of the Blessed God , and so to ruine Mens hopes for the other World , and make their Case unconceivably worse , in the Judgment of the Great Day , than theirs of Tyre or Sidon , Sodom , or Gomorrha . BUT how much may a Just , Prudent , Well-tempered Vigilancy and Severity do , towards the prevention of all this ? And so much the more , by how much Publick Animadversions , shall render the things Men incur Punishment for , not only in common Estimate , Vnrighteous , but Ignominious things . THAT Principle of Shame in the Nature of Man , if by proper Applications it were endeavoured to be wrought upon , would contribute more to the reforming a Vitious World , than most other Methods that have ever been tried to that purpose . 'T is a tender Passion , of quick , and most acute sense . Things that are thought Opprobrious , have so sensible a pungency with them , that ( tho all Tempers are not herein alike ) many that can feel little else , reckon a Disgrace , an unsufferable thing . And I little doubt but if Punishments for grosser Vices , were more attempered to this Principle , they would have much more effect . THIS hath been too much apprehended by the Vsurping God of this World. This Engine he hath made it his business to turn , and manage to the contrary purpose , to drive or keep serious Religion out of the World , yea to make Men asham'd of being Sober , Temperate and Regular in their Conversation , lest they should also be thought Religious , and to have any thing of the Fear of God in them , and make them Debauch , to save their Reputation . A plain Document to such as covet to see a Reformation of Manners in our Days , what Course ought to be endeavoured in order thereto . A great apprehension to this purpose that Noble Pagan seems to have had , who enquiring whence Legislation had its rise , from some Man or from God ; and determining from God , if we will give the most Righteous Judgment that can be given ; doth elsewhere write to this effect , That Jupiter pitying the Miseries of Men , by their Indulgence to Vice , lest Mankind should utterly perish , sent Mercury to implant in them , together with Justice , Shame as the most effectual means to prevent the total Ruine of the World. And so inseparable is the connexion between being Wicked and being Miserable , that whatsoever molestation and uneasiness tends to extinguish Dispositions to Wickedness , ought to be reckoned given with very Merciful Intentions . IT is no improbable Discourse which an Ingenious Modern Writer , * hath to this purpose , ( for I pretend not to give his words , not having the Book now at hand ) that tho the Drowning of the World was great Severity to them who did then Inhabit it , yet it was an act of Mercy to Mankind . For hereby ( he reckon'd ) the former more Luxuriant Fertility of the Earth , was so far reduc'd and check'd , as not , so spontaneously , to afford Nutriment to Vice ; that Men in after time , must hereby be more constrain'd to Labour and Industry , and made more considerate , and capable of serious Thoughts ; and that when also they should find their time by this Change of the State of the World naturally contracted within narrower limits , they would be more awakened to consider and mind any Overtures , should be , in following time , made to them in order to their attaining a better State in another World ; and consequently the more susceptible of the Gospel , in the proper season thereof . IF God were severe with so merciful Intentions , what lies within the compass of these Ministers of his Justice , appointed for Common Good , ought certainly to be endeavoured ; in imitation of him , whom they represent . 2. THE Administration of Punitive Justice , when the Occasion requires it , tends also to the Common Good , as it may contribute towards the appeasing of God's Anger against a Sinful People , and the turning it away from them . WHAT may be collected from that Noble Instance of Phinehas's Heroical Zeal , upon which a raging Plague was stay'd , compar'd with the Effect which Ahab's Humiliation , and Nineveh's Repentance had in averting Temporal Judgments , would signifie not a little to this purpose . BUT I must pass to the SECOND Head of Discourse proposed , viz. To argue and enforce from hence the Duty incumbent upon all , under Government , as their several Stations and Capacities can admit , to be , in due Subordination , assisting and serviceable to the Magistrate , as in executing Punitive Justice , he is the Minister of God for good . AND this ( as hath been said ) is to be the Vse of the former part of the Discourse , which will answer the Design of the Apostles Discourse , and agree to the natural Order of the Things discoursed in this Context . For [ the Magistrate is the Minister of God for Good , to us ] is a Doctrine . And [ Let every Soul be subject or subordinate to him , accordingly ] an Exhortation which was at first propos'd , and is afterward resumed and prest , V. 5. as of absolute necessity from that Doctrine . WHEREFORE 't is necessary that we be , or we must needs be subject . There is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 put upon it , a cogent ineluctable Necessity , arising even from hence , viz. from this Doctrinal Assertion as it is propos'd , and as it is afterward applied to this Purpose , we are not to be dispens'd with in the Case , but we must every one do our parts , in Subordination to the Magistrate , and that not only for Wrath , but for Conscience sake . We shall therefore shew , I. WHAT Duty we who are in private Capacities are exhorted to . II. SHEW the Strength of the Apostles Argument , as it is propos'd in the Text , and amplify'd in what follows , to engage us to that Duty . FIRST , For the Duty we are exhorted to , that we may understand what it is , I shall only premise some few plain things , and then leave it to your selves to judge , and conclude what it is , and cannot but be . 1. IT is plain , private Persons are not to do the Magistrates part , are not to invade his Office , or usurp his Authority , they are to act but in Subordination to him , as their Charge given them plainly imports . 2. THEY are not only not to oppose him . As the former would be too much , this would be too little . The Arguments us'd to enforce it , import much more . What because he is the Minister of God for good , and to me , Am I therefore only not to oppose him ? Can it be thought there should be such an apparatus of Argument , to draw from it so faint and dilute an Inference ? Ought not every Man so far to reverence God's Authority as to endeavour it may not lose its design ? And ought not every Man to co-operate to a Common Good , wherein each Man claims a part ? 3. IT is not only to save my self from Punishment , by not doing the Evil which would expose me to the stroke of the Sword. For my Duty , I am to do , not only for Wrath , but for Conscience sake , which plainly respects God and his Authority and Interest , which I am to Obey and Serve . And I am to endeavour not only that he may not be a Terrour to me , as an Evil-doer , but that he may be a Terror to them that are such . 4. SOMEWHAT positive is manifestly carried in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to subject or subordinate my self to him , under this very notion , as the Minister of God for good . Is this doing nothing ? HE is plainly said to be the Minister of God for good , under this special Notion , as he is the Administrator of Punitive Justice , viz. as he bears the Sword , and is to be a Terrour to Evil-doers . I AM so to subordinate my self , as that herein he may effectually serve the End of his Office , and not bear the Sword in vain . NOW upon all this , judge you your selves what is it that is left to be my Duty in a private Capacity , that is less than the Magistrates part ; more than the mentioned Negatives , and yet so much , as whereby I am to take care to my uttermost , that he may do good in his Office of punishing Wickedness ? So as that his doing his Duty must some way depend upon my doing mine , and be the effect of it , or of theirs who are in like Circumstances , and so but under the same common Obligation with me , so that ordinarily his Duty cannot be done , without any care or concern of theirs or mine . WHAT , I say , can it be less than to bring punishable Matters under his Cognisance ? OTHERWISE , if no Obligation lie upon private Persons , to this purpose , he will only be to punish such Wickedness as he beholds with his own Eyes . And then how narrow will his Precinct be ? What Multitudes of Magistrates must there then be ? And what a Monster thereupon would the Body Politick become ! BUT here if any Man ask me the Question ( because what is to be done herein is to be done for Conscience sake ) am I bound in Conscience to discover to a Magistrate all the Evil that I know by any Man that is justly punishable by Law ? TO this I shall only at present say , That Cases of Conscience can only be with Judgment resolv'd in Hypothesi , and with application to this or that Person , when material Circumstances , relating thereto , are distinctly known . I must have clear grounds if I will conceal such a Man 's punishable Fault , upon which I may judge , that more good is likely to be done to his Soul , that the Honour of God and the Publick Good , will be more served by the Concealment , than by the Discovery , and the Government not hurt , or endangered . BUT if the Crime be such as is National , and imports Contempt of God and his Laws , and in reference whereto , the Offender expresses more shame of the Punishment than of the Fault , and I will yet , upon private Respects , to him or my self , conceal it , I shall herein while I pretend Conscience in the Case , cheat my Conscience and not satisfie it . AND I add in reference to this Case . Let any Man that would exempt his Conscience from any sense of Obligation to endeavour the Punishment of Offenders in the mention'd kinds , take great care he do not ground his Concealment upon other , than very peculiar grounds , or not common to him , with any other Man in a like Case . Is it because such a one is my Friend ? Or he may bear me a Grudge ? Or I may lose his Custom , & c ? These are things so common , that guiding my self by such Measures , is both to overthrow Magistracy and Conscience too . UPON the whole , therefore , what is ordinarily a private Man's Duty in such cases , is sufficiently evident . THEREFORE , SECONDLY , Let us see the force of the Apostles Arguings to engage us to it . 1. THAT the Magistrate , as he is the Dispenser of Punitive Justice , is God's Minister . 'T is the Authority of God , that he is invested with . He hears a Sword , which God hath put into his Hand . Is that Authority to be eluded , and made to signifie nothing ? Is that Sword to be born in vain ? What an awe should this lay upon our Spirits ? It is therefore to be serv'd for Conscience sake , which hath principal reference to God. WE need not here dispute whether Humane Laws bind Conscience . No doubt they do , when they have an antecedent Reason or Goodness . If Men command what God forbids , the Apostles make their appeal to Enemies as Judges whom they were to obey . He is the Minister of God for good , not for hurt , or for no good . 'T is a perverting of God's Authority , to do mischief by the pretence of it , a debasing it , to trifle with it . BUT the Question is out of Doors , when Humane Laws are but Subsidiary to Divine , and enjoyn the same thing . And as that celebrated Saying of St. Austin is applied by him to the former Case of a supposed Contradiction of the Proconsuls Command to the Emperor 's for disobeying the Inferiour , 't is equally applicable , as fortifying the Obligation , to obey both , when they are co-incident . AND this Consideration can be insignificant with none but such as say in their Hearts , There is no God , that think this World hath no Vniversal Sovereign Ruler , or no Lord over it ; and it might as well be supposed to have no Intelligent Maker , to have become what it is by Chance . An Imagination which the most Vicious that make any use of Thoughts , begin to be asham'd of , and have therefore thought fit to quit the absurd Name of Atheist , for the more accountable , as well as more convenient Name of Deist . BUT then it 's strange , they should not see the Consequence from Maker to Ruler , and from God's having made this World , to its being under his present Government , and liable to his future Judgment . Or that , from any just apprehension of the Nature of God , they should not collect so much of the Nature of their own Souls , as to judge them capable of subsisting out of these Bodies , and in another World , and consequently , of their being liable to a future Judgment , for what they have been , and done in this ! Or that a Being of so much Wisdom and Goodness in conjunction with Power , as to have made such a World as this , and such a Creature as Man in it , should not have made him for nobler Ends than are attainable in this World ! IF any of themselves had power enough to make such another sort of Creature , and furnish him with Faculties capable of such Acquisitions and Attainments only to fetch a few Turns in the World , and form Plots and Projects in it , that must , with himself , shortly come to nothing ; they would have little cause to boast of the Performance : They would have cause to be asham'd of it . To use so unconceivable a Power , only to play Tricks , that neither themselves , nor any one else should ever be the better for ! And tho they might , hereby , a while amuse the World , they would gain little Reputation of Wisdom , or Goodness above other Men , by being the Authors of so useless a Design , that would at length appear to have nothing of Design in it . For finally it terminates in mere Nothing . BUT the Great God hath not left himself without Witness . The Illustrious Characters of his Godhead shine every where . He doth insist upon , and will assert his Rights in this Lower World. 'T is a part of his Creation , tho a meaner part . He Rules in the Kingdoms of Men , and he that Rules will Judge . The Jests and Laughter of Fools , will not overturn his Throne . They that have taught themselves to turn his Laws , and the whole Frame of his Government over the World into Ridicule ; because 't is to be hoped they do not use to laugh always , should be advised by a Wise and Great Man , in his Time , then to Judge of their Jest , when they have done laughing , sometime they will have done . And should consider that he , to whom it belongs , will judge over their heads as he will over us all . AND if his Throne and Government are as insolently as they are vainly attempted against by many , and the most connive , we shall all be taken for a Combination of Rebels against our Rightful Lord. It will be an heavy addition , to be partakers of other Mens sins , when every one hath more than enough of his own . LET me ask , Would you not dread to be found guilty of Misprision of Treason against the Government under which we live ? Why doth the Fear of the great God ? And the dread of being found Accomplices against him , signifie less with us ? AND what means it , that the Charge of Punishing great Offenders is given to the Community thou , every individual , as in the Text , thee , all the individuals making up the Community ? Thou shalt not suffer a Witch to live , Exod. 22.18 . AND so for the Idolater , Thou shalt bring forth that Man or Woman , and stone him — Deut. 13.13 , 14. chap. 17.2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. Is it that all the People were Magistrates ? No , but that it was not to be supposed , that so horrid Impieties could long escape unpunish'd , but by the Peoples , as well as the Magistrates , neglect , upon which all would be taken as Conspirators against the great Lord of all . 2. TAKE the other part of the Argument , That the Magistrate is God's Minister [ for Good to us . ] Is it enough for us not to hinder ? Are we not all oblig'd in our Stations to promote our own , our Neighbours , and the Common Good ? Our own , as we keep our selves from being accessaries . Our Neighbours , Offending , as we contribute our Endeavour , that they may be less Wicked , and ( which we should further design ) that they may become good . Our unoffending Neighbours : For if grosser Wickedness rule without controul , who that are Pious , Sober , and Vertuous can long live , in Peace , by such ill Neighbours : We are for this directed to pray 1 Tim. 2.1 , 2. For Rulers , even all that are in Authority , that we may live peaceable and quiet lives in all Godliness and Honesty . And what we are to pray for , we do that ludicrously , if we endeavour it not too . Besides that the untainted , as yet , are liable to worse hurt , by The Contagion of their Example . And the Common Good is many ways to be serv'd , as hath been shewn . How laudable an Excellency among noble-minded Pagans was Love to their Country ! And even In this way to serve the Common Good was reckon'd by them a Praise-worthy Thing . He ( saith one of them ) that doth no harm is Honourable , but he is worthy of double Honour that prevents it . And he that assists the Magistrate in Punishing it , is most Honourable , and far excels all his other Citizens . So far were they from thinking it an Ignominious Thing , to bring Offenders to Punishment , and especially for Impieties , or whatsoever signified a Contempt of Religion . Such regard they had to the Honour of their Gods , who were no Gods. Shall we reckon the True and Living God to deserve from us , less regard to his Violated Honour ? THE Common Good , which in this way we are to promote , is so common , as all Good Men can , without scruple , concur in the design . And Blessed be God , they so generally do so . WE have the greatest Encouragement hereto by considering the Immediate Fountain of the Magistrates Power and Office , our Glorious and ever Blessed Redeemer and Lord , to whom all Power is given in Heaven and Earth , by whom Kings Reign , who is Head of all Things to the Church , and through whom , the Divine Goodness flows towards a lost World. This infers an Obligation upon all that bear the Christian Name , to serve the proper ends of this branch of his Power , as they have , in general , to acknowledge him for Lord and Christ. THEY who , therefore , make it their Business to promote this Design do not , herein , serve the Interest of a Party , but the Interest of the Vniversal Ruler , of our Blessed Redeemer , and of Mankind . AND they who are agreed , with sincere minds , upon so great and important an End , as the serving this most comprehensive Interest , are agreed in a greater Thing than they can differ in . To differ about a Ceremony or two , or a set of words , is but a Triffle , compar'd with being agreed in absolute devotedness to God , and Christ , and in a design , as far as in them lies , of doing good to all . An Agreement in Substantial Godliness and Christianity , in humility , meekness , self-denial , in singleness of heart , benignity , charity , entire love to sincere Christians , as such , in universal love to Mankind , and in a design of doing all the good we can in the world , notwithstanding such go under different denominations , and do differ in so Minute Things , is the most Valuable Agreement that can be among Christians . THEY that are thus agreed , are more one , and do less differ in the Temper and Complexion of their minds , from one another , than they who are never so much agreed in being for or against this or that External form , or mode of Religion ; but are full of Envy , Wrath , Malice , Bitterness , Falshood , do differ from them all , and from all good Men. And I doubt not , when God's time comes of Favouring Zion , we shall have Churches constituted by congregating what is of one kind , such as ( for the main ) are of one mind , spirit , character , and temper , and severing whatsoever is of a different kind , and quite alien hereto . And cease to have them constituted by what is unnecessary , much less by what is inconsistent with their very Being . Pride , Ambition , Vain glory , and a Terrene Spirit , with carnal Self-design , will not always prevent this . Heaven will grow too big for this Earth ! And the Powers of the World to come , for those of this present evil World. IN the mean time let us draw as near one another as we can . And particularly unite in the most Vigorous Endeavour of carrying on this Excellent Design , which is now before us . And let it be with a Temper of Mind , agreeing with God's kind design towards Men , in appointing the Magistrate to be his Minister to them , i. e. for the doing them good . Let it be with minds , full of all Goodness , in Conformity to the Original First Good , from whom , as such , this Constitution proceeds . Despond not , as apprehending the stream is too strong , and there is no good to be done . That is to yield the day to Victorious Wickedness . It is to give Vice the Legislature , to let it be the Law of the Age , and govern the World : And it is to give up our selves and our Nation , to perish , as a lost People . Let us not be lost , before we are lost . MUCH Good hath been done in this kind heretofore . There was a time when ( at Antioch ) the Severity of the Magistrate was much regretted in the Reign of that great Prince Theodosius , and upon an ill Occasion , the Contemptuous Subversion of his Statues . This cost Chrysostom divers Orations or Sermons to the People while yet Presbyter there . In one whereof he asks them , What hurt had the Terror of the Magistrate done them ? It hath Shaken off our sloth , made us more honest , diligent , industrious . He had told them above , and tells them after , They ought to give God thanks for it , that now there was not one Drunken Person , or one that sang Lascivious Songs to be seen . Their City was become as a Chaste Matron , where great Wantonness before did generally appear . YOUR Exp●●ience hath told you , much hath been do●● . You are still getting ground . God hath , we are to hope , effectually engag'd the Government in this Blessed Design . In Subordination thereto , go on with Alacrity . LET me finally set before your Eyes , the Instructive Practice of that Excellent Prince Jehosaphat , in a like Case , 2 Chron. 19. when he was bringing back the People to the Lord God of their Fathers , V. 4. And had set Judges in the Land , warning them to take heed as being to Judge not for Men , but for the Lord , V. 6. which shew'd they were not mere Matters of Meum and Tuum only , they were to Judge in , but Matters immediately relating to the Interest and Honour of God , for He distinguishes the Judgment of the Lord , and Controversies , V. 8. He charges all to whom he spake , as they were severally concerned ( and they were not concerned all alike ) to do their Work , V. 9. In the Fear of the Lord Faithfully , and with a perfect Heart ; and concludes as I do , with these Words , V. 11. Deal couragiously ; and the Lord shall be with the good . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A44696-e180 Suar. de Leg. Lib. 3. C. 3 , 4. * Aquin. Sum. 1 , 2 dae . q. 87. Plato . De Leg. Lib. 1. In Protag . * Dr. Woodward's Essay . Ld. Verulam's Instaur . Mag. Plat. de Leg. lib. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hom. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A47853 ---- The finall protest, and sence of the citie This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A47853 of text R217624 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L1247C). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A47853 Wing L1247C ESTC R217624 99829282 99829282 33719 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47853) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 33719) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1992:1) The finall protest, and sence of the citie L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704, attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1659] By Sir Roger L'Estrange. A protest against the domination of the Army. Imprint from Wing. Published the same year with title: The final protest, and sense of the citie. Reproduction of the original in the Harvard University Library. eng England and Wales. -- Committee of Safety -- Early works to 1800. England and Wales. -- Army -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A47853 R217624 (Wing L1247C). civilwar no The finall protest, and sence of the citie. [no entry] 1659 1134 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-12 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-12 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Finall Protest , and Sence of the CITIE . HAving diligently perused two printed Papers , bearing date the 14th of this instant December : The one , in form of a Proclamation concerning the summoning of a Parliament : The other , as an Order of the Common-councell , commanding the City to acquiesce in expectation of that Parliament : We finde therein contained , matters so contrary to the Honour of the Nation , and to the Freedom of the City , that we stand obliged , both as Englishmen , and as Citizens , to protest , against the Impositions of the Former , as Illegal , and the Concessions of the Latter , as a direct Combination against us . These two papers are Seconded by a Third : ( for the Two are One , both in effect , and Design , ) and that is , a Proclamation of Banishment , directing to the late Kings Party , under the notion of the Common Enemy ; so that there 's no love lost betwixt the Committee of Safety , and the Common Council , when the General provides for the Peace of the City ; and the Mayor , for the Safety of the Army , not to argue Acts of Oblivion ; and the violation of publique Faith in the case : that they conditioned for their Lives and Liberties , and compounded for their Fortunes . This is not our concern , what they do suffer ; but what we may , if we Trust those , that Keep no faith with them : And that we 'll take a care of : When They are gone , Then we are the Common Enemy ; So are the Laws of God , and of the Nation , and such is every Man that Loves them . What this Malignant party is , these People talk of , we neither Know , nor Meddle ; the Gentry 't is we Live by , and by the Laws of Gratitude , and Hospitality , we are Bound to Protect them , and as well resolved to do it , within our Walls , against any other power , than that of the Known Law . The short of the Design is this , a Danger is pretended to the City , from the late Kings party , and to prevent the mischief , the Kind Committee Banishes the Gentlemen ; with Order to the Mayor of Wallingford , ( late of London ) &c. — to make strict searches for Delinquents . Now in pursuance of this pretious Order , our Houses must be Forced , and we Disarmed , and then , our Throats cut , to preserve the City . Let those that would be Chronicled for Slaves , and Fools , submit to suffer this ; and after that Infamous Hour , may a Yellow coat , and a Wooden Dagger be the Badge , and Distinction of a Citizen . To conclude , We our selves are that City , so much the care and cry of the Proclamation ; and This is our Vnanimous sence , and Resolve . The Army proposes to Pillage , and Murther us , the Mayor , and his worthy Advisers , Ireton , &c. — are to hold our hands , whiles they give the Blow , So , that we are now to provide against Force and Treason , having One enemy within our Walls , and another in our Councils . But withal , we have our Swords in our Hands , and our Brains in our Heads ; so that only to Strike the One , and to Dis-believe the Other , is to Subdue and Disappoint them Both . We do therefore declare to the World , that we will by Violence oppose all Violence whatsoever , which is not warranted by the letter of the Established Law : and that in pursuance of this duty , both toward the Nation , and City , an insolent Souldier , and an Apostatized Magistrate shall be to us as the same thing . — Not to word it much further , as we will not be Bafled , by Affronts , so neither will we be Fooled by Flatteries . — After the loss of Trade , and Liberty , a vast expence of Blood , and Treasure , after many Injuries received , more Threatned , and none Returned ; we made a sober , and regular Application , to the Authority of the City , for Redress . This they Promised , and we Expected , till at last , instead of a Reparation for past Wrongs , or a Security against worse to come , we are paid with an Expectation of a Parliament in Ianuary . This is is a Logique we understand not . It is in English , Lye still , till you have your Throats cut . It would be well to commit the disposition of our Fortunes , to those people , that are at this Instant designing an execution upon our persons , and to requite those Worthies , that have already Robb'd vs of all we have Lost , with the Offer of that little Rest they have Left . But this will not do our businesse ; we will not have our Murtherers , for our Iudges : not will we wait . That Parliament they Babble of so much , will not soon Vote up the City again out of Ashes , nor all the Saints in that holy Assembly , be able to bring the poor Cobler into the world again , that was Kill'd by order of his Brother Hewson . No , the cheat is too stale , and we are determined to redeem our selves ; but with this caution ; we do solemnly profess , that we will exercise all the tendernesse which possibly the case will bear . The Common Souldier is engaged rather out of a Heedlesse , than Malitious Interest : We do therefore protest , that such of those as shall not evidence their Malice , by their Obstinacy , shall receive a fair consideration ; But , for such as Lead them , we do Resolve , not to allow Quarter to any one of them , that draws his Sword in the Quarrel : and in order to the quicker , and Gentler Dispatch of the businesse : we conclude with a Text . Fight neither with small nor Great , but with the King of Israel . And so God give a Blessing to the Endeavours of all Honest Men . A48972 ---- By the Commissioners of Lieutenancy for the said city City of London (England). Commissioners of Lieutenancy. 1688 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A48972 Wing L2851A ESTC R19320 18368275 ocm 18368275 107410 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A48972) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107410) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:23) By the Commissioners of Lieutenancy for the said city City of London (England). Commissioners of Lieutenancy. 1 broadside. s.n., [London : 1688] At head of title: Guild Hall London. December the 11th. 1688. "Ordered, that Sir Robert Clayton Knt. Sir William Russel Knt. Sir Basil Firebrace Knt. and Charles Duncomb Esq; be a committee from the said Lieutenancy to attend His Royal Highness the Prince of Orange ..." Place and date of publication suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Great Britain -- History -- Revolution of 1688. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Guild Hall London . December the 11th . 1688 . By the Commissioners of Lieutenancy for the said City . Ordered , THat Sir Robert Clayton Knt. Sir William Russel Knt. Sir Basil Firebrace Knt. and Charles Duncomb Esq be a Committee from the said Lieutenancy to Attend His Royal Highness the Prince of Orange , and present to His Highness the Address agreed by the Lieutenancy for that purpose : And that they begin their Journey to Morrow Morning . By the Commissioners Command , Geo. Evans , Cl. Lieut. London . To His Highness the Prince of ORANGE . The Humble Address of the Lieutenancy of the City of London . May it please Your Highness , WE can never sufficiently express the deep Sence we have Conceived and shall ever retain in our Hearts , that Your Highness has exposed Your Person to so many Dangers both by Sea and Land for the Preservation of the Protestant Religion , and the Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom , without which unparallel'd Undertaking we must probably have suffered all the Miseries that Popery and Slavery could have brought upon us . We have been greatly Concerned that before this time we have not had any Seasonable Opportunity to give Your Highness and the World a Real Testimony that it has been our Firm Resolution to venture all that is Dear to us to attain those Glorious Ends which your Highness has proposed for Restoring and Setling these Distracted Nations . We therefore now Unanimously present to Your Highness our just and due Acknowledgments for that Happy Relief you have brought to us , and that we may not be wanting in this present Conjuncture , we have put our selves into such a posture that ( by the Blessing of God ) we may be capable to prevent all ill Designs , and to preserve this City in Peace and Safety till your Highnesses Happy Arrival . We therefore Humbly Desire that your Highness will please to repair to this City with what convenient speed you can for the perfecting the Great Work which Your Highness has so Happily begun to the General Joy and Satisfaction of us All. December the 17th . 1688. THE said Committee this Day made Report to the Lieutenancy that they had Presented the said Address to the Prince of Orange , and that his Highness Received them very Kindly . December the 17. 1688. By the Lieutenancy . Ordered , That the said Order and Address be forthwith Printed . Geo. Evans . A48974 ---- By the Commissioners for Sewers, Pavements, &c. in London it is ordered, that the clerk do forthwith send to the deputies and common council-men of the several wards, a note of the names of the pavier or paviers designed for each ward ... City of London (England). 1671 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A48974 Wing L2851F ESTC R39338 18368299 ocm 18368299 107411 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A48974) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107411) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:24) By the Commissioners for Sewers, Pavements, &c. in London it is ordered, that the clerk do forthwith send to the deputies and common council-men of the several wards, a note of the names of the pavier or paviers designed for each ward ... City of London (England). City of London (England). Commissioners of Sewers. 1 broadside. Printed by Andrew Clark ..., [London] : MDCLXXI [1671] At head of title: Lunæ, decimo tertio die Novembris, 1671. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Pavements -- Law and legislation -- England -- London. Pavements -- England -- London -- Maintenance and repair. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms Lunae , decimo tertio die Novembris , 1671 . By the Commissioners for Sewers , Pavements , &c. in LONDON , IT is Ordered , That the Clerk do forthwith send to the Deputies and Common Council-Men of the several Wards , a Note of the Names of the Pavier or Paviers designed for each Ward ; and because the present Season of the Year , being sometimes frosty , and at other times foul and dirty , is judged inconvenient for a thorough Paving of such Streets and Common Passages , as are needful to be altered , paved , and amended ; ( the High-streets being designed to be paved Causway or round fashion ) the Commissioners do hereby desire the said Deputies and Common Council-Men to employ and set to work the said Paviers in amending such Pavements in each of their respective Precincts , which they shall observe or have notice , are much broken and are needful and of necessity at to be amended for the present : And the said Pavier or Paviers giving timely notice to any the Officers attending the Commissioners , such Stones and Gravel shall be sent as shall be requisite and needful for the same Works : And the Commissioners do further Order , that upon Certificate of the said Deputy or Common Council-Man of any Precinct , under his or their Hand or Hands of such Workmanship performed , the same shall be forthwith paid ( according to the Rates agreed on by the Commissioners and the Fellowship of Paviers ) out of the Moneys now rating or collecting within this City and Liberties , touching this Affair . And the Commissioners do desire the Deputies and Common Council-Men in whose Ward any Grate or Grates , belonging to any Common Drein or Sewer , is or are standing , to return to the Commissioners the Name of a fit Person for each Grate , with the Place of his Habitation , who will undertake constantly to look after and cleanse the same Grate and Cest-pools thereto belonging , and to certifie what they adjudge fit to be allowed him yearly out of the Chamber of London . And for that Falls or Cest-pools are wanting to some of the said Grates , whereby the said Grates and Sewers are presently choked with Soil , to very great Charge and other Inconveniences ; the Commissioners do again earnestly intreat the said Deputies and Common Council-Men to cause the same forthwith to be made by the Advice of the Surveyors of New Buildings or one of them , and to certifie the Charge thereof to the Commissioners , and thereupon the same shall be immediately paid . And lastly , because some Questions have arisen by several Persons touching the present Car for Pavements , Whether the same be for a Year , or otherwise , or intended to be a Rule for a standing and yearly Payment . The Commissioners do desire the said Deputies and Common Council-Men to send for their Scavengers or Collectors , and to declare to them , that so they may acquaint the Persons dissatisfied , That the said present Car was rated , and is to be paid into the Chamber of London , as by the Act of Parliament is directed , for putting in good order and repair all the Pavements in the Streets and Common Passages complained of to be greatly broken and defective and to be employed to no other use than such as shall relate to Paving , without making the same any Rule for a yearly or other certain Payment for the future , but that in all After-assessments for this Affair , such prudent Care and Respect shall be taken and had as ( if possible ) will tend to General Satisfaction . Ja. Cole , Cler. Printed by Andrew Clark , Printer to the Honourable City of LONDON at his House in Aldersgatestreet . MDCLXXI . A48975 ---- September 29. 1642. The persons to whom the militia of the Citie of London is committed, for the safetie of the said Citie, have thought fit, and hereby declare. City of London (England). Committee for the Militia of London. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A48975 of text R212512 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2851H). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A48975 Wing L2851H ESTC R212512 99835102 99835102 39756 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A48975) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 39756) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1785:3) September 29. 1642. The persons to whom the militia of the Citie of London is committed, for the safetie of the said Citie, have thought fit, and hereby declare. City of London (England). Committee for the Militia of London. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1642] Imprint suggested by Wing. An order to the militia, directing what is to be done in the event of "any generall alarum by night or day.". Identified at reel 1785:3 as Wing P1668 (number cancelled). Reproductions of the originals in the British Library (Thomason Tracts) and the Harvard University Library (Early Englsh books). eng England and Wales. -- Army -- History -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A48975 R212512 (Wing L2851H). civilwar no September 29. 1642. The persons to whom the militia of the Citie of London is committed, for the safetie of the said Citie, have thought fit Committee for the Militia of London 1642 607 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion September 29. 1642 . The Persons to whom the MILITIA of the Citie of LONDON is Committed , for the safetie of the said Citie , have thought fit , and hereby Declare . THat no Souldier or any other person shall discharge any Peece , great or small , betwixt the houres of nine of the clock in the night , and six in the morning , except in case of necessitie . That if any Alarum be in the night time ; that then , all the Inhabitants of the said Citie and Liberties , shall forthwith hang out lights , at the doores of their severall Houses . That none of the Officers belonging to the Trained Bands , doe lodge out of the Citie ; dureing these times of imminent Danger . That upon any generall Alarum by night or day , the Collonels , other Field Officers and Captains , with the severall companies of the Trained Bands of the said Citie , ( compleatly Armed and well furnished with Ammunition ) are forthwith to repaire to their severall Alarum places , herein after mentioned , and there to attend , untill they shall receive further order . Companies . Allarum-Places . Collonell Atkins . at The Pump within Algate . Lievtenant Collonell Rawden . at Billings-gate . Serjant Major Manwaring . at London-stone . Captain William Tucker . at Tower Dock . Captain William Tomson . at The Barrs without Algate . Captain Edmund Hooker . at Crutched Fryers . Captain Heriot Washborne . at Bridge end by Magnis Church . Collonell Pennington . at Bevis Marks . Lievtenant Collonell Lingham . at Bishops-gate within . Serjant Major Davis . at Grace-Chu . by Lumberstreet end . Captain Thomas Chamberlin . at The north end of Broad street . Captain Thomas Player . at The Cundit in Leadenhall street . Captain Edmund Harvie . at The Royall Exchange . Captain Christopher Whichcot . at The Spittle within the Barres . Collonell Wollaston . at The West end of Cheapside . Lievtenant Collonell Venn. at Newgate within . Serjant Major Geere . at Ludgate within . Captain Richard Turner . at Puddle-Wharse . Captain Ralph Harrison . at Aldersgate-str . by Long-lane end Captain Richard Cutbert . at Austins gate in Pauls Chuyard . Captain Robert Tichburn . at Aldersgate within . Collonell Adams . at The Poultry . Lievtenant Col. Edmund Foster . at Great Alhallows Church . Serjant Major Carleton . at Watlinstreet by Bow Lane end . Captain Francis West . at The Southend of Bred-street . Captain Iohn Bla kwell . at Queen Hith . Captain Richard Hacket . at Whittington-colledge hill . Captain William Vnderwood . at The lower end of Wal-brook . Collonell Warner . at Alderman-bury . Lievtenant Col. Matth. Forster . at Old-Iury end by Coleman-street . Serjant Major Owen Rowe . at Mooregate within . Captain Matthew Sheppard . at Criplegate within . Captain Francis Rowe . at The north end of great Woodstr . Captain Robert Manwaring . at The Cundit without Criplegate . Collonel Towse . at Fleet Cundit . Lievtenant Collonell Wilson . at The north end of the Old-Baily . Serjant Major Buxton . at Smithfield . Captain Richard Browne . at Temple-Barre , Captain Nathaniel Camfield , at Holburne Cundit . Captain Thomas Goaer . at The Barres in Holborne . And it is desired , that the Captaines of Middlesex and Surry , who have Companies lying in the Suburbs , will upon all such Alarums , draw their Companies to the Severall passages leading thereunto . A45552 ---- Lamentation, mourning, and woe sighed forth in a sermon preached in the parish-church of St. Martin in the Fields, on the 9th day of September : being the next Lords-day after the dismal fire in the city of London / by Nath. Hardy ... Hardy, Nathaniel, 1618-1670. 1666 Approx. 75 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A45552 Wing H728 ESTC R281 13649878 ocm 13649878 100973 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45552) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100973) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 789:27) Lamentation, mourning, and woe sighed forth in a sermon preached in the parish-church of St. Martin in the Fields, on the 9th day of September : being the next Lords-day after the dismal fire in the city of London / by Nath. Hardy ... Hardy, Nathaniel, 1618-1670. [8], 31 p. Printed by Tho. Newcomb for William Grantham, London : 1666. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Bible. -- N.T. -- Luke XIX, 41 -- Sermons. Fires -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2004-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-07 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2004-07 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Lamentation , Mourning and Woe . Sighed forth in a SERMON Preached in the Parish-Church of St. MARTIN in the FIELDS , On the 9 th day of September . Being the next LORDS-DAY AFTER THE Dismal Fire IN THE CITY of LONDON . By Nath. Hardy D. D. D. R. Chaplain in Ordinary to His Majesty , and Vicar of the said Parish-Church . Lam. 1. 12. Is it nothing to you all you that pass by ? Behold and see if there be any sorrow like to my sorrow which is done unto me , wherewith the Lord hath afflicted me in the day of his fierce anger . LONDON , Printed by Tho. Newcomb for William Grantham , at the Sign of the Black Bear in Westminster-Hall . 1666. To the Right Worshipful Sir THOMAS ADAMS , Knight and Baronet . SIR , I First preached , and have now published this Discourse as a Testimony of my sorrow for Londons Ruines . If the phrase and composure be ( as I am conscious they are ) very defective , my Apology is , That it was a time of Distraction ; besides , broken Language is the best Rhetorick upon a mournful occasion : And considering those manifold Relations and Obligations I have to that once illustrious City , it will not ( I hope ) be looked upon as a presumption , that I have thus publickly expressed my sorrow ; for that cloud of smoke which hath covered her , or rather that flame of fire which hath laid her honour in the dust . London was the place of my Birth , Baptism , Education , and ( excepting those years which I lived in the University of Oxford ) in and about the City , hath been the place of my abode and habitation to this day . It is now full Twenty and seven years since I entered into Holy Orders , Eighteen whereof I exercised my Ministerial Function in that one Parish - Church of St. Dyonis , which together with many more ( proh dolor ) is now laid waste . And , though I must confess my self highly obliged as in special to many persons of Honour and Quality , so in general to all sorts of Inhabitants in this Parish , where by Gods Providence I now am , and have ( according to my slender ability ) officiated well nigh Six years , whose merciful preservation in this late imminent danger , I heartily congratulate , and praise God for : Yet I cannot but acknowledge those many and great kindnesses which in those years I received ; and that not only ( though chiefly ) from that particular Parish , but several other Citizens , as well of the upper , as the lower sort : So that though I wanted not some Enemies , I bless God , I found many Friends , with whom if I should not affectionately sympathize in this their Calamity , I should justly incur the odious brand of ungrateful and obdurate : Nay , if I forget thee ( O London ) let my right hand forget her cunning ; if I do not remember thee , let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth . Being upon these considerations ( honoured Sir ) resolved as to the publication of the Sermon , I know not to whom more sutably than your self I should make the Dedication ; and that both in reference to my self in particular , and the City in general . Among my numerous acquaintance in the City , I have great reason to look upon you as a singular Friend , as well as a prime Parishioner in that place where I lived so long : Nor must I forget to own not only that liberal bounty , those free entertainments , but those sage advices , and forward encouragements which I received from you in the late perilous times , when it was a Crime to own a Prelatical Clergy-man . Among the Inhabitants of the City , you are the principal Mourner . The Kingdom calls the City her Mother , and the City calls you her Father , as being the eldest among the Aldermen ; not only in respect of years , but office ; none now surviving who before you had the honour to have the Sword carried before them : And who should be chief Mourner at the Daughters Funeral , but her Father ? And though I easily believe your particular losses are great , yet I dare say such is your compassion , That you are much more affected with the publick misery , than your own damage ; and such your devotion , that you are most afflicted with those iniquities which have procured this misery . Upon this account , I am confident you often turn aside ( in your meditations ) to see this sad fight , and probably have prevented me in what I cannot but take notice of , how within the revolution of less than seven years , we have lived to see a most joyful , and a most doleful sight . The one of the Sun breaking forth , the other of the Fire breaking out . That of the King in his beauty , this of the City in its ashes . That a representation of Heaven , and this of Hell. That in the Spring of the year 1660. this in the Autumn of the year 1666. It cannot be imagined with what gladness of heart all Loyal Subjects beheld their Native lawful King , after a Twelve years tedious Exile , return to his Throne ; and not in an hostile , but amicable manner pass through His chief City to His Royal Palace , welcomed with the multiplied shouts and acclamations of all sorts . Nor can it be expressed with what sadness of heart all good people beheld the flaming Fire , as it were a Conqueror , riding upon the wings of the wind from street to street , with a triumphant rage through that great City , eating up her Habitations , casting down her goodly Structures to the earth ; and not ceasing , till He that said to it Go , said also to it Stay. Had the sight of that wonderful and merciful Restauration quickned us ( as it ought ) to sutable Returns of Gratitude and Obedience , we probably had never beheld this dreadful and woful desolation . And since the former could not allure us to our Duty , I would to God this latter may yet at length affright us from our sins : Then I should comfortably hope , what I doubt not we all earnestly desire , a resurrection of this City out of her Rubbish , to a more glorious estate than before . Which ( worthy Sir ) that ( if it be Gods blessed Will ) your Age may be prolonged to see , and thereby prevent the bringing of your grey hairs with sorrow to the grave ; and however , that whensoever you go hence , the blessings of Heaven may rest upon the heads of your Posterity : And as you have been a vigilant , diligent , prudent and faithful Senator in this Terrestrial City , so you may ( after a long course finished on earth ) be a Triumphant Citizen , and have an everlasting habitation in that heavenly City of the living God , where the Moth frets not , the Rust eats not , the Fire consumeth not ; is the uncessant prayer of , Sir , Your most affectionate Friend , Nath : Hardy . Lamentation , Mourning and Woe . St. Luke , Cap. 19. ver . 41. And when he was come near , he beheld the City , and wept over it . I Have no sooner read the Text , but I suppose you all reflect upon the doleful occasion of handling it ; How forcible are right words , saith Job ? and much more when they are sutable . The words of the wife ( saith Solomon ) are as nails , and as goads , to make a deep impression upon the Auditors , but then especially when they are fitted to the season . Such is this Scripture I have now read , seasonable ; ey ( be it spoken with submission to the Divine appointment ) too seasonable , whil'st that late dismal Conflagration of our Neighbour City calls upon , nay , crieth aloud to us all to tread in the footsteps of our Saviours deportment toward Jerusalem , Who when he came near , beheld the City , and wept over it . Caesar said vaingloriously of himself , Veni , Vidi , Vici ; I came , I saw , I overcame . Here our Evangelist saith of Christ , what he did piously , Venit , Vidit , Flevit , He came , He saw , He wept : And these three acts of Christ , are the three parts of the Text. His Approach , When he was come near , His Aspect , He behold the City , His Tears , And wept over it . These three did one make way for the other , He came near that he might behold , and beholding he weepeth . Indeed the last is the principal , to which the two other are preparatory ; and therefore passing through these , I shall chiefly insist upon that . I. The first act here mentioned , is Christs coming near . Appropinquation is a local motion , wherein there is terminus à quo , a place from which we depart ; and terminus ad quem , a place to which we draw near , and this is here affirmed concerning Christ. Surely then Christs body ( as well as ours ) is circumscribed in one certain place , so as it cannot be simul in utroque termino , in many places at once . To what purpose else those various peregrinations of our Saviour , who , as St. Peter saith , Went about doing good , if he could at once have been in those several places whither he went. And if he could not be at once in many places on earth , much less can he be in heaven and earth together . When he was on earth , he was not in heaven ( saith Vigilius ) and now he is in heaven , he is not on earth . And if he cannot be in many , much less can he be in every place ; it being impossible that he should come near to any place , whereas he was there before ; or go from it , since he must be there still ; so that it were easie from this Scripture , to confute the Multipresence of the Romanists , and Omnipresence of the Lutherans : But Controversies ill befit the Pulpit at any time , especially in such a dolorous time as this , and therefore I pass it over . And yet I must not leave this first act of Christs coming near to Jerusalem , till I have taken notice upon what account it was , and what might be the reason of his approach : For , First , Jerusalem was at this time a very wicked City , a Sink of Filth , a Den of Thieves , and a Cage of unclean Birds , and therefore ( one would think ) most unfit for the holy Iesus to draw nigh to . The voice from heaven said concerning Babylon , Come out of her ( my people ) not come near to her ; and it is St. Pauls question , intending a Negation , and thereby a confirmation of the Dehortation , What fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness ? what communion hath light with darkness ? and what concord hath Christ with Belial ? But we must know , 1. On the one hand , That as the Historian saith of the River Dee in Wales , that it passeth through a Lake called Pimble Meere , but mingleth not with its waters ; or as the Fish , which remaineth fresh , notwithstanding it doth not only swim , but suck in the salt water : So our blessed Lord drew near to wicked persons and places , and yet was not defiled or infected by them . He is called by the Prophet Malachy , The Sun of righteousness ; and as the Sun , though it cast forth its beams upon the filthy Dunghil , receiveth no pollution from it : No more did Christ from those noisom places to which he approached ; and , 2. On the other hand , He was sent by his Father , especially to the Jews , Iis primò missus quibus promissus ; and that among others , to discharge the office of a Prophet ; nay , in respect of the personal performance of that office , he was not sent but to them . Accordingly we find him in the subsequent Verses , reproving their Iniquity , and foretelling their Calamity ; which he could not have done , had he not come near to them ; for this reason he drew near to , and suffered Publicans and Sinners in Jerusalem to draw near to him ; since , as he saith himself , he came to call sinners to repentance . It is not absolutely unlawful for good men to approach wicked places ; and it is not only lawful , but expedient for men of God to converse with that people to whom they are sent , though never so wicked . Indeed since it is not with us , as it was with Christ ; He was not , but we are too capable of Infection ; and more apt to receive evil , than do good ; we have therefore the greater need to be watchful and circumspect : But since the whole need not the Physitian , but the sick ; those who are appointed by God to be the Physitians of Souls , not only may , but ought upon just occasion offered , to draw nigh , and visit the most desperate Patients : But , Secondly , Jerusalem was the place where Christ was to suffer . He knew how maliciously they were bent against him , and how greedily they thirsted after his blood , and therefore the greater wonder that he should come near such a people . But the answer is easily returned , He was sent to them , and no dangers could divert him from the errand about which he was sent . Thus ought we to run all hazards in the discharge of our duty . It was a great crime in Jonah to flee to Tarshish , when he was sent by God to Nineveh : And it was a singular fortitude in St. Paul , to go to those places whither he was sent , though he knew that bonds and afflictions did abide him in every City . We must not needlesly put our selves upon dangers , nor can we take comfort in such sufferings . Christ gave leave to his Disciples when persecuted in one City , to flie unto another . And wisdom teacheth us , not to draw near to , but avoid those places which threaten our Ruine , except we have an express call from heaven , and then Piety obligeth us not to consult with flesh and blood ; but as Luther , when cited to Wormes to answer for himself ( though much disswaded by his Friends ) resolved to go thither , though all the Tiles of the houses were Devils : So ought we to encounter with all perils , not fearing to follow Gods call , be the danger never so great ; upon which account it was that Christ came near to Ierusalem . And yet there was more than this in it , Christ did not only approach Jerusalem , notwithstanding but because he was , and that he might suffer there . He was as a Prophet , so a Priest , and such a Priest as was to offer himself a Sacrifice . Now all Sacrifices were to be offered at Jerusalem , that being the place which God had chosen for that end ; and therefore the time of his offering up being at hand , he cometh near to Ierusalem , and coming near , II. Beholds the City , which is his second act . The Person here spoken of being God-man , might be said to behold the City at this time with an humane and a divine eye . Or if you conceive him here spoken of only as Man ; He beheld the City with an eye of sense , and an eye of Prophesie . With his bodily eyes he beheld the City , as those did , who speaking of the Temple , said , What goodly stones are here ? He saw a beautiful City environed with strong Walls , adorned with a magnificent Temple , and other stately Fabricks , replenished with wealthy Citizens , and furnished with all manner of Conveniencies : But with the eye of his mind enlightned by Divine Revelation , he saw this City encompassed with malicious Enemies , the Walls sacked , Houses burnt , Inhabitants slain , and not one of those goodly stones left upon another . Yea , all this , though not to come to pass till many years after , he saw as certainly and clearly , as if it were then acted before his eyes . To foreknow future Contingencies is one of Gods peculiars , to whom all things past , present , and to come ; and those not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , necessary , but casual are at once obvious : But yet there were men of God to whom he was pleased to impart the knowledge of what was to come to pass , according to that of Amos , Surely the Lord God will do nothing , but he revealeth his secrets to his servants the Prophets . Indeed this light of immediate Revelation ceased after the Sacred Canon was compleated ; and though God still can if he please , yet it is that which he seldom , if at all , hath done since ; and therefore those who pretend upon the account of any extraordinary inspiration to foresee and foretell the ruine of places , are to be looked upon either as Subtle-headed Impostors , or at best , Giddy-headed Zelots . Nor are we to give any greater regard to our Prognosticating Astrologers , who presume to read that in the Stars , which God never wrote there ; and abuse them to that end for which God never appointed them . How fallible , conjectural , and uncertain that Fore knowledge is which they have by this means , appeareth not only in that the Events which they foretell do oft-times prove contrary , but that as to the most remarkable accidents which befall ( such as the late dismal Conflagration ) they are usually silent . And yet ( my Beloved ) God hath not left us altogether destitute of means whereby we may at least probably foresee misery and calamity coming upon the places where we live . The prudent man ( saith Solomon once and again ) foreseeth the evil , and in this respect his eyes are said to be in his head , the upper part of his body ; and as they that are on the upper ground can see afar off , so doth the wise man , whil'st the Fools eyes are in his feet ; nay , he is ready-to stumble upon , and fall into danger before he will see it . This seeing eye , as well as the hearing ear , is that which God is ready to confer ; and therefore if any man lack wisdom , let him ask of God ( saith St. James ) who , as Solomon assureth us , Layeth up wisdom for the righteous ; and upon our asking will lay it out upon us . If you shall enquire yet more particularly , How by the eye of prudence a man may foresee evil to come ? I answer , 1. By considering the several threats which God hath denounc't in his Word against sinners ; for since Gods Threatnings are no less true than his Promises , and though the sentence be not speedily executed , yet it can by no means but Repentance be prevented ; the prudent man may foresee , that sooner or later the Evils threatned , will fall upon them that go on in their sins . 2. By comparing the City , or place where he liveth , with those Cities and places which are recorded in holy Writ , as the instances of Gods vengeance : For since ( as St. Peter saith ) of the Cities of Sodom and Gomorrah , it is no less true of the rest , that they were made an ensample to them who should after live ungodly , we may hence infer , That though not the same , yet some Calamity or other will befall wicked places now , as well as then ; and , 3. Lastly , By observing the method of Divine dispensation in his Iudgments . How usually he first striveth with Mercies , then with Judgments ; how he giveth warning first , and then striketh ; how he proceeds from corrective , to destructive punishments ; we may foresee that that people , upon whom mercies , and warnings , and lesser judgments have had no kindly influence , are near to destruction . And oh how happy were it , if we would thus behold desolation before it come ; for then perhaps we may prevent it , and never behold the desolation : or if not , in respect of the community , yet according to that of Solomon , The prudent foreseeth the evil , and hideth himself , we may prevent our own ruine , and provide for our safety ; or if not so , yet according to that known saying , Praemeditati mali mollis ictus , Evil foreseen is better born ; we shall the more easily sustain it when it cometh : But alas , such is our Iniquity , as well as Infelicity , we will not believe till we feel , nor see till it is too late to avoid ; and then we sigh forth the Fools language , Non putâram , I did not think this mischief would have come . It is observed of some Creatures which have only sense , that they foresee evils by a natural instinct ; Swallows the fall of a ruinous House , Cranes the coming of a storm , and such like ; and yet we who are endued with reason , will not take notice of approaching Judgments . Oh let us at length be wise , and imitate our blessed Lord as far as we can , in foreseeing those evils which threaten us , though we cannot with that certainty which he did behold Jerusalem in ashes . III. And now it is high time to take a view of that influence which this approach and aspect had upon him , and that is expressed in the last act , He wept over it . Christum flevisse saepe , risisse nunquam legimus . It is not unfitly observed , that we read often of Christs tears , but never of his laughter . Holcot reckons up seven times of his weeping , at his Birth , Circumcision , for Judas , Lazarus , over Jerusalem , in the Garden , and on the Cross. It is not improbable , but that , as other Infants , he at his birth did salute the World with tears , and that the pain of Circumcision did extract tears from him ; but neither of these are mentioned in Holy Writ . It is said indeed in respect of Judas , he was troubled in spirit , not that he wept , though not improbably that trouble might express it self by weeping . Three times are expressed , That for Lazarus by one Evangelist , St. John ; This over Ierusalem by another , St. Luke ; The other is mentioned by no Evangelist , but the Apostle St. Paul in his Epistle to the Hebrews , and yet whether those tears refer to the Garden , or the Cross , or both , is a question ; It is very likely , he who sweat drops of blood , at the same time shed tears ; and it as likely that his prayers on the Cross were accompanied with tears : it is certain , in the one place or other , or both , he wept ; His tears for Lazarus , were the tears of a Friend ; Those on the Cross , the tears of a Priest ; These over Ierusalem , the tears of a Prophet ; for as a Prophet he beheld Ierusalems ruine , and beholding , weepeth . It is a good observation of Origen concerning our Saviour , Omnes beatitudines quas in Evangelio docuit , exemplo sirmavit . He confirmed by his pattern all those Beatitudes which he preached in his Sermon : He was meek , and poor in spirit , pure and merciful , the great Peacemaker , and a Sufferer for Righteousness sake ; and that he was a Mourner , appeareth here by his weeping . For the fuller discussion whereof , I shall desire you to take notice of these four circumstances , Who , When , Over whom , and for What : And , 1. Who it was that wept , Christ the Son of the living God made man , Indeed his very weeping bespeaketh him a Man , and that not in appearance only , but reality . A Phantasm cannot weep , a Picture cannot grieve ; so that from hence , we may infer a strong argument against the Apollinarian Hereticks , who imagined , that Christ had but an imaginary body : Nor doth this only argue him a Man , but such a Man as was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , subject to the same passions with us . Tears are not only indices naturae , but doloris , testimonies of humane nature ; but of humane passion , particularly that of grief and sorrow , whence it followeth . That the passions of the mind are not in themselves sinful , else the holy and undefiled Jesus who knew no sin ( to wit , experimentally and practically ) could not have been subject to them . The truth is , they are very apt ( like the wind , to be boystrous , on in a wrong corner ) to exceed in their measure , or err in their object , and so degenerate into sins and vices ; love into lust , anger into rage , and grief into impatiency : But in themselves they are not sinful , as being the products of Nature , not of the corruption of it . That stoical precept of putting off humane affections , as it is impossible , so it is not necessary were in possible . We need not banish , but only imprison our passions ; not extirpate , but regulate them ; for Christ himself gave various expressions of several passions , and here in particular of his grief by his tears . Besides , this Notion of the Who in my Text as to his being a Man , and that subject to passion , I must not forget to mind you that he was a Prophet , a Man of God ; and being to utter a sad message , delivers it with tears . The Priests and Prophets of the Lord are resembled to eyes , and those eyes said to be like the Fish-pools of Heshbon , to note that they should be watry eyes distilling with tears , in which respect , among the many Ceremonies of the Romish Ordination , an Handkerchief is given to the person ordained for wiping away those tears which should continually run down . Indeed tears well become us in all our Offices . Do we pray for the people ? our prayers and tears do well together . Let the Priests weep between the Porch and the Altar , and say , Spare thy people , O Lord. Do we instruct the ignorant , or comfort the dejected , or reprove the sinner , or threaten the obstinate ! we should express our pity by our tears . Many walk ( saith S. Paul ) of whom I have told you often , and now tell you weeping , that they are enemies of the Cross of Christ. And here our Saviour being to denounce Gods judgements against , weepeth over Jerusalem . 2. The next considerable Circumstance is the When : And that , as appeareth by the preceding context , was inter acclamatioues , in a time of joy . When the people welcomed him with shouts , he approacheth them with sighs . He would let us see how little he was taken with the pomp and splendor of the world , and intimateth a special act of prudence , namely , to mingle our joyes with some sorrowful thoughts , which may serve as a check to their exuberancy . It is observable how King David in the very same Psalm where he speaketh of his still waters , green pastures , full cup , spread table , taketh occasion to mention the shadow of death . Solomon tells us , There is a time to laugh , and a time to weep ; we may carry it further , The time of laughing is a fit time of weeping , lest we should laugh too much . It is the usual dispensation of Divine Providence , to make all our earthly comforts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bitter-sweets , checker work , black and white , in our most prosperous estate , sending some cross event , which may be an allay to our joy ; and it is the dictate of humane prudence , to present to our selves some sorrowful thoughts in the time of our greatest mirth . We may observe when men laugh most heartily , tears stand in their eyes : we have often beheld a showre of rain fall in a sun-shine ; we use to eat our sweet meat with sharp sauce : Thus let us intermingle something of sadness with our delights , after the example of our Saviour , who wept at a time of the greatest solemnity of joy , when the multitudes that went before , and followed after , cryed , Hosanna to the Son of David . 3. The next Circumstance to be discussed , is the Whom : and that is expressed in the Text to be the City , to wit , of Jerusalem . And that which I would here take notice of , is the enmity which Jerusalem had to him , and the love which he shewed to Jerusalem : Doloris may stand in the Poets Verse , as well as timoris , and it is as true in the sense , Love is full of grief , as well as fear : when he wept for Lazarus , the Jews said , See how he loved him ; may we not say the same here : See how he loved the City over which he weepeth ; And how much this City hated him , appeareth by that bloudy murther which in a few days after this , was by them committed upon him : He commiserateth them who had no compassion for him ; nay , he sheddeth tears for them that shed his bloud . It was his precept in the Sermon on the Mount , given in charge to all his disciples , Love your enemies ; and lo , here he practiseth it , and well doth it become us to follow both his command , and his example . Indeed we read in the Psalms , The righteous shall rejoyce when he seeth the vengeance ; but that is on the Churches implacable enemies ; otherwise it is Solomons caveat , Rejoyce not when thine enemy falleth ; nor is there any thing more truly Christian , than not onely not to rejoyce , but mourn for our enemies misfortune : And let me tell you , it is the best way of revenge , when our enemy hungers , to feed him , when he thirsts , to give him drink ; not onely to be sorry for , but to succour him , since hereby we heap coals of sire upon his head . Thus let our love to our enemy , be the love of the heart , not feigned , but sincere , not counterfet , but cordial , the love of the tongue in praying and blessing , the love of the hand in doing good , and the love of the eye in weeping for them that hate , that curse , that do evil to us , and that when misery cometh upon them . 4. There is onely one question more to be resolved , and that is , For what Christ weepeth in reference to Jerusalem ? and that will appear by the following context , to be her sins and her sufferings . Of both a word . 1. He weepeth for her sins , in that she did not know the things of her peace , as appeareth in the next verse ; nay , as we find in that paralel place , that she stoned the Prophets , and killed those who were sent unto her with the glad tidings of Peace ; nay , not onely the wickedness which she had , but which he foresaw she would commit against himself , in putting to shame and death , him who was the Lord of life and glory ; and that notwithstanding all her wickedness , she remained secure and obstinate , according as it is said elsewhere by S. Mark , that Christ looked round about the people , and was grieved for the hardness of their hearts . The wickedness of bad men ought to be the sorrow of good men , and when they are so wicked as not to grieve for themselves , they grieve so much the more for them . Lots righteous soul was vexed ( as S. Peter tells us ) with the unclean conversation of the Sodomites : David saith of himself , Rivers of waters run down mine eyes , because they keep not thy Law. And again , I beheld the transgressors , and was grieved : S. Paul , weepeth for those among the Philippians , whose god was their belly : and S. Hierom said to an impenitent wretch , Hoc plango quod teipsum non plangis , this I bemoan that thou dost not bemoan thy self . This is that which holy men always do upon a threefold account . Of piety and devotion towards God , whose Name is blasphemed and dishonoured by their violation and contempt of his Law. Of Pity and compassion towards the sinners , who are running headlong to perdition , and perceive it not . Of Charity to themselves , in avoiding hereby the guilt of other mens sins ; which the very not grieving , contracts upon those that behold them , and also escaping the punishment which those sins bring upon the places where they live , for so we read of a mark set upon the mourners for the abominations in Jerusalem . And if upon these accounts we must weep for the sins of others , much more ought we every one for his own sins ; In this indeed we could not have our Saviour for an example , who had no sins of his own to weep for , since he could not have been a Saviour , had he been a sinner . But ( he excepted ) there was never any who had not sins enow of his own to bewail ; and truly , in vain doth he pretend to be troubled at the faults of others , who yet indulgeth to his own ; nay , hovv can he bemoan another , vvho doth not pity himself ; or vvill any man believe that he is offended at the dishonour done to God by others , vvho yet vvilfuly dishonours him himself ? And therefore , as our Saviour exhorts , first to cast the beam out of our own eye , so let us be persvvaded , first to repent of our own sins , and then to weep over the sins of others . 2. But secondly , Christ wept over Jerusalems sufferings : Whence observe . 1. Others passion should move our compassion , and vve should mingle the wine of their afflictions vvith the water of our tears . There is no duty to which we are more frequently exhorted than that of mercy ; and what is misericordia , but miseria ad cor ; mercy , but the laying anothers miseries to heart . It was St. Pauls precept , Weep with them that weep ; and it was his practice , Who is weak , and I am not weak . That golden Rule , of doing to others , as we would they should do to us , holds true , as in many other particulars , so in this , That since we desire to be commiserated our selves , we should commiserate others . Thus Job , who crieth out , Have pity on me , O you my Friends , have pity on me ; saith also of himself , Did not I weep for him that was in trouble ? Was not my Soul grieved for the poor ? There is nothing more humane , than for one man to sympathize with another . It is observed among Swine and Bees , Unâ agrotante lament antur omnes ; if one be sick , the rest are sorry ; but much more sutable is it to our humane nature , and therefore Cruebty is called Inhumanity ; nay , there is nothing more Divine , more Christian than this ; and therefore St. Paul calls upon us , To put on bowels of mercies as the Elect of God , chosen to be his Children , and consequently to resemble him ; upon which account , it is Christs argument , Be you merciful , as your Father which is in heaven is merciful : Nor was there any virtue did more illustriously shine forth in Christ himself , an instance whereof he giveth us here in weeping over the City . 2. Private , but much more Publick Calamities require our Sympathy ; for such was this , not over a particular Person or Family , but a City . We use to say , Bonum quò communius eo melius ; Good is the better , by how much more it is communicated ; and Evil , the further it spreads , the worse . It is an undeniable Maxim , The whole is greater than any part ; and consequently , as the safety of the whole ought to be first preferred , so the calamity of it ought to be most condoled . Every good man is of a publick spirit , and therefore deeply affected with common miseries : A few drops of water may quench a spark , but many Buckets will not easily extinguish a great flame . In times of general Calamity , we may well wish with Jeremy , That our head were waters , and our eyes fountains of tears to weep day and night . 3. Not only when we our selves are Fellow-sufferers , but when we are only Spectators of , we ought to be concerned in others miseries . Our blessed Lord was to ascend to heaven , and sit down at his Fathers right hand long before the time of Jerusalems misery , and yet it becometh the object of his sorrow . Nehemiah was himself in the Kings Palace , a principal Officer , a great Favourite ; and yet by reason of Jerusalems Calamity , He sat down , and wept , and mourned . When we our selves are at liberty , we must remember them that are in Bonds , as if we were bound with them ; nor must our own prosperity make us forgetful of others adversity . 4. All sorts of miseries , but especially grievous Desolations , call for a Lamentation ; no less was this which befell Jerusalem , when not one stone left upon another which should not be thrown down . It was Queen Hesters plea to Ahashuerus , We are sold , I and my people to be destroyed , and to perish ; if we had been sold for Bondmen and Bondwomen , I had held my tongue . Look away from me ( saith the Prophet Esay ) I will weep bitterly ; and why so bitterly , for it is a day of trouble ( and that no small or slight trouble , but ) of treading down , and perplexity , breaking down the Walls , and crying to the Mountains . It is a doleful sight to behold the Ship tossed up and down by the boystrous waves , but to see it sink into the Sea , or dash in pieces against the Rock , may well cause an Outery . The deeper the wound is , the greater need of washing it with our tears ; and the heavier the burden , the greater need of our hands to help to bear it up . 5. Lastly , If the foresight of misery when yet it is afar off , much more when it is near ; and if when it is near , much more the sight of it when actually brought upon a person or people , ought to move our pity and compassion . When Hazael said to Elisha , Why weepeth my Lord ? His answer was , Because I know the evil thou wilt do to the children of Israel : And much like was the reason of our Saviours weeping here , who knew the evil which the Romans would do to Jerusalem : But when the evil is really done before our eyes , good reason our eye should affect our hearts with sorrow , and our hearts fill our eyes with tears . This , This , is that ( my Beloved ) which I am this day to press upon my self and you , in reference to that doleful destruction which hath actually befallen our Ierusalem , the once Renowned , but now Desolate City of London ; and her Inhabitants that being near , and having beheld its Conflagration , we would weep over it . It is not many Weeks since we kept a joyful day of Thanksgiving for the good hand of our God upon His Majesties Naval Forces , in causing their Enemies to flee before them ; and great reason we had to rejoyce in so seasonable a Victory ! But alas ! the righteous God hath now turned our laughing into mourning , and our singing into sighing , whil'st we have been forced to flee from our Houses . We read of Marcus Marcellus , that having besieged , and taken the famous City of Syracus , he wept to see such Citizens become his Captives and Slaves . And it is storied of Titus Vespastan , who was the instrument of Gods vengeance upon this City in my Text , That he did not invade it without tears ; and truly that late burning of the Ships and Goods , and Houses of our Enemies , though it was very justifiable , as an act of Military Iustice , done by persons empowred with Royal Authority for the avenging of former injuries ; and very acceptable , as a weaking of our Enemies power to do future : Yet as it was an act which brought ruine and destruction upon many private persons and families , some of whom might be in some sort innocent as to the publick quarrel ; it was matter of compassionate grief : But oh then what sadness should sit upon our spirits , whil'st we behold so great a destruction at home , a fire in our own bowels ! True it is , we of these parts have very great cause of joy in our particular preservation , since we deserved no less than they to have been devoured by the flame ; but to use the Psalmists language , we have cause to rejoyce with trembling , lest the like misfortune befall our Houses ; ey , and to rejoyce with weeping , because it hath befallen so many of our Friends , Neighbours , and Fellow-Citizens . Indeed had it been a particular House and Family , or some Village , Hamlet , Town , or Burrough , it would have been deplorable ; but magnum momentum est in nomine urbis , saith the Orator : There is a great deal of weight in the name of a City , and consequently the ruine of it most lamentable . As among Stars , there are of the first and second , and third magnitude ; and among Ships , of the first , second and third Rate : so among Cities , there are greater and less ; and surely by how much the greater the City , the sadder the loss . What tears then , yea , Rivers of tears ( were they like the goodly Thames which runs by ) can be sufficient to bemoan the downfall of this so ancient , and so eminent a City . This City was called ( when in her Glory ) by Ammianus , Marcellinus , Augusta , the stately magnificent City ; but how is she now become angusta ? this large Volume in Folio abridged almost to an Octavo , there being , as is probably computed , scarce a sixth part remaining within the Walls . The shape of the City hath been observed to be like that of a Laurel , and it was a good wish of him who desired that like the Laurel , it might alwayes be green and flourishing : But this sad Fire hath spoiled her of her greenness , and she is now become as it were one Brand , withered , scorched , nay , burnt to ashes . One of the names anciently given to her was Troja nova , and her Citizens called Troynovanters ; and behold now she is too like old Troy in her Constagration . I pray God it may not be said , I am seges ubi Troja fuit , Corn groweth where new , as well as old Troy stood . Chronologers tell us , I hat London was 354 years older than Rome ; and Tacitus speaking of her above 1500 years ago , calleth her , Londinum copid negotiarum maxime celebre , a very famous place for Merchants ; ever since which time she was rising higher and higher in splendor and glory : But alas ! in a few dayes she is spoiled of all that beauty she had been advancing so many hundred years . We have not ( I suppose ) forgot that fatal blow by Fire and Gun-powder given to that Ship which did wear her name ; but the Loyalty of many worthy Citizens in one year repaired that loss , by building a better , now deservedly called the Loyal London . But who can tell how many years may pass before this City of London attain to her pristine lustre ! Though yet I will not despair , but that in Gods good time she may become more illustrious than before . A late Writer having first given a full and particular account of this City , goeth on to parallel it ; not only with all the Cities of these three Kingdoms , but of the whole World , and prefers it before them : For having reckoned up about twenty several kinds of Ornaments belonging to a City , he proveth by an induction of particulars , That though in some one or few of those Ornaments , many other Cities out-go her , yet , all taken together , she surpassed them all . And to all those excellencies which he mentioneth , I shall add one , in which I am sure no City could equalize her , the number of her Learned , Religious and painful Preachers ; upon which account , the title which the City of Quinzie in China attributed to her self ( for her high Walls ) might have been given her , she was an heavenly City ; or to use our Saviours language of Capernaum , a City lifted up to heaven . And now who can refrain from weeping , to see this City almost stripped of all her Ornaments , and her Honour laid in the dust ? Let the Merchants weep for the downfall of that Royal Exchange ( where they used to drive on their mutual Commerce ) with the several Wharfs and Keyes , which were so commodious for landing their Goods . Let the several Companies weep for the ruine of their Halls , where they were wont to meet each other in love and amity . Let the poor Orphans weep for the loss of that Hospital , where so many Thousands of them have been nourished and educated . Let the Priests weep , not as of old , between the Porch and the Altar ; but that now there are so many Churches , where there is neither Porch nor Altar to weep between . Let the Parishioners weep , that they have now neither Churches nor Preachers ; whil'st those are so demolished as unfit for use , and these , as well as themselves , forced to look abroad for shelter . Finally , Let all the Inhabitants of this City , and her adjacent parts , weep to consider how many Families have not where to hide their heads , but are scattered up and down the Fields for want of their Habitations : Yea , how many wealthy Citizens are very much impoverished , and some of them brought to a morsel of bread . Nor do I only call upon the City her self , but the Court , the Countrey , the whole Kingdom , to weep over the Cities destruction ; and that not only in regard of the particular losses which several persons throughout the Kingdom undergo upon this account , but of the Concern which the misfortune of this City is to King and Kingdom . The City of London was as it were the Dominical Letter , by which the whole Nation reckoned how the year would go about ; or as the Golden Number , by which we were wont to cast up our Accounts . It was the saying of a judicious Forreigner , That England might rather be said to be in London , than London in England . Sure I am , the welfare of England was very much concerned in Londons prosperity . Some have enviously resembled her to the Spleen , whose high swelling made the rest of the body lean : But I doubt we shall find , she may more truly be compared to the stomack , and the Apologue made good ; whil'st the stomack wants supply , the rest of the members cannot thrive . If England be as the heavens , London was as the Sun in those heavens ; must not darkness needs cover the whole heavens , when the Sun is so much eclipsed ? If England be as the Ring of Gold , London was as the Diamond , How little is the value of the Ring , when the Diamond is , if not wholly lost , yet very much cracked ? If England be as a goodly Tree , London was as the root ; and when the root is withered , how can the Tree flourish ? London was wont to be called Camera Regis , the Kings Chamber ; ey , and it might have been called the Kings Coffer , since besides the great Income which her Custom , Excise and Chimnies brought to the Crown , she was ready to fill ▪ his hands with present Coin upon all occasions : well may the King weep , nay , we need not call upon Him ; I would to God all his Subjects were as deeply sensible of this sad blow as He. London is called in the Law , Cor Reipublicae & totius Regni Epitome , the Heart of the Commonwealth , and Epitome of the whole Kingdom . And she is no less justly , than usually stiled the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Mother-City of the Kingdom : well may all the Daughter-Cities , yea , all the People of the Land take up a bitter wailing for this blow , which hath as it were stab'd them at the heart , and killed their Mother . Ey and especially at such a time as this , when , by reason of our Forreign War , her assistance was so useful . Sad indeed , to have the Milch Cow dry , when most need of Milk ; and the Cloud vanish , when most want of Rain ; yea , as it were , the Fountain to be empty , when most occasion for water . How stupid is that Man ? How hard is that heart , which these considerations do not affect ? And yet this is not all , since the doleful influences of this calamity , in some sort , reach not only to the whole Kingdom , but to all the Protestant Churches . There have not wanted daring Prognosticators , who have presumed to foretell the destruction of Rome , and the downfall of the Pope this year ; no doubt , if they repent not of their Superstitions and Idolatries , Vengeance will pursue them ; but it is not for us to know the times , nor to build positive Predictions upon our Interprepretations of dark Prophecies : In the mean time we sadly behold the most famous Protestant City of the World , become an heap of Rubbish . I easily believe , our Romish enemies rejoyce at this flame , and cry among themselves , O pulchrum spectaculum ! O goodly sight ! And perhaps our Protestant Adversaries rejoyce also ; but I doubt they will have little cause for it , when they weigh all things in a right balance . Whither by that Babylon mentioned in the Revelation be understood Pagan or Papal Rome , I shall not now dispute ; but sure I am , all Protestant Princes and Churches have reason to make the like Lamentation over London , which is said to be made over Babylon , Alas , Alas , that great City which was clothed in sine linnen and purple , and scarlet , with gold and pearls , and precious stones ; for in one hour ( at most a few dayes ) she is made desolate ! All this while I have only set before you the sadness of the Ruine , together with the doleful effects which attend it ; but now give me leave to enlarge , and increase your sorrow , by minding you of the causes , as well as the effects , entreating you to consider by whom , and for what it is , that this great desolation is befallen this great City . We read in the Book of Job , That the fire of God sell from heaven , and consumed his sheep . And God threatneth by his Prophet Amos against Damascus , Gaza , &c. That he would send a fire which should devour their Palaces . And surely no other was this Fire which hath laid waste so many beautiful Churches , goodly Fabricks and Houses , than the fire of God , a fire of his sending . If there were any sons of the Coal who kindled , or fomented the flame , yet they were the Rod of Gods anger , and the Fire-balls in their hand his indignation ; and I both pray and hope , that if there were any such Rods , they may themselves be cast into the fire , and receive their deserved punishment for so horrid a villany . If it were an accidental fire , occasioned by negligence and inanimadvertency , yet even that casualevent was of divine appointment : Nor was it only the hand , but a special , signal hand of God , which appeareth among other things , chiefly in the concurrent wind by which the Fire was carried on with an impetuous violence , for who was it but God , who was pleased at once both to stop the Windows of Heaven that it rained not , and brought forth the wind out of his Treasuries , that it continued , till the Fire had done that work which he determined should come to pass . And as we must acknowledge it was the merciful and powerful word of our God , which said to the Fire ( as he doth to the Sea ) Hitherto thou shalt come , and no further : So it was no other than the angry and revengeful hand of God which caused the Fire ( with the wind ) to bring upon the City such a generally destructive Calamity . Upon this consideration , it will be fit for us , as we look upon the burning to be the effect of Gods wrath , to bewail the sins which have incensed it , and thereby procured this Constagration : So that whereas all this while I have called upon you for tears of compassion , I must now exhort you to tears of compunction . I do not design ( Beloved ) to upbraid London in this day of her calamity , far be it from me ; but I think it a very fit season for London to be put in mind of her iniquity . I would not confine the sins which have deserved this devastation only to London , nay , rather enlarge the accusation against the whole Kingdom ; and as both Prince and People will find themselves concerned in the sad effects of the flame , so all have reason to charge themselves with the kindling it . But as the Judgment is fallen more immediately and most heavily upon the City ; so doubtless it concerneth the City more especially to remember and bewail her own sins : And whereas there were several Parties , and Men of various perswasions in that once populous City , I could heartily wish , that instead of throwing Dirt in each others Faces , they would throw each the first stone at themselves ; and instead of railing and reviling , they would all of them with weeping eyes bemoan first their own sins , and then the sins of one another . We read of Josephs Brethren , when their Brother had put them in Ward , they said one to another , We are verily guilty concerning our Brother , in that we saw the anguish of his Soul when he besought us , and we would not hear ; therefore is this distress come upon us . I would to God it might be so with all the Inhabitants of this City , now that so great distress is come upon us , to hear the voice of Conscience , which if not quite seared , will speak at such a time , and to say one to another , We are verily guilty of these and these sins . Now that God hath overthrown some among us , as God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah , it is time surely for those who have been guilty of Sodoms sins , to accuse themselves for their pride , fulness of bread , abundance of idleness , and not strengthning the hands of the Needy . Now that so many houses of God are burnt up , and laid waste in the City , and their Teachers are removed from them ; it is time for those to bethink themselves , who either out of Prophaneness have neglected , or out of Schism vilified the houses of God ; and if not like this City of Jerusalem killed and stoned , yet disheartned and contemned those who were sent unto them . Now that many of our wealthy Citizens are much weakned and impoverished in their Estates , it is time for them to call to mind , how forward they were to part with their Wealth for raising a Rebellious War against their Soveraign , which at last most Tragically ended in His Murder . Now that such a Well-ordered Society ( as the City of London was ) is broken , and Neighbors and Friends are scattered up and down in several parts , and that the Fire hath run through , and thrown down her goodly Structures , it is a fit season for those cursed Incendiaries to condemn themselves , who delighted in division , made wide breaches in Church and State , between the King and His People ; and when time was , set the whole Kingdom on flames ; yea , I fear still would , had they the like opportunity . Now that their Shops and Tables , Chambers and Houses are demolished , their Wares and Goods either removed or consumed , it concerneth those to call themselves to an account , who have sequestred and plundered their Neighbors Goods and Houses , and Lands , ey , and those also who have kept Houses of Riot , Chambers of Wantonness , Tables of Surfeit , and Shops of Lying , Deceit and Perjury . This , this is that ( my Brethren ) which the Lords voice crieth at this time to the City , and which he expects from the Inhabitants thereof , that we should every one so seriously and speedily reflect on his own sins , as to bewail them with proportionable grief ; and so much the rather now , because we did it not before , not this last year , when his hand of Pestilence was so heavy upon us , and we so insensible of it . Then he consumed our Persons by the burning Plague , and now our Houses with the burning Fire . Then he removed us from our Habitations , now he hath taken away our Habitations from us ; and because there was not enough weeping then , therefore there should be the more weeping now . To draw to an end , I have I think said enough by this time to put you upon sprinkling your heads with ashes , girding your loins with sackcloth , filling your eyes with tears , and breaking your hearts with sorrow ; but I must withall tell you , that all is not done , when this is done . Our weeping of compassion must be attended with a ready contribution towards their relief whom this Fire hath undone . I hope there are not , and yet I would there were not any so cruel as to exact upon their necessity , who come to hire Lodgings or Houses of them , this were to add affliction to the afflicted ; nay , rather use them kindly : And to those who are not able to hire , give entertainment ; yea , let us willingly embrace whatsoever Overtures may be proposed for repairing the breaches and raine of our Metropolis . Our weeping of compunction must be accompanied with reformation . Oh let the heat of that flame not only thaw our frozen hearts into tears of godly sorrow , but melt away the dross of our corruption ; that the Fire which was consuming to our Houses , may be as a Refiners fire unto our lives . Let us pull down the strong holds of Atheism and Prophaness , Luxury and Uncleanness , blow up the Turrets of Pride and Ambition , Envy and Faction ; burn up the Thorns and Bryars of Hatred and Malice , Covetousness and Oppression , the chaffe and rubbish of all manner of wickedness ; that so God may be entreated to spare the remnant of our Habitations , and make up the ruines of those that are demolished , to give us beauty for ashes , and the oyle of gladness for the spirit of heaviness , when we shall behold a new London , ( like the Phenix ) rise more gloriously out of the ashes of the old . Amen , Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A45552-e2780 Chap. 6. 25. Eccles. 12. 11. Acts 10. 38. Revel . 18. 4. 2 Cor. 6. 14 , 15. Mal. 4. 2. Luke 15. 1. Mat. 19. 13. Mat. 9. 12. Jonah 1. 3. Acts 20. 22 , 23. Mat. 10. 23. Luke 21. 5. Chap. 3. 7. Prov. 22. 3. 23. 12. Eccles. 2. 14. James 1. 5. Prov. 2. 7. 2 Pet. 2. 6. Prov. 22. 3. John 13. 21. Chap. 11. 35. Heb. 5. 7. Cant. 7. 4. Joel 2. 17. Phil. ●● . 18. ver . 36 , 37. Ps. 23. 5. Eccles. 3. 4. Res est soliciti plena timoris amor . Ovid. John 11. 37. Matth. 5. 44 , Psal. 58. 10. Prov. 24. 17. Rom. 12. 20. ver . 42 , 43 , 44. Matth. 21. 37. Mark 3. 5. 2 Pet. 2. 8. Ps. 119. 136. 158. Ezek 9. 4. Matth. 7. 5. Rom. 12. 15. 2 Cor. 11. 27. Matth. 7. 12. Job 19. 21. 32. 25. Coloss. 3. 12. Luke 6. 36. Jer. 9. 1. Nehem. 1. 4. Hester 7. 4. Isa. 22. 4. 2 Kings 8. 12. Psal. 2. 6. Cic. Howels , Lond : Matth. 11. 23. Rev. 18. 16. Chap. 1. 16. Chap. 1. 4. 7. 12 , 16. Isa. 10. 3. Job 38. 12. Gen. 42. 12. Amos 4. 11. Ezek. 16. 46. A48976 ---- Whereas the Committee for the Militia of London, taking into consideration that not withstanding their commission, directed to their Sub-Committee sitting at Salters Hall in Breadstreet for the listing of all persons fit for the warres, and forming them into several regiments Committee for the Militia of London. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A48976 of text R37944 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2851I). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A48976 Wing L2851I ESTC R37944 17154464 ocm 17154464 105969 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A48976) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 105969) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1619:5) Whereas the Committee for the Militia of London, taking into consideration that not withstanding their commission, directed to their Sub-Committee sitting at Salters Hall in Breadstreet for the listing of all persons fit for the warres, and forming them into several regiments Committee for the Militia of London. 1 broadside. s.n., [London : 1644] Title taken from first line of text. "Dated at Salters Hall in Breadstreet this fourth day of Aprill, Anno Dom. 1644. Edward Peed, clerk to the Committee, by order of the said Committee." Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Committee for the Militia of London. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A48976 R37944 (Wing L2851I). civilwar no Whereas the Committee for the Militia of London, taking into consideration, that not withstanding their commismission [sic], directed to the Committee for the Militia of London 1644 370 1 0 0 0 0 0 27 C The rate of 27 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-06 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion WHereas the Committee for the Militia of London , taking into consideration , that not withstanding their Commismission , directed to their Sub-Committee sitting at Salters Hall in Breadstreet , for the listing of all persons fit for the Warres , and forming them into severall Regiments , and arming such persons as they are able to furnish , and notwithstanding the severall directions issued out from the same Sub-Committee to the Aldermans Deputy , and the rest of the Common Councellmen and Constables in the several Wards , and the great paines and care formerly taken in the prosecution of the same , the businesse is not yet brought to effect : A speedy performance whereof is required : These are therefore according to renewed directions by the Militia in that behalfe given to request you , the Aldermans Deputy , and the rest of the Common-Councell-men of the Ward , with such of this Company , as present this unto you , to review and rectifie the said Lists , according to the Instructions formerly given ; as also to inquire what Armes have been received by any person or persons , for the service of the State in the Auxiliary Companies within your Ward , and who else are able to arme themselves , their Servants or others , and the same to return to the said Sub-Committee , with your severall names thereunto subscribed , that they may give an account thereof unto the Committee for the Militia , which is forthwith expected ; And you the Constables of the Ward , and each of you are to bee aiding and assisting in the premisses , as oft as occasion shall bee , hereof you are intreated not to faile as you tender the safety of the City , and what may depend thereupon . Dated at Salters Hall in Breadstreet this fourth day of Aprill , Anno Dom. 1644 . Edward Peed Clerk to the Committee . By order of the said Committee . To the Aldermans Deputy and the rest of the Common Councell men of the Ward of and to the Constables of the same Ward and to each of them respectively ▪ A32296 ---- Reports of special cases touching several customes and liberties of the city of London collected by Sir H. Calthrop ... ; whereunto is annexed divers ancient customes and usages of the said city of London. Calthrop, Henry, Sir, 1586-1637. 1670 Approx. 302 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 132 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A32296 Wing C311 ESTC R4851 12247759 ocm 12247759 57005 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32296) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 57005) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 623:2) Reports of special cases touching several customes and liberties of the city of London collected by Sir H. Calthrop ... ; whereunto is annexed divers ancient customes and usages of the said city of London. Calthrop, Henry, Sir, 1586-1637. [8], 32, [48], 33-206 p. Printed for Abel Roper ..., London : 1670. Includes bibliographical references. Added t.p. on p. [77]: Whereunto is annexed divers ancient customs, and usages of the said city of London. Newly re-printed. London : Printed for Abel Roper ..., 1670. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Customary law -- England -- London. Law reports, digests, etc. -- England -- London. London (England) -- Charters, grants, privileges. 2006-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion REPORTS OF SPECIAL CASES Touching several Customes AND Liberties OF The City of LONDON . Collected by Sir H. Calthrop Knight , Sometimes Recorder of London . Whereunto is annexed divers ANCIENT CUSTOMES AND USAGES Of the said City of LONDON . LONDON : Printed for Abel Roper , at the Sun St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet , 1670. To the Right Worshipful Sir THOMAS LOE , K. ALDERMAN OF The City of LONDON . Worthy Sir , BEing put in mind of that saying of Seneca , Ingratum sidixeris Omnia dixeris . And having a desire to avoid that Rock whereupon so many have suffered Shipwrack , have had often conflicts within my self , wherein I might express my thankfulness unto you , of whom I a Stranger have received so many undeserved favours , and at last bethought my self , that ( you being one of the Noble Governours of this famous City of London , and being likewise a President over several Companies of Merchants in it ) a Treatise concerning the Customs of the City of London , or otherwise concerning the Priviledges and Immunities granted unto the Merchants of London , would not altogether be an unfitting subject to be presented unto your view ; whereupon I have selected som few Cases collected by my self , of the resolution of the Iudges , concerning some Customes of your City , and some Charters granted unto the Citizens of it , and offered them unto your consideration , the which I desire you to accept as a pledge and token of a thankful mind , howsoever they in themselves are unworthy your pains to be taken in the reading of them : and so with my truest wishes of the continuance of all happiness unto your self , your thrice Noble Lady , and the branches of your flourishing Family , I take my leave , ever resting , From my Chamber in the middle Temple , 2 Januarii Anno Dom. 1661. The affectionate and hearty well-wisher of all good unto you and yours Henry Calthrop . The Contents of several Cases . THe Case of the City of London , concerning Neusances in stopping up the lights of their Neighbours houses by new Buildings page 1 Touching the custome of Citizens learning that Trade , whereunto they have been Apprentices seven years , and betaking themselves to other Trades . 9 The custome of London touching forreign Attachment . 27 The Case concerning the prisage of Citizens Wines .   The Case concerning repairing of Wharfes and Docks .   The cuctome of London , to fine one chosen by the Commons to be Sheriff , and refusing , to hold . 33 The Case of Merchant-Adventurers . 36 Certifying Indictments upon Certioraries . 42 Concerning Orphans Portions . 46 The custome in not removing body and cause upon Habeas Corpus . 50 The Case concerning payment of Tythes in London . 54 Divers ancient cuctomes and usages of the of City London . 79 Hust of Pleas of Land. 80 Hustings of Common Pleas. page 85 Assizes of Mort d' ancest in London . 94 Assizes of Novel Dissezen , called freshforce in London . 97 De curia Majoris London & Custumis Civitatis ejusdem & diversis Cesibus terminalibus in eadem curis . 100 The Commission and Article of the Wardmote Inquest , by the Mayor . 129 An Act for the reformation of divers abuses used in the Ward-mote Inquests . 146 The Articles of the charge of the Ward-mote Inquest . 151 An Act Parliament for the preservation of the River of Thames . 169 An Act of Common Councel concernidg the conservation and cleansing of the River of Thames . 174 The Oath of the Constables within the City of London . 180 The Oath of the Scavengers . 182 The Oath of every Freeman of this City of London . 183 An Act of Common Council concerning making Freemen of the City , againct colouring of forreign Goods . 185 The Statutes of the Streets of this City against Annoyances . 187 Old Laws and Customes of this City . 196 By Act of Parliament in 14. Car. 2. 198 REPORTS of special CASES , Touching several CUSTOMES And LIBERTIES Of the City of LONDON , &c. The Case of the City of London concerning Neusans in stopping up the lights of their Neighbours Houses by New-buildings . REginold Hughs an Attorney of the Kings Bench being seized in his demesne as of Fee , of an ancient house in the Parish of Saint Olaves in the Ward of Queen Hithe London in the South-Part of which House have been three ancient Lights ( time our of mind . ) Anthony Keeme having taken a Lease for 31. years from the Rector and Guardians of the Parish Church of Saint Michael at Queen Hithe by Indenture of a rumous house , and yard next adjoyning unto the said House , with a Covenant to bestow a 100 marks at the least upon the repairing or new building of the said House ; doth within two years pull down the said House , and doth build a new House in the place where the old House stood , and likewise upon the yard whereby the three ancient Lights on the South-side of ●●●● House are stopt up , whereupon Reynold Lewes doth bring his action upon the case against Anthony Keem , for the stopping up the Lights ; unto which the said Anthony doth plead a special Plea in Bar , shewing the ruinousness of the House , and likewise the Lease made by the Rector and Guardians , and the Covenant comprised within the Lease , and doth also shew that there is a custom in London , that if one have an ancient house , wherein there are ancient Lights , and one other hath a House adjoyning upon that House ; he that hath the adjoyning House may well enough enhance his House , or build a new House upon his ground , and to stop those ancient Lights of the House next adjoyning , unless there be some writing to the contrary . And he doth aver in facto , that there was no writing to the contrary , and that he according to the Custome did take down the old House and build a new one upon the same Foundation and upon the Yard opposite unto the said Lights , whereby they were stopped up ; and upon this Plea in Bar ; the Plaintiff demurreth in Law. The Questions of this case are . First , whether it be lawful for a man to build a House upon his own Ground , whereby the Lights of an ancient House are stopped , there being no Custome to enable him ? Secondly , whether the Custome of London will enable a man to build a new house from the ground ; where no house formerly was , whereby he may stop the ancient lights of his Neighbours house ? Thirdly , Whether upon an ancient foundation a house may lawfully be enhansed , so as it shall stop up the light of the Neighbours house adjoyning ? As to the first , it is clear by the opinion of Sir Thomas Flemming , Chief Justice of the Kings Bench , Sir Cristopher Yelverton , Sir David Williams , and Sir Iohn Crook , Justices of the Kings Bench , that there being no custome , it is not lawful to erect a new house upon a void piece of ground , whereby the old lights of an ancient house may be stopped up ; for the rule of equity , and law saith , Utere tuo , ut alienum non laedas ; and the light which cometh in by the Windowes , being an essential part of the House , by which he hath three great commodities , that is to say , Air for his Health , Light for his profit , prospect for his pleasure , may not be taken away no more , then a part of his House may be pulled down , whereby to erect the next House adjoyning . And with this resolution agreeth the Case of Eldred reported by Sir Edw. Cook , in his Ninth Report , fol. 58. where he sheweth the ancient form of the Action upon the case to be quod messuagium horrida tenebritate obscuratum fuit ; but if there be hinderance only of the prospect by the new erected House , and not of the Air , not of the light , then an Action of the case will not lye , insomuch that the prospect is only a matter of delight , and not of necessity . As to the second , it was resolved by the opinion of the aforesaid Judges , that the custome of London will not enable a man to erect a new House upon a void space of ground , whereby the ancients lights of an old house are stopt up ; for first the owner of the old house having possession of a lawful easment and profit which hath been belonging unto the house by prescription , time out of mind of man , may not be prescribed out of it by another thwarting custome which hath been used time out of mind of man , but the latter custome shall rather be adjudged to be void , and Prescription against a Prescription will never be allowed by the Law. 2. It may well be that before time of memory the owner of the said void piece of ground granted unto the owner of the House , to have his Windows that way without any stopping of them , the which being done , and continued accordingly , hath begotten a prescription , the which may not be defeated by the Allegation of a general custome ; and with this resolution doth agree a case adjudged , Trin. 29. Eliz. Rot. 253. in the Kings Bench ; whereupon an action upon the case brought by Thomas Bloond against Thomas Mosley , for erecting of a House in the County of the City of York , whereby the ancient lights of his House were stopped up : The Desendant did plead a Custome for the City of York , as there is here for the City of London , and adjudged that the Custome was naught , whereupon the Plaintiff had his Judgement : But if the Houses had been new erected Houses , or otherwise Windowes had been newly made Windows in that ancient House , the erection of that new House upon that void space of Ground would have been lawful notwithstanding that the Windows and Lights be stopped up ; for it shall not lie in the power of the owner of the ancient House by setting out his new Windows to prevent him , that hath the void peice of Ground from making the best benefit of it . As to the third point , it was conceived that if the new house be only erected upon the ancient foundation , without any inlargement either in Longitude or Latitude , howsoever it be made so high that it ●oppeth up the lights of the old house yet he is not subject unto any action , because the law authorizeth a man to build as high as he may upon an ancient Foundation , and it is no reason to foreclose a man from making his house convenient unto his estate and degree by building up higher , when there is no other impediment , but only some windowes which are built out over his house ; and agreeing to this , seemeth the old book of 4. E. 3. 150. to be where an Assize of Nusans was brought for erecting his house so high , that the light of the Plaintiff in the next adjoyning house was disturbed by it , and the Plaintiff upon the opinion of Herl , Chief Justice , did not proceed in the Assize , but let it fall to the ground ; but if the new builded house exceeded the ancient foundation , whereby that excess is the cause of stopping up of lights , then is he subject unto the action of him whose light is stopped up , as it may appear by 22. H. 6. 25. And in the case at the Bar , Judgement was given for the Plaintiff , because he had brought his action for building of a new House upon a void piece of ground , by which his Windows were stopt up . And Keeme the Defendant only justifieth by the Custome , the erection of the House upon an old Foundation , and upon the void piece of ground , the which is not any answer at all unto that which the Plaintiff layeth unto the charge of the Defendant . Touching the Custome of Citizens leaving that Trade whereunto they have been Apprentices seven years , and betaking themselves to other Trades . IOhn Tolley having been an Apprentice in London by the space of seven years unto a Wool-Packer , after the seven years expired , is made a Freeman of London ; afterwards he leaveth the Trade of a Wool-Packer , and betaketh himself to the Trade of an Vpholster , and doth exercise that Trade by many years , whereupon one Thomas Allen an Informer , doth exhibit an Information in the Court of the Mayor of London , as well for the King as for himself , upon the branch of the Statute made in the fifth year of the late Queen Elizabeth cap. 4. whereby it is enacted , That after the first day of May next ensuing it shall not be lawful unto any person or persons , other than such as now do lawfully use , or exercise any art , Mystery , or manual occupation , to set up , &c. any such occupation now used or occupied within the Realm of England , or Wales , except he shall have been brought up seven years at the least as an Apprentice in manner and form aforesaid , nor to set any person on work in such Mystery , Art , or Occupation , being not a Workman at this day , except he shall have been an Apprentice as aforesaid , or else having served as an Apprentice as is aforesaid , shall or will become a Iourney-man or hired by the year upon pain that every person willingly offending or doing the contrary , shall forfeit and lose for every default fourty shillings for every moneth . And he sheweth , that Iohn Tolly the now Defendant hath exercised the trade of an Upholster by the space of fourty moneths , whereas he was never an Apprentice to that trade by the space of seven years ; contrary unto the aforesaid Statute , whereby the said Thomas Allen doth demand the forfeiture of eighty pound unto the King and himself , whereof he the said Allen doth require the one moyety , according to the form of the said Statute . And this Information being removed out of the Court of the Mayor of London by Certiorari into the Kings Bench , the said Iohn Tolley doth plead a special Plea in Bar , shewing , that there is a custome of London which hath been used time out of mind of man , That every Citizen and Freeman of London , which hath been an Appretice in London unto any trade by the space of seven years , may lawfully and well relinquish that trade , and exercise any other trade at his will and pleasure . And sheweth further , That all the Customes of London were confirmed by K. R. 2. in the Parliament holden in the seventh year of his Raign . And averteth , That he had served one in the Trade of a Wool-Packer , as an Apprentice , by the space of seven years , and that he was a Citizen and a Freeman of London , and that he did relinquish the trade of a Wool-Packer , and betook himself to the trade of an Upholster , as lawful it was for him to do ; and so he demandeth the Judgment of the Court if this Information against him will lie ; and upon this Plea in Bar , the said Thomas Allen doth demur in Law. The Questions in the Case were these . 1. Whether the custome of relinquishing one Trade , after that he hath been an Apprentice by the space of seven-years , and betaking himself to another Trade , wherein he hath not been an Apprentice , be good or no ? 2. Whether it may be taken as a custome or no , or whether it shall be said to be the Common Law of the Realm , and so the Allegation of it , as a custome , nought ? 3. Whether the Statute of the Confirmation of the Customes of London , made in the seventh of R. 2. as it is pleaded , shall be taken to be an Act of Parliament , or only a Confirmation made by the Letters Pattents of the King in Parliament ? 4. Whether the branch of the statute of 5. Eliz. cap. 4. being in the Negative , inhibit all men to exercise the trade when they have not been Apprentice seven years thereunto , is a Controlment of the custome of London , which can receive no support by the Statute of confirmations ? and whether that custom shall stand good in opposition of that branch ? 5. Whether the trade of an Vpholstor be a Trade restrained by the Statute of 5. Eliz. so as Iohn Tolley may exercise it , notwithstanding that he hath not been an Apprentice to it by the space of seven years , according to the course of the Common Law ? 6. Whether the Court of the Mayor of London be such a Court of Record , as that an Information may be exhibited there ? 7. Whether a Moyety may be demanded of this Forfeiture by the Informer , when as a Proviso in the Stat. of 5. Eliz. 4. doth appoint the levying , gathering , and receiving of such Forfeiture as falls in a City or Town Corporate to the Mayor , or other head Officers , to the use and maintenance of the same City or Town Corporate ? As to the first Question , Which is the lawfulness of the custome , it was agreed to be good ; for it might have a reasonable construction , beginning , and just cause , for the putting of it in Execution , insomuch that London being a famous City for traffique and commerce , cannot but sometimes have Merchants and Tradesmen in it , who by misadventure of Pyrates or Shipwrack in the Seas , or by conffiscation of their Goods in Forraign Countries abroad , o● by casu●lties of Fire , &c. at home , have their Estates sunk , whereby they are not able for want of Stock and Meane● to continue that course of Merchandizing and Trade wherein they have been brought up there being great Stocks and sums of money requisite for the continning of it , whereupon they are forc'd to leave that course , and betake themselves to some other Trade proportionable to that means which they have left . And it were lamentable , that wher● inevitable casualties have disabled a man to proceed in that course wherin he was brought up , he now should not be permitted to acquire his living by any other Trade . Also it may be , that the Trade whereunto he was an Apprentice , requireth great labour and strength of body , as the Trade of a Smith , Carpenter , and such like , and that through sickness or other disasters befaln him , he is become infirm in body , and weak in strength , whereby he is not able to use that Trade . Now to deba● him of all other Trades , which are more be fitting his crazy body , were somwhat unreasonable . Wherefore to meet with these inconveniencies , and to give incouragement unto the Citizens and Freemen of London this Custome of relinquishing the Trade whereunto they have been Apprentices by the space of seven years , and betaking themselves unto another Trade , hath had a perpetual allowance , and being grounded upon so good reason still hath its continuance , and may not any wayes be called in question for the unreasonableness of it . As to the second question scil . Whether the Allegation of it as Custome in London that every Citizen and Freeman of London may relinquish his Trade wherein he hath been an Apprentice by the space of seven years , and exercise another Trade or no , be warrantable by the Rules of Law or no , insomuch that before the Stat. of 5. Eliz. 4. which restraineth it , it was lawful for every man to use what Trade he would , although he had not been an Apprentice by the space of seven years : And then it being the Common Law of the Realm that a man might use any Trade , although he had not been an Apprentice for seven years , it may not be alledged by way of custome in London , but it ought to have been shewed , as the custome of the Realm , for that which is the Common Law of the Realm , is the custome of the Realm ? It was answered and agreed , That as this custom was alledged in this information , the allegation of it was warrantable in the Law , and it may well be said to be a custome before the Stat. of 5. Eliz. For first . The custome is restrained to a Citizen and Freeman of London , so as he that is not a Citizen and Freeman may not enjoy the benefit of this custome , and it being restrictive of the Common Law which giveth power unto all , as well Freemen as Citizens , to exercise what Trade they will , standeth well in custome , and may well be alledged by way of custome . This is alledged to be the custome of London , and so is tyed to a particular place ; and howsoever it may be the Common Law of the Realm in other places , yet in London , which is for the most part governed by their particular Customes , it may well be said a Custom , and so the Plea in Bar good enough , as to this exception . As to the fourth Question , soil . Whether the branch of the Statute of 5. Eliz. 4. be a repeal and controul of the Custome of London concerning the exercise of a Trade where he hath not been an Apprentice by the space of seven years ? It was resolved that the Custome of London was of force , and was not any wayes controuled by that branch . First , In regard that this being a particular Custome used in London , the general words of the branch of that Stat● shall not be taken to extend to the repeal of it : For so much regard is to be given unto that City , being Camera Regis , and as dear to him as the Apple of his Eye , that the Customes of that place shall not be overthrown by the extent of general words , where there is no particular provision for it , might tend to a great derogation of the City , and likewise might be very prejudicial to the Commonwealth , when as the ill-affectedness of this City being the chief member of this politique body , cannot but make all the other members to be partakers of thei ll disposition of it . And upon this reason it is , that before such time as the Stat. of R. 2. was thought of , it was holden that the Stat. De Religiosis , otherwise called the Statute of Mortmain , made in the seventh of the Reign of E. 1. which did make a general restraint from disposing of lands in Mortmain , did never extend unto the repeal of the custome of London , which did enable those that were Citizens and Freemen of London to devise their lands in Mortmain , as before . Secondly , The City of London , and the custome therein used , being the example and patern which the Statute of 5. Eliz. in some parts of it doth require should be followed , as in that branch , wherein provision is made , that every person being an housholder , and twenty four years old at the least , dwelling or inhabiting , or which shall dwell or inhabit in a City or Town Corporate , and use or exercise any art , mystery , or manual occupation , shall and may yet have and retain the Son of any Freeman not occupying Husbandry , &c. to serve . and be bound as an Apprentice , after the custome and order of the City of London for seven years at the least . It seemeth that the intent of the makers of that Statute , was rather to confirm ; than repeal the customes of London , for it would never make the custome of London to be the example which ought to be persued , if it had had an intention to repeal it . And by the same reason , that the custome of London shall not be comprehended within the general words of one branch of the Statute , the general words of another branch shall not be extended unto them . Thirdly , it is to be observed , that the Statute of 5. Eliz. hath a proviso , That this Act , nor any thing therein contained or mentioned shall not be prejudicial or hurtful unto the Cities of London and Norwich or to the lawful Liberties , usages , customes , or priviledges of the same Cities . And howsoever it speaketh , only concerning the having or taking of Apprentices , yet by the whole scope of the Statute , which maketh the customes of London to be their directions in many things enacted by that Statute , it appeareth , that the intent was to preserve the Customes of London , and not any ways to abolish them . For it should be very mischievous to the City , and would endanger the subversion and decay of it ; if all Acts of Parliament by their general words should stretch to repeal the customs of London , in Case where they are somewhat opposite unto the Statute . Fourthly , upon the matter , there must be a repeal of the Statute of Magna Charta , cap. 9. which confirmes all the Customes of London , the which shall not be done by general words in a Statute , because it hath been so often-times confirmed . As to the Fifth Question , scil . Whether the Trade of an Upholster be a Trade restrained within the Statute of 5. Eliz. cap. 4. So that none can exercise it , but he that hath been an Apprentice by the space of seven years ? It was agreed and resolved , That an Upholster is not a Trade within that Stat. For first it is not a trade that is mentioned in any of the branches of the Statute , howsoever in all parts of the Statute there is mention made of sixty one several trades and mysteries . And if the Arti●ans which at that time were Assistants unto the Commitees for the expressing of all manner of Trades , and thought that the Trade of an Vpholster had been such a Trade that required Art and Skill for the exercising of it , they would not have failed to make mention of it . Secondly , there having been two former Acts of Parliament , that is to say , the Statute of 7. H. 7. cap. 17. and 5. Ed. 6. cap. 23. made concerning Vpholsters , it was not necessary that mention should be made of it in this Statute , and so it shall be intended that there was purposely an omission made of an Vpholster , because there was sufficient Provision made for him formerly . Thirdly , the Trade of an Vpholster doth not require any Art or Skill for the exercising of it , inasmuch as he hath all things made to his hand , and it is only to dispose them in order after such time as they are brought to him , as the Ticks of his Beds he borroweth from a Weaver , the Frames of his Beds and Stooles from the Joyners and Turners , his Iron-Rods and Nailes from the Smith , his guilding , and setting forth and adorning of his Beds and Stools from the Guilder and Painter ; and so he is like to Aesops Bird , which borroweth of every Bird a feather , his art resting meerly in the overseeing and disposition of such things which other men work , and in the putting of feathers into a tick , and sowing them up when he hath done , the which one that hath been an Apprentice unto it but seven days is able to perform . And the intent of this Statute was not to extend unto any other trades , but such as required Art and Skill for the managing of them : and therefore it was adjudged in the Exchequer upon an information against one in the 42 , year of the Reign of the late Queen Eliz. that a Coster-monger was not a Trade intended by the Statute of 5. Eliz. because his art was in the selling of Apples , the which required no skill or experience for the exercise of it . So an Husbandman , Tankard-bearer , Brick-maker , Porter , Miller , and such like Trades , are not within the Statute of 5. Eliz. cap. 4. so as none may exercise them , but such a one that hath been an Apprentice by the space of seven years ; for they are arts which require rather abillity of body than skill : But a Brewer and Baker are within the Statute , because it concerneth the health of mens bodies to have good Bread baked , and Beer b●ewed , and so it is fit that they should have skil for the exercise of them . Fourthly , an Upholster being no such Trade within the Stat. of 5. Eliz. as may compel one to be an Apprentice unto him for the space of seven years ; for it is not mentioned within that branch that concerneth the compelling of men to be Apprentices . It is not any such trade as is within that branch , which compelleth men to be Apprentices for the space of seven years , before such time as they can exercise it ; for none shall be within the branch that restraineth men to exercise their trades , where they have not bin Apprentices by the space of seven years ; but such as are within that other branch , to compel men to be Apprentices unto them by the space of 7. years . As to the sixth Question , which is ; whether the Court of the Mayor of London be such a Court of Record , as an information may be exhibited in it upon this Statute of the 5. of Eliz. cap 4 ? It was answered and resolved , that it was . For it is expressed by precise terms , in one of the last branches of the said Statute , That the said Mayor , or other Head-Officers of the Cities or Towns Corporate , shall have full power and authority to hear and determine all and every offence and offences , that shall be committed or done against this Statute , or against any branch thereof , as well upon Indictment to be taken before them in the Sessions of the Peace , as upon Informatio●● Action of Debt , or Bill or Complaint to be sued or exhibited by any person , and shall and may by vertue thereof make process against the Defendant , and award Execution , as in any other case they lawfully may by any the Laws and Statutes of this Realm , and the Presidents have been alwayes accordingly . For in the 44. year of the late Queen Eliz. an Information was exhibited by one Robinson against Toby , in the Mayors Court of London , because he exercised the Trade of a Cutler ▪ where he had not been an Apprentice by the space of seven years , and allowed to be well exhibited . So in the Case \l = o ▪ \f one Banister , and Information exhibited in that Court , because he had exercised the Trade of a Weaver , where he had not been Apprentice by the space of seven years , was admitted good . As to the seventh Question , which is , Whether the Informer may demand the Moyety of the forfeitures upon this Statute , because in a branch in the latter end of the Statute , it is enacted , That all manner of Amerciaments , Fines , Issues , and Forfeitures , which shall arise , grow , or come by reason of any offences , or defaults mentioned in this Act or any branch thereof , within any City or Town Corporate , shall be levied , gathered , and received by any person or persons of the same City , or Town Corporate , as shall be appointed by the Mayor , or other Head Officers mentioned in this Act , to the use and maintenance of the same City or Town , in such case and condition as any other Amerciaments , Fines , Issues , or Forfeitures , have been used to belevied , or imployed within the same City or Town Corporate , by reason of any Grant or Charter from the Queens Majesty that now is , or any her Graces Noble Progenitours , made or granted to the same City , Burrough , or Town Corporate , any thing , or clause before mentioned or expressed to the contrary notwithstanding ? It was answered and resolved , That the Informer might well demand a Moyety ; for there being a former branch , that enacted , that the one half of all forfeitures and penalties expested and mentioned in this Act other than such as are expresly otherways appointed , shall be to our Soveraign Lady the Queens Majesty , her Heirs , and Successors , and the other moyety to him or them that shall sue for the same in any of the Queens Majesties Courts of Record or before any of the Jus●i●es of Oyer and Terminer , or before any other Justices or Presidents and Councel before remembred , by action of Debt , Information , Bill of Complaint or otherwise : The Informer may demand his Moyety , by vertue of this branch ; and the subsequent branch which gives the Forfeitures unto the Mayor , shall be taken only of the forfeitures which are given to the Queen , and not of that which is given to the Informer , who is the means whereby the other Moyety is brought to the Mayor , and other Officers . The Custome of London Touching Forreign Attachment . IOhn Tenant a Citizen of London , is indebted fourty pound by specialty unto one other Citizen of London , the which said Citizen is likewise indebted unto one Robert Haydon , another Citizen of London in fourty pounds upon a simple contract . The Citizen so indebted unto Haydon died intestate . Thomas Spink taketh Letters of administration of the goods and chattels of the said intestate . Tenant after the day of payment of his fourty pounds promiseth Spink in consideration that he will forbear him the payment of the said fourty pounds , by the space of two months to pay to Spink the said fourty pounds . Spink forbeareth Tenant accordingly , but the fourty pounds is not paid according to promise . Afterwards the debt due by Tenant , is attached in his hands according to the custome of London of Forreign Attachments for the debt due by the intestate unto Haydon , Spink bringeth his action upon the case against Tenant , for not paying the 40. pounds according to his word who sheweth in his Plea in Bar , That the Debt due by him unto the Intestate was attached according to the custome of Forreign Attachments . And upon this Plea in Bar , Spink demurreth in Law. The Questions in this Case are , 1. Whether this Debt of the Intestate being only a Debt due upon a simple Contract , be such a Debt of which a Forreign Attachment may be made according to the custome of London ? 2. Whether the custome of forreign Attachments may hold in this Case , Inasmuch as by the Statute made in An 31. Ed. cap. the name of Administrators was created , and before that Statute Lettars of Administration were never granted ? 3. Whether there being a Forreign Attachment of the Debt due unto the Intestate , after the not performing of the promise , and Title of action given unto Spink the Plaintiff , be a dispensation with the promise , so as now the action faileth upon the promise for not paying the money . As to the first Question , which is , Whether for the debt , being a debt due only upon a simple contract , a forreign Attachment may be used or no ? It was agreed and resolved , that a forreign Attachment might well be sued for it : For by the custome of London , the Executor or Administrator being chargeable for a debt due by the Testator , or Intestate upon a simple contract , as well as upon a specialty , a Forreign Attachment may be sued as well for that debt , as for a debt due upon Specialty . And howsoever the Kings Bench , or any other Court of Westminster , be not bound to take notice of this particular custome of London in charging the Executors , or Administrators upon the simple Contract , nor to give judgement according to the custome yet when judgment hath been given according to that custome , and that judgement appeareth judicially unto the Judges by the Record : Now they ought to allow the custome , and give their judgement according to that custome in affirmance of the judgment given in London . But it was agreed , that if there had not been any debt due by the Intestate unto Haydon ; Now howsoever there had been an Attachment made in London of the debt due by Spink unto the Intestate , and a judgement given upon it , yet might the Administrator have relieved himself by way of Denial , and Traverse that there had been any debt due by the Intestate unto Haydon . As to the second Question , which is , Whether the custome of Forreign Attachments in London may hold as this Case is ? It was agreed and resolved , That it may and doth well enough hold . For howsoever that none was charge able at the Common Law by the name of an Administrator , inasmuch as by the Statute of 31. Ed. 3. cap. No accusation lay against an Administrator by that name ; And that A custome may not commence since the making of that Statute ; yet inasmuch as he was chargable at the Common Law as an Executor for his Administration so that the name of the charge is only changed , and yet in substance is all one ( For every Executor is an Administrator and the pleading is upon an action brought against an Executor , that he never was Executor , nor ever administred as an Executor . And an Administrator hath the quality and office of an Executor . ) Therefore the custom of Forreign Attachments will hold against an Administrator , as well as against an Executor . As to the third Question which is , Whether the Forreign Attachment for the debt due unto the Intestate after the promise broken be such a dispensation with the promise , that no Action now lieth for the Administrator upon the breach of the promise ? It was agreed and resolved , that the promise was dispensed with , and no action lay upon the breach of it ; for the debt due by Tenant unto the Intestate ; which was the ground , and cause of the promise made unto Spink : the Plaintiff is taken away by the judgement had in London upon the custome of Forreign Attachments , Et sublato fundamento fallit opus . And therefore if after the promise broken there had been a Recovery had of the principal debt by the Plaintiff as Administrator , or otherwise , there had been a Release made unto the Defendant . Now the Action upon the Case upon the promise would have failed , inasmuch as the debt , which was the consideration , and ground of the promise is gone , and so the dampnification which he should have had by not performance of the promise faileth . And agreeing to this resolution was the Case of one Bardeston , and Humfry cited to be adjudged , whereupon an accompt , he that was found in Arrearges upon a consideration of forbearance by one moneth , promiseth payment of them . And those Arrerages thus due being attached in the hands of the Accomptant after the promise broken ; It was held that no Action might afterwards be maintained upon the breach of promise . The Case concerning the Prisage of Wine . KIng Edward the third in the first year of his Reign doth by his Letters Patents bearing date the same time , grant unto the Mayor and Commonalty of London , that no prisage shall be of any of the Wines of the Citizens of London . But they shall be free , and discharged from the payment of all manner of Prisage . George Hanger being a Citizen , and Freeman of London ; and Resient within the City , fraughteth four several Ships with Merchandize to be transported beyond the Seas , the which four Ships being disburdened of the said Merchandize are laden with Wines . Two of the Ships came up the Thames at London , and before any unbulking of them , George Hanger maketh Frances Hanger being his wife his Executrix , and dieth . Afterwards the other two Ships came up to London . Sir Thomas Waller being cheif Butler of the King by virtue of Letters Patents made unto him , Demandeth the payment of Prisage of the said Frances Hanger for the Wines in the said four Ships , that is to say : To have of every of the Ships one Tun before the Mast , and one other Tun behind the Mast . She denieth the payment of it ; whereupon the said Sir Thomas Waller as chief Butler exhibiteth his Information into the Kings Bench against the said Frances Hanger . Whereunto the said Frances pleadeth a special Plea in Barre , shewing the whole matter as abovesaid opon which Sir Thomas Waller demurreth in Law. The Questions of this case are two . The first is , whether for the Wines which came up the Thames in the two Ships before the death of George Hanger , any Prisage ought to be paid unto the King or not ? The second is , whether any Prisage ought to be paid for the Wines , which were upon the Sea in the Ships before the death of the said George Hanger but came not up the Thames until after the death of George Hanger ? The case was argued at several times by Sir Henry Mountague Knight , then Recorder of London , now Lord chief Justice of the Kings Bench , Thomas Coventry then Utter Barister now Solicitor General unto his Majesty , and Francis Mingay an Utter Barister of the Inner Temple on the behalf of Frances Hanger and by Henry Yelverton then an Apprentice of the Law of Graies-Inn , and now Attorney General unto his Majesty , and Thomas Crew of the same Inn likewise an Apprentice of the Law on the part of Sir Thomas Waller . Likewise it was argued at several times by the Judges of the Kings Bench , that is to say , first by Sir Thomas Fleming Chief Justice of the Kings Bench , Sir Christopher Yelverton , Sir David Williams , and Sir Iohn Crook , and afterwards by Sir Edward Cook Chief Justice of the Kings Bench , Sir Iohn Crook , Sir Iohn Dodridge and Sir Robert Houghton . And Sir Edward Crook , Sir Christopher Yelverton , Sir David Williams , and Sir Iohn Dodridge were of opinion , that judgement ought to be given for Frances Hanger , against Sir Thomas Waller ; for they conceived upon the reasons following , that no Prisage ought to be paid , neither for the Ships that came in after the death of George Hanger , nor for the Ships that came in before the death of George Hanger , but they all were to be discharged of the payment of Prisage by vertue of the said Charter made by Edward the third unto the Mayor and Commonalty of London . First in regard thath these Wines thus in each of the four Ships aforesaid , remained ( notwithstanding the death of George Hanger ) to be still the Wines of George Hanger ; for if Frances Hanger the Executrix were to bring an Action for the recovery of them , she should bring an Action as for the Wines of George Hanger , if Frances Hanger should be wained or attainted of Felony or Treason , those Wines should not be forfeited , insomuch as they are not the Wines of Frances Hanger , but of George Hanger . If a Judgement in Debt or other Action should be had against Frances Hanger as Executrix of George Hanger , these Wines should be taken in execution as the Wines of George Hanger , and so these Wines thus brought in before , and after the death of George Hanger , continuing as yet the Wines of George Hanger , to be recovered as his Wines , to be taken in execution as his Wines , and to prevent a Forfeiture , because these Wines shall be said to be the Wines of George Hanger , whereby they may be protected , and priviledged from the payment of Prisage within the words , intent , meaning of the before recited Charter made by King Edward the third , which pointeth rather at the Wines then at the person of George Hanger . Secondly , in regard that Frances Hanger being the Executrix of George Hanger , is the representative person of George Hanger as to these Wines , so that such Priviledges and Immunities as George Hanger was to enjoy if he had been living , the same shall Frances Hanger have benefit of after his death . And therefore notwithstanding Frances Hanger had been a Nun , and so a dead person in Law to all intents and purposes , yet she being made an Executrix and so the representative person of the said George Hanger , shall be enabled to sue , and be sued , as concerning the personal Estate of the Testator , so far as George Hanger himself might sue , or be sued . And if Frances Hanger , being a Neif had been made Executrix now she being the representative person of George Hanger , may well enough sue her Lord unto whom she is a Neif Reguardant , or any other person whatsoever , and the being of a Neif shall not be any disability unto her , as to her office of Executrix-ship . The same Law would have been if Frances Hanger had been wained and afterwards had been made Executrix ; for she putting on the person of George Hanger , and representing him , shall be clothed with the same Priviledges and Abilities as he was , and so Frances Hanger being enabled by the common Laws of this Realm , to sue , and to be sued , although she had been a Nun , a Neif , or a wained person , because she represented the person of George Hanger whose Executrix she was , shall be likewise capable of this priviledge of the payment of Prisage for the Wines of George Hanger , as George Hanger was . Thirdly this Charter made by King Edward the third , being a Charter only to discharge the Citizens of London of the payment of Prisage , and not a Charter whereby the Prisage of the Citizens of London is granted unto others , shall have a liberal construction , and not be streined unto a special intent as a Patent of charge shall be ; for it is evident by divers cases in our Books , that Frances Hanger being an Executrix , shall be taken to be within the remedy of an Act of Parliament , to discharge her self of a burden imposed upon her in respect of George Hanger her Testator , notwithstanding there was never so much as any mention made of her as Executrix , in the Act of Parliament . And therefore Frances Hanger being an Executrix , shall have an attaint upon the Statute of 23. H. 8. chap. 3. to discharge her self of a false Verdict given against George Hanger , whereby his Goods are to be charged , and yet she is not named in the Act of Parliament . So Frances Hanger being an Executrix , shall have a Writ of Errour upon the Statute of 27. El. chap. 8. in the Exchequer Chamber , to discharge her self of an Erroneous Judgement given into the Kings Bench against George Hanger , whereby his Goods are subject to an Execution . Likewise if George Hanger be Out-lawed upon a Writ of Cap. ad satisfaciend , awarded upon a Judgement given in Debt , or other personal Action against him , Frances Hanger as Executrix of George Hanger , shall take advantage of a general pardon made by Act of Parliament in the life of George Hanger , and shall be suffered to plead it , and to give satisfaction of the judgement given against George Hanger , whereby she may be enabled to take benefit of the pardon ; the which being so , that Frances Hanger is a person capable to discharge her self of a false Verdict of an Erroneous Judgement , of an Out-lawry pronounced against George Hanger her husband where the Statute by precise words doth not relieve her , à fortiori shall Frances Hanger in the case at the Bar , be enabled to discharge her self of the prisage of these Wines , within the Charter of Edward the third . Fourthly , by the same reason , that the Butlarage shall be paid by the Executors or Administrators of an Alien , for the Wines brought into England , in case where the Alien owner of the Wines do die before such time as the Ships are unladen , and way shall not be given to make an evasion to the payment of Butlarge , upon an averment that the owner of the Wines is dead before the unbulcking of the Ships , so by the same reason prisage shall not be paid for the Wines of George Hanger , who dyed before such time as the Ships came in ; for those Wines shall continue the Wines of the Alien , to make his Executors subject unto the payment of Butlarage : so these Wines shall remain the Wines of George Hanger , to free Frances Hanger his Executrix from the payment of prisage . Fifthly , there being nothing done in the case at the Bar , to prevent George Hanger whereby his Wines should be made uncapable of the discharge of the payment of Prisage within the Charter granted by King Edward the third but only the death of George Hanger before the disburdening , and unlading of his Ships ; and this being only the Act of God , which by no power of man can be resisted , nor wit prevented , shall never turn him to that prejudice that a charge now shall be imposed upon his Wines , the which ought not to have been , if George Hanger had over-lived the time of breaking the bulk ; for it is a Maxim , held , and a principle of the common Lawes of the Realm , that the Act of God shall never prejudice in case where there is not any Latches in the party ; and upon this reason is it that if one that is impleaded hath cause of priviledge , because he is the menial Servant of the Lord Chancellour , he shall not be prevented of priviledge by the death of the Lord Chancellour , but he shall enjoy it , that death notwithstanding ; likewise it would be a great discouragement to the Merchants , to hazard their own lives in fighting against the Pyrates , and in being upon the Seas when their deaths shall subject them to the payment of Prisage . Sixthly , in the case at the Bar , there are four times to be observed ; the first of which is the time of the fraughting of the Ships , and the sending them out of England beyond the Seas ; the second is the time of the arrival of the Ships , and the unlading , and disburdening of them beyond the Seas , the third is the time of the lading of the Ships with Wines , and the returning of them for England ; the fourth is the time of the arrival at the Port in England , and the unlading of them here ; and three of these times were passed in the life of George Hadger when he was a member of the City , and a Citizen as others are , for all the four Ships , and part of the fourth time also for two of the Ships ; for at the time that the Ships were Fraughted and sent out of England to the intent to bring in these commodities , George Hanger was a Citizen ; so when the Ships arrived in the Port beyond the Seas , and unladed themselves to receive ●n the Wines for which they went , he continued a Citizen . Likewise when the Ships were laden with Wines , and returning to the coasts of England , the hand of Heaven had not as yet disfranchised him from being a Citizen , and member of the City of London . And as to two of the Ships , the said George Hanger had his abode here until such time as they were in the Port at London safe from being swallowed by the surging waves of the Sea , secure from the surprizing of the desparate Pyrates ; the which being so that three of the four times as to all the four Ships were past during the time that he was a member of the City , and also part of the fourth time as to two of the Ships , it is reasonable to think that these Ships shall participate of Immunity and Priviledge , it be discharged of the payment of prisage which is granted by the Charter made b● King Edward the third notwithstanding that the last time was not com● before his death ; and the more especially also , because the law hath such regard unto the commencement , and beginning of a thing , and will have respect unto it , notwithstanding that there belong distance of time between the in choation , and consummation of it . An● therefore where a servant having an intention to kill his Master , doth depart ou● of his service and long time after his departure out of his Masters service doth kill him , that is petty treason in the servant , in regard of the retrospect which the Law hath to the first intention of the servant , when he was in his Masters service ; and yet if you respect the time of the murder committed , without regard had unto the first time , it cannot be petty treason , because the servant was out of his service at that time . Seventhly , it is to be observed , that this Charter to be discharged of the payment of prisage granted by King Edward the third , was granted unto the Mayor and Commonalty of London , which is a body that alwayes continueth , and never dieth ; and so howsoever that George Hanger , unto whom ( as unto a member of that body ) the priviledge of that Charter is distributed , be dead , and cut off from that body , yet in so much that the body politique of the Mayor and Commonalty unto whom the Charter was made liveth , the Priviledge and Immunity of George Hanger to have his Wines discharged of the payment of prisage will live , and continue in that body notwithstanding that George Hanger be dead . Eightly this Charter being a Charter made for the advancement and good of Merchandize and trading ( which are as it were the Blood which giveth nourishment unto the politique body of the Kingdome ) is to have a favourable and benigne construction , whereby trading may be the better supported and maintained ; and the life of the State longer continued ; and therefore where King Edward the third in the third year of his Reign , granted unto the Merchants of Almagne , France and Spain that they should come safely , and securely with their Merchandize into England , and should be free from Pontage , Murag● and such other Tolles , this Grant was allowed to be good , and received an exposition according unto the Law o● Merchants , which is the Law of Nations ; and howsoever it would not b● good by the strict rules of the Common Law , because the Merchant-strange● were not a Corporation able to take yet it was admitted sufficient by that A●gem marcatoriam , according to whic● in some cases of Merchants the Judg● of the Common Law ought to give the Judgement , wherefore in the case at the Bar , this Charter concerning the City of London , which is the University of Merchants , and this case concerning George Hanger which was a Scholar trained ●● this in School , and had been matriculated in this place , the Judge are to fram and give their Judgement so , as the Unversity and Scholars of it , may receive the better encouragement to proceed and may not be disheartened to dive● their courses intended , from Merchandi●ing and Trading , by reason of the stri● construction of Charters which giv● unto them Immunities , and Privledges . Ninthly and lastly , this very case received formerly the resolution of three Barons in the Exchequer , upon an Information exhibited there by Sir Thomas Waller , that Frances Hanger should be discharged of Prisage for the Wines in all the four Ships ; whereupon Sir Thomas discontinued his Information , and exhibited it denove in the Kings Bench , whereby he would take the opinion of this Court likewise ; and there having been former opinion conceived for the discharge of them , it is more agreeable with reason to have this opinion confirmed than opposed . But Sir Thomas Fleming ; Sir Iohn Crook , and Sir Robert Haughton seemed upon the reasons hereafter ensuing , that Judgement ought to be given for Sir Thomas Waller , and that prisage ought to be paid by Frances Hanger , both for the Wines wich were in the Ships that were arrived before the death of George Hanger , as likewise for the Wines which were in the two Ships which were upon the Sea at the time of the death of George Hanger ; howsoever by way of advice they wished that for the Wines in the Ships which were come home during his life , the payment of prisage ought not to be pressed by Sir Thomas Waller . First , in regard the Charter extendeth only to discharge the Wines of such a person as is a Citizen of London of the payment of prisage , and George Hanger being dead , and so a Citizen of the heavedly Ierusalem , may not be longer said to be a Citizen of London , and so not within the compass of the Immunity granred by the Charter . Secondly this priviledge to be discharged of the payment of prisage , is in respect of the person who is the owner of the Wines , and not in respect of the Wines themselves and then there being a remotion of the person unto whom the exemption is tyed , there is a remotion of the exemption it self ; and therefore notwithstanding a Tenant in ancient Demesne , be by the Common Lawes of this Realm to be discharged of the payment of Toll in all Faires , and Markets , yet if the Tenant in ancient Demesne make his Executors , and die the Executors for the Goods of the Testator are to pay a Toll , in so much , that it was only a personal priviledge which dieth together with the person . Thirdly , this Charter bereaving the King of the payment of prisage which is a Flower of his Crown , ought to have a strict construction , so as none may take benefit of it , but only such as are within the precise words of the Charter ; wherefore George Hanger being dead , and so no more a Citizen of London , howsoever the Wines in the Ship may be said to be the Wines of George Hanger to a special intent , that is to say , for the payment of his Debts , and the performance of his Legacies according to his true intendment expressed in his Will , yet may they not be said to be the Goods of George Hanger to every intent , in so much that Frances Hanger the Executrix hath the disposition of them according to her will , and pleasure , and the Poet saith , Da tua dum tua sunt , nam post mortem tua non sunt ; and they not being the Wines of a Citizen to every intent , but only to a special intent , may not be said to be capable of the discharge of payment of prisage according to the Case that hath been adjudged , that where the King by his Letters Patents doth grant the Goods , and Chattels of all Felons and Fugitives unto a common person , now the Patentee , by vertue of this grant , may not claim the Goods , and Chattels of one that is a Felon of himself , in so much that he is a Felon only to a special intent ; and this being a Flower of the Kings Crown , shall not pass by general words , Fourthly , Prisage being a thing which is not due until such time as the bulk be broken ; now forasmuch as George Hanger was dead , and so was disfranchised before such time as the duty accrued , the Charter shall not extend to discharge the Wines in the hands of the Executrix of the payment of Prisage . And so having given you a taste of the opinion of the Judges upon the main case : I will descend to the other matters considerable in this case , upon this Charter ; and for better order and methods sake , I will divide it into the parts hereafter following , that is to say . First , what Prisage is , and to whom due , the nature of it , and the diversity between Butlerage , and Prisage . Secondly , what is the cause , and ground why the King hath Prisage . Thirdly at what time prisage shall be said to be due . Fourthly , whether a grant , or discharge may be made by the King of Prisage . Fifthly , whether the Charter of discharge unto the Mayor and Commonalty of the payment of Prisage be good , when the grant is made to the Mayor and Commonalty , and the benefit distributed unto the natural persons and the ground of the making of this Charter . Sixthly , what persons shall be discharged of the payment of Prisage within the words of the Charter which saith , Quod de vinis Civium nulla prisa fiat . Seventhly , what Wines shall be said to be discharged of the payment of Prisage within the words of the Charter . As to the first , Prisage is a certain duty which the King and his Predecessours by themselves , or their Officers by a custom ( time out of mind of man ) hath used to take for the provision of his houshold of all English Merchants of all Wines whatsoever , which the said English Merchants bring from beyond the Seas into the Coasts of England . In which said description it is first observed , that it is a duty due from the subject unto his Majesty , and not a voluntary gift of the subject unto the King. Hereupon it is that in H. 4. 3. in the Patent-Roll in the Tower you shall find prisage termed by the name of Regia , & Recta prisa ; for that it apperreineth and is due unto the King of common Right ; and being a Flower of his Crown , may not belong unto any man else but by especial Grant. Secondly , it appeareth that it is called a certain duty , because it is manifestly certain , what the King shall have out of every Ship , both in respect of the time when he shall take it , in respect of the place where he shall have it , and in respect of the quantity which he shall have . For as to the time when he shall take it , it is upon the breaking of the Bulk of the Ship , and not before ; for if a Ship come into the Port laden with Wines , and the Bulk of her is not broken , now may not Prisage be demanded of her . And as to the place where the King shall take this prisage , it is ascertained by a Book-Case , where it is said , That the King shall take one Tun behind the Mast , and the other before . And as to the certain quantity which the King is to take , it is manifest by divers ancient Records ; for if a Ship have ten Tun in her , and under the number of twenty Tuns , then the King is to have one Tun only ; but if the Ship containeth twenty Tuns and more , then the King is to have two Tuns , the one to be taken behind the Mad , and the other before the Mast , the King paying for the portage twenty●sh , and by reason of these certainties you shall find in the Patent-Rolls in the Tower 28. E. 1. that it is called , Certa prisa . Thirdly , it is to be observed that is not a duty newly encroached , for it hath by custom ( time out of mind of man ) been taken ; for the ancientest Records now remaining with us do make mention of the payment of it ; for in the Pat. Rol. aforementioned being in the 40th year of Henry the third it is spoken of ; and Fleta who wrote in the beginning of E. 1. his time , hath not been silent in declaring the nature of prisage ; and in the 15. E. 2. Rast all Estreats Sect. 22. an ordinance is made amongst other things that the Butler of the King for the time being , either by himself or his Deputy shall enroll the Wines of prisage , how many times he hath taken them , the testimony of persons of whom the price was had , where , and when , and the Customers of England shall be charged according as they are assigned for the gathering of customes within I certain bounds , that they twice yearly shall certifie the Treasurer and Barons how many Ships have arrived within their bounds , &c. And how many Ships arrived of whom the King did take prisage of Wine , and how many Tunnes , and in what Ships the King did take twosh . for the Tun. And for the other price . And in the Pat. Rol. extant in 20. R. 2. you may see the Record speak in this manner . Memorandum quod Rex habet ex antiqua consuetudine de qualibet navi mercatoria applicante infra aliquem portum Regni Angliae duo dolia vini , &c. All which shew the antiquity of it . Fourthly , it is said of all English Merchants to make a difference between those that are Merchants , and those that buy Wines beyond the Seas for their own private provision . Secondly to make a distinction between the English Merchants and the Merchant-strangers , for Merchant-strangers by a Charter made unto them ( called by the name of Charta Mercatoria ) in the one and thirtieth year of E. 1 , his Reign are discharged of the payment of prisage , in recompence , and lien of which Immunity granted unto them , the Merchant-strangers by way of thankful restitution granted unto the King and his Successours , that he should have two sh . of every Tun of Wine brought in by them within fourty dayes after it is brought into the Port , the which two sh . is called by the name of Butlerage , because the Kings Chief Butler by reason of his Office is to receive it . And those subject of the Kings who do buy Wines beyond the Seas for their own spending , without any intention to Merchandize , ought not to pay prisage for those Wines . Sixthly , it is expressed of all Wines brought from beyond the Seas ; for that if Wines should be made in England . as in times past they have been ( as it appeareth by an ancient Record in Windsor-Castle , where it is said that the Parson had ten pound for the Tythe of Claret-Wine mad there ) and they should be transported from one Port to another to be sold , no prisage shall be paid for them . Lastly , it is described which hath used to be taken , and not which hath used to be paid by the owners , and Merchants of the Wines , and the Etymology of the word importeth as much . For Prisae being the Latine word for prisage , hath it's name of prendere , and is no more than Prizel , which is taking , and is a Participle of the word Prendere , which may be applied to all manner of takings ; howsoever here it is only limited to the taking of Wines . As to the second part , which is what is the cause , and ground of the payment of prisage , there is not any Record to be seen which manifesteth the original cause of the payment of it ; but it is probably conjectured that for as much as the King of England is King of the narrow Seas , and hath been alwayes at a perpetual charge in the maintaining of Ships for the defence of his Merchants , and protecting of them from the cruel spoile of the Pyrates , and in scouring the Seas to make their passage the more secure ; therefore in recompence and satisfaction of this care , and charge , the Merchants have always used ( time out of mind ) to give an allowance unto the King , and his Officers for the taking of this prisage of Wines for the better provision of his houshold , the which allowance , and usage being continued time out of mind , hath made it to be a duty unto the King , and likewise because the King hath used to take one Tun out of ten Tuns , and two Tuns out of twenty Tuns ( for in ancient time , the Ships that went for these Wines being no great Voyage , were not of much greater burden ) some have conceived that this was in nature of a Tythe , paid unto the King , and as the particular Pastor , which ministreth spiritual things for the Food of the Soul , hath of right the tenth part of his clear gains due unto him : So the King in that proportion being Parens patriae , and the general Pastor of all his Subjects , protecting their lives and goods from violent oppression upon the Seas hath received , and taken the tenth part of the Wines brought in . But this only conjectured , and therefore I cannot warrant it to be a sure Foundation to build on . As to the third , which is , at what time prisage is said to be due . I do likewise find some doubt to be made of it ; for some Judges ( unto whose Learning , and Judgement because of their Eminent parts , and singular industry , much reverence is to be ascribed ) have been of opinion that before such time as the bulk of the Ship be broken up , or that it be arrived at the English Port , prisage is due , and therefore if a Ship after such time as it is come up into the Haven , finding that Wines will not bear any price , doth before the Bulk of the Ship be broken , depart out of the Harbour , and go back beyond the Seas , and there vent those Wines . The King , this notwithstanding , may require his prisage at the Merchants hands ; for the narrow Seas being within the Alleageance of the King of England , as it appeareth by divers of our year-Books , so soon as the Ships come upon them , there is the duty of prisage accrued unto the King , whereof it doth not lie in the power of the Merchant to defeat him ; and also the very nature of prisage being to have one Tun before the Mast , and one other Tun behind the Mast , sheweth that the King hath an Election to take his Tuns of Wine where he will , the which may not be , if the duty of prisage should arise out of the breaking of the Bulk for when the Bulk is broken , how doth it appear which is the Tun before the Mast , and which is the Tun behind the Mast ? So as the King may have the Election to take his prisage , as the Law giveth it unto him ; and they are of opinion , that if a Ship come into the Port laden with Wines , that the King is not to expect his prisage where the Merchant will unlade his Wines ; for it being a certain duty accrued unto the King upon the coming into the Port , he may take it at the Port , and is not bound to wait upon the Merchant from one Port unto another , untill he will or can unlade his Ship : But the residue of the Justices which argued in this case , were of opinion , that prisage is not due , until the Bulk of the Ship be broken ; so as that if the Merchant after his arrival at the Port , will go unto another Port , the King may not take his prisage before such time as they come unto that Port where they unlade ; and their opinion was grounded upon the reasons following , that is to say ; First , because the reason and ground of the payment of prisage , being the security which the Merchants enjoy by , and through the care and charge of the King upon the narrow Seas , they ought to be secured of that benefit , before such time as they shall be forced to pay the duty ; and before the breaking of the Bulk of the Ship , they are not ascertained of their safe conduct , insomuch that howsoever they be in the Port or Harbour , yet they may have cause to put out into the Main again , as if they were driven in there through danger of Pyrates , or violence of Tempests , their Cocquet shewing their course to be bent unto another place , and it is no reason that the K. should take his duty before such time as the Merchant be assured of his protection . Secondly , incertainties are always odious in Law ; for they are the Mother of confusion , whereas the Law expecteth and requireth order : And if the time expressed be alwayes ambiguous , or doubtful , it is careful in the determining and setting of it down certainly ; and for the most part where it is left to her construction , she giveth the longest time for the doing of it , whereby best advantage may be given unto the party which is to do it , the which may be manifest by divers instances of cases set down in our Books which I do purposely omit to avoid too much prolixity ; Wherefore it being the most certain , and the most equal time both for the King and Merchant to have the prisage taken when the Bulk of the Ship is broken ; the Law , to whose construction it is left , shall rather ordain the taking of it to be then , than at any other time ; for if the Law should say , that it is a duty presently upon the coming upon the narrow Seas , it should say , it is a duty before such time as the Merchant can assure himself they are his Wines to dispose , insomuch that before the coming into Harbour , they may be swallowed up by the Seas , or he may be dispoiled of them by Enemies unto the King , or Rebels unto the State. And if the Law should determine the duty to the King when the Ships are safely in the Harbour , there might a great inconvenience ensue upon this Judgement , because it may very well be , that their course was intended to another place , and they were driven in there only by misadventure , and it would be mischievous to have the Ship rifled , and their Wines disordered , before they had attained unto the intended Haven . Thirdly , this opinion is consonant unto the Judgements in former times ; for it was ruled in the case of one Kenniston , and Boggius , in the fifth year of his Majesties Reign that now is , that prisage shall not be said to be due until such time as the Bulk be broken , and the Ship unladen . And likewise there is a Record , by which it appeareth , that the King is to have Prisage of every Ship bringing VVine into England and unladen thereof , so as if it be not unladen then the King by that Record is not to have Prisage . Besides , it appeareth by the Record concerning the payment of Butlerage by the Merchant Aliens , that the King is to have there two shillings of them for every Tun within fourty dayes after the unlading ; so as the Law pointeth at the unlading ; wheresore this Prisage differing only because the VVines are paid in specie , it shall be an Argument thus far to perswade , that the Law will not appoint the time of taking the Wines in specie before the unlading , when it giveth for the payment of the two shillings until sourty dayes after the unlading . Fourthly , it was resolved that howsoever Prisage of Wines is a Flower of the Crown , yet is it not such an inseparable Flower of the Crown , but that it may well enough be granted over , for it is a matter of profit and benefit which is to redound unto the King , and it is not of the nature of a Purachans meerly , for that it is inseperably annexed in privity unto the person of the King , that it may not be granted over . And accordingly it was resolved in the case of Sir Thomas Vavasor , who married one of the Daughters of Alderman Houghton , who had a Grant of the Prisage made unto him . And in the 15. of E. 4. in the Patent-Rolls it appeareth , that one Fitzherbert had a Grant made unto him , and by the same reason that a Grant may be made of Prisage , à fortiori may there be a Grant made unto certain persons to discharge them of the payment of it ; for it is easier to make one capable in point of discharge , than by way of Grant , and the Charter made to the Merchants Strangers for the discharge of the payment of Prisage . And the Statute of 1. H 8. cap. 5. sheweth that a Charter made for the discharge of Prisage , is well , and allowable , Fifthly , this Grant made unto the Mayor and Commonalty , and their Successors , Quod de vinis civium nulla prisa fiat , is good enough , and the grant may well enough be made unto a body politique , and the benefit of the Patent distributed unto a body natural ; for Patents of that nature are usual in the year-Book of the Common Laws of this our Realm , and never any exception taken unto them when there hath been less warrant in reason to make them good , then there is for this our Patent which we have here in hand : For the City of London being the Metropolitan City of this Land , the which may well be called the Heart and Epitome of the whole Realm , and the Chamber of the King , the Merchants whereof do fill the Coffers of the Prince by their customes , and do supply the Subjects of his Majesty with all manner of necessaries , do encrease the honour of their Nation by their Commerce , and Traffique abroad , and do strengthen the whole body of it by shipping , which are termed the wooden Walls . It is reason that all Charters made in their favour , and giving them Immunities and Priviledges , should receive a benigne interpretation , and the more especially also , because at this time all Merchants strangers had a Charter of discharge for the payment of prisage , but only that they were to pay two shillings in the Tun ; and so if the Merchants of London should not have had a Charter of discharge , they would have been discouraged from trading for Wines , because the Merchants strangers would have been able to have afforded their Wines at easier rates , because they were freed of some part of that charge , which the English Merchants were burthened with . Sixthly , as to the Declaration , what persons shall be discharged of the payment of prisage within the words of this Charter , it will be the better manifested by shewing the destinctions and degrees of Citizens which are to be found , for there is mention made of five manner of Citizens . The first of which is , he that is a Citizen of London , for the bearing of offices in the City , and such special intents , because he is a Freeman of the City , but he is not a Citizen in residency and continuance in the City ; for he inhabiteth and dwelleth out of the City , and such a Citizen as this , is not such a Citizen as shall enjoy the benefit and priviledge to be discharged of the payment of prisage , according to the resolution given in the Exchequer in the Case of one Knolls . Trin. 4. H. 6. Rot. 14. where it was ruled , that one that was a Citizen and Freeman of London but dwelt in Bristol , might not partake of the benefit of this Charter , insomuch , that he by reason of his dwelling out of the City , was only a Citizen to a special intent . The second sort of Citizens are those which are Citizens in respect of their Freedome , and likewise in regard of residence within the City , but are not such Citizens as do keep a Family and Houshold within the City , but are Inmates and Sojourners , and they do harbour themselves under the Roof of another , and a Citizen of this nature , is not a Citizen which is capable of the Immunity granted by this Charter ; for the discharge of payment of prisage , according to the resolution given in the Exchequer , in the case of one Snead and Sacheneril . Hill. 43. Eliz. Rot. 22. for such a Citizen is not subject to Scot and Lot , as he that is a housholder , Et qui non sentit onus , sentire non debet commodum . The third sort of Citizens are those which do inhabit , reside , and keep a Family in the City , but they are not Freemen of the City , so as they may be chosen in any office , and undergo the charge of the City ; and as well as the Common Law doth exclude such Citizens for devising Lands in Mortmaigne unto the Guild of the City , according to the custome of the City of London , as appeareth by divers Book-Cases , as well shall the Common Law exclude them from enjoyning the benefit of the Charter to be discharged of the payment of prisage . The fourth sort of Citizens , are those which are both Citizens , and Freemen , and do reside , and keep family in the City of London , and they are not continuing Citizens at such time as the Bulk is broken , and the Ship unladen ; for they were disfranchised before . These Citizens likewise shall not enjoy the exemption granted for the discharge of the payment of Prisage : insomuch that they were not continuing Citizens at that time as the prisage ought to be taken . The fifth sort of Citizens , are those which are both Citizens , and Freemen , and have their families and dwelling in London , and do continue Citizens at such time as prisage , ought to be taken : Now Citizens of this kind are the real , proper , and natural Citizens intended by this Charter , which are to be discharged of prisage ; and therefore a Woman which is a Citizen of this kind , howsoever she cannot bear offices in the City as a Citize● , is yet intended by the Charter : And yet also in some cases , Citizens of this kind shall not be intended within the words of this Charter ; and therefore if the Mayor and Commonalty have a joynt Stock of Wines come into the Port of London , now prisage shall be taken of these Wine , not withstanding that every of them in their proper persons Citizens , both residentiâ , familiâ , and continuatione ; for respect is not to be had to their natural bodies , but to their politique body , in which capacity the Charter will not extend to them . So if one at the time , that he fraughteth a Ship , be not a Citizen in all the degrees , now howsoever afterwards before the return of the Ship he be enabled in every respect , yet he shall not enjoy the benefit of the Charter , insomuch that he was not so at that time that the Ship was sent abroad . Seventhly and lastly , what Wines shall be discharged of the payment of prisage , it will better appear by the consideration had of the several kinds of properties ; and therefore he that shall have his Wines discharged of prisage ought to have a property in them , quarto modo , that is , sibi solùm & semper ; and also he ought to have jus possessionis and jus proprietatis , and the one without the other will not serve the turn ; and therefore if a Citizen and Forreigner be joynt Merchants for Wines , now the Wines of these joynt Merchants shall not be discharged of the payment of prisage , insomuch that the Citizen hath not a sole property in them , and it may not be distingnished which of the Wines belong unto the Citizen , and which to the Forreigner , because of their joynt interest . But if two Citizens be joynt Merchants or Tenants in common of Wines , now these Wines shall be within the compass of the Charter to be discharged of prisage , because they are the Wines of the Citizens of London , according to the words and intent of the Charter ; howsoever neither of them have a sole interest and property in them . And if a Citizen and Freeman of London hath Wines pledged unto him by another Citizen and Freeman . Now these Wines upon their coming home shall not be discharged of the payment of prisage , insomuch that the Citizen hath only a special property in them , and not any absolute property . So if a Forreigner that hath fraughted Ships beyond the Seas for the bringing of Wines into England , doth make a Citizen of London his Executor , and die , and the Ship cometh into the Port ; now these Wines thus in the custody of the Citizen shall not be discharged of the payment of prisage , for as much as the Citizen hath only a property in the Wines to the use , and behoof of the Forreigner , and hath not any absolute property in the Wines . And if one Citizen of London that hath Wines abroad coming into England , do make a Forreigner his Executor , and dieth , and this forreign Executor doth imploy the Stock that cometh of these wines so returned home after the death of him that set them forth , and Wines are returned home , now howsoever these last Wines so returned into England are Assets in the hands of the Executor , and in Appellation are the Goods of the first Citizen , yet they are such Wines as are capable of the discharge of prisage within the words of , the Charter , because these Wines came in as it were upon a new contract . And if a Citizen do buy Wines with an intent that a Forreigner upon their coming home shall have these Wines , now these Wines shall not be discharged of prisage , and this deceit of buying them by a Citizen , shall not any wayes avail him , no more then if a Citizen buy Cloth , in London for a Forreigner he shall defeat the custome of Forreign bought , and Forreign sold , to avoid the Forfeiture of them . So the Wines which a Forreigner buyeth of a Citizen ; or that a Citizen buyeth of a Forreigner , shall not be discharged of prisage within the words of the Charter , because they were not the Wines of a Citizen alwayes , from the time of the lading of them , until the time of the unlading of them , as they ought to be . The case concerning repairing of Wharfes and Docks . Termino Sancti Mich. Anno Regni Jac. Regis 7. in the Kings Bench. COrnelius Fish Chamberlain of London , distreined the Goods of one Walter Keate , for a pain assessed by the Common Councel of London , and all the matter appeared upon the return of the Sheriffs of London , which was very long ; but to this effect : They returned the Usage , and Power , and Custome of the City of London , to make By laws by their Common Councel ; and that Puddle-Dock neer Pauls-Wharfe was an ancient place for lading and unlading of Ships , Boats , and Lighters , and that it was in decay , and that for reparation of it , it was ordained , that every Ship that should be loaden and unloaden there , should pay a peny for every load ; and that every Carman for every load which he should carry from thence , shoul pay a penny ; and that the said Walter Keate had carried divers load , w●ich according to the rate of one penny for every load , did amount to the value of ten shilling ; and that the City did grant this Assessment to the Chamberlain , in recompence of the charges which ●e should expend about the said reparations and upon this Certificate a Procedendo was wayed , and it was alledged , that ●his By law being for the benefit of the City , was good by Law , and ought to be obeyed , and so it came to be debated . ( Yelverton Henry ) prayed , that no Procedendo might be granted , because the return and the matter of it , is against the Common Law , the Weal ●ublique , and against the Liberty of the City it self . By the Councel Sexto Iacobi it was ordained , That as well Citizens , as Strangers , should pay , and the King could not grant●it to the City ; son it is an imposition not allowed by the Law , first against Citizens ; because although the Ta● may be made for the genera● good of the City , yet it cannot b● imposed or taxed upon particula● persons , but upon every House o● the City , &c. but here it is particular and personal to this part of the City . Also this Dock was never repaired at the general charge of the City , but by the particular War● of Baynards-Castle . Also the Citizens of London shall not pay To● in any place of England ; and her the Dock stands upon the passage o● the City , and every Wharfe is as ● Gate of the City , and therefore they may as well impose a tax upon every one which goeth out of any of the Gates of the City ( which is unreasonable , and against Law as out of this Wharfe . And also here is no certain profit to the City , but this taxation is farmed for one and twenty years , for ten shillings a year to the City , which if it were a general charge , there ought to come some general benefit by it to the City . It is not like to the case of Cloth , Co. part . 5. fol. 62. because that was for the general good of the Realm , and in the furtherance of the Execution of divers Statutes ; but this is neither in furtherance of either Statute , or common Law , but rather to the prejudice of both , because every Citizen , in respect of his Freedome , is equal to the Lord Mayor . And 29. Eliz. in the Common Pleas , it was ordained by the Common Councel , That none should use any Sand in the City , except it were taken out of the Thames , and it was adjudged to be against Law , and the Officer of the Mayor was committed to Prison . And this Dock did heretofore belong to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury , and hath ever been free , also here the Assessment is unreasonable , viz. to pay for every load a penny , especially for Inhabitans about , and neer the Dock ; and so he prayed that there might be no Procedendo . ( Crook George ) was of the same side ; And he said , that by the Act of Common Councel it is enacted , that none shall carry , &c. so that by that Ordinance none shall carry a Paile of Water , but he shall pay a penny for it . Also the Assessment is to be levied , and to continue for twenty one years together , which is unreasonable ; and it hath been adjudged here , that an Assessment levied for twenty one years , for reparations of a Church , was not lawful . ( Mosley of Grays-Inne ) prayed for a Procedendo , and said , that it did not appear by the return , that K●ate was a Citizen , and the Judges are not to meddle with any thing which is not within the return , and he said it was a good By-law , founded both upon custome and prescription ; and he put Taverner and Cromwells Case , Pasch . 16. Eliz. 322. 323. Dyer , where the Lord of a Mannor made a By-law , that no Tenant should put his Beast into the Common , before the ringing of a Bell , upon pain to forfeit twelve pence , and adjudged a good Ordinance , and he cited Smith and Shepherds cafe , 49. Eliz. where there was a prescription for through Toll , adjudged to be good , because it was for maintenance of High-wayes , so here it is for the Weal Publique , of that part of the City , and for all the City ; and it should be a great inconvenience , that this Wharfe should not pay , add that all other Wharfes should pay Toll , and that was one wisemans Case , 42. Eliz. that Wharfaye by prescription is good ; and 44. Elizab. in Hankshead and Wooas Case , where Toll was paid for maintenance of the Walls of Salisbury ; for every pack of Wooll which passed by , one penny , and holden to be a good imposition ; and the case of Gravesend , where there was an imposition , that every one which landed at Gravesend , should pay a penny toward reparation of the Bridge , and good by the better opinion of 11. H. 6. Of Fair and Market ( Walter ) was of the same side , this by Law is good : First , it is not against the Rules of Law , nor the Prerogative of the King , nor the benefit of the Subfect ; for by the Statute of 4. H. 7. cap. 15. 16. that the City of London is conservator of the River of Thames , from Stanes to Yealand , in the County of Kent : Also by the Statute of 28. H. 8. cap. it is ordained , that the River shall not be stopped , Ergo this by Law is for the better execution of those two Acts of Parliament Secondly , it is a benefit to the Subject , because before , none could any thing there without danger ; but now by this means the rubbish is cleansed , and a stranger shall have a quicker and safer return , and the penalty upon the Cloth , in the Case before cited , Co. part . 5. is a stronger Case then this is , because Dock hath continue all need to be cleansed ; and if such a Tax should be for reparations of the Walls of a City , it would be good : As to the objection , he answered , that as the said Case of Hallage cited before , Co. part . 5. so this is a general in particular , and the Tax upon the Cloth was to be paid to a particular person , viz. the Chamberlain , as here it is , who is a General Officer for the City . The Case of digging of Sand was not good , because thereby a man was prohibited to use his his own inheritance : Commoners may make a by Law , that none shall put in his Beasts before such a day ; but if the by Law be , that one particular man shall not put in his Beasts before such a day , that would not be good ; but our Case is more general , and so prayed for a Procedendo . ( Mountague Recorder . ) If this be overthrown , all the Orders and Ordinance of the City should be made void , and stand for nothing ; and he said that the very objection , that a Tax could not be imposed upon Strangers , was made in the Case of Hallage before ( Yelverton Henry . ) The Case that Walter hath put for the cleansing of rubbish , &c. may be good , but there is no such thing here , but Tax only for landing , & adjurnatur . The Custome of London , To fine one chosen by the Commons to be Sheriff , and refusing to hold . RIchard Chamberlain a Citizen , and Freeman of London being chosen by the Commons according to the custome of London to be one of the Sheriffs of the City of London , is convented before the Major , and Commonalty to take the Office upon him , or otherwise to take his Oath that he is not worth ten thousand pounds ; upon his appearance he refuseth to take the Oath , and likewise to execute the Office : whereupon according to the custome of London he is fined four hundred Marks , and committed to prison until such time as he enter into Bond unto the Major and Commonalty for the payment of it . He becometh bound accordingly unto the Major and Commonalty for payment of the said sum at a certain day , and thereupon is enlarged . The four hundred Marks are not paid at the day , whereupon the Mayor and Commonalty affirm a Plaint against him in London for the said Debt . The Defendant obtaineth a Habeas Corpus to remove the body and the cause into the Kings Bench , upon a supposition that he was to have the Priviledge by reason of a Priority of Suit in the Kings Bench , and upon returne of the Habeas Corpus , all this matter appeared unto the Court , and it was moved by Sir Henry Mountague , now Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench , then one of the Serjeants of the King and Recorder of London , that a Procedendo might be granted , whereby the Major , and Commonalty might proceed against him in the Court at London . It being a customary Suit meerly grounded upon the custome of London . But that was denied by Sir Edward Cook Chief Justice , and the whole Court , because by the Law , Chamberlain having cause of Priviledge by reason of the Priority of Suit against him in the Kings Bench , might not be re-manded ; but he was to answer in that Court. Whereupon the Major and Commonalty did declare against him upon the said Obligation in the Kings Bench. Secondly , it was moved that the action upon this obligation might be laid in some indifferent County , and not in London ; forasmuch as the Trial there must be had by those that were Parties unto the Action , it being brought by the Mayor and Commonalty . But Sir Edward Cook , and the Court would not upon this surmise take away the benefit which the Law giveth to every Plaintiff upon a transitory action , wich is to lay it in whatsoever County he will. And if there be any such cause as is surmised , then after Plea pleaded , he may make an allegation , That the City of London is a County in it self , and that all the Citizens there are Parties to the Action which is brought , whereby there may not be an indifferent Trial. And upon this surmise , the Court shall order the Trial to be in a Forreign County . The which was done accordingly : and so the matter proceeded . The Case of the Merchant-Adventurers . KIng Edward the third , in the year of his reign by Letters Patents doth incorporate certain persons by the name of the Merchants-Adventurers of England , and doth give power unto them to transport white Clothes into divers parts beyond the Seas , restrayning them from carrying over Woolls . The Merchants-Adventurers do trade beyond the Seas and continue the transposing of Clothes white until the 29. of August , in the tenth year of his Majesties Reign that now is . At which time the King by his Letters Pattents doth encorporate the Earl of Sussex late Lord Treasurer of England , Sir Thomas Vavasour , Sir Stephen Soam , William Cockayn , and others by the name of The Merchants Adventerers of the new trade of London with full power & authority to transport dyed , and dressed Cloths into divers parts beyond the Seas , with a restraint prohibiting all the Old Merchants-Adventurers , which did not joyn themselves unto this new Company to tranport any under the forfeiture of them , and also inhibiting the New Merchants from transporting any Clothes but such as are died and dressed . And after three years passed , they having power during that time to transport 36000 , white Clothes : And there being a refusal of the Old Merchants Adventurers to surrender up their Patent ; The King bringeth a Quo Warranto against divers of the Merchants of the old Company by particular names , to know by what Warrant they do without Licence of the King transport Clothes white , undied , and undressed beyond the Seas . The Merchants upon the return of the Quo Warranto do make their appearance ; And an Information being exhibited gainst them by Sir Fr. Bacon Knight , now Lord Chancellour of England and then Attorney General unto his Majesty , cometh into the Kings Bench , and moveth the Court that the old Merchants Adventurers might have a short day the next ensuing Term , to answer unto the Information exhibited against them . Insomuch , that the new Company of Merchants Adventurers standing at a gaze , as being uncertain of what validity the old Patent would be , did slack to transplant the Diers , and other Tradesmen out of the Low-Countries into England , being necessary Instruments for the puting in Execution of this design , because there were not here in England those that were able to Die and Dress , in that manner that the Low-Country men did . And so there was in the interim a stop of the current of Merchandizing with our Cloth , the which being the principal Commodity that we had here in England ; the Fleece that causeth it , may well and aptly have the term of , The Golden Fleece ; and there being a stop made of the traffiquing and trading with these clothes , it is as dangerous unto the Politique Body of the Commonwealth , as the stop of a Vein could be to the natural Body ; for as by the stop of a Vein the Blood is debarred of his free passage , and so of necessity there must be a Consumption by the continuance of it follow unto the body natural : So traffique being the Blood which runneth in the Veins of the Commonwealth , it cannot be but that the hinderance of it by any long continuance , must breed a Consumption unto the State of the Commonwealth ; Wherefore , to open this Vein , which was as yet somewhat stopped , and to give a more free passage unto the Blood , he was a Suitor unto the Court , on the behalf of the Company of the New Merchant-Adventurers , that the Court would give expedition in this Case ; for they conceived , that if this new design might take its full effect , as it was intended , it could not be , but of necessity there must a great benefit redound to the Commonwealth . For first , Whereas our State groweth sick , by reason of the many idle Persons which have not means to be set on work , this Dying and Dressing of Cloths within our Kingdome , would give sufficient imployment unto them all , whereby there should be a cure to the lazy Leprosie , which now overspreadeth our Commonwealth . Secondly , Whereas now we send out clothes White , and the Low-Country-men receive them of us , and Dye them and Dress them , and afterwards transport them unto forreign parts , making a wonderful benefit to themselves , both in point of profit , and likewise in respect of maintaining their Navy ; whereas , if the Clothes were Died and Dressed by our selves , we might reap that matter of gain , and also be Masters of the Sea , by strengthening our selves in our Shipping . Thirdly , Whereas there happeneth often a confiscation of all our Clothes , and much disgrace and discredit lighteth upon our Nation , and our Clothes , by the abuse of the Low-Country-men , in stretching them a greater length than they will well bear , when they Dye and Dress them ; now it should be prevented , when they should never have the fingering of them , to put that abuse in practice : Wherefore this Patent made by King Edw. the 3. bereaving the King and Commonwealth of these great benefits and commodities , is against the Law and so ought to be repealed . And day was given accordingly to put in their Plea. At which time , many of the old Merchants-Adventurers being willing that trial should be made , whether the benefit intended unto the Commonwealth might be compassed , did shew ( to their obedience unto the King , and desire of the good of their Country ) Surrender up their Patent into the hands of his Majesty ; since which time , it being found by experience that the project had not that success which they expected , and likewise Cloth and Wooll lay dead , because there was no vent for them abroad : The King according to his power reserved unto him in his Patent , by which he erected , and created the new Company of Merchants Adventurers of London , did make repeal and revocation of the said New Patent and new Company , and did redeliver unto the old Merchants their Patent , confirming it , and likewise by another Charter did enlarge the Liberties and Priviledges of the old Merchants , by reason of which Grace of the King , the old Company of Merchants-Adventurers of England are reestablished in that estate wherein they formerly were , and they do now trade again , as formerly they did , to the great content of the Subject , and benefit of the King and Country . Certifying Indictments upon Certioraries . IOhn Forner , Iohn Evans , and divers others , being Indicted before Sir Thomas Hayes , Lord Mayor of London , Sir Henry Mountague , Serjeant unto the King , and Recorder of London , Sir Thomas Lowe , and divers others by vertue of a Commission granted unto them ; a Certiorari was directed unto them , as Justices of Peace out of the Kings Bench , for the certifying the said Indictment , upon which Certiorari , no return was made ; whereupon a second Certiorari was awarded unto the said Commissioners , commanding them to certifie the said Indictment upon a pain , upon which Certiorari , a return was made in this manner : That is to say , that King H. 6. in the 23. year of his Reign by his Letters Patents , bearing the same date , did grant unto the Mayor , Aldermen , and Sheriffs of London , that they should not be compelled upon any Writ directed unto them , to certifie the Indictments themselves , taken before them , but only the Tenors of them , the which they have done accordingly ; and Exception being taken unto this Return for the insufficiency of it ; it was resolved by Sir Edward Cook Chief Justice of the Kings Bench , Sir Iohn Crook , Sir Iohn Doddridg , and Sir Robert Haughton , that the return , upon the reasons hereafter following , was insufficient . For first , the Letters Patents being granted unto them by the name of the Mayor , Aldermen , and Sheriffs of the City of London , warranteth only the not certifying of Indictments taken before them , as Mayor , Aldermen , and Sheriffs of London ; and where the Writ is directed unto them by that name , and they do not excuse them , in Case where the Writ is directed unto them as Justices of Peace , and where the Indictments are taken before them as Justices of Peace , by virtue of the Kings Commission . And howsoever the Mayor and Aldermen are Justices of Peace by Charter , yet insomuch that they are distinct powers , return made by them by the name of Mayor and Aldermen , where the Writ is directed unto them ( as Justices of Peace ) will not be good . Secondly , there being a Resumption made by Act of Parliament in 28. H. 6. whereby all Lands , Tenements , Grants , Rent , and Fees granted since the first day of his Reign were resumed ; the Letters Patents made in 23. H. 6. unto the Mayor and Commonalty , are annihilated and made void , and so no hold may be taken of them ; and the Statute made in 1. Edw. 4. cap. 1. only confirmes those priviledges not heretofore revoked and repealed by Act of Parliament , or otherwise ; and howsoever there be a Charter made by H. 7. in the first year of his Reign , whereby restitution was granted of this priviledge , yet no advantage may be taken of it , because it was not spoken of upon the return , and the Court may not intend it . Thirdly , the Letters Patents of the King being the sole ground and foundation to make the return good , are not sufficiently returned unto the Court , insomuch that it was said upon the return only , that the King by his Letters Patents did grant unto the Mayor . Commonalty , and Sheriffs of London , that they should not be compelled to certifie the Indictments themselves ; but it doth not appear , that they were sealed with the Grand Seal , and if they were not sealed with that Seal , the Letters Patents may not be of any validity in Law , howsoever they were sealed with the Exchequer Seal , or Dutchy Seal , in respect of which , they may well be called the Letters Pattents of the King. Fourthly , the use hath alwayes been to remove Indictments , and the Record of them upon a Certiorari awarded out of the Kings Bench , and there was never any denial made of it before this time ; and in 5. Ed. 6. where a Certiorari was directed unto them for the removing of an Indictment of a Woman which was Indicted for being a common Whore , the Indictment was certified in obedience unto the Writ , although in the end of the return , they shewed their Charter , and prayed that it might be remanded , because it was an Indictment only warrantable by the custome of the City , and not by the Common Law : And the Court was of opinion in the return at the Bar , to have imposed a Fine , and to have awarded a third Certiorari , but it was stayed , and the second return was amended . Concerning Orphans Portions . THe custome of London is , that if any Freeman deviseth and , or other Legacies of goods unto an Orphan , that then the Mayor and Aldermen have used to take the profits of the Land , and to have the disposition of the Legacies , until such time as the Legatees shall attain unto the age of twenty one years , or otherwise , being a woman , should be married ; and if the disposition of the profits of the Lands , or of the personal Legacies , were declared by the Testator in his Will , that then the Mayor and Aldermen have used , time out of mind of man , to convent the person trusted by the Will of the Testator before them , and to compel him to find Sureties for the true performance of the Legacies , according to the Law of the Realm , and the Will of the Testator ; and if they refuse to find Sureties , then it is lawful to imprison them until they find Sureties . The Widow of a Freeman of London dwelling in Middlesex , bequeathed a Legacy of a thousand pound unto her Daughter after all Debts and Legacies paid , and upon condition that she should not marry without the assent of her Executor , and maketh a Freeman her Executor , and dieth . The Executor is convented before the Court of Mayor and Aldermen , and required to put in Sureties unto the Chamberlain of London , according to the Custome for the payment of a thousand pound , according unto the time limited by the Will , and according to the Will aforesaid . The Executor denieth to find Sureties ; whereupon he was committed to prison , and a Habeas Corpus being awarded out of the Court of Kings Bench , to have the Body of the Executor , together with the cause ; all this matter appeareth upon the return . And now it was moved by Richard Martin late Recorder of London , then an Apprentice of the Law , that the return was insufficient , and so the Executor ought to be enlarged . First , in regard that the ground of the imprisonment was the Custome of London , and the custome is against the Law , and void , insomuch that it enforceth an Executor to find Sureties for the payment of a Legacy , according unto the Will , where the law requireth , that debts be paid , before such time as Legacies be performed ; and the Law giveth an election unto the Executor , to pay which of the Legacies he will , in case there be not sufficient to pay all the debts and legacies of the Testator ; but this exception was disallowed by the said Court , insomuch that the custome of London appeareth by the return to be , that he shall find Sureties for the performance of the Legacies according unto the Law of the Realm , and the Will of the Testator : So as if the Executor had not sufficient to pay debts , and legacies , he hath the same power and liberty after such time as he hath found Sureties , as he had before . Secondly , except on was taken , because it appeared by the return , that the Devisor was a woman , and also only the Wife of a Freeman , and not a Free-woman , and she is not within the custom of London , which only speaketh of a Freeman . But this exception was over-ruled ; for a woman being a Free-woman within the Statute of Magna Charta cap. 29. which enacteth , that no Freeman shall be taken or imprisoned , &c. but by the lawful judgement of his Peers : So that she being a Barroness or Countess shall be tried by her Peers upon an Indictment preferred against her , she shall also be reputed a Freeman within this custome . Secondly , the Wife of a Freeman having the liberty and priviledge to Trade in the City , and so able to take benefit by it , she shall also be bound by the customes of it . Thirdly , howsoever she was dwelling out of London at the time of the Will made , she is a Freeman within the compass of the custome . Fourthly , it was objected , that this custome of London concerning Orphans , was an antiquated custome , and had not been put in use by many years , and therefore ought not now to be put in ure to take away the liberty of a man , and especially also , because the life of a custome is the usage ; but this exception was over-ruled , for this custome is dayly put in Ure . The custome in not removing body and cause upon Habeas Corpus . A Petition being affirmed in London , by one Hill , a Citizen and Freeman of London , against another Citizen and Freeman of London , upon a Bond of a hundred pound , a Summons is awarded against the said obliged , and the pretext being returned , that he hath nothing whereby he may be summoned within the City , upon a Surmize made by Hill the Obligee , that one Harrington , a Citizen and Freeman of London , is indebted in a hundred pound unto the first Obligor , a Summons is awarded , according to the custome of London of Forreign Attachments , for the warning of Harrington , who is warned accordingly ; whereupon Harrington procureth a Habeas Corpus for the removing of his body , together with the cause into the Kings Bench , upon which Writ , a return is made in this manner ; that is to say . That London is an ancient City , and , that time out of mind of man , the Mayor , Aldermen , and Citizens of London have had Conusans of all manner of Pleas , both real and personal , to be holden before the Mayor , Altermen , and Sheriffs of London in London , and that in no action whatsoever they ought to remove the cause out of London into any other Court , and do moreover shew a confirmation made by R. 2. in the seventh year of his Reign of all their customes ; and so for this cause they had not the body here , nor the cause . And exception being taken to the insufficiency of this return , it was agreed and resolved by the whole Court of Kings Bench , that this return made , was ill ; for common experience teacheth , that the usual course is , and alwayes hath been , that upon Habeas Corpus , the body , together with the cause , have been removed out of London , into the Kings Bench ; and likewise upon Certioraries awarded out of the Kings Bench. Records have been certified out of London into that Court : for Justice being to be done unto the Citizens of London , as well in that Court , as in the 〈…〉 proper Court , the Court of London being an inferiour Court unto the Court of Kings Bench , where the King is supposed to sit in person , ought to yeild bedience unto the Writs awarded out of that Court , as the Supetiour Court ; but if the cause should be such , that there should be a failer of Justice in the Kings Bench upon the removing of the cause , because it is only an action grounded meerly upon the custome of London , then a return made of the special matter will be warrantable ; or otherwise if the return be made , that the custome of London is , that no cause , which is a meer customary cause , wherein no remedy can be had but only in London , according unto the custome of London , may well be allowed , so as the cause specially be returned into the Court , whereby it may appear unto the Court , that it is such a cause , which will not bear action at the Common Law ; for it is usual in the Kings Bench , that if the cause returned unto the Court upon the Habeas Corpus , appear to be such a cause as will bear an action only by the custome , and not at the Common Law , the Court will grant a Procedendo , and send it back again to London , as if the cause returned , appear to be an action of Debt brought upon concesit se solvere , or to be an aaction of Covenant brought upon a Covenant by word , without any specialty , for these be meer Customary actions , which cannot be maintained , but by the custome of London ; and therefore that shall be remanded ; for if the Kings Bench should retain these causes after such time as they are removed , and should not remand them , there would be failing of Justice , and the Judges of the Kings Bench in the person of the King , do say , Nulli negabimus , nulli vendemus , nulli differemus justitiam : and the reteining of these causes would be a denying of Justice ; wherefore they do grant a Procedendo , and remand it . The case concerning payment of Tythes in London . RIchard Burrel being seized in his Demesne , as of Fee , of a House , called Green Acre , a Shop , and Ware-house in the Parish of Grace-Church street London , for which house , a rent of five pound yearly hath been reserved , time out of mind , in the third year of the King that now is , by Indenture doth make a Lease for five years unto one Withers , of part of the House , and of the Shop , rendring the Rent of five pound by the year , at the four usual Feasts , that is to say at the Feast of the Annuciation , &c. by even and equal portions . And in the same Indenture it is further covenanted and agreed , that Withers the Leassee shall pay unto Burrel the Leassor , a hundred & fifty pound in name of a Fine and Income , the which said hundred and fifty pound is to be paid in manner and form following ; that is to say , thirty pound yearly , and every year during the said term at the four usual Feasts , by even and equal portions , the term of five years expired , the said Burrel in the tenth year of the said King , by Indenture maketh a new Lease for the term of seven years , of the said part of the house , and the Ware-house , unto one Goff , rendring the rent of five pound by the year , at the Feast of S. Michael the Archangel , and the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary , by even and equal portions . And in the same Indenture it is further covenanted and agreed , that Goff shall pay unto the said Burrell 175. l. in the name of a Fine and Income , in manner and form following ; that is to say , twenty five pound yearly , during the said te●m , at the said two usual Feasts , by even and equal portions . Dunn Parson of Grace-Church , exhibiteth his Petition unto the then Lord Mayor of London , against the said Burrel and Goff , wherein he supposeth , that Tythes are paid unto him only , according to the rate of five pound by the year , where in truth he ought to have an allowance according unto the rate of thirty pound by the year . The Lord Mayor , by the advice of his Councel , doth call the said Burrell and Goff before him , and upon full hearing of the said cause , doth order the p●yment unto Dunn , according unto the rates of five pound by the year , and not according to the rate of thirty pound by the year ; whereupon the said Dunn doth exhibit his Bill of Appeal unto the Lord Chancellour of England in the Chancery , wherein he doth make a recital of the Decree made , and established by Act of Parliament , in 37. H. cap. 12. and also of the case special , as it standeth , charging the said Goff and Burrell with a practice of fraud and covin , in the reservation of this twenty five pound by year , by way of Fine and Income , and defrauding him of that which belonged unto him : The said Goff and Burrell do make their answer , and shew that the rent of five pound by the year is the ancient rent reserved , and that they are ready , and have often tendred the payment of their Tythes , according to that proportion , but it hath been denied to be accepted , and they do take a traverse unto the fraud and covin wherewith they stand charged . And upon this answer , Dunn the Parson demurreth in Law. And this case was first argued in the Chancery by Sir Francis Moor Serjeant , and Thomas Crew , on the behalf of Dunn ; and by Sir Anthony Benn , late Recorder of London , and Iohn Walter on the part of the Defendants . The Lord Chancellour having called Sir Henry Mountague , Cheif Justice of the Kings Bench Sir Henry Hobart , Chief Justice of the Common Pleas ; Sir Iohn Doddridg one of the Justices of the Kings Bench ; and Sir Richard Hutton , one of the Justices of the Common Pleas , to be his Assistants ; and after two Arguments heard on each side in the Chancery : upon Suit made to the King : by Sir Francis Bacon , then Lord Chancellour of England ; a special Commission was granted unto Thomas Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , Sir Francis Bacon Lord Chancellour of England , Thomas Earl of Suffolk late Lord Preasurer of England , Edward Earl of Warwick Keeper of the Privy Seal , William Earl of Pembrook Lord Chamberlain of the Kings houshold , Iohn Bishop of London , Bishop of Eli , Sir Henry Mountague , Sir Iulius Caesar , Master of the Rolls , Sir Iohn Doddridg , and Sir Richard Hutton , wherein there was a special recital of the question , and cause depending between Dunn on the one part , and Burrell and Goff on the other part ; and power given unto them for the hearing and determining of this cause , and likewise for the mediating between the Citizens of London , and the Parsons of the several Parishes and Churches in London , and making an arbitrary end betwixt them , whereby a competent provision may be made for the Ministers of the Churches of London , and too heavy a burthen may not beimposed upon the Citizens of London , with a command further , that they shall certifie the King what was done in the premises . And this Commission was sat upon at York-house where the case was argued at several times by Sir Randal Crew , and Sir Henry Finch Serjeants of the King , on the part and behalf of the Ministers of London and by Sir Henry Yelverton Attorney of the King , and Sir Thomas Coventry Solicitor of the King , on the behalf of the Citizens of London ; and because the main Question remained as yet undetermined and no resolution is given either in point of Law , nor Arbitrary end by way of mediation : I shall only open the parts of the case , and make a summary report of them without further debate of them . The Case divideth it self into six parts ( that is to say . ) First , whether any thing can be demanded by the person for houses in London , according to the course of the Common Law ? Secondly , whether custome can establish a right of payment of any thing unto the Parson for houses , and of what nature the payment established shall be ? Thirdly , what was anciently payable by the Citizens of London for their houses unto the Ministers of London and how grew the payment ? Fourthly , whether this twenty five pounds reserved upon a covenant by way of fine and income , be a rent within the words of the Decree made , 37. H. 8. cap. 12 ? Fifthly , whether this reservation of twenty five pounds by the year , by way of fine and income , shall be adjudged to be a rent within the intent and meaning of the Statute an Decree , or no ? Sixthly , who shal● be Judge of the Tithes for houses in London ? and the remedy for the Parson , in case that payment be not made unto him , according to the Decree . As to the first part , which is , whether by the Common Law , any thing can be demanded for the houses in London ? It is to be agreed , and clear that nothing can be demanded . For that which the Parson ought to demand of houses , is Tythes ; and it is improper , and cannot be , that Tythes can be paid of houses . First , in regard that houses do not increase , and renew , but rather decrease for want of reparations , and Tythes are not to be paid of any thing , but such things as do increase , and renew ; as it appeareth by the Levitical Law , and the Common Law of the Land. Secondly , houses are matters of inheritance , whereof a praecipe lieth at the Common Law. And the rent reserved upon a Lease made of them , is likewise knit unto the inheritance , and parcel of it ; so that it shall go along unto him that hath the inheriritance ; and therefore shall descend un●he Heir : and it is a rule in Law that Tythes are not to be paid of part of the Inheritance , but they ought to be paid of such things as renew ; upon which reason it is that Tythes by the Common Law of the Land are not to be paid of Slate , Stone , and Cole digged out of the Pit. Thirdly , houses being built only for the receiving , habitation , and dweling of men , and for conveniency of protection against the scorching Heats in Summer , and tempestuous Storms in Winter , without any profit at all redounding unto the owner . And the Parson being to have a benefit otherwise , in the payment of personal Tythes arising through his industry in the house , no Tythes can be demanded for the houses themselves , or for the rent reserved upon them . Fourthly , the Decree made 38. H. 8. which exempteth the houses of Noblemen from the payment of any rate-Tythes , sheweth the Common Law to be , so that houses of themselves are to be discharged of the payment of Tythes , and accordingly it hath been adjudged in divers cases hapning at the Common Law : that Tythes by the course of the Common Laws may not be demanded for houses , but they are to be discharged . As to the second point , which is , whether custom can establish a right of payment of any thing unto the Pason for houses ? It is clear that it may well enough : for it may well be , that before such time as any house was built upon the ground where the house stood , there had been a summe of money paid for the profits of the ground in the name of a modus decimandi , and so howsoever the house is built upon the ground , yet the modus continues , and is not taken away by it ; and so there being a continuance of payment of the modus after the building of the house , time hath made it to be a payment for the house . But this payment is to be termed a modus decimandi , and cannot be well called a Tithe paid for houses , because as it is formerly said , Tithes may not be paid for houses ; and all this appeareth by Doctor Grants case in the eleventh Report . As to the third point , which is , what was anciently paid by the Citizens of London , unto the Ministers of London and how the payment grew ? It appeareth by the Records of London , that Niger Bishop of London , 13. H. 3. made a Constitution in confirmation of an ancient custome formerly used time out of mind , that provision should be made for the Ministers of London in this manner , that is to say , that he which payeth the rent of twenty shillings for his house wherein he dwelt , should offer every Sunday , and every Apostles day , whereof the Evening was fasted one half-penny : and he that paid but ten shillings rent yearly , should offer but one farthing ; and all this amounted unto but according to the proportion of 2. sh . 6. d. per pound : for there were fifty two Sundayes , and but eight Apostles dayes , the Vigils of which were fasied . And if it chanced that one of the Apostles dayes fell upon a Sunday , then there was but one half-penny , or farthing paid ; so that sometime it fell out to be less by some little then 2. sh . 6. d. per pound : and it appeareth by our Book-cases in Edward the third his Reign , that the provision made for the Ministers of London was by offerings and obventions , howsoever the particulars are not designed there , but must be understood according to the former Ordinance made by Niger , and the payment of 2. sh . 6. d. in the pound , continuing until 13. K. Ric. 2. Thomas Arundel . Arch-Bishop of Canterbury made an explanation of the constitution made by Niger , and thrust upon the Citizens of London two and twenty other Saints days then were meant by the constitution made by Niger , whereby the Offerings now amounted unto the summe of 3. sh . 5. d. per pound ; against which explanation there being some reluctation by the Citizens of London , Pope Innocent in 5. H. 4. granted his Bull , whereby the former explanation was confirmed ; which confirmation , notwithstanding the difference between the Ministers and Citizens of London about those two and twenty Saints dayes which were added unto their number , Pope Nicholas by his Bull in 31. H. 6. made a second confirmation of the explanation made by the said Arch-Bishop : Against which the Citizens of London did contend with so high a hand that they caused a Record to be made , whereby it might appear in future Ages , that the Order of explanation made by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was done without calling the Citizens of London unto it , or any consent given by them . And it was branded by the name of an Order surrepritiously , and abruptiously gotten and therefore more fit to have the name of a destructory then a declaratory Order : the which contending notwithstanding , as it seemeth the pain was most usually made according unto the rate of 3. sh . 5. d. in the pound ; for Linwood , who writ in the time of K. H. 6. in his Provincial Constitutions debating the question , whether the Merchants and Artificers of the City of London ought to pay any Tythes ? sheweth , that the Citizens of London by an ancient Ordinance observed in the said City are bound every Lords day , and every principal Feast-day , either of the Apostles , or others whose Vigils are fasted to pay one farthing for every ten shillings rent , that they paid for their houses wherein they dwelt ; and in 36. H. 6. there was a composition made between the Citizens of London and the Ministers of London , that a payment should be made by the Citizens according unto the rate of 3. sh . 5. d. in the pound , and if any house were kept in the proper hand of the owner , or were demised withoutreservation of any rent ; Then the Churchwardens of the Parish , where the houses were , should set down a rate of the houses , and according unto that rate and payment should be made . After which composition so made , there was an Act of Common Councel made 14. E. 4. in London , for the confirmation of the Bull granted by Pope Nicholas . But the Citizens of London finding that by the Common Lawes of the Realm , no Bull of the Pope , nor Arbitrary composition , nor Act of Common Councel could bind them in such things as concerned their inheritance ; They still wresiled with the Clergy , and would not condes●end unto the payment of the said elevenpence by the year , obtruded upon them by the addition of the two and twenty Saints days , whereupon there was a submision unto the Lord Chancellour , and divers others of the Privy Councel , and they made an Order for the payment of Tythes according unto the rate of 2. sh . 9. d. in the pound : the which Order was first promulgated by a Proclamation made , and afterwards established by an Act of Parliament made 17. H. 8. cap. 21. in confirmation of which said Order there was a Decree made 37. H. 8. with some further additions , the which said Decree was confirmed by an Act of Parliament made 37. H. 8. cap. 12. So as it appeareth by that which hath been formerly said , that the first payment was only according unto the rate of 2. sh . 6. d. per pound ; afterward , the payment was increased to the rate of 3. sh . 5. d. per pound : and lastly , there was an abatement and payment made only according to the rate of 2. sh . 9. in the pound . The first payment grewby Custome , the second by Constitutions , and Bulls of the Pope ; the last by Decree in the Chancery . As to the fourth part , which is , whether this twenty five pounds per annum , reserved by way of sine and income , be a rent within the words of the Decree , or Statute , or not ? It was clearly agreed , and resolved , that it was not a rent . For it may not be said either a rent-service , rent-charge , or rent-seck ; and there are only three manner of Rents , Et argumentum à divisione fortissimum . Secondly , it hath not the properties and qualities of a Rent ; for it shall not be incident to the reversion of the house to pass , or descend with it , it shall not be extinguished by the purchase of the house not suspended by an entry in the house , nor apportioned by an eviction of part of the house . Thirdly , the party himself in his Indenture of Lease hath called it a Fine , and Income , and hath expressed the days of payment for it , as a Fine and Income ; and therefore now it may not well be said to be a rent either in the judgement of the Common Laws , or Ecclesiastial Laws , or in common accepration . As to the fifth part which is , whether this twenty five pounds by the year , thus reserved upon a Covenant by way of Fine and Income , be a rent within the intent and meaning of the Decree made 37. K , H 8. cap. 12 ? It was conceived by those that argued on the behalf of the Ministers of London , upon the reasons hereafter following that the reservation of twenty five pounds by the year , by way of Income , was a rent within the meaning of the Decree , and that the Plaintiff ought to have the rate-Tythes paid unto him , according to the proportion of thirty pounds by the year , and not according unto the rate of five pounds by the year only ; First , in regard that this Fine being profit which ariseth by reason of the house , and being payable at the same times , that the first five pounds ( which without question is a rent ) is payable , and upon the same conditions may well be said a rent ; both out of the Etymology of the word , by common acceptation of the thing , by the judgement both of Common Laws , and of the Laws of the Church and so is a rent within the intent of the Decree ; and the nameing of it a Fine , or Income shall not cause an evasion out of the Law. Secondly , this Decree , and Act of Parliament being made for the avail of the Church , and setling of the revenue thereof ; shall have as liberal construction to give life unto the true intent and meaning of it , as may be , and the slight of payment of it , as a gross sum by way of Fine and Income upon a Covenant made by Goff the Leassee , shall not defeat the good provision made by the Decree . Thirdly , this 2. sh 9 d. in the pound being the labourers hire , and given him in satisfaction and recompence of all manner of Tythes , either personal , predial , or mixt , the Decree made concerning it , ought to be extended and enlarged so far , as by reasonable exposition it may , and is not any wayes to be restrained , whereby to give way to any cautelous provision made by the party . Fourthly , the Common Law , and Statutes having all with one voice , condemned fraud , covin , and deceit used in any manner of kind or way , and bandying themselves against it , whereby to extirpate and root it out of the hearts of all ; and to prevent it from being put in Ure in the actions of any man ; It is great reason in this case , which concerneth God , the Church , Religion , and Learning , to suppress all manner of Acts which may any way have a taste , or touch of fraud . Wherefore this Fine , or Income thus reserved by way of Covenant , having the appearance of fraud , shall be taken to be a rent , within the intent , and meaning of the Decree ; and way shall not be given to this device , whereby to defeat the Church and Ministers of it of their due . But those that argued on the behalf of the Citizens of London , were of opinion that this Fine , and Income was not within the intent and meaning of the Decree ; for the Decree being that the Citizens and Inhabitants of the City of London , and Liberties of the same for the time being shall yearly for ever without fraud , or covin , pay their Tythes to the Parsons , Vicars , Curates of the said City and their Successors for the time being , after the rate hereafter following ; that is , to wit , of every ten shillings rent by the year , of all , and every House , and Houses , Shops , Warehouses , Cellars , and Stables within the said City , and Liberty of the same , sixteen pence half-penny , and of every 20. sh . rent of all and every such House , and Houses , Shops , Wa●houses , Cellars , and Stables within the said City , and Liberties , 2. sh . 6. d. and so above the rate of twenty shillings by the year , ascending from ten shillings to ten shillings according to the rate aforesaid . And where any Lease is , or shall be made of any dwelling house or houses , shops , warehouses , cellars , or stables or any of them , by fraud , or covin , reserving less rent then hath been accustomed , or is , or that any such Lease shall be made without any rent reserved upon the same by reason of any Fine , or Income paid before hand or by ay fraud , or covin , that then , and in every such case the Tenant or Farmer ; Tenants or Farmers thereof shall pay his or their Tythes of the same , according to the quantity of such rent , or rents , as the same house , or houses , shops , warehouses , cellars , stables , or any of them were last letten , without Fraud or Covin , before the making of such a Lease . It appeareth that the Decree aimeth at a rent , and not at a Fine , or Income , for within the words above mentioned , it appeareth that there is a difference , and distinction made between a Fine , and an Income , and the intent of the maker of the Decree , is best drawn and understood by the words of the Decree , wherefore the Party Leassee having expressed himself that this twenty five pounds by the year , shall be paid in name of a Fine , and Income . And the Decree it self shewing that by reason of a Fine , or Income , less rent is reserved , it may not be said that this twenty five pounds by the year , shall be a rent within the meaning of the Decree , when there is a rent of five pounds also reseserved , beside this Income . Secondly , this Decree made in 37. H. 8. being penal unto the Citizens of London , because it inflicteth imprisonment upon him , upon his non-payment of his Tythe according to the rent reserved , and being also in advantage of the Ministers of London because , by vertue of this Decree , the Minister is to have according to the rate of 2. sh . 9. d. in every twenty shillings , where anciently he had but 2. s. 6. d. it is no reason to extend it by equity , and to construe that to be a rent within the intent and meaning of the Decree , which of it self is a Fne , or Income . Thirdly , there never hauing been above the rent of five pounds by the year , reserved upon any Lease made , it cannot be taken to be any covin , or collusion . When the ancient rent is reserved , insomuch , that now so much as the Law requireth , is done and besides where the Common Law or Statute Law shall take notice of a Fraud , it ought to be in case where the thing in which the Fraud , or deceit was supposed , is formerly in being ; for a Fraud may not be committed to a person , or thing not in being . Fourthly , it is to be reserved , so that if no rent at all had been reserved , there might not any more have been demanded , but only according to the rate of the rent , which was last reserved for the houses ; wherefore the ancient rent of 5. l. being here reserved , it cannot be , that within the intent and meaning of the Decree there can be more rate-Tythes demanded , then according to that rent . And besides the very words of the Decree , intimates that there is no fraud within the meaning of the Decree , but only where by reason of the Fine , or Income , there is not rent at all reserved , or a less rent then was anciently reserved ; wheresore in the Case at the Barre , the old rent being reserved , there may be no fraud at all . As to the sixth , and last part , which is , who shall be Judge of the payment of Tythes for houses in London , and the remedy for the recovery of them ? It is apparent out of the words of the Decree , that the Mayor of the City of London is Judge , and is to give order concerning them ; and Suit is not to be made in the Ecclesiastical Court for them ; and if it be , a Prohibition is to be granted , insomuch , that the party grieved resorteth unto another Judge then the Statute hath appointed . But if the Mayor do not give aid within two moneths after complaint made , or do not give such aid as is fitting ; then resort is to be made unto the Lord Chancellour of England , who hath three moneths given him for ending of the said Cause . Whereunto is annexed divers ANCIENT Customs , AND USAGES Of the said City of LONDON . Newly Re-printed . LONDON , Printed for Abel Roper at the Sun against St. Dunstans Church in Fleet-street . 1670. DIVERS ANCIENT CUSTOMS AND USAGES OF THE City of LONDON . IN Plato Ferre in Hustings London , viz. That all the Lands , Tenements , and Hereditaments , Rents , and Services within the City of London , and the Suburbs of the same , are pleadable in the Guild-Hall within the said City , in two Hust . of which , one Hust . is called , Hust . of a Plea of Land ; and the other Hust . is called , Hust . of Common Pleas , and the said Hustings are kept in the Guild-Hall , before the Mayor , Sheriffs , and other of the said City , every week upon Munday and Tuesday , that is to say , Munday to enter demands , and to award Non-Suits , and allow Essovnes , and on Tuesday to award defaults , and to plead , saving at certain times , and Festival dayes , and other reasonable causes , on which times no Hust . may be kept by Custome of the said City . Nota quod Hust . of Pleas of Land , must be kept one week apart by it self , and the Hustings of Common Pleas one week by it self , at the said days , yet the Inrolements of the said Hust . make mention only of Munday . Hust . of Pleas of Land. IN Hust . of a Plea of Land , are pleaded Writs of Right Patent , directed to the Sheriffs of London , in which Writs there are such process by custome of the said City , viz. The Tenant , or Tenants at the first , shall have three Summons to the Tenants , delivered at three Hust . of Plea of Land next following , after the livery of the Writ , not demanding the Tenants at any the Hust , aforesaid : And after the three Summons ended , three Essoynes , and other three Hust . of Plea of Land , then next following ; and at the next Hust . after that three Essoyns ; if the Tenants make default , Process shall be made against them by Grand Cape , or Petit Cape after appearance , and other Process , as at the Common Law. And if the Tenants appear , the Demandants shall declare against the Tenants in nature of what Writ they will , except certain Writs which are pleadable in the Hust . of Common Pleas , as shall hereafter be shewed , without making protestation to sue in nature of any Writ , and the Tenants shall have the view , and shall be Essoyned after the view , at the Common Law : And shall also have the Tenants Essoyned after any appearance by the custome of the City . And although one such Writ be abated after view by exception of Joyntenants or other exception dilatory , and although the same Writ be restored , the Tenants by the custome of the said City shall have the view in the second Writ , notwithstanding the first view had ; And if the parties plead to Judgement the Judgement shall be given by the mouth of the Recorde● , and six Aldermen had wont to be present at the least , at every such Judgement given ; and every Beadle by advise of his Ald●●man , against every Hust . of Pleas of Land shall cause to be summoned twelve men , being Freeholders of the best and most sufficient of his Wa●d , to come to the Guild Hall , to pass an Enquest if need be , if there be so many men of heritage within the same Ward ; And if the parties pleading come to an Enquest , then shall the Enquest be taken of landed men , being Freeholders of the same Ward where the tenements are , and of other three Wards nearest adjoyning to the place where the Terants are ; so that four men of the same Ward where the Tenants are , shall be swo●n in the same Enquest , if there be to mary . And no damages by the custome of the City are recoverable in any such Writ of ●ight Patent : And the ●●ques● may pass the same day by such common summons of the Beadle if the parties be at Issue , and the Juiors do come ; otherwise Process shall be 〈…〉 the Jury to come at the next Hust . o● Pleas of ●ard by precept directed from the Major to the Sheriffs , and the Sheriffs shall be ministers by commandement of the Major to serve the Writs , and do the execution of the same , albeit the original be directed to the Major and Sheriffs in common ; and you shall understand that as well the Tenants as Demandants may appoint their Attorneys in such Pleas. And if the Demandants plead against the Tenants in the nature of a Writ of Right , and he parties come to a Jury upon the meer Right , then shall the Jury be taken of twenty four , in the nature of a grand Assize , as alwayes the custome requireth , that six of the Ward be of the Jury of twenty four . And the Tenants in all such Writs may vouch to warrant within the said City , and also in Forreign County , if the Vouchers be not Tenants within the same City . And if the Tenants in such Writs vouch to warrant in Forreign County ; In this Case Process cannot be made against the Voucher by the Law of the City ; Then shall the Record be brought before the Justices of the Common Pleas at the suit of the Demandant , and then Process shall be made against the Vouchee ; And when the Voucher shall be ended in the same Court , then all the Parol shall be sent back again into the Hust . to proceed further in the Plea according to the custome of the City , and certain Statutes . And also if the Tenants in such Writ plead in Bar by release , bearing date in Forreign County , or Forreign matter be pleaded that it cannot be tryed within the City , then the Defendant shall cause the Process to come into the Kings Court , to try the matter there where it is alleadged , as the matter is there found , the proceeding shall be sent back again into the Hustings to proceed further therein , as the Case requireth ; And all that time the Suit shall cease in the Hust . as hath been heretofore : And also it hath been heretofore accustomed that a man may say in Hastings of Pleas of Land to have execution of Judgement given in Hust . in nature of Scirefacias without Writ . And you must note that any such Summons made to the Tenants in a Writ of right Patent is made two or three days before such Hust . or the Sunday next before the same Hust . If Erroneous Judgement be given in the Hustings of London before the Major and Sheriffs , it shall be reserved by Commission out of the Chancery directed to certain persons to examine the Record and Process . If Erroneous Judgement be given before the Sheriffs in London , the Defendant may sue a Writ of Error before the Mayor and Sheriffs in the Hustings . Hustings of Common Pleas IN Hust . of Common Pleas are pleadable Writs called Ex gravi querala , to have execution of the Tenants out of Testaments , which are enrolled of Record in the Hust . Writs of Dower , unde nihil habet , Writs of Gavelets of Customes and Services instead of Cessavit , Writs of Error of judgment given before the Sheriffs , Writs of Waste , Writs of Participatione faciend . among partners , Writs of Quid juris clamat & per quae servitia , and other the Writs which are closed & directed to the Mayor and Sheriffs , and also Replegiaries of for goods and distresses wrongfully taken . These are pleadable before the Mayor and Sheriffs , in these Hust . of Common Pleas by plaint without Writ ; And not as before , that the Sheriffs are Ministers to do the office of ferving these Writs and Replegiaries by the Majors Preceps directed to the same Sheriffs . And the Process is thus . FIrst , in the Writ of Ex gravi querela , warning before hand shall be given to the Tenants two or three dayes before the Hust . or the Sunday be o●e , as in Plea of Land ; And so shall be done of all other Summons touching the same Hust . And if warning be given and testified by the Sheriffs or his Ministers , the Tenants may not be essoyned ; and if the Tenants make default at the same warning testified ; then the Grand Cape shall be awarded ; And if they appear , they may be essoyned at the view . And hereupon all other Process are made plainly , as is said in a Writ of Droit Patent in the Hust . in a Plea of Land. In a Writ of Dower , unde nihil habet , the Tenants shall have at the beginning three Summons and one Essoyn after the three Summons , and after these shall have the view , one Essoyn and the Tenant in such Writ of Dower shall have the view , although they enter by the husband himself demanding the same , albeit he died seized ; and also the Tenants may vouch to warranty , and after be essoyn●d after every appearance ; and all other Process shall be made as in a Writ of right in the Hust . of Pleas of Land aforesaid : And it the Demandant recover Dower against the Tenant by default ●o by judgement in Law in such Writ or Dower ; And the same wife of the Demand●nt alledgeth in Court of Record that her husband died seized ; Then the Major shall command ●he Sheriffs by Precept , that they cause a Jury of the vi●inity where the Tenants l●e against the next Hust . of Common Pleas to enquire if the husband died seized , and of the value of the ●enements and of the damages ; and 〈◊〉 recover by verdict the damages shall be enqui●ed by the same J●y . In a Writ of Gavi●et , the Ten●nts shall have three 〈◊〉 and three Essoynes , and they also shall have tha● view , they may vouch to 〈…〉 and Forreign . And they shall be essoyned and shall have other exceptions , and all other Process shall be made as in a Writ of Right , &c. But if the Tenant make default after default , then the Defendant shall have Judgement to recover and hold for a year and a day , upon this condition , that the Tenant may come within the same year and a day , then next following , and make agreement for the Arrearages , and find Surety , as the Court shall award , to pay the rent , or the services faithfully from thenceforth , and shall have again his Tenements ; and within the same year and day , the Tenant may come in Court by Scire fac . and shall have again his Tenements , doing as aforesaid ; and if the Tenant come not within the year and the day , as is aforesaid , then after the year and the day , the Defendant shall have a Scire fac . against the Tenant to come and answer , whether he can say any thing why the Defendant ought not to recover the Tenements quite and clearly to him and his Heirs for ever ; and if the Tenant come not to shew what he can say , then Judgement shall be given , that the Defendant shall quite recover the Land for ever , according to the Judgement , called Shartford by custome of the same City . In a Writ of waste , process shall be made against the Tenants by Summons , Attachment , and distress , according to the Statute in that behalf made ; and if the Tenant come and plead , then he shall have an Essoyn , and so after every appearance ; and if he make default at the Grand Distress , then shall Commandment go to the Sheriff by the Mayors precept , that the Sheriff shall come to the place wasted , and shall enquire of the waste and damages according to the Statute , and that they return the same at the next Hust . of Common Pleas , and the Plaintiff shall recover the place wasted , and the treble damages by the Statute . In a Writ of Error of Judgement , given in Court before the Sheriffs in Actions personal , and in Assizes of Novel Desseizen or Mortdanc . taken before the Sheriffs and the Mayor , shall make a Warrant to the Sheriffs , to cause the Record and Process to come at the next Hust . of the Pleas , and that they cause the parties to be wa●ned to hear the Record , and after the Record and Process be in the Hust . although the Defendant come by warning , or make default , the Errors shall be assigned , and there the Judgement shall be affirmed or reserved , as the Law requireth : And it is to be noted , that by custome of the same City , that when a man is condemned in debt , or attaint of damages , in any action personal before the Sheriffs , and bringeth such a Writ of Error he which b●ingeth the Writ , must before he be delivered out of Prison , find sufficient Sureties of men resident within the City to be bo●nd before the Mayor and Sheriffs to pay the money or to being in the body taken in case the Judgment be affirmed ; and in like sort is to be done where damages are recovered in Assize before the Sheriffs and Coroners . In a Writ of Replegiari , the process is such , that if any one take a Distress or other sole thing within the said City , he which oweth the goods , may come to one of the Sheriffs , and shall have a Minister at the Commandment of the Court to go to the party that took the goods , and if he may have the view to praise them by two honest men , and then shall a plaint be made in the Sheriffs paper-Office in this wise . T. S. queritur versus I. L. de averus suis injuste Capt. in Dominio suo vel in libero Tenemento suo in ●arochia Sancti &c. And the same party shall then find two sufficient Sureties , to sue and make return of the Goods , or the p●ice thereof , in case the return be awarded , and so shall have deliverance ; and the Parties shall have a day prefixed at the next Hust . of Common Pleas , and then at the next Hust . of Common Pleas , the Sheriff shall make a Bill containing all the matter and the plaint , and shall carry the Bill to the same Hust . and there it shall be put upon the file , and the parties shall be demonded at what day the one or the other may be essoyned of the common Essoyn ; and if that day the Plaintiff maketh default , return shall be awarded to the Avowant , and return in such case is awardable three times by the custome of the City , and the third time not reprisable ; and at that time the Avowant maketh default , then it shall be awarded , that the goods remain to the Plaintiff ; viz. that the goods remain without any recovering ; and if it be that the Sheriff cannot have view of the Distress taken , then he shall certifie it into the said Hust . and there shall be awarded the Wetherum , and upon that , process shall be made ; and if the parties come , and Avowry be made , and pleaded to the Judgement , or to the Issue of the inquest , then shall Judgement be given , or process , to cause the Jury to come , as the case requireth , and the parties may be Essoyned after appearance ; and if the party claim property in the Distress , and then certifie the same in the Hust . and the process shall be made by precept made to the Sheriff to try the property , &c. And although the party be essoyned of the Kings service in a Replegiare , and at the day that he hath by Essoyn , make default ; or bringeth not his Warrant , he shall not be cleared of damage . In a Writ of Particepat faciend to make partition between Parceners of the Tenants in London ; the Writ closed , shall be directed to the Mayor and Sheriffs , containing the matter according to the form of such Writ , and the parties shall be warned by precept from the Mayor directed to the Sheriff , and the Tenants may be essoyned and if they come , they may plead their matter ; and if they make default , the Writ of Partition shall be awarded by default ; and every Beadle of the said City , by the advise of his Alderman against every Hust . of Common Pleas , shall cause to be summoned twelve men , being Free-holders , of the best and most sufficient of his Ward , to come to the Guild-Hall aforesaid , and to pass in Juries , if need be , if there be so many men landed in the said Ward ; and the Juries shall be taken , as before is said in the Hust . of Plea of Land. And note , that Writs of Exigent are taken out of the Hust . as well in Hust . of Common Pleas , as of Pleas of Land , but those Exigents that are taken in the one Hust . are not to be sued in the other Hust . and at the fifth Hust . the Utlaries and Weyneries shall be given in full Hust . before the Mayor and Aldermen by the mouth of their Recorder ; and also all Judgements which are given in the Hust . shall be given in the same manner and the Exigent after every Hust . shall be enrolled , and sent into the Chamber of the Guild-Hall aforesaid . And you must note , that all Amerciaments incident to the said Hust . pertain to the Sheriffs of the said City ; and that the Aldermen of London shall be su●moned to come to the Hust . and oug●● by custome of the City to be summon by one of the Sheriffs Officers , sitti●● upon a horse of a C. s. price at least . Assize of Mort d'Ancest . in London . THe Assizes of Mort d' Ancest . a● holden and determinable before the Sheriffs and Coroners of London , o● the Saturdayes , from fourteen days t● fourteen days at the Guild Hall , for which the Process is this viz. he that wil● have such Assizen , shall come in the Hust . or into the Assembly of the Mayo● and Aldermen in the Chamber of the Guild Hall , any Munday , as is said in the Assize of fresh force , and shall make a Bil● containing the form of the Assize o● Mort d'ancest according to the case , an● that Bill shall be enrolled , and after the common Clerk shall make another B●● containing all the matters of the fin● Bill , making mention of the title of the Hust . or of the day of the assembly of the Mayor and Aldermen , and this Bill shall be sent unto the Sheriffs , or either o● them to serve , according to the custom ; and whi●● Bill shall be served by any Serjeant or other Minister of the Sheriffs viz. the land Serjeant the Wednesday next after the delivery of the Bill , shall make Summons to the Tenants demand , by witness of two Free holders , men of the City , that they be at the Guild Hall the Saturday next following to see the Recogni●ance , if they will ; against which Saturday , the Defendant may sue the next Friday before together , and summon the Jury ; and so afterwards against the Saturdayes , from fourteen dayes to fourteen dayes at his will , and so may the Tenants sue if they will , for their celiverance ; and the gathering of the Pannels of such Juries shall be done by the Sheriffs and their Ministers , or by the Mayor and Aldermen , if any of the parties will require it upon any reasonable cause , in such sort as is used in Assize of Fresh-force , and in such Assizes of Mort d'ancest . the parties may be assigned as at the Common Law , and the Tenant may vouch to warrant within the City and also in Forreign County , if the Vouchee have no Lands within the City , and if the Tenants plead release , bearing date in Forreign County , or other Forreign matter that cannot be tryed within the City , or that the Vouch to warrant in Forreign Counties , he that hath nothing within the City , then at the Suit of the party , shall cause the Record to come into the Kings County , by Writ directed to the Sheriff and Coroner and there shall such Forreign Pleas , and Forreign Vouchers , be tryed and determined , and sent back again to the said Sheriffs and Coroners , to go forward and proceed , according to the custome of the City ; and continuance shall be made in such Assizes upon the causes proceeding , and upon other causes reasonable ; and when the Assizes shall be determined and Judgement given , then the same Assizes shall be ingrossed , and entred upon Record , by the said Sheriffs and Coroners , and afterward sent to the Guild-Hall to remain there of Record , according to the Order of Assize of Fresh-force , hereafter following . Assizes of Novel Disseizen , called Fresh-force in London . THe Assizes of Novel Desseizen , called Fresh force of London , and Tenements and Rents within the City of London , of Disseizins made within 40. weeks , are holden and determinable before the two Sheriffs , and the Coroner of the said City in common , every Saturday in the Guild-Hall ; except certain times wherein the Assize cannot be holden for reasonable cause , and the process thereof is such , viz. when any man is grieved , and that he be disseized of his Free-hold within the said City , or the Suburbs of the same ; he shall come to any Hust . holden at the Guild-Hall , or for default of Hust . in the Chamber of the Guild-Hall , in the Assembly of the Mayor and Aldermen any Munday , and shall make there a Bill , and the Bill shall be such , viz. A de B. queritur versus ss . C. de D. de libero tenemento suo in parochia de E. in Suburb . London . And the same Bill shall be inrolled , and upon that shall be made another Bill , containing all the matter of the first Bill , by the common Clark of the City , making mention of the title of Hust . or of the day of the Assembly of the Mayor and Aldermen , and then the Bill shall be sent to the Sheriffs , or to either of them to do process and right unto the parties , and then although the Bill be served the Wednesday then next following , that is to say , the Minister of the Sheriffs to whom the Bill is delivered , shall summon the Tenant or Tenants named in the said Bill of Assize , by the view of two Freemen of the City , and that of the Tenants from whom the rent is supposed to be issuing , and then it shall be said to the Tenants , that they keep their day at the Guild-Hall the Saturday then following at their peril , and the names of those which are summoned , shall be endorsed upon the backside of the Bill , and then may the Plaintiff sue to have the Assize gathered , and the Jury summoned against such Saturday , or against other Saturday after at his pleasure , and so may the Tenants sue for their deliverance , if they will , and such summons shall be made the Friday before the said Saturday , and the Array of the Pannels of the Juries shall be made by the Sheriffs or their Ministers , or by the Mayor and Aldermen , if any of the parties upon reasonable cause shall require it . Also the same Assizes shall be pleaded and recorded for the greater party , also as elsewhere at the Common Law ; and if release bearing date in Forreign County , bastardy , or other forreign matters which cannot be tryed within the said City , be alledged in such Assizes , then the Plaintiff may sue , and cause to come the Record in the Kings Court , that the matter may be tryed , as the cause requireth ; and when the matter is there determined , the process shall be sent back to the said Sheriffs and Coroners , or to their Successors to proceed forward before them , according to the custome , &c. And you must note , that there is no discontinuance in such Assizes , neither is any mention made in the Record of the dayes betwen the Assizes taken , and the day that the Assize shall be taken , or Judgement given , if it be not by necessary cause , or that such Assizes be adjourned for special causes : and when the Assizes are taken before the Sheriffs , and Coroners , as before is said and Judgement be given , then shall such Assizes determined be entred of Record ; and afterwards shall be carried into the Chamber of the Guild-Hall , to remain there in the treasury upon Record . And note , that no man may enter into any Tenements within the said City by force , nor any Tenants hold by sorce and armes in disturbance of the peace . De Curia Majoris London & Custumis Civitatis ejusdem & Diversis Casibus terminalibus in eadem Curia . Curia Majoris of the said City of London , is holden by the custome of the same City before the Mayor and Aldermen for the time being in the Chamber of the Guild-Hall or in Hust . and that from day to day , and there are treated , determined and discussed the Pleas , and matters touching Orphans , Apprentices , and other businesses of the same City . And there are redressed and corrected the faults and contempts of those which do against the custome and ordinance of the City , as well at the suit of the parties , as by Enquest of Office , and in other sort by suggestion according as the causes require ; and there they use to justifie Bakers , Victuallers , and , Trades-men , and and to treat and ordain for the Government of the City , and for keeping the Kings peace and other necessary points of the City , and according as the time requireth . Item the Officers and Ministers of the said City being found faulty , are to be cleared before the Mayor and Aldermen , as well at the Suit of the parties by Process made , as otherwise , according to the discretion of the said Mayor and Aldermen . Item , the said Mayor and Aldermen use there to hold , and determine Pleas of Debt and other Actions personal whatsoever , by Bill as well among Merchants , and Merchants for Merchandize , as also between others that will plead by Process made against the parties Item . the Mayor and Aldermen , or the Mayor and Chamberlain of the said City take before them in the said Chamber Recognizances of Debt of those that will , of what summes soever . And if the day of payment be missed , then he to whom the Recognizance is made out of this Record , shall have execution of all the Debtors Goods , and of the moyety of his Lands within the said City , and it is taken as at the Common Lawes . Item , Pleas of Debt according to the Ordinance called the Suit of Smithfield , are determinable only before the Mayor and Aldermen according as is more plainly set down in the Ordinance thereupon made . Item , the Assizes of Nusance are determinable by plaint before the Mayor and Aldermen , and that plaint shall be served by the Sheriff the Wednesday against the Friday ; and then the Mayor and Aldermen ought to proceed in Plea according to that which is set down in the Act of Assize and Nusance in the said City . Item , the Mayor and Aldermen have alwayes used to set down penal Acts upon Victuals , and for other governance of the City and of the peace , according to their discretion and advice , and proclaim the same Ordinance within the said City open●y to be kept in the Kings name , and of the City upon that penalty set down , and shall levie all those penalties of those which do contrary to the Ordinance aforesaid . Item , the Mayor and Aldermen have alwayes used , and may by custome of the same City cause to come before them the offenders which are taken within the said City for Lies and false Nuses noised abroad in disturbance of the Peace Makers , and Counterfeiters of false Seales , and false Evidences , and for other notorious deceits known to them , which they shall find faulty of such malefactours by confession of the parties or by enquest , and then take them and punish them by the Pillory or other chastisement by imprisonment , according to their discretion . Item , the Mayor and Aldermen have alwayes accustomed , and may by custome of the said City , change Process , abbridge delayes in actions personal as well before themselves , as in the Sheriffs Courts , and to make new Ordinances touching personal Pleas which Ordinances they understand to be reasonable and profitable for the people . Item , you must note that all the City of London is held of our Soveraign Lord the King in Free Burgage , & without the same City , and of all the Lands and Tenements , Rents , and Services within the same City , and the Suburbs of the same , are well in Reversion , as in Demesne , are devisable by Usage of the said City , so that men and women by Usage of the same City , may devise their Tenements , Rents , and Reversions within the said City and Suburbs of the same , to those whom they will , and of what Estate they will ; and they may also devise new rent to be taken of the same their Tenants , in such sort as best shall seem unto them by their Testament , and by their last Will ; and those which are Freemen of the same City , may devise their Tenements to Mortmain , as appeareth by the Kings Charter to that effect made . Item , He which holdeth Tenements joyntly with others , may devise that which belongeth to him , without any other separation ; but Infants within age can make no devise , nor woman under covert barn , cannnot devise their Tenements by leave of their Husbands , nor in any other sort during the coverture , 49. 7. 325. per. Cur. Also the Husband cannot devise Tenements to his Wife for any higher Estate , then for term of life of his Wife , neither can the Wife claim any further Estate , upon pain of losing the whole , neither can the Husband devise the Tenements in the right of his Wife nor the Tenements which the wife and the husband have joyntly purchased ; but if the Husband and Wife have Tenements joyntly to them and the Heirs of the Husband , the same Husband may devise the Reversion , and all the Testaments by which any Tenements are divised , may be inrolled in the Hust . of Record , at the suit of any , which may take advantage by the same Testaments , and the Testaments which are so to be inrolled , shall be brought , or caused to be shewn before the Mayor and Aldermen in full Hust . and there the said Will shall be proclaimed by the Serjeant , and then proved by two honest men well known , which shall be sworn and examined severally of all the circumstances of the said Will , and of the Estate of the Testator , and of his Seal ; and if the proofs be found good and true , and agreeing , then shall the same Will be inrolled upon Record in the same Hust . and the Fee shall be paid for the Inrolment , and no Testament nuncupative , nor other Testament may be inrolled of Recod , unless the Seal of the party be at the same Will ; but Wills that may be found good and true are effectual , albeit they are not inrolled of Record . Item , Testaments within the said City ought by custome of the same City to be adjudged effectual ; and Executors have respect to the Wills of the Testators ; albeit the words of such Wills be defective , or not accordidg to the Common Law. Item , Where Reversions or Rents be devised by Will inrolled in the Hust . of Record , the same Reversions and Rents after the death of the Testator , are so Executed that those to whom such rents are devised , may distrain for the rent , and make avowry , and those in reversion may sue a Writ of Waste at their will , without any Attornment of the Tenants , and may plead by the same Inrolment , if need be , although they have not the same Testament , and the same custome taketh place for Deeds of Land inrolled in the Hust . of Record and such Inrolments have been alwayes used so , that the Wills are proclaimed and proved in full Hust . as is aforesaid ; and Deeds indented , and other Writings sealed may be accepted , and the knowledging and confession of women may be received before the Mayor and one Alderman , or before the Recorder and one Alderman , or before two Aldermen for need , as well out of the Court as in , so that the same Charters , Indentures , and other writings so acknowledged , be afterwards entred and inrolled in any Hust . and the Fees paid as the Order is . Item , where a man hath devised by his Will enrolled certain rent to be taken of his Tenants within the said City without a cause of distress , yet by custome of the said City he to whom the devise is made , may distrein and avow the taking for the rent behind , and in the same sort it shall be done for Amerciaments , Rents called quit-rents within the said City . Item , the Mayor and Aldermen which are for the time being , by custome of the same City shall have the Wards and marrying of all the Orphans of the said City after the death of their Ancestours ; although the same Ancestors held elsewhere out of the City , of any other Lordship by what service soever ; and the same Mayor and Aldermen ought to enquire of all the Lands , Tenements , Goods and Chattels within the same City pertaining to such Orphans , and the Lands , Tenements , Goods and Chartells within the same City , pertaining to such Orphans , to seize , and safely keep to the use and profit of such Orphans , or otherwise to commit the same Orphans , together with their Lands , Tenements , Goods and Chatels , to other their friends , upon sufficient Surety of Record in the Chamber of the Guild-Hall , in convenient sort to maintain the same Orphans , during their minority , and to repair their Lands and Tenements , and safely to keep their Goods and Chattels , and to give good and true accompt before the said Mayor and Aldermen of all the profits of the same Infants wen they come to age , or be put to a trade , or married at the advice of the said Mayor and Aldermen ; and that in all cases , if it be not otherwise ordained and disposed for the same Orphans , and their Lands , Tenements , Goods and Chattels , by express words contained in the same Wills of their Ancestors ; and no such Orphans may be married , without consent of the said Mayor and Aldermen : And in like sort , where Lands , Tenements , Goods or Chattles within the same City , are devised to a Child within age , of a Citizen of the same City , his Father living , and the same Child be no Orphan , yet by custome of the same City , the said Lands , Tenements , Goods and Chattels shall be in the custody of the Mayor and Aldermen , as well as of an Orphan , to maintain and keep the said Lands , Tenements , &c. to the use and profit of the said Infant , and shall give good and true accompt for the same , as is aforesaid . And note , that where a Citizen of the same City hath a wife and children , and dieth ( all debts paid ) this Goods shall be divided into three parts , whereof the one part shall come to the dead , to be distributed for his Almes , the other part shall come to his wife and the third part to his children , to be equally parted amongst them , notwithstanding any device made to the contrary ; and for the same , the wife or children , or any of them , may have their recovery and suit , to demand such Goods and Chartels against the Executors or Occupiers of the same Goods and Chattels , before the same Mayor and Aldermen by plaint . Item , by ancient custome of the said City it was not lawful to any Stranger or Forreigner to sell Victuals or other Merchandizes to any other Stranger , or Forreigner within the same City to self again , nor to any such Forreigner or Stranger to sell Victuals or any other Merchandize within the said City by retail . Item , by ancient custome of the said City of London the Citizens and Ministers of the same City are not to obey any Commandment or Seals except the Commandment and Seal of our Sovereign Lord the King immediate , neither can any of the Kings Officers make any Seisure or Execution within the said City , nor within the Franchises of the same by Land nor by Water ( except only the Officers of the City aforesaid . ) Item , touching the Judgements given in the Sheriffs Court in Actions personal , or in Assizes taken before the Sheriffs and Coroners by custome of the said City the parties against whom such Judgements are given , may sue a writ of Errour directed to the May or , Aldermen and Sheriffs to reverse the said Judgements in the Hust . and if the Judgements be found good , yea , though the same Judgements be affirmed in the Hust . yet the same party may sue another writ of Error directed to the Mayor and Sheriffs to cause the Record to come before the Justices assigned at Saint Martins le Grand as hath been heretofore done . But if any party by such Judgemenn given before the said Sheriffs , be convict in Debt or Damages ; and is therefore committed to Prison until he hath made agreement with the party , and afterwards pursueth a Writ of Error to reverse the Judgement in the Hust . where although the Judgement be affirmed , and the same party will sue a-another Writ of Error to reverse the same Judgement before the Justices assigned at Saint Martins as is aforesaid , yet nevertheless the same which is so in person must not be delivered out of Prison , by ancient custom of the same City by means of any such Writ of Error , , until he have found sufficient Sureties within the said City , or laid in the money into the Court to pay him that recovered the same , if in case that the Judgement be afterwards affirmed . And in case that such Writ of Errour be sued to reverse any Judgement given in the Hust . before the Justices assigned at Saint Martins le Grand , and it be commanded by Writ to safe keep the parties , and to cause the Record , and Process to come before the same Justices , then shall the parties be kept as the Law requireth . But no Record may be sent before the same Justices , but that the Mayor and Aldermen shall have fourty dayes , respite by appointment of the same Justices after first Sessions then to advise them of the said Record , and of the Process of the same , and at the first Sessions of the Justices after fourty dayes , shall the said Process and Record be recorded before the same Justices by mouth of the Recorder of the said City . And of Judgements given before the Mayor and Aldermen in the Chamber of the Guild-Hall , according to the Law Merchant no Writ of Error is wont to be sued . Item , by ancient custome of the said City all the Liberties and Priviledges , and other customes belonging to the said City , are usually recorded by mouth , and not to be sent or put elsewhere in writing . Item , the Citizens of London by custome of the City ought not by any Writ to go out of the City in any sort to pass upon an Enquest . Item , the Wife after the death of her Husband by custome of the City shall have her Frank Bank ; viz. a woman after the death of her husband shall have of the Rents within the same City , whereof her husband died seized in Fee. And in that Tenement wherein the husband and she did dwell together at the time of the death of the husband , the woman shall have to her self wholly the Hall , the principal chamber , and the cellar wholly ; and shall have the use of the Oven , the Stable , Privy and Yard in common , with other necessaries thereunto belonging for her life ; and at that hour that she is married , she loseth her Frank Bank , and her Dower of the same , saving her Dower of other Tenements as the law requireth . Item , every Freeman of the said City using Trade , may by custome of the same City take an Apprentice to serve him , and learn him his Art , and Mystery , and that by Indenture to be made between him and his said Apprentice , which Indenture shall be examined and enrolled of Record before the Chamberlain of the Guild-Hall , and such Apprentice may bind himself , or his friends may put him to a Trade by their Indenture , if he be of convenient age , at the discretion of the Chamberlain , or Mayor and Aldermen , if need be . And no Apprentice by custome of the said City may be bound for less term then seven years , and the Indenture must be enrolled within a year after the making thereof upon a certain penalty set down . And after that such Apprentice hath well and sufficiently served his term , he shall be made a Freeman of the said City without other redemption , whereas no other may come by the Freedome without redemption , except those which are born within the said City of what country soever they be under the obeysance of out Sovereign Lord the King , by custome of the said City are also Free by their birth , having respect to the Priviledges of the Freedome ; As those which have been Apprentices or otherwise been made Free by redemption ; and Women under Covert Bath using certain Crafts within the City by themselves , without their Husbands may take Maides to be their Apprentices to serve them , and teach them their Trade , which Apprentices shall be bound by their Indenture of Apprentiship to the Husband and the Wife , to learn the Wives Trade as is aforesaid . And such Indenture shall be enrolled as well as the other . And note , that any one having such Apprentice , may sell and devise his said Apprentice to whom he will being of the same Trade , as well as his Chattel . Item , the Thames-water so far as the bounds of the Freedom of the City doth stretch , is parcel of the City . And the same Water and every Appurtenances within the said Franchize , hath alwayes been governed by the same City as parcel of the same City , as well the one part of the Water as the other . And the Sheriffs of London for the time being , have alwayes used to do arrests and executions at the suit of the parties in the said Water of Thames , viz. from the East-side of the Bridge of London to Recolv . and from the West part of London . Bridge to Stanes Bridge . Item , the Sheriffs of London ought by custome of the City to have the forseiture of all Fugitives and Felons goods whatsoever , as well within the said City , as the Water of Thames , in and of their Farm which they pay yearly to the King. Item , by custome of the City no attaint is maintainable nor lieth within the City . Item , by Ancient custome of the same City , no man dwelling within the same City , can be taken nor led out of the City by colour or claim of villenage , before the matter be discussed by order of Law. Item , if a Freeman of the said City coming or going with merchandize elsewhere , out of the same City , be constrained to pay Toll or other custome , or that his Goods be arrested or carried away wrongfully without reasonable cause and not delivered again by the Governour of the Town when complaint in made , and it be sufficiently testified by credible men , then if afterwards the Goods or Merchandizes of him that did the wrong , or the Goods or Merchandizes of any other of the same Town where the wrong was done , be found within the City of London , it is the custome at the suggestion of the property to arrest such Goods and Merchandizes by the Officers of the City , and to detain them in the name of a Withermam until agreement be made with the said Freeman for his damages sustained in that behalf , except always reasonable answer be alledged by one other party . Item , the Citizens of London in ancient time ordained a House called the Tonne in Corn-hill , whereunto the Constables , Beadles , and other Officers , and men of the City did accustome to bring Trespassours of the Peace , married men and women found in Adultery , and Chaplains , and other Religious men found openly , with common women , or married women in suspicious places , and after to bring them before their Ordinaries . Item , the City of London hath co●usance of Pleas by the Kings Chartes , and the use is , that no Freeman of the said City shall implead another Freeman of the same City , elsewhere then in the same City , where he may recover within the said City , upon pain of losing his Freedome . Inem , he which is Mayor of London for the time shall have an Hanap , o' or a Golden Tanker at the Coronation of every King , with other priviledges belonging to the said Mayor and City , at such Coronation of the King by ancient custome of the same City . Item , the customes is that the Kings chief Butler shall be chief Coroner of the City of London , which Coroner useth by Writ to substitute another in his place , who is called Coroner before whom the Indictments , and Appeales within the said City are taken , and in whose name the Records are made ; and all the Indictments , and Appeals within the said City are taken before the two Sheriffs and Coroners joyntly ; and the Juries taken for the death of any man upon view of the Corps , are gathered out of the four Wards neerest , and summoned by the Beadles of the same Wards ; and all other Juries to be taken , before the Sheriffs and Coroners in common , ought to be taken and summoned by the Sheriffs and their Officers . Item , heretofore where any Thief in New-Gate did appeal another Thief being in another Goale , that Thief in the other Goal is to be sent by Writ unto New-Gate to answer to the same Appeal , and to be at his delivery there . And in the same sort if a Thief being in another Goal do appeal another being in New-Gate , or any other within the said City , the same apeallated must be brought by Writ to the same Goale of New-Gate , to maintain his said Appeal . And no Thief being in New-Gate taken with the manner , ought to be sent elsewhere with the manner for his deliverance but only to have his deliverance , before the Mayor of London , and other Justices assigned for the said Goal of New-Gate . Item , because the Burrough of Southwork , and place of common Stewes on the other side of the Water of Thames , are so hurtful to the City of London , and Theeves , and other malefactours are often coming thither , and many times after their Thefts , and Fellonies done within the said City , they fly and retire out of the same City unto the Stewes , and into Southwark , out of the Liberties and Power of the City , and remain there doing mischief , watching their time to come back and do mischief , there the Officers of the said City have used always to pursue , and search such Theeves and ill doers in the same Stewes and Town of South-wark , as well within the Liberty as without , and bring them to New gate , to stay there for their deliverances , before the Justices as well for open suspition , as at the Suit of the party . Item , the Prisoners which are condemned or arrested within the said City , and are committed to Prison at the Suit or the party ; and afterwards are sent by Writ to the Exchequer or any other the Kings places with their Causes , the same Prisoners after they are delivered in the Kings Court , ought to be sent to the said City to answer to the parties , and stay there for their deliverance . Item , those which have Tenements within the said City , shall not be sufferd to strip or waste their Tenements Demeasne , nor to pull them down in deforming or defacing of the City , unless it be to amend them , or build them up again , and any that doth it , or beginneth to do it , shall be punished by the Mayor and Aldermen for the offence , according to the custome of the City . Item , if Walls , Penthouses , or other Houses whatsoever within the said City stretching to the High street , be so weak or feeble , that the People passing by mistrust the peril of some suddaih Ruine , then after it is certified to the Mayor and Alderman by Mason , and Carpenter of the City sworn , or that it be found in the Wardmore that the danger is such , then the same Mayor and Aldermen shall cause the parties to be warned to whom the same Tenements belong , to amend them , and repair them so soon as conveniently he may ; and if after such warning they be not amended , nor begun to be amended within fourty dayes then next following , then shall the said Tenements be repaired and amended at the cost and charges of the said City , untill the costs be fully levied of his Goods and Chattels or other his Tenements if ●eed be . Item , if any House be found within the said City , or the Suburbs of the same , covered with Straw , Reed , or Thatch , he to whom the House belongeth , shall pay to the Sheriffs for the time being fourty shillings , and shall be compelled to take away the same covering . Item , if any House within the said City be burning , so that the flame of the Fire be seen out of the House , he which dwelleth in the said House shall pay to the Sheriffs forty shillings in a red Purse . Item , the Mayor , Aldermen and Sheriffs , and all other Officers and Ministers of the said City are to be chosen by the same City ; viz. At the time , when the Mayor should be chosen the commons of the same City shall by custome be assembled in the Guild Hall , and the same commons shall make election of two honest men of the said City , of whom the one shall be Mayor , and the names of the said two honest men shall be carried before the Mayor and Aldermen which are for the time within the Chamber of the Guild-Hall ; And then the one of them shall be chosen to be Mayor by the said Mayor and Aldermen by way of Screame , and the said Mayor so newly chosen the morrow after the Feast of Simon and Iude , shall be presented before the Bacons of the Exchequer at Westminster , or in their absence to the Constable of the Tower , and afterwards shall be presented to our Sovereign Lord the King himself , according to the content of the Charter of the said City , and the said Mayor shall have the Government of the said City under the King for the year following , and the said Mayor shall take fifty Marks a year for the of Co●n and fifty Marks in time of Peace of the Merthants of Anzens , Corby , and Neele , according to the ancient Orders thereupon made ; and every Mayor shall hold his general Court at the Guild Hall the Munday after the Feast of the Epiphany , and then shall be assembled , all the Aldermen of the same City , and all the Constables , Scavengers , and Beadles shall be sworn anew , well and faithfully to do their office , during the time they shall be Officers , and the Wardmotes held by the Aldermen , and the default found , shall be then delivered up by the said Aldermen in writing , and the default found in the Wards shall be enquired and examined , and the Mayor for the time being , by custome of the same City , for maintainance of the Peace , and for the quiet of the City , hath authority to arrest and imprison the disturbers of the Peace , and other malefactors , for rebellions , or lewd expences , and other defaults , according to their discretion , without being appeached , or afterwards impleaded for the same . Item , No Mayor shall be chosen within the said City , before that he hath been Sheriff of the same City a year before , Item , The Mayors of London which have been for the time , are accustomed to have their Sword born upright before them within the said City , and without the putting the same down in the presence of any , except the King , and that Sword is called the Kings Sword. Also the Sheriffs of London are chosen by custome of the said City , on St. Matthews day in the Guild-Hall , viz , the one shall be chosen by the Mayor , and the other by the Commons , and the said Sheriffs shall afterwards be sworn within the said Guild-Hall , and the morrow after St. Michal , presented into the Exchequer by the Constable of the Tower , according to the form of the Charter of the City , as is aforesaid ; and the same Sheriffs shall have Free Election of all their Officers , and of their Farmours and Bayliffs , as well within the City as the County of Middlesex , and of the Goalers of the Prisons within the said City at their will , and the same Sheriffs pay , and are Accomptants yearly to the Kings Exchequer , for the Farm of the said City and County of Middlesex , according to the form of the said City and Charter ; and by reason of that Farm , the said Sheriffs ought to have the ancient Tolls and Customes of Merchandizes coming into the City , and going out of the same ; and Forfeitures , Fines , and Amerciaments , and all other commodities of ancient time belonging to their Office : And no Merchandizes shall pass out of the City by Land nor by Water , by Cart , Horse , nor Portage by men , without a Warrant sealed by the said Sheriffs ; and Forreigners must pay for their Issue , according to the ancient custome . Item , The Aldermen every year are elected at the Feast of St. Gregory , and sworn , and presented to the Mayor , and the said Aldermen are chosen by men of the same Ward , which Aldermen ought to keep their Wardmotes . Item , Upon the death of the Alderman of any Ward , the Inhabitants in the Ward are to chuse a new Alderman for their Ward , whom they think good , and are to certifie the Lord Mayor of their choice , who is to declare the same to the Court of Aldermen at their next meeting , and then to give the Ward notice of their liking of the choice ; but if it be an easie and quiet Ward , then by order , either the Lord Mayor , or eldest Knight on the Bench , is to have the same Ward , as Alderman thereof ; yet the Election is in the Ward absolute of themselves , whom they will chuse . THE COMMISSION AND ARTICLES OF THE WARD-MOTE INQUEST , By the MAYOR . To the Alderman of the Ward . 1. VVE charge and command you , that upon St. Thomas the Apostle next coming , you do hold your Ward-mote , and that you have afore us at our general Court of Aldermen to be holden in the Guild-Hall , the Monday next after the Feast or the Epiphany next coming , all the defaults that shall be presented afore you by Inquest in the said Ward-more , and the said Inquest shall have full Power and Authority by one whole year to inquire and present all such defaults as shall be sound within your said Ward , as oftentimes as shall be thought to you expedient and needful , which we will shall be once every moneth at the least . 2. And if it happen any of your said Inquest to die , or depart out of your said Ward within the said year , that then in place of him or them so dying or departing out of your said Ward , you cause to be chosen one able person to inquire and present with the other in man and form aforesaid . 3. And that at the said general Court , you give afore us the Names and Surnames of all them of your said Ward , that come not to your said Ward-more , if they be duely warned , so that due redress and punishment of them may be had , as the case shall require according to the Law. 4. And that yea do provide , that at all times convenient , covenable Watch be kept : and that the Lanthornes with Light by Nightertaile in old manner accustomed , be hanged forth , and that no man go by Nightertaile without Light , nor with Visard , on the peril that belongeth thereto . 5. And also that you do cause to be chosen , men of the most sufficient , honest , and discreet men of your said Ward , to be for your said Ward of the Common Councel of this City for the year ensuing , according to the custome in that behalf yearly used . And also that you do cause the said Men so to be chosen to be of the Common Councel , to be sworn before you and in your presence , according to the Oath for them used , and of old time accustomed , the Tenor of which Oath hereafter ensueth . The Oath . YE shall swear , that you shall be true to our Soveraign Lord the King that now is , and to his Heirs and Successours Kings of England , and readily ye shall come when ye be summmed to the Common Councel of this City , but if ye be reasonably excused , and good and true Councel , ye shall give in all things touching the Commonwealth of this City , after your wit and cunning : and that for favour of any person ye shall maintain no singular profit against the common profit of this City , and after that you be come to the Common Councel , you shall not from thence depart until the Common Councel be ended without reasonable cause , or else by the Lord Mayors License . And also , any secret things that be spoken or said in the Common Councel which ought to be kept secret , in no wise you shall disclose as God you help . And that together with the said Oath of their Office , you administer to the said persons that shall be chosen of the Common Councel , the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance , and the other Oath hereafter following . I A B Do utterly testifie and declare in my Conscience that the Kings Highness is the onely Supream Governour of this Realm ; and of all other his Highnesses Dominions and Countries , as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or causes as Temporal ; And that no forreign Prince , Person , Prelate , State or Potentate , hath or ought to have any Iurisdiction , Power , Superiority , Preheminence , or Authority , Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm : And therefore I do utterly renounce and forsake all forreign Iurisdictions , Powers , Superiorities and Authorities , and do promise that from henceforth , I shall bear Faith and true Allegiance to the Kings Highness , his Heirs and lawful Successours , and to my Power shall assist and defend all Iurisdictions , Priviledges , Preheminences and Authorities , granted or belonging to the Kings Highness , his Heirs and Successours , or united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm . So help me God , and the contents of this Book . I AB Do truely and sincerely acknowledge , profess , testifie and declare in my Conscience before God and the World , that our Soveraign Lord King Charles is lawful and rightful King in this Realm , and of all other his Majesties Dominions and Countries : and that the Pope , neither of himself , nor by any Authority of the Church or See of Rome , or by any other means with any other , hath any Power , or Authority to depose the King , or to dispose any of his Majesties Kingdomes , or Dominions , or to authorizo any forreign Prince to invade or annoy him or his Countries , or to discharge any of his Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to his Majesty , or to give License or leave to any of them to bear Arms , raise Tumults , or to offer any violence or hurt to his Majesties Royal Person , State or Government , or to any of his Majesties Subjects within his Majesties Dominions . Also I do swear from my Heart , that notwithstanding any Declaration or Sentence of Excommunication or Deprivation made or granted , or to be made or granted by the Pope , or his Successours ; or by any Authority derived , or pretended to be derived from him or his See , against the said King , his Heirs or Successours , or any Absolution of the said Subjects from their Obedience ; I will bear Faith and true Allegiance to his Majesty his Heirs and Successours , and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my power , against all Conspiracies and Attemps whatsoever , which shall be made against his and their Persons , their Crown and Dignity , by reason or colour of any such Sentence or Declaration , or otherwise ; and will do my best endeavour to disclose , and make known unto his Majesty , his Heirs and Successours , all Treasons and traiterous Conspiracies , which I shall know , or hear of to be against him or any of them . And I do further swear , that I do from my Heart abhor , detest and abjure , as Impious , and Heretical , this damnable Doctrine and Position , that Princes which be excommunicated or deprived by the Pope , may be deposed or murthered by their Subjects or any other whatsoever , And I do beleive , and in Conscience am resolved , that neither the Pope , nor any person whatsoever hath power to absolve me of this Oath , or any part thereof , which I acknowledge by good and full Authority to be lawfully administred unto me , and do renounce all Pardons and Dispensations to the contrary . And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear , according to these express words , by me spoken , and according to the plain and common sense and understanding of the same words without any Equivocation or mental Evasion , or secret Reservation whatsoever ; And I do make this Recognition , and Acknowledgement heartily , willingly and truely , upon the true Faith of a Christian . So help me God , &c. I. A. B. Do declare and believe that it is not lawful , upon any pretense whatsoever to take Arms against the King ; And that I do abhor that traiterous Position , of taking Arms by his Authority against his person , or against those that are Commissioned by him . So help me God. And farther , that you likewise Administer to the same persons that shall be so elected of the Common Council , to be by them subscribed , the ensuing Declaration . I. A. B. Do declare , that I hold there is no Obligation upon me or any other person from the Oath commonly called the solemn League and Covenant . And that the same was in it self an unlawful Oath , and imposed upon the Subjects of this Realm against the known Laws and Liberties of the Kingdome . For that otherwise , if the said persons , or any of them , that shall be elected as aforesaid of the Common Council shall not take the said Oaths , and subscribe the said Declaration , their Election and choice is by the late Act of Parliament , for the governing and regulating of Corporations , enacted and declared to be void . 6. And that also in the said Wardmote , you cause to be chosen certain other honest persons to be Constables , and Scavengers , and a Common Beadle , and a Raker to make clean the Streets and Lanes of all your said Ward , according to the custome yearly used in that behalf , which Constables have , and shall have ful power and authority to distrein for the Sallery and Quarterage of the said Beadle and Raker , as oftentimes as it shall be behind unpaid . 7. Also , that you keep a Roll of the Names , Sur-names , Dweling-places , Professions and Trades of all persons dwelling within your Ward , and within what Constables Precinct they dwell , wherein the place is to be specially noted by the Street , Lane , Alley , or Sign . 8. Also that you cause every Constable from time to time to certifie unto you , the Name , Sur-name , Dwelling-place , Profession , and Trade of every person who shall newly come to dwell within his Precinct , whereby you may make and keep your Roll perfect : and that you cause every Constable for his Precinct to that purpose to make and keep a perfect Roll in like manner . 9. Also , that you give special charge , that every Inholder , and other person within your Ward , who shall receive any person to lodge or sojourn in his House above two dayes , shall before the third day after his coming thither , give knowledge to the Constable of the Precinct where he shall be so received , of the Name , Sur-name , Dwelling-place , Profession , and Trade of life , or place of Service of such person , and for what cause he shall come to reside there : and that the said Constable give present notice thereof to you : and that the said Inholder lodge no suspected person , or Men or Women of evil name . 10. Also that you cause every Constable within his Precinct , once every Month at the farthest , and oftner if need require , to make diligent search and inquiry , what persons be newly come into his Precinct to dwell , sojourn , or lodge : and that you give special charge that no Inholder or other person , shall resist or deny any Constable , in making such search or inquiry , but shall do his best endeavour to aid and assist him therein . 11. And for that of late there is more resort to the City , of persons evil affected in Religion , and otherwise than in former times have been : You shall diligently inquire if any man be received to dwell or abide within your Ward by the space of one year , being above the age of twelve years , and not sworn to be faithfull and loyal to the Kings Majesty , in such sort as by the Law and Custom of the City he ought to be . 12. To all these purposes the Beadle of every Ward shall imploy his diligence , and give his best furtherance . 13. Also that you have special regard that from time to time , there be convenient provision for Hooks , Ladders , and Buckets , in meet places within the several Parishes of your Ward , for avoiding the peril of Fire . 14. Also that the Streets and Lanes of this City be from time to time kept clean before every Church , House , Shop , Ware-house , Door , dead Wall , and in all other common passages and Streets of the said Ward . 15. And where by divers Acts of Common-Councel , aforetime made and established for the Common-weal of this City , amongst other things it is ordained and enacted , as hereafter ensueth . Also it is Ordained and Enacted , That from henceforth no Huckster of Ale or Beer , be within any Ward of the City of London , but honest persons , and of good name and fame , and so taken and admitted by the Alderman of the Ward for the time being , & that the same Hucksters do find sufficient Surety afore the Maior and Alderm . for the time being , to be of good guiding and Rule : and that the same hucksters shall keep no bawdry , nor suffer no Lechery , Dice-playing , Carding , or any other unlawfull games , to be done , exercised , or used within their Houses : and to shut in their Doors at nine of the Clock in the night from Michaelmass to Easter , and from Easter to Michaelmass at ten of the Clock in the night , and after that hour sell none Ale or Beer . And if any Huckster of Beer or Ale after this Act published and Proclaimed , sell any Ale or Beer within any Ward of the City of London , and be not admitted by the Alderman of the same VVard so to do , or find not sufficient surety as it is above rehearsed , the same Huckster to have Imprisonment , and make fine and ransome for his contempt , after the discretion of the Mayor and Aldermen : and also that the said Hucksters suffer no manner of common eating and drinking within their Cellers or Vaults contrary to the ordinance thereof ordained and provided , as in the said Act more plainly appeareth at large : we charge you that you do put the same in due execution accordingly . 16. And also that ye see all Tiplers and other Cellars of Ale or Beer , as well of privy Osteries , as Brewers and Inholders within your Ward , not selling by lawful measures sealed and marked with the City Arms or Dagger be presented , and their Names in your said Indentures be expressed , with defaults , so that the Chamberlain may be lawfully answered of their Amerciaments . 17. And also that you suffer no Alien or Son of any born an Alien to be of the Common Councel , nor to exercise or use any other office within this City , nor receive or accept any person into your Watch , privy or open , but Englishmen born : and if any Stranger born out of this Realm , made Denizen by the Kings Letters Patents , or any other after his course and lot be appointed to any Watch , that then ye command and compel him or them to find in his stead and place one Englishman to supply the same . 18. And also , that you cause an abstract of the Assize appointed by Act of Parliament , for Billets and other Fire-wood to be fair written in Parchment , and to be fixed or hanged up in a Table in some fit and convenient place in every Parish within your Ward , where the common people may best see the same . 19. And furthermore we charge & command you , that you cause such provision to be had in your said Ward , that all the Streets and Lanes without the same Ward , be from time to time cleansed and cleerly voided of Ordure , Dung , Mire , Rubbish and other filthy things whatsoever they be , to the annoyance of the Kings Majesties subjects . 20. And also that at all times as you shall think necessary , you do cause search to be made within your said Ward , for all vagarant Beggars , suspitious and idle people , and such as cannot shew how to live , and such as shall be sound within your said Ward , that you cause to be punished and dealt with according to the Laws and the Statute in such case ordained and provided . 21. And also we will and charge you the said Alderman , that your self certifie and present before us , at the same general Court to be holden the aforesaid Monday next after the Feast of Epiphany , all the Names and Surnames truely written of such persons within your said Ward , as be able to pass in a grand Jury by themselves : and also all the Names and Sur-names truly writen of such persons , being and dwelling within your said Ward , as be able to pass in a petty Jury , and not able to pass in a grand Jury by themselves , that is to say every grand Jury man to be worth in Goods an hundred Marks , and every petty Jury man forty Marks , according to an Act in that case made and provided : and the same you shall indorce on the backside of your Indenture . 22. Item , for divers reasonable and urgent considerations , us especially moving , we straightly charge and command you on the King our Soveraign Lords behalf , that you diligently provide and foresee , that no manner of person or persons within your said Ward , of what condition or degree soever he or they be of , keeping any Tave●n or Alehouse , Ale Cellat , or any other Victualing house or place of common resort to eat and drink in , within the same Ward permit , or suffer at any time hereafter any common women of their Bodies , or Harlots to resort and come into their said House , or other the places aforesaid , to eat or drink , or otherwise to be conversant or abide , or thither to haunt or frequent , upon pain of imprisonment , as well of the Occupier and Keeper of every such house or houses , and all other the places afore remembred , as of the said common women , or Harlots . 23. Also , that you do give in charge to the Ward-more Inquest of your Ward , all the Articles delivered to you herewith . And that you have a special care of keeping the Peace and good order during your Ward-mote , and if any offend herein , you Fine or punish him and them according to Law. Not failing hereof , as you tender the Common Weal of this City , and advancement of good Justice , and as you will answer for the contrary at your uttermost peril . An Act for the Reformation of divers Abuses , used in the Ward-mote Inquests . VVHereas the Ward-more Inquests , within the several Wards of this City , for the maintenance of honesty , vertue , and good living and for the abolishment , exciling , and suppressing of all kind of Vice , evil rule and iniquity , according to the ancient , lawdable Lawes and Customes of the said City , are yearly severaly charged and sworn , upon the day of St. Thomas the Apostle , before the Aldermen of the said Wards chiefly and principally to the end and incent , that they with all diligence should truly and duely inquire and present all such Enormities , Nusances , Misorder and Offences , as are , or at any time within the space of one whole year , then next ensuing , shall be severally used , committed , or done within the said Wards , and have day yearly to make their said presentments , until the monday next after the Feast of the Epiphany . The said Inquests heretofore , little or nothing at all regarding ( as it is very manifest & not unknown , the more is the pitty ) their said Oaths , or yet the great Commodities , Utility , Quietness , Honour , and Worship , that might or should grow and insue to the said City and Inhabitants of the same , through their good , industrious , and indifferent proceedings , for the advancement of Vertue , and repressing of Vices , have drawn it in a manner into a very ordinary course and common custome , to consume and spend a great part of their said time , that they have yearly given unto them , when they receive their said charge partly in setting up among themselves , a certain Commons ; and making and keeping many costly and sumptuous Dinners Suppers , and Banquets , inviting and calling to the same at sundry times , in a manner all the Inhabitants of the said several Wards , to the no little charges of the same Inhabitants , and partly in passing and occupying much part of the same time in playing at Dice , Tables , Cards , and such other unlawful Games both to the great costs , charges , and expences , of the said Inquests ( whereof the greater part most commonly are but poor men ) and also to the very lewd , pernitious , and evil example of all such as have any access or recourse unto the same Inquests . And where also the said Inquests have of late usurped to dispense with such persons as they by their search , and otherwise , have founden to offend and transgress the Laws , in using and occupying of unlawful Weights and Measures taking of the said offendors certain Fines ( as it is said ) the said Inquests have commonly used to imploy toward the maintenance of their said Feasting and Banqueting , directly against the due Order of our Soveraign Lord the Kings Laws , and the publick wealth of all his Highness Subjects within the said City and much to the reproach and dishonour of the same City . For Remedy and Reformation thereof , be inordained , enacted , and established by the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons , in this present Common Councel assembled , and by Authority of the same , that all and every the Wardmore Inquests of the said City , from henceforth to be yearly charged and sworn within the several Wards at the time afore rehearsed , shall at all times and places meet and convenient for the due Execution of their said charge , meet and assemble themselves together , and that they and every of them after their said meetings , inquisition , and treating of their said necessary matters , shall go home to their own several houses to Breakfast , Dinner , and Supper , duting all the said accustomed time of their charge and Session abovesaid . And that none of the said Inquests shall from henceforward set up any manner of Commons , or keep or maintain any manner of Dinners , Suppers , or Banquets among themselves , or use at their said assemblies and Sessions , any of the Games above mentioned , or any other whatsoever unlawful Games or Playes at any time , before the giving up of the said presentments , at the time above remembred . Or shall take or receive any manner of Fine or Fines , for the concealment and discharging of any of the offences afore recited : but truly present the same offences , and every of them , according to their Oaths , upon pain of imprisonment by the discretion of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the said City for the time being . Provided always and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that it shall be lawful for all and every of the said Inquests , to take and receive towards the charges of their Fire and Candles , and other necessaries during the time of their said Session , all and every such sums of money , as any honest person or persons of their free will and benevolent mind , will give and offer unto them : and when they have made their said presentments , to go and assemble themselves together , for their Recreation and solace , where they shall think it good : and there not only to bestow and spend the twenty shillings , which every Alderman within his Ward according to a certain Order lately taken , shall yearly give unto them at the time of the delivery of their said Presentments , towards their said charges in this behalf , but also the residue of the said money received and gathered , as it is aforesaid , of the Benevolence of their said loving Friends , if any such residue shall fortune to remain . Any clause or Article in this present Act contained to the contrary notwithstanding . Not failing hereof , as ye tender the Common Weal of this City , and advancement of good Justice , and as ye will answer for the contrary at your uttermost peril . The Articles of the charge of the Ward-mote Inquest . 1. YE shall swear , that ye shall truly inquire if the Peace of the King our Soveraign Lord be not kept as it ought to be , and in whose default , and by whom it is broken or disturbed . 2. Also , if there dwell any man within the Ward , that is outlawed or indited of Treason , or Fellony , or be any receiver of Traitors or Fellons . 3. Also , ye shall inquire and truly present all the offences and defaults done by any person or persons within the River of Thames , according to the intent and purport of an Act made by our late Soveraign Lord King Edward the sixth , in his high Court of Parliament , and also of divers other things ordained by Act of Common Councel of this City , for the redress and amendment of the said River which as now is in great decay and ruine , and will be in short time past all remedy if high and substantial provision and great help be not had with all speed and diligence possible : as more plainly appeareth in the said Act of Parliament , and the said Act of Common Councel of this City . 4. Also , if any manner of person make Congregation , or be Receiver or Garherer of evil companies . 5. Also if any man be a common Riotor , or a Barrator walking by Nightertale without light , against the rule and custome of this City . 6. Also , if there be any man within this Ward that will not help , aid , ne succour the Constables , Beadle , and other Ministers of this City in keeping of the Peace , and Arrest the evil dooers with rearing of Hue and Cry. 7. Also , if there be any Huckster of Ale and Beer , that commonly useth to receive any Apprentices , Servants , Artificers or Labourers , that commonly use to play at the Dice , Cards , or Tables , contrary to the form of the Statute in that Case ordained and provided . 8. Also , if there be any Inholder , Taverner , Brewer , Huckster , or other Victualer , that hold open their Houses after the hour limited by the Mayor . 9. Also , if any Parish Clark do ring the Bell called the Curfue Bell , after Curfue rungen at the Churches of Bow , Barking Church , Saint Brides , and Saint Gile's without Cripplegate . 10. Also , ye shall inquire if any Putour , that is to say , Man-baud , or Woman-baud , common Hazerdours , Contectour , maintainer of Quarrels , Champartours , or Embracers of Inquests , or other common misdoers be dwelling within this Ward , and present their Names . 11. Also , if any Baud , common Strumpet common Adulterer , Witch , or common Scold be dwelling within this Ward . 12. Also , if there be any House , wherein is kept and holden any Hot-house , or Sweating-house , for ease and health of men to the which be resorting or conversant any Strumpers , or women of evil Name , or Fame , or if there be any Hothouse or Sweating ordained for women , to the which is any common recourse of young men , or other persons of evil fame and suspect conditions . 13. Also , if there be any such persons that keep or hold any such Hot-houses , either for men or women , and have found no surety to the Chamberlain for their good and honest behaviour according to the Laws of this City , and lodge any manner of person by night contrary to the ordinance thereof made by the which he or they shall forfeit o● twenty pounds to the Chamber if they do the contrary . 14. Also , if any manner of person cast or lay Dung , Ordure , Rubbish , Seacole-dust , Rushes , or any other thing noiant , in the River of Thames , Walbrook , Flett , or other Ditches of this City , or in the open Streets , Ways or Lanes , within this City . 15. Also , if any person in or after a great Rain falleth , or at any other time sweep any Dung , Ordure , Rubbish , Rushes , Seacole-dust , or any other thing noyant , down into the Channel of any Street or Lane , whereby the common course there is let , and the same things noyant driven down into the said water of Thames . 16. Also , if any manner of person nourish or keep Hogges , Oxen , Kine , Ducks or any Beasts within this Ward , to the greivance and Disease of their Neighbours . 17. Also , where afore this time it is ordained and enacted as hereafter followeth . Item , for to eschew the evils of misgoverned persons that dayly when they be indebted in one Ward , fly into another : It is ordained by the Mayor and Aldermen that as soon as a man or woman suspect , first do come to dwell within any house , in any Ward within the City , the Constables , Beadles , or oother Officers of the same , shall be charged by their Oaths , at the general Court , to inquire and espie from whence they come . And if they find by their own confession , or by the Record of any of the Books of any Alderman of the City , that they be Indited or cast of evil & noyous life , and will not find surely for their good abeating and honest governance to the Alderman for the time being , that then they shall not dwell there from thenceforth , but shall be warned to aviod within three or four dayes , or more , or less after , as it shall be seen to the Alderman of the Wa● for the time being , and that the Land lo● that letteth the house or his Attorney shall be also warned to make them ●● avoid out of his house aforesaid , with the said time limited by the Alderman and if they be sou● there after the tim● that then not only the said dishone●● persons shall have imprisonment of the bodies after the discretion of the Mayo● and Aldermen , but also the said Land lords , Letters of the said houses , shal● forfeit to the Guild Hall , as much as they should have had for letting of the said house , or should be paid by the year , if the said persons or others had dwelled in the said house : you shall duly enquire of offences against this Act , and present them . 18. Also , if any Freeman against his Oath made , conceal , cover , or colour the Goods of Forraigners , by the which the King may in any wise lose , or the Franchises of this City be imblemished . 19. Also , if any Forreigner buy and sell with any other Forreigner within this City or the Subburbs thereof , any Goods or Merchandizes , be forthwith forfeit , to the use of the commonalty of this City . 20. Also , if every Freeman , which receiveth or taketh the benefit , and enjoyeth the Franchises of this City , be continually dwelling out of the City , and hath not , ●e will not ( after his Oath made ) be at Scot and Lot , nor partner in the charges of this City , for the worship of the same City , when he is duly required . 21. Also , if any man conceal the Goods of Orphans of this City , of whom the Ward and marriage of right belongeth to the Mayor and Aldermen of this City . 22. And if any Officer by colour of his Office , do extortion unto any man , or be maintainer of Quarrels against right , or take carriage , or arrest Victual unduly . 23. Also , if any Boteman or Feriour be dwelling in the Ward , that taketh more for Botemanage or Feriage , then is ordained . 24. Also , if any man make Purprest●res , that is to say , incroach , or take of the common ground of this City , by Land or by Water , as in Walls , Pales , Stoops , Grieces or Dores of Cellars , o● in any other like within the Ward , o● if any Porch , Penthouse or Jetty be to● low , in letting of men that ride beside or Carts that go thede forth . 25. Also , that Penthouses and Je●ties be at the least the height of nine foot and that the Stalles be not but of two foot and a half in breadth , and to be flexible or moveable , that is to say , to hang by Icmewes or Garnets , so that they may be taken up and let down . 26. Also , if any common way or common course of water be foreclosed or letted , that it may not have his course as it was wont , to the noyance of the Ward , and by whom it is done . 27. Also , if any Pavement be defective , or too high in one place , and too low in another , to the disturbance of Riders and Goers thereby , and Carte that go thereupon . 28. Also , if any Regrator or Forestaller of Victual , or of any other Merchandizes which should come to this City to be sold , be dwelling in this Ward : a Regrator is as much to say , as he that buy-up all the Victual , or Merchandizes , or the most part thereof when it is come to the City or the Suburbs of the same at a low price , and then afterwards selleth it at his own pleasure , at a high and excessive price : a Forestaller is he that goeth out of the City , and meeteth with the Victual and Merchandize by the way , coming unto the City to be sold , and there buyeth it , both these be called in the Law Inimici publici patriae , which is to say , open Enemies to a country . 29. Also , if any Butcher , Fishmonger , Poulter , Vintner , Hostler , Cook or sellar of Victual , do sell Victual at unreasonable prizes . 30. Also , if any Hostler sell Hay Oats or Provender at excessive prizes , taking greater gain thereby then is reasonable and lawful . 31. Also , if any Victualler sell any Victuals not covenable , or unwholesome for mans body , or else dearer then is proclaimed by the Mayor , when any such Proclamation is or shall be . 32. Ye shall diligently make search and inquity , whether there be any Vintner , Inholder , Alehouse-keeper , or any other person or persons whatsoever within your Ward , that do use or keep in his or their house , or houses , any Cans , Stone pots , or other Measures which be unsealed , and by Law not allowed to sell Beer or Ale thereby , and whether they do sell any of their best Beer or Ale , above a penny the quart , or any small Ale or Beer above a half-penny the quart , and whether any of them do sell by any Measure not sealed . If there be any such you shall seize them , and send them to the Guild Hall to the Chamberlains Office , and present their names and faults by Indenture , so oft as there shall be any occasion so to do . 33. Ye shall also make search in the Shops and Houses of all the Chandlers , and of all others , which sell by weight or measure , dwelling within your Ward , and see that their Scales be not one heavier then another , and that their Weights and Measures aswel Bushels as lesser Measures , aswel those that they sell Sea-coales by , ( which ought to be heaped ) that they be in breadth according to the new Standard , sealed as all others , and that all Yards and Ells that they be their just lengths and sealed that the poor and other his Majesties Subiects be not deceived , And further , if any do buy by one Weight or Measure , and sell by others : and if in your search you find any false Weights , Measures , or Scales , ye shall seize them and send them unto the Guild-Hall to the Chamberlain : and you shall also do the like if you shall find any that do sell any thing by Venice Weights , contrary to the Law and his Majesties Proclamations , present their Names and faults . 34. Also , if any Inholder bake any Bread to sell within his house : and if any Baker of sower Bread , bake white Bread to sell , or mark not his Bread , or else take more for the baking then six pence for a bushel . 35. Also ye shall inquire , if any house be covered otherwise then with Tile , Stone , Lead , for peril of Fire . 36. Also , if any Leaper , Faitour , or mighty Begger be dwelling with in this Ward . 37. Also , if any Baker or Brewer , bake or brew with Straw , or any other thing which is perillous for Fire . 38. Also , if any mango with painted visage . 39. Also , if there be any man that hangeth nor out a Lantern with a Candle therein burning after the usage , according to the Commandement thereupon given . 40. Also , if any person bring or cause to be brought to this City or the Liberties thereof , to be sold or sell , offer or put to saile any Tallwood , Billets , Faggots , or other Firewood , not being of the full Assize which the same ought to hold . 41. Also , if any Freeman of this City , use to resort into the Countries near to this City , and there to ingross and buy up much Billet , Talwood , Faggot , Tosard , or other Firewood , and convey the same by Water unto this City , and there lay it upon their Wharfs and other places , and so keep it till they may sell it at high and excessive prizes , at their own wills . 42. Also , if any Woodmonger , or any other ; sell any Billets or other fire-wood above the price set by the Lord Mayor . 43. Also , if any Citizen of this City by himself , or any other person for him , or to his use , use to resort into the Country , and there buy and ingross greav quantity of Cheese and Butter at wellbarrelled as otherwise , and after conveigh it by Water or otherwise to this City to be sold at deer and excessive prizes . 44. Also , forasmuch as it is thought that divers and many persons dwelling within the Liberties of this City , dayly occupy as Freemen , whereas indeed they be none , nor never were admitted into the Liberties of this City , ye shall therefore require every such person dwelling within this Ward , whom ye shall suspect of the same , to shew you the Copy of his Freedome under the Seal of Office of the Chamberlain of the said City , and such as ye shall find without their Copies , or deny to shew their Copies , ye shall write and present their Names in your Indentures . 45. Also , you shall inquire and truly present all such persons as use melting of Tallow , contrary to an Act of Common Councel in that case made and provided . 46. Also , you shall inquire of all Armorers and other Artificers using to work in mettal , which have or use any Reardorses , or any other places dangerous or perillous for Fire . 47. Also , if any have appraised any Goods of any Freeman deceased , leaving behind him any Orphan or Orphans , and the Appraisers not sworn before the Lord Mayor or the Alderman of the Ward . 48. Also , if any Freeman buy any Wares or Merchandizes unweighed , which ought to be weighed at the Kings Beam , of any Stranger or Forreign free of the Liberties of this City , contrary to the Act of Common Councel in that case made and provided . 49. Also , if any buy and sell any Cloth or Clothes in the House , Shop , Ware-house , or other place of any Clothworker or other person against any ordinance or custome of this City , or if any Clothworker or other do receive or harbour any Clothes before the same be brought to Blackwell-Hall , contrary to the ordinance made in that behalf . 50. Also , if any Carman take any money for carriage of any Goods , Wares , or Merchandizes , above the rates ordained . 51. Also , if any make or cause to be made any new Building or Buildings or divided or cause to be divided any house or houses , or receive any Inmate or Inmates , contrary to Law , or any Statute of this Realm . 52. Also , if any be dwelling within this Ward , which do offer or put to sale any Wares or Merchandizes in the open Streets or Lanes of this City , or go from house to house to sell the same , commonly called Hawkers contrary to an Act made in that behalf . 53. Also , if any have covenously , fraudulently , or unduely obtained the freedome of this City . 54. Also , if any Collector of Fifteens or other duties for the publike service of the King or of this City , do retain in his hands any part of the money collected to his own use . 55. Ye shall also enquire if there be dwelling within your Ward any Woman broker , such as resort unto mens houses , demanding of their Maid servants if they do like of their services : if not , then they will tell them that they will help them to a better service , and so allure them to come from their Masters to their houses , where they abide as boorders until they be provided for . In which time it falleth out that by lewd young men that resort to those houses they be oftentimes made Harlots to their utter undoing and the great hurt of the Common wealth : wherefore if any such be , you shall present them , that order may be taken for reformation . 56. Also , if any have or use any common Privy , having lssne into any common Sewer of the City . 57. Also , if any Constable , Beadle , or other Officer , be negligent or remiss in discharging his duty , touching the Execution of the Statute made for punishment of Rogues , Vagabons , and study Beggars , or otherwise , and wherein the default is , and the Statute of 1. 4. and 21. Iae. concerning the restraint of inordinate haunting and tipling in Innes and Alehouses , and repressing of drunkeness and other offences in the same Statute , and wherein the default is . 58. Also , if any to whom the Execution of the Statute made for relief of the Poor doth appertain . he remiss in discharging his duty touching the Execution of the same Statute , and wherein default is . 59. Also , if any Executor or other person retain in his hands any Legacy , sum of money , or other thing given to any charitable use . 60. Ye shall inquire whether there be within your Ward any common Drunkard , Whoremonger , Blasphemer of Gods holy Name , Prophaner of the Sabbath , Jesuite , Seminary or Secular Priest or any Receiver , Releiver or Maintainer of any of them , or any Popish Recusant , Cozener , or swaggering idle companion , such as cannot give account how they live ; if there be any such you shall present them and the Names of those that lodge them , or aid them . 61. Ye shall also enquire , whether any person or persons do or shall say or sing Mass within your Ward , or be present at any Mass . 62. Also , if any person or persons within your Ward being evil affected , do or shall extol the Roman Catholick Religion above the Religion professed and established by the Kings Majesties Authority in England , or do or shall deprave the Religion now professed in this Realm by Authority , as above , which may breed discord in the City , and dissention in the Common wealth , ye shall carefully present the same persons and their offences . 63. Also , if any person or persons that keepeth Horses in their houses , do lay his or their Stable Dung , or such kind of stinking filth in any Streets or Lanes of this City , to the great annoyance of the people passing that way and do not lead his Dung Cart at his Stable door as he ought to do . 64. You shall assemble your selves once every moneth or oftner if need require , so long as you shall continue of this Inquest , and present the defaults which you shall find to be committed concerning any of the Articles of your charge , to the end due remedy may be speedily supplied , and the offenders punished as occasion shall require . 65. And in making your Presentments , your Clerk is carefully to write the Christian Name , Sur-name and addition , or calling of every offender , and the name of the Parish wherein the Offence was committed and some certain , time , how long the offence hath been continued and in presenting any persons , for dividing Houses or Inmates , to write the Names and addition to the present Landlord receiving the Rent , and the Names of the Tenants in possession , and of the Inmate in any house , and also to write in the Margent on the side of every Presentment the Name or Names , upon whose evidence you make such Presentment . An Act of Parliament for the Preservation of the River of Thames , Made in the 27. year of King Henry the 8. VVHere before this time the River of Thames , among all Rivers within this Realm , hath been accepted and taken , and as it is indeed most commodious and profitable unto all the Kings Liege people : and chiefly of all other frequented and used , and as well by the Kings Highness , his Estates , and Nobles , Merchants , and other repairing to the City of London , and other places , Shires and Counties adjoyning to the same : which River of Thames is and hath been most meet and convenient of all other , for the safegard and ordering of the Kings Navy , conveighance o● Merchandizes , and other necessaries to , and for the Kings most honourable Houshold , and otherwise , to the great relief and comfort of all persons within this Realm , till now of late divers evil-disposed persons , partly by miso●dering of the said River , by casting in of Dung and other filth , laid nigh to the Banks of the said River , digging and undermining of the Banks and Walls next adjoyning to the same River , carrying and converghing away of Way-shides , Shore-piles , Boards , Timber-work , Ballast for Ships , and other things from the said Banks and Walls in sundry places : by reason whereof , great Shelfes and Risings have of late been made and grown in the farway of the said River , and such Grounds as lye within the Level of the said Water-mark , by occasion thereof have been surrounded and overflown by rage of the said Water , and many great breaches have ensued and followed thereupon , and dayly are like to do , and the said River of Thames to be utterly destroyed for ever , if convenient and speedy remedy be not sooner provided in that behalf . For Reformation whereof , be it enacted , established , and ordained by the King , our Soveraign Lord , and by the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and the Commons in this present Parliament assembled , and by the Authority of the same ; That if any person or persons hereafter , do or procure any thing to be done in the annoying of the Stream of the said River of Thames , making of Shelves by any manner of means , by Mining , Digging , casting of Dung , or Rubbish or other thing in the same River , or take , pluck , or conveigh away any Boards , Stakes , Piles , Timberwork , or other thing from the said Banks or Walls , except it be to amend , and the same to repair again , or dig or undermine any Banks or Walls on the Water side of Thames aforesaid , to the hurt , impairing or damage of any the said walls & Banks , then the same person or persons , and every of them , shall forfeit and pay for every time so offending , one hundred shillings : the one Moyety thereof to be to the King our Soveraign Lord , and the other Moyety thereof to the Mayor and Commonalty of London for the time being , the same to be recovered & obtained by the Mayor & Commonalty of London , by Bill or Plaint , Writ of debt or information severally against every offender in any of the Kings Courts , in which Actions and Suits , or any of them , the party Defendant , shall not be essoyned or wage his Law , or any protection to be allowed in the same . And it is further enacted by the Authority aforesaid , that if complaint shall happen to be made to the Lord Chancellour of England , Lord Treasurer , Lord President of the Kings Councel , Lord Privy Seal , or to any of them by any person or persons or body politick , that Sir Thomas Spert Knight , now having the Office and ordering , of , & for ballasting of Ships or any other that hereafter shall have the Office and Order of ballasting of Ships do take any ballast for Ships near the said River of Thames , and do not take for parcel of the said ballasting the Gravel and Sand of the Shelfes between Greenhith and Richmond within the said River of Thames , or in any place or places , that is or shall be unto the damage or annoyance of the said River of Thames , or in any part thereof , that then upon every such complaint the said Lord Chancellour , Lord Treasurer , Lord President of the Kings most honourable Councel , Lord Privy Seal , and every of them , calling both the Cheif Justices of either Bench , or one of them , shall have power and authority from time to time , to hear and finally determine every such complaint , by their discretion , and to put such order therein , for the taking of ballast for Ships upon every such complaint as by their discretions shall seem most convenient for the preservation of the said River of Thames : and the parties offending such order , shall suffer imprisonment , and make no less Fine then five pound to the Kings use for every time offending or breaking the same . Provided alwayes , and be it enacted , that it shall be lawful to every person and persons , to digge carry , and take away , Sand , Gravel , or other Rubbish Earth , or thing lying or being in , or upon any Shelfe or Shelfes within the said River of Thames , with out let or interruption of any person or persons , or paying any thing for the same , any thing contained in this present Act , to the contrary notwithstanding . An Act of Common Councel concerning the conservation and cleansing of the River of Thames , made the 28. of September , in the 30. year of King Henry the 8. VVHere by the Statute made in the 27. year of the Raign of our Soveraign Lord King Henry the eight among other for Reformation of the misordering of the River of Thames by casting in Dung and other filth , many great Shelves and other risings have been of late grown and made within the same River : By reason whereof , many great breaches have ensued by occasion thereof , which of like shall be the occasion of the utter destruction of the said River , unless that the same Law be put in due Execution according to the true intent and meaning thereof . Wherefore for a further Reformation of the same and to the intent that the said good and wholesome Statute may be put in more Execution , and better knowledge of the people : It is enacted by the Authority of this Common Councel , that Proclamation may be made within this said City : and the same to be put in writing and Tables thereof made and and set up in divers places of this City , that it shall be lawfully to every person or persons , to dig , carry away , and take away Sand , Gravel , or any Rubbish , Earth , or any thing lying or being in any Shelve or Shelves within the said River of Thames , without let or interruption of any person or persons , and without any thing paying for the same , and after that to sell the same away , or otherwise occupy or dispose the said Gravel , Sand , or other thing , at their freeliberty and pleasure . And that all Paviers , Bricklayers , Tilers , Masons , and all other that shall occupy Sand , or Gravel , shall endeavour themselves , with all their diligence , to occupy the said Sand or Gravel , and none other , paying for the same reasonably , as they should and ought to pay for other Sand or Gravel , digged out of other mens Grounds , about the said City , which after is filled again with much filthy things , to the great infection of the Inhabitants of the said City , and all other repairing unto the same . And that further , humble Suit may be made to the Kings Highness , that all persons having Lands or Tenements along the said River side , upon certain pain by his Highness , and the Lords of his most Honourable Councel to be limited , shall well and sufficiently repair and maintain all the Walls and Banks adjoyning unto their said Lands , that so the Water may not , nor shall break in upon the same : and the same to be continued till the time that the said noble River be brought again to his old course and former Estate . And that strong Grates of Iron along the said Water-side , and also by the Street-side , where any Watercourse is had into the said Thames be made by the Inhabitants of every Ward , so along the said Water as of old time hath been accustomed . And that every Grate be in height four and twenty inches at the least : or more , as the place shall need , and in breadth one from another , one inch : and the same to be done with all expedition and speed . And if the occupiers of the said Lands and Tenements make default contrary to the Ordinance asoresaid : or else if any person or persons in great Rains and other times , sweep their soylage or filth of their houses into the Channel , and the same after is conveighed into the Thames ; every person so offending , shall forfeit for every such default twenty pence , and that upon complaint to be made to any Constable , next adjoyning to the said place where any such default shall be found , it shall be lawful for the said Constable , or his sufficient Deputy for the time being , from time to time distrain for the same offence . And to retain the same irreplegiable , and like Law to be observed and kept . And like penalty to be paid for every person that burn Rushes and Straw in their houses , or wash in the common Streets or Lanes , and to be recovered as aforesaid , and the one moyety thereof to be to the Mayor and Commonalty , and the other moyety to be divided between the said Constable that taketh pain and the party finder of the said default . And if the Constable or his Deputy refuse to do his duty according to the true meaning of this Act , that then the Constable or his Deputy , which shall so refuse to his duty as aforesaid , shall forfeit and pay for every time so offending , three shillings four pence . And the same penalty of the said Constable to be recovered and obtained by distress irreplegiable , to be taken by any of the Officers of the Chamber of London to the use of the Mayor and Commonalty of London . And further , that no person or persons having any Wharfe or House by the said Water-side , make not their Laystalles nigh to the River aforesaid , except only the common Laystalles , where the Common Rakets of this City use to repose , and lay all their Soylage , to be carried away by them with their Dung-boats . And that the said Rakets shall lay their said Dung , carried in their Dung-boats , to such convenient place or places , as shall be appointed by the Lord Mayor of London for the time being , with the advice of his Brethren the Aldermen of the same , and to no other place or places , upon pain to forfeit for every such default five pound , to be recovered in any of the Kings Courts within the City of London , by Bill , Plaint , Moyety of Debt , or information by any person that will or shall pursue for the same : the one Moyety thereof to be unto the Mayor and Commonalty of London , and the other Moyety to him or them that will or shall pursue for the same , in which Actions or Suits , no wager of Law nor Essoygn shall be allowed . The Oath of the Constables within the City of London . YE shall swear , , that ye shall keep the Peace of our Soveraign Lord the King , well and lawfully after your power . And ye shall Arrest all them that make Contect , Riot , Debate , or Afray , in breaking of the said Peace , and lead them to the House or the Compter of one of the Sheriffs . And if ye be withstood by strength of misdooers , ye shall rear on them an Out-cry , and pursue them from Street to Street , and from Ward to Ward till they be . Arrested : and ye shall search at all times , when ye be required by the Scavengers or Beadles , the common noysance of your Ward . And the Beadle and Raker you shall help to reare and gather their Sallery and Quarterage if ye be thereunto by them required . And if any thing be done within your Ward against the Ordinance of this City , such defaults as ye shall find there done , ye shall them present to the Mayor and Ministers of the City : and if ye be letted by any person or persons , that ye may not duly do your Office , ye shall certifie the Mayor and Councel of the City , of the Name or Names of him or them that so let you . Ye shall also swear , that during the time that ye shall stand in the Office , and occupy the Room of a Constable , ye shall once at the least every moneth , certifie and shew to one of the Clarks of the Mayors Court , and in the same Court , as well the Names as Sur-names of all Free men ; which ye shall know to be deceased within the moneth in the Parish wherein ye be inhabited , as also the Names and Sur-names of all the Children of the said Free-men so deceased , being Orphans of this City . And thus you shall not leave to do , as God you help . &c. God save the King. The Oath of the Scavengers . YE shall swear , that ye shall diligently over-see that the Pavements within your Ward be well and sufficiently repaired and not made too high in noysance of your Neighbours : and that the Wayes , Streets , & Lanes be cleansed of Dung & all manner of filth for the honesty of this City . And that all the Chimnies , Furnaces , and Reredoes be of Stone sufficiently and defensively made against peril of Fire . And if ye find any the contrary , ye shall shew it to the Alderman of the Ward , so that the Alderman may ordain for the amendment thereof . And thus ye shall do , as God you help . God save the King. The Oath of every Freeman of this City of London . YE shall swear that ye shall be good and true to our Soveraign Lord King Charls , and to the Heirs of our said Soveraign Lord the King. Obeysant and obedient ye shall be to the Mayor and Ministers of this City , the Franchises and Customes thereof ye shall maintain , and this City keep harmless in that which in you is . Ye shall be contributory to all manner of charges within this City , as Summons , Watches , Contibutrions , Taxes , Tallages , Lot and Scot , and to all other charges bearing your part as a Freeman ought to do . Ye shall colour no Forraign Goods , under , or in your name , whereby the King or this City might or may lose their Customes or Advantages . Ye shall know no Forraigner to buy and sell any Merchandize with any other Forraigner within this City or Franchise thereof , but ye shall warn the Chamberlain thereof , or some Minister of the Chamber , Ye shall implead or sue no Freeman out of this City , whiles ye may have Right and Law within the same City . Ye shall take none Apprentice , but if he be free born ( that is to say ) no Bond-mans Son , nor the Son of any Alien , and for no less term then for seven years , without Fraud or Deceit : and within the first year ye shall cause him to be enrolled , or else pay such a Fine as shall be reasonably imposed upon you for omitting the same : and after his terms end , within convenient times ( being required ) ye shall make him Free of this City , if he have well and truly served you . Ye shall keep the Kings Peace in your own person . Ye shall know no Gatherings , Conventicles , or Conspiracies made against the Kings Peace , but ye shall warn the Mayor thereof , or let it to your power . All these points and Articles ye shall well and truely keep , according to the Laws and Customes of this City to your power . So God you help . God save the King. An Act of Common Councel 1. of June , 18. K. H. 8. Concerning making Freemen of the City , against colouring forreign Goods . AT this Common Councel , it is agreed , granted , ordained and enacted , That if hereafter any Freeman or Free-woman of this City , take any Apprentice , and within the term of seven years suffer the same Apprentice to go at his large liberty and pleasure : and within , or after the said term , agree with his said Apprentice for a certain sum of money , or otherwise for his said service , and within or after the end of the said term , the said Freeman present the said Apprentice to the Chamberlain of the City , and by good deliberation , and upon his Oath made to the same City , the same Freeman or Freewoman assureth and affirmeth to the said Chamberlain , that the said Apprentice hath fully served his said term as Apprentice . Or if any Freeman or Freewoman of this City , take any Apprentice , which at the time of the said taking hath any Wife . Or if any Freeman or Freewoman of this City , give any Wages to his or her Apprentice , or suffer the said Apprentices to take any part of their own getting or gains . Or if any Freeman or Freewoman of this City hereafter , colour any Forreign Goods , or from henceforth buy or sell for any person or persons , or with or to any person or persons , being Forreign , or Forreigners , Cloths , Silks , Wine , Oyles , or any other Goods or Merchandize whatsoever they be ; whether he take any thing or things for his or their Wages or Labor , or not . Or if any person or persons being Free of this City , by any colour or deceitful means from henceforth , do buy , sell , or receive of any Apprentice within this City , any mony , goods , merchandize , or wares , without the assent or license of his Master or Masters : and upon examination duly proved before the Chamberlain of the said City for the time being . And the same reported by the mouth of the said Chamberlain at a Court to be holden by the Mayor and the Aldermen of the same City in their Councel Chamber : That aswel the said Master as the said Apprentice , shall for evermore be dis●anchised . God save the King. The Statutes of the Streets of this City , against Annoyances . 1. First , no man shall sweep the filth of the Street into the Channel of the City , in the time of any Rain , or at any other time , under pain of six shillings eight pence . 2. No man shall cast , or lay in the Streets , Dogs , Cats , or other Carren , or any noysome thing contagious of Air. Nor no Inholder shall lay out Dung out of his house , but if the Cart be ready to carry the same away incontinently , under pain of forty shillings . 3. No Brewer shall cast willfully dregs or dross of Ale or Beer into the Channel , under pain of two shillings . 4. No man shall encumber the Streets with Timber , Stones , Carts , or such like , under pain of Forfeiture of the same thing that so encumbreth the Streets , which is twenty shillings fine , if he remove it not at the warning of the Serjeant of the Market . 5. Every Builder of houses ought to come to the Mayor , Aldermen and Chamberlain , for a special License for hourd of by him to be made in the high Street , and no Builder to encumber the Streets with any manner of thing , taking down for the preparing of his New Building under pain of forty shillings , except he make a hourd of sorty shillings . 6. No man shall set any Carts in the Streets by night time , under the pain of twelve pence , and recompence to such persons as shall be hurt thereby , if any such be , twelve pence . 7. No Budge-man shall lead but two Horses , and he shall not let them go unled , under pain of two shillings . 8. No man shall ride , or drive his Car , or Cart atrot in the Street , but patiently , under pain of two shillings . 9. No man shall Gallop his Horse in the Street , for Wager or otherwise , under like pain of two shillings . 10. No man shall Shoot in the Street , for Wager or otherwise , under like pain of two shillings . 11. No man shall bowl , or cast any Stone in the Street , for Wager , or gain , or such like , under pain of two shillings . 12. No man shall dig any hole in the Street , for any matter , except he stop it up again , under pain of two shillings and recompence to any person hurt thereby , two shillings . 13. No man bury any Dung , or Goung , within the Liberties of this City , under pain of forty shillings . 14. Goung-Fermour shall carry any Ordure till after nine of the Clock in the night , under pain of thirteen shillings four pence . 15. No Goung-Fermour shall spill any Ordure in the Street , under pain of thirteen shillings four pence . 16. No man shall bait Bull , Bear , or Horse in the open Street , under pain of twenty shillings . 17. No man shall have any Kine , Goats , Hogs , Pigs , Hens , Cocks , Capons , or Ducks in the open Street , under pain of forfeiture of the same . 18. No man shall maintain any biting Curs , or mad Dogs , in the Streets , under pain of two shillings , and recompence unto every party hurt therewith , two shillings . 19. No Carts that shall be shod with Spig-nails that shall come upon the Streets of this City , under pain of three shillings four pence . 20. No Carts using dayly cartiage within this City , nor Car shall have Wheels shod with Iron , but bare , under pain of six shillings . 21. No man shall burn any Straw Rusnes , or other thing , Linnen or Woollen , in the Streets , by night or by day , under pain of three shillings four pence . 22. No man shall blow any Horn in the night within this City , or Whistle after the hour of nine of the Clock in the night , under pain of imprisonment . 23. No man shall use to go with Vizards , or disguised by night , under like pain of imprisonment . 24. That Night-walkers , and Eve● droppers , indure like punishment . 25. No Hammer-man , as a Smith , Pewterer , a Founder , and all Artifice making great sound , shall not work a●ter the hour of nine in the night , not ●●fore the hour of four in the morning under pain of three shillings four pence . 26. No man shall cast into the Ditches of this City , or the Sewers of this City , without the Walls , or into the Walls , Grates , or Gullets , of this City , any manner of Carren , stinking Flesh , rotten Fish , or any Rubbish , Dung , Sand , Gravel , Weeds , Stones , or any other thing to stop the course of the same , under pain of cleansing them at his own cost and charge , under pain of Imprisonment . 27. No man shall make any Widrawces in any of the Town-Ditches , or the Town-Gullets , under the pain of twenty shillings . 28. No man shall build nigh the Walls of this City , without License of the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Chamberlain , under pain of throwing down the same , and no Licence may be granted except that the Chamberlain freely at all times have convenient and needful ingross , and entry , going out , and clear recourse . 29. No man shall go in the Streets , by night or by day , with Bow bent ; or Arrows under his Girdle , nor with Sword unscabberd , under pain of imprisonment ; or with Hand-Gun having therewith Powder and Match except it be in an usual May-game , or sight . 30. No man shall after the hour of nine at the night , keep any rule whereby any such sudden Out-cry be made in the still of the night , as making any Affray , or beating his Wife , or Servant , or Singing , or Revelling in his house , to the disturbance of his Neighbours , under pain of three shillings four pence . 31. No man shall make an Affray upon any Officer , which with good Demeanour doth his message by Commandment from my Lord Mayor , or any Alderman , or Mr. Sheriffs , or Mr. Chamberlain , or misbehave himself in any Rayling upon any Judge of this City , or their Officers , which by Commandement are sent to bring any breaker of this Law and Custome to Ward , or to distress , or such like , upon pain of Imprisonment of forty dayes , and forfeiture of the double penalty : for the offences assessing , railing upon any Alderman , or Mayor in his Office is Judgement of the Pillory : Railing upon Mr. Chamberlain in his Office , forty dayes Imprisonment : beating , threatning , and railing of an Officer , is Imprisonment after the Trespass is . 32. Memorandum , That every offence found in this City , it is accustomed that the Officer , a Freeman , finding it , which is called primus Inventor , hath half the penalty by the grace of the Court. 33. Also every Freeman may find any offence , but he hath no power to bring the party before any Judge of this City , without an Officer , except the party will come to his answer by free will. 34. No man hath power to Arrest , Attach , or make distress of any Goods sorfeitable , or offences , except the Constable or Serjeant of the Mace. 35. No Butcher or his Servant shall not use to drive any Oxe or Oxen atrot in the Streets , but peaceably : and if an Oxe happen to be let go when he is prepared to slaughter , the Butcher shall forfeit two shillings besides recompence if any person be hurt thereby . 36. No Butcher shall scald Hogs , but in the common Scalding-House , upon pain of six shillings eight pence . 37. No Butcher shall sell any Measel Hog , or unwholesome Flesh under pain of ten pounds . 38. No Butcher shall sell any old stale Victual ; That is to say , above the slaughter of three dayes in the Winter , and two in the Summer , under pain of ten pounds . 39. None unreasonable Victual for all manner of Victuals . 40. No Victualler of this City shall shall give any rude or unsetting Language , or make any clamour upon any man or woman in the open Market , for cheapning of Victual , under pain of three shillings four pence . 41. No Butcher shall cast the inwards of Beasts into the Streets Cleaves of Beasts Feet , Bones , Horns of Sheep , or other such like , under pain of two shillings . 42. The Pudding-cart of the Shambles shall not go afore the hour of nine in the night , or after the hour of five in the morning , under pain of six shillings eight pence . 43. No man shall cast any Urine-boles , or Ordure-boles , into the Streets by day or night , afore the hour of nine in the night : And also he shall hot cast it out , but bring it down , and lay it in the Channel , under the pain of three shillings four pence . And if he do cast it upon any persons head , the party to have a lawful recompence , if he have hurt thereby . 44. No man shall hurt , cut , or destroy any Pipes , Sesperals , or Windvents pertaining to the Conduit , under pain of Imprisonment , and making satisfaction , though he doth it out of the City , if he may be taken within the City . 45. No man within this City may make any Quill and break any Pipe of the Conduit coming through his house , or nigh his ground , under pain of the Pillory or take any water privily unto his house . 46. Casting any corrupt thing , appoysoning the water , Lourgulary and Fellony . 47. Whosoever destroy or perish any Cocks of the Conduit , must have Imprisonment and make satisfaction . Old Laws and Customes of this City . 48. NO man shall set up Shop or occupy as a Freeman afore he be sworn in the Chamber of London , and admitted by the Chamberlain , under pain of . 49. No man shall set over his Apprentice to any other person , but by license of Master Chamberlain , and there to be set over , under pain of . 50. No man which is a Forreign , shall not buy nor sell within the Liberties of this City with any other Forreign , under pain of forfeiture of the Goods so Forreign bought and sold . 51. No Freeman shall be disobedient for to come at Master Chamberlains commandement , to any summons to him given by any Officer of the Chamber , under pain of Imprisonment . 52. Master Chamberlain hath power to send a Freeman to Ward , that he incontinently after send to the Lord Mayor , the cause why that he is punished , so that the Lord Mayor release him not , but by the Chamberlains assent : and if he be a great Commoner and disobeying to the Chamberlain , Master Chamberlain may refer it to a Court of Aldermen . Master Chamberlain hath Authority to send or command any Apprentice to the Counter for their offences : and if their offences be great , as in defyling their Masters houses by vicious living , or offending his Master by theft , or dislander , or such like , then to command him to Newgate . Apprentice enrolled , his Master payeth two shillings six pence . Apprentice set over , he that receiveth , two shillings . Apprentice made Free he payeth four shillings . Apprentice never Enrolled , and made Free , his Master payeth thirteen shillings two pence . A man made Free by his Fathers Copy , payeth eighteen pence . A Proclamation made in the time of the Mayoralty of Sir Michael Dormer Knight . An Act of Common Councel , made in the Even of St. Michael , Anno Regis Henrici Octavi 21. That no person should lay any Wares in the Street , or beyond the edge of their Stall , upon pain of forseirure the first time six shillings eight pence : the second time thirteen shillings four pence : and the third time , the Ware so laid . By an Act of Parliament in the 14. Car. 2. IT is enacted , that all and every person that inhabiting within the Cities of London and Westminster , Suburbs and Liberties thereof , and Burrough of Southwark , or in any the new built Streets , Lanes ' , Alleys and publick places , before their respective Houses , Buildings and Walls twice every week viz. Wednesday and Saturday , and all the soile , dirt and other filth , shall cause to be caken up into Baskets , Tubs , or other Vessels , ready for the Scavenger or other Officer , to carry away upon pain of three shillings four pence for every offence or neglect respectively . That no person whatsoever , shall throw , cast or lay , or cause to be cast , thrown or laid , any Seacole-Ashes , Dust , Dirt or other Filth , with the said Cities and places aforesaid , in any place , Street , Lane or Alley , before his , her , or their own dwelling Houses , Buildings or Walls on the penalty of five shillings ; And it before the Houses , Building , &c. of any of their Neighbours or other Inhabitants of the said Cities or places , or before or against any Church , Churchyard , or any of his Majesties Houses , Buildings or Walls or any other publick Houses , Buildings , &c. or cast , lay or throw , &c. into any common or publick Sink , Vault , Water-course , Common-sewer , or Highway within the Cities or places , &c. or any other private Vault or Sink of any of his Neighbours , or other Inany Dust , Ashes , Filth , Ordure , or other noisome thing whatsoever , but shall keep , or cause the same to be kept in their respective houses , &c. until such time as the Raker , Scavenger , &c. or other Officer do come by or near their houses or doors , with his Cart , Barrow , or other thing used for the cleansing of the Streets , and carrying away thereof ; And then shall carry the said Ashes , Dust , &c. out of their houses and deliver it to the Raker , Scavenger or Officer or otherwise put the same into his Cart , &c. upon pain to forfeit twenty shillings for every offence . The respective Churehwardens , House-keepers of Whitehall , or other his Masties houses ; Housekeepers or Porters of Noblemens houses , Ushers or Keepers of the Courts of Justice , and all other publick houses and places respectively shall be liable to suffer the like penalties , forfeitures and punishments for every like forementioned offences done or suffered to be done before any Church , Churchyard , or before any of his Majesties houses , Noblemens houses , Buildings , or before any other publick houses , or places whatsoever respectively . No person shall hoop , wash or cleanse any Pipe , Barrel or other Cask or Vessel , in any the Streets , Lanes , or other passages aforesaid , nor set out any empty Coaches to make or mend , or rough Timber or Stones to be sawn or wrought in the Street upon pain of twenty shillings for every offence . The Rakers , Scavengers and Officers hereunto appointed , every day in the week ( except Sundays and other Holylayes ) shall bring Carts , Dung-pots or other fitting Carriages into all the Streets within their respective Wards , Parishes and Divisions , where such Carts &c. can pass , and at or before their approach , by Bell , Clapper or otherwise , shall make loud noise and give notice to the Inhabitants of their coming , and so into every Court , Alley or place where Carts can pass ; and abide or stay there a convenient time , that all persons concerned may bring forth their respective Ashes , Dust , &c. to the respective Carts , &c. All which the said Raker , Scavengers or Officers shall carry away upon pain of forty shillings for every offence , or neglect respectively . All the open Streets , Lanes and Alleys within the Cities and places aforesaid , are to be sufficiently repaired and paved , and kept paved , and sufficiently repaired , at the cost of the Housholders in the said Streets , Lanes , &c. respectively viz. Every Housholder to repair and pave , and keep repaired and paved the Streets and Lanes , &c. before his house unto the Channel or midle of the same Street or Lane , &c. upon pain of forfeit twenty shillings for every Rod , and after that proportion , for a less quantity , for every default , and twenty shillings a week for every week after , till it be sufficiently paved and amended . Provided such ancient Streets , Lanes , &c. within the said Cities , or either of them , the Suburbs or Liberties thereof , as by custome and usage have been repaired in other manner , shall be hereafter repaired , paved and amended in such sort , by such persons as have used to repair , pave and maintain the same under the penalties aforesaid . Every Housholder within the said Cities and places aforesaid , whose houses adjoyns unto , or is next the Street from Michaelmas till our Lady-day yearly , shall set or hang out Candles or Lights in Lanthorns , or otherwise in some part of his house next the Street , to enlighten the same for Passengers , from such time as it shall grow dark until nine of the clock in the Evening upon pain of 1. sh . for every default . Every Justice of either Bench , Ba●on of the Exchequer , and Justices of ●he Peace of London and Wistminster , ●ave power on their own view , or proof by one Witness upon Oath to convict persons offending against this Act , and to dispose the penalties towards mending and cleansing the Strees , if upon proof , half to the party informing , if uqon conviction by view , then the whole to the repairing and cleansing the Streets or Wayes , to be levied by Warrant from any Justice under his Hand and Seal directed to the Constable or other Officer of the same Parish by distress and sale of his Goods , and for default ( if no Peer ) imprisonment until payment . Within London and the Liberties thereof the Scavengers , Rakers and such like Officers shall be elected , and the Rates and Assesments for them for the cleansing of the Streets shall be rated , raised and paid by the Parishioners and Inhabitants of every Parish and Precinct according to the ancient custome and usage of the City , and all new Messuages , Tenements and Houses shall be rated and assessed , and pay proportionable with the other in Westminster , the said Officers shall be chosen according to the custome of that City , and the rates paid according to the custome of that City , in all other Parishes or places upon every Tuesday or Wednesday in Easter week : The Constables , Church wardens and Overseers for the Poor , Surveyors of the Highwayes of every Parish aforesaid , giving notice and calling together such Inhabitants of their Parishes , as have born the like Offices , they or the greater number of them shall appoint two , that are Tradesmen in their Parishes , to be Scavenger , for the Streets , &c. of each Ward to continue for a year , who shall perform the office upon pain of twenty pound , but upon refusal others shall be chosen , the same penalties to be levied and imployed for mending the Streets and Wayes of the same Parish , by distress and sale of the offenders Goods , and imprisonment by default by warrant as aforesaid . Within twenty days after election of such Officers , a Tax or pound rate shall be made by the Inhabitants of every Parish , which being confirmed by two Justices of the Peace , shall be quarterly paid upon demand by the Officers appointed , and upon refusal levied by distress and sale of the Goods , by warrant from two Justices of the Peace , and for lack of distress by imprisonment of the offender ( not being a Peer ) until payment . Provided all Actions against persons for executing this Act , shall be laid in their proper County , and the Defendant may plead the general Issue and recover double cost if wrongfully vexed . By the same Statute no Hackney Coachman licensed , shall take for his hire in or about the City of London and Westminster , above 10. sh . for a day reckoning 12. hours to the day , and not above 18. d. for the first hour , and 12. d. for every hour after , and no Gentleman or other person shall pay from any of the Inns of Court or thereabouts to any part of St. Iames or Westminster above 12. d. and the same rates to the same places or thereabouts back again , and from any of the said Inns of Court , or thereabouts , to the Royal Exchange 12. d. to the Tower of London , Bishopsgatestreet , Algate or t●ereabouts 18. d. and so from the said places to the Inns of Court , and the like rates from and to any place of like distance and if any Coachman shall refuse to do , act , or exact more for his hire then thereby limited he shall for every offence forfeit 10. sh . FINIS Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A32296-e1420 Trinterm . 7. Jac. Rex Rot. 1490. Kings-Bench . The pleading of this case see in the New-Book of entries fol. 20 & 21. Quest . 1. Three commodities of lights by a Window , Air by Health , light by profit , pleasure by prospect . Cook 9. Rep. Eldred case . Vide , Hobarts Reports , Robins of B●ns . 131. Quest . 2. 3. Quest . A new house built upon an old foundation , without enlargement either in longitude or latitude , though never so high built , shall not be taken to prejudice the Neighbour . Hill. 12. Jac. in Banco Rep. Information upon the Stat. of 5. Eliz. 4. concerning Manualoccu● pations , &c. The custome of L pleaded in Bar Quest . 1. Quest . 2. Sel. Rat. 1. 2. Quest . 4. Rat , 1. Rat. 2. Rat. 3. Rat. 4. 9. H. 3. cap. 9. Quest . 5. Rat. 1. 2. 3. Rat. 4. Quest . 6. Sol. ● : Quest . 7. Sol. Mich. 12 Jac. Rs. In Banco Rs. Quest . 1. Mich. 39 40. Eliz Paramoreversus Pain . Quest . 2. Quest . Mich. 37 38. Eliz. Rot. 414. Ea. Term. 9. Iac. Rex Roll. 163. Kings Be. you should read Frances all the way . Counsel● 5. in the case Judges 8 , Four of the Judges for the Defendant . Rat. 1. 22. H. 6. 4. Rat. 2. 21 H. 6. 30 ● . 1 E. 4. 50. Rat , 3. 3 Eliz Dy 100. 26. Eliz. the Lord Mordants Case . Rat 4. Rat. 5. 35. H. 6. 3. Rat. 6. 33. Ass . Parl. 7. Rat. 7. Rat. 8. Rat. 9. Three Judges of Contrary opinion . ●t . 1. 2. 8. H. 42. 4. Sir H. Calthrops report and opinion . 1. What prisage is . 6. E. 3. 5. 20. Ric. 2. Rot. Pat. 28. E , 1. Rot. Pat. Fleta . Lib. 2. cap. 22. 20. R. 2. Rot. Pat. 2. The ground of paying the K. prisage . 3. When prisage is due . Sir Ed. Crook , Sir John Doddridge . 6. R. 2. 46. Kenniston . 4. Whether the King may grant , or discharge Prisage . 41. Elix . 15 E 4. Rot. Pat. 5. Grant to a body politique for the benefit of bodies natural . 39 E. 3. 21. 21 E. 4. 55. 6. Whatpersons are discharged by the words of the Charter . 1. Sort. Citizens of five sorts . 2. Sort. 3. Sort. 28. Ass . Par. 25. 28. Ass . Pat. 18. 4. Sort. 5. Sort. 7. What Wines are discharged of prisage . 1. H. 8. cap. 5. 1. Benefits of having Woollen Cloth Died and dressed in England . 2. 3. Hill. 12. Jac. Rex K. Bench. Rat. 1. 2. Past all Resumption . 3. 4. Hill. 13. K. Bench. Rat. 1. Pasc . 14. Jac. Chan Customary actions to be tried only in the place where the custome lieth . Pasc . 15. Jac. K. Bench. Upon rent of a Mess . let at an ancient rent of 5. l. per. an . And a fine to be paid by 3● . l. per. ann . Quest . 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Quest . 1. What the Parson may by Law demand for houses in London ? Fitz. Herb. nat . brev . fol. 53. 34. Eliz. Dawsons case K. Bench. 2. 11. Report . sol . 16. 3. What was anciently paid for houses in London to the Parson . And how these payments grew Niger Bishop of London's Constitution . 13. H. 3. 30. E. 3 i. 30. L. 3. 3. Tho Arun Arch-bish . of Cant. 13. R. 2. Pope Innocent . 5. H. 4. Pope Nich. 31. H. 6. Linwood , fol. 146. Submission to the Lord Chancellour and Privy-Councel . 27. H. 8. 21. cap. 37. H. 8. decree , cap. 12. Which decree by the Act ought to have been enrolled in Chancery in six Moneths ; but search hathbeen , and it is not found . 4. Whether the Fine paid , by 25. Per. An. b● a rent within the words of the decree ? 5. Whether the 25 perann . thus Covenanted to be paid for fine , be lent within the intent of the decree ? 1. Arguments on Ministers part . Argument on the Citizens part . 3. Notes for div A32296-e13570 Error Fitzz . 23. S. Fitzz . 24. S. This is now altered by the Stat. of 32. H. 8. ca. I. of Wills. Notes for div A32296-e17550 Ward-mote , Inquest for a year . Inquest dying . Non appearance . Watch , Light , Visard . Common Councel . Constables , Scavengers , Beadle , Raker . Roll of names . Constable Roll. Inholder , Lodger , Sojourner Search . New-comers . Frank-pledge . Beadle . Fire . Streets . Hucksters of Ale and Beer . Measures Scaled . Strange born . Streets . Vagarants . Jury-men . Harlots . Articles Commons , Dinners , Banquetting . Fire and Candle , &c. Recreation . Peace . Outlaws , Traitots , Fellons , &c. Thames . Congregations . Riotör . Barrator . Peace , Hue and Cry. Hucksters , Receivers of Apprentices , Artificers , &c. Inholder , Taverner , Victualer . Curfue . Bauds , Maintainers , of Quarrels . Strumpet , Adulterer , Witch , Scold . Hot-house . Thames , Ditches , Streets , &c. Channel . Hogges . Kine , Oxen , Ducks , Persons Indited in one Ward , flying into another . Colouring forraign Goods . Forreign buying and seling . Freemen not resident . Orphans , Wards , Marringes . Officers . Boteman , Feriour . Purprestures . Pent-houses , Jetties , Stalles , &c. Way , Water course . Pavements . Regrators , Forestallers . Price of Victual . Hay . Victuals unwholesome price . Measures unsealed . Weights and Measures . Inholder , brown Baker . House , Tile Leaper , Beggar . Bakers , Brewers . Painted visage . Candle light . Wood. Country . Cheese , Butter . Freemen to shew their Copies . Melting Tallow . Appraisers . Beam. Clothes . Carmen . Buildings , divided houses , Inmates Hawkers . Freedome . Collectors . Women Receivers of Servants . Privies . Vagabons Poor . Legacies . Drunkard , Whoremonger , Sabbath , Jesuite , Seminary Priest , Secular Priest , Popish Recusant , Cozenes , &c. Mass . Roman Catholick Religion . Assembly monthly . making of Presentments . A48978 ---- At the sub-committee at Salters Hall in Breadstreet whereas by ordinance of Parliament of the 26 of March last, the collectors for the weekly meale within this city of London and the liberties, are after assessement of each person within the limits, to make demand thereof, of the person so assessed ... City of London (England). This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A48978 of text R37951 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2851M). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A48978 Wing L2851M ESTC R37951 17154889 ocm 17154889 105976 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A48978) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 105976) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1619:7) At the sub-committee at Salters Hall in Breadstreet whereas by ordinance of Parliament of the 26 of March last, the collectors for the weekly meale within this city of London and the liberties, are after assessement of each person within the limits, to make demand thereof, of the person so assessed ... City of London (England). 1 broadside. s.n., [London : 1644] Title information from first sentences of text. At head of title: 23 Julii, 1644. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A48978 R37951 (Wing L2851M). civilwar no At the sub-committee at Salters Hall in Breadstreet whereas by ordinance of Parliament of the 26 of March last, the collectors for the weekl Corporation of London 1644 603 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion At the Sub-committee at Salters Hall in BREADSTREET . 23 Julii . 1644. WHEREAS by Ordinance of Parliament of the 26 of March last , the Collectors for the weekly Meale within this City of London and the Liberties , are after assessement of each person within the limits , to make demand thereof , of the person so assessed , or at his or their usuall place of abode ; And upon faile of payment to levy double the summe or summes so Assessed , together with the necessary charges which shall bee expended in the collecting thereof by way of Distresse upon his or their goods and chattels , and shall sell the Distresse and returne the over-plus to the Owner , and if no Distresse bee , then upon Certificate thereof , by the Sub-committee for this City , to the Lord Major , his Lordship is forthwith to grant his Warrant for the Apprehension and Commitment of such persons to safe custody , without Baile or Maine-prise , so to continue untill satisfaction bee made of the said Assessement , And whereas also by the said Ordinance it is provided , that if any Assessors , Collectors , or Constable , within the said City or the Liberties , shall refuse the said Service , or prove negligent or faulty therein , upon Certificate made by the said Sub-committee to the Lord Major , hee is forthwith to grant his Warrant for the Commitment of such persons to prison ; or they are to bee fined by the Common Councell or their Committee , the Fine not to exceed ten pounds for each offence , which is to bee levyed by Distresse , and sale of the offenders Goods , and the monies to bee imployed , as is by the said Ordinance directed . This Committee being certainly informed of the many defaults , both of the parties assessed , and of the Collectors within this City and Liberties , in not paying and bringing in the monies so assessed , to the great hinderance of the publique Service : For the better discharge of their duty , and the trust in them reposed in this behalfe ; Do Order , and thinke fit , that all the Collectors of this City and liberties , shall upon next , at of the Clock in the afternoon ; Here , in this place , bring in their Bills for their respective Divisions , and a particular Certificate in writing under their hands , what persons are in arreare with their assessements , and for how long time , and what their weekly charge is , and which of them have Distresses whereupon to levy the same , and whether demand hath been made of such persons , or at their usuall places of abode . That upon report thereof made , this Committee may proceed to do further , as by the said Ordinance is injoyned and directed . And it is further Ordered , that the Clerk of this Committee , for the better conveyance thereof , doe cause this Order to bee forthwith Printed , and a Printed Copy to bee delivered to some one Collector of each respective Division , or left at the place of his or their abode , who is to acquaint his Partners there with . And they are all of them to take notice of the Contents hereof , for discharge of what concernes them therein , as they tender the Publique Good , and will answer the contrary . A48980 ---- The Common Councell of the City of London (having taken knowledge that many persons within the said city and liberties (out of a pious zeale and good affection to the publique cause) have of late freely and voluntarily subscribed divers summes of money towards the maintaining of forces to bee sent forth by the committee of the militia ... City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A48980 of text R37950 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2851R). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A48980 Wing L2851R ESTC R37950 17154834 ocm 17154834 105975 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A48980) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 105975) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1619:8) The Common Councell of the City of London (having taken knowledge that many persons within the said city and liberties (out of a pious zeale and good affection to the publique cause) have of late freely and voluntarily subscribed divers summes of money towards the maintaining of forces to bee sent forth by the committee of the militia ... City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1 broadside. s.n., [London : 1644] At head of sheet: May 11, 1644. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng City of London (England). -- Court of Common Council. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A48980 R37950 (Wing L2851R). civilwar no The Common Councell of the City of London (having taken knowledge that many persons within the said city and liberties (out of a pious zeale Corporation of London 1644 451 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-12 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Commune Concilium tent . vicesimo septimo die Iulii , 1648. FOrasmuch as this Court did apprehend the great danger the Parliament and City is in , in regard of the many Commotions in this Kingdom , and the distractions thereof ; And that a convenient number of Horse to joyn with the other Forces of this City , would be very usefull and serviceable for the safety and preservation both of Parliament and City : Therefore this Court doth now Declare , That it shall be taken as an acceptable service in any that will voluntarily List any Horses , or contribute any Money thereunto , and declare themselves therein unto the Committee of the Militia of London ; And to be under such Commanders , and observe such directions ( tending to the welfare and safety of the Parliament and City ) as the said Committee of the Militia shall appoint . And the said Committee are to appoint Treasurers to receive such Moneys , Horse , and Armes as shall bee voluntarily advanced towards that work , and to take Subscriptions to that purpose , and to be by them employed accordingly : And they are from time to time to acquaint this Court of their progresse and proceedings therein ; and to receive their further directions concerning the same , as occasion shall require . Michel . IN pursuance of which Act of Common-councell , there are severall members of the Committee of the Militia appointed to sit daily in Guildhall in the Irish-Court , to take the said Subscriptions above-mentioned ; and are to sit from Nine till Twelve of the clock in the forenoon , and from Three till Six of the clock in the afternoon . Mr. Glyd . and Mr. Blackwall are desired and appointed to be Treasurers . You are desired by the Committee of the Militia of London to use your utmost endevour in your Precinct for the furthering of this Work , so much conducing to the publick peace of the City , and suppressing of Tumults therein ; and for the better inabling of the said Militia to discharge their Trust for the preservation of the Parliament and City . And you are likewise desired forthwith to make return of your doings herein to the Committee : aforesaid . Dated at Guildhall London , the First of August , 1648 . To Mr. Common-councell-man in the Ward of _____ Signed in the Name and by the warrant of the Committee of the Militia London , By Adam Banckes , Clerk to the said Committee . Printed by Richard Cotes Printer to the honorable City of London , 1648. A48983 ---- A Common Councell holden in the chamber of the Guild-hall of the city of London, the eighth day of July, in the yeare of our Lord 1657 ... City of London (England). This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A48983 of text R39339 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2852J). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A48983 Wing L2852J ESTC R39339 18368314 ocm 18368314 107412 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A48983) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107412) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:25) A Common Councell holden in the chamber of the Guild-hall of the city of London, the eighth day of July, in the yeare of our Lord 1657 ... City of London (England). City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1 broadside. Printed by James Flesher ..., [London] : [1657] Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. eng Markets -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A48983 R39339 (Wing L2852J). civilwar no A Common Councell holden in the chamber of the Guild-hall of the city of London, the eighth day of July, in the yeare of our Lord 1657 ... Corporation of London 1657 806 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms A Common Councell holden in the Chamber of the Guild-hall of the City of London , the eighth day of July , in the yeare of our Lord 1657. before the Right honorable Sir Robert Tichborne Kt. Lord Mayor of the City of London , Sir Thomas Viner Kt and Alderman , Stephen Eastwick Alderman , John Fredrick Alderman , and Tempest Milner Alderman and one of the Sheriffes of the same City , and more then fourty Commoners of the Common Councell of the same City , then and there assembled . WHereas by the great resort of people to the Market in Leaden-hall street , the same street is so thronged , pestered and annoyed , that the common passage is hindred , and made dangerous to the Inhabitants and Passingers , and many evills and inconveniencies have thence happened and arisen : It is for remedy and prevention thereof for time to come , and for incouragement and accomodation of the People resorting to buy and sell in the said Market Enacted , Ordained and Established by the right Honorable the Lord Maior , the right Worshipfull the Aldermen his Brethren , and the Commons of the City of London , in Common Councell assembled , and by the authority of the same : That from and after the first day of August next ensuing , the Market for Mutton , Veale , Lamb , and Porke shall no longer be , or be holden or kept in the street of Leaden hall , but shall be thenceforth kept in the Green-yard within the same Hall , to which place all Country Butchers , Farmers and such others as may keep and frequent the said Market to sell any sort of flesh before mentioned , shall and may come , remaine and abide with their goods and Commodities on Mondayes , Wednesdaies , Fridaies and Saterdaies weekly from the twenty ninth day of September to the twentie fifth day of March till five of the clock in the afternoone , and from the twentie fifth day of March till the nine & twentieth day of September , till seven of the clock in the afternoone and no longer , and shall or may have standings assign'd or set out unto them paying for every standing fower pence a day , that is to say , two pence halfe penny a day to the City Officer that is or shall be appointed Collector of the said Duty , to the use of the Chamber of London , and the other three halfe pence thereof to the Serjeant of the Channell for the time being . Provided that no standing shall exceed four foot in bredth , and five foot in length . Provided also , and it is further Enacted , that any Country Farmer , Victualler , or other that doth and may serve and supply the said Market with any sort of Flesh before mentioned , may also bring into the said Greene yard together with their Flesh and there sit and sell any other provisions of Victuall excepting Beefe , which is still to be sold in the ancient Market place of Leaden-hall , As by sundry Lawes and Orders in this behalfe is directed and provided . And for the better execution of this Act , the Serjeant of the Channell and all other Officers and Persons whom it may concerne , are hereby enjoyned and required to be intent and diligent in avoiding the said street of the Flesh Victualls , and provisions before mentioned , in manner aforesaid , and setling the Countrey Butchers , Farmers and Victuallers who sell the same in the Greene yard aforesaid , And to see to the full execution of this Act , at their uttermost Perils . Provided that the Serjeant of the Channell for the time being , doe provide boards of the size allowed in other Markets for such as doe require them , and keèp the foresaid Markets cleane swept , and the soile carried away at his owne charge . Provided alwaies that Beefe shall still be sold at the stalls and places for that purpose appointed in Leadenhall and the Greene yard there , and not elswhere , and that any other sort of Flesh aforesaid may be there also sold according to an Act of Common Councell in that behalf made and Provided the sixteenth day of October 1646. And that all fees and duties for the said Stalls and Places in the said ancient Market place within Leaden-hall and the Greene yard , shall be paid as formerly , any thing in this present Act notwithstanding . Sadler . Printed by James Flesher , Printer to the Honorable City of London . A41827 ---- Natural and political observations mentioned in a following index, and made upon the bills of mortality by John Graunt ... ; with reference to the government, religion, trade, growth, ayre, diseases, and the several changes of the said city. Graunt, John, 1620-1674. 1662 Approx. 273 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 58 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41827 Wing G1599 ESTC R13975 12157568 ocm 12157568 55171 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41827) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 55171) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 598:10) Natural and political observations mentioned in a following index, and made upon the bills of mortality by John Graunt ... ; with reference to the government, religion, trade, growth, ayre, diseases, and the several changes of the said city. Graunt, John, 1620-1674. Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687. [16], 85, [1] p. Printed by Tho. Roycroft for John Martin, James Allestry, and Tho. Dicas ..., London : 1662. Errata: p. [1] at end. Attributed also to Sir William Petty. Cf. C.H. Hull, The economic writings of Sir William Petty. Cambridge, 1899. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Mortality -- England -- London. London (England) -- Statistics, Vital. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-01 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2008-01 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Natural and Political OBSERVATIONS Mentioned in a following INDEX , and made upon the Bills of Mortality . By JOHN GRAVNT , Citizen of LONDON . With reference to the Government , Religion , Trade , Growth , Ayre , Diseases , and the several Changes of the said CITY . — Non , me ut miretur Turba , laboro , Contentus paucis Lectoribus — LONDON , Printed by Tho : Roycroft , for John Martin , James Allestry , and Tho : Dicas , at the Sign of the Bell in St. Paul's Church-yard , MDCLXII . TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE JOHN Lord ROBERTS , Baron of Truro , Lord Privie-Seal , and one of His Majestie 's most Honourable Privie Council . My Lord , AS the favours I have received from your Lordship oblige me to present you with some token of my gratitude : so the especial Honour I have for your Lordship hath made me sollicitous in the choice of the Present . For , if I could have given your Lordship any choice Excerptions out of the Greek , or Latine Learning , I should ( according to our English Proverb ) thereby but carry Coals to Newcastle , and but give your Lorship Puddle-water , who , by your own eminent Knowledge in those learned Languages , can drink out of the very Fountains your self . Moreover , to present your Lordship with tedious Narrations , were but to speak my own Ignorance of the Value , which his Majesty , and the Publick have of your Lordship's Time. And in brief , to offer any thing like what is already in other Books , were but to derogate from your Lordship's learning , which the World knows to be universal , and unacquainted with few usefull things contained in any of them . Now having ( I know not by what accident ) engaged my thoughts upon the Bills of Mortality , and so far succeeded therein , as to have reduced several great confused Volumes into a few perspicuous Tables , and abridged such Observations as naturally flowed from them , into a few succinct Paragraphs , without any long Series of multiloquious Deductions , I have presumed to sacrifice these my small , but first publish'd , Labours unto your Lordship , as unto whose benigne acceptance of some other of my Papers , even the Birth of these is due ; hoping ( if I may without vanity say it ) they may be of as much use to Persons in your Lordship's place , as they are of little or none to me , which is no more then the fairest Diamonds are to the Journey-man Jeweller that works them , or the poor Labourer that first dig'd them from the Earth . For with all humble submission to your Lordship , I conceive , That it doth not ill-become a Peer of the Parliament , or Member of his Majestie 's Council , to consider how few starve of the many that beg : That the irreligious Proposals of some , to multiply People by Polygamy , is withall irrational , and fruitless : That the troublesome seclusions in the Plague-time is not a remedy to be purchased at vast inconveniencies : That the greatest Plagues of the City are equally , and quickly repaired from the Country : That the wasting of Males by Wars , and Colonies do not prejudice the due proportion between them and Females : That the Opinions of Plagues accompanying the Entrance of Kings is false , and seditious : That London , the Metropolis of England , is perhaps a Head too big for the Body , and possibly too strong : That this Head grows three times as fast as the Body unto which it belongs , that is , It doubles its People in a third part of the time : That our Parishes are now grown madly disproportionable : That our Temples are not sutable to our Religion : That the Trade , and very City of London removes Westward : That the walled City is but a one fifth of the whole Pyle : That the old Streets are unfit for the present frequencie of Coaches : That the passage of Ludgate is a throat too straight for the Body : That the fighting men about London , are able to make three as great Armies as can be of use in this Island : That the number of Heads is such , as hath certainly much deceived some of our Senatours in their appointments of Pole-money , &c. Now , although your Lordship's most excellent Discourses have well informed me , That your Lordship is no stranger to all these Positions ; yet because I knew not that your Lordship had ever deduced them from the Bills of Mortality ; I hoped it might not be ungratefull to your Lordship , to see unto how much profit that one Talent might be improved , besides the many curiosities concerning the waxing , and waning of Diseases , the relation between Healthfull , and fruitfull Seasons , the difference between the City and Country Air , &c. All which , being new , to the best of my knowledge , and the whole Pamphlet , not two hours reading , I did make bold to trouble your Lordship with a perusal of it , and by this humble Dedication of it , let your Lordship and the world see the Wisdom of our City , in appointing , and keeping these Accompts , and with how much affection and success I am My Lord , Your Lordship 's most obedient , and most faithfull Servant , JOHN GRAUNT . Birchen-Lane , 25 January 1661 / 2. To the Honourable , Sir ROBERT MORAY , Knight , One of His Majestie 's Privie-Council for His Kingdom of Scotland , and President of the Royal Society of Philosophers , meeting at Gresham-College , and to the rest of that Honourable Society . THe Observations , which I happened to make ( for I designed them not ) upon the Bills of Mortality , have fallen out to be both Political , and Natural , some concerning Trade , and Government , others concerning the Air , Countries , Seasons , Fruitfulness , Health , Diseases , Longevity , and the proportions between the Sex , and Ages of Mankinde . All which ( because Sr. Francis Bacon reckons his Discourses of Life and Death to be Natural History ; and because I understand your selves are also appointing means , how to measure the Degrees of Heat , Wetness , and Windiness in the several Parts of His Majestie 's Dominions ) I am humbly bold to think Natural History also , and consequently , that I am obliged to cast in this small Mite into your great Treasury of that kinde . His Majesty being not onely by antient Right supremely concerned in matters of Government , and Trade , but also by happy accident Prince of Philosophers , and of Physico-Mathematical Learning , not called so by Flatterers , and Parasites , but really so , as well by his own personal Abilities , as affection concerning those matters , upon which Accompt I should have humbly dedicated both sorts of my Observations unto His most Sacred Majesty ; but to be short , I knew neither my Work , nor my Person fit to bear His Name , nor to deserve His Patronage . Nevertheless , as I have presumed to present this Pamphlet , so far as it relates to Government , and Trade , to one of His Majestie 's Peers , and eminent Ministers of State : so I do desire your leave , to present the same unto You also , as it relates to Natural History , and as it depends upon the Mathematiques of my Shop-Arithmetique . For You are not onely his Majesties Privie Council for Philosophie , but also His Great Council . You are the three Estates , viz. the Mathematical , Mechanical , and Physical . You are his Parliament of Nature , and it is no less disparagement to the meanest of your number , to say there may be Commoners as well as Peers in Philosophie amongst you . For my own part I count it happiness enough to my self , that there is such a Council of Nature , as your Society is , in being ; and I do with as much earnestness enquire after your Expeditious against the Impediments of Science , as to know what Armies , and Navies the several Princes of the World are setting forth . I concern my self as much to know who are Curatours of this or the other Experiments , as to know who are Mareschals of France , or Chancellour of Sweden . I am as well pleased to hear you are satisfied in a luciferous Experiment , as that a breach hath been made in the Enemy 's works : and your ingenious arguings immediately from sense , and fact , are as pleasant to me as the noise of victorious Guns , and Trumpets . Moreover , as I contend for the Decent Rights , and Ceremonies of the Church , so I also contend against the envious Schismaticks of your Society ( who think you do nothing , unless you presently transmute Mettals , make Butter and Cheese without Milk ; and ( as their own Ballad hath it , make Leather without Hides ) by asserting the usefulness of even all your preparatory , and luciferous experiments being not the Ceremonies , but the substance , and principles of usefull Arts. For , I finde in Trade the want of an universal measure , and have heard Musicians wrangle about the just , and uniform keeping of time in their Consorts , and therefore cannot with patience hear , that your Labours about Vibrations , eminently conducing to both , should be slighted , nor your Pendula , called Swing-swangs with scorn . Nor can I better endure that your Exercitations about Air should be termed fit employment onely for Airie Fancies , and not adequate Tasks for the most solid , and piercing heads : This is my Opinion concerning you , and although I am none of your number , nor have the least ambition to be so , otherwise then to become able for your service , and worthy of your Trust : yet I am coveteous to have the right of being represented by you : To which end I desire , that this little Exhibition of mine , may be looked upon as a Free-holder's Vote for the choosing of Knights and Burgesses to sit in the Parliament of Nature , meaning thereby , that as the Parliament owns a Free-holder , though he hath but fourty shillings a year to be one of them ; so in the same manner and degree , I also desire to be owned as one of you , and that no longer , then I continue a faithfull Friend , and Servant of your Designs and Persons , J. G. An INDEX of the Positions , Observations , and Questions contained in this Discourse . 1. THe Occasion of keeping the Accompt of Burials arose first from the Plague , Anno 1592 , page 4 2. Seven Alterations , and Augmentations of the published Bills , between the years 1592 , and 1662 , pag. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 3. Reasons , why the Accompts of Burials , and Christnings should be kept universally , and now called for , and perused by the Magistrate , p. 12 4. A true Accompt of the Plague cannot be kept , without the Accompt of other Diseases , p. 13 5. The ignorance of the Searchers no impediment to the keeping of sufficient , and usefull Accompts , p. 14 6. That about one third of all that were ever quick die under five years old , and about thirty six per Centum under six , p. 15 7. That two parts of nine die of Acute , and seventy of two hundred twenty nine of Chronical Diseases , and four of two hundred twenty nine of outward Griefs , p. 16 8. A Table of the Proportions dying of the most notorious , and formidable Diseases , or Casualties , p. 17 9. That seven per Centum die of Age , p. 18 10. That some Diseases , and Casualties keep a constant proportion , whereas some other are very irregular , p. 18 11. That not above one in four thousand are Starved , p. 19 12. That it were better to maintain all Beggars at the publick charge , though earning nothing , then to let them beg about the Streets ; and that employing them without discretion , may do more harm , then good , pag. 20 , 21 13. That not one in two thousand are Murthered in London , with the Reasons thereof , p. 21 14. That not one in fifteen hundred dies Lunatick , p. 22 15. That few of those , who die of the French-Pox , are set down , but coloured under the Consumption , &c. pag. 23 , 24 16. That the Rickets is a new disease , both as to name , and thing ; that from fourteen dying thereof , Anno 1634 , it hath gradually encreased to above five hundred Anno 1660 , p. 24 , 25 , 26 17 That there is another new Disease appearing ; as A Stopping of the Stomach , which hath encreased in twenty years , from six , to near three hundred , p. 26 18. That the Rising of the Lights ( supposed in most Cases to be the Fits of the Mother ) have also encreased in thirty years , from fourty four , to two hundred fourty nine , p. 27 19. That both the Stopping of the Stomach , and Rising of the Lights , are probably Reliques of , or depending upon the Rickets , p. 28 20. That the Stone decreases , and is wearing away , p. 28 21. The Gowt stands at a stay , p. 29 22. The Scurvie encreases , p. 29 23. The Deaths by reason of Agues are to those caused by Fevers , as one to fourty , p. 29. 24. Abortives , and Stilborn , to those that are Christned are as one to twenty , p. 29 25. That since the differences , in Religion the Christnings have been neglected half in half , p. 29 26. That not one Woman in an hundred dies in Child-bed , nor one of two hundred in her Labour , p. 30 27. Three reasons why the Registring of Children hath been neglected , p. 31 28. There was a confusion in the Accompts of Chrysoms , Infants , and Convulsions ; but rectified in this Discourse , p. 32 29. There hath been in London within this Age four times of great Mortality , viz. Anno 1592 , 1603 , 1625 , and 1636 , whereof that of 1603 was the greatest , p. 33 , 34 30 Annis 1603 , and 1625 , about a fifth part of the whole died , and eight times more then were born , p. 34 31. That a fourth part more die of the Plague then are set down , p. 35 32. The Plague Anno 1603 lasted eight years , that in 1636 twelve years , but that in 1625 continued but one single year , p. 36 33. That Alterations in the Air do incomparably more operate as to the Plague , then the Contagion of converse , p. 36 34. That Purples , small-Pox , and other malignant Diseases fore-run the Plague p. 36 35. A disposition in the Air towards the Plague doth also dispose women to Abortions , p. 37 36. That as about ⅕ . part of the whole people died in the great Plague-years , so two other fifth parts fled , pag. 37 , 38 , which shews the large relation , and interest , which the Londoners have in the Country . ibid. 37. That ( be the Plague great , or small ) the City is fully re-peopled within two years , p. 38 38. The years , 1618 , 20 , 23 , 24 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 1649 , 52 , 54 , 56 , 58 , and 61 , were sickly years , p. 40 39. The more sickly the year is , the less fertile of Births , p. 40 40. That Plagues always come in with King's Reigns is most false , p. 40 42. The Autumn , or the Fall is the most unhealthfull season , p. 41 41. That in London there have been twelve Burials for eleven Christnings , p. 41 43. That in the Country there have been , contrary-wise , sixty three Christnings for fifty two Burials , p. 42 44. A supposition , that the people in , and about London , are a fifteenth part of the people of all England , and Wales , p. 42 45. That there are about six Millions , and an half of people in England , and Wales , p. 42 46. That the people in the Country double by Procreation but in two hundred and eighty years , and in London in about seventy , as hereafter will be shewn ; the reason whereof is , that many of the breeders leave the Country , and that the breeders of London come from all parts of the Country , such persons breeding in the Country almost onely , as were born there , but in London multitudes of others , p. 42 47. That about 6000 per Annum come up to London out of the Country , p. 43 48. That in London about three die yearly out of eleven Families , p. 43 49. There are about twenty five Millions of acres of Land in England , and Wales , p. 45 50. Why the proportion of breeders in London to the rest of the people is less then in the Country , p. 45 51. That in London are more impediments of breeding , then in the Country , p. 46 52. That there are fourteen Males for thirteen Females in London , and in the Country but fifteen Males for fourteen Females , p. 47 53. Polygamy useless to the multiplication of Man-kinde , without Castrations , p. 48 54. Why Sheep , and Oxen out-breed Foxes , and other Vermin-Animals , p. 48 55. There being fourteen Males to thirteen Females , and Males being prolifique fourty years , and Females but twenty five , it follows , that in effect there be 560 Males to 325 Females , p. 49 56. The said inequality is reduced by the latter marriage of the Males , and their imployment in Wars , Sea-voiage , and Colonies , p. 49 57. Physicians have two Women Patients to one Man , and yet more Men die then Women , p 49 58. The great emission of Males into the Wars out of London Anno 1642 was instantly supplyed , p. 50 59. Castration is not used onely to meliorate the flesh of Eatable Animals , but to promote their increase also , p. 51 60. The true ratio formalis of the evil of Adulteries , and Fornications , p. 51 61. Where Polygamy is allowed , Wives can be no other then Servants , p. 52 62. That ninety seven , and sixteen Parishes of London are in twenty years encreased from seven to twelve , and in fourty years from twenty three to fifty two , p. 53 63. The sixteen Parishes have encreased farther then the ninety seven , the one having encreased but from nine to ten in the said fourty years , p. 53 64. The ten Out-Parishes have in fifty four years encreased from one to four , p. 54 65. The ninety seven , sixteen , and ten Parishes have in fifty four years encreased from two to five . p. 54 66. What great Houses within the Walls have been turned into Tenements , p. 55 67. Cripplegate-Parish hath most encreased , &c. p. 55 68. The City removes Westwards , with the reasons thereof , p. 55 69. Why Ludgate is become too narrow a throat for the City , p. 56 70. That there be some Parishes in London two hundred times as big as others , p. 56 , 57 71. The natural bigness , and Figure of a Church for the Reformed Religion , p. 57 , 58 62. The City of London , and Suburbs , being equally divided , would make 100 Parishes , about the largeness of Christ-church , Blackfriers , or Colmanstreet , p. 58 73. There are about 24000 Teeming women in the ninety seven , sixteen , and ten Parishes in , and about London , p. 60 74. That about three die yearly out of eleven Families containing each eight persons , p. 60 75. There are about 12000 Families within the walls of London , p. 61 76. The housing of the sixteen and ten Suburb-Parishes is thrice as big as that of the ninety seven Parishes within the walls , p. 61 77. The number of souls in the ninety seven , sixteen , and two out-Parishes is about 384000 p. 61 78. Whereof 199000 are Males , and 185000 Females p. 61 79. A Table shewing of 100 quick conceptions how many die within six years , how many the next Decad , and so for every Decad till 76 , p. 62 80. Tables , whereby may be collected how many there be in London of every Age assigned , p. 62 81. That there be in the 97 , 16 , and ten Parishes near 70000 Fighting Men , that is , Men between the Ages of 16 , and 56 , p. 62 82. That Westminster , Lambeth , Islington , Hackney , Redriff , Stepney , Newington , contain as many people as the 97 Parishes within the Walls , and are consequently ⅕ . of the whole Pile , p. 62 83. So that in , and about London are about 81000 Fighting Men , and 460000 in all , p. 63 84. Adam and Eve in 5610 years might have , by the ordinary proportion of Procreation , begotten more people , then are now probably upon the face of the earth , p. 63 85. Wherefore the World cannot be older then the Scriptures represent it , p. 63 86. That every Wedding one with another produces four Children , p. 64 87. That in several places the proportion between the Males and Females differ , p. 64 88. That in ninety years there were just as many Males as Females Buried within a certain great Parish in the Country , p. 64 89. That a Parish , consisting of about 2700 Inhabitants , had in 90 years but 1059 more Christnings , then Burials , p. 64 90. There come yearly to dwell at London about 6000 strangers out of the Country , which swells the Burials about 200 per Annum , p. 65 91. In the Country there have been five Christnings for four Burials , ibid 92. A Confirmation , that the most healthfull years are also the most fruitfull , p. 65 93. The proportion between the greatest , & least mortalities in the Country are greater then the same in the City , p. 67 94. The Country Air more capable of good , and bad impressions , then that of the City , p. 68 95. The differences also of Births are greater in the Country , then at London , p. 69 96. In the Country but about one of fifty dies yearly , but at London one of thirty , over and above the Plague , p. 69 97. London not so healthfull now as heretofore , p. 70 98. It is doubted whether encrease of people , or the burning of Sea-coal were the cause , or both , p. 70 99. The Art of making of Gold would be neither benefit to the World , or the Artist , p. 72 100. The Elements of true Policy are to understand throughly the Lands , and hands of any Country , p. 72 101. Vpon what considerations the intrinsick value of Lands doth depend , p. 73 102. And in what the Accidental , p. 73 103. Some of the few benefits of having a true Accompt of the people , p. 73 104. That but a small part of the whole people are imployed upon necessary affairs , p. 74 105. That a true Accompt of people is necessary for the Government , and Trade of them , and for their peace , and plenty , p. 74 106. Whether this Accompt ought to be confined to the Chief Governours , p. 74 THE PREFACE . HAving been born , and bred in the City of London , and having always observed , that most of them who constantly took in the weekly Bills of Mortality , made little other use of them , then to look at the foot , how the Burials increased , or decreased ; And , among the Casualties , what had happened rare , and extraordinary in the week currant : so as they might take the same as a Text to talk upon , in the next Company ; and withall , in the Plague-time , how the Sickness increased , or decreased , that so the Rich might judge of the necessity of their removall , and Trades-men might conjecture what doings they were like to have in their respective dealings : 2. Now , I thought that the Wisdom of our City had certainly designed the laudable practice of takeing , and distributing these Accompts , for other , and greater uses then those above-mentioned , or at least , that some other uses might be made of them : And thereupon I casting mine Eye upon so many of the General Bills , as next came to hand , I found encouragement from them , to look out all the Bills I could , and ( to be short ) to furnish my self with as much matter of that kind , even as the Hall of the Parish-Clerks could afford me ; the which , when I had reduced into Tables ( the Copies whereof are here inserted ) so as to have a view of the whole together , in order to the more ready comparing of one Year , Season , Parish , or other Division of the City , with another , in respect of all the Burials , and Christnings , and of all the Diseases , and Casualties happening in each of them respectively ; I did then begin , not onely to examine the Conceits , Opinions , and Conjectures , which upon view of a few scattered Bills I had taken up ; but did also admit new ones , as I found reason , and occasion from my Tables . 3. Moreover , finding some Truths , and not commonly-believed Opinions , to arise from my Meditations upon these neglected Papers , I proceeded further , to consider what benefit the knowledge of the same would bring to the World ; that I might not engage my self in idle , and useless Speculations , but like those Noble Virtuosi of Gresham-Colledge ( who reduce their subtile Disquisitions upon Nature into downright Mechanical uses ) present the World with some real fruit from those ayrie Blossoms . 4. How far I have succeeded in the Premisses , I now offer to the World's censure . Who , I hope , will not expect from me , not professing Letters , things demonstrated with the same certainty , wherewith Learned men determine in their Scholes ; but will take it well , that I should offer at a new thing , and could forbear presuming to meddle where any of the Learned Pens have ever touched before , and that I have taken the pains , and been at the charge , of setting out those Tables , whereby all men may both correct my Positions , and raise others of their own : For herein I have , like a silly Schole-boy , coming to say my Lesson to the World ( that Peevish , and Tetchie Master ) brought a bundle of Rods wherewith to be whipt , for every mistake I have committed . CHAP. I. Of the Bills of Mortality , their beginning , and progress . THe first of the continued weekly Bills of Mortality extant at the Parish-Clerks Hall , begins the 29. of December , 1603 , being the first year of King James his Reign ; since when , a weekly Accompt hath been kept there of Burials and Christnings . It is true , There were Bills before , viz. for the years 1592 , -93 , -94. but so interrupted since , that I could not depend upon the sufficiencie of them , rather relying upon those Accompts which have been kept since , in order , as to all the uses I shall make of them . 2. I believe , that the rise of keeping these Accompts , was taken from the Plague : for the said Bills ( for ought appears ) first began in the said year 1592. being a time of great Mortality ; And after some disuse , were resumed again in the year 1603 , after the great Plague then happening likewise . 3. These Bills were Printed and published , not onely every week on Thursdays , but also a general Accompt of the whole Year was given in , upon the Thursday before Christmas Day : which said general Accompts have been presented in the several manners following , viz. from the Year 1603 , to the Year 1624 , inclusivè , according to the Pattern here inserted . 1623. 1624. The generall Bill for the whole Year , of all the Burials and Christnings , as well within the City of London , and the Liberties thereof , as in the Nine out-Parishes adjoyning to the City , with the Pest-house belonging to the same : From Thursday the 18. of December . 1623. to Thursday the 16. of December , 1624. According to the Report made to the King 's most Excellent Majesty , by the Company of the Parish-Clerks of London . BUried this Year in the fourscore and seventeen Parishes of London within the walls . 3386. Whereof , of the Plague , 1. Buried this Year in the sixteen Parishes of London , and the Pest-house , being within the Liberties , and without the walls , 5924. Whereof , of the Plague . 5. The whole summ of all the Burials in London , and the Liberties thereof , is this Year , 9310. Whereof , of the Plague , 6. Buried of the Plague without the Liberties , in Middlesex , and Surrey this whole Year , 0. Christned in London , and the Liberties thereof , this Year , 6368. Buried this Year in the Nine out-Parishes , adjoyning to London , and out of the Freedom , 2900. Whereof , of the Plague . 5. The Total of all the Burials in the places aforesaid , is 12210. Whereof , of the Plague . 11. Christned in all the aforesaid places this Year 8299. Parishes clear of the Plague , 116. Parishes that have been Infected this Year . 6. 4 In the Year 1625 , every Parish was particularized , as in this following Bill : where note , That this next year of Plague caused the Augmentation , and Correction of the Bills ; as the former year of Plague , did the very being of them . 1624. 1625. A general , or great Bill for this Year , of the whole number of Buria's , which have been buried of all Diseases , and also of the Plague in every Parish within the City of London , and the Liberties thereof ; as also in the nine out-Parishes adjoyning to the said City ; with the Pest-houfe belonging to the same . From Thursday the 16. day of December , 1624. to Thursday the 15. day of December , 1625. According to the Report , made to the king's most Excellent Majesty , by the Company of Parish-Clerks of London . LONDON , Bur. Plag . Albanes in Woodstreet 188 78 Alhallows Barking 397 263 Alhallows Breadstreet 34 14 Alhallows the Great 442 302 Alhallows Hony-lane 18 8 Alhallows the less 259 205 Alhal in Lumberdstreet 86 44 Alhallows Stainings 183 138 Alhallows the Wall 301 155 Alphage Cripple-gate 240 190 Andrew-Hubbard 146 101 Andrews Undershaft 219 149 Andrews by Wardrobe 373 191 Annes at Aldersgate 196 128 Annes Black Friers 336 215 Antholins Parish 62 31 Austins Parish 72 40 Barthol at the Exchange 52 24 Bennets Fink 108 57 Bennets Grace-Church 48 14 Bennets at Pauls Wharf 226 131 Bennets Sherehog 24 8 Botolps Billings-gate 99 66 Christ's Church Parish 611 371 Christopher's Parish 48 28 Clements by Eastcheap 87 72 Dyonis Black-Church 99 59 Dunstans in the East 335 225 Edmunds Lumberdstreet 78 49 Ethelborow in Bishopsg 205 101 St. Faiths 89 45 St. Fosters in Foster-lane 149 102 Gabriel Fen-church 71 54 George Botolphs-lane 30 19 Gregories by Pauls 296 196 Hellens in Bishopsgatest . 130 71 James by Garlickhithe 180 109 John Baptist 122 79 John Evangelist 7 0 John Zacharies 143 97 James Duks place 310 254 Katherine Coleman 263 175 Ratherine Cree-church 886 373 Lawrence in the Jewrie 91 55 Lawrence Pountney 206 127 Leonards Eastcheap 55 26 Leonards Fosterlane 292 209 Magnus Parish by Bridge 137 85 Margarets Lothbury 114 64 Margarets Moses 37 25 Margarets new Fishstreet 123 82 Margarets Pattons 77 50 Mary Ab-church 98 58 Mary Aldermanbury 126 79 Mary Aldermary 92 54 Mary le Bow 35 19 Mary Both●w 22 14 Mary Colechurch 26 11 Mary at the Hill 152 84 Mary Mounthaw 76 58 Mary Sommerset 270 192 Mary Stainings 70 44 Mary Woolchurch 58 35 Mary Woolnoth 82 50 Martins Ironmonger-lane 25 18 Martins at Ludgate 254 164 Martins Orgars 88 47 Martins Outwich 60 30 Martins in the Vintry 339 208 Matthew Fridaystreet 24 11 Maudlins in Milkstreet 401 23 Maudlins Oldfish-street 225 142 Michael Bassishaw 199 139 Michael Corn-Hill 159 79 Michael Crooked-lane 144 91 Michael Queenhithe 215 157 Michael in the Quern 53 30 Michael in the Ryal 111 61 Michael in Woodstreet 189 68 Mildreds Breadstreet 60 44 Mildreds Poultrey 94 45 Nicholas Acons 33 13 Nicholas Cole-Abby 87 67 Nicholas Olaves 70 43 Olaves in Hartstreet 266 195 Olaves in the Jewry 43 25 Olaves in Silverstreet 174 103 Pancras by Soperlane 17 8 Peter in Cheap 68 44 Peters in Corn-hill 318 78 Peters at Pauls Wharf 97 68 Peters poor in Broadstreet 52 27 Stevens in Colemanstreet 506 350 Stevens in Walbrook 25 13 Swithins at Londonstone 99 60 Thomas Apostles 141 107 Trinity Parish 148 87 Buried within the 97. Parishes within the Walls of , all Diseases . 14340.   Where of , of the Plague .   9197. Andrews in Holborn 2190 1636 Bartholmew the Great 516 360 Bartholmew the less 111 65 Brides Parish 1481 1031 Botolph Algate 2573 1653 Bridewel Precinct 213 152 Bottolph Bishopgate 2334 714 Botolph Aldersgate 578 397 Dunstanes the West 860 642 Georges Southwark 1608 912 Giles Cripplegate 3988 2338 Olaves in Southwark 3689 2609 Saviours in Southwark 2746 1671 Sepulchres Parish 3425 2420 Thomas in Southwark 335 277 Trinity in the Minories 131 87 At the Pesthouse 194 189 Buried in the 16 Parishes without the Walls , standing part within the Liberties , and part without : in Middlesex , and Surrey , and at the Pesthouse . 26972   Whereof , of the Plague   17153 Buried in the nine out-Parishes . Clements Templebar 1284 755 Giles in the Fields 1333 947 James at Clarkenwell 1191 903 Katherins by the Tower 998 744 Leonards in Shorditoh 1995 1407 Martins in the Fields 1470 973 Mary White-chappel 3305 2272 Magdalens Bermondsey 1127 889 Savoy Parish 250 176 Buried in the nine out Parishes , in Middlesex , and Surrey 12953   Whereof , of the Plague   9067 The Total of all the Burials of all Diseases , within the Walls , without the Walls , in the Liberties , in Middlesex and Surrey : with the nine Out Parishes and the Pest-house . 54265. Whereof , Buried of the Plague , this present year , is 35417 Christnings this present year , is 6983 Parishes clear this year , is 1 Parishes infected this year , is 121 5. In the Year 1626. the City of Westminster in imitation of London , was inserted . The grosse accompt of the Burials , and Christnings , with distinction of the Plague being only taken notice of therein ; the fifth , or last Canton , or Lined-space , of the said Bill , being varyed into the form following , viz. In Westminster this Year , Buried 471 Plague 13 Christenings 361 6. In the Year 1629. An accompt of the Diseases , and Casualties whereof any dyed , together with the distinction of Males and Females , making the sixth Canton of the Bill , was added in manner following . The Canton of Casualties , and of the Bill for the Year 1639. being of the some forme with that of 1629. The Diseases , and Casualties this year being 1632. ABortive , and Stilborn 445 Affrighted 1 Aged 628 Ague 43 Apoplex , and Meagrom 17 Bit with a mad dog 1 Bleeding 3 Bloody flux , scowring , and flux 348 Brused , Issues , sores , and ulcers , 28 Burnt , and Scalded 5 Burst , and Rupture 9 Cancer , and Wolf 10 Canker 1 Childbed 171 Chrisomes , and Infants 2268 Cold , and Cough 55 Colick , Stone , and Strangury 56 Consumption 1797 Convulsion 241 Cut of the Stone 5 Dead in the street , and starved 6 Dropsie , and Swelling 267 Drowned 34 Executed , and prest to death 18 Falling Sickness 7 Fever 1108 Fistula 13 Flocks , and small Pox 531 French Pox 12 Gangrene 5 Gout 4 Grief 11 Jaundies 43 Jawfaln 8 Impostume 74 Kil'd by several accidents 46 King 's Evil 38 Lethargie 2 Livergrown 87 Lunatique 5 Made away themselves 15 Measles 80 Murthered 7 Over-laid , and starved at nurse 7 Palsie 25 Piles 1 Plague 8 Planet 13 Pleurisie , and Spleen 36 Purples , and spotted Feaver 38 Quinsie 7 Rising of the Lights 98 Sciatica 1 Scurvey , and Itch 9 Suddenly 62 Surfet 86 Swine Pox 6 Teeth 470 Thrush , and Sore mouth 40 Tympany 13 Tissick 34 Vomiting 1 Worms 27 Christened Males 4994 Buried Males 4932 Whereof , of the Plague-8 Females 4590 Females 4603 In all 9584 In all 9535 Increased in the Burials in the 122 Parishes , and at the Pesthouse this year 993 Decreased of the Plague in the 122 Parishes , and at the Pesthouse this year , 266 7. In the year 1636 , the Accompt of the Burials , and Christnings in the Parishes of Islington , Lambeth , Stepney , Newington , Hackney , and Redriff , were added in the manner following , making a seventh Canton , viz. In Margaret Westminster Christned 440 Buried 890 Plague 0 Islington Christned 36 Buried 113 Plague 0 Lambeth Christned 132 Buried 220 Plague 0 Stepney Christned 892 Buried 1486 Plague 0 Newington Christned 99 Buried 181 Plague 0 Hackney Christned 30 Buried 91 Plague 0 Redriff Christned 16 Buried 48 Plague 0 The total of all the Burials in the seven last Parishes this Year 2958 Whereof of the Plague 0 The total of all the Christnings 1645 8. Covent Garden being made a Parish , the nine out-Parishes were called the ten out-Parishes , the which in former years were but eight . 9. In the year 1660. the last-mentioned ten Parishes , with Westminster , Islington , Lambeth , Stepney , Newington , Hackney , and Redriff , are entered under two Divisions , viz. the one containing the twelve Parishes lying in Middlesex , and Surrey , and the other the five Parishes within the City , and Liberties of Westminster , viz. St. Clement-Danes , St. Paul's - Covent-Garden , St. Martin's in the Fields , St. Mary-Savoy , and St. Margaret's Westminster . 10. We have hitherto described the several steps , whereby the Bills of Mortality are come up to their present state ; we come next to shew how they are made , and composed , which is in this manner , viz. When any one dies , then , either by tolling , or ringing of a Bell , or by bespeaking of a Grave of the Sexton , the same is known to the Searchers , corresponding with the said Sexton . 11. The Searchers hereupon ( who are antient Matrons , sworn to their Office ) repair to the place , where the dead Corps lies , and by view of the same , and by other enquiries , they examine by what Disease , or Casualty the Corps died . Hereupon they make their Report to the Parish-Clerk , and he , every Tuesday night , carries in an Accompt of all the Burials , and Christnings , hapning that Week , to the Clerk of the Hall. On Wednesday the general Accompt is made up , and Printed , and on Thursdays published , and dispersed to the several Families , who will pay four shillings per Annum for them . 12. Memorandum , That although the general yearly Bills have been set out in the several varieties aforementioned , yet the Original Entries in the Hall-books were as exact in the very first Year as to all particulars , as now ; and the specifying of Casualties and Diseases , was probably more . CAP. II. General Observations upon the Casualties . IN my Discourses upon these Bills I shall first speak of the Casualties , then give my Observations with reference to the Places , and Parishes comprehended in the Bills ; and next of the Years , and Seasons . 1. There seems to be good reason , why the Magistrate should himself take notice of the numbers of Burials , and Christnings , viz. to see , whether the City increase or decrease in people ; whether it increase proportionably with the rest of the Nation ; whether it be grown big enough , or too big , &c. But why the same should be made known to the People , otherwise then to please them as with a curiosity , I see not . 2. Nor could I ever yet learn ( from the many I have asked , and those not of the least Sagacity ) to what purpose the distinction between Males and Females is inserted , or at all taken notice of ; or why that of Marriages was not equally given in ? Nor is it obvious to every body , why the Accompt of Casualties ( whereof we are now speaking ) is made ? The reason , which seems most obvious for this latter , is , That the state of health in the City may at all times appear . 3. Now it may be Objected , That the same depends most upon the Accompts of Epidemical Diseases , and upon the chief of them all , the Plague ; wherefore the mention of the rest seems onely matter of curiosity . 4. But to this we answer ; That the knowledg even of the numbers , which die of the Plague , is not sufficiently deduced from the meer Report of the Searchers , which onely the Bills afford ; but from other Ratiocinations , and comparings of the Plague with some other Casualties . 5. For we shall make it probable , that in Years of Plague a quarter part more dies of that Disease then are set down ; the same we shall also prove by the other Casualties . Wherefore , if it be necessary to impart to the World a good Accompt of some few Casualties , which since it cannot well be done without giving an Accompt of them all , then is our common practise of so doing very apt , and rational . 6. Now , to make these Corrections upon the perhaps , ignorant , and careless Searchers Reports , I considered first of what Authority they were in themselves , that is , whether any credit at all were to be given to their Distinguishments : and finding that many of the Casualties were but matter of sense , as whether a Childe were Abortive , or Stilborn ; whether men were Aged , that is to say , above sixty years old , or thereabouts , when they died , without any curious determination , whether such Aged persons died purely of Age , as for that the Innate heat was quite extinct , or the Radical moisture quite dried up ( for I have heard some Candid Physicians complain of the darkness , which themselves were in hereupon ) I say , that these Distinguishments being but matter of sense , I concluded the Searchers Report might be sufficient in the Case . 7. As for Consumptions , if the Searchers do but truly Report ( as they may ) whether the dead Corps were very lean , and worn away , it matters not to many of our purposes , whether the Disease were exactly the same , as Physicians define it in their Books . Moreover , In case a man of seventy five years old died of a Cough ( of which had he been free , he might have possibly lived to ninety ) I esteem it little errour ( as to many of our purposes ) if this Person be , in the Table of Casualties , reckoned among the Aged , and not placed under the Title of Coughs . 8. In the matter of Infants I would desire but to know clearly , what the Searchers mean by Infants , as whether Children that cannot speak , as the word Infans seems to signifie , or Children under two or three years old , although I should not be satisfied , whether the Infant died of Winde , or of Teeth , or of the Convulsion , &c. or were choak'd with Phlegm , or else of Teeth , Convulsion , and Scowring , apart , or together , which , they say , do often cause one another : for , I say , it is somewhat , to know how many die usually before they can speak , or how many live past any assigned number of years . 9. I say , it is enough , if we know from the Searchers but the most predominant Symptomes ; as that one died of the Head-Ache , who was sorely tormented with it , though the Physicians were of Opinion , that the Disease was in the Stomach . Again , if one died suddenly , the matter is not great , whether it be reported in the Bills , Suddenly , Apoplexie , or Planet-strucken , &c. 10. To conclude , In many of these cases the Searchers are able to report the Opinion of the Physician , who was with the Patient , as they receive the same from the Friends of the Defunct , and in very many cases , such as Drowning , Scalding , Bleeding , Vomiting , making-away them selves , Lunatiques , Sores , Small-Pox , &c. their own senses are sufficient , and the generality of the World , are able prettie well to distinguish the Gowt , Stone , Dropsie , Falling-Sickness , Palsie , Agues , Plurisy , Rickets , &c. one from another . 11. But now as for those Casualties , which are aptest to be confounded , and mistaken , I shall in the ensuing Discourse presume to touch upon them so far , as the Learning of these Bills hath enabled me . 12. Having premised these general Advertisements , our first Observation upon the Casualties shall be , that in twenty Years there dying of all diseases and Casualties , 229250. that 71124. dyed of the Thrush , Convulsion , Rickets , Teeth , and Worms ; and as Abortives , Chrysomes , Infants , Liver-grown , and Overlaid ; that is to say , that about ⅓ . of the whole died of those Diseases , which we guess did all light upon Children under four or five Years old . 13. There died also of the Small-Pox , Swine-Pox , and Measles , and of Worms without Convulsions , 12210. of which number we suppose likewise , that about ½ . might be Children under six Years old . Now , if we consider that 16. of the said 229 thousand died of that extraordinary and grand Casualty the Plague , we shall finde that about thirty six per centum of all quick conceptions , died before six years old . 14. The second Observation is ; That of the said 229250. dying of all Diseases , there died of acute Diseases ( the Plague excepted ) but about 50000. or 2 / 9 parts . The which proportion doth give a measure of the state , and disposition of this Climate , and Air , as to health , these acute , and Epidemical Diseases happening suddenly , and vehemently , upon the like corruptions , and alterations in the Air. 15. The third Observation is , that of the said 229. thousand about 70. died of Chronical Diseases , which shews ( as I conceive ) the state , and disposition of the Country ( including as well it 's Food , as Air ) in reference to health , or rather to longaevity : for as the proportion of Acute and Epidemical Diseases shews the aptness of the Air to suddain and vehement Impressions , so the Chronical Diseases shew the ordinary temper of the Place , so that upon the proportion of Chronical Diseases seems to hang the judgment of the fitness of the Country for long Life . For , I conceive , that in Countries subject to great Epidemical sweeps men may live very long , but where the proportion of the Chronical distempers is great , it is not likely to be so ; because men being long sick , and alwayes sickly , cannot live to any great age , as we see in several sorts of Metal-men , who although they are less subject to acute Diseases then others , yet seldome live to be old , that is , not to reach unto those years , which David saies is the age of man. 16. The fourth Observation is ; That of the said 229000. not 4000. died of outward Griefs , as of Cancers , Fistulaes , Sores , Vlcers , broken and bruised Limbs , Impostumes , Itch , King's-evil , Leprosie , Scald-head , Swine-Pox , Wens , &c. viz. not one in 60. 17. In the next place , whereas many persons live in great fear , and apprehension of some of the more formidable , and notorious diseases following ; I shall onely set down how many died of each : that the respective numbers , being compared with the Total 229250 , those persons may the better understand the hazard they are in . Table of notorious Diseases . Apoplex 1306 Cut of the Stone 0038 Falling Sickness 0074 Dead in the streets 0243 Gowt 0134 Head-Ach 0051 Jaundice 0998 Lethargy 0067 Leprosy 0006 Lunatique 0158 Overlaid , and starved 0529 Palsy 0423 Rupture 0201 Stone and Strangury 0863 Sciatica 0005 Sodainly 0454 Table of Casualties . Bleeding 069 Burnt , and Scalded 125 Drowned 829 Excessive drinking 002 Frighted 022 Grief 279 Hanged themselves 222 Kil'd by several accidents 1021 Murthered 0086 Poysoned 014 Smothered 026 Shot 007 Starved 051 Vomiting 136 18. In the foregoing Observations we ventured to make a Standard of the healthfulness of the Air from the proportion of Acute and Epidemical diseases , and of the wholesomeness of the Food from that of the Chronical . Yet , forasmuch as neither of them alone do shew the longaevity of the Inhabitants , we shall in the next place come to the more absolute Standard , and Correction of both , which is the proportion of the aged , viz. 15757 to the Total 229250. That is of about 1. to 15. or 7. per Cent. Onely the question is , what number of Years the Searchers call Aged , which I conceive must be the same , that David calls so , viz. 70. For no man can be said to die properly of Age , who is much less : it follows from hence , that if in any other Country more then seven of the 100 live beyond 70. such Country is to be esteemed more healthfull then this of our City . 19. Before we speak of particular Casualties , we shall observe , that among the several Casualties some bear a constant proportion unto the whole number of Burials ; such are Chronical diseases , and the diseases , whereunto the City is most subject ; as for Example , Consumptions , Dropsies , Jaundice , Gowt , Stone , Palsie , Seurvy , rising of the Lights , or Mother , Rickets , Aged , Agues , Feavers , Bloody-Flux , and Scowring : nay some Accidents , as Grief , Drowning , Men's making away themselves , and being Kil'd by several Accidents , &c. do the like , whereas Epidemical , and Malignant diseases , as the Plague , Purples , Spotted-Feaver , Small-Pox , and Measles do not keep that equality , so as in some Years , or Moneths , there died ten times as many as in others . CHAP. III. Of Particular Casualties . 1. MY first Observation is , That few are starved . This appears , for that of the 229250 which have died , we find not above fifty one to have been starved , excepting helpless Infants at Nurse , which being caused rather by carelesness , ignorance , and infirmity of the Milch-women , is not properly an effect , or sign of want of food in the Countrey , or of means to get it . 2. The Observation , which I shall add hereunto , is , That the vast numbers of Beggars , swarming up and down this City , do all live , and seem to be most of them healthy and strong ; whereupon I make this Question , Whether , since they do all live by Begging , that is , without any kind of labour ; it were not better for the State to keep them , even although they earned nothing ; that so they might live regularly , and not in that Debauchery , as many Beggars do ; and that they might be cured of their bodily Impotencies , or taught to work , &c. each according to his condition , and capacity ; or by being employed in some work ( not better undone ) might be accustomed , and fitted for labour . 3. To this some may Object ; That Beggars are now maintained by voluntary Contributions , whereas in the other way the same must be done by a general Tax ; and consequently , the Objects of Charity would be removed , and taken away . 4. To which we Answer ; That in Holland , although no where fewer Beggars appear to charm up commiseration in the credulous , yet no where is there greater , or more frequent Charity : onely indeed the Magistrate is both the Beggar , and the disposer of what is gotten by begging ; so as all Givers have a Moral certainty , that their Charity shall be well applied . 5. Moreover , I question ; Whether what we give to a Wretch , that shews us lamentable sores , and mutilations , be always out of the purest charity ? that is , purely for God's sake ; for as much as when we see such Objects , we then feel in our selves a kinde of pain , and passion by consent ; of which we ease our selves , when we think we have eased them , with whom we sympathized : or else we bespeak aforehand the like commiseration in others towards our selves , when we shall ( as we fear we may ) fall into the like distress . 6. We have said , 'T were better the Publick should keep the Beggars , though they earned nothing , &c. But most men will laugh to hear us suppose , That any able to work ( as indeed most Beggars are , in one kind of measure , or another ) should be kept without earning any thing . But we Answer , That if there be but a certain proportion of work to be done ; and that the same be already done by the not-Beggars ; then to employ the Beggars about it , will but transfer the want from one hand to another ; nor can a Learner work so cheap as a skilfull practised Artist can . As for example , A practised Spinner shall spin a pound of Wool worth two shillings for six pence ; but a learner , undertaking it for three pence , shall make the Wool indeed into Yarn , but not worth twelve pence . 7. This little hint is the model of the greatest work in the World , which is the making England as considerable for Trade as Holland ; for there is but a certain proportion of Trade in the world , and Holland is prepossessed of the greater part of it , and is thought to have more skill , and experience to manage it : wherefore , to bring England into Holland's condition , as to this particular , is the same , as to send all the Beggars about London into the West-Countrey to Spin , where they shall onely spoil the Clothiers Wool , and beggar the present Spinners at best ; but , at worst , put the whole Trade of the Countrey to a stand , untill the Hollander , being more ready for it , have snapt that with the rest . 8. My next Observation is ; That but few are Murthered , viz. not above 86 of the 22950. which have died of other diseases , and casualties ; whereas in Paris few nights scape without their Tragedie . 9. The Reasons of this we conceive to be Two : One is the Government , and Guard of the City by Citizens themselves , and that alternately . No man settling into a Trade for that employment . And the other is , The natural , and customary abhorrence of that in humane Crime , and all Bloodshed by most Englishmen : for of all that are Executed few are for Murther . Besides the great and frequent Revolutions , and Changes of Government since the year 1650 , have been with little bloodshed ; the Vsurpers themselves having Executed few in comparison , upon the Accompt of disturbing their Innovations . 10. In brief , when any dead Body is found in England , no Algebraist , or Vncipherer of Letters , can use more subtile suppositions , and varietie of conjectures to finde out the Demonstration , or Cipher ; then every common unconcerned Person doth to finde out the Murtherers , and that for ever , untill it be done . 11. The Lunaticks are also but few , viz. 158 in 229250. though I fear many more then are set down in our Bills , few being entred for such , but those who die at Bedlam ; and there all seem to die of their Lunacie , who died Lunaticks ; for there is much difference in computing the number of Lunaticks , that die ( though of Fevers , and all other Diseases , unto which Lunacie is no Supersedeas ) and those , that die by reason of their Madness . 12. So that , this Casualty being so uncertain , I shall not force my self to make any inference from the numbers , and proportions we finde in our Bills concerning it : onely I dare ensure any man at this present , well in his Wits , for one in the thousand , that he shall not die a Lunatick in Bedlam , within these seven years , because I finde not above one in about one thousand five hundred have done so . 13. The like use may be made of the Accompts of men , that made away themselves , who are another sort of Mad-men , that think to ease themselves of pain by leaping into Hell ; or else are yet more Mad , so as to think there is no such place ; or that men may go to rest by death , though they die in self-murther , the greatest Sin. 14. We shall say nothing of the numbers of those , that have been Drowned , Killed by falls from Scaffolds , or by Carts running over them , &c. because the same depends upon the casual Trade , and Employment of men , and upon matters , which are but circumstantial to the Seasons , and Regions we live in ; and affords little of that Science , and Certainty we aim at . 15. We finde one Casualty in our Bills , of which though there be daily talk , there is little effect , much like our abhorrence of Toads , and Snakes , as most poisonous Creatures , whereas few men dare say upon their own knowledge , they ever found harm by either ; and this Casualty is the French-Pox , gotten , for the most part , not so much by the intemperate use of Venery ( which rather causeth the Gowt ) as of many common Women . 16. I say , the Bills of Mortality would take off these Bars , which keep some men within bounds , as to these extravagancies : for in the afore-mentioned 229250 we finde not above 392 to haved died of the Pox. Now , forasmuch as it is not good to let the World be lulled into a security , and belief of Impunity by our Bills , which we intend shall not be onely as Death's-heads to put men in minde of their Mortality , but also as Mercurial Statues to point out the most dangerous ways , that lead us into it , and misery . We shall therefore shew , that the Pox is not as the Toads , and Snakes afore-mentioned , but of a quite contrary nature , together with the reason , why it appears otherwise . 17. Forasmuch as by the ordinary discourse of the world it seems a great part of men have , at one time , or other , had some species of this disease , I wondering why so few died of it , especially because I could not take that to be so harmless , where of so many complained very fiercely ; upon inquiry I found that those who died of it out of the Hospitals ( especially that of King's-Land , and the Lock in Southwark ) were returned of Vlcers , and Sores . And in brief I found , that all mentioned to die of the French-Pox were retured by the Clerks of Saint Giles's , and Saint Martin's in the Fields onely ; in which place I understood that most of the vilest , and most miserable houses of uncleanness were : from whence I concluded , that onely hated persons , and such , whose very Noses were eaten of , were reported by the Searchers to have died of this too frequent Maladie . 18. In the next place , it shall be examined under what name , or Casualtie , such as die of these diseases are brought in : I say , under the Consumption : forasmuch , as all dying thereof die so emaciated and lean ( their Vlcers disappearing upon Death ) that the Old-women Searchers after the mist of a Cup of Ale , and the bribe of a two-groat fee , instead of one , given them , cannot tell whether this emaciation , or leanness were from a Phthisis , or from an Hectick Fever , Atrophy , &c. or from an Infection of the Spermatick parts , which in length of time , and in various disguises hath at last vitiated the habit of the Body , and by disabling the parts to digest their nourishment brought them to the condition of Leanness above mentioned . 19. My next Observation is , that of the Rickets we finde no mention among the Casualties ; untill the year 1634. and then but of 14 for that whole year . 20. Now the Question is , whether that Disease did first appear about that time ; or whether a Disease , which had been long before , did then first receive its Name ? 21. To clear this Difficulty out of the Bills ( for I dare venture on no deeper Arguments : ) I enquired what other Casualties before the year 1634 , named in the Bills , was most like the Rickets ; and found , not onely by Pretenders to know it , but also from other Bills , that Liver-grown was the nearest . For in some years I finde Liver-grown , Spleen , and Rickets , put all together , by reson ( as I conceive ) of their likeness to each other . Hereupon I added the Liver-growns of the year 1634 , viz. 77 , to the Rickets of the same year , viz. 14. making in all 91. which Total , as also the Number 77. it self , I compared with the Liver-grown of the precedent year , 1633 , viz. 82. All which shewed me , that the Rickets was a new Disease over and above . 22. Now , this being but a faint Argument , I looked both forwards and backwards , and found , that in the year 1629 , when no Rickets appeared , there was but 94 Liver-growns ; and in the year 1636. there was 99 Liver-grown , although there were also 50 of the Rickets : onely this is not to be denyed , that when the Rickets grew very numerous ( as in the year 1660 , viz. to be 521. ) then there appeared not above 15 of Liver-grown . 23. In the year 1659 were 441 Rickets , and 8 Liver-grown . In the year 1658 , were 476 Rickets , and 51 Liver-grown . Now , though it be granted that these Diseases were confounded in the judgment of the Nurses , yet it is most certain , that the Liver-grown did never but once , viz. Anno 1630 , exceed 100. whereas Anno 1660 , Liver-grown , and Rickets were 536. 24. It is also to be observed , That the Rickets were never more numerous then now , and that they are still increasing ; for Anno 1649 , there was but 190 , next year 260 , next after that 329. and so forwards , with some little starting backwards in some years , untill the year 1660 , which produced the greatest of all . 25. Now , such backstartings seem to be universal in all things ; for we do not onely see in the progressive motion of the wheels of Watches , and in the rowing of Boats , that there is a little starting , or jerking backwards between every step forwards , but also ( if I am not much deceived ) there appeared the like in the motion of the Moon , which in the long Telescopes at Gresham-College one may sensibly discern . 26. There seems also to be another new Disease , called by our Bills The stopping of the Stomack , first mentioned in the year 1636 , the which Malady from that year to 1647 , increased but from 6 to 29 ; Anno 1655 it came to be 145. In 57 , to 277. In 60 , to 214. Now these proportions far exceeding the difference of proportion generally arising from the increase of Inhabitants , and from the resort of Advenae to the City , shews there is some new Disease , which appeareth to the Vulgar as A stopping of the Stomach . 27. Hereupon I apprehended , that this Stopping might be the Green-sickness , for as much as I finde few , or none , to have been returned upon that Accompt , although many be visibly stained with it . Now whether the same be forborn out of shame , I know not ? For since the world believes , that Marriage cures it , it may seem indeed a shame , that any Maid should die uncured , when there are more Males then Females , that is , an overplus of Husbands to all that can be Wives . 28. In the next place I conjectured , that this stopping of the Stomach might be the Mother , for as much as I have heard of many troubled with Mother-fits ( as they call them ) although few returned to have died of them ; which conjecture , if it be true , we may then safely say , That the Mother-fits have also increased . 29. But I was somewhat taken off from thinking this stopping of the Stomach to be the Mother , because I guessed rather the Rising of the Lights might be it . For I remembred that some Women , troubled with the Mother-fits , did complain of a choaking in their Throats . Now as I understand , it is more conceivable , that the Lights , ot Lungs ( which I have heard called The Bellows of the Body ) not blowing , that is , neither venting out , nor taking in breath , might rather cause such a Choaking , then that the Mother should rise up thither , and do it . For me-thinks , when a woman is with childe , there is a greater rising , and yet no such Fits at all . 30. But what I have said of the Rickets , and stopping of the Stomach , I do in some measure say of the Rising of the Lights also , viz. that these Risings ( be they what they will ) have increased much above the general proportion ; for in 1629 there was but 44 , and in 1660 , 249 , viz. almost six times as many . 31. Now for as much as Rickets appear much in the Over-growing of Childrens Livers , and Spleons ( as by the Bills may appear ) which surely may cause stopping of the Stomach by squeezing , and crowding upon that part . And for as much as these Choakings , or Risings of the Lights may proceed from the same stuffings , as make the Liver , and Spleen to over-grow their due proportion . And lastly , for as much as the Rickets , stopping of the Stomach , and rising of the Lights , have all increased together , and in some kinde of correspondent proportions ; it seems to me , that they depend one upon another . And that what is the Rickets in children may be the other in more grown bodies ; for surely children , which recover of the Rickets , may retain somewhat sufficient to cause what I have imagined ; but of this let the learned Physicians consider , as I presume they have . 32. I had not medled thus far , but that I have heard , the first hints of the circulation of the Blood were taken from a common Person 's wondering what became of all the blood which issued out of the heart , since the heart beats above three thousand times an hour , although but one drop should be pumpt out of it , at every stroke . 33. The Stone seemed to decrease : for in 1632 , 33 , 34 , 35 , and 36. there died of the Stone , and Strangury , 254. And in the Years 1655 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 59 , and 1660 ▪ but 250 , which numbers although indeed they be almost equal , yet considering the Burials of the first named five Years were but half those of the latter , it seems to be decreased by about one half . 34. Now the Stone , and Strangury , are diseases , which most men know , that feel them , unless it be in some few cases , where ( as I have heard Physicians say ) a Stone is held up by the Filmes of the Bladder , and so kept from grating , or offending it . 35. The Gowt stands much at a stay , that is , it answers the general proportion of Burials ; there dies not above one of 1000. of the Gowt , although I believe that more die Gowty . The reason is , because those that have the Gowt , are said to be Long-livers , and therefore , when such die , they are returned as Aged . 36. The Scurvy hath likewise increased , and that gradually from 12. Anno 1629. to 95. Anno 1660. 37. The Tyssick seems to be quite worn away , but that it is probable the same is entred as Cough , or Consumption . 38. Agues and Fevers are entred promiscuously , yet in the few Bills , wherein they have been distinguished , it appears , that not above one in 40 , of the whole are Agues . 39. The Abortives , and Stil-born are about the twentieth part of those that are Christned , and the numbers seem the same thirty Years ago as now , which shews there were more proportion in those Years then now : or else that in these latter Years due Accompts have not been kept of the Abortives , as having been Buried without notice , and perhaps not in Church-Yards . 40. For that there hath been a neglect in the Accompts of the Christnings is most certain , because untill the year 1642 , we finde the Burials but equal with the Christnings , or near thereabouts , but in 1648 , when the differences in Religion had changed the Government , the Christnings were but two thirds of the Burials . And in the year 1659 , not half , viz. the Burials were 14720. ( of the Plague but 36 ) and the Christnings were but 5670 , which great disproportion could be from no other Cause , then that above-mentioned , for as much as the same grew as the Confusions , and Changes grew . 41. Moreover , although the Bills give us in Anno 1659 but 5670 Christnings , yet they give us 421 Abortives , and 226 dying in Child-bed , whereas in the year 1631 , when the Abortives were 410 , that is , near the number of the year 1659 , the Christnings were 8288. Wherefore by the proportion of Abortives Anno 1659 , the Christnings should have been about 8500 , but if we shall reckon by the women dying in Child-bed , of whom a better Accompt is kept then of Stil-borns , and Abortives , we shall finde Anno 1659 , there were 226 Child-beds ; and Anno 1631 , 112 , viz. not ½ . Wherefore I conceive that the true number of the Christnings Anno 1659 is above double to the 5690 set down in our Bills ; that is about 11500 , and then the Christnings will come near the same proportion to the Burials , as hath been observed in former times . 42. In regular Times , when Accompts were well kept , we finde that not above three in 200 died in Child-bed , and that the number of Abortives was about treble to that of the women dying in Child-bed , from whence we may probably collect , that not one woman of an hundred ( I might say of two hundred ) dies in her Labour ; for as much as there be other Causes of a woman's dying within the Moneth , then the hardness of her Labour . 43. If this be true in these Countries , where women hinder the facility of their Child-bearing by affected straightning of their Bodies ; then certainly in America , where the same is not practised , Nature is little more to be taxed as to women , then in Brutes , among whom not one in some thousands do die of their Deliveries : what I have heard of the Irish-women confirms me herein . 44. Before we quite leave this matter , we shall insert the Causes , why the Accompt of Christninos hath been neglected more then that of Burials : one , and the chief whereof was a Religious Opinion against Baptizing of Infants , either as unlawfull , or unnecessary . If this were the onely reason , we might by our defects of this kinde , conclude the growth of this Opinion , and pronounce , that not half the People of England , between the years 1650 , and 1660 , were convinced of the need of Baptizing . 45. A second Reason was , The scruples , which many Publick Ministers would make of the worthiness of Parents to have their Children Baptized , which forced such questioned Parents , who did also not believe the necessity of having their Children Baptized by such scrupulers , to carry their Children unto such other Ministers , as having performed the thing , had not the Authority or command of the Register to enter the names of the Baptized . 46. A third Reason was , That a little Fee was to be paid for the Registrie . 47. Upon the whole matter it is most certain , that the number of Heterodox Believers was very great between the said year , 1650 , and 1660 , and so peevish were they , as not to have the Births of their Children Registred , although thereby the time of their coming of Age might be known , in respect of such Inheritances , as might belong unto them ; and withall by such Registring it would have appeared unto what Parish each Childe had belonged , in case any of them should happen to want its relief . 48. Of Convulsions there appeared very few , viz. but 52 in the year 1629 , which 1636 grew to 709 , keeping about that stay , till 1659 , though sometimes rising to about 1000. 49. It is to be noted , that from 1629 to 1636 , when the Convulsions were but few , the number of Chrysoms , and Infants was greater : for in 1629 , there was of Chrysoms , and Infants 2596 , and of the Convulsion 52 , viz. of both , 2648. And in 1636 there was of Infants 1895 , and of the Convulsions 709 , in both 2604 , by which it appears , that this difference is likely to be onely a confusion in the Accompts . 50. Moreover , we finde that for these later years , since 1636 , the Total of Convulsions and Chrysoms added together are much less , viz. by about 400 or 500 , per Annum , then the like Totals from 1626 to 36 , which makes me think , that Teeth also were thrust in under the Title of Chrysoms , and Infants , in as much as in the said years , from 1629 to 1639 , the number of Worms , and Teeth , wants by about 400 per Annum of what we find in following years . CAP. IV. Of the Plague . 1. BEfore we leave to discourse of the Casualties , we shall add something concerning that greatest Disease , or Casualty of all , The Plague . There have been in London , within this Age , four Times of great Mortality , that is to say , the years 1592 , and 1593 , 1603 , 1625 , and 1636. There died Annno 1592 from March to December , 25886 Whereof of the Plague 11503 Anno 1593 17844 Whereof of the Plague 10662 Christned in the said year 4021 Anno 1603 within the same space of time , were Buried 37294 Whereof of the Plague 30561 Anno 1625 , within the same space , 51758 Whereof of the Plague 35417 Anno 1636 , from April to December 23359 Whereof of the Plague 10400 2. Now it is manifest of it self , in which of these years most died ; but in which of them was the greatest Mortality of all Diseases in general , or of the Plague in particular , we discover thus . In the year 1592 , and 1636 , we finde the proportion of those dying of the Plague in the whole to be near alike , that is about 10 to 23. or 11 to 25. or as about two to five . 3. In the year 1625. we finde the Plague to bear unto the whole in proportion as 35 to 51. or 7 to 10. that is almost the triplicate of the former proportion , for the Cube of 7. being 343. and the Cube of 10. being 1000. the said 343. is not 2 / 5. of 1000. 4. In Anno 1603. the proportion of the Plague to the whole was as 30 to 37. viz. as 4. to 5. which is yet greater then that last of 7 to 20. For if the Year 1625. had been as great a Plague-Year as 1603. there must have died not onely 7 to 10. but 8 to 10. which in those great numbers makes a vast difference . 5. We must therefore conclude the Year 1603. to have been the greatest Plague-Year of this age . 6. Now to know in which of these 4. was the greatest Mortality at large , we reason thus , Anno 1592. Buried 26490 or as 6 Christned 4277 1   There died in the whole or as 8 Anno 1603. Year of all 38244     Christned 4784 1     Died in the whole or as 8 1. to 8. or Anno 1625. Year 54265   1. 1 / 4. to 10. Christned 6983 1 Anno 1636. There died , ut suprà 23359 or as 5 Christned 9522 2 7. From whence it appears , that Anno 1636. the Christnings were about ⅖ . parts of the Burials . Anno 1592. but ⅙ . but in the Year 1603. and 1625. not above an eighth , so that the said two Years were the Years of greatest Mortality . We said that the year 1603. was the greatest Plague year . And now we say , that the same was not a greater year of Mortality then Anno 1625. Now to reconcile these two Positions , we must alledg , that Anno 1625. there was errour in the Accompots , or Distinctions of the Casualties ; that is , more died of the Plague then were accompted for under that name . Which Allegation we also prove thus , viz. 8. In the said year 1625. there are said to have died of the Plague 35417. and of all other Diseases 18848. whereas in the years , both before and after the same , the ordinary number of Burials was between 7. and 8000. so that if we add about 11000. ( which is the difference between 7. and 18 ) to our 35. the whole will be 46000. which bears to the whole 54000. as about 4. to 5. thereby rendering the said year 1625. to be as great a Plague-year as that of 1603. and no greater , which answers to what we proved before , viz. that the Mortality of the two Years was equal . 9. From whence we may probably suspect that about ¼ . part more died of the Plague then are returned for such ; which we further prove by noting , that Anno 1636. there died 10400. of the Plague , the ¼ . whereof is 2600. Now there are said to have died of all diseases that Year 12959. out of which number deducting 2600. there remains 10359. more then which there died not in several years next before and after the said year 1636. 10. The next Observation we shall offer is , that the Plague of 1603. lasted eight Years . In some whereof there died above 4000 , in others above 2000 , and in but one less then 600 : whereas in the Year 1624. next preceding , and in the year 1626. next following the said great Plague-year 1625. There died in the former but 11 , and in the latter but 134. of the Plague . Moreover in the said year 1625. the Plague decreased from its utmost number 4461 a week , to below 1000 within six weeks . 11. The Plague of 1636. lasted twelve Years , in eight whereof there died 2000. per annum one with another , and never under 300. The which shews , that the Contagion of the Plague depends more upon the Disposition of the Air , then upon the Effluvia from the Bodies of Men. 12. Which also we prove by the sudden jumps , which the Plague hath made , leaping in one Week from 118 to 927 : and back again from 993 to 258 : and from thence again the very next Week to 852. The which effects must surely be rather attributed to change of the Air , then of the Constitution of Mens bodies , otherwise then as this depends upon that . 13. It may be also noted , that many times other Pestilential Diseases , as Purple-Feavers , Small-Pox , &c. do forerun the Plague a Year , two , or three , for in 1622 ; there died but 8000. in 1623 ; 11000 : in 24. about 12000 : till in 1625 there died of all Diseases above 54000. CHAP. V. Other Observations upon the Plague , and Casualties . 1. THe Decrease , and Increase of People is to be reckoned chiefly by Christnings , because few bear children in London but Inhabitants , though others die there . The Accompts of Christnings were well kept , untill differences in Religion occasioned some neglect therein , although even these neglects we must confess to have been regular , and proportionable . 2. By the numbers and proportions of Christnings , therefore we observe as followeth , viz. First , That ( when from December , 1602 , to March following , there was little , or no Plague ) then the Christnings at a Medium , were between 110 , and 130 per Week , few Weeks being above the one , or below the other ; but when from thence to July the Plague increased , that then the Christnings decreased to under 90. Secondly , The Question is , Whether Teeming-women died , or fled , or miscarried ? The later at this time , seems most probable , because even in the said space , between March , and July , there died not above twenty per Week of the Plague , which small number could neither cause the death , or flight of so many Women , as to alter the proportion ¼ part lower . 3. Moreover , we observe from the 21 of July to the 21 of October , the Plague increasing , reduced the Christnings to 70 at a Medium , diminishing the above proportion , down to ⅖ . Now the cause of this must be flying , and death , as well as miscarriages , and Abortions ; for there died within that time about 25000 , whereof many were certainly Women with childe , besides the fright of so many dying within so small a time might drive away so many others , as to cause this effect . 4. From December 1624 , to the middle of April 1625 , there died not above 5 a Week of the Plague one with another . In this time , the Christnings were one with another 180. The which decreased gradually by the 22 of September to 75 , or from the proportion of 12 to 5 , which evidently squares with our former Observation . 5. The next Observation we shall offer , is , The time wherein the City hath been Re-peopled after a great Plague ; which we affirm to be by the second year . For in 1627 , the Christnings ( which are our Standard in this Case ) were 8408 , which in 1624 next preceding the Plague year 1625 ( that had swept away above 54000 ) were but 8299 , and the Christnings of 1626 ( which were but 6701 ) mounted in one year to the said 8408. 6. Now the Cause hereof , for as much as it cannot be a supply by Procreations ; Ergo , it must be by new Affluxes to London out of the Countrey . 7. We might fortifie this Assertion by shewing , that before the Plague-year , 1603 , the Christnings were about 6000 , which were in that very year reduced to 4789 , but crept up the next year 1604 , to 5458 , recovering their former ordinary proportion in 1605 of 6504 , about which proportion it stood till the year 1610. 8. I say , it followeth , that , let the Mortality be what it will , the City repairs its loss of Inhabitants within two years , which Observation lessens the Objection made against the value of houses in London , as if they were liable to great prejudice through the loss of Inhabitants by the Plague . CHAP. VI. Of the Sickliness , Healthfulness , and Fruitfulness of Seasons . 1. HAving spoken of Casualties , we come next to compare the sickliness , healthfulness , and fruitfulness of the several Years , and Seasons , one with another . And first , having in the Chapters aforegoing mentioned the several years of Plague , we shall next present the several other sickly years ; we meaning by a sickly Year , such wherein the Burials exceed those , both of the precedent , and subsequent years , and not above 200 dying of the Plague , for such we call Plague-Years ; and this we do , that the World may see , by what spaces , and intervals we may hereafter expect such times again . Now , we may not call that a more sickly year , wherein more die , because such excess of Burials may proceed from increase , and access of People to the City onely . 2. Such sickly years were 1618 , 20 , 23 , 24 , 1632 , 33 , 34 , 1649 , 52 , 54 , 56 , 58 , 61 , as may be seen by the Tables . 3. In reference to this Observation , we shall present another , namely , That the more sickly the years are , the less fecund , or fruitfull of Children also they be , which will appear , if the number of Children born in the said sickly years be less , then that of the years both next preceding , and next following ; all which , upon view of the Tables , will be found true , except in a very few Cases , where sometimes the precedent , and sometimes the subsequent years vary a little , but never both together . Moreover , for the confirmation of this Truth , we present you the year 1660 , where the Burials were fewer then in either of the two next precedent years by 2000 , and fewer then in the subsequent by above 4000. And withall , the number of Christnings in the said year 1660 was far greater then in any of the three years next aforegoing . 4. As to this year 1660 , although we would not be thought Superstitious , yet is it not to be neglected , that in the said year was the King's Restauration to his Empire over these three Nations , as if God Almighty had caused the healthfulness and fruitfulness thereof to repair the Bloodshed , and Clamities suffered in his absence . I say , this conceit doth abundantly counterpoise the Opinion of those who think great Plagues come in with Kings reigns , because it hapned so twice , viz. Anno 1603 , and 1625 , whereas as well the year 1648 , wherein the present King commenced his right to reign , as also the year 1660 , wherein he commenced the exercise of the same , were both eminently healthfull , which clears both Monarchie , and our present King's Familie from what seditious men have surmised against them . 5. The Diseases , which beside the Plague make years unhealthfull in this City , are Spotted Feavers , Small Pox , Dysentery , called by some The Plague in the Guts , and the unhealthfull Season is the Autumn . CHAP. VII . Of the difference between Burials , and Christnings . 1. THe next Observation is , That in the said Bills there are far more Burials , then Christnings . This is plain , depending onely upon Arithmetical computation ; for , in 40 years , from the year 1603 , to the year 1644 , exclusivè of both years , there have been set down ( as happening within the same ground , space , or Parishes ) although differently numbered , and divided , 363935 Burials , and but 330747 Christnings within the 97 , 16 , and 10 out-Parishes , those of Westminster , Lambeth , Newington , Redriff , Stepney , Hackney , and Islington , not being included . 2. From this single Observation it will follow , That London hath decreased in its People , the contrary whereof we see by its daily increase of Buildings upon new Foundations , and by the turning of great Palacious Houses into small Tenements . It is therefore certain , that London is supplied with People from out of the Countrey , whereby not onely to repair the overplus difference of Burials above-mentioned , but likewise to increase its Inhabitants according to the said increase of housing . 3. This supplying of London seems to be the reason , why Winchester , Lincoln , and several other Cities have decreased in their Buildings , and consequently in their Inhabitants . The same may be suspected of many Towns in Cornwal , and other places , which probably , when they were first allowed to send Burgesses to the Parliament , were more populous then now , and bore another proportion to London then now ; for several of those Burroughs send two Burgesses , whereas London it self sends but four , although it bears the fifteenth part of the charge of the whole Nation in all Publick Taxes , and Levies . 4. But , if we consider what I have upon exact enquiry found true , viz. That in the Countrie , within ninetie years , there have been 6339 Christnings , and but 5280 Burials , the increase of London will be salved without inferring the decrease of the People in the Countrie ; and withall , in case all England have but fourteen times more People then London , it will appear , how the said increase of the Country may increase the People , both of London , and it self ; for if there be in the 97 , 16 , 10 , and 7 Parishes , usually comprehended within our Bills , but 460000 souls as hereafter we shall shew , then there are in all England , and Wales , 6440000 Persons , out of which substract 460000 , for those in , and about London , there remains 5980000 in the Countrie , the which increasing about 1 / 7 part in 40 years , as we shall hereafter prove , doth happen in the Countrie , the whole increase of the Countrie will be about 854000 in the said time , out of which number , if but about 250000 be sent up to London in the said 40 years , viz. about 6000 per Annum , the said Missions will make good the alterations , which we finde to have been in , and about London , between the years 1603 and 1644 above-mentioned . But that 250000 will do the same , I prove thus , viz. in the 8 years , from 1603 to 1612 , the Burials in all the Parishes , and of all Diseases , the Plague included , were at a Medium 9750 per Annum . And between 1635 and 1644 were 18000 , the difference whereof is 8250 , which is the Total of the increase of the Burials in 40 years , that is about 206 per Annum . Now , to make the Burials increase 206 per Annum , there must be added to the City thirty times as many ( according to the proportion of 3 dying out of 41 Families ) viz. 6180 Advenae , the which number multiplied again by the 40 years , makes the Product 247200 , which is less then the 250000 above propounded ; so as there remains above 600000 of increase in the Countrie within the said 40 years , either to render it more populous , or send forth into other Colonies , or Wars . But that England hath fourteen times more People , is not improbable , for the Reasons following . 1. London is observed to bear about the fifteenth proportion of the whole Tax . 2. There is in England , and Wales , about 39000 square Miles of Land , and we have computed that in one of the greatest Parishes in Hampshire , being also a Market-Town , and containing twelve square Miles , there are 220 souls in every square Mile , out of which I abate ¼ for the overplus of People more in that Parish , then in other wilde Counties . So as the ¾ parts of the said 220 , multiplied by the Total of square Miles , produces 6400000 souls in all London included . 3. There are about 100000 Parishes in England , and Wales , the which , although they should not contain the ⅓ part of the Land , nor the ¼ of the People of that Country-Parish , which we have examined , yet may be supposed to contain about 600 People , one with another , according to which Accompt there will be six Millions of People in the Nation . I might add , that there are in England , and Wales , about five and twenty Millions of Acres at 16 ½ Foot to the Perch ; and if there be six Millions of People , then there is about four Acres for every head , which how well it agrees to the Rules of Plantation , I leave unto others , not onely as a means to examine my Assertion , but as an hint to their enquiry concerning the fundamental Trade , which is Husbandrie , and Plantation . 4. Upon the whole matter we may therefore conclude , That the People of the whole Nation do increase , and consequently the decrease of Winchester , Lincoln , and other like places , must be attributed to other Reasons , then that of refurnishing London onely . 5. We come to shew , why although in the Country the Christnings exceed the Burials , yet in London they do not . The general Reason of this must be , that in London the proportion of those subject to die unto those capable of breeding is greater then in the Countrey ; That is , let there be an hundred Persons in London , and as many in the Country ; we say , that if there be 60 of them Breeders in London , there are more then 60 in the Country , or else we must say , that London is more unhealthfull , or that it enclines men and women more to Barrenness , then the Country , which by comparing the Burials , and Christnings of Hackney , Newington , and the other Country-Parishes , with the most Smoaky , and Stinking parts of the City , is scarce discernable in any considerable degree . 6. Now that the Breeders in London are proportionally fewer then those in the Country arises from these reasons , viz. 1. All that have business to the Court of the King , or to the Courts of Justice , and all Country-men coming up to bring Provisions to the City , or to buy Foreign Commodities , Manufactures , and Rarities , do for the most part leave their Wives in the Country . 2. Persons coming to live in London out of curiosity , and pleasure , as also such as would retire , and live privately , do the same , if they have any . 3. Such , as come up to be cured of Diseases , do scarce use their Wives pro tempore . 4. That many Apprentices of London , who are bound seven , or nine years from Marriage , do often stay longer voluntarily . 5. That many Sea-men of London leave their Wives behind them , who are more subject to die in the absence of their Husbands , then to breed either without men , or with the use of many promiscuously . 6. As for unhealthiness it may well be supposed , that although seasoned Bodies may , and do live near as long in London , as elsewhere , yet new-comers , and Children do not , for the Smoaks , Stinks , and close Air are less healthfull then that of the Country ; otherwise why do sickly Persons remove into the Country Air ? And why are there more old men in Countries then in London , per rata ? And although the difference in Hackney , and Newington , above-mentioned , be not very notorious , yet the reason may be their vicinity to London , and that the Inhabitants are most such , whose bodies have first been impaired with the London Air , before they withdraw thither . 7. As to the causes of Barrenness in London , I say , that although there should be none extraordinary in the Native Air of the place , yet the intemperance in feeding , and especially the Adulteries and Fornications , supposed more frequent in London then elsewhere , do certainly hinder breeding . For a Woman , admitting 10 Men , is so far from having ten times as many Children , that she hath none at all . 8. Add to this , that the minds of men in London are more thoughtfull and full of business then in the Country , where their work is corporal Labour , and Exercizes . All which promote Breedings , whereas Anxieties of the minde hinder it . CHHP. VIII . Of the difference between the numbers of Males , and Females . THe next Observation is , That there be more Males then Females . There have been Buried from the year 1628 , to the year 1662 , exclusivè , 209436 Males , and but 190474 Females : but it will be objected , that in London it may indeed be so , though otherwise elsewhere ; because London is the great Stage and Shop of business , wherein the Masculine Sex bears the greatest part . But we Answer , That there have been also Christned within the same time , 139782 Males , and but 130866 Females , and that the Country Accompts are consonant enough to those of London upon this matter . 2. What the Causes hereof are , we shall not trouble our selves to conjecture , as in other Cases , onely we shall desire , that Travellers would enquire whether it be the same in other Countries . 3. We should have given an Accompt , how in every Age these proportions change here , but that we have Bills of distinction but for 32 years , so that we shall pass from hence to some inferences from this Conclusion ; as first , I. That Christian Religion , prohibiting Polygamy , is more agreeable to the Law of Nature , that is , the Law of God , then Mahumetism , and others , that allow it ; for one man his having many women , or wives by Law , signifies nothing , unless there were many women to one man in Nature also . II. The obvious Objection hereunto is , That one Horse , Bull , or Ram , having each of them many Females , do promote increase . To which I Answer , That although perhaps there be naturally , even of these species , more Males then Females , yet artificially , that is , by making Geldings , Oxen , and Weathers , there are fewer . From whence it will follow , That when by experience it is found how many Ews ( suppose twenty ) one Ram will serve , we may know what proportion of male-Lambs to castrate , or geld , viz. nineteen , or thereabouts : for if you emasculate fewer , viz. but ten , you shall by promiscuous copulation of each of those ten with two Females , ( in such as admit the Male after conception ) hinder the increase so far , as the admittance of two Males will do it : but , if you castrate none at all , it is highly probable , that every of the twenty Males copulating with every of the twenty Females , there will be little , or no conception in any of them all . III. And this I take to be the truest Reason , why Foxes , Wolves , and other Vermin Animals that are not gelt , increase not faster then Sheep , when as so many thousands of these are daily Butchered , and very few of the other die otherwise then of themselves . 4. We have hitherto said there are more Males , then Females ; we say next , That the one exceed the other by about a thirteenth part ; so that although more men die violent deaths then women , that is , more are slain in Wars , killed by mischance , drowned at Sea , and die by the Hand of Justice . Moreover , more men go to Colonies , and travel into foreign parts , then women . And lastly , more remain unmarried , then of women , as Fellows of Colleges , and Apprentises , above eighteen , &c. yet the said thirteenth part difference bringeth the business but to such a pass , that every woman may have an Husband , without the allowance of Polygamy . 5. Moreover , although a man be Prolifique fourty years , and a woman but five and twenty , which makes the Males to be as 560 to 325 Females , yet the causes above named , and the later marriage of the men , reduce all to an equality . 6. It appearing , that there were fourteen men to thirteen women , and that they die in the same proportion also , yet I have heard Physicians say , that they have two women Patients to one man , which Assertion seems very likely ; for that women have either the Green-sickness , or other like Distempers , are sick of Breedings , Abortions , Child-bearing , Sore-breasts , Whites , Obstructions , Fits of the Mother , and the like . 7. Now , from this it should follow , that more women should die then men , if the number of Burials answered in proportion to that of Sicknesses : but this must be salved , either by the alledging , that the Physicians cure those Sicknesses , so as few more die , then if none were sick ; or else that men , being more intemperate then women , die as much by reason of their Vices , as the women do by the Infirmitie of their Sex , and consequently , more Males being born , then Females , more also die . 8. In the year 1642 many Males went out of London into the Wars then beginning , in so much , as I expected in the succeeding year , 1643 , to have found the Burials of Females to have exceeded those of Males , but no alteration appeared ; for as much , as I suppose , Trading continuing the same in London , all those who lost their Apprentices had others out of the Countrey ; and if any left their Trades , or Shops , that others forthwith succeeded them : for if employment for hands remain the same , no doubt but the number of them could not long continue in disproportion . 9. Another pregnant Argument to the same purpose ( which hath already been touched on ) is , That although in the very year of the Plague , the Christnings decreased , by the dying and flying of Teeming-women , yet the very next year after , they increased somewhat , but the second after , to as full a number as in the second year before the said Plague : for I say again , if there be encouragement for an hundred in London , that is , a Way how an hundred may live better then in the Countrey , and if there be void housing there to receive them , the evacuating of a ¼th , or ⅓ part of that number , must soon be supplied out of the Countrey ; so as , the great Plague doth not lessen the Inhabitants of the City , but of the Countrey , who in a short time remove themselves from hence thither , so long , untill the City for want of receit and encouragement , regurgitates and sends them back . 10. From the difference between Males and Females , we see the reason of making Eunuchs in those places where Polygamy is allowed , the latter being useless as to multiplication , without the former , as was said before in the case of Sheep and other Animals , usually gelt in these Countries . 11. By consequence , this practise of Castracon serves as well to promote increase as to meliorate the Flesh of those Beasts that suffer it . For that Operation is equally practised upon Horses which are not used for Food , as upon those that are . 12. In Popish Countries where Polygamy is forbidden , if a greater number of Males oblige themselves to Caelibate then the natural overplus or difference between them and Females amounts unto ; then multiplication is hindred ; for if there be eight Men to ten Women , all of which eight men are married to eight of the ten Women , then the other two bear no Children , as either admitting no Man at all , or else admitting Men as Whores ( that is more then one ) which commonly procreates no more then if none at all had been used : or else such unlawfull Copulations beget Conceptions but to frustrate them by procured Abortions or secret Murthers , all which returns to the same reckoning . Now , if the same proportion of women oblige themselves to a single life like-wise , then such obligation makes no change in this matter of encrease . 13. From what hath been said , appears the reason why the Law is , and ought to be so strict against Fornications and Adulteries , for if there were universal liberty , the Increase of Man-kind would be but like that of Foxes at best . 14. Now forasmuch as Princes are not only Powerfull but Rich , according to the number of their People ( Hands being the Father , as Lands are the Mother , and Womb of Wealth ) it is no wonder why states by encouraging Marriage , and hindering Licentiousness , advance their own Interest , as well as preserve the Laws of God from contempt , and Violation . 15. It is a Blessing to Man-kind , that by this overplus of Males there is this natural Bar to Polygamy : for in such a state Women could not live in that parity , and equality of expence with their Husbands , as now , and here they do . 16. The reason whereof is , not , that the Husband cannot maintain as splendidly three , as one ; for he might , having three Wives , live himself upon a quarter of his Income , that is in a parity with all three , as-well as , having but one , live in the same parity at half with her alone : but rather , because that to keep them all quiet with each other , and himself , he must keep them all in greater aw , and less splendor , which power he having will probably use it to keep them all as low , as he pleases , and at no more cost then makes for his own pleasure ; the poorest Subjects ( such as this plurality of Wives must be ) being most easily governed . CHAP. IX . Of the growth of the City . 1. IN the year 1593 there died in the ninety seven Parishes within the walls , and the sixteen without the walls ( besides 421 of the Plague ) 3508. And the next year 3478 , besides 29 of the Plague : in both years 6986. Twenty years after , there died in the same ninety seven , and sixteen Parishes , 12110 , viz. Anno 1614 , 5873 ; and Anno 1615 , 6237 : so as the said Parishes are increased , in the said time , from seven to twelve , or very near thereabouts . 2. Moreover , the Burials within the like space of he next twenty years , viz. Anno 1634 , and 1635 , vere 15625 , viz. as about twenty four to thirty one : he which last of the three numbers , 15625 , is much more then double to the first 6986 , viz. the said Parishes have in fourty years increased from twenty three to fifty two . 3. Where is to be noted , That although we were necessitated to compound the said ninety seven with the sixteen Parishes , yet the sixteen Parishes have increased faster then the ninety seven . For , in the year 1620 , there died within the walls 2726 , and in 1660 there died but 3098 ( both years being clear of the Plague ) so as in this fourty years the said ninety seven Parishes have increased but from nine to ten , or thereabouts , because the housing of the said ninety seven Parishes could be no otherwise increased , then by turning great Houses into Tenements , and building upon a few Gardens . 4. In the year 1604 , there died in the ninety seven Parishes 1518 , and of the Plague 280. And in the year 1660 , 3098 , and none of the Plague , so as in fifty six years the said Parishes have doubled : Where note , that forasmuch as the said year 1604 was the very next year after the great Plague , 1603 ( when the City was not yet re-peopled ) we shall rather make the comparison between 2014 , which died Anno 1605 , and 3431 Anno 1659 , choosing rather from hence to assert , that the said ninety seven , and sixteen Parishes encreased from twenty to thirty four , or from ten to seventeen in fifty four years , then from one to two in fifty six , as in the last aforegoing Paragraph is set down . 5. Anno 1605 , there died in the sixteen out-Parishes 2974 , and Anno 1659 , 6988 , so as in the fifty four years , the said Parishes have encreased from three to seven . 6. Anno 1605 there died in the eight out-parishes , 960 , Anno 1659 , there died in the same scope of Ground , although called now ten Parishes ( the Savoy , and Covent-Garden being added ) 4301 , so as the said Parishes have encreased within the said fifty four years , more then from one to four . 7. Moreover , there was Buried in all , Anno 1605 , 5948 , and Anno 1659 14720 , viz. about two to five . 8. Having set down the proportions , wherein we find the said three great Divisions of the whole Pyle , call'd London , to have encreased ; we come next to shew what particular Parishes have had the most remarkable share in these Augmentations , viz. of the ninty seven Parishes within the Walls the Increase is not very discernable , but where great houses formerly belonging to Noblemen before they built others neer White-hall , have been turned into Tenements , upon which Accompt Alhallows on the wall is encreased , by the conversion of the Marquess of Winchesters house , lately the Spanish Ambassadors , into a New street , the like of Alderman Freeman , and La Motte neer the Exchange , the like of the Earl of Arundells in Loathbury , the like of the Bishop of London's Palace , the Dean of Paul's , and the Lord River's house , now in hand , as also of the Dukes-Place , and others heretofore . 9. Of the sixteen Parishes next without the Walls , Saint Gile's Criplegate hath been most inlarged , next to that , Saint Olave's Southwark , then Saint Andrews Holborn , then White-Chappel , the difference in the rest not being considerable . 10. Of the out Parishes now called ten , formerly nine , and before that eight , Saint Gile's , and Saint Martins in the fields , are most encreased , notwithstanding Saint Pauls Covent-Garden was taken out of them both . 11. The general observation which arises from hence is , That the City of London gradually removes Westward , and did not the Royal Exchange , and London-Bridg stay the Trade , it would remove much faster , for Leaden-Hall-street , Bishops-gate , and part of Fan-church-street , have lost their ancient Trade , Grace-Church-street indeed keeping it self yet entire , by reason of its conjunction with , and relation to London-Bridg . 12. Again , Canning-street , and Watlin-street have lost their Trade of Woollen-Drapery to Paul's Church-Yard , Ludgate-hill , and Fleet-street ; the Mercery is gone from out of Lombard-street , and Cheapside , into Pater-Noster-Row , and Fleet-street . 13. The reasons whereof are , that the King's Court ( in old times frequently kept in the City ) is now always at Westminster . Secondly , the use of Coaches , whereunto the narrow streets of the old City are unfit , hath caused the building of those broader streets in Covent-Garden , &c. 14. Thirdly , where the Consumption of Commodity is , viz. among the Gentry , the vendors of the same must seat themselves . 15. Fourthly , the cramming up of the voyd spaces , and gardens within the Walls , with houses , to the prejudice of Light , and Air , have made men Build new ones , where they less fear those inconveniencies . 16. Conformity in Building to other civil Nations hath disposed us to let our old Wooden dark houses fall to decay , and to build new ones , whereby to answer all the ends above-mentioned . 17. Where note , that when Lud-gate was the onely Western Gate of the City , little Building was Westward thereof . But when Holborn began to encrease New-gate was made . But now both these Gates are not sufficient for the Communication between the Walled City , and it s enlarged Western Suburbs , as dayly appears by the intolerable stops and embaresses of Coaches near both these Gates , especially Lud-gate . CHAP. X. Of the Inequality of Parishes . 1. BEfore we pass from hence , we shall offer to consideration the inequality of Parishes in , and about London , evident in the proportion of their respective Burials ; for in the same year were Buried in Cripple-gate-Parish 1191 , that but twelve died in Trinity-Minories , St. Saviour's Southwark , and Botolph's Bishop-gate , being of the middle size , as burying five and 600 per Annum ; so that Cripple-gate is an hundred times as big as the Minories , and 200 times as big as St. Bennet's Grace-church , Matthew-Friday-street , and some others within the City . 2. Hence may arise this Question , Wherefore should this inequality be continued ? If it be Answered , Because that Pastours of all sorts , and sizes of Abilities , may have Benefices , each man according to his merit : we Answer , That a two hundredth part of the best Parson's learning is scarce enough for a Sexton . But besides , there seems no reason of any differences at all , it being as much Science to save one single soul , as one thousand . 3. We encline therefore to think the Parishes should be equal , or near , because , in the Reformed Religions , the principal use of Churches is to Preach in : now the bigness of such a Church ought to be no greater , then that , unto which the voice of a Preacher of middling Lungs will eafily extend ; I say , easily , because they speak an hour , or more together . 4. The use of such large Churches , as Paul's , is now wholly lost , we having no need of saying perhaps fifty Masses all at one time , nor of making those grand Processions frequent in the Romish Church ; nor is the shape of our Cathedral proper at all for our Preaching Auditories , but rather the Figure of an Amphi-Theatre with Galleries , gradually over-looking each other ; for unto this Condition the Parish-Churches of London are driving apace , as appears by the many Galleries every day built in them . 5. Moreover , if Parishes were brought to the size of Colman-street , Alhallows-Barking , Christ-Church , Black-Friers , &c ▪ in each whereof die between 100 and 150 , per Annum , then an hundred Parishes would be a fit , and equal Division of this great charge , and all the Ministers ( some whereof have now scarce fourty pounds per Annum ) might obtain a subsistance . 6. And lastly , The Church-Wardens , and Over-seers of the Poor might finde it possible to discharge their Duties , whereas now in the greater out-Parishes many of the poorer Parishioners through neglect do perish , and many vicious persons get liberty to live as they please , for want of some heedfull Eye to over-look them . CHAP. XI . Of the number of Inhabitants . 1. I Have been several times in company with men of great experience in this City , and have heard them talk seldom under Millions of People to be in London , all which I was apt enough to believe , untill , on a certain day , one of eminent Reputation was upon occasion asserting , that there was in the year 1661 two Millions of People more then Anno 1625 , before the great Plague ; I must confess , that , untill this provocation , I had been frighted with that mis-understood Example of David , from attempting any computation of the People of this populous place ; but hereupon I both examined the lawfulness of making such enquiries , and , being satisfied thereof , went about the work it self in this manner : viz. 2. First , I imagined , That , if the Conjecture of the worthy Person afore-mentioned had any truth in it , there must needs be about six , or seven Millions of People in London now ; but repairing to my Bills I found , that not above 15000 per Annum were buried , and consequently , that not above one in four hundred must die per Annum , if the Total were but six Millions . 3. Next considering , That it is esteemed an even Lay , whether any man lives ten years longer , I supposed it was the same , that one of any 10 might die within one year . But when I considered , that of the 15000 afore-mentioned about 5000 were Abortive , and Stilborn , or died of Teeth , Convulsion , Rickets , or as Infants , and Chrysoms , and Aged . I concluded , that of men , and women , between ten and sixty , there scarce died 10000 per Annum in London , which number being multiplied by 10 , there must be but 100000 in all , that is not the 1 / 60 part of what the Alderman imagined . These were but sudden thoughts on both sides , and both far from truth , I thereupon endeavoured to get a little nearer , thus : viz. 4. I considered , that the number of Child-bearing women might be about double to the Births : forasmuch as such women , one with another , have scarce more then one Childe in two years . The number of Births I found , by those years , wherein the Registries were well kept , to have been somewhat less then the Burials . The Burials in these late years at a Medium are about 13000 , and consequently the Christnings not above 12000. I therefore esteemed the number of Teeming women to be 24000 : then I imagined , that there might be twice as many Families , as of such women ; for that there might be twice as many women Aged between 16 and 76 , as between 16 and 40 , or between 20 and 44 ; and that there were about eight Persons in a Family , one with another , viz. the Man , and his Wife , three Children , and three Servants , or Lodgers : now 8 times 48000 makes 384000. 5. Secondly , I finde by telling the number of Families in some Parishes within the walls , that 3 out of 11 families per an ▪ have died : wherefore , 13000 having died in the whole , it should follow , there were 48000 Families according to the last mentioned Acccompt . 6. Thirdly , the Accompt , which I made of the Trayned-Bands , and Auxiliary Souldiers , doth enough justify this Accompt . 7. And lastly I took the Map of London set out in the year 1658 by Richard Newcourt , drawn by a scale of Yards . Now I guessed that in 100 yards square there might be about 54 Families , supposing every house to be 20 foot in the front : for on two sides of the said square there will be 100 yards of housing in each , and in the two other sides 80 each ; in all 360 yards : that is 54 Families in each square , of which there are 220 within the Walls , making in all 11880 Families within the Walls . But forasmuch as there dy within the Walls about 3200 per Annum , and in the whole about 13000 ; it follows , that the housing within the Walls is ¼ ▪ part of the whole , and consequently , that there are 47520 Families in , and about London , which agrees well enough with all my former computations : the worst whereof doth sufficiently demonstrate , that there are no Millions of People in London , which nevertheless most men do believe , as they do , that there be three Women for one Man , whereas there are fourteen Men for thirteen Women , as else where hath been said . 8. We have ( though perhaps too much at Random ) determined the number of the inhabitants of London to be about 384000 : the which being granted , we assert , that 199112 are Males , and 184886 Females . 9. Whereas we have found , that of 100 quick Conceptions about 36 of them die before they be six years old , and that perhaps but one surviveth 76 , we , having seven Decads between six and 76 , we sought six mean proportional numbers between 64 , the remainder , living at six years , and the one , which survives 76 , and finde , that the numbers following are practically near enough to the truth ; for men do not die in exact Proportions , nor in Fractions : from whence arises this Table following . Viz. of 100 there dies within the first six years 36 The next ten years , or Decad 24 The second Decad 15 The third Decad 09 The fourth 6 The next 4 The next 3 The next 2 The next 1 10. From whence it follows , that of the said 100 conceived there remains alive at six years end 64. At Sixteen years end 40 At Twenty six 25 At Tirty six 16 At Fourty six 10 At Fifty six 6 At Sixty six 3 At Seventy six 1 At Eighty 0 11. It follows also , that of all , which have been conceived , there are now alive 40 per Cent. above sixteen years old , 25 above twenty six years old , & sic deinceps , as in the above Table : there are therefore of Aged between 16 , and 56 , the number of 40 , less by six , viz. 34 ; of between 26 , and 66 , the number of 25 less by three , viz. 22 : & sic deniceps . Wherefore , supposing there be 199112 Males , and the number between 16 , and 56 , being 34. It follows , there are 34 per Cent. of all those Males fighting Men in London , that is 67694 , viz. near 70000 : the truth whereof I leave to examination , only the ⅕ . of 67694 , viz. 13539. is to be added for Westminster , Stepney , Lambeth , and the other distant Parishes , making in all 81233 fighting Men. 12. The next enquiry shall be , In how long time the City of London shall , by the ordinary proportion of Breeding , and Dying , double its breeding People . I answer in about seven years , and ( Plagues considered ) eight . Wherefore since there be 24000 pair of Breeders , that is ⅛ . of the whole , it follows , that in eight times eight years the whole People of the City shall double without the access of Foreigners : the which contradicts not our Accompt of its growing from two to five in 56 years with such accesses . 13. According to this proportion , one couple viz. Adam and Eve , doubling themselves every 64 years of the 5610 years , which is the age of the World according to the Scriptures , shall produce far more People , then are now in it . Wherefore the World is not above 100 thousand years , old as some vainly Imagine , nor above what the Scripture makes it . CHAP. XII . Of the Country Bills . WE have , for the present , done with our Observations upon the Accompts of Burials , and Christnings , in , and about London ; we shall next present the Accompts of both Burials , Christnings , and also of Weddings in the Country , having to that purpose inserted Tables of 90 years for a certain Parish in Hampshire , being a place neither famous for Longevity , and Healthfulness , nor for the contrary . Upon which Tables we observe , 1. That every Wedding , one with another , produces four Children , and consequently , that that is the proportion of Children , which any Marriagable man , or woman may be presumed shall have . For , though a man may be Married more then once , yet , being once Married , he may die without any Issue at all . 2. That in this Parish there were born 15 Females for 16 Males , whereas in London there were 13 for 14 , which shews , that London is somewhat more apt to produce Males , then the country . And it is possible , that in some other places there are more Females born , then Males , which , upon this variation of proportion , I again recommend to the examination of the curious . 3. That in the said whole 90 years the Burials of the Males and Females were exactly equal , and that in several Decads they differed not 1 / 100 part , that in one of the two Decads , wherein the difference was very notorious , there were Buried of Males 337 , and of Females but 284 , viz. 53 difference , and in the other there died contrariwise 338 Males , and 386 Females , differing 46. 4. There are also Decads , where the Birth of Males and Females differ very much , viz. about 60. 5. That in the said 90 years there have been born more , then buried in the said Parish , ( the which both 90 years ago , and also now , consisted of about 2700 Souls ) but 1059 , viz. not 12 per Annum , one year with another . 6. That these 1059 have in all probability contributed to the increase of London ; since , as was said even now , it neither appears by the Burials , Christnings , or by the built of new-housing , that the said Parish is more populous now , then 90 years ago , by above two or 300 souls . Now , if all other places send about ⅓ of their encrease , viz. about one out of 900 of their Inhabitants Annually to London , and that there be 14 times as many people in England , as there be in London , ( for which we have given some reasons ) then London encreases by such Advenae every year above 6000 : the which will make the Accompt of Burials to swell about 200 per Annum , and will answer the encreases . We observe it is clear , that the said Parish is encreased about 300 , and it is probable , that three or four hundred more went to London , and it is known , That about 400 went to New-England , the Caribe-Islands , and New-found-Land , within these last fourty years . 7. According to the Medium of the said whole 90 years , there have been five Christnings for four Burials , although in some single Years , and Decads , there have been three to two , although sometimes ( though more rarely ) the Burials have exceeded the Births , as in the case of Epidemical Diseases . 8. Our former Observation , That healthfull years are also the most fruitfull , is much confirmed by our Country Accompts ; for , 70 being our Standard for Births , and 58 for Burials , you shall finde , that where fewer then 58 died , more then 70 were born . Having given you a few instances thereof , I shall remit you to the Tables for the general proof of this Assertion . Viz. Anno 1633. when 103 were born , there died but 29. Now , in none of the whole 90 years more were born then 103 , and but in one , fewer then 29 died , viz. 28 Anno 1658. Again Anno 1568 , when 93 were born , but 42 died . Anno 1584 , when 90 were born , but 41 died . Anno 1650 , when 86 were born , but 52 died . So that by how much more are born , by so much ( as it were ) the fewer die . For when 103 were born , but 29 died : but when but 86 were born , then 52 died . On the other side Anno 1638 , when 156 died per Annum , which was the greatest year of Mortality , then less then the meer Standard 70 , viz. but 66 were born . Again Anno 1644 , when 137 died , but 59 were born . Anno 1597 , when 117 died , but 48 were born . And Anno 1583 , when 87 died , but 59 were born . A little Irregularity may be found herein , as that Anno 1612 , when 116 died ( viz. a number double to our Standard 58 yet ) 87 ( viz. 17 about the Standard 70 ) were born . And that when 89 died 075 were born : but these differences are not so great , nor so often , as to evert our Rule , which besides the Authority of these Accompts is probable in it self . 9. Of all the said 90 years the year 1638 was the most Mortal , I therefore enquired whether the Plague was then in that Parish , and having received good satisfaction that it was not ( which I the rather believe , because , that the Plague was not then considerable at London ) but that it was a Malignant Fever raging so fiercely about Harvest , that there appeared scarce hands enough to take in the Corn : which argues , considering there were 2700 Parishioners , that seven might be sick for one that died : whereas of the Plague more die then recover . Lastly , these People lay longer sick then is usual in the Plague , nor was there any mention of Sores , Swellings , blew-Tokens , &c. among them . It follows , that the proportion between the greatest and the least Mortalities in the Country are far greater then at London . Forasmuch as the greatest 156 is above quintuple unto 28 the least , whereas in London ( the Plague excepted , as here it hath been ) the number of Burials upon other Accompts within no Decad of years hath been double , whereas in the Country it hath been quintuple not onely within the whole 90 years , but also within the same Decad : for Anno 1633. there died but 29 , and Anno 1638 the above-mentioned number of 156. Moreover , as in London , in no Decad , the Burials of one year are double to those of another : so in the Country they are seldom not more then so . As by this Table appears , Decad greatest least number of Burials 1 66 34 2 87 39 3 117 38 4 53 30 5 116 51 6 89 50 7 156 35 8 137 46 9 80 28 Which shews , that the opener , and freer Airs are most subject both to the good and bad Impressions , and that the Fumes , Steams , and Stenches of London do so medicate , and impregnate the Air about it , that it becomes capable of little more , as if the said Fumes rising out of London met with , opposed , and justled backwards the Influences falling from above , or resisted the Incursion of the Country-Airs . 10. In the last Paragraph we said , that the Burials in the Country were sometimes quintuple to one another , but of the Christnings we affirm , that within the same Decad they are seldome double , as appears by this Table , viz. Decad greatest least number of Burials 1 70 50 2 90 45 3 71 52 4 93 60 5 87 61 6 85 63 7 103 66 8 87 62 9 86 52 Now , although the disproportions of Births be not so great as that of Burials , yet these disproportions are far greater then at London : for let it be shewn in any of the London Bills , that within two years the Christnings have decreased ½ . or increased double , as they did Anno 1584 , when 90 were born , and An. 1586 , wherein were but 45 : or to rise from 52 , as Anno 1593 , to 71 , as in the next year 1594. Now , these disproportions both in Births , and Burials , confirm what hath been before Asserted , that Healthfulness , and Fruitfulness go together , as they would not , were there not disproportions in both , although proportional . 11. By the Standard of Burials in this Parish , I thought to have computed the number of Inhabitants in it , viz. by multiplying 58 by 4 , which made the Product 232 , the number of Families . Hereupon I wondered , that a Parish containing a large Market-Town , and 12 Miles compass , should have but 232 Houses , I then multiplied 232 by 8 , the Product whereof was 1856 , thereby hoping to have had the number of the Inhabitants , as I had for London ; but when upon enquiry I found there had been 2100 Communicants in that Parish in the time of a Minister , who forced too many into that Ordinance , and that 1500 was the ordinary number of Communicants in all times , I found also , that for as much as there were near as many under 16 years old , as there are above , viz. Communicants , I concluded , that there must be about 27 , or 2800 Souls in that Parish : from whence it follows , that little more then one of 50 dies in the Country , whereas in London , it seems manifest , that about one in 32 dies , over and above what dies of the Plague . 12. It follows therefore from hence , what I more faintly asserted in the former Chapter , that the Country is more healthfull , then the City , That is to say , although men die more regularly , and less per Saltum in London , then in the Country , yet , upon the whole matter , there die fewer per Rata ; so as the Fumes , Steams , and Stenches above-mentioned , although they make the Air of London more equal , yet not more Healthfull . 13. When I consider , That in the Country seventy are Born for fifty eight Buried , and that before the year 1600 the like happened in London , I considered , whether a City , as it becomes more populous , doth not , for that very cause , become more unhealthfull , I inclined to believe , that London now is more unhealthfull , then heretofore , partly for that it is more populous , but chiefly , because I have heard , that 60 years ago few Sea-Coals were burnt in London , which now are universally used . For I have heard , that Newcastle is more unhealthfull then other places , and that many People cannot at all endure the smoak of London , not onely for its unpleasantness , but for the suffocations which it causes . 14. Suppose , that Anno 1569 there were 2400 souls in that Parish , and that they increased by the Births 70 , exceeding the Burials 58 , it will follow , that the said 2400 cannot double under 200. Now , if London be less healthfull then the Country , as certainly it is , the Plague being reckoned in , it follows , that London must be doubling it self by generation in much above 200 : but if it hath encreased from 2 to 5 in 54 , as aforesaid , the same must be by reason of transplantation out of the Country . The Conclusion . IT may be now asked , to what purpose tends all this laborious buzzling , and groping ? To know , 1. The number of the People ? 2. How many Males , and Females ? 3. How many Married , and single ? 4. How many Teeming Women ? 5. How many of every Septenary , or Decad of years in age ? 6. How many Fighting Men ? 7. How much London is , and by what steps it hath increased ? 8. In what time the housing is replenished after a Plague ? 9. What proportion die of each general and perticular Casualties ? 10. What years are Fruitfull , and Mortal , and in what Spaces , and Intervals , they follow each other ? 11. In what proportion Men neglect the Orders of the Church , and Sects have increased ? 12. The disproportion of Parishes ? 13. Why the Burials in London exceed the Christnings , when the contrary is visible in the Country ? To this I might answer in general by saying , that those , who cannot apprehend the reason of these Enquiries , are unfit to trouble themselves to ask them . 2. I might answer by asking ; Why so many have spent their times , and estates about the Art of making Gold ? which , if it were much known , would onely exalt Silver into the place , which Gold now possesseth ; and if it were known but to some one Person , the same single Adeptus could not , nay , durst not enjoy it , but must be either a Prisoner to some Prince , and Slave to some Voluptuary , or else skulk obscurely up and down for his privacie , and concealment . 3. I might Answer ; That there is much pleasure in deducing so many abstruse , and unexpected inferences out of these poor despised Bills of Mortality ; and in building upon that ground , which hath lain waste these eighty years . And there is pleasure in doing something new , though never so little , without pestering the World with voluminous Transcriptions . 4. But , I Answer more seriously ; by complaining , That whereas the Art of Governing , and the true Politiques , is how to preserve the Subject in Peace , and Plenty , that men study onely that part of it , which teacheth how to supplant , and over-reach one another , and how , not by fair out-running , but by tripping up each other's heels , to win the Prize . Now , the Foundation , or Elements of this honest harmless Policy is to understand the Land , and the hands of the Territory to be governed , according to all their intrinsick , and accidental differences : as for example ; It were good to know the Geometrical Content , Figure , and Scituation of all the Lands of a Kingdom , especially , according to its most natural , permanent , and conspicuous Bounds . It were good to know , how much Hay an Acre of every sort of Meadow will bear ? how many Cattel the same weight of each sort of Hay will feed , and fatten ? what quantity of Grain , and other Commodities the same Acre will bear in one , three , or seven years communibus Annis ? unto what use each soil is most proper ? All which particulars I call the intrinsick value : for there is also another value meerly accidental , or extrinsick , consisting of the Causes , why a parcel of Land , lying near a good Market , may be worth double to another parcel , though but of the same intrinsick goodness ; which answers the Queries , why Lands in the North of England are worth but sixteen years purchase , and those of the West above eight and twenty . It is no less necessary to know how many People there be of each Sex , State , Age , Religion , Trade , Rank , or Degree , &c. by the knowledg whereof Trade , and Government may be made more certain , and Regular ; for , if men knew the People as aforesaid , they might know the consumption they would make , so as Trade might not be hoped for where it is impossible . As for instance , I have heard much complaint , that Trade is not set up in some of the South-western , and North-western Parts of Ireland , there being so many excellent Harbours for that purpose , whereas in several of those Places I have also heard , that there are few other Inhabitants , but such as live ex sponte creatis , and are unfit Subjects of Trade , as neither employing others , nor working themselves . Moreover , if all these things were clearly , and truly known ( which I have but guessed at ) it would appear , how small a part of the People work upon necessary Labours , and Callings , viz. how many Women , and Children do just nothing , onely learning to spend what others get ? how many are meer Voluptuaries , and as it were meer Gamesters by Trade ? how many live by puzling poor people with unintelligible Notions in Divinity , and Philosophie ? how many by perswading credulous , delicate , and Litigious Persons , that their Bodies , or Estates are out of Tune , and in danger ? how many by fighting as Souldiers ? how many by Ministeries of Vice , and Sin ? how many by Trades of meer Pleasure , or Ornaments ? and how many in a way of lazie attendance , &c. upon others ? And on the other side , how few are employed in raising , and working necessary food , and covering ? and of the speculative men , how few do truly studie Nature , and Things ? The more ingenious not advancing much further then to write , and speak wittily about these matters . I conclude , That a clear knowledge of all these particulars , and many more , whereat I have shot but at rovers , is necessary in order to good , certain , and easie Government , and even to balance Parties , and factions both in Church and State. But whether the knowledge thereof be necessary to many , or fit for others , then the Sovereign , and his chief Ministers , I leave to consideration . THE TABLE OF CASVALTIES .                                               1629 1633 1647 1651 1655 1629 In 20                                               1630 1634 1648 1652 1656 1649 Years .                                               1631 1635 1649 1653 1657 1659   The Years of our Lord 1647 1648 1649 1650 1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660 1629 1630 1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1632 1636 1650 1654 1658     Abortive , and stilborn 335 329 327 351 389 381 384 433 483 419 463 467 421 544 499 439 410 445 500 475 507 523 1793 2005 1342 1587 1832 1247 8559 Aged 916 835 889 696 780 834 864 974 743 892 869 1176 909 1095 579 712 661 671 704 623 794 714 2475 2814 3336 3452 3680 2377 15757 Ague , and Fever 1260 884 751 970 1038 1212 1282 1371 689 875 999 1800 2303 2148 956 1091 1115 1108 953 1279 1622 2360 4418 6235 3865 4903 4363 4010 23784 Apoplex , and sodainly 68 74 64 74 106 111 118 86 92 102 113 138 91 67 22 36   17 24 35 26   75 85 280 421 445 177 1306 Bleach     1 3 7 2       1                             4 9 1 1 15 Blasted 4 1     6 6     4   5 5 3 8 13 8 10 13 6 4   4 54 14 5 12 14 16 99 Bleeding 3 2 5 1 3 4 3 2 7 3 5 4 7 2 5 2 5 4 4 3     16 7 11 12 19 17 65 Bloudy Flux , Scouring , and Flux 155 176 802 289 833 762 200 386 168 368 362 233 346 251 449 438 352 348 278 512 346 330 1587 1466 1422 2181 1161 1597 7818 Brunt , and Scalded 3 6 10 5 11 8 5 7 10 5 7 4 6 6 3 10 7 5 1 3 12 3 25 19 24 31 26 19 125 Calenture 1     1   2 1 1     3                   1 3   4 2 4 3   13 Cancer , Gangrene , and Fistula 26 29 31 19 31 53 36 37 73 31 24 35 63 52 20 14 23 28 27 30 24 30 85 112 105 157 150 114 609 Wolf       8                                       8         8 Canker , Sore-mouth , and Thrush 66 28 54 42 68 51 53 72 44 81 19 27 73 68 6 4 4 1     5 74 15 79 190 244 161 133 689 Childbed 161 106 114 117 206 213 158 192 177 201 236 225 226 194 150 157 112 171 132 143 163 230 590 668 498 769 839 490 3364 Chrisomes , and Infants 1369 1254 1065 990 1237 1280 1050 1343 1089 1393 1162 1144 858 1123 2596 2378 2035 2268 2130 2315 2113 1895 9277 8453 4678 4910 4788 4519 32106 Colick , and Wind 103 71 85 82 76 102 80 101 85 120 113 179 116 167 48 57         37 50 105 87 341 359 497 247 1389 Cold , and Cough             41 36 21 58 30 31 33 24 10 58 51 55 45 54 50 57 174 207 00 77 140 43 598 Consumption , and Cough 2423 2200 2388 1988 2350 2410 2286 2868 2606 3184 2757 3610 2982 3414 1827 1910 1713 1797 1754 1955 2080 2477 5157 8266 8999 9914 12157 7197 44487 Convulsion 684 491 530 493 569 653 606 828 702 1027 807 841 742 1031 52 87 18 241 221 386 418 709 498 1734 2198 2656 3377 1324 9073 Cramp     1                           1 0 0 0 0 0 01 00 01 0 0 1 2 Cut of the Stone   2 1 3   1 1 2 4 1 3 5 46 48       5 1 5 2 2 5 10 6 4 13 47 38 Dropsy , and Tympany 185 434 421 508 444 556 617 704 660 706 631 931 646 872 235 252 279 280 266 250 329 389 1048 1734 1538 2321 2982 1302 9623 Drowned 47 40 30 27 49 50 53 30 43 49 63 60 57 48 43 33 29 34 37 32 32 45 139 147 144 182 215 130 827 Excessive drinking     2                                           2     2 2 Executed 8 17 29 43 24 12 19 21 19 22 20 18 7 18 19 13 12 18 13 13 13 13 62 52 97 76 79 55 384 Fainted in a Bath         1                                         1     1 Falling-Sickness 3 2 2 3   3 4 1 4 3 1   4 5 3 10 7 7 2 5 6 8 27 21 10 8 8 9 74 Flox , and small pox 139 400 1190 184 525 1279 139 812 1294 823 835 409 1523 354 72 40 58 531 72 1354 293 127 701 1840 1913 2755 3361 2785 10576 Found dead in the Streets 6 6 9 8 7 9 14 4 3 4 9 11 2 6 18 33 26 6 13 8 24 24 83 69 26 34 27 29 243 French-Pox 18 29 15 18 21 20 20 20 29 23 25 53 51 31 17 12 12 12 7 17 12 22 53 48 80 81 130 83 392 Frighted 4 4 1   3   2   1 1       9 1     1       3 2 3 9 5 2 2 21 Gout 9 5 12 9 7 7 5 6 8 7 8 13 14 2 2 5 3 4 4 5 7 8 14 24 35 25 36 28 134 Grief 12 13 16 7 17 14 11 17 10 13 10 12 13 4 18 20 22 11 14 17 5 20 71 56 48 59 45 47 279 Hanged , and made-away themselves 11 10 13 14 9 14 15 9 14 16 24 18 11 36 8 8 6 15   3 8 7 37 18 40 47 72 32 222 Head-Ach   1 11 2   2 6 6 5 3 4 5 35 26             4 2 0 6 14 14 17 46 051 Jaundice 57 35 39 49 41 43 57 71 61 41 46 77 102 76 47 59 35 43 35 45 54 63 184 197 180 212 225 188 998 Jaw-faln 1 1     3     2 2   3 1     10 16 13 8 10 10 4 11 47 35 02 5 6 10 95 Impostume 75 61 65 59 80 105 79 90 92 122 80 134 105 96 58 76 73 74 50 62 73 130 282 315 260 354 428 228 1639 Itch   1                                 10       00 10 01       11 Killed by several Accidents 27 57 39 94 47 45 57 58 52 43 52 47 55 47 54 55 47 46 49 41 51 60 202 201 217 207 194 148 1021 King 's Evil 27 26 22 19 22 20 26 26 27 24 23 28 28 54 16 25 18 38 35 20 2● 69 97 150 94 94 102 66 537 Lethargy 3 4 2 4 4 4 3 10 9 4 6 2 6 4 1   2 2 3   2 2 5 7 13 21 21 9 67 Leprosy     1                 1   2 2           2   2 2 1   1 3 06 Livergrown , Spleen , and Rickets 53 46 56 59 65 72 67 65 52 50 38 51 8 15 94 112 99 87 82 77 98 99 392 356 213 269 191 158 1421 Lunatique 12 18 6 11 7 11 9 12 6 7 13 5 14 14 6 11 6 5 4 2 2 5 28 13 47 39 31 26 158 Meagrom 12 13   5 8 6 6 14 3 6 7 6 5 4     24         22 24 22 30 34 22 05 132 Measles 5 92 3 33 33 62 8 52 11 153 15 80 6 74 42 2 3 80 21 33 27 12 127 83 133 155 259 51 757 Mother 2         1 1 2 2 3   3 1 8 1             3 01 3 2 4 8 02 18 Murdered 3 2 7 5 4 3 3 3 9 6 5 7 70 20     3 7   6 5 8 10 19 17 13 27 77 86 Overlayd , and starved at Nurse 25 22 36 28 28 29 30 36 58 53 44 50 46 43 4 10 13 7 8 15 10 14 34 46 111 123 215 86 529 Palsy 27 21 19 20 23 20 29 18 22 23 20 22 17 21 17 23 17 25 14 21 25 17 82 77 87 90 87 53 423 Plague 3597 611 67 15 23 16 6 16 9 6 4 14 36 14   1317 274 8   1   10400 1599 10401 4290 61 33 103 16384 Plague in the Guts       1   110 32   87 315 446   253 402                 00 00 01 142 844 253 991 Pleurisy 30 26 13 20 23 19 17 23 10 9 17 16 12 10 26 24 26 36 21   45 24 112 90 89 72 52 51 415 Poysoned   3   7                             2     2 00 4 10 00 00 00 14 Purples , and spotted Fever 145 47 43 65 54 60 75 89 56 52 56 126 368 146 32 58 58 38 24 125 245 397 186 791 300 278 290 243 1845 Quinsy , and Sore-throat 14 11 12 17 24 20 18 9 15 13 7 10 21 14 01 8 6 7 24 04 5 22 22 55 54 71 45 34 247 Rickets 150 224 216 190 260 329 229 372 347 458 317 476 441 521           14 49 50 00 113 780 1190 1598 657 3681 Mother , rising of the Lights 150 92 115 120 134 138 135 178 166 212 203 228 210 249 44 72 99 98 60 84 72 104 309 220 777 585 809 369 2700 Rupture 16 7 7 6 7 16 7 15 11 20 19 18 12 28 2 6 4 9 4 3 10 13 21 30 36 45 68 21 201 Scal'd-head 2       1       2                               2 1 2   05 Scurvy 32 20 21 21 29 43 41 44 103 71 82 82 95 12 5 7 9   9   00 25 33 34 94 132 300 115 593 Smothered , and stifled     2                         24             24   2     2 26 Sores , Ulcers , broken and bruised Limbs 15 17 17 16 26 32 25 32 23 34 40 47 61 48 23   20 48 19 19 22 29 91 89 65 115 144 141 504 Shot                         7 20                           07   Spleen 12 17         13 13   6 2 5 7 7                     29 26 13 07 68 Shingles                         1           1         1       1   Starved   4 8 7 1 2 1 1 3 1 3 6 7 14                 14   19 5 13 29 51 Stitch       1                                         1       1 Stone , and Strangury 45 42 29 28 50 41 44 38 49 57 72 69 22 30     58 56 58 49 33 45 114 185 144 173 247 51 863 Sciatica                           2       1 3   1 6 1 4           Stopping of the Stomach 29 29 30 33 55 67 66 107 94 145 129 277 186 214               6   6 121 295 247 216 669 Surfet 217 137 136 123 104 177 178 212 128 161 137 218 202 192 63 157 149 86 104 114 132 371 445 721 613 671 644 401 3094 Swine-Pox 4 4 3       1 4 2 1 1 1 2   5 8 4 6 3   10   23 13 11 5 5 10 57 Teeth , and Worms 767 597 540 598 709 905 691 1131 803 1198 878 1036 839 1008 440 506 335 470 432 454 539 1207 1751 2632 2502 3436 3915 1819 14236 Tissick 62 47                         8 12 14 34 23 15 27   68 65 109     8 242 Thrush                     57 66     15 23 17 40 28 31 34   95 93     123 15 211 Vomiting 1 6 3 7 4 6 3 14 7 27 16 19 8 10 1 4 1 1 2 5 6 3 7 16 17 27 69 12 136 Worms 147 107 105 65 85 86 53               19 31 28 27 19 28 27   105 74 424 224   124 830 Wen 1   1   2 2     1   1 2 1 1     1   4       1 4 2 4 4 2 15 Sodainly                             63 59 37 62 58 62 78 34 221 233       63 454                                                         34190 229250 Place this Table after Fol. 74. The Table of Burials , and Christnings . Anno Dom. 97 Parishes 16 Parishes Out-Parishes Buried in all Besides of the Plague Christned 1604 1518 2097 708 4323 896 5458 1605 2014 2974 960 5948 444 6504 1606 1941 2920 935 5796 2124 6614 1607 1879 2772 1019 5670 2352 6582 1608 2391 3218 1149 6758 2262 6845 1609 2494 3610 1441 7545 4240 6388 1610 2326 3791 1369 7486 1803 6785 1611 2152 3398 1166 6716 627 7014   16715 24780 8747 50242 14752 52190 1612 2473 3843 1462 7778 64 6986 1613 2406 3679 1418 7503 16 6846 1614 2369 3504 1494 7367 22 7208 1615 2446 3791 1613 7850 37 7682 1616 2490 3876 1697 8063 9 7985 1617 2397 4109 1774 8280 6 7747 1618 2815 4715 2066 9596 18 7735 1619 2339 3857 1804 7999 9 8127   19735 31374 13328 64436 171 60316 1620 2726 4819 2146 9691 21 7845 1621 2438 3759 1915 8112 11 8039 1622 2811 4217 2392 8943 16 7894 1623 3591 4721 2783 11095 17 7945 1624 3385 5919 2895 12199 11 8299 1625 5143 9819 3886 18848 35417 6983 1626 2150 3286 1965 7401 134 6701 1627 2325 3400 1988 7711 4 8408   24569 39940 19970 84000 35631 62114 1628 2412 3311 2017 7740 3 8564 1629 2536 3992 2243 8771 0 9901 1630 2506 4201 2521 9237 1317 9315 1631 2459 3697 2132 8288 274 8524 1632 2704 4412 2411 9527 8 9584 1633 2378 3936 2078 8392 0 9997 1634 2937 4980 2982 10899 1 9855 1635 2742 4966 2943 10651 0 10034   20694 33495 19327 73505 1603 75774 1636 2825 6924 3210 12959 10400 9522 1637 2288 4265 2128 8681 3082 9160 1638 3584 5926 3751 13261 363 10311 1639 2592 4344 2612 9548 314 10150 1640 2919 5156 3246 11321 1450 10850 1641 3248 5092 3427 11767 1375 10670 1642 3176 5245 3578 11999 1274 10370 1643 3395 5552 3269 12216 996 9410   23987 42544 25●21 91752 19244 80443 1644 2593 4274 2574 9441 1492 8104 1645 2524 4639 2445 9608 1871 7966 1646 2746 4872 2797 10415 2365 7163 1647 2672 4749 3041 10462 3597 7332 1648 2480 4288 2515 9283 611 6544 1649 2865 4714 2920 10499 67 5825 1650 2301 4138 2310 8749 15 5612 1651 2845 5002 2597 10804 23 6071   21026 36676 21199 78896 10041 54617 1652 3293 5719 3546 12553 16 6128 1653 2527 4635 2919 10081 6 6155 1654 3323 6063 3845 13231 16 6620 1655 2761 5148 3439 11348 9 7004 1656 3327 6573 4015 13915 6 7050 1657 3014 5646 3770 12430 4 6685 1658 3613 6923 4443 14979 14 6170 1659 3431 6988 4301 14720 36 5690   25288 47695 30278 103261 107 51502 1660 3098 5644 3926 12668 13 6971 1661 3804 7309 5532 16645 20 8855 The Table following contains the Number of Burials , and Christnings in the seven Parishes here under-mentioned , from the year 1636 unto the year 1659 inclusive ; all which time the Burials , and Christnings were joyntly mentioned : the two last years the Christnings were omitted in the yearly Bills . This Table consists of seventeen Columns , the Total of all the Burials being contained in the sixteen Columns : which Number being added to the Total in the precedent Table of Burials , and Christnings , makes the Total of every yearly , or general Bill . Note , where there follows a second Number under any year , it denotes those , who died that year of the Plague . Westmin . Islington , Lambeth , Stepney . Newing ▪ Hackney , Rear . Tot. 7. Par. Tot. 7. Par. An. Do. Bur. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. B. Ch. 1636 1107 556 99 56 213 137 1895 881 584 155 68 77 90 62 4056 1924   442   30   45   909   242   14   20   1702   1637 963 496 94 72 173 137 952 838 183 172 68 70 74 51 2507 1836   301   17   18   153   16   6   10   521   1638 1021 563 116 49 221 140 1209 908 255 146 101 69 74 78 2997 1953   126       8   11               145   1639 546 543 88 53 195 132 970 956 187 159 84 53 81 52 2151 1948   4   2       2           1   9   1640 754 665 94 54 187 142 1106 983 189 194 76 54 53 77 2459 2159   62   3   6   117           1   189   1641 697 625 92 76 168 137 1250 1037 170 137 82 73 69 64 2508 2149   40   5   9   70       4       128   1642 671 630 98 71 149 124 1270 1158 160 145 78 58 63 76 2489 2262   37   4   12   20   17   5   4   99   1643 666 592 105 69 177 114 1167 1013 240 147 65 36 42 67 2471 2038   25   3   45   83   86       2   244   1644 570 429 61 55 115 105 1187 933 123 101 54 45 70 82 2189 1750   35   8   8   269   44   3   17   384   1645 621 444 55 63 146 114 1171 873 183 119 58 60 50 60 2284 1753   62   6   3   150   18   7   1   256   1646 691 503 84 61 137 108 1230 960 156 130 76 63 47 43 2421 1868   76   8   5   97   14   9   2   203   1647 739 464 108 56 161 94 1126 926 129 65 88 45 42 44 2393 1688   40   5   9   70       4       128   1642 671 630 98 71 149 124 1270 1158 160 145 78 58 63 76 2489 2262   37   4   12   20   17   5   4   99   1643 666 592 105 69 177 114 1167 1013 240 147 65 36 42 67 2471 2038   25   3   45   83   86       2   244   1644 570 429 61 55 115 105 1187 933 123 101 54 45 70 82 2189 1750   35   8   8   269   44   3   17   384   1645 621 444 55 63 146 114 1171 873 183 119 58 60 50 60 2284 1753   62   6   3   150   18   7   1   256   1646 691 503 84 61 137 108 1230 960 156 130 76 63 47 43 2421 1868   76   8   5   97   14   9   2   203   1647 739 464 108 56 161 94 1126 926 129 65 88 45 42 44 2393 1688   114   12   25   155   28   16   4   434   1648 561 384 68 46 87 57 837 767     57 42 45 59 1635 1305   41   4       31       6       82   1649 558 333 90 44 131 55 838 625     90 49     1807 1106       1       3               4   1650 470 413 78 54 88 50 748 572 55 65 61 48 50 62 1550 1264 1651 580 345 107 51 127 49 961 634 172 59 60 30 84 45 2091 1213 1652 649 432 99 36 179 50 1212 657 198 85 72 33 74 37 2483 1330           1                   1   1653 567 394 69 46 120 54 1064 620 195 76 71 48 69 21 2155 1250 1654 657 401 96 65 166 76 1252 803 236 106 88 31 75 46 2570 1526 1655 676 414 95 86 134 128 1199 859 172 120 68 37 62 57 2406 1701 1656 761 498 139 89 176 152 1255 963 248 127 67 46 66 45 2701 1920 1657 705 473 112 67 231 137 1213 876 204 123 96 42 51 31 2612 1749 1658 890 440 113 36 220 32 1486 892 181 99 91 30 48 16 2958 1645 1659 822 415 116 56 193 103 1392 695 138 86 83 50 84 13 2828 1418 1660 783   108   183   1151   114   65   33   2437   1661 983   102   330   1561   340   102   87   3505   Place this Table after fol. 76. The Table of Males and Females for London . An. Dom. Buried Christned   Males Females Males Females . 1629 4668 4103 5218 4683 1630 5660 4894 4858 4457 1631 4549 4013 4422 4102 1632 4932 4603 4994 4590 1633 4369 4023 5158 4839 1634 5676 5224 5035 4820 1635 5548 5103 5106 4928 1636 12377 10982 4917 4605   47779 43945 39708 37024 1637 6392 5371 4703 4457 1638 7168 6456 5359 4952 1639 5351 4511 5366 4784 1640 6761 6010 5518 5332 Total 73451 65293 60664 56549 1641 6872 6270 5470 5200 1642 7049 6224 5460 4910 1643 6842 6360 4793 4617 1644 5659 5274 4107 3997 1645 6014 5465 4047 3919 1646 6683 6097 3768 3395 1647 7313 6746 3796 3536 1648 5145 4749 3363 3181   51577 47185 34804 3275 1649 5454 5112 3079 2746 1650 4548 4216 2890 2722 1651 5680 5147 3231 2840 1652 6543 6026 3220 2908 1653 5416 4671 3196 2959 1654 6972 6275 3441 3179 1655 6027 5330 3655 3349 1656 7365 6556 3668 3382   44005 41333 26380 24085 1657 6578 5856 3396 3289 1658 7936 7057 3157 3013 1659 7451 7305 9209 2781 1660 7960 7158 3724 3247   29925 27376 13186 1233 Total 198952 181187 135034 12675 The Table by Decads of years for the Country-Parish .       Christened .   Buried .   Decads ●f years Married Males Fem. Both Males Fem. Both ●5 69 190 312 302 614 214 221 435 78 ●5 79 185 328 309 637 287 302 589 88 ●5 89 175 342 274 616 337 284 621 98 ●● 599 181 366 377 743 249 219 468 608 ●6 09 197 417 358 775 338 386 724 18 ●6 19 168 368 373 741 305 306 611 28 ●6 29 153 418 413 831 317 319 636 38 ●6 39 137 351 357 708 375 383 758 48 ●6 49 182 354 320 674 218 220 438 58     1568 3256 3083 6339 2640 2640 5280 The Table of the Country-Parish .   Communicants Weddings Christned Euried Years M. F. Both M. F. Both 1569   14 38 30 68 23 21 44 1570   19 29 32 61 21 25 46 1571   18 28 26 54 23 27 50 1572   23 32 32 54 20 14 34 1573   21 34 36 70 24 13 37 1574   16 21 29 50 28 38 66 1575   24 37 29 66 15 19 34 1576   22 33 37 70 16 18 34 1577   13 29 26 55 19 21 40 1578   20 31 35 66 25 25 50     190 312 302 614 214 221 435 1579   15 35 36 71 27 27 54 80   21 43 31 74 38 41 79 81   29 20 33 62 34 24 58 82   22 28 29 57 18 21 39 83   22 32 27 59 35 52 87 84   15 46 44 90 22 19 41 85   15 26 21 47 15 27 42 86   18 22 23 45 24 37 61 87   13 34 31 65 43 36 79 1588   15 33 34 67 31 18 49     185 328 309 637 287 302 589 1589   20 31 27 58 28 16 44 90   16 40 29 69 36 21 57 91   12 37 28 65 35 30 65 92   14 40 25 65 28 19 47 93   20 32 20 52 33 32 65 94   24 34 37 71 16 22 38 95   16 32 28 60 33 28 61 96   9 36 26 62 42 29 71 97   23 23 25 48 53 64 117 98   21 37 29 66 33 23 66     175 342 274 616 337 284 631 1599   19 45 31 76 21 22 43 600   16 26 34 60 20 26 46 601   16 39 32 71 18 12 30 602   14 31 32 63 29 18 47 603   12 31 38 69 32 39 71 604   21 42 35 77 26 27 53 605   19 47 34 81 21 12 33 606   19 29 41 70 28 23 51 607   27 36 47 83 33 19 52 608   17 40 53 93 21 21 42     181 366 377 743 249 219 468 The Table of Males and Females .     Christned Buryed Years Weddings M. F. Both. M. F. Both 1609 23 30 31 61 24 41 65 10 19 46 30 76 33 40 73 11 25 40 41 81 41 32 73 12 20 55 32 87 53 63 116 13 24 41 33 74 47 41 88 14 25 50 35 85 27 36 63 15 22 35 48 83 28 36 64 16 14 38 36 74 27 41 68 17 17 45 31 76 35 28 63 1618 8 37 41 78 23 28 51   197 417 358 775 338 386 724 1619 21 37 43 80 26 28 54 20 20 34 51 85 18 30 48 21 21 31 37 68 28 36 64 22 23 45 38 83 20 26 46 23 14 40 36 76 56 31 87 24 19 30 33 63 29 35 64 25 7 37 41 78 36 20 56 26 9 30 35 65 21 29 50 27 18 45 23 68 24 29 53 1628 16 39 36 75 47 42 89   168 368 373 741 305 306 611 1629 22 53 38 91 46 28 74 30 8 58 45 103 26 27 53 31 20 42 29 71 26 33 59 32 16 43 50 93 15 21 36 33 12 38 65 103 18 11 29 34 23 30 45 75 18 26 44 35 11 39 32 71 18 17 35 36 15 50 37 87 42 48 90 37 13 35 36 71 25 35 60 1638 13 30 36 66 83 73 156   153 418 413 831 317 319 636 1639 18 24 31 55 48 66 114 40 11 44 41 85 35 39 74 41 21 34 29 63 34 36 70 42 21 48 39 87 32 29 61 43 8 30 42 72 59 28 87 44 16 33 26 59 65 72 137 45 10 43 41 84 28 29 57 46 11 32 35 67 24 32 56 47 12 28 46 74 25 21 46 48 9 35 27 62 25 31 56   137 351 357 708 375 383 758 1649 9 22 37 59 46 34 80 50 9 55 31 86 25 27 52 51 7 25 27 52 11 21 32 52 14 34 28 62 20 25 45 53 9 47 24 71 21 14 35 54 15 34 37 71 14 25 39 55 38 35 34 69 28 19 47 56 28 40 30 70 18 15 33 57 37 23 43 66 22 25 47 58 16 39 29 68 13 15 28   182 354 320 674 218 220 438 Advertisements for the better understanding of the several Tables : videlicet , Concerning the Table of Casualties consisting of thirty Columns . THe first Column contains all the Casualties happening within the 22 single years mentioned in this Bill . The 14 next Columns contain two of the last Septenaries of years , which being the latest are first set down . The 8 next Columns represent the 8 first years , wherein the Casualties were taken notice off . Memorandum , That the 10 years between 1636 and 1647 are omitted as containing nothing Extraordinary , and as not consistent with the Incapacity of a Sheet . The 5 next Columns are the 8 years from 1629 to 1636 brought into 2 Quaternions , and the 12 of the 14 last years brought into three more ; that Comparison might be made between each 4 years taken together , as well as each single year apart . The next Column contains 3 years together , taken at 10 years distance from each other ; that the distant years , as well as consequent , might be compared with the whole 20 , each of the 5 Quaternions , and each of the 22 single years . The last Column contains the total of the 15 Quaternions , or 25 years . The Number 229250 is the total of all the Burials in the said 20 years , as 34190 is of the Burialsin the said 3 distant years . Where note that the ⅓ of the latter total is 11396 and the 1 / 20 of the former is 11462 ; differing but 66 from each other in so great a sum , videlicet scarce 1 / 200 part . The Table of Burials , and Christnings , consisting of 7 Columns . IT is to be noted , that in all the several Columns of the Burials those dying of the Plague are left out , being reckoned all together in the sixth Column . Whereas in the original Bills the Plague , and all other diseases are reckoned together , with mention how many of the respective totals are of the Plague . Secondly , From the year 1642 forwards the accompt of the Christnings is not to be trusted , the neglects of the same beginning about that year : for in 1642 there are set down 10370 , and about the same Number several years before , after which time the said Christnings decreased to between 5000 and 6000 by omission of the greater part . Thirdly , The several Numbers are cast up into Octonaries , that Comparison may be made of them as as well as of single years . The Table of Males , and Females , containing 5 Columns . First , The Numbers are cast up for 12 years ; videlicet from 1629 , when the distinction between Males and Females first began , untill 1640 inclusivè when the exactness in that Accompt ceased . Secondly , From 1640 to 1660 the Numbers are cast up into another total , which seems as good for comparing the Number of Males with Females , the neglect being in both Sexes alike , and proportionable . The Tables concerning the Country-Parish , the former of Decads beginning at 1569 , and continuing untill 1658 , and the latter being for single years , being for the same time , are so plain , that they require no further Explanation then the bare reading the Chapter relating to them , &c. FINIS . Errata . Pag. 8. lin . 22. read 1632. pag. 21. lin . 19. r. 229250. p. 26. lin . 27. r. 314. p. 29. lin . 28. r. seemed . lin . 29. in proportion . p. 32. l. 14. r. which in p. 35. l. 29. r. Other . p. 40. l. 26. r. calamities . p. 41. 33. r. should have . p. 43. l. 17. r. II. p. 44. l. 6. r. 10000. p. 48. l. 16 , 17. dele all within the Parenthe ●●●● 7. l. 22. r. difference . p. 65. l. 12. r. It. pag. 78 , and 79 r. Country-Parish . A47876 ---- The lawyer outlaw'd, or, A brief answer to Mr. Hunts defence of the charter with some useful remarks on the Commons proceedings in the last Parliament at Westminster, in a letter to a friend. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. 1683 Approx. 141 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A47876 Wing L1266 ESTC R25476 08988646 ocm 08988646 42140 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47876) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 42140) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1289:1) The lawyer outlaw'd, or, A brief answer to Mr. Hunts defence of the charter with some useful remarks on the Commons proceedings in the last Parliament at Westminster, in a letter to a friend. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. 38 p. Printed by N.T. for the author, [London] : 1683. Attributed to Roger L'Estrange--Wing. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Hunt, Thomas, 1627?-1688. -- Defence of the charter, and municipal rights of the city of London. Popish Plot, 1678. London (England) -- Charters, grants, privileges. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-02 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2005-02 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Lawyer Outlaw'd ; Or a BRIEF ANSWER To Mr. HUNTS Defence of the CHARTER . With some Useful REMARKS ON THE Commons Proceedings IN THE LAST PARLIAMENT At WESTMINSTER . In a Letter to a Friend . Printed by N. T. for the Author , MDCLXXXIII . SIR , YOur importunities have at last prevail'd , and since abler Pens have hitherto declin'd to espouse the quarrel , I will for once force my own inclination to silence and reservedness , and briefly give you my thoughts on that unlucky Pamphlet , call'd , A Defence of the Charter and Municipal Rights of London . The Author , I find , is a Gentleman of the long Robe , a person so well known of late for his unweary'd diligence , and extraordinary faculty in scribling ▪ that I need not give you any other Character of him , but that some three years ago he writ a Book in vindication of the Bishops Right of Judicature in Parliament ; and for this piece of service expected no less than to be made Lord-Chief-Baron of the Exchequer in Ireland . But missing of that Preferment , he grows peevish and angry with the Court and Clergy , and to be even with both , and perhaps to appease his angry Brethren of the Separation for his former Mercenary undertaking , he adds a Baboons Tail to his Picture , a Postscript to his Book , the most virulent and malicious , that has yet escap'd the hands of Justice . Ever since , he has continu'd firm to the Cause , laid aside his useless Law , and zealously imploy'd his better Talent against the Church and State , in favour of the Faction ; and this about the Charter is the last effort of that wise Head-piece , which he has stuff'd with such a miscellany of wild Paradoxes , interwoven with some impertinent Truths , that 't is far more difficult to digest them into method , than to answer and confute them . First , to lay a solid foundation for his great design , he tells us , That Monarchs , as well as Republicks , have often erected Municipal Cities , and by their Charters bestow'd upon them several Franchises and Priviledges , as to choose their own Magistrates , and governby their own Laws , while subservient to the publick Laws of the Sovereign Authority , pag. 1. This is certainly very true ; but how far it makes for the Charter of London , against the Quo Warranto , is a Mystery not to be comprehended by every vulgar capacity : for 't is no less plain in History , that not only Tyrants and Vsurpers , as he mentions , but just and lawful Sovereigns , have divers times suppress'd such Municipal Cities , for good and necessary causes , as for being disloyal to their Prince , or factious and seditious against the Government ; and then the main Question will be , How far the City of London has of late been guilty of such Crimes , as by Law deserve the like Punishment ? This , in short , is the plain state of the Question ; for 't is most unreasonable to think , that any King or Republick ever gave their Municipal Cities any such Liberties or Immunities , as were not forfeitable upon their abusing the Power they receiv'd ; when otherwise , neither Prince nor People cou'd be secure from the insolence of such uncontroulable Citizens , without a standing Army to keep them in awe . But our Gentleman , it seems , is unwilling to touch upon this critical point of speculation ; and as the Defence of the Charter is the least part of his Pamphlet , so now he runs quite from the purpose , to tell the King like a dutiful Subject , He may , if He please , take His Quietus-est , and let His people govern themselves ; For it is impossible ( saith he ) that mankind should miscarry in their own hands , pag. 2. Now , since they have often miscarry'd in the hands of Princes , is it not more expedient for the publick good , if this Maxim will hold , that the Prince shou'd mind his own private business , and not trouble himself with the Government , which the People can do better without Him ? This is Mr. Hunt's new Model of Government , who out of pure love and kindness to the Monarchy , chalks out a ready way for his Sovereign to ease Himself of all the thorns and prickles of His Crown , and become a glorious King like His Father ; And therefore seems very angry , that the Court , ( i. e. the King ) should be troubl'd with the Power of appointing Officers in any City or Corporation in the Kingdom , tho' it be found of absolute necessity for the keeping His Crown upon His Head , and protecting His best Subjects from a Band of Associators and Ignoramus-Juries . Oh! But by this new form of Corporations , it will be in the power of a Popish Successor to put the Government of all Corporated Towns in England into the hands of Papists ▪ p 5. And without it , I say , it will be no less in the power of the Faction , to put the same Government into the hands of Fanaticks . What a Bugbear is this Popish Successor ! whose very Name turns the brains of a Whig into a Magnifying-glass , that will transform Ants into Gyants , and Mole-hills into Mountains ! We have as good Laws as the wit of man can devise , to secure us from the encroachments of Popery , and to disable Papists from bearing any Office , Civil or Military , either in or out of Corporations : and yet this Popish Successor , who possibly may never succeed , this great Goliah , can break through all those Laws , and will certainly do it , to curry favour with a handful of Papists , and make himself a Slave to the Pope . This is not all ; For this mode ( saith he ) of incorporating Cities and Towns , doth ipso facto change the Government ; for that One of the Three States , an essential part of the Government , which is made up of the Representatives of the People , and ought to be chosen by the People , will by this means have five sixth parts of such Representatives , upon the matter , of the Courts nomination , and not of the Peoples choice ; — and at the next turn we shall have a Parliament of Papists and Red-coats , pag. 6. O profound Politician ! has not our Government been Regal and Monarchical from the beginning ? how then can the House of Commons , in comparison but a late Institution , necessary not for the Being , but for the Well-being of the Monarchy , be an Essential part of it ? Or how can any Rul●r be term'd a Monarch , that has 500 Demagogues Joynt-Governours with Him ? These , and such other Republican Maxims , have been in a great measure the main foundation of all the miseries and confusions we suffer'd under the late Tyranny of the Rump-Parliament ; and after our sad experience of those Tragical times , surely we have reason to think , that none but such as wou'd bring us back to the same calamities , and sing the second part to the same Tune , would now endeavour to assert or maintain them : yet they are so very familiar to our Irish Chief-Baron , that there is hardly a page in most of his Pamphlets , but has a strong tincture of them . In his great and weighty Considerations considered , he says , The Parliament derive Their Authority from the same Original the King derives His ▪ The King hath not His Power from Them , nor They theirs from the King : They Both derive their Authority from the consent of the People , either tacit or express , in the first institution of the Government , or in the subsequent alterations of it , pag. 16. Is not this a rare Assertor of the Monarchy , that makes both Houses thus co-ordinate with the Prince , and all the Three subordinate to the People ; turns the Governed into Govornours , and leaves to the King the Title only , but to His Subjects the Power and Dominion ? The Law tells us , That all Authority and Jurisdiction , Spiritual and Temporal , is derived from the King , 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. § . 3. And Plowden , as great a Lawyer perhaps as Mr. Hunt , says , That the King has the sole Government of His Subjects , fol. 234 , a. How then can Mr. Hunt make the People the Original of Power , since all is derived from the Prince ? or how can either or both Houses of Parliament pretend of themselves to have any share in the Government , which is wholly in the King ? or claim any Authority or Jurisdiction over the People , but as deriv'd from the Sovereign ? Let us therefore explode these Republican Notions , that have cost us so dear , and cannot in the least avail either Parliament or People , but will always make the Prince jealous of their proceedings , who can better hear the complaints and humble Petitions of his dutiful Subjects , the constant * stile of our ancient Acts of Parliament , than the Imperious dictates of his fellow-Governours ; for , experience confirms what Lucan long since has told us , Nulla fides Regni sociis , omnisque potestas Impatiens consortis erit . But how shou'd this new form of Corporations make their Representatives in Parliament , not of the Peoples choice , but of the Courts nomination , is not very intellig●ble in my apprehension : since every Cobler can tell , the Free-men of Corporations , and not their Officers , have the sole power of electing their Representatives . Where then is the danger of a Parliament of Papists and Red-coats , ( tho' there had been no Law to disable the former from sitting in the House , till they forswear themselves , or abjure their principles ) unless the major part of the Free-men of England , which I hope shall never happen , be suppos'd to embrace the Popish Religion ? We have seen , to our cost and to our shame , a pretended Parliament of Red-coats and Round-heads , which like the Aegyptian Locusts devour'd all the fruit of the Land , and turn'd Europes Paradise into a Field of Blood ; and this blessing we owe to Mr. Hunt's poor harmless Dissenters ; which I hope will make us so wise for the future , as never to give them the like opportunities . It were endless to follow this lawless Scribler through every page and paragraph , or severally to take notice of all his incoherences , and impertinent digressions . To come therefore close to the business of the Charter , we must turn over many pages , and step from the beginning almost to the end of his Pamphlet , to find out something that may seem to the purpose . Three points he offers at last in defence of the Charter , which he says to the Londoners , he comes to defend against theirs , and he might add as well , his own , reason and understanding , p. 31. For if he has a grain of Law or sense left , he knows that of these points the first is impertinent to what he undertakes , and the rest but fallacious cavillings , to impose upon the Vulgar , and make them obstinate to their cost . First , he says , That the Dissenters , tho' Excommunicate , have a vote in the Election of their Officers . 2ly . That the Common-Council cannot destroy or surrender the Charter . 3ly . That the Sherivalties of London and Middlesex are in the City by Common or Statute-Law ; and consequently not to be displac'd , but by Act of Parliament , tho' with the consent of every individual Citizen , p. 32. For the first , he takes a world of pains to prove , that the Excommunication of Dissenters does not render them uncapable of giving their Vote in the Election of the City-Officers . And what then ? Is the Charter never to be forfeited , while the Dissenters have a Vote or Suffrage in such Elections ? or are they so numerous in the Common-Council , as to out-vote the Members of the Church of England ? are their tender consciences still so plyable , as to receive the Sacrament in their Parish-Church to serve a turn , and run to a Conventicle all the year after ? to take Tests and Oaths to get into Imployments , and break all with a breath to promote the Good Old Cause ? nay , venture to forfeit their Ears to the Pillory , and their Souls to the Devil , to help off an active Brother catch'd by the Tongue ? These are the harmless Clients of our Irish-Chief-Baron , of whom we may well say with the Poet , — Mille adde catenas , Effugiet tamen hac sceleratus vincula Proteus . These , I mean , not the mis-led or seduc'd , but the Heads and Ring-leaders of the Faction , who always hold with the Hare , and run with the Hound , and make conscience of nothing but Conformity , and yet conform for Preferment . To these their deluded followers owe all the severities of late used against them , and the City this so-much-talk'd-of Quo Warranto , with all the unlucky consequences , which Mr. Hunt says are like to attend it : there being no other way to rescue the Government out of their hands , or secure His Majesty's Crown and Dignity , and the Lives of his good Subjects , from pack'd Juries , and perjur'd Ignoramus's . But they have ( says our Lawyer ) an utter abhorrence against Popery and the Plot , and joyn forwardly and zealously against it , p. 16. 'T is true , they make a great noise and bussle about that horrid Conspiracy , but in reality they have done more than the Papists were able to do , to stifle and confound it . They attaqu'd the Church of England , whilst in the heat of prosecuting the Conspirators , and labour'd under the Umbrage of the Popish-Plot , to carry on another of their own , to subvert the establish'd Government , and insensibly to decoy us into Presbytery , and their darling Commonwealth ; as the Tryal and Condemnation of their Proto-Martyr Colledge ; their Green-ribbon-Clubs , and Ignoramus-Juries ; their Vox Patriae's , and Vox Populi's ; their Appeal from the Countrey to the City ; the Speech of their Noble Peer ; and in short , the tendency of all their Seditious Libels , back'd with the Depositions of several Witnesses ▪ do as plainly demonstrate , as Coleman's Letters and Execution prove the wicked designs of the Papists . They inveigl'd some of the principal Discoverers of the Popish-Plot to espouse their Party , and vilifie the Church ; which frightn'd many a Loyal Gentleman , that cou'd not forget the Contrivances of the late times , where Popery was the First , but Monarchy the Last Act of the Tragedy , and made them suspect these same persons , now their hand was in , might at last be wrought upon , to turn against the obedient Sons of the Church , whom they had already stigmatiz'd with the ignominious Names of Tories , Masqueraders , and Church-Papists . In short , they contriv'd so many shams and silly stories , as made the very truth questionable ; and when they saw the English Plot was not like to embroil the Nation , they invited a number of profligate wretches out of Ireland , gave them Cloaths and Money in abundance , and took so much pains to set up these unmanageable Tools , that in fine they dash'd both Plots to pieces , one against the other . Are we not then beholding to our true-blew-Protestants , after all these fine exploits , for their abhorrence against Popery and the Plot , and to Mr ; Hunt , for his zealous vindication of their Proceedings ? He was formerly suspected to be a man of no Religion ; but now , like a generous Soul , he owns his Party in their greatest distress , and openly declares against the Church of England , as Betrayers of God's Cause , and the Peoples Liberties . Some of little understanding among you ( saith he ) that thus behave your selves , are excusable , as misguided by some of your Ministers , who are in good earnest begging Preferments , Dignities and Benefices for themselves , by offering and betraying our Church to a voluntary Martyrdom , p. 12. I need not comment upon this scurrilous Reflection , 't is enough to say , 't is the product of Mr. Hunt's own Brains , who , according to his Fee , tho' against his conscience , spoke for his Clyents ; for Lawyers , he tells us , ( and who more fit to know ? ) have Opinions to sell at any time , tho' they have not the least colour of Reason to support them , p. 19. If this Confounder both of Law and Gospel , be thus for fouling his own Nest , we need not wonder at his frequent snarlings at the Loyal and Christian Resolutions of our Reverend Clergy , or expect better usage from a man that openly sides with the Enemies of our Church . I come now to his second point , which is so wild and so extravagant a paradox , as deserves rather to be laugh'd at by men of sense , than to be answer'd or confuted : since , besides several that have done it within these two years past , there are not many Corporations in England , whose Charters have not been surrendred by their Common-Council , without so much as consulting their Common-halls ; and yet were never question'd for it , as Betrayers of their Trust , or of the Liberties of the People . But he drives home the Nail in his 3d. assertion , where he says , that the Sherivalties of London and Middlesex , or the right of choosing their Sheriffs , ( the main point now in dispute , and what most concerns the King , after our late experience , to have in His own disposal ) cannot be parted with , without an Act of Parliament , tho' with the consent of every individual Citizen . But sure the Gentleman is not in earnest ; for I hope he will allow us , that tho' alone they cannot , yet with the consent and approbation of the Common-hall , or of every Citizen , the Common-Council may surrender the Charter : who then , the Charter being thus surrendred , has the power of choosing the Sheriffs , when the Corporation , the City and the County is dissolv'd , neither Mayor nor Alderman , Citizen nor Free man to found ? The Inhabitants in general cannot choose them , for they have no right now to do it , neither do they receive any new power by the surrender of the Charter ; and yet the Free-men cannot , when there is no such thing in being , no more in London than in Westminster , or any other Dissolv'd Corporation . But to be short in a Case so plain , since the Gentleman requires an Act of Parliament for displacing the Citizens Right of choosing their Sheriffs , here is One ready to his hand , for taking away , upon their neglect or misgovernment , all their Franchises and Liberties , and consequently this power of electing their own Officers and Magistrates ; an Act found by the prudence of our Ancestors , so necessary for to maintain the publick Peace , and keep that over-grown City within the bounds of duty , that Henry IV. tho' he sought occasions to ingratiate himself with the People of London , the better to secure his Usurpation , yet cou'd not be wrought upon by their intreaties to have any material part of it alter'd , much less annull'd or repeal'd . The Act take as followeth . 280 . Edwardi 3 i. cap. 10 o. BEcause that the Errors , Defaults and Misprisions , which be notoriously used in the City of London , for default of good Governance of the Mayor , of the Sheriffs , and the Aldermen , cannot be enquired nor found by people of the same City : it is ordained and established , That the said Mayor , Sheriffs and Aldermen , which have the Governance of the same City , shall cause to be redressed and correated the Defaults , Errors , and Misprisions above-named , and the same duly punish from time to time upon a certain pain ; that is to say , at the first Default a Thousand Marks to the King , and at the second Default two Thousand Marks , and at the third default , that the Franchise and Liberty of the City be taken into the King's hand . And be it begun to enquire upon them at St. Michael next coming , so that if ▪ they do not cause to be made due redress , as afore is said , it shall be enquired of their Defaults by Enquests of people of Foreign . Counties ; that is to say , of Kent , Essex , Sussex , Hertford , Buckingham , and Berk , as well at the King's Suit , as others that will complain . And if the Mayor , Sheriffs and Aldermen , be by such Enquests thereto assigned , Indiaed , they shall be caused to come by due Process before the King's Justices , which shall be to the same ▪ assigned out of the said City , before whom they shall have their . Answer , as well to the King as to the Party . And if they put them in Enquests , such Enquests shall be taken by Foreign People , as afore is said . And if they be Attainsed , the said pain shall incurr and be levied of the said Mayor , Sheriffs and Aldermen , for default of their Governance . And nevertheless , the Plaintiffs shall recover the treble Damages against the said Mayor , Sheriffs , and Aldermen . And because that the Sheriffs of London be Parties to this business , the Constable of the Tower , or his Lieutenant , shall serve in the place of the Sheriffs , to receive the Writs , as well Originals of the Chancery as Judicials , under the Seal of the Justices , to do thereof execution in the said City . And Process shall be made by Attachment , and Distress , and by Exigent , if need be : so that at the King's Suit the Exigent shall be awarded after the first Capias returned , and at the third Capias returned at the Suit of the Party . And if the Mayor , Sheriffs and Aldermen have Lands or Tenements out of the City , Process shall be made against them by Attachments and Distresses , in the same Counties where the Lands or Tenements be . And that every of the said Mayors , Sheriffs and Aldermen , which do appear before the said Justices , shall answer particularly for himself , as well at the peril of other which be absent , as of himself . And this Ordinance shall be holden firm and stable , notwithstanding any manner Franchise , Priviledges or Customs . And this Ordinance shall extend to all Cities and Boroughs of the Realm , where such Defaults or Misprisions be used , and not duly corrected nor redressed : saving that the Enquests shall be taken by Foreign people of the same County where such Cities or Boroughs be . And that the pain of those of the said Boroughs and Tolws , which shall be thereof Attainted , shall be judged by the Discretion of the Justices , which shall be thereto assigned . This Act was a great Curb to the people of London , and kept them for many years after , very obsequious and dutiful to their Sovereign ; but in process of time , finding it was not duly put in execution , they began to forget it at last , and wou'd now and then break out into some extravagance , which afterwards cost them very dear . Finding therefore themselves very uneasie under this restraint , tho' neither in Edward III. nor his Successor's Reign they durst motion to have that Statute repeal ▪ d , yet when the Vsurper Henry IV. came to the Crown , they labour'd hard to get themselves rid of it , but cou'd gain no more than the following Clause ; which many in London , who always think ill of the King and His Ministers , will think of no great advantage to the Defence of the Charter . OUR Lord the king considering the good and lawful Behaviour of the Mayor , Sheriffs and Aldermen , and of all the Commonalty of the same City of London towards him , and therefore willing to ease and mitigate the Penalty aforesaid , by the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and of the Commons aforesaid , hath Ordained and Established , That the Penalty aforesaid , as well of the Thousand Marks , and of the two Thousand Marks , and of the seizure of the Franchise comprized in the said Statute , shall not be limited in a certainty , but that the Penalties in this case be by the advice and discretion of the Justices thereto assigned , as other Cities and Boroughs be within the Realm ; And that the Remnant of the same Statute , and the Process thereof , stand in their force , 1 H. 4. cap. 15. Now , I appeal to Mr. Hunt's own Judgment , provided he has so much moral honesty , to speak nothing of his skill in the Laws , as will qualifie him for an Irish Chief-Baron , Whether or no these two Statutes be not as plain against the Charter , supposing the Mayor , Sheriffs and Aldermen to have been negligent in their duty , and a fortiori if they and the Common-Council be found guilty of the Crimes laid to their charge , as Magna Charta or the Petition of Right is for the Liberty and Property of the Subject ; For , that 't is neither Treason nor Felony , nor yet the Subversion of the Government , but Crimes of a far inferiour nature , that are meant by the Errors and Misdemeanors mentioned in the said Acts , is apparent by another Statute made some three years after , by the same King Edward III. where it is Enacted , That the Mayor and Aldermen of London shall rule and redress the defaults of Fishers , Butchers , and Poulters , and put the same in execution , upon the pain late ordained touching the City of London , 31 Ed. 3. cap. 10. Now , if the whole City , for a bare neglect of duty in their Officers , as for omitting to punish the Misdemeanors of silly Trades-men , were by these Acts of Edward III. so grievously punishable , as for the first Offence to forfeit a Thousand 〈…〉 no less in the 〈◊〉 value than 2000 l of our now 〈…〉 so much in the 〈◊〉 use and price of things ) 〈…〉 for the second offence , and for the third to forfeit their Franchise and Liberties to the King : what shall be thought of others , if they are found not only to have laid an Illegal Arbitrary Tax upon their fellow-Subjects , and in a tumultuous manner invaded their Properties ; but wink'd at , if not encourag'd , the publishing of Treasonable Papers and Pamphlets ; and instead of suppressing others , presented their Prince with a most Scurrilous one of their own , by way of Petition , to tax His Majesty with misgovernment , and endeavour to bring Him into hatred and contempt with his People ? As for the aforesaid Clause of 1 H. 4. tho' intended for ( as really it was ) a great favour to the City , that they shou'd not for every trisling fault be oblig'd to pay such a vast Fine as a Thousand Marks , twenty times greater than that sum now ; yet if their Crimes had been found of a transcendent nature , striking at the very Root and Life of the Government , we may be sure the Justices , by vertue of this very Clause , wou'd have immediately seiz'd their Charter , without bringing them to any further Tryal . So that this Clause , tho' in small inferiour misdemeanors it be a great advantage to the City , yet in Crimes of State , where the Crown and the Monarchy are concern'd , 't is no less an advantage to the King. Thus , Sir , you have seen how well Mr. Hunt has defended the Charter against all the Power both of Law and Reason , and you will find him altogether as happy in the rest of his undertakings . I omit his impertinence on the Play , call'd , The Duke of Guise , his unmannerly application of the Characters , and his framing of Parallels where little or no similitude can be found : Yet en passent I cannot but pity the condition our Lawyers INNOCENT and GENTLE PRINCE is reduc'd to , by the slie insinuations and bewitching flatteries of this and such other Sycophants of the Faction , who puff'd him up , and possess'd him with such chymerical hopes of a Crown , as made him forget his Obedidence to his Princes will , and the positive command of his Natural Father ; Natural , I say , because in our Laws the Maxim is , Qui ex damnato coitu nascuntur , inter liberos non computantur , i.e. Bastards are not counted amongst Sons , Coke 1 Instit. f. 3. or as Littleton says , A Bastard is quasi nullius filius , because he cannot be Heir to any , apud Coke 2 Instit. § . 188. Now , if by Law this Prince can be Heir to none , what a madness it was to advise him to aspire to Three Hereditary Kingdoms , or think to carry them tamely by Popular Applause , when nothing but the Sword can establish a crack'd Title ? But the best people of England ( says this non-sensical Scribler ) have no other way left to shew their Loyalty to the King , and love to their Religion and Government , in the long intervals of Parliament , than by Prosecuting His Son , for the sake of the King , and his own Merit , with all the demonstrations of the highest esteem , p. 28. They are certainly very hard put to it , if this ( not to PROSECUTE his silly Latinism ) be the only shift they can make to express their Loyalty , when Children can tell , they might , if they had any , better shew it , by prostrating themselves at His Majesty's feet , and declaring their readiness to venture their Lives and Fortunes in defence of His Sacred Person , and the Rights of His Crown , against all the attempts of the Popish Plotters and Whiggish Associators . 'T is true , some of the best People in England have had , for the King's sake , and in some measure for his own Merits , sufficient kindness for his Grace , and still wish him more Grace and consideration , than to continue obstinately disobedient , contrary to common Prudence , and to all the ties and obligations of Nature , of Duty , and of Gratitude : But as for Mr. Hunt's best People of England , tho' pretended his only Friends , they have been upon all occasions his real Enemies , made a Property and a Tool of him , to set him up , like another Perkin Warbeck , in opposition to the Royal Line ; and if that succeeded , to kick him down again , as they did Richard Cromwell , to make room for Themselves and their darling Commonwealth . But to return from this digression , and examine what is left yet unanswer'd of this idle Pamphlet : I find our Chief-Baron wou●d-be has stumbl'd at last on those two famous Statutes of Edward III * to prove , that Parliaments must be held once every year ; which ( saith he ) is confirm'd by an Act of this King , call'd , the Trienial Act , p. 21. But by his Lordships good leave ▪ these Statutes , if well consider'd , will be found to have been made rather to oblige the Commons ( who then grumbl'd no less at the frequent calling , than the Factious do now at the long intermission of Parliaments ) to send their Representatives to the King 's Great Councel , than to bind the King to summon them when there was no occasion for their meeting ; and therefore , to make the case more plain , the conditional Clause , If need be , which may aptly refer to the whole period , is expresly provided in the said Statutes . For to affirm , it was absolutely enacted that a Parliament shou'd be held once every year , whether there was any , or no need of their meeting , when the choosing of Members was so troublesom , and their expences eundo morando & ad propria redeundo so chargeable to the people , besides the great Taxes they usually granted , is altogether unreasonable . As for the Triennial Act of this * King , it makes more against than for his Lordships design ; since it requires but to have a Parliament once in three years , and not sooner , without some extraordinary occasion ; which , I doubt not , but His Majesty , according to His late most Gracious Declaration , will see punctually observ'd , as He has been pleas'd to do in the whole course of His Reign . And the Statute of Provisors , 25 Ed 3. is no less impertinent to his purpose ; for tho' it be the Right of the Crown of England , and that the Law of the said Realm is such , that upon the mischiefs and damages which happen to His Realm , the King ought , and is bound by Oath , with the accord of His People in Parliament , to make remedy and Law , in removing the mischiefs and damages which thereof ensue : Yet if His People in Parliament prove peevish and obstinate , and will not accept of His Majesty's gracious Condescensions , nor of the expedients by Him propos'd ; who then is to be blam'd , the King or His People ? How many Proposals and Overtures of accomodation have been made by His Majesty to His last Parliament at Westminster ? and how undutifully they were rejected by some Leading-Members in the House of Commons ? How often did he offer to consent to any reasonable expedient they cou'd find out , for securing the establish'd Religion , in case of a Popish Successor ? But all was slighted , as if nothing but the Subversion of the Monarchy was able to secure some Gentlemen in their Religion , that were shrewdly suspected to have none to lose : This discourse , I know , will not relish with our Irish Chief-Baron , who seems already very angry , that a Cabal ( as he calls the Loyal Addressers of the Nation ) shou'd take upon themselves to arraign the Proceedings of our latest Parliaments , p. 8. And yet his unmannerly Worship , because he thinks 't is a Priviledge peculiar to the Godly to speak evil of Dignities , scruples not to rail at the best Parliament that ever met in his time , which really was ( what he scoffingly calls it ) a Parliament of famous Loyalty ; tho' in their latter days , when by the Death of several good Members , too many of the old Leaven had crept in , that vigor was much abated , which they always express'd in their former resolutions ; and for which this Factious Lawyer presumes to say , that obliquely they gave the Papists many assistances , p. 14. and in plain terms calls them , the corrupt Villains of the late Long-Parliament . Considerations consider'd . p. 19. But to clear this point , without insisting upon retortions and recriminations ; I say , to arraign the Proceedings of the Parliament , in its true and legal sense , that is , of King , Lords , and Commons , is a very great and a very hainous Crime , not to be conniv'd at , or endur'd in any Subject whatsoever ; because it tends to the vilifying , and consequently to the subverting the Government ; for as Seneca well observ'd , Nihil valet Regum potestas , nisi prius valeat authorit as : If Princes lose their Authority , the awe and reverence due to them from the People , they have lost their Power and Command , and are in effect more than half Depos'd . But to arraign the Proceedings of the Parliament , when this Name is abusively appropriated to the House of Commons , to whom this lawless Scribler attributes a high and uncontroulable Power , ( p. 9. ) as if the King and Lords were only Cyphers , the Crime is not near so unpardonable as some people wou'd have us believe . I am sure Mr. Justice Hutton in his Argument against Ship-money , ( which so pleas'd even that Rebellious Conventicle of Forty-One , who swallow'd up the King's Prerogative and the Peoples Liberties in their Parliament-Priviledges , that they gave express Orders to get it printed ) thought it no such Crime to say , I know not whether the last meeting in Parliament , either by ill choice of the Members of the House , or by the great encrease of the number , or by the ambitious humour of some Members of that House , who aim'd more at their own ends and designs , than the good of the Commonwealth , things were so carry'd , not as was us'd in ancient times , but so disastrously that it hath wrought such a distast of this course of Parliaments , as we and all that love the Commonwealth have just cause to be sorry for it . p. 33. Nevertheless , I must confess , that even in this sense 't is not becoming every private Pen to censure or condemn them , upon every slight occasion ; and the motives must be very extraordinary , when such practices are allowable . Yet when we consider , that matters have been so carry'd on for some years past , that of necessity we must e●ther mislike our Princes Wisdom and Councils , for Proroguing and Dissolving so many Parliaments ; or conclude , as undoubtedly we must , that the unseasonable heat of the Leading-Members in the House of Commons , necessitated His Majesty to take such unwelcom resolutions : And withal , when we find , not only the King , but the generality of the Nation in their repeated Addresses , express their dislike to the Proceedings of a prevailing Party in that House ; all Loyal Subjects , I think , concern'd in the election of such Members , ought to be so just to Themselves and the Publick as to declare their own Integrity , and their constant affection to the King , that the world may see they are no Abettors of the unwarrantable resolutions of their Representatives ; who perhaps ran into such unusual extravagancies , in hopes to be seconded by their Principals . But tho' the occasion be never so extraordinary , it must nevertheless be granted for an undeniable Maxim , that whatsoever misdemeanors any Members of that Honourable House happen to commit ▪ it ought not to reflection the House in general , nor yet the errors of the whole House at any time , put either Prince or People out of love with that wholsom and excellent Constitution . For such is the instability of Mundan affairs , that ( as the Poet said ) Nihil est ab omni parte beatum ; there is nothing upon Earth but hath its failings , and even the best of Governments has sometimes its own inconveniences : Thus Princes are now and then apt to give too much credit to their flattering Favourites , and be led for a while by their evil Counsels till time and experience convince them of their error ; and 't is pla●n , the wisest Assembly that ever sate ●n the House of Commons cannot be always free free from the like mistakes , but are sometimes mpos'd upon , by the plausible pretences of some designing Politicians , and cunningly decoy'd in , to act contrary to their inclination to their interest , and their duty . Of this kind we have several remarkable passages in the Intestine-Troubles of Forty-One , where a few Factious Members in both Houses insensibly inveigl'd the rest , and inflam'd the whole Nation into a general combustion ; And these four years past can sufficiently furnish us with fresh instances almost of the like nature , but that through the great Prudence of our Sovereign and His Most Honourable House of Lords , mindful of their Fathers miscarriages , all these endeavours prov'd abortive and unsuccessful . If we ser●ously consider what measures some persons of greater parts than honesty made use of at that time , as well in as out of Parliament , we shall find cause enough to admire how people that pretend so much Religion & Loyalty , so much affection to their King and Countr●y , cou'd be wrought upon to run head-long into such extravagant courses , so destructive of the Prerogative-Royal , and of the Peace and Settlement of the Three Kingdoms . The horrid Popish-Plot , which has already cost us so many Millions in our Trade and Commerce , and , I am afraid , a great deal more in our Credit and Reputation abroad , was made a stalking-horse by the ambitious to attain to their expected Greatness , of being chief Ministers , if not chief Magistrates of all the K's Dominions : And because His Majesty , wisely considering it was impossible to make a just and impartial enquiry into that hellish Conspiracy , whi●e the people were so far transported with heat and passion , * which nothing but time cou'd cure ; and withal discovering what use some designing Demagogues intended to make of this Plot against the Monarchy , thought it convenient , or rather necessary , sometimes to Prorogue , sometimes to Dissolve his Parliament , and call another , in hopes to meet with one of a better temper , and more moderation ; Our cunning Machiavellians took hold of this opportunity , to enflame the unthinking multitude , and make them believe their All was betray'd , without a speedy Parliament , to enquire into the Popish-Plot , and redress the Grievances of the Nation ; and therefore they clamour'd , it was absolutely necessary they shou'd all joyn in a Petition to His Majesty for that purpose : whereby they were sure , either to gain their point , and get the Parliament to sit , which they might model and influence , as they pleas'd ; or at least know the strength of their party by the number of Subscribers , and lessen His Majesty's credit in the hearts of his People . To this end Agents are sent about ▪ and the Petition is sign'd by many Legions of the Goaly Party . None so forward to subscribe this Petition to the Son , as they who petition'd for Justice aga●nst the Father . There you might see Presbyterians , Independents , Quakers , Brownists , and Anabaptists , all in a string , to petition His Majesty for a speedy Parliament . A mysterious Riddle to all sober and understanding men , that Fanaticks , who always but in Forty-One dreaded the face of that August Assembly , shou'd now be more zealous for their sitting , than the True-Protestants of the Church of England . It was certainly an Omen that cou'd portend no good either to Church or State ; and therefore , as the King had reason to mistrust there lay a Snake in the Grass , the Brethrens zealous petitioning to that purpose , did rather hinder than forward their meeting . At last , when it could not be thought the effect of the Fanaticks importunity , but of His Majesty's grace and goodness , the Parliament met on the 23 of Octob ▪ 1680 , and the King having solemnly renew'd them His former promises of complying with any thing they cou'd in reason propose , desir'd them to wave all unseasonable disputes , and hasten to settle the affairs of the Nation , and bring their meeting to a happy conclusion . The People were generally big with expectation , to see the issue of this famous Session , and doubted not but all their jealousies and distractions wou'd now be fully removed , the Three Nations settl'd and compos'd , and the Popish Plot speedily shifted to the bottom . Parturiunt montes . They sate almost for three entire months without any lett or interruption : and what have they done all this while towards the effecting these weighty matters that lay before them ? what great progress have they made towards the suppressing of Popery , or putting a period to that hellish Conspiracy ? They spent nine or ten days about my Lord Stafford's Tryal ; and when all expected the other Lords shou'd immediately follow , our charitable Patriots , tender it seems of shedding more Popish-Blood , sate down to breath themselves , and not a word more of the Papists to the end of the Chapter . The truth is , the Leading-Members , that govern'd all in the House of Commons , had other fish to fry . They were ferreting out Papists in Masquerade , or half-reform'd Protestants , now thought more dangerous than the profess'd Romanists . A Reformation they intended both in Church and State , and God knows where it shou'd have ended It was enough they fix'd the Popish-Plot by the conviction of my Lord Stafford ; but it seems it was their interest to keep it on foot for other purposes , perhaps in imitation of the wise Romans ; who thought it impolitick to demolish their great Rival Carthage , which , while standing , might serve to keep them from idleness and exercise their Valour . The Papists therefore must have a time to breath , and the Fanaticks are the great favourites of the House , while known Protestants of the Church of England , under the odious names of Abhorrers , are forc'd to bear the brunt , and suffer as Betrayers of the peoples Rights and Liberties , for obeying their Sovereigns Proclamation , tho' not repugnant to any known Law or Statute , but approv'd of by the Judges , and other Sages of the Law , and conformable to an express Act of Parliament in the like case provided . 13 Car. 2. c. 5. 'T is the peoples Right , I know , or to speak more properly , 't is their Duty , to petition their Prince for relief and redress of their Grievances ; but still 't is the undoubted Prerogative of the Sovereign to judge whether such Grievances be real or pretended ; fit to be granted , or necessary to be rejected : And when upon weighty considerations , as the Subject ought in duty to suppose , the Prince openly expresses his dislike to such Petitions , to importune him any further is very unmannerly , and plainly tending to Sedition . 'T is an undutiful part in Subjects ( saith our British Solomon ) to press their King , wherein they know before-hand he will refuse them . In his Speech to the Parliament . anno 1609. The evil consequences of these tumultuous Petitions are too well known to those that remember our late unhappy Confusions , to be dwelt upon , or describ'd in so small a Treatise . 'T is enough , that the wisdom of the Nation , both King and Parliament , after His Majesty's miraculous Restauration , have declar'd , It hath been found by sad experience , that tumultuous and other disorderly soliciting and procuring of hands by private persons to Petitions , Complaints , Remonstrances , Declarations , and other Addresses to the King , or to both or either Houses of Parliament , for alteration of matters establish'd by Law , redress of pretended Grievances in Church or State , or other publick Concernments , have been made use of , to serve the ends of Factious and Seditious persons gotten into power , to the violation of the publick Peace , and have been a great mens of the late unhappy Wars , Confusions and Calamities in this Nation . 13 Car. 2. c. 5. Besides , our Lawyers tell us , and King James declares in his Speech to the Parliament , on the last of March 1607 , * That Rex est Lex loquens ; and where the Law is silent , the King's will is a temporary Law. Upon what account then were the Abhorrers of the late tumultuous Petitions , so exactly resembling those of Forty , and so contrary to His Majesty's express Orders and Proclamation , censur'd or imprison'd ? what Crime have they committed , or Law have they violated ? or can there be any transgression , where there is no Law ; or Punishment , where there is no Transgression ? Oh! ( say they ) tho' there be no positive Law directly against Abhorrers , yet 't is the great Fundamental Law , Lex & consuetudo Parliamenti , and the Priviledge of Parliament , that they may judge what Crimes are punishable ex post facto , and by their arbitrary Power punish any man for what they please . This , I must confess , is a pretty knack to help us off at a dead lift , and will serve as well to vindicate the most exorbitant proceed●ngs of a mad Parliament , as self-preservation is generally wrested to justifie the horrid Conspiracies of Rebellious Subjects . It proves the great Earl of Strafford has been lawfully Executed , tho' his very Enemies then gave us reason to believe , and both King and Parliament since have declar'd , him Innocent ; And the known Laws of the Land are at this rate very defective , since they are not the entire Rule of the peoples Civil Obedience , but are further liable to be try'd by that mysterious Riddle , Lex & , consuetudo Parliamenti ; which neither our Fathers , nor We , were able to understand . 'T is an undoubted Maxim both in Law and Reason , that promulgation is absolutely necessary to the obligation of all positive constitutions , insomuch that the immediate Laws even of the Almighty , are not obligatory , where they were never preach'd , or made known . How then comes it to pass , that so many Loyal Subjects and good Protestants have been troubl'd upon the account of those mystical Riddles , Lex & consuetudo Parliamenti , and the Priviledges of Parliament , which were never publish'd or made known to the people , but lie dormant in the House of Commons , till started up as occasion requires ? It were to be wish'd , that Honourable Senate wou'd so far oblige the Nation , as to give them a true description of this Law and Custom of Parliament , and an exact account of their Priviledges ; that people might in some measure for the future be able to shun those dangerous rocks , and not be surpriz'd or shipwrack'd on such hidden shelves . Till then all those loud pretences of securing the Subject from Slavery and Arbitrary Government , must seem very ridiculous to the sober and judicious , who as they cannot be easily impos'd upon by outward appearances , to believe peoples words not suitable to their actions , will be apt to mistrust , that what these Gentlemen so stifly oppose in others , they design wholly for themselves . But to come closer to the purpose , let us suppose the Parliament has this Arbitrary Prerogative , to turn our most innocent actions into misdemeanors , and make what they please a breach of Priviledge : yet by what Authority can the House of Commons alone pretend to execute that Power ; or take upon them to be sole Judges , that cannot act as Justices of the Peace ? Our Ancestors , it seems , have brought their Hogs to a fair Market , who have struggled for many Ages to preserve themselves and Posterity from the unbounded rule of Arbitrary pleasure , and having wrested that Power from their Soveraign , like wise Politicians , have left it in the hands of their Fellow-Subjects , nay , of their Attorneys and Servants , to whom as such , they always allow'd their daily wages for their attendance in Parliament . 'T is certainly an odd kind of Liberty , that the people can neither be Fin'd nor Imprison'd by their Soveraign , unless for transgressing some known penal Law of the Land ; but their Deputies and Trustees may uncontroulably punish them for any thing they are pleas'd to call Criminal . Is this the great happiness of Freeborn Subjects , instead of one to have five hundred Masters , and see the Fundamental Laws of the Nation , Magna Charta , and all the good Statutes confirming and explaining the same , thus eluded and made useless by a pretended Custom of Parliament ? What are we the better at this rate , that by the Great Charter of the Liberties of England , c. 29 't is declar'd , That no Freeman shall be taken or Imprison'd , or be disseiz'd of his Freehold or Liberties , or his Free Customs , or be Outlaw'd , or Exil'd , or in any manner destroy'd , but by the lawful Judgement of his Peers , or by the Law of the Land ? Or that 28 Edw. 3. c 3. 't is enacted , That no man of what estate or condition he be , shall be put out of his Land or Tenements , nor taken , nor Imprison'd , nor disinherited , nor put to death , without being brought to Answer by due Process of Law. Or , to omit many others , that 42 Ed. 3. c. 3. It is assented and accorded for the good governance of the Commons , that no man be put to answer without Presentment before Justices , or matter of Record , or by due Process and Writ Original , according to the Old Law of the Land ; and if any thing be done to the contrary , it shall be void in Law , and holden for error . What are we the better , I say , to have these and several other Statutes to the same purpose , if they are not of force to secure us on all sides from the slavish yoke of Arbitrary Power ? If a breach be once made in these great Bulwarks of our Liberties , and that even by those Sentinels appointed to guard us from all Illegal Incroachments , where is our Security ? What will it avail the flock , that they are safe from Wolves , if they are in danger to be devour'd by the very Dogs that shou'd defend them ? Or to what purpose shou'd people struggle to avoid Scylla , if at the same time they suffer themselves to be swallow'd up in Charybdis ? 'T is an old saying ▪ Infeliciter aegrotat , cui plus mali venit a medico ●uam a morbo ; and we have found this too true by a dear-bought experience . God preserve us from receiving any further confirmations of it from those State-Empyricks , that labour to make us exchange the reality for the name , and the substance for the shadow , or Liberty . 'T is plain by the foregoing Statutes , that no man ought to be taken or Imprison'd , without being brought to Answer by due course of Law ; and that none can be brought thus to answer , without Presen●ment before Justices , or matter of Record , or by due Process and Writ Original , according to the old Law of the Land. What pretence then have the House of Commons , who can bring none to Answer in this manner , to any right or legal power to take or Imprison any Criminal whatsoever ? 'T is true , the Common , and generally all men in Authority , are inclin'd to enlarge their own Jurisdiction , and stretch it as far as possible ; but sure a bare Vote of that House in favour of themselves , or a late practice never heard of in former Ages , shall not be of force enough in any Court of Justice to elude the solemn Acts of King and Parliament . Besides these Statutes , too plain to admit of any comment , even by the Common Law of this Realm no Subject can Imprison another , but our Ancient Courts of Record , and such as have the Kings express Commission for so doing . I say Courts of Record , because ( as appears by divers adjudg'd Cases in our Law Reports ) no other Court can Fine or Imprison the Subject : Courts ( saith Coke ) which are not of Record , cannot impose a Fine , or commit any to Prison , lib. 8. f. 38. And again , Nulla Curia , quae Recordum non habet , potest imponere finem , neque aliquem mandare carceri ; quia ista tantummodo spectant ad Curias de * Recordo . Now our best Lawyers will tell us , that the House of Commons is no Court of Record , nay properly speaking is no Court at all . 1. Because there is no Court , but what is establish ▪ d by the Kings Patent , by Act of Parliament , or by the Common-Law , i.e. the constant immemorial custom of former Ages . Plowdens Comment . fol. 319. and Coke 1 Instit. f. 260. But the House of Commons cannot pretend to have any Patent or Act of Parliament to be a Court , and yet the Common-Law makes nothing for their purpose : For they were never own'd as such , nor ever had as much as a Journal-Book , much less Records , till Ed. 6's . time : And moreover , it was never heard before Sir Edward Cokes fancy , there were two distinct Courts in the same Parliament ; since therefore the House of Lords is undoubtedly the Supream Court of all England , they are properly the High Court of Parliament , and consequently the House of Commons is no Court in Law. Secondly , There is no Court without a power of Tryal ; but the House of Commons have no power to try any Crime or Offence ; for they cannot ; nor ever pretended to examine upon Oath : And therefore since there can be no legal tryal without Witnesses , nor are Witnesses of any force in Law , unless examin'd upon Oath , the House of Commons not claiming the power to administer Oaths , cannot bring any matter to a Tryal , and consequently can be no Court. I must confess Sir Edward Coke ( who in his latter days thinking himself disoblig'd , was no friend to the Monarchy , and therefore took a great deal of pains to extol the Power of the Commons , in opposition to the Kings Prerogative and the Jurisdiction of the Lords ) is , or at least pretends to be , of another opinion . In the 4th . part of his Institutes he tells us , That the House of Commons is to many purposes a distinct Court , p 28. which he very Learnedly proves by this rare Demonstration , That upon signification of the Kings pleasure to the Speaker , they do and may Prorogue or Adjourn themselves , and are not Prorogu'd or Adjourned by the House of Lords , ib. Whereas ( to say nothing of Commissioners for examining Witnesses , or regulating any publick business , of Arbitrators , Referees and the like ) every Committee of Lords and Commons , tho never so few in number , must upon this account be a distinct Court , because they may thus Adjourn and Prorogue themselves , without their respective Houses . But he goes on , and to prove the House of Commons , is not only a Court , but a Court of Judicature and Record , he says p. 23. That the Clerks Book of the House of Commons is a Record , and so declared by Act of Parliament , 6 H. 8. c. 16. Whereas that House , as I have already hinted , had no such Book as a Journal , much less any Authentick Record , before the first year of Edward the sixth ; all their material Proceedings till then being drawn in Minutes by a Clerk appointed to attend them for that purpose , and by him entr'd of Record in the House of Lords : And therefore the words of the Statute are , That the Speakers License for Members going into the Country , be entred of Record in the Book of the Clerk of the Parliament , appointed for the Commons House : Which undoubtedly must be meant , not of the Commons , tho order'd now and then to wait upon them , but of the Lords Clerk , who alone is stil'd Clerk of the Parliament . I omit , that altho the Act had expresly call'd the Commons Book , a Record , yet this cou'd no more make it so , than the words of the Common-Law , Recordari facias loquelam in Curia Comitatus vel Baronis tui — & Recordum illud habere coram Justiciari●s nostris , &c. us'd in the Writt for removing a Plaint out of the Court-Baron , or County-Court to the Common-Pleas , can prove the County-Court and Court-Baron ; to be Courts of Record ; which yet Coke himself denyes in several places of his Institutes . See 1 Inst. f. 117. and 260. and Rolls in his Abridg. f. 527. This is not all , the Lords and Commons must be made all Fellows at Foot-ball , and of equal Authority , in point of Judicature : The Lords ( saith he ) in their House have Power of Judicature , and the Commons in their House have Power of Judicature , and both together have Power of Judicature , p 23 : But I wish , since the Lords Judicial Power , as well with as without the Commons , is beyond all dispute , this great Lawyer had so far oblig'd Posterity , as to have left us some convincing Argument to make the World believe the like of the House of Commons ; or at least given us some Instances of their using this Power in former Ages , as the Lords have done time out of mind . In the mean time , 't is a shrewd Argument against his Assertion , that in H. 4. time the Commons themselves in their Petition to the King , declar'd , That the Judgments of Parliament appertained only to the King and Lords , and not to the Commons ; and therefore they prayed the King out of his special Grace to shew unto them the said Judgments and the cause of them ; that so no Record might be made in Parliament against the said Commons , without their privity . To which the Bishop of Canterbury answer'd by the Kings command , That the Commons are Petitioners and Demanders , and that the King and Lords always had , and of right shall have the Judgments in Parliament , even as the Commons themselves have shewed ; saving that in Statutes to be made , or Grants and Subsidies , or such things as are to be done for the publick profit of the Realm , the King will have especially their advice and assent , 1 H. 4. Rol. Parl n. 79. Who now is to be believ'd , Sir Edward Coke attributing to the Commons , or the Commons themselves wholly disclaiming all Power of Judicature ? Or shall a single Lawyers Ipse dixit , or proofless assertion , be of greater weight , than so solemn a Declaration upon Record , approv'd off by King , Lords , and Commons ? But to be short , and to argue ad hominem against our late Demagogues at Wesminster , if they thought themselves a Court of Judicature and Record , as Sir Edward Coke is pleas'd to make them , 't is strange what cou'd be their motive ( unless to shew their Arbitrary Power to the World ) to Imprison so many of His Majesties Loyal Subjects , and after a long and chargeable Confinement , release them , without offering to bring them to any legal Tryal : For if these Gentlemen were reputed Criminal , they ought to have been try'd according to Law ; if Innocent , they shou'd not have been Imprison'd . And to say their Confinement was by the House design'd for a punishment of their suppos'd Misdemeanors , 't is contrary to common sense and to all Laws both humane and divine . For at this rate , people will be condemn●d before they are heard , and punish'd before they are convicted ; nay , which is worse than Abington-Law , to hang a man first , and try him after , they shall be punish'd at will , and never brought to a tryal . What can be safe , if this be admitted ? or who can be secure either of Life or Liberty , if a prevailing Faction in the House of Commons may toss him thus in a Blanket without any Rhime or Reason , contrary to the undoubted Right of the Subject , and the Fundamental Laws of the Nation ? But we are told , the Commons have often Imprison'd people for misdemeanors , and releas'd them again at their own Discretion . I wish they had shew'd us withal by what Authority or Law they committed them ; for a facto ad jus is no good argument with any man of sense or judgment . How many Appeals have been made to Rome , and provisions of Benefices procur'd from thence , during the Papal Usurpation ? Yet these being contrary to Law , the Authors were still punishable , and it was no excuse for any , that others had done the like before . The Commons have been a constituent part of the Great Council of the Kingdom , either since the 16th . of Henry I. as some Historians write , or since the 49th . of H. 3. in the year 1364. as most Authors agree ; and yet all this while we cannot find , that by their own Authority they imprison'd any Criminal , till in the 4th . of Ed. 6. about the year 1550 they committed Criketost to the Tower , when the King was an Infant , and all govern'd by the ambitious Duke of Somerset : who to be sure wou'd not expostulate with the House of Commons about such a trifle , as he thought it , whilst they forbore to question him for his more illegal and arbitrary Proceedings . Now , if there be no other argument to justifie the Commons imprisoning Delinquents , but the practice of their House since the 4th . of Ed. 6. 't is plain , the commitment of Criketost was illegal , because not justifiable by any former practice of that House ; and consequently , cou'd be no fit Precedent to be imitated in succeeding Parliaments . And if their first Essays of this kind were unwarrantable by Law , their subsequent Commitments cou'd be no better ; for , Quod ab initio non valuit , tractu temporis non convalescit . To what purpose then are such unwarrantable Examples alledg'd to justifie the late proceedings of the Commons , if not to prove one absurdity by another ? since they can hardly think of any thing , how wild and unreasonable soever ; but they may find one instance or another , to offer as a Precedent , in some of our former Parliaments . For experience tells us , this Great Council , much less the * meanest of the three Estates , ( tho' our modern Republicans wou'd fain snatch the great Priviledge of Infallibility from the Pope's Cushion , and place it in the Speakers Chair ) has not been always free from mistakes , but is found to have often deviated from Justice , Truth , and Loyalty . We must therefore , with Seneca , look , non qua●itur , sed qua eundum , not what is , but what ought to be done ; and consider , that 't is not the example of frail men , impos'd upon through ignorance , or led by passion , or private interest , but the approv'd Laws of the Land , ought to be the Rule both of the Magistrates Government , and of the Subjects Obedience . What! says a factious Petitioner , cannot the House of Commons imprison any Criminal ? Have they no authority to chastise their own Members , or punish the Invaders of their Priviledges ? Have they not often exerciz'd this Power ; and is it possible the King and Lords wou'd have so long conniv'd at their proceedings , had they been illegal or unjust ? Does not the House of Peers punish the Breakers of their Priviledges ; why then may not the House of Commons be allow'd to do the like ? These are the mighty arguments our great Champions for the House of Commons always insist upon ; but how weak and insignificant they are , is very obvious to any , tho' but meanly vers'd in our Laws , and the constitution of our Government . For my part , I have always been , and still am , as much for maintaining the just Priviledges of that House , as any man whatsoever ; 't is my interest to do it , and nothing but Truth and Loyalty shall ever induce me to speak against any of their Pretensions : yet I must say , the power they claim now-a-days , to punish all sorts of misdemeanors , and what they please to term a breach of Priviledge , is not to be endur'd by any free-born Subject ; For , besides that 't is needless , because such offences may , and by Law ought to be try'd in the ordinary Courts of Justice , 't is very dangerous to the Publick , least the Grand Inquest of the Nation , appointed to represent the Peoples Grievances , and pray redress , shou'd upon this account be diverted from pursuing those weighty affairs , by every sawcy Footman belonging to the meanest Burgess in their House . I confess , it were somewhat tolerable in the Commons to imprison and punish their own Members , for words by them spoken , or misdemeanors committed in the House : 1. Because by 4 H. 8. c. 8. they are not punishable elsewhere for any rashness in Parliament , that does not amount to Treason Felony , or breach of the Peace , which the Commons neither * can , nor I hope will , as in Forty-One , endeavour to protect . 2ly . Because 't is suppos'd , the Members upon their entring into that Assembly , unanimously agreed the lesser number shou'd always submit to the greater , and the major Vote be observ'd as the Act and Sense of the whole House ; if therefore by consent and original compact every single Member submits himself to the rest , he cannot complain , tho' otherwise they had no authority , if they imprison him for his misdemeanors , because scienti & volenti non fit injuria , provided always they exceed not the common Rules of Justice , nor the bounds of our establish'd Laws ; for then no private Act can bind a Subject , tho' made with his own free consent ; as appears by Clark's Case against the Mayor and Burgesses of St. Albans ; Coke lib. 5. p. 64. I cannot therefore but think the power assum'd of late years by the House of Commons over their fellow-Members , to expel them the House , when and for what they please , without any legal Tryal , ( which the Lords never practic'd against any of their Peers ) is in it self most unreasonable , and of very dangerous consequence ; as Mr. Prynne , tho' otherwise a great Champion for the Priviledges of Parliament , proves at large in divers of his Treatises ▪ The practice ( saith he ) of sequestring and expelling Commons by their fellow-Commons only , is a late , dangerous , unparliamentary Usurpation , unknown to our Ancestors , destructive to the Priviledges and Freedom of Parliaments , and injurious to those Counties , Cities , and Boroughs , whose Trustees are secluded : the House of Commons being no Court of Justice , to give either Oath or final Sentence , and having no more authority to dismember their fellow-Members , than any Judges , Justices of the Peace , or Committees , have to Dis-judge , Dis-justice , or Dis-committee their fellow Judges , Justices , or Committee-men , being all of equal Authority , and made Members only by the King 's Writ , and the Peoples Election , not by the Houses , or other Members Votes ; who yet now presume both to make and unmake , seclude and recal , expel and restore their fellow-Members at their pleasure , contrary to the practice and resolution of former Ages , to patch up a Factious Conventicle , instead of an English Parliament . In his legal Vindication of the Liberties of England ▪ p. 10. But whatever Power the Commons can pretend to have over their own Members , to say they can lawfully punish others , tho for a breach of Priviledge , much less for any other Crime , seems to me a very groundless Assertion , not warrantable by the Ancient Law and Custom of Parliament , but rather contrary to the Fundamental Constitutions of our Government : First , because 't is impossible to make out from whom this Power is deriv'd ; From the King ? The Factious will not own it , and none can prove it : For they have neither Patent nor Statute to shew for 't , nor yet any Legal Prescription , which is a constant immemorial Custom , such as the Lords have in point of Judicature , to warrant it ; the Ancientest President they can alledge , being that of 4 Ed. 6. or the Case of Ferrers referr'd to them by the Lords in the 34 H. 8 about sevenscore years ago . Do they deri●e it then from the People , from the Freeholders and Freemen , their Electors ? These have no such Power of themselves , they can Imprison none without His Majesties Commission ; and what they have not , sure they cannot give : Nemo dat , quod non habet . As for the Power given by the Electors to their chosen Members , who are order'd by the Writ of Summons to have from the persons they represent , Plenam & sufficientem potestatem , 't is no Judicial Power , nor Political Jurisdiction , which the People have not , and consequently cannot give , but only a Power of consenting as well for their Principals , as for themselves , to the Kings Laws and Ordinances . And certainly , if the King be the Suprem , and the only Suprem Governour of this Realm , as we affirm in the Oath of Supremacy ; and if all Authority and Jurisdiction Spiritual and Temporal be derived and deducted from the Kings Majesty , as 't is expresly declar●d 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. § 3. Or as Old Bracton saith , Ea quae sunt Jurisdictionis & pacis , ad nullum pertinent nisi ad regiam dignitatem . lib. 3. c. 24. Unless the Commons can make out they have their Power from the King , they can have no manner of Jurisdiction , and by consequence cannot lawfully Punish or Imprison any Criminal , if not perchance their own Members in the Cases aforesaid : Besides , in the first Parliament of Queen Mary 't is declar'd , That the most Ancient Statutes of this Kingdom do give , assign , and appoint the correction and punishment of all Offenders against the Regality and Dignity of the Crown , and the Laws of this Realm , unto the King 1 Mar. Sess. 3. c. What then are the breakers of the Commons Priviledges ; are they Offenders against the Dignity of the Crown , or the Laws of the Realm ? If so , they ought according to this Act to be punish'd by the King ; if not , they are not punishable at all : for to trouble any , that does not offend against the Crown , or the Law of the Land , is very Illegal and Arbitrary , and a high breach of the Liberty of the Subject . Secondly , because the Law has expresly provided where and how breaches of Priviledge ought to be punish'd , and gives the House of Commons no power to take any cognizance of them ; for by several Statutes it appears , that if a Parliament-man , or his Menial-servant , be Assaulted , Beaten or Wounded , in Parliament-time , Proclamation shall be made where the deed is done , that the Offendor shall render himself to the Kings-Bench within half a year after , there to be tryed ; and if the Offendor will not appear , he shall be Attainted of the Deed , and pay to the Party griev'd his double Damages , to be tax'd by the discretion of the Judges of the said Bench for the time being , or by Inquest , if need be , and also make Fine and Ransom at the Kings will. Moreover , it is accorded in the same Parliamenti , that likewise it be done in time to come in like Case , 5 H. 4. c. 6. and 11 H. 6. c. 11. As for the Commons freedom from Arrests ▪ 't is certainly a very Ancient Priviledge , granted by our Kings to that House , the better to enable them to attend the publick service , to which they were summon'd ; as appears by Edward the first 's Answer to the Templars , who having some Tenants in the Parliament , that were behind with their Rents , Petition'd the King to have leave to Distrain for the said Arrears in Parliament-time ; which he utterly refus'd , saying , Non videtur honestum quod Rex concedat quod illi de Consilio suo distring antur tempore Parliament . 18 Ed. 1. Rot. 7. in Thesaur . Receptoris Scaccar . Yet that it was not formerly held so sacred , nor did extend near so far , as some people now imagine , is plain from the Case of Thorpe 31 H. 6. Who , tho Speaker of the House of Commons at that time , was Imprison'd in the Fleet during the Prorogation of the Parliament , for a 1000. Marks Damages given against him for a Trespass done to the Duke of York . And the Parliament being Re-assembled , the Commons earnestly desir'd to have their Speaker discharg'd , but it was adjudg'd by the Lords , that he shou'd remain in Prison according to his Sentence , and they choose another Speaker : whereupon they elected Sir Thomas Charlton , and made no further clamours , as some now wou'd do , that their Priviledges were invaded , 31 H. 6 Rot. Parliam . n. 25 , 26 , &c. Seldens Baronage fol. 115. Now for the Tryal of a breach of this Priviledge , tho I find no positive or express Statute , that orders it to be decided in the ordinary Courts of Justice , yet that they may lawfully do it , is a plain consequence of the foregoing Acts of Parliament : For to argue a majori ad minus , since Assaults upon Parliament-men are far more Criminal than Arrests , if the ordinary Courts of Justice can try the greater , they may certainly try the lesser Crime . And accordingly they have often taken cognizance as well of this as other Priviledges of Parliament ; as appears in the Case of Done against * Welsh , and of * River against Cosyn , * Skewish against Trewynnard , and many others . But the most usual practice of former times was , to make application to the King and Lords for redress in this particular , for as Sir Edward Coke himself confesses , The determination and knowledge of this Priviledge belongs to the Lords of Parliament , in his select Cases 63. And therefore the House of Commons , upon the restraint of any of their Members or Menial Servants , of which themselves took no cognizance till of very late days , always made their humble request to the King and Lords for his enlargement . Thus when William Lake Servant to William Milred , a Member of the House , was taken in Execution of Debt , and Committed to the Fleet , the * Commons Petition'd the King and Lords for his Liberty . The like they did in Walter * Clarks Case ; and in the Case of William * Hide : And to omit several other Precedents , even in the 43 Eliz. when a Bill was preferr'd in the Star-Chamber against Belgrave a Member of that House , the Parliament then sitting , for Misdemeanors by him committed against the Earl of Huntington ; the Commons well knowing they had no Authority of themselves to protect their Member , made their earnest , but ineffectual , Application to the Lords for relief . Sir Simon D' Ewes Journals p. 612 And in the same Parliament a great asserter of Priviledges , upon a debate about Subpaena's , said openly in the House , Our use at this day is not warranted by Ancient course of Precedents ; for if a man had been Arrested upon a Subpaena , upon notice given , he shou'd have had a Writ of Priviledge , which of course Her Majesty must have allow'd : D'ewes Journals pag. 655. which is conformable to the Report made 18 Eliz. by Mr. Attourney of the Dutchy upon a Committee appointed for setting Mr. Halls man at Liberty ; That the Committee found no Precedent for setting at large by the Mace any person in Arrest , but only by * Writ ; and that by divers Precedents of Records perus'd by the said Committee , it appeareth that every Knight , Citizen or Burgess , which doth require Priviledge , hath us'd in that Case to take a Corporal Oath before the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper , that the Party for whom such Writ is pray'd , came up with him , and was his Servant at the time of the Arrest made , D'ewes p. 249. The famous Case of Ferrers , Burgess of Plimouth 34 H. 8. tho often alleadg'd in favour of the Commons , is so far from making any thing for their purpose , that it plainly shews they never offer'd till then to punish any breach of Priviledge , for altho they found , not only that the Sheriffs of London deny'd to deliver their Burgess , but that the Officers of the Counter beat their Serjeant and broke his Mace ; yet knowing they had no coactive Power of themselves , they were forc'd to repair to the upper House , ( which they wou'd never have done , had their own Authority been sufficient ) and complain to the Lords of the injury they receiv'd ; who judging the contempt to be very high , for the Commons greater satisfaction referr'd the punishment thereof wholly to themselves : which condescension , it seems , gave such encouragement to that House , in succeeding Parliaments , who have been always sure never to loose , but still to gain ground upon the Prerogative and the House of Peers , that now and then they made bold , even without any Warrant or direction from the Lords , to punish some breaches of Priviledge , and at last other misdemeanors . For King Edward the sixth , because of his Minority , and his two Sisters by reason of their Sex , being not so active , nor so fit for business , as their Predecessors , the Commons took hold on this opportunity to get themselves into Power , and endeavour'd by punishing Offenders to render themselves the more formidable to the People . From hence they proceeded to regulate Elections , and tho the Law is very plain and positive in this Case also ; yet the Commons have taken upon them of late days , not only to decide who is duely chosen , and who unduly return'd ; but have further assum'd the Power to punish the Offenders , contrary to divers Acts of Parliament in that Case provided : For by several Statutes it appears , That if the Sheriff makes an undue Return , his punishment is 200 l. one to the King , and the other to the party duely Elected ; besides a years Imprisonment without Bail or Mainprise : And the person unduely return'd is to continue a Member of the House , but at his own Charges , without any allowance from the place , for which he serves . As for the return , if any makes complaint thereof , It ought to be tryed , not by a Committee of Elections , but before the Justices of Assizes in the proper County , or by Action of Debt in any Court of Record ; as appears 11 H. 4. c. 1. and 8 H. 6. c. 7. and 23 H. 6. c. 15. These are the Laws for regulating Elections , and pursuant to them Queen Elizabeth , in whose time the Commons busi'd themselves too much in that matter , sent a notable check to the House in the 28 year of her Reign , for their medling with choosing and returning Knights of the Shire for Norfolk ; a thing ( said she ) impertinent for the House to deal withall , and only belonging to the Office and charge of the Lord Chancellor , from whom the Writs Issue and are return'd , D'ewes Journal , p. 393. Which Message wrought then so far upon the House , that for some years after they forbore to medle much in any thing of that nature , but apply'd themselves , when occasion requir'd , to the Lord Chancellor or Keeper , who proceeded therein as the Law directed , without taking any great notice of the Commons Votes or Resolves ; as we find by a remarkable Instance in the 35 of this Queen , when Sir Edward Coke then Speaker , was order'd by the House to attend upon my Lord Keeper , to move his Lordship to direct a New Writ for choosing a Burgess for Southwark instead of Richard Hutton , suppos'd to have been unduly elected ; and another for allowing Sir George Carew , who was duely elected , but not return'd , to be Burgess for Camelsford in Cornwall ; and a third for changing the name of John Dudley , return'd Burgess for New-Town in the County of Southampton , into the Name of Thomas Dudley , alleadg'd to be the same person , but his Name mistaken . My Lord Keeper answer'd , that the Returns for Southwark and Camelsford shou'd stand good , but as for the said John Dudley , he wou'd direct a new Writ for choosing another Burgess in his stead for Newtown , D'ewes Journals , p. 494. Now if this was the legal way of Proceeding in Queen Elizabeth's Reign , warranted by the Statutes lately quoted , and allow'd by the great Lawyer Sir Edward Coke , and the whole House of Commons at that time , by what Authority cou'd it be alter'd in succeeding Parliaments ? or is it just that the Ancient Precedents of former Ages shou'd be avoided by unwarrantable new-ones of later times ? Without question , had the House of Commons then known , they had any Power to mend the said Returns , or punish the Offendors , they wou'd never have sent their Speaker to wait on the Lord Keeper's pleasure about it ; and if that House had no such Authority , 't is strange how can their Successors pretend to have any . Thus we see the House of Commons was not in former times allow'd to regulate the Election of their own Members , nor to Imprison any for undue Elections or Returns , nor yet for a breach of Priviledge , much less for any other Crime or Misdemeanor . Nothing was heard in those better days of that terrible Sentence , Take him Topham ; not a word of the Subjects Imprisonment during the Will and Pleasure of the House of Commons . The sitting of Parliaments then was * short and sweet , dispatching more business in three days , than of late they have done in so many months . Their Study was , to Redress , not Create Grievances , and preserve or procure a good understanding betwixt the King and His People ; and not like Banbury-Tinkers , instead of mending one hole , make a great many . Oh! but ( say some ) the Connivance of King and Lords is a strong Argument that the Commons have done nothing herein contrary to Law. I Answer , 't is rather a very weak and frivolous Plea ; first , because tho the King be oblig'd by His Coronation-Oath to govern by Law , yet all knowing men will allow He has a Prudential Power to suspend the Execution of such Laws , as he thinks prejudicial to the publick Interest ; and consequently may , when he sees occasion , wink at some illegal attempts of His Subjects , to avoid a great Inconvenience . If thefore of late times the King , and if you will , the House of Lords , did connive at some unwarrantable resolutions of the Commons , rather than exasperate the whole House , too Jealous of their own Priviledges , and thereby frustrate the chief end of Calling His Parliament , the Security of the Publick ; it was Policy and great Prudence to wave it at that time , tho now 't is the height of Folly to make this a warrant for doing the like again , contrary to so many legal Presidents , and express Acts of Parliament . Secondly , because the gathering of Peter-pence in this Kingdom , has been conniv'd at by King , Lords and Commons , for divers Centuries of years ; yet it was an Illegal Tax upon the Subject , contrary to Magna Charta and the Fundamental Laws of the Nation , 25 H. 8. c. 21. Likewise the Clergy made divers Canons and Constitutions , which have been conniv'd at for several Ages both by King and Parliament ; yet are declar'd by 25 H. 8. c. 19 To be much prejudicial to the Kings Prerogative Royal , and repugnant to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm . The same may be said of the Ancient Custom of Archbishops and Bishops , declar'd by 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. to be contrary to the Common-Law of of the Land , tho practic'd and conniv'd at , time out of mind . And to omit several other Instances , Cardinal Wolsey for exercising his Legantine Power , and the whole Clergy for receiving it , tho conniv'd at for many years as well in as out of Parliament , were nevertheless found guilty in a Premunire in His Majesties Court of Kings-Bench . Connivance therefore is no good Argument of any things being legal , and the tolerating of a Custom , tho never so long , cannot warrant its continuance , while the Law is against it . Presidents indeed of former Ages , when legal and just from the beginning , are of great force in Judicial Proceedings ; but no new President of late days can have that weight in any Court of Justice , and to be sure will never be allow'd , if contrary to Law and the Authentick Records of Antiquity . But the House of Lords ( say they ) use to punish the Breaches of their Priviledges , and several other Misdemeanors ; why then may not the House of Commons do the like ? A most ridiculous parity ; for they might argue as well , the Court of Kings-Bench Fines and Imprisons Delinquents , therefore the Grand-Jury may do the like when they please . For the Commons in Parliament are really the Grand-Jury of the Nation , appointed to enquire after Briberyes , Extortions , Monopolies , and other publick Oppressions , and complain thereof to the King and Lords , and humbly pray redress ; yet they are no Judges in any Case themselves , but are * Parties , as being the Attorneys and Representatives of those that are injur'd . So far they are from having any Judicial Power , that they cannot as much as administer an Oath upon any occasion whatsoever ; which undoubtedly the Law wou'd not have deny'd them , but that they were never design'd for * Judges or punishers of any Criminal ; because qui negat Medium , negat & finem . But the House of Lords is not only a Court of Judicature , but the Supream Court of the whole Kingdom ; they are look'd upon by our Laws as persons of no less Integrity , than Honour , in the distribution of Justice ; and besides , are assisted by all the Judges of England , by the 12 Masters of Chancery , by the Kings Learned Council , and by His Attorney and Solicitor General ; in consideration whereof the same Laws have repos'd that extraordinary trust in this August Assembly , that to them alone it belongs to redress delays , and reform the erroneous Judgments of other Courts of Justice , and give a final decision to all manner of Appeals . Now by the Laws of other Nations , as well as ours , 't is the nature of Superior Courts , that they may determine matters tryable by an Inferior ; and therefore it must be allow'd , that tho the House of Commons cannot , because no Court of Judicature , yet the House of Lords , the dernier resort of all Suits and Actions , may , if they please , punish the Invaders of their Priviledges , notwithstanding that the Law directs them to be try'd in Inferiour Courts . Having thus sufficiently demonstrated , that the House of Commons have neither Common nor Statute-Law , nor yet any legal Precedents to warrant their Fining or Imprisoning the meanest of their Fellow-subjects , 't is high time , I think , tho a great deal more might be said on this subject very useful to be known , to give you a brief account of other Particulars , and examine whether the Remedies propos'd in Parliament by our late Mountebanks of State be not equally dangerous , if not really worse , than our Disease . But to expose the designs of some ill men there , and the unwarrantable Votes and Resolves they got pass'd in the Lower House , is a task no less tedious than difficult for me to undertake . I will therefore tell you in short , that notwithstanding all the noise and clamour they made about the Protestant Religion and the Liberty of the Subject , the Nation had too much reason to believe , they minded more their own ends , than the common good of the People . The Kings best Subjects , who having so many years experience of His Majesties most happy Government , declar'd themselves satisfi'd with His prudent management of Affairs , and in Obedience to His Royal Proclamation , express'd their aversion to all Tumultuous Petitions , were no more run down on the one side , than the Factious Fanaticks , even such as signaliz'd themselves in the late Rebellion , were countenanc'd and favour'd on the other ; insomuch that many were of opinion , people had no surer way to ingratiate themselves with some of the Leading Memberr , than openly to asperse the Government , and reflect upon the King and His Ministers as Favorers of Popery , and Designers of Arbitrary Power . 'T is almost incredible what pains they took to get the Notorious Anabaptist Ben. Harris discharg'd out of Prison , for no other reason that I find , but because a Dissenter , who with a great deal of favour was condemn'd only to the Pillory instead of Tyburn , for publishing that Treasonable Pamphlet , The Appeal . Neither is this all ; the main Bulwark of our Church must be broke down , the Penal Laws against the Non-conformists Repeal'd , to let in a Deluge of Sectaries , the scandal of the Reformation , who have nothing of Christianity but the Name , to Profane the Temple of God : And because this Project luckily miscarry'd , their Friends in the House endeavour'd to leave them a new kind of Dispensation , and the very last * day of their sitting , that with their dying breath they might testify to the World their great zeal for the Dissenters in general , of what sect or perswasion soever , to the admiration of most men , they pass'd the following Vote . Resolved , That it is the Opinion of this House , that the Prosecution of Protestant Dissenters upon the Penal Laws , is at this time grievous to the Subject , a weakening of the Protestant Interest , an encouragement to Popery , and dangerous to the Peace of the Kingdom . I need not comment upon this unwarrantable Resolve , by which our worthy Patriots , even without the King and House of Lords , once more were pleas'd to assume to themselves a Power of suspending , and consequently of making , Acts of Parliament . The encouragement this gave to the Republicans to pursue their wicked Designs against the Crown and the Church , like to have prov'd fatal to both , is enough to convince the World , they cou'd hardly do the Nation a greater mischief ; and that their confining several Gentlemen , tho contrary to Law and Reason , was not near so dangerous to the Government , as their breaking down the Rails of the Church , to let a swarm of Sectaries creep in at the Windows . It was observ'd with some admiration , how during this Session of Parliament , there was not one Fanatick Imprison'd , nor so much as question'd by the Commons for any Crime or Insolence whatsoever , very few Papists molested ; but the true Sons of the Church of England daily Prosecuted in vast numbers , to their great loss and vexation , tho it prov'd at last the eternal shame and confusion of the Authors . I cou'd not but smile to see the perplexity they were in , when one of the Judges , to his never-dying fame , for giving the first Precedent of that kind , made application to the House of Commons about the Execution of his Trust , and desir'd their Opinion whether he shou'd do Justice to one of their Prisoners , by granting the Writ of Habeas Corpus to Mr. Sheridan , then in the Custody of Serjeant Topham . Three several days the Case was stifly debated in the House , the Act read twice or thrice over , and yet no resolution taken . The Warrant of Committment , which order'd the Gentleman to be confin'd , without any Cause shown , During the Will and Pleasure of the House of Commons , was look'd upon so Illegal and Arbitrary a Procedure , even by several Members of the House , that Serjeant M. till he heard it was already made publick , wou'd have them immediately recal the Old , and grant a New Warrant more conformable to Law. Besides , the words of the Statute were so full , as admitted of no Comment , and so plain for the Liberty of the Subject , as made it undenyable , that Prisoners , unless for Treason or Felony , were still Bailable , by what Person or Persons soever Committed , not excepting the King and Council , much less the House of Commons , who had no Legal Power to Commit any Criminal . But still the point was very nice , and the Leading Members no less uncertain what resolution to take ; for if they openly declar'd against the Habeas Corpus , the Nation wou'd be much alarm'd , and suspect these Gentleman , instead of securing , intended to invade , the Subjects Liberty ; but if they allow'd the Writ , the delicious power of Imprisoning such as they had a picque to , was utterly lost , and all persons referr'd to the ordinary Courts of Justice , or upon their failure , to the House of Lords , the suprem Tribunal of England . At last Sir William Jones , like an Imperious Dictator , starts up to decide the matter , and having made a bawling Harangue concerning the Power of the House , and their Intention of not binding themselves by that Act , which yet must bind the King , tho it might as well be alleadg'd He did not intend it , he boldly concludes with threatning and daring the Judges to do their duty ; Precibusque minas regaliter addit : The same reasons ( says he ) which may be given for discharging such as are not Committed for breach of Priviledge , if it be grounded on the Act for the Habeas Corpus , will hold as strong for discharging of Persons Committed for breach of Priviledge ; and so consequently deprive this House of all its Power and Dignity , and make it insignificant . This is so plain and obvious , that all the Judges ought to know it ; and I think it below you to make any Resolve therein , but rather leave the Judges to do otherwise at their Peril ; and let the Debate fall without any question , See the Debates of the House , pag. 217. Was not this a rare Assertor of our Liberties , who instead of allowing us the benefit of the Laws , wou'd have us all made Beasts of burden to maintain the Grandeur of some Arbitrary Demagogues in the House of Commons ; and be content to turn Gally-Slaves , rather than their Power shou'd become useless or insignificant ? But I find this daring Speech did not frighten all the Judges ; for Baron Weston , to his immortal Renown , had still the courage to grant the Habeas Corpus , and rather expose himself to the malice of the Faction , than deny or delay Justice , contrary to his Oath . Our Religion and Liberty being thus secur'd , have we not reason to be fond of these worthy Patriots , who tugg'd so hard against Popery , the better to bring in Presbytery ; and to make sure that the Prince shou'd not use Arbitrary Power , took all possible care to keep it in their own possession . It was the Kings Prerogative in the days of yore to have the Power of making War and Peace , and declaring who shou'd be counted Friends , and who reputed Enemies to the Kingdom . But now the Tribunes of the People are willing to ease him of that trouble , and take upon themselves by the following * Vote , to declare some of His Majesties best Subjects and most Faithful Friends , Enemies to the King and Kingdom . Resolved , That all persons who advis'd His Majesty in His last Message to this House , to insist upon an Opinion against the Bill for excluding the Duke of York , have given pernicious Councel to His Majesty , and are promoters of Popery , and Enemies to the King and Kingdom : And this extravagant Vote they are pleas'd particularly to apply to four Noble Peers of the Realm , exposing them to the Rable , without the least colour of proof , for Promoters of Popery , and Enemies to their Soveraign ; for no other reason , but because they were truly Loyal , and free from the contagious leaven of the Faction . What a happiness it is , to live within the Walls of the House of Commons , where the Knave becomes Honest , and the Fool a Politician ? where People are sure never to be in the wrong , but always impeccable , and may freely rail and reflect upon their Betters , which without doors wou'd cost them very dear . Yet I cannot but wonder , why these Noblemen ( unless they , as well as many others , took that Character for a mark of Honour from the givers ) have taken no course , at least with the Printer and Bookseller , if not with the then Speaker , for ordering such Scandalous Votes to be publish'd , contrary to express * Acts of Parliament . For if the Kings immediate Command cannot be allow'd as a good excuse in Law for any Illegal Act , so that altho the Prince be unaccountable , yet the Minister is to suffer for his Obedience ; sure a Vote of the House of Commons shall not be thought of force , at least out of Parliament-time , to Protect any Offender from Justice ; because whatever Title the Members , within the sacred Walls of the House , may claim in some Cases to impunity , their Officers and Servants , who execute their Illegal Commands abroad , cannot in the least pretend to have any . But how shou'd these Noblemen be enemies to the King and Kingdom , for their advising His Majesty against the Bill of Exclusion , when the whole House of Peers , ( few discontented Lords Dissenting , who by their Lives and Conversation never shew'd themselves the truest Protestants , nor the best Subjects ) openly declar'd against it , and upon the first reading threw it out of doors , is a Mystery not easily to be understood . His Majesty in His Message to the Commons , declar'd , He was confirm'd in His Opinion against that Bill by the Judgment of the House of Lords , who rejected it ; why then are four Lords singl'd out , and not the whole House declar'd Promoters of Popery , and Enemies to the King and Kingdom ? The reason some will guess , that the Leading Members saw matters were not yet ripe , to shew themselves bare-fac'd , or discover the bottom of their Designs , and once more to Vote the House of Lords dangerous and useless , and therefore to be laid aside . But why the Opposers of the Bill of Exclusion enemies to the King and Kingdom ? When 't is made plain even to Demonstration in several Treatises publish'd these four years past about the Succession , that the Promoters of that Bill , tho some perhaps meant otherwise , were in fact Enemies to the Monarchy , and no Friends to the King nor to the True Protestant Religion . 'T is strange that such as loudly exclaim against Popery , shou'd have the face at the same time to practice the worst of Popish , or rather Jesuitical Principles , and endeavour to force their Soveraign to disinherit His only Brother , upon a bare suspicion of his being of another Religion ; which Henry the 3. of France , being tender of the Monarchy , and of the Hereditary Right of Succession , was so far from offering to the King of Navarre , tho a known Protestant and but a remote Kinsman , that he cou'd never be perswaded to give the Royal Assent to the Bill , which the powerful influence of the Factious Duke of Guise got pass'd by the three Estates , for his Exclusion . Oh! but ( say they ) Popery and Slavery will break in upon us , if the Duke succeeds . And I am sure , Anarchy and Presbytery , and an Intestine Civil War , will undoubtedly follow , if he be excluded , the King expos'd to danger , and the Kingdom to ruine . How fatal it prov'd to Henry 6. that he suffer'd the good Duke of Gloucester to be made away by his Prosecutors , which made way for his own Deposition , and consequently for his untimely end , Historians do abundantly testify ; and Baker tells us , how the great Duke of Somerset , then Protector , by Sacrificing his Brother the Lord Admiral to the malice of his Enemies , in hopes to stop their mouths by yielding to their demands , clear'd the way for himself to the Scaffold . A Warrant ( saith this Historian ) was sent , under the hand of his Brother the Protector , to cut off his Head ; wherein ( as afterwards it prov'd ) he did as much , as if he had laid his own Head upon the Block : For whilst these Brothers lived and held together , they were as a strong Fortress one to the other ; the Admirals Courage supporting the Protectors Authority , and the Protectors Authority maintaining the Admirals Stoutness ; but the Admiral once gone , the Protectors Authority as wanting support , began to totter , and fell at last to utter ruine . Besides , there was at this time , amongst the Nobility , a kind of Faction ; Protestants , who favour'd the Protector for his own sake ; and other of the Papal inclination , who favour'd him for his Brothers sake : But his Brother being gone , both sides forsook him ; even his own side , as thinking they could expect little assistance from him , who gave no more assistance to his own Brother , Bakers Chronicle p. 307. What a noise they make about these terrible Bugbears , Popery and Slavery , as if both were inseparable , and actually breaking in upon the Nation , or rather come as far as the Lobby of the House of Commons ? For my part , tho I have no reason to be fond of either , the one being no less contrary to my Nature , than the other to my Principles , yet I cannot be startl'd at every shadow , nor believe that the Duke , having already spent the Prime of his days , let him succeed never so soon , will be able to introduce amongst us any new , much less the Popish Religion . Neither can I be perswaded , contrary to common sense and the experience of so many Ages , but that the Papists are as fond of their Liberty and Property , and consequently as great enemies to Slavery , as any Protestant whatsoever . For , to them we owe the unparallel'd Common-Law of this Realm , Magna Charta and all those wholesom Statutes grounded thereupon ; to them we are oblig'd for the incomparable Frame of our well-temper'd Monarchy , which affords very much to the Industry and Happiness of the Subject , yet preserves enough for the Majesty and Prerogative of any King , that will own his People as Subjects , and not as Slaves or Villains . Who then but a Fool or a Mad-man , wou'd think Slavery the unavoidable consequence of that Religion , the Professors whereof , even in the time of their blindest zeal and greatest darkness , ( for since then they are much refin'd ) made such impregnable Bulwarks against it , and provided such wholesome Laws to defend themselves from all the encroachments of Arbitrary Power : Insomuch that the high and mighty Pope himself , who often endeavour'd to enslave this Kingdom , and make it Tributary to his avarice , found to his great grief , that tho some ignorant Bigots wou'd contribute to fill his Coffers , yet the generality of the Nation were so tender of their own and their Princes Rights , that they always oppos'd him with true English Courage ; as appears not only by hundreds of adjudg'd Cases reported in our Law-Books , but by divers Records and Acts of Parliament . For 25 Ed. 3. Stat. of Provisors , 't is enacted , That such persons as obtain Provisions , or collation of Benefices from Rome , and thereupon disturb the Presentees of the King , or of other Patrons of Holy Church , or of their Advowees , The said Provisors , their Procurators , Executors and Notaries , shall be attached by their body , and brought in to Answer : And if they be convict , they shall abide in Prison without being let to Mainprise or Bail , or otherwise delivered , till they have made Fine and Ransom to the King at his Will , and gree to the Party that shall feel himself grieved : And nevertheless before they be delivered , they shall make full renunciation , and find Surety , that they shall not attempt such things in time to come , nor sue any Process by them , nor by other against any man in the Court of Rome , nor in any part elsewhere , for any such Imprisonments , or Renunciations , nor any other thing depending of them . And in the same year it was Enacted , that he that purchas'd a Provision in Rome for an Abbey , shou'd be out of the Kings Protection , and any man might do with him , as with the Kings Enemy , 25 Ed. 3. c. 22. 2● Ed. 3. c. 1. upon the grievous Complaints of the Lords and Commons in Parliament , It was ordain'd , that all People of the Kings L●geance , of what condition that they be , which shall draw any out of the Realm in Plea , whereof the cognizance pertaineth to the Kings Court , or of things whereof Judgements be given in the Kings Court ; or which do Sue in any other Court to defeat or impeach the Judgements given in the Kings Court , if they appear not within two months after warning given , shall be put out of the Kings Protection , and their Lands , Goods and Chattles forfeit to the King , and their Bodies wheresoever they may be found , shall be taken and Imprisoned , and Ransomed at the Kings will. 13 R. c. 2. 'T is Enacted , That if any do accept of a Benefice of Holy Church contrary to this * Statute , and that duly prov'd , he shall within six Weeks next after such acceptation , be exiled and banished out of the Realm for ever , and his Lands and Tenements , Goods and Chattles shall be forfeit to the King. And if any Receive any such person banished , coming from beyond the Sea , or being within the Realm after the said six Weeks , knowing thereof , he shall be also exiled and banished , and incurr such forfeiture as afore is said . And their Procurators , Notaries , Executors , and Summoners shall have the pain and forfeiture aforesaid . And c. 3 It is ordained and established , That if any man bring or send within the Realm or the King's power , any Summons , Sentence , or Excommunication against any person , of what condition that he be , for the cause of making motion , assent , or execution of the said Statute of Provisors , he shall be taken , arrested and put in Prison , and forfeit all his Lands and Tenements , Goods and Chattels for ever , and incur the pain of life and of member . And if a Prelate make execution of such Summons , Sentences or Excommunications , that his Temporalties be taken and abide in the Kings hands , till due redress and correction thereof be made . And if any person of less Estate than a Prelate , of what condition that he be , make such execution , he shall be taken , arrested , and put in Prison , and have Imprisonment , and make fine and ransom by the discretion of the Kings Councel . 16 R. 2. 't is declar'd , That the Crown of England , which hath been so free at all times , that it hath been in no earthly subjection , but immediately subject to God in all things touching the Regalty of the same Crown , ought not to be submitted to the Pope , nor the Laws and Statutes of the Realm by him defeated and avoided at his will , in perpetual destruction of the Sovereignty of the King our Lord , His Crown , His Regalty , and of all His Realm . And moreover , the Commons affirmed , That the things attempted by the Pope , be clearly against the King's Crown and His Regality , used and approved of in the time of all his Progenitors : Wherefore they and all the Leige-Commons of the same Realm , will stand by the King , and His Crown , and His Regalty , in the cases aforesaid , and in all other cases attempted against Him , His Crown , and His Regalty , in all points , to live and to die . These , and several other * Statutes , too tedious 〈◊〉 to be inserted , have been provided in former ages when the Pope's power was at the highest , and provided even by Popish Kings and Popish Parliaments , to secure themselves and the Nation from all Papal encroachments . Neither have our Judges been less severe against the Popes unwarrantable pretensions , who in pursuance of the Common-Law of the Land , tho' no Statute had been made to that purpose , judg'd it a very hainous Crime in any Subject of England to obey , or put them in execution . In the Reign of King Edward I ; when a Subject brought a Bull of Excommunication from Rome , against another Subject of this Realm , and publish'd it to the Lord Treasurer of England : this was by the Common-Law of the Land adjudg'd Treason against the King , his Crown and Dignity , 30 lib. Ass. pla . 19. Brook tit . Praemunire , pl● 10. An Excommunication by the Archbishop , albeit it be disallow'd by the Pope or his Legate , is to be allow'd ; neither ought the Judges give any allowance of any such Sentence of the Pope or his Legate , 16 E. 3. tit . Excom . 4. An * Excommunication under the Popes Bull is of no force to disable any man in England . And the Judges said , That he that pleadeth such Bulls , tho they concern the Excommunication of a Subject , were in a hard Case , if the King would extend his Justice against him 30 E. 3. lib. Ass. pl. 19. The King presented to a Benefice , and his Presentee was disturb'd by one that had obtain'd Bulls from Rome ; for which offence he was confin'd to perpetual Imprisonment , 21 Ed. 3. f. 40. One Morris being elected Abbot of Waltham , sent to Rome for a Bull of confirmation ; But it was resolved by all the Judges , that this Bull was against the Laws of England , and that the Abbot , for obtaining the same , was fallen into the King's mercy ; whereupon all his Possessions were seiz'd into the King's hands , 46 Ed. 3. tit . Praemunire , 6. In the Reign of Ed. 4. the Pope granted to the Prior of St. Johns to have Sanctuary within his Priory ; But it was resolved by the Judges , that the Pope had no power to grant Sanctuary within this Realm ; and therefore by judgment of the Law the same was disallowed ▪ 1 H. 7. f 20. In the same King's Reign , a Legate from the Pope came to Callis , to have come into England ; But the King and his Councel would not suffer him to come within the Kingdom , until he had taken an Oath , that he should attempt nothing against the King or his Crown , 1 H. 7. f. 10. And in the Reign of H. 7. the Pope had excommunicated all such persons whatsoever as had bought Allom of the Florentines ; But it was resolved by all the Judges of England , that the Popes Excommunication ought not to be obeyed , or to be put in execution within the Realm of England , 1 H. 7. f. 10. These , and many other such Cases , you may see in the first part of Coke's 5 th . Reports . Now , if not only the Judges , but the Representative-wisdom of the Nation , even King , Lords , and Commons , in the thickest mist of Popish ignorance , were so resolute against the Bishop of Rome , and so careful to preserve their own Rights and Liberties inviolable : who can be so silly , as to believe , that a Popish Prince in this Kingdom , and at this time of the day , when Popery it self is much refin'd , and the whole Nation irreconcilably bent against it , will ever submit to any Papal Usurpation , much less make himself or his People Slaves to the Court of Rome ? Alas ! says one , but our sweet Abbey-Lands are in danger to be lost , and reassum'd by the Popish Clergy , what course then shall we take to secure them ? Believe me , if the Law will not do it , I know no other way , but a project I hear shortly to be set on foot for Insuring all the Church-Lands in the Kingdom these 40 years to come . The parties concern'd will propose very reasonable terms , and will undertake , the squinting Trimmer , who maliciously whispers about , he wou'd take seven years purchase for his Church-Lands , in case of a Popish Successor , shall have fourteen well secur'd , whenever the Duke succeeds . But why our Abbey-Lands more in danger , than any other part of our Estates ? since we have the same security for the one as for the other , and both as firmly secur'd , as the Law can make them , or the wit of man devise . 'T is well known , that the Popish * Clergy in Queen Maries time , the better to forward the peoples reconciliation with the Church of Rome , by their Petition to the Queen , consented that all the Church-Lands dispos'd of to Lay-men , shou'd be settl'd on the Possessors and their Heirs for ever , without any danger of revocation ; And this was approv'd of by the Pope's Legate a latere Cardinal Pool , * willing and ordaining , ( as he says ) that the present possessors of Ecclesiastical Goods , as well movable as immovable , shall not at this time , nor in time to come , be disquieted nor molested in the possession of the said Goods , either by the disposal or order of any General or Provincial Councils , or by the Decretal Epistles of the Bishop of Rome , or by any other Ecclesiastical Censure whatsoever . And besides this , to crown the work beyond all exception , and bind it with a triple Cord which is not easily broken , all is confirm'd in full Parliament , by the Queen , by the Cardinal and Clergy , and by the Lords and Commons ; by whom 't is enacted , That all and every Article , Clause , Sentence and Proviso contained or specified in any Act or Acts of Parliament , concerning or touching the assurance or conveyance of any the said Monasteries , Priories , Nunneries , Commandries , Deanries , Prebends , Colledges , Chantries , Hospitals , Houses of Fryers , Rectories , Vicarages , Churches , Chappels , Archbishopricks , Bishopricks , and other Religious and Ecclesiastical houses and places , or any of them , or in any ways concerning any Manors , Lands , Tenements , Profits , Commodities , Hereditaments , or other the things before specified to the said K. H. 8. or K. Ed. 6. or either of them , or any other person or persons , or Body-politick or Corporate , and every of them ; and all and every Writing , Deed , and Instrument concerning the assurance of any the same , shall stand , remain , and be in as good force , effect and strength , and shall be pleaded , and taken advantage of , to all intents , constructions , and purposes , as the same should , might or could have been by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm , in case this present Act had never been had or made , 1. & 2 Phil. & Mar. c. 8 § . 39. And 't is further enacted , That whosoever shall by any Process obtained out of any Ecclesiastical Court within this Realm or without , or by pretence of any spiritual Jurisdiction , or otherwise contrary to the Laws of this Realm , inquiet or molest any person or persons , or body-politick for any Manors , Lands , Tenements , Hereditaments , or things above-specified , contrary to the words , sentences and meaning of this Act , shall incur the danger of the Act of Praemunire , ib. § . 41. What cou'd the wit of man contrive or devise more firm in Law , or more satisfactory to all parties concern'd in Church or Abbey-Lands , than these and several other paragraphs provided in the same Act of Parliament ? Why then are people by groundless and imaginary fears discompos'd , or frightn'd out of their wits , and made tools to drive on the Designs of some ill men , against the Monarchy and the Church , who will have nothing sufficient to secure them in the Religion they have not , but what will unavoidably shake the very foundation of the Government ? 'T is true , our State-Mountebanks in their Address presented in the Name of the House of Commons , are so dutiful to their Sovereign , as humbly to threaten , this may possibly happen , if the Duke succeeds : We further humbly beseech Your Majesty ( say they ) in Your great Wisdom to consider , whether , in case the Imperial Crown of this Protestant Kingdom should descend to the Duke of York , the opposition , which may possibly be made to his possessing it , may not only endanger the farther descent in the Royal Line , but even Monarchy it self , 21 Dec. 1680. But that season , I hope , is over , and the Nation now thorowly sensible of the fatal consequences of such resolutions , and can never forget the unparallell'd Tyranny of the Rump , nor the doleful Tragedies that ensu'd the Quarrel between York and Lancaster , which made England a Field of Blood. But what has this great Prince , once the peoples darling , done to deserve so severe a treatment , or be thought so dangerous a person to the Publick ? Has he defrauded any of an Ox or an Ass ; or was he ever found worse than his word , or unjust in his dealings ? If he has chang'd his opinion , which yet is improbable , about the modes and circumstances of Religion , 't is plain he has not chang'd his moral Principles , nor his natural affection to his Countrey . I need not instance how often he expos'd his Person to danger , like a common Sea-man , to fight our Battles ; nor how zealously he always studied the true Interest of the English Nation , in opposition to French Designs ; a truth too well known even to his most inveterate Enemies , but ill rewarded with ingratitude . 'T is prodigious , what tricks and arts have been us'd of late to incense the unthinking multitude against His Highness , and set them a-madding with the apprehension of Stakes and Faggots , and all the Chymoera's of a crack-brain'd fancy : when 't is palpably evident , it is not in the power of any Prince , tho' the greatest Bigot of Papists , to force this Nation in point of Conscience , or alter the establish'd Religion ; since the Laws de Haeretico comb●rendo , ( which in Queen Maries time were in force , and warranted the Cruelties then committed upon the Protestants , as the Statutes made by Queen Elizabeth , do the executing of Priests and Jesuits as Traytors , both uncharitable and ill-becoming a Christian-Magistrate ) are now happily repeal'd and abolish'd . Why then shou'd people be bugbear'd out of their senses , with imaginary fears of Smithfield-Faggots ; or think that the Duke , who never advis'd his own Children to become Papists , wou'd offer , tho' able , to compel any other to renounce his Religion ? If He has express'd some kindness for such Romanists ▪ as had signaliz'd their Loyalty to His FATHER here , or to His BROTHER Abroad , when those that now call themselves true Protestants , openly absur'd his Title , 't is an instance of his gratitude and good nature , but no Argument of his approving the Opinions of that Party . And yet we have no better proof , than such groundless whispers and surmises , unless we believe the ridiculous Salamunca Doctor 's peeping through the Key-hole , of his being a Papist , or any way inclin'd to the Popish Communion . How false then is the Preamble ( and therefore justly rejected , had there been no other reason , by the House of Lords ) of the intended Bill of Exclusion , That the Duke of York is notoriously known to have been perverted from the Protestant to the Popish Religion ? Or the extravagant Vote , whereon they grounded this Abortive Bill ? Resolved , That the Duke of York's being a Papist , and the hopes of his coming such to the Crown , hath given the greatest countenance and encouragement to the present designs and conspiracies against the King and the Protestant Religion . — 2 Nov. 1680. Whereas it might with greater Truth and Justice be Resolved , That the late endeavours of some Leading men in the House of Commons in favour of the Fanaticks , and their declaring , That if His Majesty should come by any Violent Death , they would revenge it to the utmost upon the Papists ; has given the greatest countenance and encouragement to Colledge and his Accomplices to conspire against the King and the Church ; and has openly expos'd His Majesties sacred Life to the blind zeal of the Faction ; to whom , besides the prospect of destroying their enemies , it was a great temptation to commit the villany , that they cou'd safely leave it at anothers door . Thus , Sir , I have given you in short my Opinion on Mr. Hunts Defence of the Charter ; and for your further satisfaction have added some Remarks on the Proceedings of our worthy Patriots ( so much commended by that Gentleman ) in the last Parliament at Westminster . There remains a great deal more to be said as well of this , as of the other that follow'd at Oxford ; but some earnest business requiring my attendance , I will at present give you no further trouble , only speak a word or two to the general Calumny cast by the Factions on all that dare oppose their Designs , and which I cannot well expect to escape , viz. That we are no Friends to Parliaments . But I appeal to any man of Sense , whether I , who wou'd have the Commons freely enjoy their Priviledges , yet confin'd within their Ancient and Legal bounds , or the Fanatick that labours to make their Power absolute and uncontroulable , be a greater friend to that Honourable Assembly ? And whether they can possibly have more pernicious enemies , than such as make them Controullers , instead of Councellors , to their Soveraign , and Competitors with him in the Government ; when their Being wholly depends on his Will and Pleasure , and can expect to fit no longer than during their good Behaviour ? How Fatal the Insolencies of the 3d. Estate in France , Anno 1614. prov'd to that Nation in general , who never since had the like Assembly , is particularly observ'd by several Historians . 'T is true , we have no reason to mistrust any such thing , having so good and so gracious a Prince , as has solemnly engag'd His Royal word , That no Irregularities in Parliament shall ever make Him out of Love with Parliaments , Declar. p. 9. Besides that our Constitution is such , that we cannot reasonably fear it . Nevertheless , Policy as well as Duty requires , that the Commons give no such distast for the future , as will justly occasion even any long intermission of their meeting ; since Parliaments , provided they behave themselves with Prudence and Moderation , Are the best method ( as His Majesty says ) for healing the Distempers of the Kingdom , and the only means to preserve the Monarchy in that due credit and respect , which it ought to have both at hom and abroad . Ibid. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A47876-e90 * In making our ancient Laws , ( saith the great Antiquary Mr Selden ) the Commons did petere , the Lords assentire , & the King concludere : in his Judicature in Parliament , pag. 132. pag. 27. * 4 Ed. 3. 14. 36 Ed. 3. 10. * 16 ▪ Car. 2. 1. * Ne frena animo permitte calenti ; da spacium . tenuemque moram ; male cuncta ministrat impetus . * You all know , that Rex è Lex loquens ; and you often heard me say , that the King's will and intention being the speaking Law , ought to be Luce clarius . And again ; In any Case , wherein no positive Law is resolute , Rex e Judex ; for he is Lex loquens , and is to supply the Law ▪ where the Law wants . * Ib. f. 60. Beechers Case . The like he hath fol. 120. Bonham's Case , and lib. 11. f. 43. Godfrey's Case , and in several other places . * Dyer f. 60. a. says , the Parliament consists of three parts , viz. the KING , as chief Head ; the LORDS , the chief and principal Members of the Body ; and the COMMONS , the inferiour Members . * Coke 4. Inst. p. 25. & 31 H. 6. n. 26 , 27. * Mich. 12. Ed. 4. Rot. 20. in the Exchequer . * Hill. 14 E. 4. Rot. 7. * Dyer fol. 59. * 8 H. 6. Rot. Parl. n. 57. * 39 H. 6. n. 9. * 14 Ed. 4. n. 55. * The Lords themselves cannot by Priviledge of Parliament set any at Liberty by their immediate Orders to the Gentleman vsher , or Serjeant at Arms , but only by a Writ of Priviledge from the Lord Keeper ; as appears 43 Elizab. D'ewes Journals , p. 608. * See Prynn's Remarks on Coke's 4 Inst. p. 42. * None can be Judge and Party , Coke's 8 Reports , Dr. Bouham's Case . f. 118. b. * The constant Custom of the Commons , even to this day , to stand bare with their Hats in their hands , while the Lords sit cover'd , at all Conferences and Tryals , is a plain Argument they are not Fellows or Colleagues in Judgment . * 10 Jan. 1681 / 80 ; . * 7 Jan. 1680. * 2 R. 2. 5. 11 R. 2. 11. &c. de Scandalis Magnatum . * 25 Ed. 3. Statute of Provisors . * 38 Ed. 3. Stat. 2. c. 1. 2 H. c. 4. 7. H. 4. c. 6. 3 H. 5. c. 4. * The same is resolved , 12 H. 4. f. 16. 14 H. 4. f. 14. 8 H. 6. f. 3. 20 H. 6. 1. 35 H. 6. 42. 7 E. 4. 14. 12 E. 4. 16. * 1 & 2 Phil. & Mar. c. 8. num . 32. * Volentes ac decernentes , quod dictorum bonorum Ecclesiasticorum ram mobilium quam immobilium possessores praefati non possiut in praesenti nec in posterum , seu per Conciliorum Generalium vel Provincialium dispositiones , seu Decretales Rom. Pontificum Epistolas , seu aliam quamconque censuram . Ecclesiasticam in dictis bonis , seu eorundem possessione molestari vel inquietari , 1 & 2 Phil. & Mar. c. 8. num . 33. A48995 ---- Commune Concilium tentum in Camera Guihald' civitas London die Jovis, vicesimo quarto die Martii, anno Dom' millesimo sexcentesimo sexagesimo nono ... an Act Appointing the Exchange-Hours. Act Appointing the Exchange-Hours City of London (England). 1669 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A48995 Wing L2854C ESTC R39345 18368501 ocm 18368501 107418 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A48995) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107418) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:31) Commune Concilium tentum in Camera Guihald' civitas London die Jovis, vicesimo quarto die Martii, anno Dom' millesimo sexcentesimo sexagesimo nono ... an Act Appointing the Exchange-Hours. Act Appointing the Exchange-Hours City of London (England). 1 broadside. Printed by Andrew Clark ..., [London] : [1669] Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Markets -- Law and legislation -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms Commune Concilium tentum in Camera Guihald ' Civitatis London die Jovis , vicesimo quarto die Martii , Anno Dom ' millesimo sexcentesimo sexagesimo nono , Annoque Regni Dom ' nostri CAROLI Secundi , Dei Gratia , Angliae , Scotiae , Franciae & Hiberniae Regis , Fidei Defensoris , &c. XXII o , coram Samuele Starling Mil ' , Majore Civitatis London , Johanne Robinson Milite & Baronetto , Locumtenente Turr ' , Johanne Lawrence , Willielmo Peake , Willielmo Turner , Richardo Ford , Georgio Waterman , Roberto Hanson , Willielmo Hooker , & Josepho Shelden , Mil ' , Aldermannis , Johanne Forth Armig ' , Aldermanno , Francisco Chaplin Milite , Aldermanno , VVillielmo Fluellin & Dannetto Forth , Armig ' , Aldermannis , Johanne Smith & Jacobo Edwards , Armig ' , Aldermannis , & Vicecom dictae Civitat ' , necnon majore parte Communiariorum de Communi Concil ' ejusd ' Civitat ' tunc & ibidem assemblat ' . An Act appointing the Exchange-hours . WHereas by Act of Common Council of the 27. of August in the time of the Maioralty of Sir Thomas Cambell Knight , deceased , the Exchange-hours are appointed to be throughout the whole year , for the Noon-Exchange , from Eleven of the clock until Twelve , and in the Evening , from Michaelmas until Lady-day , from Five of the clock until Sir , and from Lady-day until Michaelmas , in the Evening , from Six of the Clock until Seven , and not after those several Hours ; and the Exchange-Bell to be rung accordingly , to give notice to all persons for their speedy and present Departure off and from the said Exchange after the said several and respective Hours , upon the penalty in the said Act contained , as in and by the said Act more fully may appear : It is now Enacted , Ordained and Established , by the Right Honourable the Lord Maior , the Right VVorshipful the Aldermen his Brethren , and the Commons , in this Common Council assembled , and by the Authority of the same , That from and after the Feast of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary now next ensuing , the time for Merchants , Tradesmen , Factors and Brokers , and the Servants of Merchants and Tradesmen , to be and continue at and upon the said Burse or Royal Exchange , at Noon , shall be from Eleven of the clock until One of the clock in that Forenoon , and not after One ; and that the Exchange-Bell shall begin to be rung every day at three quarters of an hour past Twelve of the Clock at noon , and so continue for the space of one quarter of an hour , viz. till One of the clock , to give notice to the said Merchants and Tradesmen , Factors and Brokers , and other the persons aforesaid , for their speedy and present Departure off and from the said Exchange after the said hour , so that the said Burse or Exchange may be cleared , and none there remain , after the said Bell shall have done ringing . And if any Merchant , Tradesman or Broker whatsoever , or any of their Factors or Servants , shall offer or presume there to tarry or abide after the ending of the ringing of the said Bell , then every such person shall forfeit and pay the sum of twelve pence of lawful money of England , to be recovered and employed as in and by the said former Act of Common Council is directed and appointed , of and for the penalties in the said Act contained ; which said former Act is to continue and remain in force as to all other particulars thereof , any thing before-mentioned to the contrary notwithstanding . WAGSTAFFE . Printed by Andrew Clark , Printer to the Honourable City of LONDON . A49000 ---- Martis vicesimo primo die Octobr. 1684 annoq, regni Regis Caroli Secundi, Angliæ &c. tricesimo sexto it is ordered by this court that the order hereafter following (against servants being retained without a testimonial) made at the last quarter sessions held for this city, shall be forthwith printed and published ... / Lond. ss. ad General Quarterial' Sessionem pacis Domini Regis, tent' pro Civitat' London, per adjournament' apud Justice-Hall in le Old-Baily, London, die Mercurii, scilicet Octavo die Octobris, anno regni Regis Caroli secundi, nunc Angl' &c. tricesimo sexto. England and Wales. Court of Quarter Sessions of the Peace (London) 1684 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49000 Wing L2854X ESTC R37986 17158898 ocm 17158898 106012 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49000) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 106012) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1619:13) Martis vicesimo primo die Octobr. 1684 annoq, regni Regis Caroli Secundi, Angliæ &c. tricesimo sexto it is ordered by this court that the order hereafter following (against servants being retained without a testimonial) made at the last quarter sessions held for this city, shall be forthwith printed and published ... / Lond. ss. ad General Quarterial' Sessionem pacis Domini Regis, tent' pro Civitat' London, per adjournament' apud Justice-Hall in le Old-Baily, London, die Mercurii, scilicet Octavo die Octobris, anno regni Regis Caroli secundi, nunc Angl' &c. tricesimo sexto. England and Wales. Court of Quarter Sessions of the Peace (London) 1 broadside. Printed by Samuel Roycraft, printer to this honourable city, [London] : [1684] At head of title: Tulse Mayor. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Domestics -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-12 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Tulse Mayor . Martis Vicesimo primo die Octobr. 1684. Annoque Regni Regis CAROLI Secundi , Angliae , &c. Tricesimo Sexto . IT is Ordered by this COURT , That the Order hereafter following , ( Against Servants being Retained without a Testimonial , ) Made at the last Quarter Sessions held for this City , shall be forthwith Printed and Published ; And that all the Aldermen of this City do cause their Beadles to go from House to House within their respective Wards , to give Notice of the said Order to the several Inhabitants therein . Lond. ss . Ad General ' Quarterial ' Sessionem pacis Domini Regis , tent ' pro Civitat ' London , per Adjornament ' apud Justice-Hall in le Old-Baily , London , die Mercurii ; scilicet , Octavo die Octobris , Anno Regni Regis CAROLI Secundi , nunc Angl ' , &c. Tricesimo Sexto . WHEREAS by a Statute made in the Fifth year of the Reign of the late Queen ELIZABETH , containing divers Orders for Servants , ( amongst other Things ) It is Enacted , That no Person or Persons that shall depart out of a Service , shall be retained or accepted into any other Service , without shewing before His or Her Retainer such Testimonial , as is in the said Statute specified , to the Chief Officer of the Town Corporate , and in every other Town and Place , to the Constable , Curate , Churchwarden , or other Head Officer of the same , where He or She shall be retained to serve , upon the pain that every such Servant or Servants so departing without such Certificate or Testimonial , shall be Imprisoned until He or She procure a Testimonial or Certificate ; The which if He or She cannot do within the space of One and Twenty Days next after the First day of His or Her Imprisonment , Then the said Person to be Whipped and used as a Vagabond , according to the Laws in such case provided . And that any Person retaining any such Servant or Servants , without shewing any such Testimonial or Certificate , as is aforesaid , shall forfeit for every such Offence Five Pounds . And if any such Person shall be taken with any counterfeit or forged Testimonial , then to be Whipped as a Vagabond , as by the said Statute ( whereunto relation being had ) more fully appeareth . And whereas it is generally Experienced throughout this whole City , as well by the Nobility and Gentry , as other good Citizens and Housholders Inhabiting in the same ; That Servants having no such Certificates and Testimonials when They depart out of one Service and come to be retained into another Service , and the Neglect of putting the said Law in Execution , giveth great Occasion to very many Servants to become Idle , Loose , and of Evil-Behaviour , and oftentimes to Cheat and Purloyn from their Masters and Mistresses , and when they come to be retained in a Service upon Liking , without a Testimonial , take Their first Opportunity to run away with their Masters or Mistresses Goods . It is therefore thought fit , and Ordered by this COURT , That according to the said Statute , No Servant or Servants who shall depart out of any Service , shall be Retained or Accepted into any other Service without shewing such Testimonial as aforesaid . And that the Aldermen of the several Wards within this City do take some meet and effectual Course for the Publishing hereof , to the end all Persons concerned may take Notice , and may become conformable hereunto . Wagstaffe . Printed by SAMVEL ROYCROFT , Printer to this Honourable City . A49011 ---- The address of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the city of London in Common-Council assembled presented to Her Majesty at Whitehall, August 17. 1693. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1693 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49011 Wing L2861A ESTC R40016 18659749 ocm 18659749 108109 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49011) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 108109) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1657:5) The address of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the city of London in Common-Council assembled presented to Her Majesty at Whitehall, August 17. 1693. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1 broadside. Printed by Edward Jones in the Savoy, [London] : 1693. "Published by authority." Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng William -- III, -- King of England, 1650-1702. Great Britain -- History -- William and Mary, 1689-1702. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-12 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE ADDRESS OF THE Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons of the City of London in Common-Council Assembled . Presented to Her Majesty at Whitehall , August 17. 1693. Published by Authority . To the Queen 's Most Excellent Majesty , WE Your Majesties most Dutiful and Loyal Subjects , the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons of the City of London , in Common-Council Assembled , out of a deep Sense of the Infinite Goodness of GOD to this Nation , in the Signal Deliverance of His Sacred Majesty from those Dangers to which he hath so lately , for our sakes , exposed His Royal Person , even to the Admiration of His Enemies , do Heartily and Vnfeignedly , in the first place , return to Almighty GOD our most Humble Thanks ; and , in the next , in all Humility , Congratulate Your Majesty upon so Sensible a Providence , as the Preservation of that Prince , in whose Life , not only our Laws and Religion , but even the Liberty of all Europe , is so intirely wrapp'd up . And Your Majesty having been Graciously Pleased by the Lord Keeper to signifie the deep Sense Your Majesty hath of the Great Losses at Sea that have befallen the Traders of this City and Kingdom , and the Directions Your Majesty hath given to a Committee of Your Majesties most Honourable Privy-Council , as well to Examine into the Causes of such Misfortunes , as to take Effectual Care to prevent the like for the future , by Encouraging Your Majesties Subjects to make their Application to the said Committee . We do with all Chearfulness render our Hearty Thanks to Your most Gracious Majesty for so Great a Condescention , no wise doubting but Your Majesty will continue to give such Good and Seasonable Directions , that the Trade of this Your Kingdom , in which the Prosperity of it doth so much consist , may be better Supported for the future . And as we have hitherto , from a Sense of our Duty , demonstrated to the whole World our Great Zeal for Your Majesties Service ; We having now a fresh Opportunity of shewing the same , by a Chearful and Vnanimous Advancing of Money for the Present Emergencies of Your Majesties Affairs , Humbly beg Leave to assure Your Majesty of our Firm Resolution to continue our Hearty Endeavours upon all Occasions , to Support Your Majesties Royal Authority and Government , against all Persons , to the uttermost of our Power . Printed by Edward Jones in the Savoy . 1693. A49017 ---- Wednesday, the 5th day of August, 1696, at a committee of Common Council, held for the publick markets of the city of London City of London (England). 1696 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49017 Wing L2861I ESTC R39361 18370139 ocm 18370139 107434 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49017) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107434) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:49) Wednesday, the 5th day of August, 1696, at a committee of Common Council, held for the publick markets of the city of London City of London (England). 1 broadside. Printed by Samuel Roycroft ..., [London] : 1696. At head of title: Houblon Mayor. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Markets -- Law and legislation -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Houblon blazon or coat of arms Mayor . Wednesday , the 5th Day of August , 1696. at a COMMITTEE of Common Council , held for the Publick MARKETS of the City of LONDON . WHEREAS this COMMITTEE hath received Information , That the FARMERS of the Publick MARKETS have Exacted and Extorted greater Sums of Mony from the Market-People , than by the Laws of the City , or the Covenants of their Lease , are allow'd : and have Committed many other Irregularities , to their great Oppression , and the Scandal of the Government of this City . Now to the intent that the Rates allowed , as aforesaid , to be taken in the Markets , may be ascertained and made Publick to all Market-People , and the said Farmers of the Markets may be prevented for the future from Demanding , Exacting or Receiving more than is Allowed ; This COMMITTEE hath thought sit ( by Advice of the Right Honourable Sir JOHN HOVBLON Kt. Lord Mayor ) hereby to Declare , That by an Act of Common-Council made in Sir William Hooker's Mayor d●y . 17 Sept. Anno Domini 1674. ( which the Farmers are strictly obliged to observe ) Every Person resorting to any the Publick MARKETS of this City , to Vend their Commodities , are to pay to such as from time to time shall be appointed to Receive the Profits of all or any the said MARKETS after the Rates following and no more : ( Viz ) FOr every Stall or Standing of Eight Foot long and Four Foot broad , for Sale of Flesh-meat or Fish , Two Shillings six pence per Week . For every Stall or Standing of Six Foot long , and Four Foot broad , Two shillings per Week . For every Stall or Standing of Six or Eight Foot long and Four Foot broad , for other Commodities , Three pence per Day . For every Horse-load of Provisions , not upon Stalls nor under Publick Shelter , Two pence per Day . For every Dosser of like Provision , One peny per Day . For every Cart-load with not above Three Horses , Four pence per Day . For every Cart-load with Four Horses , or above , Six pence per Day . For all Fruit brought by Land or Water , and pitched in any of the Publick Markets ; for each Prickcl or Basket , holding not above one Bushel , One Half-peny per Day . For each Basket , Dosser or Maund , holding above Two Bushel , One peny per Day ; To be paid by the People that bring or receive them . For every Standing of Six Foot square , for the Gardiners , Twenty Shillings per Annum . For every Standing for the Poorer sort of Country People , bringing Weeds and Physick-Herbs , of Four Foot long and Two Foot broad , One peny per Day . For every Standing for Fruit-Sellers and standing Herb-Women , not above Eight Foot long and Four Foot broad , or Six Foot square , Twelve pence per Week . For every Standing for Bakers and Gingerbread-Sellers , not above Four Foot long and Three Foot broad , Six pence per Week . And that the Collectors shall not Demand or Require , nor Receive or Take more than according to the aforesaid Rates , without the free Consent of the said Market-People , for some extraordinary Convenience or Accommodation ; Unless in Leaden Hall Market , where other and larger Rates have been Anciently paid for Stalls and Standings therein . And that no Collector shall Receive more than one Farthing for every Draught , or Four pence per Week , for Weighing all such Provisions as are usually bought or sold by Weight . And this COMMITTEE doth further Declare , That the Farmers of the said Markets have Covenanted in their Lease , that in case they or any of them shall at any time ( during the Term thereby demised ) Exact or Take any greater Rates or Duties than are limited and appointed by the aforesaid Act of Common-Council , they or some of them shall pay to the City , for every time they shall so Exact or Take , the Penalty of Ten Pounds . Wherefore if the said Farmers , or their Assigns , shall Require and Receive more than according to the aforesaid Rates , or Disturb the Market-People , who have paid or tender'd the said Legal Rates , in the quiet Selling or Exposing to Sale , according to Law , their Commodities ; It is Recommended to the Parties grieved , to apply themselves to the Lord Mayor , or some other Justice of Peace of this City , for Redress ; And to give Notice thereof to this COMMITTEE , that they may be proceeded against according to Law , and the Covenants and Conditions of their Lease . Nich : Wilmot , Comptroler . Printed by SAMUEL ROYCROFT , Printer to the Honourable City of LONDON , 1696. A49034 ---- Orders set downe by the court of Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the city of London concerning the rates of carriages with carrs within this city and the liberties thereof to continue untill further order be taken in that behalf. City of London (England). This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A49034 of text R37985 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2864C). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A49034 Wing L2864C ESTC R37985 17158811 ocm 17158811 106011 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49034) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 106011) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1619:12) Orders set downe by the court of Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the city of London concerning the rates of carriages with carrs within this city and the liberties thereof to continue untill further order be taken in that behalf. City of London (England). 1 broadside. s.n., [London : 1647] At head of title: May 11, 1647. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Freight and freightage -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A49034 R37985 (Wing L2864C). civilwar no Orders set downe by the court of Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the city of London concerning the rates of carriages with carrs within this city Corporation of London 1647 600 10 0 0 0 0 0 167 F The rate of 167 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion May 11. 1647 . Orders set dovvne by the Court of Lord Major and Aldermen of the City of London , Concerning the Rates of Carriages vvith Carrs VVithin this City and the Liberties thereof , to continue untill further Order be taken in that behalf . WHereas there is , and hath been often complaint made by Merchants and other Citizens , of the excessive rates demanded and received by Carrmen , farre exceeding such prices as have been set down for Carriages within this City ; Vpon due consideration had as well of former times , as of the times present , wherein the prices of things are risen and enhaunced beyond the rates afforded in times past : It is ordered by this Court , That all Carrmen trading with Carrs within this City and Liberties , shall not demand for every Carriage or Load of the Commodities hereafter mentioned , but after the Rates following . Viz. I IMprimis , From any the Wharfes between the Tower and London bridge , to Towerstreet , Gracechurchstreet , Fanchurchstreet , Bishopsgate-street within , Cornhill , and places of like distance up the Hill with — xviijc . weight , not exceeding xxiijc . weight . In which may be included , II. punchions of Prunes , ij . bales of Macher , xx . barrels of Figs , ij . fats of Fustians , v. ordinary saeks of Cotton woolls of Smyrna , and iij . extraordinary ; as bags of Cyprus wooll , butts of Currans , great buts of Oyles , iij . chests of Sugars , viij . bags of Allums , i. laste of Flax , i. laste of Hempe , and other goods of the like kind and weights , for every Load — xvjd . And for Seacoals the Load — xd. ● Item , From any the VVharfes aforesaid , To Broadstreet , Lothbury , Old-jury , Bassishaw , Colemanstreet , Iremongerlane , St. Lawrence lane , Milkstreet , Aldermanbury , Cheapside , Woodstreet , Fridaystreet , Breadstreet , and places of the like distance , for the like weight of — xviijc . not exceeding — xxiijc . For the goods aforesaid , and others of the like kinde for every load — xviijd . 5 Item , From any of the VVharfes aforesaid , To Broadstreet , Lothbury , Old-jury , Bassishaw , Colemanstreet , Iremongerlane , St. Lawrence lane , Milkstreet , Aldermanbury , Cheapside , Woodstreet , Fridaystreet , Breadstreet , and places of the like distance , for any of the said goods of the same quantity and weight , for every load — xvjd . 6 Item , From any of the VVharfes aforesaid , To Towerstreet , Gra●echurchstreet , Fanchurch-street , Bishopsgate●treet within , Cornhill , and other places of like distanc● up the hill with — viijc . weight , not exceeding — xiiijc . weight ; In which may bee included all butts and pipes of Wi●e , packs of Canvas , ij . hogsheads , or iij . trees , a fat of Fustians , and all other goods of ●ike bulke and weight , for every load — xijd . And from any the VVharfes aforesaid , To Broadstreet , Lot●bury , Old-jury , Bassishaw , Colemanstreet , Ir●mongerlane , St. Lawrence lane , Milkstreet , Aldermanbury , Cheapside , Woodstreet , Fri●aystreet , Breadstreet , and other places of ke distance , for any other goods of l●ke load and weight for every load — xiiijd . A49036 ---- Whereas against divers lawes, orders and provisions, great numbers of men and women and their children and servants doe daily on the weeke daies, all the day long, sit in the high-street of Cheape, with multitudes of baskets, tubbs and other vessels of fruit, roots, hearbs, plants, flowers and other garden commodities to sell ... City of London (England). This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A49036 of text R39819 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2864G). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A49036 Wing L2864G ESTC R39819 18504793 ocm 18504793 107909 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49036) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107909) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:61) Whereas against divers lawes, orders and provisions, great numbers of men and women and their children and servants doe daily on the weeke daies, all the day long, sit in the high-street of Cheape, with multitudes of baskets, tubbs and other vessels of fruit, roots, hearbs, plants, flowers and other garden commodities to sell ... City of London (England). Tichborne, Robert, Sir, d. 1682. 1 broadside. Printed by J. Flesher ..., [London] : [1657] Title from first six lines of text. At head of title: Tichborne maior. Tuesday the ninth day of June 1657. Date of publication suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. eng Markets -- Law and legislation -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A49036 R39819 (Wing L2864G). civilwar no Whereas against divers lawes, orders and provisions, great numbers of men and women and their children and servants doe daily on the weeke d Corporation of London 1657 728 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Tichborne blazon or coat of arms Maior Tuesday the ninth day of June 1657 . WHereas against divers Lawes , Orders and provisions , great numbers of Men and Women and their Children and Servants doe daily on the weeke daies , all the day long , sit in the High-street of Cheape , with multitudes of Baskets , Tubbs and other vessels of Fruit , Roots , Hearbs , Plants , Flowers and other Garden Commodities to sell & utter , and doe thereby so fill , pester and streighten the said Street , that not only the Inhabitants are much hindred and damnified in their trades and estates , but they and all people travailing and passing through the same street , exposed to manifold hazards and dangers , and many hurts and mischiefs have hapned , besides the further annoyance thence arising from the unwholsome smells and stenches of the parings and refuse of Roots , Plants and other filth continually left and lying scattered and corrupting , in that principall Street and passage of the City : Now this Court having well advised of reforming the said evils and abuses , doth therefore thinke fit and Order , that from and after the sixth day of August next coming , no Person or persons whatsoever shall stand or be permitted to stand or abide , at any time , with any goods or commodities ( excepting Bread ) to sell or put to sale in that part of the said street of Cheape or Cheape-side lying betweene Bread-street end and Pauls Church-yard ( the same having never been appointed a Market place for any commodities whatsoever ) Nor shall stand or be permitted to stand or abide with Carts , horses , or otherwise in any other place , or part of the said Street of Cheap or Cheapside , on any day or time of the weeke with any Fruit Roots , Hearbs , Plants , Flowers , or Garden Commodities ( excepting Peascods ) to sell or put the same to sale , but that every one , who shall be found doing contrary , shall be taken , and for his offence be indicted and punished according to Law . And that no annoyance may ensue by the permitting of Peas-cods to be still sold as formerly in the said street , the shells are to be constantly sweept up and coveyed away , that they may not by remaining and corrupting , produce any noisome or offensive smells : And that there be not wanting a knowne and convenient place whither all may resort for buying and selling the said commodities : It is further ordered by this Court , that the Countrey people and Gardiners shall have place or may stand with their said Fruit , Roots , Hearbs , Plants , Flowers , and other Garden commodities excepting Peas-cods , in all parts of the voyd place on the North-side of Pauls within the Channells , and in no wife beyond or without the said Channells , And may so sit and abide with their Commodities as they may or ought to doe in other publique Markets of this City . Provided that none shall bring any Carts or horses within the place aforesaid , nor any to sit or have with them there at one time above such number of Tubs or Baskets , and of such bignesse as from time to time shall be limited and appointed by the Lord Maior of this City for the time being : And for the better execution of this Order , the Serjeant and Yeoman of the Channell , and the Beadles of the Wards respectively where the said Street , or any the places aforesaid are situate or being , and all others whom it shall concerne , are charged and commanded by this Court to be intent and diligent in and about the clearing of the Street of Cheape in manner before expressed , and from the commodities aforesaid , and setling the Country people and Gardiners , ( who sell the same ) in the place aforesaid , and to take upon them this service , and performe the same effectually at their utmost perills . Sadler . Printed by James Flesher , Printer to the Honorable City of LONDON . A49037 ---- My lord mayor and this Court of Aldermen taking into consideration the wants and necessities of the honest and laborious poore inhabitants (especially of the out parishes) of this city ... City of London (England). This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A49037 of text R39820 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2864H). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A49037 Wing L2864H ESTC R39820 18504810 ocm 18504810 107910 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49037) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107910) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:62) My lord mayor and this Court of Aldermen taking into consideration the wants and necessities of the honest and laborious poore inhabitants (especially of the out parishes) of this city ... City of London (England). 1 broadside. Printed by James Flesher ..., [London] : [1658] Title from first 3 lines of text. At head of title: Chiverton mayor. Thursday the 4th of February 1657. Date of publication suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. eng Public welfare -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A49037 R39820 (Wing L2864H). civilwar no My lord mayor and this Court of Aldermen taking into consideration the wants and necessities of the honest and laborious poore inhabitants ( City of London 1658 280 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Chiverton blazon or coat of arms Mayor . Thursday the 4th of February 1657 . MY Lord Mayor and this Court of Aldermen taking into consideration the wants and necessities of the honest and Laborious poore Inhabitants ( especially of the out Parishes ) of this City ; In this extreame hard and cold season , doe earnestly recommend it to the Ministers in their severall Congregations within this City and Liberties , on the next Lords day , to move their people to a charitable Contribution towards their Reliefe and succour ; And that the same may succeed the more effectually , It is thought fit that the Church-wardens or other Officers doe the same day according to the usuall manner after Sermon , receive the Charity of such strangers as resort to their respective Congregations ; And that the Common-Councell-men throughout the said City and Liberties , do on the day following Collect from house to house the benevolence of all the able Inhabitants in their severall Precincts ; And further that the whole Collection in every Parish and Precinct , be paid by the said Common-Councell-men and Churchwardens respectively unto Mr Chamberlaine at his office in Guild-hall London , on Tuesday next the 9th of this instant February , to be thence immediately issued , paid , and distributed , according to the discretion and direction of the Iustices of peace of the said City , to , and amongst the severall Parishes within the same City and Liberties , for relief of their said poor , and proportionably to the number and necessities of them . Sadler . Printed by James Flesher , Printer to the Honourable City of LONDON . A49039 ---- Whereas the fish-market at Billingsgate, by reason of the dismal fire and other accidents, hath for some late years been in much disorder, and yet continues without that due regulation ... City of London (England). 1671 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49039 Wing L2864M ESTC R39823 18504881 ocm 18504881 107913 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49039) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107913) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:65) Whereas the fish-market at Billingsgate, by reason of the dismal fire and other accidents, hath for some late years been in much disorder, and yet continues without that due regulation ... City of London (England). Ford, Richard, Sir, d. 1678. 1 broadside. Printed by Andrew Clark ..., [London] : [1671] Title from first four lines of text. At head of title: Ford mayor. Martis 17. die Januarii 1670. Annoque regni Regis Caroli Secundi, Angliæ, &c. vicesimo secundo. Date of publication suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Markets -- Law and legislation -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2006-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-01 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-01 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Ford blazon or coat of arms Mayor . Martis 17. die Januarii 1670. Annoque Regni Regis CAROLI Secundi , Angliae , &c. vicesimo secundo . WHEREAS the Fish-Market at Billingsgate , by reason of the dismal Fire and other Accidents , hath for some late years been in much disorder , and yet continues without that due Regulation , which by antient Rules and Provisions it ought to be : Therefore for restoring the same to the former good order and condition , It was now considered and ordered by this Court , That the Fish-Market at Billingsgate shall be kept from the bottom of St. Mary-Hill to Billingsgate-stairs : And that no Fish be sold aboard any Vessel or Boat except Herrings , Sprats , Makrel , and Shell-fish , nor in any other place or Key , then in the said place at Billingsgate , and at Queenhithe , which are the antient places accustomed for that purpose . And it is further Ordered , That the Bell at Billingsgate shall be henceforth duly rung by the Yeoman at the Water-side , for beginning of the Market there ( that is to say ) from Lady day to Michaelmas at four of the Clock in the morning , and from Michaelmas to Lady day at six of the Clock in the morning . And if any shall presume to buy or sell any sorts of Fish at the said Markets before those hours respectively , and notice thereof given by ringing of the said Bell ( excepting Makrel , Sprats . and Herrings ) such Offender and Offenders shall be proceeded against as Forestallers of the Market , as by the Law in this case is directed and provided . And it is further Ordered , That no Fish be hereafter landed at other then the common and accustomed Keys and places above-mentioned . Of all which the Yeoman of the Water-side , and under-water Bayliff are to be careful , and vigilant to prevent the contrary , at their utmost perils . Avery . Printed by Andrew Clark , Printer to the Honourable City of LONDON . A49040 ---- Whereas in and by the additional act of Parliament for rebuilding the city of London, it is enacted, that the Lord Maior and Court of Aldermen shall be and are thereby impowered and required to cause all and every the sheds, shops and other buildings ... to be taken down and removed ... City of London (England). 1673 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49040 Wing L2864O ESTC R39824 18504890 ocm 18504890 107914 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49040) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107914) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:66) Whereas in and by the additional act of Parliament for rebuilding the city of London, it is enacted, that the Lord Maior and Court of Aldermen shall be and are thereby impowered and required to cause all and every the sheds, shops and other buildings ... to be taken down and removed ... City of London (England). Hanson, Robert, d. 1680. 1 broadside. Printed by Andrew Clark ..., [London] : [1673] Title from first ten lines of text. At head of title: Hanson maior. Martis, sexto die Aprilis, 1673. Annʼoque regni Regis Caroli Secundi Angliæ, &c. vicesimo quinto. Date of publication suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Squatter settlements -- England -- London. Urban renewal -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-12 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Hanson Maior . Martis , sexto die Aprilis , 1673. Annóque Regni Regis CAROLI Secundi Angliae , &c. vicesimo quinto . WHereas in and by the Additional Act of Parliament for Rebuilding the City of London , It is Enacted , That the Lord Maior and Court of Aldermen shall be and are thereby impowered and required to cause all and every the Sheds , Shops and other Buildings , which have by Licence from the Lord Maior , Aldermen and Common Council , been erected ( since the late dreadful Fire ) in Smithfield , Moorfields , and other void places within the said City and Liberties thereof , to be taken down and removed at or before the 29 th day of September , which shall be in the year of our Lord , 1674. It is thereupon resolved and Ordered by this Court , That all and every the said Sheds , Shops and other Buildings shall be punctually taken down and removed at the respective Expirations of the term of Seven years from the time they were respectively granted and allowed . And this Order to be published , to give notice to all persons concerned , that they fail not to take them down accordingly . And further all Persons that have erected any such Sheds or Buildings without Grant or Licence from this City , or that have exceeded such their Grants , and taken up more Ground than was at first allowed them , are hereby admonished , that they do demolish and remove all such Incroachments before the 24 th day of June next coming , or else this Court will take care for removal and demolishing thereof according to Law. Wagstaffe . Printed by Andrew Clark , Printer to the Honorable City of LONDON . A49041 ---- This court taking into their consideration, that the utmost time appointed for taking down and removing all such sheds, shops, and other like buildings, which have been erected since the late dismal fire ... City of London (England). 1674 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49041 Wing L2864P ESTC R39833 18506091 ocm 18506091 107923 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49041) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107923) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1637:67) This court taking into their consideration, that the utmost time appointed for taking down and removing all such sheds, shops, and other like buildings, which have been erected since the late dismal fire ... City of London (England). Hooker, William, Sir, 1612-1697. 1 broadside. Printed by Andrew Clark ..., [London] : [1674] Title from first five lines of text. At head of title: Hooker maior. Martis, decimo septimo die Martii, 1673. Annoque regni Regis Caroli Secundi Angliæ, &c. vicesimo sexto. Date of publication suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Squatter settlements -- England -- London. Urban renewal -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-12 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Hooker Maior . Martis , decimo septimo die Martii , 1673. Annoque Regni Regis CAROLI Secundi Angliae &c. vicesimo sexto . THIS Court taking into their Consideration , that the utmost time appointed for taking down and removing all such Sheds , Shops , and other like Buildings , which have been erected since the late dismal Fire , in Smith-Field , Moor-Fields , and other void Places within this City , does now very near approach , Lady-Day next having been prefixed by this Court for that purpose , in pursuance of the Additional Act of Parliament for Rebuilding the City of LONDON : This Court doth now think fit to publish and declare , That they expect and require that all persons concerned should yield a ready Compliance and Obedience to their former Orders in that behalf , and remove all such their Sheds and Buildings , with their Goods and Materials therein , precisely by the said time ; otherwise this Court will be inforced to pull down the said Sheds , and make Seizure of all such Goods and Commodities which shall be found upon the said Ground after the said 25 th day of March. Wagstaffe . Printed by Andrew Clark , Printer to the Honorable City of LONDON . A49043 ---- Jovis duodecimo die Maii 1698, annoque regni Regis Willielmi ... this day an order and report made by the Committee for Letting the Cities Lands, touching several duties taken by several officers and others at Billingsgate ... City of London (England). 1698 Approx. 16 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49043 Wing L2865F ESTC R39643 18460129 ocm 18460129 107727 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49043) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107727) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:2) Jovis duodecimo die Maii 1698, annoque regni Regis Willielmi ... this day an order and report made by the Committee for Letting the Cities Lands, touching several duties taken by several officers and others at Billingsgate ... City of London (England). 1 broadside. s.n., [London : 1698] At head of title: Edwin Mayor. Second part of title taken from first two lines of text. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Tariff -- Law and legislation -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Megan Marion Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Megan Marion Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Edwin Mayor . Jovis Duodecimo die Maii 1698. Annoque Regni Regis Willielmi tertii Angliae , &c. Decimo . THIS Day an Order and Report made by the Committee for Letting the Cities Lands , touching several Duties taken by several Officers and others at Billingsgate , was presented unto this Court by Sir Thomas Stamp , Knight and Alderman , and is as followeth , ( viz. ) Mercurii Vndecimo die Maii 1698. Annoque Regni Regis Willielmi tertii , Angliae , &c. Decimo . Committee City Lands , THIS Day the Report of the Sub-Committee appointed the 30th Day of March last , for Examination and Stating the respective Duties and Tolls to be Received at Billingsgate Dock by Mr. Allen , as Tenant to the City of London , and by the Yeomen of the Water-side , in Respect of their Offices brought in their Report in Writing concerning the same , which was read , and follows in these Words ; To the Committee for Letting the City's Lands . WE whose Names are hereunto Subscribed , pursuant to your Order dated the 30th of March last , referring to us amongst others , the Examination and Stating of the respective Duties and Tolls to be received at Billingsgate Dock by Mr. Allen , as Tenant of the City of London , and by the Yeomen of the Waterside , in respect of their Offices , do humbly Certify . That We have Examined Mr. Bancroft Senior , and Mr. Clare , heretofore Yeomen of the Waterside , and several Antient Market-People that Resort to Billingsgate-Market , and they are all ready to attest upon Oath , if required , That the two first following Tables , of the Tolls due to the Yeomen of the Waterside , were during all their Times constantly paid to the said Yeomen as their just Fees , and some of them attest the Usage thereof for Twenty Years , some for Thirty Years , and Mr. Bancroft for Fifty Five Years . The three first Articles of the first Table We also find Confirmed by Three Orders of the Court of Aldermen , cited in the Margin ; We have also incidently enquired into the Fees due to the Cocket-Office , and for Water-Balliage received at Billingsgate , the former being received by Mr. Allen , as Tenant to the Lord Mayor , and the latter by the Yeomen of the Waterside , as Collectors to Mrs Carpenter , and find upon the aforesaid Testimony , That the Duties to be Received at Billingsgate for the Cocket-Office , and Water Balliage , are as follow ,   Cocket-Bill Water-Balliage To the Yeomen Cry Waterside Meatage               l s d   Every Vessel with Fruit 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 01 00   Every Vessel with Fresh Sea Fish 00 00 01 00 00 06 00 01 00   Every Ship with Salt 00 00 08 00 00 00 00 01 00   Every small Oyster Vessel or Cock 00 00 01 00 00 04 00 01 00 Half Penny per Bushel Every Vessel of Salt Fish 00 00 08 00 00 00 00 01 00   Every Vessel with Cherries or other Fruit 00 00 02 00 00 06 00 01 00   Every Ship with Oranges or Lemons 00 00 06 00 00 00 00 01 00   Every Vessel with Carrots 00 00 06 00 00 00 00 01 00   Every Freeman's Lobster-Boat 00 00 01 00 00 00 00 01 00   Every Foreign Lobster-Boat 00 00 02 00 00 00 00 02 00   Every Muscle or Cockle-Boat 00 00 01 00 00 08 00 01 00   Every Hebber-Boat or Smack 00 00 01 00 00 06 00 00 06   We are further informed , That in all other Cases whatsoever , where the Lord Mayor hath a Power to Set a Price on Victuals or other Provisions , and hath a Sample , in all such Cases the Yeomen of the Waterside have a Fee of one Shilling for the Cry thereof . These following Duties are in Common between the Vnder-Water-Bailiff , and Yeomen of the Waterside .   l s d A Trollers Boat , Fish sold in Baskets 00 00 04 A Wh●●ing-Boat , Fish sold in Baskets 00 00 04 Repers Fish coming by Land on Horses 00 00 04 All Fish sold on Forms 00 00 04 All Tubs with Eels 00 00 02 A Peter Boat with Flounders 00 00 02 A Peter Boat with Smelts 00 00 02 A Peter Boat with Roch and Dace 00 00 02 A Hamper or Pedd with Fish 00 00 02 We have also Examined Mr. Allen , and the Yeomen of the Waterside , and the Market People above-mentioned , concerning the Tolls and Duties that belong to the City of London at Billingsgate , and upon a full Examination , Debate , and Consideration of their several Allegations , We are of Opinion , That these following Tolls and Duties belong to the City of London , and may be Received by Mr. Allen , as their Tenant of the Duties there Leased to him in General Words .   l s d Every Vessel with two Round Tops , per Day 00 02 00 Every Vessel with Oranges , Lemons , or Salt , with but one Round Top , per Day 00 01 00 Every Vessel of Salt Fish , per Day 00 00 08 Every small Oyster Vessel or Cock , per Voyage 00 00 02 Every Vessel with any other sort of Fish ( viz. ) fresh Sea-Fish per Voyage 00 00 02 Every Vessel with Cherries or other Fruits , per Voyage 00 00 08 Every Vessel with Carrots , per Day 00 00 08 Every Custom-House Hoy or Close Lyter , per Day 00 00 08 Every Close Lyter , per Day 00 00 08 Every Open Lyter , per Day 00 00 04 Every Freeman's Lobster-Boat 00 00 02 Every Foreign Lobster-Boat 00 00 04 Every Muscle or Cockle-Boat 00 00 02 Every Hebber-Boat or Smack 00 00 02 Aliens Vessels double Duties to all Persons .   l s d Every Ladder or Plank to a Salt Vessel , per Day 00 01 00 Every Ladder or Plank for Vessels for Fresh Fish , Oysters or other Shell-Fish , per Voyage for each 00 00 06 Every Ladder to a Vessel of Salt Fish , for the whole 00 01 00 We are of Opinion , That to Notify to all Persons concerned their Duty , and to prevent future Disputes about these Matters , it will be Expedient to Print , and Post up at Billingsgate all the several Rates above mentioned ; but submit that , and all other Matters here Reported , to the Judgment of this Committee . Dated the Eleventh Day of May , 1698. Wm. Gore , Tho. Collett , Isa . Grevill , James Collett , Geo. Newland . Which Report being Read , was well liked , and Approved of by this Committee , and Sir Thomas Stamp , Knight and Alderman , is desired to lay the same before the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen , and recommend to their Care the Matters therein contained , Nich. Wilmot , Comptroler . Which Order and Report being here openly Read , were well Liked and Approved of by this Court , and Ordered to be Entred into the Repertory . And it is further Ordered , That for the future the said several Duties and Tolls be Received by such Respective Officers , and no others according to the Table mention'd in the said Report . Goodfellow . That the aforesaid Matters may be the better understood ; 1st . Note , That Nich. Wilmot is Clerk to the Committee for Letting the City's Lands : And Goodfellow is Clerk to the Court of Lord Mayor and Aldermen . 2dly , Note , That Mr. Allen , as Tenant to the City for Wharfage , Groundage , and the Tolls , pays for the Farm thereof 95 l per Annum . And Mr. Allen , as Tenant to the Lord Mayor , pays to his Lordship for his Samples and Perquisites above 550 l per Annum . And 't is believed the Four Yeomen of the Waterside , and Under Water-Bailiff , do Receive of the Fisher-men and Market-People , as their own Perquisites , near as much as Mr. Allen doth for his Farm , for which he pays the Lord Mayor 550 l per Annum . 3dly . Note , Mrs Carpenter , as Tenant to the City , pays not above 26 l per Annum for the City's Interest in the Water-Balliage at Billingsgate . 4thly . Note , That the City pays to the Four Yeomen of the Waterside , for Fees and Salaries , above 20 l per Annum each ; and to the Under Water-Bailiff about the same Sum , which in the whole is above 100 l per Annum Charge to the City , and the City Receives but 12● l per Annum for the Wharfage , Groundage , Toll , and Interest there : Thus consequently the City's Income there is not above 21 l per Annum , yet it must be own'd that the Lord Mayor may chance upon a Vacancy to have 5 or 600 l for each of these Places of Yeomen of the Waterside ; and if the Head-Water-Bailiff chance to die , the Lord Mayor will scarcely take under 1500 l for his Place ; for the City pays him above 65 l per Annum Salary , and the Perquisites are very considerable , which he takes to his own Use , tho they are due to the City only . 5thly . Note , That the Fishmongers in their Case to Parliament have misrepresented the Law and Custom of the City Markets , which are expresly thus , That if any Retailer or Trader in this City , who buy to sell again , do buy to sell again , &c. before the second Ringing of the Bell , such Offender shall Forfeit 40 s The Markets being most principally intended for the Benefit and Advantage of Housekeepers and others , who buy for their own use , to be spent in their Families , and may provide for themselves in the Morning at the best Hand , and pay moderate Rates for their Provisions , See the Acts of Common Council for City-Markets , made 1631. and the 17th of September , 1674. Page 8. 6thly . But as Sir Nicholas Bacon well observed , in a Speech to both Houses of Parliament , A Law without Execution is but a Body without Life ; a Cause without an Effect ; a Countenance of a thing , and indeed nothing : Besides the making of Laws without Execution , does very much harm , for that breeds and brings forth Contempt of Laws , and Law-makers , and of all Magistrates ; which is the very Foundation of all Misgovernance , of all Injuries and Injustice , and of all Disorders and Unquietness in the Commonwealth . Which is the present Case as to the Laws of the City-Markets , and is the cause of most of the Complaints now before the Honourable House of Commons , touching the same . A49044 ---- Jovis decimo quinto die Junij, 1699, annoque regni Regis Willielmi Tertij ... whereas by the ancient laws and statutes of this realm, there ought to be but one weight and measure used throughout this kingdom ... City of London (England). 1699 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49044 Wing L2865G ESTC R39645 18460247 ocm 18460247 107729 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49044) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107729) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:3) Jovis decimo quinto die Junij, 1699, annoque regni Regis Willielmi Tertij ... whereas by the ancient laws and statutes of this realm, there ought to be but one weight and measure used throughout this kingdom ... City of London (England). 1 broadside. Printed by Samuel Roycroft ..., [London] : 1699. At head of title: Child Mayor. Second part of title taken from first two lines of text. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Weights and measures -- Law and legislation -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Child blazon or coat of arms Mayor . Jovis decimo quinto die Junij , 1699. Annoque Regni Regis WILLIELMI Tertij , Angliae , &c. Undecimo . WHEREAS by the Ancient Laws and Statutes of this Realm , there ought to be but One Weight and Measure used throughout this Kingdom , to be Marked according to the Standard of his MAJESTIES Exchequer . And whereas , for the more effectual Observation thereof , several subsequent Laws and Statutes have been made ( and amongst others ) It is provided by an Act of Parliament made 11 Hen. 7. Cap. 4. That no Person or Persons shall Buy or Sell by any Weight or Measure , except it be Marked , and Like and Equal with the said Standard , upon Pain , That such Defective Weights shall be broken and burnt , And the Offenders , for the First time , to Forfeit Six Shillings Eight Pence , for the Second Offence , Thirtee● Shillings and Four Pence , and the Third Offence , the Penalty of Twenty Shillings , and to be set upon the Pillory for the Ensample of others . And by another Act of the 17 Car. 1. Cap. 19. It is further provided , That if any one shall sell by any other Weight , Measure or Yard , than according to the Standard of the Exchequer , and being thereof Convicted , shall Forfeit Five Shillings . And by another Act made in the Second Year of his present MAJESTY King WILLIAM , and the late Queen MARY , it is Enacted , That if any Person or Persons shall sell or utter by Retail , in or by any Glass-Bottle or Bottles , or in or by any other Retail Measure , not made of Pewter , and sealed according to Law , any kind of Wine , or other Liquor exposed to Sale for Wine , or shall sell the same for a greater Price than by the afore-mentioned Act is Directed and Appointed , and being thereof Convicted , shall Forfeit for every such Offence , the Sum of Fifty Shillings . The said Respective Penalties and Forfeitures to be Recovered in such Manner and Form , as in and by the said Acts are Directed , and as may by the said several Acts more at large appear . Notwithstanding all which Laws and Provisions , the Deceits and Abuses designed to be Redressed by the same , have ●aily Increased ; And the Grand Jury of this City having at the last Sessions of Peace holden for the same , ●●esented the said Offences to be very Prejudicial to His Majesties Subjects Inhabiting in , 〈◊〉 Resor●●ng to this City , And that for want of Incouragement of Prosecution , the said several Laws have been neglected . Now this Court taking the same into their Consideration , and being truly sensible of so great a Grievance in general , and more particularly of the Hardships brought upon the Poor of this City and Liberties thereof , by such Practices ( especially in this present Scarcity and Dearness of Provisions and all Sorts of Commodities ) And being resolved ( as much as in them lies ) to prevent such Abuses for the future , by causing the said several Laws to be effectually put in Execution , Doth this Day Agree and Order , That every Person and Persons who shall be Instrumental in the Discovery and Prosecution of any of the said Offences , shall not only be Countenanced and Vindicated by this Court , but shall also receive due and fitting Incouragement for their so doing . And that no Person shall o● may pretend Ignorance of the said Statutes , and the Penalties Inflicted thereby , it is Ordered , that this ORDER be forthwith Printed , Published and set up in all the Publick Places of this City . Goodfellow . Printed by Samuel Roycroft , Printer to the Honourable City of London , 1699. A49045 ---- Jovis decimo quarto die Decembris, 1699, annoque regni Regis Willielmi Tertij ... whereas not withstanding several good and wholsom orders of this court heretofore made for the prevention of forestalling, regrating and other abuses in the fish-market of Billingsgate ... City of London (England). 1699 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49045 Wing L2865H ESTC R39646 18460340 ocm 18460340 107730 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49045) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107730) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:4) Jovis decimo quarto die Decembris, 1699, annoque regni Regis Willielmi Tertij ... whereas not withstanding several good and wholsom orders of this court heretofore made for the prevention of forestalling, regrating and other abuses in the fish-market of Billingsgate ... City of London (England). 1 broadside. Printed by Samuel Roycroft ..., [London] : 1699. At head of title: Levett Mayor. Second part of title taken from first three lines of text. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Fish trade -- Law and legislation -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Levett blazon or coat of arms Mayor . Jovis decimo quarto die Decembris , 1699. Annoque Regni Regis WILLIELMI Tertij , Angliae , &c. Undecimo . WHEREAS notwithstanding several good and wholsom ORDERS of this COURT heretofore made for the Prevention of Forestalling , Regrating and other Abuses in the Fish-market of Billingsgate , divers Frauds and Exactions are yet there daily practised , which is much occasioned by the Remisness of Officers in putting the said Orders in Execution . Now for the better Remedying and Preventing such Evil Practices for the time to come , it is Ordered by this Court , that the Hours heretofore limited for the Opening and Beginning of the Fish-market at Billingsgate , shall hereafter be strictly observed ( That is to say ) from Lady-day to Michaelmas , to begin at Four of the Clock in the Morning ; and from Michaelmas to Lady-day at Six of the Clock in the Morning ; and that the said Markets for the ●uture shall from Lady-day to Michaelmas end at Eight of the Clock in the Evening ; and from Michaelmas to Lady-day at Six of the Clock in the Evening ; And that the said respective Times for Beginning and Ending the said Market may be the better known and observed , It is Ordered that the Market-Bell there shall be constantly rung by the Yeomen of the Water-side , at the respective Hours aforesaid ; And it is also Ordered , That if any Person shall before the said respective Hours of Four and Six in the Morning presume to Buy , Sell or Expose to Sale in the said Market any Sort of Fish ( except Herrings , Sprats , Mackerel and Shell-Fish ) every such Offender shall be proceeded against , as a Forestaller of the Market , as by the Laws now in force against Forestalling and Regrating is directed and appointed . And the Yeomen of the Water-side are hereby strictly enjoyned every Morning and Evening to ring the said Bell precisely at the Hours aforesaid ; and that the said Yeoman and Under-Waterbailiff do carry all Persons that shall Buy or Sell , or Expose to Sale Fish there , contrary to this present ORDER , before the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor for the time being , or some other of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace for this City , to be bound over , and prosecuted according to Law. And that the Mischiefs and evil Practices intended to be remedied by a late Act of Parliament , Intituled , An Act for making Billingsgate a Free-Market for Sale of Fish , may be effectually prevented . It is further Ordered , That if any Person or Persons whatsoever shall imploy or be imployed by any other Person or Persons to contract or buy in or at the said Market any Quantity of Fish , to the intent to be divided by Lots , or in Shares amongst any Fishmongers or other Persons , in order to be put to Sale by Retail , or otherwise ; or if any shall Ingross or Buy in or out of the said Market , any Quantity of Fish other than what shall be for his own private Use , or for Sale in his or her own Shop or Shops , that then the Yeomen of the Water-side and Under-Water-Bayliff , or one of them shall give Information thereof , and prosecute every such Offender or Offenders , accordding to the Directions of the said Act ; And if any of the said Officers shall be remiss or negligent in putting this ORDER in due Execution , he or they shall be proceeded against with the utmost Severity . And that no Person shall or may pretend Ignorance hereof , it is Ordered , that this ORDER be forthwith Printed , Published and set up in the most Publick Places at Billingsgate aforesaid , and be so continued from time to time by the Officers of this City attending the said Market . Goodfellow . Printed by Samuel Roycroft , Printer to the Honourable City of LOND0N , 1699. A49046 ---- Martis vicesimo quinto die Junij 1700, annoq. regni Regis Willielmi Tertij ... the King's Most Excellent Majesty, and His late religious and gracious Queen, as also the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, having frequently express'd their great sense of the deplorable increase of prophaeness, vice and debauchery in this kingdom ... City of London (England). 1700 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49046 Wing L2865I ESTC R39647 18460416 ocm 18460416 107731 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49046) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107731) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:5) Martis vicesimo quinto die Junij 1700, annoq. regni Regis Willielmi Tertij ... the King's Most Excellent Majesty, and His late religious and gracious Queen, as also the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, having frequently express'd their great sense of the deplorable increase of prophaeness, vice and debauchery in this kingdom ... City of London (England). 1 broadside. Printed by Samuel Roycroft ..., [London] : 1700. At head of title: Levett Mayor. Second part of title taken from first five lines of text. Order to restrict amusements at Bartholomew-fair. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Fairs -- Law and legislation -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Levett blazon or coat of arms Mayor . Martis vicesimo quinto die Junij 1700. Annoque Regni Regis WILLIEMI Tertij . Angliae , &c. Duodecimo . THE King 's most Excellent Majesty , and His late Religious and Gracious Queen , as also the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament , having frequently express'd their great Sense of the deplorable Increase of Prophaneness , Vice and Debauchery in this Kingdom , and their earnest Zeal and Desires of Reformation , and Prevention thereof for the future : And His said Majesty having by His Royal Proclamation Commanded and Required all His Magistrates and Ministers of Justice , to put the Laws in full and due Execution against such Offenders . This Court , as well in Obedience thereunto , as out of their own hearty Desire to promote Reformation in the Premises , to the Honour of Almighty God , of the King , and of this City , and the good Government thereof , having taken into their serious Consideration the great Prophaneness , Vice and Debauchery too frequently used and practised in Bartholomew-Fair ; And to prevent the same for the future , Do hereby strictly Charge and Command all Persons concerned in the said Fair , and in the Sheds and Booths to be erected and built therein or Places adjacent , that they do not Let , Set , Hire or Use any Booth , Shed , Stall or other Erection whatsoever , to be used or imployed for Interludes , Stage-plays , Comedies , Gaming-places , Lotteries , disorderly Musick-meetings , or other Occasions or Opportunities for Inticing , Assembling or Congregating idle , loose , vicious and debauched People together , under Colour and Pretence of innocent Diversion and Recreation ; But that all Booths , Sheds , Stalls , Shops , and other Erections during the said Fair , to be had and made , shall be used , exercised and imployed for Merchandizes , Trade and Commerce , according to the good Intents and Purposes designed in the Granting , Erecting and Establishing the said Fair. And all Persons are hereby Required to take notice hereof , and yield Obedience hereunto , as they will answer the contrary thereof at their Perils . Goodfellow . Printed by Samuel Roycroft , Printer to the Honourable City of London . 1700. A49047 ---- Jovis decimo die Octobris, 1700, annoq. regni Regis Willielmi Tertii ... upon reading the humble petition of the inhabitants and shopkeepers in and about Exchange-alley in Cornhill ... it is ordered that none of the Exchange-brokers do for the future agitate any business between merchant and merchant, or others in the open alley ... City of London (England). 1700 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49047 Wing L2865J ESTC R39648 18460507 ocm 18460507 107732 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49047) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107732) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:6) Jovis decimo die Octobris, 1700, annoq. regni Regis Willielmi Tertii ... upon reading the humble petition of the inhabitants and shopkeepers in and about Exchange-alley in Cornhill ... it is ordered that none of the Exchange-brokers do for the future agitate any business between merchant and merchant, or others in the open alley ... City of London (England). 1 broadside. Printed by Samuel Roycroft ..., [London] : 1700. At head of title: Levett Mayor. Second part of title taken from text. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Trade regulation -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Levett blazon or coat of arms Mayor . Jovis Decimo die Octobris , 1700. Annoque Regni Regis WILLIELMI Tertii Angliae , &c. Duodecimo . UPON Reading the Humble Petition of the Inhabitants and Shopkeepers in and about Exchange-Alley in Cornhill , setting forth , That by the daily Resort and Standing of Brokers and Stock-Jobbers in the same Alley , not only the Common Passage to and from the Royal-Exchange is greatly obstructed , but Incouragement is given by the tumultuary Concourse of People attending the said Brokers , to Pick-pockets , Shop-Lifters , and other Idle and Disorderly People to mix among them ( as appeared to this COURT upon Oath ) to the great Damage and Detriment of all Passengers going through the said Alley about their Lawful Occasions , as well as of the Petitioners . To the intent therefore , that all Merchants , and others his Majesties Subjects may have full and free Passage to and from the said Exchange , or other Places in and through the said Alley ; And for prevention of the Evil Consequences aforesaid , It is Ordered , That none of the Exchange-Brokers do for the future agitate any Business between Merchant and Merchant , or others in the open Alley , or stand or stay in the same , for transacting or doing thereof , upon Pain , That all such who shall act contrary to the Tenor or true Meaning hereof , be suspended from their Imployment of Brokers during the Pleasure of this COURT . And it is further Ordered , That this ORDER be forthwith Posted up in and about the Royal-Exchange and the said Alley , to the intent the said Brokers may not pretend Ignorance or Inadvertency , but duly conform themselves hereunto . Ashhurst . Printed by Samuel Roycroft , Printer to the Honourable City of London , 1700. A49050 ---- The Report of the governours of the corporation for improving and releiving the poor of this city of London, and liberties thereof City of London (England). This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A49050 of text R39650 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2877B). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A49050 Wing L2877B ESTC R39650 18460585 ocm 18460585 107734 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49050) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107734) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:7 or 21241:124) The Report of the governours of the corporation for improving and releiving the poor of this city of London, and liberties thereof City of London (England). 1 broadside. Printed by James Flesher ..., [London] : 1655. At head of title, in verse: These children orphans singing show ... Reproductions of originals in the Harvard University Library and the British Library. eng Orphans -- England. Poor laws -- England. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A49050 R39650 (Wing L2877B). civilwar no The report of the governours of the corporation for imploying and releiving the poor of this city of London, and liberties thereof; Corporation of London 1655 1057 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 Megan Marion Sampled and proofread 2008-10 Megan Marion Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion These Children Orphans singing show , Though God's above , he dwels below , Who Clothes their backs and bellies feed , And gave them fathers in their need . These father'd fatherless , their Fathers bless , And warble forth their worth in thankfull verse . blazon or coat of arms City of London coat of arms THe Epicureans say God takes no care , Nor yet regardeth how poor mortals fare , But being himself above all sense Of trouble , grief , and indigence ; Enjoyes himself , and can , No notice take of man Nor sees , nor hears , Their sighs or tears ; Nor mindes , nor yet condoles , mens joyes or fears . That the light Lamps of Heaven know their way And beaten paths , from whence they cannot stray , The Planets march their wonted pace , Sun , Moon , and Stars , keep on their race From night to day , and then , From day to night agen , Times come and goe , Tides ebbe and flow , Things round redown'd , as days and years do show . Hold Atheist , stop thy mouth , proceed not thus , Gods care o' th poor blaspheme not , look on us , And recollect thy self , for we On Dunghils droop't in miserie , Had not Jehovah car'd , How here poor mortals far'd , We still had lain , Pining in pain , But now in plenty he doth us maintain . Repent of these thy thoughts vain man , behold How God by us , have these thy thoughts controld , For living instances we are , That God for mortals poor takes care , And doth regard the cries , Of Orphans waterie eyes , And sends relief From pain and grief , Who help and succour to the poor doth give . Wandring we were from Heavens and Earths good waies In sin and idleness to spend our daies , But now translated from that state Which led to lewdness , death , hells gate , And in a hopefull way To live another day , When thankfull we , Shall surely be , And Londons mercy keep in memorie . Blest be the great PROTECTOR of the poore Whom fatherless admire , widdows adore ; Blest be his a Vice Protector who Much favour did on us bestow , Our b President blest be , And blest his c Deputy , Lord blesse them all Who hence forth shall Lend hearts , and hands , to ridd the poor from thrall . God is the poor mans God , who doth express Himself the Father of the Fatherless , And men like Gods themselves appear , To whom poor Fatherless are dear , Whose works of Charity , He suffers not to dye , What thus they spend To God they lend , Who will repay with glory in the end . This is the pure Religion , and this By Gods appointment leads to lasting bliss ; When Scarlet robes , and Golden chains Shall come to nothing , this remains , When creature comforts faile , Such works as these prevaile , Most certainly Such seed shall be An Harvest lasting to eternity . You that have thus so well begun , go on , Finish your work , let no man take your crown , Such works as these their workmen bless ; By spending thus , you shall increase , This is Gods way of thriving , Thus give , and get by giving ; What else you save Others may have ; These works your selves shall find beyond the grave . The Report of the Governours of the Corporation for imploying and Releiving the Poor of this City of London , and Liberties thereof ; THe said Corporation ( through the Pious care and Assistance of the Lord Mayor , Commonalty , and Citizens of the City of London , and other well affected persons ) do at the present maintain , and Educate about 100. poor Children in Learning , and Arts , whose Parents are either dead or not able to maintain them , ayming ( according as ability by the good providence of God shall be administred ) at the entertaining of some hundreds more ; Moreover , there are many hundred of poor people and families imployed by the said Corporation , the Manufactures of Spinning Hemp , Flax , and Tow , and Weaving of it into Cloth ; And many hundreds more might be imployed , in case they did not habituate and necessitate themselves to an idle course of life , none being refused or denyed imployment that will come for it , either to the Wardrobe neer Black-fryers , or to Haiden-house in the Minories , belonging to the said Corporation . Towards the more effectuall carrying on and accomplishing of which good work , so abundantly conducing to the glory of God , the honour of the Government of this City , ( being Presidentiall in this kind to the whole Nation ) the prevention of many evils and Enormities , so abounding in that sort of people , and the Eternall good of their Precious Souls : This Corporation earnestly desire the ready Concurrence and Assistance of the Magistrate , and Ministers of Justice of this City in causing the known Laws of this Common-wealth to be put in Execution * for suppressing of Vagrants , and common Beggars , able to work , who come in troops from the out parts of this City , and make it their constant practice , to spend the day time in Begging , and a great part of the nights in Drinking , and Revelling . And then repair to the City again for fresh supplies , to the great dishonor of this City , the scandall of Religion , and hindrance of the Charity of many Pious and well affected People towards this good work . Printed by James Flesher , Printer to the Honourable City of LONDON , 1655. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A49050e-30 a His Highness a special friend . b Lord Mayor President . c John Cutler Esq Deputy President . Mr Thomas Read Treasurer . Notes for div A49050e-1230 * 39 Eliz. 4. and 1 Jac. 7. A49051 ---- Novem. 12. 1642 yov are to give notice in your pulpit tomorrow, that all such in your parish as have listed themselves to go for souldiers ... City of London (England). This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A49051 of text R39652 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2878A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A49051 Wing L2878A ESTC R39652 18460701 ocm 18460701 107736 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49051) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107736) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:8) Novem. 12. 1642 yov are to give notice in your pulpit tomorrow, that all such in your parish as have listed themselves to go for souldiers ... City of London (England). 1 broadside. s.n., [London : 1642] Second part of title taken from first four lines of text. Signed: "Isaac Pennington, Major." Order directing London ministers to announce instructions for soldiers. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A49051 R39652 (Wing L2878A). civilwar no Novem. 12. 1642 yov are to give notice in your pulpit tomorrow, that all such in your parish as have listed themselves to go for souldiers . Corporation of London 1642 107 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 Megan Marion Sampled and proofread 2008-10 Megan Marion Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Novemb. 12. 1642. YOV are to give notice in your Pulpit tomorrow , that all such of your Parish as have Listed themselves to goe for Souldiers , or any other that are willing to goe in this service , doe repaire to the New Artillery Ground by eight of the clocke on Munday morning , And to encourage them to goe on with cheerefullnesse . And if any man have any old Saddles , and will bring them into Blackwell Hall either on munday or tuesday next , for such as are Dragooneres , it shall bee well accepted . ISAAC PENNINGTON , Major . A49052 ---- Apill [sic] 15, 1643 you are required to commend to God in your prayers ... City of London (England). This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A49052 of text R39653 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2878C). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A49052 Wing L2878C ESTC R39653 18460776 ocm 18460776 107737 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49052) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107737) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:9) Apill [sic] 15, 1643 you are required to commend to God in your prayers ... City of London (England). 1 broadside : ill. s.n., [London : 1643] Second part of title taken from first line of text. Order to London ministers to support Parliament's army. Place and date of publication suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A49052 R39653 (Wing L2878C). civilwar no Apill [sic] 15, 1643 you are required to commend to God in your prayers ... Corporation of London 1643 95 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Apill 15. 1643. YOu are required to commend to God in your Prayers , the Lord Generall , the whole Army imployed in the Parliaments Service , and the Designe undertaken by them . As also in your Sermons , effectually to stirre up your people now to appeare in person , and to joyne with the Army , to stand up for our Religion and Liberties , as is desired and expected by the said Army , and the Committee for the Militia , in this City . ISAAC PENNINGTON , Mayor . A49055 ---- By the major forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the Common-councell, that the city at the present is in great danger ... City of London (England). This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A49055 of text R39656 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2882D). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A49055 Wing L2882D ESTC R39656 18461003 ocm 18461003 107740 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49055) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107740) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:10) By the major forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the Common-councell, that the city at the present is in great danger ... City of London (England). 1 broadside. Printed by Richard Cotes ..., [London] : [1648] Second part of title taken from first three lines of text. "This 25 of Aprill, 1648." Place and date of publication suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A49055 R39656 (Wing L2882D). civilwar no By the Major. Forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the Common-councell, that the city at the present is in great danger; ... Corporation of London 1648 339 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ By the Major . FOrasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the Common-councell , that the City at the present is in great danger ; These are therefore according to the desire and direction of the said Court , to will and require you in His Majesties name , that presently upon sight hereof , you respectively , with the Constables of your severall Precincts , doe repair to every Housholder within the same ; and give them strict charge and command , that at their perils they do so order and dispose of their Servants , and all others under their charge , that they be not onely kept from committing any Outrage or misdemeanor ; But that they and their servants from time to time be in a readinesse , according to their severall Capacities , with Arms , Weapons , and Ammunitions for preservation of the Peace , defence of themselves , the City , and the Magistrates thereof : And also , that all persons who are of the Trained Bands of this City , doe from time to time upon the beat of the Drum repair with all speed to their Colours : And therein demeasn themselves , as may conduce to the safety and welfare of this City : And that you doe from time to time certifie unto me , or some other of his Majesties Justices of the Peace , the names of such Constables and others as you shall finde to bee remisse or negligent in the performance of their respective Duties in this behalf , to the intent that they may bee punished according to the law . And hereof fail you not , as you tender the safety of your selves and the City , and will answer the contrary at your perill . This 25 of Aprill , 1648. To the Deputy , and Common-Councell-men , in the Ward of Michel . Printed by Richard Cotes , Printer to the Honorable City of London . A49056 ---- By the major for as much as the gathering together of persons old and young ... on the Lord's Day ... when they should be exercised publicly or privately in the duties of religion ... City of London (England). This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A49056 of text R39654 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2883B). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A49056 Wing L2883B ESTC R39654 18460929 ocm 18460929 107738 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49056) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107738) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:11) By the major for as much as the gathering together of persons old and young ... on the Lord's Day ... when they should be exercised publicly or privately in the duties of religion ... City of London (England). 1 broadside. Printed by Richard Cotes ..., [London] : 1649. Second part of title taken from first eight lines of text. "Dated at London, the 14th Aprill, 1649." Order for better observance of Lord's Day. Place of publication suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. eng Sabbath legislation -- England. Great Britain -- Religion -- 17th century. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A49056 R39654 (Wing L2883B). civilwar no By the major for as much as the gathering together of persons old and young ... on the Lord's Day ... when they should be exercised publicly Corporation of London 1649 328 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Major . FOR as much as the gathering together of persons old and young , upon the Exchange , and into the fields for sports and recreations , into Victualling-houses , and Taverns upon the Lords-day , and Fast-days ; mispending their time there , when they should be exercised publickly or privately in the duties of Religion . And for as much as the setting open of shops , and selling of VVine , Beer , Ale , Flesh , Fish , Fruit , and other victual upon those days , and receiving and entertaining of persons upon those days to drink and tiple , tend very much to the dishonor of God , the encrease and spreading of prophanenesse , the scandall of godly and religious men , and the government of this City . The Right Honorable the Lord Maior therefore doth require all persons of what Nation or quality soever , to forbear to walk or gather together upon the Exchange , or into the fields , for sports and recreations ; or into Victualling-houses , or Taverns , or to set open any shop , or house , for vending or putting to sale any VVine , Ale , Beer , or other victuall or commodity whatsoever , upon the said days , except in case of necessity : And all Parents and Masters of families , to command their children and servants to forbear accordingly : and all Constables and other Officers to search for , and apprehend such persons as transgresse in any of the aforesaid particulars , and to bring them before His Lordship , or some other Iustices of the Peace , to the intent that they may be proceeded against ; according to the laws in those cases provided . Dated at London , the 14th . Aprill , 1649 . Printed by Richard Cotes , Printer to the Honorable City of London , 1649. A49057 ---- By the mayor whereas by neglect of executing the good lawes and statutes against rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars ... City of London (England). This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A49057 of text R39658 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2883J). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A49057 Wing L2883J ESTC R39658 18461198 ocm 18461198 107742 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49057) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107742) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1638:12) By the mayor whereas by neglect of executing the good lawes and statutes against rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars ... City of London (England). 1 broadside. Printed by James Flesher ..., [London] : [1656] Second part of title taken from first two lines of text. "Dated the twenty third day of Janaury 1655. Place and date of publication suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall, London. eng Rogues and vagabonds -- England. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A49057 R39658 (Wing L2883J). civilwar no By the mayor whereas by neglect of executing the good lawes and statutes against rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars ... Corporation of London 1655 1022 1 0 0 0 0 0 10 C The rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Mayor . WHereas by neglect of executing the good Lawes and Statutes against Rogues , Vagabonds , and Sturdy beggers That vermine of this Common wealth doth now swarme in and about this City and Liberties , disturbing and annoying the inhabitants and Passengers , by hanging upon Coaches , and clamarous begging at the doores of Churches and private Houses and in the Streets and common wayes ; veguiling the modest , laborious and honest poore , ( the proper objects of Charity ) of much releife and Almes which otherwise might bee disposed to them by bountifull and well minded people : And by this meanes and their corrupt and prophane communication , doe bring dishonor to God , scandall to Religion , and shame to the Government of this City : And for as much as it is intended and resolved that for Reformation of this living Nusance , the said Lawes and Statutes shall bee hence-forth duely and strictly executed within this City and Liberties thereof , and the penaltyes and punishments thereby appointed , imposed and inflicted upon all Persons offending against the same : I doe therefore give notice thereof , And in the name of his Highnes the Lord Protector , doe hereby require and Command all Constables and other Officers and Persons whatsoever within this City and Liberties , to bee diligent and watchfull about their duties herein : For better information whereof and that none may excuse himselfe by pretence of ignorance , I have caused some branches of the said Statutes of most Common concernment to bee added hereunto , expecting that accordingly every Constable doe presently apprehend ( and so continue to doe during his said Office ) all such Rogues , Vagabonds and Sturdy beggers as shall bee found in his parish or precinct , or shall bee brought or sent to him by any of his Neighbors , and to send to Bridewell the place of Correction ) such of them as live within this City and Liberties , who are there to bee received and dealt withall according to Law ; and such as live not within the Liberties aforesaid , to whipp and passe away to the place of their dwelling or last aboad . And that all other Persons doe apprehend or cause to bee apprehended all such as they shall see or know to resort to their houses to receive or begg any Almes , and carry or cause them to bee carried to the next Constable , And that in all other things they give that furtherance to this worke as by the Law is required . And further I doe hereby require all and every the said Constables , to the end their dwellings may bee the better known and more readily found , that they have their staves see or fired at their streete doores , plainly to bee seene by all Passengers . And moreover , that on the first Wednesday in every moneth at foure of the Clocke in the afternoone , they deliver in to the Corporation for the poore at Weavers Hall , a list of the names and firnames of all such Rogues and Beggers as shall by them respectively bee apprehended , whipped and passed away , with the time when and the place to which they are sent . As they will answere the contrary at their perills . Dated the Twenty third day of January 1655. To all and every the Constables within the City of London and Liberties thereof . Sadler . EVery Rogue , Vagabond , or Sturdy Begger that shall bee taken begging , vagrant , wandering , or misordering themselves , shall bee apprehended by any Constable of the Parish where such Person shall bee taken , and bee stripped naked from the middle upwards and bee openly whipped , till his or her body bee bloody and shall bee forthwith sent from Parish to Parish by the said Officer , the next streight way to the Parish where hee was b●rn , if the same may bee known by the parties confession or otherwise , And if the same bee not known , then to the Parish where bee or shee last dwelt , before the same punishment , by the space of one whole yeare , or if it bee not known where hee or shee was borne , or last dwelt , then to the Parish to which hee or shee last passed without punishment &c. If any Constable bee negligent and doe not his and their best endeavours for the apprehension of such Vagabond , Rogue , or Sturdy begger , and to cause every of them to bee punished and Convayed as aforesaid , then the Constable in whom such default shall bee , shall loose and forfeit for every such default Tenne shillings . . Also if any Person doe disturbe or let the execution of this Law , or make rescusse against any Officer or Person authourised for the due execution of the premisses , such Person offending shall forfeite for every such offence five pounds , and bee bound to the good behaviour . Every Person or Persons shall apprehend or cause to bee apprehended , such Rogues , Vagabonds and Sturdy beggers as hee or they shall see or know to resort to their houses to begg , gather , or receive any Almes , and him or them shall carry or cause to bee carried to the next Constable , upon paine to forfeit for every default Tenne shillings . And if such Constable doe not cause the said Rogues , Vagabonds and Sturdy beggers to bee punished and Convayed as aforesaid , such Constable shall forfeit and loose the summe of Twenty shillings for every default . Printed by James Flesher Printer to Honourable City of LONDON . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A49057e-140 39 Eliz. cap. 4. 39 Eliz. cap. 4. 39 Eliz. cap. 4 1 lac . cap. 7. 1 lac . cap. 7. A49062 ---- By the mayor to all constables, beadles, and other His Majesties officers and loving subjects within the city of London, and every of them. City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1667 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49062 Wing L2885K ESTC R41298 31354841 ocm 31354841 110274 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49062) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110274) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:7) By the mayor to all constables, beadles, and other His Majesties officers and loving subjects within the city of London, and every of them. City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [London : 1667?] Order to apprehend persons defacing or pulling down proclamations. Right half of sheet contains "The oath of the constables within the City of London." Place and date of publication suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall Library (London, England) Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Mayor . To all Constables , Beadles , and other his Majesties Officers and loving Subjects within the City of London , and every of them . THese shall be in his Majesties Name , straightly to charge and command you and every of you to apprehend and take all such person and persons , as at any time hereafter shall deface or pull down any Proclamation fixed upon any poste or wall , and them forthwith to commit to close prison , and to certifie me thereof . Not failing hereof at your perils . God save the KING . The Oath of the Constables within the City of LONDON . YE shall sweare , that ye shall keep the peace of our Soveraign Lord the King well and lawfully after your power . And ye shall arrest all them that make contention , riot debate or affray in breaking of the said peace , and leade them to the house or Counter of one of the Sheriffes . And if ye be withstood by strength of misdoers , ye shall rear on them an out-cry , and pursue them from street to street , and from Ward to Ward , till they be arrested : and ye shall search at all times when ye be required by the Scavengers or Bedles , the common noyance of your Ward . And the Bedle and Raker ye shall help to rear and gather their salary & quarterage , if ye be thereunto by them required , And if any thing be done within your Ward against the Ordinance of the City , such defaults as ye shall find there done , ye shall them present to the Mayor and Ministers of the City and if ye be letted by any person or persons , that ye may not duly do your office , ye shall certify the Mayor and Councel of the City , of the name or names of him or them that so let you . Ye shall also swear , that during the time that ye shall stand in the office , and occupy the room of a Constable , ye shall once at the least every month certify and shew to one of the Clerks of the Mayors Court , and in the same Court , as well the names as surnames of all Freemen which ye shall know to be deceased within the month , in the parish wherein ye be inhabited , as also the names and surnames of all the children of the said Freemen so deceased , being Orphans of this City , and you shall enquire of all and every the offences done contrary to the statutes made , 1 Jacobi , 4 Jacobi , 21 Jacobi , to restrain the inordinate haunting and tipling in Innes and Alehouses , and for repressing of drunkennesse , and due presentments thereof make according to the said statutes . And thus ye shall do as God you help . God save the KING . A49065 ---- By the maior the Right Honourable the Lord Maior ... doth hereby think fit to publish and declare, that all manner of persons within this city and the liberties thereof, do from time to time duly observe and conform themselves to the laws and ordinances established for the suppression of abuses, disorders and misdemeanours ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1672 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49065 Wing L2885R ESTC R41293 31354828 ocm 31354828 110269 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49065) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110269) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:8) By the maior the Right Honourable the Lord Maior ... doth hereby think fit to publish and declare, that all manner of persons within this city and the liberties thereof, do from time to time duly observe and conform themselves to the laws and ordinances established for the suppression of abuses, disorders and misdemeanours ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Hanson, Robert, d. 1680. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed by Andrew Clark, printer to the honourable City of London ..., [London] : MDCLXXII [1672] Order for suppression of swearing, gaming, keeping bawdy-houses, etc. "Dated at Guildhall the 23. day of December, in the 24. year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord CHARLES the Second ..." Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Maior . THE Right Honourable the Lord Maior ( by and with the Advice of the Aldermen his Brethren ) doth hereby think fit to publish and declare , That all manner of persons within this City and the Liberties thereof , do from time to time duly observe and conform themselves to the Laws and Ordinances established for the suppression of Abuses , Disorders and Misdemeanours , and settlement of Peace , Order and Quiet amongst his Majesties Subjects : And that his Lordship doth purpose to use his best Care and Endeavour to inforce the Execution thereof , and inflict the utmost Penalties upon all such persons as shall be discovered to neglect or fail in their Duty therein ; And doth require all Citizens and Inhabitants , and more especially all publick Officers to be aiding and assisting for the discovery of all persons that shall be found to practise and commit any manner of such Disorders and Enormities . And particularly his Lordship doth earnestly admonish and command all Citizens and Inhabitants of this City deeply to consider , examine and observe the points of their OATHS , as first the Oath of Supremacy , provided for Extirpation of the Romish Religion . Secondly , the Oath of Allegiance ordained for preservation of the Honour and Fidelity due to his Majesty . Thirdly , the Oath taken by all persons admitted to the Freedom of this City , which for want of due Consideration , is in many particulars and frequently infringed , and the good and necessary Franchises and Customs of this City thereby violated . That all persons do refrain unnecessary and profane SWEARING and CURSING in ordinary Converse , for which the Penalty of Twelve pence is by the Law appointed to be paid or levied by way of Distress for every Offence , or ( in case no Distress can be had ) the Offender to sit three hours in the Stocks . That no Vintner , Inn-keeper , Ale-house or Coffee-house-keeper do permit any SPORTING or TIPLING in their Houses on the Lord's Day ; nor any persons meet there to sport , tipple or use unlawful or unseasonable exercises , on the Penalties in that case appointed by the Statutes of this Realm . And that none do presume to keep a Common BAWDY-House or GAMING-House for the Reception of lewd and dissolute persons , which have been observed to occasion the ruine and destruction of many Apprentices and Young Men within this City : And that none do repair to any such Houses ; Or be a common Drunkard , or quarrelsom and a disturber of the ●eace , or a promoter of Strife and Variance between others : Which are all Offences against the Law , and to be punished in such manner as by the Law is directed . And that no person do keep any publick House , or sell Ale , Coffee or other like Liquors , unless they be duly Licenced for that purpose . And further that no Vintner , Brewer , Butcher , Baker or other do sell any Bread , Wine , Beer , Flesh or other Victual whatsoever , but such only as shall be good and wholsom for Mans Body . And all Bakers are to keep the Assize appointed : And that all Weights and Measures used in common Traffick shall be duly sized and sealed . And his Lordship doth hereby streightly command all Constables to apprehend and take all sorts of Beggers , idle and suspected persons , and if they see cause to make search in any Victualling-house or other place suspected to harbour such loose and suspected people , and to carry them to Bridewel , as the Statute directs , wherein is contained also a Penalty for the Constables Neglect herein . And that the said Constables do duly hold their Watches every Night , and suffer no persons to pass the Streets at late and unseasonable hours , unless they can give a good accompt of themselves and their occasions . And whereas the Commissioners for Sewers and Pavements have agreed on certain Rules and Directions for the better cleansing the Streets and common Passages within this City and Liberties , pursuant to the Directions of a late Act of Parliament , and have printed and published the same ; Therefore all Inhabitants and others concerned are hereby required to take notice thereof and punctually to observe the same . And his Lordship will take care of the Complaints that shall be made to the Commissioners against the persons neglecting their Duty therein , that the Nusances may be removed and the Penalties severely inflicted on Offenders . And his Lordship doth expect , That all manner of persons within this City and Liberties , do in all particulars demean themselves as becomes them within the bounds of Iustice , Sobriety and good Order , conceiving himself obliged in Duty , and for discharge of his Trust , to inflict such due Punishment upon all Criminals and Offenders , as the nature of their Offences shall require ; and he doth expresly charge all Constables and other his Majesties Officers within this City and Liberties , and all Citizens of this City , ( as they tender the good Government , Peace and Welfare thereof ) to discover and give Information either to his Lordship , the Court of Aldermen , or any of his Majesties Iustices of the Peace within the said City , of all persons offending and misdemeaning themselves , wherein they shall from time to time receive all due encouragement and countenance . Dated at Guildhall the 23. day of December , in the 24. year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord CHARLES the Second , by the Grace of God of England , Scotland , France and Ireland King , Defender of the Faith , &c. God save the King. Printed by Andrew Clark , Printer to the Honourable City of LONDON , at his House in Aldersgate-street . MDCLXXII . A49066 ---- By the maior whereas divers persons rudely disposed, within this city, have of late years been observed to behave themselves in an uncivil and insolent manner towards persons of quality ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1673 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49066 Wing L2885S ESTC R41294 31354829 ocm 31354829 110270 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49066) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110270) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:9) By the maior whereas divers persons rudely disposed, within this city, have of late years been observed to behave themselves in an uncivil and insolent manner towards persons of quality ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Hanson, Robert, Sir, fl. 1672-1673. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed by Andrew Clark, Printer to the Honourable City of London, [London] : [1673] Other title information from first lines of text. "Given at Guild-Hall, this Five and Twentieth day of March, 1673. and in the Five and Twentieth Year of His Majesties Reign." Reproduction of original in the Guildhall Library (London, England). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- (London, England) -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Maior . WHEREAS divers Persons rudely disposed , within this City , have of late years been observed to behave themselves in an uncivil and insolent manner towards Persons of Quality ; by means whereof divers that would otherwise be forward to come within the City for supply of their Occasions , are forced to repair to other Places , least they should suffer here by the Violence and Rudeness that is too often committed and acted in the Streets of this City , to the great Scandal and Disreputation of the Government , as well as Prejudice and Loss of the Trade and Commerce of this City . These are therefore by the Advice of my Brethren the Aldermen and the Commons of this City in Common Council assembled ; in His Majesties Name streightly to charge and command all Persons within this City and the Liberties thereof , as they will answer the contrary at their utmost Perils , to behave themselves at all times in a civil and orderly manner , with due Respect and Regard to all Persons of Quality , Ladies and Gentlemen , that shall think fit to repair at any time to this City upon their Occasions . And because the Misdemeanors and Rudeness of Car-men , Dray-men and other Persons hereafter mentioned committed in the Streets are too notorious : These are therefore streightly to command , That from henceforth no Car-man , Dray-man or other person with a Car or Cart or the like , do presume to run against or obstruct any Gentlemans Coach in their Passage in any the Streets of this City , but give them full space and freedom of Passage without the least Disturbance , Affront or Injury to be offered to them , their Servants , Horses or Coaches . And also that Tankard-Bearers , Porters , and other Persons laden with Burdens or of inferior Quality do forbear to run against , justle or offer the least uncivil Action to Persons of better Quality , and that they do constantly give them place in their passage on foot through the Streets . And all Vagrants , Beggers and other idle and lewd Persons are hereby enjoyned not to presume to place themselves in , or wander about any the Streets and publick Passages of this City . And all Constables and other Officers are hereby charged and required to intercept and apprehend all such Persons , and deal with them according to the Law in that behalf . And whereas throwing of Squibs , Fire-Works , Foot-ball Play and the like , are at certain Seasons frequently practised by Apprentices and others in the Streets , which is a great Grievance and Annoyance to the publick Passages of this City , Whereby much Mischief is often done , and is an occasion of great Fear to Passengers . These are therefore further to command all Apprentices and other young Persons to forbear from time to time all such rude Practices . And that all Masters of Families do look to and secure their Sons , Apprentices and Servants in the well ordering of themselves and giving due Obedience hereunto . And all Persons are to take notice , that the Observation hereof is strictly required . And all Offenders in any the particulars before-mentioned shall suffer the utmost Penalties can be inflicted upon them . Given at Guild-Hall , this Five and Twentieth day of March , 1673 . and in the Five and Twentieth Year of His Majesties Reign . God save the King. Printed by Andrew Clark , Printer to the Honourable City of LONDON . A42547 ---- God's soveraignty displayed from Job 9. 12. : Behold he taketh away, who can hinder him? &c., or, A discourse shewing, that God doth, and may take away from his creatures what hee pleaseth, as to the matter what, the place where, the time when, the means and manner how, and the reasons thereof : with an application of the whole, to the distressed citizens of London, whose houses and goods were lately consumed by the fire : an excitation of them to look to the procuring causes of this fiery tryal, the ends that God aims at in it, with directions how to behave themselves under their losses / by William Gearing ... Gearing, William. 1667 Approx. 315 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 133 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42547 Wing G435A ESTC R18630 13046408 ocm 13046408 96928 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42547) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 96928) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 739:25) God's soveraignty displayed from Job 9. 12. : Behold he taketh away, who can hinder him? &c., or, A discourse shewing, that God doth, and may take away from his creatures what hee pleaseth, as to the matter what, the place where, the time when, the means and manner how, and the reasons thereof : with an application of the whole, to the distressed citizens of London, whose houses and goods were lately consumed by the fire : an excitation of them to look to the procuring causes of this fiery tryal, the ends that God aims at in it, with directions how to behave themselves under their losses / by William Gearing ... Gearing, William. Gearing, William. No abiding city in a perishing world. [16], 247, [1] p. Printed by R.I. for Thomas Parkhurst ..., London : 1667. Includes bibliographical references. Added t.p. on p. [183]: No abiding city in a perishing world. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Providence and government of God. London (England) -- Fire, 1666. 2006-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-08 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2006-08 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion GOD'S SOVERAIGNTY DISPLAYED . From Job 9.12 . Behold he taketh away , who can hinder him ? &c. OR , A discourse shewing , that God doth , and may take away from his creatures what hee pleaseth , as to the matter what , the place where , the time when , the means and manner how ; and the reasons thereof : With an Application of the whole , to the distressed Citizens of London , whose houses and goods were lately consumed by the FIRE : An excitation of them to look to the procuring causes of this fiery tryal ; the ends that God aims at in it , with directions how to behave themselves under their losses . By William Gearing Minister of the Word . LONDON , printed by R. I. for Thomas Parkhurst at the Golden Bible on London Bridge . 1667. TO THE Right VVorshipfull Sr. John Pelham of Laughton , Sr. John Fagge of Wiston , in the County of Sussex , Baronets : TO Herbert Morley of Glyne , in the same County : to John Gell of Hopton , in the County of Darby , and to Gervaise Pigot of Thrumpton in the County of Nottingham , Esquires . FRom that dreadful fire that consumed a great part of the City of London , about the beginning of September last , I may take occasion to shew , that the greatest chances , alterations , and most notable changes have commonly hapned in the month of September ; Bodinus hath collected many remarkable instances to this purpose . Great earth-quakes wherewith oftentimes great Cities and whole Countries have been destroyed , have happened in the month of September : Such was that Earth-quake at Constantinople , wherein thirteen thousand men were lost in the year 1509 in the month of September : In the same month of September , wherein the battel was fought at Actium , ten thousand men perished in the Land of Palestine , with an Earthquake . The Victory of Augustus also , against Antonius in the battel of Actium , was by him obtained on the second of September , by which victory the Empire both of the East and West , fell into the power of Augustus , himself alone . The third day of the same month the Macedonian Empire which had so long flourished , was by Paulus Aemilius changed from a great Kingdom into divers popular Estates : the King Persius being by him overcome and taken prisoner : Sultan Soliman on the like day took Buda the chief City of Hungaria , with the greatest part of that Kingdome . The same day and month Rhoderick King of Spain , was by the Moors overcome , and driven out of his Kingdom , which wrought a strange alteration in the state of that Monarchy . On the same day of the month revolving , Lewis the twelfth the French King took the City of Milan , with Lewis Sphortia Duke thereof , whom he deprived of his Estate . On the like day the Emperour Charles the fifth passed over into Affrica , and invaded the Kingdome of Algiers . On the same third day of September , in the year 1658. dyed O. Cromwel : on that very day of the month , wherein hee had gotten two notable Victories , the one at Dunbar in Scotland , 1650. the other at Worcester , Anno 1651. On the fourth day of September dyed Sultan Solyman before Sigeth , which being one of the strongest holds of Christendome , was by the Turks taken the seventh day after , the City of Jerusalem was taken about this time of the month of September by the Romans , as Xiphilinus declareth . On the ninth day of September , Alexander the Great at Arbela overthrew Darius King of Persia , with his Army of four hundred thousand men , and so joyned the Kingdome of Persia unto his own . On the same day in the year 1544. James King of Scots , was by the Englishmen slain , and his Army overthrown . On the tenth of September , John Duke of Burgundy was slain by the commandment of Charles the seventh , whence arose great Wars throughout all France . On the like day and month was Peter Louys the Tyrant of Placenzza slain by the Conspiratours . On the eleventh of September the Paleology the Greek Emperors tooke the Imperial City of Constantinople , and drave out thence the Earls of Flanders , who had there possessed the Empire 560 years . On the fourteenth day of September , the Switzers were with a great slaughter overthrown by the French in the Expedition of Merignan ; which self-same day also the Turk's great Army besieged Vienna the Metropolitical City of Austria . On the seventeenth day , the French Army was overthrown at Poictiers , and King John himself taken Prisoner by the English . On the same day of the month A. D. 1575 the Christian Fleet with a great slaughter overthrew the Turk's great Fleet in the battel of Lepanto . On the same day of the same month Charles the ninth , King of France , was by his Subjects assailed near unto Meaux , where by speedy flight , and the help of the Switzers , hee hardly with life escaped the hands of the Conspiratours . A. D. 1567. On the which self-same day , month and year , Henry King of Sweden was by his rebellious Subjects dispoiled of his Estate , and cast into Prison . On the eighteenth day of September Bulloign was surrendred to the English . Vpon the like day of the month , Bajazet at Nicopolis overthrew a great Army of the Christians , of three hundred thousand men . And on the same day Saladine took the City of Jerusalem , on which Pompey had before taken it . On the twentieth day of September , was that sharpe sight at Newbury , in that late unhappy War in England . A. D. 1643. On the four and twentieth day of September , Constantine the great in a bloody battel , overcame Maxentius the Emperour . A. D. 333. and so became a great Monarch , which wrought a notable change , almost throughout the whole World ; from thenceforth he commanded the year to bee begun in September , and to the Greek Feasts unto that day is added , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In this month Pope Boniface 8th . A. D. 1303. was taken Prisoner , and deprived of his Papal dignity . On the third day of the same month , A. D. 1556. such a Tempest of rain and Thunder hapned at Lucern , as that a greater ( as was reported ) was never seen ; On which self-same month & day , the Town-Hall of Maidenburg in Germany , with the Citizens dancing therein , were altogether with lightning consumed . About the beginning of this month A. D. 465. such an horrible fire brake forth in Constantinople by the water-side , which raged with that fury for four daies together , that it consumed the greatest part of the City , and such was the force thereof , that as Evagrius saith , the strongest Houses were but like so much dried stubble before it . And how hath the Lord sent a dreadful Fire upon London , and it hath consumed the lofty buildings and Palaces thereof in September last ? We read also , that many of the greatest Princes and Monarchs of the world , to have dyed in this very month of September ; Viz. Augustus , Tiberius ▪ Vespasian , Titus , Domitian , Aurelianus , Theodosius the great , Valentinian , Gratian , Basilius , Constantine the fifth , Leo the 4th . Rodolph , Frederick the 4th . Charles the 5th . all Roman or Greek Emperors . And of the French Kings , Pepin , Lewis the younger , Philip the 3d. Charles the 5th . sirnamed the Wife , and Lewis his Kinsman , King of Hungary , and Polland , with many other most noble and famous Monarchs . And it is remarkable , that Lothair and Charles the Bald , the one the K. of France , and the other the German Emperor , ( and both of them the Sons of Lewis the devout Emperor ) both died the 29th . of September , the first of them in the year , 855. and the other A. D. 877. So Charles 5. and Sultan Solyman , two of the greatest Emperours that were these many Ages , were both born in one year , and so both also dyed in one month , viz. in September . Now though some have thought all these great and marvellous effects , to have been wrought by the Conjunction of the superiour Planets , or look below God to secondary causes ; yet let us look above all these , to God himself , who worketh all things after the Counsel of his own will , Eph. 1.11 . Right Worshipful , to you I Dedicate these ensuing Meditations , as a publick testimonial of those respects you have manifested to me , let me beseech you to look diligently to your selves , because the Lord hath set you on higher ground than many others ; it is more for persons in your places and stations to win the City of God , being ships of greater burden , and in the main Ocean , than for small Vessels that are not so much at the mercy of the stormes , because by sailing along the Coast , they may come quietly to the Haven . In the midst of your worldly affairs ; labour ye to be like the fresh Rivers , that preserve their own sweetness in the salt-Sea . Thus recommending you to the rich Grace of God , I humbly take my leave , and remain , Yours in all Gospel-Services to bee commanded , W. GEARING . Cransden in Sussex . March. 27. 1667. God's Soveraignty DISPLAYED . Job 9.12 . Behold , he taketh away , who can hinder him ? Who will say unto him , what dost thou ? CHAP. I. FOr the Author of this Book , whether it were Moses , as the Jewish Rabbins think , or Job himself , it mattereth not ; we being assured that the Pen-man thereof ( as of all holy Scriptures ) was inspired from above , and it came not by private motion , but the Author thereof spake and wrote as he was moved by the Holy Ghost ; as S. Peter tells us , 2 Pet. 1.20 , 21. yea , all the Authors of the Scriptures being as Justin Martyr testifies , like Lutes ready strung , though not sounding till they were struck by the Finger of God : It is of no great consequence who wrote it , as what is written in it . Hierom who ( as Lyra testifieth ) twice translated it , once out of Greek into Latin , and out of Hebrew also into Latin , saith , that it was for the most part written in Hebrew Hexameter verse : All do number it among the Poetical Books : It may seem a Tragedy in regard of those many miseries that Job endured , but at length it turned to a Comedy , by the happy issue and blessed deliverance that God giveth to him . In the words of my Text Job acknowledgeth the Soveraignty , Power , and Righteousness of God in all his dealings with , and Dispensations toward men . The word [ Behold ] is a note of attention , like the sounding of a Trumpet before a Proclamation , or the ringing out of a great Bell before a Sermon , and it signifies some matter of worth , of admiration and observation . In the matter it self ye may observe Gods dispensations toward men : Gods Dispensation is expressed in the Original in one word , he taketh away . One Expositor saith , he snatcheth away suddenly , of which kind of Dispensation , Job himself had great and sad experience , four persons one after another being sad Messengers of four sad and sudden strokes , Job 1. Then their condition and carriage under Gods Dispensation is to be observed , wherein two things are to be noted . 1. It cannot be resisted : whatsoever he pleaseth , he taketh away ; who can hinder him , or cause him to restore ? None can rescue , or recover out of his hand . 2. It ought not to be controuled : Who will say unto him , what dost thou ? Who may in thought or word question or call him to account for any of his Dispensations ? CHAP. II. Obser . THat the Lord doth , and may take from his creatures what he pleaseth . The point hath two branches . 1. De facto . 2. De jure . That the Lord doth often take away many things from his Creatures ; and that of right he may do it . That the Lord doth take away from men what he pleaseth , there are great examples in Scripture : this is to be considered in respect of 1. The matter , what . 2. The place , where . 3. The time , when . 4. The means and manner , how . SECT . I. In respect of the matter or things he takes away . 1. He takes away health and strength , and that many times from his dearest Children . We read 2 Kin. 20.1 . That good Hezekiah was sick even unto death : and Joh. 11.3 ▪ The Sisters of Lazarus sent to Christ , saying ; Lord , he whom thou lovest is sick . The efficient cause of all diseases is God himself . I will appoint over you Terrour , Consumption , and the Burning Ague , &c. Levit. 26.16 . I will appoint them as so many Tyrants and Lords over you , who shall vex you with all manner of vexation ; and I will appoint them over you as so many Judges , who shall punish you for all your disobediences ; and I will appoint them over you is so many Executioners , who shall execute the fierceness of my wrath upon you : they shall be over your heads , over your hearts , over your bodies ; they shall fall upon you when I will , and as often as I please ; they shall go to this person or that place , whither I shall direct and send them ; go whether you will , yet still they shall be over you ; you shall not escape them ; when I bid them to fall upon you . I will set them over you as so many Task-Masters with Cudgels in their hands over their slaves ; they shall be watching over you to do you mischief ; you are not afraid of my threatnings , nor do you tremble at my word of precept ; therefore I will appoint terrour over you , I will appoint terrifying diseases to come upon you ; yea , your own fancies shall terrifie you : Do we not see how mens fancies and imaginations are set over them in every place to affright them at this day ? How doth God sometimes set Conscience over men to terrifie them , sometimes their sins , sometimes his Judgements ; yea , God makes every rumor to affright them , and nothing can allay those terrours ; every man they meet , every bush they see , every sickness that is neer them , doth terrifie them ; fear is from God. — I will , saith he , set the Consumption over you , a Consumption which shall consume the flesh of men , and make them to pine away from day to day , waxing more and more feeble ▪ so that all the means they shall use , shall be of no value for their recovery ; God hath appointed it over them , there is no escaping : There is no remedy against evils which God appointeth over a people : so the shaking Ague makes the strong-bodied , and the stout-hearted men to tremble : so likewise the Fever is of Gods appointment , which wasteth the spirits , dries up the radical humor , and puts men into a scorching flame . The like is threatned , Deut. 28.22 . The Lord shall smite thee with a Consumption , and with a Fever , and with an Inflammation , and with an extreme burning : And ver . 27. The Lord will smite thee with the botch of Egypt , and with the Emerods , and with the scab , and with the itch ▪ whereof thou canst not be healed . Ver. 28. The Lord shall smite thee with madness , and blindness , and astonishment of heart . Ver. 59. The Lord will make thy plagues wonderful , and the plagues of thy seed great plagues , and of long continuance , and sore sicknesses , and of long continuance . Ver. 60. Moreover , he will bring upon thee all the diseases of Egypt , which thou wast afraid of , and they shall cleave unto thee : Also every sickness , and every plague , which is not written in this book , will the Lord bring upon thee . Thus you see , every disease in the world is the stroke of God. Men may attribute it , as Pagans do to ill luck , you may attribute it to the unseasonableness of the weather , to extremity of heat or cold , to drought or moisture , to the illness of the seasons : All these are of God ; it is he that changeth times and seasons , it is he that maketh the constellations of the Heavens to meet in such and such conjunctions , it is he that causeth a distemper in the air ; it is not the unseasonableness of the year , the illness of diet , that can bring diseases upon the body , unless God appoints them over a sinful people : Yea , sometimes God imployeth Angels to execute his wrath upon mens bodies , he permits the Angels to infest the air , and so plagues and pestilential diseases are over a people ; it is the Lord that sends forth these destroying Angels ; sometimes he suffereth the Devil to smite men , as he did permit him to smite the body of Job with sores : whom or whatsoever you may look upon as the causes of diseases , they are of Gods appointment ; it is he that taketh away the health and strength of any person or people . SECT . II. He takes away life , Psa . 90.3 . Thou turnest man to destruction , and sayest , Return ye Children of Adam to the dust : dust ye are , and to dust ye shall return . When the living God saith Return , there is no nay : in his hand is our life and breath , and all our wayes , Dan. 5.23 . The Chaldee Paraphrast renders my Text thus : Si rapuerit hominem è mundo . If he shall snatch man away out of the world . So S. August . if he will stop thy breath , and deliver thee up to death , who can hinder him ? as if Job should have said thus : He hath taken away my Children , my Cattel , my substance , my health , my strength , and all my outward comforts , and if he now come and take away my life too , I cannot hinder him . God threatned the old world , Gen. 6.6 , 7. I will destroy man from the face of the earth . The Original word signifies ( as Pareus observeth upon the place ) I will steep him as a man steepeth a piece of earth in water , till it turn to dirt ; man is but clay , a speaking piece of clay , and is apt to forget his Maker , and the matter whereof he is made ; none but God can reduce man to his first principles , and original matter whereof he was made : there is no dust so high , but the great God is able to give it a steeping . In the City of Jerusalem , during the time of the siege by the Romans , there died and were killed eleven hundred thousand , and there were taken by the Romans ninety and seven thousand ; at which time there were slain in all Judea in several places , to the number of twelve hundred and forty thousand Jews , besides an innumerable multitude who perished with famine , exile , and other miseries . In the second Carthaginian War , in Italy , Spain and Cicily , in seventeen years , fifteen hundred thousand men were consumed . The Civil War of Caesar and Pompey swallowed down three hundred thousand ▪ Pompey the Great wrote it upon the Temple of Minerva , that he had scattered , chased and killed , twenty hundred eighty and three thousand men ; and one Cains Caesar gloried in it , that eleven hundred ninety and two thousand men were killed by him in the Wars . King Mithridates , by one Letter , caused eighty thousand Roman Citizens to be slain , who were dispersed through Asia for traffique . In Judea , in the time of King David , one Pestilence in a very short time swept away seventy thousand men . Under Gallus and Volusianus Emperours , a Plague arose from Ethiopia , and invaded the Roman Provinces , and emptied them for fifteen years together , and sent an innumerable company of mortals to their graves . In the time of Justinian the Emperours , in the City of Constantinople , and the places adjoyning , the Pestilence raged so much , that every daylit dispatched five thousand , and some daies ten thousand to their long home . In Numidia eight hundred thousand persons died of the Plague ; in the Sea-Towns of Africa , two hundred thousand . In Greece , Anno Christi , 1359 ▪ there was such a Pestilence , that the living were scarce able to bury the dead . In Athens the Pestilence raged for twelve years together . When Italy was wasted by the Gothes , in Picene only , fifty thousand persons were starved with hunger . At Fidenae under Tiberius the Emperour , by the fall of the Amphitheatre there perished the number of twenty thousand Spectators . How many thousands were swept away the last year in the great City of this our Land by the Pestilence , and yet in many other Cities , Towns and Villages of this Kingdome , the Plague devoureth at noon-day ; the Plague cries with a loud voice still to us , Death is neer , Death is in your streets , Death is creeping in at your houses , and entring in at your windows . Now whosoever , or whatsoever be the Instrument of Death , it is God only that takes away the lives of men at his pleasure . See now that I , even I am he , and there is no God with me ; I kill , and I make alive , Deut. 32.39 . SECT . III. He takes away the spirits and courage of men ; that albeit they have opportunities put into their hands of doing this or that , yet their hearts shall fail them , and they shall not be able to effect it . He is said to cut off the spirits of Princes , Psa . 76. ult . Princes are usually men of the stoutest spirits , but God sometimes cuts off the spirit of Princes . When Belshazzar , that Babylonish Monarch , was in the midst of his jollity , drinking Wine with a thousand of his Princes , in the Vessels of gold which his Father brought from the Temple of Jerusalem , he suddenly saw a hand-writing upon the wall , at which sight the King was amazed , so that his countenance was changed , and the joynts of his loyns were loosed , and his knees smote one against the other : What was the cause of this so great affrightment ? He saw a hand ; what hand ? the hand of a man. What could one hand of a man , saith one , terrifie so mighty a Monarch ? Had he seen the paws of a Lion , of a Bear or Dragon , there had been some cause of terrour ; but need such a puissant Prince fear the hand of a man so much , at whose beck and command an hundred Troops of Armed Horse would presently fly to his assistance ? What dreadful weapon could that one hand wield or mannage ? None but a Pen , with which it wrote : No other man would , much less a King , be afraid of a writing pen. Had he beheld the three darts of Joab , or the Fiery Sword of the Flaming Cherub brandished directly against him , he had then had some argument of astonishment . But one hand , one pen , one piece of writing which he understood not , this was that which daunteth him . Sometimes the imagination that this or that evil will befall them , doth so disturb them , that they are presently over-whelmed with fear . There are more things which affright us , than there be which oppress us : some things do torment us more than they ought , some things do afflict us before they ought , some do disturb us which ought not : We often give place to our imaginations , and do not give a check to those things which lead us into fears , but feeding our fears by our fancy , we turn our backs and fly , and many times fly when none pursueth . I have read of certain Souldiers , who being amazed at a little dust raised up by a flock of sheep , turned their backs , as if the Enemy had been at their heels . The French History tells us , that the men of Burgundy were so affrighted at the apprehension of the approach of their Enemies , that they thought long Thistles to be men with Lances . We read that in the daies of Ahaz , King of Judah , that Rezin the King of Syria , and Pekah the Son of Remaliah , King of Israel , went up to Jerusalem to war against it , but could not prevail against it ; and it was told the house of David , that Syria was confederate with Ephraim ; hereupon the heart of Ahaz was moved , and the heart of his people , as the trees of the wood are moved with the wind , Isa . 7.1 , 2. This kind of fear fills the heart with all confusion , leaving a man without memory , judgement , or will to encounter any danger that threatens his ruine , it dis-spirits a man , and enfeebleth his spirits ; that whereas fear is a spur to generous spirits to strengthen them , stirring them up to the use of the most effectual means to avoid the danger , it doth so deject the faint-hearted and fearful man , as he remaineth like a meer block or stone , uncapable at all of any action . There is a slavish fear , when the dread of evil drives us to desperateness in evil , and forceth us to fly from the presence of God. This is the worst plague of all other , no terrour is like inward terrours arising from a guilty Conscience . The Conscience of sin is the Mother of fear , saith Chrysostome ; sin is horrours fuel . This was the ground of Cains fear ; the accusation of a guilty Conscience followed him where-ever he went , he knowing that blood required blood ; feared lest every one that met him would kill him , Gen. 4. 14. Such a fear surprized Caligula the Roman Emperour , of whom it is written , that when it thundered , he would get into a Vault he had under the earth , to hide himself from the wrath of God : Such was the fear of some whom Aulus Gellius speaks of , who thought there was a plurality of Gods , and they divers in quality ; so some good , some bad ; some good to whom they sacrificed , and prayed to help them , and some bad also , whom they desired to please , that they might not hurt them . Sin makes in man an Assizes , where the soul standeth arraigned and condemned before a terrible Judge : The Heathen said , that the greatest terrour was earthquakes , thunderbolts , burnings , deluges , the earth gaping ; but what is all this to a trembling heart , to the thunderbolts of Gods Judgements , to the burning Lake , to the inundations of the waters of bitterness , to the yawning of the gulf of hell ; this and worse is the condition of that man whose heart is the habitation of terrour : such a man is Magor Missabib , he is compassed about with terrour on every side , yea he is a terrour to himself ; he feels a deadly arrow wounding him to the very heart , there is both a fire burning , and a knife sticking in his tender heart . SECT . IV. He takes away beauty from man : Beauty is but momentaneum corporis accidens : If the body fall to ruine , the accident cannot stand . Among all the qualities that flee away with the body of man , there is none more swift than beauty . When thou with rebukes dost correct man for iniquity , thou makest his beauty to consume away like a moth , Psa . 39.11 . David complained , that when Gods hand lay heavy upon him , his moisture was turned into the drought of Summer , Psa . 32.4 . The radical moisture , or chiefest sap of his body was dried up , wasted and worn away , so as he was even brought to deaths door , and become little better than an Anatomy , or bag-full of bones . The radical moisture is an airy and oily substance dispersed through the body , whereby the life and vigor of the body is fostered , which being spent , death ensueth : And Solomon tells us , that a sorrowful spirit drieth the bones , Prov. 17.22 . the gathering together of much blood about the heart , extinguisheth the good spirits , or at least dulleth them , and that humor having seized on the heart , it cannot well digest the blood and spirits , which ought to be diffused through the whole body , but turneth them into melancholly , the which humor being dry and cold , drieth up the whole body , and consumeth the beauty thereof , for cold extinguisheth heat , and driness moisture , which two qualities do principally concern the life of man. The passion of fear hath likewise wrought strange effects upon some mens bodies : I have read of some to whom the sentence of death hath been brought in the Evening , whose hair hath turned white before the next morning . Beauty is but skin-deep , a very slender vail , a painted flower that soon withereth ; although thy hair doth now flourish , thy flesh doth shine like ivory ▪ though thy Rofial face be beautified with the twinkling gems of thy rolling eyes ; though the health of thy body doth now minister ability ; though youthful age doth promise space of longer life ; though reason springeth , and the bodily senses are nimble and vigorous ; though the sight be quick , the hearing ready , the going right and strait , the face and countenance most pleasant and delectable , yet a violent Fever will debilitate thy body , and a few fits of a Quartan Ague turn thy beauty into swarthy deformity ; old age , and the space of a few years , will shew the slightness of it , and death will utterly consume it . If vain creatures , that like Narcissus , dote upon their faces , did think how soon , and how many wayes God could blast and take away their beauty , they would not spend so many precious hours at the glass in trimming this outward sheath , which might have been much better spent about the adorning of the precious soul . SECT . V. He takes away wealth and riches from men : It is the Lord that giveth wealth , and it is in his power also to take it away . Seneca said , That Fortune is a glass ; which oftentimes is the sooner broken , the more that it shineth : And the Psalmist saith , I have seen the wicked spreading himself like a green bay-tree , yet he passed-away , and loe he was not ; yea , I sought him , but he could not be found , Psa . 37.35 , 36. As Job acknowledgeth that God had given , so likewise that God had taken . One might have said to him , O Job thou seemest to be mistaken , for this large Patrimony thou hast now lost , thou hadst from thy Parents , thou gottest it together by thy own proper industry ; these flocks and droves of cattle thou hast obtained by thy own wit : But Job saith , I am not mistaken ; for neither my Parents , nor my own labour , nor yet my own ingenuity , but the Lord gave me all these things , all which therefore by right and equity he hath taken away , because he gave them . But it may be objected , did God take them away ? Is it not injurious to God to say so ? For the Chaldeans and Sabeans drove away all his cattle ; or if you will behold the original of all this mischief , Satan bereaved him of all , for he procured the fire , he raised the winds , he instigated those Robbers and Free-booters , he threw down the house , and in very deed he did all these things ; and therefore Satan took all away : but Job holdeth his former sentence , and repeateth it ; the Lord hath taken away , even the same Lord who gave me these blessings , he hath taken away ; not the Sabeans , not the Chaldeans , not Satan , but the Lord hath taken away , and that rightly too , for he gave them all unto me ; for except the Lord had given this license to Satan , neither he nor any other of his Instruments could so much as have stoln a Fleece , nor a lock of wooll from me . The Son of Syrach saith , that good and evil , life and death , poverty and riches , are from the Lord ; and saith he further , In the day of good , remember the day of evil ; when thou hast enough , remember the time of hunger ; and when thou art rich , think , upon poverty and need : From morning until the evening the time is changed , and all such things are soon done before the Lord : Art thou a Lord , and of great power , thou mayst be brought to serve ? Art thou rich and wealthy , thou mayst be brought to beggery and penury ? Dost thou now swim in wealth , and is thy substance encreased ? One hour , yea a few moments , may deprive thee of all thy goods ; and when thy wealth shall take its uncontrolled wings , and fly away from thee , then thou shalt be driven to say , I knew , what was but for my use , was not my own ; the Lord gave it , and he also took it away . SECT . VI. The Lord taketh away honours from men : He powreth contempt upon Princes , saith the Psalmist , Psa . 107.40 . Man being in honour abideth not , he is like the beasts that perish : Sim lis pecoribus morticinis , like beasts that die of the Murrain , saith Tremelluns , and so become useless , and fit for nothing . This seemeth not unaptly to be figured in Dan. 2. where King Nebuchadnezzar saw an Image , whose head was of gold , whose arms and breasts were of silver , the belly of brass , the feet of iron and clay : And there was a stone cut out of the Mountains without hands , which struck the Image on the feet , and brake it in pieces , and brought it into dust . Figuratively by this high Image , you may understand the High and Mighty Man of the World , whose golden Head doth signifie the Nobility of his blood , the height of his birth , and his high honour and advancement in the world ; his breast and arms of silver , signifieth the quantity of his money , in the getting whereof the rich man useth his heart , hand and arms ; the belly of Brass , denoteth his fame or report sounding abroad , for brass doth lend a great noise or sound ; by the legs of Iron , his strength and power is figured ; and by the feet of Clay or Earth , is noted his mortality : The stone which is cut out of the Mountain without hands , may denote the death of man , which the hand of the Lord hath not made , saith the Author to the Book of Wisdome , neither doth he delight in the destruction of any , but our first Parents came thereunto by their own demerits ; wherefore this stone strikeing the feet of the Image , doth suddenly and unexpectedly bring the High and Mighty into dust , as well as others , neither is there any one that can resist his fury ; and such , so great , and so uncertain is his violence in the manner , in the place , and in the time , that mans honour , force , or policy , cannot any way suffice to provide defence against him . Of Gods taking away honour from men , we have a notable instance in proud Haman , who grew insolent by the Kings favour , cruel , stately and lofty in his gate , as if he would have reached the very stars : All the Kings servants bowed their knees to Haman , and worshipped him , for so the King had commanded . Now Haman was as a Cock upon his own dunghill , and would also be worshipped of Mordecai as well as others , this Mordecai could not brook ; some think he could not do it , because Haman had the form of some Idol-gods wrought on his garments in Needle-work ; others think this worship did contain something of Divine Worship in it , a worship not to be given to man , therefore Mordecai refused to perform it , lest he should have given Gods honour to a man. Now behold on a sudden a wonderful alteration , while Haman was next to the King , and bragged of his Honours and Riches , his Noble Family , his Children , his benevolent fortune , the Kings favour , and the like , while he had the Command of an hundred twenty and seven Provinces , he is adjudged by the King to the Gallows , while Mordecai that was condemned to the Halter , was all of a sudden cloathed with the Kings Robes , set upon the Kings Horse , adorned with the Kings Crown upon his head , led through all the chief places of the City , Haman being as it were his Lacquey to attend him , crying , So shall it be done to the man whom the King delighteth to honour . See what a change is here ; Mordecai but even now appointed to the Gallows , is now next to the Throne , and Haman who was so highly advanced , is now hanged upon the Gibbet he had provided for Mordecai . SECT . VII . He takes away liberty : At Rome M. Cato , the pattern of a wise and prudent man , a lively Embleme of Virtue , was haled , thrust down , spit upon , stript both of his Senatorship and Pretorship , cast into prison , and compelled , as Socrates , there to die . King Jehoiakin is bound in fetters , and carried away prisoner to Babylon : Manasseh is bound in Chains , and Zedekiah is bound with fetters of brass , and carried to Babylon , 2 Kings 25.6 , 7. how was that of the Psalmist fulfilled in them ? He shall bind their Kings in chains , and their Nobles in fetters of iron , Psa . 149.8 . Sapor King of Persia took Valentinian the Emperour , and led him as a Foot-block for himself to step upon , when he moved into his saddle : Thus Tamerlane served Bajazet the Turkish King. This hath been the lot of some of Gods dear servants . Joseph is sold for a slave , and put into prison in the Land of Egypt : When Micaiah did prophesie , and pleased not King Ahab , the wicked King commanded , that he should be put in the Prison-house , and fed with the bread and water of affliction . John Baptist was shut up in close prison by Herod : Paul and Silas were cast into prison , Act. 16.23 . and thrust by the Jaylor into the inner prison , and their feet made fast in the Stocks . The Apostles were put into the common prison , Act. 5.18 . Peter was imprisoned by Herod the King , and delivered to four Quaternions of Souldiers to keep him , Act. 12.4 . But no evil shall befall those whom God possesseth wheresoever they are : What! though Joseph be in prison , yet the Keepers of the Prison shall see that the Lord is with him , he shall there speedily find his liberty ; the very obscurities of the Dungeon will furnish him with light enough to discern what will happen ; and those that have been the contrivers of his ruine , shall be the causers of his happiness : God followed Joseph into the Pit , into Egypt , and into the very prison , he is ever present with those who love and serve him faithfully . Are they falsly accused , and thrown into prison ? E carcere veniet judex judicaturus judices . Out of the prison shall come a Judge that shall judge their Judges , and those that falsly accuse and condemn them . Oh how sweet is the yoak when God fastens us to it ? How pleasing is Chains when God is with us , and sets our souls at liberty ? John Baptist being in prison , was careful to promote the glory of Christ , and to have it known that he was the true Messiah , that he was also mindful of the salvation of his Disciples , and was careful to have their Faith confirmed in this Article which was Fundamental , and necessary to Salvation . This burning and shining light could not be kept from shining abroad by the thick walls of the prison ; and though he was bound perhaps , yet the Word of God in his mouth , zeal for Gods glory , and love to his Brethren , was not bound : So we find S. Paul in prison , instructed and confirmed the Saints by Letters : It is a great honor to bear Chains and Fetters for Christ , this is the golden end of the Cross of Christ : No man can be miserable there , where Christ is the keeper of the prison , and Lord of the Keys . SECT . VIII . God takes away Children , and dear Relations : When Job's cattle , servants , and substance were taken away , the Lord suffereth the Devil to bereave him of his Children also : We are to know , that all that die for sin , do not die in sin ; this under-garden is Gods own , and all that groweth in it , the flowers , trees , and fruits be his own ; if some be but Summer apples , he may pluck them off before others : When God takes away our Children , they are not gone away , but sent before ; and we should not think them to be lost to us who are found to Christ : God many times takes away our Children , lest wickedness should alter their understanding , or deceit beguile their minds ; though they were soon dead , yet fulfilled they much time ; and they may justly say , mors nobis lucrum , death to us is great gain , in that both they escaped this worlds miseries , and were quickly put into the possession of Eternal felicity ; if they have cast their flower , their bloom is fallen into Christs Lap , and as they were lent a while to Time , so now they are given to Eternity ; and whereas others are fain to pass thorow even a vast Ocean of troubles , they by a short cut , and a little Bridg , have gained to arrive in the Land of the Living by the Conduct of Death . Methinks I hear even Christ from heaven more earnestly rebuking those that would not suffer little children to come unto him of their own accord ( concerning whom he hath said , Of such is the Kingdome of God ) than he did those that rebuked those that brought them . And these little ones ( who when they came into the world , might as well have laughed as wept , having equal possibility to both ) yet they wept as soon as they were born the Prophets of their own calamity , for their tears are witnesses of their misery , as yet they spake not , yet they prophesied : What did they prophesie ? that they should come into the world with pain and fear ; being now past out of the world , to cry loud unto their Parents and Friends that do mourn for their absence , speaking not in the language of Canaan , but of the heavenly Jerusalem ; if you did love us , you would rejoyce , because we go to our Father ; and weep not for us , but weep for your selves ; and in your weeping for us ( as you cannot chuse but you will ) mourn not as men without hope , we have that you hope for : Our Angels , which behold the face of our heavenly Father , have now performed one of their offices for us , to carry our Souls out of our Nurses Laps into Abrahams Bosome , and in time will execute the second , when he shall send them that can best command them , to gather his Elect from the four winds , and from the one end of the heaven to the other ; then our bones shall be raised out of the Beds where ye have laid them , and shall be coupled with their sinews , compassed with their flesh , covered with their skin , and crowned with immortality : This we have in hope , and not in hand ; but we have received the earnest thereof in our souls , that are already in the joyes of our Saviour , and wait for the other at the appointed time , which cannot be long . I have read of L. Paulus Aemilius , who having lost his two only Sons , all the hope of his house ; the one a little before , the other presently after his triumph , told the people of Rome ( who were sorry in his behalf ) that he was glad in theirs , in that the calamity which had befallen him , might excuse them . Now O ye that have lost all your children , if your seely Scape-goats have carried the penalty of your family with them , and excused the hoped-for posterity of your other Relations , let them glorifie God on their behalf , and say you with Aemilius , I am glad that God hath given just occasion for you to lament for me , rather than for me to bemoan you . SECT . IX . God sometimes takes away Churches , and the light of the Gospel , and Ordinances from a people and Nation ; and wheresoever it to happeneth , the Lord is the Author of this sad change : In the second and third Chapter of the Revelations , Christ directeth divers Epistles to several famous Churches , and he threatneth the most famous Church , viz. the Church of Ephesus , Rev. 2.5 . Remember from whence thou are fallen , and repent , and do thy first works , or else I will come unto thee quickly , and will remove thy Candlestick out of its place , except thou repent . By the Candlestick is meant the Church planted in that place , viz. the visible Church in Ephesus , joyned together in the profession of the Gospel , and the enjoyment of Ordinances , as a Candle put into a Candlestick : Those whom God formeth into a visible Church ( who of themselves were sometimes darkness , as a Candlestick without a Candle ) and sets up the light of the Gospel among them , as men light a Candle , and put it into a Candlestick : So when God will unchurch , he threatens to take away the Candlestick , to take away Church-priviledges and Ordinances ; it is Gods work to do this , I will take away , or remove the Candlestick ; and the state of this Church makes it evident , that it is not in the power of Men or Devils to unchurch a people , or remove the Candlestick , but when the Lord pleaseth . Ephesus was planted in a rich and fruitful soil , it was a flourishing Church , and stood firm under the Roman Persecution ; this Church out-stood the fury of all the Heathen Tyrants , albeit that lasted three hundred years ; and about one hundred and thirty years after ( viz. Anno Christi , 430. ) the Emperour Theodosius II. assembled a famous Council at Ephesus , to assert the truth of Christ , and to condemn the dangerous Heresie of Nestorius , Patriarch of Constantinople , which was in dividing the Natures of Christ , making one Christ Man , and another Christ God , as if they had been two persons : I mention this , to shew that it is not in the power of any to take away the Ordinances of the Gospel , and Church-priviledges , from any place or people , but when the Lord pleaseth : There are these three things to be taken into consideration . 1. Consider the condition of this and other Churches in the time of the ten Roman Persecutions , and the condition of the same Churches afterward in latter times , when they lost their glory : Under the Roman Persecution these Churches were in great measure pure in Doctrine , and holy in Conversation ; and when was the rage of the Devil and his Instruments more against them than when they were purest ? and had they been able , Satan and his Instruments would then have utterly destroyed them : But in after-times they grew loose and corrupt , and then they fell by the world , when they were most suitable to the world , and most corrupted in the world . 2. Compare the Enemies of this and other Churches against whose attempts they were upheld , with those Enemies by whose hands they fell : they were preserved against the power of the Roman Empire for three hundred years , and they fell by the hand of Sarazens and Arabians , the Vassals of that base Impostor and false Prophet Mahomet : Now what comparison between the fallacies and impostures of this false Prophet , and the power of the Roman Empire , to overthrow a Church , and yet they were upheld against all the power of the Roman Tyranny , and fell by the hands of desperate Arabians , Sarazens , and barbarous people , 3. This Church of Ephesus , with many other Churches of the Christians , while they held fast the profession of the Faith of Christ , yielded their bodies to the Roman Emperours as to their Lords during those ten famous Persecutions , and could not be destroyed ; but afterwards , though they took up Arms for their lives , to defend themselves , yet they fell by the hands of barbarous Arabians and Sarazens ; a clear demonstration , that it is not in the power of men or devils to devest men of Church-priviledges , and holy Ordinances , when they please ; therefore when such are taken away , it is the Lord that takes away the Candlestick out of its place , being provoked thereunto by the sins of men , and especially by the unfruitfulness of a people under the Gospel . I will give another instance , viz. in the Church of Israel . 1. In the case of Shiloh , Jos . 18.1 . we read , that the whole Congregation of the children of Israel , assembled at Shiloh , and set up the Tabernacle of the congregration there , and the Land was subdued before them . The Tabernacle had been in a wandring posture for forty years together , all the time they were in the Wilderness , at length it is fixed in Shiloh , being the first resting place of the Ark of Gods presence . Now you may see 1 Sam. Chap. 4. that God gave the Philistines a great Victory against Israel , and the Ark of God was taken by them , and Shiloh was devested of this great blessing : The Psalmist saith , They provoked him to anger , and moved him to jealousie with their graven images ; when God heard this , he was wroth , and greatly abhorred Israel , so that he forsook the Tabernacle of Shiloh , the Tent which he placed among men , Psa . 78.59 , 60. And in Jer. 7.12 Go ye now to my place which was in Shiloh , where I set my Name at the first , and see what I did to it for the wickedness of my people Israel . 2. Consider the case of Temple in Jerusalem , and the Nation of the Jews before Christs coming ; see how God threatens them : I will do to this house which is called by my name , wherein you trust , and unto the place which I gave to you , and to your fathers , as I have done to Shiloh , Jer. 7.14 . Though the Babylonians and Chaldeans were the instruments of its ruine , yet God is said to do it : Thus saith the Lord , I will give this City into the hands of the Chaldeans , and into the hands of Nebuchadnezzar King of Babylon , and he shall take it , Jer. 32.28 . God gave him the City and Temple ; he did but take what God gave into his hand , and the greatest Conquerors do no more , they take but what the Lord giveth them . Consider we likewise the condition of the Temple in Jerusalem , and of the Nation of the Jews after Christs coming into the flesh . We read Luk. 20.9 . Christ spake to the people this Parable ; A certain man planted a Vineyard , and let it forth to Husbandmen , and went into a far Country for a long time ; and at a season he sent a servant to the husbandmen , that they should give him of the fruit of the Vineyard ; but the husbandmen beat him , and sent him away empty ; and again he sent another servant , and they beat him also , and entreated him shamefully , and sent him away empty ; and again he sent the third , and they wounded him also , and cast him out . Then said the Lord of the Vineyard , what shall I do ? I will send my beloved son ; it may be they will reverence him when they see him : But when the husbandmen saw him , they reasoned among themselves , saying ; this is the heir ; come let us kill him , that the inheritance may be ours : So they cast him out of the Vineyard , and killed him ; what therefore shall the Lord of the Vineyard do to these husbandmen ? He will come and destroy these husbandmen , and shall give the Vineyard to others . Now it is said , Ver. 19. that the chief Priests and Scribes the same hour sought to lay hands on him , for they perceived he had spoken this Parable against them . The sense is this : God planted his Church in the Land of Canaan , he brought it out of Egypt , and removed and transplanted it out of a dry and barren soil , and set it in a fat and fruitful place , viz. the Land of Canaan , a Land flowing with milk and honey , he gave them his Word and Ordinances , sent his Prophets among them , rising early and sending them , and called upon them to bring forth fruit ; but instead thereof , they persecuted his Prophets , slew divers of them , and at last slew his own son . Now here is destruction threatned , and who shall do it ? The Lord of the Vineyard shall do it ; he shall come and destroy these husbandmen , and let out the Vineyard to others : So that albeit the Romans were the instruments of this dreadful execution , yet the Lord of the Vineyard did it . Josephus tells us , that Titus was very unwilling to destroy the Temple in Jerusalem , that he laboured to quench the flame after it was set on fire , and suffered some prejudice in his War about it ; it was done divino quodam impetu , by a certain divine stroke , as the same Author observeth . But Joseph being a Jew , was ignorant of the main cause , sc . their rejecting and murdering the Son of God. Now of all judgements , this is the most sad and woful , when God removeth the Candlestick out of its place , and unchurcheth a Nation , and taketh away Church-priviledges , and the use of his Ordinances ; oh that we were deeply sensible , how we have provoked the Lord by our sins to deal with us in this kind , to unchurch us , and leave us in the dark , as a people that shall no longer be owned by the Lord for a people : If the Lord doth continue these priviledges among us , we have cause much to admire his patience , and to magnifie his mercy . You see the people were very much affected with what Christ spake , when he told them the parable fore-mentioned , and that the Lord of the Vineyard would come , and give the Vineyard to others . When they heard it , they said , God forbid , ver . 16. SECT . X. God takes away peace sometimes from a people , and settlement from States and Nations : In all these publick changes we must eye God as the cause of causes ; whatsoever the instruments be , whether good or evil , few or many , whether they act by fraud or force , it is God doth all in all , and they do nothing but what God permits them , and worketh by them . Commonly the Instruments of publick changes are very evil , and the way they take is evil . The four Monarchies presented to Daniel in a Vision , are represented like four cruel Beasts . The Chaldean in the likeness of a Lion , the Persian in the shape of a Bear , the Grecian , or Macedonian , in the likeness of a Leopard , and the Roman by a strange . Monster , with iron teeth , intimating that great Conquerours , that make great changes , are most commonly like wilde and savage beasts . All those savage Beasts fore-mentioned , fastened their Claws upon the Church of Christ . 1. The Assyri● or Babylonian came like a Lion roaring after his prey . In the daies of Pekah King of Israel came Tiglath-Pilneser , King of Assyria , and took Ijon , and Abel-Beth-Maacha , and Janoah , and Kedesh , and Hazor , and Gilead , and Galilee , and all the Land of Naphtali , and carried them Captive to Assyria , 2 Kings 15.29 . And in the ninth year of Hoshea King of Israel , Shalmaneser King of Assyria came up thorowout all the Land , and went up to Samaria ; and besieged it three years : In the ninth year of Hoshea , he took Samaria ; and carried Israel away unto Assyria , and transplanted the ten Tribes , placing them in Halath , and in Habor , by the River of Gozan , and in the Cities of the Medes . Now the Assyrian was Gods Instrument to remove Israel out of their own Land , yet it is said the Lord did it , 2 Reg. 17.18 . The Lord was very angry with Israel , and removed them out of his sight ; there was none left but the Tribe of Judah only : Also Judah kept not the Commandments of the Lord their God , &c. This Beast also invaded Judah also in the time of Sennacherib , and cruelly threatned Jerusalem , where the Temple of God , the special place of his worship was ; and in the time of Nebuchadnezzar , this Beast besieged Jerusalem , and took it , and burnt the House of the Lord , and the Kings house , and all the houses of Jerusalem , and every great mans house burnt he with fire , and carried multitudes of the people to Babylon , and held them in bondage seventy years . Now see what God saith of this cruel Beast ▪ Isai . 10.5 , 6. O Assyrian [ or woe to the Assyrian , as some read it ] the rod of mine anger , and the staff in their hand is mine indignation ; I will send him against an hypocritical Nation , and against the people of my wrath will I give him a charge to take the spoil , and to take the prey , and to tread them down like the mire of the streets . What doth God make of this great Conquerour , the Assyrian Emperour , that prevailed over his own people , and many others , but as the Rod of Gods anger , and one that could do no more than a rod or staff without a hand ; if the Lord had not mannaged it , this staff could have done nothing ; the Lord makes use of Instruments as a staff , and soon sets them behind the door ; and this appeared by the great slaughter that God made in the Host of this proud Assyrian ; for in one night an Angel of the Lord smote in the Camp of the Assyrians , an hundred fourscore and five thousand ; and Sennacherib himself was slain by his own sons , Isa . 37.36 , 37. 2. The Persian Monarchy represented by the Bear , though by the hand of God this Beast was so muzzled , as not utterly to destroy the people of God , and so over-ruled by the Lord , as to give opportunity to the people of God to return and build the Temple , and repair the City of Jerusalem , yet were they afterward persecuted by the Court of Persia , and brought in danger by the pride of Haman , abusing his favour with Ahasuerus the Persian Monarch . 3. The Macedonian represented by a Leopard , came with his flying wings to destroy the Church of God in Judah : afterward it was most grievously afflicted by two limbs of this Beast , viz. that of the South , and that of the North , especially that of the North ; sc . Antiochus Epiphanes , whose cruelties are notably set forth in the first book of the Macchabees . 4. The fourth Beast , viz. the Roman Monarchy , is worse than all the three former Beasts ; and that Vision of Daniel fore-mentioned , is suited to that of S. John in Rev. 13.1 , 2. And I stood upon the sand of the Sea , and saw a Beast rise up out of the Sea , having seven heads , and ten horns , and upon his horns ten Crowns , and upon his heads the name of Blasphemy ; and the Beast which I saw , was like unto a Leopard , and his feet were as the feet of a Bear , and his mouth as the mouth of a Lion , and the Dragon gave him his power , and his seat , and great authority . The reason why Daniel did not liken the fourth to any Beast , as the former three were , is because it was a Monster compounded of the cruelties of the several beasts , sc . of a Lion , Bear , and Leopard , this Beast was like them all . Now this Beast was some hundreds of years before it came to its full growth , and being distant from Judah , the Church of God felt nothing of its fury till the Age before Christ came in the flesh . The first time that this Beast put forth his Paws against the Church , was about sixty one years before the Birth of Christ , when Pompey , the Roman General , taking advantage of the contentions of the two Brethren ( Hircanus and Aristobulus , of the Race of the Macchabees ) about the Priesthood and Principality , took from them the City and Temple of Jerusalem , and made them Tributary to the Romans : whereupon , he and others with him , presumed to enter into the Temple , and saw such things that was not lawful for them to see ; after which violence and presumption , it is noted of Pompey , that was very victorious before , above any one Roman , that he was very unhappy in his wars afterward , and being vanquished by Julius Caesar , fled into Egypt for refuge , and there was murdered where he looked for succour . Crassus committed horrid sacriledge , he robbed the Temple in Jerusalem of ten thousand Talents ( that is , two hundred thousand pounds of our money ) and afterwards being overthrown of the Parthians , had molten gold powred down his throat to satisfie his greedy appetite . One notable mischief the Romans did to the people of God , was the placing of that cruel Herod in the Throne , who was made King by the favour of Augustus and Mark Anthony ; he was a Vassal to the Romans , though a cruel Tyrant to the people of God : And now the Scepter was departed from Judah , and the Law-giver from under his feet ; this Herod slew the Sanedrin and Grand Council of the Land , and murdered the Infants at Bethlehem , from two years old and under , out of a desire to murder Christ in his Infancy . This fourth Beast murdered the Prince of Life , and Lord of Glory , Pilate the Roman Judge condemning him , and the Roman Souldiers putting it in execution : And the Jews , who formerly had suffered by this fourth Beast , as the Church of Christ , and now joyning with this Beast against Christ , they became the most malignant persecutors of Christ and his Church , stirring up the Roman Magistrates in several Provinces and Cities to persecute the Apostles of Christ , and the sincere professors of the truth ; and remaining in their rebellion and enmity against Christ , they were unchurched ; and the Kingdome of the Gospel being translated from them to the Gentiles , the wrath of God came upon them to the uttermost ; eleven hundred thousand of them were slain by the Sword , Famine and Pestilence , at the Siege , by Vespasian and Titus his Son , and the residue sold for slaves , and afterwards five hundred thousand of them ruinated by Adrian the Emperour . And because the Soveraign Power was now setled in the Emperours , that I may speak further of the fury of this Beast against the Saints of the most High , I think fit to the two former descriptions in Daniel , and that in Revel . 13. to add another out of Revel . 17.3 . where S. John saith , I saw a woman sit upon a scarlet coloured beast , full of names of blasphemy , having seven heads , and ten horns . This is explained , ver . 9. The seven heads are seven mountains on which the woman sitteth . Ver. 10. And there are seven Kings , five are fallen , and one is , and the other is not yet come , and when he cometh , he must continue a short space . Ver. 11. And the beast that was , and is not , even he is the eighth , and is of the seven , and goeth into perdition . Ver. 12. And the ten horns which thou sawest , are ten Kings , which have received no Kingdome as yet , &c. These shall hate the whore , and make her desolate and naked , and shall eat her flesh , and burn her with fire . Ver. 16. and ver . 17. The woman which thou sawest , is that great City which reigneth over the Kings of the earth . The seven Heads are seven Mountains on which the Woman sate : This Woman is that great City of Rome built upon seven hills , viz. Mons Palatinus , Capitolinus , Caelius , Quirinalis , Aventinus , Viminalis , Esquilinus . They also signifie seven Kings , or seven sorts of Supreme Magistrates , by which the City and Empire hath been , and is governed . Supreme Magistrates in Scripture are called Kings , when Israel was formed into a Commonwealth , they had Moses set over them , Deut. 33.4 , 5. Moses commanded us a Law , &c. and he was King in Jesurun , when the Heads of the people , and the Tribes of Israel were gathered together . So the Dukes of the Sons of Esau are called Kings , Gen. 36.31 . These are the Kings that reigned in the Land of Edom , before there reigned any King over the children of Israel ; that is , before Israel was delivered out of bondage , and was formed into a Commonwealth , and had Moses set over them as Supreme Ruler under God. Now Rome is famous for these seven Heads , or seven sorts of Governours , I. Kings , II. Consuls , III. Tribunes of the Souldiers , IV. Decem-viri , V. Dictators , VI. Emperours , VII . Popes . Tacitus noteth , that among other things , Rome hath this honour , to have Kings for its Vassals . And S. John speaking of these seven sorts of Magistrates , that did successively rule in Rome , he saith , five are fallen ; that is , when this Vision was presented to John , and the Revelation written by him , viz. five of those seven Supreme Magistrates were fallen ; Kings , Consuls , Tribunes , Decem-viri , Dictators : For although there were Consuls many hundred years after , yet they were no longer Heads , as formerly , though they had the same name , yet they came short of the former Consuls in power and dignity . — Then Saint John saith , one is ; — that is , the Heathen Emperours were then in being ; these were then regnant , and had the place of Heads in the Empire : These began to head the Beast ( as the sixth Head ) about forty years before the Birth of Christ , and continued three hundred years after Christs birth ; I understand it of the Heathen Emperours only , not the Christian . — Saint John addeth , And the other is not yet come , viz. the Popes , they were not then come when John wrote . After the Heathen Emperours were taken away , Rome was left vacant for the Pope ; and although the Christian Emperours had some power , yet they did not reside at Rome , but continued for a long time at Constantinople , or Ravenna ; and after the power of the Christian Emperour was broken by the Barbarians , the Pope got Rome , and setled himself there , and so becometh the seventh Head of the fourth Beast . Now the sixth and seventh Head of this Beast , one that was then in being , and one that was not then come , were the grand Enemies of the Church of Christ . 1. The sixth Head , the Roman Emperours , they raised many bloody persecutions against the Church of Christ , and though God restrained some of them , and gave his Church a breathing , yet many of them tortured their own brains to devise cruel torments wherewith to torture the Christians , as Nero , Tiberius , Domitian , Trajan , Antoninus , Decius , Maximinus , Dioclesian , &c. under whom many thousand Martyrs sealed the truth of Christ with their blood : Such was the favour of God to this Realm , that they escaped all , except the last Persecution , which was under Dioclesian : and Alban was the first that suffered Martyrdome in this Land for the Gospel of Christ . But the Pope , the seventh and last Head , hath been more mischievous , and continued longer than all the rest : Take his first rise , from the time the Heathen Emperours were cut off , and the Pope hath continued 1360 years , or thereabout ; and Rome was builded about a thousand and sixty years before the Pope arose ; so that this Head hath continued neer three hundred years longer than all the other six , which may give us hopes his time is now almost expired , and since the Church hath been vexed by him for so many Ages , it is not so much to be admired he should fall speedily , as that he hath stood so long . The Pope was born about the time of Constantine the Great , and came not to his full stature till about the year six hundred , or somewhat after , then Boniface III. made by Phocas , universal Pastor of all the Churches of the world , appeared with his Ecce duo gladii hic : Behold here the two Swords , challenging Imperial and Papal Dignity . The mischief done to the Church by this seventh Head , hath been partly by fraud , partly by open violence ; partly by bringing in corruptions in matter of Doctrine , ( Popery is not a single Heresie , like that of Apollinaris , or Arrius , but a heap and sink , or common sewer , in which there is a confluence of Heresies and corrupt Doctrines meeting together ) and partly by rage and cruelties ; witness their cruelties to the Albigenses , and Waldenses . About the latter end of the reign of King Henry the Second , King of England , Pope Alexander III. held a Council at the Lateran Church in Rome , where they consulted about the extirpation of the Albigenses . They were a people that did not acknowledge the Pope , prayed to none but to God alone , had no Images , went not to Mass , denied Purgatory , and read the holy Scriptures . The Pope therefore gave the same graces to them that should spill the blood of these poor Christians , as to them that crossed themselves to go to the holy Sepulchre , and fight against the Sarazens : Hereupon Dominick , the Author of the Order of Dominicans , put above two hundred thousand of them to death : This was done in the time of John , King of England , and by the instigation of Pope Innocent the III. And of the Albigenses and Waldenses , Pope Julius the II. was the cause of the death of two hundred thousand . Now whosoever be the Instruments of great trouble to the Church , or changes in the world , it is the hand of the Lord that doth it ; we have no cause to repine and murmure at such and such , but have just cause to blame our selves for it ; others have not dealt so ill with us , as we have dealt with God ; therefore when God takes away peace , and sends trouble , takes away the fruits of the earth , and sends famine , takes away health , and sends Epidemical diseases , in all these we are to eye God ; remember that the Judgments of God are a great deep , and like the great Mountains ; if we do not thorowly search the reason of it , let us confess our understandings are too short to reach to the bottom of it , let us not accuse God of injustice , but confess with Job ; Lo , he goeth by me , and I see him not ; his wayes are unsearchable , and past finding out . CHAP. III. II. GOd takes away what he pleaseth , in respect of the place where : So Jobs Children were taken from him when they were feasting in their Elder Brothers house , a place seemingly of great security . Naomi lost her Husband and her two Sons in a strange Land ; when she sojourned in Moab , she was left a childless Widow in a strange Country , therefore , saith she , Call me not Naomi , but Marah , for I went out full , but the Lord hath brought me home again empty , Ruth 1.21 . So Jacob had his beloved Rachel taken away from him on a journey , as they were travelling in the way . III. In respect of the time when ; Nebuchadnezzar lost the use of his reason , when he was in the height of his glory , walking in his stately Palace of Babel , Dan. 4.30 . being puffed up with pride : Is not this great Babylon that I have built by the might of my power , and for the honour of my Majesty ; and while the word was yet in his mouth , a voice came from heaven , saying , to thee it is spoken , the Kingdome is departed from thee , and the same hour was it fulfilled upon him . So the rich man in the Gospel had his soul taken from him , even then when he promised himself many years enjoyment of his wealth . IV. The Lord taketh away by what means and instruments , and in what manner he pleaseth : Job's Oxen and Asses were taken away by the Sabeans , his Camels by the Chaldeans , his sheep burnt by fire from heaven , his children slain by the fall of an house , yet in conclusion Job doth not say , The Lord hath given , and the Chaldeans and Sabeans have taken , but the Lord hath given , and the Lord hath taken : Now God is said to take away , when Instruments do take away ; it is seldome that God dealeth with a people immediately , but in these outward Providences he stirreth up Instruments to do what is done ; but that which Instruments do , the Lord is said to do , Isai . 42.24 . Who gave Jacob to the spoiler , and Israel to the robber , did not I the Lord ? Men robbed and spoiled them , yet it was the Lords act to send these spoilers upon them ; the Act is from the Lord , though the wickedness of the act be from the evil instruments . There are many wayes that God useth to take men away ; some die with the Pestilence , and such like contagious diseases ; some die by the Sword ; one is consumed with famine , another is killed with thirst ; some are choaked in waters , others consumed by fire ; some are torn with the teeth of Beasts , others are taken away by poyson , and so by many means the miserable life of man is finished . CHAP. IV. Sheweth the Reasons why God taketh away from us what he pleaseth . SECT . I. THe reasons why God taketh away from his poor creatures what he pleaseth , are these . Reas . 1. Because of that right and property that God hath to , and in all his creatures ; they are his creatures , whatsoever they have he gave them , therefore he doth with his own as he pleaseth : Gods own people did not consider this , therefore the Lord threatens the Church to take away what he had given her , Hos . 2.8 , 9. She did not know that I gave her corn , and wine , and oyl , and multiplied her silver and gold , therefore I will return and take away [ my ] corn in the time thereof , and recover [ my ] wooll , and [ my ] flax given to cover her nakedness : Though man be the possessor , yet God is the chief Lord ; we are but Stewards , God is the owner , as David acknowledgeth . All things come of thee , and of thine own have we given thee , 2 Chron. 29.15 . God hath given us only the use of such things he hath committed to us for a time , not the propriety . A Steward cannot say , this house is mine , these Farms are mine , these are my Tenements , this is my Land , these are my Cattle , this is my Treasure , for they are his Lords : He only hath the care of them , not the propriety in them : So every particular man ( whatsoever he enjoyeth ) he hath but the use of it , not the propriety . God is the Lord of heaven and earth , he stileth himself the possessor of heaven and earth ; all these things are his , he hath jus ad omnia , jus in omnibus ; a right to all things , a right in all things : therefore he calleth all the creatures his servants , Kings and Emperours are his servants : My servant Nebuchadnezzar : and all the Kingdomes of the world are Gods ; God calleth all things his : as Jacob said concerning Joseph's sons , Ephraim is mine , and Manasseh is mine ; as Reuben and Simeon , they shall be mine , Gen. 48.5 . So God calleth all things his which we do possess . These houses are mine , these riches are mine , these lands are mine , these children and servants are all mine ; the Sea is his , and he made it , and all the Fishes therein are his ; The earth is the Lords , and all the fulness thereof , Psa . 24.1 . and Psa . 50.10 , 11. God challengeth all the creatures to be his ; Every beast of the forrest is mine , and the cattle upon a thousand hills are mine : I know all the fouls of the mountains , and the wild beasts of the field are mine : the rich treasures within the bowels of the earth , the rich Mines of gold and silver are his , the precious pearls are his , yea all the Inhabitants of the world are his : And all men at the best are but Domini usu fructuarii ( as the Civilians term is ) such as have the use and benefit , but not the right and property in the things they possess . God hath let out the world to the sons of men , as Solomon did his Vineyard at Baal-hamon , Cant. 8.11 , 12. unto certain Keepers . Solomon was to have a thousand pieces of silver , and those that kept the fruit thereof two hundred : God will have the honour of property and possession , we the fruit of his Vineyard : Therefore it was a presumptuous usurpation of foolish Nabal , 1 Sam. 25.11 . Shall I take my bread , and my water , and my flesh , that I have killed for my Shearers ? He speaks like a covetous , usurper , as if all these were his own , and not Gods , as if he had both the propriety and use of them . There are two things that demonstrate that God hath the right and property of what we do enjoy . 1. Because there is but one Lord of all things in the world : God is the wise Creator of all things , and he will be the Lord of all his creatures : he will preserve the propriety of things to himself , although he giveth the useful fruition of his creatures to man. There are two reasons why God made man Master of all the creatures ; one is , ut cum mundus refertus sit , intelligeret , quod locum in coelis , & non in terris quaereret : that seeing all necessaries are provided for him on earth , he should not seek after a place upon earth to settle himself in , but a Mansion in heaven . Another reason is , to shew , that seeing all things were made before him , that the creatures were the Lords , and not his ; that he was brought to this great house of the world to be Gods Steward , Tenant , or servant ; therefore God enjoyned Adam to labour presently , even in Paradise he was to dress the garden : Adam in his state of Innocence , when he enjoyed the whole world , yet he was not Dominus terrae , the Lord of the earth ; the earth was the Lords , and the fulness thereof : Adam was but as the French-men call a titular Lord , Dominus sine terrâ . 2. Because God will have all men to be dependent upon him ; if men had their riches or honours from themselves , they would stand upon their own bottom , they would even dare with Impudence to stand out and contest with God : Who is the Lord , saith proud Pharaoh ? Thus every one would be ready to say , who is the Lord that I should serve him ? but when men shall know , that what they have , they have from God , they will depend upon him as a Steward dependeth upon his Master ; you see the unjust Steward , Luke 16. was undone , when his Master turn'd him out of his service . SECT . II. God many times takes away from us what he pleaseth ▪ to manifest his power and Soveraignty over us ; God will have us to see that he is the Commander of all men , and that we are under his Command , and he may do with us , or take from us according to his pleasure , and he is not bound to give us a reason of his actions . We are many times as blind as the Disciples of Christ ( and blinder too ) when they moved the question about the cause of the natural blindness of the man in the Gospel , whether that man had sinned , or his Parents , that he was born so , Joh. 9.3 . Our Saviour answered , neither of both , but that the works of God might be manifest in him . What do I hear ( saith S. Augustine ) neither he nor his Parents ? If there be no man without sin , then doubtless not his Parents ; and was not he himself born in original sin ? Or is it credible that in his life time he had added no actual offences to it ? and though his eyes were shut , did not concupiscence wake within him ? How many mischiefs do some wicked blind men commit , yea from what evil almost do they abstain ? his eyes were closed indeed , but an evil mind can keep Centinel well enough within it self . He knew how to think upon , and perhaps to lust after something , which being blind he could not put in execution , but be judged in heart by the searcher of the heart . Doubtless then both had sinned ; but their sin was not the cause why he was born blind ; what then ? ut manifestent●r opera Dei , that the works of God might be manifested . Thus far Augustine upon the same place . He saith , opera Dei , the works of God ( saith Calvin ) because as his work of judgement had been seen in his blindness ( which was opus solitudinis , a work of solitude ) so his mercy might appear in his recovery ( which was opus reparationis , a work of reparation . ) Itaque oum latent afflictionum causae , cohibenda est curiositas , ne & Deo faciasimus . Therefore ( saith he ) when the causes of afflictions are not manifest , curiosity is to be restrained , lest we both do injury to God , and become cruel toward our Brethren . This was manifest in Job , a work of power in taking away all his children , and a work of his clemency in restoring him so many again , and in suffering him to live to see the fourth generation of them , and afterward to die old and full of daies , for God is able even out of stones to raise up children to Abraham , to Job , to every true believer . When God takes from us those things which he formerly gave us , as our habitations , food , rayment , health , wealth ; if any man being thus emptied ; complain of Gods dealing with him , cannot God reply justly to him , I owe you nothing ? what I gave formerly , impute it to my meer love : My gifts are free , I take them now away , that you may know whence you had them , not that I am any wayes obliged to you : hitherto I have shewed my liberality and bounty toward you : if I now please to continue so no longer toward you , what Law have you to recover upon me ? May I not do with mine as I please ? Friend , I do thee no wrong , take what is thine and depart . S. Augustine explaining Gods equity , saith thus : God takes away from us sometimes things necessary , and so fretteth us , that we may know him our Father and Lord , not only pleasing , but sometimes likewise squeezing us . And who dareth or can object the least injury done unto him ? And if God take away necessaries from us , yet we cannot accuse God of injury ; if he taketh them from us , even for his own Honour and Majesty , and to shew his power and Authority over us : let us then cease complaining , we are his subjects , and must be his Clients . SECT . III. It may be God in taking away our health , wealth , honour , houses , possessions from us , intendeth to bestow better things upon us , and then we are no losers but great gainers , if God take away our goods , and give us more grace , if he take from us things necessary for our bodies , and gives us things absolutely necessary to salvation , as pardon of sin , peace of conscience , assurance of his love and favour , what have we lost thereby ? It is too low to say ( saith one ) these are equivalent to temporals ; they are transcendently more excellent than all temporal goods ; the whole world is nothing to the grace and favour of God , and to pardon of sin : if wealth were as necessary as grace , every Childe of God should have it ; therefore godly men have great cause of contentment , if God for reasons best known to himself , doth either deny them , or take from them the things of this life . That Christian is not poor , that is rich in grace ; that man is not miserable that hath Christ for his portion ; though he hath no house to put his head in , yet he hath a Mansion in heaven provided for him , though he hath no food for his body , yet he hath meat to eat which the world knows not of , he hath Manna for his soul , though he hath no rayment for his body , yet he hath glorious robes for his soul . What kind of injury is that to take from one a thread-bare out-worn Coat , and to give him a new one that is far better ? It is an excellent change to lose temporals , and get spirituals and eternals . We many times think that a great estate is best for us , but God our heavenly Father both knoweth what we need , and what is best for us ; were we to be our own carvers , as to our worldly estates and outward comforts , we should do as the young Prophet , who being sent to gather herbs , gathered poysonous weeds instead of wholesome herbs : therefore in all Gods Dispensations toward us , 't is good to submit to the wisdome of God , who could make all his Children rich and great in the world , but doth not , because in his wisdome he thinks a meaner portion of the things of this life to be better for them than a greater : To have lectum stramineum , & cibum gramineum , straw for our beds , and herbs for our food , may be better for us , than with the rich Epicure , to be cloathed in fine linnen , and to fare deliciously every day . In fine , every Christian shall conclude , that estate God allotted me , was best for me , and the poor Christian shall say , as Luther did , it was better for me that I was a poor Clown , and a Christian , than if I had been great Alexander , and an Infidel . SECT . IV. Behold another cause of Gods taking away from us : Some there were that told Christ of certain Galileans , whose blood Pilate had mingled with their Sacrifices ( an argument of Gods sore displeasure in the eye of man , to be surprized with death , ( and that a bloody one ) even in the act of Gods service : ) but Jesus answered ; Suppose ye these Galileans were greater sinners than all the other , because they suffered such things ? I tell you nay , but except ye repent , ye shall all likewise perish , Luk. 13.1 , 2. And he confirmeth it by another parallel to it , of the men upon whom the Tower of Siloam fell ; here you see punishment for other mens instruction and example , ut aliorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that other mens scourges should be our warnings : Let every one consider , saith Cyprian , not what another hath suffered , but what even he himself deserveth to suffer . In this we may say as he doth Plectuntur interim quidam , quò caeteri corrigantur . Some are suddenly punished , to the end that others may be amended . It is a common disease among men , saith Calvin , to be severe Censors of others , when we see the scourge of God upon them , and to flatter themselves if they escape unpunished ; whereas thus they ought to consider : First , that they ought to behold their own sin , and to examine whether they have not deserved the like punishment : Secondly , in that the Lord in his mercy spareth them , and chasteneth others before their faces , to magnifie his name in their own behalf , and to betake themselves unto speedy repentance . Caecus ergo & pravus Arbiter est , qui hominum peccata ex paenis praesentibus astimat : Therefore he is a blinde and perverse Judge , who taxeth mens sins from their present punishments : Neque enim ut quisque deterior est , ita primus ad paenam trahitur ; for every one that is worse than others , is not therefore drawn first to punishment ; Sed cum paucos ex multis puniendos Deus eligit , in eorum personâ relinquis denunciat , se fore ultorem , ut omnes turreantur . But when God singleth a few out of many to be punished , he threateneth , that he will be an avenger to the rest , that all may be terrified . For your part , O thou distressed City of London , say thou therefore with the Prophet ; Rejoyce not over me O Enemy ; for thought I have fallen , I shall rise again , though I now sit in darkness , the Lord shall be a light unto me , I will patiently bear the indignation of the Lord , because I have sinned against him , Mich. 7.8 , 9. and if any insult too much , or censure too hard of your calamity , and glory in their own prosperity , let Christ give them their answer ; unless they repent , they shall all likewise perish . SECT . V. God in taking away outward comforts from us , doth thereby teach us to know how to want , as well as to abound . I know both how to be abased , and I know how to abound ; every where , and in all things , I am instructed both to be full , and to be hungry , both to abound ▪ and to suffer need , Phil. 4.12 . Although some of these outward things are in some degree necessary for this present life , yet our heavenly Father knoweth how far forth they are necessary , and how much is necessary for us , or else gives us content in himself immediately without them : yet these things are not so needful as they are commonly supposed to be : it is wonderful to consider what sweet joy and content many a Childe of God hath had ; when they have been stript of these things ; and the reason is , because when the people of God do want these things , they do more fully apply themselves to God ; when a Christian is stript of these , and hath none of these things to rest upon , then the affections of the soul are like water running one way in one Channel : whatsoever S. Pauls outward condition was , he could find enough in Christ to be content ; in particular , he knew how to be abased , sweetly satisfying himself in this , that he was an adopted Son of God , and he knew how to be hungry , because he had bread and meat to feed on that the world knew not of , and could feast himself with marrow and fatness at that time , when carnal eyes thought him ready to perish for hunger : he knew also how to suffer want , contenting himself with that abundance that is found in Christ : Many evil men have been forced to suffer need , but were never instructed to it as Paul was ; they never learnt to relieve themselves in their wants out of the fulness of Christ , as the Saints do , who ( be their wants never so great ) do find enough in Christ to satisfie them all . Again , the Lord doth immediately fill and satisfie the soul with himself , when it lies under many outward wants , and replenisheth them with abundance of joy , when they are under many occasions of sadness and sorrow . So saith the Apostle , 2 Cor. 6. 10. As sorrowful , yet alwayes rejoycing ; as poor , yet making many rich ; as having nothing , yet possessing all things : He was filled with the joy of the Holy Ghost at the same time when he had many outward occasions of sorrow : as poor in respect of worldly enjoyments , yet being able to enrich others in God ; as having nothing ( nothing of the world ) yet possessing all things in God. Thus doth the Lord glorifie the All-sufficiency of his grace , in giving in himself plentifully to his poor people , when they are under many outward straits and wants . Moreover , there are many things which we fondly perswade our selves we can in no wise want , while we possess them ; but when they are taken from us , God teacheth us how to live without them . One that was formerly rich , and fared delicately , having by the providence of God , lost all , being brought to a hard pinch , is glad of a mess of pottage to his dinner , and to go to bed supperless ; he is then taught to be content with his mean estate , and to say , I had not thought I could have lived so sparingly . Drexelius tells us of a prodigal Knight , who having buried all his substance in Banquets and Belly-cheer , and for want of an Horse , being forced to go on foot , in this ebbe praised God , and said ; I thank God , who hath set me on my own legs again ; I had not thought before this , that I was so good a footman : So God dealeth with many men , he reduceth them to a mediocrity and temperance , by a wholsome penurious indigence . Many while they abound in all outward comforts , are apt to say , one thus ; I must have so many dishes at my table , I cannot not keep house without such an annual income ; I cannot endure hunger or scarcity : Another saith , I cannot want sleep , nor endure watching ; I must have such conveniencies and accommodations : but now when God takes away these outward comforts from us , takes away our dainty dishes , our associates , our sleep , and turneth our Wine into water , and turneth us out of house and home , then God instructeth us how to want , how to suffer need , how to fast and watch , and live under decks , or lie upon the ground , or in a prison , or to live in banishment , and then we need not care where or in what condition we be , if the Lord be with us . CHAP. V. NOw let us prove the point de jure , as well as de facto , that the Lord may take from us what he pleaseth . I. He may do it without crossing his Justice : The Lord is righteous in all his wayes , and holy in all his works , Psa . 145.17 . Clouds and darkness are round about him ; righteousness and judgement , are the habitation of his Throne , Psa . 97.2 . Or , as it may be translated , are the foundation of his Throne : his Seat of Judgement is composed of , and founded in righteousness ; whatsoever he takes away from us , he acteth by Rule , his Throne is upon Judgement and Righteousness ; God is infinitely righteous , it is impossible for God to do iniquity ; how unjust soever his wayes seem to us to be , yet they are most just ; he is the Supreme Lord of all his creatures , and may do with them what he pleaseth , as the Potter with the clay : all acts that God doth , are acts of his will , and whatsoever he willeth , is exceeding just . This is a received Axiome among Divines : Voluntas Dei est summa perfectissima , & infallibilis Regula divinae justitiae , & Deus sibi ipsi lex est . The Will of God is the chiefest , the most perfect and infallible Rule of Divine Justice , and God is a Law to himself ; no losses , no crosses that befall us , but do proceed from him who is most just and righteous ; therefore we must not murmure at God , when he takes our goods or houses from us , as if he dealt unrighteously with us ; but if we ponder with our selves what we have deserved , we may behold abundance of mercy toward us under our greatest losses , and his sharpest corrections . Peradventure , thou art in some great pain in some part or member of thy body , but tell me , dost thou not deserve to burn in hell , and to feel the scorching pains of the damned ? if such an easie disease doth so torment thee here , think then with thy self how thou couldst lie in everlasting torments ? if the pain of one worm-eaten tooth doth so fearfully vex thee day and night , that it almost driveth thee to madness , think then that thou deservest to be tormented for ever with that fearful Worm of Conscience ? Thou canst not brook the sight of such a person , nor endure the company of such a man who hath done thee wrong ; but tell me then how thou wouldest be able to endure the company of all the damned , yet even this also thou dost deserve : thy sharpest sufferings here are sweet ▪ if compared with hell torments : Perhaps thy house is burnt , thy goods are consumed by the flame , thou hast lost thy husband , thy wife , thy children , thy friends , thy estate : but tell me , dost thou not deserve it , and much more , even to lose thy God , thy Saviour , thy soul , thy treasure in heaven , everlasting glory and blessedness ? Therefore under all thy losses and sufferings ; let God have the glory of his Justice , and say with Mauritius the Emperour , Justus es Domine , & justasunt judicia tua . Righteous art thou O Lord , and just are all thy judgements : Or as Daniel , To thee , O Lord , belongeth righteousnes●● but unto us confusion of face : Say thou , I am unrighteous , thou art righteous ; I am a sinner , thou art just . II. God may take from his creatures what he pleaseth , without crossing his goodness or mercy : his mercy is free , it is not due to any , he hath mercy on whom he will , therefore he may take away what he will from any : it is a mercy that God hath left any good thing in the possession of sinful man , who might have stript us of all ; and when he doth a little consume us , it is his mercies that we are not utterly consumed . S. Augustine well weigheth the words of S. James : Behold we count them blessed which endure . Ye have heard of the patience of Job , and have known what end the Lord made . They should not therefore , saith he , suffer the loss of their goods , in hope to receive their goods again , as Job did ; for his wounds and rottenness made him whole , and all those things which he had lost were doubly restored to him . That therefore we should not , when we suffer temporal losses , expect or look for such a remuneration , he saith not , ye have heard of the patience and end of Job , but he saith , ye have heard of the patience of Job , and have seen what end the Lord made ; as if he had said , Endure the greatest losses as Job ; but for this your enduring do not expect the restitution which Job had of temporal goods , but rather of a more enduring substance laid up in heaven for you . III. God may take away what he pleaseth from us , without crossing his truth and faithfulness : For 1. Gods promises by which he engageth to us in these outward things , are conditional ; and what man living is able to say , that he doth so exactly perform his conditions , that God cannot take any thing from him without breach of promise ? who among us hath performed the conditions of the promises ? your in quities have withheld good things from you , saith the Prophet : So I may say , your iniquities have taken good things from you : We have either failed in our duty , or we have been unthankful for what we received from God , or we were not wise Stewards of Gods blessings , or we waxed proud and wanton , and forgat God the giver of our blessings , therefore God hath turn'd us out of all , or the greatest part of those good things he gave us , as a chastisement of our sins , and negligence in our duties : Could we make good the condition of the promises , we should still find God making good all the promises of this life to us : Assuredly , saith Calvin , if we were fit and meet to receive Gods benefits , he would open his hand , and deal more liberally with us : Therefore when God takes away your goods , your wealth and substance , search and try your wayes , and you will find your iniquities to be the cause , and then you will see little ground to blame God for unfaithfulness in his promises : for albeit abundance of outward things be promised to the godly , yet if we are deficient in our duty , he may either with-hold or take away those good things promised ; for these things are promised upon condition of our hearkening diligently to the voice of the Lord our God , to observe and do all his Commandments , Deut. 28.1 , 2. 2. God may take what he will from the wicked , without crossing his truth , because they have no interest in Christ and his promises ; the promises are all yea and Amen in Christ , but the wicked can claim no interest in the promises , because they have no interest in Christ ; and if God leave them any good thing , it is more than he promised them ; if he take away their children , and leave them health , it is more than he promised them ; if he takes away health and wealth , and give them only their lives , if he cast them not into hell it self , it is more than he promised them . IV. When God takes away health , wealth , goods , liberties , outward comforts , from his own people , he hath made up all their losses afore-hand ; he hath given himself , an infinite God , to be their portion ; nay , he that takes these outward things from them , will give them a kingdome , and that Will make up all their losses , and therefore he may take away all other things . See how God speaks to Abraham , Gen. 15. 1. Fear not Abraham , I am thy shield , and thy exceeding great reward . Had Abraham left his native Country , his Kindred , all save one Lot , and was he also gone from him to dwell in Sodome ? was Abraham now as one alone among strangers , among Idolaters and Atheists , and those the most execrable in the world , the very brood of Cham , the Father of Canaan , a people devoted to destruction , having four hundred years given them to fill up the measure of their sins , and yet hath Abraham no cause to fear ? no saith the Lord to him , Fear not Abraham : The Majesty of God is pleased to stoop so low , as in love to give a reason hereof to Abraham , and one , that Abraham must needs say , was very sufficient : I am thy shield , and thy exceeding great reward : which is more full , than if God had said , I will shield thee , and reward thee , though that had been enough ; but God promiseth himself as a shield to him , and so assureth him of an infinite protection ; yea , he giveth himself as a reward to him , an exceeding great reward . What cause then hath Abraham to fear ? Fear no dangers , nor enemies , for I am thy shield ; fear no wants , nor losses , for I my self am thy reward . Are any dangers so great , any enemies so strong , that I cannot shield thee against them ? who am ready to cover thee with my wings , and defend thee against all the wicked of the world , and against all the legions of hell ? canst thou be undone by any losses , or be sunk by any wants , when I my self am thy exceeding great reward ? Hast thou the possessor of heaven and earth in thy possession ? and hast thou cause to fear any wants ? if the earth cannot supply thee , heaven shall ; if neither heaven nor earth can , yet I will , who am the Lord of heaven and earth , I my self am thy exceeding great reward , So Gen. 17 ▪ 7 , 8. I wil establish my covenant between me & thee , & thy seed after thee in their generations , for an everlasting covenant to be a God to thee , and unto thy seed after thee . He doth not say , only to be a helper to thee , or a friend to thee , but to be a God to thee ; I will give myself to thee ; as I am essentially God , so I will be a God to thee , thou shalt have me for thy own ; those that are in Covenant with God , they are in possession of an infinite good , and they have him in everlasting possession . CHAP. VI. Vse 1 THis may serve to discover to us the extreme folly of those whose chiefest care and greatest labour is about the getting worldly goods that may soon be taken from them ; their shops , their trading , their wares , their plate , their jewels , their money , their corn and wine , and oyl , their houses , lands and possessions , their wealth and substance are in their thoughts , and God is seldome or not at all in all their thoughts ; heaven is not in their desires , and grace , which is the riches of heaven , is nothing lookt after ; these things are the least of their thoughts and endeavours : when they are to leave the world , then is their time to think of God , and to take care for grace , and for their immortal souls ; when they are dying , then is their time to study how they may become godly : while they are strong and healthy , and fit for labour , their main care and labour is for the meat that perisheth , and to try who can outstrip one another in worldly riches , although God can soon clap a pair of wings to them , and make them to flee away from them . These things are the summum bonum , the chiefest good , the very God of the world , the Paradise , the All in All of this world , the great Diana that all the world magnifies ; they think it better to be out of the world than to have no riches , esteeming them the only miserable men that are poor and needy : Jeroboams golden Calves are still the worldlings God , the world is of Jeroboams Religion to this day ; no lusts are more unsatiable than worldly lusts , they are green and vigorous even in old age , the love of the world is a sin that never waxeth old ; when men should think most on the world to come , yet then are old earth-worms too mindful of this present evil world . O what unspeakable folly is this , so eagerly to thirst after and pursue such perishing vanities , which may soon be taken from us , and which only serve us while we are in this world ; for if once our soul be taken from us , then whose shall all these things be ? while the rich Glutton lived in the world , he fared deliciously every day , and wore Purple and fine linnen every day ; but when he died , he left all these things behind him : Death turned him out of the comforts and possession of these things . He that drank Wine in Bowls , is now drinking of the Cup of Gods wrath in hell : he that had all things to the full , doth now want a drop of water to cool his flaming tongue ; he that was cloathed with Purple and fine linnen every day , is now bound with chains of darkness , and cloathed with woe , curses , and unspeakable wrath : he that maintained Hawks and Hounds for his delight and pleasure , is now howling and roaring with cursed Fiends and damned Hell-hounds . Thus he that had the worlds goods only , while he was in the world , he hath nothing in hell to enjoy but Gods wrath , that is his everlasting portion . So again , rich Abraham and Job , that had this worlds goods , have now no need of them in heaven ; there is no need of the Sun by day , nor of the Moon by night , for the Lord God is the light thereof . What a folly is it in men therefore to labour so eagerly after this worlds goods , and to set their minds upon them , and to neglect the good of their immortal souls ; to love riches more than grace , and love dross and dung more than Christ , when as Christ and Grace will bee their comfort in this world at death , and in the world to come when this worlds goods shall be taken from them ; though your houses and goods be burnt and consumed to ashes , yet Grace is a good that fire will not burn , nor water drown . Justly did our Saviour call the rich man in the Gospel , fool ( and in him all such fools ) that had more care for this world than for heaven . Who ever seeks the world for their bed , shall at best find it but short , and ill made , and a stone and thorns under their sides to keep them waking , rather than a soft Pillow to sleep upon . O that it were written upon the bags , upon the doors , upon the chests , tables , counting-houses of worldlings , which holy Job said , Naked came I forth of my Mothers womb , and naked shall I return ; I must appear before God not in the worlds goods , but in the sins which I have done in this world : It pitieth me many times to see the industrious Bees to take such great pains all the Summer to get a little honey for the winter ; they go abroad daily from flower to flower to suck honey , and carry it to their Hives , and are burnt in their Hives perhaps before winter cometh , and others take the honey . Thus worldlings toil , and spend their lives and strength for the goods of this world , and think in their old age to take their ease , and give up themselves to a devout solitude ; but before that , it may be God takes away their goods by fire or water , or suffereth thieves and robbers to break in upon them , and take away all their wealth and riches from them ; or it may be death cometh , and exerciseth dominion over them , and turneth them into hell , and there they burn , and others enjoy their goods upon earth . Will ye then spend most of your care , thoughts , strength , and time , for the things of this world , and have no care and thoughts for grace and heaven ? Will ye like Martha , cumber your selves about many things that may quickly be taken from you , and neglect the one thing necessary that shall never be taken away from you , if once you have it ? Luke 10.42 . This worlds goods will do you good no longer than you live in this world , but godliness will make you happy , and the fruit of it will remain with you , when the goods and the world it self shall have an utter end : Leave then this worlds goods to the children of this worlds , whose names are written in the earth , they are the only portion of worldly men : So Abraham said to Dives ; Son remember , thou in thy life time hadst thy good things . God gives unto Esau's the fatness of the earth , but denies them the dew of heaven . Indeed , God sometimes promiscuously scatters these outward things upon the godly and the wicked ; he gives the wicked some share of his goodness , yet it is worth your observing , that Isaac would not vouchsafe to call Esau's Portion a blessing , yet he gives him the fatness of the earth ; the worlds goods are the influences of Gods Providence , not of his love ; only the riches of his Grace is the influence of his love and favour . Ah! what pity it is to see how Satan layes upon many men a burden of cares above a load , and makes a Pack-horse of their souls , when they are wholly set upon the world ; we owe the Devil no such service ; it were wisdome then to throw off that heavy load into a mire , and to cast all our cares upon the Lord : Oh never seek warm Fire under cold Ice ; this world is not a field where true happiness groweth . CHAP. VII . THe work which now remains to use 2 be done , is the application of this to the distressed Citizens of London in special , many of whom have had their goods and houses taken away and consumed to ashes by that late sad and raging fire that hapned among them . 1. I beseech you enquire into the procuring cause , and that you will find to be sin : if sin be in the City , and in the house , vengeance may quickly be seen at the door , and at the gate ; sooner or later God will visit iniquities , sin shall never go unpunished . This was Davids resolution when God took away his subjects , Behold it is I that have done wickedly , but those sheep what have they done ? 2 Sam. 24.17 . This was Hezekiah's confession for his own life . I have cut off like a Weaver my life , Isai . 38.12 . Thus did that godly Widow of Zareptha acknowledge at the death of her Son. What have I to do with thee O man of God , art thou come unto me to call my sin to remembrance , and to slay my son ? 1 Kings 17.18 . She verily thought that either some of her former sins , or else the not using of so holy a man according to his place , was the cause of this present punishment : A harsh string to be touched , but will be tuneable enough in the ears of the Childe of God , that is already touched with the feeling of sin , whose heart is still rather in the house of mourning , than in the house of mirth : it is the Unison of Gods people , We have sinned , and dealt wickedly . Our Saviour prophesied , Mat. 24.12 . that iniquity shall abound , &c. and do not the times wherein we live tell us , that iniquity doth abound ? It hath abounded , and doth abound exceedingly among us in all our Country Towns and Villages ; but I had almost said , it cannot abound more than it hath among you in London . I wish I could draw a veil over the sins of these times , and cover the iniquities of the City and Country , as Constantine did over the errours of learned men in his daies . But the sins of our times , and the iniquities of your City cannot be hid , they are too publick , too common among us : See whether all manner of sins do not abound among you ? the iniquities of the head , the iniquities of the heart , iniquities of the tongue , iniquities of the life , do abound in the midst of you : have not the streams of all iniquities fallen into your City , as all waters and rivers run into the Sea ? There are some particular sins for which God threatens to poure down fiery showres of wrath and indignation upon a people . 1. The first I shall set before you is Sabbath-breaking , the profanation of the Lords day , Jer. 17.27 . See how God threatens the City of Jerusalem for this sin . But if you will not hearken to me , to hallow the Sabbath day , and not to bear a burden , even entering in at the gates of Jerusalem on the Sabbath day ; then will I kindle a fire in the gates thereof , and it shall devoure the Palaces of Jerusalem , and it shall not be quenched . Examine now whether there were not many among you that neglected and despised the publick worship of God ; and others , that as soon as they came out of the House of God , laid aside all thought of the Word preached to them , either spending the rest of the day in the Alehouse , or in some idle recreations ; yea , many suffering their children and servants in the close of the Publick Worship , to turn Gods Ordinances , sc . prayer , singing of Psalmes , hearing the Word , into shouting and clamors , idle sports , and foolish loud laughter , and that in such a rude manner , as if they would profess themselves open despisers of God and of his Ordinances : Is this to bring up your children in the nurture and admonition of the Lord ? Is this to do like Abraham , to command your children & servants to keep the way of the Lord ? Is it a wonder to see Gods Judgments upon your City , to see the Plague raging among you , & destruction wasting at noon-day , poverty encreasing , and a fire kindled in your Gates , and devouring the stately houses and Palaces thereof ? SECT . II. A second sin , is a general contempt and rejection of the Gospel , and a despising of his faithful Messengers . We read , Mat. 23.37 , 38. that our Saviour prophecieth of the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem , for killing , and crucifying , and stoning some of Gods Prophets , for scourging others in their Synagogues , and persecuting them from City to City ; therefore , saith he , Behold your house is left unto you desolate . His Disciples were troubled to hear that so goodly a Structure should be made a ruinous heap : wherefore they shewed him the goodly buildings of the Temple , wishing him but to look on them , vainly imagining , that he could not but admire the stateliness of the house , and sumptuousness of the buildings , and would call in his threatning , and prevent the desolation of it : but Christ , who regardeth not the magnificence of buildings , or persons , but will stain the pride and glory of man ; was so far from revoking his threatning , as he doth assure them by an oath , that the stately Temple so much admired for its curiousness , so strongly seated and enriched , should not only be left desolate , but should be totally demolished : Verily I say unto you , there shall not be left here one stone upon another , that shall not be thrown down , Mat. 24.2 . This was for their contempt of the Word , and their cruelty toward the Prophets . This sin God hath alwayes avenged , and will avenge with the forest destruction ; the Temple in Jerusalem was afterward burnt and utterly overthrown by the Romans : no flame is more fierce than when oyl , wine , or sugar are fired : if you will know when the sins of a people are at the full , and ripe for the sickle of destruction , it is when the Gospel is rejected , and his Messengers despised , and misused . They mocked the messengers of God , and despised his words , and misused his Prophets , until the wrath of the Lord arose against his people , till there was no remedy : Therefore he brought upon them the King of the Caldees , who slew their young men with the sword in the house of their Sanctuary , and had no compassion upon young man or maiden , old men , or him that stooped for age , he gave them all into his hand : and all the vessels of the House of God , great and small , and the treasures of the house of the Lord , and the treasures of the King and of his Princes , all these brought he to Babylon : and they burnt the house of God , and brake down the wall of Jerusalem , and burnt all the Palaces thereof with fire , and destroyed all the goodly vessels thereof , 2 Chron , 36.16 , 17 , 19. Whether you are guilty of this sin , you best know . SECT . III. A third sin is the sin of oppression : when men grinde the faces of their needy Brethren , and make the necessities of others their advantages to oppress them the more : how can the love of God dwell in such hearts ? I may say to such , you rob the poor because they are poor , and grieve their sad hearts rather than relieve them ▪ dealing with them ( as the Jews did with our Saviour ) in their extreme sufferings , give them gall and wormwood to drink , instead of waters of comfort : their own poverty ( like Solomon ) chastiseth them with whips , and your oppression ( like Rehoboam ) whips them with Scorpions ; and as he told the oppressed people , that his finger should be heavier than his Fathers loins ; it is most true of your oppression , it is far more tyranny than their wants : whereas you should pour oyl into their hearts , you pour in vinegar to aggravate their calamities ; whereas you should shew mercy to them in misery , you shew all cruelty to the miserable ; your bounty should relieve them , your cruelty draws more from them . Oppression is like unto a Grindstone , yea , it is as a Milstone hung about the necks of the needy , and sinks them deeper and deeper into want and misery : the poor are the grapes , and you are the Wine-pressers squeezing out the blood of the poor : It is a notable phrase of Solomon , Prov. 12.10 . The tender mercies of the wicked are cruel : it is in the Hebrew , the bowels of the wicked are cruel : The tender mercies ] that is , when men seem to shew mercy to their needy brother , their words and actions carry fair shews of compassion , as lending money to them in their necessity , yet there is much cruelty in those mercies in the event ensuing thereupon : How often do Oppressors fetch home their money lent to needy brothers with a vengeance , and unconscionable exactions ? How often do they take the garments which should cover the nakedness of their needy brethren for a pledge ? aad instead of cloathing the naked , they expose them to nakedness , Exod. 22.22 , 23. God threatens , if thou afflict any stranger , widow , or fatherless childe , and they cry at all unto me , I will surely hear their cry : Oppression is a crying sin , it cries for vengeance ; yea , Gods anger will burn against such merciless men ; And my wrath , saith he , shall wax hot ] and I will kill you with the sword . ] God threatens to meet with the Oppressor by one judgement or other : and God will make your Wives and Children to be in the same extremity , that your needy Brethren are . The stone shall cry out of the wall , and the beam out of the timber shall answer it , Habak . 2.11 . Suppose the poor and needy whom you oppress , do not cry against you , yet these dumb inanimate creatures will cry out against your oppressions for vengeance upon you . Amos 5.11 . Forasmuch as your treading is upon the poor , and ye take from him burdens of wheat ; ye have built houses of hewn stone , but ye shall not dwell in them : God threatens to take away the habitations of such as oppress the poor and needy . SECT . IV. A fourth sin I will set before you , is incorrigibleness under former judgements : God sent the Plague to the great City of this Land the last year , which swept away many thousands of the Inhabitants , week after week , for a great while together ; and even to this day the Plague rageth in many Towns , Cities , and other places in this Land : But my Brethren , who is the better after this sore Visitation ? Did not sins of all sorts and kinds abound in the great City , before God consumed great part of it with fire ? Oh what wicked and profane practises hath over-spread it since the late devouring Plague , like the Sluggards Field that Solomon speaks of , that was all over-spread with thorns and thistles ; and not only so , but persons of all ranks and conditions , and estates ( it is to be feared ) have been Actors , Factors , and Abettors of sin ; most men have run into sin with more greediness than before . As Noahs flood covered hills , dales , mountains , vallies , so the flood of ungodliness hath covered high and low , rich and poor . Though God justly punished us , yet in the time of his just wrath he remembred to shew mercy , Habak . 3.2 . The mercies of God are over all his works , even over his penal judiciary works , Psa 145.9 . his mercy is most conspicuous in times of judgement ; to command deliverance when we are in the mouth of danger , in the Den of Lions , in the Burning Furnace , is mercy indeed : to save a people being in the very jaws of death , is mercy indeed : it is the Lords mercies you were not utterly consumed , the Sword would have consumed , the Plague would have devoured all ; these judgements like fire and water , are merciless ; had not God interposed his own mercy , you had been utterly consumed ; if mercy had not rebuked his judgements , they had swallowed you up quick , you can no more resist an overflowing judgement , than a level of Sand can withstand the inundation of the Sea. The Lord gave you a respite after the last years wasting plague , he moderated his wrath , and did not make a full end of you ; the Lord would make tryal , whether you would act according to your resolutions , vows and promises made in the day of your distress . When the plague of Frogs was upon Pharaoh ; when the Frogs were crawling on his bed , on his table , in his chamber , when he heard Frogs every where croaking , and saw all Egypt to be filled with them , then he sent for Moses and Aaron , and begs them to pray for him : Entreat ye the Lord to remove the Frogs ; and then he promised to let Israel go , and they should serve the Lord : Moses prayed , and God removed that plague ; then he put Pharaoh upon the tryal whether he would be as good as his promise , but then he hardened his heart again , and would not let them go : By this God made a discovery of the grand hypocrisie of his heart ; hath it not been so among many of you , in the time of your sickness , in the day of your calamity , when you supposed your selves to be very neer to death , did you not then promise to let your sins go ? God was pleased to give you a respite , to set you at liberty , and have not many of you again hardened your hearts , and refused to let your sins go ? therefore you may think God hath now suffered this late fire that was kindled among you , to devoure your habitations : Certainly , it were better to have no respite given at all , than to have it , and abuse it : it were better to be taken away by the first judgement , than to have a respite between judgement and judgement , if you repent not ; for now ye become greater sinners , and you treasure up for yourselves more wrath ; the more respites you have given you , and you abuse them , the greater will your condemnation be : To such the Lord saith , Why should ye be stricken any more ? ye will revolt more and more , Isai . 1.5 . They were never the better for all the stroaks of God upon them , but encreased their revolts ; now see what judgement follows hereupon , Ver. 7. Your Country is desolate , your Cities are burnt with fire , and your Land strangers devoure it in your presence . Scultetus on this place saith , it is Theologica Pictura Germaniae , a Divine Picture of Germany ; I may say it is Theologica Pictura Londini , nec-non totius Angliae ; it is a Theological description of London , yea of all England , I mean of the wicked in City and Country , Isai . 26.10 . Let favour he shewed to the wicked ] i. e. let a respite be given him from destruction , yet will he not learn righteousness , but return to their former wickedness ; see how God threatens them . Ver. 11. The fire of thine Enemies shall devoure them . Though thou bray a fool in a Mortar with a Pestle among Wheat , yet his folly will not depart from him , Prov. 27.22 . Though God doth pound them even to powder , following them with stroak upon stroak , yet their folly remaineth with them . SECT . V. Whoredome is a sin also which God threatens to punish with fire . Sodom and Gomorrha burned with lust , and God overthrew and consumed them with fire and brimstone from heaven . O how many have been guilty of this sin in City and Country ? how many are there who have eyes full of adultery ? 1 Pet. 2.14 . How do multitudes of men make lusting after a woman the end of their looking upon them ? they look in order to their lusts , making no other use of their eyes than a man doth of a Burning Glass , meerly to set their own hearts on fire of unclean lusting : yea many continue looking , till their hearts be enflamed with lust after women ; pulchris vultibus oculos Affigunt , they nail their eyes , and fasten them to beautiful faces , as Chrysostome speaks , delighting to feed their eyes with the sight of women , and seeking after beautiful faces to feed their eyes with them , and as the same Father saith , not so much that they would commit corporal uncleanness with them , but only that they may lust after them . As often as a man looketh on a woman with a fixed eye , or a glancing eye , it mattereth not much ; if it be accompanied with a lustful motion , this is adultery before God ; how many such adulterers are there every where ? And as with the eye , so there are many that commit adultery in the heart , as by unchaste imaginations , and unclean fancies , and by lodging unchaste thoughts in their hearts , and giving entertainment to them : how many are there , whose hearts do long , lodge , dwell , and insist upon unclean things ? which is abominable heart-adultery in the sight of God , inwardly wishing to have their lusts and desires satisfied , with an actual Commission of carnal uncleanness with those persons they lust after ? yea , many take great delight in such wanton and unchaste fancies and contemplations ; this is an high degree of adultery in the heart . I know it is a question whether every such thought and motion of the heart be a sin , as long as a man doth not consent unto them . Papists will not acknowledge them to be sins till they are accompanied with delight and consent ; but Paul determineth the question , Rom. 7. who there tells us , tha● such motions are sins , whether consented to , or not , delighted in , or hated Paul did not consent to them , yea Pau● hated them , yet he acknowledged then to bee sins ; whatsoever is a transgression of the Law , is a sin ; now to covet , or lust , is forbidden by the Law , whether a man consents to it , or not consents to it , hateth or delighteth in it , yet because he coveteth , he sinneth ; to consent to them is a higher degree of sinfulness ; the fuller consent men give , the more hainous sins are ; the more men delight in such lustings , it is an higher degree of sinning against God. Hence you see the reason why our Saviour doth so much condemn the filthiness and uncleanness of the heart , Mat. 5 27 , 28. Heart-adultery is minoris infamiae , of less infamy , because it is secret , and unknown to any man ; but it is majoris culpae , a greater fault ; the reasons are these . 1. Because heart-adultery argues Atheism and contempt of Gods presence more than the outward act ; thou actest that in the sight of God , which thou wouldest not act before a poor sinful man. Moreover , 2. Heart-adultery is more directly against a mans own soul than other sins : here a man makes his own soul the adulterer , and the adulteress , the Bed , and the Brothel-house , the Incubus and Succuba , the Agent and Patient , the Whore and the Whoremonger . 3. Adultery in the heart is far more frequently committed in the heart , than the outward act is or can be ; opportunity can never fail the Adulterer in his heart , he can have an opportunity when he will : The heart-adulterer can never want an adulterous subject , he can frame one in his mind , and can with delight commit folly with his own imaginary Strumpet ; he can do it in every place and company , yea , though a thousand eyes be upon him ; and when he wanteth strength and ability of body , yet then his will and fancy is strong to act this wickedness ; sick men , old men , can then commit mental uncleanness with greediness ; yea , many there are that come into our publick Congregations , chiefly to look after and look upon beautiful faces , and when they are outwardly conversant in the Worship of God , when they are hearing the Word , their eyes and heart may then be full of adultery . What cause have we all to bewail the woful pollutions of our hearts ? Who can say my heart is clean ? Now for corporal uncleanness , never was this sin thought to be more frequently committed in the great City of this Land , than it hath been within these few years past . The Lord might now take up the same complaint against many wanton Gallants , as he did by the Prophet Jeremiah of old . When I had fed them to the full , they then committed adultery , and assembled themselves by troops in the Harlots houses . They were as fed horses in the morning , every one neighed after his Neighbours wife : shall I not visit for these things , saith the Lord ? shall not my soul be avenged on such a Nation as this ? Jer. 5.7 , 8 , 9. The Lord chargeth the people of Jerusalem , that they had committed fornication with the Egyptians , and with the Assyrians , and multiplied their fornication in the Land of Canaan unto Chaldea , and yet they were not satisfied therewith , Ezek. 16.26 , 28 , 29. Therefore the Lord threatens to give them up into the hands of those that should strip them of their cloaths , and take away their fair jewels , and leave them naked and bare , ver . 39. and ver . 41. saith he , They shall burn thine houses with fire , and execute judgements upon thee in the sight of many women ; and I will cause thee to cease from playing the Harlot , and thou also shalt give no hire any more . It had been well if London had not been too true a Comment upon this Text , both in the sin , and in the punishment . SECT . VI. A sixth sin is the sin of drunkenness and intemperance . How many might have been seen in every corner of the great City , who drank daily till they could drink no more ? who rose up early in the morning to follow strong drink , and continued until night , till the Wine enflamed them , whose frequent walks were from their own Beds and Houses to the Alehouse , and from the Alehouse to the Tavern , whence ( being not able to stand by themselves ) they were led or carried to their Beds again , reelling to and fro , staggering , and being at their wits end ; and so they who had something of men in them when they arose in the morning , were ( when they came to lie down at night ) turn'd into Beasts , their understandings being departed from them , and themselves at their wits end ? As the old world was swallowed up with the flood , so are many mens bodies and souls with liquor : as those waters prevailed exceedingly , so that all the high hills and mountains were covered , and every man ( as well as Beast ) that was not in the Ark , died ; so doth the deluge and flood of drink prevail upon drunkards , not only their bellies , but their brains are covered , not only the valleys of their sensitive powers , but also the mountains and high hills of their rational faculties are over-topt ; their reason and understandings are drowned , and all their wisdome is swallowed up : Every thing of a Drunkard dies in him ( every thing of a man ) and for the present he gives up the Ghost ; nor is there any Resurrection or reviving till the next morning , when these strong waters are asswaged , and these floods decayed and dried up : Sad it is to think how this deluge of excess in drink hath drowned the face of City and Country , and risen many Cubits above the highest mountains of Religion and wholesome Laws . Oh what swarms of drunkards might be seen in some great Town or City in one day ? Go but to some great Fair or Market , and you may see drunkards lye in ditches , or upon the high-way at the Towns end where a Fair is kept , as if some field had been fought ; here lies one , there lies another , even like unto men that are slain in the field , and are stark dead . I have read , that there was a street in Rome , called vicus sobrius , because there was never a Drinking house in it : but where should a man have found such a street in the great City , or in any other populous Town or City in England ? Multitudes there are who take a pleasure in drinking , till their bellies and throats can hold no more , yea , many there are , who by accustoming themselves to frequent acts of immoderate drinking , have gotten an habit of being able to drink excessively , without being distempered by it , notwithstanding that woe that is denounced against them that are mighty to drink wine , and strong to pour in strong drink ; that is , woe unto them that by repeated Acts of drunkenness , have made themselves like brewers horses , able to bear away a greater quantity of drink than other sober healthy persons are , or themselves at first were . It is a sign of destruction and desolation approaching upon a people , when they are not ashamed of such a swinish sin , but drink and stagger , and reel to and fro in the face of the Sun : O fearful condition of those that are not ashamed to go on in drunkenness , which is one of the most shameful sins , and most contrary to the light of reason . Certainly God hath his times of visitation for this , as well as for other sins , and then the drunkard shall be cast down , and shall bee able to stand no longer . SECT . VII . A seventh sin I shall set before you , is the sin of Pride ; especially pride of apparel ; and to what height of pride in this kinde were people grown every where , especially in the great City of this Land , who knoweth not ? it is a note of levity and vanity of minde , to be still devising and following new fangled fashions ; it makes the world beleeve the Moon to be our Mistress , and predominant Planet , and then it will plainly appear , we are no better than lunaticks : It is a great reproach to the English Nation , to follow all new devised fashions , and especially to bee the Frenchmens Apes , who are generally haters of our Nation : therefore in Forreign parts they paint an English man naked , with a piece of cloath under his arm , and with a pair of shears in his hand , seeking a Taylor to finde him out a new fashion . The use of Apparel is , 1. for necessity , to cover our nakednesse . 2. for ornament and comlinesse . 3. for distinction of age , of sexe , of quality ; for great personages may , and should wear rich apparel , so it be grave , sober , and seemly : but now people of all ranks almost are grown to an excess in this kind , and the servant can hardly be distinguished by his apparel from his Master , nor Gill from a Gentlewoman . Apparel sheweth what most people are that wear it , it uncovers their hearts to the world , you may know whether people are chaste or wanton , proud or grave , sober or fantastical by the apparel they wear . Is not he condemned for a very fool that takes more care to be comly , proud , and rich in apparel , than to he healthy ? Is not he a fool to be laught at , that will brag of a clean Band , and hath a foul dirty face , and will not wash it ? Strange it is to see the folly of men , whose special care is to adorn their bodies with costly apparel that they might appear comely and glorious in the sight of men , but regard not how ugly , how deformed , how polluted and abominable their souls are in the sight of God. As God complained of the Jews , Is it time for you to dwell in your seiled houses , and this house lye waste ? Hag. 1.4 . So God may complain , is it time for the daughtets of England , for the daughters of London to be haughty , and walk with stretched out necks , and wanton eyes , walking and mincing as they go ? when the Lord is pouring out his fury , like fire upon them , and marring the pride of England , and the great pride of London , as sometime he threatned to mar the pride of Judah , and the great pride of Jerusalem , Jer. 13.9 . Ah! how do many people spend more precious time in dressing their bodies , than in trimming their souls ; and delight more to see their faces in a glass , than to view their hearts in the glass of the Word ! Oh what will become of their souls , when God shall strip them of their gaudy cloathes , and pampered bodies ! What confusion will fall on them , when their souls shall appear naked before the Lord ! Then they will cry out ; the joy of our heart is ceased , our daunce is turned into mourning ; the crown is fallen from our head , wo unto us that we have sinned . Our crown of honour , our crown of pleasure , our crown of pride is fallen from our heads , wo unto us that we have sinned , and walked in pride . Pride is the usher of ruine ; Pride goes before destruction , Prov. 16. 18. One asked an Heathen Philosopher , what God was doing ? hee answered , Totam ejus occupationem esse in elevatione humiliū , in dejectione superborum ; It is Gods whole business to exalt the humble , and to abase and cast down the proud . Behold the day cometh , that shall burn like an tven , and all the proud , &c. shall bee as stubble . Mal. 4.1 . Though now they are like iron and steel , yet then they shall bee like stubble before the fire of his devouring wrath . CHAP. VIII . HAving discovered those Capital sins for which we have just cause to think God hath been pouring out his anger against City & Country ; let me now in the next place Exhort you to mourn bitterly , for these and for all your sins : It is not enough that you mourn for the loss of a Husband , of a Wife , of a Childe , of your Goods , of your Estate , of your houses ; this sorrow is that which the Apostle calls worldly sorrow , 2 Cor. 7. and it is so far from working comfort in the end , that it worketh death ; not only death temporal , but also death eternal : if this sort of men weep their eyes out , and their hearts out , for these carnal things , yet shall they no more partake of divine joy , than the tormented Glutton doth of heavenly comfort . David's mourning for his son Absolom was carnal , and did no way tend to his true comfort ; Joab did justly blame him for his bellowing and howling for the death of Absolom . This mourning may be found in Pharoah ; such was Esau's mourning for the loss of his Fathers blessing . The Prophet Hosea tells us , that wicked men will howl upon their beds , for corn and wine , for the want or loss of temporal goods , Hos . 7.14 . They can lament for these things , but cannot lament for their sins , or lament after God ; the loss of God and of Christ , is not such a matter of mourning to them . Neither is it available , to mourn meerly for the Judgements of God inflicted upon us : Oh how did Cain mourn , when the wrath of God was upon him . So did Pharoah under Judgements ; and Ahab humbled himself greatly ; so do the damned mourn to eternity in hell : The wicked mourn , not because they have sinned , but because they are punished : God no more regardeth the howling of sinners under Judgement , than we regard the howlings of dogs when they are beaten . Neither is all sorrow for sin , godly sorrow , yet this is an high degree of mourning . Pharoah lamented his wickedness , I have sinned ; Judas also lamented his grievous sin , I have sinned in betraying innocent blood , Mat. 27.3 and now he mourneth in hell for his sin : and we have some examples of men , who sin and mourn , and then sin afresh , and mourn afresh , crying out , O my pride , O my drunkenness , O my swearing , O my uncleanness ! that the beholding their bitter mourning , would make a tender heart to mourn with them ; many such there are that mourn on earth for a fit , and mourn in hell for ever . Prov. 5. 11 , 12 , 13. Death-bed lamentation and mourning for sin , is not alwaies repenting mourning . Neither are all that mourn under dreadful apprehensions of Gods anger against them , and terrours upon them arising from their sense of sin , and apprehension of Gods wrath , true mourners ; yet this like the former , is an high degree of mourning , yet below holy mourning ; such a mourner was Cain ; the load of terrours upon his heart , pressed forth all his tears and complaints . There are such examples still of men , who in their fears of death and judgement , and agonies of conscience , do weep , confess their sins , resolve to forsake sin , and yet when they have ease , do sin again , and they are again as prophane , as irreligious as they were before , nay , they become more hardned in sin , and opposite to God and godliness than they were before . Neither do all who mourn after grace and pardon , truly mourn ; yet this is one of the neerest degrees to spiritual mourning that is found in hypocrites . An unregenerate man may feel such a load of guilt upon his conscience , as that he may mourn after grace and pardon , yet not be comforted : as there is a temporary sorrow for sin , so there is in th●m a temporary desire after ease and deliverance from it . But all such as mourn in bitterness of spirit under their spiritual wants : Mr. Cartwright gives this as a reason , why in the Beatitudes our Saviour addeth mourning next to poverty of spirit , because the want of grace and Gods favour is such a lamentation , that nothing quieteth them so long as they are without it . And though God by the hand of his bounty , give them all outward things liberally , as health , strength , riches , friends , yet still they mourn over their spiritual wants ; these are the true mourners , that complain for the want of spiritual riches . What is this worlds goods , if I have not the grace and favour of God ? As Moses said , What is the presence of an Angel , if we have not the presence of God with us ? so what is any thing ? what are all things ? if I have not Gods favour , I am undone for ever . Again , such as mourn bitterly for sin , they truly mourn . Lam. 5.16 . Wo to us , for we have sinned . Woe is the time that ever I sinned against God ; Wo is me that ever I did curse , swear , and blaspheme the holy name of God ; wo that ever I was drunk ; wo that ever I sinned against the Lord : such a mourning was that of St. Peter , he went forth and wept bitterly : wo is me that ever I did deny my Lord and Master . Such a mourner was Mary Magdalen , who washed the feet of Christ with her tears , and wiped them with the hair of her head : so David made his bed to swim , and watered his couch with tears , Psal . 6.6 . Again , such as mourn for sin , not only because it doth terrifie the conscience , but because it doth pollute and defile the soul ; who mourn for sin , not only because it is a soul-damning evil , but because it is a God-dishonouring evil , these are true mourners . Thus David mourned , Against thee , against thee have I offended , Psal . 51.4 . This was that which troubled his spirit , that he should off●nd a gracious God , a loving Father , and dishonour his holy Majesty , and violate the holy Law of God. Moreover , such as mourn for sin , and repent for sin , that bewail and forsake sin ; these men are sorry after a godly manner , 2 Cor. 7.10 . For godly sorrow worketh repentance to salvation , never to be repented of . These holy tears are very acceptable unto God , when our sins are put into the morter of our hearts , and there pounded with the pestel of compunction , and so brought into dust , and moistened with the waters of our tears , then is there made thereof a sweet smelling Oyntment and sacrifice unto God , as one well noteth . The Angels in heaven do rejoyce over one sinner that repenteth , Luk. 15. They much rejoyce to follow such a sinner , carrying the tears , of godly compunction in his eyes , and of godly sorrow in his heart : Which is not unaptly figured , Luk. 22. where the Disciples of Christ went after the man which carried the vessel of water , and in that house prepared the Passeover of the Lord : so in a spiritual sense ; the man carrying this vessel of water , is the penitent sinner , whose heart and eyes are full of tears of godly sorrow , whom the Angels following , do enter the house of his soul , and there do prepare an holy banquet for the Lord ; for which cause St. Bernard saith , The tears of holy penitents , are the sweet wine of Angels ; because in them is the savour of life , the taste of Christ , the smack of pardon , the health of the returned , the joy of reconciliation , and the sweetness of conscience . Bonaventure saith , this is one reason why God made Paradise , that our first Parents might hate and detest sin the more hainously and eagerly , which had cast them out of so pleasant an habitation : God would therefore that Adam should feel what hee had lost by his sin , that he might seek to regain another Paradise by repentance , that he who had lost paradise on earth , should more earnestly seek after that heavenly Jerusalem : so my Brethren , you that have been lately driven out of your houses , by that lamentable Conflagration ; God thereby sheweth you , that he would have you to hate and detest sin the more vehemently , which hath cast you out of your pleasant habitations ; God would have you to feel what you have lost by your sins , that ye may seek to regain better Mansions by repentance ; that you who have lost your houses on earth , may more earnestly seek after a building of God , an house not made with hands , eternal in the heavens . CHAP. IX . SECT . I. LOok to the ends that God aims at , in taking away this or that from you : his ends in it are diverse . 1. One end is to teach you , that there is nothing in any man , nor of any man that you can safely trust unto : Man hath nothing in him that he may rely upon ; his best abilities will fail him in time of his greatest need . 1. For bodily strength , take the example of Sampson , Judg. 16.20 , 21. when he had dealt treacherously with God , in discovering to an Harlot the strength he had received as a Nazarite , he awaked out of sleep , and said , I will go out as at other times , but the text saith , he wist not that God was departed from him : then the Philistines took him , and bound him , and put out his eyes , and made him to grinde in a Mill : his strength now failed him , when he had need to make use of it , now he found he had no strength of his own to trust to , and was left wholly to the will of his enemies : if the Lord leave a man to himself , his strength will soon fail him , whatsoever his strength and abilities bee . — So it is in multitudes of men , and combinations of men : who more vigorous than David and his men of war ; yet when he would have the people numbred , to see the number and multitudes of his people , the Lord in three daies space cut off seventy thousand men by the Pestilence , to shew him the vanity of trusting in numbers of men . There is no King saved by the multitude of an host ; a mighty man is not delivered by much strength ; an horse is a vain thing for safety , neither shall he deliver any by his great strength , Psal . 33 , 16 , 17. 2. The abilities of the soul , whether natural or moral abilities , are not to be trusted to , Eccles . 9.11 . thus saith Solomon , I returned , and saw under the Sun , that the race is not to the swift , nor the battle to the strong , nor bread to the wise , nor yet riches to men of understanding , nor yet favour to men of skill , but time and chance hapeneth to them all . 1. Time : Notwithstanding all their skill and cunning , unless God go along with them , they cannot bring their enterprizes to pass , be they never so wise and skilful ; unless God go along with rhem , they cannot take the fittest time to accomplish their ends and desires . And on the other side , Time happeneth to them , that is , such a time happeneth to them , that casteth them into such straits and exigences , that all their wit and skill , and understanding cannot help them . Some think they have so much wit , and so much forecast , so much understanding , skill , and foresight , as that they can shift and provide for themselves in the worst of times , as it is said of Cato , hee was suae fortunae Faber , let him live in any time or Common-wealth , he would make shift for one : but Solomon here tells us , that favour shall not be to men of skill , notwithstanding all their wit and understanding , they shal not be able to get the favour of those they do desire : and notwithstanding all their understanding , though they think they shall lay up wealth and riches to sustain them in a time of trouble , yet riches shall not be to men of understanding , neither shall they have bread to eat in a time of Famine , thus Time happeneth to them all . 2. Chance also hapneth to them : no chance hapeneth to God , for he ordereth all things by his providence ; no contingency hapneth to him ; but many chances and occurrences happen to men beside their expectation ; many things happen to them above and below their expectation , contrary to their own wills , to their own waies and means , to their own ends , to their own thoughts ▪ projects and designs . Achitophel relied much upon his wit , and gave evil counsel to Absalom , 2 Sam. 17.1 , 2. for thus he said unto him ; Let me chuse out twelve thousand men , and I will arise and pursue after David this night , and I will come upon him while he is weary and weak-handed , and will make him afraid , and all the people that are with him shall flee , and I will smite the King only , and I will bring back all the people to thee ; and the man whom thou seekest , is as if all returned , so all the people shall be in peace ; and the saying pleased Absalom well , and all the Elders of Israel . This plot was fairly laid , but chance hapned to him ; now Hushai forsook David , and fled to Absalom on purpose to defeat the counsel of Achitophel ; and a strange chance it was that Absalom should admit him to be of his Privy Council ; and yet more strange ! that he should ask his advice after Achitophel's , whose counsel in those daies , was as if a man had enquired at the Oracle of God , and that he , and all the men of war should prefer Hushai's advice better than Achitophel's ; thus chance hapned to this grand Polititian ; that he immediately withdrew himself from the Court. When he saw that his counsel was not followed , he sadled his Asse , and arose & got home to his house , unto his City , put his houshold in order , and hanged himself . But none of these came as a chance to God , no contingency in this was to him ; for v. 14. The Lord had appointed ( or commanded , as in the Margin ) to defeat , and bring to naught the good counsel of Achitophel , that he might bring evil upon Absalom . 2. For courage and valour that neither is to be trusted to : bee a man never so stout hearted , let him have the heart of a lion , yet courage may fail the most valiant , when they have occasion to make most use thereof . Who more valiant than Joshuah and his army ; yet the little Town of the men of Ai smote the Israelites , and the hearts of the men of war melted away like water , Josh . 7.5 . their natural valour , proved then but a meer vapour ; for the Lord withdrew himself from them , because of the accursed thing that was in the Camp of Israel , 1 Sam. 14. chap. we read a strange story of Jonathan the son of Saul , that hee with one man , his Armour-bearer , assaulteth a whole Garrison of the Philistines , killeth many of them , scattereth and pursueth them , and raiseth a great fear upon them ; and there was trembling in the host , in the field , and among all the people ; the Garrison , the spoilers they also trembled , and the earth quaked , so it was a very great trembling , and the watch-men of Saul in Gibeah of Benjamin looked , and behold the multitude melted away , and they went on beating down one another . Vers . 15 , 16. Yet this valour of Jonathan was not to bee trusted to : for wee read , 1 Sam. 28. chap. that Saul gathered a great army together , to fight against the Philistines , and chap. 31. when the Philistines fought against Israel , the men of Israel fled from before the Philistines , and the Philistines followed hard upon Saul and upon his Sons , and Jonathan with the rest of the army , fled away from the face of the Philistines , and the Philistines slew Jonathan , Abinadab , and Malchishua , Sauls sons , in Mount Gilboa . The reason why none of these things are to be trusted to , is because God is the only fountain of all those excellencies and good things , whether of body or minde , that are upon any men upon earth ; and therefore as the greatest , streams that run with the fullest current and carry the biggest vessels , if they be not continually relieved with a constant spring , they would soon fail , & leave their channel dry : So men of the greatest natural or moral endowments , unless they are relieved by a constant influence from Heaven , from the Fountain of life , they will soon wither and decay . II. Then much less is there any trusting to sin , or any sinful course . Trust not in oppression . Psal . 62.10 . do not study how by defrauding and circumventing others , you may enrich your selves , and work out your own ends , by base and wicked oppression : if a man would undertake some dangerous enterprize to the hazarding of his life , upon promise of some reward from another man , it sheweth he did relie much upon that man ; else hee would never make so dangerous an adventure upon such a mans woid : many men relie upon sins ; they promise fair , pleasure , profit , and hereupon they hazard their souls upon uncertainties : if thou trustest in any sin , thou wilt be exceeding vain , because sin is the greatest deceiver in the world : sin is deceitful all over , root and branch ; the inward lusts are deceitful , and all the issues , succours , roots and branches , that proceed from it , are deceitful . III. God would have us also to understand , that there is no trusting to riches : Riches are called deceitful riches , Mat. 13.22 . They promise , or seem to promise much more than they perform ; they are therefore compared to thorns , by our Saviour : many are taken with the green leaves , but are never sensible of the thorns that grow under them ; they bring many troubles to those that have them , and lay many loads upon their backs , and prove snares to their souls , leaving them under great discontent , and hindering the souls of many men , in the pursuit of eternal happiness . And many times they are deceived in the very thing it self , as to the ends themselves most aim at : Prov. 12.26 . The way of the wicked seduceth them . V. 27. The slothful man rosteth not what he took in hunting . As hunters many times lose their prey ; sometimes the dogs eat it ; sometimes others catch it out of their hands . Achan hunted after the wedge of Gold , but lost his life by it ; and Saul got fat cattle , but lost his kingdome by it . Many a wicked man gets much wealth and riches , but never reap that comfort by them as they expect : neither do they get the blessing of God to sweeten those outward comforts to them , though they have them : and in the mean time perhaps their Conscience woundeth them , and although they feed upon the sweet of Gods creatures , yet they become as gravel in their bowels , like the book which St. John did eat , which was in his mouth as honey for sweetness , but bitter in his belly , Rev. 9.10 . The remembrance how many men came by their wealth and riches , proveth very woful and bitter to them . Finally , there is no creature to bee trusted to ; not friends : nor relations , nor great mens favours . Surely men of low degree are vanity , and men of high degree are a lie , Psal . 62.9 . The furest friend thou hast in the world , is not sure of himself , therefore thou canst not promise thy self , he will be sure to thee . SECT . II. A second and God aims at , is to learn you , that when men take too much delight in their outward comforts and enjoyments , it is his usual course to deprive them of what they esteemed most dear and precious . I have read of Justus Lipsius , a most learned man , who had a most choice Library , and such a one as contained the primest Authours ; for out of all parts of the world , what rare book soever could be purchased , either by price , or by entreaty , he had it in this his treasury ; so that his Library was esteemed the most famous for books of all sorts ; nor had Lipsius so great a delight in any thing in the world , as in being in this his rich study ; so that I may say , Lipsius had even buried his soul here ; but behold a lamentable change ; what he had been , in so many years , with so great care gathering together , all , even all , was by one furious fire suddenly consumed ; what grief must this be to Lipsius , at once thus to lose all these his precious delights and jewels ? The like hapned to John Comenius , that master of Learning , in this present age ; the story whereof he gives us in this manner ; In the year 1655. ( saith he ) the King of Sweden brought in Armies into Poland , the event whereof was very unhappy to the Gospel-professours ; especially to Lesua , the chief City of refuge of the Bohemian and Silesian Exiles , which although the very Nobility of the Kingdome , delivered up with other royal Cities in the greater Poland , ( as Posnonia , Calissia , Wschowia ) into the hands of the Swedes ; yet the Polonians being afterwards stirred up , and again prevailing , there seemed a good occasion and colour for the utter overthrowing of Lesna , the late odious Nest of the Hereticks , as they termed it ; which was done at the latter end of April by the permission of God , in the year 1656. where , as others suffered the loss of all their goods , so did I also in like manner . Indeed I would have timely conveyed away my self , either for fear of some such tragical issue , or of a war of a longer continuance , and therewith of the hinderance of my studies amongst the noises of Arms. And both the admonitions sent privily by Drabicius , as also the Exhortations of friends to hasten away from that strange Country out of those flames , with invitations to come unto them , did spur me up . But I could not get a discharge from my people , nor would I leave my flock with scandal , it being verily an evil example , as they said ; until being oppressed on a suddain , and carrying away my life only for a prey , we were deprived of all ; For a foregoing rumour ( only for two hours ) of the Enemies approaching to destroy us with an universal slaughter , raising a pannick fear , put the whole City ( the armed with the unarmed ) to flight ; and the Enemy being not able to pour out his fury upon the Citizens , he poured it out upon the City ; all the streets of the City ( after a light plundering of the principal houses ) being set on fire , and so burning for three daies together , that of a thousand six hundred house , four Churches &c. nothing , truely nothing was left but ashes and rubbish . In which terrible fire , my little house also , with all my houshold stuff , was destroyed ; my Library also , with my Manuscripts , Philosophical , and Philological ( chiefly those which appertained to the garnishing of our own Country language ; ) and my Theological Manuscripts , of more than forty years study , were consumed . Even thus doth God many times deal with his chiefest favourites , hee either depriveth them of what they esteem most dear and precious to them ; or else denieth what they most eagerly pursue . I will also give an instance of another kinde ; The Lord giveth to Parents perhaps a beautiful , docil , ingenious , and towardly Childe , which for his pregnant wit , carrieth away the Bell from all his School-fellows ; but upon a suddain death croppeth off this rose-bud , and the hopeful youth dieth in the prime and flower of expectation ; oh now how excessively do his Parents weep and lament ? and it may be conceived , they inwardly think , what they blush to speak ; as , why did God give us such a Son as this , since he was determined to snatch him away so soon from us ? had we not affliction enough before , but must this heap of misery bee added to all the rest ? But God takes away such comforts as these , and he will have us to subscribe , it ought to be so , and for that cause God takes away our dearest relations and best comforts sometimes from us , that we may see our errour , in placing too much of our love upon these things , and give God the very yolk of our hearts , SECT . III. A third end God aims at , is to reduce Wanderers , and to spur them home again unto himself , that move slowly towards him . Wee may learn wisdome from the very brute beasts ; these if they be put into a Coach , Chariot , or Cart , and be lashed with whips , or pricked with goads , they are sensible it is for their exorbitancy , or because they move too slowly ; wherefore they come presently into the way again , and make more haste and speed in their journey . Certainly when God brings great losses and crosses upon us , he would have us thereby to begin to ruminate and think with our selves , verily , I have wandered and gone out of the way of the Lord , behold this fire that hath consumed my goods , calleth me to return again ; Oh whether should I have run , if the Lord had let me alone ? But suppose that I did go the right way , yet sure I did but creep as a snail in it ? these losses do read lectures to me of a neglected duty ; therefore I now resolve to put on a little faster . Absalom had by his servants often desired Joab , the Captain of the Host , to come unto him , but hee came not , 2 Sam. 14.29 . But what Absalom ? Therefore he said to his servants , see Joabs field is near mine , and he hath Barley there ; go and set it on fire ; and Absaloms servants set the field on fire ; then Joab arose , and came to Absalom , unto his house : In like manner the Lord dealeth sometimes with us ; the Lord sends out his Messengers from time to time , declaring that it is Gods will and pleasure that we should come unto him , but in the time of our ease , of our health , of our prosperity , we refuse to come unto him , but when God fireth us out of our nests , burneth up our corn , consumeth our goods , our substance , then we begin to be more gentle and tractable , and presently think of returning to him , from whom we have gone astray . Certainly Hawks will not come to the lure until they be empty ; Eusebius Emissenus said of the Prodigal , Luk. 15. That hunger brought him home , whom saturity and fulness , had driven away from his Fathers house . It is reported of Wenceslaus King of Bohemia , when as his army was routed , and all his forces dispersed , and himself was taken Prisoner , being asked how he did , and what courage he had now ; he answered , never better : for while he was so invironed with his strong army , he very seldome thought on God , but now being stript of all these fading helps , he placed all his trust and hope in God , who would heartily embrace those that came unto him , and never forsake those that trusted in him . SECT . IV. A fourth end God aims at , in taking away these things from us , is to have us to be instructed in this , that mans life consisteth not in the abundance of the things which he possesseth , Luk. 12. 15. By life two things are understood , 1. That a mans happiness doth not consist in the abundance of the things he doth enjoy ; only Christ , and a right to , & assurance of heaven , that is a mans happiness in this life , and the fruition of Christ and heaven hereafter , is the eternal happiness of a man : Lazarus was an happy man , though he had nothing , and Dives a miserable man , though he had abundance . Earthly-minded persons seek for satisfaction from earthly things ; therefore there be many that say , Who will shew us any good ? ( 1. ) Such a satisfying good , as may make our souls happy ; they look downward , and think to find this happiness in outward things . But David opposeth his resolved choice to their vain wandring desire ; Lord , lift thou up the light of thy countenance upon me ; as if he had said , I know where to have enough , Lord let me enjoy thee , and have the light of thy countenance shineing upon me , and I am satisfied : Then he speaks of his former experience , that formerly he had found satisfaction from God. Thou hast put gladness in my heart , more than in the time that their corn and their wine encreased , Psal 4.6 , 7. as if he had said , the fullest Barns and Wine-cellars cannot yeeld that content to an earthly heart , that my soul hath formerly found in thee ; when they are as full as they can hold , yet their immortal soul is not satisfied ; but I by enjoying thee am fully satisfied : Then David compareth the satisfaction he had found in God , not only with the abundance of these things , but with the encrease of them ; for it is the encrease of outward things that is apt to win the heart : a lesser estate encreasing doth more win the hearts of natural men , than a greater estate not encreasing : But David found more content in God , than worldlings did , not only in the abundance , but also in the encrease of corn and wine . Lastly , saith he , Thou hast put gladness into my heart . ] Thou hast infused it into my soul : it is God that sheddeth sweet consolation into the spirit of a man ; he doth not only give matter of joy , and ground of comfort to a believer , but giveth , as it were , the very affection of it to the soul . As for earthly things , they put not comfort into our hearts , if a man will have any good from them , he must extract and draw it out ; and when the heart and the world do close most , yet it then falls short of satisfaction ; but God doth put gladness into the heart , and he can satisfie it . 2. By life is meant likewise , that although a man had never so many possessions , had an house full of gold and silver , yet all his wealth cannot prolong his daies , nor adde a minute to his life ; as if our Saviour should reason thus ; I wonder to see men take such great pains for the things of this life , to toil and labour in a restless manner : if every pound they got and had , would adde a day or year more to their lives , there were some reason why men should thus toil for riches : but can a rich man redeem his life from death with thousands of gold and silver for a day ? would not a rich man that feareth death and hell , give a world ( if he had it ) that he might not die and be damned , and yet ten thousands of worlds cannot redeem a mans soul from death and hell ; therefore why are men so greedy after these things that cannot make their lives any longer ? Let us take a view of the Parable which our Saviour spake upon this very occasion of a rich Farmer , wherein several things are to be observed . 1. His Trade was very gainful , intimated by his ground , which brought forth plentifully , the world was coming on upon him apace . 2. He had heaped together abundance of riches , he had so much , he could not tell where to lay them . 3. See what he resolved upon , viz. to follow his pleasures and contentments without all controul ; as the Proverb is , What is a Gentleman more than his pleasure ? he would take his pleasure as well as the best man in his Country ; he would play the Glutton , and Hunt , and Hawk , and Whore , and Drink , and Swear , and Swagger , and let him see what man would dare controll him , he would make the Town and Country too hot for him . Thus saith he to himself ; Soul , thou hast riches enough . ] and that not for a day , or a moneth , or a year , but for many years : go take thy pleasure , eat , drink , and be merry ; thy abundance of riches will maintain thee in it ; here you see the prosperity of a rich covetous fool . Mark now the end and conclusion of him ; behold the lamentable Tragedy of an Earth-worm ; behold what God saith unto him , Thou fool . ] He was but a fool for his labour ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 insipiens , an unwise man , so the word signifies ; one that lived by sense like a bruit , not forecasting for the future . This night they shall take away thy soul . ] Mark the words , This night . ] Thou hast to day promised thy self long life , mirth and pleasure ; thou art deceived , thy riches shall not lengthen thy life , for this night thou shalt die , They ( i. e. the Devils ) shall come and take away my soul . ] And thou that didst dream of many years pleasure , shalt burn in hell to Eternity . Salvian hath a good meditation on this place : With his goods he prepareth happiness for others , misery for himself , mirth for others , tears for himself , a short pleasure for others , everlasting fire for himself . His Heirs that enjoyed his riches , did game , eat , drink , and were merry , and this poor covetous wretch was howling and roaring , weeping and wailing in hell . Now see our Saviours use of this Parable : So is he that layeth up treasure for himself , and is not rich toward God : that is , so is every covetous wretch , that laboureth more for temporal riches , than for grace and godliness , such a one is a fool , though he gets abundance of riches ; such a one will God cross in his plots and purposes , and when he thinks to enjoy his pleasures , then God will cut him off , and throw him into hell , his children after him shall spend his wealth , he shall be tormented in hell , when they are merry and jovial upon earth . SECT . V. A fifth end is , that thereby we may learn to mortifie our selves : Clemens Alexandrinus spake to the purpose : The Vine turneth wild , and degenerateth , unless it be pruned : man proveth exorbitant except he be scourged : for as the luxuriancy of the Vine-tree runneth out into wilde branches , except it be cut and curbed , and bringeth forth but a few Grapes , and those bitter ones ; but when it hath endured the pruning knife , it produceth soft , thick clustered , and sweet Grapes : scarce is it otherwise with man , for unless he be daily purged by losses , crosses , sorrows , he runneth out into lewd courses , as the Vine into leaves , and is hardly reduced to a due conformity to the Will of God : but when the hooked Sickle of Calamity biteth him , then he bringeth forth the fruits of repentance and mortification . Our corrupt appetite alwayes lusteth after forbidden fruit , and is by an unbridled itching , carried headlong into dangerous precipices ; here the most wise God represseth the hasty course of this unbridled kicker , while he meeteth him with losses , crosses , and calamitous incumbrances , and so this wilde Colt is tamed . Now because we are as fearful to meddle with mortification , as the dog is to drink of Nilus , therefore our most gracious God doth exercise us with losses and fiery tryals , that by them we may be the more ready to mortifie our corruptions . The Scripture sets it forth by a full expression , viz. the crucifying our lusts and the affections thereof , Gal. 6.24 . in allusion to Christs crucifying : observe the manner of his death , his hands and feet were nailed to the Cross , the Souldiers thrust their Spears into his side , it was neer the heart of Christ : Thus must we do with our sins , we must run the spear into the very heart of sin , and we must nail the hands and feet of our lusts : Nail the hands ( 1 ) The outward acts of sin , and nail the feet , that so we might not walk any more in the lusts of our flesh , as we have formerly done ; that look as Job after his manifold losses and sore tryals , said , Lord I have sinned , I will do so no more : so do thou say , Lord I have a proud heart , I have walked within my house in pride and loftiness , I have boasted of my great wealth and substance , I will do so no more : Lord I have bad an unclean heart , full of filthy thoughts and affections , I will be so no more ; here is a mortified man. If you would have your losses and crosses sanctified , consider with your selves whether your earthly members be mortified , or do you walk still in the vanity of your minds ? do you still keep up your former conversation ? Are your lusts your Centurions still ? do you obey them ? if so , then have your losses done you no good at all ; this is the end that God aims at in sending these Visitors to you , to clip your wings , that you be not as Birds that flee away from their Masters . Let these therefore excite you to do with your body of sin , as they were to do with the house that was over-spread with Leprosie ; they were to rase it down to the ground , and carry all the rubbish without the City ; so do you rase down that body of corruption , and put away your lusts , that abominable rubbish of sin from among you . SECT . VI. A sixt end is , that you may bee the better fitted to compassionate others in the like condition : it may be many of you , when you were full , and knew the want of nothing , and had all things about you according to your hearts desire , you were then so blinded with your own self-love , with your pleasures and inordinate lusts , and desires of your own ease and profits , that the distressed saints might starve and sigh and mourn , and yet you consider'd it not ; whether others did dance for joy , or mourn for grief of heart , it was all one to you ; so long as you could hear the melodious noise of the viol , and drink wine in bowls , you regarded not the afflictions of Joseph ; so long as you had your backs clothed with rich apparrel , and your bellies filled with variety of dainties , and could dwell in your stately edifices , and warm ceiled houses , you never thought upon the hunger and cold of the poor and needy , and the miseries of those that scarce have a hole to put their heads in ; you were often acquainted with the pinching wants of your miserable brethren , yet perhaps your hearts were nothing affected with pitty and compassion toward them ; you had hearts of stone , who could hear the cries of the oppressed , and look upon the pale-wrinckled faces of famished persons , and hear them sighing and bemoaning their extremities and yet your bowels yearned not over such ; how many Nabals are there that could see David in hunger , and yet their hearts dead within them ? cursed Edomites , who could behold the ruine of Zion , and mourn not over it ? How many were there among you , that had abundance of this worlds goods , and yet were niggardly in releiving and refreshing the bellies of the poor : as for themselves , they felt no hunger , but had their full tables every day , yet suffered they poor Lazarus to go away without crumbs ; they had changes of apparel , and some of them lay by till they were moth-eaten , yet suffered they Christ in his members to go naked : cursed Chams , that would not cover their brothers nakedness . How many among you , had abundance of all things , and yet gave poor pittances , God knoweth , and that with murmuring and repining hearts ? parting with their Alms , as narrow-mouth'd pots do with liquor , with much bubling , who like Grapes , yield no liquor unless they be pressed . Oh how dwelleth the love of God in such , saith the Apostle ? what a Sun in the Heavens , and not light ? what a fixed Star , and not shine ? what fire , and not give heat ? these are strange things in nature . So I may say , what love to Christ , and no compassion to his members , no relief , no bounty ? it is as strange as to see the Sun full of darkness ; certainly the love of God dwelleth not in such flinty hearts . Therefore doth the Lord take away our houses , our goods , our dearest outward comforts sometimes , for this end , that we may have a fellow-feeling of others miseries . They are usually the most pittiful to others , who have suffered great losses and miseries themselves . He that hath been pinched with poverty , will easily be brought to pitty those that are poor and needy : he that hath been sick and weak , will be ready to commiserate those that are visited ; He that hath lost all his goods , been tossed from post to pillar , and stripped out of all his estate , will presently relent at others grieved in the same kinde . Being diversly afflicted and distressed , we learn with that Tyrian Queen to say , Non ignara mali , miseris succurrere disco The sense of evils makes me to bemone , And succour them who under suffrings groan . You may plainly see there was such bowels of compassions in the Saints in Scripture . What is the whole book of Lamentations , but a large Commentary , or description of Jeremiah's compassion toward Jerusalem ? though God had provided well for the particular comfort of him , yet Jerusalems miseries did embitter his comforts , and turned all his wine into water . How tenderly affected was Job , with every particular mans distress ? When the ear heard me , then it blessed me ; and when the eye saw me , then it gave witness to me ; because I delivered the poor that cried , and the fatherless , and him that had none to help him . The blessing of him that was ready to perish came upon me , and I caused the widdows heart to sing for joy . I was eyes to the blind , and feet was I to the lame , I was a father to the poor , &c. Job 29.11 , 12 , 13 , 15 , 16. This the Apostle calls a refreshing of the bowels of the Saints ; which is a Metaphor taken from such , as being almost faint with a great heat , do finde some shady place to cool them ; such is relief to our needy brethren . Till we have been in misery and necessity our selves , we shall scarce afford our distressed brethren , any more than lip-compassion : Alas poor man ! he is in great wants , he is in a miserable condition , it grieveth me to see him , this is all ; this is that which the Apostle James taxeth , Jam. 2.15.16 . If a brother or sister be naked , and destitute of daily food : and one of you say unto them , depart in peace , be you warmed and filled , notwithstanding you give them not those things which are needful to the body , what doth it profit him ? Your lip-love , and your lip-compassion , is no comfort at all to him ; Christ will throw such compassionate Hypocrites into hell : where there is no relief from the hand , there is no pitty nor compassion in the heart ; A niggardly hand is the Index of an iron heart : this compassion is no other than painted fire to a cold hand ; it is true what a very Reverend man said ; Miseratio divitum sine benignitate , est illusio miserorum . Rich mens pitty without bounty , is a mocking of the poor in their distresses . SECT . VII . Another end that God aims at , in taking these outward things from you , is that himself may bee your portion ; he is the portion of his people . Thou art my portion O Lord , Psal . 119.57 . The Prophet calleth God , the portion of Jacob , Jerem. 10.16 . The Vine is the Drunkards portion ; Mammon is the Covetous mans portion ; Pleasure is the Voluptuous mans portion ; Gods wrath is the Wicked mans portion , upon the wicked he shall rain snares , fire and brimstone , and an horrible tempest , this shall bee the portion of their cup , Psal . 11.6 . outward sorrows , inward graces , and God himself , are the godly mans portion , and the kingdome of heaven is his inheritance . True it is ! some of Gods people have these outward things also , but they have them not as their portion ; and many times he takes them from those that have them , that they may make God their only portion , Therefore David saith , The Lord is the portion of mine inheritance , and of my cup , Psal . 16.5 . The meaning is , the Lord is to me instead of house and land , of meat and drink , and all necessaries for this present life . As the Apostle saith , Heb. 6.13 . Because God could swear by no greater , therefore he sware by himself : So it may be said in this case , because God could give no greater portion to people , therefore he gives himself unto them . And when they are stript of other things , yet even then they have God to live upon . Wherefore did God keep Israel forty years in the Wilderness , and made them to hunger and thirst , and fed them with Mannah , which neither they nor their Fathers did know ? was it not to this end , that he might make them know , that man did not live by bread only , but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of the Lord , doth man live , Deut. 8 3. What doth a great rich heir live upon , but this portion ? hee may have many other conveniencies , but hee chiefly makes account of his portion for his livelyhood . God is an All-sufficient portion ; whosoever hath him for his portion , hath enough ; there is enough in him to supply all our wants : the creatures at best , can but supply this or that particular want ; but my God , saith the Apostle , shall supply all your wants . All other portions are defective , but this sufficeth all : Some things give health , but not comfort ; some things give comfort , but not honour ; some things give honour , but not satiety . Still the shooe wrings in one place or other , there is something or other wanting to us : but God is an All-sufficient portion to the soul ; he is health to the sick , wealth to the poor , honour to the despised , an habitation to the distressed ; he is all that we need or can desire , yea , he gives abundantly more than we are able to ask or think . God is of all other , the most transcendent portion , for communicating , for security , for certainty : wee may bee robbed of our other portions , or they may be lessened , diminished , burnt , spent , consumed ; but here is an abiding portion ; God is my portion for ever , saith Asaph , Psal . 73.26 . Hee is an everlasting portion . This God is our God for ever and ever , he will be our guide even unto death , Psal . 48.14 . God is a most sure and certain portion , and many times when Gods Children have least of the things of this world , he giveth most of himself to them , in whom is every good and perfect gift , and all things richly to enjoy . Aaron had no lot among his brethren , but God saith to him , I am thy part , and thine inheritance among the children of Israel , Num. 18.20 . So it is with all Gods children when they are stript of all , then God is their portion , and their inheritance : hence a beleever may conclude , the Lord is my portion , therefore I shall not want ; surely mercy and goodness shall follow me all the daies of my life : hee that hath the Sun , can never want light ; he that hath a fountain , can never want water ; and he that hath the most high God , the possessour of all things , can never want any thing that is good for him : it is an infinite advantage to bee heir of all that God hath to give , both in heaven and in earth : well may hee say , when I have nothing , yet I want nothing , because I have God who is all things to me : The lines are fallen to me in pleasant places , yea , I have a goodly heritage , Psal . 16.6 . CHAP. X. IF God doth & may take away from us what he pleaseth , then under your great losses learn to acknowledge God the Author of all the evil and afflictions that have come upon you ; perhaps you are ready to cry out on this or that Instrument , this or that thing . When Peter drew his Sword in the defence of Christ at the Mount of Olives , and struck off the ear of Malchus , the Lord presently said unto him ; Put up thy sword into thy sheath : Shall I not drink of the Cup which my Father hath given me ? Joh. 18.11 . Might not one say , Lord why sayest thou , Thy Father put this Cup into thine hand ? This Cup , did not Judas Iscariot thy Disciple , did not Annas and Caiaphas , did not Herod and Pilate mingle it ? Did not those five Apothecaries compound and make up this very Wormwood , this meer Aloes , this bitter Gall ? Why then sayest thou , The Cup which my Father hath given me ? This Cup was the Cup of his sufferings , which God put into his hand , ut Pater , non ut Judex ; as a Father , not as a Judge , saith Rupertus ; amore non irâ , voluntate , non necessitate , gratiâ non vindictâ ; it was of love , not of wrath , it was voluntary , not of necessity , it was of grace , not of vengeance , that this Cup was given to him : This Cup , saith Christ , cometh to me from a most loving hand , is it not fit that I should drink it ? the Father drinketh to me ; and though there be many things which commend this Cup , as the restoring and redemption of the world , the enlargement and augmentation of the Kingdome of heaven , yet above all these my Fathers hand doth most of all commend this Cup unto me : it is indeed a most bitter Cup , but my drinking it will be profitable to many people ; therefore because my Father gives me this Cup to drink , I will drink it . As my Father gave me Commandment , so I do , Joh. 14.31 . And saith he , Luk. 24.46 . Ought not Christ to have suffered these things ? We are apt under our losses to cry out , such a one hath done me a mischief , the Devil set such a one on to fire my house , to consume my goods , Satan himself hath thrown down his Thunderbolt upon me : Oh such complaints are foolish ; as it pleased the Lord , so things have been , are , and shall be done ; nay , so they are best done ; not so much as one hair of thy head falleth to the ground , but God foreseeth and willeth the same : What hurt is it if fire consume thy house , if God himself be thy habitation ? What evil is it though an Enemy tear thy body to pieces , when as thy God numbreth thy hairs ? Whosoever was the Apothecary to mingle the Cup , yet drink it off if thy Father put it into thy hand . The Prophet Micah saith , that evil came from the Lord to the gate of Jerusalem , Mic. 1.12 . Behold against this Family do I devise an evil , from which ye shall not remove your necks , Mic. 2.3 . Shall there be evil in a City , and the Lord hath not done it ? All losses , crosses , all evils of punishment do come from God , and from his divine will. God is not the Author of any sin , but he is the Author of all punishment for sin , nor are we hurt by him , but only corrected for our amendment , saith Origen . Remember this word , saith S. August . The Lord hath given , the Lord hath taken away , as it pleased the Lord , so come things to pass . They were unjust who sate by Job on the dunghill , yet he was scourged and received ; they were spared to future punishment ; God reserveth all to his own judgement : Good men labour , and are punished as sons ; the wicked rejoyce , and are punished with condemnation : That which afflicteth us , shall exercise us , not hurt us . CHAP. XI . IF God hath taken all away from you , then content your selves with Gods promises ; if thou hast an interest in the Promises , thou hast enough : Answer all wicked worldlings as Esau did Jacob , I have enough , I have enough my Brother ; so say thou , I have a heavenly Mansion in the promise , which is more worth than my earthly house which is consumed ; I have heaven in the promise , which is more worth than a thousand worlds in present possession : Eternal glory is better than fading honour , eternal delights are better than momentany pleasures , eternal habitations are better than our Clay-tabernacles ; what if I have lost my goods , in heaven there is a more enduring substance , worth more than all present enjoyments ? What if the world be a Wilderness , so long as I have Canaan in the promise ? and thither I am going . Oh how good is it for Christians to store up promises afore-hand , and to let the Word of God dwell richly in our hearts , especially the promises , which are the quintessence of the word : we use to say of a rich man , he is worth God knows what ; this may we say truly of him who is rich in promises , we are subject to variety of estates and conditions here ; no mans Mountain is so strong , but it may be removed . Now as the Astronomers say , there is no herb growing on the earth , but hath its star in heaven from which it receiveth sweet influences ; so there is no estate or condition , wherein a Christian possibly may be in this life , but there is a promise to it in the holy word of God , from which he may receive sweet influences by faith . And considering that all Promises are yea and Amen in Christ ; under all your losses and afflictions labour wisely to apply them , depend on Christ in them ; he will faithfully perform all and every promise in due time to thee , for faithful is the Promiser : urge him with his promises , produce to him his hand and seal , Lord thou hast promised this or that good thing , oh make it good , be it to thy servant according to thy word : that soul may walk on thorns , on tempestuous Seas , whose feet are shod with the Promises ; he may walk in the very valley of the shadow of death , who hath the staff of a promise in his hand : he may fear no ill , but expect all grace , glory , and every good thing , who hath a promise from Christ . CHAP. XII . STudy to behave your selves Christian-like under all your losses : endure them Patiently , Thankfully , Chearfully , With submission to the will of God. SECT . I. Learn to bear them patiently , what the Apostle saith of the distressed Hebrews after the spoiling of their goods , Ye have need of patience , Heb. 10. So may I say to you that have sustained the loss of your houses , goods and possessions , ye have great need of patience . As Souldiers have need of good Boots or Shooes to save their feet and legs from being hurt with gravel stones , thorn-bushes , sticks , or other impediments that may either lie or be hurled in their way : so a Christian-souldier being armed , and having his feet shod with patience , may by help thereof pass the pikes , and go thorow all losses , crosses , and calamities , that may betide or befall him in the warfare of this world . In patience possess ye your souls , saith our Saviour , Luk. 21.19 . As faith gives us possession of Christ , so patience gives us the possession of our selves . An impatient man is so far from possessing himself , that he loseth himself , and tearing himself in his passion , throws all reason out of door , whereupon follows a great loss ; the dominion of the mind is not attained but by patience , the soul is not possessed by your deep counsels , nor by your prudence , nor by your wealth , but by your patience . Impatience exposeth a man to the greatest hazards and dangers : if the Waggoner hath not reason enough to guide the Waggon , saith Augustine , but suffereth the horses to have their heads , they will draw both him and it into destruction : The impatient man is void of reason , and so exposeth himself to ruine , he createth a constant trouble to himself , his life is a burden to him , and he enjoyes the possession of nothing with comfort , that hath not the possession of his own soul : when people are impatient under every petty loss or small cross , the Lord in just judgement lets greater crosses to befall them to disquiet those that have impatient spirits ; and let them expect it , they must look for trouble and vexation all their daies , that give way to this evil of impatience . God in his providence hath thrown you out of possession of your houses ; what a sad thing were it for you to be thrown out of the possession of your selves by impatience ? Impatience , saith one , is the Daughter of Satan , and the Parent of folly and madness . An impatient man for the loss of a peny will throw away his purse , and if he hath lost but an handful of corn , he is ready to fire the whole field . I have read of a Noble man that was Lord Chamberlain to the Emperour Rodolphus the Second , that bringing some water for the Emperour to wash his face in a Vessel of Chrystal covered , by his default and negligence the cover fell off and was broken ; whereupon the Emperour in a great rage took and threw the Vessel likewise to the ground , uttering these words ; Let the devil take the horse , since he hath got the saddle : So by one impatient act he cast away four hundred Crowns , for at so much the Chrystal was valued . Thus a light and lesser evil is oftentimes doubled with a greater , and small losses through impatience do become great and extraordinary damages . Patience sweetens every loss , and takes away the weight and burden of afflictions : Patience to the soul is as the lid to the eye ; for as the lid being shut , saves it from many things that would annoy it ; so patience coming between the soul and that which it suffereth , is a great safe-guard thereunto : Patience is a Sovereign remedy against all losses and crosses , it cureth all ; it keeps the heart from envy , the tongue from murmuring , the hand from revenge , it overcometh our Enemies without weapons , it makes a man a living Martyr without fire or sword ; suppose a man be brought very low in his outward estate , yet if he be patient , he feels the want of nothing ; it is all one not to have the world , and not to need it ; he that doth not want , hath enough , patience gives contentment in the midst of want , and then a man may be said to abound ; it is all one to be without losses and crosses , and patiently to bear them : no affliction , no loss can be heavy to the patient soul , for patience wheresoever it is , it beareth all . SECT . II. Study to bear your losses thankfully ; In everything give thanks , saith the Apostle , for this is the will of God in Christ Jesus concerning you , 1 Thes . 5.18 . Hear how excellently Chrysostome speaks to this purpose ; This , saith he , is the very will of God , to give thanks alwayes ; this argueth a soul rightly instructed . Hast thou suffered any evil , if thou wilt , it is no evil , give thanks to God , and then thou hast turned the evil into good ; say thou also as Job , when hee had lost all , The Lord hath given , the Lord hath taken away , blessed be the name of the Lord ; and what evil hast thou suffered ? what is it , a Disease ? This is no strange thing to us , seeing our bodies are mortal and naturally born to suffer . What! dost thou want money ? this may bee gotten here , and lost here . Art thou slandered and disgraced with calumnies by enemies ? Thou dost not so much suffer injury herein , as they who are the Authors ; for he who beareth the evil , is not the transgressor , but he that doth it ; whatsoever evils or losses therefore do oppress thee , give thou thanks , and thou hast changed the nature of them : Let us not therefore ( as that Father adviseth us ) fret , and vex , and fume . Job then did more deeply wound the devil , when being stript out of all , hee gave thanks to God , than if hee had distributed all to the poor and needy ; for it is much more to be stript of all , and yet to bear it patiently , generously , and thankfully , than for a rich man to give Alms ; as it here happened to righteous Job . But hath fire suddenly taken hold upon thy house , destroyed thy house , and consumed thy whole substance ? remember the sufferings of Job ; Give thanks to God , who could , though hee did not , have hindered that mischance , and thou shalt bee sure to receive as equal a reward , as if thou hadst put all into the bosome of the indigent . This he repeateth over again , and saith , Thy reward being thankful , is equal to his , who gave all he had to the poor . Chrysostome speaks further to this purpose , to them that are apt to be dejected at their poor and low estate in the world . It is fit , saith hee , that not only rich men , but even such as are cast down with poverty , should give thanks to God ; not only the healthy , but as well the sick also ; not only such as are in prosperity , but also such as live in adversity , it becometh the Saints to bee thankful ; it is no such wonder , if men who live in the affluence and abundance of wealth , be thankful ; but when our poor ship is weather-beaten with storms , and driven with tempests , then is the time for the trial of our patience , long-suffering , and thanks-giving : hereby Job got the crown , and stopped the mouth of the raging adversary , plainly shewing that hee gave thanks to God , not only for the vastness of his wealth , but likewise for the great love which he bare to God , even for his affliction . To give thanks in adverse and cross affairs , argues a minde truly grateful and wise : When thou givest thanks for blessings which thou hast received , thou payest thy debt to God ; but when thou givest thanks to him for evils , then thou makest God thy debtor : in the first thou art the debtor , but in the latter thou makest thy creditour to become thy debtor . As therefore we respect and love our Physician , not only when he giveth us restoratives , but likewise when he sendeth us corrosives ; not only when hee feedeth , but when hee pincheth us ; not only when hee giveth us liberty to walk abroad , but also when hee maketh us close prisoners within ; not only for annointing , but also for launcing us ; for though the things which be done are contrary , yet the end of both is for our good , viz. for restoring us to health ; so must wee for all things praise and magnifie God , and that the more , because the Physician is a man , and may miss of his end and aym ; but God cannot , because of his infinite wisdome and knowledge : therefore also we must give thanks to God , not only when he giveth us our hearts desire , but also when our petitions seem not to bee regarded ; for when God denieth any thing to his children , he is no less a father to them , than when hee granteth their requests ; for wee know not what is conducing to our good , so then whether we be masters of our desires and wishes , or whether wee miss of them , yet must wee give thanks . Thus Chrysostome . To this purpose , Thomas de Kempis speaks excellently , in his Book of the imitation of Christ . I give thee hearty thanks O Lord my God , that thou hast not spared my faults , but hast visited me with thy stripes for them ; inflicting griefs and sending sorrows within & without ; thy correction shall instruct me , and thy rod shall tutor me unto salvation . Gregory speaks sweetly to this very purpose . Who can be unthankful even for blows , when as he went not out of the world without stripes , who came into , and lived in it without faults ? Therefore he is of a right judgement , who not only praiseth God in prosperity , but also who blesseth his name even for calamities : if thou shalt by thanksgiving in adversity gain Gods peace with thee , things which were lost , shall be restored with multiplication , and moreover eternal joys for the time of thy sorrow shall be surely added . Thanks must bee given to a Father for his scourges and severest discipline ; for the blows of a father , are better than the kisses of an enemy . SECT . III. Labour to bear your losses chearfully : St. August . speaking of the great joy and courage which the Christian Martyrs had in the midst of their losses and sufferings , hath this expression ; Doing and suffering such things , they rejoyced and shewed themselves glad : it was a pleasure to them to obey all his commands , who had suffered more for them ; their inexplicable reward set their hearts on fire . The Hebrews took with joy the spoyling of their goods , knowing in themselves that they had in heaven a better and enduring substance , Heb. 10.34 . The Lords corrections to his children are very comfortable ; God's rod , like Aaron's , is a blooming rod , St. James implies no less , even in the first exhortation , which he giveth to the Churches of Christ ; for even immediately after the inscription of his Epistle , he saith , Count it all joy , my brethren , when , you fall into divers temptations , or tribulations , Jam. 1.2 . joy is to bee found in the sharpest trials wherewith God doth exercise his children . True it is ! no grievous loss or affliction in it self ( if a man turn his thoughts upon it , and upon the smart of it ) is comfortable ; for it is an evil , and depriveth us of some good ; but the right consideration of the Author of it , of his great love toward us ; of the minde with which , and the end for which he laies it on us , may make it very comfortable to us . As when a man hath a very dangerous wound in any part of his body , and a searching , drawing plaister , if applied unto it , to get out the corrupt blood , that may be made for the cure of the wound ; there can be no comfort in the plaister , as it smarteth , yet comfort in it , as it giveth hope of a perfect cure : so in this respect , there being many sores in our souls , and much corruption in them , these afflictions are like searching and drawing plaisters , and are not joyous in respect of the smart , but in respect of the hope they give us that we shall be healed by them ; yea , in regard of the beginning of healing , which we feel by them when they are upon us , for even then shall a Christian begin to feel a vent given to the putrifying sores of his heart , and the lusts and corruptions of the same , beginning to languish , which yeeldeth some degree of present comfort ; but moreover , the Lords Rod is joyous in regard of the future issue ; and howsoever it may smart as to present sense , nevertheless afterward it yeeldeth the peaceable fruit of righteousness to them who are exercised thereby , Heb. 12.11 . So David , after his afflictions were over , found it was good for him that he was afflicted : was it not good for David , that his Shepherds Crook was changed for a Scepter , that his mean Hood was turned to an Imperial Crown , that he was advanced from the Sheepfold to a Majestick Throne , that from wearing Shepherds weeds , he was brought to be cloathed in purple ? These things were good , and David was no way unmindful of those large benefits . He took it for a singular great favour that God took him from the Sheepfold , from following the Ewes great with young , and brought him to feed Jacob his people , and Israel his Inheritance ; but yet he esteemed it a far greater favour that God had humbled him in the state of Royalty , as he was when he fled from Absalom his Son : therefore David reckoneth this among the choicest blessings , and saith ; It is good for me that I have been afflicted ; this I esteem more precious than if thou hadst given me thousands of gold and silver . Why was this so good for David ? That I might learn thy Statutes . Hitherto I have been altogether unacquainted with the language of that heavenly Court , I was a stranger to thy divine Law , but I am become a great Proficient in that School , where none are good Scholars but such as are humbled by the Rod of Correction . Great losses and crosses do put into our hands the Torch of Wisdome , and great tribulations do make us truly wise , and though they seem to be very unpleasant , and are many times very unwelcome , yet they are Lectures of holy Discipline , and therefore we ought to bear them cheerfully . SECT . IV. Labour to bear your losses with submission to the will of God : Many Heathens from a Stoical Apathy , from vain-glory , and a vain affectation of praise , from pride and stoutness of stomack , have endured the severest torments , and suffered the loss of all things with great undauntedness of spirit , and meerly upon certain carnal grounds , and for sinister ends . As 1. That impatience is no part of manhood , but meer childishness of spirit . 2. That impatience may much aggravate , but cannot ease us of our troubles , or remove them . 3. Because others suffer with them , it is the common lot of mankind to suffer . 4. Because there is an inevitable necessity that they must be born ; feras non culpes , quod vitari non potest ; that must be borne that cannot be avoided , saith Seneca . 5. Because they cannot last alwayes , therefore they will endure them . But as August saith well , there is no true virtue where there is no true Religion ; they are not right , unless they be fruits of the spirit . True Religion teacheth us to bear losses , and endure afflictions out of love to God , and in obedience to Gods Command , and with submission to his will. There are some who are possessed with a spirit of obstinacy , that they disdain to bow under the yoke , and ( though the rod smart never so much ) to testifie any submission or remorse . Pharaoh was such a one ; how terribly did God lash him with a ten-stringed whip , yet still he hardens his heart against him , and relenteth no more than if he had struck upon the side of a rock : and Ahaz was such a one , he is branded and stigmatized for it , 2 Chron. 28.22 . God for his wickedness had delivered him up into the hands of his Enemies , and they held him in captivity and thraldome ▪ yet in the time of his distress he did more trespass against the Lord ; This is that King Ahaz . Now the ground of true patience is the will and pleasure of God. The Orator in his definition of patience , made it to be a voluntary and constant suffering , honestatis & utilitatis causâ , for credit or for profit sake : but it is not credit or profit that we must aim at in the bearing afflictions , but we must have an eye to God in it , and it must be for his sake altogether , whatever we do , or whatever we suffer . Now consider , it is his will to lay these tryals upon you , it is his pleasure you should be exercised with them , this must teach you to bear them quietly , and not to murmure against him , but to hold your peace and be silent . I was dumb , saith David , and opened not my mouth , because thou didst it . Let others make a virtue of necessity ▪ Quia necessitas sio cogit , because necessity so constrains them , they must do thus , and they cannot do otherwise ; let them yeeld because of this : Consider thou what the pleasure and will of God is , Quia Deus sic jubet , because God seeth it good for you , and so appointeth it ; submit thou therefore to his will without murmuring . I have read of Sir Thomas More , being returned from his Embassie beyond the Seas , and being far from his own house , with King Henry the VIII . that in the moneth of August , part of his dwelling house , and all his Barns ( being then full of corn ) were burnt up and consumed by a sudden fire ; his Lady certifying him of this sad mishap ; he answereth her Letter in this manner . Madam , all health wished to you ; I do understand that all our Barns and Corn , with some of our Neighbours likewise , are wasted by a fire : An heavy and lamentable loss ( but only that it was Gods will ) of such abundance of wealth : but because it so seemed good to God , we must not only patiently , but also willingly bear and submit to the hand of God so stretched out upon us ; God gave whatsoever we lost , and seeing it hath so pleased him to take away what he gave , his divine will be done : never let us repine at this , but let us take it in good part ; we are bound to be thankful as well in adversity as in prosperity , and if we cast up our accounts well , this which we esteem so great a loss , is rather a great gain ; for what is necessary and conducing to our salvation , is better known to God than to us . I entreat you therefore to take a good heart , and to give thanks to God for all these things which he hath pleased to take away , as well as for all his blessings which he hath bestowed on us , and to praise him for that which is left : It is an easie matter with God , if he please , to augment what is left : But if he shall see good to take away more , even as it shall please him , so let it be : I pray thee be joyful in the Lord with my children , and all our family ; all these things , and all we , are in the hands of the Lord ; let us therefore wholly depend upon his good will , and so no losses shall ever hurt us . Oh how good is it under all losses to conform our wills to the will of God! How willingly did David submit to the will of God , when he fled from his rebellious Son Absalom , and commanded the Priests and the Ark to return into the City , and told them , that if he should find favour in the eyes of the Lord , he would bring him back again , and shew him both it and his habitation ; but if he say , I have no delight in thee , behold here I am , let him do to me , as seemeth good in his eyes , 2 Sam. 15.25 , 26. Behold here David in a most sudden and hasty flight , in extreme straits , in deep distress , the whole Kingdome being even lost in appearance , then did David submit himself wholly to his dispose ; he submits to the authority , soveraignty , and dominion that God hath over him . There is not any sacrifice more grateful to God , than under any losses or crosses to yeeld consent to the good will and pleasure of God. S. Augustine speaks excellently to this purpose ; Doth the gold shine in the Furnace of the Goldsmith ? it will shine and shew its lustre in a Ring , in a Chain or Bracelet ; let it yet suffer the crucible , that it may come out purged from its dross to the publick view . There is the Furnace wherein is dross and gold , and fire , at which the Goldsmith bloweth ; in this Furnace the dross is consumed , the gold refined ; the one is turned to ashes , the other is cleared from all filth : The world is the Furnace , the wicked are the Dross , the righteous are the Gold , tribulation is the Fire , and God is the Goldsmith ; I do therefore what the Goldsmith will have me ; where he putteth me I endure , I am commanded to bear , he knoweth best how to purge : Though the dross burn to heat me and consume me , yet it wasteth it self , and I am purged from silth , because my soul waiteth upon God. It is meet therefore we should beg this at the hands of God , as once that devout man did . Behold , O my loving Father , I am in thy hands , I bow to the rod of thy correction , I kiss it ; strike my back and my stiff neck , that I may bend my crookedness to thy right and strait will ; give me above all things to enquire after the good pleasure of thy good will. CHAP. XIII . SEt before you the low and mean estate into which Christ was brought , that was much better than your selves . You complain your houses are burnt , your habitations are consumed : Are you in a worse condition than Christ was ? Did not he say while he was upon earth , The Birds of the ayr have nests , and the Foxes have holes , but the Son of man hath not where to lay his head ? Mat. 8.20 . So then you are in no worse condition than Jesus Christ himself was ; he that was Heir of both worlds had not an house of his own to put his head in ; your Head , your Lord , your Master did drink of the same Cup that you drink of : are you poor , hungry , naked , harbourless , so was Christ ? Mark what our Saviour speaks , Mat. 10.24 , 25. The Disciple is not above his Master , nor the servant above his Lord : it is enough for the Disciple that he be as his Master , and the servant as his Lord. If you be Christs Disciples or servants , you must not look to be above him ; it were unreasonable that the servant should be in a better condition than his Lord is , it is enough if he be equal with his Lord , it is honor enough that the servant fareth no worse than his Master . Christ thereby sheweth what measure they must expect in case they will be his Disciples : Are you rich , expect to be poor for my sake ? Have you houses and Lands , expect to forsake all these , if I require it ? This is the Motto of Christs Disciples ; Domine reliquimus omnia , & te sequuti sumus . Lord , we have left all and followed thee . Christ deals plainly with his people , and tells them , in the world ye shall be poor ye shall have tribulation , ye shall endure the loss of all things . Our Saviour requireth of all that will be his Disciples , that they do not set their affections on earthly things , that they should set their affections on heaven , Christ and he alone must dwell in us : Moreover , he requireth of his people , that quoad praeparationem animi & affectum , in respect of the preparation of the heart and the affection , they be alwaies ready cordially to part with houses , lands , and livings ; to forsake all persons and things which are near and dear to them , for his sake , and for the Gospel-sake . Yea , Christ doth sometimes put some of his people upon the actual abdication of all their worldly goods , and to become as poor as Job , as Lazarus , for his sake , yea , to rejoyce they have houses , riches , goods , lands to lose for Christ : such undoings are their makings ; such losings are savings ; this poverty is riches ; he loseth nothing who gaineth Christ by losing all the world . Christ's Discipleas did actually forsake all things and persons , to follow him . Did you often think of the poverty and low estate of Christ , while he was in the world , your hearts would bee quiet under your losses . Bee not too much dejected at your removal from your habitations ; the whole earth is your Fathers ground , the Lords lower house ; while you are lodged here , you have no assurance to lye ever in one chamber , but must bee content to remove from place of the Lords nether house , to another , resting in hope , that when you come to the Lords upper City , Jerusalem , that is above , you shall remove no more , because then you shall be at home : and for the present remove to what house or place you will , if the most high God , the possessor of heaven and earth be with you , you are still at home , and your lodging is ever taken up before night , so long as he , who is the keeper of Israel , is your home and habitation : in this dwelling House are many spacious rooms , and pleasant lights ; Oh lay down your heads , by faith , in the bosome of Christ , till this bee done , you shall never sleep soundly , nor rest in a quiet and settled habitation , FINIS . NO Abiding City IN A Perishing World ; BUT Heaven only the continuing City , which we must diligently seek . Set for in a Discourse on Hebrews 13.14 . For here we have no continuing City , but we seek one to come . OR , Meditations occasioned by the late , sad , and lamentable Fire , in the City of London . Published by William Gearing Minister of the Word . Isaiah 24.15 . Glorifie ye the Lord in the Fires , &c. Quicquid in mundo , aut praesens & hoc instabile ; aut praeteritum , & hoc jam nihil ; aut futurum , & hoc incertum . August . LONDON , Printed , by R. I. for Thomas Parkhurst , at the Golden Bible on London-Bridge . 1667. NO Abiding City IN A Perishing VVorld . Heb. 13.14 . For here we have no continuing City , but we seek one to come . CHAP. I. THe Particle [ for ] invites me to look back upon the verses foregoing . The Apostle tells us , ver . 12. that Jesus , that he might sanctifie the people with his own blood , suffered without the gate : Then he exhorteth . ver . 13. Let us go forth therefore unto him without the Camp , bearing his reproach . Christ was figured by the Sacrifices under the Law ; as the Beasts were burnt without the Camp , so Christ suffered without the gate , being cast out of the world as an accursed thing : if Christ suffered without the gate , how should the Saints be content to go out of the world , and bear the reproach the world casteth upon them , knowing that they shall be graciously received , not only into the Camp of Christ , but into his Royal Court ; the world shall not cast so much scorn upon them , as Christ will shew them love and favour : it is better to be out of the Camp with Christ , than without Christ , at the worlds head Quarters . Moses chose to forsake all rather than not to follow Christ : So let us willingly bear the reproach of Christ , and know that he will willingly receive all those that for his sake are content to bear the reproach that the world casteth upon them . This exhortation of the Apostle is directed 1. To the Jews ; to bid an eternal farewel to all the Levitical Ceremonies and Ordinances , and to go to Christ who suffered without the gate : his suffering there was to put an end to Temple-worship in Jerusalem . Calvin thus paraphraseth it ; Think not that God will now be pleased with this typical worship ; but now he expecteth that you should go to Christ , and suffer injuries , banishment , and all manner of persecutions for his sake . 2. To Christians : to bid an adieu to the customes , to the fashions , to the courses , to the lusts of this world , and to resolve to go forth to Christ , and follow him , notwithstanding the vile reproaches , cruel mockings , that ever did , and ever shall fall upon all , both Hebrews and Christians , who sincerely follow and cleave to Christ : for the Ceremonious Jews did reproach such as did shake off the yoke of Mosaical Rites , and observe the Evangelical Ordinances of Christ : and the wicked among Christians do to this very day load such with reproaches , who cast off the yoke of worldly lusts and practises , and walk as becometh the Gospel of Christ : Now he that will go forth to Christ , must resolve to bear his reproaches ; which are better than all the magnificent Titles of Honour , the vast treasures of wealth the world can give ; and though they render us ignominious before the world , yet they render us as honorable before God. My Text is a reason of the Apostles exhortation , or a strong motive to encourage us to go forth to Christ bearing his reproach ; For , or because , we have here no continuing City , but we seek one to come : Wherefore slight the reproaches of the world ( as Travellers do the barking of dogs ) in your journey to the City of glory . It is a probable conjecture made by some , as Estius observeth , that S. Paul speaks Prophetically of the destruction of the City of Jerusalem , which was then at hand , and that in a short time neither that City nor the Country about it , would be an abiding place for them , but driven from thence they should be , and be forced to wander up and down , and therefore they were to look for no other abiding place but heaven . CHAP. II. IN the words of my Text you have a Position , and an Opposition , or a Position , and a Conclusion . 1. The Position is ; Here we have no continuing City . 2. The Opposition or Conclusion is , But [ or therefore ] we seek one to come : for the present we have no abiding City , but there is an abiding City to come which we seek . This earthly Jerusalem is no abiding City for you Hebrews : this world is no abiding City for you Christians . But Jerusalem that is above , the heavenly City , the City of the King of Kings , that is an abiding City , that let us diligently seek after . This world is to believers , as the Wilderness was to the Israelites , they were Pilgrims in it : So are believers in the world , strangers and Pilgrims ; they abode not long in the Wilderness , but passed through it to Canaan , there they made their abode : so this world is not a place for believers to abide in , but must pass thorow it to an heavenly Canaan , that is an abiding Country , an abiding City , and there all believers shall abide to eternity . The general point of instruction to be drawn from hence is ; That the consideration that there is no abiding place in this world , should forcibly move us to seek out for heaven . This was that which moved Abraham , Isaac and Jacob , those renowned Candidates of Eternity , to be as Pilgrims in the world , wandring from place to place , now sojourning here , then sojourning there , but abode no where ; and wheresoever they went , they dwelt not in Palaces or Fortresses strongly built , but in Tabernacles , which they could pitch down , and take up , and carry them whether they pleased : and so they used to do , to mind them that there was no abiding for them here , but they must look after a City , wherein they should abide for ever . Heb. 11.9 , 10 , 14 , 16. By faith Abraham sojourned in the Land of Promise , as in a strange Country , dwelling in Tabernacles with Isaac and Jacob , the Heirs with him of the same Promise : for he looked for a City which hath foundations , whose Builder and Maker is God. They confessed they were strangers and pilgrims on the earth ; for they that say such things , declare plainly that they seek a Country . But now they desire a better Country ( than that from whence they came out ) that is , an heavenly . Here ye have a full proof of the point ; the Holy Ghost calling believers sojourners , pilgrims , strangers , what is it but to convince them , that there is no abiding for them in this world ? this world is not their Country , their City , their home , their habitation ; here they are not to place their hopes , to set their affections , to seek a lasting happiness ; but heaven is their City , their Country , their home , their habitation : there all our hopes should be placed , thither should all our desires aspire , there we are to seek everlasting happiness , there we shall be sure to find it , and to abide in the possession of it to eternity . CHAP. III. FOr the better prosecution of this point , I shall draw from it two Propositions , and make use of them . Prop. 1. That here is no abiding City . I need not seek proof for this , for there is none of us , but his experience evidenceth it . 1. Take City here , for our houses we dwell in ; they are no abiding places for us : death turneth every man out of his own doors , and carrieth him from his house to the grave ; it turneth Princes out of their stately Palaces , and great men out of their strong-built houses and Castles , and poor men out of their Cottages . The poor mans Cottage , the rich mans House , and the Princes Palace , are of no continuance ; how many stately Houses , Edifices , and Castles have we seen in our daies to be made ruinous heaps , and consumed to ashes ? your continual repairing them sheweth them to be of no long continuance . 2. Take City , for the Towns and Cities wherein we inhabit with others , they are no continuing places for us to abide in for ever : See we not , how one Generation passeth , and another cometh ? and the Generation that is coming is going : and though the Stages stand a while when the Actors are gone off , yet at length the Stages are taken down . What is now become of Jerusalem , of Athens , of Corinth , and of those famous Cities of Asia ? How many famous Towns and Cities are become ruinous heaps ? Jam seges est ubi Troja fuit . Behold there now is good Corn-land , Where once the City Troy did stand . The like may be said of many Towns and Cities in the world . Cato the Censor boasted that he had taken more Towns and Cities in Spain , than he had been daies in it ; Plutarch saith he took four hundred . Sempronius Gracchus , destroyed in Spain three hundred more , as Polybius relateth . Pliny saith , that Coneys destroyed a great City in Spain , and that Moles destroyed another in Macedonia : Many have been destroyed by fire , many by inundations of water , and others have been swallowed up by earthquakes : here we have no abiding City . We read , Gen. 19.24 . That the Lord rained upon Sodom and Gomorrah brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven , and he overthrew those Cities , and all the Plain , and all the inhabitants of those Cities , and that which grew upon the ground . Josephus saith , that five Cities perished : and we read of five Cities of that Region named , Gen. 14.2 . viz. Sodom , Gomorrha , Admah , Sebojim , and Bela , which is Zoar. Moses , besides the two principal Cities , mentioneth the place of their scituation , but Admah and Sebojim were destroyed by fire as well as Sodom and Gomorrah , Deut. 29.23 . these the Lord overthrew in his anger and fury : As for Zoar , Theodoret , Lyra , and others , think it was preserved upon the request of Lot , but that after Lot went out of it , it was utterly over hrown . But this cannot be made evident from Scripture , that this fifth City was either overthrown together with the rest ; or a little afterward ; but the contrary rather appeareth from the speech of the Lord to Lot , Gen. 19.21 . He said unto him , see , I have accepted thee concerning this thing , that I will not overthrow this City , for the which thou hast spoken . And mention is made of it , Isa . 15.5 . where it is said , that the Moabites being overcome by the Assyrian , should flye unto Zoar , Babylon , and Nineveh ; those great Cities , are long since utterly laid waste . 3. Take City , for the Countries wherein we live ; they shall not abide , neither shall any man continue in them for ever : Fruitful Canaan is now become a barren wilderness : how hath the Country cast out all her Inhabitants ? Kingdomes , Countries , Nations , Common-wealths , have their deaths and burials , as well as the Inhabitants of them . 4. Take City , for the world it self , and this is no continuing place . Though it hath continued a most six thousand years , yet 2 Pet. 3.10 . The day of the Lord will come as a thief in the night , in the which the heavens shall pass away with a great noise , and the elements shall melt with fervent heat , and the works that are therin shall be burnt up . Here you have a full description of the Worlds destruction : it is above all humane determination , whether this fire shall be a fire of utter abolition of the world , or a fire of purgation to refine it : when these things come to pass , then Heaven and Hell will divide the whole world between them . CHAP. IV. SECT . I. Quest . HOw is it that nothing here is of continuance ? Resp . 1. The very law of their Creation subjecteth the world , and all creatures therein , to dissolution and corruption : Every creature , qua creature , is corruptible ; look but upon their composition , the materials , the principles are corruptible ; and there is a contrariety and opposition between them : how can creatures stand and continue which are divided within themselves ? look upon the things we are most apt to dote upon ; our Cities , Houses , are they not made of dissoluble materials ? though some continue for many generations , yet either water , fire , or war , or if none of these , their age consumeth them . We see how among men , some dye of old age ; so age ruineth Cities , Towns , and all other things : the heavens , which of all creatures are the most durable , yet saith the Psalmist , they shall wax old like a garment , Psa . 102.26 . which Text is enough to confute the Philosophical opinion , that maintaineth the heavens to be made of incorruptible matter . 2. Mans rebellion against his Lord and Creator , hath put the whole creation in subjection to great vanity and corruptibility , Rom. 8.20 , 21. The creature was made subject to vanity , not willingly , but by reason of him who hath subjected the same in hope . By the creature there , is meant , the heavens and the earth , with all the creatures in them , Angels excepted , who are only spectators of this vanity , not vassals to it , as all other creatures are . By vanity ] we are to understand a state of imperfection , opposite to their created condition and perfection ; they have lost much of their Primitive excellency and perfection . And they are made subject to vanity , which denoteth , that they are unavoidably in a state of vanity ; they cannot help themselves . But yet not willingly . ] Here the Apostle continueth his Prosopopeia , attributing will to inanimate and sensitive creatures , which have no will at all : It sheweth , that this vanity that is upon the creature , is against the natural inclination of the creature . Creatures by natural instinct do abhor corruption : all creatures are strongly carried with a desire of self-preservation , to preserve their own perfections . Moreover , it noteth , that all the vanity in the creature is not from it self , but it is meerly adventitious ; mans rebellion , and Gods curse , is the cause of all their vanity : As Death passed on all men , because all had sinned , so Vanity and Corruption hath passed upon the whole Creation , because man hath sinned . — But by reason of him who hath subjected the same . ] These words clearly shew , how and by whom this yoke of vanity came to be laid on the creatures ; not by themselves , but by him who hath subjected the same , viz. God ; who being provoked by the sin of Adam , layes this bondage of vanity on the creature , as part of the penalty of mans disobedience . Cameron passionately contendeth , that it must be meant of man , not of God ; because the Apostle doth not mention the Name of God ; but the following words sufficiently confute him , and evince , it is God who subjecteth the creature to vanity ; because though he hath powred forth vanity on them , yet he hath left in them a hope of restitution . And to reconcile Cameron with other Interpreters , this distinction may be used : Man is the procuring and deserving cause of the creatures subjection unto vanity ; and God is the efficient or imposing cause of this subjection unto vanity . All creatures in their own being were by nature corruptible , but our sin makes them two-fold more the Children of vanity and corruptibility : Mans sin and Gods curse on the creature for sin , hasteneth the creatures to their dissolution . As the house of the Leper was in it self not unclean , but the walls thereof being once infected with Leprosie , it was the sooner pulled down . SECT . II. I know it is a Dispute among Divines , whether there be a decay of Nature in all creatures : Some strongly affirm , that yet there is no decay , but they are as vigorous now as they were in their first Creation . Others ( and I think more truly ) affirm , a decay in Nature , both in the Heavens and the earth ; the Sun and the Heavens have not those vigorous influences as formerly . What meaneth the curse upon the earth ; ( thorns and bryars shall it bring forth ) but a decay of its Nature ? What is meant by vanity and corruption under which it groaneth , but their natural decay ? Why are not the lives of men of that duration ▪ as formerly ? One reason given is , because the fruits of the earth are not so nourishable and healthful as before the flood ? A general Deluge brought saltness and barrenness upon the earth : so that now there is a gradual privation of the creatures of their original beauty , goodness , pleasantness , sweetness , which they received from God in their Creation , by which privation they are rendered unable to perfect the particular uses for which they were created . The Sun , Moon and Stars , though still they remain excellent creatures , yet it is supposed by sundry Divines , they have lost much of their Primitive splendour , and that they shine not so bright as at their first Creation : The Moon hath her spots ; it is disputable , whether she had them from the beginning : Some Stars ( though great bodies ) yet are scarce perceptible by the eye : The ayr , the waters , have lost much of their sweetness , pleasantness and clarity ; the earth hath lost much of her beauty ; the herbs , plants , fruits , trees , have lost much of their virtue ; all the living creatures have lost much of their created goodness . All men see with what art , toyl and labour , the husbandman provokes the earth to its present fruitfulness , seeing the whole earth was naturally propense to bring forth fruits of all kinds in great abundance ▪ but for our sakes it is subject to much barrenness ; all the Heaths and wilder wasts in the world , are marks of this curse of vanity on the earth : had not the soul of man become a Wilderness in respect of grace and holiness , there had been no Wilderness in the earth in respect of barrenness . All mans labour and sweat to make the earth bring forth , is a part of mans punishment also : Had not man sinned ( though Adam in Innocence should have laboured ) yet it should have been without sorrow , sweat , and wearisomness : Men may thank their own sin for every drop of sweat that trickleth down their face , and for every miscarrying of the earth . SECT . III. Moreover , it consisteth in a positive malignity , which through sin and the curse of God is now cast upon the whole Creation ; the Sun it self worketh deliquia , eclipses , it suffereth , it worketh a contrary evil to the good for which it was created : the heat thereof scorcheth the earth , and maketh it to become iron under our feet , whose light and heat was created to comfort and cherish the earth , it now scorcheth the creatures , yea man himself : the Ethiopians are so scorched with it , that for anger they shoot arrows against the Sun. — The Moon , besides her Eclipses and Changes , doth also emit sad influences on the creatures below , witness the Lunatick , the Paralitick ; the Moon causeth many humors in the body to stir : You read in the book of Job of the sweet influences of Pleiades , but these also do sometimes send out their maligne influences : the ayr is oftentimes very contagious and pestilential , as we have seen by sad experience of late ; and yet is manifest in many Towns and Cities , and other lesser places of this Kingdome at this day : Now the ayr scorcheth , then it cooleth ; now it is calm , then boisterous : The earth bringeth forth bryars and thorns , and unwholesome weeds , instead of wholesome fruit . In all living creatures , you shall see how sin hath put into them an hatred , and antipathy , and opposition , the one seeking to destroy each other ▪ the curse of vanity hath put the whole Creation out of order : Hence are all those mutations , alterations , corruptions , and destructions among the creatures , and of the creatures . Quest . Here it may be demanded , Why doth God inflict this punishment of vanity and corruption on the creature for mans sin , without any fault in the creature ? Resp . 1. It is no injury to the creature at all . Chrysostome saith well , Ratio aequi & iniqui non ad creaturas inanimatas transferenda est . The consideration of right and wrong , justice and injustice , is not to be transferred to the creatures void of life , but only to the rational , who were subjects capable of both . 2. Because the creatures were made for man ; therefore if man rebelled against his Soveraign Lord , they shall suffer for man also . Chrysostome saith , Si propter me factae sint , nihil admittitur injustitiae , si propter me patiantur : If they were made for my use and service , there is no injustice if they suffer for me to my shame and vexation ; and the reason is , because seeing they were made for the use and service of man , therefore the change to the worse , which is now come upon them , is not their punishment , but a part of the punishment of man. CHAP. V. R. 3. A Third reason why we have no abiding City here , nor any thing of long continuance , is taken partly from the love of God to his people , and partly from his wrath to the wicked . The wicked shall not have a continuance here , and nothing durable , because God will put an end to sin and sinners , and clear the world of sin and sinners , wherefore he will dissolve all these things . As long as wicked men live they will continue in sin ; should a wicked man live a thousand years , so long would he live in sin ; a drunkard would continue in his drunkenness , a swearer in his swearing , so long as there is any continuance of his City . Oh to what an height of wickedness would men arrive , if they and their Cities were of long continuance on the earth ; they forget God already , and should God lengthen out their time to continue for ever , or for some thousands of years , they would be ready to think themselves were Gods , and not dying men : therefore the Lord doth not suffer sinners nor their Cities to be of long continuance ; and many times he cuts off notorious sinners in the midst of their daies : Bloody and deceitful men shall not live out half their daies ; God ruineth their Cities and habitations , they moulder away , and are not of long continuance . It is likewise in love to the godly , that neither they nor their Cities shall be of long continuance here , because God will quickly put an end to their sufferings , their reproaches , their persecutions , their calamities , and deliver them from the body of death which makes them miserable , and will ere long take them up to their desired and expected happiness , laid up in heaven for them . In a word ; God will have no long lasting worldly City , or other worldly thing , that the miseries of his children may be short , and their happiness may be of eternal duration ; and that the joy and prosperity of the wicked may be short , and their sorrow and torment may be eternal . CHAP. VI. SECT . I. IF here we have no continuing City ; Vse 1 then be exhorted in the first place , not to fix the eyes of your souls upon these transitory things . Wilt thou set thine eyes upon that which is not ? Prov. 23.5 . for riches make themselves wings , and flee away toward heaven . All flesh is grass , and all the glory of man is but as the flower of the field ; the grass withereth , the flower fadeth . 1 Pet. 1.24 . All flesh is as grass ; it is but as the Earths Summers garment , put off before winter cometh ; and all the glory of man ( or whatsoever man is apt most to glory in ) is but as the flower of the field , a fading ornament , that within a day or two withereth and cometh to nothing : We look not at the things which are seen , but at the things which are not seen , for the things which are seen are temporal , but the things which are not seen are eternal , saith S. Paul , 2 Cor ▪ 4.18 . We are not restrained from the seeing of these things ; for the senses were made for use , and their use is to be applied to their several objects ; the words there used by the Apostle are [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] We look not at the things that are seen as at a mark : the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth a mark , and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to look at things as at a mark . Now when a man aimeth at a mark , he seeth many things between his eye and the mark , but he slightly looks upon them , but he looketh fully upon the mark ; his eye staieth at , and is fixed upon the mark : now the mark that the Apostle professed hee looked at , was Jesus Christ , Phil 3.14 . I forget that which is behinde , I press toward the mark for the price of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus . I conceive he alludeth to those games and acts of hostility used among the Greeks , where there was first , a mark , secondly , a price ; a mark which they look'd at , a price which they aimed at , in their exercises of shooting , wrestling , running on foot , or on horse-back , &c. So the Apostle , he had his mark that he aimed at , that was the Lord Jesus Christ , that hee might know him , and be found in him , and be made conformable to him : and the price that he ran for , was the high calling of God in Christ Jesus , the Crown of eternal life and glory , that high price to which Christians are called of God in Christ Jesus . Now on the contrary , the Apostle sheweth , that these visible and temporal things were not the mark that he aimed at , that was but a poor low thing , in comparison of eternal glory . Do not therefore make these transitory things , your mark and scope , make them not the scope of your intentions ; you cannot level at them ; they are transient , and will soon have an end . I know no such beauty in the face of this fading world , so as to draw the eyes of our souls to fix upon it ; the house of this world is a smoaky house , and it bloweth upon our eyes ; Oh then let us pluck up the stakes of our tent , and take our tent upon our back , and repair to our best home , for here we have no continuing City . SECT . II. Take heed you do not entertain too high thoughts of these perishing things , let us learn to esteem them as wise Solomon did , Vanity of vanities , Eccles . 1.2 . as he found them by experience , which cost him dear . I conceive that the Lord by his wise counsel , left him to plunge himself into sensual delights , having such a large understanding , to contrive what was in the creature to the uttermost , that he might teach the Church the nature of them , to the end of the world from his own experience . Now , saith he , Eccles . 2.12 . what can a man do that cometh after the King ? Is it not a madness for any man to think to finde more satisfaction in them than King Solomon did ? If any man hath higher thoughts of these things , it is not because he seeth more into them than Solomon did , but because he dotes so much upon them , so as to be besotted with them . Judge not according to appearance , saith our Saviour , Joh. 7.24 . He that will judge of these fading things by their outsides , may well expect to be deceived ; but the immortal soul of man being of an intellectual nature , and having an understanding faculty , being far above sense , should look more inwardly into them , and see what they are all in comparison to the true happiness of the soul of man ; they bring not the soul one step the neerer to true happiness : Now it is as impossible for the outward man to be happy , while the inner man is miserable , as for the outer part of the body to be in health , while the heart is sick unto death . Let us therefore value these transitory things at a low rate , esteeming them as vain things that cannot profit , 1 Sam. 12.21 . as nothing , less than nothing , and vanity it self , Isai . 40.17 . Oh let us compare our inch of time with vast Eternity , and the esteem that we have of this now flourishing and green world , with the esteem we shall have of it , when worms and corruption shall make their houses in our eye-holes , and our flesh and body shall be consumed ( then our light of this worlds vanity shall be more clear than now it is ) then shall we see , that though the world makes men believe , that whatsoever things it offereth them it is of good substance , and may well suffice to satisfie our hungry appetites yet when tryal is made , there is nothing to be found but winde and vanity , and that they that feed upon these Husks , feed upon nothing but the winde , as the Prophet speaks of Ephraim , Hos . 13.1 . wouldest thou not take him for a fool , that when he is hungry , would open his mouth , and gape , and take in the ayr to satisfie his hunger withall ? Thy folly , O man is nothing less , if thou thinkest to satisfie the appetite of thy soul with the wind of things visible and temporal , neglecting things eternal . Such a fool was that rich man , Luk. 12.16 , 17. ( for so the Holy Ghost calls him ) wherein did he play the fool , but in suffering his thoughts wholly to run after outward perishing things ? Therefore he thus complaineth ; I want room to lay up my fruits ; but never thinketh what room there is for him in heaven ; be cries out : What shall become of my goods ? but never thinketh , oh what shall become of my poor soul ? Then he cometh to this resolution ; I will build my Barns to lay up my fruits in . ] But no such thought as this , I will lay up for my self treasure in heaven , and labour to have a Mansion in heaven for my immortal soul : Thou hast goods laid up for many years in store . ] but no such thought as this ; Thou knowest not whether thou shalt enjoy them one day more ; for thy soul may be taken away before one night be at an end : Soul , take thine ease , eat , drink , and be merry ; but no such thought as this : Soul , what ease shall I find in eternal torments ? What if my present mirth and jollity should deprive me of that fulness of joy that is in the presence of God , and those pleasures that are for evermore , and end in howling , and weeping , and gnashing of teeth ? SECT . III. Set not your hearts upon these unstable things : O yee sons of men , how long will ye love vanity ? Psal . 4.2 . All the goods of mortals are mortal ; whatsoever it is that you entitle your selves Lords of , it is with you but for a time , it is not yours to continue with you ; there is nothing firm , eternal , and incorruptible , that weak and corruptible men do possess ; it will as necessarily perish , as we must necessarily lose it ; and this if we well understand , is a great solace , to lose that indifferently , which must perish necessarily ; the only help therefore that wee shall finde against these losses , is not to love them too dearly , because in a short time they must bee lost : Lift up your soul above humane felicities , cast it not away for those things that are below , and without it self . The soul of man cometh of a more Noble and Divine Stock , than to be enamoured with fading and perishing things : O what vanity is it so much to dote upon these shadows ? how fondly do we love them while we have them ? and how passionately do we lament their loss ? We part with many things in grief ; Because we loved them in chief . O the unhappiness of mankind , saith S. Augustine ; The world is bitter , and yet we love it : if it were sweet indeed , how should we then dote upon it ? it is very troublesome , yet we love it ; how should we affect it , if it were altogether quiet and peaceable ? how eagerly then should we gather the flowers of it , since we so greedily catch up the thorns ? Now if , as Chrysostome speaks , notwithstanding all the evils which compass us about in this world , we desire to live long in it , when , oh when ( were it free from all disturbances ) should we seek for any thing else ? we are so bewitched with these vanities , that we prefer our Pilgrimage before our Country ; and hence it is , that God either imbitters our Cups , and mingleth our pleasures with vexations , lest we should mistake Wormwood and Vinegar for true Nectar ; or else he takes away these outward comforts from us , that we may see our folly in placing so much of our affections upon things that were of no continuance : Ah! how much do we smell of the smoak of this lower house of the earth , because our heart and thoughts are here ? and how unwilling are we to go out of it , albeit we are in danger of being suffocated with the smoak of it ? It is a great folly so eagerly to love fading and unstable things : Gregory speaks well to this purpose ; We never forego any thing willingly , but what we possess inaffectionately ; and speaking of Job , he saith , He parted with all with a willing mind , which he possessed without inordinate delight . You now see the best of this world to be but a Moth-eaten thred-bare Coat ; resolve now to lay it aside , being old and full of holes , and look after that house above , not made with hands , eternal in the heavens : Set not your heart upon the world , since God hath not made it your portion , and your inheritance . What misery of miseries is it for the immortal soul of man to be enslaved to the world , which is but an heap of fuel kept in store , reserved unto fire against the day of judgement , and perdition of ungodly men , especially now in this age of the world when it is ready for the fire ? but in that day , when the perdition of the ungodly shall be , then shall the world be destroyed , the world and all its fond lovers shall perish together in one day : How shall this make for the glory of Gods Justice , who shall bring destruction upon them that love the world above himself , on that day wherein the world it self shall be destroyed ? Let us therefore endeavour daily to curb and restrain this exorbitancy of affection ; as King Tarquinius walking in his garden , whipped off the tops and heads of the tallest flowers with his staff ; so must we cut off these rising affections , as soon as they begin to peep forth , and put up head in our hearts ; this world which God will not have to be yours , O Christians , is but the dross and scum of Gods Creation , the portion of the Lords poor hired servants , the moveables , not the heritage of the Sons of Zion : It is but an Offal or hard bone , cast to the dogs that are thrust out from the new Jerusalem , upon which they rather break their teeth , than satisfie their appetite : Keep your love and your hope in heaven ; it is not good your Love and your Lord should be in two sundry Countryes , as one excellently speaketh ; he is semper idem , alwayes the same , yesterday , to day , and for ever : Keep at a distance from the walls of this Pest-house , even the pollutions of this defiling and fading world . SECT . IV. Do not muse too much upon these transitory things ; do not let your thoughts dwell too much upon them ; do not mind the things that are beneath ; do not think often , nor think seriously of them , so as to say , It is good for us to be here , let us here build Tabernacles ; as they are transitory in their own nature , so they must be lookt upon in transitu : As a Traveller in a Journey , may see many fine Towns , and stately Edifices with his eye , but he mindeth his way , he will not stay his horse to take a view of them : So he that hath heaven in his thoughts , and will seek after a City that is to come , must not suffer these fading things to stay him in his course heaven-ward : It is the vanity of our spirits that enclineth us to muse upon these transitory things ; and on the other side , the more we dwell upon them in our thoughts , the more light and vain our spirits are ; the more you muse upon them , the more you will be ensnared by them . What is a soul the poorer to want the lusts and perishing vanities of this present evil world ? Certainly we have no cause to weep at the want of such toyes as these ; we have nothing to do in this prison except to take meat , drink and house-room in it for a time only : this world is not yours ; let not your heaven be made of such poor mettal as mire and clay . Oh where are those heavenly-minded souls , that have nothing but their bodies of earth walking up & down upon the Superficies of it , whose souls , and the powers of them , are up in heaven ? Oh mens souls have no wings , and therefore they keep their Nest , and fly not to that upper Region . Could we be deaf and dead to this worlds charms , we might deride at the folly of those who are wooing this world for their match , and scorn to Court such a withered Princess , or buy this worlds kindness with a bow of our knees : Alas ! it is little the world can take from us , and it is not much that it can give us ; but the worst of Christ is better than the worlds best things ; his Chaff is better than the worlds Corn. Oh let your thoughts dwell much upon that blessedness that abideth you in the other world , and upon that continuing City that is to come . SECT . V. Labour not much for these transitory things : Labour not for the meat that perisheth , Joh. 6.27 . Our Saviour therein teacheth us , to look upon all things here below whatsoever , but as meat that goes into the belly , and is cast out of the draught to the dunghill , and exhorts us to labour after that meat that shall endure to eternal life : Do not then toil and moil for such uncertainties ; all earthly things are very mutable , they are like a Land-flood which faileth in a time of drought , when we have most need of water : S. Peter tells us , The end of all things is at hand . It is true in a two-fold sense . 1. In a relative sense , in relation to every particular , person , and his interest in them ; in relation to thee and me , and every one of us ; when our end cometh , then the end of all things is come unto us : when thy life endeth , then the world , and all the things of the world do end to thee ; it is as much to thee as if all the world were at an end . 2. It is true in an absolute sense , 2 Pet. 3.10 . The day of the Lord cometh as a thief in the night , in the which the heavens shall pass away with a great noise , and the Elements shall melt with fervent heat , the earth also , and the works that are therein , shall be burnt up : So that all these visible things are temporal , and shall have an end . Now these visible things are of two sorts ; either first , The substances , or subjects : Or secondly , The accidents ; though in a proper sense , the accidents are visible , and the substances cannot be discerned but by their accidents . You see not the substance of the world , but the colour , the form and figure of it , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and even this also is temporal , and the fashion of it passeth away , 1 Cor. 7.31 . All visible things , though never so pleasing to us , as health , wealth , honours , pleasures , riches , beauty , strength , all the outward and natural perfections that are in any creatures , are not abiding , they are temporal only , though never so pleasant to us . On the other side , all miseries , deformities , pains , sicknesses , shall all be abolished ; the substance ( that is , the foundation ) being taken away , the accidents that cleaves to them ( whether ornaments or blemishes ) must needs vanish with them . When a goodly Palace is on fire , the beauty of it , the painting , the engraving , the carved work , and also the decayes and ruines of it , will be abolished with it : So the substance of these things being destroyed , all the materials ( whether beautiful or uncomely ) shall be destroyed together . As the iron naturally hath its rust to consume it , and each tree its worm and rottenness , so all living creatures , all Cities , Kingdomes , have their internal causes of decay : Consider things above or below , all Trades or Liberal Sciences , they all ever had , and ever shall have their perishings ; and as the rivers by a continual course do empty themselves into the Ocean , so all worldly things do slide into the Channel of destruction , as to their mark they aim at : therefore labour not after these perishing things . SECT . VI. Do not expect much from these unstable things ; do not build your hopes upon them ; such hopes are but Cobweb hopes , as Bildad speaks , Job 8.13 , 14 , 15. Such a man may lean upon his house , but both he and his house will fall together ; he may hold it fast , but his hope will deceive him : Every thing under the Cope of Heaven is but ill ground , and an ill foundation , every thing except God wanteth a bottom ; and cannot stand alone of it self , and therefore can give no support to any one that shall rest or lean upon it . Oh how many are there in the world whose hearts would die within them , were these temporal things taken from them ? take away these temporal things from those that have made them their confidence , and they have nothing else to rest upon . All these visible things have miscarrying wombs and dry breasts , that will deceive those that look for much from them : the world still makes many fair promises of much good to us , and of long continuance with us , but in performances proveth contrary ; it promiseth joy , but cometh accompanied with sorrow , and when we have most need of its help , it will be farthest from us : Grapes never grew out of these thorns , nor figs out of these thistles : It is not good to trust to lying vanities , which ever deceive those that trust unto them ; and God often strips us of these uncertain things , these fading helps , and weak-hearted runawayes , that we might place all our hope and trust in him , who never leaveth nor forsaketh them that trust in him . CHAP. VII . I Come now to handle the second Proposition , which is this . Prop. 2. That Heaven is a continuing City . In the prosecution of this point , I will shew you first how it is a City , then how it is a continuing City : That it is a City , will appear by these demonstrations . 1. In a City there be divers streets , divers houses in those streets , wherein some are bigger , some are lesser ; a City is large and spacious ; so our Saviour saith , In my Fathers house ( the City of the great King ) are many Mansions , Joh. 14.2 . It is a most magnificent City , no greatness in the world can be compared with the greatness of it ; it is the Royal Palace of the great God , who inhabiteth Eternity , whom the Heaven and the Heaven of Heavens are not able to contain , there he vouchsafeth to dwell , and in a most glorious manner to communicate himself to his Angels , and his Saints . 2. Heaven is populous as a City : If you desire to know the number of the Inhabitants of this City , S. John will tell you , Revel . 7.9 . that he saw in Spirit such a great company of blessed Saints ( that no man was able to reckon them ) gathered together of all kinds of Nations , people and tongues , which stood before the Throne of Almighty God , and of the Lamb , apparrelled in white garments , and with Triumphant Palms in their hands , singing praise unto Almighty God. Hereunto doth that of the Prophet Daniel agree , Dan. 7.10 . Thousand thousands ministred unto him , and ten thousand-times ten thousand , stood before him . 3. It is full of glorious riches as a City : It is said of Tyre , that the Merchants thereof were Princes ; so all the Inhabitants of this City are Noble Personages , there is no one among them of base Lineage or extraction , forasmuch as they be all the Sons and Daughters of the Lord God Almighty , and instated into a rich and glorious Inheritance . 4. It is a City compact , and at unity within it self : We must not think that the greatness of the number of these Citizens causeth any disorder among them ; for there the multitude is no cause of confusion , but of greater order ; there must needs be good agreement , there being none but God and good company there ; there is no matter of discontent or discord among the Citizens ; for these commonly arise about partition and division either of honors or offices ; here is ambition : or else of goods or possessions ; here is covetousness : Now neither of these shall ever come there ; for heavens happy excess shall not be diminished , nor any whit impaired by reason of the multitude of sharers in it ; for as S. August . tells us , the glory of heaven shall be , Tanta singulis , quanta omnibus , such to every one in particular , as it shall be to all in common ; and although there shall be dispar gloria singulorum , yet there shall be communis laetitia omnium ; they all live so lovingly together , that they are all as it were one heart , and one soul . All the Citizens of heaven live so harmoniously and peaceably together , that the very City it self is called Jerusalem , the Vision of Peace . Although all the Saints shall be like Christ in glory , yet one Saint will exceed another in glory . God will cloathe all his children alike , yet their garments shall be made proportionable to their stature ; all the Saints shall be Vessels of Mercy , yet one Saint shall be a larger and a more capacious Vessel than another . Christ in his answer to that curious request of Zebedees wife , Mat. 20.23 . Granting that some shall sit at his right hand , and others at his left in his Kingdome , implieth , that there shall be degrees of glory , to some more , to others less ; they all shall have the same glory and happiness , Ratione objecti faelicitat is & gloria non ratione participationis : In regard of the object of happiness ( God in Christ is the object of happiness ) they shall all enjoy God ; but in regard of the participation of the object , one may and shall see him more clearly than another . In my Fathers house are many Mansions , saith our Saviour . Patris Domus , the Fathers House is put for one and the same object of glory : Pluralitas Mansionum ; there be many Mansions , that sheweth there are divers degrees of glory , saith Aquinas . This is his comparison ; there is but one Center unto which all things tend , but some bodies are neerer than other bodies ; so God in Christ is the Center of all our happiness ( Seneca calleth God , Animae Centrum , the Center of the Soul. ) But one Saint tendeth more neer to God than another ; one shall partake more of glory than another , yet notwithstanding they shall be all full of glory and happiness , as Christ is ; Christ will give to every Saint his measure of glory . Danaeus saith well ; the Saints in heaven shall want envy ; one Saint shall not envy another Saints greater measure of glory , because they shall be all full of glory ; and there shall be no want of whatsoever pertaineth to make a creature happy : Every Saint shall have and enjoy such fulness of happiness , that nec plus quaeret quam habebit , nec minus habere se dolebit , quam habet : He that hath the least measure of glory shall seek for no more , nor grieve that he hath so little . 5. The end of building Cities was , that people might be free from the fear of their Enemies abroad , and live quietly among themselves at home : Now this heavenly City is too high for any Adversary to approach to , and therefore free from being assaulted with any Forreign Enemy : There is no Enemy can shoot an arrow into this City , nor scale the walls , nor incamp against it , nor make any battery in it , nor set it on fire , nor so much as draw a line about it ; great is their peace , and nothing shall offend them . 6. It is a City in respect of its Government : A City is a Corporation of men enjoying the same priviledges , living under the same Government . Heaven is a City , saith St. August . whereof the holy Angels and Saints are the Citizens , the Eternal Father the Temple , the Son the Brightness , the Holy Ghost the Love : How can it be ill in that City where God himself is the Governour , his will and pleasure the Law , and none but the good Angels and Saints the Inhabitants thereof ? In this City God manifesteth himself gloriously , and ruleth immediately , not by outward compulsion , but by taking full possession of the soul and body of every Saint and Citizen ; they esteeming it to be their glory and happiness to be subject to him fully , he ruling in love , and they obeying in love ; he governing them as a Father , and they yeelding filial subjection to him . CHAP. VIII . NOw this City hath a high priviledge above all other Cities , it is a continuing City . The Apostle gives the reason why it is a continuing City , because it is a City which hath foundations , whose builder and maker is God , Heb. 11.10 . 1. It hath foundations in the Plural number ; it hath many foundations , firm and immoveable , foundations that cannot be shaken . 1. It is built upon the foundation of Gods eternal good will and pleasure to his people . 2. It is builded upon the foundation of Gods Election to eternal glory . 3. It is built upon the foundation of Christs Eternal Merits and Purchase . 4. It is built upon the foundation of Gods everlasting Covenant of Grace . 5. It is built upon the foundation of Gods great and faithful promises : Oh what a continuing City is heaven , that is founded upon such strong immoveable rocks and mountains of love . II. It is said , Whose builder and maker is God. ] All other Cities are builded by mortal , corruptible , dying men : but this City is made and builded by the eternal and immortal God , who will uphold it by the word of his power for ever and ever ; it is the place where he will dwell , where he will govern for ever . The Psalmist tells us , God by his excellent wisdome made the heavens , Psa . 136.5 . There is no tongue able to express the workmanship of that curious building : for if that work that appeareth outwardly to our mortal eyes be so goodly and glorious , what is there to be supposed of all the rest , that is there reserved for the sight of immortal eyes ? And if certain works of mortal men are made here so beautiful and sightly , that they do even amaze the Spectators ; what a work then must that be , that hath been wrought by the immediate hand of God himself , in that Magnificent House , that Royal Palace , that City of joy and comfort , which he hath built for the glory of his chosen Ones ? This City therefore shall continue for ever , and they that are once in possession thereof , shall never be cast out of those Mansions , which God hath appointed them in this heavenly City . CHAP. IX . Use 1. Vse 1 THese things being so , let us not think our selves Cosmopolitae , Citizens of the world , as the Heathen Phylosophers did , but Our anopolitae , Burgesses of heaven , as all the faithful have done , and carry our selves as S. Paul professeth of himself , and all his fellow-believers , saying , Our conversation is in heaven . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our City-like Conversation . Phil. 3.20 . We carry our selves as the free Denizons and Inhabitants of Heaven ; so Beza renders it . In a word ; as English Merchants or Citizens of London , travelling in France , Spain , Italy , Venice , have their hearts and minds at home with their Wives and Children , where their friends and freedomes be ; so should we from these and the like examples , learn to have heavenly minds in our earthly Mansions , and to fix our hearts and hopes upon our heavenly City , even while we be finishing our earthly Pilgrimage : The hopes of this happiness sweetens our present discontents ; and there is not any holy Pilgrim on earth , who takes not courage , when he thinketh that after his tedious Pilgrimage , he shall enjoy an endless felicity in that heavenly City . What was a station in the Wilderness among Sands , and fiery Serpents , to a settled abode in Canaan ? What is an Inne upon earth , to a mans own home in the City of the great King ? How should every one of us hasten to this City , travelling thither with all his might , and longing to be there ? Labour with a spiritual eye to take an exact view of this heavenly City , and of the beautiful order that is therein ; walk about this Celestial Sion daily in thy Contemplations , go round about her , tell the Towers thereof , walk thorow all the streets and wayes therein , consider well the beauty and glory of this City , the nobleness and worthiness of the Inhabitants thereof ; salute this sweet and pleasant Country , the Land of Immortality , the glory of all Lands , the Haven of Security , the House of Eternity , the Garden of never-fading Flowers , the Store-house of all Treasures , the Crown of the Blessed . Ah dear City ! for thee have I sighed , after thee have I thirsted for a long time , for thee have I often wept and mourned , in thee have I a treasure more worth than the whole world , which all the world is not able to deprive me of . I have long fate weeping by the waters of Babylon , my Harp hangs upon the Willows , and is now silent ; my mind now is all upon that heavenly City ; Lord I am greatly desirous to be with thee : Thy Court and House , O Lord , is safe enough , and large enough , out of which all griefs and sorrows , all pains and dolours are banished , where there is no place for fears and terrours , for diseases or death , but all is full of joy and pleasure . Happy are they who have passed their hard and wearisome time of Apprenticeship , and are now Freemen and Citizens in that joyful high and continuing City , the new Jerusalem ! CHAP. X. Use 2. THe second use that I shall make of Use 2 this point , is that of the Apostle in my Text ; seeing Heaven is a continuing City , let us therefore seek this City that is to come . You see by experience , that we are not to abide for ever in this world ; neither are men , nor any creature of long continuance ; your health , your strength , your life , your estate , your houses , your Lands , your City , your Country , are of no duration ; your pains , your aches , your weaknesses , your sicknesses , your Funerals frequently before your eyes , do preach that we are not to continue here . Oh then make it your work , your care , your business , your one thing necessary to seek after the heavenly City : Will ye have everlasting life ? then seek after this City : will ye have happiness that shall continue for ever ? then seek heaven : will ye have pleasures , riches , honours , mansions , that shall continue for ever , then seek this continuing City that is to come . SECT . I. Now seek after this heavenly City . 1. It supposeth a sense and apprehension that we have lost heaven : we were driven out of heaven , when we were driven out of Paradise ; losing Communion with God we lost heaven : Sin hath made a wide Gulf between every son of Adam and heaven : now till men are under conviction of this loss , they will never seek after heaven . When the woman in the Parable was convinced of the loss of her groat , she made earnest and diligent search after it . The Psalmist tells us plainly , that men seek not God , because they understand not , they do not understand they have lost him , Psal . 14.2 . Many a poor creature never cometh to the knowledge of their loss of heaven , till they have lost both heaven and their souls for ever ; and their first entrance into hell , is the first tidings of their loss of heaven . 2. It implieth a trouble of mind for the loss of heaven : it is the fear of hell that puts men upon the diligent seeking after heaven ; if men were not troubled for the loss of any thing , they would never seek after it : Let it go , say they , we care not for it : If a man be not troubled for the loss of a friends favour , he will never seek to regain it : This is one reason why so few seek heaven , because few are troubled at the loss of it . Oh where is the man that signeth and crieth out , woe is me , I am undone , for I have lost heaven , and am in danger of hell ▪ I can lay no claim to heaven , but hell layes claim to me ▪ Where is the man that is troubled in spirit , that he is without God , without Christ , without hope ? therefore it is that this heavenly City is so little sought after : it is only the troubled spirit that is an heaven-seeking soul . 3. It supposeth a knowledge of the worth and necessity of the thing we seek for : No man will seek for a thing of no value ; let it go , will men say , such a thing is not worth a seeking after , we can do well enough without it ; but when men are once convinced of the worth and necessity of a thing , which they cannot be without , they will earnestly seek after it : Now if there be any thing worth seeking for , it is this heavenly City : Who can be without heaven ? Is there any thing more precious than God ? Is there any possibility for our souls to be happy without enjoying God ? Is not eternal life of unspeakable worth ? What more precious in this world than life ? Is not life eternal in heaven most precious ? O who can suffer the pains of eternal death ? That man will never be perswaded to seek heaven , who never thinks it worth the having and enjoying . 4. It implies vehement desires of heaven : what a man desireth not , that he seeks not : earnest longings will put us upon seeking for every thing : in other things desires are not seekings ; but in spiritual things , earnest desires of God and heaven , are seekings of God and heaven : For , what are heavenly desires , but the reachings of the soul after heaven , pursuings after God ? O God , thou art my God , early will I seek thee : my soul thirsteth for thee ; my flesh longeth for thee ; my soul followeth hard after thee , Psa . 63.1.8 . SECT . II. In the second place I will shew you , wherein this seeking doth consist . 1. It consisteth in an earnest enquiry after the way to heaven . Isai . 55.6 . Seek ye the Lord while he may be found ; the word in the original signifies , quaerere interrogatione & verbis , to seek by words and interrogation ; as a wandring traveller will be enquiring of all he meeteth the way to such a City : So they who seek after this City that is to come , they will be very enquisitive about the way to heaven , very desirous to be directed in the right way . How did divers persons come to Christ , Good Master , what shall I do to inherit eternal life ? What shall I do to be saved ? O that my feet were directed into the wayes of thy testimonies , saith David : The greatest fear of holy men , is , lest they should be out of the way ; therefore none more scrupulous and less confident than they ; none fuller of holy doubts than they , and more frequently putting forth holy questions . Usually men are very confident that they are in the right way to heaven , therefore they never seek out after it : It vexeth them very much , when they are put to the question ; are ye sure that ye are in the right way to heaven ? I know not any thing in all the world , wherein the generality of men are more contentedly cheated , than about their state of Grace , and their title to Heaven , few there be who have a care to buy gold tryed in the fire . 2. It consisteth in a diligent and industrious application of our selves to the use of all appointed means leading and directing us to this heavenly City : He that diligently prayeth , diligently seeketh heaven : he that diligently heareth the Word , diligently seeketh heaven ▪ Hence in the New Testament the Gospel is often called the Kingdome of Heaven , and seeking God is frequently put for the worshipping of God : Gods Ordinances are a Jacobs Ladder , the top whereof reacheth to heaven , though the foot thereof be on earth ; for by it we scale heaven : The Ministery of the word are a light and a Lanthorn to our steps , to guide our feet in the way to heaven : God hath set up the Ministery as way-marks to direct Travellers in the right way ; those that neglect Gods faithful Ministers , do neglect the seeking heaven . Take this rule or caution ; when you come to Gods Ordinances , make heaven and salvation , and seeking God the end of your coming to them , Psa . 42.1 , 2. My soul thirsteth for God , for the living God , when shall I come before God. i. e. To enjoy God in his Ordinances ; seek not so much the enjoyment of Ordinances , as of God in them . 3. It implies an application of our selves to an holy and heavenly conversation : An holy life is the strait way which leadeth to heaven ; heaven is the reward of an holy and heavenly Conversation ; it is not every foul dog with his soul feet that shall tread upon the pure pavement of the New Jerusalem : He that doth not seek holiness , doth not seek heaven ; heaven is to be sought for in an heavenly manner ; heaven is a City hard to be won , the righteous wil scarcely be saved ; hell is prepared for unholy persons , forus canes , without ate dogs . 4. It consisteth in a constant use of all means , all holy duties , without fainting or desisting , until you have found a title , and obtained a claim to heaven . The woman in the Parable did not desist from seeking , till she had found her groat ; and the Spouse in the Canticles never gave over seeking Christ , till she had found him whom her soul loved : He that is slothful in seeking , may never find heaven . 5. It consisteth in an early and timely seeking ; begin to day while it is called to day : The greatest part of the world do but play with Religion , they think it an easie thing to be a Christian , and that to seek God and heaven is at the next door , and that they will be found at any time : No , no ; the foolish Virgins lost heaven by seeking it too late : Many do eternally lose heaven by delay of seeking . I make no doubt , but all do desire heaven , nor do I make any question but all or most of us do purpose to set some time apart to seek heaven : Why then not presently ? who knoweth what a day may bring forth ? who knows how soon death may arrest him ? heaven is not easily found , it is not gotten with a few words or faint wishes . SECT . III. Consider , I beseech you , your continuance here is but short : By what elegant comparisons doth the Scripture set forth the shortness of mans life : it is but a vapour , saith S. James ; it is but a dream , it is but the shadow of a dream , said an Heathen : It is as grass , or as a flower ; it is as a tale , as a thought , as a bubble , it is but a Race , but as a Weavers Shuttle ▪ but for a little moment , all which things are of a very short continuance . Have we not need then to day , while it is called to day , without delay to seek heaven , and life which continueth for evermore ? But the misery of man is great upon him , because we flatter our selves with a kind of immortality : none so sick and weakly , but hopeth for a recovery , none so aged , but thinketh he shall live a while longer . 2. How long you shall continue here is uncertain ; who knoweth when and how soon he shall depart hence ? It may be to morrow , it may be this night , or this hour , who can tell ? We do not 〈◊〉 ●ither the day nor the hour when death will come , therefore seek heaven . We have need to make haste ; the time present is yours only , the time to come is uncertain , the time past is irrecoverably gone : who can tell what to morrow will bring forth ? Peradventure death and damnation . — The present time is thine only , this hour , this Sermon , this opportunity , this call from heaven , this very exhortation to seek heaven presently . 3. Or suppose our continuance upon earth to be long , even as long as Methusaleh continued ; suppose thou hadst the Reign of Time in thy hands , and couldst slack the pace of Time at thy pleasure , yet there were no continuance for thee alwayes here , but die you must , and die you shall : But certainly you have not Time at your command ; you cannot command the Sun of Time to stand still one moment , nor to go back fifteen degrees ; time is irrecoverable if it be lost : Lost money may be recovered , but occasions neglected are irrecoverable , and will never return again . 4. Consider that properly we have no continuance here , because our lives do not stand at a stay , but like 〈◊〉 we are continually going to our graves , as fast as the wings of Time can carry us : No motion more swift than that of the Sun ; our lives do run away as swift as the Sun it self . The Sun ( that is the measurer of time ) once stood still in Joshua's daies , and returned ten degrees in Hezekiah's sickness , yet time it self ever past forward , and did never stand with the Suns standing , nor return with his returning . 5. Consider what is the reward of our neglect of seeking heaven ; even an eternal abode in hell ? For as heaven is a continuing City , so hell is a continuing Fiery Dungeon ; these flames are of eternal continuance ; these Chains of darkness are everlasting Chains ; there is the Worm that never dies , the Fire that never goes out ; there is everlasting destruction . Isai . 30.33 . Tophet is ordained of old . ] Hell is as old as sin ; God made hell , as soon as the creature became sinful : He hath made it deep and large ] here is the vastness of this prison : it is large enough to hold all wicked men and Angels : it is deep , there is the impossibility of escaping , of getting out of it ; it is so deep , that it hath no bottom , therefore it is called the Bottomless Pit : the Pile thereof is fire and much wood ; there is the super-abundance of punishment , and the extremity of torment ; and the breath of the Lord , like a river of brimstone doth kindle it . Here is the Eternity of torment , while God breathes , the fire of hell shall burn . Now if you will escape hell , seek heaven while you may find it : we are all hastening to a continuing City , or to a continuing prison , to an everlasting heaven , or an everlasting hell : this glorious City , and that burning Prison , will shortly divide the whole world of men and women between them : beware of too earnest seeking riches , they have wings , and will flee away from you ; seek not houses and Lands , for they will not abide for ever ; let not your inward thought be , that your houses shall continue for ever , and your dwelling places to all Generations : Go to Christ , walk in heavens way , get an entrance into that everlasting Kingdome , for that and that only is the continuing City . Now my Brethren , up and be doing ; seek ye first the Kingdome of God , seek heaven first of all ; it is worth finding , worth enjoying , it will make amends for all your toil and labour ; heavenly seeking is a comfortable kind of life , there is no comfort like that which is to be found in seeking heaven : What comfort will it yeeld to a Christian in the hour of death , who can say , I have sought , and I have found heaven ? and what horrour will it be to a dying sinner that hath neglected to seek after heaven , when he shall cry out , O I have lost heaven , because I neglected to seek after it , I might have found it , had I sought it : Oh what a fool was I , so willingly to deprive my self of this endless glory for a few stinking lusts , and perishing vanities ! Oh what a mad man was I to bereave my self of a room in this City of Pearl , for a few carnal and momentany delights ! Oh what Bedlams are they , and Beasts in humane shape , who for a little transitory trash , do shut themselves out of these everlasting habitations ! What intollerable Sots and sensless wretches are all such who wilfully bar themselves out of this Palace of everlasting pleasure , for the short fruition of worldly trifles ? Therefore as the Rabbin said to his Scholars , so say I to you ; Tempus breve , opus multum , operarii pigri , pater familias urget . We have a great work in hand , viz. our salvation , we have a short time to do that great work in , viz. this present life ; we are slow workers in the work , and God earnestly calls upon us to give all diligence to work out our salvation : All that is here is condemned to die , and to pass away like a Snow-ball before a Summer-Sun ; labour to wean your hearts from the breasts of this fading world , and do not make it your Patrimony , carry your selves like the Heirs of heaven , let the moveables go , and fasten your hold upon that immortal , incorruptible heritage that fadeth not away : Consider well that our great Master , Eternity , and Judgement , and the last reckoning will be upon us after a few moments , and there will shortly be a Proclamation by one standing in the Clouds , that time shall be no more ; this worlds span-length of time is now drawn to less than half an inch , and even to the point of the evening of the day of this old and grey-haired world , then a sight of him that is invisible will obscure and darken all the glory of this world : Oh mend your pace , and go on more swiftly towards your heavenly City ; you have need to make haste , because the inch of your life that remaineth will quickly slip away . FINIS . Books to be sold by Thomas Parkhurst , at the Golden Bible on London-Bridg . THese six Treatises next following , were written by Mr. George Swinnock . 1 The Christian mans Calling ; or , a Treatise of making Religion ones business , in Religious Duties , Natural Actions , his Particular Vocation , his Family Directions , and his own Recreation ; to be read in Families for their Instruction and Edification . The First Part. 2 Likewise a Second Part ; wherein Christians are directed to perform their Duties , as Husbands and Wives , Parents and Children , Masters and Servants , in the Conditions of prosperity and adversity . 3 The Third and last Part of the Christian mans Calling ; wherein the Christian is directed how to make Religion his business , in his Dealings with all Men , in the Choice of his Companions , in his Carriage in good Company , in bad Company , in Solitariness , or when he is Alone , on a Week-day , from Morning to Night , in Visiting the Sick , on a Dying-bed ; as also the Means how a Christian may do this , and some Motives to it . 4 The Door of Salvation Opened , by the Key of Regeneration , 5 Heaven and Hell Epitomized ; and the True Christian Characterized . 6 The Fading of the Flesh , and the Flourishing of Faith : or , One cast for Eternity , with the only way to throw it well ; All these by George Swinnock , M. A. A Wedding Ring fit for the finger ; together with the non such Professor ; by W. Secker . Joh. Am. Comenii schola , Ludus seu Encuclopaedia viva , i. e. Januae Linguarum praxis Comica . The Godly Mans Ark , in five Sermons ; with Mrs. Moors Evidences for Heaven ; by Ed. Calamy . A Practical Discourse of prayer , wherein is handled the nature and duty of prayer ; by T. Cobbet . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A42547-e190 Bodin . de Rep●●● lib. 4 Evangr . lib. 2. ca. 13. Notes for div A42547-e1900 Justin Martyr . Hierom. Lyra. Targ in Job 9. Pareus in Gen. 6. Joseph . de bello Judaico . Drexel . School of Patience . Plura sunt quae terrent , quam quae premunt . Conscientia peccati est mater formidinis . Chrysost . Suetonius . Aul. Gell. Noct. Attic. Ainsworth in Psa . 32. Wright de Passionib . Seneca . Ecclus . 11.14 . Tremel . in Psa . 49. By gold , silver , brass and iron , are meant the Assyrian , the Persian , the Grecian , and the Roman Empires , who should rule the world till Christ , here called the Stone , doth come himself to destroy the last of these Monarchies . Esther 3.12 . Mark 10.14 . Plorabant nascentes , Prophetae suae calamitatis : lachrymae enim testes sunt miseriae ; nondum loquebantur , & jam Prophetabant . Quid Prophetabant ? In labore se venturos , vel timore , &c. Aug. de verb. Apost . Serm. 24. Mat. 18.10 . Valer. Maxim. lib. 5. cap. 10. Joseph de bello Judaico . Dan. 7.2 , 3 2 Reg. 17.6 . Plutarchus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi septicollem vocat . Septem una sibi muro circundedit arces . Servius in VI Aen. Haliemus Instrumenta servilia etiam Reges . Tacit . Du Moulin Respons . ad Cardin. Du Perron . Noverat cogitare ut forté concupiscere aliquid , quod caecus non possit implere , sed in corde judicari á cordis perscrutatore . Aug. Tract . in Joan. 44. Calvin super Joh. 9.3 . Mat. 20.15 . Byrdals profit of godliness . unusquisque consideret , non quod alius passus sit , sed quid patiet ipse mereatur , Cyprian . de lapsis Sect. 21. Calvin harmon . sup . hunc locum . August . Certè si beneficiorum Dei essemus capaces , liberaliùs nobiscum ageret Deus . Calvin . Job 1.21 . Opposita juxta se posita clariùs elucescunt . Scultet . in Jes . 1.5 . Chrysost . in Mat. 5.28 . Lam. 3.15 16 Cartwr . Harmon . Evangel . Savanarol . meditat . in Psal . 51. Lachrymae sanctorum , Vinū Angelorū . Bern. Bonavent . Meditat. 2 Cor. 5.1 Comenius in vit . Drabic . c. 28. Euseb . Emissen . serm . 2. de Prodigo . Bonis suis aliis praeparat beatitudinem , sibi miseriam , aliis gaudia , sibi lachrymas , aliis voluptatem brevem , sibi ignem perpetuum . Salvian . Clem. Alexandr . Padag . Virgil. Aeneid . 5. Rupertus . Amos 3.6 Origen . Homil. 23. in Numer . August . in Psa . 72. Chrysost . Tom 5. Homil . 68. Idem in c. 1. ad Rom. homil . 2. Idem in Psal . 148. Idem in Gen. 11. Homil. 30 Thom. de Kempis de imitat . Christi , l. 3. c. 5. Gregor . Pastor . part 3. admonir . 13. Aug. Serm. 12. de sanctis . Ferre decet patienter onus , quod ferre necesse est . Qui jacet invitus , durius ille jacet . Seneca . Psa . 39. August . in Psal . 60. Tho. de Kempis . de imitat Christi , lib. 3. ca. 5. Psal . 90.1 Notes for div A42547-e16050 Calvin ad loc . Estius Exposit . in loc . Observ . Plutarch . Polyb. Histor . Joseph . de bello Judaico , lib. 5. Walther . Harmon . Biblic . in Gen. 19 Cameron Praelect . Chrysost . August . Tom. 10. Serm. de Temp. Chrysost . ad Pop. Antioch . Homil. 6. Gregor . Moral . lib. 1. ca. 3. 2 Per. 3.7 . 1 Pet. 4.7 . Lips . lib. 1. de constant . ca. 15. Aquinas . Seneca . Carent omni invidia , & ●arent omni rerum ad beatitudinem necessariarum indigentia . Danae ●8 . Coeli conditor est Deus , quoad formam naturae , & Artifex ejus quoad formam gloria . Gorran in Heb. vid. Perrer . in Gene●in . & Polan . Syntagm . p. 274. Nos ut municipes Coelorum gerimus . Beza in Phil. 3.20 . Qui quarit , vult scire , aut obtinere . Lamb. in Plaut . Mot. 1. Psa . 49.11 ▪ A49068 ---- By the maior whereas divers rude and disordered young-men, apprentices and others, do now of late presume and take to themselves a liberty ... to throw about squibs and fireworks in the streets ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1674 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49068 Wing L2885U ESTC R41752 31360544 ocm 31360544 110731 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49068) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110731) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:10) By the maior whereas divers rude and disordered young-men, apprentices and others, do now of late presume and take to themselves a liberty ... to throw about squibs and fireworks in the streets ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Hooker, William, Sir, 1612-1697. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed by Andrew Clark, Printer to the Honorable City of London, [London] : 1674. "Given this third day of November, 1674. and in the six and twentieth year of His Majesties Reign." Reproduction of original in the Guildhall Library (London, England). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Maior . WHereas divers rude and disordered Young-men , Apprentices and others , do now of late presume and take to themselves a Liberty ( beyond what hath ever been in former times ) to throw about Squibs and Fire-works in the Streets and Publick Passages of this City , and especially in Places and at Times of greatest Resort ; whereby great and intolerable Mischiefs are continually done , proceeding sometimes even to Murder itself , ( as is too too evident by a late sad Example ) and very many Persons , especially Women and Children are terrified and affrighted , not daring to adventure themselves in the Streets for fear of such rude and barbarous Usage , which is no where else to be parallelled in the whole World ; and almost all Persons of Quality ( upon whom the Trade of this City does very much depend ) being so frequently assaulted in their Coaches in that rude manner , are driven and kept out from the City , to secure themselves from those dangers . Which disordered Practices , although they have been constantly disowned and prohibited by the Authority of this City , yet nothing hitherto hath been sufficient to prevent them , to the great Dishonour of the Magistracy of this City , the great Prejudice and Hindrance of the Trade thereof , and the Scandal of this once renowned City in all civilized parts of the World. The Right Honorable the Lord Maior of this City doth therefore think it fitting , and necessary , and highly incumbent upon him to take all possible care to obviate and prevent so rude and disordered a Practice , and he doth hereby streightly charge and command , that all Persons do for the future altogether forbear to throw about any Squibs , Fire-brands or Fire-works at any time , or upon any occasion , in any the Streets or Publick Passages of this City : And that all Masters of Families within the same be very diligent and careful , and use their utmost endeavours to keep in and restrain their Children and Servants from doing the same : In default whereof his Lordship is resolved , and he doth hereby publish and declare , that he will certainly inflict the utmost and severest Punishment , with all possible rigor , upon all such who shall hereafter be found to transgress herein . And wherever any person shall be so apprehended , besides their personal Punishment , their Parents or Masters for neglecting the Government , and their Remisness to contribute their Endeavours to the Weal and Publick Benefit of this City in the restraint of such Rudeness and Abuses , shall also have marks of his Lordships Displeasure inflicted on them . Given this third day of November , 1674. and in the six and twentieth year of His Majesties Reign . God save the King. Printed by Andrew Clark , Printer to the Honorable City of LONDON . 1674. A49072 ---- By the mayor, to the alderman of the ward of [blank] whereas I have received a rule made yesterday by His Majesties Court of Kings-Bench, whereby (upon great complaint made to the said court, that squibs and crackers are frequently thrown into coaches passing the streets of this city ...) City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1684 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49072 Wing L2886H ESTC R41299 31354851 ocm 31354851 110275 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49072) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110275) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:18) By the mayor, to the alderman of the ward of [blank] whereas I have received a rule made yesterday by His Majesties Court of Kings-Bench, whereby (upon great complaint made to the said court, that squibs and crackers are frequently thrown into coaches passing the streets of this city ...) City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Tulse, Henry, Sir, d. 1689. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed by Samuel Roycroft, Printer to this Honourable City, [London] : 1684. Form letter. "Dated the 25th. day of October, 1684. Wagstaffe." Reproduction of original in Guildhall Library (London, England). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Offenses against public safety -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Mayor . To the Alderman of the Ward of _____ WHEREAS I have received a RULE , made Yesterday by His MAJESTIES Court of Kings-Bench , whereby ( upon great Complaint made to the said Court , That Squibs and Crackers are frequently thrown into Coaches passing the Streets of this CITY , and great mischief thereby done ; ) It was Ordered , That Warrants be from Me and my Brethren the Aldermen , Issued out to the several Constables of this City , Requiring them to be and attend in the Streets ( in their respective Precincts ) On the Nine and Twentieth of this instant October , and the Fifth of November next , and the Fifteenth of the said Month of November , to hinder all Persons from throwing Squibs and Crackers in the Streets , and to seize and secure all such as shall presume to throw the same , and not to suffer any Persons whatsoever , either on the Days aforesaid , or at any other Time or Times hereafter , to Throw any Squibs and Crackers into any Coaches in the Streets , but to take Care that all Persons may pass in Coaches quietly and securely without harm or hindrance : And that all Citizens of this City be Aiding and Assisting to the Constables in the Execution of their Office herein . These are therefore in His MAJESTIES Name streightly to Charge and Require You , immediately to call before You all the several Constables within Your Ward , and give them in strict Charge , That ( as They will answer the Contrary at their Perils ) They be very careful and diligent to Observe and Execute the said Order : And that They ( in their own Persons ) give their constant Attendance in and about the Streets , within their respective Precincts , On the said Nine and Twentieth of this Month , and the Fifth and Fifteenth of November next , and there prevent all Throwing of Squibs , and Apprehend all Persons that shall presume to do the same , and bring them before a Justice of the Peace within this City , to be punished according to their Demerits . And that at all other Times likewise , They be watchful to hinder the same ; And wherever They shall find any Offending herein , that They fail not to do their Duty in carrying Them before a Justice of the Peace , as aforesaid . And all Citizens and Inhabitants of this City are to Aid and Assist the Constables therein : And hereof I desire You not to fail . Dated the 25 th day of October , 1684 . Wagstaffe . Printed by SAMVEL ROYCROFT , Printer to this Honourable City , 1684. A49073 ---- By the mayor, to the alderman of the ward of [blank] whereas divers good laws have been made, and are still in force, for the suppressing and punishing of vagrants, vagabonds, and other idle persons ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1687 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49073 Wing L2886J ESTC R41301 31354866 ocm 31354866 110277 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49073) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110277) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:19) By the mayor, to the alderman of the ward of [blank] whereas divers good laws have been made, and are still in force, for the suppressing and punishing of vagrants, vagabonds, and other idle persons ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Samuel Roycroft, Printer to the Honourable City of London, [London] : [1687] Form letter. "Given this 15th Day of March, 1686/7. Wagstaffe." Reproduction of original in Guildhall Library (London, England). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Contraventions (Criminal law) -- England -- London. Vagrancy -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Mayor . To the Alderman of the Ward of _____ WHEREAS divers good Laws have been Made , and are still in Force , for the Suppressing and Punishment of Vagrants , Vagabonds , and other idle Persons , the not executing whereof is the Reason that Vagrants and Beggars do so much Swarm in the Streets and Places of common Resort within this CITY , To the great Annoyance and Disturbance of the Citizens and Inhabitants thereof , and all others resorting thereunto , and the great Scandal of the Government in tolerating so great a Mischief : To the end therefore the said Laws may be better put in Execution for the Future , and the Streets , Common Passages , Church-Doors , and all other Places of Publick Resort be cleared from that Living Nusance ; These are in His MAJESTIES Name streightly to Charge and Require you , That you forthwith call before you all the Constables within your Ward , and give them your Selves strict Command , as by the Laws in that behalf they are required , to be very careful , diligent and active to observe and apprehend all Vagrants and Beggars , that shall at any time be found Begging in their respective Parishes and Precincts , and such of them as shall have Dwellings or Abode within the City , or the Liberties thereof , that They carry to BRIDEWELL , there to be received and dealt withal according to Law ; And all others that ( as the Law in that behalf directs ) they punish and pass away from Parish to Parish , the next strait Way to the Parish where they were Born , if the same may be known by the Parties Confession , or otherwise ; and if that be not known , then to the Parish where they last Dwelt , by the space of one whole Year before the same Punishment ; and if that cannot be well known , then to the Parishes through which they last past without Punishment . And if through the Remissness or Negligence of the Constable of any Precinct to put the said Laws in Execution , any Vagrant shall at any time be found Begging in any Precinct within your Ward , you are desired to cause the Constable of the said Precinct to be Bound over to the Sessions , there to Answer the same ; the Law having provided , That every Constable shall in such case Forfeit Ten Shillings for every Default : And you are earnestly desired to Press ( what in you lies ) all the said Constables to a due and careful observance of their Duty in this particular ; And also that you will make it your Care , That where any Constable shall at any time fail herein , He may certainly suffer the Penalty of the Law for every Default . Hereof fail not , as you tender the Honour of the Government , and the publick Weal of this City . Given this 15th Day of March , 1686 / 7 . Wagstaffe . Printed by SAMVEL ROTCROFT , Printer to the Honourable City of London . A49075 ---- By the mayor. To the alderman of the ward of [blank] Whereas His Highness the Prince of Orange, hath been pleased to signifie to me this day, that divers persons (pretending themselves to be citizens of London) in a tumultuous and disorderly manner have lately disturbed the present convention of the Lords and Commons at Westminster ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1689 Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49075 Wing L2886M ESTC R213279 31354871 ocm 31354871 110278 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49075) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110278) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:21 or 1928:3) By the mayor. To the alderman of the ward of [blank] Whereas His Highness the Prince of Orange, hath been pleased to signifie to me this day, that divers persons (pretending themselves to be citizens of London) in a tumultuous and disorderly manner have lately disturbed the present convention of the Lords and Commons at Westminster ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Chapman, John, Sir, 1633-1689. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Samuel Roycroft, Printer to the Honourable City of London, [London] : [1689] Form letter. Other title information from first six lines of text. "Dated the Third Day of February, 1688/9. Wagstaffe." Reproductions of originals in Guildhall Library (London, England) (reel 1745), and British Library (reel 1928). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Offenses against public safety -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2005-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms By the Mayor . To the Alderman of the Ward of _____ WHEREAS His Highness , The PRINCE of ORANGE , hath been pleased to signifie to Me this Day , That divers Persons ( Pretending Themselves to be Citizens of LONDON ) in a Tumultuous and Disorderly Manner , have lately Disturbed the Present Convention of the LORDS and COMMONS at Westminster , Upon Pretence of Petitioning : It being Regular and Usual for the Citizens of This City , that are under the Apprehension of any Grievance , to make Their Application to my Self , and the Court of Aldermen : Therefore with the Advice of my Brethren , the Aldermen of This CITY ; These are to Require You , That You Command your Beadle immediately to give Notice to Every Inhabitant within Your Ward , That They forbear any such Tumultuous Disturbance , or Assembly ; As They will Answer the Contrary at Their utmost Peril . Dated the Third Day of February , 1688 / 89. Wagstaffe . Printed by SAMVEL ROYCROFT , Printer to the Honourable City of London . A49080 ---- London ff. ad generalem session' pacis dom' regis, tent' pro civit' London' per adjornament' apud Justice-Hall in le Old-Baily, London', die Mercurii, scil. Octavo die Maii anno regni domini nostri Willielmi Tertii, nunc regis Angl', &c. septimo coram Thoma Lane, milite, majore civitat' Lond', Roberto Clayton, mil', Patien' Ward, mil', Roberto Jeffery, mil', Thoma Stampe, mil', & Willielmo Ashhurst, milit', aldermannis civitat' prædict', & Salathiel Lovell, mil' servien' ad legem ac recordatore ejusdem civit', ac al' sociis suis justic' dicti dom' regis ad pacem in civitat' præd' conservand'; necnon ad diversas felon', transgr' & al' malefact' infro eandem civitat' perpertrat' audiend' & terminand' assign'. City of London (England). Court of Aldermen. 1695 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49080 Wing L2887P ESTC R41475 31355418 ocm 31355418 110452 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49080) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110452) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1745:28) London ff. ad generalem session' pacis dom' regis, tent' pro civit' London' per adjornament' apud Justice-Hall in le Old-Baily, London', die Mercurii, scil. Octavo die Maii anno regni domini nostri Willielmi Tertii, nunc regis Angl', &c. septimo coram Thoma Lane, milite, majore civitat' Lond', Roberto Clayton, mil', Patien' Ward, mil', Roberto Jeffery, mil', Thoma Stampe, mil', & Willielmo Ashhurst, milit', aldermannis civitat' prædict', & Salathiel Lovell, mil' servien' ad legem ac recordatore ejusdem civit', ac al' sociis suis justic' dicti dom' regis ad pacem in civitat' præd' conservand'; necnon ad diversas felon', transgr' & al' malefact' infro eandem civitat' perpertrat' audiend' & terminand' assign'. City of London (England). Court of Aldermen. Lane, Thomas, Sir, 1652-1709. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed by Samuel Roycroft, Printer to the Honourable City of London, [London] : 1695. Ordering the closing of public-houses at ten p.m. daily. At head of sheet: Lane, mayor. Reproduction of original in Guildhall Library (London, England). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Bars (Drinking establishments) -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 Megan Marion Sampled and proofread 2008-10 Megan Marion Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion City of London coat of arms Lane Mayor . LONDON ss . Ad Generalem Session ' Pacis Dom ' Regis , tent ' pro Civit ' London ' per Adjornament ' apud Justice-Hall in le Old-Baily , London ' , die Mercurii , scil . Octavo die Maii , Anno Regni Domini nostri WILLIELMI Tertii , nunc Regis Angl ' , &c. Septimo : Coram Thoma Lane Milite , Majore Civitat ' Lond ' , Roberto Clayton Mil ' , Patien ' Ward Mil ' , Roberto Jeffery Mil ' , Thoma Stampe Mil ' , & Willielmo Ashhurst Milit ' , Aldermannis Civitat ' praedict ' , & Salathiel Lovell Mil ' Servien ' ad Legem ac Recordatore ejusdem Civit ' , ac al' Sociis suis Justic ' dicti Dom ' Regis ad Pacem in Civitat ' praed ' conservand ' ; Necnon ad diversas Felon ' , Transgr ' & al' Malefact ' infra eandem Civitat ' perpetrat ' audiend ' & terminand ' assign ' . WHEREAS many great Disorders are frequently committed and done in Publick-Houses , within this City and Liberties thereof , by divers disorderly Persons resorting thereto and abiding therein at late and unseasonable times in the Night , to the ruin of many Families , and to the harbouring and encouraging of Thieves and Robbers , to commit many Thefts and Robberies , to the great disturbance of the Peace , contrary to Law , and to the dishonour of the Government of this CITY : For prevention of which great Evils and Mischiefs , It is Ordered by His MAJESTIES Justices of the Peace , That all Vintners , Coffee-sellers , Alehouse-keepers , Victuallers and other Publick-House-keepers , within this City and Liberties thereof , do not henceforth permit or suffer any person or persons to be or continue in their respective Houses tipling or drinking after the Hour of Ten of the Clock in the Night time . And it is further Ordered , That the several Constables and other Officers , within this City and Liberties thereof , Do cause all persons offending herein , to be Presented and Prosecuted for keeping Disorderly Houses , and be punished according to Law. And it is further Ordered , That this ORDER be Printed and Published , for the better observance thereof . Goodfellow . Printed by SAMUEL ROYCROFT , Printer to the Honourable City of London , 1695. A49094 ---- London's flames being an exact and impartial account of divers informations given in to the committee of Parliament, by divers members of Parliament, and many other persons of quality (whose names are inserted in this book) concerning the dreadful fire of London in the year 1666, and the many other strange fires which have happened since : together with what was said by M. Langhorn, now a prisoner, and condemned for the horrid Popish Plot, concerning the great fire : wherein is plainly proved, that the papists were the contrivers and actors in the burning of that great and noble city. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. Committee to Enquire into the Burning of London. 1679 Approx. 57 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49094 Wing L2927 ESTC R22192 12619888 ocm 12619888 64490 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49094) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64490) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 964:19) London's flames being an exact and impartial account of divers informations given in to the committee of Parliament, by divers members of Parliament, and many other persons of quality (whose names are inserted in this book) concerning the dreadful fire of London in the year 1666, and the many other strange fires which have happened since : together with what was said by M. Langhorn, now a prisoner, and condemned for the horrid Popish Plot, concerning the great fire : wherein is plainly proved, that the papists were the contrivers and actors in the burning of that great and noble city. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. Committee to Enquire into the Burning of London. [2], 17 p. [s.n.], London : 1679. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Langhorne, Richard, 1654-1679. Popish Plot, 1678. London (England) -- Fire, 1666. 2006-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-01 Celeste Ng Sampled and proofread 2007-01 Celeste Ng Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion London's FLAMES : Being an Exact and Impartial ACCOUNT OF Divers Informations Given in to the COMMITTEE of PARLIAMENT , By Divers Members of Parliament , and many other Persons of Quality ( whose Names are inserted in this Book ) Concerning the Dreadful Fire of LONDON in the Year 1666. and the many other strange Fires which have happened since . Together with what was said by Mr. Langhorn , now a Prisoner , and Condemned for the Horrid Popish Plot , concerning the Great FIRE . Wherein is plainly proved , That the PAPISTS were the Contrivers and Actors in the Burning of that GREAT and NOBLE CITY . LONDON , Printed in the Year 1679. INFORMATIONS Given in before the Committee , &c. In a Letter from Alanzon , of the 23d of August , New Style , Written from one Dural , to a Gentleman lodging in the House of a Minister of the French-Church in London , called Monsieur Heralt , were these Expressions , viz. PRAY acquaint me with the Truth of certain News , which is common in this Country , that Fire from Heaven is fallen upon a City called Balke , scituate on the side of the River of Thames ; where a world of People have been killed and burned , and Houses also consumed . This name was given to London by its Godfather Cabal , who thereby inform their own , but amuse the adverse Party . Mrs. Elizabeth Styles saith , That in April last , in an angry dispute she had with a French Servant of Sir Vere Vane's , he hastily replyed , You English Maidens will like the French-men better , when there is not an House left between London-Bridge and Temple-Bar , which she answering , I hope your Eyes will never see that , He replyed , This will come to pass between June and December . William Tisdale informs , that he being , about the beginning of July , at the Grey-hound in St. Martins , with one Fitz-Harris an Irish Papist , He heard him say ; There shall be sad Desolation in September , and in November a worse . For in December all will be united into one ; hereupon Tisdale asking where this Desolation would be , the said Priest answered him , in London . Mr. Lite of Ratcliff , having some Discourse with one Mr. Langhorne of the middle Temple , Barrister , reputed a zealous Papist , about February last ; after some Discourse in disputing about Religion , he took him by the hand and said to him , You expect great things in 1666. and think that Rome will be destroyed ; but what if it be London ? One Kiteley of Barking in Essex , informs , that one Yaxley a Papist , of Ilford in the said County , came into their House August the 13th . who falling into Discourse with his Mother , said , They say that next Thursday , will be the hottest day that ever was in England . She replyed , I hope the hottest Season of the year is now past . To which he answered ; I know not whether it be the hottest for Weather or Action : The said Yaxley , coming to the same House , the week after the Fire , Mr. Kitely said to him with some trouble ; I have often thought upon your hot Thursday , To which she replyed , It was not indeed upon the Thursday but it hapned upon the Sunday come sevennnigt after ; Mr. Yaxley bearing these Evidences produced against her , prompted her to avoid the words , saying , that upon the 13th of August , she did tell Mr. Kitely , That they say next Thursday , will be the darkest Thursday , that ever was in England , but not otherwise ; Which she affirms to have received from one Fynchman . An old Woman of Ilford , who next being examined before a Justice of Peace , to discover the Truth thereof , denyed that ever she said any such words to Mrs. Yaxley , or that she had any discourse with her about any such Matter ; as to the subsequent words she the said Yaxley denyed ever to have spoken them , but Mr. Kitely offered in her Presence , if it should be demanded , to bring his Mother and Wife to testifie the same . William Ducket Member of the House , Informs that one Henry Baker of Chipnam , in the County of Wilts , coming from Market with one John Woodman of Rolloway in the same County , the Thursday before the Fire began in London , they had some Discourse about buying a Yoke of fat Bullocks , which Woodman was to sell , and was desired by Baker to keep them a while in his hands , but Woodman replied that he would not stay so long in the County , whereupon Baker demanding whither he was going ? he refused to tell ; asking , What he had to do to ask that Question ? And riding a little farther , the said Woodman expressed these words ; You brave Blades of Chipnam , you made Bonfires lately for beating the Dutch , but since you delight in Bonfires , you shall have your belly full of them ere it be long ; adding , that if he lived but one week longer , he should see London as sad a London as ever it was since the World began , and in some short time after , he should see as bloody a time in England , as ever was since England was England : This discourse was not much taken notice of at that time when it was spoken ; but when the City of London was burning , the said Baker gave this Imformation to the said Ducket ; hereupon was issued out a Warrant to apprehend Woodman , but he was gone out of the Country , and cannot be yet heard of . Robert Hubert , of Roan in Normandy , confessed that he was one of those that fired the House of Mr. Farmer a Baker in Pudding-Lane , from whence the Fire had its beginning ; and also sayes , that he came out of France with one Stephen Pedilow , about four Months before the Fire began in London , and went into Sweedland with him , where he stayed also with him as his Companion four Moneths , and then they came together into England in a Sweedish Ship , called the Skipper , where he stayed on Board with the said Pedilow , till that Saturday night on which the Fire broke out , where Pedilow taking him out of the Ship , carryed him into Pudding-lane , and he being earnest to know whither he was carrying him , he would not satisfie him , till he brought him to the Place , and then he told him that he had brought three Balls , and gave him one of them into his hand to throw into the House , but he desiring further Satisfaction about that Design before he proceeded , Pedilow began to chaff and would not hear him , seeing which , Hubert consents , and according to his Orders puts the Fire-ball to the end of a long Pole , which after he had lighted it with a Match , he put it in at the Window , and there staid till he saw the House on a flame ; to this Fact he confesses three Accomplices whereof Pedilow to be chief . Mr. Graves , a French Merchant , living in St. Mary Ax , informs ; That he had known Hubert ever since he was four year old , and he ever observed him to be a Person of a mischievous inclination , and therefore fit for any villanous enterprise , and because of the knowledge he had of him , he went to visit him in Prison ; when he saw him , he could not but commiserate his condition , whereinto he had brought himself ; and for his better discovery of the Fact , he told him the said Hubert , that he did not believe that he had done that Fact which he had confessed himself guilty of , to which Hubert replyed , Yes , I am guilty of it ; and have been brought to it by the Instigation of Pedilow , and not out of any malice to the English Nation , but from a desire of that Reward he promised me , upon my return into France . [ It is observable , that this miserable Creature , who confessed himself before the Commissioners to be a Protestant , was a Papist , and dyed so ; ] and as to the aforesaid Pedilow , the said Mr. Graves informs , that he had a full knowledge of him , and knew him to be a very debauch'd Person , and ready to any wicked Design ; and moreover , for a clearer conviction of the guilt of the foresaid Hubert , Lowman the Keeper of the White Lyon was commanded to set him upon an Horse , and go with him , to see if he could find out the place where he threw the Fire-ball ; upon which Hubert , with more readiness than those who were well acquainted with the place , went to Pudding-lane , where the very House which was first fired stood , saying , Here stood the House ; the Jaylor did endeavour do draw him off from that Belief , and put him upon seeking for some other place , but he positively persisted in what he first said , and affirmed that to have been the said house . It being intimated to the Committee , that notwithstanding the Confession of the said Hubert , it was confidently reported , that the Fire in the fore-mentioned Farmer his house began by accident , so the Commissioners sent for the said Farmer before them , who being examined , said , That it was impossible that any Fire should happen in his House by Accident , for that , after twelve of the clock at Night , he had gone through every Room thereof , and found no fire but in one Chimney , where the Roome was paved with Brick , which fire he raked up in the Embers : He was then asked , Whether no Window or Door might let in Wind to displace those Coals ? He affirmed , That it could not be conceived that Wind should there disturb them , but rather that it was absolutely set on fire on purpose . Dawes Williamson Esquire , one of his Majesties Justices of the Peace , informs , That he saw a man apprehended near the Temple , with his pocket stuffed with combustible matter , made of Flax and Tow , and such like stuff . Dr. John Parker informs , That he saw a Person throw some Combustible matter into a shop in the Old Bayley , which he thinks was the shop of an Apothecary ; that immediately thereupon he saw a great smoak , and smel't , as it were , the smell of Brimstone ; that the person that did this immediately ran away , but upon the outcry of the People he was taken by the Guard. Randal Harsland and Humphry Bowyer , they both agree , that they saw a Person fling something into a House near St. Antholins Church , and that thereupon the House was on fire , and the smoak thereof filled the House on the other side of the way ; and when this was done , there was no fire near by a quarter of a mile . Michael March , an Officer of the Trained-Bands , in a Company of Sir Richard Brown's , apprehended a woman in the time of the Fire , at the Nags-head in Leaden-hall-street , with an Instrument like a dark Lanthorn , made , as is conceived , to lay a Train of Powder , and it was filled with Gunpowder , ( there were two more in her Company ) they being asked for what Use they imployed the said Instrument , they would give no account thereof . Nawson Killingworth Esquire , informs , that he apprehended a Person during the Fire , about whom he found much combustible matter , and certain black things of a large Figure , which he could not endure to hold in his hand by reason of their extream Heat ; this Person was so surprised at first , that he could not answer to any question , but being on his way to White Hall , he acted the part of a Madman , so continuing while he was present with him . Sir John Maynard , a Member of this House , informs , he had some of that Combustible matter in his hand , and though it was in its Natural consistency unfired , yet the Heat was scarce to be endured by the touch . Mr. Freeman of Southwark Brewer , whose House there was lately burned , informs , that the same day his House was fired , about a quarter of an hour before three , was found a paper with a Ball of Wild-fire , containing near a pound wrap'd up in it , in the nave of a wheel , in an outer house , where lay a great quantity of Timber ; how this house was fired he knoweth not ; but this he affirms to the Committee , it could not be by accident , because there had not been any Candle or Fire in the House where the Hay lay , that whole day ; and the Hay being laid up before Midsummer very dry , it could not possibly be set on fire within it self ; and moreover , he said , the Hay-loft was on fire on the top of the House , and that the Fire spread from one end of the Roof to the other in an instant . Mr. Richard Harwood saith , That he being near the Feathers Tavern by St. Pauls , on the fourth of September , something like Wild-fire by the sparkling and spitting of it , appeared , whereof he gave notice to some Souldiers there , who caused it to be quenched . A LETTER . SIR , HEaring that you are Chairman of the Committee , for examining the Firing of London ; I thought good to acquaint you with this Information that I have received . William Champress Hat-band maker , now living on Horsey-down , was on Tuesday morning September 4th 1666. in Shoe-lane , and there met with a Constable , who had apprehended a French-man , whom he had taken firing an House with Fire-Balls , and charged the said Champress to assist him ; he carried the said French-man to Salisbury Court , but finding that burning down , he went into Fleetstreet , and was presently called upon by the Commander of the Guard , to know what the matter was ; the Constable told him , he had apprehended one firing an House in Shoe-lane . He examined the Person in French , and committed him to the Guard of the Souldiers , and told the Constable he would secure him , and carry him along with him , the Constable asked him , if he should go along with him to give in his Evidence , he replied , He had done enough ; but what became of the French-man , he knoweth not . Your most Humble Servant S. G. Taken up at Leeds by Mr. Thwaits's Man , a Recusant . Cover the Fire ye Hugonots , That have so branded us with Plots : And henceforth no more Bonfires make , Till ye avaunt the Stygian-Lake , &c. Dated the 5th . of November , Anno Salutis 1666. & Anno primo Restitutionis Romanae Religionis in Anglia . In a Letter directed from Ipswich , for the Honourable Sir Robert Brooks in the Parliament at Westminster , is intimated that about the 30th of August last , one of the Constables of Scoton in Horse-mear hundred , being upon the Search of that Town about Hearth-money , was told by one Mr. Wiliam Tompson a Roman Catholick in that Town , That though times were like to be sad , yet if he found any cause to alter his Religion , He would see that he should not want ; and farther said to him , what would you say if you should see that London was burnt ? An Affidavit of a French-man , that said , there was three hundred engaged in the firing the City of London . The Information of Richard Bond , of the Parish of St. Giles in the Fields , Ironmonger ; Samuel Page , Francis Cogin , William Coales , Edmund Dakins , and Richard Pardoe , taken the 18th of September 1666. by me Justinian Truin , Knight , one of His Majesties Justices of the Peace for the County of Middlesex , upon Oath , as follows . Richard Bond saith , That on Thursday last , about twelve or one of the Clock at night , there was a French-man brought by the Watch to the Informers Fathers house , at the sign of the White Hart in Kings street , taken as a suspitious Person ; and the said person being questioned by them , the Informant , and others present , whether he was not one of those that fired the City , or had any hand therein , or any private knowledge thereof , or knew any that had designed it ; the said person answered a great while in a perverse manner , quite differing from the questions ; but being further desired to tell the Truth , and being told , that if he were guilty , it was the only way to save his life , he did at first obstinately deny that he knew of any Plot , whereupon a young man took the Prisoner aside to the end of a Room , and after some discourse between them , they both returned to the Informant , and the rest of the Company , and the said young man said to us plainly , in the hearing of the Prisoner the French-man , That he had confessed that there were three-hundred French-men in a Plot or Conspiracy ; upon this the Informant and others spake o the French-man in these words ; Well Master , you have done very well to confess , and no doubt but you may have your pardon if you confess all that you know of this Plot ; and thereupon asked him , if there were no more than three hnndred persons in the said Plot ? He answered , No , there are no more than three hundred ; then we enquired who they were , and how he came to know they were three hundred , to which he would give no direct answer , but put it off with other extravagant discourse , and being asked why he came to St. Giles Parish where he was apprehended , He told a story that he came from Islington Fields , where his Masters goods were , but the goods were now removed he could not tell whither ; but his Master bade him go up and down the Fields , but would not tell him upon what occasion , or for what end he was so to do ; and he being asked whether there were three hundred men engaged in this design ? He replyed , That there was three hundred engaged in it . And the names of the persons present at the Prisoners Confession of the Plot were , Edmund Dakings Seniour , of Holbourn near Turn-stile , Littingam Bell living by Holbourn , and another young man. The Information of William Coles of Cow-Lane London , and Samuel Page of S. Gyles in the Fields Weaver , Edmund Dakens of the same Parish , and Francis Cogin of St. Andrews Holborn , and Richard Pardoe Victualler , and one other tending to the Confirmation of the foregoing Walloone . An Extract of a Letter from Hiedleberge in the Palatinate , September 29th 1666. SIR , YOurs of the 6th currant came to me on Wednesday , and brought me tidings of the burning of London , constantly believed amongst the Irish to my knowledge , this fifteen years since , was to happen this year , on which they do also promise to themselves and others , the Introduction of the Publick Exercise of the Catholick Religion . This was sent to Mr. John Altock , who lived in Gravel Lane in Shadwel , and negotiates the Business of the Palatinate , and will produce the Original if there be occasion . In a Letter to Sir John Frederick and Mr. Nathaniel Herne , from Northampton , the eighth of September 1666 , subscribed Henry Chowne ; wherein is mentioned , That he the said Chowne had thoughts to come to London that week , but they were in distraction concerning the Papists , fearing they would shew themselves all that day ; and that he had been to search a Papists house within six miles of that place , he with another Justice of the Peace met with the Gentlemans Brother , who is a Papist , going to London , whom they searched , and found a Letter which he had received , coming from his Sister , twenty miles off from him , wherein is expressed , That a great deal of business is in hand , not to be committed to paper , as the times are . Bakers Information to Ducket , concerning John Goodman , about the Destruction of London . Upon the ninth of September 1666. being the Sunday after the Fire began in the City of London , one Henry Baker of Chipnam in the County of Wilts , Butcher came and gave in this Information , That the Thursday Se'night before the Fire began in London , coming from the Devizes Market , he hapned into the Company of one John Goodman , Husbandman , who discoursed with him about a Yoak of Oxen , as is inserted before in the Report . The Information of one Cherrel , a Schoolmaster in Enfield . Upon Friday August the one and thirtieth , Mrs. St. George and her eldest Daughter Susan , both Popish Recusants , came to visit Mrs. Rebeccah Eeves at her House in Enfield ; where , speaking concerning the Session of Parliament drawing near , Mrs. St. George told her , That some were like to be called to account for a Plot ; being asked for what ? told her in her Ear , For burning the City . When Mrs. Eeves heard of the Fire , going to a place where she might see it , she met with Mrs. Susanna St. George ; and among other Discourse , told her , how much her Mother's words which she spake before the Fire , did run in her thoughts , which she repeated to her Daughter ; who made this reply , That her Mother was very apt to talk , and that she had been forc'd to keep her Mother within doors during the Fire , fearing that she should talk . After this destruction by Fire , Mrs. Eeves met with Mr. Coale , another Recusant , and one of the same Family ; she also related Mrs. St. Georges words to him ; who made this Return , That she was a worthy Woman to keep counsel . The Lady St. George at Enfield , at the Lord of Lincoln's House , declared to Mrs. Rebeccah Eeves , That in few dayes London should be in Ashes , This was spoken about two dayes before the Fire happened . Mrs. Eeves of Enfield . before Mr. Holland and Mr. Mervil , Members of Parliament , Decemb. 20. 1666. concerning Mrs. St. George . Mrs. Rebeccah Eeves of Enfield , three or four dayes , or within a Week before the Fire , receiving a Visit in her own House from Mrs. St. George , among other Discourse , Mrs. St. George asked her , What News she heard ? and if she knew when the Parliament sate ? She replyed , She thought suddenly . The other asked , If Mrs. Eeves heard of any that were to be call'd in question before the Parliament ? Eeves . About what ? St. George . About a Plot. Eeves . What Plot ? St. George . About firing the City . Eeves . I hope God will preserve the City ; people use not to be called in question before the Fact. So that Discourse was waved at that time . At the time of the Fire , Mrs. Eeves and Mrs. St. George went out to look towards the Fire , and one in the company ( but she cannot fix the Person ) replyed , A fine Woman to keep Counsel . After the Fire , Mrs. St. Georges Daughter coming to Mrs. Eeves's House , Mrs. Eeves asked her , if she remembred what her Mother said ? who answered , My Mother is such a Woman , she will speak what she thinks . And afterwards said , That she had much ado to keep her Mother in , in the time of the Fire , for fear she should speak something that she might be questioned for . At this Discourse Mrs. Eeve 's Daughter and others of her Family were present . Mr. St. George hereupon , with his Wife and Family , left Enfield about six weeks after , but left many more in the Neighbourhood . It 's reported , that at the House of Mr. Cook and other Recusants , there was great Coaching , Drinking , and Rejoycing at the time of the Fire . December the 20th . 1666. Rebecca Eeves . A Letter directed and sent by a Papist to Mr. Lamb , from Tarleton in Leicester-shire , from a Person unknown ; as follows . My Friend , YOur presence is now more necessary at London than where you are , that you may determine how to disp●se of your Estate in Southwark , for it is determined by Humane Council ( if not frustrated by Divine Power ) that your Liberty will shortly be destroyed ; your capacity is large enough to understand : proceed as your Genius shall instruct . Vale , cave , fuge . The Liberty of Haring in the County of Essex . The Information of Robert Hubert , a Frenchman ▪ taken at Rumford , the 11th . of September 1666. before Cary Harvie , alias Mildmay Esquire , one of the Justices of the Peace for the Liberty of the County aforesaid . HE saith , that about Mid-lent he came out of France , with one Stephen Pedilow a Frenchman , with whom he stayed about four Months , as his Companion , and then they came together into England in a Swedish Ship , called the Skipper , which was laden with Iron , Steel , and Copper-Plates ; and saith , that the Master's name of the Ship is also Skipper , and that Pedilow kept the Examinant on board that Ship , which lay at St. Katharines Brewhouse , but Pedilow himself went several times into the City , and came on board again , and had often private discourse with the said Master of the Ship ; and saith , that when the City was on fire , he , this Examinant , was sent out by Pedilow , who had given him a Fire-ball , and bade him fire an House near the Kings Palace , for which the said Pedilow gave him a shilling , and promised him a greater Reward when he came into France ; which Fire-ball , this Examinant saith , he fired , and threw into the window of an House near White-hall , on Tuesday Night , which fired the same House , and he stayed there , and saw it burn two or three hours ; and further saith , that Pedilow bade him not make Use of this Fire-ball till he saw the City on fire , and then to do it ▪ which he did accordingly , and then went to find the Ship , but it was gone ▪ and further saith , that Pedilow had two Fire-balls himself ; and the said Examinant saith , divers other Frenchmen have Fire-balls ; and saith also , that when this Examinant came last to the Ship , the said Master directed him to find his Comrade Pedilow , at his Chamber or Lodging , but at what house he confessed not ; and said , that not finding the Ship aforesaid , he came this way to go towards the Sea Coasts , in hopes , either by that or some other Vessel to get a Passage home . The Information of John Lowman , Keeper of his Majesties Gaol for the County of Surry . IN Obedience to an Order to me directed , from the Right Honourable the Committee of the House of Commons , then sitting in the Speakers Chamber , on Thursday the 24th . of October , I carried Robert Hubert to St. Katharines-Tower by Water , to shew me where the Swedish Ship lay , that brought him and other Frenchmen from Stockholm ; he brought me to the Dock , over against Mr. Corsellis his Brewhouse , and did certifie to me and Mr. Corsellis , that the Ship lay there till such time , as he with Mr. Pedilow and others , did go and set Fire to Mr. Farmers house ; and the Examinant saith further , that Mr. Pedilow did fix two fire-Balls to a long Pole , and that the said Robert Hubert did fix one in the same manner , and did put it in at the same Window , but with all the Enquiry and Diligence I could make or use , I could neither find , nor hear of any such Ship or Vessel ; and from thence I carried the said Robert Hubert to Tower Hill , and desired him to shew me the House they did fire , and he said it was near the Bridge , but we went along Thames-street , towards London-bridge , but before we came at the Bridge , the said Robert Hubert said , the ▪ house was up there ; ( and pointed with his hand up Pudding-lane , ) so I bad him go to the Place , and he went along upon the Bricks and Rubbish , and made a stand , then I asked one Robert Paine a Porter , which was the Bakers House , and he told me that was the house where Hubert stood , so I went to Robert Hubert and stood by him , turning my Back towards the Bakers house , and demanded which house it was he fired , directing to some house contrary to that house , but he turning himself about , said , This was the house , ( pointing to the Bakers house ) that was first fired ; Then by reason of his Lameness , I set him on an Horse , and carried him to other places ; but no other Place he would acknowledge , but nodded back again to the Bakers house , and said again , That was the Bakers house , pointing to the said Bakers house : And this is humbly certified , to the Honourable Committee by me John Lowman Keeper of his Majesties Goal , for the County of Surry . At the Committee appointed to receive Information touching the Insolency of Popish Priests , and the Increase of Popery . ORdered , That the said several Informations by this Committee taken , be reported to the House in Order to the Discovery and Suppression of the Insolency of Popish Priests , and Increase of Popery . Concerning the Increase of Popery . AS to the Increase of Popery , Mr. Hancok Minister of Ghilnock informs , that meeting with one Mr. Thompson , about a moneth since , coming from Masse out of Somerset-House-Chappel , and discoursing with him about his Religion , asked him if there were many turned lately ? To which Mr. Thompson answered , Thousands , and being demanded what encouragement there was to believe it ? Replyed , There will be a change suddenly . The Report of his carriage at the Committee . Mr. Thompson being summoned before the Committee , carried himself very insolently , which Behaviour of his I am commanded to report . Being asked whether he had not a Shop in Somerset-house , where Popish Books and Popish Knacks are sold ? He said , he had , and that his men sold such Books and Beads and other things , and confessed a Crucifix and some Reliques ; he said he was a Roman Catholick , and thanked God for it ; that he was no Priest , but wished he was in a Capacity to be One ; that he had not taken the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , nor would he ; that he would take any Oath that any Christian Prince should require , but not the Oath of Allegiance , intimating some mixture in it ; he said further that he had then taken the Oath of Allegiance to the King of Spain , and so was his Subject . Mr. Ash Minister of Cluppel in Surrey , informs , that being at Cofield in Leicestershire this last Summer , he saw a great Resort on Sunday to Cofield-house , the house of a Papist ; and asking some that were going thither , what the occasion of their Resort thither was ? they told him they were going to Masse , and that one Mr. Robinson a Priest , did say Masse . Mr. Ash did likewise inform , that he thought the number of those that went thither to Masse that Sunday , was as great as that of the Protestants that went to the Parish-Church . Mr. Wiling Deputy-Ordinary of Middlesex , did inform , that in his Attendance on the Prisoners in Newgate , he had observed , that the Romish Priests , particularly one Harvey a Jesuit , did constantly , about the times of Execution , frequent that Prison , and by Perswasions endeavour to fix their Principles in the Prisoners ; of whom the said Harvey had seduced many . Mr. Hatton informs , that on the sixth of October , he went to Newgate ; and meeting with one Haward , under-Keeper at the door , desired to speak with Hubert the Frenchman , who was then condemned . Haward told him he could not speak with him yet , for Mr. Harvey the Queen Mothers Confessor was in private with him , and said , that this Harvey used frequently to come to the Prison after Condemnation , and where one Prisoner , dyed a Protestant , many dyed Papists . Mr. Hatton said , that after some stay he saw Mr. Harvey come out from Hubert , after which he was admitted to him . Mr. Hawking Keeper of Newgate , did inform , that the said Mr. Harvey the Jesuit did frequent the Prison under pretence of the Queens Charity , and did spend much time with the Prisoners in private , and particularly did so night after night before last Execution . Mr. Hawking said likewise , that of the Nine that suffered , eight dyed Papists , whereof some he knew to have been Protestants when they came into the Prison . It appeared further upon several Informations , that Mr. Harvey and other Priests , did not only resort to Newgate at times of Execution , but likewise to the White Lyon in Southwark , and other places in the Countreys , and used their endeavours to pervert dying Prisoners . Thomas Barnet , late a Papist , informs , that while he was of that Persuasion he often resorted to the houses of such Gentlemen in Barkshire as were Roman Catholicks , every of which houses had its Romish Priest ; and of this he gives Instances in the houses of several private Gentlemen in that County . The like Information give others against the County of Surrey . Mr. Cottman did inform , that one Mr. Compert ( late a Preacher at S. Hall , ) did in Discourse tell him the said Cottman , that the Judgments of God upon this Kingdom by the Plague last year , and lately by the Fire in London , were come upon the Land and People for their forsaking the true Roman Catholick Religion , and shaking off their Obedience to the Pope ; and that if they would return to the Church of Rome , the Pope would rebuild the City at his own Charge . Compert said likewise to the said Cottman , That if he would come and hear him preach the next Sunday , at his house in Queens-street , he would give twenty reasons to prove , that the Roman Catholick was the true Religion , and his the false , and that our Bible had a thousand Falsities in it ; and that there was no true Scripture but at Rome , and in their Church . Compert at the Committee confessed , that he had formerly taken Orders from the Church of Rome ; but said he had now renounced that Church , and taken Orders in England . The next thing is the Information of their Insolency ; and I shall begin with their scorning and despising the Bible . ONe Thomas Williams , an Officer in Sir William Bowyers Regiment , informs , That one Audley , a Papist , seeing a woman reading in a Bible , asked her why she read in that profane Presbyterian Bible ? and said , a Play-book was as good . Thomas Barret of Bingfield informs , that being at one Mr. Youngs house in Bingfield , at Bartholomew tide last , Mr. Young said to the Brother of this Thomas Barret , in his hearing , that within two years there should not be a Protestant in England . Thomas Barnet informs , that being at Mr. Doncasters house in Bingfield , one Mr. Shellers , Son in Law to Mr. Doncaster , both Papists , said to this Informant , who was then likewise a Papist , The People take me for a poor fellow , but I shall find a thousand or two thousand of Pounds to raise a party of Horse , to make Mr. Hawthorns and Mr. Blackwels fat Guts lye on the Ground ; for it is no more to kill an Heretick , than to kill a Grashopper ; and that it was happy for this Thomas Barnet that he was a Catholick , for by this means he should be one of those that should be mounted . Mr. Linwood a Scrivener in White-chappel , informs , That about the 20th . of October last meeting with one Badley a Papist , and discoursing with him , he told him , That there was amongst the Papists as great a Design as ever was in England , and he thought it would be executed suddainly . Being asked how many Papists there were about London ? He answered , About seven thousand , and in England an hundred thousand well armed . Mr. Oaks his Affidavit . Mr. Oaks , a Physitian dwelling in Shadwell , informs , that a little after the burning of the City of London , one Mr. Carpenter , a Minister , came to his house on Tower-wharf , and spake to him to this Purpose ; I will not say I am a Papist , but this I will say , I had rather dye the Death of the Papists , and that my Soul should be raised with their Resurrection , than either of Presbyterian , Independent or Anabaptist ; and I tell you , the Papists have hitherto been his Majesties best Fortification ; for when Presbyterians , Independents and Anabaptists forsook and opposed him , they stood by him and helped him ; and take it on my word , the Papists in a short time , will lay you all as low as that house ; ( pointing to an house that was demolished ) for they are able to raise forty thousand men , and I believe , the next work will be cutting of Throats . This was sworn by Mr. Oaks , before Sir John Frederick Member of the House . Mr. Pilkington being present when the words were spoken , doth affirm them all . Henry Young a Distiller of Hot-waters , informs , that about the moneth of April in the year 1661. being in the Jesuits Colledge in Antwerp , one Powel an English Jesuit perswaded him to turn Roman Catholick , and said , that if he intended to save his Life and Estate , he had best to turn ; for within seven years he should see England of that Religion . Young replyed , the City of London will never endure it . Powel answered , that within five or six years they would break the Power and Strength of London in pieces , and that they had been contriving it this twenty years . The said Young did likewise inform , that after coming into England , one Thompson and one Copernel , both Papists , did several times say to him , That within five or six years at farthest , the Roman Catholick Religion should be all over this Kingdom . Joseph Goodwin of Darking in the County of Surrey , informs , That about a Moneth since , one Edward Complin , a Papist , said to him , You must all be Papists shortly , and that now he was not ashamed to own himself a Roman Catholick , and to own his Priests , ( naming two that were in Darking , in the house , with two Papists ) and likewise said , that in twenty four hours warning the Papists or Roman Catholicks could raise thirty thousand men as well armed as any in Christendom . William Weaver of Darking , informs , that the said Edward Copernel did tell him , The Roman Catholick in England could , in twenty four hours raise three thousand Horse and Arms ; and upon saying so , pull'd out his Crucifix and Beads , and said , He was not ashamed of his Religion . John Graunger of Darking , informs , that about a year since , being in his house reading the Bible , one Thomas Cooling , a Papist , said to him , Are you still a Church-goer ? Had you not better turn Roman Catholick ? If you stay whilst you are fetched , none will abide you . And said further , That there was a man beyond the Seas had prophesied , That Anno 1666. if the King did not settle the Roman Religion in England , he would be banished out of his Kingdom , and all his Posterity . And Cooling further said , That he , being lately turned a Roman Catholick , he would not be a Protestant again for all the World ; wishing Graunger again , in the hearing of his Wife , ( which she affirmed to the Committee ) to turn his Religion ; for all the said Prophecies would come to pass in the year 1666. Robert Holloway of Darking aforesaid , informs , That one Stephen Griffin , a Papist , said to him , That all the blood that was shed in the last Civil War , was nothing to that that would be shed this year in England . Holloway demanded a reason thereof , in regard the Kingdom was in Peace , and no likelihood of Trouble , and said , Do you Papists intend to rise and cut our Throats when we are asleep ? Griffin answered , that is no matter , if you live you shall see it . Ferdinand de Marcedo a Portugal , and some few years since a Roman Catholick , but now turned Protestant , informs , That one Father Banto , a Jesuit , did the last year tell him at Paris , That if all England did not return to the Church of Rome , they should be destroyed the next year . Mr. Samuel Wightman of the middle Temple , Barister , informs , That about two years since , one Mr. Genison a Popish Priest , wished him to turn Catholick , and he should want neither Profit nor Preferment , Mr. Wightman objected , that he intended to practise the Law , which he could not do if he turned Papist , for he must take the Oath of Supremacy at his being called to the Bar , and if he were a Papist he must not take it . Mr. Genison replied , Why not take the Oath ? It is an unlawful Oath , and void ipso facto ; and after some Pause , said further , First take the Oath , and then I will convert you ; And further said , That the King would not own himself Head of the Church ; And also said , You in England that set up the DUTCH to destroy our Religion , they shall be the men to PVLL DOWN YOVRS . Mun Stanley , an Officer in the Duke of Ormands own Regiment , informs , That coming lately out of Ireland , and with him one Oriel , who owned himself of the Order of Jesuits , and commissionated from the Pope to be Lord Primate of Ireland , and Archbishop of Armagh ; Oriel discoursing with him , told him , That there had been a Difference between him and some others of the Jesuits in Ireland , and that particularly one of the Occasions was , that one Father Walsh and some others of the Jesuits there , did dispense with the Papists in Ireland ; to take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , by virtue of a standing Commission from the Pope they had , to do it during this Kings Reign ; and Oriel thought they ought not to do it by virtue of the standing Commission , but should take a new Commission from the Pope every year to do it . And said likewise , That he brought eight Boys out of Ireland to carry to Flanders to breed up in the Colleges . And at his taking Ship to go into Flanders , he shook his Feet towards England , and termed it Aegypt , and said , He would not return to England , till he came with fifty thousand at his heels . An Information concerning the late Fire in Fetter-Lane . MR. Robert Bird , whose House it was that was set on Fire , informed , That his Wife retained one Elizabeth Oxley to be her Servant ( supposing her to be a Protestant ) upon Monday the 24th of February last , but she came not to her Service until the 6th of March after . That upon Wednesday night the 9th of April last , about two or three of the clock in the morning , the said Servant came to his Bed-side and awaked him , telling him There was a Fire in Holborn : Whereupon he asked her , How she knew it ? She answered , By the noise in the Street . Whereupon he arose , and look'd into the Street , but there was little noise or light ; so he staid at his Street-door , until he was informed by two men that passed by , that there had been a Fire , but it was put out again : whereupon he returned to Bed , well pleased he had so watchful a Servant , and fearful of Fire : But none of his Family heard any thing thereof , until informed by the said Oxley , as he believeth . That on Thursday the 10th . of April , he was told , the said Oxley went not up to Bed till about eleven a Clock : That before he went to Bed , he looked to the Doors , Windows , and Rooms , to see if all were safe from Fire and Thieves , ( as his custom was ) and was the last up in the Family , as he thought . That being in Bed and asleep , about twelve of the clock that night he was awaked with a great beating at the door by the Watch , and the said Oxley coming immediately to him , told him , There was a Fire : To which he said , He was sure it was not in his House , but gave her the Key of the Street-door ; who ran down , and let in the Watch and Company ; and he coming down , found a large Press in his Closet , ( for keeping Books , Papers , and Writings , on a light Fire , but by the mercy of God , and the great help he had , the Fire was put out , and his House preserv'd . That his Wife with some Neighbours immediately going to the said Oxley's Lodging Room to see if all was safe , found that she had packed up her Clothes and things ready to carry away , and her Trunks lock'd up , but nothing left in them of value : Whereupon he demanded of the said Oxley why she had packed up her Clothes ? She answered , that she and his other Maid Martha had packed up her things to save them . Then he asked the said Martha , Why she had packed up in that time , when the Lives of the Children and Family were in that danger ? who positively denied that she packed up any thing ; Whereupon , and for that he was sure when he went to bed there was not a spark of Fire in the Closet , and considering that the said Oxley at the first knocking at the door , though she lay two pair of stairs above his Chamber ; and being informed that she had not put out her Candle into the Candlestick , nor burnt it , but pulled it out , and hid the Candlestick ; and from the manner of her Carriage used when she perceived she was suspected ; he positively Charged the said Oxley with Firing his House , and caused her to be kept safe all that night : And the next day being Charged by the Neighbours with Firing the House , she at last Confessed the same , by setting the Press in the Closet and his Papers on Fire about Twelve of the Clock , when he and his Family were asleep . And he said ▪ that she the said Oxley might have gone out at a Back door of his House , and carried away any of his Goods and Plate , if she pleased at any hour in the night , without Firing his House ; the Key of the Back door lying in the Kitchin , and laid there by her self . And he said , nothing of value was found in the said Oxley's pack , made up by her , as aforesaid , but her own things . Elizabeth Oxleys Examination . Elizabeth Oxley upon her Examination said ; That about Michaelmas last she became acquainted with Nicholas Stubbs , who had several times used many perswasions to turn her Papist ; and after her shewing a liking to it , and that he supposed she had embraced that Perswasion ; in his Discourse to her at several times , he told her , that before the 28th of June next , she should see all the Protestants destroyed that were in England ; that the Pope should be King over England ; that all that would turn to the Popish Religion should live far better than now they did ; that all the Land were Hereticks , and it were a Meritorious Act to destroy them ; and that all such as were Papists should have Marks upon their Hats , whereby to distinguish them from Protestants , that they might not be destroyed amongst them . Adding , that the Nation do believe that all things will be over before the 28th day of June , but they would be deceived , for all should be destroyed at or before that time . That the Duke of York was the bravest Prince living , and that he was gone out of the Kingdom , lest the Hereticks should cut off his Head , and he would not return till they were destroyed ; that the Lords in the Tower would not one of them Suffer , for they would come off well enough , being to be tryed by the Lords ; and that the Scaffolds were set up but for fashion-sake . That she telling the said Stubbs that she was Hired to Live with one Mr. Bird about the middle of Fetter-lane , he used perswasions to her at several times to set Fire on her Masters House ; telling her , if she would do it , he would give her five pound , and gave her half a Crown , and said , he would have other Houses in Holborn Fired at the same time by others : That she being with the said Stubbs on Sunday before the said Fire , promised to Fire her Master's House on Thursday or Friday night following ; and accordingly on Thursday night she took a Candle and set Fire to her Master's Papers in his Study , which were in a kind of a Press ; and then being on a light Fire , she shut the doors , and went up stairs into her own Chamber in the top of the House , and packed up her own Things , and Undressed her self , lest her Master should suspect her , and there stayed till a great Knocking was at the Door , and the Watchmen crying out Fire ; whereupon she run down Stairs , and cryed out Fire , and her Master gave her the Keys to open the Door ; which done , all hands were employed to quench the Fire . And she saith , she did not set-Fire on her Masters House out of any Malice to him , nor with intent to Rob him , but meerly to carry on the Design which Stubbs had proposed to her , and out of hopes of his Reward . The Examination of Nicholas Stubbs . Nicholas Stubbs upon his Examination owns , and sets forth to have used such Discourse to the said Elizabeth , as she declareth in her Examination ; and saith , he did perswade her to Fire her Master's House , and was to give her five Guineys for doing it , besides half a Crown in hand : And saith , that one Father Gifford , a Priest , and his Confessor , had put him on this business , and told him it was no sin to Fire all the Houses of Hereticks and Hugonites . That he acquainted Flower , alias Darby , a Barber in German-street , and one Roger _____ another Irish man , that Lodged at the Coach and Horses in the same Street . That the said Father Gifford promised him 100l . for the same , and told him he was to have the Money from the Church . That they used to meet the said Gifford , and other two Persons in St. James's-fields in the dark of the Evening , and to discourse of these matters ; and that the several Informations that he had given the said Elizabeth Oxley , he had from the said Father Gifford ; and saith , Flower and Roger _____ told the said Stubbs , they would carry on the said Fire , and that they had Fire-Balls for that purpose , and that they would Fire other Houses in Holborn at the same time : That he was at the Fire in the Temple , but was not engaged to do any thing in it . And said , that Gifford told him , that there were English , French and Irish Roman-Catholicks enough in London to make a very good Army ; and that the King of France was coming with 60000 men , under pretence to shew the Dauphin his Dominions ; but it was to lay his men at Diep , Bulloign , Callis , and Dunkirk , to be at an hours warning to be Landed in England , and he doubted not but it would be by the middle of June , and by that time all the Catholicks here will be in readiness ; all were to rise ; in order to bring him in . That the Papists here were to be distinguished by Marks in their Hats ; that the said Father Gifford doubted not but he should be an Abbot or a Bishop when the work was over , for the good service he had done . That , at their Meeting , Father Gifford used to tell them , it was no more sin to kill a Heretick than a Dog , and that they did God good service in doing what mischiefs they could by Firing their Houses . That it was well Sir Edmondbury Godfrey was murdered , for he was their Devilish Enemy ; That Coleman was a Saint in Heaven for what he had done . And saith , he is fearful he shall be murthered for this Confession , Father Gifford having Sworn him to Secresie ; and told him he should be Damned if he made any Discovery , and should be sure to be killed ; and that he should take the Oaths because he was a House-keeper , and that it was no sin : And saith , that Gifford and Roger _____ told him , when their Forces met about the middle of June , then have at the — FINIS . A51231 ---- The speech of the Right Honourable Sir John Moore, Kt., Lord Mayor Elect, at Guild-Hall, Sept. 29, 1681 Moore, John, Sir, 1620-1702. 1681 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A51231 Wing M2556 ESTC R9457 13540495 ocm 13540495 100078 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A51231) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100078) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 796:9) The speech of the Right Honourable Sir John Moore, Kt., Lord Mayor Elect, at Guild-Hall, Sept. 29, 1681 Moore, John, Sir, 1620-1702. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for Jonathan Robinson ..., London : 1681. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Moore, John, -- Sir, 1620-1702. London (England) -- Politics and government. Broadsides -- England -- London -- 17th century 2005-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-12 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-12 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE SPEECH Of the Right Honourable Sir John Moore , Kt. Lord Mayor Elect , At Guild-Hall , Sept. 29 , 1681. Gentlemen , and Worthy Citizens , I Give you all my hearty thanks for the great honour you have done me this day , in chusing me your chief Magistrate for the Year ensuing . It is a very great Trust you have reposed in me ; and a high and honourable Employment to which you have called me . It shall be my great Care , to the uttermost of my Power , with God's Blessing , and your Assistance , to discharge it faithfully . It is a Work I never did , and requires that strength I never had , which I hope the Lord will grant me . God by you hath called me to it , and I trust will carry me through it . Magistracy is an Ordinance set up by Divine Authority , and Government is appointed for the good of Mankind , to keep the World in Order , to which is due great Reverence and Obedience ; I wish all Men did their Duty . I am sorry to hear and see such great Divisions amongst us ; certainly they are in a great Error that are promoters of them . It 's the Design of Rome to divide us ; it will be the wisdom of Protestants to prevent and disappoint them , by living together as Brethren in unity amongst themselves . And my Request to you all is , to exercise Christian Charity , to forbear reproaching and backbiting one another ; to study quietness among your selves , to discourage Sin and Wickedness , to promote Piety and Godliness : which will bring Glory to God , Honour to the King and his Government , Peace , Happiness and Prosperity to this City ; which God Almighty grant , and let all the People say , Amen . LONDON , Printed for Jonathan Robinson , at the Golden Lyon in St. Paul's Church-yard , 1681. A52474 ---- The names of the fellows of the King's College of Physicians in London, and others authorized by them to practise in the said city, and within seven miles compass thereof. Lists. 1683. Royal College of Physicians of London. 1683 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A52474 Wing N132 ESTC R214293 99826490 99826490 30893 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A52474) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 30893) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1765:23) The names of the fellows of the King's College of Physicians in London, and others authorized by them to practise in the said city, and within seven miles compass thereof. Lists. 1683. Royal College of Physicians of London. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], London : printed in the year, 1683. Caption title. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Physicians -- England -- London -- Directories. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Jason Colman Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Jason Colman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Names of the FELLOWS of the KING'S College of PHYSICIANS in London , and others authorized by them to Practise in the said City , and within seven Miles compass thereof . Fellows . Dr. Dan. Whistler , President . Elects . Sir George Ent , Knight . Elects . Dr. Tho. Coxe , Elects . Sir Charles Scarburgh Knight , Med. Reg. Prim. Elects . Dr. Tho. Witherley , Med. Reg. & Censor . Elects . Dr. Sam. Collins Senior , Regist . Elects . Dr. Walter Charleton , Elects . Dr. George Rogers , Treasurer . Elects . Dr. Edmond Dickenson , Med. Reg. Dr. Luke Rugely . Sir William Petty , Knight . Dr. Zurishaddai Lang. Dr. Peter Berwick . Dr. Samuel Collins Junior . Dr. Rob. Brady Med Reg. & Professor . Reg. Cantabr . Dr. John Packer . Dr. Thomas Allen , Dr. Nathaniel Hodges , Sir Thomas Millington , Knight . Dr. John Lawson . Dr. Elisha Coysh . Dr. Humphrey Brooke . Dr. John Atfield . Censor . Dr. John Downes , Dr. William Croune . Dr. Edward Brown. Censor . Dr. Tho. Short. Dr. Josias Clark. Dr. Richard Lower . Dr. Richard Torless . Dr. Samuel Morrice . Dr. Thomas Alvey . Censor . Dr. James Rusine . Dr. Richard Vaughan . Dr. Edward Hulse , Dr. Richard Morton . Dr. Thomas Novell . Dr. Charles Goodall . Dr. Phineas Fowke . Dr. Andrew Clench . Dr. William Dawkins . Dr. Walter Harris . Dr. William Briggs . Dr. Walter Mills . Dr. Edward Tyson . Candidates . Dr. William Marshall . Dr. Richard Robinson . Dr. Frederick Slear . Dr. Richard Darnelly . Dr. John Bateman . Dr. William Johnson . Dr. William Dawes . Dr. Thomas Gill. Honorary Fellows . Sir William Langham , Knight . Dr. John Bidgood . Dr. William Denton . Dr. Thomas Timme . Dr. John Clark. Dr. Otwell Meverell . Dr. Robert Fielding . Sir Theodore de Vaux , Knight . Dr. Nicholas Carter . Dr. Thomas More . Dr. Nicholas Stanley . Dr. Walter Needham . Dr. Henry Paman . Dr. White . Dr. Nicholas Barbon . Dr. Robert Witty. Dr. John Windebank . Dr. William Stokeham . Dr. William Burnet . Dr. Edmund King. Dr. Henry Sampson . Dr. Daniel Coxe . Dr. Nehemiah Grew . Dr. John Masters . Dr. Tho. Gibson . Dr. Christopher Love-Morley . Dr. Francis Bernard . Dr. John Jones . Licentiates . Mr. Simon Welman . Dr. Tho. Sydenham . Dr. John Feak . Mr. Richard Brown. Dr. George How. Mr. Jeremy Butts . Mr. Edward Bell. Dr. Praise Watson . Mr. Isaac Chauncey . Dr. Christopher Crelle . Mr. John Martin . Dr. Lewis Levasseur . Dr. Phillip Guide . Dr. John Groenevelt . Dr. Joshua Palmer . LONDON , Printed in the Year , 1683. A52519 ---- Londons destroyer detected: and destruction lamented: or, some serious ruminations, and profitable reflections upon the late dreadful, dismal, and never-to-be-forgotten conflagration Wherein is briefly comprehended several things considerable, in order to Londons present recovery, and future prosperity. E. N. 1666 Approx. 14 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A52519 Wing N13A ESTC R224105 99834605 99834605 39107 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A52519) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 39107) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1817:8) Londons destroyer detected: and destruction lamented: or, some serious ruminations, and profitable reflections upon the late dreadful, dismal, and never-to-be-forgotten conflagration Wherein is briefly comprehended several things considerable, in order to Londons present recovery, and future prosperity. E. N. 8 p. [s.n.], London : printed in the year, 1666. Signed at end: E. N. In verse. Reproduction of the original in the Guildhall Library, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Fires -- England -- London -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800. 2006-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-01 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2007-01 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Londons Destroyer DETECTED ; AND DESTRUCTION LAMENTED : OR , Some Serious Ruminations , and Profitable Reflections upon the late Dreadful , Dismal , and never-to-be-forgotten CONFLAGRATION . Where in is briefly comprehended several things considerable , in order to LONDONS present Recovery , and future Prosperity . Psalm . 46. 8. Come , behold the Works of the Lord , what Desolations he hath made in the Earth . Lam. 1. 1. How doth the City sit solitary that was full of People ? How is she become as a Widdow , she that was great among the Nations , and Princess among the Provinces . Vers . 9. Her filthiness is in her Skirts , she remembred not her latter end , therefore she came down wonderfully . Chap. 3. 40. Let us search and try our wayes , and turn again to the Lord. London , Printed in the Year , 1666. Londons Destroyer Detected , and Destruction Lamented , &c. HEarken , O Heavens , stand amaz'd , and be Astonished , O Earth , to hear and see The wondrous works the Lord hath lately shown , To make his Justice and his Power known : Call an Assembly now , of Old and Young , And taketh assistance both of meak and strong : Consult with , and examine Rich and Poor ; And see who can declare the like before . Consider Soul , who e're thou art indeed ; If nothing yet hath made thy heart to bleed : Me thinks , here ' s something now , might make it sore , And make thee mourn , till thou canst mourn no more . If thy heart be not like to Flint or Steel , The thoughts of this will surely make thee feel . Oh! wo is me . Alas , What shall I say ? Let every Soul bewail this woful Day : Let every dry and barren heart lament ; And more then this , let sinners all repent ; Yea every one that can but shed a Tear , Now show your grief , and learn the Lord to fear . But what 's the news , some sleepy Soul may say , That thou complainst thus of a dreadful Day ? What is the cause , thou dost so strangely speak , And seem to grieve , as if thy heart would break ? Why dost thou stir up people now to weep ? Thou dost disturb me , for I fain would sleep . Thy startling words , I cannot well indure ; Wherefore leave off , and let me sleep secure . Oh wonderful ! Is any yet so blind ! And wofully besotted in their mind ! To live within the Borders of this Nation , And ask a Reason of a Lamentation ? Such men as these , do make one Reason more ; And add another to the former store . But hark a little , sleepy Soul , I pray , Be sure to mind what I have yet to say ; Rouse up thy self from sleep and search about , And thou mayst quickly find the Reason out : Open thy eyes , and thou mayst plainly see , That Wrath and Ruine doth encompass thee . The Mighty God hath lately been at Work , And hath amaz'd both Christian Jew , and Turk : Yea , all the World hath cause to be afraid , To think upon the Ruines he hath made ; The found whereof , hath gone both far and near , And many thousands have been fill'd with fear , To hear and see , what woful Desolation , The Lord hath lately made in this our Nation : We plainly see , what Work the Lord can make ; Who in his Anger can whole Kingdoms shake : Nations confound , and Cities overthrow : Alas , poor England , thou hast found it so . But oh my heart even bleeds to think and tell , What unto Landon lately hath befel . London , I say , Englands once famous City , The Lord hath strangely Ruin'd without pitty . Yea , London , lately famous for Renown , The Righteous God hath thrown it headlong down . The stately Buildings of the same are burn'd , And all its Beauty into Ashes turn'd . Yea London once the glory of the World , Is sadly now into confusion hurl'd . The large and famous Structures of the same , Are buried in a strange devouring flame . Let England mourn , let all the World admire , To think how London was destroy'd by Fire . Oh fearful flame , how matchless was thy rage , No less than London could thy fury swage ? How terrible was thy devouring ●ace , To spoil great London quite in three dayes space ? No Tongue can tell , no Pen can fully write , How strangely thou didst thousands sore afright , And drive them from their setled dwelling places , And swallow up their Goods before their faces . How didst thou make all sorts of people fly ! How strangely didst thou make them run and cry ! How didst thou make them wring their hands ; & mourn , To see their Houses , and their Treasure burn ! Yea sick and lame , thou didst turn out of Door ; And many that were Rich , thou mad'st them Poor : Thou mad'st the lofty-minded fear and quake , To see what dreadful havock thou didst make ; Both great and small thou sorely didst perplex , Without regard to Age , Degree , or Sex. And nothing could thy raging power shun , Till thou hadst famous London quite undone ; The Mart of Natious , and the Kingdoms Pride , In Europe was not such a place beside . London's destroy'd ; Alas , Who can deny it ? Oh that our hearts were made the better by it . Alas , poor London , is it thus indeed What heart so hard , that will not melt and bleed , To think upon thy sad and wretched state , And how the Lord hath plagued thee of late . Oh that THOU wouldst but think upon it so , As to remove the cause of this thy WO. Let grief and sorrow se●● upon thy heart ; Let mirth and gladness from thy Soul depart ; Not altogether for thy dreadful fall , But for thy sins , which is the cause of all . Thy sins , thy sins , have made thy sufferings large , Who can declare the greatness of thy Charge ? Oh that thou wouldst but once perswaded be , To ruine that which hath so ruin'd thee . Break off thy sins , or else be sure to know , The Righteous God will never leave thee so ; But certainly will greater Vengeance take , Unless thou timely dost thy sins forsake . If thou from judgements therefore wouldst be freed , Thou must repent , and turn to God with speed , Or else thy sins will still increase thy sorrow , Till thou art made like Sodom and Gomorrah . However thou mayst yet my counsel slight , The time will come , when thou shalt know t' is right . Thou hast had many Warnings fairly sent , From God and Man , thy ruine to prevent : Yea oftentimes thou hast been told in love , That sin espoused vvould thy ruine prove . And by experience thou hast found it so , Yet still in sin thou more and more dost grovv . Thou often hast been soberly advised ; From time to time thou hast been advertised , By such as sought thy wellfare most of all , And through thy ●●● did clearly see thy fall ; But thou from time to time didst take upon thee , Most stubbornly to cast their Counsel from thee : Yea for their love , thou hast abus'd them sore , And for their sakes thou hast even sin'd the more ; Instead of kindly seeking of their good , Thou wickedly hast rather fought their blood : And none have been so cruelly rewarded , As those which have thy wellfare most regarded ; Whilst those have kindly entertained bin , That publickly have taught thee how to sin ; And still thy sins do more and more abound , Though vengeance hath and doth besiege thee round . Almost in every Corner , Street , and Place , Prophanness still appears with open face , What shall I say ? Oh that I did but know How to prevent a further Overthrow , How would I Beg , and Crave , Intreat , and Pray , If that would make thee cast thy sins away ; Because I know thou must more righteous be , Before Gods anger will be turn'd from thee . Mark what I say , Thou must of sin repent , Or else in sorrow still thou must lament ; The Wrath of God will never let thee rest , Until thou dost thy wickedness detest . Alas , poor London , I am pain'd at heart , For thy past , present , and thy future smart . Yet once again , O London , I will see , And try how Counsel yet will work with thee . Consider , God hath Anger yet in store , And for thy sins can plague thee seven times more . His Power none is able to withstand , Nor hide themselves from his avenging Hand ; His strength is great : Who can declare the same ? The Lord , the Lord Jehovah is his Name . Remember how the noisome Pestilence Did lately rage , and hurry thousands hence ; And fill'd the Earth with such a slaughtered store , The like was hardly ever known before . The bloody Sword hath also thousands slain , Which in the Bowels of the Sea remain . And thou thereby hast sorely been opprest ; Within thy Borders none could live at rest . But most of all , before thou dost remember , The fatal stroke thou hadst but last September . Let all these strange Disasters greatly move Thee now to make thy peace with God above . Implore his Grace , and for his Mercy cry ; Whom thou by sin hast made thy Enemy . Forsake thy sins , and utterly abhor them . Humble thy self , and crave his Pardon for them . The Lord may yet consider thy distress . If this be done in Truth and Faithfulness ; And thou mayst be a place of praise once more , And flourish as thou hast done HERETOFORE . E. N. FINIS . A52520 ---- London's plague-sore discovered. or, Some serious notes and suitable considerations upon the present visitation at London wherein is something by way of lamentation, information, expostulation, exhortation and caution : whereunto is annexed, A never-failing antidote against the plague. E. N. 1665 Approx. 12 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A52520 Wing N14 ESTC R9701 13542952 ocm 13542952 100101 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A52520) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100101) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 796:19) London's plague-sore discovered. or, Some serious notes and suitable considerations upon the present visitation at London wherein is something by way of lamentation, information, expostulation, exhortation and caution : whereunto is annexed, A never-failing antidote against the plague. E. N. 8 p. Printed for the author, London : 1665. Signed at end: E.N. In verse. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- Early works to 1800. Plague -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion LONDON'S PLAGUE-SORE DISCOVERED : OR , Some serious Notes , and suitable Considerations upon the present VISITATION AT LONDON : Wherein is something by way of Lamentation , Information , Expostulation , Exhortation , and Caution . Whereunto is annexed , A Never-failing Antidote against the PLAGUE . London , Printed for the Author , Anno 1665. Reader , These are to give thee notice , that one Crouch a Printer hapning accidentally of the Copy of the Antidote at the latter end of this Paper , before I had given order for any to print it , he took upon him to print it of his own accord , contrary to my consent or knowledge , and placed it in Books and Papers according to his pleasure , for his own private advantage , by which means I have suffered some prejudice , and have been censured by some as if I were guilty of that , which indeed is detestable to me . This I thought good to insert , that the Truth might be manifested , and further false Suggestions in that case might be prevented . E. N. Londons Plague-sore , discovered . AS I of late , about the Streets do go , I often hear Complainings to and fro : In ev'ry corner , more or less I hear , And many people much surpriz'd with fear ; And still by observation I do find , That Cares and Fears do grow in peoples mind ; And Discontents , do almost ev'ry where , Seem to abound within this City here : But what 's the Cause ? or , wherefore is it so , That such Distractions more , and more should grow , Amongst a People , which of late did glory , Of Gallant Times , beyond the reach of Story ; For Wealth and Strength they had so great a share , They scorn'd that any should with them compare . What is the Reason such a lofty City , Should now be willing to accept of pity ? Why several things are urg'd . I pray name one . Alas ! that 's easie , Trading's almost gone Quite out o' th City , whither shall we run ? The Cry o' th Poor is , We shall be undone ! For why already Trading's grown so dead , Our present Gains will hardly yeeld us Bread : Our Cares are doubled , and our Hopes are vain ; Say what you will , here 's reason to complain : And this doth greatly add unto our sorrow , We fear each day , it will be worse to morrow . And yet the Great Ones do oppress the Poor : Such times as these we never saw before . Nay , more than this , the worst is yet to come , We have not yet told all , nor hardly some ; There 's something else , that loads our hearts to think , What Dreadful Cup is fill'd for us to drink ! Alas , the Plague , the Pestilential Plague , Which lately made such havock near the Hague , Hath crost the Seas , and found our City out , And put our greatest Champions to the rout . Our bravest Gallants which did swagger most , And with their daring tongues would proudly boast Of Courage , Valour , Strength and Noble-Blood , As if they scorn'd to have their wills withstood , Yet when the Lord did with a challenge greet them , And sent them word , He did intend to meet them , To see if they against him would prepare , How this strange Message did their Worships scare ! O how did this perplex and sore affright Their lofty minds , and made them take their flight , And run away from God's appointed place , As if they fear'd even to see his face . For when his angry Angel did approach , To flee , they strait provide both Horse and Coach. Then learn this lesson from it you that can , 'T is vain to trust in any mortal man , For if in danger thou his help shalt crave , Alas ! poor worm ! himself he cannot save . But now , alas , the Common People say , 'T is we must bear the burden of the day ! The Mighty God hath singled out our City For Wrath and Vengeance , casting off all Pitty ; In every corner of our famous Town He sends his Arrows of Destruction down ; Yea , round about , almost in every place , He leaves the Tokens of his angry face . And now our ears are daily fill'd with cryes , And Gastly Sights , do grieve our woful eyes . Yea , Father , Mother , Sister , also Brother Do daily see the ruine of each other ; And little Babes which at the breast do lye , Amongst the rest do often gasp and dye , Whilst grieved Mothers over them do mourn , Till angry Death do them as good a turn . How many are depriv'd of wonted sleep ? How many eyes have lately learn'd to weep ? How many wringings of the hands for Grief , Because their Sorrows are beyond relief ? For many years it hath not been the like , Which to our hearts doth much amazement strike . Alas , poor London , for thy sad estate My bowels yearn , How art thou fall'n of late ? But canst thou only of thy Sorrows speak , And not discern the door through which they break ? Dost thou not know the cause of thy Distress To be thy Sins and woful Wickedness ? Have not thy Sins been great and manifold , Thy Provocations more than can be told ! Thy Lewdness and Prophaness , past compare ! Thy Impudence there 's no man can declare ! Thy horrid Blasphemies , and cursed Swearing , Thy Ranting , Roaring , and thy Domineering ! Thy great Uncleanness and Abominations , Thy Drunkenness , and such like provocations , Hath often urg'd the Just and Righteous God , To fall upon thee with his Iron Rod ; And then consider , how thou didst requite The God of Grace for all his Gospel-Light That he long time unto thy soul did give , That so thou mightst repent , return and live . Hast thou not much despis'd his profered Grace ? Hast thou not spitted in the glorious face Of blessed Jesus , when in love he came To wash thee from thy filthiness and shame ? Hast thou not Love and Mercy greatly slighted , His holy Spirit also much despighted ? Hast thou not Patience , also , much abus'd , And God's dear Servants wofully misus'd ? In fine , the Gospel thou hast cast behind thee , And suffered Satan to bewitch and blind thee ; And those that were thy best and truest Friends , How hast thou sought to bring them to their ends . Examine well , and thou maist find it so ; Sin is the cause of this thy present WO , And therefore now , while it is call'd , to day Repent , and turn to God without delay : Break off thy Sins ; Let Righteousness take place , It may be yet thou mayst partake of Grace ; But if thou still retain thy stubborn heart , Thou maist expect to feel a greater smart , And this already thou mayst plainly see The Bloody Sword doth also threaten thee , And Famine seems to stare thee in the face , Impenitence may bring it on apace . Then look in time , before it be too late , Lest greater Judgment fall upon thy pate . Now therefore hark , ye Gallants of the time , You that have counted Godliness a Crime , What do you think , or where do y' mean to stay , That you from London make such hast away ? Here this from me ; If that you take along Your Sins with you , you do your selves but wrong To flee away , for you had better be Punish'd at first , than to go longer free : For , don't you know , the longer you provoke The Righteous God , the greater is his Stroke ; Therefore observe , the best and surest way For to escape the danger of the Day , Is to Repent , and set the Oppressed free , And then perhaps , God may entreated be . But if i' th Country you in sin delight , And God's Forbearance and Long-suffering slight , He in the Country will go search about , And never leave until he find you out , And when the Angel takes his Journey thither , And findeth you , and all your sins together , The fearful dreggs of this destroying Cup Shall be your portion , you must drink them up . Hence be exhorted , then , to kiss the Son , Make peace with him before your Glass be run , And then in Life or Death you will be His , And your Reward shall be ETERNAL BLISS . A Sovereign Medicine against the Plague both Preservative and Curative . DRink a good draught of Josiah's a Humility next thy heart ; then take a dose of Nineveh's b Repentance , well soaked or steeped in the vessel of a Broken c and a Contrite Heart , well season'd with d Truth & Sincerity at the bottom : then let all these boyl well together in a good quantity of David's e Tears : And when thou hast done thus , then spread a broad Plaister of Gods Grace , and bind it fast to thy soul with the Swaddleband of Love and serious f Consideration ; Then cast away all thy old infectious garments of g Sin and Iniquity , and put on h the Lord Jesus Christ , as a sure garment of defence and safety : Then take up as good a quantity of Joshua's i Resolution as thou canst well bear , and so walk up and down in those wholesome and pleasant Fields , called k Newness of Life , and follow thy Calling in the l fear of God. All which , being truly and carefully observed , will undoubtedly and infallibly preserve thee from the sting and danger of all Plagues whatsoever . Signatum Caeli . E. N. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A52520-e2340 a 2 Chron. 34. 27. b Jona . 3. 8 c Psal . 51. 17. d ver . 6. e Psa . 6. 6. f Eccles . 7. 14. g Col. 3. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. h Rom. 13. 14. i Josh . 24. 15. k Rom. 6. 4 l Prov. 23. 17. & 14. 26 A53403 ---- Orders conceived and published by the Lord Major and aldermen of the city of London, concerning the infection of the plague City of London (England). Court of Aldermen. 1665 Approx. 18 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A53403 Wing O397 ESTC R39821 12988471 ocm 12988471 96252 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A53403) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 96252) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 724:18) Orders conceived and published by the Lord Major and aldermen of the city of London, concerning the infection of the plague City of London (England). Court of Aldermen. City of London (England). Lord Mayor. [15] p. Printed by James Flesher ..., [London] : [1665] Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Derek Lee Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Derek Lee Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ORDERS CONCEIVED AND PUBLISHED By The Lord MAJOR and Aldermen of the City of LONDON , concerning the Infection of the Plague . Printed by James Flesher , Printer to the Honourable City of LONDON . ORDERS Conceived and published by the Lord MAJOR and Aldermen of the City of London , concerning the infection of the Plague . WHereas in the first Year of the Reign of our late Sovereign King James of happy memory , an Act was made for the charitable relief and ordering of Persons infected with the Plague : whereby Authority was given to Justices of Peace , Majors , Bayliffs , and other Head-Officers to appoint within their several Limits Examiners , Searchers , Watchmen , Keepers , and Buriers for the Persons and Places infected , and to minister unto them Oaths for the performance of their Offices . And the same Statute did also authorize the giving of other Directions , as unto them for the present necessity should seem good in their discretions . It is now upon special consideration thought very expedient for preventing and avoiding of infection of Sickness ( if it shall so please Almighty God ) that these Officers following be appointed , and these Orders hereafter duly observed . Examiners to be appointed in every Parish . FIrst , It is thought requisite and so ordered , that in every Parish there be one , two , or more persons of good sort and credit , chosen and appointed by the Alderman , his Deputy , and Common-Councel of every Ward , by the name of Examiners , to continue in that Office the space of two Moneths at least : And if any fit Person so appointed , shall refuse to undertake the same , the said parties so refusing , to be committed to Prison until they shall conform themselves accordingly . The Examiners Office. THat these Examiners be sworn by the Alderman , to enquire and learn from time to time what Houses in every Parish be visited , and what persons be sick , and of what Diseases , as near as they can inform themselves ; and upon doubt in that case , to command restraint of access , until it appear what the Disease shall prove : And if they finde any person sick of the Infection , to give order to the Constable that the House be shut up ; and if the Constable shall be found remiss or negligent , to give present notice thereof to the Alderman of the Ward . Watchmen . THat to every Infected House there be appointed two Watchmen , one for the Day , and the other for the Night : And that these Watchmen have a special care that no person goe in or out of such infected Houses , whereof they have the Charge , upon pain of severe punishment . And the said Watchmen to doe such further Offices as the sick House shall need and require : And if the Watchman be sent upon any business , to lock up the House and take the Key with him : and the Watchman by day to attend until ten of the clock at night : and the Watchman by night until six in the morning . Searchers . THat there be a special care , to appoint Women-Searchers in every Parish , such as are of honest reputation , and of the best sort as can be got in this kind : And these to be sworn to make due search and true report , to the utmost of their knowledge , whether the Persons , whose bodies they are appointed to Search , do die of the Infection , or of what other Diseases , as near as they can . And that the Physicians who shall be appointed for cure and prevention of the Infection , do call before them the said Searchers who are or shall be appointed for the several Parishes under their respective Cares , to the end they may consider whether they are fitly qualified for that employment ; and charge them from time to time as they shall see cause , if they appear defective in their duties . That no Searcher during this time of Visitation , be permitted to use any publick work or imployment , or keep any Shop or Stall , or be imployed as a Landress , or in any other common imployment whatsoever . Chirurgions . FOR better assistance of the Searchers , for as much as there hath been heretofore great abuse in misreporting the Disease , to the further spreading of the Infection : It is therefore ordered , that there be chosen and appointed able and discreet Chirurgions , besides those that doe already belong to the Pest-house : amongst whom , the City and Liberties to be quartered as the places lie most apt and convenient : and every of these to have one quarter for his Limit : and the said Chirurgions in every of their Limits to joyn with the Searchers for the view of the body , to the end there may be a true report made of the Disease . And further , that the said Chirurgions shall visit and search such like persons as shall either send for them , or be named and directed unto them , by the examiners of every Parish , and inform themselves of the Disease of the said parties . And for as much as the said Chirurgions are to be sequestred from all other Cures , and kept onely to this Disease of the Infection ; It is ordered , that every of the said Chirurgions shall have twelve-pence a Body searched by them , to be paid out of the goods of the party searched , if he be able , or otherwise by the Parish . Nurse-keepers . IF any Nurse-keeper shall remove herself out of any infected House before 28 daies after the decease of any person dying of the Infection , the House to which the said Nurse-keeper doth so remove herself shall be shut up until the said 28 daies be expired . Orders concerning infected Houses , and Persons sick of the Plague . Notice to be given of the Sickness . THE Master of every House , as soon as any one in his House complaineth , either of Botch , or Purple , or Swelling in any part of his body , or falleth otherwise dangerously sick , without apparent cause of some other Disease , shall give knowledge thereof to the Examiner of Health within two hours after the said sign shall appear . Sequestration of the Sick. AS soon as any man shall be found by this Examiner , Chirurgion or Searcher to be sick of the Plague , he shall the same night be sequestred in the same house . And in case he be so sequestred , then though he afterwards die not , the House wherein he sickned shall be shut up for a Moneth , after the use of due Preservatives taken by the rest . Airing the Stuff . FOR sequestration of the goods and stuff of the infected , their Bedding , and Apparel , and Hangings of Chambers , must be well aired with fire , and such perfumes as are requisite within the infected House , before they be taken again to use : this to be done by the appointment of the Examiner . Shutting up of the House . IF any person shall have visited any man , known to be Infected of the Plague , or entred willingly into any known Infected House , being not allowed : the House wherein he inhabiteth , shall be shut up for certain daies by the Examiners direction . None to be removed out of Infected Houses , but , &c. ITem , that none be removed out of the House where he falleth sick of the Infection , into any other House in the City , ( except it be to the Pest-house or a Tent , or unto some such House , which the owner of the said visited House holdeth in his own hands , and occupieth by his own servants ) and so as security be given to the Parish whither such remove is made , that the attendance and charge about the said visited persons shall be observed and charged in all the particularities before expressed , without any cost of that Parish , to which any such remove shall happen to be made , and this remove to be done by night : And it shall be lawful to any person that hath two Houses , to remove either his sound or his infected people to his spare House at his choice , so as if he send away first his found , he may not after send thither the sick , nor again unto the sick the sound . And that the same which he sendeth , be for one week at the least shut up and secluded from company for fear of some infection , at the first not appearing . Burial of the dead . THat the Burial of the dead by this Visitation be at most convenient hours , alwaies either before Sun-rising , or after Sun-setting , with the privity of the Churchwardens or Constables , and not otherwise ; and that no Neighbours nor Friends be suffered to accompany the Coarse to Church , or to enter the house visited , upon pain of having his house shut up , or be imprisoned . And that no Corps dying of Infection shall be buried or remain in any Church in time of Common-Prayer , Sermon , or Lecture . And that no children be suffered at time of burial of any Corps in any Church , Church-yard , or Burying-place to come near the Corps , Coffin , or Grave . And that all the Graves shall be at least six foot deep . And further , all publick Assemblies at other Burials are to be forborn during the continuance of this Visitation . No infected Stuff to be uttered . THat no Clothes , Stuff , Bedding or Garments be suffered to be carried or conveyed out of any infected Houses , and that the Criers and Carriers abroad of Bedding or old Apparel to be sold or pawned , be utterly prohibited and restrained , and no Brokers of Bedding or old Apparel be permitted to make any outward Shew , or hang forth on their Stalls , Shopboards or Windows toward any Street , Lane , Common-way or Passage , any old Bedding or Apparel to be sold , upon pain of Imprisonment . And if any Broker or other person shall buy any Bedding , Apparel , or other Stuff out of any Infected house , within two Moneths after the Infection hath been there , his house shall be shut up as Infected , and so shall continue shut up twenty daies at the least . No person to be conveyed out of any infected House . IF any person visited do fortune , by negligent looking unto , or by any other means , to come , or be conveyed from a place infected , to any other place , the Parish from whence such Party hath come or been conveyed , upon notice thereof given , shall at their charge cause the said party so visited and escaped , to be carried and brought back again by night , and the parties in this case offending , to be punished at the direction of the Alderman of the Ward ; and the house of the receiver of such visited person to be shut up for twenty daies . Every visited house to be marked . THat every House visited , be marked with a Red Cross of a foot long , in the middle of the door , evident to be seen , and with these usual Printed words , that is to say , Lord have mercy upon us , to be set close over the same Cross , there to continue until lawful opening of the same House . Every visited House to be watched . THat the Constables see every house shut up , and to be attended with Watchmen , which may keep them in , and minister necessaries unto them at their own charges ( if they be able , ) or at the common charge if they be unable : the shutting up to be for the space of four Weeks after all be whole . That precise order be taken that the Searchers , Chirurgions , Keepers and Buriers are not to pass the streets without holding a red Rod or Wand of three foot in length in their hands , open and evident to be seen , and are not to goe into any other house then into their own , or into that whereunto they are directed or sent for , but to forbear and abstain from company , especially when they have been lately used in any such business or attendance . Inmates . THat where several Inmates are in one and the same house , and any person in that house happen to be infected ; no other person or family of such house shall be suffered to remove him or themselves without a Certificate from the Examiners of Health of that Parish ; or in default thereof , the house whither he or they so remove , shall be shut up as in case of Visitation . Hackney Coaches . THat care be taken of Hackney Coachmen , that they may not ( as some of them have been observed to doe ) after carrying of infected persons to the Pesthouse , and other places , be admitted to common use , till their Coaches be well aired , and have stood unimployed by the space of five or six daies after such service . Orders for cleansing and keeping of the Streets sweet . The Streets to be kept clean . FIrst , it is thought very necessary , and so ordered , that every Housholder do cause the street to be daily pared before his door , and so to keep it clean swept all the Week long . That Rakers take it from out the Houses . THat the sweeping and filth of houses be daily carried away by the Rakers , and that the Raker shall give notice of his coming by the blowing of a Horn as heretofore hath been done . Laystalls to be made farre off from the City . THat the Laystalls be removed as farre as may be out of the City , and common passages , and that no Nightman or other be suffered to empty a Vault into any Garden near about the City . Care to be had of unwholesome Fish or Flesh , and of musty Corn. THat special care be taken , that no stinking Fish , or unwholsome Flesh , or musty Corn , or other corrupt fruits of what sort soever , be suffered to be sold about the City or any part of the same . That the Brewers and Tipling-houses be looked unto , for musty and unwholsome Cask . That no Hogs , Dogs , or Cats , or tame Pigeons , or Conies be suffered to be kept within any part of the City , or any Swine to be , or stray in the Streets or Lanes , but that such Swine be impounded by the Beadle or any other Officer , and the Owner punished according to Act of Common-Councel , and that the Dogs be killed by the Dog-killers appointed for that purpose . Orders concerning loose Persons and idle Assemblies . Beggers . FOrasmuch as nothing is more complained of , then the multitude of Rogues and wandering Beggers that swarm in every place about the City , being a great cause of the spreading of the Infection , and will not be avoided , notwithstanding any Order that hath been given to the contrary : It is therefore now ordered , that such Constables , and others whom this matter may any way concern , do take special care that no wandering Begger be suffered in the Streets of this City , in any fashion or manner whatsoever upon the penalty provided by the Law to be duly and severely executed upon them . Playes . THat all Playes , Bear-baitings , Games , Singing of Ballads , Buckler-play , or such like causes of Assemblies of people , be utterly prohibited , and the parties offending , severely punished by every Alderman in his Ward . Feasting Prohibited . THat all publick Feasting , and particularly by the Companies of this City ; and Dinners at Taverns , Alehouses , and other places of common entertainment be forborn till further order and allowance ; and that the money thereby spared , be preserved and imployed for the benefit and relief of the poor visited with the infection . Tipling-houses . THat disorderly Tipling in Taverns , Alehouses , Coffee-houses and Cellars be severely looked unto , as the common Sin of this time , and greatest occasion of dispersing the Plague . And that no Company or person be suffered to remain or come into any Tavern , Ale-house or Coffee-house to drink after nine of the Clock in the Evening , according to the ancient Law and custome of this City , upon the penalties ordained in that behalf . And for the better execution of these Orders , and such other Rules and Directions as upon further consideration shall be found needful ; It is ordered and enjoyned that the Aldermen , Deputies , and Common-Councel-men shall meet together Weekly , once , twice , thrice or oftner ( as cause shall require ) at some one general place accustomed in their respective Wards ( being clear from infection of the Plague ) to consult how the said Orders may be duly put in execution ; not intending that any dwelling in or near places infected , shall come to the said meetings whiles their coming may be doubtful : And the said Aldermen and Deputies and Common Councel-men in their several Wards may put in execution any other good Orders that by them at their said Meetings shall be conceived and devised , for preservation of his Majesties Subjects from the Infection . FINIS . A54298 ---- Mr. Pepys to the Right Honourable Sir Francis Child, Kt. Lord Mayor, and to the Court of Aldermen upon the present state of Christ-Hospital. Pepys, Samuel, 1633-1703. 1699 Approx. 19 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A54298 Wing P1451E ESTC R222474 99833641 99833641 38119 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A54298) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 38119) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2175:16) Mr. Pepys to the Right Honourable Sir Francis Child, Kt. Lord Mayor, and to the Court of Aldermen upon the present state of Christ-Hospital. Pepys, Samuel, 1633-1703. Child, Francis, Sir, 1642-1713, recipient. City of London (England). Court of Common Council, recipient. [6] p. s.n., [London : 1699] Caption title. Signed at end: S. Pepys. Dated at head: York-Buildings, March 7th. 1698/9. [i.e. 1699] Imprint from Wing. Copy stained, with heavy print show-through. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Christ's Hospital (London, England) -- Early works to 1800. Orphans -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Charities -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Economic Conditions. -- Early works to 1800. 2005-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Mr. PEPYS To the Right Honourable Sir Francis Child , Kt. Lord Mayor , and to the Court of Aldermen , upon the Present State of CHRIST-HOSPITAL . York-Buildings , March 7 th . 1698 / 9. My Lord and Gentlemen , THAT nothing may rest uncommunicated to this Court , of what goes from me to that of Christ-Hospital ; any more than , by your Allowance , I with-hold from Them , ought of what I offer You : I here tender you a Copy of a Letter of mine thither , of the 25. of January . The Contents of which bearing my Farewel to Them , as with all respect my purpose is in this to You ; I cannot but recommend the Perusal thereof to this Court ; as carrying with them such a Representation of the perishing State of that House , in some fresh Particulars essential to the Well-being of it , as render it a thing little less than hopeless for me ( by ordinary Means , at least ) any longer to think of saving it : After finding my self put to above seven Months Labour , in compassing only its Treasurer's Signing that one Article of his Account , which you had before had from him Vnsign'd ; and more than ten , in finding Passage only , through this Court thither , to my late Report of the State of the same . And What it is that may be look't-for from it , even now it is there , with a Committee of few less than forty , and of them the Majority such , as will find little Work for them in it , but Self-Arraignment ; I submit to your Lordship and this Court. Especially , when you shall be pleas'd to reflect upon the present Circumstances of that House's Government ; viz. VNDER the Guidance of a President , equal indeed to the worthiest of his Predecessors , both in his general Virtues , and special Munificence to that Place . But One , whose Piety has out-liv'd his Strength for being otherwise personally aidful to it , in any of the Weightier Duties of that Charge . VNDER a Treasurer , who ( besides what you have elsewhere before you concerning him ) was also pleas'd to declare himself unable both in Mind and Body , for the longer Execution of his Office ; and therefore made his formal Resignation of it , and had it as formally accepted-of from him in Court there , above two years since . VNDER the Direction of Gentlemen acting indeed as Governours , and to whom as such I have for more than 23. years had the Honour of reckoning my self a Fellow-servant ; but are said to stand reported to You at this day by your Learned Council , not to be such , nor capable of being so , without ( what they have never yet had ) the Confirmation of this Court. And lastly , VNDER an Administration also on the part of your Lordship and your Honoured Brethren , so Gentle ; as to have suffer'd your Orders thither , even in Points the most important , to lye 7. Months together wholly neglected , and your Authority as openly renounc'd ; without having yet thought fit to have ought done ( within my Notice at least ) in Assertion of it . A Reflection , My Lord , as hard to be accounted-for , as in it self Grievous . Forasmuch as , If after so uninterrupted a Jurisdiction , as has been always exercis'd by this Court , and with a Submission as constantly paid thereto from these Hospitals ; If after so long a Succession of Gifts and Bequests to them , and those to great Values , in reliance upon the Credit and Authority of this Court alone for their Security ; If after so establish'd a Veneration acquir'd to it , as Guardians of these Foundations , and particularly as the Moral Fathers of the Orphans of this House , when in your Easter and other Solemnities , They , as Your Children , bear no small part in the Honour of your Processions ; And lastly , If after what in my particular I have been endeavouring herein for Your Service , and for the Service of the Poor ; this Court shall appear to have been all this while thus credited and thus obey'd , without Authority at this day , under the greatest of their Miscarriages , to visit and reform Them ; for so also your Learned Council are said to have determin'd . What must be thought of this mistake ? And particularly , How will the Pious Credulity of our Princely Founders and past Benefactors be to be lamented ; and what more to be either hop'd or wish'd-for of Them , on these Terms , in time to come ? What must the Apprehensions now be of Those , whose Subsistence rests upon the Authority only of this Court , for the Payments that House stands charg'd with to their Vse , out of the larger Benevolences of their Charitable Auncestors ? Or Theirs ; whose Debts of more modern Date , lye unpaid ( many Thousand Pounds deep ) by that Hospital at Interest , upon no other Security ? What is there to be rely'd-on of Fruit from the Retrospections said to be now on foot there , or those lying before your Lordship and this Court , from my Report ? Or in a Word ; What to be hop'd-for either of Satisfaction for so much of our Poor's Stock and Benefactor 's Bounties as has already miscarry'd ; or of better Provision in time to come , for securing the Remainder ? What , I say my Lord , must the Result of all this be , and how to be answerd-for ; should this Court be so unhappy , as knowingly to permit such a Foundation and its Revenue to rest one day longer , in Hands no otherwise qualify'd-for , nor better intitled to the Trust of it ? While by a Resolution of its own , not yet 16. Months old , you have been pleas'd to declare your selves standing Governours of the same , and ( as such ) required your being ( as anciently ) summon'd to every of its Courts , and accordingly have ever since been so , and now are : To the entitling Your selves ( I fear ) to a nearer Concernment in the Fate of it , than may have been yet sufficiently reflected-on ; and possibly , to an Accountableness with Them , for the good or bad Events of their Managements there . A Consideration I am the more willingly your present Remembrancer in , from the fresh Endeavours said to be now on foot there , for resuming their Old Liberty of taking-in Children , while unprovided of a Bit of Bread for those they now have , otherwise than by running into new Debt , or length'ning their Score of Interest upon the Old ; Besides sacrificing the Innocence of so many fresh Infants , to the Dissoluteness of Manners now reigning , among those they are to be there mixed-with . The Evil of whose Contagion , and Pressure of which Debt , I take to be no otherwise removable , than by a total Stop to be for some time put , to the Occasions of Both. An Expedient , that I well know will at the first hearing be thought as Impracticable , as in other Respects Extraordinary . But the Case is Extraordinary too ; and consequently , to restrain its Remedy to Ordinary Methods only , is little other , than to leave it Remedy-less . Which I cannot think any Gentleman , who hath the Honour and Trust of a Governour there , will contentedly sit-down with , while furnish'd with any thing to offer towards the Saving it , as ( for want of better ) I do this : And yet with an Opinion so far from deeming it Impracticable , as to reckon it a Work neither of Length nor Difficulty ; if , in Atonement for that Misconduct of ours , by which , from the Prosperity this House was in while under the Care but of 16. Governours with 500. Children , it has been brought into the Condition it now lies with 400. Governours ( little more or less ) and but 400. Children ; if ( I say ) in Atonement for that Misconduct , we would improve the Opportunity of this nearness in our Numbers , to the easing the House at once of the Whole , by every Governour 's taking to himself One : Thereby leaving the Income of it entirely free to the Discharge of its Debts , doing Right to its Founders and Benefactors , and that being done , to the setting-out afresh , with a Revenue clear'd , its Discipline reform'd , and Provision made for its future better Conduct through the Whole . And this I lay with all Deference before your Lordship and this Court , as that without which , or some other Aequivalent , I must avow my Despair of ever seeing this unhappy House in the State it ought to be ; and therefore would be glad , with your Concurrence and the Concurrence of the Gentlemen of that Body , to be doing my part , either in this or any other Effectual Proposition , towards it . I am well aware , My Lord , of the Censure this Fervor of mine may expose me to , as One overpressing in a Cause , wherein Others neither less interested nor less discerning than my self , are pleas'd to shew so little of the Dissatisfaction I do ; and without any surprise on my side at it , as well remembring how little different my own Sentiments were of it , while my Knowledge thereof ( like theirs ) had no other Direction , than the Information of Others . Whereas no sooner was I engaged in the closer and more deliberate Enquiries apply'd thereto of my own , but that Indifference of mine was awaken'd to the Degree of Concernment I now profess ; and which , on like Conviction , would be no less in any other , whose Morals ( like mine ) know no middle , in matters of Trust at least , between scrupulously Iust , and down-right the contrary . Or to speak more plainly ; between mixing my own Hand in the Ruin of this Religious House , and sitting silently within View of its being brought-about , by the Vanitie , Supineness , Prodigality , or Self-interest of Others . Indulge me therefore , My Lord , the Liberty of this One only closing Note to Your Lordship upon this Subject . Namely , That as the Direction of the Hospitals , has in all times hitherto been undeniably exercised by your Honourable Predecessors , in this Place ; and as uninterruptedly submitted-to . So is it no less evident , that however an Occasion has now ( after sevenscore years Practice ) been administred to the questioning it ; Your said Predecessors , ( the Lord Mayor , Commonalty , and Citizens of London ) upon Covenants first by Them entered-into with K. Edward VI. for the good Government of Them , were by his special Charter of Incorporation as Governours thereof , furnished with all the Powers requisite to the enabling them to make-good those Covenants . In consideration of which , and in Duty to Your Lordship , to the City , to this Court , and to the Poor , I cannot ( as a Servant to all ) but most earnestly pray ; that this Matter may without delay , be laid for Remedy before that Body Corporate , where-ever it now rests ; in order to the preventing , if possible , any unnecessary recourse to Methods Extraordinary , for what should be thought attainable by Ordinary . Especially while , Sitting a Parliament , with so many of your own Number , and of the Hospital's , Members therein , and with a Bill already ( I take it ) before Them , relating to Charitable Uses ▪ no reasonable Supplement ought to be doubted from it , to that Ordinary Power : If any such can be judg'd wanting , after so illustrious a Proof , as I have sometime since given you , of the issue of his Lordship , the present Lord Chancellor's Proceeding in the late Memorable Case of St. Katharines 〈◊〉 Proceeding I cannot but remind you of ; as well as of the Check put but few years before at the Great Seal , to a Visitation then offered-at , in a Method less regular , in the Case of St. Thomas's . To conclude , My Lord , this Calamity of ours in our Hospital-concernment is a Spot not to be cover'd in our Feasts of Charity , once the Glory of this City . And a Spot not at the worst neither , but daily spreading , and daily deepening too , through every part of it . Witness its Appearance ( where least to have been lookt-for ) in the very last act of our Treasurer's signing this Account ; as giving you therein , his own Hand in Evidence against the Truth of what you had had before from him Vnsign'd ; and in which , as in all other its former Editions , to my self , to the Hospital , and from thence to the Lords of the Treasury , there had been suppress'd in the single Article of Sea Wages , a Sum no less than 1400 l. besides others of greater Moment yet behind . And this too , notwithstanding repeated Cautions to them concerning it ; and particularly in my last , whereof this brings you a Copy . And since which ( as fresh at it is ) they have nevertheless adventur'd to ask , and actually received more than 700 l. upon that very Head on which the Treasurer has so lately own'd his having twice that Sum of the King 's in his Hand , yet to be accounted-for . Be pleased therefore to think of some speedy Prevention to the Growth of this our Reproach . And towards it , permit me only to say ; That as uneasy as the Vndertaking may appear to others ; I see no Cause of apprehending any thing of more difficulty needful towards it ( whether as to the due animadverting upon what is past , or better providing for what is to come ) than a Right Choice of a very few Hands to be assign'd thereto , supported with an Authority suited to the Work , and Powers requisite to the rendring their Labours and Determinations therein Effectual . Which being adjusted , and that only ; I should with great assurance of success , both readily and gladly pay the utmost of my personal Service to the Gentlemen so commission'd ; as well in detecting the Errors of my own Calculations ( and which for the Poor's sake I could wish more , than I dare yet hope them to be ) as suggesting and applying adequate Remedies , to what those Gentlemen in their happyer Enquirys may find truly needing the same . But if after all ( which God avert ) it should be our Infelicity , even with the aid of that Charter , not to have wherewith of our own to help our selves herein . The Cause nevertheless is too sacred , both in it self , and as it is the King 's , to be permitted to sink , while within the support I have so often mention'd , of his Own Soveraign Visitation ; And more particularly in what relates to Himself within our Care in the Mathematical Foundation ; by translating it , from the Hands in which it now languishes , to those he is pleased to intrust with that of his Own later Erection , to the same Royal Purpose in the Advancement of Navigation , within his Own Palace and Inspection at Greenwich . I am in most respectful manner , My Lord and Gentlemen , Your ever most faithful and obedient Servant , S. Pepys . A54552 ---- A petition of the major, aldermen, and common-councell of the citie of London, to His Majestie together with His Majesties gracious answer thereunto. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A54552 of text R1073 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing P1819). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 9 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A54552 Wing P1819 ESTC R1073 12953011 ocm 12953011 96011 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A54552) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 96011) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 257:E181, no 39) A petition of the major, aldermen, and common-councell of the citie of London, to His Majestie together with His Majesties gracious answer thereunto. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) [2], 14 p. Printed by Robert Baker ..., and by the assignes of John Bill, London : 1641. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Sources. A54552 R1073 (Wing P1819). civilwar no A petition of the Major, aldermen, and Common-Councell of the citie of London, to His Majestie. Together with His Majesties gracious answer Corporation of London 1641 1436 1 0 0 0 0 0 7 B The rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A PETITION OF The Major , Aldermen , and Common-Councell of the Citie of LONDON , To His Majestie . Together with His Majesties gracious ANSWER thereunto . LONDON : Printed by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . MDCXLI . TO THE KINGS MOST Excellent MAJESTIE . The humble Petition of the Maior , Aldermen , and Common-Councell , of the Citie of LONDON . MAy it please Your most Excellent Majestie ; The often expressions of Your most gracious acceptance of the manifestation of the Petitioners duty and loyalty , and the frequent Declarations of Your Majesties great care of the good and welfare of this City , and of the true Protestant Religion , and of protecting and preserving the Persons and Priviledges of Your great Councell assembled in the high Court of Parliament : Each encouraged the Petitioners to represent the great Dangers , Fears , and Distractions wherein the Citie now is , by reason of the prevailing progresse of the bloody Rebels in Ireland , fomented , and acted by the Papists and their adherents , and want of Aid to suppresse them , and the severall intimations they have had both Forraign and at Home , of the driving on of their Designes , tending to the utter ruine of the Protestant Religion , and of the Lives and Liberties of Your Majesties loyall Subjects , the putting out of Persons of Honour and trust from being Constable and Lieutenant of the Tower , especially in these times , and the preparations there lately made , the fortifying of VVhitehall with men and Munition in an unusuall manner : Some of which men with provoking language and violence , abused divers Citizens passing by , and the drawing divers swords , and therewith wounding sundry other Citizens in VVestminster-Hall , that were unarmed : the late endeavours used to the Innes of Court , the calling in divers C●noniers , and other assistance into the Tower , the late discovery of divers fire-works in the hands of a Papist , and the misunderstanding betwixt Your Majestie and Parliament , by reason of misinformation , as they humbly conceive . Besides all which , the Petitioners fears are exceedingly encreased by your Majesties late going into the House of Commons attended with a great multitude of armed men besides Your ordinary Guard , for the apprehending of divers members of that House , to the endangering of Your Sacred Person , and of the Persons and Priviledges of that Honourable Assembly . The effects of all which Fears tend , not only to the overthrow of the whole Trade of this City and Kingdom , which the Petitioners already feel in a deep measure ; but also threatens the utter ruine of the Protestant Religion , and the lives and Liberties of all Your Loyall Subjects . The Petitioners therefore most Humbly pray Your Sacred Majestie , That by the advice of Your great Councell in Parliament , the Protestants in Ireland may be speedily relieved , The Tower put into the hands of Persons of trust : That by removeall of doubtfull and unknown Persons from about VVhite-Hall and VVestminster , a known and approved Guard may be appointed for the safetie of Your Majestie and Parliament , and that the Lord Mandevill and the five Members of the House of Commons , lately accused , may not be restrained of libertie , or proceeded against , otherwise then according to the priviledges of Parliament . And the Petitioners ( as in all duty bound ) shall pray for Your Majesties most long and happy Reign , &c. HIS MAJESTIES ANSWER To the Petition of the Maior , Aldermen , and Common Councell of the Citie of LONDON . HIS Majestie having fully considered the matter of this Petition , Is graciously pleased to declare , that being unalterably resolved to make good all His expressions and declarations of His care of this City ; Of the true Protestant Religion , and of the Priviledges of Parliament ; His Majestie takes in good part , the intimation given by the Petitioners of the fears and distractions wherein the City now seems to be . And though Hee conceives Hee did on Wednesday at the Guild-Hall satisfie most of those particulars , is pleased to adde this further Answer . 1 That for the sad businesse of Ireland , His Majestie cannot possibly expresse a greater sence then He hath done , there being nothing left on His Majesties part unoffered or undone . And He hoped by the speedy advice and assistance of His Parliament , that great and necessary VVork would be put in a just forwardnesse , to which his Majestie will contribute all His power : And how zealous Hee is and hath been therein , will appear in a Declaration speedily to be set forth by His Majestie . 2 For the Tower : His Majestie wonders , that having removed a Servant of good Trust and Reputation , from that Charge , onely to satisfie the fears of the Citie , and put in another of unquestionable Reputation , and known abilitie , the Petitioners should still entertain those fears ; and whatever preparation of Strength is there made , is with as great an Eye of safety and advantage to the Citie , as to his Majesties own Person , and shall be equally imployed to both . 3 For the fortifying of White-Hall with Men and Munition in an unusuall way : His Majestie doubts not , but the Petitioners have observed the strange provocation He hath received to entertain that Guard : That by the disorderly , and tumultuous conflux of people at VVestminster and VVhite-Hall , his Majesties great Councell was not onely disquieted , but his own Royall Person in danger , most seditious language being uttered even under His own windows , whilest the examination and punishing such Tumults by the course of Law were interrupted and stopped . And if any Citizens were wounded or ill intreated , his Majestie is confidently assured , that it hapned by their own evill and corrupt demeanours . 4 His Majestie knowes no other endeavours to the Innes of Court , then a gracious Intimation , That He received the tender of their loyall and dutifull Affections with very good Approbation and Acceptance , and an incouragement given them to continue the same upon all occasions . Neither doth His Majestie know , what discovery hath been lately made of fire-works in the hands of any Papist . 5 For His going to the House of Commons ( when His attendants were no otherwise armed then as Gentlemen with swords ) His Majestie is verily perswaded , That if the Petitioners knew the clear grounds upon which those persons stand accused of high Treason , and what will be proved against them ( which in due time they shall be acquainted with ) and considered the gentle way His Majestie took for their apprehension ( which He preferd before any course of violence , though that way had been very justifiable ; for His Majestie is very well assured that it is notoriously known , That no priviledge of Parliament can extend to Treason , Felonie , or breach of the Peace ) the Petitioners would beleeve his Majesties going thither was an Act of grace and favour to that House , and the most peaceable way of having that necessary service for the apprehension of those persons performed ; specially , if such Orders have been made ( which his Majestie is not willing to beleeve ) for the resistance of all lawfull Authority , as are discoursed of . 6 And for the proceedings against those Persons mentioned in the Petition ; his Majestie ever intended the same should be with all justice and favour according to the Laws and Statutes of the Realme ; to the which all innocent men would cheerfully submit . And this extraordinary way of satisfying a Petition of so unusuall a nature , his Majesty is confidently perswaded , will be thought the greatest instance can be given of his Majesties clear intention to his Subjects , and of the singular estimation He hath of the good affections of this Citie , which He beleeves in gratitude will never be wanting to His just Commands and service . FINIS A54607 ---- Another essay in political arithmetick, concerning the growth of the city of London with the measures, periods, causes, and consequences thereof, 1682 / by Sir William Petty ... Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687. 1683 Approx. 46 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A54607 Wing P1915 ESTC R21001 12358869 ocm 12358869 60186 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A54607) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60186) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 220:17) Another essay in political arithmetick, concerning the growth of the city of London with the measures, periods, causes, and consequences thereof, 1682 / by Sir William Petty ... Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687. 47 p. Printed by H.H. for Mark Pardoe ..., London : 1683. Reproduction of original in Yale University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Population. 2003-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ANOTHER ESSAY IN Political Arithmetick , Concerning the Growth of the CITY OF LONDON : WITH THE Measures , Periods , Causes , and Consequences thereof . 1682. By Sir William Petty , Fellow of the ROYAL SOCIETY . LONDON : Printed by H. H. for Mark Pardoe , at the Black Raven ▪ over against Bedford-House , in the Strand . 1683. The Principal Points of this Discourse . 1. THAT London doubles in Forty Years , and all England in Three hundred and sixty Years . 2. That there be , Anno 1682. about Six hundred and seventy Thousand Souls in London , and about seven Millions , four hundred Thousand in all England and Wales ; and about twenty eight Millions of Acres of Land. 3. That the Periods of doubling the People , are found to be in all Degrees , from between Ten , to Twelve hundred Years . 4. That the Growth of London must stop of its self , before the Year 1800. 5. A Table helping to understand the Scriptures , concerning the Number of People mentioned in them . 6. That the World will be fully Peopled within the next Two Thousand Years . 7. Twelve Touch-stones , whereby to Try any Proposal , pretended for the Publick Good. 8. How the City of London may be made ( Morally speaking ) Invincible . 9. An Help to Vniformity in Religion . 10. That 't is possible to increase Mankind by Generation four times more than at present . 11. The Plagues of London is the Chief Impediment and Objection against the Growth of the City . 12. That an Exact Account of the People is Necessary in this Matter . Of the Growth of the CITY of LONDON : And of the Measures , Periods , Causes , and Consequences thereof . BY the City of London , we mean the Housing within the Walls of the Old City , with the Liberties thereof , Westminster , the Burrough of Southwark , and so much of the built Ground in Middlesex and Surrey , whose Houses are contiguous unto , or within Call of those afore-mentioned . Or else we mean the Housing which stand upon the Ninety seven Parishes within the Walls of London ; upon the Sixteen Parishes next , without them ; the Ten Parishes of Westminster , and the Seven Parishes without them all ; all which One hundred and thirty Parishes are comprehended within the Weekly Bills of Mortality . The Growth of this City is Measured , 1. By the Quantity of Ground , or Number of Acres upon which it stands . 2. By the Number of Houses , as the same appears by the Hearth-Books and late Maps . 3. By the Cubical Content of the said Housing . 4. By the Flooring of the same . 5. By the Number of Days-work , or Charge of Building the said Houses . 6. By the Value of the said Houses , according to their Yearly Rent , and Number of Years Purchase . 7. By the Number of Inhabitants ; according to which latter sense only , we make our Computations in this Essay . Till a better Rule can be obtained , we conceive that the Proportion of the People may be sufficiently Measured by the Proportion of the Burials in such Years as were neither remarkable for extraordinary Healthfulness or Sickliness . That the City hath Increased in this latter sense , appears from the Bills of Mortality , represented in the two following Tables , viz. One whereof is a continuation for Eighteen Years , ending 1682 , of that Table which was Published in the 117 th . pag. of the Book of the Observations upon the London Bills of Mortality , Printed in the Year 1676. The other sheweth what Number of People dyed at a Medium of two Years , indifferently taken , at about Twenty Years distance from each other . The first of the said two Tables . An. Dom. 97 Parishes . 16 Parishes . One Parishes . Buried in all . Besides of the Plague . Christened . 1665 5320 12463 10925 28708 68596 9967 1666 1689 3969 5082 10740 1998 8997 1667 7761 6405 8641 15807 35 10938 1668 ●796 6865 9603 17267 14 11633 1669 1323 7500 10440 19263 3 12335 1670 1890 7808 10500 20198   11997 1671 1723 5938 8063 15724 5 12510 1672 2237 6788 9200 18225 5 12593 1673 2307 6302 8890 17499 5 11895 1674 2801 7522 10875 21198 3 11851 1675 2555 5986 8702 17243 1 11775 1676 2756 6508 9466 18730 2 12399 1677 2817 6632 9616 19065 2 12626 1678 3060 6705 10908 20673 5 12601 1679 3074 7481 11173 21728 2 12288 1680 3076 7066 10911 21053   12747 1681 3669 8136 12166 23971   13355 1682 2975 7009 10707 20691   12653 According to which latter Table , there dyed as followeth . The latter of tie said two Tables . There dyed in London , At a Medium between the Years . 1604 and 1605 — 5135. A. 1621 and 1622 — 8527. B. 1641 and 1642 — 11883. C. 1661 and 1662 — 15148. D. 1681 and 1682 — 22331. E. Wherein Observe , That the Number C. is double to A. and 806 over . That D. is double to B. within 1906. That C and D. is double to A. B. within 293. That E. is double to C. within 1435. That D. and E. is double to B. and C. within 3341. And that C. and D. and E. are double to A. and B. and C. within 1736. And that E. is above Quadruple to A. All which differences ( every way considered ) do allow the doubling of the People of London in forty Years , to be a sufficient estimate thereof in round Numbers , and without the trouble of Fractions . We also say , That 669930 is near the Number of People now in London , because the Burials are 22331. which Multiplyed by 30 , one dying Yearly out of 30 , as appears in the 94 pag. of the aforementioned Observations ) maketh the said Number ; and because there are 84 Thousand Tenanted Houses ( as we are Credibly Informed ) which at ●8 in each , makes . 672 Thousand Souls ; the said two Accounts differing in considerably from each other . We have thus pretty well sound out in what Number of Years ( viz. in about 40 ▪ ) that the City of London ▪ hath doubled , and the present Number of Inhabitants to be about 670 Thousand . We must now also endeavour the same for the whole Territory of England and Wales . In Order whereunto , we ▪ First say , That the Assessment of London is about an Eleventh part of the whole Territory , and therefore that the People of the whole may well be Eleven times that of London , viz. about 7 Millions , 369 Thousand Souls ; with which Account that of the Poll-money , Hearth-money , and the Bishops late Numbring of the Communicants , do pretty well agree ; wherefore although the said Number of 7 Millions , 369 Thousand , be not ( as it cannot be ) a demonstrated Truth , yet it will serve for a good Supposition , which is as much as we want at present . As for the time in which the People double , it is yet more hard to be found : For we have good Experience ( in the said 94 pag. of the afore-mentioned Observations ) That in the Countrey , but one of fifty dye per Annum ; and by other late Accounts , that there have been sometimes but 24 Births for 23 Burials , The which two points , if they were universally , and constantly true , there would be colour enough to say , that the People doubled but in about 1200 Years . As for Example : Suppose there be 600 people , of which let a fiftieth part dye per Annum , then there shall dye 12 per Annum ; and if the Births be as 24 to 23 , then the Increase of the People shall be somewhat above half a Man per Annum , and consequently the supposed Number of 600 , cannot be doubled but in 1126 Years , which to reckon in round Numbers , and for that the afore-mentioned Fractions were not exact , we had rather call 1200. There are also other good Observations , That even in the Countrey , one in about 30 , or 32 per Annum hath dyed , and that there have been five Births for four Burials . Now , according to this Doctrine , 20 will dye per Annum out of the above 600 , and 25 will be Born , so as the Increase will be 5 , which is a hundred and twentieth part of the said 600. So as we have two fair Computations , differing from each other as one to ten ; and there are also several other good Observations for other Measures . I might here Insert , That although the Births in this last Computation be 25 of 600 , or a Twenty fourth part of the People ; yet that in Natural possibility , they may be near thrice as many , and near 75. For that by some late Observations , the Teeming Females between 15 and 44 , are about 180 of the said 600 , and the Males of between 18 and 59 , are about 180 also , and that every Teeming Woman can bear a Child once in two Years ; from all which it is plain , that the Births may be 90. ( and abating 15 for Sickness , Young Abortions , and Natural Barrenness ) there may remain 75 Births , which is an Eighth of the People ; which by some Observations we have found to be but a two and thirtieth part , or but a quarter of what is thus shewn to be Naturally possible . Now , according to this Reckoning , if the Births may be 75 of 600 , and the Burials but 15 , then the Annual Increase of the People will be 60 ; and so the said 600 People may double in 10 Years , which differs yet more from 1200 , above-mentioned . Now , to get out of this Difficulty , and to temper those vast disagreements , I took the Medium of 50 and 30 dying per Annum , and pitch'd upon 40 ; and I also took the Medium between 24 Births and 23 Burials , and 5 Births for 4 Burials , viz. allowing about 10 Births for 9 Burials ; upon which Supposition , there must dye 15 per Annum out of the above-mentioned 600 , and the Births must be 16 and two Thirds , and the Increase 1 , and two Thirds , or five Thirds of a Man , which Number compared with 1800 Thirds , or 600 Men , gives 360 Years for the time of doubling ( including some Allowance for Wars , Plagues , and Famine , the Effects whereof , though they be Terrible at the Times and Places where they happen , yet in a period of 360 Years , is no great Matter in the whole Nation . For the Plagues of England in 20 Years hath carried away scarce an Eightieth part of the People of the whole Nation ; and the late 10 Years Civil Wars , ( the like whereof hath not been in several Ages before ) did not take away above a fortieth part of the whole People . ) According to which Account or Measure of doubling , if there be now in England and Wales , 7 Millions 400 Thousand People , there were about 5 Millions 526 Thousand in the beginning of Queen Elizabeths Reign , Anno 1560. and about two Millions at the Norman Conquest , of which Consult the Dooms day Book , and my Lord Hale's Origi●ation of Mankind . Memorandum , That if the People double in 360 Years , that the present 320 Millions computed by some Learned Men , ( from the Measures of all the Nations of the World , their degrees of being Peopled , and good Accounts of the people in several of them ) to be now upon the Face of the Earth , will within the next 2000 Years , so increase , as to give one Head for every two Acres of Land in the Habitable part of the Earth . And then , according to the Prediction of the Scriptures , there must be Wars and great Slaughter , &c. Wherefore , as an Expedient against the above-mentioned difference between 10 and 1200 Years , we do for the present , and in this Countrey admit of 360 Years to be the time wherein the People of England do double , according to the present Laws and Practice of Marriages . Now , if the City double its People in 40 Years , and the present Number be 670 Thousand , and if the whole Territory be 7 Millions 400 Thousand , and double in 360 Years , as aforesaid ; then by the under-written Table it appears , that Anno 1840 , the People of the City will be 10718880 , and those of the whole Country but 10917389 , which is but inconsiderably more . Wherefore it is Certain and Necessary that the Growth of the City must stop before the said Year 1840 : And will be at its utmost height in the next preceeding Period , Anno 1800 , when the Number of the City will be Eight times its present Number , viz. 5 Millions 359 Thousand . And when ( besides the said Number ) there will be 4 Millions 466 Thousand to perform the Tillage , Pasturage , and other Rural Works Necessary to be done without the said City , as by the following Table , viz.   Annis . Burials . People in London . People in England .   1565 — 2568 77040 5526929. As in the former Table . 1605 — 5135     1642 — 11883     1682 — 22331 669930 7369230.   1722 — 44662       1762 — 89324       1802 — 178648 5359440 9825650.   1842 — 357296 10718880 10917389. Now , when the People of London shall come to be so near the People of all England , Then it follows , That the Growth of London must stop before the said Year 1842 , as aforesaid , and must be at its greatest height Anno 1800 , when it will be eight times more than now , with above four Millions for the Service of the Countrey and Ports , as aforesaid . Of the afore-mentioned vast difference between 10 Years and 1200 Years for doubling the People , we make this use , viz. To justifie the Scriptures and all other good Histories concerning the Number of the People in Ancient Time. For supposing the Eight Persons who came out of the Ark , Increased by a Progressive doubling in every 10 Years , might grow in the first 100 Years after the Flood from 8 to 8000 , and that in 350 Years after the Flood ( when abouts Noah dyed ) to one Million , and by this time 1682 , to 320 Millions ( which by rational conjecture , are thought to be now in the World ) it will not be hard to compute , how in the intermediate Years , the Growths may be made , according to what is set down in the following Table , wherein making the doubling to be 10 Years at first , and within 1200 Years at last , we take a discretionary liberty , but justifiable by Observations and the Scriptures for the rest , which Table we leave to be Corrected by Historians , who know the bigness of Ancient Cities , Armies , and Colonies in the respective Ages of the World , in the mean time affirming that without such difference in the Measures and Periods for doubling ( the extreams whereof we have demonstrated to be real and true ) it is impossible to solve what is written in the Holy Scriptures and other Authentick Books . For if we pitch upon any one Number throughout for this purpose , 150 Years is the fittest of all round Numbers ; according to which , there would have been but 512 Souls in the whole World in Moses's time ( being 800 Years after the Flood ) when 603 Thousand Israèlites of above 20 Years Old ( besides those of other Ages , Tribes , and Nations ) were found upon an exact Survey appointed by God , Whereas our Table makes 12 Millions . And there would have been but 8000 in David's Time , when were found 1100 Thousand of above 20 Years Old ( besides others , as aforesaid ) in Israel , upon the Survey instigated by Satan , whereas our Table makes 32 Millions . And there would have been but a quarter of a Million about the Birth of Christ , or Augustus his Time , when Rome and the Roman Empire were so great , whereas our Table makes 100 Millions . Where Note , That the Israelites in about 500 Years between their coming out of Egypt to David's Reign , increased from 603 Thousand to 1100 Thousand . On the other hand , if we pitch upon a less Number , as 100 Years , the World would have been over-peopled 700 Years since . Wherefore , no one Number will solve the Phaenomena , and therefore we have supposed several in Order to make the following Table , which we again desire Historians to Correct , according to what they find in Antiquity concerning the Number of the People in each Age and Countrey of the World. We did ( not long since ) assist a worthy Divine , writing against some Scepticks , who would have baffled our belief of the Resurrection , by saying , that the whole Globe of the Earth could not furnish Matter enough for all the Bodies that must Rise at the last Day , much less would the surface of the Earth furnish footing for so vast a Number ; whereas we did ( by the Method aforementioned ) assert the Number of Men now living , and also of those that had dyed since the beginning of the World , and did withal shew , that half the Island of Ireland would afford them all , not only Footing to stand upon , but Graves to lye down in , for that whole Number ; and that two Mountains in that Countrey were as weighty as all the Bodies that had ever been from the beginning of the World to the Year 1680 , when this Dispute happened . For which purpose , I have digressed from my intended purpose , to insert this Matter , intending to prosecute this hint further , upon some more proper Occasion . A Table shewing how the People might have doubled in the several Ages of the World. Anno after the Flood . Periods of doubling     In 10 Years 1 — 8 Persons . 10 — 16 20 — 32 30 — 64 40 — 128 50 — 256 60 — 512 70 — 1024 80 — 2048 90 — 4096 100 — 8000 and more In 20 Years 120 Years after the Flood . 16 Thousand . 140 — 32 30 — 170 — 64 200 — 128 40 — 240 — 256 50 — 290 — 512 60 — 350 — 1 Million and more . 70 — 420 — 2 Millions . 100 — 520 — 4 Millions . 190 — 710 — 8 Millions . 290 — 1000 — 16 In Moses Time. 400 — 1400 — 32 About Davids Time. 550 — 1950 — 64 750 — 2700 — 128 About the Birth of Christ. 1000 — 3700 — 256 In 300 / 1200 — 4000 — 320 It is here to be Noted , That in this Table we have assigned a different Number of Years for the time of doubling the People in the several Ages of the World , and might have done the same for the several Countries of the World , and therefore the said several Periods assigned to the whole World in the Lump , may well enough consist with the 360 Years especially assigned to England , between this Day , and the Norman Conquest ; And the said 360 Years may well enough serve for a Supposition between this time , and that of the Worlds being fully Peopled ; Nor do we lay any stress upon one or the other in this disquisition concerning the Growth of the City of London . We have spoken of the Growth of London , with the Measures and Periods thereof , we come next to the Causes and Consequences of the same . The Causes of its Growth from 1642 to 1682 , may be said to have been as followeth , viz. From 1642 to 1650 , That Men came out of the Countrey to London , to shelter themselves from the Outrages of the Civil Wars , during that time ; from 1650 to 1660 , The Royal Party came to London , for their more private and inexpensive Living ; from 1660 to 1670 , The Kings Friends and Party came to receive his Favours after his Happy Restauration ; from 1670 to 1680 , The frequency of Plots and Parliaments , might bring extraordinary Numbers to the City ; But what Reasons to assign for the like Increase from 1604 to 1642 , I know not , unless I should pick out some Remarkable Accident happening in each part of the said Period , and make that to be the Cause of this Increase ( as Vulgar People make the Cause of every Mans Sickness , to be what he did last eat ) wherefore , rather than so to say quidlibet de quolibet ; I had rather quit even what I have above-said to be the Cause of London's Increase from 1642 to 1682 , and put the whole upon some Natural and Spontaneous Benefits and Advantages that Men find by Living in great more than in small Societies ; and shall therefore seek for the Antecedent Causes of this Growth , in the Consequences of the like , considered in greater Characters and Proportions . Now , whereas in Arithmetick , out of two false Positions the Truth is extracted , so I hope out of two extravagant contrary Suppositions , to draw forth some solid and consistent Conclusion , viz. The first of the said two Suppositions is , That the City of London is seven times bigger than now , and that the Inhabitants of it are four Millions 690 Thousand People , and that in all the other Cities , Ports , Towns , and Villages , there are but two Millions 710 Thousand more . The other Supposition is , That the City of London is but a seventh part of its present bigness , and that the Inhabitants of it are but 96 Thousand , and that the rest of the Inhabitants ( being 7 Millions 304 Thousand ) do Co-habit thus , 104 Thousand of them in small Cities and Towns , and that the rest , being seven Millions 200 Thousand , do Inhabit in Houses not contiguous to one another , viz. In 1200 Thousand Houses , having about 24 Acres of Ground belonging to each of them , accounting about 28 Millions of Acres to be in the whole Territory of England , Wales , and the adjacent Islands ; which any Man that pleases may Examine upon a good Map. Now , the Question is , In which of these two Imaginary states , would be the most convenient , commodious and comfortable Livings ? But this general Question divides it self into the several Questions , relating to the following Particulars , viz. 1. For the Defence of the Kingdom against Foraign Powers . 2. For preventing the Intestine Commotions of Parties and Factions . 3. For Peace and Vniformity in Religion . 4. For the Administration of Iustice . 5. For the proportionably Taxing of the People , and easie Levying the same . 6. For Gain by Foraign Commerce . 7. For Husbandry , Manufacture , and for Arts of Delight and Ornament . 8. For lessening the Fatigue of Carriages and Travelling . 9. For preventing Beggars and Thieves . 10. For the Advancement and Propagation of Vseful Learning . 11. For Increasing the People by Generation . 12. For preventing the Mischiefs of Plagues and Contagions . And withal , which of the said two states is most Practicable and Natural ; for in these and the like particulars , do lye the Tests and Touch-stones of all Proposals , that can be made for the Publick Good. First , as to Practicable , we say , That although our said Extravagant Proposals are both in Nature possible , yet it is not Obvious to every Man to conceive , how London , now seven times bigger than in the beginning of Queen Elizabeths Reign , should be seven times bigger than now it is , and 49 times bigger than Anno 1560. To which I say , 1. That the present City of London stands upon less than 1500 Acres of Ground , wherefore a City seven times as large may stand upon 10500 Acres , which is about equivalent to a Circle of four Miles and a half in Diameter , and less than 15 Miles in Circumference . 2. That a Circle of Ground of 35 Miles Semidiameter will bear Corn , Garden-stuff , Fruits , Hay , and Timber for the four Millions 690 Thousand Inhabitants of the said City and Circle , so as nothing of that kind need be brought from above 35 Miles distance from the said City ; for the Number of Acres within the said Circle , reckoning one Acre sufficient to furnish Bread and Drink-Corn for every Head , and two Acres will furnish Hay for every Necessary Horse ; And that the Trees which may grow in the Hedge-rows of the Fields within the said Circle , may furnish Timber for 600 Thousand Houses . 3. That all live Cattel and great Animals can bring themselves to the said City ; and that Fish can be brought from the Lands-end and Berwick as easily as now . 4. Of Coals there is no doubt : And for Water , 20 s. per Family ( or 600 Thousand pounds per Annum in the whole ) will serve this City , especially with the help of the New River . But if by Practicable be understood , that the present state may be suddenly changed into either of the two above-mentioned Proposals , I think it is not Practicable . Wherefore the true Question is , unto or towards which of the said two Extravagant states it is best to bend the present state by degrees , viz. Whether it be best to lessen or enlarge the present City ? In Order whereunto , we enquire ( as to the first Question ) which state is most Defensible against Forraign Powers , saying , that if the above-mentioned Housing , and a border of Ground , of 3 quarters of a Mile broad , were encompassed with a Wall and Ditch of 20 Miles about ( as strong as any in Europe , which would cost but a Million , or about a Penny in the shilling of the House-Rent for one Year ) what Foraign Prince could bring an Army from beyond Seas , able to beat , 1. Our Sea-Forces , and next with Horse harrass'd at Sea , to resist all the fresh Horse that England could make , and then Conquer above a Million of Men , well United , Disciplin'd , and Guarded within such a Wall , distant every where 3 quarters of a Mile from the Housing , to elude the Granadoes and great Shot of the Enemy ? 2. As to Intestine Parties and Factions , I suppose that 4 Millions 690 Thousand People United within this great City , could easily Govern half the said Number scattered without it , and that a few Men in Arms within the said City , and Wall , could also easily Govern the rest unarmed , or Armed in such manner as the Soveraign shall think fit . 3. As to Vniformity in Religion , I conceive , That if St. Martins Parish may ( as it doth ) consist of about 40 Thousand Souls , That this great City also may as well be made but as one Parish , with 7 times 130 Chappels , in which might not only be an Uniformity of Common Prayer , but in Preaching also ; for that a thousand Copies of one Judiciously and Authentically Composed Sermon , might be every Week read in each of the said Chappels without any subsequent Repetition of the same , as in the Case of Homilies . Whereas in England ( wherein are near 10 Thousand Parishes , in each of which upon Sundays , Holy-days , and other Extraordinary Occasions , there should be about 100 Sermons per Annum , making about a Million of Sermon per Annum in the whole : ) It were a Miracle , if a Million of Sermons Composed by so many Men , and of so many Minds and Methods , should produce Vniformity upon the discomposed understandings of about 8 Millions of Hearers . 4. As to the Administration of Iustice . If in this great City shall dwell the Owners of all the Lands , and other Valuable things in England ; If within it shall be all the Traders , & all the Courts , Offices , Records , Iuries , and Witnesses ; Then it follows , that Iustice may be made with speed and ease . 5. As to the Equality and easie Levying of Taxes , It is too certain , That London hath at some times paid near half the Excise of England ; and that the People pay thrice as much for the Hearths in London as those in the Countrey , in proportion to the People of each , and that the Charge of Collecting these Duties , have been about a sixth part of the Duty it self . Now , in this great City , the Excise alone according to the present Laws , would not only be double to the whole Kingdom , but also more equal . And the Duty of Hearths of the said City , would exceed the present proceed of the whole Kingdom . And as for the Customs , we mention them not at present . 6. Whether more would be gain'd by Foraign Commerce . The Gain which England makes by Lead , Coals , the Freight of Shipping , &c. may be the same , for ought I see , in both Cases . But the Gain which is made by Manufactures , will be greater , as the Manufacture it self is greater and better . For in so vast a City Manufactures will beget one another , and each Manufacture will be divided into as many parts as possible , whereby the Work of each Artisan will be simple and easie ; As for Example . In the making of a Watch , If one Man shall make the Wheels , another the Spring , another shall Engrave the Dial-plate , and another shall make the Cases , then the Watch will be better and cheaper , than if the whole Work be put upon any one Man. And we also see that in Towns , and in the Streets of a great Town , where all the Inhabitants are almost of one Trade , the Commodity peculiar to those places is made better and cheaper than elsewhere . Moreover , when all sorts of Manufactures are made in one place , there every Ship that goeth forth , can suddenly have its Loading of so many several Particulars and Species , as the Port whereunto she is bound can take off . Again , when the several Manufactures are made in one place , and Shipped off in another , the Carriage , Postage , and Travelling-charges will Inhance the Price of such Manufacture , and lessen the Gain upon Foraign Commerce . And lastly , when the Imported Goods are spent in the Port it self , where they are Landed , the Carriage of the same into other places , will create no surcharge upon such Commodity ; all which particulars tends to the greater Gain by Foraign Commerce . 7. As for Arts of Delight and Ornament , They are best promoted by the greatest Number of Emulators . And it is more likely that one Ingenious Curious Man may rather be found out amongst 4 Millions than 400 Persons . But as for Husbandry , viz. Tillage and Pasturage , I see no Reason , but the second state ( when each Family is charged with the Culture of about 24 Acres ) will best promote the same . 8. As for lessening the Fatigue of Carriage and Travelling , The things speaks it self , for if all the Men of Business , and all Artisans do Live within five Miles of each other ; And if those who Live without the great City , do spend only such Commodities as grow where they Live , when the charge of Carriage and Travelling could be little . 9. As to the preventing of Beggars and Thieves , I do not find how the differences of the said two states should make much difference in this particular ; for Impotents ( which are but one in about 600 ) ought to be maintained by the rest . 2. Those who are unable to Work , through the evil Education of their Parents , ought ( for ought I know ) to be maintained by their nearest Kindred , as a just Punishment upon them . 3. And those who cannot find Work ( though able and willing to perform it ) by reason of the unequal application of Hands to Lands , ought to be provided for by the Magistrate and Land-Lord till that can be done ; for there needs be no Beggars in Countries , where there are many Acres of unimproved improvable Land to every Head , as there are in England . As for Thieves , they are for the most part begotten from the same Cause ; For it is against Nature , that any Man should venture his Life , Limb , or Liberty , for a wretched Livelyhood , whereas moderate Labour will produce a better . But of this see Sir Thomas Moor , in the first part of his Vtopia . 10. As to the Propagation and Improvement of Vseful Learning , The same may be said concerning it as was above-said concerning Manufactures , and the Arts of Delight and Ornaments ; for in the great vast City , there can be no so odd a Conceit or Design , whereunto some Assistance may not be found , which in the thin , scattered way of Habitation may not be . 11. As for the Increase of People by Generation , I see no great difference from either of the two states , for the same may be hindred or promoted in either , from the same Causes . 12. As to the Plague , It is to be remembred , that one time with another , a Plague happeneth in London once in 20 Years , or thereabouts ; for in the last hundred Years , between the Years 1582 and 1682 , there have been five great Plagues , viz. Anno 1592 , 1603 , 1625 , 1636 , and 1665. And it is also to be remembred , that the Plagues of London do commonly kill one fifth part of the Inhabitants . Now , if the whole People of England do double but in 360 Years , then the Annual Increase of the same is but 20000 , and in 20 Years 400000. But if in the City of London there should be two Millions of People , ( as there will be about 60 Years hence ) then the Plague ( killing one fifth of them , namely , 400000 , once in 20 Years ) will destroy as many in one Year , as the whole Nation can re-furnish in 20 : And consequently the People of the Nation shall never Increase . But if the People of London shall be above 4 Millions ( as in the first of our two Extravagant Suppositions is premised ) then the People of the whole Nation shall lessen above 20000 per Annum . So as if People be worth 70 l. per Head ( as hath elsewhere been shewn ) then the said greatness of the City will be a damage to it self and the whole Nation of 14 hundred Thousand pounds per Annum , and so prorata , for a greater or lesser Number ; wherefore to determine , which of the two states is best , ( that is to say , towards which of the said two states Authority should bend the present state ) a just Balance ought to be made between the disadvantages from the Plague , with the Advantages accruing from the other Particulars above-mentioned ; unto which Balance a more exact Account of the People , and a better Rule for the Measure of its Growth is Necessary , than what we have here given , or are yet able to lay down . Post-script . IT was not very pertinent to a Discourse concerning the Growth of the City of London , to thrust in Considerations of the Time when the whole World will be fully Peopled ; and how to justifie the Scriptures concerning the Number of People mentioned in them ; and concerning the Number of the Quick and the Dead , that may Rise at the last Day , &c. Nevertheless , since some Friends liking the said Digressions and Impertinencies ( perhaps as sauce to a dry Discourse ) have desired that the same might be explain'd and made out . I therefore say as followeth . 1. If the Number of Acres in the Habitable part of the Earth , be under 50. Thousand Millions ; if Twenty Thousand Millions of People , are more than the said Number of Acres will feed ; ( few or no Countries being so fully Peopled ; ) and for that in six doublings ( which will be in 2000 Years ) the present 320 Millions will exceed the said 20 Thousand Millions . 2. That the Number of all those who have dyed since the Flood , is the sum of all the Products made by Multiplying the Number of the doubling Periods mentioned in the first Column of the last Table , by the Number of People respectively affixed to them , in the third Column of the same Table ; the said sum being Divided by 40 ( one dying out of 40 per Annum , out of the whole Mass of Mankind ) which Quotient is 12570 Millions ; Whereunto may be added , for those that dyed before the Flood , enough to make the last mentioned Number 20 Thousand Millions , as the full Number of all that dyed , from the beginning of the World , to the Year 1682 ; unto which , if 320 Millions , the Number of those who are now alive , be added , the Total of the Quick and the Dead , will amount but unto one fifth part of the Graves , which the surface of Ireland will afford , without ever putting two Bodies into any one Grave ; for there be in Ireland 28 Thousand square English Miles , each whereof will afford about 4 Millions of Graves , and consequently above 114 Thousand Millions of Graves , viz. about 5 times the Number of the Quick and the Dead , which should arise at the last Day , in case the same had been in the Year 1682. 3. Now , if there may be place for five times as many Graves in Ireland , as are sufficient for all that ever dyed ; And if the Earth of one Grave weigh five times as much as the Body Interr'd therein , then a Turf , less than a Foot thick , pared off from a fifth part of the surface of Ireland , will be equivalent in bulk and weight to all the Bodies that ever were Buried ; And may serve as well for that purpose , as the two Mountains afore-mentioned in the body of this Discourse . From all which it is plain , how madly they were mistaken , who did so petulantly vilisie what the Holy Scriptures have delivered . FINIS . Observations upon the Dublin Bills of Mortality , M.DC.LXXXI . And the state of that City . By the Observator in the London Bills of Mortality . In Octavo . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A54607-e410 What is meant by London . What is meant by the Growth of London . In what Measures the City hath Increased . The People of London are about the Eleventh part of all England and Wales . The People of England about 7 Millions and 400 Thousand . That the time of doubling is here and now 360 Years . 320 Millions now in the World. That London will be at its highest growth , and eight times as great as now , Anno 1800. A digression of the use of the vast difference between 10 and 1200 Years of doubling . A54615 ---- A further assertion of the propositions concerning the magnitude, &c. of London contained in two essays in political arithmetick mentioned in Philos. transact. numb. 183 : together with a vindication of the said essays from the objections of some learned persons of the French nation / by Sr. W. Petty, Knt. ... Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687. 1682 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A54615 Wing P1925A ESTC R20831 12358399 ocm 12358399 60172 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A54615) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60172) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 220:22) A further assertion of the propositions concerning the magnitude, &c. of London contained in two essays in political arithmetick mentioned in Philos. transact. numb. 183 : together with a vindication of the said essays from the objections of some learned persons of the French nation / by Sr. W. Petty, Knt. ... Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687. 4 p. s.n., [S.l. : 1682] Caption title. Date of publication from Wing. Reproduction of original in Harvard University Libraries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Population. Paris (France) -- Population. Rome (Italy) -- Population. 2003-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-09 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2003-09 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A further Assertion of the Propositions concerning the Magnitude , &c. of London , contained in two Essays in Political Arithmetick ; mentioned in Philos. Transact . Numb . 183 ; together with a Vindication of the said Essays from the Objections of some Learned Persons of the French Nation , by Sr. W. Petty Knt. R. S. S. 1. IT could not be expected that an Assertion of Londons being bigger than Paris and Roven , or than Paris and Rome put together , and bigger than any City of the World , should scape uncontradicted , and 't is expected that I ( if continuing in that Perswasion ) should make some Reply to these contradictions . 2. I begin with the Ingenious Author of the Novelles de la Republique des Lettres , who saith , that Rey in Persia is far bigger than London ; for that in the 6th . Century of Christianity ( I suppose An. 550. ) It had 15000 , or rather 44 thousand Moschees or Mahometan Temples . To which I reply , that I hope this Objector is but in jest , for that Mahomet was not borne till about the Year 570 , and had no Moschees till about 50 Years after . 3. The next is the excellent Monsieur Auzout from Rome , who is content , that London , Westminster , and Southwark — with the contiguous Housing may have as many People as Paris and its Suburbs ; and but faintly denyeth , that all the Housing within the Bills , may have almost as many People as Paris and Roven , but saith that several Parishes inserted into these Bills , are distant from , and not contiguous with London , and that Grant so understood it . 4. To which ( as his main , if not only Objection ) we answer . 1st . That the London Bills appear in Grants Book to have been , since the Year 1636 , as they now are . 2. that about 50 Years since , 3 or 4 Parishes formerly distant , were joyn'd , by interposed Buildings , to the Bulk of the City , and therefore then inserted into the Bills . 3. That since 50 Years the whole Buildings being more than double , have perfected that Union , so as there is no House within the said Bills , from which one may not call to some other House . 4. All this is confirm'd by Authority of the King and City , and so long Custom . 5. That there are but three Parishes under any Colour of this Exception , which are scarce a two and fiftieth part of the whole . 5. Upon sight of Monsieur Auzouts large Letter , I made Remarques upon every Paragraph thereof , but suppressing it ( because it lookt like a War against one with whome I intended none , whereas in truth it was but a reconciling Explication of some Doubts , and therefore ) I have chosen the shorter and sweeter way of answering Monsieur Auzout , as followeth , viz. Concerning the Number of People in London , as also in Paris , Roven , and Rome , viz. MOnsieur Auzout alleageth an authentick Register , that there are 23223 Houses in Paris , wherein do live above 80 thousand Families , and therefore supposing 3½ Families to live in every of the said Houses one with another ; the Number of Families will be 81230 ; and Monsieur Auzout also allowing 6 Heads to each Family , the utmost Number of People in Paris , according to Mr. Auzout's Opinion , will be .   487680. The Medium of the Paris Burials was allowed by Monsieur Auzout to be 19887 , and that there dyed 3506 unnecessarily out of L'Hotel Dieu , wherefore deducting the said last Number , the neat Standard for Burials at Paris , will be 16381 , so as the Number of People there , allowing but one to Dye out of 30 ( which is more advantagious to Paris than Monsieur Auzouts Opinion of one to Dye out of 25 ) the Number of People at Paris will be 491430 ; more than by Monsieur Auzouts last mentioned Accompt .   491430. The Medium of the said two Paris Accompts is —   488055. The Medium of the London Burialls is 23212 , which Multiplyed by 30 ( as hath been done for Paris ) the Number of the people there will bee .   696360 The Number of Houses at London appears by the Register to bee 105315. Whereunto adding a 10th . part or 10531 , as the least Number of double Families that can bee supposed in London , the total of Families will be 115840 : and allowing 6 Heads for each Family , as was done for Paris , the total of the People at London will be .   695076. The Medium of the 2 last London Accounts is —   695718. The People of Paris according to the above-said Account is 488055.   Of Roven according to Monsieur Auzouts utmost Demand , 80000. 693055. Of Rome according to his own Report thereof . 125000.   So as there are more People at London , than at Paris , Roven , and Rome by   2663. Memorandum , that the Parishes of Islington , Newington , and Hackney , for which only there is any Colour of Non-contiguity , is not a two and fiftieth part of what is contained in the Bills of Mortality ; and consequently London without them , hath more People than Paris and Roven put together , by   114284. Several other Estimates , Viz. I. That London alone is equal to Paris , Roven , and Rome , as aforesaid . II. That London , Bristol , and Dublin are equal to Paris , Amsterdam , and Venice . III. That London alone is to Amsterdam , Venice , and Roven , as 7 to 4. IV. That London and Bristol are equal to any four Cities of France . V. That Dublin is probably equal to the second best City , of any Kingdom or State in Christendome . VI. That London , for ought appears , is the greatest City of the World , but manifestly the greatest Emporium . FINIS A54619 ---- Observations upon the cities of London and Rome Sir William Petty ... Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687. 1687 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A54619 Wing P1930 ESTC R13444 12363288 ocm 12363288 60318 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A54619) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60318) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 220:26) Observations upon the cities of London and Rome Sir William Petty ... Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687. [4], 4 p. Printed for Henry Mortlocke ... and J. Lloyd ..., London : 1687. Reproduction of original in Harvard University Libraries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Population. Rome (Italy) -- Population. 2003-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion WINDSOR , Sep. 21 st 1686. I do hereby License these Observations to be printed . Sunderland P. OBSERVATIONS UPON THE CITIES OF LONDON AND ROME . By Sir WILLIAM PETTY , Fellow of the Royal Society . LONDON , Printed for Henry Mortlocke , at the Phoenix in St. Paul's Church-Yard , and I. Lloyd , in the middle Exchange next Salisbury-House in the Strand . 1687. OBSERVATIONS UPON THE CITIES OF LONDON and ROME . 1. THAT before the year 1630 , the Christnings at London exceeded the Burials of the same , but about the year 1655 they were scarce half ; and now about two thirds . 2. Before the Restauration of Monarchy in England , Anno 1660 , the People of Paris were more than those of London and Dublin put together , whereas now , the People of London are more than those of Paris and Rome , or of Paris and Rouen . 3. Anno 1665 one fifth part of the then People of London or 97 thousand died of the Plague , and in the next year 1666 , 13 thousand Houses or one fifth part of all the Housing of London were burnt also . 4. At the Birth of Christ , old Rome was the greatest City of the World , and London the greatest at the Coronation of King Iames the Second , and near 6 times as great as the present Rome , wherein are 119 thousand Souls besides Iews . 5. In the years of King Charles the Second his death and King Iames the Second his Coronation ( which were neither of them remarkable for extraordinary Sickliness or Healthfulness ) the Burials did wonderfully agree , viz. Anno 1684 , they were 23202 , and Anno 1685 they were 23222 , the Medium whereof is 23212. And the Christnings did very wonderfully agree also , having been Anno 1684 , 14702 , and Anno 1685 , 14732 , the Medium whereof is 14716 , which consistence was never seen before , the said number of 23212 Burials making the People of London to be 696360 , at the rate of one Dying per annum out of 30. 6. Since the great Fire of London , Anno 1666 about 7 parts of 15 of the present vast City hath been new built , and is with its People increased near one half , and become equal to Paris and Rome put together , the one being the Seat of the great French Monarchy and the other of the Papacy . FINIS . A54629 ---- Two essays in political arithmetick concerning the people, housing, hospitals, &c. of London and Paris / by Sir William Petty ... Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687. 1687 Approx. 16 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A54629 Wing P1942 ESTC R13444 12363809 ocm 12363809 60342 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A54629) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60342) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 220:29) Two essays in political arithmetick concerning the people, housing, hospitals, &c. of London and Paris / by Sir William Petty ... Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687. [6], 21, [1] p. Printed for J. Lloyd ..., London : 1687. Reproduction of original in Harvard University Libraries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Statistics, Vital. Paris (France) -- Statistics, Vital. 2003-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion WHITE-HALL , Aug. 26th 1686. Let this Paper be printed . Sunderland P. TWO ESSAYS IN Political Arithmetick , Concerning the People , Housing , Hospitals , &c. OF LONDON and PARIS . By Sir WILLIAM PETTY , Fellow of the Royal Society . — Qui sciret Regibus uti Fastidiret olus — LONDON , Printed for I. Lloyd in the Middle Exchange next Salisbury-House in the Strand . 1687. TO THE KING'S Most Excellent MAJESTY . I Do presume , in a very small Paper , to shew Your Majesty , that Your City of London seems more considerable than the Two best Cities of the French Monarchy , and for ought I can find , greater than any other of the Universe , which because I can say without flattery , and by such Demonstration as Your Majesty can examine , I humbly pray Your Majesty to accept from Your Majesty's Most Humble , Loyal and Obedient Subject , William Petty . AN ESSAY IN Political Arithmetick , BY Sir WILLIAM PETTY , Tending to prove that London hath more People and Housing than the Cities of Paris and Rouen put together , and is also more considerable in several other respects . 1. THE Medium of the Burials at London in the three last years , viz , 1683 , 1684 and 1685 , ( wherein there was no extraordinary Sickness , and wherein the Christenings do correspond in their ordinary proportions with the Burials and Christenings of each year one with another ) was 22337 , and the like Medium of Burials for the three last Paris Bills we could procure , viz. for the years 1682 , 1683 and 1684 ( whereof the last as appears by the Christenings to have been very sickly ) is 19887. 2. The City of Bristol in England appears to be by good estimate of its Trade and Customes as great as Rouen in France , and the City of Dublin in Ireland appears to have more Chimnies than Bristol , and consequently more People , and the Burials in Dublin were Anno 1682 ( being a sickly year ) but 2263. 3. Now the Burials of Paris ( being 19887 ) being added to the Burials of Dublin ( supposed more than at Rouen ) being 2263 , makes but 22150 , whereas the Burials of London were 187 more , or 22337 , or as about 6 to 7. 4. If those who die unnecessarily , and by miscarriage in L'hostel Dieu in Paris ( being above 3000 ) as hath been elsewhere shewn , or any part thereof , should be subtracted out of the Paris Burials aforementioned , then our assertion will be stronger , and more proportionable to what follows concerning the Housing of those Cities , viz. 5. There were burnt at London , Anno 1666 , above 13000 houses , which being but a fifth part of the whole , the whole number of houses in the said year , were above 65000 ; and whereas the ordinary Burials of London have increased between the years 1666 and 1686 , above one third , the total of the houses at London Anno 1686 , must be about 87000 , which Anno 1682 , appeared by accompt to have been 84000. 6. Monsieur Morery , the great French Author of the late Geographical Dictionaries , who makes Paris the greatest City in the World , doth reckon but 50000 houses in the same , and other Authors and knowing Men much less ; nor are there full 7000 houses in the City of Dublin , so as if the 50000 houses of Paris and the 7000 houses in the City of Dublin were added together , the total is but 57000 houses , whereas those of London are 87000 as aforesaid , or as 6 to 9. 7. As for the Shipping and foreign Commerce of London , the common sense of all Men doth judge it to be far greater than that of Paris and Rouen put together . 8. As to the Wealth and Gain accruing to the Inhabitants of London and Paris by Law-suits ( or La chicane ) lonely say that the Courts of London extend to all England and Wales , and affect seven Millions of People , whereas those of Paris do not extend near so far : Moreover there is no palpable conspicuous argument at Paris for the Number and Wealth of Lawyers like the Buildings and Chambers in the Two Temples , Lincoln's Inn , Gray's Inn , Doctors Commons , and the seven other Inns in which are Chimnies , which are to be seen at London , besides many Lodgings , Halls and Offices relating to the same . 9. As to the plentifull and easie living of the People we say , 1. That the People of Paris to those of London , being as about 6 to 7 , and the Housing of the same as about 6 to 9 , we infer that the People do not live at London so close and crouded as at Paris , but can afford themselves more room and liberty . 2. That at London the Hospitals are better and more desirable than those of Paris , for that in the best at Paris there die 2 out of 15 , whereas at London there die out of the worst scarce 2 of 16 , and yet but a fiftieth part of the whole die out of the Hospitals at London , and ⅖ or 20 times that proportion die out of the Paris Hospitals which are of the same kind ; that is to say , the number of those at London who chuse to lie sick in Hospitals rather than in their own Houses , are to the like People of Paris as one to twenty ; which shews the greater Poverty or want of Means in the People of Paris than those of London . 3. We infer from the premisses , viz. the dying scarce 2 of 16 out of the London Hospitals , and about 2 of 15 in the best of Paris , ( to say nothing of L' hostel Dieu ) That either the Physicians and Chirurgeons of London are better than those of Paris , or that the Air of London is more wholesome . 10. As for the other great Cities of the World , if Paris were the greatest , we need say no more in behalf of London . As for Pequin in China , we have no account fit to reason upon ; nor is there any thing in the Description of the two late Voyages of the Chines's Emperour from that City into East and West Tartary , in the years 1682 and 1683 , which can make us recant what we have said concerning London . As for Dely and Agra belonging to the Mogull we find nothing against our position , but much to shew the vast numbers which attend that Emperour in his business and pleasures . 11. We shall conclude with Constantinople and Gran Cairo ; as for Constantinople it hath been said by one who endeavour'd to shew the greatness of that City , and the greatness of the Plague which reigned in it , that there died 1500 per diem , without other circumstances : To which we answer , that in the year 1665 there died in London 1200 per diem , and it hath been well proved that the Plague of London never carried away above ⅕ of the People , whereas it is commonly believed that in Constantinople , and other Eastern Cities , and even in Italy and Spain , that the Plague takes away ⅖ one half or more ; wherefore where 1200 is but ⅕ of the People it is probable that the number was greater , than where 1500 was ⅖ or one half , &c. 12. As for Gran Cairo it is reported , that 73000 died in 10 weeks or 1000 per diem , where note , that at Gran Cairo the Plague comes and goes away suddenly , and that the Plague takes away 2 or ⅗ parts of the People as aforesaid ; so as 73000 was probably the number of those that died of the Plague in one whole year at Gran Cairo , whereas at London Anno 1665 , 97000 were brought to account to have died in that year . Wherefore it is certain , that that City wherein 97000 was but ⅕ of the People , the number was greater than where 73000 was ⅖ or the half . We therefore conclude , that London hath more People , Housing , Shipping and Wealth , than Paris and Rouen put together ; and for ought yet appears , is more considerable than any other City in the Vniverse , which was propounded to be proved . AN ESSAY IN Political Arithmetick , BY Sir WILLIAM PETTY , Tending to prove that in the Hospital called L' hostel Dieu at Paris , there die above 3000 per Annum by reason of ill accommodation . 1. IT appears that Anno 1678 there entred into the Hospital of La Charité 2647 Souls , of which there died there within the said year 338 , which is above an eighth part of the said 2647 , and that in the same year there entred into L' hostel Dieu 21491 , and ▪ that ▪ there died out of that number 5630 , which is above one quarter , so as about half the said 5630 , being 2815 , seem to have died for want of as good usage and accommodation as might have been had at La Charité . 2. Moreover in the year 1679 there entred into La Charité 3118 , of which there died 452 , which is above a seventh part , and in the same year there entred into L' hostel Dieu 28635 , of which there died 8397 , and in both the said years 1678 and 1679 ( being very different in their degrees of Mortality ) there entred into L' hostel Dieu 28635 and 21491 , in all 50126 , the Medium whereof is 25063 , and there died out of the same in the said Two years 5630 & 8397 , in all 14027 , the Medium whereof is 7013. 3. There entred in the said years into La Charité 2647 and 3118 , in all 5765 , the Medium whereof is 2882 , whereof there died 338 and 452 , in all 790 , the Medium whereof is 395. 4. Now if there died out of L' hostel Dieu 7013 per annum , and that the proportion of those that died out of L' hostel Dieu is double to those that died out of La Charité ( as by the above Numbers it appears to be near there abouts ) then it follows that half the said Numbers of 7013 being 3506 , did not die by natural necessity , but by the evil administration of that Hospital . 5. This Conclusion seem'd at the first sight very strange , and rather to be some mistake or chance than a solid and real truth , but considering the same matter as it appeared at London , we were more reconciled to the belief of it , viz. 1. In the Hospital of St. Bartholomew in London there was sent out and cured in the year 1685 , 1764 Persons , and there died out of the said Hospital 252. Moreover there were sent out and cured out of St. Thomas's Hospital 1523 , and buried 209 , that is to say , there were cur'd in both Hospitals 3287 , and buried out of both Hospitals 461 , and consequently cured and buried 3748 , of which number the 461 buried is less than an eighth part , whereas at La Charité the part that died was more than an eighth part ; which shews that out of the most poor and wretched Hospitals of London there died fewer in proportion than out of the best in Paris . 2. Farthermore , it hath been above shewn that there died out of La Charité at a Medium 395 per annum , and 141 out of Les Incurables making in all 536 ; and that out of St. Bartholomew's and St. Thomas's Hospital , London , there died at a Medium but 461 , of which Les Incurables are part ; which shews that although there be more People in London than in Paris , yet there went at London not so many People to Hospitals as there did at Paris , although the poorest Hospitals at London , were better than the best at Paris ; which shews that the poorest People at London have better accommodation in their own houses , than the best Hospital of Paris affordeth . 6. Having proved that there die about 3506 Persons at Paris unnecessarily to the damage of France , we come next to compute the value of the said damage and of the Remedy thereof , as follows , viz. the value of the said 3506 at 60 li. Sterl . per head , being about the value of Argier Slaves , ( which is less than the intrinsick value of People at Paris ) the whole loss of the Subjects of France in that Hospital seems to be 60 times 3506 li. Sterl . per Annum , viz. 210 thousand 360 li. Sterl . equivalent to about two Millions 524 Thous . 320 French Livers . 7. It hath appeared that there came into L' hostel Dieu at a Medium 25063 per Annum , or 2089 per Mensem , and that the whole stock of what remain'd in the precedent Months is at a Medium about 2108 ( as may appear by the third Line of the Table N o 5 , which shall be shortly published ) viz. the Medium of Months is 2410 for the sickly year 1679 , whereunto 1806 , being added as the Medium of Months for the year 1678 makes 4216 , the Medium whereof is the 2108 above mentioned ; which number being added to the 2089 which entred each Month , makes 4197 for the Number of Sick which are supposed to be always in L' hostel Dieu one time with another . 8. Now if 60 French Livers per Annum for each of the said 4197 sick Persons were added to the present ordinary Expence of that Hospital ( amounting to an addition of 251 Thousand 820 Livers ) it seems that so many lives might be saved as are worth above ten times that sum , and this by doing a manifest deed of Charity to Mankind . Memorandum , That Anno 1685. the Burials of London were 23222 , and those of Amsterdam 6245 ; from whence , and the difference of Air , 't is probable that the People of London are quadruple to those of Amsterdam . FINIS . A55392 ---- A paper presented by divers citizens of the city of London, Sept. 5. 1682. to the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen 1682 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A55392 Wing P285 ESTC R213443 99825826 99825826 30217 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A55392) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 30217) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2175:03) A paper presented by divers citizens of the city of London, Sept. 5. 1682. to the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen City of London (England). Court of Common Council, recipient. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for E. Smith [i.e. Francis Smith] at the Elephant and Castle in Cornhil, London : 1682. Regarding the Council's delay in allowing Thomas Papillon and John Dubois to assume the office of sheriff of London and Middlesex. A different work from Wing T1563A. Francis Smith was at the Elephant and Castle from 1659 to 1688, and was commonly known as Elephant Smith. Copy stained. Reproduction of the original in the Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Papillon, Thomas, 1623-1702 -- Early works to 1800. Dubois, John -- Early works to 1800. Sheriffs -- England -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Politics and government -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2008-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A PAPER Presented by divers CITIZENS of the CITY of LONDON , Sept. 5. 1682. To the RIGHT HONOURABLE The Lord MAYOR And Court of ALDERMEN . THE Citizens of this City having duly Elected Thomas Papillon and John Dubois Esquires , two of their fellow Citizens Sheriffs of this City and the County of Middlesex for the Year ensuing , and your Lord ship and this Court having not caused Proclamation to be made for the said Persons to appear and take the said Office upon them according to the Laws and Customs of this City ; divers Applications have thereupon been made by and on the behalf of us and our fellow Citizens , that your Lordship and this Court would forthwith cause the same to be done , as in right and Justice you ought : Unto which after divers and tedious Attendances , your Lordship and this Court did Promise that such Persons should take the Office of Sheriffs upon them as were duly Elected , according to Law , and the Antient Customs of this City . And the said Thomas Papillon and John Dubois being so Elected , and not yet called forth to take the said Office upon them , we do therefore again , in the behalf of our selves and fellow Citizens , renew our Request , and of right demand that your Lordship and this Court will forthwith cause Proclamation to be made for the said Thomas Papillon and John Dubois to appear and Seal their Bonds to take upon them the said Office , which we humbly conceive our selves bound by our Oaths as Freemen of this City to demand , and your Lordship and this Court by the like Oaths bound immediately to Grant. London , Printed for E. Smith at the Elephant and Castle in Cornhil . 1682 : A56777 ---- The art of living in London, or, A caution how gentlemen, countreymen and strangers drawn by occasion of businesse should dispose of themselves in the thriftiest way not onely in the citie but in all other populous places as also a direction to the poorer sort that come thither to seeke their fortunes / by H. P. Peacham, Henry, 1576?-1643? This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A56777 of text R22580 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing P942). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 16 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A56777 Wing P942 ESTC R22580 12621464 ocm 12621464 64533 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A56777) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64533) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 251:E145, no 20) The art of living in London, or, A caution how gentlemen, countreymen and strangers drawn by occasion of businesse should dispose of themselves in the thriftiest way not onely in the citie but in all other populous places as also a direction to the poorer sort that come thither to seeke their fortunes / by H. P. Peacham, Henry, 1576?-1643? [8] p. Printed for Iohn Gyles and are to be sold by Samuel Rand ..., [London] : 1642. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng London (England) -- History. London (England) -- Social life and customs. A56777 R22580 (Wing P942). civilwar no The art of living in London, or, A caution how gentlemen, countreymen and strangers, drawn by occasion of businesse, should dispose of thems Peacham, Henry 1642 3084 2 5 0 0 0 0 23 C The rate of 23 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-04 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-04 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE ART Of living in LONDON , OR , A Caution how Gentlemen , Countreymen and Strangers , drawn by occasion of businesse , should dispose of themselves in the thriftiest way , not onely in the Citie , but in all other populous places . AS ALSO , A direction to the poorer sort that come thither to seeke their Fortunes . By H. P. Printed for Iohn Gyles , and are to be sold by Samuel Rand , at his shop at Barnards Inne in Holborne . 1642. THE ART OF LIVING IN LONDON . IT is a greater peece of skill to live in a populous place , where multitudes of people reside then in a so●itary and private place among a few ; yet some natures are so caried and led away with variety of acquaintance and company , that it is a death unto them to live by and to themselves , which indeed is the happiest life of all and hath ever bin most contenting , and pleasing to the best and wisest men . Now our most populous places are Cities , and among us London , or {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . The Citie , whether all sorts reside . Noble and simple rich and poore yong and old , from all places and Countries either for pleasure ( and let me adde beside , to save the charge of House-keeping in the Countrey ) or for profit , as Lawyers to the Tearmes , Country-men and women to Smithsield and the Markets or for necessity , as poore yong men and maids to seeke services and places , serving-men Masters , and some others all manner of imploiment . Now the Citie being like a vast Sea ( full of gusts ) fearfull dangerous shelves and rocks , ready at every storme to sinke and cast away , the weake and unexperienced Barke ( with her fresh-water souldiers ) as wanting her compasse and her skilfull Pilot ; my selfe , like another Columbus or Drake , acquainted with her rough entertainment and stormes , have drawn you this chart or map for your guide , as well out of mine owne , as my many friends experience . Who therefore soever shall have occasion to come to the City for the occasions before mentioned ; the first thing he is to doe , is to arme himselfe with patience , and to thinke that he is entred into a wood , where there is as many bryers as people , every one as ready to catch hold of your sleece , as your selfe ; for we see that sheepe when they passe through a thorny or a bushie place they leave locks or wooll behinde them ; so imagine a populous Citie could not live nor subsist ( like the stomacke ) except it have helpe and nourishment from the other parts and members . Therefore the first rule I give you , next to the due service of God on the Saboth , and at other times is the choice of your company and acquaintance , for according to that every man findes his owne valuation high or loe ; that is , we are esteemed to be such as we keepe company withall , as well in estate as condition ; if you cannot finde such fitting for you , apply your selfe to your friends , if you have any , or the friends of your friend ; if you have not them neither , ( I speake to the meaner and more inferiour ) be sure that you take your lodging at lest in some honest house of credit ; whether it be Inne , Alehouse , or other private house , which I could rather wish because in the other , the multiplicity of resort and company of all sorts will draw you to much need esse and vaine expence ; as in pots of Beere or Ale , Tobacco , perhaps cards , dice , the Shovelboord-Table &c. But first of all have an eye to , and a care of your maine businesse , or the end of your coming to towne , as it were at what marke you wou●d 〈◊〉 your arrow ; which being throughly considered , for your purse sake , pursue it with all expedition : for the Citie is like a quick-sand the longer you stand upon it the deeper you sinke ; if here mony or meanes to get it be wanting . But imagine you have money of your owne and come hither onely for your pleasure , as being tired and weary of your Countrey , if you husband it not thriftily , you may quickly take a nap upon penilesse bench : so many are the occasions here offered that are ready every houre to picke your purse ; as perpetuall visits of vaine and vselesse acquaintance ; necssitous persons ever upon borrowing hand with you ; cloathes in the fashion , this or that new Play , play at Ordinaries , Taverne feasts and meetings , Horse and Coach hire ; beside those britle comodities they carry ; Boat-hire to Kingston , Winsor , and other places , with the like . For an Antidote to these severall poysons , let me prescribe to my Citie Country Gentleman these receits or remedies . First , being come to the Citie , avoid idlenesse , which commonly drawes after a traine of many vices : I call idlenesse keeping your chamber , consuming the day lying in bed , or risen in walking up and downe from street to street , to this or that Gentlemans chamber , having no businesse at all , and cannot meet with usefull company , let the Bible , and other bookes of piety , such as treat of Philosophy , Naturall or Morall History , the Mathematickes , as Arithmeticke , Geometry , Musicke ; sometime Heraldry , and the like , be your chiefe company : for you shall finde books no flatterers , nor expensive in your converse with them . Beside , you shall meet with those who can instruct you in all those Arts which Tully calles Venales , which are taught for money as the Mathematickes themselves , Dancing , Fencing , Riding , Painting , and the like . Next , have a care of saving and improving your money to the best : As who would bespeake a supper or a dinner at all adventure at a Taverne , and not know the price of every dish , as the Italians and other Nations doe , while they laugh at our English for their vaine profusenesse and simplicity , who when the dinner is ended , must stand to the curtesie of a nimble-tonged Drawer ; or a manyringed whistling Mistresse whether they or you should bee Masters of your money . Beside one dish well drest gives a good stomacke more and better content then a variety of twenty . And above all things beware of beastly drunkennesse , which ( as Horace truly saith , doth Affigere humo divinae particulam aurae . And well he may Affigere humo , or naile to the ground : for some are found sometimes so drunke , who being fallen upon the ground ; or ( which is worse ) in the kennell , are not able to stirre or move againe . Drinking begets chalenges and quarrels and occasioneth the death of many , as is knowne by almost daily experience . Hence are Newgate , the Counters , and other prisons fild with our young heires and swaggering gallants , to the sorrow of their friends , and joy of their Iaylors . Again , men when they are in drinke , are apt to say or doe any thing as become sureties for decayed companions , or lending them ready money out of their purses which when they have slept upon it , they curse and are ready to hang themselves beside the terror of conscience , and extreame melancholy which sticks by them a long time after . Drunken men againe are apt to lose their Hats , Clokes or Rapiers not to know what they have spent , how much money they have ; and full oft they have their pockets pickt by Whores and Knaves . There is lesse danger in out-doores recreations then , as shooting , Boules , riding , Tennis , &c. Next , let every man beware of play and gaming , as Cards , especially Dice , at Ordinaries and other places : for in the Citie there are many , who when they live onely by cheating , are so cunning , that they will so strip a young Heire , or Novice , but lately come to towne , and Wood-cocke like so pull his wings , that hee shall in a short time never be able to flye over ten Acres of his owne Land . These and the like errours are the cause why so many faire estates being neere or not very farre from the Citie , have beene so often bought and sold , and the truth is , very few have held out in a name to the third generation . Let a monyed man or Gentleman especially beware in the City , ab istis calidis & calidis solis filiabus , as Lipsius : these over-hot and crafty daughters of the Sunne , your silken and gold-laced harlots every where ( especially in the Suburbs ) to bee found : these have been and are daily the ruine of thousands ; and if they happen to alure and entice him , which is onely to cheat him , and picke his pocket to boot , with the bargaine she makes ; but let him resolutely say as Diogenes did to Lais of Corinth , Non tanti emam poenitentiam , I will not buy repentance at such a rate . Let him also in the City have a speciall care whom he entertaines into his service , let him or they have friends of his acquaintance , who may undertake for them but not at all adventure every stragler . What sayes old Tusser in his booke of good Husbandry ? Take Runagate Robin to pitie his need , And looke to be filcht as sure as thy Creed . And if you bring one with you out of the Countrey ( except you have a great eye over him ) he will quickly be corrupted in the Citie with much acquaintance : then shall you helpe your selfe to bed , see your horse starved in the stable , and never rubd ; your linnen lost at the Landresses ; in a word your selfe every where neglected . Thinke it therefore no disgrace in a Citie Inne , to see your horse every day your selfe and to see him well meated rubd and watered he shal make you amends in your journey . Occhio di patrono ingrassa lo Cavallo , the Masters eye makes the horse fat : besides , remember what Salomon saith , The righteous man regardeth the life of his beast , but the ungodly have cruell hearts . I saw , I remember , a Carrier flea his horse alive , being able on the way to goe no farther , his too heavy burthen having broke his back , insomuch as he tumbled raw in his own skin . Next ; let a Gentleman living in the Citie have a care to keepe himselfe out of debt , let him owe as little as he can to his Taylor for following the fashion , then which there can be no greater misery ; for then if he walkes abroad he is ready to be snapt up at every lanes end , by Serjeants Marshals men , or Baylies ; or keeping his chamber , let him stirre never so little be betraid by some false knave or other ; in the meane time his creditors , if they be of the inferior sort ( nay their scolding and clamorous wives , and every sawcie prentice ) will be ready to disgrace him ; and if arested , he shall be hald to prison many times like a dogge , if he returnes but the lest ill word ; if he be a landed man , let him take heed of Vsurers and their factors , of whom he shall finde as much mercy in cities , as an Oxe cheeke from a Butchers Curre : but I will turn my discourse now to such as but accidentally make their abode here , either through businesse to see friends , or sent for by Authority . Next after the setting up of their horses , and seeing them well used ( which should be your chiefest care at your first alighting in the citie , with all diligence follow your businesse , let not vaine and byoccasions take you off from it , as going to Tavernes , seeing Playes , and now and then to worse places , so lose your time , spend your money , and sometime leave your businesse uneffected . To avoid these take a private chamber , wherein you may passe your spare time in doing something or other and what you call for , pay for , without going upon the score ; especially in Citie-Alehouses , where in many places you shall be torne out of your skin ( if it were possible ) even for a debt of two pence : and though you have spent twenty or fourty pounds in one of their houses , your Host , especially your Hostesse , will hardly bid you drink in a twelve-moneth ; but if they bee at dinner or supper , never to eate a bit with them : for that were an undoing to them in their opinion . Againe , walking abroad , take heed with what company you sort your selfe withall : if you are a Countrey man , and but newly come to towne you will be smelt out by some cheaters or other , who will salute , call you by your name ( which perhaps one of their company meeting you in another street , hath learned by way of mistaking you for another man , which is an old tricke ) carry you to the Taverne , saying they are a kin to some one dwelling neere you , &c. But all trickes of late yeares have been so plainly discovered , and are so generally knowne almost to every childe , that their practice is out of date and now no great feare of them ; yet an Item can doe you no hurt . You shall not doe amisse if you send for your diet to your owne chamber an hot joynt of meat of Mutton , Veale or the like , what you leave covered with a faire napkin , will serve you to break-fast the next morning , or when you please . Keepe out of throngs and publicke places , where multitudes of people are , for saving your purse ; the fingers of a number goe beyond your sense of feeling . A Tradesmans wife of the Exchange , one day when her husband was following some businesse in the Citie , desired him he would give her leave to goe see a Play , which shee had not done in seaven yeares . Hee bade her take his Prentise along with her , and goe ; but especially to have a care of her purse : which shee warranted him shee would . Sitting in a Box among some Gallants and gallant Wenches , and returning when the Play was done , returned to her husband , and told him she had lost her purse . Wife , quoth he , did I not give you warning of it ? How much money was there in it ? quoth shee , truly foure peeces six shillings , and a silver Tooth-picker : quoth her husband , where did you put it ? Vnder my Peticote between that and my smocke . What quoth he , did you feele no hand there ? Yes , quoth shee , I felt ones hand there ; but I did not thinke hee had come for that . So much for the guard of your purse . Now for such as are of the poorest condition , and come to the Citie , compelled by necessitie to try their fortunes , to seeke services , or other meanes to live , let them presently provide themselves if they can ( for here is imployment for all hands that will worke ) or returne home againe before they finde or feele the extremity of want ; otherwise they shall finde it farre worse then the Countrey ; because if they want , here are more occasions to draw them into ill courses then there , as being constrained to steale , and to shorten their dayes , to seeke death in the errour of their lives , as Salomon saith . Young maids , who never knew ill in their lives , to bee enticed by impudent Bawds , to turne common Whores , and the like ; but if they can provide themselves , and take honest courses , by the blessing of God , they may come to as great preferment as Aldermen and Aldermens wives : For poverty of it selfe is no vice but by accident . Whom hath the Citie more advanced then poore mens children ? The Citie it selfe being the most charitablest place of the whole , and having done more good deeds then halfe the Land beside . In a word , for a conclusion , let mee give all commers , not onely to London , but all other like populous places this one and onely rule never to be forgotten , which is , To serve God , avoid Idlenesse , to keepe your money , and to beware of ill company . FINIS . A57082 ---- The resolutions of the army, against the King, kingdome and city. Iuly 15. 1648. at 8 of the clocke in the morning. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A57082 of text R210984 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing R1165A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A57082 Wing R1165A ESTC R210984 99835024 99835024 39677 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A57082) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 39677) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1775:25; 2196:14) The resolutions of the army, against the King, kingdome and city. Iuly 15. 1648. at 8 of the clocke in the morning. Croplie, Thomas. Hide, Richard. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1648] Signed at end: Testified by Thomas Croplie. Richard Hide. Imprint from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "July: 19 1648". Sometimes incorrectly attributed to John Dias. Identified at reel 1775:25 as Wing D1380A ("no entry" in Wing 2nd ed., rev.). Reproductions of the originals in the British Library (Thomason Tracts) and the Harvard University Library (Early English Books). eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A57082 R210984 (Wing R1165A). civilwar no The resolutions of the army, against the King, kingdome and city. Iuly 15. 1648. at 8 of the clocke in the morning. [no entry] 1648 392 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2006-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-10 Celeste Ng Sampled and proofread 2006-10 Celeste Ng Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Resolutions of the Army , against the King , Kingdome and City . Iuly 15. 1648. at 8 of the Clocke in the Morning . MEMORANDVM , That upon the day above set , Iohn Dias one of Colonell Whaleys Regiment , and Kinsman , did utter these speeches following : That the resolution of the Army was to fight for themselves , against all that should oppose them ; and that they resolved not to bee governed by a King , and that nothing vexed them more , then the Parliaments recalling their Declarations of making no more addresses to the King . And being asked why they did not declare ; he answered , That yet it was no time , but that shortly , hee did not doubt , but that all would be their owne , and then they would make their resolutions knowne . It was replied , that if the Army should thus declare , it was likely the City and Kingdome would rise . He answered , They regarded not the City , but could fire it at pleasure . It was likewise inquired , How the Generall had performed his word with the King and Kingdome , in re-establishing the King , and restoring the Kingdome to peace . He answered , The Generall never intended any such thing ; and that for the personall Treaty the Army would not suffer it , because the City would thinke they gained the honour of it ; and that the Parliament did Vote the personall Treaty only to delude the people , and to keep them in suspence while they had done their businesse abroad . Hee likewise sayd , Hee should ( or hoped ) to see the City on fire shortly . He further sayd , That if the Kings Revenew were tenne times so much more , it were the better for them ; for the Crowne Land would make many of the soldiers Gentlemen : and if we conquer you , then you shal be our slaves ; and if you conquer us , wee wil be your slaves ; and further he sayd , that this was not onely his sence , but likewise the sence of the whole Army . Testified by Thomas Croplie . Richard Hide . A41682 ---- Londinum triumphans, or, An historical account of the grand influence the actions of the city of London have had upon the affairs of the nation for many ages past shewing the antiquity, honour, glory, and renown of this famous city : the grounds of her rights, priviledges, and franchises : the foundation of her charter ... / collected from the most authentick authors, and illustrated with variety of remarks. Gough, William, 1654?-1682. 1682 Approx. 723 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 193 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41682 Wing G1411 ESTC R24351 08149646 ocm 08149646 40944 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41682) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 40944) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1230:11) Londinum triumphans, or, An historical account of the grand influence the actions of the city of London have had upon the affairs of the nation for many ages past shewing the antiquity, honour, glory, and renown of this famous city : the grounds of her rights, priviledges, and franchises : the foundation of her charter ... / collected from the most authentick authors, and illustrated with variety of remarks. Gough, William, 1654?-1682. [7], 373, [1] p. Printed for the author, and are to be sold by L. Curtis, London : 1682. Errata: p. [374] Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- History. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2008-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Londinum Triumphans , OR AN HISTORICAL ACCOVNT OF THE Grand Influence THE ACTIONS OF THE CITY of LONDON Have had upon the AFFAIRS of the NATION for many Ages past . SHEWING , The Antiquity , Honour , Glory and Renown of this FAMOUS CITY ; The Grounds of her Rights , Priviledges and Franchises ; The Foundation of her CHARTER ; The Improbability of a Forfeiture , and Impossibility of a Legal Seisure ; The Power and Strength of the Citizens , and the Prevalency of the Commonalty in their Contests with the Magistracy . Collected from the most Authentick Authors , and illustrated with variety of REMARKS . Nullum est jam dictum , quod non dictum sit prius . No new thing under the Sun. LONDON Printed for the Author and are to be Sold by L. Curtis at the Sign of Sir Edmondbury Godfreys Head , MDCLXXXII . THE DEDICATION To the HONOURABLE SIr Thomas Allen , Kt. Aldermen of the City of LONDON . Sir John Frederick , Kt. Sir John Lawrence , Kt. Sir Robert Clayton , Kt. Sir Patience Ward , Kt. Sir Thomas Gold , Kt. Sir John Shorter Kt. and Henry Cornish , Esq ; And to the Worshipful Thomas Pilkington , Esq ; Another of the Aldermen of the said City , and Samuel Shute , Esq ; The Worthy SHERIFFS for the year Past . Sir Thomas Player , Kt. Chamberlain of the same , Thomas Papillion , Esq ; John Dubois , Esq ; And to all the rest of those Eminent Citizens who have so worthily asserted the Rights , Liberties , Priviledges , Franchises , and Immunities of this Ancient and Honourable CITY . This Book is most HUMBLY DEDICATED by . W. G. TO THE READER . IF Antiquity and Duration , wealth and riches , strength and power , can make a City famous : If an honourable renown , visible grandeur , and unparallel'd priviledges may render her glorous in the eyes of the World : If the Spirit of her Citizens , influence of her actions , and a continued train of Successes can justly give her the denomination of powerful ; Then may this great ancient , and renowned City of London deservedly be esteem'd one of the eminentest Cities of the Vniverse , unless the Lie be given to the most Authentick of all our English Historians , and we must not , like the Papists , believe our own eyes , nor give credit to our ears , but bid adieu to all rational knowledge , and deny the force of true Logical Illations , inferences , and conclusions . Such being the subject , of this following Treatise , purposely design'd for a demonstration of Londons power , and a convincing argument of the irresistible influence of her actions over all the Nation for many hundreds of years , strongly founded on undeniable Truths , and throughout carried on , in an uninterrupted series of affairs , by a train of inflances and examples , and an unbroken chain of inductions : And being conscious to my self of no base slurs nor abuses ingentilely impos'd upon the faith of any one , by false quotations , corrupting of Authors , or wilful mistakes , as knowing my self easily disprov'd if guilty , and therefore so much the more cautious , by how much the more certain , that these Papers would be made to undergo the severe Ordeal of a strict and rigid examination from a critical age , I am apt to flatter my self into the hopes of being accepted among the lovers and admirers of this Honourable City , and of having presented the worthy Citizens with somewhat grateful , pleasing , and delightful to their palates , because treating of their Ancestors glory and renown , their own power , and the necessary consequence thereof , the grand influence of their publick actions and fixt resolutions upon the Councils of this Kingdom . But whether my trust and confidence in my own poor abilities , and my hopes are so good , as my ambition is great to serve this Honourable City , and I have any sound reasons to believe it within the sphear of my Capacity , and the power of my pen , to lay any thing looking like an obligation upon the worshipful Citizens thereof , others are the most proper judges , and the event will best shew . If any , out of prejudice to the subject and a censorious Spirit , shall lay it to my charge ; that the whole book looks reflective , in answer to the imputation , I shall humbly desire this favour at his hands , that he would be pleas'd to give himself the trouble of turning to the Authors , to whom I so often refer , and thence he may be abundantly satisfied of my honesty and sincerity , if he be not over much prejudic'd already , or of so narrow a Soul , as to be wholly and altogether byass'd to the interest of any one particular party against the plainest evidence of sense , reason , and truth . Besides in my further vindication I can assure him , that a great part hereof was drawn up the last Autumn , and undeniably prove it too , by demonstrative Arguments , if need were . So that if it had appear'd in the world so early , as was at first designed , though I have been unwillingly hindered hitherto , some on the other side might have been by this time ready to have term'd it predictive : Though it was never intended as the off-spring of Prophecy or Astrology , but only the result of an ordinary judgment , and common foresight , grounded on easy unforc'd deductions from plain historical truths , and the apparent consequences of things acted on the English stage heretofore . Therefore I shall not value the impertinence of weekly observations , nor dread the doughty remarks of the whole tribe of common ordinary Scriblers , as thinking my self secure within the strength of the argument , and the authorities here produc'd to confirm and illustrate it ; whereupon I am bold to defy the art and malice of evil minded men to disprove me in any thing necessarily material as to the substantial part thereof , though as to what concerns any of the lesser Errata , I hope the courteous Reader will be so much a Gentleman , as to look on them but as venial errors , and favourably pass over those slips of my Pen , if he apprehend any such , as unavoidable weaknesses always incident to human frailty . For I profess my self rather a Transcriber than an Author , and esteem this Relation the product of my reading more than the issue of my brain : Which if it may be in any wise advantagious to the publick , and acceptable to the Learned and Ingenious , I know not but , upon good encouragement , I may be ready enough to produce somewhat else more extensive , than to the Rights of one particular City , though it be acknowledged time out of mind to have been the Epitome and Abridgment of the Kingdom , as well as the head both of King and Laws . Londinum Triumphans . HOW considerable a Figure the City of London makes in the present Government , is conceal'd ( I suppose ) but from few in the Land : But the Influence its Actions have had upon the Affairs of the Nation in past Ages , is not so generally known . The Glory and Splendor of this Noble City , is so obvious to the Eyes of the Curious , that they cannot rationally conceive it to be the Work of a Day , or an Age ; but that , like other Cities eminent in Story , it hath risen up by Degrees from small Beginnings , to its present Greatness , through a long Tract of Time , and the Concurrence of many considerable Circumstances to make it Famous . The Original of this City is sufficiently acknowledg'd to be Antient ; but where to fix the true and certain Bounds of its Antiquity , is not so easily agreed upon by Writers . What one sets down for a Truth , another many times esteems to be Fabulous . Scarce any thing being more common amongst the Learned , than to have different Sentiments about the Original of Things , and be at variance amongst themselves about the first Beginnings of Times and Places . True indeed , we can deduce the very first Origine of the World , from the Sacred Leaves of Holy Writ ; but They , who have not had the Benefit of those Heavenly Oracles , or do not with Us believe their Divine Verity , are compell'd to grope in the Mists of Darkness and Confusion , while they search after the First Existence of all Things in the Writings of Prophane Authors . The prime Pieces of Antiquity , that we meet with amongst the Heathens , are the Theban , and the Trojan Wars ; and those too sullied with the Fabulous Narrations of their Poetical Writers . Besides which , we scarce find amongst them any thing deserving Credence and Belief , except the mention of the Argonaut's Voyage , and a few Passages more : All the rest are hudled up in such a confused Mass of Fables and Fictions . And yet these so celebrated Pieces bear Date some hundreds of Years after the Flood . So short do the Prophane Writings fall of the Divine , even in Time , as well as Truth ; unless we account the Dynastyes of the Aegyptian Kings , ( mentioned by some Writers worthily esteem'd Fabulous ) for true History , and make any Reckoning of some Men's Relations ; who tell us of Chronologies amongst the Chineses , of Thousands of Years before the Creation , according to our Account : The whole Tranfactions whereof , they would do well to produce in our European World , that we might be able to judge , what Credit ought to be given to their Words ; and not any longer suspect , that they shield themselves under the Protection of the Priviledge antiently allow'd to Poets and Travellers . Seeing then , in these Humane Writings , we are left so much in the Dark , in what concerns the First Being of the Universe ; we have little Reason to wonder at the variety of Men's Opinions about the Settling of Nations , and first Inhabiting of Countries : Much less are we to admire , that the Foundations of Antient Cities are involv'd in so much Obscurity , that we can scarce trace them up to their Original , without being often put to the stand in our Searches ; as finding but little certain Truth , mix't with a great deal of apparent Falshood . Therefore , I hope , the Courteous Reader will the more readily pardon what he meets with of Humane Infirmity and Frailty , in this Attempt ; and pass over the Errata's he finds in this Historical Relation , as Venial Faults . SHOULD I lay the Foundation of this Honourable City in the Days of Brute , I might to some seem a Relater of Fables . Should I not trace its Original so high , others might be apt to think , I slighted its Antiquity . So difficult a thing it is to please all , so in a manner impossible to displease none . Let me do the utmost of my Endeavours to avoid the Imputation of seeming Fabulous , I should nevertheless be in doubt , where safely to fix , by reason of the different Esteem Men have of different Ages . One preferring This , Another That , and a Third ( perhaps ) valuing Neither ; as thinking the Relation of Things done in Times , so far distant from Ours , not worth our Regard . Wherefore , rather chusing the Part of a Faithful Historian , than courting Men's Favour and Applause , I shall deliver some of the most material Passages , which I find of this Antient City upon Record : Only , with this Request unto the Reader , That as he sees Cause , he would judge of me as an Impartial Relater , without thinking me over ready to give Credit to all , that Authors have said of those Elderly Times . The Trojan War hath been so Celebrated by Homer's Pen , that the Fall of Troy may deservedly be judg'd to have rais'd it higher upon the Wings of Fame , than if it had still continued in its antient Grandeur . For I find it to have been the Ambition of many Writers , in some Ages past , to draw the Original of their own Nations , from some War-like Hero of the Trojan Race . The Romans Glory in the Trojan Blood , as drawing their Pedigree from Aeneas , and the Trojans , that he brought with him into Italy . Padua is deriv'd from Antenor , another Trojan Leader . And not to mention any more , Brute descended of Aeneas , with his Trojans , is said by some to have given Original to the British Nation . That this hath been the Endeavours of some Authors , is plain enough , as being Matter of Fact ; but the Reason of this Design is not so obvious , unless it may be lawful to conjecture , That in the grosser Times of Popery , the Scriptures being kept from the Eyes of the Vulgar , by being lock't up in unknown Languages , and the Monkish Writers lacking either Will or Ability to peruse them ; and so becoming ignorant of Divine History , thought it the readiest way to ennoble their own Nations , by deriving them from some of the Antientest Hero's , that they meet with in 〈◊〉 Story . Or else , depending upon Rome , as their M●●●er-Church , they were desirous to vye with her in their Original , as well as accord with her in Religion . Whether Brute Descended from Aeneas , by a Son of his Eldest Son Ascanius , or by his Younger Son , born of Lavina , is a Point not fully decided among Historians . This Brute , Exil'd his Country ( according to some ) for having accidentally slain his Father , with his Trojans , after many Chances , and Dangers past , is said to have directed his Course towards this Western Island , by the Advice of Diana , which he receiv'd in his Sleep , in an Old Temple of hers , standing in a Part of Affrica . In his Sailing hitherward , he met with ( it seems ) a small Navy of Trojan Ships , under the Conduct of his Nephew Corineus ; and joyning together , at length , after other Dangers over-past , he Landed in Cornwal , at a Place since known by the Name of Totness . This was in the Year since the Worlds Creation , 4063. according to Fabian , ( who professes to follow the Account of the LXX . ) about the Time of Ely's being High-Priest in Israel , Forty Years after the Destruction of Troy , ( which is held by some to have fall'n out in the Time of Abdon's being Judge in Israel ) before the Building of Rome Four Hundred and twenty Years , before our Saviour Christ's Incarnation , One Thousand One Hundred and Thirty Six . But in this Point Chronologers differ : Stow places it Anno Mund. 2855. before Christ's Nativity 1108. After Brute's Landing , in his Searching the Country , he is said to have destroy'd I know not how many great and mighty Gyants ; one whereof , named Gogmagog , wrestled forsooth with Corineus ; and having of him caught a Fall down Dover-Clifts , left his Name to the Place . Those Monkish Writers scarce thinking their Hero's Valour sufficiently Celebrated , unless they make them meet with , and encounter some such Gygantick Adventures ; where the little Knight shall be sure to over-come the great Gyant . Brute having bestowed Cornwal upon Corineus , after he had throughly searched the Land , for the Pleasure he took in Thames , he laid There ( as we are told ) the Foundation of a City , about the Second Year after his Landing in this Isle ; and , in remembrance of Old Troy , named it Troynovant : which Name it held till the Time of King Lud , near upon One Thousand and Sixty Eight Years ; from whom 't was named Lud's - Town , afterwards London , as shall be declared in Process of Story . What Repute and Esteem this City was of in those Days , as being Builded by the First Founder of the British Empire , I shall leave to the Reader 's Consideration ; who may find it honoured with the Sepulture of many of their Kings , as of Brute himself , and his Eldest Son Locrine , to whom in the Division made by his Father , fell Middle England for his Share ; wherein Troynovant was situated : To whom may be added Cunedagius , and Gorbodug the Father of Ferrex and Porrex , the Last of Brute's Line . But now the Coast begins to clear up a little more , after the Storms of Civil Wars , by the Success of Mulmutius Dunwallo , Son of Cloton , Duke of Cornwal . This Dunwallo having vanquished the other Competitors , and settled the Land , caused a Temple to be builded in Troynovant , and named it the Temple of Peace ; the same ( according to some Men's Opinions ) that now is called Blackwell-Hall , a Place well known to the Clothiers . His Fame is much increas'd by the many good Ordinances he made , which were called Mulmutius's Laws , and used long after his Decease . That this City of Troynovant , was of Repute and Renown in this so Famous a Man's Days , is hardly to be doubted of by him , that considers so eminent a Circumstance , as the Building of a Temple of Peace within the Circuit of this City , as an Effect of that Peace he had so happily settled in the Land ; and , it may be , in Gratitude to the Citizens , who probably favour'd his Cause , and so might much influence his Actions and Enterprizes . In the same Temple of Peace was he laid after his Death , which he had been the Occasion of Building in his Life . In the Time of Belinus and Brennus , his Sons , after their Reconcilement & Accord , we read of their going to Troynovant , with their Lords and Friends ; where , after many things ordered for the Common Benefit of the Land , they joyntly agreed to lead both their Hosts over the Sea , to subdue other Countrys ; the Smart of which Voyage the Romans felt sufficiently under Brennus , and his Gauls . By Belinus we sind , that an Haven was built in the same Troynovant , with a Gate over it , call'd even at this Day , Belings-gate ; on whose Pinnacle was set a Brazen Vessel , which contain'd the Ashes of his Body , burnt after his Death . In this City we likewise find , that Gurguintus was Buried , and also Guintellius , his Son ; from whose Wife Marcia came the Marcian-Law , fam'd long after ●mong the Britains and Saxons . These being of some Eminency in their 〈…〉 Buried in this City after their Deaths ; It 〈…〉 , safely be concluded , That they 〈…〉 therein , as their Principal City , and 〈…〉 of the Realm . Yet we read of other 〈…〉 Note , in those Times , and after ; as of 〈…〉 one , where Archigallo ( before depos'd by his Lo●●s , for his ill Government ) was , through the Intercession of Elidurus his Brother , then Reigning , at a Councel of the Britains by him call'd , restor'd to his former Dignity ; When the same Elidurus had gain'd the Assent of his Barons , and the good Will of the Commons . However , Troynovant seems , in those Days , to have been esteem'd a Place of Security ; and mention of a Tower therein we find , on Occasion of the same foremention'd Elidurus's being sent thither by his unkind younger Brothers , to be safely kept as a Prisoner therein . The succeeding Times are so barbarous , that but little considerable is left upon Record , concerning any Actions then done ; untill we come to the Reign of Lud , Eldest Son of Heli , which began about Sixty Six Years before our Blessed Saviours Incarnat●on , according to Stow. This Man is much prais'd by the Historian , for his Worthy Actions , and Honourable Deeds ; for his Valour , Liberality , and Hospitable House-keeping ; and his repairing Old Cities , and Towns. Especially in Troynovant he is Recorded to have caused many Buildings to be made , encompassing it also round with a strong Wall of Lime and Stone . In the West-Part whereof stands a Gate by him Builded , and known , even at this Day , by the Name of Ludgate . For his Love to this City , he used most to abide therein ; Whereupon it was called Caer-Lud , or Lud's Town : Whence by Corruption , and shortning of Words , comes the present Name London ; whereby it shall be called for the future , and the former Name , Troynovant , laid aside in this following Relation . Lud dying after an Honourable Reign , he was Buried in the aforementioned Gate of his , named Port-Lud , or Lud-gate ; where are yet standing the Statues of Him , and his Sons , as a lasting Monument of his Memory . In Cassibellan's Reign , the next Successour , ( but whether Son or Brother to Lud , is not agreed upon by all Authors ) we find considerable mention made of London in the Story , through Occasion of Cassibellan's Victory over the Romans , newly Landed under the Leading of Julius Caesar , and twice repelled by the Britain's Valour . London was the Place appointed by the King , to Celebrate this Victory , return Thanks to his Gods , and Rewards to his Valourous Knights . Here therefore we read of a great Assembly held of his Lords and Knights , and of the King 's keeping a Noble and Solemn Feast for all Comers , and the Exercise of all kind of Games in those Days used . But Difference arising at the Wrestling between a couple of Young Noble Knights , allied , One of them to the King , and the Other to Androgeus , Earl or Duke of London , ( as he is somewhere called ) and from Words these Hotspurs coming to Blows , occasion'd such sideing and variance amongst the Company , that many were wounded , and the Kings Nephew slain , to the great disturbance of the Court. For Disgust hence growing between the King and Androgeus , ( to whom the King had given the City of London , with the Dukedome or Earldome of Kent , besides an Honourable Education , suitable to his Birth , he being Lud's Eldest Son , and so Heir to the Kingdom , according to some Writers , the other being but his Brother ) and this Disgust producing War , wherein the King was likely to be much the stronger ; Androgeus recalls Caesar , with his Romans , to his Aid , and assists them in their Landing ; and joyning his whole Power , soon turn'd the Scales , bringing Victory to the Romans , and an Overthrow and Loss of their ancient Freedome to Cassibellan , and his Britains . So considerable was the Assistance , that Androgeus , with his Londoners , and other Knights , brought to the Enemy : So difficult was it , even to Caesar himself , to Conquer Britain , having been more than once foil'd by the Britains . Caesar tells us of the Trynobants being the strongest of all those Cities ( by which understand London ) which submitted to him ; over whom he placed , at their request , one Mandubratius , whose Father , their chief Lord or Ruler , Cassibellan had before Slain . Be these two Histories the same or different ; yet either , I believe , will serve to make good my Assertion of Londons Power , Fame , and Esteem , in those ancient Times . Though Britain was hereby made Tributary ; yet I do not find , that London lost it's Esteem . For Tenancuis is said to be Buried here ; and also Cunobelin●s or Kymbeline , his Son , both King 's after Cassibellan . In this Kymbeline's Days , near about the Nineteenth Year of his Reign , or Fourteenth , according to Stow , Our Blessed Saviour , Christ Jesus , was Born , as is the Opinion of most Writers . Henceforth therefore , leaving off the Old way of accounting from the World's Creation , I shall follow the Christian manner of Computation , reckoning from the Birth of our Lord Christ ( which was in the Forty Second Year of Augustus's Empire ) as a surer , and more certain way . Except the Crowning of Arviragus in London , I find but little mention of this Honourable City , till the Reign of King Lucius , who being esteemed by many the first Christian King in the World , turn'd the Arch-flamins-See at London into an Arch-Bishoprick ▪ the Names of some of which Arch-Bishops we meet with ●ver and anon in Story , as such who had a considerable Power in the Land. About 226 London was of such Strength , that Alectus , with his Romans , ( as Fabian relates ) being over-press'd by the Britains , under the Leading of Asclepiodotus , chose this City for his Refuge , as being then ( it seems ) of greatest Security ; and he being afterwards slain , Livius Gallus , another Roman Leader , manfully desended himself , and his Romans , in the same City , then closely besieged by the Britains ; till in their entring , he was slain near a River running thereby , and thrown thereinto ; which occasioned it afterwards , to be call'd Gallus , or Wallus-Brook : Some Memorial whereof we find remaining at this Day , in the Street now standing , where that River sometimes ran , and known by the Name of Wall-brook . After the Departure of the Romans out of this Land , many Outrages being committed 〈◊〉 by the Picts and Scots , in the Time of 〈…〉 Honorius , we read of 〈…〉 , by the Arch-Bishop , 〈…〉 the Britains , to cons●lt of 〈…〉 many Miserie 's then ha●ging ●ver 〈…〉 by reason of their Enemies Strength , and 〈…〉 Inability to defend themselves ; as being 〈…〉 no certain Head. The Result of which Meet●●● was to desire Aid of the King of Little Britain , which they by Embassy obtain'd under the Conduct of his Brother Constantinus ; and , after Victory by him gain'd over their Enemies , Crown'd him King of the Land , according to their Promise before made . Here was a turn of Affairs effected by the Consult at London . Another Change we find , not long after , through the Treachery of Vortiger , and the Pict , who slew Constantinus's Son , Constantius then King , and presented his Head to the aforenam'd Vortiger , then at London . Which City doubtless , in those Days , was of much Esteem and Regard ; and thereupon Vortiger ( who bare the Chief Rule in the Kingdom at that time , though the other had the Name of King ) probably was much resident therein ; expecting , it may be , and waiting for the Performance of this Treasonable Act ; that he , being on the Place , might have the better Opportunity to caress the Chief of that Eminent City . 'T is certain , we find him afterwards endeavouring to cajole the People , by the great Sorrow and Heaviness he made shew of for the Kings Death , and by putting the accursed Traytors to Death , for their Wicked Fact , according to the Law of the Land. Thus many Love the Treason well enough , when successful , who nevertheless hate the Traytors , after their own Turns be serv'd . This is that Vortiger , so Infamous in the British Story , for his own Vices ; as Incest with his own Daughter , Adultery , &c. and the Vices of the Times under him . For we read , that Vice was then accounted of small , or no Offence . Leachery reigned amongst the Spiritualty and Temporalty . Every one turned the Point of his Spear against the true and innocent Man ; and the Commons gave them all to Idleness and Drunkenness ; whence ensued Fighting , Strife , and much Envy . After the King 's Ex●mple , the World runs a gadding , is a Saying commonly too true : As this Vortiger gain'd his Power by Treachery , so he Reigned in a manner Precariously . For he was so perplexed , on the one side , for fear of the Return of Constantinus's surviving Sons , to claim the Kingdome ; and the Land , on the other side , so harrass'd by the In-rodes of the Picts and Scots , that he was after a sort compell'd to send for the Heathen Saxons , who came ( under their Leaders Hengist and Horsus ) to support him , about Four Hundred and Fifty Years after Our Saviours Birth . The coming in of these Strangers prov'd but ( as it were ) the beginning of Miseries . For being once let in , they soon began to Play their Reakes in the Land ; and never left , till by introduceing more Colonies , they had settled themselves , and dispossessed the Britains of the best of the Country . Neither was it any great wonder , that the poor Commons endur'd such Miseries from these New-come Guests , when as their Spiritual and Temporal Guides were so given up to all manner of Debauchery . One of Hengist's Pranks we find to be , his Treacherous slaying of the British Lords at Stonehenge , on Salisbury Plains , under pretence of a Treaty for Peace . But the better to work out his own Ends , he is said to have sav'd the King alive , whom he knew to have become his Enemy in shew , more out of Constraint for fear of his British Lords , than for any Hatred towards him ; he having him sufficiently intangled in the Snares of his Daughter Rowens Beauty . So common a thing is it for crafty subtle Men , to serve their own Ends , by working upon anothers Lusts , through the Mediation of an handsome Face , and Prostitute Body . We read of the Saxon's having got London under their Rule ; but whether by their own Power , or the King's Gift , I find not clearly mention'd . That he gave Kent , and other Counties to Hengist , is declar'd by the Historian . It may be , that he gave them also London to curb it ; for fear least the Citizens should joyn with Constantinus's Sons ( whose Return he much dreaded ) and assist them to regain their Fathers Kingdom . Henceforward , for some time , we are not to expect to find London so Considerable in Power , under the Saxon Heptarchy , as it was before , and after . But when all the Seven were reduc'd into one Kingdome , and the Affairs of the Land settled in a little more Peace and Quietness , London began again more and more to Flourish , and soon rose up to such an height , that it became the fixt Metropolis of the Nation . Yet in the Time of the Saxon's Heptarchy , we find mention made of this Noble City several times , and on several Occasions . As upon account of Mordred's choosing this City to be Crown'd in , when he rebell'd against King Arthur : The holding of it by Mordred's Son against Constantine , Son of Cador , till he was slain : The Flying away of the Bishops of London and York , and other Ministers , with their Goods and Reliques , for fear of the Saxon's Cruelty under Ethelfride ; Whereby the Commonalty were left without Spiritual Guides , the City without Her chief Pastors : The setting up an Arch-Bishoprick there , by Austine the Monk , and the making of Melitus Bishop of the same , in Ethelbert's Days : The Building of St. Pauls either by the same Ethelbert , or else by Sigebert King of the East-Angles , as some affirm . In this Ethelbert's Time , we read in Fabian , of the Building the First Church of Westminster , in Honour of St. Peter , by a Citizen of London , in the West-End of London , in a Place called Thorny , ( now Westminster ) which before was over-grown with Bushes and Briars . But Stow affirms Sebert , King of the East Saxons , to have Built it . In the Time of Ethelwolph , Son of Egbert , King of the West-Saxons , London is said to be spoild by the Danes ; and so not likely then to be of any great Strength , though we find the Danes drawing themselves thitherward , in Alured or Alfred's Days , after an Agreement concluded between them . But now again , begins this City to be often mentioned in Story , and grows more Famous every Day , after that King Alured , having Victoriously repeal'd the Danes , return'd thereunto , repair'd those Places , that before had been injur'd by the Danes , and committed it to the Guiding of Ethelred , Earl or Duke of Mercia , who was his Son-in-Law , by Marrying his Daughter Elfleda . Hence may we date another Beginning , as it were , of it's Glory and Lustre , from this new Resurrection out of the Ashes of its former Ruines . Some of the next News we hear of this Honourable City , is of the Londoner's beating away the Danes ; who Landing in Sussex , and comeing to the Town of Lewes , and thence towards London , had Builded a Castle near the River of Lewes , the more to annoy the Country ; but the Citizens Valour , with the Countrys Help , soon demolished it . In the Reign of Edward , the Eldest Son to the forenamed Alured , we find London thought so considerable , that the King took it under his own Rule , not entrusting even his own Sister therewith ; thinking it probably too important a Charge , to be committed to any Subject , never so nearly related to him ; because of the Power that would accrue to the Possessor thereof , and the Danger might thereby happen to him ( the King ) in those troublesome Times , upon any the least Difference arising between them . When Egelred or Etheldred , Son of Edgar , rul'd the Land , we read of the Danes coming to London ( they being ready enough to haunt any Place , that could afford them Spoil and Pillage ) but we find that then they were repel'd by the Citizens . The City it seems , was strong enough to defend their own . But soon after that , another sad Accident befell the City , against which it was not so well able to defend it self , viz. A great Fire , whereby a large Part of it was destroyed . So rare is it , for any thing great in this World , to arrive at it's Greatness from small Beginnings , without being Subject to many Mischances , and meeting with many Turns and Changes of Fortune , before it can arrive at the height of its Grandeur . Fabian tells us in his Chronicle , that the City had then the most Building from Ludgate towards Westminster , and little or none where the Chief , or Heart of it now is ; except that in diverse Places there were Houses ; but they stood without Order . This he professes to have known by an Old Book , in the Guild-Hall , named Domesday . But where-ever the Building stood in those Days , or how great Harm soever the Fire did it , nevertheless it continued of such Strength and Riches , that the Danes were willing to have got it into their own Power ; and in Order thereunto , besieged it ; but that they took it at that season , I read not . Yet some Years after , I find the Londoners sending Gifts and Pledges to the Danes , to divert them then coming towards London . 'T was in Egelred's Days , that the Danes thus harrassed the Land , and did almost whatever they pleased ; selling the English Men Peace for their Money , and then breaking it again at their Pleasure , to get a greater Sum. This gave the first Occasion to the Imposition of that Tax upon the Land , called Danegelt . And the Pride , and Lordly Imperiousness of the insulting Danes , gave Original to the opprobrious Name of Lurdane , as now it is esteem'd ; though then it was Lord Dane ; a Term the English were for fear compell'd to give those proud lazy Danes , that Rul'd and Domineer'd in many of their Houses , at the right Owner's cost . Neither is it much to be wondred at , that this Land was brought into so great Misery by these Hectoring Strangers , when as we fi●d Dissention amongst the Lords ; and such treacherous Dealing , that whatsoever was devis'● by Some , for the Hurt of their common Enemies , it was quickly by Others of the same Councel betra●'d , and made known to them . The King giving himself to a vicious and incontinent Life , and , to get Money any manner of way , sticked not to 〈◊〉 Men of their Possessions for small , or seigned Causes , ( according to the History ) and after cause them to redeem their own , for great Sums of Money . In London 't was , that I find this unfortunate Egelred more than once residing , for his own Security ( it seems ) more than for any Aid he attempted to get of the Londoners , to defend his Land. Here he fell sick , died , and was also Buried ; and with him , some of the English Men's Shame and Dishonour . For Edmund Ironside , his Son , favoured by the Londoners , and some other Lords , was Crown'd in that City ; and thence departing with his Strength , so hotly pursued Canutus , the Danish King , that he was several Times put to the worst , and in fair likelihood to have been utterly over-thrown , had not the false Edric ( who having got an Habit of Treachery in Egelreds Days , could not so easily for●ake his Old base Conditions ) oft disappointed King Edmund , by his Treacherous Dealing . By ●his Edric's Treachery , I have read , That Edmund lost his Life afterwards ; for which Fact , the ●alse Traytor expecting a great Reward at the ●ands of Canutus , had his Head exalted ( according ●o the others Promise ) above all the Lords of Eng●and , it being stricken off , pitch'd upon a Spear , ●nd after set upon the highest Gate of London . But about the King's Death and Edric's , Authors are found much to vary . Neither is it any marvel , that Writers differ so often , and so much in their Relations of Things done so many Ages since ; Whenas , in things but as it were of yesterday , we may observe so much difference in the different Relaters , especially if it concerns divers Parties ; Authors too too often Writing partially , in Favour of their own Side . That London was , in those Days , of very considerable Strength , we have much reason to believe ; since that by Help thereof chiefly , Edmund was able to bear up so valiantly against the Fortunate Canutus ; whom most of the Lords , especially o● the Spiritualty , favoured . 'T is certain enough in the Story , that Canutus was not ignorant of the great Influence the City had then upon the Nation Affairs ; and therefore was as desirous to get it into his Power , as Edmund was sure he had it at hi● Devotion . For Canutus soon drew with his People to London , and would have entered ; but wa● hindered by the Citizens . Then he would hav● forc'd his Enemies ; but he was quickly compell'● to withdraw , and go else where : Such valiant Resistance did the Citizens make against his Assault Another time he was drawing apace thitherward but King Edmund was as diligent in preventin● him ; and after a cruel Fight , forc'd him to ●●gone . So eagerly did these two hardy Compet●tors strive for the Possession of this Renowne● City in Particular , as well as for the whole Kingdom in General . The Possession and Favour of 〈◊〉 One , is a good Step to the safe keeping of the Othe ▪ This also , I presume , was Canutus's Opinion . 〈◊〉 History acquaints us with a Councel kept at Londo● by the same Canutus , after Edmund Ironside's Deat● The Design whereof ( if we may Judge by the ●vent ) was to exclude the others Sons from all Claim and Pretensions to that Part and Share of the Kingdom , that their Father once enjoyed quietly by mutual Consent and Agreement . The very place might contribute somewhat to Canutus's Design , though the Inhabitants should not be brought to give their Assent in open and express Words . 'T was done at London ; a pat Answer to such as durst seem to dislike the Kings Proceedings . What ? Dare you question , what was done in the Capital City of the Realm ? A pretty Fellow indeed , to murmur at those Actions , which the Citizens of the Head City , the Metropolis of the Nation , did not openly dislike , nor disavow . It is observable , in the Time of this Canutus , that in the Contest between Him , and the English King Edmund , the Spiritual Lords especially were his Favourers , and sided with him . A remarkable Instance of Temporizers among the Chief of the Clergy ; and that they do not always stick to that Rule of Birth-right , which they so much applaud , when they think it may turn to their Secular Advantage ; but like other poor , simple , ignorant Souls among the Laicks , can be content sometimes to squint aside upon the more prevalent Object of prosperous Might and Power ; and leave that , which they are pleas'd to call Right , as forsaken and forlorn for the sake of their Temporal Concerns . Here was , on the One side , Edmund Ironside , the Eldest Son ( as far as I can perceive by the Story ) of Egelred putting in for the Crown , as his Birth-right and lawful Inheritance ; but under the Pre●udice of a weak Fathers unprosperous Reign , and his own Strength small in appearance , and of little Ability , in Humane likelihood , to defend such as would adhere to him . On the Other side , stands a Strong and Fortunate Competitor ; his Arms in his Hands ; a numerous Attendance of Victorious Soldiers waiting on him ; most part of the Country under his Subjection , and prosperous Success attending much upon his Banners ; though a Stranger ; an Enemy by Inheritance ; a Dane ; one that could pretend no other Title to the Crown , that we hear off , but what his Predecessors did owe to the Sword , and he could make good by the same Claim . Yet to this more powersul Pretender , with a long Sword in his hand , do these Time-serving-Priests chuse to joyn themselves , against an Old Friend by Birth ; a Native ; an English Man ; with a better Title ( according to their own Doctrine at some Time ; ) but shorter Sword , as was them thought before sufficient Tryal had been made ▪ But now I think on 't , they have like Passions and Infirmities with other Men , and do mind Secular Interests of their Own , as well as Others ; at the same time that they endeavour to bring the Vulgar into a belief of a Commission ( they say ) they have receiv'd from an Higher Power ; and so pretend to greater Sanctity . True , it is said , They had before time sworn Fealty to Canutus's Father . A fin● delicate way , to defeat another's Right . Eithe● they had before sworn Allegiance to Egelred , Edmund's Father , or they had not . If they had , wha● became of their Loyalty here , to forswear Tha● and swear anew to a Stranger ; an Enemy-King and after persist in the latter Oath , in prejudice 〈◊〉 the Former ; persevering in giving away , wh●● was none of their own to bestow ; they having a● ready , by their first Oath , sworn away themselv●● to another ? If they had not , how came they 〈◊〉 readily to swear Fealty to their Native-King's pr●fessed Enemy ? Did they well herein , or ill ? If well , what then becomes of that darling Doctrine of Primo-geniture , and of Mens Right of Inheriting by the Law of Nature , not to be cut off , forsooth , ( under even the freest Constitution of Government ) by any Humane Law whatsoever , though never so many urgent Inconveniencies be clearly foreseen , threatning the utter overthrow of the Nations Fundamental Rights ? If ill , what made them continue therein , when they had so seasonable an Opportunity of retrieving themselves , by acknowledging , bewailing and forsaking their former Error ? But it may be , they knew not how to escape the Imputation of Perjury . Nay rather , did they not lack Will , more than Power , to return to their English Sovereign , from that more Fortunate Outlandish Prince , to whom these wiley Priests had addicted and devoted themselves ? Had they Will , they knew not ( it may be ) how to disentangle themselves out of the Snare of those Bonds , wherewith they had once bound themselves , and wanted the Face openly to break them , without some Fig-leaf Cover or other , to hide themselves under the Shadow thereof . They had not ( it may be ) hear'd of , or not well observed the plausible fine-spun Pretences , that had been used before in the World ; neither had they cunning enough , to find out those more Politick Shifts , the Wit of after-Ages have either since invented , or much improv'd . Be they either the Popes Infallible Power ( as some call it ) of absolving Subjects from their Allegiance , or the nice distinguishing between the Matter and Form of an Oath : The Default of ●ome pretended necessary Circumstances , in making , or the Train of ill Consequences suggested ●pon the keeping the Oath , or Impossibility of its Observation after taking it , slily insinuated : The picking a starting Hole out of some general Term , or dubious Interpretation of a Word : Or the yet neater way of bribing a great Company ; a considerable Number ; many Thousands of Men , out of a Common Stock , with good Places , and Honourable Preferments , by publick Subscriptions to declare the Oath , ( for some few , small , minute , petty , fancied Inconveniences ) invalid , and of no binding force . But be it by the Power of the Sword , or by whatsoever Claim else Canutus held the Crown , we nevertheless find him to have Govern'd the Land honourably after that he came to be sole King ; and , it may be , to the Content of many of his Subjects : for 't was the Memory , doubtless , of his Repute , that set and kept the Crown upon the Heads of both his Sons ; otherwise of themselves of little Worth or Value , if compar'd with their Father . One remarkable worthy Act of Canutus's is recorded amongst others , viz. That in the Nineth Year of his Reign he call'd a Parliament ( so my Author terms it ) at Oxford ; where , amongst other things , it was enacted , That Englishmen and Danes should hold the Laws of Edgar , lately King. In the Transactions of these Times , we may believe the City of London had no small Share , a● being probably ( at length ) pretty well pleas'd with the Father's Reign ; whereupon the Citizem mav be supposed to conduce ( at least , in some measure ) to the settling his Sons on his Throne For Harold Harefoot is said by some to have dyed at London , after a Three Years Reign ; and the other of Canutus's Sons , Hardicanute , was joyfull● Receiv'd , and Crown'd at the same City . In Edward the Confessor's days , the Land being not much troubled with intestine Broils , there happ'ned but little Occasion for trying London's Strength : And thereupon , I find no great mention of that Honourable City , unless in a Passage or two ; as about Edward the Outlaw's dying therein ; and of the King 's being there some time before , with his Councill , when Earl Goodwin was charg'd to come to Court , and render into the King's Hands all his Knights-Fees-that he , and Harold his Son , held in England . The Effect whereof , was the Outlawing of the foremention'd Goodwin , for his Disobedience , and departure out of the Land with his Sons , by Authority of a Parliament , call'd alittle after . In this King's Reign also , we hear at both Ears of the evil Manners among the Bishops , the Chief of the Clergy , of their Voluptuousness , Gluttony , Leachery , Covetuousness , Wordly Pomp , &c. as also of their Endeavours to excuse their Manners , by answering , that they were suitable to the Times : A generall Corruption among Men of a Religious Habit being the Common Forerunners of great Turns and Changes in a Land , as it fell out here soonafter this King's Decease . This is the King , to whom ( according to the Annalist Stow ) we are indebted for the Common Law , gather'd out of the Laws and Ordinances of the Mercian's , West Saxons , Danes and Northumbers . What Spirit was in the Men of those Times , is ●n part manifested in the Message sent to Harola by the Inhabitants of Northumberland , when he was ●ent thither by the King to do Correction upon those , who had risen against his Brother Tostus their Duke , for a cruell Act by him committed , taking away what he had , and chasing him out of ●he Country . Continuing together in a considerable Body . they gave him to understand , that they were freely born , and freely nourish'd ; and might suffer no cruelness of Dukes : That they had learned of their Elders and Sovereigns , to maintain Freedom , or to suffer Death ; and to live in quietness under an easy Duke . Upon which Message , their Pardon was procur'd them of the King , and another Duke assign'd . Within less then a year after Edward the Conf●ss●r's Death , we read of the landing of Duke W●ll●●m , with his Normans , at H●stings in Suss●x ; who came with a strong Army , to demand the Crown of Harold , who had no Title , ( but what he claim'd by the Power of his Sword ) and the Dukes Claim also went but upon a limping Foot. As great as the Duke's Host was , enough it seems by the Event , to help to win a Crown , we find London so Strong , as to hold him out ( when he and his Army came thereto ) till he had given good Assurance , that he and his People would pass through the City without tarrying ; which was also observed accordingly . When Harold was utterly over-thrown by these Normans , and so room made for the Title of Edga● Atheling to take place , we find the Londoners among the chief of those , who were upon Associating themselves each to other , to defend his Right to th● utmost of their Powers . This Agreement indee● was afterwards broken ; but by the making of it we are well enough assured that the C●tys Strengt● was then esteem'd very considerable . Another Argument let me produce out of Stow'● Annalls ; where it is recorded , that Edwin an● Marcar , both then Powerfull Earles , the One ●● Mercia , the other of Northumberland , after Harold Death came to London , and solicited the Citizen to erect one of them to the Kingdom . Though this their enterprise was frustrated , yet doubtless it may prove Londons Power ; otherwise 't is hard to believe , these two potent Earls would have applied themselves to the Citizens , that they would chuse one of them for King , and upon the Failure of their Design would have quietly departed , without shewing some resentment , had not the City been too strong , easily to be dealt with , or slightly to be anger'd , with Safety and Security . The other more rightful Heir was the Person pitch'd upon . But the other Nobles of the Realm not powerfully assisting , and Edward Atheling not being ( it seems ) of Ability sufficient to manage his own Concerns himself , and undertake so great a Charge , 't is no wonder that this Renowned City ( suffering it self to be born down the Stream with the Times ) submitted it Self ( with the rest of the Land ) to Duke William , who made some pretence to a Title ; Whereas Harold could shew nothing for his , but his Sword ; And therefore it may be 't is , that we read not in antient Histories , ( that I remember ) of this Citys assisting him , to defend himself against Duke William's Power . Here now is a great Change indeed . The Power and Strength of the Kingdom turned from both the Britains and Saxons , and devolved upon the Normans by means of this King William ; the Date of whose Reign begins , reckoning immediately after Harold's Death , October the Fourteenth , Anno Christi 1066 , according to Chronology . In this King ( who himself , by the General consent of Writers , was basely Born ) is founded the Succession ; for higher they care not much to go , who keep such a stir about our Princes inheriting according to their Birth-right . Though , if this be made the fixt unalterable Rule , of Twenty Six Kings and Queens reigning Successively , upon recourse to the History of their Reigns , we shall meet with a dozen ( at least ) of them , who cannot be denied , but to have come to their Crowns with Flaws in their Titles . Nay , if we reckon in the Number , such as may have been controverted upon that Account , we may safely add the other Half dozen . That from the general Rules there are many exceptions , we learnt almost as soon as we went to our Grammar-School . This King William is commonly called the Conquerour in History ; which acquaints us , That he came in with an Army , and conquered Harold ; who is esteemed little less than an Vsurper . But that from thence we should conclude him a Conquerour of the whole Land , and look on it as a Nation totally subjected by Force of Arms , it seems to me to lack a little better Proof , than I have yet met with . That King William , after he was well fixt in the Government , might reckon this Conquest amongst his other Titles and Claims , ( whether by Harold's Oath , the Pope's Gift , the King's Testament , and a little of Kindred ) I shall not deny . For I have read , that King Henry the Seventh had a mind to put in for this Title also ; but 't was after he had well and surely gained the main point , Possession . But upon perusal of the Histories about those Times , it appears a little unlikely , that this Duke William should get the Land into his own Power so wholly by Conquest , as some would insinuate , for secret intents possibly , and purposes of their own . Though Harold was Conquered by that one Battail , yet I do not think , the Land was : For besides Londons Strength ( where William was forced to yield Conditions , before he could pass through , as afore ) the Earls of Mercia and Northumberland , then of considerable Power , are said to have withdrawn themselves and their People to that City , without so much as being present at the Battel . How also the Kentishmen enclosed Duke William , and his Victorious Army , and compelled him to grant them the continuance of their Old Laws and Customs , is sufficiently manifested , if only by the single Evidence of their Antient Law of Gavelkind , yet continued amongst them . If this be Conquest , to be forced to yield Conditions ; What is it to be Conquered ? Wherefore , we may better ( I believe ) from these premised Considerations conclude , That the Chief of the Nation , knowing him to be a Man of Strength and Ability , and of great Fame , chose rather to submit to him upon fitting ( reasonable ) Conditions , than hazard the running into the Miseries of War , by committing themselves to the Guidance of so young and weak an Head , as Edgar Atheling . That King William made a League with such as submitted , and swore Fealty to him , stands recorded in Stow's Annals . True indeed , after he was well fixt in the Throne , he might not much mind his former promises ; but contrary to them , might do many irregular Acts to strengthen himself , as he thought , and settle the Crown the surer upon his own Head. Whereof we find mentioned in Story , his endeavour to raise his Normans , by introducing them into the chief Places in Church and State ; and impoverish the English , by setting grievous Impositions and Taxes on them . One we read of very considerable , in the Nineteenth Year of his Reign , when he made to be gathered Six Shillings of every Hide of Land , which would rise high , according to my Authors reckoning ; who says , an Hide contains Five Yards ; a Yard Four Acres ; an Acre Forty Perch in length ; Four in bredth ; Eight of these Hides make a Knights-Fee or Ploughtill . Forty Eight shillings upon Eightscore Acres , was a great matter in those Days ; though it sounds but a small Sum with Us , who have lived to hear of the Wealth of a New World , brought into the Old One. To this may be added , his Craft in inrolling his Baro●s Land , their Knights-Fees , Towns , Number of Men and Cattle within the Realm , in Dooms-day Book ; the better doubtless to know the Strength of the Land , and be the more able to raise what T●xes he pleased , without being very easily deceived by concealments . More instances of Arbitrary Power might possibly be observed , which nevertheless are not deservedly esteemed Tokens and Markes of Conquest . That great Persons , in the height of their Grandeur , often forget former Covenants and Promises , is no such wonder ; it is so common , so usual , for some Men to promise more in half an hour , when they conceive it for their present Advantage , than others find performed in Seven Years . If Arbitrary Acts of Rule are able to prove King William a Conquerour of this whole Land , I do not know but many others may also be esteemed Conquerours , who passed for good Ruling Kings in the days of their Power . Though King William held the Englishmen so low , that in his days there was almost no Englishman that bare an Office of Honour or Rule ( if Fabian may be credited ; for some others deny it , as to some particulars : ) This being certainly the too too common Effect of letting in a Forreign Power into a Land , where those that were the Introducers of the Forreigners as Friends , have hardly escaped Polyphemus's Courtesy , of being devoured last ; Witness in this Land , the introducing the Saxons by the Britains and the Normans upon them : Yet the same Historian intimates , that he somewhat favoured the City of London , and granted to the Citizens the First Charter that ever they had , written in the Saxon Tongue , and sealed with Green Wax , being expressed in Eight or Nine Lives . This may be construed to be done , either in gratitude to the City , for giving place so easily to his Fortune , or because he found the Citizens so pliable to his Will , or rather in policy to have so considerable a Place the more at his Devotion , and six it the stronger to his Interest : So subtle a King as he was , being in no wise ignorant ( I presume ) of the great Impression , the Actions of the chief City in a Conntry usually makes upon the whole Nation . So that though London changed Masters , it changed not Fortune ; but ( notwithstanding it received damage by Fire , which burnt a great part thereof , and also of St. Pauls ) rather gained more Honour and esteem under the Normans Rule , by becoming the Metropolis of the whole Nation , and the Theatre , wherein hath been acted some of the most considerable Passages , that have since happened in this Land , whether in Peace or War. Most of our Parliaments , many of the Bishop's Synods and Convocations , the Kings usual Residence , his Court , his Council , and Places of Judicature , having been generally kept either in the Liberties of this City , or not far distant from it , at Westminster ; which being of a much later Date , ( as is hinted before ) is nevertheless known to be a distinct City , of different Rites and Customs , and under another Government ; though the Buildings joyning both Cities in a manner together , may occasion Forreigners to give the Common Appellation London to the Whole ; and we Natives also , many times , use the same General Term in private Discourse . In St. Pauls in London , was kept that Synod of the Clergy , in William the First 's days ; which order'd many Bishop's Sees to be translated from small Villages , and such obscure petty Places , to the greater Cities . For by this time , the Policy of the Popes of Rome , in diverse parts of Europe , had introduc'd a distinct Government in the Church , different from that of the State : And so founded ( as it were ) one Empire within another , to have the whole the better at their Devotion . So that , if Kings or Rulers of States were not as submissive to their Imperious Commands , as they desir'd , they had the Church in the Land to overaw those , who bore the Temporall Sword ; and lest the chief Church-men ( being often preferr'd by the Magistrates means , through the Popes great Condescention , as they would have it thought ) should prove a little Refractory , they had the Monasteries , Abbies , Priories , Nunneries , and such like , in a manner , under the Popes peculiar Jurisdiction , to curb them , by the Power they could raise out of their Tennants , Friends and Kindred . Romes high and lofty Prelates , thus striving to have their Spoons in every Ones Dish : which Desire of theirs , we do not find at all diminished , though now their Wings be much clipt . Nay , we find them the more eager now , in their pursuit after their antient Greatness , under the pretence of a former Right ▪ which was first obtain'd by none of the best and honestest ways . And so they might regain it ▪ Experience tells us , they would not stick at the perpetration of the most Execrable Villanies , the Art of Man can invent , or the Hand can act . Whence else come all those Wars , Massacres , Persecutions , Plots , Conspiracies , Designes , Intreagues , Frauds , Deceits , raising of Publick Jealousies , fomenting of Private Feares , exasperating of Mens minds , heightning their Animosities , debauching their Moralls , and Corrupting Religion it self , with the rest of those Cursed Arts and Seed-Plots of Sedition , where with our Ears have been so long filled , that the sound is not yet gone out of them ; nor know we when ever it will , as long as they can meet with so many foolish Bigots , and prophane Debauchees among the Sons of Men : The One to be gull'd with the Hopes of Heaven , for the Performance of such Meritorious Acts , as they will put them upon ; the Other to be purchased with a Bag of Money , or a Plump Whore , to favour their Designes , falicitate their Purposes , carry on their Projects , and protect their Crimes , if detected , from Publick Justice . As London was favoured by the first William , so I find no great reason otherwise to believe , but that it continued in favour and fame under the Second William's Reign . Yet I meet with but few Passages of it , excepting what may seem to tend to its disadvantage , ( as the Harm it sustained from a Violent wind , that is said to have overthrown at one time above 600 houses , and much injured the roof of St. Mary Bow in Cheapside , as also the hurt was done another time about it by the Inundation of Thames ) unless we should think it received some addition of honour , from the great charges William Rufus was at about the Tower , which was to adorn it , I suppose ; for that it was builded long before , hath been related above ; & that it was of good strength in the preceding Kings dayes , is enough evident , in that we read it was made Marcharus , the Earl of Northumberland's Prison . This Tower having been before times , and very often in later days , the place of confinement for great Men , when esteemed Offendors . This is the King that built Westminster-Hall ; and being after displeased at it for being not big enough to his mind , intended ( as 't is said ) to have built one much larger , and make the other to have served for a Chamber . The wicked Lives of the insulting Normans ; the Miseries and Vices of the depressed Englishmen , with the depraved Manners of the corrupted Clergy , were so notorious in this Kings dayes , that Writers could not well pass them over without mention . In Henry the 2d's Time , we read of the founding of St. Bartholomew's - Church , Priory and Hospital in Smithfield , which was begun ( 't is said ) by Rayer , one of this Kings Minstrells , but ended by some good and well disposed Citizens of London : This Smithfield was then a Place for the casting out of filth , where also Felons and other Transgressours were executed ; and not put it seems to the use that now it is . Length of time commonly changes the use of Places , and some times for the better . There are upon Record no less than Three Councills , Synods or Convocations of the Clergy , which were kept in this City in this Kings Reign , to reform the Church and Church-men , was the usuall Pretence ; but it was commonly done in such away , that it tended mostly to the exalting of their own Power . We read in Stow of a Parliament of Prelates , Nobles and Commons , Assembled by this King in the Sixteenth Year of his Reign , Anno Christi 1116. This King was the better beloved of the Englishmen , for Marrying a Wife of the Old Saxon Line , Edgar Atheling's Sisters Daughter , for using Edward the Confessors Laws with Amendment , at his coming to the Crown , and making some good ones of his own , for freeing the Church , Impri●oning Ranulph , the covetous Bishop of Durham ( his Brother William's Procurator , and Gatherer of his Taxes ) in the Tower of London ; and also releasing ●o Englishmen the Old Tax of Danegelt , lately re●ived by his Father and Brother , and restoring ●o them the Use of Lights by Night ; which , with ●ire , had been by his Father forbidden to be used ●fter the Ringing of the Cu●f●●-B●ll , at Eight of ●he Clock . In the time of King Stephen , we meet with an e●inent Instance of London's Strength . M●ud the ●mpress , the Late Kings on●y S●rvi●ing Heir , ha●ing upon the Fortune of a Battail took and Im●risoned King Stephen , and being the● by much ●xalted in her mind , deeming her self sure of the ●ossession of the whole Realm ▪ would not make ●●y Grant to the Citizen's Requests : They there●pon becoming discontented , designed to have ●●ized on her Person . Whereof she having ●arning , fled in haste for her own Safe guard to ●xford , and her People were divided and scatter●● ; whereas , not long before , she was in a fair ●ossibility of enjoying all that she claimed ; King ●●ephen's Queen promising upon his Delivery , that 〈◊〉 should surrender the Land into her Possession , 〈◊〉 become a Religious Man , or a Pilgrim , to his ●●ves end : Either of which , at that time , was a 〈◊〉 of Spiritual Death , as to what concerned ●orldly Affairs . But her unfortunate di●ob●iging is City soon turned the Scales . The Queen's ●●rength encreases , Maud's diminishes ; The King a little after is delivered upon Exchange , and th● Empress ( at last ) departs with a small Company and returns into Normandy , without obtaining he Desire . So considerable then was the City of Lo●don , as to be able to wrest the Power out of thi● Conqueresses Hands , and return it back ( at length to the same Person , whom she had once overcome and held many Months Prisoner at her own 〈◊〉 and Pleasure . That for which the Citizens of London made 〈◊〉 great Labour , was , that they might use the Law of Edward the Confessor , as they were granted b● William , commonly called the Conquerour ; and 〈◊〉 the Laws of her Father , which were of 〈◊〉 straitness . Here , in my Opinion , seems to be i●timated , that this King W●lliam came not into 〈◊〉 quiet Possession of the Realm so much by Conque●● as on Conditions ; accordingly here 's menti●● made of one Grant. The Occasion of Stephen's coming to the Crow● contrary to his own former Oath swore to Ki●● Henry , and in prejudice to Maud's Claim , is R●corded by one Author , to have been the Oath one Hugh B●got , sometime King Henry's Stewar● who swore , that the Late King , ( in his presence ) little before his Death , chose this Stephen for 〈◊〉 Heir , by reason that he had received some disco●tent at his Daughters hands . Whereunto the 〈◊〉 giving easy Credence , admitted him King. 〈◊〉 Favour of the Londoners did doubtless , at th● time , condu●● not a little to his advantage , in p●●ferring him an able Man , before a weak Woma● ▪ For Stow's Annals inform us , That he was receiv●● by the Londoners , when he had been repulsed at ●ther Places ; certainly it redounded to his 〈◊〉 ▪ Benefit afterwards , as hath been related before . Another Addition of Strength might be , his not imposing heavy Taxes upon the People ; which , it may be , increased their Love to him , and made so many side with him : As indeed we find upon his first Admission , that he sware among other things , before the Lords at Oxford , to forgive his People the Tax of Danegelt . Neither do I read of any Taxes , that he raised upon the Commons : It is affirmed positively , in the C●ll●ction of Wonders , and Remarkable Passages , that he raised none ; with which Stow likewise agrees . So that , a King 's needless laying of many heavy and grievous Taxes upon his People , occasions him to lose much of their Love ; and his forbearing it , when he hath Power in his hands , unites his Subjects Hearts the faster to him . But instead of Taxes , we read of this Kings permission , given to his Lords , to build Castles or Fortresses upon their own Grounds : Many whereof we find pulled down in the next King's time , they having been the occasion of many Miseries in the Land , and the ready means to foment Civil Wars therein ; which generally brings greater Damages to the Common●lty , than a few Impositions and Taxes can be presumed to do . This King Stephen was twice Crowned ; but for what cause , or for what intent , is not so easily known ; whether it was , that he thought his Imprisonment had diminished somewhat of his Royalty , or else thinking by a second Coronation to ●lude the Force of the Oath made at the first , I find not delivered . Certain it is , soon after my Author tells of his taking away a Castle from the Earl of Chester , who before had appeared against him on Maud's side , with a very considerable Strength ; but had been afterwards reconciled to the King. But what is much more considerable , we read not long after of the King 's new danger , and ill Success , and of his Party being weaken'd particularly by the loss of London . For Duke Henry ( after King ) coming into England with a great Army , after some small Success , gets up to London , and wins the Tower , as much by Policy , and fair Promi●es , ( saith my Author ) as by Strength . Then he had Opportunity enough to caress the C●tizens , being so near them ; and it may be , he got not the Tower without their Consert , if not by their Affistance . Hereby we find , that he retrieved what his Mother's Haughtiness before had lost ; and so having got the City's Affection and Power , he was in a fair way to obtain his Desires , as he did not long after . For we quickly read of Mediators and Treaties of Peace between these two Competitors ; which took Effect at last , though the Interest and Policy of some hindered it for a time . In Conclusion , the King was fain to consent to the adopting the Duke his Heir , so that he might Reign during his Life ▪ Which justly to perform , the King being sworn , with his Lords Spiritual and Temporal ; in the next place , we hear of their riding up to London ; as if to bind the bargain , it was requisite to ask the consent of that Honourable City , whose Favour seems to have been of so great weight in those unsettled Times , as to turn the Scales twice ; once in the King's behalf , and erewhile on the Duk●'s ▪ Such was their Influence , such their Power , as to pull down and set up , in a manner , whom the Citizens pleased . Happy was this Agreement to the Land by settling peace therein ; as beneficial likewise was it to the Duke , it being a fair Step to the Throne ; whereon we find him mounted within a little time . For not long after this Accord , we hear of the King's Death : Whether the Troubles of his Mind , or Diseases of his Body brought him to his End , vexation for the disappointment of his Designs , in being ( after a sort ) compelled to adopt his Competitor ( his Enemy ) for his Son and Heir , or Grief for the loss of London's Favour , which helped to effect so great a Turn in his Affairs , I shall not determine . It might be one , it might be the other , or neither , or all conjoyned , that became the occasional Causes ( so to phrase it ) of his Death . I like not to be very positive , where I am not very certain . Stephen's Death making thus way for Henry to ascend the English Throne , he became one of the ●reatest Kings that ever ruled this Land , for the Largeness and Extent of his Territories , if we reckon the Inheritance he enjoyed from his Father , the Land he held by the Title of his Mother , the Dowry he had with his Wife , and what he ob●ained by the Success of his Arms : Yet , notwith●tanding all this , he lived not free from Troubles , ●nd intestine Broils , which sprung much out of his ●wn Bowels : So that the Glory of his Youth be●an somewhat to be eclipsed by the Misfortunes of ●is elder Years . He Crowned his eldest Son li●ing King , sometime before the middle of his ●eign ; to the end ( as one Author affirms ) that he ●ight have full Power and Authority to rule this ●and and People , while his Father was busied in ●ther Countrys , where some of his Lands lay . This ●ight be one Reason ; but the King ( having learnt 〈◊〉 experience , to his Mother's Loss , and his own ●ost , how easy it was for Stephen to attempt , and ●ain the Crown , being present on the Spot , while ●●e right Heir was far distant in the vacancy of the ●hrone ) may be supposed in his intent , to have designed the hinderance of such an Intrusion for the future , by Crowning the next Heir King , while he himself lived . I read , that Stephen had some such design to have Crowned his Son King in his own days , ( as he declared at a Parliament called at London , An. Reg. 17 ) to have fixt the Crown the surer to his Posterity . But the B●shops refused the Deed : Which I do not find they did so much out of Conscience , or in Favour to M●●d's Title , as by the Command ( forsooth ) of the Pope ; who , in those days , was very apt to be clapping his Fingers into almost ever● ones Pye , where he thought any good pickin● might be had . This King Henry got but little by Crowning hi● Son in his Life-time , besides Troubles , Crosses and Vexation of Spirit . For upon one Occasion o● other , we find his Sons oft thwarting him , an● some times warring upon him . Famous were those days , for the Contest betwee● the King , and Thomas Beck●● ; which brought Beck●● to his end , and the King to a severe Penance at th● last ; though he disowned the Fact , and is no● plainly proved to have given any other consent t● it , unless what may be deduced from a few ang●● Words uttered in his Passion . The ground 〈◊〉 occasion of this Dissention between the King , an● the Arch-Bishop , is declared by the Chronicle , 〈◊〉 have sprung from diverse Acts and Ordinanc●● which the King had procured , at his Parliament 〈◊〉 Northampton , to pass against the Liberties of 〈◊〉 Church ; which thereupon this lofty Prelate wit● stood . The Pop●sh Clergy being then grown to th● height , that crowned Heads were in a manner co●pe●led for their own Security to veil Bonnet them ; and scarce durst so far presume , as but endeavour to cross their Ambitious Designs : They could be content by their Canons , and Councels , to encroach upon the Laity , as they termed them ; but they , ( poor Men ) by the Clergy's good Will , must not be allowed to vindicate their Own Native Liberty from the Others unjust Usurpations . This King Henry is said to have been Peerless in Chivalry , in War , and in Leachery . This last is sufficiently notorious , in his Love to the Fair Rosamond , and further manifested in his deflowring ( as we read ) his Son Richard's intended Wife , the French King's Daughter ; whom we are also told he would have Married , could he have obtained a Divorce from his Queen : And this he intended , 't is said , to have the more favour of the Frenchmen , by their Aid the better to disinherit his Sons ; who , among other things done to his Displeasure , had warred upon him in Vindication of their abused and slighted Mother . Three several Warnings I read of , that he had to amend his Life ; but to little or no purpose . Some of his Patience ( or else fear of the Imperious Clergy ) we find in his forbearance , shewed to Heraclius , Patriarch of Jerusalem ; who , upon the King's Refusal to go into the Holy Land , being discontented , sharply rebuked him , reflecting on him for the Death ( or Martyrdom , as those Times were pleased to term it ) of Thomas Becket ; and upon Henry's further excusing the Voyage for fear of his Son's Rebellion in his Absence , departed in great ire , with these words in his Mouth ; saying , That it was no wonder ; for of the Devil they come , and to the Devil they shall . — Part of his Devotion we meet with in that Shift , he found out to fulfil the Condion of building three Abbies in England , enjoyned him by the Pope in the Dispensation granted him , for the Voyage he h●d before solemnly vowed to take int● t●e H●ly Land in Person . Such was muc● of the Religion t●en of those Times , e●●ner t● b●ild 〈…〉 , and the like , ( so man● 〈◊〉 Castles , or Fortr●ss●s , as it were , ready man●ed and vict●alled at the P●p●'s Service ) o● else to take upon them the Cross , and away to th● 〈…〉 to fight for Christ'● 〈◊〉 , as wert the cry , Angli●e , to subdu● more La●d to the P●pe's Obedience . A cunning crafty trick of the P●pe's , to send away packing such Princes , whose Power they feared would grow too gre●t at home , that they might in the mea● time domineer over their Subjects Purses and Consciences , and the better advance their own Worldly Pomp and Grandeur in their Absence . For read not of any of the Pop●s , who went themselve● i● Persons : They , forsooth , could not be spared f●om their Charge , al●as , their Preferment ; no● be absent from home , out of care to the Feeding of then Fl●●k , i. e. looking to their own Gain . So that the serding M●n ( while in their Bodies ) to the H●ly Land , was almost as beneficial a Project , as long as it lasted , as the ●reterce of Fetching their Souls out of ●●●gatory after their Death , for a round Sum of 〈◊〉 , and a set of Mass●s . The Tri●k King Henry ( almost as Cunning , though not as F●rtunate , as these subrle Priests ) fou●d out to fulfil the Condition enjoyned , and which he put in Execution , was , First , Putting Secular Cannons out of Waltham-House , and setting Cannons Regular in their stead . Secondly , His th●●sti●g the M●rk● out of Amesbury-House , and placing there another sort of Religious Persons , which he had brought from beyond the Sea. And for the Third , His coursly renewing the Charter-House of Witham , beside Salisbury . The King having had so large Tryall , and so much Knowledge of the City of London's Power , did not very much ( I suppose , at any time ) disoblige the Citizens ; Especially having such powerfull Enemies to deal with as the King of France abroad , and at home the insulting , incroaching Clergy , and his own unnaturall refractory Sons ; though one saith , that he nourished Strife among●t his Children with all Diligence , hoping thereby to live himself in the more rest . But it seems , that device avail'd him but little . As we have but little reason to think , that the City of London lost ground in Henry's days ; so under his Son and Successour King Richard , we find that Foundation laid , where upon was after erected that Famous and Free Way of Electing it's own yearly Governours ; wherein she now glories . Like as William the First gave the Citizens their First Charter ; so this Noble Richard [ Cuer de Lyon ] was the King , that ordain'd London to be ruld by Two Bailiffs whose Names were Henry of Cornhil , and Richard Fitz Ryver ; as Fabian tells us in that worthy Chronicle , which he compiled of the English and French Nation . This Fabian , being Sheriff of this City in Henry the Seventh's Days , by that advantage may be presumed to have best known the Affairs of the City ; and seeming to write with a great deal of Integrity , in this Relation I chiefly follow him , and so intend as far as he reaches ; especially when I shall have occasion to Name any of the Bayliffs , Mayors , or Sheriffs ; through whose yearly Government , in his Second Volume , he deduces the History in form of Annals , down to the beginning of King Henry the Eight's Reign . In the Prol●gue to this Second Part , he tells us , That the City was antiently under the Rule o● Portgrieves ; which word Portgrieve signifies in Sax on , the Guardian , Ruler , or Keeper of a Town . Th●● Book called Doomsday , wherein were registred i● Saxon the Laws and Customs then used , being lost ●● he acquaints us also , that the Remembrance o● those Rulers , before this Richard's Days , was los● and forgotten . In the same Prologue likewise he hath left us a Copy of Verses , written in praise o● the City ; wherein we are told , That this City was never cast down , as other Famous Ones have been ; that herein Divine Service was always continued in Religious Houses , in such an Order , that when one had done , another began ; and that it was famed also for the Mayor and Sheriffs Noble House-keeping ; with much more ; which any one that please may peruse at his leasure , in the forecited Place . We likewise find there declared the severa● Wards of the City , as they stood in Fabian's Time together with the Parish-Churches , and other Religious Houses , within and without , summed up to the Number of One Hundred Sixty Eight : This King Richard ( in the Beginning of whose Reign we first hear of the Name of Bailiffs give● to the Rulers of London ) having taken a Voyag● into the Holy-Land , according to the Religion o● those Times , and done his Devoir for the Recovery of it , according to his Strength ; the Clergy-men had reason to esteem well of him ; to humour whose designs he had undertaken so chargeable 〈◊〉 Enterprize : So accordingly we find , that the Ecclesiastucks stuck as close to him , as any of his Subjects in his Adversity . For in his Return from the Holy War ( as 't was term'd ) Richard being Shipwrack't , took and imprison'd by the Duke of Austria , and long detain'd by the Emperour , he was compell'd to redeem himself , after a Year and three Month's Imprisonment , at a large Ransom : An hundred thousand Pounds were either presently paid , or good Pledges left behind him to ascertain the full and true Payment . A vast Sum in those days , when Wheat was esteem'd at a high Price , being sold at fifteen Shillings the Quarter ; as we find it in the fifth Year of King John's Reign , about half a dozen Years after . So that , for this Ransom , were sold the Ornaments of the Church , Prelate's Rings and Crosses , with the Vessels and Chalices of the Churches , throughout the Land , Wool of White Monks and Cannons , and also twenty seven Shrines scrap't and spoil'd of the Gold and Silver laid on them in former Times : No Priviledge of Church then regarded , no Person spar'd . A costly Voyage indeed it prov'd to the Land , undertaken to satisfie the Clergy-men's Ambition ; and therefore they might well be content to bear much of the Charges , and use their utmost Endeavours in the Imprison'd King's Vindication . And so the Pope did , as far as Curses would go ; to which was imputed those Mischiefs , that befel the Duke of Austria and his Country a little after , as the Effects of the Pope's Indignation . The Power , and Esteem of this City's Favour , in those Times of the King's Captivity , we need but remark out of Neubrigensis ; who acquaints us , That when the Chancellour , being then Bishop of Ely , and Governour of the Land , dreaded the Force of the opposite Lords , who strove to suppress him for his Insolency , and ill Government , he retir'd to London ; and humbly intreated the Citizens , not to be wanting to him in that point of time : But they being not unmindful of his former Behaviour , rather favour'd the other Party ; whereupon the proud haughty Prelate was compell'd to resign his Office , which he had so ill manag'd , and depart , to the no small Benefit to the Land in those troublesome Times . At London likewise was it , that the Lords consulted together , for the ordering the Land in the King's Absence ; which , after the late ill Governour had been discarded , and after an Oath of Fideli●y to the absent Prince , was put into another's Hands . When King Richard was delivered ; as soon as he landed at Sandwich , we find him coming straightway to London , as the fittest Place ( it seems ) to receive him , and assist him . So accordingly we read of his Reception there , with all Joy and Honour , in so splendid a Pomp , that the German Nobles ( present ) beholding it , affirm'd , That if the Emperour had known of such Riches in England , he would not have dimiss'd the Ransom'd King under an Intol●erab●e Price . A little afte● ▪ we hear of his riding thence with a convenient ●●r●ngth , to recover the Places that stood out 〈◊〉 him . After this , by a Councel of Lords call'd at Winchester , having deprived his Brother John of his Honours and Lands , for his Rebellion , he took care to have himself crown'd King of England anew . As if the Force of his former Coronation was impaired by his Imprisonment ; or else he thought , by this politick Shift , to take off all Obligations , that might haply lie on him , for any thing done before . As indeed we quickly after read of a Resumption of all Patents , Annuities , Fees , and other Grants m●de before his Voyage : But then it 's affirmed to be done by the Authority of a Parliament , call'd after his Coronation . After these Passages , two State-Informers are ●oted to have ri●en up , promising the King great Matters ; the Scenes of whose chief Acts were either laid , or to have been laid at London . One of them , the Abbot of Cadonence , warning the King of the Fraud of his Officers , by vertue of a Warrant from him , called divers Officers before him at London , to yield to him their Accounts . This Place was made choice of by him , as the fittest ( it seems ) wherein to ingratiate himself with the common People by ●o plausible an Act , as bringing offending Officers to con●igne Punishment . But Death soon cut him off , and so put an end to all his Designs . The other Informer , call'ed William with the Long Beard , reported to be born in London , of a sharp Wit ; having shew'd the King of the Outrage of the Rich ; who ( as he said ) in publick Payments , spar'd their own , and pi●led the Poor ; and being upheld by him , became the Patron and Defender of poor Men's Causes ; and stirred up the common People to a desire and love of Freedom and Liberty , by blaming Rich Men's Excess and Insolence . Hereupon he was followed with such numbers of People , that being called before the King's Councel upon suspicion of a Conspiracy , the Lords were fain with good words to dismiss him for the present , for fear of the Multitude attending him ; and commanded certain to seize on him , in the Absence of his numerous Abettors . But those thus commanded , mistaking the time , and so failing in their intended Design , he escaped , and took Sanctuary in St. Mary Bow Church ; where his Strength quickly grew so great by the Access of the Multitude , that he was not easily taken hold of , nor without shedding of Blood. However , being at last taken , after that the Heads and Rulers of the City had diminish'● the People , he , with other his Adherents , wa● arraign'd before the Judges , cast , condemn'd , an● hang'd very shortly after ; even the following da● saith the Chronicle : so desirous were the rich an● great Men to have him out of the way , as soo● as they could . But as his Plea of Freedom was ●● acceptable to the Commons in his Life-time , th●● he became a Terror to the Great ; so , after 〈◊〉 Death , he ceased not for a while to be a Dread 〈◊〉 many ; by reason of a Rumour raised and banded about among the Commons , of his Innocenc● and favourably received of the People , even to 〈◊〉 approving of him as an holy Man and Martyr , an● making Pilgrimages to the Place of his Execution to the no small trouble of those that had a han● in his Death . At last , the Flame of this Dev●tion was somewhat cool'd , by the Publishing som● Acts of his , with other detestable Crimes laid t● his Charge ; whether true or false , let them loo● to it , who industriously spread them abroad . Y●● it was not quite put out , till the Arch-Bishop ●● Canterbury , ( upon whom , among others , a gre●● Crime was rais'd for procuring his Death ) ha● accursed the Priest , this William's Kinsman ; 〈◊〉 had openly divulged the Vertue the Chain ( whe●●with William was bound in the time of his Impr●sonment ) had upon a Man sick of the Feaver . This Instance sufficiently proves , that the nam● of Liberty sounds sweet ; and that such as pr●mise to procure it , shall have Admirers and Fo●lowers enough : But that also the Favour of th● Multitude is deceitful ; and for a Man to put 〈◊〉 his ●●at to the People , many times is the occasio● of losing his Head , is evidently manifested by th● very same Example . How small an Occasion is i● that sometimes raises a Man's Fame ? Yet you here find as petty small Matters soon likewise depress it . That is no lasting Name , that depends meerly upon Vulgar Breath . To Defend the Poor and Needy , and protect the Oppressed , is a plausible Plea. Yet it shall go hard , but the Rich Oppressor will find one way or other , to ruine that Man in his Goods , and good Name , if not as to his Life , who undertakes so noble a Defence . As this King Richard ( under whose Reign these two Informers rose up ) was Couragious and Valiant in his Life ; so , a little before his Death , an Act of his Magnanimity and Christian Forbearance was shewed by him , in his freely forgiving and remitting the Person , then in his Power , that occasioned his Death ; after that he heard from the other's Confession , that in that Deed he intended to avenge the Death of his Father and Brethren , before slain by the King. But yet the Man scaped not with his Life , though forgiven by King Richard ; if that be true , which is said of the Duke of Brabant , that he after caused him to be taken , flead quick , and hanged . After Richard's Decease , his Brother John ( being then in Normandy ) seizes upon his Treasure ; and , not long after , procures himself to be crown'd King at Westminster , though in prejudice to the Title of an Elder Brother's Son : Whereto his Mother Eleanor is thought to have contributed not a little ; being possibly desirous rather to set the Crown upon her Son's Head , under whom she might hope to have a greater Share in the Government , than she could reasonably expect under her Grand-child , then within Age , where her Daughter-in-law , the other 's Mother , was likely to bear the greatest sway . So that the ambitious Desire of Rule is not incident only to Men ; but invad● even the Hearts of the Female Sex. Here th● Mother's Ambition raises up her Younger Son , even to the Prejudice of her Eldest Son's Heir . Though Women be born subject to Men , yet it ●● in a manner connatural to them , to desire the Power of commanding them at their own will and pleasure . Shew me the Land , where the Scepter hat● not often bowed to the D●staff ; and the Princ● Power , together with his heart , been subject to ● c●pricious Womans Humour . When they creep in to Mens Hearts , and lye in their Bosoms , it is 〈◊〉 wonder , that they dive into their Secrets , and swa● their Councels . So that the Affairs of the State often turn upon the Hinges of an Imperious Woman'● Will. Under even the most Absolute Despotical Government of the Turks , the Ottoman Power man● times lies in a Womans Breast ; and the Sultana●● do not seldome over-rule the Consults of the Divan . Of which , let the Ambitious Roxolana , sometime Empress to Solyman the Magnificent , suffic● for an In●tance . But what need we go so far , when as neare● home our own Ears , if not our Eyes , may serve for Witnesses of this Truth ? Yet , to the Glory o● England be it spoken , this Land flourished in suc● Peace and Prosperity , even to a Miracle , unde● Queen Elizabeth ; and the Tranquility of her Reig● hath so Honourably Consecrated her Memory i● Fame's Temple , that few of our English Monarchs ever equal'd her ; none ( that I know ) of all those ▪ who went off the Throne , surpassed her . The Happiness indeed of her Reign , may possibly be imputed much to the Wisdom of her Conduct , in suffering the Affairs of the Nation to be guided by th● Councels of Men : Whereas , under some of ou● Kings , our Governours have had such a deal of Chamber-practice , that the State hath been much ●t the Guidance of Women , or else of such Effe●inate Persons , as were quite degenerated from ●he Spirits , and Courage of their Ancestors ; as ●ho , by their Immoralities , Luxury , and Debau●heries , had little left in them of Heroick and Masculine , and were scarce fit for any thing else , ●ut to be dub'd Knights of the Carpet . But what ever was the Title and Means , we ●nd John got into the Throne ; and , by the aid ●e obtained of his Lords and Commons , before ●●e End of the Year , to recover what was lost ● Normandy ; we may conclude , it was not with●ut their Consents . From Stow's Relation , 't is ●●ain enough , that he was Elected at London , ●fter that Hubert , Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , had ●ade a Speech to that purport , in the Presence ●f the Bishops , Earls , Barons and Others . They , 〈◊〉 may be , preferring him , a Man of Courage ●nd Spirit , and so fitter to rule and govern the ●ealm , before the Title of young Arthur , then 〈◊〉 his Non-age , though of the Elder House . For seldom 't is , that unusual Changes happen , ●ithout some previous Preparatives to make way ●●r them . And if a Nation hath once fixt upon a ●ule to guide the Succession , they do not present●● vary from it , but upon urgent Occasion . So find ●e in Kingdoms , meerly and properly Elective ; ●●ey commonly chuse the next Heir of the Blood , 〈◊〉 less upon the Interposition of some notable Im●●diment . In Sweden , that War-like Nation , amidst the ●●eatest Success of their Arms , submitted them●●●ves to Gustavus Adolphus's Heir , though a Child , ●●d of the Female Sex ; and when she grew up to Womans Estate , they would willingly have co●tinued her their Queen , would she but have Mar●●ed according to their Desires . When that great Change happened in Denm●●● of late Years , which turned it from an Elective 〈◊〉 an H●red●tary Kingdom , we may have heard , it w●● effected by the Policy of the present King , wh● made use of the Distractions of the Nation , th●● almost conquered by the Sweeds ; and that Sca●●ing of Fame he had got , by defending his Capit●● City against their furious Assaults , to encline th● p●●ty Remainder of his Subjects , to give way ●● such an universal Change in the Constitution 〈◊〉 their Government . So that , whatever Towns or C●ties were afterwards reduced , they must be co●tent to yield to the new-made Law , as the establis●ed Decree of the Nation . A hard thing it mig●● possibly appear to such , who had no hand in th● making of that Ordinance , and ( it may be ) woul● not very readily have given their Consent ther●unto : And yet it might have seemed as hard t● them , to have remained under the Sweeds , whe● they had but little hopes of having much Share 〈◊〉 the Government , or be lookt upon , and dealt with ●therwise than as a Conquer'd People . The Fame , 〈◊〉 may be , of this succeeding Policy of the Dani●● King , with the Excitation of some of the Boutife●● of Europe , may be supposed to have put som● thoughts of the like Nature , into the Polish King'● Head ; if all be true that hath been reported , o● the Sloth and Negligence laid to his Charge , by 〈◊〉 Senator of the Land , of his Backwardness to call 〈◊〉 General Diet of the Nation ; and of the Purport ●● a Speech made to him once within these few Year● by an Ambassador from out of these Parts of Europ● ▪ Hence likewise may have proceeded the Fears an● Jealousies of the Sweeds , hinted to us in Forreign News , lest their King , by his Neighbours Example , ●●ould be encouraged to attempt the like : Which ●●ems since to have been very much legitimated , by ●he Alteration lately made in the Senate of that ●ingdom , if our Modern Intelligencers have given ●s a true Account and Relation of that Affairs . After that Elective Princes have thus obtained to ●e made Hereditary Monarchs ; one of their next de●●res is , to render themselves Absolute in their Go●ernment : Wherein they may have received no ●mall Encouragement from the Successful Attempts ●f some such Tyrannical Invader of other Mens ●ights , as the present Hector of France : And no lit●le Help , in the neat way of subduing and insla●ing their own Country , they may have learnt ●rom some such contriving Pa●e , as was one of ●he Catholick Kings of Spain ; who with an Army ●ut of one of his Kingdoms , subverted the Liberty of ●nother . So ambitious are some Men of the so much ●nvied Honour , of ceasing to be Kings of Men , and ●ecoming Tryants over Slaves at their Pleasure . With some such kind of Disease , do we find King ●ohn also to have been infected in his time : But ● Chargeable Disease you may well call it , which cost ●im the Loss of much of his Territories abroad , the ●earts of many of his Subjects ( among both the Spi●itualty and Temporalty ) at home , and his Peace ●nd Tranquility within , together with a free Imperi●l Crown , and all the Regalities attending it ; and ●et he dyed at last , without obtaining his so much-●esired Remedy , as I doubt not to make sufficient●y Evident in the following Relation . In the Second Year of this King John , by Coun●el of the Burgesses of the City of London , Thirty ●ive of the most substantial and wisest Men are Recorded to have been chosen , and ( after some ) ca●led the Council of the City ; of which yearly we●● Elected the Eayliffs , as long as they lasted ; an● after them the Mayor and Sheriffs : Which name● we meet with , in few Years after . For about th● latter end of this King 's Nineth Year , we read 〈◊〉 a Grant made to the Citizens , and confirmed by th● King's Letters Patents ; whereby they had Powe● to chuse Yearly a Mayor , and Two Sheriffs . T●● First Mayor upon Record , is Henry Fitz Alwi●● sworn and charged upon Michaelmas-day , in th● Tenth Year of this King , Anno Christi 1210. wh● continued several Years Mayor : The Sheriffs wer● Peter Duke , and Thomas Neel , sworn the same tim● ▪ And the former Name and Rule of Bayl●ffs clear●● discharged . St. Matthew's Day , Nine Days befo●● M●chaelmas , was the time the Citizens then alloted for their Sheriffs Election ; and on Michaelm●● day , was the Mayor Ordained , by the like Orde● to be chosen , and charged then with the other though now this in part is altered . This same Year is likewise noted in Fabian , as f●● the altering of the Rulers of the City from Bayli●● to a Mayor and Sheriffs ; so also for the changi●● of the Bridge from Timber to Stone ; which 〈◊〉 perfected about this time , by the Aid of the Ci●●zens and Passengers ; it having been Thirty 〈◊〉 Years in building , according to Stow ; who pla●● the Beginning hereof , as high as Henry the Second days . So that , thence forward we may expect 〈◊〉 find the Power of the City , and its Glory more an● more encreasing every Age. That the Government of the City should be th● changed at the Request of the Citizens , and in fav●● of them fixt as they would have it , argues that the Strength then was thought considerable , & their ●●fluence upon the rest of the Nation esteemed not to 〈◊〉 small . For at this time was K. John over-pressed by ●he Pope and his Clergy , and reduced to so low an Ebb ●f Fortune , that but few Years passed , before he ●as fain to buy his Peace at no less a price than the ●esignation of his Crown . And therefore , in the ●idst of his distress , by these Acts of Favour , he ●ay be thought to endeavour to fix the City to his ●●terest , as hoping thereby to oblige the Citizens 〈◊〉 appear in his behalf , against the Pride of these ●●sulting Priests . An Argument , doubtless , of their ●ower , and the King's Esteem of it . The Occasion of the difference between the King ●●d the Pope , ( which brought such Woe to the ●and , and Trouble to the King ) was the displea●●re he took against the Monks of Canterbury , for ●●eir Electing one to the Arch-Bishoprick , contrary 〈◊〉 his Mind ; together with his Refractoriness , in ●ot hearkning to the advice of his Lords and ●●iends , who would have had him have yielded to ●●e Pope , then too potent an Adversary safely to be ●●ntested with . To which may be added , his con●●nued Obstinacy , in not yielding to terms of Ac●●mmodation and Accord ; when as his Enemies ●●ew more powerful , and his own Strength was ●uch weakned by the loss of Normandy . A sharp ●●rrection it proved to the King , to have much of 〈◊〉 Territories abroad , his Normans antient Inhe●●tance , took from him by the War , which the ●●ench King made upon him , by the Pope's exciting , ●ccording to some Authors ) ; to have his Land ●●d Himself accursed at home , his Lords absolved 〈◊〉 their Allegiance , that they might be enabled to ●●e against him , and depose him ; and he himself ●t last ) compelled for his own security , to give a●ay his Crown and Dignity , and take it again of the Pope at a certain Rent . As hard measure had the Kingdom , to have the Doors of Churches and other Places of Divine Service , shut up in City and Country , in London , and in the other Parts of the Land , that no Religious Worship might be use● publickly ; but the Dead must be buried lik● Dogs , in Ditches and Corners ; No Sacrament● administred ; no Baptisms ; no Marriages ; or 〈◊〉 there were in any Places , it must be by special Licence , purchased ( it may be ) at great rates ; and all this , for the Offence of one Man , or a few 〈◊〉 which most probably did neither consent to , no● could amend , without breaking former Laws and Oaths , and offending against the Principles of Honesty , and the Christian Religion . Suppose the Hea● Shepherd had offended ; yet what had the Shee● done , to be used thus ? Sure the Pope shewed himself hereby a Lord of Lords , though he pretends t● call himself a Servant of Servants . From such proud●● haughty Servants , Liberanos . His Popeship woul● fain be esteemed a Father of Christians ; but here 〈◊〉 dealt very hardly with many of the Sons of the Church . A sad Case , indeed , were we ( poor Christians ) of the Common Herd in , should our Religion allow us at every turn to be sent to the Devil because the ambitious Pretences of our Governour would not suffer them to agree well together among themselves . But we know already , or have heard of to much of these Priest's Pride , to think them th● most humble , the most mortisied Men in th● World. The professed and avowed Principles o● some of them tell us too too plainly , that w● are not to take all they say to be either Law o● Gospell : Neither do every one of their Action oblig●●●● always to think , that they believ● themselves in all they affirm . They may indeed sometimes tell a fair smooth Tale , when they are got a little higher than their Neighbours , ●nto a place where they know they must not be presently contradicted ; but when they be come down upon plain even Ground , we find them 〈◊〉 for the most part ) much like other men : Nay some of them ( it may be ) an Ace or two worse . More Proud , more Ambitious , more Worldly , more Covetous ; in a word , more debauch'd in Principles and Practises . I could quickly name 〈◊〉 if I list ) among us Protestants , of the Reformed Religion , of the Church of England ( as some delight to stile themselves ) the Persons , the Time , and the Place , the Diocess , the Shire , the Hundred , the Parish , where lives a double Benefic'd-man 〈◊〉 so strong an English Church man in Word and Deed , as not justly to be taxed with the imputation of a Phanatick , by such as know the manner of his Converse ) who was not many years since depriv'd both of Office and Benefice , for none of the greatest Faults that ever was . Surely the Parish , where the Offence was not comitted , deserved not so ill at the Reverend Bishop's Hands , as to be deprived of the Use and Benefit of their Pastor . Neither know I wherein the harmeless Parishoners of the other Place had so highly offended , as to merit the loss of their Head Shepherd's over-sight ; unless we must fancy them accessary to his Young Curate's indiscretion , in not bowing ●ow enough at the Church door , to a stately Dame of the Parish : So , if my Memory deceive me not , have I some where read it observ'd , and it seems also verified in the History , that though the Name of King 's was thrown quite out of Rome , yet the Power some industriously strove still to retain . The Conditions , where on King John was 〈◊〉 concil'd to the Pope , were to this purport , Th●● he should admit the Arch-Bishop to his See , pe●ceably to enjoy the P●ofits and Fruits thereof permit the Prior , his Monks , and Others , befor● exil'd for the Arch-Bishop's Cause , to re-enter th● Land , without trouble , or future Molestation together with Restitution to them to be mad● of all Goods taken from them by his Officers , 〈◊〉 the time of this variance : And that he should lik● wise yield up into the Pope's Hands all his Righ● and Title to the Crown of England ; with all R●venues , Honours , and Profits belonging to the sam● as well Temporal as Spiritual , to hold it ever a●ter , both He and his Heirs , from the Pope , and h● Successors , as the Pope's Feodarics . These Articles thus granted , and the Lord sworn to maintain them , the King upon his bended Knees , taking the Crown from his Head , del●vered it to the Pope's Legate , resigning it into th● Pope's hands , both in Word and Deed ; and afte● five days resumed it of the same Hands , by Virtu● of a Bond or Instrument made unto the Pope ; whic● I have here transcribed out of Mathew of Paris History ; that such as care not what Religion ge● uppermost in the Land , may know what they are 〈◊〉 expect , if Popery should once get suc● a head , as t● come in again . JOhannes Dei Gratia Rex Angliae , &c. Omnibus Christi fidelibus , hanc Chartam inspecturis , salutem in Domino . Vniversitati Vestrae per hanc Chartam sigillo nostro Munitam Volumus esse notum , quod cum Deum & Matrem Nostram Sanctam Ecclesiam Offenderimus in multis , & proinde Divina Misericordia plurimum indigeamus , nec quid digne offerre possimus pro satisfactione Deo & Ecclesiae debita facienda , nisi nosmet ipsos bumiliemus et regna nostra : Volentes nos ipsos humiliare pro illo qui se pro nobis humiliavit usque ad Mortem , Gratia Sancti Spiritus inspirante , non vi interdicti , ●ectimore coacti , sed nostra bona spontaneaque Voluntate ac communi Conci●io Baronum Nostrorum Conserimus , & libere concedimus De● & Sancti● Apostolis ejus Petro & Paulo & Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Matronae Nostrae , ac Domino Papae Innocentio , ejusque Catholicis successoribus , totum Regnum Angliae , & totum Regnum Hiberniae , cum omn● Jure & pertinentijs suis , pro Remissione Omnium Peccatorum Nostrorum , & totius Generis Humaki , ta● pro vivis quam pro defunctis , & 〈◊〉 modo illa ab eo & Ecclesia Romana , tanquam secundarius recipiente● & tenentes , in praesentia Prudenti● Viri Pandulphi Domini Papae Subdiaconi et Familiaris . Exinde praedict● Domino Papae Innocentio , ejusque Catholicis successoribus & Ecclesiae Romanae , secundum subscriptam forma● fecimus & juravimus , & homagi●m ligium in praesentia Pandulphi , si coram Domino Papa esse poterimus , eidem faciemus ; Successores nostros et Haeredes de Vxore nostra in perpetuum obligantes , ut simili modo summo Pontifici qui pro tempore fuerit , & Ecclesiae Romanae , sine contradictione debeant fidelitatem praestare , & homagium recognoscere . Ad indicium autem hujus nostrae perpetuae Obligationis & concessionis , Volumus et Stabilimus , ut de proprijs et specialibus redditibus nostris praedictorum regnorum , pro omni servitio ●t consuetudine , quae pro ipsis facere debemus , salvis per omnia Denarijs Beati Petri , Ecclesia Romana mil●e marcas Esterlingorum percipiat an●uatim : in festo scilicet Sancti Michaelis quingentas Marcas , et in Pascha quingentas . Septingentas scilicet pro Regno Angliae , et trecentas pro Regno Hiberniae : Salvis nobis et Haeredibus nostris justitijs , Libertatibus , et Regalibus nostris . Quae omnia , sicut supra scripta sunt , rata esse volentes atque firma , obligamus nos et successores nostros contra non venire : et si nos vel aliquis successorum Nostrorum contra haec attentare praesumpserit , quicunque ille fuerit , nisi rite commonitus resipuerit cada● a jure Regni . Et haec charta Obligationis et concessionis nostrae semper firma permaneat . Teste meipso apud domum Militum Templi juxta D●veram , coram H. Dublinensi Archiepiscopo , Johanne Norwicensi Episcopo , Galfrido filio Petri , W. Comite Sarisberiae , Willielmo Comite Pembroc . R. Comite Bononiae , W. Comite Warenne , S. Comite Winton . W. Comite Arundel , W. Comite de Ferraijs , W. Briwere , Petro filio Hereberti , Warino filio Geroldi , xv . die Maij , An. Regni nostri decimo quarto . In English thus : JOHN by the Grace of God King of England , &c. to the Faithful in Christ , that shall see this Paper , greeting . To you all We would it should be known by this Paper seal'd with Our Seal , That since We have offended God and our Mother the Holy Church in many things , and therefore stand in very great need of the Divine Mercy , and are not able to offer any due satisfaction to God and the Church , unless We humble Our Selves and Our Kingdoms : Being willing to humble Our Selves for His sake , who humbled Himself even unto Death for us through the Grace of the Holy Spirit inspiring Us , not by force o● the Interdict , nor compelled by Fear , but of Our Own good and free Will , and by the common Counsel of Our Lords We give● and freely yield to God and to his Holy Apostles Peter and Paul and to Our Antient Mother the Holy Roman Church , and to Our Lord Pop● Innocent , and to his Catholick Successors , the whole Kingdom of England , and the whole Kingdom o● Ireland , with all Right and Appurtenances thereto belonging for the Remission of all Our sins and the sins of all Mankind , a● well for the Living as for the Dead , and from henceforth from him and the Roman Church as a Feodary receiving and holding them , in the Presence of the Wi●● Pandulphus Subdeacon and Servan● of our Lord the Pope . From henceforth to the aforenamed Lord Pope Innocent , and to his Catholick Successors and to the Church of Rome , according to this Written form , We have made and sworn Leidge Homage in the Presence of Pandulphus ; and if We could be before Our Lord the Pope , We would do it to him : Binding Our Successors and Heirs by our Wife for ever , that in like manner to the Pope for the time being , and to the Roman Church , they perform Feal●y without contradiction , and acknowledg Homage . Moreover in token of this Our perpetual Obliga●ion and Grant We will and or●ain , That out of Our proper and special Revenues of the aforesaid Kingdoms , in lieu of all Service & ●ustoms , We ought to do for the ●ame , always excepting Peterpence , ●he Church of Rome receive Yearly a ●housand Marks sterling : viz. At Michaelmas five hundred , and 〈◊〉 Easter five hundred , that is seve● hundred for the Kingdom of England , and three hundred for th● Kingdom of Ireland : saving to U● and our Heirs our Justice , Liberties and Royalties . All which , as abov● written , willing to have ratified and confirmed , We bind Vs and our Successors not to do contrary ▪ And if We or any of Our Successor● shall presume to attempt ought against these Presents , who ever h● be , unless being rightly admonished he repent , he shall lose all Righ● to the Kingdom . And let thi● Charter of Our Obligation and Gra●● remain always firm . — Witness O●●Self at the House of the Knights-Templars near Dover , before H. Arch-Bishop of Dublin John Bishop of Norwich , Jeffery the Son of Peter , W. Earl of Salisbury , William Earl o● Pembrook , R. Earl of Bononia , W. Earl o● Warenne , S. Earl of Winchester , W. Earl ●● Arundel , W. Earl Ferrars , W. Briwere , Pete● the Son of Herebert , Warine the Son of Gerol●● on the Fifteenth Day of May , in the Fourteen●● Year of Our Reign . And now ye Englishmen can ye be content to be 〈◊〉 Popes slaves ? you here see their title , their claim , ●hat they pretend to ; and if they can but once get 〈◊〉 upper hand , assure your selves they will quickly 〈◊〉 their title a foot . Nay , may not you find this 〈◊〉 ground-work of their last grand Plot , to 〈◊〉 our King , and subvert the Government , and ●ot out this Pestilent Heresie ( as they are pleas'd to 〈◊〉 the Protestant Religion ) out of this part of 〈◊〉 Northern world ? Are you willing your Native ●ountry shall once again become the Popes 〈◊〉 , to bear all the Burthens these unmerciful 〈◊〉 shall think fit to lay on it ? If you value not 〈◊〉 Christian Religion , have you so little esteem for 〈◊〉 Native Liberty , your English freedom , your ●●●thright , as to sell it to Romes Chapmen for a mess of 〈◊〉 , or barter it away to your fellow Citizens 〈◊〉 the husks they feed their Swine with ? If your 〈◊〉 be once compell'd to become Romes Tributa●● and here you see their Plea , you have little 〈◊〉 to expect , that you shall continue any long time 〈◊〉 . Look upon your French Neighbours on the other 〈◊〉 of the Sea , and see how they groan under wo●se 〈◊〉 Aegyptian Bondage , enslav'd both in Bodies 〈◊〉 Souls ? See how lowly the poor oppressed Com●●ns go in their wooden Shoes , and Canvass 〈◊〉 ▪ How greedily they feed upon bare bread and 〈◊〉 , and , amidst your present plenty , count how 〈◊〉 hungry meals they make upon that course 〈◊〉 , if you have figures enough in your Arithme●●● to number them . Amidst the overflowing of 〈◊〉 Cups , think how often they drink plain water , the small sowre verjuice of their water'd Grapes , 〈◊〉 the Kings Taxes have swept away 19 〈◊〉 of their Wine out of 20. To rise a little 〈◊〉 , give me leave to tell you , what I have sometime heard ; for here I profess to speak only 〈◊〉 hear-say , having never made Tryal hereof in my 〈◊〉 particular nor so much as desiring ocular demons●●tion , hoping that none shall ever live to see th● French Fruits growing upon English ground , nor 〈◊〉 of their ●eed sown on my Native soil to prosper . 〈◊〉 out of the mouth of one , who liv'd amongst th● many years , I shall take leave to acquaint you , 〈◊〉 in the French Kings late Wars , the Taxes rose● high , that many would willingly have thrown their estates into the Kings Hands , for the time 〈◊〉 impositions were to last , but they were to be ha●● by the Kings Decree upon so doing : So that 〈◊〉 must upon pain and perils of Death manage 〈◊〉 own Lands , and what the Product of their Gro●●● would not amount to , must be procured some 〈◊〉 way towards their appointed Payments . Whethe● be easy to make brick without straw , judge ye . 〈◊〉 you like to have a Vapouring Gentleman , or a 〈◊〉 Soldier with Pistols in his Saddle bow , come h●●ring up to your Plow-tails , and comman● you to leave your work , and go along with to shew him on his way , where you 〈◊〉 sometimes run along by his Horse side , two 〈◊〉 three miles it may be , without a penny for 〈◊〉 pains , not so much as daring to shew any the 〈◊〉 of Regret , for fear of tasting the mercy 〈◊〉 of his Pistols . Will it please you do ye think , to 〈◊〉 at home by turns every day one of you , to give● rections to every roaring swash Buckler , that 〈◊〉 with Sword and Pistols when he comes furiously to the Village , and calls as with Authority , 〈◊〉 Guide to run along with him at his pleasure , 〈◊〉 now some of you will scarce vouchsafe other 〈◊〉 rough answer , or Awkward directions to the trav●● stranger , that civilly desires so small a thing at your 〈◊〉 : Now some of you will scarce shew any 〈◊〉 either to your equals or betters , but what would 〈◊〉 think of it , to be made desist from your work , 〈◊〉 shew obeysance , at two or three furlongs distance , 〈◊〉 those Hectoring Blades of the Country that expect 〈◊〉 demand it at your hands ? And yet some such ●●ing have I heard done . What a wonderous plea●●ng spectacle would this be in England , where the ●eanest little values the threats and meances of the ●●eatest Gentleman , on whom they have no depen●●nce for work or maintainance , or hopes to gain any ●●ing by him ? From the poor enflaved Peasants of France , come 〈◊〉 to the Gentry of the Land , and see how they ●eep , and cringe , and croutch to the Nobles , and 〈◊〉 humbly these must also behave themselves to●ards their Arbitrary King. And the King him●●lf , had not the success of his Arms rais'd him to a ●●gher pitch then his Ancestors , must have vail'd to 〈◊〉 tripple Crown , and have receiv'd the Popes more ●●perious Commands with a little more submission , ●ould he have liv'd in security , then now we believe 〈◊〉 does . How will you my dear Countrymen bring ●●ur selves to disgest these compel'd humiliations ? ●ould any of these servile slavish submissions go ●wn well with your free hearts ? Yet such , if not ●orse must you expect upon the introduction of Po●●ry into the Land. Your Bodies , your Souls , your ●states , your Posterity , must then be subjected to Ar●●trary Powers . Though the dregs of the Popes 〈◊〉 might be possibly nauseous to some of your ●●easy stomachs , yet it may be many of you could 〈◊〉 well enough contented with a refined Cassandrian ●●pery , the German Emperours Interim , or some ●●ch motley model of Religion , as the present French King had-contriv'd ( as I have read ) to have intr●duc'd into his Realms , had his late Arms subdued 〈◊〉 Refractory Hollanders ; Nay , for a good need 〈◊〉 Trent Faith might have went down with some 〈◊〉 less indifferents ; But what would you say to that 〈◊〉 refin'd slavery also , which must in likelyhood follo● your refin'd Popery ? How would you like to ha● your Priviledges , Properties , your free English Libe●ty , your lives , estates , and fortunes , and all that 's 〈◊〉 and dear unto you , to lie at other mens mercy , in 〈◊〉 Power of such , whom you have little reason to estee● your Friends , and all this and much more ( if 〈◊〉 can be ) to be done by your own consents ? Ho● well would this please you ? To have a Paris Parl●●ment , French Councils , and a bigotted domineeri●● Clergy , that shall preach you up slavery from 〈◊〉 Pulpits , and make you to tast the sweets of it in 〈◊〉 Courts . When you must always speak well of ●ther Fryar , be it only for fear ; And if you see 〈◊〉 Priests debauching your Wives or Daughters , 〈◊〉 in distrust to your own Eye-sight , you must not op●●ly profess to believe otherwise , than that they 〈◊〉 blessing them , nor so much as dare to mutter betw●●● your teeth , unless you 'll run the danger of 〈◊〉 clapt up in the Inquisition for an Heretick , or 〈…〉 to the greetings of surly Mr. Paritor , summon●● you to my Lord Bishops Court , for defaming 〈◊〉 Clergy , and raising a scandal upon the Church . 〈◊〉 many of your Lands you hold for your own , 〈◊〉 don't you know that much must return back to once destroy'd Covents , if Popery prevails , when 〈◊〉 shall be taught to believe , that whatever is give● the Priests , the Church , is dedicated to God , and not to be alienated without manifest sacriled ▪ How like ye from Freeholders to become 〈◊〉 to a Luxurious and lascivious multitude of Monks and Fryers , full fed upon the sweat of your ●abours , and good for little else but to diminish your Estates , and bastardise your Posterity ? Look into some of the Popish Collegiate Founda●ions , and see whether you cannot find a fixt set al●owance appointed ad Purgandos Renes ? So that Re●ainers , Dependers , Brewers , Bakers , and such like , ●ere bound ( I have sometime heard ) to send their Maids and Daughters at set times to Physick these lazy ●dle Drones . Saturdays once a month I have heard ●am'd ▪ other days it 's likely they could come fast ●nough home to their Houses . Many now adays ●ave consciences large enough , to be dealing with ●ther mens ; but how would you bear it to see ●●ur own Wives , Daughters and Kinswomen wholly 〈◊〉 the Devotion of the Pope's lustful unmarried Cler●y ? Their Auricular Confession is as neat a Device 〈◊〉 command your Wives hearts , their Honesties , and ●our Purses , as those Indian Priests the Bramins lying ●ith the new married Bride the first night . How ●owerfully inclin'd the Popish Clergy are that way , 〈◊〉 may learn from the Danes and Swedes , whose ●agistrates have found Guelding ( I have somewhere ●ad ) a more effectual way , to keep them from com●●g to disturb their Country , than putting to death : 〈◊〉 this is said to have been the Advice of a convert●● Nun. Such female Votaries being most likely 〈◊〉 able to know the Clergy's Constitution , their ●●blick Houses being set so near together in Popish ●●untries . In some places you may find the Reli●●ous Men and Women ( as they call them ) under 〈◊〉 same Roof , to their frequent c●nverse . Take your Kenning-glasses , and view some of the best 〈◊〉 of ground in this Land , and it 's much if you 〈◊〉 not find , that the Covents of Men had their Nun●●●ies of Women situated near enough , to have mutual converse one with another , by secret passag● under the Earth . If you will not believe me , as 〈◊〉 writing out of prejudice , more than knowledge , 〈◊〉 such as have liv'd amongst the Papists beyond 〈◊〉 under a Popish Government , and they may chance 〈◊〉 tell you more of their manners , of the Clergy's Powe● and Laity's Subjection , and the cruel Mercies of 〈◊〉 Bloody Inquisition . Do you think that these Ra●●nous strangers will be more kind to you , than 〈◊〉 their own Country-men ? That such as look up●● you but as Hereticks , and so , little better than 〈◊〉 Bastards : Your Parents having not in their opinio● been rightly Married , because not according to 〈◊〉 Constitution of their Church , who think themsel●● highly injur'd by you , in your keeping the Abb● Lands from reverting to their antient Use , and 〈◊〉 building anew the Old Religious Houses destroy● in your Fore-fathers days , who already gnash up●● you with their Teeth , in hopes of a future 〈◊〉 over you , and have had I know not how many 〈◊〉 Projects and Contrivances to destroy you Body 〈◊〉 Soul , in prosecution whereof so many of their B●●thren in Iniquity have already lost their Lives 〈◊〉 your hands ; That such should be thought by 〈◊〉 Friends to England , and it's Laws ? That such 〈◊〉 Phantasies should enter into the hearts of E●●lish men ? Do you think they will alter their m●ners , by shifting their Habitations ? That 〈◊〉 Blackamore will ever change his Skin by com● into a colder Climate ? Let us look a little upon the first Discoveries 〈◊〉 their late grand Plot , ( so often inculcated upon 〈◊〉 Nation by His Majesties many Royal Proclamati●● and Speeches , that no Loyal Spirits can any 〈◊〉 doubt of the Truth of it , who give any deference deferenc● the Word of a King ) and we shall find there 〈◊〉 ●ain Design after our King's Murder to have rooted ●ut the Gentry of the Nation , whose Lives should it ●●ems , have been offered up as so many Sacrifices to ●ppease the injur'd Ghost of their Murder'd Prince . ●ome of your Women , perhaps they might have con●escended to have sav'd for their Lusts , your little ●hildren for Slaves , the Poor and b●ser sort for their ●ervants , but the Men of Substance must in likelihood ●ave gone all to pot , as Obstacles to their cruel in●●nded Design . And yet still 't is but a perhaps ; we 〈◊〉 not sure they would have spared any . Nay ra●●er , we are morally certain , that all of any tolerable 〈◊〉 must have Died , if the Deposition of Mr. Bedlow 〈◊〉 often credited ) remains yet of any value amongst 〈◊〉 from whose Attestation publickly sworn upon ●ath in Ireland's Tryal , we find the extent of the ●esign , ( besides the subversion of the Government ) to ●●ve been , the extirpating of the Protestant Religion 〈◊〉 that Degree , ( which was alwaies concluded on in 〈◊〉 the Consults wherein he was ) that they would not ●●ve any Member of any Heretick in England , that ●ould survive , to tell in the Kingdom hereafter , that ●ere was ever any such Religion in England , as the ●●otestant Religion . If discovered , and so frustrated , ●●ntrivances may not sufficiently warn you , to be●●re of the Jesuits Intentions to youward : Consider , ●atters of Fact , and see what hath already been 〈◊〉 in other places , and so come from thinking what 〈◊〉 been done , to what may be done , and what 〈◊〉 should be done , if some might have their 〈◊〉 , minds and desires . Cast a look or two upon ●●●emia , that once flourishing Land , under Wickliff's ●●ctrine ; Famous for the Martyrdom of John Huss , 〈◊〉 Jerom of Prague ; the Courage of blind Zisca 〈◊〉 his valiant Souldiers , and noted also for their ●●●erty of Chusing their Princes : See now how much of the Bohemians Antient Liberty or Religi●● is yet remaining amongst them . Enough of the p●●ctices and devices the Jesuits used to new 〈◊〉 the Nation , after they had once reduc'd it by 〈◊〉 of Arms , you may find in the History of the 〈◊〉 Persecution , London , Printed by B. A. John Walker . But to return to King John , whence I have 〈◊〉 gressed , after his Resignation and Reassumption of 〈◊〉 Crown at the yearly Rent of 900 or 1000 〈◊〉 Silver , the Return of the Archbishop , and the 〈◊〉 Exiles into the Land , we read of the releasing 〈◊〉 annulling of the Interdiction , which had lasted years , odd months and days , but it was not be● that the King , according to one of the Articles , made restitution to the sufferers , which the 〈◊〉 saith amounted in the whole to 18000● Marks would have thought , after so much trouble , the 〈◊〉 would have been weary of endeavouring after A●●●trary Power . But the Event may make us apt to 〈◊〉 that among other inducements , to yield to the 〈◊〉 hard terms of Accommodation , one migh● some hope to domineer the better over the 〈◊〉 he was reconciled to the Clergy , and so take a 〈◊〉 revenge upon such , as would not ere while assist against the Pope . For not long after the late 〈◊〉 , we find mention made of so great 〈◊〉 between the King and his Lords , that much 〈◊〉 were raised on either part . One occasion alledg●● that the King would not hold Edward's Laws , yet he had taken an Oath , at the Return of Exil'd Clergy-men into England , to call in all 〈◊〉 Laws , and put in place of them the Law King Edward , if Stow's Annals record the 〈◊〉 Another , that the King would have Exil'd wi●●●aw the Earl of Chester , for some Advice he given him , relating to his Vices , which the other did not well digest . The King's Party being then the stronger , the Lords took the City of London for their Refuge , and remained therein . Though we read of much harm done this year in London by Fire , and of the burning a great part of the Burrough of Southwark ; yet it seems the City was strong enough to become the Barons Bulwark against the inrag'd King's Ire : And siding with them , so inhanced the Barons fame , that ( as Stow tells us ) all except a few went to the Barons side , so that King John durst not peep out of Windsor Castle . At length by the Prelates Mediation a Peace was made for a while , and to establish it the firmer , the King and the Lords soon after met with great strength on either side on Berham Down , where a Charter was devis'd , made , and sealed by the King to the Barons content . A.C. 1214. according to Falian's account . Henry Fitz. Alwyn continued then Mayor of London , Ralph Egland and Constantine le Josne being Sheriffs in this 14th year of K. John's Reign . Yet in Stow we read of a Meeting appointed in a Meadow between Stains &c Windsor , where the King granted the Liberties without any difficulty , the Charter whereof is dated , June 16. An. Reg. 17. As for the loud and clamorous Declamations of such , who tell us , that the grand Charter of our Lives , Liberties and Estates , our Properties and Priviledges , was gain'd at first by Rebellion , and would thus slily as it were insinuate , that it was and is retained by like unlawful waies and means : We would desire them to give us better proofs for what they say , than their own bare Asseverations , which will not yet go for currant Coin in all Markets . That Edward the Confessor's Laws were very acceptable to the generality of the Nation , we have great reason to believe from their continued desire to retain them . That William the first granted the use of them to the Nation , is sufficiently instanced above . That Henry the first used them 〈◊〉 likewise mentioned before , for so affirms the Chronicle . That King John himself accorded to them at hi● coming to the Crown , we may ( I doubt not ) reasosonably believe , considering his Title , and the Conte●● he was like to have about it . If a Negative may be admitted an Argument in the case , I do not remember that I have read of any difference between hi● and his Lay-Barons about them , till after that he was reconciled to the Pope , by the resignation of hi● Crown , and performance of the other conditions enjoyned him . But after the King 's giving away hi● Crown , and resuming it again upon a Foundatio● wholly and altogether new , I know not but he migh● think all former obligations void , and so would endeavour to have his Will of the Laity , when he hop'd he had fixt the Clergy fast enough on his side , by th● new condescension he had lately made to the Pope'● Ambitious desires and pretensions . It was after this Reconciliation that we read in Stow of the Barons coming to St. Edmundsbury , and producing the Charter o● King Henry the first , which they had received o● the Archbishop Stephen . However , let the occasional Causes of making an● confirming this grand Charter of our English Libe●ties be what they will ; whatever were the grounds o● the Barons desiring , or the motives of the King 's granting it : Upon what Foundation soever ( so it be sound at the bottom ) stand these Pacts and Compacts between the King and his Subjects . For my part I know no reason why Princes and Great men should not think it their Duty , to keep their words firm and inviolable , as well as persons of meaner rank and quality ▪ 'T was a Romish Cardinal , an Italian , a Papist , living long in the French Government , from whom I have heard come the Doctrine , of not being a slave to ones word . As the Duty , so I believe it the Interest of Governours , to be just and firm to their Promises , otherwise it is a Question how long the people under them will continue firm to theirs , when they think they have a convenient opportunity to break them . Fear may do much , but Conscience I fancy will do but little in this Case , to keep the one Party fixt and firm to his Bargain , when the other values not to perform the Conditions of their mutual Compact . Such as love to talk of nothing but Conquerours and Conquests , captivating and inslaving men to Arbitrary Powers , as if at feud and defiance with all mankind but themselves and their own Party : if my Advice may be taken , they would do wisely to stifle such harsh unpleasing Doctrines in their own breasts , and not openly produce them in publick view to all without distinction , lest one bold confident brazen-fac'd fel●ow or other should start up out of the Vulgar Herd , and ask them , why the people would not have as good a Title to their Power , when they had got the upper hand , as those Princes , who claim only by Conquest ? A Question that at first view would seem very plausible to many , if well stated without the previous consideration of Oaths , Promises and Compacts . As for the consequences , that some may fancy hid in the belly of it , ●ike the Armed Grecians in the Trojan Horse , look they to them , who find themselves concern'd on either side . It 's well enough known , what a large tract of ground , the French King hath seis'd in the Spanish Netherlands within these few years , and brought the People of those Provinces under his own Subjection by force . That his title to those lands at first was none of the best is plain enough to such , as know his Pretensions . As for that shadow of claim , which might be fancied to accrue to him by his Queen , the late Spanish Kings Daughter , that it is clear done 〈◊〉 as far as words and writings could go , is manife●● by the Printed Articles of the Pyrenaean Tre●● The best Title , I find he had to those Countries , 〈◊〉 the Spanish Kings weakness to defend those Subje●● himself , together it may be with some unwillingness let them look to the payment of as great an Army , 〈◊〉 was thought needful for their defence , out of th● own Mony , by their own Officers . He was made p●●haps to fear , lest the Soldiers should have been 〈◊〉 at the Devotion of such as paid them , than at his 〈◊〉 rais'd them , though he appointed such a 〈◊〉 such Officers , and such Soldiers as he thought fit , 〈◊〉 had had the sole ordering of them , at his own 〈◊〉 and pleasure , in all other things but naming the p●●mas●e●s . Or rather was it not his prime Councell●● the Spaniards , loathness to lose the many picki●● they glean'd out of their Offices in those Count●● by defrauding the Soldiers of their appointed 〈◊〉 and so cheating both King and Country ? 〈◊〉 good is much bandied up and down among 〈◊〉 words , but in truth and reality , private interest that which most oversways . As for the rest of 〈◊〉 French Kings pretences , that he makes use of th● for meer colours , is evident by the novel inventio● Dependencies . If need be , we doubt not but , 〈◊〉 Hamball passing over the rugged Alps with his 〈◊〉 my , he can either find a way or make one ; be it 〈◊〉 such a one , as his Manifest● , at the beginning of late Wars with the Dutch , tells us of , viz. his 〈◊〉 Glory : One of the truest pretensions I believe of ▪ Now put the Case and suppose , that the Inh●●●tants of these late subdued Countries ( brought 〈◊〉 the French Kings Subjection by the force of Arms , and all former right and title to them 〈◊〉 relinquish'd by their ancient Prince the King Spain in his late Treaties ) should one time or other , ●y some unexpected , unseen , unthought of accident , ●et such power into their hands , as to break off these ●rench Chains of Slavery , beat the French Kings Of●●cers and Soldiers out of their Country , and keep 〈◊〉 at a Bay by the strength of their Arms : the ●uestion would be among our Politick Casuists , whe●●er they would not have as good right and Title , to ●●ace the Government of their Country in what ●●nds they pleased , as the French King now hath in ●●tual possession : My meaning is of such , who shall 〈◊〉 have pass'd away themselves , by Oaths , Cove●●nts and Compacts . That they sit down quietly ●●der the French Government , and do not publickly ●●pose , is but a silent argument , a negative proof at 〈◊〉 . They do not openly declare their dissent , 〈◊〉 they assent and consent , is such a conclusion that 〈◊〉 not well and cleverly follow from the premises . ●hat such as are for the present French interest may ●firm , let them likewise well prove , but methinks 〈◊〉 English men should not be over-ready to disclaim 〈◊〉 Netherlands right , when they call to mind , that in ●●een Elizabeths days our Governours thought good defend the poor distressed Provinces , against the ●yrannical Arbitrary pretences of the Spanish King , 〈◊〉 , contrary to their ancient priviledges would have ●●duc'd them all by force to Popery and Slavery , to ●●pose which , their Neighbours , especially England , powerfully assisted them , that the Spaniard was 〈◊〉 at last to declare , he would treat with them , as ●●th free States , before he could get a treaty of peace 〈◊〉 them . Such as break ancient Covenants , and 〈◊〉 the first stone , had need stand upon safe and sure ●ound , least they find too many stones flying about 〈◊〉 Ears before the end of the fray . We moreo●●● have found the Spaniards within these few years coming into the assistance of these same new 〈◊〉 once his old Subjects , against the French Kings Po●er ready in a manner to over-run them . We 〈◊〉 have heard likewise of publick Addresses , in behalf 〈◊〉 the same side , made of late to our present King , 〈◊〉 esteem'd the general Consent of the Nation . After King John had granted the grand 〈◊〉 to his Lords , and every one was departed peaceab●● into his own Country , there were hopes doubtless 〈◊〉 a happy peace to ensue , and long to continue . But seems those hopes were soon blasted . For the 〈◊〉 next year , viz. the 15 , we read of the late agr●● peace's being violated and broken by the King , 〈◊〉 according to my Author , persevering in his wro●● would in no wise be induc'd to hold his own gra●● but to execute all things after pleasure , nothing ●●ter Law and Justice . These violations produc'd new War between King John and his Nobles , 〈◊〉 ended not till after the Kings Death . So troubles●● was it to the Nation , so dangerous to the King , 〈◊〉 he should have such ill Ministers about him , 〈◊〉 were either authors or followers of no better advi●● then what could not consist with the Kings keepi●● his Royal Word . That the Sheep were made 〈◊〉 for the Shepheard , to clip , shear , pill , and slay at own will and pleasure , is a Doctrine that the 〈◊〉 quiet innocent harmless Sheep would no longer ●●●lingly assent to , than while the Knife is held at 〈◊〉 throat , how acceptable soever it may be to the 〈◊〉 Wolves , and the degenerate Dogs of the 〈◊〉 ▪ When King John found himself too weak to ●●tend with his Barons , and yet it seems by the 〈◊〉 not willing enough to keep to his former 〈◊〉 he sent beyond Sea , and call'd in strangers his Assistance . We read that Northfolk and 〈◊〉 were the Lands promised to those strangers , 〈◊〉 would come over to aid the King , who had a little ●efore got the Pope to disannul the aforesaid Charter ●nd liberties granted ere while by him , and excommu●icate the Barons . We have mention made in Stow 〈◊〉 or 3 times of strangers coming over . So many of ●hem were cast away at one time by Tempest , who ●ere coming over , Men , Women and Children , that ●●'s said of 4000 not one escap'd alive . So that we ●ay observe , 't is an old trick to call in Foreigners ●pon the Natives , when Arbitrary designs are on 〈◊〉 . When the King was found to have invited ●trangers to his aid , the Lords also sent into France ●or help and succour . When two Women fall a scol●ing , and pulling one anothers head-cloths , whoever ●●rst began the fray , it is much but both will be in ●●ult before it end . London was the place , where the ●ords kept themselves together , till the expected aid ●nd succour from beyond Sea was brought to them ●nder Lewis the French Kings Son , who landing 〈◊〉 England with a strong Army , came afterwards to London , and was there received . Hence he with the Lords departing , won many Castles in the Land , and 〈◊〉 their return had the Tower of London given up to ●hem by appointment . Tho the Tower held long for ●he King , yet 't was the City it seems that bare the ●way , and adhered to the Lords . What a strength ●●ey were of we may observe out of Stow , where ●ing John is said to have made hast to besiege Lon●on , but the Londoners were hereby so little daunted , ●hat they set open their Gates , and were ready to meet ●im ten miles off the City , whereupon the King with●rew , understanding their boldness , and multitude ; ●hen the Major Roger Fitz. Alwyn was accused to be ●●vourable to the Kings Party , we find him quickly ●ischarg'd of his Office , and one Serle Mercer chosen 〈◊〉 his place ; so great was the favour of the Citizens to the Barons and their Cause , that they spar'd not their own head Officer and Ruler , when he lay under th● suspicion of favouring Arbitrary designs , so contrary to the mind of the Citizens . The War still continuing , and King John being not able to prevail , tho th● Pope interceded by his Lega●e , he had at last ( ●● some writes ) all his Arbitrary designs quench'd with a Cup of Poyson , at Swinstead Abby about Lincoln Tho another Author is said to affirm that he died ●● the flux at another place . Soon after this unhappy unfortunate King John death , we meet with an eminent instance of Englis● mens Loyalty , as well as of their love of liberty an● freedom ; for though the King and his Lords were 〈◊〉 so great a difference most of the latter part of hi● Reign , and he left the Throne and his life at such 〈◊〉 time , when his Barons were likely in outward appearance to be much too strong for him & his , his surv●ving Heir being but then a Child of about 9 years 〈◊〉 age : Yet , as if all rancour and animosity against th● King and his Party was dead and buried with him 〈◊〉 his Grave , the wheel of affairs was so turn'd , as 〈◊〉 were , in an instant , that Lewis and his strangers we●● disgusted , and the young Fatherless Prince was proclaim'd , and Crown'd King of the Land , at an ag● wherein he was not fit to be left to his own guidan●● without a Tutor , It 's plain enough by this instanc● that English hearts were more loyal , than naturall● to desire the ruine of their Prince and his Family ; 〈◊〉 at any time they appear'd in Arms against him in defence of their Lives , Liberties and Freedoms , ho● ready have they shewed themselves to accord an● submit , as soon as those men of ill Principles , and A●bitrary practices , were remov'd from their Princ● who had rais'd those clouds of discontent betwee● him and his People ? The chief of those that so soon returned to their Allegiance , were the powerful Earls of Pembroke and Chester , who drew with them a very considerable re●inue . They may be probably thought to hope , to ●●nfuse better Principles into their young Prince in his Nonage , than appeared by former Arbitrary actions ●o have been in his Father , and so model the Go●ernment into a better frame in the time of that pow●r , they were , as the chief Nobles , most likely to ●ave under the King in his younger days . Neither ●o I know but somwhat might proceed from re●orse of Conscience . The Earl of Chester , in the 2d ●ear of the Kings Reign , taking his journey into the Holy-Land , the Religion of those times having made ●hat the usual way of Expiation . Some such intent of ●he Earl stands likewise upon record in one of the Chronicles , saith my Author . Another very proba●le occasion of this sudden change of Affairs in the Kingdom , may be supposed to have risen from the Death-bed confession of a French Nobleman , who 〈◊〉 reported to have discovered Lewis's intent , to 〈◊〉 , destroy , and quite root out those English Lords ●hat adhered to him , as if in detestation of their dis●oyalty to their own natural English Soveraign . When ●he Barons came once to find , that he , whom they ●ad called in to defend them against their Kings Ar●itrariness , intended to violate and break their Co●enants established at first between them , when he ●ould come to have opportunity , and so turn their ●●plored aid into their certain destruction , they ●ight well think they had reason enough to disclaim 〈◊〉 Alliance , and endeavour to frustrate his privy in●●ntions , by returning to their former Allegiance as 〈◊〉 as a fit season presented it self : Conditional pro●ises not being very commonly reputed to bind the 〈◊〉 party , when the conditions required are not performed by the other . Whatever the true occasio● was , London we find the place where this turn 〈◊〉 first publickly declared , by proclaiming Henry Ki●● throughout the City , Oct. 20. so considerable was ●●ven the reputed favour of the Citizens . Lewis abo●● there indeed afterwards a while , and the Barous 〈◊〉 his side , but his strength so diminished in a litt●● time , that he was glad at last to take Money and 〈◊〉 away upon composition , even in the 1st year of th● King , or beginning of the 2d . This K. Hen. being the Son of such a Father , who● practices too much betrayed his Principles , and 〈◊〉 in so troublesom a time , as his Fathers contest 〈◊〉 the Clergy , we may be apt to believe he had a 〈◊〉 of his Fathers malady . So full of troubles do we 〈◊〉 his Reign , such complaints of the Government , su●● amendments endeavoured , and reformations ma●● one while by the peaceable Councils of the Par●●●ment , another while by the compulsive power 〈◊〉 the Barons Swords : all which we may impute , ●●ther to his own natural inbred disposition , or else the over-ruling advices of ill Ministers , so 〈◊〉 working upon the Kings Good-nature , as upon slig●● pretences to make his power serve their own Inter●●● to carry on their corrupt arbitrary designs : So ●●ny were the ups and downs , risings and falls , chang●● and turns of Fortune in these times , such variab●●ness and mutability of Councils in affairs , and the 〈◊〉 of London so much concerned in most of the c●●siderable Actions then on foot , ( now in the Kin● favour , as soon again out of it , one while enjoy●●● their ancient Priviledges and Customs , another 〈◊〉 deprived of their Liberties , and their Franchises 〈◊〉 upon slight occasions , and anon again restored all , with addition of new grants , ) that I find it c●●venient , through much of this Kings Reign , to 〈◊〉 Annals after my Author . In the 3d of this King is mention made of a Par●●ament kept at London . In the 4th were Proclama●●ons made in London , and through the Land , that all ●trangers should depart out of the Land , except such 〈◊〉 came with Merchandize ; the intent hereof is said ●● be wholly to rid the Land of such strangers as pos●●st Castles in it contrary to the Kings Will and Plea●●re . This year also was the King Crowned the 2d ●●me at Westminster . In the 6th was detected a Con●●iracy within London , which the King is said to have ●●ken so grievously , that he was minded to have ●rown down the City Walls , till considering that it ●as only a design of some of the Rascality , and not 〈◊〉 the Rulers , he assuaged his displeasure taken a●●inst the City . Robert Serle was then Mayor , Rich. ●●nger , Ioseus 〈◊〉 Iosne , Sheriffs . An. Reg. 7. in a Coun●●● kept at London , Stow tells us , the King was re●●ired by the Peers Spiritual and Temporal to con●●●m the Liberties , for which the War was made a●●inst his Father , and he had sworn to observe at the ●●parture of L●wis out of England , whereupon the 〈◊〉 commanded the Sheriffs to enquire by the 〈◊〉 of Twelve lawful men , what were the Li●●●ties in England in his Grand-fathers time , and 〈◊〉 the Inquisition so made up to London . Hence 〈◊〉 we observe that England had Liberties and ●●ghts of their own , before the Barons War in 〈◊〉 Iohn's days , and therefore seem injurious●● upbraided , as if they got them first by Rebelli●● ▪ The good Government of England , which ( as a ●●dern Author words it ) was be●ore like the Law Nature , only written in the hearts of men , came ●pon obtaining the 2 Charters ) to be exprest in ●●chment , and remains a Record in writing , though ●●se Charters gave us no more than what was our 〈◊〉 before . The 8th is noted for the grant made to the King , by his Barony in Parliament , of the War● and Marriage of their Heirs . A good advantage som●times for the King , to fix Noble mens Estates in suc● Families as he best pleased . A. R. 9. A Fifteenth was granted to the King , to 〈◊〉 him in his right beyond the Seas , and he , by confirming the great Charter , granted to the Barons an● People their rights . The 11th year is of note fo● many beneficial Grants made to London by the King ▪ The Sheriffwick of London and Middlesex was let 〈◊〉 farm to the Sheriffs of London , for 300 l. yearly . O● Feb. 18. was granted , that all Wears in Thames shoul● be pluckt up and destroyed for ever . On March 1●● the King granted by his Charter ensealed , that th● Citizens of London should pass Toll-free through th● Land , and upon any Citizen's being constrained 〈◊〉 pay Toll in any place of England , the Sheriffs 〈◊〉 impowered to attach any man of that place comin● to London with his goods , and to keep and with-ho●● till the Citizens were restored all such Moneys 〈◊〉 from them , with costs and damages . Aug. 18. 〈◊〉 granted to the Citizens Warren , that is , free liber●● of Hunting within a certain circuit about Lond●● Yet notwithstanding we read in another Author , this years History , of the Kings compelling the L●●doners to lay him down a large sum of Money , b●sides the 15th part of their moveables , because 〈◊〉 sooth they had given Lewis ( who came to their aid● K. John's days with an Army ) 5000 Marks at his ●●parture out of England . It may be the King 〈◊〉 them some of these Priviledges ( which cost him ●●thing ) to induce them to give down their Money 〈◊〉 more willingly , and not too much to displease the● whose power was so well known in those days , 〈◊〉 afterward experienced to some mens cost . Roger 〈◊〉 Mayor , Stephen Bockerel , and Henry Cobham Sheri●● this year , and also the next , viz. 12. when the Fran●hises and Liberties of the City were by the King ●onfirmed ; and to each of the Sheriffs was granted to ●ave 2 Clerks , & 2 Officers , & to the Citizens that ●hey should have and use a common Seal . This year 〈◊〉 read that the King in a Council held at Oxford , ●roclaimed , that being of age he would rule himself 〈◊〉 pleasure , and forthwith cancelled the Charters of ●iberties , as granted in his Nonage . Whereupon it ●●llowed ( says my Author ) that whoso would enjoy 〈◊〉 Liberties before granted , must renew their Char●●rs of the Kings new Seal at a price awarded : But 〈◊〉 Barons shortly after declared to the King , that ●●cept he would restore the Charter lately cancelled ●●ey would compel him by the Sword : Such brisk ●ssertors were they ( it seems ) resolved to be of ●●eir Liberties . On the 13th , while the Bishop of ●ondon was at high Mass in St. Pauls , happened sud●enly such dark mists of Clouds , and such a Tempest 〈◊〉 Thunder and Lightening , that the People got out 〈◊〉 the Church , and left the Bishop there in great ●ar , with but a small attendance . For all the many 〈◊〉 Papists make of their Mass , and the wonder●●l power and vertue they would fain persuade us to ●●lieve there is in it , it seems then all had not faith ●●ough to trust too much in it , when fear and thick ●●rkness had seized on them , though 't was the com●on voice in those days , that a few Masses could 〈◊〉 mens Souls out of Purgatory : But you may be 〈◊〉 they were well to be paid for first . Noted in 〈◊〉 14th was the Ordinance made by the Mayor 〈◊〉 Duke , and the Rulers of London , that no Sheriff ●ould continue in Office longer than one year ; the ●use related was the opportunity some of them ●ade use of to take extortions and bribes , with o●●er defaults , by reason of the continuance of their Office. The 17th is not lightly to be pass'd over , that the K. therein kept his Christmas at Worcest according to Stow , where he removed all his Office● and Councillors , Bishops , Earls , and Barons , and 〈◊〉 for strangers , viz. Pictavians , retain'd them in 〈◊〉 Service , and committed to them the keeping of 〈◊〉 Castles and Treasures . What could hence be expect● but murmurings and repinings amongst the Native● Accordingly we hear some time after of Messenge● sent by the Barons to the King , requesting the di●placing of those strangers , and also threatning , th● otherwise they would depose him , and create a 〈◊〉 King. A bold message from as bold Subjects . For 〈◊〉 may read of the King's Lands being invaded the 〈◊〉 year , and destroy'd by fire and sword by the Earl 〈◊〉 Pembroke , and the Prince of North-Wales . Whereup●● we find in a little time the Pictavians expell'd , 〈◊〉 made with these two great discontented men , 〈◊〉 the King 's natural Subjects recalld , and their Co●●sel yielded to by the King. The 19th is remarkable for the King's Marriage with the Royal Solemnity , Justs and Tourneamen● kept 8 days near Westminster , at the Queen's Coro●●tion . Yet Stow places the time a year after , as 〈◊〉 doth also many other particular occurrences happeing in this King's Reign . From the same Author 〈◊〉 are given to understand , that to this Coronation ●●sorted so great a number of all Estates , that the Ci●● of London was scarce able to receive them . Great 〈◊〉 the splendour , wherein the City appeared on this o●casion , it being adorn'd with Silks , and in the nig●● with Lamps , Cressets , and other lights , without nu●ber , besides many Pageants , & strange devices , whi●● were then snewn . The Citizens rode to meet 〈◊〉 King and Queen , being clothed in long garments , 〈◊〉 broidered with Gold and Silk of divers colours , the●● horses finely trapped in array , to the number of 360. Every man bearing Gold or Silver Cups in their hands , & the King's Trumpeters before them sounding . The 21th was ominous to the University of Oxford , for the Scholars abusing Octo●oon the Pope's Legate , who afterwards accursed the misdoers , and so punished them , that the Regents & Masters were at last compelled to go barefoot through Cheapside to Pauls in London , there to ask forgiveness of him , which was granted , it seems , with difficulty enough . His Master the Pope , when cross'd and incens'd , is wont to be sufficiently stately , and backward in pardoning such as displease him , & not without much ●ntercession sometimes ; why then should not the Servant Ape it after so great an Example ? In the 23d year , for that the Mayor and Heads of the City refus'd to obey the King's Commandment , ●n Chusing Simon Fitz Marre Sheriff , as the King had order'd them , which they lookt upon as a derogation to their Liberties : The King sent for them , and after words of displeasure discharg'd the old Mayor Will. Ioynour , newly Elected for the following year , and charg'd the Citizens to proceed to a new Election , which to content the King they did , and Chusing Gerard Bat , by his means and policy obtained the King's favour , and frustrated the other purpose , who had procur'd the aforesaid Commandment , and complain'd to the King of the Citizens for their disobeying it . In the 25th the Citizens having Chosen Gerard Bat anew for the year following , & presented him to the King according to Custom , He , who the ●ast year had so gain'd the King's favour in behalf of the City , was now so far out of it by means of some mens Informations , that he with his company was first dismist , and put off till another time , and at last , for some offences alledged , and displeasure conceived against him , clearly put by ; the King swearing a gre●● Oath , that he should not that year be Mayor , nor 〈◊〉 any time hereafter . Whereupon the Commons , ce●tified of the King's pleasure , Chose Remond Bengley 〈◊〉 his stead . The Citizens having the year before 〈◊〉 prevail'd upon to alter their Election , that was Pr●sident enough it seems to occasion the like again . The City having obtain'd great Priviledges of thi● King in his younger days , we find already some e●deavouring to frustrate and disappoint the effect 〈◊〉 benefit of them . The City had appear'd with a gre●● deal of success , in opposition to the last King's pr●ceedings , and therefore it 's likely , such as intende● to attempt again for Arbitrary Power , thought th● City too headstrong easily to permit them to su●ceed in their desires , unless they could first bring th● Citizens a little under , by cunningly under mini●● their Liberties . Whereupon we find this year a sp●cious pretence taken to oblige the Commonalty , b● offering to free and keep them from being oppresse● by the Heads and Rulers of the City . How well 〈◊〉 plausible Plea took for a while , will be manifested 〈◊〉 the sequel of the Story . That there were great hea●● and animosities in those times between the City 〈◊〉 the Court , may easily be observ'd out of Stow , wh● tells us in the 25th years Annals , how the Citize● were threatned , that the Walls and Bulwarks of th● Tower were builded in despight of them , to the 〈◊〉 that if any of them would presume to contend 〈◊〉 the Liberties of the City , they might there be imprison'd . And to the intent , that many might be la●● in divers Prisons , many Lodgings were there mad● that no one should speak with another . An occasi●● was also taken sometime after to Fine the Ci●● 1500 Marks , for the receiving into the City a pe●son banish'd from thence 20 years . Notwithstandi●● the Citizens had prov'd , that before that time the said ●erson had been reconcil'd and restor'd to the King's ●avour . Another device to exact Money from the Londoners , was the proclaiming a Mart at Westmin●●er , to last 15 days , with a Command that all Trades ●hould cease in the City for that space of time , which the Citizens were fain to redeem with 2000l . ●et they still increast in Riches , while the King was ●ompell'd for want to sell his Plate and Jewels much ●o his loss , which being sold and bough● a● London , 〈◊〉 the 33d year of his Reign , occasioned this his ex●ression upon knowledge thereof , ( as my Author re●ates it ) I know that if Octavian 's Treasure were to be ●●ld , the City of London would sup it up ; and by it ●hose rustical Londoners ( quoth the King ) abound in ●ealth , and call themselves Barons . Noted is the 25th ●ear likewise for the first Chusing of Aldermen , who ●hen had the Rule of the City and its Wards , and ●ere yearly chang'd as are the Sheriffs . In the 29th ●ear Nicholas Bat , contrary to a former Ordinance , ●eing Chosen Sheriff again , was discharg'd and punish'd , ●s being convict of Perjury . The Mayor likewise Mi●hael Tony , Chosen anew for the following year , was de●os'd and punish'd , after that by Deposition of the Al●ermen he was found guilty in the said Crime . What●ver were the grievances and faults committed in the ●est of the Land , ( some we read complain'd of , particu●arly among the Clergy ) the City-Officers shall be sure 〈◊〉 be watch'd , if they were not of the side some would ●ave them . In the 31th year Pyers Aleyn being Mayor , John Voyle , and Nicholas Bat Sheriffs , the Franchises of London were seized on St. Bartholomews Eve , for a Judg●ent pretended to be wrongfully given by the Mayor ●nd Aldermen against a Widdow woman named Mar●aret Vyell , and the Rule of the City committed to Will. Haveryll , and Edward of Westminster , till Lady day , when the Mayor and Sheriffs were again admitted 〈◊〉 their Offices . How ready were some to carp at the 〈◊〉 of this Honourable Society ? Rather than fail of an ●casion to diminish the Cities Liberties , we find th● here wrongfully making a pretence ; for upon due E●amination afterwards made , the former Judgment 〈◊〉 found good and true . In the 32th year Queen 〈◊〉 Wharf was Farm'd by the Commonalty of the City 〈◊〉 50 l. yearly , and committed to the Sheriffs charge . But 〈◊〉 Fabian's time the Profits were so diminished , that 〈◊〉 was worth but little more than 20 Marks one ye● with another . That sublunary things ebb and flow , 〈◊〉 no strange thing to be wondered at , it is so common 〈◊〉 observation . Though the Citizens this year enjoy 〈◊〉 their Liberties without interruption , the former preten● proving vain and frivolous , and falsly grounded , yet 〈◊〉 King is said to have been grieved and displeas'd wi●● them , for that they would not at his request exchang the Liberties granted aforetime to them by the King 〈◊〉 Middlesex , for others to be had in other places . 〈◊〉 these Liberties were on either hand , I have not found . 〈◊〉 may be they had a suspicion they might be trappan'd , 〈◊〉 so be lo●ers by the change . They were excellent good , 〈◊〉 seems , at hold-fast , and did not like Childrens play , gi●● and take . Though some body should have come , 〈◊〉 promis'd them in the King's Name , that they should ha●● such and such Priviledges in exchange , and be gre●● gainers by the Bargain ; yet how could they tell he 〈◊〉 sufficient Authority from His Majesty to make so larg● a Promise ? Where were his Credentials ? I read of 〈◊〉 produced . Therefore in my opinion they had but 〈◊〉 great reason to suspect to have had the Dy put upo● them , should they have parted with present Priviledg●● in hopes of future Graces . A Bird in the hand is commonly reputed worth two in the bush : But when th● Bird is carelesly let slip , and flown , who is that skilf●● Fowler , that can be sure of catching a better , or perhaps any at all ? In the 34th year Simon Fitz Marr , Alderman of London , for his disobedience & evil Counsel given to the above-named Widdow , with other secret labour and matters by him intended to the City's hurt , was discharg'd of his Aldermanship , and put out of the Council of the City . It behov'd them to turn out of their Society such a one , who , in contradiction to their former order , had once before procur'd the King's Command to make them break it , and had given such Advice against them , that their Liberties were seized on , and their own City Officers for a time discarded , for no other than a pretended Crime wrongfully laid to their charge . Such false Friends and secret Enemies are most carefully to be watched against , as alwaies dangerous , too too oft destructive to humane Societies . In the 36th year was granted by the King , that an yearly Allowance should be made of 7 l. for certain Priviledges or Ground belonging to Paul's Church , which Fabian tells us continued also to be allowed in his days by the Barons of the Exchequer to every She●iff , when they make their Accounts . This same year was also granted , for the Citizens more ●ase , that where●s before they us'd yearly to present their Mayor to the King , in whatsoever place he was in England , that hence●orth they should , for lack of the King's presence at Westminster , present the Mayor , when Chosen , to the Ba●ons of his Exchequer , there to be sworn and admitted , as before-times he was before the King. Joh. Toleson Mayor , Will. Durham , Tho. Wymborn then Sheriffs . In the 37th ●ear was granted , That no Citizen should pay Scavage ●that is , Shewage ) or Toll for any Beasts by them ●rought , as they before-time had . The swelling of Thames this year drowned many houses about the wa●er side , to the damage of much Merchandise . Thames is one of the best friends the City has , by whose means their Riches grow and increase , by importing and exporting her Citizens Wares . 'T is also a fast friend even in adversity , which the power and malice of her Enemies have never yet depriv'd her of , and yet you here find that she sometimes receives damage even from so good a friend . If the best friends may sometimes accidentally injure us , what would our Enemies do , were their power as large as their malice ? For these two last years past , you may here perceive the favour K. Henry openly shew'd to the City , by the beneficial Grants he made her Citizens . Yet in the 38th that Tyde is turn'd by procurement of Rich. Earl of Cornwall , the King's Brother , for displeasure he bare to the City , for exchange of certain Ground to the same belonging : So that the King , under colour that the Mayor had not done due Execution upon the Bakers , for default in their Sizes , seized the Liberties of the City . The offence pretended in the 25th year , was , that the Mayor had received a certain Sum of Money of Bakers , Brewers , and other Victuallers , which his Predecessors also had done before him . In this 38th year here is another pretence found out . What an easie matter is it , for such to pretend faults , who must not be contradicted , or at least not without a great deal of caution and circumspection ? The manner of this Seizure , according to the Author , is thus to be understood , That whereas the Mayor and Commonalty of the City had by the King's Grant , the City to Farm , with divers Customs and Offices , for a stinted ascertained Sum , the King at this time set in Officers at his pleasure , which were accountable to him for all Revenues and Profits accruing and arising within the City . But about the 19th of Novemb. the Citizens having agreed with the foresaid Earl for 600 Marks , they were soon after restor'd unto their Liberties . Oh the powerful commanding force of Money , that can so often make enemies friends , and friends enemies ! The Mayor this year , Rich. Hardell , being sent for , with the Sheriffs , by the King , newly come to London , and lodg'd in the Tower , fared better in this year's Mayoralty , than he did within some few years after , wherein he continued Mayor . For being taxt by the King for the escape of one , that had slain a Prior related to the King , he put off the charge of this matter from himself to the Sheriffs , for so much as to them belong'd the keeping of the City-Prisons . Whereupon he returned home , and the Sheriffs , Rob. Belyngton , and Ralph Aschewye were detain'd for a space P●isoners , and others chosen in their places ; but how they got off my Author sets not down . In the 39th year Edw. the King's Son's Wife was honourably received at London by the Citizens , and the City adorn'd with rich Cloaths for the more state . Yet notwithstanding all this Respect , it was not long before the King seiz'd their Liberties anew for certain Money , which the Q. claim'd for her right of them . So that about Martins-tyde they were in a manner necessitated to give her 400 Marks , before their Liberties were restor'd them , and the King's Under-Treasurer discharg'd , who for the time was made Custos or Keeper of the City . What , had she no other way to recover her Money , if it was due , but the Cities Liberties must presently be seized on ? The King's Brother had got well the last year , by falling out with the City , and getting their Liberties seiz'd . Was it not then , do ye think , cunningly done of the Queen , to try the same trick over again ? 'T was , it seems , too gainful a project , to suffer it quietly to lye still without further prosecution , before it grew too stale . Though the Citizens and their Franchises were thus carpt at by Court-Favourites , yet we find them still continuing their won●ed respect to the King and Queen , when they came to London , where they were honourably received this very same year , and so convey'd to Westminster . When the Citizens had to do with the Court , and the King was pleased to interest himself in the affair , History tells 〈◊〉 that they were more than once compelled to draw the● purses for Peace sake and Reconciliation , but when they had their other fellow Subjects to deal with , they proved Matches hard enough ; as particularly in their sui● with the Abbot of Waltham , which was at last accorded in the 40th year to their own advantage . Come we now to the 41th year , a year not lightly to be forgotten by the worthy Citizens , and such a● bear any respect to this honourable City , by reason o● the many troubles that the Heads thereof underwent a● this time , through the power and malice of some ill disposed Persons , who bore no Good will to this ancien● foundation . Hitherto we have met with but light Skirmishes , a few trivial matters , in comparison of wha● you shall here find related out of Fabian , to have happened in the Mayoralty of Richard Hardell , and Shrievalties of Rich. Ewell and William Ashwey . A. C. 1257 ▪ The Relation is as followeth , almost word by word . In this 41th year , and beginning of the same , wa● found in the Kings Wardrobe at Windsor , a Bill or Rol● closed in green Wax , and not known from whence it should come , in which was contained divers Articles against the Mayor and Rulers of the City , and that by them the Commonalty of the City was grievously taxed and wronged , which Bill was presented at length to the King. Whereupon he sent John Mansel , one of his Justices , unto London , where , on St. Paul's day , by th● Kings Authority , he called a Folk-moot , or Common-Hall , at Pauls-Cross , there being present Richard d● Clare , Earl of Gloucester , and divers others of the King● Council . Whereupon the said John Mansel caused the said Roll to be read before the Commonalty , and afte● shewed to the People , that the Kings pleasure and mind was , that they should be ruled with Justice , and tha● the Liberties of the City should be maintained in every point ; and if the King might know those Persons that so had wronged the Commonalty , they should be grievously punished to others example . That done , John Mansel charged the Mayor , that every Alderman in his Ward should , upon the morrow following , assemble his Wardmoots , and that all those Wardmoots should assemble in one place , and choose of themselves 36 Persons , without any Counsel or advice of any of their Aldermen , and present them before the Lords and him at the same hour the next day , in the Bishops Pallace at Pauls . Upon the morrow all was done according to his Command . When the said 36 Persons were presented before the said John Mansel , Henry Baa , Justices , and others , he said unto them , that they upon their Oaths should certifie all such persons as they knew guilty in the Articles before shewed to the Commonalty . Whereupon the 36 answered , that it was contrary to ●heir Liberties to be sworn so many , for any matter of Trespass between the King and any of his Citizens . Wherefore they required a sparing ; with which answer John Mansel being discontented , warned them to appear before the Kings Council at Guild-hall upon the morrow following , where they kept their day . Thither ●ame the said Justices , John Mansell and Hen. Baa , Sir Hen. Wengham , Chancellour of England , Philip Lovel , Under treasurer , and divers others of the Kings Council . Then the said John Mansell exhorted the said Persons ●o be sworn by many means , as he the other day had ●one ; but all was in vain : For they excused themselves , ●at it was contrary to their Oath and Liberty of their City . Wherefore the Kings Council departed from the Hall in part discontented , and shewed to the King the ●id Citizens demeanour . Upon Candlemas Eve the Mayor being warned that the King would come to Westminster , he , with the more part of the Aldermen , ●ode to Knightsbridge , and tarried there to salute the King , and know his further pleasure . But when th● King came near that place , and heard of their bein● there , he sent to them an Esquire of the Houshold , an● charged them that they should not presume to come i● to his sight ; with which message they being great●● discomforted , returned home to the City . Afterward● in the Octaves of the Purification , Michael Tony an● Adam Basynge returned from Court , who before we●● sent by the Mayor to such Friends as they had in th● Court , to know the cause of the Kings high displeasur● and brought word back , that the King was well minded towards the City , but he was in full purpose to hav● such persons chastized , that had oppressed the Commo●alty of the same . Upon the morrow following came u● to the Guild Hall John Mansell , with others of th● Kings Council , who , to the People there assemble● shewed many fair and pleasant words . Amongst whic● he declared , that the Kings Mind and Will was , to co●rect all such persons , as had oppressed the Commonalty of that his dearest beloved City , and asked of the Co●mons whether they would be agreeable to the sam● ▪ The which , incontinently , many such as knew litt●● what the matter meant , cried without discretion , Ye● ▪ Yea , Yea , nothing regarding the Liberty of the City After the grant thus had of the Commons , the said Jo●● Mansell discharged the Mayor , Sheriffs , and Chambe●lain of their Offices , and delivered the Custody thereunto the Constable of the Tower , and put in the roo● of the Sheriffs Michael Tony , and John Audrian . A● over that all Rolls of Tolls and Tallages , before mad● were delivered unto the said John Mansel , which 〈◊〉 there sealed , and redelivered to the Chamberlain . Wh●● the Commons had beheld all this business , they return●● unto their Houses all confused . Do we wonder at the Commons readiness in this afair , that they , who usually have been such brisk assert● of their Liberties , should now be the occasional cause of bringing them into danger ? We may suppose that this was no proper Common-Hall , but rather called by an order from Court , and filled with the populace ; for in those days I do not find there was any express Act made by King , Lords and Commons , in being , to forbid the Council Table from intermeddling in Civil Causes , and determining of the Subjects Liberties , or so to regulate its Jurisdiction , Power , and Authority , as to leave such matters to be tried and determined in the ordinary Courts of Justice , and by the ordinary course of Law. Or else we conclude the Restriction of the Common-Hall to the Livery-Men was not then in use ; so that the Rabble being intermixt , it might be no hard matter to get a ●ry raised by some of them in favour of the proceedings ●hen on foot . The Mobile being as liable to be wrought ●pon by fear , or fair promises , as the great and rich to be corrupted by the hopes of Honours and Preferments , ●nd the favour of more potent Grandees ; while as the ●iddle sort of People , like the golden mean between ●wo Extreams , are not generally so capable of being ●rawn aside after the lure , being too many to be brib'd , ●nd not few enough to be frighted ; not so high and wealthy as to aspire after greater Grandeur , nor so low , ●ean and despicable , as to be imposed upon by the empty ●ames of Greatness and Honour without Virtue , sprung ●p at first from Vice , and nourished by and amidst re●eated Debaucheries . This matter thus ordered , John Mansell , with divers ●f the Kings Council , kept their Courts daily ( the Sun●ays except ) till the 1st Sunday of Lent , which that yea●●as Jan. 25. calling before him 12 Wards of the Ci●y ; out of every of which Wards were taken 3 men , ●o that 36 men were impannelled , and sworn , to enquire ●f the aforesaid Articles , and what Persons of the City ●ad offended in them . This Court being thus kept and holden at Guild-Hall , no man was called to answer , nor no question put to any Person by the said Inquest , or any other . Upon the foresaid 1st Sunday of Lent , the Mayor , Aldermen , and Sheriffs , with the forementioned Inquest , and 4 men of every Ward were charged to appear at Westminster before the King , at which appearance they were countermanded till the next morning . At which season coming into the Kings Exchequer , they found sitting there the Earls of Glocester and Warwick , Joh. Mansell , Hen. Baa , Justices , the Constable of the Tower , the Custos of the City and divers others of the Kings Council . Then was called by name Ralph ( Richard ) Hardell , that year Mayor , Nicholas Batts , Nicholas Fiz Josne , Mathew Bockerel , John Tolesham , and John 〈◊〉 Minoure , Aldermen . Then John Mansell said , that the King by his Laws and Inquisition of the Citizens , had found them culpable , that they had wronged and hurt the Commonalty of his City by divers means , as by the sai● Inquisition appeared , and forthwith caused it to be read before them . When the more part thereof was read , he said unto them , Thus may you see that the Commonalty of the City hath been by you grievously oppressed and by your means and Counsel the Commonwealth 〈◊〉 the same destroyed , as by altering of the Tolls , and othe● good ancient Customs , turning them to your singular advantage and lucre All which matters the said Ralp● ( Richard ) and his Company denied , and that the Commons were not grieved or hurt by them , or any of them by any such means , and offered to be justified and judged by the Law and Customs of the City . Then He●●● Baa , Justice , asked of them , whether they would abi●● the adventure of the Inquiry that they had heard re●● before , 〈◊〉 stand upon the saying of the other Ward that yet had not be●n sworn , but they kept to their 〈◊〉 Answer . There John Mansell asked of the Mayor , wh●● was their Law and Custom . The Mayor answered 〈◊〉 said , that for trespass of a Citizen done against the King , he should defend himself by 12 Citizens , for Murder or slaying of a man , by 30 Citizens , and for trespass against a stranger by the Oath of six and himself . Then after many reasons made by the said John Mansell , and also by the Mayor and Aldermen , day was given them to appear the morrow before the King and his Councel . Upon the day following , the King , with many of his Lords sitting in the Exchequer , the aforesaid Inquisition was read . That done , the Mayor and Aldermen were called in by name , and two Aldermen more , which before were not called , viz. Arn●ld Thedmare , and Henry Waldmode . When Ralph ( Richard ) Hard●ll had heard ●he King speak in the matter , he took such fear , that he ●nd Nicholas Batt , without further Answer , put them●elves in the King's grace , saved to them their Li●erties and Franchises of the City . But the other six ●esought the King of his wisdom , that they might be ●●dged after the Laws and Customs of the City . Then was laid to their charge , that over many wrongs by ●hem done to the King and the Commonalty of the Ci●y , they had alter'd the King's Beam , and order'd it to ●e advantage of themselves , and other rich men of the City . Whereupon the Parties answered and said , That ●e alteration of the Beam was not done by them only , but 〈◊〉 the advice and consent of 500 of the best of the City . ●or where before-time the Weigher used to lean his ●raught toward the Merchandise , so that the buyer had ●y that means 10 or 12 pounds in a draught to his ad●antage , and the seller so much disadvantage ; now for ●●differency and equality of both persons , it was or●ain'd that the Beam should stand upright , the cleft ●ereof inclining to neither party , as in weighing of ●old and Silver , and the buyer to have allowed of the 〈◊〉 , for all things four pounds only in every draught . ●fter these Reasons , and others by them made , the King commanded that upon the morning following , a Folk-moot should be called at Paul's Cross , and so that Court was dissolved , and the Mayor and the others returned to London . Upon the morrow the Folk-moot being at Paul's Cross Assembled , these six . Aldermen hearing the murmuring of the common people , and knowing that the Aldermen , or Worshipful of the City should have little or no saying in this matter , and fearing their Cause , they went into a Canon's house of St. Paul's , where at that time John Mansell and others sent from the King , tarryed the Assembling of the People , and shewed them , that they intended not any longer to plead with the K. but were contented to put themselves fully in the King's grace and mercy , saving alwaies to themselves and all other Citizens their Liberty and Franchise of the City . After which Agreement John Mansell with the others , came into the Court of Folk-moot , whereunto the people was rehearsed a fair and pleasant Tale , promising to them , that their Liberties should be wholly and inviolably preserved by the King , with many other things , to the great comfort of the common people . And lastly , it was asked of them whether the Law and Custom were such as is above rehearsed , or no ; whereunto , like undiscreet and unlearned people , they answered and eryed , Nay , nay , nay , notwithstanding that the said Law and Custom had before-time been used time out of mind . To this was neither Mayor nor Aldermen , nor other of the great of the City , that might impugn or make any reason for upholding their antient Laws or Customs . And no wonder ( continues my Author Fabian ) though the King were thus heady or grievous to the City ; for by such evil disposed and malicious people , as he had about him , the Land was ill ruled , and much mischief was used , whereof ensued much sorrow after . Then John Mansell called the Mayor and Aldermen before him , and charged them to be at Westminster the morrow following , to give attendance upon the King. Upon the morrow the Mayor and Aldermen tarrying the King's coming in the great Hall at Westminster , the King came into St. Stephen's Chappel , where for a season he had a Council with his Lords , & after went into the Exchequer-Chamber , and there sate him down and his Lords about him . Anon after the Mayor and Aldermen were called into the said Chamber , and soon after called by name , and commanded to stand near the Bar. Then Henry Baa Justice , said unto the Mayor and 7 Aldermen , That for so much as by form of the King's Laws , they were found culpable in certain Articles , touching transgression against the King , therefore the Court awarded , that they should make fine and ransom after the discretion of the said Court. But for that they had put themselves in the King's grace and mercy , the King hath commanded the Fine to be put in respite , that ye be not pained so grievously , as ye have deserved . After which Judgment g●ven they kneeled down , and then the Mayor , with weeping Tears , thanked the King for the bounty and goodness , and besought him to be a good and gracious Lord to the City , and unto them as his faithful Subjects : Whereunto the King made no Answer , but rose straight up , and so went his way , leaving them there . Anon as the King was departed , they were all arrested and kept there till they had found Surety , and every Alderman of them discharg'd of his Ward and Office , that they had within the City . But shortly after they put in Sureties , and so returned heavily to London . Shortly after was William Fitz Richard by the K. Commandment made Mayor , & Thomas Fitz Thomas and William Grapsysgate Sheriffs . After this , day by day the Chamberlain was call'd to Account before John Mansell of all such Tolls , as were gathered in the time of the Mayoralty of John T●lesha● , and Ralph ( Richard ) Hardell , there being present to hear the said Account divers of the Commonalty of the City , but none o● the Heads . By which Account no default might be laid to any of the forenamed persons convict before the King. By reason whereof divers of them were admitted to the King's favour shortly after , and restor'd to their Offic●s again , but not without paying of money , whereof the certain●y is not known , saith my Author . What a broil was here ? What endeavours us'd to find faults , to set the King at difference with his Loyal Citizens , and keep them from Reconciliation ? A Bedroll of Crimes and Ostences devised , made and formed , and none to own it , l●st they themselves should at la●● be punish'd for those wrong Accus●tions , which they had laid to other mens charges , and could not we● prove . What was this but to make divisions betwee● the Commons and their Head Rulers ? To pretend t● oblige the one , and depress the other ? Divide an● Reign was a Maxim put in use before ever Machiav●● was in being . What pray now was all this for Was it not to weaken the City's Power ? To mak● the Rich appear Offenders , and then seem to lay obl●gations upon them , by pardoning what they were n●ver real●y and d●signedly gui●ty of ? Or else to 〈◊〉 Money out of their hands , and yet persuade people that they were favourably deal● with ? You may he●● see their actions were in a manner wire-drawn to b● made offences , and their Accounts s●●rcht , to pick 〈◊〉 somewhat to lay to their charge . And yet how visibl● were all the tricks and devices of ill men frustrated and sappointed the very sa●e way , whereby they though to have confirm'd and made good their malicious D●signs ; when , after all their searches , they were in sort compel●'d to approve the others faultless , whol●● doubtl●s● 〈◊〉 their minds , wills , purposes , and in●●ntions ? How hard a matter had it been for the a●cured clearly to have deseated ill mens suggestions , 〈◊〉 not they themselves pav'd them the way , by searching into their accounts , where it seems no faults were to be found to make good their accusations ? Let those transactions be brought into open Court , which before were wont to be done privately , and then all the present Auditors are made Judges of the reasonableness of the proceedings . Here were large imputations , and yet the accused suffered to go at freedom , and not clapt up , till they were frightened into submission . What! Could they get none to swear roundly against them ? Never an outlandish Evidence , for love nor mony , for fear , favour , nor affection , & then clap them up in Prison , not letting them see the faces of their Accusers ? Why did not they search their houses , seize upon their Trunks and Boxes , and so rake into their private Writings , to ferret out some Crimes out of them ; or else , in defect thereof , privily foist in something criminal and blameworthy , and afterwards openly produce it , and with full cry and ●oud exclamations , impose the belief thereof on their credulous Partizans , as if really found upon them ? We need not stay for the revolution of Plato's year , expecting former Transactions to be acted over again . Are any of us such strangers in Jerusalem , as not to know the things which have come to pass there in the latter days ? As the Heads of the City in this Richard Hard●ll's Mayoralty had their share of troubles and affl●ctions , as hath been related above , so the Commons were not without their care likewise : For Wheat is said this year ●o have been so scarce , that it was sold at London at 24 ● . ● Quarter . Scarcity of Corn in those days made this a considerable summ . D●arer we are told it would have been , had not some been brought out of another Coun●ry which made People flock to the City , because 't was ●heaper there than in many Shires of England . This is the year wherein the K. kept his high Court ●f Parliament at Oxford , which of some Writers is named the mad Parliament ; because of many Acts there mad● for Reformation of the State , the prosecution of which prov'd in event the death and destruction of many Nob●● Men , by means of that famed strife then begun , an● called at this day the Barons War. True , the accidental Consequences proved fatal to many : But if unfortunate broils give to any Laws the denomination of evil ▪ I know not but in time some may grow so presumptuously bold , as upon the like account prophanely to bran● even the Christian Religion , which we have been assured at first from the divine Oracles , should prove th● occasion of much strife in the world , and the Experience of these latter times confirm it plain enough to our Understandings . Whether the forementioned Parliamen● justly and really deserves the opprobrious Title , th●● some have given it , I shall very willingly submit to the Judgment of any experienc'd Reader , who hath throughly perused , weighed , and considered the Equity , Justice , and reasonableness of the English Liberties and Priviledges , contained in the grand Charter , sealed and given to the Nation by K. John , Father to this Hen. 3 d , which was confirmed in this very same Oxford Parliament , according to Matthew Paris , as the chief thing then desired and insisted on by the Nobles , and whereon were likewise grounded the other Acts and Ordinances then , and there , made by the King and his Lords ▪ For that the King , his Brethren , the Noblemen and B●rons , took their Oaths to see the same observed , I appeal to Stow's Annals for proof . That these Acts might be kept firm and stable , we read of 12 Peers then chosen , to whom Authority was given , to correct all such as offended in breaking of these Ordinances and others , by the said Peers to be devised and ordered , touching and concerning the same matter and purpose . It was not long after the end of this Parliament , before strife and variance began to kindle between the King and the Earls of Leicester and Glocester , by reason of such Officers as the Earls had removed , and put others in their room . Amongst which John Mansell ( of whom enough is mentioned above ) was discharged of his Office , and Sir Hugh Bygot admitted for him . Upon occasion of this difference beginning to arise between the King and his Barons , we meet with an eminent Instance of the City's Power and esteem , for when the Peers heard of the murmur at Court , fearing that the King would be advised to alter his Promise , to make their party the stronger , they are said to have come about Maudlintide to the Guild-Hall at London , where the Mayor , Aldermen , and Commonalty of the City were assembled , to whom they shewed an Instrument or Writing , ( at which hung many Labels with Seals , as the King's Seal , Edward his Son's Seal , with many others of the Nobles of the Land. ) wherein were contained the Articles ordained and made at Oxford , willing ( as saith the Book ) the Mayor and Aldermen , ( considering the said Acts were made to the Honour of God , Fidelity to the King , and profit of the Realm , ) that they would also in upholding of the same set their common Seal of the City thereto . After this Request the Mayor and Citizens at first indeed desired to be excused , till they knew the Kings Pleasure ; but no excuse at that time being to be granted , at last , by the labour of the Lords , and such solicitors as they had within the City , the common Seal was put to the forementioned Writing , and the Mayor , with divers of the City , sworn to maintain the same , their Allegiance saved to the King , with preservation of their Liberties and Franchises . After this obtain'd we find the 12 Peers assembling day by day , ( as if now they feared no colours , the City being on their side , and valued no ones Threats , ) keeping their Councils and Courts for the Reformation of old grievances , removing from the King divers of his Menial Servants , and setting others in their places ; and moreover a Proclamation comes forth , that none of the Kings Takers should take any thing within the City without the owners will , ( except a small customary matter therein excepted ) upon which what the Kings Officers took , was straight paid for within the City and Liberty of the same , and so continued to be for a while Can any one then desire a better proof of the City's repute in those days ? Yet within few years following we shall meet with more Instances of her power in the History . In the 42d year Sir Hugh Bygot , with Rog●● Turkelay , and others , kept his Court at St. Saviours , and held there the Itinerary Pleas , to the sore punishment ●● many convicted offending Officers . Though this Hugh Bygot was put in by the Peers to reform ( as may be supposed ) old grievances , yet power seems to have made him also go astray , or else corruption , or to collogu● with another party . Whereof the City in General wa● like to have tasted deeply , could he have had his Will some of the particular Citizens scaped him not ; for h● summoned the Citizens to the aforesaid Court , for Toll taken on the further side of the Water : And though it was answered , that they were taken lawfully , and they were ready to prove it in places and Court convenien● within the Precinct of their Liberty . Yet notwithstanding he charged upon Inquest 12 Knights of Surry to enquire thereof , who acquitted the Citizens , and shewe● that the said Toll belonged to them of Right . Afterwards coming to Guild-Hall , he kept his Court an● Pleas there , ( according to my Author ) without all order of Law , and contrary to the Liberties of the City ▪ infl●cting new punishments on the Bakers , and ordered many things at his Will. This year the Citizens had opportunity of shewing their Respect to the Kings Brother , Ricbard Earl ●● Cornwall , coming over from beyond Sea ( where he had been dealing in the affairs of the Empire ) unto London , where he was joyfully received , the City being richly hang'd with Silk and Arras . In the 43d year John Gysours being Mayor , and John Adrian , and Robert Cornhill Sheriffs , Fryday after Simon and Jude's day we hear of the reading in the Parliament kept at Westminster , in presence of all the Lords and Commonalty , at sundry times , of all the Acts and Ordinances made at Oxford , with other Articles added by the Peers . After which reading we find all those very solemnly accursed , that attempted in word or deed to break the said Acts , or any of them . The Form of the Curse which was most solemnly denounced against the Violaters and Infringers of Magna Charta , is to be seen in Matthew of Paris ; and this here intimated was in probability much like that , which I find in a modern Author thus Englished . BY the Authority of God Omnipotent , of the Son , and of the Holy Gh●st , and of the glorious Mother of God the Virgin Mary , and of the bl●ssed Apostles Peter and Paul , and of all other Apostles , and of the holy Martyr and Archbishop Thomas , and of all the Martyrs , and of the blessed Edward , King of England , and of all Confessors and Virgins , and of all the Saints of God : We excommunicate , and Anathematize , and sequester from our ●oly Mother the Church , all those which henceforth knowingly and maliciously shall deprive or spoil the Church of her right ; and all those that shall by any Art or Wit rashly violate , diminish or change , secretly or openly , in deed , word or Counsel , by crossi●g in part or in whole , those Ecclesiastical Liberties or ancient approved Customs of the Kingdom , especially the Liberties and free Customs which are contained in the Charters of the Common Liberties of England , and the Forrests granted by our Lord the King to the Archbishops , Bishops , Prelates , Earls , Barons , Knights and Freeholders . And all those who have published , or being published have observed any Statutes , Ordinances thing against them , or any thing therein contained , which have brought in any Customs to the contrary , or 〈◊〉 served them being brought in , and all Writers of such O●dinances , or Councils , or Executioners and all such as sh● presume to judge according to such Ordinances : All 〈◊〉 every such Persons as are , or at any time shall be , knowingly guilty of any such matters shall , ipso facto , incur th● Sentence : & such as are ignorantly guilty shall incur the sa●● if being admonished , they within 15 days after amend 〈◊〉 For everlasting memory whereof we hereunto put our Sea● Thus far the words of the Curse : Nor was the ma●ner of pronouncing less solemn in open Parliament . 〈◊〉 King with all the chief Nobility of the Realm in the Robes , and the Bishops in their Vestments , with bu●●ing Tapers in their Hands , standing to hear this 〈◊〉 read , and immediately as soon as the Charters and 〈◊〉 were read , and signed , all throwing down their Tape●● extinguished , and smoaking , cry out , So let all 〈◊〉 who incur this Sentence , and go against this Curse , 〈◊〉 extinct , and have no better savour than these Snuffs : 〈◊〉 then the King , having stood all this while with 〈◊〉 hand upon his Breast , said with a loud voice , So 〈◊〉 me help , I will observe all these things sincerely and fait●fully , as I am a man , as I am a Christian , as I am Knight , and as I am a King crowned and anointed . But what could any one think these so solemn 〈◊〉 would avail , without a suitable Power and strength Arms to make them good per force ? When as 〈…〉 known , that there lived in those days a Clergy-man Rome , who pretended to dispense even with the Almig●ty's Laws , whose Power was at that time openly pr●fessed to be believed sufficient by the ●●nerality of E●rope , to absolve all manner of Oaths and Covenant● and from whom Dispensations more than a good ma● might be had for Money . The confirmation of the fo●mentioned Acts we may believe well paid for by the Parliament : For we read of a Tax called Scutage , that ●s , 40 s. of every Knights Fee through England , then granted to the King , which extended to a large summ of Money , viz. Six score Thousand Pounds or more ▪ For upon occasion of this large Tax , I find the number of the Knights Fees in England , at those days in posses●ion of Spiritualty and Temporalty , summ'd up by my Author to 60000 l. and above . Upon supposition that ●he Clergy paid nothing , it is said that the Tax would ●ot have amounted over the summ of 64000 l. where●y we may guess what a deal of the Land , even almost ●ne half , was then belonging to the Clergy . Devotion ▪ as the times went then ) brought forth Riches , and the Daughter since devoured the Mother . Nov. the 6th we are told the King came to St. Pauls , and command●ng a Folk-moot to be assembled , according to the for●er Ordinances made , asked license of the Commonal●y of the City to pass the Sea , and promised there in ●resence of a great multitude of People , that he would ●e a good and gracious Lord unto the City by the ●outh of Sir Hugh Bygot , Chief-Justice , and to main●ain their Liberties unhurt ; whereupon the People for ●y made an exceeding shout . Observe here the turn of ●hings , the Courtiers seem to have sought , not long time ●●nce to oppress the Head Rulers of the City , by a Folk-●oot of the Commons : Now the King to prevent the ●ffect of ill mens advice , hath bound himself to ask their ●ave , before he goes out of the Land for a season . E're while the Folk-moot or Common-Hall was abused to ●●rve for a property , to destroy their own Cities Liber●●es . Now the conservation of the whole Nations wel●●re is put into their hands . What greater Evidence can ●e demanded to prove this Honourable Cities Power ●nd Influence , than to find the Citizens entrusted by ●ing , Lords and Commons , with so high a charge ? We may presume the Reason of entrusting the Commons of the City with so large a Grant , as the Kin● could not pass the Sea without License first obtain'● of them , was to prevent the Evil and Mischief , th●● might happen to the Land by advice of ill Counsello● who might be persuading the King at every turn to g● out of the Realm , he having also Lands beyond the 〈◊〉 that they might have the better opportunity to 〈◊〉 out their own ends , though to the Peoples oppressio● in his absence . What trouble , affliction and oppressio● the land suffered , under this Kings Uncle Richard th● first 's Imprisonment , at the Hands of the Kings Office●● who rak'd and pill'd what they could of Clergy 〈◊〉 Laity , on pretence of raising Money for the Kings R●demption , I had rather send the Reader back to pag. to satisfie himself , where I have related somwhat of th● charge of the Kings Ransom , than stay to repeat it ov●● again . A fuller description the curious may meet wi●● in Neubrigensis , l. 4 cap. 35. treating particularly ther●of . Some I believe may have observed in these unsettl●● times , that they have fared much better , and more e●sily avoided the malitious attempts of their Fellow Su●jects , who have liv'd as it were in the Sunshine of th● Kings pres●nce , than such , who being many scores , ●● may be Hundreds of Miles distant , have liv'd ( so ●● phrase it ) in the shadow . I know not but 〈◊〉 ●resence of the head Governour 〈◊〉 as needful always 〈…〉 , as is the General in 〈◊〉 Army . Cert●in enough it is by the History , that 〈◊〉 this Kin● Henry was thus absent from his Kingdom , 〈…〉 ways in France , that Dissention arose'● Engla●d , between the Kings Son Edward , and the 〈◊〉 of Gloucest●r , which might have immediately broug●● no small trouble to the Land , had not there been gre●● endeavours used to prevent it , wherein this Honourab●● City shew'd much of her care and vigilance . Wh●● the occasion of this difference was I have not yet read , ●ut to appease it I find a Counsel of the Lords called 〈◊〉 Westminster ( Fabian gives it likewise the Title of a Parliament ) which continued Three weeks and more . To this Council came the Lords with great companies , ●articularly the two contesting Parties , intending it seems 〈◊〉 have lodg'd within the City . So desirous , so ambiti●us of pretending to London's favour , that such seem 〈◊〉 have thought the bare lodging therein might have ●dded to their strength . But upon the Mayors consult●●g with such , as the King had left Rulers in his Ab●●nce , and through the advice of the King's Brother , it ●as concluded that neither the said Edward , nor the said ●arl should come into the City there to lodge , nor any ●●at held upon either side . And further it was provi●ed , that all within the City , of the Age of 15 years , ●nd above , should be in Arms , to watch and keep the ●ity day and night , and that the Gates should be kept ●ut by day , and certain men in Arms keep every Gate 〈◊〉 the City . For the further safeguard of the City , and 〈◊〉 keeping of the Peace therein , the aforementioned ●ulers came into London , and there lodged with their ●ompanies , and such other persons as they assigned to ●●rengthen the City , if need required . Do people 〈◊〉 mathematical Demonstration ? Look here and see , ●hat care's taken to keep the City safe , and harmless , ●nd in Peace , as if then the Land must needs be in ●uiet too : Preserve the City and its just Liberties , and ●●en the Nations Quietness , Peace , and Safeguard is ●●rongly secured . Behold here the Eyes of the Nation 〈◊〉 upon the City of London , and her Actions , and ●here's the party that dare strike , while she Guards ●●eps and preserves the Kings Peace , while he is ●●eased to busie himself in foreign Countries ? Such as ●ill not believe , but what they see , and so know , let ●●em here credit their own Eyes , if they be not Popish Transubstantiators , or shut them to keep the light 〈◊〉 After the King was returned to London from 〈◊〉 the Sea , by his order , many of their lodgings 〈◊〉 altered , direction was taken between the aforesaid 〈◊〉 testing Parties , and a new Assembly of Parliament 〈◊〉 signed . Anno 44. William Fitz Richard being Mayor , 〈◊〉 Browning , Richard Coventre , Sheriffs , after Candl●●●● by the Kings Command , a Folk-Moot was called 〈◊〉 Pauls-Cross , whither he came in person , with his B●●ther Richard , King of the Romans , and many oth●● Nobles , and commanded the Mayor , that every str●●ling of 12 Years and above , should before his ●●dermen be sworn the day following , to be true to 〈◊〉 King , and his Heirs , Kings of England , and that 〈◊〉 Gates of the City should be kept with armed Men , 〈◊〉 before was determined . Not long after this we 〈◊〉 of more suspicions of a breach between the King 〈◊〉 his Barons , which in few years broke out into an 〈◊〉 War. What did all this swearing then avail ? Those amo●●● the Children of men , who look abroad into the world 〈◊〉 take notice of the common course of the Generality of 〈◊〉 living , or are much conversant with the Monuments 〈◊〉 the dead may find it no very difficult matter to obser●● that let men take never so many Oaths , make never so ●●ny Covenants , Promises , and Compacts , that if they 〈◊〉 come to have Apprehensions , that those , to whom th● have sworn themselves , endeavour to make use of th● religious Ties , and Obligations , designed at first 〈◊〉 mutual preservation , to encroach upon their Liber●● deprive them of their Priviledges , their Properti●● their Birth-rights , to the enslaving of them and th● whole Posterity , all former Subscriptions , Oaths , 〈◊〉 Promises , Pacts and Covenants , will scarce avail 〈◊〉 with the most . But if Experience should chanc● legitimate their doubts and Fears by the others actual endeavours in the open face of the World , it is rarely seen , but that , notwithstanding past transactions , they will make the greatest opposition , they can , against the others arbitrary pretences : And so all former religious Bonds are snapt asunder like Tow burnt by the Fire . They who imposed Oaths for such ill intents , might have considered , if they pleased , that many in such cases would not have scrupled at all to have broke them ; Or if any of the more devout had been a little ●●icer , they could not doubtless be ignorant in those days , what Remedies might have been bought for Money out of the Popes publick Store-house , if other common ways of Evasion would not have pass'd currant with them . How many of that nature have ●affed up and down in the World , it may not be unwor●hy of our consideration sometimes to revolve in our minds , if it be a thing feasible to bring them within ●hat compass . True indeed , ( quoth the subtile Sophi●ter ) I have sworn Allegiance , but a latter lesser Tie 〈◊〉 invalid , when a greater Obligation lies upon me . True , an Oath lies upon me ; but here 's my Liberty , Life and Religion lying all at stake . I was born free , what can dispense with me to deprive me of my Birth-●ight ? Life is sweet , Self-preservation is near and ●ear to me , by the Instinct of Nature . 'T is natural to ●reated Beings to defend their Lives against such as ●●ould destroy them : what then can oblige me to suf●er my Life violently to be taken away by anothers in●●ry , whenas I dare not deprive my self thereof by my ●wn Endeavours , unless I will run into so foul an Of●●nce , so unnatural a Fact , as to proclaim my self to ●●e World a Self-Murtherer , and so force my Soul to ●y out of my Body , before I know 't is my Creator's ●ill she should ? My Religion is to obey God above , ●●d before Man ; my Soul is his that gave it me , and where 's the Obligation that can impower me justly 〈◊〉 give away that which is not my own to bestow ? 〈◊〉 my Religion , which I believe is according to the La● of the Almighty , stand or fall at another mans pleasure Must I take the matter , manner , and height of my D●votions from the imperious dictates of another's 〈◊〉 and that too upon the account of my Oath ? Must destroy my Religion in effect , or else I cannot keep in shew ? Besides , know ye not that my Oath was co●ditional ? Mutual Bonds make mutual Obligation Service was vow'd , where Protection was promised an● expected . Can any but an Idiot be supposed to swe●● away himself to be destroyed instead of being defended Must I still pay Obedience upon account of former C●●venants , where I cannot get due Protection , and ha●● but little encouragement to expect it , though it was 〈◊〉 first promised , since that now thence I fear utter rui●● and infallible destruction instead thereof ? With 〈◊〉 Inventions some may chance to be full , and it may 〈◊〉 to make them seem more authentick , they can produ●● them under the Printer's Hand . 'T is in Print , an A●gument which may sometimes weigh much with 〈◊〉 inconfiderate , inobserving Persons , who consider 〈◊〉 how easie , how usual a thing it is to print Lies , as 〈◊〉 as tell them . Nay , to make the deeper impression , the may happen to proceed so far , as to shew us the co●mon custom and practice of many Kings and Princ● and endeavour to qualifie their own , by repeated ●●●stances and Examples of the publick Conscience , there be any such thing in nature , and it be not 〈◊〉 one of the fanciful Notions much in vogue , within th● few years , among some high-flown English Clergy 〈◊〉 who ambitiously desir'd to glory in the Title ( forsoo●● of Rational Divines . Hereto some may possibly furth●● add instances out of other Countries , where Towns 〈◊〉 Cities , standing in the borders of Kingdoms and Pri●cipalities , are often won and lost , and so pass to and fro from one state to another : And pertly ask us , what we think in our Consciences of all those , who this year took Oaths of Allegiance to one Prince , and the next year , being subdued by another , were made swear themselves his Subjects , and yet , upon a new Recovery or Treaty of Peace , being return'd to their first Soveraign ▪ could as willingly as ever swear over again their first Oath : Are such perjur'd or no ? A hard case , being under such strait inconveniences . They fought , they resisted , they opposed the Conqueror as long as they could , and when neither they could defend themselves any longer , nor was their Prince there with power to defend them , they yielded and submitted to the Almighty's Decree , and their own hard irresist●ble Fate . Such it may be , and much more might a man of a ●imble Wit urge upon the Gainsayer . But how many of these may fully satisfie a Conscience very tender and scrupulous , seems not to me so easily resolvable . If these suffice not your thinking Minds , your wandring roving Thoughts , take a turn or two in the Je●uits School , and ransack the secret recesses and retirements thereof , it 's an hundred to one , but you will here meet with Jesuitical dissimulation , doubtful equi●ocation , mental reservation , and Papal dispensation , with much of the like trash . To these let be added that pretty new device , the Popish Doctrine of probability . So that when one at ●●rst dubiously propounds an unusual , uncouth Opinion , ●nother comes after him , and lays it down more consi●●ently , upon supposition that the first broacher had a ●ood Reason in his view , although he has little or none ; ●●en in comes a third with a more brazen fac'd boldness , ●nd positively affirms it good Doctrine , because the o●hers forsooth , in his Opinion learned men , must be ●●pposed not to have wanted Reason for what they said , and then 't is no matter whether he can see a glimpse of it or no , who can with so much facility pin his Faith upon another mans sleeve . How far this novel Doctrine may go , if fruitfully improv'd , to make the shadow of Religion fit for mens corrupt desires ▪ ( since that they refuse so many of them to be brought up to the truth of Religion ) any one may easily consider , who has any consideration at all in him . But whosoever has so little Soul in him , as not to endure the Solitary Company of his own Thoughts , and is so enslaved to sense , as not to like any other Argument , let him apyly himself to the Book call'd , 〈◊〉 Provinciales , or The Mystery of Jesuitism , written at first by a Papist , of the Doctrines of some Modern , especially Jesuitical Casuists , and its truth confirm'd by the reiterated Complaints of the French Church . In th●● Book the English Reader may see how fruitful a man of a corrupt wit ( without Truth , Honesty , Religion , or Conscience , ) may be in broaching novel Opinions , and raising strange Doctrines upon the new invented Foundation of Probability . What a new form of manners this new so●● of Morality produces , in what kind of Practices the●● Principles end , the Deportment of the late Jesuits 〈◊〉 Tyburn , hath already shewn how far such debauched Principles have already went in debauching the manners of the Age ; and how far further by degrees , they may bring us in time toward Popery and Slavery , ● humbly offer to the consideration of the thinking 〈◊〉 about Town . If the Society would be pleased to accept the Petition of an English Protestant , no Turk , Jew , 〈◊〉 Heathen , ( as some would have us think the 〈◊〉 might import ) but Christian , it should be requested that since this old World is so already filled with 〈◊〉 Doctrines of theirs and suitable Practices , they wou●● transport the rest of their Inventions to the new Worl● in the Moon , if they can find the place and the passage . I am pre●ty well assured , that World , if any be , is so much estranged as yet to the Jesuits and their Doctrines by reason of the distance , that there would be little room , and less likelyhood for their reception , unless they beforehand transmit thither some of their new Divinity , to make way for gaining them some Renegado Proselite● , weary of a good old way , and desirous of a new one , be it what it will. Why may not the Jesuits be as fruitful in finding out new Worlds , as making new Morals , new Saints , new Merits ? What if I had also added , a new way of Atonement , a new Saviour , new Gospel ? When you walk along through St. Paul's Church-Yard , or by any other noted Booksellers Shop , enquire for Clari Bonarscii Amphitheatrum Honoris . Or if you have no other than your English Mother-Tongue , ask for the Memoirs of Mr. James Wadsworth , a Jesuit that recanted , where in the second Chapter , besides many other Observations and collections out of Popish Authors , you may find pag. 23. part of a Poem taken out of the foresaid Book , good enough for the form , though sufficiently bad for the matter , wherein the prophane Author at least equals the Virgin Mary's Milk to our blessed Saviour's Blood , if he does not rather seem to make the Milk exceed that most pretious Blood in Virtue . You may there read it turned in part in English Verse , with remarks thereon , together with some more of their Doctrines , and also extractions out of the Romish Psalter : And further in the same Chapter , this Clarus Bonarscius ( otherwise called Carolus Scribonius ) is said to be a Jesuit living at Antwerp , and of much account amongst them , the Author and his Book standing enroll'd , approv'd , and commended for good and Catholick , in Possevines Volumns of Writers , set out with publick allowance of the Romish State. If then this be not the bringing in of a new Religion , a new way of Salvat●on , what is ? What think ye then ? Do not these Jesuits for their new Principles and Practices deserve ●● meet with an harder Fate , than did the unfortunate ▪ though ingenious Galileo , who for that famous Invention of his Glass , and hints given of looking after a World in the Moon , was made to suffer ( as my Memory tells me I have somwhere read , ) an hard Impriso●ment , under the Notion of Heresie , on supposition th●● a new World would imply a new Saviour ? Such having been the novel Inventions of these c●●rupt , i. e. Jesuitical Wits , what then remains , ye tr●● hearted English Men , but that abhorring their debau●●ed Principles and Practices , though not hating the●● Persons , you endeavour to keep your selves far enough off from men so much given to change ? 〈◊〉 have been thus endeavouring to change the good 〈◊〉 Religion and Doctrines , by their new fangled Device and new Morals , to proselite the more to Atheism 〈◊〉 Debauchery . Who have plotted to change your Rel●gion and your Laws , to change Protestantism into Popery , a free Government into absolute Tyranny ; 〈◊〉 change your Liberties into Slavery , and many of you● Freeholds into Tenant-Lands , to a vicious Clergy an● a Popish Church . What else meant a late Papist 〈◊〉 his Tryal , who hath been reported , under the Liberty allowed by our Laws of excepting against Thirty Five of the Jury without Reason shewn , to have ●●cepted only against one , and that as being an Imp●●priator , alias a Possessor of Church-Lands ? If there 〈◊〉 not such a Report , then my Memory imposes on me if the Report was not true , Fame hath proved dece●●ful , or else I mistook her Relation . So much Atheism and Irreligion having already be●● introduced among us , and such the Tendencies to th● further debauching Mens Minds and Manners , whether then it would not be much better ( when it shall seem good to our Governours , to King , Lords and Commons assembled in the right Parliamentary way ) to casheer all needless unnecessary Oaths , and reduce the too too common custom of swearing upon every trivial occasion into a far lesser compass , judge ye . What signifies so much swearing at every turn , whenas other ways might be doubtless found out in many cases , to search out the truth with as much , if not more certainty ? Might not less swearing , and severer Penalties upon lying sometimes serve the turn ? It is plain enough , our Neighbours the Hollanders are none of the least experienced People in the World : Among them have I read 't is usual for the Judges , without giving Oaths , to search out the truth by sudden cross questions , wherein much practice hath made them very dextrous and skilful . And so they do as it were tr●pan the Trepanners , if I may use the Expression without offence . What esteem can any one think an Oath is with a man , that counts his words but breath , and his Soul Air ? Will that man value the swearing of an Oath before a Magistrate , that prophanely can rap you out an hundred upon any occasion in common Discourse , without the least Remorse ; or else is of the Popish Priest's Opinion , that swearing upon an English Bible is no more than swearing upon Aesop's Fables , i. e. a story Book , containing Tales of Cocks and Bulls , and the like ? So likely to be true is it , that some men play with Oaths as Children with Rattles , a saying or somewhat like to what I have heard imputed to Machiavel . Let such sometimes seriously consider , who have had an hand in imposing so many Oaths of late Years , whether they may not one day be called to account for some of the many Perjuries others may have occasionally run into thereby . The huding up of so many ●orts of Creeds and Doctrines together into one Volumn , and then compelling men under great Penalti●● to make Declarations and Subscriptions to them , 〈◊〉 not been the least burden , needlesly laid upon 〈◊〉 Consciences , in some places of the World. Even 〈◊〉 Creed commonly call'd the Apostles , though one 〈◊〉 the most Authentick , clearest and shortest , is not 〈◊〉 altogether void of Scruples , witness the difference ●mongst the learned about Christs descent into Hell. 〈◊〉 far shorter Creed ushered in the Aethiopian Eunu●● Baptism . I could name , in fitting time and place , so●● of the most common Oaths among us , and which man● of the most serious would not probably scruple to 〈◊〉 on good account , which nevertheless are not so ac●●rately , exactly , and cautiously composed , but a Co●science very scrupulous and tender , might be liable●● doubts and fears in taking and keeping them . Is 〈◊〉 all this adoe , so much father'd upon Religion , too 〈◊〉 often really designed to turn men out of beneficial E●ployments , that others may be let in , and someti●● proves a Snare to many tender Consciences ? If 〈◊〉 matter be honest and lawful , a truly serious good 〈◊〉 will do it without an Oath : If he esteems it otherw●●● he will not take it , nay , he will rather throw up●● than wrong his Conscience . And I think he has 〈◊〉 son besides Scripture on his side , though he should ●●pen to be in an Errour : For he that for Interest , 〈◊〉 or favour does any thing wittingly against his 〈◊〉 , in itself erroneous , and he not knowing it to 〈◊〉 so , seems to me plainly to manifest , that he would the same , though his Conscience were in the right . 〈◊〉 for an ill man , a prophane man , an Atheist , what 〈◊〉 he how many Oaths he takes , after he is once in 〈◊〉 Head and Ears , over Shoes , over Boots , so it be his secular advantage ? When Oaths , Covena●● Subscriptions , Declarations , and such like , at 〈◊〉 turn and change of the times come thick and three ●ne upon another , thwarting and crossing each other , what shall the real honest hearted man do but refuse ●hem , and so turn himself out , to the letting in men ●any times of ill Principles , and worse Practices , into ●laces of publick Trust ? How then are things likely 〈◊〉 go in any Land , when they fall into the Hands of ●●ch prophane Debauchees , who are too too often thus ●●troduced over better mens Heads , and sometimes it ●ay be designedly to serve turns ? Have we never ●eard nor read of a time , when men of debauched ●ractices and Principles were sought purposely after ? When it was a sufficient Objection against a man's pre●●rment , that he was serious and religious , a little more ●erhaps than ordinary ? Thus the wicked oft plotteth ●gainst the Righteous , who feareth an Oath , much ●ore Oaths upon Oaths , lest he should be entangled 〈◊〉 ensnared by the words of his Mouth . For breaking ●●lawful Oath , solemnly taken before God and Man , to 〈◊〉 English Ears sounds Perjury , in whatsoever De●●ee , Rank , and Quality , of any Nation , Country , ●●ct , or Faction , from the King that sitteth upon his ●hrone , to the Captive in the Dungeon , not to vary ●●om a Scripture Expression in another Case . I doubt 〈◊〉 but an Oath is very lawfully imposed in some cases , 〈◊〉 is of good avail oftentimes between Man and Man ; 〈◊〉 whether to find out the truth thereby , is so sure 〈◊〉 safely practicable among the Men of these days , I ●●mbly propose to the better Judgment of more expe●●●nced Heads to determine . How happy might the times prove , were all men as 〈◊〉 servant of their Oaths , as Joshua and the Princes of 〈◊〉 were of the League they solemnly made with 〈◊〉 Gibeonites ! And yet they were plainly ●●apanned ●●●reunto with a great-deal of Guile , Fra●d , and lying 〈◊〉 . What plausible pretences to have broken this 〈◊〉 Covenant , might they have raised from a former Command of their God , not to spare any of the Cana●●ites , nor league with them , from the notorious 〈◊〉 these fraudulent Gibeonitish Ambassadours put upon the● by their lying words , and from the murmuring of th● whole Congregation against them ? Notwithstanding all this , we find they let them live , lest Wrath shoul● have been upon them , because of the Oath they 〈◊〉 sworn unto them . And that they did well in keepin● this so solemn a league and Covenant , though obtain●● by Fraud and hastily made , we have divine Authority to assure us from the Lord , in the Three Years Famine he sent upon the Land in King David's Days fo● Saul , and his bloody House , because , in his Zeal to th● Children of Israel and Judah , he sought to slay the Gibeonites , and so violated the Oath made by their 〈◊〉 Fathers hundreds of years before . We cannot , with out the greatest breach of Charity , suppose , that 〈◊〉 holy a Man as David , one after Gods own Hea● made use of this only as a pretence to ruine and ex●●pate Saul's Family , and settle the Crown the faster 〈◊〉 his own Head , and to fix it the surer to his posterity a●ter him . If any of us were so Atheistical , as from th●● instance to look upon Religion as only a piece of 〈◊〉 Policy , our Suspicious Thoughts and Censures woul● be soon answered from David's own manner of acti●● in this particular , who is recorded to have spared 〈◊〉 Son of Jonathan , Saul's eldest Son , and that too up●● account of the Lord's Oath , that was sworn betwee● them many Years before . As the Scriptures plain●● shew us , that Joshua and the Princes of Israel did we in keeping the Oath , they had sworn , though draw into it by Fraud and Deceit , so in them we find , 〈◊〉 ill it fared with Zedekiah , the last King in Jerusal●● after he had broken the Oath , which Nebuchadnezz● had made him swear by God. We doubt not but the there was force enough upon him to compel him , 〈◊〉 it may be the price of a Kingdom likewise induced him thereto , for the benefit of his present occasions ; but how ill went it with Judah for his breaking that Oath , by whatsoever force at first gained of him , even to the destruction of the chief City , solitary desolation of the Land for many Years , and utter ruine of the Monarchy for ever after ? For af●er the Captivity we find it reduced back again into a kind of Common-Wealth , under Rulers , ( and but one of them of David's Line mentioned in the Scriptures , that I remember ) Governours , the high Priests , the Maccabees , the Sanhedrim unto the coming of Shilo . So fatal to the Jewish Nation was their Princes Irreligion . There is no respect of Persons with the Almighty , at whose Tribunal all must once stand to be judged , High and Low , Rich and Poor , Noble and Ignoble , Kings , Princes , and People , as sure as the Scripture , which we esteem the word of the great God , is infallibly true . But whither has the overflowing of my thoughts carried me ? To go back again therefore into the way , from whence I have so far deviated : In this same 44th year of King Henry , ( wherein he commanded all of Twelve Years and upwards in London to swear to be true to him and his Heirs ) we read of further grudge and displeasure beginning to kindle between the King and his Lords . The occasion is related to be , for that the Barons , with consent of the Peers , discharged one , and admitted another for Justice unwitting the King. The displea●ure hence arising and encreasing more and more , was ●owever a little appeased for a while , by the Policy of the Kings Brother , and some Prelates of the Land. ●n this Year the Chronicler thought it worthy remark ●o make mention of the variance , that fell out between ●he Londoners and the men of Northampton , at a Fair ●here held , for a man of that Town there slain , which occasioned a long Suit and Plea between them , to 〈◊〉 great vexation and trouble of both Parties , wherein 〈◊〉 the end the City had the better . That City , that 〈◊〉 able to make a Contest with the King 's whole 〈◊〉 is likely enough to match a particular Town . In the 45th , shortly after Alhallontide , the Baro● admitted and made Sheriffs of divers Shires , nami●● them Guardians and Keepers of the Counties and Shi●● and discharged such as the King had before admitt●● Neither would they suffer the Justices , but such as 〈◊〉 of their own admission , to keep the Itinerary 〈◊〉 ▪ The Law allowed them power , and they were 〈◊〉 it seems to use it . The King , as any may easily suppose , was grievously discontented therewith , insomuc● ( as saith the Chronicle ) that after that Season , he ●●boured what he might to disannul the former Ordinan●● and Statutes , and cause them to be broken . To th● end on the second Sunday in Lent was read by th● King's Command at Paul's Cross , a Bull of Pope 〈◊〉 the 4th , as a Confirmation of another Bull , before p●●chased of his Predecessor Alexander the 4th , to absol●● the King , and all others , that before had sworn 〈◊〉 maintain the Articles made at Oxford ; and afterwa●● the said Absolution was shewed throughout Engl●●● Wales , and Ireland , streight charge being given to 〈◊〉 that none be so hardy to withstand or disobey the 〈◊〉 said Absolution : And if any were found disobedi●● to this Commandment , that he should be put in Pris●● without Ransom or Deliverance , till the Kings Pl●●sure were further known . The Pope could pretend 〈◊〉 absolve on either side , if he were well paid . 〈◊〉 then could any Oaths be suppos'd to avail without s●●able Power to compel their Observance ? Yet hithe●●● the Commons of the City held their Power forme● granted them : For we read of another License ●●ven to the King at a Folk-Moot to sail into 〈◊〉 according whereunto he departed the morrow follow●ng from London . Anno 46. Tbomas Fiz Thomas being Mayor , Phi●●● Walbrook , Richard Taylor Sheriffs , about Martintide ●he Jews felt the Peoples Fury to some of their costs : ●o odious was that Nation grown in many parts of ●he World since our Saviour's Crucifixion , which had been formerly the darling of Heaven , that it must have been a very small matt●● , that would not easily have ●●rred up the common People of the Land , where they lived , against them . In this Year is unkindness ●oted to have arisen between the Londoners and the Constable of the Tower , for that contrary to the Ci●ies Liberties he took certain Ships , passing by with Wheat and other Victuals , into the Tower , and made ●he Price at his Pleasure . Hence might great harm have ensued , had not , by the Policy of wise men , the matter been committed to the Chief Justice and others , by direction of the Kings Council , to set an order and Rule between the said Parties . The effect whereof was , that after Evidences and Priviledges produced to ●he advantage of both , it was firmly adjudged , that ●f the Constable , or any other Officer of the Tower , would at any time take any Wheat or Victuals , to the ●●se of the King , or the Tower , he should come into the City Market , and have it two Pence in a Quarter within the Mayors Price , and other Victuals after the ●ame rate : And if he , or any of his Officers would 〈◊〉 contrary to that Ordinance , that then the Sheriffs ●hould make report to the Kings Council , and with●●and him in all that they might , so that the King's ●eace were kept . Here was Authority given to act ●gainst some commissionated by the King. What fol●y is it for every mean petty Officer to think to thwart ●●is powerful City , and hope to be too hard for her Citizens , when their Liberties , Priviledges , and Franchises 〈◊〉 concerned ? This year silent murmurs passed up and down th● Land of War , that was too too likely to ensue b●tween the King and his Lords in short process of time for the Bull of Dispensation before shewed in 〈◊〉 Realm : But the mediation of good and wise men appeased and stilled those Emotions for a while , that 〈◊〉 King agreed again to the maintenance of the afores●●● Statutes , and sent his Writs , wherein the said Articl● were comprised , into all the Shires of England , givin● strict Commandment to all men , to observe and ke●● the same , and such other as were to them joined 〈◊〉 the discretion of some appointed to that end . 〈◊〉 this again was shortly after revoked and denie● What Change in Councils , what Uncertainty 〈◊〉 Fickleness of Mind was this ? Give , and grant , an● then recal : What could be thought the end of 〈◊〉 variableness but Strife and Contention ? Hereupo● the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , a Star in that co●juncture of the first Magnitude in the English Firm●ment . proves erratick : For fearing what might e●sue , like a cunning , subtle , worldly Politician , 〈◊〉 makes an Errand to Rome , and by License of bo●● Parties departs the Land , and so keeps himself out 〈◊〉 the trouble was over . He had been a main Instrument a few years ago in Cursing the Breakers of th● aforementioned Acts. Should he have sided with th● Kings Party , he had openly contradicted his forme● Actions , and in effect declared all his so solemn Curs●● to signifie nought . Had he sided with the Barons , 〈◊〉 must have shewn himself an Assenter to their dee● partaken of all the Changes and Chances of War , 〈◊〉 publickly slighted and contemned the Popes Dispens●●tion . A crime in those days of very dangerous Consequence to the offending Party . Upon Midlent Sund●● the Mayor and Commons being present at a Folk-Mo●● held at Paul's Cross , before Sir Philip Basset , and othe● of the Kings Council , the Mayor was sworn to be ●rue to the King , and his Heirs Kings . Upon the mor●ow at Guild-Hall every Alderman is said to have taken the same Oath in presence of the Mayor : And so likewise upon the Sunday following , we read that every Stripling , of the Age of 12 Years and above , was a●ew charged with the same Oath before his Alderman in his Ward . Then ( according to my Author ) the Displeasure between the King and his Barons , which a long while ●●d been kept secret , began to appear , insomuch that diverse of them assembled in the Marches of Wales , gathered unto them strong Power , and sent a Letter ●nto the King , under the Seal of Sir Roger Clyfford , ●eseeching him to have in remembrance the Oath , and manifold Promises that he had made , for the observ●ng of the Statutes made at Oxford , with other Ordinances made to the Honour of God , for Faith and Al●egiance to his Person , Weal and Profit of all his Realm , willing him further to withstand and defie all ●uch Persons , as will be against the said Acts , saving ●he Queen and her Children . After this Letter thus ●ent , and no Answer received , we read of the said Ba●ons going with Banners displayed against such , as they ●new held against the Acts so often before mentioned . The effect of their Fury at Hereford , the Bishop , and ●any of his Canons , Aliens born , soon felt to their great cost and damage . Hence we hear of their going to other places , where they supposed to find their Ene●ies , keeping their course towards London , ( this was the place , it seems , they desired so much to fix to ●heir Party ) bearing before them a Banner of the Kings Arms , and encreasing with the access of much People , as they held on in their Journey . In this March , as they found any that they knew to be against ●he Maintenance of the aforesaid Acts , they imprisoned them , and spoiled their Habitations , were they Spi●●tual or Temporal Men , all the case to them at th● time . In divers of the King's Castles they set in 〈◊〉 Persons as they pleased , ( putting out such as were pl●ced in by the King ) and gave to them an Oath , th● they should be true and faithful to the King , 〈◊〉 keep those Castles to his Use , and to the Weal of 〈◊〉 Realm . Here they seem to have outdid the Courti●● in their own way . The Mayor , Aldermen , and ●thers of London , were made of late to renew th● Oaths of Allegiance to the King and his Heirs , as if 〈◊〉 weaken the Barons Party , by a crafty sly insinuati●● that they went about to deprive the King and 〈◊〉 Heirs of their Right . But as for those suggestions 〈◊〉 hold the Barons disappointing them , by giving 〈◊〉 like Oaths to these of their own Party put into 〈◊〉 of publick Trust , and thereby in effect declaring , 〈◊〉 't was not against the King , but against the ill Minist●● of State about him , whom they deemed the Auth●● of iil Advice , that they thus took up Arms , either 〈◊〉 remove them , or deliver the King out of such 〈◊〉 mens hands . About Midsummer , when they drew near to Lond●● the Chronicle tells us , that they sent a Letter unto 〈◊〉 Mayor , and Aldermen , under the Seal of Sir 〈◊〉 Mountfold , willing to know of them whether th● would observe the Acts and Statutes made in the P●●liament called at Oxford or not , or else would aid 〈◊〉 assist such persons as intended the breach of the sa●● and sent to them a Copy of the said Acts , with a P●●viso that if any there specified , were to the hurt of 〈◊〉 Realm , or common-Weal of the same , that they th● by discreet Persons of the Land should be altered , 〈◊〉 amended . See here the Influence the City had up●● the Land , the esteem the Barons had of London's 〈◊〉 and Authority , and how desirous they were to 〈◊〉 it to their side and Interest . The forementioned Copy was by the Mayor carried to the King , then being at the Tower , accompanied with his Queen , his Brother Richard , Edward his Son , and others of his Council . Then the King , intending to know the Cities Mind , asked the Mayor what he thought of those Acts and Ordinances , who , being refused time and leave to con●●er with his Brethren the Aldermen , and his Judgment demanded at that present season , stands upon Record to have boldly answered the King , that before-times he , with his Brethren , and the Commonalty of the City , by his Commandment , had been sworn to maintain all Acts made to the Honour of God , to the Faith of the King , and Profit of the Realm ; which Oath , by his license and most gracious favour , they ●ntended to observe and keep . One of the Ingredients ●hat , according to the Royal Psalmist , goes to the com●osure of a Citizen of Zion , who shall abide in the Lords Tabernacle , and dwell in his Holy Hill , is , that ●e changeth not , though he sweareth to his own hurt . ●nd moreover ( continued the Mayor ) to avoid all oc●asion , that might grow , of grudge or variance be●ween him and his Barons within the City , they would ●ut all Aliens and Strangers out thereof , if he were so ●ontented . The King shewed as if he was well plea●●d with this Answer , so that the Mayor , with his fa●our , departed , and sent Answer to the Barons , ac●ording to the same , their Liberties alway upholden , ●id saved . The Barons lying so near London , and ●ith so considerable a strength , 't was time for those ●obles , who were against those Statutes , to be pack●●g , as fast as they could , for fear of the associated ●ords ; But the King is said to have sent after them ●●vers Persons of his Houshold , and of the Citizens of ●●ndon , to induce them to return , and tarry with him . 〈◊〉 that season , according to the Mayor's former words , all Aliens , suspected of any favour owing to the one Party or the other , were put out of the City . Impartiality is rarely found among the Children of men , though it is so commendable a Virtue not to have respect of Persons . But not long after we hear of their being placed in Offices , many of them in Winds●● Castle , by Edward the King's Son. So usual is it for contesting Parties to receive and prefer one anothers outcasts . No wonder then if we sometimes see the same done in private Families , when at variance among themselves , which is so oft acted over and over again in publick differences . Then Watch and Ward was kept dayly in the C●ty , and in the night certain assigned to ride about the Town , with some Foot-Men allotted to them , to search all the Town over : But hence harm ensuing ▪ by reason that evil disposed Persons , under colour o● Watch-Men , seeking for strangers , robbed and spoile● many Houses in one part of the City , while the ridi●● Watch was in another place , a standing Watch was o●dained in every Ward . The mind of the City being made known by their publick Mouth , the Mayor , 't was time for men of a different Interest to endeavou● to draw the King further off from it . Accordingl● we find the King departs from the City , when ●● heard the Barons were coming into it . The Baro●● enter the City the Sunday before St. Margaret's day and the King shortly after returns to Westminster wi●● the Queen , and ohers of his Council . Soon after 〈◊〉 Hugh le Spencer is made Chief Justice , and Keeper 〈◊〉 the Tower , by consent both of the King and the B●rons . Upon the morrow following , Maudlin Day was a Writ directed to the Mayor and Alderm●● charging them that the King's Peace be firmly 〈◊〉 within the City , for in the same it was expressed , th● the King and his Barons were lovingly agreed . Fu●thermore in the same Writ it was commanded , that if within the Precincts of the City were any person or persons known , that would withstand the foresaid Ordinances and Statutes , that all such should be attached and put in Prison , and their Goods also attached for the King , till they knew his further Pleasure . Well had it been for many great persons , if this agreement had lasted longer ; but , like other Worldly things , this new peace was also transitory . However here we meet with another instance of the Cities Concern , of the Cities Power , of the Cities Influence . 'T was the Citizens concern to keep the Peace thus happily and quietly made . 'T was their Power you here find engaged to see to it . And their Influence upon either party you may guess by the due care taken to inform them of the late mutual Agreement . In these days of Misrule , and time of the Barons residing in the City , we are given to understand , that many Robberies were committed by divers therein , and much harm done , but little corrected , they were so born out and maintained by their Masters . Such is the too too common effect of Civil broils . The Commons of the City were far out of Rule by the incensing of riotous Persons , so that in the Assemblies and Courts kept at Guild-Hall , or other places , Worshipful men were little or nothing regarded , and simple , indiscrcet persons carried away the voice . As the City was in those days powerful , so the Lords seem well to have known it , when , to obtain the more favour of the Citizens , they willed them to shew them , if they had any of their Liberties withdrawn , that they might again to them be restored , and also to think of some new ones to their Weal and Profit , and they would labour to the King to have them granted . Can any one desire greater Evidence than Ocular Demonstration ? The City had a great many good and beneficial Liberties and Franchises already granted , to the Emulation and Envy of many of her ill-willers . Yet here our own Eyes may easily certifie us of a large offer voluntarily made to her Citizens , by such as had Power to encrease them , had they had the discretion at that time to have made a good use of it . For the Mayor having upon this kind offer assembled the Commons at Guild-Hall , and willed the Officers to devise such things as might be beneficial to the City , they counselling together , are said to have made such a note of Statutes , Provisions , and Ordinances , to their own singular Profit , and so prejudicial to all other Foreign Merchants coming to the City , to all other Fairs , and Markets of England , and the universal Weal of the Realm , that upon overseeing them the Heads told them , they were neither lawful nor charitable , and such as they knew would not be admitted . So common is it in too too many concerns for private Interest to be brought up in the Van , while the publick is left lagging behind , as it were a loof off , in the Rear . The Heads of the City willing the Commons to devise other Ordinances , their first being so uncharitably ordered , and they , . I know not upon what account , nor upon whose Incitation , proving refractory and refusing , both those and others , right necessary for the Common-Weal of the City , were rejected and put off , saith my Author . For men to go to logging of Bills , when they cannot otherwise hinder their passing , is a known Practice . After St. James's day we hear of the Barons departure from London towards Windsor , where they turned out the Aliens , before plac'd therein by the King's Son Edward , who thereupon , with other associates , rode to the King with Complaints in their Mouths against the Barons , for spoiling them of their Goods : But these being then put off by the King with a promise of Justice , till more of his Council were with him , he , with other Attendants , sailed into France , whence being returned after Michaelmas to London , there passed an Inquest of Twelve Knights of Middlesex , sworn upon a Jury , between the Abbot of Westminster and the City , for certain Priviledges the Citizens of London claimed within Westminster , where , by the said Jury , it was found before the Chief Baron of the Kings Exchequer , that the Sheriffs of London , at those days , might lawfully enter into the Town of Westminster , and all other Tenements , that the Abbot had within Middlesex , and unto the Gate of the said Abby , and there to make Summons , and distrain , for lack of Appearance , all and every Tenant of the said Abbot . 'T is not now adays only that the Londone's stand so strong for their Priviledges , whatsoever some may think of it , as if out of stubbornness and opposition . Their Fore-Fathers were like-minded , and stood up couragiously in defence of their just Rights and Liberties against Arbitrary Encroachers above Four Hundred years ago , Anno 1262. After this the former Complaint of the Aliens , and others , was declared before the King and his Lords in the Parliament at Westminster . This is the Term Fabian gives it , but whether on the same account as he did before , when he expounded a Parliament by a Council of Lords in the 43d Year , pag. I am not so certain as positively to determine . Here the Chronicle tell us it was at last sentenced , ( but by what means and Inducements is not there set down ) that the Barons should restore all such Goods , as they and their Company had taken from all Persons before that day , as well to Aliens as other men , both Spiritual and Temporal , and also that such Menial Servants as should be daily in the Kings House , and about his Person , should be such as the King would choose and admit himself : But the dissenting Barons utterly rejected these Articles , whereupon the Fire of Dissention was again kindled between the King and those his Lords . In the 47th Year , by procurement of the Barons , we are told that the Commons of London chose unto their Mayor for that Year Thomas Fiz Thomas , [ Robert Moumphere and Robert de Suffolk were Sheriffs ] and without Counsel of the Aldermen swore him at Guild-Hall upon Simon and Jude's day , and made no presentment of him the morrow following to the King , nor to the Barons of the Exchequer , as had been the custom : For which we may easily suppose the King was much discontented with the City . Whereupon the King perceiving the City would take the Barons part , having caused his Son to seise Windsor Castle by a Train , early in a Morning , a little before Christmas , he rode thither from Westminster , whither shortly after came also many of the Lords that were upon the King's party . As fast likewise the Lords and Knights on the Earl of Leicester's side drew towards London : so that on either part was much People assembled . In the mean time some well disposed Mediators endeavouring a Concord between the King and his Lords , it was finally agreed by both parties , that all matters concerning the foresaid Articles of the Statutes and Ordinances made at Oxford , and afterwards by the 12 Peers , should be referred to the French King , to judge which should be held , and which not . Upon this Agreement were Copies made of the said Statutes , with Letters shewing the ●ffect of the former Agreement , and sent unto Lewis the French King. Over sails the King , with his S●n Edward , and others of his Council on one side : On the other were sent Sir Peter de Mountford , and others , as so many Sollicitors for their mutual Parties : So that the Statutes were strongly argued before the French King by both sides . In the end , the French King Lewis , calling before him both Parties on January the 24th , and sitting in Judgment , gave express Sentence , that all and every of the said Statutes and Ordinances should be from that day forward utterly void and set at nought , and all such Bonds and Promises , that the King or any other had made for the maintenance of the same , should be annulled and cancelled , and the King and all others , for any matter concerning those Statutes , set at Liberty . After this Sentence thus given , the King returned into England , and so to London , February the 15th . This King Lewis is named a Saint , for that he was not ( I suppose ) so bad as other Princes too too commonly are , or more probably for some deeds of his pleasing to the Popish Clergy , as his sending to destroy the ( then accounted ) Heretical Albigenses , his taking a Voyage once into the Holy Land , and undertaking a second towards the same place at the Popes request : For at that time the Holy War ( as 't is generally called ) was cried up in these Western parts of the World , as a high piece of Devotion . But whatever esteem Lewis had got in the World , the Barons ( it seems ) continued not to have the same Veneration for him , but were contrary wise much moved with his Sentence , noting great Partiality in him , thus to disannul all the foresaid Acts , which were at first made in Parliament , the King agreeing to them , and had been variously confirmed , by the Kings Grant , his Oath , and manifold Promises , together with a solemn Curse denounced against such as would attempt in word and deed to break them . It may be 't was the Fame of this King Lewis's Goodness , that made the Barons consent to have him the Umpire , as one concerned on neither party . But what could be expected in the Case ? Could it be supposed , that he , a King , would not favour his Brother King what he might , rather than by confirming these Acts , pretended so prejudicial to all Royal Prerogative , give Example to his own Subjects to require the like at his hands , or attempt to compel him thereto by force ? Had the Lords gotten an Umpire from among some disinterested Subjects of some other Land , he perhaps would have adjusted the business wholly in their favour . So hard had it been to have met with a just Arbitrator in the case , who would not have declined to one or the other Party , for fear nor favour . King Henry having thus got a Verdict on his side , and the Barons noting Partiality , and therefore refusing to stand to the Judgment , ( though the Chronicle intimates to us , that they had promised assuredly to abide the French Kings Arbitration : ) For King Lewis expresly excepting King John's Charter before granted , the Barons persisted in defence of the Oxford Statutes , as founded on that Charter . What then remains , but to commit all to the last Decision of the Sword , and so the whole Arbitrement shall be cast more immediately into the hands of Providence ? Away from London go the Lords Westward , into the Marches of Wales , where drawing to them great Power , they war upon the Lands and Castles of Sir Roger Mortimer , to whose aid Edward the King's Son coming , his People were distressed , and he himself almost taken . To redress these grievances a new Parliament was appointed at Oxford , which Fabian says never came to effect : Yet he mentions another Chronicle , which affirms this Parliament to have been there kept , and that the King and his Lords parted thence all at Discord . Besides the mutual Strength of People on either side , The Barons had the Acts of Parliament made by the King , Lords , and Commons ( for of such I have elsewhere read these Assemblies were composed in those days ) to fight for , which to observe the King , and many others had been sworn , besides a solemn Curse denounced against the Attempters to break them . The King with his Party had the Popes Bull of Absolution , the Sentence of the Council of Lords at Westminster , and the Judgment given on the Kings side by Lewis the French King for their Incitement . Such then being the cause contended for , these being the mutual advantages to strengthen either side , the difference is brought in the Spring into the Field to be decided . All things in a manner thus tending to War , the Barons drew towards London , that 's their Place of Rendezvous : where new Assurances by Writing indented was made between them and the Commonalty of the City , without Consent of many of the Rulers thereof . Whether they were swayed in their minds to the other side by Reasons they carried in their Pockets , I find not , or thinking they had most to lose , they feared to be the greatest Sufferers , if the chance of War should fall cross , or else out of Envy and Emulation to the Commons , who had already been entrusted with so much Power by the so often named Statutes , and were in probability likely to get more , if the Barons should prevail , or at least keep what they had gotten . Hence 't is plain , that the Commons of the City were the men that stood by the Lords in defence of the Parliament Acts : Many of the Rulers seem not to have appeared . Wherefore the Commons , as men enraged , made to themselves Two Captains , Thomas de Pywelden , and Stephen Bukkerel , whom they named Constables of the City . At whose Commandment , by tolling the great Bell of St. Pauls , all the City should be ready in Arms , to give Attendance upon the said Captains . About the beginning of Lent , the Constable of the Tower , Sir Hugh Le Spencer , came with a fair Company of men at Arms into the City , and desired Assistance of the forenamed Constables , who commanded the said Bell to be toll'd . By means whereof the People shut their Shops and came out in Arms in great Multitudes , who , after Proclamation made that they should follow their Captains , without knowledge what to do , or whither to go , followed them unto Thystleworth , beyond Westminster , and there spoiled the Manour of the King of the Romans , ( Richard the King's Brother ) setting it on Fire ; and afterwards with great noise and cry returned unto London . This Richard , King of the Romans , appears to have been a Mediator of Peace between the Two Parties , but after this outrage , what else could be expected , but that he should become the Barons Enemy to the utmost of his Power ? Though 't is commonly seen , that from War most come home by Weeping Cross , yet there are still too too many found , that desire to fish in troubled Waters . Would any , but such as were in Love with Blood and Wounds , have counselled such a Fact as this , in the midst of Civil broils , thus to compel the only Mediator of Peace , likely to prevail , to become a man of War , and which was worse , an Enemy , a powerful Enemy , instead of a peaceable Friend ? In the time of these intestine Jarrs between Men of the same Country and Religion , 't was much if the Jews should have escaped free , who were strangers , of different Rites and Customs , and so odious to the Common People . That they did not escape the enraged Multitudes Fury , we find , by mention made of Five Hundred of them said to be slain at one time in London , on Palmsunday week . The occasion is related to be for that a Jew would have forced a Christian to have given him more than Two Pence a Week for the use of Twenty Shillings . This being the stinted Usury then permitted the Jews , by the King's Grant : According to which rate they might take i● any Summ lent , greater or lesser . A reasonable man would have thought , this might have satisfied the greedy Minds of most ordinary griping Extortioners , Eight Shillings Eight Pence by the Year in the Pound , Forty three Pounds Six Shillings Eight Pence in the Hundred : Usury unconscionable enough of any sense . While the Land stood thus divided into Parties , the Jews felt the Peoples rage in the City , and the Country did not altogether scape tasting the miseries of Civil Wars ; King Henry by divers places came at length into Sussex , with a strong Power , whereof the Lords hearing made preparation to go towards him . Accordingly in the end of April , the Barons , with many of the Citizens in the vaward , departed from London , taking their Journey towards the King , and hearing he was at Lewes with a great power , by common consent drawing up a Letter , sent it in the name of all the Barons to the King : But the Answers were so rough , and in such a stile , that it plainly shewed that the Sword could be the only decider of the Quarrel , and final determiner of the Contest , so much were their Minds exasperated each towards other , though of the same Nation and Kindred . The Barons well perceiving by these Answers , that there was no other way , but to decide the Quarrel by dint of Sword , they went forward towards the King. Wednesday May the 24th , 1263. is the day that may be writ in Red Letters , for the great quantity of Blood spilt thereon , in the Battle fought at Lewes between the King and his Barons , wherein by the Will of Providence , the Victory sell to the Barons , with such a total rout to the other Party , that they took Prisoners the King , his Brother , his Son , with many other Noble-Men , to the number of Twenty five Barons and Banerets , above Twenty Thousand being slain , according to my Author's Account . After this so compleat a Victory , the other Prisoners being sent elsewhere , the Barons kept the King , his Brother , and Son , till they came to London . This was the place wherein they had found Shelter , and had had such considerable Assistance from the Londoners , that there seemed a kind of Obligation lying on them , and it implied somwhat of a Recompence due to the City , there to shew the Trophies of their Victory . Now we may easily conclude , that the forenamed Statutes are to stand in full force even by the Kings Consent . And so acccordingly we find a Grant made , and an Agreement , that if any were thought unreasonable , they were to be corrected and amended by four Noble Men of the Realm , Two of the Spiritualty and Two of the Temporalty : And if the four accorded not , the Earl of Anjou and the Duke of Brittain were to be Judges in the case . To continue this accord the firmer , the King's Son , and his Brother , were to remain the Barons Prisoners till it was compleated . A Parliament was also appointed to be held at London within a short space , though my Author writes , that this never came to purpose . So it seems , that in those elder times a Parliament was the Subjects desire , and as it were the last Refuge , and means of Reconciliation , to establish Peace and quietness in the Land. Tuesday before Ascension-Day is the time named , whereon the acceptable news of Peace were proclaimed between the King and his Barons in London , and next day thither they came with the King , his Brother , and Son , and the Two Princely Pledges were sent into safe Custody , first to the Tower , afterwards to Dover Castle . In the time of these civil Distractions , and before the Battle , we find that the Wardens of the Cinqueports kept the Sea with Ships , that no Stranger might enter the Land , to the Kings aid against the Barons . Sometime after the Battel we hear of Souldiers coming in great numbers unto Dover , there to land : But King Henry was induced to ride thither , with a great power , and force those Strangers to go back again , and the Kings Brother sent Prisoner to Berkhamstead Castle , till those Aliens were returned . It stands upon Record in my Author , that he and the Queen had sent over the Sea for them . So that hence it had been manifest , though the Relation of King John's Reign had not been extant , that it is no late Device , nor new Practice , for Persons of Arbitrary Pretences to call in outlandish Souldiers , when they fear they cannot raise assistance enough at home , in their own Native Country , to support and bring to effect their ill intended designs . The Barons side stood firm for the Observation of the Parliament Acts : The Kings party desired to have infringed them . The Barons grew powerful and formidable , the other side seem fearful that they should not be able to compass strength enough at home , suitable to their Designs and desires , and therefore sent abroad . There being idle men enough to be had for mony in most places , Soldiers were waged , but there was a Sea to pass , ( which required much time , and a suitable Sail of Ships to waft them over , ) and a considerable strength lay in the way to intercept them , if they came not well provided for an attaque . So that it was a day as it were after the Fair before they came , and that was many hours too late , whereupon they were compelled to return again without , and against their first Intent . This is the inconvenience , some may think , the great advantage , others may conclude of an Island 's scituation , that it cannot easily be over-run with forreign Forces , as Lands upon the continent often are , and with more facility . If the shooing of themselves and their Horses with Cork would do the feat , then they might happen more easily to pass the Sea , but as things go in this Age of the World much time as well as a great Navy is requisite to transport an Army , though little or no oppositio● be made . Yet how difficult would it be to preva●● where among One Million Two Hundred Thousand , One Million One Hundred and Fifty Thousand are on one side , and Fifty Thousand on the other . i. e. In Twenty four Twenty three parts against one part : What could it avail , if on some other fine , neat pretence , a good store of Forreigners might possibly happen to be introduced , suppose Fisty Thousand : Above Eleven to One would still be great odds . If we should grant One Hundred Thousand could silently be let in under another Notion , into how many little small Parcels must they be minutely divided , at how many several Port● must they arrive , what charge to keep and maintain them , unless put upon present service ? And yet there 's still hazard enough in the World , and to spare , One Million one Hundred and Fifty Thousand against One Hundred and Fifty Thousands , to every man an opposite and Ten-over : Odds sufficiently at Foot-Ball , if in a lesser number . Were it not for the Law of the Land , in how many places d'ye think the 9 Lay Sheaves would not devour the Parsons Tenth Sheaf ? England stands firm upon its old bottom of Freedom ; but France hath had Experience more than enough of the aforesaid truths . 'T is well known the present French King keeps his poor enslaved Subjects under with a strong Force , composed most of other Country Souldiers , and by their assistance , with some other● connivance , and the help of French Money , is become the Terrour of Europe . I doubt not but much of this his present greatness sprung at first from a successful attempt made in his younger days , to introduce forreign forces upon his less wary Nobility and Gentry , in hehalf and by the Guidance of a great Minister of State , whom some of them had desired to be discarded from sitting at the Helm of Government . Whereof his present Majesty I believe had no very pleasing nor desirable Experience . 'T was in the time when Providence permitted our King to be injuriously kept out of his right by an Usurper , that the French Nobles were urgent to have their King exile Mazarine , and the better to effect it were ready to have appeared in Arms : But their King in shew granting their desires , ( and it may be through the mediation of our Gracious Prince who had too sad an Instance of his own to urge from his Fathers unfortunate Fate ) the Princes grew secure and laid aside their combined strength : whereupon the exil'd Mazarine comes out of Germany ( so have I heard ) with a strong Army of many Thousands up to Paris , and then order'd things at his own Pleasure , and the Kings . The deceiv'd Princes could never vindicate themselves since , and our , then almost friendless , King shortly after thought good to leave the Country , though the Place of his Mothers Original , lest he should have been bid to depart , and that disgusted States-man ( as may be suspected ) causes the K. to close with England's usurping Power , and desert a poor distressed , over-power'd Prince with no more regard to him or his , till his Protestant ( what if I had also added Presbyterian ? ) Subjects recall'd him to possess his Fathers Throne , wherein long may he live and flourish to the Nations good , and his own continued Wellfare . An. 48. Thomas Fiz Thomas Mayor , Osbert Wynter Phil , Taylor being Sheriffs , The Lords of the Marches about Christmas assembled , and did much harm ● the Manours of the Earls of Leicester and Glocest●● ( the two noted Chiefs of the Barons Party ) thereabouts , which occasioned the King to ride shortly after to Glocester , where , by a Council there called , ●● was enacted , that such of the Lords , that did not come in and yield to the King by the Octaves of Hilary , should be exil'd . Let the question here be , whether these Lords , known to have been of the K'● Party , both before and after this Transaction , were guilty of Treason or Disloyalty in not coming in 〈◊〉 the King's Call , & yielding , as the Barons party doub●less cordially desired , & with whom the K. was the● personally present ? Had they straightways obeyed , and come in all upon Summons , the Barons had obtain'd their design ; but how would the change succeeding have been brought to pass , so much to the Courts advantage , and the other sides prejudice ? Where 's the politick Casuist , that can here slit a ha● between loyal and disloyal deeds , Obedience and Disobedience , the duty of subjection and open ref●sal thereof ? According to an Agreement there made ▪ in the said Octaves a Parliament was held at Westminster , where met ( as Fabian hath left upon Record ) the King with his Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and Commons of the Land , to begin that Parliament . Here was it enacted , the King being present , that he , nor Edward his Son , nor none of them ▪ should after that day grieve , nor cause to be grieved , the Earls of Leicester and Glocester , the Barons , Banerets or Knights , the Citizens of London , and Barons of the Five Ports , nor any other Person o● Persons of high or low Degree , that was upon th● Party of the said Earls , for any matter of displeasure done against the King and his Son Edward , 〈◊〉 any time before that day . To uphold this , the King 's Sworn before his Lords . After that was shew'd and Read a Charter of Pardon concerning the said Cause , and a confirmation of the Statutes of the Forrest , with many other Acts and Statutes before granted by the King. Here was an Act of Oblivion strong enough one would have thought to have indemnified the offending Parties ; but before the end of the Year we find the Tide quite turn'd , through variance and difference arising between the Two Thiefs of the Barons Party , and then the King's side prevailing Casheers what was done before , Oaths held them not , and another Parliament ●●peals and disanuls the former Pardon . So that the 〈◊〉 Pardon'd Offendors soon became the ( reputed ) Guilty Prisoners upon the old Scores , Cancell'd and forgiv'n as was thought a little before . The longest Sword will make and mar Laws at pleasure , let people say what they will. This Party's Might commonly bears down , what the other Party calls his Right . Edward the King's Son having likewise Sworn to perform the promises , which the King had before made in Parliament , was deliver'd at liberty , and the other Pledg his Cozen , upon assurance made ●● abide in the King's Court , and not depart without licence of the King , and some of the Barons . What care do the Barons seem here to have taken , to ●●rengthen and confirm their Party against any future ●●●erclaps ? How sollicitous do they appear to have ●een to prevent an after-Reckoning , and all Tenden●ies thereunto ? Nay , how conformable to them , did the King and his Son shew themselves likewise ●herein ? Witness the many Instruments and Bonds ●ade by them , for the performance of Covenants and Pactions before agreed on . And yet all was soon destroy'd and brought to none effect : One of the 〈◊〉 Chiefs helping Penelope-like to unravel the Web , they had been so long a Weaving ▪ The Ordering the former Statutes made at Oxford ▪ which had hitherto so fast united them , was the occasion of dissention between the Two Potent Earls ●● Leicester and Glocester , to the ruin of the Baron's Party ; the difference arose ( as Stow tells us ) betwee● them , for that Leicester not only kept the King an● others as Prisoners , but also took to himself the Revenues of the Kingdom , which it seems should have been equally devided amongst them . So that it wa● the Golden-Apple , that seems to have occasion'd th●● so fatal Discord . The King indeed and his Lords labour'd for an Union , but it fell out well for the King's side , and ill for the others , that they succeeded not . This happen'd between Easter and Whits●●tide . In the W●●tsun-Week , we hear of Edward th● King's Son secretly departing from the Court at Hereford without Licence , and associating himself wi●● the Earl of Glocester and other Lords at Chester , fro● whence he hasts to Glocester , breaking the Bridges a● he went , that he might not be follow'd , till he had Assembled his Power . The Earl of Leicester was to● wife not to guess at his Intent , and therefore in all ha● sends to his Son to Assemble his Forces . Simon his So● with his Forces Assembled , draws towards Winchest●● and was at first kept out by the Citizens , because the● knew not whether he came as the King's Friend , an● for that they had also receiv'd a Letter from Edwa●● to that purport . But it was not long e're the Ci●● was yielded , and then the Castle Besieged , after th●● the City had been spoil'd , and many of the Je●● therein Inhabiting Slain . They were so odious generally to the People , that they should be sure to hav● their share to the purpose in the publick Calamity if the Commons might have their Will. The Papist● after all their discover'd Plots , known Practices , an● destructive Principles , are not in a vast degree much more hateful to the generality of the English Nation in these Days , than where the griping Jews in those Elderly Times . At Kenelworth the Baron's Party receiv'd the first ●●ow under this Simon , where they were shamefully defeated by Edward and his Host , and many Eminent Prisoners taken without the shedding of much Blood. At E●yshum in Worcestershire were the Barons disc●mfited , with such a total overthrow , and the destruction of so many Men of Note on that side , that ●is no wonder that their Interest among the People so visibly decay'd for the future , and in time was fully lost . Soon after this Victory the King and his Son Edward met , by whose Authority , the Prisoners then in hold were released , and many others accus'd , and put in for them . Not long after was held a Parliament at Winchester , where by Authority of the same , the Statutes and Ordinances before made at Oxford were Repealed , and all Bonds and Writings before made by the King , or any other , Cancell'd and Broken , and all such as had favor'd the Barons , disinherited . A Rout indeed . A Rout first to the Men that would have had the Laws have been kept , and then a Rout to the Laws themselves , to Parliament Acts and Statutes . So destroy first of all the Protestant Men and Women , the Subjects of Religion , and then the Protestant Religion falls of course . What could it at that time avail the defeated Party , to plead a former Obedience to the Power then Regnant , since the present Powers were otherwise resolv'd ? If the Parliament in Being will have Obedience paid to a former Parliament esteem'd Treason , who dare gainsay it ? Little boots it the poor weak Beast to cry the Bunch in his Forehead is no Horn , when the more powerful Lion says it is . After these Parliament Transactions , we hear of the King 's re●●ming into his hands all grants before made and give● to any Person . After his Sons Victory the King calls not a Parliament at Westminster , least possibly it might have been over aw'd by the City of London , but assembling it at a place far enough distant , and things having there been carried according to the Courts intent and desire , now have at London . Accordingly , after the Parliament was ended , we read of King Henry's coming to Windsor with a great Power , intending ( as the Fame then went ) to destroy the City , for the great Ire and Displeasure he had unto it . We need but guess to know , with what a wonderful fear the Mayor and Aldermen were th●n stricken at this Report . Yet we are told that many of the Commons were in full purpose to have defended the City against the King. So it seems there we●● then many and divers opinions among them . The City being in those days Inhabited with Men of many Nations , who were then , according to Fabian , admitte● for Citizens . At last the Citizens condescended to make a supplication to the King , and send it by some Religious Person . Many are said to be sent by sundry Persons ; but to little avail : The King being so grievously incensed by some of his Counsel against them , that he would not look upon their Supplications , and if any spoke in their behalf , he soon would make such countenance , that even Men in his Favour fear'd to speak for them . Now was the time for their Ill-willers to vent the utmost of their Spleen against this Honourable City , formetly their Terror , and hops to compleat their full Revenge by working its Destruction . We doubt not but Men of Arbitrary desires have always hated such sree constituted Corporate Towns and Cities , and have little reason to beleive , but that there are Men of the like ill Principles and Practises still alive in the World , who would heartily rejoyce in their Minds to meet with the like opportu●●ty to work out their corrupt designs . Have you never heard of such a saying , as that the Corporations will prove England's Destruction ? Out of what Mint d' ee think this come● ? Where was it first forg'd , but in some such men's Brains ? We now look upon one of these Corporations , as one of the principal Bulwarks of the Protestant Religion , and the English Liberty : And that it may long so continue , in defence of their just Priviledge , and true Religion , in spight of all Arbitrary endeavours and Popish design● , is the hearty Prayer and Desire ( I doubt not ) of every good Protestant and Loyal English-man . While the cautionary Protestant Towns in France stood firm and fix , and uninjur'd in their just Liberties and Priviledges ; how gloriously , and with what safety did the Protestant Religion flourish in that Land ? But when through the Force and Violence of Arbitrary Pretenders , and treacherous connivance of some corrapt English States-men , Rochel was reduc'd in the last age under absolute power , what foundation was thereby laid for the Protestants future Ruin , and present greatness of the French Monarchy ? How well the Papists designs have there succeeded , since the utter subversion of the Protestant Towns , is not unknown to their Neighbours : Such sad Reports have not long since pierc'd our English Ears of the Barbarous usages the Protestants there have lately undergone , whereof some sorrowful Spectacles may have possibly presented themselves of late to some of our Eyes . What further Progress the Jesuits may haply make in their cursed designs , by sending into England bloody Papists , in the form of distressed Protestants ; We have but too just Cause to fear . Especially if all be true , that hath been Reported , of the going of some of these suspected Strangers to a Popish Habit●tion , and of others being seen going to Mass . How well would it be for the Land , were all these Report● undoubtedly false , and our Fears , Jealousies and Suspicions , altogether causeless . When the Citizens Supplications were thus rejected at Court , the History tells us , that they were counselled by their Friends to make a Writing , and Seal it with their Common-Seal , whereby they should offer to put themselves wh●lly in the King's Grace and Mercy , touching their Lives and Goods . This we may easily suppose , much more Irksome , than a bar● Surrender of their Charter , yet this was at length done , and Eight Persons of the City , who had Friends at Court chosen and sent towards Windsor ; But up , on the way encountring with Sir Roger L●yborn , on● of the Kings Knights , he turn'd them unto the City ▪ Riding with them till he came near it , and then departing from them Rode upon the back side of the Town unto the Tower. But at his departing from them , he willed them , to warn the Mayor with certain of the City to meet him to morrow at Berki●● Church , standing near unto the Tower. Upon thei● meeting next morning , Sir Roger , after a long preamble , shew'd them the Kings grievous Displeasure , which he bare towards the City , and the means that had been used by their Friends , to obtain Grace for it . In fine he expressed , that no Grace for them might be had , except they would by their Common-Seal bi●● themselves fully and wholly to stand at the King'● Grace , and to put in his Mercy their Lives and Goods ▪ This being in the end granted by the Citizens , and the foresaid writing delivered to Sir Roger , with entreaty that he would be a good mean for them to the King ▪ He departed upon the morrow to the King , and return'd again in Six Days , and willed the Mayor and Aldermen to meet him again at the foresaid Church . There he shew'd them , that the King ▪ by great Instance of their Friends , had received their writing , and would f●●st , for the beginning of the content of his mind ▪ That all the Chains , which stood in every Street and ●●ne's ●nd within the City , should be loosed from their Posts , and the Posts also drawn out of the Earth , & all be brought into the Tower So belike upon apprehensi●● of great danger , to set up Posts & Chains in the 〈…〉 an ancient Custom ▪ He also further order'd , That thi● being done , the Mayor with about Forty of the 〈◊〉 , should the Day following be at Windsor , to 〈◊〉 the Grant of their Writing ▪ And that they ●ight come and goe in safe and sure wise , he delivered them the Kings Letter and Seal for the term of Four Days . All this being done , the Mayor with other Person● were ready at Windsor on the morrow , being Sunday ▪ 〈◊〉 One of the Clock , ar● tarried there till Four ; At which season the King coming from his Disport , ( as says my Author ) enters the Castle without counte●ance or casting his Eyes upon the Londoners . The king and his People being entred , the Londoners would have followed , but they were warn'd to abide without ▪ Then in short time after the King caus'd a Proclamation to be made , that no man of high or low degree should make any sayings of displeasure or ●uarrel to the Londoners . In the Evening Sir Roger and another Knight came to them , and brought them into the Gastle , and said , The Kings pleasure was not to speak with them that Night ; And after deliver'd them to the Constable of the Castle , who Lodg'd them all that Night in a large Tower , to their small Chear and worse Lodging : Upon the morrow being Monday , toward Night , they were taken out of the Tower , and delivered to the Bayliff of the Castle , and Lodged by his Assignment , except these five Persons , viz. T●●mas Fizt Thomas Mayor , Michael Tony , Steven Bukker●● Thomas Pywellyson , and John D●flete . These five 〈◊〉 the King given to his Son Edward , at whose co●mandment they remained in the said Tower long ●●ter , notwithstanding the King 's safe Conduct to 〈◊〉 before made . What became then of the King's wor● ▪ But who durst oppose a waking Lyons . The 〈◊〉 Hunter in the fable lik't not to deal roughly wi●● him , till his long Teeth were broken out , and his 〈◊〉 cut off . When , upon the bruit of Queen Mary'● 〈◊〉 with Child , King Philip of Spain her Husband 〈◊〉 to be chosen the Childs Guardian , if the 〈◊〉 should Decease , and offered the Parliament great ●●surances and Bonds of Security for his redelivery 〈◊〉 the Kingdom at the appointed time , that Gentlem●● shew'd himself no Fool ; who , when the assuranc● were likely to find acceptance , stood up and inq●●●ed who should 〈◊〉 the Bond ; And the Parliame●● enough approv'd him , when they immedintly the●● upon rejected the King's specious offers . 'T is very d●●advantagious , and often injurious to the Weak , to 〈◊〉 making of bargains with the more Powerful , who 〈◊〉 strong enough to break their Promises and Covena●● with Impunity , or keep them but e'en as they pleas● ▪ When the tydings of the usage of the Mayor and th● rest at Windsor came to London ; whereas many 〈◊〉 fear had absented themselves before , upon this new● many more convey'd away themselves and their good secretly into diverse parts of England , so that many of them are said never to have return'd after . In the 49th . Year , November the 6th . We find tha● the King came to Westminster , and shortly after gave to diverse of his Houshold-Servants , near about sixty Houses and Housholds within the City , so that the Owners were compell'd to redeem their Houses and Housholds , with all the goods in them , or else to depart and suffer such Persons to enter to whom th●●nd Houses were given . This grant is said to have ●●●ended likewise to all the Lands , Tenements , Goo●● 〈◊〉 Chattels , which the said Citizens had in any other ●●●ces of England . Riches have often made Persons 〈◊〉 singled out for offendors , while the poor Man ●● the mean time scapes free , few envying him his Pove●ty . After this was 〈◊〉 Constable of the Tower ●●de Custos or Guardian of the City , who chose 〈◊〉 Adrian and Walter Hervy Citizens to be Bayliffs 〈◊〉 him , and to him to be accountable to the King's 〈◊〉 ▪ Then took the King pledges of the best Men's 〈◊〉 of the City , that 〈◊〉 peace should be surely kept 〈◊〉 th● same . These were put into the Tower , ●nd 〈◊〉 kept at their Parents cost . Shortly after 〈…〉 Labour and S●it made , the foresaid Londoners , ●● the keeping of the Bayliff of the Castle of Windsor , 〈◊〉 deliver'd and came to London , except 〈…〉 , viz. Richard Bonaventure , Symon De'Had●st●k , William De Kent , and William De Glocester , who with 〈◊〉 other five afore excepted were still kept in the Tow●r of Windsor . Then dayly Suit and Labour wa● made to the King , to have his Gracious Favour , and ●o know his Pleasure , what fine he would have of the City for their Transgressions , and Displeasure by them ●o him done . The former Transactions seem to bea● a Tendency hereunto . The Citizens were prevail'd upon to resign up themselves , their Lives and Goods , into the King's hands ▪ submitting all to his Mercy , that a good large fine might be the easier levied of them , and the Nation the better made to beleive , that the City was well dealt with for paying no more , when as the King might have seiz'd upon all , they having surrendred in a manner wholly upon discretion . To what else tend the many preparatives before rehears'd , but to make this bitter Pill go down , 〈◊〉 smoother and quieter with them ? The Book ●●quai●ts ●● that the King asked 40000l . and 〈◊〉 stood at ●0000 Marks ▪ I But the City alledged 〈◊〉 themselves , that the poor Commons of the City , 〈◊〉 of many were gone away , were the Trespassers , 〈◊〉 that the best of the City by these riotous Perso● were robid and spoil●● and had lost a great part o● their Substance in this 〈◊〉 some time , by the R●vers of the Sea ; as the Wardens of the five Ports and others . For these and many other considerations 〈◊〉 Citizens besought the King , of his most Gracious 〈◊〉 your and Pity , to take of them as they might ●ear . This matter thus , depending , the King depart●● 〈◊〉 Westminister to Northampton , having a little 〈◊〉 his departure Ordain'd Sir John Lynd , and M● ▪ John 〈◊〉 Clerk to be Guardians of the City and Tow●● they ●eing nam'd in the King 's Writing , 〈…〉 Steward 's of the City ▪ Upon the Day after th● King was gone , these Two Stewards sent for Tw●●ty Four of the most notable Men of the City , an● warned them to appear the Day following before th● King's Councel at Westminster . At their appeara●●● it was shown unto them by Sir Roger Leyborn , that t●● King's mind was , That they should have the Rule o● the City in his absence under the foresaid Senescha●● and for to see good Rule kept in the City , they should be sworn there before his Councel . They were there ▪ upon sworn and countermanded unto the City . The City's fine was inagitation till about Christmas , 〈…〉 ▪ End was made with the King , by such friends a● the City had about him , for the Sum of 20000 Marks for all transgressions and offences by them before done , some Persons excepted , whom the King had giv'n to his Son Edward , being those afore nam'd kept in the Tower of Windsor . For the payment of this Sum at Days by agreement set , where Sir. 〈…〉 and Mr. Robert Wareyn Clerk assign'd to take 〈…〉 ▪ After Surety by them receiv'd , and sent to 〈◊〉 King at Northampton ▪ the King sent immediately 〈◊〉 to th● Citizens a Charter under his Broad 〈…〉 may be seen in Eabian my Author in these 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 needless to make many comments 〈…〉 upon this affair . Through the whole it is ●●●ifest , that the City was of considerable Power and 〈◊〉 , so that the King thought not good to exaspe●●● the Citizens too much , least evil should have 〈◊〉 of it . To make a Bridge of Gold for a flying 〈◊〉 is no mean Policy . Doubtless it was well 〈…〉 Court that they us'd not the 〈◊〉 violence , 〈…〉 Baron's Party was not wholy destroyed as yet in 〈◊〉 hand , though it was very much crush'd ▪ How 〈◊〉 the whole City joyn'd therewith , might ha●e 〈…〉 pois'd , if not turn'd the Scales , had sh● been 〈◊〉 ●ar●hly dealt with , I rather crave leave to 〈…〉 the Readers consideration , than hastily presume 〈…〉 . 'T is certain enough , that within less than 〈◊〉 Years , the Cause was in great likelihood to have 〈◊〉 reviv'd to purpose , had not convenient course 〈◊〉 taken to ●ush it a sleep again , without rashly ●●●ceeding to the highest extremities , as you may find 〈◊〉 the sequel of the History . After the aforesaid 〈◊〉 was receiv'd by the Citizens , the pledges in the 〈◊〉 of London , and the Four last mention'd to be 〈◊〉 in the Tower of Windsor were deliver'd . The 〈◊〉 renam'd Stewards were also discharged , and the 〈◊〉 chose of themselves for Mayor , William Fiz 〈◊〉 , and for Sheriffs Thomas de la Founde , and Grego●● de Rokis●y , as Fabi●n acquaints us . For Levying of 〈◊〉 foresaid Fine were set as well Servants , and Cove●●nt-men , as Housholders , and many refus'd the Liberties of the City to be quit of that charge ▪ 〈◊〉 which we may give some part of a guess at the 〈◊〉 of the fine , what a considerable summ● 〈…〉 marks was in those days , before the ●●dies were 〈◊〉 into Europe , some hundreds of years . This controversy with London being thus 〈◊〉 towards an end , the King had leasure to mind 〈◊〉 suppressing the remains of the Baron's Party . 〈◊〉 de Mountford upon certain conditions was 〈…〉 be at large in the Kings Court , and so 〈◊〉 a Season . But when the King was come to London ▪ suddenly departed to Winchelsea , where he accomp●nied with the Rovers of the Sea , till after some 〈◊〉 taken he departed from them into France , and 〈◊〉 himself into the Service of the French King. So 〈◊〉 an end of the Potent Earl of Leycester's Family in E●●land : This Powerful Earl bid fair for the Rule of 〈◊〉 whole Kingdom , but had he reviv'd the Battail● 〈◊〉 a Conqueror , how much further he 〈◊〉 have gone , I may think but not positively 〈◊〉 mine . Another Act of the Kings this year , in order to 〈◊〉 total rooting out of the Barons remains , was his ●●ing a Seige to Kenelworth-Castle with a mighty 〈◊〉 , but this prov'd a task not quickly at an end . Now 〈◊〉 time comes to revenge old slights and neglects . 〈◊〉 sides Strangers prepar'd to come over into Engl●●● the Queen had also purchas'd a curse of the 〈◊〉 ( a womans aid ) to accurse all the Barons , their 〈◊〉 and helpers ; & Commissions were directed to 〈◊〉 Bishops of England to execute , but they for fear 〈◊〉 the Barons , are said to have deny'd , and deferred 〈◊〉 Execution and Sentence of the said curse . Wherefo●● she made new labour to the Pope , and had it gran●●● that the said Bishops should be corrected for their di●●bedience . Whereupon Octobon the Pope's Legate , 〈◊〉 Councel by him and the Clergy held this year at Paul's ●●ch in London , suspended those Bishops , and sent 〈◊〉 to Rome to be absolv'd of the Pope . A pretty 〈◊〉 to go nine Miles with Waltham's calf to Suck a 〈◊〉 . In the 50th year about Christmas was Kenelworth 〈◊〉 yielded , after near half a years Siege , upon 〈◊〉 of life , Limb , Horse , Armes and all things 〈◊〉 in the Castle to the defendants belonging , and 〈◊〉 to carry them away , and not to be disinherited 〈◊〉 is it any wonder , that they had such 〈◊〉 granted them , if that be true , which Stow relates , 〈◊〉 , that at the King 's coming to besiege the Castle , 〈◊〉 force was so great , and those in the Castle so 〈◊〉 daunted at their Enemyes presence , that they 〈◊〉 ●pen their Gates , and never closed them day no● 〈◊〉 , and come whoso would , they came to their 〈◊〉 ▪ Thus you see the King found it no easy matter 〈◊〉 to suppress the remainders , though he had 〈◊〉 power'd the heads of the Baron's party . About 〈◊〉 were the Wardens of the five Ports reconcil'd to 〈◊〉 King by favour of Edward the King's Son. Observe 〈◊〉 by the way his policy . In his Father's time he 〈◊〉 to crush that power , which might have 〈◊〉 him in his own Reign , and having pretty well 〈◊〉 it , he after seems a pretender to Popularity , 〈◊〉 mediating with his Father in behalf of many , that ●ddressed themselves to him for reconciliation . It much ●ails to apply our selves to a fit Intercessor . So have known a Stepmother , when requested , prevail with 〈◊〉 Father her Husband in her Son in Law 's behalf , 〈◊〉 he himself could not . The Conditions of this reconciliation of the Barons ●●que Ports are not unworthy of the remark . We 〈◊〉 that in Anno. 47. these Wardens of the five Ports 〈◊〉 the Sea with Ships , that no Strangers should enter the Land to the King's Aid . In 48 , we are told 〈◊〉 they rob'd and spoild all men that they might 〈◊〉 sparing neither English Merchants nor others , 〈◊〉 which preys , as the Common Fame-went , the 〈◊〉 of the Land had a good part . In 49. we find 〈◊〉 Londoners alledging for themselves , in mitigation 〈◊〉 the great Fine required of them , that they had 〈◊〉 great part of their Substance by the Rovers of 〈◊〉 Sea , among whom are named the Wardens of 〈◊〉 Cinque Ports . And yet notwithstanding all these 〈◊〉 Harms done , they are Recorded to have had all 〈◊〉 former Priviledges confirmed to them , and 〈◊〉 was Granted , That if any English-man , or 〈◊〉 would Sue for Restitution of Goods , by them 〈◊〉 taken , or for the Death of any of their Friends ●●fore Slain , that all such Complaints should 〈◊〉 Sued in their Courts , there to have their 〈◊〉 determin'd , and not elsewhere . What grea● Assurance could these Barons desire for their own ●●curity ? They might well promise themselves imp●nity , when they were in such fair probability to 〈◊〉 their own Judges in their own Cause , unless we 〈◊〉 suppose Juries were to be chosen elsewhere . 〈◊〉 we might in good reason , that the King would 〈◊〉 to such Terms of Accomodation , had we it not up●● Record , that the common Fame at that Day ran , 〈◊〉 the said Wardens of the Five Ports had then the D●minion of the Sea : Whereupon the King was after sort compell'd to follow their Pleasures . When Man is to take an unpleasant Potion , after he 〈◊〉 drunk up the greatest part thereof , it not rarely ha●pens , that the Remains in the bottom are harder 〈◊〉 get down than was all the rest . About the Feast of Philip and Jacob we hear of 〈◊〉 King's holding a Parliament at Northampton● 〈◊〉 which were confirm'd the old Franchises and Libert●●● by the King's Progenitors before Granted in the City ●f London , with a new Grant for the Shire of Mid●lesex . 'T is good to make things as sure as we 〈…〉 this Parliament were likewise disinherited many Noble-men of the Land , who before-time had taken the Barons Party . For which cause they accompa●●ed together , Robbed in divers parts of the Land , ●ook Lincoln and spoil'd it , and after Ransomed many of the Rich Burgesses of the Town : And taking the ●sle of Ely , so strengthened it , that they held it long 〈◊〉 . Anno 51 , At the choosing of the Mayor of London , ● Controversie arose between the Rulers and Com●ons of the City . Wherefore by advice of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen Sir Roger Leyborn ( a Courtier plain enough by his Actions related before ) with others ●ame to Guild-hall , being Armed under their Gowns , ●nd upon Fryday following Alhallon day , called the Commons to the Election of the new Mayor . How ●●ee was this Election likely to be , whither men came ●ecretly Armed to assist their Party ? Fabian tells us ●hat the best of the City gave the Nomination to Aleyn ●●wch , and divers of the others cryed upon Thomas 〈◊〉 Thomas , at that time Prisoner in Windsor Castle , ●herefore the said Sir Roger , with the Assistance of ●he Mayor and others , took those Persons , and sent ●●emun to divers Prisons . So that what they could not ●o well get by fair means , some seem resolved to ob●ain by force . And yet 't is not unlikely , but they ●ould be ready enough to bear People in hand that ●uch was a free Election . The Act against Disturbance 〈◊〉 Free Elections ( wherein the King commandeth upon Forfeiture , that no man by force of Arms , nor by ●alice or menacing , shall disturb any to make Free ●lection ) was not at that time dreaded , as not being 〈◊〉 yet enacted ( for it is plac'd in the third of Edward the First , the following King ) wherefore the Dist●●bers might not then think they had such cause 〈…〉 having the Court also on their side , as 〈◊〉 must have had since , as soon as ever they should 〈◊〉 acted so imprudently , as to bring themselves 〈◊〉 the la●h of that standing Law. Observe we here 〈◊〉 Power and Esteem , that usually accompanie● 〈◊〉 Mayoralty of this Honorable City , since that 〈◊〉 Faction were for choosing one of their own 〈◊〉 Shall I further remark upon the whole of this 〈◊〉 what Party in a Nation 't is , that sticks not at 〈◊〉 nor force to effect their Designs , when fair 〈◊〉 is too weak to compass them ? But who will 〈◊〉 me that this will not be offensive ? Therefore to 〈◊〉 In this Year the Gentlemen , who kept the 〈◊〉 Ely , and liv'd there like Outlaws , broke out 〈◊〉 times and did much harm in Norfolk , Suffolk , 〈◊〉 Cambridge Shire , took Norwich , and after spoiling 〈◊〉 carried away with them many of the rich men , 〈◊〉 ransomed them at great sums of Mony. This 〈◊〉 occasion , the story says , to Thieves and other 〈◊〉 dispos'd People to do many other hurts and 〈◊〉 in divers places of the Land , and the blame was 〈◊〉 to those Gentlemen . Then the Pope's Legate labou●● with the King , that those disinherited Gentlem●● might purchase their Lands of him by Fine and 〈◊〉 some . Whereupon it was agreed that they 〈◊〉 have their Lands again at five Years value , some 〈◊〉 excepted , and others of small Possessions to 〈◊〉 Fined at the discretion of the King's Councel . 〈◊〉 this took no conclusion saith my Author . Anno 52. Aleyn Sowch being Mayor , Thomas ●●sing● and Robert de Cornehyll Sherists , we read of an●ther broyl beginning , which was like to have crea●● no little disturbance in the Land , had it not 〈◊〉 timely appeas'd , and brought to an end by the inte●cession of wise Mediators For Gilbert de Clare , Earl 〈◊〉 Glocester , formerly a powerful Man among the , B●rons Party , by reason of difference and disgust ●●ising between him and the no less Potent Earl of 〈◊〉 , of the same Party , having turn'd to the King's side , adding to it such considerable strength , that it soon over powr'd the weakend Barons ; but ●●w upon what occasion Fabian expresses not , he refused the King , and gathered to him a strong 〈◊〉 in the Marches of Wales . To him likewise drew ▪ Sir John Eyvile , and others of the disinherited 〈◊〉 . So that after Christmas ; he comes with a ●ear Host near unto London . When the Mayor and Aldermen of the City were aware of the Earls ●●ming with so strong a Power , and not knowing 〈◊〉 he were the Kings Freind , they shut the 〈◊〉 against his Fore-Riders . And for that neither 〈◊〉 King , nor any of his Councel were then near 〈◊〉 City , they went unto the Legate , at that time ●●dged in the Tower , and required his Councel , ●hether they should suffer the Earl to enter into the ●ay or not , whereunto the Legate answered , that 〈◊〉 thought not the contrary , for the knew well that 〈◊〉 was the Kings true Subject and Friend . Not 〈◊〉 after came a Messenger from the Earl to the ●ayor , to have Licence to pass through the City 〈◊〉 Southwark , where he intended to lodge with 〈◊〉 People : which was granted , and so the Earl ●●ssed through the City , and was lodg'd in South●ark : To him came shortly after by Surry-side , 〈◊〉 John Eyvile , with a great Company . Then the ●ayor kept the Gate of the Bridge shut , watch●●g it dayly with armed Men , and every night 〈◊〉 the Draw-Bridge to be drawn , and the Waterside daily and nightly to be watched with Men in Arms. In short time after the Legate and the Earl agreed in such wise , that the Earl by his advice was suffered with certain of his People to be lodged in the City : By means whereof he daily drew more and more of his People into it , so that finally many things were ordered by him , and many of the Commons took his part against the Mayor and Aldermen . The Commonalty of the City had had great Power put into their hands by the Statutes made at Oxford , as appears before in the Meeting of the Fol●moot at Pauls Cross ; they had been lately fin'd , after the Barons overthrow , for their standing in defence of those Parliament-Acts , and but the last year had been disturb'd by the Mayor in their Election of a new Mayor , by force of Arms , and therefore now we may beleive it all remembred ▪ What , shall we loose so seasonable an opportunity , ( we may suppose they might then think ) if not to regain our former power , yet at least to vindicate our selves against future affronts ? Here we may note not a little of the Earls policy . After he had gathered together his People , he comes away to London , and getting leave to pass through it 〈◊〉 part of his Forces , he settles himself as near the City , as he might , in Southwark , and then by degrees gets himself and his Power into the City ▪ hoping doubtless to find a Party therein willing to second him , which hopes we perceive by the sequel were not ill grounded . Is not this a plain instance of the Cities Power , Esteem , and Influence in these days ? If any can produce plainer proof hereof , let them as soon as they please . I think here 〈◊〉 Mathematical Demonstration : matter of Fact not of Fancy . In Easter week we read that the Earl took the Keys of the Bridge , and of the Gates , from the officers of the City , and deliver'd them to such as pleased him , and received into the City many of the disinherited Perfons , and gave them free liberty to pass the Bridge at all hours of the day and night . Of all this the Mayor sent word to the King , who then was gathering of this Power in Norfolk , and made hasty speed towards London . In the mean time the Earl with his Company made Bulwarks and ●●●bicanes between the Tower and the City , casting 〈◊〉 and Trenches in some places thereof , and forf●ited it wonderfully saith my Author . Then many of the Citizens , fearing a new Insurrection , deparred from the City as secretly as they could , whose goods the Earl seized to his own use , or suffered his men to spoile them at his pleasure . Then the Commons f●●getting their late punishment , or rather too much remembring it and intending revenge , withou● fear or dread of their King took certain of the Aldermen , and cast them into Prison , sequestring their Goods , and spoiling much thereof : And thereupon ran to Guild-hall , and chose for their Mayor , 〈◊〉 , or Ruler of the City ( take which name you please ) Sir Richard de Culworth Knight , and for Bayliffs Robert de Lynton and Roger Marshal , and discharg'd the old Mayor and Sheriffs . These the fruits of Civil Broils . This being done , we read in the next place , that all such Prisoners , that were in Newgate , Ludgate and Criplegate , or in any other Prisons within the City , because of the Baron's War before passed , were delivered and set at liberty . Thus each Party when in Power , strives to weaken and suppress their opposites , and strengthen the●● own side . What avails Laws , Customes , and Ordinances in the midst of Armies ? How suddainly ● how unexpectedly is the wheele turn'd ? who kno●● how soon the Barons War had been anew reviv'd had not Powerful Mediators interceded to the p●●vention of more blood shedding . The Oxford S●●tutes stood in deed repeal'd by the Winchester Parliament , but who can divine what new devices the wit of men backt with Power might in time ha●● found out , to retreive their late overthrown cause had not Providence so dispos'd mens minds to peaceable Councels , as to bring these new troubles to 〈◊〉 quicker end . When the Legate beheld all this Discord , we are told , he repented him of his former Counce● given to the Mayor , which we may easily belie●● without looking for any proofs thereof . For th● Legate might well think himself accus'd in man● men's thoughts , as one of the occasional Causes 〈◊〉 much of this disorder , though it may be they mig●● not be so uncharitable , as to believe him any othe●● then an accidental not designed Causer thereof . 〈◊〉 seems by the History to have endeavour'd somewh●● to vindicate his Reputation , when he saw he coul● not reform the Earl , by threatning him with 〈◊〉 Censures of the Church , and to accurse him as th● Disinherited were . For that was always one o● the best Weapons the Popish Clergy were most de●trous at . If any grievously displeas'd them , no ma●ter what the cause was , good or bad , allowable by the Divine Laws or not , to Curse him with Bell , Book and Candle , was their usual accustomed Practise . Whosoever believes me not , let him go to the Martyrologies , & see whether he can then beleive his 〈◊〉 eyes . Yet I do not find ( let the instance here 〈◊〉 ) that this their Cursing had so general an 〈◊〉 upon all men , as they would have had it , 〈◊〉 they got it well backt by the Civil Magistrates ●●thority . Therefore their common use was , as 〈◊〉 had opportunity , to inch out the Spiritual 〈◊〉 with the Temporal . What did many value 〈◊〉 have their Souls given away to the Devil , if they 〈◊〉 keep their Bodies out of Prisons from being ●●livered over to the Secular Power by the Clergy , 〈◊〉 seem thus as it were by craft to call the Ma●istrate the Devil ? A plain case , when Men to exalt ●●eir own Worldly grandure , or out of Animosity to ●●venge a particular private peek or quarrel , under ●●●tence of Religion , usurpe a Power over Men's 〈◊〉 and Consciences , which belongs not at all to 〈◊〉 , or else turn the Edge of it to a use quite ●●●trary to the Primitive Institution , it quickly 〈◊〉 its Ancient Vigour and Esteem , and from a ●●error it becomes a scorn to persons of understan●●●g , able enough to discern men's wicked preva●●cation from true Religion . Were it not for the 〈◊〉 De Excommunicato c●piendo in some Cases Men 〈◊〉 little value Excommunication , or look upon 〈◊〉 otherwise than a Scare-Crow to fright Children and Fools , what 's hanging , were it not for choak●●g . To proceed after this menace and threat of the 〈◊〉 , we are told that he commanded Divine Service to be said without Note , and the Church doors to be shut in time thereof , and that no Bell ●●ould be rung unto it , to the Intent that the disinherited , who stood accursed , should not enter the Churches to hear it . Upon three Weeks after Easter we hear that the King came to Ham , a few miles from London , whether likewise came the Legat soon after . Then the King's host made divers assaults upon the City , but it seems with little or no hur●to the Town , it was so strongly fortified . My Author makes mention of Guns and other Ordinances , but I question whether he speakes not rather after the fashion of the Age he liv'd in , than after the true use of armes in those more elderly times . For the first invention of Gunpowder by Bertholdus Swart , the G●rman Monk , is plac'd by Chronologers a considerable time after . In this time of variance the Legate upon his Party , and the King of Romans upon the other party ▪ for alliance between him and the Earl of Glocester , labour'd so to the King , that Peace was spoken of During the Treaty the Soldiers lying in Southwarke made many Robberies in Surry and other places . Neither did the King's Palace at Westminister escape , for we hear that some of them rowd over thereto , and Spoil'd it , drunk up the Kings wine , brake the glass of the Windows wasting and destroying other Necessaries thereunto belonging , and came likewi●● sometimes into London and Robbed there . Disorderly unruly Soldiers little regard any one , unless they be kept under Strict discipline . Sacred or Propha●● much the sameto many of them . Some of these ●avenous Spoilers being taken , are recorded to have had a severe Punishment inflicted on them , through the Earl of Derby's means , whose . Body or C●g●zance they bare viz. bound hands and leggs , put into a Sack and ●o cast into Thames . About 〈◊〉 day was the Peace between the King and the Earl c●●cluded . After this Conclusion the Earl removed out of the City and was lodg'd again in Southwark . The King entred the City the Sunday before Mids●●er day according to the Book : And forthwith the King's Proclamation were made through it , of the peace made between the King and the Earl. Af●●r was liberty given to the disinherited Persons of Eleven Days respit to shift for themselves , either to depart to such Places , where they might be in some Surety , or else to agree to the former Composition made by the Legate , viz. To pay the Fifth part of the Yearly Value of their Lands , certain Persons only excepted , as is before related . As touching the Earl , and such other as before were not disinherited , together also with the Citizens of London , they were clearly to be forgiven and Pardoned . Then were restored to their Offices Aleyn Sowch Mayor , Thomas Basynge and Robert de Cornhil Sheriffs . And the Aldermen , before deposed , were again likewise restored to their Wards and Offices . A happy Reconciliation . Next comes the relation of the Legate's interdic●ing all the City the Wednesday following , which endured from six of the clock in the Morning , till three the next day in the Afternoon , and then was discharg'd upon the Oath of two Commons sworn in the name of the City , that the City should stand to the Ordinance and Judgment of the Church . So Eabian informs us , but he likewise telis us of another Chronicle which affirms , that this Interdiction should have continued longer , had it not been for the sternness of the Londoners , who held the Legate so streight , that they inforc't him to withdraw that sentence upon the foresaid Condition . So that is seems the Legate had not strength enough to 〈◊〉 with the Londoners so roughly and harshly , yet s●curely , as otherwise he might perchance have do●● with lesser Places and Parties . His reverend Lega●●ship seems not here to have went so cunningly 〈◊〉 work ; as did a Legate much of the same Name , i● not the same Man , in the twenty first of this Kin●● Reign , with the Oxford Scholars . He first got 〈◊〉 enough off from them to Wallingford , and then accus'd the misdoers , that had put him into such a 〈◊〉 , that for his Safeguard he took the Belfry of Osney , 〈◊〉 abode there , till the Kings Ministers coming fro● Abbington , with strength mixt with fair words , de●●vered him , and conveyed him away , as is in 〈◊〉 before shewn . No , no , the Londoners were too stron● and stern , so to be fool'd and us'd . They would ●●ther , we perceive by the story , compel him , th●● sawningly crouch to him . After this the Bulwarks , and Barlicarnes , made by the Earl in the City , were plucked clean up , and Ditches fill'd , so that no part of them was see● Good to destroy all the Monuments of civil Broils and Discord . When the Citizens should have had their new Pardon granted , an obstacle was mad● for so much as they as yet had not recompenced the King of the Romans , for the Subversion of hi● Manour of Thistleworth . Well remembred and as seasonably put in . A good convenient opportunity to put in for his share ; when he knew all the other differences were pretty well quieted in the L●●d , and might reasonably conclude , the City would rather wisely part with a little Money , than begin a new trouble for a small matter , and so hazard all . For his Reparation was ask'd ( we find ) six thousand 〈◊〉 . But finally , with great Labour and Freindship 〈◊〉 was made , to give him for amends one 〈…〉 ma●ks to be paid in two years . Thus you 〈◊〉 observe , some will be sure however to ask 〈◊〉 , where they know there is good Ability to 〈◊〉 , though they take at last much less : Like the 〈◊〉 , that requested five hundred Oaks of the King 〈◊〉 ●uild him an House , when as one hundred was enough , and it may he too much . After these Transactions , the King accepted and 〈◊〉 to his Grace , Sir John Eyvile , and several 〈◊〉 , some of them named before among the 〈◊〉 Party . Accord was also made between 〈◊〉 the Kings Son , and the Earl of Glocester . Ther● 〈◊〉 all Fortresses and other Defences , before made 〈◊〉 , and the places adjoyning , pull'd up ( 〈◊〉 my Author ) and destroyed , and the Earl with all other Souldiers departed After things thus set 〈…〉 and Rest , except that some yet kept the 〈◊〉 of Ely , the King Rides to Shrewsbury , and 〈◊〉 there a Season to commune of matters between him and Lewellin Prince of Wales . While he there 〈◊〉 , I find that a Writ was directed to Sir Aleyn 〈◊〉 , Mayor of London , eight days before Michaelm●● , from the King , charging him that the Citizens should not proceed to Election of new Sheriffs , till 〈◊〉 coming to London , but to suffer the old to abide still in Office. By this we may guess at the honourable Sheriffs Power , even in those days , and beleive that the Court thought it convenient for their interest● in those unsetled times , to influence the Election what they might . What else means the Kings command to defer the Election till his coming to Town ? And indeed we may perceive by the History , th●● there was medling to the purpose the following year , for the King himself , instead of permitting 〈◊〉 free Election , did in effect put in two Sheriffs , of 〈◊〉 own nomination . For the Mayor was commande● to present to the King six Persons able to be 〈◊〉 ( it may be it was also privately intimated to hi● whom they should be ) and out of them the 〈◊〉 chose two to be Sheriffs , , William de Durham , 〈◊〉 Walter Henry , and caused them to be sworn , 〈◊〉 they should gather the profits of the City , and give a true Account before the Barons of the Excheque● ▪ But for this , the Court seem to have had a 〈◊〉 plausible pretence from some disorders lately co●mitted in the City . As indeed they appear by th● History of this Kings Reign very ready , either ●● find occasion for pretences , or else to make 〈◊〉 that they might seize the Cities Charter , and ●fter restore it again for a good round sums of Money . The Disorders in London above mention'd wer● occasion'd , through variance falling out between the Fellowships of Goldsmiths and Taylors in November ▪ in the fifty third year of this King , reckoning with my Author from the usual time of the Mayors e●tring into his Mayoralty . This variance was so grea● , that it grew to the making of Parties , so that with the Taylors held the Craft of Stainers , with the Goldsmiths held another Fellowship or Craft . By means whereof much people nightly gathered together in the Streets in Arms. At length , as if before appointed , there met one night of the said Parties upon the number of five hundred Men on both sides , and ran together with such violence , that some were slaim and many wounded : To this purport I find it related . Then upon outcry made the Sheriffs with a strength of other Commons came to them , and took certain of them , and sent them to the Prisons : Upon the Morrow such search was made , that most of the cheif causers of that Fray were taken and 〈◊〉 into Ward . Upon the Friday following Katherines 〈◊〉 , at the Sessions kept at Newgate by the Mayor , 〈◊〉 de Broke Justice and others , were many of 〈◊〉 Persons Arraigned of Felony , and and some of them cast and hang'd . Among them was likewise 〈◊〉 one Godfrey de Beverlay , who had helped to 〈◊〉 of them . Thus the Accessary is not seldom thought a● guilty as the Theif . On the Morrow after St. James's day , the King d●●charged ( as writes my Author ) Sir. Aleyn Souch ●●yor , and made Stephen Edworth Constable of the T●wer , and Custos of the City of Londrn ▪ Fabian ( after whom I most write ) hath left us the Names of a Mayor , and Sheriffs , affixt to every year of this Henry's Reign , yet he likewise gives us to understand , that of these Rulers of the City , after the year that Thomas Fytz Thomas was Mayor , there are divers opinions . For after some Writers ( continues he ) from that year , viz. forty eight till the fifty fifth of King Henry's Reign , in which year . John Adrian , Draper , was Mayor , they were all Guardians and no Mayors , and who so was then Constable of the Tower , the same was also Custos of the City . So that , according to this Account , there pass'd about seven years , wherein the Londoners had not the full and free use of their Priviledges and Franchises . If this be allowed for a Truth , we have but little Reason to marvel , that we find the Commons so ready to adhere to such , as they might hope would vindicate their former Liberty , and the Rulers so averse from joyning with such , in diminution of that Regal Power , to which they seem wholly to have ow'd theirs , and not to any Interest and Favour they had among the Commons of the City . Who knows , if those Writers words be granted , but this might be some Reason of the Earl of Glocester's stirring again again●● the Court designs , ( with a little perhaps of Jealou●y , of the Kings Son Edwards overmuch familiarity with his Wife , in a Court hinted to us by Stow , but plaid by him an year later , In Reg. 53. ) when 〈◊〉 saw the City , which had formerly took part with the same side he once was of , deprived of their ●●berties and Franchises , with little hopes of 〈◊〉 them , much through his means , by his late 〈◊〉 with Edward the Kings Son , to the weakning and overthrow of the Barons Party , to which the City had so firmly adher'd ? In this year , by Mediati●● and means of the fame Edward , all such difinne●ited Persons , as kept the Isle of Ely , are said to be reconciled to the King , and all Fortresses and De●ence● therein by them made , plucked away and destroyed . In July , Octobon the Pope's Legate , who had interested himself so much in the late Transactions ▪ departed towards Rome , but not without a great Treasure , Levi'd , we hear , of the Church . My Author intimates , That he made many good Rules therein ; if they were not only Rules , but an● good Rules , why should he not be well paid ●or them ? I don't think these kind of Men did very often Ordain such extraordinary good Rules , unless you will call those good , which tended to the satisfying the Pope's Avaricious Mind , and exalting his , and the Clergies Temporal Grandeur . Other might be their Pretences , but Mony doubtless was 〈◊〉 of their aim , when they sent their Legates 〈◊〉 this Land , or into other Countries owning the Pope's Jurisdiction : and the Event proves it too 〈◊〉 . Without all Peradventure , it was not for nothing , that England was called the Pope's Pack-horse . Annals , Peterpence , Tenths , F●rst-Fruits , and the like , were good Pickings , that were drawn hence , to Rome : And that the Popish Clergy know full well , and therefore their fingers are Itching to be Trading here again . If the Pope's Mule could once more set his Foot safely on English Ground , there 〈◊〉 doubt but they would make us pay for old 〈◊〉 new , it should scape them hard else . 'T was about Four Years before , even in 49 , that the Citizens of London compounded with the King 〈◊〉 a Fine of Twenty Thousand Marks , and yet in this Year 53 , there is another mention made of it , as it were hinting to us , that it was not yet all Raised , or at least , that all such , that were Assessed towards it , had not returned in their demanded Assessment , but to avoid that and other Charges , had rather chosen to depart from the City with their Housholds and Goods , and Inhabit in divers other places of the Land. Whence we may without doubt well and truly conclude the scarcity of Coin in those Days , and greatness of that Imposed Tax , or elfe the Paucity of the Inhabitants of London , and smalness of the City , in comparison with what it is at this present time . If then the City was of such Power and Esteem in those Days , as the former passages seem strongly to prove , how great and considerable an Influence , have we reason to beleive it hath at present upon the rest of the Nation now it is grown by far more Populous , and 〈◊〉 more Splendid in Riches , Trading , and Building● Though many of the Citizens thus fled the City , thinking thereby to be acquitred of the Charge of the aforementioned Imposition , yet find not that this availed them ought . For the others of the City remaining made ( we are told ) Instant labour to the King , and had it Granted , That all such , as for the aforesaid cause had carri●d their Goods out of the City , should be Distrain●● by the Sheriff of the Shire , where they then dwelled , and forced to pay all such Sums , as they ●●fore were Assessed at . Why should not Men 〈◊〉 the Bad with the Good ? If they desire to enjoy the City's Priviledges in the Day of her Prosperity , there is but little reason , why they should not lik●wise partake with her in the common Calamity and Adversity . In September , The Five Citizens , viz. Thomas 〈◊〉 Thomas , &c. sp●ken of before in the Forty 〈◊〉 Year , who had hitherto remained Prisoners in Windsor-Tower , made an end with Edward the King's Son , for great Sums of Mony , and were delivered . It would have but little availed them , to ha●● pleaded the Kings safe Conduct before sent the● under his Seal . T was money it seems that must b●y their Deliverance , Mony they had doubtless , and therefore 't is mony they must produce , and so they were ●ain to do ; or at least agree to pay it , before they could get quit out of Edwards Power . The 54th year began ( according to the Chronicle ) with so hard a frost , that the frozen Thames was passable for men and Beasts in diverse places , and Merchadize was thereupon brought to London by Land. This Forst was not so prejudiaial to their Trading , 〈◊〉 the rising and flowing of Thames sometime after 〈◊〉 as injurious and hurtsul about London , to the ●●owning of Cellers by the waterside , and spoiling 〈◊〉 much Merchandize lying in them . But these are ●●●asters we know Commonly happening in this tran●●●ry World , witness the late Inundations through ●he great Rains this Spring , and the damage sustaind ●●ereby in Fleet-ditch , Hockly in the Hole , and many ●●her places . In this year about the beginning of 〈◊〉 we find that the King gave the Rule of the City 〈◊〉 London to his Son Edward , with all Revenues and Pr●fits thereto belonging . Whereupon he made Hugh 〈◊〉 son of Othon Constable of the Tower , and Custos 〈◊〉 the City , About the End of April he commanded ●he Citizens to present to him six Persons able to be ●●●riffs ; Of whom he admitted to that Office William 〈◊〉 Haddystoke , and Anke●yl De Alvern , and sware them to be Accountants , as their Predecessors were . These we read presented in May following at the G●ild-Hall , and there charged a new . At these days a new Custom or Toll us'd to be paid the King by ●he Citizens , which having been let to farme to a Mar●hant Stranger by Edward the Kings Son for 20. ●arks yearly , the Citizens unwilling to be under a ●●●angers Rule , upon great suit made to the same Ed●ard , agreed with him to buy the said Toll free for ●000 Marks . In this year the King had granted towards his ●oyage into the Holy Land ( which was the name ●hen usually given to Canaan the Land of Promise , wherein our blessed Saviour was Crucified , to compleat the works of our Redemption ) the 〈◊〉 penny of every mans Substance moveable throu●● out the Land , of the lay fee , and of the Spirit●●●ty by the Pops Assent three Dysmes to be 〈◊〉 three years . A politick pretence vsed in those days get mony , An invention somewhat suitable here 〈◊〉 to have latter ages found out , and sometimes as b●neficial , viz. To pretend war with a neighbour N●tion , and then get mony towards the raising an 〈◊〉 to carry it on . If they could afterwards compass 〈◊〉 take mony on both sides to lay it again , that 〈◊〉 good advantage ; but to get mony twice to 〈◊〉 it was double gain , Much about this time t is , that 〈◊〉 read in Stows Annals of a Quo Waranto set on foot , 〈◊〉 an Assembly of Nobles met at London by the Kin● Command , where , by many , to their no small 〈◊〉 , were called before the Justices to shew by 〈◊〉 right they held their Lands . But it was thought 〈◊〉 afterwards , to cease any further prosecution there●● After that , John Warren Earl of Surry , ( being deman●ed on that writ , what right he had to his Land● boldly drew out his Sword , and said , that there●● he held his Grand-Fathers Lands , and by that 〈◊〉 keep them , Wherein doubtless he would not 〈◊〉 failed of many Powerful Abettors and assistants , 〈◊〉 the Kings Justices too , rigorously proceeded in 〈◊〉 a●●air . We find it cost the Lord Cheif Justice of 〈◊〉 Allen dela Z●nch his life , and the Earl only a 〈◊〉 of mony , notwithstanding that he made that alla●● upon the other before the other Justices of the 〈◊〉 He having affirmed by the Oath of 25. Knights at Wi●chester , that he committed not that Fact upon any p●●tended malice , nor in contempt of the King , this 〈◊〉 the Issue of the Quo Warranto in those days . 55 was the year , wherein my Author acquaints 〈◊〉 that the Citizens so well contented Prince Ed●●rds mind , that he labour'd to the King his Father for them , and procur'd their Charter in such 〈◊〉 confirm'd , that they should after their Ancient ●riviledges choose of themselves a Major and two Sheriffs , which Sheriffs were to have the Offices thereunto belonging to farm , as before had been ●ccustomed , except that instead of 350 l. paid a●●retimes , for the Fee-farm , they should then pay 450 l. But that a quam diu placuerit was then thought of , I don't find . After this Confirmation thus granted and pass'd by the Kings broad Seal , upon July the 14th . we find the Citizens assem●led at Guildhal , where they chose for their Major , John Adryan 〈◊〉 , and for Sheriff , Walter 〈◊〉 and John 〈◊〉 ▪ And upon the 16th . Presen●ed them to the 〈◊〉 , at Westminster , Edward being ●resent , 〈◊〉 ●●ey were admitted and Sworn , ●nd Hugh Son of Othon discharg'd of the Rule of ●he City . Then the Citizens of their free Will ●o writes Fabian ) gave unto the King an 100 Marks , ●nd to Edward 500 Marks , which the King well ●ccepted . And soon after they receiv'd their Char●●er of Confirmation bearing date July 21st . and ●5th of the Kings Reign . The Annals of this year my Author ends with 〈…〉 mischance hapning in London , viz. The fal●●ng down of Saint Mary Bow Steeple in Cheapside , ●o the slaying of Women and Children . In the next year 56 he gives us the Relation of ●n other unfortunate accident , that fell out in Nor●ich , through occasion of a fray between some Ser●ants of the Monastery there standing , and some of ●he Citizens . This was carried on to such an height ●● violence and fury , that many of the Town were wounded and slain , and the Abbey with all it's buildings , except a little Chappel , burnt down and destroyed . But this afterwards cost the place the death of near upon 30 young Men of the Town , who were Indicted , Judg'd , Cast , Hang'd and Burnt as Occasioners and Executors of that Deed , to the great sorrow of the Citizens , and so much the rather , for that they thought , the Prior of the place was the Occasioner of all that mischief , but he was born out , it seems , and defended by the B●shop of Norwich . Hard medling in those times with any of the Church-men , they were grown so powerful and high Crested : What , destroy goods of the Church ? hah ! In days much later what a difference arose between Pope Paul and Fum'd the Common-wealth of Venice , upon their Imprisoning an offending Church-man , guilty 〈◊〉 less an offence than Murder ? The Thunderbolt o● Excommunication had been but a small matter had his Popeship but had power to have vented his Rage in an higher manner . If the Romish Clergy so domineer over those Countries , which have for many ages continued in Popery , can we Englishmen rationally hope to be free their utmost revenge , if they can but once get such an head over us , as they have long desired and hop'd for ? No , No , th● thinking part of the Nation are all pretty we● satisfied of their purposes , Plots , and designs . Le● them do their worst , gnash upon us with their teeth and think to eat us up as bread : Let them begi● a Massacre , if they durst , as soon as they pleas● it 's much but they 'll find , to their cost , free Englis● Spirits in English bodies , who will not so easi● be brought to their lure , as they may perhaps ha● foolishly perswaded themselves , from their conver● with a few debauch'd unthinking men amongst 〈◊〉 King Henry dyes in the 57th . year of his 〈◊〉 while his Son Edward was absent in th● 〈…〉 ▪ But upon notice hereof he returns for 〈◊〉 and in Augu●t comes to London , where of the Cittizens he is received with all Joy and hono●● , and so conveyed to Westminster . He had newly got for the Citizens their Priviledges restor●d in his Fathers days ; let us now see how matters were carried in his Reign between the City and the Court. We shall find the City a powerful match still , tho she met with many troubles and Enemies , yet she weather'd them out in spight o● all attempts . In the second year of this King Edward there was a great contest at Guildhal about the Major . Certain attempts we hear of made the year before by some of the Citizens , to have made such a Major as they listed , but being then disappointed of their Accessaries , it was hinder'd for that time , but in this years beginning took further effect . On Simon and Jude's day , when Philip le Taylor , before chosen Major , should have taken his charge at the Guildhal , divers Citizens put him beside the Majors seat , and set therein Sir Walter Harvy , who the year before had been Major . This contention being brought before the King , upon hearing the reasons of both parties , when he could not bring them to an agreement , he took occasion to put both the Candidates aside , and chose Henry For●ick for Custos of the City , who so continued for a time . So ready were some always to deprive the City of the use of her Liberties upon her Citizens dis●greement . But if such was the effect of the Ci●izens contest , what then may we think of those who ●urposely create those differences , and stir up danger●us animosities among them , upon slight , trivial , ●orn out pretences , that from the like cause or occasion the like effect may follow ? At Candlemas , by discreet and wise peaceable means , the forenamed Sir Walter Harvy was set in Authority as Major , and so remained the whole year after . In the third year the King confirmed the Liberties of the City , and granted some new . Thus you see after a storm comes fair weather . In this year we meet with a Relation concerning Walter Harvy , how that in the first year of this King , after long controversy and strife with the Aldermen , he was made Major of London , at a Folkmoot or Common-Hall at Pauls-Cross , and so continued that year ; but in this third year occasion was found to remember , and ( as the event seems to intimate ) revenge it . For being accused of divers perjuries and other detestable deeds contrary to his Oath , for them and for making Assemblies of the Commons , who favour'd him , he was depriv'd of his Aldermanship , and turn'd out of the City Council for ever , and for keeping the Kings peace within the City for the term of his life , was bound to the good behaviour upon the suretiship of twelve persons . 'T is not unusual for the Commonalty and heads of the City to be at difference each with other . Here 's one , who seems a promoter of the Commons power , over-power'd himself by his Enemies , for making assemblies of the Commons , and other Crimes objected to him , true or feigned I know not , however thence was taken a pretence to thrust him out of his former power . These Folkmoots or Assemblies of the Commons seem to have been very unpleasing t● the chief Rulers of the City , and their power disgusted , as may be guess'd from the fore-pass'd transactions in King Henry's days , where we may remember that the Commons were the men , wh● had power allotted them by the Parliament , at their Folkmoot or Common-hal , to grant the King Licence to depart out of the Land for a Season : 'T were they , who most firmly adher'd to the Barons standing up in defence of those Parliament Statues made at Oxford , but few of the chief Rulers of the City comparatively are noted to have appear'd openly in that fam'd contest of the Barons War. In the fourth year occasion was taken against Michael Tony , upon some demeaours of his in the Welch War , to accuse him of Treason , of which he was arraign'd , judg'd and condemn'd , and after drawn , hang'd and quartered . This man doubtless had been a noted stickler in the Barons War , for I find one of that Name among the five persons so long kept in Prison in Windsor Tower after the Barons overthrow , till mony bought them out , as is before related . Princes once highly offended may openly profess to forgive the offending party , but they do not however so soon forget him . Tho David pardoned Shimei during his life , and swore to him not to put him to death with the Sword , yet as good a Man as he was , he charg'd his Son Solomon to bring down his hoary head to the grave with blood ; and so accordingly we find an occasion was afterwards taken by Solomon to revenge his former cursing his Father David , by commanding Benaiah who went out and fell upon him that he dyed . This year was the famous Statute of Mortmain first enacted , that no man should give Lands or Rents to the Church without the Kings Special Licence , which Statute had afterwards many additions annext to it to make it the stronger . For the Lay-fee was in great danger to be devour'd by the Spiritualty , such Arts did the Clergy use on mens minds to augment their power and Riches . Tho now our Courts of Law are fixt at Westminster , yet in these Ancient times it was not so , for we read that this King in his sixth year remov'd his Courts of Kings-Bench , Chancery , Common-Pleas and Exchequer , to Shrewsbury , and afterwards return'd them back again , to the no small damage of the Records thus carried to and fro . This King held his Parliament at London , in his seventh year , for Reformation of his Coyn , much clip't and diminish'd . This storm fell chiefly upon the Jews , by reason of the Inquest charg'd in London to enquire of this matter . Whereupon were cast two hundred and ninety seven persons before the Major and other Justices sitting at London , and afterwards Executed at sundry times and places . My Author hath left upon Record , that among these there were but three Englishmen , all the rest were Jews or Jews born in England . Famous is the 12th . year for the Conquering and sub●●●●ing of Wales to the English Scepter , and div●sion of it b● King Edward into Shires , whereupon were ordain'd Sheriffs and other Officers therein , as were then us'd in England . David Brother to Lewellyn , late Prince of Wales , who was condemned to be drawn hang'd and quarter'd , as a chief ●●irrer and beginner of the Welsh War , in time of a Parliament held at Shrewsbury , was shortly after Executed , and his head sent to London to be s●t by his Brothers , which had been order'd to be plac'd the ●ear before on London-Tower . In this year was Edward of Carnarvan born , the first of our English Kings , since William the first , that I read of publickly unking'd , and depos'd by his own Subjects . The great Conduit standing against Saint Thomas of Acres in Cheapside owes his foundation to this year . The 13th . year may be noted for the Kings seizing the Franchises and Liberties of London into his own hands , on the day kept in Memory of Saint Pauls Conversion , so that he discharged the Major Gregory Rokisle , and admitted for Custos or Guardian of the City , Stephen Sandewich , who continued till the Monday following the Purification of the Virgin Mary , when being discharg'd , Sir John Breton s●ands upon Record charg'd for the residue of the year . My Author writes that the cause of this displeasure , the King bore to the City , is not shewn of a certainty . He mentions an old Pamphlet , whereby it appears that the Major took bribes of the Bakers , and suffer'd them to sell bread lacking six ounces in a penny Loaf , for which the King was sore displeased , but to him this seem'd no convenient cause , that the Liberties of the City should be seiz'd for one man's offence : Wherefore he rather supposeth it was for a more grievous cause . However it is observable from History , that it was a Common thing in Elder times to seize the Cities Charters on pretences slight enough of any sense , till the Citizens grew so wise , as at convenient seasons to procure new grants and graces , to prevent such seizures for the future : And that it is not still so feasable and practicable , is the grief , I believe , and heart-burning of some in the world . The 14th . year of this King may be accounted famous for the Statutes , called Additamenta Gloucestriae , made at a Parliament holden at Westminster . But in these present papers I think it may be more noted , for what I am going now to relate verbatim out of Fabian . In this year a Citizen of London , Named Thomas Pywelysdon , ( the which in the time of the Barons War , before in the story of King Henry shew'd , had been a Captain and a great stirrer of the Commons of the said City , for to maintain the Baron's party against the Kings , ) was newly accused , that he , with others of evil disposition , should make Conventicles and Assemblies to the new disturbance of the City , whereof Report was made unto the King , the which remitted the inquiry thereof unto Sir Ralph Sandewych , then Custos or Guardian of the City . Then the said Thomas with others was put in sure keeping , till the matter was duly enquired of . After which Inquisition made and found , report was made unto the King. Then the King sent down a Writ , and commanded it to be proclaimed shortly after within the bounds of the City , whereof the Effect was thus , that the said Thomas Pywelysdon , William de Heywood , Richard de Coundris , Richard le Cofferre , Robert de Derby , Albyne de Darby , William Mayo Mercer , and Ivo Lyng Draper , with divers others , to the number of fifty Persons , should be banished out of the City for ever . And if any of the said fifty eight Persons were at that time of the Proclamation voided the City , for fear or otherwise , that they should so remain , and not return unto the City upon pain of Life losing . These being thus discarded , and exiled the City , who it may be would have stood firm to the City's old Liberties and Priviledges , the rest of the Chief remaining might perchance hope the eafier to keep the Commons in aw , whatsoever new Customs they should introduce for their own lucre and advantage , th● to other men's dammage . Here you may perceive , ●ow jealous Governours are of all Meetings and Assemblies , but what are of their own constitution and ordering . The Caviliers doubtless can relate many Stories of their own experience hereof in Olivers days . Neither are many of our Coffee-houses , and Cl●b meetings ( I believe ) very grateful to some persons in the World , though their open business there is mostly to drink , smoke , talk , trade and the like . By the aforesaid relation we may likewise observe ; Once counted an Offender and ever thought so . Here Thomas Pyweldon or Pywelysdon ( for his name I find diversly Written , though the same man be meant ) a noted man in the Barons War , for which he had suffered deeply after their overthrow , by long imprisonment , and the charge of redeeming his Liberty for a great Sum of money of this same King Edward , then only Prince , was nevertheless , after about sixteen years respite , banished the City for ever , on an accusation of attempting a new disturbance . That any thing was prov'd against him , I have not read , besides the mention here of making Assemblies or Meetings . Had there been any thing material found against him , I scarce believe he should have scap't so well with his Life , seeing old Crimes seem to have been remembred , though new faults were pretended . An Act of Oblivion is a very good Plaister in a publique Universal Offence . But whatever Offender of Note , thus pardoned , out-lives the greatest number of those qually reputed guilty with him , and times be so much turned , that the ballance of the Nation leans very much on the governing side , I think that man's life hangs but by a very slender thread , whose safety and security depends only upon Pen , Ink , and Paper , and not upon the Governours natural inclination to justice and honesty , in the constant keeping and observing of his word and promise . When in the late Wars on this side the World , Messina in Sicily was reduc'd under the Spanish government , by the French's forsaking it , to whom the Messineses had before subjected themselves , tho a general pardon was by the Spaniards publickly granted , whereupon many return'd to the City● yet , if my memory deceive me not , there passed no long time , before the publick news told us of the accusing and ( I think ) condemning of a Principal Man of that City , for a new endeavour to stir up another Rebellion and Revolt therein . New accusations and new offences pretended , how unlikely soever , may sometimes serve to blind the unthinking vulgar Herd , but a man of thought doubtless will be apt to suspect , that the old grudge lies at the bottom . How easy and usual it is to suborn false Witnesses against a Man , Jezabel● practice , and the endeavour of the Chief Priests , Elders , and Council of a much later date may inform a Protestant Reader , if he hath no experience in the world to instruct him . The Citizens were accustom'd , before this year , to make good advantage to themselves by lodging Merchant strangers , and selling their Merchandize for them , for which they received so much in the pound . But at this time , by means of those Merchant strangers , it was brought to pass , that they hired Houses for themselves and their Wares , so that no Citizen should intermeddle with them , which was to the damage of many particular private men , as well as to the hindrance of the Kings Custom , and prejudicial ( as affirms the Book ) to the Realm in general by many deceits and frauds used by them . Here was a new Custom disadvantagious to many of the Citizens introduc'd , but for what reason at first permitted , whether to advance Trade by drawing more Forreigners to the City , or else to weaken their power , and bring down lower the Citizens high stomachs , by cutting off some of their gain , and parting their Trade with others , I pretend not to deliver , until I meet with better Information my self , than hitherto I have in the point . Certain it is from the story , that the King much advantag'd himself by searching into their fraudulent and deceitful dealings , and punishing them for those offences by a considerable fine . The 15th . year was chargeable to the Jews , who were fain to pay great sums of mony to the King , which they were assessed at , saith the Chronicle ; but out of an other Author it is recorded , that the Commons of England granted to the King the fifth part of their movables , to have the Jews banished out of the Land , which to prevent , the Jews of their own Wills gave the King great sums of mony . Here then was taking mony of both sides : A subtle Court way of Trading . This year there was such a plenty of Wheat , that ( according to my Authors Computation ) it was sold at London for Ten Groats the Quarter , five pence the Bushel : But the next year , through distemperature of the weather , we find the price raised up to 14 d. the Bushel , after to 18 d. and encreasing yearly du●ing this Kings Reign and his Sons , so that it stands upon Record to be sold at last for 40 s. the Quar●er and above . The 18th . may be remark'd by ●s for the Kings Honourable reception at London , ●nd the punishment of divers offending Justices , Sir Thomas Weyland , Adam Stretton and others , who being by the Kings order Examined , and found guilty of the Trespasses laid to their Charge , were ●ither out-law'd and lost their goods , or else long ●mprisoned and deeply Fin'd . A large Catalogue ●f them and their Fines are to be seen in Stows 〈◊〉 , whence 't is observable how suddainly venge●nce over-takes Oppressors , let them be never so Rich , High , and Mighty in Office , Power , or Authority , as soon as ever the Kings mind is inspir'd from above to inspect their actions , and punish their crimes . Remarkable is the 19th . Year for the Jews Banishment , which we find bought of th● King by the Commons at the price of a Fifteen . In the 21st year we hear of a Parliament held at London , and of the King of Scot's coming thither with divers of his Lords . The punishment inflicted on three men , for rescuing a Prisoner from an Officer belonging to the Sheriffs of London , by striking off their right hands at the wrist in Cheapside , is noted for one of this years actions . Hence let us leap to the 24th . year , and there , among tha● years deeds , we find mention made of a new subsidy , levied by the King upon Wool , going out o● England , Fels , and Hides , for his War with th● French King ; of his Commanding the Mony , before granted by the Clergy towards the defence o● the Holy Land , to be brought into his Treasury upon the Report he had from Rome of Pope Boniface the 8ths manners ; of the grant he got of th● Clergy of half their Spiritual and Temporal Lands from a Benefice of 20 Marks and upwards , to b● paid in three years : And of the Tax he had also granted him by the Lay-fee , viz. the Tenth penny of their movables to be paid in two years time ▪ If any one be desirous to certifie himself , wha● Relation Scotland stood in towards England fo● many ages before , let him read through the Relation of this years actions in Fabian's Chronicle and there he may be satisfied , if it will conduce to his satisfaction , to find , that Scotland , even in Elder times , in a sort depended on England , and wa● so far from giving Laws , or an Example and Patern thereto , that it's Nobles were fain to submit themselves to the King of England's Judgmen● and decree , and do him Homage and Fealty in effec● by the submission of their King , whom King Edward had appointed and set over them . Memo●able is the six and twentieth year , for that there●n the Londoners obtain'd of King Edward ( new●y come from beyond Sea into England and so to Winchester ) a grant of their Liberties and Franchises , which had in some part been kept from them by ●he term of twelve years and more , so that they ●gain chose a Major of themselves , whereas in ●he aforesaid time their Custos or Guardian was appointed by the King , or by such as the King would assign . But we are to understand by the Chronicle , that this was not redeem'd without a great Sum of money . Some Writers it seems fixing it at three thousand marks . As this King had many Wars , especially with Scotland , which put him to great charges , and had much money granted him by his Subjects , so he ceased not to devise other ways to raise more , and get what was denied him . For as much as divers men , ●ichly benefic'd in the Land , refus'd to aid him with their Goods , as others had , and for that end had purchased from the Pope an Inhibition , that they and their goods should be free from the King's Taxes , he put them this year out of his protection , a strain of State policy beyond some other Kings , and seis'd their Temporalties , permitting them to enjoy their Spiritualties , till they agreed with him . Though this was a warlike Prince , and oft successful in his undertakings , yet the Clergy's power so over-top't the Laity's , that he chose rather to make use of his Wits , than his Arms in dealing with them . So have I read in William the Second's days , how when his Unkle , being both a Bishop and an Earl , grew troublesome to him , he seis'd upon the Earl and clapt him in hold , whereby he caught and revenged himself on the Bishop too , without openly pretending to meddle with a Clergy Man. An offence esteem'd piacular in those days ; to such an height of Pride were the Popish Clergy grown . An other practice of King Edward , was his suddain Condemning certain Coines of Mony call'd Pollards , Crocardes and Rosaries , in his twenty seventh year , and causing them to be brought to a new Coynage to his great advantage , as testifies the Historian ▪ Among others may be also numbred that Inquisition , he caus'd to be made throughout the Land in the twenty eighth year , which was after nam'd Trailbaston . This we find made upon Officers , as Majors , Sheriffs , Bayliffs , Escheators and many others , who had misborn themselves in their Offices , and had us'd Extortion , or treated the people otherwise than was according to the order of their Offices . So vigilant appeared this Prince , and careful of his people , that they might not be abused nor oppressed by their fellow Subjects , when got into power , under pretence of being his Majesties Officers , a thing we know common enough in the world . In the twenty eighth year , we have mention made of the City of London's Splendor and Magnificence , upon the account of their receiving the new Queen Margaret , Sister to the French King. Thus runs my Authors short Relation hereof . The Citizens to the number of six hundred Rode in one Livery of Red and White , with the Cognizance of divers Misteries broidered upon their sleeves , and received her four Miles without the City , and so conveyed her through the City , which then was garnished and hanged with Tapestry , and Arras , and other Cloths of Silk , and Riches in most goodly wise , unto Westminster . This is the year , wherein Fabian makes the first mention of Pierce of Gaviston in his Chronicle , upon Occasion of the Bishop of Chesters complaining to the King of him , his Eldest Son Edward , and others , for breaking the Bishops Park , and riotously destroying the Game therein . For this was the aforesaid Edward and his Accomplices Imprisoned . So that under this famous King , the very next Heir apparent scap'd not the Lash of the Law , when he had offended , even to an actual Imprisonment ; so far were men in those days from asserting him to be above the Law , and not Lyable to condign punishment , because the next Heir . Afterwards the King Banished the aforesaid Gaviston out of England , for fear lest he should debauch his Son : But this Banishment was after his death annulled by his Son Edward , when King , to the great trouble and vexation of the Land afterwards . The twenty ninth may be esteemed not unworthy of remark , for the Kings giving to Edward his Son the Principality of Wales , whereunto he likewis'd joyn'd the Earldom of Cornwal , newly Vacant , and return'd to the Crown . In the 33d . year we read of the taking , arraigning , drawing , hanging , and quartering of William Waleys , who , of an unknown low birth , became the head Leader of the Scots against the Kings Power , and had Created him no little trouble in Scotland , but now in revenge was his head set upon London-Bridge , and his four quarters sent into Scotland to be set upon the Gates of some Towns in that Land. About this time we hear likewise of several Nobles of Scotland coming to the Kings Parliament , at Westminster , and there voluntarily Sworn , in the Presence of the King and his Lords , to be true to the King of England , and to keep the said Land to his use against all other Persons . Among these is named Robert le Bruce , who not long after sends to the Pope for a dispensation of his Oath , raises more Commotions in Scotland , and gets to be Crowned King thereof at Saint Johnstons : Anno Thirty four . But when King Edward had overthrown the Scots Army , and taken many of the Nobles , he sent the Bishop of Saint Andrews , and Bastoon , with the Abbot of Scoon , to the Pope , with report of their Perjury , and how they were taken Armed in the field to shed the blood of Christian men . And the Temporal Lords he sent into England to the Tower of London , who were afterwards Arraigned at London , and put to death , and their Heads set upon London-Bridge . The longest Sword carries away the Bell. If the Scots had prevail'd in the like sort against King Edward , it 's a question whether they would not have done much after the same manner . How would they have then vaunted themselves and their Cause for the most rightful , whereas being Conquer'd they suffer'd as Rebels ? That the weakest goes to the Wall , is a known saying . Yet as strong , powerful , and succesful as this King Edward was , we find he cared not to meddle himself with the Spiritual Lords taken in the field fighting against him , but rather chose publikely to send them to the Pope , with an high offence laid to their charge , to be punished at his pleasure . Whereby we may presume he gratified the Popes Ambition , in making him as it were the sole Judge of their offences , and yet thereby doubtless sufficiently secur'd himself against those men of the Church , his late Enemies , for the future . Could the Pope in Civility and Gratitude refuse to revenge the King in punishing these Clergy-men for fighting against him , who had thus highly mounted the power , and Authority of the Triple Crown above his own , in this matter , to the publick view of the world ? If the Popish Clergy in those times were grown so formidable , that this Triumphant King , in the midst of his Victorious Arms , thought it safer to remit these Clergy-men's offences to the Popes Correction , than punish them himself , ( for I think it was policy more than zeal that made him act thus ) what weak matches were the other Puny Princes to them in those days of their worldly Prosperity Pomp and Grandeur ? Now their wings are pretty well clipt , by the escape of so many people , Nations , and Countries out of this Popish House of Bondage , let Crowned Heads and free States be careful , that they suffer not the Popes wings to grow again , or permit their Sworn Vassals the Jesuits to imp them anew with fresh Feathers , lest they mount up again over their heads to their Ancient greatness , or take a flight higher than ever they did . Now the French King through the base connivance of some , others Treachery , and many great Mens careless negligence , is become Europe's Terror , if Popish Plots and designs should ●nce so far take effect , as treacherously to de●rive our present King of his life and Crown , and ●ntroduce a Popish Successor into the English Throne , how far they might in time proceed towards the extirpation of that pestilent Northern Heresy ( as Mr. Coleman out of his Extraordinary ●●ndness to the Religion , from which he himself ●postaliz'd , has been pleased to term the Protestant Religion ) o●t of these parts of the world , I submit ●o the better Judgments of more able Politicians . Hast we now hence from this Edward the first ( who died in the five and thirtieth year of his Reign , after a charge given to his Son in divers points upon his blessing , and Oaths taken of some of his chief Nobles to keep the Land for his Sons use , and to Crown him King as soon as they conveniently could after his death , at Burgh , upon the Sands beyond Carlile , in his return into England ) unto Edward the Second , where I could find matter enough to exercise my Pen , were I minded to describe all the disorders and troubles , that hapned throughout the Land , under his unprosperous Reign . We need not wonder , that this Prince met with so unhappy a fate at his End , when as we find him at the very beginning immediately transgressing his dead Fathers commands , by recalling Gaveston from his Banishment , ( contrary to his Father's charge on his Death Bed , he entailing his curse on him , if he should presume it , as Stow tells us ) governing himself wholly by his advice , affecting him so much , as to affirm , that he should succeed him in the Kingdom , if he could effect it . If I should endeavour perfectly to delineate th● many Crosses , Losses , Battails , and Bloodshed , tha● fell out in the Land under this King , and to Writ● in a stile and manner suitable to the matter , ● know not but I might well dip my Pen in Bloo● instead of Ink , such were the misfortunes of th● Land , and unfortunate fates of many Nobleme● thereof . For in his Reign there were Beheaded an● put to death by Judgment upon the number of eigh● and twenty Barons and Knights , ( as Fabian Co●putes ) besides the Noble men slain in Scotland ▪ The number whereof one Author expresses to ● mount to two and forty , besides sixty and sev●● Knights and Barronets ; and two and twenty 〈◊〉 over that of name taken in that one Battel of Bannocksborn . Unsteadfastness of manners , and vileness of Conditions , the refusing the Company of Lords and men of honour , and haunting the Society of Villains and vile Persons : The being given to great drinking , and lightly discovering therein things of great Counsel , with many other disallowable Conditions related by Historians , were blots in this Kings Scutcheon . Scarce was old Edwards Obsequies fully finished , according to my Author , but the young King sends in all hast for his old Companion Piers of Gaveston , receiving him with all joy and gladness , and advances him to much honour , gives him the Earldom of Cornwal and Lordship of Wallingford , rules all by his wanton Councel , and follows the appetite and pleasure of his body , not guiding things by order of Law or Justice . Then he Revenges himself , and his favourite Gaveston , on the Bishop of Chester , ( who had before complained of them and their Outrages in his Fathers Reign ) by commanding him to the Tower of London , and keeping him there strictly many days after . When by the means , motions , and words of many potent Lords of the Realm , Gaveston was again sent out of the Land , though contrary to the King's pleasure , and banish'd into Ireland : Yet thither we hear of the Kings sending him oftentimes secret Messengers , and comsorting him with many rich gifts , and the next year we read of his being fetch'd home again to still the grudges springing up between the King and his Nobles , and continue amity amongst them , which prov'd but so much the more mischievous to the Realm : For this exorbitant Favourite's power more and more encreasing , he , having the keeping of the Kings Treasure and Jewels , convey'd many of them , some of great value , out of the Land , and brought the King by means of his wanton Conditions to manifold Vices , as Adultery and others , whereupon by the Lords Counsel and Resolution taken at Lincoln , he was shortly after exil'd into Flanders to the Kings great displeasure . In comes Gaveston again , though he had before abjur'd the Realm , with this condition by the Barons added , that if he were found again in any Lands subject to the King's dominions , he should be taken as a Common Enemy and Condemned . But being recall'd by the King , he ventures on his favour , and afterwards demeans himself worse and worse . In so much that we read , that he disdain'd the Lords of England , and of them had many spiteful and slanderous words , so that there 's the less wonder , that the Queen and the whole Court were sorrowful , because they saw the King ( as Stow words it ) not very sound , so great was his Joy and Jollity for his receiving him in safety . Whereupon the Lords of one mind ( saith my Author ) consented to put him to death , which they soon after effected by taking the Castle wherein he was , and so having him in their hands smote off his Head. For this was the King grievously displeas'd with those Lords , and vow'd , we hear , to revenge his Death , so that after this he sought occasion against them , to grieve and displease them . If the foremention'd disorders , with many before express'd by Authentick Writers to have fallen out under this King : If Treachery , Robberies , Rapes , Extortions , Divisions , Civil discords at home , slights , contempts , and losses abroad , and much blood-shed in Battels , fought and lost , both at home and abroad : If murrain of Beasts and scarcity of Grain , dearness of Victuals , sickness and mortality of Men , ravages and outrages of cruel insulting Enemies , and almost a general desolation , in several places of the Land , be glories , that can eternize a Man's memory to succeeding Generations , I know not whether this Kings Name and Reign may ever be forgotten , as long as England stands a fixt Island in the midst of the Ocean . In the midst of these troubles and crosses , you are not to suppose , the City of London scap't free from partaking in the Common misery of the Land. In the first of this King's Reign , I find that he , and his new Married Bride were received joyfully by the Citizens , and so conveyed to Westminster , but the times afterwards grew so cloudy , and full of storms , that I don't think they had over much reason to rejoyce , more than the rest of their poor distressed fellow Subjects . Yet Providence in good time delivered the City out of these troubles , and with advantage too , as may be observed and remark't in the end of this , and beginning of the next Kings Reign . Twice more particularly , in this Kings Reign , do we read of a breach made on the Cities Priviledges , by constraining the Citizens , at their own charges , to raise and maintain a certain number of Soldiers , and send them whether they were appointed , but the last time , it seems , it was conditionally , that it should not be made a President , which possibly was to appease them , when they refused to go out of the City to fight , unless they might according to their liberties ( as Stow says ) return home again the same day before Sun-set . For 't is plain , how great soever their respect was towards their Soveraign , that they had no great kindness for some about him : And therefore , when aid and assistance was requested of them against the Queen , who with her Son Edward was newly Landed , and pretended Reformation of abuses , they made this plea or excuse , as favouring rather Reformers than makers of Grievances , yet with profession of due obedience and Honour to the King , the Queen , and their Son , who was after his Father the Right and Lawful Heir to the Crown . At the Parliament of Whitebands , held in the twefth of this King , whether the Barons came in Arms , the Citizens were the Keepers of the Kings peace in the City ; a thousand of them well Armed , by the Majors order , watching by day , and as many by night , in divers Wards , and at several Gates thereof , under the inspection of two Aldermen , with Officers assigned to Ride about every night to oversee them , and the rest of the Citizens were enjoyned to have their Arms in readiness upon a very short warning for more surety . And what pray now was the effect of all this , but that the peace was kept , the City guarded it , and no disturbance hapned that I read of , notwithstanding there was so great an Army then on foot ? Ill men were removed , several things were ordained for the good of the Realm , Transactions were carried on without violence , or blood-shed , the Parliament was peaceably dissolved , and every one returned home in quietness , safety and security . But on the contrary , afterwards , in the later end of this Kings Reign , when the Courtiers were much disgusted in the City , by reason of many violences committed , and much harsh dealing used by some towards their fellow Subjects , in the time of their power , under the wings of Authority , and pretence of Law and Justice , the Citizens were so far from keeping the King's peace , as before , that they soon shew'd openly their favour , good will , and kindness for the Queen , who , under the glozing pretence of reforming the ill Government , was come into the Land with a considerable force of Soldiers , and had sent to the Mayor and Commonalty for their aid , help , and assistance in carrying on this her pretended Reformation ; A work generally highly acceptable to all such , as think themselves oppressed , and glorious in the Eyes of the people ; but such is the misery , fate , and infelicity , the frailty and imperfection incident to all sublunary attempts , that it very seldom , if ever , fully answers the expectation of every one concern'd . Neither was the Citizens affection to the Queen , and her Party , barely shewn in words and expressions , but it went much farther , and was publickly brought into Act by beheading such , as they took to be the Queens enemies , not so much as sparing the Bishop of Exeter himself , a great man among the spiritualty , who had been there left by the King to have the Rule of the City in his absence . The occasion is said to have sprung from his stiff and peremptory demanding of the Keys of the City Gates by vertue of his Commission , which highly exasperated the Commons against him , and so much the more , because ( as was the saying ) he had rais'd an Army to withstand the Queen , a fault then thought unpardonable by the Londoners , who in words and deeds espoused the Queen's Cause , seis'd on the Tower of London , and kept it for the Queens use , and not long afterwards received her into their City with great Joy and Honour . A demonstrative evidence in my opinion of the City's strength and power . For if London , when she pleas'd , could maintain the King's peace in the midst of Arms ( as was shewn above ) so inviolably , as that none dar'd in opposition to break it , and afterwards , in the very same age , and within the compass of half a dozen years , did actually assert the Qeens cause , and assist her in her proceedings ( as was pretended ) for Reformation of the Realm , tho the Consequence thereof was in truth the unfortunate Kings resignation , what greater instance can there be , to shew her great influence upon the whole Nation in those unsetled times ? London having so visibly appeared in favour of the Queen , the Prince , and his party , and contributed so much towards this notable revolution of affairs , we have no reason to think , but that , out of Common gratitude , her Citizens were to be aboundantly rewarded , and that they themselves , out of self interest and natural Prudence , would so well and wisely look to their own affairs , as to make hay while the Sun shines , to the procuring new grants and Graces , and so accordingly we find the event . For in the first year of Edward the third , Fabian tells us , he confirmed the Liberties and Franchizes of the City , making the Major Chief Justice in all places of Judgment within the same , next the King , every Alderman , that had been Major , Justice of Peace in London and Midlesex , and such , as had not been , Justice in his own Ward : Granting them also the Fee-farm of London for three hundred pounds , and that they should not be constrained to go out of the City to ●o fight , or defend the Land for any need . A priviledge greater , than what was claimed , as their liberty , in his Fathers days , when unwilling to engage against the Queen and Prince , they refused not to go out , on condition of returning the same day , as is related before . But the most beneficial of all the grants was , that the Franchises of the City should not be seized into the Kings hands , but only for Treason or Rebellion done by the whole City . It having before been a Common thing to have their Liberties seized on , ( as hath been plainly manifested in the Precedent Relation ) on almost every petty disgust , conceived by the Court against them , were it but for the pretended offence of a particular Officer , or for mony alledged to be owing by the City to some great ones at Court , or some such like small trivial pretence . But now at this time they took such care , to have their Liberties setled and secured by this Royal Grant , that it may be thought almost , if not wholly , a thing impossible for the City to forfeit her Charter , and have it justly , according to that grant , taken from her . The bringing of Southwark under the Rule of the City , and the power allowed their Major to appoint such a Bailiff there , as liked him best , was a very advantagious favour , at the same time , by this King Edward bestowed on London , but not comparable with the former grant , which may most deservedly be esteemed Paramount to all others . A particular Officer may offend , and oftentimes does , nay many may ; but for a City , a whole City , so great and glorious a City , as London , Traiterously to Rebel , and so forfeit all her Liberties , Priviledges , and Franchises at one clap , seems to me so great a contradiction , as to imply little less than an Impossibility in Nature , not to go a step or two higher . This King being one of the most powerful Princes of his time , and in the strength of his age very succesful in his Wars against the French King , 't is not for us hastily to imagine , there was any occasion given for so wise and good a King to contest with his Subjects , much less with his Loyal Citizens . We are rather to expect to hear of the City's Triumphs and glory , the Joy and rejoyceing , wherewith she often received her Victorious King returning Conquerour from France , the frequent Justings , Tiltings , and Tournaments shewn thereat for his Recreation and entertainment , the Wealth , Riches , and Ability of her head Officers , ( whereof one , to Londons great glory , is said to have sumptuously feasted four Kings at once , in the thirty first of this Kings Reign , besides the famous Black Prince , many Noble Knights and others , to whom with the King he gave many Rich Gifts ) the splendor of the Citizens in general o● publick occasions , and the harmonious concord of all in their own private and particular concerns , relating more especially to the Cities good order and Government . This King may be supposed too great and too good , either to create , or to permit differences and discord at home . He had wherewithal to exercise his Wisdom and valour abroad in forreign Countries , and such success too in his Enterprizes , as might make him , both feared , and beloved , by his Subjects , at one and the same time . Yet notwithstanding , such still was Londons power , strength , and resolution to maintain her Liberties , that this Victorious Prince , Conquerour over others , having sent out Justices into the Shires , to make enquiry about his Officers offences , and delinquences , and the City of London not suffering ( as Stow tells us ) any such Officers to sit , as Justices , in their City , as Inquisitors of such matters , contrary to their Liberties , he thought good rather to appoint those Justices their Sessions in the Tower , for Inquisition of the damages of the Londoners , and they refusing , unless conditionally , to answer there , and a tumult thereupon arising among the meaner sort , claiming their Liberties , he esteemed it greater prudence , to wave the Justices sitting , as to that place , and forgive all offences , than to enter into a contest with such powerful , tho Loyal Subjects , as the Londoners were , and such undaunted assertors of their own rights , priviledges , franchises and liberties . For as 't is plain the City was very potent , so we may , as certainly perhaps , conclude the Citizens no less suspicious of any thing done , under the shadow of this Kings Authority , if but looking towards the least breach of their Priviledges , as the Commons of England in general seem to have appeared jealous of their Common liberty , when , upon this Kings laying claim to the Kingdom of France , they procured a Law , whereby it was enacted , that the King should not Rule England as King of France , and so Subject them to the insolencies of a fellow-Subjects Deputyship . Would you know , what esteem and respect the house of Commons , in this King's reign , had for ●he City ? Look in Cotton's abridgment of the Records ●n the Tower , and there you may find the Commons , ●ver and anon , petitioning the King , that the City ●f London may enjoy all her Liberties , and the King's ●nswers generally to such petitions seem rather to ●rant , than deny , such their important Requests . ●o glorious and gracious did the City appear in the ●●ght of the good people of the Land , or rather ●●ch was the influence she had upon the Nations re●resentatives . As to the Common's Desires , that 〈◊〉 the Counties might conform themselves to the ●eights and Measures made in London , and the ●●der there made against Usury might be observed ●●oughout the Realm , as if they would have this so famous a City more particularly give Law , as well as example , to all England , I pass them over , without pretending from thence to draw an Argument of the City's Grandeur ; and likewise Wave the priviledg , by this King , granted the Citizens , that the Officers of the Mayor , and Sheriffs should , from that day forward , use Maces of Silver parcel gilt , as not intending to insist thereon , as a more especial mark of honour design'd the City above the rest of the Nation in those days ; And choose rather to pass on to the last part of this King's reign , wherein , I must needs acknowledge , there was a strong , though short , contest between the King and the Court. But when was that , and how hapned it ? 'T was when the King was grown old , near to dotage , after his good Queen Philippa was dead , and he himself , amidst the Infirmities of sickness and old age , indulg'd his own lustful pleasures in the lascivious Embraces of a wanton Miss , leaving the guidance of his Realm , and all things about him , to so ambitious a spirit , as , under the Wings of his Authority , durst aspire so high as to the hopes of the Crown , against the good Will of the people , and the Title of a person much more affected and beloved at London . The contest was short and sharp , as may be seen in Stows Annals , where it is plac'd in the fifty first , i. e. the last year of the Kings Reign : So short , as not taking up the whole space of time , between Christmas and the latter part of June , wherein the King died ; and yet so sharp , that the Cities Priviledges were in great danger , menaces there were of deposing the Major , ( which was at length actually done , ) and of Creating a Captain in his Room , with many other things threatned against their Liberties : And all by the arts ▪ devices , and contrivances of the aspiring Uncle , who would fain have mounted up into the Throne of the Kingdom , over his young Nephews head , but that the Londoners opposed him in his designs , both honourably , and succesfully too . So far were they from being Hector'd , or trapan'd , into a base Compliance with this Ambitious pretender , and his flattering favourites desires , who thought to have carried all before 'em , because they esteem'd themselves sure of the Kings Authority , and so lookt upon the principals of the opposite party , if not under a Cloud , at least under a great disadvantage comparatively , such were their fond hopes and pretensions . In the good Parliament , ( as it was commonly called ) held in the fiftieth of this Kings Reign , several Reformations had been made , and divers , at the Commons suit , remov'd from about the King , as evil Counsellors , by the Mediation of the Black-Prince ; but the Parliament being ended , and he dying , the old King , contrary to his promise , soon recalled the former persons , before removed , and Committed the Government of the Realm again to his third Son ; John of Gaunt , that aspiring Duke of Lancaster , whereby the Tide being turn'd at Court , the storm fell heavy upon some Patriots of the late Parliament , who had been the greatest promoters and occasioners of ●he before mentioned change , so lately made , of the Ministers of State. Now was the time to remember , ●nd revenge , all things about the King being mannaged by the Dukes order , who , making use of the Kings Authority , turn'd out ●nd put in at his pleasure , the more easily to bring ●bout his designs , ( by his own Creatures now ●rought in again into the Government and man●gement of the affairs of State ) which tended to no less , than the putting his Nephew , the young Prince Richard , ( an Orphan by the Fathers side though not the Mothers ) from the Crown , and setling himself in the Throne , upon the old weak Kings decease . This it seems had been intended by the Duke for some time , but now carried on more vigorously with all the art imaginable . A Parliament is summoned to meet at Westminster after Christmas , honour is openly shewn to the young Prince , and his name made use of , by his crafty Uncle , to further and promote his own privy intentions and intreagues ; The name and power of the French , ( as that they had raised great Armies , and made new Confederacies to blo● out the English Tongue and Nation ) is likewise made use of , for a stale , to induce the Commons the more readily to part with a good round sum of Mony , to put the King into a good posture of defence , to speak and act as a King ; And the old Knights , who in the last Parliament had stood up so couragiously in behalf of the Commonalty , are by the Dukes meanes for the most part remov'd , and Creatures of his own are made the chiefest managers of Parliament-business ; so that now he seem● ready to carry almost all things before him : Bu● only there lies a rub or two in the way , that migh● spoil his bowling , if they were not timely removed . London was not , nor would be at the Duke● beck , and therefore 't was thought da●gerous to attempt publickly , what was privately and principally intended , as long as the Laws and Customs o● the City were in force . Moreover the Church o● England , it seems , in those days was look't upo● by the Duke , as none of his best friends ( thoug●● I don't find but he might have been before , an● was a Church-Man good enough afterwards , as to outward appearance , whatever he was in his heart ) and therefore ( if Stow may be Credited , who writes after Walsinghams Pen ) he attempted to overthrow it , for that end favouring Wickliff and his Disciples , who went then under the name of L●llards among the Commons , and were as much hated in those days , for pretended Heresies laid to their charge , ( for at that time you must know the Nations Religion was Popish ) as the Papists are now adays for repeated Plots , and Conspiracies proved upon them . Whether or no it was to pull down the English Bishops , the better to facilitate his own intents and purposes , that he was a favourer of the fam'd John Wickliff , ( as Walsingham , a great Papist , and also a Monk , affirms ) Providence out of the Dukes sinful Ambition raising Protection for the Maintainers of the true Religion , or else that being convinced of the Conformity of Wickliffs Doctrine to Truth and Godliness , He , like Herod , heard John gladly , and did many things at his instance , I shall not now pretend to determine . But most certain it is from the story , that 't was London , not the English Clergy , that put the greatest stop to the Dukes aspiring designs , and dash'd all his Ambitious Intreagues in pieces , to his , and his Favourites no small Disappointment . For the Londoners being enraged at the Dukes threats , and their fury increased against him , for that in the Parliament , the Duke being President , a motion had been made in the Kings name , ( over whom at that time 't is well known how great an ascendant the Duke had ) that there should be no more Major of London , according to the Ancient Custom , but a Captain appointed over it , and the Marshal of England might therein arrest Offenders , as in other places , ( so that 't was in the Military Officers that the Duke seems to have plac'd most of his Trust and Confidence , as doubtless his Creatures and Favourites in esse aut posse ) with many other things manifestly contrary to the City's Liberties , at the encouragement of the Lord Fitzwalter ( who claim'd to be their Standard Bearer by inheritance ) they put themselves in Arms , and acted with such an excess of rage and violence , that had it not been for their own Bishop , who pacified them for the time , the Duke and his great favourite Piercy had that day ( saith the book ) lost their lives . But they having timely notice , fled from the people , and applied themselves for safety to the young Prince , and his Mother , who undertook the business , and sent to the Londoners , to make peace with the Duke ; so kind and gracious was the good Princess , as to mediate in his behalf , who desir'd in his heart to dispossess her own Son of his right . To her Messenger Answer was return'd by the Citizens , that for her honour , they would perform her Commands , but as to what concern'd the Duke , injunctions were laid on them to will him , that he should suffer the Bishop of Winchester to come to his answer , and to be try'd by his Peers , and also permit Peter de la More [ Speaker of the last Parliament ] then by the Duke's means imprison'd to answer for himself , after the Custom of the Law ; and as for the third , they said they would account a Traitor , wheresoever he should be found . So run the words in Stow , which being to the Duke reported , he became not a little troubled , and not without reason in my opinion , at the Citizen's Answer , and their indignation conceiv'd against him , since that he interpreted , what they had spoken of a Traytor to be meant by them of himself , though as to that particular he denied himself to be one . He had been mad , I should have thought , or foolish , if he had presently confess'd , and own'd the imputation . However , from the Citizens message , and the Dukes interpretation thereof , 't is easie to conclude , how little they lov'd him , and he soon found it to his trouble and vexation . Jealousies and suspicions generally go a great way among the common people , and are almost as prevalent as proofs , especially when there is a great man in the Case , whom they dare not openly accuse and impeach , and cannot try for lack of safety and a good opportunity , and he himself is not very willing to put himself upon a fair trial , and thereby wipe-off all aspersions in the common legal way of his Country . All his Tergiversations do foment , rather than diminish , the Heats of the people , who have but the more opportunity and occasion to think , ( and will commonly too think scurvily ) the less they have to act . The rough Message , the Londoners sent the Duke , we have heard , but that was not all : They would away to the King too , and acquaint him with the late proceedings . And so accordingly , upon a Councel held thereabouts , they sent some of their chief Citizens , either to justifie ( saith the Annalist ) or excuse what had hapned . Long were these a suing to come to the Kings prescnce , the Duke keeps them back : For they might be apt to ●o tell Tales , or at least remove the prepossessions , wherewith the Duke and his party doubt-less had fill'd the credulous King's Head. The Duke would fain have stopt their entrance , and put them off , but they would not be so serv'd . The Duke tells them , that the King was very ill at ease , and his sickness might be encreast , if he were mov'd to anger by their Speech . A fine excuse , but 't would not pass . The Londoners were resolved on 't . They were not come to encrease , but mitigate his grief , and their Commission from their fellow Citizens , they sayd , was not to be Communicated to any , but to their Liege Lord the King himself . They were for no Proxies , Advocates , nor Attorney-Generals of the Dukes providing : They would be their own Spokesmen . Well then , at last after much ado they gain access , and shew the King , what had been published in Parliament , as his Will , against their Liberties and priviledges : They excus'd likewise themselves of some of the Commonalties behaviour in the late Commotion , as being the effect of some ill men among the rabble , whereto they were , neither privy , nor consenting ; whereupon the King , a little cheer'd up with their coming , answer'd , that he would not the diminishing of their Liberties , No , he was rather ready , if need were , to augment them , neither did any such Resolutions ever come out of his Mouth , and therefore willed them not to fear , but to return and appease the Citizens , and to keep them in Peace . The Dukes faction would have made use of the Kings Name and Authority , to deprive the City of her Charter of Liberties , and endeavour'd to perswade the Parliament Men , that it was the Kings good Will and pleasure to have it so ; but , upon the Citizens application to the King , they hear an other tale , the King own'd no such thing , never any such thing came out of his Mouth , he tells them expresly . Set a mark here . Observe likewise the conseq●ence of the Citizens coming to the King , he was alittle cheer'd , somewhat better in mind possibly , when he heard the truth of the matter . Before perhaps he had heard strange tales of seditious meetings , Insurrections , Riots , Tumults , and the like , as if none were for keeping the Kings Peace but the good Dukes good party , such stories had they buz'd i● the ears of this weak , old , infirm , sickly King , and he as ready to believe all , till disproved by the different Relations of as Credible witnesses . To hear one side only , and stop ones ears to the others defence , is not only a manifest sign of extream partiality , but also the ready way to be impos'd ●pon by the deceit of lying Tongues , and to be kept always from the knowledge of the truth , where those near us think it their interest to have ●t so . About the time of the late uproar , it 's said that , ●he Duke's arms were hang'd up revers'd in sign ●f Treason , in the principal streets of the City , ●●ch was the hatred the Londoners had conceived ●gainst him ; but 't was in those days as unknown ●ho did it , as 't is at this time uncertain , who cut ●e Picture of his Royal Highness the Duke of 〈◊〉 , the other day at Guild-hal . Whether there ●ere any Proclamations , with promises of re●ard , emitted , to find out the Author and Actor ●f that deed , I know not of a certainty , as not ●●ding it mention'd in the History : Possibly there ●ere none , or at least they prov'd very ineffectual , ●hich I the rather conclude , because that , when 〈◊〉 had made malitious Rhymes upon the Duke , 〈◊〉 fastned them up in divers parts of the City , ●●other remedy was found out against them , but haply as inefficacious , viz. a Sentence of Excommunication , at the Dukes request to the Bishops , pronounced against them publickly by the Bishop of Bangor , the Aldermen of the City assisting him . To be Excommunicated did carry somewhat of terror with it , in England , in those Popish times , among the vulgar , and might probably again , should Providence , for our offences , ever suffer Popery to be brought back into the Land ; but among Protestants , and knowing understanding men , Excommunication upon every slight account , and trifling pretext , is of little value , esteem , or regard , and no more dreaded perhaps by some , than 't was by Rablais , when he beg'd it as a great boon of the Pope , because the poor Country Woman thought her Faggot Excommunicated , when she could not make it burn . Besides these Indignities put upon the Duke at London , in , at , and after the aforesaid Tumult of the Common people , we are told also , that all such , as wore the Dukes Sign or Colours , were fain to hide them , conveying them into their bosoms , so great a fea● and dread had seiz'd upon their Spirits . Whether these Colours were Parsons Black , True Blew Flourishing Green , Orange Tawny , or Blood Red the Historian hath not so far gratified us , a● punctually to set down in his Relation of the●● transactions . But if I might have leave to pas● my Verdict herein , I should be apt to conjectur● them to have been , at least for the most part , 〈◊〉 by the Red-letter'd people . What sad Prognosticks may we think our Almanack-makers a● star-gazers then gave of the times , when the saw England so likely to fall into such Feuds , Faction● and disorders as those of the Guelphs and Gibeline● But one good turn 't is , that Astrogolers Prognostications use commonly to be , like the Popish Oracles old Almanacks , soon out of date . The City could much sooner influence the Nation , than they could make the Stars influence the City , in favour of the Dukes cause . How the Citizens of London oppos'd the Duke , we have seen , but he is resolved it seems to shew his bitter resentments upon the next opportunity , and accordingly , after the Duke had obtain'd his desires of the two Houses of Parliament , viz. A Poll-Bill or Tax of all the heads in the whole Realm , he caused the King to send for the Major , Aldermen , and Sheriffs of London , who soon came before him , then very ill at ease , as they were ordered , into his Chamber of Presence ; where , after the usual Ceremonies over past , a certain Knight of the Court endeavoured , by his Ciceronian Rhetorick , and the Eloquence of his Oration , to perswade the Citizens , to confess their great and hainous offences against the King ●nd Duke , and to submit themselves to their Mercy . See here the Kings Name must be brought ●n , right or wrong , or else the Dukes cause , and ●retensions , would signify little . But the Londoners were not so to be caught . For they answered , they had not Conspired against the Duke , nei●her had there been any shameful thing spoken or done against him , that they did know of , or con●ent unto , which they were ready to prove before their Soveraign Lord the King , and the Duke ●imself . The folly of the Common people they ●ffirm'd they could not stay , and therefore request●d of the King , that he would not punish those ●hat were innocent , and ignorant of the Fact , but withal promised the Duke , for Reverence of the King , ( observe this ) that they would endeavour to bring in the Common people , and compel them by Law to make due satisfaction , and more ( said they ) we are not able to do for the Duke , that may be to his Honour . Not able to do more , why ? What would his faction have had them to have done ? Was his favour to have been purchas'd at no less a price , than an intire Resignation of all they had , Bodies and Souls , Lives , Liberties , and Estates at Discretion ? Must they have deny'd their senses , and their reason too , in charging themselves with what they neither sayd , nor did , felt , heard , nor understood , to avoid Scandala Magnatum's and the Arbitrary Fin●● of byass'd Juries ? Leave we such Terms of accommodation to the insulting power and Pride o● Prelatical Consciences , to impose upon their underling Curates . Such is the continued cause of difference between the Molinists and Jansenists in France , while one side fairly offers , to disallow certain displeasing Propositions , either by themselves , or as Jansenius's , if shewn to them in hi● works , and the other party , as pertinaciously ▪ insists upon their rejecting them as his , becaus● the Pope hath so condemned them . Glad we may easily suppose the Londoners were ▪ when dismiss'd upon their aforesaid Answer● But it seems the Court was not yet satisfied : 〈◊〉 afterwards we read of the Kings sending them 〈◊〉 Command secretly , to call all the Citizens together , and , having made a Wax Candle with th● Dukes Arms in it , to carry it solemnly in Procession to Saint Pauls , there to burn continually 〈◊〉 the Cities charges , which was accordingly performed by the chiefest and richest of the Citizens , the meaner commonalty disdaining to be present at such a procession , and therefore with indignation departing home , when they heard the business , and knew the occasion of their being call'd together . But neither did this condescention of the greatest give the Duke content ; he threatned them , look't upon it as a reproach , and took it in great scorn , that they had offer'd thus his Arms in a Wax Taper while he was alive , and in good health ; notwithstanding they affirm'd , they had expresly done that which his Father , the King , had Commanded them , and would have done any thing , that might have pleased him , i. e. in reason . For peace and quietness sake possibly , and out of respect to the Kings Majesty , they would not have refus'd the trouble of putting forth a few honorary Proclamations , nor denied him the Complement of a volley or two of Holla's and Huzza's , if that would have pleas'd . But this did not answer the Dukes Expectations , nor satisfie his Ambitious desires , they knew , he sayd , his mind , and were not ignorant how to make satisfaction . Ay ; there 't was : He would have us , sayd the troubled Citizens amongst themselves , Proclaim him King , but this shall never be done , and so they parted worse friends than they were before . So much ado was there with one proud , haughty Duke , most injuriously aspiring to the Crown , to the prejudice of his better belov'd Nephew , whose claim , title , and right had been sometime before ( if I mistake not in my reckoning ) settled expresly by the Parliament , or at least he had been declar'd by his Grand-Father his Heir and Lawful Successor ; Yet this the Ambitious Uncle thought probably easily to have evaded and deluded , though besides the affections , and contrary to the inclination of the rest of the Nation , could he but have prevailed upon the Londoners , by threats , or fair words , to have sided with him ; But their opposition quite spoil'd the Game , and kept the Duke off the Cushion , a Duke stil , so Tryumphant were they in Power , Prudence , and Loyalty . Wherefore to satisfie his restless reven geful Spirit , the Duke ceas'd not , till he had got the old Major put out , and a new one Elected , the Aldermen depos'd , and others set in their places : So little did their late Complicance , and humble Procession , avail them , while the Commonalty remain stiff , firm , and unshaken , as well by the Dukes power and greatness , as by his Threats and Menaces . He had gain'd a great Ascendent over the weak Kings affections , but yet for all that could not sway this Honourable City to his Interests , and the Interest of his , then prevalent , Faction at Court. The Citizens Loyalty is plainly shewn , beyond denial , in Couragiously adhering to the Juster claim and Title of the abus'd Nephew , and preferring his Birthright before the Pretensions of his Uncle , who , Ruling the King and those about him , thought also to have over-rul'd the City too . Their Prudence is manifest , in that they wisely chose to yield many things to the times , for peace sake , but when neck and all was in danger , they would not budg a foot , nor stir one step further , to humour all the Dukes in Kent or Christendom : Neither is their power less conspicuous , who not only dar'd , but did oppose this high minded Duke in the Days of his Visible Grandeur , and prov'd a match by far too hard for him . For in a short time comes the News of the Old Kings ●●ing at the point of Death , and presently we have the Londoners sending the chiefest , and worthiest , of their Citizens to the young Prince , and his Mother , then Resident not far from the City , declaring their ready minds , and good wills , to accept him for their true and Lawful King , upon ●is Grand-Fathers Decease , beseeching him , on the behalf of the Citizens , and City of London , that he would have the City Recommended to his good Grace , submitting themselves only to ●is Rule , and bowing to his Will and Pleasure , ●nder his Dominion to serve , in Word and Deed , as being known to be so much at his Devotion , as not only ready to spend their Goods and E●●ates for his sake , but also to jeopard their lives ●n his behalf , as Stow expresses it in John Phil●●ts Oration , in the beginning of the life and Reign of King Richard the second , who was thus ●o undeniably setled in the Throne of his Fore-●athers , by the Cities apparent interest , and vi●ible influence upon the Councels of the Nation , in that great turn and change of affairs . The Cities power seems plainly demonstrated , give me therefore leave to bring one instance more of their wisdom , caution , and prudence in these dangerous , because unsetled , times , before I pass ●n to other particulars . The young King being ●hus entred upon the Government , it was thought good by the King , or those about him , to have ●ome care taken to accommodate former differences , especially such as had hapned between this potent Duke and the more powerful City . Wherefore several persons of Eminency were speedily sent to London , to salute the Citizens in the new King's name , and acquaint them , how the Duke in all things had submitted himself to the Kings will , ( 't was time , for 't is certain he had lost the day , though not perhaps his high-tow'ring Ambition ) and that they should do so in like manner , and then the King would endeavour a Reconciliation to the City's honour and advantage . Fair words and large promises . But the worthy Citizens were not Birds to be caught with chaff , much less to be hamper'd in a Noose of their own making . They were for no Resignations it seems at Discretion , though to the dearest Friend alive . They knew the King to be but young , and weak to help them in such a troublesome business , if they should so heedlesly desert their own Cause , and put the staff out of their own hands , by their own Consent . They had enemies enough still , they might think , at Court , as long as the Duke was there , and his flattering favourites , who might possibly over-rule at least , ( if not over-aw ) the King to their prejudice , should they render all they had at pleasure into his hand , by their own voluntary Act and Deed , when as they knew themselves well able to defend their liberties and properties in a legal way , without hazarding them upon so intire a submission , as was required , without Reserve . Wherefore , upon consultation , this Medium was at length found out , that if the noble persons , sent to them with that message , would be bound to the Citizens , that their submission should not redound to the temporal loss or bodily harm of any Citizen , or prejudice of their City , they would gladly obey the King's Commandment . This those eminent persons of quality undertook by Oath , and upon their Knighthood : And so , upon this surety , away go the Citizens to Court , and being soon brought before the King , besought him ( as the Annalist words it ) to reform the peace betwixt the Duke and them , affirming that they were ready in all things to submit themselves unto his will and pleasure , not as though they confessed they had made any fault against the Duke , ( consider this ) but as men that came at this time for the benefit of peace , and honour , as well to the King , as the Duke , to pacifie the hearts , and mitigate the pleasure of both . That this was their intent is evident enough from their own request before made to the King , that he would vouchsafe to make a good and profitable end of this discord . For that they fear'd not the Duke , is most certain from the precedent passages , and that they were all of a suddain fallen deeply in love with him and his party , I can hardly believe . No , no , They love the Nephew too well , to dote upon the Uncle ; and may they always be so minded upon a good account . The Citizens having thus prudently ( though we see not without great caution ) referr'd themselves to the King , the Duke readily accepted of this form of peace ( as not hoping possibly for such an other opportunity , nor expecting so honourable Conditions a second time , if refus'd the first ) ; and upon his knees became Intercessor to the King , to take the cause in hand under the form by the Londoners expressed , and so a Reconciliation was made between these two contesting Parties , the Duke with an Oath promising them his friendship for the future , and in token thereof bestowing a kiss of peace upon each of them before the King at the same time : Whereupon the Citizens return'd home with joy and gladness , rejoycing that the Duke was brought to such humility , who a little before had , in great Pride , demanded of them , for his favour , an hundred Hogsheads of Wine , and an infinite number of precious Stones . So great a value did this high-flown Duke set upon his grace and favour , till the Citizens of this honourable City , by their power and prudence , had brought down his haughty spirit a Peg or two lower : and that visibly too ▪ For we don't find him , as ambitious as he still continued , so openly aspiring to Englands Crown for the future , how successfully soever his Son made a Rape thereon at the end of this Princes Reign , under the pretence of I know not what hidden right accruing to him from his Mother . We read indeed , I confess , in Cotton's Abridgment of the Records , that , in the seventeenth of this King , the Earl of Arundel laid several things to the Dukes charge , as not honourable for the King to suffer in him , nor fit for him to do , being a Subject , as that he went Arm in Arm with the King and his Men wear the same Livery the Kings did , ( which seems to shew much of Arrogancy , and Ambition , to say no more ) besides some other Objections , but herein he was so far justified by the King himself , that the Earl was ordered to crave the Dukes Pardon in full Parliament , in a certain form of words appointed him . In Stows Annals also we meet with an Accusation brought against him , in the seventh of this Kings Reign , tending to prove his intent and design suddainly to oppress the King , and take upon himself the Kingdom , but it seems little notice was taken of it by the King himself , who was to have lost most , had it been attempted Successfully , and doubtless as little believ'd ; otherwise surely the Schedule , containing the time , place , and other Circumstances , had not been presently delivered into the Dukes hands , nor the accuser committed at his request to the charge of his near Kinsman , nor the occasion of his violent Death so little inquired into afterwards . The Duke was not so powerful , nor so great a Terror , but the City was as well able still to deal with him , and his whole party , and make as vigorous opposition , as ever , in defence of their Soveraign Lord the King , if occasion should have offered it self . This we have reason to believe was known in those days to all the Nation , much more to the Duke himself , from former experience , who therefore may be suppos'd not any more to have aspir'd openly , whatever secret fires of Ambition lay hidden within his breast ; whether or no he design'd and attempted ought by unseen Plots and Conspiracies , I leave to the Judicious Reader to believe or not , as he pleases , without speaking to or for in the case . Besides the decree of an over-ruling Providence , Common equity in siding with what was reputed the juster title , natural humanity in defending the young and weak , and a well grounded affection to the Prince , for his Father and Grand-Fathers sake , ( one the famous Black Prince , the other the Glorious Edward the third their King and Sovereign , ) we may conclude the generality of the Citizens had the greater aversion to the Duke and his faction , because he was a known favourer of Wickliff and his Doctrines , ( whether on a good account or only out of any Ambitious Design , I shall not determine in this place ) and so look't upon perhaps as little better than another Juli●n the Apostate . For we are to know , that Londons Religion , and consequently the Nations , was at that time Popish , and the generality of the People in Town and Country Romes Votaries , who had Wickliffs Doctrine in as great detestation then , under the Notion of Heresy , as we Protestants have it now in esteem , under the Seal and assurance of Truth . As indeed for many of the ages past , from our ever-blessed Saviours Birth , through which I have drawn the thread of this discourse , and under the succeeding Kings , for above an hundred years , Popery continued the National Religion , under the power and prevalency of which perswasion was the body of the Citizens bred up , who prov'd so famous in their Generations for their powerful influence on the grand concerns of the Nation , in every considerable turn and change of the times before the Reformation : And when England was made happy with this blessed alteration , the Cities Power , Strength , and Esteem remain'd the same in effect , as ever , the change of her Religion introducing no change therein , unless for the better , she encreasing proportionably in every age in Wealth , Riches and Honour , as the Nation grew stronger and stronger : And still continues as visibly conspicuous under Protestantism , as before under the Romish Faith ; a thing easy to be demonstrated in due time and place . How influential the Cities actions were upon the Nations affairs , and her Love advantagious to the Orphan Prince , in securing his Claim , Right , and Title to the Crown in his Grand-Fathers life time , and setling him quietly on the Throne at his Death , in spight of all the opposition , the deep designs , and daring Spirit of his Aspiring Uncle , John of Gaunt , and his faction could make , when they had got the reigns of publick Government into their own hands , through the Old Kings Connivance , hath been the subject of several of the aforegoing pages . The next thing of course falling under present consideration is to observe , how this Honourable City of London behav'd her self , after she had lent her ●ssistance to raise this Young Prince , from the ●eanness of a Subject , to the Royal Dignity and Grandeur of a King , under the Name of Richard the Second ; what place she held in his affections , ●nd of what esteem in the eyes of all the rest of ●he people . But where shall I begin , and when ●hall I end ? Sooner may I be wearied with read●ng , and tir'd with writing , than fail of matter ●o exercise my Pen , so copious is my Subject and ●o full of Variety . For , in my searches into the Histories of this Kings Reign , I find it plain to a ●emonstration , that the City carried a great sway ●mongst all Ranks and Degrees , from the Prince ●o the Subject , from the King , the Supream , to ●is subordinate Magistrates , and Ministers , and was highly Honour'd , Rever'd , and Respected ●mong the Nobility , Gentry , and Commonalty ●f the Land , both in the calm of peace , and the ●oisterous storms of civil distractions . I begin first with the Honourable House of Commons , the known representative of the Commons of England , and concerning them ob●erve , out of Sir Robert Cotton's exact Abridgment of the Records in the Tower , revis'd by William Prynne Esq ; , that , in the first Parliament of this King in his first year , among other Petitions of the Commons , there is to be found one particular division , under the Title of Petitions for the City of London , wherein the House of Commons become express Petitioners ( so great was the Cities influence over their Debates , and so high a respect had they for her ) to the King for many considerable Grants in favour of the Citizens , and to them very advantagious and beneficial : As that all their Liberties may be confirm'd with a Non obstante : That they attend upon no Commandment of any of the Kings Officers , but only at the Kings Sute , Sealed with the Great or Privy Seal , except the Kings Justices , according to their Charter : That they shall by themselves enquire of Customs and impositions hapning or arising within the City : That the Major and Chamberlain for the time being shall have the keeping of the City Orphans Lands and Goods ; [ No small advantage in those times , when the Court of Wards was in being , and greatly beneficial still , by reason of the Deceits many poor Orphans meet with from Cheating , or Insolvent Guardians and Trustees , whereas the City's security is unquestionable and her Credit not in the least to be doubted of : ] That the Interpretation of any word or Sentence touching their said Liberties , which may severally be taken , may be taken according to the intent and Claim of the said Citizens : That the City may enjoy all such Liberties as any other Town in the Realm , if they have any other than the Citizens have ; That no protection Royal be allowed in Debt , Account or Trespass , wherein a Freeman of London is ten pounds , with several others : By the Answers whereunto we find the Kings Will was , that the Citizens of London should in no wise be restrained of any of their Liberties or ancient customs approv'd : Such as were most useful , and advantagious at the present time , were by his Majesty granted , and if any appear to have been denyed , the denyal seems rather conditional , than plain and direct in down right terms : So cautious was the King in his Answers , so careful not to displease this powerful Coporation , and so well advis'd , as not to shew himself Ungrateful at his first coming to the Crown , to those , who had so Cordially erewhile espous'd his interest , and so stoutly defended his cause but a little before . In the sixth of this King , at the request of the Commons the Abridgment tells us , it was enacted , that the City of London should enjoy all such Liberties , as they had in the time of King Edward the third , or as were to them confirm'd by the King now ; and that Victuallers particularly should be ●under the Mayors Rule , and have no particular liberties by themselves . In the seventh we find it among the Commons Petitions enacted , that the Citizens of London shall enjoy all their whole Liberties whatsoever , with this Clause , licet usi non fuerunt , vel ●busi fuerunt , notwithstanding any Statute to the Contrary . Whether then 't is possible for any Corporate body , endowed with so transcendent Priviledges by the publick Act and Deed of the known Legislators of the Land , to forfeit and lose them all of a sudden , Judge ye . At the same time we read of a grant made by the same Authority , that the Mayor and Aldermen should take no other Oath in the Exchequer , than they did in the time of King Edward the third . How careful were the Commons , do we see in this Age , to prevent the Citizens from being enslav'd in either their Bodies or their Souls ? They sha'nt be impos'd upon , by their good Wills , in so much as an Oath , much less have Creeds , Articles and Oaths , by the dozens thrust upon them to Swear and subscribe to . In the same year we have the Commons petitioning the King again in the Cities behalf , ( so Sollicitous were they for her good and welfare ) That free choice may be made of the most able men for Aldermen , as well of such as were the year before , as of others yearly . See we here the House of Commons pleading for a free choice , an Election without disturbance , threats , or menaces , and that particular Citizens should not be impos'd upon , nor overaw'd : And if they had formerly chosen good Men , and found them so by experience , that they should not be oblig'd next year to pass them by , and choose others , such as possibly might prove friends to them the backward way , and over the left shoulders . The Electors might pick and choose as they please , which is the benefit of a free Election . And as the Commons pray , so the King grants , as long as there is good Government in the City thereby ▪ What could be desir'd more ? As long as the Aldermen were lyable to be pass'd by every year , as well as the Common-Council-Men , 't is very unlikely that they should displease the City , much less thwart and contradict the Common voice o● her Citizens for a few sprinklings of Court Holy Water . Observe , this was at the Parliament hel● at Salisbury , some scores of Miles from London , yet 't was not the distance of place that could breed distance of affection . Remove the national assembly to the other end of the Land , to the utmost Coasts of Great Brittian , yet Londons Name reaches thither . 'T is not the place that makes our Westminster Conventions so mindful of her , but her Merit , her Power , her Influence , the respect and esteem they have for her Glory , Honour and Renown , to see her ever continue , the fixt unmovable Defendress of the Protestant Religion , under the Defender of the Faith. In the Ninth , the Commons require , at the petition of the Mayor and Commonalty of London , that the Patent lately made to the Constable of the Tower may be Revok'd . The reason is plain , 't was prejudicial to the City , to have the Victuals brought to her , upon her dearest and best beloved Thames , made to pay Toll and Custom to another . How Glorious and Gracious must we needs think that City to be in the peoples Eyes , when we find their Representatives , not once nor twice , but so constantly , almost at every 〈◊〉 , pleading her Cause , vindicating her Liberties , and asserting her Rights ? And these we know are part of the Legislative power . A general act of Oblivion is a Royal Grant not every day bestow'd upon the Subject , and a grace not often obtain'd without much importunity and intercession . We have reason therefore to believe the Londoners look't upon it as no small favour , that at the Common's request the King granted a Pardon to the Citizens of London , in the Eleventh of his Reign , of all Treasons , Felonies , and other offences of loss of life . For so Pardons run , whether the parties were guilty of such crimes and delinquences , or not ; and 't is a salvo that Wise men disdain not sometimes to make use of , and why should they not , unless a Pardon must of necessity imply a Crime ? We have heard how careful the House of Commons were , under this King , to secure the Cities Liberties , ascertain her Rights , defend her Priviledges , and keep off encroachments , that she might not be abus'd nor impos'd on : Let me next have leave , before I pass forwards , to give a hint or two to intimate , how ready the Commons were to free the City from Annoyances , in order both to the Citizens health and the Cities Ornament , that nothing offensive , either to the Eyes or the Nostrils , might be found therein . 'T is to be seen Enacted , among the Commons Petitions in the sixteenth of this King , that all the filth upon Thames side , in a certain place there mentioned , be utterly remov'd against a short time particularliz'd : That the Butchers of London build convenient Houses , to hold whatsoever they had noisome in their Calling , thence in due time to be carried in Boats into the middle of the Thames at high-water , there to be cast at it's beginning to Ebb , so to be born away with the Tide . And that no Rubbish or the like be cast into Thames between Westminster and the Tower on a considerable forfeiture . Small slight trivial matters some may haply think these to be , and not worth perhaps a remark : Yet to me it seems a manifest sign of the Citizens care and esteem , the House of Commons respect for them , and the influence the City had upon their debates , that they shew'd themselves so willing and ready , at all times , to take into more especial consideration the slightest and minutest things , so it came recommended to them from the City of London , or appeared in their Eyes advantagious to her Inhabitants : And that these had an equal share in making Laws with the Lords , or even with the King himself , is as evident as the shining of the Sun in a hot Summers-day . From the Commons let us pass to the King and Lords joyntly consider'd . For the esteem the Lords had for the City , when lookt upon as single in themselves , and not expresly united with the King , may best be shewn either when we come to touch upon the Civil distractions of these times , whereof the whole Nation were partakers , or the more immediate afflictions of the City in particular , ( as some we may be sure they had in a General Del●ge of miseries ) my Subject being as yet principally of Proceedings and Transactions carried on in a Parliamentary way , that is or ought to be , in meekness and calmness . What I have chiefly to observe here is in plain words out of the Abridgment of the Records Relating to the Parliament of the seventeenth of this King , where we read it enacted , that it is not the Kings meaning or intent , nor meaning of the Statute made in the twenty eighth of Edward the third , ( touching Errors and misprisions in the City of London ) that the Mayors , Sheriffs and Aldermen of London , that now are , heretofore have been , or hereafter shall be , should incur , or bear the pain contained in the said Statute , for any erroneous Judgment given , or to be given in the said City . This is one of the three Acts there noted , to be enacted by the King , by the assent of the Lords only : And therefore makes good my assertion of the respect shewn the City by the King and Lords , as may be made to appear more obvious by giving the Reader the substance of the forecited Statute , still to be seen , among the Printed Statutes , in the twenty eighth of Edward the third , Chapter tenth , where we find it ordain'd and established , that the Mayor , Sheriffs and Aldermen , which have the Governance of the City of London , shall cause to be redressed and corrected the defaults errors and misprisions above named , and the same duly punish from time to time upon a certain Pain : That is to say , at the first default a thousand Marks to the King , and at the second default two thousand Marks , and at the third default that the Franchise and Liberty of the City be taken into the Kings hand : And it is likewise enacted , that enquiries shall be made of these defaults by Enquests of people of these Forreign Counties , Kent , Essex , Sussex , Hertford , Buckingham and Berks : And the receiving and execution of the Writs , as well Originals as Judicials , is committed to the Constable of the Tower , or his Lieutenant , in place of the Sheriffs of London ; so runs the Statute : Whence occasion might seem likely enough to be taken , one time or other , by the Cities designing adversaries , to Hector the Mayor Sheriffs and Aldermen into compliance , by threatning to sue that Act upon them , or opportunity given to treacherous friends , ( foster'd within her Walls , bred up under the shadow of her wings , rais'd and enrich'd through the benefit of her Franchises and Priviledges , and crept into Authority by the overflowings of her favour ) for a lick or two at the publick hony-pot , wilfully to incur the forfeitures , that her Liberties might be seiz'd , and her good old Charter , as far as in them lies , wholly lost . But such an Honourable respect had both the King and his Nobles at that season for this most deserving City , and so glorious appear'd she in their Eyes , that they seem in a manner resolv'd , as well as highly desirous according to their power , to prevent the very possibility of such ill consequences by this favourable interpretation , that after-ages might not rue for the oversights of former times , if they could help it . For this rather looks like an explanation of the Statute than a Repeal , an Act Declaratory of their good Will and intentions , more than a result of the whole Legislative power of the Nation ; here being only the King and his Lords assent mention'd , and not a word of the Commons . And yet possibly this Declaration may amount to little less than a vertual , tho not a formal repeal , if it be joyntly consider'd with what hath been before related , in the seventh of this Kings Reign , concerning the Clause , licet usi non fuerunt , vel abusi fuerunt , notwithstanding any Statute to the contrary , to be found enacted among the Commons Petitions of that year , in favour of the Cities Liberties . So that upon this account we find Authority in every part of it concurring in the point . And that it was in favour of the City in General , as well as in behalf of particular persons , is plain from the sense and substance of the original Statute , and the consequential adjuncts thereto belonging . But if any one shall think this conclusion will not clearly follow from the premises , I don't think but I am able to prove it undeniably ( as to the part at least of several of the Lords ) from Statute Law : As strong an assurance , as we English-men can expect , as being the boundary of our Lives and Liberties , and giving us the security of all we enjoy , or can properly call our own . The Statute is to be found in the first of Henry the fourth , Chapter 15th . where after a recital of the before-mention'd Statute of 28 Edward 3. ( though through a mistake or misprint , it is said there to to be made in the seven and twentieth year ) we find as follows ; Our Lord the King considering the good and lawful behaviour of the Mayor , Sheriffs , and Aldermen , and all the Commonalty of the City of London towards him , and therefore willing to ease and mitigate the Penalty aforesaid by the Assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and of the Commons aforesaid , hath ordained and established , that the penalty aforesaid , as well of the thousand Marks , and of the two thousand Marks , and of the Seisure of the Franchises comprised in the same Statute , shall not be limited in a certainty , but that the Penalty in this Case be by the advice and discretion of the Justices thereto assigned . To mitigate it doubtless , not inhance it at pleasure , to ruin particular persons and annihilate the City's Liberties , by pretending the loss of her Charter . How respectful King , Lords and Commons , in Parliament assembl'd , shew'd themselves to this honourable City hath been sufficiently declar'd , prov'd , and made manifest , I presume , already in the foregoing Relation . Let us now call off our Meditations from this particular point , and fix our thoughts upon an other Argument , highly demonstrative of the City's power , drawn from no less uncouth a Topick than tumults and disorders , insurrections and Outrages of unruly people . There having pass'd an Act of Parliament in the fourth of this King , to impower him to Collect and Gather Poll money throughout the Land , and many exactions thereupon , and incivilities being committed by the new Collectors and other Officers , ( some of the Courtiers having procur'd the Kings Commissions for a review , and a more exact Collection , under the notion of the Kings being cheated and defrauded through the unfaithfulness of his former Tax gatherers ) the Commons thought themselves so abus'd and oppress'd , that in many places they took Counsel together to make resistance , and in several Counties assembled themselves in great numbers , to the no small disturbance of the Land. Amongst these the Commons of Kent and Essex are reckon'd the greatest bodies , gathered together under such heads , as Wat Tyler , Jack Straw , and the like obscure Fellows . These we find quickly coming to London , where they soon obtain entrance , notwithstanding the Mayors intended opposition , and then quickly carry all before them , behead whom they thought good , do what they would , burn great mens Palaces at their Pleasure , the Gates of the Tower are set open to them , the King rides to 'm in fear , unarm'd , and ill guarded , at their sending for , and grants them as large Charters as they desired , none of his Courtiers daring to oppose or resist their Insolencies , so that they seem to have had all things for a small season under their sole Power , Direction , and Command , as remaining Masters of the Field , without a stroak stricken by any opposite Party : such a terrour did their numbers and boldness strike into mens minds at the first , and so effectual was their success in getting within the Walls of London : either through the joynt assistance of many Commons there inhabiting , or else rather under the repute of having the whole City at their beck . But when the first brunt was over , and it was visible , that the greatest , best , and most of the Citizens joyn'd not with the Country Commons , to approve or abet them in their furious outrages and violences , the tide was soon turn'd , and deliverance brought , both to the King and Court , by the courage of this Loyal City . The Mayor himself , as their Head , made the first open beginning , was seconded by his Brethren the Aldermen , and quickly followed by the worthy Citizens . He being a man of great boldness , by the Kings permission , first arrested , and afterwards grievously wounded one of the chiefest of the Rebells , Jack Straw , saith Fabian , Wat Tyler , saith Stow , to the great encouragement of those about the King , ( among whom this Arch Rebel receiv'd his death ) and daunting of the Rebellious Commons ; to which valiant Deed the City is indebted for Walworths Dagger , some say , inserted upon this Account in her Coat of Arms. After this Act away rides the Mayor with one Servant only ( the Annalist tell us ) into the City , and crying out to the Citizens to come speedily to the Kings assistance , raises a considerable strength , who well arm'd , under the leading of Sir Robert Knowles , came in good time into the Field , where the King was , among the tumultuous Commons , not so well attended , but that the unexpected coming of the Mayor , and the armed Citizens , is expresly said to have caus'd rejoycing in the minds of the King , and those few Knights and Esquires then about him ; and the Issue acquaints us with the great consequence hereof , when we read of the Commons throwing down their weapons immediately , falling also themselves upon the ground , and beseeching pardon , who but a little before gloried , that they had the Kings life in their own power , and so possibly might have continued boasting , had not the Citizens thus rous'd up themselves to the Kings relief , and timely dispers't these seditious Rioters in the midst of their insulting Pride . That this was a piece of Loyalty , as well as valour , most timely and seasonably shewn , is evident , from the great influence what was but barely done at London , though without London's consent , had upon the Countrey . For from the Annalist we are given to understand , that there were the like Insurrections in Suffolk and Norfolk and in express words told , that these overthrew House and Mannors of great Men , and of Lawyers , slew the Students of the Law , &c. according to the manner of them at London , having for their Captain an ungracious Priest , nam'd John Wraw , who had been at London just before , had seen what was done there , and came thence with Instructions from Wat Tyler . So that what 's done in the City is very likely to be imitated in the Countrey . A disorderly Rout of people were got together round about and within the City , and committed many unsufferable Outrages , and several parts of the Country were resolv'd to follow the Fashion , and do the like . The Citizens courage quel'd these Tumultuous Commons in London , and then they were quickly suppress'd , we hear , in other Places . Then had the King reason to reward the Mayor , and several Aldermen , with the honour of Knighthood and other recompences , and time to assemble an Army of his Loyal Friends and Subjects at London , to guard him , till the Principals of these dispersed Rebels were brought to condign Punishment by Law , which was quickly done , thanks to the worthy Londoners , who had thus vigorously asserted the Kings Right , defended his Royalty , rescued his Person , and regained him the exercise of his Kingly Power , well near lost before , through the Rebellion of his meaner Commons , and cowardly Faintheartedness of his Courtiers ; Men it seems that could speak big at the Council-board , and talk high upon the Bench , under the shelter of the Kings Authority ; but when they were to come into the Field of War , to fight for their Prince , they prov'd meer Courtiers , all words and no deeds . The Citizens were the Men of valour . They lay still , the King was like to be undone , and the Court ruin'd . They appear'd to oppose the vaunting Enemies , they fled before them , and the King regain'd his own . This one famous City , the terror of her Enemies , the joy of her Friends , cooperates in the grand turns and changes of affairs in the Brittish world , or else such attempts , for the most part at least , if not always , prove vain , fruitless , and insignificant . And where 's the wonder of this ? The whole City , as a compact Body with Strength and Beauty fitly united , may well be esteemed most amiable , and counted highly powerful , since she is to be admired for the goodness and greatness ( under which comprehend the large Riches , Power and Spirit ) of particular Citizens incorporated into Her. For the first , let me instance in the commendable diligence of her Mayor Adam Baume , who , upon a very great scarcity of Corn in the fifteenth of this King , providently took care to have Corn brought to L●●don from forreign Parts , to the relief of the whole Realm ; and add hereunto the Charity of the Aldermen , who , for the furtherance of so good a Work , laid out each of them a sum of mony , in those days very considerable , to the same purpose , and bestow'd the Corn thus procur'd in convenient places , where the Poor might buy at an appointed price , and such , as had no ready mony , upon Surety to pay the year following , besides the common Act of the Mayor and Citizens in taking two thousand Marks out of the Orphans Chest in Guildhall for the same intent . In Proof of the later , viz. The Greatness , Riches , Power and Spirit of particular Citizens , I challenge all the Cities in the world besides , to shew me such another Example , as that of John Philpot Citizen of London , the Citizens Orator to this King in the beginning of his Reign , who in the second year , observing the young Kings inability , the Nobles neglect , and the oppressions of the poor Commons ; voluntarily hir'd Souldiers with his own mony , rig'd out a Fleet at his own charge , and hazarded his own Person , to defend the Realm from Pirates , Robbers , and incursions of Enemies , and therewith successfully took in a little time Mercer the Scot with all his Ships , which he had before violently taken from Scarborow , and fifteen Spanish Ships besides laden with much Riches , which came to his Aid . Can Rome her self shew me a like Parallel ? As for the Fabij , they were a whole Family among the Patricians , and Crassus himself a great Magistrate in the heigth of that Common-wealths Grandeur amidst Equals and Inferiors , whereas this publick-spirited Person liv'd still a Subject , under a limited Monarchy , none of the greatest nor the strongest then in the World. This noble Act some would have thought should have deserved great praise and commendation , and so it had among the Common People , but among the great Lords and Earls it met with Reproach and Detraction , as being a manifest reproof of their carelesness and negligence , and he himself was endanger'd thereby , they speaking openly against it , as done unlawfully without the Councel of the King and his Realm ▪ though his design could not be denyed to have been very honest in the general . Had he suffered for that unpresidented Act , because it was deficient in some formalities required by Law , the Statesmen of the times , therein instrumental , without all peradventure had appeared as odious in the Eyes of the Commons , as some of the chief Episcopal Clergy-men , in a Protestant Country , within the Memory of Man , would have made themselves obnoxious to the Peoples Censure , should they have publickly burnt Vindiciae Pietatis , i. e. a Vindication of Godliness from the imputation of folly and fancy , ( which I have heard intimated as if thought of ) because it wanted such an Imprimatur as the Law demanded , and was writ possibly by an Author not altogether Episcopal in his declared Judgment . But to pass on , If such were the superemient and supererogating Acts of particular Citizens so many Ages ago , to what an height of Wealth , Greatness and splendor must we needs think the City to have arriv'd at this day , some Centuries of years since that time ? If ten thousand Pounds was a Mayors Estate heretofore , we may give a shrew'd guess at the Cities advancement and encrease in Riches since , now that the same is made the limited sum , for the Citizens to swear themselves not worth , who desire to avoid the chargeable Honour , and Honourable charge , of the Shrievalry . Nay , to go a step or two further , now adays we find her Sheriffs Revenue commonly reputed at double the value , and others of her Citizens thought able to number their thousands by scores . What if I had also added , that some are esteem'd so wealthy , as not to know an end of their Riches ? Certainly such , if any , must needs come under the denomination of men vastly rich in worldly goods . So that this glorious and Triumphant City seems in many things able to vy with , if not out-vy , the Quondam Mistress of the World , Rome her self . She exceeds her in Antiquity , as being founded ( in Fabian's Compute ) above four hundred years before her , and hath this advantage of her now , that whereas Rome is confest and acknowledged to be in the wane of her power and Greatness , both as to her Civil and Ecclesiastical Authority , London still continues on the rising hand . Rome 't is visible hath suffer'd a considerable diminution , as to her former extent and Jurisdiction , in both capacities , whether she be lookt upon , as , once head of the world , or now pretended head of the Church , but London plainly appears to be dayly getting ground both in Fame and Reputation , as well as building : And whereto she may come in time , belongs to a Prophet not an Historian to declare . She is already become the Fam'd Metropolis of this our little World , and Rome was but Empress in a greater : Neither was she anear so influential over the greatest part of that , how much soever thereof she had under her Dominion , as London is known to be at present over all ours . Having thus shewn the influence this Honourable City had upon the Commons of this Land in Peace and amidst tumultuous disorders , and the great respect both King and Nobles in Conjunction had for her , I should now proceed to disengage my self of an obligation , I presume , lying on me , from part of a promise before made , to declare the esteem the Lords , when singly consider'd , had of her strength and power . But before I pass on more immediately thereto , I crave leave to observe the great variety and difference in Parliamentary transactions and proceedings under this King , within the compass of whose Reign we find but two years on Record , viz the nineteenth and twenty second , wherein there was not a Parliament called and assembled in one place or other by his Authority , sometimes oftner , and so those Acts of Edward the third were exactly kept for eighteen years running , wherein it is ordained and established , that a Parliament shall be holden once every year , and more often if need be , which being omitted but one year in twenty one , and not observed in the twenty second , we may easily think it prov'd fatal to the unfortunate King , that in the next Parliament he should be depos'd by his own Subjects and the Crown set upon anothers head . And is it any wonder , to see things so injurious and unjust sometimes done in National Assemblies , when in a vein of contradiction they make Ordinances so diametrically opposite each to other , as was done in this Kings time ? For we find parties mutually clashing in publick , and what was ordain'd in one Parliament for the Commons good ( as was then pretended ) by an other repealed in favour of the other side , former Laws Annull'd , Pardons revok't , Grants recall'd , and new punishments inflicted for o●d offences . And yet in an other Revolution , within a very small space of time , the last Parliaments Acts were casher'd and thrown out of doors to make room for the revival and Establishing the Elder Parliament Statutes . Such changes were then Rung , and so much contesting between Priviledge and Prerogative , as if the differences were wh●lly and altogether irreconcilable , or at least made to seem so by some mens poli●ies , the better to carry on their own more particular Intreagues . And therefore , when fair words were fear'd not likely to prevail , Arms were prepar'd to force , and there was danger o● h●ving Swords drawn , Bows bended , and Arrows shot for the promoting the designs on foot . But of all Statutes , Acts , Ordinances , Laws , and Grants , most memorable and observable is the Petition of the Commons , and the Answer thereto given , in the Parliament begun at Westminster , April 25th . in the second of this Kings Reign . The Petition is to be seen among the Commons Petitions in Cottons Abridgment of the Records in the Tower , so often mention'd , and Printed 1657. pag. 169. Tit. 28. in these words , That Answer reasonably may be given to all their Petitions now , or hereafter to be moved ; and that Statutes be thereupon made before departure of every Parliament . The Answer hereto runs thus , such Bills as Remedy cannot otherwise be had but in Parliament , reasonable Answer shall be thereto made before such Departure . Now we are to understand , that Petitions , in the old , are Bills , according to the new Stile , which in this Parliament were thus ordained to be produc'd at least for the Royal Assent , if not to be passed formerly into Laws . So that if the Houses were so minded , by straining this grant to its utmost bounds ( though perhaps further than was design'd at the first ) 't was no hard matter for them to sit e'n as long , in a manner , as they pleas'd ; and the old King of late Memory , his present Majesty's Royal Father , may hereby very easily be vindicated from the Censures of those undutiful Subjects , who pretend to blame his conduct , and Arraign , if not condemn , his Judgment for passing the continuing Act in the Parliament of forty , whereby he more plainly and immediately put the dissolution thereof out of his own hands ; whereas before he had been haply lyable to have been trickt out of it , with greater affront to his Prerogative , by the quirks that nimble wits would have been apt enough at that conjuncture , to have started out of this Grant. For what would not they have attempted in that posture of affairs , who actually did so much afterwards by the noise of an Ordinance , a term new to the vulgar , but weil enough known ( though possibly never in that use and extent before ) to the Learned Lawyers , who can easily inform the Questionist , out of the Records in the Tower , that in the thirty seventh of Edward the third they met with the name and nature in a demand of the Chancellors to the whole Estates , whether they would have such things as they agreed on , to be by way of Ordinance , or of Statute ; and in the Answer thereto made , by way of Ordinance , with this reason then and there given , that they might amend the same at their pleasure . If we wonder at this grant , which seems to trail after it such inconveniencies to the Regal Power , as were before hinted , or at least might be made an Inlet to pretences , as prejudicial to the Royal Prerogative , we are to understand , that this was obtain'd in the Kings Nonage , though not perhaps in times absolutely factious , for I don't read but that things were carried then calmly and quietly enough . But when the King came to full Age , then we may observe that he or his bosome Favourites , were not well pleased with this or other Grants , that confined the Regal Power within stricter Boundaries , than their own desires pe●mitted them to like , and therefore there was striving amain to remove the ancient Landmarks , and the Court effected it at last for a short space , but with so ill an event , that the issue proved as fatal to the King himself , as th●s counterplottings had been d●structive to many others before . People hereupon may say what they think fit , and pass their Verdicts as they please : But can any blame that mans Will and Desire , to disintangle himself from Fetters and Chains , who thinks himself born free , and so would fain live according to his own pleasure and good liking ? 'T is his Judgment rather , that is to be quessioned , when it suggests to him , that he may command , and ought to be obeyed , in such things where no obedience was before due , by nature , or consent ; and the goodness of his Intellectuals are liable to be doubted of , when they make him to fancy he may be absolute , where known Laws and long continued Custom hath authoriz'd the contrary . Such seems to have been Englands Case of old , where the Subjects have oft put on Arms to prevent encroachments upon their dearly belov'd , and many times dea●ly bought , Liberties . And such the Nations State under this King , he being come to his full Age , when several of the Barons , headed by the Duke of Glocester his Uncle , thought it their main interest and concern , to speak high and look big , with Armour on their backs and Swords by their sides , though it subjected them to much ob●●quy and displeasure at Court , and brought themselves and all theirs into much hazard and danger . But this it seems they little thought of , or as little valued : That the Court highly resented the actings of such , as indeavoured in Parliament time to bring some o● the Prime Favourites to Judgment ●or Crimes laid to their Charge , is evident , in that they had laid a Plot to invite the Principal Lords to a Supper in London , and there murder them , as such who crossed the King's cours●s : But the present Lord Mayor utterly refused to do it , though mov'd thereto ( saith my Author ) by the King himself , and thereupon this design miscarried . But then other Rodds were laid in Lavender , and contrivanc●s secretly carried on , to intrap and suppress the Country Lords . The King calls all the High Sheriffs of the Counties before him , and demands , what strength they could make for him against the Lords , if there should be occasion ? But they answered , that the Common People did so favour the Lords , as believing them to be loyal and true to the King , that it was not in their power to raise any great Force against them . Then they were commanded to take care , that no Knight nor Burgess should afterwards be chosen to any Parliament , but those whom the King and Council should name ; whereto they replied , It was an hard matter , in those times of Jealousy and Suspicion , to deprive the People of their ancient Liberties in choosing their representatives . Then were the Judges consulted , ( Men , as my Author writes , learned chiefly in one point , that is , without consid●ring Truth or Falshood , to please those in high places ) who gave several extrajudicial opinions in favour of the Prerogative upon some Queries propounded to them , by one of which , viz. Whether the King might not at his pleasure dissolve the Parliament , and command the Lords and Commons to depart , we may guess what Exceptions and Resentments were taken against the Commons Request , in the Second of this King before mentioned , that the Parliament should not be dismist before a reasonable Answer was given to all their Petitions . After this was my Lord Mayor of London required to give an account , how many able men he could raise in the City ? who answered , that he thought they could make fifty thousand men at an hours warning : But when he went about it in good earnest , the Citizens cried out , they would never fight against the Kings Friends , and the Defenders of the Realm . Then were there endeavours privily to apprehend the opposing Lords singly by themselves , but this design was disappointed , and the Lords were quickly up in Arms to defend themselves . When these devices would not hold water , by the interposition of Mediators it was ordered , that the Lords should come to Westminster to the King upon a day appointed them , some Persons of Quality and Credit taking Oaths on the Kings part , that no fraud or deceit should be used , whereupon the Lords prepared themselves to come up according to agreement , but soon stopt their Journy , upon notice given them of an Ambusment laid for them in the Mews , which made the King ready almost to tax them of breach of Covenant , till he was told the reason , viz. the Ambusment laid for them , and then to clear himself ( as Stow relates it ) sware he knew of no such thing . He might possibly be as innocent as the Child unborn , as to any particular knowledge of this matter , but certainly his Courtiers were much to blame , and very bold , thus to act in direct opposition to the former Agreement ; for that there was such a treacherous piece o● Service intended , the Annalist assures us , but that any of the prime Engineers and designing Actors were punished , for acting thus without the Kings more especial Warrant , Knowledge , or Commission , I do not find . When these tricks would not do , then fair words and promises were come in fashion again , to sooth up the angry Lords , who at last were come to Westminster with a sufficient Guard of Attendants , and in the upshot the speedy calling of a Parliament was concluded on , where the Accusers and Accused might meet face to face . But the favourite Lords durst not attend the consequence of such a Meeting , and therefore the Duke of Ireland , and the rest of the Faction , left the Court to be out of the way , and an Army was after raised to conduct the Duke up to Court , with which he hasted as fast as he could towards London , but was miserably overthrown at Radcoat Bridge in Oxfordshire by the contesting Lords , and so e●ded all his glory , and a few years after his life . Upon this defeat the Lords thought they had matter enough to justifie their Arms ; with forty thousand men up come they to London and were there received , the King then keeping his Christmas in the Tower , to whom they shew the Letter he had sent to the aforesaid Duke to raise an Army for their destruction , and the Letters the French King had written to him to come into France , there to do acts to his own dishonour and the Kingdoms . These things we may well conclude bred a great deal of ill blood between the King and his Lords , and that their Pulses beat extraordinary high is plain from the peremptory message they sent the King , when they understood his mind was alter'd as to keeping his promise before made to them , That if he came not according to his word , they would chuse another King , who should hearken to the faithful Counsel of his Lords . This , 't is easie to be thought , toucht the King to the quick , but being not then strong enough to oppose , he esteem'd it his safest and securest course to condescend to the Lords desires , and order the calling of a Parliament . A Parliament comes and then it wrought wonders . In Stow we meet with a Story , coincident with these times , concerning the Londoners , how that they understanding , that the French King had got together a great Navy , assembled an Army , and set his purpose firmly to come into England , trembling like Leverets , fearful as Mice they sought starting holes to hide themselves in , even as if the City had been ready to be taken , and they , that in times past , brag'd they would blow all the French men out of England , hearing a vain Rumour of the Enemies coming , ran to the Walls , brake down the houses adjoyning , destroyed and laid them flat , and did all things in great fear , not one Frenchman having then set foot on Shipboard . But there 's not one word of the Author , whence this was extracted , which we commonly find in the Margin in other Relations . What ground now there was for this pannick fear , I cannot devise , or rather reason , for the relating of such a heedless story , looking more like a conjectural report , than an historical relation , as if the Writer himself had been frenchified , or imposed upon by some French Translator , who was desirous to render his Country m●n terrible to the English by the Pen of an English Historian since they have been so ill able to do it by their own Swords . For that the English neither overmuch lov'd nor fear'd the French Nation , is evident from the Histories of ancient times , and th● occurrences of later days and from the Commons Address to the Purb●ck Alarum . How then the Londoners should come to be affraid of them so all of a sudden is a Riddle to me . 'T is certain enough of late years , that , when they were burnt out of house and home , and had little more perhaps to lose besides their lives , upon an Alarum of the French coming and Papists rising , they were like inraged Bears , robb'd of their young Ones , much more ready to fall on than the others to set upon them , so far were they from standing in fear of the whole power of France , though it should have been united with all their Popish Friends , Favourers , and Pensioners in England . And that they had little or no grounds for such fear in those elderly times , the long train of Victories gain'd heretofore in France puts us out of doubt . Besides methinks the Instances in this Story , which the Writer sets down as Arguments of fear , are rather proofs of a provident care and foresight . For what else can the running to the Walls , and breaking down the Houses adjoyning import , but a design and resolution to stand upon their own Guard , which is the property of Courage not of Cowardise . That there were intentions , suitable to men of valour , of standing up vigorously in their own defence against the forreign Enemy , may be prov'd out of the s●me Author , from the great numbers of armed men by the Nobles brought to the Parliament then at London , and the Lord Chancellors calling men of Arms , out of almost every part of the Realm , to the Marches about London , to beat back the Frenchmen with their King , had they come . Let this therefore serve to disprove the Annalists suggestions out of his own mouth , and shew the Nobles care for the Cities safeguard , in drawing such forces thitherward , and their hopes of considerable assistance from the City to help them in the Common cause of self-preservation . But suppose , without granting it , that there were some sparks of fear amongst them , 't is questionable , whether they did not spring from the mistrust of their principal Magistrates , not out of any diffidence and distrust of their own strength , or dread of a Foreign Enemies power and puissance . For to me 't is an Argument that the Major of London this year look't Courtward , since that we read of an endeavour to ingage him in such an horrid design , as hath been before spoken of , to destroy the principals of the opposite party at a private Supper in London . Certainly the King would not have utter'd a syllable of an intreague of this importance to so powerful a Magistrate ; as my Author affirms he did , had there not been hopes of prevailing on him in Reverence at least to the Kings word and desire : But upon the Tryal it seems he prov'd himself an honester man in that point ; ( whatever his principles and inclinations otherwise were ) than his Predecessor , whom we read of as deeply concern'd in that Plot. Much about this time 't is likewise that a Modern writer tells us , that the Londoners incur'd much obloquy , for that having before been Pardoned by the King of some Crimes laid to their charge , ( but what nor when committed I find not by him mentioned ) they were ready to comply with his d●sires , and a Jury of them being Impannell'd , indited some Lords of many Crimes objected against them . But this also is to be imputed to the Magistrates influence and power in calling out men fit for the purpose , and not to the whole body of the Citizens . For we read just after , that when the Mayor thought to have rais'd them against the contesting Lords , they resolutely , refus'd , and absolutely rejected the Motion as is before related . So that 't was not having the Mayor at their Beck , nor the Power , they thought , they had among the high Sheriffs of the Counties to procure such men return'd up to serve in Parliament , as were nominated by the King and his Council , that could shelter the guilty favourites at Cour from the censure of that August Assembly , well known afterwards by the name of the Parliament that wrought wonders . For on the very first day thereof all the Judges , but one , were Arrested as they sat in their places , question'd for their extrajudicial opinions and Arbitrary actings , and severely punish'd by Banishment and Confiscation of their Estates : The Lord Chief Justice Tresilian lost his Life at Tyburn , and the rest , my Author says , had all dyed , had it not been for the Queens intercession . As the Judges were thus brought under the Lash of those Laws , which before they had so much abus'd to humour Arbitrary mens designs , the better thereby to secure to themselves their own Stations and Offices of Judicature , so the Patrons themselves , and reputed promoters of these Arbitrary and illegal Actings , were reduc't into the same Predicament , Several of the chief were impeach'd of no less than High Treason in open Parliament , the absent for ever banish'd , and many of them in hold either Hang'd , or Beheaded , upon Tower-hil , or at Tyburn , notwithstanding they had been ere while Men of Name , Power and Authority , and in great favour at Court but just before . So uncertain is the State of Mortality , and so slippery is walking in high places . But amongst all those , who fell under the stroak of an angry Deity , and so shamefully lost their lives by the hands of Justice , most memorable is the fate , that befel Sir Nicholas Brember Grocer , late Lord Mayor of London , who , for many oppressions , and seditions by him caus'd in the City , was Beheaded ( as Stow informs us ) the Morrow after the Execution of the Lord Chief Justice Tresilian , and , which is more remarkable , with the same Ax , he had before prepared for others of his fellow Citizens . So just is Providence to suffer the wicked to be insnared by the devices of their own hearts , and to fall headlong into the Pit they had dig'd for others . Stow tells us the King had oft-times made him Mayor of London against the mind of the Citizens . But in Fabian ( who methinks , being once Sheriff of this Honourable City , should know best what had been formerly Transacted in that City , of whose good order , Policy , and Government he hath expresly Treated in his Chronicle ) I don't find but that he was Elected and Chosen . Possibly there might be an order made at Court , Present the King , and sent into the City to further and promote his Election , which by the one might be esteem'd an imposing him on the City , while the other only took notice of the meeting of the Citizens in order to an Election , without relating how the matter was carried , or whether he came in fairly by a Majority , or else by a strong hand , through the working of Court Favourites , who influencing the Judges might make that pass for Law , which was contrary thereto , let the difference of voices be never so great on the other side . So have I heard of a place , where it was carried by thirteen against twenty one , and when the business came to be scan'd over anew , it was adjudg'd by vote against the Majority : But this was rather the effect of Greatness and Power , overruling , than the result of Equity and Justice dividing to every one his right . That this Man , when Mayor , met with great opposition from the most eminent of the Citizens , I presume concludable from his Resentments , and what is in plain words delivered of him by the Annalist , how that , whilst he was in the full Authority of his Mayoralty , he caus'd a Common pair of Stocks in every Ward , and a Common Ax to be made , to behead all such , as should be against him , and had Indited eight thousand and more of the best and greatest of the City , so resolv'd was he to carry on the design right or wrong to please his Masters and Abettors . What kind of principled Man he was we may easily guess , as from the aforementioned passages , so from the Historians Relations before hinted of him , as being deeply concern'd in the Plot , before intimated , to assassinate the contesting Lords , and also afterwards one of the Chief Men , that had a hand in laying the Ambuscade , spoken of above , unwilling the King , ( as he swore ) to intrap them , who , upon promise of safe conduct , confirm'd by the Oaths of some persons of Quality , were coming up to Westminster to the King , which he and Sir Thomas Trivet privately sent away to London upon the discovery thereof . That he was a sutable Tool to carry on great mens intreagues , or at least thought fit enough to be made a Property to work upon , why may we not conclude , in that we find him elected , at the latter part of the last Kings Reign , and admitted at the Tower of London into the Mayoralty , when the proud haughty Duke of Lancaster had got the other Mayor put out of his Office , as not quick enough it seems to run along with that aspiring Dukes designs , who aimed at that time to have put by his Nephew from the Throne , and have intruded thereunto himself , contrary to right , reason and justice , and the publick interest of the Nation ? Who knows likewise by whose influence , and for what intents , he was kept in the Office of Mayor for three years together , , in the seventh , eighth , and nineth of this King ? What a vast difference was there , as to Principles and Practices , between this man and the fam'd John Philpot , his fellow Sheriff in the forty sixth of the precedent King ? The one prov'd as great a Patriot to his Country before , in , and after his Mayoralty , as the other shew'd himself an ambitious Courtier under a Gold Chain in the City . But what great wonder is this , to see men once joyn Partners in an Office , vastly differing each from other in their Judgments and Actions , when raised to places of higher Dignity and Pr●ferment ? I don't think but 't is easie enough to find an instance at present , if there were any great occasion or necessity thereof . 'T is said of this Sir Nicholas Brembar , that if he had liv'd , he had been created Duke of Troy , or of London by the name of Troy. What a pity 't was that he had not had a Patent , ready sign'd and seal'd lying by him , to have shrowded himself and all his old crimes , under this new Dignity upon Occasion ? But this I Fancy would never have past upon that Parliament , either Lords or Commons , to have sheltred him from the Law of the Land , though he had become really , in act , as well as desire and design , a Peer of the Realm . However this intention of his , if truly related , sufficiently shews us his Ambition to become a Titulado , unless we shall venture upon a conjecture , that some of the Courtiers sham'd upon him , with the empty promise of this titulary honour , when they wheadled him out of the directions they had before sent him , for the better management of their designs , which they were unwilling to let remain in his hands , ( after they had made as much use of his Place and Power , as opportunity would permit ) that they might not be produc'd as Evidences against them in a day of Tryal , which they , probably fear'd , might one time or other come upon them , and did it seems in this Parliament with a Vengeance . For I will take the boldness to conclude , that it was some other more skilful hand , hid behind the Curtain , that order'd the Scenes , and manag'd the Machines , though he was made the publick stalking horse , to deceive the vulgar Herd , the Skreen , to shelter other mens heads from the violence of popular fury , the open Actor in the face of the world , the common Engine , to set the Wheels of more politick mens contrivances a going , though against Water , Wind , and Tide : It being very unbecoming the Apes subtilty to put her own foot into the fire , when she may make use of the Cats . But if the Worshipful Sir Nicholas suffer'd himself thus impolitickly to be trapann'd , whom had he to blame but himself , if he were made at la●● to pay so dear for his own folly and imprudence ? And that such is the ominous fate of less wary men , who venture upon Actions , not warranted by Law , to serve a present turn , and humour their own ambitious desires , or other mens greatness , is evidently demonstrable , as in general from History and Experience , so more particularly from an instance in Spain , under one of the Philips , of a certain Officer of that Kings , who having by the Kings Order done an Act , for which he was afterwards questioned and thrown into Prison , and upon fair words and promises parted with the Kings Letter , which he could have produc'd for his Warrant , was soon after left in the lurch , and suffer'd to fall a Sacrifice to his own imprudent Credulity , and the Law of the Land. Whether I have been exact , as to all circumstances of the story , I shall not positively affirm , as not being fully sure , but my Memory may deceive me in twelve or thirteen years space , and being uncertain in what Book to look for it now , or where I read it at first , unless in some of the famous Fullers works , perhaps in his holy or prophane State ; but as to the substance and truth hereof , I dare aver it from Historical Relation , and leave the Application to more Philosophical Logicians , that I may press further forwards towards the mark , the end , intention and scope of this my present undertaking , viz. To shew the respect and esteem several of the Nobles in particular had for this honourable City , and their solicitous care for her welfare under this King Richard. How that , before the Parliament , that wrought wonders was ended , particular care was taken expresly to have the Citizens of London included in ● general Pardon , ( to prevent doubtless new exactions upon old pretences ) hath been before related amongst the Commons requests as a sign of their good will , and therefore now to be wav'd , though it would not be impertinent in this Point to shew the Lords affection , if that be a truth , which is delivered by a modern Writer , that in our Ancestors time , most of the Members of the house of Commons thought it an honour to retain to some great Lord , and to wear his blew Coat , to make up his train , and wait upon him from his own house to the Lords , and make a Lane for him to enter thereto ; which argues how much the Lords did , or might , over-rule them , in their frequent Petitions on the City's behalf . But I shall pass over the consequence of this Conclusion , as an Argument depending on the Readers Will and Choice , which he may grant or deny at pleasure , and produce an instance or two less dubitable , and not left so much at discretion . How hard a matter it hath generally prov'd , to bring Offenders , if great in Power , Place and Authority , to Justice , is plain from History and Experience : As evident likewise is it , that the Offences , to such imputed , have been Exactions , Extortions , oppressions , corrupt Abuses of the Law , Illegal Principles , Arbitrary Designs , Unjust Actions , and the like National Grievances ( ordinarily comprehended under the name 〈◊〉 ill Government ) dayly heapt up under wea● or negligent Princes by the exorbitant Power o● headstrong Favourites , who , through the excess of their Soveraign's kindness , the easines● of his Nature , the mildness of his Disposition ▪ weakness of his Judgment , or fondness of 〈◊〉 Affection , ( grounded mostly on humour an● fancy ) having grasp'd all publick affairs in , Church and State into their own hands , too too oft make no better use thereof , than to Hector over those , who were before their Superiours , suppress their Equals , oppress their Inferiors , and inslave the poor Commons , the easier thereby to raise themselves and their own Families upon other mens ruins . When these things happen , and the reins of Government fall into such men's hands , the rich are sure to be the greatest sufferers , and such , as have most of this Worlds goods , are certain to be most watch'd and carpt at , and all opportunities greedily laid hold on to bring them under the Lash , that they may be squeez'd like Spunges , and large sums exacted of them to buy out their Pardons , and procure forgiveness , till another occasion offer it self to make them be thought Offenders anew : of this London sufferings in the fifteenth of this King are attesting proofs . For the Londoners having refus'd to lend the King mony , as was requested , and some abuses being offer'd to the Merchant Stranger , that proffered to lay it down , Stow tells us the King was marvellously inrag'd hereat , and , calling a Council of his Nobles at Stamford , causes the Mayor , Sheriffs , and best of the Citizens to be Arrested , and afterwards ( the Mayor and Sheriffs being depos'd ) sends them to several Prisons there to be kept , till he and his Council had consider'd and decreed , what should be done with them , and it was also further determined , that from thenceforth the Londoners should not chose , nor have any Mayor , but that the King should appoint one of his Knights to be Ruler of the City ; their Priviledges were revok'd , their Liberties disannull'd , and their Laws abrogated . Neither was this all ; The Terms likewise , and the Courts of Kings Bench , Common-pleas , Chancery , &c. Were remov'd from London to York , such was the displeasure conceiv'd against them by the King , or the ill Offices done them by some busie Courtiers about him . For Fabian gives us another account of this affair , and says the occasion arose from a contest , between the Citizens and the Bishop of Salisburies Servants , about one of their fellow Servants ( who had taken a Loaf out of a Bakers basket , openly in the streets , and then broke his head with his Dagger for attempting to regain it ) which grew so high , the Citizens striving to have the offender seiz'd on and Committed to Ward , and the Bishops Servants rescuing him , and shutting up their Gates , that the Mayor , Aldermen , and Sheriffs had much ado , by their perswasion , presence , and Authority , to stop further outrages , and contain the multitude within bounds , though at last they effected it , and dismis'd the people home in peace and quietness : But the angry ▪ Bishop so highly resented this business , notwithstanding the fault sprung Originally out of his own House , that he and the Arch-Bishop of York incens'd the King all they could against the Londoners , even so far , that one expresly affirms , he was once resolv'd to have utterly ruin'd and destroy'd the whole City . A very sharp punishment certainly for such an offence , and for a City , publickly endow'd with such transcendent Grants and Priviledges , as not to be lyable to a just legal seizure of her Liberties and Franchises , unless for Treason or Rebellion done by the whole City , as hath been before observ'd in the first of Edward the third , and the seventh of this present King. Now how Treason or Rebellion could be justly charg'd upon the whole City , at this time , and in these instances , which soever of them we give credit to , I cannot well conceive . The most methinks that could be made of it , in the worst construction , could amount no further than a Riot , notwithstanding the great and hainous matters laid unto the Mayors charge , though not a syllable prov'd that I read of , as that he no otherwise Rul'd the City , but suffered the Citizens to make such assaults upon the Kings head Officers , to the Kings great dishonour , and hazard of the Kings Treasure then in his Custody . The Statute of the twenty fifth of Edward the third , which makes it Treason to slay the Treasurer , must surely have been very far stretched , to have brought the whole City within the compass thereof , because some of the meaner Citizens assaulted the Treasurers House , ( upon an injustice first done by one , and ●n affront afterwards offered by others of his own Servants , in refusing to deliver the Offender , or ●uffer the Constable to enter to seize him ) he himself being as many Miles distant at that time , as Windsor is from London , and so not capable of receiving then the least injury in his own person , ●uch less to be kill'd out-right , without which no Treason lies in the Case upon this Act. But if ●he King and Council would have it so , or at least ●ct , as if it were so , contrary to an establish'd ●aw , and his own Grand-Fathers grant , who ●ould , who would , who durst contradict ? Here ●as no Parliament then Sitting , that I read of , ●o House of Commons in Being , nor Lords erough present , their Friends , to stave off the first brunt , though at length we hear of a Reconciliation depending before a Parliament was call'd , and that too by the mediation of powerful Friends , some of them no less than the Principal Lords , besides the Queen her self . Baker and Stow name the Duke of Gloucester the Kings Uncle , who was ever reputed by the Commons a great Friend and Patriot to his Country , and his untimely end afterwards severely reveng'd on the Actors and Contrivers thereof , and made the occasional cause of enraging the People against the King himself , who , within few years after the aforesaid Dukes violent Death , was publickly dethron'd by such , as , under the popular pretence of reforming ill Government , aim'd at their own Advancement to the chiefe●● Honours , Preferments and Dignities in Church and State. Through this Noble Peer's Suit and Mediation , among others , we hear the King was somewhat pacified , and by little and little abated the rigour of his purpose , calling to mind the divers honours , and great gifts he had received of the Londoners , ( as certainly the securing his right to the Crown against the ambitious pretensions of his aspiring Uncle , and th● defending his Life and Person from the furiou● Outrages of his mutinous Commons , were no mean pieces of Service done him by them ) whereupon he determined to deal more mildly with them , and gives them hopes of Grace and Pardon . Fabian tells us of a Reverend Bishop , a Spiritual Lord , that joyn'd with the Queen 〈◊〉 procure the Kings favour for them , and 〈◊〉 their Liberties restor'd them again , That the Queen did successfully interceed in their behalf ; we may perhaps , not without some shew of reason , conclude from the many great , rich and costly Presents made her by the Citizens , at the Kings publick entrance into the City , about the latter end of August in the same Summer . Nay , one Writer goes so far as to acquaint us , that even the Duke of Lancaster , John of Gaunt , appeared likewise in their favour , an Intercessor unto the King. Whether out of respect to them , or secret dislike of his Nephews proceedings , forgetfulness of Londons past opposition , or his desire at last to become Popular , and to ingratiate himself with the Citizens , whose power he had before try'd to his loss , I dare not venture to resolve , upon such unsure grounds as my own bare surmizes . But this I presume may easily be granted me , that he was then grown ancient , and the burning fires of his Ambition were much ●abated , if not altogether quenched , through for●●er disappointments , length of time , and the visible increase of years , old age growing fast upon him . So that , the first heats being over , he might probably be inclin'd to try his fortune in foreign Countries , and content himself with the titulary ●onour of a King abroad , now that he had long 〈◊〉 the smart of a frustrated expectation at ●ome . London having then such powerful Friends , of ●ame and note , in the time of her adversity par●icularly exprest in History , how many more may 〈◊〉 presume she had , not expresly mention'd , of 〈◊〉 same , or somewhat inferior rank and quality , ●ho , either out of their own affection and particular respect , or through the prevalency of these great Examples , ingag'd themselves in the Cities interest , and became Reconcilers and Repairers of her late Breaches ? But if the Readers candour will not yield me this , not irrational , supposition , these doubtless in themselves are enough to make out the truth of my assertion , and free me from the undesirable imputation of a vain pretender , when I offer'd to shew the esteem the Lords , singly consider'd in themselves , had for this great and honourable City . The aforementioned passages shew their good will , yet , all this notwithstanding somewhat else was expected at Court , which the Cities Enemies mainly drove at , and seem resolv'd by one means or other to compass and bring about . The City was Rich in Priviledges , Rich in Glory , Rich in Coyn , besides the Spirit and Courage of her Citizens ; all which conjoyn'd made her powerful at home and abroad , fam'd in Foreign Countries for Trade and Commerce , and highly honour'd within the Circle of the Brittish-Isle , through which she was known I lanet-like to dart her over-ruling influences . Among Arbitrary Designers these have been generally look't upon as Malign , and therefore no wonder if at Court ill-affected . Their Liberties and Priviledges are thought too great , let 's then have 'em les●ened now time serves : And so they were . For the Londoners being Commanded to come to Windsor , there to shew them , and product then Charters , both old and new , some of them ar●●atified , some condemn'd , some restor'd , others detain'd . Their Glory likewise is to be made to suffer , if possible , a diminution in the eyes of the world , and therefore almost all the Lords are gather'd together at Windsor , against their coming thither , and also a great Army , that the people might think them terrified thereby , and frighted into submission , and so have the less esteem for them hereafter , as such as may easily be accus'd of offences , and as easily be made to undergo grievous penalties for them , whoever was originally in fault . These Preparations must needs occasion considerable charges , but the Londoners must pay the shot , if they are Covetous of peace and quietness : And so they did at last , to their no small expences . 'T was not the Honourable Cavalcade of principal Citizens sent out in one Livery , to meet and Conduct the King and Court through the City ; 'T was not the Triumphant Reception of him in his passage , through a lane of Livery-men lowdly ecchoing forth his Name , the running of Cheapside Conduit with more than one sort of Wine , the adorning the Windows and Walls of the Streets with Tapistry , Cloth of Gold , Silver and Silk , nor other gawdy shows , to entertain him ; 'T was not the Rich and Chargeable Presents made to him and his Queen , as they pass'd along , or afterwards the next day , ( the Costly Crowns and Tables of Gold , Horses with their Noble Trappings , Plate of Gold and Silver , Cloth of Gold , Silk , Velvets , Buttons , and Ewers of Gold , Gold in Coyn , Precious Stones , and Jewels so Rich , excellent and Beautiful , that the value and price was inestimable ) that could fully appease the Angry King , or rather satisfie the ravenous Courtiers Covetuousness , until they had laid ▪ down also Ten thousand pounds in ready mony : And this did the feat for that time . And but for that time as far as I can find . For new Lords new Laws : New Favourites produce new Changes , and old ones being cast out of Doors , they are for finding out new Crimes , Pretences and Devices , to empty other mens Purses and enrich themselves , under the common notion of levying Fines and Amercements for the King. King Richard had received Royal Gifts , and Noble Presents , of his truly Royal Chamber of London in the sixteenth year of his Reign : Yet within less than half a dozen years space , this was forgotten and quite out of memory , or else so well remembred , as to make some heartily desirous of more such Boons , as hoping that some of Da●ae's showers might descend also into their own laps . These being the true Chymical Drops to restore , enliven , and invigorate the tir'd spirits of such hunger-starv'd Expectants . And where , throughout the whole British World , are they to be had in greater plenty than at London ? And by the sequell of the story , we may believe this was an approved Recipe in those days . For some Informations had been given in against the Londoners , which incens'd the King to such a degree , that the Commonalty , Fabian tells us , was indicted with other Sheriffs , and therefore consequently their own likewise , which might have brought great damage afresh to them , but that Providence then rais'd them up two Potent Friends and Favourers among the Spiritual Lords , by whose advice they made an humble supplication to the King , and so by their aid and assi●●ance , with help of other Lovers of the City , the Kings anger was much appeased ; But yet nevertheless Blank Charters were brought into the City , and many of the most substantial me● thereof forc't to seal them , highly to their disadvantage , which was likewise soon after put in practice in many other Counties . So fatal was the Citizens Example to the rest of the Land , and so little gain'd they themselves in these Conjunctures by their Submissions , Resignations , and other like compliances to the Court , besides expence , charge , and much trouble , and the continual fears of greater molestations for the future . But when was this and how was it brought about ? If we trace the Serids of times and affairs a little backwards , by the unerring Clue of Authentick History , we shall find these transactions to bear date some years after the end of the Parliament , that wrought wonders , when possibly 't was almost forgot , and it's Statutes , by some Mens Artifices , slighted through disuse and inexecution . Neither were indeed these latter proceedings attempted , till after that , by several tricks and devices ( as naming Sheriffs fit to serve turns , and imposing such Representatives on the Borough Towns , as would be byass'd to betray their Country , besides a violent seizure of the Country Lords likely to oppose ) the Court had got a Parliament to their minds , that would do their own business , not the Nations , and prefer the private gain of some few , before the publick benefit of the whole Common-wealth . What sort of Parliament this was , and how fairly things were carried , we may inform our selves out of Stow's Annals , where we find it upon Record , in the twenty first year of this King , how that all of a suddain , in the midst of a great calm and outward serenity , the King caus'd the principals of the party , thought most opposite to Court designes , to be feiz'd on and imprison'd , and among the rest his own Uncle , as Chief , ( so unsecure is Kindred and Alliance among Kings and Princes , ) tells the Commons by Proclamation that their apprehension was founded on new Transgressions not old Crimes , ( though these afterwards were the great offences laid to their charge ) procures their Indictment at Nottingham , suborns several Nobles to impeach them in the next Parliament , Assembles many Malefactors of the County of Chester in the nature of a Guard , and then summons the Parliament ▪ Thither came the Nobles with an Armed Retinue , for fear of the King , such Knights are chosen Prolocutors , as are described to be void of all manner of goodness , as in whom nought was to be found , but a natural Covetuousness , unsatiable Ambition , Intollerable Pride , and Hatred of the truth , and the Clergy , upon pain of losing their Temporalties , injoyn'd to chose them a Common Proctor , who thereupon appointed Sir Henry Percy , Steward of the Kings Houshold , to assent in their Names to all things done in the Parliament . How then things were likely to be ordered in the two Houses , 't is no hard matter for us to guess , especially when we remember , that the Annalist tells us , the Parliament House was compass'd about with four thousand of the Kings Archers , who seem to have been ready prepar'd on all occasions for an Onset , and once more particularly , mistaking the noise , usually made at the Parliament's Men coming out of the House , for a Tumultous Broil and Contention , with their Bows bent , Arrows fitted , and drawing , they were upon the point of shooting , to the terrour of all present , till the Kings coming rectified their mistake and pacified them . To tell of recalling of Pardons , disannulling of Charters , making void of Commissions , revoking former Judgments , impeaching , arraigning , condemning , and actually punishing the opposite Party , some with loss of Estates , Lives and all , others with forfeitures of all worldly Goods and perpetual irrevocable imprisonment , I esteem a needless labour . Suffice it therefore to remark , how sollicitous the Court was , at this juncture , to render their own Party as Saints , and the others as most guilty Criminals , to take off the contesting Lords , as disloyal Traytors , and restore in the Eye of the Law the Reputation of Courtiers formerly condemn'd , in the eleventh year of this King , as if they had been the honestest and loyallest Subjects in the Nation , and undo , as much as in them lay , what ever was then done in the Parliament that wrought wonders , not withstanding that in many things they imitated that Assembly , when they thought it for their peculiar advantage , as in Lords Appellants , Oaths to make all the Judgments , Ordinances and Statutes unrepealable , and Excommunication of the Breakers or Impugners of them , but in others far out did it , as in revoking all Pardons pleaded by the opposite Lords , ( under the notion of being unlawfully made , or so by the King granted unto them as not to be against himself ) and excusing those equally guilty of the same actions , because look'd on at that time as useful Instruments in carrying on the Court Intreagues , viz. suppressing the principal Assertors of Liberty and Property , in passing a general Pardon with the Exception of fifty Persons not express'd by name , ( whereby any one at pleasure might be made liable to censure , as one of the Persons excepted , if thought a Favourer of the contrary side ) and conserring the whole Power of the Parliament upon certain Lords and Commons , fully to answer all Bills , and wholly to determine all other matters mov'd in Parliament , and not determined , with all their Dependants ( as mischievous a President as Sylla's Proscription , though 't is hoped not as practicable ) besides the prejudging and confining of Parliament Debates by the Judges Opinions , That when Articles are propounded by the King to be handled in Parliament , if other Articles be handled before those be first d●termined , that it is Treason in them that do it . Such being the Acts of this Assembly , and the consequences of the Courts present success ( in taking off the Heads of the other Party , who durst at every turn contest therewith in behalf of those freeborn English Twins Liberty and Property ) under which the Nation with silent murmurs languished and lamented , when they so soon , after the end of this Parliament at Shrewsbury , and the Kings Progress into the West , saw no less than seventeen Counties in East England indicted by the Kings command , and as a grievous offence laid to their charge , that they had been against him with the Duke of Glocester , Earls of Arundel and Warwick ( the late Principals amongst the contesting Lords , but now secur'd fast enough , the two first under the undissolvable Bonds of Death , the other , under the Chains of a perpetual Imprisonment in the Isle of Man ) and several honourable Persons sent to induce the Lords , Spiritual and Temporal , to make a Submission by Writing , seal'd with their own Hands , acknowledging themselves Traytors to the King , though they never offended him in Word or Deed : Besides the compelling all the Religious Gentlemen , and Commons , to set their Seals to Blank-Charters , that they might be oppress'd severally , or all at once , at pleasure , some being made to pay a thousand Marks , some a thousand Pounds : And an Order issued out , through every Shire in England , that all Gentlemen and Men of Substance should be sworn firmly to maintain , according to their power , all the Statutes , Articles , and Constitutions ordained in the last Parliament . We may easily conclude the Court , thought the Citizens of London were not over much in love with these enslaving Statutes , unaccustomed Oaths , insnaring Blanks , and inforc'd Submissions , and suspected them ready enough , upon occasion , to oppose , and withstand these manifest encroachments of Antinomian Prerogative upon the Liberty of the Subject , and strive to strike off these Fetters , and Shackles of Slavery upon the next opportunity , before they were thorowly rivetted by Time and Prescription , and therefore esteemed it their wisest Course to begin with them first , by the usual Method of Indictments , while they had the Reins of Government in their own hands , and so consequently power enough to manage the Law , as they themselves pleased , to wind and turn it about to their interests , and bend it to their own irregular Desires and Designs , since that they lik'd not to have them confin'd within the limits and bounds thereof . This manner of acting however , by the by appears to me the most beaten Path to Destruction , and the high way to the Actors unavoidable Ruin , and I think I have reason , History and Experience all on my side . This the City seems well to have understood , and therefore with Prudence chose rather to yield to the times for a season , than presently to strive against the running stream , and immediately to fall a rowing against high wind and Tide ; but as soon as ever the flowing waters began to Ebb , and the tide was a turning , the City Barge struck in with the returning waves , and assisted to steer the Ship of the Common-wealth to a quite different Haven from that , whither the Court was furiously driving her before . And then for the most favourable of the Citizens to shew themselves but faint Regardless friends , was far less beneficial to the desolate forsaken King , than for others of them to appear earnest Enemies in so critical a Juncture , was disadvantagious to this unfortunate Prince , as he may well be term'd , either for having none but ill Councellors and faithless Trencher-friends about him , and hearkning so much to their pernitious and destructive advice , or else for the defect of his Judgment in not discerning between their private self ends , and his own special and particular interest , viz. Impartiality in doing Justice to all States and Persons , from the highest to the lowest , squaring all his own actions by the known Rules of the Law of the Land , to the pleasing of his people , not by the compass of other mens unstable fancies and anomalous Plat-forms , to the loss of his Subjects love and affection , and the unhappy fate , that attended him upon this his ill conduct , when he was violently thrown out of the Chair of State into a profound Abyss of miseries and infelicities , and irrecoverably cast out of a Regal Throne into an unavoidable Prison , between which and his grave he had but few steps to make . For we are to know that , as in the tuming of fortunes wheel the spoke , that is got upermost , presently begins to decline , and so runs downwards , till it comes to be the under-most of all , or like as Sysiphus stone forc'd up ; e'en almost to the very top of the Hill , presently tumbles down again to the bottom with a swiftness and violence not to be stop't , by the strength of art or nature , so this Prince , arriv'd in a manner to the heigth of his desires , by the Caprice of fortune , or rather by the over-ruling power of a superior Being , was suddenly , and unexpectedly , beyond Recovery hurl'd down , from the Grandeur of a Potent King , into the lowest Station among Men , the Confinement of a Prison , and that too occasion'd by the very same way and means , whereby he thought to have secur'd to himself amore fixt and setled enjoyment of his greatness , as comes now of course to be shewn in manner following . After the suppression of the opposite Party , under the shadow of Law , and Justice , diffention happening between the two Dukes of Norfolk and Hereford , both then great at Court , to the mutual accusation of each other , the King greedily lays hold on the opportunity , and instead of permitting them , according to the Custom of those times , where clear proofs were wanting , to make good their accusations by the Sword in a single Combat , as had been also before appointed , unadvisedly banishes them both the Land , the first for ever , and the latter for a term of years , with this hard measure into the bargain , that they should not sue for a release of their Judgments on pain of Treason , whereby he made both his Enemies , and the latter so much the more dangerous , the nearer he stood Related to the Crown , and the more inveterate , in that the King had procur'd the Letters Pattents , before granted him , to sue by Attorney for Lands descended to him , to be revok'd by Assent of Parliament , and declar'd to be against Law , and had afterwards , upon his . Father John of Gaunts death , violently seis'd on all his Estate , whereto Hereford was Heir . Then , amidst the murmurs of the People for misgovernment and ill guidance of the Realm , away goes the King for Ireland with a puissant Army ( when he thought he had left all things secure in England , by the advantage he had made of the last Parliament , by engrossing whatever he pleased into his own hands , by the tricks found out to raise Money of the Subject by Blanks , &c. and the Subsidy he had gain'd in Parliament , during his Life , upon the continuance whereof without molestation he openly declar'd his general Pardon should stand and no otherwise ) and managed his Arms therewith success enough , but ill news out of England , that the Duke of Hereford ( by his Fathers death Duke of Lancaster ) was landed in England under colour of claiming his Inheritance , and rais'd people as he went , alarm'd him , and bad advice afterwards , which detain'd him longer than his promise in Ireland , ( so loath were his Counsellors to spare his company , under the shelter of whose Person and presence lay their greatest hopes of protection ) quite ruin'd him . For coming over and finding the Army gone away , which the Earl of Salisb●ry had rais'd against his coming , and had newly voluntarily disbanded it self , upon the Kings tarrying too long behind the Earl in Ireland , his courage fail'd him , and he trusting more to flight than fighting the treachery of his Principal Officers deceiv'd him , and he himself also , by soothing words and fai● promises , was decoy'd into the Duke of Lancaster's hands , who soon secur'd him fast enough , witho●● any intent to let him loose again in haste . Now the King is in hold , let us see how the Citizens behav'd themselves in this great Turn and Change of the Times . They had in this Kings Nonage , in his Grandfathers dayes , appear'd the undaunted Assertors of his Right and Title ; and in the beginning of his Reign contributed much to his Security and Settlement on the THRONE : But a new Generation being sprang up in Twenty Years space , and their old Services at last so ill requited , by new attempts on their Liberties , by Inditements and blank-Charters , instead of standing up with their Lives and Fortunes in the Kings Defence and Vindication , they openly devoted themselves to anothers Service , and became the known Favourers of that Party , which assisted to Depose this unhappy Prince , and set up in His Room the Duke of Lancaster , under the Name and Title of Henry the Fourth . As is provable , both from Statute-Law ( viz. the Act made in the First of this New King , to be seen in the Statute-Book , Cap. 15. An. 1. H. 4. Where we find express mention of the good and lawful behaviour of the Mayor , Sheriffs , and Aldermen , and all the Commonalty of the same City of London towards him ) and Stow's general Chronicle of England , wherein we read , at the latter end of the Life and Reign of King Richard the Second , That after the Duke was come from Coventry to St. Albans , about five or six Miles before his coming to London , the Mayor , and the Companies in the Liveries , with great Noise of Trumpets , met the Duke , doing more Reverence to him , than to the King , Rejoycing that GOD had sent them such a Prince that had Conquer'd the Realm , i. e. the Court-party , within one Months space : Whereupon , when the Duke was come within two Miles of the City , he stopt his Army , as if out of Reverence , and Acknowledgment , and in Submission thereto , and ask't Advice of the Commons thereof , what they would do with the King ; who Answered , they would He should be led to Westminster ; upon which , to them He was delivered , and they led him accordingly to Westminster , and from thence by Water to the Tower. Nay , some of the Londoners publickly shew'd themselves so much His Enemies , as to Assemble together with an intent to have met Him without the City , and there to have Slain him for his former Severities : But the Mayor , and Rulers , and best of the Commonalty , upon Information hereof , with some difficulty reclaim'd them therefrom . After the Citizens had thus receiv'd the King into their Custody , and in effect thereby made a publick Declaration of their Minds and Opinions , as to the great Change succeeding the Duke , we are told , entred London by the chief Gate , and Rode through Cheapside to St. Pauls , and there Lodg'd for some time ; so secure was he of the Citys good Will and Affection to him , and afterward in October held a Parliament in Westmimster-Hall , where the old King's Deposition , and the new King's Election were compleated . I shall not stay to make a long Paraphrase upon the Cityes proceedings in this Affair , it being Matter of Fact , and undeniable , that the City consented hereto , from the aforesaid passages , which may be likewise thought very much to have influenc'd the Nation in their Elections to that Parliament , if , from the Annalists Computation , we may safely and truly aver , that the Parliament-Men were chosen after these Transactions at London , because Forty dayes at least interven'd between this time and the first Wednesday in October , whereon he sayes the Parliament began . If any be desirous of another Observation , I leave them to their own Liberty to infer , from History and the Premises , that it much conduc't to facilitate the King's Deposition , that he had no known , and generally acknowledg'd Heir , of his own Body lawfully begotten , boldly to stand up for Him , and strongly plead his Cause in Armour , for his own particular Interest , as well as out of a due sence of his Duty . Neither indeed do I well see how he could have any , since that he had none by his first Wife , that I read of , his second Queen was too young , another Heir was publickly pointed out to the Nation , and he himself was also loosely addicted , as seems plain beyond dispute . His Lascivious living being hinted to us in Burton's Historical Remarks of London , among the Articles drawn up against him ; and we have great reason to think it was an imputation too true , when we read of several Ladyes expell'd the Court in the Eleventh of his Reign , by the Procurement of the contesting Lords ; and a little before the sitting of the Wonder-Working-Parliament ; and take Notice , out of Cotton's Abridgment , of the House of Commons Request in the Twentieth Year , for the avoiding the outragious Expences of the King's house , and namely of Bishops , and Ladyes , and the King's Answer thereto made , That he would be free therein ; and that the Commons thereby had offended against him , his Dignity , and Liberty : Such was his Indignation against them for desiring to controul him in this Point ; and so highly incens'd was he thereat , that , to Appease him , the Exhibiter of the Bill was adjudg'd to dye as a Traytor , though , upon some great Ones importunity , his Life was for that time spared , and he himself at length restor'd in Blood , and to the recovery of his Goods , Livings , Lands , and Tennements , at the next King 's comming to the Crown . But how , I trow , come the Bishops to be complain'd of by the Commons among the Misses ? Were they such Courters of Ladyes , as , instead of rebuking , to follow , or rather give bad Examples to the King and Country ? Yet now I think on 't , these were Popish , not Protestant Bishops : Though I scarce believe , every one of them , that , to the view of the World , gives himself a Protestant Title , is able well and truly to plead not Guilty : If Noli-fet-ole-chery , be a Motto rightly father'd upon one of our Western Diocesans . How all things in a manner concur'd to further King Richard's Deposition , and that he was actually depos'd , hath already been spoken of , which nevertheless barely did not content the Party , but they would needs have it done in a formal and solemn way : First , the King must make a publick Renunciation of all Right , Title and Claim to the Crown , then Commissioners are by the States appointed in their Names to pronounce the Stentence of his Deposition from the Throne , and make to him a Resignation of their homage and fealty ; for their Loyalty seems plainly enough to have been gone before . Neither did they think this enough , but were resolv'd over and above to leave Articles against him upon Record , wherein are expressed the ill things done by others in his Reign , and as they say , by his Authority , whereby they designed to justifie what they had done towards the unhappy Kings Deposition , which visibly pav'd the way to his Grave . So pernicious is it for Princes to suffer their Authority to be abus'd , to shelter other mens Crimes , or their Names to be made use of , without a Present Resentment , to carry on Designs hateful to the People , though they never consent thereto themselves as their own Act and Deed. For I hope we may charitably Conclude what the worshipful Knights , Sir Mayor and Sir Haughty , the other-ill belov'd wight , did , in laying a trap to catch the Contesting Lords in the 11th . year of this King , was without the Kings privity because he swore it , as in page 〈◊〉 , though possibly they shrouded themselves under the shelter of his Authority , and pretended his Warrant and Command for what they design'd and endeavoured . And perhaps they had ( as Sir Richard Bak●r words it ) a warrant Dormant , to prosecute the Kings Ends without the Kings Knowledge . The Articles and Objections laid against the King are to be found in Cotton's Abridgment . 1. H. 4. whence I trust I may securely transcribe them , without hazarding the Courteous Readers Displeasure , to shew him the grievances of the age , as they are there exprest in this form of words ; Besides the Kings Oath made at his Coronation , First , for wasting and bestowing of the Lands of the Crown upon unworthy Persons , and over-charging the Commons with Exactions . For that the King by undue means procur'd divers Justices to speak against the Law , to the Destruction of the Duke of Gl●ucester , and the Earls of Arundel and Warwick at Shrewscury . For that the King against his Promise , procured the Duke of Ireland sundry Rebells about Cheshire , where diverse Murders by him were committed . For that the King against his own Promise and Pardon , at the Solemn Procession apprehended the Duke of Gloucester , and sent him to Callice , there to be choked and murdered , beheading the Earle of Arundel , and banishing the Earl of Warwick and the Lord Cobham . For that the Kings Retinue , and rout gathered out of Cheshire about the apprehension of those Nobles , committed diverse Murders , Rapes , and other Fellonies , besides refusing to pay for their Victuals . For that the King condemned the Nobles aforesaid , for divers rodes made within the Realm , contrary to his open Proclamation . For that the King doubly Fined Men for their Pardons . For that the King to oppress his whole subjects , procured in his last Parliament , that the Power thereof was committed to certain Persons . For that the King being sworn to Minister right , did notwithstanding enact in the last Parliament , that no mediation should be made for the Duke of Lancaster , contrary to his said Oath . For that the Crown of England being freed from the Pope , and all other forraign Power , the King notwithstanding procured the Popes Excommunication on such as brake the last Parliament , in derogation of the Crown , Statutes and Laws of the Realm . For that the King banished the Duke of Lancaster for 10 years , without any Cause , as the same King openly affirmed . For that the King unlawfully revoked the Letters Patents made to the said Duke of Lancaster , in An. 21. For that the King contrary to the Laws and will of the Justices , suffered Sheriffs to continue longer than one year , and placed such therein , as were unfit . For that the King repayed not to his Subjects debts of them borrowed . For that the King in the time of Truce and Peace , exacted great Subsidies , and wasted the same about frivilous matters . For that the King refused to execute the Laws , Saying that the Laws were in his Mouth and Breast . For that the King , by procuring by Statutes that he might be free as any of his Progenitors , did under colour thereof subvert Laws according to his Will. For that the King procured Knights of the Shires to be made to serve his own will. For that the King enforced Sheriffs to be Sworn to execute all Commandemens , under the Great Seal , Privy Seal , or Signet , contrary to their accustomed Oaths . For that the King to wrack mony from his Subjects , procured 17 several Shires to submit themselves to his Grace , whereby great sums of mony were Levied . For that the King being Sworn to observe the Liberties of the Church , notwithstanding , at his Voyage into Ireland , enforced diverse Religious Persons to give Horse , Armour , and Carts . For that the Justices , for their good Councel given to the King , were with evil Countenance , and threats rewarded . For that the King of his own Will , in passing into Ireland , carried with him , the Treasures , Reliques , and other Jewels of the Realm , which were used safely to be kept in the Kings own Coffers from all hazard : and for that the same King cancelled , and razed sundry Records . For that the King by writing to Forreign Princes , and to his own Subjects , is reputed universally , a most variable and dissembling man. For that the King would commonly say among the Nobles , that all Subjects , Lives , Lands , and Goods , were in his hands without any forfeiture . For that the King suffered his Subjects to be condemned by Marshal-Law , contrary to his Oath and the Laws of the Realm . For that the Subjects being only bound by their Allegiance , were yet driven to take certain New Oaths , for serving the folly of the King. For that the King by his private Letters , would charge the Ecclesiastical Ministers in any new Canonical matter , to stay , contrary to his Oath . For that the King by force in his Parliament , banished the Arch Bishop of Canterbury , without any good Ground . For that the King by his last Will passed under the Great Seal , and Privy Signet , gave unto his Successors , certain Money and Treasure , upon Condition to perform all the Acts and Orders in the last Parliament , which being ungodly and unlawful , he meant as ungodlily to dy in . For that the King in the 11th . of his Reign , in his Chappel , in the Manour of Langley , in the presence of the Duke of Lancaster and Yorke , and others , received the Sacrament of the Lords Body , that he would never impeach the Duke of Gloucester his Uncle , for any thing before done ; and yet to the Contrary procured him to be murdered . For that the King most fraudulently and untruely against his own Oath , Banished the Arch Bishop of Canterbury , and wasted his Goods : in which Article ▪ in private Conference between the said Arch Bishop , the King in a manner prophesied , and doubted that the like would happen of himself ; and thereupon shewed a special Token to the Arch Bishop , That if he sent the same at any time , that the Arch Bishop should look that the King would come to him . These were the Imputations laid to his charge , and that they were then thought true , or at least not contradicted , is self-Evident , all seeming highly desirous of a Change , and few dispos'd to espouse the depos'd Kings Cause and Interest , so furious and violent was the Current of the Times , as to bear away well nigh all before it : That Parliament being so full of the new Kings Favourers , and so empty of the old Kings true and cordial Friends , that I remember to have read of but one , viz. the Loyal Bishop of Carlisle ; who , after a little Demur of a few dayes time , upon a Motion made in Parliament about the disposal of King Richard , stood up boldly , and undauntedly , for his old Lord and Master , in the midst of his professed , and declared Enemies , and known Deserters . His Speech ( as a rare Example of Fidelity giving us the very Quintessence of Loyalty ) I shall venture to set down out of Sir Richard Bakers Chronicle , with the Consequents as follows . My Lords , The Matter now propounded , is of marvellous Weight and Consequence , wherein there are two Points chiefly to be considered ; The First , whether King Richard be sufficiently put out of his Throne ; The Second , whether the Duke of Lancaster be lawfully taken in . For the First , How can that be sufficiently done , when there is no Power sufficient to do it ? The Parliament cannot , for of the Parliament the King is the Head ; and can the Body put down the Head ? You will say , but the Head may bow it self down ; and may the King resign ? It is true ; but what force is in that which is done by force ? And who knows not that King Richard's Resignation was no other ? But suppose he be sufficiently out , yet how comes the Duke of Lancaster to be lawfully in ? If you say by Conquest , you speak Treason ; For what Conquest without Arms ? And can a Subject take Arms against his lawful Soveraign , and not be Treason ? If you say by Election of the State , you speak not reason ; for what Power hath the State to Elect , while any is Living that hath Right to Succeed ? But such a Successor is not the Duke of Lancaster , as descended from Edmund Crouchback , the Elder Son of King Edward the Third , though put by the Crown for deformity of his Body ; for who knows not the falseness of this Allegation ? Seeing it is a thing Notorious , that this Edmund was neither the Elder Brother , nor yet Crook-Back't ( though called so from some other reason ) but a goodly Personage , and without any deformity . And your selves cannot forget a thing so lately done , who it was that in the Fourth Year of King Richard was declared by Parliament to be Heir to the Crown , in case King Richard should dye without Issue . But why then is not that Claim made ? Because silent Leges inter Arma , What dispu●●ng of Titles against the stream of Power ? But however it i● extream Injustice , that King Richard should be condemn'd , without being heard , or once allowed to make his Defence . And now , My Lords , I have spoken thus at this time , that you may consider of it before it be too late ; for as yet it is in your Power to undo that justly , which you have unjustly done . Much to this Purpose was the Bishop's Speech ; but to as little purpose as if he had gone about to call back Yesterday . The Matter was too far gone ; and scarce a Person there present , that had not a Hope of either a private or publick Benefit by that which was done . Yet against this Speech of the Bishop , there was neither protesting nor excepting : It passed in the House as but one Man's Opinion : And as for the King , it was neither fit he should use much Severity against any Member of that Parliament , which had so lately shewed so much Indulgence towards him ; nor indeed safe , to be too hot in his Punishment , when he was yet scarce warm in his Government . Yet for a warning to use their Liberty of Speech with more Moderation hereafter ; the Bishop was Arrested by the Marshal , and Committed to Prison in the Abby of St. Albans ; but afterwards , without further Censure , set at Liberty , till upon a Conspiracy of Lords , wherein he was a Party ; he was Condemned to Dye , though through Extremity of Grief he prevented Execution . Thus far the Chronicle . King Henry is now got into the Throne , ( Richard being thrust into a Prison , and afterwards into his Grave ) and yet I don't find him so secure and well settled , but that he had many 〈◊〉 Enemies ever and anon to Contest with , and 〈◊〉 a few secret disguis'd Ones to fear and suspect , with so many prickly Thorns was his new-gotten Crown lin'd . Therefore we have little reason to believe , he would ever wilfully disoblidge that City , whose Power and Strength he so well knew . The Mummery design'd by some discontented Lords to be acted upon him at Twelfthtide at Windsor , in the First of his Reign ; The Battle fought between him and Sir Henry Hotspur , at Shrewsbury in the Third : The Rising about York in the Sixth : And the Battle of Bram●am Moore in the Eighth , besides several other secret Attempts and Conspiracies , were as so many Admonitions to him to Fortify himself , what be could , with the Citizens love and affection , as his surest earthly Bulwark and Defence , next to his prosperous Success in the aforesaid Contests , which prevented the discontented from coming near enough to London , to attempt the raising there of new Broils and Commotions to disturb his Repose , and the Cities Peace , if he had any Evil-willers therein capable of receiving ill Impressions . As perhaps he had but few there , such Care he took to oblidge them , and scarce any occasion given to breed Murmurs and Complaints among them . For He , who meerly at the Commons request , in the Fifth of his Reign , remov'd Four of his Menial Servants out of his House , when he openly declar'd in Parliament , he then knew no cause thereof , but only for that they were hated of the People ; and so often gratified his House of Commons in their Petitions about his prime and principal Officers , and privy Councellors , must needs be thought more ready to encrease the Number of his Friends , than to make himself more Enemies , especially in a City of such 〈◊〉 Riches , Power , and Strength , as London was 〈◊〉 known to be beyond denial , dispute , or contradiction . The City flourished under this King in the Renovation of old , the Guildhall of London , and the Erecting of new publick Structures , the Conduit upon Cornhil , and the Stocks-Market-House ; was famous abroad for the abundance of her Traffique , and number of her Traders ; and increas'd at home in Repute and Renown , by the prevailing of her Mayor , and Commonalty , in their Contest with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , and other Lords , and Knights , about pulling up the Wares in Thames , ( over which by their Charter they claim'd a large Power as Conservators of that their beloved River ) besides the many grounds and reasons the King had to Glory in his confidence of the Love and Loyalty of her Citizens , and rejoyce in the continuance of their Affection to him and his Family . As is evident from the timely Advertisement the Mayor brought him , in the First of his Reign , of the Conspiracy of the discontented Lords ( who , under the colour of Christmas Pastimes , as Mumming , &c. design'd Treacherously to have Slain him ) to the forcing him very seasonably , as incredulous as he was before , into a belief of the reality of the Plot , and accompanied him the same Night from Windsor to London ; whereby he purchas'd to himself Security , disappointed the Conspirators , and got time and opportunity to punish the Plotters . And may also be inferr'd from the successful care the Mayor , Sheriffs , and other Citizens took in stilling the midnight difference happening in Eastcheap on Midsomer-Eve , in the Twelfth of his Reign , when two of his youn●●● Sons Sup't there late at Night , and might 〈◊〉 have been greatly indanger'd , had the 〈◊〉 lasted any time . These are Instances I 〈◊〉 expresly mention'd in History ; and who knows ●ow many more there might be , that were never so ●uch taken Notice of by the Writers of that Age , ●s to be carefully transmitted to Posterity by their 〈◊〉 ? Peradventure there were many more Eviden●●s . But I will not so much insist upon an Argument , ●hat is but barely possible and probable , nor , with ●●lly and impertinence enough , stay to beg the ●oint of the Reader upon an uncertain surmise and ●●njecture . Though it would be as absurd in him 〈◊〉 affirm , That all things ever done in the World , 〈◊〉 the Invention of Letters , have been commit●●d to Paper , as it would be monstrously Ridiculous 〈◊〉 to pretend , to have seen and read all things remarkable , that ever were Wrote of this Honourable City , and her praise-worthy Actions . 'T is enough for my weakness and inability if I can tolerably make out what I have here design'd , concerning the Honour and Renown of this so famous and powerful a City , without offering at all the attesting Proofs , and confirming Evidences , that are to be found on Record . And if this Attempt shall be well accepted , it may haply be an encouragement to some more Learned , more Able , & more Skilful Pen , to produce the other more convincing Arguments , scatter'd up and down in the Annals , Chronicles , and other Monuments of Historians , and by gathering together all the divided fragments of Remark , reduce them into one solid , firm , and lasting Peice , or make better improvement of the Arguments and Evidences here produc'd . Come we now to Henry the 5th . A Prince not so wild in his Youth , when a Subject , and by his Father supsected of ambitious designs , ( though● Causlesly , and on no better grounds and reaso●● than the Calumnies , Slanders , and detractions o● evil dispos'd persons about the Court ) as celebrated , when King , for the prudent Reformation o● his own Person , wise Conduct of his affairs , and happy Government of the Realm , for his Valour ▪ Magnanimity , and Heroical Actions , and the 〈◊〉 Glorious Achievements of his Reign , being one o● the most Martial Princes , that ever sate upon th● English Throne , and beyond all his Predecesso●● Succesfull in his French Expeditions . So that 〈◊〉 Cressy and Poictiers have highly advanced 〈◊〉 Name and Renown of the famous Black Prin●● Agincourt shall eternize Henry of Monm●●●● through all Generations , and with this addition 〈◊〉 unparalleld Glory , That he liv'd and dyed in th● heighth of Grandeur , and his Victories were not sullied with after Reproaches . Under therefore so Renowned a Conqueror , and so Good a King , 't is no marvel that we read of no troubles in our English Jerusalem , nor hear of Complaints in her Streets . We may expect rather to hear of the Gallantry of Rareeshews and fine sights , Pageants and Presents , the harmonious concent of Trumpets and Drums , and the tunable Musick of Bells , the loud sounding Acclamation of People , and the unaccountable Number of Bonfires , and fire-works , the Common consequents of Victories , and Tryumphs , and the usual Entertainment of Conquerours . Wherefore I should now pass on of course to the next Kings reign , but that by the way I shall venture to trespass a little upon the Readers Patience , and to make an Observation or two upon the grounds and occasional Causes of reviving the War with France , which was under this King attended with such a Train of Victories . We are to know then from such Authentick Authors , as ●abian , Baker and the like , that the Commons ●arping upon the same string , they did in Henry the 4th . days , viz. the Clergies Temporaltyes , by bringing in a Bill to take them away , the Bishops , to divert the storm , put the King upon claiming France as his Right , and offered him considerable sums of mony to engage and assist him ●herein , whereby the Cloud , before hanging over ●heir heads , was made to break upon the French Coasts , & they , who by their Office should have ap●●ov'd themselves the Peace-makers of the world , 〈◊〉 up the Furies of War & destruction , and inci●●d their Country-men to sheath their Swords in their Neighbours Bowels , to preserve to themselves ●●eir large Revenues and worldly grandeur , their much envied Lands , Honours , and Preferments . Another advantage they likewise laid hold on , to Promote their own Earthly advancement , by making use of this opportunity , to suppress the growth and encrease of the Wicklivists , the Puritans and Presbyterians of the age , whose Numbers began now more and more to encrease in City and Country , and grew formidable to the whole Popish Hierarchy . These men , whom they could not vanquish by dint of Argument , so conformable were their Doctrines to the Scriptures , they thought it easier to oppress by the Civil Authority , and the Power of the Magistrates Sword , whereon they had of late set a keener Edg , by procuring some laws to be made against them , under the Name and Notion of Lollards . And yet , such was the ill fate of opposing the spreading of the Gospel , that these Assertors of it's verity , like the Primitive Christians of old , dayly encreast in Numbers and Repute under their oppressions , and grew every age more mumerous in spight of all the malice and opposition of their cruel and blood thirsty Enemies : and much too by the same way and methods , the Evidence of truth , and influence of good lives and Exemplary Conversations . Like the ancient Christians they were driven into holes and secret places , into private Conventicles and separate Assemblies . And though they were not , like them , at every turn cal'd upon to be cast to the Lions , for disobeying the Emperours Edicts and Commands , yet away with them to the fire , and to burning of the Hereticks , or in a little softer phraise , to putting the Kings Laws in Execution , were the common outcryes made against them . But because the diversity of their Religion and their difference in opinion from the rest of the Nation , were not thought Incentives strong enough to stir up the popular Rage & Fury , a more Compendious way was found out , instead of charging on their account all the Mischiefs , Miseries , and Disasters of the Times , to lay the detestable Crimes of Treason and Conspiracy at their doors . Hence may we conclude sprung the Informations , given into the King , of some , that had conspir'd suddenly to have Slain Him and his Brethren , and of numerous Assemblies meeting in St. Giles's Fields to that End. Hereon possibly may we ground the Rumour spread abroad of great offers made of Money by Sir John Oldcastles Favourers to the Scots , to invade the Realm in the Kings absence in France , of the meeting of Sir John himself ( who was a known Wicklivist ) with Douglas the Scot at Pomfract , on the same Errand , and of Indentures and other Writings made betwixt him and the Duke of Albany , containing Instructions to the Scots to besiege Roxborough and Barwick . Such Stories may we look upon , as Reports likely enough to have been purposely spread abroad , to stir up the Peoples Animosities against the Dissenters of the times : Hitherto likewise haply may we impute the Original of the Schedules , said to be nail'd upon the Church doors in London , with threats of an hundred thousand Men , ready to rise upon Occasion . Stow indeed , out of Walsingham the Monk , charges them upon Wicklists favourers ; yet have we reason to suspect the first Author , as too partial in the Case , and question whether these were not Popish Shams put upon the Nation by the Wicklivists Enemies , to raise a colour for an Out-cry against them . For at the Parliament of the Fifth of this King , we read , in Cotton's Abridgment , of an haynous complaint against Insurrections ; & in the end ( mind this ) they suspect they were Lollards & Traitors ; which made a way for a Request that Commissions at all times be granted to enquire of them . Whoever was Originally in fault , we may see from this where the blame should light , and the severest Prosecution too , could the Popish Prelates have had their Will , notwithstanding the slightness of their thin-spun pretences , and weakness of their groundless Imputations . A pretty device , to make Riots and Insurrections ; and then accuse the contrary Party of them , as if they had been so Fanatical , as tumultuously to meet together , vi & armis , without any Arms about them , or Weapons in their hands , to disturb the Kings Peace ; and with no worse design , than the Warrant of annual Customs , whereon some , in an unheard of manner , without Law or Reason , and contrary to common sence , intruded , to deprive them of the benefit thereof . Out of the forementioned Monkish Writer , Stow tells us of an Army of Twenty Five Thousand , that were to have met Sir John in St. Giles's Fields ; and yet for all this great Cry we find not One Hundred taken , though he affirms Sixty Nine of them to be condemn'd of Treason ( upon such kind of proofs perhaps , as these , whereon the Composer of Sir Walter Rawleigh's Life makes him to have been found Guilty of Treason in the First of King James , for which he had the honour to be Beheaded about Forty Years after , upon his Return from his unsuccessful Guyana Voyage ) and Thirty Seven Hang'd . But the Record out of the Kings-Bench , the most authentick Evidence , mentions only , That Sir John Oldcastle , and others , to the number of Twenty Men , call'd Lollards , at St. Giles , did conspire to Subvert the State of the Clergy ( this it seems then was the principal Offence ; the rest Aggravations , without which the Scales could not have been well weigh'd down ) and to Kill the King , and his Brother , and other Nobles , as any English Reader may see in Cottons Abridgment at the afore-cited Parliament of the Fifth of this King. Where now are any good grounds for this malicious Out-cry upon the Dissenting Wicklivists for Traiterous Plotters and Conspirators : And what 's become of the great Army that Fame and Report had Rais'd ? But perhaps the Inn-keepers , in the adjacent Hamlets , and neighbouring Villages , were not only their familiar Friends , but intimate Acquaintance ; as Mr. Bags ingenuity ( to the elevating , and surprizing of our Minds ) hath taught us to express it ; how otherwise this Achilles , and his dreadful Army of Mirmidons , could have continued thus unseen , and slipt away in Disguise , seems not reconcileable to Sence and Reason . And yet how such great Numbers could have lain hid within the compass of a Readmote , or have been put like Homers Iliads in a Nut-shell , is a thing that passeth all my understanding to conceive . If ever such a thing was , as doubtless it never hapned in Europe , nor amongst either our antient or modern Reformers ; certainly then this unconceivable Wonder must have fell out in the Reign of Queen Dick , King of no Lands , upon the Terra incognita of some other of the Fairy Islands , bordering upon Vtopia ; where Prince Oberon and Queen Mab liv'd in dayly dread and fear of King Arthur , Sir Lancelot , and Sir Tristram , and the rest of the Knights of his round Table , or miserably perplext themselves every hour and minute with needless Scruples , Jealousies , and Suspicions , about the unimagin'd Designs of the Noble Duke Ogier , to advance himself and his little Mervine , who afterwards did such heroick Exploits upon the Souldan of Babylon , and his bloody cut-throat Army of Sarazens , when he turn'd to the Assistance of the famous C●arlemain and his Peers . But laying aside these idle Stories of the Monkish Romancers , I pass on , from our famous win-All , Henry of Monmouth , to the unfortunate English lose-All , Henry of Windsor , a far better Man than King , as being more intentive upon the Devotions of the Times , than the Government of his Realm ; and better skill'd in his Beads , than his Scepter : and therefore seems rather cut out for a Priest than a Prince . In this Kings Minority , while such great States-men and Patriots , as his most renowned Uncles , Bedford and Gloucester , sate at the Helm , and steadily Steer'd the Ship of the Common-Wealth , one by his Arms , the other by his Arts , Honour , and Renown attended upon the English Banners in France ; and the Land at Home in peace and quietness Flourished under the benign Influence of their successful Councels , for the most part free from civil Broils and Commotions ; King Henry being in actual Possession of both Crowns , under the conduct of such noble and worthy Directors . But when Death had snatch'd away one from his Regency in France ; and the other was dismist from his Protectorship in England through the course of time : The King being grown in Years , and come to ripeness of Age , though not it seems to such a degree of understanding , as might capacitate him to act the part of a King , further than in Name and Shew ; his Affairs in forreign Parts soon went miserably to wrack ; and being turn'd out of almost all beyond Sea , deadly Fewds and Annimosities ( the usual attendants of ill Success abroad ) encreast so fast at Home , between the Nobles and great Persons of the Realm , and such intestine Jars sprung up in the Nation , that after many Battles fought , and much Royal Blood spilt , the York Party prevail'd over the Lancastrians ; and the poor King himself , though the Miracle of Age for Devotion , lost his Crown , Life , and All at last . Whether 't was purely the ill success abroad , or the ill management of the State at home , the unhappy Fate attending the Kings Matching with Queen Margaret , to the breach of a former Contract , or the unseasonable stirring of her and her accomplices to Suppress , Ruine , and Root out the other Party , whereby they were compell'd for their own Security to link themselves together in the strictest bonds of Confederacy , and stand continually upon their own Guard : Whether the weakness of the King , or the restless Spirit of the Queen ( too Active for her Sex ) , The much resented Death of the Duke of Glocester , or the subtle Arts and Devices of the Duke of York ( into the particulars whereof I will not now descend , as being the Subject of a distinct Treatise by it self ) and the Popularity of the great Earl of Warwick . Whether 't was any of these single , or all of them joyntly concurring , or rather the over-ruling Providence of an Almighty Being , that made this strange Alteration in the Face of things , to the dethroning of one Prince ( the most devoted of his time to religious Exercises ) and exalting of another , as much given to Women , as the former to Religion , whereby the White Rose overtopt the Red : Certain it is , the City of London had a great Influence upon these Transactions , and the favour the Citizens bore to the Duke of York , and his Party , contributed highly to the advancing of his Interest above the King Regnants , if they were not the only grand causes under Heaven , that produc't such wonderful and stupendious Effects . This the more clearly to demonstrate , I shall not oblidge my self exactly to trace the whole Series of State affairs , through the following Princes Reigns , nor over-scrupulously confine my self to the Life of this or that King distinctly and apart . But design to view the differences between York and Lancaster in the lump , considering them under the Notion of one particular Contest , though of a long and large durance , and throughout with all plainness and perspicuity , I can lay claim to , shew what powerful Rays of Influence from London were shed abroad upon the Face of the Land. For I intend not to Write an Abridgement of Englands general History , as having only undertaken a particular Argument relating to this Honourable Cities Fame , Renown , and Glory abroad ; Strength , Riches , and Power at home within her self ; and the various Influences she cast all over England in the more special turns and changes of Affairs : For the rest , the Curious may peruse the laborious Works of our English Historians . Therefore , choosing my own Method , I shall make a division of what I have to produce in this place , into two Parts or general Heads , under which I hope to comprehend the most material Passages I meet with sutable to the design and purport of this Attempt : The first containing Instances of Lon●ons affection to the Red Rose ; and the other shewing the sollicitous care and regard she had for the preservation , growth , and advancement of the White . First then and foremost , to begin with the Citizens respect to the House of Lancaster , who bore the Red Rose for their Badg , of their continued Favour and Affection thereto , in the prime of its flourishing condition , while the many and great Victories gain'd in France were yet fresh in their Memories , and Henry the Sixth enjoy'd the Fruits of his Fathers Labours , and retain'd the English Conquests therein ; there is no doubt to be made . But I presume I have a much stronger proof to produce , from no less convincing an Argument than Statute Law ( as authentick an Evidence in the Case , as the Subject is capable of ) to be found Anno octavo Henrici sexti . cap. 11. where we have express mention made of the entire affections and great kindnesses done , and shewed to the said King , in all his Affairs , by the Citizens of the City of London ; which to reward , and for the future the more to encourage , the King was induc'd by Authority of Parliament to give them leave to put and take in Apprentices according to their ancient manner , form , or custom ; of which they had some time before been abridg'd by a former Statute , to the great hindrance and damage likely thereby to redound to them . If any shall require further Instances hereof , let them but have recourse to the Annals of this Kings Reign ; and there I doubt not but they 'l have their Expectations answer'd , and their Curiosity highly satisfied , when they shall have carefully and thorowly boserv'd the Noble Equipage of the Mayor , Aldermen , and Citizens in the Tenth Year , when they rode forth to meet the King upon his return out of France , the Pomp and Gallantry , wherewith they receiv'd him at London , and entertain'd him in his passage through it , and the costly Present they made him afterwards at Westminster : And take Notice of their splendid appearance in Scarlet , blew Gowns , broider'd Sleeves , and red Hoods , to convey his Princely Bride , Queen Margaret , through the City in the Twenty-Third of his Reign . But , when this Daysy Flower of France being thus linkt to the Red Rose of England , the Queen , and her Creatures rul'd all about the King at home , and things went every day worse and worse abroad , through Envy and Emulation among the Nobles , and negligence of the Kings Councel , ill conduct and management of State Aff●●rs by the new Favourites at Court ; and the good Duke of Glocester , greatly belov'd and ador'd among the Commons , was privily taken out of the way in a clandestine manner , to the great and bitter resentments of the People ; the Citizens soon began to alter in their affections and inclinations , and look with favourable Eyes upon the opposite Party , then springing up under Richard Duke of York , the chief and principal Head thereof , whose Sails , upon the aforesaid Dukes death , being full blown with fresh Gales of Ambition , He became a secret pretender to the Crown , and privately among his Familiars whisper'd a more plausible Right and Title thereto , than the King Regnant himself had , though in actual Possession . Yet they did not so soon forget their old Love , as presently to side with the Yorkists against the Lancastrians , but seem for a while to have continued , as it were , in a state of indifferency , sometimes favouring the one , sometimes the other , as if uncertain with whom to side , till the Number of publick Grievances being greatly encreast , or else more eagerly and plainly remonstrated to them by the other Party ; they more openly at length shifted all their Sails , and with fix't Resolutions espous'd the Yorkist Interest , and so that Family got Possession of the Throne thereby . Then which , what greater Evidence can there be of the Cities Power and Influence in those Times ? And yet in this interval and space of time , which I venture , and I hope with truth enough , to term the State of her indifferency or neutrality , several other Instances of her Power are produceable for the further illustration of the Point in hand , to demonstrate beyond dispute , that the variation , alteration , and change of the Citizens Minds over-rul'd the Affairs of the State in each turn and change of Things , though as mutable for a season , as the ebbing and flowing of the Sea ; yet likewise as succesful as the turning , or returning of the Tyde , in bearing all before them . The first Instance that comes to my hand , shall be that of Jack Cade , Captain Mendal , who calling himself Mortimer Couzen to the Duke of Yorke , upon the specious promises of reforming grievances , and freeing the Commons from immoderate Taxes and Impositions , the fame of keeping good Orders among his people , and his successfull overthrow of the Staffords with other Hotspurs of the Court , at Seven-Oke-Wood , had so strengthned himself , ( the City of London being at that time saith Stow full favourable to him ) that , upon the King and Queens remove from the City to Killingworth Castle , distrusting their own Servants and Soldiers , he came to Southwarke and marched over the Bridg in good Order into the City , with such Confidence and assurance that passing along by London-Stone , he struck it with his Sword and said , Now is Mortimer Lord of London ; and so possibly might have continued ( he had so won the Hearts of the Commons by his orderly behaviour , and got such an encrease of Power , as to give the Mayor Orders how he would have his People dispos'd of , they coming and going freely as they pleas'd ) had he but followed the Mayors Advice , who bad him take ●eed , he attempted nothing against the Quiet of the City , and made good his own Reply ; Let the Wor●●●ake notice of our honest Intention by our Actions . But when he once grew so inconsiderately Insolent , as to fall a robbing the Citizens themselves , he presently lost their Favour and good Will ; the honest and wealthy Commons disliking such extravagant Proceedings , and then the Mayor and Aldermen , with their Assistance took Councel together , to drive him and his Adherents out of the City , and oppose his further entrance thereunto . The effect whereof in the Issue was , that , After a sharp bickering and contest upon the Bridge , the Mayor and the Citizens got the better , the Kentish-Men were worsted , a truce for a few hours was concluded on , whereof the Lord Chancellor took the Advantages by a general pardon to disperse the malecontent , and Cade himself was within a little time after Slain in a Garden in Sussex , So fatal was it to him by this his Robberies thus to have displeas'd the Citizens . For Fabian tells us expresly , that had it not been for that , he might have gone far , and brought his purpose to good effect , if he had intended well . And so Prejudicial might it have been to the Court , had he not by these extravagancies forfeited that favour and respect , which had before been shewn him at London to such a degree , that the Commons were very highly incens'd against Alderman Horne , for opposing the admission of him and his company thereinto , at a Common-Councel held by the Mayor a● Guild-Hall , and speaking vehemently against such as were for his entrance , and ceas'd not , saith th● Annalist , till they had him committed to New-gate ▪ But now the tide is turn'd again , and the King himself is joyfully received by the Citizens of that very same place , from whence ere-while he though● it his best security to depart . As the Citizens Favour ebb'd and flow'd , such was the posture of his affairs , in the wane or the full , so stoo● his fortune , either increasing or decreasing : where of here is a demonstration , that no body can deny tha● has but an Historial Faith , unless he woul● have us believe , that the many Historians , th●● writ hereof , could joyn altogether in an unusual confederacy , at several times and from several place● to impose a manifest falshood upon posterity . An Opinion almost as absur'd , ( pardon the compari●on ) though not to that degree , as theirs , who ●s foolishly as prophanely fancy the original Pen●en of the Scriptures made a mutual agreement ( though in several ages and from different parts of ●he Universe ) to obtrude those writings ●pon the World for the Word of the Eternal God , 〈◊〉 of I know not what design of State-Policy to keep 〈◊〉 Common People in greater aw and subjection to ●●eir Governours . How fair a Cast the Yorkists lately had for the ●ame through the City's Favour , till their own 〈◊〉 management lost it , we have seen . But that as not all . It left such a rub in their way , that may be suppos'd to have spoyl'd their bowling up●● the next open adventure . For in the thirtieth 〈◊〉 the Duke of York in Person having rais'd an ●●my , upon disgusts and pretences , and the King ●●ing in the Head of another to oppose Him , He 〈◊〉 out of the way , and eschews the Kings 〈◊〉 , and hastens as fast as he could up to London , ●●ping doubtless for assistance or recruits thence , 〈◊〉 being deceived in his expectations , upon notice ●●en him that the Londoners would not admit his ●rance , to refresh himself or his People , he ●●ightwayspasses away from London over the Thames 〈◊〉 Kent , and what pray now was the event 〈◊〉 ? Not according to his wishes successful we may 〈…〉 . For from the History we may easily 〈◊〉 , he thought it his greatest interest to come 〈◊〉 terms of accommodation with the King ( had 〈◊〉 such been his apprehensions , doubtless he would 〈◊〉 have yielded thereto ) dismisses his Army , and 〈◊〉 in Person into his Majesties Presence , where 〈◊〉 with the Duke of Somerset , he 〈◊〉 was accused of conspiring the Kings Death , and usurpation of the Crown , and sent before the King as a Prisoner to London , where he was kept a while , till upon a Report of his Sons coming with another Army towards London , the Queen and Her Councel thought it convenient to set him at Liberty , upon taking openly his Oath of Submission and Allegiance , at the High-Altar in St. Pauls-Church , before the King and great part of His Nobility . To what a plunge was the Duke and his party here driven , and with how many difficultyes did the King and his side likewise contest , while neither of them were absolutely sure and certain of the City , that she would cordially assist the one against the other . York was disappointed in his Hopes and Confidence of the Citys favour , and thereupon had run himself into great danger , for which he knew at that Instant no better remedy , than to swear over again his Allegiance to him , whom he had intended and designed for a long time to depose . The Kings Party heard of an Army marching up towards London against them , and rather then venture to throw themselves upon the hazard of a battail , withou● better assurance of the Citys Love and affection , they consented to set at Liberty the Head of the opposit● Party , then in their Hands a Prisoner , and permi● him to go whither he pleas'd , notwithstanding they had so much reason to fear and dread his Designs And possibly they esteem'd it greater wisdom to Temporise for a Season , till they had made their Party visibly stronger in London , and more able to cop● with that secret reserve of favourers , which they might fear the Duke of York had still in the City , as concluding him and his party a litle better advised , than to break out into open Arms agains● the present established Government , without som● probability of help and assistance thence , or at leas● some suggestions thereof before they put on thei● Armour . This seeming not an irrational supposal , appears to me to carry the face of another argument of the Citys Power . For t is undeniably plain , that the Yorkists carryed the day , when she afterwards within a few years declared her self openly for them , as I shall come by and by to shew , when I have produc'd two or three passages more , as further evincing proofs of this Honourable Citys Strength and Influence . One is noted in Fabian in the Thirtyfifth year , upon occasion of dissention and unkindness hapning between the young Duke of Somerset and the Earl of Salisbury's Son , both at that time lodg'd within the City . For the Mayor , having notice hereof , is expresly said to have ordain'd such Watches and Provisions in the City , that if either had stir'd , he was able to have subdued both Partyes , and kept them in duress till he had known the Kings further Pleasure . And the Event was answerable to his Intent . For the Friends on both sides , being well aware of the strict Watch and Ward , and the Consequents thereof , labour'd so effectually for an Accommodation , that they concluded an Agreement between them for that time , without any further disturbance for the present that we read of : So well able were the Citizens to keep and preserve the Kings peace , whether they would or no. They durst not provoke each other to open Hostilityes in that City , whose Power and Armes they had most assuredly raised about their ears , to their mutual disadvantage , had they been guilty of such unadvised rashness and daring presumption , as to slight and contemn her Magistrates Order and Resolution . An other stands on Record , in the same Author and other Writers , among the next years transactions , under the Ma●oralty of Godfery Boleyn and Shrievalries of William Edward and Thomas Reyner . For upon the Kings Calling of a grand Councel at London , to accommodate differences , and the Lords of each Party coming up thereto with great Retinues , they having from Four-hundred to One-thousand-Five-hundred in a Company , & lodging some within & some without the City , holding their Consultation apart each from other , as if at mutual defyance , and ready to put all to the decision of the Sword , the Mayor kept Five-thousand Citizens ( as Fabian Numbers them ) dayly in Arms , riding about the City and Subburbs to preserve the peace , and for the night Watch provided Two-thousand to give Attendance upon three Aldermen till Seven a clock next morning , that the day Watch was set , by reason whereof ( continues my Author ) good order and rule was kept , and no man so hardy once to attempt the breaking the Kings peace . The Councel was held in quietness , and a Reconciliation patch'd up for the time . For who durst move when the City says nay ? Several such Instances are to be seen in the Chronicles , and have been hinted before in the precedent Relation : And if need were I might produce the Disturbance likely to have hapned in the Fourth year of this King , by the Bishop of Winchesters meanes , then at Variance with the Protector the Duke of Gloucester , when upon strict Commandment given to the Mayor , he set a sure Watch by night , that kept out the Bishops Servants by force , and would not permit them to enter the City over the Bridg , whereupon a pacification was at length concluded between these two great Men , their differencies in time amicably adjusted , and the City seems to have protected the Protector himself : But that I hasten to the fecond general Head , before propos'd , under which I am to make out the visibility of the City's affection to the house of Yorke , distinguish'd from that of Lancastor by the white Rose , their particular badg , and thee ffect thereof her influencing the nation in their favour , in behalf of the Yorkists Interest , to the raising it up above the Lancastrians . And this may be demonstrated , beyond contradiction , both from the suspicions fears , and jealousies of the Queen and the Court , that in their Hearts the Citizens bore too great Respect to the other side , and would assist them upon Occasion , and from their actual joyning at last openly with the Yorkists in word and deed , to the visible exaltation of that Family above the other : whereby the White Rose grew up amain , and flourished not only above the rest of the flowers of the field , but also above the Red , though it's whiteness was first ting'd with a Scarlet dye , and the Red had lost much of it 's , before lovely , ruby Colour , so much blood was there shed in this unhappy Contest . It being related out of Philip de-Comines , that , within his Remembrance , in the Civil-Wars of England dyed above Eighty Persons of the Blood Royal. For the proof of the Queens Suspicions , or others Apprehensions , Instances more than one or two , and a triumvirate of Witnesses may be brought . Stow tells us before the battail of St. Albans , how that the King having assembled his Power to oppose the Duke of York , then marching towards London at the Head of an Army , his meaning was rather to meet the Duke in the North parts , than about London , where it was thought he had too many friends , and therefore departs with speed from Westminster on the same ●ntent : And afterwards acquaints us , that upon the difcharging of York and Salisbury of their high Offices and Places of Government about the King , This change among the Nobility caus'd sudden alterations and attempts ( which he calls Seditious ) to spring in the Commonalty , especially in the City of London . Fabian informes us that the Queen caus'd the King to remove in his Thirty-fifth from London to Coventry , and their held him a long season , as suspecting the City of London , and deeming it to be more favourable to the Duke of York's Party , than to Hers. Baker gives us much the same Story , under the Notion of the Queens perswading the King , for his Health and Recreation , to make a Progress into Warwickshire , as finding the little Respect the Londoners bore to Her Party , or the Kings . And Stow shall here bring up the Rear , to back their Informanions , with this expression , that , because the Duke was had more in estimation among the Citizens , than either the King or Queen , she caus'd the King to make his Progress , as perceiving she could attempt nothing against him near to the City of London . If we consider Actions , and respect Matters of Fact , we shall find the Yorkists often received at London , when the Lancastrians were either expresly refus'd , or at least compell'd to get further off into other parts , for their better security and safeguard . After the Yorkists had won the Battel at St. Albans ; London was the place whereto they presently remov'd , carrying the King along with them , and kept there their Whitsuntide with great Joy and Solemnity . When an Assault was made at Court upon the Potent Earl of Warwick , a great Yorkist , as he was coming from the Councel Table , by the Kings Servants with Intentions to have Slain him , London was the place , whereto he Row'd in all hast , as soon as got into his Barge ; and thereby escaping the danger intended , he Consults with the Principals o● his Party , and retires afterwards to Callice . Thi● was the place , to which the Chronicle saith the Earl of Salisbury , his Father , was coming up with some Thousands of Men , when he was necessitated to Fight his Way through his Enemies i● Bloreheath Field . Here likewise was Warwick received , encouraged , and refreshed , in the 38th . of Hen. 6. before the Battel of Northampton , when the Lord Scales , appointed by the other side with some Troops to go and secure the City , was directly refused admission by the Mayor , and being received into the Tower , he was besieged by Land and Water , and they of the City planted great Guns against it , and break the Walls in divers places : And , after the fatal over-throw of the Lancastrians at the aforesaid Battels , hitherto was the King conveyed by the Party , ( a Prisoner in effect , tho' in shew a King ) as if eager there to shew their Triumphant Success , or else further to secure to themselves the Londoners good will , love and affections , by their Presence . For Fabian tells us , they return'd hither in haste , upon their obtaining this Victory , the Duke of York comes out of Ireland to them , and after a Report banded about the City , that King Henry was to be Deposed , and the Duke to be made King , ( to make Tryal doubtless of the peoples mind , and sound the Citizens temper and inclination ) he lays Claim to the Crown in open Parliament , and had it at last Entail'd upon himself and his Heirs , King Henry to retain the Name and Honour of King during Life , if he did not voluntarily Resign , and the Duke of York to be Declared Heir Apparent to the Crown , and Protector of the King's Person , Lands and Dominions , with some other Conditions , Exceptions , and Reservations . This we may suppose was as much as they then ●ound the Citizens willing to agree and consent to ●or the present . For we have it from Stow on the ●ne hand , that the Duke of York when he Challeng'd ●he Kingdom as right Heir , ( which Cotton's Abridge●ent fixes upon the 16th . of October ) purposed to have ●een Crowned on Allhollan-day next following : and , ●n the other side , that the King was very much fa●oured , and highly honoured by the common People for his Holiness of life , and abundant Clemency . Whether the Citizens would have yielded to more or not , I cannot be positive , but this I am sure of , that they so far gave way , that now the York Party had got much the better end of the Staff by an Act of Parliament , as well as by Arms , Title , and the Cities Affections , and made use of it accordingly to the Old Kings actual Deposition , and the setting up of a New one at London , before the next Spring was over , by the concurrent consent of many substantial Citizens thereof . This the Yorkist Faction had reason enough , notwithstanding their prosperous success in the Country , to acknowledge as a great favour of the Commonalty of London , and impute the following success to their Corstancy , in adhereing to their Party , after a double overthrow given the Yorkists by the Lancastrians , when the Magistracy seemed , in part , at least , to have altered Opinions and Resolutions , if not their Affections . For , would but the Commons have sate still , and continued Neutral in the Contest , the other side was in a fair way to have made their Party good against the Yorkists : but the Commons opposition to their Mayors Proceedings , stem'd the Current , to the others benefis , and the manifest disadvantage of the Queen and the Court. Whereby we may observe where lies the orength of the City , and who are likeliest in the end , to carry the day , the Mayor , or the Commons ; when they vary in their Sentiments , and as different Parties pull two contrrry ways . The whole Story , the Occasion and the Consesequences are to be seen in our English Historians ; who , among the diversity of their Relations in many things , and wonted variety in expressing the Transactions of the Times , concur nevertheless in the Issue and Event of the Actions then i● hand : For let any of them write never so partially out of Favour and Affection , the Truth will out at last , and shall prevail against all opposition . The Queen with her Northern Army had overthrown and slain Richard Duke of York , and routed his Party at Wakefield , and afterwards discomfitted the Earl of Warwick and his Power at Saint Albons , upon Bernard Heath , and so delivered King Henry out of their hands , who pretended to be his Life Guard , but were in reality his Keepers , Observes , Overseers , and Governours , or , in an yet harsher term though as true a sence , his Jaylors , upon which important Successes , the Queen sent to the Mayor of London , willing and commanding him in the King's Name speedily to send her Victuals without delay , for her Army : which Command the Mayor strove presently with great diligence to put in Execution , by preparing several Cart-Loads of Lenten Provision , and sending them to Cripple-Gate , towards the Lancastrians Camp at Saint Albans . But there the Commons unanimously withstood their further passage , and by strong hand kept the Carts from going out of London , saying , It did not behoove them to feed their Enemies , who intended to Rob the City , and having repulsed the Northern Horsemen robbing in the Subberbs , upon their attempt to enter that way into the City , and slain three of them , continued so firm and fixt in their Resolutions , that let the Mayor do what he could by Exhortation and Arguments , to shew them the danger , that might ensue by stopping the Carts , he could neither reclaim nor alter their minds , nor by any means prevail upon them , but in the end was fain to send the Recorder and some of the Aldermen to the Kings Council , to request the Northern Mens Dismission , besides two Female Mediators to interceed for him to the Queen , and excuse his not using force in those dangerous and doubtful times , against the Commons opposition , least their fury being once stir'd it might not so easily have been allaid again . Whereupon the Queen was sending some of the Lords , with 400 Soldiers to the City , to take a view of the peoples demeanour , but having her hands full , upon certain notice that the Earl of March , Yorks Eldest Son , and the Earl of Warwick with joint Forces were coming up in all haste to London , she departed with the King , her Husband , and Son , into the North , her only refuge , having little trust in Essex , less in them of Kent , but least of all ( saith Stow ) in the Londoners ; so little avail'd it to have the Mayor and some of the chief Commoners on her side , ( as Fabian intimates ) when the Commonalty , i. e. the vast majority , held with the Duke of York and his party , wherefore , upon the Courts departure from St. Albans , the Earl of March with his Yorkists entered the City in Lent , with a great Attendance , and was joyfully received , the people resorting to him in great numbers out of Kent , Essex , and other parts , to see , aid , and assist this lusty Prince , ( as the Annalist words it ) in whom the hope of all their joy consisted , as soon as his coming thither was known , where he was quickly Proclaimed and acknowledged King by consent , in the beginning of March , and after eight or ten Battels , actually Crowned in June with great Royalty , and a splendid appearance of Lords and Commons , Mayor , Aldermen , and Citizens . In so high a degree did the Cities actions sway the Country , and such an advantage was it to the Yorkists , to have gained her over to their Party . I need not here remark the prevalency of the Commonalty over the Temporising Mayor , and his time-serving Interest , ( the event plainly she wing in these particulars , Vox Populi to have been Vox Coeli ) because I have touched upon this string already . But this however I am warranted from History to observe , that the Londoners , after they had once throughly placed their hearts upon the House of York , they continued so fixt and firm to their Interest , that no shocks of Fortune , nor the Troubles and Commotions about the middle of King Edwards Reign , could shake the firmness of their adherence to him , so fast was he Rivetted in their Affections : nor yet the Popularity of the great Earl of Warwick himself , so much greater than a King , as that which makes is greater than that it makes : whose Hospitality may be supposed to have redounded so much to his own advantage , and the Interest of the York Family , which he had for a long time before espoused , by the favour he gained thereby among the Commons of the Realm in general , and of the City in particular : For when he came to London , the Analist informs us he kept such an House , that six Oxen were eaten at a Breakfast , and every Tavern was full of his Meat , and whoso had any acquaintance in his House might have had as much Sodden and Rost , as he might carry upon a long Dagger . All this notwithstanding , when upon disgust and discontent he had turned to the other side , and became a favourer of the Lancastrians , he was never the less disappointed in his aims and expectations from the Londoners . For though by his turning sides the York Party had been once routed , King Edward taken Prisoner , and King Henry resettled once more on the Throne , and he had in a manner the whole power of the Land in his hands , besides the general Love and Affection the Commons bore to him , and the dread and terror the sound of his Name oft struck into his Enemies Hearts , it having in effect altered the Fortune and turned the Scales in two Battels , one in King Henry's days for the Yorkists , another in King Edwards for the Lancastrians , yet upon the return of King Edward from beyond Sea ( whither he had some time before escaped out of Custody ) into England , to recover his Inheritance , and regain his Crown , and the News of his Marching up to London , both sides ( saith Baker ) seeking to make the City their Friends , the Citizens backwardness to take up Arms in Defence of Old King Henry , his Crown and Dignity , and inclination to Young King Edward , was so apparent , that Warwicks , own Brother , the Arch-bishop of York , distrusting the Event , secretly sought King Edwards Favour ; he himself was received into London , King Henry was redelivered unto him , and the Great Warwick slain not long after at Barnet in a pitch'd Battell , to the utter Ruin of the Lancastrian Party for that Age , the consequence of this overthrow being enough to read them their succeeding ill Fate at Tewksbury : they themselves having sufficient Cause to be daunted , with the loss of their most powerful friends and favourers , and the Yorkists to be flush'd with their Success in gaining so important a Victory . As the Citizens continued thus favourable to the King , so I don't find them them chang'd and alter'd in ther Inclinations to the other side , till some of the Yorkists themselves , by their own hands , began to loose and untye those Bonds of Amity , Friendship , and Fidelity , the Late King's Children being dispossest by his own Brother , the Duke of Gloucester , and the Earl of Richmond , the surviving hopes of the Lancastrians , had openly declar'd his Intentions , and solemnly Sworn , to marry King Edward's Eldest Daughter , the rightful Heir of all the Yorkists Greatness , which afterwards was as honourably as honestly perform'd : whereby both Families became united in one Line , and the two Roses happily inoculated each upon the other . The expression I hope the ingenious Society of Gardiners and Florists will pardon me , if harmlesly guilty of an absurdity in translating the term from fruits to flowers . Did the Citizens of London appear so zealously on the Yorkists behalf , and yield such powerful assistance to carry on their designs ? What other than can we expect with reason , but that King Edward behaved himself very gratefully towards that City , which Espoused his flaughtered Fathers Cause , against even the Governing Party , and contributed so considerably to his own Restauration . Though it is but too commonly seen that as mean services are but meanly recompenced , or else wholly ' slighted add forgotten , so an excess of merit too great to be rewarded , brings oftner danger than advantage to the party concerned . Evident examples whereof our own and Foreign Histories can abundantly afford us , and it is well if the City of London could produce no experience of her own in confirmation of their verity and validity , while some others having gotten well by their services , to the facilitating their ascent into high Places , have no better improved them in the Eyes of the World , than in keeping their Coaches , their Horses , and their Misses , and made little other returns of thanks and gratitude to the City , but some small slight acknowledgments and concessions , and perhaps a few verbal promises and assurance , or else forgetting their former needs and necessities , have endeavoured , most ungratefully , to turn their power upon her , which they may be thought to have gained chiefly and principally by her means . But King Edward it seems , or those about him had honester Principles in them , or were better tempered : For we find in Baker , that he furnished his Councel Table for the most part with such as were gracious among the Citizens ; and we Read in Stow of no less than eleven Aldermen , besides the Lord Mayor and Recorder , Knighted by him at one time in the Highway betwixt Islington and Shoreditch , upon his return from the Battel at Tewksbury , in reward of the good service the Londoners had done him . As for the jovial Entertainment of the Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons in Waltham Forrest , by the Kings express order and appointment , in his presence , about an year before he dyed , 't is a Subject Treated on by more English Historians than one , with the circumstances and consequents thereof , the pleasant lodge of Green boughs set up on purpose for them , the Complemental condescention of the King , in refusing to go to his own Dinner till he had saw them served , the Hunting sport he shewed them , the plenty of Venison he gave them at their departure , and the noble Present of two Harts and six Bucks , with a Tun of Wine , he sent to the Lady Mayoress , and her Sisters the Aldermens Wives , to make merry with , which they did afterwards at Drapers Hall : where without all peradventure , the Kings Health went all round the Table , if it was then in Fashon , but for this I will not put one finger in the fire . If we dive into the reasons of the variation of the Pole at London , and search into the occasional Causes of the manifest change and alteration of their Affections , from thr Family of Lancaster to the House of York , we may impute it partly to the losses , crosses , and unsuccessful management of Affairs , under a weak King and a self seeking Court of Lancastrians , but chiefly to the encrease of National grievances , without timely care taken to redress them , and the fixt Resolution of the Court Party to oppress their opposites , the Yorkists , any manner of ways , by right or by wrong ; for we may easily observe from History and experience , such to have been the usual motives to disgusts , and the common incitements to discontent . Therefore I presume I may draw hence better grounds and reasons of the Cities Love to King Edward , than those alledged by Baker out of Comines , ( viz. that he got the Love of the Londoners by owing them Money , and the good will of the Citizens , by lying with their wives ) as looking at first appearance too Comical and Jocular to be sound , when sifted to the bottom . Why else did this Experiment never succeed before nor since ? I don't think but there have been other Princes , besides this Amorous Yorkist , sitting upon the English Throne , whose Consciences would never have boggled at borrowing Money , and then Cornuting their Creditors , if this Recipe could have shewn its Probatum est . But whatever Reasons History or Phancy suggests , this is most undeniably certain , as being matter of fact , that the City was visibly ingag'd in the Yorkists Interest , before ever that Family could attain to the height of their desires . From whence I doubt not to conclude , that had the Citizens been otherwise inclin'd , and continued firm and fixt to the House of Lancaster , the Duke of York might indeed have laid his Claim , and pleaded Title , with many other fair-spun pretences , ( as the Prerogative of Birth , Priviledge of Law , the impossibility of altering a Native Right by previous Contracts , Vows , Oaths , or Prescription , and the Injustice of breaking the Thread of an Orderly Succession ) but , all this notwithstanding , he might still have remained for ought we can be sure of , far enough off from compassing his Ambitious Desires , or from the possibility of coming within view of his Journeys End , the City standing between him and the wished for Haven . The Observation is obvious from several passages aforegoing . The City in it self is too great to be over-aw'd , and her influence over the Country consequently too powerful , to have it long quietly over-rul'd by any Party whatsoever , with whom she refuses to concur . Another Observation give me leave to make en passant , and that shall be upon the time and season , not of the Citizens manifesting their Affections , but of their actual appearance in behalf of the Duke and his Party . This I observe to have been , not presently and immediately in the fore-front , and the very first beginning , but upon the coming up of the Yorkists to London with Swords by their sides , and resolution in their minds : So that they seem first to have been approvers , and then Seconds to the Dukes Party in their designs upon their open Declaration . Before that the Commonalty so openly and resolutely refused to let Provisions pass to the Lancastrians Camp at St. Albans , the Duke of York had declared himself in the midst of his Friends and Adherents at London ready to assist him , and though he was then dead , having been slain in Battle , and the Lancastrians so near the City at that very same time , yet his Eldest Son being in the Head of an Army in the Country , was soon come to London , received , Elected , approved , and set up for King by their approbation , consent , and good liking . This likewise may be observed to have been the common custom and usage of the City , as an ordinary English Reader may easily find in several places of this Relation upon a review , or careful recollection of what hath been before set down : or else to satisfie his Curiosity , without trusting to this Transcription , he may search after the passages himself in such Authentick Authors , as Fabian , Stow ; Speed , Baker , or the like Chronicles of the English Affairs , which being easier met with than the Original Writers of these times , he will be put to the less trouble , upon any doubt occurring in any things here delivered for matter of Fact , in that I have chose to draw up this Treatise for the most part out of these laborious Collectors . Where it is observable that the Cities inclinations being by some one or other overt act , as manifestly declared , or else plainly perceived , or shrewdly guessed at , by the industry and vigilence of the discrning Spirits of the Age , the discontented Nobles were quickly encouraged thereupon , and inclined to withdraw into the Marches of Wales , or the Borders of Scotland , and there gathering together their Party , and Raising as great Forces as time and opportunity would permit , away they come in all hast , as fast as they can , up to London , where being joyfully and gladly received , with great applause and approbation , the Courtiers were often compelled to fly for their safety , and the Governing Party desperse elsewhere , to try it out by dint of Sword , ( at which they were commonly worsted ) or else quietly yield to such conditions , as would be approved in the City , and were acceptable to the Party , the result whereof generally was the calling of a Parliament , as the desire of the Subject , though the dread and fear of the Court. But for the better illustration of this remark , I shall produce modern experience , and instance in what hath hapned within the memory of thousands yet living . That under the late Usurpation the City was very desirous of a Free-Parliament is not to be doubted of . And yet we find she sate still quiet , and pretty well contented to outward appearance , ( amidst the various changes from an Old Protector , to a New one , from that to the Rump , and thence to the Committee of Safety ) as if over ridden , or like a wearied Beast , silently couching down under her heavy burthens , almost wholly insensible , and as one unconcerned . But as soon as General Monk , out of Scotland , had openly declared his dislike of the Armies extravagancies , and was come up from Coldstream , amidst the Visits of the Gentry , and Acclamations of the people , so near the City as Harbrow , we hear presently of Commissioners come thither to him from the City , and their proposing a re-admission of the Secluded Members , that the Parliament might be made full and free . This was the first Publick Address I meet with looking that way , but after this we read of many from various parts of the Land , and almost all Counties of the same Nature with that from the Capital City of the Nation , as if all had been animated by the influential Rays of her Inclinations , and her Results were the superior faculties of the Soul , ove-ruling the inferior Members of the Body . But the City staid not here , for as she addressed , so she was resolved for a full house , before she would pay any publick Taxes . And tho' Monk upon stricter declar'd Resolutions put her into a great Consternation for a time , by pretending to over-aw her with his Soldiers , which was not in any wise expected at his hands , yet upon his application to her Common-Council , when he return'd the next day with his Army to regain their almost lost favour , ( and what then might not they have done of themselves , when their amazement , sprung from the suddenness of the unexpected surprise , was abated ? ) they approv'd of his Intentions to have the House of Commons fill'd up , demonstrated it with Bells and Bonfires , persuaded and procured his continuance amongst them ; whereby his own Security was consulted , and those Designs most successfully carried on , which laid the way open to his present Majesties Peaceable Restauration . For this Concurrence of the City with General Monk's Resolutions , brought about the Restitution of the Secluded Members , that procured a free and fuller meeting of the Lords and Commons , and soon after the King was recall'd from his forced Exile , to the open Exercise of his Royal Power and Authority over these his Three Nations , and made his Publick Entrance in the greatest Calm of Peace and Tranquility imaginable . Thanks to the Honourable City for concurring so unanimously to the Revival of the remaining part of the Old Parliament , which brought forth so Miraculous Effects , as to have an Injur'd and Exil'd Prince fully restor'd to his Throne , and yet the Glory of the Action not tinctur'd with Blood. Such was the Influence of Londons concurrence , of Londons Power , of Londons Prayers . If then the many instances hitherto related , being conjoyn'd , rise not up to a demonstration , as much Mathematical , as the subject can bear , I know not what will. As for the truth of them , I defie any one to disprove me , who hath but the least grain of sence and reason in him , and as much Historical knowledge as may amount to the sixtieth part of a scruple . The particular reasons of the Cities Potency have been shewn , and the general ground thereof is as plainly evident . For how can it otherwise be , but that a City endowed with such Royal Grants , fortified with so many and so great Priviledges , and exalted to the heighth of Grandeur , by the vastness of her Trade ; multitude of her Merchants , Wealth and Riches of her Inhabitants , Spirit and Courage of her Citizens , Stateliness of her Buildings , Preheminances of her Antiquity , Conveniency of her Scituation , and Regular Order of her Government , so Ennobled with the highest Courts of Judicature for the Law , adorned with numerous Churches for the Gospel , and frequented by Strangers from all parts of the habitable World , the Receptacle of all Arts and Sciences , the Haunt of the Commonalty , the Delight of the Gentry , the Habitation of the Nobility , the Residence of the King , and Glory of the whole Nation ; so pleasant to Admiration ; and so populous to a Wonder , where many Scores , if not Hundreds of Thousands , can be Raised and Armed in a few Hours Warning . How , I say , can it otherwise be , but that such a City must needs highly influence , over-rule and over-awe the Counsels of the Nation , and turn the Inclinations of the People whithersoever she please ? For Nature generally uses the common ordinary means and methods , and I do not see that the All-powerful God of Nature often diverts her Course , or works Wonders and Miracles in every Age and Season . Now that London is such a City , I appeal to History and Experience for my Witnesses . These are the Observations I had to make concerning the Glories of the City of London and the Influences she had upon the grand Concerns of the Nation , in that great and famous Contest between the two Houses of Lancaster and York ( through the most considerable part whereof I have hitherto traced her Actions ) wherein finding her most triumphant , amidst the great variety of the publick Transactions of these times , I think it not much material to give so distinct a Relation of her private Affairs , though among them I might likewise find many things most worthy of Remak , as hastening apace towards the Conclusion of this Treatise , that it may not swell into too great a bulk , to the Reader 's Discouragement , and the wearying out of his Patience , I fear , already almost tired . Wherefore , as to what concerns the private Troubles of the City , the Tumults , Riots and Insurrections sprung up out of her own Bowels in these perilous Times , and happily supprest by the Power of her Majestrates , and the accidental Casualties happening within her Liberties : or else the many Benefits accruing to her , by the Care and Vigilance of her chief Officers , the good Rule and Order of her Government , the strict Observation of her particular Ordinances , and putting in Execution her Injunctions : Or as to what relates to the external Augmentation of her Honour , her Splendor and Renown , by the Reparation of her Walls , Renovation of her publick Structures , founding and erecting of new Fabricks , I pass them all over without a more particular mention , ( sending the curious and inquisitive to the Chronicles , Baker's especially , who hath treated purposely of such remarkables in distinct Sections , at the end of the Kings Lives ) as not so pertinent to my present design , tho' in other Kings Reigns I may have here and there touch'd upon some such Remarks : And shall direct the Reader with an Instance of the Courage of some bold spirited women of the City , having hitherto entertain'd him with the Heroick and Illustrious Acts only of the other Sex. The Relation I have out of Stow , who places it in the Seventh of King Henry the Sixth , Anno 1428. where , after mention made of a Parliament Asiembled at Westminster that Year , he gives it us in these words . In this Parliament there was one Mrs. Stokes , with divers other stout Women of London , of good reckoning , well Apparell'd , came openly to the upper-house of Parliament , and deliver'd Letters to the Duke of Gloucester , and to the Arch-Bishops , and to the other Lords there present , containing matter of Rebuke , and sharp reprehension of the Duke of Gloucester , because he would not deliver his Wife Jaqueline out of her grievous Imprisonment ; being then held Prisoner by the Duke of Burgundy , suffering her there to remain so unkindly , and for his publick keeping by him another Adultress , contrary to the Law of God , and the honourable Estate of Matrimony . Bold words and bold women . For this Duke was then Lord Protector of the Realm , and so confequently of great Power , Place , and Dignity therein . But these were Londoners that durst be so couragious , as to say , to Princes , Ye are Wicked , and then the wonder is not altogether so great , on one hand , that they dar'd to reprehend the great ones of the Age , and on the other , that we still find such Heroical Spirits in the City , since they spring from such a Race both by the Fathers side , and the Mothers . The Roman Historians celebrates the Memory of that Noble Matron , who came into open Court , and with so undaunted a spirit of boldness , pleaded her own Cause , to the great amazement of the Senate for the present , that they made an Order to forbid the like for the future . What Viragoes then were these English Matrons of London , that in open Parliament durst reprove the Nobles to their faces , and were not afraid to attempt to teach our Senators wisdome ? wherein they may seem to have out-did that fam'd Roman Matron , in that what she did may be thought to have proceeded from self-love and self-defence , whereas these with a greater Courage espous'd another Cause , an excess of Charity and Humanity , and , instead of staying for an opportunity of defending their own Interest upon occasion or necessity , durst voluntarily make an onset on the more powerful with sharp rebukes , for neglecting the distressed , and refusing to assist the poor , weak , and disconsolate . So that the Royal City of London appears emulous of the Old Imperial City of Rome , both in the Courage of the Women , and valour of her men : as if resolved not to yield to her Fame on any account in Glory and Merit , nor come behind her in the Heroick Acts of either of the Sexes , while one continues as potent in the Brittish World , by the Spirit of the Citizens and influence of her Actions , as the other once was famous for her Arms all over Europe , Asia and Africa . And who knows whitherto she may come in time , as how far the Fates , or rather Providence , have decreed to advance her ? Was she so powerful so many Ages since , what is she now , since that she 's very much encreased in the Strength and Number of her Inhabitants , and her private Buildings are reform'd from Wood and Earth into Brick , and publick into Stone , low humble Cottages into stately Edifices , and who dares be so positive to aver , that they may not in time , be chang'd into Marble ? Hitherto have I treated the Reader with variety of Proofs and Evidences sufficiently ( I hope ) demonstrative of the Repute , Fame , Honour , Glory , and Renown , Magnificence , Grandeur , Strength , Power and Influence of this so Triumphant a City , whose Approbation and Assistance , hath setled Kings upon their Thrones , and the dissatisfaction of whose Inhabitants hath sometimes left the way open to the ruine of Princes ; In the Examples and Instances whereof , the Concurrence of her Citizens was , for the most part , general and universal , at least so far as concern'd the Majority . But now I shall produce an Instance ( and not easie perhaps to be parallell'd , from either Divine or prophane Writings , ) to shew , how influential the bare shadow of her Name hath been in State-Affairs , and how contributary to the transforming of a Subject into a King , without any apparent assent of the Main Body of this ancient Corporation ; which I am so far from thinking a diminution of her Glory , that I rather look upon it , as here circumstantiated , to be an Argument of the City's great Power , Reputation , and Esteem , under this Consideration ; That if that aspiring Protector , the bloody Duke of Gloucester , better known by the Name of Crook-back'd Richard the Third , could do so much by the shadow , what might he not have done , could he have but enjoyed the substance ? As in Divinity , Circumstances make many an Action good or bad : so in History , the Design and Event not seldom ennobles or debases an Enterprize . 'T is not so much the bare Act , or thing done , in this particular , that is to make good my Assertion , as the Deduction from the Consequences thereof , whether real or designed , which come now to be related in this manner following : When that ambitious , Crook-back'd Duke , upon his Brother's Death , had got his eldest Son and Heir , and the rightful King , into his hands , and by treacherous Plots , devis'd Crimes , and false Calumniations , taken away the Lives of those true and trusty Friends of the old King , that were most likely to continue faithful to his young Son and Heir in his Minority , and loyally stand by him with their Lives and Fortunes , against the open Attempts or secret Designs of his Treacherous Uncle , and thereby remov'd many of the Rubs out of the way to his aspir'd greatness . His next Care was to get the Peoples Consent to the turning of his Ducal Corronet into a Regal Crown , and their Concurrence to acknowledge him for their King , whereas before he was but Protector . But how should this be done ? A Pretence must be found to cajole them , seeing that he had so little Equity and Justice on his side to confirm them to him . The City of London was known to be powerful and populous , and their Example was thought to do much with the rest of the Nation , to make them , if not approve , at least connive at his Nephew's Deposition , and his own Exaltation , therefore the Citizens were to be Caress'd , and their Approbation to be sought . Whereupon he seeks for and procures Instruments fit for his turn , that , to honour his ambitious Desires , stuck not openly to turn Renegado's to Truth , Honesty and Loyalty , so that they migh● get Worldly Honour and Preferment thereby . Among whom none of the less noted , nor least useful , are reckon'd the present Lord Mayor of London , ( a Man of a proud Heart , and highly desirous of Advancement , how little soever he deserv'd it ) and two brazen-fac'd Sons of the Church , both great Preachers , of more Learning than Virtue , of more Fame than Learning . So useful hath the Pulpit in the Church been always thought to carry on Intreagues in the State. The Contrivance was first to prepare the People and break the Matter at Paul's-Cross , and then Motion it to the Citizens at Guild-hall , to accomplish which , and bring his purpose to perfection , the Duke cared not , so his dead Father were thought , or call'd , a Cuckold ; his Mother , a Whore ; his Brethren , Bastards ; and his Nephew , illegitimate ; to the shame of the whole House of York , such Fires of Ambition rul'd and rag'd in his Heart . The flattering Clergy-men readily did their Parts in the Pulpit , as far as they were able , but with so ill success to the Duke's Cause , and their own Reputation , that he was wholly disappointed of the desir'd Acclamations , and they lost their Credit and Estimation among the People ever after . One lost his Life after his Sermon , the other his Voice in the midst of his Preaching , and so was forc'd to leave off and come down . From Paul's Cross away go we , the Tuesday following the Doctor 's Sermon , to Guild-hall , and there we find the Mayor upon the Hustings , and all the Aldermen assembled about him , and the Commons of the City gather'd before them . To whom the Duke of Buckingham , newly come thither , attended with divers Lords and Knights from the Court , makes a long and large Oration about the Grievances under the late King , his many unnecessary Taxations , great Severities , and the looseness of his Life , ( to cast dirt thus upon the late King's Government , was thought then , it seems , an effectual Means , to make way for this Popish Successor ) 〈◊〉 them of the Doctor 's Sermon , and desires them to joyn with him , and others , in a Petition to the Duke , to take upon him the Name and Office of a King , hoping by his many Arguments and Perswasions , with the volubility of his Tongue , to obtain the Citizens Concurrence in a full Cry of of King Richard , King Richard. But they were , it seems by the story , very deaf of hearing on that Ear , to his no little wonder and amazement . Wherefore , upon further consultation with the Mayor and others privy to the Design , Buckingham resumes his Discourse , and rehearses the same over again with a louder Voice , as if the Citizens had not all heard , or not well understood the meaning of his former Speech . But neither did this move their Affections , nor produce a Word in favour of the Motion from the Auditors . Then Mr. Recorder , by the Mayor's Advice , was pitch'd upon to second the Duke , upon hopes that it might be better accepted from him , as the publick Mouth of the City . Full loth , we may well think , was he , an honest Man , and newly come to his Honour and Preferment , having never spoken to the Citizens before from that place , to begin upon so harsh and unpleasing a Subject ▪ But however the Mayor's Commands must be obey'd . He therefore makes a Rehearsal of the Duke's Words , but so far from being transpos'd ▪ alter'd , or augmented , that he plainly shew'd wha● he did was in Obedience to the Lord Mayor's Commands , not out of affection or good will to th● Cause , or the Duke . What then could it avail th● Mayor and his Party , that Mr. Recorder was compell'd to be their Mouth , when 't is plain from hi● Speech , that he spoke others Sentiments , not hi● own ? And this was easily perceiv'd on all hand● For the Citizens stood still as mute as Fishes , or dea● as Adders , that would not hearken to the Voic● of the Charmer , nor tune their Pipes to the Son● of a base flattering Courtier . Well then , conse●● they could get none ? Hitherto not a word of approbation , what must be done next ? Why ? when we despair of Citizens Words and Wishes , we 'll e'en pretend to reject them , as useless and unnecessary , seeing they will not be model'd to our minds . And therefore at last the Citizens are plainly told , that all the Nobles of the Realm are resolv'd already upon the Point , ( a thing as true , as the Mayor was Honest , or the Duke Loyal ) and their ultimate Answer was demanded . Upon which follow'd secret Whisperings , and a confused Bur , among the People , till at last some of the Duke's Servants , and others of their procuring , ( Prentices , and other Lads , thrust into the Hall among the Press ) set up their Notes at the lower end , threw up their Caps in token of Joy , and loudly cry out upon King Richard. This the Duke and Mayor , seeing they could have not better , take advantage of , and would have it forsooth pass for an unanimous Consent , and the universal Approbation of the City , though the whole multitude of Citizens answer'd them not a word , only cast back their heads , and marvelled what those meant behind them , with their whoopings and hollowings . A goodly Cry , quoth the Duke , and thanks them , and so departs . The next News we hear is of a Petition immediately made , the Morrow after , to the Protector at Baynard's Castle , to take upon him the Rule and Government of the Realm , as rightful King , to which , with much ado and intreaty , ( poor Man ! ) he at last yielded , as if altogether compell'd , through meer necessity , and others importunity , the Duke of Buckingham coming in the Name of himself , the Lord Mayor and his Brethren , as indeed we find them there amongst others , to see this notorious piece of dissimulation acted over . So slips this dissembling Yorkist into the Throne , over his young Nephew's head ( whom afterwards he cruelly caus'd to be murder'd ) is Crowned , and Reigns as King for a time , the Holla's and Huzza's of a few Courtiers and Prentices being impos'd upon the Nation , for the Universal Consent of the City of London , though the Duke's Party could not obtain so much as that Complement from the Citizens themselves . Seeing therefore they could not embrace the Substance , they were resolv'd , I would say , to grasp at the Shadow , were I sure the Criticks would not Censure the Expression . For being not able to prevail upon the Masters , they endeavour'd to try Experiments on the Apprentices , and failing of the Majority of the Men , are content to be playing with the Boys : And if this now may be call'd the Concurrence of the City , 't is easie doubtless to be had at any time with Feasting and Fudling . Let the distrustful , or evil thinking person , consult Mr. Stow , about the Life and Reign of King Edward the Fifth , and then he may see Authority enough for the precedent Relation . Thus we see the Duke is mounted at last up into the Saddle , and from a Protector , that might have been legal , he becomes a King most unlawfully , by very unjust Means and indirect Methods , by defrauding his poor innocent Nephew of his Birth-right , and afterwards depriving him of his Life , aspersing his own Mother with Adultery , imputing Bastardy to his Brethren , and bringing a dishonourable Reflection upon his Father . But can we think such an ill-gotten Crown could ever prosper with him ? No sure : 'T was improbable , and impossible . The Furies are stirr'd up to torment him , for Providence sleeps not , nor could Vengeance lag long behind . The City never gave her full consent , notwithstanding all the endeavours of that false Knave her Mayor , therefore she had reason and occasion enough for the deepest Resentments , to see her Name without her Authority basely abus'd by Treachery and Deceit , to promote other Mens corrupt Designs , and the Duke so lately transpos'd into a King , sufficient Grounds for continual Fears , Jealousies and Suspicious , about the fickleness and unsetledness of his own State and Condition , being so insecure and uncertain of the City's hearty good will and affections , as knowing the Cheat he had newly put upon the Nation , and the Affront he had offered to the whole Body of the Citizens , in making use of their Names without their Consent and Concurrence , to settle himself in his intended Usurpation . Bosworth-field also is drawing nigh a pace , where he shall be forc'd to pay Nature her last Debt , Justice shall have her due , and a full period shall be put to all his villanous Acts and Enterprizes , after a short Reign or Usurpation of two Years , two Months , and a Day or two , the shortest Term by far of any Kings Reign since the first William , unless we admit Edward the Fifth , for Method and Customes sake , into the Number of our Kings , who for Ten Weeks space bore the Name , though it may be more properly call'd the Tyranny of the Duke , than the Reign of the King. Enter next the Earl of Richmond , a Lancastrian , ( a Family directly opposite to the House of York , till now in Combination against Crook-back Richard , that did endeavour to destroy them all , and on a design of a union of both Interests , in the persons of the Heirs on both sides ) with a few Friends and foreign Mercinaries , at Milford-Haven in Wales , and the hopes of a considerable Number of Auxiliaries ready to joyn and assist him in his March up directly towards the City of London . For this seems to have been his main aim , and intended purpose , from his Letters sent to his Friends , to come in with all speed to his Assistance , as in whose Affections doubtless he put much trust and confidence ; neither was he deceiv'd therein , in that , after his successful Victory over his Enemies at Bosworth , ( where we date the first beginning of his Reign , under the Name of Henry the Seventh ) upon his remove towards London , and his near approach to the City , we find the City so far from the least shadow of opposition , that on the contrary , they prepar'd to receive him with Demonstrations of great Joy and Gladness , for his safe and happy arrival there . The Habit of the Mayor , Aldermen , and Citizens , were either Scarlet or Violet , and his Reception was in great State and Pomp , they meeting him in orderly Array without the City , and so conveying him through it to St. Pauls . Neither may we think him insensible of their Favours , if Baker records the truth , as indeed I am not able on any good grounds to contradict him , when he says , that the City of London was this King's Paradice , nor provably consute the Reasons he gives for his Assertion , viz. That what good Fortune soever befel him , he thought he enjoy'd it not , till he acquainted them with it . And can we fancy he had not good Grounds and Inducements , for this honourable Acknowledgment of their Kindness and Goodness shewn him by them , besides the first Expressions thereof in the beginning of his Reign , when he was so far from being well warm'd in his Seat , that he was not yet enter'd upon the Throne by the Solemnity of a Coronation , nor had taken possession of the Government with the usual Ceremonies and Customary Formalities ? Certain it is , that I read in Fabian , Sh●riff of London in his days , that he had considerable Sums of Money of the City , more than once , twice , or thrice , an Assistance as requisite often times , as Men in Arms , and not seldom more difficult for Princes to obtain : There being idle men enough generally at all times ready to come in at the Sound of Trumpet or Drum , if there be but an Assurance or Probability of good Pay : which to compass , is commonly a difficulty not so easily surmounted , even by great Kings and Princes , so scarce a Commodity is Gold and Silver Coin. Neither do I find the City at any time complaining , or opposing , or joyning with his Enemies : For notwithstanding his settlement on the Throne , and his uniting the two Families into one , by marrying Edward the Fourth's eldest Daughter , he had a Lambert and a Perkin to disturb his Quiet and Repose , about Title . A Favour therefore doubtless this was not inconsiderable in those days . For the City of London is known to have been able to do much , had she been so inclined . Whereof we may well believe the King was very sensible , and so were the opposers of his peaceable tranquility , were it only from this consideration , that when , in the Second of his Reign , it was bleer'd about by his Enemies , that the Earl of Warwick , George , Duke of Clarences Son , was escap'd out of the Tower , and a counterfeited Earl was provided to act the part of the true one , to draw People to their Assistance , ( which might have created no little trouble to the King , and greatly endanger'd his Person and Dignity ) to disappoint and frustrate their Designs , and fully lay open the Cheat , of all Parties and Places of his Kingdom , he chose London , to shew therein the right Earl of Warwick to the People , though the principal Scene of those Affairs were then laid in Ireland . And the other side appear'd so fearful of the Effect thereof upon the Londoners , and their Influence doubtless upon the rest of the Nation , even Ireland it self , though so far distant , that to buoy up the Spirits of their own Party , they thought it most effectual to report about the Island , that that was a Counterfeit purposely train'd and taught by King Henry , and shew'd by him in London , to blind the Eyes of the Simple and Ignorant . So sollicitous were both to encrease the number of their Adherents , and draw the People of the Land to a belief of the honesty and sincerity of their Intentions , and Equity of their Actions , among whom the City of London is certainly the greatest Body , fitly joyn'd together by good Laws and Constitutions , greatly confirm'd by an orderly succession of her Magistrates , and much strengthned by a long and large train of continual Successes . But the City continued fix to the King's Interest , and therefore the others Devices and Pretences work'd little or nothing upon the Citizens . They were rather ready to rejoyce on all occasions for his victorious Success , than pron● to take part with his Enemies against him , whereof they gave him sufficient Testimonies at several times and seasons , when they had opportunity to express their Affections , in a more free and open way , at such glorious Solemnities , as Coronations , Installations , publick Receptions , and Royal and Princely Marriages . 'T is confess'd , that , towards the latter end of this King's Reign , some of her principal Officers , her Mayors and Sheriffs , were sore troubled and vext in the King's Courts , and large Sums of Money demanded of them , for things pretended to be done by them illegally in their Offices , and such of them imprison'd , as refus'd to pay those Arbitrary Fines , as may be seen in Stow's Annals ; but these were Troubles only of particular Men , and common also to many others of the King's Subjects , when Empson and Dudley were got into Authority , and , to humour the old King 's covetous itch after Riches , ( a Vice incident mostly to Old Age ) reviv'd old forgotten Laws , and rais'd large Sums of Money upon Offences against Penal Statutes ; wherein they acted so exorbitantly , and took such arbitrary , illegal and unjust Ways , ( many whereof Baker reckons up in his Chronicle ) to compass their Ends , that they themselves at length were become the principal Grievances of the Nation , and suffered accordingly in the beginning of the next King's Reign , both of them by the hands of Justice , being made to pay their Heads for satisfaction to the People , and their Promoters most shamefully Pillory'd and Imprison'd . So little did it avail them , to pretend they put the Laws in Execution , or to call themselves the King's Promoters or Informers . King Henry the Eighth , as soon as he came to the Crown , more regarding the Commons Crys , and the Complaints of his People , than he valued the pretended Loyalty of such profligate Villains , as had no other way to pick up a Livelihood , than by raking it out of other Mens Miseries and Troubles . This Prince in his youth was so much addicted to Pleasures , and Pastimes , fine Sights and Shews , Masks , Justs , and Tournaments , and in his elder years to Cruelty and Tyrannical Oppression , that one might be apt to expect , and perhaps with some colour of reason , that little was to be found in London , in the beginning of this King's Reign , but Jollity , Joy , and Rejoycing , gaudy Shews , and pleasing Objects , delightful to the Eye , and grateful to Sense , a King's Example commonly drawing along with it his Subjects Imitation ; and that in the latter end , scarce any durst presume , to make opposition to a Man of so domineering a Spirit , as , by his own death-bed Confession , never spar'd Woman in his Lust , nor Man in his Anger : And yet notwithstanding we meet with , under this Prince , Instances of the City's Power , Boldness , and undaunted Resolution , and of the King's Favour to the Citizens . The last may haply be concluded , even from the Effects of evil May-day , when we read of the King 's pardoning the many hundreds Indicted for that day's Riot and Insurrection , at the three Queens intercession , upon Cardinal Woolsey's Advice , and perchance in Complaisance to the City . Not to mention that eminent Instance , of the King's Charity , Love , and Affection to the City , when , in so great a scarcity of Bread therein , that many died for meer want , he freely and frankly sent thither , out of his own Provisions , 600 Quarters of Corn , which serv'd for a very seasonable Supply , till more could be brought from other Parts . But as to the former , I dare aver it from the consequence of the Contest , between the City and the Cardinal , in the 17th year of this King , out of Stow , and thence prove , beyond denial , how like her self the City always continued , in opposing the Arbitrary Power and Exorbitances of over grown Favourites . Commissions were sent forth , by Order of the Council , into every Shire , to Levy the Sixth Part of every Man's Substance , towards the King's passage into France , but this was so vehemently oppos'd by the People , as contrary to ancient Laws and Customs , and not granted by the Paliament , that the King thought good to deny , that he ever knew of that Demand , and , by soothing Letters , sent to London and elsewhere , he requested only his Subjects Benevolence . This was a Term more plausible , than a set Demand , and a fix'd Contribution , and the Cardinal forsooth would needs undertake personally to induce the City's consent thereto , and therefore sent for the Mayor , the Almen , and the most substantial Common-Councel-Men , to Westminster , thinking by fair Speeches , good Words , and large Promises , to have overperswaded them . To him indeed they lent their Ears , but we don't find them over hasty to part with their Purses . However they sent Deputies to him , Four Aldermen and Twelve Commoners , to return him their thanks , and every Alderman assembles his Ward , and makes a Motion for a Benevolence , which was openly deny'd them by the Commonalty . Then the Cardinal sends again for the Mayor , and his Brethren , who informs him what they had done . Whereupon he would have examined them apart , and demands a benevolence of them in the King's Name : But for Answer , was told , by a City Councellor , that the Motion was against an Act of Parliament , which could not be disprov'd , though it was in part gain-said . Thereupon the Mayor resolutely denies to grant any thing ; so that upon his coming home to London , all publick endeavours were laid by , and it was declar'd , that every man should come to the Cardinal , and grant privily what he would . This was so little grateful to the Citizens , and upon the Mayor's endeavours to qualifie them , by promising they should be gently treated , and exhorting them to go when sent for , they were so highly offended thereat , that in their fury , they would have had several expell'd the Common-Councel , and so without further answer , angrily departed home . Whereby we may be well assur'd of the truth of Hall's Observation , that though the Mayor and Aldermen had granted the Demand , the Common-Councel would never have assented ; For we must know , this was done at the Common-Councel call'd the next day after my Lord Mayor came from Court. The Result therefore of all was in the Issue , that the King openly protests , in a great Council , call'd at York-place , now White-hall , that his mind was never to ask any thing of his Commons , that might sound to the breach of the Laws , and so this Project was rejected , and laid aside , by order of the Kings Letter sent into all Counties . For seeing that the City refused , how was it possible to perswade the Country , who look upon London as their principal Guide and Directress , and so generally square their Actions by the Citizens Rule ? Doth not then this seem a clear Example of the Londoners constant fixedness to their old Principles of Liberty ? And if the Reader likewise please , it may pass for an Instance of the Citizens disclaiming their Mayor's Resolves , and the prevalency of the Commonalty over the Magistracy , when resolute in their just opposition . As an Overplus , I shall cast in a Passage out of Baker's Chronicles , where we find it upon Record , under the Title of King Henry's Taxations , how that , when in the Fourteenth Year , a Tenth Part of all Mens Substance was required by the Cardinal , towards the Charges of the King's Wars , and he would hav● had every Man sworn to tell what he was worth . The Londoners thinking this very hard , they were thereupon excus'd for taking the Oath , and allowed to bring in their Bills upon their Honesties : from whence may be argued , either the Strength , Greatness and Power of this honourable City , whom the Court , nor the Cardinal , durst not displease , or the great respect then shewn her , in regard of those many glorious Rays of Influence she sheds all over all the Land , when the Word of a Citizen went as far , and was as well accepted , as another Man's Oath . If such then was the Honour and Respect of the City heretofore , what may we think it to be , now that London hath since receiv'd so considerable an Addition , and Augmentation , in several respects , by the happy concurrence of many more Circumstances to render it eternally famous . Was this City able to hold a Contest with so grand a Favourite and potent a Courtier , as Cardinal Woolsey , and at last to come off with flying Colours , to the vindicating her own Rights , and the Liberties of all the Nation besides , and the forcing King Henry in the strength of his Age , as stout as he was , to so great a Compliance , as hath been hinted before ? 'T is plain then , she was strong , and her Citizens not destitute of Spirit . Did the King , as cruel as he was to others of his Subjects , shew himself favourable to London ? 'T is evident , he had great cause and reason so to do , unless he was desirous to be tax'd with ungratitude , so un-Prince-like a Crime . For we may observe the Citizens were ready enough to please him in any thing , wherein their All was not concerned , and in that I never yet found them ever prone to humour the Follies of any King living . Witness their readiness on all Occasions for the Honour of the King , to appear in the most splendid Equipage on publick Solemnities . Among which , the most remarkable , in my Opinion , were the Coronation of Queen Ann , Mother of the never to be forgotten Queen Elizabeth , of blessed Memory , with the Preparatives thereto , the Celebrity of her Attendance by Water , from Greenwich to the Tower , and her honourable Conveyance from thence through the City , amidst the great variety of pleasing Shews , and delightful Objects , to Westminster , particulariz'd in Stow , and the glorious appearance of the Citizens , at the great Muster in St. Iames's-Park , May the 8th , Anno 31. to the Number of Fifteen Thousand , in bright shining Armour , with Coats of white Silk or Cloth , and Chains of Gold , where the Citizens strove in such sort to exceed each other in bravery of Arms , and forwardness of Service , as if the City had been a Camp , and they not Men of the Gown , but all profess'd Soldiers , which they perform'd to their great Cost , but greater Commendation , saith Sir Richard Baker . But the greatest Inducement may be supposed to have been , that they never appear'd prone to join with the King's Enemies , of which he had good store abroad , besides Domestick Troubles and private Insurrections at home , especially towards the latter end of his Reign , when he had taken away the Pope's Supremacy , excluded his Authority , and suppressed the Abbies and Monasteries , the chief Fortresses and Pillars thereof , either by force of an Act of Parliament , or by vertue of the Resignations of their Governours , either over-aw'd by fear , or brib'd with Pensions : Not long after which there were several Commotions in the Land , which might have much shaken the Throne , had the Citizens openly shew'd any inclination to joyn with these disturbers of the Kings rest and repose , but they continuing quiet , th●se troubles were quickly compos'd , and so the foundation , undesignedly doubtless , was laid for a publick Reformation , which was more vigorously carried on in the next Kings Reign , though I hardly think it hath yet arriv'd to such perfection , as to render it so compleat , as might be piously desired . Short was the Reign of this pious Prince Edward the sixth , yet not so short , but that it gave such an Addition of strength to the Protestant Religion , by removing out of the way many of the Relicks of Popery , and openly encouraging the Preaching of the Gospel , that hitherto it could never be rooted out of the Land , notwithstanding the damage it sustained under the next Successor , a most violent and rigid Papist , and the many secret Plots and practices of Popish Emissaries , to undermine it , and introduce Popery again into England , prov'd upon them . Thus was the outward face of Religion visibly chang'd in the City , under this Religious King , but yet her power we find not in the least diminished , nor the esteem our great men had thereof , of which we meet with an evident instance in History , on account of the difference arisen between the potent Earl of Warwick , and some of the Privy Council , on the one hand , and the Lord Protector Seymour , the Kings M●ternal Uncle , on the other . The Privy Counsellors , having designs upon the Protector , and withdrawing themselves from Court , got to London with their attendance , and taking possession of the Tower , made it their business to secure the City to their side , by sending for the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to Ely house in Holborn , where they were assembled , and entertaining them with a long Oration , about the ill government of the Protector , and the many mischiefs , that came thereby ( as they affirm'd ) upon the Kingdom , attended with a request of their joynt assistance , to help them to remove him , wherein they were so successful , that , upon the arrival of two Letters almost at the same instant to the Common Council held at Guildhall , one from the King and Lord Protector for a thousand of the City to be arm'd in defence of the Kings Person , and the other from the Lords to have two thousand men to aid them , with the same Plea , for defence of the Kings Person , and that the City should be well kept with Watches day and night , the Citizens shew'd themselves so inclinable to the Lords , that they arm'd an hundred horse men , and four hundred foot men , in defence of the City , suitable to the motion of the Lords , and sent no Assistance to the Protector , though it had been desir'd in the Kings Name , but rather suffered a Proclamation , containing diverse Articles against him , to be made in several Parts of the City , and the Lords were entertain'd with a Dinner at one of the Sheriffs , the eighth of October after they had been themselves in Person at Guildhall , and on the tenth they din'd at the other Sheriffs ; after that by a Common Council the same day , in Stows Computation , five hundred men of the City had been granted to be ready on the next morning . Evident marks , signs , and tokens doubtless which way the City bended , and the event is a sufficient confirmation thereof . For the next News , we hear , is the removal of the Protector from about the King , and the sending him to the Tower , within two or three days after , where an humble Confession and Submission was his best security for that time , by which he got his Liberty some time after , and was sworn again a Privy Counsellor , but no more a Protector . Had the City sent him the Aid requ●sted , he would possibly have had little reason to have stood infear of the combined Lords , or had but her Magistrates continued Neuters in the Case , and not been so openly favourable to his Enemies , he might perhaps have been able enough to have cop't with them , with little or no bazard , for he had raised much People about Hampton Court in the Kings Name , and conveyed him to Windsor with a great number of Horsemen and Footmen ; But the Strength and Authority of the City was not to be contradicted , much less opposed . Thus the Protector lost his Place , and well it might have been haply for the King and Nation , if that had been all . For his Enemies having remov'd him from his Protectorship , and thereby gain'd the greater access of Power to themselves , and the Principal of them the politick Earl of Warwick , lately created Duke of Northumberland , advanced in Title and Honour equal with , and in Authority and Power above the highest , whereby his aspiring thoughts were grown ripe to be put in execution , they were resolv'd to have the other touch with him for his Life , wherein they made use of the Cities Power to secure them for his Tryal , by ordering every Housholder in London to take care of his own Family , keep his house , and have one ready in arms upon call for the day time , and that by Night a sufficient Watch of substantial Housholders should be kept in every Ward . So litte durst they attempt without ingaging the City therein , and so frail and transitory had been their projecting designs , had she refused . But with her concurrence what could they not do ? So then at last tryed the late Protector was , acquitted of Treason , and condemned for Felony , and afterwards beheaded on Tower-Hill , much against the Kings Will , the Constables of every Ward in London ( by vertue of a Precept directed from the Council to the Lord Mayor ) strictly charging the Citizens not to stir out of their houses before a prefixt hour , for fear perhaps of a Rescue , for 't was known he was well belov'd generally by the People , and plainly evidenced , when , upon a mistake thinking him acquitted , they gave so great a shout for joy , that it was heard ( Stow tells us ) from Westminster-Hall to Long-Arce , to the Lords astonishment . So fell Sommerset by the malice of his Enemies and weakness of his Friends ; and we may easily believe 't was not design'd the King should be long liv'd , if some could prevent it , For they , that shot off his good Uncle's Head , would hardly stick at attempting secretly upon his health and security , who otherwise might have liv'd to avenge the Protectors Death . But the chief Projector Northumberland had but little joy of his ambitious designs , though King Edward was dead and he had got his two Sisters put by , and the Lady Jane his Daughter in Law proclaimed Queen of the Realm , by sound of Trumpet , through London . For when he might have thought himself most secure , then was he most disappointed , and he , that could do so much in the City with the Magistracy , either for fear or love , quickly lost that branch of his Power , when he was gone from the City , though at the head of an Army , and thereby , in effect , his Life . The same Mayor who had before consented in appearance to secure the City for the Lady Jane , a little after , upon a motion from the Council , going straight ways and proclaming the Lady Mary Queen : And then she was quickly acknowledged for such all over the Land. So that here we see two Queens proclaimed in London within a very short space of time ; but she , who was last proclaimed and the Citizens stuck to , continued Queen , and the other was laid by as useless , and afterwards brought to the Block as a guilty Criminal . Had the City stuck to the first , the other probable had still been counted the Offendor , and might perhaps have suffered accordingly : But the Stream was turn'd with the Tide , and it was hard rowing against the Current . Queen Mary at first had addressed her self by Letter to the Lord Mayor to proclaim her , and the Cities affections may be thought inclinable from the beginning unto her , be it only from Northumberland's expression of his thoughts to the Lord Gray , in his passage through Shoreditch with his Army against her and her Forces , who observed that the People pressed to see them , but could not hear one that bid them Gods speed . Is it so considerable to have the Voice of the Citizens , how much more than their Hearts ? Thus came in Queen Mary , and with her Popery upon the Protestants shoulders . For the Suffolk men were the first , that espous'd her Interest , upon Condition , that she would make no alteration in Religion , which she then most readily promised , but kept it afterwards like a Papist , i. e. broke it ; and 't is somewhere observed , that many more of that Country suffered for Religion in the Marian Persecution , than of any other . So sutable she acted to that avow'd Principle of her own Religion , that no faith is to be kept with Hereticks , a position publickly authorized by the Council of Constance , and often since confirmed by many undeniable Instances and Examples . But 't was well for her that the City of London ( whose concurrence with the rest of the Nation first mounted her up into the Throne , and from whose Citizens she received so great respect the day before her Corononation by costly Pageants , those dumb shews , of respect and other honorary expressions of their affections ) continued firm in their Allegiance , otherwise she might perchance have paid dear enough for the breach of her promise upon Sir Thomas Wyats insurrection . For could he but have got into the City , either by the Bridge or by Ludgate , how much of his purpose he might have brought to effect , is easier to be guessed , than declared in so uncertain a matter . But he was repulsed at both places , and deceived in his expectations and hopes of aid from London , he himself was taken , his party routed , and all his designs vanished into smoak , to the loss of his own life and ruin of many of his principal Friends and Followers . So unsuccessful is an enterprize ( on what grounds soever and appearing likelyhood of success at first undertaken ) wherein the Londoners refuse to ingage themselves ; whereas had but the City joyn'd her Forces to Wyats , let him in within her Walls , and not stood firm to the Quens Interest , he might perhaps have been able to have commanded what Conditions he pleased . Of this we may well believe the Queen and Court were extreamly sensible . For we find the Queen her self , her Lords , and her Ladies , came from Westminster to Guildhall , where the Commons of the City were assembled in their Liveries , before Wyat drew near to the City , and by fair words and promises endeavour'd to confirm the Citizens minds , and satisfie them of the sincerity of her own intentions , and the insolent behaviour of her Enemies : Which I think was no more than the case required , and the necessity of her affairs obliged her to for her own security . The five hundred Men , which the City , at the Lord Treasurers request , had sent out ready Arm'd to oppose that insurrection , having turn'd to the other side at the perswasion of their Captain and Leader , and there being so great a Consternation at Westminster upon Wyats approach , that the Serjeants at Law , and other Lawyers pleaded in their harness . But the Queens Speech having secur'd the generality of the Citizens affections , strict Watch and Ward continued to be kept in London , the Mayor and Sheriffs Commanded each Man to shut down their Shop-windows , and stand ready Arm'd at their Doors , they themselves being likewise in Armour , the draw-bridge was cut down , the Bridg-gate shut , and convenient forces sent to keep it , and others set in fit places of the City , whereby Wyat's purpose was defeated , and his expectations of assistance frustrated , as he himself complain'd in the Message he sent the Londoners by Merchant Dorell , upon his March out of Southwark toward Kingstone . For before he came with such confidence towards London , that he hoped for present entrance . An eminent instance doubtless of the Cities great power and the influence it had on that bold undertaking , which seems to have stood and fallen e'en as London stood affected and influenced . But though the Queen prevail'd thus upon the Londoners , yet death could not be brib'd , nor sham'd , by any promises or pretences , for die she must , and die she did , after a short , though bloody Reign , of five years and somewhat better , and so way was made for the famous and ever Renowned Queen E●izabeth , of blessed Memory , in whose entrance into the Throne we find the Londoners interesting themselves , notwithstanding she was publickly known , to be of a quite different Religion from that at present Established ; she being forthwith Proclaimed in London , upon knowledge and notice given of her Sister Queen Maries Death , and coming from Hatfield within three or four days after , Stow tells us , she was very dutifully and honourably met by the Lord Mayor , and the whole estate of London , and so conducted to the Charter-house ; and some time after Rode through the City in great Majesty to Westminster to her Coronation : At which Solemnity the Citizens gave her ample demonstrations of their affections , by the stately Pageants and sumptuous Shews , wherewith they entertain'd her . Her settlement caus'd the Reduction , encrease , and progress of the Protestant Religion in England , and under the auspicious influence of her Reign the City flourish'd to such an height of Grandeur , whether we respect the concourse of Forreign Merchants from abroad , or the stateliness of her publick buildings at home , the freedom and security of Traffick , and the flowing in of Riches and Wealth thereby , the famous exploits perform'd by her Citizens in other Countries and Climates , and the foundation in those times laid for much greater atchievements , by the necessary preparatives of skill and knowledge in Military affairs , gain'd by the more frequent Musters , and Warlike ex●rcises of her Inhabitants , than in former times , or learn't at that Grand Nursery of Souldiers , the Artillery Garden , that 't is easie to conjecture how secure her Majesty was in the Ctiizens love and loyalty , and how happy they thought themselves in the favour and protection of so good , great , and gracious a Princess . 'T is not therefore to be expected , that such turns and changes should occur in her days , wherein the City might have occasion to interpose her Authority , to settle and secure the Nation against the furious attempts of arbitrary Pretenders , or lye under any unavoidable necessity of shewing her Power and Influence over it , in contradiction to other mens aspiring and ambitious Designs . However I am not destitute of an Instance , to demonstrate the consequence of her Example , and how much all England was influenced thereby to the manifestation of their zeal , love , and duty to their Soveraign . In 88. a year so famous for the Spanish Invasion , the Queens Counsel had demanded , what the City would do for her Majesty and their Country , and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen had referr'd it to their Honours to make their Proposals ; whereupon fifteen Ships and five thousand Men being required , and two days respite at the Cities desire granted for Answer , they returned in convenient time and season , and entreated their Lordships , in sign of their perfect love and loyalty to their Prince and Country , ( they are Stows words ) kindly to accept ten thousand Men , and thirty Ships amply furnished , double the number of what was asked , and even as London ( saith my Author ) gave President , the whole Nation kept ranck and equipage ; so ready were the other Cities , Counties , Towns and Villages to follow where London went before . A plain instance of her powerful influence , deny it who can . As to what concerns the frequency of the visits the Queen made to London , and the great splendor , wherewith they commonly welcom'd her home at the end of her Country progresses , I pass them all over , though undeniable demonstrations of the present content and satisfaction they took in Queen Elizabeths good Government : Neither shall I take notice of the many Companies of Soldiers she several times rais'd at her own charges for her Soveraigns Assistance , it having been commonly done before , under Princes in whom she took delight , because I would hasten to King James , the first Monarch of great Britain , in whose Person England and Scotland were first united , though his present Majesty , King James's Grand-son , was the first born Heir of that happy Union , that was Crowned King of both Realms , and the first English King by Birth of the Scottish race , that ever sate upon the English Throne that we read of . To tell how this City flourish'd under this Prince in wealth and riches , in a general encrease of trade , by forreign Merchandizes and home-made Manufactures : The great ornament she received from her publick and private buildings , the strength that accrued to her by the numerousness of her Inhabitants , and the enlarging her borders , the conveniences procur'd her for water by Midleton's River , for Recreations by Morefields , and pleasantness by pa●'d Streets , and the various expressions she made of her glory in the many noble Entertainments of King James and other great personages , Forreigners and Natives , and the rich presents she frequently gave , besides the renown she got abroad by sending greater Numbers of her Ships , than formerly , into all trading Parts of the World , and planting Colonies of her own people in Ireland and Virginia , would be tiresome perhaps to the Reader , and needless for the Writer ; since that in Stows Chronicle , continued by How , these particulars have been so largely treated of , whether the curious and inquisitive may apply themselves for further satisfaction . Neither shall I trouble my self with making large remarks upon the great honour and dignity , for the City's sake , belonging to the Lord Mayor thereof , of which we seem to have an Instance in the beginning of this Kings reign , when Sir Robert Lee , then Lord Mayor of London , subscrib'd in the first place to the invitation sent the King to come into England , before all the great Officers of the Crown , and all the Nobility ; This great Magistrate , upon the Kings death , being said to be the prime person of England , than which what greater honour can there be appertaining to a Subject ? I have indeed read in Cotton , that upon a Poll Bill the Lord Mayor paid four pound as an Earl many years ago , in King Richard the second days , when but few of the Nobility , if any besides the blood Royal , bore any higher title : And find since at our Kings Coronations that he hath had a principal place and part assigned him , particularly at his present Majesties , April 23d . 61. and in the honourable Cavalcade made from the Tower to Westminster the day before , in order thereunto , where the Suppliment to Baker's Chronicle , out of Elias Ashmole the Windsor Heralds Copy , hath placed him between the principal Officers of the Crown and the Duke of York , a place doubtless designed him as most suitable to his Dignity , and the high Office he bore ; and yet I count none of these Honours comparable to that before mentioned , which seems paramount to all others . To be the highest by place in the Kingdom of course for a season sounds greater , than to be a Second , a Third , or a Fourth , and is more doubtless to the Honour , Credit , and Reputation of the City , that conferrs this place as she pleases . But the chiefest point I intend here to insist on , with all convenient brevity and perspicuity , is the Declaration of the Cities love and affection to King James , and the requital made her by him in return . The first I know not how it could be better expressed , than by the wonderful readiness , and hearty gladness ( as the Annalist words it ) of the great City of London , where the Magistrates , and all other inferior Citizens shewed all possible signs of perfect joy and contentment , amidst the general applause of the whole English Nation , when he was first proclaimed King of the Realm ; and we have further demonstrations thereof from the Kings honourable Reception , when he came near to London , by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen in Scarlet Robes , and five hundred grave Citizens in Velvet Coats and Chains of Gold , all very well mounted like the Sheriffs and their train , one of which had threescore men attending him in fair livery Cloaks . Another instance may be the care taken in London to watch and guard the Gates , upon the first discovery of the Gun-powder Treason , and the great joy and rejoycing manifested therein soon after , upon its further detection , by filling the Streets with Bonfires , and the Solemn Assemblies with publick praises and thanksgiving to the Almighty for the Kings happy Deliverance . This Gunpowder Treason ( so to observe by the way ) was one of the seven particulars the Intelligencer tells us were sometime since set up in a Table in St. Martins Church at York , under this Title , Things never to be forgotten by Protestants . The other six were , The bloody Reign of Queen Mary . The many Plots in Queen Elizabeths Reign . The Massacre in Ireland in Forty one . The horrid Murder of King Charles in One thousand Six hundred and Forty eight . The burning of London in One thousand Six hundred and Sixty six . And the horrid Popish-plot in One thousand Six hundred and Seventy eight . An Inscription , that some harmless well meaning persons would have been apt doubtless to have thought very honest in its self , and deservedly written in Letters of Gold , till an Order came to one of the Church Wardens to take it down , or appear at the Spiritual Court to answer the Contempt : For 't was above the ordinary Capacity of a Common lay-Protestant to apprehend any thing ill or offensive therein , till such wits among the Clergy , as had far more sagacious intellects , perceived the drift and design thereof , and judging it perhaps to be part of the Presbyterian Plot , might think fit to have it thrown down , that the Vulgar might be no more amus'd with the dreadful remembrance of such things . But to return to the Cities Love and Loyalty to King James , another remarkable proof thereof may be deduced from the double Guards set in all places about London , the Precept issued out by the Lord Mayor to the Wards to raise the Train Bands , and the unexpressible distraction of Mens minds , upon a flying rumour suddenly spread about the City March 22d . ( somewhat above four Months after the Powder Plot was discovered ) of the Kings being slain that morning at Oking , some twenty Miles from London , which occasioned great weeping and wai●ing and much lamentation in old and young , rich and poor , till in three or four hours time all these Clouds were happily dispers'd by better and more certain news brought of the Kings safety , and his return to Whitehall thereupon the same afternoon , where the peoples hearts were as much raised with joy , as before they had been drowned in grief , and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen went to congratulate his Majesty upon the assurance of his continued Health and Security . Such were the expressions of the Cities affections , let us now see the return of Kindness on the Kings part , and his Princely acknowledgment of their singular love and loyalty to him . Much doubtless of the Kings mind in this particular may be guessed at from the frequent Visits he made the City , but I presume by no one Act of his better known , than by his repaying the Citizens of London , in the seventh of his Reign , the Threescore thousand pounds they had lent Queen Elizabeth three years before her death . An Act of the greatest Justice and Equity , and whereby likewise he got more love , saith the Chronicle , than he paid mony . This may pass both for an Example of the Kings Goodness and Prudence , and an Instance of Londons Power and Esteem , since his Majesty thought it good to be at such charges to oblige her . For to pay their Predecessors Debts is so rare among Princes , that many of them hardly ever pay their own . Hitherto have I presented the Reader with variety of passages out of our English Chronicles , to demonstrate the Glory , Honour , and Renown of the City of London , and the Courage of her Citizens , the Power of her Magistrates , the Strength of the Commonalty , and the undeniable Influence of the whole Corporation upon the rest of the Kingdom ; and have given him here and there the words and expressions of private men , as so many illustrative Arguments on the Points . Wherefore now I shall produce no less than what I account a Royal Testimony , in confirmation of the many demonstrative Evidences already brought , and that of no less a Prince than his present Majesties Royal Father , King Charles the First , and out of an Author so little partial to the City , that the very name of Peter Heylin , and the diligent perusal of Arch-Bishop Lauds Life , by him writ , may sufficiently convince an indifferent Reader , that he was none of Londons greatest Favourers or Admirers , since 't was look'd on as the Retreat and Receptacle of the Grandees of the Puritan faction , as he is pleased to stile all those he thought contrary to that Party of Men , he will needs call the Church of England . A Proof therefore out of such an Adversary's mouth , as Heylins , seems a very convincing Argument , when he himself is forced , meerly by truth and matter of fact , to confess and acknowledge the influence of London on all parts of the Kingdom , in that passage , where he intimates it to have been generally look't upon as the compass , by which the lesser Towns and Corporations were wont to steer their course , and to plead it's practice on all occasions . What I conceive to be the Kings Testimony by that writer deliver'd , is by him brought in , as the reason of his Majesties preferring Laud to the Bishoprick of London , viz. For that he was a Man of a more active Spirit than the former Bishop , and so fitter to carry on the design of rendring the City conformable to that propos'd Model of Church Government , which was intended for the whole Nation , and therein therefore principally to be promoted , because of the Influence it had , by reason of it's wealth and trading , on all parts of the Kingdom , and that upon the correspondence and conformity thereof the welfare of the whole depended . This Testimony doubtless is of great authority , because proceeding from so Judicious a Prince , and related by an Author not to be suppos'd over ready to write any thing in favour of this City , to which he seems to have born a very great animosity , because the Citizens would not be so thorough-pac'd Episcopal , as his Reverend Doctorship would have had them to have been . But now methinks it should be of greater prevalency than ever , since that King Charles himself , before he dyed , out of his own experience knew much more of the Cities strength and Power , than many of his Predecessors did for some ages before . For 't is plain beyond denial , dispute , or contradiction , out of the memory of Man and the everlasting Records of time , that in the late Wars between him and his two Houses of Parliament , 't was the Cities power and influence , that rais'd them to that height of Grandeur , which made them so formidable to all the Royal party . Whereas , without her help and assistance , how little able they had been to have long subsisted , or held up their heads above ground , is evident from the many supplies they had from London , of Men , Mony , and Arms , the frequent applications they made to her on all extremities , and the constant endeavours they us'd to cultivate her friendship , and preserve her affections . But over these Transactions I shall choose rather to cast a vail of silence , than industriously endeavour to lay open the bleeding wounds of the Nation in those days , as being fully assur'd of the impossibility of guiding my pen so dextrously in delivering the truth , the whole truth , and nothing but the truth , as not to subject my self to censure , nor incur the anger , displeasure , and indignation of any one . Suffice it then to say , that , in the long Vacation of Parliaments under King Charles the first , such seeds of discontent were sown , in City , as well as Country , that upon the first opportunity , they sprung up into bitter herbs , and sour fruit , and who tasted most thereof , I think all the European world knows sufficiently by this time of day . But if any in this age is so ignorant as to wonder how it was possible for the two Houses in forty one to bear up against the King , without being dismis'd from Westminster by vertue of the Kings Prerogative , the usual method of ancient times , and the known practice of later days , he is to know and understand , that his late Majesty had formally pass'd away his grand Power of Prorogations , Adjournments , and Dissolutions by an Act of Parliament , and so put the staff out of his own hands , that he could never recover , as long as he lived , by force nor intreaty . An act of Grace this was , that is hardly to be parallel'd , and yet perhaps it may be lik●ned to the Statute made in the second of Richard the second , of which I have made mention before , against abrupt and untimely dismissions , only that this is plainer worded , and seems enlarged to a further extent . Otherwise , considering the use that might have been possibly made of the former , it might have look't like the same book with additions new Printed in Octavo , which before was bound up in decimo sexto . Neither of these are to be found in our New Printed Statute books , they pretending not to set down all the Antiquated , Repeal'd , or expir'd Statutes , that ever were in being . Therefore if any one desires to humour his curiosity , he must apply himself to Cottons Abridgment of the Tower Records for the one , and search after the other in some of those books , that treat of the affairs of the late times . Now the Observator in such a case tells us of Scobel and Husbands Collections : Upon which so Authentick an Authority , as some esteem it , if we have recourse to Scobels Collections of the best Edition , 't is ten thousand to one but we shall there find the Statute in this manner following . Whereas great summs of mony must of necessity he spe●dily advanced and provided for the relief of His Majesties Arm● and People in the Northern parts of this Realm , and for preventing the imminent danger t●●s Kingdom is in , and for supply of other His Majesties present and urgent occasions , which cannot be so timely effected as is requisite , without Credit for raising the said monies , which credit cannot be obtained , until such obstacles be first removed , as are occasioned by fears , jealo●sies , and apprehensions of divers his Majesties Loyal Subjects , that this present Parliament may be Adjourned , Prorogued , or Dissolved , before Justice shall be duly executed upon Delinquents , publick grievances redressed , a firm Peace between the two Nations of England and Scotland concluded , and before sufficient provision be made for the repayment of the said monies so to be raised : All which the Commons in this present Parliament assembled , having duly considered do therefore humbly beseech your most excellent M●j●sty , that it may be declared and Enacted ; And be it declared and enacted by the King our Sovereign Lord , with the assent of the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament Assembled , and by the Authority of the same , That this present Parliament now Assembled shall not be dissolved , unless it be by Act of Parliament to be passed for that purpose , nor shall be at any time or times during the continuance thereof , Pr●r●gued , or Adjourned , unless it be by Act of Parliament , to be likewise passed for that purpose : And that the House of Peers shall not at any time or times during this present Parliament , be Adjourned , unless it be by themselves or by their own Order : And in like manner , that the House of Commons shall not any time or times during this present Parliament be Adjourned , unless it be by themselves or by their own order : And that all and every thing and things whatsoever , done or to be done , for the Adjournment , Proroguing o● Dissolving of this present Parliament cont●●ry to this Act , shall be utterly void , and of none effect . This Act in G●neral prov'd the destruction of that branch of the Royal Pr●rogative , which related to calling or dissolving Parliaments ; and that particular clause in the end that all and every thing and things whatsoever done or to be done , for the Adjournment , Proroguing or dissolving of this present Parliament contrary to this Act , shall be utterly void , and of none effect , was , we may believe from subsequent passages , a Plea , the wits of the age durst have ventur'd to have stood by , against any attempts to discontinue , disappoint , or frustrate the meeting of the two Houses of Parliament , if they had Spi●it and Courage enough to have own'd any thing of the Law. So that upon a ground work so firm , and a foundation so sure , the Parliamentarians valued not all the subtile Arts and devices of their Enemies , nor stood in ●ear of those Mercu●ial Engines , Pen Ink and Pap●r , so they could b●t defend themselves against those Martial Arguments , the bright-shining Sword , and the thundring Cannon . By vertue of this Clause we may conclude , that , after the House of Commons was violently depriv'd of many Members thereof , the House of Lords wholly put down , and that small remainder of a Parliament forc'd out of Doors by O●iver and the Soldiers , after two Protectors , and several Assemblies , that took on them the venerable Name of Parliaments , and some of them too chosen by the People , part of the Commons House nevertheless again got into power , and being once more thrust out by the Army , afterwards Recover'd possession , and the whole House was in a fair likelyhood to have been fill'd up by the Re-admission of the secluded Members , till they , to make way for a greater turn , did all , that lay in the power of a single House , to dissolve the Parliament , which with us consists of the King and his two Houses . Treating now of the late times , and having drawn a vail over the Transactions in the last Wars , wherein the City was more particularly concern'd , ( though 't is well known , that her power and Influence was very considerable in the many turns and changes , through which the State was then hurried ) I shall not stand to shew , how much she was Courted by Oliver and the rest of the Usurping powers on all emergencies , and the great care was taken to secure her to their interest and party , though both are touch'd upon in the supplement to Bakers Chronicle ; but passing all over I come now to demonstrate , the great influence she had upon the Nation in that remarkable turn of the times , which produc'd so unparallel'd a wonder , as the peaceable Restauration of an exil'd Prince to his Father's Crown and Kingdom without blood : Which to prove I need go no further than the aforesaid supplement , where several evidences and convincing circumstances are to be found , ( besides matters of fact already else where related ) and I doubt not but sufficiently demonstrative . These to Marshal in their order , I begin first of all with the Citizens discontentedness at the Committee of safety , and Fleetwoods doubtfulness of them , and proceed to General Monk's Letter sent to the Lord Mayor and Common Council ( some time after he had declared his Resolution to reduce the Military power under the Civil , though principally intending , we are since told , the Kings Restauration ) to heigthen their diff●rences , wherein , upon a Declaration of his open inten●ions , he expresses his Expectation of their Assistance , lest it should be too late for them by their own strength to assert their freedom , if he miscarried through the want of their timely aid , and dishonourable , if he succeeded , for so Famous a City and so much concern'd , that it's Liberties should be asserted without its own help . In the next place comes the encouragement , the Letter sent from some of the old Council of State privately met at London , ( among whom we find Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper , that Fam'd Earl of Shaftsbury , a Principal Agent through the whole course of those affairs , and an active Instrument in bringing in the King ) to Monk , brought his Officers in Scotland , and the reason given thereof , viz. That the wisest of them did conclude from these appearances of action at London , that their party was encreased in England , imagining that otherwise they durst not have so openly acted . Then follows the Intelligence he receiv'd , when at Coldstream , from his Brother Clarges , that there were many great differences in London , between Fleetwood and the City ; that the Prentices , and several others in favour of him , had many Consultations to make disturbances , and were framing a Petition to the Lord Mayor and Common Council , to press their interposition for the restoring the Parliament , and preservation of Magistracy , their rising in a Tumultuous manner , upon a Proclamation emitted by the Committee of Safety to prohibit all gathering of hands to Petitions , and the shutting up of Shops upon Hewson's coming to suppress them , the affronts put upon his Soldiers by scornful reproaches and Hissings to that degree , that they were asham'd to March , and many Officers , when they went into the City , durst not wear their Swords , for fear of the like ; and , which was as material as any ▪ that the Lord Mayor and several Alderm●n had had many ineffectual Treaties with Fleetwood and the Chief of the Army , and Committee of Safety ; the City de●anding the mannagement and conduct of their own Militia , and the instant Restauration of the Parliament , or the calling another , which being refus'd , much augmented their discontents . These were Preparatives to the resitting of part of the Commons house , which soon after was invited to reassume their former power . Enter next to General Monk at Morpeth , the Sword bearer of London , with a very respectful Letter from the Lord Mayor and Common Council . After this we hear of Clarges's Advice to Monk , to get the Parliament Soldiers remov'd out of London , and to march his own men in thither , so to be Master of the City , with the reason laid down , that otherwise he could never expect to do any good for his Country ; since in all those times it had been experienced , that to whatever was done at London , where they h●d nine or ten thousand men to justifie their actions , all the rest of the Regiments submitted . Now follow Commissioners from the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Common Council of London to the General , and their Proposition for the readmission of the s●cluded M●mbers that the Parliament might be made full and free . Then the discontented carriage of 〈◊〉 City , the high debates in the Common Council about the Government , and their resolution to pay no publick Taxes , till the House were filled up with equal Representatives . After this the Generals intercession to those then of the Commons House for a mitigation of their Commands laid on him , among other severities , to take down Londons Gates and Portcullices , for this reason , that such s●v●re acting would highly incense the City , and the Compliment of thanks , to please the Lord Mayor and Aldermen , sent them from the House for their moderation in that time of disorder in the City . But to close all with a sutable instance , Clarges's Counsel to General Monk ▪ to endeavour the speedy recovery of the City's good opinion , almost lost by his rough actings therein just before , brings up the rear , wi●h the effectual representation he made him of the ill Consequences of his proceedings in London , and the prevalent motives , urgent reasons , and good grounds laid down by him , to back his Advice . As , that the influence the City had by commerce , and other Occasions , all over England , would quickly diffuse the Infamy of the Fact : And all the Cities and Towns would be alarm'd , believing , if that great City should be made a Village , that all their Franchises and Priviledges would be quickly subverted . So that he had no way to redeem his Reputation , but the very next morning to return into the City with his Army , and declare for a free Parliament . This Counsel presently followed terminated in a successful event , and very happy to King and Kingdom , by the Miraculous Restauration of his most gracious Majesty , Charles the Second , to his Patrimonial inheritance , and the Throne of his Father . Thus have I muster'd up my Evidences in Rank and File , all which conjoyn'd , like the old Country-man's rods in the Fable bound up together in one bundle , will make doubtless a very convincing Argument of the great power and influence London had upon the Nation in this grand turn of the Times . I shall therefore leave it to the Reader to make sutable remarks thereon , it being so obvious to an unprejudic'd Person , that great was the encouragement General Monk and his Officers receiv'd from London , considerable was the hope and confidence he put therein , when he undertook so Heroick an Enterprise , as the freeing his poor Country from the Tyranical exorbitancies of the unruly Soldiers , and thought of marching up thither in Arms with all convenient speed to that end ; and most highly advantagious to his Designs was the unanimous concurrence of this great , honourable , and powerful City , which was not so furiously rash , presently to attempt to run down the encroachers upon their dearly belov'd Liberties , when they might with greater ease , and as effectually , gently walk them down , as a certain Person is said to have express'd it on a much later Occasion . The City petition'd and address'd , and she was follow'd by the Country : She waited a while with patience , and the secluded Members , that were chosen in forty and from forty eight kept out of the house till fifty nine , for almost twelve years space , were restor'd in peace and quietness , though under some few Obligations ; And so there was again the face of a House of Commons : Being restor'd , they dissolv'd themselves in a short time after , to make way for another ass●mbly , call'd a Parliament , though some thought in th●se times that the Parliament of Forty had been dissolv'd long before by his late Majesties death , and so might haply think this a needless Ceremony . It being most certain , that that Parliament ow'd its beginning to the Kings Writ , although its continuance was thought to depend on the continuing Act , as long as the King liv'd . Yet , notwithstanding the House of Commons had actually dissolv'd themselves , and it was become the receiv'd opinion that the Parliament of Forty was in Law dissolv'd before upon the old Kings death , the next Assembly , Stylo Communi Parliament , would not barely stick to either of these ways , but thought good likewise themselves , by vertue of their Authority to declare that Parliament of Forty dissolv'd . Whether or no they thought , that the bare Act of a single house of Commons , without King and Lords , could not in Law be took for a formal Repeal of the former continuing Act , made by King , Lords , and Commons joyntly , and so rejected it , as really insignificant in its self , though made use of for the time ; and out of a Cautious foresight dreaded some ill consequences attending the receiv'd opinion , [ of the long Parliaments being dissolv'd by the Kings death , whether or no the continuing Act were formally repeal'd by as good Authority as made it ] lest thence in time , no body knows when , occasion might be taken to argue , that if a Kings death repeals one unlimited Act , it may likewise on the same ground vacate all by him made , and so , by affirming the same of all other Princes since the first William , a foundation might be laid for the Introduction of Arbitrary Power , when evil minded Pretenders are absolute enough to attempt it with hopes of Impunity , I pretend not to determine . For I remember my self to be a Relater of matters of Fact , not a Reader of Law Cases . Therefore I proceed to acquaint the Reader , that that Assembly ( though call'd without the Kings Writ , yet by his Majesty afterwards most Graciously own'd and acknowledg'd for a Parliament ) thought it fitting and convenient , to declare and enact , that the Parliament begun and holden at Westminster the third day of November , in the sixteenth year of the Reign of the Late King Charles of blessed Memory , is fully dissolved and determined . They are the words of the Act to be seen in the Statute-book , Cap. 1. 12 Car. 2. This was the Assembly that blessed us with his Majesties actual Restauration , towards which there had been made so many steps a little before by the Loyal Nobility , Gentry , and Commonalty of the Land , and the Worthy Citizens of this Honourable City : Whose publick Reception , and Triumphant Cavalcade through the City of London to White hill was very remarkable , for the splendid appearance of the Citizens to conduct him , the Gallantry shewn by them on so acceptable a Solemnity , and the many demonstrations of joy and gladness they gave him , worthy themselves , and that glorious day , which they had so long expected , and contributed so much of their assistance to hasten . For which I have a passage or two more to produce , besides what hath been already brought . For the first , out of the supplement to Baker , I quote his Majesties most Gracious Letter , To his Trusty and well belov'd , the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Common Council of the City of London , wherein he Honourably acknowledges the publick and frequent Manifestations of their affections to him , and the Encouragement and good Example ●hey gave the Nation to assert the Ancient Government , and thereupon concludes with large Promises of Extraordinary kindness to this his Native City , to the Renewal of their Charter , Confirmation of all priviledges granted by his Predecessors , and the adding of new favours to advance the Trade Wealth and Honour thereof The next is a Commemoration of the Cities Joyful Resentment of this Letter , and the Kings Declaration enclos'd in it , as it was was express'd by the Grateful Duty of the Common-Council , who immediately , upon the reading of them , ordered a Present of Ten thousand Pounds to be made to His Majesty , and a thousand pounds to each of his Brothers : And likewise deputed several of the Aldermen and worthy Citizens to attend upon His Majesty from the City , with a Presentment of their most Dutiful acknowledgments for his Clemency and Goodness towards them . So desirous were they to give him the greatest demonstrations of their affection and Loyalty before his Return , and Judiciously Wise , as well as Loyal , to set all parts of the Nation a good Example to imitate in a ready manifestation of their Duty and Allegiance to him after his Return . Neither in this would they be behind hand with any of them all . For the City of London , as being the first , the richest , and most Honourable , and the Seat of Kings for many ages , might Judge it self oblig'd ( as the Supplementer insinuates ) in point of duty and Reputation , to exceed all the rest in the Glory of their performances towards their Soveraign . But whatever the Citizens did think of the Obligation on either side , certain enough it is , that the reiterated expressions of their Loyalty to the King were Honourable , and Meritorious to the highest degree . For to the splendor of their former Preparations at his first Reception and Triumphal Entrance , they added the cost of a most magnificent Entertainment at Guild-hal , ( for that very purpose richly beautified and adorned ) whither the King , his two Brothers , the Lords of the Privy Council , the two Houses of Parliament , and the chief Officers of State were conducted ( July the fifth , 1660. ) in great Pomp by the Lord Mayor , and the Grandees of the City and treated in a Royal manner with the choicest of Delicacies , with excellent Musick , and whatever else could be thought on , or delightful for so Illustrious an Assembly . As if the Citizens thought it not enough to entertain the King , but for his sake were resolv'd to put themselves to the charge of gratifying others for their Loyalty . Where 's now the Man can bring me a parallel hereto ? General Monk appear'd , and London concur'd , and then the House of Commons of the Parliament of forty is immediately reviv'd , a face of the Ancient Government restor'd , a new Parliamentary Assembly call'd , the King sent for home to enjoy his Fathers Throne , and most peaceably settled therein without the noise of War , or the cries of the wounded in our streets . A Miraculous effect of the Cities influence . For what parts of the Land are so inconsiderate to oppose , when London is engag'd and resolv'd ? Former Examples may teach them future wisdom . These having been the necessary preparatives , in sixty one , on Saint Georges day , April the 23. comes the Kings Coronation , ( the fairest day except the Preceding , in which he made his Cavalcade through London , the Nation enjoy'd both before and after , if the supplementers Observation be well grounded , notwithstanding it began to Thunder and Lighten very smartly towards the end of Dinner time , ) and soon after that another meeting of King , Lords , and Commons at Westminster , whither the Kings Writs had Summoned them to make a New Parliament , the former Assembly having been dissolv'd the December before by his Majesties Order and Command . How acceptable the Actions of that Assembly were to City and Country hath been hinted before , and the concurrence of the King , when restor'd , was not wanting to Authorize their proceedings ; yet this new Assembly , notwithstanding , thinking the manner of it's Assembling not to be drawn into Example , and that therewas some defect , as to the necessary point of Legality , in the Statutes then made , or at least desirous to remove all doubts , fears and scruples about them , would not let several of those Acts pass without being formally ratified , and confirm'd anew by it's own Authority . And therefore consequently , not trusting to the receiv'd opinion of the dissolution of the Parliament of forty by the late Kings Death , nor relying on the House of Commons Act to dissolve themselves in fifty nine , nor the dissolution of the Lords and Commons in sixty , another Declaration was made in the point , in these word . To the end , that no Man bereafter may be misled into any seditious or unquiet demeanor , out of an opinion that the Parliament begun and held at Westminster , upon the third day of November , in the year of our Lord , one thousand six hundred and forty , is yet in being , which is undoubtedly dissolved and determined , and so is hereby Declared and Adjudged to be fully Dissolved and Determined . And it was further Enacted , by the same Authority , That if any Person or Persons at any time after the four and twentieth day of June , in the year of our Lord , one thousand six hundred sixty and one , shall Malitiously and Advisedly , by Writing , Printing , Preaching , or other Speaking , Express , Publish , Vtter , Declare or affirm , that the Parliament begun at Westminster upon the third day of November , in the year of our L●rd , one thousand six hundred and forty , is not yet dissolved , or is not yet determined , or that it ought to be in being , or hath yet any continuance or Existence , that then every such Person and Persons so as aforesaid offending shall incur the danger and penalty of a Premunire mentioned in a Statute made in the sixteenth year of the Reign of King Richard the second . Thus then were all disputes upon this point effectually stil'd and suppress'd by this Authority and Command of King , Lords and Commons , and the greatness of the penalty incur'd by the person offending , which amounts to no less than to be put out of the Kings Protection , and have his Lands and Tenements , Goods and Chattels , forfeited to the King , and his Body Attach'd , if to be found , and brought before the King and his Council , there to Answer the premises , or that process be made against him by Praemunire facias , and if return'd non est inventus , than to be Outlaw'd . Next I proceed to observe , that 't was Petitioning and addressing , that prepar'd the way for His Majesties Restauration , and therefore doubtless the remembrance thereof should be always grateful and acceptable to the Loyal . Such preparatories to great turns and changes being alwaies preferrable to the other rougher methods of drawn Swords and loaded Pistols , which are the general effects of Civil Broils and Commotions , while these are the rational results of Wisdom and Prudence . With the King was that part of the English Clergy likewise restor'd , which appropriates to it self the name of the Church of England . A Term much gloried in by many , as if none but themselves were the constitutive parts thereof , and which some now adays pretend freer from Ambiguity than the more general Name of Protestants . What we understand ▪ by that Term we know very well , and are not asham'd thereof . Yet , by the way , I don't think but 't is as lyable to exceptions , where Cavils take place , as the other title of Protestants , so much of late turn'd into ridicule by some few pretenders to wit and sense above the vulgar . For if by Church we understand barely an Assembly of Men met together in one place , then doubtless , without any incongruity , it may be applied to many a civil meeting of Men together about their own private concerns . If by Church we mean a society of Men conjoyn'd in Spiritual duties , or the Ordinances of Divine Worship , then I hope it will be no Solecism in common Speech to affirm , many of the Dissenters meetings may reasonably lay claim to the Name . And if a due Celebration of the Sacraments will make a Church , why then may not the Denomination as well belong to some private Conventicles , as to the publick Oratories ? If it should denote only the Association of many distinct Assemblies under the same Ecclesiastical Government , what should hinder the Presbiterians from enjoying the Title in those places , where they are allowed to exercise their power in Classical , Provincial , or National Synods ? Which Power they once exercis'd in England publickly within the Memory of Man. But if the Law of the Land makes the difference , and the established Government of the Country , in Ecclesiastical affairs , as with us in England , then I am apt to beleive this Expression , the Church of England , is not without it's Ambiguities , and may be a denomination comprehensive of Men of as many different modes and forms , as some would fain have us think the word Protestant admits of . Heretofore at the first planting of the Gospel in this Isle among the Britains , we may call it the British Church . When Austin the Monk came in , bringing with him the Customs and Ceremonies of the Church of Rome , and introduc'd them among the converted Saxons , then we may term it the Romish Church . When the Monks and Fryers , like the Frogs in Egypt , had over-spread the whole face of the Land , then we may give it the Epithite of Monkish . In succeeding Generations , when Popery was arriv'd to its height , we may name it the Popish Church . In King Edward the sixth days it may properly be called Reformed . Under the Marian Persecution 't was certainly Popish . Queen Elizabeth brought back the Reformed Religion under an Episcopal Government , and therefore I venture to give it the Name of the Reformed Episcopal Church . A little before the late Wars , when the Hierarchy was arriv'd at its highest pitch of Pomp and Grandeur by the Laudean principles and practises ; It was certainly then Prelatical . In the late times 't was once the Presbyterian , then the Independent Church , and other Sectaries were puting in a pace for a share , and then , had they succeeded , it might have been , without much impropriety , entitled to the Epithite of Fanatical . King Charles brought back the Bishops , and so now 't is again Episcopal . Should Popery come in , it would be Popish . Were there any likelihood of so great an Impossibility , as the prevalency of Judaism , then it would be the Jewish Church . If Mahomets Religion , which hath been publickly profess'd in the Pulpit preferable to Presbiteriansm , why might it not be allow'd the Title of Mahometan ? And if we should revert to the Ancient Barbarity , where would the impropriety be , should we term it the Heathenish Church ? For the Heathens heretofore had the thing , though not the Name , Temples instead of Churches , and bloody Sacrifices to make up the greatest part of their Devotion . What a fine Company then of different Epithites , of different signif●cations , would these be for an impertinent Caviller to prefix before that so much applaud'd expression , the Church of England , in reply to his impertinence , that would perswade simple ignorant people , that they know not what they say , when they call themselves Protestants ? British , Romish , Monkish , Popi●h , Reformed , Episcopal , Prelatical , Presbyterian , Independent , Fanatical , Jewish , Mahometan , Heathenish , and what not ? To such a fine pass would people once be brought , when they fall to wrangling about words and terms , at the same time , that they know one anothers meaning well enough , yet will pretend not to understand each other : We may have haply reason enough to approve of , and glory in the Name of Church of England men , though not perhaps in such a restrained sense , as some do , yet our grounds , without all peradventure , are as good to apply to our selves the glorious Title of Protestants , and we can as properly distinguish our selves thereby from Papists , as if we term'd our selves only Sons of the Church of England ; under this consideration , that Protestants at first were such , Baker tells us , as made a Protestation in defence of their Doctrine , and now we are such as protest ▪ against Popery and Slavery . But to return , how contributory this Honourable City was to his Majesties Restauration , and how Loyally affectionate her Citizens shew'd themselves to him before and after , hath been already instanced : Let us then in the next place take a short transient view of her actions , and the accidents hapning to her , under King Charles the second , and see whither she hath not continued still the same , as of old , a City of high Renown , Fame and Power , and of great sway and influence all over the Kingdom . First then let us consider her misfortunes , that we may the better contemplate her glories . In sixty two her Parishes lost many of their beloved Pastors in that great ejection of publick Ministers , among whom were some that had declar'd in Print against the pretended high Court of Justice in the time of his Late Majesties Tryal . In sixty five the great Plague swept away her Citizens by thousands , tens of thousands , and scores of thousands . In sixty six the fire burn'd almost all the Remainder out of House and home , and laid in a manner the whole City in Ashes : So that , if ever , she feem'd then near to a very dismal Catastrophe . And yet we see now Providence hath delivered her out of these her Calamities , and she is become more glorious than ever in the Eyes of the Nation . The number of her Citizens is so encreas'd , and her streets fill'd with such multitudes of people passing to and fro , that those who dyed in the sickness are neither miss'd nor wanted . The fire hath made such a Reformation within her Walls , and the new buildings , publick and private , have been rais'd up , to the admiration of all , in so small a space of time , and in so pompous and stately a form , that she may be thought , like the old Phaenix burning in her nest of odoriferous Spices , only to have shaken off her old decay'd feathers by the fire , and out of her own Ashes , Phaenix like , to have risen up with more Splendor and Gallantry than ever . Come we now to the late Discovery of the Grand Popish Plot , and the times succeeding , and therein also we meet with instances of Londons influence and Authority with the rest of the Nation . She guarded her self with her own Arms , and how soon was she follow'd in other places ? After the dissolution of some of the National Assemblies , ( which we English men call Parliaments , and firmly beleive the greatest liberty of the subject to consist therein ) upon a new choice , when her Citizens made a publick promise to their chosen Representatives , that they would stand by them with their lives and fortunes : Such a Copy was set the Nation , that most places strove to imitate it , and the Example was as influential , as when before , upon the Cities Petitioning for the sitting of one of those before mention'd Parliaments , Petitions of the same nature came thronging in amain from several parts of the Land in imitation . Look we now upon the City , and see how intent the eyes of the Nation are fixt upon her actions , and the great contest about the Sheriffs . How all the Land seems concern'd on one side or the other , and think their own well-fare wrapt up in her security . Such sollicitousness of a whole Nation for one particular City must certainly denote some what extraordinary therein : And what is it , can more interest the Nation in her concerns , than the great Influence 't is known she has upon all their grand affairs , be they more or less publick ? Even the very business of the Quo Warranto , now depending , will administer an instance of her Power and Greatness . How do all now stand ready waiting the Event , depending upon her success , or ready to follow her fate ? When the Writ was brought against her Charter , how great was the Expectation of the people , and their longings to know what would be the Issue ? Some Resign'd , but when London appear'd to Stand up in her own Vindication , what a stop was there put to Resignations , and how rare have been surrenders since ? Most seem now ready to defend themselves by Law ; Nay , Oxford hath pitch'd upon the same way and method with London : Whereas had this Honourable City , but surrender'd calmly and quietly , 't is a question whither any would have stood out , or whether rather all Towns and Corporations would not have strove to have out run each other to the Throne of Majesty , there to have made an intire Resignation of all their Charters , Liberties , Priviledges and Franchises , notwithstanding the hazard they might have run , by dissolving their Ancient Corporations , to have lost back all the Estates , given to them as Corporate bodies , to the Donors Heirs , sutable to the Reply said to be made to the Burgesses of a Certain Corporation , when they ask'd advice in the Case . Such having been the influences of the City of London all along upon the Nation , and such the undeniable proofs thereof , what then remains , but that we must needs acknowledge and confess her to be a City most Triumphant ? Triumphant in the Antiquity of her Foundation , the continuance of her ancient renown , and the Glorious Acts of her Citizens : Triumphant in the Freedom of her Priviledges , the Honourable respect shewn her Magistrates , and the Combined strength of her Commonalty : Triumphant in the Prevalency of her Power , Victorious success of her Arms , and unavoidable Destruction of her Enemies . Let us therefore with an united consent prostrate our selves before the Throne of Grace with this Petitionary request , that she may continue ever fixt and unmovable in her Duty to the Almighty , firm in her Loyalty to the King , and secure in an uninterrupted enjoyment of her just Rights , Liberties , Priviledges and Franchises : A Prayer , whereto I doubt not but every Loyal English Man , and honest well meaning Citizen will readily from his heart say , Amen . FINIS . The Courteous Reader is desir'd to pardon the faults , that have escap'd through inadvertency , either in pointing or spelling , and with his pen to men the following Errata , as the more material ones . PAg. 2. l. 21. r. hundreds . p. 14. l. 32. r. more frequently . l. 35. r. repell'd . p. 15. l. 30. r. it 's . p. 29. l. 9. r. lines . p. 44. l. 4. r. of l. ult . r. call'd . p. 48. l. 4. r. elder . p. 68. l. 4. r. might go . p. 69. l. 31. r. plac'd under . p. 7● . l. 2● . del . in . p. 73. l. 2. r. digest . l. 18. r. Fabian's . p. 75. l. r. came . 76. l. 1. r. it is . l. 7. r. let them . p. 77. l. 6. r. bay . p. 79. l. ● . r. 40000. p. 83. l. 26. r. Englishmen . l. 32. r. came only . p. 89. l. 29. r. are . p. 97. l. 11. r. we may . p. 101. l. 6. r. held . l. 21. r. his . p. 110. l. 15. ad . 43. p. 112. l. 27. r. yet . p. 116. l. 5. r. of a. l. 24. r. How. p. 117. l. 27. r. into . p. 124. l. 4. r. hold . p. 132. l. 27. r. clogging . p. 133. l. 27. ad . 111. p. 140. l. 18. r. Brothers . p. 143. l. 27. r. his . p. 145. l. 10. r. chiefs . p. 147. l. 3. r. were . p. 152. l. 8. r. Iyon . l. 20. r. immediatly . p. 155. l. 1. r. were . p. 156. l. 31. ad . it . p. 157. l. 33. ad . of the. l. 34. r. our remark . p. 159. l. 33. r. great forfeiture . p. 161. l. 6. r. added . p. 163. l. 10. r. his . p. 164. l. 15. r. quieter . l. 18. r. with . l. 32. r. badge . p. 167. l. 6. r. was . p. 168. l. 11. r. accurs'd . l. 20. r. ha●bicanes . p. 170. l. 8. r. who . p. 172. l. 10. r. sort . l. 11. r. plac'd . p. 173. l. 8. r. ann●tes . p. 175. l. 2. r. prejudicial . l. 22. r. In. p. 176. l. 28. r. Zouch . p. 178. l. 15. the fam'd . p. 181. l. 10. demeanours . p. 185. l. 24. r. equally . p. 203. l. 13. r. than . p. 21. 5. l. 33. r. in . p. 241. l. 2. r. old . p. 242. l. 1. r. formally . l. 27. r. meet . p. 248. l. 8. and from . d , and. p. 250. l. 7. r. culling . p. 252. l. 32. r. unwitting . p. 253. l. 26. r. joynt . p. 255. l. 24. r. for an . p. 262. l. 23. r. Planet-like . p. 263. l. 28. r. Basons . p. 265. l. 11. r. series . p. 266. l. 30. 31. r. Parliament men's . p. 273. l. 8. r. sprung . p. 277. l. 11. ad . 246. p. 284. l. 33. r. wears . p. 288. l. 12. r. suppre●● . p. 290. l. 2. made a. d. a. l. 2● . r. those . l. 30. r. fourteen . p. 291. l 13. r. Poet Bayes's . l. 28. r. one or other . p. 293. l. 5. r. the Age. p. 294. l. 5. r. all the. p. 298 l. 11. r. Robbery . l. 34. r. Historical . p. 304. l. 10. r. Informations . l. 13. r. this . p. 305. l. 8. r. brake . l. 10. r. Battel . p. 306. l. 13. r. their opinions . l. 25. r. benefit . l. 27. r. strength . p. 307. l. 12. r. Observers . p. 308. l. 29. r. after Yowton Battel . p. 311. l. 13. r. and. p. 312. l. 14. d. had . p. 314. l. 33. r. chosen . l. 36. d. , as . p. 315. l. 1. r. vigilance of the discerning . l. 10. r. depart . p. 316. l. 11. r. these her declared . p. 119. l. 7. r. divert . p. 320. l. 1. r. Historian . l. 14. r. anothers cause . l. 21. r. he● . l. 29. r. or . p. 322. l. 27. r. humour . p. 325. l. 3. ad . the. l. 11. r. Bu● . p. 329. l. 26. r. blaz'd abroad . l. 34. r. Parts . p. 340. l. 3. r. little . p. 355. l. 3. r. at any . p. 363. l. 21. r. neither then . p. 365. l. 20. r. Declaration . There may possibly be found here and there a word or Letter redundant and deficient , which upon the review have been let pass without a Mark , but 't is hop'd none have pass'd unobserv'd , which may prove injurious to the sence , or justly occasion any mistake , but what an ordinary Reader may easily see and Correct , a confidence in whose candour and good nature is doubtless a far better Apology in this case than to lay the blame at other mens doors . A57504 ---- Upon the stately structure of Bow-Church and steeple, burnt, an. 1666, rebuilt, 1679, or, A second poem upon nothing Rochester, John Wilmot, Earl of, 1647-1680. 1679 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A57504 Wing R1761A ESTC R213194 31355831 ocm 31355831 110704 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A57504) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110704) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1752:10) Upon the stately structure of Bow-Church and steeple, burnt, an. 1666, rebuilt, 1679, or, A second poem upon nothing Rochester, John Wilmot, Earl of, 1647-1680. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [London : 1679?] Attributed by Wing (2nd ed.) to John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester. Imperfect: cropped, with loss of text. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Saint Mary le Bow (Church : London, England) -- Poetry. Church buildings -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2002-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-06 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2002-06 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Upon the Stately Structure OF Bow-Church and Steeple , Burnt , An. 1666. Rebuilt , 1679. OR A Second PsM upon NOTHING ! LOok how the Country-Hobbs with wonder flock To see the City-crest , turn'd Weathercock ! Which with each shifting Gale , veres to and fro ; London has now got twelve Strings to her Bow ! The Wind 's South-East , and straight the Dragon russels His brazen wings , to court the Breeze from Brussels ! The Wind 's at North ! and now his Hissing fork , Whirles round , to meet a flattering gale from York ! Boxing the Compass , with each freshing Gale , But still to London turns his threatning Tayle . But stay ! what 's there ; I spy a stranger thing ; Our Red-cross brooded by the Dragon's wing ! The wing is warm ; but O! beware the sting ! Poor English-Cross , expos'd to winds , and weathers , Forc't to seek shelter in the Dragon's feathers ! Ne're had old Rome so rare a Piece to brag on , A Temple built to Great Bell , and the Dragon ! Whilst yet undaunted Protestants , dare hope , They that will worship Bell , shall wear the Rope . O how our English Chronicles will shine ! Burn't , sixty six ; Rebuilt , in seventy nine . When Iacob Hall on his High Rope shews tricks , The Dragon flutters ; the Lord Mayor's Horse , kicks ; The Cheapside-crowds , and Pageants scarcely know Which most t' admire , Hall , Hobby-horse , or Bow ! But what mad Frenzy set your Zeal on fire , ( Grave Citizens ! ) to Raise Immortal Spire On Sea-coal Basis ? which will sooner yield Matter to Burn a Temple , than to Build ! What the Coals build , the Ashes bury ! no men Of wisdom , but would dread the threatning Omen ! But say ( Proud Dragon ! ) now preferr'd so High , What Marvels from that Prospect dost thou spy ? Westward thou seest , and seeing hat'st the Walls Of , sometimes Rev'rend , now Regenerate , Pauls , Thy envious eyes , such glories cannot brook , But as the Devil once o're Lincoln , look : And envys Poison , will thy Bowels Tear Sooner than Daniel's Dose , of Pitch , and Hair ! Then Eastward , to avoid that wounding sight , Th 〈…〉 light Adorn'd with Monstrous forms to clear the scope , How much thou art out-dragon'd by the Pope . Ah fools ! to dress a Monument of woe In whistling Silks , that should in Sackcloth , go ! Nay strangely wise , our Senators appear To build That , and a Bedlam in a year , That if the Mum-glass crack , they may inherit An Hospital becoming their great merit ! To Royal Westminster , next turn thine eye ; Perhaps a Parliament thou mayst espy , Dragons of old gave Oracles at Rome ; Then Prophesie , their Day , their Date , and Doom ● And if thy Visual Ray can reach the Main ; Tell 's when the Duke , new gone , returns again ! Facing about ; next view our Guildhall well , Where Reverend Fox-furrs charm'd by potent spell Of Elephants , ( turn'd wrong side outward ) dare Applaud the Plays ; and yet hiss out the Player : Player ! whose wise Zeal for City , Country , King , Shall to all points of the wide Compass ring Whilst Bow has Bells , or Royal Thames a Spring ! Thy Roving Eye perhaps from Hague may send 's How the New League , has made old Foes , new Friends : But let substantial witness , Credence give it , Or Ne're believe me , if the House believe it ! If true , I fear too late ! France at one sup , ( Like Pearls dissolv'd in Cloepatra's Cup ) Trade , Empire , Neatherlands has swallowed up ! But heark ! The Dragon speaks from Brazen Mouth , Whose words , though wind , are spoken in Good south ! To you of Ratling fame , and great esteem ; The higher placed , the less you ought to seem ! To you of noble souls , and gallant minds , Learn to outface ( with me ) the Huffing winds ! To tim'rous feeble spirits , that live beneath ; Learn not of me to turn with every breath ! To those who like ( Camelions ) live on Air ; Popular Praise is thin Consumptive fare ! To you who Steeple upon Steeple set , Cut my Cocks-comb if e're to Heaven you get . A43715 ---- Historia quinq-articularis exarticulata, or, Animadversions on Doctor Heylin's quintquarticular history by Henry Hickman. Hickman, Henry, d. 1692. 1674 Approx. 625 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 136 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43715 Wing H1910 ESTC R23973 07934034 ocm 07934034 40538 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43715) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 40538) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1207:24) Historia quinq-articularis exarticulata, or, Animadversions on Doctor Heylin's quintquarticular history by Henry Hickman. Hickman, Henry, d. 1692. The second edition, corrected and enlarged. [29] , 237 p. Printed for Robert Boulter, London : 1674. "In which I. The aspersions cast on foreign reformers are wiped off, 2. The doctor's manifold contradictions are manifested, 3. The doctrine of the Arminians in the five points is proved to be contrary to the doctrine of the reformed Church of England." Running title: Doctor Heylin's quinquarticular history examined. Master microform held by: UnM. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. -- Historia quinquarticularis. Church of England -- History. London (England) -- History -- To 1500. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HISTORIA Quinq-Articularis Exarticulata ; OR , ANIMADVERSIONS ON Doctor Heylin's QUINQUARTICULAR HISTORY . IN WHICH , 1. The Aspersions cast on Foreign Reformers , are wiped off . 2. The Doctor 's manifold Contradictions , are manifested . 3. The Doctrine of the Arminians in the five points , is proved , to be contrary to the Doctrine of the Reformed Church of England . By HENRY HICKMAN , B. D. The Second Edition Corrected , and Enlarged . Si moriens mordeat , mordeatur mortuus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cato Censor . London , Printed for Robert Boulter at the Turks-head in Cornhil over against the Royal Exchange . 1674. THE EPISTLE TO THE READER . READER , I Am told the following Papers are mine . And really I think they be ; for I well remember , that sundry years ago , I did , hastily , either write or dictate to others to be written , a Confutation of Dr. Heylin's Historia Q●inquarticularis , that so I might remove a stone of offence which , some told me , I principally had occasioned to be laid in the way of yong students . Had I thought ●o unstudied a scrible meet to be exposed to publick ●iew I could then have sent it abroad , when , either I ●●uld have procured a Licence to imprint it , or should ●ot have been esteemed an offender though I had imprinted it without a Licence . Some Friends have now adventured to put it forth , without my privity , I doubt a little unseasonably , but I am confident with a good intention : Therefore I must not be angry with them . For my self , I must desire thee , once for all , to take notice , 1. That I only relate some mens opinions Historically , and defend them from unjust aggravations ; but am not concerned to maintain them to be true or accurately expressed . 2. That I acknowledg there be some depths , in the Controversies relating to Predestination and Grace , which I am not able to fathom . Nor are these the only points in Divinity , in which I believe some things , against which I have objections that I cannot answer any otherwise than by saying , that every Divine Revelation must needs be true though seemingly contrary to something which my imperfect and corrupt reason apprehends to be true . It is commonly laid to the charge of the Socinians , that they make reason the Judg in Controversies of Faith , and so I verily think it is in some sense : but that it should be Judex normalis , the Norma or Rule according to which we are to judge , so as we are to believe nothing but what we could have demonstrated to be true or possible by meer reason , is an opinion so wicked , that I hope it is but falsly fathered on the Socinians . I believe the Hypostatical Vnion , a Trinity of persons in the Vnity of Essence : if a reason of this my Faith be asked , I will quote the Scriptures , which clearly assert those two Articles : having so done , I have resolved Faith into its first Principle , and I will continue stedfast and immoveable in my Faith though I cannot comprehend , either how three Persons subsist in one numerical nature , or how two natures can be united so as ▪ make but one person , In like manner , I will believe the Doctrine of Original Sin , as it is explained in our Articles of Religion , because I find that explication of it agreeable to Scripture , though I cannot so clearly make it out to my own or another mans reason , how Original sin is propagated . I will also believe , that God hath mercy on whom he will and hardneth whom he will , bestoweth his determining Grace on whom he will and denieth it to whom he will , because this is a Scripture Doctrine , though the reconciling of Gods eternal Decrees and the efficacy of Grace with the liberty of mans will ▪ surpass my knowledge . And I am the more confident , that I am not mistaken in thinking this to be a Scripture Doctrine , because , as I have shewen in the following Papers , it hath been so adjudged by the Ancient Fathers of the Church . Nor is it a small confirmation to me , that the greatest opposers of Calvinism ( as they are resolved to call it ) have , after the highest straining of their wits and diligence , been able to say nothing against it , but what the Pelagians and Semipelagians had before objected against S. Austin and his Disciples . I know there be many who think quite otherwise : These will say , Q●id tandem Arminio cum Pelagio , aut quid Calvino cum Augustino ? Arminius learned not his opinions from Pelagius , nor did Calvin owe his notions to S. Austin . Such men I earnestly desire impartially to consider what I have hereafter produced , and if they can answer my allegations , I will thank them for undeceiving me . But this I will tell them , that he who hopes to make me his proselyte , must be , 1. No Railer nor Reviler . I have read that some in old times , through I know not what foolish and wicked superstition , thought Garden-Basil ( that I suppose answers to Plinie's Ocimum , ) would grow the sooner and better , if it were sown cum convitiis & maledictis , with reproaches and evil speaking : So , many of late seem to have been of opinion , that the Doctrine which they plant will prosper the better , if they water it with torrents of contumely against those that differ from them . Perhaps the more rank their stile is , the more it may please some Readers : but he was wise who said , As dead flies cause the Oyntment of the Apothecary to send forth a stinking savour : so doth a little folly , him that is in reputation for wisdom and honor , Eccl. 10.1 . A very little of any thing that is but a kin to scurrility will make an ingenuous person disgust and nauseat the most learned book . Dr. Crakanthorp hath very s●lidly confuted Spala●●●sis , but the uncivil language be every where useth against the Archbishop ▪ hath sometimes turned my stomach and made me leave off reading . Dr. Abbot hath most judici●usly defended the Reformed Catholick against W●●●●●m Bishop , but when I find him calling Wright , foul-mouthed dog , when , &c. I cannot but wonder where a man , that had all his days been bred up among Scholars , learn'd such language . As for Bishop Mountague , he boasts that never any had handled the Papists as he had done ; and I verily believe him . His Gag is a piece for which he may well be denominated a Matchless Scoffer . Fool , Goose , Cockscomb , Ass , Horse , B●ind Buzard , Poor Woodcock , Catholick Cockscomb , &c. these are flowers that grow in Mr. Mountagues Garden , are they not very lovely & sweet ? will not Popery fall to the ground after one of its Patrons hath been so bespattered with so many unseemly names ? or , will not the Papists rather be confirmed in Popery , when they shall observe a dignified Minister in the Protestant Church , to use such unsavoury language without check or controul from his Superiors ? 2. I expect if any one answer me , that he faithfully relate Historical matters . For let him not imagine , that I will think the worse of any party , because I 〈…〉 slandered . Rather , I shall judge men good , because their Adversaries durst not speak evil of them , till they had first represented them to be what every man may know they were not . Lately there was Printed an History of Presbyterians ▪ Dedicated to both Houses of Parliament , and commended in the Dedicatory , as being for the most part . Nothing but a faithful collection of matters of fact , transacted by the Ancestors of a Sect to this day more than enough warm in the bowels of these Kingdoms . Let me crave leave only to take notice how this History begins . Pag. 1 , 2 , At such time as it pleased God to raise up Martin Luther a Divine of Saxony , to write against the Errours and Corruptions of the Church of Rome , Vlderick Zuinglius a Canon of the Church of Zurick , endeavoured the like Reformation among the Switzers ; but holding no intelligence with one another , they travelled divers ways in pursuance of it : which first produced some Animosities between themselves , not to be reconciled by a personal conference , which by the Lantgrave of Hassia was procured between them ; but afterwards occasioned far more obstinate ruptures between the followers of the parties in their several stations . The Zuinglian Reformation was begun in defacing Images , decrying the established Fasts and appointed Festivals , abolishing set Forms of Worship , denying the old Catholick Doctrine of a Real Presence , and consequently all External Reverence in the participation of the blessed Sacrament : which Luther seriously laboured to preserve in the same estate in which he found them at the present . They differed also in the Doctrine of Predestination , which Luther taught according to the current of the Antient Fathers , who lived and flourished before the writings of St. Augustin : so that the Romanists had not any thing to except against in that particular , when it was canvased by the Schoolmen in the Councel of Trent . And a little after , The Lutherans have solemnly vowed rather to fall off roundly to the Church of Rome , than yield to those Predestinarian , and Sacramentary Pestilences , as they commonly called them . The Historian saith , It pleased God to raise up Martin Luther . No such good words are used concerning the Reformation endeavoured by Ulderick Zuinglius : Yet Zuinglius , though born four years after Luther , opposed the Errors and Corruptions of the Church of Rome before Luther , and was doubtless of more Modesty Humility and Learning than Luther . And if the differences betwixt him and Luther , at the Conference procured betwixt them and others by the Lantgrave of Hassia , could not be reconciled , Luther must bear the blame : who was so uncivil as to call Bucer Knave , and so wedded to his notion of Consubstantiation , that he declared he would not recede an hairs breadth from it ; and yet had at the Conference , so little to say for it , that he lost the Lantgrave and his Preacher Francis Lambert , who before had imbraced his Doctrine in the point of the Sacrament . Yet dare not I say with the Dr. that Animosities betwixt Luther and Zuinglius were produced , not to be reconciled by a personal Conference which by the Lantgrave of Hassia was procured betwixt them . For first I am not sure that any personal Conference was ever procured betwixt Luther and Zuinglius at Marpurg . Indeed Oecolampadius and Luther had personal Conference in private ; so also had Melancthon and Zuinglius : no Conference had Luther and Zuinglius , that I read of , unless for three days in publick : In which three days , though Luther alone spake for his party , ( Melancthon , Brentius , Osiander , Agricola being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) yet not only Zuinglius but Oecolampadius answered him and disputed against him . And this it is like the Dr. calls personal Con●erence ; whether properly or no , is a question . But that I blame him for , is this , that he saith , that the Animosities were not to be ended by that Conference . It had been too much to say , they were not ended . Fourteen Articles were after that Conference subscribed by all the Divines of both parties . The fourteenth recites , how far they agreed about the Lords Su●per . They agreed , it was to be received , according to the institution , in both Elements : and that there was no need of the Mass , to obtain grace for living or dead : and that the Sacrament of the Altar , was a Sacrament of the true Body and Bloud of ●esus Christ : and that Christians , all and every one , had most need of spiritual manducation . In like manner , that the use of the Sacram●nt as the word , was appointed that weak Consciences might be moved by the spirit to true Faith and Love. This was all they differed in , whether the true Body and Bloud of Christ were corporally in the Bread and Wine ? About this they could not agree in opinion , but yet they agreed to exercise mutual charity , and to pray for one another , and to leave off writing against one another . So that the Animosities were ended . And some think , that had not the raging of that Pestilential disease called Anglicus Sudor put an end to the Conference , the very difference in opinion as to the Sacrament had been made an end of . But let us go on with the Doctor . The Zuinglian Reformation , was begun in defacing Images , decrying the established Fasts and appointed Festivals , abolishing set Forms of Worship , denying the old Catholick Doctrine of a Real Presence , and consequently all External Reverence in the participation of the blessed Sacrament . When the Historian saith , that the Zuinglian Reformation began in defacing Images , the Reader will be apt to think , that defacing Images was the first fruit of Zuinglius his Reformation : But if he should so think , he would be mistaken . Zuinglius his Reformation began in Preaching of the Word at Zurick : whither he came Anno 1519 , leaving another place in which he had a larger stipend than he could there expect , ( N. B. Both the Helvetian and German Reformer agreed in this , that neither cared for Gold or sought great Livings . ) He laid the foundation also of Reformation in encouraging the study of the learned Languages , the neglect whereof brought in Popery . It was not till Zuinglius had been five or six years Preacher at Zurick , that Idols and Images were burnt in the Market place , and being then burnt by publick Authority , what was there in the fact that deserved not praise ? Is it not commendable in Christian Magistrates , after they have heard it proved by their Divines ▪ that Images are not to be suffered in Churches or other places of publick resort , and when none either could or would say any thing for the retaining of them , to take them away , that so they may be no farther temptations to Idolatry ? As much as this was appointed to be done in our English Reformation : why it is not done in the Lutheran Churches we shall by and by hear . It is added by the Historian , that the Zuinglian Reformation did begin in decrying the established Fasts and appointed Festivals . If the meaning of this be , that Zuinglius decryed the multitude of Fasts and Festivals , appointed to be observed by the Church of Rome , or that he condemned the necessity and meritoriousness , which the Papists ascribed to the observation of Fasts and Feasts , it is true , and tends to the commendation of Zuinglius : but that he decryed every established Fast , or appointed Festival , is a most notorious slander . So is it also , that his Reformation began in the abolishing of set Forms of Worship : unless the meaning be , that he procured the abolition of some forms of worship , set by the Papists as Papists . And if an Historian , after he hath told us , that a man abolished set forms of Worship may be allowed to interpret himself of Popish Idolatrous forms of Worship , then may we think , he hath no mind to be understood , and , without any blame at all , neglect him . It follows : the Zuinglian Reformation began in the denying of the old Catholick Doctrine of a Real Presence . This charge must be intended of Zuinglius his denying the Real Presen●e of Christ in the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ▪ and if it be so intended , it is as false as what is most false . Zuinglius had been at Zurick five years , and reformed many things before he let any one know his mind about the Sacrament , and perhaps before he knew his own mind as to the manner of Christs presence in or with the Sacramental Elements . When he after long study discovered his mind about this matter , he never denyed a Real Presence , unless by Real Presence be understood a Corporal Presence . He expounded Hoc est Corpus meum , by a Trope : so did our Reformers in England . He thought the Bread was the ●ody of Christ Representatively . And , as our King may be and is said to be really present , where there is any one who by his own Authority is appointed to represent him ; so the Body of Christ may be said to be really present where there is an Element , appointed by himself to represent his Body . And if Dr. Heylin did opine that the Body which our Lord Iesus united to his Divine Nature and with which he ascended into Heaven , is any other way present in the Eucharist , he both erred and dissented from that Church in which he was bred up . For a conclusion , the Historian tells us , that the Zuinglian Reformation began in denying all Exte●nal Reverence in the participation of the Blessed Sacrament . Words more strange than any that we had before . For what is meant by the Blessed Sacrament ? Sure the Dr. was so much a Christian , as to acknowledge at least two Blessed Sacraments . If so , which of these two would he have us to understand by the Blessed Sacrament ? Baptism , or the Lords Supper ? I know not why the later , should rather be called the Blessed Sacrament than the former ; nor why more External Reverence is necessary in the participation of this than of that , supposing the Recipient to be adult . If a converted Jew should come to be Baptised , why is he not as well bound to kneel when he is sprinkled with water , as when he takes the Bread and Wine ? As for Zuinglius , he never denied External Reverence in the Participation of the Blessed Sacrament of the Lords Supper . The mode and form in the which he first administred it , is recited in Melchior Adam , and in the Historia Sacramentaria de Coena Domini , and in it all needful Reverence was used . But , perhaps , not to make the Communicants receive the Sacred Elements on their knees , is to deny all External Reverence in the participation of the Eucharist . If so , Christ and all his Churches for some Centuries must also be affirmed to have denied all External Reverence . By this it appears what false witness the Dr. hath born against Zuinglius . Doth he bear a truer witness concerning Luther ? Of him these words are used , which Luther seriously laboured to preserve in the same estate in which he found them at the present . Words that either are senseless , or very untrue : If they have any sense , it must be this , that Luther seriously endeavoured to preserve the things before mentioned , in the same estate in which he found them in the Papacy . This sense the words do scarse afford : But if we suppose that this sense was intended , I then say , Nothing more false could have been written , Luther did not seriously endeavour to preserve any one thing before-mentioned in the condition in which he found it . 1. For Images ; He was indeed angry that they were taken down , not because he desired or endeavored to have them kept up , but because he would have had the honor of pulling them down , and could not endure that Carolastadius should adventure to make any alteration in his absence . Yet Carolastadius created Luther Doctor , and made not the alteration on his own head , but with the consent and advice of Melancthon and others . 2. As to Fasts and Festivals set and constant ; Luther had as little fondness for them as Zuinglius could have . Might he have ruled the rost , no Holy days had been kept but the Lords day . To be sure , he endeavoured not , after he thought of Reformation , to keep either Fasts or Festivals in the same state in which he found them : He looked not on them as parts of Worship . 3. He defended a not only Real , but also a Corporal Presence of Christ in th● Eucharist ; but not , the Antient Catholick Doctrine of Real Presence , nor yet , the new Roman Catholick Doctrine of Real Presence . Finding in an eminent Schoolman , that were it not for the Authority of the Church , he should more encline to Consubstantiation than Transubstantiation , Luther bethought himself , that he had abandoned the Authority of that Church which kept Cameracensis in awe , and so boldly maintained Consubstantiation ( though not to his dying day as some think . ) Happy had it been for his Followers , if so absurd an opinion had never been published by him ; for they counting themselves concerned to maintain , whatsoever he in his fierce oppositions to Zuinglius delivered , are fallen into the most monstrous tenent of Ubiquity : which whoever believeth , with all the necessary consequences , cannot believe one quarter of the Apostles Creed . But what is the External Reverence in the use of the Lords Supper , affirmed by Lutherans and denied by Zuinglianists ? Adoration is by the Lutherans condemned as well as by the Zuinglianists . So is Asservation , and Circumgestation . Luther himself somewhere , if Wendelin abuse him not , advised Christians to Receive in one Kind or Element where they could not Receive in both : but the Lutherans stifly contend for the necessity of Receiving sub utraque Specie . The differences not already taken notice of , are , 1. The Lutherans think more favourably of Stone Altars , than do the Zuinglianists . 2. The Lutherans , at least many of them , better approve of lighting Candles in the Administration , than do the Zuinglianists ▪ We in England , in many places , set Candles and Candlesticks on the Tables , but do not light the Candles . 3. The Lutherans use for one Element , a placenta orbicularis , of which it may be questioned , whether it can properly be called bread ? So do not the Zuinglianists . 4. The Lutherans use no breaking of the Bread : So do the Zuinglianists . 5. The Lutherans give not that which they use for Bread into the hands of the Communicants , but put it into their mouths : So do not the Zuinglianists . In no needful point of the External Reverence do they differ . But perhaps in the point of Predestination , Luther and Zuinglius were at deadly strife and variance . So indeed the Historian suggests ; for these are his words , Predestination Luther taught according to the current of the Antient Fathers , which lived and flourished before the writings of St. Austin . But by his favour , Luther taught Predestination as St. Austin and the Fathers that followed him taught it . Had he taught it as the Fathers before him taught it , he had in words at least complied with the wretched Pelagians . Other Predestination did Zuinglius never teach . So that Zuinglius and Luther differed not about Predestination ; and the late Ubiquitarian Lutherans , make a difference where they found none . Obj. But Have not the Lutherans solemnly vowed rather to fall off roundly to the Church of Rome , than yield to the Predestinarian and Sacramentary Pestilences ? Dr. Heylin ibid. Answ. That some Lutherans have used words of such an import , I remember is affirmed by Sir Edwin Sands : But to say , The Lutherans have solemnly vowed to turn Papists rather than imbrace Zuinglius his opinion about Predestination and the Sacrament , is an untruth of such a bulk , as most men but Dr. Heylin would have strained at . When did the Lutherans solemnly vow this ? what Record is there of any place where such a vow was made ? or , what gr●und had the Lutherans to enter into such a solemn vow ? Till these questions can be well answered which will never be , we might , if we did not reverence the Doctor 's degree , well be allowed to say Mentitur Petrus : But to give any man such language is so troublesome , that I heartily pray , I may never have to do with any who will give me any such temptation . 3. I do also expect , that he who will answer me , should have so much Logick and Metaphysicks , as to be able to understand the terms of the Questions and the state of the Questions agitated in the Book , and rightly to form Arguments pro & con . For let not any one imagin , that I will be at the trouble to teach him that in Print , which he should have learn'd of his Tutor . Once indeed I did stoop so low , as to inform Mr. Tho. Pierce , that Real and Positive were not the same , and that The absence of a form from the subject , in which it ought to haue been though it were never in it actually , may be called a privation , and that Death is a privation , notwithstanding Christ came to destroy it , and that The generation of one thing is the corruption of another thing , not formally but only by concomitance , and that Our English word Sin , is not a concrete , but an abstract term , and that One accident may be the subject of inhesion to another accident , though not the ultimate subject : But that employment did so little please me , and I had so little thanks for it , that I am almost resolved never to take it upon me more . Yet this I must needs say , for the excuse of my first confident Antagonist , that he is not the only man that adventured to fight , before he either kn●w how to form his weapon or to make use of it . Dr. Heylin , whom the Bishops were wont alway to send out upon the forlorn hope , had written many Books of Controversie , before he knew the nature of a conditional Syllogism : as appears from the marvellous check he gives Mr. Baxter for saying after a conditional major , But the Antecedent is true . Ergo , so is the Consequent . Such a form of arguing it seems , the Doctor had never read nor heard of : yet I believe every Freshman hath heard of it , and knows the reason of it . Another , that went for a learned man , brings an Argument that he thought unanswerable ; viz. Babylon as Babylon is not a visible Church of Christ , But Babylon is Babylon as it is Babylon . Therefore Babylon is not a visible Church of Christ. Not knowing it seems , that , in such kind of Syllogisms , the Reduplicative particle ought alway to be put to the major term of the Syllogism . But of all men , commend me to the Author of the Appeal to Caesar. Some it seems offended at his Gag , had accused him for saying There ever was and will be a Church , unto whom complaints may be made . This accusation his great stomach could not disgest . But observe , good Reader , how he strains to get rid of it . Doth he , in his Appeal , go about to prove , that the Church is alwayes so visible , as that complaints may be made to her ? N● : But Appeal page 134 he saith , that in the nineteenth Article of our Church Church and Visible are convertible term . A position so absurd , that no one ●ho knows what convertible terms do mean , can ●hoose but see t is absurdity . But page 139 he grows more bold and confident ( yet not so bold as to prove the proposition for which he was challenged , ) and in these words he swaggers , I will yet add more Popery to the former , and so leave you my Friends and Informers to chew the cud on it , as they did after Lectures . The Church of Rome hath ever been visible . The Church of Rome is , and ever was , a true Church since it was a Church . Therefore the true Church hath been Visible . If any after Lectures do not chew the cud , i. e. meditate , they are unclean beasts ; but wo be to those who must chew the cud on such food as this . The enunciation here concluded is , The true Church hath been Visible , which I never heard any Christian deny . But let us see how this man of learning proveth it . The Premises are , The Church of Rome hath ever been Visible , This Proposition is most false and contrary to all History ; The Church of Rome is , and ever was , a true Church since it was a Church , This premise is not apt to infer the conclusion : It should have been thus formed , The Church of Rome is the true Church ; but then it had been Popish with a vengeance . Little need have the Puritans to pray , a Montacutii Logica liberes nos Deus . Indeed I have observed , that many of those who are no friends to the absolute decree , have hut little friendship for Syllogisms ; they count themselves put into the Pillory or Stocks as often as they are constrained to argue in form . If they may not be allowed to rhetoricate , to amplifie and exaggerate , to say horresco referens , to cry out ever and anon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; then are they like Wasps without a sting , or like Soldiers disarmed . Jacobus Andreas was earnestly desired by Beza that the Conference betwixt them might be managed syllogistically ; but Andreas was so far from yielding , that he swore in these or the like words , Per vitam meam nunquam sic vidi in scholis nostris disputari . Vid. Bez. in praef . ad acta Coll. I hope he wronged the Lutheran Schools , or else I must needs say , they had strange Schools , in which a man could never hear a Syllogistical Disputation . In our Schools no Disputations are allowed but what are Syllogistical , and the main work of the Moderator is , to keep the Disputants to form . And this was that which Tertullian so much commended , ad lineas & in gradum disputare : that which St. Hierom so often called for , in his Disputations against the Luciferians ; Rhetoricaris , & a disputationum spinctis , ad c●mpos liberae declamationis excurris : verum define quaeso a communibus locis , & in gradum rursus ac lineas regredere ; postea si placu●rit latius disseremus . And yet the Author of Gods love to man-kind makes this one of his reasons why he suspected the Doctrine of absolute Reprobation not to be true , because the maintainers of it are so loth to have it examined . But the Author , before he died , knew , that the absolute decree did not fear tryal , but was as generally entertained , and as firmly held , after it had endured the most severe tryals , as before . Bu● if men will say , We cannot endure to haave a Doctrine examined , because we do not like that it should be mis-represented and then bespattered , by those who had rather lose a good Conscience , than a prophane Iest , if we must be accouted Cowards , because we tell Rabshakeh , that we understand Latine , and pray him not to talk to us in English in the ears of the People , and answer him not a word when he hath done reviling , we are content to be thought such Cowards . But let those who so call us think what they would do , if the Doctrine of the Trinity should be impugned ; They would answer him who soberly went about to shew , that the Scriptures we produce do not prove a Trinity , or that should go about by reason to shew , that an increated infinite essence can no m●re be one and yet agree to three persons , than the humane nature can : But if any one should write such Books as Servetus did , in which above an hundred times over the Trinity i● called ●●iceps Cerberus , diabolicum phantasma , Geryonis monstrum , illusio Satanae ; and the eternal generation is thus derided , Debent dicere quod pater habeat uxorem quandam spiritualem , vel quod solus ipse masculo-fae●●neus aut Hermaphroditus simul sit pater & mater , &c. and , Si logos filius erat nat●s ex patre sine matre , dic mihi quomodo peperit cum , per ventrem , an per latus ? they would think it sufficient to say , The Lord rebuke thee . To conclude , If any one who is a Scholar and will write like a Scholar , will be at the pains to shew me , that Arminianism in the five points is not contrary to the Doctrine of St. Austin ( the hammer of Pelagianism , ) nor yet contrary to the Doctrine of our Church , I shall either speedily reply or acknowledge my self his Prisoner . Put if any one shall publish a Book against me , stuffed only with impotent railings or malicious calumnies , I shall punish him , as I have done two or three already , by not buying , not reading his Book . It will perhaps be said , that the Papists , against whom we should unite our forces , will be too too much gratified by one Protestant 's writing against another . Answ. I doubt not , but the Factors for the Papacy , do with much delight tell their Disciples , how those that are not in Communion with them are divided among themselves : But they should do well to make up their own breaches before they upbraid us wit● ours . He , that being scandalised at the diversity of opinions among the Reformed , shall betake himself to the Romanists , will leap out of the frying-pan into the fire . The Papists only agree in that , in which they dare not publish how much they differ : and they then let a Popes decision put an end to their disputes , when they can neither say , that the Pope was misinformed , or that he was not in Cathed●a , or know not how by some distinction to evade the determination ; that is , they then let the Popes reconcile them , when they have no mind to be any longer at variance . They will not deny , but that there is as much difference between their Dominicans and Franciscans ▪ their Jansenists and Molinists , as there is betwixt Calvinists and Arminians : and yet they say , that their Church is one , and not ours . How is this to be unridled ? One A. D. about the beginning of King James his Reign , put forth a Pamphlet which he called a Treatise of Faith ; near the later end of which he lets us understand , that the Roman Church is alwayes one and uniform in Faith , never varying or holding any dogmatical point contrary to that which in former times it did hold . The learned men thereof , though sometimes differing in opinion , in matters not defined by the Church , yet , in matters of Faith , all conspire in one . And no marvel , because they have a most convenient means to keep unity in profession of Faith ; sith they do acknowledge one chief Pastor appointed over them ( viz. the Successor of St. Peter , ) to whose definitive censure , in matters concerning Religion , they wholly submit themselves . The Gentlemans meaning if I can fathom it is , that the Romanists are resolved to think their Church is at unity within it self . For though the members thereof have 10000 differences among themselves , yet those differences are not in matters of Faith , because they are resolved ▪ as soon as the Church shall decide them , never to differ more . Well , one would think that Protestants also might be at unity ; because they profess they will yield to Scripture determination whatever it be . Nay , that the Gentleman will n●t grant ; because , as he had told us a little before , divers men expound the Scriptures diversly . As if the decisions of their Church were not expounded diversly by divers , and were not as apt to be diversly expounded as the Scriptures . And , as if they were as much at an end after they had found out the meaning of a decision made by the Pope , as we are when we have found out the meaning of the Scripture . Convince a Protestant , that any one place of Scripture must needs be so understood as to assert Consubstantiation , he becomes a Syno●siast forthwith : But when you have convinced a Papist , that a decision of the Pope must needs be so interpreted as to cross his opinion , yet he will not lay down his opinion ; but will say , perhaps , that the Pope did decide not as Pope but only as a Learned man , or that it may be questioned whether he be a Pope , or whether he be infallible out of a Councel , or whether he was rightly informed of matter of fact ? Suppose a Jansenist should thus argue , The Pope did not intend to condemn the Doctrine of Augustine : therefore , He did not intend to condemn the Doctrine of Jansenius . A Molinist would be loth to deny the Antecedent ; and yet if he deny the Consequent , then hath the Jansenist field-room enough , and is as far from being proselyted as if nothing had been determined against Jansenism . In the mean time it were heartily to be wished , that Protestant Ministers would v●ry sparingly in their Preaching touch upon those p●ints wherein they differ am●ng themselves . The day is yet to come that ever I preached Sermon about Election or Reprobation , and I look upon it as a great affliction that I have been by the daring provocations of others put upon it to write about them . I could easily have born it that Dr. Heylin should trample upon my self ; but could not so well endure it , that for my sake the honour of some of our best Reformed Writers should be laid in the dust . If Zuinglius , Calvin , Beza may still be read without prejudice and quoted in the Pulpit with due respect , If I can but perswade young Scholars that those who composed our Articles did understand them , and would not enjoyn men to recant such tenents as were agreeable to them ; then have I obtained what I principally aimed at . And so , good Reader , I commend thee to the love of God , and to the hatred of Popery and Superstition and every opinion that hath a natural tendency thereunto . THE CONTENTS . AN Introduction , giving an account of the undertaking , Page 1 , 2. Of the Blasphemy of Florinus ; and whether Eusebius charge Blastus with it , p. 3. Irenaeus his Arguments against Florinus , p. 4. The Arguments of other Fathers against his Blasphemy , p. 5. Of the Libertines , and Calvin , p. 6 , 7 , 8. Of Mr. Archers Book , and its burning . p. 9 , 10. Of Manes , Bardesanes , Colarbas , Priscilianus , p. 11 , 12 , 13. Luther no Manichee . p. 14 , 15. Calvin no Bardesanist , nor Priscilianist , p. 16. Of Socinus denying Gods Prescience ; and the Iesuits . Scientia media , p. 19 , to 23. Of Pelagius his Heresie , &c. p. 23 , 24 , 25. Of the S●mipelagians , p. 26 , 27. The Arminians follow the Pelagians and Semipepelagians ; Calvin , Austin , p. 27 , to 35. Of Godescalk , p. 35 , to 38. Of the Councel of Trent , p. 38 , to 43. Of the Condemnation of Jansenius , p. 43 , to 46. The Opinion of the Piedmont Churches concerning Predestination and Grace . p. 46 , 47. Of the Augustan Confession , by whom made . p. 49. not relished by the Papists , ib. drawn up in hast , p. 50. subscribed by Calvin and Zanchy , ibid. Melancthon not against Calvin in the point of Predestination , p. 51 , to 55. Luther retracted not his Book De servo arbitrio , p. 55. An Article of the Confession explained , p. 55 , 56 , 57. Of the Liber Concordiae , p. 57 , 58 , 59. Of the Conference betwixt Beza and Andraeas . p. 59 , 60 , 61. Calvin not proved , to make God the Author of Sin , p. 62 , to 66. Of his Horribile Decretum , p. 66 , 67. Reprobation , as stated by him , not of such reproach among Papists , nor of such offence among the Lutherans as the Doctor pretends , 68 , to 71. Iustified as to Castalio , 71 , 72. No Supralapsarian , at least not the first , p. 72 , 73. Of the different opinions concerning the object of Predestination , p. 73. Supralapsarians abused by the Doctor , p. 74 , 75. Sublapsarian Opinion stated out of the Synod of Dort , p. 76 , to 79. Answers to Mr Hoards objections against it , p. 79. to 91. Of the Remonstrants and Arminians , p. 9● , to 104. The Doctor 's Parallel betwixt the Synod of Dort and the Councel of Trent disproved , p. 104 , to 112. Of the Deputies of Utrecht and Maccovius , p. 112 , 113. 〈◊〉 Remonstrants not used cruelly , p. 114. 〈◊〉 made the Author of Sin by those who charge others to make him such , p. 116 , to 120. The City of Sedan abused , p. 120. Episcopius his humour described , p. 121. The Remonstrants cannot joyn with any Christian Church , p. 122. The Charge against the Remonstrants made good , p. 123 , to 127. Whether their Opinions tend to Popery , p. 127 , to 138. Wickliff defended , p. 139 , to 146. Tindal , Barnes , Frith justified and commended , p. 146 , 147. Dr. Heylin's mistakes about our Reformation and Reformers in England rectified , p. 148 , to 157. The English Article about Predestination laid down , and its sense , p. 157 , to 160. The Historians Observations therefrom considered and confuted , p. 160 , to 165. Of the Liturgy , p. 165. K. Edw. Catechism , ib. Of the Iudgment of our Martyrs , Mr. Rogers , p. 166 , 167. Cranmer , Ridley , p. 167 , to 170. Philpot , p. 170. Bradford , p. 170 , to 175. Of Peter Martyr and Bucer , p. 175 , to 178. Of the Geneva Bible , p. 178 , 179. Hooper and Latimer no Friends to Arminianism , p. 179 , to 182. Calvin's Reprobation misrepresented by Dr. H. p. 182. as also his Doctrine concerning Perseverance , p. 184. Of the sixteenth Article of our Church , p. 185. to 191. Calvinists no new Gospellers , p. 192 , 193. Of Campneys , Veron , Crowley , p. 193 , 194. Of Queen Elizabeths Articles , p. 196 , 197. Of Mr. Nowels Catechisme , p. 197 , to 200. Of Queen Elizabeths Homilies , p. 20 ▪ 0 201. Of Mr. Harsnet , and Bishop King , p. 202 , 203. Of Mr. Fox ; His Martyrology vindicated , p. 205 , 206. Mr. Perkins cleared , p. 206 , to 209. Of Whitaker , Baro , Barret , p. 209 , &c. Of the Lambeth Articles , p. 211 , &c. Of the Questions and Answers put betwixt the Old and New Testament in former Bibles , p. 214. Of the Hampton-Court Conference , p. 217. Of the Irish Articles , p. 219. A Catalogue of Bishops preferred by King James , p. 221. Of Overal , Vorstius , our Divines at the Synod of Dort , Sympson , Tompsom , K. James his directions , Bridges , Mountague , p. 221 , to the end . A Postscript concerning Barret , p. 232 , &c. HISTORIA Quinq-Articularis Exarticulata ; OR , ANIMADVERSIONS ON Doctor Heylin's QUINQUARTICULAR HISTORY . IT is an happiness rather to be wished , than hoped for , that the Church of God should stand in need of no. Polemical Divines : for whilst Satan is Satan , and Men Men , and whilst the Righteous Judge of all Mankind sees meet to punish those who receive not the truth in the love of it , by giving them up to strong delusions , there will be Hereticks wresting the Scriptures , and opposing the Faith once delivered to the Saints . Against these , as many as had any regard of mens precious and immortal souls , have in all Ages thought themselves obliged to contend earnestly , and that with two sorts of weapons : The first Apodictical , proving the truth , and refelling the errors opposite to it , by evidence of Scriptures , and strength of Reason ; the second Historical , confirming Truth by the Testimonies and Authority of men renowned for Learning and Piety . The former are the weapons mighty through God to the throwing down of strong holds , but the later have also been used with good success ; and indeed he must be a perfect stranger to all modesty and humility , who doth hastily embrace any assertion opposed by all , or the greatest part of the Fathers , Martyrs and Reformers of the Church . With these later Weapons I intend ( he assisting who worketh in us both to will and to do , ) to encounter the Reverend Doctor Peter Heylin , thought , it seems by the many importunate Letters sent to him , as able as any to strengthen the weak hands of Arminius , and his followers . I do in the entrance promise , to have in my eye that golden saying . Historici primum munus est , ne quid falsi dic●● audeat , deinde , ne quid veri non audeat ; ne qua suspicio gratiae sit in scribendo , ne qua simultatis : Which that the Doctor observed not , will be evident before I have done to all ▪ but those who cannot or will not see . Our Subject must be the unhappy Quinquarticular Controversie , about which the Doctor had written something , in that part of his Certamen Epistolare , which was directed against Mr. Hickman . That Certamen , whether it pleased others or no , it seems pleased the Doctor himself so well , that he hath thought meet to repeat a good part of it in his Historia Quinquarticularis , and that without begging pardon for his Ta●tology . But this being a fault against my purse rather than against the Truth , I can easily forgive : and shall make some Animadversions on his History , and insert such Digression● , as I shall judge meet to decide the Controversie , Whet●er the Remonstrant or Contra-Remonstrant opinions be most agreeable to the sense of the Antient and Modern Reformed Protestant Churches , more especially this of England ? If I evince not that the Contra-Remonstrant are , I refuse not the hardest Censure . The Doctor in his first Chapter makes some declamatory attempts against such , As have either made God the Author of sin , or denyed the liberty of mans will , or attributed too much to the natural freedom of mans will , in the works of piety ; Whether with that fidelity and candor that becomes an Historian , must now be examined . Dr. H. Lib. 1. pag. 2. The Blasphemy which makes God to be the Author of sin , was first broach'd , in terms express , by Florinus , Blastus , and some other of the City of Rome about the year 180 , encountred presently by that Godly Bishop and Martyr St. Irenaeus , who published a Discourse against them , bearing this Inscription , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that God was not the Author of sin . For this he refers us to Eusebius , Hist. Eccles. Lib. 5. Cap. 14 , & 19 , and to no other Author . Answ. Periculosum est in limine offendere ; 'T is ominous to stumble at the very Threshold : So hath the Doctor done . For though I can easily grant that Florinus did in terminis assert God to be the Author of sin ; partly because of the Title of the Epistle written to him , which is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , partly because I find him by Irenaeus , in a fragment of an Epistle to him recorded in Eusebius , lib. 5. cap. 19 , charged to maintain such Dogmata , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Hereticks out of the Church durst never hold : yet is there not the least proof from Eusebius ( what ever there may be from others , ) that Blastus ever maintained any such blasphemy . From the Title of the Epistle written to him , which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we may guess that his opinions were such as had a tendency to Schism , rather than to any thing which is properly Heresie-Tertullian towards the end of his Book de Heresibus , writes thus of him , Blastus latenter Iudaismum vult introducere : Pascha enim dicit , non aliter custodiendum esse , nisi secundum legem Moysis , 14. mensis . Quis autem nesciat quoniam Evangelica gratia evacuatur , si ad iegem Christum redigit ? Feuardentius in his Preface to some fragments of Irenaeus , saith , It may be easily collected from several Antients ( whom he there names , ) that Blastus gave the beginning to the Schism of the Quartodecimani . This is all , peculiar to Blastus , that I can find , though it is scarce to be doubted , but that he held some of the absurd opinions of Valentinus , whose Scholar he was . I only add , If Florinus an hearer of Polycarpe , and a Presbyter of Rome , fell into the highest & most horrid of Blasphemies , no one hath reason to be secure , but every one that standeth , had need take heed left he fall into the same fury , or by running from it , fall into some dotage as contrary to Scripture . For so I find that a Sect of men called by Austin Coluthiani , ( by Isidore corruptly Cottiliani , and more corruptly by Platina Quolitiani , ) from Coluthus , a Presbyter of the Church of Alexandria , did ; not doubting to assert that God did not Create any sort of evil : whereas he could not be God , if he did not work all evils that are in Cities or Countries , so far as they are fruits and just rewards of mens sins . This errour saith Epiphanius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c lasted not long , but soon vanished ; yet because it is so expresly mentioned by Philaster , Danaeus conceives it spread it self both into East and West : Certain I am , the Arminian , if closely followed , must either fall into this pit , or else depart from some of his beloved opinions . Dr. H. Ibid. What Arguments the good Father used to cry down this blasphemy , I cannot gather from any Authour ; but such they were , so operative , and effectual , in stopping the current of the mischief , that either Florinus , and the rest , had no followers at all , or such as never attained to the height of their Masters impudence . Ans. What the good Fathers Arguments were , is not so impossible to be collected out of Eusebius , as the Doctor here suggests ; For though it be but a very fragment of the Epistle to or against Florinus , which is come to our hands , yet our of that fragment we may gather something , that Irenaeus thought meet to make use of ; namely , that Florinus his Dogma was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not agreeable to the sentiment of the Church of God that then was ; that it did , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lead , as many as did embrace it , into the greatest impiety : 'T is also farther added there by Irenaeus , that he had very perfect remembrance of Polycarpe , who conversed with S. Iohn , and that he could witness , as in the presence of God , that had that blessed and Apostolical Presbyter ( so he calls Polycarpe , not Bishop ) heard any such thing as was by Florinus asserted , he would have stopped his ear ; and cryed aloud , according to his custom , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Good God! unto what times hast thou kept me that I should hear such things ? yea , that he would forthwith have fled out of that place , in which , either standing or sitting , he had heard any such impiety : Which considerations undoubtedly do not want their weight , at least they are as material as any brought by Dr. Heylin himself . Upon this occasion it may not be amiss to mention the Arguments by which , if not Irenaeus , yet other of the Antient Fathers have opposed this ( not undeservedly called ) Doctrine of Devils , that God is the Author of sin . 1. They laid some stress upon this , that sin is not positive , but privative . This Argument is largely prosecuted by Dionysius , commonly ( though falsly ) call'd the Areopagite : He proveth that Moral evil cannot be from God , because it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Much more of this nature may be seen in Mr. Hickmans Iustification of the Fathers and Schoolmen . And therefore if any ( which God forbid ) should be minded to lick up the vomit of Florinus , Mr. T.P. by maintaining the positivity of sin , hath encouraged them so to do : But the best is , his Impartial enquiry into the Nature of sin , is so managed , that one may say to him , as once Gualter Haddon did to Hieronymus Osorius , Video librum tuum constare ex ignorantia , & impudentia , quarum una cum fiat , ut nihil intelligas , altera tamen efficitur , ut omnia audeas . There 's one continued fallacy runneth through all his Pages , the confounding of the materiale or substratum , and the formale of sin ; he that can distinguish these ( as who cannot that hath but dipped into a Systeme of M●taphysicks ? ) hath answered all his reasons , all his Authorities . 2. Basil and others , argue from the Nature of God , unto which Holiness and Righteousness are essential ; and therefore sin so contrary to it , cannot be caused by it . 3. The Fathers much urge the reason drawn from the last Judgment , in which God is to punish all the impenitent , for their ungodliness : Is God unrighteous who taketh vengeance ? God forbid , for then how shal ! God Iudge the World ? Rom. 3.5 , 6. God could have no mind to punish that which he himself caused , nor could he justly punish man for doing that which he had made him to do ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Nyssen excellently . But it is time that I should pass to that Age , in which the Heresie of Florinus , buried ( as the Doctor thinks ) for so many Centuries , was revived : Of that , thus he begins , Dr. H. Pag. 2. It never revived in more than thirteen hundred years after the death of Irenaeus , when it was again started by the Libertines , a late brood of Sectaries , Answer . If the Doctor here speak of those , that did by just and necessary consequence make God the Author of sin , there were many betwixt Irenaeus and the two Tailors of Flandria , that did so ; but if he would have us think , that the Libertines did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in express terms , entitle God to the sins of all men , he must pardon us , if we be not too ha●ty in so thinking . For Bellarmine , who possibly read over rhe History of the Libertines with as much care as the Doctor , tells us expressly , that the Libertines do in words deny , that they make God the Author or cause of sin , de Statu peccati , lib. 2. c. 2. The truth is , their Tenent rather was , that there is no sin , than that God is the cause of sin . They would not deny but that God wrought all the Adulteries and Rapines that were ; but then they affirmed that Adulteries and Rapines being wrought by God , were no sins . But under whose wings were these miscreants hatched , and when did they first infect the Christian Church ? Dr. H. Pag. 3. The time of their breaking out affirmed to be about the year 1529. Founders of the Sect Coppinus , and Quintinus , Flemmings both : and this , Prateolus affirms for certain , to be the Progeny of Calvin , and other leading Men of the Protestant Churches ; Bellarmine more remissly , Omnino probabile est . Answer . About , is a word that will stretch , and hath saved many a lie , yet was it no more than was needful ; For so uncertain is our Historian about the time of these wretched miscreants rising , that having in these words placed it at the year 1529 , a very few Lines after , he placeth it at An. 1527 , but his Friend Prateolus placeth it lower yet , at the year 1525 : at which time Mr. Calvin was not much above sixteen years old ; being born , if he who writes his Life deceive me not , the sixth of Iune , Anno 1509 : and therefore it would be a most strange oversight in Prateolus , if he should affirm , that the Libertines were the Progeny of Calvin . But the truth is , Prateolus is guilty of no such oversight , though the Doctor is pleased to charge it upon him : There is no necessity in the World , that e Schola nostrae tempestatis Evangelicorum , ( which are Prateolus his words , ) should take in Calvin . Bellarmine doth indeed , in the place quoted by the Doctor , say , Omnino probabile est , ut Anabaptistae ex Lutheranis , sic Libertinos ex Calvinianis promanasse : But he addeth a reason , which methinks no one of his admirers should be able to read without blushing . For in the books of Calvin and his Master Zuinglius and his Disciple Beza , as also of Martin Bucer and Peter Martyr , are found most apert sentences out of which it is collected that God is the Author of all the wickednesses which are perpetrated by men . Let us form this reason into an Euthymem that the goodliness of it may appear . There are in Zuinglius , Calvin , Beza , Bucer , Martyr , most apert sentences from which it is gathered that God is the Author of sin : Therefore it is altogether probable that the Libertines did arise from the Calvinians . The Antecedent he indeed useth all his wit and malice , for many Chapters , to prove ; howbeit with most pitiful success , as divers have shewn , divers are still ready to shew . But why did he not use some covering for the Consequent , the nakedness whereof is so visible ? Could he think that we without more ado would believe the Libertines were the brood of the Calvinians , if the Calvinians have sentences in their writings from whence it may be inferred that God is the Author of sin . Perhaps the Libertines were risen in the world before these mens writings were extant . Perhaps they never saw these mens writings , though they were extant , when they did arise . Perhaps there were other men , no Calvinians , whose writings the Libertines were acquainted with , and sucked their loose opinions from . Why do I use the word perhaps ? Most certain it is , that no writing of any Calvinian either did or could bring Libertinism into the world . But it is as certain that if the first Libertines were bookish men ( as I think they were not , ) there were extant many Popish Divines and Professors Books , in which were sentences more likely to draw men into Libertinism than any extant in Calvin , or any of his Disciples , or Collegues . Nay , if need were I could shew , even in Bellarmine himself , such sentences as have a greater shew of making God the Author of sin , than any used by Calvin . But if the Cardinal had a mind to lay those ugly brats of Libertinism and Anabaptism at the Protestants doors , Why did he trouble himself to father them on two differing sorts of Protestants ? Why doth he say , that Anabaptists are the progeny of the Lutherans , and Libertines the brood of the Calvinians ? Doth he not confess that Luther and Melancthon did at first teach the very same things , ministring to Libertinism , that the Calvinians teach ? If so , Why might not the Libertines learn their lessons from them ? Were not the first Anabaptists Libertines as well as Anabaptists ? If they were not , they are much abused by Historians ; And if they were , sure either Anabaptism is falsly fathered on the Lutherans , or else Libertinism also must call them fathers . But why should we seek any other fathers of Anabaptism than the Papists ? Nothing made the Anabaptists so infamous as their pretended euthusiasms or revelations , and their despising of dignities , and rebelling against Magistrates : And who laid the foundation of enthusiasm , I shewed a young Scholar above twenty years ago , when he began to be levened with that fanaticism , and he will thank me for it , I doubt not , all the days of his life . What Schools first taught rebellion against Princes , Bishop Morton and twenty more have shewn . As for Rebaptizing of persons Baptized in infancy ( whence Anabaptists have their name , ) it is the most innocent errour of all the Anabaptists hold ; and yet even this oweth its rise and progress , to Popish principles and practices : as the Papists shall be made to know if they desire it . Nor hath it been my hap , as yet , to hear of any opinion so wild and absurd of our late Sectaries , that I could not derive from some famous Schoolman . Well , the Doctor himself is not unwilling to acquit Calvin from being the Parent of these Libertines , and acknowledgeth , that Calvin was not wanting to purge himself from such an odious imputation : And I hope he hath sufficiently purged himself , if a Learned and full Confutation of their opinion be a sufficient Purgation . The truth is , Coppin and Quintin , as also Bertrand and Perseval , were all Papists . As for Antonius Pocquius ( whom Dr. Heylin according to his mistaking faculty calls , page 3. Franciscus Porquius ) he was undoubtedly a Romanist , and a Romanist in Orders , a Franciscan Fryer . It cannot be denied ( nor is it , ) that Pocquius was for some time at Geneva , and being to leave that place , he would fain have obtained Letters Testimonial and Commendatory from Calvin , as he had from Martin Bucer ; but Mr. Calvin , though he then knew not the spirit of the man perfectly , did so shrewdly suspect him to be a Fanatick , that he would never be prevailed with to testifie any good thing on his behalf : Yea when this Deceiver discovered himself , he could not forbear him , but chastised him and Quintin , sharply and by name , in his discourse against the Libertines : And when the Queen of Navarre ( who though not tainted with the Libertines Errors , was bewitched with the pretended Holiness of these two chief Sticklers ) took her self to be wounded through their sides , this man of God wrote to her with admirable moderation , ( so it was meet , considering her dignity , and the good that she had done to the Church of God , ) but withal , he reprehended her imprudence for admitting such men , and by this Letter he so far prevailed , that this abominable Sect which began to flock apace into France , afterwards kept it self in Holland , and the Countries adjacent : the Epistle is to be seen among Calvins Epistles , pag. 53. To conclude , I do throughly joyn with the Doctor , in detesting all those , who either directly , or by any just consequence known to them , make the Holy God the Author or cause , of all or any sinfulness . Nor do I know any Calvinian , that will not without the least hesitation joyn with us both in this detestation . If there be any that will not , let him be cursed with the severest Anathema's : If he should publish any thing of this nature , let his Book be a Victime to Vulcan ; as Master Archers was by the appointment of the two Houses , and at the desire of the late Assembly of Divines . A story of which transaction it will not be amiss here to insert , from Doctor Arrowsmiths Chain of Principles ; In the year 1645. there was published in London an English Book , wherein God was expresly made the Author of his peoples sins , though not without some limitations . The Assembly of Divines , then sitting at Westminster , took offence at this , made complaint of it to both Houses of Parliament : they both censured the said book to be burnt , by the hand of the Common Hangman : and the Assembly of Divines agreed upon a Declaration , nemine contradicente , by way of detestation of that abominable and blasphemous opinion ; which was also published under that Title Iuly 17. 1945 , and in which we meet with these expressions among others , that The most vile and blasphemous assertion , whereby God is avowed to be the Author of sin , hath hitherto , by the general consent of Christian Teachers and Writers , both Antient and Modern , and those as well Papists as Protestants , been not disclaimed only , but even detested and abhorred : Our common adversaries , the Papists have hitherto , only calumniously charged the Doctrine of the Reformed Churches , with so odious a crime , ( in the mean time confessing that we do in words deny it , as well as they themselves ; ) Now should this Book be tolerated , they might insult over us , and publish to the world , that in the Church of England it was openly and impudently maintained , that God is the Author of sin , than which there is not any one point , whereby they labour in their Sermons and popular Orations , to cast a greater Odium , ( though most injuriously ) upon the Reformed Churches : We are not for the reverence or estimation of any mans person , to entertain any such opinions , as do , in the very words of them , asperse the honour and holiness of God , and are by all the Churches of Christ rejected . Proceed we to what the Doctor saith about those , who entertaining the same dreadful madness with Florinus , did recommend it to the world under a disguise ; Of these , thus he begins ; Page 3. Dr. H. Of this sort Manes was the first , by birth of Persia , and Founder of the damnable Sect of the Manichees , Anno 273 , or thereabouts . This wretch did first excogitate two Gods , the one good , and the other evil , both of like Eternity ; ascribing all pious actions to the one , all sins and vices to the other : Which ground so laid , he utterly deprived the will of man of that natural liberty , of which it is by God invested ; and therefore that in man there was no ability of resisting sin , or not submitting unto any of those wicked actions , which his lusts and passion offered to him . Contendebant item peccatum non esse à libero arbitrio , sed à Daemone & eapropter non posse per liberum arbitrium impediri , as my Author hath it . Answ. Who is this Author ? Prateolus a Pontifician , who neither took great pains in examining what the Ancients delivered concerning Hereticks , nor was fearful of affixing to men what they never held . It had been more comely for a man of great reading , as Doctor Heylin either is , or seems to be , to have referred us to Epiphanius , or Cyril of Ierusalem , or Austin , from whom we should have taken the opinions of Manes with less suspicion ; but seeing he hath consulted his ease more than his credit , and chosen rather to take things upon trust from Prateolus , than to peruse those from whom Prateolus must take what he brings , if it be truth that he brings , I shall let him enjoy his humour , and not put my self to the trouble of an enquiry , whether these furious men did affirm that sin was not from free-will ? Though there be some passages that render it probable , that they thought , that man when he sinned did propria voluntate peccare ; Though withal they seem to have been of this mind , that the voluntas male agendi was not a thing we brought on our selves by the fall , but something natural to us . However , without offence , I hope the Doctor may be minded that Manes was not the first of that wicked sort of men : for he , first called not as Augus . Urbicus , but as Socrates Cubricus , got into his hands the Books of one Terebynthus , who had changed his name into Buddas , and published them to the World , as if composed by himself ; it being not likely that the World should be taken with any Books that did bear the name of Buddas : who though pretending to be born of a Virgin , and to be able to work great feats , died not long before miserably , being thrown from an high place , and having his neck broke . Nor was this Terebynthus or Buddas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : he had got into his custody the four Books entitled Evangelium ▪ Liber Capitum , Mysteriorum , Thesaurorum ; but the Books were composed by his Master , one Scythianus , a Saracen Merchant , who to gratifie his wife lived in Egypt , yet Scythianus himself did not excogitate these two Gods , or first principles , one good the other evil , but sucked in that absurdity from such Writings or Fragments as he had met with of Empedocles and Pythagoras , as Socrates tells us , lib. 1. c. 21 : whom in this whole matter I the more confidently follow , because he faithfully alledgeth every thing out of the disputation of Archelaus a Mesopotamian Bishop , who disputed with Manes face to face . Wherefore seeing this is the undoubted and capital errour of the Manichees , to assert two first Principles , the one good the other bad , I leave it to the serious consideration of our Historian , Whether the opinion of Mr. Pierce and the English Tilenus , concerning the positivity of sin , do not border somewhat too neer that absurd blasphemy ; and Whether it would not sound better in the ears of Christians and Philosophers to say , that the obliquity of the sinful act is but a privation , and to be attributed to the defectible nature of the will ; but the Act , which is the substratum of this obliquity , is positive , and to be ascribed to him who is the first and supreme Agent and Cause ; and Whether the admonition that Austin once gave to the Manichees , de duabus anim . contra Manich. cap. 6. in fine , may not ●itly be given to the two forementioned Authors , ut eos sequi mallent , qui omne quicquid esset , quoniam esset , in quantumque esset , ex uno deo esse praedicarent . Dr. H. Page 4 , 5. — Others not daring to ascribe all their sins and wickedness unto God himself , imputed the whole blame thereof to the Stars and Destinies ; the powerful influence of the one , and the irresistible Decrees of the other , necessitating men to those wicked actions , which they so frequently commit . Thus we are told of Bardesanes , quòd fato conversationes hominum ascriberet . Ans. We are told of Bardesanes , but where ? or by whom ? In the Margin I find , Aug. de Haeres . cap. 25. quoted . But one would almost think that the Doctor was born under some such Planet , as did either incline or necessitate him to mistake . Nothing is by S. Austin said of Bardesanes , cap. 25. Indeed in cap. 35. the words before mentioned are found ; but the Historian ( if he had not written in haste ) needed not have been ignorant that the Learned judge this passage to be the additament of some later Pen , and they also affirm , that it is wanting in most antient Copies of S. Austin . Spondanus out of Baronius sticks not to affirm , that nothing was ever more strenuously opposed by Bardesanes than the Doctrine of Fatality ; which he proves from the testimony of many , yea all , and from Bardesanes his own Dialogue of Fate , written to Antoninus the Emperor , and recorded by Eusebius , lib. 6. de Praep. Evangelica . Dr. H. Ibid. Page 5. And thus it is affirmed of Priscilianus , Fatalibus astris homines alligatos , That men were thralled to the Stars ; which last S. Austin doth report of one Colarbus , save that he gave this power and influence only to the Planets . Ans. Of any such fatalist as Colarbus did I never read . In all Authors that mention him , ( which I have met with ) he is called Colarbas or Colarbasus , or bassus . Where he was born or where he taught , by all enquiry I have not yet found , but he is commonly joyned with Marcus ; whose Heresie was raised out of the Greek Alphabet , subjecting all Men and their Members to the Letters thereof , so as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should rule the Head , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Neck : perhaps his School-fellow Colarbasus thought it less irrational to subject us to the Planets . The History of Priscilianus is most exactly described by Sulpicius Severus , in whom I have read it with care and delight , and find that his Heresie did spread it self most stupendiously , so as not only multitudes of Laicks , but also sundry Bishops were carried away with it : among the rest Hyginus or Iginus , or Adyginus , the Bishop of Corduba and Successor to Hosius , though he was the very first man that set himself against it . The Heresie it self was a mixture of Gnosticism and Manichaism . Idacius and Ithacius called in the assistance of the secular powers to suppress it , for which they are severely censured by Sulpitius . However the Emperor did take cognizance of the cause , put Priscilianus , Felicissimus , Armenius , Latronianus and also Euchrocia ( a noted woman ) to death , banished Instantius and Tyberianus into our Isle of Sylly : But in all the accusations brought against Priscillianus , I do not find him , in that Author , charged with Fatality ; yet seeing he was wont to pray naked , and to keep night Meetings with base women , let him upon Austins authority pass for a Fatalist : and though he was after his death Celebrated for a Martyr , and had in such honor by his followers , as that they were wont to swear by him , yet I hope that his name is abhorred by all professing Reformation , and that nothing of Fatality hath been taught by any whom Protestants honour : The Doctor thinks otherwise , and I must see on what grounds . Dr. H. Page 5. Amongst the Philosophical Heterodoxies of the Roman Schools , that of the Manichees first revived by Martin Luther , who in meer opposition to Erasmus , who had then newly written a Book de libero arbitrio , published a Discourse de servo arbitrio , in which discourse he not only saith , that the freedom ascribed unto the will is an empty nothing , titulus & nomen fine re , but holds expressly , that Man is drawn no other way than velut inanìmale quiddam , no other way than as a senseless stock or stone . Answ. 1. What Christian besides Doctor Heylin would have taken upon him thus to judge before the Day of Iudgment ? Had it not been censure high and hard enough , to say of so eminent a Reformer , that he did write his Book partly out of opposition to Erasmus , but it must be also affirmed , that he did it out of meer opposition to Erasmus ? 2. What Scholar besides Doctor Heylin would have quoted Luther , de servo arbitrio , and never refer so much as in his Margin to any page , where we may find the things that are quoted out of him , and examine their coherence with passages antecedent and consequent ? 3. As to the thing it self , Servum arbitrium , is no false Divinity , Voluntas humana non est libera , antequam liberetur ; In the first conversion a man is passive , as passive as a stone is in receiving the impression or signature that is made on it ; The liberty of the will discovers it self in its actings , not in its passions or receivings . I hope the Doctor holds that the Image of God in which the first man was Created , was distinct from the faculties of the soul. If he do not , then must he hold , that when man lost the Image of God , he also lost the faculties of his soul , which is contrary to reason and experience . If he do hold it distinct , I would feign know , whether the Will were not passive in receiving that Image ? whether it did in the least cooperate towards the production of it ? If it did not , as certainly it did not ; Why may not this Image be again restored , the Will not cooperating to the first restitution , and yet its liberty not be diminished ? Is it any absurdity to say that a man is dead , i. e. void of spiritual life , before he is quickened ? Or that a man is senseless till he have his spiritual senses given him ? Yet do not I think that Luther was ever in such a height or heat of passion , as to say , that Gods working on the soul is in all things like to our working on a stone . Similitudes do not run on all four , as the Proverb is . When I draw a stone , no internal change is wrought on the stone , I destroy not those qualities that unfit it for motion , nor do I put into it any qualities that may fit it for motion ; but when God doth out of stones raise up Children unto Abraham , he makes them cease to be stones , he taketh away the heart of stone , and gives an heart of flesh , he makes them a willing people , puts into them a new Nature , and a new motive faculty , and so they run unto and follow after Christ , as readily and cheerfully as the child follows the Parent from whom he expects good things . Well but Luther is beholding to the Doctor , for though he have given him this shrewd knock , yet at last he gives him a stroke , as Bellarmine had done before , intimating his recantation of his rigorous opinion , Page 6. Luther afterwards conformed his judgment in this point , unto that of Melancthon , as appears by the Augustan Confession , in drawing up whereof , he is acknowledged to have had a principal hand . Let us hear him ●ant against Calvin . Dr. H. Page 6. Calvin will revive the errors of Bardesanes and Priscillian , in charging all mens wicked actions on the Star● and Destiny , not positively and in terminis , I must needs say that , but so that he comes up close to them , to tantamount , ascribing that to the inevitable Decrees of Almighty God , which Bardesanes attributed to the power of Fate , Priscillian to the influence of Stars ; For if God before all Eternity ( as they plainly say , ) did purpose and decree the fall of Adam , ( Ut suâ defectione periret Adam , Calv. Inst. lib. 3. cap. 23. sect . 7. ) there was in Adam a necessity of committing sin , because the Lord had so decreed it . If without consideration of the sin of man , he hath by his determinate sentence ordained so many millions of men to everlasting damnation , and that too necessariò & inevitabiliter , as they please to phrase it , he must needs preordain them to sin also ; there being ( as themselves confess ) no way unto the end but by the means . Ans. This is an heavy charge , and had need be well and clearly proved , or else the Doctor will be thought to have little of that , which is the bond of perfection , Charity : Let us examine his proof . The conclusion he is to infer is this , that Calvin doth ascribe all mens wicked actions to the inevitable Decrees of Almighty God. What are his premises ? He is no Syllogistical man , and therefore I will not tie him to the strict rules of argumentation ; but examine what he saith as I find it . If God before all eternity ( as they plainly say ) did purpose and decree the fall of Adam , there was in Adam a necessity of sinning , because the Lord had so decreed it . 1. Who are these they ? Before there was no mention of any one save Calvin ▪ Is he now multiplied into these two , Iohn , Calvin , as once Luther was into Martin , and Luther ? 2. How do these Iohn , Calvin say plainly , that God did before all eternity decree ? Had it been said , that he decreed before all time , or from all eternity , this had been a plain speech ; but how any decree should be made before all eternity , which hath no beginning , that is not plain : A man had need have Dr. Heylins wit to understand it . To the thing ; God did purpose and decree the fall of our Father Adam from all eternity : What is the fault in this proposition ? Is this it , that the Decree is said to be made from all eternity ? Why surely there are no temporary decrees . Is it that the decree of God passed upon the fall of Adam ? Certainly the decrees of the Almighty do reach every thing that hath happened , or that shall happen , be it good or evil : the very delivering of Christ into the hands of them that Crucified him is said to be , by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God , Act. 2.23 . Well , but hence it will follow , that there was in Adam a necessity of committing sin . Verily a necessity in Adam is a phrase somewhat odd and uncouth . If the meaning of it should prove to be no more than this , that it was necessary Adam should fall or commit sin , I must grant this would follow , but see no imaginable absurdity in it . Imagine God had never decreed to permit the fall of Adam , Suppose him only to have foreseen it ; hence will follow , that it was necessary Adam should fall : But this is necessitas infallibilitatis , or consequentis , not necessitas coactionis , or consequentiae . Let the Doctor prove that any other necessity follows upon the decree ; let him prove that we Calvinists do fabricate any decree , necessitating and compelling Adam to fall , whether he would or no , and I will yield him the whole cause . But he hath farther to say ; If without consideration of the sin of man , he ( God ) hath by his determinate sentence ordained so many millions of men to everlasting damnation , and that too necessariò & inevitabiliter , as they please to phrase it , he must needs preordain them to sin ; there being no way to the end , but by the means . Who these they are I know not , nor have any direction to find them out , but a blind one in the Margin , v. Synod . Rem . which I am not Scholar expert enough to make use of ; If the Synodalia Remonstrantium be intended , why is not the page in which those words occur quoted ? Can the Historian imagine his Readers do so abound in leisure , as to read over a Book of so great bulk as the Synodalia , to find out one phrase ? Such an imagination is not worthy of him . To damn is a judiciary act , If any should affirm that this is without respect to , or consideration of mans sin , I 'le be no patron of his . Dr. Twisse ( who is wont to speak as high as any that ever espoused the Contra-remonstrants quarrel , ) though he hold , that God hath made no Law according to which he proceeds , in giving grace unto some and denying it unto others , yet openly and willingly and frequently professeth , in his Latine and English works , that God hath made a Law acording to which he proceeds , in distribution of rewards and punishments , and according to this Law he decreed from everlasting to proceed , in pronouncing the sentence of salvation and damnation on mankind . Answ. to Hor. part first page 38. Reprobation doth signifie either a purpose of denying grace , or a purpose of inflicting damnation ; and each may be considered , either as touching the act of Gods Decree , or as touching the things decreed : As touching the things decreed , we say , 1. That God decreed , of his meer good pleasure , to deny unto some the grace of Faith and Repentance , for the curing of that natural impenitence and infidelity which is found in all , without any motive cause hereunto found in one more than in another . 2. As touching the inflicting of damnation , we say that God decreed to inflict damnation on some , not out of his meer pleasure , but meerly for their final perseverance in sin without repentance . I shall conclude all that relates to this matter of Manicheism and Bardesanism with two sayings of the Right Reverend Father in God Iohn Davenant Bishop of Salisbury , in his answer to Gods Love to Mankind ; The one Pag. 73. If any shall go about to set mans will at liberty , and to tie up short the decreeing and determining Will of God , as if this had not the determining stroke amongst all possible evil actions or events , which shall infallibly be and which shall infallibly not be , he may avoid the suspicion of Stoicism or Manicheism , but he will hardly avoid the suspicion of Atheism ; for the greater number of mens actions being wicked and evil , if these come into act , without Gods determinate counsel and decree , humane affairs are more over-ruled by mans will than by Gods. The other , Pag. 97. If any Writers among the Protestants have made the Creation of the non Elect , a means by God himself subordinated unto their damnation , and the damnation of such an end aimed at and intended by God , and consequently the means of mens damnation ( viz. sin●ul corruption and voluntary rebellion ) procured or wrought by God as the Author of it , they deserve rather to be branded than patronized by any judicious Divine : yet it becometh Orthodox Divines to be careful , as well in maintaining the free and spiritual mercy of God , in giving Faith , Repentance , and perseverance to the Elect , as in maintaining the Justice of God in the punishment and damnation of the non-Elect . The defenders of conditionate Predestination , may suppose they clear themselves well in the later , but we are sure they stick in the Semi-pelagian Bryars as concerning the former . For if God upon the fore-sight of mens faith and perseverance be induced to predestinate them , Gods Predestination is no cause at all of Faith , or perseverance , or any saving grace ; this prevision not causing things , but supposing them already produced by other causes . Hence I might pass to the Doctors Historiola , concerning the Pelagians , but I think it not amiss to digress a little , and note something concerning another Heresie , of which he takes no notice . There have been a vile Sect of men , who ●obbed God of his Praescience , as to all future contingencies . That Cicero should be of this mind ( as he was if we may believe S. Austin ) is not so strange ; 't is more to be wondred at , that the poor blind Heathens should think aright of God and his attributes in any thing , than that in some things they should judge amiss of them . But that any , upon whom the light of the Gospel did shine , should be so absurdly impious is marveilous . Yet that Socinus was of this mind is not denied by any : His words are plain , praelec . cap. 11. Cum igitur nulla ratio , nullus Sacrarum literarum locus sit , ex quo aperte colligi possit , Deum omnia quae fiunt scivisse antequam fierent , concludendum est , minime a nobis asserendam esse istam Dei praescientiam ; praesertim , cum & rationes non paucae , & Sacra Testimonia non desint , unde eam plane negandam esse appareat . Of the same mind is his Scholar Smalcius Dis. 12. de causa peccati , in Thes. 3. as also Crellius lib. de Deo & Attr. cap. 24. pag. 201 , 204 , 212. This is an errour against which we have as many Arguments , as there are Prophecies in the Old or New Testament , and had we no Prophecies ▪ yet from reason it were easie to prove , that God were not God , if he did not foreknow all futurities . Confiteri esse Deum & negare praescium ●uturorum , apertissima insania est , saith S. Augustine ; 't is a manifest madness to acknowledge a God , and to deny his Prescience ; so manifest a madness , that the Remonstrants , who are wont to follow Socinus in many of h●s errours , do forsake him in this . Episcopius himself , though he profess , that were it not for the irrefragable Authority of Divine predictions , he should incline to the opinion of them who deny prescience ; adding , that if Praescience of humane actions be not attributed to God , we may the more easily rid our selves of sundry difficulties that occur concerning the Divine Providence : yet upon the account of Divine predictions , he is content to let God have his knowledge of things future ; but it is but tantisper dum res clarius liqueat . Vid. Beverovicium de termino vitae , pag. 81. So as with Episcopius it is but a probationer attribute , and should be dismissed , if an answer could be found out for that Argument drawn from Divine Predictions or Prophecies : In the mean time he hath most plainly determined , in the fourth Book of his Institutions , cap. 18 , that it is not necessary to the attaining of eternal Salvation , that a man should either know or believe , that the foreknowledge of future contingents doth agree to God. I think that Arminianism doth take away the foundation of Gods Praescience , there being nothing but the Will and Decree of God appointing and ordaining , that a thing , in its own nature contingent , shall be , which can make it certainly knowable or future ; yet this Divine Decree the Arminians will at no hand acknowledge . I grant divers have taken pains to find out another bottom and foundation of Praescience besides the Divine Will or Decree , but to very little purpose . Never could I in Iesuit , Lutheran , or Arminian , meet with any thing in this point , that would satisfie a mind inquisitive after truth . Some tell me of the Idaeas in the Divine intellect , and say that by these God may know future contingents . Idaeas upon the reasons and authorities alledged by the Schoolmen , I am willing to admit ; but it is to me unimaginable , that an Idaea should represent the futurity of that , which in its own nature is meerly possible , and so indifferent either to be or not be : Who ever found in his mind an 〈◊〉 , representing whether his House were to be built ? More I might say , were I not prevented by the Learned Ho●●nebeck , Socin . confut . l. 2. p. 343 , 344. Others tell me of a real presence of things unto God from all eternity : Which real presence if one should deny , I see not how it could be proved ; If it should be granted , I know not how on that Divine Praescience could be founded : For the proof of both these I refer to Hornbeck , l. 2. p. 344 , 345. But I am most of all unsatisfied with the Jesuits Scientia media : Well may I call it the Jesuits Scientia media ; for Molina boasts that he was the first inventer of it , and doubtless unto him it doth owe its Original , or else to Fonseca : The greatest antiquity it can pretend to , is less than an hundred years ; for Fonseca tells us , that in the year 1566 he propounded this , as the best way of reconciling free-will and grace , but thought not meet to publish it till 1596 , in which interval , namely about the year 1588 , Molina published his Discourse de concordia liberi Arbitrii & Gratiae , in which he flieth to this Scientia media , professing , that it had not been to his knowledge delivered by any before . If it had not been found out till 1660 , I should not reject it upon that account ; Let 's hear what it is , That by which God , before any act of his own will , did know which way the will of the Creature would turn it self , on supposition that he afford such helps and concurses ; and by which he would have known the contrary , had the will made use of its liberty to turn the other way . Against such a conditionate , middle or mixt knowledge ( 't is called by all three names , ) our Reformed Divines , English and Transmarine , have brought such Arguments as never were answered , never can be answered . The truth is , this kind of knowledge is so unhappy an invention , that it brings in those very things , for the avoiding whereof it was first devised : It was excogitated , that the liberty of the will might not be taken away , and that God might not be made the Author of sin ; yet a Scholar of Voetius , hath undertaken to shew , and doth prove , that this conditionate knowledge takes away all freedom from God and Men , necessarily brings in the Stoical fatality , and makes God the Author of sin ; see Voet. Disp. Selec . Vol. 1. pag. 331 , 332 , &c. I desire any man to try how he can answer Doctor Twisse his Argument , tending to prove that it is impossible to assign any other cause , of a things passing out of the rank of possible into the rank of future , than the Will of Gods Decree . There is a late nibler at this Learned Doctor , who had so much wit in his wrath as not to attempt the answering of his Arguments , but yet ( which is his way of disputing ) rails against this proposition , that Prescience of a thing future , must needs presuppose a Predestination , or a predetermination of it , as if it contained a senseless errour . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 128. The senselesness lies in this , because they who make use of this sentence seem to think , that God could decree to do something before he knew what he would decree to do ; If God did predetermine before he foreknew , he predetermined at a venture he knew not what : God knew all things , which yet he cannot be conceived to have done , if any thing can be conceived before his knowledge , page 129. There 's in these Lines an Argument couched , but not of the Gentleman 's own making ; it had been before used by Suarez , and it is answered , satisfactorily answered , by that Scholar of Voetius , whom I before commended , Selec . Disp. pag. 394. We grant it would be blasphemously irrational , to say , that God decrees he knows not what , but we deny that it will follow that he decrees he knoweth not what , if he know not a thing as future before he hath by his decree made it future . We deny not the received order betwixt the acts and objects of the understanding and will , but we say that the Scientia which in signo rationis precedes the decree , is the Scientia simplicis intelligentiae , not the Scientia visionis . This unhappy Disputant thought that because all Gods praescience is science , therefore all his science is prescience ; But he is now to take notice that there is a twofold knowledge , 1. Natural , by which God knows himself , and all things possible , in his own essence , as a necessary cause of them : This knowledge in order of nature doth precede any act of Gods will ; It had agreed to him , though he had never made any decree at all concerning things ad extra : But this knowledge is at no hand to be called foreknowledge . 2. There is a knowledge which is called Libera , and this must necessarily suppose the act of the will , as the very name doth imply ; Unto this doth praescience belong . We say that God could not from all eternity have a certain foreknowledge that a thing contingent should come to pass in time , if he had not decreed the thing to come to pass in time ; but though God hath decreed all actions that are future , yet according to Austins distinction , decrevit ut bona eveniant ipso faciente , mala ipso permittente . This laid down , I shall consider one argument , by which Mr. P. goes about to prove that prescience precedes the decrees of election and reprobation , and so dismiss him , as a Writer fitter , for my pity than con●utation . Thus it is laid down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 129. If Gods praescience preceded not his decrees of Election and reprobation , there was not a moment in which he was free to elect or reprobate ; for the Freedom to choose must needs precede the Act of choice , and to deny God his freedom in his Elections , is as impious as irrational . This is a ratiocination as loose as ever I read , and yet it hath been my unhappiness to be constrained , of late , to read over the Pamphlets of men that made no pretence to Logick . Mr. P. might assure himself any Calvinist would deny his consequence . If praescience precede not Gods decrees of Election and reprobation , then was there not a moment in Eternity , in which he was free to Elect or reprobate ; How hath he proved this consequence ? Why , with this reason , Because freedom to choose , must needs precede the act of choice . Were this reason put into an Enthymem ( the most proper argumentation to prove the consequence of a conditional proposition by ) it would be ashamed of it self ; though perhaps Mr. P. might not be ashamed of it : Freedom to choose must needs precede the Act of Choice , Ergo , Unless praescience precede Gods decrees of Election and reprobation , there was not a moment in Eternity , in which he was free to Elect or reprobate . Baculus stat in angulo , Ergo , cras pluet may from henceforth be forgotten , and this Enthymem of Mr. P. be made use of , as the example of an absurd unconcluding argumentation . The best Apology I am able to frame for it is , that Mr. T. P. thought that Gods praescience did signifie Gods feeedom to Elect , or reprobate . Proceed we to the Heresie of Pelagius . Of that thus Doctor Heylin , Page 7. Pelagius , a Britain born , either mis●uided by the lavishness of their ( i. e. the Fathers who lived before Austin ) expressions , or otherwise willing to get a name unto himself by some new invention , ascribed so much unto the freedom of the will in acts of piety , ut gratiam Dei necessariam non putarer , as Vincentius Strynensis tell●th us of him : This man associated with Caelestinus and Julianus , two of his Companions , began to spread abroad their errours about the year 405. amongst the which those that especially concern this purpose , are these two that follow , 1. Non esse liberum arbitrium , si Dei indiget auxilio , quoniam in propria voluntate habet unusquisque , facere aliquid vel non facere . 2. Victoriam nostram non ex Dei adjutorio esse , sed ex libero arbitrio . Add unto these that Orationes quas facit Ecclesia pro infidelibus & aliis peccatoribus ut convertantur , sive pro fidelibus ut perseverent , frustra fieri . Pag. 8. These Pelagian Heresies did not hold out long ; being solemnly condemned in the two African Councels of Carthage and Milevis , confuted by S. Augustin with great care and diligence , and finally retracted by Pelagius himself in the Synod of Palestine . Pag. 9. After this time we meet with no such enemies to the grace of God , no such advancers of mans free-will and the power of nature , as might entitle any man to the crime of Pelagianism . Answ. It must be acknowledged , that great care was used by the Church of God , to pluck up the tares that were sowed by Pelagius , and by ( his Scholars shall I say or Masters ) Caelestius and Iulianus . The Learned and Holy Fathers employed their Pens against them , Councels made use of their authority against them , nor was the Secular power wanting to make very severe Edicts against them . But why doth the Doctor say that the Pelagian Heresies were retracted by Pelagius himself in the Synod of Palestine ? Retractation is when a man out of conviction of judgement revokes his errour : That Pelagius did in that Councel of Palestine do so , appears not . That Councel 't is well known , is by Hierom called a miserable Synod , not as erring in Doctrine , but as erring in the person ; supposing Pelagius to condemn his opinions heartily , which he condemned but feignedly , Hier. Epis. 79. He essayed also to put the same trick on the Church of Rome , but was not able ▪ Aug. de peccat . merit . & remiss . l. 11. c. 8. & 9. And I doubt there have been too many in these two last Centuries , that have too far imitated Pelagius , and seemed to have no enmity against grace ( a word they frequently use ; ) whereas upon examination it will be found that they were the enemies of it , and advancers of nature . To this end I must be more careful in setting down the History of Pelagius , than the Doctor hath been . I must also touch upon the story of the Semipelagians , which he doth not so much as mention : And if after this it doth not appear , that the Iesuits and Arminians deserve to be ranked with them ; then let the Contra-Remonstrants be accounted as egregious Calumniators , as the Remonstrants are found to be , in laying the blasphemy of Florinus to the charge of the Calvinists . Pelagius is by the Learned Vossius more than once affirmed to be by birth a Scotchman . Being such a Pestilent enemy to the grace of God ( unto which we owe all that we have , and all that we are ) it might be excusable , if we should let this errour go undetected : but because truth is to be preferred to the honour of our Nation , we will rectifie that mistake , and acknowledge that he was our own Countryman : called ( as is conceived ) Pelagius , because born near the Sea-side . Some Cantabrigians would have him a Student in their University , and so ungrateful to it , as to cause the overthrow and ruine of it , because it afforded Orthodox Divines that opposed his Doctrines . But upon the best search , it cannot be found that Pelagius in person did ever vent his poison in this Nation . They are in the right , who assign the Monastry of Banchor for the place of his education . As to his natural and acquired parts , it is not unknown how sleightly Orosius speaks of them in his Apologet : as if he had been a man Cui neque natales dederunt ut honestioribus studiis erudiretur , neque naturaliter proveniebat ut saperet . But though Orosius be , not undeservedly , by Mr. Mountague called Nobilissimus rerum Christianarum Historicus , yet is he not in this ingenuous ; it being impossible that he should not have seen that Epistle of Pelagius , which sheweth him sufficiently a Scholar : Had he not been so , the Fathers , and the Church of God , would never have so troubled themselves about him . His conversation is by some commended ; by others , who had as much reason to be acquainted with it , as much decryed : Vir egregie Christianus , vir Sanctus , & non parvo profectu Christianus , are Elogiums bestowed on him by Austin , a man who seems to be raised up on purpose to confute him , lib. 3. de pec . merit . & remis . cap. 1. & 3 ; It appears also by Chrysostom , in his fourth Epis. ad Olympiad . that he was reckoned among the men that did live very temperately and fare hardly , insomuch that the Father being at that time in exile , Death approaching , did grieve exceedingly , when he heard of his erring from the Faith : But yet I find Pelusiota ( a Scholar of this very Chrysostome , so Holy , that he was called by a peculiar name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) fastning a quite contrary Character on him , as if he were much under the power of a sensual appetite , and this in an Epistle directed to Pelagius himself , Lib. 1. Epist , 314. pag. mihi 84. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . How are these things to be reconciled ? Perhaps thus , Pelagius before he swerved from the Faith , did lead a strict life , and had a glorious form of Godliness ; but when he fell into his horrid opinions derogatory to the grace of God , then was he a slave to his lusts : and just it was with God , to let him see how impossible it was to lead so much as a sober life without that grace , which he would not acknowledge necessary , no not to the highest acts of piety . Indeed Iansenius hath made this general observation , that all the Pelagians were somewhat loose in their lives : Which observation , as he takes abundance of good pains to prove , so can it not ▪ I conceive , be too much considered in this Controversie ; because the Pelagians do urge nothing more vehemently than this , that the extolling of the Grace of God , and lessening of the liberty of mans will , is the readiest way to destroy all piety ; as shall be seen more hereafter . Mean while , we must take notice of a more modest and refined sort of Pelagians , commonly called Semipelagians , and from the place where they did most abound , Massilienses . Our England might accidentally occasion the rise of these men . Agricola an Emissarie of Pelagius had infected our Church with Pelagianism ; which it was no difficult thing to do , considering the dreadful ignorance , and lasiness of the British Bishops in those days : Hereupon it was thought necessary to call in Forreign assistance : Germanus Bishop of Auxerre , and Lupus Bishop of Troyes are sent for out of France ; who not consulting with flesh and blood came over , and by Preaching and that signal Dispute at S. Albanes , did so prevail , that the people who heard them were generally either established or converted : But this Root of bitterness not many years after began to sprout again ; which occasioned another voyage of Germanus into Britain , his companion being now not Lupus but Severus : Success answered his second endeavours as his first ; he so far prevailed , that the Pelagians durst scarse shew their heads ; yea a Synod was called , in the which their damnable opinions were condemned . All this may more fully be seen in Sir Henry Spelman , who follows venerable Bede and Mat. Westmon . But whilest these good men are thus busied in ● Neighbour Church , some Tares are Sowed in their own , yea and take deep Root , and spread very far . These Reliquiae Pelagii created S. Austin as much trouble as the down right Pelagians . I know these Semipelagians did always profess to abhor Pelagius , and those Tenents of his which the Church of God had condemned . Vincentius Lirinensis , one of them , gives Pelagius the Epithet of prophanus , and his Scholar Caelestius of prodigiosus . But he that will take the pains to examine their opinions , shall find that they did , though not in every point , erre Pelagius his errour . Prosper in his 41 Chapter against Cassian , whom he calls by the name of Collator , le ts fall these words , Paria sunt ●●nius seminis germina , & quod latebat in radicibus manifestatur in fructibus . Non ergo cum istis nova acie dimicandum est , nec qua●i contra ignotos hostes specialia sunt ineunda certamina ; tunc istorum machinae fractae sunt , tunc in superbiae sociis & principibus corruerunt , quando beatae memoriae Innocentius nefandi erroris capita Apostolico mucrone percussit . The question is , whether Arminius and his followers do hold the opinions that the Pelagians , and Semipelagians did ; Calvin and his followers the same that Austin , Prosper , Fulgentius did ? Affirmatur . My a●firmation I 'le make good , by comparing the writings of each party ; but shall first make use of one Argument , which alone will be sufficient to perswade my Reader that I am not mistaken : It is this , That the Pelagians and Semipelagians did all along object the same things against , and lay the same imputations upon , the Augustinian Doctrines , that now the Arminians do upon the Calvinistical . What are the imputations and aspersions , which at this day are cast upon the Calvinists ? Are they not these , 1. That they take away free-will , and bring in a stoical fatality . 2. That they make God the Author of sin , and of all the punishments that do befal the Creature . 3. That they open a gap to despair and slothfulness . 4. That they take away all use of precepts , promises , threatnings , yea and prayer it self . 5. That they make God an impostor ; seeing he commands men to repent and believe , yet doth not seriously will their Faith and Repentance , nor their Salvation , unto which only Faith and Repentance can entitle them . 6. That their opinions are against the whole current and stream of antiquity . All these are urged by the Author , or rather the Authors , of that Tract called , Gods Love to Mankind , and indeed they do utramque paginam facere in all Arminian Writers . If all these horrid things were also laid to the charge of the blessed Augustine , it will at least be highly probable , that Austin and Calvin were of the same mind , about the Decrees of God and those other Controversies depending thereupon . Whether they were laid to his charge , we must now make some easie enquiry . As to the first , the taking away of free-will , and introducing stoical fatality ; six hundred times was it objected to the Father , especially by Faustus in his two Books , de gra●ia & libero arbitrio . Sub pietatis fronte gentilitatis fatum , & inter gratiae Vocabulum absconditum erit fatale decretum , Fa●st . lib. 1. cap. 4. Pros. in his Epistle to Rufi . Scripta ejus ( Augustini ) quibus error Pelagianorum impugnatur infamant , dicentes eum liberum arbitrium penitus submovere , & sub gratiae nomine necessitatem praedicare fatalem . 2. Nor were they wanting to charge the Learned Bishop , with making God the Author of sin , and of that damnation , which is a necessary consequent of mens dying in their sin . Let any man but read over the Vincentian Objections , which the Learned Vossius thinks were made by Vincentius Lirinensis , he shall find that they harp upon no string more than this , that Austins notion of the Divine Decree ascribed the sin and damnation of men to God himself ▪ the fourth to the fifteenth of those Objections , is nothing else but this one charge , prosecuted in different phrases and expressions . 3. Nor were they ashamed to say that his principles did lead Sinners to desperation , and taught Saints to be slothful . So much we learn from the Epistles of Prosper and Hilary to S. Austin , in which the Semipelagians are brought in saying , that the Decree as conceived by S. Austin did , & lapsis curam resurgendi adimere , & sanctis occasionem teporis afferre , e● quod ex utraque parte superfluus labor sit , si neque rejectus ulla industria possit intrare , neque electus ulla negligentia possit excidere : quocunque enim modo se egerint , non posse aliud erga eos quam Deus definivit accidere , & sub incerta spe cursum non posse esse constantem : cum si aliud habeat praedestinantis electio , cassa sit annitentis intentio . 4. They wanted not a forehead to affirm , that Austins Doctrine took away all use of preaching , exhorting , reproving , praying , Hil. ad Aug. Excludi putant omnem praedicationis vigorem , fi nihil quod per eam excitetur remansisse dicatur : Ibid. Si sic praedestinati sunt ad utramque partem , ut de aliis ad alios nullus posset accedere , quo pertinet tanta extrinsecus correptionis instantia ? To the same purpose Prosper . But let us hear our Countrey man Faustus lib. 1. de grat . & lib. arb . cap. 4. Qui unum ex origine perditum , alterum in praedestinatione affirmat electum , vide quo improba persuasione declinet ; Quid enim aliud dicit nisi quod adjutorio orationis neuter indigeat ; Nam jam praeordinatis ad vitam necessaria non erit , deputatis ad mortem prodesse non poterit ; in isto supervacua , in illo infirma judicabitur . Beneficia supplicationis qui in acquisitione praedestinationis est , non requirit : qui vero in perditionis parte , non recipit . Quod si curam impendendam aestimat orationi , indubitanter intelligat ea quae imminent posse mutari . 5. They charged it upo● Austin , that contra●y to the plain words of the Apostle , he must needs hold that God would not have all men to be saved . Quod non omnes velit Deus salvos fieri , sed certum numerum praedestinatorum , are the words of the Frenchmen or Massilians , ( i. e. Semipelagians , ) Cap. 8. Gall. Quod Deus nolit omnes salvare , etiamsi omnes salvari velint , is the second Vincentian Objection . They said also that the blessed Fathers opinion was destitute of all Antiquity , and contrary to the opinion of all that had written before him . So Prosper in the very beginning of that Epistle which he did write to Austin , Contrarium putant Patrum opinioni , & Ecclesiastico sensui , quicquid de vocatione electorum secundum Dei propositum disputasti : and a little after , Obstinationem suam vetustate defendunt , & ea quae , de Epistola Apost . Pauli Romanis scribentis , ad manifestationem Divinae gratiae praevenientis electorum merita proferuntur , a nullo unquam Ecclesiasticorum ita esse intellecta ut nunc sentiuntur , affirmant . It can scarse be doubted , but that we , who have the very same things objected against us that were objected against S. Austin , are of the same mind that Austin was ; but because I am resolved to give not only full measure , but also running over , I shall make a parallel betwixt the Pelagian and Semipelagian Heresie , and the opinions of Arminius and his Remonstrant crew . Pelagius ( in this not followed by the Semipelagians ) did deny original sin . That in this he and Arminians do not differ needs not much proof ; One of our own , highly honoured by the men of his own party , in a Book called Unum Necessar . doth in most express terms deny original sin , and take a great deal of unhappy pains to answer or rather elude , all the arguments drawn either from Scripture or experience for the proof of it . But perhaps Arminius , and his more ancient Disciples were modester ? I must confess , this Writer hath exceeded and gone beyond Arminius , and all the Dutch Remonstrants ; but yet Corvinus hath told us , Cont. Til. pag. 388. That , with Arminius , original sin hath not the nature of sin or fault , properly so called . I would feign have passed this as a Criticism , and charitably have supposed , that he had only meant that original sin was not a sin or fault , in such a sense as actual sin is , but that I find Arminius himself , Answer to the ninth Question , pag. 174 , affirming , that it is wrongfully said , that original sin maketh a man guilty of death . Had he said that none are actually damned for original sin , it had been more tolerable , but to say that it doth not make guilty , or obnoxious unto death , is to make it no sin at all ; and yet thus do the Remonstrants also speak in Apol. Cap. 7. Peccatum originis nec habent pro peccato proprie sic dicto , quod posteros Adami odio Dei dignos faciat : nec pro malo , quod per modum proprie dictae paenae , ab Adamo in posteros dimanet , &c. The Pelagians also were wont much to insist on this , that Nothing could be both a sin and a punishment of sin ; because sin is voluntary , punishment involuntary , &c. Austin to convince them , used to produce that place , which indeed carrieth great evidence in it , Rom. 1. Against this , Iulianus would say , those speeches were Hyperbolical ; but yet the Father so pressed him , that sometimes he could not but acknowledge that something might be , & peccatum , & paena peccati ; whence that , lib. 5. cont . Iulia. cap. 9. Meministine quamdiu disputaveris contrae lucidissimam quae per Apostolum deprompta est veritatem , affirmans nullo modo esse posse aliquid , quod & peccatum sit & paena peccati ? Quid est ergo nunc quod oblitus loquacitatis tuae , & c ? Doth not Arminius Pelagianize in this ? See but the one and thirtieth Article objected to him ; It will thence appear , that he took exception against the publick Catechism , because in it is said , that Original sin is a punishment ; for if God did punish Adams sin with this , then he must punish this with another , and that other with another , and so there will be a processus in infinitum . My business is not now to answer the Objections of Arminius , but only to discover his opinion ; yet least any one should think this subtlety unanswerable , I refer him to the lately published Lectures of Doctor Samuel Ward , de p●ccat● Originali , ( pag. 8. ) where it is taken notice of and answered satisfactorily . Our next parallel shall be in the Doctrine , relating to Gods Decree , and the absoluteness or conditionality thereof . The opinion of Pelagius was , that the well using of free-will and natural powers is the cause of predestination : How much or how little the Massilians differed from him , in assigning the cause of Predestination , is shewn largely by Vossius , Hist. Pel. lib. 6. pag. 533 , 534 , &c. and by Iansenius de Haeres . Pelag. lib. 8. cap. 21. to whom I refer my Reader ; And shall now only take notice of Saint Prosp●rs Epistle to Saint Austin , in which I find the Semipelagians thus represented , They hold that God , before the Foundations of the World were laid , did foresee who would believe , and who would persevere in that Faith , ( to this perseverance in saith they acknowledged the help of gra●e was needful : ) and predestinated those to his Kingdom , of whom he foresaw that they would be worthy his vocation , and go out of this World making a good end . If their judgement was asked about infants dying in their infancy , they would reply , that they were predestinated to life or death according to the good or bad life which God foresaw they would have lead , if they had come to maturity of years . Do the Arminians , who are so angry when called Pelagians , differ from them in this ? I confess Arminius doth not make a man to be predestinated from foreseen Works , but from foreseen Faith ; nor doth he make Faith the cause , but a condition , or decent antecedent , using a less suspected term , but intending the very same thing ; for as our incomparable Davenant hath well observed , Conditions are of two sorts , common & distinguishing ; these later , he defineth to be such acts or qualities , which being foreseen , or preconsidered in the subject , contrary Divine Acts are exercised about that subject . Arminius when he makes Faith a condition of Divine Election , infidelity a condition of reprobation , takes the word condition in the later sense , and so plainly makes it the same with a meritorious or motive cause ; for he every where maintains that , posita side ponitur electio , negata fide negatur electio ; that Faith is a means ordained and appointed by God for the obtaining of Election : therefore as that Learned Professor well concludes , pag. 119 , 120. Sunt merae verborum praestigiae cum aiunt , praevisam fidem & infidelitatem esse conditioones , non modo quae praecedunt praedestinationem & reprobationem communiter & promiscue consideratam , sed etiam ex quibus oritur distinctio electorum , & tamen negant habere aliquam causalitatem . Consequently , as the Pelagians and Semipelagians did hold that the number of Elect and reprobate was not definite , but indefinite and indeterminate ; so also do the Anticalvinists or Arminians : Illud pariter non accipiunt eligendorum rejiciendorumque esse defini●um numerum , saith Hilary Epist. ad August . of the Massilians . Grevincov . Thes. exhib . p. 137 , saith the same , Electio incompleta potest interrumpi , ac interdum interrumpitur : suntq●e incomplete electi , vere quidem electi ; sed possunt fieri reprobi , ac perire : numerusque electorum potest angeri ac minui . 3. Our third parallel shall be in the Doctrine of grace , the efficaciousness of grace . Hilary , in the so often quoted Epistle to Austin , thus describes the Massi●ians , They affirm the will to be so free , that it can of its own accord admit or refuse Cure or Medicine : and Faustus plainly tells us , that Though it be of the grace of God that men are called , yet the following the call is referred to their own will. Are our Arminians any whit more careful to give grace the things that belong to grace ? do they not make converting grace to be nothing else but a gentle suasion ? do they not every where rant against those who hold , that God doth by an Omnipotent and unresistable motion , beget Faith and other Divine Graces in us ? I shall among many places that do occur , for the confirmation of this , make choice onely of two : Hague conference pag. 282. A man may hinder his own regeneration , even then when God will regenerate him , and doth will to regenerate him ; And Arnold . against Boyerm . pag. 263. saith expresly , that all the operation which God useth to the Conversion of men being already performed , yet this Conversion still remaineth in mans power , so that he can convert or not convert , believe or not believe . I had thought to have proceeded to the point of perseverance , but that I considered the necessary dependance of that on the other two , concerning Election and Grace . By what hath already been laid down , it is manifest , that if the Pelagians and Semipelagians were in the right , then are not the Arminians mistaken ; but if Austin , Prosper , Hilary , and those others whom the Church of God hath been wont to grace with the Title of Orthodox , were not in an errour , then Mr. Calvin and those that follow him are in the right . Obj. Here I may expect it will be said , that the Doctrine most quarrelled at in the Calvinists , is the Doctrine of absolute reprobation , and in favour of that , nothing hath yet been produced out of Orthodox antiquity . Ans. To that I shall answer , 1. By concession that if by reprobation absolute , be meant a purpose to damn any man without consideration of , or respect unto sin , either actual or original ; such an absolute reprobation is indeed unknown to all antiquity : but as yet I could never meet with that Calvinist that asserted such an absolute reprobation . 2. But if by reprobation absolute be meant , Gods purpose to deny Grace to some according to the pleasure of his will ; I then stick not to affirm , that such reprobation absolute is not unknown to antiquity . Indeed the Ancients do rarely speak of reprobation ; our Church in her Articles mentions it not at all ; both they & she leave us to gather the nature of reprobation , which is but Non-Election or Praeterition , from what we find laid down concerning Election . Now seeing the Fathers , those of them that had to with the Pelagians and Semipelagians , did constantly affirm , that Gods own good will , not any foresight of the good use of free-will , was it which moved God to give converting grace unto some ; they must also hold that God did out of his own good pleasure , and not from any fore-sight of an ill use of free-will , purpose to deny this efficacious converting grace unto others . Indeed it 's scarce rational to assert , that God should purpose not to cure any one , because he is sick ; not to enlighten any one , because he was by him looked on as dark and blind . But concerning the Judgement of Antiquity in this matter , no more shall be said at present ; the Reader that desires further satisfaction , is referred to the Learned Davenant , in the close of his most accurate Dissertation , concerning Election and Reprobation . As for Vossius his judgement concerning reprobation , it is considered in a Manuscript by Doctor Twisse , which Manuscript may possibly in a short time be published . From it , the World will soon see , how unjustly the absolute Decree is charged with Novelty . Object . 2. It may be further objected , that about the year 415 there were a Sect of men called Praedestinati , who were accounted and condemned for Hereticks , whose opinions about the Divine Decrees seem to be the very same that are now maintained by the followers of Calvin . Answ. This Objection were scarce worth the taking notice of , if one R. B. Gentleman , in his English Manual , called a Muster roll of evil Angels , had not placed the Praedestinati among the Capital Hereticks ; but since it hath pleased him so to do , upon the credit and authority of Sigebert Monk of Gemblaux , it will be needful to let the English Reader know , that this Predestinarian Heresie is a meer figment , and that there never were any such Hereticks as the Praedestinati . So much this Mr. R. B. might have learned from Doctor Twisse , Answer to Gods Love to Mankind , Part 1. pag. 58 , 59. and more fully from Iansenius , Tom. 1. pag. 219 , 220 , &c. Had there been any such Heresie Anno 415 , or 414 , undoubtedly S. Austin and S. Prosper would have taken notice of it , and have endeavoured to distinguish their own opinion from it , which yet no man saith they do : On the contrary , it is manifest that the Dogmata which are by Sigebertus , Hincmarus , and Gennadius fathered upon the Praedestinarians , are the very Tenents , with which the Semipelagians did asperse Saint Austin and his followers . From S. Austin Doctor Heylin takes a leap to the Councel of Trent , but I shall not so do ; The transactions concerning Godescalk the Monk must stay us a while , because they are somewhat differently related by learned Men. Godescalk is by Vossius , from Hincmar , described to be one of a fierce mind , impatient of rest , a lover of Novelty ; with Rabanus Maurus also , he goes for no better than a Sciolist : But these characters are the less to be regarded , because drawn by the hands of two professed Enemies , and because Walafridus Strabo ▪ a Disciple of this Rabanus Maurus , and as Flacc. Illi . saith , his Notary , gives us a very high and large commendation of Godes . both as to Life and Learning ; which commendation is to be seen in Bishop Ushers Historia Godes . pag. 38 , 39. This Godes . was one that had much read the Fathers , especially S. Austin , with whom he did perfectly agree as to the Doctrine of Praedestination , as may be seen in his Confessions , first published by the incomparable Usher ; but some not regarding so much what his opinion truly was , as what were the consequences which they thought did flow from it , charge him with blasphemy , as the Massilians of old did S. Austin . Rabanus Maurus by the command of Lewis King of Germany , called a Synod of Bishops and Abbots at Moguntia , in which Godescalk is condemned ; but condemned for that which he seems not to be guilty of , as if he had held and maintained that good men were inevitably pre-ordained to a life of happiness , wicked men inevitably pre-ordained to a life of endless misery , and that it profiteth not the wicked if they be converted , nor hurteth the Godly if they sin . In this Synod Trithemius tells us , that he recalled and revoked his errour ; but if he had so done , then would not both Rabanus and Hincmarus charge him , which yet full oft they do , with obstinacy . However at this Synod , Godescalk was banished Germany , and made to promise not to return , and sent to his own Bishop , i. e. the Archbishop of Rhemes ; for unto his Jurisdiction did the Monastery of Orbez ( out of which Godescalk came ) belong : The Epistle of Rabanus to Hincmarus signifying this , is to be seen in Historia Godes . pag. 46. One would think at this Synod Godescalk met with hard measure , but harder was measured out to him in the Synod held in the Palace of Carisacum : for being heard a second time , it is decreed that he should be divested of his Sacerdotal Office , if ever he were truly a Priest , ( which those Fathers seem not willing to acknowledge , because forsooth he was ordained by Rigbold , Suffragan of Rhemes , the Bishop of Sueston not consulted : ) yea , that he should be whipped notwithstanding his Age , and confined for ever to his Cell . But what was all this while become of the Augustinian spirit ? Was all the World so soon become Pelagian ? In no wise . Remigius as much appeared for the justification of Godescalk , as did either Rabanus or Hincmarus for his condemnation . The Church of Lyons stoutly censureth and confuteth the decrees of this Carisiacan Synod ; and whereas one Iohannes Scotus Erigena , a good Philosopher but no great Divine , had written a Book against the cause of Godescalk , consisting of nineteen Chapters , one Florus a Deacon of the Church of Lyons answered him . In the year 855 a Councel was held at Valens , wherein Canons were made diametrically opposite to the determinations of the Carisiacan meeting , and to the propositions of Scotus Erigena . Learned Baronius mistaking the Phrase Scotorum pultes , thinks that this Valentinian Synod was called against some wandring Scotchmen , of which Godescalk was chief , and that the opinion of Godescalk was there again condemned : whereas we there find Scotus his capitula condemned , as containing Diaboli commentum , rather than argumentum aliquod fidei . Of the four capitula of Hincmarus indeeed , the Synod speaks somewhat more mildly and favourably , but yet so as to ascribe to them inutilitatem , vel etiam noxi●tatem , & errorem contrarium veritati . When these Valentian Fathers come to speak of grace and free-will , these are their words : Item de gratia per quam salvantur credentes , & sine qua rationalis creatura nunquam beate vixit , & de libero arbitrio per peccatum in primo homine infirmato , sed per gratiam Domini Iesu in fidelibus ejus redintegrato & sanato , id ipsum constantissime & fide plena fatemur , quod Sanctissimi Patres auctoritatem sacrarum literarum secuti nobis tenendum reliquerunt , quod Africana , quod Arausica Synodus professa est . In this Synod were present the Bishops of three Provinces , in number fourteen , though as the Preface plainly intimates , Ebbo Bishop of Gratianopolis had the chief hand in compiling the Canons . Nor had the great Volumn which Hincmar made against these Canons any great effect ; for in the year 859 a Councel being called at Lingon , the Canons of the Valentine Synod are again confirmed and ordered to be promulged for the instruction of the Lords People , those words onely wherein express mention was made of Hincmars four capitula being , to avoid offence , left out . But it is objected in Gods Love to Mankind , that in this very Valentine Synod it is affirmed , that the wicked do therefore perish , not because they could not , but because they would not be good , and by their own fault original or actual also remained in the masse of perdition : Yea , the Fathers of that Councel denounce Anathema's to those that held , that men are so predestinated to evil , as that they cannot be otherwise : That any should be predestinated to evil by the power of God so as he cannot be otherwise , we do not only not believe , but also if there be any that will believe so great an evil , we with all detestation denounce them accursed , as the Arau●ican Councel also doth . And at the Councel of Arles assembled against the Pelagians , these Anathemaes were denounced , Cursed be the man that shall say that the Man that perished might not have been saved ; and again , Cursed be the man that shall say that a Vessel of dishonour may not rise to be a Vessel of honour . For Answer , It were easie to reject those Anathemaes of the Councel of Arles as spurious , and forged by Faustus that Arch-Semi-pelagian : but we need not trouble our selves so to do , for there is nothing in any or all these passages that may not stand with absolute reprobation ; for absolute negative reprobation , preterition , or non-election , may well consist with a possibility of avoiding sin and damnation , as all both Super and Sublapsarians grant , in the Non-elect Angels and in the Protoplast , in whom they are wont to say , that all and every person , received the posse stare and a posse salvari . A man that of impenitent becomes penitent , may be said to rise from being a Vessel of dishonour , to be a Vessel of honour : But never did any of non-elect become elect ; never did any who was under a non-predestination unto effectual and infallible means of eternal life , procure to be under a predestination unto effectual and infall●ble means of eternal life . Dr. H. Pag. 12. In such condition , saith the Doctor , stood affairs in reference to the Doctrines of Predestination , Grace , Free Will , at the first sitting down of the Councel of Trent , in which those points became the subject of many sad and serious debates amongst the Prelats and Divines th●n and there Assembled . Which being so necessary to the understanding of the questions which we have before us . I shall not think my time ill spent in laying down the summe and abstract of the same , as I ●ind it digested to my hand , by Padre Paulo . Ans. 1. I shall shew that it need not much trouble a Christian mind what was determined at Trent . 2. I shall shew that nothing was determined at Trent , but what is consistent enough with the Calvinian Doctrine , as touching Predestination , Free Will , Perseverance . 1. I say 't is not greatly material what was determined at that meeting of Trent : for notwithstanding it is by Papists honoured with the name of a General , and Oecumenical Councel , yet all Protestants see that it was a Conventicle of a few men , wedded to the Popes wicked interest , and resolved to make such determinations , not as were agreeable to the truth , but as were consistent with the pomp and glory of the Roman See. To evince this , I had thought to present my Reader with a short History of this Councel , gathered out of Padre Paul the Servite , and Sleidan , but the Reverend and Learned Doctor Iohn Cosins hath happyly saved me this labour , and done the work to my hand ; His Collection I shall transcribe : The calling of a Councel had been shifted off by Leo the X , Adrian the VI , Clement the VII ; but Paul the III , famous for nothing more than dissimulation , condescended so far , that a Synod should be summoned at Mantua in Italy , and sent his Bull of Indiction May 27 , Anno 1531 : but his design not taking for that place , he sent out another Bull for a Councel to be held May the first 1538 , at Vicenza , a City under the Dominion of the Venetians : this Indiction meeting also with opposition , he sends forth a third Bull , which commanded all Bishops and Abbots with other priviledged persons , provided they had taken an Oath to be obedient to the Pope's See of Rome , to repair to Trent , on the Confines of Italy , there to attend the Legates for the celebration of a Councel , to be begun November the first , Anno 1542. Against this Councel , protestations were made by the Princes and all the Reformed Churches in Germany , as also by the Kingdoms of England and Denmark , and many other places besides , which brought it to nothing . Wherefore he se● forth another Bull , and sent his Legates to Trent , to begin a Councel there , March 15 , Anno 1545. The Legates being come to Trent , found no Prelate there but the Bishop of the place : Within a few days came three Italian Bishops , who , being dependants upon the Court of Rome , and Men very ready to promote the Popes service , had order from him to be there with the first ; for his desire was that the Councel should begin with as few as might be , and that to regulate the rest that came after . In order whereunto he sent his Brief , and gave his Legates a Faculty , ●o preside in the Councel under his Name and Authority ; with special directions , not to suffer any thing to be proposed or offered there to publick debate , which had not first been privately approved by themselves , or any th●ng to be put to the question and defined , which had not been formerly sent to Rome , and assented to by him ; and with power , if need were to do him service in it , either to break up the Councel for altogether , or to suspend and prorogue it from time to time , or to remove and translate it from one place to another , at their pleasure ; which was a device whereby all attempts and motions that might be made against the enormities of the Roman Court , should be sure to be defeated . For above all other things this was the principal matter , which was given them in charge , that they should not in any case suffer the Authority and Power of the Pope to be questioned . There was a proviso in the first words of the Bull , that they should do nothing without the consent of the Councel , but afterwards that clause was thought needful to be altered , and the Legats had an absolute power given them , independent of any but the Pope himself , whose service they only attended . Two Months passed after their coming to Trent before they got twenty Prelates into their company , and because they were somewhat ashamed to begin their Oecumenical Councel ( as they are not ashamed to call it ) with so small a number , they perswaded the Pope to put it off for eight months longer ; though much a do they had to perswade the Prelates to stay all that while with them . But by the Months of December and Ianuary following ( having in the mean while contented the poorer sort of Bishops with a pension of fourty Ducats a piece , procured for them out of the Popes coffers , ) they grew to somewhat a greater number . For , besides the Legates and the Cardinal Bishop of Trent , there were present four Archbishops ; eight and twenty Bishops , three Abbots , and four Generals . And these three and fourty persons made the general Councel : Among whom two of the Archbishops were only Titular , being the Popes Pensioners at Rome , and now sent to Trent to increase the number , and to depend upon the Legats ; but in those Churches whereof they bare the names , had they nothing to do , nor were they any lawful and true Bishops at all . The one of these was Olaus Magnus the Goth , who went for the Archbishop of Upsale in Swedland , and the other blind Sir Robert the Scot , who appeared for the Primat of Armagh in Ireland , and of whom it was then commonly said , that as pore-blind as he was , yet had he the commendation to ride Post the best in the World. And with these men they began their Oecumenical Chapter at Trent . Thus far the Learned Doctor , whose design was only to take notice of an Anathema , passed in the fourth Session of this Conventicle , by which all were cursed that did not receive the new Canon of Scripture , in such manner and form as was there first appointed ; but that design lead him afterwards to observe , that in this Trent Assembly , there were private Congregations , which were appointed to be kept twice a week at one of the Legats Houses , for the proposing , debating , and framing of all their Decrees , before they were brought to be voted and defined abroad in any publick Session ; for by this means the Legats would be sure , either to have every thing prepared to their own mind , and be able to number the Voices before hand , which way they would be given , or else not to suffer the matter to be brought to any open definition in their Councel at all . Finally , the foresaid Learned Doctor having given us the Decree concerning the new Canon , saith that it was passed but by a few ; for of the Greek Church they had not one , unless it were some such as blind Sir Robert of Scotland was : of the English as few , ( for the Bishop of Worcester , Richard Pates was not yet come among them , and when afterwards he came thither , he was there but in a private and personal capacity , having no employment given him by the Church of England ; ) of the Helvetian , German , and Northern Churches none ; of the French Church scarce two ; of the Spanish not many ; all the rest were Italians , among whom divers were the Popes Pensioners , and sent thither to out-ballance other mens voices , some of them Titular , and some Unlearned . He that pleaseth may read the story of the remaining 21 Sessions in Padre Paul ; and having so done , let him , if he be impartial , judge whether it be probable , that such a company of men should be blessed by God , to find out tru●h , and settle the peace of the Church ? But let us suppose there had been at Trent a Meeting of the most Holy , Reverend , and Learned Divines that the Church of Christ then afforded ; Did they determine any thing either for , or against , the Calvinians in these five points ? In no wise ; debates indeed there were about the mysterious point of Praedestination , in which those Popish Divines which went the way that Pelagius did of old and Arminius of late , prevailed , whilest use was made only of corrupt carnal humane reason ; but when the testimonies of Scripture came to be examined , they were manifestly overcome , as Doctor Heylin himself tells us out of the incomparable Servits Hist. pag. 15. The same Doctor confesseth that the Decrees about this and the points connexed with it were so contrived , that every one might understand them in his own sense , so as to give no distast to the Dominican Fryars and their adherents , pag. 26. Indeed the ancienter Popes of Rome , ( notwithstanding the great pretence they made to infallibility , ) were wiser than to take upon them , to determine the differences betwixt the Dominicans & Franciscans , which are almost the same with the differences betwixt the Contra-Remonstrant & Remonstrant . Micraelius in his Hetorodoxia Calviniana disputatione quinta , shall be my witness for this ; who after that he had told the World how much this question had vexed the Pontifician Schools , How God was not the cause of sin , seeing he was the cause of those actions , as to their substance , unto which moral pravity is conjoyned ? thus expresseth himself , Parag. 6. Haec cum ita disceptabantur , factum est tandem Lovanii in Belgio , ut circa 86 annum superioris saeculi , gravissim● de Praedestinatione , inter Dominicanos & Iesuitas lites extiterint , quas quidem Nuncius Apostolicus ad tempus composuit ; sed postquam Iesuita Lud. Molina librum de concordia liberi arbitrii & donorum gratiae evulgarat , res ad ipsum pontificem delata est : qui tamen arbitrum se veritus est interponere , & suam cuique permisit sententiam . At which I do the less wonder , because I find that the Pope had used the same artifice in a controversie depending betwixt the Franciscans and Dominicans , about the Virgin Maries being , or not being , conceived free from Original sin : alledging the Spirit ( of whose perpetual assistance Popes are wont so proudly to boast ) nondum mysterii tanti penetralia Ecclesiae suae patefecisse . A brief , but accurate story of this transaction , is to be seen in the learned Apology of Dr. Andrew Rivet , for the most Holy Virgin , l. 1. c. 6 , 7 , 8. Yea , something may be observed in the Councel of Trent , which makes not a little for the Calvinists , viz. that not Calarinus ( as the Doctor p. 15. ) but Catharinus invented a middle way , That God , of his goodness , had elected some few , whom he will save absolutely ; to whom he hath prepared most potent , effectual , and infallible means ; and that of these , thus singularly priviledged , all the places of Scripture , which do ascribe all to God and which shew infallibility , are to be understood ; and that the number of these is certain with God. Yea , Balthasar Meisner in his Anthropologia Sacra , de gratia Dei & Praedestinatione disp . 11 , yields , in the examples of Paul and Abram , a grace extraordinary , efficacious infallibly and always , which so calls a man that , as it were , by a necessary will and willing necessity , he is converted unto Faith and the Church , of which no cause can be assigned , but the will of God , the simple and absolute will of God , which cannot be hindred , is always most efficacious . From these two mens acknowledgements and confessions I infer , that seeing some are absolutely elected and converted by an insuperable grace , therefore absolute election and grace insuperable are not contrary to Divine Wisdom or Goodness or Justice , do not destroy the Liberty of mans Will , and therefore are but weakly impugned when they are impugned by arguments drawn from these Topicks . But if that will do the Doctor any courtesie , or if he think it any credit to his cause , I will grant him , that tha● part of the Papacy which is most Papal , doth favour his Arminianism : and not many years ago a Pope , as wicked as ever sate in the Chair , when he was come to his dotage , was prevailed with to make use of his infallibility , and to condemn the Doctrine of Iansenius . A copy of his Anathemaes and condemnations I have thought meet to insert , as I find them in Maresius , the Professor of Groning , his Apology for the Iansenists . Innocent , Bishop , Servant of the Servants of God , to all faithful people in Christ , Health , and Apostolical benediction . Whereas upon occasion of publishing a Book Entituled , Augustinus Cornelii Jansenii Episcopi Iprensis , amongst other opinions of his , there did arise ( especially in France ) a controversie upon five of them , many of the Bishops of France did sollicite us , to consider those propositions presented to us , and to give our certain and definite sentences touching every one of them . The Tenour of the said propositions is as followeth . The first , Some precepts of God are impossible to just men , willing and endeavouring according to the present power which they have ; Grace also is wanting to them , whereby they might be possible . The second , In the state of lapsed nature , there is no resistance made to interiour grace . The third , To merit and demerit in the state of lapsed nature , there is not required in man liberty from necessity , but liberty from co-action is sufficient . The fourth , The Semipelagians did admit the necessity of interiour preventing grace to every Act , even to the beginning of Faith ; and in this they were Hereticks , because they would have that grace to be such as the will of man might resist or obey . The fifth , It is Semipelagianism to say ; that Christ died or shed his blood , for all men without exception . We , to whom among the manifold cares which dayly molest our mind , it lies chiefly upon our heart , that the Church of God committed unto us from above ( the errours of wicked opinions being purged ) may safely pass the warfare , and as it were a Ship in a calm Sea , the Waves and storms of all tempests being allayed , may safely sail and arrive unto the wished for Haven of salvation . For the weightiness of these five Propositions tendred to us , as aforesaid , we have caused every of them to be diligently examined by divers Doctors in Divinity , before certain Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church , and have maturely considered their suffrages , delivered both by voice and writing , and have heard the same Doctors , in several Congregations held before us , largely discoursing upon them , and every of them . Whereas from the beginning of this discussion , we enjoyned , both publickly and privately , the prayers of many faithful Christians to be made , for the obtaining of the Divine assistance ; afterwards the same being more fervently renewed , and the assistance of the Holy Spirit by us carefully implored ; at last by the Divine Majesty of God assisting , we proceeded to this under-written declaration and determination . The first , of the aforesaid Propositions ( Some precepts of God are impossible to just men , willing and endeavoring according to the present power they have , they wanting grace by which they might be possible , ) we declare to be temerarious , impious , blasphemous , condemned under Anathema , and Heretical , and we declare it to be such . The second ( That in the state of lapsed nature there is no resistance made to interiour grace , ) we declare to be Heretical , and as such we condemn it . The third , ( That to merit and demerit in the state of lapsed nature there is not required in man liberty from necessity , but liberty from co-action is sufficient , ) we declare to be Heretical , and we condemn it as such . The fourth , ( That the Semipelagians did admit the necessity of interiour preventing grace to every Act , even to the beginning of Faith ; and in this they were Hereticks , because they would have that grace to be such as the will of man might resist or obey , ) we declare false and Heretical , and as such we condemn it . The fifth , ( That it is Semipelagianism to say , that Christ died , or shed his blood , for all men without exception , ) we declare false , temerarious , scandalous , and ( being understood in that sense , that Christ should have died only for the salvation of the Predestinated ) impious , blasphemous , contumelious , derogatory to Divine goodness and Heretical , and as such we condemn it . We therefore command all faithful people in Christ of either Sex , that they do not presume to think , teach or preach otherwise , of the said propositions , than is contained in this our present Declaration and Determination , under the censures and penalties against Hereticks and their Favourers expressed in Law. We likewise command all Patriarchs , Archbishops , Bishops , and other Ordinaries of Places , Inquisitors of Heretical pravities , that they repress and restrain all the Contradictors and Rebels whatsoever , by the censures and penalties aforesaid and all other opportune remedies , by Law , fact , and usage , the help also of secular power being called in hereunto , if need be . We do not intend nevertheless by this Declaration and Definition made upon the five Propositions aforesaid , any way to approve other opinions which are contained in the aforesaid Book of Cornelius Jansenius . Given at Rome at St. Mary Major , in the year of the Incarnation of our Lord 1653. Kal. Jun. the ninth year of our Pontificat . Hi. Datarius . G. Gualterius . P. Ciampinus . In the year of the Nativity of our Lord Iesus Christ 1653 , the sixth indiction , the ninth year of the Pontificat of our most Holy Father in Christ , and our Lord Innocent , by the Divine Providence Pope X. the ninth day of the Month of June , the aforesaid constitution was affixed and published , in Eccles. Lateranens . ac Basilicae principis Apostolorum de urbe , necnon Cancellariae Apostolicae valvis , ac in acie campi Florae , per me Hieronymum Marcellum Sanctissimi D. N. Papae cursorem . Pro D. Mag. Corsurum . P. Paulus Desiderius Cursor . A good part of this condemnation of Iansenius is mentioned by Arnoldus Poelenbergius , in an Epistle to Christianus Hartsoeckerus , Epistolae Ecclesiasticae , pag. 845 : in which he pretends ( good man ) to be grieved that the Pontificians , who do too often deviate from Scripture when they attribute too much to Tradition , should sometimes be more wise in Divine things than our Reformed Divines , who yet acknowledge Scripture alone to be the norma and regula of our faith . And that the poor Iansenists might have no starting hole , by slipping into which to avoid the force of this condemnation , the Jesuit did put a new Article into his Creed the 12 th . of December 1661 , Datur in Ecclesia Romana controversiarum fidei index infallibilis extra Concilium Generale , tam in quaestionibus juris quam facti . Unde post Innocentii X. Alex. VII . constitutiones , fide Divina credi potest , librum cui titulus est , Augustinus Jansenii , esse Haereticum , & quinque propositiones ex eo decerptas , esse Jansenii , & in sensu Jansenii damnatas . Whether the Doctor hath so many and so firm Friends among the Protestants , must now be tried . But we shall not presently fall upon the Augustan Confession : It would be injurious to the Evangelical Churches in the Valleys of Piedmont , if we should take no notice of their Confessions ; Churches , of which Doctor Heylin was pleased , in a former Edition of his Geography , to say , That they did never bow the knee to Baal : of which the Frier Rayneirius Saccon , writing against them Anno 1254 , confesseth , That they continued from the times of the Apostles . In Mr. Moreland's History of these Churches , I find pag. 39 , 40 , A brief Confession of Faith , made with general consent , by the Ministers and Heads of Families of the Churches of the Valleys of Piedmont , assembled in Angrogne Sept. 12. Anno 1532 , but said to contain that Doctrine which was delivered to them by Tradition from their Fore-fathers . In that Confession these are three Articles : 1. All those that have been and shall be saved , have been elected of God before the foundation of the world . 2. It is impossible that those that are appointed to salvation , should not be saved . 3. Whosoever upholdeth Free-will , denieth absolutely Predestination , and the Grace of God. I find also page 61 , &c. another Confession of the said Churches , which was published but in the year 1655 , consisting of thirty three Articles ; whereof the eleventh is this : God saveth from Corruption and Condemnation , those whom he hath chosen from the foundation of the World , not for any Disposition , Faith , or Holiness that he saw in them , but of his meer Mercy in Jesus Christ his Son , passing by all the rest , according to the irreprehensible reason of his Free-will and Justice . The twenty sixth is as followeth : The Church cannot erre , nor be annihilated , but must endure for ever ; and all the Elect are upheld and preserved by the power of God in such sort , that they all persevere in Faith unto the end , and remain united in the holy Church as so many living members thereof . In the close of this they protest , That they do agree in sound Doctrine with all th● Reformed Churches of France , Great Brittain , the Low-Countries Germany , Switzerland , Bohemia , Poland , Hungary , and others , ( as it is represented by them in their Confessions ; ) as also we receive the Consession of Augsburg : Therefore certainly they did not apprehend that their opinions about Predestination , Grace , Perseverance , had any thing in them contrary to either the Articles of the Church of England , or to the Augustan Confession ; both which , it seems , are by Doctor Heylin thought to be Anti-Calvinistical , but without any reason , as shall ( God willing ) be made to appear . Dr. H. Pag. 30 , 31. Here the Doctor tells us , That we need not take much pains in looking after the judgement of the Lutheran Churches , which come so neer to that of the Church of Rome , as to be reckoned for the same . That he may not seem to be mistaken in making them the same , he doth pag. 32 , 33 , extract out of the Augustan Confession the Doctrine of the Lutheran Churches in the five points , only adding one clause to the first Article , out of the writings of Melancthon and other learned men of that perswasion . Well , what is this addition ? God beholding all Man-kind in their wretched condition , was pleased to make a general conditional Decree of Predestination , under the condition of Faith and Perseverance ; and a special absolute Decree of Electing those to Life whom he foresaw would Believe and Persevere under the Means and Aids of Grace , Faith & Perseverance ; and a special absolute Decree of Condemning them whom he foresaw to abide Impenitent in their Sins . Ans. Would not any Man in the World think that we should have had the places quoted out of Melancthon , or some other Lutheran Divine , in which these things are affirmed ? But no such quotation is made , or so much as attempted ; onely in the Margin we are referred to Appello Evangelium , cap 4. as if all that Mr. Playfer faith concerning the Lutherans were as true as Gospel , and must be believed without any examination . Mr. Playfer hath four considerable Arguments against this , which with him is the fourth Opinion , Why are none of them answered ? For my part I see not what there is in these passages , which the most strait , narrow-throated Calvinist may not swallow ; for it is not here said , that there is no other Decree of Election but that mentioned : and the Calvinist will readily acknowledge , that God hath decreed to save Man-kind under the condition of Faith and Perseverance ; but he will also maintain , that there is another Decree by which God hath determined to bestow Faith , and Perseverance in Faith , on a certain number , viz. all his Elect. Bate us but the impropriety of the phrases used in this addition , which is so great , that the Decrees of Election and Reprobation seem confounded with Justification and Condemnation , and we shall all of us subscribe to it . But to speak more distinctly about the Augustan Confession , The composition of it we owe to the joynt endeavours of Luther , Melancthon , and Pomeranus , ( Iustus Ionas being absent when these three set about the work ; ) but Melancthon did most in the business , a man whose both Learning and Piety were admirable , but being of too timorous a spirit , he so drew up the Confession , which is also called an Apology , as that he seemed to some not to keep distance enough from the Papists , which made his Friends blame him , nor had it any good effect upon his Adversaries : Pope Pius V. in an Epistle to Sigismund King of Poland thus writing , Augustana Confusio ( so he calls it , and not Confessio , ) etsi similis est caeteris Haeresium pravitatibus , tamen ob eam causam periculosior est , quod levius quam caeterae a Catholicae Fidei professione declinans , speciem quandam Religionis retinere videatur ; eo perniciosior aliis , quo venenum ejus occultius latet , nec eminet foras : so true is the common saying , Media via , neque amicos parit , neque inimicos tollit . Grotius indeed tells us in his Votum pro pace , that the Anathema's of the Trent Councel were not directed against the Augustan Confession , but against the sayings of some private Persons ; and that Charls the Emperor did intercede at Rome , that the Augustan Confession might not be put among prohibited Books : But in this , as in most things that did pass between him and Rivet , he doth but delude his Reader . No man that reads over the Trent Canons can choose but see , that some of them are directed against the Augustan Confession . As for the Emperour , that ever he made any such Intercession , it appears not ; If he did , he had sure altered his mind , when he commanded that a Confutation of the Augustan Confession should be written : At least this is certain , that the Emperour's Intercession availed not ; for it is sufficiently known , that the Confession is put among the prohibited Books . I have by me an Index of prohibited Books , Printed at Antwerp 15●0 , but approved by Pope Pius IV. Anno 1554 , in which I find prohibited , pag. 16 , Apologia Confessionis Augustanae ; Augustanae Confessionis Ecclesiarum causae quare & amplexae sint , & retinendam ducant , suam doctrinam : and pag. 21 , Confessio Fidei Augustanae . Nor is it any wonder that the Augustan Confession is prohibited , seeing the Epistles of Isaac Causabon ( who endeavored to oblige the Roman Catholicks as far as he could , without forsaking the communion of the Reformed Churches ) are forbidden also . Doctor Rivet , in his Annotations on Grotius's Cassander , only tells us , that he had heard it so related ; but Hornebeck had met with the Papal Bull it self , and exemplifieth it to the full , in his Disputation upon the Bull of Pope Innocent V. pag. 177 , 178. It is most certain , that this Confession was never intended ( whatever use be made of it now ) to be a perpetual rule , or symbol for all Protestant Churches ; for it was made in great haste . Scripsi ( saith Melancthon in an Epistle to Flachius ) Augustanam Confessionem tunc , cum haberem reprehensores multos , adjutorem neminem . Melchior Adam in his life tells us , he would often say , That if he were to make , or draw up that Confession again , he would use more accurateness than before he could possibly use . Melancthon himself in an Epistle to Ioachim . Camerarius , saith , Ego mutabam ▪ & resingeham pleraque quotidie : Plura etiam mutatu●us , si nostri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 permisissent . And in an Epistle to Luther , In Apologia quotidie multa mutamus . But take the Confession as now it is , there is nothing in it which a Calvinist may not well digest . I before noted that the Piedmont Churches , after they had most plainly declared themselves for absolute election and perseverance , do openly profess , that they embr●ced and adhered unto this Augustan Confession . Calvin himself , in an Epistle to Schallingius , Anno 1557 writes thus , N●c vero Augustanam Confessionem repudio ; cui pri●em v●lens ac l●bens subscripsi , sicut eam Author ipse interpretatus est . Zanchy also subscribed it with this condition , Mado Orthodoxe intelligatur : which plainly shews , that he thought it capable of an Orthodox interpretation . If any of the Calvinistical perswasion have scrupled subscription , it hath been only on the account of the Sacramentarian Controversie , which hath no connexion with the five Points that we are now enquiring into . Our Quinquarticular Historian confesseth , that in the Augustan Confession nothing is said about Predestination ; but we are told that Melancthon , in his writings , hath declared himself not to side with Mr. Calvin , but rather with Arminius in that Point . So Grotius had boasted of Melancthon ; but Lubbertus , in his Answer to the Pietas Grotii , makes bold to tell him , that he was mistaken , Erras si Melancthonem stare a remonstrantibus existimas . To prove this he alledgeth Melancthon on the 9 th to the Romans , Cur nos vocavit ad Evangelium , & non vocavit Alexandrum Macedonem , Augustum , Socratem , &c. qui non minus civiliter vivebant quam nos ? Hic necesse est causam rejicere in voluntatem Dei , & Jacob electus est Esau reprobatus priusquam quicquam boni vel mali f●cissent ; ergo opera non erant causa sed voluntas vocantis . Non addam hic quomodo cavillentur ista nonnulli : Tantum hoc meminerit lector si opera secutura in vita crant causa electionis , non licuit Apostola dicere , non ex operibus . Hence Lubbertus in●ers , that Melancthon was of Luther's and Calvin's mind in the Doctrine of Predestination . Therefore the Papists in their writings stick not to charge upon Melancthon , as well as others , that Blasphemy of making God the Author of Sin. But seeing Learned Men do so differ about Melancthon's judgement in this matter , I could not be satisfied till I had made some further enquiry . To the Epistles of Calvin I betook my self , and read over all those that passed betwixt Melancthon and him ; in which I found , 1. that the authority of Melancthon had been objected to Calvin , disputing about the secret will and providence of God , on which account Calvin was much troubled : This I gather from Calvin's Letter to Melancthon , dated at Geneva the 4 th of the Calends of Dec. Anno 1552 , Quidam nebulones , quum nobis de gratuita Dei electione , & misera humani arbitrii servitute , litem moverent , & publice tumultuarentur , nihil ad nos gravandos habuerunt magis plausibile nominis tui praetextu , quum experti essent , quam nobis promptum esset , quaecunque ingerebant commenta refellere , hoc scil . artificio nos obruere tentabant , nisi velimus palam abs te disc●dere ; & ea quidem servata fuit a nobis moderatio , ut minim● extorserint quod astute captabant : professi ergo sumus ▪ ego & collegae omnes mei , eundem qu● tendis in doctrina scopum nobis esse propositum . 2. Melancthon did very studiously decline the ●ull declaration of his judgement concerning Praedestination and Free-will , and almost through all his writings so delivers himself , as to give men occasion to think , that he acknowledges no other Decree , but only that general Decree , viz. to save all Believers . So much may be gathered from the before mentioned Epistle : Me non leviter pungit , quae in nostra docendi ratione , nimis palam conspicitur repugnantia . Equidem non ignoro , si quid detur hominum authoritati , longe aequius esset , ut tibi subscribam , quam ut tu in sententiam meam descendas : verum id non agitur , neque a piis Christi ministris id optandum est ; hoc scilicet quaeri utrinque decet , ut consentiamus in puram Dei veritatem . Me autem ut ingenue fatear , religio impedit , ne tibi in hac doctrinae parte accedam , quod nimis philosophice de libero arbitrio disputare videris , & in electione tractanda nihil aliud habere propositum , nisi ut te ad communem hominum sensum accommodes : neque hallucinationi attribui hoc potest , quod homo ac●tus & pr●d●ns & in Scriptura probe exercitatus , electionem Dei cum promissionibus con●undis , quae sunt universae ; nihil enim magis notum est quam verbi praedication●m omnibus promiscue esse comm●nem , sed fidei Spiritum solis electis singulari privilegio donari , &c. 3. Mr. Calvin ever thought his Friend Melancthon rather to conceal his consent with h●m , than to dissent from him : So much we may collect from another of Calvin's Epistles , bearing date at Geneva 6. Cal. of Dec. 1554. Scribebam nuper de illo doctrinae capite , in quo magis sersum tuum dissimulas , quam a nobis dissentis . Q●id enim aliud de homine acerrimi judicii , coelestisque doctrinae peritissimo arbitrer ? q●um neminem mediocriter in sacris versatum lat●at , quod ipse quasi ignotum tegis ; & tamen ●unditus perit gratuitae Dei misericordiae cognitio nisi hoc tenemus , mero Dei beneplacito a reprobis discerni fideles , quos in salutem eli●ere v●luit ; nisi & hoc deinde constat , fidem ab arcana Dei ●lectione manare , quia Spiritu suo illuminat , quos elig●re antequam nascerentur ei visum est , & adoptionis gratia in familiam suam inserit . Hanc doctrinam a summo Theologo convelli , quam absurdum sit , pro tua prudentia expende ; manifestum certe dissidium in scriptis nostris notari , pessimi exempli esse vides . 4. All that Mr. Calvin desired was but this , that Melancthon would declare his judgement about these matters , not questioning but it would be agreeable to his own . Calv. ad Mel. 3. Non. Martii 1555 , Nique tamen importunius urgeo , sed quoad pace tua licet , etiam atque etiam te rogatum velim , ut tecum de q●ibus scripsi , tacitus saltem expendas ; sic enim operam te daturum confido , ut de gratuita piorum electione sincerior quam autehac docendi forma inter nos mutuo conveniat . 5. I found an Epistle of Melancthon's , in which he declares to Mr. Calvin , that he had received his Book De libero arbitrio against Pighius , thanking him for the great commendations bestowed upon himself in the Preface to the Book . In the close of that Epistle he speaks something of the question of Predestination , still holding to his old way of discoursing concerning it , which he conceived to be most plain and fittest for the people ; but withal affirming , that what he held , had nothing in it of contrariety to , or inconsistency with , what Mr. Calvin held . His own words are these , Quod ad quaestionem de praedestinatione , habebam Tubingae amicum , doctum hominem , Franciscum Stadianum , qui dicere solebat , se utrumque probare , evenire omnia ut divina providentia decrevit , & tamen esse contingentia , sese haec conciliare non posse . Ego cum hypothesin hanc tencam , Deum non esse causam peccati , nec velle peccatum , postea contingentiam in hac nostra infirmitate judicii admitto , ut sciant rudes , Davidem sua voluntate ultro ruere , & eundem sentio , cum haberet Spiritum Sanctum , potuisse eum retinere , & in ea lucta aliquam esse voluntatis actionem . Haec etiamsi subtilius disputari possunt , tamen ad regendas mentes hoc modo proposita accommodata videntur . Accusemus ipsi nostram voluntatem cum labimur , non quaeramus in Dei consilio causam , & contra cum nos erigamus ; sciamus Deum & velle opitulari & adesse luctantibus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , inquit Basilius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : excitetur ergo cura in nobis , & laudetur Dei immensa bonitas ; quum & promisit auxilium & praestat , sed petentibus , ut inquit Dominus , hoc est , iis qui promissionem intuentur . Nam a verbo Dei ordiendum est , nec repugnandum promissioni , sed ei assentiam●r , nec disputemus antea , tunc nos adsensuros esse cum arcanum decretum Dei nobis monstratum fuerit , adsentientem autem Deus adjuvat , qui per verbum Dei est efficax . Haec non scribo ut tibi tradam quasi dictata homini & eruditissimo ac peritissimo exercitiorum pietatis . Et quidem scio haec cum tuis congruere , sed sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & ad usum accommodata . By which it appears , that Melancthon was of his Friends Stadian and Calvin's mind , but was loth to declare so much , because he saw the point was intricate and perplexed , and like to procure him much opposition : which was the cause also why he did not care to publish his mind about the Sacramentary Controversie ; though it be now well known , that , in his latter days , he was as much against Consubstantiation , as Calvin himself : therefore the Lutherans , or rather Anti-Lutherans , do some of them distinguish betwixt publick and private . Philip , and Benedict Morgensterus fear not to call Melancthon , the Plague of the German Churches , Epist. ad Schlusselburgium . If any would know how Calvin resented Melancthon's Answer about Free-will and Predestination , he may be informed from Calvin's Letter , bearing date Iune 28. 1545. De responso tuo magnam habeo tibi gratiam ; simul etiam de humanitate non vulgari , quam sibi abs te exhibitam fuisse Claudius testatur . Qualis erga me futurus ess●s , inde conjecturam facio , quod meos tam benigne comiterque accipias . Deo autem maximas gratias agere non desino , qui dedit ut in ejus quaestionis summa de qua rogati eramus , sententiae nostrae congruerent ; tametsi enim paululum est discriminis in particulis quibusdam , de re tamen ipsa inter nos optime convenit . Yet it seems by the former Letters , which are of a later date , that others did object Melancthon to Calvin , which made him so earnest with Melancthon to deliver his mind more clearly and plainly . If this give not the Reader so ample satisfaction as he desireth , he may please to consult such as have professedly made it their business to prove , that Melancthon was no Arminian in the five controverted Points . Among whom I principally find two recommended by the Learned Rivet in his Apologetick for Peace ; viz. Sopi●g●us in Apolog●tica responsione ad bonam ●idem Sibrandi Lubberti a pag. 92 , ad pag. 106 : and Gaspar Peucerus , the Son-in-law of Melancthon , who , in an Epistle of his to Iacobus Monavius , by many Arguments labours to prove , that the Opinion of his Father and the Geneva Divines may easily be reconciled , and that they differ not so much in the things delivered , as in the way and manner of expressing and delivering them . If any one think this too much trouble , let him consult Melancthon's Epistle to Br●ntius , among those Printed at Leyden 1648 , pag. 379 , Thou subtilly and afar off , out of Predestination gatherest , that to every one his degree is distributed ; and thou reasonest rightly : But I in the whole Apology avoided that long and inexplicable Controversie concerning Predestination ; I every where so speak , as if Predestination did follow our Faith and Works ; and I do this on purpose , for I will not trouble Consciences with these inexplicable Labyrinths . Hunnius is thought to be , and that not without cause , a very Rigid Lut●eran ; yet hear what he saith in the beginning of his Theses , Quod in divinis & spiritualibus rebus nullum sit arbitrium humanae voluntatis , sed res de solo titulo , est id in nostris Ecclesiis extra dubitationem positum . Et pag. 10 , In his ne modiculum quidem Illud , de quo Erasmus disputat , superest homini suis viribus relicto ; sed sunt haec unius ac solius Spiritus Sancti virtuti & operationi in solidum adscribenda . I know some , and Doctor Heylin for one pag. 6 , do make as if Luther did retract his Book De servo arbitrio ; But that is a most gross mistake , there being no Book that he did more glory in than that and his Catechism ; as is evident by a Letter written to Capito in the year 1539 , which was but 7. years before his death , De tomis meorum librorum dispo●endis frigidior sum & segnior ; eo quod Saturnina same percitus magis cuperem omnes d●voratos : nullum enim agnosco meum justum librum , nisi sorte De servo arbitrio , & Catechismum . The Duke of Saxony in the Preface to the Corp. Doct. writes , That they are bewitched with the frauds of the Devil , who say that Luther 's Book was ever retracted . Schlusselburgh in his Catalogue of Hereticks , lib. 4. pag. 254 , affirms , That the evil spirit cannot excogitate a more evident lye than this , that Luther recanted his opinion De servo arbitrio . The Divines of Saxony , in Collequio Alden . account all them Thieves , Robbers , and Sacrilegious Persons , who repudiate the Book De servo Arbitrio , or endeavour to alienate the Lutheran Churches from it . Now , I think , they that hold with Calvin in the point of Free-will , cannot ( if they will be true to their own Principle ) dissent from him in the point of Predestination . Obj. But the Augustan Confession plainly condemns the Anabaptists , who teach , That a man once justified , can by no means lose the Holy Ghost : Therefore certainly the Composers of it did not hold Perseverance in such a way as is commonly taught in the Schools of the Calvinists . Ans. I must confess this is a specious Objection , and such as at the first reading of it puzzled me ; I understood not presently , how the Anabaptists could with truth be charged to hold , that a man once justified , can by no means lose the Holy Ghost ; it being rather the opinion of the Anabaptists , that a man once justified , may lose the Holy Ghost : Which made me think , there was some mistake in the printed Copies which we do commonly use ; or else , that this was some expression that dropped from Melancthon in haste . I looked over the seventeen Articles that were drawn up by Luther , out of which Melancthon composed the Augustan Confession ; in them I found not this expression , nor any like it : But yet I dared not to lay much stress upon this my conceit , because I knew the Anabaptists were a giddy Crew , and might differ among themselves as well as from others ; and upon examination , I found that there were Valentinian Anabaptists in those days , who taught that when once a man was regenerate and had obtained the Holy Ghost , he might live as he listed and do what he would , for sin could not hurt him . Such Anabaptists , the Calvinists do as perfectly abhor and would as soon condemn , as the most violent Lutherans : for Calvinists do not affirm , that let regenerate men do what they list , and take what courses they please , they shall continue in Gods grace and favour : but they teach , that he who hath the spirit , walketh after the spirit , and shall by God be made so to do . When it was objected by Bertius to Crocius , the learned Professor of Br●me , that he , in maintaining Perseverance , did contradict the eleventh Article of the Augustan Confession , how doth he clear himself ? Thus : de Persev . Sanct. l. 5. c. 5. p. 585 , Etsi Articulus undecimus confessionis istius damnet Anabaptistas , qui negant semel justificatos iterum poss● amittere Spiritum Sanctum , tam●n , id meam ment●m non tangit ; quippe quae non vult idem quod Anabaptistae : Horum enim multi omnis generis flagitiis se audacter obstringunt , more Borboritarum , nihilque se inquinare opinantur , quod Spiritum Sanctum habeant , quomodocunque vivant . Ab isto ●●●●re horret animus . Thus this learned Professor . And if there were nothing else , this one Argument would be to me sufficient to prove , that in the Augustan Confession there is nothing contrary to the conceptions of the Zuinglians or the Calvinists about the five Points , viz. That the very year before that Confession was presented to Caesar there was a Colloquy betwixt the Lutherans and Zuinglians , in which it must not be denied , but that there was too great and scandalous a difference betwixt them in the Sacramentary Doctrine : Nor could it well be conceived that it should be otherwise ; for Luther had written to the Landgrave of Hesse , that the Helvetians would scarcely be brought to acknowledge their errors , and he for his part could not possibly lay aside the opinion which he had embraced ; and as soon as he met with Bucer thought meet to bestow no better complement on him than this , that he was Homo nequam , & nebulo , i. e. in plain English , A very Knave : But yet , both by what Philip Melancthon writes to Iohn Duke of Saxony , and by what Oecolampadius writes to Bertholdus a Preacher at Breme , it appears , that there was a sweet agreement betwixt the Divines on both sides about other matters : Fourteen Articles were subscribed to , the sixth whereof is this , quod Fides sit donum Dei , &c. Faith is the gift of God : which we obtain by no precedent works or merits , nor attain by our own proper strength ; but the holy Spirit giveth and worketh Faith in our hearts , when we hear the Gospel or word of Christ : Which if our Arminians would heartily acknowledge , who is he that would deny them the right hand of fellowship ? Moreover , the later Brood of Lutherans may do well to observe , that harsher speeches do not occur in any Calvinist than are to be found in Luther himself ; and that he , as well as Iohn Calvin , was charged to make God the Author of Sin , and to put contrary wills in God , as may be seen 2. Tom. Epist. pag. 281. Is not this enough ? Why then let us proceed further , even to that second meeting at Torga , held , as I take it , in the year 1576 , in which these six men were Presidents , Iacobus Andreas , Chemnitius , Selveccerus , Chytraeus , Musculus , Cerverus , and composed that Book which is called Liber concordiae , which contains in it , besides the Apostolical , Nicene , Athanasian Creeds , the Augustan Confession , the Smalcaldian Articles , the two Catechisms of Luther , &c. a solid , full , clear repetition and declaration of those Articles of the Augustan Confession , about which there had been any controversie among Divines . If the Arminians should have recourse to this Concord , all which they would get might ( as we say ) be put into their eyes , and they see never a whit the worse : The Doctrine of Free-will is laid down as Calvinistically as one would wish . For , 1. 'T is said , that the understanding and reason of man are altogether blind in things spiritual . 2. That the will of man not yet renewed , is not only averse to God , but also inimicous unto God , so as that a man not renewed , can only will and desire and delight in those things which are evil and repugnant to the Divine Will ; and that as much as a dead Body is unable to vivifie or restore it self unto a corporal life , so much is a man who is dead in sins and trespasses , unable to bring himself to a spiritual life . 3. The Composers of that Concord do reject expresly the Errour of the Pelagians and Semipelagians , and the Opinion of those who teach , that , A man not renewed , by reason of his Free-will , is indeed weaker than to be able to make the beginning of his own Conversion , or to turn himself to God by his own proper strength , and obey the Law of God with his whole heart ; but yet , if the Spirit of God by the preaching of the Word have laid the foundation of Conversion , and offered his Grace in the Word preached unto man , then mans Will doth contribute something , though it be but very little , to Conversion , by helping it on , and co-operating to the perfection and complement of it . 4. The said Composers do reject the speeches of those , who say , that The Will of man before Conversion , in Conversion , after Conversion , doth repugn the holy Spirit ; and that The Holy Spirit is given to those who do on set purpose , and pertinaciously resist him . These speeches they reject , because God , in the conversion of men , of unwilling makes them willing . 5. They further judge , that those speeches of the ancients , Deus trahit sed volentem trahit , & Hominis voluntas in conversione non est otiosa sed aliquid agit , are not agreeable to the form of sound words , and therefore that we must abstain from them . As to the Doctrine of Predestination , 't is so soberly and modestly laid down , that a Calvinist may make a very fair interpretation of it , and subscribe unto it . This I had thought to have shown , but I am prevented by the incomparable Zanchy , who descanting upon the agreement made betwixt the Divines and Professors of the Church and School of Argentine , Anno 1563 , concerning the Divine Prescience and Predestination , doth also teach us how to interpret the Book of Concord : Which yet , all things considered , might better have been called the Book of Discord ; so much variance did it create among those , whose Wisdom and Piety it would have been , to unite against the common Enemies of Reformation . Here it may not be amiss to take notice , that when Marbachius , about the years 1561 , 1562 , did accuse Zanchy's Doctrine of Predestination as heretical , the judgement of Churches and Universities and private learned Men was desired ; and the University and Church of Marpurg , the School and Church of Heidelberg , the Church of Scaphusinm , the Tigurine Church and School , the Church and University of Basil , besides many private Persons , did justifie him ; as may be seen in his second Book of Miscellanies , page 79 , 80 , &c. Object . But do not many of the Lutherans decry Calvins Doctrine of Predestination as injurious to God , and destructive of the power and practice of godliness ? Ans. I must needs acknowledge they do , and that at such a rate and height , that they have in virulence exceeded most of the Papists ; Like deaf adders they seem to have stopped their ears against the voice of all those who would have charm'd them into any moderation ; and to have that alway written upon their hearts , which once dropped from Luther's Pen in a fit of passion , Blessed is the man who hath not gone in the counsel of the Sacramentarians , nor stood in the way of the Zuinglians , nor sate in the seat of the Tigurines . The first set and solemn Dispute I find betwixt Lutherans and Cal●inists about Predestination happened in the year 1586 , and was managed principally by the learned Theodore Beza , and Iacobus Andreas ( a man of mean birth , but advanced at last to be Chancellor of Tubing ; ) the place Mompelgard ; the occasion such , as that no good success could be expected from it . Frederick the Prince was from his youth trained up and instructed in the Ubiquitarian Doctrine ; but by going to Berne and Geneva , and frequent hearing the Lectures and Sermons of Beza , began to have some more favourable thoughts of the Calvinists , and therefore gave entertainment to some French exiles at Mompelgard : But as soon as it was buzzed into his ear , that the Duke of Wittenberg had no Heir male , that the Austrians would never endure him to be Successor if he favored the Hugonots , and that he was already suspected so to do , both because he had been at Geneva , and also because he had received and given entertainment to the French Protestants : upon these reasons he yielded to the Conference , not to find out truth , but to purge himself from any suspition of being Calvinistically affected . I would not have charged so great a Prince with so carnal a design , but that Scultetus , in the History of his own life pag. 28 , assures me , that To●sanus told all this in his hearing to Pezelius . And indeed by reading the Conference it self , as related by Lucas Osiander , I found reason to suspect some such design : for whereas the Prince in his Letters missive inviting to the Conference ▪ mentioned no other cause of it but the unhappy controversie about the Lords Supper ; Beza and his Associates , must at the Conference be put upon it , unpreparedly , to discourse about Predestination , and the Prince , as if he could not in conscience endure to hear Beza's blasphemies ( forsooth ▪ ) must offer to put an end to his Speech , had not Andreas ( who was confident he should be able to answer him ) desired his Highness not to give him any interruption , lest afterwards it should be said , that Beza was not sufficiently heard in so weighty and great a matter . And yet I observe , that Andreas so declareth himself about the Doctrine of Election , as that Beza saw no reason to contradict him : Andreas his Positions are these , 1. Deus salvandos non modo praescivit , sed etiam ab aeterno elegit , & ad vitam aeternam praedestinavit . 2. Electio facta est in Christo , priusquam fundamenta mundi posita sunt , h●c est ut per Christum salvarentur . 3. Salvandorum apud Deum certus est numerus . These things he layeth down as matters that come no● under any Dispute . Beza contradicts not any of these , nor had he any reason to contradict them . But Andreas saith , This is the question , Whether God have so predestinated his own Elect to eternal Life , as that he hath also destinated some , and the greater part of mankind , before they were born , to eternal Condemnation ; and that by his absolute and hidden decree , so as that he would not have them repent , be converted and saved ? This he denieth , and so would any Calvinist that is in his wits , till the terms be distinguished . I do challenge all the Jesuits and Arminians now living , to name and shew me that man , who hath in Print ventured to affirm , That God did Decree to Damn any one single Person but for Sin. When it is charged on us , that we say , God would no● have men Repent , what is the meaning ? Is this it ? that there are some whose Impenitence God resolves not to cure , unto whom he decreed not to give the Grace of Repentance ? Why who can question this ? If the meaning be , that there are some whom God never put under an obligation to Repent , unto whom he never made Repentance a duty , I must needs say , I am yet to learn the name of that Divine who hath affirmed any such thing . Alas ! that Scholars should not distinguish betwixt Gods will of purpose determining of events , and his legislative will determining of the creatures duty ; or once imagine that there is a contrariety betwixt these two wills . The Conference ended , Beza desired that notwithstanding any difference , they might still look upon one another as Brethren ; which Andreas would not yield to , offering Beza dextram humanitatis , but not dextram fraternitatis . The summ of all that I would have observed concerning the Lutherans , is , That the more ancient of them do not differ from the Calvinists in the Articles of Predestination or Perseverance ; the latter do differ from them somewhat ( though not so much as the Arminians ) in both : yet the latter and worser sort of Lutherans , do so lay down the Doctrine of Free-will , that they may easily be driven to grant both absolute Election , and absolute eternal Non-election or Preterition . For as Hornbeck well , Summa Contro . p. 726 , 727 , This being once granted , that it is not by our own strength or concourse that we are converted , but only and meerly by the grace and operation of the Spirit , it follows , that men cannot be converted but by this his grace , and that they are then only converted when this grace is given : Now all are not converted , but some ; to some therefore , and not to all , is this grace given . Could not God give the same grace of Conversion to others ? He could doubtless , but doth not . If he doth not , it is because he would not . Whatever God doth not in time do , he from all eternity decreed and purposed not to do : If God from all eternity decreed not to give his grace , he did also , I trow , decree not to grant them salvation ; for salvation is never promised but to the converted . By this time it appears that the Doctor and his Party have little reason to lay any claim to the Augustan Confession , or those who glory in following it . But if it were granted , that the Composers of this Augustan Confession did symbolize with the Arminians in the 5 Points ; yet it would be remembred , that there are extant other Protestant Confessions as ancient as the Augustan Confession ▪ in which the Doctrine of Gods Decree is laid down very Calvinistically . In the Confession of Basil , there are these words which the Arminian ear cannot hear ; Confitemur , Deum , antequam mundum creasset , eos omnes elegisse , quos haereditate aeternae salutis donare vult . Confitemur , hominem ab initio secundum Dei imaginem , justitiam & sanctitatem integre factum : Est autem sua sponte lapsus in peccatum , per quem lapsum totum humanum genus corruptum , damnationi obnoxium factum est , etiamque natura nostra vitiata est , ac in tantam propensionem ad peccandum devenit , ut nisi eadem per Spiritum Sanctum redintegretur , homo per se nihil boni faciat , nec velit . I now return to the Historian , who , pag. 35 , thus proceeds . Dr H. For the better carrying on of my design , I must go back again to Calvin , whom I left under suspition of making God the Author of Sin , from which though many have took much pains ( none more than industrious Dr. Field ) to absolve & free him ; yet by his Doctrine of Praedestination , he hath laid such grounds as have involved his followers in the same guilt also . Answ. He had left Calvin under a suspition of making God the Author of Sin : Why but under a suspition ? Had he not totidem terminis placed him among those , who by necessary consequence did make God the Author of Sin ? And sith other Divines , as vehement maintainers of Hierarchy and Ceremonies as himself , have thought it their duty and the Churches interest , to clear Calvin from the odious imputation of making God the Author of Sin , why doth he take so much pains to prove that great Reformer guilty of so horrid a Blasphemy ? At least he should have shewed us , that Doctor Field and those other learned men did but laterem lavare , by confuting what they urge for the justification of Calvin . But not thinking meet so to do , he contents himself to bring one Reason ( such as it is ) to prove that Calvin in his Doctrine of Predestination hath laid such grounds , as have involved all his Followers in the guilt of making God the Author of Sin. Dr. H. Ibid. Not content to travel a known and beaten way , he must needs find out a way by himself , which neither the Dominicans , nor any other of the Followers of S. Augustine 's Rigors , had found out before , in making God to lay on Adam an unavoidable necessity of falling into Sin and Misery , that so he might have opportunity to manifest his Mercy in the Electing of some few of his Posterity , and his Iustice in the absolute Rejecting of all the rest . Answ. A very high charge ; Which if it be not made good , all must needs say , that Dr. Heylin's heart did not much stand in awe of that Precept , Thou shalt not bear false witness . And made good it is not to be sure ; for we are not so much as directed to any of Mr. Calvin's Works in which these words , or any words of like import , are to be found . This is sufficient Answer ; but yet we will a little scan the Opinion here laid down by our Historian , and examine wherein the heinousness and singularity of it doth lie : Is this the heinousness of it , that man being fallen , God should design to glorifie his Mercy in the electing of some , his Iustice in the passing by of others ? I should 〈◊〉 her think it had been a crime to say , that God would ever have suffered the fall , had he not known how , and actually intended , to bring about his glory by it . Is it strange that h● should choose to shew his Mercy in electing but of a few , and his Iustice in the rejecting of the greatest part of men ? To me this is not strange ; for when all are alike obnoxious , and of themselves unmeet for Mercy , what more injustice is there in rejecting millions of men , than in rejecting of one single man ? I , but this is harsh , that God should lay on Adam an unavoidable necessity of falling into Sin and Misery : Perhaps if it had been said , that God had laid on Adam an avoidable necessity , it would have well enough pleased the Doctor ; but then others would have thought , that an avoidable necessity had bordered a little too near the coasts of non-sense and contradiction . But is it not unworthy of God , to say , that he did lay on Adam a necessity of falling into Sin and Misery ? Not unworthy of him to be sure , to lay a necessity of being miserable in case he sinned : Some rather question , whether it would not have been unworthy of him to let sinful man pass without punishment , unless on some such valuable consideration as the suffering of a Mediator ? As for laying a necessity on Adam of falling into Sin , that is indeed an uncouth phrase ; and if the meaning of it be this , that God compelled Adam , of himself unwilling , to fall , I have not charity enough to excuse it of Blasphemy . But , as I said before , we are not told where the phrase occurs in Mr. Calvin . This seemeth to be the whole of his opinion , That God did eternally decree to permit the fall of Adam ; and God having decreed to permit his fall , it was necessary he should fall . That man , whom we shall shortly have our Historian endeavouring to justifie , Arminius , hath laid it down as a truth , That if God permits a man to will this or that , it must needs be , that no kind of argument can move him not to will it . Dr. H. Ibid. In which as he can find no countenance from any of the ancient Writers , so he pretendeth not to any ground for it in the holy Scriptures : for whereas some objected on God's behalf , De certis ( Disertis he should have written ) verbis non extare , That the decree of Adam 's fall , and consequently the involving of his whole Posterity in sin and misery , had no foundation in the express words of holy Writ , he makes no other answer to it , than a quasi vero ; as if ( saith he ) God made and created man , the most exact piece of his workmanship , without determining of his end . Answ. In which as he can find . In what doth the Doctor mean ? Nothing till now hath he quoted out of Calvin ; and that Chapter which he now refers us to , viz. Chapter 23. lib. 3. Institut . manifests that Mr. Calvin had some countenance from S. Augustin , who is one of the ancient Writers ; for in all his Answers to the Objections of his Adversaries , he fortifieth himself with the Authority of Augustin . Well , however we will consider the Objection made by Calvin against himself , and his Answer to it , Disertis verbis hoc extare negant ▪ decretum fuisse a Deo ut sua defectione periret Adam : That 's the Objection which our Historian either would not or could not rightly translate . What is the Answer ? Quasi vero idem ille Deus quem Scriptura praedicat facere quaecunque vult , ambiguo fine condiderit nobilissimam ex suis creaturis . Who seeth not that the Answer doth most fully enervate the Objection ? Who seeth not that Master Calvin doth here quote Scripture , and Scripture from which ( if it be to be understood as he understands it ) it necessarily ●ollows , that God did decree and will that Adam should fall , and by his fall perish ? He advanceth another Objection against himself in the words immediately following : They say he had Free-will to make his own Fortune , and that God decreed nothing but only to handle or deal with him according to his d●serts . If so cold a figment be received ( saith Calvin ) where will be that Omnipotence of God , by which he moderates all things according to his hidden counsel , which depends on nothing else ? But Predestination , whether they will or no , discovereth it self in the Posterity of Adam ; for it did not come to pass by any natural necessity , that all should fall from happyness by the fault of one . What makes them they will not confess that concerning one man , which whether they will or no , they must yield of all mankind ? Why should they lose their labour by tergiversation ? The Scripture proclaims , that all Mortals , in the person of one Man , were adjudged to Eternal Death : this , seeing it cannot be ascribed to Nature , comes plainly from the admirable Counsel of God , &c. What sayest , Reader ? Was it not an immodest calumny to affirm , that Mr. Calvin pretends not to have any ground for his Opinion in the holy Scriptures ? Dr. H. Pag. 36. Whereas others had objected on God's behalf , that no such unavoidable necessity was laid on mankind by the will of God ; but rather that he was created by God unto such a perishing estate , because he foresaw to what his own perverseness at the last would bring him : He answereth , that this Objection proves nothing at all , or at least nothing to the purpose . Which said , he tells us further out of Valla , though otherwise not much versed in the holy Scriptures , that this Question seems to be superfluous , because both life and death are rather the acts of God's will , than of his prescience or foreknowledge , &c. Answ. For this , and what follows , we are referred to lib. 3. cap. 23. sect . 6. That Section I have read , and by reading of it have taken up this resolution , that I will never trust the Historian more . The Objection is framed in these words , Si quis causetur nullam cis inferri ne●essitatem ex Dei providentia , sed potius ea conditione ab ipso es●● creatos , quoniam futuram eorum pravitatem praeviderit ; To which is answered , Neque nihil dicit , neque ●otum , that is , He neither saith nothing , nor yet the whole : Whose confidence besides Doctor Heylin 's , would have sufficed to English , Neque nihil dicit , neque totum , He either saith nothing , or nothing to the purpose ? As for what is added out of Valla , 't is undoubtedly a truth , that To appoint or determine life or death , is rather an act of God's will than of his prescience : No wise man can think that life or death do depend on the Divine prescierce . Dr. H. Ibid. Notwithstanding all these shifts , he is forced to acknowledge , the Decree of Adam 's fall to be Horribile Decretum , a Cruel and Horrible Decree : as indeed it is a Cruel and Horrible Decree , to pre-ordain so many millions to destr●ction , and consequently unto sin , that he might destroy them . Answ. The expression of Horribile Decretum is indeed Master Calvin's ; and glad I am that the Doctor takes notice of it , because Master Pierce , who drew him into the lists , makes such a noise about it , as also the Lutherans and Grotius had done long before him . As for the Lutherans , I should think Wendelin in his Divinity , Cap. de Reprobatione , had written enough to stop their mouths ; for he there produceth out of Luther ( whom his Followers will scarcely acknowledge ever to have written a word amiss ) several places , in which the word Horribile is used in the same sense that here it is by Calvin . As to Dr. Heylin and Mr. Pierce , I wonder why they should go about to perswade the World that Calvin by Decretum Horribile , intended a Cruel and Horrible Decree . Are Horribile & Crudele alway equivalent ? God is not cruel , but righteous in all the torments that he hath laid on the fallen Angels : yet , I hope , one might venture to call them Horribiles Cruciatus . Who would construe Horribile supplicium , which sometimes occurreth in good Authors , Cruel Punishment ? The clamor that is made against Mr. Calvin for using the word Horribile , brings to my mind a pranck that was plaid by some Sectaries in Bark-shire against their Minister , ( a man of good parts and unblameable life ; ) They come and ask him , What was the meaning of the Psalmist in that phrase , so he giveth his Beloved rest ? He unawares replied , It was a plaguy hard place ; meaning , doubtless , no more , than that It was an huge hard place . But upon this , these malignant Sectaries , betake themselves to the Commissioners for ejecting of ignorant and scandalous Ministers , and put in a complaint against their Parson , and make this one Article , That he had spoken blasphemously , or at least irreverently of the holy Scriptures . Some colour had these Sectaries for their simplicity or malice , because the word plaguy doth male sonare : but so doth not Horribile ; signifying no more , than that which doth incutere horrorem . Therefore the outcries against Calvin for using it , and applying it to the Decree of Reprobation , are very vain , and apparently , ●rivolous and malicious . Dr. H Ibid. A Doctrine so injurious to God , so destructive of Piety , of such reproach amongst the Papists , and so offensive to the Lutherans of what sort soever , that they profess a greater readiness to fall back to Popery , than to give way to this Predestinarian pestilence ( by which name they call it ) to come in amongst them ▪ Answ. Whether the Doctrine of Reprobation or Rejection , as stated by Calvin and his Followers , be injurious to God and destructive to Piety , shall be tried in the examination of what the Doctor hath compiled out of God's love to mankind . Now , we shall be content to enquire , 1. Whether this Doctrine be of such reproach as is here intimated among Papists ? 2. Whether it be so offensive to Lutherans ? 1. If it be of reproach among the Papists , it is so without any cause : because , men of the highest esteem and renown amongst them say as much in this matter , as ever did Calvin or any of his Followers . This I would the rather prove , because it will wipe off the aspersion of singularity , which was in some former words most unjustly cast upon Calvin . Who are of greater esteem among the Papists than Lombard , Thomas Aquinas Bonaventure , Scotus ? 1. Peter Lombard , the Father of School-men , named ( as every Fresh-man knows ) the Master of the Sentences , who lived about the year 1140 , thus determines , Lib. 1. dis . 41. A. Cum gratiae , quae apponitur homini ad justificationem , nulia sint merita , multo minus & ipsius praedestinationis ( qua ab aeterno Deus elegit quos voluit ) aliqua possint existere merita , ita nec reprobationis , qua ab aeterno p●aese●vit quosdam futuros malos & damnandos : sicut elegit Jacob , & reprobavit Esau , quod non f●it pro meritis eorum quae tunc hab●bant , quoniam nec ipsi existebant ; nec propter futura merita quae praevideret , vel illum ●legit , vel illum reprobavit . 2. Thomas Aquinas ▪ the Angelical Doctor , Canonized by Pope Iohn XXII , said to have got his Knowledge more by Prayer than Labour and Industry , upon whose Scholastical Labours are publ●shed as many Commentaries as on the holy Scripture , is rather an Hypercalvinian than not a Calvinist in this matter of the absolute Decree . The Supralapsarian way is , by Arminius in his Conference with Iunius , imputed to him . Least Arminius should be thought so kind-hearted , as to grant more than was needful , let us hear Matthaeus Rispo●is : Divus Thomas , ubicunqu● de ea re loquitur , semper docet , nullam esse causam reprobationis ; sed sicut praedestinatio , ita & reprobatio , voluntatem Dei ut causam habet . Quam opinionem sequuntur omnes Thomistae , & praecipue , &c. Lib. de Praefia ▪ qu●st . conclu . 3. But , it may be , Reprobation is not the same thing with Thomas and Calvin . Let Aquinas speak for himself , part . 1. q. 23. art . 3. Reprobatio non nominat praescientiam tantum , sed aliquid addit secundum rationem , sicut & providentia : sicut enim praedestinatio includit voluntatem conferendi gratiam , ita reprobatio includit voluntatem permittendi aliquem cadere in culpam , & inferendi damnationis poenam propter culpam . 3. Bonaventure , Reader among Dr. Heylin's Franciscan Friers much about the same time that Aquinas was Reader among the Dominick-Friers , canonized by Pope Sixtus IV , called generally the Seraphical Doctor , of so much sanctity of life and integrity of manners and profound knowledge , that his Master , Alexander Ales , was wont to say , In hoc uno Adam non peccavit , thus declares himself , Lib. 1. disp . 40. q. 1. Simpliciter loquendo , quantum ad principale significatum , neutra ( i. e. neque electio , neque reprobatio ) cadit sub-merito ; quantum autem ad connotatum , reprobatio cadit sub merito simpliciter , praedestina●io vero secundum quid . By the principale significatum , he means the Act or Decree of Reprobation ; by the connotatum , he intendeth the effect of Reprobation , viz. Damnation . 4 , Finally Iohannes Duns , a man of stupendious subtlety , called by the admirable Scaliger lima veritatis , is very express and punctual for absolute Election and Reprobation . Places twice ten might be produced , but it is needless to produce testimonies in a matter confessed by the Adversaries of the Absolute Decree . Let Micraelius speak , Heterodox . Cal. disp . 40. parag . 49. Scotus , alias Iohannes Duns , Doctor ille 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seculo 14 , contra Thomam defendit illam rigidam sententiam , quod , Quicquid Deus operatur circa creaturas operetur beneplacito voluntatis suae , ut s●per hoc non sit ratio vel causa petenda ( lib. 1. dist . 41. ) quodqu● , Deus sola beneplaciti voluntate de tota massa perdita voluerit quosdam homines misericorditer liberare , quosdam non , ut bonitatem manif●staret , in electis quidem per misericordiam , in reprobis p●● justitiam . Et cum alii Scholastici , ut Henricus , istam propositionem graviter arguerent , dicendo , 1. Defectum culp● non requiri per se ad manifestationem bonitatis . 2. Malitiam in mundo & miseriam non esse de perfectione universi , & propterea non placuisse Deo simpliciter ut aliqui in malitia & miseria permanerent . 3. Dei intentionem non fuisse dum peccata permittit , ut habeat quod puniat sed ut bonum inde eliciat . 4. Malitiam praevisam esse rationem motivam ob quam damnare reprobum Deus constituerit . Scotus hic sese opposuit , & defendit illam certam praevisionem futurorum contingentium esse ex determinatione voluntatis divinae ; & si offerantur duo aequales in naturalibus , & ex iis unus praeordinetur ad gratiam & vitam aeternam , alter non , non esse aliam rationem assignandam nisi voluntatem divinam : quae quidem est ipsissima sententia Calviniana . Is that a Doctrine of reproach among the Papists , that hath been defended by so many learned Doctors of the Papal Church ? Perhaps though the Doctor will not account the Puritan Protestant , worthy the name of a Protestant , yet he thinks the Puritan Papist or Jesuit , the onely Papist : If so , I cannot deny but that the Doctrine of absolute Reprobation is to them odious enough . Molina in his 23. Quest. Art. 4 , 5 , having granted , that his Schoolmen do commonly maintain absolute Reprobation , and not daring to deny but that Austin maintained it too , concludes that It s too hard and unworthy of the Divine goodness and clemency , more meet for a fierce and cruel than for a most clement Prince , the Author of all consolation , goodness , piety . But yet I am sure Bellarmine and Benedictus Pererius were both Jesuits , and ( if we may believe the judgement of learned men concerning them ) as learned as any two that ever were of that Order ; yet either I understand not their Latine ( which is easie enough , ) or they do not speak with reproach concerning the absolute Decree . Bellarm. de grat . & lib. arbit . lib. 2. cap. 16 , Dicimus reprobationem duos actus comprehendere , alterum negativum , alterum positivum ; siquidem reprobi opponuntur electis contradictorie , & contrarie . Primum enim non habet Deus voluntatem illos salvandi , deinde habet voluntatem eos damnandi : Quod attinet ad priorem actum , nulla datur ejus causa ex parte hominum , sicut neque praedestinationis . Benedictus Pererius , in his Comment . on the ninth to the Romans , roundly takes up Ambresius Catharinus , for reproaching the opinion of the absolute Decree with those ugly names of cruel , impious , desperate . 2. The Doctor tells us that this Calvinistical Doctrine is offensive to the Lutherans of what sort soever . Which whether he ever intended that we should believe , I know not ; but I cannot in the least imagine that he himself believed it . For , pag. 34 , he told us of some Rigid Lutherans , who having separated themselves from Melancthon and the rest of the Divines of Wittenberg , did gladly entertain those Doctrines , in which they were sure to find as good assistance as the Dominicans and their party could afford them . What Doctrines were these in which they might promise themselves as good assistance as the Dominicans and their party could afford them , unless the Doctrine about the absolute Decrees , and some other points annexed to them ? Not many lines after , it is acknowledged , that The Calvinian Faction's ( so the Doctor will miscal ) Doctrines , though condemned by the Councel of Trent , yet found countenance , not only from the whole Sect of Dominicans but the Rigid Lutherans . What! are the Calvinian Tenents countenanced by a sort of Lutherans , and yet offensive to Lutherans of what sort soever ? This I 'le undertake to prove , that unless the present Lutherans will reject the Opinion of Luther , Brentius , Heshusius , men whom they pretend highly to reverence , the Calvinian opinion cannot be offensive to them . If therefore any of them have said or written , that they would sooner fall back to Popery , than give way to this Predestinarian Pestilence , they were sure in some high fit of passion ; such as they are in when they speak of the Sacramentarian Pestilence , such as that Arminian was in who professed , he would sooner turn Atheist than Calvinist . Dr. H. Pag. 36 , 37. Having so great a Founder as Calvin was , it came to be generally entertained in all Churches of his plat-form , strongly opposed by Sebastian Castalio in Geneva it self : but the poor man so despightfully handled both by him and Beza , that they never left pursuing him with complaints and clamors , till they had cast him out of the City , and at last brought him to his grave . The terror of which example , and the great name which Calvin had attained unto , as it confirmed his power at home , so did it make his Doctrines the more acceptable and esteemed abroad . Ans. Was ever more dirt cast into the face of Calvin , Beza , Geneva and other Reformed Churches in so few lines ? What! Were they , who had suffered so many things from the blood-thirsty Papists , so startled with Castali●'s banishment , as not to dare to enquire into an opinion before they embraced it ? Had all the Reformed pinned their faith on the sleeve of one man , who never made any pretence or laid any claim to infallibility ? Be it so : that , of what account the Master of the Sentences was in the Church of Rome , the same had Calvin amongst the Preachers of the Reformed Churches purchased ; yet we know that the Papists themselves have their Points , in which they say that Hic Magister non tenetur : so the Preachers of the Reformed Churches would undoubtedly have rejected Calvin in the Point of the absolute Decree , had they apprehended it to be either disconsonant to Scripture , or injurious to God , or destructive to the power of godliness . I cannot also but take notice of another Calumny , viz. that the cause of the removal of Castalio , was his contradicting of Calvin and Beza in the Doctrine of God's Decrees : whereas upon examination it will be found , that he was commanded to depart Geneva for his notorious Calumnies against those that had deserved better of the Church than himself . Indeed the man was grown to that impiety , that he feared not to call the Divinely inspired Song of Solomon , an impure and obscene Ballad , and to rail and reproach all those , who would not consent to have it expunged the Canon . How great a Saint soever he may seem to some , the Histories of those times tell us , that he was perj●red . Page 37 , 38. Doctor H●ylin takes notice , that Though Ecclesiastical Discipline was made use of , to crush all those who durst oppose the Doctrine of Calvin , yet it was permitted to Beza to be somewhat wilder than his Master , in placing the Decree of Predestination before the Fall , which Calvin himself had more rightly placed in Massa corrupta . Ans. And yet , p. 38. circa sinem , he tells us , that The Doctrine of the Supra●apsarians was first broached by Calvin . A contradiction so gross , that whosoever can reconcile it , must have a greater faculty than ever Aristotle himself pretended to , or thought possible . But let us , to gratifie this Author , and for once , suppose that Iohn was a Sublapsarian , and Calvin a Supralapsarian ; yet it would require a greater charity than ever I could attain unto , to pardon his miscarriage , in making the Supralapsarian Doctrine no older than Mr. Calvin . Est nobis necessario fatendum , non esse nuper natam aut ignobiliorum Theologorum sententiam , quae ponit Praedestinationem priorem praevisione peccati , saith Bishop Davenant , Diss●rt . de prae . & reprob . cap. 1. pag. 115. This way went Scotus , gone to the generation of his Fathers some centuries before Calvin : yea , and Aquinas , somewhat older than Scotus . And , for a conclusion , the Bishop addeth , Heac a me in eum finem adducuntur , non quod huic sententiae adhaerescam , sed ut obiter perstringam illorum inscitiam dicam an malitiam , qui Calvinum aut Bezam lacerant maledictis , quasi primarios hujus sententiae Autores , quae inter Scholasticos & inter Pontificios ipsos non minus recepta est quam illa contraria , quae ponit hominem peccato infectum subjectum Praedestinationis . Which done , he proceeds to produce two clear passages out of Calvin , by which it appears , that he made Massam corruptam , or in Austin's phrase , Massam damnatam , the object of Predestination . The next thing we shall take notice of in our Historian , is the account that he gives of the Supralapsarian and Sublapsarian Opinion , and the Arguments he brings against the one and the other . His account is drawn by the Pen of professed Adversaries , viz. the Remonstrants , and Tilenus . His Arguments are all of them transcribed out of that English Pamphlet , called God's Love to Mankind ; composed by the joint labours and endeavours of two Men that were no Punies in these Controversies , viz. Mr. Mason and Mr. Hoard . Where , first , I might take notice of this , as one instance of his failing , that he hath not reckoned up all the Opinions about the object of Predestination . For as some make it to be mankind not yet created , massam nondum conditam ; others mankind created and corrupted : so there are who make it to be mankind created indeed , but yet not corrupted or fallen . Nor are they , who go this way , so obscure as not to deserve to be mentioned , by him that undertakes to write the History of these matters . But this I could easily pardon , did I not find him highly disingenuous , in laying down the Opinion of the Supralapsarians : Which he represents from their professed Enemies charge in the Hague-Conference . Just as if some angry Neighbour having preferred a Bill against Dr Heylin , and in that Bill charged him with more than could be proved , I should afterwards make use of this Charge as a Picture to draw Dr. Heylin by . A dispassionate Heathen would have had more candor than to Father upon any party of Men , every Brat which a provoked Adversary had laid at their door . What evidence is there , that the Opinion laid down by the Doctor , page 38 , is the Opinion of the Supralapsarian Divines ? Have all of them or the most famous of them either jointly or severally declared it to be their Opinion ? The Writings of some Antelapsarians I have read , and have not found that they have , simply and without distinction , asserted that God ordained certain to eternal life , certain to eternal death , without any regard had to their righteousness or sin , to their obedience or disobedience : Nay , they seem to me plainly to say , that God never decreed to bestow salvation on any adult person , but as a reward of obedience , nor to inflict damnation upon any person , but as a reward of disobedience : Only they say , If Election be considered quoad actum elgientis , and Reprobation quoad actum reprobantis , then there can be no cause assigned either of Election or Reprobation , but only the will and pleasure of the Almighty . Res volita , & actus volendi , should not be confounded in a Disputation so mysterious , as this about the eternal Decrees . Whereas therefore Dr. Heylin , page 39 , adds , That the Supralapsarian Doctrine , first , makes God to be the Author of Sin , as both Piscator and Macarius , ( I suppose it should be Maccovius , ) and many other Supralapsarians , as well as Mr. Perkins , have positively and expresly affirmed him to be ; and then , concludes him for a more unmerciful Tyrant , than all that ever had been in the World , were they joyned together , I do with some confidence aver , that this is a most manifest and malicious Calumny , exceeding ( I think ) all the Calumnies that ever were uttered by any Arminian . Mr. Mason in his Additions to Mr. Hoard had said , That none of the Supralapsarians ( Piscator only and a few more of the blunter sort excepted , ) had said , directly and in terminis , that God is the cause of sin . The Doctor hath changed Mr. Mason's few into many , and names Macc●vius and Mr. Perkins , whereas Mr. Mason had only named Piscator . But this is strange , that neither Mr. Mason nor Dr. Heylin should direct us to any one place of these Authors , in which any such phrase or speech doth occur . Do they think that their Readers have leisure to turn over all the Writings of these blunter Supralapsarians ? or any divining faculty to find out , who are intended by the few others , and the many others ? For my part I will not think that any one Supralapsarian ever affirmed God to be the Author of Sin , unless I see the very place in which such affirmation is contained . But should I see any such thing in the Writings of Mr. Perkins , I should be under a temptation to turn Cartesian , and disbelieve my eyes ; so improbable , and and almost impossible doth it seem to me , that a Person ▪ of his piety and learning , should leave upon Record , a Position so sensless , absurd , impious . I shall expect that the Doctor , in some good convenient time , do gather together those expressions of Piscator , Maccovius , Perkins , in which God is expresly made the Author of Sin , and publish them to the World ; or else he must give the World leave to think , that he hath too much communion with the Father of Lies . Further I say , that it doth not from any Principle of the Supralapsarian follow , either that God is the Author of Sin , or that he is a verier Tyrant than ever lived upon earth ; though I shall grant , that for man to do as God doth , would be the highest cruelty . I believe , with the Supralapsarian , that God hath decreed , not to bestow converting Grace upon many whom he could easily ( had he so pleased ) have converted . Should any man who could convert millions not convert them , and afterwards punish them with eternal torments for not being converted , he would be more cruel than ever Nero was . But is God therefore cruel , in not giving his converting Grace to those millions who perish eternally for want of it ? Not at all ; because he is not under a Law to contribute all that in him lieth towards the conversion of Souls : but so would man be , if he had such a conver●ing power . Suppose we , that the Doctor had been endued with a power to work those wonderful things in Tyre and Sidon which would have made the Inhabitants repent in dust and ashes , he would have been cruel with a witness had he not caused those wonders to be wrought ; but I trow so was not God , though he never did nor ever intended to work Miracle in either of those places . Dr. H. pag. 39. Well , but the Doctor proceeds further , and tells us , that this extremity being every day found more indefensible , the more moderate , and sober sort of the Calvinians , forsaking the Colours of their first Leaders , betook themselves into the Camp of the Rigid Lutherans , and rather chose to joyn with the Dominican Friers , than to stand to the Dictates of their Master Calvin . Answ. It would be endless to discover all the weaknesses of this period . 1. Calvin was a Sublapsarian ; therefore surely not the Master of the Supralapsarians . 2. The Dominican Friers do not all make the object of Predestination massam corruptam ; nor yet the Rigid ( if rigid ) Lutherans . 3. Those that are Sublapsarians , do not judge the Supralapsarian way indefensible : Witness Davenant , who hath defended the Supralapsarian way against the impertinent Objections of the Author of God's Love to Mankind ; and yet was himself of the other perswasion . Thus of the Supralapsarians : Now follows the Evidence brought in against the Sublapsarians , and the Dreadful Sentence pronounced upon them . Witnesses against them , are the Remonstrants in the Hague Conference , published by Bertius and Daniel Tilenus : which our Historian hath taken word for word out of a supposititious Tilenus , who hath troubled himself and the world with an empty piece , called Arcana Dogmata Contraremonstrantium , or the Calvinists Cabinet unlocked , Printed for Richard Royston , 1659 , having also Printed an Examination of Tilenus before the Triers of Utopia . Mr. Baxter , in his Discovery of the Grotian Religion , charged this Gentleman , with giving a false and odious account of the Doctrines of the Synod of Dort. He in his Defence alledgeth , that he never tied himself to the Decrees and Canons of that Synod . Yet Dr. Heylin , page 41 , calls them the Conclusions of the Synod of Dort , which is to be conceived to have delivered the genuine sence of all the Parties , as being a Representative of all the Calvinian Churches in Europe , except those of France , some few Divines of England being added to them . The truth is , Not one of his five Conclusions , pag. 41 , 42 , are the Conclusions of the Synod of Dort ; nor , as they are worded , are they so much as agreeable to the Conclusions of that Venerable Synod . The Judgement of the Synod of Dort in the first of the five Points , against which alone , or rather , against one part of which alone , viz. that of Reprobation , the Arguments transcribed by the Doctor , page 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , out of God's Love to Mankind do militate , though he through a stupendious inadvertence , speaks of them as alledged against the whole frame of the Synods Conclusion : The Judgement , I say , of the Synod , in the matter of the Divine Decrees , was as followeth . Article 7 , Election is the unchangeable purpose of God , by which before the foundation of the World , according to the most free pleasure of his Will and of his meer Grace , out of all mankind , fallen through their own fault from their first integrity into sin and destruction , he hath chosen in Christ unto salvation , a set number of certain men , neither better nor more worthy than others , but lying in the common misery with others : Which Christ also , from all eternity , he appointed the Mediator and Head of all the Elect , and Foundation of Salvation , and so he decreed to give them to him to be saved , and by his Word and Spirit effectually to call and draw them to a communion with him ; i. e. to give them a true Faith in him , to justifie sanctifie and finally to glorifie them , being mightily kept in the communion of his Son , to the demonstration of his mercy , and praise of the riches of his glorious grace , Ephes. 1.4 , 5 , 6. Rom 8.30 . Article 15 , The Holy Scripture herein chiefly manifests and commends unto us this eternal and free grace of our Election , in that it witnesseth , that not all men are elected , but some not elected or passed over in God's eternal election ; whom doubtless God , in his most free , most just , unreprovable and unchangeable good pleasure , hath decreed to leave in the common misery ( whereinto by their own default they precipitated themselves , ) and not to bestow saving faith and the grace of coversion upon them ; but leaving them in their own wayes and under just judgement , at last to condemn and everlastingly punish them , not only for their unbelief but also for their other sins , to the manifestation of his Justice . The Reader may perhaps expect , that I should give him an account of the Judgement of the Reformed Gallican Churches , in the five controver●ed Points : But Grotius in his Epistle to N. N. Epist. Eccles. pag. 746 , hath saved me this labour , averring that Moulin , a leading man in the Gallican Churches , was , though absent , a chief forger of the Canons of the Synod of Dort , and the only cause why they were without any examination received in France . Only I must needs take notice of Grotius his calumniating humour , whilst he gives out , that the Dort Canons were received in the French Churches without any examination ; Whereas it is certain , that in the National Synod at Alez . Anno 1620 , the Canons of the Synod of Dort were read , and expended severally and attentively , and by the common consent of all and every one present approved , as agreeable to the Word of God and the Confessions of the French Churches , as written purely and wisely , and as meet to eliminate false Doctrine and to conserve true Doctrine : Every man also swearing , that he did approve these Canons , and would , according to his strength , defend the same to his last breath . It was also then ordained , that these Canons should be sworn to and subscribed , by all that were afterwards to be admitted , ether to the Ministry or to any Office in the University . All this was also confirmed in the next ensuing National Synod at Charenton , Anno 1623. Vid. Corp. Confess . edit . Gene● . Anno 1654. Can. Dordre●htan . pag. 55. It is here said , that the Dort Canons were agreeable to the former French Confessions of Faith : and that they were so , cannot be denied by any , who will read the Confession of Faith exhibited to Charles IX , Anno 1561 ; for these are the words of that Confession , Article 12 , Credimus ex hac corruptione & damnatione universali , in qua omnes homines natura sunt submersi , Deum alios quidem eripere , quos videlicet aeterno & immutabili suo consilio , sola sua bonitate & misericordia , nulloque operum ipsorum respectu , in Iesu Christo elegit : alios vero in ea corruptione & damnatione relinquere , in quibus nimirum juste suo tempo●e damnandis justitiam suam demonstret , sicut in aliis divitias milericordiae ●uae declarat . Neque enim alii aliis meliores sunt donec illos Deus discernat , ex immutabili illo consilio quod ante seculorum creationem in Iesu Christo determinavit ; neque posset quisquam sua vi sibi ad bonum illud aditum patefacere , quum ex natura nostra ne unum quidem rectum motum vel affect●m seu cogitationem habere possimus , donec nos Deus gratis praeveniat & ad rectitudinem formet . Against the absolute Decree , as stated by the Synod of Dort , and the French Divines , let us hear what can be objected out of God's love to mankind ; for thence doth the Doctor transcribe as confidently , as if there had never any Answer been returned to that Book : whereas there are few Scholars ( any way inquisitive after Books ) who do not know , that it hath been answered by Bishop Davenant , Dr. Twisse , Amyraldus ; not to mention Dr. Ward and Mr. Aylesbury , who have took occasion to refel some of the Book , though not all : it is out of that Pamphlet that the Sublapsarian opinion is argued against , as , Dr. H. pag. 42. 1. Repugnant to plain Texts of Scripture , Ezekiel 33.11 . Rom. 11.32 . 2 Joh. 3.16 . 2 Tim. 2.4 . 2 Pet. 3.9 . Gen. 4.7 . 1 Chron. 28.9 . 2 Chron. 15.2 . Ans. Now if it should prove contrary to any one of these Scriptures , it were meet to be abandoned by all good Christians : But many Opinions are confidently affirmed to be contrary to Scripture , which are not ; Such perhaps is this . I needed not to have said perhaps ; for let it be remembred , that the Opinion of the Sublapsarians is but this , That God hath decreed the infallible Conversion and Salvation of certain singular Persons , and also the permission of some mens Impenitence and Perdition , and it will soon be seen , that the Scriptures produced , have not so much as as a seeming contrariety to it . 1. Ezek. 33.11 , God saith , yea sweareth , that He hath no pleasure in the death of a Sinner ; Therefore God never decreed to let sinful Creatures finally run on in their wicked wayes . What a wild conclusion is this ? Hence indeed it might be inferred , that neither spiritual nor Eternal Death do fall under that Will of God which is called his Voluntas simplicis complacentiae : But Sublapsarians do not say , that they do fall under that Will. If they did , they must also necessarily maintain , that they be things in themselves good and lovely ; which none of them ( that I ever met with ) do . 2. It is said , Rom. 11.32 , God hath concluded them all in unbelief , that he might have mercy upon all . What can hence be collected ? Why , The two All 's are of equal extent ; How many Unbelievers there be , on so many God hath a Will of shewing Mercy ; and if every Man be under Mercy , then there is no precise Will of shutting out any from possibility of Mercy . Well , 1. Let it be remembred , that here it is granted , that God hath shut up all under unbelief : Which is as high an expression concerning God's providence about , and concurrence unto evil , as any used by Mr. Calvin . 2. When it is said , that God hath a Will of shewing Mercy on all Unbelievers : If by Mercy be understood a general Mercy , we can grant it ; All Men are not only under a possibility of this Mercy , but also have some actual participations of it . But 3. It is plain , that the Mercy intended in the Text is not a general Mercy common to all Mankind , but such a Mercy as was never vouchsafed to some whole Nations , much less to every individual Member of those Nations ; V. 30 , For as ye ( i. e. the Gentiles ) in times past have not believed God , yet have now obtained mercy through their unbelief : even so have these also now not believed , that through your mercy they also may obtain mercy . Doubtless the mercy that the Gentiles obtained by the unbelief and hardness of the Jews , was the hearing of the word , and that which comes by hearing , even Faith : The mercy also that the Jews obtained through the mercy of the Gentiles , was the being provoked to jealousie ; the seeing of him whom they had crucified , and being in bitterness ; the turning of them away from iniquity , and the turning of iniquity from them . Now , doth Dr. Heylin indeed think , that God did shut up every Jew and Gentile in unbelief with a design and purpose to have the Gospel preached to the singula generum ? If so , he must unavoidably grant , that the Almighty is marvelously frustrated in his design and purpose ; for he is too good a Geographer and Historian to think , that the Gospel was ever preached , or entertained by all men that have lived , or do now live in the World. 3. Iohn 3.16 , God so loved the World , that he gave his only begotten Son , that whosoever believeth in him should not perish , but have eternal life . From hence it undeniably follows , that God will not damn any man meerly for not coming up to the terms of the old Covenant of Works ; and that none shall perish , whose heart is brought to believe in Christ. Nor have the Contra-remonstrants denied this ; and more than this cannot hence be inferred : For whereas Mr. Hoard argueth , God loveth the whole lump of mankind , and loved it fallen into a gulf of sin and misery : He did not therefore hate the most of them lying in the fall ; for love and hatred are contrary acts in God , and cannot be exercised about the same objects . He sure could not but think , that we would reply , that God doth not love the whole lump of mankind with the same degree , measure , and kind of love ; and that a less degree of love is sometimes in Scriptures called by the name of hatred . God had not such a love for the whole lump of mankind , as to decree to bestow upon every particular person that special grace which shall infallibly bring him to eternal life and glory . Any love less than this , many consist with absolute eternal Non-election or Preterition . Nay , God did never so love the World , as to purpose to bestow on all the parts of it the very means of knowledge : How many , notwithstanding the love this Text speaks of , are everlastingly punished , who never heard of the way to Salvation ! 4. 1 Tim. 2.4 , Who would have all to be saved , and to come to the knowledge of the truth . In these words the Apostle delivers two things : 1. That it is God's will that all men should obtain an happy end . 2. That it is his will also that they should use and enjoy the means , which is the knowledge of his truth , that they might attain the end : There is no let in God , but that all men may believe and be saved ; and therefore there is no absolute will , that many thousands of men shall never believe nor be saved . The thing that should be proved , is , That there is a will in God to save all men and to bring them to the knowledge of the truth ; and we have here a Scripture brought to prove , that God would have all men to be saved , as if there were no difference betwixt these two Propositions , Deus vult omnes salvos fieri ; Deus vult omnes salvos facere . If a man should lay down this assertion , that Dr. Heylin hath a mind or purpose to bestow an hundred pounds per annum on Abingdon , and when he is called to make good that assertion , should only prove , that Dr. Heylin could be well pleased that an 100 per annum were given to the Town , and that there is no let in him why it hath not been given , would he not become ridiculous ? Never did sober Sublapsarian say , that there is any let in God , but that all men may believe and be saved ; but they do not think , that a man must presently believe and be saved , if God do not hinder his faith and salvation . 'T is required that God should remove all the le●s and hindrances of faith , cure us of our unbelief , and put his fear into our inward parts , else we shall never believe , or be saved . Let any Arminian prove , that God hath willed and purposed to do all this for every one . 5. 2 Pet. 3.9 , Not willing that any should perish , but that all should come to repentance . This is a negative Proposition , and must be taken distributively ; and therefore it flatly contradicteth absolute Reprobation . Here is Logick that may well make younger men than Dr. Heylin and I to smile . 1. The Scripture produced is not one Proposition , but two ; and if the first be negative , the second is affirmative . 2. What if it be taken distributively ? Is there no distribution , but only into the singula generum ? I thought that there might be a distribution into genera singulorum . 3. I could ( notwithstanding any thing brought by Mr. Hoard to the contrary ) hold , that the words are to be restrained to the Elect. 4. But because I can be not only honest but also liberal , I will grant , that God is not willing that any one should perish , that he is willing that every one should repent : But then I deny , that either of these two Propositions do contradict Gods decree of Reprobation ; which , as hath been often said , is his decree to permit , that many shall perish in their impenitence . Mens being under this decree doth not hinder , but that God may , voluntate complacentiae , will their conversion , and patiently expect it , and afford them such means as will leave them without excuse , though such as he foreknew they would frustrate and receive in vain . The conditional Texts of Scripture that follow , are so apparently impertinent , that I will trust any Reader with them . Dr. H. pag. 42 , 43. 2. The Sublapsarian Opinion fighteth with God's holiness , and makes him the cause of sin in the greatest number of men , 1. In regard that of his own will and pleasure , he hath brought mem into an estate , in which they cannot avoid sin : that is to say , by imputing to them the transgression of their Father Adam . 2. In that he leaves them irrecoverably plunged and involved in it , without affording them power or ability to rise again to newness of life : In which case that of Tertullian seems to have been fitly alledged , In cujus manu est ne quid fiat , ei deputatur cum jam fit ; In whose power it is that a thing be not done , to him it is imputed when it is done . Answ. If absolute Reprobation do indeed rob God of his holiness , let it for ever be abandoned , and not so much as named with the least approbation among Divines . But what wretched ignorance is this ! whilst a man is pleading for the holiness of his Maker , to lay down such a rule , which if it prove true , doth entitle him to all the wickednesses that ever were perpetrated by the sons of men ! I ask the Doctor , Could not he who kept the Heathenish King from touching Abraham's Wife , Laban and Esau from doing mischief to Iacob , the Israelites Enemies from having so much as a mind to hurt them , so restrain the lust of all and every man , as that it should never conceive and bring forth sin and death ? If he could not , he is not Omnipotent , nor fit to govern the World : If he could , sith he hath not , he is , by the Doctor 's rule , become the Author of all the pollutions that have been in the World through lust . The best is , the rule is most apparently false even in reference to the creature ; for a man is not guilty of all the sins which he had power to hinder , but only of those sins which by virtue of his calling and place he was bound to hinder . Let us see whether the Sublapsarians be more happy in their Principles than the Historian in his . Two Principles of theirs are taken notice of , 1. That God , of his own will and pleasure , hath brought men into an estate in which they cannot avoid sin ; that is to say , by imputing to them the transgression of their Father Adam . Little did I expect to find this Principle charged with any opposition to the holiness of God : For though it be most unhandsomly expressed , yet that which is intended by it , is but this , that It was the free constitution of God , that if Adam stood , he should transmit holiness to all his Posterity , and if he did fall and rebel , then his Posterity should be born in a condition of sin and misery . If this be a truth , then it is not contrary to the holiness of God : If not a truth , what shall become of Rom. 5.12 ? Let 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be rendred either in quo or eo quod , it must needs hold forth this , that , when Adam sinned we sinned : Which could not be , if Adam had not been made by God a common Person , a faederal as well as a natural head . If he was made a common Person , so as that his will was reputed our will , his fall our fall , he was made such by the meer will and pleasure of God ; for who can think that there was any thing that necessitated God to make him such ? It may be the second Principle is more hainous : That is thus laid down , 2. He leaves men irrecoverably plunged and involved in sin , without affording them power or ability to rise again to newness of life . If this be understood of all men , it is a notorious calumny : For the Sublapsarians hold , that there are a great number of men , upon whom God hath eternally purposed to bestow that grace which shall infallibly bring them out of sin and misery . But there are some to whom he affords no such power : Well , What then ? Is he not therefore holy ? Absit . If he had let all the race of mankind perish , never sending his Son to take flesh , and so become a Mediator betwixt God and Man , he had notwithstanding been every way as holy as now he is . But it seems it is again come to that pass , that Deus non erit Deus nisi homini placuerit , God shall not be God ( God he is not if he be not holy , ) unless he have made such Decrees as please our Semipelagians . Dr. H. page 43. 3. This Sublapsarian Doctrine is inconsistent with the mercy of God , so highly signified in the Scriptures ; in making him to take so small and speedy occasion to punish the greater part of men for ever , and for one sin once committed , to shut them up under an invincible necessity of sin and damnation . Answ. Who would have looked for such stuff from the Pen of a Divine ? If God make man after his own image , allow him liberty to eat of all the trees but one , and tell him most expresly , that if he eat of that tree he shall die the death , Must he needs be thought , if he punish man for ever for eating of that tree , to take a small occasion to punish man ? Had not this eating of the fruit of the forbidden tree , all the circumstances in it that may render it out of measure sinful ? Had it not something in it contrary to all the Precepts of the natural Law ? But besides , This charge of destroying God's mercy is grounded on a gross mistake : For Sublapsarians do not make Reprobution to be Gods punishing men for ever , or shutting them up under an invincible necessity of sin and damnation : It is , with them , only the denying or not giving of an undue favour , which yet he is pleased graciously to vouchsafe to others , who could as little deserve it as those to whom it is denied . Dr. H. Ibid. 4. This is incompatible with the Iustice of God , who is said in Scripture to be righteous in all his wayes according unto weight and measure , that the far greatest part of mankind should be left remediless in a state of damnation , for the sin of their first Father only : that he should require faith in Christ of those , to whom he hath precisely in his absolute purpose denied , both a power to believe and a Christ to believe in : or , that he should punish men for the omission of an act , which is made impossible for them by his own decree , by which he purposed that they should partake with Adam in his sin , and be stript of all the supernatural power which they had in him before he fell . Answ. All this is but a bundle of impertinencies , improprieties , calumnies . No opinion destroys the Justice of God , but that which ascribes injustice to him : Injustice is not ascribed to God , till he be affirmed to do something that is contrary to his goodness or his truth ; Which he is not by those who maintain his Decree of Reprobation . Sublapsarians do not say , that the far greatest part of mankind is left remedilesly in a state of damnation , for the sin of their first Father only . They affirm , that the first transgression was as truly the transgression of every one descended naturally from the loins of Adam , as of Adam himself the common Progenitor . They maintain not , that any is left remediless in a state of damnation . They acknowledge , that a remedy is by God prepared , sufficient to deliver them from the wrath to come , and that it is through the fault of men , living in the Church , if the remedy become not effectual . They also make damnation to come upon the Reprobate , not because he is a Reprobate , nor meerly and solely for original sin ; but for their habitual and actual sins . It is also most false , that by the Sublapsarians God is made to require faith in Christ of those , to whom he hath denied both a power to believe , and a Christ to believe in . Those who did never hear of Christ , are not required under pain of damnation to believe in him ; faith to them is no duty , and therefore infidelity is no sin : Those to whom Christ is manifested , have a Christ given them to believe in ; for he is propounded to them as able to save them to the uttermost , as willing and resolved and engaged to save them upon his own terms : which are no other , than their receiving of him , and submitting to him as their Lord , to rule and govern them , &c. Yea , the Sublapsarians affirm God to give the Reprobate a power of believing , as great a power as the Arminians make him to give to any whether Elect or Reprobate . God never purposed effectually to work in the Reprobate both to will and to do , say the Sublapsarians : He never purposed effectually to work to will and to do in any , say the Arminians . I , but God punisheth the Reprobates for the omission of an act , which is by his own Decree made impossible to them , say Sublapsarians ; ergo , he is unjust . I deny the antecedent ; Some Sublapsarians say , that faith is not impossible to any who is in statu viatoris ; no Sublapsarian saith , that it was the decree of God which made the act of faith impossible to any man. It is the corruption and hardness of mens hearts that makes the act of faith impossible to men , ( if absolutely it be impossible ; ) but this corruption and hardness of mens hearts is not an effect of God's decree . Dr. H. pag. 43. 5. It is said to be destructive of God's sincerity , in calling them to repentance and to the knowledge of the faith in Iesus Christ that they may be saved , to whom he doth not really intend the salvation offered : Which is as if a Creditor should resolve upon no terms to forgive his Debtor , and yet make him offers to remit the whole upon Condition , and bind the same with many solemn oaths in a publick Auditory . Answ. This is indeed said ( the more some mens shame and impudence ) too too often ; but it is not proved . Sublapsarians do not feign God to have any purpose to remit the debt upon no terms : they plainly say , that he hath purposed to remit , on the conditions of faith and repentance ; should any Reprobate perform and come up to these conditions , the whole sum , how great soever , should be forgiven , and he put into the actual possession and enjoyment of the salvation offered to him in the preaching of the Gospel . I , but these conditions are such as God knows the Reprobate will not , cannot come up to : therefore , to offer salvation on such terms , is but to delude . Why , but did not God foreknow , in the Arminian way , that the Reprobate would not repent and believe ? Ay ; but they do not say , that God ever decreed that he should not repent and believe . Well , however he decreed , not to cure his impenitence or unbelief . If this be granted , the Sublapsarian hath as much as he need contend for ; Reprobation being with him , only a denial of that grace which makes men actually believers . Judge now what cause the Doctor had , so reproachfully to conclude this piece of his Charge , Dr. H. pag. 44. All God's passionate wishes , all his terrible threatnings , the whole course of the Ministry , are by this Doctrine made to be but so many acts of deep hypocrisie in Almighty God : though none of the maintainers of it have the ingenuity to confess the same , but Piscator only , in his Necesse est ut sanctam aliquam si mutationem ( lege simulationem ) in Deo statuamus ; which is plain and home . Ans. Some maintainers of absolute Reprobation do not deny this , but ascribe unto God Sanctam simulationem , duplicem personam , duplicem voluntatem , saith Mr. Hoard . But Dr. Heylin , taking this to be a piece of commendable ingenuity , will not allow any but Piscator alone to have any portion of it : all others are disingenuous , and do indeed make God a dissembler , but will not say so much . Surely did the Sublapsarians conceive that so ●orrid a consequence did follow upon absolute Reprobation , they would acknowledge it , and withal renounce and disclaim their opinion . Till they be thus convinced , it is no great charity to fasten disingenuity upon men so renowned for Learning and Piety , as are the Sublapsarians . But let us look once more on this scoffing passage ; All God's wishes , &c. must be but so many acts of deep hypocrisie ; though none of the maintainers of this Opinion be so ingenuous as to confess the same but Piscator . The Opinion he is speaking of , is the Sublapsarian Opinion ; and so the sense is , None of the Sublapsarian Opinion , save only Piscator who was no Sublapsarian , but a Supralapsarian : Is not this fine sense ? Besides , sanctam quandam simulationem , cannot well be rendred by deep hypocrisie . Lastly , how shall I be assured that any such words as these here quoted , are to be found in Piscator ? Neither Page nor Book is quoted , yet I have met with the place ; and by reading it can easily gather , that Dr. Heylin either never read it , or had not ingenuity enough to quote it aright : For whereas Vorstius had objected to Piscator , that he fastned simulation on God in the case of the Ninevites , and the message sent to Hezekiah ▪ he replieth , Tu hic pugnas sine adversario ; nam neque ego affirmavi facile aliquam simulationis speciem Deo tribuendam esse , neque exempla illa Ezekiae & Ninivitarum huc retuli : interim non puto ab illis exemplis alienum esse , ut sancta Dei simulatio in illis statuatur . Here is no necesse est ; nothing like an affirmation , that the maintainers of absolute Reprobation must necessarily ascribe a simulation unto God. Honest Piscator never dreamed that the message sent to Hezekiah by Isaiah , or to the Ninevites by Ionah , was the Decree of Reprobation : All he seems to intend , is but this , that God seemed in those messages to be peremptorily resolved of that , which he never resolved should come to pass : And if his expression were not so accurate , Dr. Heylin , who almost in every period lieth at the Readers mercy , should not have cavilled at it . By the way let it be noted , that how slightly soever our present Arminians do think or speak of Piscator , yet Arminius himself either had honourable thoughts of him , or else was a most notorious dissembler : For writing to Utengobard concerning one to succeed Iunius , then la●ely dead ; after mention of some other , he saith , Si Piscatoris aetas non obstet , illum unum omnium commodissimum existimo , quem etiam fo rs non admodum erit difficile a Comite Nassovio impetrare , si Comes Mauritius & D. Ordines intercedere non dedignabuntur . Doctus est , diligens est , facilis , planus , & perspicuus . Nominis celebritatem sibi editis scriptis comparavit apud multos . Hoc potissimum videtur hoc Academiae statu requiri , ut succedat qui possit locum pro dignitate tueri , unde tantus vir excessit ; & quem posse , publice innotuit . The Letter beareth date 3. Cal. Nov. 1602 , and is recorded Epistol . Eccles. pag. 134. One Arrow more the Doctor hath to shoot at the absolute Decree , and then his Quiver is quite emptied . Dr. H. page 44. Finally , it is alledged , that this Doctrine of the Sublapsarians , is contrary to the ends by God proposed in the Word and Sacraments ; to many of God's excellent gifts to the sons of men ; to all endeavours unto holiness and godly living ; and to those grounds of comfort by which a conscience in distress should be relieved . Ans. All this is indeed alledged by Mr. Hoard , but it is denied also by all the Sublapsarians ; and had the Doctor vouchsafed to bring Mr. Hoard's Reasons , they should have had their Answer : but where he counts it sufficient barely to affirm , there I count it enough to deny . But however , I shall take notice of two Stories ; whereof the first is said to illustrate , the second to evince . The illustrating History in concerning Tiberius Caesar , of whom Suetonius saith , Circa Deos & Religiones negligentior erat , quippe addictus Mathematicae , persuasionisque plenus , omnia fato agi . The evincing Story is the miserable example of the Landgrave of Turing ( related not by Heistibachius , but Heisterbachius , ) who being admonished of his vitious conversation , and dangerous condition , made his Friends this Answer , Si praedestinatus , nulla peccata poterint mihi Regnum Coelorum auferre ; si praescitus , nulla opera mihi illud valebunt conferre . A man would almost think that this prophane Land-grave was a piece of an Arminian , because he opposeth praedestinatus & praescitus : whereas the Calvinists take Predestination in its latitude , and make Election and Reprobation to be contained under it . But however , this I am sure of , that a Monk in S. Austin's time , being reproved by his Friends for his wickedness , answered , Whatsoever I am now , I shall be such as God foreseeth I will be . Shall we deny God's Prescience , because a wretched Monk abused it ? No more must we deny Predestination , because the Land-grave of Turing did turn it into wantonness and lasciviousness . Had either Supralapsarian , or Sublapsarian , been present when the Land-grave uttered these words , it would have been answered , That though he were Predestinated , yet should he never be saved if he continued in his sins ; and That though he were Reprobate , yet he should not miss of Heaven , if he continued by patience in well-doing to seek for it . Salvation and Damnation are alway ( if we speak of the adult ) secundum bona , & mala opera . Tiberius confuted himself ; for though he pretended a full perswasion of a Mathematical fate or destiny , yet , as the same Historian observeth , he was out of measure afraid of Thunders , and when the Air was cloudy , he always did wear on his head a Crown of Laurel . We may pity his ignorance , in thinking that there was any virtue in the Laurel to keep him from Thunder ; but cannot choose but detest his Hypocrisie , who in words maintained a Fate , and yet endeavoured to secure his life by as many means as were used by them that held no Fate . As much is their Hypocrisie to be abhorred , who take occasion from the irreversibleness of God's Decrees to neglect their Souls : and yet the irreversibleness of those Decrees notwithstanding , mind their Bodies as much or more , than any persons in the World besides . To conclude ; Would it not exasperate , I could instance in those , who whilst they were prophane , were Arminians to the full : but left their Arminianism as they left their loosness ; their own experience in conversion convincing them , that Faith was the gift of God in another way than the Arminians ever thought of . He that questioneth this , may be in part satisfied by reading the History of the Life and Death of the executed Irish Bishop , published by Dr. Bernard . To my grief I observe , that there are multitudes of stupid and prophane wretches in the World : With some of them I have occasion to converse ; and I find , that one main thing which keepeth them in their carnality is a perswasion , that there is an universal grace offered and tendered to all , by which they may repent and believe when they will : they therefore resolve , they will enjoy the pleasures of sin a little longer , and then they will receive and entertain the grace of God ; and so get to Heaven as sure as the strictest and earliest Puritans . Yea , this was the refuge and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of that grand Propagator of Arminianism Mr. Thomson : If any one in a fit of intemperance , minded him of the wrath of God threatned against such courses , he would answer , I am a Child of the Devil to day ; but I have Free-will , and to morrow I will make my self a Child of God. So I come to the fifth Chapter of the Historian , in which we have some account given of the Remonstrants ; Unto whom it will be found , that he hath discovered too much charity , though he could find in his heart to shew none at all to the Contraremonstrants . Dr. H. Pag. 47. His first Proposition is this , That the Remonstrants Opinion though accused of Novelty , is Ancienter than Calvinism in the Churches of the Belgick Provinces ; which being originally Dutch , did first embrace Religion according to the Lutheran model , though afterwards they suffered the Calvinian platform to prevail upon them . Answ. A Proposition , concerning which he hath reason to pray , that it may meet with very easie and credulous Readers , else he may well expect it will be queried , 1. How it appears that the Lutheran and Calvinian model were then , as to the points of Grace and the Decrees , any way opposite ? 2. How it can be proved , that on supposition the Lutheran and Calvinian platform were distinct , the Belgick Churches did first embrace Religion according to the Lutheran , and not the Calvinian platform ? To which second Question , it will in no wise be a satisfactory Answer to reply , That Hardingbergius , Clemens Martini , Henricus Antonides , had opinions about Predestination differing from Mr. Calvin : For granting this , yea , and granting further , that they had been through-paced Remonstrants , it need not be yielded , that the Belgick Churches were Lutheran ; for there might be at the same time men every way as famous , and as likely to draw Disciples after them , that were Calvinistical . It is a truth known to all that are not altogether unacquainted with the Stories of the Low-Countries , that though in the dawning of Reformation , the Preachers were not all of a mind ; yet as things grew to a settlement , the Pelagian Leaven was purged out , a Confession of Faith published , ( which was afterwards called Belgica Confessio , ) in which the Doctrine of Predestination is so explained as Mr. Calvin explained it at Geneva : this was in the year 1566 , or 1567. Dr. H. Ibid. Object . This Confession was ratified in a forcible and tumultuous way . Answer . 1. This is said , not proved out of any Record . 2. There is usually something of disorder cleaving to the best things that are done in dissetled times . 3. Anno Christi 1571 , there was a full Synod at Embden ( the Town e●●olled by the Doctor , ) in which it was ordained ▪ That none should be admitted for a Minister , till he had been examin'd , and subscribed this Confession and the Catechism of Heidelberg . Which De●ree was confirmed in the ensuing Synods of 1576 , and 1586 , and approved of by the States of Holland : Yet not so practised , but that in the want of others more Orthodox , there crept in some that taught things contrary both to the Confession and Catechism , whose hard names I will not fill my papers with . These men had not , notwithstanding all their restless endeavours , any great success : all things were reasonable quiet , till Arminius came to be Divinity Professor at Leyden , which was Anno 1603. Concerning which Arminius or Van Harmine , we must give a short account . He was at first a Tapster or Chamberlain in a common Inn , from whence by the care of some Guests ( who were pleased even to admiration with his prompt wit ) he was removed , and set to School ; maintained there out of the Publick Treasury of Amsterdam : where in process of time he was by the Magistrates of the City made Pastor , and preached with that accurateness and solidity , that every one thought him for his parts meet to be a Professor . Indeed magnus esse potuit , si minor esse voluit : he might have been high enough , had he not thought meet to raise himself higher , by trampling upon those whom the Churches of Christ have most deservedly had in the greatest admiration . The learned Iunius being dead , Utengobard thought none so meet to succeed him as Van Harmine ; but the Belgick Churches knew him too well , to let him easily come to such a place , in which he might influence all that were Candidates for the Ministry . The Deputies of the Churches did admonish Utengobard , that he would cease to commend a man so suspected , to the Curators of the University of Leyden : but he , too proud to regard such admonitions , desisted not to commend Arminius , till he had brought him in to Iunius's Chair . But first a dismission must be obtained from Amsterdam , which could not easily be got ; the Inhabitants of the City being taken with his Eloquence , the Presbytery ( at least the wiser part of them ) thinking that he did far less hurt at Amsterdam than he would do at Leyden , a place where Youth was formed , and where there was more liberty of teaching and prophecying than in a particular Church . However , dismissed he was at last ; bu● upon this condition , that he should first have a Conference with the Learned Gomarus , and , in that Conference , by a most free and open declaration of his Opinion , free himself from all suspition of Heterodoxy ; and that he should promise , if he had any singular Opinions , he would not discover them to the disturbance of the Churches . Arminius , if we may judge of his mind by what he writes to Utengobard , was not unwilling to come to this Conference ; for these are his words , from Amsterdam , to Utengobard , 4. Martii , 1603 , Non vereor in Arnoldi , Helmichii , Gomari , & quorumvis aliorum , qui istarum rerum peritissimi habentur , conspectu & praesentia de illis disserere , probe mihi conscius de sententiae meae veritate , & illorum censuram minime reformidans ; quod tibi idcirco dico , ne hoc ipse timidius urgeas . Haesi quidem aliquando circa nonnullos articulos , non eousque tamen , ut quae de illis creditu necessaria ex Scripturis probari possunt , non adprobaverim ; sed jam per diuturnas & assiduas meditationes id consecutus mihi videor , ut de omnibus & singulis rationem reddere non extimescam . Accordingly a Conference there was , before the Curators of the University , and the Deputies of the Synod ; in which Arminius most expresly denied and condemned the Opinions of the Pelagians , concerning Grace , Free-will , Original Sin , Perfection in this Life , Predestination ; adding , that he approved all that Augustin , and other Fathers had written against Pelagius ; promising also to read nothing dissonant to the received Doctrine . Hereupon he was admitted Professor ; and for some time he defended the Doctrine of the Reformed Churches in the Points of Christ's Satisfaction , Iustifying Faith , Iustification by Faith , Perseverance in Faith , Certainty of Salvation , and such other matters as afterwards he denied , and which he then ( as is acknowledged by his good Friend Corvinus ) maintained against his conscience . He seems by all his carriage , to be one that was resolved not to venture any further into the sea , than tha● he might have opportunity to step when he pleased upon the shore . Would Barnevelt have publickly undertaken his Patronage , then he would have ventured to proclaim defiance to all Dissenters ; but Barnevelt not daring so to do , the valiant Professor contented himself mostly to instil his Notions and Principles into some of his Confidents : magnifying Castalio , Cornhertius , Suarezius , and as much vilifying Calvin , Beza , Martyr , Zanchy , Ursin ; yet when he was accused so to do , he peremptorily denieth himself to be in the least guilty of discommending Calvin , or commending Cornhert ; as may be seen in his Epistle to Sebastian Egbert , bearing date May 3. 1607 , pag. 236. ( Which is the usual way and method of Hereticks , ) he expressed himself in such terms , as would serve to insinuate his own private Heterodox Opinions : and yet if he were questioned for them , he knew how to reconcile them to the Confessions and Catechism ; contrary to which he pretends , in a Letter to Utengobard , that he never did say any thing in publick . He dreaded a Synod as the shadow of death ; and thereupon set himself to make the Authority of the Magistrate in Ecclesiastical affairs , to be all in all : and when he saw that all his Policy notwithstanding , a Synod was like to be called , and he in that Synod like to be made answer for himself , seised upon with sorrow and overwhelmed with grief , he fell sick and died , Anno 1609 , Octob. 19. Two things more I would have observed concerning Arminius , 1. That in the set Conference betwixt him and Gomarus , not long before his death , he declared that he had never opposed the Doctrine of the certain Perseverance of Saints , and that he would not then oppose it : because such testimonies might be brought for it out of the Scriptures , as he was not able to answer : he would therefore only propound such places as made him somewhat to scruple and doubt about that matter . 2. He would not then consent to have Adolphus Venator dismissed , and to take another Pastor in his place ; though Venator was at that time , as well for the impurity of his life , as his Doctrine , under the just censure of the Church . If the Remonstrants count it any way for their honour , to fight under such a Captain or Leader , let them enjoy their phantasie . Had not our first Reformers been endued with more courage and resolution , Religion had never made that progress among us , that now it hath . I 'le never think any Opinion worth embracing , whose Author either doubts of it , or durst not suffer for it . However , glad I should be if they who follow , or rather out-run Arminius in the five Points , would be of the same mind with him as to the Pope of Rome : of whom he thus writes in an Epistle to Sebastian Egbert , bearing date Septemb. 24. 1608 , Aperte profiteor me Pontificem Romanum pro membro corporis Christi non habere ; sed pro hoste , pro perduelle , pro sacrilego , pro blasphemo , pro tyranno , & violentissimo injustissimae in Ecclesiam dominationis usurpatore , pro homine peccati , pro filio perditionis , pro exlege illo celeberrimo . Well had it been for the Belgick Churches , if Arminianism and Arminius had both died together : but they did not . Breaches , as the Doctor truly notes , pag. 49 , grew wider and wider . The Remonstrants , having no hopes their cause should succeed , if debated in a full and lawful Synod , endeavour to shelter themselves under the wing of the Civil Magistrates ; whose favour that they might be the more sure to gain , they ceased not upon all occasions to imbitter the Civil Powers against all the Pastors that were of a perswasion contrary to theirs , speaking and Printing of them , as if they were enemies to Magistracy , and introduced an Ecclesiastical Power collateral and equal to the Civil : ( an Artifice that Hereticks have alway used when they have been put to their shifts . ) Not content thus to reproach their Brethren , they further propound , if there must needs be a Synod , it might consist not of Persons delegated by the Churches , but of certain nominated by the Magistrate . Thinking that by this device they had put themselves out of all fear of Synodical censure , they make an open Schism , and present a Remonstrance to the States of Holland and West-Friesland ; in which they neither nakedly and plainly declared their own Opinions , nor candidly represented the Tenents of their Adversaries . Much they endeavoured that no Copy of this Remonstrance might be given out ; but at length a Copy was got , and a Contraremonstrance made . The Doctor tells us , that Dr. H. Pag. 49 , 50. The Remonstrants gained exceedingly upon their Adversaries : for the whole Controversie being reduced to these five Points ; the Method and Order of Predestination ; the Efficacy of Christ's Death ; the Operations of Grace , both before and after Conversion ; and Perseverance in the same ; the Parties were admitted to a publick Conference at the Hague , Anno 1611 , in which the Remonstrants were conceived to have much the better of the day . Answ. But if a man may be so bold , Who were they that conceived the Remonstrants had much the better of the day ? The Remonstrants themselves ? Proprio laus sordet in ore . The Contra-remonstrants ? They never so conceived , but rather reported themselves Victors . When were the Differences reduced to five Heads ? Not before the Hague Conference , I am sure ; for the Deputies of the Churches charged the Followers of Arminius with Heterodoxies , in more Points than the five now mentioned , as appears by all the complaints exhibited against them . And there fell out something , which might justly give the World occasion to think , that the Remonstrants were leavened with Socinianism , as well as with Pelagianism . For care being taken to chose one who might succeed Arminius in his Professors place , the Remonstrants thought none so meet as Vorstius ; a man strongly suspected to be a great favourer of Socinus , and who had then newly Printed a Book , in the which he ascribed unto God , Quantity , Composition , Mutability , Passive Power , and such other imperfections , as are altogether repugnant to his perfect Essence : yet at the Conference , the Remonstrants professed unanimously , that they had found nothing in the Writings of Vorstius , contrary either to Truth or Piety . At the Conference also the Contra-remonstrants urged , that there were more things controverted betwixt them and the Remonstrants , than were contained in the five Articles . I shall make a few Annotations on the five Articles of the Remonstrants , 1. That Almighty God ordained to save all those , in Christ , for Christ , through Christ , who being faln , and under the command of sin , by the assistance of the Holy Ghost , do pers●vere in Faith and Obedience to the very end . This Article is such , as no Christian would deny ; yet the Remonstrants do lay down such Assertions , as do by most necessary consequence quite overthrow this Decree . For Poppius , a man of note and renown among them , seems much to doubt , Whether a late , though never so serious Repentance , do avail a man to Salvation ? Nay , he expresly affirms , ( in praxi Consolationis aegrotantium . ) that he is destitute of any Promise so universal , as that by it any one who dies with but a death-bed serious Repentance , can be assured that he shall go to Heaven ; and that it is uncertain whether such late serious Penitents , go with the Thief into Paradise , or with those that die in their Sins to Hell. Nor is this the singular opinion of Poppius , I can shew the same in Episcopius ; not to mention some of our own here in England . The Sublapsarians make the object of Reprobation , man fallen into Sin ; the Remonstrants say , that man recovered out of Sin by true Repentance , may be the object of Reprobation and Damnation . How easily might I , if I took pleasure in recriminations , tell them of ascribing Tyranny , Hypocrisie , Respect of Persons unto God ? But I only desire my Reader to consider , whether the Remonstrant do not Preach another Gospel , than what hath been hitherto taught in the Churches of Christ ? Nothing was thought more undoubted , than that he who believes shall be saved : The Remonstrant saith , this is not necessarily true ; and that thousands and millions of true Believers may go to Hell. How will such as these deal with an Unbeliever that is but twenty years old ? Will they perswade him to believe in Christ ? He will ask them , what encouragement they can give him to believe ? Will they reply , Salvation is promised to Believers in Christ ? He will rejoyn ; Can you give me any Promise , that I shall live long enough to shew sorth my Faith by my Works ? If you cannot , there 's but small encouragement to believe ; for , to a late , though serious Believer , you say , there is no certain promise of Salvation . But let us leave the Remonstrants to reconcile themselves to their own Decree , and take notice , that at the Conference the Remonstrants were further asked , 1. Whether they made this Article to contain the whole and entire Decree of Predestination ? 2. Whether they made Faith and Perseverance in Faith , causes or conditions which did antecede Election unto Salvation , or fruits which grow out of Election and so follow it ? After some tergiversation , they said , 1. That they acknowledged no other Predestination , than that which they had in their first Article expressed . 2. That Faith did , in the consideration of God ▪ precede Election to Salvation , and was not a fruit of it . This is their opinion about the Decree , which , now that it is opened , appears to be as repugnant to Scripture , as before , when it was wrapped up , it seemed agreeable . Were this Opinion true , it should not be said , that we are elected that we may be holy , but because we were holy : nor would the Holy Ghost have said , as many as were ordained to eternal life believed ; but , as many as believed were ordained to eternal life . The second Article , as translated by the Doctor , pag. 50 is , That Iesus Christ suffered death for all men , and in every man ; that by his death upon the Cross● he might obtain for all mankind forgiveness of sins , &c. with this condition notwithstanding , that none but true Believers should enjoy the benefit of the reconciliation , and forgiveness of sins . I have , if I forget not , in the Pamphlets of some Quakers , read this phrase of Christ's suffering death in every man , and looked upon it as non-sense ; so I do still , and therefore will hope it never dropped from the Doctor 's Pen , but is to be put among the Errata's of the Printer . As to the Article it self , I can easily grant it to be a truth , ( though all Contra-remonstrants do not ) ; but it is not all the truth . Christ died not with an intent onely to make man reconcileable and salvable , but also to purchase for some , whom the Scriptures call Elect , the very graces of Faith and Repentance . Here therefore is the Question betwixt us , Whether Christ died with the same intention for all ? Remonstrants affirm , Contra-remonstrants deny . Christ hath procured , that whoever comes to the Father through him , shall be saved ; but there are also some , for whom he hath procured that they shall come to the Father . The third and fourth Articles are so worded , as to contain nothing but the truth , though not all the truth ; save that in the end of the fourth it is said , that As for the manner of the co-operation of Grace , it is not to be thought irresistible , in regard that it is said of many in the holy Scriptures , that they did resist the Holy Ghost , Act. 7 , and in other places . Which is a very rude Assertion , either impertinent or false . If the meaning be , that some operations of the Holy Spirit are resisted , some of his motions quenched , who ever denied this ? If the meaning be , that the converting work of the Spirit may be resisted in some degree and measure , that will not be gainsaid neither : But this we say , that converting Grace doth determine the Will : that Grace effectual , doth not leave the Will at liberty utterly to resist it , or not ; but taketh away that which would resist or make head against the Spirit . As for the fifth Article , it seems they did not know their own minds : They profess that such as are ingrafted into Christ by a lively Faith , may be Conquerours ; Christ is ready to assist them , if for the●● parts they prepare themselves to the encounter , and beseech his help , and are not wanting to themselves in performing duties : But they say , it is first to be well weighed and proved by the holy Scripture , Whether they may not by their own negligence , forsake those Principles of saving Grace , by which they are sustained in Christ ? before they can publickly teach these Doctrines with any sufficient tranquility or assurance of mind . All which is no more than may be said of that fundamental Doctrine concerning the Trinity : for it must first be well weighed , Whether the Scriptures do hold forth a Trinity of Persons ? before a man ventures publickly to Preach that Mystery . I think that if we search the Scriptures , it will soon be found , that though the Regenerate may lose the Spirit of God , and would soon lose him if they were left to themselves ; yet there is a promise by which God hath engaged himself , not to let sin so far prevail in them as quite to extinguish the Spirit , totally to destroy the new Creature and workmanship of God. One would think that the Remonstrants , who thus poorly sought to hide their Opinions , should not have much reason to brag of the success of the Conference ; yet Dr. Heylin is resolved to tell us , that Dr. H. Pag. 54. The Contra-remonstrants had the worst , and finding themselves not to have thrived much better by their Pen-combats , than in that of the Tongue , they betook themselves to other courses , vexing and molesting their Opposites in their Classes or Consistories , endeavouring to silence them from Preaching in their several Churches , or otherwise to bring them to Publick Censure . Answ. It would better have beseemed the Doctor to have answered Dr. Ames his Coronis ad Collationem Hagiensem , than thus to have boasted of an imaginary success ; especially seeing the States ordered to leave these Articles just in the same state that they were in before the Conference . After this Conference , I find the States enjoyning both parties to give in their judgements , what they thought the best way for the composing of the Controversies that were in the Church , which did much endanger the Peace of the Commonwealth . The Remonstrants , in order to accommodation , propounded , that there might be a Toleration , both Parties being permitted freely to Teach and Publish their Opinion . The Contra-remonstrants judged the best way for the composing of the Differences was this , that a National Synod should be called , in which it might be determined which Opinion was most agreeable to Scripture , and to the common judgement of the Reformed Churches . These two ways being propounded to the States , they were divided in their Opinions , and so nothing could be determined : only they enjoyned , in order to the crushing of the Vorstian Party , that none should teach otherwise concerning Christ's Satisfaction for our Sins , the Iustification of Men before God , Saving Faith , Original Sin , Certainty of Salvation , than had been taught in other Reformed Churches , and in those Provinces . If ever men forsook the Word , and betook themselves to the Sword , the Remonstrants did . Adolphus Venator , when Magistrates were chosen that favoured not his Opinion , stirred up the common Rabble against them ; nor would this Rabble rest , till their Magistrates had been thrown out of their places , and others put into them : who had no sooner got the Government of the City into their hands , than they proceeded , by the instigation of Venator , to lay by the Elders and Deacons , and to deprive the two Pastors , Petrus Cornelii and Cornelius Hellenius , of their places . The like was done by the procurement of that Superficiary Creature Grevinchovius to Cornelius G●selius . What should I speak of the Persecutions raised by the Remonstrants against all those that ( not knowing how to joyn in communion with them ) did only go to some Orthodox Minister , that would feed them with Bread and not Poison ? The banishing , or incarceration of so many Contraremonstrants shews , that the Remonstrants would not grant that Toleration unto others , which they so earnestly desired for themselves . But at last King Iames and the Prince of Orange prevailed so far upon the States , that a National Synod was like to be called : What do the Remonstrants now ? Why they go about to perswade some States-men , that a National Synod was contrary to the Liberty of the Provinces ; for every Province had a Power , a supream independent Power , to determine concerning Religion as was by the Rulers of the Province judged most convenient : that this Power was to be maintained even to the taking up of Arms , and the Hazard of their Lives . These Seditious Speeches did so wor● upon some Governours of Cities , that making a conspiracy , they decreed to raise Souldiers , that should be neither under the States General , nor the Prince of Orange . In how many places this was done , it matters not to relate ; but by this means such a Civil war had been raised , as would have had worse consequents than ever had all the Wars with the King of Spain , had not the States General required the Prince of Orange to imprison the Heads of this Conspiracy , viz. Barnevelt , Hagerbetius , Grotius , Ledenbergius ; to disband these new Souldiers ; to purge the Cities of disaffected Magistrates , and to substitute better in their rooms : All which the Prince with incredible courage and speed effected , and that without the effusion of the least drop of bloud . So at length Per varios casus , per tot discrimina rerum — a Synod is called , and did assemble at Dort , 1618. This Assembly is sufficiently reproached by the Doctor , whilst it is for some Pages compared with the Councel of Trent , the worst meeting that ever pretended to assemble in the name and fear of God. Yet may not the Assembly think much to be thus maligned , when he is so hardy as to affirm , that Dr. H. Pag. 55. The States General put Barnevelt to death contrary to the fundamental Laws of the Countrey , and the Rules of the Union ▪ Answ. Had he been pleased to name what fundamental Law this execution of Barnevelt was contrary to , we might then have been in some capacity to examine the truth of so high and deep a charge ; but sith he hath not descended to particularize wherein the contrariety did consist , we must look on the charge as a calumny ; so much the more improbable , because one of Barnevelt's Confederates , viz. Ledenberg , was after his condemnation surprized with so much horror of Conscience , that he turned his own Executioner : concerning which let me have leave to say , I have but seldom observed , that true Christian Patriots have been given up to self-murder , unless in some fit of frenzy or deep melancholy , which I do not find the best Friends of Ledenberg alledge on his behalf . Barnevelt died more manfully , acquainting those who were present at his Execution , how faithfully he had served his Countrey . I much wonder what was the source of his zeal for the Remonstrants : Doubtless it was not any love to their Opinions ; for in the continuation of the incomparable Thuanus , ad annum 1618 , we have his Apology to the States of Holland and Wes●-Friesland , in which he tells us what his Opinion was then , being 71 years old , and what was his Opinion whilst he resided at Heidleberg ▪ and this Opinion was such as methinks should not please the Arminians , I am sure it is a n●te above my ela , viz. That every good Christian must believe that he is by the grace of God , and satisfaction of our Lord and Redeemer Christ Jesus , predestinated to Salvation ; that by the same grace of God he had received Faith , by which he firmly believes that his Salvation hath not any other foundation than the grace of God , and merits of our Lord Jesus Christ ; that if it happen that he fall into grievous sins , he must firmly lean on this confidence , that God will not permit that he should persevere in sins , and that it will come to pass , that if he ask pardon , God would convert him through his mercy , call him to repentance , and make him persevere in faith to the end . He adds , that he had shewed this his Opinion to sundry Divines , and even to Olevian himself ; by whom he was told , that he might acquiesce in that Doctrine , and that there was no need he should search deeper in the secrets of this mystery . Again , speaking of Remonstrants and Contraremonstrants , he saith , that he did not more incline to one Opinion than another . So that we may think that he had only some Political design to drive on . What it was , and how much it failed him , I will not say ; but go on to see , whether the parallel do hold good betwixt the Councel of Trent , and the Synod of Dort. Dr. H. page 55. 1. Neither of them was concerned to confute , but condemn their Opposites . Answ. What shall be done to thee thou aspersing Pen ? Did not the Synod of Dort count themselves concerned to confute their Adversaries ? Let all the English Arminiuns , laying their heads together , name me that part of just liberty that was denied to the Remonstrants . It was not only allowed , but also enjoyned them , by all the Power Civil and Ecclesiastical , to lay down their Opinion concerning Predestination and Reprobation , together with their Reasons : But the Politick Disputants say , they would begin at Reprobation , or do nothing at all ; they peremptorily re●used to set down their own Tenents , and to confirm them ; and will needs make themselves Opponents , and put the Synod to Answer Cavils scraped up out of the Writings of Men dead , or not there to answer for themselves . If they may not have a liberty to propound , explain , and defend their cause in that very way they judge best , they will not lay down their Opinions . Must the Synod be thought not to account it self concerned to confute Adversaries , because men cited and summoned to appear , are not permitted to give and prescribe Laws , to those whom in Reason they are bound to Obey ? The Doctrine of the Remonstrants is confuted in the Canons of the Synod of Dort , by plain Texts of Scripture , or by covincing Reasons , and common experience . Their Synodalia are refelled abundantly by Ames , by Wallaeus , Twiss , &c. Dr. H. pag. 55. 2. The Councel of Trent consisted for the most part of Italian Bishops ; some others being added for fashion sake , and that it might the better challenge the name of General : as that of Dort , consisted for the most part of the Delegates of the Belgick Churches , to whom the foreign Divines were found inconsiderable . Answ. What a wilde parallel is this ? Is it equally faulty for a National Synod to consist mostly of the Delegates of the Belgick Churches , and for a Councel pretending to be Oecumenical , to consist mostly of Italian Bishops , and those many of them but titular ? Far better , and with more colour of reason it might be objected against our Synods , or Convocations here in England , that they consist not mostly , bu only of English Divines ; not one Foreigner being admitted either to consult or to decide , nor the Puritan Non-conformists so much as invited to declare their Opinions , or to alledge any thing in their own Justification . Who ever till now found in any History , a National Synod branded and censured , because as many Foreigners were not admitted to it , as there were of that very Nation for whose sake the Synod was assembled ? Dr. H. Ibid. The Differences as great at Dort as they were at Trent ; and as much care taken to addulce the discontented Parties in the one , as the other . Answ. In this also the Parallel is unparallel . Differences there were at the Councel of Trent about the very fundamentals of Faith : but the Differences at Dort were very slight and inconsiderable ; lying in the way and manner of expressing and wording the Doctrine , rather than the Doctrine it self ; as will ▪ appear by examining particulars . 'T is said that Dr. H. page 55 , 56. The British Livines , together with one of those that came from Breme , maintained the Universal Redemption of mankind by the Death of Christ : but this by no means would be granted by the rest of the Synod . Answ. Concerning this matter of Universal Redemption , it is noted in Dr. Balcanqual's Letters , page 2 , That as there was difference touching it in the Synod , so there was much difference about it in their own ( i. e. the English ) Colledge : The Question among them was , whether the words of Scripture , which are likewise the words of our Confession , Christus oblatus est aut mortuus , pro toto humano genere , seu pro peccatis totius mundi , be to be understood of all particular men , or only of the Elect who consist of all sorts of men ? Dr. Davenant and Dr. Ward ( saith the Letter , ) are of Martinius of Breme 's mind , that it is to be understood of all particular men : the other three take the other exposition , which is of the Writers of the Re●ormed Churches , and namely of my late Lord Bishop of Salisbury : both sides think they are right , and therefore cannot yield one unto another with a safe Conscience . Yet page 4. S. D. C. Lord Ambassador , is desired to acquaint ( if he thought fit , ) his Grace of Canterbury , that this matter is like to be a difference , not in the English Colledge , but in the Synod . How well this may be accorded with the former Letter , is not for me to judge . Page 8 , 't is said that some of the Provincials did use Martinius very uncivilly . He is a man very learned and honest , sound in all the five Articles , as any man in the Synod , except the second ; in which when the Canons come to be made , your Lordship will hear there will be more of his Opinion besides himself . Page 25 , Dr. Balcan . gives us a relation of the Iudgement of the British Divines and others , concerning the second Article . The Bremenses are affirmed , according to the number of their Persons , to have delivered three several judgements . Martinius his judgement was first read , who did stand in effect to the Tenents of the Remonstrants in the second Article , he mainly overthrew the received distinction and restriction , and did determine that Christ did truely die for all and every man ; that he was made a propitiation both for the godly and the wicked ; and that by his death he did impetrate reconciliation with God for them all : at the latter end he condemned many things both in the Remonstrants and in the Contraremonstrants Opinion ; but more in the Contraremonstrants . Isselburgius defended both the received distinction and restriction . Crocius propounded a middle way b●tween his two Colleagues , granting ( which we also in our Colledge did , ) that Christ by his death did merit some supernatural things for the wicked , but nothing belonging to the remission of sin , or reconciliation with God : and so indeed , for any thing I could perceive , his judgement was directly against that of Martinius , and in effect all one with that of Isselburgius . Finally , we are told page 26 , that in the second Article there was not altogether so uniform a consent , both in regard of phrases and forms of speaking and in regard of some Propositions , as were in the first ; yet certainly there was very great , more than could be expected from so great a number of learned men , in so hard and controverted an Article . So that whereas Dr. Heylin counts it a reproach to the Synod , that there was so much difference about universal Redemption , Dr. Balcan . thinks it an honour there was no more . But not to leave this matter so much in the dark ; If Martinius was for the Arminian equal indifferent universal Redemption of every one of mankind , I am well assured , that neither all the British Divines nor any one of them was of his mind : but indeed his Opinion and the Remonstrants Opinion , seem to be heavenly wide ; as may be proved from his subscriptions to the Synodal Determinations about the Death of Christ , and mans Redemption by the Death , Acta Synodi pag. 356. for no man can think , that in those Determinations , the Opinion of the Remonstrants was not condemned . But if this be not thought proof sufficient , let the Reader be pleased to turn to Acta Synodi pag. 639 , &c. where the judgement of this Martinius is fully recorded . In the very entrance he professeth to follow Ambrose , Si Christus pro omnibus mortuus est , specialiter tamen pro nobis passus est . Pag. 643 , 644. he rejects seventeen Errors , the far greater part of which are the Tenents of the Remonstrants . As for Ludovicus Crocius , he hath in his Duodecas Dissertationum ( provoked thereunto by the cavils of some ) taken a great deal of pains to state this Question about the universality of Christ's Redemption ; in the tenth dissertation , he explaineth the terms , and re●ecteth the extream Opinions ; in the eleventh , he delivereth his own Opinion , in no fewer than nineteen Conclusions , in any of which , if the Remonstrants can find any lettice for their lips , much good may it do them . For my part , I wonder that Dr. Balcanqual should here write , that for any thing he could perceive , the judgement of Crocius was directly contrary to that of Martinius . The judgements of both those Learned men are recorded about the second Article , and there is not the least contrariety betwixt them . Both hold universal Redemption in the sense laid down by Dr. Davenant , in his most excellent Dissertation de morte Christi : Neither of them maintain it in any other sense . Both of them heartily agreed and subscribed to the Canons of the Synod of Dort made in the second Article , as did also our British Divines ; who yet had received it in charge from King Iames , not to deny that Christ died for all and every man. Moreover , it is most manifest , that Crocius did in the Synod maintain the Universality of Christ's death , by a Letter written to him from one of his Colleagues from Brente , during the Session of the Synod Anno 1619 , Feb. 25. For in that Letter , he hath thanks given him for maintaining the Universality of Christ's death ; and is told , that his Opinion was approved by all to whom he had shewn it . Vide Crocii Disser . secundam de Peccato Originis , pag. 61 , 62. Dr. H. page 56. The general Body of the Synod not being able to avoid the inconveniences which the Supralapsarian way brought with it , were generally intent on the Sublapsarian way : but on the other side , the Commissioners of the Churches of South-Holland thought it not necessary to determine which were considered , man faln or not faln , while he passed the Decrees of Election and Reprobation . But far more positive was Gomarus , who stood as strongly to the absolute , irrespective and irreversibls Decree ( exclusive of mans sin , and our Saviours sufferings , ) as he could have done for the holy Trinity , and delivered his own judgement in writing apart by it self . Answ. Thus our Historian : But what saith Dr. Balcan . page 25 , So ended the reading of the judgements of all the Colledges concerning the first Article ; in which , praised be God for it , there was not the least suspition of dissention in any thing : And it is to be noted , that all of them determined homo lapsus to be the subject of Predestination , except Gomarus , whom all men know to be against it , and the South-Hollandi , who only said , they would determine nothing of it . One Doctor upbraids the Synod with Dissention , another praises God ( as there was reason ) for their Unity . Indeed if the difference betwixt Supra and Sublapsarians be calmly considered , it will be found to be only in Apice Logico ( as Dr. Twiss speaks ; ) and to determine of Logical Niceties , is not work proper for a Synod of Divines met together to settle the Peace of the Churches . I believe the Divines Assembled in this present Convocation , have as considerable differences among themselves about the Doctrine of the Trinity , as this comes to ; nor is it to be expected that we should all agree in minutiis Logicis aut Metaphysicis , any more than that we should be all of the same stature or complexion , as to the outward man. Mr. Hoard , so much made use of by our Quinquarticular Historian , plainly confesseth , there is no reason that the Supra and Sublapsarians should differ about circumstances , since they agree in the substance . Iunius thought the three Opinions about the object of Predestination were rather seemingly than really opposite . Piscator will not grant that they are opposite , but only different ; and therefore , that all three may have place , he resolves the matter of Predestination into three Acts , The first is , the Decree of creating men to different ends ; this must needs have for its object massam nondum conditam . The second Act is , the Decree of permitting Sin ; and this must needs have for its object man created , but not yet corrupted . The third Act is , the Decree of Electing and Reprobating ; and this must have for its object , man both created and corrupted . 'T is besides my purpose to enquire , how much or how little is to be said against this way of reconciliation : but this I undertake to prove , that the distance betwixt the Supralapsarians and Sublapsarians is not so great , but that they both may and ought to look upon one another as Brethren , and walk in love , which is the bond of perfection and fulfilling of the Law : The more pity is it that they should so bitterly inveigh against each other , as it cannot be dissembled that sometimes , they do ; but this must be imputed to that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of which we shall have some degrees , as long as we live in this World. But the Doctor , as if he were perfectly free from this crime , thus throweth his stones at others . Dr. H. pag. 56. Nor were the differences managed with such sobriety as became the gravity of the Persons , and weight of the business ; but brake out many times into such open heats and violences , as are not to be parallel'd in the like . Assemblies : the Provincial Divines banding against the Foreigners , and the Foreigners falling foul upon one another . Ans. For proof of this we are referred to the Letters of Mr. Hales and Dr. Balcanqual ; from which-it doth indeed appear , that some very unhandsom language was used by Gomarus and Lubbertus against Martinius , and by Scultetus against him and Crocius . But sure Scultetus was not Foreigners , but one Foreigner . Gomarus and Lubbertus were , though Learned men , yet constitutionally hot and cholerick , and therefore apt to break out into unseemly speeches against those who opposed them . Dr. Balcanqual saith , he could no more blame them for being angry , than he could a stone for descending to its center . I more wonder that Scultetus , a man of better temper , should so far forget himself ; but he was transported through a misapprehension , that his reverend and dear Colleague was abused . I scarce account it Christian in Dr. Heylin to rake up and bring to remembrance the passionate speeches of men who have many years since given an account unto their Master , and never to mention the satisfaction they made to the men whom they had injured : For it is said , page 15 , that they protested they had no hard opinion of Martinius or Crocius ; but accounted them Learned , Religious , Orthodoxal , were sorry for what they had done , and would do so no more . Page 64 , we have an attempt to make another parallel betwixt the Councel of Tren● and Synod of Dort , the sum whereof is this : Dr. H. That the Canons and Decrees of the Councel of Trent were so drawn up , as that both Soto the Dominican , and Vega the Franciscan , did expound them all according to their own Opinion ; which yet did not only differ , but also were expresly contrary : And so the Conclusions and Results of the Synod of Dort were so drawn up for giving satisfaction to the Sublapsarians , that those of the Supralapsarian faction might pretend some title to them also ; in so much that there was a bitter contention betwixt Voetius and Maresius about the sense of the Synod . Answ. A comparison that halts not on one foot , but upon every soot ; concerning which it is hard to say , whether it be more spiteful or ridiculous . The Opinions of the Franciscans and Dominicans differ far more , than do the Opinions of the Supra and Sublapsarians . Nor is it so material to determine , whether truth lie on the side of the Supralapsarian or Sublapsarian , as whether the Dominican or Franciscan be in the right . The parallel ( a Fanatick would say ) had run better if it had been thus drawn , As both Franciscan and Dominican lay claim to the Canons of the Councel of Trent , so both Arminian and Anti-Arminian lay claim to the seventeenth Article of the Church of England . The holy Scriptures themselves are not so penned , but that men of contrary perswasions do lay claim to them ; upon which score yet , none but a professed Papist or Infidel , will accuse them of insufficiency or obscurity : Particularly the Apostle makes use , Rom. 9 , of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , borrowed from the ancient Prophets ; some say , that by it he intends the Mass corrupted ; others say , the Mass uncorrupted : some circumstances are picked up out of the Text and Context that do favour both Opinions , What then ? Must the divinely inspired Scriptures be condemned ? God forbid . Besides , how doth it appear that the Supralapsarian Divines in or about Holland do pretend some title to the Conclusions of the Synod of Dort , or that there hath been a bitter contention betwixt Voetius and Maresius about the sense of the Synod ? Voetius indeed is a Supralapsarian ; In his first Volume of Select Disputations p. 55 , he layeth down the several moments of the decree of Reprobation : but p. 356 , 357 , professeth , he easily beareth those who are of a contrary or different judgement from him ; provided , they do not rashly condemn the Supralapsarian Opinion maintained by so many and great Divines ; and confesseth , the Synod propounded the common opinion , concerning Election out of Mankind ; but not so as to reject the ascending above the fall : with other Heterodoxies , and dangerous improprieties . If Maresius had any bitter contention with him on this score , he may do well to enquire , whether such contending be not a fruit of the flesh ; and if Voetius in other Writings lay no more claim to the Synod , than he doth here , he can scarce be said to pretend any title to it . Dr. H. page 65. Here we have the old and several times confuted Calumny , of The Synods not giving the Remonstrants leave to speak for themselves before condemnation , renewed ; and a Story concerning the Hard measure meted out to the Delegates of the Province of Utrecht , which is the only thing that deserves to have any notice taken of it . Answ. Concerning these Deputies , I shall first observe what Mr. Hales saith of them in his Letters , page 29 , and then relate the whole story concerning them ; and so leave it to any one , but Dr. Heylin , to judge , whether they were hardly dealt with ? I marvel much that the Province of Utrecht , being the strength of the Remonstrants , could find no wiser men to handle their cause ; for as they did very foolishly in bewraying their private instructions , so in this whole altercation they did not speak one wise word : So Mr. Hales . Matter of fact stands thus ; A doubt was moved concerning the Deputies for the Remonstrants of Utrecht , Whether they were to be a part of the Synod , or in the number of the Remonstrants who were cited to appear before the Synod ? The Reasons of the doubt were sundry ; but the chief was , because in their credential Letters , they were charged to defend the cause of the Remonstrants : now it could not be , that they should be both Defendants and Judges in the same Cause . The answer to this was , that they were not so limited , but that in their private instructions they had leave to do otherwise if they thought good . But when the private instructions were read , all that could be found was but this , that they had commission to defend their Cause , or to labour at least for an accommodation , or toleration of it : but that they had power to pronounce decisively , that did not appear . Hereupon it was determined , that they could not be Members of the Synod in this Cause ( for in any other they might , ) but only as Citati . Yet notwithstanding , that they might see the equity of the Synod , it was permitted them to keep their places , on these conditions : 1. If they would quit their Defence of the Cause . 2. If they would give no Advice or Counsel , either directly or indirectly , to the Citati ; and by no means meddle with them in their Cause , &c. Not liking these Conditions , they declared that they resolved to leave their place of Judges , and to adjoyn themselves to the other Remonstrants : which they did . What in all this proceeding is unjust ? what unworthy of a Synod ? Dr. H. Page 66 , the Synod is charged with being too favourable to the Supralapsarians , and particularly to Maccovius , who openly maintained , that God willed sin ; that he ordained sin as sin ; and that by no means he would have all men to be saved ; that God doth propound his Word to Reprobates for no other end , than that they might be left without excuse , &c. yet was he only dismissed with a friendly admonition . Answ. 'T is true , that some of these speeches , though not all , were charged on Maccovius : Nor could the Synod condemn them simply , unless they would also condemn St. Austin , who is known in his Euchir . cap. 29 , to have delivered this maxime , Non aliquid sit nisi omnipotens fieri velit , vel sinendo ut fiat , vel ipse faciendo : Many Scripture-expressions of like import might be produced . But yet if Maccovius did use such expressions before persons not seen in these Controversies , he did ill , and was to be blamed ; for all truths are not fit for all ears . Sufficient for the Synods vindication it is , that Maccovius was brought before the Synod upon a by-occasion ; and that the business betwixt him and Lubbertus waas committed to the examination of some few Delegates , according to whose report he was dismissed . But the Contraremonstrants are cruel and malicious ; How so ? Forsooth , Dr. H. page 67. Because when the Synod had concluded in the condemnation of the Remonstrants Doctrine , they next proceeded to the destruction of their Persons ; calling upom them to subscribe to the Acts of the Synod , and setting them a peremptory day for conforming to it : And when they saw , that would not do it , by their incensed importunity they procured a Proclamation from the States General , to banish them from their native Countrey , with their Wives and Children , and so compelling them to beg their bread , even in desolate places . Answ. A very lamentable story ▪ that Remonstrants should be banished and their Wives and Children , and that they should be compelled to beg their bread , and their begging be confined to desolate places ! But what were the names of these Remonstrants , who were put to all this extremity ? Where is this Proclamation of the States General recorded , that such an ignorant man as I am may come to the sight of it ? Certainly whatever these Remonstrants had of Free-will , they had not much Wisdom in them , or else they would never have made choice of desolate places to beg their bread in ; places inhabited , and populous Cities , are the places that our English Beggars resort to . The Histories that I meet with , relate of attempts and endeavours , that were used in order to an accommodation ; and the Contraremonstrants easily granted , that the simple meer Arminian , might be continued , and cherished in the bosom of the Church , provided , that he would not disturb the peace of the Church : But the Remonstrants unhappily choosing Episcopius to write their Confessio Fidei , broached and vented so many Socinian Errors , that there was no possibility , without violating all rules of discipline , of taking them into Church-fellowship . That no severity was used against the Remonstrants presently upon the concluding of the Synod , I am not able to say ; It is not unlike , they might have a little of that measure meted out to them , which they had meted out unto others : But I am sure that Curcellaeus himself acknowledgeth , that Episcopius an Arminian , and somewhat more than an Arminian , was not long after he was put out of his Professors place , suffered both at Rotterdam and Amsterdam , to enjoy a preferment honourable and gainful . Might the Non-conformists , who differ only in a point of Ceremony and Discipline , have so fair quarter from their Episcopal Brethren ▪ as the Remonstrants had from the Contraremonstrants , they would not sure make such loud Complaints of Trouble and Persecution , as now they do . That the Remonstrants may be the more pitied , the Doctor acquaints us with Dr. H. pag. 67 , 68. An History of the Netherlands , written by one Cross , a Fellow of no parts or iudgement ; In which History it is affirmed , that there was a Synod called at Dort to suppress the Arminians ; and that the said Arminians held among other Heresies , 1. That God was the Author of Sin. 2. That he created the far greater part of mankind only of purpose to damn them ; with several others of that kind : Which every man of reason knows , not only to be the consequence and resuits of Calvin's Doctrine , but to be positively maintained and taught by some of his Followers . Answ. But first , What if some ignorant Writer , abused with a false report , or not well understanding the Language of the Dutch with whom he conversed , did thus misrepresent the grounds of the Arminians condemnation , is this any other cross ( to borrow one witticism from our Historian ) than what hath befallen men as honest and famous as the Remonstrants ? Was not our own Countrey-man Wickliff , who did write professedly against begging Friers , reported by his Adversaries to be a favourer of begging ? If it could be proved , that the Contraremonstrants had set this Mr. Cross thus to traduce and calumniate the Remonstrants , it had been a soul crime in them ; but that they did so , is not pretended . The whole blame therefore of this false report must be on our English Bishops , who would admit a Fellow of no Parts or Judgement into holy Orders , and license his History ; and on the Author himself , who would venture to write the History of things that he understood not . But what if this Cross was of the Remonstrants own making ? It hath been usual for men , upon some accounts truly guilty , and deservedly blamed , to procure themselves to be accused of some other things that they were never guilty of , that so the World finding them abused in one point , might think them innocent in all . In the late Wars , I believe some Wags have framed stories against their own Party , and sent them up to London to be Printed , with no other design than this , to make the Diurnalists and Intelligencers ridiculous , and suspected even when they related truth . 2. If this Cross is so much to be blamed for his malice , why doth Dr. Heylin imitate him , if not exceed him , in saying , that every man of reason knows that these blasphemies are the consequence and result of Calvin 's Doctrine ? Were all those eminent Professors and learned Preachers , who in their Sermons and Lectures and printed Treatises , have maintained , that it doth not from Calvin's Doctrine follow , that God is the Author of Sin , men of no reason ? or were they so base , as to go about to maintain a thing against their knowledge ? Certain I am , that they are not followers , but forsakers of Calvin , who positively maintain and teach , either that God is the Author of Sin , or that he created the far greater part of mankind only of purpose to damn them . That he again and again denied God to be the Author of Sin , no man will gainsay , that hath read either his Institutions , or his Answer to the Calumnies of a Knave , or his Discourse against the Libertines . As so creating men on purpose to damnthem , let the Reader but observe what he saith for himself , de aeterna Dei providentia , Etsi quid toti generi humano futu●um esset , Deus ab initio decrevit ; haec tamen loquendi ratio , nusquam apud me occurret , Finem creationis esse aeternum interitum . 3. What if a man should say , that some at least of the Remonstrants are guilty of these Blasphemies ? They make God to be the Author of Concupiscence , and Concupiscence is Sin ; therefore they make God the Author of Sin. They also make God not to have decreed to any one that Grace , which alone can keep men out of Hell ; therefore they make him to create mankind with an intention to damn the whole race . In the Calvinists method , some are sure to be saved : but in the way of the Arminians , no man can be saved ; all being left to the liberty and indifferency of their own corrupt wills , which must necessarily ruine them at last . I will not justifie Mr. Cross in what he relates concerning the Remonstrants ; but I will say this , that I can manifestly prove , that sundry who pretend the greatest zeal against making God the Author of Sin , do themselves make him the Author of Sin , or say he may be the Author of Sin. It is not unknown that Socinians deny God's prescience of the free actions of men . Si omnia futura Deus praesciret , opor●ebit omnium causas jam ante ab ipso ordinatas esse , atque ita necessario efficeretur auctor peccatorum , are the words of the Compendium of Socinianism , confuted by Cloppenber . cap. 6. When we urge against them that of Iohn 6.64 . he knew from the beginning who should betray him : What answers Volkelius ? That the sin and punishment of Judas contained in them somewhat singular . Well , allow them to have in them somewhat singular ; yet this Proposition , the sin of Judas was certainly foreknown , must needs be true : If it were foreknown , then it was foredetermined : If foredetermined , then God was the cause of it . I instance secondly in Episcopius , from whom I thus argue ; Christ may be the Author of Sin. Christ is God : Ergo God may be the Author of Sin. The Major is most clearly laid down by Episcopius ; and for many Pages together defended in his Answer to the acute Camero , cap. 13. Yea , and he wonders that Camero should think he had any fear , when this , so at least ill-sounding a Proposition , was delivered by him . He alledgeth that some School-men had said so before him : Which may not be denied ; but yet seeing actus sunt suppositorum , he will be as hard put to it , not to make God the Author of Sin , as any Calvinist . I instance thirdly in Mr. Th. Pierce , from whom thus I argue : God is the Cause of every Being , whether visible or invisible : Therefore God is the Cause of Sin. The Antecedent is an Article of our Creed . The Consequent is proved ; because Mr. Pierce again and again asserts Sin to be positive . His beloved Author Dr. Iackson ▪ in h●s eighth Book of Commentaries , hopes to bring himself off from this argumentation , by limiting the Proposition , God made all things visible and invisible , to substances ; which only are the immediate and direct effects and proper objects of creation . Accidents had their beginnings as appurtenances to their subjects , by resultance only . But I answer , that I suppose he is the first that ever said , that All accidents had their beginning by resultance ; and the first that so limited this maxime to substances . For though it may be granted , that both creation and generation , strictly so called , are terminated to substances ; yet accidents are truly things , and must have a cause , a real cause : and doubtless the Churches did ascribe the production of all things , whether accidents or substances , unto God : and , in reason , he is as truly the cause of what is comproduced and concreated , as of what is produced and created . In page 35 , this Dr. Iack. tells us , what emboldned Divines to assign unto sin only a privative being , viz. the maxime that Omne ens est bonum : but that he tells us , is meant only of a Metaphysical goodness . No Divines thought otherwise , but they were afraid to assign so much as a Metaphysical goodness to sin , which is simply evil : and such fear would have seised on Dr. Iackson also , had he but well weighed , what that is which goodness Metaphysical doth superadde to entity . But that he had never weighed ; and yet talks confidently , in this whole Controversie , concerning the nature of sin , and the efficient of sin , as if his eyes had been blessed to see the things that scarce any saw before him . Book 10 , pag. 3012 , &c. cap. 5 , 6 , he goes about to make Apologies for the harsh expressions of some good Writers , and well deserving of all Reformed Churches : Yea , and for the Errors of the Dominicans , or other Schoolmen , ( more faulty than , as he saith , Zuinglius or his Followers , in this point . ) He wisheth that Paraeus had never entred into dispute with Becanus about this Question , Whether God be the Author of Sin ? and is sorry he came off no better , for Calvin's credit , or for his own . Avers t●at Bellarmine , and Aquinas his Followers , do make God the Author of Sin , by as clear and infallible consequence , as either Zuinglius or his Followers have done . He saith the best Apology that can be made for Aquinas , or Calvin , is this , that they were homines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Authors of many various Works ; but of this Apologie we that follow them are not capable . That if we were called to a strict account , or examination of our Doctrine by the rules of Art , a new question would have risen in our Schools , Whether to attribut such acts and decrees unto God as we do , and yet withal to deny , that we concludently make him the Author of Sin , doth not argue as great a measure of artificial foppery or supernatural infatuation , as it would of impiety , to resolve dogmatically , in terminis terminantibus , that God is the Author of evil ? But what is it that may make this Question allowed in any Academical Act ? Why , it might be justly allowed , though the Answerer were furnished with no other ground besides that usually avouched distinction , between the act and obliquity of the act : especially if the distinction were applied unto the first sin of our first Parents . In that sin , the act and obliquity , are altogether as unseparably annexed , as rotundity is with a sphere ; and to imagine there should be one cause of the act , and another of the obliquity of the act , would be as gross a solecism , as to assign any other cause of the rotundity of a sphere besides him that frames it . A discourse so loose , that I much wondered it could find any place in the writings of an Author so famed for learning : For every Fresh-man knows , that there is not the same relation betwixt the act and its obliquity , as there is between rotundity and a sphere ; every Fresh-man knows , that there may be a sufficient ground of distinction , betwixt things that are inseparably annexed ; every Divine also knows , that the Calvinists do make man to be the cause , of the sinfulness of the act as well as of the act it self : all that they say is , that the first cause may af●ord that concourse to a sinful action , which is necessarily required to every action , and yet not be the cause of the sinfulness of the action . If Dr. Iackson think this impossible , he should have told us , how God could concur to the good actions of his Saints , and not be the cause of the sinful imperfection which is inseparable from every action that doth not flow from a principle that is perfect . I account he hath forsaken the Reformed Churches , who saith , that God gives any one , in this life , such a holiness as doth not fall short of the Law : That habitual holiness which falls short of the Law , must necessarily , when it is put forth , produce actions short of the Law ; and so far as they fall short of the Law , they are sinful : Now I ask , is God the cause of my imperfect act of love to himself ? If he be not , why do I either pray to him for it , or praise him for it ? If he be the cause , then he is either the cause of that sinful obliquity necessarily cleaving to it , and making it need pardon ; or else he may be the cause of the act , and not of the sinful obliquity that doth inseparably cleave to it . If Dr. Iackson affirm the latter , he contradicts his own Principle ; If the former , he avoucheth that blasphemy which all good men abhor . Wherefore he might have done well to reserve the excuse of Polygraphy for himself : Calvin and Aquinas in this matter do not stand in need of it . As little need had Paraeus of his sorrow for entring into dispute with Becanus ; for if ever man had the better , Paraeus had it that day . About the year 1604 , Becanus at Mentz had a disputation , concerning God's being the Author of Sin ; in which he expresly said , that the God of the Calvinists was the Devil : For this , among other things , Paraeus undertook him , and Ferarias and Malhusinus , and brought them to acknowledge , that whatever became of Calvin , it could not truly be said , that the Devil was the God of the Calvinists : What is victory , if this be not victory ? when did innocence triumph , if not that day , which was Aug. 1 , An. 1608. For a conclusion of the fifth Chapter , the Doctor takes a leap out of Holland into the City of Sedan , and tells us , that Dr. H. pag. 68. It is said , that Franciscus Auratus was shamefully ejected out of that City , for no other reason , but because from Jam. 1.13 , he largely declared , that God was not the Author of Sin. Answ. This is said ; but by whom ? or upon what grounds ? Were we promised that the Historical Narration should be collected out of the * Publick Acts and Monuments of the several Churches ? and must we now be put off with a 't is said ? If I should write all that hath been said of Dr. Heylin and his Party , the World ( till such calumnies were confuted ) would have but little charity for them . It is said so perhaps by a Fellow of as little judgement as Mr. Cross , or by some , who had taught his tongue to utter lies . That there was such a Minister as Auratus , and that he was ( being a well meaning man but no deep Scholar ) inveigled by the eloquence of Daniel Tilenus Professor at Sedan , to favour and to vent the Remonstrants Opinions , I grant : but that he was forced to leave his place , only for preaching that God was not the Author of Sin , is a story fit only to be reported by those who have learned from the Jesuits calumniari fortiter . I was much concerned to know , who it was that had so much abused the Doctor , and at length I found him to be Episcopius , in his Examen of the Theses of Iacobus Capellus . In the first page of that Examen , he relates this improbable story : but neither tells where he read it , nor from whom he heard it : and we all know , that Episcopius did never so regard his conscience , but that he would sometimes defile it with a lye ; for he came into the Synod with a lye , and went out of it with a lye . On which account , the Reader may be the less troubled , to find in the same page the Reverend and Religious Peter Moulin accused , as one that was feign to leave France , not for his zeal in Religion , but for pragmaticalness . Indeed I have rarely observed Episcopius , either to give a Contra-remonstrant his due praise , or not to give a Remonstrant more than his due . Vorstius , in his Answer to Camero , is a man than whom he had never met with one more modest , and more studious of a good conscience : in his Theological institutions , he counts it not sufficient to vindicate the Latine Translation of Castalio from the censures of Albericus Gentilis and Thuanus , but he must also commend the faithfulness and elegance of his French Translation ; whereas Doctor Rivet , a more competent judge of the elegancy of a French Translation , assures us , that no French man can read it without indignation and laughter , so foolish and ridiculous is it in many places . Dr. H. Pag. 70. We are now come to the sixth and last Chapter of the first Part of the Quinquarticular History : in which the Doctor goes about to enquire after the causes that might move the Synodists to use such cruelty ( severity , he saith , is too mild a word to express their rigor ) towards all those who did maintain the five Articles . Answ. An enquiry which supposeth that which is not to be supposed , viz. that the Remonstrants errour in the five Points , was the sole ground of all the penalties that were inflicted on them . All men , who are any way acquainted with the History of the Belgick Churches , do know that the Remonstrants were not proceeded against meerly for erring in these five Points , but also for Socinianism and Scepticism , of which to this day they have never been able to purge themselves . Indeed the Holland Remonstrants are a Sect of men , that are not fitted for communion with any Christian Churches , except we will call the Assemblies of the furious Anabaptists or the blasphemous Socinians , by the name of Christian Churches . They can have no communion with any Church , that is either idolatrous , or that maketh any opinion necessary which they judge not necessary , or that teacheth that the Magistrate may hinder and ●orbid the meetings of Sectaries ; by which means they exclude Papal , Calvinistical , Lutheran Churches from their communion , and so separate from all Christendom . Whatever they write about Moderation , Toleration , Syncretism , is but hypocrisie ; for they cannot have communion with any Churches that will not deny the Magistrates power to repress Conventicles , and the Churches power to define Heresies and determine what is necessary to be believed . Arnoldus Poelenbergius in that little piece of his , wherein he labours to prove , that the Remonstrants cannot with a safe conscience joyn in communion with the Contra-remonstrants , layeth the necessity of separation , not on the Heterodoxy of the Contra-remonstrants in the five Points , but on their tyranny in imposing Confessions to be subscribed , and in going about to define what is necessary to be believed . Episcopius in an Epistle to Grotius , bearing date April 29 , 1631 , saith Quinquarticulanam litem tanti non facerem , nisi conjunctam sibi haberet eam , quae est de discretione necessariorum dogmatum a non necessariis , sive de mutua Christianorum tolerantia . Video esse qui aliter sentiant , & intra quinque articulos rigide & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consistendum esse arbitrantur ; at eorum sententiae ego non possum accedere , Epist. Eccles. pag. 694. Among which Epistles also it may be seen how Andreas Reuchlinius doth school the incomparably learned Isaac Casaubon , because in his Epistle to Cardinal Perron , he let fall an expression commending the fact of the King and Archbishop , in burning the Book of Vorstius , de Deo & Attributis . But let us see how well the Historian can acquit the Remonstrants in the five Points . Dr. H. Pag. 70. Their Doctrine ( saith he ) is impeached in these Points of no smaller crimes , than to be destructive of God's grace , introductory of Popery , tending unto spiritual pride , and to sedition or rebellion in the Civil Government . Which Objections I shall here present , as I have done the Arguments of most importance , which were excogitated and enforced against the conclusions and determinations of the Synod in the said five Points : and that being done , I shall return such answers as are made unto them . Answ. Here I cannot but observe , 1. That whereas he drew up the Charge of the Remonstrants against the Contra-remonstrants , and took no notice of any Answer that was or might be returned by the Contra-remonstants ; yet now that the Remonstrants are to be impeached , he either finds or makes Answers for them : which is not fair in an Historian . 2. That one part of the impeachment is the creature and figment of the Doctor 's own brain , viz. that of tendency to sedition or rebellion in the Civil Government , No Contra-remonstrant chargeth this on the Doctrine of the Remonstrants , as to the five Points ; though sometimes they charge sedition and rebellion on the persons of the Remonstrants . 3. That all the impeachment is not exhibited . For the Remonstrants are charged to overthrow the praescience , the simplicity , the immutability of God ; yea , and all piety and Christian consolation . But it is wisdom to raise no more enemies than a man thinks he shall be able to contest with . I believe , had the Doctor consulted with his Friends , they would have advised him to have mentioned no Objections at all , so miserably and unfortunately are they answered . Dr. H. Pag. 70. First , It is objected , that this Doctrine ( viz. the Doctrine of the Remonstrants ) is destructive of God●s free-grace , reviving the old Pelagian Heresies so long since condemned , To which objection it is answered , that the Remonstrants speak as honourably of the grace of God as any other whatsoever ; as may be proved by comparing the first branch of the fourth Article with that golden saying of S. Augustine , Sine gratia Dei praeveniente ut velimus , & subsequente ne frustra velimus , ad pietatis opera nil valemus . Answ. So much do all true Christians abhor whatever Doctrine doth derogate from the grace of God , that the greatest opposers of grace have found it necessary to speak honourably of it . Pelagius indeed in his first attempts , never so much as mentioned the word grace ; but he soon saw , his opinions so propounded would never take : therefore he began to use the word grace , but by it understood no more than Free-will , as appears by that known and commonly quoted place of S. Aug. Serm. 11. de Verb. Apost . cap. 7 , Disputantes contra gratiam pro libero arbitrio secerunt auribus piis & Catholicis offensionem : coeperunt horreri , coeperunt ut certa pernicies devitari , coepit de illis dici quod contra gratiam disputarent : & invenerunt ad revelandam istam invidiam tale commentum ; non , inquit , contra gratiam Dei disputo quod liberum arbitrium defendo : videte acumen sed vitreum , quasi lucet vanitate , sed frangitur veritate : that is , God gave us our Free-will , and therefore whatever we do by the strength of Free-will , is to be ascribed unto Grace . When this would not do , then he began to allow another Grace , that was commonly called Gratia legis aut doctrinae : allowing God not only to bestow on us Free-will , but also by his Law and Precepts to shew and discover unto us our duty . Aiunt ideo ista si●e ope divina non sieri , quia & hominem Deus creavit cum libero arbitrio , & dando praecepta ipse docet quemadmodum homini sit vivendum , saith S. August . de spirit . Lit. cap. 2. adding also in other places , that they acknowledged a Grace of remission vouchsafed to all such as did unfeignedly turn themselves to him . Yea , he stuck not at last to anathematize any one that should say or think , that the grace of God was not necessary , not only for every hour & moment , but also for every one of our actions . Who would think that Pelagius were not now become as Orthodox as any of the Fathers of the Councel before whom he was summoned to appear ? But the wretch was as Heterodox as ever ; for by grace necessary for every moment , and every act , he understands either only that it is needful that we should keep in memory that our sins are pardoned , or that we should alway have in our eye the example or Law of Christ. I list not further to prosecute the several states and steps of Pelagianism ; Great art was used , as may be seen both in Vossius and Iansenius to refine the errour , that it might be the more easily swallowed down . What I have already noted shews sufficiently , that men may in words acknowledge grace , and yet in works deny it , sacrificing to their own nets , and burning incense to their own drags . Whether the Remonstrants are not to be put into this number , will appear , if we compare and put together their writings concerning converting grace . I grant that they in the third Article , and in the greatest part of the fourth , speak fairly concerning grace ; but , Did they not in the Hague Conference deny the infusion of any habit or new vital principle ? Did they not say , that the Spirit acted no otherwise upon the Will than by moral swasion ? and that nothing was put into the will , or did properly inhere in the Will , but natural Liberty ? That one clause , as for the manner of the cooperation of this Grace , it is not to be thought irresistible , doth ( saith Paraeus ) take away all that from grace , that was before given to it . Acta Synod . p. 311. & p. 317. If the grace which causeth conver●ion be not irresistible , but resistible , such as may be by the will of man hindred or not hindred , all that in the third or fourth Article is attributed to grace is but an empty smoak of words , and those effects they speak of cannot be ascribed to the grace of God but indifferently and remotely , to the wills of men not resisting they must be ascribed specifically and neerly . If so , then all they so magnificently write of grace , will be either a falsity , or a cheat : It will be a cheat , or a falsity to say , 1. That man hath not faith from himself , and in the strength of his Free-will ; for from himself he will have the specification of the operation of grace , because by not resisting grace , he hath distinguished himself from others . 2. That he cannot of himself think , will , or do any good ; for it is good , of a mans self well to specifie a resistible indifferent operation . 3. That God by his holy Spirit doth regenerate and renew us , &c. for God by his Spirit shall only resistibly , indifferently and remotely , and therefore improperly ; we our selves shall specifically , immediately , and properly regenerate and renew our selves . Many other things of this nature are by this learned Professor there urged , which the Remonstrants will never be able by all their sophistry to evade . This also will make good the other charge against the Remonstrants Doctrine , taken notice of by the Doctor page 73 , viz. That it doth naturally encline a man to the sin of pride : For the removal of which he would offer something , but such a something as is next to nothing , viz. that Dr. H. Page 74. That Doctrine must needs more cherish humane presumption , which puffeth men up with the certainty of their election , the infallibility of assisting and persisting grace , and the impossibility of falling from the attaining of that salvation which they have promised themselves ; than that which leaves these Points uncertain , which puts a man to the continual necessity of calling upon God , and working out the way unto his salvation with fear and trembling . Answ. For who will not reply to him , that in the Contra-monstrant way there is more ground for prayer and for fear and trembling ; since the Contra-remonstrants ascribe to God the working in us both to will and to do , which the Remonstrants cannot ? The Remonstrants must needs , if they will not contradict themselves , affirm , that God doth , pari gradu & modo , in the like degree and measure , will and work antecedently , the conversion of those who are converted and of those who are not converted . If so , what ground for fear , sith man can convert himself when he pleaseth , and restore the lost habits when he listeth ? The Apostle Paul , one of the rarest examples of humility , did sure best know , what 's most likely to quel and subdue high thoughts and proud imaginations : and what weapons doth he make use of to this end ? Why two such interrogations , as must needs prick the bladder , with the Contra-remonstrant , but not with the Remonstrant . Let it be demanded of a Calvinist , What hast thou , that thou hast not received ? He will answer , Nothing . Let it be enquired , Who made thee to differ ? He will reply , The meer undeserved omnipotent grace of God. But a Grevincovius will say , He made himself to differ . But perhaps no Arminian else will say so : Yes , Mr. Playser in his Appello Evangelium hath said so ; and all Remonstrants must say so , that will not fly from their principles . To manifest which , I shall only English something out of the Declaratio sententiae Remonstrant . circa Articul . cap. 3 , & 4. pag. 21 , If it be enquired , why this man is converted , and another not ? We answer , this man is converted , because God converts him , not opposing any new contumacy ; the other is not converted , because he doth oppose new contumacy . But you will enquire , why this man opposeth new contumacy , not the other ? We answer , this man opposeth , because he will oppose ; the other opposeth not , because he is moved by grace , ne velit opponere , to have no mind to oppose . If you enquire , whether he who opposeth not new contumacy , and by consequent is converted , hath greater grace than he that opposeth , and by consequent is not converted ? We answer , that antecedent and preventing grace may be equal ; but the former hath co-operating , the latter hath not . Hence it is plain , that it is man , according to the Remonstrants , who makes sufficient grace to be effectual ; and by necessary consequence , man doth make himself a penitent , a believer , a regenerate person : than which Pelagius himself could not write or speak , higher or more proudly . Dr. H. Page 72. The Historian is pleased to mention another charge against the Remonstrants Opinions , viz. That they symbolize so much with the Church of Rome , that they serve onely as a bridge for Popery to pass over into any Church into which they can obtain admission . And further tells us , that this clamor being first raised in Holland , was afterwards much cherished , and made use of by the Puritan or Calvinian party among us in England . Answ. Where I take notice , 1. That he gives a false account of the rise and first beginning of this charge , that These points do ▪ where they are entertained , dispose mens minds for the reception and entertainment of Popery . For before the troubles raised by Barnevelt , our Divines did suspect conditionate election , and falling away from grace , &c. to be an inlet to Popery : as is manifest from the Letter of the Heads of the University of Cambridge to their Chancellor , written upon the occasion of Baret's and Baro's preaching or reading things agreeable to the Opinions that are now called Arminian ; in which Letter , bearing date March 8. 1595 , 't is affirmed , that if passage were permitted to those Errours , the whole Body of Popery would by little and little break in upon them ; to the overthrow of Religion , and consequently the withdrawing of many there , and elsewhere , from true obedience to her Majesty ; and therefore in the close they humbly beseech his Lordships good aid and assistance , for the suppressing in time , not only of these Errours , but even of gross Popery , like by such means , in time , easily to creep in among them , as they found by late experience it had dangerously begun . Unto this and many other testimonies , alledged by Mr. Hickman in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Doctor will yield no assent ; but answereth three things , Dr. H. Pag. 73. 1. Why should not a general compliance with the Friers of S. Dominick , be thought as ready a way to bring in Popery , as any such compliance with the Friers of S. Francis ? Answ. To which the Answer is easie , Because the Dominicans opinions do much tend to the exaltation of grace , and the subjection of carnal reason to Faith ; so do not the Tenents of the Franciscans or Jesuits . Now where grace is exalted , and carnal reason is sub●ected , there Popery , which hath its foundation in carnal reason and pride , doth not so easily prevail or obtain . This the Pope understood well enough ; which made his Bull to roar so loud against the , in this point , Orthodox Iansenians . Dr. H. Ibid. 2. The Melancthonian , or moderate Lutherans , which make up infinitely the greatest part of the Lutheran Churches , agree in these points with the Iesuits or Franciscan Friers , and yet are still as far from relapsing to the Church of Rome , as when they made the first separation from it . Answ. Where , 1. It is strange that one pretending to History , should represent the infinitely far greater part of the Lutheran Churches as Melancthonian , or moderate Lutherans : When as it is known , that a very great , if not the greatest part of the Lutherans , are as far from being Melancthonians , or moderate , as Dr. Heylin is from being a Presbyterian or Puritan . But it seems , if men be never so violent for Ubiquity , Consubstantiation , Images , if they be but against Predestination , they shall pass for meek and moderate , and Melancthonians . 2. It may a little be questioned , Whether the present Lutherans be as far from relapsing to the Church of Rome , as were those Lutherans who made the first separation from it ? I know not how much there may be of truth in the talk that hath lately filled our ears , concerning Unions and accommodations betwixt the Lutheran and Roman Churches . It would be very strange if the Lutherans , having all this while been bred up among Images , should be as averse from Image-worship , as were the first Reformers . 3. It is as false as what is most false , that the Lutherans do agree with the Franciscans or Jesuits in these Points . Micraelius in his Heterodoxia Calviniana , disput . 5. par . 15 , rejecteth both the Dominicans and Jesuits : the Dominicans , as inclining to the Stoicks ; the Jesuits , as falling in with the Pelagians . Afterwards he rejects the Jesuits Scientia media , confessing that Voetius doth well and unanswerably prove against them , that there is nothing knowable but what is the object either of the knowledge of simple intelligence , or vision . Speaking also of Arminius , he will not undertake for him . Tarnovius openly rejects the Arminians , as of a contrary judgement from the Lutherans , Miscel. Sacrorum lib. 2. pag. 710 , Vorstiniani , Arminiani , & similes in Belgio , quando aiunt fide nos praedestinari ad vitam aeternam , idem dicunt , non idem nobiscum sentiunt . He that would be more fully convinced of this , that the Lutherans are not Arminians , may please to consult what Durfieldus , a Divine of Rostoch , hath written against Iohannes Assuerus Amsingus ; where he shall find the Arminians accused of Pelagianism , before the chief Doctors of those Universities , that follow the Augustan Confession . This I take on trust from Dr. Rivet , having not as yet had the opportunity to see the Author . But casting my eye on Gerhard's Son's Epistle Dedicatory , prefixed to his Father's Comment on Deuteronomy , I found him use no obliging language of the Arminians ; for he saith , that they have ad dogmata Socinianorum admodum prurientes aures , and he calls Simon Episcopius , the Infaelex Arminianismi interpolator . But the cutting killing Answer ( which he cannot mention without triumph ) is still behind , and is thus worded : Dr. H. Pag. 73. 3. If Arminianism be so ready a bridge for passing over to Popery , it would be very well worth the knowing , how and by what means it should come to pass , that so few of the Remonstrants in the Belgick Provinces , and none of those whom they call Arminians in the Church of England , should , in so long a time , pass over that bridge , notwithstanding all the provocations of want and scorn , which were put upon the one , and have been since multiplied upon the other . Answ. If this be so well worth knowing , I shall be the more easily pardoned , if I take some pains for the Doctor 's information . 1. It is asked , Why so few of the Belgick Remonstrants did turn Papists ? For answer , I might ask , How , if the Contra-remonstrants Opinions did as much encline and dispose men to Popery as the Remonstrants , it came to pass , that not one Contra-remonstrant ever went over to Rome ? But I forbear that , and shall offer two reasons which might ( as I conceive ) hinder the Belgick Remonstrants from turning Roman Catholicks . 1. Their Wives and Children might hinder them from passing over this Bridge : forsake these dear Relations they could not , and yet if they did not forsake them , they could promise themselves no good reception , or kind entertainment among the Pontificians . 2. The Remonstrants might therefore not turn Papists , because they were resolved to turn to a worse sort of Hereticks , viz. the Socinians . But did the Remonstrants strike in with the Socinians ? Yes , that they did ; as I will undertake to prove by as good evidence as can be expected in matter of fact . Till I be called to make good this undertaking , I refer my Reader to Vedelius's Arcana Armin. and Horn●beck's Apparatus ad Soc. conf . 2. It is asked , Why none of those whom they call Arminians in England , notwithstanding all provocations of want and scorn , are turned Papists ? To answer this , times must be distinguished ; 1. Before Bishop Laud ruled and governed , those who embraced the Opinions since called Arminian , were indeed out of the way to preferment ; but who knows not that many of them turned Papists ? Barret did so in Queen Elizabeth's time : And the Heads of Houses in Cambridge complain in the before mentioned Letter , that they had found by experience , that Popery came in among them at the door of Arminianism , ( so I may call it by a prolepsis . ) 2. When Bishop Laud ruled and disposed of all Ecclesiastical preferment , Arminians had no provocations from want or scorn , yet even then some of them turned Papists . 3. Since the breaking out of the late unhappy Civil Wars and Confusions , there hath a cup of trembling and astonishment gone round the three Nations , and Divines of all perswasions have been made to drink of it ; all Ministers , by what names soever dignified , by what opinions soever distinguished , have been made the filth and off-scouring of all things : but that scorn or want hath befallen any one meerly for being a favourer of Arminianism , is more than I know , more than Dr. Heylin can prove . Sure I am , that many of those Army-men , who gloried in nothing more , than in trampling all Law and Right under foot , were Arminians ; and he who was the only Divine that dared to justifie that horrid fact , the murdering of the late King , is known to all to be a great stickler for Arminianism . But it were to be wished , that no Arminians had , during the late Troubles , forsaken the Church of England , and took sanctuary in the Synagogue of Rome . I was bred up with Mr. W. H. at Katherine-Hall in Cambridge , who was looked upon by the whole Society , as a very studious , ingenious , hopeful person , and was thereupon chosen Fellow before he was Master of Arts ; but by acquaintance with some , he began highly to dote on the Common Prayer-book , and would leave good Sermons at Cambridge , and walk over to Coton on purpose that the might hear the Liturgy ; withal he had ●ucked in Arminianism : but within the compass of two years , he fell to downright Popery , and is now , as they say , a Seminary Priest. I would not have mentioned this story , but that it is notorious , I suppose , all Cambridge over . What shall we think of the late Bishop of Glocester ? was not he called and reputed an Arminian ? and did he not die a Son and Member of the Church of Rome ? The present Bishop of Exeter , I confess , makes an Essay to clear him from Popery , but very unhappily : whilest he goes about to prove that he did not die a Papist , he makes him not a Christian for the former part of his life . These are the words used concerning him , pag. 637 , No wonder if dying and dejected , he chose rather to depart in communion with the Church of Rome , than to adhere to the Church of England , which he thought now decayed and dissolved ( at least as to its visible order and polity , ) if not quite destroyed : not that he owned ( I hope ) a communion , or conciliation with the Roman Church as Popish , but as far as it was Christian. If dying he was reconciled to the Church of Rome as Christian , then before he was at enmity with it as Christian ; and if so , he was not a Christian . I hope a man may adhere to the Church of England , and yet depart in communion with the Church of Rome as Christian ? In a word , there was not many years since a Book published , in which were contained the names of many of those who had lately revolted to Popery : Let Dr. Heylin read over that Catalogue , and then tell me , whether it was not a strange piece of boldness to ask so confidently , Why none of those who are called Arminians , had in all these times turned Papists ? Dr. H. Pag. 75. Finally it is objected ( but the objection rather concerneth the men than the doctrine ) that the Arminians are a Faction , a turbulent and seditious Faction , so found in the United Provinces from their very first spawning . To this he answers , pag. 77 , that there is nothing in the Doctrine of the Arminians ( as it relates to the five Points in difference ) which can dispose the Professors of it to any such practices . Answ. I know not that any one hath in print affirmed , that the Arminian Doctrine doth naturally lead men to Faction and Sedition ; but if any one have affirmed any such thing , he may prove his affirmation by an argument which cannot easily be answered , viz. Those Doctrines which do encline men to Pride , do naturally lead men to Faction and Sedition . The Arminian Doctrines do incline men to Pride ; ergo . The Minor hath been before confirmed , the Major is undeniable , as being built upon plain express Scripture . But the Doctor , contenting himself nakedly to affirm , that there is nothing in the Arminian Doctrines , which can dispose the Professors of it to seditious practices ; tells us from some , that it is not so with the Doctrine of the other Party , Dr. H. Pag. 78. By which mens actions are so ordered & predetermined by the will of God , even to the taking up of a straw , ut nec plus boni nec minus mali , that it is neither in their power to do more good , or commit less evil than they do ; and then according to that Doctrine , all treasons , murders , and seditions are to be excused , as unavoidable in them that commit the same , &c. Ans. There is , I remember , a very noted story out of Holland , concerning an Anonymous Libeller , who would needs father it upon the reverend and learned Dr. Carolus de Maets , that God hath decreed and determined , that all things should be done in that time , manner , place , and order , that in time they are done ; and that according to this decree and divine determination , a man cannot do more good or evil than he doth or omitteth : quite leaving out the explication that was used by the judicious Professor , viz. that in a divided sense , a man may do more good , and avoid more evil than he doth . Just so doth our Historian proceed , making the Calvinists to affirm that absolutely , which they affirm not but with a distinction . In sensu composito , a man cannot do more good than he doth , nor abstain from more evil than he abstaineth from ; but in a divided sense he may . Which made our Divines of Great Britain , in the Synod of Dort , among the Heterodox assertions which they rejected , place this ; Hominem non posse plus boni facere quam facit , nec plus mali omittere quam omittit : falsum hoc est & absonum , sive de homine irregenito & animali intelligatur , sive etiam de renato & gratia sanctificante suffulto . The learned Camero was charged by his angry Adversary Tilenus , to hold , that man could not do more good than he doth , nor omit more evil than he omitteth . To this , what answereth he ? Ego vero libens agnosco multa esse , &c. ( pag. mihi 704 , ) I willingly acknowledge , that there are many things , which uttered simply , do , and that deservedly , breed offence ; which very things , if they be expressed conditionally , appear such , as that no man dare contradict them ; e. c. If any one shall say , that Pharaoh could not let Israel go , he would offend the ears of all , if he add not , unless God soften the heart of the wicked man : but God hath not decreed to do that , therefore it shall not be , it cannot be , that Pharaoh let Israel go . Now his speech will offend no man , no not Tilenus himself ; who doth not deny , but that on hardened persons there doth lie , and that by the decree of God , a necessity of sinning . Nor can the Arminians ( those of them who assert Divine praescience ) tell how to extricate themselves out of the labyrinth , but by the help of this distinction , in sensu composito & diviso : which is made use of by Curcellaeus , in his Epistle to Limburgius from Amsterdam , Decemb. 13. 1653. To be short , there is no Doctrine that can more encline the heart to quietness , patience , contentedness , ( all which are perfectly contrary to sedition and rebellion ) than doth the Augustinian , or ( if that must be the name ) Calvinian Doctrine . For this being once firmly imprinted on our hearts , that all things come to pass according to the determinate counsel of God's will ; that the worst of Persecutors are but the staff of his indignation , do fulfill the will of his purpose when they most cross and go against his legislative will , what place is there left for murmuring ? what place for envie or revenge against second causes or instruments ? It was not an Arminian , but a Calvinistical apprehension of God's providence about sin , which Ioseph had , when unto his Brethren , fearing lest after their Father's death their old unkindness should be remembred , he answered , Gen. 50.19 , 20 , Fear not , for am I in the p●ace of God ? but as for you , ye thought evil against me ; but God meant it unto good , to bring to pass as it is this day , to save much people alive . Nor would he be understood of the otiosa permissio ( that Mr. Calvin writes against ) when he saith , Gen. 45.8 , It was not you that sent me hither , but God. This notwithstanding , Dr. Heylin will quote some testimonies and authorities tending to prove , that Calvinism or doctrinal Puritanism , is destructive to all Civil Policy and Government . Some scraps he produceth from the old Lord Burley , from the Bishop of Oxford , Rochester , St. Davids , from Dr. Brooks , once Master of Trinity Colledge : But he is , I believe , afraid to come either to the pole or to the scale ; either to weigh , or to number authorities with us . We 'll undertake among English Protestant Divines and Statesmen , to produce forty who deny Calvinism to have any tendency to Sedition , for one who hath laid any such thing to its charge . And 't is a shrewd sign that the Doctor was hard put to it to find out Abettors for his Cause ; else he would not have set Cerberus to bark against his Adversaries , which yet , to his no small shame , he doth , page 79 , 80. This Campneys was in Edward the Sixths time a Papist , a railing furious Papist ; and as such did suffer , though not unto death . At the beginning of Queen Elizabeths , he began to make disturbance in the Church , nibling at the Doctrine that was generally received and entertained , by men every way his betters ; in so m●ch that he was generally voiced to be Popish and Pelagian . His Pamphlet , ( if it might be called his ) unto which he was ashamed to put his name , was quickly con●uted by Mr. Crowly and V●ron , men famous in their generation ; of more judgement and insight in the ancient Fathers , than to ascribe the Questiones Vet. & Novi Testamenti to St. Austin , which every Puny knows to be the fruit of some Pelagian brain . I had thought to have followed our Historian , and to have given some account of his second and third Part , in which he goes about to perswade us , that the Doctrine now called Arminianism , was and is the Doctrine of the Reformed Church of England : But this work is already done to satisfaction by Theophilus Churchman , in his Revi●w . If any say , this is but a shift ; I do here desire either Dr. Heylin , or any Friend of his , to direct me to the best Argument in either of those two Books , and if I do not presently make it appear that that Argument is either so weak as not to need an Answer , or else already answered , I shall then yield the Cause . Till this be done , I shall not think , that that can be the Doctrine of the Church , which was contradicted by all or the major part of our learned Divines and Professors ; or that the whole Church , or any lawful Authority in the Church , would impose it on her own Members , to recant her own Doctrine . Seeing the Church is wont to enjoyn Recantation to those who contradict her Articles ; why she should enjoyn the Recantation of Arminianism , if that be agreeable to her Articles , he had need have the wisdom of all the seven wise men that can shew a reason . I conclude , humbly beseeching all those who are entrusted with Ecclesiastical Authority , that they would not be so intent on Discipline , as to neglect Doctrine ; that they would not let Pelagianism enter in , under pretence of opposing Puritanism ; that Calvin 's Institutions , and the 39 Articles , which a Convocation in Oxford joyned together , may not now be put asunder . Here I had thought to put an end to my Animadversio● on the Doctor 's History ; supposing it needless to wipe of● the aspersion of Arminianism from the English Church , which scarce any one of our own for fourscore years had the confidence to cast on her . Yet having since considered , that men easily believe that which they greatly desire , and finding many , very many mens wits at work , to gather up any thing that may evince so much as the least probability , that a meerly conditional election , was never reprobated by the Martyrs , Composers of our Homilies and Articles ; I have taken up a resolution to give my self the unpleasing trouble of running through the second and third Part of the Doctor 's History , that so the Reader may not have so much as a straw left to stumble a● . The first thing done in the second Part , is to lay down the Doctrine of our Church , concerning the fall of man , and his recovery ●y Christ. Which Doctrine should have been gathered from our Articles , or from some Homilies purpos●ly written of those subjects ; but the Doctor gathers i● f●om the Homily of Chr●st's Nativity . Many of his dear Fr●ends w●ll con●●●im no thanks for so doing ; But I am conte●t ●o ●et a●l that he hath collected , pag. 4 , 5 , 6 , pass , as the unquestionable Doctrine of our Church : Yea , I rejoyce to find it acknowledged , that Adam by his Fall became the Image of the Devil , the Bondslave of Hell , and nothing else but a Lump of Sin ; and that this so great and miserable a Plague , fell not only on him , but also on his Posterity and Children for ever . Hence I infer , that they are no Sons of our Church , who either quite deny Original Sin , or make it to be no Sin properly so called . I infer also secondly , that the story of which the Doctor is so proud , page 7 , doth not represent the case in which God found fallen man. For the King of Lombard found in Lamistus both a power to lay hold on his Hunting-spear , and a willingness to save himself by it : but if man be the Image of the Devil , and nothing but a lump of Sin , he hath no power till it be given him , so much as to accept of Grace offered ; nay , his carnal mind is enmity against all the Laws by which God would bring him to happiness . As for the Principle laid down , page 6 , towards the end , that as were the Acts of God in their right production , so were they primitively in his intention , it is very unfitly expressed , and either the meaning of it is only this , that as God did put forth his Acts in time so he purposed eternally to put them forth , or else it is most absurd and contrary to all Principles of Philosophy and Theology . The next attempt is fouly to bespatter Wickliff , Frith , Barnes , Tindal . As concerning Wickliff , it is said , Dr. H. page 8 , 9. That it cannot be proved , that our Reformers had any eye at the man : and that his Field had more Tares in it than Wheat : and that his Books afford all the Sects and Heresies among us , the grounds of their several dotages . To make good this charge , we are referred to Thomas Waldensis , and Nicholas Harpsfield ; and lest we should except against them , to ( that which is more liable to exception ) the Convocation in Henry the Eighth's time , Anno 1536. Answ. To which I say first , that neither Waldensis nor Harpsfield , nor that discontented Convocation , are meet Witnesses against Wickliff or his Followers ; for they all lay to their charge things which we can manifestly prove they alway abhorred . 2. I set against these , 1. The University of Oxford , which in a Convocation Anno 1406 , gave Letters testimonial to Wickliff , declaring him to be a man of honesty and great worth . 2. The judgement of Iohn Huss , and Hierom of Prague , who are acknowledged to have lighted their Candle at his : and Iohn Huss had such an opinion of him , that he wished no greater happiness , than to be where the Soul of Wickliff was . 3. Finally his own works , whether printed or manuscript ; out of which , or some of which , Dr. Iames hath collected enough to prove his conformity with the Church of England Reformed . 3. I will take a particular view of all the Errors fathered on him by these men , or rather by the Doctor out of them . 1. That the Sacrament of the Altar is nothing but a piece of Bread. Mr. Fox makes mention of Wickliff's Wicket , and I my self have it , as it was reprinted at Oxford by Ioseph Barnes Prefaced by the Reverend Henry Iackson of Corpus Christi Colledge ; by the which any one may see , he speaks reverently of the blessed Eucharist , and strongly confuteth Transubstantiation . It is there expresly said , the Bread consecrated is Christ's Body in figurative speech , which is hid to the understanding of Sinners . 2. That Priests have no more authority to minister Sacraments than Lay-men . This is a calumny , as Dr. Iames his Apology for Wickliff will manifest : Yet if he had maintained , that a Lay-man , or Woman , in case of necessity , may administer the Sacrament of Baptism , he had been in an error , but in an error common to him , with the Popish Church , and the Lutheran Church , and our own Church , till headed b● King Iames ; yea , had he held that a Lay-man , or woman , may administer the Lord's Supper , I hope the Doctor will not much swagger against him on that score , seeing the beloved of his Soul , Simon Episcopius , affirms as much as that comes to , making also the immortal Grotius his Vouchee for this opinion : Lo his words in his Answer to the sixty four Questions , page 39 , It is not absolutely necessary , that the Administration of the Supper should be performed by some Officer of the Church ; and therefore because in Christ there is neither male nor female , it may in like manner be performed by all . Where that Order obtains , that some Officer should perform the Administration , that Order is to be kept for peace-sake , and reverence of the Order . Where the Officer is not present , or cannot be present in the publick Assembly , it is lawful for any man , especially a meet man , to perform that Administration : For why should the Administration of the Lord's Supper be thought forbidden to them , unto whom it is allowed to speak and teach in the Assembly ? But unto all men doth the Apostle permit to speak in the Church , because he does except women , though meet understanding women , that are married , and subject to Husbands , as is manifest out of both Texts , 1 Cor. 14.34 , 35. 1 Tim. 2.12 . For Virgins and Widows the Apostle seemeth not to except , especially if endowed , with the gift of Prophecy from God , 1 Cor. 11.5 ; because unto them do not belong the reasons for which the Apostle would have women hold their peace in the Assemblies , not to teach , but to be in silence . Although it is certain where men , especially meet , are present , that it is fit that they should be prefer'd to any kind of women whatever in teaching and administring . I add , where no men meet , but only women religious and godly , that there is no cause why they may not teach one another , and celebrate the Lord's Supper among themselves , seeing that the precept of celebrating the remembrance of Christ's death , and of testifying our mutual communion , belongs not less to women than to men , Gal. 3.28 . Verily if we view the ancient custom of the Church , which Grotius hath alledged out of Tertullian and Cyprian , we we cannot doubt but that the Administration of both Sacraments were granted to Laicks , and sometimes to women . 3. That all things ought to be common . This is a most perfect calumny ; Wickliff held no community , except that which hath nothing against it , but covetousness the root of all evil , as Dr. Iames hath manifested . 4. That it is as lawful to Christen a Child in a Tub of Water at home , or in a Ditch by the way , as in a Font-stone in the Churches . And what if Wickliff , at a time when the publick Administration of Baptism was defiled with most dreadful Superstition , did tell the People , that Baptism was not by God's Law tied to a Font-stone in the Church ? would not the Doctor have told them as much had he lived in those dayes ? yea , do not all say as much at this very day ? For my part I heartily rejoyce in the usages of those Churches , that have Baptisteries placed in the Temple , so as the Administration of the Ordinance may be observed by all the Members of the Congregation . Nevertheless Antiquity used Tubs of Water , and Ditches , or Lakes , not Font-stones . Of the Apostolical times this will not be denied . For the two following Centuries it is manifest by Iustin Martyr , in his second Apology , and Tertullian in his third Chapter de Corona Militis , that it was customary not to bring water to the Church , but to carry the Church to the Water . I would thank that Scholar that would from any undoubted Record of Antiquity shew me that Font-stones , placed near the Church door , came in before the fourth Century . 5. That it is as lawful at all times to confess unto a Lay-man as unto a Priest. Is not this a shrewd Heresie ? delivered long before Wickliff by Saint Iames ; who not only allows , but enjoyns us to confess our faults one to another ? Yet to say , that Confession unto a Lay-man , is to all intents and purposes as availeable , as unto a Priest , is an Error , and never owned by Wickliff . 6. That it is not necessary , or profitable , to have any Church , or Chappel to pray in , or to do any Divine Service in . A Church is not necessary to perform Divine Service in , that is certain : no , nor yet profitable , so as to commend our Services to God. But yet usually Temples are more convenient than any other places in our Parishes : and therefore we are to rejoyce , that they are continued to us , notwithstanding the fury of the late Wars ; and to use them , making no question for conscience sake . Wickliff doubtless used to Pray and Preach in his Church at Lutterworth , neither thinking that his Church did sanctifie his Services , nor defile them : and of this belief am I. Never do I find it so much as mentioned or objected against Wickliff , that he performed Divine Service in any other than a Consecrated place . To William Swinderby indeed I find it was objected , that many times and oft he had come to a Desart Wood , cleped Derwalf Wood , and there in a Chappel not hallowed , but accursed Shepherds Hulk , presumed to sing , but rather to curse in contempt of the Keys . But he replies , that this was falsly put on him ; saying , it was a Chappel where a Priest useth to sing certain dayes in the year with great solemnity . 7. That burying in Church-yards is unprofitable , and in vain . Wickliff's own Body was buried in his Church-yard , after he had served God in his generation : Had he accounted it unprofitable to have such a burying place , why did he not take order with some of his Friends to have his Carcase laid elsewhere ? Were it not a custom received in our Church to bury in the Church , or Church-yard , I would never petition that it might be made a custom ; knowing that from the beginning it was not so , either in the Jewish or Christian Church . 8. That Holy-days ordained and instituted by the Church ( and taking in the Lord's day for one ) are not to be observed and kept in reverence , in as much as all dayes are alike . The Parenthesis here is of the Doctor 's own adding . The Convocation represents the Wickliffists as distinguishing betwixt Sundayes and Holy-dayes , Article 35. We may give a shrewd ghess at Wickliff's Opinion , by the Opinion of Hierom of Prague , which was as Bernard Luzenberg represents it , that we must cease from work no day but the Lord's day . To this the Bohemian Churches do stand to this very day ; keeping some dayes indeed besides the Lord's day , but meerly as circumstances , not as parts of worship : and therefore so soon as Divine Service is over , allowing people to follow their work ; yet granting no such allowance on the Lord's day , which they aver to be of Divine institution . 9. That it is sufficient , and enough to believe , though a man do no good works . This is but the Heresie of St. Paul , only maliciously represented by Wickliff's Adversaries ; and it is at this day the stone that every Papist carries in his pocket , to throw at the heads of all Protestants whatsoever , whether Calvinist or Lutheran . It were to be wished that some Lutherans had no more given occasion to this reproach , than Wickliff did . 10. That no humane Laws , or Constitutions , do oblige a Christian. 'T is added by the Convocation , but such as be in the Gospels , or Paul 's Epistles , or the New Testament . And why the Doctor omitted this addition , or restriction , no man can give a good reason . Such limitation doth take off all the offensiveness of the Universal negative ; for there can be no good Law , or Constitution humane , but what is to be found either expresly , or implicitely in the New Testament . The New Testament requires obedience to all humane Laws , that are not contrary to the eternal Rule of Righteousness or some Divine positive institution , under the severest penalties , and from the most perfect motive . 11. That God never gave grace or knowledge to a great person , or rich man , and that they in no wise follow the same . This was indeed the opinion of Pelagius , with whose Heresies Wickliff was never thought to be infected : that Wickliff ever held any such opinion , is neither true nor probable . He was so much favoured by the Nobility and Gentry of this Nation , who had great estates , and ever upon increase , that it cannot be thought he would ever broach a Tenent , that left none of them any hope of salvation . Dr. George Abbot , afterwards Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , mentions in his Answer to Dr. Hill , a Manuscript he had seen of one Henry Knighton , a Canon of Leicester . That Manuscript is now published , with some others , by Cornelius Bee ; the learned Selden having put a large Preface to the whole Book . From that Preface I collect , that Knighton was contemporary to Wickliff , and so was the more able to give us right information of him . He never chargeth Wickliff with denying grace or salvation to all rich men : Some such thing indeed he fathers upon William Swinderby ▪ page 2646 , but if he had indeed held any other impossibility of rich mens salvation than what is the clear result of our Saviours own speech , why was no such thing charged on him in the Process made against him by the Bishop of Lincoln , or Hereford ? Both which are related by Mr. Fox , and have not one tittle of this import in them . All that I shall further add , is First , Wickliffists did maugre all the malice of their Adversaries increase . Knighton saith , page 2666 , Secta illa maximo in honore illis diebus habebatur , &c. that Sect in those dayes was in great honour ; and so multiplied , that you would scarce see two in the way , but one of them was a Disciple of Wickliff . Secondly , That Wickliff laid the Foundation of our Reformation in England , as well as of that in Bohemia . By three means especially did he advance our Reformation in England , 1. By Translating the Scriptures into the English Tongue : by this means kindling in his Countrey-men a desire to understand the last Will and Testament of their blessed Saviour . By him , saith Knighton , page 2644 , the Gospel was made vulgar , and more open to Laicks and Women knowing how to read , than it was wont to be to the Clergy-men very learned and well understanding . 2. By asserting the due power of Kings in their own Kingdoms , against the Usurpations of the Popes of Rome . Of this the Pope was very sensible , and feelingly complained of it , in his Letter to the University of Oxford , and to King Richard the Second , 1378 , saying , Wickliff broached the Errors of Marsilius of Padua , and of Iohn of Gandune of unworthy memory . The very same complaint did Pope Gregory the Twelfth make , in the time of King Henry the Fourth : A Copy of this Letter I have not seen ; but Dr. Abbot had seen it , and any Oxford man may see it in the Book that Mr. Hare gave to the University . How much Marsilius had shaken the Pillars of the Papal Jurisdiction , is not unknown to Scholars : It were to be wished that his Defensor were in more of their hands . And Wickliff indeed trod in his steps , ( or rather in the steps of William Ocham , his Senior in Merton Colledge ; ) for he strenuously asserted , That the Lordship of all Temporalities , both of Secular men and Religious , pertained to the King ; for else he were not King of England , but of a very small part of it : and that the Kingdom of England may lawfully ( in case of necessity ) for its own defence , detain and keep back the Treasure of the Kingdom , that it be not carried away ro foreign and strange Nations , the Pope himself demanding and requiring the same under pain of Censure , and by virtue of Obedience . 3. He corrected and curbed the exorbitance of the Episcopal power also : asserting , that the Order of Priesthood in its own nature and substance , receiveth no degrees of more or less ; and yet notwithstanding , the power of inferiour Priests is in these dayes , upon due consideration , restrained , and sometimes again in time of necessity enlarged . See his exposition on the Conclusions in Mr. Fox , Rich 2. page 567. One of his Articles condemned by the Councel of Constance was , that Hallowing of Churches , Confirmation of Children , the Sacrament of Orders , be reserved to the Pope and Bishops only for lucre . This notion was sucked in by all our Martyrs , and even by those Papists that were not wedded to the Court of Rome , as well as to the Church of Rome ; as may be seen in the Institution of a Christian man , concerning the Sacrament of Orders . And that our first Reformers in King Edward's dayes , proceeded on the same Principle , will appear undeniable by that which Mr. Stillingfleet hath Printed in his Irenicum , out of Arch-Bishop Cranmer's Manuscript . But enough of Wickliff . Dr. H. pag. 9. Tindal , Barnes , Frith , are the next whom the Doctor mentions ; and about them he spends pag. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. Ans. To what purpose he spent so much Paper , or made so bold with the Readers patience , I wot not . Mr. H. H. had only said , that they , and as many others as lived and suffered before the Reformation , if they gave us their judgements in the five Points , gave them agreeable to Mr. Calvin . This the Doctor in effect grants 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; only adds for a close , that Dr. H. page 15. As those suf●ered death before the publick undertaking of Reformation under Edward VI , so nothing was ascribed to their Authority by the first Reform●rs . Answ. The latter part of which clause is as false , as the former is true . Something was by the first Reformers ascribed to the Authority of Tindal ; for notwithstanding King Henry the Eighths Proclamation , the Act of Parliament , and Sir Thomas More 's active endeavours , to suppress and smother and abolish Tindal's Translation , yet it came to light , and was , being corrected by Thomas Matthews , printed with Annotations , by the special priviledge of King Edward the Sixth , Anno 1551. Yea , the Bibles used in Churches from 1549 , to 1577 , were those of Tindal's Translation ; called also Coverdale's , because he had made some corrections of Tindal's . And they who have taken pains to compare Books , say , that the Psalter now enjoyned to be used , is agreeable to Tindal's Translation : as also were the Epistles and Gospels , till this last Edition of the Liturgie . And if any thing in this kind was ascribed to the Authority of Tindal , something also was ascribed , at least by Arch-Bishop Cranmer ( one of our Reformers , ) to the Authority of Iohn Frith ; for he seems to have received his Faith in the Doctrine of the Sacrament from him : and with his Heifer did he plow , in his Answer to Stephen Winchester ; Rationes argumenta atque e Doctoribus petita testimonia ( Johannis Frithi ) singula commemorare , ut immensi esset negotii ita nec valde necessarii : praesertim cum Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis in suo adversus Wintoniensem Apologetico idem abunde praestitisse videatur ; hinc contracta maxima praesidiorum materia , quibus adversus cum nititur , nec scio an ulli magis Authori hujusce doctrinae fidem acceptam debuit Archiepiscopu● quam huic adolescenti : Iohn Fox in his Commentary in Latine , pag. 130. Dr. H. page 18. Here the Doctor supposeth a Question to be asked , On whom , or on whose judgements the first Reformers relied in the weighty business ? And answers it first negatively . They had no respect of Calvin , whose offered assistance they refused , when they went about it ; of which he sensibly complains unto some of his Friends in one of his Epistles . Answ. Here are three things affirmed , 1. That our first Reformers had no respect to Calvin . 2. That the Reformers refused his profered assistance . 3. That Calvin sensibly complaineth of this in one of his Epistles . But the Historian is wiser than to tell us in what Epistle for number , Calvin makes this complaint , or what was the name of that Friend to whom this Epistle was directed . Such a reference might have spoiled his whole design , and discredited his future proceedings ; for it would have let his Reader understand , that he could confidently aver things , that were neither vera , nor verisimilia . Is any man so facil as to believe , that our first Reformers had no respect to Calvin ? when as , among the different opinions concerning the Sacrament , they followed his , and sent for Peter Martyr , and Martin Bucer , and Paul Fagius ( men that they might be sure he had influenced and would influence ) to assist them in carrying on their work , and to defend them by their learning against all opposition . I will once more look into Calvin's Epistles and Answers , that I may see what thoughts our first Reformers had of that now so much decried man. One , and but one Epistle , I find written by Cranmer to Calvin , intimating his desire that learned and godly men , who excell others in learning and judgement , might meet in some safe place , where they might handle all the heads of Ecclesiastical Doctrine , and agree , not only as to the things themselves , but also as to words and forms of speaking . This his desire being signified , he intreateth Calvin that he and Melancthon and Bullinger would deliberate among themselves , how such a Synod might most commodiously be congregated : The Letter bears date March 20. 1542. Calvin from Geneva answers this Letter ; approves the Arch-Bishops design of calling an Assembly of Divines ; adds , that if there might be any use of him , he would not refuse to pass over ten Seas to further it , but hoped that his tenuity would effect that he might be spared ; he would think he had done his part if he should accompany others with his Prayers . This certainly is not profering his service , and complaining that his serv●ce when profered was refused . Calvin also did write to the Protector , the Duke of Somerset : that Letter was so kindly accepted , that he of his own accord offered to present another Letter , which Calvin sent to King Edward himself . But it may be this Letter to the King was not accepted . I answer , It was not only accepted by the King , but also pleased his whole Council . And Cranmer admonished Calvin , that he could not do any thing more profitable , than to write often to the King ; as I find in a Letter to Farel from Calvin , dated Iune 15. 1557. Bucer at Cambridge undestood that Calvin's Letters prevailed much with Somerset , and therefore intreats him , when he did write to him to admonish him , not to suffer the Churches to be left void of Preachers and so to be betrayed . Bishop Hooper so much valued Calvin , that he did write to him , even when he was imprisoned ; saluting him with the Compellation of Vir praestantissime , earnestly●begging his Churches prayers , and at last subscribing himself Tuae pietatis studiosissimus Jo. Hooperus . These things put together , make it impossible that our first Reformers had no respect to Calvin . Let the Doctor now have leave to tell us , to whom or to what our Reformers had respect . Dr. H. pag. 18. In the first place , saith he , to the most pure and sincere Christian Religion in the Scriptures , and in the next place to the usages of the Primitive Church . Answ. This I grant , but must also add , that they had a respect unto the condition of the English People , much at that time wedded to Superstition ; and therefore they were feign to recommend to Authority for establishment , not every thing which they accounted best , but what they thought the weak People would be able to bear . Dr. H. Ibid. Being satisfied in both which waies , they had thirdly a more particular respect to the Lutheran platforms , the English Confession , or Book of Articles , being tak●n in many places word for word out of that of Ausberg . Answ. If this be true , that our Reformers had such an eye to the Augustan Confession , I infer , that seeing Calvin could , and did subscribe to the Augustan Confession , there is nothing in our Articles but what he might have subscribed to . But the present Lutherans will hardly be perswaded , that the Composers of our Articles had so tender a respect to the Con●ession of Ausberg , at least as now by them understood ; for Ubiquity in the Article concerning the Lord's Supper , is plainly condemned , whiles it is defined , that the Body of Christ cannot be present at one time in many and diverse places . Dr. H. Ibid. Fourthly , in reference to the Points disputed , they ascribed much to the Authority of Melancthon , ( not undeservedly called the Phoenix of Germany , ) whose assistance they earnestly desired , whose coming over they expected , who was as graciously invited hither by King Edward , his coming laid aside on the fall of the Duke of Somerset ; therefore since they could not have his company , they made use of his Writings for their direction . Answ. Of this passage I am not able to give such an account as I desire . Well I remember I have read , that Melancthon in an Epistle to Camerarius , mentions his being invited into England by King Henry the Eighth , about the year 1534 , and the cause of his refusal to accept the invitation , some intelligence he had received , that the King had no great care of the affairs of the Church . That he was ever invited by King Edward , I can neither affirm nor deny , having not Melancthon's Epistles at hand . But when was it that this great Scholar's assistance was so earnestly desired ? The fall of the Duke of Somerset is placed by Mr. Fox at the 22. of Ian. 1552 , the sixth year of the King's Raign , but a few moneths before the King 's own death . He had indeed two years before lost his Protectorship , and so as to that may be said to be fallen . Before either his fall as Duke of Somerset or as Protector , Peter Martyr and Martin Bucer , had been in England . Now both these Worthies I shall prove to be Calvinistical in the Points under debate . And certainly the sending for two Calvinists , is a better and stronger Argument , that our first Reformers had a respect to Calvin in drawing up the Articles of Faith , than the sending for one Melancthon is , that they had an Anticalvinistical project : especially if it be considered that Hierom Zanchy , a Calvinist if not more than a Calvinist , was also sent for over into England , and had come over to assist in carrying on the Reformation , if when he was just upon his journey , a call to another Church had not diverted him . Let me also ask , What Writings of Melancthon be they that our Reformers had for their Directory ? The first Edition of Melancthon's Common places , approved by Luther , was written as Calvinistically as to the matter of Predestination , as Calvin himself could desire . Calvin's own Book against Pighius was approved by Melancthon , and indeed dedicated to him . If in any other writings he seems to contradict Calvin ( he doth but seem ) in these matters , it is to be imputed not to any contrariety in his own judgement , but to a contrariety in those mens tempers that he had to deal with : and there is even betwixt St. Iames and St. Paul , writing against contrary errors , such a seeming contrariety , as every man is not able to reconcile . Something there is in what Lampadius writes , in the continuation of P●zelius his History , page 409 , Philippus rigidissime olim , si quisquam alius , de praedestinatione scripsit in Loc. communibus , Anno 1523. Postea cum videret infirmos duris Lutheri phrasibus offendi , & perduelles eas passim cippo affixas ad inflammandum Evangelium traducere & calumniari , mitigavit sententiam suam : ut qui satis esse putaret , auditores deduci ad Christum , vitae librum ; & tanto magis fructus fidei deposceret , & urgeret , viz. concordiam & charitatem ; neque tamen ob hanc sobrietatem ab Orthodoxis unquam est repudiatus aut condemnatus ; neque ipse propterea a severioribus syntheticis alienior fuit , sed ad Bezam se per omnia cum Genevensibus Orthodoxis ●acere scribit . No Church can be more Melancthonian than the Church of Breme : it answering by Pezelius to the Bes●huldigung van Calvinischer the accusation of Calvinism , hath these words ( translated : ) We and our Predecessors have alway so declared our selves , and by this do again declare our selves , that as by the Magistrate of this City we are called to the Function Ecclesiastical , to teach according to the Prophetical and Apostolical Writings , the Catholick Symbols of Christian , the Augustan Confession , the Apology , the Franckford Recess , and the whole Body of the Doctrine of Philip Melancthon ; so we have by the grace of God hitherto taught congruously thereunto , and by none have been convinced by solid reasons to teach any thing different therefrom : in which kind of teaching , by the help of God , we have moreover decreed to persevere . Yet the three Divines of this Church did not refuse to subscribe the Canons of the Synod of Dort ; so that in the opinion of these men , who seem to have studied the five . Points as much as any , Melancthonism and Calvinism are not irreconcileable : And if our first Reformers were regulated by M●lancthon , they and the Calvinists may shake hands as good Friends . But how comes the Dr. in this History to speak more favourably of Luther than of Calvin ? It was but Iu●e 6th 1654 , that he did write a Preface to his Fides Veterum , In that , thus he expresseth himself , Though I had a good respect both to the memory of Luther , and the name of Calvin , as those whose Writings had awakened all these parts of Europe out of the ignorance and superstition under which they suffered ; yet I alwaies took them to be men : Men as obnoxious unto error , as subject unto humane frailty , and as indulgent too to their own opinions , as any others whatsoever . The little knowledge I had gained in the course of story had preacquainted me , with the fiery spirit of the one , and the busie humour of the other : thought thereupon unfit by Arch-Bishop Cranmer , and others , the chief agents in the Reformation of this Church , to be employed as instruments in that weighty business . Nor was I ignorant how much they differed from us in their Doctrinals , and forms of Government . And I was apt enough to think , that they were no fit Guides , to direct my judgement in order to the Discipline , and Doctrine of the Church of E●gland , to the establishment whereof they were held unuseful ; and who by their practises and posi●ions had declared themselves Friends to neither . Here 's plain downright dealing indeed , sentence given impartially . Luther and Calvin both , 〈◊〉 by th●ir practises and positions declared themselves to be Friends neither to our Doctrine nor Discipline : both much differed from us in their Doctrinals and Forms of Government : both were thought un●it by Arch-Bishop Cranmer , &c. to be employed as instruments in the Reformation of this Church . Luther was of a fiery spirit , Calvin of a busie humour , and yet the Doctor presently adds , he was never Master of so little manners as to speak reproachfully of either Luther or Calvin . All other men whatever , I suppose , think he hath spoken reproachfully of both those Reformers , in sundry of his Books ; and in the passage before us , he speaks not over respectfully concerning either of them : and I believe vilely wrongs both , and Cranmer too ; For where doth it appear that the Arch-Bishop thought either Luther because of his fiery spirit , or Calvin because of his busie humour unfit to be employed in the Reformation of this Church ? Our Church was not reformed to any great purpose till Luther was in his grave ; for he died the 8 th of Feb. 1546 , not a month after King Henry the eighth , whose decease is placed by Iohn Speed 28 Ian. 1546. How far Reformation was advanced by that King , may be collected from his Will signed Decemb. 30. 1546 , in which Masses , multitudes of Masses , are appointed to be said for his Soul. Indeed Mr. I. Fox acquaints us from A. Cranmer , that the King the August before he died , declared his purpose to abolish all Masses , and in stead of them to set up the Communion . Had he lived and performed that resolution , and had Luther lived to hear of the Performance of it , yet might not Cranmer perhaps have accounted it adviseable to keep any correspondence with him , because he had written against his Soveraign more bitterly than was meet , and had repented of that repentance which he sometime expressed for his bitterness . No such thing had the Arch-Bishop to charge on Calvin , and therefore , it is like enough ▪ would have desired his assistance in King Edward's time , had he not known , that G●n●va could not , or would not , have parted with him . Certain I am , Cranmers and Calvins principles differed very little either as to Doctrine or Discipline ; nor did either greatly dissent from L●ther , unless in the matter of the corporal pre●nc● of Christ in the Sacrament . I have done , only desiring the R●ader to consider , ( 1 ) Whether it be not difficult to reconcile the Author of the Fides Veterum , and the Historia Quinquarticularis ? seeing the one saith that our first Reformers had ●n eye to the Lutheran Platform , and took the Articles of our Church word for word out of the Augustan Confession , the other saith that Luther ( by a spirit of Prophecy no doubt ) declared himself no friend either to our Doctrine or Discipline . And if any one can reconcile this contradiction , then let him ( 2 ) compare our Articles with the Augustan Confession , and see whether our Reformers were such plagiaries as to take their Articles of Religion , all or any , out of those drawn up at Ausberg . And then ( 3 ) let him also well weigh , whether it be not a great discouragement to all good endeavours , to say that Luther and Calvin after all their prayers and study were as subject to error and humane frailty , and as indulgent to their own opinions as any men whatever . Learning and Piety would scarce be so earnestly prayed for , if after we had attained both in some good measure , we should still remain as subject to error , as obnoxious to humane frailty , as indulgent to our own private opinions as any men how unlearned and wicked soever . Is there any one else that the Doctor thinks the first Reformers attributed much unto ? Yes , one ; viz. Erasmus . Of whom he tells us , that he was Greek Professor in Cambridge : Which every one knows , ( as also that he is put in the Catalogue of the Lady Margarets Professors of Divinity in that University ; but died 1536. ) And though it be true which the Doctor relates out of Fox , that by the Protector , in the first year of King Edward's Reign , it was commanded , That Erasmus his Paraphras●s on the four Evangelists should be set in some convenient place in Churches , and that every Priest should have of his own one new Testament in English and Latine , with the Paraphrases of Erasmus on the same : yet it doth not follow , as is inferred , that our Reformers intended not to advance any other Doctrine , than what was countenanced in the writings of that Learned man. I say this follows not : or if it do follow , then if follows much more from the Canon of our Convocation , 〈◊〉 , that our Church never intended to propagate any Doctrine , but what had countenance in the Martyrology of Fox . But that consequence the Doctor will at no ha●d allow , but sets himself against it totis viribus , Part 3. ● . 56. See the difference ; King Edward's Council in the first year of his Reign , when the Church was scarce crept out of Popery ( if crept out of Popery ) placed Erasmus his Paraphrases in Churches ; therefore the Church intended no Doctrine , but that which was countenanced in Erasmus : This is a good Argument . Queen Elizabeth , when Reformation was come to a great height , by the advice of her whole Convocation , placed Mr. Fox in Churches and Houses of great resort ; therefore the Church intended no Doctrine , but what was countenanced in the writings of Mr. Fox : This is no good Argument , because the case is altered . But , I hope , the Doctor thinks the Protector did intend to propagate some other Doctrine , than what was countenanced in the Writings of Erasmus ; Why else did he go to fight against the Scots , which War was unlawful on the Principles of Erasmus ? If the Protector warred against his conscience , yet , I trow , the Articles were not drawn up against the minds of those that form'd the● yet in one of them War is justified . Yea , I heartily wish that the Article of the Trinity , were not against some Doctrine countenanced in the Writings of this learned man Erasmus . The blot of Arianism shall not fall on his face from my pen : but our new Arians , the Socinians , do boast of him as their own . I hope not upon so good grounds as they may boast of Hugo Grotius his Countreyman : But boast of him they do . The Ministers of Transilvania , in the most cursed Book of the Knowledge of one God , number him among their Ancestors : and Socinus himself in his Epistles saith of him , that he was , not undeservedly , suspected by the Trinitarians of Arianism ; and of the Antitrinitarians , reckoned among those who somewhat darkly renounced the Trinity . But now at last , that Dr. Heylin may say , that he hath met with a very good natured man , I will give but not yield , that Erasmus his Paraphrases were eyed by our first Reformers , in making their Confession of Faith : What will he gain thence ? Truly just nothing at all , or less than nothing , if nothing more be found in them than what is picked out , and set before us pag. 109 , 110 , 111 , For in all those collections , there is not one phrase or sentence , that doth contradict any one of the five Points , as stated by the rigidest Calvinists . Even those who say , that Christ died only for the Elect ( in which number I never put my self , ) will bring themselves off from all and every thing that is here alledged out of Erasmus . Dr. H. Pag. 110. Of universal Redemption , saith the Doctor , he tells us thus , This Lamb is so far from being subject to any sin , that he alone is able to take away all the sins of the whole World. Answ. Will Amesius , Gomarus , or any other that most restrains the death of Christ , deny this ? Do they not all distinguish , betwixt the worth of the death , and the will of him that died ? and say , that the worth of the death was such , that God might without any indecency , have accepted it for the redemption of ten thousand Worlds , if there had been so many . But Erasmus further adds , Dr. H. Ibid. He is also so gentle , and so desirous of mans salvation , that he is ready to suffer pains for the sins of all men , and to take upon him our evils , because he would bestow upon us his good things . Answ. This is so dilute a speech , that I will strengthen it , and say , that he did suffer pains for the sins of all men : and yet dare peremptorily aver , that no Gomarist would refuse to subscribe the saying ; for he can grant , that Christ died with an intention to purchase some benefits for the very Reprobates : and he will further say , that for ought appears to the contrary , Erasmus might , by all men , mean the genera singulorum , and not the singula generum ; for doubtless that phrase in Scripture , sometimes signifies no more , than men of all sorts , ages , countries . I wish men would either not at all dispute for the amplitude of Redeeming grace , or else bring more apposite and concluding testimonies and authorities than any that the Doctor hath here brought . Nor is the Doctor more advantaged by any thing that he alledgeth out of the Institution of a Christian Man ; for if the Reformation in Henry the Eighths time were looked on as a standard , ( which it is not by any Protestant ; ) yet is there not a tittle in all the five particulars gathered by him , Par. 2. p. 21 , 22 , that hath so much as a face of opposition to any opinion of Mr. Calvin's concerning Predestination . Had the Authors of that part of the Institution put the Pen , after they had made it , into Calvin's own hand , he would not have dashed out any one period or expression in it . Many and just exceptions might be taken against sundry passages relating to the Composers , and composition , of the first and second Book of Liturgy , and the Book of Homilies of King Edward , pag. 23 , 24. But being aprosdionysous to our main Controversie , let them pass . Nor will I wrestle with the Historian concerning any thing he saith about the Composers of the Articles , or the Articles themselves , or the authority they carry in respect of the making , or how they are to be understood in respect of the meaning , from pag. 25. to pag. 33. Though if I should wrestle , I were sure to lay him on his back . I will also submit to every Rule by him laid down , for the interpreting of the Article concerning Predestination , pag. 34. Let this be agreed on , 1. That that only is the Doctrine of our Church , which is laid down expresly in our Articles , or by good consequence may be thence deduced . 2. That if any phrase occur , about which there is any doubt , that be taken for the meaning , that shall be found agreeable to the mind of those who first composed , or were authorized to review the Articles , or were familiarly acquainted with such , and may be presumed to know their meaning , or to have received their notions from them . 3. Let this also be taken for granted , that none are to believe , or think themselves elect , but those who find in themselves a faith working by love : or that none can take unto themselves the comfort of being given to the Son by the Father's decree , but only those who are come unto him : and that no ones reprobation can be known by himself , or another in any ordinary way , unless by discerning some such sin as is alway accompanied with final unbelief and impenitence ; ( such is only the sin against the holy Ghost . ) But the thing to be enquired , is , Whether God's purpose to save out of fallen man all that believe and persevere in believing , be his whole decree of Predestination ? and his purpose to condemn all who continue in unbelief , the whole of his Reprobation ? So say the Remonstrants . If our Church acknowledge no other decree of Election or Reprobation but this , Dr. Heylin then hath got the day : But if the Church , besides this general purpose , do acknowledge a decree , to give to a certain number of persons grace and glory , and a decree , to leave others in that sin and misery that they brought on themselves by the fall , then he loseth the day . But do the Remonstrants acknowledge no other Election and Reprobation besides these ? Answ. Sometimes they do not ; and then , all their Election notwithstanding , no one man may be saved : but sometimes they are in a better mood , and give us notice of another Election , according to which some shall certainly be saved . This their decree is terminated to singular persons , but it is nothing else but God's purpose to save S. Iames , or S. Clement ( for example , ) whom he eternally foresaw persevering in faith unfeigned to the end of their lives . This latter decree they speak of but rarely ; ( what our thoughts are of it , will be seen by and by : ) Nor doth it honour Divine election at all ; for when they are closely examined , they say , the designation of S. Iames to salvation , was founded on the foresight of a faith , not which he attained unto by virtue of any grace prepared for him by Divine election , but which he attained unto by the good use of his own Free-will . Never do I find them , or any that follow them , acknowledge an Election of the Son of Zebedee , or any other person ▪ unto Faith , or unto any other part of Holiness . Other Questions there be betwixt the Calvinist and Anticalvinist , besides the Question of Election ; but such as are reduceable to it , or at least such , about which they would easily agree , could they but agree in this . I for my part would only ask that angry man , who calls me Manichee , Blasphemer , &c. Why did Iames believe ? why did he persevere ? why was he ordained to eternal life ? If in answering these , he fly to a special discriminating love and mercy , then will I never look on him as an Adversary : But if he shall say , the cause of all is to be referred to Iames his own using of such sufficient means as were vouchsafed to Iudas as well as to him , then must I needs think , that he taketh from God to give to man ; I must also needs think , that he shapeth his Notion of the Divine decree and grace , neither according to Scripture , nor according to the Doctrine of the Fathers who wrote against Pelagius , nor according to the English Church . As to our English Church , thus runs her Article , according to the Doctor , Dr. H. Pag. 27. Predestination to life , is the everlasting purpose of God , whereby ( before the foundations of the world were laid ) he hath constantly ordered by his Council , secret unto us , to deliver from curse and damnation , those whom he hath chosen in Christ out of mankind , and to bring them by Christ to everlasting salvation , as vessels made to honour . Furthermore , we must receive God's promises in such wise , as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture ; and in our doing the will of God , that is to be followed which we have expresly declared to us in the Word of God. One would think that the many words used in this Article , were sufficient to determine what kind of Predestination the Church meaneth ; For , 1. If she had meant nothing but God's purpose to save all Believers , it had been but bringing some one Scripture , in which eternal life is promised to Believers , and all had been done . Nay , what needed any Article at all concerning Predestination and Election , when we had one before concerning Justification ; which according to this Notion very little differs from Election ? God's Justification considered as an internal immanent act in himself , was nothing but his purpose to justifie fallen man believing in Christ. How much Mr. Playfer is gravelled with this Argument , may be seen App. Evan. pag. 360. 2. If Election be nothing but God's purpose to save Believers ; why is it said , that as many as are endued with so excellent a benefit of God , be called according to God's purpose ; by his Spirit working in due season , they through grace obey , and they walk religiously ; and at length , by God's mercy , they attain to everlasting felicity ? The benefit that any man hath by Election in this way , is but to know , that if he believe he shall be saved . And are all that know so much , called , justified , made to live righteously , and saved ? We know they are not . Again , it is said , that the godly consideration of Election in Christ , is of unspeakable comfort to godly persons , and such as feel in themselves the working of the Spirit of Christ. But in the Doctor 's way , Predestination is comfortable to those who feel nothing of the Spirit ; for the promise is to them , that if they believe they shall be saved : and other promise the godly man hath not ; he may the next hour lose all his holiness , and what certainty hath he then of salvation ? It is also said , that for curious and carnal persons , to have alway before them the sentence of God's Predestination , is a most dangerous downfal , whereby the Devil doth thrust them into desperation , or into wretchlesness of living . But now for any men to have the Doctor 's Election , or sentence of Predestination alway before them , is no way dangerous , or apt to beget either despair or wretchlesness . We cannot advise carnal persons to a more profitable and pertinent object of meditation . In a word , the very calling of Election by the name of Predestination , is enough to determine what kind of Election is meant : The Doctor 's Election is a Postdestination ; for it then only makes men ordained to eternal life , when having overcome all temptations , they are possessed of it . But I must hear what the Historian hath to observe from this Article , viz. Dr. H. Pag. 35. 1. That Predestination doth suppose a Curse , or state of Damnation , in which all mankind was represented to the sight of God , which plainly crosseth the opinion of the Supralapsarians . Answ. I have no fondness for the opinion of the Supralapsarians ( though I honour the memory of some Supralapsarians ; ) but yet cannot deem , that there is any thing in the Article that doth overthrow their Opinion . He that is of another mind , may do well to frame a Syllogism out of the Article , and to try his strength : And withal , he may do well to refute Mr. Wotton , who hath so expounded the Article , as to draw the Supralapsarian platform out of it ; and his Argument is not inconsiderable , pag. 137 , Answer to Mountague . Dr. H. Ibid. 2. That it is an act of his from everlasting ; because from everlasting he foresaw into what misery wretched man would fall . Answ. Our Article doth indeed call Predestination , the everlasting purpose of God : but that it therefore calls it so , because God foresaw what misery man would fall into , is to speak mildly an unproved dictate . Dr. H. Ibid. 3. That he founded it , and resolved for it in the Man and Mediator Christ Iesus , both for the purpose and performance : which crosseth as directly with the Sublapsarian . Answ. The Article in describing those whom God hath predestinated , saith , they are such whom he hath chose● in Christ ; therefore God founded Election , and resolved for it in the Man and Mediator Christ Jesus , both for the purpose and performance : This is an Argument that hath scarce sense in it , so far is it from having any strength of reason . But how doth this cross with Sublapsarian ? Why , because , Dr. H. Ibid. They place the absolute Decree of Predestination to Life , and of Reprobation unto Death , both of Body and Soul , before the decree or consideration of sending his onely beloved Son into the World , to be the common Propitiation for the Sins of Men. Answ. This may perhaps be true of some Sublapsarians ; of all I am sure it is not . The Sublapsarians I converse with , say , that if we respect God's nature and perfection , he doth , by one most simple act and at once , decree all things ; but if respect be had to the things decreed , some priority and posteriority hath place . They also say , that the Controversie betwixt them and the Arminians , is not concerning the order of the Divine decrees , ( which almost every considerable Author hath framed with some variety . ) Would the Remonstrants but acknowledge , that God did by his decree ordain men to Faith , as well as to eternal life , they would permit them to abound in their own sense , Whether he did first ordain to the means , or to the end ? Christ is by all Sublapsarians , that I ever heard of , made the meritorious cause of our Salvation ; but they say , he is not the impulsive cause , why one rather than another is chosen to Eternal life , any more than he was the cause of sending himself into the World. Whether the consideration of the Mediator did in God's decree precede the consideration of Salvation to be obtained by him ; or the Salvation appointed to the Elect precede the consideration of the Mediator ? is a thing disputed among the Calvinists themselves . Dr. H. Ibid. 4. That it was of some special ones alone , and not generally extended unto all mankind ; a general election , as they say , being no election . Answ. This is a great truth , that Election cannot be of all ; a General election being oppositum in apposito : But the Doctor would have merited much of the Arminians , if he had shewn us what Election they acknowledge , which is not of all . Arminius makes four Decrees , 1. The Decree to send Christ to Redeem mankind . 2. The Decree to give Eternal life to Believers . 3. The Decree to give Grace and Strength sufficient to Believe . 4. The Decree to give Salvation to those particular Persons whom he foresaw would Believe , and persevere in the Faith. The three first concern all , or at least all that hear of Christ. As for the fourth , methinks it is not worth the name of a Decree , nor beseeming the Divine Wisdom ; for if our King foreknowing who would come in and acknowledge their Rebellion , should decree that all comers in , &c. should be pardoned ; would it be suitable to Royal Wisdom to make another decree , to pardon those whom he foresaw would come in , & c ? Besides , this fourth Decree can be of no use or efficacy to any man in this life : it conferred no more benefit to David than to Saul , to Abel than to Cain ; for this Decree supposeth perseverance in Faith to the last breath , and so belongs to the other world . Now let all Christians judge , whether the Scriptures describe not such an Election , as hath its efficacy and fruit in this life . Dr. H. Ibid. 5. That being thus elected in Christ , they shall be brought by Christ ( but not without their own consent and co-operation ) to everlasting salvation . Answ. The Historian would do well to ponder , Whether Infants be not brought to eternal salvation , without their own consent or co-operation ? whether they are all placed among the Elect ? S. Austin was wont to urge such an Argument against the Adversaries of absolute Election , and it gravelled them : the Doctor dealt wisely to take no notice of it . Of adult Persons his observation may be granted . Dr. H. Ibid. Finally , That this Counsel is secret unto us ; for though there be revealed to us some hopeful signs of our Election unto Life , yet the certainty of it is a secret hidden in God , and in this life unknown unto us . Answ. The Doctor should have said , if he would have kept to the words of the Article , that God hath ordered by his Counsel secret to us : the meaning whereof seems to be , that the reason which moved God to predestinate this or that person , is unknown to us . But this would have overthrown the whole Arminian fabrick . Therefore another sense is pitched on , no way deduceable from the phrase ; contrary to Scripture ; contrary to the se●se and judgement of our Martyrs and Confessors : viz. that in this life we can have no certainty of our predestination unto life . Against this , thus I argue : If a man may certainly know that he believes in Christ , he may know certainly that he is predestinated unto eternal life . But the antecedent is true , ergo so is the consequent . I prove my major , Because every one that believes , is ordained to eternal life . Which enunciation , if any one shall deny , I prove it , first , by the saying of Mr. Latimer , quoted with applause by the Doctor , If thou believest in him , then art thou written in the Book of life , and shalt be saved : which connexion were not good , if there were any man , a Believer , whose name were not found in the Book of life , or not saved . I prove it , because Faith is called , the Faith of God's Elect , Tit. 1.1 . I prove it finally , because it is said , that as many as were ordained to eternal life believed , Acts 13.48 . Why is it said , as many as were ordained to eternal life believed , if any could believe but those who are ordained to eternal life ? But there is a place not to be eluded , Whom he calleth , those he justifieth ; and whom be justifi●th , those he also glorifieth : Whoever are called according to the purpose of his will , are justified and glorified . As to the minor , that A man may certainly know he hath saith , methinks no Christian should doubt it . We should not so earnestly be pres●ed to try , whether we be in the faith , if we could not know , whether we be so or no. Are there not some effects that are proper to saving faith ? If there be , why may not he who feels them in himself , conclude thence that he hath faith ? As for our first Reformers , so far were they from thinking that Election is not knowable , that some of them placed Faith in an Assurance of a mans Election and Christ's dying for him . If I prove this , I shall prove ex abundanti , that they were for personal absolute Election . Of others I shall prove , that they have in terms express owned Calvin's Predestination , or some such Doctrine as is necessarily connexed with it . Secondly , I shall answer every Testimony that Dr. Heylin brings to prove , that the absolute Decrees were decryed by any of our Martyrs , and pass to the other Points . 1. I begin with the Liturgy ; In the Catechism whereof , after rehearsing of the Creed , Question is made , What dost thou chiefly learn in these Articles of thy belief ? Answer is returned , 1. I learn to believe in God the Father , who hath made me and all the world . 2. In God the Son , who hath redeemed me and all mankind . 3. In God the holy Ghost , who sanctifieth me , and all the elect people of God. The object of the Father's Creation , is here made , the Respondent and all the World ; the object of the Son's Redemption , is the Respondent and all Mankind ; the object of the Spiri●s Sanctification , is the Respondent and all the Elect People of God. The second object is not so large as the first , nor the third so large as the second ▪ and the Catechumen is as well taught to number himself among the Elect people of God , as among mankind . Who are these chosen of God ? Surely they are the Elect according to the foreknowledge of God the Father ; and to such is the Sanctification of the Spirit here limited . So that if any one be chosen , he is sanctified ; and if he be sanctified , he is chosen ; and every one who comes for Confirmation , is taught to profess himself one of those whom the Spirit Sanctifieth , and God Elected . I dare not direct every Baptized person so to say : But by this we may see , what the opinion of the Composers of the Liturgy was . In the Catechism appointed by King Edward's Authority to be taught by all Schoolmasters , fol. 38 , it is said , To the furnishing of this Commonweal belong all they , as many as do truly fear , honour , and call upon God , wholly applying their mind to holy and godly living ; and all those , that putting all their hope and trust in him , do assuredly look for the Bliss of everlasting life . But as many as are in this faith stedfast , were forechosen , predestinate , and appointed out to everlasting life , before the world was made : Witness whereof they have within their hearts , the Spirit of Christ , the Author , earnest un●ailable , and pledge of their faith . How much Calvinism is here ? As many as fear God , were forechosen , predestinate and appointed out to everlasting life before the world was made : therefore , if any man ●ail or miss of eternal life , he never feared God ; or , God never put his fear into any , but those whom he so fore-ordained to everlasting life . Yet there is more , fol. 39 , The first , principal , and most perfect cause , of our justifying and salvation , is the goodness and love of God , whereby he chose us for his before he made the world . Now the Arminian election is not sure the most perfect cause of our justifying and salvation ; nor is it God's chusing of us to be his before he made the world . And let it be observed , that it is said , that after that he hath chosen us for his , he granteth us to be called by the preaching of the Gospel of Jesus Christ , when the spirit of the Lord is poured into us . 2. Our next task is to look into the sentiments of our Martyrs and Confessors ; such as lost their lives , or left their Countrey , or were deprived of their Liberty or Dignities and Preserments , for bearing witness to the Doctrine that was established by all Authority , Ecclesiastical and Civil , among us . Our first Martyr in order of time was Iohn Rogers ; our first in order of Dignity , were Cranmer of Canterbury , and Ridley of London , Bishops . I have not met with any writings of either of these , in which they have expresly declared their judgments in the Points under debate : yet we will see what may be at least guessed concerning their mind . For Mr. Rogers , I find he was the Convert of William Tindal , and Miles Coverdale , and that he joyned with them in making that Translation , which now goes by the name of Matthews Translation : and what opinions that Translation doth favour , I leave it to indifferent persons to judge . I find him also among those worthy Persons , who subscribed a Declaration sent abroad May 8. 1554. all whose names are to be seen in Mr. Fox his third Volume , pag. 102 , of the London Edition , 1631. ( which Edition I shall still follow , having not the last Edition by me . ) The purport of that I eclaration , is to shew Reasons why they will not otherwise ●ispute , than before indifferent Judges . In the Declaration also is couched a Confession of their Faith , worthy to be ●ead by all , who would understand the spirit of our Martyrs aright . The fourth branch of that Declaration , is concerning Justif●cation by Faith only ; Of which having delivered their mind , they add in the close , By this we disallow Papistical Doctrine , of Free-will , of Works of Supererogation , of Merits , of the Necessity of Auricular Confession , and Satisfaction to God-wards . If they disallowed the Papistical Doctrine of Free-will , whose Doctrine did they allow but the Doctrine of Calvin and Luther , who in this matter perfectly agreed , ( Luther's high flown expression being abated . ) All that I shall more observe concerning this Mr. Rogers , is 1. That he was a Non-conformist even to excess , ( his zeal out-running knowledge , unless he had some reasons proper to those times ; ) for he never went otherwise than with a round Cap , and would not agree to use the Attire proper to the Order of Priesthood , unless the Popish Priests might be enjoyned to wear upon their sleeves a Chalice with an Host. 2. That he was very zealous to put to death the two Hereticks condemned by Archbishop Cranmer , and burnt 1550 , 1551. A familiar Friend of his came to him , and desired him to make use of his interest with Cranmer , that they might not be put to death , or if they were put to death , that they might not be burnt ; because that kind of death seemed not so agreeable to Evangelical meekness . He answered , that the punishment of burning men alive was not so tormenting , but mild enough . His Friend replied , with a great ardor of spirit , holding his right hand , and striking his own against it , Go too , perhaps it will come to pass , that your selves may have your hands full of so mild burning . And he was indeed ( as I before suggested ) the first that tasted of the Marian Meekness . A. B. Cranmer must needs be supposed to have a great stroke in the framing of the Articles of Religion agreed on 1552. So must Bishop Ridley also ; for though Cranmer was Metropolitan in Title , yet Ridley seems to be the greater Stickler of the two , especially in the matter of Rites and Ceremonies . He forced Hooper to be Canonically Ordained , against his inclination , against the King's Letter , and the Earl of Warwick's Letter , the one bearing date Iuly 23. 1550 , the other August 5. Yea , so violent was he , that he threatned or caused to be threatned , death to Hooper , if he persisted in refusal . Haec Theologomachia sic tandem exiit vincentibus Episcopis : Hooperus vel ad palinodiam , vel ad eas conditiones adactus est , ut semel saltem in concione publica se ostenderet populo , more caeterorum Episcoporum insulatus . Quod ni fecisset , sunt qui putant Episcopos ultimum supplicium ei molituros : nam ita audivi a famulo ipsius , Duc●m Suffolciensem clam Hooperum , qui eorum conatus non ignorabat , monuisse , Fox in his Latine Commentary , pag. 280. I much wonder what stirred up this heat in Ridley , and much doubt , it was some personal pique against Hooper , because of his popularity , and boldness in reproving the manners of the time and the corruptions of the Church . Marvelously was Hooper flocked after : Saepe adfui ( saith Fox ) quum in templi fores nemo ingredi concionante Hoopero potuerit ; tanta ejus diligentia fuit , ut nullum diem sine binis , aut ternis quandoque concionibus praeteriret . Rursus ea in Scripturis promptitudo , ut si sexies ei faciendum esset , tempore ci●ius quam materia eguiss●t , pag. 279. I say , I doubt there was somewhat of a pique , because I find that the same Ridley did ordain Iohn Bradford a Deacon , without any of those Canonical Rites that were then in use , as appeareth Acts and Monuments , pag. 280. But Ridley acknowledged his fault , and God forgave him , and so must man too . In the Letter in which this acknowledgement is made , he also accquaints Hooper , that he understood by his works , which he had superficially seen , that they throughly agreed , and wholly consented in those things , which are the grounds and substantial points of our Religion , against which the world so furiously raged in those days . By which works , in all probability , he means some Trearises Hooper composed against Transubstantiation , which are exemplified in Fox his Latine Commentary . Certain it is , that Ridley could not approve all Doctrines in Hooper's works , unless he disapproved one Article of our Religion : For Hooper in his Commentary on the Creed , doth most expresly declare against the local descent of Christ into Hell ; which is asserted as a truth grounded on Scripture in the Articles of Religion . And as certain is it , that Ridley could not joyn with him , if he condemned the absolute decree of Election , ( I shall shew hereafter that he did not , ) or determining grace in conversion . The Article of Election , I have already both transcribed and argued from ; let us now see what may be collected from the Articles of Free-will and Grace , which I will present as they were Printed by Iohn Day , with the King's Authority , 1553. The words of the former are these , We have no power to do good works , pleasant and acceptable to God , without the grace of God by Christ , preventing us that we may have a good will , and working in us when we have that will. Of the latter these , The Grace of Christ , or the holy Ghost by him given , doth take away the stony heart , and giveth a● heart of flesh : And although those that have no will to good things , he maketh them to will ; and those that would evil things , he maketh them not to will the same ; yet nevertheless he enforceth not the will : And therefore no man when he sinneth can excuse himself , as not worthy to be blamed or condemned , by alledging that he sinneth unwillingly , or by compulsion . If this be not Calvinism and Anti-arminianism , I know not what is . All power to good works , pleasant and acceptable to God , without grace preventing and co-operating , is denied to us . Grace also is said to take away the stony heart , and give an heart of flesh ; to make us to will ( not only able to will ) good things . And when it comes to be explained , what it doth not , it is only said , it enforceth not : and sinners are only said , not to act by compulsion , which may well consist with some necessity . This is the summ of what the Calvinists alledge , when charged to destroy Free-will . But now the Arminians say , there is no liberty , where no indifference ; and that the grace of God leaves a man indifferent , to turn or not to turn . I shall conclude what relates to Bishop Ridley , with those words of his farewel , pag. 506 , Acts and Monum . The Church had holy and wholesom Homilies , &c. It had in matters of controversie Articles so penned and framed after the holy Scripture , and grounded upon the true understanding of God's word , that in short time , if they had been universally received , they should have been able to have set in Christ's Church much concord and unity in Christ's true Religion , and to have expelled many false Errors and Heresies , wherewith this Church , alas , was almost overgone . He here approves all the Articles , and therefore the three before-mentioned , as agreeable to God's Word . As to Cranmer , we have him not only owning all the Doctrine and Religion set out by King Edward , but also offering ( if Peter Martyr might be joyned to him , with four or five more ) to maintain that it was more pure , and according to God's Word , than any that had been used in England for an hundred years . This had been a most foolish challenge indeed , if he had not known full well , that Peter Martyr and he , jumped in their judgements about all the Articles , and particularly that of Predestination : With Heterodoxy in which , he might well expect to be charged ; for Iames Lambert had been apposed in that point in King Henry the Eighths Reign ; and our Martyrs in Queen Mary's time , were frequently twitted with fatality , making God the Author of Sin , destroying Free-will , and what not ? The next Martyr I shall instance in , is Mr. Philpot , to whom Mr. Bradford refers his Friend for satisfaction in the matter of Election . What he did write about Election , I do not find ; but I find enough to make me confident , that if he had written any thing about it , he would have shewed himself sufficiently Calvinistical . For in his fifth Examination , he took occasion to ask his Popish Adversaries , Which of them all was able to Answer Calvin 's Institutions , which is Minister of Geneva ? To which Dr. Saverson replies , with lye and all , A godly Minister indeed of receipt of Cut-purses , and Runnagate Traytors . And of late , I can tell you , there is such contention fallen between him and his own Sects , that he was feign to flee the Town , about Predestination . I tell you truth , ●or I came by Geneva hither At which calumny Philpot ●s zeal was stirred , as appears by his words ; I am sure you blaspheme that godly man , and that godly Church where he is Minister . As it is your Churches condition , when you cannot answer men by learning , to oppress them with blasphemies and false reports ; for in the matter of Predestination , he is in none other opinion than all the Doctors of the Church be , agreeing to the Scriptures . If this be not full and home , what is ? The profound Disputant , and blessed Martyr , answering for his life , avows Mr. Calvin's Doctrine of Predestination , to be agreeable to the ancient Doctors , and Scriptures : And how could a Doctrine be more amply commended ? His Friend Mr. Bradford will say as much for the Doctrine it self , though not taking notice of Mr. Calvin as delivering it in his Institutions . There is a Letter of his concerning Election to two of his Friends , N. S. R. C. recorded Acts and Monuments 352. Who the persons were , notified by these four letters , N. S. R. C. I have no certainty ; but suppose that N. S. was one Skelthrop , who held conditional Election , and Free-will , but by the pains Mr. Bradford and others took with him , was reclaimed . After this Epistle of Mr. Bradford's , Mr. Fox adds some Notes appertaining to the matter of Election ; which Notes do not in the least contradict any one tittle in Mr. Bradford , but more largely explain what he touched but briefly . But Dr. Heylin saith , Dr. H. page 42. Fox his Notes corrupt the Text , and that Bradford's Notion of Predestination , is plainly cross to that of the Calvinistical Party . Let us see whether there be any such crossness or no. Bradford ( saith he ) believeth that Faith is the work and gift of God , given to none other than the Children of God : Who are they ? Those whom God the Father , before the beginning of the World , hath Predestinated in Christ unto Eternal life . Answ. Is this Election cross to that of the Calvinists ? Do not they say , against the Arminians , that Faith flows from Election as a fruit of it , and that it is commensurate with Election ; so as none believe , but those who are elected ? It not this the very offensive Notion of Election , against which the Remonstrants make such outcries ? The Letter further adds ; that though the Election be first in God , yet to us it is last opened . But the Doctors Election is last in God , as well as last opened to us . Let the Martyr proceed in his Letter : By the light of the Spirit , a man may see this Faith not given to all men , but to such as are born of God , predestinate before the World was made , after the purpose and good will of God : which will , we may not call into disputation , but in trembling and fear submit our selves to it , as to that which can will none otherwise , than that which is holy , right and good ; how far soever otherwise it may seem to the judgement of reason , which must needs be beaten down to be more careful for God's glory than man's salvation , which dependeth only thereon , as all God's Children full well see . Lo here , he speaks of a Predestination in which there is an unsearchable depth , of an Election about which , if reason not assisted by revelation should pass judgement , there would seem to be in it something of injustice . Whereas the Arminian Election , making God to predestinate men to life , upon the foresight that they would believe , and to pass by others , upon a foresight they would not believe , hath nothing of a depth in it , but is as easily accounted for , as any other act of God's providence whatsoever . I said before , that I conceived one of those , unto whom this Letter is directed , was by it rectified in his judgement touching Election , and the use of Free-will which he had made a condition of that Election : at least I am sure , one Skelthrop was made to see the light in this particular . Mr. Bradford takes notice of the change wrought in him , and praises God for it , in a Letter to Careless , page 336. Not doubting but that he would be so heedy in his conversation , that his old Acquaintance may ever thereby think themselves astray . In the same Letter he salutes in Christ , True and his Followers , hoping that God had his time for them also . Now this True was a man differing from Careless in the point of Election , as doth most manifestly appear by the Examination of Careless , related by the Doctor , page 15 , 16 , Part 3. He thought as the Popish Clergie did , that we be elect in respect of our good works . But Mr. Bradford hoped he would come off from that opinion . But I think he did not , but still continued to sacrifice to Free-will . And the Protestant cause was not credited by him ; for he plaid such a prank , as any ingenuous Heathen would have been ashamed of ; his Keeper shewing him more favour than he deserved , he ran away from him , and brought him into great danger . Thus you may see ( sayes Careless ) the fruits of our Free-will-men , that make so much boast of their own strength ; but that house which is not builded surely upon the unmoveable rock , will not long stand against the boisterous winds and storms , that blow so strongly in these dayes of Trouble . This is the only Sufferer I know of , that held conditional Election ; and surely his carriage was not so commendable , that we should envy him unto our Adversaries . But whereas the Doctor thinks , that the strong confidence which Careless had of his own salvation , and of the final perseverance of all those who are the chosen Members of Christ's Church , was a thought of his own , unto which the Doctrine of the Church gave no countenance : It will appear , that this was no singular opinion of his , but a kindly derivation from the Article of Religion , concerning Predestination unto Life : and it seems to be that which he had learned from holy Bradford , who in a Letter to Mistress M. H. under great heaviness and sorrow , teacheth her , That we should use all God's benefits to confirm our faith of this , that God is our God and Father , and to assure us , that he loveth us as our Father in Christ , and that God requireth this faith , and fatherly perswasion of his fatherly goodness , as his chiefest service . Adding , that no suggestion of Satan , grounded upon our imperfection , frailty , and many evils , should make us doubt of God's savour in Christ ; and that obedience giveth us not to be God's children , but to be God's children giveth obedience . And finally , that as certain as God is Almighty , as certain as God is merciful , as certain as God is true , as certain as Jesus Christ was crucified , is risen , and sitteth at the right hand of the Father , as certain as this is God's Commandment , I am the Lord thy God ; so certain she ought to be , that God was her Father , pag. 327 , 328. To another Gentlewoman , page 330 , thus he writes , If he had not chosen you ( as most certainly he hath , ) he would not have so called you ; he would never have justified you ; he would never have so exercised your faith with temptations as he hath done , and doth : if ( I say , ) he had not chosen you . If he have chosen you ( as doubtless , Dear heart , he hath in Christ ; ) for in you I have seen his earnest , and before me and to me they could not deny it , I know both where and when ; if , I say , he hath chosen you , then neither can you , nor ever shall perish . And in the same Letter , page 331 , he sayes , Your thankfulness and worthiness are fruits and effects of your Election , they are no causes . If once you had a hope in the Lord ( as you doubtless had it , ) though now you feel it not , yet shall you feel it again ; for the anger of the Lord lasteth but a moment , his mercy endureth for ever . In another Letter , page 349 , the same blessed Martyr sayes , that One man which is regenerate , well may be called alwayes just , and alwayes sinful : just in respect of God's seed , and his regeneration ; sinful in respect of Satan's seed , and his first birth . Betwixt these two men there is continual conflict , and war most deadly : the flesh and old man , by reason of his birth that is perfect , doth often , for a time , prevail against the new man , being but a child in comparison ; and that in such sort , as not only other , but even the Children of God themselves , think they be nothing else but old , and that the spirit and seed of God is lost and gone away : where yet notwithstanding , the truth is otherwise , the spirit and seed of God appearing again , and dispelling away the clouds which cover the Sun of God's seed from shining , as the clouds in the air do the corporal Sun. Many things to like purpose follow in that Letter , by all which , and by several Treatises in the printed Works of Mr. Bradford , it sufficiently appears , that he favoured the Doctrine of absolute Predestination . And let any man judge , whether he thought the term of a man's life to be moveable or no , by some passages in his Examination , page 286. As for my death ( my Lord ) there are twelve hours in the day ( as I know , ) so with the Lord my time is appointed , and when it shall be his good time , then shall I depart hence ; but in the mean season I am safe enough , though all the People had sworn my death . Page 291 , he desires them to proceed on in God's name , he looked for that which God appointed them to do . Upon which the Chancellor le ts fall these words ; This Fellow is in another Heresie of Fate and necessity , as though all things were so tied together , that of meer necessity all must come to pass . What replies Bradford ? Things are not by fortune to God at any time , though to man they seem so sometimes . I speak but as the Apostle said , Lord , See how Herod and Pontius Pilate with the Prelates , are gathered together against thy Christ , to do that which thy hand and counsel hath before ordained for them to do . Consider we next the judgement of Peter Martyr and Martin Bucer , who , though Foreigners , had a great hand in the English Reformation . As to Peter Martyr , methinks there should be no question made of his judgment . In his Commentary on the Romans , and in his Common places , he hath gone as high in the matter of God's decree , as ever Calvin did . But the Doctor tells us , that Dr. H. Part 2. page 110. It s more than probable that Peter Martyr , was not Peter Martyr , whilst he lived in England . Answ. If he would prove it but probable , he must prove that it hath seemed so to all , or to the most , or to the wisest , or to the most famous among those that are wise ; which I despair of ever seeing him prove , so far am I from thinking , that he will prove more than this . The London Edition of his Common places is not now in many mens hands ; yet it is to be found in England and elsewhere : and never did any one that was a possessor of it , so much as adventure to affirm , that in that Edition , any thing was delivered concerning Predestination , that was in the least contrary or seemingly contrary , to what we find in the Editions more commonly used . This answer the Doctor himself was somewhat diffident of , and therefore did not give it until he had before made way by disparaging Peter Martyr as one Dr. H. pag. 109. Of whom there was little use made in advising , and much less in directing any thing which concerned the Articles ; and who having no authority in Church or State , could not be considered as a Master-builder . Ans. Is the Doctor of the Chair of no authority in Church or State ? I had thought that in matters Divine , both Ecclesiastical and Political Persons had been wont to give much to his authority . Arch-Bishop Cranmer it is most certain made much use of him ; keeping him at his own house , at his first coming over into England , that he might have the more frequent and free converse with him . And if Bishor Ridley was first converted to be a Protestant by reading of Bertram ; yet it will not be denied , that he owed his confirmation to discourse with Peter Martyr . As for the Convocation 1552 , he might be , for ought I know , a member of it : Doubtless he was one of the eight appointed by the King to make reformation of the Laws Ecclesiastical , and yet was there no use made of him in directing ? Concerning Bucer , the Doctor would bear us in hand , that we have no reason to reckon him ours in the Points under debate , because Dr. H. pag. 109. He well approved our first Liturgie . Ans. Of which reason it will be then time enough to consider , when it shall be shewed , that that Liturgy had any thing in it that favoured conditional Election , and superable converting Grace , and total and final Apostasie . But , Dr. H. page 110. It is also affirmed , that he , among some other Protestants , assented in the point of falling from Grace to the opinion of the Church of Rome , in the Diet at Ratisbone . Ans. 'T is indeed so affirmed by Mr. Mountague ( and , that I know of , by none else , ) that Bucer did at the Diet of Ratisbon , consent with some other Protestants , to the possibility of the Saints falling from Grace : but Zanchy tells us quite another tale , that Bucer hath in the Relation of the Conference at Ratisbon , laid down that which makes strongly for the certain perseverance of the Saints . If Mr. Mountague had expected belief , he should have answered those allegations , and brought others that might evince the possibility of the true Saints apostasie . This may be sufficient to prove , that he was not against us : that he was for us , Zanchy's quotations out of him will scarce suffer any one to doubt ; but we will see whether we can find out any other evidence . First , whilst he was a Papist , he had his conversation among the Dominicans , from whom it is likely he got nothing agreeable to the Jesuits notion of respective Decrees , and frustrable grace . The Star that brought him out of Popery , was Luther's Book de servo Arbitrio ; by which Star it is not like that he was lead to Pelagianism , or Semipelagianism , or any other Doctrine that so advanceth the liberty of man's will , as sacrilegiously to rob the grace of God of its due force and power in converting of a Sinner . What Doctrine he preached or delivered in the Schools , whilst in England , may be collected from the barbarous malice of his Romish Adversaries appointing his dead bones to be taken out of the grave and committed to the fire ; for Dr. Watson in his Sermon in St. Mary's , chargeth Bucer to have defended that perillous Doctrine concerning the fatal and absolute necessity of Predestination , and that he had set it out in such wise , as to leave no choice at all in such things : as who should say , It skilled not what a man purposed of any matter , since he had not the power to determine otherwise than the matter should come to pass : the which was the peculiar opinion of them that made God the Author of Evil ; bringing men through this perswasion into such a careless security of their everlasting eternity , that in the mean season it made no matter , either towards salvation , or towards damnation , what a man did in this life . And because it may be replied , that he speaks this to disgrace and disparage Protestants in general , let us therefore hear what Dr. Perne in his Sermon sayes concerning Bucer . In it we are told , that he held opinion , that God was the Author and well-spring , not only of good , but also of evil ; and that whatsoever was of that sort flowed from him , as from the head-spring and maker thereof : adding , that Bucer upheld this Doctrine to be sincere ; howbeit , for offending divers mens consciences , he durst not put it into mens heads . And in his sentence of condemnation , this is laid to his charge , as a Doctrine defended by him , Omnia fato & absoluta necessitate fieri . Vid. Mr. Fox , page 770 , 772. I know the good man's soul abhorred the things in these particulars charged upon him ; nor did Dr. Perne stick to acknowledge , that he wronged him against his own conscience : yet seeing these Popish Agents can scarce be supposed so mad and furious , as to charge things upon him without any colour , we may and must suppose that Bucer did , if not in his publick determinations yet in his private discourses , let the University know , that his judgment did not differ from Calvin's , in the matter of God's decrees and concurrence unto the sinful actions of men . But if so , Dr. H. pag. 109. Why then does Calvin himself blame Bucer , for being Author and approver of such moderate courses , as the fiery temper of the Calvinists could by no means like ? Answ. I answer , that Bucer , by his very best Friends , had been charged at Zurick , Anno 1533 , for speaking too doubtfully in the Doctrine of the Sacrament , through a desire to appease Luther : He , then , and there , made such an Apology for himself as was accepted . If at his coming over into England , he fell into the same fault , Mr. Calvin did but the part of a Christian , to admonish him . But certainly Calvin had high and honourable thoughts of him while he lived , and after his death tells Viret , that he found his heart torn in pieces as oft as he remembred , how manifold a loss the Church of God sustained by his departure . And so we leave Bucer and Martyr , with the Elogium deservedly bestowed upon them by Dr. Iackson , The two judicious Commentators , &c. It is also worth while to enquire after the many worthy Divines , who to save their lives , and yet keep that faith and conscience which they had professed in the dayes of King Edward , did fly beyond Sea. We find some differences among them , relating to Discipline and Ceremonies ; an account whereof is given us in the troubles of Frankford . Had they not all been of one mind in matters of Doctrine relating to the Decrees , Grace , and Perseverance , their difference had not been concealed . It had been easie for the party that sided with Calvin in these points , to have crushed the Anticalvinistical party , if any such there had been ; but there is not the least ground to think there was any such . Those English Divines who sojourned at Geneva made a Translation of the Bible , and marginal Annotations upon it sufficiently Calvinistical . This was published Anno 1560 , and the Authors of it were so little conscious to themselves of having delivered any Doctrine con●rary to that which was received and allowed in King Edward's time , that they adventured to dedicate their Work to the incomparable Princess Queen Elizabeth , no favourer of Foreign Doctrine . She accepted the Dedication , suffered the Book and the Annotations to pass among her People , without any censure here . So much entertainment and applause did it meet with , that some who have been curious to search into the number of its Editions , say , that by the Queens own Printers , it was printed above thirty times . I am not ignorant that King Iames highly censured this Trans-slation and the marginal Annotations , in the Hampton Conference : the Translation he calls the worst that ever he saw ; some of the Notes he calls very partial , untrue , seditious , and savouring too much of dangerous and traiterous conceits : instancing in the Note on Exod. 1.19 , and 2 Chron. 15.16 . ( which censure a Jesuit takes as if spoken of the Translation used at Geneva it self . ) But the Annotations on both these places are satisfied for by Bishop Morton , page 104 , of a Book written by him , to shew the Romanists Doctrine of Rebellion and Aequivocation . As for Arianism charged on these Annotations by Dr H. they are acquitted by the learned Letter of Sir Thomas Bodley . I have all this while said nothing of Bishop Hooper and Bishop Latimer , out of whose Writings the Doctor hath transcribed so much . And truly the things transcribed out of them are so impertinent ▪ that it would be no hazard to my Reader if I should wholly pass them over in silence . Yet I will not ; but first shall say something of the men , secondly of their writings . Latimer was once a very hot Papist , as himself acknowledgeth against himself . Being converted from Popery , he was as zealous for the Reformed Religion ; boldly reproving the sins of all , whether Rulers or Ruled . In his Sermons he used a style , which perhaps was then accounted elegant ; but would now be judged ridiculous , at least unbeseeming the Pulpit . Hooper I look upon as one that feared the Lord from his youth ; for he chose from his youth to leave Oxford , that he might not ensnare his conscience . Beyond the Seas he fell into acquiantance with the learned Henry Bullinger ; and returned not into England till the Reign of King Edward : when he gained more love from the Laicks , than Clergy , being a stiff Non-conformist . Hand in drawing up the Articles of Religion he had none , one of them being diametrically opposite to his declared judgment ; yet because he was very great , both for piety and learning , as his writings evidently shew , therefore his judgment is not to be sleighted . And if Dr. Heylin have proved , or any one else can prove , that he and Latimer held the opinions afterwards called Arminian ; I will grant that those opinions were not by the Protestant Church in King Edward's time adjudged intolerable . Whether they held them or no ? must be considered . First , I yield that they both asserted Universal Redemption . This being granted , the Doctor dare say , that Dr. H. Part 2. page 50. He , ( Mr. Hickman he means , ) will not be confident in affirming , there can be any room for such an absolute Decree of Reprobation , antecedaneous and precedent to the death of Christ , as his great Masters in the School of Calvin have been pleased to teach him . Ans. Mr. Hickman's mind is best known to himself , so are his great Masters in the School of Calvin , if he ever had any such ; but this I am confident of , that Calvin's Decree of Reprobation may be maintained , and yet Universal Redemption not denied . Monsieur Amyrald , as great a Scholar as this last age hath afforded , hath in a whole Book defended Calvin's absolute Decree against Mr. Hoard ; yet the same Amyrald most strenuously defends Universal Redemption . Two Dissertations also of Bishop Davenant are published by careful and faithful hands : in the first , he sets himself to assert Universal Redemption by Christ ; in the second , to assert Personal , both Election and Reprobation . Let us see now what the Doctor can find in Latimer and Hooper . Dr. H. Part 2. pag. 37. Latimer in his Sermon on Septuages . rebukes those vain Fellows who abuse Election and Reprobation to carnal Liberty , or Presumption . Answ. Why so doth Calvin , so doth Ursin , so do our Divines at the Synod of Dort. Dr. H. page 38. Hooper in his Preface to the ten Commandments , saith , We must not extenuate Original Sin , nor make God the Author of Evil ; nor yet say , that God hath written fatal Laws , with the Stoicks , and in the necessity of destiny violently pulleth one by the hair into Heaven , and thrusteth the other headlong into Hell. Answ. All this is just according to Calvin's method . No Calvinists say , that God's Decree offereth violence to Man's Will , or pulleth a man into Heaven . Only they say , that Electing love makes men willing , and that Holiness is an effect of Election . As for Sin , that , they say , is not an effect of Reprobation , but only a Consequent . I , but Dr. H. page 39. Bishop Latimer teacheth us , that we are to enquire no further after our Election , than as it is to be found in our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ. Answ. Why so teach the Calvinists too , that our Election is not to be known , but by our knowledge of our interest in Christ. But the Anticalvinist will not say with Latimer , If thou findest thy self in Christ , then art thou sure of eternal life : He saith , A man may be in Christ , and be a Reprobate ; a man may be in Christ to day , and in Hell to morrow . Perhaps the Doctor will find more against Calvinistical Reprobation ; or if he do not , he must be concluded to have beaten the Air. First we must hear what he makes Calvinistical Reprobation to be . 'T is that , he saith , Dr. H. Part 2. pag. 47. By which the far greater part of mankind are pre-ordained , and consequently pre-condemned to the the pit of torments , without any respect had unto their sins and incredulities . This is generally , he saith , maintained and taught in the Schools of Calvin . Ans. If it be so , then I am sure I never was in any School of Calvin ; for I never heard or read of any such Reprobation : nay , I never read of any person whatsoever , that asserted such a Reprobation . Sundry famous Schoolmen , quoted by Dr. Rivet in his fifth Disputation de Reprobatione , were of opinion , that if God had decreed even innocent creatures to eternal damnation , he had decreed nothing unworthy of himself ▪ and they seem to have but too much countenance for this bold and audacious Tenent from a passage of St. Austin's , in his 16. cap. de Praedestinatione & Gratia : But the Calvinists ( as many as I have met with ) say , that as God never actually damned any man but for sin , so he never decreed to damn any but for sin . All that they say is but this , that Whereas Iudas and Peter were both alike corrupted by the fall , and both alike apt by nature to abuse and reject grace , the reason why God determined effectually to cure the corruption of Peter and not of Iudas , was the meer good pleasure of his will. The Calvinists are not engaged to say , that God reprobates any man who was not worthy to be reprobated . All that their opinion obligeth them to , is but this , Not to make sin the cause of preterition or non-election , comparatively considered ▪ And against such preterition there is nothing in the Prayers of our Church , nothing in Latimer , nothing in Hooper , nothing in Cranmer , nothing in the whole Tenth Chapter of the Doctor 's second Part. And it is a wonder , that so ancient a Divine should trouble himself in so many pages to do execution upon a m●er Chimaera : and yet this employment was so pleasing and acceptable to him , that he falls to it again in his ●leventh Chapter ; In which , page 64 , he makes the main Controversie in the Point of man's Conversion to move upon this hinge , Whether the influences of God's grace be so strong and powerful , that withall they are absolutely irresistible , so that it is not possible for the will of man not to consent unto the same ? But they that have either read the determinations of the Synod of Dort , or Calvin's own Institutions , know , that the Controversie moves upon no such hinge : but this is the Question , Whether when converting Grace hath produced the whole effect God designed it unto , man still remains unconverted , and indifferent either to turn himself or not turn himself unto God ? If converting Grace do leave a man thus indifferent , they say , that Conversion is rather to be ascribed to man than God ; and that Paul made himself to differ from other Persecutors , and not God. But they never say , that God forceth or offereth violence unto the natural faculty of the will , or destroyeth any liberty that is essential to it . If any violence be offered , it is only unto corrupt lusts , and sinful inclinations ; in which , I hope , I may have fair liberty to say , that the freedom of mans will doth not consist . Let but any one fairly and impartially state this Question , by drawing Propositions concerning it out of the Writings before mentioned , and he will find nothing in Hooper or Latimer contradictory . The tenth Article of King Edward's he will find perfectly to express the mind of the Calvinists . And so I might dismiss this matter , had not the Doctor thought meet page 67 , as also in another Writing , to smite at us with a Dilemma , or something like a Dilemma , grounded upon the omitting of this Article in Queen Elizabeth's time . Either this Article did favour Calvinism , or it did not : If it did not , why do the Calvinists alledge it ? If it did , why is it in our latter Editions of the Articles left out ? We have learnt from Logick , that such Dilemma's are not to be used , which may be inverted or retorted upon those that make them ; and such is the present Dilemma , apparently , notoriously such . For thus I argue , Either this Article is Anti-calvinistical , or it is not : If it be not , why doth the Doctor produce it as such ? If it be , why did our Reformers in Queen Elizabeth 's time ( who were , as he would fain perswade us , Anticalvinistical ) leave it out ? He must either answer for himself , or not expect that we should answer for our selves : which yet we could easily do , did any Law of Disputation require it of us ; for this might be the reason of the omission , because there was nothing in King Edward's tenth Article , but what doth naturally and lineally descend from our present seventeenth Article . I will follow the Doctor whither he leads me , when I have first admonisht my Reader , not ●o prejudice himself by what so frequently occurs among our Protestant Writers , that Works done before the grace of Christ do not make men meet to receive grace . For it will be found agreeable unto Scripture , that Works done before Conversion , may leave in the Soul a material disposition , or a passive preparedness to receive grace : no preparation can be wrought by them that deserves grace , none from which grace necessarily flows ; but yet such may be wrought , as from which a man may be denominated more meet , and more likely , to receive the undeserved love of God , than if he wanted it . Just as we say in Natural Philosophy , that though the rational soul do not emerge out of the organization of the matter , but is immediately inspired by God ; yet an organical matter , is a more prepared subject to receive such a soul , than a matter not organized . I promised , after I had laid down this caution , to follow the Doctor , and so I will , to his Twelfth Chapter . But in it I shall not need to stay long with him ; for it is wholly spent in laying down the Doctrine of Free-will , as it was agreed upon in the Popish Convocation , Anno 1543. Wherefore though there be nothing in the Article of Free-will there delivered , but what a Calvinist ( allowing him but a favourable interpretation ) may subscribe to ; yet the Doctrine of the Reformed Church of England , must not be measured by the decisions of that Popish Convocation . In the Thirteenth Chapter , entituled , Concerning the certainty or uncertainty of Perseverance , ( passing over the Council of Trent , which will be of no use to us to find out the Doctrine of the Church of England ) Pag. 81 , the Calvinists are charged to presume , not only to know all things that belong to their present justification , as assuredly as they know that Christ is in Heaven ; but also to be as sure of their eternal election , and of their future glorification , as they are of this Article of their Creed , that Christ was born of the Virgin Mary . If any Calvinist ●ver said so , he erred greatly , not knowing the Scriptures , or the deceitfulness of his own heart . But if never any Calvinist said so , what shall then be done to him that so presumptuously bears false witness against them ? Certainly the Calvinists do not hold , that the Doctrine of Perseverance is so fundamental , or so clearly delivered in Scripture , as the Doctrine of Christ's Nativity ; so far are they from holding that they themselves , or any of them , do as certainly know the goodness of their present state , or their eternal election , as they firmly believe the Article of their Saviour's being born of the Virgin Mary . They are all wont to distinguish of a certitude of the object , and a certitude of the subject ; they say , 't is certain from the Word , that he who is a sound Believer , shall continue to be a Believer , until he attain the end of his Faith : But they say , a man may be a Believer , and yet not be certain that he does believe ; and if once he had a certain perswasion of his faith , he may lose that perswasion : and many of them ( I am sure ) say , that he must lose it as oft as he falls into any conscience-wasting sin . This is the Doctrine that agrees with our Articles , and with the judgment of our first Reformers . If any man deliver the Doctrine of Perseverance at a higher rate , the Calvinists are not concerned to defend him . The sixteenth Article of our Church is brought by the Dr. against Perseverance : The words of it are these , Not every deadly sin committed after Baptism , is the sin against the Holy Ghost , and unpardonable ; wherefore the grant of repentance is not to be denied to such as do fall into sin after Baptism . After we have received the Holy Ghost , we may depart from grace given , and fall into sin ; and by the grace of God we may rise again , and amend our lives : and therefore they are to be condemned , which say , they can no more sin as long as they live here ; or deny place of forgiveness to such as truly repent . From which Article they may , in the judgment of our Church , be concluded to be in an error , who hold that every sin committed after Baptism , is the sin against the Holy Ghost : but so do not the Calvinists hold . They also are by this Article condemned , who say , they can no more sin as long as they live here : but what Calvinists say so ? They finally are condemned , who deny place of forgiveness to such as truly repent : in which number the Calvinists cannot be placed , but some of the Remonstrants may ; and it were to be wished , that some of our Arminianizing English Writers might not also be placed among them . The Article having made a [ therefore ] it s strange that any one should draw any other conclusion from it , than what it self hath drawn : as strange that any one should write , that our Church intended by this Article to determine , that the faith by which the just man lives , may be totally lost . Let an Argument be made , The Church says , after we have received the Holy Ghost , we may depart from the grace given , and fall into sin ; therefore it saith , we may fall into such a sin as quite extinguisheth grace ; or therefore it saith , that grace may be quite and for ever lost , Any one that understands himself , will deny both these Consequents ; and deny them he may without danger or fear . But let us view the Doctor 's thoughts about this Article . Pag. 84 , he bolts out a Maxime in the Civil Law , Non esse distinguendum ubi Lex non distinguit ; that no distinction must be made in the explicating and expounding any Law , which is not to be found in the Law it self . I acknowledge , that such a saying is commonly quoted from the Civilians ; and as they understand it , it is very rational : But how do the Calvinists willingly oppose themselves against this maxime ? Their Tenent is , Regeniti nunquam totaliter excidunt a gratia ; and some of them perhaps say , Regeniti non possunt excidere a gratia totaliter . If any man will disprove them from the Article , he must out of the Article draw some conclusion that contradicts their Tenent : which if any one go about to do , he will find himself at a loss , and will be never able to put them to the cost of a distinction . Foreseeing that this maxime might not serve his turn , he tells us that , for the clear understanding of the Churches meaning , we must have recourse in this , as in other Articles , to the plain words of Bishop Hooper and Bishop Latimer . But why must we have recourse to these mens Writings , above and beyond all other mens of that age , Bishop Latimer never resuming his Bishoprick , cannot be thought to be in any capacity to sit so much as a Member of the Convocation 1552. Bishop Hooper indeed had a right to a place in the Upper House , and 't is like took his place ; but his Exposition on the Commandments , was printed four years before that Convocation sa●e . My Edition , which I use , was printed 1548 , when he was a popular Preacher , and , I think , an unlicenced Preacher : Bishop he was not till 1550 ▪ But if this Book had been made after the conclusion of the Convocation , it could be no Rule to interpret the Articles , which were drawn up , at least in one point , quite contrary to his declared judgment . If every thing in that Book pass for the Doctrine of the Church , down fall all our Gentlemens Pigeon-houses , down falls , &c. But what need all this ? Bishop Hooper hath not any thing in his Preface to his Exposition on the ten Commandments for total Apostasie , or against Perseverance . He only saith , the cause of some mens damnation is this , that after they have received the promise of the Gospel , by accustomed doing of ill , they fall unto a contempt of the Gospel . Many a man receives the promise of the Gospel , who doth not receive it into a good honest heart , and therefore was never sanctified or justified . Was not then the Doctor hard put to it , when he could find no passage in Hooper to oppose to the Doctrine of Perseverance , but only this ? If Hooper speak no more plainly in his Paraphrase on the thirteenth Chapter of the Epistle to the Romans , than in his Preface to his Exposition of the Commandments , he speaks just nothing at all to the Doctor 's purpose . As neither doth Mr. Tindal in his Prologue to his Exposition of the Epistle to the Romans ; whose words are brought in for sundry lines , pag. 85 , but tend only to prove , that if a man break the Law , he must sue for a new pardon , and have a new light against sin , hell , and desperation , ere he can come to a quiet faith again , and feel that sin is forgiven ; and that the promise of mercy and forgiveness is made on this condition , that we sin no more . Some Followers of Islebius Agricola , may peradventure enter their dissent from Mr. Tindal in this matter ; so may also the English Antinomians : but so need not any one who embraceth the Determinations of the Synod of Dort ; for in those Determinations , if they were searched with a candle , it will never be found , that men are not bound to renew their repentance , as they renew their sin ; or that they can have a quiet conscience , or sense of pardon , till they have converted themselves out of every snare of the Devil . It had been , it seems , objected by Mr. Hickman , that Mr. Mountague himself , both in his Gagg and his Appeal , had confessed ▪ that the Church had left it undecided , Whether a Saint may fall totally and finally ? What hath the Doctor against this ? Dr. H. Part 2. Pag. 45. That he doth so in the Gag , I easily grant ; where he relateth only to the words of the Article , which speaks only of a possibility of falling , without relation to the measure or continuance of it ; ( Here , by the way , it is fairly confessed , that the Article speaks not of the possibility of falling totally , or finally ; therefore , not against the Calvinists . ) But he must needs be carried with a very strange confidence , which can report so of him in his Appeal , in which he both expresly saith , and proveth the contrary . Answ. Doth he indeed say so ? Where may such a man as I am find him saying so ? Page , not 28 , but 26 , he saith , That there is not from the Church any tie put on him , to resolve in this much disputed Question , as these Novellers would have it ; for it there be any , it is for a possibility of total falling , as we shall hear anon . Is this to say expresly , that the Church hath so determined ? then farewel the study of Logick . I am sure however , that if he said it , he hath not proved it . Pag. 29 , he quotes the words of the Article , After that we have received the Holy Ghost , we may depart away from grace , and fall into sin ; and by the grace of God we may rise again , and amend our lives . After quoting of them , as if his heart had misgiven him , he addeth , Haply you will quarrel at the sense of the Articles : but then you must remember , that the plain words sound to the meaning for which I have produced them ; and that until the Church it self expound otherwise , it is as free for me to take it according to the letter , as for you to devise a figure . Which done , he goes on most untruly to tell the World , that this Article was challenged for unsound by the Ministers at the Hampton-Court Conference . Of which untruth , and sundry others relating to Dr. Overal , and the Bishop of London , he hath been told by so many , that it is a wonder any man should not be ashamed to plough with his Heifer . The Arguments out of the Liturgy , whether in the form of Baptism , or in the publick Catechism , or Rubrick before Confirmation , are quite besides the Controversie ; which is by many Calvinists restrained to the grace bestowed on Adult persons , and by none understood of that Sacramental grace given to the Seed of Believers in Baptism . His Reasons from the Homilies , if they were of any force when managed by another , do lose their whole strength when they come from him ; who hath told us , That he willingly admits the Homilies , as containing certain godly and wholsome Exhortations , but not as the publick dogmatical Resolutions confirmed by the Church of England : They may seem to speak somewhat too hardly , and stretch some sayings beyond the use and practice of the Church of England . But let it suffice , that he hath trampled upon our Homilies with a foot of pride . I dare not so do , honouring the memory , and reverencing the judgment of those who made them ; and much more the Authority that hath enjoyed them to be read in Churches . Let Mr. Mountague and Dr. Heylin argue from the Homilies , as if they had never traduced them . Mr. Mountague argues from the title of one of the Homilies , which is , Falling away from God : as if the very title were a sufficient warrant for his opinion . Whereas no one of our Homilies is entituled , Of falling away from God , but only Of falling from God. Ridiculous it would be adds D. Heylin p. 88. to write a Sermon de non ente ; to terrifie the people with the danger of that misfortune , which they were well assured they should never suffer . By which addition he makes himself more than ridiculous ; for people are not by the Calvinists well assured , that they shall never suffer the misfortune of falling from God : but are told , that they fall from God , as oft as they turn away from God's Law ; and that by every such turning away from God's Law , if wilful , they lose some degree of grace , and expose themselves to the wrath of God , and lose all sense of his favour : and this is sufficient to terrifie any man that is in his right wits and senses . Nor doth the Homily it self more favour them , than the title of it ; Out of which neither collects more than a conditional , If they be unthankful , If they do not order their lives , &c. Now the very Rule of the Logicians is , Conditionalis nihil ponit in esse . Will Doctor Heylin quarrel against this Rule ? Yes ; for Mr. Yates having brought such a kind of Answer , he saith of it , that it is a sorrier shift than any before ; for if such conditional Propositions conclude nothing positively , what will become of all those Propositions in the Scriptures , by which we are assured , If we repent , we shall find mercy of the Lord ? Do they conclude nothing positively neither ? Most miserable were the state of man , if these conditional Propositions should conclude nothing to the comfort of a troubled conscience , pag. 96. O dreadful ignorance ! Can a conditional Proposition conclude nothing positively and determinately , unless it conclude , that its antecedent shall actually come to pass , or may come to pass ? When Paul saith , If an Angel from Heaven preach another Gospel , let him be accursed ; this conditional will conclude , that whoever preacheth another Gospel , is accursed : it will not conclude , that ever any Angel can , or shall preach another Gospel . What pity it is , that men should adventure to write Books , after they have forgot the common Elements of Logick ? and what shame is it , that men should dare to bring in passages out of our Homilies , and omit a material Parenthesis that occurs in all Copies of them ? as any one may see , that both Mr. Mountague and Dr. Heylin have done . I only desire , seeing the Homilies are commonly to be had , that my Readers would be pleased to compare them with the quotations of Dr. Heylin , p. 89 , and remember that the thing he is to prove out of the Homilies , is , that real Saints may fall totally and finally from sanctifying grace received , and then let him be deceived if he can : provided that he will also consider , what passages Mr. Yates and Mr. Prin have collected out of the Homilies , to confirm Perseverance . One more Authority Dr. Heylin produceth , and it filleth up , pag. 90 , 91. It is the Authority of Lanceiot Ridley Archdeacon of Canterbury , out of whose Comment on the Colossians , he collects something relating to all , or most of the controverted Points ; but the Collections , if all truly made , have not in them so much as a seeming contrariety to any of Mr. Calvin's Tenents . But in this very Arch-deacon's Comment on the Epistle to the Ephesians , Mr. Prin finds personal Election ; and if Election , then Perseverance also . The Doctors not medling with that Commentary , his not mentioning Bartholomew Traheron Dean of Chichester and Library Keeper to King Edward , nor Thomas Beacon , nor Anthony Gilby , nor Stephen Garret , all famous in King Edward's Reign , and whose Books might easily have been procured by one that lived so near Oxford as Lacy Court , is an undeniable evidence , that he himself did not think , King Edward's Divinity and his own to be the same . In all the third Part , our Historian is put to horrible shifts , and plays a very low game indeed . And no wonder ; for he finds the opinions he contends against , delivered out of the Chairs in the University , countenanced by all Authority , Civil and Ecclesiastical : his own opinions he finds censured , recanted , never printed , but in hugger mugger , and by stealth ; and yet I do not find him much changing countenance , but rather , with confidence enough , asserting himself a Son of the Church , and his Doctrine a Doctrine of the Church . His first attempt is to disgrace the Calvinists , by calling them Gospellers ; For thus he phrasifieth , Dr. H. Part 3. Pag. 2. There were some men , who in the beginning of King Edward 's Reign , busily stickled in the maintenance of Calvin 's Doctrines ; and thinking themselves to be more Evangelical than the rest of their Brethren , they either took unto themselves , or had given by others , the name of Gospellers . Of this they were informed by the Reverend Prelate and right godly Martyr Bishop Hooper , in the Preface to his Exposition of the ten Commandments . Our Gospellers ( saith he ) he better learned than the Holy Ghost ; for they wickedly attribute the cause of punishments and adversities to God's providence ; which is the cause of no ill , as he himself can do no evil : and over every mischief that is done , they say , it is God's will. In which we have the men and their Doctrine ; how the name of Gospellers , and the reason why that name was ascribed to them . It is observed by the judicious Author of Europae Speculum , that Calvin was the first of these latter times , who searched into the Counsels ( the eternal Counsels ) of God Almighty : And , as it seems , he found there some other Gospel than that which had been written by the four Evangelists , from whence his Followers had the name of Gospellers ; for by that name I find them called frequently by Campneys also , in an Epistolary discourse , &c. And finding it given them also by Bishop Hooper , ( a temperate modest man ) I must needs look on it as the name of the Sect , by which they were distinguished from other men . Answ. All this I have at large transcribed , because I have sundry observations to make thereupon . First , I observe , that in all probability the Doctor never read Hooper , but trusted to other mens eyes ; for he quoteth that as from the Preface of Mr. Hooper , which is not to be found in the Preface , but rather in his Postscript , or Appendix to his Declaration of the ten holy Commandments , or his Answer to certain Objections , that keep men from the obedience of God's Law , the fourth of which is Curiosity : Nor is this the first time that he hath suffered himself and his Reader to be abused . Secondly , I observe , that he attributes ●hese words to the Reverend Prelate , and right godly Martyr , Bishop Hooper ; whereas Hooper , when he did write these words , was no Prelate , but only a licenced , if licenced , Predicant . But I am glad however to find Dr. Heylin speak of honourably of the Ring-leader of the Non-conformists . It seems , when he is pleased , he can allow one that scrupled the Habit , and expresly condemned the Civil Offices of Bishops , to be reverend , and right godly , and temperate , and modest . Thirdly , I observe , that he chargeth Mr. Calvin , from the Author of Europae Speculum , to be the first in these latter times that searched into the Counsels , the eternal Counsels , of Almighty God. That the Author of Europae Speculum hath any such observation , I am not sure : If he have , it no way contributed to procure him that esteem with which the World reads his Book ; for , as all eternal Counsels are the Counsels of Almighty God , so all the Counsels of God Almighty are eternal : And to say , that Calvin was the first , who in this latter age searched into the Counsels of Almighty God , is in effect to say , that none of this latter age before Calvin , regarded God's glory or mans salvation . I suppose instead of eternal Counsels , the Doctor intended to say , hidden , unrevealed Counsels . But the assertion of absolute Election and Reprobation , is no searching into the secrets of God Almighty : or if it be , Mr. Calvin cannot , by any one that hath the least skill in History , be thought to be the first that searched into God's secret Counsels ; seeing both Luther and Zuinglius had done it before him . Fourthly , I observe , the unrighteous censure or calumny of the Doctor , that Calvin , by searching into God's Decrees , had found out another Gospel than that which had been written by the four Evangelists , from whence his Followers in these Points had the name of Gospellers . Neither Calvin , nor Calvinists , ever found out any other Gospel than this , He that believeth , shall be saved ; he that believeth not , shall be damned . Nor was the name of Gospellers given to Mr. Calvin's Followers , on the account of their bringing in a new Gospel , or on any other account : but it was the general name by which all that joyned in opposing Popery called themselves . Let any one but consult the word , Gospellers , in the Index of Mr. Fox's Martyrology , and compare the places there referred unto , he shall find Papists and Gospellers still opposed ; & Gospellers used , not as a name of ignoming but as a name of honour . Let him also read Bishop Ridley's Letter to his Chaplain , he shall find the same word used , and contradistinguished to Papists . Likewise in Latine no more usual distinction than Pontificii and Evangelici : So that the Historian , in making the Calvinists the only Gospellers , makes them indeed the only Protestants . Finally , I observe , that the words quoted from Bishop Hooper are inexcusable , if they be not qualified with some distinction . The Scripture doth not oftner ascribe unto God the Creation of the World , than it doth ascribe unto his Providence all the Punishments and Adversities that befal either good or bad men : yet it must be granted , that God does not willingly afflict the sons of men ; and therefore never punishes them , but when he finds something in them which deserves the punishment ; so that they may thank themselves for all the evil they suffer from God. The Doctor 's next design is to vindicate one Campneys , a Fellow that was made to bear a Faggot at Paul's Cross in King Edward's time , the learned and pious Miles Coverdale preaching a Sermon when that punishment was inflicted on him . This man , it seems , having either complied in Queen Mary's time , or saved himself alive by flight , when Q Elizabeth had restored the true Religion began to play his old pranks , i. e. to cause disturbance , by nibbling at such who were deservedly honoured and preferred in the Church ; publishing a Pamphlet , but unto which he had not courage enough to affix his name , against Predestination . This Pamphlet was encountred by Mr. Iohn Veron , a Chaplain to the Queen , and Reader of the Divinity Lecture in S. Paul's Church , as also by Mr. Robert Crowley , sometime Fellow of Magdalen Colledge in Oxon , at that time a famous Preacher in the City of London ; Both these put out Answers unto Campneys , and their Answers were both licenced and approved , and Veron's Dedicated to the Queen her self ; whereas Campney's virulent Pamphlet came forth surreptitiously , neither Author nor Printer daring to put their names to it . All this notwithstanding , the Doctor would have us believe , that Campneys defended the Doctrine of the Church , Veron and Crowley opposed it ; as if the Church had so soon lost all her zeal for her Religion , and would give no countenance at all to those that contended for it , yet would vouchsafe to authorize the writings of those that vigorously fought against it . We need not say , that Campneys deserved all the ill names that Veron and Crowley bestowed on him , perhaps their zeal might be in some particulars too bitter ; yet we cannot think that men of so great repute and learning would charge Pelagianism and Popery , upon one that had honestly declared himself against both Popery and Pelagianism . — The Doctor tells us that Campneys hath sufficiently purged himself of both these crimes ; And indeed , by reading his Book , I find that he hath declared himself against Merit ; but so hath many a professed Papist done . He doth also muster up the errors of Pelagius , publickly recanted by him in the Synod of Palestine , declaring them ( or at least one of them ) to be vile and abominable : This notwithstanding , it is possible he might be a very Pelagian . Austin himself doth not speak more sharply against Pelagius than do the Ring-leaders of the Semipelagians , and yet they erre as bad an errour as the Pelagians do . But of all these matters let indifferent Readers judge , by comparing Campneys Book with the Answers made to it . More I need not say about the sixteenth Chapter , had it not pleased the Historian to defame Calvin , Beza and Knox. Calvin and B●za he charges with unworthy practices used against Sebastian Castalio a man , he says , of no less learning , but of far more modesty and moderation than either of them ; yet they never left persecuting and reviling him , till they had first cast him out of Geneva , and afterwards brought him to his grave , meerly because he differed from them about Predestination . Calvin and Beza's learning , modesty , and moderation , are sufficiently vindicated by others . Castalio discovered little either of modesty or moderation , in his bitter censures of the Book of Canticles , or in the help and assistance he afforded unto the cursed Socinians . Beza and Calvin are not the only persons that have condemned him ; nor did they condemn him meerly , or principally , for differing from them in the point of Predestination , as the Doctor might have known , if he had rather consulted the impartial Historians of that time , than Castalio's own writings . For Mr. Knox , styled pag. 5 , The great Incendiary of the Nation and Kirk of Scotland , I will not undertake an Apology . His own Country-men , who were better acquainted with his principles and practices , may better do it . Yet because I find him to have taken great pains in promoting our Reformation here in England , I shall adventure to mind the Doctor , that Spotswood , purposely employed by our King to write the History of the Kirk of Scotland , and having also by the King liberty given him to write tru●h impartially , doth make very honourable mention of Mr. Knox. And our own Bishop Ridley joyns him with Latimer , Leaver , Bradford , and commends them all for their sharp reproof of all sins and sinners in King Edward's days . Dr. H. Part 3. pag. 18. No sooner had that gracious Lady , Queen Elizabeth , attained the Crown , than she took order for the reviewing of the publick Liturgy , appoi●ting for the review Dr. Parker , Dr● G●inda● , Dr. Pilkington , Dr. Cox , Dr. May , Dr. Bill , Mr. Whitehead , Sir Thomas Smith . Answ. 'T is true , such a revision was appointed , and performed by the men here mentioned . I intend not a character of them ; they have their characters already given them by abler Pens but so principled they were , that if any thing had been left in the Liturgy favouring conditional E●lection , or the Apostasie of Saints , it had not failed to be blotted out . The Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth are mentioned by the Doctor pag. 19 , in which he observes , that Erasmus his Paraphrases were appointed to be provided for every Church , Injunct . 6. and Injunct . 16 , that every Parson , Vicar , Curate , Stipendiary Priest , ( he omits , under the degree of a Master of Arts , ) should provide and have of his own , the New Testament in Latine and English , with the Paraphrases , ( the Injunction saith only , with Paraphrases . ) The conclusion he hence infers , hath been before considered . I must take notice , that the 51. Injunction straitly chargeth and commandeth , that no manner of person shall Print any manner of Book or Paper , of what sort , nature , or in what Language soever it be , except the same be first licenced by her Majesty by express words in writing , or by six of her Privy Conncel , or be perused and licenced by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York , the Bishop of London , the Chancellors of both Universities , the Bishop being Ordinary , and the Archdeacon also of the place where any such shall be Printed or by two of them , whereof the Ordinary of the place shall always be one ; and that the names of such as shall allow the same , be added to the end of every such work , for a testimony of the allowance thereof . From this Injunction I infer , that Campneys had no respect at all unto the Queens Order , or else he would not have published his Papers without Authority . I also infer secondly , that neither Queen , nor Councel , nor Archbishops , nor Bishops , were of Campneys mind , because else he would have prevailed with some of them to authorize his Book , that it might have been more passable . And now , if the Doctor have got any thing by these Injunctions , much good may it do him . Dr. H. Pag. 20. Here he gives us a very merry conceit , that the Zuingl●ans being increased exceedingly both in power and numbers , and notice being taken thereof by those that were of most Authority in the government of the Church , it was thought necessary that the Articles of Religion published 1552 , should be reviewed , accommodated to the use of the Church , and made to be the standing Rule by which all persons were to regulate and confirm their Doctrines . Answ. He would have extreamly obliged us , had he but vouchsafed to name any one person intrusted in the government of the Church at that time , who was in the least offended with the Zuinglian Doctrine . We have Records , from which it may appear who were Anno 1562 , Archbishops and Bishops : amongst them all it will be hard to find any one that was not a cordial Friend unto the Doctrine of Zuinglius and Calvin ; some of them are blamed for agreeing too well with them in matter of Discipline and Ceremony also : the names of almost all may be found in Mr. Fuller , Book 9. p. 69. But the Historian would have done no less than wonders , if he had informed us , how the passing of the Articles in Queen Elizabeth's first Convocation , could be a probable means to suppress the growth of the Zuinglian Doctrine . Certain I am , that if they were designed for any such use , they had no prosperous success ; but were in the days of Queen Elizabeth , and King Iames made use of to suppress the Antizuinglian Doctrine . Indeed the seventeenth Article plainly lays down such a Predestination , as the Anticalvinistical ear cannot hear : and the Homilies , so much commended in the Articles , have a little too much Calvinism in them ; for they place Faith in such a kind of assurance , as Mr. Calvin indeed thought essential to Faith , but is found by experience to be separable from it . I would transcribe the passages in the Homilies that relate unto the five Points ; but Mr. Prin hath already done it , and done it so throughly , that nothing considerable seems to have escaped his diligence . I beg of my Reader , that he would vouchsafe to put together Dr. Heylin's and Mr. Prin's Allegations out of the Homilies , and then pass judgment . There was a probable Argument drawn from the Prolocutor of this Convocation , Mr. Alexander Nowel . He must needs be supposed fully to know the mind and sense of those that confirm'd the Articles ; nor can it be supposed , that he had not a great hand in the drawing of them up : yet this reverend and learned Person , in his Catechism , published by him after this Convocation , doth declare himself for absolute Election . Places clearly proving this were alledged out of an English Translation of that Catechism by Mr. Norton , dedicated to the two Arch-Bishops , the Bishop of London by name , and to all the Bishops in the several Diocesses in England : this was printed by Iohn Day , with the Queens Majesties priviledge for ten years , An. 1575. In answering this Objection the Doctor spends many words , even so many as make up pag. 24 , 25 , 26 , 27. Of some of these words I know not how to make any sense . Of others of them I think I know the meaning , but cannot perceive their design ; for admitting there hath been a greater Catechism of Mr. Nowels , admitting that which is authorized to be taught in Schools is the less and not the bigger , what is either gained or lost , unless the Author had declared his judgment with some diversity in the two Catechisms ? which is not , cannot be pretended . What though I do not find any one single Question concerning Predestination or the Points thereupon , may not the Author in Answer to other Questions sufficiently declare his mind ? I will set down the passages quoted by Mr. Hickman at large . To the Church do all they properly belong , as many as do truly fear and honour and call upon God , altogether applying their minds to live holily and godly , and , putting all their trust in God , do most assuredly look for the blessedness of eternal life . They that be stedfast , stable , constant in this Faith , were chosen and appointed , and ( as we term it ) Predestinated to this so great Felicity . Again , The Church is the Body of the Christian Common-wealth , i. e. the universal number and fellowship of the Faithful , whom God through Christ hath before all beginning of time appointed to everlasting life . This the Doctor saith is not to be found in the Latine Edition . But I say , and am sure of it , it is to be found in the Latine Edition of 1570. set forth by the Author , and printed by Reginald Wolf , the Queens Latine Printer . He saith secondly , It is taken almost word for word out of Bishop Poinet 's Catechism ; and therefore must be understood in no other sense than before it was , when it was perused and approved by the Bishops , and other Learned men of King Edward 's time . If so , then up goes Calvinism ; for we have before proved Arch-Deacon Philpot , one of those Learned men , expresly to own Calvin's Predestination ; nor is it possible to interpret Poinet's words so , as that Faith shall be an antecedent and not consequent of Predestination . He that saith , only those who are predestinated to Eternal life believe , doth say , that no Believer can finally fall from Faith , if he understand the necessary consequences of his saying , as in justice we are bound to think so great a Scholar as Bishop Poinet did . But of Poinet no more . Mr. Nowel's own words are plain and clear for an election unto Faith and Salvation , before the foundations of the World were laid ; and that they who are thus elected , have in their own minds the spirit of Christ , the Author of this confidence , and in like manner a most certain pledge of it : The Scholar finally is taught to say , that by the instinct of the Divine Spirit , he most certainly perswades himself , that he also by God's good gift through Christ , is freely made one of this blessed City . And it is further worth observation , that there is scarce any one place of Scripture made use of by the Calvinists to prove Personal election , which Mr. Nowel hath not put into the Margin of his Catechism ; Matth. 16.18 . Rom. 8.29 , 30. Ephes. 1.4 , 5. Col. 3.12 . Tit. 1.1 . Rom. 8.9 , 15 , 16. 2 Cor. 1.22 . and 5.5 . Ephes. 1.13 , 14. and 5.30 . All this notwithstanding the Doctor pleaseth himself , as if Mr. Nowel were his own . And that he might not seem to lay claim to him without some gound , he produceth two places out of his lesser Catechism , promised by the Author in the Epistle Dedicatory of the larger , and now , as more apt for youth , commonly taught in Grammar Schools , page 33. In tender compassion unto him and my Reader , I will not relate them ; but they are both such , as any Calvinist will embrace with both arms , as savouring of that special Faith that some ancient Calvinists , too securely following their Master , contend for . In it the Doctor finds , that we are elected by or through faith in Christ ; therefore , saith he , the Decree of Election is not absolute and irrespective . Nor do the Calvinists say , it is , without a limitation or distinction of the words irrespective and absolute . The second passage is such , as no Remonstrant can mention without abhorrence ; for Remonstrants do utterly deny , that God made any Covenant with Adam , that if he stood all his Posterity should stand if he sell all his Posterity should fall , and be corrupted with Original Sin : but the Calvinist is eager for this Covenant ; and no less eagerly doth he contend , that God promised to send Christ , the Seed of the Woman , to break the Serpent's head , that is , the Devil , and so to deliver him and his Posterity that believed the same ; for this , if it proves any thing , proves particular Redemption : which the most famous Calvinists now a days do not contend for ; some of them have written whole Books against it . I shall only insert one passage more out of Mr. Nowel's Catechism , relating to the peremptoriness and irreversibility of God's will of purpose ; it is in his Exposition of the third Petition of the Lord's Prayer : Non tantum precantur ut quod illi decretum fuerit eveniat ; quod , quum divina voluntas efficiendi necessitatem secum semper adferat , evenire necesse est , &c. quoting in the Margin Psal. 115.3 , and 135.6 , 7 , Rom. 9.19 . And so my Pen takes its leave of this holy and learned Person a constant hearer of Peter Martyr ; both wonderfully preserved from the fury of the Bishops , and both , no doubt , of one mind in these matters . In the next place I am to wait on the Doctor to the Queen Elizabeth Homilies ; for he hath adventured to look into them : and a great adventure it had been to look into them , if so be he had looked into them with an intention as well to answer what had been alledged against him by Mr. Prin , as to consider what made for him . I have already entreated my Reader to give himself the trouble of comparing passages of all sorts , and then there will remain no further trouble for me . I am sure no man can think , that any thing in the 29 , 30 , 31 , pages of the Doctor 's third Part , collected out of the Homilies , is contradictory to the Calvinists assertions rightly understood . The Homily of the Nativity saith , Christ must be not only full and perfect man , but also full and perfect God ; to the intent he might more fully and perfectly make satisfaction for mankind . This , saith the Doctor , is as plain as words can make it . And plain indeed it is , against any that deny either the Deity or Humanity of Christ ( those that do so , usually deny God's Decrees too ; ) but there is here neither plain , nor obscure words , or word against Calvinists . Every one will laugh at the passage brought for Universal Grace , out of the first part of the Sermon against the peril of Idolatry ; which amounts to no more than this , that Idolatry is against the light of Nature as well as Scripture : Yet in this passage did he so much please himself , that he proceeds to tell us , that in the third Part of that Sermon , there are some passages , that do as plainly speak of falling from God , the final alienation of the soul of a man once righteous from his love and favour . Such passages as these would be worth Gold , the fine Gold of Ophir . He names but one , which is this , How much better were it , that the Arts of Painting and we had never been found , than one of them whose souls are so precious in the sight of God , should by occasion of Image or Picture , perish and be lost . This passage looks as if it were designed to perswade Christian Magistrates to break down all Images of God , Christ , the Saints , especially in Churches , ( on which score these Sermons against Idolatry have been decried by sundry of the Doctor 's Friends ; ) but what hath it in it , that by all the help of the whole Art of Logick can militate against Perseverance ? Better it were that Painting had never been found out , than that by occasion of a Picture , a precious Soul should perish and be lost ; therefore the Souls of the Elect , of justified and righteous Persons , may be totally and finally alienated from the grace and favour of God. I will form his other Argument against Perseverance out of the Homily of the Resurrection . The Homilist very affectionately disswades those that are risen with Christ from returning to sin ; therefore he took it for granted , that some truly sanctified Souls might totally and finally fall from grace . These two are pretty , but the prettiest passage of all is still behind ; The co-operation of mans will with the grace of God ( he must mean , or else he trifleth , in the very first moment of conversion , ) is presumed , or else our Church had not writ any Homilies at all . Just so he might argue , that if Calvin had not held co-operation , he would never have preached Sermons . And indeed out of Calvin , Beza , Zuinglius , may easily be gathered five hundred places that have a more seeming and colourable face of contrariety against Calvinism , than any that the Doctor hath made a shift to gather out of our English Homilies . Yet least he might be thought faint-hearted , he goes on from the Homilies to Bishop Iewel , the Copier out of Peter Martyr's Sermons and Lectures , his intima●e Friend at Oxford , his Guest at Strasborough and Zurich , and his Assistant in compiling his Comment on Iudges . In his Defence of his Apology , he saith , that Christ by saying , it is finished , plainly signified , persolutum jam esse prectum pro peccato humani generis : By which the good Bishop sufficiently declared himself to be no friend to Popish Satisfactions . But what can hence be inferred , either for or against Calvinism ? Did ever any Calvinist say , that Christ did not pay the whole price ? or that God did expect any part of the price from the hands of any other ? I , but it was paid for the sin of mankind . True ; but not for the sin of every particular person of mankind : though if it had been so said by Iewel , many Calvinists would have liked Iewel the better for such a speech . At length the Doctor hits upon one just of his mind , viz. Mr. Samuel Harsnet , who preached at Paul's Cross Octob. 27 , 1584 , and preached Anticalviristically in all the five Points under Controversie . This must be granted him , if the Sermon were delivered as it was some few years since printed . Hence he argues . A Sermon preached at St. Paul 's , at which no offence was taken , upon which no Recantation was enjoyned , nor any complaint made ; had no matter in it contrary to the Rules of the Church , and the appointment of the same . Mr. Harsnet 's Sermon was such a Sermon , preached at St. Paul 's , &c. Ergo , it had no matter in it contrary to the Rules of the Church , &c. Either the Doctor thinks the major of this Syllogism true , or he does not . If he does not , then can he have no confidence in his own Syllogism . If he do , then will it evidently follow that , in Calvinism there is nothing contrary to the Rules of the Church , because so many Calvinistical Sermons have been preached at Paul's , which were never complained of to Authority , nor any Recantation enjoyned upon them , yea , for which the Preachers have had thanks and preferments . Besides , if Mr. Harsnet had been complained of and Recantation enjoyned him , the Doctor would not have accounted him the less Orthodox on that account ; for he knows and will afterwards confess , that Recantation hath been enjoyned for such kind of Sermons as Mr. Harsnet's was . So that I can scarce tell , whether it be worth while to descend to the minor of the former Syllogism ; for what will it advantage us to prove , that the Sermon was Censured and Recanted , when as those we have to deal with are resolved to think , that lawful Authority hath enjoyned Recantations of Sermons agreeable to the Articles of Religion ? Yet because we are in genere Historico , I deny the minor ; and say , It doth appear that offence was taken at the forementioned Sermon , that complaint was made of it , and that the Preacher did at least declare his sorrow for it : perhaps not heartily , for he seems to have lived and died an Arminian ; yet he did declare his sorrow for the preaching of that his Sermon . Had he not so done , the University no doubt had spewed him out ; especially living in a Colledge where Dr. Fulke was Master , a man , that in his Answer to the Rhemists , hath thought himself as much concerned to vindicate the Doctrine of Election and Reprobation , and the Points thereupon depending , as any other Doctrine of our Reformation whatever . Doth any one ask me , how it appears that Mr. Harsnet and his Sermon was so censured and condemned ? I answer , It appears from the plain testimony of Mr. William Prin , page 304 , of his Perpetuity , printed at such a time , when Prudence as well as Conscience would have restrained him from uttering an untruth against so great a man as Harsnet was then become ? Can it be imagined , that if this had been a slander , so great a Prelate of our Nation would not have demanded reparation and satisfaction ? As for the Doctor 's Argument , that seeing the Sermon was preached at the Cross , the University could take no cognizance of it ; it is such , as I suppose upon second thoughts , he will wish he had never made use of . And he hath as much reason to wish , that he had never troubled his Book with any thing of Bishop King's Lectures upon Ionah : in which nothing is to be found against absolute Predestination ; nor yet any thing from which any probable collection can be made , that the Bishop had conceived in his own mind any opinion about it contrary to Mr. Calvin's ; nor could the Doctor himself collect any thing from them , till he had first supposed , which no one will grant him , that there is the same reason of God's eternal Election and his Promises , as of his eternal Reprobation and his threatnings . This done ; the Historian fills his nineteenth Chapter with lamentations and weeping , bewailing the sad condition of the Church , that was feign , in her Reformation under Queen Elizabeth , to make use of any Learned man that had zeal against Popery , to discharge the places of greatest trust and Authority in the Church , how Calvinistical soever they were for Doctrine . But when was that it the Church was put to this strait ? was it not in the first years of Queen Elizabeth ? and particularly in the year 1562 , when the first Convocation was held ? If so , what a piece of boldness was it to say , that that Convocation drew up Articles with any purpose to give check to Doctrinal Calvinism ? and what uncharitableness is it to affirm , that our learned Divines did change their minds , when for a few years they were forced to change the air in the Reign of Queen Mary ? What men of note had they to converse with beyond the Seas , whose Opinions and Arguments they had not read and considered while in England ? They must needs be clouds without water , if the breath of Calvin and Martyr could so easily toss them to and fro . But we know , those that went over Conformists , came home Conformists ; and those that went over Non-conformists , came back Non-conformists , though somewhat strengthened in their Non-conformity , by the communion they had with the Protestant Churches beyond the Seas . I shall hereafter shew , that not only Non-conforming Divines , but also the most zealous Conformists , did set themselves with all their might to declare against and crush the Arminian Doctrine , as soon as in any place it began to be be delivered . And the Doctor may do well to remember , that Mr. Hooper and Mr. Bradford , whom he hath before made so much use of , though to little purpose , were both of them Non-conformists in King Edward's days : and Mr. Latimer , whom he also challengeth for his own , was litle better than a Non-conformist , letting fly sufficiently at the Dignities of the Reformed Prelates . So that , if these three men had been as much for him as he pretends , a man might say , English Arminianism did spring out of the root of Non-conformity : but it will appear , that it did spring from opposition to those wholsom Doctrines , in which all our Reformers , how much soever differing about Ceremonies , agreed . Mr. Iohn Fox his Martyrology , though dedicated to the Queen and by her accepted graciously , though highly honoured by a Canon of the whole Convocation , 1571 , the Historian expresly saith , he looketh on as the first great Battery which was made on the Bulwarks of this Church , in point of Doctrine , by any Member of her own , page 58. A piece of confidence suitable to that which carried him to say , King Edward was an ill principled Prince , and that his removal by death was no infelicity of our Church . And it is the more inexcusable , because in all his Histo●i●s about our Reformation , he lighteth his Candle so oft at the Martyrologist's . It seems he loveth darkness rather than light , if it come from Geneva . Bishop Hall , to whom Episcopacy oweth far more than to Doctor Heylin , calleth Fox a Saint-like Historian ; and for such he will be accounted , as long as any one drop of good Protestant bloud runneth in our English veins . But did the Convocation appoint no balm for that wound made by the Martyrology ? Yes , that it did , he thinks . What was it ? Another Canon , page 60 , that men should teach no other Doctrine in their publick Sermons to be believed of the People , but what was agreeable to the Doctrine of the Old and New Testament , and had from thence been gathered by the Catholick Fathers , and ancient Bishops . I say , If this Canon had been observed , Mr. Harsnet had never preached his Sermon : He thinks , Calvinism had never been preached , because maintained by none of the Catholick Fathers , and ancient Bishops , but Saint Augustine only , who was but one Bishop , but one Father . All Calvinists will now easily forgive him his reproaches against Calvin , seeing he spares not St. Augustine . But I hope he will not forgive himself that passion , which produced so great an untruth . Had he said , none before St. Augustine maintained Calvin's Doctrines , the mistake had been excusable : so is it not , to say , that no Catholick Father or ancient Bishop , maintained it besides St. Augustine . Doubtless Prosper and Hilary were both Catholick Fathers , and ancient Bishops ; yet they as much maintained Calvin's Opinions as St. Augustine doth . Who are the Bishops and Catholick Fathers , that the Doctor follows in these Points of Predestination and grace ? In his second Part , page 36 , he quotes three ancient Writers . The first , Ambrose on the Epistles : yet every one knows , that those Commentaries on the Epistles are not his , but the work , as some think , of a Pelagian ; as others , of one Hilary , no Bishop , though a Catholick . He also quotes the Commentary upon Saint Paul's Epistles ascribed to St. Hierom : but he is not ignorant ( or if he be ignorant , few other Scholars be . ) that those Commentaries , however formerly fathered on Hierom , do call Pelagius himself Father ; and he , I trow , was no Cathotholick Father , or ancient Bishop , but a most vile Heretick . He also refers us to St. Chrysostom in Ep. 14. By which I know not what he means ; but am sure it is little credit to a Doctor in Divinity living so near the University , to bring Chrysostom in Latine , whose Greek is so easie as that School-boys are able to understand it : so that if this had been any piece of a Sermon , I might certainly h●●e concluded , that the Doctor had violated the Canon ; and would fain know of him , how our ordinary Countrey Preachers should be in any capacity to observe this Canon , whose Libraries scarcely afford a Father of any Edition to be trusted to ? The best advice I can give them is , to buy such Books as contain a Confession of Faith confirmed all along with Scriptures and Fathers ; in which I cannot but commend the Orthodoxus Consensus , dedicated by Gasper Laurentius to the Prince Elector Palatine , bound up with the Corpus & Syntagma confessionum Fidei printed at Geneva , 1654. There is also published by Cyril , late Patriarch of Constantinople , a Confession of Faith as Calvinistical as if it had been extracted out of Calvin's own Institutions , which is now extant ; confirmed all along by Scripture and Fathers , Catholick and ancient , in a little Piece put out by the learned Hottinger : where also there is enough said of Cyril's life , troubles , and death to free him from the aspersions cast on him by the Iesuits and by Grotius . We have brought off Mr. Fox , and must now see , whether the Historian do charge Mr. Perkins with more success , of whom it is affirmed , page 62 , That he did open wider the great breach , that had been made by Mr. Fox . Sure it may easily be pardoned him , that he made that breach wider which was made by the Church it self , by putting so much honour upon the Acts and Monuments as did , if we may believe this Doctor , manifestly tend to the subversion of that Doctrine that she had about ten years before so solemnly ratified . But as it may well be presumed , that the Church would not consent to the picking out of her own eyes ; so we have great reason to think , that Mr. Perkins did design all his Treatises , only to commend that milk unto others which he had , with so much delight and nourishment , sucked from the Breasts of his Mother , the Reformed Church of England . The Treatise of his quarrelled at , is called Armilla Aurea , composed by the Author in Latine , translated into English by Dr. Robert Hill , at the request of Perkins himself , ( saith our Historian ; ) but tells us not whence he had that information : nor indeed is it probable , that Mr. Perkins would request another to do a work that might easily be done , and yet could be done so well by no hand as his own . The Translator tells us plainly , in his Epistle Dedicatory unto the Judge of the Admiralty Court , that he made the Translation at the request of some well disposed , that his own Countrey-men might by it reap some profit : and perhaps also he had a design to reap some profit by his Countrey-men , presaging that it would be of very quick sale ; as indeed it hapned , being printed fifteen times in the space of twenty years . Many of the greatest learning and judgment , thought this left-handed Ehud did by this his Book , wound the Pelagian Cause to the very heart . Our Historian thinks not so , and tells us page 64 , that it found not like welcome in all places , nor from all hands . Parsons the Iesuite is brought in thus sleighting him , By the deep humour of fancy , he hath published and writ many Books with strange Titles , which neither He , nor his Reader do understand ; as namely , about the Concatenation , or laying together of the causes of mans Predestination and Reprobation . And then Iacob van Harmin , he acquaints us , wrote a full discourse against it . I know not what he means by , it : Arminius his Examen , as we all know , being not designed against Perkins his Armilla Aurea ; but against another Piece called a Treatise of Predestination , and of the largeness of God's grace . And that Examen of Arminius hath been so confuted by the learned Dr. Twiss , that no Remonstrant hath as yet had confidence enough to rejoyn . All the wind hitherto sent from the Doctor , hath shaken no corn : We can contemn Parsons , and not value Arminius . He therefore further acquaints us , page 65 , of a very sharp censure passed upon Mr. Perkins , by the Doctor of the Chair in Oxford . What is this censure ? No more , but that Mr. Perkins , otherwise a learned and pious Person , ( therefore surely able to understand the Title of his own Books , ) did err no light error , in making the subject of Divine Predestination , to be man considered before the fall : adding also further , that " some by undertaking to defend Mr. Perkins in this opinion , had given unnecessary trouble to the Church . This censure is very gentle , in comparison of what the same Reverend and Learned Professor , afterwards Bishop of Salisbury , thought meet to pass upon Arminius , Bertius , and all their Followers ; whom he accuseth of most detestable Sacriledge . The same Doctor had before undertaken a Defence of Mr. Perkins his Reformed Catholick , calling him a man of very commendable quality , and well deserving , for his great travel and pains for the furtherance of true Religion , and edifying of the Church : which Reformed Catholick also is learnedly defended by Mr. Wotton . For a parting blow , the Doctor tells us that Mr. Perkins scarce lived out half his days : and that in the pangs of death , he spake nothing so articulately , as Mercy , mercy ; which he hopes God did graciously grant him in that woful agony . And I for my part , do not at all doubt that God shewed him mercy , and had shewed him the very riches of his mercy many years before ; for God is not unrighteous , that he should forget that labour of love with which Mr. Perkins had laboured in Cambridge . As little do I doubt , that there are hundreds in Heaven blessing that Providence , that placed a light so shining and burning in that University . His dying so soon is not to be imputed to his bloud-thirstiness , or deceitfulness ; but to his hard studies and unwearied diligence , which must needs wast his natural spirits , and bring him sooner to his grave than he would have come , if he could have satisfied himself ( as some do ) to enter into the Pulpit no oftner , than the High Priest entred into the Holy of Holies . He always desired that he might die praying for the pardon of sin , and he had his desire . If in his Sermon he pronounced the word damned with a more than ordinary Emphasis , it was only to forwarn his Hearers to flee from the wrath to come . If he so pressed the Law , as to make the hair of the young Scholars stand upright , it was only , that being awakened o●t of their security , they might seriously ask the question , How they should do to be saved ? The Law was designed to be a School-master to bring us to Christ , and would not have that effect , if it should not be preached with some of that terror with which it was at first delivered . But he made the infinitely greatest part of all mankind uncapable of God's grace and mercy , by an absolute and irrespective decree of Reprobation . So it is said page 66. but no such thing can be proved out of Mr. P's Writings . Had he framed any such decree as made any one man or woman uncapable of grace and mercy , he must needs have affrighted away his Disciples and Hearers : which he was so far from doing , that the Historian himself confesseth , that by means of him and Dr. Whitaker , the University had been quite over-run with Calvinism , had not Dr. Baro , a French-man born , set himself to pluck up what the other two had planted and watered . Of this Dr. Baro we shall hear the Historian tell us a fine tale : Scilicet liberanda veritas expectabat liberatorem Petrum Baro , the English Kingdom of Heaven had fallen , had it not been for this Atlas that bare it up with his shoulders . Let us see what the man was , and what he held , that we may know how much we owe unto him ; which yet we cannot well do , till we have taken in our way the story of one Barret . This Barret in a Sermon ad Clerum , April 29. 1595 , had vented sundry Anticalvinistical Points , for which he was convented May 5. before the Heads of Houses , and charged to have preached Doctrines erroneous and false , and contrary to the Religion received and established by publick Authority in the Realm of England . He confessed the Doctrines charged upon him , but denied them to be any way repugnant to the Doctrine of the Church of England . Whereupon the Vice-Chancellor and forenamed Heads , entring into mature deliberation , and diligently weighing and examining these Positions ; because it did manifestly appear , that the said Positions were false , erroneous , and likewise repugnant to the Religion received and established in the Church of England , adjudged and declared , that the said Barret had incurred the penalty of the 45th Statute of the University , de Concionibus : and , by virtue and tenour of that Statute , they decreed and adjudged the said Barret , to make a publick Recantation , in such words and form , as by the Vice-Chancellor and the said Heads , or any three or two of them , should be prescribed unto him ; or else upon his refusal to recant , to be perpetually expelled both from his Colledge and the University . What the form of Recantation was , may be seen in Mr. Prin ; such it was , as gave sufficient honour unto Calvin , Peter Martyr , and the Doctrines Preached and Printed by them . Lo here we have those that were alwaies entrusted with power to judge of , and to condemn false Doctrine , condemning the Anti-Calvinistical opinions as false and contrary to the Articles of Religion established in England . And when such an Authority has laid a Recantation upon Mr Barret , how will Dr. H. get it off ? Why First , He doubts whether any Recantation were enjoyned in so many words as are extant in Mr. Prin. This is an irrational doubt ; seeing Mr. Prin had the transcript under the University Register's own hand . Secondly , He denies it as a thing most false , that ever Barret published any Recantation , whatsoever it was . And yet Mr. Prin , tells him that he had a transcript taken out of an Original copy under Mr. Barrets own hand ; and tells us , as also does Mr. Fuller , what words he used after he had read the Recantation : and words they are from which it might be infer'd , that he was not heartily sorry for the errors delivered by him , nor really changed in his judgment . But doth it not appear by a Letter of the Heads of Houses dated March 8 , that Mr. Barret had never made any such Recantation ? I answer , It doth not appear ; for the Heads of Houses say not , that he had never read the Recantation , but that he had refused to do it in such sort as was prescribed : which might make those who were in Authority in the University , both to mind him of his duty , and also to complain of him unto their Chancellour for not doing his duty . Yet if it will do the Doctor a kindness , let him enjoy his fancy , that Mr. Barret Recanted not ; for to be sure he did not credit his Recantation , returning to Arminianism and also to Popery , unto which the Heads of Houses say Arminianism had been by sundry made a Bridge . However here is the judgment of the Heads of Houses in Cambridge solemnly declared , that he who strikes at Mr. Calvin in these points , strikes at the Church of England also . Yea , sayes the Dr , but it will not hence follow that Barrets Doctrines were repugnant to the Church of England , because these Heads judged them so : for if so , we may conclude by the same Argument , that the Church of Rome was in Light , in the Darkest times of ignorance and superstition ; because all that publickly opposed her Doctrine were enjoyned Recantation . Which evasion is so lamentable , that he had much better have used none ; for we do not from the injoyning of the Recantation inferr the falsity of the Doctrines to be recanted , but only their dissonance unto the Religion established : and certainly the Church of Rome when it was at the worst , did never injoyn Recantation of any Doctrine , which was not contrary unto her present sentiments . And so I leave Mr. Barret and his opinions under the blot justly dropped upon them by the University , only taking notice that Barrets peremptoriness might occasion Baro to deliver his mind more plainly and publickly , than before he had done ; which occasioned the University to send up Dr. Whitaker and Dr. Tindal unto Arch-Bishop Whitgift , hoping that he who had been so zealous against Cartwright in a point of Discipline , would be found to have some zeal against Baro in matter of Doctrine : nor did their hopes fail them ; for he forthwith called to him sundry right worthy and Reverend Divines , and drew up those Articles commonly called the Lambeth-Articles , agreed upon November the 10th . 1595. nine they are in number , and were approved by the Arch-Bishop of York , as well as by his Grace of Canterbury . So that here are the two Metropolitans , men no doubt considerable for Learning as well as for Authority ; for both of them had been Lady Margaret's and King's Professors in the University . Now I ask , Did these know the Doctrine of the Church , or did they not ? If they did not , how durst they call men to subscribe what they knew not ? If they did , then either Calvinism in this matter , is the Doctrine of the Church ; or else the two Primates commended to the University , a Doctrine against their own Light and conscience . And it is worth observation that the Bishop of York in his Letter to his Brother of Canterbury , does give him to understand , that his opinion he sent him concerning Election and Reprobation , was but that in which they had both agreed while they professed and taught Divinity in the Schools . Nor can it be said that Whitgift received his opinion from beyond the Seas , where he never was ; having such favour shewed him by Doctor Perne , that he never needed to leave the Kingdom . More probable it is that he suckt in these opinions from his Tutor Mr. Bradford , and from Bishop Ridley Master of Pembroke Hall , whilst he was a fresh-man . By whom also he was so principled against the tyranny and Detestable enormities of the Pope , that at the time of his commencing Dr. in Divinity , he gave this Thesis to be disputed on , Papa est Antichristus . Wherefore let not the Historian spend time to prove , that those Articles do not bind the Church as those did that solemnly passed in the Convocations ; for I ascribe no such Authority to them , only urge them as Declarations of the Articles of our Religion ; just as I would urge the judgment of the two Lord Chief Iustices , calling in to their assistance others learned in the Law , for the expounding of a Statute : 't is not impossible they should be mistaken in their exposition ; but it would be strongly presumed by all modest men , that they were not mistaken . And so I could let go these Articles , had it not pleased the Historian to tell us , of a mighty offence taken at them by the Lord Burleigh , and a resolution of having all that acted in them attainted of a praemunire ; from the danger of which the Arch-Bishop could not get release , until he had promised speedily to recall and suppress those Articles . All which we have laid down , page 81 , 82 , as things affirmed by Mr. Mountague , from the Remonstrants , in an Answer of theirs published , 1618. But where did these Remonstrants hear this story ? Why , possibly they might have it from the mouth of Baro , or some other Cambridge men . Will any man believe so great things upon so slender proofs as the possibility of the Remonstrants hearing them from the mouth of some Cantabridgian ? when they do not so much as pretend to have heard any such thing from any member of our Church , nor doth any one ever since offer to tell us when and where the Arch-Bishop was forced to make any such submission ? The Heads of Houses in their Letter to the Lord Burleigh , own the sending up of Dr. Tindal , and Dr. Whitaker , to conferr with the Lord of Canterbury : and write of the great and comfortable quiet , that by the coming down of the Articles , was brought unto the University ; until that Baro in January following , contrary to restraint and commandment , gave some new disturbance . In the same Letter also , subscribed with their names , and bearing date March 8. 1595 , they resolutely tell the same Lord ; that Baro had determined , preached , printed diverse points of Doctrine , not only contrary to himself , but also contrary to that which had been taught and received ever since her Majesty's reign , and agreeable to the errours of Popery . Wherefore they pray his Lordship to vouchsafe his good ayd and advise to the comfort of themselves and all others of the University truly affected , and to the suppression , in time , of those errours , and even of gross Popery like by such means to creep in among them . And upon this Letter , or something else , Baro left his place in the University : because he could not keep it , say Dr. Ward , Mr. Fuller , and all other Cantabridgians that ever I read ; but this Oxford Historian , who can easily affirm any thing that he much desires , tells us he left his place , neither because he was deprived , nor because he had any fear of being deprived , but meerly because he had no mind to keep it any longer . Nay he sticks not to affirm that in case it had pleased him to continue any longer Lecturer , it is probable he might have carried the Lecture from any other Candidate , or Competitour of what rate soever . But by what mediums did he bring himself to this probable perswasion , or whence did he collect that Baro had so great a number of adherents ? Only from Dr. Overals being chosen to succeed Dr. Whitaker . But if they were the Anti-calvinists that carried it for Overal , why did they not rather carry it for Baro himself , seeing they had such fair presidents of preferring those who are Lady Margarets Professors to be King's Professors ? Hutton had been so preferred , so had Whitgift , so had Chaderton . Or if Baro's interest were so great , how came he to use so little care and Conscience as not to provide a Successor of his own mind ? Did he think his opinions were not worth the knowing : If he did not , why did he trouble the world with them ? If he did , why would he so tamely yield to the chusing of Doctor Playfer , than whom there was not a man in all the University more opposite to him ? The truth is Doctor Overal had not then declared himself to differ from Calvin , and therefore was by the University employed to convince Barret : and afterwards when he delivered such things as some Calvinists condemned him for , yet he never deliver'd his mind so , as to deny personal election or the certain perseverance of all the elect . Something more of his mind we shall hear hereafter , in the Hampton-Court Conference . In the mean time I must mind the Doctor of a certain Catechism , consisting of Questions and Answers touching the Doctrine of Predestination , bound up with our English Bibles , printed by Robert Barker , Anno 1607. but not then first bound up with our Bibles , as the Doctor seems willing to think , pag. 101 , 102. The Questions and Answers are to be found in the Church Bibles , commonly called the Bishops Bibles : printed by Christopher Barker . I my self have seen Bibles printed twenty years before the coming in of King Iames , in which they were ; and for ought I know they were as old as any Translation of the Bible used in Queen Elizabetbs time . He asks , by what authority those Questions and Answers were put in betwixt the Old and New Testament ? and so I remember he somewhere asks , by what Authority the Metrical Translation of the Psalmes was allowed to be Sung in Churches ? I am not able to give him a satisfactory answer either to the one or the other question ; no more than he is able to answer me , who made our second Book of Homilies ? Yet he thinks I suppose , that those who made that Book were Authorized to make it : and so I think , that those who first bound up those Questions and Answers and Singing Psalmes with our Bibles , had Order and Authority so to do . All this while Cambridge hath took us up . We must now look into the other University , in which we are told that all things were calm and quiet , no publick opposition shewing it s●lf in the Schools or Pulpits . The reason of this quiet is guessed at , because the Students of that University did more incline to the canvasing of such Points as were in difference betwixt us , and the Romanists . For witness he calls in many Papists , and on the other side Bishop Iewel , Bishop Bilson , Dr. Humphry , Mr. Nowel , Dr. Reynolds , and many others which stood firm to the Church of England . This last clause sure slipped from him unawares . Upon second thoughts I fear he will scarce affirm , that all these stood firm to the Church of England . If they did , no lot or portion hath he or any of his in the Church of England : most of them having declared their minds point blank against conditional election , &c. Iewel hath told us his mind about Election in his Comment on the Thessalonians ; so hath Mr. Nowel in his Catechism ; Dr. Humphries in the Life of Iewel , &c. This nevertheless I grant that in Queen Elizabeths time , there were no disputings ex animi sententia against Calvinism in Oxford Schools . No Oxford man , during her Reign , declared himself for conditional decrees , or any thing else opposite to Mr. Calvin in these poin●s : but many did , as they had occasion , declare themselves strenuously for Calvin in Queen Elizabeths daies . We find the whole Convocation appointing Calvin's Institutions to be read by Tutors unto their Pupils , and other Books also as Calvinistical as the Institutions can be , by which means our Divines there became prepared against the adversary as soon as he should dare to shew himself . Anno 1597 , Robert Abbot proceeded Doctor , and being alarummed from Cambridge gave these two Theses , Aeterna Dei predestinatione continetur aliorum electio ad vitam aeternam , aliorum ad mortem reprobatio . Electorum certa est salus , ut perire non possint . Dr. Field ( qualis & quantus vir ! ) gave these Theses , Doctrina Praedestinationis olim tradita ab Augustino , & nostris temporibus a Calvino , eadem est , nec quicquam continet Catholicae veritati aut Fidei regulae contrarium . Praescientia Dei aeterno decreto omnia ordinantis , non pu●navit cum arbitrii libertate primis parentibus con●ess● . Orthodoxi Patres qui liberum arbitrium esse dix●runt , & q●● bodi● s●rvum esse docent , idem sentiunt . Five such Thesis as these , laid down by two such Scholars , were enough to let the new Pelagianizers see , there was no quarter for them in Oxford . Nor can I find , that they sought any ; Calvin being there all Qu. Elizabeths days , in as much honour as at Geneva . And of this the Historian seems sensible , confessing that even Barnabas was carried away into Calvinism : only he labours to prove , that it was but in one point , that of the not total or final falling away of Gods Elect. And that is indeed the only point , for which Mr. Hooker was quoted ; but that is such a point as with which the other are necessarily twisted , and so defended by him as that he appears Calvinistical to the utmost . For whereas there be that maintain the certain perseverance of only the Elect , judging it not impossible that some might be believers who were not Elect , Hooker plainly makes all true believers Elect to eternal life , and therefore sure to persevere in the Faith ; and he is so confident in this point as in none more , prefacing his assertion thus , In this I am sure I am not deceived , nor can I deceive you . At last the Doctor is faign to fly to this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that his Discourse of Iustification might be altered by the Publisher of it , or it might be written by him as as an Essay of his younger years , pag. 90. Had he not better have said , It is true that Hooker also was a Doctrinal Calvinist , but I could heartily wish he had not been such ? And then I should have better liked him . What then will the Doctor let go the whole University of Oxford ? No. Ibid. Some there were who spared not to declare their dislike of the Calvinian tenents , and secretly trained up their Scholars in other principles . An answer that may indifferently serve for any Novellists , by whatsoever names dignified or distinguished . The absurd Quakers may say , that there have been in the University many , that never bowed their Knees to Baal , and thereupon charge flesh to be silent , and not object singularity to them : and they may further add , that sundry great Scholars will be as free to joyn with them , as Buckeridge and Houson were to joyn with Mountague , if ●ver there come a time in which it shall be no more ●●●●rdous to own their friends than it was in 1626 , to ●wn Mountague . There is only one thing in which the Doctor can hope to out-shoot them , and that is this , that Bishop Bancroft , when Baro died at London three or four years after his leaving Cambridge , took Order to have most of the Divines in and about London to attend his Funeral . This plainly shews , thinks he , that there were many of both Universities that openly favoured Baro 's Doctrines , pag. 90. But do we indeed favour , and plainly declare that we favour , the opinions of those whose Funerals we attend ? If so , then must we never go to the Funeral of a Roman Catholick ; then did Queen Elizabeth and her Bishop Grindal plainly discover themselves friends to Popery , when they so magnificently celebrated the Funerals of the Emperour . Besides , the Historian would do well to consider , that when the Prophet Elijah thought himself to be alone , Israel was manifestly apostatized from the God of her Fathers , and had committed Whoredom with Idols ; and so in Athanasius his time the world was become A●●an . If the Doctor also will grant , that in Queen Elizabeths time , the Church was become Calvinistical , he grants the very thing we are contending for . As for the truth of the Calvinistical opinions , that we are ready to try with him by Scripture when he pleaseth . In this History we search not what ought to be held , but what hath been held : not of what mind our Reformers should have been , but of what they were . If Calvinism be truth , it will be truth , though it had never found entertainment in the Church of England . If it be error , it will be error , though all the Church of England be for it ; for the Church cannot make truth or falsehood , but only declare what is truth and falsehood . Whether the Church have declared Calvinism or Anti-calvinism to be truth , that is the only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Seeing we have found Anti-calvinism discountenanced by the Church , in Queen Elizabeths Reign ; let us now follow the Historian to her Successors dayes , that we may see whether it were more countenanced then . The first thing we are led to Pag. 96 , 97 , 98 , 99 , 100 , is the Hampton Court Conference : in which he shall find nothing for him , but much against him . Dr. Reynolds calls the Lambeth Articles Orthodoxal : no one intimated that they were Heterodoxal . Dr. Overal declares against the total and final Apostasy of the Saints : no one declared for it . His Majesty determined , that Predestination and Election depend not upon any Qualities , actions , or works of Men , which be mutable ; but upon Gods Eternal and immutable decree and purpose : no one said or whispered any thing against this determination 'T is only said that the Bishop of London told his Majestie how very many in these daies , neglecting Holiness of life , presumed too much of persisting in grace , ( Calvinists would say , such fellows never had grace to persist in ) laying all their Religion on Predestination , If I shall be saved , I shall be saved , which he termed a desperate Doctrine , ( and so the Calvinists term it also an hundred times over ; ) shewing it to be contrary to good Divinity , and the true Doctrine of Predestination , wherein we should rather reason Ascendendo than Descendendo , thus ; I live in obedience to God , in love to my Neighbour , I follow my occasion , &c. therefore I trust God hath elected me and predestinated me to eternal Salvation : not th●● , which is the usual course of argument , God hath predestinated and chosen me to life , therefore though I sin never so grievously , yet I shall not be damned ; for whom he once loveth , he loveth to the End. In which words there is some thing Hypercalvinistical ; for the Bishop saith , we must rather reason Ascendendo than Descendendo : but the Calvinist saith , that we must altogether reason Ascendendo , in such a way as he after delineates . If the Bishop were not a Calvinist , I would fain know how a man could , according to his principles , argue Ascendendo , I live in obedience to God , therefore I trust God hath elected me and predestinated me to Salvation . The Calvinist saith , he that lives in obedience to God is predestinated to Salvation : but so doth not the Anti-calvinist , nor hath he any foundation to build his trust of Predestination to Salvation upon ; for , according to him , a man who lives in all good obedience to God may be damned , because he may cease to live in obedience to God , and hath no promise that he shall not cease . But if Dr. Bancroft had not by his speech declared himself Calvinistical ; yet , as hath been said , his Chaplain's publishing his Exposition or Analysis of our Articles , according to the Calvinistical frame , and that with his good liking and approbation , is a sufficient argument that he was such . To invalidate this argument it is only said , that That Analysis had been published 1585 , which was eighteen years before Bancroft was Arch-Bishop . Which answer adds strength to the argument ; for by it it appears , that he took one to be his Chaplain , who had eighteen years before published a Calvinistical Exposition of the Articles , and suffered him after his own Consecration to republish it , and to dedicate it to his own Grace : which it may be presumed , he would not have done , if it had contained any thing contrary to his own judgement and sense . Obj. But why would any one affirm , that Bancroft agreed to the Lambeth-Articles , whilst Bishop of London ? Answ. It was Mr. Fullers mistake , in his Church History , so to affirm . Mr. Hickman , whom the Doctor hath chosen for his adversary , never so affirmed . Yet he affirmed , that he agreed to them : and so it is like he did , in the capacity of a Divine called in to consult . On which score I also reckon that Mr. Nowel Dean of St. Pauls might agree to them ; because he was Dr. Whitakers Unkle and resided at London . Object . 2. Did not King James reject the Lambeth Articles , when propounded as fit to be inserted into the Articles ? Answ. He did not reject them , nor could he in honour reject them ; having never seen them before , nor having them read to him at that time . He was only told , that the Articles were by the Arch-Bishop , taking to him some Divines of special note , drawn up and sent to the University for the appeasing of quarrels . Whereupon his Majesty resolved , that when such questions do arise among Scholars , the quietest proceeding were , to determine them in the University , and not to stuff the Book with Conclusions Theological . Here is not one word of leaving them to be canvased and disputed in the Schools : though if they had been so left , they might not forthwith be held in the Affirmative or Negative , as best pleased the Respondent ; for the Respondent in our Universities can hold nothing without the allowance and approbation of the Doctor of the Chair , or Vice-Chancelor , or University . Yea King Iames did , some years after , allow the putting of these Lambeth-Articles into the Confession of the Church of Ireland , Anno 1615. To this the Doctor shapes an answer , pag. 101 , consisting of sundry particulars . First , That the Irish Articles were drawn up by Dr. Usher a professed Calvinian , who not only thrust in the Lambeth-Articles , but also made others of his own . Answ. The Articles are the better to be liked because drawn up by a hand so learned and peaceable . Secondly , That the King might give consent to the confirming of these Articles , though he liked them not . How so ? First , Because the Irish Nation , at that time , were most tenaciously addicted to the errors and corruptions of the Church of Rome , and therefore must be bended to the other extreme , before they could be streight . Secondly , It was an usual practise with the King in the whole course of his government , to ballance one extreme by another ; countenancing the Papists against the Puritans , and the Puritans sometimes against the Papists . Answ. I have heard much talk of the craft of King Iames ; but did never before hear , nor do I now believe , that this was any part of it : for what Policy is it , to bring People out of one extreme into another ? or what Piety is it , to agree to Articles of Religion , the which all the Clergy must approve , meerly to keep the civil interest even ? But I see what the Doctors fetch is in this ; what ever King Iames did in the affairs of Religion that his palat relisheth not , must be thought to be done to gratifie the Puritans : may not the Puritans also say , that what ever was done pleasing to the Doctor , was done in compliance with the Papists ? and with whom then will the name of King Iames be precious or honourable ? One piece of veracity I must needs commend the Doctor for , viz. his acknowledging that Dr. Reynolds owned the meaning of the sixteenth Article to be ●ound , pag. 98. This I commend , because Mr. Mountague found a forehead , in his Appeal , to aver that it was by him and the other Ministers challenged for unsound . I wish I had the like occasion to commend him for veracity to the end of his Book ? But I have not ; for pag. 103 , he tells us , that the opposites to the Calvinians were by the grace and favour of King James invested in the chief preferments of the Church of England , conferred as openly and freely upon them as those who had been bred up in the contrary perswasion . This if it be understood of men that had openly declared their opinions against the Calvinian Doctrine , will be found to be an untruth . If any trust be to be given to our printed Catalogues of Bishops , there were in that Kings Reign these Translations , or Consecrations . Canterbury , Richard Bancroft , 1604. G. Abbot , 1610. Asaph , Richard Parry , 1604. Iohn Hanmer , 1622. Bangor , Lewis Balie , 1616. Bath and Wells , Iames Mountague , 1608. Ar. Lake , 1616. Bristoll , Iohn Thornborough , 1603. Nicholas Felton , 1617. Iohn Scatchfield , 1619. Robert Wright , 1622. Chicester , Lancelot Andrews , 1605. Samuel Harsnet , 1609. George Carleton , 1619. Coventry , George Abbot , 1609. Richard Neile , 1610. Iohn Overal , 1614. Thomas Morton , 1618. St. Davids , Richard Milborne , 1615. William Laud , 1621. Ely , Lancelot Andrews , 1609. Nicholas Felton , 1618. Exeter , Valentine Cary , 1621. Glocester , Thomas Ravis , 1604. Henry Parry , 1607. Giles Thomson , 1611. Miles Smith , 1612. Hereford , Francis Godwin , 1617. Landaff , George Carleton , 1618. Theo. Field , 1619. Lincoln William Barlow , 1608. Richard Neile , 1613. George Mountayn , 1617. Iohn Williams , 1621. London , Richard Vaughan , 1604. Thomas Ravis , 1607. George Abbot , 1609. Iohn King , 1611. George Mountaine , 1621. Norwich , Iohn Overal , 1618. Samuel Harsnet , 1619. Oxford , Iohn Bridges , 1603. Iohn Houson , 1619. Roch. Willam Barlow , 1605. Rechard Neile , 1608. Io. Buckridge , 1611. Salisbury , Robert Abbot , 1615. Martin Fotherby , 1618. Robert Tomson , 1620. Iohn Davenant , 1621. Winchester , Ia. Mountague , 1617. Lancelot Andrews , 1618. Worcester , Henry Parry , 1610. Iohn Thornborough , 1617. York , Toby Mathew , 1606. Carlisle , Robert Snowdon , 1616. Richard Milbourne , 1620. Richard Senhouse , 1624. Chester , George Lloyd , 1604. Thomas Morton , 1616. Iohn Bridgeman , 1618. Durham , William Iames , 1606. Richard Neile , 1617. How few are they among these which the Doctor layes claim to ? And how little or no proof doth he give us that those whom he claims had publickly owned any of his Anti-calvinian Opinions ? Bancroft is never affirmed to have said or written any thing concerning Predestination , but what occurs in the Relation of the Hampton Court Conference ; and that can at most amount but to a rebuke of some carnal Protestants , who did abuse the Doctrine of Predestination to their destruction . Overal's Opinion in these points , if it somewhat differ from Calvin's , much more differs from Dr. Heylin's . Yet on the account of Overal's , and some others Episcopal preserments , the Historian groweth so confident , as to averr that his Conditional-decree-men found King James a gracious Patron , and by means of his gracious Patronage , in the end surmounted all difficulties , and came at last to be altogether as considerable , both for power and number , as the Calvinists were . He that will affirm this , and affirm it in Print , and whilst so many are living that knew the Transactions of King Iames his Court , must needs lose the credit of an impartial Historian . Yet the Doctor , as if he had not sufficiently disparaged himself in affirming so great an increase of Anti-calvinists in England , goes on to give a reason of it : just as some in Natural Philosophy undertake to give us a cause of the Swans singing before her death , before they have given us any good Authority that she doth so sing . But what is his reason ? Why , Dr. H. Pag. 103. The differences betwixt the Remonstrants and Contraremonstrants , in Holland , and their publishing of their Books one against another , by which the students in the Universities were quickned to study the points . Answ. That the breaking out of the Remonstrants could not , did not contribute to the increase of Arminianism in England , we shall see by and by . In the mean time , it is no great credit to the Doctors cause , that so few durst publickly appear for it , till it had the incouragement of the civil Magistrate . If the Primitive Christians had not published the truth , before Kings became nursing Fathers to it , the world had been to this day under Paganish darkness . Let me offer a Dilemma . Either there were some in England who thought Calvins Doctrines made God the Author of sin , destroyed liberty of will , opened a gap to all profaneness ; or there were not . If there were none , every one sees what will follow . If any , how came they to have so little zeal against so damnable blasphemies , as not to adventure the loss of all preferments , yea , of life it self , in opposing of them ? Dr. H. Pag. 104. But so it hapned , that while matters went thus fairly forwards , Conradus Vorstius , suspected for a Samosetenian or Socinian Heretick , &c was chosen by the Curators of Leiden , 1611 , to succeed Arminius . Answ. While things went thus fairly forward : How fairly forward ? You told us before of the preferments of certain Bishops that had espoused your opinions : several of whose preferments were bestowed on them after this election of Vorstius , into the place of Arminius . You also little credit your History , by saying that Vorstius was but suspected of Socinianism : and your friends the Remonstrants did less credit themselves in appearing so stre●uously for a man suspected of such prodigious blasphemies , if he had been only suspected . But what ever secret good liking you had , either for the Remonstrants , or Vorstius by whom they would feign have been headed , your Loyalty and Allegeance should have kept you from saying , that King James used many harsh and bitter expressions against Arminius and his followers , as if guilty of the same impieties with Vorstius . For why might not King Iames charge the Remonstrants with Vorstius his blasphemies , when as they so apertly declared , that they had nothing against Vorstius , nor had found any thing in his Writing which was contrary to truth or piety : and that it would be most profitable to Church and Commonwealth , if his calling should proceed ? Vid. praef . ad acta Synodi . But how inexcuseable a piece of — is it to say as you do , Chapt. 6th , Numb . 7 , that King James was carried so to express himself against the Arminians , not so much by the clear light of his own understanding , as by reason of State ; and that it was a part of Kings craft , to contribute to the suppression of the weaker party ? For doth not King Iames in his Declaration tell you the clean contrary ? Doth he not also call Arminius an enemy to God , his followers Atheistical sectaries ? Doth he not call Bertius his Book of the Apostasie of Saints , a blasphemous Book , worthy of the Fire for its very Title ? Doth he not say , that Bertius l●ed grosly in averring his heresie , contained in his said Book , was agreeable with the profession and Religion of our Church of England ? And will you after all this make the world believe , that setting aside political considerations , and a design to serve the Prince of Orange , King Iames had no zeal against Arminianism . What if one should say , that this Book you have written is not the clear result of your Judgment , but wrested from you by the importunity of your Friends , who would not suffer you to be quiet till you had reproached the Calvinists , and wrested the History of Church affairs to serve their ends ? You would think your self wronged . And have not you then much more wronged King Iames under whose Government you lived , in telling the world so long after his death , that he put all the harsh expressions against Arminius into his Declaration , to serve other mens turns rather than to advance his own , as you speak , Chap. 22. Numb . 10. But you think you have reason to charge this hypocrisie on him ; for say you , pag. 106 , That King James condemned not the Arminian Doctrines in themselves though he had taken some displeasure against their persons , appears , not only by rejecting the Lambeth-Articles , and his dislike to the Calvinian Doctrine of predestination in the Conference at Hampton-Court , but also by instructing his Divines commissionated for the Synod of Dort not to oppose the Article of Universal Redemption , which they accordingly performed . You told us before Chap. 6. Numb 7th , that King James sent such Divines to the assembly at Dort , as he was sure would be sufficiently active in their ( i. e. the Remonstrants ) condemnation : and have you now so soon forgot your self as to say , that he instructed his Divines thither commissionated , not to oppose the Article of Universal redemption , which accordingly they performed ; and make this an argument that King James , condemned not the Arminian Doctrines in themselves ? Was that Universal redemption which you say King James instructed his Divines not to oppose , and which they did not oppose , an Ar●inian Doctrine ▪ or was it not ? If it was nor , how is King Iames his directing his Divines not to oppose it , any evidence that he condemned not the Arminians opinions in themselves ? If it were , and that our Divines did not condemn it , why is the King charged with sending Divines , that would be sufficiently active in condemning the Arminian opinions ? Again you say expresly , pag. 107 , that he gave command to his Divines , sent to the Synod of Dort , not to rec●de from the Doctrine of the Church of England , in the point of Universal Redemption by the death of Christ : a point so inconsistent with that of the absolute decree of reprobation , and generally of the whole Machina of predestination and the points depending thereupon as they are commonly maintained in the Schools of Calvin , that fire and water cannot be at greater difference . Sir , I beseech you consider whether you do not contradict your self , whilst you think you only contradict Calvin . Universal redemption by the death of Christ overthrows the whole Machine of the Calvinian predestination and the points thereon depending . Thus I argue from this , They that were sent with Order to assert Universal redemption by the death of Christ , were sent with order to destroy the whole Machine of Calvinian predestination . Our Divines by King James were sent with Orders to assert Universal redemption by the death of Christ. Therefore , Our Divines were sent with Orders to destroy the whole Machine of Calvinian predestination . Again , They that asserted Universal re●emption by the death of Christ destroyed the whole Machine of ●he Calvinian predestination . Our Divines at the Synod of Dort , asserted Universal Redemption by the death of Christ. Therefore , Our Divines at the Synod of Dort , destroyed the whole Machine of the Calvinian predestination . The premises in both Syllogisms are your own . Yet I suppose you disown the conclusion , naturally and necessarily flowing from them : Or if you do not , why did you say , that our King thought it a piece of King-Craft to contribute to the suppression of the weaker , i. e. Remonstrant party , and sent Divines that would be active in their condemnation ? Finally , you tell us that this point of Universal Redemption , was , together with the rest , condemned in the Synod of Dort. Now nothing was in that Synod condemned , but what our Divines consented to : they have subscribed to all the determinations of the Synod , relating to the death of Christ : Therefore either the Synod did not condemn Universal redemption , of our Divines did not a●cording to their Orders . The Reader , by this time sees what terrible executions the Doctor hath done on himself : and more need not be said about the Synod of Dort , as it relateth to our English affairs . Some things done in England , and misrelated by the Doctor , must be rectified . Pag. 105 , he essays to make a Salve for the Recantation imposed on Mr. Sympson , for some passages in a Sermon before the King , at Royston , 1616 , and he would fain have us think , that the King took no offence at his saying , that the committing any great Sin did for the present extinguish grace , and Gods Spirit ; for in that he went no further than Overal had done . This is very untrue ; for Overal never said so , nor could say so , according to his principles . But what then did the King take exception at ? At nothing but the Preachers expounding the seventh to the Romans as Arminius had done , or rather , his Fathering the exposition on Arminius . But either the Preacher did bring this exposition of Arminius to credit an Arminian notion , or he did not . If he did , then it was the Arminianism of the exposition that gave distast . If not , would it not sound like tyranny in the King , to injoyn a Learned man a Recantation , meerly because he used such an exposition of a place of Scripture as Arminius had used ? Take the place of a Regenerate man , Arminius his Doctrine cannot stand , as the wise King well saw ; and therefore he sent to the two Professors of Cambridge to have their judgment in the case , who sent their judgment in favour of St. Austins exposition . But the Doctor observes , that the Professors did not do this of their own Authority , but as set on by the King , pag. 106. I wonder how they could give their judgments to the King at Royston , of a Sermon Preached before him , until they were by his Majesty required so to do . I , But the Professors were not so forward as to move in it of themselves ; as may appear by their not answering of Tompsons Book , de intercisione gratiae & justificationis , though the Author of it were a member of that University , but leaving it to be co●futed by Dr. Abbot , their Brother in the Chair at Oxford : so great an alteration had been made in Cambridge , since the first striking up of their heats against Baro , and Barret . O what superfoetations of Doctrines are here upon nothing , or what is less than nothing ? First , Dr. Abbot when he confuted Tompson , was not Doctor of the Chair but Bishop of Salisbury and so no Brother to the Professors at Cambridge , 1616. Secondly , The Professors at Cambridge then , were Dr. Richardson originally of Emanuel , a Colledge that in those days afforded few Arminians ; and Dr. Iohn Davenant , a very able and zealous opposer of Arminianism , as all know . Thirdly , The Cambridge Professors might not count themselves concerned to confute Tompson , because his Book was not Printed in their University , nor indeed in England , and because Tompson's life had confuted his Book at Cambridge . He was a man of a most debauched conversation , and confirmed himself in his debauchedness , by his Arminianism ; for when men reproved him for his prophaness , he would say My will is free , I am a Child of the Devil to day , to morrow I will make my self a Child of God : this more than any Answer to the Book , would confirm the Cantabridgians , that he was not an enemy to perseverance as a Doctrine leading to impiety . Well , but Did not King James , by his Directions to the University , Jan. 18. 1619. require that young students in Divinity be appointed to study such Books , as be most agreeable in Doctrine and discipline to the Church of England , and excited to bestow their time in the Fathers , and Councels , School-men , Histories , and Controversies : and not to insist too long upon Compendiums , and Abbreviations , making them the ground of their study in Divinity ? Really he did so , and I heartily wish the direction had been observed : for then had Arminianism been crushed in the shell . I think next to the study of the Holy Scriptures , the reading of the Fathers is the best preservative against Arminianism ; which came into the Low-countrys with the contempt of the Fathers . As for Calvinism , it cannot be condemned , if sentence be passed upon it out of the Fathers ; those I mean , who professed to set themselves , to handle the Controversies concerning grace and predestination . Sure I am the Royal directions notwithstanding , the University continued as highly , or more highly Calvinistical than ever : a manifest argument that the University looked upon the Kings directions , as no way tending to root out Calvinistical Doctrine , but rather as a means to confirm it , and so indeed they were . The Doctor will not yet give over , but , pag. 108 , tells us of certain Orders sent out , Anno 1622 , August the fourth , designed to put a bridle into the Calvinists mo●ths . These Orders it is notoriously known were put out at such a time when the Spanish match was driving on , and common people began to have thoughts of heart whither the releasing of Recusants , and the Articles of Marriage might tend . In those Orders care was taken , among other things , that no undecent expressions should be used against Puritanes ; but it was also provided that no Preacher of what title soever under the degree of a Bishop or Dean at least , should thenceforth presume to teach in any popular auditory , the deep points of predestination , &c. but rather leave those points to be handled by learned men , and that modestly and moderately , by Use and application rather than by positive Doctrine . And this was a right good Order for Calvinists , who never suffer so much from any thing , as the declamatory attempts of men in popular Sermons . In the Schools , where Syllogisms must be used , their Doctrine is not in much danger ; because he who disputes must keep himself close to the State of the Question , through not representing of which , Arminians get all their Advantage . Mr. Hoard did make choice of that piece of Calvinism which is most liable to exception , the absolute decree of reprobation . And I confess , when I was a young proud Graduate , I had read his Book , and did think it perfectly unanswerable : but when I had the good hap to meet with Bishop Dav●nants answer to it , I was marvelously altered in my opinion and estimation concerning the strength of the Book , ( keeping still an high opinion of the Author of it ; ) for I found that the absolute decree of reprobation was quite another thing than it was represented . There was in Oxford , after the coming out of the aforesaid Orders of the King , a Sermon Preached in the University Church by Mr. Gabriel Bridges , against the absolute decree : this , saith the Doctor , was a violating of the Kings Order , ( you must pity him , he had nothing else to say , ) and this laid him open to the persecution of Dr. Prideaux , and to the censure of the Vice-chancelor . But all who have searched the Register do know , that violation of the Kings Order was never so much as once laid to Mr. Bridges his charge . He was accused for Preaching contrary to the Articles of Religion established among us : and was Ordered to maintain in the Schools , the Contrary to what he had Preached in the Pulpit : and he did so , and never altered his mind afterwards . Indeed it had been most ridiculous once to imagine , that a Sermon Preached in the University Church , could violate the Kings Order manifestly restrained to popular Auditories , in which number the University Auditories were never placed . The Doctor hath one Card more left to play , which if it hit not , he will have a perfect Slam . What is that ? It is his dear friend Mr. Mountague , whom he imagineth in his Gagger to have disclaimed all the Calvinian tenents , and to have asserted the Church to her primitive and genuine Doctrines . ( Creditis ? an qui amant ipsi sibi somnia fingunt ? ) Well , what of this Gagger ? Why , information was prepared against him by two worthy men , Mr. Yates , and Mr. Ward . ( A sign he was looked on as designing innovation . ) What doth Mr. Mountague ? After he had got a copy of this information , be flees for shelter to King James , ( Poor man ! did he flee for shelter , against the information of two Lecturers ? What shelter did he there find ? Why , ) King Iames ( having now acted a Part at the Synod of Dort , condemned the Arminians that he might save the Prince of Orange , and Archbishop Abbot coming not at him , and Dr. Iames Mountague being dead , ) was Master of himself , ( it seems before he had been a servant to others , ) and Governed by the Light of his own most clear and excellent judgement , took both Mountague and his Doctrines into his Protection , and gave him a quietus est from all those Calumnies of Popery and Arminianism that were by the Informers laid on him , commanded Dr. Francis White to see his Appeal he was in hand with Licenced for the Press , and finally gave Order to Mountague to dedicate the Book , when Licenced , to his Royal self . These things are very unlikely ; that a King should give command to have a Book Licenced before he had seen it or knew what would be in it , and that he should give Order to have it Dedicated to himself : and because they are unlikely , I could be glad to see them confirmed by some irrefragable Authority ; but find no Authority alledged . Wherefore I am a very unbeliever in all these matters : so are most I meet with . But these things I am certain of , First , That in Mr. Mountagues Appeal there be down-right untruths in matter of fact ; in which I do not find the Doctor going about to justifie or excuse him . Secondly , That never Book gave more discontent than his did ; for it was answered by no fewer than five or six , all considerable in the Nation , all agreeing that he had departed from the Doctrine of the Church . The Book was also censured in Parliament , as contrary to our Articles . Archbishop Abbot indeavoured the stopping of it before it came to light . Dr. White who had approved it , did publickly complain what a trick the Bishops had served him , promising to joyn with him in the approbation of the Book , but yet cowardly slipping their necks out of the Collar and leaving him to bear the whole envy of the Midwifery of so distastful a Book . Finally , King Charles himself , was feign both to pardon Mountague for all his Writings , and at last to call in his Book , as the great occasion of many unneces●ary troubles . So I let pass Mr. Mountague , of whom Dr. Prideaux publickly said that he was more a Grammarian , than a Divine . As for King Iames , we are sure , from the Pen of Dr. Featly , ( never used to wrong his Sovereign , ) that , not many weeks before his death , he called the Arminians Hereticks : and so we conclude , that , for all his and Queen Elizabeths days , they were accounted Hereticks and their Doctrine Heresie . And seeing they were then so accounted , why now the broachers of that Doctrine , should be accounted the most obedient Sons of the Church , is a question in which I would most gladly be satisfied . Until such satisfaction be gained , it will be at least a pardonable error to suppose , that that is not the Doctrine of the Church of England , which , for above threescore Years after her first establishment , was not averred in any one Licenced Book , but confuted in many . FINIS . Postscript . I Am given to understand , that I seem to some , not sufficiently to have taken notice of what the Doctor brings , to invalidate the Argument drawn from Barret's Recantation . I drew the Argument from the Heads of Houses in Cambridge enjoyning Mr. Barret to Recant what he had delivered against absolute reprobation and against perseverance , and some other Calvinian Doctrines , not only as false but also as contrary to the Articles of Religion here in England established . The Doctor doth not , cannot deny , but that such Recantation was enjoyned him . Now if the Heads of Houses in the University , who are authorized to judge of the Sermons preached among them , and to censure what they find in such Sermons disagreeable to the Doctrine of the Church , did judge Barret's Doctrine , denying absolute reprobation and perseverance of Believers , to be contrary to the Doctrine of the Church , and manifestly contrary to it , and passed this judgment upon mature deliberation , I leave it to any ones consideration , whether this be not a very vehement presumption , that Calvin's Doctrine concerning absolute election and perseverance is agreeable to the Articles of our Church , and Barret's Doctrine contrary to them . If this be granted , what need I contend about by-passages relating to the Recantation , being in a place where I can have no recourse to the Records of Cambridge ? Yet to make it appear that I did write nothing in this business rashly , and that the Doctor hath me at no such advantage as he pretends , I will now review all he saith , not already taken notice of . It signifies little that he saith , 1. That this process was made or procured by the Calvinian Heads , inflamed by Mr. Perkins , pag. 70 , Part 3. Seeing there were then no Heads but what were Calvinistical , and no man can think that they should all be guided and acted by Mr. Perkins a poor Preacher in the Town . 2. It is to be doubted , saith he , pag. 71 , whether any such Recantation consisting of so many Articles , and every Article having its abjuration or recantation subjoyned unto it , was ever enjoyned to be made ? But what reason have we to doubt of this ? when as the Form of Recantation is exemplified in Mr. Fuller ( from whom I had it , ) and also in Mr. Prynne's Antiarminianism , and was fairly printed in Qu. Elizabeth's daies , some printed Copies of it being still extant , and seeing Mr. Prynne declares that the Form of Recantation by him inserted into his Book , was a Transcript taken out of an Original Copy under Mr. Barret's own hand ? Why he doubts , because though Mr. Prynne say , that the Recantation , in the same manner and form as we there find it , was exemplified and sent unto him under the Register's hand , yet he also confesseth , that no such matter could be found when the Heads of houses were required by an Order from the House of Commons to make certificate unto them of all such Recantations as were recorded in their University Register , and of this Recantation in particular . But first , Mr. Prynne only tells us , that he had been certified and informed , that this Order for Recantation could not be found among the University Records . 2. Mr. Prynne doth not pretend to have had in his hands the Form of Recantation exemplified under the Register's hand , but only the Order for Recantation . The Form of Recantation he tells us , he had another way ; and perhaps the Form of Recantation was never put into the University Archives , or Register . But if the Order for the Recantation should not be found there neither , I should much wonder , and yet less wonder , because Thomas Smith , who was Register at this time , is branded for one that was very careless in Registring matters that concerned the University ; as may be found in Mr. Fuller's Hist. of Camb. p. 49. But that which the Historian most contends for , is , that the Recantation was never made by Barret . Pag. 72. It is to be denied as a thing most false , that he never published the Recantation , whatsoever it was . It is to be thought that the Printer hath mistaken his Copy , and put never , instead of ever ; for if it be most false that he never published his Recantation , then it is to be affirmed as a thing most true , that he sometime published it : which is that which we believe Let us s●an the reasons of the Doctor to prove that he never read the Recantation , ibid. For 1. It is acknowledged in Mr. Prynnes own Transcript of the Acts , that though Barret did confess the Propositions wherewith he was charged , to be contained in his Sermon , yet he would never grant them to be contrary to the Doctrine of the Church of England , and therefore was not likely to retract the same . The Argument framed stands thus , He that would never acknowledge his Propositions to be contrary to the Doctrine of the Church of England was not likely to retract the same . Mr. Barret would not acknowledge his Propositions to be contrary to the Doctrine of the Church of England : therefore , he was not likely to retract the same . The Major certainly is most absurdly false ; but the Minor cannot be proved . For Mr. Prynne's Copy doth not say , that he would never acknowledge ; but only that at first reading of his Charge he denyed his Propositions to be contrary to the Religion of the Church of England . Many a man at first denies what he afterwards granteth . Secondly , saith the Doctor , ibid. It is plain from Mr. Barret's Letters , the one to Dr. Goad Master of Kings , the other to Mr. Chadderton Master of Emanuel , that neither slattery , nor t●●●at●ings , nor the fear of losing his subsistence in the University , should ever work him to the publishing of the Recantation required of him . The Doctor had in his Certamen Epistolare before told us of two Letters of Barret's , written one to Dr. Goad , the other to Mr. Chadderton ; and now he tells us that from them it is manifest that neither flattery , &c. Yet he gives us only a Copy of the Letter to Dr. Goad , and never tells us whence he had that ; nor doth the Letter to Dr. Goad in the least intimate that any flattery had been used to draw him to make the Recantation ; but rather it manifests that he used flattery to perswade Dr. Goad to be his Friend , and obtain for him , that he might stay in the University , on solemn promise to keep his Opinion to himself . A very sneaking Letter it is , and shews that he was a poor low spirited man , valuing his Place more than his Conscience , and yet his Credit more than his Place . Nor doth he ( if we may judge of him by the Letter pretended to be his , ) appear to be a toberable Scholar . For let any one read the beginning of it , and he will scarce be able to find sense in it . My duty remembred to your Worship , &c. Sir , according to your appointment I have conferred with Mr. Overald , and Mr. Chadderton . Mr. Overald after once Conference , refused to talk any more off these points , saying it needed not . For Mr. Chadderton he is a learned man , and one whom I do much reverence , yet he hath not satisfied me in this point : for I required proof but of these two things at his hands : that una fides did specie differre ab alia ; and that it was aliud donum ab alio . But for the first , whereas he should have proved it did was differre specie , he proved it did differre numero , and that but out of the Master of the Sentences ; whose authority notwithstanding I do not impugne . And for the other , that it should be aliud donum , he proveth out of St. Augustin that fides daemonum is not alia a fide Christianorum , which no man ever denyed ; for fides daemonum is not donum at all ; so that it cometh not in question . So that I being unsatisfied of one party ( meaning Mr. Chadderton ) and rather confirmed of the other party , I do hold my Positions as before . He , ( if he ) saith , he required proof but of two things , viz. that una fides did differre specie ab alia , and that it was aliud donum ab alio . That it was ; that what was ? Una fides . Can any one make sense of this , Una fides est aliud donum ab alio ? I must confess I cannot . But what success had he in his desire to Mr. Chadderton ? Why , whereas he should have proved that una fides did differre specie ab alia , he proved it did differre numero ; and that but out of the Master of the Sentences , whose authority nevertheless , he saith , he did not impugne . Really I think he did not disgrace himself in granting upon the authority of the Master of the Sentences , that una fides doth differre numero ab alia : but Mr. Chadderton did vilely disgrace himself , if he did bring the Master of the Sentences authority , to prove that una fides numero di●fert ab alia . He might even as well have brought the authority of the Master of the Sentences , to prove that Mr. Chadderton and Mr. Barret did differre numero . But why was Mr. Barret so simple , as to desire to have it proved , that Una fides doth specie differre ab alia ? Could he once imagine that divine and humane faith do not specie differre ? or did he not know that the faith of Miracles did specifically differ from that by which we are justified ? If any man would be satisfied that even the faith which is commonly called temporary , doth specifically differ from that to which salvation is promised , he may soon be satisfied by reading the writings that passed betwixt Dr. B. and Mr. B. concerning this point . Did Mr. Chadderton satisfie any better his second desire ? ( which I for my part cannot understand . ) Of that thus he writeth . And for the other that it should be aliud donum , he proveth out of St. Austin that fides daemonum is not alia a fide Christianorum : which no man ever denied , for fides daemonum is not donum at all , so that it cometh not in question . This is the strangest stuff I ever met with . Did Mr. Ch. prove out of St. Austin that fides daemonum is not alia a fide Christianorum , and did no man ever deny this , and is this a good reason to prove that no man denied it , because fides daemonum is not donum ? Either this is non-sense or I have lost my reason and senses . In the Form of Recantation I find it enjoyned Mr. Barret to recant this saying In fide nulla est distinctio sed in credentibus . Which undoubtedly was unworthy of a Scholar ; for what distinction could he mean , specifical or numerical ? If specifical , then his meaning must be , Una fides non distinguitur specie ab alia , sed unus fidelis specifice distinguitur ab alio : If numerical , then his meaning must be , Una fides non differt numerice ab alia , se● unus fidelis differt numerice ab alio : which was rare stuff to put into a Sermon ad Clerum . If there be no difference in Faiths , there can be no difference in Believers as such , that 's certain . I believe this muddy Letter made Dr. Heylin himself somewhat muddy : for pag. 75 , he lets us know that it cannot be made apparent that either Dr. Duport the Vicechancellor , which was most concerned , or Dr. Baro the Lady Margarets Professor for Divinity there , had any hand in sentencing the Recantation . Not Dr. Baro because by concurring to this Sentence , he was to have condemned himself : ( he might also have added because being no Head of an House , he could not sit among the Heads of Houses . ) But , Why not Dr. Duport ? For I find his Place to be supplied by Dr. Some , which shews him to be absent at that time from the University , according to the stile whereof the title of Procancellarius is given to Dr. Some in the Acts of the Court ; as appears by the extracts of them in the Antiarminianism , p. 64 , compared with p. 63. Did I ghess amiss in saying the Doctor was muddy when he writ this ? Could Dr. Duport be most concerned to sentence the Recantation , if he were absent from the University when the Sentence was given ? Doth the managing of the business by Doctor Some shew , that Dr. Duport was absent from the University at the management of it ? Might he not be in the University and be sick , or or otherwise hindred from coming to the University Consistory . Finally , it seems by Mr. Prynne's Transcript that though Dr. Some did as Deputy manage some part of the Transaction , yet Dr. Duport himself managed at least the latter part of it . I had almost forgot to take notice of one thing the Doctor brings to discredit the Recantation page 73. It is the Title of it , given by Mr. Prynne page 50 , Antiarm . And really , had that Title been given to it by the University , it had been sufficient to disparage the whole Recantation . But Mr. Prynne doth not affirm that Title to be made by any but himself ; who being a long-winded wordy man , and as fierce against the Arminians as the Doctor can be for them could not mention Mr. Barret's errors without shewing his detestation , of them and Mr. Harsnet who held them as well as Mr. Barret . To conclude , I hope , for Mr. Barret's sake , that he never did write so silly a Letter to Dr. Goad : If he did , I cannot collect from it that he never read the Recantation enjoyned him . And I wish for Dr. Heylin's sake that he had not depredicated the invincible constancy of Mr. Barret , as he doth page 87 : and that he had used his art , rather any other way , than to put a fair face on foul Opinions . And for my self , I desire thee Good Reader to believe , that as I took but little pleasure in writing against Dr. Heylin whilst he lived ; so I take less to find any thing of mine printed against him since he is dead . If by what thou readest , thou be any way edified , give God the glory , and me thy prayers . FINIS . Books to be Sold by Robert Boulter at the Turks-head in Cornhil over against the Royal Exchange . FOLIO . THe Institutes of the Laws of England , in four parts , by Sir Edward Coke . Spiritual Refinings , in two parts , by Anthony Burgess . — His 145 Sermons on Iohn 17. — His Treatise of Original Sin. The Merchants Map of Commerce , wherein the universal manner and matter of Trade is compendiously handled ; the second Edition : by Lewis Roberts Merchant . Curia Politiae or the Apologies of several Princes Justifying to the world their most Eminent Actions by Reason and Policie . A Concordance to the Holy Scriptures with the various readings both of Text and margin : By S.N. Sixty five Sermons by the Right Reverend Father in God , Ralph Brownrig , late Lord Bishop of Exceter . Published by William Martyn , M.A. sometimes Preacher at the Rolls . In two Volumes . Quarto . An Exposition with Practical Notes and Observations on the five last Chapters of the Book of Iob , by Ioseph Caryl . Husbandry Spiritualized ; or the Heavenly use of Earthly things , by I. Flavel . An Exposition on the first eighteen verses of the first Chapter of S. Iohn ; by I. Arrowsmith , D. D. A Treatise of the Sabbath , in four parts ; by Mr. Dan. Cawdry . Vindiciae Legis ; or , a Vindication of the Law and Covenants from the Errours of Papists , Socinians and Antinomians ; by Anthony Burgess . The Saints Everlasting Rest ; Or a Treatise of the blessed state of the Saints in their enjoyment of God in glory ; by Rich. Baxter . — His plain Scripture-proof of Infant-baptism . Thesaurus medicinae practicae , ex praestantissimorum tum Veterum tum Recentiorum Medicorum Observationibus Consultationibus Consiliis & Epis●olis , summa diligentia collectus ordineque Alphabetico dispositus , per Tho. Burnet . Large Octavo . Scholae Wintonieusis Phrases Latinae . The Latine Phrases of Winchester School ; Collected by H. Robinson . D. D. A Discourse of growth in Grace , in sundry Sermons ; by Samuel Slater , late of S. Katherines near the Tower. The Grounds of Art , teaching the perfect work and practice of Arithmetick both in whole Numbers and Fractions ; by R. Record . A Cloud of Witnesses , or the Sufferers Mirrour ; made up of the Swan-like Songs , and other choice passages , of several Martyrs and Confessors , to the end of the 16th . Century , in their Treatises , Speeches and Prayers ; by T. M. M. A. A Treatise of the Divine promises , in five Books ; by Edw. Leigh Esquire . The unreasonableness of Infidelity , in four parts ; by R. Baxter . — His method for getting and keeping spiritual peace and comfort . — His safe Religion against Popery . The Blessedness of the Righteous opened and further recommended from the consideration of the Vanity of this mortal life ; by I. Howe , M. A. Quakerism no Christianity , clearly and abundantly proved out of the Writings of their chief Leaders , with a Key for the understanding their sense of their many usurped and unintelligible words ; by Iohn Faldo . HΣIOΔOΥ AΣKPAIOΥ TA EΥPIΣKOMENA . Hesiodi ASCRAEI QVAE extant , Cum notis Cornelii Scrivelii . A Treatise of the Bulk and Selvedge of the World , wherein the Greatness , Littleness , and Lastingness of Bodies are freely handled , with an Answer to Tentamina De Deo ; By N. Fairfax . M. D. Small Octavo and Duodecim● . A Saint indeed ; Or , the great work of a Christian opened and pressed from Prov. 4.23 . by I. Flavel . Annotations on the Book of Ecclesiastes , by a Reverend Divine . Artificial Arithmetick in Decimals , shewing the Original , Ground and Foundation thereof ; By R. Iagar . Euphrates , or the Waters of the East ; being a short Discourse of that secret Fountain whose Water flows from Fire , and carries in it the Beams of the Sun and Moon . The Greatness of the Mystery of Godliness ; together with Hypocrisie discovered in its Nature and Workings ; By Cuthbert Sydenham . Ieda Theologiae tam Contemplativae quam Activae ad Formam S. Scripturae delineata , Opera Theophili Galei . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43715-e7570 These Papers were written about 1663. Dissert . de prae . & reprob . p. 118. Epist. ad Nicol. Papum . Epist. ad Iacob . praepositum Brem . * Vide Title Page . Vide Fox in Richard II. A59306 ---- An elegie on the late fire and ruines of London by E. Settle. Settle, Elkanah, 1648-1724. 1667 Approx. 10 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A59306 Wing S2677A ESTC R27009 09606315 ocm 09606315 43813 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A59306) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43813) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1339:45) An elegie on the late fire and ruines of London by E. Settle. Settle, Elkanah, 1648-1724. 7 p. Printed for W. Crook, London : 1667. In verse. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Fire, 1666 -- Poetry. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-02 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-02 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ELEGIE On the late FIRE And Ruines of LONDON , By E. Settle . Oxon. LONDON , Printed for W. Crook , in the Strand . 1667. AN ELEGIE On the late Fire of London . WHat weep in Verse ? Yes , yes , taught by this Fire When burnt to Mourn , but burning to admire . Distill'd by measure ? A Poetick tear ? There 's more of Chymistry then nature there . Poets here needless are , unless the Charm In verse had been sufficient to disarm The force and power of fire , if that could do it Each Loyal Subject would have then turn'd Poet. But since a rude confused draught fits best , As like th' effects of fire , let me express't . Decaying Trophies , and declining States , And what the series of Age relates ▪ Joyn'd with the Wonders of the World , and all That we may height , or worth , or greatness call , Like Troy intomb'd in Iliads , story showes The compass of a Nutshel may inclose ▪ Or like deceased Potentates of old The narrow volume of a Sheet may hold . Thus Londons Beauty , Pomp , Varieties Their only being in a Catalogue lies : Preserv'd by memory maintain'd by Fame Lives only in the story and the name . Is Poetry a Rage ? Yes justly styl'd But were 't a Fury too , 't were here too mild : Were it distracted too , A passionate Distraction only makes it imitate . For hark the cryes the frights and the complaints Of London's poor deplor'd Inhabitants . Here an united multitude combine Together all their helpless succor joyn : As many there distrest in an amaze Beset with tears as sad spectatours gaze But Argus Eyes , joynd with Briareus hands Are too too weak supplies to countermand So great a force , which like a torrent gorwes When stopt the greater , and with unlimited measure overflowes . The face of Heaven with an unusual veile Is over spread , while the proud fires exhale Innumerous Clouds of smoak , that they appear To make themselves another Hemispheare . That seems to each approaching dazled sight Both Fire and Smoak , both Hell and Heaven unite . Some the next Church their Sanctuary make And that as Common Treasury partake , But for defence in vain their Wealth remove When for their own their Sanctuaries prove Too weak ; in brief 't is but a short Repreive Surpris'd at last only a while survive , One Merchant swears the Elements conspire Rescu'd from Water to be wrackt by Fire . Finding more mercy in the rageing Waves Whose sinking billowes but present their Graves Which here too true he finds : His Merchandise In a confused Chaos buried lies . His Arabian wealth serves but for one Perfume : His Indian , Gold and Silver , reasume Their first Original , and in the Earth , Make that their Tomb whence they receiv'd their Birth : Once more , dispersed in a liquid train Both Or and Argent turn into a Vein . Others who once their Honour and Estate In the same Ballance weigh'd , by th' common fate Like German Emp'rours youngest sons , now are , Or like declining Kings but Titular . But when I weigh the general loss , I swear If Riches ever yet had wings 't was there . Here are those Planets influence of late Which in the Fiery Trigon met , and that Since the great Monarch Cesar wore the Bays But once and then in Carolus Magnus daies : One Planet rule a greater ? London far Exceeds the power of every weaker Star , For this , to feel its loss , imparts from hence Through the whole Kingdome its sad Influence . Nay threatens Heaven . At this deep Tragedy The Sun's spectator but with half an Eye , Whilst his diminishing and weaker Rayes In such a fainting manner he displayes , That what was totally then threatned here Some part of an Eclipse they seem to beare . That 't was a Planet too , a wandring Fire It s swift extent and motion did require . But if these Stars rule here , let them compleat Their yet continued Aspect , as great As was the former that there may ensue As did the last a Carolus Magnus too . That London may arise and dayly higher With its triumphant Monarch may aspire . But as for those profest Astrologers , ( Beyond our Spheare , ) Heavens Privy Counsellours Who know by Signs the very Stars intent , Give reason for 't ( above my Element . ) As if they would foretel what 's past . T' apply Portents to a foregoing destiny That 's base : The nobler way 's , search future Fate Help build another , then foretel of that . But hark ( me thinks ) I heare some say 't is just That Londons Pride is humbled in the dust . Alas thus fire and smoak have left behind This its one property to make men blind Too like this Iustice that they plead , unless Ambition height , and Beauty Pride express . Away dark blindness , t is the only part Of Ignorance to censure the desert By the event as if that fortune could , Because that , Justice is by merit rul'd . Nay were its guilt the high'st , who , but mad denies T were , thus absolv'd , too great a sacrifice ? And would not cry , quench , quench the Fire , t is time Such Incense more then expiates a crime ? With Arts variety , and natures pride , And all the Ornaments i th' world beside ; Englands Metropolis once seem'd to be A lesser World in an Epitome . But now from such variety is grown So poor reduc'd to nothing , or but one , And that a Spectacle of sad confusion Whole Ages labour , but one days conclusion . That it might be , and not absur'd , affirm'd , A disunited union justly term'd . Nor doth it in this sad and desolate case Seem only to have chang'd its state , but place For thus transform'd so great a change hath wrought That each Spectatour's to a nonplus brought . That the late fire might worthily seem thus converted to an Ignis fatuus ; Only that men , but this makes Reason stray ▪ And Knowledge too to erre as well as they . Such an amaze and horror doth surprise , That the beholder credits not his eyes . T is changd , without a Metaphor , I may say From Terr' del ' foego to Incognita . T is now made destitute , wast , and forlorn , And now in more then Ashes forc'd to mourn . Here stands a naked Church that 's now become Its own and that an Universal Tomb Whose Stone and Pillars are alone surviv'd Being of all other Neighbourhood depriv'd . As if the fury of the fire had meant At once Urne , Funeral and Monument . So that its Coat of Arms , if but the Sword Excluded were , would properly accord With its last State , what Herauld would not yeild 'T were then like London left an Open Field ? Were I for any man to choose a Curse Or Banishment , I could not think a worse , Though 't were his home ( were I but to assigne him His doom ) then hither damne him and confine him . The Fates thus in a Title we may see Or in a Name may write a Destiny . Is Fate Hereditary ? Can the line That joyneth the descent the Fortune joyn ; For Troynovant thus Ruind from the same Derives its Fortune , whence it took its Name Only the milder Fates ordein by fire This to Revive , but Troy for to Expire , The Ship was burnt which late bore Londons Name As the forerunner of its Authors Flame . Whilst Fate in Red Character together Decreed to write the Destines of either . The like Disaster Chronicles scarce tell But in our Conqu'rour Williams daies befell , When London in like sort from Gate to Gate Seem'd like a ruind Monument of State. When I consider both , I dare presage The only difference is in the Age : Which to compleat each Loyal Subject prayes May 't likewise happen in a Conqu'rours dayes , Whilst our Victorious Charles proves to our Eyes A Phenix may out of her Ashes rise . An Anagram on The Citie London , The City London when I now behold it In its true Anagram Then I Condole it . But when 't revives , whose Triumph shall transcend Turning the Anagram , Let Ioie contend . Postscript . Amongst th' effects of Fire this one there is To force a Blush , The Author fears t is his . His Labour too that 's here Produc'd , he fears As an Abortive to each sight appears While riper Wits and each judicious Eye Its Imperfections and Defaults descry : Yet begs your Pardon that it came to light Abortive why ? Conceiv'd in an affright . Imprimatur R. L' Estrange ▪ FINIS . A59353 ---- The triumphs of London performed on Thursday, Octob. 29, 1691, for the entertainment of the Right Honourable Sir Thomas Stamp, Kt., lord mayor of the city of London : containing a true description of the several pageants, with the speeches spoken on each pageant : all set forth at the proper costs and charges of the worshipful Company of Drapers / by E.S. Settle, Elkanah, 1648-1724. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A59353 of text R37376 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing S2725). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish.This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 22 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A59353 Wing S2725 ESTC R37376 16412522 ocm 16412522 105381

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A59353) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 105381) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1158:20) The triumphs of London performed on Thursday, Octob. 29, 1691, for the entertainment of the Right Honourable Sir Thomas Stamp, Kt., lord mayor of the city of London : containing a true description of the several pageants, with the speeches spoken on each pageant : all set forth at the proper costs and charges of the worshipful Company of Drapers / by E.S. Settle, Elkanah, 1648-1724. [2], 16 [i.e. 14], [2] p. Printed by Alex. Milbourn for Abel Roper ..., London : 1691. Error in paging: p. 7-8 lacking in numbering only. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library.
eng Stamp, Thomas, -- Sir, 1628-1711. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. shcnoThe Triumphs of LondonSettle, Elkanah169135423000008.47B The rate of 8.47 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-09 Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-04 Sampled and proofread 2006-04 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

THE Triumphs of London , Performed on Thursday , Octob. 29. 1691. for the Entertainment of the Right Honourable Sir THOMAS STAMP Kt ; Lord Mayor of the City of LONDON .

Containing a true description of the several Pageants , with the Speeches spoken on each Pageant .

All set forth at the proper Costs and Charges of the WORSHIPFUL COMPANY of DRAPERS .

By E. Settle

LONDON , Printed by Alex. Milbourn , for Abel Roper at the Mitre near Temple-Bar , 1691.

TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE Sir THOMAS STAMP Knight ; LORD MAYOR of the City of LONDON . MY LORD ,

HOnour ever looks Lovelyest , and shines Brightest , when 't is the Recompence and Meed of Virtue ; so great is the Difference between a Present and a Reward ? Your Lordship ascends the Praetorial Chair under the last Qualification . Your Merits have planted You so fair a Mark for that Dignity You have received , that it is payd , not given You. And the Unanimous acknowledgements of all good Men are so sensible of a Desert so conspicuous , that their concurring best Wishes make you one United Congratulation . And that Your Lordship has so deserved , your Constant Zeal for the Honour of Your Country , is not the Business of Yesterday . Your Lordship set out an early Devote in so worthy a Cause . For Instance , several Years together in those memorable Days , when Intrigue & Designe sat high at the Helm , Your unshaken Honour and Honesty were thought so dangerous to the then State-Hammerers at the Anvil , that no less then Court-Power was pleased to rise up & wage against You , witness the several potent , Oppositions made against you and your long Exclusion from your Rightful Entrance into Trust . But thanks to Providence , under the present more benign , & more auspicious Administration , a Reign where Integrity qualifies for Magistracy , & the Courtier & the Patriot are not names incompatible , your Lordships Glory of being the Fear of that Age , intitles you to the Darling of this . And our proud Metropolis receives her saluted PRAEIOR so pleased at your Inauguration , and with such promising confidence of so upright and unbiast a Ministry of Equity & Justice from your Lordship that she never entrusted her Scales and her Sword in a Worthier Hand . In which high post of Honour , I joyn but in the Universal Quire , when all Prosperity and Hoppiness to your Lordship are most heartily wisht by , My Lord ,

Your most humble and obedient Servant , E. SETTLE .
TO THE WORSHIPFUL COMPANY OF DRAPERS . Gentlemen ,

UNDER this fair Occasion of expressing my Gratitude , perhaps I take a fairer of gratifying my Pride , when I publish Your Generous Goodness in Accepting of my poor Talent for the Service of this Honourable City . My best Acknowledgments to Your Introducing Favour lye no little Duty upon me ; and though I dare not Arrogate any Merit to so much Honour , yet at least I have this Advantage that I succeed not over-formidable Predecessours ; Those Brothers of the Quill whose Pegasus has not soard so high , that there 's much danger of my Flagging behind ' em .

But when I Address to You my Kind and Worthy Patrons , I dare not pretend in so narrow a Paper to recount the Antiquity and Splendor of the Worshipful Company of DRAPERS . It is enough to say that the Honour of your Corporation extends as far as Trade can reach , or Canvas Wings can carry it ; and from this little Island visits only those Nations of the World that there is Sea to Travel to . And for Your First Original , Drapery is unquestionably so Ancient as to have the Honour of being the immediate Successor of the Fig-Leaves . And though we are not certain that our great First-Father began it within his Fair Eden , yet we are assured that Eves Spinstry and Adams Spade set to work together . And as for any Poetical Harangue to the Drapers Encomium , let it suffice that whilst there are Verdant Plains and Bleating Flocks , those innocent Panegyrists will do you more Justice , and speak much better than any weak flourish from the Pen of

Your most Obliged Humble Servant E. Settle .
The Movements of the Morning . Between Seven and Eight in the Morning the whole Company design'd for the Duty of the Day , meet at Drapers-Hall .

1. THE Master , Wardens , and Assistants , in Gowns faced with Foins , and their Hoods .

2. The Livery in their Gowns Faced with Budg , and their Hoods .

3. Forty Foins Batchelors in Gowns and Scarlet Hoods .

4. Forty Budg-Batchelors in Gowns & Scarlet Hoods .

5. Forty Gentlemen Ushers in Velvet Coats , each of them a Chain of Gold about his Shoulder , and a White-Staff in his Hand .

6. Several Drums and Fifes with Scarfs , and the Colours of the Company in their Hats , Blew and Yellow .

7. The Serjeant Trumpet , and Twenty Four Trumpets more , whereof Sixteen are their Majesties , the Serjeant-Trumpet wearing Two Scarfs , a Blew & a Yellow .

8. The Drum-Major to the King , wearing a Shoulder-Scarf of the Companies Colours , with others of Their Majesties Drums and Fifes .

9. The Two City-Marshals , each of them Mounted on Horse-back , with Rich Furniture , Hoosings , and Crupper all Embroider'd : Six Servitors likewise Mounted to Attend , with Scarfs , and Colours of the Companies .

10. The Foot-Marshal with a Scarf , and Six Attendants in Colours .

11. The Master of Defence with the same Scarf and Colours , Eight Persons of the same Science to Attend him .

12. Twenty Pensioners with Coats and Caps , employ'd in carrying of Standards and Banners .

13. Eighty Pensioners in Blew-Gowns , Yellow Sleeves and Blew Caps , each of them carrying a Javeling in one Hand , and a Target in the other , wherein is Painted the Coat-Armour of their Founders , and Benefactors of the Company .

Thus order'd , and accommodated , they are commited to the management of the Foot Marshal , who distributes them in Seven Divisions , rank'd all two by two , beginning with the inferior part of the Standard Bearers . In the head of them are placed two Drums , one Fife , and one Gentleman , bearing the Companies Arms.

In the Rear of them , two Gentlemen bearing Banners , containing the Arms of the deceased Benefactors .

After them march the aged Pensioners in Gowns , and in the Centre of them fall two Drums .

In the Rear of them three Drums , one Fife , and two Gentlemen in Plush-Coats , bearing two Banners , one of Their Majesties , the other of the Companies . After them Six Gentlemen Ushers , follow'd by the Budg-Batchelors .

The next , two Gentlemen bearing two other Banners . After them Six Gentlemen Ushers , succeeded by the Foyns Batchelors .

In the Rear fall in two Drums , and a Fife . Then two Gentlemen , one bearing my Lord MAYORS , the other the City Banners . Then Twelve Gentlemen Ushers , and after them the Court of Assistance , which makes the last Division .

The Right Honourable the LORD MAYOR , with the principal Aldermen and Sheriffs , Mounts his Horse , with the Aldermen two by two , the Sheriffs in the Rear .

In this Equipage of two and two , the whole Body move toward Guild-Hall , where the Lord Mayor Elect joynes with the Old Lord Mayor and his Retinue ; whence all of them in this Order march through King-street down to Three Crane-Wharf , there entring into their several Barges which are gloriously adorned with Flags and Pendants , His Lordship & this Gallant Company all Landing at Westminster , is conducted to the Exchequer-Bar ; there having performed several Ceremonial and Customary Duties , and taken the Oaths to their Majesties , he returns again by Water to Black-Fryers Stairs , with Drums beating , Trumpets sounding , Musick playing , &c.

There his Lordship , and the several Companys landing from their Respective Barges , the rest of the Attendants that went not to Westminster , waiting for his Reception , the whole Body moves in Order before him to Cheap-side , where his Lordship is saluted with the First Pageant .

The First Pageant A Chariot , &c.

ON a large Stage are placed two large Lyons finely Gilded and Pollished , being the Supporters to the Drapers Company . On their backs are seated two Negroes in their Native Habit , bearing in their Hands two large Banners , the one of the Citys , the other the Drapers Arms ; their Bridles , Trappings , and other Ornaments all of the Companys Colour .

In the Reer of the Lyons , and adjoyning to them , is Erected a Golden Chariot set with all the richest Embelishments that can be performed by Art.

Supremely elevated and gradually ascending , under a Canopy of Silver tyed up , in a Majestick glory sits a Young and Beautiful Virgin , representing Arachne the Mistress and Patroness of Arts , Industry , Spinstry , &c. A Peruque of Curld Bright Flaxen Hair flowing from her Shoulders , a Crown of Stars Around her head , beset with precious Stones , enrobed in a Bass or Tunick of Purple and Carnation , bearing in her Right hand the Kings Banner , and in her Left a Cornucopia to signify that Increase is owing to Industry and Art.

On her right hand ( on a Descent beneath ) sits Diligence , on her Left hand Industry .

Diligence Array'd in a Robe of Lemon Colour'd Silk , with a mantle of Green Sarsnet , in short curl'd hair with a Wreathe of Lawrel , a pair of Silver Sheers in one hand and a Banner of the Citys in the other .

Industry , in a Robe of Crimson Silk Fringed with Silver , a Mantle Party-Colour'd , Brown Hair , a Garland of Flowers , bearing in one hand a Shield Vert , a Bee-Hive , and a Swarm , in the other the Lord Mayors Arms.

In the Front of this Chariot are placed three other Figures , richly adorn'd in their Proper Habits , Success , Vnion and Tranquility , Success beating the Kettle Drum , and Vnion and Tranquility sounding of Trumpets .

Arachne Addressing to my Lord. HOld , hold my sooty sun burnt Charioteers , Behold the awfull Lord of Pow'r appears : Bid my Triumphant Driving Chariot stay , Till to bright HONOUR I my Homage pay . That Pow'rful Hand must stop my rolling Wheels , Whilst to such WORTH even my proud Lyon Kneels . My Lyons ! Yes ; at that commanding Word , They know their Duty and must own their Lord. If such their Homage , Sir , what must be mine , I who but only from Your Favour shine ? Though proud Arachne does her self profess , Of Arts the Mistress , and the Patroness . Fair Industry and Arts your Hand-Maids stand ; Th' improving Age and the Enriching Land , All spin their Thred from Your Encouraging hand . My Wheel then and my Loom are all Your own , And ' t is Your Smiles that mount me to my Throne . Then from that Throne , my Lord , I bend thus low ; And to Acknowledge the vast Debt I owe , My Founders Fame in my own Loom enroll'd , For that Rich Web I 'll spin a Thread of Gold.
The Second Pageant THE Pyramide of Honour .

ON a Large Stage is Artfully and Eminently Erected a Lofty Pyramide , whereon is placed ( and Richly Gilded ) all manner of Trophies , as Standarts , Ensigns , Shields , Helmets , Trumpets , and other Military Habiliments , &c. On the Pinnacle of the Pyramide Three Imperial Crowns . Beneath this Stately Pyramide , on each side the Basis , are seated four Persons , representing Albion , Germania , Hispania and Batavia , intimating the present CONFEDERACY , Array'd in this following Manner .

Albion in a Suit of Silver Armour with a Crimson Scarf , on his Head a Large Peruke tyed back in a bag , his brow encircled with a Gold Lawrel , in his right hand a Golden Truncheon , in his left a Banner of England , his Buskins Crimson , inlayed with Gold.

Holland in an Orange Colour'd Robe , a Silver Head-Piece , a Red Plume of Feathers , and a Silver Mantle .

Germany in a Purple Robe of Wachet Colour Silk , a Silver Head-Piece and Scarf .

Spain in a Purple Robe , a Gold Mantle , and Gold Head-Piece .

At the 4 Corners of this Stage are placed these four Rivers in Proper Habits , with their Urnes , Rushes Flags and Reeds , &c. viz. The Boyne , Shannon , Rhine and Danube , signifying the present Seats or Scenes of War , and the whole Pageant the Royal Confederacy of Europe , &c.

ALBION's Speech . WHilst Nassaus Trump shall t' endless Ages blow , Far as the Boyne , or Shannons Waters flow : Third Edward and Fifth Henry's deathless name , All centring in One Consummating Fame ; Bear up , fair Albion , thy exalted Pride , Rise high my Monumental Pyramide . But whilst my Elevated thoughts I raise , All tuned to the Great WILLIAMS hallow'd Praise ; Whilst my Transported Veneration mounts To that vast Theme , and the Summ'd Mass recounts : 'T is just , my Lord , I pay Your Equal due ; You share his Cause , and must his Honour too . Does the Arm'd Caesar drive Your Foes before You ; Yes , You , kind Patriot , Plume his Wings for Glory : Divide between you then your shared Renown , William that Wears , you that support a Crown .
The Third Pageant , the Theatre of Victory .

ON a spacious Stage is Eleborately contrived & Erected a stately Amphitheatre of the Richest Egyptian Marble , curiously wrought and adorned ; design'd and built after the Corinthian order , with Columnes and Pilasters in a Quadrangular Form , wherein are seated in four Arches , bearing each the Prospect of an Amphitheatre , Neptune and Thetis , Mars and Bellona sumptuously Drest after the manner of those Heathen Gods and Goddesses .

Neptune in a Robe of Sea-Green , fringed with Gold , a Silver Mantle , on his head a Coronet of Shells and Coral , his hair and beard Green , in his Right hand a Silver Trident , in the other a Banner of my Lords , &c.

Thetis in an Aurora Colour'd Mantua ; and Watchet Colour'd Bases , a Coronet of shells and Coral , a Golden Mantle , bearing the Citys Bannar .

Mars in a Roman Body of Gold , A Silver head-piece , a Plume of Red Feathers and Bases , a Silver Scarf , bearing the Kings Banner .

Bellona in a Carnation Robe fringed with Gold , a silver head-piece , a Plume of Red and Blew Feathers , a silver Scarf .

On the Cupulo a stately Figure of Fame gilt : among the Ornaments of the several Columes , are intersprinkled these proper Mottos .

Victrix Fortuna .

Triumphans Causa .

Over Neptune

Imperium , Oceano , sed Famam terminet Astris .

Over Mars .

Vltricibus Armis

The Speech of Neptune . NEptune and Mars ( the Spear and Trident joyn'd ) The two great equal Terrours of Mankind , From all our desolating Vengeance , hurl'd Around the Solid and the Floating World , We come to fill the Triumph of this Day , And both our Tributary Duties Pay. T' Augusta's great Commanding PRAETOR , you D�ead Caesars Image , Caesars Vassals bow , And 't is but Just that all those aiding Pow'rs That wait his Triumph , should attend on yours . Whilst the great NASSAU treads the Worlds fair Stage , Fills Fames loud Trump , the Heroe of the Age ; Though his Illustrious Hand leads to the field , The Arming World that fights beneath his Shield ; Battles and Arms his Soveraign Right , 't is true , But Wealth and Riches , those , my Lord , your due , The Sinews of proud War belong to you : And whilst He Marches EUROPES Leading Lord , 'T is He but Weilds , 't is you that Edge the Sword.
The Fourth Pageant The VVilderness : OR , The Arcadian Plain ,

IN the Front of which is placed the Crest of the Worshipful Company of Drapers , being a Ram Artfully carved and properly Painted , as big as the Life , planted for Magnificene on a green Mount , or Hill. On whose back is mounted a Beautiful Boy with Flaxen Hair , crown'd with a Garland of Roses , in a Robe of white Sarsnet , and a Carnation Mantle fringed with Gold , with white Shepherds shoes and stockings , playing on delightful Musick , bearing the Banner of the Arms of the Corporation of Drapers .

In the Reer is placed a stately Bower composed after the Tuscan order , well carved and richly gilded and painted , and adorned with all manner of flowers .

Under this Bower on a Green bank sit Sylvanus and Fauna , the Rural Deitys of the Groves and Flocks &c. to whom the Shepherds and Shepherdesses pay Devotion , &c.

Sylvanus in a Robe of straw colour , Embroider�d with Gold , a sky colour'd mantle Fringed with Silver , a Garland of Flowerson his head , white hair and beard , Carnation silk hose , gold Buskins , a Shepherds Crook , a Linnen Scrip , and Leather bottle , bearing the Citys Banner .

Fauna Attyred in a Purple Robe , Embroider�d with Silver , a Scarlet Mantle Fringed with Gold , light Flaxen hair , on her head a straw hat adorned with Flowers , a Sheepcrook , a silver Scrip and Leather Bottle , bearing the Banner of the Lord Mayors Arms.

In the square of this Plain , planted round with Trees and Bushes , adorned with Satyrs & other Rural Figures , are Shepherds , Shepherdesses and Wood-Nimphs , all Gayly Attired , with Bags , Bottles , Sheephooks and Streamers Flying , &c. with other Persons concern'd in the Woollen Trade at Work , as an Old Woman Spinning of Yarn , some Carding and Picking of Wool , and all at Intervals , Frolicking , Pipeing , Dancing and Singing , representing the Pastoral and Rural Innocent Mirth , as a Compliment to the New Lord Mayor , and a Testimony of their Service to the Drapers Company .

At the Approach of the Lord Mayor this CAROL is Sung. COme Shepherds and Nimphs a jolly fair Train , Let 's Frolick and Dance it around the Plain , Round the Plain , Round the Plain , Let 's Frolick and Dance it around the Plain . We 'll drink my Lord's Health , then Laugh & lye down , And all to the Glory of London Town , London Town , London Town , And all to the Glory of London Town .
The Ceremony ending with this Speech of Sylvanus . VVHat tho' the whole Alarum'd Globe all round , Their softer Ayrs in Wars loud Thunder drown'd , The Frighted Swain throws his tuned Reed away : No sullen Cloud shades Britains halcyon day . Here Peace does with her Tuneful Measures raign , And to your Triumph brings this Rural Train . 'T is true , my Lord , when we approach before ye , We neither boast of Pomp , nor State , nor Glory . Yet our Course Bowls as hearty Mirth can hold , As Theirs that drink your Lordships Health in Gold.

Here the Pageantry concluding , the Painters , George Holmes and Richard Hayes , bid you good Night ; the Lord Mayor and the whole Train moving off to Dinner , which finishes the Solemnity of the Day .

FINIS .
A60917 ---- A journey to London in the year 1698 after the ingenuous method of that made by Dr. Martin Lyster to Paris in the same year, &c. / written originally in French by Monsieur Sorbiere and newly translated into English. King, William, 1663-1712. 1698 Approx. 48 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A60917 Wing S4698 ESTC R10470 13780191 ocm 13780191 101781 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A60917) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 101781) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 850:35) A journey to London in the year 1698 after the ingenuous method of that made by Dr. Martin Lyster to Paris in the same year, &c. / written originally in French by Monsieur Sorbiere and newly translated into English. King, William, 1663-1712. Sorbière, Samuel, 1615-1670. Relation d'un voyage en Angleterre. [8], 34, [2] p. Printed and sold by A. Baldwin ..., London : 1698. Fictiously attributed to Sorbière but written by William King. Cf. DNB. Satire on Lister's work: Journey to Paris in the year 1698. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Lister, Martin, 1638?-1712. -- Journey to Paris in the year 1698. London (England) -- Humor. London (England) -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. 2004-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-09 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2004-09 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A JOURNEY TO LONDON , In the Year , 1698. After the Ingenuous Method of that made by Dr. Martin Lyster to Paris , in the same Year , &c. Wittten Originally in French , By Monsieur Sorbiere , and Newly Translated into English. LONDON , Printed , and sold by A. Baldwin , in Warwick-Lane , 1698. A JOURNEY TO LONDON . Monsieur Sorbeir TO THE READER . I Am resolved to make no Apology for This short Account of the Magnificent , and Noble City of London , where you will meet with nothing offensive , and I think I have observed every thing that is Remarkable in it ; It would have been unpardonable in me , to have omitted any matters which the Curious might be desirous to know , having an Inimitable Pattern from one of that Country lately , who for the clearness of his Expression , the Elegancy of his Descriptions , as well Ingenuous Choice of his Subjects , deserves a Particular Salutation from all the Admirers of the Belles Lettres in the Universe . I might here take an Opportunity to beg Pardon of the English , for my misrepresentations Thirty Years ago , but 't is to be hoped this Book will make my Peace with that Nation . The following pages will show you the Considerable heads I design'd to Treat off , and now I have paid my Devoirs at the Entrance , I will not Importune you any longer . CONTENTS . ASses Page 21 Auction 23 Beggars 9 Brick and Stone Houses 3 Bureaus 4 Boy in a little Coach 5 Boats 8 Bartholomew Fair 27 Bread 29 Curiosity 1 Sir Charles Cotterel and John Sharp Compar'd 2 Cellar Windows 4 Coaches 5 Commendation of Linnen Shirts 13 Calf with a Top-knot 18 Coins 20 Chivey Chase 20 Chocolate 25 Cabbage 30 Chine of Beef 33 Dust 11 Ducks 28 English no Lovers of stinking Meat 33 Flannel Shirts 13 Grey Pease Hot ! 29 Inns , the white Horse , &c. 8 Kennels 5 Knightsbridge and Istington 5 Kitling in an Air Pump p. 16 Lettice 31 Menage 3 Monks ( none ) 9 Miller's Thumb 16 Mufflers 22 Mushroom 31 Naked Statues Commended 12 Old Women Witches 14 Owl , 18 Port●ochers and Remises 3 Post Chaises Roullions not in England 6 Publick Cries 10 Play Things 21 Pox ! 24 Pick Pockets 27 Recreations and Walk , 7 A Rummer of two Quarts 15 Rosemary , &c. 26 Squares , St. James's , Bloomsbury , &c. 5 Signs in the street , Prodigious Large ! 7 Streets Lighted , 10 — Clean 11 Statues 12 Sticklebacks 16 Small coal Kettles to Light a Pipe 27 Salt 29 Soups 31 Things wanting in England 5 Tennis Balls 22 Turnips 30 A JOURNEY TO LONDON . In the Year , 1698. After the Ingenuous Method of that made by Dr. Martin Lyster to Paris , in the same Year , &c. THis Tract was written chiefly to satisfy my own Curiosity , and being in a place where I had little to do , I though fit to write a Book for such People as had idle time enough upon their hands to read it . The English Nation value themselves upon a plain Honesty , join'd with Hospitality ; these make them Courteous to Strangers , but they are not very easy with their Curiosity . For they do not build and dress mostly for Figure , as the French , who are certainly the most Polite Nation in the World , and can praise and Court with a better grace than the rest of Mankind . I did not intend to put on the Spectacles of the Present State of England , Written by Dr. Chamberlain , nor any Survey of the same for trusting to my Eyes , I had a mind to see without ' em . But to content you Reader , I promise not to trouble you with Ceremonies , either of State , or Church , or Politicks ; for though I met with an English Gentleman who proffer'd to shew me the Princes of the Blood , the Prime Ministers of State , the Lord Mayor , and other Officers belonging to a City of so immense a greatness as that of London , yet I refus'd the Civility , and told him , that I took more pleasure to see honest John Sharp of Hackney , in his White Frock , crying Turneps ho ! four bunches a penny , than Sir Charles Cottrel , making room for an Embassadour , and I found my self better dispos'd , and more apt to learn the physiognomy of a hundred Weeds , than of five or six Princes . I arriv'd at London , after a tedious Journey , in bad weather ; for I fell sick upon the road , and lay dangerously ill of the Tooth-ach . I believe I did not see the tithe of what deserves to be seen ; because for many things I wanted a relish , particularly for Painting and Building , though I confess the grandure of a City chiefly consists in Buildings ; and I verily believe London to be one of the most Beautiful and Magnificent in Europe . It is also most certain , that the common people of London , live dispers'd in single Houses , whereas in Paris , there are from Four to Five , and to Ten menages or distinct Families in many Houses , from whence I infer that as to the Commonalty Paris may be more populous than London , although perhaps their dwelling mayn't be so wholsome and cleanly . I found the Houses some of hew'n stone entire , some of Brick with free Stone ; as the Crown Tavern upon Ludgate-hill , and the corner House of Birchin-Lane , and several others . Divers of the Citizens Houses , have Port-cochezs to drive in a Coach , or a Cart either , and Consequently have Courts within , and mostly Remises to set them up , such persons as have no Portchochez , and consequently no Courts or Remises , set up their Coaches at other places , and let their Horses stand at Livery . The Cellar Windows of most Houses are grated with strong barrs of Iron , to keep thieves out , and Newgate is grated up to the Top to keep them in . Which must be of vast expence ! As the Houses are magnificent without , so they furnish them within accordingly . But I could not find , that they had any Bureaus of Ivory . Upon viewing the Braziers and Turners Shops , I found it true , what my Country Man Monsieur Justell formerly told me , that according to his Catalogue there were near threescore utensils , and conveniencies of Life more in England than in France . But then the English , since the breach of their commerce with France , lie under great necessities of several commodities fiting for the ease and support of Humane Life , as Counterfeit Pearl Necklaces , Fans , Tooth Picks , and Tooth Pick Cases , and especially Prunes , the Calamity of which has been so great for Ten Years last past , that they have not had enough to lay round their Plum-porridge at Christmas . I must to give a faithful account descend even to the Kennels ; the Gutters are deep , and lain with rough edges , which make the Coaches not to glide easily over 'em , but occasion an imployment for an industrious sort of people call'd Kennel-Rakers . The Squares in London are many and very beautiful , as St. James , Sohoe , Bloombury , Red-Lyon . Devonshire , none of the largest , and Hogsdon not yet finish'd . But that which makes the dwelling in this City very diverting , is the facility of going out into the fields , as to Knightsbridge , where is an excellent Spring-Garden , to Marribone , where is a very good Bowling-Green , Islington as famous for Cakes , as Stepeny is for Bunns . But to descend to a more particular review of this great City , I think it not amiss to speak first of the Streets . There are Coaches in the streets which are very numerous , but the Fiacers are not hung with double springs , at the four Corners , which springs would insensibly Break all Jolts . So that I fou●d the case alter'd in England ; and I to had rather ride in a Fiacre at Paris , than in the easiest Chariot of a Lord Embassador ; to my great astonishment at London , found that in a Hackney Coach , there was not a jolt but what affected a Man , from whence I drew these Surprising Conclusions . First that a Hackney is a miserable , Voiture , and next , that a Man may be more tired in an hour in that , than in six hours riding in my Lord Ambassadors casiest Chariot . I saw a Boy that had Harness'd two Doggs , which drew a small Voiture with a Burden in it , and I saw a little Master in a little Vinegretté , drawn along by two Boys ; much bigger then himself , and push'd behind by a Maid . These I was willing to omit as thinking them at first sight scandalous , and a very jest , they being wretched businesses in so magnificent a City . Finding that neither Post chaises nor Rouillions were in use in London , I told them of 'em , how both Horses pull , but one only is in the Thilles , how the Coachman mounts the Rouillion , but for the Chaise he only mounts the side House , and that they might be introduced to good purpose . But I found the English Curiosity so small that I did not see any Rouillion made during my six months stay in London . As for their Recreations and Walks , St. James Park is frequented by people of Quality , who if they have a mind to have better and freer Air , drive to Hide Park , where is a Ring for the Coaches to drive round , and hard by is Mrs. Price's , where are incomparable Sillabubs , out of other parts of the Town , they go to Hamstead and Cane Wood , ( an admirable place for Nuts , as Mother Huffs for Bottle Ale ) scarce any side amiss . I had almost forgot that in St. James's Park are many Seats , for the Entertainment of all People , the Lackqueys and Mob excepted , but of this more hereafter . 'T is pretty to observe how the Magistrates indulge the Inhabitants of this Great City , by this small instanced , for whereas in Paris the King has caused the Citizens to take down their signs , and not to exceed a small measure of Square . In London they may be of what measure they please , even to a Monstrous bigness , as my great Curiosity observ'd , in the Sign of the Ship Tavern , and the Castle Tavern in Fleet-street , which has almost Obscur'd the Sun ; and Barbers hang out poles of a great huge length almost as long as a Missen Mast. There are a great may Publick Inns in London , where Lodging are to be Let , as the Bull Inn in Bishopgate-street , the Saracens Head in Friday-street , the White Horse in Fleet-street , and others . But besides these there are divers other places so called ; as Cliffords Inn , Clements Inn , Lyons Inn , &c. where several Gentlemen Practioners of the Law Reside . This seems as it were to denote that heretofore Attorneys might lodge in Publick Inns as well as other Strangers . In the River of Thames , both above Bridge and below , are a vast number of Boats of Wood , Hay , Charcool , Corn , Wine , and other Commodities . When a Frost comes there are not so many . But when a Thaw comes , they are often in danger of being Split and Crush'd to piecss . And upon my Word , there have been great losses to the Owners of such Boats and goods , upon such occasions . The reason why there are more Boats below Bridge than above , is because there is a Custom House , which brings into the King of England , a Revenue able to defend the sovereignty of the Seas , against any Enemy whatsoever ; and the Reason why there lie so many Hundred Large Vessels of all sorts and of all Nation ; is because they cannot get through Bridge Heigh ! and there are a great many light boats loaden with Brooms , Gingerbread , Tobacco , and a Dram of the Bottle Ho! Above Bridge is a vast Boat , with a House upon it , and a Garden in the Garret , and further up the River at Chelsey , is a Land Ship very large built on purpose never to go to Sea. There are Beggars in London , and people whose necessities force them to ask relief from such as they think able to afford it . But there are no Monks who declare against Marriage . And a Certain Learned Person told me that he did not like starved Monks , but that he was for free marriage , and that the Flesh-eaters will ever defend themselves if not beat the Lenten men . Therefore he was entirly for Propagation , that men might be like the Stars in the Firmament , or the shells and sand upon the Sea shore ; and so notwithstanding any Circumstances of Life Age or Fortune , should marry , and that it was as prudent in an old Man of threescore and ten , as in a Youth of one and twenty . There is a great deal of Noise in this City , of publick Cries of things to be sold , and great disturbance from Pamphlets and Hawkers . The Gazetts come out twice a week , and a great many buy ' em . When a thing is lost , they do not as in Paris , put a Printed Paper on the Wall , but if it be of small value , the Bell-man Cries it , and if it be a thing of greater moment as for Example , a Lapdog , &c. then they put it in the Advertisements . The streets are lighted all the Winter , but there is an impertinent usage of the people at London , not to light 'em , when the Moon shines . They ridiculously defend themselves by saying , they can see by moonshine , and have no more reason to hold a Candle to the Moon than to the Sun. There were three Young Gentlemen of good Families in a Frolick , went a scouring , broke the Lights , and were sent to the Counter , and could not be releas'd thence without diligent Application of Friends , and paying Garnish to their fellow Prisoners . The Avenues to the City , and all the Streets are Paved with Pebbles , and Flints and Rag Stones , and there is great care to keep them clean . In winter for Example , upon melting of the Ice , you shall see all the Prentices and Porters up in Arms , with Brooms and Paring Shovels ; so that in a few hours time all parts of the Town are to admiration clean , and neat again to walk on . I could heartily wish , I had been at London in Summer , to have seen whether they have more Dust at London , than in Paris . I have notwithstanding in my Curious Enquiries after Dust , found that there are several dust Carts about the Town , and there are several Women that take delight , and as I have heard pay money to ride in em . A fine Lady about the Town , was taken thence , and upon her change of clean Linning took upon herself the Title of Clinderaxa . There are several Statues , both at Charing-cross , in the City , and at the Exchange , but my Relish being not for Art but Nature , as I have before declared , I think fit to meddle with 'em , as little as I can . I happen'd to go with a Lady to Hide Park Corner , where in an open Area , we saw several Naked Statues , at which she out of a fond humour , or hoc sit of Devotion , took some offence . I told her , Cicero somewhere says , that some of the ancient wise men thought there was nothing naturally obscene , but that every thing might be call'd by its own name ; she told me I was making an Apology for talking obscencely . I reply'd no , but added , Why should Nudity be so offensive since a very great part of the World yet defies Cloaths , and ever did so ; and the parts they do most affect to cover , are from a certain necessity only : At which she blush'd , and I for the sake of further Discourse begun a long story about Roman Cloths , and told her , a Roman was as soon undress'd as I can put of my Gloves and Shooes . For he had nothing to do but to loose the Girdle of the Tunica , and to draw up both his Arms from under the Tunica , and he was in Bed immediately , whereas I had a hundred fatigues to undergo , as unbuttoning by Collar , untying my Knee-strings ; and several other things that would make a Man impatient to think of . I told her likewise it was after the first Ages of the Commonwealth , that they found out the invention of putting a Shirt next the Skin ; that as for Ruffles and Steenkirks , they were never added in the very Splendor and Luxury of the Empire . I continued my Discourse , that I , much admire I could never meet with a Statue in London , but what was Cloathed with a Toga pura and no representation of a Bullated one . I told her , that the Romans indeed wore Flannel Shirts , but in my mind a fair Linnen Shirt every Day , is as great a preservative to Neatness and Cleanness of the Skin , as going to the Bagnio , was to the Romans . The Lady smil'd and told me , Sir , I am glad you have Cloth'd the poor Creatures , that we found Naked . This seeming to be spoke in a Ridiculous way , something provoked me , but spying a little State of Mother Shipton , whose Face was deep within the Quoifure ; says I , Madam , this Woman looks as if she were ashamed of her Cheat : It was the fancy of King Henry the 8th's time to make Old Women Prophetesses , but I think to make them Sagae and Veneficae , ( that is in plain English Sorceresses and Poisoners ) is reasonable enough , for Age makes all People Spiteful , but more the weaker Sex. So we parted in chagrin , for I believe the Lady Modestly speaking , was upwards of fifty . I heard of several Persons that had great Collections of Rarities , Pictures , and Statues . But I was resolved to Visit but a few , and those the most Curious ; and when I made any Observations , that they should be to the purpose . So I visited Mr. Doncaster , He Entertained me very Civilly ; He has a very fine Octogon Room , with a Dome . He has very fine Pictures , though I must confess as before , I have no relish for Painting . He show'd me some Pictures of Rubens , in which the Allegoric Assistants in the Tableaux are very airy and fancifully set out . He show'd me , likewise , one of Vandyke , but being Painted in Dishabile , it had a Foppish Night-Gown and Old Quoifure . Which lead me into this Reflection , that the Modern Painters have hereby an opportunity to be idle . He has several other Curiosities ; among the rest was a Roman Glass , whose very bottom was smooth and very little umbilicate . He show'd me , likewise , a great Rummer of two Quarts , very proper for Rhenish Wine , and Limon and Sugar in the midst of Summer ; I found that the foot of the latter was more Umbilicated than the former . He then diverted me with a Copy of the Writing said to be the Devil 's Writing , kept in Queen's Colledge in Oxford . Upon which I began the Discourse of these matters ; I told him , that the Chinese were very much Embarass'd in their Writing , as this Writing seem'd to be . But I was rather inclin'd , to think this the Boustrophedon way mention'd by Suidas like the Racers about the Meta in the Cirque . But I could not find that he had any apprehension of the matter . In this Collection , I saw a Millers Thumb , which he told me was taken by a Miller with his Thumb and fore finger . It is very like a Hippocumpus as to the Thick belly and breast of it . With this I was extreamly pleased , and am infinitely oblig'd to this Mr. Doncaster , for he show'd me several sort of Tadpoles and Sticklebacks , which only for bigness are not much unlike a Pope , or Ruff , and presented me with one of 'em , which I design to give a draught of . I was to visit Mr. Muddifond , I was sorry to hear that he had some thoughts concerning the Hearts of a Hedghog , which had made a very great breach betwixt Mr. Goodenough and himself . I could have wish'd , I might have reconcil'd the Animosity . But it is to be Hoped there may come good from an Honest Emulation . I had several discourses with Mr. Muddifond , about an Old Cat and a Young Kitling in an air Pump , and how the Cat died after 16 Pumps , but the Kitling surviv'd 500 Pumps . Upon which we fell into a Learned Dicourse , of the lives of Cats ; and at last agreed upon this distinction , That it ought not to be said that Cats , but that Kitlings have nine lives . And after the dispute ended , he very obligingly procured me a Human Heart . But I must confess the generosity of the English in this , for not many days after Mr. Baddington , procured me another , which was extreamly Grateful . I was recommended by a Friend to Mr. Brownsworth , a Person that belongs to the Tower of London . He is a Civil Gentleman , but his genius lead him more to Politicks than Curiosity . He proffer'd to shew me the new Armory , in which are Arms , as he told me , for above a Hundred Thousand Men , all dispos'd in a manner , most surprizing and magnificent ; as likewise another Armory , where are Arms for Twenty Thousand Men more . He would likewise have shew'd me the Horse Armory , a Royal Train of Artillery , and several Cannon taken out of the Trident Prize . He would likewise have carryed me to see the Crown Imperial , and other Jewels belonging to it . I humbly thank'd him , and told him , that my Curiosity led me otherwise , and that my Observations inclin'd rather to Nature than Dominion . Upon which smiling he said , he hoped he should gratifie me , and immediately led me to a place where we saw Lyons , Tygers , and two very remarkable Catamountains . I took more particular Notice of two Owls , of an immense greatness , but by their being without horns , I take 'em not to be a distinct Species from the European . But that with which I was most delighted , was a Calf skin stuft , 't was admirable to behold , a certain tumor or excrescence it had upon its forehead , in all points resembling the Commodes or Top-knots now in Fashion . Upon this I exprest my thanks to Mr. Brownsworth in the most Obliging Terms I could . He then told me , the Royal Mint was not far off , upon which I said , I was a great admirer of Coins , and desired him to give me an account of what Coins there were in England He began to tell me , that about three Years ago the current Coin of the Kingdom consisted of old Money , coin'd by several Kings ; that those Coins were Clipt and debased to a very great degree , but that the King with the advice of his Parliament , in the very heighth of the War with France , had establish'd a Paper Credit ( or if you please to call it Coin ) of Bills , issued out of the Exchequer and Notes from the Royal Bank of England , amounting to prodigious sums ; that at present all our Silver is in Mild Mony , either of the two last Kings , or his present Majesty , of which there is so great a Quantity , that posterity will be apt to think , that there were scarce any Prince that ever Coin'd before him . This Money , and Credit , have circulated so far , and are in so great a plenty , that in a late subscription to a New East India Company , Two Millions Sterling were subscrib'd in less than two days time , and as much more excluded ▪ I believe the Man would have run on till Evening , if I had not thus interrupted him : Sir , said I , I beg you to consider , that I am a Virtuoso , and that your present discourse is quite out of my Element : Sir , you would oblige me much more , if you could find me any Coin from Palmira , more particularly of Zenobia , Odenatus , or Vabalathus , and that I prefer'd a VABALATHUS UCRIMPR , or a VABALATHUS AUG . before Twenty of the best pieces of Gold Coin'd in the Tower. The Gentleman very Civilly reply'd , that he would endeavour to satisfie my Curiosity ; that he had at home two rusty Copper Pieces , with which he intended to present me , ( which he accordingly did the next day ) that he had been told by a Person of the Belles Lettres , that they were dug out of the Isle of Scilly , and that One was of Catathumpton a Saxon Prince , the other of Goclenia his Daughter and Successor ; they have both very odd Characters , ( if any ) about ' em . I design to give the Reader a Cut of them . The Evening coming on , and my thanks returned to him , we parted . I was to see Mr. Shuttleworth , whose Friendship I greatly Value ; He has many Stones from Scotland ; there is one the most Curious of all , Concerning which he is ready to publish a Dissertation . 'T is a Catalogue in three Columns , of the Names of the most Principal Persons that were Kill'd at Chivey Chase. Widdrington closes the Column , and after his Name there is a Noble Pindarick in which he is Recorded , upon the Cuting off his Legs , to have fought upon his Stumps . Of the Antiquity of this Stone , besides the known History and names which justify the time of those Men , the figure of the Letters and the Blackness of 'em , particularly of the word Stumps , are undoubted Arguments . He show'd me a Thousand other Rarities as the skin of a Cap-Ass , many very excellent Land Snails , a Freshwater Mussel from Chatham ; A thin Oyster , a very large Wood Frog , with the extremity of the Toes Webbed . He show'd me some papers of Swammerdam , in which were some small Treatises , or rather some figures only of the Tadpole . Again figures relating to the natural History of a certain Day Butterfly , and of some considerable number of Snails , as well naked as fluviatile . He show'd me a vast number of great Cases in which were Play-things , or Puppets , all of them brought from France , Except one Sistrum , or AEgyptian Rattle , with three loose , or running wires cross it . I proffer'd him my assistance to Complete so useful a Collection as that of Play-things and Rattles . I was infinitely pleased with this Gentlemans Company , especially when he shew'd me a Dissertation he had written out fair for the Press , about a certain antient Intaglia of Madaces of Ptolomaeus Auletes , or the player upon the Flute : in this he said the thin Muffler was the most Remarkable . Upon this I told him , that I had a dissertation concerning the Remarkable thickness and thinness of Mufflers , with which I would present him . One Toy I took notice of , which was a Collection of Tennis Balls ; for three hundred years or more , some of them were sent by a French King , to King Henry V. and there are patterns of all that the English have sent back , from the bigness of the smallest bor'd musket , to the shells of the largest mortars . I went to see an Old Woman ( that shall be nameless ) she was 91 Years of Age. I was surprized to find her Body in Ruins . It was a perfect mortification to see the sad decays of Nature . To hear her talk with her Lips hanging about a toothless Mouth , end her words flying abroad at Random ; this put me in mind of the Sybils uttering Oracles , and how other Old Women , call'd Witches , have been since employed on this errand , and have at very unreasonable times of night been forced to bestride their Broom-staff on such like occasions . I would have seen a very Famous Library , near St. James's Park , but I was told , that the Learned Library Keeper was so busy in answering a Book which had been lately wrote against him , concerning Phalaris , that it would be rudeness any ways to interrupt him ; though I had heard of his singular Humanity , both in France , and other places . I was at an Auction of Books , at Tom's Coffee-House , near Ludgate , where were above fifty people . Books were sold with a great deal of Trifling and delay as with us , But very Cheap , those Excellent Authors Mounsieur Maimbourg , Mounsieur Varillas , and Mounsieur le Grand , tho' they were all guilt on the Back , and would have made a very considerable Figure in a Gentlemans Study , yet after much tediousness , were sold for such Trifling sums , that I am asham'd to name ' em . The Pox here is the great business of the Town . This secret service has introduced little contemptible Animals of all sorts into business ; and Quacks here , as with us , do thrive vastly into great Riches . It was very pleasant diversion to me to read upon the Walls , every where about the Town , the Quacks Bills in great Uncial Letters . As Aqua Tetrachymagogon . Another , Read , Try , Judge , and Speak as You Find . Another , The Unborn Doctor , that Cures all Diseases . He is to be spoke with at a Boiling Cooks , in Old Bedlam , from Ten till Two , and afterwards at his Stage in Moorfields . Another , At the Golden Ball , and Lillies Head , John Case lives , though Saffold's dead . By these Bills it is Evident , there is yet a certain Modesty and decorum left in Concealing this Disease , and people , though they may have failings in private , don't care to expose themselves to the publick . There are Women , that are seventh Daughters , that do admirable Cures , and there are people that can pick Pockets , and afterwards by Consulting the Stars , tell you who it was that did it . I met with a Gentleman , that told me a secret , That the old Romans in their Luxury took their Tea , and Chocolate , after a full meal , and every man was his own Cook in that Case . Particularly Caesar that most admirable and most accomplish'd Prince , being resolv'd to Eat and Drink to excess before he lay down to Table , Emeticen agebat , prepared for himself his Chocolate , and Tea . He presented me with a Roman Tea Dish , and a Chocolate Pot , which I take to be about Augustus's time , because it is very Rusty ; my Maid very ignorantly was going to scour it , and had done me an immense Damage I saw several Gardens at K●ngsland ; the Gardiner was an Artist , and had some plants in cases in good order , not to be seen elsewhere , as Marum Syriacum , Rosemary-Bushes , &c. I was at Chelsey , where I took particular notice of these plants in the Green House at that time ; As , Urtica male olens Japoniae , the stinking nettle of Japan . Goosberia sterilis Armeniae , the Armenian Goosberry bush , that bears no Fruit , this had been potted Thirty Years . Cordis Quies Persia , which the English call Heartsease , or Love , and Idleness , a very Curious Plant. Brambelia Fructificans Laplandiae , or the Blooming Bramble of Lapland . With a Hundred other Curious plants , as a particular Collection of Briars and Thorns , which were some part of the Curse of the Creation . The Winter was very rude and fierce . Multitudes had little Tin Kettle in their Houses , with Small-coal kindled , to light their Pipes withal ; though in some places they use Candles , in others Salamanders . I was at Bartholomew Fair. It consists of most Toyshops ; also Fiance and Pictures , Ribbon-shops , no Books ; Many Shops of Confectioners , where any Woman may commodiously be treated : Knavery is here in perfection , dextrous Cut-Purses , and Pick pockets : I went to see the Dancing on the Ropes , which was admirable . Coming out I met a man that would have took off my Hat , but I secur'd it , and was going to draw my Sword , Crying out , Begar ! Damn'd Rogue ! Morblew , &c. when on a sudden I had a hundred People about me , Crying here , Monsieur , See Jephtha's Rash Vow , here , Monsieur , see the Tall Dutch Woman ; see the Tyger , says another ; see the Horse and no Horse , whose Tayl , stands where his Head should do ; see the German Artist , Monsieur ; see the Siege of Namur , Monsieur : So that betwixt Rudeness and Civility , I was forc'd to get into a Fiacre , and with an air of Hast , and a full Trot , got home to my Lodgings . I was at St. James's Park ; there were no Pavillions , nor decoration of Treilliage , and Flowers ; but I saw there a vast number of Ducks ; these were a most surprising sight , I could not forbear to say , to Mr. Johnson , who was pleased to Accompany me in this Walk , that sure all the Ponds in England had contributed to this profusion of Ducks ; which he took so well , that he ran immediately to an Old Gentleman , that sate in a Chair , and was feeding of 'em , he rose up very obligingly , embraced me , and Saluted me with a Kiss , and invited me to Dinner ; telling me , he was infinitely oblig'd to me for flattering the King's Ducks . Of the Food of the Londoners . The Diet of the Londoners consists chiefly of Bread and Meat , which they use instead of Herbs . Bread is there as in Paris , finer and courser , according as they take out the Bran. This I observ'd , that whereas we have a great deal of Cabbage , and but a little bit of Meat , they will have Monstrous pieces of Beef ; I think they call 'em Rumps , and Buttocks , with a few Carrets , that stand at a distance as if they were fright'd ; nay I have seen a thing they call a Sir-Loin , without any Herbs at all , so immense , that a French Footman could scarce set it upon the Table . They use very white Salt , notwithstanding , I told 'em , the Gray Salt of France is incomparably better , and more wholesome . The Common people feed much upon Grey Pease , of which there are great Provisions made , and to be had ready Boiled . I believe they delight in 'em most for Supper ; for every Night there goes by a Woman crying , Hot Grey Pease , and Bacon . Though I take Pease to be too windy for Supper meat , and am inclinable to believe , that Hot Ox Cheek , and Bak'd Wardens , cried at the same time may be wholesomer . Their Roots differ much from ours , there are no long Turneps , but round ones , Hackney near London it famous for this most excellent Root , they are most excellent with boil'd and stew'd Mutton , and sometimes with stew'd Beef . I sound more Cabbage in London than I expected , and I saw a great many reserves of old stalks in their publick Gardens . I ask'd the Reason . I was told the English were Fantastick , as to Herbs , and pulse ; that one Trade , or Society of Men , fancied them and Cowcumbers , and that a whole Country were as much admirers of Beans and Bacon ; and this they thought might be the reason of it . Lettice is the great and Universal Sallet ; But I did not find much Roman Lettice , because about Ten Years ago , a Gentleman sending his Footman to Market , he mistook , and ask'd for Papist Lettice and the ill Name has hindred the vent of it ever since . There are several others in the Herb market , as Mints , Sorel , Parsley , very much us'd with Chickens , White Beets , Red Beets , and Asparagus ; these they ty up in Bundles , and impose so far , as not to sell under a hundred at a time . This City is well serv'd with Carp , Herrings , Cod , Sprats , Lobsters , and Maccarel ; of which there are such incredible quantities , that there is a publick allowance for Maccarel , as well as Milk , to be cried on Sundays . Being desirous to see the Markets , I had a Friend that one Morning , carried me to Leaden hall . I desired to know what Mushrooms they had in the Market . I found but few at which I was surpris'd , for I have all my Life been very Curious and inquisitive about this kind of Plant , but I was absolutely astonish'd to find , as that for Champignons , and Moriglio's , they were as great strangers to 'em as if they had been bred in Japan . He promis'd to carry me to the Flesh Market , and there to make me amends , but when I came there alas , there was a Thousand times too much of it , to be good , the sight of such a quantity was enough to surfeit one . I verily believe in my Conscience there were more Oxen , than Cabbages , and more Leggs of Mutton , than Heads of Garlick in the Market . What Barbarous Soupes then must these poor people Eat ! Their Veal , has not that beautiful Redness , which belongs to ours , and indeed their mutton seems more like it only it is Fatter , and their Beef is large and Fat , to that degree , that it is almost impossible to Roast it dry enough for to make it fit for any Christian ( that has the least of our Country indisposition about him ) to Eat it with any safety . There were several Mountains of this Beef , which they call'd Barons and Chines , which they told me were for one of the Sheriffs . I 'll undertake with one of these Chines , together with Cabbage , Turneps , and other Roots , Herbs , and Onions Proportionable , to make Soup enough for the Parliament of Paris . The English People , by Custom , Covet the freshest Meat , and cannot endure the least tendency to Putrefaction , which gives it a higher and salter Tast ; for as Meat rots , it becomes more Urinous and Salt , which is all in all in the matter of Soups . I saw but one Fowl in the Market that was fit to be Eaten , its smell was delicious , and its colour of a beautiful Green ; I desired my Friend to ask the Price , but the Poulterer told him it was sold to a French Merchant . I have several other things that I might discourse of , as Kentish Pippins , Pears , Kidney-Beans , and Lentils . Preaching , Gaming , Coaching , Carting , Walking , Sitting , Standing , &c. I would likewise have given the Reader the Cuts of the Nidus Trochili Anglicani , or Weens Nest , a Stickleback , two Snails , two Grashoppers , and those admirable Coins of Catathumpton , and Goclenia ; But that my Bookseller said the Graver was out of the way . What may be wanting in this , some other Journeys , that I design to , the two Universities , Norwich , Bristol , Exeter , Canterbury , and other Trading Places , I hope will supply . FINIS . Upon Reviewing my Notes , I find the following Remarkable Things omitted in my Treatise ; which that the Publick may not want , I have thrown into a Postscript . The Wines follow , and Waters to Drink . HAre-Court , has excellent Water , some people use New-River , others Thames Water ; I told them , that we had several Liquors in France , as Vin de Bonne , Volne , Mulso , Chabre , Condrieu , and D' Arbris , Ratafia , otherwise called Cherry-Brandy , Vattee , Fenoulliet de l'Isle de Ree . He answer'd me , that he had a thousand such sort of Liquors , as Humtie Dumtie , Three Threads , Four Threads , Old Pharoah , Knockdown , Hugmateè , Shouldreè , Clamber-Crown , Hot-Pots at Newgate-Market , Fox-comb , Blind Pinneaux , Stiffle , &c. I must not omit a famous sight in Drury Lane , a place remarkable for Modesty , and Piety , there is a sign of Six Doggs , that Plough'd an Acre of Ground , which I believe , may for want of Horses , be introduced into France , with good Effect . They have very good Mastiffs that may serve for Dragoons , but they will scarce fall upon Protestants . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A60917-e1030 Page 1. Curiosity P. 5. P. 4. P. 2. P. 2. John Sharp and Sir Charles Cotterel compar'd . P. 3. P. 4. P. 5. Menages . P. 5. Brick and Stone Houses . P. 8. Port-cochezs and Remises . P. 8. Cellar Windows . P. 9. Bureaus . P. 9. Things wanting in England for want of Commerce with France . P. 142. P. 10 , Kennells . P. 10. Squares . James ' s Bloombury . P. 10. P. 11. Knights-bridge and Islington . P. 11. Coaches P. 13. P. 13. Boy in a little Coach. Post chaises Rouillions not in England . P. 14. Receations and Walks . P. 14. P. 16. Signs in the streets . P. 16. Inns The White Horse in Fleetstreet , &c. P. 17. Boats. P. 20. Beggar . No Monks P. 21. Publick Cries . P. 22. Streets Lighted . P. 23. P. 24. Streets clean . Dust. P. 25. Statues . Naked Statues Commended at Hide-Park Corner . P. 29. P. 30. P. 30. P. 30. P. 31. P. 31. Flannel Shirts found out at Rome . P. 31. 32. No Steenkirks at Rome . P. 33. Commendation of Linnen Shirts . Old Women Witches . P. 34. Mr. Doncaster . P. 36. P. 39. 40. P. 38. Rummer of two Quarts . P. 48. P. 5●● Miller's Thumb . P. 58. Sticklebacks . Mr. Muddifond . P. 66. 67. Kitling in an air Pump . P. 2. P. 71. Mr. Browns . worth . P. 2. Owls . P. 73. P. 2. P. 73. Calf with a Top-knot . P. 97. Coins of Vabalathus . P. 115. Coins of Catathumpton and Goclenia . P. 121. P. 46. Moniment of Chivey-Chase . Asses , Snails , &c. P. 60. Ibid. Ibid. P. 61. P. 73. P. 103. P. 43. Play things , Puppets , Rattles . P. 111. A Differtation of Mufflers . P. 93. Tennis Balls . P. 95. An Old Woman . Auction . Pox. P. 236. P. 239. P. 238. Chocolate and Tea : P. 169. P. 187. Rosemary and Marum Syricum . P. 183. P. 229. Small-coal Kettles . P. 176. Bartholomew's Fair. Pick Pockets . P. 10. Ducks . P. 207. Bread. P. 146. Salt. P. 147. Grey Pease . P. 148. Turneps . P. 149. Cabbage P. 150. Lettice . P. 151. P. 152. Ibid. P. 151. P. 152. P. 152. Mushrooms . P. 154. P. 153. Soupes . P. 157. Chine of Beef . P. 158. English no Lovers of stinking Meat . P : 159. P. 148. P. 174. Ibid. P. 178. P. 180. Notes for div A60917-e7830 P. 160. Water . P. 161. P. 164. Humtie Dumtie , &c. A61503 ---- Lex ignea, or, The school of righteousness a sermon preached before the King, Octob. 10, 1666, at the solemn fast appointed for the late fire in London / by William Sandcroft ... Sancroft, William, 1617-1693. 1666 Approx. 78 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61503 Wing S553 ESTC R14856 11845770 ocm 11845770 49840 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61503) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49840) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 547:15) Lex ignea, or, The school of righteousness a sermon preached before the King, Octob. 10, 1666, at the solemn fast appointed for the late fire in London / by William Sandcroft ... Sancroft, William, 1617-1693. 36 p. Printed for R. Pawlett ..., London : [1666]. Title vignette (St. Paul's? burning) Reproduction of original in Bristol Public Library, Bristol, England. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Fire, 1666 -- Sermons. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-03 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-03 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion LEX IGNEA : OR The School of Righteousness . A SERMON Preach'd before the KING , Octob. 10. 1666. At the SOLEMN FAST appointed For the late FIRE in LONDON . By WILLIAM SANDCROFT , D. D. Dean of S. Pauls . Published by his Majestie 's Special Command . London , Printed for R. Pawlett , at the Bible in Chancery-lane near Fleetstreet . ISAIAH xxvi . 9. — When thy Judgments are in the Earth , the Inhabitants of the World will learn Righteousness . THis Chapter with the two next before , and that which follows , are all four parts of the same prophetick Sermon , ( as appears by those words so often repeated in them , In that Day , fixing and determining All to the same Epoch , and period of Time ; ) belong All to the same subject Matter , sc. the Destruction of Judah and Jerusalem , whether by the Babylonians , or the Romans , or both . So that the Earth ( or as we may rather translate , the Land , or the Countrey ) wasted , and utterly spoiled , and turn'd upside down , Cap. xxiv . is doubtless the Land of Jewry : And the World that languisheth , and fadeth away , V. 4 of that Cap. not much wider ; that , and the neighbouring Regions , with whom the Jews had commerce , and intercourse of Peace and War , Moab , and Egypt , and Babylon , in a word , the Jewish World ; ( for so both the Hebrew and Greek words usually translated the Earth and the World , are often in Scripture-language contracted and limited by the Matter in hand : ) And consequently the City of Confusion , which is broken down , a City turn'd Chaos again , as the Hebrew imports , cap. xxiv . 10. the City turn'd into a Heap , or a Ruine , nay , in tumulum , as the Vulgar Latine , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the LXX . translate it , into one great Sepulchre to it self , buried in its own Rubbish , Cap. xxv . 2. The lofty City laid low , even to the Ground , and abased in the very Dust. Cap. xxvi . 5. The City desolate , and forsaken , and lest Wilderness , and desert all over , Cap. xxvii . 10. are but so many variations of the phrase , and signifie all the same thing , the burning of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar , or Titus , or ( as some will have it ) by both . This sad Devastation the Prophet first beholds in speculo prophetico , sees it from far in his prophetick Telescope , as clearly , and distinctly , as if it were before his eyes , and describes it here and there the whole Sermon throughout , but chiefly , Cap. xxiv . in so lofty a Language , that many have mistaken it for the End of the World , and the Consummation of all things . But then , to sweeten so sad a Theme , he assures them , it shall not be a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , God will not make a final End now : No , a Remnant shall be left , as the shaking of an Olive-tree , and as the gleaning Grapes , when the Vintage is done , Cap. xxiv . 13. Nor shall they be only preserved , but restored too ; The Lord God will in time wipe away every Tear from off all Faces , and at last , swallow up this Death too in Victory , Cap. xxv . 8. Hee 'l turn their Captivities , and rebuild their City , and their Temple too ; and all this shall be as it were Life from the Dead , as the Apostle calls it , so miraculous a Re-establishment , at a Juncture so improbable , when they are destroyed out of all Ken of Recovery , that it shall be a kind of Resurrection ; and so like the great One , that 't is described in the very proper phrases of that , both by the other Prophets , and by Ours too a little below the Text , Thy Dead shall live again ; My dead Bodies shall arise : Awake and sing , ye that dwell in the Dust , &c. And then , ( which is of nearest Concern to us , and to our present Business ) the Prophet directs the Remnant that should escape , how to behave themselves under so great a Desolation ; and he contrives his directions into a threefold Song ( that they may be the better remarkt and remembred ) tun'd and fitted to the three great Moments of the Event . The first , to the time of the Ruine it self , Cap. xxiv . where having set before their Eyes the sad prospect of the holy City , and House of God in Flames ; When thus it shall be in the midst of the Land , saith he , there shall be a Remnant , and they shall lift up their voyce , and sing for the Majesty of the Lord , saying , Glorifie ye the Lord in the Fires , V. 15. And this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Song of Praise . The second is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Song of Degrees or Ascensions , fitted to the time of their Return , when All should be restor'd and rebuilt again ; and that we have Cap. xx vii . 2. In that Day sing ye unto her ; A Vineyard of Red Wine : I the Lord do keep it ; I will water it every moment ; lest any hurt it , I will keep it night and day . The third ( of which my Text is a principal strain ) belongs to the whole middle interval between the Ruine and the Restauration , in this xvi . Cap. In that day shall this Song be sung in the land of Judah , We have a strong City ; Salvation will God appoint for Walls and Bulwarks , &c. As if he had said ; Though our City be ruin'd , yet God is still our dwelling place ; our Fortresses dismantled , and thrown down , but Salvation will he appoint us for Walls and Bulwarks ; Our Temples in the Dust , but God will be to us himself , as a little Sanctuary . And this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Song to give Instruction , teaching them , and in them us , how to demean our selves , while the Calamity lies upon us : sc. to make God our Refuge , ver . 4. to wait for him in the Way of his Judgments , ver . 8. and in this 9. ver . earnestly to desire him from the very soul in the Night ( in the Darkest , and Blackest of the Affliction ; ) to seek him early , when it begins to dawn towards a better Condition ; and in the mean time , as 't is in the Text , to improve all this severe Discipline , as he intends it , for the advancing us in the knowledge of Him , and of our selves , and of our whole Duty ; For when thy Judgments are in the Earth , the Inhabitants of the World will learn Righteousness . A Text you see , that supposeth Judgments in the Earth , or upon a Land ( as its Occasions ) and so suitable to our sad Condition : a Text too , that proposeth our Learning , as its End and Design , and so sutable ( one would think ) to our Inclination too . The Character , and Genius of the Age , we live in , is Learned : the pretence at this day so high , and so universal , that He is No-body now , who hath not a new Systeme of the World , a new Hypothesis in Nature , a new Model of Government , a new Scheme of God's Decrees , and the greatest Depths in Theology . We are many of us acute Philosophers ( that must not be disputed us ; ) most of us grand Politicks and Statsemen too ; All of us ( without exception ) deep Divines : — will needs be wiser than our Neighbours , but however wiser than our Teachers and Governours , if not wiser than God himself . A kind of Moral Rickets , that swells , and puffs up the Head , while the whole inner Man of the Heart wasts and dwindles . For like the silly Women , Disciples to the old Gnosticks , while we are thus ever learning ( pretending to great Heights , and Proficiencies ) we come never to the Knowledge of the Truth ( the Truth which is according unto Godliness ; ) In fine , amongst so many Learners they are but few , that learn Righteousness : — And therefore God himself here opens us a School ; erects a severe Discipline in the Text ; brings forth his Ferulas , when nothing else will serve the Turn . For he hath indeed four Schools , or rather four distinct Forms , & Classes in the same great School of Righteousness ; the last only ( that of his Judgments ) express in the Text , but the Rest too suppos'd at least , or covertly implied . For whether we look upon the latter Clause of the proposition . The Inhabitants of the World will learn ; — We find our selves there under a double Formalitie ; As Learners , and as Inhabiters . As Learners first , and so indued with Faculties of Reason ; Powers of a Soul capable of Learning , what is to be learned ; stampt , and possest with first Principles , & common Notions which deeply search'd , and duly improv'd , and cultivated , might teach us Much of Righteousness . And this is Schola Cordis in Domo interiori , the School of the Heart , God's first School in the little World within us . Secondly , as Inhabitants of the great World , which is God's School too , as well as his Temple , full of Doctrines and Instructions ; Schola Orbis , in which , He takes us forth continual Lessons of Righteousness , — Seque ipsum inculcat , & offert , Ut bene cognosci possit ; and that both from the Natural World , and from the political ; whether Schola Regni , or Schola Ecclesiae . Or if we return to the former Branch of the Text , When thy Judgments are in the Earth . This when they are , supposeth another time , when they Are Not in the Earth , and that time is the time of Love , ( as the Prophet speaks ) the Season of Mercy ; So that , Thirdly , here 's Schola Misericordiarum , the School of God's tender Mercies inviting us , gently leading , and drawing us with the Cords of a Man , with the Bands of Love : And lastly , when nothing else will serve , here 's Schola Judiciorum , the School of God's severe Judgments driving us to Repentance , and compelling us to come in and learn Righteousness . A provision ( you see ) every way sufficient , and abundant for our Learning , , were not we wanting to our selves . But alas ! we may run by the Text , and easily read in it these three things , as so many very Natural Deductions , and Emanations from it . First , our own ignorance and Stupidity ; Born like a wilde Asse's Colt , as Zophar speaks ; and then to our Natural we add affected Ignorance too : So that we are much to seek , and to learn Righteousness it must be taught us . Secondly , God's infinite , and inexpressible Grace and Mercy to us ; that when we had blurr'd the Original , defac'd the first Traces of Righteousness upon our Souls , he was pleas'd to provide Expedients to teach it us again the second time , that we might be renewed unto Knowledge after the Image of him , that created us in Righteousness , as the Apostle speaks . And Thirdly , Our indocible and unteachable Humour , our foul and shameful Non-proficiency under so plentiful a Grace . For though the Text indeed speaks of our learning Righteousness , when God's Judgments are upon us ; yet ( if the Appearances of the World abroad suggested nothing to the contrary ) 't is introduc'd here in the Text too , as the Effect of the last Form in God's School , in exclusion of all the former as ineffectual ; his utmost Method not to be used but at a pinch , when all the rest are basfled , and prove improsperous upon us : And then 't is exprest in the Original , and learned Versions with so many Limitations and Abatements ( as we shall see by and by ) that we may well give it up as the sum and upshot of all , that our All-merciful God omits no Means or Methods of our Improvement ; but we ( supinely negligent , and prodigiously stubborn as we are ) render them all ineffectual . That we may do so no longer , but rather make good the profession , with which we have dar'd to appear this Day before God , of humbling our selves under his Almighty Hand ; Let us , before we pass on any further , lift up our Hands and our Hearts to Him in the Heavens , beseeching him by the Power of his Mighty Grace so to sanctifie to us All , both the Sense of his present Judgment , and all our Meditations and Discourses thereupon , that by all we may be promoted in learning Righteousness . THe Inhabitants of the World will learn Righteousness or Justice : What 's that ? Is there such a thing in the World ? Or is it a Name onely , and a glorious pretence ? Is it not only another word for Interest or Utility , and so nothing just , but what is profitable ; Carneades his infamous Assertion retriv'd and own'd with open face by Christians ? Is it not the taking of a party , or the espousing of a Faction , and appearing for it with heat and animosity ; and a savage condemning and destroying All that are not of it ? Is it not the Profession to believe such a a System of Opinions , what life soever is consequent thereupon ? an airy invisible Righteousness , that never embodies or appears in our Actions , but hovers in the Clouds , in speculations and fancies , where no Man can find it ? The Truth is , there is no piece of Unrighteousness more common in the World , than thus to weigh Justice it self in an unjust Ballance ; while every one contrives his Hypothesis , so as to salve the Phaenomena , so declares his Notion , as may best suit and comport with his own unrighteous practices . But the Righteousness we are to learn in God's School , must not be a self-chosen Righteousness : We must not pay God our Soveraign , the Tribute of our Obedience in Coyn of our own stamping ; it must be such as will abide the Touchstone of his Word , and the Ballance of his Sanctuary . To make short , Righteousness or Justice , though elsewhere a single Vertue , yet here 't is vittually All : — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , said the Poet ; and the Philosopher after him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not a part , but all Vertue : and so often both in Scripture , and Fathers , comprehensively all Religion , the whole Duty of Man. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith S. Chrisostome : Omnes Virtutum species uno Justitiae nomine , saith S. Jerome . Not a particular Star , nor a single Constellation , but a whole Heaven of Vertues , an entire Globe of Moral and Christian Perfections ; an Universal Rectitude of the Will , conforming us in all Points to God's Righteous Law , the Rule of our Righteousness , Or if you will in two words , 't is Suum cuique to give every one his Due ; Suum Deo first , and then Suum proximo ; give God his Due , and your Neighbour too : These are the integral parts of it . So that Righteousness , as the great Rule of it , hath two Tables , or , if you will two Hemispheres , the upper and the nether : Both so vast , that we cannot measure them in a Span ( the Span of time allotted me ; ) I shall therefore contract them to the occasion , and give you only some of those particular Lessons of Righteousness , which this present Judgment of God upon our Land seems most clearly to take us forth , both in relation to God himself , and to our Neighbours ; and then call you , and my self to a serious Scrutiny , how well we have learn'd them , and so an end . And first we begin ( as we ought ) in giving God his due ; in rendring to God the things that are Gods. To limit this wide Universality too , and render it more proper , and peculiar , we may reduce all to that first of Esai's three Songs mention'd at the beginning , Glorifie ye the Lord in the Fires ; giving him upon this sad Occasion the Glory of that great Trinity of his Attributes ; the Glory of his Power , and Majesty ; the Glory of his Justice and Equity ; the Glory of his Goodness and Mercy . Give him the Glory of his Power and Greatness ; which the Prophet calls , singing for the Majesty of the Lord , Cap. xxiv . 15. or beholding the Majesty of the Lord , when his Hand is lifted up , in the verse after my Text. How great and glorious our God is , who is in himself incomprehensible , appears best by the glorious greatness of his Works . If he builds , it is a World , Heaven and Earth , and the Fulness of both . If he gives , it is his only Son out of his Bosom , the Brightness of his Glory , and the express Image of his Person . If he rewards , 't is a Crown , 't is a whole Heaven of Glories . If he be angry , he sends a deluge ; opens the Cataracts of Heaven above , and breaks up the Fountains of the great Deep below , and pours forth whole Flouds of Vengeance : Or else he rains down Hell out of Heaven , and in a moment turns a Land like the Garden of God into a dead Sea , and a lake of Brimstone . If he discover himself by any overt expression of his Power , though the Intention be meer Mercy , and loving Kindness , Mortality shrinks from it , and cannot bear it . When his Glory descends on Mount Sinai , the people remove , and stand afar off , and Let not God speak with us ( say they ) lest we die : and Depart from me , O Lord , saith S. Peter . amaz'd at that miraculous draught of Fishes : How much more should the Inhabitants of the World tremble before him , when his great and sore Judgments are in the Earth : Tremble thou Earth , the presence of God ( saith the Psalmist ) even when he improves the hard Rock into a Springing Well : much more when a fruitful Land he turns into barrenness , or a stately City into Ashes , for the wickedness of them that dwell therein . I am horribly asraid , saith David , for the ungodly that sorsake thy Law ; and I exceedingly sear , and quake , said Moses , at the giving of it : But when our Lord shall come again to require it , The Powers of Heaven shall be shaken too ; the Angels themselves ( as S. Chrysestom interprets ) though pure and innocent Creatures shall tremble ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to see the severity of that Judgment . How much rather ought we , wretched Creatures that we are , conscious to our selves , of Dust , and Sin , to tremble and quake at the Wrath of this dread Lord of the Universe ; at whose Voice alone , the great Emporous Caligula runs under the Bed , and the mighty Bel-shazzar's Loins are loosed , and his knees knock one against another , when God but writes bitter things against him on the Wall. It were a vain Affectation , to attempt a Description of the greatness of our late horrible Devastation . This were to be Ambitiosus in Malis , to chew over all our Wormwood , and our Gall again : This were Rogum ascia polire , which the xii . TABLES forbad , to carve and paint the wood of our Funeral pile . I shall only call back your thoughts to stand with me upon the prospect of that horrid Theatre of the divine Judgments , and say , Come hither , and behold the Works of the Lord , what Desolation he hath made in the Earth ; and then who will not joyn with me to say upon so convincing an occasion ? We humble our selves under the Almighty Hand of God , the Lord of all the World ; We adore his Power and Majesty in lowly prostrations ; before whom all the Nations of the World are as a Drop of the Bucket , the Globe of the Earth as the small Dust of the Balance , and who taketh up the Isles ( even our Great Britains too , as we call them ) as a very little thing . Great and marvelous are thy Works , O Lord God Almighty ! who would not fear thee , and glorifie thy Name , when thy Judgments are thus manifest ? Thou hast brought them down that dwell on high , and laid the lofty City low , even to the Ground ; the Joyous City of our Solemnities , the Royal Chamber , the Emporium of the World , the Mart of Nations , the very Top Gallant of all our Glory in the Dust. Even so Holy Father , for so it seemed good in thy sight . We say not to our God , What do'st thou ? Wherefore hath the Lord done thus to this great City ? we reply not , we answer not again : The Lord hath spoken ; let all the Earth keep silence before him . We acknowledg thy Hand in it , O our God ; we submit to thy good pleasure in it ; we wait for thy Comfort , and thy Salvation in it . We meekly kiss the Rod that strikes us : With dying Jacob we desire to worship 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with perfect Resignation as we are able , leaning and reposing upon the top of this thy severe Rod. For shall we rcceive Good at the hand of our God , and shall we not receive Evil ? 'T is the same Blessed Hand that distributes and strikes ; and with equal Reverence and Affection we adore it , whether he opens it wide in Bounty , or contracts it close in severity : The one the Divine Rhetorick to perswade us to learn Righteousnes ; the other his more irrefragable Logick to convince and constrain us . And therefore , we charge not our Maker foolishly ; but meekly accept the punishment of our Iniquity . And having thus ador'd his Power ( which was the First ) we go on in the next place to acknowledg his Justice too ; saying with holy DAVID , Righteous art thou , O Lord , and just are thy Judgments : The second part of God's Due . Give him the Glory of his Justice also ; and if you learn no other Righteousness in his School , at least learn His , and frankly confess it too . For though God's Judgments may be secret , yet they cannot be unjust : Like the great Deep indeed , an Abyss unfathomable ; But though we have no Plumb-line of Reason , that can reach it , our Faith assures us , there 's Justice at the Bottom . Clouds and Darkness are round about him , saith the Psalmist ; but , as it follows , Righteousness and Judgment are the Habitation of his Throne : So much we may easily discern through all the Veils and Curtains that invelop him , that Justice stands always fast by his Judgment-seat . And therefore though it be a nice , and a delicate point to assign the particular sins , for which God hath thus sorely afflicted us ; yet must we declare ( as we are warranted by sacred Authority ) That God hath laid his heavy Judgment upon us All , as an Evidence of his Displeasure for our Sins in general . Not to engage in that Common Theme ; we may clear it a little by the Light of our own Fires , ( the particular Instrument of our Calamity ) in two or three Reflections upon that . God spake his Righteous Law at first out of the midst of the Fire , Exod. xix . 18. And he shall appear from Heaven again in flaming Fire , taking vengeance on them that obey it not , saith the Apostle . Now as the Prophet Amos argues from another circumstance of Terrour , wherewith the Law was given , the sound of the Trumpet ( the first Trumpét certainly , we ever read of in any Record in the World , as the last Trumpet ( the Apostle tells us ) shall be that of the Arch-angel to summon us to account for it ) Shall a Trumpet be blown ( and so say I , shall a Fire be kindled ) in the City ( nay , a whole City become but one great Fire ) and the people not be afraid ; We not reflect upon our own Guiltiness before God , who came at first with a Fiery Law in his Right Hand to teach us our Duty , and shall come again at last with Fiery Indignation at his left to devour all those that perform it not ? Again , Fire and Water are the two great Instruments of God's double Vengeance upon the World of the Ungodly : The One long since past recorded for our Instruction ; the Other yet to come , the Matter ( it ought to be , I am sure ) of our continual Terror . The World that then was , perished by Water ( saith S. Peter ) and the World that is now , is reserv'd unto Fire : In the mean time , Fire and Water , things of commonest Use with us , are also the standing Metaphors almost in every verse of Scripture , to express God's Judgments of all sorts : Is it not on purpose to remind us , when ever we hear the sound , or make use of the things , or feel the smart of either , to reslect upon the heavy wrath of God against Sin in his so solemn expressions of it ? Once more , Fire is the Tyrant in Nature , the King of the Elements , the mighty Nimrod in the Material World. God hath given us this Active Creature for our Servant , and we degrade him to the meanest Offices , to the Drudgery of the Kitchin , and the labour of the Furnace . But God can infranchize him when he pleases , and let him loose upon us ; and for our sins , of an useful Servant , make him to us a a rigorous , and a Tyrannical Master . You saw him the other Day , when he escaped from all your Restraints , mockt all your Resistance , scorn'd the Limits , you would have set him : Wing'd with our Guilt , he flew triumphant over our proudest Heights , waving his curl'd Head , seeming to repeat us that Lesson which holy S. Austin taught us long since , That the inferiour Creatures serve us Men , only that we may serve him , who made both us and them too . If we rebel against Heaven , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the Wiseman ; The World shall rise in Arms upon us , and fight with him against the Unwise . Even the Holy Fires of the Altar too , though kindled from Heaven on purpose to propitiate an angry Deity , prov'd often through Man's provocations the Instruments of his Fury ; the Mercy-seat became the Arsenal of Vengeance , and from the presence of God himself went forth those Flames that devour'd his Adversaries ? And all to teach us this Lesson , That 't is Sin puts the Thunder into God's Hand , and turns Flames of Love into a consuming Fire . And therefore dream no longer of Granado's or Fire-Balls , or the rest of those witty Mischiefs ; search no more for Boutefieus or Incendiaries , Dutch or French : The Dutch Intemperance , and the French Pride and Vanity , and the rest of their Sins , we are so fond off , are infinitely more dangerous to us , than the Enmity of either Nation ; for these make God our Enemy too . Or if you 'l needs find out the Incendiary , look not abroad ; Intus host is , intus periculum , saith St. Jerome . Turn your Eyes inward into your own Bosoms ; there lurks the great Make-bate , the grand Boutefieu between Heaven and us . Trouble not your selves with Planetary Aspects , or great Conjunctions ; but for your own Oppositions direct and Diametral to God , and his Holy Law. Fear not the Signs of Heaven , but the Sins on Earth , which hath made a separation between you and your God. 'T is injurious to the sweet Influences of the Stars , to charge them with such dire Effects , as Wars , and Pestilences and Conflagrations : Divinae Justitiae opera haec , sunt ( saith the Father ) & humanae injustitiae . These are the Products of God's Righteousness upon our Unrighteousness . Wherefore glorifie we God in these our Fires , saying with the Prophet , Righteousness belongs to thee , O Lord , but unto us confusion of Faces , as it is this day , because of our manifold Trespasses that we have trespassed against thee . If yet it be expected I should be more particular , in assigning the very Sins that have occasian'd this heavy Judgment , 't is a slippery place , and hard to keep firm footing in it . The mysterious Text of God's Holy Providence ( as I said before ) is dark and obscure ; and so much the more , because there are so many Interpreters , ( for though there be no infallible Judge of the Sense of it , yet all Fingers itch to be doing ; ) their Conjectures so various , and full of contradiction , so tincted and debaucht with private prejudice , that they do but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wrest it unskilfully , as they do the other holy Text , Convertunt in mentem suam ( as the aethiopick turns that place in St. Peter ) torture , and torment it , till it confess their own Sense . As for the many spiteful and unrighteous Glosses upon the sad Text of our present Calamity ( on which every Faction amongst us hath a Revelation , hath an Interpretation ; ) I will not mention , much less imitate them . Justus Accusator sui , saith the Wiseman . 'T is a righteous thing for every Man to suspect himself , to look first into the plague of his own Heart , and to be ready to say with the Disciples , Master , Is it not I ? We are all over apt to charge one another foolishly enough ; to take St. Peter's counsel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be kind and favourable to our selves in our Interpretations and Censures ; but God methinks , at present seems to accuse us All. When a Judgment is particular and reacheth but a few , we have a savage promptness in condemning the Sufferers , with , This is God's just Judgment for such a thing , which we , it seems like not , though perhaps God himself doth . So long as the Thunder-bolt flies over our own Heads , we hug our selves , and All is well ; 't is our dear pastime , and a high voluptuousness to sit and censure others , and flatter our selves , that we are more righteous than they . To meet with this ill Humour , God hath reacht us now an universal stroak that comes home to every Man : So that 't is as our Prophet states it in the beginning of this Sermon , As with the Prince and the Priest , ( for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is both ) so with the people , as with the Master , and the Mistress , so with the Servant , as with the Buyer , and the Borrower , so with the Seller and the Lender . In fine , He is no Englishman that feels not this Blow : And therefore as the Judgment is Universal , let us give Glory to God , and confess , that the Sin is so too ; saying with the good Nehemiah , Thou art just , O God , in All that is brought upon us ; on our King , and on our Princes ; on our Priests , and on our Prophets ; on our Fathers , and on all thy People ; For thou hast done Right , but we have All done Wickedly . God give us Grace to take every one the shame that belongs properly to himself , and to joyn heartily together in a full Chorus at the last , repeating that excellent Exomologesis of holy David , with which I began this point , and shall now conclud it , Righteous art thou , O Lord , and just are thy Judgments . But there is another yet behind . — Lastly , give God the Glory of his Mercy too ; that must in no wise be forgotten . 'T is the priviledge and prerogative of Mercy , that it mixeth it self in all God's Works ; even in Justice it self too . He sendeth forth Lightnings with the Rain ( saith the Psalmist ) he bringeth the Winds out of his Treasuries . Strange Furniture , one would think for a Treasury , Storms and Tempests ! But there is so very much of Mercy even in God's Judgments too , that they also deserve a place amongst his Treasures , ay and amongst ours too . For he licenseth not a Wind , or a Storm , le ts not fly a flash of Lightning , or a Ball of Fire , but a Mercy goes along with it ; comes flying to us ( if we miss it not by our Negligence or Inadvertency ) upon the Wings of that Wind ; and discovers it self to us even by the Light of those Fires . And therefore turn not away your Eyes in Horror , but study the late Conflagration : And even in the Dust and Ashes of our City , if we sift and examine them well , we may find rich Treasures of Mercy hidden . Mercy first , that God spar'd us , and preserv'd us so long . For without his Divine Manutenency , our strongest Fabricks had faln immediately upon their very Builders , He that made all things at first , by preserving makes them still ; new makes them every Moment ; and for his Will 's sake alone they were and are created . He carries Nature alwayes in his Bosom , fostering and cherishing her ; and that not only as she came out of his own hand , and bears the Impresses of his Infinite Wisdom and Power ; but as we have transform'd and disguis'd her by our petty skill ; as she is fettered and shackled by our silly Artifices : Even the World of Fancy too , the poor Attempts and Bunglings of Art , our Houses of Dirt and Clay ( which we call Pálaces and so please our selves in ) would quickly fall asunder , and moulder all into the Dust they consist of , did not an Almighty Hand uphold them . If he keep not the House and the City , in vain the Builder builds , and the Watchman wakes , and the Centinel stands perdu . And therefore give we him the Glory of this Mercy , saying Thanks be to the Lord , who so long shew'd us marvellous great Kindness , I say not with the Psalm , in a strong City , ( though the strongest without him is weakness ) but in a very weak One : A City in the Meanness of the Materials , the Oldness of the Buildings , the streightness of some Streets , the ill Situation of others , and many like Inconveniencies , so expos'd to this dismal Accident , that it must needs have been long since in Ashes , had not his miraculous Mercy preserv'd it , who , so long as he pleaseth ( and that is just so long as we please Him ) continues the Fire to us useful and safe , serviceable , and yet innocent , with as much ease as he lays it asleep , and quiet in the Bosom of a Flint . Mercy again , That he afflicts us at all ; that we are yet in his School ; that he hath not quite given us over , and turn'd us out as unteachable and incorrigible . Felix cui Deus dignatur irasci , saith Tertullian ; in David's Language Blessed is the Man whom thou chastnest , O Lord , and teachest him in thy Law ; send'st him thy Judgments , and learn'st him thy Righteousness . But to sin , and not be punisht , is the sorest punishment of all , saith S. Chrysostome . Dimisit eos secundum desideria Cordis , He suffer'd them to walk after their own Heart's Lusts , that 's a dreadful portion : Let them alone , Why should they be stricken any more ? that 's the prosperity of Fools that destroys them , as Solomon ; or as David phraseth it ; This is for God to rain Snares upon the ungodly : A horrible Tempest indeed ! as he there calls it , and worse than the Fire and Brimstone in the same Verse . Mercy too , That he afflicts us himself , keeps us still under his own Discipline , and hath not yet given us over unto the Will of our Adversaries . The hand of an Enemy poysons the Wound : His Malice or his Insolence doubles and trebles the Vexation . The Malignity of the Instrument may invenom a Scratch into a Gangrene . But the Blessed Hand of God , even when it strikes , drops Balsom . His very Rods are bound up in Silk and Softness , and dipt before hand in Balm : He wounds that he may heal , and in wounding heals : Una , eademque Manus Vulnus , opemque — And therefore may we never be beaten by the hand of a cruel and insulting Slave : But let our Righteous Lord himself smite us , and it shall be a Kindness ; let him correct us , and it shall be an excellent Oyl . O let us us still fall into the Hands of God ( for great are his Mercies ) but let us not fall into the hands of Men. Mercy lastly in the Degree of the Affliction ; That he hath punisht us less than our Iniquities deserve ; afflicted us in measure ; corrected us in Judgment , not in his Fury , for then we had been utterly brought to nothing : That we have had our Lives for a Prey , and are as so many Fire-brands pluckt out of the Burning . And therefore , why should a living Man complain ? Say we rather as Abraham did in the Case of Sodom , when he had that horrible Scene of Vengeance now in his Eye , We are but Dust and Ashes : Not only Dust in the course of ordinary Frailty , but Ashes too in the merit of a far sharper Doom ; deserve , that God should bring us to Dust , nay , even turn us to Ashes too , as our Houses . It is of the Lord's Mercies , that We our selves also are not consumed , because his compassions fail not ; that any part of our City is still remaining ; that God hath left us yet a holy place to assemble in , solemnly to acknowledge ( as we do this Day ) his most miraculous Mercy : That when all our Wit was puzzl'd , and all our Industry tir'd out ; when the Wind was at the highest , and the Fire at the hottest , and all our hopes were now giving up the Ghost , Then He , whose season is our greatest extremity ; He , who stayeth his rough Wind in the Day of the East-wind , as 't is in the next Chapter ; He , who alone sets Bounds to the Rage of the Waters ; restrain'd also on the suddain , the Fury of this other merciless and unruly Element , by the Interposition of his Almighty Hucusque , hitherto shalt thou go , and no further . Ay this deserves indeed to be the Matter of a Song , Joy in the Lord upon so great an Occasion , upon so noble an Experience , sits not unhandsome on the Brow of so sad a Day as this is . It shall be said in that Day , saith our Prophet , and let us all say it ; say it with Triumph , and Jubilee too , ) Lo , this is our God , we have waited for him , and He hath saved us ; This is the Lord , we will be glad , and rejoyce in his Salvation : — The third and last part ( we shall mention ) of God's Due , the Glory of his Mercy . And now having thus clear'd and secur'd the Fountain of Righteousness , in the Discharge of some part of our Duty to God ( where regularly it must begin ; ) it remains , Ut ducatur Rivus Justitiae de fonte Pietatis , as St. Gregory speaks : It must not be a Fountain seal'd or shut up within it self ; ( Religion is not , as some would have it , a Supersedeas to Common Honesty ; the performing our Duty towards God , no Discharge of our Duty to Man : ) In the next place it should run down like a River , in mighty Streams of Righteousness to all our Neighbours round about us ; the other great Branch , the second Table , or ( if you will ) the other Hemisphere in this great Globe of Righteousness . And here , Ecce nouas Hyadas , aliumque Oriona — So many new Asterisms and Constellations of Vertues appear , that the time will not give leave to number them , or call them all by their Names : I can only touch lightly the greater Circles , some of the more comprehensive Lines and Measures of them in these few Generals , and so pass on . 'T is Righteousness Indefinitely First , and so Universally . So that 't will not be sufficient to take forth some part of it in God's School , a line or two , it may be , of our great Lesson , and neglect the Rest ; to study some one Page or Paragraph , and tear all the Book besides ; to break the Tables ( to far worse Effect than Moses did ) and content our selves with some sorry Fragment : No , What ever goes under the common style of Universal Justice ; whatever falls within the large Bosom of that comprehensive Epitome , into which our Lord himself abridg'd the Law and the Prophets , All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you , do even so to them ; Whatever comes within compass of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as S. James calls it , the Royal Law , ( the latter part of the holy Institutes , the other tome of the Christian Pandects , the second great Commandment like the first , as our Saviour styles it ) Thou shalt love thy Neighbour as thy self ; Even all the Offices and Instances of duty between man & man ; ( Reverence and Obedience to our Superiors , Courtesie and Humanity to our Equals ; Kindness and Condescension to our Inferiours ; Gratitude and Thankfulness to our Benefactors ; Justice and Upright-dealing towards All ; Truth in our Words , and Faithfulness in our Trusts , and Constancy to our Promises , and Candor , and Sincerity and Honesty in all our Actions : And yet further and higher , for 't is a Righteousness improv'd & heightned , or at least interpreted by our Lord into Love , and so obligeth us beyond the strict Measures of Common Justice , and not only renders , what is legally due , but gives and forgives beyond it ; ) Equity and Moderation to those , that are any way obnoxious to us ; Mildness and Gentleness to those that have any way offended us ; Sympathy and Compassion towards them that suffer ; Mercy and Bounty to them that need ; Goodness and Peaceableness , and Charity to all the World : ) These are all parts of this great Lesson , and whatever else may help to denominate us The Righteous Nation that keepeth the Truth ( as 't is in the second verse of this Chapter ) or the City in which dwells Rightcousness . But then as 't is Righteousness indefinitely , ( the Commandment exceeding broad , as David speaks , wide in the Extension ; so is it also as deep in the Intension , ) 't is Righteousness Internally and Spiritually too ; as being a Righteousness taught us by God's , and not by Mans Judgments only , and consequently must have an Effect proportionable : 'T is when Thy Judgments are in the Earth , Men will learn — As the Jews , while their fear towards God was taught them by the Precepts of Men , drew near to him , and honoured him with their Mouth only , but removed their Hearts far away from him , Isai. xxix 13. Upon the same Ground , our Righteousness will never exceed the Righteousness of Scribes , and Pharisees Hypocrites , must needs prove Noise , and appearance only , a meer and vain Semblance , if we learn it in no higher School than Mans ; take it forth from the XII Tables only , not from the Two , and have no other Tutor in it than Solon , or Lycurgus , or Justinian . For the Derivation can return no higher than the Fountain-head ; and what is taught us only by the Statutes of Omri , or at Caesar's Judgment-seat , will never come up to what the perfect Law of God requires . While we are under this lower and external Discipline only , if we can but skulk and shift , and play least in sight , and seem to be Righteous , though we are not so ; Recti●in Curia , though not upright in Heart : Or if we be discovered and impleaded too , if we can , whether by Power or Artifice , break through the venerable Cobweb , and run under the miserable shelter of a Temporal Indemnity at these lower Bars : Why , All is well ; with Solomon's Wanton we wipe our Mouths , and are suddenly very Virgins again , not only safe , but innocent too . But though Humane Laws exact only outward Compliances , assume not to themselves to judge the Heart , because they cannot discern it , nor take Cognizance of secret Thoughts and Purposes , further than they are declar'd by overt Acts : Yet God is a Spirit , and a Discerner of the inmost Thoughts and Intentions ; and his Law Spiritual too , and given to the Spirit ; and the Righteousness taught in his School , is not a Carcase , or an Outside only , but a living Soul , and a Spirit of Righteousness : and by con'equence it stays not in the outward Act , ( the proper Object of Humane Laws and Provisions ; ) restrains not only open violences ( such as the Judgment-seat of Man condemns , and the Scaffold , or the Gibbet take notice of ; ) not only smooths and polisheth the outward Garb , to render that plausible in the eyes of the World : But goes yet further and deeper , even to the Heart ; composeth the whole Inner-Man too , and labours to approve that to the Righteous Judge , who sees not as Man sees ; and in fine , calls us up to that glorious height of the Primitive Christians in Justin Martyr , who obey'd indeed the Municipal Laws of their Countrey , but out-liv'd them too , and surmounted them far , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as he speaks ; they contented not themselves with so seant Measures , but flew a higher and a nobler pitch , aiming at a more re●in'd and perfect Righteousness , the worthy Effect of God's Judgments , and not of Mans only ; taught in his School alone , and not at our Tribunals . And then , Lastly , 'T is Righteousness Positively and Affirmatively too . For though the Decalogue is almost all over Negative in the Style and Form of it ; yet , our Lord , by reducing all the Precepts of it to one Affirmative ( Love , ) and also by his Affirmative Glosses or Additions to it in his Sermon on the Mount , seems to have authorised the Rule of their Exposition , receiv'd generally by Christian Divines , That the Negative still infers the Affirmative , and that there are many Yeas conceal'd in the Bosom of every such No. So that however 't is indeed a part of our Duty , not to Murther , and not so Slander , and not to Covet , and the like , ( an Obligation consequent upon God's prohibition ; and he takes it well , when for his sake we abstain from the Evil we are inclin'd or strongly solicited to , and so accepts graciously our very Nothing , as I may call it , our not doing amiss ; thus giving us leave to inclose , as it were , a part of our Waste , and to ●aise some Revenue upon it : ) Yet this is so much short of the Height of the Lesson we are to learn in God's School , that 't is only the unlearning something that might obstruct it ; so far from making us truly Righteous , that it can only style us Innocent , and set us Extra vitia rather than Intra virtutem . We must not then content our selves with a Negative Righteousness ; nor confine , and limit it within the sorry Bounds of the Pharisaical Boast , That we are not , as other Men are , Extortioners or Unjust : In some Cases he is unjust too , that gives not his own , as well as he that takes away what is anothers : In the Sacred Dialect , Alms-deeds are Justice too ; even Acts of Mercy , and Bounty to those that need them , stricti Juris , a part of our Righteousness sometimes so indispensable , as not to be omitted without Sin. And therefore glorifie thy self no longer , that thou do'st harm to no Man : — Cum dicis stultum , qui donat Amico , Qui paupertatem levat , attollitque propinqui , Et spoliare doces — could the Heathen Poet say : He robs his neighbour , that relieves him not : He spoils his Friend , that in some Cases doth not supply him . And though 't is well ( a good Degree ) if we can say with S. Paul , I have wronged no Man ; yet he only is perfectly blameless in this kind , Qui ne in eo quidem ulli noceat , quo prodesse desistat , as S. Jerome excellently ; who doth not this Evil to his Neighbour , that he omits to do him all the good he can . Thou didst not burn thy Neighbours house , ( a strange piece of uncouth Righteousness ! ) But do'st thou receive him into thy own , now he is harborless ? Thou hast not opprest , or impoverisht thy Brother ; 'T is well : But is thy Abundance the Supply of his Want in this present exigent ? thy Superfluity the Ransom and Redemption of his extream Necessities ? If not , remember , that Dives is in torments , not for robbing Lazarus , but for not relieving Sin : And the dreadful Decretory Sentence proceeds at the last Day , not for oppressing the Poor , but for not feeding , not cloathing , not visiting them : A Reflection very common indeed ; yet never more proper or seasonable than at this time , when God presents us an Object of Charity , the greatest , I think , and the most considerable that was ever offer'd to this Nation , and when Heaven and Earth expect , that something extraordinary should be done . I have now opened the Book , and laid it before you , and given you a short Draught of this very important Lesson : a Lesson so considerable , that our Wise and Good God thinks it worth the while to rout Armies , and sink Navies ; to burn up Cities , and turn Kingdoms upside down ; to send Wars , and Plagues , and Conflagrations amongst us ; to set open all his Schools , and ply all his severest Methods to teach it us the more effectually . Think now , that he looks down this Day from Heaven to take Notice of our Proficiency ; to see how far we are advanc'd by these his Judgments in learning Righteousness . And is it possible , we should stand out any longer ? Can we still resist so powerful a Grace ? Are not the parts of the Text by this time , happily met together ? and the Truth of it accomplisht , and exemplified in us to the full ? — Gods Judgments on us , and his Righteousness in us ? Who would not think and hope so ? But as S. Jerome complains of his Age ( which was indeed very calamitous ) Orbis Romanus ruit , & tamen Cervix nostra non flectitur : The World sinks and cracks about our Ears , and yet our Neck as stiff , and the Crest of our Pride as lofty , and as erect as ever . How few are they that repent in Dust and Ashes , even Now , that God hath laid our City in Dust , and our Houses in Ashes ! Look we first upon the Text , and then upon our selves , and we must ingenuously acknowledge , that whatever Abatements or Diminutions to the Height of the design'd event of God's Judgments upon us the Text , or any Version of it note , or imply , our wretched evil Lives do but too plainly express and justifie . For — 1. Who are they that are said here to learn Righteousness in the Text ? Not always the Afflicted themselves , it seems ; but some others that stand by and look on . For 't is not to be omitted , that the phrase manifestly varies in the parts of the Proposition : Judgments in the Earth , or upon the Land , some particular Countrey ; and the World at large , or some few in it learn Righteousness . Thus Tyrus shall be devour'd with Fire , saith the Prophet : Ashkelon shall see it , and fear ; Gaza and Ekron shall be very sorrowful : But not a word how Tyrus her self is affected . God forbid it should be so with us ! May it never be said , that any of our neighbors make better use of our calamities , than we our selves ! Have we any so hard-hearted amongst us , that can look upon so sad a Spectacle , as if they sate all the while in the Theater , or walkt in a Gallery of Pictures ; little more concern'd , than at the Siege of Rhodes , or the Ruines of Troy ? Shall any Neighbour-City say wisely — Mea res agitur , jam proximus ardet Vcalegon — ? Shall our enemies themselves ( the sober and the Wise amongst them , at the least ) tremble at the Relation , and we continue stupid , and senseless ? Shall Constantinople and Alexandria resent it , and we not regard it as we ought ? Nay , shall China and Peru ( it may be ) Surat and Mexico , both the Indies hear , and be affected with it , and we our selves insensible ? Shall the Inhabitants of the World abroad warm themselves at our Fires , with kindly and holy Heats ; while in the mean time our Repentings are not kindled , nor our Charity inflam'd , and our Devotion as cold and frozen as ever ? Shall our Mountain ( which we said in our jolly pride should never be removed ) be fulminated , and thunder-strook , but the Blessed shower , that follows , the Instruction , that descends after , like the Rain , slide off to the Vallies , to Others , that are round about us ? Our Lord wept over Jerusalem , because she knew not then ( at forty years distance ) the time of her Visitation ; for the Days will come , saith He , when there shall not be lest one stone upon another : But Wo is me ! Our Day is come already , and our Visitation now actually upon us ; and yet I fear , we will not know it , as we ought . For — 2. Reflect a little upon the Tense of the Verb , how that varies too in the parts of the Proposition : The Judgments Are in the Earth , and the Inhabitants Will learn — ( So the Vulgar Latin & the English : ) 'T is still per verba de suturo . For we list not to hand-fast our selves to God Almighty , to make our selves over to him by present Deed of Gift ; but would fain , forsooth , bequeath our selves to him a Legacy in our last Will and Testament . Ay but In necessitatibus nemo Liberalis : 'T is not a free or a noble Donation , which we bestow , when we can keep it no longer our selves : For such a Bequest we may thank Death , rather than the Testator , saith S. Chrysostome . But we are all Clinicks in this point ; would fain have a Baptism in Reserve , a Wash for all our Sins , when we cannot possibly commit them any more . Like Felix the unjust Governour , when S. Paul reasons of Righteousness , our Heads begin to ake , and presently we adjourn , with , Go thy way for this time ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as he pretended ) when we have time and Opportunity , and convenient Leisure ( which we read not , that he ever found ) in plain English , when we have nothing else to do , or can do nothing else , then wee 'l take forth this Lesson ; — Learn Righteousness , as Cato did Greek , Jam Septuagenarius , just when we are a dying ; — Begin then to con our part , when we are ready to be hist off the Stage , and Death is now pulling off our properties . But take we heed in time : He may prove a false Prophet , that promiseth himself to die the Death of the Righteous , when he hath lov'd , and pursu'd the Ways , and Wages of Unrighteousness all his life long : Who thinks if he can but shape the last faint Breath he draws into a formal pretence of forgiving all the World , and a sly desire of being forgiven ; Upon these two hangs the whole stress of his Righteousness , he goes out of God's School upon fair terms , and thinks to render a plausible Account of himself . No no ; the great Lesson of the Text is harder and deeper than so : 'T is that we must sweat for , 't is that we may bleed for : 'T is all that Adam lost , and All that Christ came to recover : 'T is the Business of our whole life , and 't is desperate Folly and Madness to defer to learn it till Death , when God now calls us to account for it . Though the Verb in some Versions be future ( as I said ) yet still 't is Discent Habitatores , we must learn it while we dwell here in the World , and who can secure us that beyond the next moment ? When once we remove hence , there 's no School beyond : The Platonick Eruditorum in ORIGEN ( a place under Ground , I know not where , in which separated Souls are suppos'd to learn what they mist of , or neglected here ) as very a Fable as the Platonick Purgatory . As there is no Work , nor Labour ; so no Device , nor Knowledge , nor Wisdom in the Grave . The Schools are all in this World : All beyond is Prison , and Dungeon , and place of Torment , for such as learn not their Duty here ; Fire without Light , and utter Darkness . 3. Again , They did learn ( so the Syriac , and the Interlineary Latin ) when thy Judgments were in the Earth : For there is an Ellipsis in the Original of the former clause , and the Verb Substantive may be supplied either way , when thy Judgments Are or Were in the Earth : And the Conjunction may seem to stand fair for the later 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in quantum , or juxta quod ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as R. David glosseth it ) qua mensura , aut modo ; and so the Syriac , Qualia Judicia , talem Justitiam dedicerunt : So much Judgment , so much Justice ; Righteousness they did learn , just while God's Rod was over them , and no longer . Thus while God's Plagues lay heavy upon Pharaoh , even that stiff neck bow'd , and that hard heart was softned ; As Iron in a quick Fire relents and melts ; but take it out of the Furnace , and it grows hard again , nay worse , Churlish and Unmalleable : And so he , When he saw that there was Respite , saith the Text , or a breathing time , He hardned his Heart , Ex. viii . 15. And do not we all the same ? Like teeming Women , while the pangs are upon us , we have sorrow ; when some great Affliction gives us a smart Visit , strikes home , and deep , we seem to be a little sensible Ay but the Throws once over , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith our Lord , the Woman remembers them no more ; and so we , If but for a little space Grace be shewed us , if God gives us but a little Respite in our Bondage , like Israel newly returned from Babel , we streight forget his Commandments ; which made the good Ezra asham'd and blush to lift up his Face to Heaven ; Ezra , Cap. ix . Vers. 8 , 10. Happy We , if , as Pliny adviseth his friend Maximus , Tales esse sani perseveremus , quales futuros profitemur infirmi ; if we continue such in Health , as we promise to be upon our sick-beds . But alas ! Convaluit ; Mansit , ut ante . How few with David pay the Vows which they spake with their Mouths , when they were in trouble ? Do not the engagements on the sick-bed vanish , like the Dreams of the sick , forgotten , as if they had never been ? I appeal to your own Bosoms ; though affected at first with this late dismal Accident , doth it not prove to you a nine-days Wonder , and your Thoughts though much startled at first , by degrees reconcile to it ? Do not your Devotions begin to grow cold with the Fires ; rak'd up , like those dying sparks in dead Ashes , and buried in the Dust ; — Ignes suppositi Cineri doloso ? Just as our Prophet states it here , While thy Judgments were upon them , they learn'd ; But as it follows immediately , Fiat Gratia Impio , Let Favour be shewed to the Wicked , the least Intermission or kind Interval , and he will not learn Righteousness , saith the Text expresly ; he soon lays by his Book , and gives over . But 4. Lastly , What is it that we learn ? or , to what good end or purpose ? The Chaldee Paraphrast interposeth here a very Material and Operative word , Discent operari , they will learn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to do , or to work Righteousness . And this Addition shews us another of our Defects ; cuts off , I fear , above half the Roll of our Learners at once . We live ( as I said ) in a learned Age : But in all this Croud and Throng of Learners , how few put themselves in good earnest into God's School ? And of them that do , how much fewer yet take forth their Lesson aright ? — Learn any thing else they will , but not Righteousness ; and if that , any thing , but to do it ? But this is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rightly to divide ; this is to mangle the Text , and to saw Isaiah asunder again . Would learning or talking , or pretending serve the turn , We might find Righteousness enough in the World : We can define it , and distinguish it , Criticize upon the Word , & dispute of the Thing without end : we stuff our Heads with the Notion , and tip our Tongues with the Language , and fill the World with our pretences to it : But Little Children , saith S. John , ( Oye World of Learners ) Be not deceived , ( Let no Man seduce you into this piece of Gnosticism , as if to learn , or to know , were sufficient ; No , ) ' O 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He that Doth Righteousness , he is Righteous . Non fortia loquimur , sed vivimus , saith S. Cyprian ; The life of Religion is Doing . What we know , we must practice too ; Whereto we have already attained , we must walk in it , saith the Apostle . They , that follow'd Christ , were first indeed call'd Disciples , that is , Learners , ( for there we must begin ; ) But they soon after commenc'd Christians at Antioch , Anointed to Action , as the word implies ; and this Name sticks by them still , as the more essential . Their Oyl must not be spent all in the Lamp , In Schola Sapientiae , that they may shine by Knowledge ; they must do their Exercises too In Gymnasio Justitiae , be anointed to the Agon , and to the Combat ( as the Champions of old ; ) and if they expect the Crown of Righteousness , must not only learn Righteousness , but learn to do it . ANd therefore ( to shut up All , and to inforce it a little upon such Topicks , as the Text , and the sad Face of things amongst us suggest ; ) Let us no longer trifle with God Almighty , now we find to our cost , that He is in good earnest with us . Be not deceived ; God , I 'me sure , is not mock'd . 'T is not our fasting , and looking demure a little , and hanging down the Head , like a Bull-rush for a Day ; 'T is not a few Grimaces of sorrow , a sad word or two , or a weeping Eye will serve the turn : — Our Hearts must bleed too , our Souls must be afflicted , and mourn for our old Unrighteousnesses , and forsake them too , and renounce them all for ever ; and yet further , take forth new Lessons of Righteousness in all holy Conversations and Godlinesses , as S. Peter speaks , even in all the instances of Piety , and Justice , and Charity , ye heard of even now , or all this holy Discipline of God is lost , and spent in vain upon us . For this is all the Fruit , saith our Prophet , to take away sin : If that remain still in us , Adversity is a bitter Cup indeed . To keep our sins , and hold them fast , even when God's Judgments are upon us for them , this is with Copronymus , to pollute the Fountain that should wash us , to defile the salutary Waters of Affliction , to prophane the holy Fires of God's Furnace , and to pass through the Fire to Moloch , to some reigning and domineering Sin , some Tyrant-lust , or Mistress-passion . Correction without Instruction , this is the Scourge of Asses , not the Discipline of Men , nor the Rod of the Sons of Men. To suffer much , and not to be at all the better for it , 't is certainly one of the saddest portions that can befal us in this World ; if not the fore-boding and prognostick of a far sadder yet to come , the very beginnings of Hell here , the Fore-tasts of that Cup of Bitterness , of which the Damned suck out the Dreggs . And wilt thou after all this hide the sweet Morsel under thy Tongue , when thou sensibly perceiv'st it already turning into the Gall of Asps ? — Still long for the delicious portion , consecrated and snatch it greedily from God's Altars , though thou seest thy Fingers burn , and thy Nest on fire with it ? — Still retain the old Complacence in thy sparkling Cup , though thou feel'st it already biting like a Serpent , and stinging like an Adder ? — say still , Stoln Waters are sweet , though like those bitter Ones of Jealousie , thou perceiv'st them carry a Curse along with them into thy very Bowels ? Dare we thus provoke the Lord to Jealousie ? Are we stronger than He ? Gird up now thy loyns like a Man , thou stoutest , and gallantest of the Sons of Earth . Hast thou an Arm like God ? or canst thou thunder with a Voice like him ? Wilt thou set the Briars and Thorns of the Wilderness against him in Battel-Array ? or canst thou dwell with everlasting Burnings ? Or despisest thou the Riches of his Goodness and Forbearance ; not knowing ( refusing to know ) that the Long-suffering of our Lord is Salvation , and that his Goodness leadeth thee to Repentance ? If not , know assuredly , that thy Hardness and Impenitent Heart , do but treasure up for thee , yet a fiercer , and a more insupportable Wrath. And therefore let us not flatter our selves , nor think that God hath now emptied his Quiver , and spent all his Artillery upon us ; Let us not come forth delicately with the foolish Agag , saying , Surely the Bitterness of Death is past : No , the Dregs of the Cup of Fury are still behind ; God grant we be not forc'd at last to drink them , and suck them up . Great Plagues remain for the ungodly , saith the Psalmist . Vae unum abiit ; Ecce duo veniunt . One Wo is past , but behold there come two Woes more ; for the rest of Men that were not kill'd by the former Plagues , repented not , Apoc. ix . 12. 20. When God's Rods and his Ferulaes ( the Discipline of Children ) are contemn'd , he hath a lash of Scorpions to scourge the obstinate . When the ten dreadful . Plagues are spent all upon a stubborn Egypt without effect , there 's a Red Sea yet in Reserve , that at last swallows all : And if our present Affictions reform us not , that we sin no more ; take we heed , lest yet a worse thing befal us . Remember , that when the Touch of God's little Finger did not terrifie us , he soon made us feel the stroak of his heavy hand . If the more benign , and benedict Medicines will not work , nor stir us at all , he can prepare us a rougher Receipt , or a stronger Dose ; retrive and bring back his former Judgments in a sharper Degree , or else send upon us new ones , which we never dream of . The Devil of Rebellion and Disobedience , which not long since possest the Nation , rent and tore it till it fom'd again , and pin'd away in lingring Cousumptions ; that cast it oft times into the Fire , and oft times into the Water ( calamities of all sorts ) to destroy it ; is now through God's Mercies cast out , and we seem to sit quiet , and sober at the Feet of our Deliverer , cloath'd , and in our right Minds again . But yet this ill Spirit , this restless Fury ( this unquiet and dreadful Alastor , the eldest Son of Nemesis , and heir apparent to all the Teriours and Mischiefs of his Mother ) walks about day and night , seeking Rest , and finds none ; and he saith in his heart , I will return some time or other to my House from whence I came out . Oh let us take heed of provoking that God , who alone chains up his Fury , least for our Sins he permit him to return once more , with seven other Spirits more wicked than himself , and so our last Estate prove worse than the former . The Sword of the Angel of Death , which the last year cut down almost a hundred thousand of us , may seem to have been glutted with our Blood , and to have put up it self into the Scabbard . Quiesce & sile , as the Prophet speaks : God grant it may rest here , and be still . But , as it follows there , How can it be quiet , if the Lord give it a new Commission against us ? Methinks I see the Hand still upon the Guard , and unless we prevent it by our speedy Repentance , it may quickly be drawn again more terrible than ever , new furbisht , and whetted with the keener edge , and point , our wretched Ingratitude must needs have given it . The Sun of Righteousness was ready to rise upon us , with healing in his Wings , to clear our Heaven again , and to scatter the Cloud of the last years unhealthiness . But yet , methinks , this slow-moving Cloud hangs still o're our Heads , hovers yet in view , with God knows how many Plagues and Deaths in the Bosome of it : and without our serious Amendment we have no Rainbow to assure us , that we shall not again be drencht in that horrible Tempest . Though the best Naturalists say , That great publick Fires are a proper Remedy for the Plague , Yet God , if he be angry , can send a ruffling Wind into the very Ashes of our City , blow them into the Air , and turn them as those of the Egyptian Furnace , into a Blain , and a Botch , and a Plague-sore upon us . Nay even out of those dead Ashes , can He raise yet a fiercer Flame , to consume what still remains . As the Lightning comes out of the East , saith our Lord , and shineth even unto the West , so shall my coming be , ( sc. to destroy Jerusalem , ) and wherever the Carcase is , will the Eagles be gathered together , Matth. xxiv . Fire is the Eagle in Nature ; nothing in the Elementary World mounts so high to its place , and stoops so low to its prey : the two properties God himself ascribes to that Bird , Job xxxix 27 , 30. And if we still refuse obstinately to be gathered , like Chickens under our Lord's Wing , he can again let loose this Bird of Prey , this Eagle of Heaven upon us ; and from the East , where it began before , flie it home like Lightning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , even to the utmost West , to seize , and to devour where ever there is the least Quarry remaining . Or if this move us not , let us remember that we have another City upon the Waters , a floating Town of moveable Forts and Castles , the Walls and Bulwarks of the Nation ; stronger than those of Brass , the Fable speaks of . As we desire that God would ever fill their Sails with prosperous Gales , & still bring them home with Honor and Victory , and good Success , Let us take heed that we fight not against them too . Our Sin , like a Talent of Lead , may sink them to the Bottom ; our Lusts , and Passions , and Animosities may fire them ; our Drunkenness , and deep Excesses may drown them ; our Vollies of Oaths and Blasphemies may pierce them ; nay , our Seditious Murmurings , and Privy Whisperings may blow them'over . For God is Piorum Rupes , Reorum Scopulus ; a Rock to found the Just upon , but a Shelf to shipwrack , and confound the Unrighteous . And yet all these are but the common Roads , and ordinary Instances of God's Displeasures : But he hath also , besides , and beyond all these , unknown Treasures of Wrath , vast stores of hidden Judgments ( for who knows the Power , or the extent of his Anger ? ) laid up in those secret Magazines , where his Judgments are , when they are not in the Earth , reserv'd as his dreadful Artillery against the time of trouble , against the day of Battel and War , as he speaks himself , Job xxxviii . 23. Oh let us take heed of treasuring up to our selves Wrath against that day of Wrath , and the Revelatian of his Righteous Judgments . And now what shall I say more , if all that hath been said hitherto , prove ineffectual ? The Text affords yet one Expedient as the Chaldee Paraphrast may seem to have understood it : Because thy Judgment , saith he ( not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in the Hebrew , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Jews call it , and S. Jude from them , The Judgment of the great Day ) because that Judgment , though not as yet in the Earth , is yet fixt , and appointed , and prepared for all the Earth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Hebrew it self too , for rather than in the Earth ) therefore most certainly , if at all , or for any thing , the Inhabitants of the World will learn Righteousness . But if they put far from them this evil day too , as if they had made a Covenant with Death and with Hell ; if they finally refuse to come under God's Discipline , and to take forth to themselves Lessons of Righteousness here , they shall then be made themselves great Lessons , and dreadful examples of God's Righteousness to all the World. If they will not glorifie God in these Fires , as they ought , nor walk in the light of them ; let them remember that there are Fires without Light , where none glorifie him , but by suffering the Eternal Vengeance of their Sins . There must they learn by saddest experience , who obstinately refuse the more gainful Method , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That 't is a searful thing to fall into the Hands of a living God. For our enemies here must die , and our storms at last blow over , and our Fires , you see , though never so great , in time go out and vanish : But God lives ; hath a Worm too , that dies not ( for those that live not as they ought ) and a fire that is not quenched : The Babylonian Furnace , seven times hotter than usual , a cool walk to that ; all our Vulcans and Etnas , our Heclas and Andes faint types and shadows of it ; the great Conflagration , we so lately trembled at , and still bewail , but a spark to that infernal Tophet , but a painted Fire to that dreadful Mongibel ; even Everlasting Burnings . From which , God of his tender Mercy deliver us All ; and give us Grace in this our Day , ( the Day of his Judgments ) so to learn Righteousness , and so to do it , that at the last , and great Day of Judgment , when he shall come again to Account with us for all our Learning , and for all our Doings , we may through his Mercy receive the Crown of Righteousness , for his sake alone , who so dearly bought it for us , even Jesus Christ the Righteous : To whom with the Father , and the Holy Ghost , be ascribed by us , and all the Creatures in Heaven and Earth , Blessing , Honour , Glory and Power , henceforth and for evermore . Amen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61503-e190 V. 1. & 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lacrymam Vulg. Rom. xi . 15. Ezek. xxxvii . Dan. xii . V. 19. Ezek. xi . 16. 2 Tim. 3. 6 , 7. 1. 2. Ezek. xvi . 8. 3 Hos. xi , 4. 4. 1. Jo b. xi . 12. 2. Col. iii. 10. Ephes. iv . 24. 3. V. Lactant. lib. v. Theogn . Ethic. v. 1. Hom. 12. in S. Matth. C. xxiv . 15. 1. Salvian . Ex. xx . 18 , 19. Luc. v. 8. Ps. cxiv . 7 , 8. Ps. evii . 34. Ps. cxix . 53. Hebr. xii 21. Matth. xxiv . 29. Hom. 77. in Matth. Sueton. l. V. n. 51. Dan. v. 6. Ps. xlvi . ● . Isai. xi . 15. Apoc. . xv . 3 , 4. Mattli . xi . 26. Hebr. xi . 21. Job . ii . 10. Ps. cxix . 137. Ps. xxxvi . 6. Ps. xcvii . 2. The King's Declaration . 2 Thes. i. 8. 1 Cor. 15. 52. Amos iii. 6. Deut. xxxiii . 2. Hebr. x. 27. 2 Pet. iii. 6 , 7. Wisd. v. 20. Dan. ix . 7. 2 Pet. iii. 16. Prov. xviii . 17. Cap. xxiv . 2. Cap. ix . 32 , 33. 3. S. Ambrose , Suo jure omnibus Dei operibus superingreditur & supernatat . Ps. cxxxv . 7. 1. Ps. xxxi . 23. 2. Ps. xciv . 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ps. lxxxi . 13. Isai. i. 5. Prov. i. 32. Ps. xi . 6. 3. Ps. xxvii . 14. Ps. cxli. 5. 2 Sam. xxiv 14. 4. Gen. xviii . 27. Lam. iii. 22. Cap. xxvii . 8. Cap. xxv . 9. 2. Amos. v. 24. 1. Matth. vii 12. Jam. ii . 8. Matth. xxil . 38 , 39. 2. Ps. cxix . 96. Prov. xxx . 20 3● . Luc. xxiii . 11. Ps. cxii . 9. Isai. lviii . 7 , 8. Juvenal . Sat. xiv . 2 Cor. vii . 2. Lib i. Epist. 14. ad celantiam . Matth. xxxv . Zach. ix . 4 , 5. Luc xix . 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hom. xviii . in Ephes. Acts xxiv . 25. Eccles. ix . 10. Joh. xvi . 21. Lib. 7. Ep. 27. Ps. lxvi . 14. Vers. 10. 1 Joh. iii. 7. Phil. iii. 16. Actsxi . 26. 2 Pet. iii. 11. Cap. xxvii . 9. Prov. ix 17. 1 Cor. x. 22. Job xxviii . 3. Job xli . 9. Isai. xxxiii . 14. Rom. ii . 4. 2 Pet. iii. 15 , 1 Sam. xv . 32. Ps. xxxii . 11. Jer. xlvii . 6. Diamerbr . depeste Noviomag . Ex. ix . 8 , 9. Ps. xc . il . Rom. 1. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Jude 6. A61910 ---- Study to be quiet, or, Serious and seasonable advice to the citizens of London written by a Citizen of London. Citizen of London. 1680 Approx. 24 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61910 Wing S6092 ESTC R7111 11799157 ocm 11799157 49345 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61910) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49345) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 551:2) Study to be quiet, or, Serious and seasonable advice to the citizens of London written by a Citizen of London. Citizen of London. [2], 12 p. Printed for Henry Brome, London : 1680. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century. London (England) -- Social life and customs -- 17th century. 2006-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-08 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2006-08 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Study to be Quiet : OR SERIOUS and SEASONABLE ADVICE TO THE CITIZENS OF LONDON . Written by a Citizen of London . H B LONDON : Printed for Henry Brome . 1680. Serious and Seasonable ADVICE To the CITIZENS of LONDON , &c. Friends and Fellow-Citizens . THe End of these few Lines is to persuade Peace , which every man pretends to covet ; but the end is not attainable without the use , means , and avoiding that which is of a contrary Importance . Some few things are here pointed at , which have occasioned disturbance in Families , hatred and animosity among Neighbours , disorders in the City , oppression and violence in the Nation . That such things may not happen amongst us any more , is the design of this Paper , and shall be the constant and hearty Prayers of the Author . It behooves every good Citizen to have a watchful Eye towards such Persons and Actions as would cast Scorn and Contempt upon the meanest Instrument of Government . It is rare if any man be made desperately wicked at once . Evil is propagated by degrees . Hard thoughts of our Superiour , are often followed with Hatred , and after with Sedition and Rebellion , great things taking their rise from small and insensible beginnings . A Cloud of the bigness of a Hand , spreads the face of the Heavens . Thus a disobedient Servant proves a bad Master , and a worse Citizen . If we slacken in the least the Chain of our Duty , the Devil quickly takes advantage . Some men who at first detested Rebellion , have laughed and talked themselves into Disobedience , for which , perhaps , being worthily punished , hath so exasperated their minds , so as nothing wanted for revenge , but an opportunity . Others there be , whose great felicity lies in hearing and telling News : These are a sort of Busie-bodies , and men for the most part , of small imployment , and as little discretion , that receive all they hear ( especially such things as will please their Party ) without examining the probability of its being true or false ; and having heard some odd Story , go ( big with it ) to the next Club , where it is related with abundance of formality ; and if it be any thing relating to the Government , it is ten to one but some Surmise or sad Descant , as bad as Malice can invent , is added over and above . A ready way to introduce a disaffection toward those in Authority , and prepare mens minds for Disobedience and Rebellion : Therefore such Malapert Talkers , who are always finding fault , and like Flies , are apt to dwell upon every Sore ought to be Brow-beaten , scorned , and opposed by every honest Citizen , as the Bane of Society , and Pests of the Commonwealth . Let us all endeavour to live like Men , and Christians , and boldly reprove such as offer to put Affronts and Contempts upon Authority : A far readier way to cure their itching Malady , than by taking pleasure in their Fooleries and impertinencies . Let every man in his station pursue those things that make for PEACE . We are all Members of one City , Subjects of one Kingdom : all embarked in the same Vessel , and if that suffers Shipwrack , none can promise immunity to themselves . In a word , Let us fear God , honour the King , and not meddle with those that are given to change . There is also another sort of men among us , so well conceited as to think themselves fit to be sharers in the Government , and are always complaining that something is amiss . Men of petulant testy humours , and factious Spirits , never contented , never pleased . Is it not a shame to think what a foolish and ridiculous attempt was lately made to introduce an Officer among us ? Did they fansie the Government would be Trickt into a Sheriff ? What was the Man ? How qualified , that such sinister and undue practices were used about his Election ? I believe but few men will bespeak him Master of any extraordinary measure of Reason , Judgment or Piety . As for his Estate , that was granted deficient , even by his own Faction , as appears by their Subscriptions towards the upholding of his Grandeur . Certainly They have need of a Bird that give a Groat for an OWL ! What then ? Why the truth is , though nothing can be more ridiculous than Empty Boldness , yet this mans confident and seditious speaking , which made him obnoxious to the Law , hath advanced his Reputation with some men to an high rate , who otherwise might have passed along unobserved . Is this an Office to be carried on with Contribution ? Is it not one of the highest places of Trust in this great City ? Ought not he , whoever is Elected to that dignity , to be able to bear the charge without auxiliaries , as well for his own security as the Cities honour ? For should he fail in that particular , he must not onely be ruined , but the Office fall lame by the way . Yet this man , till he saw his Party confounded , offered without blushing to accept it . It is an Office of that Trust , as ought to be committed to the care of none but persons of known Integrity , Religion , and Honesty , that in times of danger and disorder , may keep the Peace , and not encourage Sedition and Tumult : one firm in his Allegiance to his Majesty , and a true Protestant according to the Church of England . What design these men had in offering their purses so freely toward setting up this Puppet Sheriff , God and their own hearts onely know ; but certainly it hath an ill aspect , for that during his Office he must have been Pensioner to the meanest Trades-man of his Party . Some few Quakers afforded him their Votes , but their frugality and principles , I suppose , would hardly , allow them to club toward Feasting or Fine Clothes . Whatsoever their end was , they are not to be approved , who seek to acquire good ends by bad means ; and in this Essay they shewed the Popish party a new device ( though they have already more tricks than are good ) by Subscriptions and Cabals to introduce some of their Favourites into places of Honour and Trust . Consider the danger and inconvenience that ariseth from the multitude of Pamphlets that are published every day , filled with Lies and Falshood , to the dishonour of God and Religion : containing base and unworthy reflections upon most men of the greatest Authority in the Nation , not sparing at some turns ( though in cunning and canting terms ) the Person and Government of his Sacred Majesty . Are not all publick Actions turned into Ridicule by these petty Scriblers , who have hardly Bread to eat , but what they receive for their Weekly Copy ? Do we not all know that not long since Poor Robins Intelligence was Weekly published , where the Author took upon him to make a Laughing-stock of any person , to whom he was prompted , either by money or malice , or to fill up an empty space in his Pamphlet ? And though he forbore to name the persons , yet pointed at them by such Notes and Characters , as they were easily known by any that were of the Neighbourhood , to the great disturbance of Families and breach of Charity among Citizens , till for abusing a person of Honour , Authority took occasion to chastize his insolence by stopping the Press : which particulars , as to him , had been omitted , but that he , or such another , hath , and still doth take upon him to traduce and asperse the Justice of the Nation , in unworthy and unseemly terms , not caring whether the matter be true or false , so it will help to sell the Book . It is true the Lord Major hath taken some care about those Pamphlets , but still there remains a duty upon every private Citizen that may tend much to suppressing the mischiefs thereby arising : for if in stead of reading them with delight and complacency , they and their Authors were discountenanced , it would contribute much to the quiet and tranquility of the City and Nation . Let each man observe this decorum , and for want of reward , those that write them would soon be compelled to turn their Pens to some honester imployment . It is not small trouble to men that are peaceably disposed , to see how eagerly the multitude pursue those mischievous vanities which commonly the sharper and more Satyrical they are against those in place and authority , find the most ready and approved reception , though to speak plain , it is a certain indication of a depraved constitution , when men are better pleased with things sowre and crude , than with what affords wholesom nutriment . And the youth of this City , with some others , who are but Children in Understanding , are as it were insensibly tainted with dislike of the Government , by receiving those seeds of Sedition which afterwards afford an Harvest too plentiful , and upon every occasion and opportunity is ready to break forth into open Rebellion against those , whom by the Law of Nature and Religion they are bound to obey , esteem , and honour . For my own part I am as deeply sensible of the late horrid and damnable Plot against the person of his sacred Majesty , and the Protestant Religion as any man , and am verily persuaded the King himself , and those about him , are sufficiently satisfied how industriously it hath been carried on , contrived , and fomented by the Romish Emissaries both at home and abroad . But withall , I do profess , I think it our greatest prudence and duty to leave the prosecution of those villanous Conspirators to his Majesty , and those whom he is pleased to authorize for that purpose , and not for us to meddle with censuring their proceedings , either for Method , Place , or Time , but to rest satisfied with what they shall think fit to do in the matter , lest we be found among the number of those who are heady , high-minded , and speak evil of dignities , and that would rob the King of his Diadem . For what is it less , if we cry out that those who sit at the Helm are either ignorant , or abettors , or favourers of such horrid designs ; in the one case we presume our selves fitter to govern than they ; and in the other , we render them , so much as in us lies , odious to all men . We all know the Romanists have been busie ever since the Reformation , to make us again taste of their Colocinths and Gourds , yet through the goodness of God , and the prudence of our Governours their most secret Plots have been discovered , their Designs baffled , and all their attempts proved the ruine of the Contrivers . Neither have they been yet so formidable , as to offer at any acts of open hostility , unless it can be said they made the Presbyterians and Independents their Drudges in the late . Times to do their work . And if so , when ever you see them again labouring at the same Oar , conclude they are still serving the ends of the same Masters , or setting up for themselves . And here it will not be amiss to consider how things stand now , and what motives were frequently used for introducing the late unnatural War. Did not the Factious of those Times seduce the people , by making them believe the late King , of blessed Memory , was inclined to Popery , or at least a favourer of it ? Were not Fears and Jealousies the main Engines used by those bloody Miscreants to serve their turns ? And is there not strong presumptions that the same things are endeavoured by the same sort of men to be acted over again ? Is it not daily inculcated what danger we are in from the Papists , and many a dreadful Story told of Slavery , Popery , Tyranny , and Arbitrary Government , and God knows what ? Does any man think that the Magistrates are swallowed up in a Supine Negligence ? Hath his Majesty , think you , no care of us , nor of himself ? Hath he not always with much fervor protested his adherence to the Protestant Religion ? Did he not graciously offer the last Parliament to sign any Bill they should frame for security thereof after his decease ? Is he then so zealous for its preservation after his death , and shall we imagine he will not protect us in the profession of it during his happy Reign ? ( which God long continue . ) Away then with these Fears and Jealousies which are fomented by men of ambitious designs , turbulent spirits , and aspiring minds . Look upon them all as Tricks of the old Trade . Did his Majesty ever do any thing that looked like betraying us into Slavery ? For Gods sake , Sirs , Consider whither we are going ; let us not be undone again by the same methods we were before . Are there not some at this day that long to be fingering the Crown-Lands , and Bishops Revenues . Be not ensnared with their wicked Contrivances , and specious pretences ; and let not us deny that to our Soveraign , which by the common suffrages of Christ and his Apostles was awarded to Heathen Emperours . But it may be said , we are yet in danger of being out-witted by the Jesuites and their bloody Crew , and the late Plot is not yet over . It is true , we may yet be subject to some effects of their malice and fury . But we use to say , when a Distemper is once discovered , it is half cured . Have not we been hitherto delivered from those Lions and Bears ? They contrive , but God disappoints ; and if their plotting and designing , though it takes not effect , shall continually fill us with fears and jealousies , how much more should every man be filled with affrightment at the least appearance of that spirit which ruled in the hearts of those Children of Disobedience in the beginning of our late troubles ? Shall these men still impose upon us such dreadful apprehensions of those , whose designs have hitherto been blasted , and must we be persuaded that we are out of all danger from those who have so far succeeded in their attempts , as to subvert a flourishing Kingdom , and overthrow both Religion and property ? Perhaps if these things were well considered , we should not be so easily Cajoled by them , whose great Cry is for Liberty , when indeed they mean nothing more than Anarchy and Confusion ; against Popery , while they mean Episcopacy ; that while we are staring at the Romish Wolf , we may be surprized by the Northern Bear. We have had of late some Instances of Timultuary Proposals and Applications , that fell little short of the old Story of Venn with his Mermydons , as his late Majesty was pleased to express it ; which was onely an Essay of the strengh of that Party that cast us formerly into Confusion . But they were seasonably check : both by the authority and good affections of the City , to the Confusion of their Hopes and Designs . Is not this like Absalom in the Gate ? Is not this the way to amuse and fright men from their Trade and Business ? and in effect to cry , as of old , To your Tents , O Israel ? It is a dangerous thing to affect Popularity , and to talk of Papists in Masquerade . But unless we had better marks whereby to distinguish those sort of men , it can onely serve as an odious term to be fixt upon whom himself and his Party pleases ; and when time serves , expose them to the fury of an untutoured Zeal , and to be used as Malignant , Delinquent and Popishly affected , were of late ; which had no other effect , but sequestring the Estates , and ruining the Families of persons so stigmatized ; though indeed they onely were the true Lovers of the Protestant Religion , their King , and Country . We are not to account a Vote of the House of Commons to have the Authority of a Law , ( as some would have a late Vote to be , ) when as ( the Parliament being dissolved ) it signifies ) just nothing as to the matter of Law , though it was an honest and excellent testimony of their Zeal for the preservation of his Majesties person , and the Protestant Religion ; for which the whole Nation is bound to give them thanks , but I hope we shall never live to see a Vote , no nor an Ordinance neither , pass for a Law ; and I believe this did not speak the sense of the House : and as little did the late out-cry speak the sense of the City , as appears in this , that there are not ten men to be found that will own the action . Beside that , the Faction was over-born by a majority of honest men . I have no purpose to reflect upon any mans person . My design is onely to caution my Fellow-Citizens , not to have a hand in any action that looks like Faction and Disorder , for from little sparks , many times , are kindled mighty flames : and Solomon bids us , Shun the appearance of evil . Frailty and Imperfection is justly inscribed on all things sublunary . Yet if we could suppose a System of Rules and Laws infallible , even this could not free the Government from miscarriages , it being morally impossible among such a multitude of subordinate Officers ( of necessity to be used ) that all should be furnished with Wisdom and Integrity sufficient for discharge of their duty , so that there will always be cause of complaint , but no man can say , that such things will discharge the Subjects from their duty . As to the Constitution of our Government , it hath been reckoned the best in the World ; and for the Administration , I dare appeal to any man , whether there is not more rigour and severity , heavier Taxes and Impositions laid upon the People in the most flourishing Christian Kingdom in the World , by three parts in four , than ever we have yet met with , unless in the late Times of Defection . Is any thing imposed upon us ( which to remedy ) will make amends for Tumult and Disorder , or any danger threatned , or like to befall us , that can equal the mischief and inconvenience of a Civil War. Consider this , Fellow-Citizens , and let not ambitious men purchase their advancement with the price of your Bloud and Treasure . They may contrive with their heads till their hearts ake , but without help of your hands , all their project will fall to the ground . I beseech you therefore stand fast in your duty to God , allegiance to the King and the Government established by Law. To the first you are obliged by Nature and Religion ; to the second , by Religion and Oath ; to the last , by Prudence and Interest . It may be said by the Dissenters from the Church of England , that they are willing to obey his Majesty , and observe the Law in all Civil Matters , but in Ecclesiastical Affairs , and Episcopacy , they will not , they cannot yield obedience . My business is not to dispute the point , but to persuade to peace , and to warn you of such men as are like to disturb it . Let is be considered that Episcopacy hath received the same Civil Sanction with those Laws that concern Liberty and Property . It is adapted into the Constitution of the Government . Would they have his Majesty abolish Episcopacy by his own power ? Surely this would be to exalt Prerogative with a witness ; and ( as themselves would say in other cases ) contrary to Magna Charta . If not , let them cease their murmurs , till some Parliament comes that will pull down that , and set up a better , if they can tell where to find it . I confess if any man purely out of conscience refuseth to Conform , and the Laws against it rigorously executed , his Circumstances are hard . But is that our Case ? Is not every man suffered to be as good as he will ? Doth not the clemency of our King admit every man to hear and preach where they please ? to follow their own Pastors , and their own Discipline ? And after all this , do you hear men cry out against the Government , the Bishops , and the Clergy , men of honour and dignity in the Church , persons against whom they have no exceptions , but their Office and Revenues , persecuting them with the most vile and unsavoury Language their malice can invent . And is this out of Conscience too ? Can any man think he that shuns a Surplice , but can easily swallow a Lie , that exclaims against the Common-Prayer , yet is full of Envy , and hatred , is uncharitable to his Neighbour , and constantly replenished with scurrilous and immoral expressions against every one that treads not in his path : that this is the effect of a Tender Conscience . Fly then the Society of this sort of men , for whatsoever their specious pretences may be , their thirst is after Domination and Plunder . Those that trampled upon the Mitre overthrew the Crown , Monarchy and Episcopacy both fell by the same hand : therefore it is not amiss to mind you once more of Solomons advice , Fear God , Honour the King , and meddle not with those that are given to change . When you reflect upon the Methods taken in the beginning of the late Wars by an ill-spirited sort of men , whose delight was in Disorder , and aimed at gainful Fishing , if they could but once trouble the Waters , that their first endeavour was to raise a dislike against the Person and Government of the best of Kings , and how the Grand Engineers stirred up the Citizens and Apprentices to popular Tumults , whereby his Majesty was invaded , and through fear and force , banished from his Palaces , Cities , his Consort , his Royal Children and Family , and at last himself most barbarously murthered . What contrivance , and by whom carried on ? Broils raised in Scotland , the better to distress his Majesty , and after all this and much more , not to be mentioned without the extreamest horror and detestation ; How the Actors thereof were unmasked , their persons and designs discovered , their several Governments under their most politick Establishment shaken to pieces as frequently as formed , and at last both the one and the other , not by humane prudence , but by the meer hand of God , destroyed and confounded . In all which mutations this City felt most constant pains and afflictions ; and the whole Nation , after all the vast expence of Blood and Treasure , had purchased to themselves , nothing but Chains and Fetters . When , I say , you reflect upon these things , it must needs excite your singular care to preserve your selves from a subjection to the designs of such men , as may have hopes to lead us again into the like Defection and Inconvenience , and to be afraid of any thing that hath a tendency that way . FINIS . A62775 ---- To the Kings Most Excellent Maiesty, the humble petition of the major, aldermen, and common-councell of the city of London City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A62775 of text R33677 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing T1542A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A62775 Wing T1542A ESTC R33677 13547235 ocm 13547235 100161 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A62775) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100161) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1558:21) To the Kings Most Excellent Maiesty, the humble petition of the major, aldermen, and common-councell of the city of London City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1 broadside. s.n.], [Edinburgh : 1642. Creased, with some loss of print. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A62775 R33677 (Wing T1542A). civilwar no To the Kings Most Excellent Maiesty: the humble petition of the Major, Aldermen, and Common-Councell of the City of London. Corporation of London 1642 581 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms TO THE KINGS MOST EXCELLENT MAIESTY : The humble Petition of the Major , Aldermen , and Common-Councell of the City of LONDON . May it please your most Excellent Majestie , the often expressions of your Majesties gracious acceptance , of the manifestation of the Petitioners duty and loyalty , and the frequent declarations , of your Majesties great care , of the good and welfare of this City , and of the true PROTESTANT Religion , and of protecting and preserving the persons and priviledges of your great Councell , Assembled in the high Court of Parliament ; Hath incouraged the Petitioners to represent , the great dangers , feares , and destractions , wherein the City now is , by reason of the prevailing progresse , of the bloody Rebells in IRELAND , fomented and acted by the Papists and their adhaerents , and want of Ayde to suppresse them , and the severall intimations they have had both Forraigne and at home , of the driving of their designes , tending to the utter ruine of the PROTESTANT Religion , and the lives and liberties of your Majesties loyall Subjects , The puting out of persons of honour and truth , from being Constable and Lievtenant of the Tower , especially in these times ; and the preparation there lately made : The fortifying of White-Hall with men and Amunition in an unusuall manner , some of which men with provoking language , and violence abused divers Citizens passing by , and the drawing divers swords , and therewith wounding sundry other Cityzens in Westminster Hall that were untamed . The late endeavours used to the Innes of Court ; the calling in divers Cannoneers and other Assistants into Tower : The late discovery of divers Fire-works in the hands of a Papist , and the misunderstanding betwixt your Majestie and Parliament , by reason of misinformations , as they humbly conceive . Besides all which , the Petitioners feares , are exceedingly increased , by your Majesties late going into the House of COMMONS attended with a greate multitude of Armed men , besides your ordinary Guard , for the Apprehending of divers Members of that House , to the indagering of your sacred Person , and of the Persons and priviledges of that honourable Assembly . The effects of all which feares , tend not only to the overthrow of the whole Trade of this City and Kingdome , which the Petitioners already feele in a deepe measure , but also threatens the utter ruine of the true PROTESTANT Religion , and the lives and liberties of all your Loyall Subjects . The Petitioners therefore most humbly pray your Majestie , that by the advice of your great Counsell in Parliament , the Protestants in IRELAND may be speedily relieved : The Tower put into the hands of persons of trust , that by removall of doubtfull and unknowne persons from about White-Hall and Westminster , a knowne and approved Guard may be appointed for the safety of your Majestie and Parliament ; And that the Lord MANDIVILE , and the five Members of the House of COMMONS lately accused may not be restrained of liberty , or proceeded against , otherwise then according to the priviledges of Parliament . And the Petitiones as in all duty bound shall pray for your Majesties most long and happy Raigne . Printed in the yeare 1642. A50854 ---- The second part of The nights search, discovering the condition of the various fowles of night, or, The second great mystery of iniquity exactly revealed with the projects of these times : in a poem / by Humphrey Mill, author of The nights search. Nights search. Part 2 Mill, Humphrey, fl. 1646. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A50854 of text R20278 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing M2058). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 268 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 93 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A50854 Wing M2058 ESTC R20278 12354574 ocm 12354574 60095 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A50854) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60095) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 217:8) The second part of The nights search, discovering the condition of the various fowles of night, or, The second great mystery of iniquity exactly revealed with the projects of these times : in a poem / by Humphrey Mill, author of The nights search. Nights search. Part 2 Mill, Humphrey, fl. 1646. [17], 163, [1] p. Printed for Henry Shepheard, and William Ley ..., London : 1646. In verse. Added engraved t.p. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. eng London (England) -- Social life and customs -- 17th century. A50854 R20278 (Wing M2058). civilwar no The second part of The nights search: discovering the condition of the various fowles of night. Or, The second great mystery of iniquity exa Mill, Humphrey 1646 47586 13 0 0 0 19 0 43 B The rate of 43 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-04 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-06 Apex CoVantage Rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-07 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Apex CoVantage Rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-11 Jennifer Kietzman Sampled and proofread 2002-11 Jennifer Kietzman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE SECOND PART OF The Nights Search Discovering The Condition of the various Fowles of Night . OR , The second great Mystery of Iniquity exactly revealed : With the Projects of these TIMES . In a Poem , By HUMPHREY MILL , Author of the Nights Search . Nocte patent mendae . — Audaxomnia perpeti , Gens humana ruit per veti●um nefas . Imprimatur . NATH. BRENT . LONDON , Printed for Henry Shepheard , and William Ley , and are to be sold at the Bible in Tower-street , and at PAULS Chaine neer Doctors Commons 1646 To the much Honoured , and thrice Noble Lord , Robert , Earle of Warwick , Baron of Lees , &c. Right Honourable ; HAving presented the first part of my endeavours of this nature to an honourable Peer , and finding his noble acceptance with respect in the world , above the desert of the Authur , or merit of the work , which with some other encouragements made me bold to tender this second Part , as a free-will offering ( in love ) to your Lordship : being ambitious that it should beare the name of so truly a noble Patron ( honoured of all ) who have beene and still is such a great pillar to uphold this tottering State , whose gallant , faithfull , and successfull service , will render you famous to all posterity . I confesse the humble wing of my Muse lights upon a low-borne Subject , yet modestly possest with fury , in the midst of temptations , keeps her Virgin beauty ; although she hath to doe with the workes of darknesse , ( ripened with the corruption of these times ) yet your Lordship may justly judge it too light for your serious meditations . However I doubt not but it may prevaile in the intermission of 〈◊〉 employments , so as to invite a favourable looks from your Honour , which will preserve it from the 〈◊〉 of envy . I am not so soobe-hardy , as to plead the worth of my Muse , whereby to match her to the mits of the time ; ( nor will she think her self preferred by it , unlesse they be wisely honest as well as 〈◊〉 ) but her true intention free from flatterie , trimmed in a plaine dresse , only somwhat of a strange new fashion : yet so , as the fancies may be pleasing to some , the discoveries , usefull to others , and the moralls profitable to all , who will consider them . All which I leave to your Lordships protection , and you , to him that will never leave you , till he hath given you the complement of all 〈◊〉 . So prayes he that desires to subscribe himselfe , The humblest of your honours Servants , Humphrey Mill . To the intelligent Reader . Gentle Reader : I Have provided a second course , which perhaps may please thy palate : those Wilt find company of all sorts , if thou shouldst disdaine any of them , take thy messe apart and choose thy comrades , thou mayest have varieties of baits in the way ; but if thou likest the Bills of Fare , keepe thy stomacke for the feasts , something may bee Worth thy tast and all thy observation it 〈◊〉 in a right sence ; be jealous of thine eyes , and 〈◊〉 not appetite , least thou surfes with strange dishes : if thou shouldst be taken by the Centineus Scou's , or Guard , or discovered by the Soyes , give good language : read the Letters of Advise which may direct thee to thy freedome . This is but a supply to What has beene formerly drest in the Night-search , or rather a running banquet , where thou mayest see how farre the sweet of sin can extend it selfe : if thou art found guiltie , looke for the Sentence , yet thou mayst be reprieved upon thy good behaviourif thou art free , learne here to keep thy selfe so . I have drest my conceits With the fancies of night to make them pleasing , and with morall similies to make them profitable , the lauguage of the times being sutable to the subject ; I dare not take the stile of a Poet , for feare this squint-eyed age should suspect my integrity , or common fame blast my endeavours , because of the corruption of many : But finding my pockets empty , in respect the times have let them bloud , I begin to swell with conceit , and challenge the name , seeing poverty is taken for their coat , and labour in vaine for their crest , the mantle dis-daine , being blazed by dull ignorance , and sale-fast envy . I have somwhat else to follow , than this unthristy science , but as well for my own recreation , as for thy good , I have bent my selfe to discover this mystery of iniquitie , which may be usefull to all sorts of persons , young and old , good and bad , it is somwhat against my nature to plead excuse , or crave pardon for What I have writ : to show that I am a free-man , not a slave for any mans humour , I intend no ill , if taken ill by any , let it rest with him ; if I purchase thy good word particularly , and a reformation generally , I shall obtaine my ends . All those that would these lines digest , Must read 'em over twice at least : Observe the poynts , how sense doth meet , The accents , cadence , and the feet . The humble ebbs and swelling hopes , Of Figures , Epithetes , and Tropes . Good night . To the degenerate Nobility , and new found Gentry . YOu that are truly Noble , and the best Deserving Gentry , who are alwayes blest With honour'd vertues : that doe ever stand For peace and truth , the freedom of the Land ; I do not aime at you , nor shall my laies Sound ought of you , except it be your praise . But unto you , who are the ushers in Of fowle abuses , whose accursed sin Drawes fools to sale , each from example cry , If Gentlemen may do so , why not I ? Your learning fits you for 't , your poyson'd wit And beastly Logick , from the infernall pit Prescribe you rules , to find a neater way To Pluto's Court : your blouds , bound to convey Your lusts on freely , and your means you make To beare your charges to the boyling lake . A yeoman foole goes slily , with one whore , You rush on boldly , carrying halfe a score : Your ' state will beare it , and your noble birth Attones the ill , being higher stuffe then earth . Rich fare provokes you , and you drench your dust With costly liquors , which do gender lust . Your idlenesse invites you to receive Temptations gratis , never to bereave The flesh of pleasures . And your rich attire Doth tempt allurements , your expresse desire Not Bungler-like : and your attendants go Along with you , can low-borne fooles do so ? You dive for new delights and make a trench , To bury jurdice , like the baser French , Who from their full-mouth pride and armes of steele , ( Being pockifi'd ) to prove themselves gentile ; Despising chastity , you love such weeds That harbour snakes , and praise him that exceeds In choicer evills . You perhaps had rise From Brokers , Jaylors , Tapsters , or the dice Might help your grand fathers , you might be screw'd From userie , extortion , or be brew'd In 〈◊〉 liqaor ; or some misers wheat Sav'd from his mow ( till mouldie ) made you great : You vainly spend what they with curses got , Rais'd quickly with your names , so soon you rot . To tax the females here , or draw their shapes That keep their dogs , their monkies , and their apes , To make them sport , or those that swell with pride , And are too good for all the world beside To looke upon , Religion is too base For flaming furies , is not now the case . You should have liv'd from such corruptions free , And prov'd sweet patterns of humilitie ; Preferring goodnesse , loving purer theames To stop the tide of basenesse in the streames . Do good with your estates , your wit , your art Should make you carefull , to prevent the smart Which follies buy . I doubt what I reherse , Will make you slight my subject , or my verse . Yet read the book , and pay for 't , if you fret , They will not give you trust to run in debt . To all Judges , Justices , Church-Warden , Constables , &c. YOu whom Astrea greets , were you all right , I had not been so sharp , nor had this night Been twisted into whip-cold : Was it made , To help the Jaylours , or the Beadles trade ? I am your Vsher , come , for here 's a race Able to bring the Hang-man to disgrace . You are to find out sinners , and to give Them punishment ; that honestie might live In Courts of justice ; that the world may see ; How some of widow Truths posteritie Do walk in gownes ; should favour , friends , or lyes , Or feare , or bribes , blind any of your eyes ? But ah ! they do too much ! some of you nurse These Fly-blowne vermin , stiled Englands curse . Convert not sins , nor plagues into a jest , Nor yet with mischiefes make your selves a feast . I do but move in Court , I dare not treat With upstart Plush . which sin hath made so great . To Justices , and Judges , I present ( And all inferiour Officers intent Vpon the publike good ) these humble straines , As the untutour'd issue of my braines , Rough with revenge ; although conceiv'd at night , You may bring forth my black birds to the light , And heare'em chirp . Let sin have no release , Which nourisheth our woes , and wounds our peace . To the Fowles of Night . TO you , whose lives are eaten up with lust , Your spirits and your names consum'd with rust , Whose soules are bought and sold , whose bodies will Vnsheath your wicked practices , to fill The world with wonder ; you , by whom Hell best Is here , and in her place below exprest : To you , who poyson earth with your foule deeds , And from your brest your torment ever feeds , I do present my lines , if taken well , They may hedge up your passages to Hell , And break your league : If not , your damned cause ( Which is condemn'd by my Satyrick Lawes ) Will gender vipers , who will gnaw the sweet , And bite your bowels , 'till their teeth do meet : Whence life it selfe , against your health shall strive ; You vassals , are not dead , nor yet alive . You trim your vice , and will your humours have , Although your corps are dressing for the grave , Maintaine your sinfull freedome , prove 't is more Disgrace in living chast , than be a whore . Death hath his charge , your plots being all reveal'd , Judged by a Statute not to be repeal'd ) Expect the execution ; then your pet Vill no way save you , till you pay the debt ; o which you were engag'd for , with delight , 〈◊〉 can time bale you ; though y' are found by night , You cannot 'scape away . Ah! well ! I must With such vile Rebels leave my Search in trust . To his friend Mr. H. Mill , upon his Discoveries of Night . KInd Friend , 〈◊〉 made a golden frame , For glorie of thy lasting name ; Thou paint'st most faire the foulest globe , Hell-hounds in a most comely robe ; Vertues luster , for all mens sight , Wit and sense do touch aright : A stile that is so Indian rich , As brave Palace exceeds a ditch , Proves he haunted the pious wayes , Yet shewes the ill of all those dayes , To see the Verge , not to enter Vices Circle , know the Center . To him is given so large a grant , Each of the Nine shall be his Aunt ; Whose Cherub-Muse hath wing alone , To fetch that Ore from Helicon : Pride of the tongue , from Peru shore , The words rich Ingots , subject poore . That Poet doth excell in parts , When matter smels perfum'd by Arts ; Not he who hath a noble theame , Weighs out his phrase with Cicros Beame : Print , buy this book , all that live well ; Who this despise , are bound for Hell . Edw , Peyton , Knight and Baronet . To his ingenious friend Mr. Mill , upon his loftie Discoveries of Night . THou hast laid out , to each mans view , The Rogue , the Cut-purse , and that Crew , Who with their damned plots do strive To kill , and torture men alive . From henceforth no Eclipse shall be , Since thou hast made the Welkin free ; Thy Moone in srate shall ever shine : For now the night is made divine . Light , Luna borrow'd of the Sun , When infant time was but begun , Shee 'll now confesse the brightest night , From thee receiv'd that borrow'd light . Those that have wit , will gaine from hence Embroyder'd reason , high-borne sense : Fooles from thy Search would faine get free : But wise men will stand bound to thee . Tho. Perrin , Knight . To his industrious and quick-sighted friend , Mr. Humphrey Mill , upon his Night-search . FRiend Mill , thy rare descriptions I admire , More than the Indians , when they 〈◊〉 found fire By clashing canes ; for you by this your skill ( Downe dropping wonders from your fluent quill ) Incense the gods , in that you should aspire , Prometheus-like , from heaven to fetch this fire : The Indians fire , materials did combust , But this thy fire doth purge the soule from rust : The vicious conscience it so throughly tries , And by mens deeds discovers what there lies . Should I compare thy light unto the Sun ? He never could find out what thou hast done : Or had he spi'd it , Pimp-like he 'd conceale The fact , which honour drives thee to reveale , Not spite . Thy hate to mankind is not such , But that who good are , thou admit'st as much : Such creatures then as do thy lines abhor , Expresse themselves but what thou took'st them for : Deluding Miscreants , living thus , did urge Thy Genius to twist this triple scourge , Like Pedlars wares that are sophisticate , Hating the light , because the light brings hate : The honest need not thou shouldst them reprove , For t'others hate 't is better far than love : In this thy conscience thou dost fully cleare , Spurning their folly which they bought so deare . In stately measures , with thy lamp so bright , Thou hast displaid the villanies of night . Will. Scot Gent. To his worthy friend Mr. Mill , upon his excellent Poem of the Night-Birds . PAle Envie 's at a stand , let Momus bark His lungs into a palsie ; here 's a mark , Though Pride and Folly shoot , they cannot hit ; Or charg'd with choler , or discharg'd of wit . These lines are rich and loftie , smooth and even , To fit the noblest subject under Heaven : But thou hast chus'd the blackest , which might be Set as a foyle to thy brave Poetrie . So full of usefull wit , the Birds of night , Found , caught , unroosted , darknesse brought to light : Shames Ensignes took , vice conquer'd , which no man Did more than challenge since the world began . Where are those cancel'd wits , that rack'd their verse To varnish guilt , and thatch a rotten herse ? Praise Madams curlings ? they thy scourge may feele , And like the Serpent , nibble at the heele ; But cannot wound : like Basilisks , whose eyes Dart feeble poyson . Malice cannot rise To vent her venome , as to blast a line Drawne by thy pen , thy name , or ought of thine . What needs this troop of worthies offer Bayes To crowne thy fame , who art above their praise ? Which perish not with age , nor canc'ring rust , Compo'd with furie , and the spitefull dust . Till time gives up the ghost , this work shall be Prais'd , pleasing , honour'd , to posteritie . Hen. Limbruke Mr. of Arts Cam. THE Second Part of the Nights Search , discovering the conditions of the various Fowles of Night . To fetch their drosse , what wiles they use , The Pedlers boy , the State abuse , A puffe , a murder , one runs mad , A Sea-man took , what losse he had . SECT. I. NOw glorious Titan hath withdrawn his light , Whose presence makes a day , his absence night : He trac'd the skie , and like a Champion bold Rode in his charriot all in cloth of gold : Is now growne bleare-ey'd ; or , for want of sleep , He drives his Steeds into the Westerne deep , To take a nap : bright Vespers traine , whose hue Enricht the skies , the ground enamell'd blue . Then Luna shines , whose patent was by birth , At severall times to overlook the earth ; Yet change with age : as soone as they begun , ( For all they had their ticket from the Sun ) To passe and view the world , yet envious night Cast out a fog , being swell'd with raging spight , Charg'd them for Spies ; sh'ad had them all arraign'd , But could not bring 'em downe . When men complain'd Of tyrannie , she kept her silent den , Where bodies live without the soules of men : And vertue 's out of use , unheard of sins I shall unmaske : for now my Search begins . Who to your view I shall present , your mind Will apprehend , their sight is worse then blind . Where all things are converted into crimes To let us bloud , and to undoe the times . First , here 's a piece of earth , that seekes a place T' unman himselfe , save onely in his face ; A tender-hearted Bawd , that ne're made whore , But ever us'd such as were broke before ; ( Her conscience give her licence ) meets this beast , Who had him home : and she at his request Must send for one whom he esteem'd most deare , Her husband 's jealous , and she sins in feare : He found one in her bed , and with the shears Cut off his nose , a warning for his ears . The messenger must make some neat excuse , To take a room , but 't is not for his use : Or borrow somthing , pull her by the coat , Or wink , or nod , or give a private note , Or whisper in her eare , or touch her foot , Or els some secret signe ; being willing to 't , She goes with speed , or els some Pedlers mad Pimp Maximus , being master of his trade , He 'l sell her pins , or lace , or daintie lawne , Fine noon , gloves , or any thing ; and pawne His soule to use her kindly , so he 'l find His time to speak , and know each others mind . She comes , he has his fee , and who 'd mistrust Such bugs should gender in a pedlers dust ? Then came a rumbling coach , which made the ground Fall in an Ague : looking in I found A fether'd blade , his jacket was of plush , A curious lasse , who with a crimson blush Be wrai'd her selfe ; her eyes were full and gray , With ruddy lips , round cheekes , her forehead lay Archt like a snowie banke , which did uphold Her native tresses , which did shine like gold . Her azure veynes , which with a well shap'd nose , Her whiter neck , broad shoulders to compose A slender wast , a body straight and tall , With swanlike brests , long hands , with fingers small , Her ivorie knees , her legs were neat and cleane , A swelling calfe , with ancles round and leane , Her insteps thin , short heels , with even toes , A sole so straight , proportion'd feet , she goes With modest grace : I judge her ( viewing well ) Too good to go on foot , or ride to hell . With civill habit , if you had her seen , You 'ld say sh'were lovely , aged seventeen . This knave is call'd Commander , who did use To plunder men : those whom he did abuse He 'd call Malignants , he did serve the State ( Not as a theefe ) this varlet was of late A Pedlers boy , and still a Coblers sonne : When Countries by this vermin were undone They made him knowne , by which they gain'd reliefe , He was no souldier , but a sharking thiefe . A while about the Citie he doth passe For Major Dangerfield ; this comely lasse Was like to beinsnar'd ; great meanes , rich friends , But he had no thing save the coblers ends . He 'l say's Debenter will be shortly sign'd , Had he 'is arreares ( he would not be confin'd To private lodgings ) paid him by the State , He 'd drink and whore it , at a higher rate . And to his mistrisse he 'd be free and true , Though he had nothing but an halter due . This hackney coachman , pimpt in former times For broken courtiers : he conceal'd their crimes , And car'd their trash , though sinning on the score , Pay him but well , he 'ld bring 'em down a whore At any time , whose bloudy sins do crave For plagues on earth , or an untimely grave . But searching on , I heard a glittering sparke Tearing the ground with oathes ; as I did marke , He met a civill man , and fell to strife ; This lawlesse ape would take away his wife ; But he the better man , soone laid his bones Into the sinke , his shoulders felt the stones : Till dammie boyes came by him ; then he rose , To breake the windowes , and he cut a nose Which cost him eighteen pence ; this daring rout Will sleep by night , till Bailies find 'em out . I heard great moaning as I went along , 'T was one whose sence a Basalisk had stung , With looking on him ; now she 'l not be seen Till all be turn'd to drosse , or els in spleen She 'l melt away his wit : because distast Had dis-ingag'd her sin , her fancies wast And made salt humors rise , the man growes mad With fierie lust , the reason that he had Is under hatches , rage and sorrow prest , To share affections with that venome beast : And standing still , I heard a gentle cry , I turn'd , and saw a tender infant lye Breathing its last ; the new received life Was let out by the barbarous mothers knife , Who wrung its necke , and threw it in a sink , The whiter skin made blacker then my ink , By this vile scum of filth ; but now she 's tri'd , And ground enough , above the ground she di'd . Her Epitaph . Death , hadst thou done this office at the first , Or if thou hadst but don 't a yeare agoe , She had not been so openly accurst , Nor had my Muse ( with fury ) turn'd her foe . The infant had not been , nor had my verse , Been for a Tiburne grave , but for her herse . Two Pincks did spread their sailes , and cast about , They in a harbour found a Sea-man out ; Who striv'd by skill , which first shall take the prize , Till one of them did scratch the others eyes . He 's my free prize , I le do the best I can , Thou art for fraught , but I am for the man ; The times are envious , men by sea , and land , Are cast and cut away , on everie hand . I loose my custome , 〈◊〉 a wittie theft , To make some sure , while there are any left ; I cannot live without 'em , art not mine ? Then with a kisse and a bewitching twine She stole his lungs , and prey'd upon his heart , The next his mezell liver feeles the dart . Like to the little fish which in the seas Doe sucke the 〈◊〉 , their watry humors please , Amongst the cutled waves ; they frisk and seek For 〈◊〉 delights ; at last into some Creek The saker streames convey them , where the tide Forsakes them unawares , when they are spide , Or from the shore , or from their muddie holes They 're took , imbowell'd , cast upon the coles ; Or in the pan , like traitors halfe alive , Dye by degrees : for 't is in vain to strive , With deaths 〈◊〉 . So , these Vassalls play In waves of lusts , till wrath drives them away Into a straight , where miseries are vast , ( Not like delights which perish in the tast ) And constant dwellers , there they must remaine , Till they are pluckt away , like Traitors shine And cast into the flames : but still their name Shall stinke on earth , as monuments of shame . The Devill likes grand Seigniors golden vice , Finding a man inclin'd to avarice , Fill'd with disdaine : whose cruelties beside Make him a Tyrant to maintaine his pride . He doth preferre him to'a loftie place , As full of envie , as he is free from grace . He peels the great ones , and undoes the poore To fill his coffe rs when his golden store Is at the height , the Turke doth cast his eye , To spy a fault , he is condem'd to dye By word of mouth ; to squeeze his vast estate Into his treasurie , at such a rate My fondlings live , who are inclind to lust , The Devill sets them in a place of trust ; Who sucke the poyson'd sweet , untill they burst , They 'l feel that then they nere beleev'd at first . To undergoe their tortures could they hire , Or like to Salamanders , live in fire , Or loose their sences in the flaming fume , Or might their lasting soules in fire consume , I would decline my task , and spare my braines , And let them take their pleasures for their gaines . But bodies , soules , and sinnes in flames must frye , Last by consuming spirits never dye . SECT. II. The Centinells , the Drunkards note , One cuts his hat and burns his coat : Two Devills would de file abride , And two to lust by coyne are tide : Exchange of Pimps , a harlot shent , A fooles conceit , the whores intent , A counter-greeting of the store , How to his friend , one lends his whore . THe world now hung with black , my charge begun ; The Western Seas had swallow'd down the sun : But Heavens tapers then began to light , Which did by turnes attend the Queene of night ; The skie was all enamell'd ( in my view ) With glittring Diamonds , all the panes were blue . But straight the clouds those riches did disgrace ; For everie heavenly torch did hide his face . The sable stormes arose , proud winds grew high , Which blew my candle out : Alas , said I , My task is heavie ! here 's a hard beginning ! Must I returne , and leave the harlots sinning ? My Muse will never brook it ; all the best Are lockt with th'leaden keyes to quiet rest , Their mantles darknesse ; all their braines do steep In watrie humours , being rockt asleep With rough-breath'd lullabies . I held my tongue , But hop'd the best : such tempests are not long . Some thriving Bawd , that 's newly turn'd a witch , Or else her father Daemon ( think you which ) Hath rais'd this blast from Hell , congeal'd with spite , To stop my course , and spoyle my search to night : Or else some Calve-skin Pander , for a spell , To keep the doore , hath sold himselfe to Hell : And this the breath of triumph . But I must Go now in hast , to over-look my trust . I from the Centre went , to see how far My charge extended ; then a twinekling star Broke prison through the clouds : the backer doore Was open set , and out came divers more : The lower gates were open'd for the Queene , Where in their offices the Sparks were seeve . The lesser lights of Heaven stirr'd my fire : Oh! heaven-borne patience ! thee I must admire ) Which warm'd my breast . Now , now my care begins , I spie an Army clad with severall sins : But they disperse themselves , the Front for feare Turnes back in hast , to fall behind the Reare : The Files observe no distance , and the Ranks Are out of order , firing in the Flanks , Will end their service : for the Wings are fled , Or chang'd to Scouts . See , who goes there in red ? A scarlet Drunkard ? Strength hath made him weak , He reeling railes about , yet cannot speak . His brains are like his guts , you need not feare His wit ; for he has none , but garbidge there : Though he be three parts drown'd ; yet this I know . H'as a fire that is unquencht , he 's burnt below . He has been feasted by a man of note , Who burnt his hat for joy , and shot his coat , To make him welcome . Tom o' Bedlams grace ! They drank the hogshead out , to take his place . Then by and by appear'd before mine eyes , Two earth-borne Devills of the largest size , Shap'd just like men , and cover'd o're with skin , They broke a doore quite downe ; and rushing in Vpon a Bride-groome , with his faithfull Bride , ( Who lying like a Turtle by his side ) Would faine have ravisht her ; for they did think 'Thad been a Cell , through which there was a fink , Which older Devils made , first to convay Their ordure into hell a nearer way . From hence they go unfurnisht of a whore , Crying , Confound us , we mistook the doore . Then Next to them c●me ruffling on , whose haire Hung downe almoft a yard , being rich and faire In his apparrell ; he was kept so high , And pamper'd like a Bore within a stie : His pockets full , which made him much rejoyce , His sputs were off , because they had a voyce . I follow'd on , to understand his bent , A chamber doore being open , in he went ; Where was a powder'd Ape , as full of lust , As Spiders are of poyson , graves of dust . They intermixt their sins , to purchase shame , He had his golden fee , then out he came . I met another of a lower breed , He 's like a common Bull ; his wife agreed , To let him out for halfe a Crowne a week , Who undertakes he shall not be to seek , When any Queane is salt , and cannot have A Cur , to give her what her lust will crave : The Bawd that entertaines 'em , for her paines , From the insatiate whore hath double gaines ; Or coupling in the corners of the street , She saves a fee ; so Dogs and Bitches meet . I went on still , and spi'd two Blades together , One was in Frize , the other clad in Leather : The first was bred in Wales ; the other , he Came newly from the Vniversitie : His words are not his owne ; yet , full of Art , As in pra●senti is his owne by heart . They 're bare and pennilesse : and this was it Had made them Poets , had they had but wit . They 'd take a whore up gratis . Frize was vext ; Pimp thou for me , said Leather , I le pimp next . But coming by a Hall , I saw the wine Passe to and fro in bowles , and for a signe They had a whore to hang , one brought her in ( Which was a Gull ) to tempt the rest to sin : She fawn'd upon 'em , she muft clip and kisse ; One wiser than the rest perceiving this , Reprives her to the Bar , where she must bide To kisse the cup ; and there her case is tride . She speaks her name in Welch ; had they not grace , She would bewitch them with her smiling face . The Pimp that brought her in will make no stay , Can he be merrie while his Punck's away ? When this was past , I forward went , and found A prating Mushroome , which would faine be crown'd For wittie deep conceits ; and now and then He has applause amongst the worst of men . He speaks by patternes , being verie nice ; And idlenesse in men , hee 'll prove no vice . He makes his wife his slave , which God did make To be his fellow-helper , he will take Advantage to abuse her , fhe must do His servile drudgerie , yet cannot wooe From him a loving word , nor gentle look ; I reckon'd him with men , but I mistook ; They eat and lye apart , and still will he Maintaine she 's only for necessitie . He leave this busie pratler ( never gripe ) For like a medler he is rotten ripe . Then I discri'd , a harlot caught a man To view her in the light : now if he can Let him avoyd the snare , the Pimp brings up His pots halfe full , that 's common ; let 'em sup . I cannot ftay to watch'em , but a Saint Was on the signe without , in curious paint . I parted , saying thus , heaven sees your sin , A Saint without , but Devills are within : I heard a noyse a Trull was counter-laid , Her fees for her enlargement must be paid , By that old Citie-whore : and now they meet , She askes her money in the open street ; The other mou'd with spleenbegan to roare And in revenge she cri'd a whore , a whore . Thus crying out , she ran away apace , The old one 's bolted in the young ones place . But then my cares were with a voice opprest , The which to me was stranger then the rest : And yet he did but whisper this , out-right , Pray lend my master but your wench to night ; ( For his is out of towne ) and he will be Engag'd t' your worfhip for the courtesie : He 'l send is owne Sedan . Then he reply'd , He is my friend , he must not be deny'd . I see my walke at length , I hope my braine May find more ease , as I returne againe ; The Sun nere saw such things , the pale-fac't Moone Shrinks back with shame , my night is come too soone . Darknesse it selfe is vailed with a maske , To hide her blush , I 've undertook a taske Which none alive will second , that my Muse Sings out such theames , which other do refuse ; The earth beares all , what springs from hell growes high , Th'ayre will not be infected , why should I ? My soule abhores those things , of which I write , My Muse and I , are both confin'd to night . My search is but begun , I cannot ftay , My walking backe shall be another way . SECT. II. A sharking thiefe , how knaves do spend Their Masters goods , and of the end That Strumpets have , the Letchers gold , One lov'd young flesh and starv'd being old . One welcomes three , the dance is round , The Laundresse plea , a Charter found . The Drunkards moanes , the Fiends do rise , He falls dispairing so he dies . BY this , the middle Region was refin'd The fire-fac't Travellours did in their kind Post through the azure globe : but from above The distance great , I could not see 'em move . The Metamorphis'd Nimph , did sometimes hide Her face with cipresse like a maiden Bride : But suddenly the sawcie clouds would rush Most rudely by them , with a modest blush She 'd over-looke the world . Muse do not thou Sing comick straines , thou'st tragick fancies now To try thy Genius : yonder comes a theefe , Who seekes at doores and windowes for reliefe ; If he can snap a prey , that would redeeme His losse amongst his drabs , he would esteem Himselfe a happie bruit : and it would be A coverlet , and present remedie For drunkennesse , and lost ; he 's very bare , The spending of his money bought his care . He cannot speed as yet , oh , this a spite ! His wife and children have not supt to night ; They wait his coming home , had he but sped With any thing that would but purchase bread , 'T would serve for once : but home he must not goe Till he hath toucht , his shaddow tells him so . A little further-there a rout I spide , Feasting and kissing ; where they did divide Their Masters goods by retaile , every jade Must have her share , then she will freely trade ; They sparing not for cost , provide such cheare , Their Masters would be glad of once a yeare : They drinke their Mistris health , and then they woo , They 'l pay , and so away , yet tarrie too , To drink another pottle we 'l allow , We meet but seldome , let 's be merrie now . With many times adieu , at last they part , Each one with corner kisses leaves his heart . Then meet I with a Trub , most shamelesse , vild , Sh'was of the old translation , big with child , And wants a father for 't : now , if she can , She does intend to shame a guiltlesse man . Her friends had cast her off : she hopes to find ( Though they are harsh ) their nearest neighbour kind : He being honest , scornes to bribe this whore , Shee 'll after wait to leave it at his doore . When this was past , a fierce enammell'd Queane Came raging with her Whiskin , who did meane To trade in mischiefe ; they a match did make , To indure Hell for one anothers fake : They newly came from prison , bail'd from thence By Mutton-mongers , who for recompence Crave but her love : and now they may abuse Their neighbours freely ; neither can they chuse , Because it fits their tempers . Oh , abhor it ! They think in time to get a Patent for it . A Justice with his Letter makes a way : When that is done , it will encrease their joy . The next a sordid Letcher , verie old , Tempting a modest Beautie with his gold : Though sin had suckt him drie , yet his desire Did mock his lost into a foolish fire . In his conceit , if he his will could have , 'T would make him young , and keep him from his grave . But she being wisely honest , would not fawne On him , nor 's gold , to lay her soule to pawne . Ere this was past , I heard a woman crie , Being weak with age ; Ah , wo is me ! must I Be faine to beg my bread ? I married thee Being young , for pitie , that thy miserie Might be remov'd , thee succor'd , being poore , My wealth I made thine owne ; and thou this store Hast vainely spent , thou slight'st me in my need , Now I am punisht 'cause I did thee feed . Another yet ? a doore being open made , Two men together lying by a jade , 'T was monstrous to behold , they would away , She past all shame , desired them to stay , I thought they had been brothers , made a stand , To see a third man seize upon their land : And at his entrance if he 'l give a fee He may beone , for she had room for three : Help her but in a case , conceale the crime , She 'l pleasure him at any other time . Just as I stept away , I lookt about , I saw a place , from whence came dauncing out A troup of Gallants , other while they staid , Sometimes the fidler sung , somtimes hee plaid . The sparke that led the daunce , was all in blacke , He cut his capers till the strings did cracke . And then he stunke apace , they fear'd no weather , What need they feare seeing they were drunk together ? The dances being past , it was my fate To see a Landresfs , who had been so late To fetch her Masters linnen , all was husht , She went in pale , but coming out she blusht . But making her defence thus ( quicke enough ) I by mis-fortune , did forget a ruffe , Which I must starch , before I close mine eyes , And bring it home , before he 'l please to rise . I do no ill , mistrust me not , I pray ; I come so late , 'cause he 's from home all day , But after this , I heard ( without a cause ) A Pimping cheater raile against the Lawes ; He had for 's villanie been lately whipt , Warm'd in the hand , then shoulder markt and snipt : O cruell times ! hard bound ! and thus he sits , This is an Age , we cannot use our wits . I pimp , I shark , and steale , ( do I amisse ? ) Yet cannot be allow'd , to live by this ; A Senior thus reply'd , Do'st thou begin To curse the Law , which shames thee for thy sin ? Hell gapes for such as thee : then out he flings Bis pueri senes , is the note he sings . My Muse with sad conceits begins to scan The Centinels , where first my Search began : I heard such moanes as cut my heart like swords , Consisting more in groanes , and lesse in words : A dying sinner loath to change his life , For whom vast hell is with the earth at strife ; He drunk into a surfeit , he must have The hottest wines , there 's coldnesse in the grave ; Fill me the t'other bowle , I like it well , They say such liquor 's very scarce in hell : Alas it will not downe ! ah , now must I Go down , down , down , where I shall still be dry . Then crying towards the shadow of the Moone , Away ye horrid Fiends ! yee come too soone ! I am not rotten yet , though I am curst , Oh , do not take me , till I 've quencht my thirst ! Earth , wilt thou leave thy friend ? and as he cry'd My hope is gone , he of the surfeit dy'd . His Epitaph . Forbeare ye tender hearts , let not your eyes Drop pearles in vaine : h'was wet too much before : He was a sink to what the grave denies , Death yeoman of his celler , keeps the doore . He dranke himselfe to dust , nor can his skin Keep out the wormes , which kept the liquor in . I see my charge is heavie , what will fall , In my precinct , when I shall sum up all ? I have a strange beginning ! who will share With me in paines ? or undertake my care ? All kinds of walking spirits I must meet , Though they are wrapt in skin : the open street Gives all the succour I am like to find , To cheare my wearie muse , or case my mind . Man that was made of all the creatures free , The beasts are not such vassalls now as hee . He 's borne , he lives , and dyes , yet never knowes His errand to the world : nor what he owes To him that fram'd him in his mothers womb , His soule is out at use , untill his tomb Closeth upon his flesh : and then hard stones With natures leave , are partners with his bones . You have but yet a tast , to what I will Discover to your view of night-born ill . I cannot passe my serious part so brief , 'T will aske some time to sifta a Bawde : the thiefe Will with the rabble put their answers in , And you shall heare , how they will plead for sin , With the reply : which turnes the poyson dart , Then all their actions moraliz'd in part ; Together with the helps I shall apply , That they may learn to live before they dy . Without the practice , how those things I know , To cleare all doubts , I at the end will show . So , now my Muse go search for stranger sins , Thy charge is ended , when the day begins SECT. IV. A Lord , his traine , the beastly slaves , The midwifes faults , the catchfull knaves , One bed-rid lyes , that lost his whore , The house of sin , made fit for more , A convert found , his sonder elfe Doth read his lines , and hang her selfe . Of Iustice Had-bin once , the nurse , The spotted dame , Fogs empty purse . The vapours that were summond by the sun Into the sire , before the night begun , Within the cloudie mantles , swell , till they Break prison in the darke , and force away To vent their watry humours , to disgrace The swarme that buz about , whose blacker face Exceeds black night her selfe ; now forc'd with fears To turne to drops , and then dissolve to tears : ( Not flatter'd into pearles ) they fall downe right , Which do lament the whoredome of the night . My babes got refuge , where they had releefe , I sought for ease , which did encrease my griefe : For , in a troubled slumber , I did find Strange fearfull visions brought unto my mind , All tragicall , which did my senses take ; Me thought I saw , as though I had been awake , A Lord ( so call'd ) his Traine with worsted Lace Dawb'd verie thick ; his Pimp found out a place To buy another hell , he 's guarded in , ( He having took possession of his sin ) His Honour is no Knave , his queane no whore . He being a Lord , she 's but his Paramour : His Lordships bare of coyne , but those may have Protection gratis that bespeak his grave : With cap and knee , my Lord , at ev'rie word ; His Pander 's his Buffoone , which can afford To break a jest , to make his Lordship merrie ; He 's like to those whom trust did make so wearie , Till they deceiv'd it . Shortly he 'l take pet , Because he cannot run no more in debt , For cloth , for lace , for beavours , and for silk , For capons , herbs , for butchers meat and milk , And other things : my Lord will saile away , Must Pesants haunt him ? let 'em seek their pay . A Mid wife , and a Keeper , that did use To keep all close , belonging to the stewes , Which had their fees , and would convey the fact Into a sink , or els translate the Act. Then came a Farmer with his Bearish Cubs , Made such a smell and ratling with his tubs , That night was much in feare ; such noyse they made , Their language was much fowler than their trade : With postures suting , this polluted trash , By filthinesse , do here escape the lash . What , Bailiffs walk by night ? your Guard is strong : Do no man right , I pray , but all men wrong With whom you deale : Come , make the Plaintiffe pay For waiting times ; the night exceeds the day . If the Defendant come within your power , Pray , make him pay an Angell for an hower . Or you 'll degenerate : how 's truth abus'd ! Such roguing Catch-polls should be ever us'd . A weakling taken with a harlots voyce , And fawning looks , neglects his former choyce , To cleave to her , who with her venom'd breath , Divides his heart alive : but at her death This Sot falls sick , his senses do decay , And now his filth breaks out another way : For he lyes bed-rid , vext , and he doth rave , All his delights are buried in the grave . With that , me thought , I saw , and heard a Bawd , The situation , and her house applaud , Which stands entire ; a fob made under ground , To hide her Cattell , where a catch turnes round , To let 'em in and out : a slie back doore , Where any bash full knave , or modest whore , May come and go unseen ; besides , the leads , Where they may hide , if they should search the beds . Iron boks to ev'rie door , and the staires made So cunningly , that I can drive my trade Vnknowne to all : with wanton pictures trim'd My rooms are all , some painted , and some limb'd . Like to the paler vermine , whose renowne 〈◊〉 to creep up , and nest upon the Crowne , The height of their ambition can no higher , They with such bawdes must downe into the fire . A man whose passion had engag'd his heart To one whose lust had ty'd to act her part , With him : being lawlesse she her time will spend , With what 's most precious , so to have her end . But he began to have an inward eye , And having drawne the streames of pleasures dry , The gravell fills his mouth . Thus he complains Vnto himselfe , I must expect the pains Which follow sinfull sweets ; which are at strife To seale disgrace upon , then take my life . Lust steales the name of love : I must abide Reproach among my friends , on ev'ry fide My sores break out , my childrens cries breed griefe ; My ' state 's consum'd , I cannot give relief To serve their wants . Diseases which I have , Will 〈◊〉 my 〈◊〉 piece-meale to the grave . What helps to make me wearie of my life , The constant barking of a froward wife , Who us'd to vex me , where she did me find , And spread my same , yet could not change my mind . But most of all , my soule a bleeding lies , Fearing to be releas'd ; from him it flyes That must give help ( if any comes at all ) Or to the burning deep I downe must fall ; VVhere hypocrites must dwell , who are misled , That seek for living fruits among the dead . She muses , hee so long from her did stay , And sends these lines to hasten him away . My love , I long to see thy face , Oh! come to me ! I will imbrace Thy sweet bosome ; let not me For want of thy sweet company Lye dipt in teares , is love growne cold ? Or have those six dayes made thee old ? Or has thy peevish brawling wife Made thee refrain so sweet a life ? Be not dismaid ! when fortune brings Me gold , with other gallant things , 'T is all thine owne , to come make hast , And then the winter will be past . With all conditions , I can fit To humour thee , and heare thy wit : Thy absence makes my heart opprest Which lives in thine , and so I rest , Thy friend or not for this world , H. E. From my lodging in Lukeners-lane . His Answer . Though I was foolish , mad , and vain , To sell away my heart , To buy a never-dying staine And cheapen lasting smart ; By thy temptations , I was drawne To fall in love with sin , To lay my soule , my life to pawne To fetch new torments in . I now renounce my former deeds , And what I lov'd before I hate it ; bitter griefe exceeds ; Teares wash them off the score . Vaine is thy suit , repent and turne , Thy former waies amend , Least wrath in thee doth ever burne , Where cursed pleasures end : Thine once , but now his owne . From Princes street . Like to an Oxe , when she these lines had read , Which having felt the axe upon his head , Staggers a while , and gaines a little stay ; Then tugs the roap , but cannot 'scape away . Or like the swine whose throat receives the knife , He runs about to loose his wearied life : She fumes with rage , and stares about for death , The knife 's mislaid , she cannot get out breath ; Without some warning : then a rope she got , And tide it to a beame , made fast the knot And stretcht her neck : so thus she ends her life , And changes mortall , for immortall strife . Her Epitaph as she hangs . This lump of clay , the heavens do disdaine , O're-matcht by hell , dy'd over-charg'd with sinne : Hangs in the aire whereas the Devills raigne , Earth brought her out , which scornes to take her in . Her soule 's confin'd , within those blacke precincts , Which will not take her carkase , 'cause she stinks . Sir Justice Had-been , prompting whores and theeves , Turn'd to the slime of shame : whom he releeves Must weare the badge of hell . A poor mans grief Being forc'd to lodge a punck , and keep a thief , At his command for nought : broke out so fast , That shame did blush to hear 't , till at the last He told him , had he brought a — in hand He had been eas'd , for justice cannot stand With bare complaints . This tribe was lately shent , And routed too , pray thank the Parliament . Shame steeld with impudence ! one brings his nurse That 's gag'd for hell , to twist a double curse , And challenge vengeance : 'cause his wife lyes in , They 'll have a chamber writ to charge their sin . A spotted fondling which begins to swagger , 'Cause she 's indicted : here the codpiece-dagger , Receives it name , Fog , with a fierie face , As free from coyne , as he is bare of grace ; ( Yet stockt with knavetie ) would adjourne this curse , His words are bribes , because his emptie purse Stands out-law'd , for the fact he did last night , Though he appears , that durst not come in sight . Some are not ripe enough for death to pluck , Nor is their measure full ; some others suck The poyson with their sins , untill they burst : All turning not are at the last accurst . Like Toads , or Traytours , being Male-contents , " That from faire day-light hide their foule intents , " But spets 'em in the night . Here they do mind Their owne undoing , in another kind . The Panther drawes men with his pleasing sent Into , or neare his den ; when his intent Is to devoure'em . So the Devill drawes The sinners in , where with his sharper clawes He teares their flesh . Poore creature , that exceeds The second Devill in his cursed deeds ! Who freely loves the sins , but hates the shames That follow close , nor will he owne those names . The Devill lives a Batchelour , but he Is free from acting of adulterie , As from foule language ; he was never drunk , Nor did he ere lye bed-rid for a Punk . Hee 'll nere begin , nor pledge thy Masters health , Hee 'd rather give , than steale a way mens wealth : Whom he arrests , they do not take it well ; Yet ere hee 'll hang himselfe , hee 'll hang in hell : His sins are spirituall ; to act such ill , He has nor flesh , nor bones ; he wants no will . Where wolves do prey upon the silly sheep , The Shepherd is unweapon'd , or asleep . When you neglect your soules , then lust destroyes , And ruines me on in a thousand wayes : Those that do whip out time , in the event Will crosses find , where they expect content . He that above doth place his love aright , Shall find true joy , in stead of base delight . The greatest torment here lyes in the brest Of him that in his humours seeks for rest , With restlesse motion . After death he must Meet flaming hot , the second part of lust . SECT. V. Imps feasting those that hide their shame , What they had , from Whence it came : Their figures drawne . A Searchers doubt , What wayes to find these sinners out , And spoyle their nests . Hell is reveal'd ; Vpon What tearmes the Devill seal'd . The Witch deni'd . The hatefull Frie Turn'd to a dreadfull 'Natemie . NIght bribes the greedy Clowds , whose Buckrom skin Tan'd black with envie , drawes thick darknesse in ; Flatters the subtill vapours from the earth , T' assist the goddesse , travelling in birth , With various changings of the last edition , Which must be cover'd close : no repetition Of her conception , she conceales her breed For black designes ; pray Officers take heed : Moryheus resignes his keyes , and she hath prest The world to silence , who must keep a feast For men of qualitie : the Jaylors first Shew kindnesse to their Brats , when no man durst . The Bride well Beadle's next : if any slip , They 'll twist it soft , and oker 〈◊〉 the Whip , To make a signe for shew , but save their skin : They 're welcome here ; then Marshals men come in ; For passing by the doores they are invited : The common watch-men , when they are benighted , Conduct them to their lodgings , and will hide Faults , persons , places ; if they be espide , The Beadle winks at all : and they must be Their middle guests to this societie . Two Supervisors , Justice — his Clark Came blundring , found it , though it was so dark : To do them service he will be their page . The others over-see them , and the cage Diverted from a Bug-beare , they passe by , With carelesse looks , and a disdainfull eye . At last the Hang-man came , ( being verie late ) And prov'd himselfe an Officer of State ; Cause he can help'em to a falling band That is in fashion , turne them of his hand With gentlenesse , he 's entertain'd in love , He sits below , that us'd to ride above . The place where they did feast , I 'm loth to name ; Seeing I disclose , and they conceale their shame , 〈◊〉 note , 〈◊〉 was neere Long-Acre , in a place , In which Hells featfull She shall reap disgrace : If with her Imps she haunt it in the day , Where Sodom and 〈◊〉 ( as they say ) Receive a second being , where in fell The tragick part , the second Scene of Hell . Now all the guests are come , and for their fare , Those that are frinds to darknesse , do prepare Their dishes severall : for the love they found From them at 〈◊〉 times , their chear shall now abound , The Bill of Fare . A Letter pard'ning sweet offence , With halfe a thousand Peter-pence , As tickets from Queenes street , A Court-like dish of divers things , Larks , Puets , Teile , 〈◊〉 Germane brings From a child of the Kitchin , A Lady knowne to divers Peeres , I dare not name her for mine cares , Sent a Venison Pastie . Black Jenkin brought from turne-taile Megs , Two Pheasants rosted full of eggs , With a charger of sweet meats . A Mutton-pastie full of plums , A rosted pig , with sauce , which comes From the old Cherrie-garden . A Leg of Mutton , and a Hen , Well drest , for halfe a dozen men ; From Parkers Lane . Two necks of Mutton , neatly boyl'd , The meat was good , the broth was spoyl'd , From the Cole-yard . A Loyne of Mutton of the best , Two Rabbets which did grace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , From the new 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A Loyne of Veale , a curious Hare , Two Pippin-pies , which was the fare , From Pickadella and So-ho . A hanch of Venson verie fat , ( And when they saw 't , they smil'd at that ) From Mistresse Peele . A brace of Woodcocks , and a flight Of Partridges , all caught since night , From Mistresse Gray and Mistresse Hill , Dame Agur shew'd she loves her trade , Who sent two Custards ready made , With a pottle of Sack . Moll Cut-purse sent , with Ambergreece , Two fooles made sweet , worth Crownes apeece , With a Monkey to make 'em sport . They had a Turkie rosted browne , 'T is thought it cost at least a Crowne , From Nine-penny Mod. Dame Lopas sent the Brewers Clark , ( Who lost his way it was so datk ) With a Pigeon-pie . From mother Gardner was convay'd To them , two Pullets never laid , With a gallon of Claret . Pimp Major brought from everie jade , That was in stock , and kept her trade , Six pence at least for wine . Who knowes what that lascivious Imp , Which swore Saint George into a Pimp , Might send in his Sedan . To shew what Gammer Welch did send , Or Goody Grigs , I should not end , Till I had tir'd my Muse . What Giles's , Martins in the fields , What Black-mans street , or Kent street yeelds , Would be tedious to relate . For ev'rie one within the Line , Which sent in money , meat , or wine , Cannot be nam'd . The Beadle tun'd his pipes , and rais'd his throat , He hath a mind to sing , his straggling note Is now reduc'd ; but had his necke been ftrung , H'had plai'd a fit or two , but never sung . The Song . VVHat candid sweetnesse is expreft , From hearts , by love , made free ? Pans Tribe had never such a feast , Nor such rewards as we . The bounty of the winged God Is in his subjects fhowne , Blind 〈◊〉 ! make for those a rod Who traffiqne with their owne ? Jove , crowze with pleasures and content With freedom . and successe , Those pollisht treasures nature meant Her off-spring should posse'sse . Doth any Swaine enjoy a field Which may not sow the ground , And reap the fruit which it doth yeeld With pleasures that abound ? The Spring bestowes her Maiden-head Where natures fine is paid , Whose babes had been but hunger-fed Had Ceres dy'd a maid . Jove crowne , &c. We 'll honour still the free-borne race , VVhole minds to merits move : Winke at , help , free all those with grace And praise the Queen of Love . To please young gallants is no crime , Or put new life to age , We 'll clap a perriwig on time , And he shall be their page . Jove crowne with pleasures , &c. Love muzzells envy , puts a bit Into the mouths of them , Whose beards hang downe for signes of wit Yet prize not Cupids jem . Let Supervisors search the aire , And Paper-scare-crowes flye , To vent their spleen into dispaire , Till malice bleake and dye . Jove crowne &c. We 'l travell dry-shod through the deep And cool through fierie flames , Our braines in Helicon we 'll steep , To blaze their honour'd names . Let Pegasus their Sumptures beare , Parnassus traine attend Their joyes alive , and Trophies weare To grace them to their end . Jove crowne , &c. When they with wounds of love shall dye , Fame shall their vertues crowne , And ev'rie star that 's in the skie , Shall weare a mourning gowne : The Sun a sable riding suit , The Moone a Tabbie vaile , The world ( with Cypresse hung ) be mute , Grim death , go under baile . Jove crowne , &c. The birds which visit shadie groves , In silence droop the wing ; Save Philomel which sorrow moves Their Elegies to sing . The painfull Silk-wormes Master-peece ( Perfum'd ) shall make them shrouds : For balme wee 'll rob the pride of Greece , Cut seare-cloth from the clouds . Jove crowne , &c. With roses , pinks , and gilly-flowers , Adorne their monefull Herse ; Teares turn'd to pearles , with honey showers , Compos'd with stately verse ; To measure out Apollo's height , Which strong-breath'd loftie lines , Shall sacrifice the Muses right , To consecrate their shrines . Jove crowne with pleasure and content , With freedome and successe , The pollisht treasures Nature meant . Her off-spring should possesse . They 're verie joviall drinking healths about To all their benefactors . E're the rout Did fall in pieces , thus the clarke did wish , On that my Master had but such a dish ! He loves it deerly , think it is not lost , His curtesies will countervaile the cost . But Squire Dicks perceivd , to whom the slip Belong'd by right , did hardly feel the whip . And that his place was wrong'd , which by descent Did fall to him , took pet , away he went ; To shew their humours ( to prevent the harms They use their names as vizards do their charmes ) Is needlesse here , but all this dunghill breed Look like the excrements , on which they feed . A maistive litter ! which at carion plucks , And like the witches , which the Devil sucks ; They live on sins ( as Parrators did use ) And strip truth naked , to maintaine their stewes . I turn'd , and did a powerfull man espie , And he began to search as well as I ; With whom I had discourse : he askt me how These things might be redrest ? said I , alow Wise men , but leave to search suspected places With Warrants ; by their habits , and their faces , With carriage , course of life , will soon bewray ( First try a smooth , and then a rugger way ) Their guiltinesse . One's poor , being over-awde , Plundred of all , a Cozen to the bawde Another proves her self : a souldiers wife , The third will be , and she is now in strife To get his pay : the fourth i● in debt ; the lives in private , for the Hounds are set ●o smell her out . Another can produce ●etters , to shew her portion 's out at use , And cannot get it in ; her mother 's faine To send her meanes , which by her notes is plaine : But written by the Pimp still , once a week . The last , of all , her answers are to seek , And shee 'll confesse the vilenesse of this trash , So you will save her from the Beadles lash : Send out to seize 'em , as they walk the street , They 'll call familiar names , you smiling greet , With C●ze , How d'ye Sir ? What 's a clock ? Good night : Oh , Countrey-man ! what newes ? and you invite To drink a cup : put them within ( for state ) One of the Bridewells , or the Counter gate . The houses you may know , by little cans , And Pimping pots , from any honest mans . Where , they sell drink , or of their neighbours bought , Of everie penny they will make a groat . Their times of meeting 's after candle-light , You 'll find them in their filthy nests by night , With their foule Traine ; trie , finding bad their cause , Do justice quickly ; bribes will blind the Lawes : Shame partiall Knaves : do ( trusting faithfull men ) More in a yeare than has been done in ten . This pleas'd him well ; he 'ld use his power and skill , To honour true men , chase away the ill . And parting thus , a Rogue , that bought his wife , Being kin to great men , they might save his life , And make him Sessions proofe , appear'd before . When he was past , there was behind a doore The Devill booted , in his hand a switch , Who with a Bawd , a Strumpet , and a Witch , Held conference ; the first , as it appeares , Demands a lease of one and thirtie yeares , To live at ease , with mirth ( as she hath seen ) But his Commission grants but seventeen Vpon a rotten soule . The second must Have fortie five to satiate her lust , And dwell with pleasures ; and the Fiend must be Engag'd to keep her from the Gallow-tree , And whipping posts : 'cause her bewitching tongue Must bring him custome , being faire and young ; He seales for thirtie , giving her a jeere , I never us'd to buy a soule so deare . Then spoke the Witch , to have her lease renew'd , Most out of date ; which when the Devill view'd , He laughing said , I will renew thy roule , If thou canst pawne me but thy daughters soule ; For this is mine . Do'st take me for thy slave ? Lend time on that , which shortly I must have ! Feare made her quake . He ( to resolve the doubt ) Will keep her warme when her Indenture 's out . As strangers , flatter'd with deceitfull snow , Fall in a deadly pit ; they do not know , That ruine waits upon them . Like the Asse , Vpon bare quarter to and fro doth passe , Laden with spices , gold , and precious stones , Fowles teare his flesh , and dogs do gnaw his bones . When they die , slaine , diseased , weak , or old , They cannot bribe these vermin with their gold . So Hell-hounds , peece-meale , vexeth everie part , Which suck their bloud ; the Vulture cats the heart . Their feet make creepers , to support the brand , Their legs in flames , like hand-irons do stand : Their bellies fill'd with horrours , and for racks , To hang their bowels on , they use their backs : They drie their livers , and they broyle their lungs ; Slicing their Armes , their hands they use like tongs , To stir the burning coales : in sulph'rie smoke , Their heads must hang , with which the throat must choke : The veines and sinnewes shrink , the ribs must lie Like gridirons , on which their soules must fire : Their spirits dye alive , they have their skin Tann'd brimstone proofe , to keep their torments in . Th'ad better been unborne , than thus misled , To be in Hell anatomiz'd when they ' are dead . SECT. VI . A formlesse female you shall find , As well in body as in mind ; Her face , her speech , her breath bewray'd , Her hands , back , sides , legs , feet , display'd : She 'd faine turne Whore , if not a Bawd , Her meanes have Suitors ; none applaud Her parts , non person , in disgrace They leave her , when they see her face . ERe Flora's savour had the aire perfum'd , Or barren winter was by time consum'd , The teeming earth did promise wealth and peace , When she was stor'd with blessings of encrease . The day had morgag'd time to envious night , Then was a Female brought unto my sight , Drain'd from the dregs of time ; which when I saw , How she was fram'd t' oppose great Natures Law , I could not chuse but wonder : then my Muse Call'd Fancie in , took libertis to use Her skill , to limb this virgin : you may see How both her beautie , and her parts agree . You might perceive the haire upon her head Was took on trust , or purchas'd from the dead . Her ears were large , and hang'd about with 〈◊〉 , She 'd shak'em oft , and prick them like an Asse : Her browes were furrow'd , verie deep , and large , And fill'd with soyle , ( 't was but an easie charge ) They like a Pent-house hung , to save her face From all mis-fortunes ; colour'd with such grace , Say what you would , her colour would not change , 'T was Chesnut-like : In maids 't is verie strange . Her nose did shew , how Envie doth appeare : Above 't was pale : Consumption , griefe , and feare , Had made it shrink ; the other part did swell , And look't so red , as if it would rebell : It did disdaine the other in distresse , That part grew rich , the other poore and lesse : The lower part turn'd up againe with spleen ; To quiet all , there was a hill between , Kept downe the fire : but still the graine doth fret , The holes were made , some of the Rubies set . Two streames run through 't , how strange it was to me , That fire and water should so well agree ! Her eyes perceiv'd this strife about the nose , Though they were sunk , the water then arose To coole this broyle : fresh remedie it seeks , With running post it gutter'd all her cheekes , But all in vain : then both her eyes did bend Their force to wait upon the lower end . Though divers waies they seem'd to go astray , They view'd the nose as constant as the day ; They altogether sham'd great Neutunes pride , When that is low , 't is alwaies here high tide : Her pimpl'd cheekes made fruitfull by the itch , Deckt o're with pearles , but were not halfe so rich ; They still were solid in the midst of mirth , For gardning time , her nailes had rakt up earth . Her breasts were like two bottles made of leather , Yet thev were twins , for they stuck close together , Some Carbunkles , with Saphires there were set , The ground , some yellow , some as blacke as jet , She had one fault , her mouth was too too narrow , Reacht but from eare to eare , mouth'd like a sparrow ; Her lips were shrewdly beaten with the weather , And so at ods they would not come together : They swell'd with pride , then emulation rose Which first should catch the droppings of her nose ; The lower lip did alwaies cheat the other , And quite forgot the upper was her brother ; Her teeth being kind , did grieve so much , that they Fell in consumption pining still away . All mourn'd in blacke , each tooth did lose his life Dy'd by degrees , and left them thus at strife ; The language that did steale out from her throat Did jarre , and sound just like a Ravens note ; The Screech-owle in the tone did beare a part , But not a word proceeded from her heart . To see this Damsell many there did throng , Her breath did keep them of it smelt so strong , Full six yards of ( Muse prethee do not lye ) Her breath was smelt , judg'd of the standers by . A sillie cur was for this savour blam'd , He being guiltlesse , ran away asham'd . Her neck was sable , and decitfull too , Bearing the head with verie much adoe ; Nor could it once be brought to owne her face , But sinke it downe , and left it in disgrace . Her shoulders still were constant at a pinch , Her head abov'em could not creep an inch : They held together and did domineer , Keeping the head with force below in fear ; Her hands were wrinkled , with so grosse a graine You could not see the rising of a veyne . And being colour'd of the sadest white Like mourning-gloves , and yet swell'd up with spite : Her fingers were too short to tell a sum , Nor could you know her fingers from her thumb . Then looking on her backe , a bunch I spi'd That was most constant on the weakest side : 'T was broad and ridged , yet not much in length , Made fit for burdens , but she wanted strength . She 'd lost a joynt being frighted in this fray , One side sunke halfe a yard the other way : Her hips did shrink aside , yet they with passion Broke out , 'cause fardingales were out of fashion . To all the rest , her buttocks were unkind , They followed after , but a yard behind ; Her massie legges , seem'd to be made of wood , Here 's one fault more , the wrong ends downwards stood . She on her leg did scorne to nurse a calfe , The lower end was fuller fed by halfe : Her fleshly ancles would not be content , But spread themselves ( think but how spare she went ) Her corn-fed feet with haste were never mov'd , Her heels would strike each others , yet they lov'd ; The sides were not so hollow as the rest , The bottomes too did like plaine dealing best : She loves square play , she is even with her toes , Th'were borne together , but they live like foes . They will not yeeld , although they are kept under , They keep true distance still a yard asunder ; Her temper is the lowest in degrees , Pray pardon one mistake , I 've mist her knees ; They did uphold each other in this fight , Like faithfull friends , yet they would often smite ; Her mind was wanton but her face and shape Would coole the lusting of the filthiest ape . She was a Fowle of night , what nature did Lay open to her shame , she would have hid ; A whore she would have been , none did appliud Her parts , nor person , then she 'd turne abawd , But that she prov'd to be the common scoffe , But as a foyle , to set such cattell off , She might be us'd , if she could get a place , For she 's as shamelesse , as the begger 's base . To shun temptation , there 's no need to maske her , Shew but her face , there 's none alive will ask her . Her fame was spread , to see this lasse came store , But then her looks did fright 'em from the doore : The rayment on her backe was verie rich Or for her lands and coine , I know not which Suitors came in ; the wealth they came to woe , Bur none could hav 't except they 'd have her too , Then they left off their suits , still to this time She leads a single life , being past her prime . If I should show her wit , how she will vapour , 'T would 〈◊〉 my time , besides a sheet of paper : Her out-side now shall satisfie my rime , I le blaze her inside at another time . Look where she is , and view her in the light , Now I le be filent , least I shame her quite . SECT. VII . A Carpenter the Devill turnes , And in a Brothell-house , he learnes To pimp about . He falls in love With two or three that lye above . He'ad been gentile , to please one whore , Had not the Surg'on found her sore . A Cheat , complaints , a filthy damp From Traytours vaults , the beastly Camp ; A Phoenix found ; two sherking Spies ; The Bawds profession , ere she dies . AFter the storme , the clouds which did embrace The nights black bosome , flatter'd with disgrace , Prove Turne-coats on her ; or , like Moores in spite , Being black themselves , do paint the Devill white : Their shrowds were gleanes & comets . Now their pride ( Their watne robes dropt peece-meale ) cannot hide The passages of Hell : they rather make A Court of Guard , that the infernall Lake May have commerce more freely : at the last , Hell sent a private Spie , who with a blast . Mounts to an upper roome , and gain'd reliefe , Where Cock the Coblers Pink commands in chiefe . His habit like a Carpenter , his hose Of Beggars velvet , here and there a rose Brancht out with fruits ; his wast-coat verie red , A plaited band , a cap wrought on his head , A rule by 's side , his apron rugged leather , His stockings blue , his heeles went close together ; With flat sol'd shooes . I drawing neere to see , His cloke-bag hose were ti'd above the knee : His hands were brawnie , with a swarfie face , Much like the Jew that us'd to haunt the place , Which ends this bawdie Row . Black Nick's their guest , Who minds them most , when they do mind him least . He 's much in love with Cock , and haunts her bed , He ccurts her twice , and if her maiden-head Had been but vampt , sh'ad pleas'd this cautious Spie , Who fear'd the heat . She did but draw his eye ; He hopes to match her , to encrease the breed Of Vulcans nephews , and the Serpents seed . He loves the Mistresse too , because she 's right , He 'd be the Jewes corrivall : but to night The Clerk must becord her first ; hee 'll patience learne , Finding she breeds up others for his turne , And payes the use to hell : when she doth call , Who hopes at last to have the principall . This fiend is active , downward he doth creep , And finds a vassall enter'd , fast asleep , Who had not paid the custome for his sin , But thought to cheat the Devill ; who came in And like a coarse he winds him in the sheet , And carr's him out , and layes him in the street ; By rule he measur'd him , as though his doome Had been to make his coffin or his tomb , But left him on his face , as if this slave For 's 〈◊〉 , were to scratch himselfe a grave . When waking he amazed , and affright , With nembling joynts , fierce looks , with 's haire upright Ran to , and fro : he by experience found His lodging was upon the Devills ground ; Where he will build anew , or pitch his tent , And for this end this carpenter was sent . He 's often in the cellar , through a chink He 'll peep , when Giunie comes to draw the drink , Sculk in the drinking-rooms , when any whore Lookes on his face , he slinks behind the doore And vanisheth : yet knocking neare the rout , Stamps on the flowre , and throwes the goods about : Trips up the staires , and finds a sherk a bed , He walks about the room , then holds his head . He proves a constant ghuest , both night , and day , But like the Scotch-man , Deile a groat he 'll pay . Well , Nick mounts higher yet , and whets his tooles , Throwes down the table , up and down the stooles : And finds a Pinnace waking , by and by He takes his axe ands lifts it up on high , Aimes at her necke , and holds it o're the bed , As though he did intend to chop her head Off at a blow : if thus he had serv'd this jade , 'Thad been enough to 've spoiled the hang-mans trade . A reall warning ! and the stroke had been , But yet she is not blacke enough with sin . She 's fearfull , strange , she doth not like his pitch , If she were old enough to make a witch , He 'd grow familiar with her , then he spv'd A Surgeon coming on , who must be fry'd , For being scalded , or the old disease Creeps through her bones , which can afford no ease : Must have a private search , and who but he Attend him up ? the Carpenter must see . Sometimes he 'd peepe , and by and by he 'd pause , First here , then there ; and when he found the cause , Slunk out of sight , the Surgeon saw him first , Call'd for a Jugge of beere , to quench his thirst ; Tooke him to be the tapster : but in feare He left his Patient , and forgot his beere . The Carpenter was taken with this Jade , And for her sake he had forsooke his Trade , Pack't up his tooles , and sent away his boxe , Save that he was afraide to catch the — Or to be burn'nt , he could not leave his Nel : Alas , he knowes there 's heate enough in bell . I heard a sudden knocking , at a dore , None in the house , but choise of goods , and store ; The answer was , No person is within , They heard one as they saide , and doe begin To give salutes , to blinde the Neighbours eyes , They put one in , and car'd away the prize . Neare to that place , was a malignant crue , Plotting deceits : ( let Casar have his due ) And spurne at those ( like Drones within the hives ) That fetch them hony , to preserve their lives . Then coming neare their Camp , some swore , som drunk , Each , two or three . betwixt them had their punck : Some rob'd , some stole , and brought it to their den , They 've license for 't , shall Princes loose their men For want of pincks and plunder , Is it right ? Th'associated pillage made 'em fight . As they preserve Truth , Liberty , and Lawes , So let them thrive : let Justice trie the cause . Here 's one comes moaning of her selfe , her case Is very bad ; she cannot keepe her place For Supervisers . Wenches tooke away For Bridewell birds . But I shall see the day When they shall suffer for this foule abuse . I made amends . Now pleasures out of use , If such prevaile , we that have pleas'd the Age , Shall have rewards ; in Bridewell , or the Cage . But here 's another ( which is rare to finde ) Of better temper : formerly too kinde , Which breakes her heart , makes teares drop downe along Her paler cheekes : true sorrow moves her tongue , Thus , to disclose her greife : Oh! thou that govern'st all things , pitty mee ! That have lov'd sinners , and forsaken thee ! I 've purchast shame . Oh! thou that giv'st all grace , Shew me thy beauty , let me see thy face In sweeter termes : and let thy Spirit fill My soule with love of thee , to hate all ill . Teach me to feare thee while I draw my breath : And free me from the snares of sinne and death . Although in sinne I 've spent my former dayes , Yet , make me now an Instrument of prayse . Among the fondlings one is founde , here blest : Who like a Pliemix will disgrace the rest . I press't on still , ( my night being sharpe and long ) And spy'd two Shifters , but I held my tongue . One was in threed-bare scarlet , wanting colour ; The other was in blacke : as he grew duller His robes turned gray with age : 't was my intent To marke their carriage : to a stewes they went . The bawde was Pocky-sicke ; yet spoke this beast Ah! I am going to eternall rest , To see my Saviour . I must minde my toombe . Those whom you seeke are in the drawing roome . Goe , take your choise , when I am dead and rotten , Honest Meg Spencer will not be forgoten . My Girles were free , you never knew that I Di●grac't a man that left our company . ●hat comfort 's this to me ! goe , I am ill You stand in thornes untill you have your will . Here 's mischeife in the abstract : In their path Sin walkes with hell in state : death arm'd with wrath Doggs them behinde . The divell keepes his Court A while on earth , to make his fondlings sport . Had hell a quezie stomacke , they might bee Sav'd from her Jawes : or at the least if shee Did swallow them : when once she left the paine ( To ease her spleene ) she 'd spue them up againe , But nothing frets her lungs : she needes must thrive : The ten horn'd beast she swallow'd downe alive , With monstrous locusts . she 'll her Patent use , To take in all which Heavens doth refuse Bawd-like , the Spider , in his Pantry spies , To sieze the heedelesse carkases of flies ; And vent his poyson'd humours . For his hire He with his brood are swept into the fire , Or prest to death . As wandring Comets fall To earth from whence they rose , ( this rabble shall Speede like the Spider ) and their sparkling flame Shall fall as low as hell : but still their shame Must live on earth : Except my papers rot , Or time consume their memorie . If not , Some sharper quill may chase them to their Inne , When they have onely priviledge to sinne ; And pleasures are degraded , by their paines , Old time consum'd ; Eternity remaines . SECT. VI A hatefull swarme , the shot one pai'd : The plaister'd Crue , seizd goods , what stai'd . They bib a fresh ; the Cripples will : A bore , the Ruiners lines prove ill . THe day being driven neare the furthest point , Sence dead asleepe : Discretion out of joint ; Blacke darkenesse rul'd with triumph : sent out spies , To take close prisoners , all with open eyes ; Least they should view the workes ( by candle light ) Untill they were exchang'd for bratts of night . The Starres did feare infection : and the Moone Turn'd backe with feare to see one night so soone Should gender such corruption ; wherein breedes Such strange shap'd Vermine , and such hatefull deedes , By them ador'd . Those that love slothfull rest , Call her sweete shadow , Chamber for the blest . Now , to my worke . I scouted out , and found A sixe fold knotte , One in a drunken swound Lay stretching by the rest . One's like to choke ; The third ( whose heathen weede — turn'd into smoke , Will cure all distempers , in the braine , ) Is but a learner yet , The fourth had a vaine With new-found baites , to cheate the silly fish , Had he but catcht'em , he 'd present a dish To these , his friends . The fifth a grosse offender , And judg'd to be but of the doubtfull gender . The last was of the neuter : but to night Their gender 's common in the Coblers sight . The lustfull Ape would blush to heare it nam'd , And brazen impudence would be asham'd . They 'd swear and drink out time : they with their whores Did onely chase his fore top out of dores , And saw him bald behinde : one sculks away ; But now the reck'ning comes , which one must pay . The Captaine has no coyne : but he intends To leave his tooles : which with the Coblers ends , Will stoppe a hole . The man that suks the weed Is flush , as yet ; — and he must doe the deed . The Bill . No. 1. For two and forty Pots of Ale , o 11 s. 6 d.   And Jug that told the merry tale : No. 2. For Wine , and Sugar , and for Nell , 1l . 2 s. 3 d.   But you must pay for what befell No. 3. For Cakes , Strong-water , Smoke , and Wood , o 17 s. o   Pay all , and ther 's my Flagon good : No. 4. But I forgot , you had at first , o r. s. 7 d.   Of Red - Cowes milke to quench your thirst .   His purse did swell , till he had paid , 2l . 12 s. 4 d.   But then the rising bunch was laid . One foaming like a Boare , that 's not excus'd , Who hatmis the sinkes of sinne , and he is us'd For hotter worke . For he goes up and downe To serve the queanes , their friends being out of towne But then , there was presented to my sight A Master-Peere : the worst I saw to night : A formelesse heape of rubbish in a Cell , Almost as darke , and not so hot as Hell Yet living buggs . Some had but halfe a face Some halfe a nose , some none , some in the place 〈◊〉 lost their legges , another wants his arme , Another both : some hands , some had their harme About their loynes : some wanting 〈◊〉 , some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gregory scorcht ; their sight I did despise , They point their 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when to 〈◊〉 Which rob in private , which in open streete ; Who to be baud in cheife : who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Who Warden of the 〈◊〉 : and every Impe 〈◊〉 their orders from 〈◊〉 , and they doe 〈◊〉 lawes , and punish grosse offenders too ; They make them pay 〈◊〉 for severall sinnes ; 〈◊〉 Cabbs in graine : — yet , one of them beginnes 〈◊〉 malignant humors ; and 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 they consume their stock ; and he prepares A bill against them , but , before t was fram'd His goods were seiz'd in th'inventery nam'd . Primo A dish , two spoones , two earthen pans ,   A tub , two stooles , one was his mans . Secundo A dublet , and a paire of hose :   The coat 's at pawne belong to those Tertio A pot , a cubbard , and a knife ,   A gooding bagge , a coyfe for s wife . Quarto A boxe of salve , and two brasse rings ;   With Parkers workes , and such like things . Quinto A bedstead and a bed of straw   A sheete a rugge : all which I saw . Sexto With other lumber , being gest ,   Will come to nine pence at the least Besides , he has convey'd away , A bowle , a skillet , and a tray , A trowell , and a paire of tongs : And downe this Court apparant wrongs . He stands sequesterd : now he`s made their 〈◊〉 ; Being a delinquent , who can take it off ? I must goe view my Senators , who have New plaisterd all their sores : they onely crave An other tub of Ale , to laugh and prate : And he shall pay for`t out of his estate . The chiefe of these did surfet , and was ill : So sicke , at last , that he did make his will . In manner and forme following . Inprinsis I doe bequeath my pallet bed   My hat , my cap upon my head .   To Will in 〈◊〉 Item My pewter dish , my earthen ware ,   And sheetes , I thinke I have a paire .   To Doll in Old Bridewell . Item My table , and my two joyn'd stooles ,   My trusses , and my plascering tooles .   To Ned in the Clink . Item I freely give my pleared Ruffe ,   The third part of my Housholdstuffe .   To 〈◊〉 in the Gate-Honse . Item The other two parts I bestowe   ( If he will pay what ere I owe . )   To George in the White Lyon . 〈◊〉 I give my shirt , an ell of lawne ,   Which lye for eighteene pence at pawne .   To Nan in the Marshall Sea for clouts . Item My wearing clothes within my Chest ,   The Cloke hath beene but nine times drest .   To 〈◊〉 in the Counter . Item My second cruch , scrapt lint , fine clouts .   An ounce of pills , or thereabouts   To Giles in the Hospitall . Item My better crutch , my plasterd rowle ,   Boxe-legge , receits , and bowzing bowle .   To this Worthy Assemby . As for my foule , I cannot tell Whe`re t is for heaven or for hell : I leave it to the venture . A private dunghill for my grave , My corps cast in , by night , I 'd have : Least 〈◊〉 Idolize my name , Or envious Roundheads blase my shame . I leave it to your wise consideration . Being joynt Executors , this my will Within two monthes , you must fulfill . Or my Ghost will 〈◊〉 you . But this disaster parted all the rout , T' will cost you paines agen to finde A Poetaster comes , And yet I The' are rough , They They He How Art , They are not With ekes , from weight . As is the horseleech , , the Poetaster . Whose sides bagg out when newly fetcht from grasse His prayses make them rich . He hewes their feete Like his that rim'd for farthings in the streete . Yet they have tooke a Pinnas , who 's at strife , To cut the throate , or poison his poore wife . But feares the Wardens check : ( her love of late ) That walks to 's Mannor once a Month in start . He 's 〈◊〉 a begging paper to a Knight , Or else he had bin study'ng all this night They made his worship laugh : yet gave no chink : But stuft his belly , and his braines with drink . His rimes made privy seales : he sweares ( being vext , ) He 'll write no more to Knights : a Lord 's the next . He rail'd , and reel'd about , untill he found His heels betray'd his fancies to the ground : But no learshon : poore Poets old excuse ! His stock was witte , before 't was put to use . As is the Ty-dog mad , when he breaks loose , Here spoiles a sheepe , and there he pulls a goose , Yonder a calfe . With rage and venome prest , He 'll bite a man , as well as teare a beast . At last he 's caught ; he dies : they seize his skinne ; He suffers for his fact ( yet free from sinne ) Being hard to take , so violent and curst , Before he dyes , he 's knockt and 〈◊〉 first . Such fit similitude may blaze your ill ; To open view : although he made no will . You all had chaines , by nature , on your necks ; Nor did all spring from dunghills : but had checks With sweeter education : Natures tye Is broke by force : from what you learn'd your flye : Make spoyle of what you finde . 〈◊〉 a while You pull and teare : and growing still more vile By finne you 'r caught : burnt , mangl'd and disgrac't , Disarmd , unnos'd , dismouth'd , and some unfac't . The Law doth seare , whippe , crop you : at the last Death takes you as he findes you : having cast Your naisty , plaisterd 〈◊〉 into the dirt , Your soules grow mad , where they can doe no hurt . I pitty you . Ah! must your helplesse soules Dwell still in teares and groanes ! where hels black roules Ingroc't with all your sinnes , lye in your sight ! To gnaw your wounds , but never see the light ! Yet all such torments , with the soule , in summes , Dwell but in as earnest till the body comes , SECT. IX . A 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 , His shirt exchang'd , a smock displaid With Armes upon 't . Another time A basket-wench renues his crime . The grated Vermine . Rebels land Shall buy no finne at second hand The drunken dust , how shame breaks in . A wooden ligge prevents a sin : The guilty Priests , a Drab denyes Her husbands names : the Judge then spyes A glorious sight . The young mans greife The old mans shame must have 〈◊〉 . THe Ayre as now enlighten'd with a gleame , Night winkes at all : or being in a dreame : A gentle 〈◊〉 glides in : she 's over-prest ; Or having tooke a surfet at the feast , Quicke eyes tooke license to behold the crimes , That are in 〈◊〉 , with the charge of times . Darke losers 〈◊〉 , bearded Comets seene , Backebite Dame Venus , flatter with the Queene , Yet breaking 〈◊〉 with finners , they devide Their shame by equall portions . Then I spi'de A Squire of 〈◊〉 Court , to recruite his sin , A facke of female kitchin-stuffe tooke in To greaze his way to hell : and his intents With 〈◊〉 , oaths , and compleents . Were varnishd thus — Dam-me I 've a minde To court thy louzie carkase : be but kinde , Let me imbrace thy corps : it is my will To search thy closet : doe not take it ill : Be not so coy — confound me thou art strange ? Sir , did not your Grandfather build the exchange . You are a worthy Gentleman : but I Am far unfit fot your sweete company ; Being old , and dirty , and my dressing tore My smock is nasty , ragged , course and poore . Hang 't thou shalt have my shirt , thy smock I 'le make Gentile in love : I 'le weare it for thy sake . They are gone to bed : but how the bold fac'd night Did turne , their baud , I , m silent ; when the light Had out-fac'd darknesse , she had quit the bed : The Squire gropt , but kissing Shiffe was fled . He rose in rage , inquir'd , searcht about , His shirt did wipe her heeles when she went out . He in her Frocke as blacke as hell did looke ; Arm'd with a patch of greene , the left arme tooke The azuae trophie , time did now uncase , The divels fondlings . In another place , The bloudy colours , from an ancient house , Where the pale 〈◊〉 of the passent louse , Lye couchent bend , in Sable-field : but he Is rampant , gules a trope of victorie . A badge : the Mullet seated on the breast A Woodcock moulting : squire had lends creast But the supporters were ( this vesture bore ) An Ape in chaines , a Letcher burn'd before . Some laughing said , this garment was astray : The hang-man was too proud , to bring 't away . When crosse-lane Peggy dy'd : and some did thinke It was the divels dish-clout , dipt , in inke . Inricht , with Bluekins tippet ( being seene ) Or Lady Katherines flesh-bag trim'd with greene . When this choyse robe , was by the Landresse found , The Reliques was reserv'd , the Creepers drown'd . Let greife in , Commans waite upon this Sparke : His onely shirt is lost , which cost a Marke . who 'd be the divels Vassall , if he must Be alwayes cheated by a sinners trust ? This Blade recruites agen : his Courtly minde Was to salute , disgrace : where he did finde A water'd clod of dust : whose dropping nose , With waper eyes , and matter , did disclose Deformity , if selfe : her broadsold feete Bore natures greife , which at the heeles did meete : Lust was in travell , when the watch-man found These lovely Babes where sinne with shame is crrownd . His wife , who heard the fame , spoke thus : you 'll have Your name , and state goe mourning to the grave , Attended with disdaine . Reproach will live To staine your family , when death shall give A challenge to your dust : who will display His fable flagges and storme your house of clay . He answered her , let me have pleasure seal'd For tearme of life : such acts may be repeal'd Ere saucie death be arm'd ; I 'le leave my lust When drops of pleasure cannot drench my dust . Quit scores with me . But she with teares replyde How vaine is that revenge , where sinnes abide . With miserie ! but Justice gives releife To plunderd hopes : and will casheere my greife , When wounded joyes shall muster ; [ dead ] they must Have all free quarter in the easie dust . Had I had portion , comlinesse or wit , I had not beene so fond , as to have quit My freedome thus : or sold content to borrow A dying Prop , where strife breedes living sorrow . This stately Courtier scornes to harbour shame But impudence is guardian to his name , From the assaults of modesty . And he Will have the rules of hell for 's libertle . Could they but bring his Pinnace under saile , Plac't next the herbe-wench with her dagl'd taile He in his scutchin'd robe ; and one by vote , To read this history , and blaze the cote , Set neare th' exchange , about the golden 〈◊〉 . If they afford this Shew for pence a peece , The Turkie-Rom , the double footed Hart , The dancing Horse , and Hocus with his Art , Being joyntly , or a part put out to use , Flags to entice the eyes , can neere produce Such choise of penny-customers , who 'd see This cominicke story with the tragedie . A Nest of water-rats with dropsie swell ; Grin through the grates : being like to challenge hell One tamer then the rest , as he did stand A spie for death , cause he would come to hand He was allow'd such priviledge to have ; As suites the confines of a living grave . This Vermine spies a Fury , one , whose haire Had quit the skull : her face with age and care Was tan'd and furrow'd deepe : her purled skin , Was pleated , for the grave rat brings her in . To stocke his crimes , must arme this fondling up , Salutes the Lady having dranke a cup . He 'd grow familiar , she begins to fight , And scratch his face , and had a minde to bite , But that her guns lay follow : in their play Her 〈◊〉 were dag'd , her legs were wreath'd with hay . Hell hath her ends . All those Percullos Imps Under her privie seale , became their Pimps . Despised 〈◊〉 of vice ! whose putri'd slime Makes living vengeance ripe before its time . One who pretends she's plunderd , with a breife Will beg in print , to keep a Pimping theife ; Came creeping by . A bloudy rebell then VVho had acquaintance with Committee-men , If they'll befreind him so , to save his land , He 〈◊〉 scorne destiuction at the second hand : But give a rate , for any , new-found sinne , Though but at 〈◊〉 ; as when he did beginne To murther under seale . New here 's a Punk , Seiz'd by a lumpe of clay : being stag'ring drunk VVill slake his hell-bred heate : this rake-shame must Spawne plagues in 〈◊〉 , and gender guilt with dust : But found her limping . VVhen he brought her in , She could but give bare quarter to his sin Her wooden legge , or turne-pipe , being stout , VVhich like a Barracado kept him out : And when it was unbrac't , with what belong To this Rare-peece : ye buckle and ye throng , Fell out upon 't : which skirmish did betray Their twisted shame , before they went away . This damosell could not walke , untill by Art The Stump was reconci'd : nor could he part From his beloved Criple . Greedie hell Cast lots with death , when her Choy'e member sell , As Pars pro toto . All this Pot-cat kinde , When ere they passe , they leave a stinke behinde As did ye Vxebridge Priest , who needes must wooe The guard of death , when he did lye with two . One that joynes issue with an heire of shame , Forsweares her husband , and denyes his name , Keepes him in prison , Angells teach the Judge , He 'll take no bale . And now she will not grudge His Clarke a feeling : reason out of sight , He weighes downe sorrow , cause the womans light . An aged father breedes his childrens greife , Truthes persecuter , and a bloudy theife : Props shame with crooked shoulders , and invites A Lease of Strumpets to his base delightes . VVho tyrant-like promotes a damned cause , To banish right , and poyson wholesome lawes . Strong parts speake plainely , when they grace the divell , 'T is grace , not knowledge , keeps a man from evill . Flesh genders lust , which flaming torments breedes , Without manuring , as the earth doth weedes . Which shelters vengeance ; and contracts the crime Of yeares of pleasure in a minuites time , With lasting shame . That foole , who for a bowle Would sell his coate , deny'd to pawne his soule . These venture all , they 've not enough of life . To taste all sweets , before the fatall knife Strikes all their joyes , like beasts ( for what the've eate ) Their parts devided , pay for all their meate . When reason is engag'd to beastly sence , A man turnes 〈◊〉 agen : and will commence Lost by degrees : saluting death he spyes 〈◊〉 breake prison , where his pleasure dyes For hells burn't off'ring . In which horrid frights , His Soule hath tooke her leave of all delights . His dust committed ; till th' impartiall toombe Vpon the summons leaves him to his doome ; Wner's justice is compleate , and hell-hounds-have Eternity to guard their burning grave . SECT. 10. A Cell of Sharks , the Tutor made , A falcity , doggs learne his Trade , He bayts his snares with Rings and Glasse , To catch the weake , his words shall passe , To Cheate the Doblt , his strange decipes An other finding newer baites , He spies his times , hides ill with Lies , And rides the Circuit of the Size . ABout the second Watch I saught the places Where Sharkes did meet , the Starrs had hid their faces The vapours were congeal'd into a cloud With which the shades of night had made a shroud To wrap poor mortalls in : I being in feare , Did heare a whispering , but I knew not where . But gaining courage guided by the sound , I , spi'd a Cell , where cheats were under ground . They did divide the spoyle , the lots were throwne , All had their shares , but no man had his owne . They brag'd , and told each other how they sped , How some did take the prize , while others fled . The Tutor first begins : I have to night Mett with a booty ; as I tooke my flight . I was discover'd I began to try . Stop , stop the Theife ; to catch him who but I ? I gave my prey unto another man ; I was discharg'd : But finde him if you can . I have a Dog , that can convey a purse Vnto my fellowes , what am I the worse ? If hee be tooke , I 'm gone , that did the deed . If hee be hang'd I 've others of the breed , I raise a tumult as I walke abroad , To help my Friends . I 'm partner with a Bawd . Ther 's not a tearme , but I doe understand Where Gamesters lye ; with some new slite of hand I get their gold , new plotts I doe devise , To gull the world I baite'em fresh with lies . To cast a Coular'd chaine , a ring of brasse , An empty purse , or Braceletts made with glasse , To catch a Country-man ; or draw him in To pick his purse , perswade him we are kin : To name his Neighbours , or to give a slip Before to make him fall , while others 〈◊〉 His purse away , to cut a Cloak-bagg downe , These trickes are stale ; and common in the towne . I borrow money , other men are bound , I give my name in wrong : nor am I found When 't is to bee repai'd : and those agen Take names of worth , but they are not the men . I doe procure it , they will set me free . 'T is but to give the Scribe a treble fee . Or any Heire , not come to his estate , Yet would be brave ; paying but twice the rate I 'le bring him one shall fit him , if he will Morgage his Land : he payes me for my skill : But if the Land be forfeit , then my paines Will be rewarded with the greater gaines . He that has no invention , is not fit To use this Trade , 't was Industry and wit That made me perfect ; things both old and new May help our traffique , and uphold our crew . But new conceits I love , pray how was he That had the Carte , and then the Pillorie Prais'd and belov'd ? his witty projects made Him both gentle , and master of his Trade . Faine I would give you rules , and tell you how To cast your plotts , but I 'le say nothing now . Just , as hee stop't , another broke his minde : I Walke the City round , and where I finde . A doore left open , if it be but late , I slinke in quick , and take a peece of plate , Or any thing of worth : if any spie mee I 'se hide the prize , and sweare they doe belye me . Or els to cover and prevent all feare , I aske for such a one , or call for beere ? I tooke it for an Alehouse , if the maid Will be familliar , I am not affraid To trye agen , perhaps I 'le be her Suitor , To bring my ends about sh'ell be my Tutor . If all be closse , or if there be a hatch Where I have laid my gin , then I must watch Walke to and fro , untill I finde the slight To turne the wards ; it is a hatefull spight That they were e're devis'd , tha're alter'd still ; I am to seeke ; I strive to learne the skill Where they be sold , when I have found the way Let me alone , I 'le quickly take my prey . I change my walkes : for where I shew my face This night ; the next i 'm in another a place ; Vnlesse it be full tearme : then I doe stand To take my turne in Fleet-streete , or the strand . I were a Livery , and what I can That men may thinke I am a Serving-man ; I counterfeit a Letter , or a Bond , A Justice-warrant ; any thing will stand When I am wittnes too t , if I am found 'T is but a whip , or snip : twise turning round Will weare it out ; and for a single fee I 'le sweare a lye , as others will for mee . At any meeting , revelling , or feast I make up one , when I am neatly dreast Who will distrust me ? then I take my time To snap a bone , as perfect in the crime . I goe to Church ; if there I doe but spye A man that on the Preacher hath his eye , I 'le seeme as strict as hee ; and with a grace I 'le shake my head and looke upon his face , Till I have got his purse , or cut his cloake , Then looke on still : I care not what is spoke . Nay , more , I ride the circuit , cheat and steale Before the Judge : I see him every meale , And taste his fare : and yet I scapt ' till now : I keepe a Whoore or two , can tell you how I spend my meanes . Come , rise , let us dispatch To quitt this place : for yonder comes the Watch . I would have told you more ; but now I must Commit my skill and secrets to your trust . As doth the snake in Summer first begin To shift his hole , and then to change his skin ; So , doe those Vermine , when the light appeares Change place and skin : their necks , backs , nose , or eares Will beare the brunt on 't . they 'l be made a prey , Sweepe down the Cobwebs , th'Spiders creepe away . Those noysome flies that on the dunghills feed , And buz about , though now they are agreed To read to one an other , yet they 'l finde The meat they feed upon , will make 'm blind . They lay the Sceane above ground : but they make The Vult et exit in th'infernall Lake . They crawle together , growing still more vilde , If one repenting dies , their plots are spoil'd . Humanitie with them is out of date , All Right and Justice , till it be to late . They praise themselves for sin : what art from Hell They can but learne ( till there they come to dwell ) Shall be prefer'd , but ah ! how soone they slide Downe to their mourning shade ! who can abide To reckon up their woes ? such cheating slaves Are brought full soone to their unwelcome Graves . Who can rehearse the miserie that they Doe meet withall towards Hell ? when all the way Is full of snares and feares , which will undoe Their Mirth at best : it 's joyn'd with torments too . A serious looke , the shaking of a hand , A Dogge that barkes , or any thing will stand To let in shame upon them , all they get , Or makes them lasting Gins , or weaves a Net To keepe them for the triall : when they must Be sent from whence they came ; from thence to Dust . And as at first , when cheating they begun , They lov'd the darkest shade , and loath'd the Sun ; Now darkn esse is their portion : where Death have Tooke all their cheats to purchase them a Grave . Poore Sotts ! that were bewitch't ! you did but finde A smacke of Hell : what follow'd on behind You could not see till now . Oh let my Quill Display , not teach , nor countenance such ill ! Oh , that my Muse could shew what horrid state Hell meetes with sin and death ! Then sinners fate In mournfull measures would be ever sung By all that love the Muses ; every tongue Would move in order . But my slender quill Sutes with my Muse , compared with my skill . Vile sinners are in life and death distrest Read but this Epitaph then take your rest . The Epitaph . TWo Sharkes being dead , alive did feare no weather They pawn'd themselves or any ill they 'd doe : The Hangman put'm in a hole together : Their hopes are earth , now they are private too . Beware of 〈◊〉 , 't will raise a horrid blast . These sherking Rogues did cheat themselves at last . SECT. II. A Constable is wise and grave , He sucks the sack : and he will have His guilty neighbours scape the Lawes , The beadle , doth bewray the cause , Another Strikes where he 's abus'd His 〈◊〉 guard , his wit accus'd . His love his teares beget a feast , His 〈◊〉 preferment is exprest . I Searching went , my busines to dispatch , And on a sudden spi'd the common watch : The Constable being grave , put me in feare , He should have bin the Officer last yeare : His rule was by example , when he spoke One halfe was sacke , the other part was smoake The Taverne was his centre : he must have The other quart , and hee 's an errand knave That will not pledge him : if a hansome Whore Be guilty found , her freedome hee 'l restore : She promise to amend : but this the case She payes her fees ; he points a private place To meet about it , if the Bawd can make But Friends , or money , hee her part will take And quitt her for this once : to please her then Hee 'l winke in love , or not come there agen . The Wine converts him to a cunning spie ; None but his favorites dare looke so high As such out landish liquor , some a sleepe Are , while the vermine round about them creepe . The rest are in blind Ale-houses ; for they Have pence a peece to spend , and when the day Begins to peepe they cannot see it : why ? Tobacco's cloudy smoake doth charme the eye : And they 'l be all Gentile , before they goe : For they can prove this weede makes all men so The roaring smokers , they me thinkes doe mocke ; Let him be judge that 's in the Porters frocke . Some are bewitch't to this out-landish weede ; Nor can they leave , though that with fire doe breed A sulphrous sinoake , that representeth hell . Is 't Christian like ? the Heathens they can tell Is 't whole some in excesse ? those that did strive T' exceede , found death too soone : were they alive They 'd fright you from it , if men were not blind They would not to the Divell be so kind . Ti's not Gentile , this cause the hangman try'd ; Who tooke it but the day before he dy'd . Mistake me not ! t is lawfull to be us'd As Phisicall : but not to be abus'd . I have digrest , where 〈◊〉 the Watch so long ? I cannot find : now I may hold my tongue . Peace , yonder sits the Beadle on a Bench , His candles out ; and he ha's got a Wench , With whom hee 's to familliar , that 's the cause He frees such Imps contrary to the lawes . Hee 'l over looke their Cells if you complaine , ( What would you have him cruell ) ti's in vaine , Hee 'l plead their custome : urge me not ; must I Doe what my Predecessors did deny ? And for the Constable , hee 's much in feare : For those that went before him , yeare by yeare Did passe such things , perhaps they got a fee They be our neighbours , and we must agree . We must be mercifull what er'e we doe That 's harsh to'ards them , we should repent o' nt too Ah , no redresse ! I must goe search agen , Some honesty may dwell among such men . Well now I am in hope : for heer 's a man Reputed just : accuse him if you can . Make roome for Master Constable : for he Hath purchas'd wisdome by authoritie His Staffe is neatly painted ; he will frowne : Keep off ; or els poynt black hee 'l knock you downe . Hee 'l use his power freely in his fit What ere you thinke , pray question not his wit . He naturally knowes his charge , in 's place , And he can judge before he heares a case . His confidence is strong , his fancy weake ; His eyes are dimme ; yet he can see to speake : When once his toungue is dipt in Spanish oyle It runnes all byas , though his heeles doe faile . Submit your selves ; for he 's a man of might : He is no spirit though he walkes by night , He 's Justice in the Letter , Friend , or foe ; If you offend him , to the Goyle you goe . His Guard attends upon him , weapon'd men , Affront'em not , for feare they turne agen : But there 's no danger with an angry word Th'ir laid , at least wise if they see a sword . Mistrust him not , to differ place , or time : He being prov'd not guilty of the crime , He 'l make you smoake ; one fearing he had wit , Was shrewdly shent , the Officer was quit , From such a slander , th' others fain to make Confession of his fault : he 'l warning take By this mischance ; and promising to men Ner'e to be jealous of his wit agen . The Magistrate being pleas'd , doth at his charge Make him a feast , and now he will enlarge His words beyond all measure : nor can I Attend upon him till his eyes be dry . Oh tender heart ! how sudden is thy change The Juglers slights are common , thine are strange . Nature for changes , forced now must be To worke by night , and take her aime from thee : If full mouth'd winter thus can charme thy yeares The gentle spring will 〈◊〉 thee into teares He that to buy a jest , can spend his store , I 'de have him still collected for the poore . When honesty and wit are in a fright , Who shall we find to overlooke the night ? One is a foole in grosse : the other dreames His retaile 's just : yet both are in extreames . A foolish pitty makes a hellhound worse , And justice out of joynt , will spurne and curse All reason out of use , who can but see 'T is hot and cold beyond the ninth degree ? Video et doceo , perhaps I may Find better orders , when I search by day . SECT. 12. A Doctor kept a 〈◊〉 Jade His Will , being dead , shee 'l 〈◊〉 his Trade , With his Receipts what she can cure , The Will is prov'd , she must endure To take the shame , and leave the rest Her husbands sorrow is exprest : Of her Reply , shee 'l print a Bill , To blaze her Art , and hide her ill . I Went forth right and saw within my Round A great Phisitian ; but he was not sound . His wife was old , his promis'd love was dead : He shun'd her company and loath'd her bed . Although his love was dead , yet he did strive With all his Art , to keep his Lust alive . A young one he must have and she must be A married wife , that their Adultery Might be compleat , he 'd keep her in despite Of all Gain-sayers : through the Divells right He claymes her for his owne , her husband may Bewaile his wrong ; but can not find away To right himselfe , for they have both agreed To stand for Hell and Death : his heart doth bleed But they rejoyce in glist'ring all their sinns , To make exchange . Now Infamy begins To blaze their shame abroad : yet they do sleight The breath of men ; they will not break delight . But the Phisitian ( though his Trull was by ) Did fall downe sicke , so sick that he must dye . Now farewell all delights : Thou must endure The Launce of Death , thy art can finde no cure . But he had time to mourne before he dy'd ; Yet , in that time , his Doxie from his side Would never part : his wife and Children may See him for once ; but there they must not stay . He makes his Will , and gives unto his Whoore Halfe his Estate ; his cast off wife's left poore , With all his off-spring : Mourning she must have T' attend his Corps unto his silent Grave , Wherein he 's layd ; and there he must abide Past cure , untill his second Act be tri'd . His Epitaph . THis peece of art that lye beneath these stones , Maintain'd a 〈◊〉 , untill his flesh was dri'd With death she 〈◊〉 the marrow from his bone : He broke his marriage vow before he dy'd . He liv'd a 〈◊〉 ; but now he must Like paracelsus only deale in dust . THis halfe excextrix hath gain'd great skill she 'l practice Physicke , to remove what ill Is gender'd in the bladder : ( she 'l endure , ) But Morbus Gallicus she cannot cure . She cures the stone exactly , with your paines , To helpe you to the running of the reines . All fleshly humors with her art she 'l nurse ; And last of all , she 'l ease you of your purse . She 'l car ' her medicene home : with all of which She 'l help her Husbands head , and make him rich . And when the will is prov'd , she will begin To temper druggs , to counter vaile her sin . She 'l have her share : these goods were hers before And those she had for playing of the Whore : Some petty things she beg'd : whose are the rest The will declares : he swore he lov'd me best . I was his darling , should not he bestow His goods in love , where he most love did owe ? But when she was examin'd by what right She claim d her Legacy , she did indite Her selfe for her offences : she was faine To beare away the shame , and leave the gaine . The reason 's found of his distempered mind , The Letcher was bewitch't lust made him blind No share but in the sin , that she can have Now shee 's gone weeping home if she can crave . Pardon for this offence , she will not misse To act another sin as bad as this . But when her Husband spy'd her , he began To ' vent his grief : Alas ! is any man In my condition ? Thou , hast broke thy vow Together with my heart . Ther 's nothing now For me but shame and sorrow , till that day When gentle Death shall wrap my corps in clay . Keep at a distance from me : For with fear My heart will bleed afresh if thou comest near . The Adulterer and his gold did ravish thee From thy dear Love ; whose death hath set thee free . Then she reply'd : In vain your tears are spent . Did you but know the scope of my intent , You would not grieve : 't was not for want of love That I did leave you : 't was his art did move Me to embrace his love : I have a way That when you know , you cannot chuse but say My time was well employ'd : He and his Books Have taught me skill , to know men by their looks And what disease they have ; and can apply To every one a present remedy . And I can keep them underhand for gain , And make them give me gold to ease their pain . To bring in Customers I 'l print a Bill : I do not mean to barrel up my skill . If you do thrive , by whatso'ere I do , You may forgive my fault and thank me too . Blush all you Birds of night I was 't ever heard Among the Fowls , that fouler things appear'd ? How are thy sins made snares ? the World denies Thy breath free passage : the Heavens twinkling eyes Look through the vaile of night : all things that be ( Made loving friends ) are enemies to thee . Do'st mock thy Maker , that thou sell'st the Truth To change thy Lover that should guide thy youth ? When need did drive thee home , thou in thy sin Didst wrap thy self ( by pleading ) further in . And he that kept thee with his foul endeaver ( Cast off his mate , which none but death should sever ) Will find the Serpents egs which sin hath hatcht Among the brood ; he 'l then be overmatch't . After your pleasures , you may feel the smart , Always together where you cannot part . SECT. XIII . Two Spawns from Earth , want sturres their crimes ; A Damsel stole with borrowed rimes : Her usage , he prefers a pink , A bed at bord : being like to sink She makes her moan ; what was reply'd By both ; all favour was 〈◊〉 . She 's sent away , they grow more ruds , To vex her more they do conclude . WHen I perceiv'd the cloudy seales of night Compose themselves against the glim'ring light , ( Those that did plot to'ards Hell , did make no stay , For all't was dark , they could not lose their way ) With artificial light I did descry A scum boil'd out of Earth : when he came nigh His breath gave warning : but it was not good H'was seen , felt , heard , yet was not understood . The kennel spew'd him up ; but you may rake For such another , till your hearts do ake , And lose your labour . Being drunk he reels ; And if his guts were hang'd about his heels He would not vex me . Stay ; here comes his whore With open mouth ; but ah I she cannot roare , Because his cash is gone . He wants a wife : If you know any weary of her life , Pray wish her to him : money he must have To keep his Quean : then let the hungry grave Open his jaws upon her ; what cares he ? This Trull will serve for his necessitie . Well , they must part a while , till he hath got One to releeve his need ; and then the lot Will fall to her again . If he can get Some begging Poet , he will die in 's debt If he will write him verses : but he must Keep it all private , not betray his trust ; They must be call'd his own . His Love they 'l break , Though he be drunk or mad and cannot speak . He ha's betray'd a Girle , with much ado , That 's honest , hansome , with a portion too : To a poor home she 's brought . Within a while He brings one to compet with her , as vile As Hell and sin can make her ; she will be Mistris of all . Did you but hear and see The passages , you could not chuse but grieve For her , whose case , death onely may relieve . To trick his Jade up fine , he spends her store . One night he lies with her , three with his Whore . She has her chamber furnish't , and her meat O' th best cut first ; the Woman 's fain to eat What scraps the Punk doth leave . Oh! most unkinde ! Then to her Husband thus she broke her minde : How have I bought my sorrow ! This is bad ! You drew me in to marry what I had . You keep a common Strumpet : How can I Behold her but with grief ! You set me by As out of date . Intreaties cannot move You from your ruine , to embrace my love . Death , do thy office : for I cannot have A fitter chamber then a quiet grave . With that the Tib o'r-heard her , and began ( First to the Woman , then unto the Man ) To break her spleen : am I the mark , which thou Dost shoot thy spite against ? Thou knowst not how To help thy self : but thou shalt finde e're long I 'l be reveng'd , and make thee hold thy tongue . I 'l have the rule of all : and make thee know He 's mine above stairs , though he 's thine below . We two are old acquaintance : and will be Kinde and familiar in despite of thee . He 's ty'd to me in love ; why should not I Please him at bed and board ? Wilt thou deny Our love free course ? Be silent ; or I shall Trouble his goods , and make him sell 'em all . He 's mine by promise : Shall I be controll'd ? H'had ne'er took thee , save onely for thy gold . What sayes my Chuck ? Speak ; Didst not thou begin To draw me with conditions unto sin ? Now I am thine for ever . Let not me Be grumbled at by such a one as she . Let not her howling move thee : let her frown , Another time , I 'l pawn her Tammy-gown . Then if she 'l not be warn'd , this I will do , Sell her best petti-coat ; and then we two Will make a merry-day , while her fond breath Shall wast away with crying after death . He having matter lay about his chest , Which slep't quite through his maw , along his brest Into his wind-pipe : When 't had bluster'd long It shoke his jaws , and seaz'd upon his tongue , Which made him speak : I am not mov'd to cast A way my sweet ; my love is ty'd too fast To be remov'd with breath : Though thou art pain'd Through fruitlesse humors , and the Law 's have gain'd A part of what I had ; I will not leave Her company , till time doth me bereave Of sense and motion . If thou still wilt nurse Such jealous fancies , thou wilt make me worse , Be rul'd by her , and do not me mistake ; Thou speedst and far'st the better for her sake . Do' it think for dyet I would be so free , Spend thus at home , but for her companie ? Then turning to his hag , he thus did say : I am no turn-coat : I 've devis'd a way To fit her in her kinde : I 'l send her down I' th' Countrey to her friends : although they frown , What matter is 't ? expences will be large , There let her leave her load : 't will ease my charge . And when she 's gone , we 'l fell the houshold stuffe To spend the coyne ; we 'l have delight enough . When she sees this , and hears what mirth we had , Being wilde before , these things will make her mad . Poor soul ! th'art bought and sold ! but do not fear , Thy Hell is all on Earth , their Heaven 's here . Thy sufferings will be short . Repent and pray ; Thy next will be a sweeter marriage-day . Ye cursed blind-worms ! if ye had your due Hell should be hotter made , and brought to you . Yo 've wrong'd a harmle's soul . Your sins will be Chang'd into plagues and then you 'l disagree . Thou Incubus how cans't escape the curse That 's laid below ? and Succuba is worse . Your hateful brood being passent in their ill , Keeps off the Muses from my humble Quill . SECT. XIV . The Vsurer and Broker stept Into a hole ; how dry'd : Whore kept The rueful Court . A Witch descry'd : A devilish Lawyer in his pride . The speechles bell . A trap , two stroyes : A Beggar doth adopt two Boyes . The vaporing Rogues , new Traitors found : The Guards neglected in the Round . A Welchmans guilt much sorrow brings : Though he complains , his Cozen sings . SO many changes in a night ! before The meadows were like ●allet ●ugger'd ore , Now change their party colours : and the Ice E'rewhile was proof of steel ; yet in a trice Fals in consumption : as it doth decay Ingenders treach'rous pits , which do betray My ' nocent Babes . The Broker doth begin To try the depth ; the Usurer steps in To free his Debtor . To be dry'd they went To White-crosse-street . The Usurer had lent The Broker many a pound ; and he ( no doubt ) Had lent upon good pawns the money out . This house had pawn'd him divers pretious things . Silk Peticoats , and Gowns , with Diamond rings , Hats , scarffs , and dressings , handkechers of lawn : Their smocks in time of trouble went to pawn , To line themselves within . When trading fails , Poor tyers Hackneys cannot pawn their — The Usurer is fearful ( not of sin ) Since Story broke , he 'l call his money in : Yet , having seen the pawns , without abuse , He 'l have gratuity besides the use : For feelings now and then , he 'l be content To take 'em here ; forbear the money lent , So he be shot-free . Trading will increase , Seing cut-throat huxters sue to make their peace . With that I met a man that rung a bell , Who thought the Marshall-Court was kept in Hell : Chief Officers were sunk ; the Marshals brains Could find no grave : the Steward left his gains . The Cryer and the Jaylor , with the rest , Which to recrute their Den were judg'd the best , By Devils are preferr'd . How they agree , You 'l hear more on 't ; for Web is gone to see . A Lawyer known , that died , of Lincolns-Inne Appear'd in sight , as living he had bin ; Who spit out haile-shot : which did fall so fast , That made us run . A seeming beauty past , And kept her distance : as we trac'd the ground , His bell grew speechlesse : having lost the sound , So , Damb yet still remains . And in a fray A Witch , Cat-like , did carr ' his Dog a way . Then one that had been carted for a bawd , Complain'd she was betray'd : yet did applaud The plot of those that bargain'd for a Whore , And made her panderesse to keep the door , Till Tostes came , from one whom she did sue , Who call'd her so ; but could not prove it true , Till sin conceiv'd again ; which with consent Made proclamation for her punishment . A man compleat in habit , dogg'd a Whore , Asham'd to arm her : but he mark't the door Where ( fetching of a compas ) she went in : He follow'd after ; not asham'd of sin , So it be private . Sorrow meets with shame , To seize his person first , and then his name . With that I heard three voices sing with grace , The Mean , the Treble , and the Beggers Base : Two of them vapouring Citizens , both known , Adopted by the Begger for his own . He 'l bring them up , that they may grow more vile ; Let them but sin , and he will beg the while To bear 'em out in 't . Then this Grandy sings , A publike Maunder ; deals with private things . Still moving on , I heard a hideons brawl ; Their chief Commander had been a Corporal , But now cashierd : they swore and did protest They 're Majors all ; a Captain was the least : And so they passe , they live by theft ; and rore , With sack-split-oaths : Each Vassal keeps his Whore . Horn was as great , though he in New-gatetry'd The Virginals , till he at Tyburn dy'd . But in a Fog , I heard a twisted breath , As though that sin and Hell had brawl'd with death For 's 〈◊〉 : but near the Dammee crue I durst not venter ( as I lay perdue ) Being twice in such ( so like the Devils ) hands , I bought distrust ; I do not like such bands . Methought I heard these words ; We have compounded for the bloud we spilt , Which ran as Round-heads ; purg'd away the guilt By a confiding Oath . And now we may Without distrust , walk weapon'd night and day , To find out Royalists , about the Town , Upon Commission , pull the prisons down , To make a gallant party . If we please To raise a stock , we 'l plunder , rob , and seize On any thing . Our projects being hid , Will better thrive then ever Waller's did With Roiler's wit . Our fortunes all are crost ; Let 's swear each other : 't is but labour lost . We 're all made men , if this invention thrives : Or at the worst we can but lose our lives . We are despis'd . We may ( our Father tels ) Break faith with Hereticks and infidels . What sores may break when knaves are discontented ? It 's best to doubt , to have the worst prevented . Their water 's low ; they double in like shrimps : As witches are forsaken by their Imps. When Justice meets them ; so , these twice sold slaves Are left by wrath , to vengeance-purchast graves . Then to the line I went , to walk the round ; Where fast asleep a Centinel I found : I check'd him thus ; Thou art cipher'd Ginne , To let knaves out with ease , and villains in . The guards were carelesse , with their matches out ; Some drunk , some absent , others marcht about In grumbling postures : wheels , when wanting liquer , Do move as free , and turn about much quicker . They take a charge , but not discharge the thing ; An old acquittance goes for Manwaring ; A cancell'd bill , they passe in Reading's name They read their ignorance , and passe their shame , When folly 's in the front . They love to look As did the tripe wife in her guilded book , Who could not read a word . But this they say , They do their duties as they have their pay . Their wages small ; yet this their hardest lot , That sometimes they are paid , and sometimes not . The Master Gunners run so far in debt , Their credits die . The poor Matrosses get Their poverty renewed . Ah! then thought I , The Stewards are unjust . Truth must not die . At my return , I found within the Citie A Welshman thus complaining : Was cret peete Her shod pee ' pus'd ! Py taffee wass not cood , Her leck py Cownt-men , put in shink ap wood . Her Shentilman ap Wales , was take creat scorn , Her peticree was ' print , ' fore Prute was porn . Was take it feree pad , ap all her Nation : Was porn a Pritan ap te told translason . Her was ap Morgan , shinkin , 〈◊〉 shile , Was trug cret Muntaine ore , ' pove fife-score mile ; Was see her cusse , trink two pot cud ale ; Pe merree , kish her cosh : was tell a tale . Was learn cod Englis ; her put take her turn : Shon was put ich pefore : put now her purn Was loosse her silfar . Was her cussen true ? Was say , her was ap leiws , ap shones , ap hue ; Put her was lye . Was naty pag , pe pold ; Was make her purn pelow , her , pove was cold , Was let her co ? py shon ap Morcans solc , Was no cod fashion put her shink in hole . This brazen morter-peece , within the cage , Enough to fire a Town , bites in her rage ; Yet she could gnaw the grates . At what he said Is no whit mov'd ; but laugh'd : being not afraid Of whip , nor halter . When sh'ad chav'd her tongue , Her humors dropt upon 't . She sings a song . A SONG . 1. Though lovers be in prison cast Or cag'd like birds , our pleasures last , To dresse delights , a pleasing Theme : Which fool : ne'er know but in a dream . Fala , falare , fala falee ; Tandan , tandare , tandan tandec . 2. What though we chatter in the cold ? One night cut peece meal , brings in gold To charm the lock ; then we will flee Beyond the Welshmans Pedigree . Fala , &c. 3. If windbound troubles , grievings move , We 'l drown'em in a draught of love : And Candie ev'ry lovers kisse , To purchase magazins of blisse . Fala &c. 4. The prick-song warblers of the Spring , Our pleasing strains in Winter sing : While dull breath'd fancies whine and play Sad Lachrymae and Weladay . Fala &c. 5. Let gold-worms morgage ease and mirth , To rob the bowels of the Earth : Their Spawns will sacrifice , and cast Those drugs to Venus at the last . Fala &c. 6. Conserving joyes , we feel and see , As Schedules of a Jubilee ; Make Stoicks Dumb , our Courtlike playes , With silken credit guilt our joyes . Fala &c. 7. Imp't , lured by the noble race : Let Clowns that play at prison base Be mockt from pleasures : sence will find Though Cupid be , we are not blind . Fala &c. 8 Fair day-light courts , as black hair'd night , Our private hand-maid to delight . Though we are tax'd , our love is free : And that 's the Subjects libertie . Fala &c. The drowsie Lethargie ! which makes men 〈◊〉 , Yet , Juggles laughter out , before they dye . Sinners have running gouts ; though they rejoice , Their tone is like the hateful scritch-owls voice , Presaging death . Their language doth foretell The doleful sounding of the passing bell Rings pleasure to the grave . Their ill-got gain , Like Traitors bribing death , whose menstroas staine Age cannot eat away . Their conscience sits , As Judge and Jury : while their dear-length wits Are charg'd with 〈◊〉 . All their sences chain'd ; As theeves before a 〈◊〉 are arrain'd By one another : those that there are caft , Receive their doom , before the've sentence past . As 〈◊〉 in half-starv'd Garrisons , are beat , To drown complaints , when children cry for meat . Their lusts raise tumults , reason to controul : Or parling cheat the hunger-starved soul With fond relief . As slaves their freedom sell To tug with 〈◊〉 oars themselves to Hell . And as they row , they spie upon the way Their sins by day-light , march in battel-ray . Where wrath 's in commons , they arrive at night . Black vengeance , feed , sequesters saucy light . SECT. XV . A Taylors shred pluck't out of Hell Is trim'd , a Monkey loves her well . She 's free to all ; the Monkey frets ; Her open shop : whom in she lets Are lost . But one whose nose is sunk Gets much in favour with this punk . Conceit of want doth make her swound ; The gold all gone , they change their ground . O , This a busie night ! who , who comes here ? A shred pluck't out of Hell ! Can shreds appear In shape so like a woman , charming men ? Yes , and bewitch them too , till Hell agen Doth close upon her . Now 't is open , hush : How came her Carcase to be wrap't in plush ? She chop 't for broken peeces , ( being free ) The serving-man gave no such Liverie . Perhaps the flower that fore-runs the Spring , For quick commodities might change the thing . 'T was Mistris Maudlins gown : when she was fry'd For Morbus Gallicus , she did divide Her clothes about in parcels : this was cast On her at 〈◊〉 ' Baudy-house where she dwelt last . A Monkey bred beyond Sea , full of lust , Found out this Apish shred : alas ! he must Needs couple with her : married they must be : The forrein Beast is ty'd to miserie : For when he had fulfill'd his foul desire , The home-born'd Ape grew common : and her fire Sparkles into a flame : Who will , may have This Hell , his Bier , to carr ' him to his grave . Her fulnesse made her worse . She bends her will To taste and rellish every thing that 's ill . When he perceiv'd his fate , thus he began To breath his meaning somewhat like a man . What have I done ? How fatal was my birth ! I 've travell'd far to seek a Hell on Earth : Which I have found too soon . But ah ! 't is fit That punishment with grief should teach me wit . Did I redeem thee from a house of sin To make thee honest ? and dost thou begin To treble up thy shame ? Thou wantst for nought . I sold my self too cheap : but I have bought My crosse too dear . Hell is not eas'ly drawn ( Unlesse a man will lay his hopes to pawn ) To promise pleasure . I am laid at stake For shameand sorrow . How my heart doth ake ! She hearing this , reply'd : Pray blame not me : It was your fault to seek for misery . I did not think but that you would consent That I might pleasure friends : you have content : You have your times ; the choice of all my store . What harm is 't then if I can pleasure more ? You know what house I liv'd in : Did you think To have me free from sin ? Did you but wink We might agree : If you 'ld have had me cleer , You 'd not have come to such a house ; for there We' are season'd 〈◊〉 . I cannot leave it now : I 'l venture all I have , if you 'l allow That I might have return , from French , and Dutch , With English too , that you may do as much . That will be quid for 〈◊〉 : thou knowst my mind : Come , little Monkey , every Beast in 's kind . With that he steer'd away , and fear'd no weather ; But with more shame then ever he came hither . Now , come , my Customers ; for I 'l be free Of what I have . I 'm set at libertie . She 's such an active Whore , to all that come , As if sh'had learn'd it in her mothers wombe . She wears out one ; another , he is lost ; A third's consum'd ; she jeers him for his cost . Then meeting with a shifter , who of late Maintain'd a nastie Whore , till his estate Was sunk much like his nose : and she had bin Under the lash to suffer for her sin , Indicted , and arraign'd ; and then she fell To tune aloud the fourth part of Hell . He being flig'd again , he chatters out Like to a rook in Spring : and flies about To find a place to build in ; where he brings His new-found Whore , whose taile is full of stings . But there the nest is made , till he had spent His present stock , besides what to him lent . And now this Ape 's grown sullen ; she 's not well : What , nor a place , nor lands , nor goods to sell ? I want a petti-coat , a bagge , a jewel , Another thing or two . Such beasts are cruel . He pitty'd her , and answer'd with a smile , Thou shalt have those ; but thou must stay a while : I 've such a thing to sell : I know not how To sell 't but with great losse , as times go now . He going forth , she drops down to the ground ; Dissemblingly she fals into a swound : And being taken up , she hangs her head ; Hold's in her breath , as if she had been dead : Closing her eyes , and slobbering out her tongue : 'T had been some hope on 't , had she been so long . Her neck like Tyburns blossoms had been , if It had been long enough , or half so stiffe . But her's was plyable , to turn about , Forward , or backward ; all might find it out That 't was but fained . She was throughly vex't 'T was done no neater : but she 'l mend the next . He hearing of her fall , came in again ; And when she was reviv'd , she did complain : Ah , ah ! unkindnesse ! Ah! 't will break my heart ! Alas , I love too much ! the more 's my smart . Unkindnesse kills me . Oh! my heart is broke ! She drop't down tears like charms . Then thus he spoke : What , should I be undone ? woulds't have me strive ( To humour thee ) to dig my grave alive ? Thou hast bewitch't me . What he spoke was true . The Jade had her desire . Sh'was trim'd anew . Within a little time . The Land was sold : They laid it on a while , until the gold Was sent from whence it came : then with a jest She cast him off , as she had done the rest . She 's taken up and coatch't unto the bath : But still she 's follow'd with a cloud of wrath . How she did truck in common , with what men ; Perhaps I 'l tell you , when she comes agen . SECT. XVI . One vampt with plush , lives not in awe ; Is found a Letcher at the Law . A married man ; four Queans he 'l have : One very young , one tall , and brave ; The third for wit : the fourth she must Be full of stuffe to slake his lust ; They live apart , for each his wife : One with his worship fals to strife . WHen in my search Queen Phoebe cast a blush , I turn'd aside and saw a thing in plush , As black as Hell : his lust was in the prime : He had a Gown ( too long ) did hide his crime . His wit was put to Nurse ; his face was blew , And all his upper parts were vamp't anew . His garbidge kept him moist , because his 〈◊〉 Was lately bottom'd . Till his purse doth faile He 'l wear a Ruffe , a full-crown'd Beaver-hat : Loves he the Law or no ? guesse you by that . He 'l give you words , as good as gold can make ; Give him his way , advice he will not take . He 's wise enough for Hell , pray let him stand : His practise of delight lies underhand . He 's often distant from his native place ; I 'l shew the Cels he hants , then judge the case . His wife and children in the Countrey bee ; They hardly will beleeve ( nor can they see ) What Hell doth daily venture on his side ; Nor how he bought a Whore ; sweet Mistris Bride She must be call'd : He doth consume his ' state To keep her to himself at any rate . She 's young and fresh , her hair brown , like a berry , And full of mirth to make his worship merry . A second he must have , that 's full of wit ; She gives him great content : for that is it That he stands most in need of . She is thin , Small , low , and active , with a milk-white skin . The third that he doth chuse is very tall ; Well joyn'd , upright , her fingers long and small , With yellow hair , her eyes being full and gray , With cherry cheeks : This modest Quean will stay Her turn and never grumble . But the next , If he but break his day , she 's shrewdly vext . She 's very fleshly minded ; full of stuffe , With greasie brawny limbs , and tongue enough To raile him to her self : as free from fear As honesty : but not from — stand clear . He visits them with papers in his hand , As though he came to state them in his land . He spends his time , his substance , and his life : And every one of these goes for his Wife . He takes a part , for every one a Room , Maintains them at his cost , and he 's the Groom To each of them by turns . When he would have A laughing bout , the pleasant Wench he 'l crave . When he would hear new fancies , then he 'l dwell With her that with her shame ha's wit to sell . When he to sin with silence has desire , The tallest bashfulr'st Whore must quench his fire : But at Spring-tides , his lusts swell high : then she That 's full ofstuffe shall have his companie . Although a part their seiz'd , they do forecast With joint consent to help him to his last . One of his Tibs , full of the lustfull itch , Did kick and bite ; I need not tell you which . He staid a way too long ; nor could she have What she desir'd : Though silence he did crave It could not be obtain'd . They fell to strife Till 't was perceiv'd they were not man and wife . The' are hist a way from thence : But then her mother Does prove their baud , the whisking is their brother . But tell him if you durst : What Law affords , Or violence , to make you eat your words , Shall not be wanting . But the common fame Is mounted up to blaze their sin and shame . The several Nests are found : now he must be Purg'd by the Law . But ah ! the miserie Is not bewail'd : No means can give redresse T' a man that 's morgag'd to his wickednesse . He keeps his truce with Hell . He doth bereave Himself of hopes : till Devils give him leave He cannot change his course : or till grim death , Age , want , or sicknesse doth attach his breath . Had he so many souls , as many lives , As he hath Whores , for his supposed Wives , He 'd venture all : but is not one too much To lie at hazard for a World of such ? Thou common vassal ! what dost mean to do ? Thy various sins , breed several Torments too . Thou canst not live here ever : thou must have To end delights , a prison and a grave . Y 'ave change of rooms for death , being dead alive : One room in Hell may eas'ly hold all five . Though sin remains there still , there 's no delight : Souls dwell with horrour and eternal night . But where 's the scurf of age , that is so vilde To turn a Baud ? and offer Hell her childe Upon such easie terms ? I would not ask , But that she has performed such a Task , That Hell seems innocent . What did she hatch A brat for living shame ? then make the match ? Her sense , her nature she doth now controul , To give the body life , to damn the soul . Her shame is dy'd in grain : why write I thus ? She 's fit for nothing but an Incubus . There is a Pander too ; I 'd call him in , But that he is so overgrown with sin ; Being made an Officer , his humours swell ; He 'l curse and swear the devils out of hell . His counsel cost him nought : his sisters man ; Call him but so , he 'l swear but by her fan . I cannot talk with him , he doth so stink ; Being parboil'd twice , and overcharg'd with drink . I 'll leave you altogether , till my Pen Be sharper set , and then I 'll write agen . If I should shew her wit , how she will vaper , 'T would steal a way my time , besides a sheet of paper . Her outside now , shall satisfie my rime ; I 'll blaze her inside at another time . Look where she is , and view her in the light : Now I 'll be silent , left I shame her quite . SECT. XVII . A young mans 〈◊〉 , furies rise , His mothers ghost , her words , his eyes Disclose his grief : Into the fire They thrust his soule , the sinners 〈◊〉 : His soul returns , his mothers train , And whiter Devils come again : Some pull , some call , he sound his tongue ; He was releas'd , but 't was not long . A Devil grave , fain'd love exprest , More wantonsome then all the rest . Plaid , sung , and dane'd ; while he did pray The evil spirits flunck away . WHen through contempt and wilfulnesse to sin Man forfeited the day , he did begin To side with darknesse : and to Hell he 'd creep , Unheard , unseen , when Conscience was asleep . She leaves the charge to Cerb'rus ; made no stay , But sends out strength to meet him in the way . Who marching on , desired sinful leasure ; Because the way was sweet , and full of pleasure . But lusting mischief ever comes too soon , Unlook't for , in the morning ; if at noon , 'T is conceal'd to the minde ; or if at night , 'T is most unthought of . He should take delight To reckon well spent-time . But as he stands Expecting rest , as purchas'd by his hands , Death strains his senses . Ah! he must submit To Deaths pale Tenant ; where the hungry pit Will keep him Prisoner . But I must indite A Scean of dolour . Hell 's broke loose to night . He that neglects his Watch , will find too late Terrors and feinds , assuming pomp and state , With Furies waiting on them . Passing by A hollow Cave , I heard a hideous cry : Come , le ts divide the spoile ; his bones are thine : Betwixt you part his flesh , his soul is mine . A masculine being past the third degree , And into manhood enter'd now is hee , Yet never liv'd , unlesse it were to sin ; Being frighted from himself , he 'l now begin To change his course . If this black storme were past Which Hell hath rais'd ; to Heaven now at last , He 'd consecrate himself . The night , being dark , It cannot hide his grief : Hell light 's a spark To blaze his crime in colours . First , there came His mothers Ghost , to gender fear and shame Within his breast : and threatning him , she said ; Ah! thou art lost 〈◊〉 how often have I stay'd Thee from thy ruine ? Worse , and worse thou art ; I was thy mother once : e're we did part I begg'd thy change with tears : but I was crost In my desire . Turn , turn , or thou art lost . And many other spirits with consent , Did becken from above ; then out they went : But fear came in the more ; for there he saw A troop of deadly 〈◊〉 , who strove to draw ( As they were gaping on the fiery brim ) Him to the furious lake , or that to him . ( But , Species sine visu ) he believ'd His torment was begun ; and still he griev'd ; Which made his wound more wide : his loathed bed Helps not his quaking limbs : his heavie head Hardens the gentle feathers : and his tears Did onely shew , not mitigate his fears . Then came the feinds , and snatcht his soul away , Making a triumph : soon they cast their prey ( As he conceiv'd ) into a Vault of fire ; Thrust it with forks . This is the Sinners hire . Then to the Bed , a Fury brings a Bier , To lay his corps upon : and now his fear Hath made him speechlesse : but his sense remains , To fold up sorrow . Who can judge what pains Hell gives in earnest ! But the hardned sinner Knows what hell is : for he was the beginner Of Discord in the World ; and he shall have A bed of sorrow , lower then the grave . I must not stray too much : my feeble Pen Must give account ( his soul being come agen ) Of what the issue was . In this distresse He water'd his pale-earth . Groans did expresse The horrour of his minde : he spi'd again His mother all in white ; with her a train Of Saint-like figures , pointing down to'ards hell ; Then heaven-ward : he mus'd , but could not tell What speech they us'd . Of gleams they had a shroud : With verba sine voce , in a cloud , They vanish'd all away . But there remain'd The horrid Vision , which from hell was strain'd With strange deformities . A Fury call'd Upon him strangely : other would have hall'd Him from his wat'ry couch : Fear made him strong , And home-born danger help him to his tongue . Thus he in anguish said : Ye Feinds of darknesse ! what have you to do With me that am redeem'd ? you shall not woo My soul with your enchantments , to embrace The motions drawn in hell . Although my case Is much to be lamented , I am free For mercy , as the rest of sinners be . This Book ( the Book of God ) may end the strife ; My name is written in the Book of Life . Nor shall your 〈◊〉 remove me : I am set To keep possession here : and all my debt Is paid by him that gave himself to death , That I might live . From him I draw my breath . Depart , ye damned spirits : I have cast My self for sin . I 've griev'd for what is past . Thus said , they quit the room . With that he rais'd His feeble 〈◊〉 ; and in his heart he prais'd Him that had bought his Freedom . But he spi'd As he went down , once more , his mother ti'd ( But not from motion ) in her winding sheet , He thought to gain his freedom in the street , But could not find the key within the door : Being frighted worser , then he was before , With lamentable voice he did begin To call for help ; and then the key was in , By which he was discharg'd . And now he will Take notice of his wayes to shun the ill . Now , like a Hart freed from the hungry hounds , Which woon his life by swiftnesse , keeps his bounds Among the horned heard : he never goes At random by himself , for fear his foes Should sent him , bring him to the bloody knife ; To dine with Corn he will not pawn his life . So , he escap't from Hell-hounds , cannot be Contented by himself : good companie Is that which he desires : what was amisse He 'l mend , as knowing 't was the cause of this . Alas , I have not done ! You must excuse My wandring Genius : for my bashful Muse Did never see a Ghost . Pray tell me how Her Songs may rise to that 〈◊〉 sung while now . His spirits being setled , home he came , And brought a Friend ; beleeving fear and shame Were banish't from the Earth : but when his head Was laid upon the Pillow , then the Bed Seem'd overcharged with the sinful weight : The walking Devils laid another baite To snare his soul . A Messenger from Hell ( In his appearance grave ) began to tell What favours he would do him : he should find His words all true , if he would frame his mind To keep him company . Then he begins To reckon up in order all his sins . And seal'd them to the curse : Still when he spoke Hell gave a vent , from whence there came a smoke . His courage like to armour made of steel , Turn'd back th'assault . What horrour he did feel Was secret to himself . He would not make His Bed-fellow afraid ; yet he doth take Th'advantage to reply : And thus he said ; Thy message is from Hell ; I 'm not dismaid : I 'l have no aid from thee . Do , do thy worst , I will not lose my hope : 'cause thou art curst , Thou'l 〈◊〉 make me so . My sinful soul was bought From Hell with stripes : I by the Truth am taught To wait for grace ; beleeve , repent , and pray ; Man by despairing gives himself away . Thy plots are vain . Thou cursed Fiend , be gone : I am a child of promise , thou art none . Thou go'st but under bail : Thou 'lt shortly be Imprison'd to eternal miserie . When he had done his speech , he did perceive Th'Embassadour of Hell had took his leave . But e're sweet Slumber had his eyes possest Or bridled up his thoughts , to silent rest , Hell sounds again : but with a smoother Theame ; ( She thought to take him swimming down the streame . ) Of Heroes , Nymphs , and Fairies , in came store ( Not shap't like Fiends and Furies , as before ) With wanton postures , and with whorish tire , Unsav'ry speeches , stirring foul desire In all their gestures . Some with lustful singing Striv'd to enchant him , while their Lutes were stringing . Then in a Consort , when their Lutes were strung , Naked about his bed they plaid and sung . Dancing with nimble measures , seeming fair , And in their motions they excell'd the air But hell's befool'd again : for now his dust Is dri'd , and cool'd with grief : and all his Lust Is to be freed from shame . Truths common so May well be fool'd , when hell is foiled so . These words he utter'd with an inward voice : You shew me what I was ( I 've chang'd my choice ) Not what I am . Away , ye haggs ! your spell Is but damnation varnisht : for in hell There 's no such musick : Trebles give no grace : Their tunes are howling discords from the Bace . My musick shall be praise ( which I intend To sing in heaven ) that shall never end . Hell has her own again , with labour lost ; And all her Factors are as often crost . They misse their ends ; their prey keeps off too long ; Or if they take it soon , it proves too strong . Nor can they well be rid on 't : for the crie Calls help from heaven ; so the takers die . Who can expresse the torment he endur'd ! The passion of his minde being somewhat cur'd , He with his Bed-fellow did quit the room ; Who was half dead with fear . They thought their Toom Had been erected there . Now out they creep , Both in a trance : as men which from the deep Half drown'd are brought to shore ; who musing then Will breathe half words ; then stop , and muse agen . But having gain'd their sense , strength gaining time , Their stomacks cleansed from the watry slime , They 'll tell you of the shipwrack , how it past ; And of the storm , how they escap'd at last : Just so these tired Partners do begin ( Partners in punishment , but not in sin ) To breathe their woes in parts : they make their moans In words , then sighs ; but make it up in groans . But having felt their footing , they will tell What they escapt ; how neer they were to hell . Man sins , then suffers ; sorrow , mixt with fears ; Shame leaves him naked in the vale of tears . He sowes disgrace , which genders unto strife , And runs th'row grief with cost to lose his life . Hell joyns with heaven to revenge a sin : When she falls fcul upon us , we begin To feel the storms of wrath : and then we cry Help , Lord , we 〈◊〉 alive . But by and by ( The tempest being calm'd ) we do repent Of our Repentance . Then we give consent To what we did deny : and at the last We do renew the score for what is past . The devils trace the earth ; and where they finde A Patentee for 〈◊〉 ; as he 's enclin'd , So they can bait the snare . They take up shapes , With change of habit : as his fancy gapes , He 's humor'd for a time . They are not men , Nor women that are dead , that come agen ; But Devils in their likenesse , to invite The heedlesse sinner to eternal night . Or looking home , they with despairing site , Shake him from his beleeving and his wits . Were they not chain'd , they 'd take up all for strayes , To trap our souls they have a thousand wayes . I rais'd not Fiends , to drive you to a fright ; The' are of my Theme , because they walk by night . SECT. XVIII . A meeting , and a costly Feast , The Meet , and sitting of each guest , Their Wines , their cariage , Healths among , They drowne their soules , Pimp-Minors song . NIght sits enthron'd in State , to seise a prize , " In darkest robes , whose objects blind our eyes . " She cloth'd the Clouds in black , and did upbraid Bright Cynthia's gesture , cause she was a Maide . She arch d her screens with Jett ; the virgin Queen Could neither overlook , nor look between . Thus 〈◊〉 close , my Muse began to call A Poet up , to write her Funerall . Ill humours she doth cherish with her breath , She 's both of a tipe of Hell , and Nurse of death : So , black with Envie , and being swell'd with pride Did shrowd the Starres in Cipresse ; and devy'd Her tempus in the middle : half her store Was left behind , half 〈◊〉 on before . She ad put the Spies in prison : gentle rest Had 〈◊〉 some to silence ; others prest To hide their shame with sinne , among the crowd Some suck't in poison , but I 'am not allow'd Fresh garments from the Skye . I 'm paund in birth To shew such Feastings , seldome seen on Earth . I do invite my Readers ( pray come near ) As lookers on , take heed , taste not the Chear . Those that are guests , love darknesse ; and do dwell Or neer unto , or else belong to hell . The time 's most fit , 't is midnight ; and the place Was used for burnt sacrifice ; the grace Dropt from a Bawd , who did invite the guests , The bank did pay the charge of both the feasts . They sit in order : they that took their heats , And temper most from hell , had the chief seats . The Bawd being old , and constant , and no waster , Serv'd fourscore yeers , and never hang'd her master : She 'as done good service , laying still her gins To draw them to , then snare'em in their sins . The major vote is , she must sit above ; And next to her , the Haxter and his Love : He rob'd before mens faces in the feild ; She cut the throats of those that would not yeeld . The common whore sits on the other side , Next to her Mistresse : she has nere deny'd A motion , or an order from the Devil , To plead for sin , and tempting men to evil . The private Whore sits by her , and she saith She never scor'd upon the publick Faith . Her Pimp sits next her , who did still devise New tricks to fetch her out , for studying lies . He did exceed the rest , to manage it , They say he has a Magazine of wit . The Pander for his subtiltie , and pride , Sits equall with him on the other side . The theife sate close by him , the Out-purse Jade Sate over-right , that drove a double trade With men and beasts , the Prodigall ( their friend ) His money 's spent , and now the lower end Must serve his turn to night : when he for love Renues his pockets , he shall sit above . The Constable came in that us d ( you know ) To search above , and leave the watch below . The outworn Letcher , and the drunken Gull Sate down together : now the table 's full . Above they had varieties of meate , Some standing dishes , but not good to eate . They'ad Oysters pickl'd and the best Lavere Anchoves Woodcocks ( which was daintie cheare ) whose brains didmake them sawce , with ambergreece And Mumma of Mans flesh which cost a peece . With divers other dishes from the fire , Where Nature mixt with art , to breed desire . For those below , that could but Pimp and steal , Had Butchers meat , Ramme , Mutton , Hog , and veal . No second course ; nor did these sordid Elves Desire fowl : For they were foul themselves , Yet they had tongues and harts , dried , slic't and cold , With severall sorts of wine , but some did hold That Viper-wine was best . Some lov'd the Red , Being likest blood ; some that the Dragon bred And bears his name , all lov'd it mixt with sin : They'ad healths , and some diseased souls put in . Now , in their midst of Mirth , they drink the round , They may be bold upon the Divills ground , Where ev'ry one must freely drink his bowl ; And he that cannot swear away his soul , And drink his reason drie , and play the beast , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be bid to such a gallant Feast . Before they rose ( though sitting over long ) Pimp Minor came , and he will sing a song . My song shall relate , what pleasure and state What mirth , and contentments are in love , The world is at at rest , now how we are blest . No sorrow can make us remove . In love we do agree , And who so merrie as we . Black night is our Bawd ; and Fates do aplaud Our happinesse : Heavens consent , To mask up the Moone , least comming too soone Prove treacherous to 〈◊〉 content . Our pleasures do all agree . And who so merrie as we ? This delicate Feast , and every guest Still praised shall be with Delight : Ther 's nothing but day , can fright us away : Let 's honour the Goddesse of night , That doth with us agree . And who are merrie but we ? The searcher 's asleep , nor durst he once peep To backbite our Revells ; agen , If the Rimer should write of our meeting to night , With Wee 'l vow to sequester his pen . With us hee 'l not agree But who so merrie as we . ? What need we to fear ? the Constables heere : Pale Envy is laid in her grave ; Our drinkings breed health , & pleasures bring wealth And Joyes are the clothing we crave . With laughing all agree . Oh none so merrie as we . Wee 'l reap our desire , when lovt is on fire , and 〈◊〉 of the pleasant dishes ; What happinesse can , be more to man Then so to embrace his wishes ? Our love do thus agree , And who so merry as we ? The scraps which we leave , let watchmen receive , When Brokers have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Now give me a Cup , and 〈◊〉 drink it all up , And the Divill shall have the 〈◊〉 . Who doth with us agree , Then who so merrie as we ? When they had laughed at this , some 〈◊〉 , asleep , Fell on the ground : and some began o creep In private Corners , others fell to play , Some to their plots ; while others 〈◊〉 away The neighbours goods , but 〈◊〉 this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Was broken up , they had a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now like a herd fast by a River side , Had eate their Commons bare , but having spy'd Fresh quarters ore the water , they begin To strive by force which shall go foremost in . And enter first the sev'rall : as they swim The proud curl'd waves assault them , every limbe Is shaken with their fury , some do sink , Some beaten out of life upon the brink . The rest the streames leave prisoners in a Lake , Where death must set them free , none of them take , Possession of the Pasture . So , do these , Swim down the tide of lusts , although they please Their humors for a time , at last the shore Receives them breathlesse . Charon sculls them ore Into the land of everlasting night . Nor Sun , nor Moon shall vex'em with their Light . Guilt , shame and tears will mingle with their sins : This Feasting's done , the divells Feast begins . SECT. XIX . The Night doth quarrell with the Moon , The Divills feasting comes too soon ; How all was drest , their staying long , Before they part they have a song . The Whirlwinds , 〈◊〉 , the furious rent , Made through the earth , which way they went . BEfore bright Phebe did begin to steep Her shining body in the Atlantick deep , Or entred Latmos Palace , where she us'd To sleep with her Endymion ; or refus'd To chuse her whiter bindes , her clearer eye Look t through the sarsnet vail , and did discry The folly of the Goddesse Night , who did Defend the fowls of prey , she 'd have them hid . And spits ill language at the Moon , and looks Black in the face with pride . Her secret books Are seald with pitch , as black as her aparrell ; Her rage breaks out ; thus she begins to quarrell . Thou upstart , to Antiquitie a Fo. I am no light huswife ; but I le prove thee so . Go , go , thou Changeling , vex me not : must I Be subject to thy Check ? must thy fond eye Be made the overseer of my trade , That had my birth before the World was made , And rul'd alone ? and but for thee still might , I change not colour : for my nam 's black night . I can do nothing private , now , but you Must ride above in state , and take a view . Of all my plots , as other Round-heads do , Sometimes yo' are like a Round-head slit in two : Sometimes yo' are drest with horns upon your head , Coming from Sols or from Endymions bed , Yo' are big with childe ; & looking pale yo' are shamd ; Being loth to have it known , or have it nam'd , You travell in the sea : and then you smother The babe ( 't is thought ) least he should peach the mother That must be call'd a virgin , you in rage Turn men to beasts , and make an hour an Age , Bald time Eternall . As your humours swell , The Seas must ebb and flow ; if I should tell All that I know , 't would keep you from the Feast , Drive down your Charret , quickly , to the West . She blushing glanc't away . And now the cheer Is making ready , that must cost so deare . Here are no Sheriffs , nor hinch Boyes , nor no Maior , Nor no Church-warden , nor none seeming faire . Forbidding Johnson's guests , both all , and some , Except the Jaylor , and the Sergeant come . Those that are hard and season'd in their evill , Will make the fittest Messes for the Devill . Nor did the time agree ; for 't was at Noone , And this by night , who 〈◊〉 away the Moone . The Divell being invited by a sinner , H'ad rather come to supper then to dinner : For then his work is done Nor did his haste Shew any stomack , he but came to taste . And here he came unlook't for . Heare the cryes ; He came but thither Choach't , but here he flies . He was invited by the Cook , and had His man to dresse his Meat ; but good , or bad , He do's it here himselfe . The place is fit : A vault , where soules do sink for want of wit . What hideous noyse is this ? what brimston smell ? What sparkling flames are these ? their'e guests from Hell , In 〈◊〉 postures . Dreadfull stormes arise , Which dumbs the tongue , and deaffes the eares , the eyes Are dipossest . Strange feares possesse the hearts , With dreadfull horrour in the inward parts . Of all the former Feasters , none can hold For furious burning ; yet they shake with cold . The Prince of darknesse , seizeth on his prey , Divides the spoyles , and peece-meale he doth lay His choicest bits in order : some he boyl'd , And made him broth , and other some he broil'd . The bawd he stew'd , because she was so tough . The common Trull , before sh' was boyl'd enough He snapt her up ; because his stomack ak't : The haxter and his litter , hardly bak't , Was chop 't in after : rotten roasted Pimp Was swallowed in ; and next the parboil'd Imp ; From whom he gravie squeis'd : which scall'd his tongue ; The Pander lying at the fire long Was dry'd away : whereat the Divell vext ; And swore by Hell , what ere he met with next He 'd make no bones on 't . With his griping claw He tore the Cutpurse , and he eats him raw . A bone ( being greedie ) in his stomack sticks : And he perceiving , that the bloody flix Was like to take him ; boyl'd into a Jelly The Prodigall , to ease his rumbling bellie . To stay the flux , the gull was neatly fry'd ; The letcher gum'd , being finely cut and dry'd , Was whift away in smoak : the smoking Cell Is found on Earth ; 't was us'd to be in Hell . The Officer escap't , this once , ( 't was late ) For he may turne Informer to the State , And find out such Delinquents . If he can I le have him put in Print , a gallant man ! But this unwelcome guest , grown full , he groans , To broil the marrow out , he burnt the bones . His train must eat the scraps , though he begins ; The sawce was all brains , livers , hearts , and sins . Their drink was bloud , but from the buttrie hatch A little divill sprung , who sings a Catch . Never were Angels entertaind As we have bin , to swell with mirth : Wee 'le break the Gaole where we were chaind To lick up the hony and Cream of the earth . with hay down down , &c. This Castle , and the fare we found Have pleas'd our princely humors well , Lust leavens blood , theft tears the ground , To make us free trading 'twixt earthworms and hell . with hay down , &c. The scandalous priest , that lives at ease Who studies earth , and sucks her store , His state he spends his lusts to please , And a hundred a year to furnish his whore . with hay down , &c. I like the cunning cutpurse Jade , That 〈◊〉 twins of sin ; if she Be question'd for her theiving trade , She 'l swear he 'd have ravisht her , or t was her fee with hay down , &c. That gallant wench that lies at stake , To seize a prey , her Pimp made bold , Most quarrell with him , for her sake , She 'l hug him , to save him , then pilfer his gold with hay down , &c. Our noble freind that keeps his Pincks , Steals , pawns , and sells by common vote ; And if his wife with sorrow finks , He 'l starve her , or kick her , or els cut her throat , with hay down , &c. Take pleasure , fear not sin , nor shame , You babes of Night , flye from despair : Joy , wealth , and praise , shall guard his name Who honors Diabilo prince of the Aire . with hay down , &c. Then having finisht all ; a whirlwind rose ; The hel-bred furies did begin to close Divisions ranks , and files , and with a wound , They forc'd a passage through the trembling ground : But left a blaste behind , resolves the doubts , That you 'd beleeve that hell lies thereabouts . Are sinners torment proof , that they do take Delight in their undoing ? who can make The angrie Heavens smile ? or gaping hell Take bribes for souls , when lusts like Seas do swell Beyond all bounds ? where furious winds do cast Those stragling torments , till they run their last : Which thirsty earth drinks up , or angry time , For their assault converts them into slime . So Mortalls do , passe reasons rules , and please Their sences , till a writ of little case Be sent from heaven , then their heart misgives , Whose 〈◊〉 one day , whose torment ever lives . Earth drinks their joyes alive : and hell receives The slime at 〈◊〉 , the trees , the fruit , and leaves . Are fit for fire , or like the fox , whose prey Is stole at night , but eaten in the day . This theife is so gentle , he makes his den A Poultrers shop . A Rabbit , and a hen Lye by his side : and at his back a goose ; So thrives a while , at last the doggs get loose , And catch the craftie fox , his flesh is tore , His plots are are spoyl'd : his Cribidge stole before , Now 〈◊〉 for want of eating , Ah! me thinks , Here 's meate , sharp sauce , and yet my subject 〈◊〉 , For want of seasoning , being peece-meal cut , Into the Divells Lardar they are put . Who plaies the Caniball : and still he strives With black reproach to crown their dying lives . SECT. XX . To share their boungs , three Beggars meet , One stunke erewhile , but now made sweet . The second passe , the third 〈◊〉 treate , Their begging tone is not compleat : The Rules to begg , on what they feed ; Their Trade and triumph , how agreed , From all oppressions they are free , How merry they at parting 〈◊〉 . I Walk'd alone , my brain on Fancies fed , The man i' th' Moone being newly gone to bed , My light was all confin'd within my brest , My eares were open , forward , still I prest , Till at the last I spi'd a glimmering shine , And heard a voyce , which made my Muse incline To tune her song anew . Three mandies did Divide their boungs : the matter should be hid . One had his night-cap brought him , and his Ruffe , His Gowne , clean Lynen ; every thing enough To please his humour . He is very grave His Leg's unti'd ; his pleasure was to have His Crutches out of fight ; he cleares his throat With butter'd-Ale , to help his begging note . The others young , ( a whipping bought his passe ) Not borne a Beggar as the other was : He 's chang'd from top to toe ; he feeles no smart His arme's restor'd , his sores were made by Art . But looking towar'ds the right , I did espie A Doxie lately bottom'd , which did cry Salva the King of Beggers ! let the rest In bowsing Kenadoes be ever blest ! Then altogether they began to prate Of Citie businesses , of Church , and State , Where they should beg to morrow , such a place Brings in most coine , the other gives more grace To our endeavours : Fleet-street shall be thine , Turn-style is his , the Temple-lane is mine . 'T is late , they must divide what they have got , There 's but a Mark betwixt them : but the Lot Fals double on the Seignor . I was fain To bring you both into a begging strain . Yet , thou beg'st out of turn ; nor canst thou cry With dolefull tones , to move the Passers by To draw their bounty . Thou shouldst shew thy sore To make their purses open : then our store Would be encreas'd . But Tib doth beg with grace , She 'l howl out , 〈◊〉 your Worship , make a face , To coyne a groat at once : She 's young in years , But old in cunning : her dissembling tears Will make a Usurer a peny spare , So in her prayers he may have a share . There 's not a day , if once I sit but down But is a Noble-day : alas , a Crown Will hardly bear my charge ! a dish of meat Would cast one half on 't : many things I eat Which are not common : now and then I have A Pullet , and a Tart ; sometimes a Crave , A Pigeon-pye , a Woodcock , or a Goose , A Pig , a dish of Larks ; let me but loose , I know what comforts age . Beife is but course , Veal 's waterish , mutton grosse , and Pork is worse , I cry and hold my Legg , some labouring gull Gives me a penny , when my purse is full . When he ( perhaps ) hath not aishilling left To keep himself . Then begging joyn'd with theft , There is no better Trade . I have excuse To save my money which I have at use , To keep my port , and credit to the last , his port , When all my merrie begging dayes are past . How ever all the day I seeme to men , When I come home , I am no begger then . What er'e I ask , I have for my delight , My Table 's spread with meat , my bread is white . A fire , slippers , and a Cup of Ale , Good Wine , well suggar'd , with a merry tale , To cheat the slow pac't minutes : I am free From all suspition by my Beggerie . who 'l seek for money in a Beggers house , The Proverb is , there 's nothing but a Though I keep Fellons goods , I 'm quit from shame , The harmlesse Beggar is both old and lame . Come , let us share our boungs , thou must away , My enter'd Rogue ! ten groats shall be thy pay . My little Gill , thy subtle antique tricks Gaine foure shillings , I 'le have the other six . This parting Cup shall drown all care and sorrow , Chuck thou art mine to night , and his to morrow . As do the Snakes in Dunghills , bre'd , and thrive , And have their vents to keep their stinck alive , Morall . So do this brood of vermine , baske all day To suck the spoyle ; at night they part the prey . Those rotten Vassals , cannot choose but see They are the Drones which rob the painfull Bee . To all that 's begging-base they are agree'd , They 're 〈◊〉 for the 〈◊〉 then for breed . They swarme like Catterpillars : none can stand Before their mouthes : they cover all the Land . They are the sores of England , which do run Almost past cure . Alas they have begun To bring the body lowe ! let lusty Knaves Be whip't to work , and hamper'd up for slaves . Let Bridewells joyne to guard these begging whores Which breed like Mice , they are the greatest sores . The weake might then be kept , the blind and Lame Pon Charity , our Kingdome quit from shame . If they were dealt with , as they are displaid , In halfe an age those Rats might be destroy'd SECT. XXI . Her , e Officers are guilty found , A Sodomite , a Spie , our ground Breed Monsters , now , the Souldiers punck , The Reformado shamefull 〈◊〉 ; The ramping Dame one robs the State , The choice of pincks , the Harlots rate . To take a bribe , this cannot brook : Two Bawds twice burnt ; a Frenchman took . VVHen swarfie night had mufled up the Queen With clouds of darknes , sable vails , in spleen Were spred before the Stars ; their twinckling light , Must look tow'ards home , accus'd by envious night : All Colours were alike ; she seem'd to have The glory of the world , bound in a grave . The watch was set , the Court of guard was plac'd , The spies went forth , bold sinners were disgracd , Though mask'd with darknes . By & by they brought A rabble rout , that sold themselves for nought , To purchase hell on earth . A Captain came That spit out oathes ; I must not tell his Name . A damme blade , for he will tak 't in snuffe ; He 's dawbd with silver lace , and clad in buffe . But pennylesse poore slave ! the night before He had a Crown , but that he met a whore , That rob'd him of his wits , to trade with sin , He to the bargain gave his money in . He was a plunderer , roving up and down ; Just such a one would have betray'd the Towne . A theif in Office . Ever untill that , This swash was judg'd to be a beggars brat . But here 's a Maior , that can keep his Jade At hard meat all the year ; and drive a trade Of robbing by a word . This Country Votes Can justifie : but he will cut their throats If they complaine . His Colonel 's out And when he went , he car'd hi Doxie down , Untill his shame increast , and coyne was spent ; His Tenants plunder'd , cannot pay his rent . A Colonel . At Basing , Redding , or at Maidenhead , He drops his ware , and he is gone to bed Without his supper ; having little ease , His braines , and cash are morgag'd for disease . But here s a woman , that is faine to stay In Town a while , to get her husbands pay : Yee dy'd with wounds ; and while she stayes in town , She 'l truck with hell , to bear her charges down . And then she 'l leave : ere this she'ad chang'd her ground Her bawd ha's still a noble in the pound . Sir , her 's a Sodomite , a souldier too , A damned Cab : that used much to wooe An Incubus , and he will sell mens lives For pence a peece . He thinks because he thrives That Hel's his friend . He must commit Incest , Or else a Rape , or bugger any beast . He 's like the Dutch-man , hell hath made so bold That ravish't women , having stole their Gold . He 's for the Subjects Liberty , and will Die a good Protestant . He 'l only kill The Kings ill wishers . Here 's his only friend Has still three wives alive . And 't is his end To take another , help him in this case , For all his wives are distant from this place . She must have means ( for here awhile he 'l stay ) To keep him brave , till he can run away . What greasie peece is this ? this is a spye , That has been long in service ; faine to flie For Conscience sake . His company was lost At Edge-hill fight : was ever Captain crost As he hath been ? he was beyond Sea maim'd , At Hoast-end fiege , but he is here maintaind For Information . He doth sculk about , In bawdy Cells , to send down news , no doubt , He has allowance : and his queans for nought ; As for the running in the Raines he bought . He 's fiery fac't ; his company was rais'd Within his bosome : of ill spirits praysd , He gives this Motto , ( and he kicks at Fate ) Au Segnior , Captiano , grand Souldate . A monstrous woman ! to the guard we 'l send her , A parboild frow , and of the neuter gender . Who alwayes waites to snare men in a gin ; And claimes a priviledge to make them sin . To beg sometimes , and otherwhile complaine , Then breath out wishes ; any thing to gain A mony'd guest . Oh! now 'tas found a spark , That 's flig indeed , a walking in the dark : The Jades are all too course : this frap must borrow A finer tib : they shall be paid to morow . If Gill comes from the Knight , that did so seek To gaine her love ; she 's hir'd for a week . Here 's a common souldier , who was found At letchers base , within the Divells ground . He 's drest with rags ; nor can he get his pay To cloth himselfe . He hopes to see the day When theft shall be in fashion : yet he must Eate , drink , game , whore ; all on the common trust . Who 's this , his trull ? indeed forsooth I went his Trull . Down to the Army ; with no ill intent , Onely to see my friends ; and use my trade , The Marshall us'd me roughly ; that he made Me leave the field ; my Love and I to rest , Did think ( in Winter ) Garison was best , To ease each other : is it any sin ? He pimps without , whiles I do work within . With Cabies we are suffer'd , day and night , Their plunder and their Wenches , mak 'em fight . Pray Marshall keep 'em safe . Sir ; here 's a Reformado , who being drunk , He reeld about the street ; and met a punck , Who had her waiting Maid ; he took 'em up , In Druery lane ; together they must sup ; He 's charg'd with eighteen pence ; and then he felt Into his fob ; but he must pawne his belt To free his heeles . Did that discharge the score ? His Sword had gone too ; but 't was pawn'd before . He 'd take a lodging ; but she scorn'd to swive Under a Crown , with any man alive . More night-work yet ? Oh , her 's a ramping Dame , Compos'd with basenesse , impudence , and shame : Pray , who's 's your Clerk ? thou lying paultry spie ! Do'st dare to prate to such a one as I ? If Courtiers were at home , and all the Peeres , I should find friends ; thou durst not for thy eares Say half so much : for I took many a crown Of Courtiers weekly ; they being out of Town My trading 's low ; but I was one that went To cry for peace , and thousands , with intent To force it on ; and levell all our Forts , To let the King come in . But false reports Make us Malignants . I shall live to see Our Fortunes rais'd , and you as low as we : Or higher by the Gallowes . Then wee 'l sing , Hang all the Round-heads : we are for the King . Here 's Impudence indeed ! A man in Office comes , that 's very grave , You would not think that he should prove a Knave , He has a trick unknown , to raise the rate ; I am jealous on 't , I doubt he robs the State . He 's like the Coleman , for he peeles the poore , And spends the Parish stock to keep a whore . Doth he convert our seasments into crimes ? I wish there were no reason for these Rimes . No new-made States-man , nor no proud Priest can be Close Patron , to this bearded villany . A Sub-Committee-man ? oh ! let him passe , He rides in State ; he 'le call thee foole and Asse : To question him : I doubt he is not right , I 'm vext to see him cause my purse is light . She second , met a Lady that was wise , Faire , young , and vertuous too , 〈◊〉 Husband lyes Fin'd a D. linquent : but if she 'd consent To be his Prostitute , he 'd be content To get the charge remov'd : when 〈◊〉 come in He 'l gain a Vote , make taxes , pay for sin . Another of 'em ? he has laid his baits , To snare his partner , cause he hates deceits , And will not cheat the State ; and therefore he Shall be sequestr'd : but this treacherie Is laid to view : seiz'd goods he would purloyne Prais'd for himself : hed pocket up the Coyne For 's private use . Oh! how that Province grieves That must be subject to a pack of theives ! Wise Senators being in their choyse deceiv'd , Truth 's in exile , and rights's by trust bereav'd . If publike men , for private ends shall cope , And sue divorce 'twixt Charity and hope , Let plunder'd men fit still : poore Souldiers cry , They may confide , untill they starve and dye . Here 's Nul the neuter , that could ne're abide . To draw his Sword : or stick to either side . But which prevailes is his : and he will be A man of War , when all the world is free . A noted Letchers found , that us'd to seek Varieties of sinkes ; for twice a week He must have choice ; this Incubus is bred Of Gomurs race , it is the Maiden-head He aims at most . This vassals worse then mad . For Killegrue and Mints are not so bad : A Committe of divills , chus'd him well , To trade by wholesale for the pit of hell What , three at once ? two drunkards were at strife For this fine Trull , and shee 's a married wife , But leaves her husband . He that has most cash At any time , may have this nastie trash . Oh here comes one , that will not take a Fee Of any man , but if they do agree If he will send a thng to make her fine She loves her lust , she 〈◊〉 not trade for coyne . Two Charcole bawds , being burned twice a peece , Did spread a net , and took a flock of geese , To pluck their Feathers , they to dresse them strive , Some stewd , some rosted , some were burn'd alive . They wink at one another , with a grace ; Thee'l have their houses in an other place , A place of fame , betwixt them they maintain A Surgeon private paid with hellish gain . This Frenchman comes to night , to be a guest . Me been a Sowder , an wood nom been preest , Me feet for Anlish Croons : an wood non have Tashentelman go goon , t is boon me crave Dat me 〈◊〉 pos ; me none more sick been seen : Me non Malignant . Me been vor de Queen . See here you troop of fondlings ; you are bent To please the prince of darknes ; his intent Is to requite you , payments please you well You' are all of the black Regiment of hell . You live without a soul , and you do make Sinfull conceit your leader : you mistake To fall in love with ruine . Such a sink " Will venom paper , and 't will poyson Ink , " Is common reason lost ? sence will be heard , With mournfull groans : that hell will be afeard To stand before it : you 'l with terrour see 't , Sin , shame , and torment shall together meet ? Fraught with disdain , yet emptie tubs , you sownd Your miserie possest ; but when you are bound With Chaines of darknesse , and clost prisoners cast Into the gronndlesse dungeon , when your last Vapour shall vanish , who will stand for you ? Heaven will despise you : Hell will claim her due . Before the Clouds grow black , turn from your sin : Or els 't will call eternall darknesse in . SECT. XXII . A Monster raisd , that is espi'd And by a ragged bawd descry'd And pointed out , the monster ple ads To justifie the Life it leades . And blames that fowl , and all her 〈◊〉 That roost with all for pence a peece , Provoking meates ; this must be try'd When that is to the gallows ty'd . BEfore the Queen of night , had made dispatch of her resignment , or discharg'd the watch Of Lanthorn-service , or the blushing maid Before old Tython had her flags displaid Or fairer Venus had unmask'd her face , To tempt the Shepherd from his warmer place . I to perform my task , did walk the round , And search't about ; at last a thing I found , Which made me wonder : as it there did stand T would fight with man , or woman hand to hand . It's face was like a womans , but behind A seem'd a Divill of the better kind , It was nor man , nor woman , bird , nor beast It was bespoke of Hell , to make a Feast . It was a fearfull Monster : no man may Without a blush behold it in the day , I did conclude at last , ( I veiw'd it's pitch ) 'T was not a Divell , but the divells witch . 'T would rob , and steal mens goods , and cut a purse And help all them that could but swear and curse . Yet it had learn'd some charity from hell , For those that would beleive , 't would raise a spell , Bring in the mould-bred Divells , call 'em men , And help you to your goods and Purse agen : But you must call it Mistris ; and confesse 'T is truly Divellfi'd : then 't will expresse A Serpents love : 't will swagger , strut , and roar , Save that the gender 's wrong 't would turn a whore , And Pimping is away it doth applaud , But being old enough 't will be a Baud . 'T was fed with dainties ( being puft with pride ) And something for a monkie left beside . It overcharg'd mine eyes . I turnd about , And presently I found a woman out , Being poor diseas'd , and ragged , and her Crime Had made her turn a Bawd before her time . She spi'd that pamper'd Monster , and she ran To take the prize ; she thought t'had bin a man . But finding 't was a thing that did invade Her Custome ( coming on ) to spoyl her trade , She did disgorge her selfe ; and to begin Thus she accus'd it of a Common sin . What mankind stuft art thou ? thou art in rage To lead the front of Sinners on the Stage . They say thou wast a man ; but since the Devill Made one part like a Woman , that thy Evill , To all that see thee may appear : the rest Is doubled in thy shame to make a beast . Thou entertainst the Roysters of the age , And high-way Theeves ; each one a hackney page , Drest like a Man : they domineer and roar ; At such a price thou dost provide a whore For him that is unfurnish't . But the rate Is alwayes double when the Thief comes late . One that with friends , and Husband lives at strife , A broken Madam , or a Courtiers Wife , A chamber-maid that 's weded to her crime , Or Gentlewomen , that are past their prime , Starch't o're with painting , fitting them for vice , Out of the Wardrop suiting to the price . If any be in danger for his theft , Or any whore of whiping , thou art left . To fetch 'em off : for at the Sessions still Thou brib'st the men , or els keep'st back the bill . ( We know when Sessions is begun by thee ) And for thy service thou dost get a fee . Thy Ruffians go in Scarlet , or in plush ; Thy Truls in silks : There 's not a modest blush Amongst them all . Thou , thou dost hide their sin And this the evidence that I give in Against thy knot , and thee , another day . Come , slash and Cut , hast any thing to say ? Thou thred-bare witch ! what beggerly and bold ! Am I thy fellow ? I can hardly hold My tallens from thy flesh : should I deprive My self of proffits ? any way to thrive I mean to use . How should brave hacksters be Preservd , and furnish't , were it not for me ? No lowe pris'd ware , shall come within my dore ; ( She that will truck for sixpence is a whore ) I company with Gallants , Lords , and Knights , And please their humors , to encrease delights , I furnish them with Lasses : who dare say I am a Bawd to deal with such as they ? I fear no Law , nor Prison : now and then I have bin in ; but I came out agen . The Justices , the Jury , and the clarks Do know and favour me : the velvet Sparks Will plead my cause : Or any thing they 'l do , Run , ride , make friends , drop down a peece or two . To make my cause run smooth : why then should I Fear or forsake my trade untill I die ? I live in pleasure : Cocks , Bears , Bulls and Playes : Bring fresh delights . What sweet and merry dayes Have I enjoy'd ! Then Doggs , and Monkies be At other times good Companie for me : I drink Tobacco , wine , but towards the shot I break a jest ; but never pay a Jott . Why speak I thus to such a one as thou ? I 've justifi'd my self . I 'le taxe thee now . How dos my spirit boyl , to hear what trade Thou driv'st for death ? how every Common Jade Is entertain'd by thee ? thy seely Geese Will dable in the durt for pence a peece ; Thy halfe-fac'd frows will put a man to fright ; They beg all day , and play the whore at night . The 'r slic't and dry'd : yet one of them must be Extreamly modest ; hardly woon : for she Is tyred at the Brokers , she must seek A penny more : she payes a groat a week . Another's soon perswaded , she will yeild With words on trust : for in the open field She keeps a Market : there the vermine play , Who scapes at night , she takes him in the day . The third is mark't with reding : she will try ( Tempt , fawn and call upon the passers by To come to Hell , if she can draw them ( so ) She burnes them half a live before they go . The last lies to be cured of her curse ; She 'l deal wi' ye even hand , and spare your purse . She hath provoking meanes to stir up lust , One must be whip't with rods ; another must Be beaten out of dores , and for his 〈◊〉 Coole at the gates of Hell ; 't is hot within . Another's made a skullin : he must wash The dishes , and be knock't . and then the trosh Must kisse to make amends , untill desire Is by degrees , converted into fire . The common cheaters when they take a prey Doe come to thee by turnes : ( the more fooles they ) Thou canst not help them in a dang'rous case ! Nor at the Sessions dar'st thou shew thy face . Who come to thee to night , the next be Hid in a hole , for feare when thou do'st see A Gorget , that 's for Cis ; a handsome Dresse Must be for Gin ; the wastcoate is for Besse , Being trim'd with stolne goods , their price is rais'd Thou art maintain'd , and hell and thee both praisd : Thou art a baud , a theif , an out-worn whore , If e're I come to Tyburn I 'le say more . I was in hope the morn by this would smile , But 't is grown darker then it was ere while ; A tedious night ! nor can I once forecast To ease my Muse , untill the night be past . Those that do sin in State , do here foretell That they shall have the hottest room in hell . For those that live to sin , and sin to live , Shall find what Motto Death and Hell do give . They purchase pain and shame with greedie sinning , Whose life is death , whose end is deaths beginning . Sin is at ods , I need not tell you how ; Hell did agree , but 't is divided now . She 'l never yeeld , till she hath all she had ; When she is chok't , her Tenants will grow mad . SECT. XXIII . The Devill with a Priestling meets , A Souldier comes , the Devill greets ; He rails at first : the feinds unkind ; How he in sorrow speaks his mind . The Preist is charg'd , of his advise , How he did tempt the Devill twise . Pandorssus try'd , how he did wooe , Casts off one Whore , and takes in two : The dreadfull fight , the combat past ; Their healths , and triumph at the last . NOw hell will sound a parle , before tshe'l beat Up her travail ; or seem to make rereat : She musters all her forces , views their scope , Draws up the reer : in the forlorne hope The Prelates Traine was plac'd . She iounds agen ( The Divell hath reserves as well as men ) But light ( though distant ) scornes to stoop , or see Her issue joyne with this black Pedigree . The Divell met a Priestling , where came in A bloudy rustick ; who had lately bin A suiter to this feind , that he might take Mens lives , and plunder freely ; who did make Him promise to that end : but , cause he fails Souldate growes mad , and at the Divell railes . Have I been servant to thee many years ? And took thy word for all ? as it appeares By my successe : nor did I feare to kill The innocent , being promp't to what was ill . Rob , teare , sweare , curse at those that did rebell A'gainst thy Lawes . Just so do we in Hell . Souldier . And so thou'lt serve me too : and for my gaines , Thou 'lt send black death , with torment for my paines . Is 't come to this ? Divell . I pray thee tell me how Our Plots should thrive , if we should not allow False Protestations , with the breach of truce , To cheat conceit ? such subtletie 's in use . Souldier . Now thou dealst plainly , hadst thou don 't at first I had been happy . Divell . Now thou art accurst . We try all means your senses to invade , Sometimes we 'l be gentile ; but 't is our trade To chayne your reason to the breath of men , Who are our journey men : and now and then They send such Chapmen to our darksome cave , To purchase tombes with life , that loath'd a grave . They can do more then we , being in request , Our names are stain'd ; what is by us exprest Is put in use by Deputies . But we Work privately . Souldier . Ah! to what misery Have I engag'd my self ! if Earth and Hell Combin'd against me , is 't in vain to tell My cause to Heaven ? Divell . Aske this flattring Priest , That goes in velvet slippers ; give a list Of all thy rapes , and he perchance may give An absolution ; his conceits do live With wastefull hopes : being pregnant in his evill , He thinks in pride , to go beyond the Divell . All Learning dwells in him : what falls beside Are but the concrets of his inward pride . Souldier . You 're comforters alike ! thou did'st begin A bloody Plot ; and slily drew'st him in , To be thy Executioner : and what is ill Is but the execution of thy will ; Being of the Horsleech kind , and mettle free The Priest tempts the Divell . To take thy easie stamp . Devill . He tempted me : For when the stubborn Scot did give abuse , To his Divinity , that was in use , Du ni'd the gudly bukes , he rais'd his voyce In folio sodenly , and then made choise Of my assistance : when he could not prate His hunderts out ; nor could retaine that State , He vomits bloud afresh : and then indeed I got an Office , lov'd to see men bleed As well as he ; and when I went to fight , I long'd to have the Parson in my sight . Souldier . How are poore soules deluded ! that are taught By such to loose themselves ! now am I brought For sale to Death . The trembling Earth doth gape To let me down ; and would commit a rape Upon my reason too ; the shivering aire Benums my senses , but then , black dispair Revives my grief again : the sawcie wind , That 's quarterd , with the anguish of mind : Makes Earth-quakes in my breast ; nor can I tell Of one weeks pay to bear my charge to Hell . Shame joynes with terrour , to increase my evill : Oh pitie me ! Devill . Aske mercie from a Devill ? I shall be made thy Gaoler , never look For pardon any more , now the black book Is laid before thee . Souldier . Reverend Sir come 〈◊〉 Oh now ! or never quell the rage of sin . Priest . Shake off thy dumps , and lose not thy renown ; Had not the Service-Book been voted down , I 'de conjure out this Fiend , do thou but fight , Defend our cause , thou need'st not fear the sight Of men and Devils , if thou dost forsake Our blessed way , the devill will thee take : Well , be advis'd . Souldier . Away yee Fiends , away , You both desire my ruine , you 'd destroy Me , soule and body , thou hast laid a 〈◊〉 To catch poor souls , of which thou should'st take care Thou limb of Antichrist , is this the rest Thou didst propose ? thou r't proctor for the beast , The Devill tels more truth , I doe defie A seeming friend , a reall enemy . Goe , changeling , go . Priest . Can Ideots understand , What 's best for peace , and freedome of the Land ? And such a one , as I be still to seeke , That understand the Hebrew and the Greek , In ways of truth ? Devill . Ho , — ho , heer 's dainty sport , Because tha'st been a flattrer at the Court , Chok't with conceit , thy parts doe raise the rate ; I liv'd in heaven , yet lost my happy state . Thy fall is comming . Priest . I had best be gone , This Fortune-tellers odds is two to one . Souldier . No trust in clods of clay , let men addresse Themselves towards heaven , for their happinesse . When this discourse was past the knot dissolv'd . A'crooked piece of filth that was involv'd Within a trebble curse , came crawling by , And after him his trul , who us'd to lie , To take him captive : many years they had Been jogging to the Devil , he was mad , To wed this tub of treasure , kept for store , Though lovely by contraries , 〈◊〉 befote , P andor sus now declines her , he has found At prison base upon the common ground : Two Punks new underlaid , and in his view , Male a the best of them , was vamp't 〈◊〉 And Furia had been bottom'd , had not she Been over dry'd neer Smithfield , but if hee Can turne old Querpa off , that he may have Those prettie pugs to drill him to his grave , Hee 'l give a double fine : it is agreed , That he shall work for death , and hee 'l make speed , Left hell should be too full , before his lust , Commits his rotten carcasse to the dust . Well , now the wantons meet , and Querpa sees That Furia had his heart , and Maleas fees , Were fruits of pleasure , shee advanc'd her tongue , Would you ingrose my dear ? I 've had him long , Above these fifte n years , and I will claime Priority in trust , it is my ayme , Still to enjoy my sweet . Furia . What needst thou move ? Malea and I are partners in his love , He works , and brings us gains , he'ad rather piue And presse his hart , then we should want for coinc , Querpa . I cannot hold my hands , I 'le have thy nose , And teare thy eyes out , such a pair as those , Bewitch my joy ! these 〈◊〉 birds of prey , May chatter charmes and doetheir work by day : I vow I le make you packe . Malea . I 'le vex her more , Here are the clothes which yesterday he wore , Left as the pledges of his free intent To wait on us in lovely merriment : What ere he hath is ours , his daughter now Gets nought from him , but what we doe alow . Chuck ? Chuck is right . Pandor . Ha , if you finde meflinch , Then blame me , no , I scorne to stir an inch From what I promise : Querpa , you are old , Tuf , dry , unactive , sence conjealjd with cold : Go , trudgeto feeble Dick : for I have made My choice a new . Querpa . I am no out-worne jade . Thou Varlet of the tub ! I 'le make thy name A common stench , thou excrement of shame ! Chiefe in the roule of rogues , in Bride-well dy'd , Twice free of Newgate , once to Tyborn ty'd : Deny my Love ? How like an asse he stands , Come once again into the hangmans hands , Hee 'l choke thy mirth . Impatient of disgrace , He tore her head-clothes off , shee scratcht his face . But then his chieflings came unto his ayd , He got the day , poor Querpa now is paid : For tongue tale scores being fled ; the bonny three Drinke healths in riumph of the victory : They reingage themselves , his valours known , Together with his love , they 'l have it blown With th'silver Trump of same , that all may finde The rich borne issue of Pandorsus minde . The Devill breaks his covenants with men , When they are in a straight : and they agen With one another in a frenzie fit , He gains his ends , because he has more wit ; When their's are frustrate . When the Hare To quarter freely where the hungry Hounds Keep randevouze ; or if the Partridge treats With angry Hawks about her choice of meats , What will the issue be ? these did agree , That are discover , d here : but now you see How justice parts'em : if they do rebell In change of sins , how will they do in hell , Where plagues are crown'd ? for , there the hungry flames Are in commission ; bodies , souls and names Must ' bide th' arbitrement : they need not fight , To make their curse compleat . Day 's turn'd to night , Where horrour , ( free from chains ) doth gnaw the sore ; Makes hope as blinde , as reason was before : And greedy sorrow , feeding upon teares , Cender's despaire , which ruleth over feares With imbred terrour , born by helplesse grief : Shame 's no abortive : death commands in chief . SECT. XXIV . The Serving-man , relate what he Had known of 's Masters miserie : His Coach , Sedan , what Letters fees . He falls from Satten to his Freeze . How sin brings death , the purchast strife : A Villain that betray'd his wife . BEfore the vails were drawn , or dimfac'd night Pon composition , would resigne her right To Hespers train , before old Tithons head Was raysd with glory from his frosty bed , To shew his hoary locks : nor did the day Peep through the streaked Tiffany , of gray . For Chantecleers Commission was not seal'd To sound a parle ; nor any way reveal'd To bring Aurora , in her silver pride , To storm the works of darknesse : yet I spy'd Two silent walkers ; one was much affraid ; And I perceiv'd she was a Chamber-maid , The other was a Serving-man : for hee I soon discovered by his liverie . He being stay'd confest he did belong To one that kept his coach when he was young , For Hackney ware , and feasted them in Town , And in the Countrey car'd them up and down , Who had at every stage , a common Inne , Where he did put himselfe to sale for sin . He had sedans , which he did use to send To fech his Minions private , and did spend His means upon them : Now he paid his whore , When cash was low , he sin'd upon the score , Somtimes he borrowed of a Cavaliere , That us'd to hire a Strumpet by the year , Thei 'd feel his pockets pulses ere they 'd joyne , And have their courses when he had no coine . They 'd often be at ods , then he would curse The minntes of expence ; his humble purse Did languish for his riot : she would rail , Because the suit depending on her — Was staid with an injunction : high-courts writs Put down the Common-pleas , and bring their wits To bill and answers , if their orders must Be seeming prohibitions , to their lust , And stop their commings in , they 'l sin the more . ( Both orders and decrees were broke before , ) Subpoena shame , their mischiefs to recruit ; Again , at non-equity they 'l try a suit . If any maid was handsome in his eye , Hee 'd lay a snare to trap her , and would try With gold to win her , such a one as shee Was made for pleasure not for 〈◊〉 , Hee 'l take a chamber for her , make her fine , And keep her at his cost , if thou 't be mine : Thou shalt not want ; most modest gives content , Another time shee that 's most impudent . He sends his pimping Letters , I must be His whiskin , else , we never could agree . Here is a copie to his Mistresse which Hath spent him much , her fingers ofted ich To nim his gold , her answer I l'e reherse , But you may read , for they are both in verse . His Letter . To the Mistris of my Affection , at Her Chamber in the Strand , Mistrisse I. G. SWeet-heart thou art my chiefe delight , I dream'd I was with thee to night , Since I have seen thee , time appears To me as five and forty years : I cannot eat , nor drink , nor sleepe , But somtimes sighth , and somtimes weepe . I 'le freely take what e`re thou giv'st , The latter should excell : I 'm thine while thou in credit liv'st , Poore , or diseased , farewell . ? Till then thine , for pleasure . I.G. He 's now declining , Sattin , Silke and Plush Are turn'd to freeze : and yet he will not blush Though all men jeer him ; he to gain his ease Will take some wholesome drudge , that his disease May be remov'd to her . A hellish woing ! For he minds nothing but his own undoing . He runs in debt , but never means to pay : Had I my wages I would never stay . His former bawd , because he lest her stew Comes railing to him , there`s a quarter due For retaile dealing , and for common fees ; He`s sinking now , and falling by degrees Down to his purchas`d place ; where he will meet With course salutes : sin sifted from the sweet . I serv'd another gentleman , whose use Was to defile himself ; all foul abuse . He judg`d as gentle qualities , and when The damned haxters met , they were the men That could excell in vilenesse , drink , swear , roar , Or take a purse ; and he that kept his whore At greatest rate ; they thought these bloody times Would grant them pattents , patronize their crimes . If any sought to turn him from the sting , A rounded knave ! a Rebel to the King . Should not controule him : he did ne're deny His lusts a vent , his reason still did dye To keep his curse alive : his soul thus tost , Till credit , meanes , with man , and all were lost . Sin took advantage when his bones were dry'd , Put him a year in hell before he dy'd . Another once I knew , that did a fact Which impudence did blush at ; such an act Was never heard of ; he would give a fee To one that should commit Adulterie With his own wife , and he would have at hand His Evidence with him , who there would stand To see it done , that he might freely take Occasion , that he might his wife forsake . And turn her off with shame , then he would find Content in wickednesse : and set his mind To pimp for Venus , as I came along I heard a noise , but still a womans tongue . Did carr ' the sound away : she 's one mans friend , And deals with none but him : yet in the end She 'd trade with them by turns . Jack payes his shilling , But that he 's out of Town , she 'd not be willing . This peece was over-hat they fell to words , And then to blowes ; had not their state-bought swords Bin bound unto the peace , they had not left Untill their pates , or else some post had cleft , Their cloaks were put in prison for this crime , Their cause adjourn'd untill a purging time . Is thy relation true , yes . Can pity here take place ? then summon fear , That any men that are but inmates here Should live like divells , pain from pleasure springs : Contempt from sinfull sweets , a thousand stings Wait on the sinners joy , and when they must Be kept close prisoners in the surly dust , They 'l meet their rising fresh when they shall run To Mille Malis , which were here begun . Like to the fouls of prey , that soar aloft , Whose stomacks bribe their eys : and seizing oft Upon the harmlesse birds , at last the Net Doth take them prisoners , where they dye in debt : Th' are pol'd like traytors , shame out-lives their gains Who for example hang abroad in chains . So , these despised Vultures soaring high , Their pleasures are unwing'd , they fall and die In debt to all the world , then who can tell Their misery , but those that come from hell ? Fond dreams where Serpents are imbrac t for friends , Contracting torments when the fable ends . SECT. XXV . Strange stories from a Chambermaid , The Pimps imployments are displai'd , The Justice , Watch , the Marshalls guard , Protect the sinners for reward , The Tavern pawns , a Spie espi'd . Two sworn for hell , and how they di'd . BY this the night began to be in fear , The sweet-fac'd light beginning to draw neer , To bring the morning in , with rosie dawn , With Officers in scarfes of cobweb Lawne . To raise up forces which did all resort To Phoebus which did scale the Royall Fort . Without resistance , all within the line , Was repossessed with his glittring shine . Aurora rais'd , did send out many Spies , With scouts and trumpets , being full of eyes ; With Ambuscadoes , who did 〈◊〉 creep ; ( The black fac'd Regiment being most asleep ) They seiz'd their works , and pillag`d all within ; Kept those close prisoners , that had traytors bin , To have their triall . Juno all in state Made Vulcan horn`d by Venus advocate . The sentence past , they being guilty found ; And Sol in pride riding the third dayes round Must see the execution , from the stewes , Yet here`s a prisoner that will tell more newes . Indeed forsooth I am a Chambermaid , When I was young I meerly was betray`d With shews of gold , rich fare , and brave attire , A Gincrack like a Lady did me hire , To be as her companion , till she brought Me to her will ; my honesty was bought , Sold for disgrace , all sorts were entertain`d , Who ever lost , of every one she gain`d That had but coyn , if any one seem`d poor , She`d send Pimp Minor for a pocky whore , To fit his rate : if any Spark came rich She`d come in silk , and painted ; if this witch Was not accepted for her wrinkled face , I must be trim`d to take my Mistris place . If two or three came in pimp Major must , Take up some sinner on the brokers trust , To gaine a double Fee : our rates were higher According to our beauty , and attire . She`ad skill to cure her guests , being over-hat , Or frenchifi`d ; she had the more for that . If lads came thin , she`d send her Pimpes about . To raise a Tumult ; bring a totter`d rout . Before some Taverne doore , raile , sweare and curse At one another : so they`d cut a purse , Or pick a pocker ; then they`d take thir flight To rob some house , being alwayes in the night , Were any of us taken in the darke , We`d bribe the Justice , and We`d Fee his Clerk , And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the lasses Were in feare , When 〈◊〉 away , on May day was a yeare , About Long-Acre ; Common stinking 〈◊〉 , But they were freed and never had the lash . For justice nimis was their friend , and can Do courtesies : but they must pay this man , And parish Officers will them enlarge , Excuse their faults lest they should keep their charge . At other times , our Pimps would much frequent The shovell-bourds , the dicers , and they went To Ordinaries to gamsters , bowling places , To gaine acquaintance , when they knew their faces , Thei`d grow familiar : so they drew them in , And made them tenants to the house of sinne . Gamsters and thieves , that drinke the full Carouse , Are the chief piilars or a Dawdy house . We 'd tell each other all : who 's best for play , Who , for the house , and who will freely pay ; Who 's pleasant for discourse , what slave doth grutch , Our common fees , and who will give too much : We 'l now seem chast , but if the golden crue Comes greedily , sirs , 't is for love of you We break our vows , beliwing what we say The 'l drop dust freely , when th' are gone away To jeer , or praise 'em , as we found em right . It is our recreation and delight . A Villain us'd our house that was accus'd For ravishing two children : he abus'd Them , as 't was prov'd : hells factor gave consent He should be freed , but damn'd the innocent . A wise mans case , ( his bribes were all but fees ) Fin'd , censur'd , and imprison'd , by degrees Being judg`d for hell , stood for his Plaintiffe sin ; And walking on her brinck she took him in . When any fear'd our wenches were not sound , The bawd would stand engag'd to turn them round , But they must pay for 〈◊〉 , if they will not They run the hazard , every one his lot . Shee 'l name her golden guests , and make great brags Such gallants use her house , if one in rags Comes to exchange a sin , and truck for shame , He came by chance , nor doth she know his name . If Court and Tearme be here for ev'ry crime , Shee 'l ask a crown , but in Vacation time , A 〈◊〉 serves , she as once a year new whores ; Poor , sick , or old she turns them out of doors , No man dares question her , for divells do Grant her protection : being guilty too , They 'l but disclose teir shame , the common watch Both harbour , and defend , and often hatch Some of our brood , their profit lies at stake , And for the Constables and Beadles sake , They 'l wink at small faults , hood-wink sawey Laws : And now and then a feeling in the cause Would chase our fears , some Officers at first Will lie in wait to take us , till their thirst Turn to a surfeit , what 's the Marshalls guard ? If in their walks they spie us , a reward Will keep them silent . Many of them will Protect us , to be partners in the ill . We 'd have them to the Tavernes , one of note Did pawn his cloak , and I my peticote ; Another left a watch , for want of coyn , To pay the shot ; their love they did assign To help us at a pinch , our time we spent Free from all fear , in joviall merriment . A greazy punck once in one house did lye , An Oxford bawd , first , then a Basing Spye : A bawd to her own child , who came to town For information , walking up and down , She was suspected to be much in debt , And by a chance a Serjeant with her met , And scrap't acquaintance with her , being weary Arrested her , yet , she could not be merry , A new fil'd bawd , now grown an out worne whore ; She 〈◊〉 a breadth , and went upon the score , Being begging ripe ; but yet her bed was made In ample sort too good for such a jade , Out at the window in the night , by rope She stole away , the hangman is in hope , To find her shortly , he that do`s her see And bring her in shall have a double fee . She`s black , and brawny , shamelesse , in the close She`s goggle ev`d , and ha`s a crooked nose , Her lodging is neer Westminster , and she Haunts bawdy travernes , and where treachery Is most in fashion ; now she keeps her bed , And drinks no sack , because Macquiers head Is taken from their plot , 't is thought she had A daughter for her time was full as bad . But beautifull without , and yet within The divell kept a count ; she sold her sin To him that bid most for it , or at least A Royalist transform`d into a beast . She took a Ladies name , her sinfull leisure Is tyed to one man now , but at her pleasure She`l change him for another ; at the last Thed divell made a match , and ty`d her fast To one that did him service , what of hell He had which made him proud , and what befell Him at the last , is known ; for in his pride He fought for sin , fell down , and so he dy`d . Her Epitaph This vapering spark sprung from an unknown race By Venus made a captain in the field ; But Mars was angry , when he saw his face , A Souldiers look , unhorst him , made him yeeld , First he was pillag`d , after seiz`d by death , He`ad runne away , save that he wanted breath . His glorious Minnon hearing of the chance , Being charg`d with sorrow fell into a trance ; But when she was recoverd , she began To teare and rave , oh ! where 's that man , that man ? And shot a Pistoll in her side ; her breath Was charged out , to let in Serjeant death . Her Epitaph . She`s buried here that should no burying have , She sunk her selfe being overfraught with evill ; Her lusts before did make her bed a grave , She`as quite undone her selfe to please the Devill To meet her joy , she kill`d her selfe and fell , Where love is cool`d : but beds are hot in hell . You see vile actions spring from vaine desires ; Which in their meeting kindle furious fires , To scorch the sinners : like the knats by night , They buz , and flye about the Candle light , Being fearelesse of the issue ; till by turnes The wings first scorcht , and then the body burnes , Or like the beasts , that travell many a mile , One swinnes a brook , another leapes a stile , Some mir`d in a lake , some beaten blind , Some leave their hoofs , and some their hornes behind All will not free them from the Butchers knives ; They buy those wearie steps to sell their lives . So here are all diseases , which , if well Considered of , they might prevent a hell . Alas ! they but increase it ! now my might Must banish't be ; on Marrie with the light . The sores are searcht , my patient must endure Perpetuall torments , or apply the cure . SECT. XXVI . What the ames declined by my muse What night-born subjects she doth nse : The Authors Charge ; by whom 't was pen'd , His answer to 't , and there 's an end . MY muse , scarce treats with any one that fights . For Princely crimes , nor of the new-made Knights 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lands do lye , that should maintain Their worships titles , or what number slain , To feed conceit ; nor where they sell , or when : Nor those ignoble ones that came agen , When riding paund their trust , nor of the curst Humors of such , whom bloud must quench their thirst . Nor how our brave Commanders in the West , Have gain'd eternall fame ; how they are blest From heaven with successe : but if I may Make truce with time , I 'le view their acts by day : Nor hath she ransack't in the Cavies den ; Nor touch't the Excize , nor Grand Committee men , Nor of those flattering rimes , that can declare A coward valiant , knaves beyond compare , Nor of the false imprisoning of the just , Nor what in traytors hands are left in trust , Nor of the torments which the Laws indure , How those make wounds , that should apply the cure . But chides with begger buff , and charms the pride Of Major plund'rer ; all that do divide The spoils of mem , bawds , panders , whores , and pimps , Thieves . Witches , sherks , the Devil and his Imps : Gulls , letchers , jaylors , beadles , bribing Clerks , Buffoons , base upstarts , drunkards , swagg'ring sparks , That parle with lust , and for the Devill fight , Make articles with hell , all found last night , Now laid in view : the fowls were hard to find , More hard to take ; yet bats , you know , are blind . But , here 's a swash , drain'd from this dropsie age , Who keeps his punk , attyred like a Page . His second [ rich ] was husband to a Whore ; He 's but her cosin now , 'cause he 's grown poore : A Bridewell strumpet [ salt ] being mov'd with ire , Tom ran away with all her whorish hire , Coms with them , railing , in whose hands Ispie My charge drawn up , to which I must reply , Partly ingrost by them ; the rest doth speak From better minds , though ignorant and weak . What! malice sold in print ? revenge is set To seize delight , to make us die in debt . Our sweet 's o're-charg'd with envy : if we die , We 'll wage the bill , and never will comply . Yet he may do us favour , to renew And teach our art , which many never knew . His practice taught his art , for which he gives To charge from sense , so Clavill peacht the thieves . He hath been bit , which makes his courage cool , Boyes payes for wit , when they are whipt at school Can he court truth , doth heaven judge stewes fit To teach men reason , modesty and wit ? The Answer . Had it been malice , enmity or hate That mov`d my pen , I had not searcht so late , To chide your sin , your misery uncloath , ` T is not your persons , but your wayes I loath . But wave it if you can , your plagues renew , ` T was more for love of others , then for you That urg`d this night , let vices warning have , ` Fore death doth sammon you unto the grave . If any from contraries do amisse , To feed his lust , and take a ground from this , Hell will but grasp him sooner : this no gin To snare tame fools , it is to scourge their sin . A wise man doth a strumpets wiles descry , Allurements promises , and her bed whereby Poor simpleton is caught , then he doth tell Her chambers lead to death , her staires to hell : This is my aim : th' Assembly of Divines , With toleration cannot charge my lines ; To see a drunkard reel , or court a whore , Wise men will prize sobriety the more ; And Ideots shun the shame , when 't is uncloath`d , Vice must be known before it can be loath`d . There`s no Physitian swallows poyson`d pills To help his art , he knows before what kills . If Preachers opening sins , ( to break the frame ) Did practise what they know , they`d preach their shame The guiltlesse man , is wise who better can ? Describe the drunkard then a sober man ? The thief`s convicted by the Judge that`s free , Who never knew the crime so well as he . To speak of what they gave consent unto , Or saw at large , is that which fools may do . These things you`l say are true , pray tell me how You prove them so , yet could not see while now ? Experience taught you , bring me one that`s bit Almost to death , and now recover`d wit , I`d have his counsell in`t ; but few there be That purchase wit by sin , but misery . Envy will quit me , she`s of this belief 〈◊〉 ne`re was drunkard , begger , sherk , nor thief , Though they are here displac`d , nor shall the rest Be charg`d upon me , 't is your shame exprest . Some part is meerly fanci`d ; some takes sence From observation and Intelligence ; Which I have drest in colours , that it may Stop you from hell , or vex you in the way . Defence to those whom heaven and earth despise , Is more then needs , truth will content the wise . Good morrow . THE TABLE . 1. THe preparation and the plots . 2. The strange passages of the Spie . 3. The changes in returning to the Centinells . 4. The slumbring Vision , and the accidents . 5. The Officers feast , and hells commission . 6. The counter-panes of beauty and vertue . 7. The Devills trade , and the Bawds profession . 8. The 〈◊〉 full meeting charg'd . 9. The black Courtier , the Rats and the turn-pike . 10. The nature of sherks and sherking . 11. The differences between Constables . 12. The Physitians foul disease , his will . 13. The Scum and his Doxies triumph . 14. The new traytors , and the Welshmans grief . 15. The Shred from hell , and the Monkie . 16. The lecherous Lawyers varieties . 17. The young mans dreadfull vision . 18. The bank feast and company . 19. The Devills feast with them . 20. The conditions of beggers , their rules . 21. The examination at the Court of Guard . 22. The Monster and the pettie Bawd . 23. The Devills dispute , and Pandorsus change . 24. The serving-mans relation . 25. The Chamber-maids confession . 26. The subjects 〈◊〉 , and the Authors Charge answered . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A50854e-3130 Perfect Beauty Abuse of State The vapourer . The Courtier A murder . Morall 2 devils A Lecher freed A poore Scholler A harlot . A borrowed whore . A thief A deniall Three to one A Landresse Complaints a Lord A midwife Bailiffs A penitent A froward wife her Letter . his Letter . Similies . Morall . The guests . The place . Dung hill breed . Another Searcher . How to 〈◊〉 Conference with the Devill . Morall . Descriptions . a Spie . His habit . his person . The Divel 's in love . Custome for sin . The devils grave . The devills tooles . She likes not his pitch . The Surgeons fears . M 〈…〉 Sp 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The capt. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Beggers Will . Begging 〈◊〉 the Morrall . Morrall . The tutor . The dogs rode . A tumule . Sherkes plots . Wrong 〈◊〉 . New conceits . Counterfeits . Morall The petty side Cōstable . The terrible 〈◊〉 . the Husbands grief . the Whores defence . maral . a scum . the Womans grief . the railing Whore . his reply . moral . in Cow-crosse . the conditions . the Court in Hell . carting . dogging a Whore . the Beggers adoption . Major . Corporal . compositions . bold Rogues . desperate villains . neglects of the guards . neglect of pay . the Welshman . moral . free Trade . a swound . his coming . Furies . the Ghost . arguments . Wanton devils . Hell fool'd . Fancies . the order of sitting . choice of meats . Pimp Minors Song . Nights railing forbidden guests . his sure . the smoke . Bones burnt the devils song the passage Morall . Accommodations begging tones . daily gaines Fine fare . his Port. the Begger 's Triumph . 〈◊〉 Fancies . A Damie Blade : Maior . Plunder . The Bawd a Noble in the pound . A Sodomite . a mad rub . 4. Wives . A conceited Captain . hit Condition . a Frow . A common Souldier . A Reformado . a Belt paun'd . Impudence . Cry for Peace . Make Malignant wishes . Parish Officers . Sub-Committee men . a 〈◊〉 Letcher . strife most coyne trade free 2 burnt Bawds The Frenchman . morrall The Divell and a Priest . A Souldier . Divell . The Divels plots . Pandorsus , His change . 〈◊〉 A fight . The triumph Moarall . A Villaine . Morall . Should Pimp Majo The Baud . skill Plots Robbers Golden Guests . The Watch . Pawne . Macquiers head Hells mouth Morall . 54. Sect. of the first part . The charge . The Charge Answered . A62803 ---- To the Right Honourable Sir Patience Ward Knight, Lord Mayor of the City of London. The humble petition of the commons of the city of London, in Common-hall assembled, June 27. 1681 1681 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A62803 Wing T1613 ESTC R213533 99825893 99825893 30284 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A62803) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 30284) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2219:10) To the Right Honourable Sir Patience Ward Knight, Lord Mayor of the City of London. The humble petition of the commons of the city of London, in Common-hall assembled, June 27. 1681 Ward, Patience, Sir, 1629-1696. Bethel, Slingsby, 1617-1697. Cornish, Henry, d. 1685. 1 sheet (2 p.) printed for R. Baldwyn, in the Old-baily, London : 1681. The verso contains a petition from the citizens to the sheriffs of the city of London and Middlesex, Slingsby Bethel and Henry Cornish. Reproduction of the original in the Guildhall Library, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Sheriffs -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Popish Plot, 1678 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2006-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-09 Celeste Ng Sampled and proofread 2006-09 Celeste Ng Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To the Right Honourable Sir PATIENCE WARD Knight , Lord Mayor of the City of London . The humble PETITION of the Commons of the City of London , in Common-hall assembled , June 27. 1681. Sheweth , THat We do with all thankfulness acknowledg the great and wonderful mercy of Almighty God , in that notwithstanding the daily Plots and wicked Contrivances of the Papists and their Accomplices , We do still enjoy our ancient and undoubted right and freedom of assembling our selves together for the Choice of some principal Officers of this City for the year ensuing . And whilst we attend upon this duty , We cannot but with all gratitude remember the great care , and faithful endeavours of your Lordship , the Aldermen , and Commons in Common-council lately assembled in ordering an humble Address to be presented to his Majesty ; wherein was expressed your Lordships and their due sense of the continued danger of his Majesty's Life , ( which God long preserve ) and of the Protestant Religion , and of all our Lives , Liberties , and Estates , by the Designs and Conspiracies , so long projected and prosecuted by the Councils of Rome and its Adherents ; in the pursuit whereof , they are chiefly animated by the continuing hopes of a Popish Successour . And also your and their just apprehensions that no effectual means can be provided against the impending evils therein mentioned , but by the wisdom and advice of his Majesty's great Council the Parliament . And whereas it hath come to our knowledge , that Reports , by mistake or prejudice , have been raised , that the said Address did contein onely the sense and desires of a few persons , and not of the generality of this great City . We do therefore most humbly pray your Lordship , that you will in such manner ( as shall seem best to your Lordships discretion ) humbly represent to his Majesty , that the Subject-matter of the said Address is also the true sense , and doth contain the humble Desires and Resolutions of his true and Loyal Subjects the Citizens of his City of London , in this their Common-Hall now assembled . And that his Majesty would be graciously pleased to esteem it as such . And We having likewise taken notice that the same Common Council did at the time of their voting the said Address , render their thanks to our late worthy Members of the last Parliament , for their faithful endeavours to serve this City , according to the Desires and Instructions to them given and made by Us at the time of their Election . We do think it our duty at this time to testifie our full concurrence therein , and do return unto them our hearty thanks for the same . And your Petitioners shall ever pray , &c. This Petition was delivered to the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor immediately after the declaring Thomas Pilkington Esq Alderman , and Samuel Shute Esq to be Sheriffs of London for the year ensuing ; and being read by the command of the Lord Mayor to the Common-Hall , had their general Consent and Approbation of the same , which consisted of some Thousands of Citizens . To the Honoured Slingsby Bethel and Henry Cornish Esquires , Sheriffs of this City of London and Middlesex . WE the Citizens of the said City in Common-hall assembled , being sensible of , and greatly satisfied with your faithful Endeavours to discharge those Offices of Trust which we ( not long since ) called you to ; and considering your wise and prudent conduct and management of our Affairs within this City , especially in maintaining and asserting of our undoubted Rights and Priviledges as Citizens , and continual provision of faithful and able Juries ; especially in such a time as this , when Innocency it self is not inrouded from the imputation of the blackest Crimes ; and the best and most loyal Protestants are exposed to the utmost hazards by the Perjuries , Subornations , and Villanies of the Popish Party and their Adherents . And we cannot at this time omit the mentioning your fair Proceedings in our present Election of Sheriffs for the Year ensuing , and dispatch of an unnecessary Poll , without putting us off by Adjournments to a troublesome and weary attendance . Do offer and return to you our most hearty Thanks , as the onely Compensation we can at present make you ; being confidently assured that you will stedfastly persist in those your most faithful Endeavours , as long as you shall continue Officers in this Honourable City . This Address was presented to the Sheriffs at the same time ; and being read to the Common-hall , had the like Approbation . LONDON : Printed for R. Baldwyn , in the Old-baily . 1681. A62804 ---- To the Right Honourable, Sir Robert Clayton, Lord-Mayor of the city of London the humble petition of the common-hall assembled. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1680 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A62804 Wing T1613A ESTC R228150 12364587 ocm 12364587 60368 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A62804) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60368) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 900:19) To the Right Honourable, Sir Robert Clayton, Lord-Mayor of the city of London the humble petition of the common-hall assembled. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. Clayton, Robert, Sir, 1629-1707. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1680] Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Broadside. Petition to remove Sir George Jefferies from position of recorder of the city of London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Officials and employees -- Dismissal of. Broadsides 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To the Right Honourable , Sir ROBERT CLAYTON , LORD-MAYOR of the City of London . The Humble PETITION of the Common-Hall Assembled . May it please your Honour , WE the Commons of London , in Common-Hall Assembled , being deeply sensible , that many of the Mischiefs and Grievances that we at present groan under , are occasioned by the Misbehaviour , and irregular Carriages of some of the principal Officers of this City , particularly of Sir George Jefferies , Knight , our present Recorder , who , by very confident but false Affirmations , hath endeavoured to mislead the Common-Council , in Matters of highest Moment : And also , contrary to the Duty of his Place , and the greatest Trust reposed in him , hath , as we have just reason to believe , frequently made other false Suggestions and Misrepresentations to his Majesty , of our most Loyal and Dutiful Actions and Demeanours . And finding that he hath maliciously contrived , to subvert one of the great Foundations of our English Liberties , by menacing and threatning Juries , thereby to make them bring in Verdicts , not according to their Conscience , but his own Will and Pleasure ; and discharging others contrary to Law , before they had compleated all the Business for which they were sworn : as doth notoriously appear , by his late and terrible Usage of the Grand-Inquest of this City , at the Sessions of Peace holden in Guild-Hall . And lastly ; That he doth frequently affront , and most scurrilously intreat Witnesses , appearing to give their Testimonies in the several Judicatures , whereby they many times become affrighted and confounded : Tending to the great Oppression of his Majesty's Subjects , to the Scandal and Dishonour of the City , and to the disquieting of the Peace and Unity thereof ; to the perversion of Justice , and dangerous Prejudice of the Publick-Weal of this Kingdom . By which ill Carriages , and most insolent Behaviour , he hath rendred himself most obnoxious , and insupportably burdensom in that Office. We do therefore most humbly pray your Lordship , to consider with your Worshipful Brethren the Aldermen , of the most speedy and effectual Way that can be taken , for the immediate removing of the said Sir Geo. Jefferies , from the Place of Recorder of this City , as a Person dangerous and destructive to the Publick Peace , Vnity , and Prosperity thereof : To the end that some other more fit and honest Person , learned in the Laws , of known Loyalty , Modesty , Integrity , and undoubted Zeal for the true Protestant Religion , may be Elected into the same : Which , We humbly conceived , may be the best and most expedient Means , conducing to the Remedy of these Mischiefs , and Preservation of the good Government of this renowned City . And your Petitioners shall ever pray , &c. A63110 ---- The speech of the Honorable Sir George Treby, Knight, Recorder of the City of London, upon the presenting the Honorable Dudley North and Peter Rich, Esquires, Sheriffs of the City of London and County of Middlesex, in the Exchequer Chamber at Westminster, on the 30th of September, 1682 Treby, George, Sir, 1644?-1700. 1682 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A63110 Wing T2105 ESTC R5488 11963192 ocm 11963192 51629 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A63110) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51629) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 518:35) The speech of the Honorable Sir George Treby, Knight, Recorder of the City of London, upon the presenting the Honorable Dudley North and Peter Rich, Esquires, Sheriffs of the City of London and County of Middlesex, in the Exchequer Chamber at Westminster, on the 30th of September, 1682 Treby, George, Sir, 1644?-1700. Crawley, Francis, 1610 or 11-1683. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for Jonas Hyther, London : 1682. Broadside. Caption title. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng North, Dudley, -- Sir, 1641-1691. Rich, Peter, -- Sir, 1630-1692. London (England) -- Officials and employees. Broadsides -- England -- London -- 17th century 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The SPEECH of the Honorable Sir George Treby , Knight , Recorder of the City of London , upon the Presenting the honorable Dudley North and Peter Rich Esquires , Sheriffs of the City of London and County of Middlesex , in the Exchequer Chamber at Westminster , on the 30th of September , 1682. Mr. Baron Crawley , THe Kings and Queens of this Kingdom have made several gracious Grants and Confirmations to the City of London , and the County of Middlesex ; and in these Grants they did make Reservations , and intend that they should be attended with the new Sheriffs at their coming into their Office , and with the old Sheriffs that are going out , and it is upon this occasion that we present them here . Here is the Lord Mayor attended with the Citizens , and they have proceeded to the Choice of Sheriffs , which they have made and sworn ; and the persons who are the present Sheriffs , that are presented here , are the honorable Dudley North and Peter Rich , Esquires : from these persons they raise great Expectations , considering they are men of great Sincerity , Loyalty and Fidelity ; and that they will recommend their Office to the esteem of all good people , and that they will at Iast cause this honorable question to be put , Why was not every man for these men at first ? These worthy Gentlemen that were the late Sheriffs Mr. Pilkington and Mr. Shute have given an account of their Office to the City , and now they are come to do it to the King here before you . The Honorable Mr. Baron Crawley's Reply to Mr. Recorders Speech . Mr. Recorder , YOu have certified these worthy Gentlemen to be Sheriffs of the City of London , and County of Middlesex ; and I do admit of the Choice , and do not doubt but these Gentlemen will so discharge the Trust reposed in them , that it may make high for the Honour of the King ( whom God long preserve ) and the Good of all his Loyal Subjects . And I do desire God would grant an happy Vnion between his Majesty and the ancient City of London , That they may all live in Peace and Vnity one amongst another . This speech of the Recorders , and Reply of Mr. Barons , was to the purpose and effect above . London , Printed for Jonas Hyther , 1682. A63188 ---- Londinum triumphans : Londons triumphs celebrated in honour of the truely deserving Sir Anthony Bateman, Knight, Lord Maior of the honourable City of London, and done at the costs and charges of the Right Worshipful the Company of Skinners, the 29th of October, 1663 / by John Tatham. Tatham, John, fl. 1632-1664. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A63188 of text R568 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing T221). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish.This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 24 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A63188 Wing T221 ESTC R568 11944911 ocm 11944911 51302

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A63188) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51302) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 516:26) Londinum triumphans : Londons triumphs celebrated in honour of the truely deserving Sir Anthony Bateman, Knight, Lord Maior of the honourable City of London, and done at the costs and charges of the Right Worshipful the Company of Skinners, the 29th of October, 1663 / by John Tatham. Tatham, John, fl. 1632-1664. [2], 18 p. Printed by W.G. for Henry Brome ..., London : 1663. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library.
eng Bateman, Anthony, -- Sir, 1616-1687. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. shcnoLondinium TriumphansTatham, John1663394940000010.13C The rate of 10.13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-06 Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-02 Sampled and proofread 2005-02 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

LONDINUM TRIUMPHANS .

LONDONS TRIUMPHS CELEBRATED : In Honour of the truely Deserving Sir ANTHONY BATEMAN Knight , LORD MAIOR of the Honourable CITY of LONDON . AND DONE At the Costs and Charges of the Right Worshipful the Company of SKINNERS , The 29 th . of October , 1663.

By John Tatham .

London , Printed by W. G. for Henry Brome at the Gun in Ivy-Lane . 1663.

The Ordering and Marshalling of the dayes businesse .

ABout Eight of the Clock at Skinners-Hall , to attend his Lordship according to Order , meet ,

First , the Master , Wardens , and Assistants , in their Gowns faced with Foynes , and with their Hoods . Secondly , the Livery in their Gowns faced with Budge , and their Hoods . Thirdly , Fifty Foynes Batchelors in Gowns and Sattin Hoods . Fourthly , Fifty Budge Batchelors in Gowns and Sattin Hoods . Fifthly , Sixty Gentlemen Ushers in Plush Coats , each of them a Chain of Gold about his shoulder , and a white Staff in his hand . Sixthly , Fifteen other Gentlemen , for carrying Banners and Colours , eleven of them being in Plush , the other four in Buff. Seventhly , the Serjeant Trumpet , and thirty six Trumpets more , whereof 16. are His Majesties Servants , four the Duke of York's , and four the Duke of Albemarle's ; The Serjeant Trumpet wearing not onely a Scarfe of the Lord Maior's Colours ( allowed by his Lordship as his Fee ) but also another of the Companies Colours . Eighthly , the Drum-Major to His Majesty , wearing a Scarfe of the Companies Colours crosse his shoulders ; four more of His Majasties Drums and a Fife attend the service ; also seven other Drums and two Fifes more , each of them ( except His Majesties Servants ) are habited in Buff coloured Doublets , black Hose , and Scarfes about their Wasts . Ninethly , the two Marshalls for the City , with like Scarfes , they have fix persons to attend them . Tenthly , the Foot-Marshal with the like Scarfe , and his six attendants . Eleventhly , the Master of Defence , with the like Scarfe , and ten persons to attend him . Twelfthly , seventy Pentioners in red Gowns , red Sleeves , and red Caps , each of them carrying a Javelin in one hand , and a Target in the other , wherein is painted the Coat of Arms of their Benefactors . Lastly , the said Gentlemen bearing Enfignes , Serjeant Trumpet , Drum-Major , and each other Trumpet , Drum and Fife , together with the several Marshalls , Master of Defence , and the other Attendants , have each of them the Companies Colours in their hats .

Hereupon , the Foot Marshal divides the persons so met into seven Divisions , ranked out two by two , beginning with the inferiour part , the Standard-Bearers ; and in the head of them are placed two Drums , one Fife , and one Gentleman , bearing the Companies Ensign .

In the Rear of those Standard-Bearers fall in six Trumpets , two Gentlemen bearing Banners , being the Arms of Deceased Benefactors ; after them march the aged Pentioners in Gowns , and in the Center of them fall in two Drums beating the Switzers March.

In the Rear of them fall in two Drums , one Fife , and two Gentlemen in Plush Coats , bearing two Banners or Ensigns ; after them , fall in six Gentlemen Ushers , and in the Rear of them fall in the Budge Batchellors .

In the Rear of them , fall in six other Trumpets ; after them two other Gentlemen bearing two other Banners or Ensigns ; after them fal in eight Gentlemen Ushers � and after them the Foynes Batchellors .

In the Rear of them , fall in the Duke of York's , and the Duke of Albemarle's eight Trumpets ; after them two Gentlemen bearing two other Banners or Ensignes , then 12 Gentlemen Ushers , and after them the Livery .

In the Rear of them fall in the Drum-Major , and His Majesties four Drums and Fife ; after them two other Gentlemen , the one bearing the Lord Maiors , the other the Cities Banners , and after them twelve Gentlemen Ushers , and after them the Court of Assistants .

In the Rear of them fall in the Serjeant Trumpet and sixteen other of His Majesties Trumpets , and a Kettle Drum in His Majesties Livery ; after them three Gentlemen bearing three Banners , the one the Kings , the other the Duke of York's , and the third the Banner of St. George marching Triangular ; after them fall in twelve Gentlemen Ushers , and in the Rear of them the present Master and Wardens .

In this Equipage two by two , they march from Skinners-Hall towards the Lord Maior's House in Mincing-lane , the Foot Marshal and his attendants , make a Lane to receive his Lordsh�p and his attendants , together with the old Lord Maior and his attendants , which having done , the Foot Marshal ranks them as formerly , and the whole body march towards Guildhall , and from thence to three Crane Wharf in the Vintrey , his Lordship enters his Barge at the Stairs next Westminster , the Company enters theirs at Merchant Taylors Stairs , and the rest of the Companies at several other places : but the Gentlemen Ushers Budge and Foynes Batchellors , repair to their place of refreshment .

The Lord Maior and the several Companies of London being thus imbarqued , they make all speed to Westminster , where by the way several peices of Ordinances are discharged , placed on the Bank-side to that purpose , for congratulating his Lordship .

The Companies being landed at Westminster , they set themselves as a Guard on both sides , from Westminster Bridge to the Hall , in which likewise they make a Lane for the Company of Skinners to passe , the Lord Maior , the old Lord Maior , Aldermen , and their attendants , but the Livery and their attendants return to their Barge , the Assistants , the Master , Wardens , and their several attendants , march up the Exchequer Stairs , and from the stair head to the Exchequer Bar , make a Lane , through which the new and old Lord Maiors with the Recorder passe , the new Lord Maior on the right hand of him ; and the old Lord Maior on the left , where the Recorder makes a Speech .

A Writ being sealed at the Chancery , Kings Bench , & Common Pleas Bar , and the accustomed Ceremonies performed , his Lordship and the rest in order repair to their several Barges , and hasten to Baynards Castle , Pauls Wharf , and other places , in order to their making a Guard or Gallory , from Pauls Chain Hill , and Pauls Church Yard , to Cheapside , through which the Company of Skinners , the Lord Maior , and Aldermen , with their Attendants pass .

His Lordship being landed , and all things in a readinesse in reference to it ; he is saluted by one Scene being two Leopards richly set out , on whose Backs are seated two Negroes , habited very costly after their manner , two Girles likewise placed on the Stage thereof , one in the Front , the other in the Rear , and accommodated accordingly ; the Negroes hold each a Banner of the Cities Arms in one hand , and the Arms of the Company in the other , the Girles hold the like .

This Scene moves all the Morning with other Pageants up and down Pauls Church-yard , and upon his Lordships approach retreat towards Foster-lane end , where a Pageant relating to the Companies Trade receive them ; The Leopards ( as they are Supporters of the Companies Arms ) flank each side thereof .

This Pageant is made in manner of a Wood or Wildernesse , the Stage thereof being fourteen foot long , and eight foot broad ; the Front thereof is arched over with a Wilde Arbour , in which sits a living Figure representing Faunus . His head is Circled with a Crown of Wool inter-mixed with Ermyns , the upper part of his body habited like a Forrester in Green ; his nether pa�� like a Woodman in Russet ; He wears a long loose Robe over it lined with Fur , and inter-mixed with Ermyns ; In one hand he holds a Javelin , in the other a Bugle Horn. His attendants are three Satyres habited accordingly , who are in continual Motion , playing on several rude Instruments , singing and dancing . Upon four Pedestalls sit four Girles , alluding to the Nymphs of the Wood and Forrests , called Dryades , and habited accordingly . On the Stage are placed several Boyes in the shapes of Bears , Monkeys , and several other beasts relating to the placed several Boyes in the shapes o f Bears , Monkeys , and several other beasts relating to the Companies Trade , who likewise are in continual action .

Faunus is said to be God of the Woods and Forrests , and Father of all the Rural gods .

[ He is reported to be the Ancient'st of all the Kings in Italy , and was the first that brought in any Form of Religion thither . He Consecrated Groves , gave Names unto Cities , erected Temples , ordained Sacrifices ; from whom the Churches , as some say , were named Fana . ]

Upon his Lordships approach Faunus directs himself in these words ;

Faunus's SPEECH . E'Re scarce the face of Government was known , Or superstitious Ceremonies shown , E're Rome received from Romulus a Law , ( Which did the Sabines to Subjection draw ; ) Or that her Gods into request became , And Altars on her Holy * Mount did flame , I lead the way to those mysterious rights . By the Pale Tapers of Instinctive lights : For nature ( then ) us Heathens reason lent To worship what we held Omnipotent . When now there are a sort strive to deface With Oaths and Blasphemy the Seat of Grace , Worser then Heathens live ; past sense of shame , From Christian into Atheist change their Name , We were devout in what we did not know , They know , and yet will not devotion shew ; In Woods and Groves ( at first ) we sacrific'd , And then we Temples to erect devis'd . As we grew up in Knowledge we the more Our unknown Gods did Honour and Adore , These sort of Men your Temples do despise , And to their lusts do ( onely ) sacrifice ; That such who thus your Government displease Deserve the name of Satyrs more then * these . Licentious liberty obdurates hearts , And man from virtue more then beasts departs ; For they forsake not theirs , And as we do Order our Beasts , let them be order'd too ; Wild Beasts are Tam'd by men , and wild-men may Be brought in time to be as Tame as they . 'T is Wisdome in the Magistrate that must Crumble all such Prophaneness into dust . Let such as in your Church no service lovee Confin'd be to a Forrest , Wood , or Grove . Let them be Company for Beasts not Men , Till they return unto the Truth agen . By this their Punishment you will appear Unto the World , more Vertuous then Severe .

The speech ended , his Lordship and his Retinue move towards the place where Cheapside-Crosse stood , and there he is entertained by another Scene or Pageant , being a stately Fabrick made after the Dorick order , on the Top whereof is seated a lively Figure representing Albion or England , taking her Name from the White Cliffs ; her hair is of a Flaxen colour dishevelled , her Temples are Circled with an Imperial Diadem , her Neck ornamented with a Collor of SS , her Garment Cloth of Silver , about her shoulders a loose flying scarf of Gold : In one hand she holds a Shield whereon is figured the Heptarchy , ( or the seven petty Kings that once ruled here ) , kneeling and tendring their Crowns to her ; in the other hand she holds a rich Banner , whereon the Arms of England and Portugall is impal'd . At her Feet upon a Pedestall is seated a living Figure representing the City of London ; her hair of a light Brown , on her head a Coronet of Gold , her Garment white sarsnet fring'd with Gold , over her shoulders she has a loose flying Green sarsnet scarfe fringed with silver : in one hand she holds a Banner of the Cities Arms , in the other one of the Companies .

On either side of the Pageant sit two more living Figures , representing two Cities , York and Bristoll ; and in the Rear sits another figure representing Worcester .

York is habited in a Flame coloured Sarsnet Robe , her hair a dark Brown dishevel'd , on her head a Coronet of Gold , in one hand she holds a Banner with the Arms of that City , in the other the Arms of England .

Bristoll is habited in a Limon-coloured Sarsnet Robe , her hair dishevel'd , on her head a Coronet of Gold ; in one hand she holds a Banner with the Arms of that City , in the other the Arms of England .

Norwich is habited in a Crimson coloured Srasnet-Robe , her hair dishevel'd , on her head she has a Coronet of Gold , in one hand she holds a Banner with the Arms of that City , and in the other the Arms of England .

All these Banners are made of Silk , about the Pageant is painted the Figure of every City in little .

His Lordship and the rest drawing neer , Albion directs her self to him in these words ;

Albions SPEECH . Albion that not long since was left forlorn , Her Bosom ransackt , and her Garments torn By her unnatural Children , now presumes Your presence , and her antient State assumes . Bless'd be the happy Change , the Sacred Cause Of our Religion , Liberty , and Laws . So great a Work could not accomplish'd be , Without restoring Heaven-born Monarchie ; How happy are you , could you prize your good , And your Conditions rightly understood ; Now Peace has got the upper hand of War , And Plenty hath exiled Famin far Remote from hence our fields are clad with Corn Whose laden Ears do listen to be shorn . The Husbandman hides not his Cattel , now , Lest that they shall be taken from the Plough ; The Shepherd fears not those Sheep stealing men ( Far worse then Wolves ) of late , but laughs agen . And to his harmless flock tunes forth the Praise of Peace , and our Revived Halcion dayes . Thrice happy England in so bless'd a King , Vnder whose Government the Clergy sing The Songs of Sion in the sacred Tongue , Converting old Men and Informing young . Where vile Oppression is supprest by Law , And Clemency doth more then rigour Awe . Then London , and my other Daughters , know How much to God for such a King you owe ; And let no dirty thoughts Rebellious , prove The dark rewarders of his Serene love .

The Speech ended , his Lordship and his Retinue move towards Milk-street , and there he is saluted by another Scene or Pageant , made in manner of a Chariot , in the Front whereof sits a living Figure , representing a Turk ( alluding to his Lordships Quality , a Turkish Merchant , and so to Trade ) his Habit is very rich , apted to the Fashion of that Countrey ; in the body of the Pageant are three Turks more habited accordingly , and three Slaves employed in ordering and making up Commodities .

Upon his Lordships adproach , the Turk salutes him in these words ;

Turks SPEECH . HAil to the honour that attends your name , We that ne'r stoop to fear , yet must to fame ; We that dare Grapple with the Universe , And mak 't our Glory ( only ) to Converse With horrid Slaughter , do appeal to you , And for your Amity and Comerce sue : Nor is it such a monstrous thing to be In league with us � rather securitie : The trembling Nations where our Sultan comes Surrender up their rights , and quit their homes ; Our numerous host staggers the Christians faith , And our successe like admiration hath : Th' Inveigling French we neither love , nor fear , Your deeds abroad draw our affections here . England's the seat of honour , and the flower Of Chivalry , Valours Imperiall Bower ; Her Prince inur'd to Arms , and rugged war , Her Souldiers ( like to Alexanders , ) are So expert in their Discipline , not one But may a Title of Commander own . Her Magistrates are sober , grave , and wise , Not Kickshaw-pated-fellows , Butterflies , But such as Rome did in her Pride select For Government , to Traffique , and Protect , And as to her , remotest parts did bow , Let us not shame to doe the like to you .

The Speech ended , his Lordship and the rest move on towards Soper-lane end , the four Pageants by whom his Lordship past , falling into the Rear . At Soper-lane end , another Pageant waits his Lordship , being a stately Building , in the Front whereof sits Minerva ; her Hair dishevell'd , on her head she wears a silver Helmet with a Plume of red and white Feathers , her Garment of changeable coloured Sarsnet , alluding to her Properties , as she is Pallas , Bellona , and Minerva ; in one hand she holds a Lance , in the other a Shield , whereon is figured several sorts of Books and Instruments of Musick , as she is Goddesse of Arts and Arms ; upon the four Pedestals of the Pageant , sit four Nymphs in several coloured habits , richly set forth , circled with Wreaths of Roses , and holding a sheild and a Banner in each hand , on one whereof is figured the head of Medusa , on the other the Lord Mayors Arms.

On the Top of the Pageant is placed an other lively Figure representing Mercury ; his habit , and basis are Cloth of silver : There are three Children more which represent the three Graces habited accordingly .

His Lordship drawing neer Minerva Addresseth her self to him in these words .

Minerva's SPEECH . IN all the primitive times Learning did shine Like to the Sun both speculative , and divine ; The more she spread her self , the more she grew , In veneration and esteem ; This drew The youth of famous Athens to admire Not only her rich beauty , but acquire Her as a Bride ; for which their Genii strove , And in their several Orbs exprest their love . But as the Sun cannot be said to give Life to one Plant ( though all by him do live ) So Learning from her various Rayes imparts The several Species of both Arms and Arts. While they did flourish she was in request , And held a Iewel for a Prince's breast ; When now her Glory is Ecclips'd , and she Wanders in Rags , and despis'd Povertie . Let parts be what they will , Fools onely scan The Out-side , not the Inside of a Man. If she addresse her self to Court ( the place Where she should find acceptance , and a Grace ) The wanton leere of a betraying Eye Bespeaks her ( straight ) a scornful Injury . The Country knows her not ; they with all right , But hardly to her Help will add a Mite ; To what place must her Miseries repair , But unto Athens ? of the which you are By Divine hand appointed Magistrate Oh! let her not be starved at your Gate , Encourage her , and for your Cities Fame . Both Arts and Arms shall gloryfie your Name . Perpetuate your Memory , and raise From this dayes Basis Pyramids of Praise .

The Speech ended , his Lordship and his Attendants retire to Guild-Hall to Dinner , and the Companie to the place of their Refreshment ; and after Dinner are again by the Foot Marshal set in Order as in the Morning , only the Pentioners carry in stead of Javelins and Targets , Torches to attend my Lord , the Aldarmen , and Companies from St. Pauls , to which place his Lordship directs his passage , and the Pageants to wait his Coming from thence , hasten towards his Lordships house in Mincing-lane , and the Pageants are placed in Grace Church-street ; and at Mincing-lane end neer Cloth-workers-Hall ; his Lordship ( upon his Return from Pauls ) is Accosted by the person representing the Turk in these words ;

SPEECH . MY LORD , THe Company on whom I waite , Command me to salute you at your Gate With their fraternal-hearty-wishes ; May Your Joyes exceed the Glory of this Day . May never Night approach them , never Ill Divine them , but be fair and rising still . May you in Traffique no Disaster know , Your Riches never Ebb , but ever Flow. Piety be your practice , and the poor . Never go Empty-handed from your dore . May you grow up in Honours seat , and prove A Subject for your King , and Cities love . May you live Centuries of years , and see Your-self still young in your posteritie : And so your Company bids ( in your own right ) Good Morrow to your Glories , not Good night .

Which ended , and his Lordship entred his house , all depart in order ( as the Conveniency of Night will admit ) And the several persons appointed to attend the service of the day take especiall care to lodge the silk-works and Triumphs in some secure place til they can remove them to Skinners-Hall , in regard they are of some weight , and the burthen of the day was heavy to the Undertakers .

FINIS .

Licensed October 27 , 1663.

ROGER L'ESTRANGE .

Notes, typically marginal, from the original text
Notes for div A63188-e150 * Mount Aventine . * pointing to the Satyrs .
A63201 ---- Londons tryumph celebrated the nine and twentieth day of October, in the year 1659, in honour of the much honoured Thomas Allen, lord mayor of the said city : presented and personated by an Europian, an Egyptian, and a Persian : and done at the costs and charges of the ever to be honoured Company of Grocers. Tatham, John, fl. 1632-1664. 1659 Approx. 24 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A63201 Wing T223 ESTC R38278 17286991 ocm 17286991 106310 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A63201) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 106310) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1103:28) Londons tryumph celebrated the nine and twentieth day of October, in the year 1659, in honour of the much honoured Thomas Allen, lord mayor of the said city : presented and personated by an Europian, an Egyptian, and a Persian : and done at the costs and charges of the ever to be honoured Company of Grocers. Tatham, John, fl. 1632-1664. [6], 15 p. Printed for Thomas Mabb, London : 1659. Dedications signed: John Tatham. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Allen, Thomas, -- Sir. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2003-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-08 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2003-08 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion LONDON'S Tryumph , CELEBRATED The Nine and Twentieth day of October , in the Year 1659. In Honour of the much Honoured , Thomas Allen , Lord Mayor of the said City . Presented and personated by an Europian , an Egyptian , and a Persian . And done at the Costs and Charges of the ever to be Honoured Company of GROCERS . London , Printed by Thomas Mabb , 1659. To the Right Honourable , THOMAS ALLEN , Lord Mayor of the City of LONDON . My Lord , ALthough I may seem a stranger to your Person , I am not so to your Worth and Goodnes , which have so generally spread themselves , they are rooted in mens hearts and Affections : As the glory of a City , consists in the Prudence and Magnanimity of her Governor ; so she ought to be well read and acquainted with his Vertues , whom she chooseth . This begat such Acclamations of joy at your Election ; witness your Honourable Companies , and indeed ( I may speak it without Flattery ) the Voice and Heart of the whole City ; My Lord , these motives have induced or rather encouraged me to make this my Address & Presentation , not dispairing of your gracious Acceptance ; since things of this nature have been by use , partly made customary : However , I hope , the transgression ( if any ) carries not so ill an Aspect , but that it may come within the Verge of your Candor , whereby I may be licensed to subscribe my self , My Lord , Your Honours most Humble and Faithfull Servant , Iohn Tatham . TO THE Worshipfull Company OF GROCERS , THe Commons of Rome conceiving some distast against their Senators , under pretence of some great Oppression , did in a mutenous manner depart to the Mount Aventine ; but things being brought to a head , by Arguments of Reason and Power , they were reconciled ; And in memory thereof , they Celebrated their Games or Tryumphs ; It is also reported by Macrobeus that the Romans in the very heat of of their Games Celebrated to Apollo ; were suddenly invaded , and forced to betake them to 〈…〉 , and returning Conquerours , assisted by an unknown hand ; Clouds of Arrows and Darts , having covered their Enemies , they found an old man dancing , and their sports in some manner continued , whereat with much joy they uttered forth , Salva res est , saltat senex , which afterwards became a Proverb , & is properly spoken when a sudden evill is seconded with a good event , beyond Hope or Expectation . Gentlemen , the inference needs little explanation ; t is sufficient Providence affords us that happinesse to return to our Tryumphs , the glory of the City , an encouragement to Arts , and an Obliger of , Gentlemen , your humble Servant , JOHN TATHAM . Londons Tryumph , Presented by An European , an Egyptian , and a Persian ; Performed at the Costs and Charges of the ever to be honoured Company of GROCERS . October 29. 1659. THe whole Body appointed for the service of the day , being met together at Grocers-Hall ; that is to say : 1. The Master , Wardens , and Assistants in their Gowns , faced with Foyns , and Hoods . 2. The Livery in Gowns , faced with Budge , and their Hoods . 3. The Foyns Batchellors in Gowns with Hoods . 4. The Budge Batchellors in their Gowns with Sattin Hoods . 5. The Gentlemen Ushers with Gold Chains about their Shoulders , and white Staves in their Hands . 6. Eighteen Trumpeters . 7. Four Ensigns . 8. Fourteen Drums and Fifes . 9. The Master of Defence , and his Eight Attendants . 10. The Banners and Standard Bearers in White Coats and Red Caps . 11. The Pentioners in Blew Gowns and Red Caps , each of them a Javelin in one hand , and a Target in the other , wherein is painted the several Coats of Arms of the Aldermen , Assistants and Benefactors . 12. The Foot-Marshall and his Six Attendants , in Fustion Dublets and White Stockins . 13. Four Pages with White Hats and Cassacks , each of them a Truntion in one hand and a Target in the other , wherein is painted the Coats of Arms of the present Master and Wardens . About Eight of the Clock the said Foot-Marshal Ranks out the said Company two by two . Beginning , 1. WIth the said Pentioners , after them the Standard and Banner Bearers , and in the Front of the said Pentioners , placeth four Drums , Two Fifes , and two Ensigns . 2. In the second Division falls in six Drums , two Fifes more , and two other Ensignes ; after them falls in six Gentlemen Ushers , and after them the Budge Batchellors . 3. In the third Division fals in six Trumpets , after them the Banners of St. George , in the rear of which fals in eight more of the Gentlemen Ushers , and after them the Foynes Batchellors . 4. In the fourth Division , fals in six other Trumpets , after them the Companies Banners , in the rear of which , fals in ten other of the Gentlemen Ushers , and after them the Livery . 5. In the fifth Division , fals in six other Trumpets , after them the Lord Mayors and Cities Banners , after them ten other Gentlemen Ushers , and after them the Assistants . 6. In the sixt or last Division , fals in foure Pages , each of them a Truntion in one hand , and a Target in the other ; wherein is painted the Coats of Arms of the present Master and Wardens , after them fals in eight other Gentlemen Ushers , and after them the present Master and Wardens . In this equipage of ranks two by two , they march from Grocers-hall towards the Lord Mayors house , the Foot Marshall and his Attendants removing , the first two Ensignes , foure Drums and two Fifes next the Master and Wardens , placing himself and his Attendants in the front , doe lead the way , till either they meet his Lordship or come to his Gate ; and then removing the said Ensignes , Drums , and Fifes to their first place or head of the Pentioners , placing himself in the Front ; they led back down Cornhill and the Old-jury , by Guild-Hall Gate , there taking in the old Lord Mayor , do march up Lawrence Lain , down Soper Lain , Cloak Lain , Colledge Hill ; and at the foot of the said Hill , the said Pentioners , Standard , and Banner bearers , doe open to the right and left , making a Gallory , through which the Budge and Foynes Batchellors doe pass to the place assigned for them to dine at , the Livery , Assistants , the Master , the Wardens , and their attendant Ushers ( except Pages ) together with their Trumpets pass through the said Gallory to Merchant Taylor Stairs ( at the East end of Three-Crain Wharf ) into their several Barges . The Lord Mayors ▪ Aldermen and their attendants into their Barge ; and being so , all convenient speed is made towards Westminster by them and the severall Companies of London , in Barges adorned with Streamers and Banners , Wind-musick , Drums , and Trumpets , where by the way severall peeces of Ordnance are discharged ; but the Banner and Standard Bearers , with the Pentioners , Pages , Drums , Fifes , Ensignes , Foot Marshall and his attendants repaire towards Baynards Castle , there waiting his Lordships and the Companies return . The Companies being landed , they set themselves as a Guard on both sides , from Westminster Bridge round Westminster Hall , through which the Company of Grocers do pass , likewise the Lord Mayor , Aldermen and their attendants , but the Livery and their attendants doe return to their Barge , the Assistants the Master and Wardens and their severall attendants march up the Chequer staires , making a Guard from the Chequer Barr to the stayrs head , through which the Lord Mayor and Aldermen doe passe ( the new Lord Mayor on the right , the old on the left of the Recorder toward the said Barr ) and after a speech made by the said Recorder , shewing the cause of their addresses , & answer made by the Lord Cheif Barron , his Lordship is Sworn ; and being so , the Company fall in as before , leading to the Chancery , the Upper-Bench , and the Common-Pleas Barrs , Seales a Writ at each Court , and presently the whole Body marcheth to their Barges , and being entred and the severall Barges on floate , the former Ordnance ( as a token of joy ) are again discharged , all convenient speed being likewise made by that body towards Baynards Castle ; but the severall Companies to Pauls Wharfe , and other places in order to their making of a Guard or Gallory from the top of Pauls Wharfe , or Pauls Chaine hill , through Pauls Church yard , Cheap-side , Cornhill , & Leaden-hall-street , to his Lordships House ; through which said Gallory the Company of Grocers , the Lord Mayor , Aldermen and their attendants are to passe . The Lord Mayor , Aldermen and their attendants being landed at the foresaid place ; doe meet the Foot-Marshall , the Drums , Fifes , Trumpets , Ensignes , Silk-worke , Pentioners , Pages , Gentlemen Ushers , Budge and Foynes Bachellers , set in order as at first , and ready to March , and placing himself and Company in the Front , marcheth up Pauls Wharfe-hill through Pauls Church yard into Cheap-side , and between Foster , and Gutter-laine is saluted by one Sceane , flankt with two Griffins , on the back of one is placed a Negar , on the other an Indian with Banners in the hands of both : The Sceane representeth Commerce in the figure of a young man sitting under a Canopy , supported by foure figures or young persons , holding Pendants and Sheilds in their hands , wherein is painted the badges of the foure parts of the world ; his Lordship drawing nigh the said Sceane , Commerce salutes him in these words . The first Speech . MY Lord , 't is thought the world was but a plain Levell , or Champion , whil'st men did remain In idleness , the Nurse of Ignorance ; Which lulls mens braines , in a Lethergean Trance ; At th' last Necessity seem'd to infuse In them the Art of Arthitect , the use Of Huts and Houses ; every one began To shew himself or more , or lesse a Man . Left their wilde kinde of living , and did build Cities for safety , in the which they held , A Civiliz'd comunication , each By a Divine instinct the Arts did teach ; Nor did they perish when the World was drown'd Their Hyrogliphicks were in pillars found , That by degrees succeeding ages did Reveale to one another secrets hid ; Which though before were seeds in them , yet they Shew'd not untill Experience taught the way . Then did the Navigator search the Mayne , How to steere forth , how to return again With prize and safety ? straight that art was hurld , Into our lap , the center of the World , By divine hand ; that we in a short time , Made our selves countrymen of every clymb , Searching the spacious Universe , our skill , And courage did the mouth of wonder fill , Riding on dangers neck , as though t' were meant , We should be Lords of the whole Continent . Such were our darings , that , what , Histories Forget to speak of our discoveries . Greenland , Lapland , Michar , Isles remote And many more , which later times denote , Unto our Countryes glory , we made ours , By the direction of fore-seeing Powers : Thus are we nourish't from the breasts encrease ; Could we among our selves but mediate peace . The antient Poets Pyramids of praise , Did to the Honour of their Countryes rayse , In all my reading , or my travells ( Sir ) I must our own above the rest preferr . For as th' Magnetique Courts , the Adamant With her Simphatick faculty , the want Of whose Assotiation makes her seem Uselesse , regardlesse , as of small esteeme : So we from most parts of the Universe Are sought , rather petitioned for Commerce . Traffique brings profit , towards which they bend , As though their welfare did on ours depend : Thus doe we ( Sir ) still by our patriots care , Or'e take their riches at their full Carreire . My Lord , you are Our Cities Hope , whereon She doth rely , her Father and her Son ; Shee gave you breath , and education too , Which made you fit for what 's conferr'd on you : Then since th' extention of Her love was such ; Your care of Her , cannot be shewn too much : Which , as shee doubts not of , so we rejoyce , And celebrate Your Triumphs in Her Uoice . The Speech ended , the Scene quits the place , and ( hastning towards his Lordships House ) is placed in the rear of a Ship , not yet visible to his Lordship , and his Lordship , the Aldermen and their attendants pass through Cheap-side , and the Poultry ; towards the Exchange they meet another Scean , representing several of the places or Countries , in which the Commodities belonging to the Grocers trade doe grow , and the natives disporting therein , in habits of each Nation ; on one part of the said Stage is placed a Clove Tree , in another a Nutmeg Tree and a Current Tree , on another part thereof is planted Rice , Rasons , Figgs , and Druggs ; and in the Front is placed or fixed a Crockadile , with an Egyptian on his back , a banner in his hand , at each Angle of the Stage a Nymph ; when his Lordship draws nigh , the Egyptian salutes him in these words : The second Speech . WHere am I ? What auspicious wind convey'd Me to this Isle ? what sudden thoughts invade My faculties ? Egyptian darkness , hence , I now discern the cause and th' influence ; It was the soft and winning breath of Fame , Fanning the way unto the honoured name Of him , that this dayes Tryumphs wait upon , Wafted me hither , and hath put me on This bold attempt . My Lord , all Nations are Bound to this Seat , and must Concenter here In point of Traffique ; other parts but stand Like Marginal Notes , directing to this Land : Or , as in times past Mercurie's Statues were Fixt in high-wayes by th' hand of Publique care , To point at consequents , this little Round Is in it self a World ; Istmus and Sound , Memphis no more of your fain'd Rampiers boast ; Lysbone your Tagus , Caria your Coasts Persia , Scythia , Parthia , Thratia , Lydia , Syria , Syberia , Caspia , Ty up your numerous Glories , with your Tongue , That heretofore the want on Muses sung ; For in this Inch of Earth's comprized more , Than all the Poets fanoi'd yours before . It is Our wishes ( Sir ) your belov'd Name , May adde a breathing to the breath of Fame ; To sound you Great and Good , that your just Fate May fix you a firm Pillar to this State : May You in Her , and She in You this year Propitious be , as th' Motion of a Sphere . The Speech ended , this Scene likewise quits the place , and is conveyed through Leaden Hall street toward his Lordships House , where meeting with the former , is divided into two parts ; that Stage whereon the Spaniards and Negars are , being placed on the Right hand of Commerce , the Persians and Indians on the Left , and the Griffins Flanking of each ; In the Front is placed the Ship , and on the Right wing thereof is the Crookodile placed , and on the Left a Camel , with a Negar on his back , having a Pendent in the one hand , and with the other takes out of his Dorcers ▪ Cloves , Currence and other Fruit , and throwes among the people ; and on the head of that Stage stands one in a Persian habit , with a two Attendants , on each side : The several Scens thus placed , and his Lordship with the Aldermen and their attendants coming nere , the Mariners presented his Lordship with this Song : The Marriners Song . SInce the ●pan● reap , By Hazard grows cheap ; And that we are now within Ken , boyes : Let 's cast Anchor here , No City more freer , To Harbour such Iovial Men boyes : Then merily sing , and as merily quaf't , Let 's drink up the Riches of th' World in a draught . The Song ended , the Foot Marshal with his Company , and likewise the Pentioners , being come nere to the Lord Mayors doore , the Foot Marshal placeth the said Pentioners in a single File , on the North side the said street , and causeth every man to hang his Target on the top of his Javelin , then openeth the remaining part of the said Company to the Right and Left , himself and Company passeth through , till they come to the Masters and Wardens , and then Marcheth them , and the whole Body through that Intervail , placing the Master at the Lord Mayors Gate , and the whole Body successively , on the Wing each of other , before the said Pentioners , and the Drums , Fises , Trumpets , Ensignes , Banners , and Streamer bearers , in equall divisions as a Front Guard before them , who as the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and their attendants pass ▪ do each one perform his part ; but the Lords being come nere , the Scenes being placed as aforesaid , the person representing a Persian Merchant , makes his address in this manner : The third Speech . My Lord , THe European Traveller with Experienc'd Keyes ▪ Open'd the Gate to his Discoveries , Sh●wing th' essentiall species of Commerce The very hinges to the Universe . The Egyptian seem'd in his discourse to Treate Of places , and for Trade made this the Seate . And now my Lord to amplyfy what they Before have spoke , the Candid winds this day Set me on Shore , as though the Twins had known , What Tyumphs to your Honour would be shewn . The Marriners their severall voices reare For joy they safely have arrived here ; And brought their Vessell to their wisht for home Laden with Easterne Treasure , Spice and Gum ; The Dulcid Trees , whose substances do bear , Heart pleasing Synamon , Cloves , Mace Nutmeggs are From fam'd Arabia brought , likewise from thence Comes Casia , Myrrh , and precious Frankinsence , From Pharo Figgs ; Zant , Currans ; Maligo , Affords you Reasons ; Dates and Pepper grow In other places ; Sugar and what not But brings a benefit unto this Spot . The manner how they grow ( my Lord ) you 'l see , In th' perfect Figure of each branch and tree . Then Sena , Rhuberb , China , Rootes that doe Not onely purify , but strengthen too , Sarsaparella , Aggrick , then comes in Storax , Aloes , Indico , Benjamin , And hundreds more , that th' Indies and the Streights Heape in to add unto your wealth by freights , As though the Company of which y' are free With your own Trade twisted Society In their Commerce and profits doubtles so And may that linck and firme affection flow T' inrich this Citie , that the Nation may Participate the comfort of this day ; For ( Sir ) the Causes our disturbance bred Are now Composed , rage and fury fled To their dark Celles ; That by your light we move The second Subject of Our Hopes and Love . May to th' addition of your Name and Blood Be attributed all that fame speaks good ; That so your praises may like lynes from hence The Center , fill the worlds circumference . The Speech ended , and my Lords and their company within the Gate ; the foot Marshall ranks the whole body as before ; and placing himself and Attendants in the Front , do lead towards Grocers Hall , and the Sceanes or Pageants make what haste or speed , they possibly can after them . 1. FRom th' Indies and th' Streights , We come with full freight , To add to your Wealth , Your Pleasure , and Health , Ingrediences such , Would puzle one much : To search out their Natures , and define their Names : For their growth , and their places ; Hard things , as the case is , Ye must Travell further than th' River of Thames . 2. Your Currans from Zant , When your Worships want , Come flying as wood , In Vessels so good : And Reason you know Come from Maligo ; Dates , Figs , Cloves , and Nutmegs , with Sugar and Rice : Then Pepper and Ginger , That Nose ●osting twinger , Then 〈◊〉 and mace 〈…〉 spice . 3. Then Casia and Myrrh , We next must prefer , With fine Francking sense , That doth cost you pence : Then sweet Bejamine Doth draw Storax in With Seva , and China , and Rhuberb so good : All the next I can tell a , Is Sarsaparella Which strengthens the body and cleanseth the blood . This was an Entertainment to the Committee Appointed for carrying on the Charge of the whole businesse ; and presented before them on Thursday night last at Gresham Colledge . Although the Gentleman whose singular judgment designed and Modelled the several Fabricks , Structures and Sceanes of this days Tryumph , desired to have his Name concealed ; I hold it a piece of prejudice to omit theirs imployed by him ; In the performance thereof , as Capt. Andrew Dakers and Mr. William Lightfoot , Painters : Mr. Thomas Whiting , Ioyner : Mr. Richard Clear , Carver , each of them in their qualities deserving ample commendations . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Known defects for A63201.xml Defect summary 3 missing or defective tokens known defects on page A63201-009-a incomplete or missing word on page 9-a, word 3089: ●pan● known defects on page A63201-010-a incomplete or missing word on page 10-a, word 3386: Sh●wing known defects on page A63201-011-a incomplete or missing word on page 11-a, word 3935: ●osting A63326 ---- A true account of the irregular proceedings at Gvild-Hall, about the swearing the two pretended sheriffs Mr. North and Mr. Rich, September 28, 1682 1682 Approx. 15 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A63326 Wing T2377 ESTC R6034 11965015 ocm 11965015 51679 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A63326) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51679) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 519:29) A true account of the irregular proceedings at Gvild-Hall, about the swearing the two pretended sheriffs Mr. North and Mr. Rich, September 28, 1682 Papillon, Thomas, 1623-1702. Dubois, John. 4 p. Printed for John Johnson, [London : 1682] Caption title. "To the Right Honourable, the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen: the humble declaration of Thomas Papillon, mercer, and John Dubois, weaver ...": p. 3. Reproduction of original in University of Pennsylvania Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng North, Dudley, -- Sir, 1641-1691. Rich, Peter, -- Sir, 1630-1692. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2006-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A TRUE ACCOUNT OF THE Irregular Proceedings At GVILD-HALL , About the Swearing the TWO Pretended SHERIFFS Mr. NORTH and Mr. RICH. September 28. 1682 THE last Night my Lord Mayor issued out Tickets to the Aldermen in these Words : Sir ; Your Worship is desired to be at a Court of Aldermen at Guild-Hall on Thursday next at nine of the Clock in the forenoon , in your violet Gown and Cloak , being the twenty eighth of September . Accordingly several Aldermen appeared at Guild-hall , and it being the day appointed for the Swearing of Sheriffs , they attended Thomas Papillon and John Dubois Esquires into the Guild-Hall at the hour appointed by the Lord Mayor , which they found guarded by Foot-Companies of the Trained-Bands ( a thing expresly contrary to the English Constitutions , which hath been jealous of nothing more than the preserving Elections free from force or terrour ; ) Some whereof were posted at the Doors and presented their Muskets : But yet there was no refusal of entrance , but rather an opening of the Files , and some respect shewn . So all the aforesaid Aldermen passed into the Council-Chamber , where having staid a little while , and supposing my Lord Mayor might go up to the Hustings directly , they went down into the Hall towards the Hustings-door , and there abode some time , attending his Lordships coming , the Souldiers with respect giving way . But Lieutenant Collonel Quiney who was absent at their entry , came up to them very much concerned , and made several turns without speaking to them , but commanded the Souldiers several times to stand to their Arms , and so withdrew . But after a quarter of an hour he came back again and commanded the Souldiers to face about ( and so alter'd their Figure ) and to advance so as to encompass or imprison the Aldermen , for there was not six foot square left them to stand upon . Whereupon Quiney said to the Aldermen , I have a command from the Lieutenancy to keep the Hall clear , and suffer none to be here till my Lord Mayor comes . Upon this , several Aldermen demanded to see the Order , being ready to obey all ▪ Legal commands ; and asked him , whether he did not know that they were Magistrates of the City ; and could believe it reached them ? To which he answered , I have none , but it is with the Major of the Regiment , and I do know you , and you must remove . Further , the Aldermen declared , they were summoned to wait on my Lord Mayor at the Guild-Hall , and there attended in all peaceableness . Whereupon he withdrew again for some time , but returning , said , Gentlemen You must withdraw , I have a command to require it . But being again demanded to shew his Warrant or Order , he answered in a great heat , That he would shew none , nor to none such as they . Then laying hands first on Sir P. W's . shoulder who stood next to him , he said , Sir You must remove ; and called on his Souldiers to advance close to the Bar , so as to thrust them away ; Sir P. W. only replied to him , We are in a lawful place , and on our Duty , desiring the other Aldermen that were present , and the Souldiers , to take notice of the violence offered . And surely it was such as is scarcely to be Parallell'd , especially in a well-governed City ; that their Civil Magistrates should be so affronted in their own Room . But Quiney answered , he cared not for Witness , he would justifie what he did , having Orders from the Lieutenancy so to do . Then he took hold on Sir J. L. who was leaning on the Bar , and with very great and repeated violence pulled him from off the step , and had like to have thrown him down ; who demanded still by what Order he did it ? and that he would shew the same . But he replied again , he would shew none : Then he took hold of Sir J. S. and Sir T. G. and Ald. C. who likewise demanding to see his Orders , were answered to the same purpose as aforesaid . Hereupon all the Aldermen desiring the Souldiers who were present to take notice of the Assaults and Misdemeanours of the said Quiney , they withdrew into the West part of the Hall , where divers persons were walking , viz. Withers , Wiseman , Nicols , Steventon , &c. some of them being of the Lieutenancy , and others not . To whom it was said , Did not you see the Misdem●anours of Quiney ? But they instead of resenting the indignities offered to those worthy Aldermen , who had served the City to so great a degree that the mouth of malice it self may be stopt , answered , He followed but the Orders of the Lieutenancy . Then it was asked them ( being Acquaintance ) How they came by that Freedom in the Hall , when the Aldermen were so ill treated there ? Whereunto they answered , they were of the Lieutenancy , and attended the coming of my Lord Mayor : The which the Aldermen told them they also did , but had not the same civil treatment . Not long after came my Lord Mayor , to whom these Aldermen joined themselves , and went up out of the Great Hall into the Council-Chamber , and Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois with them : where being entred , the first words my Lord Mayor said , were these , viz : Gentlemen , here are fine doings , to go and Swear Sheriffs , and I not present ! Whereunto Sir J. L. answer'd , Whoever told your Lordship so , misinform'd your Lordship ; we came very peaceably to the Hall to perform our duty , and know well what it is to administer an Oath , and had not the least intention of such a thing , but to lay our claim by presenting Sheriffs . Sir R. C. also told his Lordship , he ought to be angry with those that had given him false Information , rather than with those he was misinformed of ; and that nothing was intended or designed contrary to his Lordships frequent and publick Declaration , which was , that the matter should be determin'd by Law ; and it was advised that could not be done , unless Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois did present themselves to be sworn . Whereupon his Lordship seemed to rest satisfied ; and immediately the rest of the Aldermen with the other Sheriffs coming in , Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois presented themselves to his Lordship , and Mr. Papillon read a Paper the contents whereof were as followes . To the Right Honourable , the LORD MAYOR and Court of ALDERMEN : The humble Declaration of Thomas Papillon Mercer , and John Dubois Weaver , Citizens of London . OVR Absence in the Countrey on Midsummer-day last , and for some time before and since , and our being personally Strangers to , and no way appearing or concerning our selves with any of the Transactions or Proceedings then , or since Vsed in the Choice of Sheriffs for this Honourable City and County of Middlesex for the ensuing Year , would have Excused our Attendance upon your Lordship and this Honourable Court at this time , and upon this Occasion , had we not been Informed by divers , that by the Suffrages of the Majority of the Citizens in Common-Hall , We were , and stand duly Elected Sheriffs for this City and the County of Middlesex for the Ensuing Year . Now though our Personal Vnacquaintance with the Proceedings used in that Affair hath been such , and that we have not received any Intimation or Command concerning the same from your Lordship or this Honourable Court , whereby we might have had an Opportunity of declaring our selves either ready to Accept , or desirous to be Excused from that Office , as hath been usual in former Cases of the like Nature ; yet in regard of the aforesaid Information , and that the time for such Declaration , as well as for any further Election , is now Elapsed , and not knowing of what Consequence it may be to us , nor what Inconveniencies or hazard we might be Obnoxious , or Exposed unto , if we should continue Silent or Passive in that Affair : Therefore for the avoiding all Prejudices and Inconveniencies , we have thought it a Duty Incumbent on us , to appear at this time before your Lordship and this Honourable Court , not to Debate or question any the Proceedings or Transactions in this matter , nor Officiously to Court an Office so Chargeable in it self , and so Inconvenient to Vs ; But as being Citizens of London , and so under Obligation to Serve the King and Countrey , when duely Called thereto ; and desirous to Excuse our selves from all Imputation of Crime or neglect of Duty that might be Charged upon Vs ; We do with all Submission hereby Declare unto your Lordship and this Honourable Court , that we are Ready , and do now tender our selves to take upon us the Office of Sheriffs for the City of London and County of Middlesex for the ensuing Year , and to be Sworn and Admitted into that Office according to our Election ; And in Order thereunto , to Attend your Lordship and the Aldermen to the Hustings or elsewhere , and either there , or in any other proper Place and manner to take the Oaths of the said Office , and such other Oaths as the Law requires , and further to do and perform whatsoever the Law , or the Rights and Customs of this City Require of Vs concerning the said Office , and We humbly beg your Lordships and the Courts Answer therein . Guild-Hall , 28 Septemb. 1682. Thomas Papillon , John Dubois . The which having read , Mr. Papillon Presented it to my Lord Mayor , but he refusing to take it , Mr. Papillon gave it to a Member of the Court , who Accepted it , to prove the Tender of themselves . And his Lordship being Pressed to take the matter into Debate , for that the Aldermen had been Summoned to a Court , he Answered , There was no Business : To which it was Replyed , We have much to say , for the Citizens seem to be thrown out of Possession of the Sheriffwick , which they have enjoyed so many Azes by Free Election : We desire fairly to tender our Sheriffs , in order to have the Business more fairly determin'd at Law , according to your Lordships Promise , and Answer to the many Addresses made , that the Law should determine it ; and it is the only way left us , though Troublesome and Chargeable . And we also desire the matter may be Debated , that an Answer may be given to the Sheriffs who have tender'd themselves . Sir P. W. then moved that the aforesaid Paper , and his Lordship● ▪ Refusal of it might be Recorded ; then Sir R. C. whisper'd to his Lordship , and told him , that if he took a Vote of the Court , he would engage them in it , and their averseness to it , ought to alarm him not to take it upon himself , upon which he did Hesitate some time , but yet at length was prevailed with to go to the Hustings without further adoe , taking Mr. North , and Calling Mr. Rich to go with him ; Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois went along with him also , and did prepare themselves to have spoken to his Lordship and the Court on the Hustings , and so did several of the Aldermen , the Lord Mayor and several Aldermen having declared in the Council-Chamber , that they might say what they had to say when they came on the Hustings ; But his Lordship would not hear them when they came thither . But the Military Guards after admitting a few Persons , closed again , so that the Liveries attending could not come near ; and then his Lordship called Mr. North and Mr. Rich to the Book to be Sworn ; Mr. Papillon being on the H●sting● , pressed the Lord Mayor that he might be heard ; but my Lord refusing to hear him , Mr. Papillon Presented a Paper Signed by himself and Mr. Dubois as follows , the Substance of which he designed to have spoke . To the Right Honourable the LORD MAYOR and ALDERMEN at the Court of Hustings , in the Guild-Hall , London , Assembled for the Admission and Swearing the Sheriffs for the City of London and County of Middlesex for the ensuing Year , this 28 th of Septemb. 1682. WE do here present our selves , and are ready to take upon us the Office of Sheriffs of this Honourable City of London and County of Middlesex , for the ensuing Year , to which , as we are Informed , we are Chosen by the Majority of the Citizens , at the Common-Hall of this City ; And we are here ready , and do tender our selves to be Admitted thereunto , and to take the Oath of Office , and such other Oaths as the Law requires , and to do and perform whatsoever the Law , or the Rights and Customs of this City require of us , relating to that Office. But this Paper being rejected by his Lordship with great heat , it was delivered to Sir John Lawrence as an Evidence of their tender ; Upon which Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois went to the Book with Mr. North and Rich , and Mr. Papillon laid his Hand on the Book , and continued it there for some time , until the Lord Mayor and some of the Aldermen Commanded them To forbear , and to keep the Peace , and be gone ; which they complied with , and retired : Having before earnestly pressed to be heard , for that they had something of Importance to say ; and some of the Aldermen said , My Lord , when we came out of the Council-Chamber , you said , what we had to say on this Subject , we might speak on the Hustings , and therefore we claim it of Right to be heard : But he refused all , and Order'd to Proceed in Administring the Oath to North and Rich , whereupon the duely Elected Sheriffs and six Aldermen withdrew , Protesting against all the Irregular and Illegal Proceedings . Printed for John Johnson A63385 ---- A true and faithful account of the several informations exhibited to the hounourable committee appointed by the Parliament to inquire into the late dreadful burning of the city of London together with other informations touching the insolency of popish priests and Jesuites ... England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. Committee to Enquire into the Burning of London. 1667 Approx. 79 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A63385 Wing T2470 ESTC R23835 07915422 ocm 07915422 40386 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A63385) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 40386) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1216:11) A true and faithful account of the several informations exhibited to the hounourable committee appointed by the Parliament to inquire into the late dreadful burning of the city of London together with other informations touching the insolency of popish priests and Jesuites ... England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. Committee to Enquire into the Burning of London. 32 p. s.n.], [London? : Printed in the year, 1667. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholic Church -- Great Britain. Catholic Church -- Controversial literature. London (England) -- Fire, 1666 -- Sources. 2006-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-05 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-05 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A True and Faithful ACCOUNT OF THE SEVERAL INFORMATIONS EXHIBITED To the Honourable Committee appointed by the PARLIAMENT To Inquire into the Late Dreadful Burning Of the City of London . TOGETHER With other INFORMATIONS touching the Insolency of POPISH PRIESTS and JESUITES ; and the INCREASE of POPERY , brought to the Honourable Committee appointed by the Parliament for that purpose . Printed in the Year 1667. LONDONS Consumption by FIRE . UPon the second of September 1666. the Fire began in London , at one Farryners House , a Baker in Pudding-Lane , between the hours of one and two in the Morning , and continued burning until the sixth of September following ; consuming , as by the Surveyors appears in Print , three hundred seventy three Acres within the Walls of the City of London , and sixty three Acres three Roods without the Walls . There remains seventy five Acres three Roods yet standing within the Walls unburnt . Eighty nine Parish Churches , besides Chappels burnt . Eleven Parishes within the Walls yet standing . Houses burnt , thirteen thousand two hundred . Per Jonas Moore , Ralph Gatrix . Surveyors . Upon the eighteenth of September 1666. the Parliament came together : And upon the 25th of the same month , the House of Commons appointed a Committee to enquire into the Causes of the late Fire , before whom the following Informations were given in ; and proved before the Committee ; as by their Report will more clearly appear , bearing date the two and twentieth of January 66. and upon the eighth of February following , the Parliament was Prorogued , before they came to give their Judgement thereupon . Die Martis 25 Septembris 1666. 18 Car. 2. Resolved , &c. THat a Committee be appointed to inquire into the Causes of the late Fire , and that it be referred to . Sir Charles Harbord Mr. Sandys . Col. Birch . Sir Robert Brook. Sir Tho. Littleton . Mr. Prin Mr. Jones . Sir Solom . Swale Sir Tho. Tomlins . Mr. Seymour . Mr. Finch . Lord Herbert . Sir John Heath . Mr. Millward . Sir Richard Ford. Mr. Rob. Milward . Sir William Lowther . Sir Richard Vatley . Sir Rowland Beckley . Sir Tho. Allen. Mr. Whorwood . Mr. Coventry . Serj. Maynard . Sir Jo. Talbot . Mr. Morley . Mr. Garraway . Sir Fran. Goodrick Col. Strangways . Sir Edward Massey . Sir Ed●… . Walpool . Sir Robert Atkins . Sir Thomas Gower . Mr. Trevor . Sir Thomas Clifford . Sir Hen. Caesar . Sir John Monson . Sir John Charlton . Lord Ancram . Mr. Pepis . Sir Richard Everard . Mr. Crouch . Mr. Merrel . Sir Will. Hickman . Sir Richard Brown. Mr. Maynard . And they are to meet to morrow at two of the Clock in the afternoon , in the Speakers Chamber ; and to send for Persons , Papers , and Records . Will. Goldsbrough , Cler. Dom. Com. October 9. 1666. Ordered , That these Members following be added to the Committee appointed to enquire into the Causes of the late Fire , Viz. Sir John Pelham , Mr. Hugh Buseowen , Mr. Giles Hungerford ▪ Sir William Lewis , Sir Gilbert Gerrard , Sir John Brampstone ▪ Mr. Milward , Mr. Buscowen ; and all the Members that serve for the City of London . Will. Goldesbrough , Cler. Dom. Com. October 16. 1666. Ordered , That Mr. Davies , Sir Thomas Higgons , Mr. St. John Sir Richard Franklin , Sir Thomas Tomkins , Mr. Devereux , Mr. Millard , Mr. Lewis , Mr. Dowdswell , Sir James Thyn , Sir Edm. Pierse , Mr. Coleman , Sir Tho. Allen , Mr. Giles Hungerford , Mr. Churchill , be added to the Committee appointed to enquire into the Causes of the late Fire . VVill. Goldesbrough , Cler. Dom. Com. THe Honourable Committee , according to the fore-mentioned Orders of the House , did meet in the Speakers Chamber , and having chosen Sir Robert Brook for their Chairman , proceded to receive many considerable Informations from divers credible Persons , about the matter wherewith they were intrusted , and thereupon did at last agree that Sir Robert Brook should make the ensuing Report to the Honourable House of Commons . The Report of Sir Robert Brook , Chair-man to the Committee that was appointed by the House of Commons to enquire into the Firing of the City of London ; made the Two and Twentieth of January , 1666. IN a Letter from Alanson of the 23d of August ▪ 1666 , New Stile , written from one Dural to a Gentleman lodging in the House of one of the Ministers of the French Church in London , called Monsieur Hera●●● ▪ there were these expressions : Pray 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the truth of certain News which is common in this Country ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Fire from Heaven is fallen upon a City called Belke , scituated on the side of the River of Thames , where a world of People have been killed and burnt , and Houses also consumed ▪ Which seemed a word of Cabal , cast out by some that were knowing , and others that might be ignorant of the signification of it . Mris Elizabeth Styles informs , That in April last , in an eager discourse she had with a French Servant of Sir Vere Fan , he hastily replied , You English Maids will like the Frenchmen better , when there is not a House left between Temple-Bar and London-Bridge . To which she answered , I hope your eyes will never see that . He replied , This will come to pass between June and October . William Tisdale informs , That he being about the beginning of July at the Greyhound in St. Martins , with one Fitz-Harris an Irish Papist , heard him say , There would be a sad Desolation in September , in November a worse , in December all would be united into one . Whereupon he asked him , Where this Desolation would be ? He answered , In London . Mr. Light of Ratcliff , having some discourse with Mr. Longhorn of the Middle-Temple , Barrister , ( reputed a zealous Papist ) about February 65 last , after some discourse in disputation about Religion , he took him by the hand , and said to him , You expect great things in Sixty Six , and think that Rome will be destroyed , but what if it be London ? Mr. Kitley of Barkin in Essex , in forms , That one Mris. Yazly , a Papist , of Ilford in the said County , came unto his House , August the 13th , and being in discourse with his Mother , said , They say the next Thursday will be the hottest day that ever was in England . She replied , I hope the hottest season of the year is now past . To which she answered , I know not whether it be the hottest for Weather or for Action . This Mris. Yazly coming to the same House the Week after the Fire , Mr. Kitly said to her with some trouble , I have often thought of your Hot Thursday : To which she replyed , It was not indeed upon the Thursday , but it happened upon the Sunday was sennight after . Mris. Yazly hearing this Evidence produced against her , endeavoured to avoid the words , saying , That upon the 13th of August she did tell Mris Kitly , That they say the next Thursday will be the darkest Thursday that ever was in England , but not otherwise ; which she affirms to have received from one Finchman , an old Woman of Ilford ; who being examined by a Justice of ▪ Peace to discover the truth thereof , denied that ever she said any such words to Mris. Yazly , or that she had discoursed with her about any such matter . And as to the subsequent words , she saith Mris Yazly denies ever to have spoken them : But Mr. Kitly ▪ offered in her presence ( if it should be demanded ) to bring his Mother and Wife to testifie the same . William Ducket Esq a Member of the House , informs , That one Henry Baker of Chippenham in the County of Wilts , coming from Market with one John Woodman of Kelloway in the same County , the Thursday before the Fire began in London , they had some discourse about the buying of a yoke of fat Bullocks , wherein they differed , because VVoodman who was to sell them was desired to keep them a while in his hands ; But the said VVoodman denied so to do , for that as he alleadged , he could not stay in the Country till that time which Baker would have them delivered to him in , and being asked whither he was going , he refused to tell , Asking what he had to do to make that question ; But riding a little further , the said Woodman exprest these words , You are brave Blades at Chippenham , you made Bonfires lately for beating the Dutch ; But since you delight in Bonfires , you shall have your Bellies full of them ere it be long : Adding , that if he lived one week longer , he should see London as sad a London as ever it was since the World began . And in some short time after , he should see as bloody a time as ever was , since England was England . This discourse was not much taken notice of at that time it was spoken , But when the City of London was Burnt , the said Henry Baker gave this Information to the said Mr. Ducket , and whereupon he issued out his Warrant to apprehend Woodman , but he was gone out of the Country , and cannot be heard of since . Robert Hubert of Roan in Normandy , who acknowledged that he was one of those that Fired the House of Mr. Farryner a Baker in Pudding-Lane , from whence the Fire had its beginning , confessed , that he came out of France with one Stephen Piedloe about four months before the Fire , and went into Sweden with him , where he also staid with him as his Companion four months , and then they came together into England in a Swedish Ship called the Skipper , where he staid on board with the said Piedloe till that Saturday night , in which the Fire brake out . When Peidloe taking him out of the Ship , carried him into Pudding-Lane , and he being earnest to know whither he would carry him ? he would not satisfie him till he had brought him to the place , and then he told him , that he had brought three Balls , and gave him one of them to throw into the house . And he would have been further satisfied in the design , as he said , before he would execute it : But Peidloe was so impatient that he would not hear him , and then he did the Fact , which was , That he put a Fire-Ball at the end of a long Pole , and lighting it with a piece of Match , he put it in at a Window , and staid till he saw the House in a flame . He confessed that there were Three and Twenty Complices , whereof Peidloe was the Chief . Mr. Graves a French Merchant living in St. Mary Axe , Informed this Committee , that he had known Hubert ever since he was four years old , and hath ever observed him to be a person of a mischievous inclination , and therefore fit for any villanous enterprize ; And because of his knowledge he had of him , he went to visit him in Prison , where when he saw him , he could not but commiserate the condition whereinto he had brought himself . And for his better discovery of the Fact , he told him the said Hubert , that he did not believe he had done that of which he confessed himself guilty . To which Hubert replyed , Yes Sir , I am guilty of it , and have been brought to it by the instigation of Monsieur Peidloe ; but not out of any malice to the English Nation , but from a desire of Reward which he promised me upon my Return into France . It is observable , that this miserable creature who confessed himself to the Committee to be a Protestant , was a Papist , and dyed so . And as for the aforesaid Peidloe , the said Mr. Graves informed , that he had had a full knowledge of him , and knew him to be a very Deboist Person , and apt to any Wicked Design . Moreover , for a clear conviction of the Guilt of the aforesaid Hubert , Mr. Lowman , the Keeper of the VVhite-Lion Prison , was appointed to set him upon a horse , and to go with him , and see if he could find out the place where he threw the Fire-Ball . Upon which , Hubert with more readiness than those that were wel acquainted with the place , went to Pudding-lane , unto the very place where the house that was first fired stood , saying , here stood the house . The Jaylor endeavoured to draw him from that belief , and put him upon seeking for some other place : But he positively persisted in what he had first said ; and affirmed that to have been the said House . It being intimated to the Committee , That notwithstanding the Confession of the said Hubert , it was confidently reported the Fire in the forementioned Farryners house began by accident . The Committee therefore sent for him the said Farryner before them , who being examined , said , That it was impossible any Fire should happen in his House by accident ; for he had after Twelve of the Clock that night gone through every Room thereof , and found no Fire , but in one Chimney , where the Room was paved with Bricks , which Fire he diligently raked up in Embers . He was then asked , whether no Window or Door might let in wind to disturb those Coals ? He affirmed there was no possibility for any wind to disturb them : and that it was absolutely set on fire of purpose . Dawes Weymansel Esq one of his Majesties Justices of the Peace , informed , That he saw a man apprehended in the time of the Fire , near the Temple , with his Pockets stuft with combustible matter , made of Flax , Tow , and such-like materials . Doctor John Packer informs , That he saw a Person in the time of the Fire , throw some combustible matter into a Shop in the Old Bayley , which he thinks was the Shop of an Apothecary ; and that immediately thereupon he saw a great smoak , and smelt a smell of Brimstone . The Person that did this , immediately ran away ; but upon the out-cry of the People he was taken by the Guards . Mr. Randal , Mr. Haslem , and Mr. Humphry Bowyer , do all agree , That they saw a person flinging something into a House near St. Antholines Church ; and that thereupon the House was on fire , and the smoak thereof infested the adjacent Houses . And when this was done , there was No fire near the place . Mr. Michael March , an Officer in the Trained Bands in a Company of Sir Richard Browns , apprehended a Walloon in the time of the Fire , at the Nags-Head in Leaden-hall-Street , with an Instrument like a dark Lanthorn , made ( as is conceived ) to lay a Train of Powder , and it was filled with Gun-powder . There were two more of the same Nation in his company . They being asked to what use they employed the same Instrument , would give no Account thereof . Newton Killingworth Esq informed , That he apprehended a person during the fire , about whom he found much combustible matter , and certain black things , of a long figure , which he could not indure to hold in his hand , by reason of their extream heat . This Person was so surprized at first , that he would not answer to any question ; But being on his way to White-hall , he acted the part of a Mad-man , and so continued while he was with him . Sir John Maynard , a Member of this House , affirms , That he had some of that combustible matter in his hands ; and though it were in its natural substance , and unfired , yet the heat of it was scarcely to be endured by the touch . Mr. Freeman of Southwark Brewer , ( whose House was lately fired ) informs , That on the day his House was fired ▪ ( about a quarter of an hour before that happened ) a Paper with a Ball of Wildfire , containing near a pound weight wrapped in it , was found in the Nave of a Wheel , in a Wheelers-yard , where lay a great quantity of Timber . How his House was fired he knoweth not ; but this he affirmed to the Committee , That it could not be by accident , because there had not been any Candle or Fire in the House where the Hay lay , that whole day ; and that the Hay being laid in very dry , and before Midsummer , could not possibly be set on fire within it self . Moreover he said , That the Hay-loft was on fire on the top of the House , and that the Fire spread from the one end of the Roof to another in an instant . Mr. Richard Harwood informs , That being near the Feathers Tavern by St. Pauls , upon the fourth of September , he saw something through a Grate in a Celler , like Wild-fire , by the sparkling and spitting of it he could judge it to be no other ; Whereupon he gave notice of it to some Souldiers that were near the place , who caused it to be quenched . I had order from the Committee to acquaint you , That we traced several Persons apprehended upon strong suspition ( during the Fire ) to the Guards , but could not make further discovery of them . Thus far was the Report : What follows was given in to the Committee , but not by them Reported to the House at that time .. IN obedience to an Order directed to me , from the Honourable Committee of the House of Commons , then sitting in the Speakers Chamber , of the second of October , 1666. I did carry Robert Hubert to St. Katherines Tower by Water , to let me know the place where the Swedish Ship lay , that brought him and other Frenchmen from Stockholm , and he brought me to the Dock over-against Mr. Corsellis his Brew-house , and did then verifie to me , and Mr. Corsellis , That the Ship lay there , until such time as he with Mr. Peidloe and others did go and set fire to a House . And this Hubert did then further say , That Mr. Peidloe did fix two Fire-Balls to a long Pole , and put them into a Window ; and that he the said Robert Hubert did fire one in the same manner , and put it in at the same Window . But with all the inquiry and dilligence that I could use , I could neither find nor hear of any such Vessel . And from thence I carried the said Robert Hubert to Tower-Hill , and did then desire him to shew me the House that they did fire , and he said , That it was near the Bridge . So we went along Thames-street towards the Bridge ; but before we came to the Bridge , the said Robert Hubert said , That the House was up there ( pointing with his hand up Pudding-lane : ) So I bid him go to the place , and he went along the Bricks and Rubbish , and made a stand . Then did I ask one Robert Penny , a Wine-Porter , which was the Bakers House ? and he told me , That was the House where the aforesaid Robert Hubert stood . So I went to Robert Hubert and stood by him , and turned my back towards the Bakers House , and demanded of him , which House it was that he fired , ( directing to other Houses contrary to that House ) But he turning himself about said , This was the House ( pointing to the Bakers House ) that was first fired . Then by reason of his lameness I set him on a Horse , and carried him to several other places , but no other place he would acknowledge ; but rode back again to the Bakers House , and said again , That that was the House ( pointing at the Bakers House ) And this I do humbly certifie to this Honourable Committee . By me John Lowman , Keeper of his Majesties County-Goal for Surry . SIR , HEaring that you are Chairman to the Committee for examining the Firing of London , I thought good to acquaint you with this Information that I have received . William Champneys , a Hatband-maker , now living upon Horsly-Down , was upon Tuesday-morning , September the fourth 1666. in Shoe-Lane , and there met with a Constable who had apprehended a Frenchman whom he took firing a House there with Fire-balls , and charged the said Champneys to assist him , who carried the said Frenchman to Salisbury Court , hoping there to have found a Justice ; but finding that Place burning down , returned into Fleet-street , who was presently called upon by the Commander of the Life-Guard , to know what the matter was : The Constable told him , he had apprehended a Frenchman firing a House in Shoe-Lane ; he examined the person and committed him to the Guard , and told the Constable he would secure him , and carried him along with him . The Constable asked him whether he should go along with him to give in his Evidence : He replied , That he had done enough , and might go home . But what became of the Frenchman he knoweth not . Your humble Servant , S. G. In a Letter from Ipswich , directed , For the Honourable Sir Robert Brook , it is intimated , That about the 30th of August 1666 , one of the Constables of Cotton in Hartsmer Hundred , being about the survey of that Town about Hearth-money , was told by one Mr. William Thompsan , a Roman Catholick in that Town , That though times were like to be sad , yet if he found any cause to change his Religion , he would see he should not want : And further said to him , What will you say if you hear that London is Burnt ? The Affidavits touching a Frenchman that said , There were Three hundred of them engaged in Firing the City . The Informations of Richard Bound of St. Giles in the Fields , Ironmonger ; William Cotes , Samuel Page , Francis Cogny , Edmond Dakins , and Richard Pardoe , taken the 8th day of Septemb ▪ 1666 by Sir Justinian Lewen , Knight , one of his Majesties Justices of the Peace for the County of Middlesex , upon Oath , as followeth . RIchard Bound saith , That upon Tuesday night last about twelve or one of the clock there was a Frenchman brought by the Watch to this Informants Father's house , being at the sign of the VVhite-Hart in King-street , taken as a suspicious person ; The said person being questioned by them , Whether he was not one of those that Fired the City , or had a hand therein , or any privity or knowledge of any that had designed the same ; or words to that effect : The said person answered a great while in a perverse manner , quite different from the question . But being further pressed to tell the truth ; and being told , that if he were guilty , it would be the only way to save his Life : He did at first obstinately deny , that he knew any thing of any Plot. Whereupon a Young man took the Prisoner aside to the end of the Room , and after some private discourse between them ; they both returned to this Informant and the rest of the Company , and the said Young man spake openly to us , in the hearing of the Prisoner , That the said Frenchman and Prisoner had confessed , there were Three hundred Frenchmen that were in a Plot or Conspiracy to fire the City . Upon which this Informant and others spake to the said Frenchman in these words , or to the same effect : Well Monsieur , you have done very well to confess what you have done , and no doubt but you may have your Pardon , if you will confess all you know of this Plot : And thereupon further asked him , Are there no more than three hundred persons in the said Plot ? He answered , There are no more than three hundred Persons . Then we inquired who they were , and how he came to know they were Three huudred ? To which he would give no direct Answer , but put it off with other extravagant discourse . And being asked why he came to St. Giles Parish ( where he was apprehended ? ) He told a story , that he came from Islington-Fields , where his Masters Goods were ; But the Goods were now removed , but he could not tell whither ; and that his Master bid him go up and down the Fields , but would not declare upon what occasion , or for what end he was so to do : And being asked whether there were three hundred persons engaged in this Design or Plot ? He replied , that there were Three hundred engaged in it . An Extract of a Letter from Heydleburgh , in the Palatinate , September the 29th . 1666. SIR , YOurs of the sixth current came on Wednesday to me , and brought the ill tidings of the Burning of London , constantly expected and discoursed of amongst the Jesuites to my knowledge ▪ for these fi●teen years last past , as to Happen this Year . In which they do also promise to themselves and others the Introduction of the publick exercise of the Catholick Religion . This Letter was sent ▪ to Mr. Alton , who lives in New-Gravel-Lane ▪ in Shadwel , who negotiates the business of the Palatinate , and will produce the Original if there be occasion . The Information of John Chishul Schoolmaster in Enfield . UPon Friday , Aug. 31. Mris. St. George , and her eldest daughter Susanna St. George , both Popish Recusants , came to visit Mris. Rebecka Eves Widow , at her house in Enfield ; where speaking concerning the Session of Parliament drawing nigh , Mris St. George told her , That some would hereafter ▪ be called to an account for a Plot. Being asked for what ? She told her in her ear , For Burning the City . Mris Eves afterwards hearing of the firing of London , ( and going to a place where she might behold it ) met with Mris. Susanna St George , and ( amongst other discourse ) told her how much her Mothers Words , which she spake the Friday before , did run in her thoughts ; which she repeated to her Daughter , who made this Reply , That her Mother was very apt to talk , and that she had been fain to keep her Mother within doors during the Fire , fearing lest she should talk . After this ( during the Fire ) Mris Eves met with Mris Cook , another Popish Recusant , and of the same Family , to whom she also related Mris St George her words ; who made this return , That she was a worthy woman to keep Counsel . Also the Lady St. George at Enfield in the Lord of Lincolns house , declared to Mris Rebecca Eves of the said Town , That within a few dayes the City of London would be laid in Ashes . This was spoken about two dayes before the Fire happened . Mris Eves of Enfield her Examination before Mr. Jolliff and Mr. Marvel , Decemb. 20. 1666. concerning Mris St. George . MRis Rebecca Eves of Enfield , three or four days or within a week before the Fire , receiving a Visit in her own house from Mris St George ( amongst other discourses ) Mris St. George askt her what News the heard ? and , if she knew when the Parliament sate ? Mris Eves replied , she thought shortly . The other asked , If she heard of any that were to be called in question before the Parliament ? Mris Eves said , About what ? Mris St. George said , About a Plot. Mris Eves asked , what Plot ? Mris St. George answered , About Firing the City . Mris Eves said , I hope God will preserve the City ; but people use not to be questioned before the fact be committed . So the discourse was waved for that time . At the time of the Fire , Mris Eves went out to look towards the Fire , and mentioning Mris. St. George ; one in the Company replyed behind her ( but she cannot certainly fix the person ) A prime Woman to keep counsel ! After the Fire , Mris St George her daughter came to Mris Eves , who asked her if she remembred what her Mother had said ? She said , My Mother is such a Woman she will speak what she thinks . Afterwards she said , That she had much ado to keep her Mother in at the time of the Fire , lest she should speak some things she should be questioned for . At the first discourse Mris Eves , her Daughter , and others of her Family were present . Mr. St. George , his Wife and Family have since left Enfield . They are all great Papists , and there are many more in the Neighbourhood . A Letter directed and sent by the Post to Mr. Samuel Thurlton in Leicestershire , from a person unknown , as followeth , Dated October 16. 1666. My Friend , YOur Presence is now more necessary at London , than where you are , that you may determine how to dispose of your Estate in Southwark ; For it is determined by Humane Counsel ( if not frustrated by Divine Power ) that the Suburbs will shortly be destroyed . Your capacity is large enough to understand . Proceed as your Genius shall instruct you . Cave , Cave . Fuge . Vale. SAturday the first of September 1666 , the day before the Fire in London , came one Vrmstraw from Ireland , with a Letter from thence to one Esq Holcroft at East-Ham in Essex ( being related to that Family by Marriage ) where he supped . After which he askt the Esquire , if he had heard any thing of the Firing of London ? who answered , No. But Urmstraw said , he would shortly , For it was , or would be so that night . The Esquire answered , If it were , he hoped it might be quenched again , as it had been many a time . But Urmstraw answered , No , it would not be quenched ; For it should be said of it , as of Troy , repeating a Latine Verse , Nunc Seges est ubi Troja fuit , That Now Corn grows where Troy stood . This discourse was managed pleasantly by him , after which , they went to their beds . And in the morning this Urmstraw inquires earnestly , Whether they had heard of the Firing of London that Night ? They answered , No : But he prayed them to send one of the Family out to enquire , and doubtless they would hear of it ; Upon which a messenger was sent , who brought in Word from a man that travelled upon the Road , that it was on Fire indeed . After Dinner this Urmstraw desires his horse to be sadled , that he might be gone . The Esquire intreats him to stay till next morning ; But he answered , If I should stay , I should sleep no more this night than I did the last : Therefore I would go see London before it 's quite burned , For I shall never see it more . Sunday morning the Fire being begun in London , a person coming from Dep●ford , when he came to Barnaby-street-end in Southwark , hears a Woman cry out against a Frenchman for throwing Fire-balls , he runs after him , and lays hold of him . He asked him what Commission he had for so doing ? He answered , that his Commission was in his Chest . The People coming in , they search'd him , and found Fireballs in his pockets . He was delivered to the Guard in Southwark , but heard of no more . A Citizen being fired out of his House , had hired a Lodging in Queens street in Covent-Garden ; and going up Holborn ( there being a Crowd of people ) steps in amongst them , and hears a Woman say , that she had a hand in Firing the City . The People askt her , whether she were an Anabaptist ? She said No : Are you an Independent ? She said No : Are you a Presbyterian ? She said No : Are you a Roman Catholick ? to which she would give no answer . The Citizen asked her , but Mistris had you a hand in Burning the City ? She answered , what would you have me to say ? I have confessed it already , and do deserve to Dye for it : this she said with great trembling , and seemed to be much troubled . The Citizen enquires for a Constable , the People reply , there was one gone for , But a Gallant comes , and takes her by the Arm , and leads her away , saying he would have her examined , and forthwith another Gallant closeth with him , and they both carryed her to the Griffin Tavern in Holborn . The Citizen follows them , to see the result of the business . But , they , with the Master of the House , shut out the Company ( all but the Citizen , supposing him to be one of their own Company ) but asking one the other concerning him , and finding him not of them , put him out again . Whereupon he goes to the next Company of Souldiers , and inquires for their Captain , who replyed , he was not there , but told him , Yonder is my Lord Craven , unto whom the Citizen repaired , and acquainted his Lordship , That there was a Woman apprehended ( and rescued by a couple of Gallants ) that had Confessed she had a hand in Burning the City , and was at such a Tavern . Whereupon the Lord Craven called to a Captain in the street , and ordered him to go with that Man and apprehend the Woman that he should direct him to ; Whereupon he goes with the Citizen , and takes her with the first Gallant , who stood up highly in her defence , and carries them both to an Alehouse on the other side of the way . The Citizen perceiving that nothing would be done with her , leaves his name with the Captain , and where he might be found , but was never called for to Justifie the words spoken by her . A Woman standing in White-Chappel with a Company about her , was askt what the matter was ? She said , that she met two young men in that place , and asked them how it was with the Fire : They answered , It s now almost out , if it can be kept so , but the Rogues renew it with their Fireballs . Ay saith another Woman , Young men , if you have a heart to it , you may be hyred to throw Fire-balls too ; For I know where twenty were hired yesterday to throw them . It was askt her , what was become of the Woman that spake thus ? She answered , That she had apprehended her and delivered her to the under Beadle of White-Cappel-Parish . The Woman falling under the accusation ( not being able to deny it ) there being many Witnesses at that time that heard it : She was delivered to Sir John Robinson , but heard of no more . One from France writes to his Correspondent in London , to know the truth of what was muttered in Paris , VVhether London were laid in Ashes or no. The Letter being dated a week before the Fire began . Form Surrey in or near Darkin , a Person in ordinary habit ( who was yet observed to take place of all the Nobility and Gentry among the Papists , seeing the People of Darkin mourn for the Burning of the City , he spake slightingly of it , telling them , They should have something else to trouble themselves for , and that shortly Darkin should be laid as low as London . VVhereupon the People made at him , and one Mr. Howard a great Papist rescues him , and sends him away in his Coach to London . This was desposed before Sir Adam Brown , a Justice of Peace and a Member of Parliament . These following Relations ( for substance ) were delivered to Sir Robert Brooks , Chairman of the Committee , a little before the Prorogation of the Parliament . A True Relation made by one of the Grand Jury , at Hicks Hall , at a general Quarter-Sessions , presently after the Fire in London , who was upon Tryal of some of those that fired the City . THat near West-Smithfield in Cheek-Lane , there was a man taken in the very Act of firing a House , by the Inhabitants and Neighbours ; and carrying him away through Smithfield , to have him before a Justice for the fact committed , The Kings Life-Guard perceiving it , made up unto them , and demanded their Prisoner from them ; but they refused to let him go . The Life-Guard men told them , That he was one of the Kings Servants , and said , We will have him ; and thereupon they drew out their Swords and Pistols , and rescued him out of the peoples hands by force of Arms. A Bill of Indictment was brought against him , and two or three Witnesses did swear unto it , and the Bill was found by the Grand-Jury , who did carry it to the Old Baily , and presented it to the Lord Chief Justice ; but it came to no further Tryal , nor was ever seen after at the Old Bailey , so far as this person upon his best enquiry could ever hear or learn. Concerning a House-keeper at So-ho , who fired his own Dwelling-House . FIrst he secured all his Goods in his Garden , and then went in and fired his House ; which when he had done , he endeavoured to get away out at his Fore-Door . A Neighbour demanded of him who had fired his House ? He answered , The Devil . Upon that , his Neighbour bid him stand , or he would run his Halbert into his guts . His answer was , If you do , there are enough left behind me to do the Work. Whereupon he was secured , and a Bill of Indictment brought against him , and about three Witnesses did swear to it , and his Son came-in as a Witness against him , who was demanded by the Foreman , What he could say as to the firing of his Fathers House ? He said , that his Father did fire it with a Fire-ball . It was demanded of him , Whether he did fire it above stairs , or below ? He answered , Above stairs . The Bill was likewise found ; but the Petty-Jury being too much influenced and over-awed by the L. C. J. K. did not find him guilty . A Maid was taken in the Street with two Fire-Balls in her lap ; Some did demand of her , Where she had them ? She said , One of the Kings Life-Guard threw them into her Lap : She was asked why she had not caused him to be apprehended ? She said , That she knew not what they were . She was indicted for this , and the Bill found against her , and turned over to the Old-Bayly , but no prosecution upon it . In the time of the Fire , a Constable took a Frenchman firing a House , seized on him , and going to a Magistrate with him , met His Royal Highness the Duke of York , who asked the reason of the tumult : One told him that a Frenchman was taken firing a House ; his Highness called for the man , who speak to him in French. The Duke asked , Who would attest it ? The Constable said , I took him in the Act , and I will attest it . The Duke took him into his costody , and said , I will secure him . But he was heard of no more . On Munday the third of September , there was a Frenchman taken firing a House ; and upon searching of him , Fire-Balls were found about him . At which time four of the Life-Guard rescued the Frenchman , and took him away from the People , after their usual manner in the whole time of the Fire . One Mr. Belland a Frenchman , living at Maribone , who bought great store of Pastboard for a considerable time before the fire in the City of London , to the quantity of twenty gross in one Shop , and much more elsewhere , was asked by a Citizen , What he did with all that Pastboard ? He answered , that he made Fire-Works for the Kings pleasure . The Citizen asked him , What doth the King give you ? He replyed , Nothing , onely I have Respects at Court : The Citizen said , Take heed , Mr. Belland , you do not expend your estate , and then lose your Respects at Court , for you are at a great charge . Belland answered , Sir , do you think this a great matter ? I use all this my self ; But if you did see all the great quantities I have made elsewhere , in three several places , three , four , and five miles off , you would say something . Another time , the Stationer with whom he dealt for the Pastboard , being at his House in Maribone , and wondring at the many thousands of Fire-Works that lay piled up of several sorts , he said , Sir , do you wonder at this ? if you should see the quantity that I have made elswhere by other men , you would WONDER INDEED . The Sunday before the Fire began , this Belland came to the Shop where he was wont to buy his Pastboard , but the Stationer being not there , he desired a Citizen ( the Stationers Neighbour ) to speak to him , and to let him know that he had much wronged him in disappointing him of the four gross of Pastbord which he should have had of him , and said that he should not do his work by the time ; and that if he had it not by Tuesday night , it would come too late , he should have no occasion for it after that ( which was the Tuesday night before the Fire ) Mr. Belland ( said the Citizen ) what is the reason of your hast ? Have you any Shew suddenly before the King ? At which he blusht , and would give no answer . Says the Citizen , What kind of Fireworks do you make , onely such as will crack and run ? Belland answered , I make of all sorts ; some that will burn and make no crack at all , but will fly up in a pure Body of flame , higher then the top of Pauls , and Waver in the Ayre . Says the Citizen , Mr. Belland , when you make your Shew , shall I see it ? Yes , said Belland , I promise you , and gave him his hand upon it . Which Citizen in the time of the Fire , being upon the Thames in a Boat , saw , to his great amazement , sundry bodyes of Fire , burning above the Fire of the Houses as high again as Pauls , Wavering in the Ayre , directly according to Bellands description . And after the Burning of the City , the Stationer and the other Citizen agreed to go to Maribone , to speak with this Belland ; and by the way met with his two Maids ▪ and his Boy : And having some knowledge of them , asked for young Mr. Belland , who told them , he was not at home , neither knew they where he was . But the Citisens observing that they carryed with them Rabbets and Capons ready drest , concluded , they were going to him , and told them so . Whereat , they were surly and bad them go look him , for they would not tell them where he was . Upon that , the Citizens resolved to follow them , and did , till they came to Whitehall . The Servants went up stairs and down stairs , on purpose to have lost them , but could not , for they kept close to them . And at last , one of the Maids went to a door and knock'd , Crying out , They were dogg'd by two men , that they could not be rid of ; With that young Mr. Belland opened the door saying to one of the Citizens , Sir your Servant , how do you do ? One of them answered , Both I and many Thousand Families more are the worse for you ; for you under pretence of making Fire-works for the King , have Destroyed a Famous City , and Ruined a Noble People . To which Belland replyes , I make nothing but Innocent Things , that will do no harm ; for which I have a Pattent from the King. But the Citizen answered , If the King gave you a Patent , it was but for your self : Who answered , No. Said the Citizen , What made you then to imploy so many men , in so many places ? No , said Belland , I set no man to work , neither know I any Man that makes of them , but my self ; though he had often before said otherwise . While they were thus discoursing , Old Belland looks from under the Hanging , Sir , said he , I hear you charge my Son with Suspition of Burning the City , I pray you speak lower ( casting his Eyes about , fearing the Ladies passing by might hear ) and said , My Son doth nothing but what he hath a Pattent from the King for , and shall have an Order to Sue any man , that shall accuse him . And he said , My Son is no Prisoner , but Lodged here to prevent him from the Rage of the Common People . Well , said the Citizens , You must give an Account for what you have done . And so they shut the Door upon them . The Citizens went and enquired whose Lodgings they were ▪ and were told , they belonged to the Lady Killegrew . The Information of Thomas Middleton Chyrurgeon , late Inhabitant of St. Brides , London . I The said Thomas Middleton do hereby certifie , that upon the Sunday in the afternoon ( the day wherein the dreadful fire brake out in Pudding-Lane which consumed the City ) hearing the general out-cry , that the City was fired by Papists and French , I repaired to the top of a Church Steeple near the Three Cranes in the Vintrey , where my self and several others observed the motion of the Fire for two or three hours together , and we all took notice , that the Fire did break forth out of several houses , when the houses which were then burning were at a good distance from them every way , and more particularly , I saw the fire break out from the inside of Lawrence-Pountney Steeple , when there was no fire near it . These and such like Observations begat in me a Perswasion , that the Fire was maintained by design . Upon Munday I repaired again into the City , and found as the day before , that the Fire did break forth in fresh houses at a great distance one from another . And as I was returning home , passing through Watling-Street by a Tobacco Merchants house , I saw the Master of the house come down staires , driving a young fellow before him , saying to him , You Rogue , do you come to Rob me ? what did you do in my Garret ? or words to that purpose , and pushed him out of doors : All which I observed , and he seemed to be a Frenchman : He was a short black fellow of about 22 years of Age : and as soon as he was out of the house , he having a loose coat on , in a way of Privacy , Shuffles something under his Coat , whereupon I laid hold of him , and said , Sirrah , what have you there ? The fellow replyed , What is that to you , the Master of the House knows me : Upon that I asked the Mr. of the House whether he knew the fellow , he answered , he knew him not . Whereupon I searched the fellow , and found a horn of powder about him , and as soon as the powder was discovered , he fell a rubbing his hands , they being all black with powder : He had also about him , a Book intituled , The Jewish Government . I charged him that he was a Frenchman , because he spake broken English ; but he denyed it , and did much Vaunt himself . There coming a Constable by with his Staffe , I Required him to carry him to Prison , and I would assist him ; So we conveyed him to Old Bridewel , and by the way , the People were ready to kill him , calling him French-Rascal . I prayed them to forbear , for Justice would give him his Reward . I told the fellow he would be hanged ; he made slight of it , saying , If I dye my Soul shall be Saved , but yours shall be Damned . And when he was put into Bridewel , I desired that he might be secured and none suffered to speak with him , till he were Examined before a Magistrate , because the Tobacco-Merchants House was presently Burned upon it . But so it happned on the next day that the fire came on , and consumed my House and Goods , so that I was forced with my Family to fly into the Country , and what became of the Fellow I know not , Old Bridewel being burnt also . And understanding that the Parliament hath appointed a Committee to enquire after the Actors in , and Fomenters of that Terrible Fire , I thought good to inform the Honourable Committee thereof , that they may send for the Keeper of the said Bridewel , to know what became of the Fellow , that he might receive Justice according to his demerit . Thus much I thought my self obliged to do , as in Duty bound to God and my Country . All which I am ready to affirm upon Oath , when I shall be thereunto called . Tho. Midleton . IN the time of the Fire , near Bridewell , there was a man sadly bemoaning the great Loss he was like to sustain ( the Fire then being within five or six houses of him ) did beseech the people for Gods sake , they having no Goods of their own in danger , to come in and help him to throw out Trunks , Chests , Beds , &c. out at a window , having procured two Carts or Waggons to carry them away . Whereupon I ran into his House with several others , broke down his Windows , threw out his Goods , and loaded the Carts ; and there being some interval of time before the return of the Carts , and seeing a Room wherein were many Books and loose Papers ( which seemed to be a Library ) I went in and took down a Book , which proved to be Ovids Metamorphosis , and while I was looking upon it , there came into the same Room an Old Man of low stature , with a white Frock , who looked also on the Book as it was in my hand ; I took him in my mind to be some Groom come out of a Stable , and thought him to be presumptuously foolish , supposing such a mean-like old man ignorant of that language in which the Book was written , it being Latine , but I spoke not to him : In the mean time , there brake forth a Fire amongst the Papers which were behind us , there being none in the Room but he and I ▪ Whereupon the rest of the people coming in , cryed out , we had set the Room on fire , and rushing in upon us , put out the fire with their feet : whereupon I took hold of the Old Man by the buttons under the throat , and said , How now Father , it must either be you or I must fire these Papers . There was a small thing of a Black matter , which looked like a piece of a Link , burning , which questionless set fire on the Papers , but it was immediately trod out . A multitude of people thronged in ; and when I said , How now Father , & took hold of him , he said , Parce mihi Domine : The people which did not understand it , cryed out , He is a Frenchman , kill him , and with pulling of him , his Perriwig fell off ; then appeared a bald Skull , and under his Frock he had black Clothes , I think of Bishops Sattin , whereupon he seemed to be a grave Ecclesiastick Person . I had much ado to save him from the people , but at last brought him before the Duke of York : we found in his pocket a bundle of Papers closed up with Wax like a Packet , which was delivered to the Duke of York . I know not what was written in them , neither do I know what Country-man he was ; but methoughts he looked something Jesuitical-like . This I am certain of , that when I went into the Room there was no fire in it , and it was fired when there was none but he and I in it , yet I cannot say I saw him do it , though I cannot but suspect he did it , and the rather , because there were several houses untouched betwixt this house , and where the fire was coming on , when the Papers in the Library were thus on fire as I have related . What became of this fellow after we had delivered him to his Royal Highness the Duke of York , I have not heard . John Stewartt . Thus for concerning the Report and Informations about the Fire : Now follow a true account of what was represented to another Committee of Parliament , touching the Insolency of Popish Priests and Jesuites , and the increase of Popery , &c. At the Committee appointed to certifie Informations touching the Insolency of Popish Priests and Jesuites , and the Increase of Popery . Ordered , That these several Informations proceeded on , in pursuance of the said Power of the Committee , be Reported to the House , in reference to the Insolency of the Popish Priests and Jesuites , and the increase of Popery . AS to the Increase of Popery , Mr. Hancock Minister of Chilmoth in Wilts , Informes , That meeting with one Mr. Thompson , about a month since , coming from Mass out of Somerset-House Chappel , and discoursing to him about his Religion , asked him if there were many lately turned to it ? Thompson answered , Thousands . And being demanded what encouragement there was to it ? Replyed , There would be a Change suddenly . Report his Carriage at the Committee . Mr. Thompson being summoned before the Committee , did behave himself very insolently : They have commanded me to report it . Being asked , Whether he had not a Shop in Somerset-House , where Popish Books and Popish Knacks were sold ? He said , He had ; and that his Man sold such Books and Beads , and other things ▪ And said , there was one Crucifix , no Reliques , but wished he had some good ones . He said that he was a Roman Catholique , and thanks God for it . He said he was no Priest , but wished he were in a capacity to be one . he said he had not taken the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy , nor would do it . He said he would take any Oath that any Christian Prince should require , but not the Oath of Allegiance , intimating some mixture in it . He said he had taken the Oath of Allegiance to the King of Spain , and was a Subject to the King of Spain . One Mr. Ash a Minister , late of Capel in Surrey , Informed , That being at Caufield in Lancashire this last Summer , he saw great resort on Sundays to Caufield House , the house of a Papist ; and asking some that were going thither , what the occasion was of their resort thither , they told him they were going to Mass , and that one Mr. Robinson a Priest did say Mass . Mr. Ash did likewise Inform , That he thought the number of those that went to Mass to that House on Sundays , was as great as the Protestants that went to the Parish Church . One Mr. Welden Deputy Ordinary for Middlesex , did Inform , That in his accustomed attendance on the Prisoners at Newgate , about the times of Execution , Romish Priests , and particularly one Mr. Harvy a Jesuite , hath constantly used to resort to the Prison at those times ; and doth perswade the Prisoners to become Papists ; and that divers have been altered in their Religion by them , and turned to Popery . Mr. Wooton Informeth , That on the 16th of October , he went to Newgate , and meeting with one Howard an Under-Keeper at the door , desired to speak with Mr. Hubert the Frenchman , who was then condemned . Howard told him that he could not speak with him yet , for Mr. Harvy the Queen-Mothers Confessor was in private with him , and said this Harvy used frequently to come to the Prison after Condemnation ; and that where one Prisoner dyed a Protestant , many died Papists . Mr. Wootton said , that after some stay he saw Mr. Harvy come out from Mr. Hubert , and then he was admitted to have speech with him . Mr. Cawdry , Keeper of Newgate , did Inform , That Mr. Harvy the Jesuite did frequent the Prison at Newgate about the times of Execution , upon the pretence of the Queens Charity , and did spend much time with the Prisoners in private , and particularly , did so before the last Execution , night after night . Mr. Cawdry said likewise of the nine that suffered , eight died Papists , whereof some he knew were Protestants when they came into the Prison . It appeared upon several Informations , that Mr. Harvy and other Priests , did not only resort to Newgate at times of Execution , but likewise to the White-Lyon in Southwark , and other Places in the Country , and used their endeavours to pervert Dying Prisoners . Thomas Barnet , late a Papist , Informed , That when he was a Papist , and resorted to Gentlemens Houses in Barkshire that were Papists , there was almost in every Gentlemans house a Priest , and instanced in divers private Gentlemen in that County . Others did inform the like in Surrey . Mr. Cotman did Inform , That one Mr. Carpenter , late a Preacher at Colledge-Hill , did in discourse tell Cotman , That the Judgements of God upon this Kingdom , by the Plague last year , and lately by the Fire in London , were come upon this Land and People for their forsaking the true Roman Catholique Religion , and casting off obedience to the Pope . And that if they would return to the Church of Rome , the Pope would re-build this City at his own charge . Carpenter said likewise to the said Cotman , That if he would come and hear him preach the next Sunday at his house in Queen-street , he would give twenty Reasons to prove , that the Roman Catholique was the true Religion , and his false ; and that our Bible had a thousand falsities in it , And that there was no true Scripture but at Rome and their Church . Carpenter at the Committee confessed , That he had formerly taken Orders from the Church of Rome , to be a Priest , but said he had Renounced that Church and taken Orders in England . The next thing is the Information of their Insolency , and I shall begin with their Scorning and Despising the Bible . One Thomas Williams an Officer in Sir William Bowyers Regiment Informed , That one Ashley a Papist , seeing a Woman reading in a Bible , asked her why she read in that Damnable Presbyterian Bible , and said , a Play Book was as good . Thomas Barnet of Bynfield in Barkeshire Informed , That being at one Mr. Youngs house in Bynfield at Batholomew tide last , Mr. Young said to the Brother of this Thomas , in his hearing , That within two years there should not be a Protestant in England . Thomas Barnet informed further , That being at Mr. Doncasters house in Bynfield , One Mr. Thural , Son-in-law to Mr. Doncaster ( and both Papists ) said to this Informer ( who was then likewise a Papist ) The People take me for a poor fellow , But I shall find a thousand or two thousand pounds , to raise a party of Horse to make Mr. Hathorns and Mr. Bulcocks fat Guts lye on the Ground . For it is no more to kill an Heretique , than to kill a Grashopper : And that it was happy for him , that he was a Catholique , for by that means , he shall be one that shall be mounted . Mr. Linwood a Scrivener in White-Chappel Informed , That about the 20th of October last , meeting with one Mr. Binks a Papist , and discoursing with him , Binks told him , That there was amongst the Papists as great a designe as ever was in England ; and he thought it would be executed speedily . Being asked how many Papists there might be about London , he answered , about seven thousand ; and in England , a hundred thousand were Armed . Mr. Oakes a Physitian , dwelling in Shadwel , Informed , That a little after the Burning of London , one Mr. Carpenter a Minister , came to his house on Tower-Wharf , and spake to him to this purpose : I will not say that I am a Papist ; but this I will say , that I had rather dye the death of a Papist , and that my Soul should be raised with their Resurrection , Than either to be Presbyterian , Independent or Anabaptist . And I tell you , the Papists have hitherto been his Majesties best Fortification . For when Presbyterian , Independent , and Anabaptists opposed him , then they stood by him and helped him . And he is now resolved to commit himself into their hands . And take it upon my word , in a short time , the Papists will lay you as low as that house ; pointing to a house that was demolish'd ; For they are able to raise Forty thousand men . And I believe the next work will be cutting of Throats . This was sworn by Mr. Oaks before Sir John Frederick a Member of the House . Mirian Pilkington being present when the words were spoken doth affirme them all , save only those , That the King is resolved to commit himself into the Papists hands . Those she doth not remember . Henry Young a Distiller of hot-waters , Informed , That about April , 1661. being in the Jesuites Colledge in Anwerp , one Powel , an English Jesuite , perswaded him to turn Roman Catholique ; and said , If he intended to save his Life and Estate he had best to turn so , for within seven years he should see all England of that Religion . Young replyed , That the City of London would never endure it . Powel answered , That within five or six years they would break the power and strength of London in pieces ; and that they had been contriving it these twenty years ; and that if Young did live , he should see it done . The said Young did likewise Inform , That shortly after his coming into England , one Thompson and Copervel , both Papists , did several times say to him , That within five or six years at the furthest , The Roman Catholick Religion should be all over this Kingdom . Jasper Goodwin of Darkin in the County of Surry , Informed , That about a month since , One Edward Complyn , a Papist , said to him , You must all be Papists shortly ; and that now he was not ashamed to own himself a Roman Catholique , and to own his Priests ; naming two that lived in Darkin , in the Houses of two Papists . And likewise said , That in twenty four hours Warning , the Roman Catholiques could raise Thirty Thousand Men , as well armed as any Men in Christendom . William Warner of Darkin , Informed , That the said Edward Complyn did tell him , That the Romane Catholiques in England could in twenty four houres raise Thirty thousand Horse and Arms : And upon saying so , pull'd out his Crucifix and Beads ; and said , He was not ashamed of his Religion . John Granger of Darkin , Informed , That about a year since , being in his House reading the Bible , one Thomas Collins , a Papist , said to him , Are you still a Church-goer ? Had you not better turn Roman Catholique ? If you stay till you are forced , none will abide you . He said further , That there was a Man beyond-Sea had prophesied , That in Sixty Six , if the King did not settle the Romish Religion in England , he would be banished out of the Kingdom , and all his Posterity . And Collins further said , That he being lately turned a Roman Catholique , would not be a Protestant again for all the World. He wished Granger again , in the hearing of his Wife ( which she affirmed to the Committee ) To turn to his Religion ; for all the said Prophesie would come to pass in Sixty Six . Robert Holloway of Darkin aforesaid , Informed , That one Stephen Griffen a Papist said to him , That all the Blood that had been shed in the late Civil Wars , was nothing to that which would be shed this year in England . Holloway demanding a Reason for these words ( in regard the Kingdom was in Peace and no likelyhood of Trouble ) and said , Do you Papists mean to Rise and Cut our Throats when we are asleep ? Griffin answered , That 's no matter , If you live , you shall See it . Ferdinando de Massido , a Portugal , and some few years since a Romish Priest , but turning Protestant , Informed , That one Father Taffe a Jesuite , did the last year tell him at Paris , That if all England did not return to the Church of Rome , they should all be destroyed the next year . Mr. Samuel Cotman of the Middle-Temple , Barrister , informed , That about two years since , one Mr. Jeviston a Popish Priest , and called by the name of Father Garret , did perswade him to turn Papist , and he should want neither profit nor preferment . Mr. Cotman objected , That he intended to practise the Law , which he could not do , if he turned Papist , because he must take the Oath of Supremacy at his being called to the Bar : and if he were a Papist , he must not take it . Mr. Jeviston replied , Why not take the Oath ? It is an unlawful Oath , and void ipso facto ; and after some pause , said further , First take the Oath , and then I will Convert you . He said further , The King will not own himself to be Head of the Church . And said further , You of England that set up the Dutch to destroy our Religion , shall find that they shall be made use of to pull down Yours , and consequently their Own at last . Man Stanley , an Officer to the Duke of Ormond in Ireland , informed , That coming out of Ireland with one Oriell ( who owned himself of the Order of the Jesuites , and Commissioned from the Pope to be Lord Primate of Ireland and Arch-Bishop of Armaugh ) and falling into some discorse with him , he told him that there had been a difference betwixt him and some other of the Jesuits in Ireland , and that part of the occasion was , That one Father Welch and some other of the Jesuites there , did dispence with the Papists in Ireland to take the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy , by vertue of a Standing Commission from the Pope which he had to do it , During this Kings Life , and Oriel thought they ought not to do it by vertue of the Standing Commission , but should take a New Commission from the Pope every Year to do it . And likewise that he brought eight Boyes out of Ireland , whom he intended to carry for Flanders , to breed up in some of the Colledges there . And at his taking Shipping to go for Flanders , He shaked his Foot towards England , terming it Aegypt , and said , He would not return to England , till he came with Fifty Thousand Men at his heels . A French Merchant , being a Papist , living in St. Michaels-Lane London , writes in a Letter to his Friend , That a great Number of Men and Arms were ready here , if those he wrote to were ready there . He being , upon the intercepting of this Letter , searched , Fourty Firelocks were found in his House , ready loaden ; which were carried to Fishmongars-Hall , a month or more before the Fire , and he committed to Prison , but since Released . A poor Woman retaining to one Belsons house , a Papist , about Darkin in Surry , was sollicited , that she and her Husband would turn Roman Catholicks ; which if they did voluntarily Now , they would be accepted of ; but if they staid a little longer , they would be forced whether they would or no ; and then they would not be esteemed . This was deposed before Sir Adam Brown , a Member of Parliament . A Complaint being made against a Sugar-baker at Fox-Hall ; his House was searched by Lieut. Col. Luntly , who found there several Guns , with such Locks , as no Englishman ( who was at the taking of them ) could discharge ; together with Brass-Blunderbusses and Fire-works , of a very furious and burning nature . Tryal being made of a small part of them , the materials were discerned to be Sulphur , Aquavitae and Gunpowder , whatever else . In a Letter to Sir John Frederick and Mr. Nathaniel Heron , from Horsham in Sussex , the 8th of September 1666. Subscribed Henry Chowne . Wherein is mentioned , that the said Henry Chowne had thoughts to come to London that week , but that they were in Distraction there concerning the Papists , fearing they would shew themselves all that day : And that he had been to search a Papists House within six miles of that place . He with another Justice of Peace met the Gentlemans Brother ( who is a Priest ) going to London , whom they searched ▪ and found a Letter about him which he had received that morning from his Sister twenty miles off from him , Wherein is expressed , That a great Business is in hand , not to be committed to Paper , as the Times be . Your Committee have thought fit to give no Opinion upon these Informations ; but leave the matter of Fact to your Judgments . I am commanded to tell you , That your Committee have several other things of this nature under their Inquiry . AS a further Instance of the Audacious and Insolent behaviour of these Popish Recusants , take the following Copy of Verses , made , and then scattered abroad by some of their Party , in Westminster-Hall , and several other places about the City , and elsewhere in the Kingdom . COver la feu , ye Hugonots , I E 7 5 That have so branded us with Plots , And henceforth no more Bonfires make , Till ye arrive the Stygean Lake . For down ye must ye Hereticks , For all your hopes in Sixty Six . The hand against you is so steady , Your Bsbylon is faln already . And if you will avoid that happ , Return into your Mothers lap ; The Devil a Mercy is for those , That Holy Mother Church oppose . Let not your Clergy you betray ; Great eyes are ope , and see the way . Return in time , if you will save Your Souls , your Lives , or ought you have . And if you live till Sixty Seven , Confess you had fair Warning given . Then see in time , or ay be blind , Short time will shew you what 's behind . Dated the 5th day of November , in the year 1666. and the first year of the Restoration of the Church of Rome in England . NOt long after the Burning of London , Mr. Brook Bridges , a young Gentleman of the Temple , as he was going to attend Divine Service in the Temple-Church , in a Pew there found this following Paper , which immediately , either by himself or a Relation of his , was delivered to Sir William Morrice , one of his Majesties principal Secretaries of State ; the Contents of the Paper are as follows . A Warning to Protestants . I ▪ Who have been a Papist from my infancy , till of late ; and in Zeal for their horrid Principles , had too great a share in the Firing of the City ; And did intend to do further mischief to the Protestants ( of which I am now , and ever shall be a Member ) do upon abhorrency of that Villany , and Religion that hath moved me to it , declare to all Protestants the Approach of their Sudden Ruine , that it may be prevented , if it be not too late . When I , together with other Papists , both French , Irish and English , fired the City ; others were imployed to massacre the Protestants , we thinking thereby to destroy the Heads of your Religion ; but the Massacre was disappointed by the Fear of him who was the chief Agent in this Villany . And the Fire not having done all its Work , they have often endeavoured to fire the remaining part . They intend likewise to land the French upon you : To whose Assistance they all intend to come , and for that purpose are stored with Arms : And have so far deceived the King , that they have the Command of most part of the Army and the Sea-Ports . The French intend to land at Dover , that Garison being most Papists : And the Papists in England have express Command from Rome , to hasten their business before the next Parliament , and to dispatch . Therefore as you love your Lives and Fortunes , prevent your Ruine , by removing all the Papists in England , especially Colonel Legg from the Tower , and the Lord Douglass , and all his Adherents and Souldiers , from Dover , and by Disarming all Papists . I have such an abhorrency , that I would willingly undergo any Punishment for it , and declare my self openly , were I not assured that I could do you more good in concealing my Name for the present . Delay not from following these Directions as you love your Lives ; And be not deceived by any Pretences whatsoever . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A63385-e60 The several Informations of William Cotes of Cow-lane of London Painter ; of Samuel Page of St. Giles in the Fields Weaver , of Edmund Dakins of St. Giles aforesaid , Bookseller ; of Francis Cockney of St. Andrews Holborn ; of Richard Pardoe Victualler , taken upon Oath , &c. tend to the Confirmation of the foregoing Relation ▪ A65193 ---- Golgotha; or, A looking-glass for London, and the suburbs thereof Shewing the causes, nature and efficacy of the present plagues; and the most hopeful way for healing. With an humble witness against the cruel advice and practice of shutting-up unto oppression. Both now and formerly experienced to encrease, rather than prevent the spreading thereof. / By J.V. grieved by the poor, who perish daily hereby. J. V. 1665 Approx. 53 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A65193 Wing V7B ESTC R219530 99830997 99830997 35459 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A65193) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 35459) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2084:12) Golgotha; or, A looking-glass for London, and the suburbs thereof Shewing the causes, nature and efficacy of the present plagues; and the most hopeful way for healing. With an humble witness against the cruel advice and practice of shutting-up unto oppression. Both now and formerly experienced to encrease, rather than prevent the spreading thereof. / By J.V. grieved by the poor, who perish daily hereby. J. V. 24 p. Printed for the author, London : Anno 1665. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England -- London -- Prevention -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Golgotha ; OR , A Looking-Glass for London , and the Suburbs thereof . Shewing the Causes , Nature and Efficacy of the present PLAGUES ; and the most hopeful Way for Healing . With an humble Witness against the Cruel Advice and Practice of SHUTTING — UP unto Oppression . Both now and formerly experienced to encrease , rather than prevent the spreading thereof . By J. V. grieved for the Poor , who perish daily hereby . Prov. 22. 22 , 23. Rob not the Poor , because he is poor , neither oppress the Afflicted in the Gate . For the Lord will plead their cause , and spoile the soul of those that spoiled them . Psal . 41. 1 , 3. Blessed is he that considereth the Poor , the Lord will deliver him in time of trouble . The Lord will strengthen him upon the bed of languishing ; thou wilt make all his bed in his Sickness . London , Printed for the Author , Anno 1665. GOLGOTHA : OR , A Looking-Glass for London , &c. WHoever would administer to the Cure , must first consider the Cause and Nature of any Visitation , and especially reverence any light given from God , who hath been pleased above all to appropriate this of the Pestilence as his imediate Sword : and hath acquainted the sons of men , as with the Causes , so with the dreadful Efficacy and Nature thereof , Ezek. 6. 12. & chap. 33. 27. & 7. 12. & 13. 15. and hath very expresly prescribed the Cure in its season , ver . 16. 2 Chron. 7. 14. signifying also when it will be so contagious and incurable , as the usual way prescribed shall not effect the recovery of either Son or Daughter , but him or them that find mercy so timely in a right spirit to apply the Preservative the Lord directeth ; Jer. 14 , 12. Ezek. 14. 16 , 21. and his wayes are everlasting , Hab. 3. 6. So that the present Age will experience the advantage of timely applying , or disadvantage of neglecting the antient Advice of God , which having no Weekly Intelligencer , or skilful Physician , to set forth , for lack of knowledge the people perish , and the Plague doth double it self in defiance of all the Directions the most skilful Doctors do industriously divulge now daily in the world , and that Decree is verifying but the more apparently , Isa . 2. 17. And the loftiness of man shall be bowed down , and the haughtiness of men shall be laid low , and the Lord alone shall be exalted in that day . And to that end therefore I shall endeavour to declare the Causes of the present Plagues . The CAVSES . To speak clearly hereunto , we ought wisely to consider the Constitution of the Country under Visitation , whether Prophane or Professors , whether Egypt or Israel , or a mingled people much of the same spirit and path , who may be both then ( how-ever they differ in Profession ) partakers of the same Plagues , Jer. 9. 26. Rev. 18. 4. Or whether for different Causes . And first , for a people of an Egyptian oppressing spirit , at enmity with God and Christ , and Saints and Scripture , whereof this Nation under profession hath dreadfully abounded , exceeding Sodom in odious beastly enmity , and cruel Tumults and Decrees against the Lord's Name , Wayes and People , fulfilling in their Confederacy therein the Prophecy , Psal . 83. to the full ; Know ye for a certain , as you have lived after the manner of Egypt , so are you , and now will be more plagued after the manner thereof , till you in very good earnest let Israel go , Exod. 11. 1 & 12. 33. yea , till for your own safety you take the good counsel tendred unto you , Psal . 2. 10 , 11. For certain I am , though some of God's Israel may fall by this Visitation , yet is the Lord hereby gone out further for Salvation with his Anointed , and this Pestilence is the Harbinger of that Saviour , and High-One , who will surely save his poor People from your fury ; who came out to scatter them as with a Whirlwind , to fulfill the third of Habakkuk ; and those of them whose habitation in this tempest shall be the Most High , shall only with their eyes behold and see the reward of the wicked , Psal . 91. 8 , 9. It therefore concerns you his most proud vile Adversaries to see what this Angel did to Egypt , Exod. 9. 13 , 14 , 15. compared with Psal . 78. 49 , 50 , 51. to Zidon , Ezek. 28. 23 , 24. to the Assyrian , 2 King. 19. 25. and will do to Gog , Ezek. 38. 22. and the Assyrian-like Adversary in the latter-day , Micah 5. 15. O it concerns you to bewail your oppression and hacred of the Upright , and to tremble timely unto true subjection to Him , who is measuring the Earth and driving asunder the Nations , and bringing the Tents of Cushan into affliction , before whom goeth this Pestilence , Hab. 3. 5 , 6 , 7. Your way is dark-and slippery , and the Angel of the Lord doth chase you , Psal . 35. 6. You shall go into the clefts of the Rocks , and into the tops of the ragged Rocks , for fear of the Lord , and for the glory of his Majesty , Isa . 2. 21. Rev. 6. 16. Yea , flee ye afar off , live ye alene , there shall the Angel of the Almighty search you , Ezek. 33. 27. Amos 9. 2 , 5. This is the Word of the Lord against you , save only such as shall be reckoned Israel , by joyning timely and truly to the Lord in the day of these destructions , Isa . 19. 18. And in Israel the divers causes of this Visitation have been also signified plainly from their God : As , 1. Neglect of his true Worship , Laws , Statutes , Ordinances , Exod. 5. 3. Lev. 26. 25. Deut. 28. 15 , 21. and not being spiritual in them , 1 Cor. 11. 29 , 30. 2. False-Worship , or bringing into his Worship the detestible things of mens devising or invention , to the changing his Ordinances ; Ezek. 5. 11 , 12 , 17. Isa . 24. 5. 3. Unbelief , especially under signs of his Power and Presence ; Numb . 14. 11 , 12 , 37. 4. Carnal security , and Confidence in our own righteousness ; Amos 9. 10. 5. Unthankfulness to the Lord under his Salvations ; Exod. 30. 12. 6. Pride , Sensuality and Violence , under Fulness and Prosperity ; Ezek. 7. 10. to 16. chap. 33. 26 , 27. Numb . 11. 33. compared with Psal . 78. 30 , 31. 7. Unprofitableness and impenitency under other Judgments , Jer. 24. 8 , 9 , 10. Prov. 29. 1. 8. Fleshly confidence in the Numbers of Israel , 2 Sam. 24. 15. 9. Wandring from the Lord after other lovers , provoking him with their Abominations ; 1 Cor. 10. 8. Jer. 14. 10 , 11. Ezek. 6. 9 , to 12. 10. Making false Refuges in times of Judgment , Jer. 42. 17 , 22. compared with Isa . 30. 1. & ch . 31. 2 , 3. Jer. 44. 12 , 13. 11. Discontent with the Lord 's righteous Judgements on eminent Malefactors ; Numb . 16. 41 , 47 , 48. And , 12. Hearkning to false Prophets , that abuse Promises to comfort the Impenitent , in want of humble and mournful subjection to the Lord 's fore Judgments for sin , in bringing over them those that hate them , and attempts to deliver themselves from the Sword of the Enemy by any fleshly strength , without true repentance for the causes of their captivity ; Jer. 27. 8 to 13. chap. 28. 15. & chap. 21. 4. to 9. compared with Isa . 22. 8 to 12. Moreover , the Pestilence is a sign of , and appointed to prepare for the near approaching Kingdom of Christ Monarchical in the Earth , Psal . 89. 23. Hab. 3. 5. Mat. 24. 7. Now in as much as all the aforesaid Causes for Sin have evidently abounded even in the Israel of God in this Generation , we have great reason to expect ( however some may flatter themselves ) that by this Angel Israel may lose Children , and in their prayer , Hos . 14. 2. Take away all iniquity , and receive us graciously ; may finde it necessary to be brought upon a bed of visitation and dissolution too , to separate from them some beloved sin , which by no means short would be purged away , Isa . 22. 14. Hence God expostulateth with Israel , Amos 4. 10 , 11. I have sent amongst you the Pestilence , after the manner of Egypt , &c. yet have ye not returned unto me . I have overthrown some of you , as God overthrew Sodom , &c. yet have ye not returned unto me . Therefore will I do thus unto thee , O Israel ; and because I will do thus unto thee , prepare to meet thy God , O Israel . And indeed this is not only consistent with , but contained in the New Covenant , so to correct ; if need be , to take away the heart of stone , and to make us partakers of his Holiness . And when I seriously consider what he did to his dear Moses , Eli , Job , David , Asaph , Hezekiah , Josiah , Asa and others , for less provocation , I fear much what the Lord may do with me and others of his Children , after so long Gentleness , Goodness and Forbearance , as necessary to vindicate his Name , which we have polluted before the Heathen to their hurt : Yea , O the Pride , Sensuality , Covetousness , Meanness , Indifferency , empty Formality and Fruitlesness in the Profession of the Worship of God ▪ yea , Apostacy , Perjury , Treachery , Hypocrisie , and yet Impenitency under all , that might intercede against Israel to the day ! What reason is there upon all , to sigh therefore , and smite upon the thigh before their eyes , as Ezek. 21. 6 , 12. and to be apart in the Spirit of Grace and Supplication , as Zech. 12. 10. Yea , every one ( though upon the highest mountains of Faith and Expectation ) to be like Doves in the Valleys , all of them mourning , every one for his iniquity , prescribed of God for escape from the Pestilence and other calamities , Ezek. 7. 16. & 9. 4. O therefore that poor sinners also with Israel may imbrace the advice in Isa . 2. 10. to enter into the Rock , and there hide in the dust , for fear of the Lord , and the glory of his Majesty . And , as in ver . 22. to cease more from man , whose breath is in his nostrils ; for wherein is he to be accounted of ? Yet , as it becomes all humbly to do what they can in a day of such Calamity , I shall more particularly cast in my Mite towards the Cure of this Contagion , with my dissent from , and witness against two things directed by the Colledge-Doctors . The CURE . In speaking to the Cure , I shall first shew what is not likely to effect it ; 2dly , What is ; and lastly , giving those that have worthily gone before me , their real due in the prescript of outward Medicines , I shall cast in my Mite of that sort also , in addition only to any thing I have seen , without detraction from any , or seeking gain , or the honour which is from men , I trust , but that which is of God only . It is not then first to look to the Physicians , how able or eminent soever , wherein good Asa failed , 2 Chron. 16. 12. and hath but too many followers . Neither would this sort at any time ( and much less now ) be , as other diseases , much abated by all the Doctors in the world , except to humbled souls , as Hezekiah , to whom then poor Isaiah went , and may go again successfully with his bunch of Figs , which gave a reverence to the use of outward means , but in the second place . Though ( till God weary them with his hand ) it 's feared men will arrogate his Healings to their Art , when in tender mercy to his People , or for further probation , it may in a moment cease , or be abated , as at this time in Holland ; not ( I believe ) as the effect of the Pouder , nor Perfume , so much boasted of in every News-book , I am perswaded to further provocation and infection , which hath doubled weekly since the published stories of the infallibleness thereof , which consists ( I fear ) but in the filling the purse of some of the Projectors . And as to the publick Order of the Colledge-Doctors , though I could wail over the view of those strong-scented Ingredients of Pride and Presumption in the latter part of their Epistle , as tending to the infection of themselves , beyond their skill to avoid or cure ; and others that have them in too high esteem , to fulfil the Word of the Lord , Isa . 2. 17 , 18. Yet I count my self , for my Country and Conscience-sake , obliged humbly to witness against two principal parts of their Advice only : with reverence indeed to most of their Prescripts , which yet exceed neither their fore-fathers , nor add much , if any thing , to the common knowledge , capacity and experience of an ordinary man , in this day of removing the face of the covering that hath been over the face of all Nations . But first , their Advice of observing Church-Orders for Prayer , as in former times , I desire may be carefully mingled with the Counter-Poisons of the Scripture-discoveries already laid down concerning False-worship and neglect of true , as principal causes of Contagion , so as the former times they speak of may be explained to be such , as Phineas , Moses , and Samuel , Noah , Daniel and Job , David , Jehoshaphat , Isaiah , Hezekiah , Ezekiel , Jeremiah , &c. or men of like spirit , influenced in Solemn Intercession acceptably to turn away Wrath from a provoking Generation ; and no times wherein the wonderful and horrible thing is committed in the Land , which is on record to be to Visitation and Ruine , Jer. 5. 29 , 30 , 31. else their Direction is hereby dissented from . But secondly ; I humbly dissent also from their Direction for shutting-up unto such oppression and hazard of both sick and well , shut up , and others , as is unavoidable ruine to many after the manner thereof , and so an high provocation to him , who hath torn , and who onely can heal ; who hath smitten , and can bind up , Hos . 6. 1. and who visiteth with Pestilence ( as I have shewed ) for violence , and ( I fear ) increaseth it for such continuance thereof . Now because some carelesly dream of Scripture-colour in the case , I shall shew you first how cruelly remote it is from that case . 2dly . How much it errs from that standing Rule amongst men , Mat. 7. 12. Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you , do ye even so to them : for this is the Law and the Prophets . 3dly . What ill effects it naturally hath towards the encrease of Plagues . 4thly . Appeal to the experience of all , reflecting upon former and present times , both in this and other Neighbouring-Nations . First then , the Scripture-case is only in the Plague of Leprosie , when the party onely apparently visited was to be viewed by the High-Priest , or his sons ; and being found by him , or them , to be so , was in special over-sight to be separated from the rest of Israel , and shut-up but for seven dayes , to be viewed then again by the High-Priest , &c. and if found whole , to be cleansed and restored presently , or otherwise so sequestred for seven dayes more , until such recovery , Levit. 13 , at large , but not to be shut up after . And Hezekiah also being cured of his sore , on the third day was to appear in the House of the Lord , 2 King. 20. 5 , 8. Nor is the Scripture colour for shutting-up one well-person , not the sick after such recovery , upon such weekly view of him , if the case in hand held parallel : but well saith the Scripture , The world by wisdom know not God , 1 Cor. 1. 21. and this their way of being wiser than God , is as the tender mercies of the wicked , Prov. 12. 10. 2dly . It so errs also from that Rule , Mat. 7. 12. that I dare say the Doctors , and those who stand upon their Sword to execute this violent Advice upon the Poor so generally , would not be willing to be so done unto , or have their Wives and Children so dealt with in their calamity : And he that rolleth a stone so against the very nature of humanity , may fear it will return again upon him , Prov. 26. 27. Let me suppose thex case therefore to their consciences . Whether , if four or five , or more , of the skilfullest and hardiest of themselves , who have given this Advice as Orthodox , against so many thousand poor Innocents , were to be coobed-up in one of the poor houses , whereout but one dyed , and have with them an old woman , or some poor ignorant creature ( a stranger to them , as is usual ) for their Nurse , and a sturdy fellow without with an Halberd ( or some stricter Watch , as they have advised for others ) to have each of them no more than the Parish allows ; and the Searchers , Chyrurgions , &c. they have allowed to visit others , to visit them : if in a month or forty dayes after the last man of them dies , at such a season , so used , they do not think in their own consciences , with all their skill , their carcasses would all or most of them be carried away in the Night-Cart ; which now ( for fear thereof ) are , many of them , got into their Country-Gardens , after their Epistolary Vapour and Cruel Direction aforesaid ? How then may poor . Women with child , Widows , helpless , friendless , Fatherless and Sucklings , exposed ( without such help , as many have been ) and half dead before , it may be by the sudden death of their first visited nearest relation , escape the ruine of such further violence upon them ? Again , I query ; If one in the Parish-Meeting-place fall suddenly sick , or dye , after sitting there in the crowd two or three hours amongst the multitude ; were it not as equal the doors should be shut upon the Assembly , or they in their several houses shut-up , as that some Families ( who were further off from the single sick person that dyed therein ) should be presently so violently used and exposed ? O surely , if we would not be so done unto , these wayes then are unequal , and this violent course not like to abate our Plagues , but is rather a sign and earnest of further Wrath : And God by leaving the Nation to be in love with such unnatural Advice ) is , it 's to be feared , paving a way for his Anger , in that more general shutting-up , as a just Judgment upon many accounts , prophesied of such a provoking City , Isa . 24. 10 , 11 , 12. The City of confusion is broken down , every house is shut-up , &c. 3dly . It 's full of evil effects , to the encrease of Plagues , and that not only as it provokes God as aforesaid , but naturally distracts men , filling them with horror of heart , both those that are shut-up , and those that live daily in the fear thereof ; Most that are shut-up being surprized , unprovided , unsetled in heart and house , needing then most the use of a sure friend , made for the day of adversity . Pro. 17. 17. An Interpreter , as Elihu speaks , Job 33. 23. one of a thousand , &c. and are under soul-sinkings , and none to succour them ; their hearts dye within them , as Nabals , upon this bad news ; not a friend to come nigh them in their many , many , heart and house cares and perplexities , compelled ( though well ) to lie by , or upon the Death-bed ( perhaps ) of their dear relation , drag'd away before their eyes , afrighted children howling by their side , fitted by fainting affliction to receive the impression of a thousand fearful thoughts of the long night they have to reckon before release , after the last of the Family , so dismally exposed , shall sink by degrees , one after another , in the den of this dismal likeness to Hell , contrived by the Advice of the English-Colledge of Doctors : no drop of water ( perhaps ) but what comes at the leisure of a drunken or careless Halbert-bearer at the door : no seasonable administration being at a certainty then for their support , and innumerable evils of this sort incident hereunto : whereof if the ear of any concerned were opened to the cry of the Poor herein , I could ( upon knowledge ) instance and give plentiful proof of one months misery and ruine already hereby upon many , enough to make the ears of every one that heareth , tingle ; and lay the blood of Innocents at the door of the Devisers and Prosecutors of this Barbarism ; who also hereby bring no small consternation hourly upon the minds of those who are at liberty thoughtful ( to terror ) whose turn may be next to fall out of the oversight of their nearest Friends , into the hands of the Halberd , Searchers and Chyrurgion , all strangers to them , so as it may be plague enough to be haunted with , under such distraction and affliction . Hence ( I say ) are a thousand thoughts created , to such , swoondings , faintings , fears , ( fitting for infection naturally ) as have occasioned some already to lose their precious lives , and many have hardly escaped the effect thereof ; who otherwise would not so dread the Visitation , that yet sink down and shiver now through fear hereof , but upon the sudden sight of a House shut-up , and clusters of little Children and tender ones in their windows , who might more rationally continue well by separation as they are able , or might be advised by a more charitable care of them , than by such miserable , noisom , melancholy , close imprisonment , which exposeth the Well ( shut-up ) daily to destruction , and also doth really but prepare a more unquenchable stench , and fest to wreak out of the windows ( whilst so shut up ) and disperse it self into the City by a more violent concourse to them at the window ( though less to their relief ) and by opening the doors ( upon such choaking-up ) for the Searchers and Bearers of the Dead ( so daily more prepared for them ) and other allowed Visitors , whose walks are far more perilous than twenty times so many left open to keep themselves clean and at distance from the Sick and Dead , as else they would , to prevent their own infection . Yea , after the House is allowed to be open , and all that are left alive are well after this usage , both they and it are far more dangerous hereby to others , than before , they were crouded up so long to such a nasty and infecting station , being the natural and artificial way also hermetically to effect the most forcible and noisom putrifactions , when the Embrio shal be unsealed ; common experience having proved it naturally less perilous to go to twenty visited , kept sweet and clean , than to two so noisomly exposed . To which I may add , that many for fear thereof do hide their Sores , and ( after a Sweat or two ) their Sickness also , and go daily about their business so long as they can stand , mingled to much more danger every way : Nor dare any do the office of a Nurse or Friend to those shut-up ( however ne-necessary for the present distress ) till help can be procured ( whereby some have been neglected ) because it is so pen●l , that they must be inclosed then themselves , how inconsistent soever to their charge and business , by which there comes no small inconveniency to the Sick , who are forced to take any ignorant Nurse ( or worse ) in haste , to their great hazard . But lastly , I appeal to the experience of this and other parts ; how apparantly did the hand of the Lord rest ( as the antient Citizens familiarly do observe ) in the former great Plagues upon this City , when the people were wearied out of this oppression , under cause enough to mourn unto this day , over the cruelty every mercinary had opportunity to commit ( as now ) under colour hereof . Ireland also , about the year 1650 , and 1651. ( under a far greater Contagion ) was made ashamed hereof , and forced to desist ; and what should now encourage it , under a weekly doubling the destroyed , under ( if not directly by ) it , since the Doctors gave this Advice ? And some affirm the Hollanders , from whence the Plague is so soon ( it 's said ) departed , never practised it , but ordered the Inhabitants of houses visited , to walk and air themselves , with some mark of distinction , at times appointed : and yet I will shew you a more excellent way for the quick and thorow Cure thereof , now positively , if it be not for too long oppression , transgression and impenitency irrecoverable , as in Jer. 14. 12. Ezek. 14. 16 , 21. which God forbid . Now the Scripture-means for effectual healing , whilst it is called to day , are set down as followeth . First , For the Lord 's faithful Remnant , grieved , as Lot , for the filthy conversation of the wicked , and for what hath been committed in the midst of Jerusalem , as Ezek. 9. to sanctifie a solemn Assembly in the earnestness and humility , Joel 2. and seriously therein ( and in secret ) bring forth these sores before their High-Priest in quick and speedy intercession and application of the Blood of sprinkling , Numb . 16. 16 , 46. Exod. 12. 7. 2 Sam. 24. 25. Secondly , In true sence of , and humiliation for , the Plague of their own hearts , timely to seek the face of God , and turn from the evil of their doings , 1 King. 8. 37. 2 Chron. 7. 13 , 14. Ezek. 7. 16. Thirdly , More truly to set their hearts on God , and make the Most High their habitation , Psal . 91. 9 , 10 , 14. and to try the truth hereof as followeth . 1. By Faith in Christ Jesus , John 14. 6. to 11. 2. By their Soveraign Love , 1 John 4. 12 , 16. 3. By their unfeigned obedience , 1 John 3. 24. but more particularly , 1. To make him more their place of residence and safety , as men do their habitation , Psal . 31. 2. & 71. 3. 2. Their place of retirement , and rest from disturbance , Psal . 37.7 . Prov. 24. 15. Isa . 32. 18. Psal . 116. 7. 3. To have their conversation more in God , as Rev. 13. 6. Phil. 3. 20. that men may know were to find Professors more at home . 4. To be feeding more in him , John 6. 56. and entertaining their acquaintance there , Cant. 4. 11. Psal . 145. 1 , to 11. & 66. 16. 5. To be working in him , hiding themselves , and placing their safety and treasure in him , more , John 3. 21. Psal . 91. 1 , 2. Col. 3. 3. Mat. 6. 19 , 20 , 21. O this life of thus inhabiting God , Christ lived ; and this manifests Saintship and sincerity in all ages , Psal . 90. 1. & 140. 13. And wandrings from hence , have much exposed God's own People , Jer. 9. 6. & 50. 6 , 7. But this Life in God now , is , both an earnest of our habitation at hand , where neither sin nor sickness shall a●oy , 1 Cor. 5. 1,6 . and is such a present refuge and safe shelter , as either this Pestilence shall not come at all , or coming shall not be a Plague , but lose its hurtful nature , to such as do dwell in , or now truly and timely shall make refuge unto , and reside in him , as their habitation , Psal . 91. 1 , to 10. Deut. 33. 27. Psa . 23. 4 , 5 , 6. Job 5. 22 , 23. Rom. 8. 38. 1 Cor. 3. 21. On then that poor souls , who have no refuge but Country-Houses now , when they will meet with sorrow enough , as Amos 9. 1. would in the encouragement of the New-Covenant , by the New and Living Way , hasten for refuge unto this safe Habitation , Heb. 6. 18. Yea , O that that may be now fulfilled , which is written Psa . 22. 27 , 28 , 29 , 30. All the ends of the world shall remember and turn to the Lord , and all the kindreds of the Nations shall worship before thee ; for the Kingdom is the Lords , and he is the Governour among the Nations &c. Run ye then out of the World whose works will be burnt up , ye Righteous , into your Strong Tower ! Turn ye to the Strong Hold , ye wandering Children , hasten into your Habitation , Prov. 18. 10. And ye Visited ones of God , happy may ye be by this Visitation , O that you may experience , through Grace , as Hezekiah , that herein is the life of your Spirit , Isa . 38. 16. and be able , as Job 10. 12. to say with thankfulness , Thou hast vouchsafed me life and favour , and thy Visitations have preserved my Spirit ; and as Psa . 119. 67 , 71. experience the good hereof , Behold , happy is the man who to this end is corrected of the Lord : for he maketh sore , and bindeth up ; he woundeth , and his hands make whole , Job 5. 18. Lo , all these things worketh God often-times with man , to hide Pride from man , to bring back his soul from the Pit , to be enlightned with the light of the Living , Job 33. 17 , 29 , 30. Indeed I could dwell on this direction for our Cure , for the sake of my own soul , and for the sakes of my poor Country-men , of every sort , beyond what this Paper may contain , and bring you a most rare Experiment of one that made Jerusalem run with blood , and was almost as profound to slaughter , as poor M. G. B. who yet found safety in refuge hither in his distress ; though I confess under less light and warnings by Signs and Wonders , yet also , being under less stumblings by Professors , I retain my hope that God may yet shew Mercy , even to such as him , making speedy refuge hither : And I could give blessed presidents also to encourage poor wandring Children , who have played the Harlot after many Lovers , to return now quickly to their Habitation , as Jer. 3. 1. But thou hast played the Harlot with many Lovers , yet return unto me saith the Lord ▪ Only acknowledge thine iniquity , &c. ver . 13. towards which I will 〈◊〉 give you a fourth Scripture-direction for Cure. Fourthly then , That the Lords People also humbly accept the punishment of their iniquity , considering Ezek. 14. 23. and declare also all their Abominations , even before the Heathen , under the hand of the Almighty , Lev. 26. 40 , 41. Ezek. 12 , 16. And lastly , To waite in hope on God for special execution of Judgment in general defilement and defection , Num. 25. 8. compared with Psal . 106. 30. and Jer. 5. 1. Amos 5. 15. And in all , with bowels of compassion to poor Infants that know not their right hand from their left , at midnight to awake in the sence of their calamity , as Lam. 2. 19. Arise , cry out in the night : in the beginning of the watches pour out thine heart like water before the Lord ; lift up thine hands towards him , for the life of thy young children , that faint for hunger in the top of every Street . For with the Merciful , thou wilt shew thy self merciful , &c. Psa . 18. 25. And to you that fear his Name , shall the Sun of Righteousness arise with healing in his wings , Mal. 4. 2. EVEN SO , COME , LORD JESUS , COME QUICKLY , Amen . A little Mite added , to the multitude of outward means , published by many others , towards Cure and Prevention of the present PLAGUE . NOw seeing so grent a plenty of outward means already prescribed by the Colledge in general , and some of their number , and others in particular , amongst whom one Mr. Dixon hath in an ingenious way performed the office of a real Neighbour , according to Luke 10. 36. I shall but humbly cast in a mite only of such things as I have observed to be very effectual in the like , and this Contagion , which I have not yet seen published ; And first for the plenteous use of Spirit of Sulphur , which I advise all to have by them , it being not above three shillings the ounce , and is ve●y specifick to remove Malignity , to open great Obstruction , quench Cholor , strengthen the Spirits , and further Sweat , and the effect of other Antidotes , if plenteously and rightly used . I advise then , that the general Posset-drinks both for Sweat , and in stead of Julips , may be made hereof thus ; Take White-wine , a pint , and Spirit of Sulphur , forty drops ; mix them , set on three pints of Milk , and when it boyles up , pour in the White-wine and Spirit , it will make your posset , wherein you may boyl the ingredients for Sweat , directed by the Doctors , or Mr. Dixon , &c. Butter-bu●-root especially , and cast in half a drachm of whole Cochinel ; strain it and give , to cause Sweat plentifully , after a dose of Metridate , or Venice-Treacle , or thirty drops of Spirit of Harts-horn in the first draught thereof . Also for Julip , either the plain Posset before mentioned ( before the other ingredients be in it ) or without the Wine , take sixty drops of Spirit of Sulphur ; with it only you may turn three pints of Milk to a clear Whey , stirring it gently ; sweeten it with syrup of Citron , or Oranges , or Wood-Sorrel , or a Syrup made of Sage-flowers , or Mary-gold , made by a strong infusion , in their own distilled Waters , or in Borrage , or Bawme-waters , the Marigolds for the Syrrup being first bruised , with which this Whey may be sweetned : 'T will be very pleasant and profitable drink for refreshment . Salt of Sage especially , or of Harts-horn , or Ivory , twenty grains of either of them in Broth , expel malignity wonderfully : and by such helps added to the usual Antidotes with proper Cordials and outward applications , God hath comforted me with the Lives of many , in appearance past hope ; and I dare do no less now , than call upon the skilful , as the Disease is extraordinary , timely to reinforce the ordinary means of their practice to their uttermost capacity , to reach the head of the Malignity within the bound of discretion ( though out of Old form ) the neglect whereof will be as hazardous as the handsing these edge-tools on the other hand ignorantly . Jellyes of Harts-horn and Ivory made in White-wine and Borrage , or Pippin-water , or the like , are needful often ; and for Broths , Capon or Cock , rather than Chicken in this case , and with the help of Cordial and Aromatick Hearbs also , ( with coolers ) as Marigolds plenteously , Sweet Majorum , Bawm , Time , Rosemary , with Woodsorrel ; and in all Pimpernel , and the roots of Butter-but , which an eminent Doctor who out-lived his Brethren and the sore long Plague in Ireland , thought he could not too often commend unto me upon his observations . Sheepshead-broath above all was in esteem there , ( perhaps as more appropriate to the parts affected ) though they had Chickens enow . The Rich in every draught may drink twenty grains of Pearl , and ten grains of Confectio de Hyacintho , from the first assault of their natural Spirits , besides their Sweat-drivers . And the Poor be refreshed aswel with a draught of French-Wine and Water , boyled with a blade of Mace , and an ounce of burnt Hartshorn , or clear Sack-Posset-drink , made with a quarter of a pint of Sack , and ten drops of Spirit of Sulphur to a pint of Milk. In their Broath also of Sheepshead ( if they take my advice ) a spoonful of Vinegar sometimes may do well , or four drops of the spirit of Sulphur , about which the extravagant boast of Mindererus in his 18th Book de Pestilentia , may ( with my own long experience of it ) excuse a sober commendation : Of which , and Spirit of Vitriol , he thus speaketh ; There is no Putrifaction whose neck they break not , no Infection which they do not overcome ; no pravity of Humours but they can conquer : Verily , to deal clearly , if I should be forbidden or hindred from the use of Vitriolated Medicaments , I should never come to cure the Plague , or alwayes without my weapons . I have also long used , and commend this Tincture , having found much good thereby : Take Salts of Sage , Hartshorn , Ivory , Wormwood and Rosemary , equal parts of each ; put them into a Glass , pour into them Spirit of Sulphur six ounces , Spirit of Vitriol two ounces ; shake them often , and let them stand for use close waxed . Of this or the like ( as you can get them ) in dangerous obstructions , turn Posset-drinks as aforesaid , with eighty drops to two quarts of Milk. Of late , since the Contagion , Ladded to my Glass as much Cochineel as it will drink ▪ and to the end that all my Spirits might not be suck'd up , I added two parts of sage water : a good spoonful hereof readily turns three pints of Milk ; but because the Curd steals away the best of the Cochinel , I order the Posset to be made first of white-Wine , and then mix the Tincture therewith . But these are my private Improvements of proper materials , which I mention for an example , to encourage a little beyond old Authors . In Swellings and Carbuncles . In ordinary Swellings the Doctors have directed many apt Poultices ; I remember their Emollient with Mallows , &c. I used to make at the learned direction of the eldest of them , and other learned Physicians , twenty four years since , in my Apprentiship , but alwayes with Saffron , which perhaps is forgot : I am sure it would help Suppuration , and ripen speedily , and cherish the Rising . But they do well to refer much to Chyrurgions herein : And the Antient had need to give the younger Chyrurgions good Instructions in Cases that have not come in their time . The Irish Chyrurgions ( at last , in the failer of other Applications ) used to lance a multitude every morning with good success ; which I advised lately to some that do well , when certainly ripened ; but lest they should be too quick or slow , requires their skill to judge , and conscientious care , as they are tender of Lives . But Mr. Dixons Soap-Poultice with Figgs , I hope may be effectual , and save them much labour ; and I take leave to advantage it with an offer of Salt of Tobacco , where it may be had , in the room of Bay-Salt , and abundance may be made thereof quickly ; by which , or only mixt with Emollients and Suppurators , I have suck'd out incredible quantities of the thinner matter presently , and the very root , or last core , soon after , when it hath lain very deep in the flesh : But sometimes the Patient hath not been able to sleep for the anguish , in which case the Poultice , with Mallows , Lilly-roots , Figs , Lintseed , with Hogs-grease , or Palm-Oyl ; may be laid by night , and the other again in the morning : or white Bread and Milk , with a Lilly-root and Oyl only , with advantage , to give ease for necessary rest . The Patient must be sure to keep his Bed carefully till the Sore have run two dayes at least . I have known strong-men cast away by rising against advice , before the Swelling be perfect ; and greatest care must be used in the coming out of Sweat , with a comfortable draught before ; and before the dressing the Sore , especially if lanced , which may then best be tented with fine Spunge , to keep on the running , prest in Mellilot and Basillicon , but not made too big , to put the Patient to pain when it swelleth ; which a discreet Chyrurgion can easily avoid : But in medling with such Wound , for feat of accidents , he must not be absent from the party too long , or give notice where he may certainly be found to give timely ease . If a Loosness happen in Spots , or whilst a Swelling is rising , or before it be discharged , let the party presently take two drachms of Diascordium , or Diascordium and Conserve of red Roses , of each one drachm , and Mithridate half a drachm ; to which also may be added true Bole , or Confect de Hyacintho , ten grains : Also in his Drink boyl good store of burnt Hartshorn , and some Bolaustins . And if the Swelling be too sluggish , or by any accident threaten to retire , it might be worth the expert Chyrurgions consultation , whether the applying a Cupping-Glass to it without scarification , might not advantage a Cataplasm or Dyacilon cum Gummis thereon after , to certain effect . The party visited , may do well to have the Epispastick-Plaister alwayes by him , to apply in diverse parts before the Swelling begin to arise ; else it s rational not to come too nigh it ( if there be need of them at all ) left the Blister detract from the Swelling , and cause it to fall . For example , If the Swelling arise in the Arm-pit , to lay no blistering application above the elbow ; or if in the groin , not above the knees , &c. And if any inconveniency be sencibly found in the use of the Sharp-drink , so frequently as aforesaid , which will soon then , be felt , by the intolerable sharpness of the Urine or Seige , you may a●ay , or wholly suspend a day or two , and use Emulsions and softer Julips ; sweetned also , with Conserve of Red-Roses , strained ; in case of Cholerich loosness , applying still , suitable Sweat-drivers , alone or mixt , at discretion . To which end , I would advise all to have by them at the rate of every six in a Family , these quantities at least of these common things following , viz. Mithredate and London-Treacle , of each four ounces ; Venice-Treacle and Diascordium , of each two ounces ; Conserve of red Roses and Wood-sorrel , of each four ounces ; Spirit of Sulphur ( set out of the way of children and liquorish ignorant ones , that they tast not of it ) one ounce : the Plague-water of Matthias , or at least Treacle-water , half a pint ; Syrup of Woodsorrel , as much : the Plaisters to raise Blisters at first sickning , four ounces ; and as much Mellilot to dress them . By which plain and cheapest things , they may have something material at hand for sick and well to preserve , till they can apply to their Physician , for want of which it hath gone ill with some shut-up suddenly . But I desire none to follow any Direction of mine , that do not first consider humbly the causes of Visitation , and above all , apply the Blood of Sprinkling , and all other helps , as purchased thereby ; and beware lest they render their Cure impossible through impenitency : Likewise if they first endeavour to set their house and heart in order , they might more sweetly rest , and make the Cure the more easie in their sickness . For Prevention . A multitude of Antidotes are fairly set down by the Physitians , but in all ( though but that common one of Concerve of Wood-sorrel and Mithridate , or Venice-treacle ; yea in ordinary mornings draughts ) I commend the use of true Spirit of Sulphur . Yet because the Pill Rufus hath so good report by the Colledg , and is especially again commended by Dr. Middlethwite's print for weekly use , with reverence to them , who may ( perhaps ) use it themselves , and for the weak stomach sake of such as cannot well digest dirt , and then wonder what aile them ; I desire it may be wash'd in Spirit of Wine , by the art of their Apothecaries , who know there is cause through the shameful adulteration of the cheif materials thereof . Take then Myrrh six ounces , Aloes half a pound , Mastick four ounces , Saffron two ounces ; infuse them apart in Boultheads in Spirit of Wine close stopt in Balne● , till the Wine be tinctured of a deep colour , then pour the tinctured-Spirits from the ingredients , and add more Spirits to the feces until it will yeild no more tincture ; then filture all the Tinctures through a brown paper , put it then into a glasse body with head and cooler on it , and so distil off the Spirits gently ; and when a Film cometh on it , take off the head , and stir it to a due consistence . Now this Pill in Surfeits is excellent , and where there is needof Purging , safe ; in violent suspition of Malignity , having in addition to the three Ingreedients of Rufus , the cordial friend of Spirit of Wine , and Mastick , to bridle it ; and eminently in that , there is so little lucid Aloes of the four sorts that is vended by the Druggist , and so much earth and dirt ( to the disadvantage of Pills ) both in it and ordinary Myrrh , hereby separated from it , the terrene and spurious corruption removed , being as much almost in bulk as all was at first , though spiritless and good for nothing but its center the Earth , which should not therefore incumber any corner of a wise-man's stomach . Besides , this child is not only as nobly descended , but of age to speak for it self sufficiently , and hath done good service to many hundred surfeited , crude and flegmatick stomachs more certainly . Two or three Pills at night going to bed , and a draught of warm Broath in the morning before you go abroad , will make you in love therewith , and you will find the difference , if you still should be minded to try both for experiment . A Pill for a Child suspected to have the Worms , or to have been surfeited with Fruit , or that hath a crude flegmatick stomach , is very excellent , in Syrup of Violets at night going to bed ; and what Pill can be better for old people on young , who are weak , consumptive , sickly , and obstructed ? but I publish it now rather , for fear of grosser and dul●●● Purging at such a time ( of surfeiting , &c. ) by the very materials thereof , and hope young Physicians will beware of any violent Purge in symptomes of Pestilence , by which some have been lately purged away by them unawares , and others hardly recovered : but this can scarce have an evil effect ; for though it work not , it will leave nothing behind ; yea , they will find good , that may never feel any motion thereof . For such as cannot take any thing more medicinal , a little Conserve of Roman-Wormwood , or of Wood-sorrel alone , in a morning ; or to have two ounces of Juniper-berries , and a little Sage in each Kinderkin of Beer , is profitable . The English in Ireland found much benefit by the moderate use of Angelica and Wormwood-Waters after meals , and with a Toast in a spoonful in the morning : those , and Juniper-water so taken , maybe profitable to cold stomachs , especially in Winter ; or Coffee , received with thanksgiving ( as I fear it too seldom is ) is exceeding wholsome for moist constitutions , though the tipling , tatling , waste-time , and wantonway therein , is a high provocation to wrath from God , a stage of wrong to men , whereby also Professors shamefully neglect their Families and their own poor Souls to mourn at the last , as Prov. 5. 11 , 12 , 13. French-Wines , especially advantaged with Marigolds , Clove-gilliflowers , Juniper-berries , Sage-flowers , Bawm , Rosemary-flowers , Spanish-Angelica-roots , roots of Sinkfoyl , or of Burnet , Zedoary , Orris , tops of Wormwood , or the like ( as the party may affect , and is able to attain ) may be very useful , with moderation , at meals , &c. the cask or bottle being first smoaked well with Sulphur , and Vinegers of Elder-flowers , Juniper-berries , Marigolds , Clove-gilli-flowers , Sage-flowers , Cowslip , Taragon , Mint , Barberries , tender shoots from the Orange-seeds , &c. to take in Broth ; or with Meat , with their substances , except the Juniper-berries , which being put into the Vinegar whole , may be taken out , and new ones put in , to carry about and ear , as the Doctors direct . Issues for corpulent and rheumatick persons , men , women and children , were never more necessary , and were used much to good advantage by the English in the Irish Infection , fo● want of which many suffer more than an aching-head . of SMELLS . Of Smells those are certainly best , that being taken inwardly , are proper for the heart and head ( the chief Seat of the malignity ) and suppress vapours too ; the chief are these : Chymical Oyls of Rhue , Wormwood , Hartshorn , Amber , Thime or Origany , Rosemary , Chamomile , Castor , Juniper-berries , the stinking Oyl of Sulphur , Castor & Camphir , &c. and that of Tar is a toy now in fashion ; but sweet-scented Pomanders were exploded of the learned Physicians long since , as a costly mischief , many wayes inconvenient ; Nor can any of the former in an Ivory-box more mischieve the brain by heat , ( as Pomander-men prate ) yet the use of any are best avoided , except for the present passando by Anoyance ; because by much use they open the pores , and fit the more ( as they that come out of clear air to stinking and thick ) to receive in ill scents , longer than they hold the other to their nose . And of all fumes ( if I may not countenance the idle use thereof ) I might affirm and demonstrate Tobacco to be the best ; because it doth not vanish away quickly , but possesseth and keepeth the place , out of which it driveth other anoyances : wherefore Gunpowder , more quickly vanishing through its nitral part , after long use of it in Ireland , was left , and Tobacco stood in lasting esteem ; as also Brimstone by it self , which will abide , whereas the Saltpeter-puff is gone in an instant , and makes the Air so thin , as way is sooner made thereby also for Infection , if you stir abroad : whereas experience shews that Tobacco , where it is smoaked much , will furnish a Room for continuance , and they that take it will stink of it long . I will now end this Subject , with a word of advice to remove a very noisom cause of Infection , viz. the multitude of dead Dogs and Cats , that float on the River , and lie on the Shoar , as Wind and Tide serveth , one of which is more infectious than as hundred alive ; which some already have sadly experienced , and it 's feared more will daily , unless timely removed . FINIS . A65468 ---- Animadversions on the late vindication of Slingsby Bethel, Esq., wherein the ancient and laudable customs of the city of London are asserted against the scandalous reflections he has made upon them : in a letter to the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen / by a loyal citizen. W. W., Loyal citizen. 1681 Approx. 15 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A65468 Wing W138 ESTC R12206 13574992 ocm 13574992 100438 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A65468) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100438) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 804:11) Animadversions on the late vindication of Slingsby Bethel, Esq., wherein the ancient and laudable customs of the city of London are asserted against the scandalous reflections he has made upon them : in a letter to the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen / by a loyal citizen. W. W., Loyal citizen. 4 p. Printed for the use of the English merchants, Hamborough : 1681. Caption title. Signed and dated: W.W., Tower Hill, May 2, 1681. Imprint from colophon. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Bethel, Slingsby, 1617-1697. -- Vindication of Slingsby Bethel. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2006-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ANIMADVERSIONS ON THE LATE VINDICATION OF Slingsby Bethel Esq Wherein the Ancient and Laudable Customs of the City of LONDON Are asserted against the scandalous Reflections he has made upon them . IN A LETTER TO THE LORD MAYOR AND Court of Aldermen . By a Loyal Citizen . My Lord and Fellow Citizens , AS it has been the opinion of many worthy Members of our City ( since the Election of this Sheriff ) that we did very ill to call a Person to that Office from his private station in the Country ( tho' not so qualified for this place by the Laws as some others were ) so it has been of very great trouble to us to find him not answer either the Design or Honour of such our Election . 'T is his pleasure to acknowledge he was getting an Estate by Trade when the Rebellion broke out in England ; and that I suppose fitted him afterwards to bear a part in that blustrous Government , as to have the honour to be nominated a Steers-man in that Committee of Safety , which had like to have ruined the whole Commonwealth . And yet , 't is true , a man may be of very ill Principles in 1658. and become a wonderful good man again in 1660. when his beloved Estate and safety , begins to be call'd in question ; which made the pleasant Fellow , who ( walking with a great Lanthorn and Candle lighted at Noon-day , on the 29 th . of May , on the King's Return ) said , That he had been seeking for a Round-head all that day , but verily and truly could not find One from Westminster to Aldgate . But to come to the point : Was there ever such a man of Vertue heard of since Adam ( that managed a Trade ) who thus confidently avers , That his conversation has been such , in all his dealings in the World , as to deserve no reproach from any man upon Earth ? We all well know , that in Traffique and Trade in the World the justest man falls seven times a day , as occasion may offer . And 't is to be supposed , that a man that gets an over-grown Estate amongst us in a way of Trade , cannot get every peny so exactly just as not to be liable to the reproach of any Tongue whatsoever ; surely if that had been true which our Sheriff affirms , he had never fallen under the present obloquy . But — Now after all this , since you called him forth from his private retirement to the Honour he now enjoys : Behold , ( good man ) how he calls in one of the Prophets to testifie against you , for maliciously reproaching , scandalizing and making his Office troublesom to him . Why now , let any man judge if ever Sheriff ( since Richard the Ill 's time ) was so abused by his fellow Citizens : surely we have not lost our manners and due regards to that Honourable Office , have we ? Come let us but impartially enquire into the reasons of these things . First he says , We charge him with being a Papist and a Jesuit ; and to colour our Lies call in the Kings Evidence to testifie against him ; Why truly this could not be said but by an errant Tory , or some Masquerading Fellow ; no loyal , honest or sober Citizen could have offer'd such an affront to his Worship ; And yet Dr. Oats is a shrewd man too at guessing ; — But however , we may say there was an odd Jesuitical Principle that actuated in the late times , to do even such things as Jesuits would if they could ; and so possibly there may be colour for some such tittle tattle among the People at the Election in Southwark : But when Dr. Oats comes to Town he will clear this point . And for the Election in Southwark , I may freely say this , That the Commoners did very discreetly in Electing two unquestionable Loyal Persons , Capt. Rich and Sir R. How ; And in such Elections there do not want reflections on each Candidate ; for I have been told that some of the Sheriff's party did bespatter them too with the Title of Abhorrers , and I overs of Arbitrary Power ; so that 't is pretty even on both sides . As for what he is accused of in being a Souldier of the late times , I am apt to believe his Worship says truth ; But what to say to that malicious whisper of words spoken by him at Hambrough about the King's Death , I leave that to be decided by Law ; only a man would think our Sheriff no good King's man , since he is thus traduced by Persons of the same Rank and Place he dwelt in , and his daily Companions . But for the next malicious slander , of his being one of those in Vizards that assisted at the Death of His late Majesty ; I profess I wonder any person should be so confident to accuse him ; for after all the imaginable care and scrutiny to find the Truth , ( by the Council and the Parliament ) upon His Majesties Return , they never yet could learn who those bloudy Villains were that murthered our dear Sovereign o● blessed memory ; so that we might as well have said they were two of Oliver's Chaplains , as well as our Sheriff and another person in Masquerade ; so far I must do him all the right I can . As to the story of the Waterman's coat , 't is very odd ; such a thing might be ; for all men are not in a good humour with Watermen at all times : tho' a Kings Waterman ( to some constitutions ) is more obnoxious than a City Waterman . And so much for that point too . But I shall now come home to the matter in hand ( so far as concerns us Citizens ) in taking notice of our Sheriff's Vindication . As for his House-keeping , he does very elaborately let us know that he does not dwell in a Garret , ( nor hired Cellar or Pantry I suppose ) and that if we had not anger'd him , in choosing Mr. Pilkington ( a meer Commoner ) Alderman of the Ward , and gave him the go-by , he would have dwelt in a larger ( Taylor 's ) House , and established his Tables , and taken in Officers , &c. Why truly this is a very good reason for a man to be angry with House-keeping and maintaining any part of the Repute and Honour of the City ; and so , for ought I see , we must be contented with it ; for there is an honourable thriftiness as well as an honourable prodigal lavish House-keeping , especially among the Magistrates of the City of London ; and for a man to relieve poor distressed Citizens , and Prisoners , and others in want , when the Law of the Land provides for them otherwise , is a thing so lavish and prodigal , that no Sheriff of London ought to evade it , especially when the loss of being Alderman of the Ward and Knighthood is in the case . And then when a man consults the wholsom Laws against excess of Feasting , which our Sheriff says are the most wholsom , ( nay more wholsom Laws than the 35 th . of Eliz. or 16 th . of our King ten to one : ) why truly no man breathing would feast every day , or endure it in his House . When I came to one Paragraph , ( which is a quotation out of some modern Jesuit ) I protest I stood amazed to hear of a meritorious congruity as well as condignity ; Now where there can be no congruity , there ought to be condignity , that 's most clear ; and therefore since we could not agree to make him Alderman of the Ward , 't is fit he should tell us of it by the way of condignity . And so much for a meritorious congruity . But since the preferment is gone , and we have abused him into the bargain , he tells you , That he cares not a F — for 't , for he has tasted morepleasure in a retired Life , than ever to thrust himself into troublesom and lofty places : which yet to me seems strange ; for if he had continued in his state of privacy , and paid the usual Fine to the City , he might have been excused as well as others have been , and consequently undergon no reproach ; but some think 't was a fit time for such men to up and be doing something against Popery and Arbitrary Government , and to preserve Liberty and Property , &c. to hinder wholsom Laws made against Protestant Dissenters from being put in execution : Truth is , I must needs say , that we that had so much throng and sweat to choose him , ought not to bespatter him at the rate we have done ; for he could not honestly deny us when we chose him so freely , as he saith ; But yet not so freely neither , but that there was tugging and pulling at it , and a world of pudder made by the Tory and Tantivy party , viz. the folks of the Church of England , or the old Protestants , who were generally against it . Then , in the next place , comes in three or four Paragraphs of Rhetorical Harangues upon the City to shew a further reason of not keeping up the Port and Grandeur of his Office by generous and publick House-keeping . Now here lies the point ; Can any Lord , Knight , Gentleman , Citizen , Stranger or Foreigner possibly make a meal out of a dish of Sheriffs Paragraphs ? Can any of the poor Prisoners in any of the Gaols feed on a Basket of Paragraphs ? If they can , much good may they do 'em ; I had , for my part , rather dine with my Countrey-man Sheriff Cornish ( who I hear retains a Western kind of generous Hospitality ) than at such a Feast . The next Paragraph is to display the several Atchievments and common Customs of the City , and ( much like Jordan's annual Lord Mayors Shew ) tells us what we observe and practice in relation to maintaining the publick Honour and Reputation of the City , but begs your pardon for appearing in them himself on all occasions . First , because my Lord Mayor was not well lately . Secondly , that the Easter Sermons were at Sepulchre's , when they should have been at the Spittle . And another reason may be too possibly , because a Bishop and a Dean preached ; the latter having lately wrote an excellent piece against Protestant Dissenting Brethren . But now we are at House-keeping again , and we will shew more and stronger reasons for no Feasting than for feasting : And first , he says , 'T is of no honour to the City , but a reat prejudice and scandal to the Government . ( Still our Worship saves our Bacon . ) 2dly . That 't is customary to feast Companies on set days , and entertain particular Friends on others : From which I conclude our Sheriff loves not this formal Feasting . 3dly . That the Honour the Sheriff gets by such feasting is not tantamount to the charge , though two Guinies be given by every Livry-man for his double Treat and Spoon . I 'le assure you a very good caution these hard times to our City Livry : men : But then , 4 thly . and beyond all , his Worship compares this generous , honourable and hospitable way of the Sheriff's Feasting to a poor Countrey-wedding , the way being to invite a great many to a great Feast , ( which however is beyond some Sheriffs too , by your leave , ) on purpose to get Money and Houshold stuff for them to begin the World with ▪ Now how the comparison will hold in this case let any man judge : But then we Livry-men must have a care what we do now , for we are forbid to hearken to either Master or Wardens this year , since the Sheriff resolves not to accept of our Guinies , for the several reasons before-mentioned . Well , in the next place , you the several former Sheriffs , that have emulated one another in Feasting on private days , and out-vy'd each other in splendour and gallantry , ( now one would think this should mean the King 's being treated at supper at some of your Houses not many years since , ) I say you are severely rebuked , and for ought I perceive compared to the wantons of Jerusalem , who with so much fulness of Bread and Idleness provok'd the heavy Judgments of God to fall upon them . Now whether your sort of Feasting be like theirs , that 's the point : for my part I think hospitable House-keeping and feeding the poor and needy ( as we may see at Lambeth House every day , and other good Houses ) are very laudable and honourable things , in no wise offensive , to God , to Religion and good Custom ; I think far from that riotous Feasting at Jerusalem . And so much for Feasting without a Meal . And now who would think that this very sin of Feasting should make our Sheriff carefully and tenderly affraid , lest an Angel he sent from Heaven with the Plagues of Sodom on our City too ? God forbid we should ever requite the Lord so for his stupendious Goodness to us in our late Deliverances from the hands of Popish Conspiracy and Lanatick Rage , and I am , with his Worships favour , and on better grounds and reasons , more afraid that the Whoredoms , false Oaths , rebellious Witchcrafts ( that stink in the Nostrils of Heaven ) will bring Judgments on us , as in the Case of Korah Dathan and Abiram , than Innocent Feasting , by Sheriffs or other Citizens . And so much for this point too at present . But to conclude : Methinks among all the Worthy and Loyal Booksellers in our City , Mr. Sheriff might have pleased to have chosen one out of them to Print and Expose his Vindication , rather than Frank Smith ( his Prisoner for Treason , as some say ; ) but however , every man to his fancy ; for my part I would never have his Name to any thing I shall ever write , for this very reason . That he never yet Printed any thing ( save our Worships Vindication ) but was either Tinkerly Heresie , or Seditious Naked Truth , or Welsh Glosses on Divine ones : And so I wish him a safe Deliverance , and our Sheriff well out of his troublesom Office ; Taking my leave and subscribe , Tower Hill May 2 1681. My Lord and Fellow Citizens Your Lordships Servant ▪ And Faithful and Honest Brother Citizen , W. W. H●amb●rough : Printed for the use of the English Merchants . A66757 ---- Joco-serio. Strange news, of a discourse between two dead giants expressed in an epigram, to one inquisitive for news, and was composed by occasion of a scurrilous pamphlet, entituled, A dialogue between Colbrant and Brandamore, the two giants in Guild-hall London. Which pamphlet was not only intended to abuse this author, and some particular persons by name, but the said city also, in the late election of their Parliamentary Members. Thereto is added an antidote against all ill news whatsoever, which proving effectual to many lately reputed phanaticks, may possibly be vertual to some other. Jeers will be self-condemned, and stingless if contemned. G. W. Wither, George, 1588-1667. 1661 Approx. 11 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A66757 Wing W3164 ESTC R222291 99833474 99833474 37951 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A66757) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 37951) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2183:10) Joco-serio. Strange news, of a discourse between two dead giants expressed in an epigram, to one inquisitive for news, and was composed by occasion of a scurrilous pamphlet, entituled, A dialogue between Colbrant and Brandamore, the two giants in Guild-hall London. Which pamphlet was not only intended to abuse this author, and some particular persons by name, but the said city also, in the late election of their Parliamentary Members. Thereto is added an antidote against all ill news whatsoever, which proving effectual to many lately reputed phanaticks, may possibly be vertual to some other. Jeers will be self-condemned, and stingless if contemned. G. W. Wither, George, 1588-1667. [2], 6 p. [s.n.], London : Printed 1661. G. W. = George Wither. In verse. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800. 2005-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion JOCO-SERIO . STRANGE NEWS , OF A DISCOURSE BETWEEN Two dead Giants , expressed in an Epigram , to one Inquisitive for News , and was composed by occasion of a scurrilous Pamphlet , ENTITULED , A DIALOGUE BETWEEN COLBRANT and BRANDAMORE , The two Giants in Guild-hall London . Which Pamphlet was not only intended to abuse this Author , and some particular persons by name , but the said City also , in the late Election of their Parliamentary MEMBERS . Thereto is added an Antidote against all Ill News whatsoever , which proving effectual to many lately reputed Phanaticks , may possibly be vertual to some other . Jeers will be self-condemned , And sting less if contemned . G. W. London , Printed 1661. JOCO-SERIO . Strange News , of a Discourse between two dead Giants , expressed in an Epigram to one inquisitive for News , and was composed by occasion of a scurrilous Pamphlet , entituled , A Dialogue between COLBRANT and BRANDAMORE , the two Giants in Guild-hall , LONDON , &c. FRiend , there is now , no Good news to be had , And , I intend to publish none that 's bad ; For , as Affairs yet stand , it may be treason To speak the Truth , if spoken out of season ; And , though in season spoken , he that speaks it , May suffer by his folly who mistakes it . Yet ( now I think upon 't ) a little scrap I met withall this morning , by meer hap , Which may be safely told : for nor to State Or Church , but to my self it doth relate ; And , it hath made me smile , with scorn , to see What heed , Great men , begin to take of me . The Lord Mayor , & some Aldermen have known me Long time ; yea , men of all degrees do own me With good respect , for whose esteem I care ; And some , who of the best Extraction are . But , that 's no News ; or , none , at least , compar'd To that which now shall be to thee declar'd : For , be it known , that , though obscurely born , I am now honor'd with a Publick scorn ( Divulg'd in print ) as if reputed one Who hath deserved to be thought upon Among those persons , who are in these times Renowned for those Vertues , or those Crimes Which in this Age must punishment receive , Or honour ; and next Age their judgement have , When they , who are no parties in the cause , Shall judge men , both by Gods & Natures Laws . Mean while , their censures must be undergone Who neither know me , nor what I have done : For , they , who never heard of me ; who never Did see me , nor shall hear of me for ever , Take notice of me , to my wonderment , And , not a little to my good content ; Since , peradventure , it may shortly bring My person to be known unto the King , Who , if he truly know me would conceive That , usefully to serve him I might live , Although traduc'd I am by some of them , Who , in another mode , have served him . If thou hast read in Legends heretofore Of big-bon'd COLBRANT and great BRANDAMORE The Giants in GVILD-HAL ; be pleas'd to know That , in a Dialogue betwixt those two My name is mention'd , with as much applause As I could wish , from Champions of that Cause For which they stand ; and to as good effect As I can possibly from those expect , Of whom I never yet much notice took , And , to whom , in my life , I never spoke . These two Goliahs ( things , as big almost As he , who once defied Israels Host , ( And had his Cockscomb crackt by little David , Because himself so rudely he behaved ) These Ascaparts forsooth , I know not how , Pretend to be of my acquaintance now ; And , this is such a Novelty to me That I have sent the same , as News to thee . For , News it is to me , and strange News too , That BUGGS with whom I never had to do , Should shew themselves , in my Affairs as witty As in the great Concernments of their City , Where they have had a place to them assign'd At Publick meetings , now time out of minde . T is News to me , that , creatures of their frame , To any purpose , should repeat my name , Since , probably , they do not know their own , But , are the greatest Block-heads in the Town , Except it be those foolish Pamphleters That , use to write such Dialogues as theirs ; ( Or , base Invectives tending to th' increase Of Discord , by the breach of civil peace ) And , who , mens honest fames to overthrow , Shoot poysoned Arrows from an unseen bow , For , these are much more blockish ; and this Nation Will never thrive , whilst these have toleration . However , this perhaps forewarn me may , That some as mighty , and as wise as they Will mention me ere long , to worse effect , And with a more malicious dis-respect , Than these Detractors hitherto have done , Though me , they seem not , yet to think upon . But , be it , as it must be ; Scorns and Jeers , Have hung so long , as Jewels at mine ears , That , whether my Reproach be less or greater , I shall my self esteem , nor worse , nor better For what , by others , is done , spoke , or thought , Whilst I , think , speak , and do the things I ought . He , that takes heed , what to himself relates , Needs not care what the world , without him , prates This , is my best News , at this present time ; That which it wants in Reason , take in Rime . Farewel . A Postscript . BUt , take this Post script too ( which , whilsta taper One lights to seal it ) shall fill up this paper . Know , this was not intended to Retort Or Vindicate ; but , only , writ in sport . He that asperseth me , himself doth hide Like those Bandetti by the high-way side , Who , cowardly do shoot unseen , and flay Before they dare to seize upon their prey ; Yet , though I knew him , I have lately got So tride a Charm against all Paper-shot , That , onely , smiling on him with disdain ( To let him know he shoots at me in vain ) I scarcely should , by way of complement Spare him so many words , as Marshal spent On his Traducer , when , this Verse he flung him , Nos , ab hac scabie , tenemus unguem . Whose sense is ( in the Language of this Isle ) To scratch this SCAB , my nail I 'le not defile . Know also , that the Cause I do not dread Those fearful Rumours which are lately spread , Is not , for that , I think , or do fore-see Such things , are things impossible to be , For , when I heed , that still the self-same path Is trodden , which an evil tendance hath ; And , that , most men rush forward in that Round Wherein their Predecessors ruine found ; When I perceive the Vices heretofore , Not onely to be still the same , but more ; That , nor GODS Judgements , nor his Mercies , whether Past , present , single , or joyn'd both together Regarded seem ; nor wholsome counsels given By men , or timely warnings daign'd from heaven , But , that , still , wicked wishes , hellish prayers , Revengeful Projects , Jealousies , Despairs , And cursed speakings , daily aggravate That Animosity and secret hate , Which at the first begun our sad Distractions ; And are fomented still in several Factions , Through that neglect of Justice and Compassion Which might effect true Reconciliation ; I fear , what may to other men befall , But , fear not in my own respect , at all , Because , that , whereto things now feared tend , Have brought my hopes already to an end , As they concern this world ; except , refin'de GOD shall restore them , when they are calcin'd . The Rumors which I hear , to me seem toyes , Like Squibs and Crackers which affrighten boyes , For , his Protection I am sheltred under Who speaks in love , ev'n when he speaks in thunder . His Judgements are upon us , but the flame Will burn them , who are kindling of the same ; For , by the paths which I see by them trod , I finde our Foes , are not the friends of GOD ; And , that when all our dross , away is fum'd , They shall be purged too , or else consum'd . He that secures me , will secure all those Who shall their confidence in him repose . No cause have any men to fear ill tidings , Who underneath GODS Umbrage have abidings : For , whatsoe're succeeds , yea , come what will , It comes to them for Good , and not for Ill. That will new-make them , which their foes destroies , Disgrace shall honor them , grief bring them joyes ; Ev'n Death it self , shall be true lifes possessing , And ev'ry Curse be turn'd into a Blessing . Then , all we have to do , is , down to sit Beneath this shade ; all things to GOD commit . Pray to him for our selves , our friends and foes , And praise him heartily for all he does . If this be done , we shall be free from fears , Although the world doth all it can , or dares . G. W. FINIS . A69725 ---- The liberties, usages, and customes of the city of London confirmed by especiall acts of Parliament, with the time of their confirmation : also divers ample, and most beneficiall charters, granted by King Henry the 6, King Edward the 4, and King Henrie the 7th, not confirmed by Parliament as the other charters were, and where to find every particular grant and confirmation at large / collected by Sir Henry Colthrop, Knight, ... Calthrop, Henry, Sir, 1586-1637. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A69725 of text R14680 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C308). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 50 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A69725 Wing C308 ESTC R14680 12005097 ocm 12005097 52293 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A69725) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 52293) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 85:15 or 251:E141, no 24) The liberties, usages, and customes of the city of London confirmed by especiall acts of Parliament, with the time of their confirmation : also divers ample, and most beneficiall charters, granted by King Henry the 6, King Edward the 4, and King Henrie the 7th, not confirmed by Parliament as the other charters were, and where to find every particular grant and confirmation at large / collected by Sir Henry Colthrop, Knight, ... Calthrop, Henry, Sir, 1586-1637. Carpenter, John, 1370?-1441? [2], 25 p. Printed by B. Alsop for Nicholas Vavasour, and are to be sold at his shop ..., London : 1642. An epitome, arranged alphabetically under subject headings, of the Liber albus, a collection of laws and customs relating to London, compiled by John Carpenter in 1419. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library and Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Customary law -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Law reports, digests, etc. -- England -- London. London (England) -- Charters, grants, privileges. A69725 R14680 (Wing C308). civilwar no The liberties usages, and customes of the City of London; confirmed by especiall Acts of Parliament, with the time of their confirmation. Al Calthrop, Henry, Sir 1642 8232 6 0 0 0 0 0 7 B The rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-06 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2007-06 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms THE LIBERTIES USAGES , AND CUSTOMES OF THE CITY OF LONDON ; CONfirmed by especiall Acts of Parliament , with the time of their Confirmation . ALSO , Divers ample , and most beneficiall Charters , granted by King Henry the 6. King Edward the 4. and King Henrie the 7th . not confirmed by Parliament as the other Charters were , And where to find every particular Grant and Confirmation at large . Collected by Sir Henry Colthrop , Knight , sometime Recorder of London , for his private use . And now published for the good and benefit of this Honourable City . LONDON : Printed by B. Alsop for Nicholas Vavasour , and are to be sold at his shop in the Inner-Temple , MDCXLII . THE LIBERTIES , Usages , and Customes , of the City of LONDON . All the Liberties , Usages , and Custome hereafter following , are confined by an especiall Act of Parliament at Westminster , Anno Septimo Regni Regis R. 2. albo libro , 43. a. Abrokers . THat the Abrokers of any Merchandize in this City , shall not be , except the same be chosen by Marchants of the mistery ; in which the same Ab-brokers , shal have there exercise of their office , and the same Abrokers also to be sworn before the Lord Major of the City of London , libro albo , 38. a. 12. H. 3. Abrokecators , or Brokers . Abrokecators or Brokers . Brokers are to be chosen by Merchants of their own misteries , and they shall take their Oath before the Major of London , lib , albo fol , 570. b. 3. E. 3. per Charter & Parliament . Acquittances of Murder . The Citizens are acquitted as well for any murder committed within the City , as within the Portsoken . viz they shall not be amerced as they have bin in old time if the murderer did escape , fol. 35. albo lib. 11. H. 3. so that the statutes of English shere , Anno 14. E. 3. Cap 4. Acquittances . That the Citizens of London shall be for ever acquitted of pavage , portage , and murrage , through all the Kings Dominions , lib. alb. fol. 36. b , c. Anno 12. H. 3. Aldermen and their election . Upon the Feast day of S. Gregorie , yearly shall every Alderman be removed from their place , and new in their place shall be chosen , lib , alb . fol. 42. a. b. 50 , E. 3. note that this is changed since by Act of Parliament . Aldermens goods . That Aldermens goods shall be taxed in Aids , tallages , or other contributions amongst other mens goods , lib. alb. f. 36 , b. Allowance of Liberties . It shall suffice that one Writ in one Kings time shall serve in the Kings Exchequer , and in all other places for the allowance of the Liberties , lib. alb. f , 4. b , 1. E , 1. Learn for what cause at every change the City is put to so great charges , as to procure a new Confirmation . I think it be only for the profit of Chancery men . Amerciaments . The Sheriffe shall not be amerced for any offence above 20. l. lib. alb. f. 34. Anno 11. H. 3. That the Sheriffes of London shall not be charged or amerced for escape of any Fellon , but as other Sheriffes have used on this side Trent , lib , alb . f. 39. b. 1. E. 1. None shall be otherwise amerced , but according to Law used in the time of H. 1. lib. alb. f. 35. 11. H. 3. Aids and Contributions . That the Citizens of London in all Aids , Grants , and Contributions to the Kings use , shall be taxed and contribute with the Commonalty of England , as men of the Counties , and not as men of Cities and Burrowes , and that they shall be free from all other tallages , and thereof cleerly acquitted , lib , al. f. 40. 1. E. 1. Bakers and Millers . THere is a Statute in French granted by the King for the punishment of Bakers and millers , and tryed by weight , whether the millers do deceive the Owners of the corn , and that ob . to be yeelded for every quarter of corn that is ground , lib. al. f. 42 , b , c , 1. E. 1. Battaile . A Citizen shall not be enforced to wage Battaile , nor shall in the pleas of Crown be tryed by any other Order , but only according to the ancient Custome of the City lib. al fol. 35 , Anno 11 , H. 3. Bean-pleader . None shall be amerced for mispleading , the which the Book calleth misk●nning , li . al. f. 35 , 11 , H. 3. Bridgemasters . The Bridgmasters shall be chosen by the Commons , ther must be but two , and they must be approved sufficient men of the City , being no Aldermen , lib , al. fol. 38. 12 , Hen. 3. Buttlerage . And of the Wines of the Citizens , no prizes or takings shall bee had or made by any of the Kings Ministers of their heirs , or of any other against their will , that is to wit , of one run before the mast , and of any other tun behind the mast , nor in any other manner , but they shall be therof acquitted for ever , br . alb. fol. 40. lib. 1. E. 3. Ceritorary or writ of Priviledge . Note , that the King chargeth his Treasurer , and the Barons of the Exchequer , and other his Ministers of the same Court , that from hence forth the Kings Writ shall not be granted to remove the body of any imprisoned in the Goal of Newgate , or else-where within the liberties , of the City of London , for debts or damages in any action adjudged to any Citizen to answer to the King , or other in the said Court of Exchequer ; for the Kings debt , or for the debt of any of the Ministers of the said Exchequer , except the said Barons do first find the said Action to be feigned or untrue , lib. alb. fol. 44. Anno 1. R. 2. Chamberlain , Town-clerk , and common Sergeant . That these three Offices are eligible and removable by the Commons , and at the will of the Commons , lib. albo fol. 38. b. 12. Hen. 3. Colouring of strangers goods . That Citizen which coloureth strangers goods , shall lose his Freedome , lib alb . fol. 37. b. c. 12. Hen. 3. Confirmation . All the aforesaid Liberties are confirmed by Act of Parliament , and by Charter , lib. alb. fol. 36. Anno. 5. E. 3. Corporation of London . In the 11. year of King Hen. 3. he granted unto the Citizens of London , the Counties of London and Middlesex in Fee Farm . Note , that the Grant was made unto the Citizens only , and not to the Major and Citizens and Commonalty of London , as the usage is at this day , but this maketh no doubt , because the Charter is confirmed by Parliament the 21. of November in the 5. year of the King , N. 2. lib. alb. 34. a. b. & fol. 45. a. Custome paid . If any sell his ware before the Custome paid , it shal be forfeited lib. alb. fol. 36. b. 50. Hen. 3. Customes expounded , and new Laws made . That it shall be lawfull for the Major , and Aldermen with the assent of the Commons to expound obscure Customes , and when need requireth to make new laws , the which shall be consonant to reason , lib. alb. fol. 39. 15. E. 2. Debts . All manner of Debts lent in London shall be sued for in London , lib. alb. fol. 35. b. 11. Hen. 3. Elections . That the Major of London , and the Sheriffes shall be chosen and elected in such sort , as they were appointed by the ancient Charter , and in no otherwise . Escheator . That no Escheator or other Minister of the King , shall exercise their Offices within the City , but that the Major for the time being , shall be Escheator and he shal yeeld unto the King his Oath , that he shall duly exercise and make a true accompt for the same Office , lib. alb. fol. 4. a. 1. E. 1. Expostion . If any difficulty or ambiguity do arise upon any Article , within any of the Kings Charters granted unto this City , so that the same Article may be taken to divers meanings : the King granteth that he by the advisement of his Counsell , may make therof such interpretation as shall be best with equity and reason , lib. alb. 44. ab . 10. R. 2. Fellons goods . That the Citizens shall have Infangtheff , and Outfangtheff , and the goods of all Fellons that shall be adjudged before them within their liberties there , lib. alb. fol. 39. b. 1. E , 2. Fee Farme . Where the Counties of London and Middlesex were let to Farm for 300. l. and yet notwithstanding the office of the Exchequer by incrochment , compelled them to pay 400. l. Now it is granted by Parliament , that the City shall pay no more but 300. l. according to their former Charters , lib. albo fol. 39. b. 1. E. 1. Fee Farm apportioned . If the King do grant to any other , any thing that belongeth to the Fee Farm , then shall the Fee Farm for so much yearly be apportioned and abated at the Exchequer , fol , 34. lib. albo 11. Hen. 3. Fee Farm of London and Middlesex . The Fee Farm of London and Middlesex , that is to say , for 300. l. by the year , is granted to the Citizens of London , by 11. Hen. 3. and confirmed by Parliament in the 7. R. 2. lib. albo fol. 34. a. b. and fol. 45. a lib. 4. Farm bought , and Farm sold . The Statute of Anno 9. E , 3. cap. 1. Rastall Tile Merchants , No . 2. is for asmuch as concerneth London expounded and repealed and the liberties of Magna Charta , as touching London are revived , and the intent of the Law-makers expounded was not to touch London , nor yet infringe the Liberties of the great Charter , lib. alb. 41. a. b. the aforesaid statute Anno 9. E. 3. hath bin very often objected against the City of London in Parliaments , by such as are ignorant of our Charters and Statutes , vide alib , lib : alb. flo . 43. a. b. a notable Grant by Parliament for the same matter . Foren bought , and Foren sold . No stranger shall Foren buy , and Foren sell within this City any Statute , to the contrary notwithstanding , lib. alb. fol. 57. b. and per Parliament . Foren bought , and Foren sold . Both by Charter and Parliament it is granted , that from henceforth no Merchant being a stranger to the liberties of this City , shall buy or sell any Merchandize within the liberties of this City , to any like stranger Merchant , upon the pain of Forfeitures of such Merchandizes so bought or sold , lib. alb. f. 43. a , b. 1. R. 2. Forest of Middlesex dissaforested . King Henry 3. Anno 11. Regni sui , did by his Charter dissaforest the Warren of Stanes , and the Forrest of Middlesex , the which was a singular benefit both to the Country , and also for the City . Note also in the same place , a man may gather some notable points touching the Forest Law , lib. alb. fol. 35. b , c. Forfeiture or seisure of the liberties of the City . That the liberty of the City shall not be seized in the Kings hands , for any personall trespasse , or judgment personall of any minister of the City , or for any such cause , any Warden called Custos shall be by the King Deputed to rule the City ; but every minister shall answer for his own fault , and shall according to the quantity and quality of the same fault , receive condigne punishment , lib. albo fol. 40. b 1. E. 3. Form of Iustice . That the Citisens of London in the Eyres before the Justices of the tower shall be measured , guided , and go●erned by the laws and customes ; by the which , they were guided in the Eires , holden there in the times of King Iohn and King Henry the 3. lib. alb. f. 40. b. 1. E. 3. Fore-Stallers . Fore-stallers and Fore-stalments made by the merchants , for or concerning merchandize or victuals , either by land , or by water , shall be punished by forfeiture , or imprisonment , lib. albo 36. b 50. H. 3. Free-men and making Free-men . No stranger born shall be made free of this City but in the Court of Hustings , lib. albo fol. 37. b 12. H. 3. How free Denizens and Englishmen that never were Apprenties shall be made free , and how every one ought to put in for himself sufficient sureties , to be true to the conservation of the city , but this Order is not used at this day ; therfore I omit to speak any more of it in this place , and yet is this Form of making Free-men by redemption , appointed by Parliament , lib. al. fol. 37 , b , 12 Henry 3. Hunting . The Citizens of London may have their sugations , viz. their Hunting in all such places , as they had the same in the time of King Henrie 1. lib. alb. fol. 35 , b , 11. Henrie 3. Hustings . That aswell Forreiners as others , being either plaintiffs or defendants , may make their Attorneys in the Hustings in London , lib. al , f , 36 , b. 60 , Henrie 3. The Hustings shall be holden but once in a week , lib. al , 35 , 11. Henrie 3. Inquisitions . All Inquisitions to be taken before the Kings Ministers by men of this City , shall bee taken at S. Martins Le-grand , and not else-where , except the Inquisitions of the Eires of the Tower and Goal-delivery of New-gate , lib. al 41 , a. 1. E. 3. All Inquisitions of the Customable payments , Customes , Impositions , and Purprestutes , within the City shall be inquired of the Citisens , and not by others ; see the words of Record more at large , lib. al. 45 , b , c. 7. R. 2. See the Statute of 28. E. 3. Cap. 10. Iurisdiction of Pleas . No Citizen shall be impleaded out of the walles of the City of London ; but for pleas of the Land , being without the city , alwayes excepted the Moniers , and the Kings Ministers , lib , al. f. 35. a , 11. H. 3. Inquisitions of the Goal of New-gate . That the Major of London for the time being shall in every Commission for the Goale delivery of New-Gate be named one of the Justices , lib. al. f. 39 , b. 1. E , 1. Iustices in London . The King is restrained by his Charter , confirmed by Parliament , to assign any Justices in London ▪ except the Justices of Eire at the Tower of London , and Justices of Goal delivery of New-Gate , and for errors at S. Martins to be corrected : except any things do chance within the same city , that do touch the King or his Heirs , lib. al 37 , a. 12. Henry 3. Kiddles , viz. wares . It is granted that all the wears of the Thames , and Medway shall be put down . And he that setteth up any hereafter , shall forfeit x. l. libro al folio 35 , a. That the Citizens shall remove and take away all Keddels stops and wears in the waters of Thames , and Medway : And that they shall have all such punishments in that behalf to the King , li . al. fol. 39 , b. 1. E. 1. Liberties and free Customes . Free Liberties and free Customes used in the time of King Henry 1. are by Charter , and after by Parliament ratified and granted to the city , lib. al. folio 35 b , c. 11. Hen. the third , and 37. Henry 3. Liberties and Pranchises . The King granteth , and doth allow that the Citisens of London , their heirs and successors , shall have their Liberties , and free Customes , and may use and enjoy the same , as they have done in ancient time . And also that they may record the same before the Kings Justices , and Ministers , as they have bin wont to do any Statutes or Judgments to the contrary notwithstanding , lib. al. 40 , a. b , 1. E. 1. Liberties confirmed . All manner of Liberties granted by King Henry 3. are confirmed by E. 1. Anno 12. lib. albo fol. 31. a. Liberties confirmed . First , wheras in the great Charter of the Liberties of England , amongst other things it was ordained , that the City of London should have all their ancient Liberties and customes , and that the same Citizens at the time of the making of the same Charter , and in the time of Saint Edmond the King and Confessor , and William the Conqueror , and of other the Progenirors of King E. 3. had and used divers liberties and customes , as well by Charters as without Charters of ancient custome . Of which liberties in divers Eyres , and in other Courts of the Kings of the Realm , the same Citizens have bin impeached and sundry of them fore-judged , King E. 1. by Charter , confirmat Anno Regni sui primo , hath granted that the Citisens shall have their liberties according to the Form of the great Charter , and that all impediments and usurpations to them , in that behalf made , shall be revoked and disanulled , lib. albo fol. 39 , a , b. Aano primo E. 1. Major to be presented . The Lord Major being chosen must be presented unto the Court of Exchequer , and after to the King himself , lib. albo f. 36. a , 37 Henry 3. Major . That the Major of London during his majoralty shall have no more Offices belonging to the City , but only the Office of the majoralty , nor hold any plea vicouncell within the chamber of the city , nor any other , but such as by the ancient custome of the city he as Major ought to hold plea of , Fleetwood Recorder doth expound these words , Vicounty pleas , to be such pleas as the Sheriffes by the common lawes of this Realm , may hold pleas of in his hundred , the which be actions of debt under 40. l. and of such like causes , lib. alb. fol. 37. b , 12. H. 3. Marishall . The marshall shall not within the city , nor the portsoken by force , nor otherwise , take up any mans house , lib. alb. f. 35 , a. 11 , Henry 3. Markets . No market from henceforth shall be granted by the King , to be kept within 7. miles of this City , lib. alb. f. 41 , a. 1. E. 3. Marshalsee and Clerk of the Houshold . The Steward of the Marshalsee , and the Clerk of the Market of the Kings House , shall nor sit nor execute their Office within the liberties of this City , nor shall draw into plea any Citizen out of the city , for any cause arising , or growing within the liberties of the same city , lib. albo folio 40 , a. 1. E. 1. Marchants strangers free Hosts . It is commanded by Charter , and Parliament , that all Merchants strangers comming into England , shall make sale of their merchandizes within 40 dayes after their arrivall ; and that they shall abide and be at the table of free Hosts , of this city of London , and of all other Cities and Towns of England , without keeping houses of societies by themselves , lib. albo fol. 39 , b , c. 1. E. 1. Mortmain . That the City and their heirs , and successors , may devise their lands as well in Mortmain , as otherwise , as of ancient time they were accustomed , lib. albo folio 30 , b. 1. E. 1. Non-user . Although before this time , any of the ancient liberties have not bin put in ure ; yet from hence forth it shal● be lawfull to put them in execution , lib. albo fol. 39 , a. 15. E. 3. Officers of the City . All lands or tenements without the Freedom of the city , wherof any Citizen is , or shall be owner , now or hereafter , which are , or shall be Ministers of the city , shal be obliged to the conversation or saving harmlesse , the same city against the King and his Heirs , for matters concerning their offices in like manner , as their tenements within the same city were wont to be , lib , al , folio 40 , b , c. 1. E. 1. Note by this Article , that all the Ministers of this city , ought to be Freemen . Oasts . No stranger shall be an Oast , or keep Oasterie for strangers , lib. al. fol. 57 , a , b per Charter , 38. E. 3. and per Parliament . Oasts and free Oasts . That all that keep common Oastery in the city , or the Suburds , although they be not free , yet shall they be at all manner of charges for the maintenance of the city , as ample , as any other that be free Oasts , lib. al. folio 38 , a. b. 12. Henry 3. Oath . The Major of London shall not be compelled to take any other Oath at the Exchequer , then hath bin used in the time of King Edward the third , any Law , Statute , or Ordinance notwithstanding , lib. al. folio 44. b , c. 7. R. 2. Parliament . All the aforesaid Articles , Charters , Grants , and Ordinances , are to this place confirmed by Act of Parliament , in manner and form as they be before expressed , Anno 7. R. 2. Pleas in Fairs and Markets . Because the Citizens of London in all good and great Fairs of England were wont to have Wardens of themselves to hold pleas , concerning such Citizens as shall have conference to the said Fairs : It is granted by Charter , that the same Citizens shall have their Wardens of their Citizens , for the holding of such pleas as of ancient times they have had , excepting pleas of the Land , and of the Crown , lib. al. 40. 1. E. 1. Precepts to the Citizens . By Parliament that is allowed to the Citizens of London , not to be subject to the precepts or commandements of the Constable of Eng and , Steward , Marshall , Admirall , Clerk of the Market , or of any other Officer or Minister of the King , but only to the Kings commandements or precepts , which shall be made in the Kings name still , and under the Kings Seals , and Liberty , is allowed by Act of Parliament , soit use Come ad estre devant tempes , lib. albo f. 43 , b. 1. R. 2. Presenting of the Sheriffes . Such Sheriffes as the Citizens shall make choise of , shall be presented to the King Justices . And the said Sheriffe shall answer to the King , or to his Justices , or his Exchequer , of such things as to his Sheriffedome do appertain , lib. al. fol. 34. a , b. 11 Henry 3. Processe and serving of Processe . That no Sommons , Attachment , or Execution , by any of the Kings Ministers , by writ or without writ , within the Libertie of the city aforesaid , shall be made but by the only Ministers of the city , lib. albo . 40 , b. 1. E. 1. Protections . The King granteth that all the Protections of him and his Heires , given to and for the service of the KING , either to go forth , or to abide in any places of the Kings service from henceforth , shall take no place in any plea of debt for any victuals taken or bought for the voyage or service ; wherof any mention is made in any such protection , nor any such protection shall be allowed for any pleas of trespasses , or contracts , made or done after the date of such protection , in such case as the plaintiffe is , or shall be a Freeman of this city , lib. albo f. 44. Anno primo R. 2. Purveyors . That no Purveyor-taker , Officers , or other Ministers , shall make , or take any prise or takings in the City of London , or without , of the goods of any Citizen of the same city , against their wills ; except immediatly their indelayed payment be made , or else that respect of payment be therfore taken with the good will of the party , lib allbo 40 b. 1. E. 3. Purveyors or Officers of the King . It is prohibited that no Officer or Purveyor of the King shall merchandize by himself , or by other within the said city or without , of any thing touching , or concerning his office , lib. albo fol. 40 , b. 1. E. 3. Remember how the Purveyours of poultry do keep shops in London , and nothing is said against them . Restitution . There is a free restitution granted , aswell by Chartèr as by Parliament unto the Citizens of London , of all and singular their Liberties and Franchises , as ever any of their predecessors enjoyed the same , any Non-user , or Abuser , or Statute-judgment , or Charter to the contrary notwithstanding . And that the same Citizens may enjoy the same without impeachment of the King his Justices or Ministers whatsoever , lib. albo 40. 7. R. 2. Right . That equall might be done both for lands , and Leases , that be within the City , viz. infraurbem , according to the ancient custome of the city , lib. albo 35 , 1 Henry 3. Right owner . Every Rightfull owner of Lands , Leases , Gages , pledges , and debts , shall enjoy the same lawfully , lib. albo 35 , a. 11. H. 3. Sanctuaries . That the Citisens shall not be otherwise charged , then they have bin accustomed , touching the scapes of such as have taken Sanctuary in the Church , or Church-yards , lib. alb. f. 39. b. St. Pauls . There is 8. l. parcell of the Fee-Farme abated to the City , for the liberty of St. Pauls in London , lib. albo f. 36. a 37 , H. 3. Scot and Lot . That Freemen within the City , as such as dwell without the City , and occupie Merchandize within the city , shall be subject to Scot and Lot with the Commons of the same city , for and touching , &c , lib. alb. fol. 38 , a. 11. Henrie the third . Seals of the King . There doth appear 11. Hen. 3. that in a Charter made for the putting down of Kiddles or ware s. that the King did set his hand to the Charter , and also his Seal , the which I did never hear nor reade of in any book before this time , the words are these . Quod ut firmum & stabile perseveret imperpuum putis pagine inscriptio . Commun. . &c. lib. albo fol. 35 , a 11. H. 3. Seal of the City . The common Seal of this City shall remain in the custody of two Aldermen , and two Commoners , and the same Seal shal not be denyed neither to the poor nor to the rich Commoner , when need shall require ; provided , that such request shall be upon reasonable causes , and that nothing shall be taken for the setting of the same Seal thereto , lib. alb. f. 38 , a. 12. H. 3. Sergeants at the Chamber . That no Sergeant of the chamber of Guild-hall , shall have any fee of the Commonalty of the city , nor shall make any execution but only by the Commons of the city for that purpose to be chosen , lib. alb. fol. b. 12. H. 7. Sergeants at the Mase . For the augmentation of the name and honour of t●● city , it is granted that our Sergeants shall and may bear , and carry maces of gold , of silver , or guilded of silver , with the Kings Arms upon the same , within the city and Middlesex , and all other places belonging to the same city ; and also when they be sent to the King his mother or children , lib. alb. fol. 42. a. 28. E. 3. Sheriffes . The Sheriffes of London shall not be distreined to make an Oath at the Exchequer , but only upon the yeelding up their accompt , lib. alb. fol. 40 , a. 1. E. 1. That none of the Sheriffes shall have but 7. Clerks , and two Sergeants , by reason of his Office . Sheriffes and their Elections . It is granted to the Citizens of London to make Elections of their Sheriffes , and after to remove them at their pleasures , Anno 11. Hen. 3. lib. al. fol. 34. a. b. Sherffe . That the Sheriffe of London shall be amerced in the Kings Court , according to the quantity of their offence , like as all other Sheriffs of England have bin , lib. alb. fol. 31. a , lib. 1. 12. Edw. 3. Sheriffe . That the Sheriffe for the time being shall commit the collection of tolls and customes belonging to the Fee Farm , and all publique offices to them belonging , and by them to be exercised unto sufficient persons , for whom they will answer , and that such Officers as they shall appoint shall be removed upon their misbehavior , lib. alb. fol. 30. Anno 12. Hen. 3. Sheriffes . That the Sheriffes of this city for the time being shall have towards the Farm of the same city , the full forfeiture of victuals , and other things . And also of Merchandizes after the tenor of the Charters to the Citizens granted and made . And that from henceforth the Sheriffes shall not be hindred or molested for the same against the tenor of the same Charters , lib. alb. fol. 40. b. 1. E. 1. Southwarke . The town of Southwarck is granted for a Fee Farme unto the city , to the intent , to conserve the peace of the same town , and to suppresse Fellons in that place . And this is by Act of Parliament and Charter , lib. alb. 41. a. 1. E. 3. Subsidies , Tallages , or Aids . That those that be assessed according to the Custome of the city by men of their wards appointed to bee Sessors by the Major and Aldermen , or by others to pay any tallage or Aid to the King , shall not be set higher , but by the Major and Commons , lib. alb. fol. 37. b. 12. Hen. 3. Successors in London . The habend of the Fee Farm of London and Middlesex , is to the Citisens and their heirs . And yet it is taken , that these words heirs , do signifie their successours , lib. alb. fol. 34 , a , b : 11. Hen. 3. Sureties for the Sheriffes . The whole Citizens of London must answer to the King , and satisfie both the Fee Fatm , and also all the amerciaments , if the Sheriffs do make default , lib. al. f. 34. a , b. 11. Henry 3. Suites against Citizens . None of the liberty of this city shall be impleaded or occasioned at the King Exchequer , nor else-where by Bill , xcept it be for matter , which belongs to the King or his Heirs . fol. 41. Anno 1. E. 3. At this day all our Citisens do implead one another out of the city , the which is directly against our liberties , being coufirmed by Parliament . Taxes and Tallages . That taxes and tallages for the necessity of the City by common consent or Common-counsell , may be assessed and levied aswell upon Rents , as other things , and aswell upon misteries , as by any other means , lib. alb. folio 38. b. 12. H. 3. Toll . The Citizens of London are discharged of Toll and Lastage , and of all other customes as well by Land , as by Seas , within the Kings Dominions , lib. alb. fol. 35. a , 37. Hen. 3. Tower of London . That the Costable of the Tower for the time being shall not either by land or water take or make any prisages of any victuals , or other things whatsoever , of the people of the same city ; nor of any others comming or going towards or from the said city , nor by any manner of means , shall arrest or cause to be arrested any ships , vessels , or boats bringing to the said city any victuals or any other such goods , lib. alb. fol. 40. a. 1. E. 1. The Constable of the Tower of London shall not take any thing for the suffering of wares in the Thames or Medway , lib , albo fol. 35. 11. H. 3. The Constable of the Tower of London , in the default of the Barons of the Exchequer , being absent from Westminster , and also of the King at such time as the Major ought to be polluted , must take the Oaths of the Major and of the Sheriffes without the Tower Gates , lib. albo fol. 36 , b. Anno 12. H. 3. Warres . That the Citizens from henceforth shall not be compelled to go or send to the warres out of the city , lib. alb. f. 40 , a. 1. E. 1. Weights and Measures . That the weights and ballances amongst Merchants , by the which any profit doth grow , and the correction of the same doth belong to the commonalty of this city . And that they shall be in the custody of approved and sufficient men , expert in the same office , being chosen by the Commons . Witherman . If any toll or other custome be taken from any Citizen of the Kings Dominions the Sheriffs of London shall at London take pledge or Witherman , lib. alb. f. 35 , b. 11. Henry the third . Wines sold by retaile . That no Merchant that is not free of this City shall sell any Wines by retail within the same city , lib. alb. fol. 38. a , 12. Henry the third . Wines and Victuals . By Charter and by Parliament , is granted that the Lord Major and Aldermen for the time being , shall have the Rule and Government of the Vintners , viz. of all manner of wines which shall be sold within the same city , and of all manner or Victuals , as well sellers of fish , as of all other , dwelling within the same city , and to the same bringing any Victuals there to be sold , lib. alb fol. 44 , b. 7. R. 2. Note , how that the Vintners of this city did exhibit a Bill to the Counsell at Greenwich , Termino pasche . An. 18 , Eliz. Regni , affirming , that they were not under the Government of the Major and Aldermen ; the which I learn to be drawn by one Land , an Attorney of the Guild-Hall . Hereafter do ensue divers ample and most beneficiall Charters , granted by King Hen. 6. E. 4. and King Hen. 7. but these Charters are not confirmed by Parliament , as the other Charters were . Note , that the Charter of Hen. 6 and E. 4. are all one , with little alteration . Beer-brewers . THe correction of the Beer-brewers , and of the measurages likewise is granted to the City , lib. albo f. 50 b , e. 23. Hen 6. Note , at this time there was Beer-brewers in England . Certioraries for Recognisances . It is granted , that when a Certiorary is sent for any Indictment of Fellony , trespasse , extortion or any other offence , or for any Recognisance for the peace broken , that we shall not send the Record it self , but only the tenors of the same , and that shall suffice , lib. albo , 49. b. 23. Henry 6. Commission of the Peace , The Commission of the Peace is at large set down , with all the Articles that are to be inquired , lib. albo . 47. 23. H. 6. Confirmation . King Henry 7 , Anno 20. did grant unto the City of Lond●● most large and ample ratification of all and singular their Liberties , Franchises , and Customes , and all such like things expressed in any of their Charters whatsoever they were , lib. albo 58. a. Confirmation . King H 5. by Act of Parliament , and a special Charter , dated the 7 , ber. Anno 7. hath also confirmed the Liberties aforesaid , lib albo folio 47 , a. Confirmation all and singular . All and singular the aforesaid Liberties are most amply confirmed by a great Charter , made by King H , 4. in the first year of his Reign ; but they are not by him confirmed by Parliament , but by Charter . And this is the Charter that the Commons of this City do use to call the great Charter of London , lib. alb. fol. 46 , a , b. 1. primo H. 4. Elections of Officers . That the Cirisens shall have the choice of all under-Sheriffes , Clerks , Bayliffes of Sheriffes , for whom they will answer for aswell in the County of Middlesex , as within the City of London : In which grant , there is a saving or proviso for the Sheriffes of London , for the right , &c. lib. alb. 49 , b , c , 23. H. 6. Exemption for the Aldermen . It is granted , that the Aldermen of this City shall not be put in Assizes , Juries , Attaints , Recognitions , or Inquisitions , although the King himself be party ; nor they shall be without the Liberties of the City , Collectors , or Assessors of tenths and fifteens , lib. alb. f. 54 , a , b. Fines and amerciaments . All Fines , Amerciaments , Issues forfeited , Redemptions , Forfeitures , Penalties of all Offences inquirable by the Commissions of the peace , are granted to the Citizens of London lib. alb. f. 49 , a , 23. H. 6. And in the same place the premises are also granted , if they bee forfeited before the Justices in the pleas of the crown , or before any other Justices , or Minister whatsoever , ibid. Foren bought , and Foren sold . That the forfeiture of Foren bought , and Foren sold , shall belong to the Major and Commons of this City , without any accompt to be therfore yeelded , lib. alb. fol. 59 , b , c. this Article is most largely and beneficially set forth in the Book . Gates and Posterns . All the Gates and Posterns of this City , and the custody of the same are granted unto the city , lib. alb. f. 46. fol. 8. 1. H. 4. Ganger . The office of the Ganger-ship is granted to the city of London , with all the Fees , profits , and enrolements to the same belonging , lib. alb. f. 60. b. 20. H. 7. Iustices of Peace . That the Major for the time being may nominate to the Chancellor of England , the names of two Aldermen , the one to be a Justice of Peace in Surrey , and the other in Middlesex , lib , al. fol. 60 , b. 20. H. 7. Iustices of the Peace . That the Major and the Recorder , and all the Aldermen that have bin Majors shall be Justices of peace in London , And that the Major and the Recorder shall bee two of the quorum , lib. al. 47 , b , c. Henry 6. Mortmain . The King granteth license to the Commonalty to purchase lands and tenements , to the value of 200. marks by the year , the statute of Martmain , or any other thing to the contrary notwithstanding , lib. albo fol. 56 , a , b , c. 18. E. 4. Non-user and abuser . Non-user and abuser of the liberties are by the King pardoned , lib. alb. 50. Anno 25. H. 6. Notunda . All the aforesaid matters expressed in the aforesaid Charter , 23. H 6. lib. alb. 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 , and 52 , are by like Charter granted again by 2. E. 4. lib. albo fol. 52 , 53 , 54 , 55. Packer . The Offices and guift of the same , viz. of the Packer and Survey or , ships of all measures , weights , and of merchandizes , and of the Garblers office , and Wine-drawers , and the collection of all manner of victuals , and all such like Offices do belong to the Lord Major and his disposing , lib. alb. folio 50 , a. b. 23. H. 6. Recordator . That the Recorder shall or may ore-tenus , that is to say , by open speech , record and certifie the customs , being traversed . And his Certificate shall be as strong in the Law as the verdict of 22 men , lib. albo fol. 49 , a. 23. H. 6. Recognizances . The forfeiture of Recognizances for the breach of peace or good abearing , is also granted to the City , lib. alb. f. 49. 23. H. 6. Seisure of the Liberties . I find that King R. 2. Anno 16. Regni sui , did by verture of a statute , 28. E. 3. cap. 10 , the which statute in King R. days , was by a bye-word , Flagellum Comit London , that is , the whip and scourge of the City of London , the statute shall be hereafter set down at large . I say by this statute the King very easily found a quarrell against the City , and did by Commission ceize the liberties of the said City . The fault was for that the Major and Aldermen of the City did not correct nor punish , and this was all . But after in Anno 16. and 20. the same King restored the liberties again to the said City , lib , albo f. 45 , a , b , c. Search . The generall search of survey government , correction and permission of all people , within this City aswel , Denizens and strangers in their sellings cuttings , workings , measurings , weighings , and in all and singular their other doings , done not only by custome , but also by Charter , belong to the Major of London for the time being , lib. al fol. 58 , a , b , c , d. 20. H. 7. This matter especially is most excellently well set down in the said Book . And King H. 7. hath granted for him his Heirs and Successors that neither the Kings of this Realm , nor any other person shall interrupt the Major of London in the due execution and exercising of the premises : if this Charter were well looked unto , then enquire of what force all and singular these Charters are of , to whom the King hath granted to be Searcher , not only over their own companies , but also over others . As the Girdlers do attempt to search the Habberdashers , and Clothworkers , the Black-smiths do attempt to search the Iron-mongers , and such like others . Southwarke . A large Charter is granted for the liberties of Southwark , and for correction of offences there , and a view of Franck-pledge with Arrests , and to bring the Offendors to New-gate . And to have as ample Liberties in Southwark , as the King had , lib. albo fol. 41 , b , c , d , e , 23 H. 6. Toll . The Offices of the gathering of the Toll , and of the custome in Cheap , Billings-gate , and Smithfield , is granted to the city , lib. alb. 46 , b. 1. H. 4. Treasure trove . Treasure-trove , wait and Fellons , goods , and for stallers of victuals , and Regrators , both in London and upon the Thames , are granted to the City , lib. alb. f. 49. a , 23. H. 6. Tronage . Tronage , that is to say , the weighing of Lead , waxe , pepper , allom , madder , and of such like merchandize , are granted to the City , lib. albo f. 46 , b. Waste-grounds . All the waste ground , or common grounds pur-prestures , and approvements , and the Rents reserved of the same are granted to the City , aswell in the Land , as in the Thames , lib. alb. fol. 49 , 23. H. 6. Wools , Leaden-hall . The tronage or weighing of wools shall be at Leaden Hall , which was wont to be at Westminster , lib. alb. fol. 55. 3. E. 4. FINIS . A69947 ---- An ordination and declaration of both Houses of Parliament sent to the lord maior of London for the religious observation of the Lords Day commonly called Sunday and a command from the maior directed to all church-wardens and constables in every ward in the city of London for the due execution thereof : also concerning the election of certaine new captaines chosen for the security of the city in these dangerous times with the names of the said captaines chosen for the new militia : also a relation of a late tumult happening in Chancery Lane by certaine Gentlemen of Lincolnes-Inne to the great disturbance and amazement of all the inhabitants. England and Wales. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A69947 of text R7969 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing E2117). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 11 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A69947 Wing E2117 ESTC R7969 12272903 ocm 12272903 58349 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A69947) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 58349) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 247:E119, no 28 or 1700:24) An ordination and declaration of both Houses of Parliament sent to the lord maior of London for the religious observation of the Lords Day commonly called Sunday and a command from the maior directed to all church-wardens and constables in every ward in the city of London for the due execution thereof : also concerning the election of certaine new captaines chosen for the security of the city in these dangerous times with the names of the said captaines chosen for the new militia : also a relation of a late tumult happening in Chancery Lane by certaine Gentlemen of Lincolnes-Inne to the great disturbance and amazement of all the inhabitants. England and Wales. Penington, Isaac, Sir, 1587?-1660. 8 p. Printed for Iohn Hawes, London : 1642. This item appears at reel 247:E.119, no. 28 (incorrectly identified?) as Wing E1763, and at reel 1700:24 as Wing E2117. Reproduction of originals in Thomason Collection, British Library, and Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. eng Sunday legislation -- England. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Sources. A69947 R7969 (Wing E2117). civilwar no An ordination and declaration of both Houses of Parliament sent to the lord maior of London, for the religious observation of the Lords Day, England and Wales. Parliament 1642 1719 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ORDINATION AND DECLARATION Of both Houses of PARLIAMENT sent to the Lord Maior of London , for the religious observation of the Lords-Day , commonly called SUNDAY . And a command from the Maior , directed to all Church-wardens and Constables , in every Ward in the City of LONDON , for the due execution thereof . Also concerning the Election of certaine new Captaines chosen for the security of the City , in these dangerous times , with the names of the said Captaines , chosen for the New Militia . Also a Relation of a late tumult , happening in Chancery Lane , by certaine Gentlemen of Lincolnes-Inne , to the great disturbance and amazement of all the Inhabitants . H. Elsing . Cler. Parl. D. C. London , Printed for Iohn Hawes . 1642. An Ordinance and Declaration of both Houses of Parliament , sent to the Lord Maior of London , for the Religious observation of the Lords day commonly called SUNDAY . THe good of the Common-wealth , consisting in the due and religious conformity to the lawes both of God and the King , which the Parliament , hath and doth with vigilant and exact care , seeke to promote by their prudent and pious Consultations , they considering that nothing is more pleasing to God , and consonant to the Protestant Religion , than the carefull keeping of the Lords day , and vindicating it from the abuses which are commonly committed by prophane persons , who despise all order and regular government concordant to the purity of Religion , have heretofore formerly sought to keepe it pure and entire from all prophanation , and the Maior of this Honourable City of London , duely weighing the premises aforesaid , being the religious observation of the Lords day , hath carefully tooke order for the same through all parishes , as may appeare by his speciall command hereunto annexed . And as the feare of God is the beginning of wisedome , & strength unto a Nation & Kingdome , prayer and supplication unto God , with the observation of the Sabboth day , being the internall meanes to avert the imminent dangers now threatning this Land , so the vigilant care of the Citie , considering the present distractions of the times , and the disorderly tumults of ill-affected persons , as that in Chancery lane , and endevouring to restraine all eruptions and civill mutinies , engaging the City into common danger , have therefore , for the more assurance , and safety of the City , lately chosen and elected divers worthy and well-affected Captaines , for extraordinary Military service upon any emergent occasion , in whose knowledge , vigilancy , and fidelity , they do for the better security of the City , much confide . The Names of these men elected Captaines , being underneath inserted . The Names of the Colonels , Lievtenant Colonels , Serjeant Majors and Captaines , appointed by both Houses of Parliament , for the ordering and governing of the New Militia for the preservation of the City of London . Captaine Ven , Captaine Manering , Colonels ; Captaine Roe , Captaine Bradley , Lievtenant Colonels ; Captaine Buxton Captaine Shepheard Serjeant Majors . The Captaines Names . Captaine Sanders . Capt. Basse . Capt. Southerne . Capt. Hanes . Capt. Langham . Capt. Pane . Capt. Lane , Capt. Andrewes . Capt. Back stead . Capt. Pinchon . Capt. Stackhouse . Capt. Simmons . Capt. Player . Capt. Wilson . An Order from the Lord Maior of London . FOrasmuch as the Lords-day , commonly called Sunday , is of late , much broken and prophaned by a disorderly sort of people , by frequenting Tavernes , Ale-houses , and the like , and in carrying and putting to sale victuall and other things , and in executing unlawfull games and pastimes , to the great dishonour of God and reproach of Religion , whereof the House of Commons now assembled have been pleased to take notice , and by their Order intimation hath been given , That the Statutes for the due observing of the Sabbath be put in execution . These are therefore in His Majesties name to will and require you , forthwith upon the sight hereof , that you give strict charge and command unto all and every the Church-wardens and Constables within your ward , that from henceforth they doe not permit or suffer any person or persons in the time of divine service , or at any time upon the Sunday other then at dinner or supper-time onely to be drinking in any Taverne , Inne , or Tobacco-shop , Ale house , or other victualling house whatsoever , nor suffer any Fruiterers or Hearbe-women to stand with Fruit , Hearbes , or other victuall or wares in any Streetes , Lanes , or Allyes within your Ward , or any other wayes to put these things , or any other to sale upon the Sunday at any time of the day , or in the evening ; or any milke-woman to cry milke on that day in any the streets or places aforesaid , nor to permit or suffer any person to use or exercise upon that day their labour in unlading their vessels of fruit , or any other goods , or in carrying goods on shoare , or in the streets , or in packing and loading any goods , or to doe any unlawfull exercises and pastimes within your Ward ; and that expresse charge be given to every keeper of any Taverne , Inne , Cooks shop , Tobacco-house , Ale-house , or any other Tipler or Victualler whatsoever within your Ward , that hereafter they receive not or suffer to remaine any person or persons whatsoever , as their guests or customers , to tipple , eat , drinke , or take Tabacco in their houses upon any Sunday , other then that Inholders may receive their ordinary guests or Travellers , and such like , who come or remaine for a time in their Inne for dispatch of their necessary businesse according to the Lawes of this Kingdome : And if any person or persons shall be found offending in the premisses , that then they be brought before me the Lord Major , or some other of His Majesties Iustices of the Peace within this City to them , they may receive such punishment as the Lawes doe prescribe , or as to Justice shall appertaine . And hereof not to faile , as you will answer the contrary at your perill . This 27. day of September . 1642. A Relation of a late Tumult hapning in Chancery-Lane by certain Gentlemen of Lincolnes-Inne . THe night as wellas the day is not exempted from nefarious practises ; for on the fasting-day night 28 of September , at 11 or 12 a clock , 9 or 10 Gentlemen would violently have attempted to set fire on the Court of Guard-house in Chancery-lane , taking thence away divers boards ; but by the sudden confluence and flocking together of many of the Inhabitants of the Lane , they were disturbed in their intent and opposed , so that they conglomorated and gathered together to the number of 20 or 25 , threatening sudden destruction to all opposers . M. Lee an Apothecary being a spectator of this beginning mutiny , came downe to give Captaine Browne information thereof , and desire his assistance , who replyed that there were at the Exchangesome City forces , but knew not whether he should meet them oportunely or no ; and therefore he would beat up his Drums for security of his owne men , while these distractions continued , and matters were in the heate of agitation . Captaine Lievtenant Flanes led 60 or 80 men into the Lane , not advancing any further , because he had certaine information of iminent danger and destruction . This doubtfull retraction in the Captaine animated one Iohn Reeve a Cooke to be forward in this designe , desiring his staffe out of his hand , and promising to leade them up boldly to the Gates of Lincolnes-Inne , to affront and suppresse the said Delinquents : Whereupon , by his earnest perswasion , and forward preferring of himselfe , the Captaine at his instigation resigned and delivered him up his staffe , who with a valiant resolution conducted his men forward with his sword drawn and elevated in his hand , victoriously captivating 3 of the delinquents opponents prisoners , who had formerly transported by their owne unjust passion , which blinds judgement , inflicted disgracefull punishment on his man , insomuch as they pumpt him most opprobriously for a trespasse of words , in saying , that the house that was building in Iack-an-apes-lane , and in Chancery-lane , was a Court of Guard-house : Whereupon they presently carried him away , and in executing on him their punishment of pumping , they upbraided him with many menacing cominations , saying , that they would instruct his ignorance in the definition and nature of a Court of Guard-house , and teach him to know what it was , and after many bitter and reviling speeches , their anger being growne outragious , they conveyed him to the pump and pumpt him , which disgrace reflecting on his Master must needs irritate and incense him much by this indignity thus offered in this conflict and sudden mutiny , he said , Iohn Reeve was wounded in both his shoulders , the Inhabitants by this unexpected tumult were put into a great distraction , feares and murmurs being alwayes the consequents of such temerarious rash actions ; but because they were afraid to give impediment to their trading , that private interest stopt the clamour and activity of this disordered eruption of the Gentlemen , and the various accidents aforesaid , though most certaine and too lately done , were silenced . Thus discontentments , though long stifled , daily breake out in this Kingdome . FINIS . A64521 ---- Seasonable thoughts in sad times being some reflections on the warre, the pestilence, and the burning of London, considered in the calamity, cause, cure / by Joh. Tabor. Tabor, John. 1667 Approx. 165 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 57 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64521 Wing T93 ESTC R15193 13144586 ocm 13144586 98038 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64521) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 98038) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 780:6) Seasonable thoughts in sad times being some reflections on the warre, the pestilence, and the burning of London, considered in the calamity, cause, cure / by Joh. Tabor. Tabor, John. [12], 100 p. Printed for Anne Seil, London : 1667. In verse. Errata: prelim. p. [12]. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Anglo-Dutch War, 1664-1667 -- Poetry. Plague -- England -- London. London (England) -- Fire, 1666 -- Poetry. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-02 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2007-02 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Seasonable Thoughts in Sad Times , Being some REFLECTIONS ON THE WARRE , THE PESTILENCE , AND THE BURNING OF LONDON . Considered in the Calamity , Cause , Cure. By Joh. Tabor , M. A. Non placentia , sed utilia . Amos 4.10 . I have sent among you the Pestilence after the manner of Egypt , your young men have I slain with the Sword , &c. I have overthrown some of you as God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah , and ye were as a fire-brand pluckt out of the burning , yet have ye not returned to me saith the Lord , &c. And Psal . 141.5 . Let the righteous smite me , it shall be a kindness , and let him reprove me , it shall be an excellent Oyl which shall not break my head , for yet my prayer also shall be in their calamity . London , Printed for Anne Sell , 1667. To the Right Worshipful Sir GERVASE ELWES Knight and Baronet , One of His Majesties Deputy Leiutenants in the County of Suffolk , and Justice of the Peace and Quorum for the Counties of Essex and Suffolk . Right Worshipful ! THE knowledge of your Piety and Virtue , Candour and Benignitie , emboldens me to address these Reflections on our Calamities , with their Cause , and Cure , to the world , under the shadow of your Name , and favour ; presuming that with the regularly devout , and truly pious , such as you are , they may find favour , though perhaps not pleasing the nicer Wits of this curious Age , who will mind more the strain of Poetry than Piety , and like Children throw away the kernel to play with the shell : and since they so freely and impartially taxe the Vices of all , yet only the humble , and pious will endure to hear of their faults , and there ? are few such in these Atheistical dayes , possibly distasting many licentious and erroneous persons , which yet discourages me not from endeavouring to amend our sad Times , the complaint of all mouths , by reforming our evil Manners , the care of few . Now ( Noble Sir ) you sheltered my person under your roof , and favour in the late Times of Tyranny and Confusion ; and when I entered into the Ministery by the Dore , with an Episcopal Ordination on my head , in a time , and place that would for that cause only render me slighted and rejected of the most , you therefore contracted the beams of your Countenance more auspiciously upon me ; nor shunned to impart to me your pious and loyal thoughts of heart for our then persecuted Church , and distressed Soveraign . A confidence you were pleased to put in me , which hath inseparably obliged my soul to you in the greatest sincerity and dearness of honour and affection ; so that if I may be so free with you , I can sincerely profess , no Gentleman in the world possesses a greater love and esteem in my heart than your self . I saw your exuberance of joy , and extasie of spirit when you received the happy tidings of the then Parliaments Vote for his Majesties Restauration , as therein for seeing the return of Glory and Prosperity to our Land : and by this , though absent from you , I can easily guess at the greatness of your sorrow for your Nations sufferings since : Besides , you have been no small sufferer in these woes , chiefly in the fire , in reference to your own Concernments and your Relations : and therefore I conceive a Poem of the nature and design this is , may not be unacceptable to you . And since I have had thoughts of making my Reflection on these things publick , thinking to contribute something to the return of our prosperity , by turning if it may be , some from their iniquity , I have been glad hereby to catch the opportunity , to testifie to the world my due resentments of your manifold undeserved kindnesses ; a grateful acknowledgment being the only requital I am able to make for all your accumulated favours , a poor requital indeed , when thus by paying my old score I run but farther into your debt , begging your acceptance from him , who remains Your very much obliged Servant John Tabor . TO THE Pious Unprejudiced READER , giving an account of the ensuing Poem . Christian Reader , THE dismal Dispensations of Divine Providence towards us , in that series of sad Judgments lately inflicted on us , viz. the destroying War , devouring Pestilence , and desolating Fire in London , having swallowed up my Soul in a deep sense of our hainous sins as the true cause of our heavy sufferings , I remained some time in a confused plunge of spirit hereby , all other business and employs superseded , till at last recollecting my disordered thoughts , I brought them to a certain composure , and to render them more profitable to my self , and to allay the sharpness of sorrow with the pleasure of some phancy , I framed them in metre . I began with the War , therein considering not the History as to the management of men , but the calamity as to the judgment of God : I went on with the Pestilence guided in my Contemplation by the course of that , considering the rise , increase , progress , and deplorable effects thereof , as they happened , but having no thoughts all this time of publishing what I wrote , concluding with my self in regard these Reflections would not be sin shed but with the Sickness , they would be then less seasonable , acceptable and profitable to the Publick , the sense of Judgments too frequently wearing off with the suffering , and scarce any thing concerning them than making impression on most hearts . But then the startling and astonishing news of the Cities Conflagration , hurried my Muse to a new wrack of tormenting griefs , rending me as many others for a time capable of nothing but to stand in the way for News , wherein for some days together we still met with Job's messengers , with sad tidings of increasing misery : till at length occurring the joyful report of the miraculous extinguishing of the Flames , and unexpected Preservation of the unconsumed part of the City and Suburbs , my mind became more sedate and quiet , and my Muse set her self to reflect on this woe as the former , not without some thoughts of Publication , imagining this had revived mens sense of Gods just displeasure , and might render them capable of remorse for their sins , procuring these dire effects of it in such a dreadful succession of woes : then purposing to discover all our sins as cause of our sufferings , and knowing that by the Law is the knowledge of sin , I run over the Law of God in my thoughts , and observed how sins of all sorts against every Commandment , and others more directly against the Gospel abound among us , so that our sins being found so great , and numerous , we may not wonder our sufferings have been so many and calamitous : And what ever God in his merciful Providence may seem to be doing for the removal of his Judgments , and restoring of Health , and Peace , and Prosperity to us , and we may flatter our selves with hopes of seeing good days again ; yet otherwise than on the foundation of our Repentance and better Obedience , can we build no assurance of setled Prosperity for the future ; for should it now clear up , yet another cloud may soon rise , if we still provoke the God of Heaven . And therefore I proceed to add an Hortatory part , perswading to Repentance and Obedience to Gods Laws , as the most certain cure of our Calamities , and sure way to have better times , which , ( if ( as we hope ) our woes are in a manner past , yet ) may be of good use to us all for the securing us in a flourishing condition for time to come , the Prosperity of any People usually ebbing and flowing with their Piety and Virtue . And so at last , I add a Consolatory Part as a Cordial for to chear the penitent and humble , introducing there , the Historical Relation of our War omitted in the First Part. The three first Parts I have composed in a familiar kind of compleat Verse , as being for the most part Reprehensive , and Hortatory , therein condescending to the meanest capacities , as meant for the use and benefit of all : In the last , where the Subject is more Heroick , suitably I use quattrains closing the sense with a compleat , and rise to a little higher , though not aiming ( if I could attain it ) at a lofty strain : I seek where to make my Verse serve my Subject , and not subject my nobler matter to my Metre . Now candid Reader , I hope the sincerity and integrity of my Design in this Work may obtain an Apology for any defects in the management ▪ and the Divinity excuse the want of Phansie : I do more than suspect I shall fall under the censure of seduced Sectaries , though piously affected , because I tax their Errors ; of Vitious persons , though loyal and conformable , because I tax their vices ; of Hypocrites , especially such as mask traiterous and factious designs with pious pretences to seduce the People , because I lay them open to the world , furtivis nudatos coloribus , and tax their villanies , however palliated , as contributing to our Calamities : But my Prayer to God is , that he would open all their eyes and turn their hearts , the first to follow after Truth , the second Holiness , and the third sort the Truth of Holiness , then I am sure we should be a flourishing Church and Nation . If thou blame me ( Reader ) for any where ripping up old sores , I will assure thee I do not otherwise than for fear that false Prophets have healed the hurt of the Daughter of our People slightly , to let out the corruption the right way by Repentance , lest they fester and break inwardly and kill their souls . If thou complain of rough handling , know it is done with a Chirurgeons heart , to heal and not wound : and if my Patient cry out of me in searching his sore as an Enemy , I am well assured if he would suffer the cure , he would acknowledge me in the end to be his friend : and when in searching thy sore I touch thee to the quick , lay thine hand on thine own heart confessing thy corruption and sin , rather than stretch out that , or move thy tongue to smite me who only mean thy health , and welfare . Read on , and the sweetness of Consolation at last will allay the tartness of Reprehension before : nauseate therefore nothing herein , since all will do thee good , if thou with candor receive and digest it . Accept then kindly what is intended sincerely for Gods , thy Souls , and this Nations glory from him who is Thine in the Lord Jesus , John Tabor . To the Reader . REader suspend thy Censure , till thou run The whole Book over , and when that is done : The Author's meaning rightly understood ; That his Design , if not his Verse , is good , I doubt not thou wilt say ; and when you see : He layes our Woes on our Impietie : Think not one Sin , or Party he alone Doth here accuse , but all and every one : Assure thy self the Author doth designe , That Times may mend , to mend his heart , and thine . Curteous Reader . Before thou peruse this Book , I intreat thee , for thine own sake , to turn to and correct or supply with thy Pen , these mistakes and omissions of the Printer , and let not his Errors be imputed to the Author , who fears some will judge he hath enough herein to answer for of his own , but desires thou wilt courteously mend the Printers , and candidly forgive his Errata . In the Epistle to the Reader page 4. line 2. & 7. for compleat r. couplet , l. 9. before where add every . in the Poem p. 17. l. 10. for Chelmford r. Chelmsford , p. 21. l. 17. for then r. thence , p. 25. l. 2 before stuffe add their , pag. 30. that which is under an asterism in the margent refers to the asterism upon Lud in the next page ; and the asterism in the margent p. 31. answers to this on Brute , p. 30. p. 32. l. 25. for land r. laud , p. 33. for lately r. late , p. 36. l. 21. before mere blot out are , p. 37. l. 11. before him blot out of , & l. 14. for swettest r. sweetest , p. 38. l. 7. for to r. too , p. 44. l. 12. for first r. first 's , p. 50. l. 8. for religious r. religions , p. 56. l. 7. before glory add bliss and , p. 62. l. 19. for convey r. conveys , pag. 63. l. 2. before please blot out doth . p. 66. l. 28. for sottishness r. foolishness , p. 80. in marginal note for countries r. country as . p. 81. l. 16. for own r. one . Seasonable Thoughts IN SAD TIMES . Reflections on the War. WHere e're I go , the sighing Air rebounds Sad Ecchoes to my heart , and doleful sounds Of Lamentation : still the Plague and War , In ev'ry place , the talk of all mouths are . The Funeral Knells continually ring In mortal ears , and thundering Guns do sing In the reporting Air , by both are brought Nothing but death , and slaughter to our thought . Death rules at Land , devouring as he please ; And sight who will , he 's Master on the Seas , Thousands at Land away he weekly sweeps , By Sea he Hundreds swallows in the deeps . From one poor City , in few months he hurl'd So many thousands to another World ; As against this would a stout Army be : Unsatiate yet , in Town , and Country , he Hath slain so many Thousands , as might serve An Alexander , for a sure reserve , If to content his great ambitious mind , Another World to conquer he could find : These are the dire effects ( Oh God! ) of our Transgressions , and thy just avenging pow'r . Did then the Persian Cyrus , from an Hill Beholding his huge Host , his Eye-lids fill With brackish tears to think , one age revol'd , All those would into ashes be resolv'd ? And shall so many Christians in one year , Be turn'd to dust , and we not shed a tear ? O that my head a Fountain wore , and I Could vent a stream of grief from either eye , Weep , and blot out of Sin the crimson stain , Whereby the Daughter of my People 's slain ! Sometimes I sit in pensive posture , and Form sad Ideas of the Sea , and Land. How while the proud insulting Dutch , and we Contend in dreadful Fights for Masterie : Hell opes her mouth , and in few hours receives Such crouds of Souls , as no time ere retrieves : Of Bodies such huge numbers sinking then , As threaten to Earth up the Sea with men . So that our Ships may for the future strand On shelves of bodies , not on shelves of sand . Methinks I see the swelling billows boil , Heat by the fire doth from the Guns recoil : The roaring Guns which pierce the parting air , With terror we on Land far distant hear They shake the massie Earth , and thunder like , Houses , and Windows into trembling strike : And each broad side which strikes my ear , I think , Now a brave Ship with braver Men doth sink . Enraged Mortals striving to out-vie , Thunder , and Lightning in the lofty skie Darken the air with smoak , but fire gives light , Or they at noon-day would scarce see to sight . Blood from the reeking Decks into the Main Pours down , like water in a showr of Rain , Discolouring the Ocean by its fall , As if 't would turn it to a Red-Sea all . Fire-ships set all on flames , and make a show , As Subterranean fires were from below , Broke through the waves : and one would think no doubt , Fire strove to drink up Sea , Sea to quench out The fire , and men by their contentious action , Put all the Elements into distraction : But themselves rue most , while the bloody sight Gives blood to them , who do in war delight . Now on the Decks some shriek with painful And others sinking are in deadly swounds : wounds , Here a Commander falls , th' Opponents hollow , The Souldiers soon in death their Leader follow : Here from torn shoulder flies an arm , and there From shatter'd thigh a leg the bullets tear : Here wags a head off , this mans brains are dasht Full in the next mans face , his bowels pasht On his next neighbour , and a third is found , Groaning his soul out at a wide-mouth'd wound . Here Bullets force drives a heart out , which dies To mortals rage a bloody Sacrifice : There a head from the bloody neck is rent , Mounting as if to hit the Sun it meant ; Thus the Dutch heads we well may wish to rise , And be lift up , above their Enemies . But I had rather we , and they in Peace Might live , and War might from all Nations cease Had not Astraea left the Earth , and rage Possest mens bosomes in this Iron age : Had not sin first divided men from God , Then from themselves , scattering all abroad To seek new Countries , all had still been one Language , and People , letting Warr alone . Sin is the onely make-bate in the World , That hath all things into Contention hurl'd : But since the Prince of Peace his happy birth , Who came to reconcile both things on Earth , And things in Heaven , methinks those who professe , Themselves his Subjects , from all wars should cease : One faith should be of force hearts to unite , In love as much as e're one language might : The second Adam should all his restore To the same concord , which they had before By nature in the first , and not pursue Their Christian Brethren , like a Turk , or Jew . But what a grief 't is to good hearts , to see Christians among themselves thus disagree : And those , for whom Christ spilt his blood & life , To shed each others blood in lust , and strife : That those , who when they go to sight doe pray To the same God , that each may have the day , And both doe hope alike in death to be Translated hence to Heavens felicitie , Should one another with such fury kill ; And r●uch rejoyce each others blood to spill : Good Lord ! how will Heav'n quietly hold those Souls , who just now were here such deadly foes : If some of either side to Heav'n do come , And both to Dutch , and English be their home , Could Heav'n admit repentance , grief , and sorrow Find a place there , those souls would surely borrow Time from their heav'nly joys this to repent , And their unchristian feuds below lament : Lament now Christians , and leave of your slaughter , There 's no bewailing but in Hell hereafter . Yet 't is to be bewail'd that such a slood By Christian hands is shed of Christian blood . Thus we contend to blood , but all the while The holy Spirit grieves , and Devils smile , All the good Angels too are grieved for 't , But your Contention makes the Devils sport ; And the slain carkases of Christians drest In blood , and wounds , make Lucifer a Feast : And at these broils the Infidels do laugh , Christians should weep , but yet the most do quaff : Such direful deeds just God thou sufferest , Sinners for their transgressions to infest : In times when blood , and wounds make such ado ; O that our hearts were rightly wounded too ! And with just grief could bleed as fast as those Poor hearts , who have been pierced by their foes . Slack Christians , slack your fury ! and employ Your noble Valour for a Victory More worthy praise , than any you can gain By numbers of your Christian Brethren slain . You Souldiers by Profession are , your life A warfare , and you must here live in strife : But 't is a strife more with your selves than others , ' Gainst certain foes , and not your Christian brothers . The World , the Flesh , the Devil , these are those You must still combate with , as mortal foes To your immortal bliss ; and these will find Tough work enough for the most warlike mind : But while with Christian men we do contest , We cherish , and serve these foes in our brest : The World rejoyces , Devil takes delight , Lusts of the flesh are pleas'd when Christians sight . Le ts turn our force then against them , and shew What noble acts our Valour there can do ; The Lord of Hosts our Captain is , and will With Armour furnish you , courage , and skill : You need not doubt success at all , for he Who fights Gods battails shall have Victorie : One lust subdued will you more glory gain , Than he whose single Arm an Host hath slain . For 't is more honour , to o're-come within Our selves our lusts , than Cities wall'd to win . Great Alexander , who subdued all Nations , Continued slave still to his lustful Passions . Be of good courage then , subdue your sin , And an eternal Crown , and Kingdom win : Or if the Warriours spirit can't be laid , But it will still in blood , and slaughter trade Let Christians valiant , and victorious arm , Turn to do Turks , and Infidels the harm Which now amongst our selves , we daily feel , And let the Heathen fall upon our Steel ! There might be rais'd another holy War , More truly holy , than the first by far : Not to get Canaan , a Land accurst As well for Jews , as Canaanites at first : But the insulting Sultan to restrain ; Who hath so many thousand Christians slain ; And with his Hundred Thousands oft doth come Pouring destruction into Christendome , Forraging , wasting all with Fire , and Sword , Defying , and blaspheming Christ our Lord. Leading away such as the Sword doth spare , Into a bondage worse than death by far : O that all Christian Princes could agree To hamper this Leviathan , and free , From his outragious Inroades , all those Borders Of Christendom , where he commits his murders . The Asiatick Churches when I think upon Mention'd in Saint John's Revelation : Oh how it grieves my heart ! to think that there , Where sometimes famous Christian Churches were Now Turkish Mosques do stand , & men adore , The Imposture Mahomet , where Christ before . And those who yet retain a Christian name , Have little else of Christ , beside the same : Their low estate allows no means to gain Such knowledge , as is needful to retain , Religion pure and perfect : Besides , must they To this great Turk the tenth child yearly pay . The tenth is due ( O God! ) to thee alone , And must an Infidel thy tribute owne ? This woe of all their woes is worst , to see Their dearest children educated be In blinder Turcism , made his Janizars , Chief Souldiers against Christians in his Wars . When cruel Herod mockt of the Wisemen slew So many Infants , he did kindness shew , Compared to this Turkish Tyranny ; For 't is a greater priviledge to die Innocent Martyrs , and go hence to glory , Than to be train'd up in the cosening story Of Mahomet : Poor babes ! at once must you Be from Christs bosome , and your Parents too , By Tyrants-force thus miserably torn ? Better it were you never had been born . Let us reflect , and think did we now hear The approaching feet of Turkish Officer , Entring to take away our darling child , Oh what a plight should we be in ? how wild , And quite beside themselves , would surely be The tender Mothers of the Infantry ? Who , that their senses have , would not desire To see their tender Infants soul expire , His brains dasht on the wall before his eyes , And how the sprawling Corpse convulsing dies , Rather than such should us of them bereave , In thraldom , and Idolatry to live ? But who do think on this with pity , and Deplores not the sad state of Grecian Land ? Now then it were a noble enterprise , If Christian Princes hearts , and Arms would rise , To pull down this proud Sultan , and restore The Christian Faith where 't flourished before ; And free afflicted Greece , once the Worlds eye From Turkish thraldom , and Idolatry ; And all those Christian souls which yearly come Tribute , and Captives from poor Christendome . If th' English and Dutch Fleer would both combine , T' assist the bold Venetian , Worthy of Christian Valour ) they would make a designe The Vaunting Seigniour with his Gallies quake : If throughout all Christendom were more ( Like those brave Knights of Malta , who have swore Destruction to the Turks ) that would combine Quite to raze out the bloody Ottoman line : Then Christendome might flourish , and be free From Devastation , and Captivitie . God grant us Peace at home , and send Us Victory abroad , and end All Wars 'mong Christian men , and cease The Plague his War with men ; In peace , And health grant us to live , that we Might still a happy Kingdom be . But though the Lord in War on our side stood , And gave us Victory for the price of blood , Allaying this sore Judgment by success , Which in the loss of lives makes grief go less : Yet the Plague raging far and nigh , destroyes With sweeping slaughter , and doth damp our joys : This casts my soul into a sad Reflection , On the just Vengeance of such dire Infection . REFLECTIONS ON THE PESTILENCE . JER . 9.9 . Shall I not visit them for these things saith the Lord ? Shall not my soul be avenged on such a Nation as this ? WHen the just God did visit London first , Our danger less , our fears were at the worst : In every place men stood upon their guard , And against Citizens kept Watch , and Ward : Had we done so against our sins before , Less had our danger been , our safety more : But when this dire Destruction still doth last , And round about us fearfully doth wast ; Harden'd by custom , we do nothing fear : Our dangers greater , but who sheds a tear ? Our hearts are stone , were they of marble kind 'T were well , marble sometimes we weeping find . On the great City of this sinful Land London , with wealth , and folk , abounding , and With sin , the cause of woe too , God first pour'd The brimful Vial of his wrath , and showr'd His ireful Judgments : There his Angel drew The Sword of Vengeance , and that people slew , At first by Tens , which soon to Hundreds come , Then Thousands weekly sent to their long-home . The frighted Citizens begin to fly From House , and Habitation , lest they die : They leave their livelyhood to save their life ; And where they come , their coming makes a strife . Lest they bring death with them , Towns are in arms To keep out Citizens , as mortal harms : Waggons , and Coaches still in every Road Are met with , which they , and their Goods do load : Where they shall shelter find , they scarce do know , Yet durst not stay at home , where e're they go . Some who did thure in stately Houses dwell , Now gladly creep into a Countrey-cell : And others wandering up and down the Fields ; No Town , or Village them admittance yields : Thus from the Rod of God poor Sinners fly , Not from their Crimes , for which they smart , & die . Alas ! what boots it from the Plague to start , And bear with you a worse Plague in your heart ? Running will not secure you , you 're undone , Unless you know how from your selves to run : Had you your selves forsaken , when at home , You need not thus about the Countrey roame . Had you fled from your Sins before as fast , You need not from the Plague have made such hast . Had you been just , and honest in your Trade , To deal uprightly , had a Conscience made ; False weights , and measures , and deceitful wares , the snares False oaths , equivocations , lies , For simple buyers , ) had you never us'd : Nor with great prizes Customers amus'd : For which i' th' Countrey you a Proverb are ; You ask , say they , just like a Londoner : Had not your Shops been Dens of such as theive , And lie in wait cunningly to deceive ; Nay oftentimes your cosening with a shew Of honesty , and goodness cloaked too : No Plague had likely nigh your dwellings come ; You might securely still have staid at home . Had you but kept your Conscience , so you might Your Shops with comfort , free from deadly fright : But when you turn out Conscience first , no doubt , Gods Judgments after 't justly turn you out : And if you e're get home again , beware ! More Plagues in store for Sinners still there are : But for a while here they resolve to be , Till London shall be from Contagion free : But there Contagion is , from which , I fear You 'le never find the sinful City clean . But now le ts think on those who stay behind , Distrest in Body , and Estate , and Mind : Who know not where to sly , and fear to stay ; But yet must bear the burthen of the day ; A wrathful day , a dismal time , wherein Thousands receive the wages of their sin : Some have no Friends to go to , nor yet Coin To make them any , some the Laws enjoyn To stay , and do their Office , some presume , And others trust no Plague shall them consume . But it increases , spreads , destroyes , doth make Such as remain , for fear of death to quake . Now might you see red Crosses there great store , And Lord have mercy upon many a doore : The Wardsman standing , as if he were sent Deaths Bayliffe to arrest the house for Rent , And turn the dwellers out ; and sure I am , But few could live long there after he came : Now Knells of death continually do ring , And that same doleful sound of Buryers , bring Your dead out , mortal Ears with terror pierce ; And now a Cart becomes the only Hearse To bear a heap of bodies to their Grave , Which neither Obsequies , nor Rites can have Of Christian burial , the best of all Have now no Friends attend their Funeral : No cost of Heirs , no Mourners to be seen , But driven in a Cart , as they had been From hanging carry'd , thrown into a pit , No Priest to say , Earth to Earth I commit . Now might you see all faces blackness gather , The Son lamenting for his dying Father , The Wife for her deceased Husband crying , And Parents mourning for their Children dying : Now might you hear some from their windows cry , Bread for the Lords sake , or we starved die ; Groaning at once under two dismal woes , The Plague , and Famine , both their deadly foes . Now Friends , and Neighbours keep at distance , fear T' approach their nearest Kindred , for life's dear : The Father dreads to see his only Son , The Son to see his Father too doth shun , The Husband dreads his Wife , whom he with dear Embraces us'd to hold , durst not draw near , The Wife 's afraid her Husband to behold , Whom in kind Arms she used to infold : Now such as yet do dwell in health and ease , Know not how soon the Plague on them may seise : Where lately by our Kings happy return , All joy , and triumph was , and then to mourn , It was piacular ; behold ! and see How sad now there , and mournful all things be ! And now it were ridiculous to laugh , Yet some bold sinners now game , sing , and quaffe : Nay ( as 't is told ) some by dead Corps do play , Away the remnant of their lives short day : Poor London ! this thy sad condition is , Yet who bemoans thee ? and who weeps for this ? Thou sit'st disconsolate , of joys bereft , In thy distress by friends , and lovers left : Such as to satisfie their Pride , and Lust , Spend here their wanton Summers yearly must ; When they have helpt to bring the Plague upon thee Now in thy woe , and misery fly from thee : But let them go , if they mend not , no doubt , Gods Judgments in due time will find them out : Though it begins with thee , and you must bear The Almighty's wrath , for that you sinful were ; A wrath so killing , that your dead do come Unto nine Thousand in the Weekly sum ; And 't is reported , though Bills speak no more , Fourteen might be some weeks upon the score . Hath God forgotten to be gracious ? Is His mercy gone for ever , and your bliss ? O spare thy people Lord , thy people spare ! Who with thy precious Bloud redeemed are : Will God his anger evermore retain ? Will he still frown , and never smile again ? No , he is gracious , and his mercies sure , His pity doth from age to age endure : Humble thy self , and hope well London ! for God will not cast off his for ever , nor Be always wrath , slouds at the highest fall ; So now his over-flowing Judgments shall : He will consult his bowels , and have pity For mercy sake upon an humbled City : And ere the year went round , the Plague was so Abated , folk a pace did thither go . Theirs ended : now began the Countrey 's woe . And as provoking Sin its course hath run , Avenging Judgment after that hath gone . As London like the Fountain , sent forth streams Of evil through the Land , so now the gleams Of wrath , dart thence the Plague abroad , and thus Sent Death into the Countrey among us : Colchester for two years her Thousands paid For tribute unto Death , poor Braintry's made To give her Hundreds , Chelmford scapes not free , And Mousham long hath worn Deaths Liverie . In Easterford Kelv'don upon the way , Death took into an Inne , and made some stay ; But , ( blessed be the God of Heav'n ) slaughter Was here no dweller but a sojourner : As once the year before he here was sent Into a Cottage , but no further went. But in most Market-Towns about us slays , And by his terror puts down Market-days . Whereby the Poor want work , the Farmer vent For his Commodities , his Landlord Rent , And such whom God doth in their persons spare , Deep in their Purses now afflicted are : Money is dead as well as People , Trade Is low , yet Payments high must needs be made . For Sickness , and the War do both require . Though things we sell are low , our Rates be higher . This is our woe , this is our great distress , The more 's our sorrow , Is our sin the less ? 'T were well if so , our loss would be our gain , Nor would I doubt to see good days remain : But this I cannot see , and therefore fear No end of these , but a third woe is near : Gods knows what will be next , but sure , unless We better prove for these , God will not cease To punish us , he hath more Plagues in store , And can for sin afflict us seven times more : Since both the War , and Sickness still endure , And once to know the Cause is half the Cure ; Let us reflect on that , and throughly try To search the Cause , and find a Remedy For these Calamities , which make so long , Have mercy Lord , the burthen of our Song : Let 's see what hinders mercy , and what sure Course we must take , his mercy to procure : But while I was about to think on this , Another woe befell ; The City is All on a flame , the Countrey in a fright , Our thoughts distracted , business put to flight , All stand i' th' way to hear what news from thence , As men astonisht , even bereft of sense : But when my Muse her self could recollect ; On this third Woe began she to reflect , Resolv'd at last by light of th' Fire to see The cause of all these woes , and remedie . On the BVRNING OF LONDON . JER . 18.7 , 8. At what instant I shall speak concerning a Nation , and concerning a Kingdom to pluck up , and to pull down , and to destroy it . If that Nation against whom I have pronounced , turn from their evil , I will repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them , &c. THe War still slaughters , & the Plague destroys , And England mournful sits , berest of joys , Abandoned to sorrow : yet Gods Hand Is stretched out against this sinful Land : And as the City London still hath been The Spring , and Fountain of the Nations sin , Another wrathful Vial God doth spill On them , and thence the Land with terror fill . Heav'n from the former with provoked ire Shed death among them , but from this a Fire , A wasting fire : scarce had that Vial done Dropping down sickness , ere this woe begun , And all at once in flaming fury thrown On this great City , quickly burnt it down : God seem'd to slack his wrath , the Pestilence Was in a manner quite removed thence : And having swept the City , thence did come , And all about the Countrey strangely roame : And those who hither fled for safety , fly For danger hence , and gladly homewards hye : London is quickly fill'd , Trading returns , No miss , or thought of those are in their urns : And with the People sin returned too Unmortified , by all the Plague could do : This foster'd in their flight , brought home again In their return , bred their ensuing bane : They come the same men home , take the old course ; Whom judgments do not mend , they oft make worse : The Beasts God sav'd in Noah's Ark came out Beasts as they went in , and some Men , no doubt , Have no more sense of mercy , when they live , While God doth others to destruction give : C ham scapt among the eight in Noah's flood , Yet this deliverance did not make him good ; He 's sav'd , the World destroy'd , yet when all 's done Wicked comes forth and proves a cursed son . So when the Plague like to a deluge swept In London , and God there a remnant kept Alive , and such as to the Countrey fled , A life in mercy here in safety led ; London replenisht once , the Plagues forgot , And God that sent it too , the folk no jot Amended by it , but the Plague is still Most in their Hearts , when lest 't is in their Bill : Therefore as when the Plague of Leprosie Among the Jews , could no way purged be Out of their houses , Gods Law did require , Such houses should be burned down with fire : So when the Plague of Sin could not be purg'd From out that sinful City , sharply scourg'd By that of Sickness , God himself in ire Burnt down their Houses with consuming fire . Upon September's second day i' th' year ▪ Much talkt of * Sixty six , did there appear By two i' th' morning these consuming Flames , Which did break out first in the Street of Thames : And then blown on by a strong wind into The City , what e're Art , or strength could do Of men to stop , or slack its fury , by The Friday morning did in ruines lie The greatest part of that within the Wall , And much beside of that we Suburbs call : For it broke thorough Newgate , and went on To Holborn-bridge , and had through Ludgate gone , Up Fleetstreet unto Temple-bar before Its fury stopt , and did burn down no more : If what without the Walls is burnt , you count For that which stands within , as tant'amount ; Even the whole City in a manner lies A ruinous heap to all spectators eyes : To quench this fire men labour'd all in vain , It wasting run like wild-fire in a train , Then you might hear at first the doleful sound , Fire , fire cryed all about the City round , And there you might behold with weeping eye , By fire a whole Street , quickly ruin'd lye ; Th' increasing flame mounting its spire to Heav'n , Laid th' aspiring buildings with earth even : There might you see the Water-Engines ply'd With toilsome hands , but God success denyed ; They quickly broke , and peoples hearts while they Behold their Houses to the flames a prey : Thousands did strive to quench the fire , but all Labour'd in vain , the stately Structures fall Before its fury : Some do water bear ; Others pull down such houses as are near , To stop its progress , but aloft it flies O're th' interval , and makes a Sacrifice Of the next Mansion , thence again doth hast , The rest with sweeping Vengeance to lay wast : No Church , no Hall , no House , no Hospitall Can stand before it , but it ruines all : What will not burn , it breaks with piercing heat , And tumbling down with rubbish fills the street : As when a field of stubble's fired , and It runs like flowing billows cross the Land Blown with the wind , or as when torrents fall From some steep Hills , they bear before them all Stands in their way : E'ven so this fire runs on , And in a little time a mile hath gone : Buildings of all materials you can name , As stubble were before the spreading flame ; Which like a falling torrent swiftly flows Through London streets , it comes and down all goes : Which while the tired people do behold With deep astonishment ; their hearts grow cold Within them by this fire , when thus they view The fate of old Troy light upon the new . Now might you poor distressed people meet With streams of tears lamenting in each Street : Were these for sin , they 'd sooner quench the flames , Than all the water of the River Thames . Some you might see there with extreamest passion , Bewail their loss as nigh to desperation . Now might you see our Soveraign Lord the King , Water himself unto this fire to bring , I mean in mournful eyes , weeping to see His Cities ruines , Subjects miserie ; Whose sorrow was their solace , as compassion To those in woe 's a kind of Consolation : Nor did his tears speak pity only , but By comfortable words he solace put Into distressed hearts , and night , and day Rode up and down from place to place , to stay By all means possible the running Flame : Giving forth orders look't to see the same Effectually performed , ventring where Inferior persons dar'd not to come near ; And with his hands to labour did not spare , ( 'T is said ) and to expose his life , through care To save the City , for a rumor slew Abroad of treachery , if that be true ; To think , I tremble in what peril then Our Soveraign was among the rout of men , When any foe had opportunitie To act a not to be thought of Tragedie : But praised be the King of Kings alone , No hand , or tongue was mov'd by anyone Against our King , all joy'd , and blest him , when They saw his care , his grief , his labour then ; But nothing would asswage this furious fire , Which all attempts to quench did raise but higher : As the Smiths forge by water grows more hot ; When fire of water mastery hath got : All limbs , and spirits tired were , but yet Their hopes grew lesser , and the Flames more great : Now faint , and weary , and despairing quite E're to put out the fire , all in a fright , ( Giving o're the whole City to the will Of God , and fury of the Flames , which still Rage more , and more ) ( too soon perhaps ) disperse Their several wayes , to save stuffe , and purse : As when a Town 's besieged , ta'ne and sackt ; Their Goods away like Plunder now are packt : But many , whom the Flame surpris'd before , Out of their Houses they remov'd their store , Lost all their Goods , and in one hour were some , Wealthy before , mere beggars now become : And those who most did save , and bear away , Much of their Goods left to the Flames a prey : Th' excessive rates of Carrs made much not worth Removal , though they safe could get it forth : Some hurrying what they snatcht out of the fire To the first friends they thought of , when that nigher Approacht those places , now with speed they were Compell'd their things away from thence to bear . And the fire still pursuing them as fast , Forc't them soon to a third remove in hast : Thus some to shift their place were oft compell'd , Who still in hopes the fire would be quell'd , Would not quite leave the Town , until at last , All thinking the whole City it would wast ; No other refuge sought but open fields : Man loth at last unto Gods Judgments yields . Moore-fields with piles of Goods are fill'd , and there Their Owners lie abroad in th' open air : Thousands who lately went secure to bed , Their dainty limbs on Doun , or Feather spread In stately Mansions , now abroad must lie , The Earth their Bed , and Heav'n their Canopie . And after three days toil , trouble , and fright , Having no ease by day , nor rest by night , Nor leisure all this time , due food to eat , Now in the fields may sleep , but still want meat : Many who late fed on delicious fare , Would now skip at a crust , though brown it were : But hold ! with horror think I now upon ( What 's yet forgot ) the sad condition Of women then in travail , and such there As in this time sick , weak , and dying were : For scarce a day revolved , but you might Here there of births , and deaths each day and night . How many sad Benoni's now were born ! While lab'ring mothers through the streets are born . How many frighted Parents now miscarry , And travail must , at home they may not tarry ! How many while they in the fields do lie , Have pangs of Child-birth , and deliverie ! How many dying persons now expire ! Breathing their last like Martyrs in the fire ; Their Souls like Manoah's Angel , soaring on The mounting Flames to Heav'ns blest Mansion : How many dead have Roman buryal there ! Their Houses funeral piles wherein they were Now burned , and lie buried underneath The ruines of the place , where seiz'd by death . As when our Saviour in Judea wrought . His powerful Miracles , they sick folk brought On Beds , and Couches to him ; Even so you Might see them carried forth the City now ; But with this diff'rence , then to him they came For life , and health , but fly hence for the same : These were the sad disasters , which the ire Of Heav'n did punish sinners with by fire : The Rampant Flames went on victorious still , On both hands levelling up to Tower-Hill , Approach't , as if 't would offer an assault , But there receiv'd a blow , and made an halt ; Houses blown up , by which a breach was made , Prov'd the best Rampart now , whereby was staid The fury of this foe , and in one hour Gunpowder cool'd his courage , sav'd the Tower : Is Powder then the way to quench a Flame : Strangely begun , went on , went out this same . Stranger Experiment sure ne're hath bin , Thus by a blast to save the Magazin . But had the fire came on , the Tower ta'ne , How had that strong and ancient Structure lain , Great Britains strength and glory , in the dust ! For want of Ammunition then we must Yield to our foes ; But God ( blest be his Name ) Would not commit the Tower to the Flame : Which elsewhere forward went , Newgate can't hold This fire , it broke the Prison , and as bold As ever , unto Holborn-Bridge it straid , But there through mercy was its fury staid . Yet still in Fleetstreet did it wander far , E'ven to the Temple , but God put a barre There to this lawless fire , and here supprest This Tyrants raging force , and sav'd the rest ; For which we ought with thankful hearts to raise To him some Trophies of immortal praise . Now he that once gave forth his Law in Flame , Would not at once destroy ours by the same . Now he that saith , from Truth he will not vary , Gods mercy was the Temples Sanctuary . Had not his mercy now a remnant spar'd , Like Sodom , and Gomorrah we had far'd : The City for the most part ruin'd lies , To Gods just vengeance a due Sacrifice ; But through his mercy , just like a fire-brand , Out of the burning pluckt , the Suburbs stand : Their Goods for the most part too , and lives he saves , Who in their houses might have found their graves : But now when I reflect on what 's consum'd , How many Churches are themselves inhum'd ! How many Hospitals are Cripples made ! How many lofty publick Halls are laid E'ven with the ground ! my quill in tears I steep , My Muse sits down in dropping Verse to weep . Now stately Churches in their Graves are laid : Altars themselves are Sacrifices made : And now old Paul a Martyr is once more , And that in England , which we must deplore : His Temple in the firie Ocean stood Like to some Island , but the raging flood Of Flames hath drown'd its glory , over-turn'd This wondrous Fabrick , wonder ! how it burn'd ! The School it self Ignis could not decline : The Pulpit could not its own fall divine : Yet falling preacht Earths glory is a trance : The Organs could not pipe , though the Stones dance : Paul falls away in 's old age , the Saint hath By strange Apostacy now broke his Faith † Yet he who when he liv'd wrought many , fell Not now 't is said without a Miracle . His Altar , Clothing , Canopie remain'd Untouch't , and unconsum'd when the sire reign'd O're all the rest , lest some Phanaticks shall Report the bowing that way made him fall . But since he now lies buried in Faith , My heart hope of his Resurrection hath : Where could the Doctor of the Gentiles have , Than among learned Books * , a fitter grave : Now some obscure Authors , Profane , Divine , Are brought to light , and their names made to shine : Some of them said , Tempus est edax rerum , But this fire proves it self so , and doth jeer ' um . Were I Poet only , no Divine , I chiefly might lament the loss of Wine ; But I care not if it were burned all ; Too much of this hath made the City fall . See how this fire did worldly glory jeere ! View the Exchange ! O what a change is here ! Now from the Steeple of the stately Bow The Bells are shot , and run indeed , but so That scarcely one of twelve well cast is found ; All are like water spilt upon the ground : You that were wont to make the Ringers sweat , Now are your selves in a far greater heat : Ringers keep up your bells ! so we would man , But they will fall too fast , do what we can : Now for the bells men wring their hands , to see How the sweet Ring of Cornhil melted bee : The Town 's on fire , ring the bells backwards all ! Alas ! they cannot , for they backwards fall : For help to save themselves they cannot call , How sits the City solitary , who Was full of People only full of woe ? How like a Cottage in a Garden shows , Or a storm'd Garrison sack't , burnt by foes , This ancient City ! which as stories tell , Brute * built when Samuel judged Israel , And call'd it Troy-novant , 't was ominous sure , And signified Troy's fate it must endure . Lud * afterward rebuilt , more ample made This City unto Ludgate , which 't is said , Deriv'd its name from his , nay some averre , He his name to the City did transferre ; And changed Troy-novant into Luds-Town , Which time hath chang'd to London of renown For age , yet beauty , strength , wealth , glory , scarce To be paralel'd in the Universe : The ancient fear of Kings , and royal place Of British , Saxon , Norman , Scottish race ; And which hath hitherto by age , and time , Grown but more beautiful , than in its prime : But not without some alteration , true , It hath oft like a Snake chang'd skin , and hew : Nor did it alwayes scape the fire before , But in the Conquerours twentieth year (a) it bore , Such marks of wasting Flames as at this day : The greatest part in ruines then did lay . Saint Paul's which Ethelbert , (b) of Saxon men First Christian King , did build , was burnt down then ; This Erkenwald (c) its Bishop had enlarg'd , Adorn'd , Enricht , all which this fire discharg'd . But the next year (a) Mauritius piouslie , Another Prelate of this Ancient See , Laid the foundation of a far more fair , Magnificent , and stately Structure there ; Which in process of time , by bounteous hand Of pious Benefactors , late did stand This Nations glory , others envy , and Not to be paralel'd in Christian Land : The boasted of fair Church of Nostre Dame In Paris , might be Handmaid to this same ; When our St. Paul was in his pomp , I trow , Their Lady set by him would make no show Until the Steeples Heav'n assaulting Spire , By Lightning sent from Heav'n was set on fire : As if this seem'd to imitate the pride Of Babel builders , whom God did deride , This lofty Pyramis he burned down ; Which fire seis'd on Paul's roof , & sing'd his crown , And with its smutty beams , scorched his head , Black't and defac't the whole Structure , and made Paul look more like , to such as did him mark , An Ethiopian , than an English Clark : The marks of which he for a long time bore , Nor could regain his beauty as before ; Till to the Land of God , and his own praise , The Reverend Archbishop Land did raise Paul's to its pristine glory ; till late times , When Sacriledge , Rebellion no crimes , But Vertues were accounted : Some mens zeal Could devour whole Cathedrals at a meal : Christ's zeal for Gods House eat him up , more odd Was this , their zeal eat up the House of God : The holy Tribe , and service , they cast out , Brought Horses in , the more beasts they no doubt : Thus these Phanaticks , O abominable ! Turned the House of God into a Stable ; And Reformation was there never stranger , Where Altars stood , to set up Rack , and Manger : Temple profaners must on the sacred sloore Your Horses dung ? What could the Turks do more ? The Jews indeed did less , they to a Den Turned Gods Temple , but it was of men , Though thieves , but these more brutish , for the nonce Make it a den of thieves , and beasts at once ; And by such usage , Paul declin'd a pace ; The Souldiers gave him deep scars on his face , His Walls lookt sadly , and his Gates did mourn , Until the late miraculous return Of King , and Bishops , who remov'd th' abuse , And Paul's restor'd unto its pristine use : And daily did re-edifie , repair All parts about it , which lately ruin'd were : But by this raging fire , which now befell The City , sparing neither Church , nor Cell , Paul 'mong the rest into his Grave is thrown , Whence we expect his Resurrection : In King , and Bishops , to good works inclin'd We Ethelbert , and Erkenwalds to find , And generous Mauritus too do trust ; Who will redeem Paul's once more from its dust : Nor do I doubt , did we but lay to heart The causes of our woes , by which we smart : Or would this stubborn Nation but endure The means of their Recovery , and Cure : Th' Almighty would in mercy soon restore The City to its beauty , or to more : It should not long as now in ruines lie ; Nor noise of War our borders terrifie : The killing Plague should in all places cease , Our Land enjoy Prosperity , and Peace . Let us consider then of all our woe The Cause , the Cure we shall the better know . The Cause of our Calamities . THE Cause of all , in highest Heav'ns I seek , And in our sinful bosomes , which do reek With boiling lust , whence sinful deeds do rise , As vapours from the Earth , above the Skies Ascend , and make those clouds of Gods just ire , Which thunder'd forth the War , lightned the Fire , And did on this provoking people pour Of mortal sickness a contagious showr : Not for the causes meerly natural Of all these woes , or means instrumental , Search I , but for the prime efficient , And inward moving cause , were our hearts rent With due contrition , this we soon might spy Deep in our brests , for that we must look high : God is the Author , and our Sins the Spring ; Which on us all these dreadful Plagues do bring : How many Atheists in this Land do dwell ? Even Owles at Athens , blind in Israel . There is no God , say some fools in their heart , VVhom war , nor Plague would from their Atheism start : Sure by the light of the late dreadful fire They 'le see their folly , and the light that 's higher . How many with corporeal fancies serve That God who is all Spirit ? others swerve From his prescription , after their own will Do worship him , and are devoutly ill . Many a swearing , cursing miscreant , As Devils upon Earth , each place doth haunt , And do blaspheme Gods sacred Name , in spight Of all Plagues , wish a Plague , and take delight To tear Christs wounds , & afresh make him bleed ; Pray to be damn'd , but sure they shall not need : When neither war , nor plague would these affright , God fir'd their Houses 'bout their ears to light Them to Repentance , and thus let them see An Embleme of the Worlds Catastrophe , And an Epitome of that Hell Infernal In which the wicked after death must burn all . How many do neglect , contemn , profane All holy times consecrate to God's Name , And service now ? How is the zeal grown cold , Which thronged Christian Churches so of old ? Scarce the tenth part will in some places come To Church , but most do idley stay at home ? Or to Schismatical Assemblies run , Or make an halt until the Pray'rs be done : Of those , who in our Churches do appear , How few with reverence , and godly fear Behave themselves ? some do in Taverns wast Those precious hours , when here their souls should feast ; And one would think , when such a Plague God sent , All Christians now would fast , pray , and repent : But on the Fasting days , Good Lord ! how few Will come before thee , and for mercy sue ! All Holy-days are mere Play-days now are made , Or consecrate to drunken Baechus trade : Church doors are open'd , & bells ring for fashion , But th' Alehouse hath the greater Congregation : Gods House indeed is styl'd the House of Pray'r , But if no Preaching be , few will come there , They think 't not worth the while to call on God , Even when they groan under his scourging Rod : They hear , and hear , but never learn to do Those duties which all Preaching tendeth to : Others whose lusts , and sins the Word controuls , Nauseate all Preaching , Physick for their Souls ; And the seduced people , whose blind eyes See not of Christ the saving mysteries , Yet wholesome Chatechizing wont endure , For their Souls blindness though the only cure : Thus is Gods Service crucified between Two thieves like him , and in his House is seen A den of thieves , one sort rob of him of Pray'r ▪ The other rob their souls of his Word there : And for the blessed Sacrament , so full Of sweetest consolation , to the dull A quickning goad , to weak a strong support , Assurance to the fearful , and a fort To tempted Christians , to such as for sin cry , An Handkerchief dipt in Christs blood to dry Their sorrow up , a Cordial to the faint , An heav'nly banquet to the humble Saint : How few will sit themselves , draw nigh , and tast This soul refreshing mystical repast : 'T was one effect of our late Reformation , T' exile this Sacrament out of the Nation Almost , some towns in twenty years had not Any Communion , they had forgot Do this in remembrance of me , and now They 've lost their stomacks by long fasting ; how To bring them to an appetite once more , That the Lords Table may of guests have store , We scarce do know , they have been so affrighted From that wherewith their souls should be delighted Their Preachers sounding in their ears damnation , To scare them from Communion profanation , Which was indeed to rise 'mong some , that durst Approach without due Preparation first , But still forgetting equally to press Their duty to receive , though in the dress Of Knowledge , Faith , Repentance , Charitie ; That in contempt did as much peril lie ; The poor deluded people did believe , The only danger was if they receive ; Fly from their Souls food as their certain bane ; To whom Christs Institution is in vain , So strangely Gods Commandements were then Made void by the Traditions of these men . Now this luke-warmness to Gods worship , we May both in Countrey , and in City see : For such contempt of Christs Authoritie , Might justly some be sick , some weak , some die : Mens coldness kindled wrath , that fire anon , To make them fervent in Religion : You would not come to Church a while ago , No Churches now you have to come unto : The Gates of Sion mourn'd ' cause few , or none Would enter there , but now you make your mone , And mourn for Sions gates , ' cause they are burn'd With fire , and to a heap of ashes turn'd . Sion before in silence did lament , Because so few her solemn Feasts frequent Now you may mourn in silence , sigh , and fast , For that the places of her Feasts be wast : Thus want of zeal hath sir'd the House of God , Neglect of Worship Temples hath destroy'd , Nor could you look , but that which burned down God's Houses thus , must needs consume your own . Thus justly may the War , Plague , Fire , and all , For our neglect to serve God , on us fall . How many disobedient are to all Their Parents , civil , spiritual , natural ? How rife's Rebellion , while the People strive With Prince and Priest neither due reverence give ? Their Princes Laws , the people think not right ; The Priests their Prelates admonition slight : Servants rebel against their Masters , and Wives disobey their Husbands sit command : Children their loving Parents honour not : Obedience among all sorts is forgot . What swarms have we of stubborn Sectaries ? Who all Dominion boldly do despise : Nor are afraid to speak of Dignities All kind of evil , though most grievous lies . The Ark had but one Cham , our Church many , Who glad their Fathers nakedness to spy , With most reproachful mocks , and taunts discover , And blazon it abroad the Nation over . Nay rather than Fathers in Church or State , Shall want the ruder peoples scorn , and hate : Such whet their tongues to tell the smoothest lies , Which these to pop'lar scorn may sacrifice . Rebellion though as sin of witchcraft reigns Among this headstrong people , whom no reins Of Law will rule , no Power curb , or awe From following their will , their will 's a law To them alone , who without fear , or shame , Publickly their perversness do proclaim : Saying , if they were not commanded to These , and these things they would them freely do . O stubborn people ! shall there ever rest Spirits of Contradiction in your brest ? Hath God stampt his Authority upon Your Governours , and do you think they 've none ? Hath he said they are Gods , and will ye then Give less respect to them , than other men ? Counsels of whispering Seducers , how Prone to observe , and promptly follow , you Are ; but how backwards to obey , we see , Lawful Commands of just Authoritie : And is the lawfulness , and duty less , Because enjoyn'd ? nay more your stubbornness To disobey : God is contemned sure , And such contempt from men will not endure . Yet when for peoples sins he Plagues hath sent , They oft impute them to the Government : So the rebellious mutineers of old VVhen the Earth strangely swallowed up those bold Conspirators of Corah's faction , cry'd Ye the Lords people kill'd , Gods hand denied , Moses , and Aaron with that slaughter charg'd , Till God by his just judgment them discharg'd ; By a sad Plague sweeping these murmurers thence , Brought the whole Camp into another sense : Now when the like sins among us are spread ; Shall we not say for these are many dead ? Gods Judgments are a great deep , if we dive Too far , we drown all Charity , alive Preserve censoriousness , believe I do All sorts have sin'd , all sorts have suffer'd too ; Yet all may hear , what some observe , and dread ; Most factious places are most visited . Have we not murmurers among us too , Like to rebellious Corah , and his crew ? VVill , what is Moses , and what Aaron , say , Are we not all holy , as well as they ? To rule , and sacrifice , all would have pow'r : Might not for this a fire from God devour The City , which as eminent in sin , Hath exemplary now in judgment been ? That whilome was rebellions spring and nurse , And seem'd back-sliding to the former course : Is now of England's woe , and sorrow source : Sin no more so , lest you are plagued worse . What murthers in this Land committed were ; For Civil Wars on one side murthers are : And God doth know , to whose charge shall be laid That blood which in our Civil Wars was shed . Blood is a crying sin , so much was spilt , This Nation cannot but be deep in guilt ; Especially when Royal blood hath been Profanely shed , no doubt a roaring sin ; And who doth know , but the just God doth make Now Inquisition for that blood , and take Due Vengeance on us for that barbarous fact , The like whereto no Nation ere did act : Unless those cursed Jews who crucified Their Saviour , for which they still abide The wrath of God , and shame of men , as we For that through all the world reproached be . Nor need we wonder judgment was delaid , That this same Vengeance was no sooner paid , If it should be for this : For God is wont To call men to Repentance first , he don't Suddenly punish , but gives means and time , That men may see , and sorrow for their crime ; And so prevent the Plague ; now all the while Usurpers rul'd ; Our King was in exile ; None openly of this might speak a word ; Which to deluded people could afford Due Information of these hainous crimes , Which past for Vertues in those cheating times : But since the Throne , and Pulpit too were free From Gulls , Impostors and their knavery ; Since all men saw , what ever such pretended , In Self-advancement their Religion ended : Since the Saints coat was pulled o're their ears , Who for a Cloak of Villany it wears . Since that vile murther hath been quite disclaim'd By a free Parliament , a Fast proclaim'd , Wherein the Nation annually may Humble themselves before their God , and pray The guilt hereof may not lie on their head , To them nor their posterity be laid : Since Orthodox Divines have soundly shown How sins of others may become our own ; And so how many ways men guilty stand Of Royal blood , before Gods bar , whose hand Or heart ne're toucht it : not by commission , Covnsel , or by abetting the transgression Only , or by allowing it for good , But by our not resisting it to blood , Or by not mourning for 't enough , or by Those sins , which did provoke the Deitie , So far to suffer villany to reign , For woe to us , to kill our Sovereign : Since means , and opportunities have thus Of true Repentance been afforded us ; The only reason of Gods Patience ; Yet so few shew a hearty Penitence , Even among those most deeply guilty were ; Who where the Fast is kept will not come there : But have such seared Consciences , that they Keep a Thanksgiving on that Fasting-day ▪ Dwell we not stil with those ? whose fine tongues are More soft than Oyl , yet in their hearts have War , Who smoother are than Butter in their words , Yet in design , and wish , are drawing Swords : Such as pretended ever to abhorre , Charles the first death , and seemed zealous for The Seconds Restauration , missing what In Church , or State they hoped for by that , Seem in their discontent to lay the train Of th' old Rebellion , venturing again A second Charles his ruine , rather then Their will shall not be law , and they the men . Shall not God visit such a Generation , And be avenged on a bloody Nation ? And since that sinful City cannot be Excus'd from guilt of blood , which was too free In contributing to the war , and killing ; And to the Royal bloods inhumane spilling , Not ( to the shedding of their own , ) resisting , To that which came to this , too much assisting ▪ ( The Bodkins which the City Dames did give , Our Caesar of his life help't to deprive : The tumults raised there were Prologue to This tragick Act , which other hands did do : ) Since they could see their King before his Doore Murther'd by miscreants , and weep no more : Since blood of loyal Subjects too was shed I' th' midst of them , and they scarce shook their head . Since they so long supported , and maintained Usurping Powers , who in Rebellion raigned Under the Kingly power unruly were , Yet Tyrants force so long could tamely heauen Might not for this Gods Justice lately call For those Judgments did on the City fall ? In David's time a Plague on Israel , For what Saul did to th' Gibeonites , befel . How with uncleanness of all sorts defil'd Is this our sinful Land , the people wild In their unbridled lusts , like Horses they Are ranck , each for his neighbours wife do neigh : Sodomy , Incest , Fornication , and Adultery ; Nay of heart , tongue , and hand , All kind of filthiness is sadly found To be too fruitful in our English ground : In Court , and Camp , City , and Countrey , we This kind of sin grown impudent do see : The Nation hath the forehead of an Whore , Declares her sin as Sodom , and doth more : When such as should in others punish it , The same themselves without shame do commit ; Sinners are bold , and do not seek to hide Their shame , but all reproof thereof deride . We read by Plague did many thousands die , When Israel did with Moab's Daughters lie : How Sodom , and Gomorrah when they burn'd In lustful heat , God into ashes turn'd By fire from heav'n , since first our guilt and blame Hath been , well might our suff'ring be the same ; And that same filthy City which doth lie In ruines , How full of Adulterie , And all uncleaness was it ? and as some Observ'd , the Plague did most in places come And rage , where this sin reign'd , yet , health return'd To them , afresh they in their old lusts burn'd : In filthiness they drove on Sodom's trade , And now by fire are like Gomorrah made : Yet have a remnant scap't , like little Zoar For shelter unto Lot , let such beware ! More Plagues in store for sinners still there are . Thou shalt not steal , saith God , but O my soul ! How doth our Peoples practice this controul ? Will they not rob ? Yes , God himself they will ; In Tithes , and Offerings they do it still . In ev'ry Parish Vicar you may see A witness of the old Church robberie : Nor can we yet forget the later time , When Sacriledge accounted was no crime : When from the Church her Rights , Revenues , Lands Were pluck't away by Sacrilegious hands : When some mens zeal the very Bells did melt Bullets to make , their Enemies to pelt : When heat of Reformation our Church Plate Coin'd into current money for the State. And some mens feud with Superstition rent Each peice of Brass from dustie monument : When greedy Cormorants stood gaping still For gleab , and tithes , even to the Goose , whose quill , Thanks be to God , is left us yet to write The shame of those , who in such theft delight ; And was it not Commission of transgression Against this Law , to Plunder by Commission ? Besides their Sequestration , Decimation , Was there not cunning stealing in this Nation ? Whatever some do reckon of their sin , Far lesser theives I doubt have hanged bin . Now when I Fraud , and Cosenage think upon , Extortion , Bribery , and Oppression : I fear almost in ev'ry way and street , Go where you will , each man 's a theif you meet : Some on the Bench are greater theives by far , Than such as stand before them at the bar : Too often Law , and Livings too are sold For bribes , and simony , now very bold : Such as do sell , or lend to court must stay , And some years hence for expedition pay : In ev'ry shop a cheating thief doth stand , To cosen with fine words , while by the hand He friendly shakes you ; In each Market , Fair , Each buyer finds thieves are not very rare . Each brother will supplant , and falsely deal , Each neighbour over-reach , which is to steal : And I believe , even to the Countreys cost , The King of all men now is cheated most . Whom may we trust , whose word now dare we take ? Why do we Bonds to one another make ? There are we see more thieves among us , then House-breakers , Cut-purses , and High-way men . Now may I be of Jeremiah's mind , And wish some quiet lodging-place to find In solitary Wilderness , that so I might from such a treach'rous people go : Who bend their tongues as bows for cosening lies ; Deceitful men , whom none will trust , that tries : Whose tongues are arrows shot out , speak deceit , Utt'ring fine words to cheat , they lie in wait : Of such God saith , Behold , I 'le melt , and try them : Reprobate silver , then to be he 'l spy them . Shall I not visit for these things , saith he , And on such people now avenged be ? And as the City hath notorious been For sins of this sort , justly now 't is seen Low in the dust , sunk under its own weight Of Cosenage , and Oppression , from its height . Landlords intolerably rack't their Rent , This made them rack their Consciences to vent At highest rates their Wares ; E'ven forc't to cheat , To get their Landlords Rent , their Family meat : Fraud , with Equivocations , lies to mask , Double the price of any thing to ask , Hath been the brand of Citizens we know : These things may be the cause of all their woe . Thou shalt not bear false witness God hath said : How then are Knights of th' post become a trade ? Nay those who like Saints walk in holy guise , Do bend their tongues as bows for telling lies : Had there been none who would false witness bear , Our Martyr'd Sovereign had yet stood clear Before the worst of Judges , Calumnies Were ever blown into the peoples eyes ( Lest they should see his innocence , and wrongs ) By subtile slander from their double tongues , Who fought against , yet said they for him fought , Vow'd to preserve , yet to the Scaffold brought His life , and honour ; still belied his Cause , His Person , Party , and the juster Laws ; While in a mockery of Justice , they Would seem by Law their Sovereign to slay : Falsely accuse God too , Religion , Reason , While they would make these seem t' allow their Treason : Had not false rumors , & reports 'mong us , Into Rebellion gull'd the people thus : They'd ne're have suffer'd Charles the first so good A Prince , by Regicides to lose his blood : Still the same trade of lying's carried on Under the mask of pure Religion : No Mountebanck doth use more lying tricks To cheat , than these religious Empericks : On womens zeal when they 'd commit a Rape , The Pander still must be religious Ape : To slander King , and Bishops , from the Church , Is still the way , new Proselytes to lurch : And of all men the holy Tribe are most Belyed by some , who of their Saintship boast ; Nor of her sons alone false tales they broach , But most the Church their Mother do reproach : Schism's backt with slander of the Church their Mother ; Yet all the Factions slander one another : But beside Slanders , Errors , Heresies , False Oaths , Equivocations , Perjuries , Are in these sinful dayes among us found , To grow , and thrive , and spread in English ground : Oaths of Allegiance , some like Sampsons cords Can snap asunder , while a pack of words They call a Covenant , contrived by A pack of Knaves , must hold inviolably : Oaths of Canonical Obedience Many to keep make little Conscience , But swallow them , and think no more upon 't , These ne're rise in their stomacks , though they don 't At all observe them , while a squeamish Sister , To whom the Cross , or Surplice , gives a Glister , It goes against their Conscience to offend Though oaths , subscriptions , and all bonds they rend In pieces quite ; nay their good Dames to please , To all their duty give a writ of ease : Nor is the Countrey fertile soil alone To these ill weeds , but they have freely grown Within the City , for such sins of late God justly might lay it even desolate . Nor is the root of all curs'd evil less Of growth in English ground , Covetousness : This sin with us hath had the greatest stroke In breach of both the Tables , we thus broke : Many make Gold their God , a silver shrine Is their Diana , Conscience for coin Is sold ; Truth , Honestie , Justice , and Faith The greedy lust of Gain devoured hath : O cursed thirst for gain , what canst not thou Compel frail mortals sinful hearts to do : To swear , and lie , rebel , and murther , and Turn bauds , or whores , Knights of the post , or stand To cry , and rob , to cosen , and betray Their dearest friend , Church-rights to make their prey , For gain to prostitute wives , daughters , and Do any thing , they are at thy command : Nay some the form of godliness do make A cloak for cosenage , and a snare to take The simple buyer in : In holy guise Some hucksters dare of souls make merchandise ; Who like the Pharisees pray by the hour Only the widows houses to devour : And others will not spare an hour to pray , Devoted unto Mammon quite are they ; Who now do find to leave their shops to pray , Had been to keep their shops the surest way : While Covetousness in all our hearts thus grew , Alas poor London ! is it not too true ? For these things we ▪ and thou above the rest , By the just hand of God now sufferest . Nor let the Drunkard think he is forgot , His Nations stain , and his religions blot : Who under one Commandement alone Is hardly rank't , his sins ' gainst ev'ry one ; Or doth at least betray him to commit The Heav'n provoking sins , which violate it . The swinish Drunkard Bacchus doth adore : Who Oaths , and Curses in his mouth hath more ? Gods Service he contemns , his Sundays spends At some good fellowship of drunken friends : He little Honour , or Obedience shows To whom he Honour , and Obedience ows ; Be they Parents or Preists , Prelates , or Prince ; David the Song of Drunkards was long since : What brawls , contentions , murthers some commit In drunken Revels , without fear , or wit : By drinking Healths , some drink away their own , And kill themselves , a thing not seldom known : Wine is they say the milk of Venus , true , A Drunkard not a Wencher , who ere knew ? Nor spares he cosening , sland'ring , and doth covet More liquor still , above his Soul doth love it : To sins of all sorts thus he gives the reins , All ill with 's liquor slides into his veins : Since now so rise is this abomination , Who can expect from Heaven , but desolation , And with the noisome Pestilence chastise A beastly people , who themselves disguise So much with drink ; some their bowls tossing up , Found death even at the bottom of the Cup ; When in the midst of jollity were they , Death brought a reck'ning up and took away ; And in this City , where this sin was common , A Drawer now can show a room to no man : Such who o're-charg'd with drink too oft cast in , God out of house , and home hath cast for sin : And he hath pour'd that wine upon the floore , Which often laid the drinkers there before : Wine in a thousand Cellars was burn't all , And pour'd out at the Cities Funeral : And some for loss of wine did more lament Than for their sins , for which our Plagues are sent : More of a Tavern , or Play-house the fall Lament , than of a Church , or Hospital . Sick with this sin from head to foot hath bin Our Nation , sick 't is justly for this sin : Their Wine inflam'd the Citizens before , Justly now fire inflam'd their Wine therefore : As well with shame , as wine , to make these blush , God now in th' fire appeared in the bush : And for this sin God justly might , no doubt , Make this good Land to spew the dwellers out . And next to Drunkenness , now Pride may stand Accus'd as cause of all woe in this Land : For this the French , whose Apes in this we be , May justly be our scourge ; the vanitie Of varying fashions ! which doth make us strange To such as know us , and our women change Their shape with each new Moon , & some do show , By the loose wanton garb in which they go , What ware they sell ; and some do strive by paint , To make the ugly Devil seem a Saint : Some have their faces with black Patches drest , As thinking dapled Ladies will sell best : Methinks it seems as if some Feind did place The print of Hell burnt fingers on their face : Born with such spots should you your children see , You 'd call 't no beauty , but deformitie : God now sends spots , as he would theirs deride , And note to all , that theirs is plaguie Pride : And now adays , because within there rests So little Vertue in most womens brests , ( Which of old won them Husbands , that would give Dowries to get a vertuous Wife to live With them , as helps most meet , and comforts sure , Friends in both fortunes till death to endure ▪ ) Naked they expose them to youthful eyes , Hoping , if not true Love , yet Lust may rise At such a sight ; and seizing on the heart Betray it unto them , and the fond smart Of Cupid's flames , while these do now deny What they would fainest grant , and only try , By sprinkling water to increase the fire , By their denyal to augment desire : Thus hunt they for their dear , and use some wile To bring the simple heart within their toil ▪ Vertue can only it a subject make ; Beauty a wandring heart may captive take : And now our Ladies vanity , and pride , And their neglect of Huswifery beside , Affright all sober men , who fear to woo , Lest they should court their woe in doing so ; Or with their wives will now some thousands have To keep them in the fashion fine , and brave . What a fine life our Gallants live ? and yet 'T were fine indeed , if 't were the way to get To Heav'n , and its immortal happiness ; But they 're beside the way I more than guess ; Whose days , and years are always vainly spent In Dressing , Mistressing , and Complement ; Who rise , and dress by noon , come down and dine , Then to a Play , thence to the House of wine , And so to bed , it may be drunk before ; Perhaps all night embracing of an whore : If these be Christians , where 's their Masters badge , The Cross , and Self-denyal ? they can't fadge With these ; If such go hence to glory , Hell , and the Devil sure are but a story : The way to Heav'n is broadest sure , if they Who wander thus , can thither find the way : Pride doth usurp on God , provoke him thus To plague us for 't , that he might humble us : And that proud City , which lift up her hand Above the rest in pride , full low is laid : The parent , nurse , spring , stage , of pride , and vain Fashions , and tricks , which our Religion stain . And whose proud Dames out-vied in garishness , Our modest Ladies in their Countrey dress . To all these sins , wherewith this sinful Land Before the Lord of Heav'n doth guilty stand , May many aggravations urged be , From Gospel light , whereby men clearly see The evil of these evils , yet do they The works of darkness in the brightest day ; From great Ingratitude so plainly shown , When God miraculously poured down Incomparable mercies on us ; those , Who late opprest under their cruel foes , Could own their sins the cause of all their woes , Now freed from these , return again to those : A King , a Parliament , a Church regain'd Peace , Liberty , Religion maintain'd , Some desperate God-dammes do begin To war with Heav'n by their Gigantine sin : The roaring blades aloud do quickly call For thundring Vengeance on their heads to fall : When health , and plenty , joy , and triumph , crown'd Our Land , our hainous sins apace abound : Swearing , Carowsing , Cheating , Briberie , Oppression , Sacriledge , and Simonie , Pride , lust , and all the rout of sins o're-run Our Countrey , so our joy , and triumph's done : We first forsook the God of mercies , and God makes his mercies to forsake our Land ; And now to mercy judgment doth succeed ; VVe surfeited , and God doth make us bleed : Abundance of corruption sickness brings ; And heat of lust hath fir'd our pleasant things : Yet under all these Judgments are we still Incorrigible , and perverse in ill : God may say , I have sent the Pestilence , That I might bring you to an humble sense Of sin : your young men with the Sword I slew : Your City I as Sodom overthrew : Yet have ye not returned unto me ; Therefore yet seven times more I 'le punish ye : And thus of all our woes we see the cause Transgression is against Gods holy Laws : A Gospel unbecoming Conversation Provoketh God thus to afflict our Nation : And in the ripping up our sins to see The root , and spring of all our miserie , I would not have men think , to any one Or sin , or party , I impute alone Our woes , and judgments , but to one , and t'other , To all , and ev'ry one , I would not smother My own , or Friends , but do desire that all Would think for their sins these things us befal And each apply the Plaister to his wound , Which healing ev'ry one will make all sound : Nor need we doubt to have a perfect Cure If all will but the Remedy endure : Which now I shall consider of , and try , For all these woes to find a remedy . The Cure. ANd 't is half wrought already , since we see The inward cause of our sad maladie : Now to remove the cause is the most sure Way to effect a safe and speedy cure : And had I but good Patients , then I might Promise a cure , and lose no credit by 't : But I must first the Patients court , to let The Physick be apply'd , for they as yet , How sick soever , scorn our Ministry , Who would the healing Remedies apply : In bodily Diseases they will hie Them quickly to Physicians , lest they die , Send , pray , and pay , take what 's prescrib'd , endure All pains , and tortures , for a speedy cure : But in their Soul distempers will not give An ear to sound advice , nor seek to live : And when we freely offer , do disgust Our wholsom Physick , such needs perish must : Is Earth less worth than Heav'n ? or is the Soul Less to be valued than the Body soul ? No reason can you thus preposterous make ; We keep the Casket for the Jewels sake : Or if this transitory life now is In more esteem than Heav'ns immortal bliss , Yet take our counsel , and our medicines , seeing They 're for the welfare of your present being : Receive , apply , and let them work , they health , Temporal , and eternal peace , and wealth Do bring : And now these Remedies so rare Repentance , Faith , and true Obedience are : Repentance takes away the cause of woe , Faith reconciles us unto God , and so Future Obedience will our bliss secure , From age to age for ever to endure . Go mourning , and hold up your guilty hand Before Gods bar , there self-condemned stand ; The way here to be sav'd is to confess , Your sins cloak not , excuse not , nor make less ; But aggravate them all , mercy implore , From him who keepeth mercy still in store For penitent offenders , ever will Exalt the humble , and the mournful fill VVith Oyl of gladness , never will despise , But with delight accepts the Sacrifice Of broken-hearts , and binds them up and heals The wounded Spirit , which compunction feels : Before Gods foot-stool therefore prostrate lie , Cry guilty Lord , confess , or else you die : Judge , and condemn your selves , if you would save Your selves , with God such only pardon have . Relent , repent , reform , and throughly purge Away your sins , and God will take his scourge , And Plague away , with him make but your peace , And he will make your VVars with men to cease , Or us Victor ; quench but the flames of lust , And he will raise the City from the dust . That kindled first Gods wrath , and this the flame VVhich sit'd the City of so ancient fame : For this bow down before Gods Throne , and kneel , This fire might melt you , if you were all steel , Into some godly sorrow ; lie as low As doth your City , and bemone your woe . Repent in dust , and ashes , as that lies , And God will make it Phoenix like to rise From Funeral ashes , London then shall yee More glorious in its Resurrection see : Might this fire be the Cities Purgatory , God would restore it with far greater glory : Thus if Repentance make our peace with God , VVe may believe he 'l throw away his Rod : VVithout Repencance Faith presumption is , And finds no mercy ; but when mixt with this It never fails to find , and sure ground hath For hope , and trust , and then indeed 't is faith : If we repent , it 's the Condition still Imply'd in every Promise , that God will Prevent , or take away his Judgments , but Th' impenitent the door of mercy shut Against themselves , and lock themselves in woe , Keep then your sorrows , or your sins forgoe : But if we do repent , we then may trust , God will forgive us because he is just : Then pray in faith , with hearty Supplication , That God would pardon this our sinful Nation , Remove his heavy hand , send peace and health , Repair our ruines , and restore our wealth . Go sin no more , but henceforth him obey , So shall our Kingdom flourish , and all they VVho seek its ruine shall confounded be , And snar'd in their subtile iniquitie : No force , nor fraud shall hurt a righteous Cause , Manag'd by such as keep th' Almighty's Laws : But we oft see the juster cause o'rethrown In sinners hands , who hardly God will own , The stronger party to the weak a prey , When they will not the Lord of Hosts obey . If God be for us , who can us defeat ? If he against us , where shall we retreat For refuge ? If we him against us arm Whom all the creatures serve , what cannot harm And ruine us ? The Angels take Gods pay , And one of them a mighty Host can slay : The Stars in their swift course do slyly fight Gods battels against sinners day , and night : Clouds are his Canons , swift destruction fling By Thunder , and their Lightnings vengeance bring By fire on sinful mortals : and the wind Brings on its wings oft ruine to mankind : The calmer air convey the Pestilence , Whereby death steals into us without sense : The Earth is iron , and the Heav'ns are brass , When threatned Famine God will bring to pass ! Earth once did open , and take Rebels in Alive , as if it could not bear that sin : The Seas do pass their bounds , and us o'reflow With mischeif , when God bids them further go : Frogs , Locusts , Caterpillars , creeping things , Will take the Palaces of mighty Kings When God doth arm them , and their persons seise , And in a Land devour all ( when God doth please ) That 's fair , and fruitful : Even our breath infects , Our very dust turns Lice , or some Insects To infest sinful men ; A Fly 't is spoke Ventur'd a Pope infallibly to choke : Could he Souls out of Purgatory vote , And yet not keep a Fly out of his throat ? But thus we see , when God gives them Commission , The feeblest Creatures give us expedition Into another world : who God not fears Hath all the world in Arms about his ears : While Man his Maker serves , he 's Lord of these ; But when he sins they are his Enemies : When we provoke our God , where e're we go , Each creature looks upon us as a foe : God will protect , and bless his servants , but They who rebel , no confidence can put In him : Since to believe , and not obey , Self flatt'ry is no faith , henceforth I pray , Le ts lay the sure foundation of our trust , In purposes to keep his Laws most just : Then may we trust he will our Plagues remove , And showr down blessings on us from above : When we do purpose to endeavour , and Do strive to purpose to keep his command : Begin a new course then , and never cease To walk in Gods ways , for his ways are peace , And pleasantness , to bear Christs yoke delight ; His yoke is easie , and his burthen light : To sin is no light thing , did it not press Legions of Angels to the bottomless Infernal pit from highest glory ? hath Not man by weight of sin been prest to death ? Look upon worldly wealth , and count it dross ; Deny your selves , take up your Saviours Cross ; The worlds crown hath its cross , his cross a Crown , Her smiles betray , more safety's in her frown . Give unto Caesar , and to God their due . Fear God honour the King , to both be true : Since God is one , so let your heart be , and Serve him with one heart after his command . Think not your wit a better way can find To worship God , than what is his own mind : Take not his Sacred Name in vain , nor swear Profanely , but with reverence , and fear Mention Gods holy Name , in Justice , Truth , And Judgment , when call'd to it , take an Oath . Observe the holy Times , grudge not to spare Some time each day for holy thoughts , and pray'r ; But on the days to worship consecrate , Divide not betwixt God , and Mammon , hate To rob God , and your Souls , be wholly given To holy Service , grudge not one in seven To him that made them all , nor yet refuse The Churches holy days , as such to use : Nor count to pray scarce worth your coming there , Since God doth style his House , the house of Pray'r . Honour your Parents of all sorts , and show To Prince , and Priest the rev'rence that you owe : Their nakedness when spy'd lament , and bide ; And not like Cham discover , and deride . Hate not your brother , have no murtherous thought : Remember what dire Vengeance murther brought On Cain , and under no pretence be killing ; Religion cannot justifie blood-spilling . Make clean your hearts , and keep your bodies free From Fornication , and Adulterie : They are the Temples of the Lord , be sure The holy Spirit hath a mansion pure In you ; That Dove likes not a cage unclean : You 'l be th' unclean Spirits den , if obscaene . Be just , and honest , and do no man wrong , Nor cheat , and cosen with a double tongue ; Ill gotten goods do not increase your wealth , But are the rust , that wasts by secret stealth : Think not you gain , when you a curse do get , This is a Canker , and will surely fret . Accuse thou no man falsely , nor defame Thy neighbour , tender as thine own , his Name : The Angel durst not on the Devil rail ; And shall we call them Saints , who do not fail Prince , Prelates , Priests , & all their friends to slander ; Nor spare the Church their Mother , but will brand With Calumnies , their Schism to justifie : Bad is the Cause sure , which doth need a lie For its support ; and shall they not be had In more esteem , whom foes by lies make bad ? Father of lies the Devil 's rightly styl'd ; And he who like him is , is his own child : His own brood then are sure the Sectaries , Whose constant Trade is to be telling lies : Truth unto ev'ry one , or friend , or foe , In Justice , and in Charity we owe. Accuse not God as the Heretick doth , Who broaches his own Error , for Gods Truth . Beware of Covetousness the root of Evil ! Mammon of all the swarm's , the Master Devil : Love not the world , nor sell thy Soul for coine ; Thy Soul 's a richer Jewel , than doth shine In this inferior Orb , keep that , and quit Thy wealth , wealth 's of no worth and price to it . Love God , thy Soul , thy Friend , covet more grace ; And care to see in Heav'n thy Saviours face . Leave Drunkenness , and lew'd debauchery , Your Nations , and Religions infamy , Your souls , and bodies ruine , families bane , Estates consumption , only Devils gain : God made you Man , make not your self a Beast ; Drink of its Reason will your mind divest : Drink to refreshment , not to sottishness ; By healths to lose your own is ●o●●ishness ; Stay at the third glass , keeping still the round Doth often spill the drinkers on the ground : Custom , continuance makes the Wine inflame , Then in thy Face beholders see thy shame . Leave foolish Pride , and garish vanity , And cloath your selves with neat Humility : Meekness , and Grace , with neatness more adorn , Than all the foolish Fashions which are worn . Let not Gods Mercies be by us neglected ; Nor all his Judgments leave us uncorrected : His showrs of Blessings be more fruitful under , And let his hammering Judgments break asunder Your rocky Hearts , the means of Grace regard ; Walk in the Light , and Light shall you reward , Light of Gods countenance in heav'nly bliss Where neither Fire , nor VVar , nor Sickness is : Nay did we thus , I doubt not God would send Us here Peace , Health , and Joy , our Times amend : And with our former blessings prosper us , For the days wherein we 're afflicted thus : VVhich that our God , and Saviour quickly may ; Let us repent , return , and humbly pray . Deo gloria in excelsis . FINIS . * PSAL. 118.6 , 7 , 10. 6. The Lord is on my side , I will not fesr what man can do unto me . 7. The Lord taketh my part with them that help me , therefore shall I see my desire upon them that hate me . 10. All Nations compassed me about , but in the Name of the Lord will I destroy them . PSAL. 91. Surely he shall deliver thee from the snare of the Fowler and from the noysome Pestilence . He shall cover thee with his feathers , and under his wings shalt thou trust , his truth shall be thy shield and buckler , &c. Thou shalt not be afraid of the terror be night , nor for the Arrow that flyeth by day . Nor for the Pestilence which walketh in darkness , nor for the Destruction which wasteth at noon day . A Thousand shall fall at thy side , and Ten thousand at thy right hand , but it shall not come nigh thee . JER . 30. 18. Thus saith the Lord , Behold ! I will bring again the Captivity of Jacobs Tents , and have mercy on his dwelling places , and the City shall be builded upon her own heap , and the Palace shall remain after the manner thereof . 19. And out of them shall proceed Thanksgiving , and the voyce of them that make merry , and I will multiply them , &c. I will also glorifie them , &c. 20. Their Children also shall be as afore-time , &c. And I will punish all them that oppress them , &c. A Cordial to Chear our Spirits under our Calamities * . ( 1. ) WHen force of Physick quite hath put to rout , The noxious humors did within us reign , The vital Spirits almost tired out By the long conflict which they did maintain ; The wise Physician doth some Cordial give The Patients fainting Spirits to revive . ( 2. ) Thus when by mournful conflicts we have won The day of sin , and hope our woes do slie : Lest tim'rous hearts into despair do run , And when the cure is wrought begin to die ; 'T is not amiss to give some Consolation To chear the Spirit of an humbled Nation . ( 3. ) And if indeed the mighty Hand of God Hath duly humbled us , we need not fear , We once corrected , he 'l reject the Rod ; And from our mournful eyes wipe ev'ry tear ; His face on us shall shine , frown on our foes , And from our Land to theirs transmit our woes . ( 4. ) Chear up brave English , fear no foe but sin ! Though the ingrateful Dutch , and Dane combine , And proud French bustle , these shall nothing win , But shame , and slaughter from Gods hand , and thine Thy thundring Guns shall shake the Belgick shore , Their Lyon (a) couch , when ours do rowse & roar . ( 5. ) Their Lyon once was a poor sneaking Curr Broke from Spains Castle (b) , croucht to us , to gain Our aid , in which had we but made demurr , He soon had been remanded to his chain . We succour'd him until he freedom knew , Shook chain , and Master (c) off , and Rampant grew . ( 6. ) The poor Distressed States came Suppliants then , Now , High and Mighty grown , they have forgot , Whose blood and treasure helpt to make them men , 'T was the brave English , Holland was it not ? Methinks while lives the noble name of Vere , The Dutch should blush ' gainst England to appear . ( 7. ) The valiant Acts of the brave Veres for these , A second Caesar's Commentaries make , Which whosoe're surveys , from thence with ease The height of Dutch ingratitude may take , Who by our Armies raised to their height , To do us mischief , still employ their might . ( 8. ) And who may trust a Rebel , or expect To find a Traytor prove a faithful Friend , Who violate Allegiance , will neglect All Articles with others for their end : We hatcht them , thinking we should find a Dove , Come forth , and loe ! it doth a Serpent prove . ( 9. ) Like Serpents of a vip'rous brood , which strive To kill the Parent gave them life , and growth ; These who by our Protection first did thrive , To let us live by whom they live are loath : But now we shall , if Stars speak right their fates , Bring down the Mighty to Distressed States . ( 10. ) So do our Magi read in Heav'ns bright Book , ( God grant who rules the Stars , they may not err , ) The shaggy Comets have their mischief shook On us , now will as much to them transferr : Heav'n hath , and will still take our part no doubt , Th' Almighty can the high and mighty rout . ( 11. ) Just are thy ways O God , thy Judgments right , But we to thee , our foes to us ingrate , Therefore at Land thou justly us do smite , And them for us at Sea dost dissipate : We humbled under thy correcting pow'r , Them thou wilt quickly humble under our . ( 12. ) Thrice have the vaunting Belgians come to show Their numerous Navy , by constraint did fight ; Thrice have the braver English made them know , Their safety 's best pursu'd by hasty slight : Twice their expecting people saw them come As prey before the English hunted home . ( 13. ) Once when unlucky shot disabled quite Our Gen'rals Ships that they could not pursue , They getting home , brag'd they beat us out-right , But to get home with them is to subdue : And a Thanksgiving wisely they observ'd , For that so many of them were preserv'd . ( 14. ) But stay my Muse ! and on the peaceful shore Behold the martial combates on the Seas , Such as no age ere veiwed heretofore , Nor will succeeding times see after these : Where God pays home ingratitude and pride ; Giving the Conquest to our juster side . ( 15. ) His Royal Highness first in Person goes , With him the brave Prince Rupert , each of these More worth than all the Navy of our foes , Whom the bold Opdam did not doubt to seise : With what odds fought we them ? if richest prize Can whet the Valour of our Enemies . ( 16. ) The Fleets engag'd (d) and a fierce conflict grew , The clouds of smoke obscur'd the midday Sun , From thund'ring Canons storms of bullets flew Driving out souls , while streams of blood do run From shatter'd bodies , as sometimes you shall In sudden showres see rain from houses fall . ( 17. ) The frighted Sun himself i' th' smoke doth shroud , And threatens night so soon as day 's begun ; To do his office , from no thundring cloud Lightning breaks forth , but from the louder Gun : When peaceful Heav'n denies its purer light To mortals rage , by their own fire they fight . ( 18. ) Forth from the deadly Engines sirie womb The sp'rit'ous Peter bursting rends the skies , And flaming Sulpher raises foaming scum In boiling Seas , the fish in water fries ; The Earth receiving the report doth quake , But all this cannot English spirits shake . ( 19. ) No wonder they did Deisie of old Their valiant Heroes , who undaunted run Into the arms of Death , resolv'd , and bold , For Fame , and Honour , they no peril shun , But dangers which all others dread desie ; A noble soul 's a kind of Deity . ( 20. ) But if these Heroes had so great renown , Who stood in noiseless war , pecking out life With flying Arrows , hewing bodies down With Swords , to let out souls ; a sporting strife : What honours due to him who never shuns The deaths which flies so thick from roaring Guns ? ( 21. ) Guns , whose report strikes fearful hearts with death , And more with terror than with blows do slay , Whose wind doth snatch from untouch't men their breath , And passing by can whistle souls away : Here cowards hearts dead in their breasts are found , Though coming off at last without a wound . ( 22. ) Guns whose loud thunder shakes the worlds huge frame Into convulsive fits , and seems to threat A sudden dissolution of the same , Before the wise Creator thinks it fit : Yet among these our Worthies boldly stand With hearts unshaken , shaking death by th' hand . ( 23. ) Neptune rows'd with their noise comes up to see , What on the surface of his Kingdom 's done , Rising , he shakes his head to see that he Cannot be Master of the Seas alone : But that two daring Fleets are sighting for 't Without Commission from his watry Court. ( 24. ) He looks upon them , and the Dutch he knows , Their Land was stol'n from him , & all their wealth His Tides bring in ; if nurselings proves his foes , He will recover what they got by stealth : He fears them not , though valiant in a cup , He thinks they cannot drink the Ocean up . ( 25. ) But on the English casts a jealous eye , Seeing them mantled all in fire , and smoke , He fears they will with him for Empire vie , Gazing a while , deep silence thus he broke : What mean these daring mortals ? who are these Without my leave thus Lord it on the Seas ? ( 26. ) He spies the Duke (e) and fears that Mars is come To ravish Thetis , and to rule at Sea Yet thinks he , I will send him whistling home , And therefore bids the winds to come away : But drawing nearer he beheld the Prince (f) . And his mistake , with a far kinder sence . ( 27. ) He smooths his ruffled brow , and calms the air , Comes mildly on , doth thus the Duke salute ; Accept this Trident O thou fiercely fair , And rule at Sea , see it is Neptune's sute : Let all the winds serve thy design , and show To thee , what reverence to me they owe. ( 28. ) Where e're my Trident's known , or rule extends , From Sea to Sea , where e're my tides do flow , And to each River which his tribute sends To me , do thou a Conquerour still go ! Ride Sir in Triumph on the Ocean wide And tame these Hogen Mogens swelling pride . ( 29. ) He said , and on his Sea-green Couch sits down To see the issue of the kindling sight : By this his Highness hot , and eager grown , Diffuses valour as the Sun doth light , Till by his raies the English all on fire , Make the Dutch Valour soon like smoke expire . ( 30. ) They fire at greatest distance , and the air Not us they beat , and make the water fly , They hope the noise us a far off will scare , For they much fear that we will come too nigh : But ours bear bravely up , nor spent a shot Till almost certain that they loose it not . ( 31. ) Now near enough , discharged Canons send Pluto a present of Dutch souls , who take A sudden leave of sprangling corpse , and wend To lower shades over the Stygian lake : Who came in hopes as high as Ships on float , Now sail to their long home in Charon's Boat. ( 32. ) When our brave Admiral on lofty deck Stands brandishing his Sword , confronting death , Whose influence to fear in all gives check , And inspires valiant heat by his warm breath . Whom as a noble prey Opdam espies , And with a daring fierceness at him flies . ( 33. ) Him others follow , all the Duke engage , Who life to his , and death to their men throws From martial brows , which with a smiling rage Strike awful love into his very foes . Put five (g) to one is odds , yet so he shows His presence counter-vaileth four of those . ( 34. ) Smith saw the unequal combate , and straight flew With wind fill'd canvase wings the Duke to shield , Himself between the Duke , and Dutch he threw , Nor gives them time to choose , die , flie , or yield : One broad side given unto Opdam blows Him up , and blew away the other foes . ( 35. ) Now bragging Opdam ( set in Chair of State As still alive ( though kill'd before some say ) With cosening shew his men to animate ) Sinks down in Triumph , leading more the way To Stix and Acheron , where such as shall Descend , will find him Pluto's Admiral . ( 36. ) Mean while Prince Rupert doth like lightning fall Among the scattered Squadrons of the Dutch , VVhere he finds none , makes way like Hanibal , Who many fights have seen , saw never such : With murd'ring broad-sides opening passage wide : His dreadful Frigate thorough them doth glide . ( 37 ) Passing , on either side he shares his shot , To which Dutch Hulls so weak resistance make , That speedy death enters at ev'ry plot , And sinking ships a shrieking farewel take , And shiver'd splinters from torn planks that fly To many deaths make one shot multiply . ( 83. ) Thorough , he tacks about , and soon returns , And from loud Guns repeats the doom of wounds , And death to them , some sinks , some takes , some burns , And hundreds makes fall into lasting swounds : While his besieged batter'd Pinnace stood A floating Castle in a Sea of blood . ( 39. ) Experience now doth give a just allay To his high metal , both in him do meet So duly temper'd , that he justly may Lead a Land Army , or conduct a Fleet : In Conduct wary , and in Counsel grave , In Courage fiery , and in Conquest brave . ( 40. ) Here gallant Holms too , bold defiance gave To Trump , and all his fury , whom he made ' Twice quit his sinking ship his life to save , Who in a Boat got home at last , 't is said : Where landing , if the women could have catch't him , For slaughter'd sons , and husbands they 'd have scratch't him . ( 41. ) Now all this time the ecchoing air resounds , The noise of war to many aking hearts On trembling Holland , and on English grounds , Each wound in sympathizing bosomes smarts : But now the routed Dutch invoke the winds , Hoyse all their sails too slack for flying minds . ( 42. ) All steer for nearest Ports where their folk stand Expecting them laden with spoils to come ; But see them with stretcht Canvase fly to Land , And the pursuing English drive them home . Whose guns , and shouts strengthning the winds the more , Hast fleeing Belgians to their wisht for shore . ( 43. ) Got into Harbour , there they skulking lie , By our Triumphant daring Navy aw'd : So creeps the tim'rous Hare to some wood by , And squatted lies , hearing the Hounds abroad : From smitten brests now doleful cries rebound , For sons , and husbands not returned found . ( 44. ) Mean while our crouded shore with shouts doth ring Of joyful people , which with longing eye Behold the Vessels that doth tidings bring , And Colours (h) Trophies of our Victorie : And conqu'ring Frigates bringing home their prize , Make thundring Guns shake th' earth , and rend the skies . ( 45. ) Whose kind salute our watchful Forts return With as loud welcome , and the watry store , Proud of the Worthies on its waves are born , Curvets , and foams , and gallops to the shore : Where landed Captives , and the taken prize Do take our hearts , and captivate our eyes . ( 46. ) Now see the fruit of pious management Of war , and all affairs , we kept a Fast Before the fight , and Heav'n success hath sent , Who sow in tears shall reap in joy at last : Le ts owe our glory to Humiliation ; For humble Penitence exalts a Nation . ( 47. ) What Prayers got , let praises give to God ; Who in the first Engagement turn'd the wind To favour us , and be to them a Rod With smoke repell'd to lash them almost blind : Nor will our giving God the greatest glory At all eclipse mans honour in the story . ( 48. ) In giving Thanks , we do but sow the seeds Of future blessings , and lay up in store That which in time a fruitful harvest breeds ; And praise for what heav'n gives , bespeaks for more . Thus do Thanks-givings Victories obtain , And Conquests make Thanks-giving-days again . ( 49. ) Now bragging Holland saw they could not beat The English by their single strength alone , From France , and Denmark they seek aid to get , So hope to match us , being three to one : We dread them not , our trust in God shall be , There 's three in one can make our own beat three . ( 50. ) Our King , and Loyal hearts no help require From such consederates , our Cause is good , And God will blast our foes designs , as fire Consumes with sudden blaze the thorny wood . Though Nations compass us about , we shall In Gods great Name , we trust , destroy them all . ( 51. ) The faithless Dane first offer'd friendship here ; And during Treaty tempts us to his Port (i) To seise the Belg'ans Indies anchor'd there , A Squadron under Tyddiman go for 't : And under sail to Berghen by the way Each Sea mans mind is laden with his prey . ( 52. ) Arriv'd they see inclos'd in Rocks their prize , First Clifford lands the Governour to treat , Who knowledge of his Master's (k) will denies , Brib'd by the Dutch , he means both Kings to cheat : Yet bears us fair in hand if once he knows His Princes will , he our design allows . ( 53. ) Mean while he lets the Belgians plant on shore Their batt'ring Canons to defend their wealth , And from his Castle murd'ring pieces roar , Fir'd by the Dutch , he saith , got in by stealth : Thus basely dealt with , the bold English fall Pell , mell to batter Castle , Town , and all . ( 54 ) Enrag'd to see themselves thus Tantalize , They seek to sink what 's past their pow'r to gain One on a Bed of Spices sweetly dies , Others by broken Diamonds are slain . Rich Odours fir'd in Ships now cloud the skies , As Incense doth from kindled Censors rise . ( 55. ) But this did not appease incensed minds , Our batt'ring balls now shatter houses down , Now thorough Castle-wals death entrance finds , And folk now fear the Sea will take the Town , What will not English spirits bravely dare To do ? for Ships to storm a Castle 's rare . ( 56. ) By this the Governour seems to relent , Desires to treat again , pretending now Th' Agreement made betwixt the King is sent , The order owns , he first did disavow , That what we in their Harbours take shall be Betwixt the Kings divided equallie . ( 57. ) Now he invites ours to a fresh attempt , But limitted with terms to frustrate it , They saw his proffers did success exempt , And wisely thought a new assault not sit : Till they return'd , he would secure the prey He promis'd , they hoise sail , and come away . ( 58. ) Now whether Denmarks King new counsels took , Or Berghens Governour his faith did sell , Few day 's expired ere the Dutch forsook The Harbour uncontroul'd , but a storm fell ; Whereby just Heav'n seeing our wrong did bring , Part of the prize we fought for to our King. ( 59. ) Nor shall perfidious Denmark lose his due , Heav'n will his kindness unto us repay , And he his double dealing erst shall rue , When England shall of Holland win the day : And then have leisure to remember friends , Whose proffer'd leagues but serve their treach'rous ends . ( 60. ) Mean time the slighted Swede may check the Dane , And ballance him on the divided Sound ; Or ancient fame of Swedish valour gain By flowing Conquests on the Danish ground : Whom he may soon in field subdue , and then In Coppenhagen block him up agen . ( 61. ) Nor wish we Munster's Bishop better fate , Who got our coin , and left us in the lurch , By whose deceit we costly learn too late , The German faith is not in Roman Church : Which keeps no faith with Hereticks we know , But did forget that they do count us so . ( 62. ) Holland of France expects a kind Protector , 'T is envy , and not love that makes him such , I doubt he 'l rather prove a sly projector , And only help that he may rule the Dutch : So once the Saxons did the Britains aid , Until this Kingdom for their service paid . ( 63. ) What ruffling France for Holland means to do , Two Summers hence they possibly shall know , The last they complemented to and fro , This their fine Fleet abroad shall fairly show : The third he may to show his horns begin , But if a storm comes wisely draw them in . ( 64. ) Yet proud France blusters with his Men , and Arms As if he 'd win the world , and great plots laies For some Invasion , but no Land he harms , His mind on Holland , not on England preys : The Sea 's an Hill (l) his Forty Thousand men May bravely sail up , and goe down agen . ( 65. ) Le Roche can tell 't is a design more meet For Courtly French to man a Lady home , Than warlike English on the Seas to greet From whose salute doth greater mischief come . If first he had not carried home their Queen , France's tall ships Portugal ne're had seen . ( 66. ) Yet he with promises doth Holland feed Of great assistance which he still delays , Those haughtiness in Belgian spirits breed , But this their expectation still betrays : The greatest kindness he hath done them yet , Was by the show he made to part our Fleet. ( 67. ) Unhappy parting when Prince Rupert went To seek the French , nois'd to be put to Sea , Their joyning with the Belgians to prevent , Which the Dutch hearing came out presentlie : Whom Albemarle's great Duke (m) engag'd alone , Though they in numbers were near three to one . ( 68. ) Their numerous Navy he no sooner spies , Which on the Ocean like a City shows , But he with Canvase wings to battel flies , Whose Fleet looks like an Hamlet to his foes : More great in mind , in pow'r less by far , He hurls himself into unequal war. ( 69. ) His Captains all bear bravely up , and fear No perils where this Gen'ral leads them on , Dangers with him like shadows do appear , Which where bright Phoebus sheds his rays are gone : The name of Monk was dreadful still among Remembring Dutch , his Name 's a Squadron strong . ( 70. ) The Fleets engage (n) , and they in numbers bold , And ours in spirit , now the fight grows warm , Our snugging Frigates do their sides unfold , And their 's more lofty built our rigging harm : We ply'd them thick , & made their fleet more thin , Each Ship its own way open'd to get in . ( 71 ) Among their multitude unseen ours lie , Like stragling Hunters beating in a spring , Until the hollowing Guns do signifie To partner Ships their place ; these answering : Then through the Dutch they cut their passage free , And let in light ; thus one another see . ( 72. ) Long time our few their many counterpoise , The English Valour holds the balance even , If either , the Dutch scale did seem to rise , And the advantage to our side was given : But envious night her sable mantle spread , And from our force glad Belgians covered . ( 73. ) The weary Seamen lay them down to rest To fresh their spirits for a fiercer fight ; Victorious dreams (o) the English minds possest , And black Ideas did the Dutch affright : Those dream of flying Dutch , start up , and shout These startle up to run as put to rout . ( 74. ) Aurora drew her curtains , and did peep Forth from her Eastern bed , and scatter light , Our eager Souldiers shook of idle sleep , And theirs arose with early minds for flight : With wishing heart each homewards casts his eye , And Vessels coming from their Coast doth spy . ( 75. ) Which brought a fresh supply of sixteen Sail , These rais'd their fal'n spirits up anew : Ours heard their shout , and saw : their hearts might fail , If ought the English Spirit could subdue : Whose strength 's their courage , doubling this they vie Th' increasing number of their foes supply . ( 76. ) Our little Fleet was lesser grown by war ; A little from a little 's quickly mist : Their multitude did many better spare : Yet all discouragements our still resist : With such a General they scorn to fear , Who doth the prize of conquer'd Nations wear . ( 77. ) The Noble Duke , what e're his heart revolves , With smiling aspect chears his pensive men , And fills their anxious hearts with brave resolves ; To new assault he fiercely leads them then : Long time with even success the fight maintain'd , No Conquest ever greater honour gain'd . ( 78. ) Another new supply (p) augments their store , And so the strongest strength increasing get ; While our disabled Ships sent off to shore , Unto the weaker adds more weakness yet : But Day these conflicts weary to behold , Gave leave to Night her Sables to unfold . ( 78. ) The careful Duke commands his men to (q) rest , Himself on reeling Deck doth watchful stand , A thousand thoughts perplex his anxious brest No gale of hopes his fervent spirit fann'd : Yet he resolves no English shore to touch , Unless he 's Victor o're the vaunting Dutch. ( 80. ) The rising Sun now gilds the Eastern skie , Both Fleets prepare the quarrel to decide , Victory thus far evenly pois'd did lie , But now inclined to their stronger side : Yet are not ours o'recome when they pursue , But to the flying still the honour's due . ( 81. ) Opprest with number mightiest Spirits yield , When Force , and Ammunition both do fail , The truest Valour wisely quits the Field , Thus wants , and weakness , not the Dutch , prevail , Make our unwilling General retreat , Who yet in this doth still his foes defeat . ( 82. ) In such triumphant order he retires As above former Victories doth raise His great renown , big Frigates he requires To keep the reer , the less securely lays Under the shelter of the greaters wing , And thus his shatter'd Navy off doth bring . ( 83. ) Our greatest Frigates keep the Dutch in awe , If their advancing Vessels drew too near , They turn'd , and by a broadside give them law For distance , one was sunk the other fear , And follow as if awfully they come To see our batter'd Navy safely home . ( 84. ) Only the Prince ( a gallant Ship ) did strand , Whose presence boldest Dutch could never brook , Nor durst approach while upright she could stand , But falling fowl , her helpless men they took : Her self expir'd in flames , much better so Than to be prize to the insulting foe . ( 85. ) At last the Prince (r) whose heart was in his ear , E're since he heard the Guns , steer'd by their Sound , With flying Colours doth far off appear , But French they were , which first did ours confound , And the glad Dutch bore up their friends to meet , And him with warlike welcome kindly greet . ( 86. ) Approaching , he red Crosses soon displays , Which husht their joy , heav'd English hearts , and hands , De Ruyter sneaking back with shame , now lays With craft his bragging Ships behind the Sands , Who with a braving shew now hover there To tempt the eager Prince into the snare . ( 87. ) Fierce as a Lyon he to combate slyes , To check the boldness of this vaunting foe , But the Dukes wibfe upon his Jack-slag spyes , The signal that he should not forwards go , But first consult ; then with a slighting tack He waves the Dutch , and to our Fleet comes back . ( 88. ) With leaping hearts the Prince , and Duke embrace ; The Prince doubts no success , the Duke alive , The Duke sees Victory in the Prince's face ; Both joy , and weep for joy , and weeping strive To tell their sights , and fears , how parted hence , Each shot against the Duke did wound the Prince . ( 89. ) They curse their parting hour , but 't is too late : Now the Dukes wasted stores the Prince supplies , And both next morn resolve to try their fate , For night came on , but soon their hunting eyes Did catch the breaking day , then rowse their men , And to the wakened Dutch stood in agen . (ſ) ( 90. ) In this one (t) day they three days war repeat ; As if the Princes presence healed all , The wounded men , and Ships so nimbly treat The Dutch with Presents of their Powder'd ball , That their vast numbers to retreat begin , Willing to part stakes since they could not win . ( 91. ) Night interceded for a truce again : Her suit was granted , but day calls to fight ; The maimed Fleets lie lagging on the Main , Their chiefest war was now in angry sight ; Their eyes shot death , unweildy Ships could not ; The Princes Main-yard down by luckless shot . ( 92. ) The Belgians bless the time , and now with-drew , In joyful triumph stand for Holland's Coast , Our shatter'd Generals could not pursue ; And this is that great Victory they boast : When we not wont such Victories to make , Disclaim more right , and call it parting stake . ( 93. ) Now our torn Vessels too are homewards bound For swift repair ; The Duke displeas'd he brought No Triumph home , would touch no English ground , Until the Dutch with more success he fought : Took no content , although he had renown For what he did , in all minds but his own . ( 94. ) The famous name of Monk all Lands adore , And though no Monks in England Bishops be , The Monk who soundly beat the Dutch before , In spite of them shall rule the Brittish Sea : He th' honour of three conquer'd Kingdoms bore The honour had three Kingdoms to restore . ( 95. ) This sight the earnest was of great success , Without a Miracle could be no more ; By which wisemen with hopeless hearts did guess The rest for a new fight was kept in store : For if divided us they could not beat , How will they stand by our united Fleet. ( 96. ) Our careful King with Pers'nal industry Quickens his Carpenters with active hands To sit his Fleet another bout to try , Whose double diligence serves his Commands : Now the Streights Fleet to joyn come fitly home : And others , newly of the stocks , do come . ( 97. ) But to maintain the honour they assum'd The hasty Dutch were vap'ring on our shore , Now all would think them Victors they presum'd , Who dar'd the Enemy at his own dore : Nor stayd our ( yet unready ) Navy long , But soon appear as numerous , and strong . ( 98. ) The boasting Dutch our coming would not stay , Nor th' English durst with equal numbers meet , Wisely they hoyse their Sails , and go away ; And after them did sail our gallant Fleet : Now Courages must fight , the numbers even , The glory to the Valiant shall be given . ( 99. ) What ours ne're shun to seek , they seek to shun , An equal combate on the watry plain . Do Victors use from beaten foes to run ? Leave bragging Belgians ! for your brags are vain . These never will but with advantage fight , Nor kindness shew but where they can get by 't . ( 100. ) Behind their dangerous shallows bold they lie , As coward Cocks on their own dunghils crow , Ours mind no danger but to battel flie , Toss't o're the flats by waves that lofty slow : Well overtaken , they their foes engage , And on their own Coast a fierce battel wage . ( 101. ) The Generals did like themselves , nor can More in their praise be said ; Allen was brave : Holmes as he us'd still plaid the gallant man ; And Spraggs from Trump himself shall honor have : Harman through fire and water glory sought , And all the rest there like true English fought . ( 102. ) The fight was sharp , but short , nor could be long Where heartless foes so soon did leave the field : They will not fight but when they 're much too strong , Whose hasty flight did us less glory yield , They from the waxing sight so soon withdrew , The battel wain'd e're it to fulness grew . ( 103. ) Now fled to Harbour close to shore they lay Their beaten Vessels , where 't was pretty sport , To see the Fanfan with de Ruyter play ; As if a Pigmy went to storm a Fort : The Prince , and Duke had pleasure there to note De Ruyters Ship fought by their Pleasure Boat. ( 104. ) While on their Coast as Victors thus we lie , Holms , Holland's scourge , goes on an enterprise ; And with admir'd success burns in the Uly A numerous Fleet (t) most rich in merchandise ; Who when winds serv'd would sev'ral wayes have gone , But end their Voyage in the Torrid Zone . ( 105. ) This done he Lands , and gives a Town to flames ; But in this light our fate we did not see , Who had a greater soon on this side Thames A fire that quench'd the joy of Victorie : Yet prais'd be God , who under all our woe Supports our hearts from yielding to our foe . ( 106. ) See here the vain attempts of mortals care , With restless toil for wealth by Sea , and Land , When Earth , Fire , Water , and the blustring Air Can all devour , what we count sure in hand : With much less labour we might be more wise , If we did trade for Heavens Merchandise . ( 107. ) Even when the flames our London made their prey , Our nimble Fleet was hunting foes at Sea , Both French and Dutch were joyned now they say , This the brave Prince , and Fleet would gladly see : At last they have their sought for foes in veiw ; But her black curtain night betwixt them drew . ( 108. ) And e're the morn did in the East appear , Heav'n as a Mediator rais'd a wind To intercept the sight , no Ships could steer A steady course , nor place for battel find : This storm might Christians furious spirits calm , And on its wings for wounds bring healing balm . ( 109. ) But if Dutch haughty spirits will not yield To Terms may suit our Nations interest , Let foes combine ! God is our Rock , and Shield , And will the justness of our cause attest : By War we seek an honourable Peace , Till this may be , War may not safely cease . ( 110. ) Nor shall while England hath , or blood , or treasure , Or Loyal hearts have Votes in Parliament , Whose Princes will is their own choice , & pleasure , Assur'd the Nations good is his intent : And Loyal London which in ruine lies , Rak'd from her ashes raises new supplies . ( 111. ) Whose fire hath made her Loyaltie to shine , Rich to her King even in her low estate , Nor doth her bounty to her wealth confine , But makes her want supply the needs of State , And will convince both France , & Holland's Fleets , Her Spirit is not fallen with her Streets . ( 112. ) Her Courage , and her Patience both are try'd By fire , and do illustrious appear ; With greater Patience none can loss abide Or with more courage far less crosses bear ; Laid low , her foes to trample on her think , But neither fire , nor water make her shrink . ( 113. ) Relenting Heav'n who hath us soundly scourg'd , These Vertues , pledge of better times , doth give , And if our Sickness hath our Vices purg'd , And Fire consum'd our dross , we yet shall live , To see the War in our full Conquest cease , And London rising from her dust in peace . ( 114. ) Then shall the Wealth of Nations thither flow , And silver Thames be rich as Tagus shore , And Strangers ravish'd by her beauteous show , Turn captiv'd Lovers , and go home no more : The East shall her adore with Incense , and The West enrich her with her golden sand . ( 115. ) In ample glory lofty , and more wide , Her Streets with Structures uniform shall stand Surpassing all the world can boast beside ; The Palace , and the Temple of our Land : And Swains who Heav'n some glorious City deem , Will this the new Jerusalem esteem . ( 116. ) Her Royal Father , whose dear sympathy In her late suff'rings was her sweetest fare , Shall in her beauty , and her Loyalty Rejoyce , and she in his great love , and care : Their twined Int'rests and Affections shall Native , and Forreign Enemies appal , ( 117. ) We have indeed been compassed with woes , Trials to good , and punishments to bad : We are beset by Sea , and Land with foes , Who in our sorrows , and distress are glad : But let our Faith and Courage now appear , Nor let us ought but God Almighty fear . ( 118. ) Who his destroying Angels hand hath staid , Who much from flames beyond our hopes did save , Who twice our Navy hath Victorious made , Whom still the faithful on their side shall have , Who to the patient will their loss repair With double gain ; so patient Job did fare . ( 119. ) Now for the yet unfinisht part of war : Go on brave Seamen , and compleat your glory ! Who die in this their Countries Martyrs are , Whose worthy Names shall live in British story : Lawson , and Mims with honour now do lie Embalmed in the English memorie . ( 120. ) When bullets flie so thick they darken air , The Lord of Hosts in such a storm can save ; Or if your Souls these to light Mansions bear , And Seas your bodies take , the Sea 's a grave Trusty as Earth , and when the Angel sounds Gives up her dead safe as the sacred grounds . ( 121. ) But there 's less fear of death than honour now , Your vanquisht foes will scarce endure a sight , Scarce will their Keels this Spring the Ocean plough , The Conquest 's now less difficult than sight : They , like dull Stars the Sun with-drawn , are clear About , watch their advantage to appear . ( 122. ) Or as full Moons rise when the Sun doth set , Look big , and fierce , as if the skies they won ; Our searching Fleet come in , so out they get , And shine as if the Ocean were their own . But when the Sun looks up , the Moon doth hide : So can't the Dutch our Navy's sight abide . ( 123. ) But the Sun hunts the flying Moon until His Opposition doth eclipse her light : So seek the shifting Dutch our Navy will , Till they eclipse their honour in a fight . As for the French they Meteors are , no doubt ; Let them but blaze a while , they will go out . ( 124. ) Those shine like Stars , but are indeed a vapour , Which hath no proper Orb , howe're it shows , But only upwards cuts a nimble caper , And sinks to Earth again from whence it rose : Perhaps these ignes fatui may jeer The Dutch into the Ditch and leave them there . ( 125. ) But let us pious , loyal , loving , prove To God , our King , our Church , and one another ; So shall the reliques of our woes remove , And prosp'rous days our griefs , and fears shall smother : Our bliss from Virtue we may calculate More sure than any Stars Prognosticate . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64521-e6560 * Sept. 2. 1666. by two in the morning began this fire , which was not supp●●st in all places till Friday morning following . † The roof of Paul's falling , broke strangely through into St. Faith's Church underneath Pauls . * Many Books by the Stationers were put under Pauls Church , to secure them from the fire , but there were burned . * Lud King of Britain . * Who as Stories tell landed at Totnes in Devonshire , Anno Mundi , 2855. and before Christs birth , 1108. years , and soon after built here a City , calling it Troy-novant . (a) Anno Dom. 1086. (b) King of Kent : and moved by Mellitus Bishop of London , to found this Church Mellitus consecrated Bishop , An. Dom. 606. (c) Consecrated Bishop of London , An. Dom. 675. (a) Anno Dom. 1087. Notes for div A64521-e21910 (a) The Arms of Holland . (b) The Arms of Spain , from whom the Netherlands revolting , were aided by Queen Elizabeth . (c) King of Spain . (d) The first sight with the Dutch. (e) Duke of York . (f) Duke of York . (g) Five of their Ships set upon the Duke 's at once . (h) Colours taken from the Dutch ships ours took , and sent up to the King , shewed in the Countries they went. (i) Bergh●n business . (k) The King of Denmark who profered our King that his ships might take any Dutch ships in his harbours , and the Prize to be divided betwixt them . (l) According to the common o●inion that the waters are h●gher than the Earth , and lie upon and heap at Sea. (m) The second sight with the Dutch , in the beginning of June this last Summer , when Prince Rupert and the Duke of Albemarle went General● by joynt Commission . (n) The first days fight . (o) The second days fight . (p) On Saturday even . (q) The third day . (r) Prince Rupert who came into the Duke on Sunday ever . (ſ) The fourth days fight . (t) The fifth day the fight held but an hour or two e're the Dutch withdrew . (t) Con●isting of 150. Sail. A70061 ---- Fore-warn'd, fore-arm'd, or, England's timely warning in general and London's in particular by a collection of five prophetical predictions published by Mr. William Lilly forty years ago, two of Mr. John Gadbury's, anno 1678, and one of Mother Shipton's long since, all at large published in the said Mr. Lilly and Gadbury's own words, purporting I, London's danger anno 1683 and its catastrophe soon thereafter, II, The danger that the Protestant religion will be brought unto all over Europe, and by whom effected and where contrived, III, That England in general will be brought into great calamities and by what means, IV, The extinguishment of a very great family in some part of Europe, V, That the breach of some nations priviledges, ancient customs and long enjoyed rights may produce dangerous effects : all of which are published by the author, not to affright the people with, but to warn them of, knowing that evil before-hand warned of commonly hurts less then that which comes at unawares. 1682 Approx. 16 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A70061 Wing F1556A ESTC R15451 13593739 ocm 13593739 100707 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A70061) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100707) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 426:12, 788:19) Fore-warn'd, fore-arm'd, or, England's timely warning in general and London's in particular by a collection of five prophetical predictions published by Mr. William Lilly forty years ago, two of Mr. John Gadbury's, anno 1678, and one of Mother Shipton's long since, all at large published in the said Mr. Lilly and Gadbury's own words, purporting I, London's danger anno 1683 and its catastrophe soon thereafter, II, The danger that the Protestant religion will be brought unto all over Europe, and by whom effected and where contrived, III, That England in general will be brought into great calamities and by what means, IV, The extinguishment of a very great family in some part of Europe, V, That the breach of some nations priviledges, ancient customs and long enjoyed rights may produce dangerous effects : all of which are published by the author, not to affright the people with, but to warn them of, knowing that evil before-hand warned of commonly hurts less then that which comes at unawares. Lilly, William, 1602-1681. Gadbury, John, 1627-1704. [2], 6 p. Printed for John Powel, London : 1682. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library and British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Lilly, William, 1602-1681. Gadbury, John, 1627-1704. Shipton, -- Mother -- (Ursula) London (England) -- History -- Prophecies. 2007-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-02 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-02 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Fore-Warn'd , Fore-Arm'd : OR , England's Timely Warning in general , And London's in particular . By a Collection of Five Prophetical Predictions Published by Mr. William Lilly Forty years ago : Two of Mr. John Gadbury's , Anno 1678. And One of Mother Shipton's long since , all at large : Published in the said Mr. Lilly and Gadbury's own Words . PURPORTING I. London's Danger Anno 1683. and its Catastrophe soon after . II. The Danger that the Protestant Religion will be brought unto all over Europe , and by whom effected , and where contrived . III. That England in general will be brought into great Calamities , and by what means . IV. The Extinguishment of a very great Family in some part of Europe . V. That the Breach of some Nations Priviledges , Ancient Customs , and Long-enjoyed Rights , may produce dangerous Effects . All of which are Published by the Author , not to affright the People with , but to warn them of ; knowing that Evil before-hand warned of , commonly hurts less , then that which comes at unawares . London , Printed for John Powel , 1682. Fore-Warn'd , Fore-Arm'd : OR , England's Timely Warning in general , and London's in Particular . I Shall begin first with Mr. Lillies , grounded on that ( as he said ) of Mother Shiptons , but was not hers but Ambrose Merlins concerning London , Published in his Englands Prophetical Merlin , Anno 1642 page 91. the words are as followeth . What Lincoln was , and London is , That York shall be ; The fairest City of the three . Brave London prays that day she nere may see . On which he saith , That London in England ( by reason of the unlucky Position of Mars in her Sign , and being Cadent from Aries and Mercury his Dispositer in Combust and in Detriment ) shall indure many a hard shock , two plagues , ( but from Mercuries being Combust , and in detriment he might , and its a wonder to mee why he did not say , that one of those two Plagues might have been a fiery one , as indeed it proved to be ) extream dammage in her Wealth , the loss of many Valiant Citizens , but it shall be with Honour and to her perpetual Renown . — Nor shall any man yet alive s●e the days Mother Shipton spake of concerning London ; yet in time all Cities must have an end : But I rather think that about the year 1683. the City shall be in great danger , and then come to a final Catastrophe during the Revolution of that fifth Conjunction . So far Mr. Lilly in that page , but its danger shall be more particularly declared anon . But by that fifth Conjunction is to be understood that of Saturn and Jupiter , in the Fiery Triplicity , and in Leo , on the 20 day of October , Anno 1682. which will be their fifth from that seventh great Conjunction of theirs Anno 1603. when they left the Watery , and entred into the Fiery Trigon , on the 7 of December in the said year , which kind of Conjunctions seldom or never hapned , ( if Credit may be given to History , Antiquity or Experience , ) ( as Mr. Lilly saith , ) but they were followed with great and strange Changes in the World , both in Civil and Ecclesiastical States , and are as seldom accompanied with any propitious Successes to England in general , or London in particular . 1. For at their first entrance into Aries , called by Ptolomy the first of the Zodiake , and the Arabians the fiery Trigon , which was their first Conjunction after the Creation , and was called their great Conjunction , and was before Enochs Translation . 2. Their Second before Noahs Flood , and was followed with the sad Universal Deluge , Nimrods usurped Monarchy , and the building of Babel . 3. Their third , before Moses bringing the Israelites out of Egypt , and the giving of the Law. 4. Their fourth was also followed with erecting of the Empire of the Medes . 5. Their Fifth with that of the Romans , and the Incarnation of Christ , and Publishing the Gospel to the Jews . 6. Their Sixth with the Translation of the said Empire to the Germans . 7. And their Seventh great , yea and greatest , being their Sabbatical Conjunction , was Anno 1603. which was followed , first , with the Death of Queen Elizabeth , a Mother to the English Nation , at which time was a great Plague in London . And secondly , The raising the Monarchy of great Brittain , and Ireland to the Family of the Stewarts in Scotland ; and could a more memorable change happen in this part of the World , then for a Scotch King to become King of England and Ireland , without blows , considering the Antipathy between both Nations ? And was not this a raising of a new Monarchy , and a great one too , of which James the sixth of Scotland was the first King , and our King Charles the second was and is the first King of the said Race , born in it , and to it , and consequently a proper Native of it , God grant he may live long to enjoy it . And here we are to take Notice , That these said seven Conjunctions of the two superior Planets are all the great Conjunctions that have been since the Creation ; or that will be in some Centuries of years , if ever any more be at all , of which Mr. Lilly doubted , with many more , the Sabbatical one being now already past ; neither do they come to pass above once in eight hundred years . -And further , that there have been but fifteen more in all of those two Planets , since the Creation , as appears by Ptolomy's Table of all the Conjunctions that have been of all the Plannets since , as aforesaid , of which said Table the Author hath a Copy now extant of Mr. Lillies Transcribing . 1. Which said 15 Conjunctions past ; with the next to come this next October , are called lesser , or minor Conjunctions . 2. But the next Conjunction that followed that of 1603. was that which came to pass in seven degrees of Leo , in the same Trigon , Anno 1623. and was followed first with King James his death , and then with that Plague of which was said to dye above 50 thousand People in London Anno 1625. 3. Their third Conjunction fell out to be Anno 1642. in which said year began our intestine War between King and Parliament , which lasted more or less with some Intermissions until 1652. in which year or the next we had a dull Saturnine Comet , on Contemplation whereof , Mr. Lilly writ a second Prediction , for matter and form as followeth . In the Year of Eighty Three , Great Changes there will be . In England , — But Long ere that time poor Merlin sleeps , In his Grave secure ; sad England weeps . Leaves he no Heir , unhappy man , That this obscure Riddle — can Vnfold ? — No. But more remarkable was that which followed their fourth Conjunction in Sagitarius , and fiery Trigon , Anno 1663. when all the Planets met in that house as at a general Rendezvouz to consult the effecting the heavenly decrees , and was followed , first , with three great Comets , in less then Seven Months space , and then secondly with the greatest Pestilential Plague that ever London knew , to the Destruction of near an hundred thousand People , thereby leaving many houses desolate of the Inhabitants , Anno 1665. and then with that dreadful fire which Consumed most of the City and as much of the Suburbs , as it left of the City , thereby leaving more Inhabitants destitute of houses , Anno 1666. by all which we may observe , that the Effects of these last Conjunctions were speedy and severe , though not of any long Continuance . But what manner of Effects have already or may yet precede this now so near approaching on , a very few years may probably determin ; and for as much as the former were , as aforesaid , what may we expect otherwise then that this coming of the same or the like cause , should produce the like Effects , unless God of his great Mercys be pleased to prevent the same . 3. Mr. Lillies third Prediction , saying , page 25. of the same Book , I judge that privately by Lies , Treacheries , fained and dissembled Treaties and Embassadors , and by the Policies of a Jesuitical Faction , all over Europe , the true Protestant Religion will be infinitely distressed , and the heavenly intentions Impedited ; and all those Countreys professing Protestantisme exceedingly molested by so great a Compact of Villains , and false hearted Traytors lurking in the Clossets and Bosoms of Princes , that many shall think that Popery shall return to its old Seat in every Countrey , &c. Consider who are Enemies to the Protestant Religion , viz. The Popish Priests , Jesuits and Papists , with their Adherents ; and where they Harbour , and Contrive their Mischiefs ( if Mr. Lilly were not mistaken . ) 4. His fourth Prediction page 110. of the same Book . Woe to a great Family in Europe , That was , is now , and shall not be ; 't is not old , it s not Antient , but like an untimely Birth , it s cut off and shall not flourish in Branch or Root . Good Lord ! shall the number of Fifty cut off more than five , or shall less then 90. be alotted for four , shall the Virgin be barren , and the Lyon have no Issue ? shall less then 36 end in two ? shall the second end in a Cipher ? and shall seven come to be one , and then none ? The fifth of Mr. Lillies , I intend to reserve for the close of the Treatise . Mr. Gadburies Prediction in his Almanack , for the Year 1678. What art thou , O Crafty but smooth Tongued Enemy , whether Courtier , Causidian or Ecclesiastick ; that thus delightest to obstruct the Peace of Kingdoms , and Republicks , and playest thy Game under a shew of Friendship , Piety and Conscience ; with a seeming compliance with the things thou really opposest ? shall time be so much a Traytor to Truth and Goodness , as not at length to pull off thy Hypocritical Vizor ? Be quiet Friends , it cannot yet be , Eighty Three is not yet come ; But the Heavens and Stars are by Gods Permission preparing matter . Another of the same Author . When Venus shall a Prince and Empire raise And Jove's Constrain'd to give dull Saturn praise , Then shall the Laws and Powers Jove did Erect Strike Sail , and how to a Saturnine Sect. One of Shiptons own Prophecies England thy proper Native thee betrays , Because all Nations hate thee and thy ways . Spain doth Vndermine thee , France doth gnaw , Wales Threats thee , Irish thee by Snares do aw . Thy bravest men do on a suddain dye , And thou thy self dost wholly ruin'd lye , And seest it not , but under feigned Peace , Do'st thine own Misery still the more encrease . Having thus given the Nation in general , and the City in particular , a Prospect of some of the dangers predicted against them , and in possibility may be brought upon them , and by whom , and about what time ( viz. ) Soon after the Celebration of that Conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter , spoken of by Mr. Lilly , and is already preceded as followeth . First , by a restraint put upon Liberty of Conscience in Religious things , contrary to some Engagements past to another purpose ; and procured at the Request and Solicitation of such men as peradventure are of no Religion themselves , or at the best , such a Religion , whose Principle is to conclude ( Papist-like ) with Nulla Fides , otherwise it had never been desired , but we may thank the first Parliament for that . A second precedent is a Mercurial War managed with Tongue and Pen , apt Weapons for such a Warfare . Which is in all the Nation proclaimed by those distinguishing Nicknames of Whiggs and Tories obscenely and provokingly put upon the Adherents to the two adverse Parties in the quarrel ; id est , the Protestants and Papists , just as it was before the War began between the late King and Parliament , Anno 1642. when called Cavaliers and Round-Heads . A Third is , some apparent dangers which the City of London does now labour under , which may be part of the danger Mr. Lilly said the City should be in about 1683. The first is that of their Charter , called for by the King with a Quo Warranto , and as some think is in danger of being lost . The second is their Priviledges assaulted by their present Lord Mayor , who ( as his Lordship thinks ) has drank the Commons out of their Priviledge of Electing two Sheriffs . The third is their Religion in common with the rest of the Nation , and hath been and still is designedly assaulted by its common Enemies the Papists . But the fourth , last , and greatest , and worst danger , preceding the foresaid Conjunction , is the Miserable Divisions the whole Nation in general is fallen into , and labours under , making themselves two distinct parties , in absolute Opposition against each other , of which kind of danger it may be feared , that there is but little hope to escape from , unless the Lord send help some other way then is yet thought of . Therefore let 's yet consider Christs Words , A City divided against it self cannot stand . The present Condition , we now stand Labouring under , may probably be the matter , Mr. Gadbury said that the Heavens and Stars were preparing for Eighty three . This is it that the Popish Priests , Jesuits , and other Papists longed for ever since they miscarryed in their Design Anno 1678. and is the Product of what the Addressors from the North to West desired at the first , and what some Gentlemen near home Solicited so often for since , and which some of the Ministry , Magistracy , and People of the Church of England , do so violently prosecute against the Dissenters abroad , and which the Papists , Atheists and Debauchees of the Nation , do now rejoice in , and hope to confound the Protestant Religion , Laws , and Government by , against which , together with Popery with its ill Circumstances , or for avoiding thereof , a War , with its doubtful events , we should pray to God to deliver us from . Which War I mention the rather , because Mr. Lilly in his Almanacks for 77 and 81. saith , That the breach of Just Priviledges , Antient Customes , and Long-Enjoyed-Rights , will Animate the generality in some Nation to a strong and Sturdy Rebellion . For preventing of all which , that God may bless King Charles the Second , with Life to the height of old Age , shall be the dayly Prayers of this Author . FINIS . A70420 ---- Goodman Country to his worship the city of London L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. 1680? Approx. 19 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A70420 Wing L1255B ESTC R36248 15620526 ocm 15620526 104219 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A70420) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104219) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books,1641-1700 ; 1151:33 or 1725:12) Goodman Country to his worship the city of London L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. 4 p. s.n., [S.l. : 1680?] Caption title. Signed: Honest Country. Attributed to L'Estrange by Wing. This item appears at reel 1151:33 incorrectly identified as Wing (2nd ed.) L1255A, and at reel 1725:12 as Wing (2nd ed.) L1255B. Reproduction of originals in Huntington Library and Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2007-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-06 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2007-06 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion GOODMAN COUNTRY : To his Worship The City of LONDON . ZIR , WE have of late been in a woundy pudder and tattle about your Election of Sheriffs . The King , we thank him , chuses ours to our great content and quiet ; but it zeems it 's your right and property to chuse yours ; and we commend you for being so stout and stickling to maintain your Priviledges : Nor was it a little joy to us to hear how successful you were in carrying the Cause , and that your Battel and Victory was attended with such Houting and Shouting , and flourishing of Handkerchiefs , that the Gyants in Yeild-Hall never saw the like in all their born . We know not well what men you have chosen , nor do we much care what they are , or what they have been , or what they will be ; or what Party they are of , as long as they have money enough to qualifie them for the Office : But this we hope , they are men for the purpose , and will stand stiffly up to preserve our Kings Life , Property , and Protestant Religion . And then bless me , and my Dun Cow , we care not a Fig for all the Papists in the World. For as silly a Clown as I am , I love my Liberty and my Protestant Religion ; and would the Pope and his Agents had been Poxt and bepist when they seduced any of our Volk to Popery : And were I Heir to a Crown , the old Canting Rogue the Pope should be hang'd before he should wheedle me out of it , with the promise of giving me a Heavenly one for it , because I know he hath nothing to do there . And if I were the Son of a King that was murthered by his Counsel and Contrivance , I would see him at the Devil , before he should bubble me into his Religion , for then I must believe that his killing my Father was no murder , and that they died wrongfully who were Executed for having a hand in his Death . For our Parson hath often told us , that the Pope and his Jesuits hold it lawful to poyson or stab , or make away Kings , that are Hereticks or Excommunicate . The Duce take such a Religion , and a Bots on all Rebels and Traytors . Now hang me like a Dog if I am not as great a lover of my Protestant Religion as any of you all . For my Grand-father , and my Father which begot me , and bred me up in it , were very good Scholards , and could write and read , and they always told me , that I could not have learnt a better Religion in the World , for it taught me to be a true Christian , a good Man , and a Loyal Subject to the King , God bless him . Besides , I am possest of vour or vive Closes , which formerly belonged to an Abby , and before I will lose my Londs , I will cut the Popes throat . Zookes , I will never change my Religion for that , which will kill my King , and rob me of my Estate . But now Mr. City I must tell your Worship , that some Gentry-Volk of your Town tell us strange Stories of you , how that you make a woundy noise and buzzle in glorying of your late gained Victory , and that you Proudly and Insolently call all the Protestants that go to Church , by the names of Church-Papists , and Popishly affected . Zump ! what do you mean to do ? Are you for running down the Popish Plot , and will you now disoblige and lose the best friends that ever you had , or will have , for carrying on such a Cause . Did ever men Write and speak , Preach and Dispute against the Whore of Babilon at that Rate , and with such Success as the Parsons of our Country do ? And will you call these men Church-Papists ? I would a Blister had been on that worshipful Godfathers tongue , that gave the name of Protestants in Masquerade to our honest Church of England men . I am sure whatever the word signifies , he meant no good by it : And you cannot imagine how much we stomach the Word , since we now understand it ; for say the Learned , the first Syllable of Masquerade is Mass , and Mass is a Popish word , Ergo , Masquerade Protestant is a Popish Protestant : a most ridiculous nonsensical Invention , to render odious all those that worship God in their Parish Churches . What if we in retort should say , that a Jesuit is a Popish Presbyterian , and a Presbyterian is a Protestant Jesuit ? I think this would not be so absurd , as your calling the Church of England-men Popish Protestants . No sooner did our Church-wardens and Zidesmen hear that you , Mr. City , called all them that went to Church , by the names of Popishly Affected , and Protestants in Masquerade , but presently they went and searched the Book of Martyrs that was chained to a Desk in the corner of the Church , and there they found , that the people that were burnt , and hang'd , and executed in the bloody Reign of Queen Mary , were those that first modell'd and compiled our Protestant Religion in the days of Edward the Sixth , or which professed and practised the outward Form of it in their Publick Churches or private Families . Nay one of our Zidesmen , a parlous fellow at the Statute Book , hath often told our Parishioners , that Queen Elizabeth , King James , and King Charles were Protestants , and that in their Reigns the strongest and best Laws against Popery , and for the Establishment and Preservation of the true Protestant Religion were made by such men , that went constantly to our Parish Churches , to worship God in the same manner that we do in our Town . And were these men then , both good , and true , and honest Protestants , and now must we be call'd Popishly Affected , and Protestants in Masquerade , because we worship God after their Example , and according to the Laws which they made ? A Peascod on these villanous Nicknames ; for you could not have done a greater injury to your selves , nor a greater kindness to the Popish Plot , than by vilifying that Church which the Papist hates , and would rejoice to see ruined . Come , come , leave your madness and fooling , and learn to be sober and wise : for a Gentry man in our Town hath often said , that they are the true English Protestants , who profess and practise that Protestant Religion which was established by Law in the time of Queen Elizabeth , King James , and King Charles . And if it be true which we hear , that your Sheriffs Elect have lately been at one of your Parish Churches , to hear Common-Prayer , and receive the Sacrament according to the Church of England : then by your leave , Mr. City , and according to your own Argument , you have chosen two Sheriffs that are Popishly Affected , and Protestants in Masquerade . Well , Sir , If you have a mind to weaken the Interest of Protestantism in cutting off from you the best and greatest part of the Nation by such scandalous Characters , I am afraid you will afterwards treat them again with blows and bloody Persecution . But if you have a longing after a Holy War , to fight the Lords Battel , Pray keep your Armies within your Lines of Excommunication , as we call them . You have a Magazine of Arms , and a Bank of Money within your self . And therefore if you have a mind to fight , Draw your Parties out every morning to Mile-End-Green , Moorfields , or Islington ; there let them combat all day , and at night receive them that come off alive into your own quarters : But be sure you march not one foot out of the Lines of Excommunication . For should you come once more into our Parts with your Essex-Garters , Orange coloured Scarfs , with great Gold Fringe at the end of them , you are like to have cold Entertainment , and no Lodging : for now we have no Cittadels , no Castles , no Forts , nor any Remains of a Town or City Wall to shelter your selves so much as from a shower of Rain . And as for Mony , alack , we have not enough by a great deal to pay our Landlords . And as for quartering you in our Villages , Inns , or Alehouses , our last prudent Parliament hath by a Law secured us against you . Nay our very women are grown stark mad to hear that there is any cause to fear another Rebellion , because that they know upon experience that they shall all then be rifled of their Plate , Pewter and Brass , their Pigsties and Henroosts robb'd , and they and their Daughters ravisht . And as for our younger sort , they are resolved never to part with their Bodkins , Thimbles and silver Spoons , because their Sweet-hearts made them swear at the giving of them , that they would never more lend such things upon Publick Faith. And as for our Landlords , though they hate Popery as much as your Worship , Mr. City , yet they cannot endure to think of rooting it out of England by an Army ; because they know that their own houses then , will at one time or another be exposed to Plunder , their Horses stole out of Field or Stables , their Coffers broke open , Rents run all away into Taxes , and they and their Children be sent to beg , or serve as Slaves to those that will pity them so much , as to give them Bread and Water . And I have heard three or vour of our Gentry Volk that wear Velvet Coats on Christmas and Easter-Day , zay , that if ever an Army of threescore thousand men get into the heart of our Kingdom , they may easily conquer it , and when it is once conquered , they may make all the People their Tenants : For where Power is , there is Right and Possession ; saith that Varlet Hobbes , And then the Stile of our Petitions will be , May it please your Majesty , our Sovereign Lord the Army ? Nor will your Worship , Mr. City , fare any better , for you shall be continually bridled and sadled as well as chain'd . Then no Counters , Newgate , Ludgate , or Kings-Bench will be allowed , for as fast as men become malefactors or run in debt , or break , they will presently take refuge under the wings of the Army , and live upon Pay and Plunder . Nay , the very Apprentices , if they do not like their Masters , will presently run to the Army , and be dubb'd Freemen . Whatever may be the cause of your Heats and Divisions , we are sure , that none amongst us clamor and rail against the present Government , but the disgusted , discontented , and indigent persons : For we observed in our Towns , that the most active and violent men for Petitioning , were quondam Committee-Men , and Sequestrators , and those that were concerned in Crown and Church-Lands , and those that were decaying in their Trades ; for men that have good Estates , and thrive in their Callings , will never be so mad and foolish to put Government into Confusion and War , since they only all men must run the hazard of losing all they have . For as the contesting between parties for Superiority in a Nation will at last come to blows and fighting , so such a sort of Controversie cannot be maintain'd without Money . And as our late unnatural War begat such Taxes and Impositions , as England never heard of before , so another like War will revive the same , or put some men upon inventing others far more grievous and intolerable . And then how like fools shall we all look one upon another , when we have changed our King and civil Government , which secures our Rights , Liberties , Properties and Priviledges , for a Sovereign Lord the Army , and the tyranny of the Sword , which alwayes plunders a People of these Riches , and oppresses them with slavery and bondage . Perhaps Mr. City , you are not now designing such a thing as this , and without a pair of Spectacles you cannot see those that are : But if it should come to pass ( which God forbid ) then you will say I am a Conjurer , and cry , A vow to God , who would a thought it . No doubt , but very good and honest men were concern'd in those unhappy affairs of Vorty , and Vorty one ; and had no other inteniton at first , but to remove or redress some grievances which they then zaid were in Church and State : Yet when these good men went to Reformation , how soon were they carried off from the Jack they aimed at , by an undiscernable byass that was in the Bowl , and unexpected rub in the way . And then by the wiles and stratagems of Jesuited Polititians , how strangely were they carried to all manner of extravagancies ; insomuch that they found they could not be safe , without being the monsters of Wickedness and Villany ? And the same restless Spirits , and Machiavillian Brains are now at work , and unless there be a very speedy , prudent and vigilant care taken to cool and moderate the furious temper and fiery zeal of some that are call'd Protestants , I dare foretell , you will have another civil War , and far more bloody than the former . It 's no matter who are Presbyterians , or Independents , or Anabaptists , so they be for the Protestant Religion and Interest : And as long as they are for that , the Church of England-men heartily joyn with them . But if these several persuasions ( to gratifie the Papists , and further their designs ) shall persist to vilifie the Church of England-men , by saying they are Popishly affected , or Protestants in Masquerade ; Then the Church of England-men have nothing else to do , but to commit their Cause to God , and to acquiesce in his Providence , with this Declaration to the World : That Fire and Fagot will never make them Papists ; and Sequestration , Imprisonment and Death will never force them to be Fanaticks and Rebells . Thus wishing you all Peace and Prosperity , and to keep out of the need of another Act of Indempnity , I rest your Worships true and hearty lover and humble servant Honest Country . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A70420-e10 The Reason why the Country applauds the Cities Choice . It is no matter who the City chooses for Sheriffs , so they are Protestants and wealthy . It is very irrational to change Protestantism for Popery . Especially if a man have been bred up in the Protestant Religion , and is heir to a good Estate . The imprudence of the City in calling the Church of England men Protestants in Masquerade Or saying that they are Popishly Affected . Country Church wardens and Sidemen can prove out of the Book of Martyrs , and the Statute Law of England , that the men of the Church of England are the best and truest sort of Protestants . Advice to leave off Nicknames . Or else your Sheriffs Elect are Protestants in Masquerade and Popishly Affected . Where is the most proper place to manage a rebellious War. The Country unfit to entertain a rebellious Army . The Country unwilling . The Country unable to maintain another Civil War. Have a care of making an Army our Sovereign Lord and Tyrant . The City utterly undone if they set up an Army . None discontented at the present Government , but old Committee men , Sequestrators , Purchasers of Crown and Church Lands , and Bankrupts . No war without Money , and no Money without insufferable Taxes . Folly to change a good condition for a bad one . The City perhaps doth not intend Tumult and Rebellion . But the Papists will drive them to it , unless speedily and prudently prevented . Lay aside Parties and Factions . The Church of England-men are resolved neither to be Papists nor Rebels . A63202 ---- The tryal of Tho. Pilkington, Esq., Samuel Shute, Esq., sheriffs, Henry Cornish, alderman, Ford Lord Grey of Werk, Sir Tho. Player, Knt. Chamberlain of London, Slingsby Bethel, Esq., Francis Jenks, John Deagle, Richard Freeman, Richard Goodenough, Robert Key, John Wickham, Samuel Swinock, John Jekyll, Sen. for the riot at Guild-Hall, on Midsommer-Day [sic], 1682 : being the day for election of sheriffs for the year ensuing. Pilkington, Thomas, Sir, d. 1691. 1683 Approx. 235 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A63202 Wing T2231 ESTC R14605 11845380 ocm 11845380 49826 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A63202) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49826) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 554:4) The tryal of Tho. Pilkington, Esq., Samuel Shute, Esq., sheriffs, Henry Cornish, alderman, Ford Lord Grey of Werk, Sir Tho. Player, Knt. Chamberlain of London, Slingsby Bethel, Esq., Francis Jenks, John Deagle, Richard Freeman, Richard Goodenough, Robert Key, John Wickham, Samuel Swinock, John Jekyll, Sen. for the riot at Guild-Hall, on Midsommer-Day [sic], 1682 : being the day for election of sheriffs for the year ensuing. Pilkington, Thomas, Sir, d. 1691. Shute, Samuel, defendant. England and Wales. Court of King's Bench. [2], 58 p. [i.e. 60] p. Printed for Thomas Dring ..., London : 1683. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2006-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-06 Jason Colman Sampled and proofread 2006-06 Jason Colman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE TRYAL OF Tho. Pilkington , Esq Sheriffs Samuel Shute , Esq Sheriffs Henry Cornish , Alderman . Ford Lord Grey of Werk . Sir Tho. Player , K nt . Chamberlain of London . Slingsby Bethel , Esq Francis Jenks . John Deagle . Richard Freeman . Richard Goodenough . Robert Key . John Wickham . Samuel Swinock . John Jekyll , Sen. FOR THE RIOT AT GUILD-HALL , On MIDSOMMER-DAY , 1682. BEING THE Day for Election of SHERIFFS for the Year ensuing . LONDON , Printed for Thomas Dring at the Harrow at the Corner of Chancery-Lane end in Fleetstreet , 1683. May the 11. 1683. I do Appoint Thomas Dring to Print this Tryal , and that no other Person presume to Print the same . Edm. Saunders . On Tuesday the Eighth Day of May , at the Sessions of Nisi Prius , at the Guild-Hall of the City of London , held there for the County of the said City , before the Honourable Sir Edmond Saunders Knight , Chief Justice of his Majestie 's Court of King's-Bench ; an Information was brought at the King's Suit , against Thomas Pilkington Sheriff , Samuel Shute Sheriff , Henry Cornish Alderm . Ford Lord Grey of Werk , Sir Thomas Player Kt. Slingsby Bethel Esq Francis Jenks , John Deagle , Richard Freeman , Richard Goodenough , Robert Key , John Wickham , Samuel Swinock , John Jekyll Senior , &c. The Court being sate , the Tryal proceeded . CRYER , YOU Good Men of Nisi Prius summoned 〈◊〉 appear here this Day between our Soveraign Lord the King , and Thomas Pilkington , and others , Defendants : Answer to your Names , and save your Issues . The Jury appeared . Mr. Sommers , MY Lord , I am to Challenge the Array . Mr. Thomson , My Lord , I desire this Challenge may be read . The Challenge read in French. L. C. J. Gentlemen , I am sorry you should have so bad an Opinion of me , as to be so little a Lawyer not to know this is but a Trifle , and nothing in 't . Pray , Gentlemen don't put these things upon me . Mr. Thomson , I desire it may be read my Lord. L. C. J. You would not have done this before another Judge : You would not have done it if Sir Matthew Hale had been here . Mr. Thomson , My Lord , I believe if there had been nothing in it , it would not have been sign'd . Mr. Att. Gen. Very few but Mr. Thomson would urge it . Mr. Thomson , I don't know whether you think so , or not , Mr. Attorney ; but I have a great deal to offer , if you please to Answer it . We offer our Challenge in Point of Law. L. C. J. There is no Law in it . Mr. Thomson , We desire it may be read in English . L. C. J. Why ? Do you think I don't understand it ; this is only to tickle the People . The Challenge read by the Clark accordingly . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Here 's a Tale of a Tub indeed . L. C. J. Ay ▪ it is nothing else , and I wonder Lawyers would put such a thing upon me . Mr. Thomson , My Lord , we desire this Challenge may be allowed . L. C. J. No indeed won't I , there is no colour for it ; and I am apt to think there are not many Lawyers in England would have put such a thing upon me : Because I am willing to hear any thing , and where there is any colour of Law , I am not willing to do amiss : Therefore you think I am so very weak , without you think I was always so , and therefore may be so at this time . For , pray now consider , if so be the King's Counsel should come and plead this Challenge , what is the Consequence of it ? I thought you would have said , that the Sheriffs had been a kin to the King , but you have made it worse . You do come with a long Tale here of the whole Merits of the Cause , and more than yet doth appear ; and by this you would have the Challenge to be allowed : In such a Case a man may come and tell a Tale of the Merits of the Cause , and then it must be tryed by the Challenge . If the Sheriffs do return an Inquest for the King , and the Sheriffs do hold of the King a Fee-farm , or have a Pension or an Annuity from the King , the Book doth say , that in some Cases it is a Challenge ; for though they cannot be challenged as being favourable for the Kin●●et for those reasons they may be challenged . But what is here ? Here you tell a long Process concerning a Difference between the Mayor and the Sheriffs , and all this matter is wrapt up altogether ; and if all this were true , it is no Challenge at all Mr. Thomson , We shall speak with all submission to your Judgment , my Lord. — Good Mr. Attorney , give me leave . Mr. Att. Gen. I move for you . Mr. Thomson , If you please you may move for your self , I don't need you to move for me . My Lord , with submission , the Information is not good : My Lord , it is an Information that doth set forth that my Lord Mayor had right of Adjourning the Poll , when an Election is to be for Sheriffs . My Lord , if he had not that Right , it can be no Riot according to this Information . My Lord , upon his Adjourning Mr. Sheriff North was Chosen : My Lord , if that Adjournment was not according to Law , Mr. Sheriff North never was Sheriff of London ; Then , my Lord , here is the Case in this Question of Title , for Mr. North doth come in question , whether he be a legal Sheriff of London . L. C. J. Prove to me now that of Sheriff North ; Pray what Annuity , Pension , or Fee-Farm hath he as Sheriff of London , whereby he is concerned . Mr. Thomson , My Lord , there are other Reasons which I shall shew to you ; and the first Reason , my Lord , in this Case , is this ; it will appear the Election of Mr. North is interessed in this matter ; and if Sir John Moor had not an Authority to Adjourn the Poll , Mr. North was not chosen duly Sheriff ; now if there is a Sheriff chosen in Point of Right , it is a good Challenge . L. C. J. In point of Profit , and not all neither ; for he that holds Land in Capite of the King , cannot be challenged for all that . Mr. Thomson . I think , my Lord , this is a common Case in our Books , That if in case a Sheriff be concerned in point of Title , this is a principal Challenge , because that he is interested in that Title , he is no person by Law to return a Jury . I don't doubt but your Lordship will do that which is right , and according to Law. My Lord , I say , where a Sheriff is interested in point of Title , he is no person by Law to return a Jury , and this Question will appear plainly upon this Information ; for if in case this was not a lawful Adjournment by Sir John Moor , this is not a lawful Return . — Gentlemen , my Lord , I know , will hear me , if you have but patience ; I always speak and stand up for my Clients , as I ought to do . If you please to let me have your liberty , I have my Lords . If a Sheriff be concerned in point of Title , it is a principal Challenge , and the Sheriff ought not to return the Jury , but the Coroner : And my Lord much more in this Case , for that the very Title to the Office of Sheriff is here in Question , and therefore he is no person fit to return this Jury , my Lord. We desire your Lordships Opinion . L. C. J. Mr. Thomson , Methinks you have found out an invention , that the King should never have power to try it even so long as the World stands Say you Sheriff North is not a right Sheriff , Who should have been ? Why say you Dubois and Papillon , or one , or both of them . Now the King he hath brought his Suit for a Riot — Mr. Serj. Jefferies . And an Assault and Battery upon Sir John Moor. Mr. Thomson . That is a Fiction . L. C. J. The King hath brought his Suit , and brought it to an Issue . Why now if so be this Challenge should have any thing in it , then the King must have challenged North , and what must he have done then ? Why , for Papillon and Dubois , they are not Sheriffs in actu , then say you the Coroner . Pray Mr. Thomson , If so be the King had made the Venire either to Papillon or Dubois , or to the Coroner , Whether or no had not the Cause been found against the King , before one Word had been said actually for Him ? You say the Question is , Whether he be a Sheriff or not ? If the King had challenged him , and made the Venire to the Coroner , for God's sake , Had not that made an end of the Question ? Mr. Thomson , No , my Lord , not at all . L. C. J. No ? Then I understand nothing . Mr. Thomson . My Lord , If the Sheriff appear to be concerned , it doth not determine the Cause . L. C. J. But it does by your own Opening now . You say the Question is , for which you do now challenge the Array , because it is returned by Sir Dudley North , supposed to be one of the Sheriffs , and tell the whole Process , how that in truth it is a Question whether he be a Sheriff or not , and therefore say you , or you say nothing , that the Venire should not go to North. Mr. Thomson . No , my Lord , I pray , good my Lord — L. C. J. Should it not have gone to Dudley North , and then have been challenged for him ? Mr. Thomson . No , I beseech your Lordship , we don't say so . My Lord , we say , That whereas they do charge in the Information , that there was an Assembly for the Election of Sheriffs , and that Sir John Moor being then Mayor , did lawfully , according to Law , adjourn this Assembly ; and that afterwards the Defendents , Pilkington and Shute , did continue this Assembly , and took a Poll , and so they would make this a Riot in the continuance of it . My Lord , we do say this , That the Election of Mr. North upon this Point doth come in question ; and , my Lord , we do say , That if that prove not a legal Adjournment , then Mr. North is not legally Chosen . L. C. J. Right , now you have told it in more words . Mr. Thomson . We say , If the Election be interested , they are all Parties by Law. Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Who would you have the Process go to ? Mr. Thomson . To the Coroner . L. C. J. Very well upon my word . If he were Sheriff , it cannot go to the Coroner you know , and therefore if he were challenged , to go to the Coroner — Mr. Thomson . Sub judice lis est , my Lord. Mr. Serj. Jefferies . We desire for the King , that the Challenge may be over-ruled . L. C. J. Ay , ay . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . I desire the Jury may be sworn . Mr. Williams . Certainly if they be impannelled by persons that are not Sheriffs , that is a good Challenge , that is admitted by every body ; now we have made a Challenge , and that is a good cause of Challenge certainly if that were the cause . But now , my Lord , I must confess what your Lordship says , it is a difficult matter to challenge any Array , because they are arrayed by a person that hath an interest , or some such thing , that is a Challenge of the Array , but that is not the matter in this case . It cannot be denied , If these persons were not Sheriffs of London , that that is a good Cause . I take the Result of the Challenge to be this : Say we , The principal question of this Information , the Riot , will depend upon this Question , Whether there were a regular Adjournment or not ? There , say we , begins the question of the Riot . If so be that my Lord Mayor of London that was , had power to adjourn the Court , and it be admitted a regular Adjournment , certainly the Riot would follow , and what follows then ? Then comes on a Question , and it is immediately consequent upon it , that these Gentlemen be actual Sheriffs of London , they being actually chosen upon this Adjournment , they are actually Sheriffs : But if really my Lord Mayor had no power to adjourn , and that power was in the Sheriffs , that they were actually taking the Poll , and the Poll was for Mr. Dubois and Mr. Papillon . Then the Question is , If so be the Adjournment by my Lord Mayor were not a good Adjournment , then the Poll was a regular Poll taken by the Sheriffs , then consequently those that were elected upon that were truly chosen , and then it is a right Challenge . These Gentlemen , I must confess , they are Sheriffs de facto , but we know very well there may be Sheriffs de facto , and there may be other Sheriffs de jure , these things are very consistent . If so be that Mr. Papillon and Dubois be duly elected , they are Sheriffs de jure , but they want the Formality , for they are not sworn , and cannot return a Jury . On the other side , the Sheriffs are Sheriffs de facto , but not legally chosen , and the Riot will depend upon that Question , of the other persons that are Sheriffs de facto , and not de jure . This we suggest in this , Whether your Lordship will receive this Challenge , or whether your Lordship will proceed first to the tryal of the Cause , and let this follow . My Lord , might not there have beeen something in this case upon the Roll at Westminster , might there not have been a surmise to this purpose , because there is such a question upon the Roll ; for it appears that the Common Hall was for the Election of Sheriffs , and that it was adjourn'd by the Mayor : And what followed ? Might there not be such a surmise , that the Venire facias should not go to the Sheriffs , but to the Coroner ? Might there not have been such a thing ? L.C.J. My speech is but bad , let me know what objection is made , and if I can but retain it in my memory , I don't question but to give you satisfaction . If the King had brought an Information against Mr. Sheriff North , and charged him with a crime , there is no manner of question that the King should have challenged as he was a Sheriff , and sent the Venire to the Coroner , or other Officer ; here he is not accused , nor to be acquitted of any crime . Gentlemen , I put you upon this , if so be the Sheriff of London should get a great deal of money ( but I never understood that he got by it ) if you prove that he hath got any considerable matter by the Office , it would be something in the case , that he should be greedy of the Office. But look ye , on the other side , if there be nothing in it one way or another , that there is profit accruing to him by the Office , what can the Law say ? But here was the question between , indeed and in truth as you do open it , between the Mayor , Sir John Moor I think , and the Sheriffs that then were , that was the question between them . Now what is this in point of Law , that the Sheriffs must be challenged ? They must be challenged , because it is return'd by these Sheriffs : You can't , say the Sheriffs do favour — the King. Mr. Sol. Gen. My Lord , We trouble your Lordship about a Question very unnecessary : The Sheriff is not concerned in this Question , neither can the Consequences affect the Sheriff any way . Sir Fr. Win. My Lord , If I don't shew that he is concerned , notwithstanding what Mr. Solicitor says , it is another matter . If this had been upon a common Riot , and not related to the Election of Sheriffs , it would have been harder against us . I only offer a word or two , and submit to your Lordship . This Information doth take notice of the Election of Sheriffs , and of an irregularity in disturbing the late Lord Mayor about adjourning the Poll ; I do believe my Lord , it will not be denied but that in this Cause a Rriot or no Riot will depend upon the Poll , or the Mayors adjourning . If that be so , that which your Lordship is pleased to urge , That the Sheriff gets nothing , yet that he hath assumed the Office de facto , appears by the Return , that is very plain , my Lord , he hath assumed it , and did exercise it . If it appear to be legal or illegal upon the Adjournment by the Mayor , then it must have one of these two Consequences , my Lord , I humbly conceive , till the Shrievalty had been agreed , it would have done very well for Mr. Attorney to let this Riot alone , unless he would have made it a common Riot ; if he would have been pleased to stay till the Law had determin'd who had been the right Sheriffs , then Process would have gone for the King. And my Lord , there is another thing under favour , if Mr. Attorney had been pleased to prosecute for the King ; then surely , my Lord , there was a way to lay it so that the Process should be returned by persons uninterested , and not by the Sheriff whose Election is in controversie : I don't argue out of the Record , but by the Record it self . If in case it doth appear still to be under consideration ; if that be so , I do humbly conceive , because that right of Election of Sheriffs is undetermined , that therefore he might have made the Process to the Coroner , if he would have made it before , but it should not be heard before the Election of the Sheriffs , because it will be a Riot , or not a Riot upon that . L. C. J. Good now , Sir Francis , you mistake , it could not be to the Coroner . Mr. Sol. Gen. My Lord , It is but wearying your Lordship to no purpose . Mr. Wallop . If he be not Sheriff , that Title of his depending upon my Lord Mayors Adjournment , which is reasonably set forth , it is concerned in the consequence of the Cause . Mr. Attorn . Gen. If you please , my Lord , I will answer what hath been said . Mr. Thomson did first urge according to the Rules of Law , if the matter that appears upon the Record to be the thing in question ; that if the Sheriff be interested in that matter , that that is a good cause of Challenge , that is a good Rule , and the Law is so ; but that is nothing to this purpose , my Lord , here upon the Record there is nothing in question but a Fine for the King , nothing to be recovered : Where Lands are in question , as in an Ejectment , if the Sheriff be interested in that Land , in that case that is a good Challenge ; but here appears nothing by the Record , here is nothing in question but a Fine for the King ; so that certainly that Case in point of Law , is nothing to the purpose . Then they say , it appears in the Record by Recital , and in the Information , for that is the substance of all they say : It doth appear there , as it is said , that the Mayor did adjourn the Court , and so the question of the Riot will very much stand upon the validity of that adjournment . But it doth not wholly stand upon that , for there are many outragious actions , assaults of the Mayor , throwing off his hat , great clamors , thrusting and pressing many of the Aldermen ; nay , bruising them , so that this Riot , notwithstanding the Adjournment , be that as it will , will appear in the upshot of the Cause , to be a Riot notwithstanding that question . But in the second place , the question of Mr. North's being a Sheriff or not a Sheriff , no ways depends upon this Adjournment , no pretence of the Title depends upon that , so my Lord , they have suggested a thing that is forreign to the Record ; it depends purely that upon a Custom of the City for my Lord Mayor to elect , not upon the power of my Lord Mayor's Adjournment ; for after that they proceeded on with the former choice of Mr. Papillion and Mr. Dubois ; so that whether that Adjournment be a good Adjournment , or no good Adjournment , his Title will depend upon that , whether at the second meeting or no Mr. Papillion and the other Gentleman be well chosen , and Mr. North not well chosen , so that his Title doth not depend upon this Question one way or other . But , my Lord , that which makes this as frivolous a thing as ever was urged in a Court of Law , my Lord , that it should have been upon Rule before any Direction to the Sheriff or Coroner , if they would have had Process ; they have suggested matter of Fact wholly out of the Record , matters have been suggested that it might have been tryed before it came to Direction ; now there appears nothing in the Record to bring a Challenge to try the Matter ; nay , as they themselves say , it is to try the Merits of the whole Information , that the Information depends upon that Question , Whether the Mayor may adjourn . It is a great Usurpation upon the Government of this City , as they have done in other things to the King. My Lord Mayor is the Supreme Magistrate here , and the Sheriffs have nothing to do in this Point , and therefore I pray it may be over-ruled , and that the Jury may be sworn . Mr. Thomson , We would have , my Lord , the benefit of a Bill of Exceptions . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Swear the Jury , swear the Jury . Mr. Thomson , I have another Challenge . L. C. J. I tell you plainly I see nothing in it for a Bill of Exceptions . Mr. Thomson , We desire we may have the benefit of a Bill of Exceptions . My Lord , if this be the Case of trying a Riot , we must take what advantage we can in point of Law. Mr. Serj. Jefferies , We come to counsel the King as we ought to do by Law. Mr. Thomson , My Lord , I challenge on the behalf of my Lord Gray this Jury . Challenge read . Seignior Gray . Mr. Attorn . Gen. They call that a Newgate Challenge . Mr. Wallop , That was a Challenge taken at the Old Baily . Mr. Thomson , And over-ruled . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , And I pray it may be so here . L. C. J. I think your Challenge is that they are not Sheriffs ? Mr. Thomson , My Lord , is the Fact true or false ? I desire of these Gentlemen if it be insufficient in point of Law , let them demur . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Pray tell me Robinhood upon Greendale stood ; and therefore you must not demur to it . Mr. Thomson , If the Challenge be not good , there must be a defect in it either in point of Law , or in point of Fact. I desire on the behalf of my Lord Gray , this Challenge may be allowed . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , And I pray for the King , that it may be over-ruled . L. C. J. I think you have owned them to be Sheriffs already . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , My Lord Gray did own it in his Challenge , because there were no Knights . L. C. J. We try a great many Nisi prius here sometimes , two or three days after the Term , every Defendant that thinks it goes hard with him , we must have a Tryal still , whether the Sheriffs be Sheriffs , or no ? This that you have done now , may be done in every Cause that we may be trying . Upon your Evidence if you can prove them none you go a great way . Mr. Thomson , My Lord , We desire the Challenge may be allowed , or otherwise a Bill of Exceptions . My Lord , we pray a Bill of Exceptions . Mr. Serj. Jeoffries , This Discourse is only for discourse sake ; I pray the Jury may be sworn . L. C. J. Ay , ay , swear the Jury . Sir Benjamine Newland , &c. sworn , Mr. Thomson , We challenge Mr. Fensil , he hath given Evidence in this Cause at the Council-Table . L. C. J. What then ? Mr. Attorn . Gen. My Lord , They shall have all fair . L. C. J. Mr. Attorney says he won't stand upon it . Mr. Thomson , My Lord , we pray a Bill of exceptions . L. C. J. I think many would not have offer'd it besides you . Shall I go and sign a Bill of Exceptions , to let all the World know this is so , and so all the World must try whether they be Sheriffs of London . Mr. Thomson , My Lord , don't say so , for I think all the Councel in the Court would . L. C. J. If it doth fall out that in truth they don't happen to be Sheriffs , surely you shall have all the advantage that can be for you ; but pray don't think that I will put off a Tryal upon every suggestion that the Sheriffs are not Sheriffs . You shall have all that is Law by the Grace of God , and I am not afraid that you or any man should say , I don't do justice : I am not bound to gratifie every man's humour , I am to do according to my Conscience , and the best of my knowledge , and according to my Oath , and I will do that and gratifie no man. The Jury . Sir Benjamine Newland Sir John Matthews Sir John Buckworth Sir Thomas Griffith Sir Edmund Wiseman Percival Gilburne . Henry Wagstaff Barthol . Feriman . Thomas Blackmore . Samuel Newton William Watton George Villars . Cryer . O yes , O yes , O yes , If any man can Inform my Lord the King's Justice , the King's Serjeant , or the King's Attorney , or this Inquest now to be taken , &c. Mr. Dolbin , May it please your Lordship , and you Gentlemen of the Jury , This is an Information brought by the King against Thomas Pilkington . Gentlemen , the Information sets forth , That upon the 24 th of June last in Guildhall , there was a Common Hall summon'd by Sir John Moor Knight , and thereupon held for the Election of Sheriffs for the Year then ensuing the Feast of St. Michael : And that on the same 24 th of June , Sir John Moor then Mayor adjourn'd the Court till the Tuesday following by Proclamation . That after the said Adjournment , my Lord Mayor made Proclamation for all Persons to depart ; and that the Defendants intending to disturb the Peace of the King after the Adjournment aforesaid , did unlawfully , with many Persons unknown , meet together , and Riotously assault the Lord Mayor . And after the Adjournment by Proclamation , two of the Defendants , Pilkington and Shute , by colour of their Office as Sheriffs of this City , and the rest of the Defendants did continue the Poll , and unlawfully affirm to the People , That Sir John Moor had no Power to Adjourn them . And that they continued this great Tumult three hours , to the Terror of the King's Subjects , and the evil Example of others , and against the Peace of our Soveraign Lord the King. To this the Defendants have pleaded Not Guilty , &c. Mr. Att. Gen. This Information , my Lord , is brought for setling the Peace in this City , and to shew before you all who is the Supream Magistrate under the King in this City : For that , Gentlemen , you see , is grown a great Question , Whether my Lord Mayor is not only in the Hall , but in his Chair the Supream Magistrate . Gentlemen , I must acquaint you , That my Lord Mayor in all times , even before the City had the Election of him , was the King's Lieutenant , and the Supream Magistrate in the City , and no Publick Assemblies could ever meet together without his Summons , he was the great and chief Directer , and this I believe in all your Observations that are of the Jury . I can make it evident , That this hath been the constant frame of this Government in the City : For the Sheriffs , Gentlemen , they are no Corporation Officers , they are County Officers , as in all the Counties of England , and they are the King's Officers for the execution of the King's Writs , and the Preservation of the King's Peace ; but the Government of the Corporation is in the Mayor , and not in the Sheriffs . Gentlemen , The Question now arising here , is about the Election of Sheriffs ; it 's true , there was very disorderly Tumultuous Proceedings ; my Lord Mayor he comes and doth appoint another day for them , and discharges them at that time . We will make appear to you , that it was always his Right in all times , both to Summon a Common Hall , and dissipate it , and appoint them another day , or to Dissolve them , as the Mayor did see cause . The Mayor having according to the ancient manner Adjourned this Court , the Sheriffs they proceed , do not only refuse to obey , but they proceed , and make Proclamation , That it is not in the Power of the Mayor , taking upon them that which never any Sheriffs did in any time , they make Proclamation contrary to what the Mayor had done , and continue the Poll , and proceed and Proclaim the Mayor had usurped that power which was theirs , though afterwards they transferr'd the Supream Power to the Livery-men : But I think no age will suffer that the Supream Powower should be in the Livery-men , that are expresly appointed to act by a Common-Council , which is indeed the Representative of the whole City . But this , Gentlemen , being done by the Sheriffs , having Usurped the Power of the Mayor , they did proceed in a riotous manner ; when the Mayor attempted to go out of the Hall , they struck him , struck his Hat off , and pressed several of the Aldermen , the Evidence will make out in what an Outragious manner it was carried on . If the others had made Opposition , how soon had all been in Confusion upon this Usurpation , that the Sheriffs had set up for themselves , that they are the Delegates of the People , and must appear to be the Supream Magistrates of the City of London ; I think the Citizens themselves will never endure , that those that are but County-Officers , should ever invade the Government of the Corporation . Gentlemen , We will shew you the Particulars of this , and you have nothing to enquire after , but whether they are Guilty of the Riot , or no. Mr. Sol. Gen. My Lord , We will call our Witnesses , and prove our Case by these Steps . For the Question , That whether or no the Defendants in the Information were Guilty of a Riot , in continuing the Assembly after my Lord Mayor had adjourn'd them , we will prove it by these steps , that it is in the Power of the Lord Mayor to call a Common Hall , and adjourning the Common Hall : That my Lord when the Common Hall was Assembled for the purpose of Electing Sheriffs , that he did Adjourn the Common Hall ; and that contrary to his Adjournment the Sheriffs continued it , declaring my Lord Mayor had no Right so to do . And that afterwards my Lord Mayor commanded them to depart , and they continued their Assembly there in a very Riotous manner : And as my Lord Mayor came down , they offered Insolencies to his Person , and they continued the Assembly there in a Riotous manner , and commended the Sheriffs that did assert their Right , following them in a Riotous manner into Cheapside , crying out in a factious manner , God bless the Protestant Sheriffs . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , My Lord , We would call our Witnesses , but for the sake of the Gentlemen of the Jury ; and that the thing in question may be more intelligible , I beg leave to acquaint your Lordship with the Methods that have always been observed in the Elections of this City . My Lord , We will make it appear , and I think it will not be doubted by any man that knows the City of London , That Common-Halls are always Summoned to appear by the Intimation of the Mayor ; for the Mayor himself at any time when he finds an occasion either for the Assembling of a Common-Councel , or the Assembling a Common-Hall , &c. Issues forth Precepts , ( they are words that you Gentlemen do understand very well ) to Summon a Common-Hall , or Common-Councel , as he thinks fit : It is very true , though they do usually make Summons for Midsommer-Day , yet Midsommer-Day being a publick and notorious Day appointed for the Choice of some particular Officers , they are not so exact in the Summons for that Day ; for they do presume that every body takes notice of the Business of that Day : But whereas in the Record there is only notice taken concerning the Election of Sheriffs on Midsommer-Day , it is notoriously known to all Gentlemen that are Inhabitants in London . There is also on that day a Choice of Chamberlain and Auditors of the Bridg-house , and Chamber Accounts , and so down to Ale-Conners ; and the Sheriffs of London , quâ Sheriffs of London in these Elections , are no more in the Case , than any private man is ; That as soon as the Election of these Officers is dispatched , ( for I my self have had the Honour to serve the City some time , and know their Methods very well , therefore I take the liberty to explain it to some of these Gentlemen that are Foreigners . ) My Lord , I say , as soon as ever this is done , an Account is given to the Mayor and Aldermen , and the Mayor orders the Dissolving the Assembly : And , my Lord , it was frequent , before people were so ambitious to come into the Office of Sheriffs , as they have been within two or three years last past ; till which time it was not known that People were fond of the Office ; for they used to go a Birding , as they call it , to get in Persons that would Fine off from the Office , rather than undergo the burden of it ; and when that was done , then the usual Method was to call another Common-Hall for the Election of another : But never made application to Mr. Sheriff to let them have a Common-Hall , but the common way was to go to my Lord Mayor's House , to know his Pleasure , and he of himself appoints a Common-Hall at such time as he prefixes , and then intimates the purpose of their meeting , and orders the Sword-bearer , or other Officer that is Attendant upon his Person in his House , to send forth Precepts accordingly , and there may be sometimes but one Sheriff at a Common-Hall : I have known it sometimes when there hath been never a Sheriff , and yet they have not thought they have wanted a Judge , of that Assembly ; but , my Lord , when all the matter is over , and persons are declared to be chosen into this or that , or the other Office , in the Common Hall , then an Officer of the City ; not an Officer of the Sheriffs , but an Officer which is called by the name of the Common Cryer ; he makes Proclamation upon the Hustings , where my Lord Mayor is Judge , for all Gentlemen to depart for that time , and to give their attendance there at another Summons . And now , my Lord , to make the thing a little more intelligible , there is a difference between the Choice of the County Officers and the Corporation Officers ; For at the Election of City Officers , the Common Serjeant , the Common Cryer , and Town Clerk , are the Officers that attend and manage the Common Hall , where my Lord Mayor is looked upon to be the Superintendent ; but at the Election of Parliament men , the Writ is directed to the Sheriff , and they interpose in all the management , and then the Common Serjeant and Common Cryer have nothing to do , but at such times the Secondaries of the Compter , which are Deputies to the Sheriffs , they come and manage the whole Affair . This I tell you , because I have been pretty well acquainted with the Methods of the City . I do very well remember I had the Honour to serve the City of London at that time Sir Robert Clayton was Lord Mayor , and there was a great occasion to try a person about the Assassination of Mr. Arnold , and the Question was , Whether they should proceed to a Poll or not , because they were to go to the Sessions-House in the Old Baily , in order to the trying of that person . That worthy Gentleman being then in the Chair , I had the Honour to sit by him ; ordered the Court to be adjourned for a day or two , because they were to go to the Sessions . There was no asking the Sheriffs Opinion when Sir Robert Clayton was Lord Mayor , nor there was no such thing then , but now the Case was altered , for Sir J. Moor was Lord Mayor . Now , my Lord , Sir John Moor , like a good Magistrate , endeavouring to preserve the Priviledges of the Chair , there happened a Controversie amongst the Members of the Common Hall , whereby the publick Peace of the Kingdom might have been very much injured , as well as the Peace of the City much disturbed . To prevent which , Sir John Moor , with the advice of his worthy Brethren the Aldermen , came upon the Hustings , and found they were all in an uproar , and not cool enough for any Debate ; for they were wound up to that height of Fury or Madness , that they had not a good word to bestow upon their Magistrates , nor upon him whom their chief Magistrate did represent . For we must tell you , when they cried , Pray God bless the King , as is usual for the Officer upon such Occasions ; many cryed , No , God bless the Sheriffs , the Protestant Sheriffs . Whereupon my Lord Mayor for preservation of the Peace adjourned the Common Hall , and required the Members to depart and come down off the Hustings ; the Rabble , for by the way a great many of these persons in this Information , as Mr. Goodenough , and the rest of them , were not Livery men , nor concerned in the Election one way or other , but came there on purpose to foment and to raise up the spirits and malignant dispositions of a sort of people that are Enemies to the Government ; they came to foment Quarrels , and not maintain Peace . My Lord , when my Lord Mayor came off the Hustings , they came upon him , had him down upon his Knees , and his Hat off , and if some Gentlemen had not come in , they had trod him under feet ; such an Indignity was then done to the Lord Mayor of London , who , I think I may say , deserved as well from the Government of this City , as any Gentleman that ever presided in that Office , that before had not been heard . My Lord , We will call our Witnesses , to prove the manner of the Elections to be as I have opened it , and to prove the matter in the Information . — Call the Common Serjeant and Mr. Lightfoot , the Common Cryer and the Sword-bearer . Mr. Att. General . Mr. Lightfoot , Pray give an account to the Jury and the Court of the manner of Election and chusing of a Common Hall , and the manner of it . Mr. Lightfoot . My Lord , I have been almost 25 Years an Attorney , I always took it that the Serjeant of the Chamber had order to go down to the Clerks or Beadles of the Companies , to summon a Common Hall by such a day . Mr. Att. Gen. By whose Command ? Mr. Lightfoot . By my Lord Mayor's . Mr. Att. Gen. In all your time did the Sheriffs ever summon any ? Mr. Lightfoot . O no. Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Pray Mr. Lightfoot thus , When they were met , what was the usual Method ? Mr. Lightfoot . Before the Lord Mayor and Aldermen were set , the People walked up and down the Hall till the Lord Mayor did come , but as soon as my Lord Mayor came , the Common Cryer made Proclamation , O yes , you good Men of the Livery summoned such a day for Election and so , draw near , and give your Attendance . Mr. Att. Gen. Whose Officer was the Common Cryer ? Mr. Lightfoot . My Lord Mayor's Officer . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . A Corporation Officer . Mr. Att. Gen. Now for the dissolving them . Mr. Lightfoot . When they have done the business , Mr. Town-Clerk , as I take it , takes his direction from the Lord Mayor , and he bids the Officer make Proclamation , You good Men of the Livery , depart hence for this time , and appear at a new Summons . Mr. Att. Gen. Did the Sheriffs ever dissolve them ? Mr. Lightfoot . Never . Mr. Att. Gen. Did the Common Hall do it ? Mr. Lightfoot . No , there was no such thing . Mr. Jones . Mr. Lightfoot , After my Lord Mayor had dismist the Hall , did you ever hear the Sheriffs keep them together ? Mr. Lightfoot . All the People went away , till within this three or four Years . Mr. Jones . Since when ? Mr. Lightfoot . Since Mr. Bethel , about that time . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Ay , in Bethel and Cornishes time , then began the Bustle . Mr. Williams . You say you have been an Attorney 25 Years , I would ask you , in all that time , Mr. Lightfoot , in all that time did you ever know the Lord Mayor adjourn the Common Hall to a certain day ? Mr. Lightfoot . There was never any occasion . Mr. Thomson . Answer my Question . Mr. Lightfoot . I never did . Sir Fr. Winnington . I would ask you another Question , Mr. Lightfoot , Did you ever know before the Election was over , when the Electors were chusing Sheriffs , or polling or debating it , did you ever know in the middle of it , the Mayor against the will of the Sheriffs adjourn it ? Mr. Lightfoot . No , no. Mr. Sol. Gen. Did ever the Sheriffs undertake to keep them together before these late times ? Mr. Lightfoot . No , never . Mr. Thomson . Pray , Sir , this , Though it is usual , after the Sheriffs have taken the Poll , to acquaint my Lord Mayor ; Did you ever know that the Sheriffs have adjourn'd the Common Hall , without acquainting my Lord Mayor ? Mr. Lightfoot . No. Mr Thomson . I ask you one Question more , Do you remember when there was a Poll between Sir Thomas Stamp and another ? Mr. Lightfoot . No , I did not charge my Memory with it . Mr. Thomson . Do you remember when there was a Poll between Sir Robert Clayton and Mr. Kaffen ? Mr. Lightfoot . I was about the Hall. Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Do you remember when there was a Poll between Sir Simon Lewis , and Mr. Jenks ? Who did manage that Poll ? Mr. Com. Serj. I did . Mr. Williams . Are you upon your Oath ? Com. Serj. Yes , I am . Mr. Lightfoot . When they were gone to the Poll , I went out of the Hall. Mr. Att. Gen. Did you ever look upon it that the Sheriffs had any thing more to do than others ? Mr. Lightfoot . No. Mr. Att. Gen. Who were induced to take the Poll ? Was it by the Sheriffs , or the Lord Mayor ? Mr. Lightfoot . I have been appointed by my Lord Mayor . I do know that the Sheriffs have taken upon them to appoint a Poll , and then my Lord appointed his Clerks in the House to be assistant to the Common Serjeant , and the Town-Clerk ; I never was but in two Polls , one for Mr. Box , and another for my Lord Mayor . One went on with the Poll in one place , and the other in another . Mr. Att. Gen. But before that time , Sir. Mr. Lightfoot . I know nothing of that Sir , I was never concerned before . Mr. Holt. Pray , Sir , Who used to manage the Poll before this time ? Sir Fr. Winnington . Mr. Lightfoot , I would ask you a Question , Who managed the Poll before ? Mr. Lightfoot . I have been in a Common Hall when they have been choosing Sheriffs , when several have fined . And it hath been upon the question when the Hall hath divided , and they have Polled in the Hall. Sir Fr. Winnington . Who Polled them ? Mr. Lightfoot . The Sheriffs and the Officers stood and saw them go out , and this is within these few years . Sir Fr. Winnington . Mr. Lightfoot , I ask you thus now in all your Observations when there was any Contest , who was Sheriff upon the Election and the Divisions during the time of Election , and before it were at an end , who did manage it , the Sheriffs , or the Lord Mayor ? Mr. Lightfoot . When the Court had been proclaimed , and the Recorder had spoken to them , my Lord Mayor and the Aldermen withdrew from the Hustings , and the Sheriffs and other Officers stood there with them ; then the Commons proposed who they would have put in nomination , and they were put up ; then the Sheriffs have turned back to the Gentlemen upon the Hustings to ask their opinions , how are your opinions concerning the Hands ? We do think it goes so ; then it hath been declared . Sir Fr. Winnington . By whom ? Mr. Lightfoot . The Common Cryer , or the Common Serjeant . Sir Fr. Winnington . You say , as soon as my Lord Mayor withdrew , during the time of Election , the two Sheriffs managed the Hall. Mr. Lightfoot . In that manner with others . Sir F. Winnington . Mr. Lightfoot , Do you remember who Adjourned the Hall , when Mr. Bethel and Mr. Cornish were Chose ? Mr. Lightfoot . I can't tell . Mr. Ser. Jefferies . Mr. Com. Ser. Are you Sworn ? Mr. Com. Serj. Yes . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Pray will you tell my Lord and the Jury what you have observed in particular , because I mentioned it in the time of Sir Robert Clayton ; mention how that was . Mr. Com. Serj. My Lord , when the Common Cryer hath made Proclamation , the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen being set upon the Hustings , Mr. Recorder makes a Speech ; as soon as that is done , my Lord Mayor and the Aldermen retire into this Court , leaving the Sheriffs and me , and the rest of the Officers upon the Hustings , and I there manage the Election , and when the Election is made , I go up to the Court of Aldermen , and make Report of what hath been done in the Hall. I declare the Election , and I manage the Election , and do it as the duty of my Place . Mr. Williams . Who manages the Election ? Mr. Com. Serj. I manage the Election ; I declare what is my opinion of the Election in the Hall ; and I come and make Report to my Lord Mayor in this Court ; then my Lord Mayor and the Aldermen , and the Recorder come down again . I remember particularly when Sir Robert Clayton was Lord Mayor , it was about the Choice of Mr. Bethel , and Alderman Cornish , and there was a great disturbance in the Hall ; then I came into the Court , and after I had made my Report , I offer'd to give the Paper to the Recorder that then was : Sir George Jefferies , he told me that the people wou'd not hear him , and therefore he wou'd not take the Paper . Upon that Sir Robert Clayton said to me , Prethee , do thou speak to them , they will hear thee if they will hear any body ; for the Hall was in a great uproar , and they call'd to throw me off the Hustings , and then I made Answer to Sir Robert Clayton ; Sir , It is not the duty of my Office , and when I do any thing that is not my Office , I shall expect particular Directions . Then , saith he , You must tell them , I must Adjourn them till Munday , because I go to the Old Baily to try the Assassinates of Arnold . Thereupon the Hall was Adjourned , and Proclamation made to depart ; and my Lord Mayor attempting to go , was beat back twice or thrice , but at last they let him and the Aldermen go , and kept the Sheriffs and me till Evening . At last Mr. Papillon came up to me , Mr. Papillon says I , I am glad to see you , you will hear Reason , says he , why do not you go on with the Poll ? I told him , my Lord Mayor had Adjourned the Hall : Says he , I did not hear it before ; but now you tell me so , I will go out of the Hall : Says I , Sir , you will do very well to tell the Hall so ; which he did , and some went away ; and further Adjournments were made by the direction of my Lord Mayor . Mr. Att. Gen. I would ask you a Question or two ; Who do you look upon to be the Chief Magistrate of the City ? Mr. Com. Ser. My Lord Mayor , Sir. Mr. Att. Gen. Pray , in all your time till this , was there no Uproar ? Did ever any Sheriff undertake to Control the Mayor in the business of putting Questions , or taking Votes ? Mr. Com. Serj. Sir , there was never any dispute till Mr. Sheriff Bethel was upon the Hustings , and then there was . Mr. Att. Gen. As whose Officer did you do it ? Mr. Com. Serj. My Lord Mayor's , and the City of Londons ; I have nothing to do with the Sheriffs , for when there is a Writ comes for the Choice of Parliament men , directed to the Sheriffs , I never do it , but Mr. Secondary . Mr. Att. Gen. I speak of later Disturbances . Mr. Com. Ser. The first Dispute about Sheriffs , since I was Common Serjeant , was about Mr. Jenks , and that Poll was taken by the direction of the Lord Mayor , by the Town Clerk and my self ; and our Books say , If there be a Dispute in the Common Hall , it must be decided as in the Common Council . It is in Liber albus . Mr. Att. Gen. Liber niger . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . No , Liber albus . Mr. Att. Gen. Liber albus ? It is Liber niger , they turn the white Book into a black Book now . Sir F. Winnington . At that time , Sir , when my Lord Mayor was willing to go to the Old Baily , Did the Sheriffs do any thing farther ? Mr. Com. Serj. The Sheriffs did not meddle in the matter . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Mr. King , Pray give my Lord and the Jury an account of what you know of this matter . Mr. Peter King. I have been at a Court of Common Hall 28 years , my Lord , and have been concerned , I never looked upon the Sheriffs to have any concern there . And I do very well remember , Sir George Jefferies , I do remember and know ; they did always in ancient times take advice of the Officers by , and they never did esteem themselves in those days , to be any more concerned than as the best Officers to be preferred before the rest : When my Lord says , Come up , they come in order , the Masters and Wardens of the Companies . Mr. Att. Gen. Who did do the business upon the Hustings ? Mr. King. All of them , Sir , altogether . Mr. Att. Gen. Was there never any difference about the Votes ? Mr. King. Sometimes they have stood upon it . Mr. Att. Gen. When there was a Question made to know who had the most , who decided it ? Mr. King , They generally asked one another , What do you think , and what do you think ? I speak for 20 years together since the King came in . Mr. Att. Gen. I hope in God there hath been a King in England for 20 years , though perhaps some of the Sheriffs that were then in Debate , would have had none . Mr. Thomson , Mr. King , I only desire to know this of you , because I know you know Questions ; I desire , my Lord , to know whether he speaks it to be a matter of Right , or his Opinion ; for we know Mr. King's Opinion will go a great way in this matter . Do you speak it as a thing of Right , or as your Conceptions ? Mr. King , Sir , it would be a thing very confident in me to determine of the Right , but only as I always esteem'd it . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Mr. King , I would ask you this Question ; Pray do you tell your belief upon the Observation that you have made from time to time of the Practice there ? Mr. King , An hundred and a hundred Common Halls I believe I have been at . Mr. Thomson , That 's good store . Mr. Ser. Jefferies , That may be when there are many Fines ; when I was Common Serjeant there were 5000 pounds Fines one year . Sir F. Winnington , I desire you to give your opinion , you say they are all equal that are there . Mr. King , Every Officer in his degree ; for if 20 men go together , he that is best speaks first . Mr. Att Gen. Were the Sheriffs allowed to be there , or no ? Mr. King , The Sheriffs are always bound to attend my Lord Mayor by their Oaths , unless they have lawful excuse . Mr. Jones , Mr. King , Did the Sheriffs ever continue the Assembly after it was dissolved ? Mr. King , No , Sir. Mr. Jones , Or could they do it ? Mr. King , I can't say that . Mr. Thomson , Did you ever know my Lord Mayor Adjourn the Court till the Hall had done ? Mr. King , I can't tell . Mr. Thomson , I tell you , Sir , Sir Samuel Starling did . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , But the Sheriffs could not do it . Mr. Thomson , Nor he neither , for he paid for it . Mr. Holt , Mr. King , I ask this Question ; Who declares the Poll in the Hall ? Mr. King , The Common Serjeant . Mr. Holt , Who directs him usually ? Mr. King , His Office directs it self . Mr. Holt , I ask if the Sheriffs don't agree , who is elected before the Common Serjeant make Proclamation ? Mr. King , They always agree , unless it be very clear ; I have known the Common Serjeant do it several times without disputing . Mr. Com. Serj. When Persons are put in Nomination , and the hands are held up ; I generally ask the People about me , who have most , and particularly the Sheriffs , and so make Declaration . L. C. J. The Officers ask one another , who they think has most ? that doth not give them the Jurisdiction , that they chuse Officers without the Lord Mayor or Sheriffs : but , for ought that I see , these Officers have had more to do about the Choice than the Sheriffs have . These Officers consult one with another commonly , and conclude which side have most ; and then report it to my Lord Mayor . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , First of all , when they put any Question for any Officer in the Common Hall , the usual way of putting the Question is , As many of you as would have such a man to be such an Officer , hold up your hands : And if the Election be clear , Proclamation is made presently : If not , the Common Serjeant asks , Who they think hath the Majority ? Which being declared , they acquiesce . But since Mr. Bethel came in , there have been very hot disputes in the World ; but before his time there were attempts made to keep Sheriffs off , but never before to get Sheriffs on . And after the Election is declared below , immediately they go to my Lord Mayor , and report it to him : and then comes down the Mayor and Aldermen to the Hustings , and the Recorder says , We are informed that such and such persons have been put in Nomination , and the Election passed upon such and such . And then the Lord Mayor commands the Assembly to be dis●●●ved . Mr. Wells , When the Common Hall is first met together , are not the Lord Mayor and Aldermen generally present ? Mr. Com. Cryer , At the first meeting . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , When they are there set , give an Account what Proclamation is there made . Mr. Att. Gen. How long have you known it ? Mr. Com. Cryer , I have been in this place almost seventeen years ; I always come with my Lord Mayor ; I do make Proclamation by Order of my Lord Mayor , dictated by the Town-Clerk ; and I take the words from the Town Clerk , and his words I say ; You good Men of the Livery , summoned to appear here this day , for the Confirmation of such a one chosen by my Lord Mayor , and another fit and able person to be Sheriffs of the City of London and County of Middlesex for the Year ensuing , draw near , and give your Attendance . I never adjourned the Court in my life , but by Order from my Lord Mayor ; nor never dissolved the Court , but by Order from my Lord Mayor . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Mr. Common Cryer , I would fain know this ; When my Lord Mayor is gone , and the Aldermen , during the Election , do you ever dismiss the Court before my Lord comes down again ; and do not you take the very words of Dissolution from the Town-Clerk ? Mr. Com. Cryer , I do so . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , And what is usual in your time when Sheriffs have sined off , who gives directions for a Common-Hall ? Mr. Com. Cryer , My Lord Mayor , Sir. Mr. Att. Gen. Who is it puts the Question , the Common Serjeant or the Cryer ? Mr. Com. Cryer , The Common Serjeant dictates the words to me , and I never take them from any other ; I have taken the Paper into my own hands , but never but one year neither , when they were in a confusion ; the time when Mr. Bethel was chosen there was some difference , I did read the Names that time , and never but that one time . I always take the words from the Common Serjeant ; I never put any Vote , but what I have from the Common Serjeant . Mr. Att. Gen. Do the Sheriffs put any Vote ? Mr. Com. Cryer , Never , Sir. L.C.J. I do not understand him ; I think he did mean , when Bethel was chosen he put the Question by some body else . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , No , no , he took the Paper in his hand . Before he used to take Dictates from the Common Serjeant ; but there was a confusion when Bethel was chosen , and then he took the Paper from the Common Serjeant , and read it . Mr. Com. Cryer , He gave me the Paper into my hand . Mr. Com. Serj. My Lord , they made such a noise that he could not hear me . Mr. Williams , Mr. Wells , how long have you been Common Cryer ? Mr. Com. Cryer , about seventeen years . Mr. Williams , In all that time did you ever hear the Lord Mayor adjourn the Court to a certain day ? Mr. Com. Cryer , Yes . Mr. Williams , To a certain day ? Mr. Com. Cryer , My Lord Mayor adjourned this Common Hall to a certain day . Mr. Williams , I ask you upon your Oath again , Did you ever k●●w the Lord Mayor adjourn a Common Hall to a day certain ? Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Do you remember that of Sir Robert Clayton's ? L. C. J. If so be they be adjourned , to meet upon a new Summons , if there be occasion , no question but he may to a certain day . Mr. Williams , Now we are upon matter of fact . Sir Fr. Winnington , Did you ever know my Lord Mayor adjourn them before the Election of Sheriffs was over ? Here is my Question , observe it . When after once my Lord Mayor is gone out of the Hall , when the Election begins , did you ever know my Lord come and disturb the Election , or adjourn it before it was done ? Mr. Com. Cryer , I never knew any thing of it before now . Mr. Att. Gen. Mr. Wells , do you remember that instance in Sir Robert Clayton's time ? Mr. Com. Cryer , No , Sir. Mr. Att. Gen. Have not you known my Lord Mayor dissolve the Court before the business hath been done ; take up his Sword , and be gone ? Mr. Com. Cryer , When he hath a mind to adjourn the Court , and declare it , I adjourn it by his Order . Mr. Att. Gen. But have you not known him take up his Sword , and be gone before the Election is over ? Mr. Com. Cryer , Sir Robert Clayton did do that before the business was done . Mr. Thomson , Mr. Wells , do not you remember , in Sir Samuel Starling's Case , that he did adjourn the Hall ? Mr. Com. Cryer , He dissolved the Hall. Mr. Thomson , Very well . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , He did dissolve the Hall , and so hath every Lord Mayor since . My Lord , if your Lordship please , I perceive this Gentleman makes a Question , whether ever there was an Adjournment of a Common Hall before such a time as the Election of Sheriffs was over . I will give you an Answer to that Question , and a very fair one , and a plain one : I say , till the time of Bethel , in Sir Robert Clayton's Mayoralty , there was never such a thing as a Poll for Sheriffs . L. C. J. Silence , that we may hear . Mr. Williams , My Lord , we only ask a Question ; we ask a Question , and take our Answer . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Will you give us leave to go on , Sir ? Mr. Att. Gen. Sir William Hooker , Pray how long it is since you were Sheriff of London ? Sir William Hooker , About 16 or 17 years ago . Mr. Att. Gen. You have been Sheriff and Lord Mayor of London , I would only know , whether you looked upon it as your right when you were Sheriff ? Sir William Hooker , No , nor never durst presume to think it : In those days it was not thought upon . Mr. Att. Gen. When you were Lord Mayor , did you order Summons for Common Halls ? Sir William Hooker , Always . Mr. Att. Gen. Did you ever use to consult with your Sheriffs when to call a Common Hall ? Sir William Hooker , Never , and I think no such thing was ever heard of under the Sun , till of late . Mr. Thomson , Sir William Hooker , Did you ever Adjourn the Court before the business was done ? Sir William Hooker , I never saw any such occasion , Rebellion was not ripe then . Mr. Att. Gen. Sir William , Pray thus ; Have you ever in a Common Council , or Common Hall , known my Lord Mayor rise before the business was done , and take his Sword ? Sir William Hooker , I confess I must own it , That when things grew to a greater height , I was forced once in this place to cause the Sword to be taken up and go out , and the Court was dissolved , and durst not go on after I was gone . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Now my Lord , if your Lordship please , I desire to call the Sword-Bearer . Mr. Williams , Sir William Hooker , If I may without offence ask you , how old are you ? Sir William Hooker , Seventy years of age , Sir. Mr. Williams , You say , you never knew Rebellion ripe ? Sir William Hooker , Good Sir , I perceive you are very apt to mistake I lived in 41 and 42. Mr. Att. Gen. Sir William , Can you remember the Meeting in 48 ? Sir William Hooker , Ay , very well . Mr. Att. Gen. Then they usurped the very same Power , and an Act of Parliament to confirm it . Mr. Serjeant Jefferies , My Lord , I desire Mr. Sword-Bearer may be Sworn . Sir Franc. Winnington , Pray Sir , in all the time that you have been acquainted with the Customs of London , did you ever know when there was an Election for Sheriffs , that the Lord Mayor did interpose or meddle till the Election was over ? Sir William Hooker , Sir , of late years I have not appeared , because of an Infirmity , I cannot be long in London ; but in all that time I used to appear , I never did observe any such thing . Sir Fr. Winnington , That the Mayor ever meddled ? Sir William Hooker , Nay , Sir , that the Sheriffs ever meddled : When I was Sheriff of London I durst not presume to meddle , but left the whole to my Lord Mayor . Sir F. Winnington , Did you ever know when the Election of Sheriffs was in a Common Hall , that the Lord Mayor offered to disturb them till the Election was over ? Sir William Hooker , Truly I do not remember any such thing . Sir Fr. Winnington , I would give you a full Answer , I do tell you , as it hath been declared ; My Lord Mayor and the Aldermen came into the Court , and a Report is made ; when this is done , they leave the management of the Affair to others , we come and sit down till it is done . Sir F. Winnington , To whom do you leave the Concernment ? Sir W. Hooker , To the Officers that it belongs to . Sir F. Winnington , Who are those Officers ? Sir W. Hooker , I never heard it disputed till just now . Mr. Jones , Sir W. Hooker , you have been an ancient Citizen , do you remember that ever the Sheriffs presumed to hold this Court ? Sir W. Hooker , No , never in my life . — You may confound any man at this rate . Mr. Williams , Pray , Sir , in your time was there a Poll for Sheriffs in London ? Sir W. Hooker , Truly not as I remember . Mr. Williams , Do you remember any Poll in your time ? If you don't remember a Poll , you can't remember who took it . Mr. Sol. Gen. Pray , Sir William Hooker , do you ever remember the Sheriffs appointed the Common Serjeant to take the Poll ? Sir W. Hooker , Never in my life . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Mr. Sword-Bearer , I won't ask you how old you are ; I desire to know how long you have been an Officer in this City ? Mr. Sword-Bearer , Three and twenty years . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , I desire to know in all your time , who ordered Common Halls ? Who gave direction for the summoning Common Halls ? Mr. Sword-Bearer , My Lord Mayor always . Mr. Serjeant Jefferies , Did my Lord Mayor use to send for the Sheriffs , to know of them when they would be pleased to have a Common Hall ? Mr. Sword-Bearer , I never knew that the Sheriffs did interpose in calling a Common Hall in my life . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Mr. Sword-Bearer , at such time as the business was done , when the Common Cryer had Directions for dissolving the Common Hall , pray who used to give these Directions all along ? Mr. Sword-Bearer , It was done by the Town Clerk and my Lord Mayor's Officers . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Did ever the Sheriffs continue the Hall after my Lord Mayor had Adjourned it ? Mr. Sword-Bearer , Truly I know no such thing . Mr. Thomson . Mr. Sword-Bearer , I would ask you one Question ; If in case the Common Serjeant , or the Common Cryer , or any other Officers do put a Question that the Commons would not have put , who orders them to put the right Question ? Mr. Sword-Bearer , I can't say any thing to that . Mr. Att. Gen. After the Common Serjeant comes up and reports what is done , then what doth my Lord Mayor do ? Mr. Sword-Bearer , My Lord Mayor and the Aldermen go down to the Hustings , and it is declared by the Recorder , or the Common Serjeant , by the order of my Lord Mayor . — I think my Lord Mayor went once down to give them some satisfaction upon a dispute . Sir Fr. Winnington . Mr. Man , during the Election did you ever hear them Adjourn'd before it was over ? Mr. Sword-Bearer , No , Sir , nor never heard any occasion for it . Mr. Williams , The Common Serjeant affirms himself to be a Servant to the Commons , and not to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen ; have you known a Common Serjeant say , he was a Servant to the Commons , and not to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen ? Mr. Sword-Bearer , I never was in a Common Hall upon any such dispute , I am with my Lord Mayor . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , I have known a Recorder reprehended by a very learned Lawyer , for saying , My Masters the Aldermen . Sir Fr. Winnington , I ask you who hath the management of the Common Hall in the absence of the Mayor ? Mr. Sword-Bearer , I am always here waiting upon my Lord Mayor . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , My Lord , if your Lordship please , we will rest here as to point of Right : Now , my Lord in the next place we will come to that which is a more immediate Question before you , and we will prove the manner of it , and the persons that are guilty ; for that is the next step we are to go . — Mr. Bancroft . Mr. Williams , My Lord , they have laid in the Information , That the Sheriffs are duly Elected for one year next following , from the Eve of St. Michael ; now prove your Election to be for that year you have laid in your Information . Mr. Thomson , My Lord , they have certainly in Fact mistaken their Information . My Lord , They do declare that the Common Hall was held , according to Custom , For the Election of Sheriffs , to hold that Office from the Eve of St. Michael , for the year next ensuing : Now , my Lord , that is not so in Fact , nor never was , for the Election is for a year to commence on Michaelmas Day . They take on the Eve the Office upon them , but they do absolutely exercise the Office for a Year from that time , from the Eve. Now , my Lord , we say , that Day is excluded ; we are sure it is a Common Case , it is known very well ; as in a Lease , the Habendum from any Date , the Day of the Date is no part of that Lease , it is exclusive and no part of the Term , and therefore , my Lord , if they do not prove it as they have laid it , we hope they will be non-suited . Mr. Sol. Gen. That is another piece of Law. Mr. Holt , The Eve of Michaelmas Day , we make this Objection , and put you to prove it . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Give us leave to go on : Gentlemen , let us prove what we think fit , and if we have not made it out , then make your Exceptions . Mr. Holt , Mr. Serjeant , I think it is proper to put it now , for if there be no such Election , there can be no such Riot ; for they have made it a Riot in a special manner . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Mr. Holt , under your favour , it is not a time for it now . Mr. Att. General , This is the oddest way these Gentlemen take upon them so : I will not prove it ; and pray be quiet till I come to my time . Sir F. Winnington , Pray , Mr. Attorney , if we have an Objection to make , if the Court pleases we may be heard . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Certainly it was never known , that when Mr. Attorney exhibited an Information , to tell us how to prove it . Surely , Gentlemen , you will give us leave to go on with our Proof , won't yee ? Mr. Molloy . Mr. Bancroft , How long have you been a Servant of the City ? By whose Order was the Hall summoned ? Mr. Bancroft , By my Lord Mayor's . Mr. 〈◊〉 Who hath Dissolved them ? Mr. Bancroft , My Lord Mayor . Mr. 〈◊〉 Did you ever know the Sheriffs give any Order for the dissolving of it ? Mr. Bancroft , No. Mr. Thomson , Did you ever know it dissolved before the business was done for which they were call'd ? Did my Lord Mayor in your time either dissolve them , or send them going , till the Election was over ? Mr. Bancroft , I can say nothing to that . Att. Gen. Mr. Bancroft , I would ask you this , Sir , Did the Sheriffs ever continue the Hall after my Lord Mayor had dissolved it ? Mr. Bancroft , No , I never knew that in my life . Sir Fran. Winnington , Mr. Bancroft , I would ask you a Question , I don't ask you who calls them , or bids them go home , during the time of the Election , did my Lord Mayor ever meddle ? Mr. Bancroft , My Lord Mayor withdraws . Sir F. Winnington , Who are those among the Commons that manage the business when my Lord Mayor withdraws . Mr. Bancroft , The Sheriffs , and the Common Serjeant , and the Common Cryer . Sir F. Winnington , Who manages the Election ? Who declares the Election ? Who declares who is chosen ? Mr. Banc. When the Election is made below , then the Sheriffs come up , and the Common Serjeant , and the Common Cryer along with them , and acquaint my Lord Mayor , and he goes down , and there doth confirm the Election , and withal , when the work is done he dissolves the Court. Mr. Williams , Did you ever know a Poll for Sheriffs ? Mr. Thomson , Do you take the Common Serjeant to be an Officer of the Commons of London , or an Officer of my Lord Mayor's ? Mr. Bancroft , I cannot be certain what he is . Mr. Thomson , If in case the Common Serjeant differ from them in declaring the Poll , is it not usual for the Common Hall to order him to put it up again ? Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Who does make a Judgment of the Election , the Common Serjeant , or the Sheriffs ? Mr. Bancroft , The Sheriffs . Mr. Serjeant Jefferies , Do not the Common Serjeant make Observation as well as the Sheriffs ? Mr. Bancroft , The Sheriffs give their Opinions in it . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Now , my Lord , if your Lordship please , if they had done , we would desire to go on to our Fact , for otherwise for ought I perceive , we shall be in here till this time to morrow , and they say , we must not adjourn till the Cause is over . — Mr. Common Cryer ; heark you , Mr. Common Cryer , Were you present at Midsummer Day when this business happened ? Give my Lord and the Jury an account of the carriage then . Mr. Com. Cryer , I was there at the beginning of the Election , I did make Proclamation , afterwards there was a Poll demanded , and the Poll was begun , and I went home with my Lord Mayor , afterwards my Lord Mayor came back again , and there was a Hubburb ; but about 5 or 6 a Clock , my Lord Mayor came down upon the Hustings , and I adjourn'd the Court till another day ; I did Adjourn it by his order , according as I used to do , and then I went away with my Lord Mayor . Mr. Att. Gen. But what usage had you in going out ? Mr. Common Cryer , I went before my Lord Mayor , I was not with him . Mr. Williams , Where was the Adjournment ? M r. Com. Cryer , Upon the Hustings . Mr. Williams , Were the Sheriffs Polling the People then ? Mr. Com. Cryer , I don't know that , Sir. Mr. Williams , Were the Sheriffs near the Hustings ? Mr. Com. Cryer , I don't know , I saw them not . Sir Fr. Winnington , Upon the Election of them , when my Lord Mayor came to Adjourn the Court ; were the Sheriffs acquainted with it : Where were the Sheriffs ? Mr. Com. Cryer , My Lord Mayor sent to them . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Mr. Weston , Pray will you tell my Lord and the Jury , what Directions you had from my Lord Mayor , and how he was used when he came out of the Hall ? Mr. Weston , My Lord Mayor sent me , my Lord , to the Sheriffs under the Lumbard-house twice to come up to the Council-Chamber , and they told me : One told me , he was upon the King's Business ; and the other said , he could not come ; and about half an hour after , my Lord , Sheriff Pilkington came up to my Lord Mayor into the Council-Chamber , and then immediately came down to the Court of Hustings , and Mr. Common Cryer by my Lord Mayor's order , did Adjourn the Court from Saturday till Tuesday following , and as we were coming out of the Hall , when Mr. Common Cryer had Adjourn'd the Court , and said , God save the King , a great part of the Hall hiss'd ; and but that there were so many honest Gentlemen about my Lord , I was afraid my Lord would have come to some mischief ; but coming to go into the Porch-yard , I saw his Hat off , and I went to catch his Hat , and caught one of his Officers by the head , that was knocked down , or fell down , that held up his Train . My Lord , the Sword was at that distance , farther then it is between your Honour , and where I stand , and crouded far away , and when my Lord came out into the Yard ; Gentlemen , says he , I desire you would go home to your Lodgings , and commanded them in the King's Name to depart : and says he to me , Pray go you back , and let the Sheriffs know , and tell them I have Adjourn'd the Court to Tuesday . Upon my Lord's Command I went back to let the Sheriffs know that my Lord had Adjourned the Court till Tuesday . Mr. Serjeant Jefferies , Both of them , both Shute and Pilkington ? Mr. Weston , No , Shute , t'other was by . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , It was in his hearing , was it not ? Mr. Weston , It was in his hearing . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Did you see my Lord Mayor down , and his Hat off ? Mr. Weston , I saw his Hat off , Sir George , but I can't tell how it came off . Mr. Williams , You say , you saw my Lord's Hat off , can you tell whether my Lord was so courteous to take his Hat off or no ? Mr. Weston , I dare say , my Lord did not . Mr. Williams , Did he , or no ? I ask you upon your Oath . Mr. Weston , I can't tell that , Sir. L. C. J. I can't think that those Gentlemen were so extraordinary civil to my Lord Mayor , that when the Common Cryer made Proclamation , God save the King , that there should be hissing ; those that hissed were not extraordinary civil to my Lord Mayor , and I believe you don 't think so neither . Mr. Williams , I ask you a Question , My Lord Mayor's Hat was off — L. C. J. Ay , and it must be supposed it was to Complement those fine men that hiss'd at God save the King. Mr. Serj. Jefferies , My Lord , if your Lordship pleases , I would desire to know what account any of them can give of the opinion they had of the King , to be sure they had a great opinion of his Representative : But my Lord Mayor I find was so extraordinary civil , that to this Rabble he must not only pull off his Hat , but fling his Hat on the ground to them . Mr. Thomson , I ask you whether you know that any of the Defendants in this Information did throw my Lord Mayor's Hat off , or no ? Mr. Weston , I can't say that . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , It is not a farthing matter . Sir F. Winnington , Here is a mighty Riot upon the Hat. Mr. Weston , Now I desired them to keep back ; my Lord Mayor's Friends did press back as much as they could to preserve my Lord Mayor ; they prest more forward , as the other kept back , and I desired them to forbear ; nay , commanded them in the King's Name , and upon their Peril and took my Cane to strike at some of them . Mr. Williams , Did you ? Mr. Serj. Jefferies , He served them well enough . L. C. J. He did so . Do you think a Magistrate is to be crouded and prest upon ? Mr. Weston , I struck at them , and said , Gentlemen , keep back , and entreated them and commanded them , and all would not do . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , I would only say this , Mr. Com. Serjeant ; What did you hear when Proclamation was made to depart ? Mr. Com. Serj. My Lord , I was not in the Hall when Proclamation was made , but I heard them cry out , No God bless the King ; and I heard them cry out , Down with the Sword ; No Lord Mayor , no King. Mr. Williams , Can you name any Person that said this ? Mr. Com. Serj. My Lord , I laid hold on one man that cryed , No God save the King ; No Lord Mayor ; and the Rabble got him from me , one that I heard say so . Mr. Williams , Mr. Common Serjeant , you say , you heard this ; can you name any person ? Mr. Com. Serj. I tell you I caught hold of him , and the Rabble got him from me . Mr. Williams , Can you name any one ? Mr. Com. Serj. I tell you I cannot . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , My Lord , I hope that will not much prevail in this place , but I hope it doth justifie my Lord Mayor , for endeavouring to disperse the Rabble that came together to that height when the King was prayed for , to cry out , No King , No Lord Mayor . And we don't give this in Evidence against any one person , for it was done in a tumultuous manner ; but they were so fond of this man , as that they rescued him from him ; and to fix it upon them , we will prove they were every one of them concerned in the Riot . — Mr. Craddock , What account can you give of this matter ? Mr. Craddock , I was standing at the place where they Poll'd , and my Lord Mayor was coming towards it to protest against their manner of proceeding ; and Sheriff Bethel came to me , and said , Resist him , ( I think ) he hath nothing to do here . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , That was Bethel , Slingsby Bethel . Mr. Craddock , It was either , oppose , or resist him . Mr. Sol. Gen. He says , he thinks he said , Resist him ; but he is sure it was either Oppose , or Resist him . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Did you see Mr. Jenks there ? Mr. Craddock , I can't say I did : I saw Mr. Jenks just as My Lord Mayor came down , not after . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Did you see Mr. John Deagle there ? Mr. Craddock , I did not see Mr. Deagle . Mr. Att. Gen. How did they use my Lord Mayor ? Mr. Craddock , I was not very near my Lord ; my Lord , I stood at the place where the Poll was taking . Mr. Thomson , Mr. Craddock , We desire to ask you this Question , that you speak particularly to Mr. Bethel , Was it before my Lord Mayor had Adjourn'd the Poll , or after ? Mr. Craddock , It was just as my Lord Mayor came to Protest against the manner of Polling . Mr. Thomson , Was the Poll adjourn'd before or after ? Mr. Craddock , It was after . Mr. Williams , Mr. Bethel , you say , he said , Oppose , or Resist ; did he say it before the Poll was adjourn'd ? Mr. Craddock , Yes , Sir , it was before . Mr. Williams , Can you say what the words were ? Mr. Craddock , It was either Oppose , or Resist , he hath no Authority here . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Which is George Reeves ? Mr. Reeves , Pray will you tell us what you did observe done at this time by Mr. Pilkington , or Mr. Shute , or any person else ? Mr. Reeves , I came about 4 or 5 a Clock to the Polling-place where the Coaches use to stand , and I saw the Sword up , I suppose my Lord Mayor was there , and came to stop their Proceedings in Polling ; and there was a great Contest among them ; some saying , he had nothing to do there : He hath no more to do than I , says one ; Another cryed , Stop the Sword , stop the Sword ; and I laid hold of him , and got him a little way , and made account to have carried him to the Sheriffs , and the Lord Mayor , but some body got him away . Mr. Ser. Jefferies , What did you observe Shute and Pilkington do ? Mr. Reeves , They encouraged the People to Poll. Mr. Jones , After my Lord Mayor was gone ? Mr. Reeves , Yes . Mr. Jones , Pray you , Sir , did you observe either Mr. Shute , or Mr. Pilkington encourage the People to Hollow or Shout , or those things ? Mr. Reeves , No , Sir. L. C. J Heark you Friend Reeves , heark you ; How do you know that Pilkington or Shute were Polling ? Are you sure they were Polling after my Lord was gone ? Mr. Reeves , They were at the Polling-places , and they did not go away a great while after that . L. C. J. From the People that were about them ? Mr. Reeves , No. Sir Fr. Winnington , We agree it in Fact it was so . Mr. Att. Gen. Richard Fletcher , Pray will you give the Court an account of what they did . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , John Hill , What did you observe there ? Mr. Hill , About 5 a Clock , my Lord Mayor came to the Hall , there was with him then Sir James Edwards , and Sir William Pritchard , now Lord Mayor , to the best of my memory ; and he told them he disliked their Polling any more : and there came a tall black man ; says he , Mr. Sheriff go on , it is your business , we will-stand by you ; about a quarter of an Hour after my Lord came out of the Hall to the great Croud , some of the People hissing , and some making a noise ; and one came to the Sheriffs , and says he , Gentleman , why do not you make Proclamation with O Yes , and they continued there till towards 8 a Clock . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Did you hear no Officer Adjourn the Court ? Mr. Hill , My Lord Mayor went home , I saw him within doors , and I came back again . Mr. Att. Gen. Was there no Proclamation made afterwards ? Mr. Hill , By some of the Officers , but I did not take particular notice . Mr. Att. Gen. Who did you see here after you went home with my Lord Mayor , and came back again ? Mr. Hill , I saw here Mr. Robert Key for one , and I saw Mr. Goodenough come in between 8 and 9 here in the Hall , and my Lord Gray came in , and several other Gentlemen . L. C. J. What did they do when they came ? Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Heark you , Hill , Was my Lord Gray and Mr. Goodenough , and Mr. Key , were they among the People ? Mr. Hill , After the Sheriffs came up , they went into the Orphan's Court , Mr. Goodenough came in and out , and my Lord Gray went in to them . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Did they appear among the People up and down in the Hall ? Mr. Hill , They went through the Hall to and fro . Sir Fran. Winnington , What was the Christian Name of that Goodenough ? Mr. Hill , I know him , he that was Under-Sheriff last year : I know him well enough , and he knows me ; yes , that is Mr. Goodenough . Lord Gray , I desire to ask this Witness a Question , my Lord. L. C. J. Let your Counsel ask , my Lord. Mr. Serj. Jefferies , I desire to know another Question ; Did you see Mr. Cornish ? Mr. Hill , I saw Mr. Alderman Cornish walk in the Hall , but I can't tell whether he went into the Room , or no. After my Lord was gone , he did come up into the Mayor's Court , and came thorough among the People . Mr. Thomson . Hill , you speak of my Lord Gray ; upon your Oath did you see my Lord Gray walk to and fro in the Hall , or only came thorough ? Mr. Hill , My Lord Gray came in at that Gate , and went thorough the Hall , and went in to the Sheriffs . Mr. Williams , I would ask you this upon your Oath , Did you see him do any thing more ? Mr. Hill , No , I was there to discharge my Office. Lord Gray , My Lord , I own my being there ; but only desire to ask a Question that will clear this matter . Mr. Hill , I saw my Lord Gray come up those Stairs , and he went into the Orphan's Court. Mr Serj. Jefferies , How long might that be after the Poll ? Mr. Hill , After the Sheriffs came up I believe it might be half an Hour , or a quarter of an Hour , near an Hour . Mr. Williams , Did you see my Lord Gray do any thing more than walk ? Mr. Hill , I saw him come to the Orphan's Court , and they would not open the Door at first ; but they said , it is my Lord Gray , and then they let him in . L. C. J. Your own Councel is asking my Lord ; I am willing you should ask a Question if your own Councel will let you . Gentlemen , my Lord would ask a Question himself , and you won't let him . Lord Gray , My Lord , Though I do not know this Gentleman at all , yet I will venture to ask him a Question : Pray Sir , did you see me speak to any one man ? Mr. Hill , I have answered that already , I say not . Lord Gray , Were the Books brought from the Polling-place by the Sheriffs before I came , before that I went in there ? — My Lord , I was there , and shall give you an account of it . L. C. J. It had been better , my Lord , if you had kept away . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Fletcher , pray will you tell my Lord and the Jury what you observed that day here after my Lord Mayor was gone and had adjourned the Court. Mr. Fletcher . On the 24 th of June I was here by order of Sheriff Shute after my Lord Mayor had adjourned the Court , and it was to call all men that were to Poll to come forward , for the Books were to be shut up , and I went away immediately , I was very hot and went away to the Three-Tun Tavern . Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Did you see Mr. Shute there ? Mr. Fletcher . Mr. Pilkington was there and Mr. Shute too . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Can you name any body else ? Mr. Fletcher . No , I can name no body else . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . What did Mr. Shute say ? Mr. Fletcher . He ordered me to make Proclamation for all men them that had a right to Poll , to come and poll , for the Books were to be shut up . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Captain Clark , pray will you give an account of what you observed ? Capt. Clark. I came down into the Hall , and I did hear a whispering , whereupon I went to guard my Lord Mayor , my Lord Mayor came down upon the Hustings , and Proclamation was made for the adjournment of the Court ; whereupon when proclamation , God save the King , was made , an hundred , &c. I believe more , hist at that , I laid hold of one of them , No King's-man , no Sword's-man , cryed they ; Sirrah , you are a Rascal and a Traytor in your heart , said I , and laid fast hold on him ; but there was a very great crowd , and sayes one or two , For God's sake Captain Clark , do you guard my Lord ; There was Mr. Weston and Major Kelsey ; my Lord , said they , is in danger ; said I , Gentlemen keep by him or go before , I will be in your Rear-Guard . My Lord Mayor was down upon his Knee , I can't tell how he came down , Press on , press on , this was the Cry , and God save the Sheriffs . After coming down the steps , I pressed as near as I could to my Lord Mayor to keep them off ; Now , said I , this is the time to keep the Rabble off , now face about ; I had my Sword in my hand , and with the pommel of my Sword kept them off ; Before God , said I , I will keep you off ; and so I waited on my Lord home , and went and drank a glass of Sack. About an hour or two hours afterwards I came down to the Hall and found the People shouting , God save the Sheriffs , God save the Sheriffs ; What nothing , said I , of my Lord Mayor ? But , said I , this is not a place to quarrel in , let us not quarrel together . I saw the Sheriffs Pilkington and Shute were concerned in carrying on the Poll , and this they continued to do for some time , at last , I am weary of the Hall , said I , I will go home ; and this was between 8. and 9. a Clock . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Can you remember any body else besides the Sheriffs ? Capt. Clark. No , Sir , I cannot . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Can you remember Sir. Thomas Player . Cap. Clark. No I can't Mr. Serj. Jefferies , Captain Clark , Did you know never a one of them that cryed out so ? Capt. Clark. No , my Lord , I was before Sir Robert Clayton . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Major Kelsey , pray will you give my Lord and the Jury an Account of what you saw on Midsummer day . Major Kelsey . My Lord , when my Lord came out of the Court I went after , and some cryed Stop him , stop him ; but I got between them and some of my Lord's Friends kept them off ; but when we came just to the going out , they gave a shout , and I saw my Lord Mayor's Hatt upon his Back . and I can't tell whether he touched the ground with his hand , but I was e'en almost down ; said I , Gentlemen do you intend to murder my Lord Mayor ? Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Who did you see there ? Major Kelsey . Indeed , Sir , I was almost down , and did not see their Faces . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Mr. Trice Hammon , I would only ask you , Who did you see , who did you observe to be there ? Mr. Hammon . About 9. a clock at Night , or something before , I stood at the Door that leads to the * Common-Pleas , and there came in Alderman Cornish and Good-enough , and Old Key , an old white-hair'd man , and by and by my Master Sheriff Shute came out and told me , I shall give you all Satisfaction by and by ; God bless you , Mr. Sheriff , said I ; and he went again , and there I staid till they came out , and then he went upon the Hustings , and I went along with him when he came out . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Who went with him out to go to the Hustings ? Mr. Hammon . Sir William Gulston and several other men , there is never a name in the Indictment more . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . None of them that are in the Indictment ? name them . Mr. Hammon . I have named them . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Prethee name them . Mr. Hammon . Mr. Alderman Cornish , both the Sheriffs , my Lord Grey , Mr. Good-enough , and old Mr. Key . Mr. Thomson . Which Good-enough ? Mr. Hammon . That Mr. Good-enough that stands there . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . There is such a noise that I did not very well hear that word . Mr. Hammon . Goodenough , not that Goodenough that looks upon me , but he that stands behind . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . He falls behind now , but he ran up and down then , and Alderman Cornish was there too . Mr. Jones . You witness , you have named all these men , what did Shute do , or what did he say ? Mr. Hammon . When he came upon the Hustings , he made proclamation himself , because one or two refused it , he did it himself ; and after a while he adjourned the Court upon the Hustings ; this was on Midsummer day . Mr. Jones . What did he say ? Mr. Hammon . As the Common Cryer usually sayes at such times . Mr. Thomson . You say you saw Mr. Goodenough , and you saw my Lord Grey , upon your Oath , can you say they did any thing , or was any thing done in abuse to my Lord Mayor ? Mr. Hammon . They did not tell me , my Lord , what they did . Mr. Thomson . I ask you what did they do ? L. C. J. Mighty busie they were . Mr. Thomson . How long was it after my Lord Mayor adjourned the Court ? Mr. Hammon . About two hours . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . So much the worse . L. C. J. You must understand it was some time before Mr. Sheriff had made his adjournment , they were busie till that time . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . My Lord , if your Lordship pleases , I do agree with Mr. Thomson , that the Jury should remember that this was two hours after my Lord Mayor had adjourned the Court. Lord Gray . I desire , my Lord , I may ask him some Questions . You say you saw me go to the Council Chamber , at what time , and who went with me ? Mr. Hammon . A little before Candle-light . Lord Gray . You say all the Company went out with the Sheriffs , and went away . Mr. Hammon . My Lord , I did not say you came out . Mr. Att. Gen. My Lord was of the Upper House . Mr. Thomson . Yes , and may be there again . Lord Gray . I hope I shall be there , Mr. Attorney . Mr. Att. Gen. It had better you had been so then , my Lord. Lord Gray . It will be the worse for you , I shan't lie Perdue for you . Mr. Att. Gen. If you threaten me , my Lord , I shall take notice of it . My Lord , I have done you a kindness , but if you come under my hands again , I shall not do it . L. C. Justice , They would not have it said , God save the King , and my Lord you were with some of those that abused him . Lord Gray . After it was over , my Lord. Mr. Att. Gen. You were not within your duty here . Lord Gray . My Lord , it was after the Poll was closed . Mr. S. Jefferies . My Lord , I desire if you please , what is usual in all causes , that we might go on without any interruption . Let us go on for the King , and then make all the defence you can . Don't think either to hiss us or threaten us out of our cause . Mr. Higgins , give my Lord and the Jury an account of what you saw or heard . Mr. Higgins . My Lord , I attended with several of our Company by my Lord Mayor's Coach to Guild-hall , and was in the Council Chamber , and he sent for the Sheriff , after that he went away ; and when God save the King was said , said they , God save the Protestant Sheriffs . Mr. S. Jefferies . I desire to know Mr. Higgins this , what they said ? Mr. Higgins . They cryed , Down with the Sword. Mr. Thomson . Mr. Attorney is making a Speech to us , I don't know what he hath said . Mr. S. Jefferies . I don't think Mr. Attorney thinks you worth a Speech . Mr. Higgins , I desire you to ask you a Question , I ask you this Question upon your Oath , after the adjournment of the Court , and after this very insolent behaviour of some of the Rabble that were there , for I can call them no better , who did you see there ? Mr. Higgins . After I went home , I went to see my Lord safe home , and came back again , I saw one Freeman that they call the Protestant Cheesmonger , calling , To poll , to poll . Mr. S. Jefferies . Pray who else did you see ? Mr. Higgins . I saw Mr. Alderman Cornish come up towards the Sheriffs . Gentlemen , said he , you are doing right . Mr. S. Jefferies . Did you hear Mr. Alderman Cornish say so ? What this Gentleman ? Do you know him ? Mr. Higgins . Says he to Sheriff Shute , You shall have all right done to you . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Who else did you see there ? Mr. Higgins . I saw Mr. Swinnock . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Did you see Mr. Key , did you see Mr. Pilkington ? Mr. Higgins . I did not see Mr. Pilkington , I saw Shute . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Did you see Mr. Jekyl ? Mr. Higgins . Yes . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Which of them do you mean ? Mr. Higgins . The Elder man. Mr. Serj. Jefferies . There is John Jekyl the Elder , Gentlemen , and John Jekyl the Younger . Mr. Higgins . I was disputing with a Fellow that his Toes came out of his Shooes , and had a green Apron , said I , Are you a Livery man ? Yes , I am , said he . Surely , said I , they don't use to make such as you are Livery-men . Saies Mr. Jekyl , He may be as good a man as you , for ought I know . That was about half an hour after my Lord Mayor went home . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . What time was the Adjournment ? Mr. Higgins . About 5. or 6. I was speaking something , You are all in a Riot . This is no Riot , saies Mr. Swinnock to me ; I can never meet you but you are railing against the King's Evidence . L. C. J. The Kings Evidence , what was that ? Mr. Williams . What was done by Mr. Jekyl ? Mr. Higgins . He was talking among the People . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . He did encourage among the rest . Mr. Williams . You are in a Passion now . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . No Sir , I am not . Mr. Higgins . He seconded Mr. Cornish when he said , Insist upon your Rights . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Who did so ? Mr. Higgins . Freeman , my Lord , that they call the Protestant Cheesemonger . Mr. Williams . A very pretty word indeed . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Ay so it is , he is so called , you will give us leave to hear what the Witnesses speak . Mr. Williams . Another Epithet would do a great deal better . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . William Bell , what was done upon the spot , was there any hurt ? Mr. Williams . Do you say , upon your Oath , that Gentleman was there ? Mr. Higgins . I have seen him in the Balcony . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . He saies he uses to be there upon publick daies in the Coffee-house . — Bell , I would desire to know of you , whether you are able to give an account after my Lord Mayor's Adjournment , who was there ; name as many persons as you can . Mr. Bell. Mr. Bethel , and I saw Mr. Cornish go through the little Gate into the Yard . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Who else ? Mr. Bell. That is all , Sir. Sheriff Pilkington delivered two Poll-Books into my hand . Mr. Att. Gen. Mr. Vavasor , will you tell my Lord and the Jury what you saw ? Mr. Vavasor . It happened thus , Mr. Hammond had taken a man upon Execution , who was Bail for a Client of mine who had paid the moneys long before ; upon that I came to know who imployed him , and coming here , I found Mr. Hammond in that place , and the crowd was so great , Don't go back again , said he , for you will go near to be abused . Whilst I staid there , I asked him what was the meaning ; Saies he , In this Room are the Sheriffs and some others casting up the Poll ; and whilst I staid , there came in Mr. Good-enough to and fro from them , and before they would admit any , they would know their names ; there was Mr. Key , my Lord Gray , and Sir William Gulston . Mr. Att. Gen. What afterwards ? Mr. Vavasor . Yes , Mr. Cornish was there , he and Sheriff Shute came out together , and they went upon those Stairs under the Clock . Mr. Att. Gen. Who came out with Sheriff Shute ? Mr. Vavasor . Cornish . Mr. Williams . What Cornish ? Mr. Vavasor . Alderman Cornish . Mr. Williams . Very mannerly . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . His name was Cornish before he was an Alderman . Mr. Vavasor . And Sheriff Shute told the People , If they would stay a little time , he would give them Satisfaction . Upon that , Mr. Cornish went through the Company , and when they came to the Hustings , Mr. Shute ordered Proclamation to be made , and told them , Whereas my Lord Mayor had taken upon him to adjourn at 9. a Clock , We the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex , being the proper Officers , do adjourn it to Tuesday at 9 of the Clock . Upon that an Antient Gentleman desired they might proclaim the Election . Then saies Shute , that I can't do it now , for we have taken very good Counsel for what we do . Had it not been for Mr. Hammond , I had been , I believe , trod under foot sufficiently . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Mr. Denham , who did you see ? Mr. Denham . I saw Sir Thomas Player and Mr. Jenks . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Where did you see them pray ? Mr. Denham . In the Yard . I went home with my Lord Mayor , and then I saw them . I had a kind of a glance , but I can't swear positively to Mr. Jekyl . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Sir Thomas Player and Mr. Jenks , what did you see them do ? Sir Fr. Winnington . Heark you , Friend , where was it you saw them ? Mr. Denham . In the Yard . Sir Fr. Winnington . What did you see them do ? Mr. Denham . Nothing at all . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . How many People might be there then ? two or three hundred ? Mr. Denham . Above a Thousand . Mr. Williams . What did you hear Sir Thomas Player say ? Mr. Denham . Nothing . Mr. Williams . How far was he from his own Door ? Mr. Denham . On t'other side the Hall. Mr. Williams . A mighty way indeed , a mighty thing . What said Mr : Jenks ? Mr. Denham . I can't say , Sir , that I heard him speak a word , only in the Tumult . Sir Fr. Winnington . Friend , I ask you this , I think I heard you say you saw Sir Thomas Player and Mr. Jenks in the Yard ; but you did not see them do any thing at all ? Mr. Denham . No. Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Pray Mr. Farrington will you tell my Lord and the Jury what you saw after my Lord Mayor had adjourned the Court. Mr. Farrington . I saw there Sheriff Pilkington , Shute , Sir Thomas Player , Mr. Wickham the Scrivener in Loathbury , Mr. Jenks , Babington , one Jennings an Upholsterer . L. C. J. Sir Thomas Player you say in the first place ? Mr. Farrington . Yes , and Wickham , my Lord , a Scrivener in Loathbury . L. C. J. Who then ? Mr. Farrington . Sheriff Pilkington and Shute , and Mr. Cornish , Alderman Cornish . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Did you see one Deagle there ? Mr. Farrington . No , Sir. Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Wickham you saw there ? Mr. Farrington . Ay , Sir , I know him very well . Mr. Thomson . What is Wickham's Christian Name ? Mr. Serj. Jefferies . John Wickham , he goes by that name , it may be he was not Christ'ned . Was Jenks there , do you know him ? Mr. Farrington . The Linnen-Draper ? Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Ay , very well , he goes by the name of Francis Jenks . Did you see Jekyl there ? Mr. Farrington . I don't know the name , I saw a great many I knew by sight , but not their names . Mr. Holt. What did these Gentlemen do ? Mr. Farrington . I 'le tell you , Sir , there was Sheriff Pilkington and Sheriff Shute , I went in where they were taking the Poll ; said I , Gentlemen , my Lord Mayor hath adjourned the Court , what do you do here ? I suppose it lies in my Lord Mayor's power ; if it lies in him to call , certainly he must dissolve . Mr. Williams . You argued thus ? Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Pray give us leave to go on . Mr. Farrington . There was Mr. Wickham , and saies he , My Lord Mayor hath nothing to do here , neither will we be ruled by any of your Tory Lord Mayors . This is not the first aspersion , said I , that you have cast upon a Gentleman that loves the Church and the Government established by Law ; and they fell about me , and had it not been for Mr. Fletcher and Mr. Hill , I believe they had done me a mischief ; for they trod upon my Toes ; who did it I can't tell . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . But you say Sir Thomas Player and Pilkington and Alderman Cornish were amongst them . Mr. Farrington . Yes , Sir. Mr. Serj. Jefferies . That 's enough . — Pray Mr. Cartwright , will you tell my Lord and the Jury what you observed there , and who was there . Mr. Cartwright . I know the names of no persons that were there , all that I can say was this . As soon as my Lord Mayor adjourned the Court upon the Hustings , he came down , and going out of the Hall , he had like to have been thrown down , had it not been for Mr. Shaw ; and going to save my Lord Mayor , I wrenched my back , and I spit blood for seven daies after . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Tell that Mr. Cartwright over again . Mr. Cartwright . My back was wrenched in saving my Lord Mayor , and I spit Blood 7 days after . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Endeavouring to save my Lord Mayor his back was so wrenched that he spit blood 6 or 7 days after . Heark you Mr. Cartwright ever since that time , have you found any indisposition ? Mr. Cartwright . I have not been my own man since . Mr. Williams . He took a Surfeit . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . He took a Surfeit of ill Company I am sure . Mr. Sol. Gen. Mr. Shaw , give my Lord and the Jury an account of what you know . Mr. Shaw. My Lord , my Lord Mayor sent to the Sheriffs , and ordered them to forbear Polling and come up to the Chamber , and sent 2 or 3 times ; but they denied coming to him , and went on and ordered the Common Cryer to make Proclamation for them to depart ; and if they stayed that he would look upon them as Rioters ; and there was hissing and a great deal of crowd , and there was Sir James Edwards in the Court , they hunched him with their Elbows , and as his Lordship came down going down the Steps there was such a croud , that if I had not catched his Lordship in my arms he had fallen upon his forehead , and his hat was off . L. C. J. Who did you see so misbehave themselves ? Mr. Shaw. My Lord , I can't tell . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . I think we have now proved it against every body we design , save only against Mr. Deagle , for we do not now proceed against Dorman Newman and Benjamin Alsop . Now , my Lord , we will only prove against John Deagle , and then we shall have done . Mr. Kemp will you tell my Lord and the Jury who you saw here . Did you observe any particulars after the Court was adjourned ? Mr. Kemp. I don't remember I observed any one man. Mr. Serj. Jefferies . You don't ? Had you any discourse with Mr. Deagle at any time ? Mr. Kemp , Yes , I had . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . What did he tell you ? Mr. Kemp. He did confess he was there about 7 a clock at Night . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . He did own he was amongst them ? Mr. Kemp. Yes , with Alderman Cornish . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . What say you , Mr. Rigby ? Mr. Rigby . I saw him about 7 aclock . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Was he in the crowd ? Mr. Rigby . Yes , amongst the People . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Here is all now , Gentlemen , but Dorman Newman , and Benjamin Alsop , and we don't go against them now . After they had done this , and hist at the King , and cried , No King , no Lord Mayor , what acclamations went these People off with ? Mr. Hammond . When the Court was broke up by the Sheriffs , they cryed , God save our true Protestant Sheriffs , and in that manner they followed us . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . What say you ? Mr. Hammond . They hollowed us home , Sir , as far as fishmonger's Hall. Mr. Serj. Jefferies . They began with a hiss , and ended with a hollow . Mr. Williams . Gentlemen , I am Councel for the Defendants , and my Lord , the question is under favour , Whether these persons taken for Defendants , whether they be guility of this Riot , as it is laid in the Information . We are now upon as special Case , and the question is , Whether guilty , or not guilty . My Lord , in the first place for the Cries , what the Cry was , hath been too often mentioned ; for those Cries there is nothing at all fixt upon any person that is Defendant ; all that is charged upon us , is , That we were in the Hall it seems , and because there was this noise heard , therefore we must be guilty . In this crowd where we are , I hear hissing , especially at to'ther end of the Hall , which of us are concerned in it , is a hard matter to judge ; it is a hard matter , and it were very well , and it had been very happy , if some of those persons , had been apprehended for their hissing . I won't say , Gentlemen , that either one party or to'ther in the Contest made the noise of hissing , but there is nothing of it fixt upon any of us . Our Case is this , my Lord , with favour , when we have stated our Case and proved it , we are very innocent , and not guilty of the Riot . In some measure it hath been stated on the other side . They say in the Information , that the Lord Mayor called a Common-Hall ; we don't dispute that matter , we agree it , that the Lord Mayor of London is the Kings Lieutenant but to make such and inference , That because the Lord Mayor is the King's Lieutenant in the City of London , that he must execute all the Offices in the City , is of no credit in the world ; so that they are mistaken in that . Men are bounded in their Offices . The Lord Mayor does not execute all the Offices in the City though he be Lord Mayor . The question between us is this , Whether the Sheriffs , in this case did more than their Office as Sheriffs of the City of London . There is a superiority due to the Lord Mayor . Another thing we agree with them , we agree it is in the Lord Mayor only to call these Com-mon-Halls , and as Mr. Serjeant Jefferies , that hath been in a good Office in the City , he agrees it himself , and it is apparent , there are some fixt days for Election ; but yet though there be fixt days for Election , yet there must be that Formality of a Summons from the Lord Mayor to the City to meet in order to the Election of Sheriffs for the City of London and other Officers , that we do agree that my Lord Mayor hath the Power of calling Common-Halls , and he is the proper Officer . We agree also , Gentlemen , that when the business is done , for there is nothing in vain in nature , and there is nothing in Government that should be in vain , when the business is done , my Lord Mayor is to bid the Company Fare them well , which you may call discharging the Common-Hall ; we agree that to be commonly and usually done by my Lord Mayor . But herein we differ , which we are to try , the right of the Office of Sheriffs being the question , it is a question of right , and I don't see the Government is concerned one way or other . L. C. J. Upon my word I do see it , and surely you must be blind , or else you would see it too , when a company is got together , no God save the King , No King , no Lord Mayor . Mr. Williams . My Lord , I thought I had opened it plainly , I speak before a great many people , I desire , my Lord , this may be very well heard . I thought I had said very well , from all these Noises and Cries we are all innocent , we justifie nothing of it , only we would have been glad if they had apprehended any man that made that noise ; it had been a very happy thing if one of them , or all of them had been Defendants to be tryed . My Clients are Defendants , they are innocent and unconcern'd , it is a Crime committed by some where these Gentlemen were by , but they are innocent ; we hear hissing at t'other end of the Room , it was an ill thing , and of a Treasonable complexion ; but for these Gentlemen they are unconcern'd . The Question between the Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs of the City , is a Question of Right between the Mayor and Sheriffs , Whether it be the Prerogative of the Mayor , or the Right of the Sheriffs ? and I say , under correction again , this Question , Whether the Lord Mayor of London may adjourn the Common-Hall to a certain day , is a question of Right Whether he can do it or the Sheriffs ; And I don't see what consequence it can have upon the Government . The Lord Mayor is the King's Deputy , the Sheriffs they are the King's Officers , and the Question is , Whether it be in the Lord Mayor or the Sheriffs of London to adjourn it ? They are very good Subjects , I am sure this very Year they are so ; therefore I wonder at these Gentlemen of the King's Counsel , that will meddle with the Government , and say the Government is concerned in this ; I appeal to any man if there be any more concern in this . I say this , here was a Common-Hall call'd , grounded upon Custome in the City of London , and here is a single Question , Whether these Sheriffs did any more than their duty ; whether they were guilty of a Riot in continuing this Poll. Gentlemen , this is the method we shall take . First of all , it is not proved , that ever the Lord Mayor before this time did ever attempt to adjourn a Common-Hall to any certain time ; all the Witnesses that were call'd , that pretend to be knowing in the Customes of London , the Common Serjeant himself , he does not pretend that it was adjourn'd to a day . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . You mistake . Sir Robert Clayton did from Saturday to Munday . L. C. J. What need if there had been no President ; if so be an Asembly of People are met about business , and they can't make an end of it in a reasonable time , must they be kept all Night till they have ? What Argument will you make of it ? If a man may call and dissolve , do you think if there be occasion , but , by the Law it self , that he may adjourn to a convenient hour ? Mr. Williams . That will be a question between us . My Lord , what I say certainly of Fact carries something in it . L. C. J. Not at all . Mr. Williams . Then , my Lord , I have done . L. C. J. Give us leave to understand something , Sir. Sir Fr. Winnington . My Lord , by your Lordships favour — L. C. J. I spake to Mr. Williams , and he takes it so hainously at my hand that Facts signifie nothing ; I do again say it , The fact signifies nothing . For I tell you again as Law , it is not denied the Lord Mayor may call , he may dissolve ; then I say by Law , without Fact , by Custom , he that can both call and dissolve , may adjourn to a convenient time . Do not Judges of Assize in all the Counties of England do it , when a Cause is appointed to be tryed in such a County such a day , and it may be it is tryed 3 daies after ; and yet I pray find me the Statute or Commission , or find me one thing or another besides the very Law it self , that doth give them leave to adjourn from time to time . Mr. Williams . My Lord , there is a mighty difference , but I am only upon fact , these Gentlemen will agree it was never practiced before Sir Robert Clayton's time , what the consequence in Law will be , that is in your Lordships Breast , I am now speaking upon the Evidence that this hath not been practiced . What the Law is , for that we are to have your Judgment , which I humbly crave , I will be judged by Gentlemen that are my Seniors and better read in this matter ; but , my Lord , a man may have a power of calling and dissolving , and not of adjourning , it may be so . But , my Lord , admitting it to be so for this time , yet , my Lord , whether we are guilty of a Riot , take the Circumstances of our Case . Whether the Right of adjourning be in the Sheriffs , yea , or nay , it is a question of Right , and I had rather apply my self to your Lordship than to the Jury . If there were a Question of Right between the Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs , it may be admitted by our Councel that it was his Right to adjourn the Court , and probably the Sheriffs might be in the wrong , and the Lord Mayor in the right . The Lord Mayor adjourns the Court , and they continue it , they go on with the Poll , and go on with the execution of their Office as they apprehended , if they were still for their Right , I hope your Lordship will not make this a Riot . My Lord , for the Circumstances that followed , the noise that was made , which I don't love to mention , if , I say , they were guilty of this , I am silent ; but if they did no more , as I hear no more proved upon them , then continuing the Poll , then , I say , it will be very hard to make them guilty of the Riot . And another thing is this , my Lord , we all know , if there were a thousand Electors , any man knows , that when there is a question upon an Election , it is impossible such a thing shall be carried on but there will be reviling , ill language , and the like ; and to turn all these things to a Riot , a thing so common from the beginning of Elections to this time , if there be division and polling , there will be something you may turn to a Riot . But I say this , they have not instanced in any one Defendant , that he was guilty of any one particular act that amounted to a Riot in it self , they have not instanced in one . They say of Alderman Cornish , That he was of the same opinion with the Sheriffs , that they did insist upon the Rights of the City , he took it to be the Right of the Sheriffs ; And , saies one of them , I will stand upon it , Bethell that had been Sheriff . Now we will call our Witnesses , we will prove what hath been the constant practice in the City , we will prove the methods of adjournment ; and , my Lord , this is to be said which your Lordship will observe , That the Sheriffs adjourned the Court to the very same time with my Lord Mayor ; so that it was no more than to bring the matter to an issue in this case . Sir Fr. Winnington . Spare me a word in this case , my Lord. There is no Evidence produced against Trenchard , nor against Jekyl the Younger , nor against Bifield , nor 〈…〉 of these there is no question but they are as if they were out of the Information , I must beg leave for a word or two as to those Defendants , that they have offered some Evidence against . The question is now before your Lordship , Whether they are guilty of a Riot or no ? My Lord , for ought I see , it will stand upon a nicety of Judgment ; yet if there be not matter enough , Gentlemen , to make the Defendants guilty of a Riot , then it will clear the Defendants . My Lord , as to those words , that really were words that ought to be inquired into , who they were that spoke them in relation to his Majesty ; I think it was a very ill thing of those men that saw them , that they would not neglect all manner of business to seize them , I think it was a duty to fix upon them : but , my Lord , there is no Evidence to put it upon any of the Defendants . My Lord , that being pared off , now the question is , That the meeting together was lawful , that is agreed ; then when they came together , my Lord , I do think that if we do rely upon the Evidence , it will be a mighty hard thing to make this a Riot , setting aside those villainous words that were spoken , which cannot relate to the Defendants . Suppose , my Lord , that among the Electors , the whole Common-Hall of the City , there doth a dispute arise before the Election is over concerning the adjournment of the Sheriffs or the Lord Mayor , some men are of one opinion , some are of another ; and their Evidence , Mr. Peter King and another , Attorneys , I asked the question several times , Did the Lord Mayor of London , ever interpose or concern himself in adjourning the Hall , till the Election was quite finished ? and they said No ; Then , my Lord , I must say it as to these particular Defendants , in such a concourse of People as was met there , it is as slender a proof of a Riot as ever was , and intimates that the Citizens of London , they that happen not to be the greater number , they that lose the Election , may be found guilty of a Riot in chusing other Officers as well as in the business of Sheriffs ; which being so tender a point , I think it will be a very severe exposition , my Lord , to make this a Riot . But now for the Matter , we will call to your Lordship several Witnesses , men that have been Magistrates in the City , that it was alwaies looked upon , that my Lord Mayor , as he is the Principal Magistrate , he gives notice for Common-Halls ; and when the several Electors are met , and the business is over , he directs them to go home , and dissolves them ; but my Lord Mayor meddles not in every little administration of the Election of Officers , but leaves them to inferiour Officers , the Sheriffs and others , that is their duty , my Lord , with submission , they Poll them and send them home during the Election , therefore by Law they do this ; for , my Lord , the Custome of a City , and the Custome of a Place , is the Law of the place ; and if the Custome of the place hath been , that the Sheriffs have been the persons that have managed it , it is their Right ; but the Common Serjeant he saies he hath the sole management of it ; Then if it be as Mr. Common Serjeant saies , if that must go , upon my word , Gentlemen , your Priviledges are reduced to a little compass . — L. C. J. They did conferr one with another who they took to have the most Voices , and so reported it , not that he did claim any thing in his own right , but as an Officer of the City . Now it is plain , and I think there is no inconveniency falls upon it , if an Officer acquaints my Lord Mayor , according to the best of our Judgment we think such a man hath the most Voices , that does not give him a right for him to make an Officer , not at all . Sir Fr. Winnington . I say what he said in his Evidence , but one of the Attornies swears that they have all equal power , I wonder then who should make an end of the business . My Lord , we will call to your Lordship Ancient Citizens , that have been frequent at Elections , to give you an account that the Sheriffs always had the management , that my Lord Mayor never concerned himself , till he had notice it was determined ; and if that be so , and the practice hath been so , then I don't see under favour my Lord , how they will make this a Riot ; that is the Case . Mr. Thompson . Sir. Robert Clayton , will you please to tell my Lord and the Jury in what manner the Election of Sheriffs hath been , and how the Mayors have usually left it to the Sheriffs in that case . Sir. Robert Clayton . My Lord , I have never heard this matter hath been in question till of late , so I cannot declare much upon my own knowledge how the truth of fact is or should be , I can only say this , what the practice hath been . When I came to the Chair I did endeavour to know my duty and to do it . The first time I had occasion to take notice of this matter was in the year of my Mayoralty , I did then accoding to custom Summon a Common-Hall , when I had summon'd it , there was a person presented to the Hall I had drank to ; the Hall did refuse him , and there was a great noise and hubbub upon it , and we found a way to accomodate that matter , and left them to chuse two Sheriffs for themselves . I retired into this Court together with my Brethren and Mr. Recorder , that was then , We sent for the Sheriffs up to examine the matter , they told us that they could not agree the thing , there was 4 Persons in Nomination , but they had granted a Poll. After this we went down into the Hall , of that Mr. Common Serjeant hath given some account , and Mr. Serjeant Jefferies , I shall to the best of my memory give the best account I can of it , I shall only tell you what I did understand to be my duty , I do not determine what the practice was , but what I understood to be my duty . When we came down into the Common-Hall to declare how the matter stood , and that a Poll was agreed upon and granted , we would have adjourned the Court to a longer time , but the people cryed out to go to the Poll presently . I was , as you have been told by Mr. Common Serjeant , to go to the Tryal of one Giles upon the Assassination of Arnold , to the Old Baily . I did twice or thrice attempt to get down out of the Hall through the crowd , and was repulst , the croud was so great I could not get through , but was fain to retire back again to the Hustings as I remember two or three times . There might be some such discourse as Mr. Common Serjeant hath said , but thus far I can remember , that I did both by my self and the Common Serjeant signify to them the business I was about , and so many Aldermen as made up a Bench together with Mr. Recorder to manage that business , must go , and that I would leave the Sheriffs to manage the Poll , which I thought was their duty . Mr. Thompson . Did you take it to be their right ? Sir Robert Clayton . I did not apprehend it to be my right then . Mr. Thompson . And therefore you left it to the Sheriffs as their right . Sir Robert Clayton . I left it to the Sheriffs to manage the same . Mr. Williams . Sir Robert Clayton , I suppose when you were Lord Mayor you were as much for the honour of the Chair as any man , you would not have quitted the right of the Chair . Sir R. Clayton . I did not , there was a Trial of me in that case . Mr. Williams . Now Sir , for adjourning the Poll , did you know any such question whether a Poll was to be adjourn'd upon the Election of any Sheriffs ? Sir R. Clayton . There hath been a great noise about adjournments of late . That Poll was the most litigious of any that I know we have had before or since , that was adjourn'd for several days . Mr. Williams . Who adjourn'd that Poll ? Sir R. Clayton . The Sheriffs did adjourn it I think . Gentlemen , I do think the Sheriffs did adjourn it , I was not present . Mr. Att. Gen. Sir Robert , don't serve the Court thus . Mr. Williams . Don't brow-beat our Witnesses , Gentlemen . I know , Mr. Attorney , you are an example of fair practice : We are examining our Witnesses . Sir R. Clayton . Pray , my Lord , let me explain my self , I shall let Mr. Attorney General understand me . I did never appear at Guild-hall , unless upon the account of a Court of Aldermen I did never appear at Guild-hall , but the first day we had Consultations here in this Court about the adjournment , and upon the Hustings about going about the business we intended , and the Hall was very intent upon the Poll ; I twice attempted to go out , and could not get out , whereupon we were fain to acquaint the Hall as well as we could for the noise , of the business we were to go about , and they let me go . I left behind the Sheriffs and the Common Serjeant ; how long they stayed I can't tell , I can upon my own knowledge give no account of them . I was not consulted to the best of my knowledge afterwards , nor did give any particular directions for adjournment . I did not do it for this reason , I did not look upon it to be in my power : if I had such a power , I did not understand it . Mr. Williams . Sir Robert , how many days do you think that Poll continued ? Sir R. Clayton . About six days . Mr. Williams . Of those six how many days were you present ? Sir R. Clayton . I did not understand it to be my duty , and so did not look after it . Mr. Thomson . Sir Robert Clayton , I desire to ask you a question , as to this matter you have given in evidence ; do you give it to the best of your remembrance or positively ? Sir R. Clayton . I tell you I speak to the best of my remembrance every thing that I say . Mr. Att. Gen. Sir Robert Clayton , I beg your favour , to the best of your remembrance is no evidence , it is so lately ; if you please , Sir Robert , you are to give evidence of a thing about three years ago . I ask you upon your Oath who were your Sheriffs ? Sir. R. Clayton . Sir Jonathan Raymond and Sir Simon Lewis . Mr. Att. Gen. I would ask you then a plain question . Sir Robert , because you come in with your remembrance ; did you give express direction to the Common Serjeant or the Sheriffs to adjourn upon your oath ? Sir R. Clayton . I must , Mr. Attorney General , by your favour take in my remembrance . Mr. Att. Gen. Then you are no evidence . Sir Robert , did you give directions or not , upon your oath ? Sir R. Clayton . I can't say it was given . Mr. Att. Gen. Did you , or did you not ? Sir R. Clayton . My Lord , I hope I have spoke English in the case , we did discourse of the Adjournment in this Court , I believe it was discours'd below ; but as I said I was engaged to go to the Old Bayley , and I would leave that matter to the Sheriffs , whose proper business I understood it to be . Mr. Att. Gen. I ask you Sir Robert , one of the plainest questions that ever was asked ; I ask you whether you gave the Sheriffs or the Common Serjeant express order to adjourn ? Sir R. Clayton . I believe I did not . Mr. Att. Gen. Did the Sheriffs tell you they had a right then ? Sir R. Clayton . There was no dispute who had the right . Mr. S. Jefferies . Sir Robert Clayton , if you please I would ask you a question or two . Do you remember that the Court was adjourn'd while you were there or not ? Do you understand the Question , Sir Robert ? Do you remember the Common Hall was adjourned while you were there . Sir R. Clayton . Yes , Sir , If you give me leave to explain my self , I think the Common Hall was adjourn'd ; it was declared , but there was such a noise in the Hall that the people could not hear it . Mr. S. Jefferies . But there was a sort of Declaration made by your self , you did make an adjournment ; but the noise was such that the people did not hear : and if you remember , there was a person affronted one of the Sheriffs , and I committed him to custody upon it . Sir R. Clayton . We desired to adjourn for an hour or two , that we might go and refresh our selves . Mr. S. Jefferies . Then you remember there was an adjournment . I ask you whether it was appointed to be made by you or the Sheriffs ? Sir R. Clayton . Truly I believe it was appointed by me . Mr. S. Jefferies . Sir Robert , by asking you a question or two , Sir Robert , I know I shall bring some things to your remembrance . Sir R. Clayton . My Lord , I don't know I have given any great occasion of Laughter to my Brethren ; these Adjournments have been very common with us , and I might agree to it or order it or direct it , but one of them I believe I did , or two of them . Mr. S. Jefferies . Sir Robert , I would only have a question or two asked , and I know by asking a question or two I shall bring things to your memory , which I am sure you cannot easily forget : Were there directions given for Proclamation to be made for all Parties to depart in the King's name ? Sir R. Clayton . I believe there might . Mr. S. Jefferies . The next question is , whether the Sheriffs ordered that Proclamation to be made for all Parties to depart ? Sir R. Clayton . If it were done while I was present , I make no doubt in the case , but I did direct it , I make no question of that . Mr. S. Jefferies . Very well now , Sir Robert Clayton , we are got to an adjournment to a time by your direction , and proclamation by your direction . Now I will ask another question upon your oath ; was not you in the Common Hall and gave order for an adjournment till Monday following , for I remember that day to be Saturday ? Sir R. Clayton . Truly I do not remember that . Mr. S. Jefferies . You do not ? Sir Robert , you know very well , that the Sheriffs of London , when the Lord Mayor and Aldermen came back to the Hustings , the Sheriffs sit remote one on the right hand and the other on the left , furthest from the Lord Mayor , so that all the Aldermen sit nearer to the Lord Mayor than the Sheriffs do ; did you mind that the Sheriffs came to you to speak to you any thing of an Adjournment ? Sir R. Clayton . I never saw it . Mr. Jones . I would ask you a Question or two , you know this Gentleman , don't you ? pointing to the Common Serjeant . Sir R. Clayton . Yes . Mr. Jones . Did he attend the Court at that time ? Sir R. Clayton . Yes . Mr. Jones . Sir Robert , I ask you a fair question , did you lay any command on him to adjourn the Hall at that time from Saturday till Monday . Sir R. Clayton . Pray my Lord give me leave to answer Mr. Jones in my own way . Mr. Jones . My Lord I am in your judgment , it is a fair question within his own Recognizance lately done , he ought to answer positively Yes or No. Sir R. Clayton . Am not I upon my Oath , can you tell me what I can say ? Mr. Jones . Ay or no , any honest man wou'd do it . Sir F. Winnington . All Witnesses answer their own way , don't they ? Mr. Jones . Let him answer then his own way . Mr. Att. General . My Lord , you know there is a rule in Chancery , if it be a matter within seven years , if it be not answered positively it is no answer ; if one asks a Witness a question that lies within a little while , if he will not answer either affirmatively or negatively , he is no Witness . L. C. J. I can't tell , Mr. Attorney . Mr. Jones . Will you answer or no Sir Robert Clayton , whether you commanded the Common Serjeant to go and adjourn the Hall or no ? Sir R. Clayton . I don't remember that I did . Mr. Jones . Then I only ask you this further question , whether Mr. Common Serjeant did not tell you that it was not his proper business to do it , and that unless you would lay express Commands upon him , and put the very words in his mouth , he did desire to be excused , and did he not stand there ? pointing to the Bar. Sir R. Clayton . I have heard , Sir , what Mr. Common Serjeant did say , and I cannot charge my memory with it , but I have that charity for Mr. Common Serjeant to believe there might be discourse to that purpose . Sir F. Winnington . Mr. Love , in all your experience what do you remember ? Mr. Williams . How long have you known Guild-hall and Elections ? Mr. Love. I suppose , my Lord , these Gentlemen don't expect I should say any thing that was done that day ; but , my Lord , all that I suppose you expect from me is what I did observe to be the practice of the City ; to the best of my remembrance I shall give you an account . My Lord , about 22 years ago , I did observe the practice to be this , when I was call'd into this Office of Sheriff , I took it as a thing for granted , that it was the Sheriffs Office to manage the Common Hall , that I did , as my Lord Mayor's was to have a Sword born before him ; I have received it by tradition from all before me , and my own experience . My Lord , I remember when we came to chuse Sheriffs upon Midsomer day , after the Lord Mayor and Aldermen had been there , my Lord Mayor said to me and my Brother Sheriff , Gentlemen , look to your Office ; we accordingly went to it and chose two Sheriffs , one Gentleman that had been drank to by my Lord Mayor , I think it was Alderman 〈◊〉 but notwithstanding that drinking to him , we took no notice of that as a ceremony , he was put in nomination among others , and being a senior sitting Alderman , we returned him ; otherwise , my Lord , I assure you I would not have returned him notwithstanding the drinking . After once that the Lord Mayor and Aldermen withdrew to go to the Council Chamber , they said to us , Now Gentlemen , look to your Office. Mr. Thomson , What was your Office ? Mr. Love. To chuse Sheriffs . Mr. Thomson . Did my Lord Mayor meddle with the election , or left it to the Sheriffs ? Mr. Love. Left it to the Sheriffs . Mr. Williams . What was your opinion , Sir , was it in the Lord Mayor to take the Poll , or the Sheriffs ? Mr. Love. Truly Sir , I am not a competent Judge of whose right it was , but if my Lord Mayor had gone about to meddle in it , I should have prayed my Lord Mayor to meddle in his own Office and let me alone with mine . Mr. Attorney . Yes , Mr. Love , you were then the Tribunes of the People . Sir F. Winnington . Here are some say the Common Serjeant and the Common Cryer have a power , nay , the whole power of ordering the Hall during the Election . What is the Office of the Common Serjeant there . Mr. Love. Truly , Sir , I look upon the Common Serjeant and the Common Cryer as Persons left to assist us , because they would not put us to the trouble of crying O Yes our selves ; and if any Common Serjeant or Common Cryer had durst to put a question without my direction , I would have known whether he could or no. Sir F. Winnington . Mr. Love was it ever dicours'd to you when you were Sheriff , or before or since , that ever my Lord Mayor did interpose before the Election was over ? Mr. Love. Since I was discharged of being a Magistrate , I never was at a Common Hall since . I have spent my Money for the Cities service , but never got a peny by them ; I never heard that ever the Lord Mayor till these late times interposed , but that the Sheriffs managed the whole business of chusing Sheriffs . Mr. Att. Gen. Mr. Love , I desire to have a word with you , you speak of the time of your reign , I would ask you a plain question , was it before the King came in ? Mr. Love. It was that year the King came in . Mr. Att. Gen. Was you chosen before ? Mr. Love. Yes , I was . Mr. Att. Gen. Do you remember an Act of Parliament in 48 , then in force , of shutting out my Lord Mayor ? Mr. S. Jefferies . I would ask him a question or two . Hark you , Mr. Love , let me ask you a question or two . Mr. Love. Sir George , I would give Mr. Attorney an answer . L. C. J. What would you make of it ? if you ask him of an Act of Parliament it is something . Mr. Att. Gen. You speak of a time when my Lord Mayor had no more to do with it than I had . There was an Ordinance of Parliament , did you never see that ? Mr. Love. To the best of my remembrance I never saw it in my life . Mr. Att. Gen. Nor heard of such a thing ? Mr. S. Jefferies . Hark you , Mr. Love , I perceive you would have disputed with my Lord Mayor , who was the Lord Mayor that you talk of ? Mr. Love. Sir Thomas Allen. Mr. S. Jefferies . Now I would desire to know whether you remember the City before the King came in ? Mr. Love. For a little while . Mr. S. Jefferies . Do you remember any thing of that custom of the Lord Mayor's drinking to Sheriffs , was not that used before the King came in ? Mr. Love. A long time . Mr. S. Jefferies . It is well enough ; a long time . Mr. Williams . My Lord , we have seven or eight more to the same purpose , but we are satisfied with these Gentlemen : we will prove if there was any thing like a Riot , we will prove my Lord Mayor and those that were with him were the Authors of it . L. C. J. When multitudes of people are gather'd together upon a lawful occasion , supposing that they had a right to be there , I do say that in that case it would be much a mitigation of the fine , so for this same riot ; but on the other side you must know that these men that do it , it doth not excuse them , for ignorantia juris is not an excuse . It is true , if they had had a lawful occasion to continue to do it , but in truth they had not , that will excuse them à tanto , but non à toto . Mr. Holt. My Lord , I beg to put in this case , there is a great deal of difference where a person does claim a right to himself , and does an extravagant action . Now my Lord these persons did claim a right to themselves to continue the Common Hall , and that it was not in my Lord Mayor's power to adjourn it without them : now , my Lord , they claimed this right , if they used no violence , that is excusable . If I should claim a right to another man's estate , though I have no Title , and say I have a right , and give it out in speeches , no action lies against me ; but if I do an extravagant action , and say another man hath a title , there lies an action against me . L.C. J. Now go to your fact . Sir F. Winnington . My Lord put a point to us , and we need not call more Witnesses . L. C. J. I don't speak to hinder you from calling your Witnesses . Sir F. Winnington . I put this case , we undertake to prove that it was always looked upon , that it was the right of the Sheriffs : suppose , my Lord , upon the dispute it should be found that the opinion of the Jury should be otherwise , will this turn to an illegal act ? L. C. J. Call your Witnesses . Mr. Wallop . I beseech your Lordship I may put one case in this point , in a point of right if they have a probable cause to insist upon it . Suppose I send 40 men to a wood , and take a Carr or a Team , if they be a competent number to cut down wood , if we are mistaken in the title , that is no Riot . Lambert puts the case . L.C.J. But what if I had sent a great many men to cut down the whole Wood ? Mr. Williams . We will call some Witnesses that will take us off from the Riot thus , if so be we can excuse our selves of the disorder , and put it upon my Lord Mayor , then we are innocent . L. C. J. Very well if you do that . Mr. 〈◊〉 Mr. Sibley , are you acquainted with the manner of the Election of Sheriffs , how long have you known it ? Mr. Sibley . I have been of the Livery ever since 39 , in all my time , I speak Gentlemen , to the best of my remembrance , it hath been the custom in all my time , except here of late , that the Sheriffs of London have had the management of the Election . Mr. 〈◊〉 Did my Lord Mayor ever interpose till the Election was over ? Mr. Sibley . I never knew my Lord Mayor interpose till lately . Sir F. Winnington . Did you ever hear my Lord Mayor pretend to it till of late ? Mr. Sibley . No , my Lord. Sir F. Winnington . Did the Mayor use to be present at any Election during the Election ? Mr Sibley . I have been most commonly there . Sir F. Winnington . But the Mayor , would the Mayor be there ? Mr. Sibley . The Mayor and Aldermen went off the Bench. Sir F. Winnington . Who managed the Elections ? Mr Sibley . The Sheriffs . Sir F. Winnington . Were the Common Serjeant and the Common Cryer there ? Mr. Sibley . The Common Serjeant and the Common Cryer are always there . L. C. J. I pray thus , you have known the City it seems a great while , I would ask you this , pray who did call the Assembly that was to chuse the Sheriffs , did the Sheriffs or the Lord Mayor ? Mr. Sibley . We commonly received the Tickets by the Officers of the Companies . L. C. J. Did the Officers of the Companies summon the Assembly ? Hark you , pray Sir , recollect your self , Do you take it that the Officers , the Beadles it may be of the several Companies , did they summon the Livery-men , and so a Common Hall was call'd together , was it so in your time ? Mr. Sibley . It hath been commonly so , we have received Tickets from the Beadle of the Company . L. C. J. And my Lord Mayor had nothing to do with it then ? Mr. Sibley . What order the Masters and Wardens had from my Lord Mayor , I never inquired into that . L. C. J. When the Hall was dissolved , who ordered Proclamation to be made , the Sheriffs or the Lord Mayor ? Mr. Sibley . My Lord Mayor hath not used to be there . Mr. Thomson When they had done , they went away . He won't trouble your Lordship . L. C. J. Pray had my Lord any hand in summoning , did he direct the summoning of them ? Mr. Sibley . It is more than I know . L. C. J. You bring a Witness that knows nothing of the matter . Mr. S. Jefferies . Mr. Deputy Sibley . Give me leave to ask Mr. Sibley a question or two , I shall set him to rights presently . Mr. Sibley , if I be not mistaken you are one of the Company of Tallow-Chandlers , and you have been Master of the Company , and you have been Warden of the Company . You very well know what directions are given to the Beadle are generally by the Master or Wardens , pray upon your Oath when you were Master or Warden , was there ever any Precept sent to you to summon a Common Hall ? Mr. Sibley . Indeed I don't remember that , Sir. Mr. Thomson . If your Lordship please , we have done with our evidence , I would beg your Lordships opinion in it . Sir F. Winnington . We do admit , my Lord Mayor summons the Court. L. C. J. But you bring a Witness that knows nothing in the world of it , but yet you would have it taken for Gospel , that the Sheriffs had all the management before that time 40 years together , till now very lately . But when he comes to be asked how is this Assembly or Common Hall call'd together , alas ! he knows no more of that than one in Utopia . Mr. Thomson . My Lord , we have several other Witnesses , but we will call no more . Mr. Att. Gen. If you have no more , we will call two or three more . Mr. Thomson . We have some to prove that my Lord Grey , came to speak with Sir William Gulston , and went away again , and we desire to call Sir Thomas Armstrong . Sir F. Winnington . My Lord , if your Lordship pleases , thus , there will be it seems some particular defences made . Your Lordship hath heard their evidence , and what we have said ; we desire to call two or three Witnesses to another head . Your Lordship hath heard there was some rudeness by some of the people , but who they were it doth not appear . We will call two or three Witnesses of the behaviour those men and Company that came with my Lord Mayor , that whatsoever disturbance was made , they were the chief men that made the disturbance , and my Lord Mayor could not help it , nor we neither . L. C. J. Sir Francis , I believe those men that would not have God save the King , my Lord Mayor could not hinder them , but will you undertake to prove that those that came with my Lord Mayor , that they were the men . Sir F. Winnington . They were with them , my Lord. Mr. S. Jefferies . They were with them that cryed God bless the Protestant Sheriffs . Mr. Sibley . My Lord , I desire to explain my self to what I said ; it is several years agoe since I was Master of the Company , I do not remember , but I believe the Summons was directed from my Lord Mayor . Mr. Freak . Mr. Winstanley , what account can you give to my Lord and the Jury . Mr. Winstanley . I have lived near the Hall , and I often came in , but I was not a Livery man upon that Poll , that was between Mr. Kiffen and Sir Robert Clayton ; the Sheriffs managed it . Mr. Freak . Who managed it ? Mr. Winstanley . The Sheriffs . Mr. Freak , Who declared ? Mr. Winstanley . The Sheriffs . Mr. Freak . Did the Mayor come down to declare the Election ? Mr. Winstanley . The Mayor came down after the Poll , but the Sheriffs took the Poll. Mr. Freak . Who was then Mayor ? Mr. Winstanley . Sir James Edwards was Sheriff , and Sir John Smith . Mr. Freak . Who was Mayor ? Mr. S. Jefferies . It was Sir Samuel Starling . Mr. Freak . Who put the Question upon the Hustings ? Mr. Winstanley . I can't tell . Mr. Freak . What did you hear the Sheriffs say or see them do ? Mr. Winstanley . The Sheriffs presently granted a Poll , and parted one to one door , and the other to t'other . Mr. Freak . And who took the Poll ? Mr. Winstanley . The Sheriffs took it . Mr. Freak . Who declared the Election ? Mr. Winstanley . The Sheriffs . Mr. Freak . Who were Sheriffs then ? Mr. Winstanley . Sir James Edwards and Sir John Smith . Mr. S. Jefferies . Mr. Winstanley , I would ask you this question , do you take it upon your oath that the Sheriffs declared the Election ? Mr. Winstanley . I declare upon my oath that the Sheriffs took the Poll. Mr. S. Jefferies . Mr. Winstanley , you may guess pretty well what I mean by this . First of all , I ask you , did the Sheriffs put the question ? Mr. Winstanley . The Sheriffs took the Poll , Sir. Mr. S. Jefferies . Nay , answer my question , did the Sheriffs put the question , or did any body else ? Mr. Winstanley . Truly Sir , I have forgot , you were there . Mr. S. Jefferies . I know I was Sir , I know very well , I ask you upon your oath , who was it that declared the Election afterwards ? upon your oath . Mr. Winstanley . Truly , Sir George , I don't remember . Mr. S. Jefferies . Mr. Winstanley , one went out at one door you say , and t'other went out at t'other , you say ; now I say who took notice , and told the names of those that went out at one door and t'other ? Mr. Winstanley . The two Sheriffs . Mr. S. Jefferies . Who else ? Mr. Winstanley . I can't tell . Mr. Serj. Jefferies . Do you remember me there at the great Door , when they poll'd and went out , do you remember who told them ? Mr. Winstanley . No truly . Mr. S. Jefferies . Pray , do you remember when one Mr. Broom a Wax-chandler was chosen Ale-conner ? Mr. Winstanley . I was in the Hall , but I do not charge my Memory with it . Mr. Sol. Gen. Hark you , Mr. Winstanley , who is it grants the Poll when it is demanded ? Mr. Winstanley . I do remember very well Sr. George Jefferies was in the Hall , they demanded a Poll and so went out . Mr. Sol. Gen. Who granted it ? Mr. Winstanley . The two Sheriffs . Mr. S. Jefferies . I will put you a Case nearer home , Mr. Winstanley , you remember when Sir Thomas Player was chosen Chamberlain , when the Question was put , Who should be Chamberlain , between him and a Gentleman , I see not far from me , who do you remember managed the Poll then ? Mr. Winstanley . There was no need Sir George . L. C. J. What do you mean to do with these little Witnesses ? you call Witnesses that know nothing of the matter , or nothing to the purpose . Mr. S. Jefferies . My Lord , let me ask him but one Question more , I know he hath been a very great Evidence in this Case , I remember when that Gentleman was in for Bridge-master , Who was the Poll demanded of at that time ? Mr. Winstanley . Truly Sir , I think it was demanded of the Court. Mr. S. Jefferies . Of the Court ? Mr. Winst . Usually upon other Days my Lord Mayor and the Court come down , but upon Midsummer-day they go up . Mr. S. Jeff. But I ask you of whom the Poll was demanded at that time ? Mr. Winst . I Don't remember it I 'le assure you . L. C. J. You told us that point would be granted , and you would not stand upon it . Mr. Williams . My Lord , where there are so many men , there may be many Minds , I would have your Lordship and the Jury hear them . Mr. Jones . The Government is concerned , Mr. Williams . Mr. S. Jeff. This is not a matter of Mirth I 'le assure you , it reaches the Government . Mr. Williams . My Lord Mayor hath the power of adjourning the Hall , but not till the Business is done . Mr. Thomson . My Lord , I would put you a Case * — Sure , Mr. Jones I ought to be heard . If my Lord Mayor hath power to call a Common-hall , he hath not to adjourn it before the Business is done . L. C. J. If a Writ come to the Sheriffs to choose Parliament men , then the Sheriffs have it , but this is my Lord Mayors Office , he hath power to dissolve and adjourn . Mr. Thomson . I speak to this Case , my Lord , I will shew your Lordship an instance where it cannot be done . My Lord Mayor hath power to call here , and he hath power to dissolve , say they : My Lord , it cannot be , with submission , in all Cases . He hath power to call an Assembly when there is a Mayor to be chosen , and the Citizens have a Priviledge to move their Mayor or continue him , now if it were in the power of the Mayor , and there should happen a question who they were for in a great Number of Electors , if it were in his power to adjourn from time to time , he must continue Mayor . L. C. J. It is plain he may do it for all your Objection . You know it was agreed by all sides that Sir Samuel Starling the Lord Mayor , had well dissolved the Assembly , that is , in point of Law , and they could not say the Assembly was in being , yet afterwards there was an Action brought against him , and there they laid how that maliciously , and to the intent that he who was chosen into the place of Bridge-master to which he was duly Elected , should be set aside , he goes and dissolves the Assembly , and denied to grant him a Poll , which they ought to have had , yet for all that the Assembly was well dissolved . M. S. Jeff. Conclude , Gentlemen , conclude . Mr. Thoms . That which I have to say is a point of Law. Mr. S. Jeff. Sr. Francis Winnington , if you design to conclude , I tell you before hand , I would not interrupt you , we will call a VVitness or two . Sir F. Winnington , My Lord , because we would make an end , I will call two of those men that came with my Lord Mayor , to shew that if there was any rudeness , those very People that came with my Lord Mayor were the cause of it . Mr. Sol. Gen. That they that came with my Lord Mayor , caused them to stay after my Lord was gone . Mr. Thoms . Mr. Jackson , pray can you remember whether any of the Defendants here were concerned in any affront to my Lord Mayor , or who it was that my Lord Mayor received an affront from ? Mr. Jackson , I did observe my Lord as he went out of the Hall , I took my Back and set it against the Croud , and had my Face towards my Lord Mayor , and I was crouded so that I could scarce see my self one way or other , but got off the steps at last and went home with my Lord Mayor . Mr. Thoms . Can you say who struck off the Hat ? Mr. Sol. Gen. VVhere do you live , pray ? Mr. Jacks . I live at Charing-cross . Mr. S. Gen. VVith whom ? Mr. Jacks . VVith my self , Sir. Sir F. Winnington . VVhat is your Name ? Mr. S. Jeff. Don't you know the Sword-bearer of Bristol , Sir Francis ? Mr. Thoms . Mr. Roe , were you here when my Lord Mayor was crouded ? VVho offered any affront ? Mr. Williams . Pray will you give my Lord and the Jury an account of what you heard , and where the disorder began . Mr. Roe . My Lord , I was in Cheapside , and I heard a very great noise of huzzahing , and a terrible noise indeed , and I met with a Fellow running , my Lord , and I stopt the Fellow , VVhat is the matter ? Nothing said he , but an old Fellow riding Skimmington and Skeleton , and in the Street I saw a matter of an Hundred with their Hats upon Sticks , crying , Damn the Whiggs ; said I , Gentlemen , VVhat 's the Matter , said they , the work is done to stop the Poll , and that is all . L. C. J. Hark you , were you in Guild-hall ? Mr. Roe . I followed them a little way down the Street . L. C. J. Hark you , did you see my Lord Mayors Hat down upon the ground , and was he like to be thrown down , did you see that ? Mr. Roe . No , I saw nothing of that , I heard such a noise I was glad I had got rid of them . Mr. Williams . My Lord , we have no more to say in the general , all that I have to say now is for my Lord Gray . The evidence against my Lord Gray was that he was here , now , my Lord , we have witnesses more particularly to defend my Lord Gray . Mr. Att. Gen. We shall call a Witness or two to clear what that Gentleman said when Sir Robert Clayton was Mayor . Mr. S. Jefferies . Pray Gentlemen , let us have a little Patience . Pray , my Lord , if your Lordship please — Here is such a horrid noise — Upon all the matter I don't perceive but Sir Robert Clayton does himself believe Proclamation was made by him , he does believe the Adjournment was made by him , but as to the Adjournment to Munday he is not certain of that . But if your Lordship pleases , we have here both the Sheriffs , Sir Jonathan Raymond and Sir Simon Lewis that will shew the Court whether there was any such thing . Mr. Att. Gen. Before Bethel came out of the North no Sheriff ever pretended to it . Mr. S. Jefferies . Pray Sir Simon Lewis , I desire you would satisfie my Lord and the Jury concerning the Adjournment when you went to the Sessions House in the Old Baily , Did you order the Adjournment of the Poll , or my Lord Mayor ? Sir Simon Lewis . We came and waited upon my Lord Mayor here and told him they demanded a Poll without , we took his directions , and my Lord Mayor did Adjourn the Court by reason that the Assassinators of Arnold were to be Tryed , and by reason of that it was Adjourn'd to Munday , and my Lord Mayor and the Aldermen went thither , but indeed we were left as Prisoners , and I received a blow on my Breast . Mr. Att. Gen. Sir Jonathan Raymond , Did you pretend to have the power then of Adjourning the Court ? Sir Jon. Raymond . My Lord did Adjourn the Court because of that Tryal , and then afterwards we went upon our Poll , we were several days upon it , we only appointed from Day to Day till we had made an end , and when we had made an end we declared it to my Lord Mayor and the Court of Aldermen , and my Lord Mayor and the Court of Aldermen came upon the Hustings and declared who it fell upon . Mr. Att. Gen. Sir James Smith , when you were Sheriff did you pretend to have any such power ? Mr. S. Jefferies . Upon your Oath , Did you pretend to have a power of Adjourning Common Halls ? Sir J. Smith . No , Sir we were Sheriffs immediately after Sir Robert Clayton , I never heard it Questioned but my Lord Mayor had the right of it . Sir F. Winnington . Sir Jonathan Raymond , I think you say the Sheriffs did Adjourn from day to day at that time . Sir J. Raymond . We could not make an end of Polling , and we did appoint from day to day till we had made an end of Polling . Mr. Com. Serj. My Lord , I will give your Lordship an account of that whole Days proceedings ; we came to the Hall , and after Mr. Recorder , Sir. George Jefferies had attempted to speak to the Hall , for they were in such a tumult they would not suffer him to speak , my Lord Mayor withdrew , there was a very great clamour and noise , but at last the Question was put , and I came up with the Sheriffs hither and acquainted my Lord , that Mr. Bethel and Alderman Cornish had the most hands , and that there was a Poll demanded between Mr. Box , and Mr. Nicholson , and Mr. Bethel , and Mr. Cornish , then the dispute lay as between Box and Nicholson and Alderman Cornish and Mr. Bethel , I acquainted my Lord Mayor that was , Sir Robert Clayton , that Mr. Recorder said he would not go down to make Declaration they would not hear him ; upon that Sir Robert Clayton took a Paper and gave it me , with these very words , ( it is the greatest tumult I was ever in in all my life , and I have some reason to remember it ) prethee says he , do thou make Declaration to them , for if they will hear any body they will hear thee : Sir , says I , because it is not the Duty of my Office I desire your particular direction ; then , says he , tell them I must Adjourn it till Munday because I must go to the Old Baily , to try the Assassinats of Arnold , whereupon the Hall was Adjourn'd , and in a great tumult , and my Lord Mayor attempting to go out , he was beat back twice or three times , he spake something to them , and they went away , leaving me and the Sheriffs upon the Hustings , and there they kept us Prisoners till six or seven a Clock at night . On Munday when we came to Poll again by his direction , I went to his House and he gave me direction to go with the Sheriffs to Adjourn it , afterwards there was a Court of Aldermen purposely call'd , and upon their direction I took the Poll and kept it , and and every Adjournment was made by his particular direction to me . Sir R. Clayton . Gentlemen , I do desire I may explain my self , because I believe I was imperfectly heard some part of the story that Mr. Common Serjeant does say , I do remember , and will tell you what I do remember of it . I remember the coming up , and I remember that Mr. Recorder was not willing to go down there was such a hubbub , I remember that very well . The particular words I said to him I cannot charge my memory with ; we had discourse . I remember the Adjournment , and we discourst of the Adjournment below , we made Proclamation , but the noise was so great they could not hear , and upon my attempting to go out I was beaten back twice or thrice , and then we were fain to let them know the business we went about as well as we could , and then they let me go , and I left the Sheriffs with them to agree of the manner and methods of Polling . There were several Adjournments made afterwards , I can't charge my self with it , I might be particularly consulted , but for the particular times of Adjournment , I did not think my self concerned in point of reputation , if I thought I had been blameable I should have concerned my self to have given more particular directions . Mr. Thomson . If your Lordship please , I have but this , admitting the right to be in the Lord Mayor — L. C. J. Do you make a doubt of it now ? Mr. Thomson . Admitting it , those Gentlemen that came to continue the Poll , it is a Question whether they can be guilty of the Riot or not . Mr. W. — There are some three or four of the Defendants that have a particular case , that stands by themselves , and it rests upon this point , whether my Lord Mayor hath this power or not . For so much of the evidence as concerns any noise or hissing or any thing of that , that relates to the time of Adjournment , for it was done at the time of the Adjournment . As for Mr. Cornish , Mr. Goodenough , my Lord Gray and one or two more , they did not come till within some three hours after that , so that they cannot be engaged in the noise or that . L. C. J. It is no matter , they came time enough . Mr. Williams , We have done my Lord , with the general evidence , we have something to say in defence of my Lord Gray , all the evidence against my Lord Gray is this , that he was here about seven a Clock at night . For that , Gentlemen , we say this , that my Lord Gray had some business here , and my Lords business was this , my Lord Gray was here about the sale of a Mannor in Essex with Sir William Gulston , my Lord , they had appointed this very Day for that business , it was my Lords interest mightily to pursue it , and Sir William happened to be at Sir Thomas Players , and knowing this to be an ellection Day , my Lord dined that Day at an eating House in the Hay-Market , and afterwards came to Peter's Coffee-House in Covent-Garden , and staid there till between four and five a Clock in the Afternoon , when he thought the heat would be over , and then he came to make inquiry after Sir William , and took up in Bruens Coffee-House about five or six a Clock , there he continued quiet in the House till all the noise was over , then he sent to inquire for Sir Will. Gulston and hearing he was at Sir Thomas Player's , he and Sir William went to a Tavern and there they treated and finished the affair . My Lord we will prove it ; call Mr. Ireton . Mr. Ireton , My Lord , I know that at this very time my Lord Gray was treating with Sir Will. Gulston about the Mannor of Corsfield in Essex , and my Lord Gray and Sir Will. Gulston had appointed to meet that night at t'other end of the Town , if the Poll were ended . In the evening I met my Lord Gray who told me he had been with Sir Will. Gulston in London and had dispatched the business . L. C. J. Did my Lord tell you so ? Lord Gray . He treated for me , my Lord , with him . L. C. J. Pray for Gods sake , you must lay your matter a little closer together , if he was to treat about the purchase of a Mannor , Was there no convenient place for company to treat about it but while they were casting up the Poll-Books with the Sheriffs and Goodenough ? Was that place fit ? Mr. Holt. My Lord had appointed to speak with Sir Will. Gulston that day in Covent-Garden if the Poll had been over , but not finding him there came into the City . Lord Gray . That Gentleman went between Sir Will. Gulston and I. L. C. J. Where were you to meet ? Lord Gray . At the Rose Tavern in Covent-Garden . L. C. J. What made you here then ? Lord Gray . Not finding him there I came hither , and spake with Sir Will. Gulston in that very Room . The Poll was over and the Company gone . Mr. Williams . Mr. Ireton , Do you know there was any treaty between my Lord Gray and Sir Will. Gulston about the sale of any Land ? Mr. Ireton . Yes , Sir I do . Mr. Williams . When was that treaty ? Mr. Ireton . About a Twelve-month since . Mr. Williams . Do you know they had any discourse about it ? Mr. Ireton . Sir they had , I think it was Midsummer-day , the day the Election of Sheriffs was . Mr. Williams . Were they about that treaty that day ? Mr. Ireton . That day , my Lord. Mr. Williams . Where was the treaty ? Mr. Ireton . In Sir Thomas Player's House . Mr. Williams . What time of the day ? Mr. Ireton . About Twelve a Clock . Mr. Williams . Where went my Lord afterwards ? Mr. Ireton . My Lord went to Dinner , as he told me , in the Hay-Market . Mr. Williams . Did you know of any appointment to meet again ? Mr. Ireton . I was Informed so , but cannot positively tell . Mr. Williams . Sir Thomas Armstrong , Pray Sir will you give an account where my Lord was that day ? Sir T. Armstrong . I came up this way about six a Clock and was in a Coffee-House by Guild-Hall . Mr. Williams . Do you know any thing about that treaty ? Sir T. Armstrong . I saw them together that Night . I saw them together at Sir Thomas Player's about Twelve a Clock , and again at Eight . Mr. Williams . Do you know any thing of treating about this Land in Essex . Sir T. Armstrong . No , I do not . Mr. Att. Gen. You did not see them in the Chamber ? Sir T. Armstrong . Does any body say I did . Lord Gray . My Lord , I will give you an account of it . Mr. Williams . My Lord , Mr. Ireton tells you this , my Lord Gray and Sir Will. Gulston . were in treaty about buying these Lands that very Mornning together , says Sir Thomas Armstrong about Noon , afterwards my Lord went to the Hay-Market and staid there till evening , and my Lord and Sir Will. were together again at Night . My Lord , this case will depend upon your Lordships directions . It is very plain that my Lord Mayor of London hath the summoning the Common-Hall and when the business is done he hath the discharging them . My Lord , if it be true what Mr. Love and others say , they tell you that in all their time , their opinion is so , that it belonged to the Sheriffs and not to the Lord Mayor , what may be the consequence lies in your Lordships opinion . Now for the consequence of it , if it were no more than a matter of opinion and right , and the Sheriffs insist upon it , Are these Defendants and the Sheriffs guilty of these outrages ? For there is nothing proved upon them . This don't make them guilty of any thing more than a bare continuing the Poll. Therefore , my Lord , I must submit to your direction how far the Jury will find us or any of us guilty of a Riot in this case . Sir F. Winn. My Lord , we agree they did continue the Poll , and the Defendants did apprehend it was lawful for them so to do , if the Jury should think they did misapprehend what was the ancient usage of the City , if your Lordship should be of Opinion that by Law the Lord Mayor ought to do it , yet I do say , it being so probable a Case , their insisting upon it will not make it a Riot : Your Lordship will be pleased I hope to take notice of it , if they find the Mayor hath power to adjourn it . Mr. Wallop . I humbly conceive , that the Information does in truth destroy it self , for it is agreed on all hands as the Information sets forth , that they came together upon very lawful occasions , and the Information sets forth that by colour of their Office they did as if they were lawfully assembled . Now my Lord , they have overthrown the Definition of a Riot , for a Riot is when three or more do come together to do an unlawful act , and they do it . So that it is a very hard matter to make this a Riot . L. C. J. Does not this matter appear upon Record ? Mr. Holt. No , no , my Lord , it don't . Mr. Wallop . If men do lawfully meet together , if by chance they fall together by the Ears , and commit many misdemeanours , this can never be a Riot . But say they here was an adjournment , a command by my Lord Mayor to adjourn the Court , and they continue after adjournment : Now , my Lord , the Question is whether he had power to adjourn it or no , the Citizens did insist upon it that he had no power . Now , Gentlemen of the Jury , if you find in your conscience that the Citizens had a probable cause and they insist upon it , this can never be a Riot . Mr. Holt. It doth appear that they were lawfully assembled together . And for the throwing off my Lord Mayor's Hat , suppose that my Lord Mayor hath a power for to adjourn the Court , yet , my Lord , it must be agreed , that those that come thither must have a convenient time to depart , for my Lord Mayor as soon as ever he had adjourn'd the Court he went away , and all the Hall could not go of a sudden , but must have a convenient time to go , some followed him immediately , and the other Gentletlemen that staid behind , not at all consenting to that rude action about my Lord Mayor , cannot be guilty , for there is no proof of any miscarriage committed by any of these Defendants , it may be there was some Discourse concerning the power of my Lord Mayor . I only mind your Lordship of Sir Robert Atkins Case , a late Case in the Kings-bench , there can be no Assembly to choose an Alderman as in that Case unless the Mayor was there , the Assembly was held , and yet , Gentlemen , because it was not done in a tumultuous manner , but with a good intent , it was held that Sir Robert Atkins was not guilty of a Riot . There must be an evil intention to do some mischief . Mr. — Turner brought his Action against Sir Samuel Starling for dissolving the Hall : And my Lord that being in the Case of the Election of a Bridgemaster , surely there is a Parallel Reason for the Sheriffs . L. C. J. That Case is against them . Mr. — No , my Lord. L. C. J. There the Lord Mayor had a power by Law to dissolve the Assembly , thô in truth he should not have done it . Mr. Sol. Gen. The Action was brought for denying a Poll , my Lord. Mr. Thoms . It is laid in that Declaration , that it is the Custom of the City , that my Lord Mayor cannot dissolve . Mr. Att. Gen. May it please your Lordship and you Gentlemen of the Jury , you have now heard all the Evidence * — L. C. J. Gentlemen , you shall not over-rule me so , because I am willing to hear every body therefore you impose upon me . You shall have Law by the Grace of God as far as I am able . Mr. Att. Gen. We have now done with the Evidence on both sides , and you do now see the right of the Lord Mayor , notwithstanding all the vulgar and popular Discourses , is asserted , it appears now upon full Evidence , they themselves do not contradict it , that my Lord Mayor is the Supreme Magistrate of this City , both for calling all your Assemblies and for dissolving them , they won't pretend against this , but indeed they make a Question whether my Lord Mayor can adjourn or no. Necessity of Affairs requires it some times , if there be such a Tumult , such an interruption , that they cannot proceed orderly , or if the matter be so long that they can't determine it in one Day , there is a necessity that there must be an adjournment to another time , and they give you no instances , Gentlemen , that ever the Sheriffs in any Age did attempt it , never any Sheriff made an adjournment of his own accord . Mr. Love he gives no instance of an adjournment , he only tells you of his Supremacy at that time when my Lord Mayor had nothing to do with it , and Gentlemen , at that time you must remember when he was Elected , the Law was otherwise when Mr. Love was elected , then the Sheriffs were the Tribunes of the People , and they had shut my Lord Mayor quite out of their Common-hall , and declared that he had no power to dissolve or adjourn them . The next instance is that of Sir Robert Claytons , and how do they make that out ? Sir Robert Clayton swears only upon his Memory , and what is that ? he remembers just nothing . He does think the common Serjeant does speak Truth in some things , but he can't remember other things . But we prove not only an Adjournment from Saturday to Monday , but other adjournments by special direction from Sr Robert Clayton . So that whatever Mr. Love did fancy of the Authority of Sheriffs , to tell my Lord Mayor he had nothing to do therewith , yet that my Lord Mayor certainly is the chief Magistrate , we have proved all along to this present time , till within these Two or Three years , and when ever there was an adjournment we have proved it to you that it was by my Lord Mayor . So that it is nothing like the Case , put by the Gentlemen on the other side , there was never any shadow of pretence for right . Whoever knows London must know the Sheriffs of London are not Officers of this Corporation as Sheriffs , but they are the Kings Officers of the County granted to be chosen by the Citizens : They are in their particular Cases Judges , for choosing Parliament men , but in no Corporation Act whatsoever : So that Gentlemen , you see there is no pretence for that : But admit there were , what is it like the Case when a Man saies claim to a Wood and he sends Three or Four Persons , or half a Dozen Persons to cut it down ? yet , Mr. Wallop , notwithstanding your Authority , thô that be not a Riot , it is a Rout , where you will send such a Number to raise terrour in the Kings People , and they will continue together after they are commanded to depart by a Magistrate . But it is a different thing where men will concern themselves in a matter of publick Government , as if any Man should pretend he hath the Kings Commission to take your Lordship off the Bench. So that here is quite a different thing , this relates immediately to the Government , here 's the publick Peace of the City is in danger , and if my Lord Mayor had been a Person of great Spirit , and had presently raised others to have supprest this Riot , then the City had been in a fine Condition , by these People that would have no God bless the King , but God bless the Sheriffs . There is no pretence of right can justifie such a thing . Now , my Lord , for a Riot , this must be acknowledged to be , for many to meet together to do an unlawful thing is a Riot . Mr. Wallop . And do it . Mr. Att. Gen. And do it , I put in that too Sir. The meeting here is lawful , and it is as certain that my Lord Mayor hath power to Adjourn , that is a consequence of Law , if the Adjournment be necessary , and he is the only Judge of Adjournment , and when he hath Adjourn'd , I do say the continuing Persons together to do that , which if they had summon'd them to do had been unlawful , is as much an unlawful thing and a Riot as that . I would fain know if the Sheriffs had summon'd all the Citizens together to meet to choose Sheriffs , or any others , would any man Question but this is an unlawful Act , a subversion of the ancient Government of the City , the Usurping an Authority in the City contrary to the Kings Grant and the Charter . And after they are Adjourn'd , if they will make Proclamation and order the People to stay and go on with the Poll , is not that the same thing in point of Law ? Surely no man almost of common sense but will say it is the same thing . In the case that Mr. Wallop puts , if there be any disorders committed precedent to the Magistrates disolving the Society ; that will not amount to a Riot , but if the Magistrate comes and makes Proclamation for them to depart and they stay after , it makes a Riot , if they continue still together , it is rout and an unlawful assembly . But they say there is no Proof that these Gentlemen that are in the Information are guilty of the Riot ; they are all parties to the Riot , the very being there and giving countenance to it is an unlawful thing . Pray Gentlemen , If Ten men should go to rob a House , and one stands off at a distance , is not the Tenth man guilty of the burglary ? If there be a many persons together , and Three only do an unlawful Act , and the others give protection , for number is always a protection , are not all these Gentlemen guilty ? And therefore , Gentlemen , it is hoped you will settle the City by destroying this pretence , which hath been fluttering in the Air , but hath no ground for it . L. C. J. Gentlemen of the Jury , this is an Information against several for a Riot , and it sets forth that there was a Common-Hall that was call'd by the Lord Mayor for choosing several Officers , and that afterwards the Lord Mayor did dissolve that Assembly , and yet notwithstanding the Defendants , ( so many as by and by I shall name to you that they have given evidence against , ) they kept together and committed a Riot , it is said so particularly in the Information . For the matter in fact that hath been altercated between them , the Question is , whether the Lord Mayor for the time being hath power in himself to call an Assembly and to dissolve it , and truly as to this point , even the Council for the Defendants , did one while grant it , but another while did bring Witness that did know nothing of the matter , I must needs say . But for ought I see , even until this very time , the Lord Mayor did call the Assembly , and he did Dissolve it , and that they did seem to grant even at the beginning of the cause . But then they make a distinction , but he could not Adjourn it to a certain time . That was a very weak thing , to say , that if the Lord Mayor may call and dissolve the Hall , that he cannot Adjourn it to a convenient hour , Suppose now the business to be done was not dispatched sooner than this time a Night , so that upon the matter they must be either Adjourn'd till to Morrow or kept in the Hall all Night , does any man think that that Magistrate that hath power to call and dissolve , hath not power to Adjourn ? There is no Man doubts of it in Fact or Law , and that it was so , Sir Robert Clayton did that very thing ; if there had been no precedent it had been all one . But they make a great deal of business of it , how that the Sheriffs were the men and that the Lord Mayor was no body , and that shews it was somewhat of the Common-wealths seed that was like to grow up among the good Corn. — Pray Gentlemen , that is a very undecent thing , you put an indignity upon the King , for you ought not to do it if you knew your Duty , pray Gentlemen , forbear it , it does not become a Court of Justice . I will tell you , when things were topsie-turvie I can't tell what was done , and I would be loth to have it raked up now . They might as well ( as I perceive they have at another time said ) have said , that the power of Dissolving and Adjourning might have been in the Livery-men , all People , every body , and so then if they had been together by the Ears , I don't know who must have parted them , that is the truth of it . But I think their own Council are very well satisfied both in Fact and Law , that the Lord Mayor for the time being , hath this power of Calling and Dissolving and Adjourning the Assembly . Then there is another thing that is to be considered , and that is this , the Defendants they say , we did mistake the Law , it was only a mistake of the Law and nothing else , and we did do all to a good intent , and therefore it must not be a Riot . To give you some satisfaction in that , First , I must tell you that a man must not excuse himself of a crime by saying he was Ignorant of the Law , for if so be that turn to an excuse , it is impossible to convict any man , if so be he must be excused because he did not know the Law , then no man will be found guilty . But if it appear that the Defendants did verily believe that the Law was for them that may be considered in another place , if so be that they were really Ignorant , the fine , it may be , may be the less , but it won't excuse them from all . But truly , in the next place , you must consider , whether or no these Gentlemen were Ignorant , or whether or no they did not in a tumultuary way make a Riot to set up a Magistracy by the power of the People . For I must tell you , I have not heard by the Defendants and I will appeal to your memory , I have not heard before this time that ever the Sheriffs did quarrel with the Mayor , or continue a Common-Hall after the Mayor had Adjourn'd it . As for these Gentlemen they could not be Ignorant of it , because the daily practice before their Eyes was for the Mayor to do it . But this was a new notion got into their heads , tho it was otherwise before it must be so now , and one said ▪ they would have no Tory Mayor to be Mayor , thus the King should have something to do to support the Mayor by his power for ought I know . Now Gentlemen , for the parties that are accused to be in it , there is T. Pilkington , Samuel Shute , Henry Cornish , Lord Gray , Sir Thomas Player , Slingsby Bethel , Francis Jenks , John Deagle , Richard Freeman , Richard Goodenough , Robert Key , John Wickham , Samuel Swinnock and John Jekyl the Elder , some Witnesses are to some , and others to others , but some of them have seven or eight Witnesses . There is Pilkington and Shute and Cornish , these had a great many Witnesses against them , others have two . First , for the Sheriffs and Mr. Cornish that had been Sheriff but two years before , they kept them together after my Lord Mayor was gone , and to see what People they were , No , not God bless the King , no , no , but the Protestant Sheriffs ; so that in truth the King must be put out of his Throne , to put these two Sheriffs in it . It is not proved that either of these did say so , nor the others neither , but they were those that clung to them , and they would help them , and they would set them to rights , and I know not what , and there is no other way to know in this case what they were , but by these they kept company with , and it may be , I would be loth to say ill , it may be it was in order to Dethrone the King as far as they could ; for my Lord Mayor , when truly he had Adjourn'd the Hall and was going home he had like to be trod under foot himself , his Hat was down , and that was the great respect they gave to his Majesties Lieutenant in the City . It is true it cannot be said who it was , but those were the People that would have no God save the King , and those the Mayor had nothing to do with . The Sheriffs they would go on to Poll , and cast up their Books and would make a disquisition who had most hands and the like , three hours after my Lord Mayor was gone , there were so many that did countenance and foment this sort of proceedings . There is a shrewd Act that was made since his Majesty came in , that the villany of some men might be stopt , thirteenth , fourteenth of the King , that for words in some cases makes High Treasons , it is well his Majesty does not take any severe prosecution , but I can't tell you , I would not have men presume upon it . It can't be said you or you said so , yet they kept them together , they were they that kept all this Rabble three hours together ; the Lord Mayor does Adjourn the Court , and they must have some time to be gone , and thereupon would perswade us they could not get away in three hours , they ask for a Poll , and cast up the scrutiny , and I know not what . There are some , and that is my Lord Gray and Mr. Goodenough , how these two should come there I know not , they had nothing to do here , and therefore I doubt it will be worse upon them than upon the rest , for they had nothing to do here , they must come to set the Citizens together by the ears . My Lord Gray , he says , and hath called some Witnesses , that he had business with Sir Will. Gulston , about the sale of Corsfield in Essex , but I do not see any of his Witnesses that do say he came to speak with Sir Will. Gulston here , he came here to see how the Poll went. But , look you Gentlemen , he hath given some sort of evidence , and the Council did open it very fairly , but the evidence did not come fully . If you think he did only come upon real occasions to Sir Will. Gulston , only to speak to him about that business , and concern'd himself no otherwise , then you will do well to find him not guilty , if you do not , you must find him likewise as well as the rest , for Goodenough he was here to promote the matter . There is one and truly he said , that for his part , as the rest would have no God bless the King , so truly he would have no Tory Mayor . And all this Flame I must tell you took Fire from this Spark , that the Sheriffs might do what they thought fit about choosing Officers . Gentlemen , it hath been a long Tryal , and it may be I have not taken it well , my memory is bad and I am but weak , I don't Question but your memories are better than mine , consider your verdict and find so many as you shall think fit . The Jury withdrew and in some time returned . Are you all agreed of your Verdict ? Jury . Yes . Who shall speak for you ? Jury . The Foreman . Do you find the Defendants guilty of the Trespass and Riot , & c ? Foreman . We find them all guilty in that Paper . This is your Verdict ? Jury . Yes . T. Pilkington , S. Shute , H. Cornish , Lord Gray , Sir Thomas Player , S. Bethel , F. Jenks , J. Deagle , R. Freeman , R. Goodenough , R. Key , J. Wickham , S. Swinnock , and John Jekyl the Elder are guilty . You say they are all guilty , &c. Jury . Yes . FINIS . ADVERTISEMENT . JUne 17 th . Next week will be Published the Second Volume of Dr. Nalsons Impartial Collections of the great Affairs of State , from the beginning of the Scotch Rebellion in the year 1639 , to the Murder of King Charles the First ; wherein the first occasions , and the whole Series of the late Troubles in England , Scotland , and Ireland , are faithfully represented taken from Authentick Records , and Methodically digested , with a Table . Published by his Majesties special Command . Sold by Tho. Dring at the Harrow , at the Corner of Chancery-Lane in Fleet-Street . Also the Reports of the Lord Keeper Littleton , in Kings-Bench , Common-Pleas , and Exchequer , in the time of King Charles the First , with a Table . Newly Published , The Reports of Sir Geo. Croke Kt. in the time of Q. Elizabeth , K. James , and K. Charles , the First : Collected in French by himself , revised and Published in English by Sir Harbottle Grimstone , Master of the Rolls ; the 3 d. Edition , with References to all the late Reports , in 3 Vol. All Three Sold by Tho. Dring at the Corner of Chancery-Lane in Fleet-Street . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A63202-e560 * The same-place which before was called the Orphan's Court. * Here Mr. Jones offered to interrupt him . * The Counsel clamour'd . Here the People hum'd and interrupted my Lord. A72789 ---- Orders devised and agreed upon by the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen of the citie of London, the seventh day of march, 1632. for and concerning the good government of the gaole of Newgate Acts and orders. 1632-03-7 City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1633 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A72789 STC 16733.3 ESTC S125095 99898845 99898845 151046 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A72789) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 151046) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1997:18) Orders devised and agreed upon by the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen of the citie of London, the seventh day of march, 1632. for and concerning the good government of the gaole of Newgate Acts and orders. 1632-03-7 City of London (England). Lord Mayor. City of London (England). Court of Aldermen. 1+ sheets (versos blank) R. Young, [London : 1633?] See also STC 16727.1--STC. Imprint and pagination from STC. Line 1 of text ends: 'shillings'. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall Library, London, England. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Prisons -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2008-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-12 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-12 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Orders devised and agreed upon by the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen of the Citie of London , the seventh day of March , 1632. for and concerning the good government of the Gaole of Newgate . _●N primis , It is ordered that the summe of fifty sixe pounds eight shillings foure pence in Certaintie , which is yearly given to the Prisoners in the said Gaole , by charitable gifts and legacies , aswell for their reliefe , as for their release , shall hereafter be payd , as the same doth grow due , to the Alderman or his Deputie of the Ward of Farringdon within , for the time being , to bee distributed foure times in the yeare ( viz. ) within foure daies next after everie quarter day , for the reliefe and release of the said Prisoners , according to the true intent and meaning of the Donors , And such Alderman or Deputie to keepe a note , what is paid , and what not , to the end that if any of the said money in Certaine bee detained , it may be recovered by due course of Law. Item , That the summe of ten pounds eight shillings per annum , which is weekly paid by the keeper of the Conduit at Newgate , be not hereafter put into the Common Boxe , nor allowed to the Steward for his Sallarie or Wages , as formerly : But that the same be weekly paid into the hands of the Steward for the time being , for a Stock to bee imployed towards the bearing of the charge of such necessarie disbursments , as shall concerne the common good of the said Prisoners : And that the Steward shall weekly give an accompt in writing under his hand , to the Assistants in the said Gaole , how , and in what manner the moneyes have beene disbursed , and how much thereof shall bee remaining in his hands from time to time , to the end they may allow and subscribe the said Accompt . Item , That Henry Woodhouse , the present Steward , be removed , and another nominated and chosen by the major part of the said Prisoners in the Common Gaole , out of those men onely that lye there for debt , to continue for one whole yeare , if he shall , during that time , honestly behave himselfe in the execution of the said place . In which election , no Keeper , or servant to the Keeper , is to have any voice at all , nor that any menace , constraint or enforcement be used touching the said Election , which is to be approved of by the Sheriffes of London , for the time being . Item , That the Steward be no Vnder-keeper , or servant to the Keeper , and that hee hereafter only have and receive his former accustomed allowance of twelve pence a weeke in money , and his double share , and his lodging in the Stewards roome as formerly , so long as hee performes his office honestly , and accompt , as aforesaid , The said twelve pence a weeke to be paid him upon the opening of the Boxe , and he to make no discharge for any money that shall come to his hands to the Prisoners use , without the privitie of the Assistants , and in their presence , and they to signe his Books of Accompts weekly . Item , That if such Steward , so to bee chosen for one yeare , shall not well and honestly behave himselfe in his said place , it may then be lawfull for the said Prisoners , to make a new election monethly , as aforesaid , if cause shall so require . Item , That all casuall charitable reliefe bee put into the sayd common Boxe , standing in the Lodge , to which shall bee two keyes , one to remaine with the said Alderman or his Deputie , for the time being ; and the other with the said Steward for the time being , that without both the said Keyes , the said Box may not be opened . Item , That aswell the monies in the said Boxe , which is to bee opened at the times aforesaid , as also the fifty sixe pounds eight shillings foure pence , in custodie of the said Alderman or his Deputie , be by either of them disbursed to the use of the sayd Prisoners , in presence of the Steward and the Visitors of the said Gaole that shall bee appointed , And the Bakers skore , aswell that in arreare , as hereafter to be brought in , be then , at the opening of the said Boxe , first paid by such reasonable payments as the stock will beare . Item , That no allowance or defalcation bee hereafter made out of the said Box , or other stocke of the Prisoners , for candles , inke , paper , pens , mending of locks , keyes and hindges of the Gaole , for keeping or looking to the gyves or irons of the Keepers , for the attendance of the Vnder-keepers , or making cleane of the houses of office of the said Gaole . A44731 ---- Londinopolis, an historicall discourse or perlustration of the city of London, the imperial chamber, and chief emporium of Great Britain whereunto is added another of the city of Westminster, with the courts of justice, antiquities, and new buildings thereunto belonging / by Jam Howel, Esq. Howell, James, 1594?-1666. 1657 Approx. 948 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 128 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A44731 Wing H3090 ESTC R4444 12895678 ocm 12895678 95174 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A44731) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 95174) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 384:15) Londinopolis, an historicall discourse or perlustration of the city of London, the imperial chamber, and chief emporium of Great Britain whereunto is added another of the city of Westminster, with the courts of justice, antiquities, and new buildings thereunto belonging / by Jam Howel, Esq. Howell, James, 1594?-1666. Stow, John, 1525?-1605. Survey of London. [12], 124, 301-407, [9] p., [1] folded leaf of plates : ill., port. Printed by J. Streater for Henry Twiford, George Sawbridge, Th and John Place, and are to be sold at their shops, London : 1657. "Largely borrowed from Stow"--DNB. Paging irregular: "The seeming error may perhaps be attributed to the book being printed at different offices"--Upcott. Advertisements: p. [8]-[9] at end. Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. Westminster (London, England) -- Description and travel -- To 1800. London (England) -- Buildings, structures, etc. -- To 1800. Westminster (London, England) -- Buildings, structures, etc. -- To 1800. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-12 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-12 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion LONDINOPOLIS ; AN Historicall Discourse OR PERLUSTRATION Of the City of LONDON , THE Imperial Chamber , and chief Emporium OF Great Britain : WHEREUNTO Is added another of the City of WESTMINSTER . WITH The Courts of Justice , Antiquities , and new Buildings thereunto belonging . By Jam Howel Esq Senesco , non Segnesco . LONDON , Printed by J. Streater , for Henry Twiford , George Sawbridge , Th● and John Place , and are to be sold at their Shops , 1657 DE PONTE LONDINENSI Ejusque Stupendo Situ & Structurâ , Ad ●nstar Celebris illius Hexastichi poetae Sannazarii de urbe Veneta — Viderat Hadriacis — Cum Londinensem Neptunus viderat Urbem , Vectus ibi propriis atque revectus aquis , Dum densam penetrat Syluam , Lucosque ferentes Pro ramis funes , pro foliisque Cruces , Cum superimpositum Torrenti flumine Pontem Viderat , et rapido ponere jura freto , Cum tantos muros , ferrumina , castra , tot Arcus Vidit , & haec tergo cuncta jacere suo , Arcus , qui possent totidem formare Rialtos Metiri si quis summa vel ima cupit ; Haec Deus undarum aspiciens , fluxusque retror sum Tundere , & horrendos inde boare Sonos , Nunc mihi quanta velis Terrae miracula pandas Est primus Mundi Pons , ait , Iste Stupor . The same paraphrased in English . Of London-Bridg , and the Stupendous Site , and Structure thereof . When Neptune from his billows London spyde , Brought proudly thither by a high Spring-Tyde ; As through a floating Wood He steer'd along , And dancing Castles cluster'd in a throng ; When he beheld a mighty Bridg give law Unto his Surges , and their fury awe ; When such a shelf of Cataracts did roar , As if the Thames with Nile had changd her shoar When he such massy Walls , such Towrs did eye , Such Posts , such Irons upon his back to lye , When such vast Arches he observ'd , that might Nineteen * Rialtos make for depth and height , When the Cerulean God these things survayd , He shook his Trident , and astonish'd said , Let the whol Earth now all Her wonders count This Bridg of Wonders is the Paramount . To the Renowned City of London . To the Right Honourable , Honourable , and all others , Who owe their first Birth or wellbeing to so Noble a Metropolis . IT was a notable Character , which Cornelius Tacitus , ( that famous Register of Time , who had lived here many years ) did give of London about fifteen hundred years agoe , Londinum copiâ Negotiatorum , & Comeatu maximè celebre , London a most renowned Mart for multitude of Marchants , and Commerce . If She deserved such a Character in those dayes , what would She merit now ? who being compared to what she was then , may be said , in point of magnitude , to be as a large Volume in Folio , to a Book in Decimo Sexto : And , in point of Trade , as in an East Indy Carack , to a Quinbourough Oyster ketch . I have read of some , who have bin enamor'd of Cities , as others use to be of Mistresses : so Charles the Emperor , was struck with the love of Florence , when among other expressions he said , That she was a fair Lady , fit to be seen only on Holidayes ; So a French Baron was so taken with the City of Paris , ( which is known to be none of the neatest ) that he said , Could he live ever in Paris , he would quit his right to Paradise . And it is storied of Tamberlain , that having got Constantinople , the first Complement he put upon Her , was , that he had heard so much of Her rare beauty , that He came from so far off to Court Her ; but answer was made , that it was the Custom of Thrace , to Court fair Ladies , not with Trumpets and Drums , but with Dulcimers , and other melodious Instruments . I may well affirm , that London is not inferior to any of these , as will appear in a Parallel hereunto annexed : And having breath'd Air , and ( lept in her bosom , now near upon forty years ( except the times that I was abroad upon forren Employments , ) it is no wonder , if I be habitually in love with Her ; nor have I bin wanting to express it many times by dedicating unto Her the great French Dictionary refin'd , and enrich'd with divers Additionals ; Then in giving Her some warnings by the sad destiny of Jerusalem , in an Epitome that goes of Josephus ; I shewed my self also very sensible of Her case at that time , when I addressd unto Her Englands Teares , and Mercurius Acheronticus . nor is it long since , that I made publick love to Venice , and Courted Naples also , and I came off with no ill success ; I hope to do the like here . I know others have treated already of the same Subject , and given a laudible account of the City of London , but Gold may be often told over without fouling the singers . I have read near upon a dozen several Survayes of Rome and Venice , with other Cities , and I alwayes found new Observations ; But it is now above thirty foure years agoe , ( which are near upon five Ages in the Law ) since any thing was written of London , and Westminster her collateral Sister ; which tract of time , assords variety of accidents , which the Reader shall find in this new Account : wherein as I have bin careful not to pretermit any thing that 's Material , so my special Caution hath bin not to thrust in any frivolous pedantick things , or Superfluities , whereunto my nature hath bin alwayes averse ; Moreover , I promise the Reader , that he shall meet with many other Observations here , which were never yet drawn off the Presse , or exposed to publick light until now . I will conclude my Epistle with this Question , If it was esteemed an honour among the Greeks , to be born in Athens ; If among the Italians , to be a Roman ; If among the Spaniards to be a Toledano : why should it be lesse honour for an Englishman to be born in London ? My hearty prayers to Heaven are , for the incolumity , and welfare of this Great City , for the aversion of all Judgements , and that she may still flourish with affluence of all Earthly felicity ; by which prayer I subscribe my self , Much Honoured Sirs , Your humble , and ready Servant , Jam : Howel . SOME ADVERTISEMENTS TO THE READER . THey who make researches into Antiquity , may be said to passe often through many dark Lobbies , and dusky places , before they come to Aula lucis , the Great Hall of light ; They must repair to old Archives , and peruse many mouldred and moth-eaten Records , and so bring light as it were out of darkness , to inform the present World , what the former did , and make us see truth through our Ancestors eyes . Now , though we commonly term Them that went before us our Ancestors , yet if we have respect to the extent of Time , and the Age of the World , We who live now , may be called the more Ancient ; For They lived ; some of them in the Non-age , some in the Youth , some in the Adolescence , some in the virility of the World , And We who now crawl up and down the earth , may be said to live in the declining and doting old decrepit Age : Therefore if relation be had to true longaevity , We may be rather called the Older : Insomuch , that a Child born to day , as he is part of the Universe , and the product of Time , may be said to be more ancient then Adam , which I conceive to be the meaning of that common saying among us , The younger Brother is the ancienter Gentleman . Moreover , it is desired , that the discerning Reader be advertized , that Historians and Antiquaries , may well be compared to Architects , who in rearing up a Fabrick , although the Idaea , and design of the work , with the site , the contrivement of rooms , the contignation of parts and Symmetry , be wholly in themselves ; yet in point of Substance , they fetch their Materials from else where ; so the Historian and Antiquary , though the method , the style , and compilement be his , yet he hath his matter from others , either from Manuscripts , or printed Records , except these modern passages that are Synchronical with himself . Furthermore , an Historian may be compared to one walking in a Garden , and making a posie of Flowers , which he culs and plucks from divers beds and banks ; now , though the Flowers be none of his , yet the choyce of them , and twisting them together , to give the fuller fragrancy , and not to thrust in any unsavory vegetal , is solely his own work . The Lord Bacon's Henry the seventh , and my Lord Harbert's Henry the eighth , though the composition , and digesting be theirs , whereby they denominate the Books , yet , under favour , touching the main Ingredients , they took them from others , who had written the life of those Kings before : So , concerning this present Treatise , although the trace , and form of the Structure be mine own ; yet , I am so much the Child of modesty , as to acknowledge to have fetch'd most of my Materials from others , who preceded me in the same Subject ; as from Mr. Stow , and those industrious persons , who have made Additionals unto him : yet , as I gave a hint before in my Epistle Dedicatory , there be divers things inserted here , which are not found there , nor any where else ; besides those modern Occurrences which have happened since , and are contemporary with my self . THE CHIEFEST MATERIALS THAT Go to the Compilement of this new Peece . 1. A Proeme . 2. The Historical part of London touching her first Rise and Foundation , with her degrees of growth . 3. Of the Great and glorious Temple of St. Pauls , with its dimensions , and places annexed ; together , with the rest of the Churches in City , or Suburbs . 4. Of the 26. several Wards , Precincts , or Aldermanries of London , into which the whole City is divided . 5. Of the Political , and Civil Government of the City of London , as also of the spiritual . 6. Of the Walls , Streets , Gates , and Towers of London ; with the Prisons , and places of restraint . 7. Of the Inns of Court and Chancery , of the Doctors Commons , Gresham , and Sion Colledge , with the publick Schools . 8. Of the Twelve chief Companies , whence the Lord Mayor is extracted , with other Societies of Marchant Adventurers , and the 61. Corporations . 9. Of their several Halls or Guilds , dispersed up and down in convenient places . 10. Of the Great Tower of London , the Royal Exchange , of Guild-Leaden - and Bassings-Hall , &c. 11. Of the White , and Black , the Gray , Cruchet , and Austin Fryers , with other Religious Houses , as Nunneries and Hospitalls . 12. Of the famous , and great Navigable River of Thames , from the first Source , till she dischargeth her self into the Ocean . 13. Of London-Bridge , and her admired Structure ; which nevertheless , would see better , had she fewer Eyes , and that her Nineteen Arches were reduc'd to Nine . 14. Of the Prerogative , and great trust , the Lord Mayor , and the City , have for the over-sight , and repair of the said Bridge , with the Conservancy of the said River . 15. Of the City of Westminster , and the Abbey . 16. Of the Strand , the New Exchange , the Savoy , and all the Great Houses towards the Water-side . 17. Of the Covent Garden , Saint Giles , Lincolns-Inne-Fields , Saint Martins , and Drury-Lane , with all the late New Buildings . 18. Of Westminster-Hall , and all the Tribunals of Justice , there sedentary , 19. Of the High Court of Parliament , and the Admiralty , &c. 20. A Parallel 'twixt London , and other Great Cities of the World , whereof divers are spoken of in the Corollary . view of London LONDON London the glory of Great Britaines Ile Behold her Landschip here , and tru pourfile . 1 St. Paul 2 White Hall 3 Suffolke house 4 Yorke house 5 Savoy 6 Somerset house 7 Arundell house . 8 St Clemens 9 S. Dunstane 10 The Temple . 11 S. Brides 12 S Andrew . 13 Baynards Castle 14 Queene Hythe . 15 S P●lchees 16 Three Cranes 17 The Waterhouse . 18 The Stillyarde 19 Bow Churche 20 Guild Hall 21 S. Michaels 22 S Lorentz Poultney . 23 Fishmongers Hall 24 The Old Swan 25 The Bridge 26 Gray Church . 27 S Dunstan in the East . 28 Belinsgate . 29 Custome house . 30 The Tower. 31 Tower wharfe . 32 S Catharins . 33 S Olaffe . 34 S. Marie Overis . 35 Winchester house 36 The Globe . 37 B●●r Garden 38 The Swan . 39 Harrowe on the Hill. 40 Hamsted . 41 Hygate . 42 Hackney . 43 Poutney . 44 ●ll Ships . 45 Gally Fuste . 46 Cool harbour . THE PROEME , OR FIRST ENTRANCE Into the City of LONDON . MY purpose is to give as exact an account , as my Enquiries can , of the renowned City of London , with her Suburbs annexed ; And , to proceed herein the more regularly , the foundation of my Discourse shall be layed with that of Hers , beginning with her first Rise or Original ; Then it shall grow up with Her , according to those Degrees of profection , that she is now arrived unto . From her Foundation we will bring you to her Walls , and so lead you in at her Gates ; whence you shall walk along her streets , and visit her Churches with other ancient Religious Houses , and publique Edifices ; Then we shall bring you to refresh your self at her Conduits , and Aquaeducts , her brooks , bourns , and Wells ; Afterwards , we shall gently lead you along over her Bridges , and so bring you to solace your self upon the rare , and renowned River of Thames , which we shall derive from her very source , and accompany her Stream all along , till she comes to pay tribute to the Ocean ; Then we shall make a perambulation in her severall Precincts , Divisions , and Wards . And because nothing displayes the prudence of a City more , then her political way , and method of Government , we shall endeavour to satisfie you in that point , and speak of her Magistracy , her Priviledges , her well-moulded Corporations and Companies , whereby we shall take occasion to revive the memory of those famous Patriots , and Worthies , which she hath produc'd and bred , with their Munificence , their Merits , and publique Monuments . We shall go on then to give the neerest conjecture we can make of her dimensions , in point of length and latitude , and of the number of humane souls , that usually dwell , and lodge within Her ; Nor shall we conceal some Clowds that have hung over her , and ill-favour'd clashings she hath had with her Soveraign Princes . And lastly , There will be a short Discourse by way of parallel , betwixt the City of London , and other the most populous great Marts of the World. Of the Foundation , and first Rise of the City of LONDON . IT is as difficult a task to finde out the Original of some Nations and Citties , as it is to finde out the Spring of the mysterious River of Nile ; which tumbling down with a horrid noise of Cataracts through so many huge Rocks , above two thousand miles , comes punctually every Summer solstice , to visit the gran Cairo ; and then takes her leave of Her , as punctually the Autumnal Equinox next following , having first impregnared the hot womb of Egypt , with a wonderful prolificall vertue , for the generation of so many species of Animalls , and Vegetalls . But to finde out the Original of the City of London , 't is not so hard a matter ; yet , there are variety of Opinions hereof , which we will briefly examine ; Piolomy , Tacitus , and Antonine , call her sometimes Londinium , and sometimes Longidinium . Ammianus Marsellinus , calls her Lundinum , and sometimes Augusta , which is , the stately and magnificent City . There are some who call Her Troia nova , or Troynovant ; which appellation , Edward the first , in that famous long Letter he writ to Pope Boniface , about the Scots Nation , seemes to assert : Others call her Caer Lud , other Dinas Belin ; But that Opinion which quadrats most with truth , is , that her first Founders , and Godfathers , were the ancient Britains , ( whom we now call Welsh ) who by confession of all Antiquaries , both domestick and forraign , were the Aborigenes , and first Inhabitants of this Countrey , being contemporary , and as it were concreated with the Iland her self ; There are three denominations , which are derived from the Britans , viz. Llhogdin ; Llhwndian , and Llhandian , which we shall endeavour to explane ; Touching the first , the Britans call a ship Llhong , and Dinan a Town . Insomuch , that Llongdin is no other then Shipton , or a Town of Ships ; And I have read of many Cities , who derive their names from Ships , as Nanpactum , Nauplia , Naualia Augusti , Nauctathmos ; But none of these hath more right to assume the Title of Shipton , or Llhongdin ( according to the British ) as the City of London hath , in regard that she is situated , upon the gentle ascent , or flank of a Hill hard by a dainty Navigable River , which swelling at certain set houres with the Ocean Tides , she is able by her deep , and safe Channel to entertain the greatest bottoms and Ships , that can ride on Neptunes back , which makes Her so famous a Mart , those Ships bringing in all the rich Commodities that the VVorld can afford ; whereunto alludes old Robert of Glocester , in the Rimes of those dayes , which I thought worthy to insert here for the Antiquity of the Dialect . In the Country of Canterbury , most plenty of Fish is ; And most chase of Beasts about Salsbury I wis , And London Ships most , and Wine at Winchester , At Hartford Sheep and Oxe , and fruit at Worcester , Soap about Coventry , and Iron at Glocester , Metal , Lead , and Tin in the Country of Exceter , Euorwick of fairest wood , Lincoln of fairest men , Cambridge and Huntingdon most plenty of deep venne , Ely of fairest place , of fairest sight Rochester . Touching the second British appellation Llhwndian , Caesar , and Strabo , do mention that the ancient Britans called those Woods or Groves , which they had barrocadoed and fenc'd about with Trees cast down , and plash'd , to prevent all inrodes and assaults , they call'd such a place I say Llhwn , which is equivalent to a fenc'd Town , or dwelling , as the Poet sings of them . — Their Houses were the Thicks , And bushy queaches hollow Caves , and Hardles made of sticks . And 't is more then probable , that in that place , where St. Pauls Church now stands , there was a Wood or Grove at first , in regard there was a Fane or Temple erected there to the honour of Diana ; for Historians observe , that whereas Venus , Mars , and Vulcan were used to have their Temples in the Suburbs , Jupiter and Apollo within the City , the Goddess Diana was used to have her Temples set up in Woods , which might make the Britains denominate that place Llhwndian , which is as much as Diana's Grove or Town . As this derivation carrieth a great semblance of truth with it , so the third , viz. Llhandian carrieth as much , if not a greater verisimilitude , and weighs most with me ; The Brittains to this day , call a Church or Temple Llhan , whereof there be a great number in Wales to this day , as Llhangorse , Llhansawel , Llhandilo &c. which signifieth the Churches of such places ; And whereas by the Current and consentient opinion of all Antiquaries , there was a Pagan Temple , or Fane erected to Diana , in that place where now St. Paul's stands , there being yet there a place called Camera Dianae , where Oxe heads and bones are daily found , which were used to be offered her as victims and sacrifices , I say , 't is more then probable , that the Britains were induc'd thereby to call the place Nhandian , which is the Temple of Diana ; and so in tract of time , the word was contracted , and came to be called London . Now , who was the first Founder of London , is no where precisely found . But whosoever first founded her , they shewed much prudence in the choyce of scituation ; For the happy and fortunate Estate of the City , hath given good proof , that built she was in a good houre , when some propitious Starre was then the ascendent , and marked for long life and continuance , and that she is for antiquity very honourable ; Ammianus Marcellinus giveth us to understand , that she was called an ancient City in his time , which is above twelve hundred years agoe ; Cornelius Tacitus doth seem to do the like three hundred years before , who gives her this Character , Londinum copiâ Negotiatorum , & commeatu valdè celebre for multitude of Merchants , and commerce , London is very renowned : This only was wanting to the glory thereof , that she had not the name of Free City , nor of Colony ; Neither indeed had it stood with the Roman interest , if any City flourishing with Trade , should have enjoyed the right of a Free City ; And therefore it was , as may be well supposed , that they ordain'd her to be a Prefecture , for so they term'd Towns where Marts were kept , and Justice administred , yet so that they had no Magistrates of their own , but rulers were sent every year to govern them , and for to execute Law in publick matters , namely of Tax , Tribute , Tolls , Customs , Warfare , &c. from the Senate of Rome ; Hence it commeth , that Tacitus the Panegyrist , and Marcellinus aforesaid , call her only a Town ; But although she was not lo●tier in name , yet in Wealth , Riches , and Prosperity , she flourished as much as any other , yea and continued alwayes the same , under the Dominions of Romans , Saxons , and Normans , seldom or never afflicted with any great calamities . In the raign of Nero , when the Britains had conspired to recover , and resume their liberty , under the Conduct of Baeodicia , the Londoners could not with all their vveepings hold Suetonius Paulinus , but that after he had leavied a power of the Citizens to ayd him , he would needes dislodge , and remove from thence , leaving the City naked to the Enemy , who forth with surprized and slew some few , whom either weakness of Sex , feebleness of age , or sweetness of the place had detained there : Neither had she sustained lesse losse , and misery , at the hands of the Gaules , if she had not suddenly , and beyond all expectation by Gods providence bin relieved ; For when C. Alectus had by a deceitful stratagem , made away Carausius , who taking advantage of our rough Seas , and of Dioclesians dangerous Warres in the East , and withall , presuming of the Gauls , ( now French ) and most venturous Marriners , and Servi●ors at Sea , withheld to himself the Revenues of Britain and Holland , and born for the space of six years , the Title of Emperour Augustus , as his Coines here very oft do shew : When M. Aurelius Asclepiedotus had in a Battail slain Alectus in the third year now of his Usurpation of the Imperial Purple and State , those French who remained alive after the Battle hastening to London , would have sack'd the City , had not the Thames , who never fail'd to help the Londoners , very opportunely brought in the Roman Legions , who by reason of a Fog at Sea , were severed from the Navy : For they put the Barbarians to the Sword , all the City over , and thereby gave the Citizens , not only safety by the slaughter of their Enemies , but pleasure in beholding such a sight ; And then it was , as our Chronicles record that Lucius Gallus was slain by a Brook side , which ran almost through the middle of the City , and of him was called by the British Nantgall , in English Wallbrook ; which name remains yet in a Street , under which there is a sewer within the ground , to rid away the filth , and ordures of the City , Not far from London-stone , which I take to be a Mile-mark or Milliary , such as was in the Market places at Roms , from which were taken dimensions of all journies , every way , considering it is neer the midst of the City , as it lyeth in length . Neither is it probable , she was yet wall'd about ; But a little after our Stories report , that Constantine the Great , at the instance of his Mother Helena , did first fence her about with a Wall made of rough stone , and British Bricks , which took up in compasse , above three miles , so that it inclosed the Model of the City almost four-square , but not equal on every side , considering , that from East to VVest , she is far longer then from South to North. That part of this Wall which stood on the Thames side , is by the continual flowing , and washings of the River fallen down and decayed ; yet there appear'd certain remains thereof in Henry the seconds time , as Fitzstephen , who then liv'd doth testifie . The rest now standing , is stronger towards the North , which not many years since , was reedified by the meanes of Joceline , Lord Mayor of London ; But towards East and VVest , although the Barons in old time , during their Warres , repaired and renewed it with the ruynes of the Jewes houses then demolished , yet it grew quickly , all thorow , out of decay ; For Londoners like to those old Lacedemonians , laughed at strong walled Towns , as Cot-houses for Women , thinking their own Cities sufficiently fenc'd , when they are fortified with bones , and not with stones . This Wall giveth entrance at seven principal double Gates ; for I willingly omit the smaller , which as they have bin lately repaired , so they have also new names given them ; On the West side there be two , to wit , Ludgate of King Lud a Britain , or Flud-gate , as Leland is of opinion , of a little flud running beneath it , like as the Gate Fluentana in Rome , built again from the foundation ; This Gate was made a free Prison , Anno 1378 , Bremer being Major , which was confirm'd 1382. by a Common Councel in the Guild-Hall , where 't was ordained , that all Freemen of London should for debts , trespasses , accounts , and contempts , be imprisoned in Ludgate , where at first for lodging and water , they did not pay anything . We go next to Newgate , the fairest of all the Gates so call'd from the newness thereof , whereas before it was call'd Chamberlane Gate , which now is the publick Gaol or Prison for Criminalls ; and also for civil actions , for the Country of Middlesex . And it hath bin so many Ages , as appears by Records in King Johns time ; as also in King Henry the third , who ( as an old Authour testifieth ) sent a Command to the Sheriffs of London , to repair the Goal of Newgate . On the North side are four Gates , viz. Aldersgate , or Oldersgate from the antiquity thereof , or as others would have it from Aldrich a Saxon ; the second is Cripplegate of a Spitle of Cripples sometimes adjoyning thereunto : The third is Mooregate , call'd so of a Moory ground hard by , which is now draind up , and made fair and firm , and turn'd into a field & delightful walks . Which Gate was first built by Falconer Lord Mayor , in the year of our Lord 1414. Then Bishopsgate of a Bishop the Benefactor ; which Gate the Dutch Marchants , or Hans of the Styliard were bound by Covenant both to repair , and defend at all times of danger and extremity . On the East side there is Aldgate , so named from the oldnesse , or Elbegate as others terme it , which hath bin oft re-edified ; It is thought , that two Gates more stood , besides the Bridge gate , by the Thames side , namely Belinsgate , now a Wharfe or a Key for the Scots Trade ; and Douregate or the Watergate , commonly call'd Dowgate . There be some Posterns besides that may go for Gates , as that of Christs Hospital , which was made in the Reign of Edward the sixth ; Another was made out of the wall lately into Moorfields . But the Postern by the Tower shews that it hath bin very ancient , and an arch'd Gate of much trust ; for in times past there was alwaies a person of quality who was Custos of that Posterne . Towards the Rivers side , there are also many water gates for the better security of the City . Where the wall endeth towards the River , there were two strong Forts or Bastions , of which the one Eastward remaineth yet , usually called the Tower of London , called in the old British Bringwin , or Tourgwin , which in English is , the White Tower ; a most famous and goodly Cittadel encompassed about with thick and strong Walls , full of lofty , and stately Turrets , fenc'd about with a broad and a deep ditch , furnish'd also with an Armory or Magazine of Warlick munition , with other buildings besides , so that it resembleth a Town of it self ; and one may well suppose , that those two Castles which Fitz-stephens recordeth to have bin on the East side of this City , went both to the making of this one : The other Fort was on the West side of this City , where Fleet a little riveret ran , whence Fleetstreet took its name , and in time , it was able to bear Vessels , as appears in some Parliament Rolls , which Riveret dischargeth it self into the Thames . Fitz Stephen calls this the Palatin Tower or Castle ; And they write , that in the Reign of William the Conqueror , it was consumed by fire , out of the ruines whereof a great part of Saint Pauls Church , was newly built ; And also on the very plot of ground where it stood , Robert Kilwarby ArchBishop of Canterbury founded a Religious House for the Dominican Fryars , whence we call the place Black-fryars ; whereby a man may easily guess of what bigness it was ; howbeit , in that place , stood in the dayes of Henry the second ( Gervase of Tilbury in his Book call'd Otia Imperialia is my Author ) two Forts or Ramparts , the one whereof belong'd to Bainard , the other to the Baron of Monfichet by right of succession , but nothing remaineth of them to this day ; yet some think that Pembroke House was a piece of them , which we term Bainards Castle , of Bainard a noble man of Dunmow , whose possession sometimes it was , & whose Successors the Fitz Waters were in right of inheritance , who were Ensign-bearers of the City of London , ( as shall be told hereafter ) and among them Robert Fitz water , had licence of K. Edward the first , to sell the Site of Bainards Castle to the forenamed ArchBishop Kilwarby . Neither was this City at that time wall'd only , but also when the Flamins or Pagan Priests were taken away , and Christian Religion established under that good Emperour Constantine , a Bishop was install'd in their room , for it appeareth at the Councel of Arles , which in the year of grace 314 was held under the said Constantine the great , the Bishop of London was present ; for he subscribed , as it is to be seen in the first Tome of the Councel in this manner . Restitutus , Bishop in the City of London out of the Province of great Britain ; Which Restitutus and his Successors , had their Seat and residence as some affirm , as Saint Peters in Cornhil . From that time , London flourished in such honour , that she began to be call'd Augusta , and by that name was famous under the Emperour Valentinian ; For Ammianus Marcellinus in his 27 Book writeth thus , And going forward to London an ancient Town which posterity call'd Augusta : and in the 28 Book , He went from Augusta , which men of old time call'd London ; Whence it came that after Constantine's time , there was a Mint appointed therein ; For we read in those Pieces of Money , which he caused to be stamp'd in honour of his Father Constantius , and in others ; this was the Inscription , P. Lon. S. that is Pecunia Londino signata , Mony stamp'd in London . He who had the charge and overseeing thereof under the Comes of Sacrarum largitionum , is in the Book of Notice term'd , Praepositus the saurorum Augustensium in Britannia , that is , Provost of the Treasury of Augusta or London , in Britany . For this name Augusta was a name full of Dignity and Majesty ; And both Founders and Repairers of Cities , when they hoped or wish'd , that such Cities would become flourishing and powerful , gave them significant names of good fortune ; But among the most auspicious names that be , none is more magnificent , none more auspicate and glorious than Augusta . For , this of Augustus , the most gracious & mighty Emperour Octavianus took unto himself , not without the judgment of the best learned . Sirnamed he was , saith Dio , Augustus as one of great Majesty above the nature of man : for what things be most honourable and sacred , are called Augusta : Neither had London this name for so high an honour , without the Licence of the Roman Emperours ; In regard that names could not be impos'd upon Cities without authority , as Virgil notes in that verse of his ; Urbem appellabant , permisso nomine , Acestam . The City , by permission , Acesta they did name . But as continuance of time has outworne this so honorable a name of Augusta : so it hath confirm'd that other most ancient name Londinum . Whiles it enjoy'd the soresaid name Augusta it scaped fair from destruction by a rebellious rout of Ransakers ; But Theodosius the father of Theodosius the Emperour did cut them in pieces whiles they were encombred with their spoils & entred , as Marcianus saith , with exceeding great joy in triumphant manner into the City distressed before , & overwhelm'd with grievous calamities ; And marching with his Army from thence , he by his valour and prowesse , so freed Britain from those intolerable calamities and dangers wherewith she was beset , that the Romans , as witnesseth Symmachus , honored him among other ancient Worthies , and men of high renown with the Statue of a man of Arms. Not long after , when the Romans Empire in Britain was come to an end , in that publick destiny , and fatal defection of the whole State , it fell unto the English Saxons , but in what sort , it is not well agreed on among Authors ; It is most probable that Vortigern to redeem himself , being taken prisoner , delivered it for his ransome unto Hengist the Saxon , considering that it did belong unto the East Saxons , whose Countrey also , as Writers do record , Vortigern upon that condition made over unto Hengist . At which time the state of the Church went also to wrack , and endured sore affliction ; the Pastors were either slain , or forc'd to fly , their flocks worried , and havock made of all , as well Church goods as others . Theon the last Bishop of London of the British blood , was fain to hide the holy Relique of Saints for a memorial , as my Author saith , and not for any superstition . But although those daies of the English Saxons were such , that a man might truly say , Mars then brandished and shook his weapons , yet was London neverthelesse , as Bede testifieth , a Town of Trade , and traffique , frequented by many Nations resorting thither by Sea and Land ; But afterwards when a more gracious gale of peace breath'd favourably upon this wearied Island , and the English Saxons began to professe Christianity , it also began to flourish afresh ; for Ethelbert King of Kent , under whom Sebert raign'd in this tract , as it were his Vassal , and by courtesie , fouuded here a Church , and did consecrate it to Saint Paul , which being soon reedified and repaired , became at last most stately and magnificent , it was endowed by degrees with fair revenues ; & livings , wherewith were maintain'd a Bishop , a Dean , a Chanter , a Chancellour , a Treasurer , five Archdeacons , thirty Prebendaries , and divers other Incumbents and Officers , who might have a hansome subsistence thereby . The East part of this Church seems to be the newer , and more curiously wrought , having under it a very fair large arch'd Vault , which also is Saint Faiths Church ; It was built out of the ruines of that Castle Palatine ( spoken of before ) by Mauritius the Bishop , about the year of our Lord 1086 , whereas it had been formerly consum'd by a wofull accidental fire , whereof William of Mamesbury wrireth thus ; The beauty whereof is so magnificent , that it deserves to be numbred in the rank of the most excellent Edifices , so large as that arch'd Uavlt underneath , and the Church above it of such capacity that it may seem sufficient to receive any multitudes of people whatsoever . Because therefore Bishop Maurice-carried a mind beyond all measure in this project , he transmitted the cost and charge of so laborious a piece of work unto those that came after : In the end , when B. Richard his Successor had made over all the Revenues belonging unto the Bishoprick to the building of this Cathedrall Church ; sustaining himself and his family otherwise in the mean while , he seemed in a manner to have done just nothing , notwithstanding that he spent his whole substance thereabout , and yet small effects came thereof . The West part , as also the Cross Isle ; are very spacious , high built , and goodly to be seen by reason of such huge Columns , and are marvellously beautified with an arch'd roof of stone . Where these four parts crosse one another & meet in one , there ariseth up a mighty large & lofty Tower , upon which stood a spire Steeple , cover'd with lead , mounting up to a wonderful altitude ; for it was no less than five hundred , and five and thirty foot high from the ground , which in the year 1087 , was set on fire by lightning , and burnt with a great part of the City , but being rebuilt , was afterwards fi'rd again with lightening about an hnndred and fifty years ago , and was not perfectly repair'd ever since . The measure and proportion of this stately structure , shall be here set down out of an old authentick Writer , who saith , that Saint Pauls Church containeth in length 690 foot , the breadth thereof is 130 foot , the height of the West arch'd roof from the ground carrieth 102 foot , and the new fabrique from the ground is 88 foot high , &c. The ground belonging to this great Temple , in nature of a Coemitery or Church yard was of vast expansion , for , it reach'd North , as far as St. Nicholas market place ; West , almost as far as Ludgate ; and South , near to Baynards Castle : Now , as they say , that Rome was not built in a day , no more was this great and glorious Sanctuary , but a long tract of time , and some Ages pass'd before it came to be entirely compleated , and made a perfect Crosse , which is the exact shape of it . Nor did there want many advantages , according to the Genius of those times , to advance the work : for persons of good rank , besides pecuniary Contributions , did labour themselves therein , in their own persons , thinking to do God Almighty good service , to have a hand in rearing up his Temple ; Besides , Ic was an ordinary thing , for the ghostly Father to lay penances upon some penitentiaries , as Mafons , Carpenters , Bricklayers , Playsterers , and others to work so many daies gratis in the building , before they could get an absolution ; Insomuch , that it may be said , that as Pauls Church was partly built by the sinnes of the people , so it is now destroyed by the sins of the people . That there stood in old time , a Fane or Pagan Temple to Diana , in this place , ( as before was hinted ) some have more than only conjectur'd , for there are Arguments to make this conjecture good ; Certain old houses adjoyning are in the ancient Records of the Church call'd Diana's Chamber ; and in the Church-yard , while Edward the first raign'd , an incredible number of Ox-heads were found , as we find in our Annals , which the common sort at that time wondred at , as the sacrifices of the Gentiles : and the learned know , that Taurapolia were celebrated to the honour of Diana . But ever since this Temple was erected , it hath been the See of the Bishops of London : and the first Bishop it had under the English , some hundred years after Theon the British Bishop , was Melitus a Roman , consecrated by Austin Archbishop of Canterbury , in honour of which Austin ; ( though flat against the Decree of Pope Gregory the great ) the Ensigns of the Archbishoprick , and the Metropolitan See were translated from London to Canterbury . Within this grand Cathedral , there lieth Saint Erkenwald , as also Sebba King of the East Saxons , who gave over his Kingdom to serve Christ : King Etheldred , who was an oppresser rather than a Ruler of this Kingdom , cruel in the beginning , wretched in the middle , and shameful in his end ; so outragious he was in connivency to parricides , so infamous in his flight and effeminacy , and so disastrons in his death ; Henry Lacy Earl of Lincoln , John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster , Sir Simon de Burlie , a right noble Knight of the Garter , excecuted by encroch'd authority without the Kings assent , Sir John de Beauchamp Lord VVarden of the Cinque-ports , John Lord Latimer , Sir John Mason Knight , William Harbert Earl of Pembrook , Sir Nicholas Bacon Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England , a man of a deep reach , and exquisite judgement ; Sir Philip Sidney , Sir Francis Walsingham , two famous Knights ; Sir Christopher Hatton Lord Chancellor of England ; and a great many Worthies more , lodge there until the Resurrection . Besides this Church , there is not any other work of the English Saxons extant in London ; for why , they continued not long in perfect peace , considering that the VVest Saxons subdued the East Saxons , and London began to be tributary to the Mercians ; Scarcely were these civil Wars hush'd , when a new tempest brake out of the North , I mean the Danes , who pitiously tore in pieces this whole Countrey , and shook this City very sore ; for the Danes brought her under subjection , but Alfred recover'd her out of their hands ; and after he had repair'd her , he gave her unto Ethelred Earl of the Mercians , who had married his daughter ; yet those wastful depopulators , did what they could afterwards to win her by siege : but Canutus , who specially by digging a new Channel , atrempted to turn away the Thames from her , though the labour was lost , the Citizens did still manfully repel the force of the enemy ; yet were they alarm'd and terrified ever and anon by them , until they lovingly receiv'd and admitted as their King VVilliam Duke of Normandy , whom God design'd to be born for the good of England against those so many spoilers ; presently whereupon , the winds were layed , the clouds dispell'd , and golden daies shone upon her : since which time she never sustain'd any signal calamity , but through the special favour , and indulgence of Heaven , and bounty of Princes , obtain'd very large and great immunities : for she began to be call'd the Kings Chamber , and so flourished anew with fresh Trade , and concourse of Marchants , that William of Malmsbury who liv'd nere those times term'd it A noble and wealthy City , replenish'd with rich Citizens , and frequented with the Commerce of Occupiers , and Factors coming from all parts ; Fitz-Stephen living also in those daies hath left in writing , that London at that time counted 122 Parish Churches , and thirteen Convents or Monasteries of Religious Orders ; Moreover , he relates , that when a Muster was made of able men to bear Arms , they brought into the field under divers Colours 40000 Foot , and 20000 Horsemen . London about this time began to display her wings , and spread her train very wide ; Buildings did much increase , and the Suburbs stretch'd sorth from the Gates a great way on every side , but Westward especially , which may be said to be best peopled , and the civillest part . For there , all the twelve Inns of Court are situate for the Students of the Law ; whereof fower being very fair and large belong to the Judicial Courts , the rest to the Chancery : Besides two Inns more for the Servientes ad legem , or the Sargeants at Law ; Here such a number of young Gentlemen do so ply their Studies in all kind of Sciences , and other civilities , besides the Law ; that for a choyse way of Education and Gallantry , Sir John Fortescue , in his Treatise of the Lawes of England , doth affirm , It is not inferior to any place of Christendom : The said four principal Houses are the Inner Temple , the middle Temple , Graies Inne , and Lincolns Inne ; The two former stand in the very same place , where in times pass'd , during the Raign of King Henry the second , Heraclius Patriark of Jerusalem , consecrated a Church for the Knight-Templers , which they had newly built , according to the form of the Temple , neer unto the Sepulcher of our Saviour at Jerusalem ; for at their first Institution , about the yeer of our Lord 1113. they dwelt in part of the Temple , hard by the Holy Sepulcher , whereof they were so named , and vow'd to defend Christian Religion , the Holy Land , and Pilgrims going to visit the holy Sepulcher , against all Mahumetans and Infidels , professing to live in chastity and obedience ; whereupon , all men voluntarily , and with candid Christian hearts embrac'd and honor'd them : so that through the royal munificence of Princes , and other devout people , having got very fair possessions , and exceeding great wealth they flourish'd in a high reputation for piety and devotion ; yea , out of an opinion of the holiness of the men , and of the Place , King Henry the third , and many Noblemen desired much to be buried in their Church among them , where some of their Statues are to be seen crosse-legd to this day ; for so they were used to be buried in that Age , having taken upon them the Crosse to serve in the holy Warres , and vow'd the same accordingly : among whom , was William Marshall the elder , a powerful man in his time ; VVilliam and Gilbert his Sonnes Marshals of England , and Earls of Pembroke . Upon VVilliam the Elder , there were in the upper part engraven these words , Comes Pembrochiae ; and upon one side this Verse . Miles erans Martis , Mars multos vicerat armis . But in process of time , when with insatiable greediness , they had hoarded up much wealth , by withdrawing Tithes from many Churches , and appropriating spiritual Livings unto themselves ; and by other meanes , their riches rurn'd to their ruine ; which may be one day the fortune of the Jesuites , as I heard Count Gondamar once say . For thereby , their former innocence and piety began to be slisled , they fell a clashing with other Religious Orders , their professed obedience to the Patriark of Jerusalem was rejected ; they drew daily more envy upon themselves , and an ill repute ; insomuch , that in the yeer 1312. this Order was condemned of impiety & other hainous crimes , & all this by the Popes Authority ; but specially , by the instigation of the French King , they were utterly abolished . Nevertheless , their possessions here , were by Authority of Parliament , assigned unto the Knights Hospitalers of St. John of Jerusalem , lest that such Lands given to Religious and good uses , should be alienated against the pious Donors Wills. Yet it appeares in ancient writings , that this place , after the expulsion of the Templers , was the Seat and Habitation of Thomas Earl of Lancaster , and Sir Hugh Spencer , King Edward the seconds Minion , afterwards of Sir Aimer de Valence , Earl of Pembrook , and in the end turned to two Colleges or Inns of Court for the study of the Lawes ; The other two great Inns , were also the mansions of Noble men , Grayes Inne of the Lord Grey of Wilton , and the other of the Earls of Lincoln . Neer unto this , Henry the third erected between the two Temples , a House for Converts , as they call'd it , for the maintenance of those that were concerted from Judaisme to Christianity , which Edward the third afterwards made an Archive , to keep Rolls and Records in , and therefore 't is called to this day , The Rolls . In the yeer 1381. the Rebels of Essex and Kent , among other places destroyed and pulled down the Lodgings and Houses of this Temple , took out of the Church the Books and Records , that were in hutches of the Apprentices of the Law , carried them out into the street , and burnt them . The House they spoiled , and burnt also , out of an hatred they bore to Sir Robert Hales , Lord Prior of St. John of Jerusalem , which was a place of so high a Dignity , that the Prior of St. John's , was accounted the first Parliamentary Peer of England ; But the said House at sundry times , was repaired again , and touching the Gate-house of the middle Temple , Sir Amias Paulet did build it up , while he remained Prisoner , having incur'd the indignation of Cardinal Wolsey , for an old grudge . The great Hall in the middle Temple was built about the yeer 1572. in the Raign of Queen Elizabeth . The Temple-Church had of old a Master , and four stipendary Priests , with a Clerk for the ministration of divine service , who had allowance given them out of the Revenues of St. John of Jerusalem , and that Hospital ; but now by the revolution of time , and Ecclesiastical alterations , they have but one Minister to serve them . Of fresh water Rivers , Aqueducts , Conduits , and Fountains that belong to the City of LONDON . AS , the principal thing that conduceth to the health of humane bodies , is the blood that runneth through their Veins , so the chiefest thing that tends to the welfare of a City , is to have Springs and Conduits of fresh water run within her : therefore we will proceed now , to give an account of those ancient and present Rivers , Brooks , Boorns , Pools , Wells , Conduits , and Aqueducts , which serve to refresh the City of London . In former Ages , until the Conquerors time , and long after ; the City of London was watred ( besides the River of Thames on the South part ) with the River of Wells , as it was then call'd , and on the West with water call'd Wallbrook , running through the midst of the City , to pay Tribute unto the Thames . There was another water or boorn , which run within the City through Langborn Ward , watring the East part ; In the West Suburbs was also another great Water call'd Oldborn , which had its fall into the River of Wells . Then were there 3. principal Fountains or Wells in the other Suburbs , to wit , Holy Well , Clements Well , and Clarks Well ; Near unto this last named Fountain , were divers other Wells , viz. Fags well , Skinners well , Tode well , Loders well , and Rad well . All which Wells having the fall of their over-flowings into the said River , much encreased the stream , and in that place , gave it the name of Well : In West-Smithfield , there was a Pool in Records , called Horse pool , and another in the Parish of St. Giles without Cripplegate ; Besides which , they had in every street , and lane of the City , divers fair Wells , and fresh Springs , after which manner , the city was then served with sweet and fresh waters , which being since decayed , other meanes have bin found to supply the want : But the prime and principal device was found out by that worthy Briton , and Citizen of London , Sir Hugh Middleton , by whose wit , care , and cost , the new River of Ware was brought from Chadwel , and Amwel , to water and refresh the heart , and bowels of the City ; The business was long in suspence , and under weighty deliberation , it receiv'd heat and cold a long time , being exposed to so many difficulties , and vast expence , able to terrifie the stoutest man. At last , courage and resolution , with a love to the publique good met in the breast of the Adventurer , and spur'd him on to so glorious an enterprise , which hath proved so happily commodious , and of such infinite utility to the whole City , that had he lived under some other Meridians , that I know , he should have had his Statue erected in the eminentest place of the City , to eternize his name & transmit his memory , and keep it fresh ( like his waters ) to all future Ages ; Now as Mr. Stow speaks very ingeniously , if those enemies to all good actions , Danger , difficulty detraction , contempt , scorn , & envy , could have prevail'd by their malevolent interposition , either before , at the beginning , and in the very birth of the attempt , and a good while after ; this work had never bin accomplished . 'T is true , Queen Elizabeth gave way , by act of Parliament , to her Citizens of London , and power for cutting and conveying of a River from any part of Middlesex or Hartfordshire into the City of London , with a limitation of ten years time for the performance thereof ; but that Enterprize expir'd with her life : King James her immediate successor , did grant the like , but without-date of time for the same effect ; And when the courage of others were quite quail'd , and utterly refused the business , Sir Hugh Middleton did undertake it , and so with infinite pains , and no lesse expence , he finish'd the work , by bringing a River of wholsom fine chearful water from Chadwel and Amwel , to the North side of London , near Islington , where he built a large Cistern to receive it . The work began the 28. day of February , Anno Dom. 1608. and in the compass of five years was fully compleated . Touching the Aquaeduct , or the conveyance thereof to London , it hardly can be imagined , what difficulties and rubs there were in the way , by reason of the various qualities of grounds , through which the water was to passe ; some being ozie , soft , and muddy ; others again as stiffe , and craggy ; The depth of the Trench in some places descended full thirty foot and more , whereas in other places , it required as much artifice , to mount it over a valley in troughs betwixt Hills , and those troughs to be supported by woodden Arches , some of them fix'd in the Earth very deep , and rising in height above 23. foot . Being brought to the foresaid great Cestern , the water was not yet let in , till on Michaelmas day , Anno 1613. being the day that Sir Thomas Middleton , Brother to the said Sir Hugh , was elected Lord Maior of London for the year ensuing . In the afternoon of the same day , Sir John Swinerton , then Lord Maior , accompanied with the said Sir Thomas , Sir Henry Mountague , Recorder of London , and many of the worthy Aldermen , rode in a solemn manner , to see the great Cestern , and first issuing of the strange River thereunto , which then was made free Denizon of London , and the Solemnity was thus . A Troop of Labourers to the number of threescore , or more , well apparell'd , and wearing green Monmouth Caps , after the British manner , all alike , carried Spades , Shovels , Pickaxes , and such like Instruments of laborious Employment , and marching after Drums , twice or thrice about the Cistern , presented themselves before the Mount , where the Lord Mayor and the Aldermen were , where after a handsome speech , the Flud-gates flew open , the stream ran chearfully into the Cistern , the Drums and Trumpets sounding in triumphant manner , and a gallant peal of Chambers gave a Period to the entertainment . A noble achievement it was , as this reracted to Sir Hugh Middleton , doth partly set forth , which never saw publique light until now . Ad Hugonem Middleton equitem Auratum de stupenda hac aquarum operâ . Compit a qui fluvium per Londinensia dûxti , Ut jam quisque suis vicus abundet aquis , Non Aganippe tuas satis est depromere laudes , Haec scaturigo nova quam tibi fundit aquae . Of the famous , great Navigable River of Thames . VVEE will go now from the New River to the Old , the Famous and Ancient River of Thames , and find out her source , bed , and streams . She hath her head or spring out of the flank of a hill in Cotswold Downs , about a mile from Tetbury , near unto the Fosse , a high road , so call'd in ancient times , where it was heretofore call'd I sis or the Ouse , from hence it runs towards the East , not without some Meanders and windings , and meets with the Cirne or Chiurne , a Brook whereof Cirncester town by which it runs takes the name ; From hence it hasteneth to Creekelade , otherwise call'd Crekanford , Lechlade , Ratcotebridg , Newbridg , and Evesham , receiving in her passage many other small Rivelets , Brooks , Becks , and Rundels ; And on this side the Town , divideth her self into two streams , whereof one goeth streight to Hincksey and Botley , the other passeth by Godstow ; This latter spreadeth it self for a while into divers small streams , which run not far before they meet again , and then embracing sundry fruitful Medowes , she passeth at length by Oxenford , who some imagine should rather be call'd Ouseford of this River , where she joyns with the Charwell , a little from whence the original branches do joyn , and keep company to Abbandune or Abington , call'd by some Senshum , although at first no part of her did approach so near the Town as now she doth , till a branch thereof was led thither by the main stream , through the industry of the Monks , as also by the decay of Caerdoure , now call'd Dorchester , sometimes the high road from Wales , and the West Countrey to London ; From hence she goeth to Dorchester and so into Tame , where contracting friendship with a River of the like name , she loseth the name of I sis or Ouse , whereof Ousenny or Osney at Oxford is derived ; and from thence she assumes the name of Thamesis all along as she glides ; From Tame she passeth to Wallingford , and so to Reading , which in ages pass'd was call'd Pontium in regard of the number of Bridges ; There she receives the Kenet which comes from the hills that lye about Marleborough Westward , and then the Thetis , commonly call'd the Tyde , that comes from Thetisford . She hasteneth thence to Sudlington otherwise call'd Maydenhead , and so to Windlestore or Winsore , Eton , and then to Chertsey , where Erkenwald Bishop of London did erect a Religious house or Cell . From Chertsey she directs her course to Stanes ; and receiving another stream by the way call'd the Cole ( whereupon Colebrook stands ) she goes by Kingstone , Richmond , Sheene , Sion , & Brentford or Bregentford , where she meets with the Brane or the Brene , another Brook descending from Edgworth . From Brentford she visits Morlach , Putney , Fullham , Battersay , Chelsey , Lambeth , Westminster , and so to London . Having accompanied our gentle , and smooth-gliding River now to London , she now makes great haste to meet with Neptune her lovely husband ; the first water she greets is the Brome , on Kent side , West of Greenwich ; whose spring is Bromis in Bromley Parish , and so goeth thence to Lewsham taking water from the East : The next water she meets withal , is on Essex side , almost against Woolwich , and that is the Lee ; And being pass'd that , the Darwent also dischargeth her self into the Thames on Kent side , two miles and more beneath Erith having its rising at Tunbridge , or Tanridge . The next River that disgorgeth her self into the Thames , is West of the Wam I sles , a rill of no great note , or long course ; for rising about Coringham it runs not many miles East and by South , till it falls into the mouth of this River ; Last of all the Thames takes acquaintance , and mingleth with Medway a considerable River watering all the South parts of Kent . This noble navigable River flows , and fills all her Channels twice ev'ry natural day , by the flux and reflux of the Sea , which holdeth on for the space of 70 miles within the main Land ; the stream or tyde being highest at London , when the Moon doth exactly touch the North-east , and South or West points of the Heavens , whereof one is visible , the other underneath us : These tydes do also differ in their times , each one coming later than the other by so many minutes as passe ; yet the revolution and natural course of the Heavens , do reduce and bring about the said Planet to these her former places , whereby the common difference 'twixt one tyde and another , is found to consist of 24 minutes , which wanteth but twelve of a whole hour in 24 as experience doth confirm ; In like manner we daily find , that each tyde is not of equal heighth and fulness ; For at the Full and the Change of the Moon , we have the highest flouds , and such is their extraordinary course that as they diminish from their Changes and Fulls , unto their first and last Quarters , so afterwards , they encrease again until they come to the Full and Change ; sometimes they rise also so high , especially if the wind be at the North or North-east , which brings in the water with more vehemency , because the tyde which fills the Channel cometh Northward , that the Thames often inounds the bankes about London , which happeneth most frequently in January and February , which makes the grounds afterwards more fertile . Neither do the tydes alter a whit , unlesse some impetuous winds from the West or South-west , do keep back and check the stream , as the East and North-East do hasten the coming in thereof : or else some other extraordinary occasion put by the course of the German Seas , which do fill the River by their natural return , and flowings ; And the probablest reason why three or four tydes do chop in in one day is , because the winds blowing more strong than ordinarily North or North-east , make the Sea to rush in with more speed , and abundance of water . The Land streams or white waters , do oftentimes thicken the finenesse of the River , in so much that after a Land floud , 't is usual to take up Haddocks with ones hand beneath the Bridge , as they float aloft on the water , their eyes being so blinded with the thicknesse of the water , that they cannot see whither they swimme ; and how to make shift for themselves before the poor creature be surpriz'd , otherwise the Thames water useth to be as clear and pellucid , as any such great River in the world . Having gone along so far with this great goodly River , even from her source until she disimboques , and payes Tribute to Neptune , and cast her self into his imbraces , It will be now expedient to go on further , and acquaint the Reader with the jurisdiction , and Prerogatives of the Thames , with the extent thereof , Which begins at a place call'd Colnie ditch , a little above Stanes-bridge , Westward as far as London-bridge , and from thence to a place call'd Yendall , alias Yenleete , and the waters of Medway , all which extent is under the jurisdiction and conservancy of the Lord Mayor , the Comminalty , and Citizens of London . True it is , that there have been some Contests betwixt the Lord Mayor , and the Lord high Admiral of England , concerning the said Jurisdiction and power , but after a fair and judicial Tryal in open Court , the controversie was decided in favour of the City ; and the Lord Mayor adjudged to be Conservator of the Thames . There were also some other controversial points about the Rivers , of Thames and Medway , but all differences were absolutely concluded Anno 1613 , Sir John Swinerton being then Lord Mayor , and Mr. Sparry being then his Deputy , or respective Bayliff for the execution of such a great trust repos'd in him . Ever since , as well as in former times , the Lord Mayor of London hath been styl'd the Conservator of the said River , within the forenamed limits and bounds , having plenary power to inflict punishments upon all transgressors relating to the said Rivers ; the Water-Bayly of London being his substitute . And whereas there are a company of Fishermen call'd Tinckermen , frequenting the River of Thames Eastward , who in times pass'd have been reported , and found out to make an infinit destruction of the young brood or fry of fish , by using unlawful Nets , and other Engines feeding their Hoggs with them ; by the singular care and cost of the Lord Mayor , and vigilance of the City , those prohibited Engines and Nets , are now quite suppress'd , and a true , and orderly manner of fishing brought into use , that such a havock may not be made of the young fry . Moreover , there are a great number of other kind of Fishermen , beside Tinckermen belonging to the Thames , call'd Hebbermen , Petermen , and Trawlermen , that had lived in former times , by unlawful fishing on the said River , to the destruction of the young fish , as aforesaid ; but now they are restrain'd , and regulated to a more orderly way of fishing . There have bin other kind of abuses reformed herein , as upon complaint made to the Lord Mayor , concerning certain Timbers standing in Tilbury Hope ; a matter not only dangerous to the Passengers , but a cause also to destroy the young brood of fish , by the dammage those Timbers did to the Fishermens Nets , in regard of their continual standing in the main course , and current of the River : that great grievance was speedily redressed , by the providence and prudence of the Lord Mayor , and the Water-Bayly . Furthermore , there hath been care taken , to clear and cleanse the said noble River Westward of seventy nine stops or hatches consisting of sundry great stakes and piles , purposely erected by Fishermen for their private lucre , and standing illfavouredly for passengers near unto the Fair deep ; but none of them remain now , but such as stand out of the passable high stream , and can be no prejudice to passers by ; yet some are permitted to be planted at the waters bottome , and so they serve as a great succour to the young brood of fish , being placed so remote on the River . Nor is this provident care for security of passengers , and conservation of the young fry or fish , a new thing , for it appears that the like course was kept in the Reign of Henry the fourth , and after in Henry the eighth , as Records and Chronicles do shew . Moreover , there is a watchful eye , that no carren , or dead carkasses be thrown into the River to pollute , or infect the stream . To all these intents and purposes , the Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen his Brethren with the under Officers , do use to meet eight times yearly , in the four Counties of Middlesex , Surrey , Kent , and Essex , and have a judicial sitting for maintenance of the Rivers Rights , and Priviledges , where they have power to empanel Juries , to make Inquisition after all offences committed upon the River within their extent ; And as the Verdict given up by the Jury make it appear , so they proceed to the punishment of the transgressors , according to the quality of the offence : and it is worthy the observation , to know the manner of their so solemn proceedings , whereof this instance shall be produced , extracted out of authentick Records . Sir John Jolles Knight and Lord Mayor of the City of London , and Conservator of the River of Thames , and waters of Medway , assisted and accompanyed by the Aldermen , and two Sheriffs then contemporary , and attended by the Recorder , and the Sub-conservator , or Water-bayly , with fifty Officers and servants , took their Barges at Belinsgate the third of July 1616 , and within few hours arriv'd at Gravesend in Kent , where a Session for the conservancy of the said River was kept before the said Lord Mayor , and his forenamed Assistants ; At which time and place , a Jury of the Freeholders of the said County , being sworn to enquire of all offences committed in any part of the River whatsoever , within the said County , the Common Sergeant of the City ( the Recorder being then absent upon extraordinary occasions ) deliver'd them a charge to this effect ; That , forasmuch as there had not been any Session of Conservancy in many years passed , kept by any Lord Mayor of London in that place , it was probable and evident they could not be well informed , neither of the Lord Mayors jurisdiction and power to reform annoyances and offences there , and to inflict due punishments upon the Offendors ; nor of the nature of the service to be by them performed in the course of their enquiry ; therefore he thought it convenient to make it known unto them , both the one and the other . Hereupon he shew'd them , The Jurisdiction of the Court of London in the River of Thames , from Stanes-bridge Westward unto the points of the River next the Sea Eastward , appear'd to belong to the City in manner and form following . First , In point of right by Praescription , as it appeareth by an ancient Book call'd Dunthorne , that , Civitatis fundationis , aedificationis , & constructionis causacrat Thamesis Fluvius , quorum vero Civitatis & Fluminis gubernationem tam Duces , Majores , Custodes , Vicecomites , Aldr. & magnates Civitatis memoratae hucusque obtinuerunt & habuerunt ; Whence he inferr'd , that the government of the River hath belong'd to the City , time out of mind . In 21. Hen. 3. Jorden Coventry one of the Sheriffs of the City , was sent by the Mayor and Aldermen , to remove certain Kiddles that annoy'd the Rivers of Thames and Medway , who ultra Yenland versus Mare , did take divers persons that were Offendors , and imprison'd them ; Whereupon , complaint being made to the King , he took the matter ill at the first , and sent for the Lord Mayor and Citizens to Kennington ; where , upon hearing of the matter before the said King , the Cityes Jurisdiction over the said River , was set forth and allow'd , and the Complainants convinc'd , and every one of them amerc'd at 10 l. and the amercements adjudged to the City ; And afterward , their Nets were burnt by judgement given by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen in the Hustings . Moreover , 1. Richardi secundi , Writs were directed to the Sheriffs of Essex and Kent reciting the Cities Title , with command , not to suffer the Citizens of London to be molested contrary to the Liberties formerly granted , and allowed unto them . Secondly , in point of right by allowance in Eire , the conservation of the Thames belongs to the City : for it was produc'd that 1. Rich. 2. before Hugh Bigot being Justice Itinerant , the Sheriffs and Citizens of London were call'd in question for their Jurisdiction exercised on the Thames , before whom it was found by a Jury in Southwark , Quòd nullus habeat aliquid juris in Thamisia usque ad novum gurgitem nisi Cives Londonexs . In the 14. of Ed. 2. the Constable of the Tower , was indited by divers Wards of London , before the Justices in Eire at the Tower , De muneris et recep . cove . pro kidellis in Thamisiis , et Constabularius ad Kidellas respondet quòd Justic . non habent jurisdictionem extra London plitum . inde cognoscere cum predict . kidelli sunt in aliis comitatibus , et Justic . dixerunt , Aqua Thamisia pertinet ad Civitatem London usque mare , & si velit respondeat , who then pleaded , Not guilty . 3. He went further , that this Jurisdiction belonged to the City by ancient Charters , 8. R. 1. Dominus Ricardus Rex , filius Regis Henrici secundi concessit , & firmiter praecepit , ut omnes Kidelli qui sunt in Thamisia amoveantur ubicunque fuerint in Thamisia ; 1. Joh. Rex concessit , & firmiter praecepit , ut omnes kidelli qui sunt in Thamisia vel in Medway amoveantur , & ne caeteri kidelli alicubi ponantur in Thamisia vel in Medway super fort : X. li. sterlingorum . Then he urg'd the famous Charter of King Henry the third , which ran thus . Henry by the Grace of God , King of England , Lord of Ireland , Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine , and Earl of Anjou , unto all Archbishops , Bishops , Abbots , Priors , Earls , Barons , Justices , Sheriffs , Stewards , Ministers , and to all Bayliffs , and to all his true Men , Greeting : Woteth well , that We for the health of our soul , and the health of the soul of King John our Fader , and the souls of all our Ancestors ; and also for common profit of our City of London , and of all our Realms , have granted , and steadfastly commanded ; That all the Weares that be in Thames , or in Medway be done away ; And that from henceforth no Weares be set in Thames or Medway , upon the forfeiture of 10. l. Also we claim quit to our Citizens of London all that , that our Constable of our Tower of London , was wont to take of the said Weares . Wherefore we will , and steadfastly command that no Constable of the aforesaid Tower , at any time from henceforth forward any thing ask , nor any grievance do , to any of the same City , by enchesen of the same Weares ; It is to us known enough , and by true men , do us to understand , that most privacy , and most profit might fall unto the same City , and to the whole Realm by enchesen of the same weares ; which we make for ever firm and stable unto the same City , as the Charter of our Lord King John , our Fader , which our Barons of London , thereof have reasonably witnessed . Witnesses , Eustace of London , Peter of Winchester , &c. At Westminster the 18. of February , the year of our Reign eleven . Besides these , he produced divers others in this Kings Raign . 4. This Jurisdiction belongs to the City of London , by Acts of Parliament . W. 2. ca. 47. An. 13. No Salmons to be taken , from the Nativity of our Lady , unto St. Martins day in all points ; Nor none to be taken in Mill-pools , from the midst of April , until Midsummer , 1. Offence , burning of Nets , and Engines . 2. Offence , imprisonment for a quarter of a yeer . 3. A whole year . 13. R. 2. confirms the restraint of taking Salmons in many waters , from the midst of April , until Midsommer , upon the same pain ; nor within that time to use any Nets call'd Stalkers , nor any other Engine , whereby the fry may be destroyed . 1. Eliz. None shall with any manner of Net , Wee le , Butcaining , Kepper , limecreele , rawfagnet , trolnet , trimnet , scalboat , weblister , sturlamet , or with any other device or Engine , made of cheare , woolbine or Canvas , or shall by any heeling Nets , or Trimbleboat , or any other device , Engines , Cautelles , wayes or meanes soever , heretofore made or devised , or hereafter to be made or devised , take , or kill any young brood , spawn , or fry of Eeles , Salmon , Pike , or Pickrel , or of any other Fish or Flud-gate , Pipe , or tail of any Mill , Weare , or in any streights , streams , brooks , Rivers , salt or fresh . 2. None shall take or kill any Salmon and Trouts , not being in season , being Kepper Salmons , or Kepper Trouts , or Shedder Salmons , or Shedder Trouts , &c. The Mayor of London , inter alia , shall have full power and Authority by this Act , to enquire of all offences committed contrary thereunto , by the Othes of 12 men or more , and to hear and determine all and every the same , and inflict punishments , and impose fines , accordingly . 5. Then he proceeds to assert the Cities Right , to the conservation of the Thames , and waters of Medway , by way of Inquisition , whereof there were two : the one taken at Raynam in Essex , the other at Gravesend in Kent , 9. Hen. 5. before William Grocer , then Lord Mayor of London , where it was presented , That whereas by the ancient Ordinances of London , the Mesches of Nets should be two Inches in the forepart , and one inch in the hinder part ; and it being found , that the offences according to the said Inquisitions are contra libertates & consuetudines Civitatis , it was adjudged , that the Nets should be burnt , according to the ancient custom in that behalf provided . 6. He goes on after , to prove that this Right belongs to the City by Decrees . In 8. Hen. 4. The Mayor and Aldermen did exhibit their humble Petition to the Kings Councel reciting ; That , time out of minde , they have had the conservation and correction of the River of Thames , of all trinks , nets , and other Engines whatsoever in the River of Thames , and Medway placed , and have used to make a sub-Conservator under them ; and complaining , that Alexander Bonner , then sub-Conservator , having discharg'd his duty , in removing Kiddels , he was ill entreated by the owners , the same owners dwelling in Erith , Putriferry , Barking , Woolwich , and other places in the Counties of Kent , and Essex : and upon hearing of the matter in Camera stellata , they were found guilty , and constrained to submit themselves to the Lord Mayor , and ordered to bring alwayes their Nets unto him , before they should use them . And that the Kiddles then taken , should be at the disposition of the Lord Mayor ; so the Offendors made their submission accordingly . 7. He proceeds ; This right appertains to the City of London , by Letters Patents , which he proved by a grant made by Edward the 4th , to the Earl of Pembroke , for setting up a Weare in the River of Thames : which grant was revok'd and annul'd , at the instance of the Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen , upon shewing their right : therefore alledg'd , It was contrary to their ancient Customs . At which time , the Cities Title to the conservacy of the Thames , and Medway , was at large set forth , and recited to have bin shewn to the Lord Chancellour , and to the said Earl and his Councel , which accordingly was allowed . 8. He reinforceth the right of the City by Proclamations , whereof one was made by Hen. 8. in 34. of his Raign , wherein it is affirmed , that the Lord Mayor and his Predecessors , have had by divers grants of the Kings of England , and , by Acts of Parliament , enjoyed alwayes the conservacy of the Thames , without impediments , or interruption ; By which Proclamation , it was commanded that none should resist , deny , or impugne the Lord Mayor , or his Deputy , in doing or executing any thing that might conduce to the conservacy of the River , and of the fish and fry within the same . 9. He produceth Report ; for in a controversie 'twixt the Lord Admiral , and the Lord Mayor , for the measuring of Coles , and other things upon the Thames , it then fell into debate , to whom the Conservacy of the River appertain'd which cause was referred by Queen Elizabeths Councel of State , 1597. to the Atturney General , and Solicitor , who joyntly certified among other things , that the Conservacy and care of the River did , and ought to belong to the City of London , 10. By quo Warranto , 't was proved , that the Conservacy of the Thames belongs to the City , for 3. Jacobi ; a quo warranto , was brought against the City in the Exchequer , to know by what Title she claimed the Conservacy of the River of Thames , & the waters of Medway : whereupon the City made her Title good thereunto , by ancient prescription , and otherwise ; so judgement was given in her favour . 11. He goes on afterwards to confirm the right of the City , by proof of usage ; in regard the Lord Mayor and Aldermen have time out of minde , made Ordinances concerning the good Government of the River of Thames , as well for the seasons and manner of fishing beneath London Bridge Eastward , upon pain of penalties , as it appears from time to time , from the Raign of Hen. 3. and so downward : the Lord Mayor hath removed Kiddels , Weares , Trinks , and other unlawful Engines , and hath reformed the disorders of such as have offended besides , in the River of Thames , and inflicted punishment , upon Offendors accordingly . The right of the City appeares also by the Writs and Precepts under the teste of the Lord Mayor , to the Sheriffs of Kent and Essex , for the returning of Juries before him , to enquire of Offences done in the River . The same right of the City , appeares also by Commissions , whereof divers have bin directed to the Lord Mayor , to put in execution the Acts of Parliament , made for the Conservancie of the Thames and Medway , and to enquire of all offences , made or done in the said waters , and to punish the Delinquents accordingly . Lastly , He makes good the Right and Title of the City , by the continual claim she made thereunto , as appears in those various contests she had with the Lord Admiral of England , wherein after divers debates and bandings , she kept still above water , and made her Title good ; which moved King James , Anno the 3d of his Raign , to put a final determination to the business by the Letters Patents , he passed unto the City , wherein he saith , that ad omnem controversiam in hac parte temporibus tam presentibus quàm futuris tollendam , & omne dubium amovendum , that to cut off all controversies , as well of the present times , as of future , and to remove all doubts , he did confirm and ratifie the said right unto the City of London . Thus was the Title , Prerogative , and right of the City of London stoutly , and strongly asserted by eleven pregnant , and convincing proofs , to the conservation of her dearly beloved Minion , the River of Thames , both by prescription ; by allowance in Eire ; by ancient Charters ; by Acts of Parliament ; by Inquisitions ; by Decrees coram ipso Rege ; By Letters Patents ; by Proclamations ; by Report of the learned Councel ; by a quo Warranto ; And lastly , by ancient usage , custom , and continual claim . Mr. Stow in his survey of the City of London , hath more about this business , then here is inserted , which made the last King Charles the first , to command Sir John Coke his Secretary , to write to Sir Henry Martin , Judge of the Admiralty , to this effect , That His Majesty understanding , that a second Edition of Stowes Survey of the City of London , was put new to sale , wherein there are some passages prejudicial to His Majesties Right in his Admiralty , and derogatory to the just power belonging thereunto , his Majesty did therefore require him , his Judge in that high Court , to examine the said Book , and to cause the said passages inserted in prejudice of the Admirals Jurisdiction , and in support of any other pretence against the same , to be left out , or else to prohibite the publishing , and sale of the said Book , &c. Sir Henry Martin having received this Letter , after the Book was printed , and publiquely sold , all that he could do , was to have Sir John Cokes Letter inserted in the last Folio of Stow , to stand there for a Cautionary Reserve , and Record for the future . Now , there be many things that concern the incumbency of the Conservator of so Noble a River , it being an Office of no small extent . His first duty is to preserve the currency of the stream , and the banks on both sides . Secondly , He must preserve the Fish and Fry within the same ; He must prevent all Encroachments upon the River , and the banks thereof ; as also he must enquire of all Flud-gates , Mill-dams , and such like annoyances ; and whether any do hurl in any soyl , dust , or rubbish , or other filth whatsoever to choak her . But for the strength , and safety of the River , against the invasion of an enemy , by Block-houses , Forts , Bastions or Castles , and the securing of the Merchant , and Navigation to and fro , that charge belongs to the Soveraign Prince , and not to the City . But indeed , touching the former charge , circumspection and care of the River of Thames , it is most proper for the City of London , who lies perpetually by her Beds side , and therefore in a fit posture to be watchful of her : for which vigilance the Thames rewards her abundantly , by bringing her in the Spices of the South , the Jewels of the East , and Treasure of the West , Insomuch , that it may be well said , this Office of Conservatorship , or superintendency of so Noble and useful a River , is as a fair flower , or rich Jewel , in the Cap of maintenance . This famous River , taking all her advantages together , surpassing all other whatsoever , that pay tribute to the Ocean , if you regard the streightness of her course , the stilness of her stream , for her proportionable latitude ; as also her length , for she comes sporting along from her first source , above ninescore miles before she embosomes her self in the Arms of Neptune . Add hereunto , the great store , and variety of Fish she abounds withall ; the most delectable , and fertile soiles , on both sides ; And lastly the conveniency of her scituation being towards the Center of England . And then in her entrance to the Sea , she opens upon France and Flanders , having them both in her eye ; Besides , she hath another advantagious property , that to the knowing Native , the entrance into the River is safe and easie , but difficult and hazardous to strangers , either to come in , or go out ; Insomuch , that the Thames may be said to be Londons best friend , which puts me in minde of a passage of drollery , that happened in the time of King James , who being displeased with the City , because she would not lend him such a sum of money , and the Lord Mayor and the Aldermen attending him one day , being somewhat transported , he said , that he would remove his own Court , with all the Records of the Tower , and the Courts of Westminster-Hall , to another place , with further expressions of his indignation . The Lord Mayor calmly heard all and at last answered , Your Majesty hath power to do what you please , and your City of London will obey accordingly ; but she humbly desires , that when your Majesty shall remove your Courts , you would please to leave the Thames behind you . Of the great and admirable BRIDGE In the City of LONDON over the Thames . HAving bin thus long upon water , and accompanied the Thames to Thetis lap , 't is time now to land , and take a view of her greatest Bridge , which , if the stupendious Site , and structure thereof be well considered , may be said to be one of the Wonders of the World : though , as some think , it hath too many Arches ; so that it may be said , If London Bridge had fewer eyes , it would see far better . Now as we fetch'd the Thames from her Spring , so we will fetch her Bridge from its first foundation . At first there was but a Ferry kept in the place where now the Bridge is built , at length the Ferriman and his Wife deceasing , left the said Ferry to their only Daughter a Mayden , who with other goods , left her by her Parents , together with the profits arising from the said Ferry , did build a holy House for Nuns ; in place whereof , the East part of St. Mary Overies stands now above the Quire , where she was buried : and unto that House of Nuns , she bequeathed the over-sight and benefit of the Ferry ; But afterwards , that House of Nuns being converted into a House of Priests , the Priests did build a Bridge of Timber , and from time to time , kept the same in good reparation , till at length , considering the great charges which were bestowed in the frequent repair of the woodden Bridge , there was at last , by the Contributions of the Citizens , and others , a Bridge built of Stone . The Timber Bridge had stood some Ages before ; for the Story saith , that when Sweyn , King of Denmark , had besieged the City of London , both by Water and Land in the year 994. the Citizens manfully defended themselves under their King Ethelred ; so that a great number of the Enemies was slain in Battel , and part of them were drown'd in the River of Thames , because they could not recover the Bridge : Add hereunto , that in the year 1016. Canutus the Dane , with a great Navy came up to London , and on the South of the Thames caus'd a Trench to be cast , through the which his Ships were tow'd towards the West side of the Bridge , and then with a deep Trench , and streight siege , he encompassed the City about . Moreover , 1052. the Earl Godwin , with the like Navy , taking his course up the River , and finding no resistance on the Bridge , he sail'd up the South side . Further , 1067. William the Conqueror in his Charter to the Church of St. Peter in Westminster , confirmed to the Monks serving God there , a Gate in London call'd Buttolphs Gate then , with a Wharf which was at the head of London Bridge . We read likewise , that Anno 1114. in the raign of Henry 1. the River of Thames was so dryed up , and the water grew so shallow , that between the Tower of London and the Bridge , not only with Horse , but people might have passed over a foot . In the year 1122 , Thomas Arden gave to the Monks at Bermondsey the Church of St. George in Southwark , and five shillings yearly rent out of the Land pertaining to London-Bridge . There is also a remarkable Charter of Hen. 1. upon Record , to this tenor . Henry King of England , to Ralph Chichester , and all the Ministers of Sussex , sendeth greeting ; Know ye , I command by my Kingly authority , that the Manor call'd Alceston , which my Father gave with other Lands to the Abbey of Battle , be free , and quiet from Shiers and Hundreds , and all other Customes of earthly servitude , as my Father held the same most freely and quietly , and namely from the work of London - Bridge , the work of the Castle at Pevensey : And this I command upon my forfaiture . Witnesse William de Pontdelarche at Berry . The first year of King Stephen , a fire began in the house of one Ailwards neer unto London-stone , which consum'd East unto Ludgate , and West to St. Erkenswald's sheine in St. Pauls Church . The Bridge of Timber upon the River of Thames was also burnt , but afterwards repair'd . Besides in the Reign of the said King Stephen , and of Hen. 2. men stood in great numbers upon the Bridge to see pastimes that were upon the River . In the year 1163 , that Bridge was not only repair'd , but built all of new Timber as before , by Peter Colechurch Priest , and Chaplain . This serves to shew , that there was a Timber Bridge a long tract of time over the Thames , which was maintain'd partly by the proper Lands thereof , partly by the Legacies and liberality of divers persons , and partly by taxations in divers Sheirs , at least 215 years before the Bridge of stone was erected . Now , about the year 1176 the stone-Bridge had its first foundation by the foresaid Peter of Cole-Church , near unto the place of the Timber Bridge , but somewhat more West , for the Chronicle saith , that Buttolphes Wharf was at the end of London-Bridge ; The King not only countenanced , but assisted the great work , a Cardinal being then here Legate , and Richard Archbishop of Canterbuty , gave 1000 Marks towards the Foundation . The course of the River for a time was turn'd another way about , by a trench cast up for that purpose , beginning East about Radriff , and ending in the West about Patricksey , now call'd Battersay . This work to wit , the Arches , Chappel , and the Stone Bridge over the Thames at London , having been 33 years in building , was in the year 1209 finished , by the worthy Citizens of London , viz. Serle Mercer , William Almane , and Benedict , Botewrite , being principal Masters of that Fabrique : for Peter Colechurch was dead four years before , and was as the principal Benefactor buried in the Chappel on the Bridge . Certain void places were given by King John to build upon about London , the profits whereof were assign'd to maintain the Bridge . A Mason , being Master Workman of the Bridge , builded from the foundation the large Chappel on that Bridge upon his own charges , which Chappel was then endow'd with two Priests and four Clerks , &c. besides Chanteries ; After the finishing of this Chappel , which was the first building upon those Arches , sundry Mansion Houses in tract of time were erected ; whereunto many charitable men gave Lands , Tenements , and sums of money towards the maintenance thereof ; All which was sometimes registred , and fairly written in a Table for posterity , which was put up in the said Chappel , till at last the said Chappel was turn'd to a dwelling House , and then remov'd to the Bridge-house : Now , in Hen. 7. time it stands upon Record , that all the payments and allowances belonging to London-Bridge , amounted to above 815 l. by which account made then , may be partly guessed the great Revenues , and incomes of the said Bridge , and to what improvement , and encrease it may be come unto by this time . But this noble Bridge , as other earthly things , hath suffer'd many disasters since : for four years after the finishing thereof , in the year 1212 , on the 10th . of July at night , the Burrough of Southwark on the South side of Thames , as also the Church of our Lady of the Canons there , being on fire , and an exceeding great multitude of people passing the Bridge , either to extinguish and quench it , or to behold and gaze upon it , suddenly the North part by blowing of the South wind , was also set on fire , and the people which were then passing the Bridge perceiving the same , would have return'd , but were stopp'd by the fury of the fire : and it came to passe as they stayed all in a consternation , and protracted the time ; the other South end of the Bridge , was also set on fire ; so that the people thronging themselves betwixt two raging fires , did nothing else but expect present death ; Whereupon , there came to save them many ships and vessels , into which the multitude so inadvisedly rush'd in , that the ships being thereby sunk , they all perished ; And it was found that above three thousand souls perished by this disastrous accident at that time , whose bodies were found half burnt , besides those who were turn'd to ashes . Furthermore , in the year 1282 , through a great frost and deep snow , five Arches of London Bridge were born down , and destroyed : A little after , Anna 1289 , the Bridge was o sore decayed for want of reparations , that people were afraid to pass thereon , and a subsidy was granted towards the amendment thereof ; Afterwards , Sir John Britain , being then Custos of London Anno 1381 , a great Collection was made by all the Clergy for the repair of London-Bridge . In the year 1381 , on St. Georges day was a great solemnity of Justs and Tournements upon London-Bridge , between David Earl of Crawford of Scotland , and the Lord Wells of England , whereby one may infer , that the houses were not there so thick , at that time . The Tower on London-bridge , at the North end of the Draw-bridge ( which was then in a posture to be drawn up ) was built Anno 1426 , in the Majoralty of John Rainwell . Anno 1471 , a house call'd the Common siege on London-Bridge , tumbled down into the Thames by death of divers persons a little after . But in the year sixteen hundred thirty three , there happen'd a most raging dismal fire upon the North side of London-bridge , which by computation consum'd above the third part of the Buildings thereof ; But by the commendable care of the City , there are other goodly structures rais'd up in some of their rooms , of a stronger and more stately way of building , and pity it is that the work were not compleated , there being no object ( after the Church of St. Pauls ) that can conduce more to the glory and Ornament of this renowned City . Besides , this Bridge that may be call'd , the Bridge of the world , there are other inferior Bridges , which have still the names of Bridges that belong to the City of London , the first is Fleet-bridge in the West , fenc'd with iron Pikes , on which towards the South there be certain Lanthorns of Stones , for lights to be placed in Winter Evenings , for commodity of passengers ; Under this Bridge runs a water sometimes call'd , the River Wells , but since Turn-hill brook , and now Fleet Dike , because it runs by the Fleet under ground to the River of Thames ; this Bridge hath been far greater in times pass'd , but lessened as the water course hath been narrowed . Over the sayd River of Wells northerly stands Oldenbridge , now Holborn-bridge , so call'd of a boorn that sometimes ran down Holborn hill into the River ; this Bridge like Fleet-bridge , serves for passage only . Then comes Cow-bridge more Northerly over the same water near unto Cow-lane , but this Bridge being decayed , another of Timber is made more North towards Chicklane . There are some other small Bridges over the Town-ditch , viz. without Ealdgate , without Bishopsgate , Mooregate , the Postern of Cripplegate , as also without Aldersgate , the Postern of Christs Hospital , Newgate , and Ludgate , which are now paved eaven with the streets ; only there remains one of Timber over the River of Wels or Fleet Dike . There have bin in former ages divers Bridges in sundry places over the course of Wallbrook ; but now they are made levell with the pavements of the Streets , so that the water-course can now be hardly discover'd , being vaulted over with Brick . Of the chief Fortresse or Tower of LONDON . ANd now that we are come so near the famous and great Tower Palatine , or Cittadel of London ; we will try whether we can get in thither , without paying fees , and take a view thereof as briefly as we can , it being an ill-favoured , and tedious thing to stay there long . I know it is the current vulgar opinion , that Julius Caesar , the first Conquerour , or rather indeed Discoverer of Britain , was the Original Founder thereof , but there is very litle probability of truth in that for two Reasons ; The first is , the little stay he made here , during which he had other things to think on : The second is , that he himself who is so exact in his relations , specially if they conduce to his honour ; nor any other Roman Author , makes any mention of of such a work , or Fabrique ; Therefore , that opinion which approacheth truth the neerest , is , that William of Normandy the Conqueror , was the first tracer and erector of the Tower of London , as Edmond de Hadenham , an old English Antiquary affirms ; The first part that was built , was the great square and White Tower , ( though black to some ) which was about the year 1078 , whereof Gundulph Bishop of Rochester was principal Superviser and Surveyer , who was log'd then in the house of Edmere a Burgesse of London , as it stands upon Latine Record in the forenamed Author . Now it is to be considered , that at first the wall of the City was in many places furnish'd with sundry Bastions and Turrets in due distance one from the other , and divers stood on the waters side , where some of the said Wall extended at first , but the Thames with her ebbings and flowings , did as it were corrode , and subvert those Buildings on the South side ; Wherefore the Conqueror ( for then the Art of fortification was come to a greater perfection ) for defence of the City and River , pitch'd upon that place as most convenient , to erect a Bulwark in the East part of the Wall. The White square Tower ( as was formerly said ) was first erected , and finish'd in the Conquerors time , but stood naked and single without other Buildings a good while : and the story saith , that in William Rufus time , it was by the injury of the Heavens , and violence of tempest sore shaken , and some part tumbled down , which was repair'd by the said Rufus and Henry the first , who also caused a Castle to be built under the said White Tower , on the South side towards the Thames , and he surrounded that also with a strong Wall ; Now , Henry of Huntindon relates , that VVill. Rufus challeng'd the investiture of Prelates , and pill'd the people pitifully , to spend the treasure about the Tower of London , and the great Hall at VVestminster , whereof he was Founder . The first Keeper of the Tower of London was call'd Constable , Ostowerus , Acolinillus , Otho , and Geoffrey Magnaville , were the first four Constables of the Tower of London by succession , all which held a portion of Land that appertain'd to the Priory of the Holy Trinity near Algate , viz. East Smithfield , as belonging to that Office , making thereof a Vineyard ; and would would not part with it till the second year of King Stephen , when by judgment of the Court , it was restored to the Church . The foresaid Geoffery Magnaville , was at one time Constable of the Tower , Sherif of London , Middlesex , Essex , & Hartfordshire , as the Chronicles relate ; He also fortified the Tower of London against King Stephen , but the King took him at last at St. Albanes , and would not free him till he had surrendred the Tower of London , with the Castles of VValden and Plashey in Essex . Richard de Lucie was Anno 1155 Constable of the Tower of London , and also of Castle the of VVinsore . About the beginning of the Raign of Richard the first , William Longshank Bishop of Ely , and Chancellour of England , for some dissentions 'twixt him , and John the Kings Brother , who was in Rebellion , enclos'd the Tower of London with an outward Wall of stone embattail'd , and also caused a deep ditch to be cast about the same , and thought to have environ'd it with the River of Thames . The Lion Tower was built by Edward the fourth & Frederick the Emperor , having sent for a present three Leopards : they were first kept at Woodstock ( which was the first Park of England seven miles about ; to the destruction of some Churches , and Chappels adjacent by Henry the third ) but afterwards , all such wild Beasts , as Lions , ( which are call'd the Beasts of the Royall Prerogative ) together with Leopards , Linxes , and Porpentines , have been kept in that part of the Tower , which is called Lions Tower ; And we read , that Edward the 2d . commanded the Sheriff of London , to pay 6d . per diem , to the Keeper of the Lions and Leopards , for their sustenance , and three half pence a day for the Keeper's diet , out of the Fee-farm of the City . In former times , there were persons of high quality that kept these Beasts ( whereof the Earl of Oxford was one ) and they had a Pension from the Crown belonging to the Office. Mr. Robert Gill a very worthy Gentleman hath the place now , and hath had it many years , Nor was the Tower ever better furnish'd with Lions than it is now , there being six in all , young and old . Edward the fourth fortified the Tower of London , and enclosed with Brick●● certain enclosure of ground taken from Tower-hill Westward , now call'd the Bullwark . His Officers also set up upon the said Hill a Gallowes , and a Scaffold , for the execution of offendors , whereupon the Lord Mayor complaining to the King , all the answer he had , was , that it was not done to the derogation of the City . In the year 1216 , the Tower of London was delivered to Lewis of France , by the Barons of England , who banded against the King ; Anno 1222. the Citizens of London , having made an uprore against the Abbot of Westminster , Hubere de Burgh chief Justice of England came to the Tower of London , and summoned before him the Mayor and Aldermen : of whom he enquired , and demanded the principal Authors of that Insurrection . Among whom one Constantine Fitzaeluphe confess'd that he was the man , saying undauntedly that he was the man , and that he had done much lesse than he had thought to have done ; Whereupon the Justice passed him over to Fulke de Brent , who with a band of arm'd men , brought him to the Gallowes where he was executed . Anno 1244. Griffeth the eldest Son to Luellin Prince of Wales , being kept prisoner in the Tower , devised means to escape , and having made a Line of the Sheets and Hangings , he put himself down from the top of the Tower , but in the sliding , the weight of his Body , he being a corpulent man , brake the rope with his neck together . King Hen. the 3d. imprisoned the Sheriffs of London , Anno 1253. for the escape of a prisoner out of Newgate . The same Henry with his Queen , to secure himself from rebelling Barons , kept his Court at the Tower , & sent for the Lords to hold a Parliament ; and the next year his Queen passing through London-Bridge , the Londoners did outrage her as she pass'd hurling stones and dirt at her , in so much that she was forc'd to return ; hereupon the Mayor , Aldermen , and Sheriffs were sent to divers Prisons , and a Custos was set over the City for the time , viz. Othon Constable of the Tower , until submission had bin made , and other satisfaction given . It is upon Record , that Edw. 2. allowed a Knight 2 d. per diem , and a Squire a peny , for their Diet , as long as they were prisoners in the Tower upon his Command : Roger Mortimer being prisoner in the Tower , gave his Watch-men a sleeping potion , and so escaped ; but afterwards , he was arraigned and condemned by his Peers , without personal appearance , and so executed at the Elmes , where he hung two dayes . The Londoners in the year 1326. seized upon the Tower , wresting the keys out of the Constables hands , they freed all the Prisoners , and kept it in their hands for the use of Queen Isabel , and her Son Edward , both Tower and City . The first gold that was coin'd in the Tower , was in the raign of Edward the third , and the peeces were call'd Florences , of the value of 6 s. 8 d ; Perceval de post being Master of the Mint at that time . All great sums before , were used to be payd by the weight , as so many pounds or marks of silver , or so many pounds or marks of gold ; but they bore no stamp , the lesser payments were in Starlings , which was the only coin then current , and stamp'd , which were pence so call'd . And they had their antiquity no further , then from the raign of King Henry the second . Nevertheless , the Saxon coines before the Conquest , were pence of fine silver , somewhat weightier , and better then the latter starlings , and the probablest Reason that is given , why it was starling money , was , because in the ring or border of the peny , there was a Starre stamped . But to return to the Tower of London : In the year 1360. John the French King being Prisoner in the Tower , King Edward the third , being newly returned victoriously from France , the first thing he did , was to visit his Prisoner whose ransome was assessed afterwards at three millions of Florences or Nobles ; whereupon he was brought honourably to the Sea side : Anno 1387. King Richard kept his Christmas in the Tower , and the year after was clapt up Prisoner there . In the year 1458. there were Justs and Tournements in the Tower , wherein the chief Actor was the Duke of Somerset ; Anno 1465 , Henry the sixth , was brought Prisoner to the Tower , where he remained many years , of whom was given this Character , that he was a good King , but born in an ill time : The Mayor of London Sir Richard Lee , and the Aldermen , freed the said King Henry once from his imprisonment ; but being sent thither again , he was pittifully murthered . Anno 1478. The Duke of Clarence was drowned in a But of Malmsey within the Tower : and 5. years after young Edward the fifth , with his Brother , were by the practices of Richard the third , stifled there betwixt two Fether-beds , as the current story goes . John Earl of Oxford , Anno 1485. was made Constable of the Tower , and he had also the keeping of the Lions , and Leopards , as the story makes mention . Queen Elizabeth , Wife to Henry the 7th , died in the Tower , Anno 1502. in Child-birth , and the year before there was running at tilt , and tourney there ; The Chappel in the high white Tower was burnt Anno 1512. Queen Anne Bullein , was beheaded in the Tower 1541. and a little after , the Lady Katherine Howard , both Wifes to Henry the eighth : Anno 1546. a strange accident happened in the Tower : for one Foxley , who was Pot-maker for the Mint , being fallen asleep , he could not be awakened by pinching , cramping , or burning for fourteen dayes , at which time he awak'd as fresh as at the first day he began to sleep . In Henry the eights time , the Tower was ever and anon full of prisoners , among others Sir Thomas More , Lord Chancellor of England , was clap'd there close Prisoner : and at last they took away from him all his Books , so he did shut up all his windows , and liv'd afterwards in obscurity , and being asked Why , he answered , 'T is time to shut up shop , when the Ware is all gone : At his first entrance to the Tower , the Gentleman Porter , ask'd for his fee , which is the upper Garment , whereupon Sir Thomas pull'd off his Cap to give him , but that not sufficing , he pull'd out a handful of Angels , end gave him a good many , a Knight that was in his Company telling him , that he was glad to see him so full of Angels ; yes , answered he , I love to carry my friends alwayes about me . The young Lady Jane , was beheaded there not long after , and upon the Scaffold she made a most ingenious Speech , and full of pity , That she came thither , to serve for an example to posterity , that innocence cannot be any protection against greatness ; And that she was come thither , not for aspiring to a Crown , but for not refusing one , when it was offered Her. Queen Elizabeth was brought up many years in that School of affliction , but afterwards she may be said to have gone from the Scaffold to the Throne ; For the truth is , that the Scaffold had made an end of her , had not King Philip her Brother in Law , strongly interceded for her . In her dayes , Robert Earl of Essex lost his head in the Tower , which he might have kept on many years longer , had he not bin betrayed by the Lady Walsingham ; to whom after the sentence of condemnation , he sent a Ring , which the Queen had given him as a token that she would stick to him in any danger : the Lady delivered not this Ring , and being a little after upon her Death-bed she desired to speak with the Queen , and having disburthened a great weight which lay upon her Conscience for that act , the Queen flung away in a fury , and never enjoyed her self perfectly after that time , but she would break out often into passion , and wring her hands , crying , O Essex , Essex . And this Earl was the last , who was executed within the walls of the Tower. In King James's time , for 22 years , there was no blood spilt , in the Tower , or upon Tower-hill , only Sir Gervase Elwayes was hanged there , when he was Lieutenant : and one remarkable passage there was in his Speech upon the Ladder , that being in the low Countries , and much addicted to gaming , he made a vow , that if ever he played more above such a value , he might be hanged ; but he did violate the Oath , and so the just Judgement of Heaven did fall upon him , accordingly as he said . The Earl of Castlehaven was brought from the Tower to be executed for horrid kinds of incontinencies in Charles the first time ; Afterwards , in the raign of the long Parliament , and ever since , the Tower of London hath had more number of Prisoners , then it had in the compasse of a hundred years before . This stately Tower of London , serves not only for a Gaol to detain prisoners , but for many other uses , It is a strong Fort , or Cittadel , which secures both City and River , It serves not only to defend , but to command either , upon occasion ; It serves as a royal Randezvouz for Assemblies and Treaties ; It is the Treasury for the Jewels and Ornaments of the Crown ; The great Archive which conserves all the old Records of the Courts of Justice at Westminster ; It is the place for the Royal Mint , and Coynage of Gold and Silver ; It is the chief Magazin and Armory , or Arsenal of the whole Land , for Martial Engines , and Provision . There only , is the Brake or Rack , usually call'd the Duke of Exceters Daughter , because he was the first Inventer of it . And lastly , It is a great Ornament , by the situation of it , both to the River and City . The City of London hath divers other interior Towers , as that on the North of the great Bridge ; At the South end over the Gate , there is also another Tower over London-Bridge , which hath suffered many accidents of firing , and otherwise , and was still made up by the care and charge of the City , specially one time when it was under bastard Fawconbridge , burnt by the Marriners , and Saylers of Kent . The Antiquaries speak of two Castles that were in the West part of London , one call'd the Castle of Monfiquet , which was built by a Baron of that name , who came over with the Conqueror , which was afterwards demolished , and the Black Fryers risen up out of the ruines of it ; The second Castle is Baynards Castle , by Pauls Wharf , built also by one Baynard , who came over with the Conqueror : who being ennobled , the honour of Baynards Castle succeeded from Father to Son , a long time , till it came to Sir Robert Fitzwater , a valiant Cavalier : who being fallen into the displeasure of King John , in the Barons Warres , was banished , and Baynards Castle destroyed ; But afterwards , being restored to the Kings favour , by an exployt he did in France , he was re-invested in all his Livings , and so repair'd Baynards Castle again : Moreover , he was made chief Banner-bearer of the City of London , whereof he had a Charter , which ran to this sense , That he said , Robert Fitzwater , and his Heirs , ought to be , and are chief Bannerers of London , in fee for the Chastilary , which he and his Ancestors had from Baynards Castle , and the said City . In time of War , the said Robert and his Heires , ought to serve the City as followeth . The said Robert ( he being the twentieth man of Armes himself ) ought to come on Horseback , covered with Cloth or Armor , under the great West door of St. Paul , with his Banner displayed before him ; and when he is come mounted to that door , and apparreld , as before is said , The Maior ( with the Aldermen and Sheriffs ) in their Arms , shall come out of the Church of St. Paul , unto the said West door , the Maior bearing a Banner in his hand , all on foot , which Banner shall be Gules , the Image of St. Paul Gold , the face , hands , feet , and Sword Argent ; And as soon as the said Robert shall see the Maior , Aldermen and Sheriffs , come on foot out of the Church , armed with such a Banner , he shall alight off his Horse , and salute the Maior , and say to him , Sir Maior , I am come to do my service which I owe to the City : whereunto the Maior , and Aldermen shall answer , We give to you , as to our Bannerer of see in this City , the Banner of this City , to beare , and govern to the honour and profit of this City to your power : And the said Robert and his Heires , shall receive the said Banner in his hands , and shall go on foot out of the Gate , with the Banner in his hands , and the Maior , Aldermen , and Sheriffs , shall follow to the door , and shall bring a Horse to the said Bannerer , worth twenty pounds , which Horse shall be sadled with a saddle of the Arms of the said Bannerer , and shall be covered with sindalls of the said Arms. Moreover , they shall present unto him , twenty pounds Starling money , and deliver it to the Chamberlain of the said Bannerer , for his expences that day . Then the said Bannerer shall mount on Horseback , with the Banner in his hand , and as soon as he is up , he shall say to the Lord Maior , that he cause a Marshal to be chosen for the Host , one of the City ; which Marshal being nam'd , the said Bannerer shall command the Maior and Burgesses of the City , to warn the Commons to assemble , and they shall all go under the Banner of St. Paul ; and the said Bannerer shall bear it himself unto Ealdgate , and there the said Bannerer , and the Maior , shall deliver the said Banner from thence , to whom they shall assent and think good ; And in case they make any issue out of the City , then the said Bannerer ought to choose two out of every Ward , the most sage Personages , to foresee and look to the safe keeping of the City , after they be gone forth ; And this Councel shall be taken in the priory of the holy Trinity , near unto Aldgate ; And also before every Town or Castle , they shall besiege , if the siege continue a whole year , the said Bannerer shall have for every siege one hundred shillings , and no more of the Comminalty of London . These be the Rights that the said Bannerer shall have in time of War ; But the Rights that belong unto the said Bannerer Sir Rob. Fitzwater in time of peace are these , that is to say , The said Robert hath a Soke or Ward in the City , that is to say , a Wall of the Canonry of St. Paul unto the Thames , & so to the side of the Mill , which is in the water that cometh from Fleet bridge , & so goeth by London walls betwixt the Fryars Preachers & Ludgate , & so returneth back by the house of the said Fryrs , unto the said Walls , of the said Canonry of St. Pauls , viz. all the Parish of St. Andrews , which is in the gift of his Ancestors by the said Signority ; And so the said Robert hath appendant unto the said Soke , all these things under-written , & if any of the Sokemanry be impleaded in Guild-hall , of any thing that toucheth not the Body of the Lord Mayor , or the Sheriffs for the time being , it is not lawful for the Sokeman of the Sokmanry of the said Robert to demand a Court of the said Robert ; And the Mayor and the Citizens of London ought to grant him a Court , and in his Court he ought to bring his Judgments as it is assented and agreed upon in the Guild-hall , that shall be given him . If any therefore be taken in his Sokemanry , he ought to have his stocks and imprisonment in his Soke , and he shall be brought thence to the Guild-hall before the Mayor , and there they shall provide him his judgement that ought to be given of him ; but his judgement shall not be publish'd till he come unto the Court of the said Robert , and in his Liberty . And the Judgement shall be such , that if he have deserved death for Treason , he is to be tied to a Post in the Thames at a good Wharf , where Boats are fastened , two ebbings and two flowings of the water : And if he be condemn'd for a common thief , he ought to be led to the Elmes , and there suffer his judgement as other thieves ; So the said Robert and his Heirs hath the honour , that he holdeth a great Franchise within the City , that the Mayor of the City , and the Cittizens are bound to do him of Right , viz. that when the Mayor will hold a great Councel , he ought to call the said Robert and his Heir to be with him in the Councel of the said City ; and the said Robert ought to be sworn of the Councell of the said City , against all people ; saving the King , and his Heirs . And when the said Robert comes to the Hustings in the Guild-hall of the said City , the Mayor or his Livetenant , ought to rise and set him down to sit neer him ; and so long as he is in the Guild-hall , all the judgements ought to be given by his mouth , according to the Records of the Recorders of the said Guildhall ; And so many Waifes as come while he he is there , he ought to give them to the Bayliffs of the said Town , or to whom he will by the Councel of the City . These are the ancient Franchises that belong to the Bannerer of London , as they stand upon ancient authentick Records ; But when this honor fell from the Fitzwaters , and from Baynards Castle , 't is incertain ; Now , that Castle fell afterwards to the Earl of March , who was Crown'd there by the Title of Edward the fourth , to whom this City stuck very close ; But in the seventh year of King Edward's Reign , many of the greatest men of London were attach'd for Treason , with divers Aldermen , whereof though they were acquitted , yet they did forfeit their goods to the value of 40000 marks ; among whom Sir Thomas Coke , Sir John Plummer , and Humfrey Howard , were of the number ; And the said Coke Lord Mayor a little before was committed to the Tower , with one Hawkins ; nor could Coke be acquitted until he had paied 8000 Marks to the King. Henry the seventh rode in Majesty through the City with all the Knights of St. George , from the Tower to St. Pauls Church , where they heard Vespers , and so the King lodg'd that night at Baynards Castle , which he had newly repair'd before . Queen Mary was also proclaim'd there , notwithstanding that the Lady Jane had been proclaim'd a little before . There was also another Tower or Castle , near adioyning unto Baynards Castle , which was call'd Legates Inne , but now there is no trace of it left . There was also another Castle call'd the Tower of Monfiquet ( spoken of a little before ) upon the River of Thames more Westward , where afterwards a Monastery of Fryars was erected , call'd to this day the Black fryars ; first built by Kelwarby , Archbishop of Canterbury , to whom the Mayor of London , gave two Lanes or wayes adjoyning to Baynards Castle ; There was also another Tower stood there , above 300 years , which was demolished by John Sha Lord Mayor of London Anno 1502 , the King giving leave to do it . There was another Tower or Castle , that stood in the same place that Bridewell now stands ; which being demolished , yet notwithstanding , there was a Royal Palace stood still where the Kings of England kept their Courts , and call'd Parliaments : and among others , it stands upon good Record , that King John summoned a Parliament thither , where he exacted of the Clergy in a Parliament held at Saint Brides in London 100000 Marks ; and besides this , the white Monks were compelled to cancel their Priviledges , and pay the King 40000 Marks ; This House of Saint Brides of later time being left , and not used or inhabited , fell to ruine , yet the Platform still remained among the filth and rubbish , together with a fair Well . A great part of the House on the West side , was given to the Bishop of Salisbury , whence Salisbury Court derives its name to this day ; The other part towards the East remain'd wast , until Henry the 8th , did build a stately Palace there in a very short time , and call'd it Bridewel , which he did for the entertainment of his Nephew Charles the fifth Emperour and King of Spain , who came hither Anno 1522 , and was there entertain'd in a Princely and Magnificent manner . There was another Tower call'd the Tower Royal in the Parish of Saint Michael de Pater noster , where King Stephen was us'd to keep his Court , which was call'd afterwards the Queens Wardrobe ; Barbican was also another Tower , Besides , there was an ancient Tower , in Bucklersbury , called Sernes Tower , and the story saith , that Edward the third kept his Court there , appointing his exchange of moneys to be also there kept , which he gave afterwards to his free Chappel of St. Stephen in VVestminster , now call'd Henry the sevenths Chappel , who spent 14000 ls . in the building of it , and about the same time a great ship was built which cost just as much . Of the publick places of Sciences and Literature which London hath . IT is observed , that the English Nation hath bin alwaies extraordinarily addicted to Literature , and to the love of Knowledge : which among other instances appears ; in that , of old times , there were three principal Churches in London which had famous Schools , wherein there were professors & Doctors , which were famous for their knowledge in Philosophy and the Mathematicks ; The three Churches which had these Schools by Priviledges , were the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul , for by General Councel held in the year 1176 at Rome in the Patriarchy of Saint Lateran , it was decreed , that every Cathedral Church sho uld have a School-master to teach poor Schollers , and others . The second , was St. Peters in Westminster , whereof Ingulphus Abbot of Crowland in the Reign of William the Conqueror writes thus ; I Ingulphus an humble servant of God , born of English Parents in the most beautiful City of London , for to attain to Learning , was first put to Westminster , and after to study at Oxford , &c. The third School , seemes to have bin in the Monastery of St. Saviour in Bermondsey at Southwark . There were other Schools built afterwards , as that of St John by Smithfield , and that of Saint Bart holmew , that of Saint Mary Overies , and that of the holy Trinity by Ealdgate , with divers others ; But touching Philosophy and other Sciences , in regard that the Colledges in Oxford and Cambridge did so much encrease ; the former meetings in London , and di putes in Philosophy , that were used to be , did discontinue ; Only of late years , that noble Maecenas and Patrior , Sir Thomas Gresham , did erect to his eternal honour a Colledge for all the Sciences , in Bishopsgate-street , as an attendant to his Royall Exchange . The Chronicles teach us , that Henry the fifth having suppressed the Priories Aliens , whereof there were some about London , namely , our Lady of Rouncival by Charing crosse , one other Hospital in Oldborn , now Holborn , another without Gripplegate , and the fourth without Aldersgate , besides others that are worne long since out of memory , only that of Rouncival continued till the Reign of Henry the eighth , being converted to a brotherhood ; But Edward the sixth appointed by Patent , that there should be in London more Grammar Schooles erected , to wit , one in St Andrews in Holborn , another in Alhallows the great , another in St Peters on Cornhil , and another in the Hospital of St. Thomas of Acon in West cheap . The Free-school of Pauls was built of an old ruined house in ample manner , and richly endowed Anno 1512 , by Doctor Colet Dean of Pauls , for 153 poor mens children : for which there was a chief Master , an Usher , and Chaplain ordained . Moreover , in the year 1553 , after the erection of Christs Hospital , which risse out of the ruins of the Grey Fryers that stood there , a great number of poor children were taken in , and a fair School appointed at the charge of the City , though Edward the sixth bear the name of Patron . Anno 1561 the Marchant Taylors of London , founded one notable School . in the Parish of St. Lawrence Poultney . The house was sometimes the Duke of Buckinghams called , the Mannor of the Rose , which Mr. Richard Hills Master of the company , did purchase for 500 l. and bestowed it for a free School . There was an old Custome in London , that the School , Masters should meet on festival daies , and their Schollers should dispute in Logick , as well as Grammer Questions , and Principles , and the most common randezvouz , was Saint Bart holmews in Smithfield , being a priory , where upon a bank boorded under a tree , they used to meet , and the best Schollers were rewarded with Bows and Arrows of silver , which they carried away as prizes : but that laudable custome is grown obsolete , and quite discontinued . A great emulation there was 'twixt Pauls Schollers , and those of St. Anthonies ; the Schollers of Pauls would taunt , and term them , St. Anthonies Piggs ; and they would call St. Pauls Schollers , Pigeons of Pauls , and many feuds happen'd amongst them in the open streets : but St. Anthonies School decaying , the quarrel also ceas'd . Anno 1582 , a publick Lecture of Chirurgery was founded , to be read in the Colledge of Physitians in Knight-rider-street twice every week ; The Founder thereof was , the honourable Baron the Lord Lumley , and Richard Chadwel Doctor of Physick ; and Doctor Foster was the first Reader thereof . A Mathematical Lecture was also founded about the same time , to be read in a fair ancient Chappel , built by Simon Eyre within Leaden-hall ; But this Chappel , being employ'd afterwards for stowage of goods taken out of a Spanish Cara●k the said Lecture ceas'd there , and was used to be read in Mr. Tho. Smiths house in Grass-street , 1184. Anno 1579 Sir Thomas Gresham ( Queen Elizabeths Royal Marchant or Agent , spoken of before ) gave the Royal Exchange , with all the buildings thereunto appertaining , viz. the one moity to the Mayor and Comminalty of London , and their Successors , upon trust that they perform as shall be declared ; and the other moity to the Mercers on the same confidence ; The Maior & Aldermen are to find four to read Lectures of Divinity , Astronomy , Musick , and Geometry within that dwelling in Bishopsgate-street , and to bestow the sum of 200 l. viz. 50 l. per annum to every Reader . The Mercers also are to find three Readers in the same place , that is , The Civil Law , Physick and Rhetorick , and every Reader was to have 50 l. a year stipen'd , which great gift was confirm'd afterwards by Act of Parliament , and so to continue for ever . These Lectures are to be read every day in the week in Term time ( Sundays excepted ) in the Latine Tongue in the morning , and the same in English in the same dayes afternoon , only the Musick Lecture , whereof Doctor Bull was the first Lecturers was to be read only in English . Moreover , there is in and about the City of London , a whole University , as it were of Students , Practisers , or Pleaders , and Judges of the Lawes of England , not living of common Salaries , as is used in other Academies ; but of their private maintenance , as being supported , by their own means or practise , or exhibition from their friends ; In so much that most of them are Sons & younger Brothers to wealthy Parents , where , besides the knowledge of the Laws , they learn all other civilities and exercises besides . Of these Nurseries or Societies there are fourteen , whereof nine do stand within the Liberties of the City , and five without ; Those that stand within the Liberties are , Sargeants Inne in Fleet-street , Sargeants Inne in Chancery Lane , the two Temples , which are called , Inns of Court ; The other are , Cliffords Inne , Thavies Inne in Holborn , Furnevals Inne , Barnards Inne , and Staples Inne , which are termd Inns of Chancery . Without the Liberties , there is Grayes Inne in Holburn , Lincolns Inne , ( which are Inns of Court ) Clements Inne , New Inne , and Lions Inne , which are houses of Chancery . In former time , there was in Scroops Court in Holborn an Inne of Sargeants also ; There was likewise where Somerset House now stands Chesters Inne or Strand Inne , in the liberty of the Dutchy of Lancaster , which was pull'd down with many other Buildings , to make room for Somerset House , who had also his materials from St. John of Jerusalem , which some held to be no better than Sacriledge ; and therefore that fatal death , to be beheaded , befell the Duke of Somerset , who with his Councel were , it seems , so infatuated , that they forgot to call for his Clergy , whereby , by the Lawes of England ; he might have bin saved . Jussice Fortescue makes mention also of a tenth house of Chancery , but he names not the place . The choisest , gentliest & most ingenious wits of the Land , are founds among these Students of the Inns of Court , having cōmonly bin graduates before , in one of the Universities ; But the Inns of Chancery being as it were Provinces subjected severally to the Inns of Court be chiefly made up of Attorneys , Sollicitors , and Clerks that follow the Courts of Westminster Hall ; yet many of them remove to one of the great Inns of Court , where continuing seven years , and frequenting Readings , Mootings , Boltings , and other learned Exercises , they improve themselves in the knowledge of the Lawes : they are then by the consent of the Benchers , who are most commonly of the grave and learned sort selected , & call'd to the degree of Utter Barristers , and so enabled to be Practitioners in the Law , both in their Chamber , and at the Barre in open Court-Of these after they be call'd to a further step of preferment , 2. were used to be chosen every year to be Readers , who make two Readings every year out of some choise hard points in the Law , one in Lent , the other in August . Out of these Benchers and Readers , Sergeants at Law are made , and of them the Judges , unlesse it be that some by special favour of the Prince are chosen otherwise ; But being made Sergeants , they leave the Inns of Court and remove to one of the Sergeants Inns ; where they only , and the reverend Judges are admitted . Touching the two Temples , they are discoursed of here in another place ; But , concerning Grayes Inne and Lincolns Inne , they took their denominations from two noble Lords , who had formerly Palaces in those places where those two Innes now stand ; The one is singular , for a curious Chappel it hath ; the other for choise delicate Walks , high and low , with a large delightful prospect that carrieth the optiques very far , where the choisest beauties both of City and Suburbs use to resort in the Summer , to solace themselves , and breath fresh aire . Thus have we rambled through the City of London , and waded hitherto through universals ( wherein there is not alwaies plain-dealing ) we will now hunt dry foot after particulars , and find out the Primitive mode , & method of Government which London had , with the Titles of her chief Magistrates ; We will then Muster her twelve prime Companies , with all the rest of her Corporations ; Then , a Perambulation shall be made through all her Precincts , Aldermanries and Wards , as far as the point of the Lord Mayors Sword doth reach ; Then shall there be a Parallel 'twixt London , and other the greatest Cities in the world ; wherein it will appear to the impartial discerning Reader , that , if consideration be had to the Prerogatives and power of her chiefest Magistrates , to their plenty , magnificence and hospitality , to the security of Passengers up and down her streets at midnight , as well as at noon daies , The City of London admits no Parallel . Of the Political Government , and Civil Sway of the City of London . IT is no incongruous allusion , that some Polititians make , when they compare a City to a great Ship , whereof Government is the Healm and Rudder , which regulate , and guide her course ; Good Lawes and Constitutions , are the Cables and Ligaments ; The Main-Mast is Religion , and the Standard , of the Crosse ; the Foremast is Honour and Renown ; the Misen Mast is Trade and Wealth ; Judgement and Prudence is the Ballast ; Authority and strength the Artillery . This Comparison may quadrat with London , as much as with any other City , on the surface of the Earth . The Lord Maior is as the Pilot and Master ; the Aldermen , his Mates ; the Recorder and Sheriffs the chief Gunners ; the Scavengers , the Swabbers ; other inferior Officers are the Mariners , to weigh Anchors , to hoise and furle the Sails , &c. Touching the primitive Government of London in the time of the Britains , Antiquity scarce affords us any light , whereby to discern what it was , Caesar gives us most , when he writes , that Mandrubacius was King of the Londoners , or the Trinobants , which last word extends also to some of the Counties adjacent ; But it may be wondred , that Julius Caesar should know so much , in regard that He never took firm footing in Great Britain , but , by way of exploration , did only discover Her ; Augustus and Tiberius may be said to conceal Her. Caligula intending an Invasion , was diverted by his Warres with the Germans . Claudius Caesar ( from whom Glocester takes her name , being no other then CastrumClaudii , the Castle of Claudius ) was the first that fixt here , and he sent over Publins Agriola for his Lieutenant , who took great pains to civilize the Nation : and as he was about the work , he sent notice to Rome , that he preserred the British wits before the Gallic . Then was London made a Praefectura , and the Magistrate in chief , was called Praefect ( as he of Rome is called to this day ) this Title continued all the time that the Romans had dominion here , which was above 300 years . Afterwards , the Romans having so many great Irons in the fire by Warres they had against divers Nations , who had revolted from them , they drain'd this Iland not only of great numbers of the British Youth , to serve them in their Wartes abroad , but drew away at last their own Legions ; whereupon , the Iland being thus grown weak , much depopulated , and to a long desuetude of Arms , the Saxons , who are now the English ( yet keep still their first denomination of Saxons , both in the British and Irish Tongues to this day ) came over with a considerable strength , and having in a Parly on Salsbury Plains , mustered most of the British Nobility by a stratagem , and taken Vortiger the King Prisoner , He for his ransom was forc'd to give , not only London , but most part of the Iland to the Saxons . And the chief Magistrate of London , they call'd Portreve , which is a Gardian or Governour of a Port , and that name is yet used in England , in some places . The Saxons then changed their names into Englishmen , yet they continued Pagans a long time after but at last , the Britains converted them to Christianity , and then the City of London flourished exceedingly for many Ages , till there came over a swarm of Danes , who proved more fatal to London , then any other Nation ; for by fire and sword , they had almost utterly destroyed Her , had not the Londoners at last rowz'd up their spirits , who making vertue of necessity , did fall upon King Swein the insulting Enemy , with such a resolution , that by a mighty slaughter , and extraordinary prowesse , they utterly repel'd him ; The City having recovered her former lustre ( though 't was a good while first ) she continued under the English Government , and the Magistracy of a Portreve , till the Norman rush'd in ; yet the Title was not alter'd a good while after , when at last he came to be call'd Bayliffe , and sometimes Provost : Richard the first , for supporting the Croy sada , and his Warres in the Holy Land , got great Contributions of monies , from the Londoners ; in lieu whereof , he gave them leave to choose two Bayliffs annually . King John after him chang'd their Bayliffs into a Maior , and two Sheriffs : To these Henry the third adds some Aldermen , who though yeerly Elegible at first , grew afterwards Perpetual ; Now , this Word Alderman , is consonant to Senator , being both derived from old Age and Gravity . The first Alderman we read of in England , was in the time of King Edgar , about 800 years agoe , whose name was Ailwine , and was descended of the blood Royal , as appeares by his Epitaph in that goodly Monastery , in the I le of Ely , whereof he was founder himself , which Epitaph runs thus . Hic requiescit Dom. Ailwinus inclyti Regis Edgari Cognatus , totius Angliae Aldermannus , & hujus Sacri coenobii miraculosus Fundator . Here resteth the Lord Ailwine ( Cousin to Noble King Edgar ) Alderman of all England which some interpret chief Justice , & miraculous Founder of this holy Abbey . Hence it may be infer'd , that the appellation of Alderman , is not only venerable , but ancient , & honourable . And from this Lord Ailwine , it seemes the first Maior of London descended , who was Henry Fitz-Alwin , Anno 1191. who continued many years in the Office , & lies buried in St. Mary Bothaw , near London-stone ; and the next Maior to him was Roger Fitz-Alwin , after whom the Office grew annual . The City being thus , in tract of time , come to a fixed and setled Government , she began to flourish exceedingly . And as she increased in Men , Manufactures , and Merchandizing , so the Kings did enlarge their royal favours unto Her , Anno 1220. Henry the third confirmed unto the Citizens of London , free Warren , or liberty to hunt about the City , and in the Warren of Stanes ; Moreover , that the Citizens of London , should passe Toll-free , throughout all England , and that the Keddles and Weres in the Rivers of Thames and Medway , should be plucked up and destroyed for ever , because Navigation to London might be more free . Roger Renger was Maior , when these Patents were granted . A few years after the liberties , and franchises of London , were ratified by the same King , who granted , that either Sheriff should have two Clarks , and two Sargeants , and that the Citizens should have a Common Seal : A little after the same King granted that the Maior Elect , should be presented to the Barons of the Exchequer , and they should admit him . Moreover , he gave way , that the City should be fortified with Posts , and Iron Chains , drawn athwart over the streets . Anno 1326. Edward the third much increased the immunities of the City , and the Authority of the Maior ; for he granted , that the Maior should be Justice for the Gaol delivery at Newgate , and have power to reprieve Prisoners . That the Citizens of London should not be constrained to go out of the City of London , to any Warre ; He granted also , that the liberties and franchises of the City , should not after that time be taken into the Kings hands , as it had bin often before , when a Custos was put in . Moreover , He granted by Letters Patents , that there should be no other Eschetor in the City , but the Maior . Anno 1338. He granted , that the Sargeants attending the Maior and the Sheriffs , should bear Maces silver and gilt , with the Royal Arms engraven . Anno 1356. The same King ordained , that whereas the Aldermen were used to be chang'd yeerly , they should not be removed without spetial cause for the future . Then for the higher honour , and Authority of the Office , the Sword was added with the Cap of Maintenance . Thus in process of time , the Government of London , grew to be more and more established . Anno 1416. Sir Henry Barton being Maior , ordained Lanthorns and Lights to be hang'd out on the Winter Evenings , betwixt Alhollontide and Candlemas : Sir John Norman , being Maior , was the first who went upon the River to Westminster , having made a stately Barge to that purpose , Anno 1453. And the rest of the Companies followed that laudable Example , with their Barges also . Anno 1473. Sir John Tate being Maior , the Sheriffs of London were appointed each of them , to have sixteen Serjeants , and every Serjeant to have his Yeoman ; Moreover , they were to have six Clerks , a Secondary , a Clark of the Papers , with fower other Clarks , besides the Under Sheriffs Clark. Anno 1484. It happened , that there was successively one after the other , three Mayors , and three Sheriffs of London , in the compasse of one year ; by reason of the sweating sickness , which rag'd so extreamly . Anno 1501. Sir John Sha being Maior , added some state to the Office ; for it was ordered , that the Aldermen his Brethren should attend him on Horseback , from Guild-hall to the Rivers side , when he took Barge for Westminster ; Besides , he was the first who kept Court in his own House , for redressing of such matters that came before him ; Sir William Capel being Maior of London , caus'd Cages to be set up in every Ward , for the punishments of Vagabonds , and Rogues . Anno 1556. Sir Thomas Offley being Mayor , the Night Bel-man was first ordained . Queen Elizabeth did much favour the City of London ; and for the better Government thereof , gave way for a Provost Marshal to be appointed . Thus have we observed , that the Governours in chief of the City of London , have had from time to time , differing appellations . Under the Britains , they were call'd Kings ; The Romans stiled them , Praefects . The Saxons , Portreves . The Norman Kings at their first comming , Bayliffs , and sometimes Provosts , Then came the Office to be established in the Title of Maior , which hath continued any time these 467. years , though it was interrupted sometimes by a Custos ; which some of the Kings , as Henry the third , and Edward the first , upon a displeasure against the City , were used to appoint . This great Urban Magistrate , the Maior of London , useth to be chosen upon the feast of St. Michael the Archangel , every year out of the six and twenty Aldermen , who are his Brethren ; but he takes not his place , until the 28. of October next following . Touching the State and Authority of the Lord Maior of London , there is no Oppidan Magistrate in Christendom , all things well considered , lives in a greater ; Let us examine the particulars , and first go to his domestical attendance , and the Officers thereunto belonging , which are , 1. A Sword-bearer . 2. Common Hunt. 3. Common Cryer . And 4. Water Bayliffs , all Esquires by their places . Then is there the Coroner of London , three Sergeant Carvers , 3. Sargeants of the Chamber ; Sargeant of the Channel , 4 Yeomen of the Water side . The Under Water Bayliffe ; two Yeomen of the Chamber , three Meal-weighers ; two Yeomen of the Wood-Wharfs ; and most of these have their Servants allowed them ; but the common Huntsman and Water-Bayliffe , have two a peece ; some of them have Liveries from the Lord Maior , and the rest from the Chamber of London . There be divers other great publick Officers belong to the Government of the City of London , as the two Sheriffs , which , like the Lord Maior , are but annual ; The Recorder , the Chamberlain , the Common Sergeant , the Town-Clark , or common Clark , the Remembrancer , all Esquires . The Sheriffs are chosen upon Midsummer day : they formerly were used to be elected out of the Commonalty ; and sometimes they came to be Aldermen , as many Aldermen were made Maiors , though not having bin Sheriffs ; But of latter years , the Sheriffs have bin Aldermen before , or presently after their Election ; And 't is remarkable , that Nicolas Faringdon was 4 times Maior of London , and yet never Sheriff . Now touching the Election of these Officers , we shall give a brief account , the prime Magistrate , the Lord Maior and the Aldermen , met at Guild-hall at 8. in the morning , in their Scarlet Gowns , and their Cloaks fur'd riding on Horseback , and having bin a while in the Councel Chamber , they come forth into the Orphans Court , whence they go in their Cloaks to the Chappel , to hear Service and Sermon , where the Lord Maior , with some of the Aldermen , take the Communion , which being ended , and Offrings delivered , they return to the Councel Chamber , and thence to the Hustings , the highest Court ; where the Recorder makes a Speech , touching the business in hand : then they go back to the Lord Maiors Court , where they remain , the doors shut until the Election be brought unto them ; Then the common Sargeant having the Sheriffs on either side , and the Sheriffs other Officers al out them , makes another Speech , touching the Custom of the City in this kind ; whereupon , they choose two , whose names are brought up to the Lord Maior and the Aldermen , who by scrutiny , elect one of those two , whom the Commons had nominated before . Then the Lord Maior returns to the Hustings , and he who is chosen , goeth upon his left hand , and sitteth next him ; Then the Recorder speaks again to the Commons , nominating the person whom the Lord Maior , and the Aldermen had admitted , and demands whether it be their free choyce ; the commons affirming it , the Sword-bearer goes to the Lord Maior , Elect , and taketh off his Tippet ( which he takes for his fee ) and puts on his Chain ; whereupon , he making a short Speech of gratitude , the Lord Maior , and the new Elect , go to the Eldest Sheriffs House to dinner . After dinner , the Lord Elect taking the Common Hunt , and other Officers to attend him , besides a Company of Aldermen , goeth to the Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England , where five or six Aldermen present him , wearing their Violet Gowns . The morrow after Michaelmas day , the Lord Maior and the Aldermen go with the two new Sheriffs to the Exchequer-chamber in Westminster , where they are presented and sworn , and the old Sheriffs are sworn also to their account . On Simon and Judes day , the Aldermen and Sheriffs attend the old Lord Maior at his House , whence they come in their formalities to the Hustings , where being sate , the common Cryer commands silence : then the Town-Clark exhibites an Oath to the Lord Maior Elect , which being done , the former Lord Maior giveth place to the New ; which being done , the Chamberlain delivers him the Scepter , next the Keyes of the Common Seal ; and lastly , the Seal of the Majoralty ; Then the Sword-bearer delivers him the Sword. On the morrow after , all the Aldermen and Sheriffs solemnly meet at the new Lord Maiors House , by 8. in the morning , whence they go to the Guild-Hall , and thence to the Vine-Tree , where they take Barge , and are rowed in state to Westminster-Hall , the rest of the chief Companies attending in their several Barges , with their Arms , Colours , and Streamers , in a very gay manner ; Being come to the Hall , they go round about , and salute all the Tribunals of justice : then they ascend to the Exchequer Chamber to the Barons , where after the Recorder hath made a Speech , the Oath is administer'd . Then they come down to the Hall , and go first to the Kings Bench , then to the Common Pleas , and so to Westminster Abbey , where having walk'd about the Kings Tombs , they return to their Barges , and so to London again ; where , being landed , they go to the Guild-hall , where a most plentifull dinner is prepared , which lasts many hours , being called , the Lord Mayors feast ; The Lords of the privy Councel , the Judges , with other Lords and Ladies of the best quality , are thither invited ; After dinner , the Lord Mayor with all the Companies attending , ride solemnly to Saint Pauls , to do their devotions ; and so the Ceremony of that great day is concluded . Touching the Election of the Sheriffs , the Lord Mayor and the Aldermen meet at 8 in the morning at Guild-hall in their violet-colour'd Gowns , and their Cloaks of Scarlet lin'd but without horses ; where from the Counsel-Chamber , they go to the Orphans Court , & so to the Hustings , where the Recorder having made a speech touching the present meeting , the Mayor & Aldermen go to the Mayors Court , the dores shut upon them , then the Commons fall to the Election of Sheriffs , as also a Chamberlain , two Bridg-masters , the Auditors of the City and Bridg-house Accounts , and the Surveyors for Beer and Ale : which being done , the Sheriffs with the other Officers , the Common Cryer going before them with his Mace , go up to the Lord Mayor and the Aldermen , to cary up the report of what is done at the Hustings , whither the Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen descend again , and confirm the Elections ; Then the Recorder making them a Speech of thanks , the meeting ends . Now touching the Hustings , which we have mentioned so often , it is the ancient'st and highest Court of the City of London ; Touching the Etymology of it , it is a pure Saxon word , and is derived of House and dhing or thing , which among the Saxons signified a Cause or Plea ; in so much that Hustings is no other then the House of Causes , or Pleading ; and Thingere was the ancient word for a Lawyer or Pleader ; This Court preserves the Laws , Rights , Franchises , Customs and Dignities of the City ; There be handled also there the intricat'st accounts , and Pleas of the Crowns , and of the whole Kingdom ; which Court hath for many Ages , conserv'd inviolably its own Prerogatives and Customs . This Court was anciently held every Munday , but it was chang'd of late years into Tuesday , because of the Sheriffs intending the Market , which being kept upon Munday would hinder their sitting in the Hustings . Edward the Confeffors Lawes refer much to this Hustings Court ; Moreover , the Cities o York , Winchester , Lincoln , the Isle of Shepey , and other places , have had their Hustings . There is also another Court peculiar to London , which discovers as much of Charity , as of Policy : It is call'd the Court of Requests , or the Court of Conscience . It was first erected by an act of Common-Councel Anno 9. Henry 8. viz. That the Lord Mayor and Aldermen for the time being should monthly assign two Aldermen , and four discreet Commoners , to sit twice a week to hear , and determine all matters brought before them ( betwixt Free-men ) where the due debt , or dammage did not exceed 40s . Afterwards the said number of Commissioners was encreased to the number of twelve , which continued till the end of Q. Elizabeths Reign ; But , primo Jacobi , it was confirm'd by Act of Parliament , That the said Commissioners should have power to exhibit an Oath , and to commit to prison such as did not obey their Summons , or perform the Orders they made , betwixt Plaintiff and Defendant , Debitor or Creditor , touching any debt , not amounting to forty shillings ; but such hath been the unconscionablenesse and malice of some men of late times , that they have endeavour'd to overthrow the the said Court , by cavilling at some doubtful words therein , & wresting them to a perverse sense , the rich might have power thereby to oppresse the poorer ●orr , by bringing them to Westminster Hall to a further expence of time and trouble , There is then the Court of the Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen , which is a Court of Record ; the Recorder and the two Sheriffs ( being Aldermen not else ) are members of this Court , whose office it is , to redresse and correct the errors , defaults and misprisions which happen in the Government of the City ; This Court is kept Tuesdays and Thursdays throughout the year . Then are the two Courts of the Sheriffs , one for every Counter , whereof there are two Lawyers as Judges , well read in the Customs of the City , as well as the common Laws ; but if an erroneous judgment be given before the Sheriffs , the party griev'd may sue a Writ of error , and remove it to the Hustings . Then is the Court of Orphans ; For the Mayor and Aldermen , by Custome , have the custody of the Orphans within the City , and if they commit the Custody of the Orphans to another man , he shall have a ravishment of ward if the Orphan be taken away ; it being enacted that the Mayor and Chamberlain of London for the time being , shall have the keeping of all the Lands and Goods of such Orphans , as happen within the City ; saving to the King , and other Lords , their Rights of such as hold of them out of the same Liberty ; Now the Chamberlain is a sole Corporation to himself , and his Successors for Orphans ; and a Recognizance made to him and his Successors touching Orphans , shall by custome go to his Successor ; Moreover , the Government of Orphans , is so invested in the Mayor , that if any Orphans sue in the Ecclesiastical Court , or else-where for a Legacy , or duty due to them , by the Custome , a Prohibition doth lye . Then is there the Court of Common Councel , which hath some resemblance of the high Court of Parliament : for it consists of two Houses , viz. the one of the Mayor and Aldermen , and the other of the Commoners of the City ; Here they make Constitutions and Laws for advancement of Trade , and regulation of other things which bind the whole City . There is then the Court of the Chamberlain for Apprentices ; Now , one may be free of London three manner of wayes , first , by Service ; secondly , by Birth-right , being sonne of a Freeman ; And thirdly , by Redemption by Order of the Court of Aldermen . The Chamberlain of London , is an Officer very considerable in point of power : for without him no man can set up shop , or occupy his Trade without being sworn before him ; No man can set-over an Apprentice to another , but by his Licence ; He may imprison any that disobeys his Summons , or any Apprentice that misdemeans himself , or punish him otherwise . There are the Courts of the Coroner , and the Escheator , which both belong to the Lord Mayor ; he being Coroner , and Escheator by vertue of his authority , and Office. Then is there a Court for the conservation of the water & River of Thames , which belongs to the Lord Mayor , from Stanes-bridge unto the water of Yendal and Medway , as is amply spoken of before . Then is there the Court of the Tower of London ; and this Court is held within the Verge of the City before the Steward by prescription of debt , trespasse , and other actions ; now , part of the Tower is within the City , and part in Middlesex , viz. the East part , but the West in London , whereof there was a notable example in the person of Sir Thomas Overbury , who being poyson'd in a Chamber on the West part , the principal murtherers were tryed before Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer in London , and so was Sir Gervase Elwayes the Livetenant of the Tower at that time . There is also a peculiar Court , call'd the Court of Policies , and of Assurances in London , to Marchants that venture and traffique on the Seas , where ships and goods are insur'd at so much in the hundred , where there is an Officer of good quality who Registers these Assurances . Then is the Court of Halmote , or Hall Court , for every Company of London having a particular Hall. They use to meet there to deliberate of matters belonging to the Company . Then is the Court of the Wardmote , or of the Wardmote Inquest . For the whole City being divided to 26 Wards , every Ward hath such an Inquest consisting of twelve or more , who inquire after abuses and disorders , and present them to be redressed . There is also a kind of Court call'd the Colledge of the President , Censors , and Commonalty of Physicians , who have peculiar Lawes of their own : and among other , one is remarkable , that if one who is not of the mystery of a Physician or Chirurgion , take upon him the Cure of a sick Body , and he dieth of the Potion or Medicament , this is , as Britton the great Lawyer saith , Covert Felony . Then is there the Court of Sessions , or monthly Goal-delivery at the Old-Bayly , both for the City and Middlesex for tryal of Felons , whereof the Lord Mayor is the chief Judge , and hath power of reprieving . Touching the Ecclesiastical Government OF THE City of LONDON . HAving thus in a cursory way run over , and taken in grosse as it were , a view of the Civil Government of the City of London ; we will now make some inspections into her spiritual way of Government , which was alwaies Episcopal from the beginning ; for there be Records that may well induce us to believe , that in the time of the Britains there were Bishops of London , whereof they say Thean was the first ; and in the Reign of Constantine , we read that Restitutus , Bishop of London , had his Session in a Councel he summoned at Arles ; After that , the Saxons making twice an irruption into this Island , and at last possessing the better part of it , and being not reduced a good while after , to Christianity , there was a long interruption , and no Bishop of London till Austin the Monk came over , who was call'd the Apostle of the Saxons or English , for he absolutely converted them ; He consecrated Melitus Bishop of London , from whom to Doctor Juxon yet living , there are upon good Record the names of 97 Bishops of London , who succeeded one another . In so much that the City of London was not without a Bishop any time these thousand years till now : The Prior of the holy Trinity at Aldgate was a great man also in the Government of the City , for he used to ride with the Mayor & the Aldermen in robes ; but the chief administration of all Ecclesiastical affairs was in the Bishop . Now the City of London hath oftentimes far'd the better for her Bishops , who have done her many signal good services , upon some discomposures ; & stood as a skreen 'twixt the fury of the Prince and Her. When the Norman came over , and was much incens'd against the City , William her Bishop then , took off the edg of his fury , and introducing her to the Conquerors favour , got her that famous Charter which is worthy to be here inserted . William King greit William Bishop , and Godfregis Posteren , and eall the Bourough , waren bynden London , Franchiste , and Engliste , and ickhyd eth that Ick yill that grete be ealbra yearalaga yec die yegret , &c. Which in intelligible English runs thus . William King , greets William Bishop , and Godefroy Portreve , and all the Burgesses within London , French or English , And I grant you , that I will that ye be all your Law worth that ye were in Edward is his dayes the King ; And I will , that ich Child be his Faders eyer , And I wyl suffer that ony man you ony wrongys beed , and God you keep . The said Bishop William , procured this Charter , from the insulting Conquerour , as appears by his Epitaph ; And this Saxon Charter , was not only confirmea , but inlarged by Henry the first in Latine ; Now as fat Soils are subject to produce rank Weeds , so rich populous Cities are alwayes subject to bring forth turbulent spirits , whereof there is a world of examples in all stories ; nor doth London want good store of them , who used to bandy against their Soveraign Prince , and we well know , how often she forfeited her Charter that way . It stands upon Record , how Henry the third , Edward the second . Richard the 2d , with other Kings , had Her their sore enemies ; It is well known , how often she smarted for it , how often her Posts & Chains were taken away , how her Maior & Sheriffs were clap'd in Prison , and a Custos appointed over her in the interim ; How Rich. the first trounced her for murthering the Jews , how she suffered for the barbarous fray 'twixt the Goldsmiths and Taylors Servants ; For the blood , shed 'twixt her and the men of Westminster on St. James's day ; For the brawl about the Bakers loaf in Salsbury Court ; For the outrages done to St. Martins Sanctuary men ; for the Ill May day ; and a little of late years for the murther of Doctor Lamb. But now that we are giving a touch of her Church Government , It is observable in History , how her Bishops proved her best friends at a pinch , to pull her out of such plunges , and rectifie her again in the opinion of her Soveraign . Nay , it stands upon good Record , that she was no City , till she had a Bishop ; for we well know , that a City must have of necessity , a Cathedral Church , with the Seat and See of a Bishop . Of the several COMPANIES , AND CORPORATIONS Of the City of LONDON . With their Originals , and Arms. HAving made a short transcursion through the Government of the City of LONDON , in general ; we will now visit their severall Companies , Corporations , and Societies , whereof the main part of the City may be said to be composed : who for their Industry and Arts , their Inventions , and sundry wayes of Manufactures , may be compared to so many Hives of Bees , the Emblems of sedulity and diligence , And first , Of the Twelve chief Companies , out of which the Lord Mayor is to be annually chosen . 1. THe Mercers have bin alwayes allowed the first place , who were incorporated into a Society , & enabled to purchase Lands , 17th Richardi Secundi , Anno 1393. For their Arms they bear gules , a Mayden-head proper crown'd , or Wascot Purple , issuing out of Clowds proper , within a bordure nebulee , or , 2. The Grocers , who at first were called Pepperers , were incorporated , Anno 1345. in the twentieth year of Edward the third . The Arms a cheuron between nine Cloves , sable with this Motto , God grant Grace ; Supporters Helm and Crest granted by Clarenceux , King of Arms in the Raign of Hen. 8. 3. The Drapers were incorporated in the 17 year of Henry the 6th , Anno 1430. The Arms first granted by Garter , Crest , and Helm by Clarenceux ; the Coat Gules three triple Crowns , or Capt Gules issuing out of Clowds , resting upon Sun-beams , their Motto , Unto God only , be Honour and Glory . 4. The Fishmongers were at first two Companies , to wit , Stock-Fishmongers , and Salt-Fishmongers ; but 28. of Hen. 8. they were imbodied into one Company ; Their Arms azure , three Dolphins in pale proper crown'd , or betwixt 4 lives , Salterwayes argent , all crown'd , or on a chief Gules , 3 Crosse-Keyes , Saiterwayes , argent , the Motto , All Worship be to God only . 5. The Goldsmiths were incorporated in the 16. year of Richard the second , their Arms quarterly Gules and Azure , two Leopards Heads , or fower Golden Cups , covered 'twixt two Buckles , or , the Motto , To God only be all Glory . 6. The Skinners are more ancient , having bin incorporated in the first year of Edward the third , but made a perfect fraternity in the 18. of Rich. the 2d , their Arms , Ermyn on a chief Gules 3. ducal Crowns , or , lind of the first , their Motto the same with the Goldsmiths , To God only be all Glory . 7. The Merchantaylors were compleatly incorporated by Hen. 7th , Anno 1501. their Arms , Argent a Tent 3. Robes Gules , on a chief azure , a Lion passant regardant or , with this Motto , Concordiâ parvaeres crescunt . 8. The Haberdashers ( called of old Hurrers ) were incorporated a Society of St. Katherine 26 Hen. 6. Anno 1447. And they were confirmed 17. Hen. 7. and named Marchant-Haberdashers : their Coat Nebulee argent , and azure , on a bend gules , a Lyon passant , regardant , or , the Crest and Supporters , granted Anno 1571. with this Motto , Serve and obey . 9. The Salters had the Arms of a Society given them the 22. of Hen. 8. Anno 1530 , the Crest , and Supporters by Queen Elizabeth . The Coat party per cheuron azure & gules , 3. Salts covered overflowing argent with this motto , Salsapit omnia . 10. The Ironmongers were incorporated in the 3 , year of Edw. 4. Anno 1462. their Coat Argent , on a cheuron gules , 3 lockets capted , or between 3 steel gads a zure . 11. The Vintners are more ancient , being incorporated by Edw. 3. by the name of Winetonners , and confirmed by Hen. 6. their Coat Sable a cheuron , between three Tuns argent . 12. The Cloathworkers grew to be a Company , 22 of Hen. 8. at which time , they had Arms first granted them , which are , Sable a cheuron Ermyn● in chief , two crabets argent in base a beazel , or , with Supporters and Crest ; and this Motto , My trust is in God alone . Next to the twelve chief Companies , the Marchants by whole Sale , may well claim room in point of Dignity . 1. AMong Marchants , those of the Staple , may challenge the precedence , who were incorporated by Edw. 3. in whose Raign they had their Staple of Wooll at Callis : They have a fair Coat of Arms , with this Motto , God be our Friend . 2. The Marchant-Adventurers were incorporated in the Raign of Edw. 4. but their priviledges were much enlarged by Queen Elizabeth , they have also a fair Coat , with the same Motto as they of the Staple , God be our Friend . 3. The Marchants of Russia , were incorporated by Edw. 6. and confirmed by Queen Elizabeth , they have also a fair Coat with this Motto , God be our good Guide . 4. The Marchants of Elbing became incorporated by Queen Elizabeth . 5. The Society of Levant Marchants , commonly called the Turky Marchants , being first incorporated by Queen Elizabeth , had their Charter enlarged by King James . 6. The Company of Spanish Merchants were incorporated by Queen Elizabeth . 7. The Company of East India Marchants , were also first incorporated by Queen Elizabeth , 1600. 8. A new Company of French Merchant-Adventurers , had a Coat and Crest of Arms granted them by Garter , and Clarencieux , Kings of Arms in the 14th of King James , with this Motto , Reddite cuique suum . 9. The Merchants of Virginia , the Bermudus , & Summer Ilands , began also in Queen Eliz. Raign ; but since , they are mightily encreased , and pla●●ed in the Charibbi Ilands . Having put this Parenthesis between , viz. the Noble Company of Marchant-adventurers , or Trasfiquers , we will now return to the rest of the home-Corporations , and first of the Dyers . 1. The Dyers were first incorporated by a special Charter of Hen. 6. Their Coat a cheuron , engrail'd between three Wooll-sacks argents . 2. The Brewers had a charter of Incorporation of Hen. 6. and confirmed 2 Eliz. Their coat Gules , on a cheuron engrail'd , argent three Tuns Sable , 'twixt 6 Garbes Salterwayes , or . 3. The Company of Lethersellers is ancient , for they were first incorporated in the 6th year of Rich. 2. and for their Arms , they have 3. Bucks trippant regardant gules . 4. The Pewterers were a Society in the Raign of Edw. 4th , their Arms azure , on a Cheuron , or 3. Roses gules between . 5. The Barber-Chirurgions were first incorporated by Edw. the 4th . but confirmed by every King and Queen ever since , their Arms a crosse quartered gules , a Lyon passant gardant , or , in the first quarter , a cheuron between 3. in the second party , per pale argent & vert , a Rose gules crown'd with an Imperial Crown , the first as the 4th , the second as the third . 6. The Company of Armorers , were incorporated at the beginning of Hen. 6th , and the King himself made himself one of the Society , their Arms Argent on a Cheuron gules , a Gantlet between three Swords in Saltire , on a chief Sable , a Buckler Argent , charged with crosse gules , 'twixt two Helmets of the first . 7. The Company of White Bakers are of great antiquity , as appears by many Monuments in their Hall , They were a Company in the first year of Edw. 2. Their Arms gules , 3. Garbs , or , on a chief , an Arm issuing out of the Clowds proper holding a pair of scales , or , between 3. Anchors of the first . 8. The Company of Wax-Chandlers are also of an ancient standing , and of great doings in the time of the Roman Religion : their Arms azure , on a cheuron between 3. Lamps argent , as Roses gules . The Brother-hood of Tallow-Chandlers , is also of much antiquity ; yet they were first formally incorporated in 2. Edw. 4th : their Arms a pale counterchanged argent , and azure between 3. Doves argent volant , with Olive branches verd . 10. The Company of Cutlers , were incorporated at the beginning of the Raign of Hen. 5th , their Arms 6 Swords Salterwayes , proper . 11. The Girdlers are not inferior for antiquity to either of these , yet came they not to be incorporated , till the twentieth year of Hen. 6th , their Arms azure , or & a pale between 3. Grid-irons azure . 12. The Butchers came not to be incorporated , till the 3d year of King James ; at which time , they were incorporated by the names of Master , Wardens , and Comminalty of the Art of Mystery of Butchers , yet the fraternity is ancient ; their Arms azure , two Axes Salterwayes argent , between two Roses argent , as many Bulls Heads cowped of the second attir'd , or a Bores Head gules 'twixt two Garbs vert . 13. The Society of Sadlers must needs be of long antiquity , from the time of Edw. the first ; their arms , a cheuron , between 3. Saddles , or . 14. The Company of Carpenters were incorporated by Letters Patents of Edw. 4th , by the name of Master , Warden , and Comminalty of the Mystery of Freemen of the Carpentry of the City of London ; their arms , azure , a cheuron engraild between 3. Compasses argent . 15. The Company of Shoomakers , call'd Cordwainners of old , were first incorporated 17. of Hen. the 6th . and confirmed since by all Kings ; their arms , azure a cheuron , or between 3. Goats heads , drafed argent attir'd , or . 16. The Company of Painters having the addition of Painters Stainers , are of high antiquity ; yet were they not incorporated till 1580. by Queen Eliz. their arms quarterly in the first azure , a cheuron between 3. heads , erected , or , in the second argent 3. Escuchins azure , the third as the second , the fourth as the first . 17. The Company of Curriers , are also ancient , yet they were not reduc'd to a Company , till the third of King James , their arms azure , a Crosse engrail'd , or between 4. Sawes , Salterwayes argent . 18. The Company of Masons , otherwise call'd Free Masons , were us'd to be a loving Brother-hood for many ages ; yet were they not regulated to a Society , till Hen. 4. their arms sable , on a cheuron between 3. Castles argent , a pair of Compasses of the first . 19. The Company of Plumbers were erected to a Corporation 9th Jacobi . 20. The Company of Inholders came to be reduc'd to a Corporation 6. Hen. 8. their arms azure a cheuron quarterly or and gules counterchang'd between 3. garbs , or . 21. The Company of Founders were incorporated on the 18th of Septemb. in the 12th year of King James ; their Coat , gules , a Spoonpot betwixt two Candlesticks , or . 22. The Company of Embroiderers came to be a Corporation 4th Eliz. their arms barry of 8. argent , and azure on a fesse or , a Cup argent , between as many Lyons passant regardant . 23. The Company of Poulters became a Corporation in the 19th of Hen. 7th ; their arms are three Swans of the first , as many Herons of the second . 24. The Company of Cooks became a Corporation in the 12th year of Edw. 4th ; their arms are a cheuron Sable , between three burray branches proper . 25. The Company of Coopers was reduced to a Corporation , the 16th of the Raign of Hen. 7th , by the name of Master , Wardens , or keepers of the Comminalty of the Freemen of the mystery of Coopers , and the Suburbs thereof . Their arms party per pale gules , and or , a cheuron between three hoops in a chief azure . 26. The Company of Tylers and Brick-layers , though very ancient , yet were they not made a Corporation , till the 10th of Queen Eliz. Their Arms , azure a cheuron , or between a Flower-de-lice , or in chief , 'twixt two gads of Steel of the second . 27. The Company of Bowyers , though of much antiquity , and honor to the English Nation ; yet their Incorporation was but in the 21. of King James : their arms , Sable on a chief , 3. Mallets of the first , between 3. Sawes of the first . 28. The Company of Fletchers are also a Corporation , their arms Sable a cheuron , or between 3. Arrowes argent . 29. The Company of Smiths , or Black-smiths , a very ancient Fraternity ; were first incorporated by Queen Eliz. 20th of her Raign , their arms , Sable , a cheuron between three Hammers crown'd , or . 30. The Company of Joyners , or Seelers , were incorporated by Queen Eliz. 13th of her Raign , their Arms , gules a Cheuron , 'twixt two Compasses and a Globe argent , on a chief pale gules , charg'd with an escalop , or , between two Roses of the first . 31. The Company of Playsterers were incorporated into one fraternity in the Raign of Hen. 7th . Their arms , azure an Escucheon , or , a Rose between two Flower-de-luces gules , two Hammers , and a Brush argent . 32. The Company of Weavers , were of very ancient note indeed , as having three several Societies of themselves , viz. the Woollen Weavers , the Arras Weavers , & the Linnen Weavers ; their arms azure , three Leopards heads , with three Shuttles in their mouthes , argent on a cheuron gules or between . 33. The Company of the Fruterers were incorporated 3d Jacobi , their arms argent , the Tree of Paradice between Adam and Eve proper . 34. The Company of Soriveners became a Corporation , 14th Jacobi ; their arms , an Eagle volant , holding in his mouth a penner , and an Inkhorn . 34. As for Bottle-makers and Horners , though they may plead antiquity , yet are they no Incorporation . 35. The Company of Stationers of great antiquity before Printing was invented : their old dwelling was in Paternoster Row , and the adjoyning parts ; yet were they not incorporated till the third of Philip and Mary ; their arms , argent on a cheuron between 3. Bibles , or a Faulcon volant between two Roses , the Holy Ghost in chief . 36. The Company call'd the Marblers , or Sculpters , are in one fraternity with the Masons , yet have they a differing Coat , viz. a cheuron between two and a Mallet argent . 37. There was a Company of Wooll-packers , in the time of the Haunce , when the staple of Wooll flourish'd , their Coat , azure a Wool-sack argent . 38. The Company of Farriers had their rise from Henry de Ferraris , a Norman born , who was Master of the Horse to the Conqueror , and had given him the hononr of Tutbury , which was the first preferment of the Ferrars , their arms three Horshooes azure . 39. The Company of Paviours are ancient , their Coat argent , a cheuron between three rummers Sable . 40. The Company of Lorinors , or Loriners , have for their arms , gules on a cheuron argent , three Horscombs 'twixt three Roses argent . 41. The Company of Brown-Bakers were incorporated 19th Jacobi , their arms , gules , a hand issuing out of the Clouds , a chief barry wavie , or , and azure on a cheuron gules . 41. The Company of Wood-mongers came to be incorporated 3d Jacobi , their Coat , argent a cheuron 'twixt 3. Faggors Sable . 42. The Company of the Upholsters , or Upholders , give for their arms , Sable three tents gules , on a cheuron , or 3. tents of the second . 43. The Company of Turners came to be incorporated 2d Jacobi , their Coat azure , a Katherine Wheel argent . 44. The Company of Glasiers give for their arms two Crosiers Salterwayes Sable , 4 springs on a chief gules , a Lyon passant , gardant or . 45. The Company of the Clarks , commonly call'd Parish-Clarks , is ancient , having bin incorporated 17th Hen. 3d , their arms azure , a Flower-de-lice , or , on a chief gules , a Leopards head , 'twixt two Books , or . 46. The Company of Watermen have for their arms barry waive of six azure and argent , a Lighter proper on a chief gules , a pair of Oares Salterwayes , 'twixt two Cushions , or . 47. The Company of Silk-throwers were made a Fellowship of this City , 19th Jacobi , they were incorporated by the name of the Master , Wardens , Assistants , and Comminalty of the Trade , Art , or Mystery of Silkthrowers , of the City of London . 48. The Company of the Apothecaries having separated themselves from the ancient Society of the Grocers , grew so much in favour with King James , that he us'd to call them his Company ; and therefore gave them a Charter of Incorporation ; the 15th of his Raign . Thus have we visited all the publick Societies , and Corporations of this rich and renowned City , who may be called her best sorts of Children , for increasing of her Wealth , and advancement of Trade . Now every of these Companies hath a handsome and well-furnish'd stately Hall , with a Clark , and other Ministerial Officers thereunto belonging , to attend them , when they meet there to consult , and inorder what may conduce to the better regulation of the Society , and promoting of the publique good ; They also use to meet there frequently to rejoyce , and make plentiful Feasts , for the increase of love and good Neighbourhood among themselves ; And though there be some , who hold such Corporations , and little Body politiques , of this kind , to be prejudicial to Monarchy ; yet they may be said to be one of the Glories of London , and wherein she surpasseth all other Cities . The Perambulation of LONDON , OR , A Progress made through the six and twenty particular Wards , Precincts , or Aldermanries , whereinto the whole City is divided . GReat Cities have commonly their Divisions : And I could heartily wish , that the Noble City of London , had not so many in one sense , I mean so many Rents , factions , and feuds in the practice of Holy Duties , proceeding from such extravagant , heterodoxal , and fanatical opinions , or rather Chymeras of unsetled brains ; But these are not the Divisions that are here meant . Those which I intend in this place , are only topical distributions , or Districts , shewing the several position of parts , and differences of their locality , whereby the Reader may have a kind of Anatomy presented unto him , of all the members of this great populous City thus dissected . This general Division consists of six and twenty parts , or precincts , which in the English Dialect , are called Wards , and are these that follow . The names of all the Wards of the City of LONDON . Ward . 1. Tower-street . Ward . 2. Port-soken . Ward . 3. Algate . Ward . 4. Limestreet . Ward . 5. Bishops-gate . Ward . 6. Broad-street . Ward . 7. Cornhill . Ward . 8. Langhorn . Ward . 9. Billingsgate . Ward . 10. Bridge-ward within . Ward . 11. Candlewick . Ward . 12. Wallbrook . Ward . 13. Dowgate . Ward . 14. Vixtry . Ward . 15. Cordwainer . Ward . 16. Cheape . Ward . 17. Colemanstreet . Ward . 18. Basings Hall. Ward . 19. Cripplegate . Ward . 20. Aldersgate . Ward . 21. Faringdon intra . Ward . 22. Faringdon extra . Ward . 23. Breadstreet . Ward . 24. Queen Hith . Ward . 25. Castle Bainard . Ward . 26. Bridgewater without viz. the Borough of Southwark . Whereof the greatest is the last , and Bassings-Hall the least . Of the first Ward or , Aldermanry , called Tower-street Ward . OUt of an honour which is due to the Tower of London , it being the prime Fortresse and propugnacle of the City , both by water and Land , the chief Armory and Archive of the whole Island , &c. we will begin with Tower-street Ward , it being the first Ward East-ward within the Wall , extending it self along the River from the Tower almost to Billinsgate ; One half of the Tower , the ditch on the West side , and Bulwarks adjoyning , do stand within that part where the wall of the City of old time went streight from the Postern gate South to the River of Thames , before that the Tower was perfectly built . Then was Tower hill sometimes a clear large plot of ground . but now pester'd with encroachments of houses , built upon the banks of the ditch , much to the prejudice , and choaking up of the said ditch . This Hill hath alwaies a Scaffold , and Gallowes erected for execution of Traytors and others , which the City opposed at first . Many clashings have been also 'twixt the Lord Mayor and the Lieutenant of the Tower about the extent of their Liberties , and some Priviledges touching prisoners the Lievtenant claim'd , which were reconciled 1585 ; in Queen Elizabeths time at Nonsuch . On the Northside of Tower-hill , there is Lumly house ; then is Tower-street , stretching from Tower-hill to Saint Margaret Pattens . At the end of this is the Parish Church called Alhallows Barking ; on the North side whereof was sometimes a fair Chappel , built by Richard the first ; and some say that his Heart ( which is call'd Coeur de lion ) was buried there under the high Altar ; it became afterward a little Colledge of Priests , and stood till Edward the sixth . Henry Howard Earl of Surrey , being beheaded , was buried in Barking Church ; John Fisher Bishop of Rochester , having layen naked upon the Scaffold a long time , was at last carried thither , and buried in the Churchyard ; There were divers other men of note buried there : and lately Doctor Laud Archbishop of Canterbury , who was beheaded by the long Parliament . By the West side of Barking , Church lyeth Sydon Lane , commonly call'd Sithing Lane , wherein among other large Buildings , there is Walsingham House . Then is there the Parish Church of Saint Olave , hard by Hart-street , where there are some Monuments of the noble Family of the Radcliffs Earls of Sussex . Then is there Mart-lane , part whereof lies in Algate Ward , where there are many fair Houses , & rich Marchants . Then is there Mincheon Lane , so call'd , because of Tenements there , sometimes pertaining to the Minchuns , or Nuns of St. Helens in Bishopsgate-street ; There dwelt in this Lane divers strangers in times pass'd , and they were commonly call'd Gallimen , because they brought up Wines , and other commodities in Gallies , which they landed in the Thames street , in a place call'd Galley Key ; They brought also a Coin with them call'd Gally half pence , which was a Ligurian Coin ; But in the Reign of Henry the fourth , and Henry the fifth , it was inordred , that whosoever should import that Coin with Suskins or Dodkins , should be punished as a Felon ; The Clothworkers Hall is in this Lane. Then have you the Parish Church of St. Mary Pattens , and Bear Lane hard by , reaching to Thames street ; The next is Spurrier lane , call'd so in times pass'd , but now named Water lane ; then is there Hart lane , call'd at first Harp-lane , which likewise reaches to Thames street . In this Lane is the Bakers Hall. In Tower street 'twixt Hart-lane and Church-lane , was in times pass'd a quadrant call'd Galley-row , because Galley men dwelt there : whence may be inferr'd , that Galleys was a kind of shipping , not unknown to England in times pass'd . Then have you two Lanes out of Tower street , both call'd Church lanes , then hard by , is there another call'd Fowl-lane . Afterwards you come to the Parish Church of S. Dunstans in the East : it is a fair large Church of an ancient building , with a spacious Church-yard ; the chiefest Salters & Ironmongers were us'd to be thick there . There are many Monuments of Knights , and other persons of ranke in this Church ; among others , that of Sir John Hawkins the great Seaman . There are many Keys in this Parish , among others VVooll Key , where was used to be the Trouage of Woolls ; Then Custome-house Key , which part of the Town was used to be call'd in times passd Petty VVales . And some are of opinion , that the Princes of Wales , when they repair'd to the City , had a Pallace there , the ruines whereof remain to this day of firm stone . There was in former times an Hospital in the Parish of Barking , for the sustentation of poor Priests , with other both men and women that were Lunatick . And so much in brief for what concerns Tower-street Ward . Of the second Ward of London called Portsoken Ward . VVE will now make a salley out of Algate , and visit Port-soken VVard ; This Portsoken signifieth Franchise , where there was sometimes a very ancient Guild or particular Society , which had its beginning in the Reign of King Edgar ; There were then 13 Knights , who desir'd to have a portion of Land on the East part of the City , which for some signal services done in the wars , was granted them with the Liberty of a Guild ; The King condescended hereunto , provided that each of them should victoriously perform three combats , one above ground , and another under ground , and the third in the water . They were to run in East Smithfield with Spears against all comers , which was us'd to be gloriously performed ; So that the King namd that place Knighten Guild , and so prescribed its bounds , which extended from Algate to the place where now the Barrs are Eastward , on both sides of the street , and Northward as far as Bishopsgate ; and Southward as far as the Ihames , and so far into the River that a hor●eman might ride at low water , and throw his Spear ; These Knights continued their Charter in the daies of Edgar , Ethelred , and Canutus , which Edward the Coxfessor did not only ratifie but enlarge , which deed remain'd a long time fairly written in the Saxon Letter & Tongue , in the Book of the late House of the holy Trinity ; after that VVilliam Rufus confirm'd the said Charter unto the Heirs of those Knights , as followeth ; William King of England , to Maurice Bishop , and Godefroy de Magun , and Richard de Parre , and to his faithful people of London , Greeting . Know ye me to have granted to the men of Knighten Guild , that belong'd to them , and the Land that belong'd thereunto , with all Customes as they were used to have the same in the time of my Predecessors , &c. Henry the first after him confirm'd the same ; But afterwards the Church of the Holy Trinity , being founded by Queen Mutilda within Aldgate , such was the piety of those times , that this Knighten Guild , which was of such large extent that it reach'd unto the Thames , was voluntarily given to the Canons of that Church ; And for better ratification of the Grant they offer'd upon the Altar , Saint Edwards Charter with the rest which they had , and put the Prior of the Holy Trinity , in possession and saisin thereof ; by the Church of Saint Butolph , which was built thereon , being the head of the Land ; All which , King Henry confirm'd by that famous Charter which runs thus . Henry King of England to R. Bishop of London , to the Sheriffs , and Provost , and all his Barons , and faithful people , French and English of London and Middlesex , Greeting ; Know ye me to have granted and confirm'd to the Church & Canons of the holy Church of the Trinity of London the Soke of the English Knighten Guild , and the Land which pertaineth thereunto ; and to the Church of Saint Buttolph , as the men of the same Guild have given , and granted unto them ; And I will & streightly command , that they hold the same well , and honourably and freely with Sack and Soke , Toll and Thea , Infangthefe , and all Customs belonging to it as the men of the same Guild in the best sort had it in the time of King Edward ; and as King William my Father and Brother did grant it to them by their Writs , Witnesse A. the Queen , &c. The Prior and Canons of the Holy Trinity beind thus seiz'd of the said Land , and Soke of Knighten Guild , being not only a part of the Suburbe without the Wall , but also within the City the Prior was for him and his Successors admitted as one of the Aldermen of London ; And according to the Customs of the City , he did sit in Court , and rode with the Mayor and his brethren the Aldermen , as one of them , in Scarlet , or other Livery as they then us'd : until the year 1531 , at which time , the said Priory was surrendred to Henry the eighth by Act of Parliament , who gave it to Sir Thomas Audley Lord Chancelour of England , and he pull'd down the Church , and dissolv'd the Priory ; since which dissolution , the said Ward of Portsoken hath been govern'd by Temporal men , one of the Aldermen of London . Thus much for the out-bound Portsoken Ward , or Knighten Guild , touching the antiquity and Government thereof . Now touching the Parts thereof , it is to be observed , that the East part of the Tower stands therein , then an Hospital of Saint Katherine founded by the foresaid Queen Matilda , wife to King Stephen , by Licence of the Prior , and Convent of the Holy Trinity in London , on whose ground she built it ; Queen Elianor Wife to Edward the first , was a second Foundresse there , and appointed one Master , three Brethren Chaplains , and three Sisters , ten poor women , with six poor Clerks ; for the maintenance of whom , she gave the Mannor of Clarton in VViltshiere , and Upchurch in Kent , &c. Queen Philippa Wife to Edward the third , founded a Chantry there , and contributed to that Hospital ten pounds Land a year ; The Quiere there , was not much inferior to that of Pauls , which by one Doctor Wilson being Master there , was afterwards dissolv'd . On the East and by North of the Tower lieth East Smithfield and Tower hill , two Plots of ground so call'd without the Walls of the City , where sometimes stood a Monastery call'd New Abbey , founded by Edward the 3d. upon the occasion following ; That having escaped a great danger in a tempest at Sea he made a vow to build a Monastery , in sign of gratitude to heaven , to the honor of God and our Lady of Grace , which he perform'd accordingly . But the said Monastery , being afterwards pull'd down by Sir Arthur Darcy of late time , in place thereof is built a large store-house for victual , with convenient Ovens , for baking of Bisket to serve the Navy Royal ; the rest of the ground is become into smal Tenements . The Company of Marchant-Taylors , have built thereabouts , hard by Hog-street , divers fair Alms-houses for 14 poor women , and endow'd it with maintenance accordingly . Westward hence from Tower hill towards Algate , there was a Monastery of Nunns of the Order of Santa Clara , call'd the Minories , founded by Edmund Earl of Lancaster , brother to Edward the first , Anno 1293 , which was demolished in Henry the eighths time , Dame Elizabeth Savage being then Abbesse : In the room of this Nunnery , there are now store-houses for Armour , and habillaments for war , with divers Work-houses to that purpose ; and hard by , there is is a small Church , called Saint Trinity for the Inhabitants thereabouts . We come now to the Church of Saint Buttolph , which the Priors of the Holy Trinity did build , being Patrons thereof ; In this Church among others there lies buried , Thomas Lord Darcy of the North , Knight of the Garter , who was beheaded Anno 1537. And also Sir Nicholas Carew , of Beddington in Surrey , beheaded also Anno 1538. East from this Parish Church is Hog-lane , that stretcheth towards St. Mary Spittle , which within these sixty years , had fair rows of Elm-trees all along , which are turn'd now to Houses on both sides , from Hounds-ditch to VVhite-Chappel . Of the Third Ward , or Aldermanry , called Aldgate Ward . WE will still look Eastward yet a good while , and go to the third Ward within the Walls , which is called Ealdgate Ward , or Aldgate , as taking name of the same gate ; The principal street of this Ward beginneth at Ealdgate stretching West to sometime a fair Well , where now a Pump is placed ; From thence ( the way being divided into twain ) the first and principal street , ( called Aldgute ) runneth on the South side to Lime-street corner , and half that street down on the left hand is also of that Ward . In the mid way on that South side , betwixt Ealdgate and Lime-street , is Hart-horn Alley a way that goeth thorow into Fen-Church street , over against Northumberland house ; Then have ye Brioklayers Hall , and another Alley called Sprinkle Alley , now named Suger-loaf-alley , of the like Sign . Then is there a fair House with divers Tenements near adjoyning sometimes belonging to a late dissolved Priory , but since possessed by Mr. Cornwallies widdow , and her Heirs by the gift of King Henry the eighth , in reward of fine puddings ( as it was commonly said ) by her made , wherewith she had presented him ; such was the Princely liberality of those times . Of later time , Sir Nicholas Thragmorton Knight , was log'd there . Then somewhat more West is Bahettars Lane , so called of the first Builder and owner thereof : now corruptly called Billiter lane ; betwixt this Belzettens lane and Lime-street , was ( of later time ) a frame of three fair Houses , set up in the year 1590 , in place where before was a large Garden-plot , enclosed from the High-street with a Brick Wall , which Wall being taken down , and the ground digged deep for cellerage , there was found right under the said Brick Wall , another Wall of stone with a Gate arch'd of stone , and Gates of Timber , closed in the middest towards the street ; the Timber of the Gates was consumed , but the Hinges of Iron still remained on , and their Staples on both the sides . Moreover in that Wall were square Windowes , with Bars of Iron on either side the Gate ; this Wall was under ground above two fathoms deep , as it was esteemed , and seemed to be the ruines of some House burned in the Reign of King Steven , when the fire began in the House of one Aleward , neer Londons stone , and consumed East to Ealdgate , whereby it appeareth , how greatly the ground of this City hath been in that place raised . On the North side , this principal street stretcheth to the West corner of Saint Andrews Church , and then the Ward turneth towards the North , by S. Mary street ; on the East side , to St. Augustines Church in the Wall , and so by Burryes Markes again , or about by the Wall to Ealdgate . The second way from Ealdgate , more towards the South from the Pump aforesaid , is called Fen-Church-street , and is of Ealdgate Ward , till ye come to Cullver Alley , on the West side of Ironmongers Hall ; where sometimes was a Lane , which went out of Fen-Church-street , to the middest of Lime-street , but this Lane was stopped up , for suspicion of Thieves that lurked there by night . Again , to Aldgate , ( out of the principal street , even by the Gate and Wall of the City , ) runneth a Lane South to Crossed or Crouched-Fryers , and then Woodroof Lane , to the Tower Hill ; and out of this Lane West , a street called Hart-street , which of that Ward stretcheth to Sydon-lane , by St. Olaves Church ; one other Lane more West from Algate , goeth by Northumberland . House towards the Crossed Fryars ; then have you on the same side , the North end of Mars-lane , and Blanch-axelton or Chappleton , where that Ward endeth . Thus much for bounds . Now for Monuments , or places most ancient and notable ; I am first to begin with the late dissolved Priory of the holy Trinity , call'd Christs-Church on the right hand within Aldgate ; This Priory was founded by Matilda , Queen and Wife to Henry the first , in the same place where Siredus somtime began to erect a Church in honour of that Crosse , and of Saint Mary Magdalen , of which the Dean and Chapter of Waltham , were wont to receive thirty shillings , the Queen was to acquit her Church thereof ; and in exchange gave unto them a Mill ; King Henry her husband confirmed her gift ; This Church was given to Norman , the first Canon regular in all England . The said Queen gave also unto the same Church , and those that served God therein , the plot of Aldgate , and the Soke or Tenements thereunto belonging , with all Customs , so free as she had held the same , and 25 l. Blanks , which she had of the City of Exeter , as appeareth by her Deed , wherein she nameth the House of Christs-Church , and reporteth Aldgate to be of her Demains , which she granteth , with two parts of the rent of the City of Excester . Norman took on him to be Prior of Christs-Church in the year of Christ 1108 , in the Parishes of St. Mary Magdalen , St. Michael St. Katherine , and the blessed Trinity , and was ( in old time ) of the holy Crosse , or holy Road Parish . The Priory was builded on a piece of ground in the Parish of St. Katherine , towards Aldgate , which lyeth in length , betwixt the Kings-street , by the which men go towards Algate near to the Chappel of St. Michael towards the North , and containeth in length eighty three ells , half quarter , and half quartern of the Kings Iron eln , and lieth in breadth , &c. The Soke and Ward of Aldgate was then bounded , as I have before shewn . The Queen was a mean also , that the Land and English Knighten-Guild was given unto the Prior Norman , and the honorable man Geffrey de Clinton , was a great helper therein , and obtained , that the Canons might enclose the way betwixt their Church and the Wall of the City , &c. This Priory in processe of time , became a very fair and large Church , rich in Lands and Ornaments , and passed all the Priories in the City of London , or Shire of Middlesex . The Prior whereof was an Alderman of London , to wit , of Portsoken Ward . It is Recorded , that Eustacius the eighth Prior , about the year 1264 , because he would not deal with temporal Matters , instituted Theobald Fitz Ivonas Alderman of the said Portsoken Ward under him ; and that VVilliam Rising Prior of Christs Church , was sworne Alderman of the said Portsoken Ward , in the first of Richard the second . These Priors have fitten and ridden amongst the Aldermen of London , in Livery like unto them , saving that his habit was in shape of a spirituall person , at which time the Prior kept a most bountiful house of meat and drink , both for rich and poor , as well within the House as at the Gates , to all comers according to their estates and qualities . But to take leave of this Priory : King Henry the eighth minding to reward Sir Thomas Audley Speaker of the Parliament against Cardinal Woolsey , as ye may read in the Chronicle , sent for the Prior , commending him for his Hospitality , promised him preferment as a man worthy of a far greater dignity , ( which promise surely he performed ) and compounded with him , though in what sort I never heard ; so that the Priory , with the appurtenances , was surrendred to the King , in the month of July 1531 , the 23 of the said Kings Reign , the Canons were sent to other houses of the same Order : and the Priory with the appurtenances , King Henry gave to Sir Tho. Audley newly knighted , and afterwards made Lord Chancelour . Sir Thomas Audley offered the great Church of this Priory , with a ring of nine Bells well tuned ( whereof four of the greatest were since sold to the Parish of Stebunbith , and the five lesser to the Parish of St. Katherine Christs-Church , in exchange for their small Parish Church , minding to have pulled it down , and to have builded there towards the steeet ; But the Parishioners , having doubts in their heads of after-claps , refused the offer . Then was the Priory Church and Steeple , proffered to whomsoever would take it down , and carry it from the ground , but no man would undertake the offer ; whereupon , Sir Thomas Audley was fain to be at more charges than could be made of the Stones , Timber , Lead , Iron , &c. For the Workmen , with great labour , beginning at the top , loosed stone from stone , and threw them down , whereby the most part of them were broken , and few remained whole , & those were sold very cheap ; for all the buildings then made about the City , were of Brick & Timber ; At that time any man in the City might have a Cart-load of stone for paving brought to his door for 6d . or 7d . with the carriage . The said Thomas , Lord Audley , builded and dwelt on this Priory during his life , and dyed there in the year 1544 , since which time , the said Priory came ( by Marriage of the Lord Audley's Daughter and Heir ) unto Thomas Duke of Norfolk , and was then called the Dukes-place . At this time the Inhabitants dwelling & abiding in the said Dukes-place became utterly destitute of any Parish Church , for resorting to Gods Divine service , and the administration of the blessed Sacraments ; which in the time of their former zeal , the demolished Priory , not only serv'd their use , but infinite numbers besides , resorted thither . In which respect , the Parish Church of St. Katherine being so near , and standing in the Coemitery or Church-yard of the late dissolved Priory of the Holy Trinity , whereby it was called Saint Katherine Christs-Church , they resorted thither at the hours of Divine Service , and for the benefit of the blessed Sacraments , whereby they became a burthen to the said Parish , yet well enough borne withal , in regard of the benefit ensuing by them , so that they carried the respect of equal parishioners , exercising and accomplishing all duties there , even as if it had been their own proper Parish . The long continuance of them in this kind , although some much misliked , and gladly would have compassed means for remedy thereof ; yet their power not stretching so far , nor the way ( as yet ) fitting for their purpose , they remained contented against their Wills , till time would fit them with more convenient opportunity ; Ground they wanted not , for raising a sufficient Parish Church to themselves , neither did any good will fail in them for the effecting their purpose ; but only were curbed by the lack of strength , how and which way to bring it about . At length perceiving their ground ( intended for so good a use to themselves ) aimed at for buildings to private mens benefits , that so they might be frustrate of any such help , when occasion should in better manner shine on them , some of the best advised among them , by Petition solicited the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , to make their desire and intention known to the King , which he did . And the King , finding the case so truly honest and religious , for new erecting a Church where such necessity required , and where Superstition had so long time formerly been harboured , not only gave the Lord Archbishop and the Suitors , both thanks and commendation , but also under his Hand and broad Seal , authorizable Warrant for their proceeding . The Lord Mayor and Senate of Aldermen , having intelligence in the case , and perceiving what an honour would redound thereby , first to God who inspired them thereto ; next to the King , for so Royally granting the suite ; and then to the City , for furthering it to Effect , notwithstanding that divers oppositions were made by them , who would have things still continue , as formerly they did , without benefit of a Parish Church of their own . It proceeded on with good & prosperous success , to the no mean Honour , and commendation of the Lord Maior then being , Sir Ed. Barkham by name , the Court of Aldermen , and state of this famous City by whose good meanes it is made a very beautiful and comely Parish Church , it being called in the time of re-edifying , Trinity Christs Church , raised out of the long decayed ruines , of Trinity Priory in the Dukes place . By this time , the work is grown to such fulness and perfection , as now nothing wanteth , but the windows glazing , which was performed in this manner , The main and great East light in the Chancel , Sir Edward Barkham himself undertook , and effected it at his own Charge , as the expression testifieth in the same Window . The other sideling by it ; but inclining more Southerly . Mr. George Whitmore , and Mr. Nicholas Rainton , performed . And the third , standing Northerly in the same Chancel , Mr. Walter Leigh , who had bin a Serjeant at Arms , to the Kings Majesty , and then Sword-bearer of London , did likewise at his own Charge perform , The two Western lights in the bottom of the Church , being ( indeed ) very fair lights ; the Company of Drapers effected the one , and the Wood-mongers Society finished the other . Beside , the two Southerly Windows , the one done at the charge of Mr. Cornelius Fish , Chamberlain of London ; and the other by Mr. Waldron , then Marshal : so now ye have the Church of St. James compleat . The Parish Church of St. Katherine , standeth in the Caemitery of the dissolved Priory of the holy Trinity , and is therefore called St. Katherine Christs Church . The Church seemeth to be very old , since the building whereof , the High street hath bin so often raised by Pavements , that now men are fain to descend into the said Church , by divers steps , seven in number ; but the Steeple , or Bell Tower thereof , hath bin lately builded , to wit , about the year 1504. For Sir John Perceival Marchant-Tailor , then deceasing , gave money towards the building thereof . Now concerning this Parish Church of St. Katherine Christs Church , commonly Cree-Church , as formerly hath bin said , it had a descent down into it by seven steps or stayers ; but being now newly built , and made a very fair Church : the ascent into the Church , is by four or five degrees . At the North-West corner of this Ward , in the said High street , standeth the fair and beautiful Parish Church of St. Andrew the Apostle , with an Addition , to be known from other Churches of that Name , of the Knape , or Undershaft and so called St. Andrew Undershaft : because that of old time , every year ( on May-day in the morning ) it was used , that an high or long shaft , or May-pole , was set up there , in the midst of the street , before the South door of the said Church , which Shaft or Pole , when it was set on end , and fixed in the ground , was higher then the Church Steeple . Jeffrey Chawcer , writing of a vain boaster , hath these words , meaning of the said Shaft . Right well aloft , and high ye bear your head , The Weather-Cock , with flying , as ye would kill , When ye be stuffed , bet of Wine , than bread , Then look ye , when your wombe doth sill , As ye would bear the great Shaft of Corn-hill . Lord so merrily , crowdeth then your Croke , That all the Street may bear your Body Cloke . This Shaft was not raised any time since evil May-day ( so called of an insurrection made by Prentices , and other young persons against Ali●ns , in the year 1517. ) but the said Shaft was laid along over the doors , and under the Pentiles of one rowe of Houses , and Alley-gate , called of the Shaft , Shaft-Alley , ( being of the possessions of Rochester-bridge ) in the Ward of Limestreet . It was there I say , hanged on Iron hooks many years , till the third of King Edward the sixth . That one Sir Steven , Curate of St. Katherine Christs Church , preaching at Pauls Crosse , said there , that this Shaft was made an Idoll , by naming the Church of St. Andrew , with the addition of Under-shaft ; he perswaded therefore , that the names of Churches might be altered : Also , that the names of the dayes in the week , might be changed , the Fish dayes to be kept any dayes , except Friday and Saturday ; and the Lent any time , save only betwixt Shrovetide and Easter : This man forsaking the Pulpit of his said Parish Church , would preach out of an high Elm Tree , in the midst of the Church-yard . And then entring the Church , forsaking the Altar , to have sung his High Masse in English , upon a Tomb of the Dead , towards the North ; But his Sermon at Pauls Crosse , took such effect , that in the Afternoon of that present Sunday , the Neighbors and Tenants to the said Bridge , over whose doors , the said Shaft had lain , after they had dined ( to make themselves strong ) gathered more help , and with great labor , raising the Shaft from the Hooks ( whereon it had rested two and thirty years ) they sawed it in pieces , every man taking for his share , so much as had lain over his door and shall , the length of his house ; and they of the Alley , divided amongst them , so much as had lain over their Alley gate . Thus was his Idoll ( as he termed it ) mangled , and after burned . Soon after , was there a commotion of the Commons in Norfolk , Suffolk , Essex , and other Shires , by means whereof , streight Orders being taken for the suppression of rumors , divers persons were apprehended , and executed by Marshal Law ; amongst the which , the Bayliffe of Rumford in Essex , was one , a man very well beloved : he was early in the morning of Mary Magdalens day ( then kept Holy-day ) brought by the Sheriffs of London , and the Knight-Marshall , to the Well within Aldgate , there to be executed upon a Gibbit , set up that morning , where being on the Ladder , he had words to this effect ; Good People , I am come hither to die , but know not for what offence , except for words by me spoken yester night to Sir Stephen , Curate and Preacher of this Parish , which were these , He asked me what newes in the Country , I answered , Hea●y newes ; why quoth he ? It is said , quoth I , that many men be up in Essex ; But thanks be to God , all is in good quiet about us ; and this was all , as God be my Judge , &c. Thus much , by the By. Now again , to the Parish Church of St. Andrew Under Shaft , for it still retaineth the name , which hath bin new builded by the Parishioners , since the year 1520. every man putting to his helping hand , some with their purses , others with their Bodies . Stephen Jennings Marchant-Taylor , sometimes Mayor of London , caused ( at his charges ) to be builded the whole North side of the great middle I le , both of the Body and Quire , as appeareth by his Arms , over every Pillar graven ; and also the North I le , which he roofed with Timber , and seeled . Also the whole South side of the Church , was glazed , and the Pewes in the South Chappel made of his Costs , as appeareth in every Window , and upon the said Pewes . He deceased in the year 1524. and was buried in the Grey Fryers Church . John Kirby Marchant-Taylor , sometimes one of the Sheriffs , John Garland Marchant-Taylor , and Nicholas Levison Mercer . Executor to Garland , were great Benefactors to this work , which was finished ( to the gla●ing ) in the year 1529. and fully finished 1532. Now in the second way from Aldgate , more toward the South , from the Well or Pump aforesaid , lieth Fenne-Church street ; on the right hand whereof , somewhat West from the South end of Belzetters lane , is Ironmongers-Hall , which Company was incorporated in the third of Edward the fourth , Richard Flemming was their first Master , Nicholas Marshall , and Richard Cox , were Custodes or Wardens . And on the left hand , or South side , ( even by the Gate and Wall of the City ) runneth down a Lane to the Tower-Hill : the South part whereof , is called Woodroof-Lane ; and out of this Lane toward the West , a street called Hart-street . In this street , at the South-East Corner thereof , sometime stood one house of Crowched or ( Crossed ) Fryers , founded by Ralph Hosier , and William Sabernes , about the year 1298. Stephen the tenth Prior of the Holy Trinity in London , granted three Tenements for 13 s. 8 d. by the year , unto the said Ralph Hosiar , and William Saburnes , who afterwards became Fryers of S. Crosse . Adam was the first Prior of that house : These Fryers founded their house in the place of certain Tenements , purchased of Rich. Wimblush , the 12th Prior of the Holy Trinity , in the year 1319. which was confirmed by Edward the third , the seventeenth of his Raign , valued at 52 l. 13 s. 4 d. surrendred the 12th of Novemb. the 30. of Henry the 8th . In place of this Church , is now a Carpenters yard , a Tennis-Court , and such like : the Fryers Hall was made a Glasse-house , or house , wherein was made Glasse of divers sorts to drink in : which house , in the year 1575. on the fourth of September , burst out into a terrible fire , where all meanes possible being practised to quench it , notwithstanding , as the same house in a small time before , had consumed a great quantity of Wood , by making of Glasses ; Now it self , having within it about 40 000 Billets of Wood , was also consumed to the stone walls , which nevertheless , greatly hindred the fire from spreading any further . Adjoyning unto this Fryers Church , by the East end thereof in Woodroffe Lane , towards the Tower-Hill , are certain Almes-houses , 14. in number , builded of Brick and Timber , founded by Sir John Milburn , Draper , sometime Maior , 1521. wherein be placed 13. aged poor men , and their Wives : these have their dwellings rent-free , and 2 s. 4 d. a peece , the first day of every Moneth for ever . Next to these Alms-houses is the Lord Lumleys house , builded in the time of King Henry the 8th , by Sir Thomas Wiat the Father , upon one plot of ground , of late pertaining to the aforesaid Crossed Fryers , where part of their house stood . And this is the farthest of Aldgate VVard toward the South , and joyneth to the Tower-Hill ; the other side of that Lane , over against the Lord Lumleys house , on the wall side of the City , is now for the most part ( or altogether ) builded , even to Aldgate . Then have ye on the South side of Fenne-Church-street , over against the wall or Pump , amongst other fair and large builded houses , one that sometime belonged to the Prior of Monte Joves , or Monastarie Cornute , a Cell to Monte Joves beyond the Seas ; in Essex it was the Priors Inne , when he repaired to this City ; Then a Lane that leadeth down by Northumberland House , towards the Crossed Fryers , as is afore shewed . This Northumberland House in the Parish of St. Katherine Coleman , belonging to Henry Percy , Earl of Northumberland , in the 33. of Henrie the sixth ; but of late being lest by the Earls , the Gardens thereof were made into Bowling Alleys , and other parts into Dicing-houses , common to all commers , for their money , there to bowl & recreate themselves . But now of late , so many Bowling Alleys , and other houses for unlawful gaming , have been raised in other parts of the City and Subburbs , that this which was used to be the ancientest , and only Rendezvonz of sport , is left and forsaken of the Gamesters , and therefore turned into a number of great Rents , small Cottages , for strangers and others . At the East end of this Lane , in the way from Aldgate , toward the Crossed Friers , of old time , were certain Tenements , called the Poor Jurie , of Jewes dwelling there . Next unto this Northumberland house , is the Parish Church of St. Katherine , called Coleman ; which addition of Coleman , was taken of a great Haw-yard , or Garden , of old time called Coleman Haw , in the Parish of the Trinity , now called Christs Church . And in the Parish of St. Katherine , and All-saints , called Coleman Church . There are some handsome Tombs in this Church , and particularly of Sir Henry Billingley Knight , and Lord Mayor of London , who was a Benefactor or thereunto . Then have ye Blanch Appleton , whereof we read in the 13th of Edw. the first , that a Lane behind the same Blanch Appleton , was granted by the King to be inclosed , and shut up ; This Blanch Appleton was a Mannor belonging to Sir Thomas Roos of Hamelake , Knight , the 7th of Rich. the 2d , standing at the North-East corner of Mart Lane , so called , of a priviledge sometime enjoyed to keep a Mart there , long since discontinued , and therefore forgotten : so as nothing remaineth for memory , but the name of Mart Lane , and now corruptly termed Mark Lane. Of the fourth Ward , or Aldermanry of London , called Limestreet Ward . WE will now give a visit to Limestreet Ward , which takes its denomination from the street , and the street from making Lime there , in times passed . In Limestreet are divers fair Houses ; for Marchants and others , there was sometime a Mansion house of the Kings , called the Kings Attirce , as it stands upon Record , in the 14th of Edward the first ; but now grown out of knowledge : We read also of another great House , in the West side of Limestreet , having a Chappel on the South , and a Garden on the West , belonging to the Lord Nevill , which Garden is now called Green Yard , of the Leaden Hall. This House in the 9th of Rich. 2. pertained to Sir Simon Burley , and Sir John Burley his Brother ; and of late , the said House was taken down , and the fore-front thereof new builded of Timber , by Hugh Offley , Alderman . At the North-west Corner of Limestreet , was ( of old time ) one great Mesuage , called Benbridges Inne ; Raph Holland , Draper , about the year 1452. gave it to John Gill , Master , and to the VVardens and Fraternity of Taylors , and Linnen Armourers of St. John Baptist in London , and to their successors for ever , They did set up in places thereof , a fair large frame of Timber , containing in the high street , one great house ; and before it , to the corner of Limestreet three other Tenements , the corner house being the largest ; and then down Limestreet , divers handsome Tenements : All which , the Marchant-Taylors , in the Raign of Edw. 6. sold to Stephen Kirton , Marchant-Taylor , and Alderman , who gave with his Daughter Grisild , to Nicholas Woedroffe , the said great House , with two Tenements before it , in lieu of an hundred pounds , and made it up in money , three hundred sixty six pounds , thirteen shillings four pence : This worthy man , and the Gentlewoman his Widow , after him , kept those houses down Limestreet , in good reparations , never put out but one Tenant , took no fines , nor raised rents for them , which was ten shillings the piece yearly ; But whether that favour did over-live her Funeral , the Tenants now can best declare the contrary . The next is Leaden-Hall , of which we read , that in the year 1309. it belonged to Sir Hugh Nevil , Knight , and that the Lady Alice his Wife , made a Feoftment thereof , by the name of Leaden Hall , with the Advousions of S. Peter on Cornhill , and other Churches , to Richard Earl of Arrundel , and Surrey , 1362. Moreover , in the year 1380. Alice Nevil , Widow to Sir John Nevil , Knight of Essex , confirmed to Thomas Cogshall , and others , the said Mannor of Leaden-Hall , and the advousions , &c. In the year 1384. Humphrey de Bohun , Earl of Hereford , had the said Mannor , And in the year 1408. Robert Rikeden of Essex , and Margaret his Wife , confirmed to Richard Whittington , and other Citizens of London , the said Mannor of Leaden Hall , with the Appurtenances , the Advousion of St. Peters Church , S. Margaret Pattens , &c. And in the year 1411. the said Whitington , and other , confirmed the same to the Maior , and Comminalty of London , whereby it came to the possession of the City . Then in the year 1443. the one and twenty of Henry the sixth , John Hatheyr ley , Maior , purchased Licence of the said King , to take up 200. fodder of Lead , for the building of Water Conduits , a common Granary , and the Crosse in West Cheape , more richly , for the honour of the City . In the year next following , the Parson and Parish of St. Dunstane , in the East of London , seeing the Noble and mighty Man ( for the words be in the Grant ; Cum Nobilis & Potens v. r. ) Simon Eyre , Citizen of London , among other his works of piety , effectually determined to erect & build a certain Granary , upon the soil of the same City at Leaden Hall , of his own charges , for the common utility of the said City , to the amplifying and inlarging of the said Granary , granted to Henry Frowick , then Maior , the Aldermen and Commonalty , and their Successors for ever , all their Tenements , with the appurtenances , sometime called the Horse Mill in Grasse-street , for the annual Rent of four pounds , &c. Also , certain evidences of an Alley , and Tenements pertaining to the Horse Mill , adjoyning to the said Leaden Hall in Grasse-street , given by VVilliam Kingstone , Fishmonger , unto the Parish Church of St. Peter upon Cornhill , do specifie the said Granary , to be builded by the said Honourable and famous Marchant , Simon Eyre , sometime an Upholster , and then a Draper , in the year 1419. He builded it of squared stone , in form as now it sheweth , with a fair and large Chappel in the East side of the Quadrant ; over the Porch of which , he caused to be written , Dextra Domini exaltavit me , The Lords right hand exalted me . Within the said Church , on the North wall , was written , Honorandus famosus Mercator Simon Eyre , hujus operis , &c. In English thus , The honourable and famous Marchant Simon Eyre , founder of this work , once Maior of this City , Citizen and Draper of the same , departed out of this life , the 18th day of Septemb. the year from the Incarnation of Christ , 1459. and the 38. year of the Raign of King Henry the sixth : he was buried in the Parish Church of St. Mary Wolnoth , in Lumbard street ; he gave by his Testamont , to be distributed to all Prisons in London , or within a mile of that City , somewhat , to relieve them . More , he gave 2000 Marks upon a condition , which not performed , was then to be distributed to Maids Marriages , and other deeds of Charity : he also gave 3000 Marks to the Drapers , upon condition , that they should within one year after his decease , establish perpetually a Master or Warden , five secular Priests , six Clerks , and two Queristers , to sing daily Divine Service , by note for ever , in this Chappel of the Leaden-hall ; Also , one Master with an Usher for Grammar , one Master for Writing , and the third for Song , with Houses there newly builded for them for ever ; the Master to have for his salary , ten pounds , and every other Priest , eight pounds ; every other Clarke , five pounds six shillings eight pence ; and every other Chorister , five Marks ; and if the Drapers refused this to do , within one year after his decease , then the three thousand Marks to remain to the Prior and Covent of Christs-Church in London , with condition to establish things as aforesaid , within two years after his decease ; And if they refused , then the three thousand Marks to be disposed by his Executors , as they best could devise in works of Charity . Thus much for his Testament , not performed by establishing of Divine Service in his Chappel or Free-School , and Scholars ; neither was it known how the stock of three thousand Marks ( or rather five thousand Marks ) was employed by his Executors , he left issue Thomas , who had issue Thomas , &c. True it is , that in the year 1464 , the third of Edward the fourth , it was agreed by the Mayor , Aldermen , and Commonalty of London , that notwithstanding the Kings Letters Pattents , lately before granted unto them , touching the Trouage or weighing of Wares , to be held at Leaden-hall ; yet Suite should be made to the King , for new Letters Pattents , to be granted to the Mayor of the Staple , for the Trouage of Wools , to be holden there , and order to be taken by the discretion of Thomas Cooke , then Mayor ; The Councel of the City , Geffrey filding , then Mayor of the Staple at Westminster , and of the Kings Councel what should be paid to the Mayor , and Aldermen of the City , for the laying and housing of the Wools there , that so they might be brought forth and weighed , &c. Touching the Chappel there , we find that in the year 1466 , by Licence obtained of King Edward the fourth , in the sixth of his Reign , a Fraternity of the Trinity of 60 Priests ( besides other brethren and sisters ) in the same Chappel , was founded by Rouse , John Risby , and Thomas Ashby Priests : some of the which sixty Priests , every Market-day , in the fore-noon , did celebrate Divine service there , to such Market people as repaired to prayer , and once every year , they met altogether , and had solemn Service , with procession of all the Brethren , and Sisters ; this foundation was in the year 1512 , by a Common-Councel confirmed to the sixty Trinity Priests , and to their Successors , at the will of the Mayor and Commonalty . In the year 1484 a great fire happened upon Leaden-hall , by what casualty it was not known , but much housing was there destroyed , with all the Stocks for Guns , and other provision belonging to the City , which was a great losse , and no lesse charge to be repaired by them . In the year 1503. the eighteenth of Henry the seventh , a request was made by the Commons of the City , concerning the usage of the said Leaden-Hall , in form as followeth ; Please it the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Common-Councel , to enact , that all Frenchmen bringing Canvas , Linnen cloth , and other Wares to be sold , and all Forreins bringing Woolsteads , Sayes , Stamins , Kiverings , Nayles , Iron work , or any other Wares , and also all Forreins , bringing Lead to the City to be sold , shall bring all such their Wares aforesaid , to the open Market of the Leaden-Hall , and no where else to be shewed , sold and uttered , like as of old time it hath been used , upon pain of forfeiture of all the said Wares , shewed or sold in any other place than aforesaid ; And the shew of the said Wares to be made three daies in a week , that is to say Monday , Tuesday , and Wednesday ; It is also thought reasonable , that the common Beam be kept from henceforth in the Leaden-hall , & the Farmer to pay therefore reasonable rent to the Chamber , for better it is , that the Chamber have advantage thereby , than a Forreign person ; And also the said Leaden-hall , which is more chargeable now by half than profitable , shall better bear out the charges thereof ; Also the common Beam for Wool at Leaden-hall may pay yearly a rent to the Chamber of London , toward the supportation and charges of the same place : for reason it is , that a common Office occupied upon a common ground , bear a charge to the use of the Communalty ; Also that Forrains bringing Wools , Felts , or any other Marchandizes or Wares to Leaden-hall , to be kept there for the sale and market , may pay more largely for keeping of their goods than Freemen . Thus much for the request of the Commons at that time . Now to set down some proof , that the said Hall hath been employed and used as a Granary for Corn and grain ( as the same was first appointed ) leaving all former examples , this one may suffice , Roger Achley Mayor of London in the year 1512 , the third of Henry the eight , when the said Mayor entred the Majoralty , there was not found one hundred quarters of Wheat in all the Garners of this City , either within the Liberties or near adjoyning , through the which scarcity , when the Carts of Stratford came laden with Bread to the City ( as they had been accustomed ) there was such press about them , that one man was ready to destroy another , in striving to be served for their money ; but this scarcity lasted not long , for the Mayor ( in short time ) made such provision for Wheat that the Bakers , both of London , and of Stratford , were weary of taking it up , and were forced to take much more than they would , and for the rest the Mayor laid out the money , and stored it up in Leaden-hall , and other Garners of the City ; This Mayor also kept the Market so well , that he would be at the Leaden-Hall , by four a clock in the Summer mornings , and from thence he went to other Markets to the great comfort of the Citizens . We read also , that in the year 1528 , the twentieth of Henry the eighth , Surveyers were appointed to view the Garners of the City , namely , the Bridge-house and the Leaden-hall , how they were stored of Grain for the service of the City ; And because we have here before spoken of the Bread-carts coming from Stratford at the Bow , ye shall understand , that of old time the Bakers of Bread at Stratford , were allowed to bring daily ( except the Sabbath and principal Feasts ) divers long Carts laden with bread , the same being two ounces in the penny wheaten loaf heavier than the penny wheaten loaf baked in the City , the same to be sold in Cheap , three or four Carts standing there 'tween Gutherans Lane , and Fausters Lane end , one Cart on Cornhil by the Conduit , and one other in Grasse-street ; And we may read , that in the fourth year of Edward the second , Richard Reffeham , being Mayor , a Baker named John of Stratford , for making Bread lesser than the Assize , was with a fools hood on his Head , and loaves of Bread about his Neck , drawn on a hurdle through the streets of the City . Moreover , in the four and fortieth of Edward the third , John Chichester being Mayor of London , as we may read in the visions of Pierce Plowman , a Book so called as followeth ; There was a careful commune , when no Cart came to Town with Basket Bread from Stratford tho gan beggars weep , and workmen were agast , a little this will be thought long in the date of our dirte , in a dry Averel , a thousand and three hundred , twice thirty and ten , &c. We read also in the twentieth of Henry the eighth , Sir James Spencer being Mayor , six Bakers of Stratford , were amerced in the Guild-hall of London , for baking under the size appointed ; But these Bakers of Stratford left serving this City , I know not upon what occasion , above forty years since . In the year 1519 a Petition was exhibited by the Commons to the Common-Councel , and was by them allowed , concerning the Leaden-hall , how they would have it used , viz. Meekly beseeching , sheweth unto your good Lordship , and Masterships , divers Citizens of this City , which ( under correction ) think , that the great place called the Leaden hall , should , nor ought not to be letten out to Farme , to any person or persons and in special , to any fellowship or Company incorporate , to have and hold the same Hall for term of years ; for such conveniences as thereby may ensue , and come to the hurt of the Common-weale of the said City in time to come , as somewhat more largely may appear in the Articles following . First , if any assembly or hasty gathering of the Commons of the said City , for suppressing or subduing of misruled people within the said City , hereafter shall happen to be called or commanded by the Mayor , Aldermen , and other Governours and Councellors of the said City for the time being ; there is none so convenient , meet and necessary a place to assemble them in , within the said City , as the said Leadon-hall , both for largenesse of room , and for their sure defence in time of their counselling together about the premises . Also , in that place hath been used the Artillery , Guns , and other Armors of the said City , to be safely kept in a readinesse , for the safegard , wealth , and defence of the said City to be had and occupied at times when need required . As also the store of Timber , for the necessary reparations of the Tenements belonging to the Chamber of the said City , there commonly hath been kept . Item , If any Triumph or Noblenesse were to be done , or shewed by the Commonalty of the City , for the honour of our Soveraign Lord the King and Realm , and for the worship of the said City , the said Leaden-hall is the most meet and convenient place , to prepare and order the said Triumph therein , and from thence to issue forth to the places thereof appointed . Item , at any Largesse or dole of any money , made unto the poore people of this City ; it hath been used to be done and given in the said Leaden-hall , for that the said place is most meet therefore . Item , the honourable Father , that was maker of the said Hall , had a speciall will , intent , and mind , that ( as it is commonly said ) the Market men and women , that came to the City with victuals and other things , should have their free standing within the said Leaden-Hall in wet weather , to keep themselves & their Wares dry , and thereby to encourage them , and all other , to have the better will and desire , the more plentiously to resort to the said City , to victual the same ; And if the said Hall should be letten to Farme , the will of the said honourable Father , should never be fullfilled , nor take effect . Item , if the said place , which is the chief Fortresse , and most necessary place within all the City , for the tuition and safegard of the same , should be letten out to Farme , out of the hands of the chief Heads of the same City , and especially to any other Body politick , it might at length ( by likelihood ) be an occasion of discord and debate , between the said Bodies politick , which God defend . For these , and many other great and reasonable causes , which hereafter shall be shewed to this honourable Court , your said Beseechers think it much necessary , that the said Hall be still in the hands of this City ; and to be surely kept by sad and discreet Officers in such wise , that it might alwaies be ready to be used and occupied , for the Common-weale of the said City , when need shall require , and in no wise to be letten to any Body politick . Thus much for the Petition . About the year one thousand five hundred thirty four , great means was made about the Leaden-hall , to have the same made a Burse for the Assembly of Marchants , as they had been accustomed in Lumbard-street ; many Common-Councels were called to that end , but in the year 1535 , John Champneys being Mayor , it was fully concluded , that the Burse should remain in Lumbard street , as afore , and Leaden-hall no more to be spoken of concerning that matter . The use of Leaden-hall was us'd to be thus ; In a part of the North Quadrant , on the East side of the North Gate , were the common Beams , for weighing of Wooll and other Wares , as had been accustomed ; On the West side of the Gate was the Scales to weigh Meal : the other three sides were reserved ( for the most part ) to the making and resting of the Pageants shewed at Mid-Summer in the watch : the remnant of the sides and Quadrants , were employed for the stowage of Wool-sacks , but not closed up : the lofts above were partly used by the Painters , in working for the decking of Pageants and other devices , for beautifying of the Watch and Watch-men : the residue of the Lofts were letten out to Marchants , the Wooll-winders and Packers therein , to winde and pack their Wools. And thus much for Leaden-hall may suffice . Now on the North of Limestreet Ward , in the Highstreet are divers fair houses for Marchants , and proper Tenements for Artificers , with an Alley also called Shaft Alley , of the Shaft or May-pole , sometime resting over the Gate thereof , as I have declared in Aldgate Ward . In the year 1576. partly at the charges of the Parish of St. Andrew , and partly at the charges of the Chamber of London , a water-pump , was raised in the high street of Lime-street Ward , neer unto Lime-street corner , for the placing of the which Pump , having broken up the ground , they were forced to dig more than two fadome deep , before they came to any main ground , where they found a Hearth made of Britaine , or rather Romane Tyle , every Tyle half yard square , and about two inches thick , they found coal lying there also ( for that lying whole will never consume ) then digging one fadome in the main , they found water sufficient , made their Prall , and set up the Pump , which Pump , with oft repairing and great charges to the Parish , continued not four and twenty years , but being rotted , was taken up , and a new one set in the place , in the year 1600. Thus much for the High-street . In Saint Mary street had ye ( of old time ) a Parish Church of Saint Mary a Virgin , Saint Ursula , and the 11000 Virgins , which Church was commonly called Saint Mary at the Axe ; of the Signe of an Axe , over against the East end thereof , or Saint Mary Pellipar , of a plot of ground lying on the North side thereof pertaining to the Skinners in London ; This Parish about the year 1565. was united to the Parish Church of Saint Andrew Under Shaft , and so was Saint Mary at the Axe suppressed , and letten out to be a Ware-house for a Marchant ; Against the East end of this Church , was sometime a sair Well , now turned to a Pump ; Also against the North end of this Saint Mary street , was sometime one other Parish Church of Saint Augustine , called Saint Augustine in the Wall , for that it stood adjoyning to the Wall of the City , and otherwise called Saint Augustines Papey , or the poor , as I have read , in the Reign of Edward the third . About the year 1430 , in the Reign of Henry the sixth , the same Church was allowed to the Brethren of the Papey , the House of poor Priests , whereof I have spoken in Aldgate Ward , the Parishioners of this Church were appointed to the Parish Church of Alhallowes in the Wall , which is in Broad street Ward , and this Brotherhood called Papey , being suppressed , the Church of Saint Augustine was pulled down , and in place thereof one Grey Apothecary , builded a Stable , a Hay-loft , &c. It is now a dwelling house , those two Parish Churches , both lying in the Ward of Lime-street ; being thus suppressed , there is not any one Parish Church or place for Divine Service in that Ward , but the Inhabitants thereof repair to Saint Peters in Cornhill Ward , Saint Andrew in Aldgate Ward , Alhallows in the Wall in Broad-street Ward , and some to Saint Denys in Langbourne Ward . Now , because there hath been some question , to what Ward this Church of Saint Augustine Papey should of right belong , for the same hath been challenged by them of Aldgate Ward , and ( without reason ) taken into Bishops-gate Ward , from Lime-street Ward , I am somewhat to touch it . About 70 years since , the Chamber of London , granted a Lease of groundlying near London Wall , in the Ward of Lime-street , from the West of the said Church or Chappel of Saint Augustine Papey , towards Bishops-gate &c. on the which plot of ground , the Leasee builded three fair Tenements , and placed Tenants there , these were charged to bear Scot and Lot , and some of them to bear Office in Lime screet Ward , all which they did willingly without grudging ; And when any suspected or disordered persons were by the Landlord placed there , the Officers of Lime street Ward , fetched them out of their Houses , committed them to Ward , procured their due punishments , and banished them from thence ; whereby in short time that place was reformed , and brought into good order , which thing being noted by them of Aldgate Ward , they moved their Alderman , Sir Thomas Offley , to call in those Houses to be of his Ward ; But Mr. Stow producing a fair Ledgier Book , sometime pertaining to the late dissolved Priory of the Holy Trinity within Aldgate , wherein were set down the just bounds of Aldgate Ward , before Sir Thomas Offley , Sir Rowland Hayward , the Common-Councel , and Ward-Mote Inquest , of the said Lime street Ward , Sir Thomas Offley gave over his Challenge , and so that matter rested in good quiet , until the year 1579. that Sir Richard Pype ( being Mayor , and Alderman of Bishops-gate Ward ) challenged those Houses to be of his Ward , whereunto ( without reason shewed ) Sir Rowland Hayward yeilded ; and thus is that side of the street from the North corner of Saint Mary street , almost to Bishopsgate , ( wherein is one plot of ground , letten by the Chamberlaine of London , to the Parish of Saint Martins Oteswich , to be a Church-yard , or burying-place for the dead of that Parish , &c. ) unjustly drawn and with-holden from the Ward of Lime-street , as Master Stow avoucheth . Of the Fifth Ward , or Aldermanry of London , called Bishopsgate-Ward . THe Ward next in order is Bishopsgate-Ward , whereof a part is without the Gate ; and of the Subburbs , from the Barres by St. Mary Spittle , to Bishopsgate , and a part of Hounds-ditch , almost half thereof ; also without the Wall of the same Ward . Then within the Gate is Bishopsgate-street , so called , of the Gate , to a Pump , were sometime was a fair Well , with two Buckets , by the East end of the Parish Church of St. Martin Oteswich , and then winding by the West corner of Leaden-Hall , down Grasse-street , to the corner over against Grasse-Church ; and these are the bounds of that Ward . Monuments most to be noted , are these , The Parish-Church of St. Battolph without Bishopsgate , in a fair Church-yard , adjoyning to the Town-Ditch , upon the very Bank thereof ; but of old time , inclosed with a comely Wall of Brick , lately repaired by Sir William Allen , Mayor , in the year 1571. because he was born in that Parish , where also he was buried . An Anchoresse ( by Bishopsgate ) received forty shillings the year , of the Sheriffs of London . Next unto the Parish Church of St. Buttolph , was a fair Inne , for receipt of Travellers , then an Hospital of St. Mary of Bethlem , founded by Simon Fitz Mary , one of the Sheriffs of London , in the year 1246. He founded it to have been a Priory of Canons , with Brethren and Sisters ; and King Edward the 3d , granted a Protection , for the Brethren called Milites beatae Mariae de Bethlem , within the City of London , the 14th year of his Raign . It was an Hospital for distracted people . Stephen Gennings , Marchant-Taylor , gave forty pounds toward purchase of the Patronage , by his Testament , 1523. The Mayor and Commonalty purchased the Patronage thereof , with all the Lands and Tenements thereunto belonging , in the year 1546. Now it shall not be amisse , to insert here that memorable ancient deed of gift , given to Bethelem , or Bedlam , by the foresaid Simon , the Son of Mary , as followeth . To all the Children of our Mother holy Church , to whom this present writing shall come , Simon the Sonne of Mary , sendeth greeting in our Lord , where among other things , and before other Lands , the high Altitude of the Heavenly Councels , marvellously wrought by some readier devotion , it ought to be more worshipped ; of which things the mortal sickness ( after the fall of our first Father Adam ) hath taken the beginning of this new repairing : therefore forsooth , it beseemeth worthy , that the place , in which the Son of God is become Man , and hath proceeded from the Virgins Womb , which is increaser , and beginning of Mans Redemption ; namely , ought to be with Reverence worshipped , and with beneficial Portions to be increased : therefore it is , that the said Simon , Son of Mary , having special and singular Devotion to the Church , of the glorious Virgin at Bethelem , where the same Virgin of Her , brought forth our Saviour incarnate , and lying in the Cratch , and with her own milk nourished ; and where the same Child to us there born , the Chivalry of the heavenly Company , sang the new Hymne , Gloria in Excelsi● Deo. The same time the increaser of our health , ( as a King , and his Mother a Queen ) willed to be worshipped of Kings , a new Starre going before them , as the Honour and Reverence of the same Child , and his most meek Mother : And to the exaltation of my most Noble Lord , Henry King of England , whose Wife and Child the foresaid Mother of God , and her only Son , have in their keeping , and protections ; And to the manifold increase of this City of London , in which I was born . And also for the health of my soul , and the souls of my Predecessors , and Successors , my Father , Mother , and my Friends . And specially for the souls of Guy of Marlow , John Durant , Ralph Ashwye , Maud , Margaret , and Dennis , Women : Have given , granted , and by this my present Charter , here , have confirmed to God , and to the Church of St. Mary of Bethelem , all my Lands which I have in the Parish of St. Battolph , without Bishopsgate of London , that is to say , whatsoever I there now have , or had , or in time to come may have , in Houses , Gardens , Pools , Ponds , Ditches and Pits , and all their appurtenances , as they be closed in by their bounds ; which now extend in length , from the Kings high street , East , to the great Ditch in the West ; the which is called deep Ditch ; and in breadth , to the Lands of Ralph Downing , in the North ; and to the Land of the Church of St. Battolph in the South ; To have and to hold the aforesaid Church of Bethelem , in free and perpetual Alms ; And also to make there a Priory , and to ordain a Prior , and Canons ; Brothers , and also Sisters , when Jesus Christ shall enlarge his grace upon it . And in the same place , the Rule and order of the said Church of Bethelem solemnly prosessing , which shall bear the Token of a Starre openly in their Coapes and Mantles of profession ; and for to say Divine Service there , for the souls a foresaid , and all Christian souls ; and specially to receive there , the Bishop of Bethelem , Canons , Brothers , and Messengers of the Church of Bethelem for evermore , as often as they shall come thither . And that a Church or Oratory there shall be builded , as soon as our Lord shall enlarge his grace , under such form , that the Order , Institution of Priors , Canons , Brothers , Sisters , of the visitation , correction , and reformation of the said place , to the Bishop of Bethelem , and his Successors , and to the Charter of his Church , and of his Messengers , as often as they shall come thither , as shall seem them expedient ; no mans contradiction notwithstanding ; shall pertain for evermore : saving alway the Services of the chief Lords , as much as pertaineth to the said Land. And to the more surety of this thing , I have put my self out of this Land , and all mine . And Lord Godfrey , then chosen of the Nobles of the City of Rome , Bishop of Bethelem , and of the Pope , confirmed then by his name in England , in his name , and of his Successors , and of his Chapter of his Church of Bethelem , into bodily possession , I have indented and given to his possession all the foresaid Lands ; which possession he hath received , and entred in form abovesaid . And in token of subjection , and reverence , the said place in London , without Bishopsgate , shall pay yearly in the said City , a mark sterling at Easter , to the Bishop of Bethelem , his Successors , or his Messengers , in the name of a Pension ; and if the faculties or goods of the said place ( our Lord granting ) happen to grow more , the said place shall pay more , in the name of Pension , at the said terme , to the Mother Church of Bethelem . This ( forsooth ) gift and confirmation of my Deed , and the putting to of my Seal for me , and mine Heires , I have steadfastly made strong , the year of our Lord God , A thousand , two hundred , forty seven , the VVednesday after the Feast of St. Luke the Evangelist , &c. King Henry the 8th , gave this Hospital unto the City , The Church and Chappel were taken down in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth , and houses builded there , by the Governours of Christs Hospital in London . In this place , people that be distraught in their wits , are now ( by the luir of their friends ) received and kept as before , but not without charges to their bringers in . Then is there a fair House of late , builded by John Powlet . Next to that , a far more large and beautiful House , with Gardens of pleasure , Bowling Allies , and such like , builded by Jasper Fisher , free of the Goldsmiths , late one of the six Clarks of the Chancery , and a Justice of Peace . It hath since ( for a time ) been the Earl of Oxfords place . The late Queen Elizabeth hath lodged there , it now belongeth to the Earl of Devenshire . This House being so large , and sumptuously builded , by a man of no great Calling , Possessions , or VVealth ; ( for he was indebted to many ) was mockingly called Fishers folly , and a Rithme was made of it , and other the like , in this manner . Kirbyes Castle , and Fishers Folly , Spinola's pleasure , and Megses glory . And so of other like Buildings about the City , by Citizens , men have not forborn to speak their pleasure . From Fishers Folly , up to the West end of Berwards Lane , of old time so called ; but now Hogge-Lane , because it meeteth with Hogge-Lane , which commeth from the Barres without Ealdgate , as is afore shewed , is a continual building of Tenements , with Allies of Cottages , pestered , &c. Then is there a large close , called Fazel Close , sometime , for that there were Zazels planted for the use of Cloth-workers , since letten to the Crosse-bow Makers , wherein they used to shoot for Games at the Popingey . Now the same being inclosed with a Brick-wall , serveth to be an Artillery-yard , or Garden , whereunto the Gunners of the Tower , weekly do repair ; namely , every Thursday , and their levelling certain Brasse-Pieces of great Artillery against a But of Earth , made for that purpose ; they discharged them for their exercise , present use is made thereof by divers worthy Citizens , Gentlemen , and Captains , using Marshal Discipline , and where they meet ( well-neere ) weekly , to their great commendation , in so worthy an Exercise , whereof hereafter , I will speak more at large . Then have ye the late dissolved Priory and Hospital , commonly called , Saint Mary Spittle , founded by Walter Brune , and Rosia his Wife , for Canons regular , VValter , Arch Deacon of London , laid the first stone in the year 1197. VVilliam of St. Mary Church , then Bishop of London , dedicated it to the honour of Jesus Christ , and his Mother , the perpetual Virgin Mary , by the name of Domus Des , and Beatae Mariae , Extra Bishopsgate , in the Parish of St. Buttolph , the bounds whereof , as appeareth by composition between the Parson , and Prior of the said Hospital ; concerning Tithes , beginning at Berwards Lane , towards the South , and extendeth in breadth to the Parish of St. Leonard of Sores-ditch , towards the North ; and in length , from the Kings street on the West , to the Bishops of Londons field , called Lollesworth on the East . The Prior of this St. Mary Spittle , for the immortising and propriation of the Priory of Bikenacar in Essex , to his said house of St. Mary Spittle , gave to Henry the 7th , four hundred pounds , in the two and twentieth of his Raign . This Hospital surrendred to Henry the 8th , was valued to dispend four hundred seventy eight pounds per annum , wherein was found , besides Ornaments of the Church , and other goods pertaining to the Hospital , one hundred eighty beds well furnished , for receipt of the poor ; for it was an Hospital of great relief . Sir Henry Plesington Knight , was buried there , one thousand four hundred fifty and two . And here is to be noted , that time out of minde , it hath been a laudable Custome , that on good Friday in the After-noon , some especial learned man , by appointment of the Prelates , should preach a Sermon at Pauls Crosse , treating of Christs passion , and upon the three next Easter Holydayes , Munday , Tuesday , and Wednesday , the like learned men , by the like appointment , have used to preach on the forenoons at the said Spittle , to perswade the Article of Christs Resurrection ; and then on Low Sunday , one other learned man at Pauls Crosse , to make rehearsal of those four former Sermons , either commending , or reproving them , as to him ( by judgement of the learned Divines ) was thought convenient ; And that done , he was to make a studied Sermon of his own , which in all , were five Sermons in one ; At these Sermons so severally preached , the Maior with his Brethren the Aldermen , were accustomed to be present in their Violets at Pauls , on good Friday , and in their Scarlets at the Spittle , in the Holydayes ( except VVednesday , in Violet ) and the Maior with his Brethren on Low Sunday in Scarlet , at Pauls Crosse . Touching the Antiquity of this Custom , I finde , that in the year one thousand three hundred ninety eight , King Richard having procured from Rome , confirmation of such Statutes , and Ordinances , as were made in the Parliament begun at VVestminster , and ended at Shrewsbury ; he caused the same confirmation to be read , and pronounced at Pauls Crosse , and at St. Mary Spittle , in a Sermon before all the People . Philip Malpas , one of the Sheriffs , in the year , one thousand four hundred thirty nine , gave twenty shillings by the year , to the three Preachers at the Spittle . Stephen Foster Maior , in the year , 1594. gave 40 l. to the Preachers of Pauls Crosse and Spittle . We find also , that the aforesaid House , wherein the Maior and Aldermen do sit at the Spittle , was builded ( for that purpose ) of the goods , and by the Executors of Richard Rawson , Alderman , and Isabel his Wife , in the year 1488. In the year 1594. this Pulpit being old , was taken down , and a new one set up : the Preachers face turned towards the South , which was before towards the West . Also a large House ( on the East side of the said Pulpit ) was then builded , for the Governours and Children of Christs Hospital to sit in ; and this was done of the goods of William Elkin , Alderman before deceased ; But within the first year , the same House decaying , and like to have fallen , was again ( with great cost ) repaired at the Cities Charge . On the East side of this Church-yard , lyeth a large field , of old time called Lolesworth , now Spittle-field , which about the year , 1576. was broken up , for Clay to make Brick : in the digging thereof , many Earthen Pots called Urnae , were found full of Ashes , with burnt bones of men , to wit , of the Romans that inhabited here ; for it was the Custom of the Romans , to burn their dead , to put their Ashes in an Urn , and then bury the same with certain Ceremonies , in some field appointed for that purpose near unto their City ; and commonly , there was another Urn of fresh water , laid by the other , denoting the teares of their friends . Every of these Pots had in them ( with the Ashes of the Dead ) one piece of Copper money , with the Inscription of the Emperor then reigning , some of them were of Claudius , some of Vespasian , some of Nero , of Antoninus Pius , of Trajanus , and others ; Besides those Urns , many other Pots were found in the same place , made of a white Earth , with long necks , and handles , like to our stone Jugs : these were empty , but seemed to be buried full of some liquid matter , long since consumed , and soked through ; For there were found divers Vials , and other fashioned Glasses ; some most cunningly wrought , and some of Crystal , all which had water in them ( which it seems were the teare-Bottles ) nothing differing in clearness , tast , or savour from common Spring water , whatsoever it was at the first ; Some of these Glasses had Oyl in them very thick , and earthy in savour ; some were supposed to have balm in them , but had lost the vertue ; many of these Pots and Glasses were broken in cutting of the Clay , so that few were taken up whole . There were also found divers Dishes and Cups , of a fine red coloured Earth , which shewed outwardly such a shining smoothness , as if they had been of Curral ; Those had ( in the bottoms ) Roman letters printed : There were also Lamps of white Earth and red , artificially wrought with divers Antiques about them , some three or four Images , made of white Earth , about a span long each of them ; one was of Pallas . Amongst divers of those Antiquities , there was found one Urn , with Ashes and Bones , and one pot of white Earth , very small , not exceeding the quantity of a quartern of a Wine pint , made in shape of a Hare squatted upon her leggs , and between her Eares is the mouth of the Pot. There hath also bin found ( in the same field ) divers Coffins of stone , containing the bones of men ; these I suppose to be the Burials of some special persons , in time of the Britons , or Saxons , after that the Romans had left to govern here . Moreover , there were also found the sculls and bones of men , without Coffins ; or rather , whose Coffins ( being of Timber ) were consumed ; divers great Nails of Iron were there sound , such as are used in the Wheels of shod Carts ; being each of them as big as a mans finger , and a quarter of a yard long ; the heads two inches over : Those nayles were more wondred at , then the rest of the things there found ; and many Opinions of men were there passed upon them ; namely , that the men there buried , were murthered by driving those nayles into their heads . But to set down what was observed , concerning this matter ; there were there , the bones of a man lying , the head North , the feet South , and round about him ( athwart his head ) along both his sides , and thwart his feet such nails were found ; wherefore it may be conjectured , they were the nayls of his Coffin , which had bin a trough cut out of some great Tree ; and the same covered with a Plank of that thickness , fastened with such nayls , and found under the broad heads of some of those nayls , the old Wood was found scant turned into Earth ; but still retaining both the grain and proper colour . And thus much for that part of Bishopsgate-Ward ; now we will proceed to that part which lyeth within the Gate . And first , to begin on the left hand of Bishopsgate ; from the Gate ye have certain Tenements of old time , pertaining to a Brother-hood of St. Nicholas , granted to the Parish Clarks of London , for two Chaplains to be kept in the Chappel of St. Mary Magdalen , near unto the Guild-Hall of London , in the 27. of Henry the sixth . The first of these Houses towards the North , and against the Wall of the City , was sometime a large Inne or Court , called the Wrastlers of such a signe ; And the last in the high street , towards the South , was sometime also a fair Inne , called the Angel , of such a signe . Amongst these said Tenements was ( on the same street side ) a fair Entry or Court , to the common Hall of the said Parish-Clarks , with proper Alms-houses , seven in number adjoyning ; for Parish-Clarks , and their Wives , and their Widows , such as were in great years , not able to labour ; one of these by the said Brother-hood of Parish-Clarks , was allowed sixteen pence the week : the other six had each of them nine pence the week , according to the Patent granted to that effect . This Brother-hood ( amongst other ) being suppressed , in the Raign of Edward the sixth : the said Hall , with the other Buildings there , was given to Sir Robert Chester , a Knight of Cambridge-shire , against whom the Parish-Clarks commencing suit , in the Raign of Queen Mary ; and being like to have prevailed , the said Sir Robert Chester pulled down the Hall , sold the Timber , stone , and Lead ; and thereupon the suit was ended . The Alms-houses remained in the Queens hands , and people were there placed , such as could make best friends , some of them taking the pension appointed , and letting forth their houses at great Rent , have given occasion to the Parson of the Parish , to challenge Tithes of them , &c. Next unto this is the small Parish Church of Saint Ethelburgh , Virgin ; and from thence , some small distance is a large Court , called Little St. Helens , because it pertained to the Nuns of St. Helens , and was their House : there were there seven Alms-Rooms , or Houses for the poor , belonging to the Company of Leather sellers ; Then somewhat more West , is another Court , with a winding Lane , which commeth on● against the West end of St. Andrew Undershafts Church . In this Court standeth the fair Church of St. Helen , sometime a Priory of black Nuns ; and in the same the Parish Church of St. Helen . This Priory was founded before the Raign of Henry the third ; William Basing Dean of Pauls , was the first founder , and was there buried ; and William Basing , one of the Sheriffs of London , in the second year of Edward the second , was holden also to be a Founder , or rather an helper thereof : This Priory being valued at 1314 l. 2 s. 6 d. was surrendred the five and twentieth of November , the thirtieth of Henry the eighth : the whole Church , the partition betwixt the Nuns Church ; and the Parish Church being taken down , remaineth now to the Parish , and is a fair Church , but wanteth such a Steeple , as Sir Thomas Gresham promised to have builded , in recompence of ground in that Church , filled up with his Monument . The Nuns Hall , and other Housing thereto pertaining , was since purchased by the Company of Leather-sellers , and is their common Hall ; which Company , was incorporate , the one and twentieth year of Richard the second . A young new born Child was taken up , between the great Ware-house , and Sir John Spencers back-gate , being ( by a most unnatural Mother ) there buried in a great Dung-hill of Sea-coal Ashes , with the face upward ; yet found alive by Richard Atkinson , who used to make cl●●n the passage there of the soyle , carrying it thence with his Wheel-Barrow . The Child had not any ragg , or Cloth about it , but was all bloodied , by reason that the Navil string was untyed , and the Body meerly crusted over with the Seacoal-dust ; yet being made clean by the poor mans Wife , it was found to be a most goodly Man-Child , strong and well-featured , without any blemish or harm upon it ; but strangled inwardly , by sucking in the noysome filth and Ashes . He was Christned , and named Job cinere extractus , Job taken out of the Ashes , He lived three dayes , and lies buried in the Church-yard , the fifth of September , 1612. Of the Sixth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of LONDON , called Broad-street Ward . WE will now proceed to make a Perambulation in Broad street Ward , whereof part lies , contiguous to Bishopsgate Ward : for it beginneth from the water Conduit , Westward on both sides of the street , by Athallows Church , to an Iron Grate on the Channel , which runneth into the water-course of Wallbrook , before ye come to the Postern called Moregate , and this is the farthest West part of that Ward ; Then have ye Broad street , where of the Ward taketh name , which stretcheth out of the former street , from the East Corner of Alhallowes Church-yard , somewhat South , to the Parish Church of Saint Peter the poor on both sides , and then by the South Gate of the Augustine Fryars , West , down Throgmorton street by the Drapers Hall , into Loathbury , to another Grate of Iron on the Channel there , whence the water runneth into the course of Wallbrook , under the East end of St. Margarets Church ; certain posts of Timbe● are there set up ; and this is also the furthest West part of this Ward , in the said street , out of the which street it runneth up Bartholomew Lane , South , to the North side of the Exchange , then more East out of the former street ; From over against the Fryars Augustines Church South gate , runneth up another part of Broad streete , South , to a Pump , over against St. Bennets Church . Then have ye one other street , called Threed-needle street , beginning at the Well with two Buckets , by St. Martins Oteswich Church Wall ; This street runneth down on both sides to Finkes-Lane , now called Finch Lane , and half way up that Lane , to a Gate of a Marchants house on the West side , but not so far on the East ; Then the aforesaid street , from this Finkes Lane now Finch Lane , runneth down by the Royal Exchange to the Stocks , and to a place commonly called , the Scalding-house , or Scalding wicke , but now Scalding Alley , by the West side whereof , under the Parish Church of St. Mildred , runneth the course of VVallbrooke , and these be the bounds of this Ward . Here stands the Parish Church of Alhallowes in the Wall , so called of standing close to the Wall of the City near Moorfields , and over against Winchester house , which was so vast and spacious a Mansion , that it has been many years since cut into divers habitations ; For the Glasse-house stood in part of it , the Spanish Ambassadour had another part ; And now of late , the Excise Office hath bin kept in another part . On the other side of the street , among many proper Houses ( possessed for the most part by Curriers ) is the Carpenters Hall , which Company was Incorporated in the seventeenth year of Edward the fourth . Then East from the Curriers row , is a long and high Wall of stone in the foresaid Winchester house , enclosing the North side of a large Garden , adioyning to as large an house , builded in the Reigns of King Henry the eighth , and of Edward the sixth , by Sir William Powlet , Lord Treasurer of England , thorow his Garden , which ( of old time ) consisted of divers parts , now united , was sometimes a fair foot way , leading by the West end of the Augustine Fryars Church straight North , and opened somewhat West from Alhallowes Church against London Wall , towards Mooregate , which foot-way had Gates at either end , locked up every night , but now the same way ( being taken into those Gardens ) the Gates are closed up with Stone , whereby the people are enforced to go about by Saint Peters Church , and the East end of the said Fryers Church , and all the said great place and Garden of Sir William Pawlet , to London Wall , and so to Moorgate . This great House adjoyning to the Garden aforesaid , stretcheth to the North corner of Broad-street , and then turneth up Broad-street all that side , to and beyond the East end of the said Friers Church ; It was builded by the said Lord Treasurer , in place of Augustine Fryers House , Cloyster , and Gardens , &c. The Fryars Church he pulled not down , but the West end thereof , enclosed from the Steeple and Quire , was in the year 1550 , granted to the Dutch Nation in London , to be their preaching place ; The other part , namely , the Steeple , Quire , and side Iles to the Quire adjoyning , he reserved to household uses , as for Stowage of Corn , Coal , and other thing : his Son and Heir , Marquiss of VVinchester , ●old the Monuments of Noble men ( there buried ) in great number , Paving stone , and whatsoever , ( which cost many thousand pounds ) for one hundred pounds , and in place thereof ; made fair ●abling for horses ; He caused the Lead to be taken from the roofs , and laid Tyle in place , which exchange proved not so profitable as he looked for , but rather to his disadvantage , for there have been some remarkable judgements upon that Family since . On the East side of this Broad street amongst other buildings , on the back part of Gresham House , which is in Bishopsgate street , there are placed eight Alms-houses , builded of Brick and Timber , by Sir Thomas Gresham Knight , for eight Almes-men , which be now there placed rent-free , and receive each of them by his gift , six pound thirteen shillings four pence yearly for ever . Next unto Pawlet House , is the Parish Church of Saint Peter the poor , so called for a difference from other of that name , sometime ( peradventure ) a poor Parish , but at this present there be many fair Houses , possessed by rich Marchants , and others . In this little Church there be some fair Monuments , one of Sir Thomas Lowe , and another of Sir VVilliam Garaway , with John Lucas Esquire of Colchester . Then next have ye the Augustine Fryers Church , and Church-yard , the entring thereunto by a South gate to the West Porch , a large Church having a most fine spired Steeple , small , high , and streight , that there are few the like , founded by Humphrey Bohun , Earl of Hereford and Essex , in the year one thousand two hundred fifty three Riegnald Cobham gave this Messuage in London , to the enlarging thereof , in the year one thousand three hundred fourty four . Humphrey Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex , re-edified this Church in the year 1354 , whose Body was there buried in the Quire. The small spired Steeple of this Church was overthrown by tempest of wind , in the year one thousand three hundred sixty two , but was raised of new , as still it might have stood , had not private benefit ( the only devourer of Antiquity ) pull'd it down . Both that goodly Steeple , and all that East part of the Church , hath lately been taken down , and Houses ( for one mans commodity ) raised in the place , whereby London hath lost so goodly an ornament , and times hereafter may more talk of it . This House was valued at fifty seven pounds , and was surrendred the twelfth of November , the 13 of Henry the 8. There were many great Monuments in this Fryers Church , one of Edmond first son to Joan mother to Richard the second , Guy de Meryke Earl of Saint Paul , Lucie Countesse of Kent , Richard the great Earl of Arundel , Surrey , & VVarren , Sir Francis Atcourt Earl of Pembrooke , John Uere Earle of Oxford , with Aubery de Uere his son , the Lady of Bedford , with Edward Duke of Buckingham , and very many more persons of quality . On the South side , and at West end of this Church , many fair houses are builded ; namely in Throgmorton street , one very large and spacious , builded in the place of old and small Tenements , by Thomas Cromwel , Master of the Kings Jewel-house , after that , Master of the Rolls , then Lord Cromwell Knight , Lord Privie Seal , Vicar General , Earl of Essex , high Chamberlain of England , &c. This house being finished , and having some reasonable plot of ground left for a Garden , he caused the ●ales of the Gardens adjoyning to the North part thereof , on a sudden to be taken down , two and twenty foot to be measured forth-right into the North of every mans ground , a Line there to be drawn , a Trench to be cast , a foundation laid and an high Brick Wall to be builded ; and this was suddenly and no warning given , nor other answer , but ( when any spake to the Surveyers of that work ) they said their Master Sir Thomas commanded them so to do ; so that no man durst go to argue the matter , but each man lost his Land ; Thus the sudden rising of some men , causeth them to forget themselves . The Company of Drapers in London bought this House , and now the same is their Common Hall. This Company obtained of King Henry the sixth , in the seventeenth of his Reign , to be incorporate . John Gedney was chosen to be their first Master , and the four Wardens were , John VP otton , J. Darby , Robert Breton , and T. Cooke ; The Armes granted to the said Company by Sir VVilliam Bridges Knight , first Garter King at Arms , in Blazon are thus . Three Sun Beams , issuing out of three Clouds of flame , crowned with three Crowns , Imperials of Gold , upon a Shield Azure . From this Hall , on the same side , down to the Grates and course of VVallbrooke , have ye divers fair houses for Marchants and other , from the which Grates back again on the other side in Lotisbury ( so called in Record of Edward the third , the thirty eighth year , and now corruptly called Lothbury ) are Candlestick founders placed , till ye come to Bartholmew Lane , so called of Saint Bartholmew's Church , at the South-east corner thereof . In this Lane also are divers fair builded Houses on both sides , and so likewise have ye in the other street , which stretcheth from the Fryers Augustines South gate , to the corner over against Saint Bennets Church . In this street , amongst other fair buildings the most ancient was ( of old time ) an house pertaining to the Abbot of Saint Albans ; John Catcher Alderman ( after ) dwelled there ; Then is the free School , pertaining to the late dissolved Hospital of Saint Anthony , whereof more shall be shewed in another place , and so up to Thred-needle-street . On the South part of which street , beginning at the East , by the Well with two Buckets , now turned to a Pump , is the Parish Church of Saint Martin called Oteswitch , of Martin de Oteswitch , Nicholas de Oteswich , William Oteswich , and John Oteswich Founders thereof , and all buried there , as appeareth by their Monuments . There is also there a fair engraven Stone , with a Latine Epitaph upon the Lord James Fulkes Treasurer of Holland and Ambassador for the States of the united Provinces here in England . Sir Thomas Row gave 5 l. to perpetuity to this Parish , to buy Bread and Coals for the poor . Some small distance from thence is the Merchant-Taylors Hall , pertaining to the Guild and Fraternity of Saint John Baptist , time out of mind called of Taylors and Linnen Armorers of London ; For we find that King Edward the first , in the eight and twentieth of his Reign , confirmed this Guild by the name of Taylors and Linnen Armorers , and also gave to the Brethren thereof , authority every year at Mid-summer to hold a feast and to choose unto them a Governour or Master , with Wardens ; whereupon , the same year , one thousand three hundred , on the Feast day of the Nativity of Saint John Baptist , they chose Henry de Ryall to be their Pilgrim ; For the Master of this Mystery ( as one that travelled for the whole Company ) was then so called , untill the eleventh year of Richard the second , and the four Wardens were then called Purveyers of Alms , ( now called Quartredge ) of the said Fraternity . This Merchant-Taylors Hall , sometime perteining to a worthy Gentleman , named Edmund Crepin , Dominus Creeping after some Record ; he , in the year of Christ 1331 , the sixth of Edward the third , for a certain sum of money to him paid , made this grant thereof , by the name of his principal Messuage , in the Wards of Cornhill and Broad-street , which Sir Oliver Ingham Knight , did then hold , to John of Yakeley the Kings Pavilion-maker ; This was called the New Hall , or Taylors Inne , for a difference from their old Hall , which was about the back side of the Red Lion in Basing Lane , and in the Ward of Cordwayner street . The one and twentieth of Edward the fourth , Thomas Holm , aliàs Clarentiaux King of Armes for the South part of England , granted by his Patents to the said Fraternity and Guild of Saint John Baptist of Taylors and Linnen Armorers , to bear in a field Silver , a Pavilion between two Mantles Imperial , Purple , garnished with Gold , in a chief Azure , a holy Lamb , set within a Sun , the Crest upon the Helm ; a Pavilion purple , garnished with Gold , &c. After this King Henry the seventh , was himself a Brother of this Fraternity , or Guild of S. John Baptist , of Taylors or Linnen Armorers , ( as divers others of his Predecessors Kings had been ) to wit Richard the third , Edward the fourth , Henry the sixth , Henry the fifth , Henry the fourth , and Richard the second . And for that divers of that Fraternity had ( time out of mine ) been great Merchants , and had frequented all sorts of Merchandizes into most parts of the world , to the honour of the Kings Realm , and to the great profit of his Subjects , and of his Progenitors , and the men of the said Mystery , ( during the time aforesaid ) had exercised the buying and selling of all Wares and Merchandizes , especially , of Woollen Cloth , as well in grosse , as by retaile , throughout all this Realm of England , and chiefly within the said City ; therefore he of his especial grace , did change , transfer , and translate , the Guild aforesaid , and did incorporate them into the name of the Master and Wardens of the Merchant-Taylors , of the Fraternity of S. John Baptist in the City of London . Some distance West from this Merchant-Taylors Hall , is Finkes Lane , so called of Robert Finke , and Robert Finke his son , James Finke and Rosamond Finke ; Robert Finke the elder , new builded the Parish Church of Saint Bennet commonly called Finke of the Founder ; his Tenements were both of St. Bennets parish , and Saint Martins Oteswich Parish , the one half of this Finke Lane is of Broad-street ward , to wit , on the West side , up to the great and principal house , wherein the said Finke dwelled ; But on the other side , namely the East , not so much towards Cornhil . Then without this Lane , in the aforesaid Threed-Needle street , is the said Parish Church of Saint Bennet a handsome Church in which are sundry old Monuments . There happened lately a great fire in Threed-Needle street , over against Merchant-Taylors Hall , which rag'd as far as Saint Bennets Church Walls , and there the fury was stopped , otherwise it might have destroyed all this City . The French Reformers have their Sermons in this Church , and the exercise of Calvins Religion . On the North side of this street , from over against the East corner , of St. Martins Osteswich Church , have ye divers fair and large houses , till you come to the Hospital of St. Anthony , sometime a Cell of St. Anthonies of Vienna ; For we read , that King Henry the third , granted to the Brother-hood of St. Anthony of Vienna , a place amongst the Jewes , which was sometime their Synagogue , and had been builded by them , about the year 1231. But the Christians obtained of the King , that it should be dedicated to our blessed Lady ; and since , an Hospital being there builded , was called St. Anthonies in London . It was founded in the Parish of St. Bennet Finke , for a Master , two Priests , one School-master , and twelve poor men ; after which foundation , amongst other things , was given to this Hospital , one Messuage and Garden , whereon was builded the fair large Free-School , and one other parcel of ground , containing thirty seven foot in length , and eighteen foot in breadth , whereon were builded the Alms-Houses of hard Stone and Timber , in the Reign of Henry the sixth . Which said Henry the sixth , in the twentieth of his Reign , gave unto John Carpenter , Dr. of Divinity , and Master of St. Anthonies Hospital , and to his Brethren , and their Successors for ever , his Mannor of Pomington , with the appurtenances , with certain Pensions , and Portions of Milburn , Burneworth , Charleton , and Up-Wimburn , in the County of Southhampton , towards the maintenance of five Scholars in the University of Oxford , to be brought up in the faculty of Arts , after the rate of ten pence the week for every Scholar ; so that the said Scholars be first instructed in the rudiments of Grammar , at the Colledge of Eaton , founded by the said King. In the year 1474. Edward the 4th granted to William Say , Batchelor of Divinity , Master of the said Hospital , to have Priests , Clerks , Scholars , poor men , and Brethren of the same , Clerks , or Laymen , Queristers , Procters , Messengers , Servants in Houshold , and other things whatsoever , like as the Prior , and Covent of St. Anthonies of Vienna , &c. He also annexed , united , and appropriated the said Hospital , unto the Collegiate of St. George in Windsor . The Protectors of this House , were to collect the benevolence of charitable Persons , towards the building and supporting thereof . In the year 1499. Sir John Tate , sometime Alebrewer , then a Mercer , caused his Brewhouse , called the Swan , near adjoyning to the said Free Chappel , College , or Hospital of St. Anthony , to be taken for the enlarging of the Church , which was then newly builded ; toward the building whereof , the said Tate gave great sums of money , and finished it in the year 1501 , Sir John Tate , deceased 1514. and was there buried , under a fair Monument by him prepared , Dr. Taylor Master of the Rolls , and other . Walter Champion , Draper , one of the Sheriffs of London , 1529. was buried there , and gave to the Beadmen twenty pounds , The Lands by year of this Hospital , were valued in the 37. of King Henry the eighth , to be 55 l. 6 s. and 8. pence . One Johnson ( a Schoolmaster of the famous Free-School there ) became a prebend of Windsor , and then ( by little and little ) followed the spoil of this Hospital : he first dissolved the Quire , conveyed away the Plate and Ornaments , then the Bels ; and lastly , put out the Alms men from their houses , appointing them portions of twelve pence the week to each ; but now I hear of no such matter performed ; for their houses , with other , be letten out for rent , and the Church is a preaching place for the French Nation , as was touched before . This School was commended in the Reign of Henry the sixth , and sithence commended above other ; but now decayed , and come to nothing , by taking that from it , which thereunto belonged . Next is the Parish Church of St. Bartholmew , at the end of Bartholmew Lane , Thomas Pike Alderman , with the assistance of Nicholas Yoo , one of the Sheriffs of London , about the year 1438. new builded this Church . West from this Church , have ye Scalding Alley , of old time called Scalding House , or Scalding wick , because that ground ( for the most part ) was then imployed by Poulterers , that dwelled in the high street , from the Stocks Market , to the great Conduit . Their Poultry which they sold at their stalls , were scalded there : the street doth yet bear the name of the Poultry , and the Poulterers are but lately departed from thence , into other streets , as into Grasse-street , and the ends of St. Nicholas Flesh-shambles . This Scalding wick , is the farthest part of Broadstreet-Ward , and is ( by the water called Wallbrook ) parted from Cheap-Ward . Of the Seventh Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Corn-hill Ward . NOw Cornhil Ward comes to consideration , corruptly called Cornwel by the vulgar ; It was called Corn-hill of a Corn-Market , time out of mind there holden , and is a part of the principal high street , beginning at the West end of Leaden-Hall , stretching down West , on both the sides , by the South end of Finkes Lane , on the right hand , and by the North end of Birchoven Lane , on the left part : of which Lanes , to wit , to the middle of them , is of this Ward , and so down to the Stocks Market ; and this is the bounds . The upper or East part of this Ward , and also a part of Limestreet Ward , hath been ( as I said ) a Market-place , especially for Corn , and since for all kind of Victuals , as is partly shewed in Limestreet Ward . It appeareth by Record , that in the year 1522. the Rippiers of Rie and other places , sold their fresh Fish in Leaden-hall Market upon Cornhill ; but forraign Butchers were not admitted there to sell Flesh , till the year 1533. And it was enacted , that Butchers should sell their Bief , not above a half peny the pound ; and Mutton , half peny , half farthing : which Act being devised , for the great Commodity of the Realm , ( as it was then thought ) hath since proved far otherwise ; for , before that time , a fat Oxe was sold at London , for six and twenty shillings eight pence , at the most ; a fat Weather , for three shillings four pence ; a fat Calf at the same price ; a fat Lamb for twelve pence ; pieces of Bief weighing , 2. pounds and a half at the least , yea , 3. pound or better for a peny , on every Butchers Stall in this City ; and of those pieces of Bief , 13 , or fourteen for twelve pence ; fat Mutton for eight pence the quarter ; and one hundred weight of Bief , for four shillings eight pence , at the dearest . What the price is now , I need not set down ; many men thought the same Act to raise the price , by reason that Grasiers knew , or supposed what weight every their Beasts contained ; and so raising their price thereafter , the Butcher could be no gainer , but by likewise raising his price : the number of Butchers then in the City and Suburbs , was accounted sixscore , of which every one killed six Oxen a peece weekly , which is in forty six weeks , 33120. Oxen , or seven hundred and twenty Oxen weekly . The forraign Butchers ( for a long time ) stood in the high street of Limestreet-Ward , on the North side , twice every week , viz , Wednesdayes and Saturdayes , and were some gain to the Tenants , before whose doors they stood , and into whose houses they set their blocks and stalls ; but that advantage being espied , they were taken into Leaden-Hall , there to pay for their standing to the Chamber of London . Thus much for the Market upon Cornhill . The chief Ornaments in Cornhill-VVard , are these ; First , at the East end thereof , in the middle of the high street , and at the parting of four wayes , have ye a Water-Standard , placed in the year 1582. in manner following ; A certain German , named Peter Morris , having made an artificial Forcier for that purpose , conveyed Thames-water in Pipes of Lead , over the Steeple of St. Magnus Church , at the North end of London-Bridge ; and from thence into divers mens Houses in Thames-street , New Fish-street , and Grasse-street , ( now Gracious-street ) up to the North West corner of Leaden-hall , the highest ground of all the City ; where the waste of the main Pipe rising into this Standard ( provided at the charges of the City ) with four spouts , did at every Tyde run ( according to Covenant ) four wayes , plentifully serving to the Commodity of the Inhabitants , near adjoyning in their houses ; and also cleansed the Channels of the street , toward Bishops-gate , Aldgate , the Bridge , and the Stocks Market ; but now no such matter , by what default I know not . Then have ye a fair Conduit , of sweet water , castellated in the midst of that Ward ; This Conduit was first builded of stone , in the year 1282. by Henry VVallis , Maior of London , to be a Prison for Night-walkers , and other suspicious persons , and was called the Tunne upon Cornhill ; because the same was builded somewhat in fashion of a Tunne , standing on the one end . To this Prison , the Night-watchers to this City , committed not only Night-walkers , but also other persons , as well spiritual as temporal , whom they suspected of incontinency , and punished them according to the customs of this City ; but complaint therefore being made , about the year of Christ , 1297. King Edward the first , writeth to the Citizens thus . Edward by the Grace of God , &c. VVhereas Richard Gravesend Bishop of London , hath shewed unto us , that by the great Charter of England , the Church hath a priviledge , that no Clark should be imprisoned by a Lay-man , without our Commandment , and breach of peace : Which notwithstanding , some Citizens of London , upon meer spight , do enter in their vvatches , into Clarks Chambers , and then ( like Felons ) carry them to the Tunne , which Henry le Wallis , sometime Maior , built for Night-walkers ; wherefore we will , that this our Commandment , be proclaimed in a full Hustings , and that no vvatch hereafter enter into any Clarks Chamber , under the forfeit of thirty pounds . Dated at Carlile , the 18th of March , the 25. of our Reign . More we read , that about the year of Christ 1299. the seven and twentieth of Edward the first , certain principal Citizens of London , to wit , T. Romane , Rich : Gloucester , Nicholas Faringdon Adam Helingbury , T. Saly , John Dunstable , Richard Ashwy , John Wade , and William Stortforde , brake up this Prison , called the Tunne , and took out certain Prisoners ; for the which they were sharply punished , by long Imprisonment , and great fines ; It cost the Citizens ( as some have written ) more than 20000 Marks , which they were amerced in , before William de March , Treasurer of the Kings Exchequer , to purchase the Kings favour , and the confirmation of their Liberties . By the West side of the aforesaid Prison , then called the Tunne , was a fair Well of Spring water , curbed round with hard stone , but in the year 1401. the said Prison house called the Tunne , was made a Cestern for sweet water , conveyed by Pipes of Lead , from Tyburne , and was from thenceforth called the Conduit upon Cornhil ; Then was the Well planked over , and a strong Prison made of Timber , called a Cage , with a pair of Stocks therein , set upon it ; and this was for Night-walkers : on the top of which Cage , was placed a Pillory , for the punishment of Bakers , offending in the assize of Bread , for Millers stealing of Corn at the Mill ; for Bawds , Scholds , and other offenders . As in the year 1468. the seventh of Edward the fourth , divers persons , being common Jurors , such as at Assizes , were forsworn for rewards , or favour of parties , were judged to ride from Newgate , to the Pillory in Corn-hill , with / Miters of Paper on their heads , there to stand , and from thence again to Newgate , and this judgement was given by the Maior of London . On the North side of this street , from the East unto the West , have ye divers fair houses , for Marchants and others ; amongst the which , one large House is called the Wey-house , where Marchandizes brought from beyond the Seas , are to be weighed at the Kings Beame : this House hath a Master , and under him four Master-Porters , with Porters under them , they have a strong Cart , and four great Horses , to draw and carry the Wares from the Marchants Houses to the Beam , and back again ; Sir Thomas Lovel , Knight , builded this House , with a fair front of Tenements , toward the street , all which he gave to the Grocers of London , himself being free of the City , and a Brother of that Company . Then have ye the said Finks Lane , the South end of which Lane , on both sides , is in Corn-hill Ward . Then next is the Royal Exchange , erected in the year 1566. after this Order , viz. certain Houses upon Corn-hill , and the like upon the part thereof , in the Ward of Broadstreet , with three Allies ; the first called Swan Alley , opening into Corn-hill ; the second , New Alley , passing through out of Corn-hill , into Broadstreet Ward , over against St. Bartholomew-Lane ; the third , St. Christophers Alley , opening into Broadstreet-Ward , and into St. Christophers Parish , containing many thick Housholds , were first purchased by the Citizens of London , for more than 3532. pounds , and were sold for 478. pounds , to such persons as should take them down , and carry them thence ; Also the ground , or plot was made plain , at the Charges of the City , and then possession thereof was by certain Aldermen ( in name of the whole Citizens ) given to Sir Thomas Gresham Knight , sometimes Agent to the Queens Highness , thereupon to build a Burse , or place for Marchants to assemble in , at his own proper charges ; And he , on the seventh of June , laying the first stone of the Foundation , being Brick , accompanied with some Aldermen , every of them laid a piece of Gold , which the Workmen took up ; and forthwith followed upon the same , such diligence , that by the Moneth of November , in the year 1567. the same was covered with slate , and shortly after fully finished . In the year 1570. on the 23. of January , the Queens Majesty , attended with her Nobility , came from her House at the Strand , called Sommerset-House , and entred the City by Temple-Barre , through Fleet-street , Cheape , and so by the North side of the Burse , through Thredneedle-street , to Sir Thomas Greshams House in Bishop gate-street , where she dined : After dinner , her Majesty returning through Corn-hill , entred the Burse on the South side ; and after she had viewed every part thereof above the ground , especially the Pawne , which was richly furnished with all sorts of the finest Wares in the City , she caused the same Burse , by an Haurald and a Trumpet , to be proclaimed at the Royal Exchange , and so to to be called from thenceforth , and not otherwise . Next adjoyning to this Royal Exchange , remaineth one part of a large stone House , and is now called the Castle , of such a sign at a Tavern door ; there is a passage thorough out of Cornhill , into Threed-needle street ; The other part of the said stone House was taken down , for enlarging the Royal Exchange ; This stone House was said of some to have been a Church , whereof it had no proportion ; of others , a Jewes House , as though none but Jewes had dwelt in stone houses , but that opinion is without warrant . For beside the strong building of stone houses , against invasion of thieves in the night when no watches were kept , In the first year of Richard the first , ( to prevent casualties of fire , which often had hapned in the City , when the Houses were builded of Timber , and covered with Reed and Straw , Henry Fitz Allwine being Mayor ) it was Decreed , That from thenceforth , no man should build within the City but of stone unto a certain height , and to cover the same building with Slate , or burnt Tyle ; This was the very cause of such stone Buildings , whereof many have remained until our time that for gaining of ground , they have been taken down , and in place of some of them being low , ( as but two Stories above the ground ) many Houses of four or five Stories high are placed . From this Stone House down to the Stocks , are divers large Houses , especially for height , for Merchants and Artificers . On the South side of this High-street , is the Parish Church of Saint Peter upon Cornhill , which seemeth to be of an ancient building , but not so ancient as fame reporteth ; for it hath been lately repaired , if not all new builded , except the Steeple which is ancient . The Roof of this Church and Glazing , was finished in the Reign of King Edward the fourth , as appeareth by Armes of Noble men , and Aldermen of London then living . There remaineth in this Church a Table , wherein it is written I know not by what Authority , but of no late hand , that King Lucius founded the same Church , to be an Archbishops See , Metropolitane , and chief Church of his Kingdom , and that it so continued the space of four hundred years , unto the coming of Augustine the Monk. Now , because many may be curious to be further acquainted therewith , I have here inserted the same Verbatim , as it is there recorded in the Table . BE it known unto all men , that the year of our Lord God 179 , Lucius the first Christian King of this Land , then called Britaine , founded the first Church in London , that is to say , the Church of St. Peter upon Cornhill ; and he founded there an Archbishops See , and made that Church the Metropolitan and chief Church of this Kingdom , and so endured the space of four hundred years , unto the coming of St. Austin , the Apostle of the English , the which was sent into this Land by St. Gregory the Doctor of the Church , in the time of King Ethilbert ; And then was the Archbishops See , and Pall , removed from the foresaid Church of St. Peter upon Cornhill , unto Doreburniam that now is called Canterbury , and there remaineth to this day . And Millet the Monk , which came into the Land with S. Austin , was made this first Bishop of London , and his See was made in Pauls Church , And this King Lucius was the first Founder of St. Peters Church upon Cornhill ; and he reigned in this Land after Brute , a thousand two hundred fourty five years , and the year of our Lord God , a hundred twenty four , Lucius was Crowned King ; and the years of his Reign were seventy seven years , and he was ( after some Chronicle ) buried at London ; and ( after some Chronicle ) he was buried at Glocester , in that place where the Order of St. Francis standeth now . Joceline of Furncis writeth , that Thean or Theon , the first Arch bishop of London in the Reign of Lucius builded the said Church , by the aid of Ciran chief Butler to King Lucius : and also that Elvanus the second Archbishop builded a Library to the same adjoyning , and converted many of the Druydes learned men in the Pagan Law , to Christianity . William Harrison , discoursing hereon more at large , hath these very words , There is a Controversy ( saith he ) moved among our Historiographers , whether the Church that Lucins built at London , stood at Westminster or in Cornhill ; For , there is some cause , why the Metropolitane Church should be thought to stand where St. Peters now doth , by the space of four hundred and od years , before it was removed to Canterbury by Austin the Monk , if a man would lean to one side without any conference of the asseverations of the other ; But herein there may lurk some scruple ; for , besides that St. Peters Church stood in the East end of the City , and that of Apollo in the West ; the word Cornhil , a denomination given of late ( to speak of ) to one street , may easily be mistaken for Thorney . For as the word Thorney , proceedeth from the Saxons , who called the West end of the City by that ●ame where Westminster now standeth , because of the wildernesse and bushinesse of the soile , so we do not read of any street in London , called Cornhill , before the Conquest of the Normans : wherefore , I hold with them , which make Westminster to be the place , where Lucius builded his Church , upon the ruines of that Fane , 264 years ( as Malmsbury saith ) before the coming of the Saxons , and four hundred and eleven before the arrival of Augustine . Read also his Appendix in Lib. fourth Pontif. where he noteth the time of the Saxons , in the 444 of Grace , and of Augustine in 596 of Christ , which is a manifest account , though some Copies have 499 for the one , but not without-manifest corruption and error . And now to return where we left ; True it is , that a Library there was , pertaining to this Parish Church , of old time builded of Stone , and of late repaired with Brick , by the Executors of Sir John Crosby Alderman , as his Arms on the South end do witnesse . This Library hath been ( of late time ) to wit within this seventy years , well furnished of Books , John Leyland viewed and commended them : but now those Books are gone , and this place is occupied by a School-master , and his Usher , for a number of Scholers learning their Grammer Rules , &c. Notwithstanding before that time , a Grammar School had been kept in this Parish , as appeareth in the year a thousand four hundred twenty five . We read , that John Whitby was Rector , and John Steward School-master there ; and in the five and twentieth of Henry the sixth , it was Enacted by Parliament , that four Grammer Schools in London , should be maintained , viz In the Parishes of Alhallowes in Thames street , Saint Andrew in Oldburn , Saint Peters upon Cornhill , and Saint Thomas of Acres . Then have ye the Parish Church of St. Michael the Archangel : for the antiquity thereof , we find that Alnothus the Priest , gave it to the Abbot and Covent of Covesham ; Raynold the Abbot and the Covent there , did grant the same to Sparling the Priest , in all measures , as he and his Predecessors before had held it : to the which Sparling also , they granted all their Lands which they there had , except certain Lands which Orgar le proud held of them , and paid two shillings yearly ; For the which grant , the said Sparling should yearly pay one mark of Rent to the said Abbot of Covesham , and find him his lodging , Salt , Water , and Fire , when he came to London ; This was granted , a thousand one hundred thirty three , about the thirty four of Henry the first . The fair new Steeple or Bell-Tower of this Church , was begun to be builded in the year 1421 , which being finished , and a fair ring of five Bells therein placed , a sixth Bell was added , and given by John VVhitwell , Isabel his Wife , and William Rus , or Rous Alderman , and Goldsmith , about the year 1430 , which Bell named Rus , ( nightly at eight of the clock , and otherwise for Knels , and in Peals , rung by one man by the space of 160 years ) of late over-haled by four or five at once , hath been thrice broken , and new cast , within the space of ten years , to the charges of that Parish more than 100 marks . And here note of this Steeple : Upon St. James night , certain men in the loft next under the Bells , ringing of a peal , a tempest of Lightning and Thunder did arise , and an ugly-shapen sight appeared to them , coming in at the South Window , and lighted on the North , for fear whereof , they all fell down , and lay as dead for the time , letting the Bells ring and cease of their own accord ; When the Ringers came to themselves , they found certain stones o● the North Window to be raised , and scratched , as if they had been so much Butter printed with a Lions claw . The same stones were fastned there again , and so remain till this day ; they may be seen to this day , together with the holes where the claws had entred , three or four inches deep . At the same time , certain main Timber posts at Queen-Hith , were scratched and cleft from the top to the bottome ; and the Pulpit-crosse in Pauls Church-yard , was likewise scratcht , cleft , and overturned ; One of the Ringers lived in Queen Elizabeths time , who would verifie the same to be true to his knowledge . Robert Fabian Alderman , and Chronicler of England , lieth buried in this Church , with divers others persons of note . This Parish Church hath on the South side thereof a hansome Cloyster , and a fair Church-yard , with a Pulpit-cross , not much unlike to that in Pauls Church-yard ; Sir John Rudstone Mayor , caused the same Pulpit-crosse in his life time to be builded , the Church-yard to be enlarged , by ground purchased of the next Parish ; and also hansome Houses to be raised , for lodging of Quire men , such as at that time were assistants to Divine Service , then daily sung by note in that Church . Then have ye Burchover Lane , so called of Burchover the first builder , and owner thereof , now corruptly called Birchin Lane ; the North half whereof , is the said Cornhill Ward , the other half is of Langborn Ward . This Lane and the High-street neer adjoyning , hath been of old inhabited ( for the most part ) with wealthy Drapers , in whose room now Mercers and Silkmen are come ; from Birchover Lane , on that side the street down to the Stocks , in the Reign of Henry the sixth , had ye ( for the most part ) dwelling there , Frippers or Upholders , that sold Apparrel and old houshold stuff . The Popes-head Taverne , with other Houses adjoyning , strongly builded of Stone , hath of old time been all in one , appertaining to some great Estate , or rather to the King of this Realm , as may be supposed , both by largenesse thereof , and by the Armes , to wit , three Leopards passant gardant , which was the whole Arms of England , before the Reign of Edward the Third , that quartered them with the Armes of France , the three Flower de Luces . Of the Eighth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of LONDON , called Langborn Ward . VVE are now by discourse , and degrees of observation , come to Langbourn Ward , so called of a long Bourn of sweet water , which ( of old time ) breaking out into Fenne Church-street , ran down the same street , and Lombard street to the West end of St. Mary Woolnoths Church , where turning South , and breaking into small sloares , rills , or streams , it gave the name of Share-borne Lane , or South-borne Lane , ( as we read ) because it ran South to the River of of Thames ; This Ward beginneth at the West end of Ealdgate Ward in Fen-Church street , by the Ironmongers Hall , which is on the North side of that street , at a place called Culver Alley , where sometime was a Lane , through which men went into Lime-street , but that being long since stopped up , for suspition of Theeves that lurked there by night , as is shewed in Lime-street Ward ; there is now in this said Alley a Tennis-Court , &c. Fen-Church-street , took that name of Fenny or Moorish ground , so made by means of this Bourne , which passed through it ; And therefore ( until this day ) in the Guild-Hall of this City , that Ward is called by the name of Langbourne , and Fenny about , and not otherwise ; yet others be of opinion , that it took that name of Faenum , that is , Hay sold there , as Grass-street took the name of Grasse or Herbs there sold . In the midst of this street standeth a small Parish Church called , S. Gabriel Fen-Church , corruptly Fan-Church . Helming Legget Esquire , by Licence of Edward the third , in the fourty ninth of his Reign , gave one Tenement , with a currelarge thereto belonging , and a Garden with an entrey thereto leading , unto Sir John Hariot , Parson of Fen-Church , and to his Successors for ever , the House to be a Parsonage House , the Garden to be a Church-yard or burying place for the Parish . Then have ye Lombard street , so called of the Longobards , and other Merchants strangers of divers Nations , assembling there twice every day : of what original , or continuance it hath been , ther 's no Record , more than that Edward the second , in the twelfth of his Reign , confirmed a Messuage sometime belonging to Robert Turk abutting on Lombard street toward the South , and toward Cornhill on the North , for the Marchants of Florence , which proveth that street to have had the name of of Lombard street before the Reign of Edward the second ; The meeting of which Merchants , and others there , continued until the 22th of December in the year 1568 , on the which day , the said Merchants began to make their Meetings at the Burse , a place then new builded for that purpose , in the Ward of Cornhill ; and was since by her Majesty , Queen Elizabeth , named the Royal Exchange . On the North side of this Ward , is Lime street , one half whereof ( on both sides ) is of this Langbourne Ward , and therein on the West side , is the Pewterers Hall , which Company were admitted to be a Brotherhood in the thirteenth of Edward the fourth . At the South West corner of Limestreet , standeth a fair Parish Church of St. Dionys , called Back-Church , new builded in the Reign of Henry the sixth . John Bugge Esquire , was a great Benefactor to that work , as appeareth by his Arms , three water-Budgets , and his Crest a Morions head , graven in the stone-work of the Quire , at the upper end on the North side , where he was buried . Also John Darby , Alderman , added thereunto , a fair Ile or Chappel on the South side , and was there buried , about the year 1466. He gave ( besides sundry Ornaments ) his dwelling House , and others unto the said Church ; The Lady Wich , Sir Edward Osborn , Sir James Harvey , with divers other persons , and Benefactors to that Church , lie interred there . Then by the four Corners ( so called of Fen-Church-street in the East , Bridge-street on the South , Grasse-street on the North , and Lumbard-street on the West ) in Lumbard-street is one fair Parish Church , called Alhallowes Grasse-Church in Lumbard-street ; for so 't is read in Evidences of Record ; for that the Grasse-Market , went down that way , when that street was farre broader then now it is , being straightned by incroachments now . This Church was new builded : John Warner , Armorer , and then Grocer , Sheriff 1494. builded the South I le , his Sonne Robert Warner , Esquire , finished it , in the year 1516. The Pewterers were benefactors towards the North I le , &c. The Steeple , or Bel-Tower thereof , was finished in the year 1554. about the 36. of Henry the 8th , The fair Stone-Porch of this Church , was brought from the late dissolved Priory of St. John of Jerusalem , by Smithfield , so was the frame of their Bells ; but the Bells being bought , were never brought thither , by reason that one old VVarner , Draper of that Parish deceasing , his Sonne Mark VVarner , would not perform what his Father had begun and appointed , so that fair Steeple hath but one Bell , as Fryers were wont to use , &c. Next is a common Ostery for Travellers , called the George , of such a signe . This is said to have pertained to the Earl Ferrers , and was his London Lodging in Lumbardstreet . And that in the year 1175. a Brother of the said Earl , being there privilyslain in the night , was there thrown down into the dirty street . Next is the Parish Church of St. Edmond , the King and Martyr , in Lumbard-street , by the South corner of Birchover Lane. This Church is also called St. Edmond Grasse-Church , because the said Grasse-Market came down so low ; Sir John M●lburn , and Sir VVilliam Chester , both Lord Maiors , with others , have Monuments in this Church . From this Church down Lombard-street , by Birchovers Lane , ( the one half of which Lane is of this Ward ) and so down , be divers fair Houses ; namely , one with a fair fore-front towards the street , builded by Sir Martin Bowes , Goldsmith , since Maior of London . And then one other , sometime belonging to William de la pole , Earl of Suffolk in the 24. of Richard the second , and was his Marchants House , and so down towards the Stocks Market , lacking but some three houses thereof . The South side of this Ward beginneth in the East , at the Chain to be drawn thwart Mart-Lane , up into Fenchurch-street , and so West , by the North end of Mincheon-Lane , to St. Margaret Pattens street , or Rood Lane , and down that street to the mid-way , towards St. Margarets Church , then by Philpot-Lane , ( so called of Sir John Philpot that dwelled there , and was owner thereof ) and down that Lane , some six or eight houses , on each side , is all of this Ward . Then by Grasse-Church corner , into Lumbard-street , to St. Clements Lane , and down the same to St. Clements Church , then down St. Nicholas Lane , and down the same to St. Nicholas Church , and the same Church is of this Ward . Then to Abchurch Lane , and down some small portion thereof ; then down Sherborn-Lane , a part thereof , and a part of Bearbinder-Lane , be of this Ward , and then down Lumbard-street , to the sign of the Angel , almost to the corner over against the Stocks Market . On the South side of this Ward , somewhat within Mart-lane , have ye the Parish Church of Alhallowes , commonly called Stane-Church , ( as may be supposed ) for a difference from other Churches of that name in this City , which ( of old time ) were builded of Timber , and since were builded of stone ; Sir John Test , Knight of the holy Sepulcher , hath here a Monument with others . Then is the Parish Church of St. Nicholas Acon , or Hacon ( for so it is read in the Records ) in Lombardstreet . Sir John Bridges Draper , Maior 1520. newly repaired this Church , and imbattelled it , and was there buried . Then is there ( in the high street ) a comely Parish Church of St. Mary Wolnoth , of the Nativity ; the reason of which name , the Annals make no mention ; This Church is lately new builded , Sir Hugh Price Goldsmith , Mayor in the first year of Henry the 7th , Keeper of the Kings Exchange at London , and one of the Governours of the Kings Mint in the Tower of London , under William Lord Hastings , the fifth of Edward the fourth deceased , 1496. He builded in this Church a Chappel , called the Charnel ; as also part of the Body of the Church , and of the Steeple , and gave money toward the finishing thereof , besides the stone that he had prepared ; he was buried in the Body of the Church , and Guy Brice or Boys , was also buried there , with some other of note . Simon Eyre , 1459. He gave the Tavern , called the Cardinals Hat in Lumbard-street , with a Tenement annexed on the East part of the Tavern , and a Mansion behind the East Tenement ; together , with an Ally from Lumbard-street to Corn-hill , with the appurtenances ; all which were by him new builded , toward a Brother-hood of our Lady in St. Mary Wolnoths Church : Among others Sir Martin Bowes hath a Monument there , who Anno 1569. gave certain Lands for discharging Langborn Ward , of all fifteens granted by Parliament . Of the Ninth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Billingsgate Ward . WE will now go South-East , and take a Survey of Billingsgate-Ward , which beginneth at the West end of Tower-street Ward in Thames-street , about Smarts Key , and runneth down along that street , on the South side , to St. Magnus Church , at the Bridge foot , and on the North side of the said Thames-street , from over against Smarts Key till over against the North-West Corner of St. Magnus Church aforesaid . On this North side of Thames-street , is St. Mary Hill Lane , up to St. Margarets Church , and then part of St. Margarets Pattens street , at the end of St. Mary Hills Lane ; next out of Thames-street , is Lucas Lane ; and then Buttolph Lane ; and at the North end thereof Philpot Lane , Then is there Rother Lane , of old time so called ; and thwart the same Lane is little East-Cheape , And these be the bounds of Billingsgate Ward . Touching the principal Ornaments within this Ward , on the South side of Thamesstreet , beginning at the East end thereof ; there is first the said Smarts Key , so called , of one Smart , sometime owner thereof . The next is Billingsgate , whereof the whole Ward taketh name , the which ( leaving out of the Roman's faining it to be builded by King Belinus , a Britain , long before the Incarnation of Christ ) is at this present , a large Water-gate , Port , or Harbor for Ships and Boats , commonly arriving there with Fish , both fresh and salt , Shell-fishes , Salt , Oranges , Onions , and other Fruits and Roots , Wheat , Rie , and Grain of divers sorts , for service of the City , and the parts of this Realm adjoyning . This Gate is now more frequented , then of old time , when the Queens Hith was used , as being appointed by the Kings of this Realm , to be the special or only Port , for taking up of all such kind of Marchandizes , brought to this City by strangers and Forraigners , because the Draw-Bridge of Timber at London Bridge , was then to be raised , and drawn up for passage of Ships , with tops to the said Queen Hith . Touching the ancient Customs of Billingsgate , in the Reign of Edward the third ; every great Ship landing there , paid for standage , two pence , every little Ship with orelocks , a peny : the lesser Boat , called a Battle , a half-peny ; or two quarters of Corn measured , the King was to have one farthing ; of a Combe of Corn , a peny , of every weight going out of the City , a half peny , of two quarters of Sea-Coals measured , a farthing ; and of every Tun of Ale , going out of England , beyond the Seas , by Marchants strangers , four pence ; of every thousand Herrings , a farthing , except the Franchises , &c. Next to this is , Sommers Key , which likewise took that name , of one Sommer , dwelling there , as did Lyon Key , of one Lyon , owner thereof , and since of the Signe of the Lyon. Then is there a fair Wharf or Key , called Buttolphs-gate , by that name so called , in the time of William the Conqueror , and before him , of Edward the Confessor . Next is the Parish of St. Buttolph , a comely Church , and hath had many fair Monuments therein , now much defaced and gone ; Among others , there is William Rainwel and his Sonne , who gave a Stone-House to be a Vestry to that Church ; with Lands and Tenements to discharge Billingsgate , Dowgate , and Algate , of fifteens granted to the King , and other Tolls : this was about the year 1426. This Parish of St. Buttolph , is no great thing ; notwithstanding , divers strangers are there harboured , as may appear by a presentment , not many years since made , of strangers Inhabitants in the Ward of Billingsgate , in these words . In Billingsgate Ward , were one and fifty Housholds of strangers , whereof thirty of these Housholders , inhabited in the Parish of St. Buttolph , in the chief and principal Houses , where they give twenty pounds a year , for an house letten , used to be let before for four marks : the nearer they dwell to the Water side , the more they give for Houses ; and within 30. years before , there was not in the whole Ward above three Nether landers ; at which time , there was within the said Parish , levied for the help of the poor , seven and twenty pounds by the year ; but since they came so plentifully thither , there cannot be gathered above eleven pounds ; the strangers being exempted , to contribute to such charges as other Citizens do , in regard they much advance the Trade of the City . On the North side is Bosse Alley , so called of a Bosse of Spring-water , continually running , which standeth by Billingsgate , against this Alley ; and was sometimes made by the Executors of Richard Whittington . Then is St. Mary Hill lane which runneth up North from Billingsgare , to the end of St. Margaret Pattens , commonly called Rood-lane ; and the greatest half of that Lane , is also of Billingsgate Ward . In this St. Mary Hill lane , is the fair Parish Church of St. Mary on the Hill , called so , because of the ascent from Billingsgate . In the year 1497. in the Moneth of April , as labourers digged for the foundation of a Wall , within the Church of St. Mary Hill , near unto Billingsgate , they found a Coffin of rotten Timber , and therein the Corps of a Woman , whole of skin , and of bones undissevered , with the joynts of her Arms , plyable , without breaking of the skin , upon whose Sepulcher this was engraven . Here lie the Bodies of Richard Hackney , Fishmonger , and Alice his Wife ; The which . Richard , was Sheriff , in the fifteenth of Edward the second . Her Body was kept above ground three or four dayes , without noyance ; but then it waxed unfavory , and was again buried . This Lane on both sides , is furnished with fair Houses for Marchants , and hath at the North end thereof , one other Lane , called St. Margaret Pattens , because of old time , Pattens were usually there made and sold ; but of latter time , this is called Rood Lane , of a Rood there placed , in the Church-yard of St. Margaret , whilest the old Church was taken down , and again new builded ; during which time , the oblations made to this Rood , were imployed towards building of the Church ; But in the year 1538. about the 23. of May in the morning , the said Rood was found to have been in the night preceding ( by people unknown ) broken all to pieces ; together , with the Tabernacle , wherein it had bin placed . Then have ye another Lane , called Rother Lane , or Red Rose Lane , of such a signe there , now commonly called Pudding Lane , because the Butchers of East-Cheape , have their Scalding-house for Hoggs there , & their Puddings , with other filth of Beasts , are voided down that way to their Dung-boats on the Thames : In this Church you have the Sepulchers of sundry worthy men , among other of Mr. Vandepute , a very worthy Marchant , whose Son Mr. Giles Vandepute , was lately buried also there . Then on the West side of St. Mary Hill Church , is a Lane called Rope-lane of old , and after Lucas-lane , but now Love lane ; Then have you the Parish of St. Andrew Hubbart in East-Cheape ; Then is there Buttolph-lane , and afterwards the Church of St. George Buttolph-lane , which though small , hath divers Monuments . Of the Tenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Bridg-Ward within . WE will direct our pace downward now , and take a Survey of Bridge Ward within , so called of London Bridge , which Bridge is a principal part of that Ward , and beginning at the Stulps on the South end by Southwark , runneth along the Bridge , and North up Bridge-street , commonly called ( of the Fish Market ) New Fish-street , from Fish-street Hill up Grass-street , to the North corner of Grass-Church . All the Bridge is replenished on both the sides , with large , fair , and beautiful buildings , Inhabitants for the most part Rich Marchants , and other wealthy Cittizens , Mercers , and Haberdashers . In New Fish-street , be Fishmongers and fair Taverns ; on Fish-street Hill , and Grasse-street , men of divers Trades , Grocers , and Haberdashers . In Grass-street , have ye one fair Conduit of sweet water , castellated with crest and vent , made by the appointment of Thomas Hill Mayor , 1484 , who gave by his Testament a hundred Marks towards the conveyance of water to this place ; it was begun by his Executors in the year 1491 , and finished of his goods , whatsoever it cost . On the East side of this Bridge Ward , have ye the fair Parish Church of Saint Magnus , in the which Church have been buried many men of good repute , whose Monuments are now for the most part defaced . Among others Sir Richard Morgan chief Justice of the Common-Pleas , and Morris Griffith , Bishop of Rochester , both born in Wales about the year 1556. Then is the Parish Church of St. Margarets Fish-shreet Hill ; a proper Church , but Monument it hath none of any note . Up higher on this Hill , is the Parish Church of St. Leonard Milk-Church , so termed of one VVilliam Melker , an especial builder thereof , but commonly called Saint Leonards East-cheap , because it standeth at East-cheap corner . This Church , and from thence into little East-cheap , to the East end of the said Church , is of the Bridge Ward . Then higher in Grasse-street , is the Parish Church of St. Bennet called Grass-Church , of the Herbe Market there kept ; this Church also is of the Bridge Ward , and the farthest North-end thereof . The Customes of Grasse-Church Market , in the Reign of Edward the third , as appears in a Book of Customes , were these : every forreign Cart laden with Corn , or Malt , coming thither to be sold , was to pay one half penny ; every Forreign Cart bringing Cheese , two pence ; every Cart of Corn and Cheese together , ( if the Cheese be more worth than the Corn ) two pence ; and if the Corn be more worth than the Cheese , it was to pay a half-penny ; of two Horses laden with Corn or Malt , the Bayliff had one farthing ; The Carts of the Franchise of the Temple , and of Saint Mary Le Grand , paid a farthing ; the Cart of the Hospitall of St. John of Jerusalem , paid nothing of their proper goods , and if the Corn were brought by Merchants to sell again , the load paid a half penny , &c. On the West side of this Ward , at the North end of London Bridge , is a part of Thames street , which is also of this Ward , to wit , so much as of old time was called Stock-Fishmonger Row , of the Stock-Fish-mongers dwelling there ; down West to a Water-gate , of old time called Ebgate , since Ebgate Lane , and now the Old Swan , which is a common stair on the Thames , but the passage is very narrow , by means of encroachments . On the South side of Thames street , about the Mid-way betwixt the Bridge foot and Ebgate Lane , standeth the Fishmongers Hall , and divers other fair Houses for Merchants . These Fishmongers were sometimes of two several Companies , to wit , Stock-Fishmongers and Salt Fishmongers . Of whole antiquity we read that by the name of Fishmongers of London , they were for fore-stalling , &c. contrary to the Laws and constitutions of the City , fined to the King at 500 Marks , the eighteenth of King Edward the first ; Moreover , that the said Fishmongers hearing of the great victory obtained by the same King against the Scots , in the six & twentieth of his Reign , made a Triumphant and solemn Shew through the City , with divers Pageants , and more than a thousand Horsemen , &c. These two Companies of Stock-Fishmongers and Salt-Fishmongers , of old time had their severall Halls , to wit , in Thames street twain , in New Fish-street twain , in Old Fish-street twain , in each place one for either Company , in all six several Halls ; the Company was so great , that it lies upon Records , that these Fishmongers have been jolly Citizens , and six Mayors have been of their Company in the space of four and twenty years , to wit , Walter Turk 1350 , John Lofkin 1359 , John Wroth , 1361 , John Pechie 1362 , Simon Morden 1369 and William Wallworth 1374. It followed , that in the year 1382 , through the Counsel of John Northhampton Draper , then being Mayor , VVilliam Essex , John More Mercer , and Richard Northbury , the said Fishmongers were greatly troubled , hindred of their Liberties , and almost destroyed by combinations made against them , so that in a Parliament at London , the controversie depending between the Mayor and Aldermen of London , and the Fishmonger , Nic. Exton Speaker for the Fishmongers , prayeth the King to receive him and his Company into his protection for fear of corporal hurt , whereupon it was commanded , either part to keep the peace , upon pain of losing all they had ; Hereupon , a Fishmonger starting up , replyed , that the complaint brought against them by the movers , &c. was but matter of malice , for that the Fishmongers , in the Reign of Edward the 3d. being chief Officers of the City , had for their misdemeanors then done , committed the chief exhibitors of those Petitions to prison . In this Parliament the Fishmongers ( by the Kings Charter Patents ) were restored to their Liberties ; Notwithstanding , in the year next following 1383 , John Cavendish Fishmong●r , craveth the peace against the Chancellour of England , which was granted , and he put in Sureties , the Earls of Stafford and Salisbury , and challengeth the Chancellour for taking a bribe of ten pounds , for favour of Cavendish Case , which the Chancellour by Oath upon the Sacrament avoideth . In further triall , it was found , that the Chancellours man ( without his Masters privity ) had taken it ; whereupon Cavendish was Judged to prison , and to pay the Chancellour 1000 Marks for slandering him . After this , many of the Nobles assembled at Reading , to suppresse the seditious Sheirs of the said John Northampton , or Combarton , late Mayor , that had attempted great and hainous enterprises , of the which he was convict ; and when he stood mute nor would utter one word , it was Decreed , that he should be committed to perpetual prison , his goods confiscate to the Kings use , and that he should not come within a hundred miles of London , during his life ; He was therefore sent to the Castle of Fintegall in the Confines of Cornwall ; and in the mean space the Kings Servants spoiled his goods : John Moore , Richard Northbury , and others were likewise there Convict , and condemned to perpetual prison , and their goods confiscate , for certain Congregations by them made against the Fishmongers in the City of London , as is aforesaid , but they obtained and had the Kings pardon in the fourteenth of his Reign , as appeareth upon Record and thus were all these troubles appealed . Those Stock-Fishmongers and Salt-Fishmongers were united in the year 1536 , the eight and twentieth of Henry the eighth , their Hall to be but one , in the House given unto them by Sir John Cornwall , Lord Fanhope , and of Ampthull , in the Parish of Saint Michael in Crooked Lane , in the Reign of Henry the sixth . Thus much was thought remarkable to be spoken of the Fishmongers , men ignorant of their Antiquities , and not able to shew a reason why , or when they were in a mity with the Goldsmiths , do give part of their Arms , &c. Neither to say ought of Sir William Walworth ( the Glory of their Company ) more than that he slew Jack Straw , which some do question : for the said Straw was after the overthrow of the Rebels , taken , and by judgement of the Mayor beheaded , whose confession at the Gallows is extant in Mr. Stows Annales , where also is set down the most valiant and praise-worthy act of Sir William Walworth , against the principal Rebel Wat Tyler . On that South side of Thames street , have ye Drink-water Wharf , and Fish Wharf , in the Parish of Saint Magnus . On the North side of Thames street is Saint Martins Lane , a part of which Lane is also of this Ward , to wit , on the one side to a Well of water , and on the other side as far up as against the said Well . Then is St. Michaels Lane part whereof is also of this Ward , up to a Well there &c. Then at the upper end of New Fish-street , is a Lane turning towards St. Michaels Lane , and is called Crooked-Lane , of the crooked windings thereof ; Above this Lanes end , upon Fish-street Hill , is one great House for the most part builded with stone , which pertained sometime to Edward the black Prince , snne to Edward the third , who was in his life time lodged there ; and 't was called the Prince of VVales his Court , which was afterward for a long time a common Hostry , having the sign of the Black Bell. Of the Eleventh Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Candle-wick Ward . WE will now see what light Antiquity can give us of Candle-wick street , or Candle-wright street Ward . It beginneth at the East end of great East-cheap , it passeth West through East-cheap to Candle-wright street , and thorough the same down to the North end of Suffolk Lane : on the South side , and down that Lane by the West end of St. Lawrence Church-yard , which is the farthest West part of that Ward ; the street of Great East-cheap , is so called of the Market there kept , in the East part of the City , as VVest-cheap is a Market so called , being in the West . This East-Cheap is now a Flesh-market of Butchers , there dwelling on both sides of the street : it had sometime also Cooks mixed amongst the Butchers , and such other as sold Victuals ready dressed of all sorts ; For of old time , when friends did meet , and were disposed to be merry , they never went to dine and Sup in Taverns , but to the Cooks , where they called for meat what them liked , which they alwayes sound ready dressed , and at a reasonable rate ; for V●ntners then sold only Wine . In the year 1410 , the eleventh of Henry the fourth , upon the Even of Saint John Baptist , the Kings Sonnes , Thomas and John , being in East-Cheape at Supper , ( or rather at break-fast ; for it was after the Watch was broken up , betwixt two and three a Clock after mid-night ) a great debate happened between their men , and other of the Court , which lasted one houre , till the Maior and Sheriffs , with other Citizens appeased the same ; For the which , afterwards , the said Maior , Aldermen and Sheriffs , were called to answer before the King , his Sons , and divers Lords , being highly moved against the City ; At which time , William Gascoigne , chief Justice , required the Maior and Aldermen , for the Citizens to put them in the Kings Grace ; whereunto they answered , that they had not offended , but ( according to the Law ) had done their best , in stinting debate , and maintaining of the peace ; upon which answer , the King remitted all his Ire , and dismissed them . And to prove this East-Cheape to be a place replenished with Cooks , it may appear by a Song , called London lick-penny , made by Lidgate , a Monk of Bury , in the Reign of Henry the fifth , in the person of a Country-man , comming to London , and travelling thorough the same . In West-Cheape ( saith the Song ) he was called on to buy fine Lawn , Paris Thred , Cotton Umble , and other linnen Clothes , and such like , ( he speaketh of no silk . ) In Corn-hill , to buy old Apparel , and Houshold-stuffe , where he was forced to buy his own Hood , which he had lost in Westminster-hall . In Candlewright-street , Drapers profered him Cheap Cloth. In East-Cheape , the Cooks cryed hot Ribs of Beef rosted , Pies well baked , and other Victuals . There was clattering of Pewter-Pots , Harp , Pipe and Sawtry ; yea by cock , nay by cock , for greater Oaths were spared , some sang of Jenkin , and Julian , &c. All which Melody liked well the Passenger , but he wanted money to abide by it ; and therefore gat him into Gravesend-Barge , and home into Kent . Candlewright ( so called in old Records , of the Guild-hall of St. Mary Overies , and other ) or Candlewick-street , took that name ( as may be supposed ) either of Chaundlers , or Makers of Candles , both of Wax and Tallow , for Candle-wright is a Maker of Candles , and of Wick , which is the Cotton , or yarn thereof , or otherwise which is the place where they used to work them , as scalding wick by the Stocks-Market , was called of the Poulterers dressing and scalding their Poultry there . And in divers Countries , Dairy-houses , or Cottages , wherein they make Butter and Cheese , are usually called Wickes . There dwelled also of old time , divers Weavers of Woollen Clothes , brought in by Edward the 3d ; for I read that in the four and twentieth of his Reign , the Weavers , brought out of Flanders , were appointed their meetings to be in the Church-yard of St. Lawrence Poultney ; and the Weavers of Brabant , in the Church-yard of St. Mary Sommerset : There were then in this City , Weavers of divers sorts , to wit , of Drapery or Tapery , and Nappery : these Weavers of Candlewicke street , being in short time worn out , their place is now possessed by rich Drapers , Sellers of Woollen Cloth , &c. On the North side of this Ward , at the West end of East-Cheape , have ye St. Clements Lane ; a part whereof , ( on both sides ) is of Candlewicke street Ward , to wit , somewhat North , beyond the Parish Church of St. Clement in East-cheape . Though this Church be small , yet there are some comely Monuments in it , among others of William Chartney , and William Overy , who founded a Chantry there . Next is St. Nicholas Lane , for the most part on both sides , of this Ward , almost to St. Nicholas Church . Then is Abchurch Lane , which is on both sides , almost wholly of this Ward : the Parish Church there ( called of St. Mary Abchurch , Apechurch , or Upchurch , as I have read it ) standeth somewhat near unto the South end thereof , on a rising ground . It is a fair Church , Simon de Winchcombe , founded a Chauntery there , the 19th of Richard the 2d , John Littleton founded another , and Thomas Hondon another . Here are likewise some remarkable Monuments , particularly of Sir James , and Sir John Branch , both Lord Mayors of London , about the year 1570. On the South side of this Ward , beginning again at the East , is St. Michaels lane ; which lane is almost wholly of this Ward , on both sides down towards Thames street , to a Well or Pump there ; on the East side of this Lane is Crooked Lane aforesaid , by St. Michaels Church , towards New Fishstreet . One of the most ancient Houses in this Lane , is called the Leaden Porch , and belonged sometime to Sir John Merston , Knight , the first of Edward the 4th ; It is now called the Swan in Crooked Lane , possessed of strangers , and retailing of Rhenish Wine . The Parish Church of this St. Michaels , was sometime but a small and homely thing , standing upon part of that ground , wherein now standeth the Parsonage House , and the ground thereabout was a filthy plot , by reason of the Butchers in East-Cheape , who made the same their Lay-stall . VV. de Burgo , gave two Messuages to that Church in Candlewick street , 1317. John Loveken , Stock-fish monger , four times Maior , builded ( in the same ground ) this fair Church of St. Michael , and was there buried in the Quire , under a fair Tombe , with the Images of him and his Wife in Alabaster : the said Church hath bin since increased , with a new Quire , and side Chappels by Sir W. Walworth , Stock-fishmonger , Maior , sometime Servant to the said John Loveken ; Also the Tombe of Loveken was removed , and a flat stone of gray marble , garnished with Plates of Copper , laid on him , as it yet remaineth in the Body of the Church . This William Walworth is reported by some , to have slain Jack Straw ; but Jack Straw being afterward taken , was first adjudged by the said Mayor , and then executed by the losse of his head in Smithfield : True it is , that this William Walworth , being a man wise , learned , and of an incomparable Manhood , arrested Wat Tyler , a presumptuous Rebel , upon whom no man durst lay hand , whereby he delivered the King and Kingdom , from most wicked Tyranny of Traytors : the Mayor arrested him on the head with a sound blow ; whereupon , Wat Tylar furiously stroke the Mayor with his Dagger , but hurt him not , by reason he was well armed , The Maior having received his stroke , drew his Ba●●iliard , and grievously wounded Wat in the Neck ; and withall , gave him a great blow on the Head ; in the which Conflict , an Esquire of the Kings House , called John Cavendish , drew his Sword , and wounded Wat twice or thrice , even to the death , and Wat spurring his Horse , cryed to the Commons to revenge him : the Horse bears him about eighty foot from the place , and there he fell down half dead , and by and by , they which attended on the King , environed him about , so as he was not seen of his Company ; many of them thrust him in , in divers places of his Body , and drew him into the Hospital of St. Bartholomew ; from whence again the Maior caused him to be drawn into Smithfield , and there to be beheaded : In reward of his Service , ( the people being dispersed ) the King commanded the Maior to put a Basenet on his Head ; and the Mayor requesting why he should so do , the King answered , he being much bound unto him , would make him Knight ; The Mayor answered , that he was neither worthy , nor able to take such an Estate upon him ; for he was but a Marchant , and had to live by his Marchandize only : Notwithstanding , the King made him to put on his Basenet , and then with a Sword in both his hands , he strongly struck him on the Neck● as the manner was then , and the same day he made three other Citizens Knights ( for his sake ) to wit , John Philpot , Nicholas Brember , and Robert Launde , Aldermen . The King gave to the Maior , a hundred pound Land by year , and to each of the other forty pound Land , yearly , to them and their Heires for ever . After this , in the same year , the said Sir William Walworth , founded in the said Parish Church of St. Michael , a Colledge , of a Master and nine Priests , or Chaplains , and deceasing 1385. was there buried in the North Chappel by the Quire ; but his Monument being ( amongst other by bad people ) defaced in the Reign of Edward the sixth ; and again , since renewed by the Fishmongers , for lack of knowledge , whatsoever before had been written in this Epitaph , they followed a fabulous Book , and wrote Jack Straw , instead of Wat Tylar . It hath also been , and is now grown to a common opinion , that in reward of this service done by the said William Wallworth , against the Rebel , that King Richard added to the Arms of this City ( which was Argent , a plane Crosse Gules ) a Sword , or Dagger , ( for so they terme it ) whereof Mr. John Stow makes a doubt ; but to the contrary , he alledgeth , that in the fourth year of Richard the second , in a full Assembly made in the upper . Chamber of the Guild-hall , summoned by this William Walworth , then Mayor , as well of Aldermen , as of the Common Councel , in every Ward , for certain affaires concerning the King , it was there by common consent agreed and ordained , that the old Seal of the Office of the Majoralty of the City , being very small , old , unapt , and un●omely for the Honour of the City , should be broken , and one other new should be had , which the said Mayor commanded to be made artificially , and honourably for the exercise of the said Office thereafter , in place of the other . In which new Seal , besides the Images of Peter and Paul , which of old were rudely engraven , there should be under the feet of the said Images , a Shield of the Arms of the said City , perfectly graven with two Lyons supporting the same , and two Serjeants of Arms ; in the other part , one , and two Tabernacles ; in which , above , should stand two Angels , between whom ( above the said Images of Peter and Paul ) should be set the Glorious Pirgan . This being done , the old Seal of the Office was delivered to Richard Odi●am , Chamberlain , who brake it , and in place thereof , was delivered the new Seal to the said Mayor , to use in his Office of Majoralty , as occasion should require . This new Seal seemeth to be made before William Walworth was Knighted ; for he is not there intituled Sir , as afterwards he was ; and certain it is , that the same new Seal then made , is now in use , and none other in that Office of the Majoralty , which may suffice to answer the former supposition , without shewing of any evidence sealed with the old Seal , which was the Crosse , and Sword of St. Paul , and not the Dagger of William Walworth . In this Church are sundry ancient Monuments , of Mayors and Sheriffs of London . West from this St. Michaels Lane , is St. Martins Orgar Lane , by Candlewick-street , which lane is , on both sides down to a Well , replenished with fair and large Houses for Marchants ; and it is of this Ward . One of which Houses was sometime called Beauchamps Inne , as pertaining unto them of that Family . Thomas Arundel , Arch Bishop of Canterbury commonly , for his time was lodged there . The Parish Church of St. Martin Orgar , is a small thing . William Crowmer , Maior , builded a proper Chappel on the South side thereof , and was buried there in an ancient Tombe 1533. where are some others , of Maiors and Aldermen . Then is there one other Lane , called St. Lawrence , of the Parish Church there . This Lane , down to the South side of the Church-yard , is of Candlewick street VVard . The Parish Church of St. Laurence , was increased with a Chappel of Jesus , by Thomas Cole , for a Master and Chaplain ; the which Chappel and Parish Church , was made a Colledge of Jesus , and of Corpus Christi , for a Master and seven Chaplains , by John Poultney Maior , and was confirmed by Edward the third , the twentieth of his Raign ; of him was this Church called St. Laurence Poultney in Candlewick street ; which Colledge was valued at seventy nine pounds , seventeen shillings eleven pence , and was surrendred in the Reign of Edward the sixth . In this Church , Robert and Henry Radcliffe , Earls of Sussex , lie buried . Of the Twelfth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of LONDON , called Wallbrook Ward . WE will now proceed , and make a Perambulation of Walbrook VVard , which beginneth at the vvest end of Candlewick street VVard , It runneth down Candlewick street , vvest toward Budge Rowe ; It hath on the North side thereof , St. Swithens Lane , so called of St. Swithens , a Parish Church by London-stone ; This Lane is replenished ( on both the sides ) with fair builded Houses , and is vvholly of VVallbrook VVard . The said Parish Church of St. Sw●then , standeth at the South vvest corner of this Lane ; Licence vvas procured , to new build and increase the said Church and Steeple , in the year 1420. Sir John Hend Draper , and Maior , was an especial Benefactor thereunto , as appeareth by his Arms in the Glasse vvindows , even in the tops of them , which is in a Field Argent , a Chief Azure , a Lyon passant Argent , a Cheueron Azure , three Escalops Argent ; Ralph Jo●eline , Maior of London , among others , hath a Monument in this Church , having bin a benefactor to it . On the South side of this high street , near unto the Channel , is pitched upright a great stone , called London stone , fixed in the ground very deep , fastned with Barres of Iron , and otherwise so strongly set , that if Carts do run against it , through negligence , the VVheels be broken , and the Stone it self unshaken . The cause vvhy this Stone was there set , the time when , or other memory thereof is none , but that the same hath long continued there , is manifest , namely since ( or rather before ) the Conquest ; for in the end of a fair written Gospel Book , given to Christs Church in Canterbury , by Ethelstane , King of the vvest Saxons , mention is made of Lands and Rents in London , belonging to the said Church , whereof one parcel is described to lie near unto London Stone . Of latter time we read , that in the year of Christ 1135. the first of King Stephen , a fire , which began in the house of one Ailward , near unto London-stone , consumed all East to Ealdgate , in which fire the Priory of the Holy Trinity was burnt , and vvest to St. Erkenwalds shrine in Pauls Church , and these be the Eldest Notes that I read thereof . Some have said , this stone to be set there , as a Mark in the middle of the City within the Wall , but in truth it standeth far nearer to the River of Thames , than to the Wall of the City . Some others have said , the same to be set , for the tendering and making of payment by Debtors to their Creditors , at their appointed dayes and times , till of latter time , payments were more usually made at the Font in Ponts Church , and now most commonly at the Royal Exchange ; Some again have imagined , the same to be set up by John or Thomas London-stone dwelling there against it ; but more likely it is , that such men have taken name of the Stone , than the Stone of them : as did John at Noke , and Thomas at Stile , William at W●ll or at Well &c. But the most probable opinion , is , that it was placed there by the Ro●ans for a Milliare , as was observed elswhere in this Discourse . Down West from this Parish Church , and ●rom London-stone , have ye Wallbrooke corner , ●rom whence runneth up a street North to the Stocks called Walbrook ; because it standeth on the East side of the same Brook by the Bank thereof , and the whole Ward ●aketh name of that street . On the East side of this stree● , and at the North corner thereof , is the Stocks Market , which had this b●ginning . About the year of Christ 1282 , Henry Wallis Mayor , caused divers houses in this City to be builded towards the maintenance of London-Bridge , namely , in one void place neare unto the Parish Church called Wooll-Church ; On the North side thereof , where sometime ( the way being very large and broad ) had stood a pair of Stocks for punishment of offenders ; This building took name of tho●e Stooks , and was appointed ( by him ) to be a Market-place for Fish & Flesh , in the mid●t of the City : other Houses be builded in other places , as by Patent of Edward the first it doth appear , dated the ●enth of his Reign . After this , in the year 1322 , the seventeenth of Edward the second , a Decree was made by Hamond Chickwell Mayor , that none should sell fish or flesh , out of the Markets appointed , to wit , ●ridge-street , East-cheap , Old Fish-street , St. Nicholas Shambles , and the said Stocks , on pain to forfeit such fish or flesh as were there sold , for the first time ; and the second time to lose their Freedom : Which Act was made by co●mandment of the King , under his Letters Patents , dated at the Tower the 17th of his Reign , & then was this Stocks let to Farm for forty six pounds thirteen shillings four pence by year : this Stocks Market was again begun to be builded , in the year 1410 , in the eleaventh of Henry the fourth , and was finished in the year next following . In the year 1507 , the same was rented fifty six pounds nineteen shillings ten pence ; And in the year 1543 , John Cotes being Mayor , there was in this Stocks Market , for Fishmongers five and twenty Boards or Stalls , rented yearly to 34 pounds , 13 shillings . 4 pence . There was for Butchers 18 Boards or Stalls rented at 41 pounds , 16 shillings 4 pence , and there were also Chambers above sixteen , ●ented at five pounds , thirteen shillings four pence , in all , eighty two pounds three shillings . Next unto this Stocks is the Parish Church of St. Mary VVool-Church , so called of a Beam placed in the Church-yard ▪ which was thereof called Wool-Church Haw , of the Tronage or weig●ing of Wooll there used , and to verifie this , we find amongst the Customs of London written in French , in the Reign of Edward the second , a Chapter intituled , Les Customes de VVooll-Church Haw , wherein is set down , what was there to be paid for every parcel of Wooll weighed ▪ this Tronage , or weighing of Wooll , till the sixth of Richard the second , was there continued : John Church-man then builded the Custome-house upon VVooll Key , to serve for the said Tonnage as is before shewed in Tower-street Ward . This Church is reasonable fair and large , and was afterwards new builded , by Licence granted in the twentieth of Henry the sixth , with condition to be builded fifteen foot from the Stocks Market , for sparing of light to the said Stocks , the Pa●son of this Parish is to have four Marks the year , for Tyth of the said Stocks , paid him by the Masters of the Bridge-house , by a special Decree , made the second of Henry the seventh . In the year about 1500 , John VVingar Lord M●yor , gave two Basons of ●ilver to this Church ; And Richard Shore Sheriff of London made the Porch at the West end : they lye both there entombed . From the Stocks Market , and this Parish Church East , up into Lombard-street , some four or five houses on a side , and also on the South side of VVooll-Church have ye Bear-Binder Lane , a part whereof is of this VVallbrook Ward . Then down ●ower in the street called ▪ Wallbrook , is one other fair Church of St. Stephen , builded new on the Ea●● side thereof ; for the old Church stood on the West side , in place where now standeth the Parsonage Ho●●e , and therefore so much nearer to the Brook , even on the Bank. This Church was finished in the year 1439. The breadth thereof is sixty seven foot , and length one hundred twenty five foot , the Church-yard ninty foot in length , and thirty seven in breadth , and more . Rob●rt VVhittingham ( made Knight of the Bath ) in the yeer 1432 , purchased the Patronage of this Church , from John Duke of Bedford , Unkle to Henry the sixth ; and Edward the fourth , in the second of his Reign , gave it to Sir Richard Lee then Mayor , who ileth there hansomely entomb'd , having bin twice Lord Maior , with divers others . Lower down from this Parish Church , be ●ivers fair houses , namely one , wherein of late Sir Richard Baker , a Knight of Kent was lodged ; and wherein also dwelled Mr. Thomas Gore , a Mercha●t famous for Hospita●ity . On the West side of this VValbrook street , over against the Stocks Market , is a part of the High street , called the Po●ltry ; On the South side West , till over against Saint Mildred● Church , and the S●alding wike , is of this Ward . Then down again Wallbrook street , some small distance , in Buckles Bury , a street so called of Buckle , that ●ometime was owner thereof ; part of which street on both sides , three or four Houses , to the course of the Brook , is of this Ward , and so down VValb●ook street , to the South corner , from whence West , down Budge row , some small distance , to an Alley , and thorow that Alley South , by the West end of St. Johns Church upon VValbrook , by the South side and East end of the same , again to VValbrook corner . This Parish Church is called , St John upon VValbrook , because ●he West end thereof is on the very bank of Walbrook by Horshooe Bridge , in Horshooe-Bridge street . This C●urch was also lately new builded : for about th● year 1412 , Licence was granted by the Mayor and Communalty , to the Parson and Parish , for the inlarging thereof , with a piece of ground on the North part of the Qu●re , one and twenty foot in length , seventeen foot in breadth , and three inches ; and on the South side of the Quire , one foot of the common soyle . On the South side of Walbrook Ward , from Candle-wick street , in the mid-way between London-stone and Walbrook corner , is a little Lane with a Turn-Pike in the middest thereof , and in the same a hansome Parish Church , called S. Mary Bothaw , or B●at-Haw , by the Erbar . This Church being near unto Downgate , on the River of Thames , hath the addition of Botha● or Boat-haw , of near adjoyning to an Haw or Yard ▪ wherein ( of old time ) Boats were made and landed from Downgate to be mended , as may be suppo●ed ; for other reason I find none , why it should be so called . This Church hath one remarkable thing in it , viz. The Monument of the first Lord Mayor of London , Sir Henry Fitz Alwin ; His dwelling House remains yet in the Parish , but divided to divers Tenements ; Mr. S●ow relates , that he was buried in the holy Trinity within Algate , but it is far more probable that he was buried here , because his Arms are both upon the Gravestone and the Windows . Of the Thirteenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Dowgate Ward . WE will now , following the thred of our Discourse , descend to Down-gate Ward , which beginneth at the South end of Wallbrook Ward , over against the East corner of St. Johns Church upon Walbrook , and descendeth on both the sides to Downgate or Dowgate , on the Thames , and is so called of that down going or descending thereunto , and of this Downgate the Ward taketh name ; This Ward turneth into Thames street Westward , some ten Hou●es on a side , to the course of Walbrooke , but East in Thames street ( on both sides ) to ●●gate Lane , or Old Swan , the Land-side whereof hath many Lanes turning up , as shall be shewed when we come to them . But first to begin with the High street called Dowgate : at the upper end thereof , is a fair Conduit of Thames Water , castellated , and made in the year 1568 , at the charges of the Citizens , and is called ▪ the Conduit upon Dowgate . The descent of this street is such , that in the year 1574 , on the fourth of September in the afternoon , there fell a storm of rain , where-through the Channels suddenly arose and ran with such a swift course towards the Common-shores , that a Lad of eighteen years old , minding to have leapt over the Channel near unto the said Conduit , was taken with the stream , and carried from thence towards the Thames , with such a violence , that no man , with staves , or otherwise , could slay him till he came against a Cart-wheele , that stood in the said Water-gate ; before which time he was drowned and stark dead . On the West side of this street is Tallow-Chandlers Hall , a hansome house , which Company was incorporated in the second year of Edward the fourth . Somewhat lower standeth the Skinners Hall , a fair house , which was sometimes called Copped Hall by Downgate , in the Parish of St. John upon Wallbrook . In the nineteenth year of Edward the second , Ralph Cobham possessed it , with five shops , &c. This Company of Skinners in London , was incorporate by Edward the third , in the first of his Reign ; they had two Brotherhoods of Corpus Christi viz. one at St. Mary Spittle , the other at St. Mary Bethlem without Bishopsgate . Richard the second ▪ in the eighteenth of his Reign , granted them to make their two Brotherhoods one , by the name of the Fraternity of Corpus Christi of Skinners ; divers Royal persons were named to be Founders , and Brethren of this Fraternity , to wit , Kings six , Dukes nine , Earls two , Lords one ▪ Kings , Edward the third , Richard the second , Henry the fifth , Henry the sixth , and Edward the fourth . This Fraternity had also once every year on Corpus Christi day afternoon a a procession , which passed through the principal streets of the City , wherein was borne more than one hundred Torches of Wax , ( costly garnished ) burning light , and above two hundred Clerks and Priests in Surplesses and Coaps , singing ; After the which , were the Sheriffs servants , the Clarks of the Compters , Chaplains for the Sheriffs , the Mayors Sergeants , the Councel of the City , the Mayor and Aldermen in Scarlet and then the Skinners in their best Liveries . Then lower , was a Colledge of Priests , called Jesus Commons , a House well furnished with Brasse , Pewter , Napery , Plate , &c. besides a fair Library well stored with Books ; all which of old time were given to a number of Priests that should keep Commons there ; and as one left his place ( by death or otherwise ) another should be admitted into his room ; but this Order within these 70. years , being discontinued , the said House was dissolved , and turned into Tenements . Down lower have ye Elbowe Lane , and at the corner thereof , was one great Stone-house , called Old-hall ; it is now taken down , and divers fair Houses of Timber placed there : This was sometime pertaining to William de pont le Arch ▪ and by him given the Priory of St. Mary Overy in Southwark , in the Reign of Henry the first . In this Elbow-lane , is the Inholders Hall , and other fair Houses : this Lane runneth West , and suddenly turneth South into Thames-street , and therefore ( of that bending ) is called Elbow-lane ▪ on the East side of this Downgate-street , is the great old House before spoken of , called the Erbar , neere to the Church of St. Mary Bothaw ; Geffery Sc●●●p held it by the gift of Edward the third , in the fourteenth of his Reign : It belonged since , to John Nevel , Lord of Raby ; then to Richard Nevel , Earl of Warwick ; Nevel , Earl of Salisbury , was lodged there , 1457. Then it came to George Duke of Clarence , and his Heires Males , by the gift of Edward the fourth , in the fourteenth year of his Reign . It was lately builded by Sir Thomas Pullison Maior , and was afterward Inhabited by Sir Francis Drake , that famous Navigator ; Next to this great House , is a Lane turning to Bush-lane , ( of old time called Carter-lane , of Carts , and Carmen having Stables there ) and now called Chequer-lane , or Chequer-Alley , of an Inne called the Chequer . In Thamesstreet , on the Thames side West from Downgate , is Greenwitch lane , of old time so called , and now Fryer lane , of such a signe there set up . In this Lane is the Joyners Hall , and other fair Houses . Then is Granthams Lane , so called of John Grantham , sometime Maior , and owner thereof , whose house was very large and strong , builded of stone , as appeareth by Gates Arched yet remaining ; Ralph Dodmer , first a Brewer , then a Mercer , Maior 1529. dwelled there , and kept his Majoralty in that house : it is now a Brew-house , as it was before . Then is Down-gate , whereof is spoken in another place ; East from this Downgate , is Cosin lane , named of one VVilliam Cosin , that dwelled there in the fourth of Richard the second , as divers his Predecessors , Father , Granfather , &c. had done before him ; VVilliam Cosin was one of the Sheriffs , in the year 1306. That House standeth at the South end of the Lane , having an old and Artificial conveyance , of Thames water into it ; And is now a Dye-house , called Lambards Messuage ; Adjoyning to that House , there was lately erected an Engine , to convey Thames water unto Downgate Conduit aforesaid . Next to this Lane , on the East , is the Steel-yard ( as they terme it ) a place for Marchants of Almain , that used to bring hither , as well Wheat , Rie , and other ●rain , as Cables , Ropes , Masts , Pitch , Tarre , Flax , Hemp , Linnen Cloth , Wainscots , Wax , Steel , and other profitable Marchandizes ; unto these Marchan●s in the year 1259. Henry the third , at the Request of his Brother Richard , Earl of Cornwall , King of Almain , granted , that all and singular the Marchants , having a House in the City of London , commonly called Guilda Aula Theutonicorum , should be maintained and upholden through the whole Realm , by all such freedoms , and free usages or Liberties , as by the King and his Noble Progenitors time they had , and enjoyed , &c. Edward the first renewed and confirmed that Charter o● Liberties granted by his Father ; And in the tenth year of the same Edward , Henry Wallis being Mayor , a great Controversie did arise between the said Mayor , and the Marchants of the Haunce of Almaine , about the reparations of Bishops-gate , then likely to fall ; for that the said Marchants enjoyed divers priviledges , in respect of maintaining the said Gate , which they now denyed to repair ; for the appeasing of which controversie , the King sent his Writ to the Treasurer , and Baron of his Exchequer commanding that they should make Inquisition thereof ; Before whom the Marchants being called , when they were not able to discharge themselves , sith they enjoyed the Liberties to them granted for the same , a precept was sent to the Maior and Sheriffs , to distrain the said Marchants to make reparations ; namely , Gerard Marbod , Alderman of the Haunce , Ralph de Cussarde a Citizen of Colen , Ludero de Denauar , a Burgesse of Trivon , John of Aras a Burgesse of Trivon , Bartram of Hamburgh , Godestalk of Hundondale , a Burgesse of Trivon , John de Deal a Burgesse of Munster , then remaining in the said City of London , for themselves , and all other Merchants of the Haunce , and so they granted 210 Marks sterling , to the Maior and Citizens ; and undertook , that they and their Successors , should ( from time to time ) repair the said Gate , and bear the third part of the Charges in money , and men to defend it , when need were . And for this Agreement , the said Maior and Citizens , granted to the said Marchants their liberties , which till of late they have enjoyed ; as namely , amongst other , that they might lay up their Grain , which they brought into this Realm , in Inns , and sell it in their Garners , by the space of forty dayes , after they had laid it up ; except by the Mayor and Citizens they were expresly forbidden , because of Dearth , or other reasonable occasions . Also they might have their Aldermen , as they had bin accustomed ; provided alwayes , that he were of the City , and presented to the Maior and Aldermen of the City , so oft as any should be chosen , and should take an Oath before them , to maintain Justice in their Courts , and to behave themselves in their Office , according to Law , and as it stood with the Customs of the City . Thus much for their priviledges , whereby it appeareth , that they were great Marchants of Corne , brought out of the East parts hither ; insomuch , that the Occupiers of Husbandry in this Land , were enforced to complain of them , for bringing in such abundance , when the Corn of this Realm was at an easie price ; whereupon it was ordained by Parliament , That no person should bring into any part of this Realm , by way of Marchandize , Wheat , Rie , or Barley , growing out of the said Realm , when the Quarter of Wheat exceeded not the price of six shillings eight pence , Rie four shillings the Quarter , and Barley three shillings the Quarter , upon forfeiture one half to the King , the other half to the seisor thereof : These Marchants of the Hawnce , had their Guild-Hall in Thames-street , in the place aforesaid , by the said Cosin-lane : Their Hall is large , builded of Stone , with three Arched Gates towards the street ; the middlemost whereof , is far bigger than the other , and is seldom opened , the other two be mured up , the same is now called the Old Hall. In the 6th of Richard the 2d , they hired one House next adjoyning to their Old Hall , which sometime belonged to Richard Lions , a famous Lapidary , one of the Sheriffs of London in the 49 of Edward the 3d ; and in the 4th of Richard the 2d , by the Rebels of Kent , drawn out of that House , and beheaded in West-Cheape : This also was a great House , with a large Wharf on the Thames ; and the way thereunto was called Windgoose , or Wildgoose-lane , which is now called Windgoose-Alley ; for that the same Alley is ( for the most part ) builded on by the Styliard Marchants . The Abbat of St. Albans , had a Messuage here , with a key given to him , in the 34. of Henry the 6th . Then is one other great House , which sometime pertained to John Rainwel , Stock-Fishmonger , Maior , and it was by him given to the Maior and Commonalty , to the end , that the profits thereof , should be disposed in deeds of piety ; which House , in the 15th of Edward the 4th , was confirmed unto the said Marchants , in manner following , viz. It is ordered by our Soveraign Lord , and his Parliament , that the said Marchants of Almain , being of the Company , called the Guild-hall Theutonicorum , ( or the Flemish Geld ) that now be , or hereafter shall be , shall have , hold , and enjoy to them and their Successors for ever , the said place , called the Steel-house , yielding to the Maior and Commonalty , an annual Rent of threescore and ten pounds , three shillings , foure pence , &c. In the year 1551 , the 5th of Edward the 6th , through complaint of the English Marchants , the liberty of the Steel-yard Marchants , was seized into the Kings hands , and so it resteth . Then is Church-lane , at the West end of Alhollowes Church , called Alhollowes the more in Thames-street , for a difference from Alhollowes the lesse , in the same street ; It is also called Alhollowes ad faenum in the Ropery , because Hay was sold near thereunto , at Hay-Wharf , and Ropes of old time made and sold in the high street : This is a fair Church , with a large Cloyster on the South side thereof , about their Church-yard , but fouly defaced and ruinated . Dr. Lichfield , a learned man , and an Authour , who died 1447. lieth here buried , with other Benefactors . At the East end of this Church goeth down a Lane called Wharf-lane , now lately a great Brew-house , builded there by one Pot ; Hen. Campion , Esq ; a Beere-Brewer , used it , & Abraham his Son , since possessed it : Then was there one other Lane , sometime called Woolseys Gate , now out of use , for the lower part thereof , upon the Bank of Thames , is builded by the late Earl of Shrewsbury ; & the other end is builded on , & stopped up by the Chamberlain of London . J. Butler , Draper , one of the Sheriffs , in the year 1420. dwelled there ; He appointed his house to be sold , and the price thereof to be given to the poor ; it was of Alhollowes Parish the lesse . Then is there the said Parish-Church of Alhollowes called the Lesse , and by some Alhollowes on the Cellars ; for it standeth on Vaults , it is said to be builded by Sir John Poultney , sometimes Mayor : The Steeple and Quire of this Church , stand on an Arched Gate , being the entry to a great House , called Cold Harborough , the Quire of late being fallen down , is now again at length , in the year 1594. by the Parishioners new builded . Touching this Cold Harborough , I finde , that in thirteenth of Edward the second , Sir John Abel , Knight , demised , or let unto Henry Stow , Draper , ill that his Capital Messuage , called the Cold Harborough , in the Parish of All Saints ad faenum , & all the purtenances within the Gate , with the Key which Rob. Hartford Citizen , Son to W. Hartford , had , & ought , & the foresaid Rob. paid for it Rent , 33s . the year . This Ro. Hartford being owner thereof , as also of other Lands in Sarrey , deceasing without issue Male , left two Daughters his Co-heires , to wit , Idonia , married to Sir Ralph Biggot , and Maude married to Sir Stephen Cosenton Knights , between whom the said House & Lands were parted . After the which Jo. Bigot Sonne to the said Sir Ralph , & Sir John Cosenton , did sell their Moyeties of Cold Harborough unto John Poultney , Sonne of Adam Poultney , the 8th of Edward the 3d. This Sir John Poultney dwelling in this House , and being four times Mayor , the said House took the name of Poultneys Inne ; notwithstanding this , Sir John Poultney , the 21. of Edward the 3d , by his Charter gave and confirmed to Humphrey de Bohune , Earl of Hereford , and Essex , his whole Tenement , called Cold Harborough , with all the Tenements and Key adjoyning , and appurtenances sometime pertaining to Robert de Hereford , on the way called Hay-wharf Lane , &c. for one Rose at Midsommer , to him and his Heires , for all services , if the same were demanded , This Sir John Poultney deceased 1349. and left issue , by Margaret his Wife , William Poultney , who dyed without issue ; and Margaret his Mother was married to Sir Nicholas Lovel Knight , &c. Philip St. Cleare , gave two Messuages , pertaining to this Cold Harbrough , in the Ropery , towards the enlarging of the Parish Church , and Church-yard of Al-Saints , called the lesse , in the 20. of Richard the second . In the year 1397. the 21. of Richard the 2d . John Holland , Earl of Huntington , was lodged there , and Richard the second his Brother , dined with him , it was then counted a right fair and stately house ; But in the next year following , I finde , that Edmund , Earl of Cambridge , was there lodged , notwithstanding , the said house still retained the name of Poultneys Inne , in the Reign of Henry the sixth , the 26 of his Reign . It belonged since to H. Holland , Duke of Excester , and he was lodged there , in the year 1472. In the year 1485. Richard the third , by his Letters Patents , granted and gave to John VVrith , alias Garter , principal King of Arms of English men , and to the rest of the Kings Heralds , and Pursevants of Arms , all that Messuage , with the appurtenances called Cold Harber , in the Parish of Al-Saints the little in London , and their Successors for ever , Dated at VVestminster , the second of March , Anno regni sui primo , without fine or fee. How the said Heraulds departed therewith , I have not read ; but in the Reign of Henry the eighth , the Bishop of Durhams house , neer Charing Crosse , being taken into the Kings hand , Cuthbert Tunstall , Bishop of Durham , was lodged in this Cold Harber ; since the which time it hath belonged to the Earls of Shrewsbury , by composition , ( as is supposed ) from the said Cuthbert Tunstall . The last decea ed Earl took it down , and in place thereof , builded a great number of small Tenements , now letten out for great Rents , to people of all sorts . Then is the Dyers-hall , which Company was made a Brother-hood and a Guild , in the fourth of Henry the sixth , and appointed to consist of a Gardian , or Warden , and a Communalty , the twelvth of Edward the fourth . Then be there divers large Brew-houses , and others , till you come to Ebgate Lane , where that Ward endeth in the East ; On the North side of Thames-street , be divers Lanes also , the first is at the South end of Elbow Lane , before spoken of , West from Downgate , over against Greenwich-lane , then be divers fair Houses for Marchants , and others all along that side ; The next Lane East from Down-gate , is called Bush-lane , which turneth up to Candlewick-street , and is of Down-gate Ward . Next is Suffolk lane , likewise turning up to Candlewick-street , in this Lane is one notable Grammar School , founded in the year 1561. by the Master , Wardens , and Assistants of the Marchant-Taylors , in the Parish of St. Lawrence Poultney , Richard Hills , sometimes Master of that Company , having before given 500 l. toward the purchase of an House , called the Mannor of the Rose , sometime belonging to the Duke of Buckingham , wherein the said School is kept . Then is there one other Lane , which turneth up to St. Lawrence-hill , and to the South vvest Corner of St. Lawrence Church-yard , then another Lane , called Poultney-lane , that goeth up of this Ward to the South-East corner of St. Lawrence Church-yard , and so down again , and to the West corner of St. Martin Orgar lane , and over against Ebgate-lane ; and this is all of Downgate-vvard , the thirteenth in number , lying East from the Water-course of VVallbrooke , and hat hnot any one House on the West side of the said Brook. This Dowgate vvard is more considerable then others , in divers things ; for it hath more Halls then any other ; it hath also the Great Hans , or the Teutonique Guild , call'd now the Stil-yard . Mr. John Robinson , who hath his House in Milk-street , is lately made the Alderman of this VVard , a generous , discreet , and worthy Gentleman , being of the Company of the Turkie , or Levantine Marchants . Of the Fourteenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Vintry Ward . THe Wards spoken of hitherto may besaid to lye on the East . Now I am to treat of the other Wards , twelve in number , all lying on the West side of the course of Wallbrook , and first of the Vintry Ward , so called of Vintners , and of the Vintry , a part of the Bank of the River of Thames , where the Merchants of Bourdeaux craned their Wines out of Lighters , and other Vessels , and there landed and made sale of them , within forty daies after ; until the twenty eighth of Edward the first , at which time the said Merchants complained , that they could not sell their Wines , paying poundage , neither hire Houses or Cellars to lay them in : and it was redressed by virtue of the Kings Writ , directed to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London , dated at Carlaveroke or Carlile , since the which time , many fair and large houses ( with Vaults and Cellars for stowage of Wines and lodging of Burdeaux Merchants ) have been builded , in place where before time were Cooks houses : , for Fitz Stephen , in the Reign of Henry the second , writeth , that upon the Rivers side , between the Wine in Ships , and the Wine to be sold in Taverns , was a common Cooks row , &c. as in another place I have set down . Whereby it appears , that in those daies , ( and till of late times ) every man lived according to his own professed Trade , not any one interrupting another ; The Cooks dressed meat , and sold no Wine ; and the Taverner sold Wine , but dressed no meat for sale , &c. This Ward beginneth in the East , at the West end of Downgate Ward , at the Water-course of Walbrook , which parteth them , to wit , at Granthams Lane on the Thames side , and at Elbow-Lane on the Lands side , it runneth along in Thames street West , some three houses beyond the Old Swana Brew-house ; and on the Land side , some three Houses West , beyond Saint James at Garlick Hithe . In breadth , this Ward stretcheth from the Vintry North , to the Wall of the West gate of the Tower Royal , the other North part is of Cordwainer-street Ward . Out of this Royal-street by the South gate of Tower Royal , runneth a small street East to St. Johns upon Walbrook , which street is called Horseshooe-Bridge , of such a Bridge sometime over the Brook there , which is now vaulted over , and pav'd . Then from the South gate West , runneth one other street , called Knight-riders street , by Saint Thomas Apostles Church , on the North side , and Wringwren Lane , by the said Church , at the West end thereof , and to the East end of Trinity Church in the said Knight-riders street , where this Ward endeth , on that South side the street ; but on the North side it runneth no farther than the corner against the new builded Taverne , and other Houses , in a plot of ground where sometime stood Ormond place ; yet have ye one other Lane , lower down in Royall-street , stretching forth from over against Saint Michaels Church , to and by the North side of Saint James Church by Garlick Hithe , this is called , Kerion Lane ; and thus much for the bounds of the Vintry Ward . Now on the Thames side , West from Granthams Lane , have ye Herbert Lane , or Brickles Lane , so called of John Brickles , sometimes owner thereof . Then is Simpsons Lane , of one Simpson ; or Emperours head Lane , of such a Sign : then the Three Cranes Lane , so called , not only of a Sign of three Cranes at a Taverne door , but rather of three strong Cranes of Timber placed on the Vintry Wharf , by the Thames side , to Crane up Wines there as is aforesaid ; this Lane was of old time , to wit , the ninth of Richard the second , called the Painted Tavern Lane , of the Tavern being painted . Then next over against St. Martins Church , is a large House builded of Stone and Timber , with Vaults for the stowage of Wines , and is called the Uintry ; There dwelled John Gisers Vintner , Mayor of London , and Constable of the Tower ; and then was Henry Picard , Vintner , Mayor ; In this house Henry Picard feasted four Kings in one day , as is shewed before . Then next is Uanners Lane , so called of Uanner that was owner thereof ; it is now called Church Lane , of the coming up from St. Martins Church . Next is Broad-Lane , for that the same is broader for the passage of Carts from the Uintry Wharf , than be the other Lanes . At the Northwest corner of this Lane , is the Parish Clarkes Hall , by them purchased , since they lost their old Hall in Bishopsgate-street . Next is Spittle-Lane , of old time so called , since Stodies-Lane , of the owner thereof named Stodie ; Sir John Stodie , Vintner and Mayor in the year 1357 gave it , with all the Quadrant wherein Uintners Hall now standeth , with the Tenements round about , unto the Uintners . The Uintners builded for themselves a fair Hall , and also thirteen Alms-houses there , for thirteen poor people , which are kept of Charity Rent-free . The Uintners in London , were ( of old time ) called Marchant Uintners of Gascoyne , and so I read them in the Records of Edward the second , the eleventh year , and Edward the third the ninth year ; they were as well English-men as strangers born beyond the Seas , but then subjects to the King of England , great Burdeaux Merchants of Gascoyne & French Wines , divers of them were Mayors of this City ; namely , John Adrian Vintner , Reignold at Conduit , John Oxenford , Henry Picard that feasted the Kings of England , France , Scotland , and Cypres ; John Stodie , that gave Stodies Lane to the Vintners , which four last named , were Mayors in the Reign of Edward the third , and yet Gascoyne Wines were then to be sold at London , not above fourpence , nor Rhenish Wines above six pence the Gallon . I read of Sweet Wines , that in the fiftieth of Edward the third , John Peachie , Fishmonger was accused of , for that he procured a License for the only sale of them in London , which he endeavoured to justifie by Law , yet he was imprisoned and fined . More I read , that in the sixth of Henry the sixth , the Lombards corrupted their Sweet Wines ; when knowledge thereof came to John Raynwel Mayor of London , he ( in divers places of the City ) commanded the heads of the Buts and other Vessells in the open streets , to be broken , to the number of a hundred and fifty , so that the liquour running forth , passed through the City like a stream of rain water , in the sight of all the people , from whence there issued a most loathsome savour . I read in the Reign of Henry the seventh , that no Sweet VVines were brought into this Realm but Malmsyes , by the Longobards , paying to the King for his Licence , six shillings eight pence of every Butt , besides twelve pence for Bottellage . In those daies Malmsey was not to be sold above three half-pence the pint ; For proof whereof , it appeareth in the Church of St. Andrew Under-shaft , that in the year 1547 , J. G. and S. K. then Church-Wardens , for eighty pints of Malmsey spent in the Church , after one penny half penny the pint , paid at the years end for the same ten shillings . Moreover , no Sacks were sold , but Rumney , & that for Medicine more than for drink ; but now many kinds of Sacks are known and used . And so much for Wines . I read further that in the Reign of Henry the fourth , the young Prince Henry , T. Duke of Clarence , J. Duke of Bedford , and Humphrey Duke of Glocester the Kings sons , came to Supper amongst the Merchants of London , in the Vintry , in the House of Lewes John a Briton . The successors of those Vintners and Wine-drawers , that retailed by the Gallons , Pottel , quart , and pint , were all incorporated by the name of Wine-tunners , in the Raign of Edward the third , and confirmed the fifteenth of Henry the sixth . Next is Palmers Lane , now called , Anchors Lane , the Plummers have their Hall there , but are Tenants to the Vintners . Then is Worcester House , sometimes belonging to the Earls of Worcester , now divided into many Tenaments ; The Fruiterers have there Hall there . On the Land side , is the Royal street , and Pater noster Lane , I think of old time called the Arches , for I read , that Robert de Suffolk , gave to Walter Darford , his Tenement with the apurtenance , in the Lane called Les Arches , in the Parish of Saint Michael de Pater noster Church , between the Wall of the field called Winchester field on the East , and the same Lane on the West , &c. More , there was a stone House called Stoda de Winton , juxta Stodum Bridge , which in that Lane was over Walbrook water . Then is the fair Parish Church of Saint Michael , called Pater noster Church , in the Royal street ; This Church was new builded , and made a Colledge of S. Spirit , and S. Mary , founded by Richard VVhittington , Mercer , four times Mayor , for a Master , four Fellows , Masters of Art , Clerks , Conducts , Chorists , &c. and an Alms-house , called Gods house or Hospital , for thirteen poor men , one of them to be Tutor , and to have sixteen pence the week , the other twelve , each of them to have fourteen pence the week for ever , with other necessary provision , an Hutch with three Locks , with a common Seal , &c. The Licence for this foundation was granted by King Henry the fourth , the eleventh of his Reign , and in the twelfth of the same Kings reign , the Mayor and the Communalty of London , granted to Richard VVhittington , a vacant piece of ground thereon , to build his Colledge in the Royall ; all which was confirmed by Henry the sixth the third of his Reign , to John Coventry , Jenkin Carpenter , and VVilliam Grove , Executors to to Richard Whittington . This foundation was again confirmed by Parliament , the tenth of Henry the sixth , and was suppressed by the Statute of Edward the sixth . The Alms-Houses , with the poor men , do remain , and are paid by the Mercers . This Richard VVhittington was ( in this Church ) three times buried , first , by his Executors , under a fair Monument ; then , in the Reign of Edward the sixth , the Parson of that Church , thinking some great riches ( as he said ) to be buried with him , caused his Monument to be broken , his Body to be spoiled of his Leaden sheet , and again the second time to be buried ; And in the Reign of Queen Mary , the Parishioners were forced to take him up , and lap him in Lead , as afore , to bury him the third time , and to place his Monuments , or the like , over him again , which remaineth still and so he rested . Among others , Sir Thomas Tanke Knight of the Garter born in Almain , a great Martial man , lieth buried there . At the upper end of this street , is the Tower Royall , whereof that street taketh name ; This Tower & great place was so called , of pertaining to the Kings of this Realm , but by whom the same was first builded , or of what Antiquity continued , it doth not appear , more than that in the Reign of King Edward the first , the second , fourth , and seventh year , it was the Tenement of Simon Beawmes ; Also that in the thirty sixt of Edward the third the same was called the Royal , in the Parish of St. Michael de Pater noster , and that in the three and fortieth of his Reign , he gave it by the name of his Inne , called the Royall , in his City of London , in value twenty pounds by year , unto his Colledge of Saint Stephen at Westminster ; Notwithstanding , in the Reign of Richard the second , it was called the Queens Wardrobe , as appeareth by this that followeth . King Richard , having in Smithfield overcome and dispersed the Rebels , He , his Lords , and all his Company , entred the City of London with great joy , and went to the Lady Princesse his Mother , who was then lodged in the Tower called the Queens Wardrobe , where she had remained three daies and two nights much affrighted ; But when she saw the King her Son , she was greatly rejoyced , Ah Son , What great sorrow have I suffered for you this day ? The King answered and said , Certainly , Madam , I know it well , but now rejoyce , and thank God , for I have this day recovered mine Heritage , and the Realm of England , which I had near-hand last . This Tower seemeth to have been ( at that time ) of good defence ; for when the Rebels had beset the Tower of London , and got possession thereof , taking from thence whom they listed , the Princesse being forced to fly , came to this Tower-Royall , where she was lodged , and remained safe , as ye have heard , and it may be also supposed , that the King himself was at that time lodged there . I read , that in the year 1386 , Lyon King of Armony , being chased out of his Realm , by the Tartarians , received innumerable gifts of the King and of his Nobles , the King then lying in the Royall , where he also granted to the said King of Armony , a Charter of a thousand pounds by year during his Life ; This for proof may suffice , that Kings of England have been lodged in this Tower , though the same ( afterwards ) hath been neglected , and turned into stabling for the Kings Horses , and now letten out to divers men and divided into Tenements . In Horse-Bridge-street , is the Cutlers Hall , Richard de Wilehale , 1295 , confirmed to Paul Butelar this House , and Edifices , in the Parish of Saint Michael Pater noster Church , and Saint John upon Walbrook , which sometime Lawrence Gisers , and his son Peter Gisers did possesse , and afterward Hugonis de Hingham , and lyeth between the Tenement of the said Richard towards the South ; and the Lane called Horse-shoe-Bridge , towards the North , and between the way called Pater noster Church on the West , and the course of Walbrooke on the East , paying yearly one Clove of Gilliflowers at Easter , and to the poor and Convent of Saint Mary Overy , six shillings . This House sometime belonged to Simon Dolesly Grocer , and Mayor 1359 , They of this Company had ( of old time ) three Arts , or sorts of Workmen , to wit , the first were Smiths , Forgers of Blades , and therefore called Bladers , and divers of them proved wealthy men , as namely , Walter Nele Blader ; one of the Sheriffs , the twelfth of Edward the third , Deceased 1352 , and was buried in Saint James Garlicke Hithe , He lest Lands to the mending of High-wayes about London , betwixt Newgate and Wicombe , Ealdgate and Chelmesford , Bishopsgate and Ware , Southwark and Rochester , &c. The second were Makers of Hafts , and otherwise Garnishers of Blades . The third sor● were Sheath-makers for Swords , Daggers , and Knives . In the tenth of Henry the fourth , certain Ordinances were made betwixt the Bladers , and the other Cutlers , and in the fourth of Henry the sixth , they were all three Companies drawn into one Fraternity , or Brotherhood , by the name of Curlers . Then is Knight-riders street , so called ( as is supposed ) of Knights well armed ' and mounted at the Tower-Royall , riding from thence through the street West to Creed-Lane , and so out at Ludgate , towards Smithfield , when they were there to Turney , Just , or otherwise to shew activities before the King and States of the Realm . In this street is the Parish Church of Saint Thomas Apostles , by Wring-wren Lane a hansome Church , and in the year 1629 , well repaired and finely garnished ; but Monuments of antiquity , there are none beyond the Reign of Henry the eighth , except some Arms in the Windows , as also in the Stone-work , which some suppose to be of John Barnes Mercer , Mayor of London , in the year 1371 , a great builder thereof . H. Causton Merchant , was a Benefactor and had a Chantry there about , 1396. T. Roman Mayor 1310 , had also a Chantry there 1319. Fitz Williams also a Benefactor , had a Chantry there . More , Sir William Littlesbury , aliàs Horne , ( for King Edward the fourth so named him ) because he was a most excellent Winder of an Horne ; he was a Salter , and Merchant of the Staple , Mayor of London in the year 1487 , and was buried in this Church , having appointed ( by his Testament ) the Bells to be changed for four new Bells of good tune and sound ; but that was not performed : he gave five hundred Marks towards the repairing of High-waies , between London and Cambridge ; his dwelling House , with a Garden and appurtenances in the said Parish , to be sold , and bestowed in charitable actions . His House called the George in Bread-street he gave to the Salters , they to find a Priest in the said Parish , to have six pounds , thirteen shillings , four pence the year ; to every Preacher at Pauls-Crosse , and at the Spittle , four pence for ever ; to the Prisoners of Newgate , Ludgate , Marshalsey , and Kings-Bench , in Victuals , ten shillings at Christmas , and ten shillings at Easter for ever , which Legacies were not performed . Among others , ther 's one Epitaph in Greek in this Church on the Lady Katherine Killegree . Then West from the said Church on the same side , was one great Messuage , sometime called Ipres Inne of William of Ipres a Flemming , the first Builder thereof ; This William was called out of Flanders , with a number of Flemmings to the aid of King Stephen , against Maude the Empress , in the the year 1138 , and grew in favour with the said King for his service , so far , that he builded this House near unto Tower-Royall , in the which Tower it seemeth the King was then lodged , as in the heart of the City , for his more safety . Robert Earl of Glocester , Brother to the Empresse , being taken , was committed to the Custody of this VVilliam , to be kept in the Castle of Rochester , till King Stephen was also taken , and then the one was delivered in exchange for the other , and both set free . This William of Ipres gave Edredes Hith , now called Queens Hith , to the Prior and Canons of the Holy Trinity in London , he founded the Abbey of Borley in Kent , &c. In the first of Henry the second , the said William , withall the other Flemmings ( fearing the indignation of the new King ) departed the Land , but it seemeth that the said William was shortly called back again , and restored both to the Kings favour , and to his old possessions here , so that the name and Family continued long after in this Realm . On the other side , I read of a Messuage , called Kinged Hall : King Henry the eighth , the thirty two of his Reign , gave the same ( with four Tenements adjoyning ) unto Morgan Phillip , aliàs Wolfe , in the Parish of Saint Thomas Apostles in London , &c. Over against Ipres Inne in Knight-Riders street , at the corner towards Saint James Garlick Hith , was sometime a great House builded with Stone , and called Ormond place , for that it sometime belonged to the Earls of Ormond . King Edward the Fourth in the fifrh of his Reign , gave to Elizabeth his Wife , the Mannor of Greenwich with the Tower and Park , in the County of Kent . He also gave this Tenement called Ormond place , with all the appurtenances to the same , scituate in the Parish of Saint Trinity in Knight-Rider street in London . This House is now taken down , and divers fair Tenements are builded there . Then lower down in Royall-street , is Kerion Lane , of one Kerion sometime dwelling there . In this Lane be divers fair Houses for Merchants , and amongst others is the Glasiers Hall. At the South corner of Royall-street , is the fair Parish Church of Saint Martin , called , in the Vintry , sometimes called St. Martin de Beremand Church ; This Church was new builded about the year 1399 , by the Executors of Matthew Columbars , a stranger born , a Burdeaux Marchant of Gascoine and French Wines : His Armes remain yet in the East Window , and is a Cheveron , between three Colombins . Sir John Gisors Mayor , with his Brother , and his Son , lye there buried ; He had a great Mansion House called Gisors Hall , in St. Mildreds Parish in Bread-street . There are sundry Latin Epitaphs in this Church . Then is the Parish Church of St. James , called , at Garlick Hith , or Garlick Hive , for that ( of old time ) on the River of Thames , near to this Church Garlick was usually sold ; This is a comely Church , whereof Richard Rothing one of the Sheriffs 1326 , is said to be the new builder , and lyeth buried in the same : so was Walter Nele Blader , one of the Sheriffs 1337 , John of Oxenford , Vintner , Mayor 1341. I read in the first of Edward the third , that this John of Oxenford gave to the Priory of the Holy Trinity in London , two Tofts of Land , one Mill , fifty Acres of Land , two Acres of Wood , with the appurtenances in Kentish Town , in value twenty shillings and three pence by year . The Lady Stanley , the Countesse of Huntington , and the Lady Harbert , lye buried in this Church . Of the Fifteenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Cordwayner Ward . VVE will passe now from the Uintry to Cordwainer-street Ward , taking that name of Cordwayners or Shoomakers ; Curriours , and Workers of Leather dwelling there ; for it appeareth in the Records of Henry the sixth , the ninth of his Reign , that an Order was taken then for Cordwayners and Curriours , in Corney-street and Sopers Lane. This Ward beginneth in the East , one the West side of Walbrooke , and runneth West thorow Budge-row , ( a street so called of Budge Furre , and of Skinners dwelling there ) then up by Saint Anthon●es Church , thorow Atheling ( or Noble-street ) as Leyland termeth it , commonly called Wathling-street , to the Red-Lion , a place so called , of a great Lion of Timber placed there , at a Gate entring a large Court , wherein are divers fair and large Shops , well furnished with Broad-cloths , and other Draperies of all sorts to be sold , and this is the farthest West part of this Ward . On the South side of this street from Budge-row , lyeth a Lane turning down by the West-gate of the Tower Royal , and to the South end of the Stone Wall beyond the said Gate , which is of this Ward , and is accounted a part of the Royall-street . Against this West gate of the Tower-Royall , is one other Lane , that runneth West to Cordwainer-street , and this is called Turnbase Lane ; on the South side whereof is a piece of Wring-wren-Lane , to the North-west corner of Saint Thomas Church the Apostle . Then again out of the High-street called Wathling , is one other street , which runneth thwart the same , and this is Cordwayner street , whereof the whole Ward taketh name . This street beginneth by West-cheap , and Saint Mary Bow Church is the head thereof on the West side , and it runneth down South , thorow that part which of latter time was called Hosier Lane , now Bow Lane ; and then by the West end of Aldermary Church to the new builded Houses , in place of Ormond House , and so to Garlick hill , or Hith , to St. James Church . The upper part of this street towards Cheap , was called Hosier Lane , of Hosiers dwelling there in place of Shoomakers ; but now those Hosiers being worn out by men of other Trades , ( as the Hosiers had worn out the Shoomakers ) the same is called Bow-Lane , of Bow Church . On the West side of Cordwainer-street , is Basing-lane , right over against Turn-base-lane , This Basing-lane , West to the back gate of the Red Lyon , in Wathling-street , is of this Cordwainer-street Ward . Now again on the North side of this high street , is Budge-row : by the East end of St. Anthonies Church , have ye St. Sithes Lane , so called of St. Sithes Church , ( which standeth against the North end of that Lane ) and this is wholly of Cordwainer-street Ward ; also the South side of Needlers lane , which reacheth from the North end of St. Sithes lane , vvest to Soper lane ; then vvest from St. Anthonies Church , is the South end of Sopers lane , which lane took that name , not of Sope-making , as some have supposed , but of Alen le Sopar , in the ninth of Edward the second ; nor can we read of Sope-making in this City , till within this hundred and fifty years , that John Lambe , dwelling in Grasse-street , set up a boyling house ; for this City ( in former time ) was served of white Sope in hard Cakes ( called Castle-Soap , and other ) from beyond the Seas , and of gray Sope , speckled with white , very sweet and good , from Bristow , sold here for a peny the pound , and never above peny farthing ; and black Sope for an half-peny the pound . Then in Bow-lane ( as they now call it ) is Goose-lane , by Bow-Church ; William Essex , Mercer , had Tenements there , in the six and twentieth of Edward the third . Then from the South end of Bow-lane , up Wathling-street , till over against the Red Lyon , are the bounds of Cordwainer-street Ward . Then is there a fair Parish in Budge-row , called St. Anthonies at first , and now St. Antlins . Sir Thomas Knowles Lord Mayor of London , lyeth buried there , who repaired , and was a great Benefactor to that Church , upon whom is this Epitaph , Here lyeth graven under this Stone , Thomas Knowles , both flesh and bone , &c. Next on the South side of Budge-row , by the West corner thereof , and on the East side of Cordwainer-street , is one other fair Church , called Aldermary Church , because the same was very old , and elder then any Church of St. Mary in the City ; till of late years , the foundation of a very fair new Church , was laid there by Henry Keeble , Grocer , and Mayor , who deceased 1518 , and was ther buried in a Vault , by him prepared , with a fair Monument raised over him , on the North side of the Quire , now destroyed and gone : he gave by his Testament , a thousand pound toward the building up of that Church ; and yet was not permitted a resting place for his bones there afterwards . Richard Chawcer Vintner , thought to be the Father of Jeffrey Chawcer the Poet , was a great Benefactor to this Church . At the upper end of Hosier-lane , toward VVest-Cheape , is the fair Parish Church of St. Mary Bow ; this Church in the Reign of VVilliam the Conqueror , being the first in this City , builded on Arches of Stone , was therefore called New Mary Church , of St. Mary de Areubus , or le Bow , in VVest Cheaping ; As Stratford Bridge , being the first builded ( by Matilda , the Queen , VVife to Henry the first ) with Arches of Stone was called Stratford le Bow ; which names , to the said Church and Bridge , remain till this day ; the Court of the Arches is kept in this Church , and taketh name of the place , not the place of the Court ; but of what Antiquity , or continuation that Court hath there continued , 't is uncertain . This Church is of Cordwainer-street , and for divers accidents happening there , hath bin made more famous than any other Parish Church of the whole City , or Suburbs . First we read , that in the year 1090 , and the third of VVilliam Rufus , by tempest of vvind , the roof of the Church of St. Mary Bow in Cheape , was overturned , wherewith some persons were flain , and four of the Rafters of six and twenty foot in length , with such violence were pitched in the ground of the high street , that scantly four foot of them remained above ground , which were fain to be cut even with the ground , because they could not be plucked out ; for the City of London was not then paved , but a Moorish ground . In the year 1196. VVilliam Fitz Osbert , a seditious Traytor , took the Steeple of Bow , and fortified it with Munitions and victuals , but it was assaulted , and VVilliam with his Complices , were taken ( though without blood-shed ) for he was forced by fire and smoak to forsake the Church , and then being by the Judges condemned , he was by the heels drawn to the Elmes in Smithfield , and there hanged with nine of his fellowes , where because his favourers came not to deliver him , he forsook Maries Son , ( as he termed Christ our Saviour ) and called upon the Devil to help and deliver him : such was the end of this deceiver , a man of an evil life , a secret murtherer , a filthy fornicator , a keeper of Concubines , and ( amongst other his detestable facts ) a false accuser of his elder Brother , who had ( in his youth ) brought him up in learning , and done many things for his preferment . In the year 1271. a great part of the Church of Bow fell down , and slew many people , men and women . In the year 1284 , the thirteenth of Edward the first , Lawrence Ducket , Goldsmith , having grievously wounded one Ralph Crepin in West Cheap , fled into Bow-Church , into the which ( in the night time ) entred certain evil persons , friends unto the said Ralph , and slew the said Laurence , lying in the Steeple , and then hanged him up , placing him so by the Window , as if he had hanged himself , and so was it found by Inquisition ; for the which fact , Lawrence Ducket being drawn by the feet , was buried in a ditch without the City ; but shortly after ( by relation of a Boy , who lay with the said Lawrence , at the time of his death , and had hid him there for fear ) the truth of the matter was disclosed ; for the which cause , Jordan Good-Cheape , Ralph Crepin , Gilbert Clarke , and Joffrey Clarke , were attainted , and a certain Woman named Alice , that was chief causer of the said mischief , was burned , and to the number of sixteen men , were drawn and hanged , besides others that , being richer , after long imprisonment , were hanged by the purse . The Church was interdicted , the Doors and Windows were stopped up with Thorns for a while , but Lawrence was taken up , and honestly buried in the Church-yard afterwards . The Parish-Church of St. Mary Bow , by meanes of incroachment , and building of Houses , wanting room in their Church-yard , for burial of the Dead , John Rotham , or Rodham , Citizen and Taylor , by his Testament dated the year 1465. gave to the Parson and Church-wardens , a certain Garden in Hosier-lane , to be a Church-yard , which so continued near a hundred years , but now is builded on , and is a private mans house . The old Steeple of this Church , was by little and little re-edified , and new builded up , at the least so much as was fallen down , many men giving sums of money to the furtherance thereof , so that at length , to wit , in the year 1469 , it was ordained by a Common Councel , that the Bow Bell should be nightly rung at nine of the Clock . Shortly after , John Donne Mercer , by his Testament dated 1472 , according to the trust of Reginald Longdon , gave to the Parson and Church-wardens of St. Mary Bow two Tenements , with the appurtenances , since made into one , in Hosierlane , then so called , to the maintenance of Bow Bell , the same to be rung as aforesaid , and other things to be observed , as by the Will appeareth . The Arches or Bowes thereupon with the Lanthorns five in number , to wit , one at each Corner , and one on the top in the middle upon the Arches , were also afterward finished of Stone , brought from Cane in Normandy , delivered at the Customers Key , for four shillings eight pence the Tun 1515 , and 1516 , William Copland being Church-warden . It is said that this Copland gave the great Bell , which made the fifth in the Ring , to be rung nightly at nine of the Clock : This Bell was first rung ( as a Knell ) at the Burial of the same Copland ; It appeareth , that the Lanthorns on the top of this Steeple , were meant to have bin glazed , and lights in them placed nightly in the Winter , whereby Travellers to the City might have the better sight thereof , and not to misse of their wayes . In this Parish also was a Grammar-School , by commandment of King Henry the sixth , which School was ( of old time ) kept in an house for that purpose prepared in the Church-yard ; But that School being decayed , as others about this City , the School-house was let out for Rent , in the Reign of Henry the 8th , for four shillings the year , a Cellar for two shillings the year , and two Vaults under the Church , for 15 s. both . There are Monuments of divers Citizens of note in this Church , but most of them much defac'd , and mouldred away . Without the North side of this Church of St. Mary Bow , towards West-Cheape , standeth one fair building of Stone , called in Record Sildam , a shed which greatly darkneth the said Church ; for by meanes thereof , all the Windows and doors on that side , are stopped up ; King Edward the third , upon occasion , as shall be shewed in the Ward of Cheap , caused this side or shed to be made , and strongly to be builded of Stone for himself , the Queen , and other States , to stand there to behold the Justings , and other shewes at their pleasures ; And this House ( for long time after ) served to that use , namely , in the Reign of Edward the third , and Richard the second ; but in the year 1410. Henry the fourth , in the twelfth of his Reign , confirmed the said shed or building , to Stephen Spilman , William Marchford , and John Wattle , Mercers , by the name of one new Sildain , Shed or Building , with Shops , Cellars , and Edifices , whatsoever appertaining , called Crounsild , or Tamersild , scituate in the Mercery of West-Cheape , and in the Parish of St. Mary de Arcubus in London , &c. Notwithstanding which grant , the Kings of England , and other great Estates , as well of forraign Countries repairing to this Realm , as Inhabitants of the same , have usually repaired to this place , therein to behold the shewes of this City , passing through West-Cheape ; namely , the great Watches accustomed in the night , on the Even of St. John Baptist , and St. Peter at Midsommer ; the Examples whereof were over-long to recite , wherefore let it suffice briefly to touch one . In the year 1510 , on St. Johns Eve at night , King Henry the eighth , came to this place , then called the Kings-Head in Cheape , in the Livery of a Yeoman of the Gard , with an Halberd on his shoulder , and there beholding the Watch , departed privily , when the Watch was done ; and was not known to any , but whom it pleased him ; But on Saint Peters night next following , He and the Queen came Royally riding to the said place , and there with their Nobles , beheld the Watch of the City , and return'd in the morning . Of the Sixteenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of LONDON , called Cheape-Ward . WE enter now into the Center of the City , which is Cheap-Ward , taking name of the Market there kept , called West Cheaping ; which Ward , as a River , as Mr. Stow saith , that hath three heads , and running along to the uttermost of his bounds , issueth out on the sides into little streams : so this Ward , beginning on the Course of Wallbrook , and is not the meanest of the Wards , ( if for no other cause , yet because it is nearest to the heart of the City ) hath his beginning on the East from three places . The High street of the Poultrey , the lower end of Buckles bury , and the nether part of the Venell , or entry into Scalding Alley , & so running along , as far as unto the North-East corner of Bow-lane on the South side , and from thence into Bow-lane on the East side , until ye come to the Channel over against the Cellardoor under the Church ; & then , on the North side of Cheap , up to the Standard , stretching it self into divers Lanes and peeces , onthe right hand , and on the left hand , as it commeth along . First , for the High street of the Poultrey ( which is the main body of this Ward : ) on the South side thereof toward the East , this Ward beginneth in the way going down to St. Mary Wooll-Church . Now for Antiquities , and things worthy of memory in Cheap-Ward . First , in the main Body of this Ward , that is , the Poultry , standeth the hansome little Church , that beareth the name of St. Mildred in the Poultry the Virgin , which name was given surely for distinction not for superstition ; for so was the Custom of the Kingdom ( & yet is ) in building their things for the service of God , thatthe Founders called them by the name of some Apostle , Saint , Martyr , or Confessor , as best liked their own conceit , at the present time , to distinguish them from others . Who this Mildred was , whether she was the Eldest Daughter of Merwaldus , King of the VVest-Mercians , as some think , or that she was Daughter of Ethelbert , King of Kent , one of the founders of Pauls Church , it is incertain : neither is it much material , but it is probable , that she was some holy and devout Maid , which the People of that Age held to be a Saint afterward in Heaven . In what years this Church was first erected , or who was the first Founder of it , we find not ; but it appeareth by some ancient Evidences of the said Church , that from the beginning it had not so much spare ground about it , as to make a Church-yard of , until in the year of our Lord God 1420 , and the 8th of King Henry the fifth , Thomas Morsted Esquire , and Chirurgion to the Kings , Henry the fourth , Henry the fifth , and Henry the sixth . ( And afterward , in Anno Dom. 1436. was Sheriff and Alderman of London ) gave unto the Church a parcel of ground , lying between his dwelling-house and the said Church ( and adjoyning unto the said Church toward the North ) to make a Church-yard of , for the burial of their Dead , containing in length , from the Course of VVallbrook , toward the West , forty five foot , and in breadth , from the Church toward the North , thirty five foot . Within short time after , some body , of Religious and Charitable disposition , erected upon the sides of the said Church-yard , but upon Posts and Pillars , with Cloysters underneath , toward the West , a Parsonage House , or Mansion , and free dwelling of the Ministers and Rectors of the said Church , and toward the East four Chambers , then called the Priests Chambers , now converted into a Tenement or dwelling House , & demised for yearly Rent , but the Church-yard is much abridged , and of late fouly defaced ; and the lights of the said Parsonage hindered by additions of pieces , to the said ancient Chambers , which ought not to be : In this ancient Church , some Citizens of note lie buried . Some few Houses West from this Parish Church of St. Mildred , is a Prison-house , pertaining to one of the Sheriffs of London , and is called the Counter in the Poultry : This hath bin there kept , and continued time out of minde ; for I have not read of the Original thereof : West from this Counter , was a proper Chappel , called of Corpus Christi , and St. Mary , at Cony-hope lane end , in the Parish of the said Mildred , founded by one named Jorivirunnes , a Citizen of London , in the Raign of Edward the third ; in which Chappel was a Guild or Fraternity , that might dispend in Lands better then twenty pounds by year ; it was suppressed by Henry the eighth , and purchased by one Thomas Hobson , Haberdasher : he turned this Chappel into a fair Ware-house , and Shops towards the street , with fair Lodgings over them . Then is Cony-hope lane , of old time so called , of a signe of three Coneys , which hung over a Poulterers Stall at the Lanes end ; within this Lane standeth the Grocers Hall , which Company being of old time called Pepperers , were first incorporated by the name of Grocers , in the year 1345 , at which time , they elected for Custos , or Gardian of their Fraternity , Richard Oswin , and Lawrence Hallwell , and twenty Brethren were then taken in , to be of their Society . In the year 1411 , the Custos or Gardian , and the Brethren of this Company , purchased of the Lord Robert Fitzwaters , one Plot of ground , with the building thereupon , in the said Cony-hope lane , for three hundred twenty Marks , and then laid their foundation of their new Common-Hall . About the year 1429 , the Grocers had Licence to purchase five hundred Marks Land ; since the which time , near adjoyning unto the Grocers Hall ; the said Company have builded seven proper Houses , for seven aged poor Alms-people ; Thomas Knowles Grocer and Maior , gave his Tenement in St. Anthonies Church-yard to the Grocers , towards the relief of the poor Brethren in that Company : Also Henry Keeble , Grocer and Maior , gave to the seven Alms-people , six pence weekly for ever ; which Pension is now increased by the Masters , to some of them two shillings a peece weekly , and to some of them lesse , &c. Henry Ady Grocer , 1563 , gave a thousand Marks to the Grocers to purchase Lands , and Sir Henry Pechy , Knight Banneret , free of that Company , gave them five hundred pounds to certain uses : he builded Alms-houses at Luding stone in Kent , and was there buried . West from this Cony hope Lane , is the Old Jury , whereof some portion is of Cheape Ward ; at the South end of this Lane , is the Parish-Church of St. Mary Cole-Church , named of one Cole , that builded it : this Church is builded upon a Vault above ground , so that men are forced to go to ascend up thereunto , by certain steps , I finde no Monuments of this Church more , than that Henry the fourth granted Licence to William Marshal , and others , to found a Brother-hood of Saint Katherine therein , because Thomas Becket and St. Edmond , the Arch Bishop were baptized there . The Old Jury hath had alwayes Citizens of quality , and fair large Houses , as there is now Gurney-house , where Alderman Friderique lives , a very worthy Gentleman . There is also another ancient fair House of Thomas Bowyer , and another of Mr. Bonnel , worthy and wealthy brave Marchants . We read of Bordhangli-lane , to be of that Parish ; and thus much for the North side of the Poultry . The South side of the said Poultry , beginning on the Bank of the said Brook , over against the Parish-Church of St. Mildred , passing up to the great Conduit , hath divers fair Houses , which were sometimes inhabited by the Poulterers , but now by Grocers , Haberdashers , and Upholsters . Concerning other Antiquities there , first is Bucklesbury , so called of a Mannor , and Tenements pertaining to one Buckle , who there dwelled , and kept his Courts ; this Mannor is supposed to be the great Stone-Building , yet in part remaining on the South side of the street , which of late time hath been called the Old Barge , of such a signe hanged out , near the Gate thereof ; This Mannor , or great House , hath of long time bin divided , and letten out into many Tenements ; and it hath bin a common Speech , that when Wallbrook did lie open , Barges were rowed out of the Thames , or towed up so far ; and therefore the place hath ever since bin called the Old Barge . Also , on the North side of this street , directly over against the said Bucklesbury , was one ancient and strong Tower of Stone ; the which Tower , King Edward the third , in the eighteenth of his Reign , called by the name of the Kings House , and Cornet Stoure in London , and did appoint his Exchange of money , there to be kept : In the nine and twentieth , he granted it to Frydus Guynysane , and Landus Bardaile , Marchants of Luke , for twenty pound the year ; And in the three and twentieth , he gave the same Tower to his Colledge , or Free Chappel of St. Stephen at VVestminster , by the name of Cornet Stoure , at Bucklesbury in London . This whole street , called Buckles bury , on both the sides throughout , is possessed of Grocers , and Apothecaries ; toward the West end thereof , on the South side , breaketh out one other short lane , called in Records , Peneritch-street , it reacheth but to St. Sythes lane ; and St. Sythes Church , is the farthest part thereof ; for by the West end of the said Church , beginneth Needles Lane , which reacheth to Sopers Lane , as is aforesaid . This small Parish Church of St. Syth , hath also an addition of Bennet Shorne , ( or Shrog , or Shorehog ) for by all these names it hath bin called ; but the ancient is Shorne , wherefore it seemeth to take that name of one Benedict Shorne ; sometime a Citizen and Stock-fishmonger of London , a new Builder , repairer , or Benefactor thereof , in the year of Edward the second , so that Shorne is but corruptly called Shrog , and more corruptly Shorehog , Here are divers Monuments , and among other the Tomb of Sir Raph VVarren , Knight , Alderman , twice Lord Maior of London , and Marchant of the Staple at Callis ; with his two Wives , Anno 1553. Then in Needlers Lane , have ye the Parish Church of St. Pancrase , a proper small Church , but divers rich Parishioners therein , and hath had of old time , many liberal Benefactors ; But of late , such as ( not regarding the Order taken by Queen Elizabeth , ) the least Bell in their Church being broken , have rather sold the same for half the value , then put the Parish to charge with new casting : late experience hath proved this to be true , besides the spoil of Monuments there ; This little Church hath also some handsome Monuments . Then is a part of Sopers-lane , turning up to Cheap . By the assent of Stephen Abunden , Maior , the Pepperers in Sopers lane , were admitted to sell all such Spices , and other Wares , as Grocers now use to sell , retaining the old name of Pepperers in Sopers lane , till at length , in the Reign of Henry the sixth , the same Sopers lane was inhabited by Cordwayners and Curriers , after that the Pepperers or Grocers had seated themselves in a more open street , to wit , in Buckles bury , where they now remain : Thus much for the South Wing of Cheap-Ward . At the West end of this Poultry , and also of Bucklers bury , beginneth the large street of West Cheaping , a Market place so called , which street stretcheth West , till ye come to the little Conduit by Pauls Gate , but not all of Cheap Ward . In the East part of this street standeth the Great Conduit , of Sweet-water , conveyed by Pipes of Lead , under ground from Paddington , for service of this City , castellated with stone , and Cisterned in Lead , about the year 1285 , and again new builded and enlarged by Thomas Ilam one of the Sheriffs , 1479. About the middest of this street is the Standard in Cheape : of what Antiquity , the first foundation is , I have not read . But Henry the sixth by his Patent , dated at Windsor , the one and twentieth of his Reign ( which Patent , was confirmed by Parliament , 1442 ) granted Licence to Thomas Knolles , John Chichle , and other Executers to John Wells , Grocer , sometime Maior of London , with his Goods to make new the high-way , which leadeth from the City of London , towards the place of Westminster , before and nigh the Mannor of Savoy , parcel of the Dutchey of Lancaster , a way then very ruinous , and the Pavement broken , to the hurt and mischief of the Subjects , which old Pavement , then remaining in that way , within the length of five hundred foot , and all the breadth of the same , before and nigh the site of the Manner aforesaid , they were to break up , and with Stone , Gravel , and other stuffe , make one other good and sufficient way for the Commodity of the Subjects ; And further , that the Standard in Cheape , where divers Executions of the Law before time had bin performed ; which Standard at that present was very ruinous with age ; in which there was a Conduit , should be taken down , and another competent Standard of Stone ; together with a Conduit in the same , of new , strongly to be builded , for the Commodity and honour of the City , with the goods of their Testator , without interruption , &c. Of Executions at the Standard in Cheape , we read , that in the year 1293. three men had their right hands smitten off there , for rescuing of a Prisoner , arrested by an Officer of the City . In the year 1326 , the Burgesses of London , caused Walter Stapleton , Bishop of Exceter , Treasurer to Edward the second , and others , to be beheaded at the Standard in Cheap ( but this was by Pauls Gate . ) In the year 1351 , the six and twentieth of Edward the third , two Fishmongers were beheaded at the Standard in Cheape . 1381 , Wat Tylar beheaded , Richard Lyons , and others , there . In the year 1399 , Henry the fourth , caused the Blank Charters , made by Richard the second , to be burnt there . In the year 1450 , Jack Cade , Captain of the Kentish Rebels , beheaded the Lord Say there . In the year 1461 , John Davy had his hand stricken off there , because he had stricken a man before the Judges at Westminster , &c. Then next is the great Crosse in VVest Cheap , which Crosse was there erected in the year 1290 , by Edward the first ; upon occasion thus , Queen Elianor his Wife , dyed at Hardeby ( a Town near unto the City of Lincoln ) her Body was brought from thence to VVestminster , and the King in memory of her , caused in every place , where her Body rested by the way , a stately Crosse of Stone to be erected , with the Queens Image , and Arms upon it , as at Grantham , VVoborn , Northampton , Stony-stratford Dunstable , St. Albones , VValtham , VVest-Cheape , and at Charing , from whence she was conveyed to VVestminster , and there buried . This Crosse in VVest-Cheape , being like to those other which remain to this day ; and being by length of time decayed , John Hatherley , Mayor of London , procured in the year 1441 , Licence of King Henry the sixth , to re-edifie the same in more beautiful manner , for the honour of the City ; and had Licence also to take up two hundred Fodder of Lead , for the building thereof , & of certain Conduits , and a common Granary . This Crosse was then curiously wrought , at the Charges of divers Citizens : John Fisher Mercer , gave six hundred Marks towards it , the same was begun to be set up 1484 , and finished 1486 , the second of Henry the seventh : It was , after , gilt over , in the year 1522 , against the comming in of Charles the fifth , Emperor . In the year 1553 , against the Coronation of Queen Anne . New burnished against the Coronation of Edward the sixth ; And again new guilt 1554 , against the comming in of King Philip. Since which time , the said Crosse having bin presented by divers Juries , ( or Quests of Wardmote ) to stand in the high-way , to the let of carriages ( as they alledged ) but could not have it removed ; it followed , that in the year 1581 , the twenty one of June , in the night , the lowest Images round about the said Crosse ( being of Christ his Resurrection , of the Virgin Mary , King Edward the Confessor , and such like ) were broken , and defaced : Proclamation was made , that who so would discover the doers , should have forty Crowns , but nothing came to light : the Image of the blessed Virgin , at that time was robbed of her Son , and her Arms broken , by which she stayed him on her knees ; her whole body was also haled with Ropes , and lest likely to fall ; but in the year 1595. was again fastened and repaired ; and in the year next following , a new mis-shapen Son , as born out of time , all naked , was laid in her Arms ; the other Images remaining , broke as afore . But on the East side of the same Crosse , the steps being taken thence ; under the Image of Christs Resurrection defaced , was set up a curious wrought Tabernacle of gray Marble , and in the same an Alabaster Image of Diana , and water conveyed from the Thames , prilling from her naked Brest for a time , but now decayed . In the year 1599 , the Timber of the Crosse at the top , being rotted within the Lead , the Arms thereof bending , were feared to have fallen , to the harming of some people ; and therefore the whole Body of the Crosse , was scaffolded about , and the top thereof taken down , meaning in place thereof , to have set up a Pyramis : but some of her Majesties honourable Councellors , directed their Letters to Sir Nicholas Mosley , then Maior , by her Highnesse express Commandment concerning the Crosse , forthwith to be repaired , and placed again as it formerly stood , &c. Notwithstanding , the said Crosse stood headless more then a year after , whereupon the said Councellors in great number , meaning not any longer to permit the continuance of such a contempt , wrote to William Rider , then Maior , requiring him , by vertue of her Highness said former direction and Commandement , without any further delay , to accomplish her Majesties most princely care therein , respecting especially , the Antiquity and continuance of that Monument , and ancient Ensign of Christianity , &c. dated the four and twentieth of December , 1600. After this , a Crosse of Timber was framed , set up , covered with Lead , and gilded , the Body of the Crosse downward , cleansed of dust , the Scaffold carryed thence . About twelve nights following , the Image of our Lady was again defaced , by plucking off her Crown , and almost her head , taking from her , her naked Child , and stabbing her in the Brest . But in the year 1644 , during the Reign of the long Parliament , the said Crosse , by an Ordinance thereof , was utterly demolished ; and while the thing was doing , there was a noyse of Trumpets blew all the while . Upon the utter demolition of this so ancient and visible a Monument , or Ornament of the City of London as all Forrainers esteemed it , it fortuned , that there was another new one , popp'd up in Cheap-side , hard by the Standard , viz. a high square Table of Stone , left in Legacy by one Russel a Porter , and well-minded man , with this Distichengraven , God blesse the Porter who great pains doth take , Rest here , and welcome when thy back doth ake . Thus much for the Crosse in West-cheape . Then at the West end of West-Cheap-street , was sometimes a Crosse of Stone called the Old Crosse . Ralph Higden in his Polychronicon saith , that Walter Stapleton Bishop of Exceter , Treasurer to Edward the second , was by the Burgesles of London beheaded at this Crosse , then called the Standard , without the North door of St. Pauls Church ; and so it is noted in other Writers that then lived . This old Crosse stood and remained at the East end of the Parish Church called St. Michael in the corner by Pauls Gate , near to the North end of the old Exchange , till the year 1390 , the thirteenth of Richard the second , in place of which old Crosse then taken down , the said Church of St. Michael was enlarged , and also a fair Water-Conduit builded , about the ninth of Henry the sixth . In the Reign of Edward the third , divers Justings were made in this street , betwixt Sopers Lane and the great Crosse , namely , one in the year 1331 , about the one and twentieth of September , as 't is observed by divers Writers of that time . In the middle of the City of London , ( say they ) in a Street called Cheap , the Stone pavement , being covered with sand , that the Horses might not slide , when they strongly set their feet to the ground , the King held a Tournement three daies together with the Nobility , valiant men of the Realm , and others , some strange Knights ; And to the end the beholders might with the better ease see the same , there was a wooden Scaffold erected crosse the street , like unto a Tower , wherein Queen Philip and many other Ladies , richly attired , and assembled from all parts of the Realm , did stand to behold the Justs , but the higher frame in which the Ladies were placed , brake in sunder , whereby they were ( with some shame ) forced to fall down , by reason whereof the Knights , and such as were underneath , were grievously hurt ; wherefore the Queen took great care to save the Carpenters from punishment , and through her prayers ( which she made upon her Knees ) pacified the King and Councel , and thereby purchased great love of the people . After which time , the King caused a shed to be strongly made of Stone for himself , the Queen , and other States to stand on , and there to behold the Justings , and other shewes , at their pleasure , by the Church of St. Mary Bow , as is shewed in Cordwayner-street Ward . Thus much for the High street of Cheap . Now of the North side of Cheap street and Ward , beginning at the great Conduit , and by St. Mary Cole Church , where we left ; Next thereunto West-ward , is the Mercers Chappel , sometime an Hospital , entituled of St. Thomas of Acon , or Acars , for a Master and Brethren . Militia Hospitalis &c , saith the Record of Edward the third , the fourteenth year , it was founded by Thomas Fitz Theohald de Heili , and Agnes his Wife , sister to Thomas Becket , in the Reign of Henry the second : they gave to the Master and Brethren the Lands with the appurtenances , that sometimes were Gilbert Beckets , Father to the said Thomas , in the which he was born , there to make a Church ; There was a Charnel , and a Chappel over it of St. Nicholas and St. Stephen ; This Hospital was valued to dispend two hundred seventy seven pounds , three shillings four pence , surrendred the thirtieth of Henry the eighth , the one and twentieth of October , and was since purchased by the Mercers , by means of Sir Richard Gresham , and was again set open on the Eve of Saint Michael 1541 , the three and thirtieth of Henry the eighth ; It is now called the Mercers Chappel , therein is kept a free Grammar School , as of old time had been accustomed , commanded by Parliament . In this Chappel there is every Sunday morning throughout the year a Sermon in the Italian Tongue , beginning about ten a clock . Here be many Monuments remaining , but more have been defaced ; among others , there is James Butler Earl of Ormond , and Dame Joane his Countesse , 1428. Before this Hospital towards the street , was builded a fair and beautiful Chappel arched over with stone , and thereupon the Mercers Hall , a most curious pieceor work , Sir John Allen Mercer , being sounder of that Chappel , was there buried , but since his Tombe is removed thence into the Body of the Hospitall Church , and his Body-room divided into Shops , are letten out for Rent ; These Mercers were enabled to be a Company , and to purchase Lands to the value of twenty pound the year , the seventeenth of Richard the second ; they had three Messuages and Shops in the Parish of Saint Martins Oteswich , in the Ward of Bishopsgate , for the sustentation of the poor , and a Chantry , the two and twentieth of Richard the second . Henry the fourth in the twelfth of his Reign , confirmed to Stephen Spilman , W. Marchford and John Watild Mercers by the name of one new Sildam , shed , or building , with Shops , Cellars , and Edifices whatsoever appertaining , called Crownsildes Scituate in the Mercery in West-cheap , in the Parish of St. Mary de Arcubus in London , &c. to be holden in Burgage , as all the City of London is . Next beyond the Mercers Chappel , and their Hall , is Ironmonger Lane , so called of Ironmongers dwelling there . In this Lane , is the small Parish Church of St. Martin , called Pomary , upon what occasion I certainly know not ; it is supposed to be of Apples growing , where now Houses are lately builded . Farther West , is St. Lawrence Lane , so called of St. Lawrence Church , which standeth directly over against the North end thereof . Antiquities in this Lane I finde none other , then that among many fair Houses , there is one large Inne for receipt of travellers , called Blossomes Inne , but corruptly Bosomos Inne , and hath to Sign St. Lawrence the Deacon , in a Border of Blossoms or Flowers . Then near to the standard in Cheap , is Hony-lane , being very narrow , and somewhat dark . In this Lane , is the small Parish Church called Alhallowes in Hony-Lane ; There be no Monuments in this Church worth the noting . I find that John Norman , Draper , Mayor 1453 , was buried there . He gave to the Drapers his Tenements on the North side the said Church ; they to allow for the Beam light and Lamp , thirteen shillings four pence yearly , from this Lane to the Standard . And thus much for Cheap Ward , in the High-street of Cheap , for it stretcheth no farther . Now , for the North wing of Cheap Ward , have ye Catte-street , corruptly called Catteaten-street , which beginneth at the North end of Ironmonger Lane , and runneth to the West end of Saint Lawrence-Church , as is afore-shewed . On the North side of this street is the Guild-hall , wherein the Courts for the City are kept , namely , first the Court of Common-Councel , second the Court of the Lord Mayor and his Brethren the Aldermen , third the Court of Hustings , fourth the Court of Orphanes , fifth the two Courts of the Sheriffs , sixt the Court of the Wardmote , seventh the Court of Hallmote , eight the Court of Requests , commonly called the Court of Conscience , nine the Chamberlains Court for Prentices , & making them free ; This Guild-hall , saith Robert F●●ian , was began to be builded new in the year 1411 , the twelfth of Henry the fourth by Thomas Knowles , then Mayor , and his Brethren the Aldermen ; The same was made , of a little Cottage , a large and great House , as now it standeth , towards the charges whereof , the Companies gave large benevolences ; Also offences of men were pardoned for sums of money towards this work , extraordinary Fees were raised , Fines , Amercements , and other things imployed , during seven years , with a Continuation thereof , three years more , all to be employed to this building . The first year of Henry the sixth , John Coventry & John Carpenter Executors to Richard Whittington , gave towards the paving of this great Hall twenty pounds and the next year fifteen pounds more to the said pavement , with hard Stone of Purbeck ; They also glaz'd some VVindows thereof , and of the Mayors Court , on every which Window , the Arms of Richard Whittington are placed . The foundation of the Mayors Court was laid in the third year of the Reign of Henry the sixth , and of the Porch on the South side of the Mayors Court , in the fourth of the said King. Then was builded the Mayors Chamber , and the Councel Chamber , with other Roomes above the staires . Having here so just occasion , speaking of that former ancient Councel Chamber , which hath continued so ever since , I cannot but account it expedient ( as in no place better fitting ) to remember the fair and goodly new Councel Chamber , a worthy Act , and an Honour to the City . The said new Councel Chamber , with a fair Room over the same , appointed for a Treasury , wherein to preserve the Books and Records belonging to the City , and another Room also underneath the same Chamber , reserved for necessary use and employment , began to be builded the first week after Easter , in the time of the Majoralty of Sir Thomas Middleton . Knight , and Alderman , in the year of our Lord 1614 , it was fully finished shortly after Michaelmas 1615 , at the latter end of the Majoralty of Sir Thomas Hayes , Knight and Alderman ; But the Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen his Brethren , kept their first Court in the said new Councel Chamber , on the seventh day of November , in the year of our Lord 1615 , Sir John Jolles Knight and Alderman , being then Lord Mayor ; by whose order and direction , the said building was performed , from the first beginning thereof , to the finall finishing of the same , amounting to the charge of 1740 l. than which , no money could be better bestowed , nor more to the Cities credit and renown . Last of all , a stately Porch entring the great Hall , was erected ; the front thereof towards the Stouth , being beautified with Images of Srone . Now for the Chappel or Colledge of our Lady Mary Magdalene , and of All Saints by Guild-Hall , called London Colledge , we read , that the same was builded about the year 1299 , and that Peter Fanelore , Adam Francis , and Henry Frowick Citizen , gave one Messuage with the appurtenances , in the Parish of St. Foster , to William Brampton Custos of the Chauntry , by them founded in the said Chappel , with four Chaplains ; and one other House in the Parish of St. Giles without Creplegate , in the seven and twentieth of Edward the third , was given to them . Adjoyning to this Chappel on the South side , was sometime a fair and large Library , furnished with Books pertaining to the Guild-Hall and Colledge . These Books ( as it is said ) were in the Reign of Edward the sixth , sent for by Edward Duke of Somerset , Lord Protector , with promise to be restored shortly ; Men laded from thence threescore Carts with them , but they were never returned ; This Library was builded by the Executors of R. Whittington , and by W. Bury ; on the other side , it is now lofted through , and made a Store-house for Cloaths , South-west from this Guild-Hall , is the fair Parish Church of St. Lawrence , called , in the Jury , because ( of old time ) many Jewes inhabited there about ; This Church is fair and large , and hath divers Monuments . In this Church there was the Shank-bone of a man , and also a Tooth of a very great bigness , hanged up for shew , in Chains of Iron , upon a Pillar of Stone : the Tooth ( being about the bigness of a mans fist ) is long since conveyed from thence ; the Thigh or Shank-bone , of five and twenty inches in length by the Rule , remaineth yet fastned to a post of Timber , and is not so much to be noted for the length , as for the thickness , hardness , and strength thereof ; for when it was hanged on the Stone Pillar , it fretted ( with moving ) the said Pillar , and was not it self fretted , nor ( as seemeth ) is not yet lightned by remaining dry : but where or when this Bone was first found or discovered , I have not heard . Of the Seventeenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Coleman-street Ward . VVE will now stear our course Northward , and look towards London Walls to find out another Ward , and next to Cheap Ward on the North side thereof , is Coleman-street Ward , and beginneth also in the East , on the course of Wallbrook , in Lothbury , and runneth West , ( on the South side to the end of Ironmongers Lane , and on the North side , to the West corner of Basing-Hall street ; On the South side of Lothbury , is the street called the Old Jewry ; the one half , and better , on both sides towards Cheap , is of this Ward . Antiquities therein to be noted , are these , First , the street of Lothbury , Lathbery , or Loadbay ; This street is possessed ( for the most part ) by Founders , that cast Candlesticks , Chafing-dishes , Spice-Mortars , and such like Copper or Latin workes , and do after turn them with the Foot , and not with the Wheel , to make them smoth and bright , with turning and scrating , ( as some do term it ) making a loathsome noise to the by-passers , that have not been used to the like , and therefore by them disdainedly called Lothbury . On the South side of this street amongst the Founders be some fair Houses and large , for Merchants ; namely , one that of old time was the Jews Synagogue , which was defaced by the Citizens of London , after that they had slain seven hundred Jewes , and spoiled the residue of their goods , in the year 1262 , the forty seventh of Henry the third . And not long after , in the year 1291 , King Edward the first banished the remnant of the Jewes out of England , as is afore shewed . The Synagogue being so suppressed , certain Fryars got possession thereof ; For in the year 1257 , ( saith Matthew Paris ) there were seen in London a new Order of Fryars , called De poenitentia Jesu , or Fratres de sacco , because they were apparrelled in sackcloth , who had their House in London , near unto Aldersgate , without the gate , and had Licence of Henry the third , in the four and twentieth of his Reign , to remove from thence to any other place ; and in the fifty sixt , she gave unto them this Jews Synagogue . After which time Elianor the Queen , wife to Edward the first , took into her protection , and warranted unto the Prior and Brethren De poenitentia Jesu Christi , of London , the said Land and building in Cole-Church street , in the Parish of Saint Olave in the Jury and St. Margaret in Loathbury , by her granted , with consent of Stephen de Fulborn , under-Warden of the Bridge-house , and other Brethren of that House , for threescore Marks of Silver , which they had received of the said Prior and Brethren of repentance , towards the building of the said Bridge . This Order of Friers gathered many good Schollars , and multiplyed in number exceedingly , untill the Councel of Lyons ; by the which it was Decreed , that ( from that time forth ) there should no more Orders of Begging Fryers , be permitted , but only the four Orders , to wit , the Dominick or Preachers , the Minorites or Gray Fryers , and the Augustines : and so from that time the Begging Fryers decreated and fell to nothing . Now it followed , that in the year 1305 , Robert Fitzwalter , requested and obtained of the said King Edward the first , that the same Fryers of the Sack , might assigne to the said Robert , their Chappel or Church , of old time , called the Synagogue of the Jewes , near adjoyning to the then Mansion house of the same Robert , which was in place where now standeth the Grocers Hall , and the said Synagogue was at the North Corner of the old Jury , Robert Large , Mercer , Mayor , in the year 1439 , kept his Majoralty in this House , and dwelled there until his dying day . This House standeth , and is of two Parishes , as opening into Lothbury , of St. Margarets Parish , and opening into the Old Jewry , of St. Olaves Parish , The said Robert Large , gave liberally to both these Parishes , but was buried at St. Olaves . Hugh Clopton , Mercer , Maior 1492 , dwelled in this House , and kept his Majoralty there : it is now a Tavern , and hath to signe a Wind-Mill . And thus much for this House , sometimes the Jews Synagogue , since an house of Fryers , then a Noble mans House , after that , a Marchants House , wherein Majoralities have bin kept , and now a Wine-Tavern . Then is the Old Jewry a street so called of Jews , sometime dwelling there , and near adjoyning in the Parishes of St. Olave , St. Michael Basing Hall , St. Martin Ironmonger-lane , St. Lawrence , called the Jewry , and so West to Wood-street . William Duke of Normandy , first brought them from Roane to inhabit here . William Rusus favoured them so far , that he sware by Lukes face , his common Oath , if they could overcome the Christians , he would be one of their Sect. Henry the second , grievously punished them for corrupting his Coyne . Richard the first forbad Jewes , and Women to be present at his Coronation , for fear of Inchantments ; for breaking of which Commandment , many Jews were slain , who being assembled , to present the King with some gift , one of them was stricken by a Christian , which some unruly people perceiving , fell upon them , beat them to their houses , and brent them therein , or slew them at their comming out . Also the Jewes at Norwich , St. Edmonds bury , Lincoln , Stanford , and Lyn , were robbed and spoyled ; and at York , to the number of five hundred , besides Women and Children entred a Tower of the Castle , profered money to be in surety of their lives ; but the Christians would not take it ; whereupon , they cut the throats of their own Wives and Children , and cast them over the Walls on the Christians heads ; and then , entring the Kings Lodging , they burned both the House and themselves . King John , in the 11th of his Reign , commanded all the Jews , both Men and Women , to be imprisoned , and grievously punished , because he would have all their Money ; some of them gave all they had , and promised more , to escape so many kinds of torments ; for every one of them , had one of their eyes at the least plucked out . Amongst whom there was one , which being tormented many wayes , would not ransome himself , till the King had caused ( every day ) one of his great teeth to be plucked out , by the space of seven dayes , and then he gave the King ten thousand Marks of silver : to the end , they should pull out no more , the said King at that time , spoyl'd the Jews of sixty six thousand Marks . The 17th of this King , the Barons brake into the Jews Houses , rifled their Coffers , and with the Stone of their Houses , repaired the Gates and Walls of London . King Henry the third , in the 11th of his Reign , granted to Semaine , or Ballaster , the house of Benomie Mittun the Jew , in the Parish of St. Michael Bassing-Langhe , in which the said Benemy dwelt , with the fourth part of all his Land in that Parish , which VVilliam Elie held of the Fee of Hugh Nevel , and all the Land in Colemanstreet , belonging to the said Benomy ; and the fourth part of the Land , in the Parish of St. Lawrence , which was the Fee of Thomas Buckerel , and were excheted to the King , for the murther which the said Benomy committed in the City of London , to hold to the said Semaine , and his Heires , of the King , paying at Easter , a pair of gilt Spurs , and to do the service thereof due unto the Lords Court. In the like manner , and for like services , the King granted to Guso for his Homage , the other part of the Lands of the said Benomye in St. Michaels Parish ; which Law , the Painter held , and was the Kings Excheter , and the Lands of the said Benomye , in the said Parish , which VValter Turner held , and fifteen foot of Land , which Hugh Harman held , with fifteen Iron Ells of Land , and an half , in the front of Iron-monger-lane , in the Parish of St. Martin , which were the said Benomyes , of the Fee of the Hospital of St. Giles , and which Adam the Smith held , with two Stone-Houses , which were Moses the Jew of Canterbury , in the Parish of St. Olave ; and which a●e of the Fee of Arnold de Reus , and are the Kings Exchetes , as aforesaid . The 16th of the said Henry , the Jews in London , builded a Synagogue , but the King commanded , it should be dedicated to our blessed Lady , and after gave it to the Brethren of St. Anthonies of Vienna , and so was it called St. Anthonies Hospital . This King Henry founded a Church and House for converted Jews , in a new street by the Temple , whereby it came to passe , that ( in short time ) there was gathered a great number of Converts . The twentieth of this King Henry , seven Jews were brought from Norwich , vvhich had stolen a christened Child , had circumcised , and minded to have crucified him at Easter , vvherefore their Bodies and Goods vvere at the Kings pleasure : The six and twentieth , the Jews vvere constrained to pay to the King , twenty thousand Marks , at two Termes in the year , or else to be kept in perpetual Prison . The five and thirtieth , He taketh inestimable sums of money , of all rich men , namely , of Aaron , a Jew born at York , fourteen thousand Marks for himself , and ten thousand Marks for the Queen ; and before , he had taken of the same Jew as much , as in all , amounted to thirty thousand Marks of Silver , and two hundred Marks of Gold to the Queen . In the sortieth year , vvere brought up to VVestminster , two hundred Jews from Lincoln , for crucifying a Child , named Hugh ; eighteen of them were hang'd . The forty third , a Jew at Tewksbury fell into a Privie on the Saturday , and would not that day be taken out , for reverence of his Sabbath ; wherefore Richard Clare , Earl of Gloucester , kept him there till Monday , that he was dead . The forty seven , the Barons slew of the Jews at London , seven hundred ; the rest were spoiled , and their Synagogue defaced , because one Jew would have forced a Christian to have payd more than two shillings , for the lone of twenty shillings a week . The third of Edward the first , in a Parliament at London , usury was forbidden to the Jews ; and that all Usurers might be known , the King commanded that every Usurer should weare a Table on his brest , the breadth of a Paveline , or else to avoid the Realm . The sixth of the said King Edward , a Reformation was made for clipping of the Kings Coyn ; for which offence , two hundred sixty seven Jews were drawn and hanged ; three were English Christians , and other were English Jews . The same year the Jews crucified a child at Northampton ; for the which fact , many Jews at London were drawn at Horses Tayls , and hanged . The 11th of Edward the first , John Perkham , Arch Bishop of Canterbury , commanded the Bishop of London , to destroy all the Jewes Synagogues in his Diocese . The 16th of the said Edward , all the Jews in England , were ( in one day ) apprehended by precept from the King but they redeemed themselves for twelve thousand pounds of silver ; notwithstanding , in the nineteenth of his Reign , he banished them all out of England , giving them only to bear their Charge , till they were out of this Realm , the number of Jews then expulsed , were fifteen thousand and sixty persons : the King made a mighty masse of money of their Houses , which he sold , and yet the Commons of England had granted , and gave him a fifteenth of all their Goods , to banish them ; and thus much for the Jewes . In this street called the Old Jewry , is a proper Parish-Church of St. Olave Upwell , so called in Record , 1320 , John Brian , Parson of St. Olave Upwell , in the Jewry , founded there a Chauntery , and gave two Messuages to that Parish , the sixteenth of Edward the second , and was by the said King confirmed . In this Church to the commendations of the Parsons and Parishioners , the Monuments , of the dead , remain lesse defaced than in many other . From this Parish Church of St. Olave , to the North end of the Old Jewry , and from thence West to the North end of Ironmonger-lane , almost to the Parish Church of St. Martin , ( was of old time ) one large building of stone , very ancient , made in place of Jews Houses ; but of what antiquity , or by whom the same was builded , or for what use , is not known : more than that King Henry the sixth , in the sixteenth of his Reign , gave the Office of being Porter , or Keeper thereof , unto John Stent , for terme of his life , by the name of his principal Pallace in the Old Jewry . This was called the Old Wardrobe , but of latter time , the outward Stone-Wall hath bin by little and little taken down , and divers fair Houses builded thereupon , even round about . Now or the North side of this Lothbury , beginning again at the East end thereof , upon the Water-Course of Wallbrook , have ye a proper Parish Church , called St. Margaret , which was newly re-edified and builded , about the year 1440. By the West end of this Parish-Church , have ye a fair Water-Conduit , builded at the Charges of the City , in the year , 1546. Next is the Founders Hall , a hansom House , and so to the South-West corner of Basings-hall-street , have ye fair and large Houses for Marchants , namely , the Corner-house , at the end of Basings-Hall-street , an old peece of work , builded of Stone , sometime belonging to a certain Jew , named Mansere , the Sonne of Aaron , the Sonne of Coke the Jew , the seventh of Edward the first , since , to Rahere Sopers-Lane , then , to Simon Francis. Thomas Bradbury , Mercer , kept his Majoralty there , deceased 1509. part of this House hath bin lately imployed as a Market-house for the sale of Woollen Bayes , Watmoles , Flanels , and such like . On this North side , against the Old Jewry , is Colemanstreet , so called of Coleman , the first builder and owner thereof ; as also of Cole-Church , or Coleman-Church , against the great Conduit in Cheape : This is a fair and large street , on both sides builded with divers fair Houses , besides Allies with small Tenements in great number , on the East side of this street , almost at the North end thereof , is the Armorers-Hall , which Company of Armorers , were made a Fraternity of Guild of St. George , with a Chantry in the Chappel of St. Thomas , in Pauls Church , in the first of Henry the sixth ; also on the same side is Kings Alloy , and Love-lane , both containing many Tenements , And on the West side , towards the South end , is the Parish Church of St. Stephen , wherein the Monuments are defaced . This Church was sometime a Synagogue of the Jews , then a Parish Church , then a Chappel to Saint Olaves in the Jewry , until the seventh of Edward the fourth , and was then incorporated , a Parish Church . Of the Eighteenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Basings-Hall-Ward . THe next adjoyning to Coleman-street-Ward , on the West side thereof , is Rassings-Hall-VVard , a small thing , and consisteth of one street , called Basings-Hall-street , of Basings-Hall , the most principal House , whereof the Ward taketh name : it beginneth in the South , by the late spoken Market House , called the Bay Hall , which is the last of Coleman-street-VVard . This street runneth from thence North , down to London-Wall , and some distance both East and West , against the said Hall , And this is the bounds of Basings-Hall-VVard . Amongst divers fair Houses for Marchants , have ye three Halls of Companies , namely , the Masons Hall for the first ; but of what Antiquity that Company is , I have not read . The next is the Weavers Hall , which Company hath bin of great Antiquity in this City , as appeareth by a Charter of Henry the second , in these words , Rex omnibus ad Quos , &c. to be englished thus . Henry King of England , Duke of Normandy , and of Guyan , Earl of Anjou , to the Bishop , Justices , Sheriffs , Barons , Ministers , and all his true Lieges of London , sendeth greeting : Know ye , that we have granted to the Weavers in London their Guuld , with all the Freedoms , and Customs that they had in the time of King Henry my Grandfather , so that they intermit none but within the City , of their Craft , but he be of their Guild ; neither in Southwark , or other places pertaining to London , otherwise than it was done in the time of King Henry my Grand-father ; wherefore I will and straightly command , that over all lawfully they may treat , and have all aforesaid , as well in peace , free , worshipful , and wholly , as they had it freer , better , worshipfuller , and whollier than in the time of King Henry my Grand-father , so that they yield yearly to me , two Marks of Gold , at the feast of St. Michael . And I forbid , that any man to them do any Unright , or Disease , upon pain of ten pound , &c. Lower down , is the Girdlers Hall , and this is all touching the East side of this Ward . On the West side , almost at the South end thereof , is Bakewell-Hall , corruptly called Blackwell-Hall , concerning the Original whereof , I have heard divers Opinions , which I over-passe as Fables , without colour of truth ; for though the same seemed a Building of great Antiquity , yet ( in mine Opinion ) the Foundation thereof was first laid , since the Conquest of VVilliam , Duke of Normandy ; for the same was builded upon Vaults of Stone ; which Stone was brought from Cane in Normandy : The like of that in Pauls Church , builded by Mauritius and his Successors , Bishops of London ; but that this House hath bin a Temple , or Jewish Synagogue ( as some have fantisied ) I allow not , seeing that it had no such form of roundness , or other likeness ; neither had it the form of a Church , for the Assembly of Christians , which are builded East and West ; but contrariwise , the same was builded North and South , and in the form of a Noblemans House , and therefore the best Opinion ( in my judgement ) is , that it was ( of old time ) belonging to the Family of the Bassings , which was in this Realm , a name of great Antiquity and Renown ; and that it beares also the name of that Family , and was called therefore Bassings-Haugh , or Hall. Now how Bakewell-hall took that name , is another Question , For which I read , That Thomas Bakewel dwelled in this House , in the 36. of Edward the 3d , and that in the 20. of Richard the 2d , the said King for the sum of 50. pounds , which the Mayor and the Communalty , had paid into the Hanapar , granted Licence , so much as was in him , to John Frosh , William Parker , and Stephen Spilman , ( Citizens and Mercers ) that they , the said Messuage , called Bakewell-hall , and one Garden , with the appurtenances , in the Parish of St. Michael of Bassings-Haugh , and of St. Lawrence , in the Jewry of London , and one Messuage , two Shops , and one Garden , in the said Parish of St. Michael , which they held of the King in Burgage , might give and assign to the Mayor and Communalty for ever . This Bakewell-Hall thus established , hath bin long since imployed , as a weekly Market-place for all sorts of Woollen Clothes , broad and narrow , brought from all parts of this Realm , there to be sold . In the 21. of Richard the second , Richard Whittington Mayor ; and in the 22. Drew Barringtine being Mayor , it was decreed , that no Forraign or stranger , should sell any Woollen-Cloth ; but in Bakewell-hall , upon pain of forfeiture thereof . This House ( of late years ) growing ruinous , and in danger of falling , Richard May , Merchant-Taylor , at his decease , gave towards the new building of the outward part thereof , 300l . upon condition , that the same should be performed , within three years after his Decease ; whereupon , the old Bakewell-Hall , was taken down , and in the Moneth of February next following , the foundation of a new , strong , and beautiful Store-house being laid , the work thereof was so diligently applyed , that within the space of ten moneths after , to the charges of two thousand five hundred pounds , the same was finished , in the year 1588. Next beyond this House , are placed divers fair Houses for Marchants , and others , till ye come to the back Gate of Guild-hall ; which Gate , and part of the building within the same , is of this Ward : some small distance beyond this Gate , the Coopers have their common Hall. Then is the Parish Church of St. Michael , called St. Michael at Bassings-hall , a proper Church , lately re-edified or new builded . The Nineteenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of LONDON , called Cripple-gate Ward . THe Next Ward is called of Cripplegate , and consisteth of divers Streets and Lanes , lying as well without the Gate and Wall of the City , as within . First , within the Wall on the East part thereof , towards the North ; it runneth to the West-side of Bassing Hall's Ward , and towards the South , it joyneth to the Ward of Cheap ; It beginneth at the West end of the St. Laurence Church in the Jury , on the North-side , and runeth West to a Pumpe , where sometimes was a well with Buckets , at the South Corner of Alderman-Bury-Street , which Street runneth down North to Gayspur Lane , and to London Wall , which Street and Lane are wholly ( on both sides ) of this Ward , and so be some few houses ( on both sides ) from Gayspur Lane , by and against the Wall of the City , East to the Grates , made for the water-course of the Channels , and West to the Creplegate . Now on the South side , from over against the West End of Saint Laurence Church , to the Pumpe , and up Milke-Street South unto Cheap , which Milke-Street is wholly ( on both the sides ) of Cripplegate Ward , as also without the South end of Milke-Street , a part of West Cheap , to wit , from the Standard to the Crosse , is all of Cripplegate Ward . Then down great Wood-Street , which is wholly of this Ward on both the sides thereof , so is little Wood-Street , which runneth down to Creplegate . Out of this Wood-Street be diver Lanes , namely on the East side is Lad lane , which runneth East to Milke-Street Corner , down lower in WoodStreet is Love lane , which lieth by the South side of St. Albans Church in Wood-Street , and runneth down to the Conduit in Aldermanbury-Street ; Lower down in Wood-Street , is Addle-Street , out of the which runneth Philip-lane , down to London Wall. These be the Lanes on the East-side . On the West side of Wood-Street , in Huggon lane , by the South side of St. Michaels Church & goeth thorow to Gutherons lane ; Then lower is Maiden-lane , which runneth West to the North End of Gutherons lane , and up the said lane on the East side thereof , till against Kery lane , and back again , then the said Maiden-lane , on the North side , goeth up to Staining lane , & up a part thereof on the East side , to the farthest North part of Haberdashers Hall , and back again to Wood-Street , and there lower down is Silver Street , which is of this Ward , till ye come to the East End of St. Olaves Church on the South side , and to Monkes-well Street , on the North side , then down the said Monkes-well Street on the East side thereof , and so to Cripplegate , do make the bonds of this Ward within the Walls . Of these More-Fields , you have formerly read , what a Moorish rotten ground they were , unpassable , but for Cawsways ; purposely made to that intent ; what they were also in our own nearer times of Memory , even till Sir Leonard Halliday was Lord Major of London , Iam very well assured many do perfectly remember . And what they are now at this instant by the honourable cost and care of this City , and the industrious pains and diligence of that worthy Cittizen Mr. Nicolas Leate , we all ( to our continuall comfort ) do evidently behold . Then to turn back again , through the said Posternlane to More-lane , which More-lane , with all the Allies and buildings there , is of this Ward . After that is Grub-Street more then half thereof to the Streightning of the Street , Next is White-Crosse-Street , up to the End of Beech-lane , and then Red-Crosse-Street , wholly with a part of Golding-lane , even to the posts there placed , as a bounder . Then is Beech lane before spoken of ; the East side of the Red-Crosse , and the Barbican-Street , more than halfe thereof toward Aldersgate-Street . Touching the Antiquitie of this Old Aldermans-Bury or Court , I have not read other , then that Richard Kenery , one of the Sheriffs of London ; in the first of Richard the first , which was in the year of Christ 1189. gave to the Church of Saint Mary at Osney by Oxford , certain grounds and rents in Alderman-Bury , of London , as appeareth by the Register of that Church , as is also entered into the Hustings of the Guild-Hall in London . This Old Bery , Court , or Hall continued , and the courts of the Major and Aldermen were continually holden there , untill the New Bery-Court , or Guild-Hall that now is , was builded and finished , which Hall was first begun to be founded in the year 1411 , and was not fully finished in twenty years after , The ruines of the Old Court Hall in Alderman-Bury-Street yet appear which of late hath bin imployed as a Carpenters yard , &c. Then is the parish Church of St. Mary Aldermanbury , a fair Church , with a Church-yard and Cloyster adjoyning . In the which Cloyster is hanged and fastned a Shanke-bone of a man ( as is said ) very great , and larger by three inches and a half , than that which hangeth in St. Laurence Church in the Jury , for it is in length twenty Eight inches and a half of assise , but not so hard and Steely , like as the other ; for the same is Leight , and somewhat pory and spongy . This bone is said to be found amongst the bones of men removed from the Charnell house of Pauls , or rather from the Cloyster of Pauls Church . Beneath this Church have ye Gayspur-lane , which runneth down to London Wall , as is afore shewed . In this lane , at the North end thereof , was ( of old time ) a house of Nuns , which house being in great decay William Elsing , Mercer , in the year of Christ 1329. the third of Edward of the third , began in place thereof the foundation of an Hospitall , for sustentation of one hundred blind men : Towards the erection whereof , he gave his two houses in the Parishes of St. Alphage and our Blessed Lady in Aldermanbury Near Cripplegate . This house was after called a Priory or Hospitall of St. Mary the Virgin , founded in the year 1332. by W. Elsing for Canons Regular , the which W. became the first Prior there . In the same place where the aforesaid Elsing Spittle and priory , were formerly scituated , there is now newly erected a Colledge for the Clergy of London , and Liberties thereof , called by the name of Sion-Colledge : And Almes-houses for twenty poor people , ten men and ten women . This was done by the especiall care and paines of Mr. John Simson , Rector of St. Olaves Hart-Street London , one of the Executors of the last Will and Testament of Mr. Thomas White , Doctor in Divinity , Vicar of S. Dunstans in the West , and one of the Canons Residentiary of S. Pauls Church London : which ●o●e-named Thomas White , ( besides sundry sums of money , and great yearly Revenues given by him to pious and Charitable uses in divers places ) gave three thousand pound to purchase and build the aforesaid Colledge for the use of the Clergy , and Almes-houses for the twenty poor people aforesaid . He gave also unto the said Colledge , and Almes-houses , a hundred sixty pound , per annum for ever ; whereof there is a hundred twenty pound yearly allowed for the maintenance of the poor Almes-men and women : And forty pound yearly for four dinners for the Clergy , who are to have four Latine Sermons in the year one every quarter , and upon these dayes are to dine together in the Colledge . In the same Colledge the forenamed John Simson did in his life time , at his own proper Costs and Charges , build a very faire and spacious Library , containing , a hundred twenty one foot in length , within the Walls , and above twenty five foot in breadth . And hath furnished it with Wainscot , Stalls , Desks , Seats , and other Necessary and usefull Ornaments befitting the place . To this Library there have been already divers bountifull , and well disposed Benefactors , who have given large sums of money towards the furnishing of it with Books . Then is there the Parish Church of Saint Alphage ; The principall I le of this Church towards the North , was pulled down , and a frame of four houses set up in the place : the other part , from the Steeple upward , was converted into a Parish Church of S. Alphage ; and the Parish Church which stood near unto the Wall of the City by Cripplegate , was pulled down ; the plot thereof made a Carpenters Yard , with Saw-pits . The Hospitall it self , the Prior , and Canons house , with other Lodgings were made a dwelling house , the Church-Yard is a Garden plot , and a faire Gallery on the Cloyster ; the Lodgins for the poor are translated into stabling for horses . Now we will return to Milk-Street so call'd of Milke sold there at the beginning . In this Milk-Street , is a small Parish Church of Saint Mary Magdelen , which hath of late years been repaired . William Brown , Mayor 1513. gave to this Church fourty pounds , and was buried there . Then Next is Wood-Street , by what reason so called , I know not . True it is , that ( of old time ) according to a Decree made in the reign of Richard the first , the houses of London were builded of Stone , for defence of fire , which kind of building was used for two hundred years or more , but of latter time , for the winning of ground , taken down ; and houses of Timber were set up in their place . It seemeth therefore that this Street hath been of the latter building , all of timber , ( for scarce one house of stone hath been known there ) and therefore called Wood-Street : otherwise it might take the name of some builder or owner thereof . On the East side of this Street is one of the Prison-houses , pertaining to the Sheriffs of London , and is called the Compter in Wood-Street , which was prepared to be a prison-house in the year 1555. And on the Eve of S. Michael the Archangell , the prisoners that lay in the Compter in Bread-Street , were removed to this Compter in Wood-Street . Beneath this Compter in Lad-lane , or Ladle Hall , for so I find it of Record , in the parish of Saint Michaell Wood-Street ; and Beneath that is Love lane , so called of wantons . By this lane is the Ancient parish Church of S. Albans . One note of the great Antiquity of it , is the name , by which it was at first dedicated to St. Albanus , the first Martyr of England . Another Character of the Antiquity of it , is to be seen in the manner of the turning of the Arches in the windows , and heads of the Pillars . A third Note , appears in the Roman Bricks , here and there inlayed amongst the stones of the building . Very probable it is , that this Church is at least of as ancient a standing as King Aldelstane the Saxon , who , as the Tradition sayes , had his house at the East end of this Church . This Kings house , having adoor also into Adel-Street in this Parish , gave name , as 't is thought , unto the said Adel-Street , which in all Evidences to this day , is written King Adel-Street . One great square Tower of this Kings house seems yet remaining , to be seen at the North corner of Love lane , as you come from Alderman-bury ; which Tower is of the very same stone and manner of building with S. Albans Church . There is also ( but without any outward Monument ) the head of James the Fourth King of Scots of that name , slain at Flodden field , and buried here by this occasion : After the Battell , the body of the said King being found , was closed in lead , and conveyed from thence to London , and so to the Monastery of Sheine in Surrey , where it remained for a time , in what order I am not certain : But since the dissolution of that house , in the reign of Edward the Sixth , Henry Gray Duke of Suffolk , being lodged and keeping house there , the same body was to be shew'd , so lapped in lead , close to the head and body , thrown into a waste room amongst the old timber , lead , & other rubble ; since which time , the workmen there ( for their foolish pleasure ) hewed off his head ; and Launcelot Young , Master Glasier to Queen Elizabeth , feeling a sweet savour to come from thence , and seeing the same dried from all moisture , and yet the form remaining , with the hair of the head and beard red , brought it into London , to his house in Wood-street , where ( for a time ) he kept it for the sweetnesse ; but in the end , caused the Sexton of that Church , to bury it amongst other bones , taken out of their Charnell , &c. There are divers Records of a house in Wood-street , then called Black Hall , but no man at this day can tell thereof . On the North side of this Saint Michaels Church is Maiden-lane , now so called , but ( of old time ) Ingene-lane , or Inglane . In this Lane the Wax-Chaundlers have their Common Hall , on the the South side thereof ; and the Haberdashers have their Hall on the North side , at Stayning-lane end . This Company of the Haberdashers , or Hurrers , of old time so called , were incorporated a Brotherhood of St. Katherines , the twenty sixth of Henry the Sixth , and so confirmed by Henry the Seventh , the seventeenth of his Reign ; the Cappers and Hat-Merchants , or Hurrers , being one Company of Haberdashers . Down lower in VVood-street is Silver-street ( I think , of Silver-Smiths dwelling there ) in which be divers fair houses . And on the North side thereof is Monks-well street , so called , of a well , at the North end thereof , where the Abbot of Garendon had an home or Cell , called Saint James in the wall by Cripple-gate , and certain Monks of their house were Chaplains there ; wherefore the Well ( belonging to that Cell or Hermitage ) was called Monks-well , and the street of the well , Monks-well street . The East side of this street down against London wall , and the South side thereof to Cripple-gate , be of Cripple-gate Ward , as is afore-shewed . In this street , by the corner of Monks-well street , is the Bowyers Hall. On the East side of Monks-well street , be convenient Alms-houses , twelve in number , founded by Sir Ambrose Nicholas , Salter , Maior , 1575. wherein he placed twelve poor and aged people rent-free , having each of them seven pence the week , and once the yeer each of them five sacks of Charcoals , and one quartern of one hundred of Faggots , of his gift for ever . On the North side of the way , turning towards Cripple-gate , and even upon , or close to London wall , ( as it were ) are certain new erected Almes-houses , six in number , of the cost and gift of Mr. Robert Rogers , Leather-Seller , and very good maintenance allowed ( for ever ) to such people as are appointed to dwell in them . Then , in little VVood-street , be seven proper Chambers in an Alley on the West side , founded for seven poor people , therein to dwell rent-free , by Henry Barton , Skinner , Maior , 1516. Now without the Postern of Cripple-gate , first is the Parish Church of Saint Giles , a very fair and large Church , lately repaired , after that the same was burned , in the yeer 1545 , the thirty seventh of Henry the Eighth , by which mischance , the Monuments of the dead in this Church are very few . In VVhite Crosse-street King Henry the Fifth builded a fair house , and founded there a Brotherhood of S. Giles to be kept , which house had sometime been an Hospitall of the French Order , by the name of Saint Giles without Cripple-gate . In the reign of Edward the First , the King having the Jurisdiction , and pointing a Custos thereof , for the Precinct of the Parish of Saint Giles , &c. which Hospitall being suppressed , the lands were given to the Brotherhood for relief of the poor . One Alley , of divers Tenements , over against the North wall of Saint Giles Church-yard , was appointed to be Alms-houses , for the poor , wherein they dwelled rent-free , and otherwise were releeved ; but the said Brotherhood was suppressed by Henry the Eighth , since which time , Sir John Gresham , Maior , purchased the lands , and gave part thereof to the maintenance of a Free School , which he had founded at Holt , a Market-town in Norfolk . In Red Crosse-street , on the West side from S. Giles Church-yard , up to the said Crosse , be many fair houses builded outward , with divers Alleys , turning into a large plot of ground , of old time called the Jews Garden , as being the only place appointed them in England , wherein to bury their dead , till the year 1177 , the twenty fourth of Henry the Second , that it was permitted them ( after long suit to the King and Parliament at Oxford ) to have a speciall place assigned them in every quarter where they dwelled . On the East side of this Red Crosse-street , be also divers fair houses , up to the Crosse , and there is Beech-lane , peradventure so called of Nicholas de la Beech , Lievtenant of the Tower of London , put out of that office in the thirteenth of Edward the Third . This Lane stretcheth from Red Crosse-street to VVhite Crosse-street , replenished not with Beech trees , but with beautifull houses of Stone , Brick , and Timber : Amongst the which was ( of old time ) a great house pertaining to the Abbot of Ramsey , for his lodging , when he repaired to the City ; it is now called Drewry House , of Sir Drew Drewry , who dwelt there . On the North side of this Beech-lane , towards VVhite Crosse street , the Drapers of London have lately builded eight Alms-houses of Brick and Timber , for eight poor widows of their own Company , whom they placed there rent-free . Then is Golding-lane : Richard Gallard of Islington Esquire , Citizen and Painter-Stainer of London , founded thirteen Alms-houses , for so many poor people placed in them rent-free . He gave to the poor of the same Alms-houses , two pence the peece weekly , and a load of Charcoals among them yeerly for ever : He left fair lands about Islington , to maintain his Foundation . T. Hayes , sometime Chamberlain of London , in the latter time of Henry the Eighth , married Elizabeth his daughter and heir , which Hayes and Elizabeth had a daughter named Elizabeth , married to John Ironmonger , of London Mercer , who had the ordering of the Alms-people . On the West side of Red Crosse-street , is a street called the Barbican , because sometime there stood on the North side thereof a Burghkenning or VVatch-tower of the City , called in some language a Barbican , as a Bikening is called Beacon . This Burgh-kenning , by the name of the Mannour of Base Court , was given by Edward the Third , to Robert Ufford Earl of Suffolk , and was afterward pertaining to Peregrine Barty , Lord VVilloughby of Ersby . Next adjoyning to this , is one other great house , called Garter Place , sometime builded by Sir Thomas VVirthe , or VVrithesly , Knight , aliàs Garter , principall King of Arms , second son of Sir John VVrithe , Knight , aliàs Garter , and was Uncle to the first Thomas , Earl of Southampton , Knight of the Garter , and Chancellor of England : He built this house , and in the top thereof a Chappell , which he dedicated by the name of S. Trinitatis in Alto. Of the Twentieth Ward , or Aldermanry , of the City of LONDON , call'd Aldersgate Ward . THe Next is Aldersgate Ward , taking name of that North Gate of the City : this Ward also consisteth of divers Streets and Lanes , lying as well within the Gate and Wall , as without . And first , to speak of that part within the Gate , thus it is , the East part thereof joyneth unto the West part of Cripplegate Ward , in Engain lane , or Maiden lane ; It beginneth on the North side of that Lane , at Staining lane End runneth up from the Haberdashers Hall , to St. Mary Staining Church , and by the Church East , winding almost to WoodStreet ; and West through Oate lane ; and then by the South side of Bacon house in Noble-Street , back again by Lilipot lane , which is also of that ward , to Maiden lane ; and so on that North side West to Saint John Zacharies Church , and to Foster lane . Now on the south side of Engain or Maiden lane , is the West side of Gutherons lane , to Kery lane and Kery lane it self ( which is of this ward ) and back again into Engain lane , by the North side of the Goldsmiths Hall , to Foster lane are almost wholly of this Ward : which beginneth in the South toward Cheap on the East side by the North side of Saint Fosters Church , and runneth down North West by the East end of Engain lane by Lilipot lane , and Oate lane , to Noble-Street , and through that by Shelly house , ( of old time so called , as belonging to the Shellies ) Sir Thomas Shelley Knight , was owner thereof in the first of Henry the fourth . It is now called Bacon-House , because the same was new builded by Sir Nicholas Bacon , Lord-Keeper of the Great Seal ; Down on that side by Serjeant Fleet-Woods house , Recorder of London , who also new builded it to Saint Olaves Church in Silver-Street , which is by the North-West End of this Noble-Street . Then have ye Maine Street of this Ward , which is called Saint Martins lane , in cluding Saint Martin , on the East side thereof ; and so down on both the sides to Aldersgate . And these be the bounds of this Ward , within the Wall and Gate . Without the Gate , the main Street called Aldersgate-Street , runneth up North on the East side , to the West end of Hounds-ditch or Barbican-Street ; a part of which Street , is also of this Ward ; And on the West side to Long-Lane , a part whereof is likewise of this Ward . Beyond the which Aldersgate , is Goswell Street up to the Barrs . And on the West side of Hldersgate Street , by Saint Buttolphs Church , is Briton-Street which runneth West to a Pumpe , and then North to the Gate , which entreth the Church-Yard , sometimes pertaining to the Priory of Saint Bartholomews on the east side & on the west side towards St. Bartholomews Spittle , to a paire of posts there fixed . And these be the bounds of this Aldersgate Ward without . The antiquities be these , first in Staining lane , of old time so called , as may be supposed of Painter-stainers dwelling there . On the East side thereof , adjoyning to the Aaberdashers Hall , be ten Almes-houses , pertaining to the Haberdashers ; wherein be placed ten Almes people of that Company , every of them having Eight pence the peece every Friday for ever , by the gift of Thomas Huntlow , Haberdasher , one of the Sheriffs , in the year , 1539. Then is the small Parish Church of Saint Mary , called Staining , because it standeth , at the North end of Staining lane . Then is Engain lane , or Maiden lane ; and , at the North-West Corner thereof , the Parish Church of St. John Zachary , a fair Church , with the Monuments well preserved , of Thomas Lichfield who founded a Chantery there , in the fourteenth of Edward the second . On the East side of this Foster Lane , at Engane Lane end , is Goldsmiths Hall , a proper House , but not large ; and therefore to say , that Bartholmew Read Goldsmith , Mayor in the year 1502 kept such a feast in this Hall , as some have fabuled , is far incredible , and altogether unpossible , considering the smallnesse of the Hall , & number of the Guests , which as they say , were more than one hundred persons of great estate ; But of late years the said Goldsmiths Hall is much enlarged and in a stately and sumptuous manner , in so much that it may compare with any other Hall in London . Then at the North end of Noble-street , is the Parish Church of St. Olave in Silver-street , a small thing . On the West side of Foster-Lane , is the small Parish Church of St. Leonards , for them of St. Martins le Grand . A number of Tenements being lately builded in place of the great Collegiate Church of St. Martin : that Parish is mightily encreased . Then in Pope-lane , so called of one Pope that was owner thereof ; On the North side is the Parish Church of Saint Anne in the Willowes , so called , I know not upon what occasion , but some say , of Willowes growing there abouts , but now there is no such void place for Willowes to grow , more than the Church-yard , wherein do grow some high Ash-trees to this day . Then in St. Martins Lane was ( of old time ) a fair and large Colledge , of a Dean and Secular Canons or Priests , and was called Saint Martins le grand , founded by Ingelricus , and Edwardus his Brother , in the year of Christ 1056 , and confirmed by William the Conqueror , as appeareth by his Charter , dated 1068. This Colledge claimed great Priviledges of Sanctuary , and otherwise , as appeareth in a Book written by a Notary of that House , about the year 1442 the nineteenth of Henry the sixth : wherein , amongst other things , is set down and declared that on the first of September , in the year aforesaid , a Souldier , prisoner in Newgate , as he was led by an Officer towards the Guild-Hall of London , there came out of Panyer Alley five of his fellowship , and took him from the Officer , brought him into Sanctuary , at the West door of St. Martins Church , and took Grithe of that place ; But the same day Philip Malpas , & Robert Marshall , then Sheriffs of London , with many other entred the said Church , and forcibly took out with them the said five men thither fled , led them fettered to the Counter , and from thence chained by the Necks to Newgate : of which violent taking , the Dean and Chapter in large manner complained to the King , and required him as their Patron , to defend their Priviledges , like as his Predecessors had done , &c. All which complaint and suite , the Citizens by their Counsel Markham Serjeant at the Law , John Carpenter common Clerk of the City , and others , learnedly answered , offering to prove , that the said place of St. Martin had no such Immunity or Liberty , as was pretended . Notwithstanding , after long debating of this Controversie , by the Kings commandment , & assent of his Councel in the Starr-Chamber , the Chancellour and Treasurer , sent a Writ unto the Sheriffs of London , charging them to bring the said five persons , with the cause of their taking and withholding , afore the King in his Chancery on the Vigil of Alhallowes : on which day , the said Sheriffs , with the Recorder and Counsel of the City , brought and delivered them accordingly , afore the said Lords ; where the Chancellour , after he had declared the Kings Commandement , sent them to St. Martins , there to abide freely , as in a place having Franchises , whiles them liked , &c. Without Aldersgate on the East side of Aldersgate-street , is the Cookes Hall , which Cooks ( or Pastlers ) were admitted to be a Company , and to have a Master and Wardens , in the two and twentieth of Edward the fourth ; From thence , along unto Houndsditch , or Barbican street , be many fair Houses ; on the West side also , be the like fair buildings , till ye come to Long-Lane , and so to Goswell street . In Britaine street , which took that name of the Duke of Britain Lodging there , is one proper Parish Church of St. Buttolph ; In which Church was sometime a Brotherhood of St. Fabian and Sebastian , founded in the year 1377 , the fifty one of Edward the third ; and confirmed by Henry the fourth in the sixth of his Reign . Then Henry the sixth in the twenty fourth of his Reign , to the honour of the Trinity , gave Licence to Dame Joane Astley , sometime his Nurse , to R. Cawood and T. Smith , to found the same a Fraternity perpetually , to have a Master and two Custos with Brethren and Sisters ; This Brotherhood was endowed with Lands , more than thirty pounds by the year , and was suppressed by Edward the sixth . Of the One and Twentieth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Faringdon Ward Intra . ON the South side of Aldersgate Ward , lyeth Faringdon Ward , called Intra , or within , for a difference from another Ward of that name , which lyeth without the Walls of the City , and is therefore called Farringdon Extra . These two Wards ( of old time ) were but one , and had also but one Alderman ; The whole great Ward of Faringdon , both Intra and Extra , took name of W. Farrendon Goldsmith , Alderman of that Ward , and one of the Sheriffs of London , in the year 1281 , the ninth of Edward the first ; He purchased the Aldermanry of this Ward , as by the Abstract of Deeds which are yet extant , may appear . At the South-West corner of Wood-street , is the Parish Church of St , Peter the Apostle , by the said Crosse : a proper Church . John Sha Goldsmith , Mayor , deceased 1503 , appointed by his Testament , the said Church and Steeple to be new builded of his goods , with a flat roof . Notwithstanding , Tho. Wood Goldsmith , one of the Sheriffs 1491 , is accounted a principal Benefactor , because the roof of the middle Isle is supported by Images of Woodmen , thought to be at his charge . The long Shop , or Shed encroaching on the High-street before this Church Wall , was licenced to be made in the year 1401 , yielding to the Chamber of London three shillings four pence yearly for the time . Also the same Shop was letten by the Parish , for three pounds at the most , many years since . Then is Guthuruns Lane , so called of Guthurun , sometime owner thereof , the Inhabitants of this Lane ( of old time ) were Gold-beaters , as doth appear by Records in the Exchequer . For , the Easterling money , was appointed to be made of fine Silver , such as men made into foyle , and was commonly called Silver of Guthrons Lane , &c. The Imbroyderers Hall is in this Lane , John Throwstone Imbroyderer , then Goldsmith , Sheriff , deceasing 1519. gave forty pound towards the purchase of this Hall ; Hugon Lane on the East side , and Kery Lane called of one Kery on the West . Then in the High street on the same North side , is the Sadlers Hall , and then Foster-Lane , so called , of Saint Fosters , a fair Church , lately new builded . Henry Coote Goldsmith , one of the Sheriffs , deceased 1509 , builded St. Dunstans Chappel there . John Throwstone , one of the Sheriffs , gave to the building thereof one hundred pounds by his Testament . John Brown Sergeant-painter Alderman , deceased 1532 , was a great Benefactor , and was there buried . William Thrist Selerar to the King 1425 , John Standelf Goldsmiths , lye buried there . Richard Galder 1544 , Agnes Wise to William Milborne , Chamberlain of London , 1500. In this West side is the Barber Chirurgions Hall ; This Company was Incorporated by means of Thomas Morestead , Esquire , one of the Sheriffs of London , a thousand four hundred thirty six ; Chirurgion to the Kings of England , Henry the fourth , fifth , and sixth , He deceased 1450. Then Jaques Fries , Physitian to Edward the fourth , and William Hobbs , Physician and Chirurgion to the same Kings Body , continuing the Suite the full terme of twenty years . Edward the fourth in the second of his Reign , and Richard Duke of Glocester became Founders of the same Corporation , in the Parish of Saint Cosme and Damiane . The first assembling of that Mystery was by Roger Strippe , William Hobbs , Thomas Goddard , and Richard Kent , since the which time they builded their Hall in that street , &c. At the North corner of this street , on the same side , was sometime an Hermitage , or Chappel of Saint James called in the Wall , near Creplegate , it belonged to the Abbey and Covent of Garadon , as appeareth by a Record the seven and twentieth of Edward the first , and also the fiftieth of Edward the third , William de Lions was Hermit there , and the Abbot and Convent of Garadon found two Chaplains Cestercian Monkes of their House , in this Hermitage one of them , for Aymor de Valence Earl of Pembrooke , and Mary de Saint Paul his Countesse . Of these Monks , and of a Well pertaining to them , the street took that name , and is called Monkes-Well street . This Hermitage with the appurtenances , was in the Reign of Edward the sixth , purchased from the said King by W. Lambe , one of the Gentlemen of the Kings Chappel , Citizen , and Cloth-worker of London ; He deceased in the year 1577 , and then gave it to the Cloth-workers of London , with other Tenements , to the value of fifty pounds the year , to the intent they shall hire a Minister , to say Divine Service there . Again , to the High street of Cheap , from Foster Lane end , to St Martins , and by that Lane to the Shambles or Flesh-market , on the North side whereof is Pentecost Lane , containing divers Slaughter-houses for the Butchers . Then was there of old time , a hansome Parish Church of Saint Nicholas , whereof the said Flesh-market took the name , and was called Saint Nicholas Shambles . This Church with the Tenements and Ornaments , was by Henry the eighth given to the Mayor and Communalty of the City , towards the maintenance of the New Parish Church , then to be erected in the late dissolved Church of the Gray Fryers , so was this Church dissolved and pulled down , in place whereof , and of the Church-yard ; many fair Houses are now builded , in a Court with a Well , in the middest whereof the Church stood . Then is Stinking Lane , formerly so called , or Chick Lane , at the East end of the Gray Fryers Church , it is now kept clean , and free from annoyance , and called by the name of Butchers Hall Lane , for there is the Butchers Hall. In the third of Richard the second , motion was made , that no Butcher should kill any flesh within London , but at Knightsbridge , or such like distant place from the Walls of the City . Then is there the late dissolved Church of Gray Fryars , the Originall whereof was thus ; In the year 1224 , being the 8th year of the Reign of King Henry the 3d , there came out of Italy nine Fryers of the order of the Franciscans , or Frior Minors ; five whereof were Priests , and the other four Lay-men ; the Priests placed themselves at Canterbury in Kent , but the other four came to London , and were lodged ( for some short while ) among the preaching Fryers , who lived then in Oldburn , now Holborne . Afterwards , they obtained to be placed in Cornhil London , in an House belonging to one John Travers , who was then one of the Sheriffs of London , in the same year 1224 , in which House they made themselves Cells , and inhabited there for a certain time , till their number so encreased , and the Citizens devotion grew to be so great , that ( within few years after ) they were thence removed , by the means of one John Ewin Mercer , who purchased a void plot of ground , near to St. Nicholas Shambles , where to erect an House for the said Fryers . Divers Citizens seemed herein to joyn with the said John Ewin , and erected there very beautiful Buildings , upon the same ground so formerly purchased by John Ewin , and a great part builded at his own Charge , which he appropriated to the Communalty of London , and then entred into the same Order of Friers , as a Lay-Brother himself . This whole Church contained in length three hundred foot , of the feet of St. Paul , in breadth eighty nine foot , and in heighth from the ground to the roof , sixty four foot , and two inches , &c. It was Consecrated 1325 , and at the Generall suppression , was valued at thirty two pound , nineteen shillings ; and surrendred the twelfth of November 1538 , the thirty of Henry the eighth : the Ornaments and goods being taken to the Kings use , the Church was shut up for a time , and used as a Store-house of goods taken prizes from the French , but in the year 1546 , on the third of January , it was again set open , on the which day preached at Pauls Crosse the Bishop of Rochester , where he declared the Kings gift thereof to the City , for the relieving of the poor ; which gift was inroll'd by Patents . St. Bartholmews Spittle in Smithfield , lately valued at three hundred five pounds , six shillings , seven pence , and surrendred to the King , was of the said Church of the Gray Fryars , and of two Parish Churches the one of St. Nicholas in the Shambles , and the other of St. Ewins in Newgate-Market ; they were to be made one Parish Church , in the said Fryers Church : In Lands he gave for maintenance of the said Church , with Divine Service , reparations , &c. five hundred Marks by year for ever . The thirteenth of Jannary , the thirty eighth of Henry the eighth , an agreement was made betwixt the King and the Mayor , and Communalty of London , dated the twenty seven of December , by which the said gift of the Gary Fryers Church , with all the Edifices and ground , the Fratrie , the Library , the Portar , and Chapter House , the great Cloistry and the lesser , Tenements , Gardens , and vacant grounds , Lead , Stone , Iron , &c. The Hospitall of St. Bartholmew in West Smithfield , the Church of the same , the Lead , Bells , and Ornaments of the same Hospitall , with all the Messuages Tenements and appurtenances . The Parishes of Saint Nicholas and of Saint Ewin , and so much of Saint Sepulchres Parish as is within Newgate , were made one Parish Church in the Grey Fryers Church , and called Christs Church , founded by King Henry the eighth . In the year 1552 , began the repairing of the Gray Fryars House , for the poor fatherlesse Children ; and in the Month of November , the children were taken into the same , to the number of almost four hundred . On Christmas day in the afternoon , while the Lord Mayor and Aldermen rod to Pauls , the Children of Christs Hospital stood , from Saint Lawrence Lane end in Cheap towards Pauls , all in one Livery of Russer Cotton , three hundred and forty in Number , and in the Easter next they were in Blue at the Spittle , and so have continued ever since . For these sorts of poor , three several Houses were provided . First , for the innocent and fatherlesse , which is the Beggars Child , they provided the House that was the late Gray Fryers in London , and called it by the name of Christs Hospitall , where poor Children are trained up in the Knowledge of God , and some vertuous exercises , to the overthrow of beggary . For the second degree , was provided , the Hospitals of Saint Thomas in Southwark , and Saint Bartholmew in West Smithfield , where are continually , ( at least ) two hundred diseased persons , which are not only there lodged and cured , but also fed and nourished . For the third degree , they provided Bridewell , where the Vagabond and idle Strumpet is chastised , and compelled to labour , to the overthrow of the vicious life of idlenesse . They provided also for the honest decayed housholder , that he should be relieved at home at his House , and in the Parish where he dwelled , by weekly relief and Pension ; And in like manner they provided for the Lazer , to keep him out of the City , from clapping of dishes and ringing of Bells , to the great trouble of the Citizens , & also to the dangerous infection of many , that they should be relieved at home at their Houses by several Pensions . St. Bartholmewes Hospital is incorporated by the name of Mayor , Communalty , and Citizens of the City of London , Governours of the Hospital for the poor , called little St. Bartholmews , near to West Smithfield , of the Foundation of King Henry the eighth . Christs Hospitall , Bridewell , and Saint Thomas the Apostle in Southwarke , are incorporated , by the names of the Mayor , Communalty , and Citizens of London , Governours of the Possessions , Revenues , and Goods of the Hospitals of Edward King of England the sixth , of Christ , Bridewell , and Saint Thomas the Apostle , &c. This Church was full of many great Monuments , as of the Lady Margaret Daughter to Philip of France , and Wife to Edward the first . Of Queen Isabel Wife to Edward the second . Of Joane Queen of the Scots , Wife to David Bruce . Of Isabel , Daughter to Edward the third . Of Eleanor Dutchesse of Britain . Of the Lady Beatrix , Dutchesse of Britain , Daughter to Henry the third . Of Roger Mortimer , Earl of March. Of John Hastings Earl of Pembrook . Of John Duke of Bourton , who had been taken Prisoner at Agencourt , with divers other great Personages . There is lately erected there in the South end of the Chancel and extraordinary hansome Monument to the Lady Venetia Stanley , Wise to the noble Knight Sir Kenelme Digby . Now for the South side of this Ward , beginning again at the Crosse in Cheap , from thence to Fryday-street , and down that street on the West side , till over against the North-west corner of Saint Matthewes Church ; And on the West side , to the South corner of the said Church , is wholly in the Ward of Faringdon . From this Fryday-street West , to the old Exchange , a street so called of Kings Exchange there kept , which was for the receipt of Bullion , to be coyned . For Henry the third , in the sixth year of his Reign , wrote to the Scabines , and men of Ipre , that he and his Councel had given prohibition , that no Englishmen , or other should make change of Plate , or other Masse of Silver , but only in his Exchange at London , or at Canterbury ; Andrew Bukerel , then had to farm the Exchange of England & was Maior of London ; in the Reign of Henry the third , John Somercote , had the keeping of the Kings Exchange over all England . In the eighth of Edward the first , Gregory Rocksley , was Keeper of the said Exchange for the King , in the fifth of Edward the second , William Hausted was Keeper thereof ; And in the eighteenth , Roger de Frowick , &c. These received the old stamps , or Coyning-Irons , from time to time , as the same were worn , and delivered new to all the Mints in England . This street beginneth by VVest-Cheap in the North , and runneth down South , to Knight-rider-street , that part thereof which is called Old Fish-street : But the very Housing and Office of the Exchange and Coynage , was about the midst thereof , South from the East Gate , that entreth Pauls Church-yard , and on the West side , in Baynards-Castle Ward . On the East side of this Lane , betwixt West-Cheap , and the Church of St. Augustine , Henry VValleis Mayor , ( by Licence of Edward the first ) builded one row of Houses , the profits rising of them to be imployed on London Bridge . The Parish-Church of St. Augustine , and one House next adjoyning , in VVathing-street , is of this Ward called Faringdon . Then is the North Church-yard of Pauls , in the which standeth the Cathedral Church first founded by Ethelbert , King of Kent , about the year of Christ 610. He gave Lands thereunto , as appeareth , Ethelbertus , Rex , Deo inspirante , pro animae suae remedio , dedit Episcopo Melito terram quae appellatur Tillingeham , ad Monasterii sui solatium scilicet , S. Pauli , &c. Ego Rex Ethelbertus ita firmiter concedo tibi praesuli Melito potestatem ejus habendi & possidendi ut in perpetuum in Monasterii utilitate permaneas , &c. Athelstan , Edgar , Edward the Confessor , and others also , gave Lands thereunto . William the Conqueror , gave to the Church of St. Paul , and to Mauricius , then Bishop , and his Successors , the Castle of Stortford , with the appurtenances , &c. He also confirmed the gifts of his Predecessors , in these words , ut habeant quiet as in perpetuum , 24. Hidas quas Rex Athelbert dedit S. Paulo juxta Murum London , &c. The Charter of King William the Conqueror , exemplified in the Tower , englished thus . William , By the Grace of God , King of Englishmen , to all his well-beloved French and English People greeting : Know ye , that I do give unto God , and the Church of St. Paul of London , and to the Rectors and Servitors of the same , in all other Lands which the Church hath , or shall have , within Borough , and without , Sack and Sock , Thole and The , Infangtheef , and Grithbirche , and all free Ships by Sea and by Land , on Tide , and off-Tide , and all the Rights that unto them Christendom by rad and more speak , and on Buright hamed , and on Buright work , afore all the Bishopricks in mine Land , and on each other mans Land. For I will , that the Church in all things , be as free , as I would my soul to be in the day of Judgement . In the year 1087. this Church of St. Paul , was burnt with fire , and therewith the most part of the City ; which fire began at the entry of the West Gate , and consumed the East Gate . Mauricius then Bishop , began therefore the Foundation of a new Church of St. Paul , a work , that men ( of that time ) judged , would never have bin finished , it was to them so wonderful for length and breadth ; and also the same was builded upon Arches ( or Vaults ) of stone , for defence of fire , which was a manner of work ( before that time ) unknown to the people of this Nation , and then brought in by the French , and the Stone was fetch'd from Cane in Normandy . The Steeple of this Church was builded and finished in the year 1222. The Crosse on the said Steeple fell down , and a new was set up in the year 1314. The new work of Pauls ( so called ) at the East end above the Quire , was begun in the year 1251. Henry Lacy , Earl of Lincoln , Constable of Chester , and Custos of England , in his time was a great Benefactor to this work , and was there buried , in the year 1310. The first of February , in the year 1444. about two of the Clock in the After-noon , the Steeple of Pauls was fired by Lightning , in the midst of the Shaft , or Spire , both on the West side , and on the South ; but by labour of many well disposed people , the same was ( to appearance ) quenched with Vineger . This Steeple was repaired in the year 1462. and the Weather-Cock again erected . Robert Goodwin winding it up , the Rope brake , and he was destroyed on the Pinacles , and the Cock was sore bruised ; but Birchwood ( the Kings Plummer ) set it up again ; since the which time , needing reparation , it was both taken down and set up in the year 1553. At which time it was found to be of Copper , gilt over , and the length from the Bill to the Tail , being four foot , and the breadth over the Wings , three foot and a half , it weighed forty pounds , the Crosse from the Bole , to the Eagle ( or Cock ) was fifteen foot and six inches of assize ; the length thereof , overthwart , was five foot and ten Inches , and the Compass of the Bole was nine foot and one inch . The inner Body of this Crosse was Oak , the next Cover was lead , and the outermost was of Copper red varnished . The Bole and Eagle , or Cock , were of Copper , and gilt also . The height of the Steeple was 520 Foot , whereof the Stone-work was 260 Foot , and the Spire was likewise 260 Foot. The length of the whole Church is 240 Taylors yards , which make 720 Foot. The breadth thereof is 130 Foot , and the heighth of the Body of that Church , is 150 Foot. The Colledge of petty Cannons there , was founded by King Richard the second , in honour of Queen Anne his Wife , and of her Progenitors , in the seventeenth of his Reign . Their Hall and Lands was then given unto them , as appeareth by the Patent , Robert Dokesworth , then being Master thereof . In the year 1408. the petty Canons then building their Colledge , the Maior and Communalty granted them their Water-Courses , and other Easements . There was also one great Cloyster , on the North side of this Church , invironing a Plot of ground of old time called Pardon Church-yard , whereof Thomas Moore , Dean of Pauls , was either the first builder , or a most special Benefactor , and was buried there . About this Cloyster , was artificially , and richly painted the Dance of Mochabray , or Dance of Death , commonly called the Dance of Pauls , the like whereof was painted about S. Innocents Cloyster , at Paris in France ; the Meeters or Poesie of this Dance , were translated out of French into English , by John Lidgate , Monk of Berry , the Picture of Death leading all estates . In the midst of this Pardon Church-yard , was also a fair Chappel , first founded by Gilbert Becket , Portgrave , and principal Magistrate of this City , in the Reign of King Stephen , who was there buried . There was also a Chappel at the North door of Pauls , founded by Walter Sherington , by Licence of Henry the sixth . There was furthermore , a fair Chappel of the Holy Ghost , in Pauls Church , on the North side , founded in the year 1400 , by Roger Holmes , Chancellor , and Prebendary of Pauls . Then under the Quire of Pauls , is a large Chappel , first dedicated to the name of Jesu , founded , or rather confirmed the 37. of Henry the sixth , as appeareth by his Patent thereof , dated at Crowdown to this effect . Many Liege-Men and Christian People , having begun a Fraternity and Guild , to the honour of the most glorious name of Jesu Christ , our Saviour , in a place called the Crowds of the Cathedral Church of Pauls in London , which hath continued long time peaceably , till now of late ; whereupon they have made request , and we have taken upon us , the name and charge of the Foundation , to the laud of Almighty God , the Father , the Son , and the Holy Ghost ; and especially , to the honour of Jesu , in whose honour the Fraternity was begun , &c. At the West end of this Jesus Chappel , under the Quire of Pauls , also was , and is , a Parish-Church of St. Faith , commonly called St. Faith under Pauls , which served ( as still it doth ) for the Stationers and others , dwelling in Pauls Church-yard , Pater Noster Rowe , and the places near adjoyning . The said Chappel of Jesus , being suppressed in the Reign of Edward the sixth , the Parishioners of St. Faiths Church were removed into the same , as to a place more sufficient for largeness and lightsomness , in the year 1551. and so it remaineth . In the East part of this Church-yard standeth Pauls School , lately new builded , and endowed in the year 1512. by John Collet , Doctor of Divinity , and Dean of Pauls , for a hundred fifty three poor mens Children , to be taught free in the same School ; for which he appointed a Master , a Sub-master or Usher , and a Chaplain , with large stipends for ever , committing the over-sight thereof , to the Masters , Wardens , and Assistants of the Mercers in London , because he was Son to Henry Collet . Mercer , sometime Maior . Near unto this School , on the North side thereof , was ( of old time ) a great and high Clochier , or Bell-house , foure square , builded of stone , and in the same , a most strong frame of Timber , with four Bells , the greatest of England : these were called Jesus Bells , and belonging to Jesus Chappel : The same had a great spire of Timber , covered with Lead , with the Image of St. Paul , on the top , but was pulled down by Sir Miles Partridge Knight , in the Reign of Henry the eighth : the common speech then was , that he did set one hundred pounds , upon a cast at Dice against it , & so won the said Clochier and Bells of the King , & then causing the Bells to be broken as they hung , the rest was pulled down : This man was afterward executed on the Tower-Hill , for matters concerning the Duke of Summerset , the fifth of Edward the sixth . In the year 1561. the fourth of June , betwixt the houres of three and four of the Clock in the Afternoon , the great Spire of the Steeple of St. Pauls Church , was fired by lightening , which brake forth ( as it seemed ) two or three yards beneath the foot of the Crosse , and from thence it burnt downward the spire to the Battlements , Stone-work , and Bells , so furiously , that within the space of four houres , the same Steeple , with all the roofs of the Church , were consumed , to the great sorrow , and perpetual remembrance of the beholders ; After this mischance , the Queen Elizabeth directed her Letters to the Maior , willing him to take order for speedy repairing of the same ; And she , of her gracious disposition , for the furtherance thereof , did presently give , and deliver in gold , one thousand Marks , with a Warrant for a thousand Loads of Timber , to be taken out of her Woods , or else-where . The Citizens also gave first a great Benevolence , and after that three fifteens to be speedily paid . The Clergy of England , within the Province of Canterbury , granted the fortieth part of the value of their Benefices , charged with first fruits , the thirtieth part of such as were not so charged ; but the Clergy of London Dioces , granted the thirtieth part of all that payd first fruits , and the twentieth part of such as had paid their fruits . Six Citizens of London , and two Petty Canons of Pauls Church , had charge to further and oversee the work , wherein such expedition was used , that within one Moneth next following the burning thereof , the Church was covered with boards and Lead , in manner of a false roof , against the Weather , and before the end of the said year , all the said Iles of the Church were framed out of new Timber , covered with Lead , and fully finished . Pauls Church was full of great Monuments , the ancientest are of King Sibha , and King Ethelred , two Saxon Kings : There are two ancient Bishops of London , viz. Erkenvald , and William Norman , who being of the privy Councel to William the Conqueror , not only preserved , by his Mediation , the old pri●iledges of London , but got them inlarged ; whereupon , it was the Custom of the Lord Maior and Aldermen , upon solemn dayes , when they came to Pauls to walk to the Graves stone , where this Bishop lay ; and Sir Edward Barkham , caused a Table to be hung up there with Verses thereupon , called the Monument of Gratitude . Touching other remarkable peeces of Antiquity , which belong to St. Pauls Church , I leave them to such a Person of knowledge and industry , who may haply make it his sole task to preserve the memory of so stately a Temple from the injury of time . Without the North Gate of Pauls Church , from the end of the old Exchange , West up Pater Noster Rowe , by the two Lanes out of Pauls Church , the first out of the Crosse Isle of Pauls , the other out of the body of the Church , about the midst thereof , and so West to the Golden Lyon , be all of this Ward , as is aforesaid : The Houses in this street from the first North Gate of Pauls Church-yard , unto the next Gate , were first builded without the Wall of the Church-yard , by Henry Walleis Mayor , in the year 1282. the rest of those Houses go to the maintenance of London-Bridge . This street is now called Pater Noster Rowe , because of Stationers , or Text-Writers , that dwelled there , who wrore , and sold all sorts of Books then in use , namely , A. B. C. with the Pater Noster , Ave , Creed , Graces , &c. There dwelled also Turners of Beads , and they were called Pater Noster makers . At the end of this Pater Noster Rowe , is Ave-mary lane , so called upon the like occasion , of Text-writers , and Bead-makers then dwelling there . And at the end of that Lane , is likewise Creed-lane , lately so called , but sometime Spurrier Rowe , of Spurriers dwelling there ; And Awen-lane is added thereunto , betwixt the South end of Warwick-lane , and the North end of Ave Mary Lane. At the North end of Ave Mary Lane , is one great House , builded of Stone and Timber , of old time pertaining to John Duke of Britain , Earl of Richmond , as appeareth by the Records of Edward the second ; since that , it was called Pembrooks Inne , near unto Ludgate , as belonging to the Earls of Pembrook● , in the times of Richard the second , the eighteenth year , and of Henry the sixth , in the fourteenth year : it was after called Aburgaveny House , and belonged to Henry , late Lord of Aburgaveny ; but the Company of Stationers have since purchased it , and made it the Hall for the Meeting of their Society , converting the Stone-work into a new fair Frame of Timber , and applying it to such serviceable use , as themselves have thought convenient . Betwixt the South end of Ave Mary Lane , and the North end of Creed-lane , is the comming out of Pauls Church-yard , on the East , and the high street on the West , towards Ludgate , and this was called Bowyer Rowe , of Bowyers dwelling there in old time , now worn out by Mercers and others . In this street , on the North side , is the Parish Church of St. Martin , wherein there are divers hansom Monuments , and Epitaphs . On the South side of this street , is the turning into the Black Fryers , which Order ( sometime ) had their Houses in Old-born , where they remained for the space of five and fifty years , and then , in the year 1276. Gregory Rocksley , Mayor , and the Barons of this City , granted and gave to Robert Kilwarby , Arch Bishop of Canterbury , two Lanes or wayes next the street of Baynards Castle ; and also the Tower of Mount fitchet , to be destroyed ; in place of which , the said Robert , builded the late new Church of the Black-Fryers , and placed them therein ; King Edward the first , and Eleanor his Wife , were great Benefactors thereunto : this was a large Church , and richly furnished with Ornaments , wherein divers Parliaments , and other great Meetings have been holden ; namely , in the year 1450. the twenty eighth of Henry the sixth , a Parliament was begun at VVestminster , and adjourned to the Black Fryers in London , and from thence to Leicester . In the year one thousand five hundred twenty two , the Emperor Charls the fifth , was lodged there . In the year one thousand five hundred twenty foure , the fifteenth of April , a Parliament was begun at the Black Fryers , wherein was demanded a Subsidy of 800000. pounds , to be raised of Goods and Lands , four shillings in every pound ; and in the end , was granted two shillings of the pound , of their Goods and Lands , that were worth twenty pound , or might dispend twenty pounds by the year , and so upward , to be paid in two years . This Parliament was adjourned to VVestminster , amongst the black Monks , and ended in the Kings Palace there , the 14th of August , at nine of the Clock in the night , and was therefore called the Black Parliament . The same year , in the moneth of October , began a Parliament in the Black Fryers ; in the which , Cardinal VVoolsey was condemned in the premunire : this House , valued at a hundred and four pound , fifteen shillings five pence , was surrendred the 12th of November , the 30th of Henry the 8th . Now to turn again to the Black Fryers , through Bowyer Rowe , Ave Mary Lane , and Pater Noster Rowe , to the Church of St. Michael ad Bladum , or at the Corn , ( corruptly , at the Querne ) so called , because in place thereof , was sometime a Corn-Market , stretching up West to the Shambles ; It seemeth , that this Church was new builded , about the Reign of Edward the third , Thomas Newton , first Parson there , was buried in the Quire , in the year 1461. At the East end of this Church stood a Crosse , called the old Crosse , in West Cheap , which was taken down in the year 1390. since the which time , the said Parish Church was also taken down , but new builded , and enlarged in the year 1430. the eighth of Henry the sixth , VVilliam Eastfield Mayor , and the Communalty , granted of the common ground of the City , three foot and an half in breadth , on the North part , and four foot in breadth toward the East , for the inlarging thereof . At the West end of this Parish Church , is a small passage for people on foot , thorow the same Church , and West from the said Church , some distance , is another passage out of Pater Noster Rowe , and is called ( of such a signe ) Panyer Alley , which commeth out into the North , over against Saint Martins Lane. Next is Ivy Lane , so called of Ivy , growing on the Walls of the Prebends Houses ; but now the Lane is replenished on both the sides , with fair Houses , and divers Offices have bin there kept , by Registers , narnely , for the Prerogative Court of the Arch Bishop of Canterbury , the Probate of Wills , which is now removed into Warwick lane ; and also for the Lord Treasurers Remembrance of the Exchequer , &c. This Lane runneth North , to the West end of St. Nicholas Shambles : of old time there was one great House , sometimes belonging to the Earls of Britain ; since that to the Lovels , and was called Loveis Inne . Then is Eldesse L●●● , which stretcheth North to the high street of Newgate Market , the same is now called Warwick Lane , of an ancient House there builded by an Earl of Warmick , and was since called Warwick Inne : It is in Record , called a Messuage in Eldenesse lane , in the Parish of St. Sepulchre : the twenty eighth of Henry the sixth , Cicilio , Dutchesse of VVarwick possessed it . Now again , from the Conduit by Pauls Gate , on the North side , is a large street , running West to Newgate ; the first part whereof , from the Conduit to the Shambles , ( of selling Bladders there ) called Bladder-street : then behind the Butchers Shops , be now divers Slaughter-houses inward , and Tipling-houses outward : This is called Mount Goddard-street , of the Tipling-houses there , and the Goddards mounting from the Tap to the Table , from the Table to the Mouth , and sometimes over the Head. This street goeth up to the North end of Ivy lane ; before this Mount-goddard street , Stall-boards were of old time set up by the Butchers , to shew , and to sell their Flesh meat upon ; over the which Stall-Boards , they first builded sheds , to keep off the Weather ; but since that , ( incroaching by little and little ) they have made their Stall-boards and sheds , fair Houses , meet for the principal Shambles . Next is Newgate Market , first of Corn and Meale , and then of other victtuals , which stretcheth almost to Eldenese-Lane , a fair new and strong Frame of Timber , covered with Lead , was therefore set up at the Charges of the City : near to the West Corner of St. Nicholas Shambles , for the meal to be weighed , in the first of Edward the sixth , Sir John Gresham being then Mayor . On this side the North Corner of Eldenese Lane , stood sometime a proper Parish-Church of St. Ewine , as is before said , given by Henry the eighth towards the erecting of Christs Church . It was taken down , and in place thereof , a fair strong Frame of Timber erected , wherein dwell men of divers Trades , And from this Frame to Newgate , is all of this Ward , and so an end thereof . Of the two and Twentieth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Bread-street Ward . THen is Bread-street it self , so called , of Bread in old time there sold , for it appeareth by Records , that in the year 1302 , which was the thirty of Edward the first the Bakers of London were bounden to sell no Bread in their Shops or Houses , but in the Market , and that they should have four Hall-motes in the year , at four several Terms , to determine of enormities belonging to the said Company . This street , giving the name to the whole Ward , beginneth in West Cheap , almost by the Standard ; and runneth down South , through or thwart Wathling-street , to Knight Riders-street aforesaid , where it endeth ; This Bread-street is wholly on both sides of this Ward , out of the which street , on the East side is Basing Lane , a piece whereof , to wit , to , and over against the back gate of the Red Lion in Wathling-street , is of this Bread-street Ward . Then is Fryday-street beginning also in West Cheap , and runneth down South through Wathling-street , to Knight-Riders street , or old Fishstreet . This Fryday-street is of Bread-street Ward , on the East side , from over against the North-East corner of Saint Matthews Church , and on the West side , from the South corner of the said Church , down as aforesaid . In this Fryday-street , on the West side thereof , is a Lane , commouly called Mayden Lane , or Distaffe Lane , corruptly for Distar Lane , which runneth West into the old Exchange , and in this Lane is also one other Lane , on the South side thereof ; likewise called Distar Lane , which runneth down to Knight-Rider street , or Old Fish-street And so be the bounds of this whole Ward . Monuments to be noted here , first at Bread-street corner , the North-East end , 1595 , of Thomas Tmolioson , causing in the High street of Cheap , a Vault to be digged and made ; there was so und at fifteen foot deep , a fair pavement , like unto that above ground , and at the further end , at the Channel , was found a Tree , sawed into five steps , which was to step over some Brook , running out of the West , towards Walbrooke , and upon the edge of the said Brook as it seemeth , there were found lying along , the bodies of two great Trees , the ends whereof were then sawed off , and firm Timber , as at the first when they fell , part of the said Trees remain yet in the ground undigged ; It was all forced ground , untill they went past the Trees aforesaid , which was about seventeen foot deep , or better ; Thus much hath the ground of this City ( in that place ) been raised from the main . Next to be noted , the most beautiful Frame of fair Houses and Shops , that be within the Walls of London , or else wherein England , commonly called Goldsmiths Row , betwixt Bread-street end , and the Crosse in Cheap , but is within this Bread-street Ward . Then for Watheling-street , which Leyland calleth Atheling , or Noble-street , but since he sheweth no reason why , I rather take it to be so named , of the great High-way of the same calling . True it is , that at this present the Inhabitants thereof are wealthy Drapers , Retailers of Wollen Cloths , both Broad and Narrow , of all sorts , more than in any one street of this City . Of the Old Exchange , I have noted in Faringdon Ward , wherefore I passe down to Knight-Riders street , whereof I have also spoken in Cordwayner street Ward ; But in this part of the said Knight-Riders street , is a Fish-market kept , and therefore called Old Fish-street , for a difference from New Fish-street . In this Old Fishstreet , is one Row of small Houses , placed along in the middest of Knight-Riders-street , which Row is also of Bread-street Ward . These Houses , now possessed by Fishmongers , were at the first but moveable Boards , or Stalls , set out on Market-daies , to shew their fish there to be sold , but procuring Licence to set up Sheds , they grew to shops , and by little and little , to tall Houses of three or four Stories in height , and now is called Fish-street . Walter Turke , Fishmonger , Mayor , 1349 , had two Shops in Old Fish-street , over against Saint Nicholas Church , the one rented at five shillings the year , the other four shillings . Bread-street , so called of Bread sold there ( as I said ) is now wholly inhabited by rich Marchants , and divers fair Inns be there , for good receit of Carriers , and other Travellers to the City . On the East side of this street , at the corner of Watheling street , is the comely Church of Alhallowes in Bread-street . On the same side is Salters Hall , with six Alms-houses in number , builded for poor decayed Brethren of that Company ; This Hall was burned in the year 1539 , and again re-edified . Lower down , on the same side , is the Parish Church of Saint Mildred the Virgin. Out of this Bread-street , on the same side , is Basing Lane , a part whereof ( as is afore shewed ) is of this Ward , but how it took the name of Basing , I have not read ; In the twentieth year of Richard the second , the same was called the Bake-house , whether meant of the Kings Bake-house , or of Bakers dwelling there , and baking Bread to serve the Market in Bread-street , where the Bread was sold , I know not , but sure I am , I have not read of Basing , or of Gerrard the Gyant , to have any thing there to do . On the South side of this Lane , is one great House , of old time builded upon arched Vaults , and with arched Gates , of Stone brought from Cane in Normandy , the same is now a common Ostrey for receit of Travellers , commonly and corruptly called Gerrards Hall , of a Giant said to have dwelled there . In the high roofed Hall of this House , sometime stood a large Firr-pole , which reached to the roof thereof , and was said to be one of the staves that Gerrard the Gyant used in the Wars to run withal , there stood also a Ladder of the same length , which ( as they said ) served to ascend to the top of the staff . Of later years this Hall is altered in building , and divers rooms are made in it ; Notwithstanding , the Pole is removed to one corner of the Hall , and the Ladder hanged broken , upon a Wall in the yard . Now on the West side of Breadstreet , amongst divers fair and large Houses for Marchants , and fair Inns for Passengers , had ye one Prison-house pertaining to the Sheriffs of London , called the Compter in Bread-street , but in the year 1555 , the Prisoners were removed from thence , to one other new Compter in Wood-street , provided by the Cities purchase , and builded for that purpose , the cause of which remove was this ; Richard Husband Pasteler , Keeper of this Compter in Breadstreet , being a willful and head-strong man , dealt ( for his own advantage ) hard with the prisoners under his charge , having also servants such as himself liked best for their bad usage , and would not for any complaint be reformed ; whereupon , in the year 1550 , Sir Rowland Hill being Mayor , by the assent of a Court of Aldermen , he was sent to the Goal of Newgate , for the cruel handling of his prisoners , and it was commanded to the Keeper , to set those Irons on his leggs which are called the Widdows Alms ; These he ware from Thursday , till Sunday in the afternoon , and being by a Court of Aldermen released on the Tuesday , was bound in an hundred Marks , to observe from thence forth an Act made by the Common Councel , for the ordering of prisoners in the Compters ; all which notwithstanding , he continued as afore : For being on a Jury , to enquire against a Sessions of Goal delivery , in the year 1552 , it was found that the Prisoners were still hardly dealt with all for their achates , and otherwise , as also that Thieves and Strumpets were there lodged for four pence the night , whereby they might be safe from searches that were made abroad , for the which enormities , and other not needfull to be recited , he was indicted at that Session , but did rub it out , and could not be reformed , till this remove of the prisoners , for the House in Bread-street was his own by Lease , or otherwise , so that he could not be put from it . Now in Friday-street , so called of Fishmongers dwelling there , and serving Frydays Market , on the East side is a small Parish Church commonly called Saint John Evangelist . The Monuments therein be , of John Dogget , Merchant-Taylor , one of the Sheriffs in the year 1509. Then lower down , is another Church of Saint Margaret Moyses , so called ( as seemeth ) of one Moyses , that was Founder , or new Builder thereof . In this Distar Lane , on the North side thereof is the Cordwayners or Shoomakers Hall , which Company were made a Brotherhood or Fraternity , in the eleventh of Henry the fourth . Of the Twentie third Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Queen-hithe Ward . NExt unto Bread-street Ward , on the South side thereof , is Queen-Hith Ward , so called of a Water-gate , or Harborow for Boats , Lighters , and Barges , and was ( of old time ) for Ships : at what time , the Timber Bridge at London , was drawn up , for the passage of them to the said Hith , as to a principal Strand for landing and unlading against the middest and heart of the City ; this Ward beginneth in the East , in Knight-Riders-street ; on the South side thereof , at the East end of the Parish Church called the Holy Trinity , and runneth West on the South side , to a Lane called Lambert Hill , which is the length of the Ward in Knight-Riders street , out of the which street are divers Lanes , running South to Thames street , and are of this Ward ; the first is Trinity Lane , which runneth down by the West end of Trinity Church ; Then is Spuren Lane , or Spooners Lane , now called Huggen Lane ; Then Bread-street Hill , Then Saint Mary Mounthaunt , out of the which Lane , on the East side thereof , is one other Lane , turning East through St. Nicholas Olave ; Church-yard , to Bread-street Hill ; This Lane is called Finimore Lane , or Five foot Lane , because it is but five foot in breadth ; at the West end , in the middest of this Lane , runneth down one other Lane broader , South to Thames street , I think the same to be called Desborne Lane ; for we read of such a Lane to have been in the Parish of Saint Mary Summerset in the twenty two of Edward the third , where there is said to ly between the Tenement of Edward de Mountacute Knight , on the East part , and the Tenement sometime pertaining to William Gladwine , on the West , one plot of ground , containing in length towards Thames street , twenty five foot , &c. Last of all have ye Lambart Hill , so called of one Lambart owner thereof , and this is the farthest West part of this Ward . First in Knight-Riders street is the small Parish Church of the Holy Trinity , lately very old , and in danger of down falling , Collections were made for the repairing thereof ; but they would not stretch so far , until a general means was made , as appeareth by a publick notice thereof , declared in the said Church . Towards the West end of Knight-Riders street , is the Parish Church of Saint Nicholas Cold Abbey , a proper Church somewhat ancient , as appeateth by the waies raysed there about , so that men are forced to descend into the body of the Church , it hath been called of many Colden Abbey , of some Cold Abbey or Cold Bay , and so have the most ancient Writings ; as standing in a cold place , as Cold Harbor , and such like , the Steeple or tall Tower of this Church , with the South I le , hath been of later building , to wit , the first of Richard the second , when it was meant , that the whole old Church should have been new builded , as appeareth by the Arching begun on the East side the Steeple , under the which , in the Stone work , the Armes of one Buckland , Esquire , and his Wife , Daughter to Beaupere , are cut in Stone , and also are in the Glasse Windows , whereby it appeareth , he was the Builder thereof , and Repairer of the residue . In Trinity Lane , on the West side thereof , is the Painter Stainers Hall , for so of old time were they called , but now that workmanship of Staining is departed and out of use in England . Lower down in Trinity Lane , on the East side thereof , was sometime a great-Messuage pertaining unto John Earl of Cornwall , in the fourteenth of Edward the third . On Bread-street Hill , down to the Thames , on both sides , be divers fair Houses , inhabited by Fishmongers , Cheesemongers , and Merchants of divers Trades ; on the West side whereof is the Parish Church of St. Nicholas Olave , a convenient Church . The next is Old Fish-street Hill , a passage so called , which also runneth down to Thames street ; In this Lane , on the East side thereof , is the one end of Finimore or Five foot Lane. On the West side of this Old Fish-street Hill , is the Bishop of Hereford's Inne , or lodging , an ancient House , and large rooms , builded of Stone and Timber , which sometime belonged to the Mounthaunts in Norfolke . Radulphus de Mayden-stone , Bishop of Hereford about the year , one thousand two hundred thirty four , bought it of the Mounthaunts , and gave it to the Bishops of Hereford his Successors . Charles , both Bishop of Hereford , and Chancellour of the Marches , about the year 1517 repaired it , since the which time , the same is greatly ruined , and is now divided into many small Tenements ; The Hall , and principall Rooms , are an House to make Sugar-Loaves , &c. Next adjoyning is the Parish Church of Saint Mary de Monte also , or Mounthaunt ; this is a very small Church , and at the first builded to be a Chappel for the said House of the Mounthaunts , and for Tenements there unto belonging . On the East side of this Old Fish-street Hill , is one great House , now letten out for Rent , which House sometime was one of the Halls pertaining to the Company of Fishmongers , at such time as they had six Hall-Motes or Meeting places , namely , twain in Bridge-street , or New Fish-street , twain in Old Fish-street , whereof this was one , and twain in Stock-Fishmonger Row , or Thames street , as appeareth by a Record the twenty two of Richard the second . Next Westward is one other Lane , called Lambart Hill , the East side whereof is wholly of this Ward , and but half the West side , to wit , from the North end of the Black-smiths Hall. Then in Thames street , of this Ward , and on the North side over against the Queens Hith , is the Parish Church of Saint Michael a convenient Church , but all the Monuments therein are defaced . At the West end of that Church , goeth up a Lane , called Pyel-lane ; on the same North side , at the South end of Saint Mary Mounthaunt Lane , is the Parish Church of Saint Summerset , over against the Broken-Wharfe . Then is a small Parish Church of St. Peter , called parva , or little , near unto Pauls Wharf . In this Church no Monuments do remain . At the West end thereof is a Lane called Saint Peters Hill ; but two Houses up that Lane , on the East side , is of this Ward , and the rest is of Castle Baynards Ward . On the South side of Thames street , beginning again in the East among the Cooks , the first in this Ward , is the Signe of David the King. Then is Towns-end Lane , turning down to the Thames . Then is Queen-hithe , a large receptacle for Ships , Lighters , Barges , and such other Vessels . Touching the Antiquity and use of this Gate and Hithe , first I find , that the same belonged to one named Edred , and was then called Edreds Hith , which since falling into the hands of King Stephen , it was by his Charter confirmed to William de Ypre , the Farm thereof in Fee and in Heritage ; William de Ypre , gave i● unto the Prior and Covent of the Holy Trinity within Ealdgate . This Edreds Hith , after the foresaid Grant , came again to the Kings hands , by what means I have not read , but it pertained unto the Queen , and therefore was called Ripa Reginae , the Queens Bank , or Queens-Hith , and great profit thereof was made to her use , as may appear by this which followeth . King Henry the third , in the ninth of his Reign , commanded the Constables of the Tower of London , to arrest the Ships of the Cinque-Ports on the River of Thames , and to compell them to bring their Corn to no other place , but to the Queens Hith only . In the eleaventh of his Reign , he charged the said Constable , to distrain all Fish offered to be sold in any place of this City , but at the Queens Hith . Moreover , in the eight and twentieth of his Reign , an Inquisition was made before William of Yorke , and the Provost of Beverley , Henry of Bath , and Hierome of Caxton , Justices Itinerantes , sitting in the Tower of London , touching the Customs of Queen-hith , observed in the year last before the Wars between the King and his Father , and the Barons of England , and of old Customs of other times , and what Customs had been changed , at what time the Tax and Payment of all things coming thither , and between VVoore-path , and Anede Hith , were found and seized , according to the old Order , as well Corne and Fish , as of other things ; All which Customes were as well to be observed in the part of Down-gate , as in Queen-Hith , for the Kings use , when also it was found , that the Corn arriving between the Gate of Guild Hall , of the Merchants of Colleyne , and the Soke of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , ( for he had a House near unto the Black-Fryers ) was not to be measured by any other quarter , than by that of the Queens Soke . Next adjoyning to this Queen-hith , on the West side thereof , is Sult-Wharf , named of Salt taken up , measured , and sold there . The next is Stew Lane , of a Stew , or Hot-house there kept . After that is Timber-Hith , or Timber street , so called , of Timber , or Boards , there taken up , and wharfed ; it is in the Parish of Saint Mary Sommers Hith , as we read in the fifty six of Henry the third , and in the ninth of Edward the second . Then is Brookes Wharfe , and Broken Wharfe , a Water-gate or Key , so called of being broken and fallen down into the Thames . By this Broken-VVharfe remaineth one large old building of Stone , with Arched Gates ; which Messuage , as we finde , in the Reign of Henry the third , the forty three year , pertained unto Hugh de Bigot , and in the eleaventh of Edward the third , to Thomas Brotherton , the Kings Brother , Earle of Norfolke , Marshall of England , in the eleaventh of Henry the sixth , to John Mowbray Duke of Norfolk , &c. Within the Gate of this House ( now belonging to the City of London ) is lately , to wit , in the year 1594. and 1595 , builded one large House , of great height , called an Engine , made by Bevis Bulmar , Gentleman , for the conveying and forcing of Thames water , to serve in the middle and West parts of the City ; the ancient great Hall of this Messuage , is yet standing , and pertaining to a great Brew-House for Beere . West from this is Trigge Lane , going down to the Thames . Next is called Bosse-Lane of a Bosse of water , like unto that of Belingsgate , there placed by the Executors of Richard Whittington . Then is one great Messuage , sometime belonging to the Abbots of Chartsey , in Surrey , and was their Inne , wherein they were lodged when they repaired to the City : it is now called Sandle House , by what reason we have not heard ; some think the Lord Sands hath been lodged there . Of the Twentie fourth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Castle-Baynard Ward . THen next is Castle Baynard Ward , so named of an old Castle there ; This Ward beginneth in the East on the Thames side , at an House called , Huntington House , and runneth West by Pauls Wharfe , by Baynards Castle , Puddle Wharfe , and by the South side of Black-Fryers ; Then turning by the East Wall of the said Fryers to the South-West end of Creed Lane ; then on the North side of Thames street , over against Huntington House , by St. Peters Church and Lane , called Peter Hill , along till over against Puddle Wharfe , and then North up by the great Wardrobe , to the West end of Carter Lane ; Then up Creed Lane , Ave Mary Lane , and a piece of Pater noster Row , to the Sign of the Golden Lion , and back again up Warwick Lane , all the East side thereof , to the Sign of the Crown by Newgate-Market ; and this is the farthest North part of this Ward . Then out of Thames street be Lanes ascending North to Knight-Riders street ; The first is Peters Hill Lane , all of that Ward , ( two Houses excepted , adjoyning to St. Peters Church ) The next is Pauls Wharfe Hill , which thwarting Knight-Riders street , and Carter Lane , goeth up to the South Chain of Pauls Church-yard . Then is Adle-street , over against the West part of Baynards Castle , going up by the West end of Knight-Riders street , and to Carter Lane. Thus much for Lanes out of Thames street . The one half of the West side of Lambert Hill Lane being of this Ward , at the North-west end thereof , on the South side , and at the West end of St. Mary Magdalens Church ; on the North side , beginneth Knight-Riders street to be of this Ward , and runneth West on both sides , to the Parish Church of St. Andrew by the Wardrobe . Then at the said East end of St. Mary Magdalens Church , goeth up the Old Exchange , all the West side whereof , up to the South-East gate of Pauls Church-yard , and by St. Austins Church , is of this Ward . About the midst of this Old Exchange , on the West side thereof , is Carter Lane , which runneth West to the East entry of the Black-Fryers , and the South end of Creed-Lane , out of the which Carter Lane descendeth a Lane , called Dolittle Lane , and commeth into Knight-Riders street , by the Boar-head Tavern , and more West is Sermon Lane , by an Inne called the Powl-head . Then out of Carter Lane , on the North side thereof , the South Chain of Pauls Church-yard , and the Church-yard it self , on that South side of Pauls Church , and the Church of St. Gregory , the Bishops Palace , and the Deans Lodging , be all of this Ward and such be the bounds thereof . The Ornaments in this Ward , be Parish Churches four , of old time a Castle ' divers Noble-mens Houses , Halls of Companies twain , and such others as shall be shewed . In Thames street at the South-East end , is an ancient Messuage , of old time called Beaumonts Inne , as belonging to that Family of Noble-men of this Realm , in the fourth of Edward the third . Edward the fourth in the fifth of his Reign , gave it to W. Hastings , Lord Chamberlaine , Master of his Mints ; It is now called Huntington House , as belonging to the Earls of Huntington . Next is Pauls Wharfe a large landing place , with a common Stayre upon the River of Thames , at the end of a street called Pauls Wharf Hill , which runneth down from Pauls Chain . Next is a great Messuage , called Scroopes Inne , sometime belonging to the Scroopes , in the thirty one of Henry the sixth . Then is one other great Messuage , sometime belonging to the Abbey of Fiscampe , beyond the Sea , and by reason of the Wars , it coming to the hands of King Edward the third , the same was given to Sir Simon Burley , Knight of the Garter , and therefore called Burley House in Thames street , between Baynards Castle and Pauls Wharfe . Then have you Baynards Castle , whereof this whole Ward taketh name ; This Castle banketh on the River Thames , and was callest Baynards Castle , of Baynard a Nobleman , that came in with William the Conquerour , of the which Castle and of Baynard himself , we have spoken in another place . There was also another Tower by Baynards Castle , builded by King Edward the second . Edward the third , in the second of his Reign , gave it to William Duke of Hamelake , in the County of Yorke , and his Heirs , for one Rose yearly to be paid for all service ; the same place ( as seemeth ) was since called Legates Inne , in the seventh of Edward the fourth , where be now divers Wood-Wharfes in the place . Then is there a great Brew-house , and Puddle-Wharfe , a Water-gate into the Thames , where Houses use to be watered , and therefore being filled with their trampling , & made puddle-like , as also of one Puddle dwelling there , it is call'd Puddle Wharfe . Then is there a Lane between the Black Fryars and the Thames , called in the twenty six of Edward the third , Castle-lane . This Ward ascendeth up by the East VVall of the Black-Fryers , to the South VVest end of Creed Lane where it endeth on that side . Then to begin again on the North side of Thames-street , over against Huntington House , by St. Peters Church and Lane , called Peter Hill , and so to St. Bennet Hude , ( or Hithe ) over against Pauls VVharfe , is a convenient Parish Church , which hath the Monuments of Sir VVilliam Cheny Knight , and Margaret his VVife 1442 buried there . VVest from this Church , by the South end of Addle street , almost against Puddle VVharfe , there is one ancient building of Stone and Timber , builded by the Lords of Barkley , and therefore called Barkleys Inne . This House is now all in ruine , and letten out in several Tenements , yet the Arms of the Lord Barkley remain in the Stone-work of an arched Gate , and is between a Cheveron Crosses ten , three , three , and four . Richard Beauchampe , Earl of VVarwick , was lodged in this House , then called Barkleys Inne , in the Parish of St. Andrew , in the Reign of Henry the sixth : Then turning up towards the North , is the Parish Church of St. Andrew in the VVardrobe , a proper Church , but few Monuments hath it . John Parnt hath founded a Chauntrey there . Then is the Kings great VVardrobe , Sir John Beauchamp Knight of the Gartet , Constable of Dover , Warden of the Cinqueports , ( son to Guido de Beauchamp Earl of VVarwick ) builded this House , was lodged there , deceased in the year 1359 , and was buried on the South side of the middle I le of Pauls Church . His Executors sold the House to King Edward the third . Touching Lanes ascending out of Thames street , to Knight-Riders , the first is Peter Hill , wherein I find no matter of note more than certain Alms-houses , lately founded on the West side thereof , by David Smith Embroyderer , for six poor Widdows , whereof each to have twenty shillings by the year . At the upper end of this Lane towards the North , the corner Houses there , be called Peter Key , but the reason thereof we have not heard . Then is Pauls VVharfe , on the East side whereof is VVoodmongers Hall. And next adjoyning is Darby-house , sometime belonging to the Stanleys , for Thomas Stanley : first Earl of Darby , of that name , who married the Lady Margaret , Countesse of Richmond , Mother to Henry the seventh , in his time builded it . Queen Mary gave it to Gilbert Dethick , then Garter , principal King of Arms of English men ; Thomas Hauley , Clarentieux , King of Arms of the South parts ; VVilliam Harvey alias Norrey , King of Armes of the North parts , and the other Heralds and Pursevants of Arms , and their Successors , all the Capital Messuage or House called Darby house , with the appurtenances , situate in the Parish of Saint Bennet , and Saint Peter , and then being in the tenure of Sir Richard Sackvile Knight , and lately parcel of the Lands of Edward Earl of Darby , &c. To the end , that the said Kings of Arms , Heraulds , and Pursevants of Arms , and their Successors might ( at their liking ) dwell together , and at meet times congregate , speak , confer , and agree among themselves , for the good Government of their Faculty , and their Records might be more safely kept , &c. On the West side of this street is one other great House builded of Stone , which belongeth to Pauls Church , and was sometime letten to the Blunts , Lord Mountjoy ; but of later time to a Colledge in Cambridge , and from them to the Doctors of the Civil Law , and Arches , who keep a Commons there ; and many of them being lodged there , it is called the Doctors Commons . In Lambard Hill Lane , on the West side thereof , is the Black-smiths Hall. Over-against the North-west end of this Lambard Hill Lane in Knight-Riders street , is the Parish Church of St. Mary Magdalen , a small Church , having but few Monuments . By the East end of St. Mary Magdalene Church , runneth up the Old Exchange Lane , by the West end of Carter Lane , to the South-East Gate or Chaine of Pauls Church-yard , as is before shewed ; And in this part was the Exchange kept , and Bullion was received for Coynage , as is noted in Faringdon Ward Within . In this Parish Church of St. Mary Magdalen , out of Knight-Riders street , up to Carter Lane , be two small Lanes , the one of them called Doo-little Lane , as a place not inhabited by Artificers , or open Shop-keepers , but serving for a near passage from Knight-Riders street to Carter-Lane . The other corruptly called Sermon Lane , for Sheremoniers Lane ; For we find it by that name recorded in the fourteenth of Edward the first ; And in that Lane , a place to be called the Black Loft , ( of melting Silver ) with four Shops adjoyning . It may therefore be well supposed , that Lane to take its name of Shermoniers , such as cut and rounded the Plates , to be Coyned or stamped into Estarling pence ; for the place of Coyning was the Old Exchange . In Knight-Riders street , was the Colledge of Physicians , wherein was founded in the year 1582 , a publick Lecture in Surgery , to be read twice every week , &c. as is shewed else-where . Towards the South , is called the Lollards Tower , and hath been used as the Bishops prison , for such as were detected for opinions in Religion , contrary to the Faith of the Church . Adjoyning to this Lowlards Tower , is the Parish Church of St. Gregory , appointed to the Petty Chanons of Pauls . Of the Twentie fifth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Farringdon Ward without , or Extra . THe farthest West-ward of this City , being the twenty fifth Ward of London , but without the Walls , is called Farringdon without , and was of old time , part of the other Faringdon within , until the seventeenth of Richard the second , that it was devided and made twain , by the names of Faringdon Intra , and Faringdon Extra , as is afore shewed . Touching Ornaments and Antiquities in this Ward ; First , betwixt the said Newgate , and the Parish of St. Sepulchres , is a way towards Smithfield , called Gilt-Spur , or Knight-Riders street , of the Knights and other riding that way into Smithfield , replenished with buildings on both sides up to Pye-corner , a place so called of such a Sign , sometimes a fair Inne , for receipt of Travellers , but now divided into Tenements , and over against the said Pye-corner , lyeth Cock-lane , which runneth down to Oldburn Conduit . Beyond this Pye-corner , lyeth VVest Smithfield , compassed about with buildings : at first on the South side , following the right hand standeth the large Hospital of St. Bartholmews , founded by Rahere , the first Prior of Saint Bartholmewes thereto near adjoyning , in the year , 1102. Alfune , that had not long before builded the Parish Church of Saint Giles , without Creplegate , became first Hospitelar , or Proctor for the poor of this House and went himself daily to the Shambles and other Markets , where he Begged the Charity of devout people for their relief , promising to the liberall givers , ( and that by alledging Testimonies of the holy Scripture ) reward at the hands of God. Henry the third , granted to Katherine late Wife to VVilliam Hardell , twenty foot of Land in length and breadth in Smithfield , next to the Chappel of St. Bartholomew , to build a Recluse or Ankorage , commanding the Mayor and Sheriffs of London , to assign the said twenty foot to the said Katherine , the eleventh of Henry the third , the foundation of this Hospital for the poor and diseased , and their special sustentation , was confirmed by Edward the third , the twenty sixth of his Reign ; It was governed by a Master , and eight Brethren being Priests , for the Church , and four Sisters to see the poor served . This Hospitall was valued at the suppression , in the year 1539 , the thirty one of Henry the eighth , to five and thirty pounds , six shillings , seven , pence yearly . The Church remaineth a Parish Church to the Tenents dwelling in the Precinct of the Hospital ; But in the year 1546 , on the thirteenth of January , the Bishop of Rochester , preaching at Pauls Crosse , declared the gift of the said King to the Citizens , for relieving of the poor , which contained the Church of the Grey Fryers , the Church of Saint Bartholomew , with the Hospital , the Messuages , and appurtenances in Gilt-Spur , aliàs Knight-Riders street , Briton street , Peter Key , in the Parish of Saint Mary Magdalen , in old Fish-street , and in the Parish of Saint Bennet Huda , Lime-hurst , or Limehost , in the Parish of Stebunheth , &c. Then also were Orders devised for relief of the poor , the Inhabitants were all called to their Parish Churches , where , by Sir Richard Dobbs , then Mayor , their several Aldermen , or other grave Citizens , they were by eloquent Orations perswaded , how great , and how many Commodities would ensue unto them , and their City , if the poor of divers sorts , which they named , were taken from out their streets , Lanes , and Alleys , and were bestowed and provided for in Hospitals abroad , &c. Therefore was every man moved , liberally to grant ( what they would impart ) towards the preparing and furnishing of such Hospitals ; and also , what they would contribute weekly towards their maintenance for a time , which ( they said ) should not be past one year , or twain , until they were better furnished of endowment ; To make short , every man granted liberally , according to his ability . Books were drawn of the Relief in every Ward of the City , towards the new Hospitals , and were delivered by the Major to the Kings Commissioners , on the seventeenth of February ; and order was taken therein , at the six and twenty of July . In the year 1552. the repairing of the Gray Fryers House for poor Fatherless Children , was taken in hand ; and also in the latter end of the same Moneth , began the repairing of this Hospitall of St. Bartholmew , and was of new endowed , and furnished at the charges of the Citizens . On the East side of this Hospital lyeth Duck-lane , which runneth out of Smithfield South , to the North end of Little Britain street . On the East side of this Duck-lane , and also of Smithfield , lyeth the late dissolved Priory of St. Bartholmew , founded also by Rahere , a pleasant witted Gentleman , and therefore in his time called the Kings Minstrel , about the year of Christ , 1102. He founded it in a part of the before named Moorish ground , which was therefore a common Lay-stall of all filth , that was to be voided out of the City : He placed Canons there , himself became their first Prior , and so continued till his dying day , and was there buried in a fair Monument , renewed afterwards by Prior Bolton . To this Priory , King Henry the second , granted the priviledge of a Faire , to be kept yearly at Bartholomew-tyde , for three dayes , to wit , the Eve , the Day , and the next Morrow ; to the which , the Clothiers of England , and Drapers of London repaired , and had their Boothes and standings within the Church-yard of this Priory , closed in with Walls and Gates locked every night , and watched , for safety of Mens Goods and Wares , a Court of Pipepowders was daily , during the Faire holden , for debts and Contracts . On the North side of this Priory , is the lane truly called Long , which reacheth from Smithfield to Aldersgate-street . This Lane is now lately builded on both the sides , with Tenements for Brokers , Tiplers , and such like ; the rest of Smithfield , from Long lane end , to the Barres , is inclosed with Inns , Brew-houses , and large Tenements . On the West side is Chicken-lane , down to Cow-bridge ; then be the Pens or Folds , so called of Sheep there parted , and penned up to be sold on the Market dayes . Then is Smithfield Pond , which of ( old time ) in Records , was called Horse-Poole , for that men watered Horses there , and was a great water . In the sixth of Henry the fifth , a new Building was made in the West part of Smithfield , betwixt the said Pool and the River of the Wells , or Turnmill-brook , in a place then called the Elmes , for that there grew many Elm-Trees , and this had bin the place of Execution for offenders ; since the which time , the building there hath bin so increased , that now remaineth not one Tree growing . Amongst these new buildings is Cow-bridge street , or Cow-lane , which turneth toward Holdbourn ; in vvhich Lane , the Prior of Semperingham had his Inne , or London Lodging . The rest of that West side of Smithfield , hath divers fair Inns , and other comely Buildings , up to Hosier-lane , which also turneth down to Houldbourn , till it meet with Cowbridge-street , from this Lane to Cock-lane , over against Pie-Corner . In the year 1362. the thirty sixth of Edward the third , on the first five dayes of May , in Smithfield , were Justs holden , the King and Queen being present , with the most part of the Chivalry of England , and of France , and of other Nation , to the which came Spaniards , Cyprians , and Armenians , Knightly requesting aid of the King of England , against the Pagans that invaded their Confines . The 48. of Edward the third , Dame Alice Perrers , or Pierce , ( the Kings Concubine ) as Lady of the Sun , rode from the Tower of London , through Cheape , accompanied by many Lords and Ladies , every Lady leading a Lord by his Horse Bridle , till they came into West Smithfield , and then began a great Just , vvhich endured seven dayes after . In the year 1393. the 17th of Richard the second , certain Lords of Scotland , came into England , to get vvorship , by force of Arms , the Earl of Marre chalenged the Earl of Nottingham , to Just vvith him , and so they rode together certain Courses , but not the full Challenge , for the Earl of Marre was cast both Horse and Man , and two of his Ribs broken vvith the fall , so that he vvas conveighed out of Smithfield , and so towards Scotland , but dyed by the vvay at York . Sir VVilliam Darel Knight , the Kings Banner-bearer of Scotland , challenged Sir Percey Courtney Knight , the Kings Banner-bearer of England , and vvhen they had run certain Courses , gave over vvithout conclusion of Victory : Then Cookborne , Esquire of Scotland , challenged Sir Nicholas Hawberke Knight , and rode five Courses ; but Cookborne vvas born over Horse and Man. Now to return through Gilt-spur-street by Newgate , vvhere I first began , there standeth the fair Parish Church called St. Sepulchers in the Bayly , or by Chamberlain Gate , in a fair Church-yard , though not so large●s of old time ; for the same is letten out for buildings , and a Garden plot . This Church vvas newly re-edified , or builded , about the Reign of Henry the sixth , or of Edward the fourth , one of the Popham's , vvas a great builder there , and 't is lately also vvashed over , and furbish'd . Next to this Church , is a fair and large Inne , for the receipt of Travellers , and hath to signe the Sarasens Head , vvhere Oxford men resort . There lyeth a street from Newgate , West , to the end of Turn again-lane , and winding North to Oldbourne Conduit ; but of late , a new Conduit vvas there builded in place of the old , namely , in the year 1577. by VVilliam Lambe , sometime a Gentleman of the Chappel to King Henry the eighth , and afterward a Citizen and Clothworker of London . From the West side of this Conduit , is the high way , there called Snow-hill , stretching out by Oldbourne-bridge , over the oft-named Water of Turn-mill-Brook , and so up to Old-bourn-hill , all replenished with fair Buildings . Without Ould-bourn-bridge , on the right hand , is Gold-lane , as is before shewed , up higher on the Hill , be certain Inns , and other fair Buildings ; amongst the which , ( of old time ) was a Messuage called Scroops Inne , for so we finde the same recorded in the 37. of Henry the sixth . This House was sometime letten out to Sergeants at the Law , as appeareth , and was found by Inquisition taken in the Guild-hall of London , before William Purchase Mayor , and Escheater for King Henry the 7th , in the 14th of his Reign . Then is the Bishop of Elies Inne , so called of , belonging and pertaining to the Bishops of Ely , Will. de Luda , Bishop of Ely , deceased 1297. and gave this House , by the name of his Mannor , with the Appurtenances in Holdbourne , to his Successors , with condition , that his next Successor should pay a thousand Marks , towards the finding of three Chaplains , in the Chappel there . The first in the year 1464. the fourth of Edward the fourth , in Michaelmas Terme , the Sergeants at Law , held their Feast in this House ; to the which , amongst other Estates , Matthew Phillip , Mayor of London , with the Aldermen , Sheriffs , and Commons of divers Crafts , being invited , did repair ; but when the Mayor looked to keep the state in the Hall , as it had bin used in all places within the City and Liberties ( out of the Kings presence ) the Lord Gray of Ruthen , then Lord Treasurer of England , unwitting the Sergeants , and against their wills ( as they said ) was first placed , whereupon , the Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons , departed home , and the Mayor made the Aldermen to dine with him ; howbeit , he and all the Citizens were wonderfully displeased that he was so dealt with , and the new Sergeants and others , were right sorry therefore , and had rather then much good ( as they said ) it had not so happened . Next beyond this Mannor of Ely-house , is Lither-lane , turning into the Fields . Then is Furnivals Inne , now an Inne of Chancery , but sometime belonging to Sir William Furnival Knight , and Thomasin his Wife , who had in Holdbourne two Messuages , and thirteen Shops , as appeareth by Record of Richard the second , in the sixth of his Reign . Now again from Newgate , on the left hand , or South side , lyeth the Old Baylay , which runneth down by the Wall , upon the Ditch of the City , called Houndsditch , to Ludgate : we have not read how this street took that name ; but it is like to have risen of some Court of old time there kept ; and we finde that in the year 1356. the thirty four of Edward the third , the Tenement and ground upon Houndsditch , between Ludgate on the South , and Newgate on the North , was appointed to John Cambridge , Fishmonger , Chamberlain of London , whereby it seemeth , that the Chamberlains of London , have there kept their Courts , as now they do in the Guild-hall : and till this day , the Mayor and Justices of this City , keep their Sessions in a part thereof , now called the Sessions Hall , both for the City of London , and Shire of Middlesex ; over against the which House , on the right hand , turneth down St. Georges Lane , towards Fleet Lane. In this St. Georges Lane , on the North side thereof , remaineth yet an old wall of stone , inclosing a peece of ground up Sea-cole-Lane , wherein ( by report ) sometime stood an Inne of Chancery ; which House being greatly decayed , and standing remote from other Houses of that Profession , the Company removed to a Common Hostery , called of the signe , our Lady Inne , not far from Clements Inne , which they procured from Sir John Fincox , Lord chief Justice of the Kings Bench ; and since , have held it of the owners , by the name of the New Inne , paying therefore six pounds Rent , by the year , as Tenants at their own will , for more ( as is said ) cannot be gotten of them , and much lesse , will they be put from it . Beneath this Saint Georges Lane , is the Lane called Fleet-lane , winding South by the Prison of the Fleet , into Fleet-street , by Fleet-bridge . Next out of the high street , turneth down a Lane , called the Little Bayly , which runneth down to the East end of St. Georges Lane. The next is Sea-cole-lane , I think , called Limeburners Lane , of burning Lime there with Sea-cole ; For we read in Record of such a Lane , to have bin in the Parish of St. Sepulchre , and there yet remaineth in this Lane , an Alley , called Lime-burners Alley . Near unto this Sea-cole-lane , in the turning towards Oldbourne-Conduit , is Turn-again-lane , or rather , as in a Record of the fifth of Edward the third , Wind-again-lane , for that it goeth down West to Fleet Dike , from whence , men must turn again the same way they came , for there it is stopped . Then the high street turneth down Snow-hill , to Holdbourne Conduit , and from thence , to Ouldbourn-bridge ; beyond the which Bridge , on the left hand , is Shooe-lane , by the which , men passe from Ouldbourne to Fleetstreet , by the Conduit there . In this Shooe-lane , on the left hand , is one old House , called Oldbourn-Hall , it is now letten out into divers Tenements . On the other side , at the very corner , standeth the Parish Church of Saint Andrew . From this Church to St. Andrew , up Oldbourn-hill , be divers fair builded Houses ; amongst the which , on the left hand , there standeth three Inns of Chancery , whereof the first , adjoyning unto Crook-horn-Alley , is called Thavies Inne , and standeth opposite to Ely House . Then is Fewter-lane , which stretcheth South into Fleet-street , by the East end of St. Dunstances Church , and is so called of Fewters ( or idle people ) lying there , as in a way leading to Gardens ; but the same is now of later years , on both sides builded thorow with many fair Houses : and in the wast grounds and Gardens , betwixt Shooe-lane and Fewter-lane ; there are now many fair convenient Houses , built by the Company of the Goldsmiths ; as also a street called New-street , betwixt Aldersgate and Redcrosse-street . Beyond this Fewters Lane , is Baynards Inne , aliàs Mackworths Inne , which is of the Chancery . Then is Staple-Inne also of the Chancery , but whereof so named , I am ignorant ; the same of late , is ( for a great part thereof ) fair builded , and not a little augmented ; And then at the Barres endeth this Ward , without Newgate . Without Ludgate , on the right hand , or North side , from the said Gate , lyeth the Old Bayley , as I said , then the high street , called Ludgate-hill , down to Fleet-Lane ; in which Lane standeth the Fleet , a Prison-house , so called of the Fleet , or water running by it , and sometime flowing about it , but now vaulted over . Then also , against the South end of Shooe-lane , standeth a fair Water-Conduit , whereof William Eastfield , sometime Mayor , was Founder ; for the Mayor and Commonalty of London , being possessed of a Conduit Head , with divers Springs of water gathered thereunto , in the Parish of Padington , and the water conveyed from thence , by Pipes of Lead , towards London unto Teyborn , where it had lain by the space of six years , and more : the Executors of Sir William Eastfield , obtained Licence of the Mayor and Communalty , for them , in the year 1453. with the Goods of Sir William , to convey the said Water , first , in Pipes of Lead , into a Pipe , begun to be laid besides the great Conduit Head at Maribone , which stretcheth from thence unto a separall , late before made against the Chappel of Rounseval , by Charing-Crosse , and no further ; and then from thence , to convey the said water into the City , and there to make Receit , or Receits for the same , unto the Common-weale of the Commonalty ; to wir , the poor to drink , the rich to dresse their Meats , which water was by them brought thus into Fleet-street , to a Standard which they had made and finished 1471. From this Conduit up to Fewters Lane , and further , is the Parish Church of St. Dunstane , called in the West , ( for difference from Saint Dunstane in the East . ) Next beyond this Church , is Cliffords Inne , sometime belonging to Robert Clifford , by gift of Edward the second . Somewhat beyond this Cliffords Inne , is the South end of Newstreet , ( or Chancelor lane ) on the right hand whereof , is Sergeants Inne , called , in Chancery lane . And then next was sometime the House of the converted Jews , founded by King Henry the third , in place of a Jews House to him forfeited , in the year 1233. and the seventeenth of his Reign ; who builded there for them , a fair Church , now used , and called the Chappel ; for the Custody of Rolles and Records of Chancery , it standeth not far from the old Temple and the new ; in thee which House , all such Jews and Infidels , as were converted to the Christian Faith , were ordained and appointed ( under an honest rule of life ) sufficient maintenance : whereby it came to passe , that in short time , there were gathered a great number of Converts which were baptized , instructed in the Doctrine of Christ , and there lived under a learned Christian , appointed to govern them ; since the which time , to wit , in the year 1290. all the Jews in England , were banished out of the Realm , whereby the number of Converts in this place was decayed , and therefore in the year 1377. this House was annexed by Patent , to William Burstall Clark , Custos Rotulorum , or Keeper of the Rolls of the Chancery , by Edward the third , in the fifty one year of his Reign ; and this first Master of the Rolls was sworn in Westminster-Hall , at the Table of Marble-stone ; since the which time , that House hath bin commonly called the Rolls in Chancery-Lane . On the West side , sometime was an House , pertaining to the Prior of Necton Park , a House of Canons in Lincolnshire : this was commonly called Hereflete Inne and was a Brew-house ; but now fair builded for the six Clerks of the Chancery , and standeth over against the said House , called the Rolls , and near unto the Lane , which now entreth Fickets Croft , or Fickets field . Then is Shere-lane , opening also into Fickets field , hard by the Barres . Next is Bride-lane , and therein Bridewell , of old time the Kings House ; for the Kings of this Realm have bin there lodged , and till the ninth of Henry the third , the Courts were kept in the Kings House , wheresoever he was lodged , as may appear by ancient Records , whereof there are many ; and for example , have set forth one in the Chapter , or Towers and Castles . King Henry the eighth , builded there a stately and beautiful House of new , for receit of the Emperor , Charles the fifth , who in the year of Christ 1522. was lodged himself at the Black-Fryers ; but his Nobles , in this new builded Bridewell , a Gallery being made out of the House over the Water , and thorow the Wall of the City , into the Emperors Lodging at the Black-Fryers : King Henry himself often times lodged there also ; as namely , in the year 1525. a Parliament being then holden in the Black-Fryers , he created States of Nobility there . In the year 1553. the seventh of Edward the sixth , the tenth of April , Sir George Barne , being Mayor of this City , was sent for to the Court at White-hall , and there at that time the King gave unto him , for the Communalty and Citizens , to be a Work-house , for the poor and idle persons of the City , his house of Bridewell : and seven hundred Marks Land , late of the possessions of the house of Savoy , and all the Bedding and other Furniture of the said Hospital of the Savoy , towards the maintenance of the said Work-house of Bridewel , and the Hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark . This gift , King Edward confirmed by his Charter , dated the 26. of June , next following . And in the year 1555. in the moneth of February , Sir William Gerrard Mayor , and the Aldermen , entred Bridewel , and took possession thereof , according to the gift of the said King Edward , the same being confirmed by Queen Mary . The Bishop of St. Davids had his Inne over against the North side of this Bridewell , as I have said . Then is the Parish Church of St. Bridget , or Bride , of old time a small thing , which now remaineth to be the Quire ; but since , increased with a large Body , and side Iles , towards the West , at the charges of William Vinor Esquire , Warden of the Fleet , about the year 1480. all which he caused to be wrought about in the stone , in the figure of a Vine , with Grapes and Leaves , &c. The partition betwixt the old work and the new , sometime prepared as a Screne , to be set up in the Hall of the Duke of Summersets House at the Strand , was bought for eightscore pounds , and set up in the year , one thousand five hundred fifty seven . The next is Salisbury Court , a place so called , for that it belonged to the Bishops of Salisbury , and was their Inne , or London House , at such time as they were summoned to come to the Parliament , or came for other business : It hath of late time bin the dwelling , first of Sir Richard Sackvile , and after , of Sir Thomas Sackvile his Sonne , Baron of Buckhurst , Lord Treasurer , who very greatly inlarged it with stately Buildings . Then is Water-lane , running down by the West side of a House , called the Hanging Sword , to the Thames . Then was the White Fryers Church , called Fratres beatae Mariae de monte Carmeli , first founded ( saith John Bale ) by Sir Richard Gray , Knight , Ancestor to the Lord Gray of Codner , in the year 1241. King Edward the first , gave to the Prior and Brethren of that house , a plot of ground in Fleet-street ; whereupon to build their House , which was since re-edified , or new builded , by Hugh Courtney , Earl of Devonshire , about the year one thousand three hundred and fifty , the four and twentieth of Edward the third . John Lufken , Mayor of London , and the Commonalty of the City , granted a Lane , called Crockers-lane , reaching from Fleetstreet to the Thames , to build in the West end of that Church . Then is the Sergeants Inne , so called , for that divers Judges and Sergeants at the Law keep a Commons , and are lodged there in Terme time . Next is the New Temple , so called , because the Templers , before the building of this House , had their Temple in Oldbourn : This house was founded by the Knights Templers in England , in the Reign of Henry the second : and the same was dedicated to God , and our Blessed Lady , by Heraclius , Patriark of the Church , called the Holy Resurrection in Jerusalem , in the year of Christ , 1185. Many Parliaments and great Councels have been there kept , as may appear by our Histories . In the year 1308. all the Templers in England , as also in other parts of Christendom , were apprehended , and committed to divers Prisons . Anno 1310. a Provincial Councel was holden at London , against the Templers in England , upon Heresie , and other Articles , whereof they were accused ; but denyed all , except one or two of them ; notwithstanding , they all did confesse , that they could not purge themselves fully , as faultless , and so they were condemned to perpetual penance , in several Monasteries , where they behaved themselves modestly . Philip King of France , procured their over-throw throughout the whole World , and caused them to be condemned by a general Councel to his advantage as he thought ; for he believed to have had all their Lands in France , and therefore seizing the same in his hands , caused the Templers , to the number of 54. or after Fabian , threescore , to be burnt at Paris . Edward the second , in the year 1313. gave unto Aimer de la Valence , Earl of Pembrook the whole place & house , called the new Temple at London , with the ground called Fiquetes Croft , and all the Tenements and Rents , with the appurtenances that belonged to the Templers in the City of London , and Suburbs thereof . After Aimer de Valence ( saith some ) Hugh Spencer ( usurping the same ) held it during his life ; by whose death , it fell again to the hands of Edward the third ; but in the mean time , to wit , 1324. by a Councel holden at Vienna , all the Lands of the Templers ( lest the same should be put to prophane uses ) were given to the Knights Hospitalers , of the Order of St. John Baptist , called Saint John of Jerusalem ; which Knights had put the Turks out of the I le of Rhodes , and after , wan upon the said Turk , daily for a long time . In the Reign of the same Edward the third , was granted ( for a certain Rent of ten pounds by the year ) the said Temple , with the Appurtenances thereunto adjoyning , to the Students of the Common Lawes of England , in whose possession , the same hath ever fithence remained , and is now divided into two Houses of several Students , by the name of Inns of Court , to wit , the Inner Temple , and the Middle Temple , who keep two several Halls ; but they resort all to the said Temple-Church , in the round walk whereof , ( which is the West part , without the Quire ) there remain Monuments of Noblemen , buried to the number of eleven , eight of them are Images of Armed Knights , five lying Crosse-legged , as men vowed to the Holy Land , against the Infidels , and unbelieving Jews , the other three straight-legged . The rest are coaped stones , all of Gray Marble : the first of the Crosse-legged , was William Marshal the elder , Earl of Pembrooke , who died 1219. William Marshall his Sonne , Earl of Pembrooke , was the second , he dyed 1231. And Gilbert Marshall , his Brother , Earl of Pembrooke , slain in a Turnament at Hartford , besides Ware , in the year 1241. Of the Twenty sixth , or the last Ward of the City of LONDON , called the Bridge-Ward without , containing the Bourough of Southwark . WE have now almost finished the Perambulation ; for having treated of Wards in London , on the North side of the Thames , ( in number five and twenty ) we are now to crosse over the said River , into the Burough of Southwark , which is also a Ward of London without the Walls , on the South side thereof , as is Portsoken on the East , and Faringdon Extra on the West . But before we come to the particular Description of this Ward , it will not be impertinent to declare , when , and by what meanes the Burough of Southwark , now called Bridge-Ward without , was made one of the six and twenty Wards , belonging to the City of London , which was in this manner . After the dissolution of the Monasteries , Abbeys , Priories , and other Religious Houses , in this Realm of England , The Mayor , Commonalty , and Citizens of this City of London , taking into their Considerations , how commodious , and convenient it would be unto the City , to have the Burough of Southwark annexed thereunto ; and that the same Burough was in the Kings hands wholly , they became humble suiters unto King Henry the eighth , and unto the Lords of his Highness Privy Councel , for the obtaining of the same . Which suit not being granted unto them ; after the Decease of King Henry the eighth , they renewed their Suit unto his Sonne and next Successour , King Edward the sixth , and to the Lords of his Privie Councel for the obtaining of the same Borough . At the length , after long suit , and much labour , it pleased King Edward the sixth , by his Letters Patents , sealed with the great Seal of England , bearing date at ●Vestminster the three and twentieth day of April , in the fourth year of his Reign , as well in consideration of the sum of six hundred forty seven pounds , two shillings and a penny , of lawful money of England , paid to his Highnesses use , by the Mayor , Communalty , and Citizens of London , as for divers other considerations him thereunto moving , To give and grant unto the said Mayor , and Communalty , and Citizens of London , divers Messuages , Lands and Tenements , lying near the Borough of Southwark , in the said Letters Patents , particularly expressed , which were sometimes the Lands of Charles late Duke of Suffolk , and of whom King Henry the eighth did buy and purchase the same . But there was excepted out of the said grant , and reserved unto the said King Edward the sixth ; his Heirs and Successors , all that his Capitall Messuage , or Mansion Honse , called Southwark place , late of the said Duke of Suffolke , and all Gardens and Land to the same adjoyning ; and all that his Park in Southwarke , and all that his Messuage , and all Edifices and ground , called the Antelope there . And the said King Edward the 6th , did by his said Letters Patents , give & grant to the said Mayor , Communalty , and Citizens , and their Successors , all that his Lordship , and Mannor of Southwarke , with all and singular the Rights , Members , and Appurtenances thereof , in the said County of Surrey , then late belonging to the late Monastery of Bermondsey in the same County ; And also all that his Mannor and Borough of Southwarke , with all , and singular the Rights Members , and Appurtenances thereof , in the said County of Surrey , then late parcel of the Possessions of the Arch-Bishop and Bishoprick of Canterbury , together with divers yearly Rents , issuing out of the divers Messuages or Tenements , in the said Letters Patents particularly expressed . But there was excepted and reserved out of the said Grant , to the said King Edward the sixth , his Heirs , and Successors , all his Rights , Jurisdictions , Liberties , and Franchises whatsoever , within the Walk , Circuit , and Precinct of his Capital Messuage , Gardens , and Park in Southwarke ; and in all Gardens , Curtilages , and Lands , to the said Mansion House , Gardens , and Park belonging . Also , there was excepted and reserved out of the said Grant , the House , Messuage , or lodging there , called the Kings-Bench , and the Gardens to the same belonging so long as it should be used as a Prison for prisoners , as it was then used . Also , there was excepted and reserved out of the said Grant , the House , Messuage , or Lodging there called , the Marshalsey , and the Gardens to the same belonging , so long as it should be used as a Prison for prisoners , as it was then used . Also , it was provided , that the said Letters Patents , should not be prejudicial to the Offices of the great Master or Steward of the Kings Houshold , within the Borough and Precincts aforesaid , to be executed while the same Borough and Precincts should be within the Verge ; Nor to John Gates Knight , one of the Gentlemen of the Kings Privy Chamber , concerning any Lands , Tenements , Offices , Profits , Franchises , or Liberties to him granted during his life , by the said King Edward the sixth , or by his Father King Henry the eighth . About the space of a Month after the said Borough of Southwark was so granted by King Edward the sixth , to the Mayor Communalty and Citizens of London , and that they by force of the said Letters Patents , stood charged with the Ordering , Survey , and Government of the same Borough , and of all the Kings Subjects , iuhabiting therein , and repairing thither . At a Court holden before Sir Rowland Hill Knight , then Lord Mayor of London , and the Aldermen of the same City , in the Guild-Hall of London , on Tuesday the eight and twentieth of May , in the said fourth year of the Reign of King Edward the sixth , the said Town or Borough was named and called the Ward , or Bridge VVard without . Not long after , it was enacted , that besides the then ancient accustomed number of five and twenty Aldermen , there should be one Alderman more elected , to have the Rule , Charge , and Governance of the said Borough and Town . And that four discreet persons , or more , being Freemen of London , and dwelling within the said City , or the Borough of Southwarke , or in other the Liberties of the said City , should from thenceforth , as often as the Case shall require , be from time to time nominated , appointed , and chosen by the Inhabitants of the said Borough for the time being , before the Lord Mayor of London for the time being ; And that the said Lord Mayor for the time being , should ( at the next Court of Aldermen , to be holden at the Guild-Hall of the said City , next after such election ) present the Names and Sirnames of all such persons , as so should be named before him , and put in the said Election ; And that the said Lord Mayor and Aldermen , for the time being , should of those four persons , or mo , so presented , Elect and Chuse one , by way of Scrutinie , to be an Alderman of the said City , and to have the peculiar Ordering , Rule , and Governance of the said Borough and Town of Southwarke , and of the Inhabitants thereof , and of all other the Kings liege people , repairing to the same . This Borough being in the County of Surrey , consisteth of divers streets , waies , and winding Lanes , all full of Buildings inhabited ; And first , to begin at the West part thereof , over against the West Suburbe of the City , on the Bank of the River Thames , there is now a continual building of Tenements , about half a mile in length to the Bridge . Then South a continual street called Long Southwark , builded on both sides with divers Lanes , and Alleys up to St. Georges Church , and beyond it through Blackman street , towards New Town , ( or Newington ) the Liberties of which Borough , extend almost to the Parish Church of New Town aforesaid , distant one mile from London Bridge , and also South-west a continual building , almost to Lambeth , more than one mile from the said Bridge . Then from the Bridge along by the Thames East-ward , is St. Olaves street , having continual building on both the sides , with Lanes and Alleys up to Battle-Bridge : to Horse-down , and towards Rother-Hith also , some good half mile in length from London Bridge , so that I account the whole continual buildings , on the Bank of the said River , from the West towards the East to be more than a large mile in length . Then have ye from the entring towards the said Horse-down , one other continual street , called Barmonds eye street , which stretcheth South , likewise furnished with Buildings on both the sides , almost half a mile in length up to the late dissolved Monastery of St. Saviours , called Bermondsey . And from thence is one Long Lane ( so called of the length ) turning West to St. Georges Church aforenamed , out of the which Lane , mentioned Long-lane , breaketh one other street towards the South and by East , and this is called Kentish-street , for that it is the way leading into that County ; and so have ye the bounds of this Borough . The Antiquities most notable in this Borough are these ; First , for Ecclesiastical , there was Bermondsey , an Abbey of Black Monks ; St. Mary Overies , a Priory of Canons Regular ; St. Thomas , a Colledge or Hospital for the poor ; and the Loke , a Lazar-house in Kent-street . Parish Churches there have been six , whereof five do remain , ( viz. ) St. Mary Magdalen , in the Priory of Saint Mary Overy ; Now the same St. Mary Overy is the Parish Church for the said Mary Magdalen , and for Saint Margaret on the Hill , and is called Saint Saviour . Saint Margaret on the Hill , being put down is now a Court for Justice ; St. Thomas in the Hospital serveth for a Parish Church as afore ; St George a Parish Church , as before it did ; so doth St , Olave , and St. Mary Magdalen , by the Abby of Bermondsey . There be also these five Prisons , or Goals , the Clink on the Bank , the Compter in the late Parish Church of St. Margaret , the Marshalsey , the Kings-Bench , and the White-Lyon , all in Long Southwarke . Now to return to the West Bank , there were two Bear-Gardens , the old and new , places wherein were kept Bears , Bulls , and other Beasts , to be bated ; As also Mastives , in several Kenels , nourished to baite them . These Bears and other Beasts are there baited in plots of ground , Scaffolded about , for the beholders to stand safe ; but this kind of sport is now prohibited . Next , on this Bank , was sometime the Bordello or Stewes , a place so called of certain Stew-houses , priviledged there , for the repair of incontinent men , to the like women , of the which Privileage we read thus . In a Parliament holden at Westminster , the eight of Henry the second , it was ordained by the Commons , and confirmed by the King and Lords , That divers constitutions for ever should he kept in that Lordship or Franchise , according to the old Customs , that had been there used time out of mind ; Amongst the which , these following were some , viz. That no Stew-holder , or his Wife should let or stay any single Woman to go and come freely at all times , when they listed . No Stew-holder to keep any Woman to board , but she to board abroad at her pleasure . To take no more for the Womans Chamber in the week than fourteen pence . Not to keep open his doors upon the Holy-daies . Not to keep any single Woman in his House on the Holy-dayes ; but the Bayliff to see them voided out of the Lordship . No single Woman to be kept against her will that would leave her sin . No Stew-holder to receive any Woman of Religion , or any Mans Wife . No single Woman to take mony to lye with any man , except she lie with him all night till the morrow . No man to be drawn or enticed into any Stew-house . The Constables , Bayliffe , and others , every week to search every Stew-house . No Stew-holder to keep any Woman , that hath the perilous Infirmity of burning : not to sell Bread , Ale , Flesh , Fish , Wood , Coale , or any Victuals , &c. These allowed Stew-houses had Signs on their Fronts , towards the Thames , not hanged out , but painted on the Walls , as a Boars head , the Crosse-Keys , the Gun , the Castle , the Crane , the Cardinals Hat , the Bell , the Swan , &c. Ancient men of good credit do report , that these single Women were forbidden the Rights of the Church so long as they continued that finful life , and were excluded from Christian burial , if they were not reconciled , before their death : And therefore there was a plot of ground called the Single Womans Church-yard , appointed for them , far from the Parish Church . In the year of Christ , one thousand five hundred forty six , the seven and thirtieth of Henry the eighth , this Row of Stews in Southwarke , was put down by the Kings commandement , which was proclaimed by sound of Trumpet , no more to be priviledg'd and used as a common Brothel . Then next is the Clinke , a Goale or Prison for the Trespassers in those parts , namely , in old time for such as should brabble , fray , or break the peace on the said Bank , or in the Brothel Houses ; they were by the Inhabitants thereabout , apprehended and committed to this Gaole , where they were streightly imprisoned . Next is the Bishop of Winchesters House , or Lodging when he commeth to this City . Adioyning to this on the South side thereof , is the Bishop of Rochesters Inne , or lodging , by whom first erected , it is not upon Record ; but 't is known well , the same of longtime hath not been frequented by any Bishop , and lieth ruinous for lack of reparations . The Abbot of Naverly had a House there . East from the Bishop of Winchesters House , directly over against it standeth a fair Church , called St. Mary , over the Rit , or Overy , that is , over the water ; This Church , or some other in place thereof was ( of old time long before the Conquest ) an House of Sisters , founded by a Maiden , named Mary , unto the which House and Sisters they left ( as was left to her by her Parents ) the over-sight and profits of a Crosse-Ferry or Traverse-Ferry over the Thames , there kept before that any Bridge was builded ; This House of Sisters was after by Swithin , a Noble Lady , converted unto a Colledge of Priests , who in place of the Ferry , builded a Bridge of Timber , and from time to time kept the same in good reparations ; But lastly the same Bridge was builded of Stone , and then in the year 1106 , was this Church again founded for Canons Regular , by VVilliam Pom del l' Arch , and VVilliam Daunly Knights Normans . This Peter de Rupibus or de la Roch , founded a large Chappel of St. Mary Magdalen , in the Church of St Mary Overy , which Chappel was afterward appointed to be the Parish Church for the Inhabitants near adjoyning . This Church was again new builded in the Reign of Richard the second , and King Henry the fourth . John Gower Esquire , a famous Poet , was then an especial Benefactor to that work , and was there buried on the North side of the said Church , in the Chappel of St. John , where he founded a Chantry ; He lyeth under a Tombe of Stone , with his Image also of Stone over him ; The Hair of his Head auburne , long to his Shoulders , but curling up and a small forked Beard : on his Head a Chaplet , like a Coronet of four Roses , an habit of Purple damasked down to his feet , a Collar of Esses of Gold about his Neck , under his Feet the likenesse of three Books , which he compiled . The first named Speculum Meditantis , written in French ; The second , Vox clamantis , penned in Latine ; The third , Confessio Amantis , written in English , and this last is printed ; Vox Clamantis , with his Chronica Tripartita , & other both in Latine and French , were never printed . Besides on the Wall where he lyeth , there was painted three Virgins Crowned , one of the which was named Charity , holding this Device , En Toy qui es Fitz de Dieu le pere Savue soit , qui gist soubs cest pierre . In Thee who art the Son of God Be sav'd who lyes under this clod . Now passing through St. Mary Overies Close ( once in possession of the Lord Montacute ) & Pepper Alley into Long Southwark ; on the right hand thereof the Market Hill , where the Leather is sold , there stood the late named Parish Church of Saint Margaret , given to St. Mary Overies by Henry the first , put down and joyned with the Parish Church of St. Mary Magdalen , and united to the late dissolved Priory Church of St. Mary Overy . A part of this Parish Church of St. Margaret is now a Court wherein the Assizes and Sessions be kept , and the Court of Admiralty is also there kept ; one other part of the same Church is now a prison , called the Compter in Southwarke , &c. Farther up on that side , almost directly over against St. Georges Church , was sometime a large and most sumptuous house , builded by Charles Brandon , Duke of Suffolke , in the Reign of Henry the eighth , which was called Suffolk House , but coming afterwards into the Kings hands , the same was called Southwark place , and a Mint of Coynage was there kept for the King. Queen Mary gave this House to Nicholas Heth , Archbishop of York , and to his Successors for ever , to be their Inne or Lodging for their repair to London , in recompence of York House near to Westminster , which King Henry her Father had taken from Cardinal Woolsey , and from the See of York . Then is the White Lion , a Goal so called , for that the same was a common Hostery for the receit of Travellers by that Sign . This House was first used as a Goal within these hundred years last , since the which time the prisoners were once removed thence to an House in New-town , where they remained for a short time , and were returned again to the aforesaid White Lion , there to remain as the appointed Goal for the Countey of Surrey . Next is the Goal or Prison of the Kings-Bench , but of what antiquity the same is , it appears not . We read , that the Courts of the Kings-Bench and Chancery , have oft times been removed from London to other places , and so hath likewise the other Goals that serve those Courts , as in the year 1304 , Edward the first commanded the Courts of Kings-Bench & the Exchequer , which had remained seven years at York , to be removed to their old places at London . And in the year 1387 , the eleaventh of Richard the second , Robert Trisilian chief Justice , came to the City of Coventry , and there sat by the space of a Month , as Justice of the Kings Bench , and caused to be Indicted in that Court about the number of 2000 persons of that Country , &c. It seemeth therefore , that for that time the Prison or Goale of that Court was not far off . Also , in the year 1392 , the sixteenth of the same Richard , the Archbishop of York , being Lord Chancellor , for good will that he bare to his City , caused the Kings Bench and Chancery to be removed from London to York , but ere long they were returned to London . Then is the Marshalsey another Goal or Prison , so called , as pertaining to the Marshalls of England , of what continuance kept in Southwark , it appears not ; but likely it is , that the same hath been removeable , at the pleasure of the Marshalls . And then Thieves Lane by St. Thomas Hospital , first found by Richard , Prior of Bermondsey , in the Cellerers grounded , against the Wall of the Monastery , in the year 1213 , He named it the Almery , or house of Alms , for Converts and poor Children . In the year 1552 , the Citizens of London , having the void suppressed Hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark , in the Month of July , began the reparations thereof , for poor , impotent , lame , and diseased people , so that in the Month of November next following , the sick and poor people were taken in , ; And in the year 1553 , on the tenth of April , King Edward the sixth in the seventh of his Reign , gave to the Mayor , Communalty and Citizens of London , to be a Work-House for the poor , and idle persons of the City , his House of Bridewell , and seven hundred Marks Lands of the Savoy Rents , which Hospital he had suppressed , with all the Beds , bedding , and other furniture belonging to the same , towards the maintenance of the said Work-house of Bridewell , and of this Hospital of Saint Thomas in Southwark . This gift , the King confirmed by his Charter . The Church of this Hospital , which of old time served for the Tenements neer adjoyning and pertaining to the said Hospital , remaineth as a Parish Church . But now to come to St. Olaves street : on the Bank of the River of Thames , is the Parish Church of St. Olave , a fair and meetly large Church , but a far larger Parish , especially of Aliens or strangers , and poor people . Next is the Bridge-House , so called , as being a Store-house for Stone , Timber , or whatsoever pertaining to the building or repairing of London Bridge . This House seemeth to have taken beginning with the first founding of the Bridge , either of Stone or Timber ; it is a large plot of ground on the Bank of the River of Thames , containing divers large buildings , for stowage of things necessary , towards reparation of the said Bridge . There are also divers Garners , for laying up of Wheat , and other Granaries for service of the City , as need requireth . Moreover , there be certain Ovens builded , in number ten , of which six be very large the other four being but half so big : these were purposely made to bake out the Bread Corn of the said Grayners , to the best advantage , for relief of the poor Cittizens , when need should require . Then is Battaile Bridge , so called of Battaile Abbey , for that it standeth on the ground & over a Water-course , ( flowing out of Thames ) pertaining to that Abbey , and was therefore both builded and repaired by the Abbots of that House , as being hard adjoyning to the Abbots Lodging . Beyond this Bridge is Bermondsey street , turning South , in the South end whereof was sometime a Priory or Abby , of St. Saviour , called Bermonds Eye in Southwarke , founded by Ailwin , a Citizen of London , in the year 1081. In the year 1094 , deceased Alwin , founder of this House . Then William Rufus gave to the Monks , his Mannor of Bermondsey , with the appurtenances , and builded there for them a new great Church . In the year 1539. this Abbey was valued to dispend by the year , 474 l. fourteen shillings four pence half penny , and was surrendred to Henry the eighth , the one and thirtieth of his Reign , the Abbey Church was then pulled down by Sir Thomas Pope Knight , and in place thereof , a goodly House builded of Stone and Timber , since pertaining to the Earls of Sussex . Next unto this Abbey Church standeth a proper Church of St. Mary Magdalen , builded by the Priory of Bermondsey , serving for resort of the Inhabitants ( Tenants to the Priors or Abbots near adjoyning ) there to have their Divine Service ; this Church remaineth and serveth as afore , and is called a Parish Church . Then in Kent street , is a Lazar House for Leprous people , called the Loke in Southwark , the foundation whereof is incertain . This Borough at a subsidy to the King , was used to yield about a thousand Marks , or eight hundred pounds , which is more than any one City in England payeth except London ; And also , the Muster of men in this Borough doth likewise in number surpasse all other Cities , except London . And thus much for the Borough of Southwarke , one of the six and twenty Wards of London . Having thus tra●ers'd the whole Body of this great City , and her severall Wards , from the Center to the Circumference ; it is now to be observed , that every Ward hath its particular Alderman as an Overseer , or Guardian assign'd thereunto , who hath a greater latitude of power , than an ordinary Justice of the Peace . This Alderman hath one Deputy , and in some Wards more . There are likewise a number of Common-Councel men , Constables , men of the Wardmote Inquest , Scavengers , some more , some lesse , with Beadles in every Ward . The last Ward which is the Borough of Southwark , differs from the rest in this , that the Alderman appointed there , hath three Deputies and a Bayliff , but no Common Councel men . Of Places adjacent , and contiguous to the City of London . HAving endeavoured already to dissect the City of London , so that all her Members , and homogeneal parts may be discern'd : We will now passe on to her heterogeneal , or Suburbian parts , which yet are contiguous , and make one entire continued peece : We will , as formerly , take our first aym Eastward , and begin with those parts that are without the Postern by the Tower of London . The second of Henry the third , the Forrest of Middlesex , and the Warren of Stanes , were disafforested ; since which time , the Suburbs also about London , in tract of time , and , as it were , by an insensible augmentation , have wonderfully increased in people and edifices . Near the Tower of London , is the Hospital of St. Katherine ( spoken of before ) founded by Matilda , Wife to King Stephen , that renowned and most Religious Queen . From the Liberties of St. Katherine to Wapping , the usual place of Execution for Pyrates , and Sea-rovers , there to continue hanging till three Tydes overflow and cover them ; I say , from St. Katherines to Wapping , 't is yet in the memory of man , there was never a House standing , but the Gallowes which was further removed , in regard of the Buildings . But now there is a continued street towards a mile long , from the Tower , all along the River , almost as far as Radcliffe , which proceeded from the encrease of Navigation , Mariners and Trafique . The Citizens of London , were the chief Benefactors , towards the erecting of the new Church at Wapping , a Chappel of ease to White-Chappel : And upon a high Beam , in the midst thereof , there is a memorable neat Inscription , viz. This Chappel was dedicated to Almighty God , and consecrated to the Honour and glory of his great and wonderful name , the seventh day of July , 1617. by the right Reverend Father in God , John King , then Bishop of London . North-East of the Tower , lyeth East-Smithfield , Hoggs-street , and another Tower-Hill , near whereunto was an Hermitage , in times passed , called the new Abbey of Grace , founded by Edward the third , in gratitude to Heaven , for his victorious Successes in France ; which commendable custom , continueth still beyond the Seas , as lately there is a fair costly Church , erected in Venice , dedicated to St. Lawrence , in remembrance of a signal Victory she obtained against the common Enemy the Turk , about that Saints day ; as Philip the second did build the Escurial for St. Quinten Victory . Then is there Radcliffe , much encreased also in Buildings , and Nightingale-lane ; from thence towards Aldgate , were the Minories , a famous Abbey of Nuns , of the Order of Santa Clara , founded by Edmund Earl of Lancaster , Leicester and Darby , Brother to Edward the first , as hath bin formerly spoken . Without Algate there is a spacious huge Suburb , about a mile long , as far as White Chappel , and further : White Chappel was as it were , a Chappel of Ease to Stebunhith , now called by a strange contraction , Stepney Parish : the Church of White Chappel , was called St. Mary Marfelon , because a Frenchman having served a rich Widow hard by and murthered her for her Wealth , the Women and Boyes stoned the Felon to death , as he thought to fly away . From Algate , North-West to Bishopsgate , lyeth Houndsditch , a long street , then is the fair Parish Church of St. Buttolph : Then is the Hospital of St. Mary of Bethlem , founded by a London Citizen , as hath bin shewn before ; without which is Norton-Fallgate , a liberty belonging to St. Pauls . Thence up to the Priory of St. John Baptist , is Holy Well , where there was in ancient times , a Nunnery , founded by Stephen Gravesend , Bishop of London , 1318. In the High street from Holy Well , there is a continual Building to Sewers Ditch , then is there Shore-Ditch , Golding-lane , Goswell-street , then Hoxton , ( vulgarly called Hogsdon ) which was once a Prebend belonging to St. Pauls . Then is there in this Suburb , the Hospital of St. Mary Spittle , and a great Palace , called Fishers Folly , built by the Lord John Powlet . In former times , there was in Shoreditch , a Row of small Almshouses , built there by the Prior , which being suppressed , they were called the Rotten Rowe . Then is there the Parish Church of St. Leonard , in Shoreditch , whereof the Arch-Deacon of Pauls de jure , is alwayes Parson ; We are come now to Moor-fields , which in former times , was but a fenny quagge , or Moore , and is now , by the industry and bounty of well disposed Citizens , come to that perfection , and pleasantness , as now we behold it in , whereof mention is made before . We passe now to Cripplegate , and St. Giles Church , built by one , Alfune , first Hospitaler of St. Bartholomew in Smithfield ; near unto this Church , there was in former times , a fair pool of sweet water , where in Anne of Lodberry was drowned , as the Story shewes . Then is there Forestreet , Moore-lane , and Grubstreet , White-crosse-street , which is of great extent , and reacheth to Old street . From the West end of Forestreet , lyeth Redcrosse-street , and Beech-lane , with Golding-lane , full of small Tenements . Then is there Barbican , anciently called Houndsditch , all these populous places , are within the Precincts of St. Giles Parish . Aldersgate Suburb is next , where the Parish of St. Buttolph stands , and little Britain street on the one side ; then it stretcheth all along North , with very handsome Edifices , and a large street , as far as Barbican , on the one side , and Long-lane on the other . This street resembleth an Italian street , more then any other in London , by reason of the spaciousness & uniformity of Buildings , and streightness thereof , with the convenient distance of the Houses ; on both sides whereof , there are divers very fair ones , as Peter-House , the Palace now , and Mansion of the most Noble Marquis of Dorchester : Then is there the Earl of Tenets House , with the Moon and Sun-Tavern , very fair structures . Then is there from about the middle of Aldersgate-street , a handsome new street butted out , and fairly built by the Company of Goldsmiths , which reacheth athwart as far as Redcrosse-street . At the furthest point of this Suburb Northward , there was a Winde-Mill in times past , which being blown down by a Tempest , Queen Katherine of Aragon , first Wife to Henry the 8th , erected there a Chappel , and named it Mount Calvary , which was afterwards suppressed , and the place came to be called Mount-mill , whereof the Long-Parliament made much use for their fortifications . We are going now to Newgate , where towards Smithfield , I meet with Gilt-spur , and Knight-riders-street : Then is Smithfield it self , which hath bin spoken of before , in Faringdon Ward . Without Smithfield Barres , there is St. Johns street ; on the right hand whereof , stood the Charter-house , founded by Sir Walter Manny , Knight of the Garter to Edward the third . Hard by , is Pardon Church-yard , whereas the Annales record , above fifty thousand souls were buried in one year , who had dyed of a raging great sweeping Pestilence , in the Reign of the foresaid Edward the third . The Chievalrous and most devont Knight , first built a Chappel there , then a Monastery of Carthusian Fryers , which are the severest and most rigid of all claustral Societies : this Monastery was called at first the Salutation . In this Charter-House , was the Monument of the said Sir Walter Manny , and above twenty Knights more , besides Ladies and other persons of high Rank , and at the suppression of Abbeys , this Monastery had 642 l. yearly Rent , a mighty sum in those dayes . This demolish'd Charter-House , came a while after , to the possession of Thomas Earl of Suffolk , Lord Treasurer of England , in King James his Raign , and the place being sweetly scituated , with accommodations of spacious Walks , Orchards , and Gardens , with sundry dependencies of Tenements , and Lands thereunto belonging , gave occasion to that worthy and well disposed Gentleman , Mr. Thomas Sutton , of Castle Camps , in the County of Cambridge Esquire , but born at Knayth in Lincolnshire , to alter his Resolution of erecting an Hospital at Hallingbury in Essex , where he had first pitched his design , and to purchase this place of the Earl , for 13000 l. first peny payd before the sealing of the Conveyance ; which charitable , great , and noble enterprize , was countenanced by King James , and his privy Councel . So having in few years raised up that goodly Fabrique , ( though it pleased God to take him to himself , before it was quite finish'd ) and endowed it with competent allowance , by passing away many goodly Mannors , he had in Lincoln , Wiltshire , Middlesex , Cambridge and Essex , with other goodly possessions , the work was compleated , and nominated the Hospital of King James ; which Hospital , consisted of a Master , a Governor , a Preacher , a Free School , with a Master and Usher , 80. poor people , and 40. Schollers , maintained all by the Revenues of the House , Anno 1614. on Munday next , after Michaelmas day , the Captains , Gentlemen , and Officers , entred into this new Hospital . Now there were by Letters Pattents under the great Seal of England , divers Governors appointed of this Hospital , whereof the Arch Bishop of Canterbury was chief , The Lord Chancelor , and Treasurer , The Bishops of London and Ely , the Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas , the Attorney General , the Dean of Pauls , the Dean of Westminster , and divers others ; But the late long Parliament , inverting the order and will of the founder , did nominate others in their rooms . A little without the. Barres of West Smithfield , is Charter-house Lane ; but in the large yard before , there are many handsome Palaces , as Rutland House , and one where the Venetian Embassadors were used to lodge ; which yard hath lately bin conveniently railed , and made more neat and comely . Then is there St. Johns street , with Turnmill-street , which stretcheth up West to Clarken-well , and it is vulgarly called Turnball-street : There is another Lane called St. Peters Lane , which turns from St. Johns street , to Cow-Crosse . The dissolved Priory of St. John of Jerusalem , stood on the left hand , founded almost 600. years since , by Jorden Briset , a pions brave man , who had founded also a Priory of Nuns at Clarken-Well . The Rebels and Rabble of Kent , did much mischief to this House 1381. setting it on fire , and letting it burn seven dayes : At the suppression of Abbeys , this House among the rest , felt the fury of fate ; yet it was not quite demolished , but employed as a Store-house for the Kings toyles and tents , as well for hunting , as for the Warres . But in Edward the sixth's time , that goodly Church for the most part , I mean the body and side Iles , with the great Bell-Tower , a most curious peece of fabrick , being engraven , gilt , and enamel'd , to the great Ornament of City and Suburb , was barbarously undermined , and blown up with Gunpowder : the stones whereof were carried to finish the then Protectors House in the Strand , viz. the Duke of Somerset , but strange Judgements fell afterwards upon him , as is before mentioned . Cardinal Pool , in Queen Maries Raign , closed up again part of the Quire , and side Walls on the West side , and made Sir Thomas Tresham , Prior thereof ; but thinking to bring the place to its first principles , it was suppressed again by Queen Elizabeth . A great number of Knights of that Order , had Monuments in that Church . North from the said House of St. John's , was the Priory of Clarken-Well , which also was very ancient , being built Anno 1100. We must now go back to Giltspur-street , where this Suburb first begins , where hard by standeth a comely fair Church , called St. Scpulcher , in the Baylic . Hard by is Turnagain-lane , Hosier-lane , and Cow-lane ; then you come down Sorc-hill ( now vulgarly called Snow-hill ) to Oldborne , now called Holborn-Bridge : then you go up by Chick-lane , and Lither-lane ; but before you come thither , you passe by the Bishop of Elies great Palace , and Hatton-House , and Brook-House : beyond the Barres , there is Postpool-lane , and Grayes Inne Lane. Southward of this Lane , there is a row of small Houses , which is a mighty hindrance to Holborn , in point of prospect , which if they were taken down , there would be from Holborn Conduit , to St. Giles in the field , one of the fairest rising street in the World. From Newgate on the left hand , lyeth the Old Dayloy ; and so down by Sea-cole and Fleet-lane , we passe then over the common Sewer , up to Shooe-lane and so to Fewter-lane , now vulgarly called Fetter-lane ; but betwixt these two Lanes , there is another new street , butted out by the Company of Goldsmiths , called Newstreet , where there is a knot of very handsome Buildings . Above the Barres , there was a House of the Tamplers , but they removed thence to Fleetstreet : There was also adjoining thereunto , the Bishop of Lincolns House , which was very ancient ; for the Records say , 't was built Anno 1147. But of late years , it hath belonged to the Noble Earls of Southhampton ; And lately , it hath bin quite taken down , and turned to several private Tenements , as Durham House is in the Strand . Insomuch , that if one should ask , what God Almighty doth now in London , he might ( as the pulse of the Times beats ) give the same answer that was given by the Pagan Philosopher , who being demanded what Jupiter did in Heaven , he said , Magnas ollas rumpit , & ex frustis earum parvas componit , Jupiter breaks great Vessels , and makes small ones of their peeces . Side long of this ancient House of the Bishop of Lincoln , is Newstreet , for so it was called at first ; but now 't is called Chancery-lane , where Edward the third annexed the House of converted Jews , to the Office of Custos Rotulorum . Here the Cursitors Office was built by Sir Nicholas Bacon , Lord Keeper of the great Seal . Here also is the six Clarks Office , which is a fair convenient peece of stone and Brick Building newly erected , the old being consumed by a casual fire of late years . The Bishop of Chicester , Ralph Nevil , had much ground given him thereabouts , by Henry the third , which now is become all Tenements , thick built , and quite alienated . Then is Lincolns Inne , very much encreased in building , it appertained sometimes to the said Ralph Nevil , Bishop of Chicester , Lord Chancellor of England , having bin before the House of the Black-Fryers : and after the decease of the said Bishop Nevil , Henry Lacy Earl of Lincoln , Constable of Chester , and Custos of England , added much building to this place ; and Sir Thomas Lovel did also add much thereunto , in Henry the eighth's time ; but now it is one of the foure Inns of Court , for the Students in the Law. Behind Lincolns Inne Westward , is a spacious field , where many fair Houses , or rather Palaces , are taken up by the Gentry . Then is there towards Drewry Lane , a new Market , called Clare Market ; then is there a street , and Palace of the same name , built by the Earl of Clare , who lives there in a princely manner , having a House , a street , and a Market , both for flesh and fish , all bearing his name . There was something omitted which should have bin spoken of the Church of St. Giles of the Field , which is , that being a very ancient Church , and so decayed , that it could not be repaired , a new one was erected , partly out of the ruines of the old ; which work was begun and finished in two years ; and a while after , the fair Brick Wall that encompasseth it . There were divers well disposed persons , who contributed to so pious a work ; but specially the Lady Alice Duddeley , according to that which is engraven upon the North door , in pure and ponde●ous Latine , which I thought therefore worthy to be here inserted . Quod falix fanstumque sit posteris , Hoc Templum loco Veteris ex Annosa vetustate Collapsi , mole et splendore auctum multa Paraecorum Charitas Restauravit . In quibus pientissimae Heroinae , Dom. Aliciae Duddeley Munificentia gratum marmoris hujus meretur eloquium : Huc etiam accessit aliorum pietas ; Quibus provisa sunt grates In Coelo . Heus viator an effaetum est bonis Operibus Hoc Seenlum ? From the North end of Chancery Lane , is High Holborn , which extends up to St. Giles in the Field , where the famous devout Queen Matilda did found an Hospital , as she did Eastward St. Katherines beyond the Tower. At this Hospital the Prisoners conveyed from London to Tyborn , were used to be presented with a Bowl of Ale , for their last refreshment in this life , and it was commonly called St. Giles's Bowl : Then is there a spacious fair street , called Long Acre , and then Pickadilly , full of fair Houses round about . Thus have we as succinctly as we could , avoiding superstuities , and unnecassary trivial things , spoken of the Skirts of London , and the places thereunto annexed , without the Gates , and now , Naviget hinc aliâ jam mihi linter aqua . I mean , let us steer now to the City of VVestminster . Of the Savoy , the Dutchy , and City of Westminster , with the Antiquities , the Tribunals of Justice , and Liberties thereunto belonging . HAving taken so fair a Prospect , and finished the perlustration of London . It were a high Incivility , and a soloecism in good manners ( or rather a Piacle ) not to give VVestminster also a visit , being so near and contiguous a Neighbour : It is true , that they were once above a mile asunder ; but by insensible coalition , and recruit of people , they came at last to be united , and incorporated into one continued peece , in point of posture , though not of Government . And the Union with Scotland , did not a little conduce , to make this Union 'twixt London and VVestminster ; For the Scots multiplying here mightily , neasted themselves about the Court , so that the Strand , from mud Walls , and thatched Houses , came to that perfection of Buildings , as now we see . Moreover , the City of VVestminster hath divers Magnalia's , which may deserve as exact a view as any within London ; for if London of old had her Temple of Diana , VVestminster had one to a greater Deity , which was Apollo ; And since , ( in those very places ) ; if St. Paul , hath his Church in London : St. Peter , the Prince of the Apostles , hath his in VVestminster , which was used to keep the Regalia's and the Crown . Add hereunto , that if London hath her Guild-hall , and the Hustings . VVestminster hath the great Praetorian , or common Hall , where the chief Courts , and general Tribunals of Justice , do make their Sessions , though to her high prayse be it spoken , London hath a far more expedite way of doing Justice , and determination of causes then Westminster hath ; besides , in point of safety and strength , if London hath her Artillery Garden , Westminster hath her Military : And in point of Extent and Government , if London hath her six and twenty Wards , and so many Aldermen ; Westminster also hath her Twelve Burgesses , and so many distinct Wards ; but for the quality of Inhabitants , London must vayl to her ; most of the Nobility and Gentry residing in , or about her Precincts . Moreover , in one particular , Westminster may claim a great advantage of London , in regard as the Royal Court once was , so the residence of the Soveraign Magistrate is still there : Insomuch , that Westminster may well glory of three things , That she hath the chiefest Courts of Justice , the chiefest Court of the Prince , and the chiefest Court of the King of Heaven ( for every Temple is his House and Court. ) Now the Abbey of Westminster , hath bin alwayes held the greatest Sanctuary , and randevouze of devotion of the whole Iland : whereunto , the scituation of the very place , seemes to contribute much , and to strike a holy kind of Reverence and sweetness of melting piety in the hearts of the beholders . But before we steer our course to Westminster , we must visit the Dutchy of Lancaster , and the Savoy , which are liberties of themselves , and lie ( as a Parenthesis ) 'twixt London and Westminster . Without Temple-barre Westward , is a liberty pertaining to the Dutchy of Lancaster , which beginneth on the North side of the Thames , and stretcheth West to Ivy-bridge , where it terminates . And again , on the North side , some small distance without Temple-Barre , in the High street , there stretcheth one large middle row , or troop of small Tenements , partly opening to the South , and partly towards the North , up West to a Stone Crosse , over against the Strand ; and this is the bounds of the liberty , which first belonged to Brian Lisle , after to Peter of Savoy , and then to the House of Lancaster . Henry the third did grant to his Uncle Peter of Savoy , all those Houses upon the Thames , which pertained to Brian Lisle , or de Insula , in the way , or the street , called the Strand , to hold to him and his Heires , yielding three gilded Arrowes , every year in the Exchequer . This Peter , Earl of Savoy and Richmond , Son to Thomas Earl of Savoy , Brother to Boniface Arch Bishop of Canterbury , and Uncle unto Eleanor Wife to Henry the third , was the first Founder of the Savoy , Anno 1245. which he gave afterwards to the Fraternity of Monjoy . Queen Eleanor did purchase it for Edmund Duke of Lancaster , her Son , of the Fraternity ; which Duke did much augment and improve the structure . John the French King was lodged there , being then the fairest Mannor of England . Anno 1381. The Rebels of Kent and Essex , did most barbarously burn this House , with many Vessels of Gold and Silver , which they threw into the River ; all which they did out of a popular malice to John of Gaunt , Duke of Lancaster . It came afterwards to the Kings hands , and Henry the seventh did re-edifie and raise it up again , but converted it to the Hospital of St. John Baptist ; yet was he content , that it should be still called the Savoy , and bestowed Lands , for maintenance of 100. poor men ; But afterwards , it was suppressed by his Granchild , Edward the sixth : the Beds , and Bedding , with other Furniture , were given to the City of London ; together , with Bridewell , to be a Work-house for idle persons ; and some of Savoy Furniture was given also to furnish St. Thomas Hospital in Southwark : But afterwards , the Savoy Hospital was refounded , and endowed with Lands , by Queen Mary , who made one Jackson , first Master thereof : And it is memorable , how the Mayds of Honour , and Ladies of the Court , in those times , did much contribute for storing it again with new Beds , and Furniture , and so it hath continued ever since : the Chappel of this Hospital serving for a Parish Church , to the Neighbors thereof near adjoyning , and others . Now touching the Prerogatives , and enfranchisements of the Dutchy of Lancaster , let the Reader know , that Henry the fourth , by his Royal Charter , and concurrence of Parliament , did sever the possessions of the said Dutchy from the Crown , And that which John of Gaunt hold for term of life , was established to perpetuity , by the Statutes of Edward the fourth , and Henry the seventh : which separation was made by Henry the fourth , in regard he well knew , that he had the Dutchy of Lancaster ( par Regno ) by sure and indefesble Title , whereas his Title to the Crown was not so assured , because that after the death of Richard the second , the Royal right was in the Heir of Lionel , Duke of Clarence , second Son of Edward the third . And John of Gaunt , who was Father to Henry the fourth , was the fourth Son : therefore his policy was , to make it a distinct thing from the Crown , for fear of after-claps . It was Edward the third , who erected the County of Lancaster to a County Palatine , and honoured the Duke of Lancaster therewith , giving him Jura Regalia , having a particular Court , The Officers whereof , were the Chancellor , the Attorney , the Receiver General , Clark of the Court , the Auditors Surveyors , the Messenger ; The Seal of the Dutchy of Lancaster remains with the Chancellor ; but the Seal of the County Palatine , remains alwayes in a Chest , in the County Palatine , under the safe custody of a Keeper . Now , all Grants and Leases of Lands , Tenements , and Offices in the County Palatine of Lancaster , should passe under that Seal , and no other ; but all Grants and Leases out of the County Palatine , and within the Survey of the Dutchy , should passe under the Seal of the Dutchy , and no other ; otherwise such Grants are voyd , ipso facto . Though this County Palatine was a younger Brother , yet it had more honours , mannors , and Lands annexed unto it , then any of the rest ; and all this by Acts of Parliament , whereby all the Franchises , Priviledges , Immunities , Quittances and Freedoms , which the Duke of Lancaster had for Himself and his Men , and Tenants , were confirmed . The Liberty of the Dutchy was used to be governed by the Chancellor , who had under him a Steward , that kept Court Le●t , with an Attorney of the Dutchy . There were also four Burgesses , and four Assistants , a Bayliffe , who had others under him , four Constables , four Wardens , that kept the stock for the poor , four Wardens for high wayes , a Jury of 14. Ale-cunners , which looked to the assise of measures , four Scavengers , and a Beadle , and the common Prison is Newgate . And now we must make a step back towards Temple-barre , and so by degrees , to Westminster all along , we will begin with the right hand , or the North side , and so passe up West , through a back lane or street , wherein do stand ( as was touched before ) three Inns of Chancery , The first called Clements Inne , in regard it is near St. Clements Church , and Clements Well . The second New Inne , which was made of a common Hostery , about the beginning of the Reign of Henry 7. The third is Lions Inne . This street stretcheth up unto Drury lane , which lane extends Northward , towards St. Giles in the Field . But now we must go back , as was said before , towards Temple-barre , and so by taking the Strand , all along return by degrees to Westminster it self , in a direct line . I have heard often of a British Prophecy , which came from an old Bard , viz. The Church man was , the Lawyer is , and the Souldier shall be . True it is , that Bishops lived in the Equipage of Princes , in former times ; and among other instances , one is , the goodly Palaces they had in and about London , and Westminster ; for from Dorset House in Fleetftreet , as far as White-hall , all the great Houses , which were built upon the Banks of the Thames , were all Episcopal Palaces , except the Savoy and Suffolk-house . The first for greatness was Excester House ( now called Essex ) where of the chiefest Founder was Edward Stapleton , Bishop of that See , who was beheaded by the Londoners in Cheap-side , and his Body was then brought , and buried in a heap of Sand or rubbish , in his own House near Temple-barre , in the Raign of Edward the second . Bishop Edmond Luey , built the great Hall in the Raign of Henry the sixth . The same was since called Paget-House , being enlarged by William Lord Paget . Then was it called Leicester-House , of Robert Dudley , who was the great Favorite to Queen Elizabeth , and then it came to be called Essex-house , from Robert Earl of Essex , who was also a Favorite of Queen Elizabeth , and beheaded in the Tower. Opposite to this House , standeth the Parish-Church of Saint Clement Danes , so called , because Harold , a Danish King , with other of that Nation , were buried there . Then was the Bishop of Baths Inne , or City-House , builded by the Lord Thomas Seamer , Admiral of England : which House , came afterwards to be possessed by the Earl of Arundel , & so it beares the name of Arundel-house : neer there adjoyning there was once a Parish-Church , called the Nativity of our Lady , or the Innocents of the Strand , with a fair Coemitery , or Church-yard , wherein there was a Brother-hood kept , called Saint Ursula of the Strand . Near adjoyning to the said Church , betwixt it and the Thames , there was an Inne of Chancery , called Chesters Inne , because it belonged to the Bishop of Chester , and sometimes 't was called Strand Inne . Then was there a House belonging to the Bishop of Landaff , which one of those Bishops purchased of the Duke of Lancaster . Then was there the Bishop of Chesters Inne or Palace , which was first built by Walter Langhton , Treasurer of England , in the Reign of Edward the first . And not far from that was the Bishop of Worcesters Inne or Palace ; All which viz. The Parish Church called Saint Mary of the Strand , Strand Inne , with the Bishop of Chester , and Bishop of Worcesters Houses , with all the Tenements adjoyning , were by commandement of Edward Duke of Somerset , Uncle to Edward the sixth , & Lord Protector pull'd down , and laid level to the ground Anno 1549. In place whereof , he erected that large and goodly House , call'd now Somerset House , which rose out of the ruines of the Church ; Therefore the Roman Catholiques observed , that an apparent judgement from Heaven fell upon him afterwards , being beheaded a little after ; and he and his Counsel were so infatuated , that he forgot to call for his Clergy , which he might have claimed by the Law , and so sav'd his life . Then is there Bedford House , which was sometimes the Bishop of Carliles Inne . It stretched from the Savoy to Ivie Bridge , where Sir Robert Cecill Earl of Salisbury raysed a large and stately House of Brick and Timber ; Worcefler House lies sideling of it , and there being a great VValnut tree there growing , which much hindred the prospect of Salisbury House Eastward , the Earl bargained with one of the Lord Edward of VVorcesters servants , that if he could get leave of his Lord to cut down that Tree , he would give him 100 li. the servant told his Lord of it , who bad him fell down the Tree and take the money ; but the old Earl ( there being no good correspondence 'twixt Salisbury and him ) caused presently a new Brick building to be there erected , where the Tree stood . We come now to Durham House , built by Thomas Hatfield Bishop of that See , a very capacious Edifice , on the North side whereof stood a row of thatch'd Stables , which the Earl of Salisbury purchased , and pull'd down , and erected in place thereof , the New Exchange , or Britains Burse ; which was built with wonderful celerity , for the first Stone thereof was layed on the tenth of June 1608 , and it was fully finished the November next following . The Earl did then invite King James with the Queen , to see his new House , where after a rich banquet the King named the place Britains Burse . Next beyond Durham House and this new building , is another great Palace , belonging of old to the Bishop of Norwich , but afterwards it came to the Arch-bishop of Yorke , by this occasion . When Cardinal Woolsey , Arch Bishop of Yorke , was Indicted in a premunire , whereby the King was entitled to all his Goods and Possessions , he among other things , seazed upon the said Cardinals House , where he then dwelled , commonly called York Place , and changed the name thereof to White-Hall . The Arch-bishops of York , having then no House in London or Westminster , Queen Mary gave unto Nicholas Heath then Arch-bishop of Yorke , Suffolke House in Southwark , lately built by Charles Brandon ; which House the said Arch-bishop sold , and in lieu thereof he purchased the Bishop of Norwich's House , which ever since hath been called Yorke House , though it came afterwards to the possession of the Duke of Buckingham George Villers , who added much to the old Edifice , and would have had it called Buckingham House , which name is engraven upon the watergate in great Letters . There was of old , an Hospitall of St. Mary Rouncival ( an order which came from Navarre in Spain ) by Charing-Crosse , where a Fraternity was founded in the fifteenth of Edward the fourth , which was afterwards suppressed and turned to Tenements . Near unto this Hospital was an Hermitage with a Chappel of St. Katherine over against Charing-Crosse , which Crosse was erected by Edward the first to the honor of his Queen ( as is spoken else-where ) Eleanor , and it was a goodly Monument , which was utterly destroyed by the fury of the long Parliament . West of this Crosse stood sometimes another Hospital called St. James , consisting of two Hides of Land in the Parish of St. Margaret in VVestminster , and founded by the Citizens of London , for 14 Sister-Maidens that were Leprous ; then were there added eight Brethren to minister Divine Service there . Afterwards , there was a great addition of Land made to this Hospital , and Edward the first granted a Fair to be kept there every year . This Hospital being surrendred to Henry 8. the Sisters were allowed Pensions during their lives , and the King erected there a Mannor House , with a Park annexed , encompassed about with a Brick Wall. But before we advance further Northward towards Westminster , we must make a step backward to Saint Martins Church and Lane , where on the West side there are many gentile fair Houses in a row built by the same Earl of Salisbury who built Britains Burse , but somewhat before . Then have we Bedford Berry , commonly called the Coven Garden , because there was a large Convent , or Monastery there in times pass'd , where there are many good structures , cloystered underneath some of them , with a large Piazza or Market place , and a Church that bears the name of Saint Paul , which , though within the Precincts of Saint Martins Parish , yet by Act of Parliament , it is now exempted . The Founder who was the Earl of Bedford , paying the Minister 100 l. per annum . On the left hand of Charing-Crosse , there are divers fair Houses built of late years , specially the most stately Palace of Suffolk or Northampton House , built by Henry of Northampton Son to the Duke of Norfolk , and Lord Privie Seal to King James . Then is there a large plot of ground enclosed with Brick , called Scotland yard , where the Kings of Scotland were used to be lodg'd , and Margaret Queen Dowager of Scotland , eldest sister to Henry the 8th , kept her Court there after the King her Husband had been kill'd in Flodden field . And now we are come to White-Hall , belonging of old to Hubert de Burgh , Earl of Kent , and Justicier of England , who gave it to the Black-Fryers in Holborne ; but being fallen to Henry the 8. ordained it to be called an Honor , and built there a huge long Gallery , with two Gate-houses thwart the street to St. James Park . From these Gates we passe in a direct Line to Kings street ; on one side whereof passing through St. Stephen Alley is Canon Row , ( but now though very corruptly calld Channel Row ) so called because it belonged to the Dean and Canons of Saint Stephens Chappel , who were lodg'd there , but now they are all turn'd to be temporal habitations . Then we come to Woolstaple now the common Market place of Westminster . In the Reign of Edward the first , we read that the Staple being at Westminster , the Parishioners of Saint Margarets , and Merchants of the Staple builded the said Church of new . Henry the sixth , had six Wool-houses within the Staple at Westminster , which he granted to the Dean and Canons of Saint Stephens . Because we are not yet ready to speak of the Abbey , we will passe by it to the Gatehouse of Westminster , and so to Totehill and Petty France . The Gate-house is called so of two Gates , the one out of the Colledge Court towards the North , on the East side whereof was the Bishop of Londons Prison for Clerks convict ; the other Gate-house is a Goal or Prison for Felons , one Walter Warfield Ce●●erer to the Monastery of VVestminster , was founder of both these Gates , in Edward the third's Reign . On the South side of these Gates , Henry the the seventh founded an Alms-House for 13 poor men ; one of them to be a Priest , and above 45 years old , the rest to be aged 50 years without Wives . Near to this place , was of old , the Chappel of St. Anne , where the Lady Margaret Henry the sevenths Mother , erected an Alms-House for poor women , and it was called Eleemosynary , and now Almory , or Ambry , because the Alms of the Abbey were there distributed to the poor : And there Islip Abbot of VVestminster set up the first Press of Book-printing that ever was in England , Anno 1471. And one Caxton Citizen of London , was the first who brought over that Art. Then is there Totehill street , where there are of late years sundry fair Houses on the back of St. James Park . The Lady Anne Dacre built there an Hospitall for twenty poor Women , and so many Children to be brought up under them . Then is there Petty France , where , upon a place call'd St. Hermits Hill , Cornel●us Uan Dun a Brabanter born , and Yeoman of the Guard to Henry the 8th , Edward the sixth , Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth , built twenty Houses for poor Women to dwell Rent-free . And near hereunto there was of old a Chappel of St. Mary Magdalen which is now quite ruinated . There is of late years a new large Chappel of Brick erected there , at the entrance to Totchil fields ; Where Mr. Palmer , a well disposed and reverend Divine , hath also erected lately another new Hospital , with a competent allowance to the poor that shall be admitted thereinto . And now we will return to the Abbey of VVestminster , a place which was us'd to be of very high devotion ; It gives the denomination to the whole City , and certainly , that place cannot choose but be happy which hath Gods House for its Godfather , as Munster a great and renowned City in Germany , takes her name from the chief Church . Of Westminster Abbey . THis Church is famous , especially by reason of the in auguration and sepulture of the Kings of England . Sulvard writeth , that there stood sometimes a Temple of Apollo in that place , and that in the daies of Antoninus Pius , Emperor of Rome , it fell down with an Earthquake ; out of the remains whereof , Sebert King of the East-Saxons , erected another to St. Peter , which being by the Danes overthrown , Bishop Dunstane re-edified , and granted it to some few Monks . But afterwards King Edward surnamed the Confessour , with the tenth penny of all his Revenues , built it a new for to be his own Sepulture , and a Monastery for Benedictine Monks , endowing it with Livings and Lands , lying dispersed in divers parts of England . But listen what an Historian saith , who then lived . The devour King destined unto God that place , both for that it was near unto the famous and wealthy City of London , and also had a pleasant scituation amongst fruitful fields , and green grounds , lying round about it , with the principal River running hard by , bringing in from all parts of the World , great variety of Wares ; and Merchandize of all sorts to the City adjoyning ; But chiefly for the love of the Chief Apostle , whom he reverenced with a special and singular affection . He made choice to have a place there for his own Sepulchre : and thereupon commanded , that of the Tenths of all his Rents , the work of a noble Edifice should be taken in hand , such as might beseem the Prince of the Apostles : To the end ( as the Annales have it ) that he might procure the propitious favour of the Lord , after he should finish the course of this transitory life , both in regard of his devout Piety , and also of his free Oblation of Lands and Ornaments , wherewith he purposed to endow , and enrich the same . According therefore to the Kings commandement the work was nobly began , and happily proceeded forward : neither the charges already disbursed , or to be disbursed , were weighed and regarded , so that it might be presented in the end unto God and Saint Peter , and made worth their acceptation . Thus the words of the old Record run . Touching the Form of that ancient building , we read in an old Manuscript Book , that the principal plot or ground-work of the building was supported with most lofty Arches , cast round with a four square work , and semblable joynts . But the compasse of the whole , with a double Arch of Stone on both sides is enclosed with joyned-work , firmly knit and united together every way . Moreouer , the Crosse of the Church which was to compasse the mid Quire of those that chaunted unto the Lord , and with a twofold supportance , that it had on either side to uphold and bear the lofty top of the Tower in the midst , simply riseth at first with a low and strong Arch ; then mounteth it higher , with many winding stairs , artificially ascending with a number of steps : But afterward with a single Wall it reacheth up to the roof of Timber , well and surely covered with Lead . But after an hundred and threescore years , King Henry the third , subverted this Fabrick of King Edwards , and built from the very foundation a new Church of very rare Workmanship , supported with sundry rowes of Marble Pillars , and the roofe covered over with sheets of Lead : a piece of work that cost fifty years labour in building ; which Church the Abbots enlarged very much toward the West end ; and King Henry the seventh for the burial of himself and his Children , adjoyned thereto , in the East end , a Chappel of admirable artificial elegancy , The Wonder of the Worlde , as Leland calleth it : for a man would say , that all the curious and exquisite work that can be devised , is there compacted ; wherein is to be seen , his own most stately magnifical Monument , all of solid and massie Copper . This Church , when the Monks were driven thence , from time to time , was altered to and fro with sundry changes . First of all , it had a Dean and Prebondaries : soon after one Bishop and no more , namely T. Thurlbey , who having wasted the Church Patrimony , surrendred it to the spoil of Countiers ; and shortly after , were the Monks with their Abbot set in possession again by Queen Mary ; and when they also within a while after , were by authority of Parliament cast out , Queen Elizabeth converted it into a Collegiate Church , or rather into a Seminary and Nurse-Garden of the Church , appointing twelve Prebendaries there , and as many old Souldiers past service , for Alms-men , fourty Schollars , who in their due time are preferred to the Universities ; and from thence sent forth into the Church and Common-weale , &c. Over these they placed D. Bill Dean , whose Successor was Gabriel Goodman , a right good man indeed , and of singular integrity and an especial Patron of Literature . Within this Church are intombed ( that I may note them according to their dignity and time wherein they died ) Sebert the first of that name and first Christian King of the East-Saxons . Harold the bastard Son of Canutus the Dane King of England ; Edward King and Confessour , with his Wife Edith ; Maud Wife to King Henry the first , the Daughter of Malcolme King of Scots ; King Henry the third , and his Son ; King Edward the first , with Eleanor his Wife Daughter to Ferdinando the first King of Castile and of Leon ; King Edward the third , and Philippa of Henault his Wife ; King Richard the second , and his Wife Anne , Sister to VVencelaus the Emperour ; King Henry the fifth , with Katherine his Wife , Daughter to Charles the sixth King of France ; Anne , Wife to King Richard the third , Daughter to Richard Nevil Earl of VVarwick : King Henry the seaventh , with his Wife Elizabeth , Daughter to King Edward the fourth , and his Mother Margaret Countesse of Richmond ; King Edward the sixth ; Anne of Cleave the fourth Wife of King Henry the eighth ; Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth ; Prince Henry eldest Son of King James the sixth of Scotland , and first of England , who lies there also interred with Queen Anne his Wife ; and lastly , the first male born of Charles the first , dying an Infant . Of Dukes and Earls Degree , there lie here buried , Edmund Earl of Lancaster , second Son of King Henry the third , and his Wife Aveline de Fortibus Countesse of Albemarle ; William and Audomar of Valence of the Family of Lusignian , Earls of Pembrooke ; Alphonsus John , and other Children of King Edward the first ; John of Eltham Earl of Cornwall , Son to King Edward the second ; Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Glocester , the youngest Son of King Edward the third with other of his Children ; Eleanor , Daughter and Heir of Humphrey Bohun Earl of Hereford , and of Essex , Wife to Thomas of VVoodstock ; the young Daughter of Edward the fourth , and King Henry the seventh ; Henry a Child two Months old , Son of King Henry the eighth ; Sophia the Daughter of King James who died , as it were , in the very first day-dawning of her age ; Phillippa Mohun , Dutches of Yorke ; Robert of Henault in right of his Wife Lord Bourchier ; Anne the young Daughter and Heir of John Mowbray Duke of Norfolk , promi●ed in marriage unto Richard Duke of York , younger Son to K. Edward the 4th ; Sir Giles Daubeny , Lord Chamberlain to King Henry the 7th , and his Wife of the house of the Arundels in Cornwal ; J. Viscount VVells ; Farnces Brandon Dutchess of Suffolk , Mary her Daughter , Margaret Douglasse Countesse of Lennox , Grandmother to James King of great Britain , with Charles her Sonne ; VVinifred Bruges , Marchionesse of VVinchestèr ; Anne Stanhope Dutchess of Sommerset , and Jane her Daughter ; Anne Cecill Countesse of Oxford , Daughter to the Lord Burleigh , Lord High Treasurer of England , with Mildred Burghley her Mother ; Elizabeth Berkeley Countesse of Ormond ; Frances Sidney Countess of Sussex ; James Butler Vicount Thurles , Son and Heir to the Earl of Ormond . Besides these , Humphrey Lord Bourchier of Cromwall ; Sir Humphrey Bourchier Son and Heir to the Lord Bourchier of Berners , both slain at Bernet field ; Sir Nicholas Carew Baronesse Powisse , T. Lord Wentworth ; Thomas Lord Wharton ; John Lord Russel ; Sir T. Bromley , Lord Chancellour of England ; Douglas Howard Daughter and Heir general of H. Vicount Howard of Bindon , Wife to Sir Arthur Gorges ; Elizabeth Daughter and Heir of Edward Earl of Rutland , Wife to William Cecill ; Sir John Puckering Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England ; Francis Howard Countesse of Hertford ; Henry and George Cary , the Father and Son , Barons of Hundsdon , both Lords Chamberlains to Queen Elizabeth ; the Heart of Anne Sophia , the tender Daughter of Christopher Harley ; Count Beaumont , Embassador for the King of France in England , bestowed within a small gilt Urne over a Pyramid ; Sir Charles Blunt Earl of Devonshire , Lord Livetenant General of Ireland ; And ( whom in no wise we must forget ) the Prince of English Poets , Geoffrey Chaucer ; as also he that for pregnant wit , and an excellent gift in Poetry , of all English Poets came nearest unto him , Edmund Spencer , William Cambden , Clarencicux King of Arms ; Causabon the great French Writer ; Michael Drayton . Then there is George Uillers Duke , Marquiss and Earl of Buckingham , favorite to King James , and Charles the first . The late Earl of Essex , with divers other during the Reign of the long Parliament . There was also another Colledge or Free-Chappel hard by , consisting of a Dean and twelve Chanons , Dedicated to St. Stephen , which King Edward the third in his princely Magnificence repaired with curious Workmanship , and endowed with fair possessions , so as he may seem to have built it new , the time as he had with his Victories over-run and subdued all France , recalling to mind ( as we read the Charter of the Foundation ) and pondering in a due weighty devout consideration , the exceeding benefits of Christ , whereby of his own sweet mercy and pitty , he preventeth us in all occasions , delivering us , although without desert , from sundry peills , and defending us gloriously with his powerful right Hand , against the violent assaults of our adversaries , with victorious successes , and in other Tribulations , and perplexities , wherein we have exceeding much bin encumbred , by comforting us , and by applying , and in powring remedies upon us , beyond all hope and expectation . There was also adjoyning hereto a Palace , the ancient Habitation of the Kings of England , from the time of King Edward the Confessor , which in the Raign of King Henry the eighth , was burnt by casual fire to the ground ; A very large , stately , and sumptuous Palace this was , and in that age , for building incomparable , with a Vawmure , and Bulwarks for defence . The remains whereof , are the Chamber wherein the King , the Nobles , with the Councellors , and , Officers of State , do assemble at the High Court of Parliament ; and the next unto it , wherein anciently they were wont to begin the Parliaments known by the name of St. Edwards painted Chamber , because the Tradition holdeth , that the said King Edward therein dyed . Adjoyning unto this , is the White-Hall , wherein at this day , the Court of Requests is kept ; beneath this is that Hall , which of all other is the greatest , and the very Praetoriuns , or Hall of Justice , for all England , In this , are the Judicial Courts ; namely , The Kings Bench , The Common Pleas , and the Chancery ; and in places near thereabout , the Star-Chamber , the Exchequer , Court of Wards , and Court of the Dutchy of Lancaster , &c. In which at certain set times , ( we call them Termes ) yearly Causes are heard , and tryed : whereas before King Henry the third his dayes , the Court of Common Law , and principal Justice , was unsetled , and alwayes followed the Kings Court ; But he in the Magna Charta , made a Law in these words , Let not the Common Pleas follow our Court , but be holden in some certain place ; which notwithstanding , some expound thus , That the Common Pleas , from thenceforch be handled in a Court of her own , by it self a part , and not in the Kings Bench , as before . This Judgement-Hall , which we now have , King Richard the second , built out of the ground , as appeareth by his Arms , engraven in the Stone-work , and many Arched Beams , ( when he had plucked down the former old Hall that King William Rufus in the same place had built before ) and made it his own Habitation ; For Kings in those dayes , sate in Judgement place , in their own persons , And they are indeed , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , Judges , whose mouth ( as the Royal Writer saith ) shall not erre in judgement ; But the foresaid Palace , after it was burnt down , in the year of our Lord , 1512. lay desolate , and King Henry the eighth , translated shortly after , the Kings Seat , from thence to an House not far off , which belonged but a while before , to Cardinal Woolsey , and is called White Hall. This House is a Princely thing , enclosed on the one side with a Park , that reacheth also to another House of the Kings , named Saint James ( where anciently was a Spittle for Mayden Lepers ) demolished by King Henry the eighth , as is spoken else-where . Hard by , near unto the Mues , so called , for that it served to keep Hawkes , and now is become a most fair Stable for the Court Horses : there remaineth a Monument in memorial of that most pious and kind Queen Eleanor , erected by King Edward the first , her most dearly beloved Husband ; and certainly , the memory of her conjugal love shall remain worthy , to be consecrated to eternity ; For she , the Daughter of Ferdinand the third , King of Castile , being given in Mariage to Edward the first , King of England , accompanied him into the Holy Land , where , when as he was secretly fore-laid , and by a certain Moor , wounded with an envenomed Sword , and by all the remedies that Physitians could devise , was not so much eased as afflicted , she took her to a strange cure , I must needs say , and never heard of before ; howbeit , full of love , care , and affection . For , her Husbands wounds infected with the poyson , and which , by reason of the malignity thereof , could not be closed and healed , she day by day , licked with her Tongue , and sucked out the venomous humor , which to her was a most sweet Liquor , by the vigour and strength whereof , or to say more truly , by vertue of a Wives singular fidelity , she so drew unto her , all the substance of the poyson , that the wounds being closed , and cicatrized , he becam perfectly healed , and she caught no harm at all ; what then can be heard more rare , what more admirable then this Womans faithful love ? That a Wives Tongue thus annoynted , as I may so say , with faith and love to her Husband , should from her well beloved , draw those poysons , which by an approved Physitian , could not be drawn ; and that which many , and those right exquisite Medicines effected not , the love only , and piety of a Wife performed : These are the words of the ancient Record . But we must not passe by the Mewse so sleightly ; that place was called so of the Kings Faulcons there kept , which in former times , was an Office of high esteem ; But Henry the eighth , having his Stablings at Lomesberry , ( now called Blomesberry ) which was then a Mannor in Holborn , it fortuned , that the same was consumed by fire , with Hay and Horses ; whereupon , the Mewse was enlarged , and made fit for the Kings Stables , which hath continued ever since , receiving divers additions from time to time . But now we are , according to the method of our Discourse , summoned to appear at Westminster-Hall ; But I had almost pretermitted one signal thing , which belongs to the great Dome or Temple of Westminster Abbey , which is the great priviledge of Sanctuary it had within the Precincts thereof , viz. the Church , the Church-yard , and the Close , whereof there are two ; the little , and the great Sanctuary , vulgarly now called Centry ; from whence it was not lawful for the Soveraign Prince himself , much lesse , any other Magistrate , to fetch out any that had fled thither , for any offence : which Prerogative , was granted near upon a thousand years since , by King Sebert , then seconded by King Edgar , and afterwards confirmed by Edward the Confessor , whose Charter I thought worthy the inserting here , the Tenor whereof , runs thus , in the modern English . Edward by the Grace of God , King of Englishmen , I make it to be known to all Generations in the VVorld , after me , that by special Commandment of our holy Father Pope Leo , I have renewed , and honoured the holy Church of the blessed Apostle , St. Peter of Westminster ; and I order and establish for ever , that what Person , of what estate or condition soever he be , and from whence soever he come , or for what offence , or cause it be , either for his refuge into the said holy place , he be assured of his life , liberty , and Limbs . And over I forbid under pain of everlasting damnation , that no Minister of mine , or any of my Successors , intermeddle themselves with any the Goods , Lands , or possessions of the said persons , taking the said Sanctuary ; For I have taken their Goods and Livelihoods into my special protection . And therefore I grant to every each of them , in as much as my Terrestrial power may suffice , all manner of freedom of joyous liberty ; and whosoever shall presume , or doth contrary to this my grant , I will , he lose his name , VVorship , Dignity and Power ; and that with the great Traytor Judas , that betrayed our Saviour , he be in the everlasting fire of Hell. And I will and ordain , that this my Grant , endure as long as there remaineth in England , either love or dread of Christian name . And this Record may be ranked among the most ancient of the Land. About what time , King Edward the Confessor , did renew it , he removed St. Margarets Church , which before was within the Abbey , to the place where now it stands . Of Westminster-Hall , and all the Tribunalls of Justice , which have their motion therein ; And first of the High Court of Parliament . HAving visited God Almighties House , we will now take a view of the chief Praetorium of Great Britain , which is VVestminster-Hall , and of the Courts of Judicature , which are thereunto annexed ; And first , of the Court Paramount , the high national Court of Parliament : vvhich great Councel vvas used to be the Bulwark of our liberties , the boundary and bank vvhich kept us from slavery , from the inundations of Tyrannical encorachments , and unbounded VVill-Government . And in this High Court , there was used to be such a Co-ordination of power , such a wholsome mixture 'twixt Monarchy , Optimacy , and Democracy , I mean , 'twixt Prince , Peers , and Commonalty , during the time of consultation , that of so many distinct parts , by a rare co-operation and unanimity , they made but one Body Politique ( like that sheaf of Arrowes in the Fable ; ) they made but one entire concentrical peece ; and the results of their deliberations , but as so many harmonious Diapazons arising from the touch of different strings . And what greater mark of freedom can there be to a people , then to be lyable to no Lawes , but what they make themselves ? to be subject to no Contribution , Assesment , or pecuniary Levies whatsoever , but what they vote , and voluntarily yield unto themselves . For in this great compacted Body politick , there be all degrees of people represented ; The Yeoman , Marchant , Tradesman , and mechanick , have there their inclusive Votes , as well as the Gentry and Freeholders , in the persons of their Trustees , viz. their Burgesses and Knights . The Clergy also , which make a considerable part of the Common-wealth , were used to have their Representatives there , not only in the persons of the Bishops ( which at the first constitution , were the prime Parliament , and continued so many Ages ) but in the Convocation which was an Assembly of Divines , fairly chosen to that purpose . Nor is this Soveraign super-intendent Councel an Epitome of this Iland only ; but it may be said , to represent the whole Universe , according to the primitive constitution . The Soveraign Prince was as the Sun , the Nobles the fixed Starres , the Itinerant Judges , and other Officers , that were wont to go with Messages 'twixt both Houses , to the Planets : The Clergy ( when there was a Convocation House , as was said before ) to the Element of fire : The Commons to the solid body of the Earth , and the rest of the Elements . He who hath bin conversant with the Chronicles of this Iland , will finde it hath bin her fate , to be four times conquered ; but the Scot , never till now of late . These so many Conquests , must needs bring with them , many tumblings and tossings , many disturbances and changes in Government ; yet I have observed , that notwithstanding these various tumblings , England retained still the form of Monarchy , and something there was alwayes , that held an Analogy with the great Assembly of Parliament . The first Conquest was made by Claudius Caesar , at which time it may be said , that the Standard of the Crosse came in together with the Roman Eagles ; 't is well known , how the Roman governed . He had his Comitia , which bore a resemblance with our Convention in Parliament , the place of meeting was called praetorium , and the Lawes which were enacted , were called Plebiscita . The Saxon Conquest succeeded next , in which were the English , and the Saxons governed by Parliament , though it was under other names , as Michel Gemote , Michel Sinoth , and VVitenage Mote . There are Records near upon a thousand years , of these Parliaments , in the Raigns of King Ina , Osfa , Ethelbert , and others . The third Conquest was by the Danes , and they governed also by such generall Assemblies , in the Raign of Canutus and others . Then came the Norman , whose Successors did revive , and ratifie the way of governing by Parliament , witness Magna Charta , which was used to be called the Foundation of the English liberty ; and it may be compared to divers outlandish graffs set upon one stock : for the choysest of the British , Roman , Saxon , Danish , and Norman Lawes , being cull'd and pick'd out , and gathered as it were in one bundle , out of them the foresaid grand Charter was extracted : the establishment whereof , was a work of a Parliament : Now by an ancient Statute of Edward the third , it was enacted , That all Statutes are repealed , which are against Magna Charta , or Charta de foresta . Nor are the Lawes of this Iland only , and the immunities of the people conserved by Parliament ; but all the best policed Countries of Europe have the like . The Germans have their Diets : The Dane and Swedes their Rich-daghs . The Spaniard , las Cortes ; and the French , the Assembly of the three Estates , though it hath bin for many years discontinued . And touching England , the Parliament was used to be the principal Fountain , whence the Soveraign Prince derived his happiness and safety . It was the great Conduit-Pipe , which conveighed unto him the Peoples bounty and love . It was the truest Looking-Glasse , wherein he discerned their affections and allegiance . In Parliament , the Soveraign Prince used to appear , like the Sun in the Meridian , in the altitude of his glory , in his highest Royal State , as the Law tells us . But we will go now more particularly to work , and treat of this great National Conncel , according to the first constitution , and establishment thereof . This Court consisteth of the Kings Majesty sitting there , as in his Royal politick Capacity , and of the three Estates of the Realm , viz. of the Lords spiritual Arch Bishops and Bishops , being in number twenty four , who sit there by succession in respect of their Counties , or Baronies parcel of their Bishopricks , which they hold also in their politick Capacity ; And every one of these , when any Parliament is to be holden , ought , Ex debito justitiae , to have a writ of Summons . The Lords Temporal Dukes , Marquesses , Earls , Viscounts , and Barons , who sit there , by reason of their Dignities , which they hold by Descent or Creation ; and likewise , every one of these being of full age , ought to have a writ of Summons , ex debito justitiae ; for they are called Parliamentary Barons . The third Estate is the Commons of the Realm , whereof there be Knights of shires , or Counties , Citizens of Cities , and Burghesses of Burghes . All which are respectively elected by the Shires or Counties , Cities and Burghes , by force of the Kings Writ , Ex debito justitiae , and none of them ought to be omitted ; and these represent all the Commons of the whole Realm , and trusted for them , and were used to be in number , near upon 500. Now the King and these three Estates , were the great Corporation or Body politick of the Kingdom ; but they were to sit in two Houses , viz. the King and Lords in one House , called the Lords House , and the Knights , Citizens and Burgesses in another House , called the House of Commons . The Commons are in Legal understanding , taken for the Franck Tenants , or Freeholders of the Counties . And whosoever is not a Lord of Parliament , and of the Lords House , is of the House of the Commons , either in person , or by representation , partly coaugmentative , and partly representative . Of this Court of Parliament , the Soveraign Prince by the Law is Caput principium & finis , the head , beginning , and ending . And as in the natural body , when all the sinews , being joyned in the head , do unite their forces together , for the strengthening of the body , there is ultimum potentiae ; so , in the politique Body , when the King and the Lords spiritual , and temporal , Knights , Citizens , and Burgesses , are all by the Kings Command assembled and joyned together , under the Head in consultation for the common good of the whole Realm , there is ultimum sapientiae . The third year of Henry the sixth , it appears in a Parliament Roll , that the Parliament being called , as hath bin said , Commune Consilium , every member of the House being a Counsellor , should have the three properties of the Elephant ; which are First , That he hath no Gall. Secondly , That he be inflexible , and cannot bow . Thirdly , That he is of a most ripe and perfect memory ; which properties , as there it is said , ought to be in every Member of the great Councel of Parliament . First , to be without Gall , that is , without malice , rancor , hear , and envie , In the Elephant , Melancholiae transit in nutrimentum corporis , every gallish inclination ( if any were ) should tend to the good of the whole body , the Common-wealth . Secondly , That he be constant , inflexible , and not to be bowed , or turned from the right , either for fear , reward , or favour ; nor , in judgement , respect any person . Thirdly , of a ripe memory , that they remembring perils past , might prevent dangers to come , as in that Roll of Parliament it appeareth . The Prince de advisamento consilii ( for so be the words of the Writ of Parliament ) resolving to have a Parliament , doth out of the Court of Chancery , send out Writs of Summons , at the least forty dayes before the Parliament begins : every Lord of Parliament , either spiritual , as Arch bishops , and Bishops ; or temporal , as Dukes , Marquisses , Earls , Viscounts , and Barons , Peers of the Realm , and Lords of Parliament , were used to have several Writs of Summons . And all the Judges of the Realm , Barons of the Exchequer of the Coif , the Kings learned Cousnel , and the Civilians Masters of the Chancery , are called to give their assistance and attendance , in the upper House of Parliament ; but they have no Voices in Parliament , being only ministerial ; and their Writs differ from the Writs to the Judges ; for their Writs be , Quód intersitis Nobiscum & cum caeteris de Concilio Nostro , ( & sometimes Nobiscum only ) super praemissis tractaturi , vestrumque consilium impensuri ; But the Writ to the Barons is , Quód intersitis cum praelatis , Magnatibus & proceribus , super dictis negotiis tractaturi , vestrumque Consilium impensuri . Moreover , in every Writ of Summons to the Bishops , there is a clause requiring them to summon these persons to appear personally at the Parliament , which is in these words , premonientes Decanum & Capitulum Ecclesiae vestrae Norwicensis , ac Archidiaconos totumque clerum vestrae Dioces , quod iidem Decani & Archi diaconi in propriis personis suis , ac dictum capitulum per unum , idemque clerus per duos procuratores idoneos plenam & sufficientem potestatem ab ipsis capitulo & clero divisim habentes predict ' die & loco personaliter intersint ad consentiendum hiis quae tunc ibidem de Communi concilio dicti regni Nostri divina favente clementia contigerit ordinari ; and the Bishop under his Seal makes Certificate accordingly . And these are called Procuratores cleri , and many times have appeared in Parliament , as spiritual Assistants , to consider , consult , and consent , ut supra ; but had never voyces there , because they were no Lords of Parliament ; And this Assembly was called the Convocation-House , which the last King continuing , ( after the dissolution of the Parliament ) and the Bishops comming amongst them to consult , and make Canons , the next Parliament protested against their proceedings as irregular , and prejudicial to the priviledges of Parliament . Observable it is , what difference there was in the Writ , whereby the spiritual Lords were summoned , and that whereby the temporal Lords were called . The Ecclesiastical Barons were required by the Kings Writ to be present , In fide & dilectione quibus nobis tenemini , In the faith and love you are bound to us ; But the secular Lords were summoned to appear , In fide & homagio , quibus nobis tenemini . In the faith and homage you are bound unto us ; Now touching the Commons , their Writ or Summons to the Sheriff runs thus . The King to the Vicount , or Sheriff , Greeting : WHereas by the advice and assent of our Councel for certain Arduous and urgent Affaires concerning Us , the State , and defence of our Kingdom of England , and the Anglioan Church , we have ordained a certain Parliament of ours , to be held at our City of the day of next ensuing , and there to have Conference , and to treat with the Prelates , Great men and Peers of our said Kingdom , We command , and strictly enjoyn you , that making Proclamation at our next County Court , after the receipt of this our Writ , to be holden the day and place aforesaid , you cause two Knights girt with Swords , the most fit and discreet of the County aforesaid , and of every City of that County two Citizens ; of every Borough two Burgesses , of the discreetest and most sufficient , to be freely and indifferently chosen by them , who shall be present at such Proclamation , according to the tenure of the Statutes in that case made and provided ; And the names of the said Knights , Citizens and Burgesses so chosen , to be inserted in certain Indentures to be then made between you and those that shall be present at such Election , whether the parties so elected be present or absent , and shall make them to come at the said day and place ; so that the said Knights for themselves , and the County aforesaid , and the Citizens , and the Burgesses for themselves , and the Commonalty of the said Cities and Beroughs , may have severally from them , full and sufficient power , to do , and to consent to those things , which then by the favour of God , shall happen to be ordained by the Common Councel of our said Kingdom , concerning the businessse aforesaid , so that the business may not by any means remain undone for want of such power , or by reason of the unprovident Election of the foresaid Knights , Burgesses and Citizens ; But we will not , in any case that you , or any other Sheriff of our said Kingdom , shall be elected , And at the day and place aforesaid the said Election being made in a full County Court , you shall certifie without delay unto us , in our Chancery under your Seal , and the Seals of them who shall be present at the Election , sending back unto us , the other part of the Indenture aforesaid , affil'd to these presents , ogether with the Writ . Witness our Self at Westminster . This Commission or Writ , is the foundation , whereon the whole fabrick of the power , and duty of both Houses of Parliament is grounded . The first House is to parley , or have conference , and to treat and consult with the King , the other House is to do and consent only unto what the other shall ordain . This was the Law and usage in former times ; but what is the power of the Commons in these dayes now that the Government is altred , and cast into another mould , ( the House of Peers being dissolved ) it is not the intent of this Discourse to determine . At the return of the Writs aforesaid , the Parliament could not begin , but by the Royal presence of the King , either in Person , or by Representation : By Representation two wayes , either by a Gardian of England , by Letters Patents under the Great Seal , when the King was in remotis , out of the Realm ; or by Commission , under the Great Seal , to certain Lords of Parliament , representing the Person of the King , he being within the Realm , but absent in respect of some infirmity . On the first day of the Parliament , the King himself , or most commonly , the Lord Chancellor , or Keeper , in the presence of the Lords and Commons , did shew the causes of the calling of his High Court of Parliament ; but the King might have appointed any other to be his Prolocutor , in this case . Then the Commons are to choose their Speaker ; but in regard , that after their choyce , the King might refuse him ; for avoiding of time and contestation , the use was as in the Conge deslire of a Bishop , that the King doth recommend a discreet and learned man , whom the Commons elect ; but without their Election , no Speaker can be appointed for them , because he is their mouth , and intrusted by them , and so necessary , that the House of Commons cannot sit without him : therefore a grievous sickness is a good cause to remove him , as in Henry the 4th Raign , John Chervy Speaker , was for sickness discharged , and Sir John Dorewoold chosen in his place ; but sickness is no cause to remove any Knight , Citizen , or Burgesse . The Speaker being voted in the House , was presented to the King , where being allowed , he made a supplication , consisting of three parts . First , That the Commons in Parliament might have free speech . Secondly , That in any thing he should deliver in the name of the Commons , if he should commit any error , no fault should be imputed to the Commons . Thirdly , That as often as necessity for his Majesties service , and the good of the Common-wealth shall require , he may by the directions of the House , have access to his Royal Person . Any of the Peers , by the Kings leave , may absent himself , and make a proxy to another Lord ; but a Knight , Citizen , or Burgess , cannot make a Proxy , because he is elected , and intrusted by multitudes of people . And it is to be observed , though one be chosen for one particular County or City , yet when he is returned , and sits in Parliament , he serveth for the whole Common-wealth . There belongs to Parliament , a Prorogation , or adjournment , which differ in this : A Prorogation Presupposeth a Session , and then such Bills as passed in either House , or by both Houses , and had no Royal assent unto them , must at the next Assembly begin again ; for every Session in Parliament , is in Law a several Parliament ; but if it be but adjourned , then there is no Session . When a Parliament is called , and doth sit , and is dissolved without any Act passed , or judgement given , it is no Session of Parliament , but a Convetion . Touching the Power and Jurisdiction of Parliament , for making of Lawes in proceeding by Bill , it is so transcendent , and absolute , as it cannot be confined within any bounds . No Alien is capable to be chosen a Parliament-man , nor can any of the Judges of the Kings Bench , or Common Pleas , or Barons of the Exchequer , that have Judicial places , or any Church-man , that hath care of souls , be chosen a member of the House of Parliament : For others , the King cannot grant a Charter of Exemption to any man , to be freed from Election of Knight or Burgesse of the Parliament , because the Elections of them , ought to be free for the publique service . OF THE COVRT OF THE KINGS-BENCH , THE Royallest Court in the Land ; Now called , The Upper Bench. THe Lawes of England , presuppose the King to be the Fountain and Oracle of Justice , and to have special inspirations from Heaven to that purpose ; therefore all the Tribunals of Judicature , were used to be ambulatory with his Court , and He was wont to sit in Person in the Upper Bench , which is the Supreme Tribunal of the Land. The Justices in this Court , are the soveraign Justices of Oyer and Terminer , Goal-delivery , Conservation of the Peace , &c. in the Realm . In this Court the Kings of this Realm have sat , as being the highest Bench , and the Judges of that Court on the lower Bench at his Feet ; but Judicature only belongeth to the Judges of that Court , and in his presence they answer all Motions , &c. The Justices of this Court are the soveraign Coroners of the Land , and therefore , where the Sheriffs and Coroners may receive appeals by Bill à fortiori , the Justices of this Court may do it : so High is the authority of this Court , that when it comes and sits in any County , the Justices of Eire , of Oier and Terminer , Goal-delivery , they which have Conusance , &c. do cease without any writing to them ; But if any Indictment of Treason or Felony in a Forain County , be removed before certain Commissioners of Oier and Terminer , in the County where this Court sits , yet they may proceed , because this Court ( for that this Indictment , was not removed before them ) cannot proceed for that offence ; But if any Indictment be taken in Midd. in the vacation , and after this Court sit in the next Term in the same County ( if this Court be adjourned ) then may special Commissioners of Oier and Terminer , &c. in the interim proceed upon that Indictment ; but the more usual way is by special Commission . And this was resolved by all the Judges of England at Winchester , Anno 1º Jacobi Regis , in the Case of Sir Everard Digby and others , and so had it been resolved , Mich. 25 and 26 Eliz. in the Case of Arden and Somervile , for this kind of special Commission of Oier and Terminer ; and herewith agreeth Pl. Com. in the Earl of Leic ' Case , Anno 1 Mar. Reginae . And so supream is the Jurisdiction of this Court , that if any Record be removed into this Court , it cannot ( being as it were in his Center ) be remanded back , unlesse it be by Act of Parliament ; And this appeareth by the Judgment of the Parliament , in Anno 6. H. 8. but by the authority of that Act , Indictments of Fellonies and Murders , removed into the Kings Bench , may by the Justices of that Court be remanded , and this Court may send down aswell the Bodies of all Felons and Murderers , as their Indictments , into the Counties where the same Murders or Felonies were committed or done ; &c. in such manner , &c. as if the Indictments had not been brought into the Kings Bench. Out of this Court , are other Courts derived , as from one Fountain several Springs and Rivers , in respect of the multiplicity of Causes , which have encreased . Jurisdictio istius curiae est originalis seu ordinaria , & non delegata . The Justices of this Court have no Commission , Letters Patents , or other means to hold Pleas , &c. but their power is original & ordinary . They were called ancienlty Justiciae , Justiciarii , locum tenentes Domini Regis , &c. The chief Justice , Justicia Angliae , Justicia prima , Justiciarius Angliae Capitalis , and Justiciarius noster Capitalis ad placita coram nobis terminand . To observe the Changes of these names , and the reason and Changes thereof is worthy of observation . Before the Reign of E. 1. the Chief Justice of this Court was created by Letters Patents , and the form thereof , ( taking one example for all ) was in these words ; Rex &c. Archiepiscopis , Episcopis , Abbatibus , Prioribus , Comitibus , Baronibus , Vicecomitibus , Forestariis , &c. & omnibus aliis fidelibus regni Angliae , salutem . Cum pro conservatione nostra , & tranquillitatis regni nostri , & ad justiciam universis & singulis de regno nostro exhibendam constituerimus dilectum et fidelem nostrum Philippum Basset Justiciarium Angliae , quamdiu nobis placuerit , capit alem ; vobis mandamus in fide qua nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes , quatenus in omnibus quae ad officium Juscitiarii praedicti , nes non ad conservationem pacis nostrae et regni nosiri eidem dum in officio praedicto st●●●rit , pleniùs sitis intendentes . Teste Rege &c. The King &c. to all Archbishops , Bishops , Abbots , Priors , Earls , Barons , Vicounts , Foresters , &c. and to all other faithful to the Kingdom of England , greeting . Whereas for our conservation and the tranquillity of our Kingdom , &c. for the exhibition of justice to all and every one of our Kingdom , We have constituted our beloved and faithful Philip Basset chief Justice of England , as long as we shall please . We command you upon the faith you hold unto us , and firmly enjoyn you to all things that belong unto the office of Chief Justice aforesaid , for the conservation of our Peace , and of our Kingdom , and that you be very intentive , as long as you stand in the said Office. Witnesse the King , &c. This Philip Basset was the last of this kind of creation by any like Letters Patents , and he died Chief Justice near to the end of the Reign of H. 3. King E. 1. being a wise and prudent Prince , knowing that Cui plus licet quam par est , plus vult quàm licet , ( as most of these Summi Justiciarii did ) made three alterations , 1. By limitation of his authority . 2. By changing Summus Justiciarius to Capitalis Justie . 3. By a new kind of creation , viz. By Writ , lest if he had continued his former manner of creation , he might have had a desire of his former Authority , which three do expresly appear by the Writ yet in use , &c. Rex &c. E. C. Militi salutem . Sciatis quod constituimus vos Justiciarium nostrum capitalem ad placita coram nobis tenenda , durante beneplacito nostro , Teste &c. The King &c. to E. C. greeting . Know ye , that we have constituted you our Capital ( or Chief ) Justice in Pleas , held before us during our pleasure . Witnesse &c. A short Writ , but of large extent in point of Authority . The rest of the Judges of the Kings Bench , have their Offices by Letters Patents , in these words , Rex omnibus ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint , salutem . Sciatis quod constituimus dilectum et fidelem Johannem Doderidge , Militem , unum Justiciariorum ad placita coram nobis tenenda durante beneplacito nostro , Teste &c. These Justices of the Kings Bench , are styled , 1. Capitales . 2. Generales . 3. Perpetui . 4. Majores à latere Regis residentes ; But the Chief Justice is only by the King , Capitalis Justiciarius noster . They are called first Capitales , in respect of their supream Jurisdiction . 2. Generales , in respect of their general jurisdiction throughout all England , &c. 3. Perpetui , for that they ought not to be removed without just cause , 4. Majores à latere Regis residentes , for their honor and safety , that they should be protected by the King in administration of justice , for that they be a latere Regis , that is , by the Kings fide . And whereas 5. E. 4. it was holden by all the Justices in the Exchequer Chamber , that a man cannot be Justice by Writ , but by Patent , or Commission , it is to be understood of all the Judges , saving the Chief Justice of this Court ; But both the Chief Justice , and the rest of the Judges may be discharged by Writ under the Great Seal . None can be a Judge of this Court , unlesse he be a Serjeant of the degree of the Coif ; and yet in the Writ or Patent to them made , they are not named Sergeants . There have been for a long time , and still there are great Complaints for multiplicity of Suits in Law , and it were a wholsome and happy thing , could it be prevented : but because a Disease cannot be cured without knowledge of the Cause , it is to be observed , that there be six Causes of the increase of them , whereof two be general , the other four particular ; The general be Peace , and Plenty ; The particular , 1. The dissolution of so many Monasteries , Chanteries , &c. and the dispersing of them into so many several hands . 2. The swarm of Informers . 3. The number of Concealors . 4. The multiude of Atturneys . For the first general ; In the Reign of E. 3. R. 2. H. 4. H. 5. and part of the Reign of H. 6. in respect of the wars in France , &c. & in the residue of the Reign of H. 6. & in the Reign of E. 4. in respect of the bloody & intestine Wars , & in almost continual Alarms within the bowls of this Kingdom , between the Houses of Lancaster & York , there could not be so many Suits in Law , as since this Kingdom hath enjoyed Peace , which is the first general cause . Peace is the Mother of Plenty , ( which is the 2d general cause ) and Plenty the Nurse of Suits . In particulars , by the dissolution of Monasteries , Chanteries , &c. and dispersing of them , &c. upon the Statutes made concerning the same ( there being such a confluence of Ecclesiastical possessions ) there arose many questions , and doubts , whereupon Suits were greatly increased . 2. Informers and Relators raised many Suits , by Informations , Writs , &c. in the Kings Courts at Westminster , upon penal Statutes , many whereof were obsolete , inconvenient , and not fit for those daies , and yet remained as snares upon the Subject , so as the Subject might justly say with Tacitus , Priùs vitiis laboravimus , nunc legibus . 3. Concealers ; Helluones that endeavoured to swallow up Cathedral Churches , and the Ecclesiastical possessions of Church-men , and the Livings of many others of the Kings Subjects . Lastly , the multitude of Atturneys , more than is limited by Law , is a great cause of encrease of Suits . Touching the jurisdiction of this Court , which was used to be called the Kings Bench , it is of a larger extent of power , and more incontroulable than any other Tribunal : for the Law presums , that the King is there still in Person . He being the Lord Chief Justice of England himself : as King James gave a check to one who call'd Lord Coke , Lord Chief Justice of England , saying , that he was but Chief Justice of his Bench , and that it was his own Office to be Chief Justice of England ; Yet it is observable , that though the King be Chief Justice of England , and that he personally sit upon the Bench , yet he can passe no sentence of judgement , but by the mouths and mediation of his Judges , who did use to sit there at his Feet when he was present . Of the Court of Chancery , or Equity and Conscience . IT is taken pro confesso by all Antiquaries , that both the Brittish , and Saxon Kings , had their Chancellors , and Court of Chancery , the only Court out of which original and remedial Writs do issue ; as taking some few examples before the Conquest . Edward the Confessor had Reinbald his Chancelor ; this Edward granted many Mannors , Lands , &c. and Franchises to the Abbot of Westminster , and endeth his Charter thus , Ad ultimum , cartamistam sigillari jussi , & ipse manu meâ propriâ signum Crucis impressi , & idoneos testes annotari praecepi . And amongst those Witnesses this you shall find , Swardus Notarius ad vicem Reinbaldi regiae dignitatis Chancellarii hanc cartam scripsi & subscripsi , He had also Lefrick to his Chancelor . King Etheldred also had a worthy name , and a worthy man to his Chancelor , Rex Etheldredus statuit atque concessit quatenus Ecclesiam de Elye ex tunc & semper in regis curia Cancellariae ageret dignitatem , &c. This King began his Reign Anno Domini 978 , which albeit , it was void in Law to grant the Chancelorship of England in succession ; yet it proveth then there was a Court of Chancery . King Edgar had Adulph ; King Edred had Thurkettle , King Edmond the same , King Athelstane Wolsine , their Chancelors &c. In the Chancery are two Courts , one ordinary , Coram Domino Rege in Cancellaria , wherein the Lord Chancelor , or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal proceeds , according to the right line of the Laws and Statutes of the Realm , Secundum legem & consuetudinem Angliae ; Another extraordinary according to the Rule of equity , secundum aequum & bonum ; And first of the former Court. He hath power to hold Plea of Scire fac ' for repeal of the Kings Letters Patents , of Petitions , Monstrans de droite , Traverses of office , Partitions in Chancery , of Scire fac ' upon recognizances in this Court , Writs of Audita querela , and Scire fac ' , in the nature of an Audita querela , to avoid Executions in this Court , Dowments in Chancery , the Writ De dote assignanda , upon Offices found , Executions upon the Statute Staple , or Recognizance in nature of a Statute Staple , upon the Act of 23. H. 8. but the Execution upon a Statute Merchant is retornable , either into the Kings Bench , or into the Common place , and all personall actions by or against any Officer or Minister of this Court in respect of their service or attendance there ; In these if the parties descend to issue , this Court cannot try it by Jury , but the Lord Chancelor or the Lord Keeper , delivereth the Record by his proper hands into the Kings Bench to be tried there , because for that purpose both Courts are accounted but one ; and after trial had to be remanded into the Chancery , and there Judgment to be given . But if there be a Demurrer in Law , it shall be argued and adjuged in this Court. Nota , the legal proceedings of this Court , be not inrolled in Rolls , but remain in Filaciis , being filed up in the Office of the Pety-bag : upon a judgement given in this Court , a Writ of Error doth lye retornable into the Kings Bench. The style of the Court of the Kings Bench is Coram Rege , ( as hath been said ) and the style of this Court of Chancery is Coram domino Rege in Cancellaria , and Additio probat minoritatem ; And in this Court , the Lord Chancelor or the Lord Keeper is the sole Judge , and in the Kings Bench there are four Judges at the least . This Court is Officina Justiciae , out of which all original Writs , and all Commissions which passe under the Great Seal go forth ; which Great Seal is Clavis regni , and for those ends this Court is ever open . And this Court is the rather alwaies open , for that if a man be wrongfully imprisoned in the Vacation , the Lord Chancellor may grant a Habeas Corpus , and do him Justice according to Law , where neither the Kings Bench nor Common Pleas , can grant that Writ , but in the term time ; but this Court may grant it either in Term time or Vacation : so likewise this Court may grant Prohibitions at any time , either in Term or Vacation : which Writs of Prohibition are not retornable , but if they be not obeyed , then may this Court grant an Attachment , upon the Prohibition retornable , either in the Kings Bench or Common Place . The Officers and Ministers of this Court of Common Law do principally attend , and do their service to the Great Seal , as the twelve Masters of the Chancery , whereof the Master of the Rolls is the chief , who by their original institution , as it is proved before , should be expert in the Common Law , to see the forming and framing of original Writs , according to Law , which are not of course ; whereupon such are called in our ancient Authors , Brevia Magistralia ; Then you have the Clerk of the Crown , the Clerk of the Hamper , the Sealer , the Chafe wax , the Controuler of the Chancery , twenty four Cursitors for making Writs of course , or form'd Writs according to the Register of the Chancery ; The Clerk of the presentations , the Clerk of the Faculties , the Clerk Examiner of the Patents , the Clerks of the Petty-bag , and the six Attorneys . Having spoken somewhat of this Court 's ordinary Jurisdiction , something shall be said of the extraordinary proceedings thereof , according to the Rule of Equity , secundum aequum et bonum , or according to the dictates of Conscience ; for the Lord Chancelor , or Keeper of the Great Seal of England , may be said to be Keeper of the Kings Conscience , for mitigation of the rigour of the Common Law. Yet this Court of Equity proceeding by English Bill , is no Court of Record ; therefore it can bind but the Person only , and neither the State of the Defendants Lands , nor property of his Goods , and Chattles ; therefore if the Lord Chancelor impose any fine , it is void in Law , he having no power but on the Person only . Yet the Lord Chancelor or Keeper , is sole Judge both in this Court of Equity , and in the Court concerning the Common Law ; but in cases of weight or difficulty , he doth assist himself with some of the Judges : and no greater exception can be taken hereunto , than in case of the Lord Steward of England , being sole Judge in tryal of the Nobility , who also is assisted with some of the Judges . Touching this Court of Equity , the ancient Rule is , that three things are to be considered in a Court of Conscience ; Covin , Accident , and Breach of confidence ; All Covins , collusions , frauds , and deceits , for which ther 's no remedy by the ordinary course of Law. Accident , as when the servant of an Obligo● or Morgageor , is sent to pay the money on the day , and he is robb'd &c. then remedy is to be had in this Court against the forseiture ; The third is breach of trust and confidence , whereof there are plentiful examples . The ancient Custome was when one was made Lord Chancellor , for the King to hang the Great Seal about his Neck . Cardinal Woolsey had the Chancelorship by Letters Pattents during life ; but it was held void because an ancien Office must be granted as it was accustomed . Henry the fifth had two great Seals , one of Gold , which he delivered the Bishop of Durham ; and another oft Silver , which he delivered the Bishop of London . The Chancellors Oath consists of six parts . 1. That well and truly he shall serve the King our Soveraign Lord , and his People in the Office of Chancellor , or Lord Keeper . 2. That he shall do right to all manner of people poor and rich , after the Laws and usages of the Realm . 3. That he shall truly Counsel the King , and his Counsel , he shall layne ( or conceal ) and keep . 4. That he shall not know , nor suffer the hurt or disheriting of the King , or that the Rights of the Crown be decreased , by any means as far as he may let it . 5. And in case he cannot let it , he shall make it clearly and expresly to be known to the King , with his true advice and counsel . 6. He shall do and purchase the Kings profit in all that he reasonably may . There be in this Court many Officers , whereof mention is made before , the principal whereof is the Master of the Rolls , which is an ancient Office , and grantable either for life or at will , according to the Prince his pleasure . Edward the third by Letters Patents , annex'd the House of the converted Jew : in Chancery Lane to this Office , for keeping of the Records of the Chancery , viz. Charters , Letters Patents , Commissions , Deeds , Recognizances , which before the Reign of Henry the seventh , were used to be transmitted to the Tower of London , The Master of the Rolls used to have Jure Officii , the gift of the Offices of the six Clerks in the Chancery ; and in the absence of the Lord Chancellor , he heareth Causes , and giveth Orders . OF THE COVRT OF COMMON-PLEAS IN WESTMINSTER-Hall . IN times pass'd , the Courts and Benches , or Banks of Justices ( as was touched before ) followed the Kings Person wheresoever he wert , as well since the Conquest as before : which thing being found chargeable and cumbersome ; The ninth of Henry the third , it was resolved , that there should be a standing place appointed , where matters should be heard and determined ; And the Court of the Common Pleas was the first that was fix'd , wherein tenures of Lands , and civil Actions used to be pleaded ; And it is one of the Statutes of Magna Charta , Quod Communia placita non sequantur Curiam nostram sed teneantur loco certo , That the Common Pleas follow not our Court , but be kept in a certain place . Now , Pleas are distinguished into Pleas of the Crown , as Treason and Felony , with misprision of Treason and Felony , ( which belong to the Upper Bench ) and to Common or Civil Pleas , whereof this Court takes Cognizance : This Court therefore is call'd , the Lock and Key of the Common Law of England , and the Judges there sitting had need to be more knowing , and learned than any other ; for here all Reall Actions whereupon Fines and recoveries , the common assurances of the Land do passe , and all other reall Actions by original Writs , are to be determined , as also of all Common Pleas mixt or personal , in divers of which the Kings Bench , & this Court have a concurrent authority ; But regularly this Court cannot hold Common Plea in any Action , real , mix'd or personal , but by Writ out of the Chancery and returnable to this Court ; yet this Court in some cases may hold Plea by Bill without any Writ in the Chancery : as for , or against any Officer , Minister , or priviledged Person of this Court. This Court also , without any Writ may upon a suggestion grant Prohibitions , to keep Temporal as well as Ecclesiastical Courts , within their bounds and jurisdictions , without any Original , or Plea depending ; for the Common Law , which in those cases is a Prohibition of it self , stands instead of an Original . The Chief Justice of this Court , is created by Letters Patents during the pleasure of the Prince , and so are the rest of his Associats , but none is capable to be constituted a Judge here , unlesse he be a Sargeant at Law of the degree of the Coif . The jurisdiction of this Court is general & extendeth throughout England . The Officers of this Court are many , viz. Custos Brevium , three Protonotaries , Clerk of the Warrants , Clerk of the Kings Silver , four Exigenters , fourteen Filazers , Clerk of the Juries , Clerk of the Essoins , Clerk of the Outlaries which belongeth to the Attorney General , who doth exercise it by Deputy . In former times great abuses have been by Attorneys of this Court , by suing out a Judicial Processe with any Original , which when detected have been severely punished . OF THE COVRT OF THE EXCHEQUER . THe Authority of this Court is of Original Jurisdiction , without any Commission . In the chief place of account for the Revenues of the Crown ; The Hearers of the accounts have Auditors under them , and they who are the chief for the accounts of the Prince , are called Barons of the Exchequer , whereof one is called Lord Chief Baron . The greatest Officer of all is the Lord Treasurer . In this Court are heard , those that are Delators or Informers in popular or penal Actions , having thereby part of the profit assign'd unto them by the Law. In this Court , if any question be , 't is determined by the Common Law of England , by twelve men , and all Subsidies , Taxes , and Customes by account ; For in this Office the Sheriffs of the Counties do attend upon the execution of the Commandements of the Judges . If any Fines or Amercements be extracted out of any Court or any arrearages of accounts of such things as is of Customes , Taxes , & Subsidies , and other such like occasions , the same the Sheriff of the County doth gather , and is answerable therefore to the Exchequer . This Court is divided into two parts , viz. Judicial accounts called , Scaccarum computorum , And into the Receit of the Exchequer , The prime Officer of this Court , as was mentioned before , is the Lord high Treasurer of England , who receives a White Staff from the King ; But in former time he had this Office by delivery of a Golden Key . Then there is Cancellarius Scaccarii the Chancelor of the Exchequer , who keepeth the Seal : Then you have the chief Baron , and his Associates , whereof one , though he sits there , yet he hath no voice ; therefore he was used to be call'd by way of Drollery , Baron Tell-clock , yet he takes the same Oath that others do , he hath a Fee of 100 Marks per annum , At daies of prefixions , he hath to do with the Sheriffs Accounts , he can take Recognizances ; but he hath not the Robes , nor any suffrage upon the Bench in point of Judicature ; And that nickname Baron Tellclock came up first in Baron Southertons time , who when he felt the Chimes ring in his Stomach towards dinner , he was us'd to tell chief Baron Tanfield , My Lord'tis twelve a clock . Then have you sundry other inferiour Officers , more then in any other Court , except the Kings House . This Court i● called Exchequer from a French word vne place quarrée a four-square place , because the Carpet that lay before the Judges , is in the form of a Chess-board , and of two colours : thence the name of Exchequer was derived . Now , it is to be observ'd , that albeit the Barons are the sole Judges of the Exchequer Court , yet the Lord Treasurer is joyn'd with them , in keeping of the Records . The Lord Treasurer hath also granted him by Patent under the great Seal , Thesaurarium Scaccarii Regis Angliae , which of ancient time , as the Lord Coke hath it , was a distinct Office by it self . Then is there the Pipe Office , whereof the Chancelor of the Exchequer is Contrarotulator or Cont●ouler . The Original institution of the Pipe Office was taken from a Conduit of water , which was conveyed by Pipes into a Cestern which lay in a Court : or as water is derived from many Fountains Springs , by Aquaeducts into a Cestern House , and from thence into several Offices of the same : so this golden and silver stream is drawn from sundry Courts as Fountains of Justice , and other Springs of Revenue reduc'd and collected into one Pipe , and thereby conveyed into the Grand Cestern of the Princes receit , &c. Therefore , all Accounts and Debts to the Crown , are delivered and collected out of the Offices of the Kings Remembrancer , and Treasurers Remembrancer , and so drawn , and put in charge in the Pipe. There be five Auditors of the Revenue Royal within the survey of this Court , and their Office is , to take Accounts of the Kings Receivers , Sheriffs , Escheators , Collectors , and Customers , and to audite and perfect the Account ; But an Auditor cannot allow any Licence or Grant , in regard he knoweth not whether it be good this belongs to the Barons ; Neither can the Auditor put any thing in Charge , his Office being only to take and audite Accounts . There is the Auditor of the Prests , whose Office it is to take the Accounts of the Mint , Ireland , and Barwick , and of all other imprested or moneys advanc'd before hand . Then is there the Auditor of the Receits , which is an Office very considerable , and consisting of many parts ; For first , he is a kind of Filazer ; for he fileth the Tellers Bills , and entreth them . Secondly , he is a Remembrancer , for he gives the Lord Treasurer a certificate of the money received the week before . Then he is an Auditor , for he makes Debenturs to every Teller , before they pay any money , and takes and audites their Accounts . Besides all this , he keepeth the black Book of Receits , and the Lord Treasurers Key of the Treasury , and seeth every Tellers money lock'd up in the new Treasury . Of those Tellers there are four , and their Office consists in four duties . First , to receive money due to the Soveraign Prince . Secondly , to pay all persons moneys by Warrant of the Auditor of the Receit . Thirdly , to make yearly and weekly Books of their Receits and payments , which they deliver to the Lord Treasurer . And lastly , to give the Clerk of the Pell a Bill of what moneys they receive , whereby he may be charged . Now , touching Clericus Pellis , the Clerk of the Pell ; his duty is , to enter every Tellers Bill into a Roll call'd Pellis Receptorum ; his Office also is , to enter into another Roll payments , call'd Pellis exitus , signifying by what Warrant the payment was made . Concerning the Kings Remembrancer in the Exchequer his Office , consists in eight Duties ; First , to write Process against Collectors of Customs , Subsidies , and Fifteens . 2. He entreth in his Office all Recognizances before the Barons , and taketh Bond for any of the Kings Debrs , for observing of Order , for appearances , and his duty is to make out Process upon every of them . 3. He maketh Process upon Informations upon penal Statutes , all which Informations are entred into his Office. 4 He maketh Bills of composition upon Informations upon penal Statutes . 5. He taketh the statement of Debts , and entreth them . 6. The Clerk of the Star-Chamber , was us'd to certifie into his Office what fines were there set , whereof he maketh a Record , and draweth them down in the Pipe. 7. In this Office ought to be kept all Assurances , Conveyances and Evidences whereby any Lands , Tenements , Hereditaments , or other things are granted to the Soveraign Prince . 8. There is a Court of Equity holden in the Exchequer Chamber by English Bill , whereof all the proceedings and Bills are entred into this Office. The Lord Treasurers Remembrancer , is also an Office of trust , and consequence , which consisteth of seven Duties . First , To preserve the Royal tenures , and to make out Process for the Revenues thereof . 2. He maketh Process of Fierifacias , to extend for Debts due to the Prince , either in the Pipe or with the Auditors . 3. He awards Process against all Sheriffs , Escheators , Receivers , and Bayliffs , to bring them to account . 4. He is to make an entry of Record , whereby it appears whether Sheriffs , and other Accountants pay their proffers due at Easter and Michaelmas . 5. He makes another entry of Record to the end that it may be known , whether Sheriffs and other Accounts keep their day of prefixion . 6. The green Wax is certified into this Office , and by him delivered to the Clerk of the Estreats . 7. There ought to be brought into this Office , all the Accounts of Customers , Controulers , and all other , to make an entry of Record in this Office , to avoid delay and concealments . The Oath of the Barons of the Exchequer , consists of ten parts . First , That he shall well , and truly serve in the Office of Baron . 2. That , truly he shall charge , and discharge all manner of people , as well poor as rich . 3. That for Higness , nor for Riches , nor for hatred , nor for any deed , gift , or promise of any person , which is made unto him , nor by craft engine , he shall let the Kings right . 4. He shall not let , disturbe , or respite contrary to the Lawes of the Land the Right of any other person . 5. He shall not put in respite the Kings Debts , where goodly they may be levied . 6. That he shall speed the Kings need before others . 7. That neither for gift , wages , nor good deed , he shall layn , disturb , nor let the profit or reasonable advantage of the King , in the advantage of any other Person , nor of himself . 8. That nothing he shall take of any Person to do wrong or right , to delay , or deliver , or to delay the people that have to do before him , that as hastily as he may them goodly , to deliver without hurt of the King , &c. 9. Where he may know any wrong or prejudice to be done to the King , he shall put and do all his power and diligence that to redresse . 10. The Kings Counsel he shall keep and layne in all things . In the Exchequer Chamber , all cases of difficulty , either in the Kings bench , or the Common Pleas , were used to be debated , argued , and resolved by all the Judges of England , and the Exchequer Barons . The Treasurer of the Kings Chamber , and the Keeper of the privy purse , with such domestick Offices of the Kings House , are not subject to this Court of Exchequer . This Court was first erected for the particular profit and service of the Soveraign Prince ; And this profit is mediat or immediat ; Immediat , as of Lands , Rents , Franchises , Hereditaments , Debts , Duties , Accounts , Goods , Chattels , and other profits , and benefits whatsoever due unto the Soveraign Prince . Mediate , as the priviledge of the Officers , and Ministers of the Court ; for two things do principally support the jurisdiction of a Court ( as my Lord Coke hath it ) first the preservation of the dignity thereof , and then the due attendance of the Officers and Ministers of the same . The chief Baron is created by Letters Patents , and the Office is granted , Quamdiu se bene gesserit , wherein he hath a more fixed estate , it being an estate of life , than the Justices of other Benches have , who are durante beneplacoto ; And in like manner are the rest of the Barons , constituted with the Patents of the Attorney General and Solicitor . There is a Court called the Court of Equity in the Exchequer Chamber . The Judges of this Court are the Lord Treasurer , the Chancelor of the Exchequer , and the Barons ; Their jurisdiction is as large for matter of Equity , as the Barons of the Exchequer have for the benefit of the King by the common Law , but if in either Court they hold any Plea that doth not concern the profit of the King , there lieth a Prohibition . To conclude , there are seven Courts that belong to the Exchequer . 1. The Court of Pleas or of the Barons . 2. The Court of Accounts . 3. The Court of Receits . 4. The Court of the Exchequer Chamber , being the Assembly of all the Judges of England for matters in Law. 5. The Court of Exchequer for Errors in the Court of Exchequer . 6. A Court in the Exchequer Chamber for Errors in the Kings Bench. 7. The Court of Equity , spoken of a little before . But touching all the Officers , either coordinate or inferior , that belong to the Exchequer , and the Revenues Customes , & perquisits of the Soveraign Prince , they are very many , & far more in number than in any other Court as was touched before ; yet nothing so numerous as those Financiers , and swarm of other Officers which belong to the Revenues of France , which are so many that their fees being payed there comes not a Quardecu in every Crown clearly to the Kings Coffers , which is but the fourth part : But there is one publick advantage in it , that thousands of younger Brothers , and others , have a hansome subsistance , to carry themselves hereby in the garbe and equipage of men . OF THE COURT OF ADMIRALTY . HAving thus made some inspections into so many Courts , we must not pretermit the Court of Admiralty ; for Great Britain being an Island which makes the Sea , and Woodden Castles , to be her chiefest Conservators : the Court of Admiralty may be said to be more pertinent and necessary to her , then to divers other States : therefore the Lord High Admiral is by the Law of England , one of the four Officers of the Crown , with the Lord Chancelor , the Lord Treasurer , and Lord privy Seal . Some hold the Etymology of Admirall , to come from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth Salsugomaris , the saltness of the Sea ; others derive it from Ammir , an Arabian word , which signifieth a King , or Emperor ; And some would have it to come from the low Dutch , Aen-meer-all , which signifie , on the Sea all , The Reader , according as his own judgement leads him , may adhere to which he please ; for I know of none that have positively asserted , which is the truest . But to know the nature and jurisdiction of this Court , it will conduce very much , if we insert here certain grievances which the Lord Admiral presented in the 8th year of K. James , concerning Prohibitions , granted by the Judges of the Courts of Westminster , against the Jurisdiction and Prerogatives of this Court , with the answer which the Judges returned to every point . 1. The first Objection was , that whereas the cognizance of all Contracts , and other things done upon the Sea , belongeth to the Admirals jurisdiction , the same are made tryable at the common Law , as if they had bin done in Cheapside and such places . The Judges of Westminster-Hall answered , that by the Lawes of the Realm , the Court of the Admiral hath no cognizance , power , or jurisdiction of any manner of Contract , plea , or querele , within any County of the Realm , either upon the Land or the water ; but every Contract , Plea , or querele , and all other things arising in any County of the Realm , either upon the Land , or the water ; and also Wrecks of the Sea , ought to be tryed , discussed , determined , and remedied by the common Lawes of the Land , and not before , or by , the Admiral or his Lieutenant , in any manner ; so that it is not material , whether the place be upon the water , intra fluxum & refluxum aqua , or whether it be upon any other water within the precincts of a County . But the said Judges acknowledged , that of Contracts , pleas , and quereles , made upon the Sea , or any part thereof , which is not within any County , from whence no tryal can be had by twelve men , the Admiral hath , and ought to have jurisdiction . And no president can be shewed , that any Prohibition hath bin granted for any plea , contract , or querele , concerning any Marine cause , made or done upon the Sea , taking that only to be the Sea , wherein the Admiral hath his jurisdiction , which is before described by Law to be out of any County . 2. The second Objection was , that when actions are brought to the Admiralty , upon Bargains and Contracts , made beyond the Seas , wherein the common Law cannot administer justice ; yet in these cases , prohibitions are awarded , in prejudice of the Court of Admiralty . The Judges answer , that Bargains and Contracts made beyond the Sea , wherein the common Law cannot administer justice , do belong to the Constable and Marshal ; For the jurisdiction of the Admiralty , is wholly confined to the Sea , which is out of any County ; but if any Indenture , Bond , or other specialty , or any Contract , be made beyond the Seas , for doing of any act , or payment of any money , within this Realm , or otherwise , wherein the common Law can administer justice , and give ordinary redress : In these cases , neither the Constable nor Marshal , nor the Court of Admiralty , hath any jurisdiction : therefore when that Court hath proceeding , in derogation of the common Law , prohibitions have bin issued out , as by the Law they ought . 3. The third Objection was , that whereas time out of minde , the Court of Admiralty hath taken stipulations for appearance , and performance of the acts and judgements of the same Court , It is now affirmed , by the Judges of the common Law , that the Admirals Court , is no Court of Record , and therefore not able to take such stipulations : hereupon , prohibitions are granted , to the utter overthrow of that jurisdiction . The Judges answered , that the Court of the Admiralty , proceeding by the course of the Civil Law , is no Court of Record , and therefore cannot take any such a recognizance as a Court of Record may . And for taking Recognizanses against the Law of the Realm , we finde , that prohibitions have bin granted . And if an erroneous sentence be given in that Court , no Writ of Error , but an appeal before certain Delegates do lye , which proves , 't is no Court of Record . 4. The fourth Objection was , that Charter parties , made only to be performed upon the Seas , are daily withdrawn from that Court by prohibitions . The Judges answered , That if the Charter party be made within any City , Port-Town , or County of this Realm , although it be to be performed , either upon the Seas , or beyond the Seas , yet it is to be tryed and determined by the ordinary course of the Common Law , and not in the Court of the Admiralty , And therefore , when that Court hath encroached upon the common Law , in that case , the Iudge of the Admiralty , and party there suing , have bin prohibited , and oftentimes the party condemned , in great and grievous dammages , by the Lawes of the Realm . 5. The fifth Objection was , that not withstanding the clause of Nou obstante statuto , which hath foundation in his Majesties Prerogative , and is current in all other grants ; yet in the Lord Admirals Patent , 't is said to be of no force , to warrant the determination of the Causes , committed to him in his Lordships Patent , and so rejected by the Iudges of the common Law. The common Lawyers answer , that without all question , the sundry Statutes which declare the jurisdiction of the Court of Admiralty , and wherein all the Subjects of the Realm have interest , cannot be dispensed with , by any non obstante statuto ; and therefore not worthy of any answer ; but by colour thereof the Court of Admiralty hath , contrary to those Acts of Parliament , encroached upon the Jurisdiction of the common Law , to the intolerable grievance of Subjects , which hath oftentimes urged them to complain , in his Majesties ordinary Courts of justice in Westminster-Hall , for their relief in that behalf . 6. The sixth Objection was , that to the end that the Admirals jurisdiction , might receive all manner of empeachment , and interruption , the Rivers beneath the first Bridges where it ebbeth and floweth , and all the Creeks and Ports are by the Iudges of the common Law , affirmed to be no part of the Sea , nor within the Admirals jurisdiction , and thereupon , prohibitions are ordinarily awarded upon actions depending in that Court for Contracts , and other things done in those places , notwithstanding , that by use and practise , time out of minde , the Admirals Court hath had jurisdiction , within such Ports , Creeks , and Rivers . The Judges answer was like to their first , And 't was further added , that for the death of a man , or mayhm in those two cases , only done in great Ships , being and hovering in the main stream only , beneath the point of some Rivers nigh unto the Sea , and no other place of the same Rivers , nor in other causes , but only in those two , the Admiral hath cognizance . But for all Contracts , Pleas , and Quereles , made or done upon a River , Haven , or Creek within any County of this Realm , the Admiral without question hath no jurisdiction ; for then he should hold plea of things , done within the Body of the County , which are tryable by verdict of twelve men , and meerly determinable by the common Law , and not within the Court of the Admiralty , according to the Civil Law ; for that were to change and alter the Lawes of the Realm in like cases , and make those Contracts , Pleas , and Quereles , tryable by the common Law of the Realm , to be drawn off ad aliud Examen , and to be sentenced by the Iudges of the Admiralty , according to the Civil Law. 7. The seventh Objection was , that the Agreement made Anno 1575. between the Judges of the Kings Bench , and the Court of the Admiralty , for the more quiet and certain Execution of Admiral Iurisdiction , is not observed as it ought to be . The Iudges answered , that the supposed Agreement , mentioned in the Article , hath not as yet bin delivered them ; but having heard the same read before his Majesty ; they answer'd , that for so much thereof , as differeth from these answers , it is against the Lawes , and Statutes of this Realm : therefore the Iudges of the Kings Bench , never assented thereunto , as was pretended . 8. The eighth Objection was , That many other grievances there were , which in discussing of these former , would easily appear worthy of Reformation . To this the Judges answered , that this Article was so general , as no particular answer can be made thereunto , only it appeareth , by that which hath bin said , that the Lord Admiral his Officers and Ministers principally by colour of that Non obstante , and for want of learned advice , have injustly encroached upon the common Lawes of this Realm ; for which the marvel is the lesse , because that the Lord Admiral his Lieutenants , Officers , and Ministers , have without all colour , intruded upon the Right and Prerogative due to the Crown , in that they have seized and converted to their own use , Goods and Chattels , of infinite value taken at Sea ; and other Goods and Chattels , which in no sort , appertain unto his Lordship , by his Letters Patents , wherein the said Non obstante is contained ; and for which , he and his Officers , remain accountable to his Majesty ; And they now wanting , in this time of peace , causes appertaining to their natural jurisdiction , do now encroach upon the jurisdiction of the common Law , lest they should sit idle , and reap no profit . They added further , That touching their proceedings in granting of Prohibitions concerning any of the said Articles , two things were to be considered of , first the matter , then the manner ; touching the matter , nothing hath bin done therein , by the Court of Westminster , but by good Warrant of Law , and former judicial Precedents ; And for the manner , they granted none in the Vacation time , nor in their Terme time , in any of their Chambers , nor in the Court in the Terme-time , ex officio , but upon motion made in open Court , by learned Councel ; and after a day prefixed , and warning given to the adverse party , &c. Hereupon they proceeded , to prove and confirm their answers , by three kind of Authorities in Law. First , By Authority of High Court of Parliament . Secondly , By Judgement , and judicial Precedents . Thirdly , By Book-Cases . Concerning the Acts of Parliament , they urged the Statute of Richard the second , viz. That the Admiralls and their Deputies , shall not meddle from henceforth , with any thing done within the Realm of England , but only with things done upon the Sea , according to that which hath been duly used in the time of the Noble King Edward , Grandfather to Richard the second . Concerning the second proof by Judgements , and Judicial Precedents , and the third by Book-Cases , they alledged divers Cases , which are to be seen in that great light , and laborious Champion of the Common Law of England , the Lord Coke , in the third part of his Institutes ; But , the Result of all which the Iudges of the Common Law driv ' at , was , that the Court of Admiralty , was to take no Cognizance , nor had power to determine any thing that had happened , and should give occasion of Plea , upon any Waters , either fresh or salt , that were within the Precincts of any County ; but it was tryable by the Common Law of England , and by the Empanelment , and Verdict of twelve men , which is not the way of Tryal of the Civil Law , by which the Admiralty is directed . By this notable clash , and contestation 'twixt the Iudges of Westminster-Hall and the Lord Admiral , the Reader may learn what the extent of the Authority of that Court is , and that the jurisdiction of the Admiral is confined to the high Sea. In times past , there were distinct Admirals , in point of power , as we read in Richard the seconds Raign , the Earl of Northumberland was Admiral of the North ; and the Earl of Devonshire , Admiral of the West : who were to receive the Subsidy of Poundage and Tonnage , for the garding of the Seas . Among other Prerogatives , which belonged to the Lord Admiral of England , one was to erect Beacons upon the Maritim Coasts ; which word , is derived from the old Saxon , or Dutch Becnam , which signifieth , to give a signe , as we use the word , to becken at to this day . Before the Reign of Edward the 3d , there were but stakes of Wood , set upon high places , which were fired , upon the discovery of any enemies ; but in his time , pitched Barrels were set up ; and by the Law of the Land , whosoever fired a Beacon , commits Felony , unless there were Authority and just cause for it . In other Countries they are called Phares , which are no other then speculatory , or maritime monitory fires , which serve for two ends , as well to direct Sea faring men , as to fore-warn the approach of an Enemy ; which with such wonderful celerity , give the whole Land an Alarum , and so puts them in a posture of defence . But there are three main matters , whereof the Lord Admiral is to take Cognizance , which are Flotsan , Jetsan , and Lagan : whereof the first is , when a Ship is sunk and perished , and the Goods floating upon the waters : The second is Jetsan , when in stresse of weather , or other occasions , the Goods are thrown over-board . The third is , when Goods are tyed to a Cork , or Cable , and may be found again ; But the Court of Admiralty , hath not to do with Wrecks ; for then the Goods are deposited in the custody of the Officers of the next Town , where , if the Proprietor come within a twelve moneth and a day , he may claim them by Law. Henry the sixth did constitute by Charter , John Holland , Duke of Exceter , and Henry his Son , to be Admirallos Angliae : But the Iudges of the Common Law , held that Charter to be invalid ; and the Reason they alledged , was , that that Charter being of a Judicial Office , it could not be granted to two . When the former contestation happened 'twixt the Court of Admiralty and Westminster-Hall , they were choyse powerful men at that time , who swayed as Grandees of the Common Law , as Sir Edward Coke , the Lord Bacon , Iudge Doddridge , and Hubbard , which made them carry the Bucklers from the Civilians , at that time ; But there were some learned Treatises published afterward , to vindicate the Right of the Civil Law ; which , without controversie , hath more in it of natural equity , and reaches of pure Reason , then any other : It is the Product of that mighty Monarchy of the Romans , who though they conquered by the Lance , yet they conserved by their Lawes , so many vast distant Territories , and Nations , which they had subdued , leading so many people Captive by their policy , as much as by their Prowesse ; And indeed , the Civil Law is fitted for the general Affaires of mankind , and for all Nations ; For though every particular state hath some few municipal Lawes peculiar to it self : yet no where beyond the Seas is there any profession or Science of Law but of the Civil ; nor are there any other studied in Universities . Only in England there are Inns of Court , which are equivalent to an Academy , where lex Terrae , or the common municipal Law of the Land is studied , and Graduates proceed , and are made therein accordingly , which is no where else ; But the Civil Law extends to all man-kind . And , if regard be had to the University of humane Reason , it is no where so narrowly discussed , and eventilated , and the judgement rectified by clear notions : Moreover , there is nothing , of what nature soever it be but the Civil Law hath ordained a means to bring it to a Tryal , either by giving a speciall action in the case , or a general one releeving by ordinary remedies ; or if those fail , by such as are extraordinary , helping the Clyent , Jure actionis , or Officio Judicis . Yet there was one notable Example of one business , that not only caused a clash 'twixt the Civilian , and Common Lawyer , but puzzel'd them both , so that neither could try it . It was , that one Peacock , struck Lacy in alto Mari , and the Ship landing at Scarborough , Lacy dyed a little after , of the stroke that was given at Sea : there was a great contestation , whether the Court of Admiralty , or the common Lawyer , should try Peacock ; but it was found , that the cognisance hereof belonged to neither , so the party escaped without condemnation . But now we will resume the thred of our Survay of Westminster , and add to that which hath bin already spoken of the Great Hall , which as it hath bin , and continueth still the usual place of pleadings , and ministration of Justice ; so it was in former times , the principal Seat , and Palace of the Kings of England , since the Conquest ; for here the Feasts of Coronation , and other solemn Feasts , as that of Christmas were kept : It is recorded , that at the day of Circumcision , Henry the third commanded his Treasurer , William de Haverhull , to cause 6000. poor people to be fed at Westminster-Hall , upon the Kings account ; Richard Earl of Cornwall , the Kings Brother , Anno 1243. being married to Cincia , Daughter to the Countesse of Provence , kept his Bridall Feast at Westminster-Hall , where , the story saith , there were three thousand dishes of meat , served in at dinner . Rich. the second having repaired the Great Hall which had bin burnt by a pittiful fire , kept his Christmas there , in a most sumptuous manner , with Justings , and running at Tilt , where there was such a huge confluence of People , that for divers dayes , there were spent 26. fat Oxen , and 300 Sheep . The King himself wore a Gown of Cloth of Gold , garnished with precious stones , which was valued at 3000 marks , a mighty sum in those dayes . Henry the 7th keeping his Christmas at Westminster-Hall , invited Ralph Austry , Lord Mayor of London , with all the Aldermen , to a Feast on Twelf day , The King , the Queen , and some Ambassadors , sate at the Marble Table , 60. Knights and Enquires , served in the Kings meat , which consisted of 60. dishes , and the Queen as many . The Mayor was served with 24. where after sundry sort of disports , he supped also , and it was break of day , before He , and the Aldermen returned by Barges to London . Parliaments also were used to be kept frequently at Westminster-Hall , and one was kept in Richard the seconds time , which proved fatal unto him ; for he was deposed there , notwithstanding , that he had bin the greatest Repairer of that Hall , when it had bin destroyed by fire . For it hath bin the hard destiny of this Great Hall , to suffer many times the fury of fire ; but the last that happened , was in the beginning of Henry the eighths Raign , Anno 1512. at which time , a great part of the Palace was consumed which was never re-edified since ; so that the Kings Courts , have bin from that time , sometimes at Baynards Castle , then at Bridewell , and since at White-Hall , called before , York place , as hath bin said before . In this great Palace at Westminster , there was St. Stephens Chappel , which was built by King Stephen himself ; It was repaired and enlarged by Edward the third , and 38. persons were appointed there to serve God , viz. a Dean , 12. secular Canons , 13. Vicars , 4. Clarks , 6. Chorists , a Verger , and a Keeper of the Chappel , who had endowments , and Houses built them near the Thames : there were also , Lodgings assigned them , 'twixt the Clock-house , and the Wooll-Staple , called the Weigh-house : He also built for their use , a strong Clochard , in the little Sanctuary , covered with Lead , where there were three great Bells , which usually rung at Coronations , and Funeralls of Princes , which gave such a huge sound , that 't was commonly said , they sowred all the drink in the Town ; but now there 's scarce any marks left of that Clochard . This Chappel of St. Stephens , at the suppression in Henry the eights time , was valued to dispend one thousand eighty five pounds ; and in Edward the sixths time it was made to serve as a Parliament for the House of Commons , who formerly were used to sit in the Chapter-house of the Abbot of Westminster . Before the Great Hall , there is a large Court , called now the new Palace , where there is a strong Tower of Stone , containing a Clock , which striketh on a great Bell every houre , to give notice to the Judges , how the time passeth ; when the wind is South South-West , it may be heard into any part of London , and commonly , it presageth wet weather : The Dean of St. Stephens , was used to have the keeping of this Clock , having six pence every day out of the Exchequer , for keeping the Kings Clock , or Great Tom of Westminster . We must now make a step Southward , before we leave Westminster , and perform some further devotions to the old Abbey , the prime Sanctuary of the Land ; whereunto belongs another very ancient priviledged place , and Sanctuary of St. Martin le Grand , hard by Aldorsgate in London , whereas formerly was said , there was of old a fair and large Colledge of a Dean , and secular Canons or Priests , founded by Ingelricus 1056. and confirmed a little after by William the Conqueror , as appeareth by that ample Charter he gave thereunto , which in regard of the ancient Saxon Termes then used , I thought worthy the inserting here , and it runs thus . Willimus Conquester per chartam suam corroborat , & confirmat Deo & Ecclesiae Beati Martini intra muros London sitae , quod sit quieta ab emni exactione , & inquietudine Episcoporum , Archidiaconorum ; &c. Et possessiones suas ab omni regali Juris dictione liberari , & ab Exercitus expeditione , Pont is restauratione , munit : one , & Castelli auxilio quiet as habent , Secuam , & Toll , & Team , & Infangthefe , Blodwite , Mundbrice , Burghbrice , Meskenning , Seawing , Alcesting Frithsorn , Flcamina , Finnithe , Welgerthofe , Uthleap , forfeng , fyhfeng , Firdwite , Firthwit , Weardite , Hengwite , Hamsokne , Forsteal , & si quas alias libertates , & consuetudines aliqua Ecclesiarum regni mei Anglie meliores habeat : Si quis vero hoc in aliud quam concessimus transferre presumserit cum Juda proditore Dei luat poenas ; Dat. Anno Dom. 1068. Annoque Regni mei secundo , die Natalis Domini . Et post modum in d●e Pentecostes confirmo quando Matilda Conjux mea in Basilica Sanctil Petri Westmonasterii in Reginam divino nutu est consecrata . This priviledge of Sanctuary , was confirmed , and strictly enjoyned by divers succeeding Kings , under the same Curse that the Infringers thereof should be eternally damned , and suffer the like torments , as Judas the betrayer of God , &c. Touching the hard Saxons word of this Charter , the Reader is referred to those worthy persons , who made additionals to Mr. Stow , where he shall find them explain'd ; For many Ages , this Saint Martin le Grand continued by it self a place of as great priviledges , as Westminster , or Beverlay , which were counted the chiefest in the whole Land ; But Henry the 7th annexed it at last , to the Monastery of St. Peter of Westminster , which claims Title ever since , to the free Chappel , the Priviledges , and Sanctuary thereof , and hath enjoyed it , without controlement or question . And now before we bid a farewel to Westminster , we will acquiant the Reader in brief , with the modern Civil Government thereof ; Now as London is divided into 26. Wards , so Westminster is partition'd to 12. for the which , the Dean of the Collegiat Church , was wont with the high Steward , to elect 12. Burgesses , and as many Assistants , viz. one Burgesse , and one Assistant , for every Ward : out of which twelve , two are nominated yearly , upon Thursday in Easter week , for chief Burgesses to continue for one entire year , who have Authority to hear , examine , determine , and punish according to the Lawes of the Realm , and Customs of the City , matters of incontinency , common Scolds , Inmates , with publique annoyances ; and likewise to commit such persons , as shall offend against the peace , giving notice thereof within 24. houres , to some Justice of the Peace , in the County of Middlesex ; And this mode of Government , Westminster hath by vertue of an Act of Parliament , in the twenty seventh of Queen Elizabeth . A PARALLEL , By way of COROLLARY , Betwixt LONDON , AND Other great Cities of the World. HAving hitherto rambled up and down the streets of London , and pryed into every corner thereof ; having endeavoured to fetch Her from her very Cradle , ( which may not be improperly said ; for we found Her at first a Grove of Wood ) and so attended Her all along , to that marvellous degree of perfection , she is now arrived unto , by insensible Coalitions of people , improvement of Trade , and encrease of Structures : We will now , for the better illustration of things , and further enlightning of the Reader , make a Comparison or Parallel twixt Her , and other great Cities of the World , which are accounted Cities of the first Magnitude ; for as the Starres in Heaven are distinguished by degrees of Magnitude , so are Cities on the Earth : Or , to descend lower , as there are Ships of the first , second , and third rate ; so there are Cities , Now among those various wayes , which tend to convey knowledge to the understanding , & rectifie ones judgement , Examples , Comparisons , and Parallels conduce much thereunto ; and Plutarch was the first that prescrib'd this way , who , as t' was said of him , by giving life to so many noble Greeks and Romans , after their deaths , gave himself the longest life ; so it may be said , that by his Parallels , he made himself parallel'd . The Terrestial Globe , which the Great God of Nature was pleased to entail upon man-kind for his mansion , and to hold it ( for himself and his Heirs ) in Capite , from Him ; I say this Masse of Earth is compared by some , to a Camels back , in regard of the bunchy unevenness of it ; by others , to a Libbards skin , in regard of the sundry heterogeneous parts , and variety of Habitations : By others , to a great piece of Embrodery , enchas'd up and down , whereof the most bossie , and richest compacted parts are Towns and Cities , where People are linked in a nearer bond of love , and lead a more civil course of life ; For Urbanity , and Civility , derived their names first from thence . These Comparisons are lesse wide , and more significant , then that which Lucian makes , when , by way of drollery , he makes the greatest Cities upon Earth , to appear like so many Birds Neasts . It is a Catholique truth , wherein all Chronologers , & Antiquaries , do unanimously concur , that in the non-age of the World , man-kind had no other Habitation then Woods , Groves , and bushy Queaches , which they fenc'd about with Hardles made of twigs , and loose Stone-walls , to defend them from the invasions of wild and ravenous Beasts ; some lived in Grotts , and concavities of Rocks , to shelter themselves from the inclemency , and rigor of the Air : Insomuch , that all men were Troglodites at first , as there are many Nations , who are housed so to this day , making themselves holes and hollowes , in Rocks , and sandy dry grounds , as we find in this Iland some of those Troglodites , both in Nottingham , and Bridge-north . Then by degrees , they made themselves small Huts : from Huts , they came to build Houses , and so to cohabit in Hamlets : and thence sprung up Towns and Cities . The first of any fame , was that stupendous City of Babylon , founded by Nimrod , the great Hunter , and enlarged by that notable Virago , Semiramis : which was girded about with Walls , 200. foot high , and fifty broad , whereof the Circuit was 300 Furlongs ; she had also 300. Turrets upon the Walls , which were of such a latitude , that Chariots might go upon them ; and if old Historians may oblige us to a belief , there were three hundred thousand men that were employed in the building thereof ; she continueth still , a vast and flourishing City , called by the Turks Bagdat ; Asia , being the most Orientall Countrey on this side the Hemisphere , as it was first peepled , for Adam was that Countreyman , so Towns , Cities , Castles , Altars , and other Buildings , first began to be erected there ; and indeed , all other knowledge , besides Architecture , came first from those parts , being next Neighbors to the rising Sun : The Indian Brachmans , or Gymnosophists , were the first scientifical men , and Students of Philosophy ; The Persian Magi were her next Students : Then she cross'd the red Sea , and came to Memphis among the Aegyptians , whence she steered down the Nile , and got over the Aegean Seas to Corinth and Athens among the Greeks , whence she took wing to Rome , and from thence she clammer'd ore the Alps to France , Germany , Great Britany , and other North-west Climats . Now as Asia had the first Cities , so she glories to have to this day the greatest : we will instance only in the City of Quinzay , who arrogates to her self , the name of the Celestial City , whereof divers modern Authours do write portentous things ; and truly , he must have a strong Faith , who will believe them : She is the chief City of the Empire of China , lying under the same Climate as Venice doth , with whom she hath a great resemblance , being built upon the South side of a huge Laque ; she hath in length about forty miles , in latitude thirty , and one hundred and twenty miles in circumference ; she hath above a thousand Bridges , some whereof are so high , that Ships under saile , may passe under them : Her Houses are of Stone and Earth ; the lowest whereof , is five stories high , of marvellous beauty and strength : She hath many magnificent Temples , but one next the Royal Palace , of a stupendious structure , being of that altitude , that the ascent is threescore and fower marble stairs : There are an incredible number of fair Palaces in her ; among which , after that of the Emperour , those of the ten Governours , are the stateliest , and among them that of the Captain of the Tartars . About the Center of the City , stands the Imperial Court , which is fenc'd about with seven Walls , whereof every one is garded by ten thousand Souldiers , the Palace is ten miles in Circuit , and hath fourscore great Halls ; but that where the great Councel sits is four square , and hath Windows and Gates looking towards the four parts of the Heaven , East , West , North and South , where officers and others that have business , do enter , according to the scituation of the Countrey , whence they come , there being above threescore several Kingdoms , under the Dominion of the Emperor , and every one hath a particular Hall and Councel , where they deliberate , touching the Government of every Kingdom . 'T is such a ravishing voluptuous place , that there are objects to please and charm all the five senses , The eyes are fed in beholding the goodly Structures , Gardens , and Trees which are up and down : The Eares by hearing , the chirping of the Birds , and sweet murmure of the waters ; The smell is feasted with odoriferous sent of flowers , and other rich perfumes ; The Taste by most delicate fruits ; And the other sense , by most beautiful , and ravishing Women , which are able to tempt a Stoick , having by their rowling large eyes , and other postures , extraordinary wayes of allurement . There was a computation made of above a million of Houses within her , so that allowing ten to a Family , there be ordinarily about ten Millions of humane souls that breath within the City ; They are very rich in their Habits , and there is not much difference in the Clothes of male and female , only the women have more diversity of colours ; blew and red are the commonest , but black is never worn : There be Birds there , of such a wonderful bigness , that they will take up a whole Mutton alive , up into the Air , and sometimes a man in Armor . There are abundance of Elephants , Dromedaries , Camels , and other huge Beasts , that do their work ; And all Animals , both volatil , and terrestrial , are there , of a bigger size and proportion , then any where else , by special influences of the Heavens : It is incredible , what number of Nations do resort thither for Traffique and Commerce , as all the Indies , Cathay , Tartary , Arabia , and Persia ; They are rare Artists ; for 't is thought , that Guns and Printing were there invented thousands of years agoe ; their Characters , and way of reading , being not either from the left hand to the right , as the Greeks and Latines use ; or from the right hand to the left , as the Hebrew , and all the Dialect thereof , as the Arabian , Persian , and others , but perpendicular downward : There is one Law amongst them , that conduceth much to make them such exquisite Artisans , which is , that the Sonnes are alwayes of their Fathers Trade , whereby they come to have a more natural dexterity , genius , and aptitude to the Trade , and their Parents train them therein more industriously , and discover unto them all the mysteries thereof . Touching the rare China Dishes and Cups they make , the masse of Earth , whereof they are moulded , useth to be buried in lumps , within the bowels of the Earth , sometimes a hundred years before they fall to work upon it , and such a masse of aged Earth is the common Patrimony , that Parents use to leave their Children : In fine , they pretend to so much sagacity , wit , and industry , that 't is a saying among them , that They only have two eyes , the Europaeans one , and all the rest of the World is blind . They have such a high opinion of their King , that they think he is descended of the race of some demy-God , and so adore him accordingly . They believe there is some Divinity in his blood , insomuch , that he never marries any , but either his own Sister , or Daughter , or next a kin , for fear of staining the Royal Blood ; He is seldom seen openly , but he hath a private place , when his Councel sits , whence he may hear whatsoever is agitated , and he signifieth his pleasure invisibly through certain hollow Trunks , and he gives audience to Ambassadors also in that manner . We will now over the Red Sea to Afrique , and take a short transient Survay of the Gran Cairo in Egypt , a City also of a huge Gigantique stature , being near upon forty miles compasse , having five and thirty thousand Meskeetos , that is , Churches and Chappels : There are in her four and twenty thousand noted streets ; some whereof are two miles in length , every one is locked up in the night , with a dore and Chains at each end : There is a huge number of Horsmen , under the command of so many Saniacks , which watch and gard the Town all the year long , to the number of eight and twenty thousand men , for fear of the incursions of the wild Arabs : the cause of the vastness of Gran Cairo is , that there are three Cities incorporated into one , that is , old Memphis , Babylon , and Elkhaire ; for there was another City hard by , called Babylone , but by encrease of Trade , and new concourse of people , the Soldans and Mammalucks reduc'd all three to one entire City : which would be a pittiful poor place , did not the River of Nile give her a yearly visit from the Mountains of the Moon , about the Sommer Solstice , and retire again about eighty dayes after . We will now crosse the Greek Seas to Europe , and take a quick view of most of those Cities , which are of the first magnitude ; for indeed , this Parallel aymes only at the Euroaean Cities ; And it will be found by any impartial Reader , that London needs not vail to any of them , if regard be had . 1. To conveniency of situation , and to salubrity of air . 2. To method of strict Government . 3. To magnificence of the chief Magistrates . 4. To Regulation of Trade . 5. To variety of Artisans . 6. To a greater number of Corporations and Halls . 7. To plenty of all Provision , that Air , Earth , or Water can afford . 8. To Springs , Conduits , Aqueducts , and other conveyances of fresh wholsome waters . 9. To the universality of Trafick , and bravery of the Adventurers . 10. To solidity , and richness of Commodities . 11. To Artillery , Ammunition , Docks , and a number of military stout well armed Citizens . 12. To ( once ) a glorious Temple . 13. To an admirable great Bridge . 14. To a noble Navigable River . 15. To a chearful and wholsome green circumjacent Soyl. 16. To Hospitality , and Festival publique meetings of Corporations , and other Societies for encrease of love , and good intelligence between Neighbors . 17. To number of Coaches by Land , and all sorts of Boats by water , for the accommodation of Passengers . 18. For sundry kind of reliefs for the poor , and indigent . 19. For various kinds of honest corporal recreations and pastimes . 20. And lastly , for the number of humane souls . Many of these may be found severally in other Cities , who may haply exceed London in some particulars ; but take them all together , she may vie with the best of them , and run no great hazard . But to proceed the more methodically in taking a view , to this purpose , though short and cursory of the greatest Cities in Europe , we will begin Eastward at Constantinople , called of old Bizantium , and now Stambole by the Turks , being the chief Court or Port , as they terme it , of the Ottoman Empire , the word being derived from Faith and Plenty : 'T is true , she is plac'd in a fit , and advantageous posture , to be Commandresse of the World , she was raised by a Constantine , and lost by a Constantine ( both of them , the Sonnes of Helens ) about a thousand years after ; but touching her site , she hath on the one side , the Pontus , or black Sea , and the Marmora , or Hellespont on the other : the mouthes of which Seas are so narrow , that no passage can be forced against the Castles , she ●●bu●st upon the utmost levant point of Europe , and hath all the vast Continent of Asia , before her from Seutari ; Insomuch , that she stands almost in the Center of the old World , and thereby , capable to send her Commands more speedily to other Countries ; yet since the discovery of America , the new World , some modern Geographers balancing the parts of the old with the new , they find that Rome stands more appositly to command the whole Earth , because she is rather situated more towards the middle ; In some things 't is confessed , Constantinople may claim the precedence of London , as first for the huge Palace of the Seraglio , which is about three miles compasse ; 'T is thought also , she exceeds for number , of humane Souls and Houses ; yet in point of building , they are but low , and cottage-like , nothing comparable to those of London . And if you go to the quality of the Inhabitants , Constantinople may be called but a nest , or banner of slaves ; and herein , as in many other of the particulars pointed at , before London hath the start of Her. We come now to Italy , and first to Rome , which though in circuit she be yet about as big as London ; yet in point of people , she may be called a Wilderness , in comparison of her : She is also far inferior for Traffique and Wealth ; as also for temperature , and wholsomness of Air , that of Rome being not so healthy , which some impute to the burning of stubble , for fertilizing the bed of the Earth ; others , to the ill-favour'd vapors that come from divers subterranean hollowes that remain up and down , out of the ruines of old Rome ; for Rome at present , may be called but a Skeleton of the old ; or like a tall man , shrunk into the skin of a Pygmey , being compared to that monstruous stature she was of , in Vopiscus his time , who leaves it upon Record , that she was fifty miles about , and had above four hundred thousand free Citizens ; and consequently , about four millions of souls with in her bosome , as some infer ; She then made the Ocean to do homage unto the Tyber , she made Asia , and Afrique , feudetaries to Europe ; but she who daunted the World , yielded to the Lawes of Time , who gives all great Cities a space of growing , of subsistence , and of declination ; But a wonder it is , how so much of her is left , considering , that from Brennus the Britain , to the Duke of Bourbon , she was eight times sack'd , whence it may be inferr'd , that there is an extraordinary providence , that seems to watch over her . For as she subsisted before by the Pike , the Pen may be said now to support Her , I mean her Ecclesiastical Courts , which causeth a great confluence of people to resort thither , from all corners of the Earth : Insomuch , that the number of strangers in Rome , may be said to exceed the number of the Natives , because she is accounted the Communis Patria , and chief Randezvouze of all Christians , in regard of the residence of the chief Bishop , in whom every Catholique claimes an Interest : Insomuch , that Rome may be said to be more beholden to Shepheards , then to any other profession ; for as a Shepheard was her Founder , so a Shepheard is still her Preserver . The next City of the first magnitude in Italy , is Milan , which of all other Towns , may be said to have this singularity , to have no Suburbs ; 'T is true , She may pretend much for Her Dome , her Cittadel , and Hospital , with number of excellent Artisans ; yet who is well acquainted with both places , will find that London is not much inferior to her , in any of these fower things ; And for other particulars , as ubiquitary Traffique , by Sea as well as Land , for multitude of people , and divers other things , pointed at before , Milan comes short of London . Touching the City of Venice , 't is true , she hath many things to glory of , as her wonderful situation , that she was born a Christian , that she hath continued a Virgin near upon thirteen hundred years , having been never ravish'd by the assaults of any enemy , ( though some out of malice would make her a Concubine to the great Turk ) . She may also glory of her great Arsenal , and that she hath the Sea for her Husband ; yet if one go to multitude of Inhabitants , to the magnitude of both Cities , to number of Corporations , with other particulars pointed at before , Venice will not disdain to vail to London ; But touching the last thing She glorieth of , London may claim as much interest in the Sea as she , if regard be had to Maritime Dominion and Naval power . And lastly , while Venice is steeping and pickling in Salt-water , London sports her self upon the banks of a fresh stately River , which brings into her bosom , all the Spices of the East , the Treasures of the West , the Gems of the South , and the rich Furs of the North. Naples 't is confess'd , is a populous great Mercantile Town , and hath three Castles , with handsom Buildings , and store of Nobility ; but besides magnitude of places , and multitude of People , with other advantages which London hath of Her , the Sun , whiles he doth as it were broyl the Neapolitan , doth with the gentle reverberations of his rayes , but guild the Walls of London . Genoa , though she be a proud City , yet she stands not upon her own legs , but she subsists most by the King of Spains money , by being a Sceal to convey it by Cambio to Flanders , and else-where , having little of her own to trade withall ; whereas London hath native substantial Commodities of her own , and is far superior to her for bigness , and number of souls , with other advantages . Touching Florence , there is beauty enough to be seen there , but she may partly thank London , that she is so fair , by the Trade she bears to Ligorn , of late years . Touching the rest of the Cities of Italy , though they be ranked among those of the first magnitude , yet they bear no proportion with London . Touching Sicily , there is Palermo , the residence of the Viceroy , a jolly neat City , which may glory of one thing , that neither London , nor any other City in Christendom hath the like , which is a fair spacious uniform street , of above a mile long ; Next to which , is that of Edenburgh in Scotland , extending it self in a direct line , from the Royal Palace to the Castle . Concerning Spain , there are divers large Cities of the first magnitude , as Barcelona , the metropolis of Catalonia ; Saragossa the cape City of Aragon ; Valencia the chief of that Kingdom ; Pampelona the head of Navarr ; Burgos the chief of old Castile , and Toledo of the new ; Murcia ; Granada , Sevill , and Lisbonne in Portugal , which is the biggest of them all . The two last are best peopled ; but Madrid where the Catholique Court is kept ( though a Village ) hath more then any of them ; but all these come short of London , in point of greatness , and populousness , with divers advantages besides . Vienna the Imperial Court is of an extraordinary bigness , being fenced about with English Walls , which Richard the first rear'd up for his Ransome : It is also well peopled ; so is Prague . Which though the latter be made up of three Cities , yet they both come short of the City of London in amplitude , and number of people , with divers other properties mentioned before . Germany hath divers fair Cities , that may take place amongst them of the first magnitude , as Mentz , Colen , Frankfort , Strasburg , Norimburg , Auspurg , Magdenburg , and others , which though they beat a Land Trade , being mediterranean Cities , and abound with wealth , and numbers of Artisans , yet they are inferior to London , for many respects . Touching the Hans , and imperial Towns , there are divers of them large , wealthy , and full of Trade , as Lubeck , Danzick , and Hamburgh the biggest of them , which owes much of her prosperity to the Staple of the London Marchant Adventurers , who are there setled ; but there 's none of these Cities , though they be threescore more in number , that will presume to compare with London , in any of those twenty properties before mentioned . Touching Copenhagen in Denmark , and Stockholm in Swethland , they come far short ; nay , if you go more Northward , upon the white Sea , as far as the gran Mosco the Emperor of Russias Court , which is a huge woodden City , and inviron'd about with a treble wall to stop the incursions of the Tartar , you will find it inferior to London , in every of those twenty particulars . Touching Low Germany , or the Netherlands , which is one of the greatest Countries of Commerce in Christendom ; 't is true , there are there many Noble Cities . Among others , the City of Gant in Flanders , which for bigness , bears the Bell of all the Cities of Europe , being computed to be twenty miles in circuit , which makes the Flemins twit the French , by saying Nous auons un Gant qui tiendra Paris dedans , We have a Glove ( meaning Gant , which is a Glove in French ) that will hold Paris within it ; yet for number of humane souls , this great City is but a kind of Desart , being compared to London . Antwerp is a Noble City , both for her Cittadel , and Fortifications , which are so vast , that two Coaches may go abrest upon the Walls ; She may compare with any other City , she was in former times , one of the greatest Marts , this side the Alps : Insomuch , that Guicciardin reports , that after the Intercursus Magnus was established betwixt England and the Netherlands , the Trade 'twixt London and Antwerp , came to above twelve Millions yearly ; But upon the Revolt of the Confederate Provinces from the King of Spain , when Secretary Walsingham told Elizabeth , that he would give both the Spaniard , and the French King such bones to gnaw , that might shake both their teeths in their heads ; meaning thereby , the Revolt of the Hollander from the one , and the kindling of the Ligue in France . I say , when these tumults began , Amsterdam may be said to have risen up out of the ruines of Antwerp , which Town is come , in lesse then fourscore years , and by a stupendous course of Commerce and Negotiation , to be one of the greatest Marts of the World , being before , one of the meanest Towns of the first magnitude in Holland ; but she is swoln since , twice if not thrice as big as she was : Insomuch , that she may be said to give the Law to all the rest of the united Provinces , and to smell rank of a Hans Town , or little Common-wealth of her self . Among other causes , this may be imputed to the Trade of the East and West Indies , which is appropriated unto Her , and to a mixture with the Jewes , who have there two Synagogues : yet is this fresh great Mercantile Town , much inferior to London , almost in all things . First , in point of populousness , as may be conjectured out of her weekly Bills of Mortality , which at the utmost , come but to about threescore a week ; whence may be inferred , that London is five times more populous ; for the number that dies in Her every week , comes commonly , to near upon three hundred . Secondly , in point of Wealth , Amsterdam comes short of London ; for when Sir Ralph Freeman was Lord Mayor , it was found out by more than a probable conjecture , that He , with the 24. Aldermen , his Brethren , might have bought the Estates of one hundred of the richest Bourgemasters in Amsterdam . Then , for sweetnesse of Site , and salubrity of Air , she is so far inferior to London , that her Inhabitants may be said to draw in Fogs , in lieu of free Air , the Countrey being all marsh and moorish about Her ; so that Amsterdam is built as it were in a bog , or quag ; for in their fabriques , they are forced to dig so deep for a firm foundation , by ramming in huge Piles of Wood , that the Basis of a House , doth often times cost more then the superstructure . Moreover , Amsterdam hath neither Conduit , Well , or Fountain of fresh water within her , but it is brought to her by Boats ; and they wash with Rain water , which every House preserves in Cisterns , to that purpose . Touching the River of Texel , that brings her in all Commodities she is nothing comparable to the Thames , in point of security of sayling , or sweetness of water : touching the first , they say there stood a Forrest of Wood in times past , where now the Texel makes her bed , which could not be cut down so clean , but there are divers ill favoured Trunks , and stubs of Trees , still found under water , which is a great annoyance to Ships . There are in the United Provinces , many jolly Towns besides , which may be ranked among them of the first magnitude , especially Utrecht , which hath the face of an ancient stately Town , & subsists more by her self : the rest grow great , and flourish in Wealth , Buildings , and People , by having some peculiar staple Commodity appropriated unto them , as Amsterdam hath the Trade of the East and West Indies assigned Her , ( as was formerly mentioned ) . Rotterdam , hath the Staple of English Cloth ; Dort , of the Rhenish-Wine , and Corn that comes from Germany ; Haerlam hath a Charter for Weaving and Knitting ; Leyden is an University ; The Hague subsists by the residence of the Hoghen Moghen , the Councel of State ; Middleburgh in Zeland , by the Staple of French Wines ; Trevere , by the Scots Commodities , &c. but none of these bear any proportion with the City of London , who trades in all these several Commodities together , and hath particular Corporations accordingly , with many more . We will now hoyse up Sayl for France , which also hath divers Cities of the first Magnitude , as Rouen in Normandy , Bourdeaux in Gascogny , Tholouse in Languedock , with the other five Courts of Parliament ; as also Amiens in Picardy , and the City of Lions , and Marseilles : the one whereof , subsists by her Bank ; the other , by being the chief Arsenal of the French Gallies ; but none of these will offer , I think , to compare with the City of London , nor any of those Towns that stand upon the Loire , whereof there are many gentile ones . Paris I confess , may be capable of some Comparisons with London , for which she hath many helps , as being a Citè , Villè & Universitè , a City , a Town , and an University ; as also the chief residence of the French Kings , and the Parliament . But le ts go a little to particulars . And first , to the populousness of both Cities ; They say in Paris , that the Parishes of Saint Eustance , and Saint Innocent , have above one hundred thousand Communicants in them alone : and that by the last Cense that was made there , was near upon a million of humane souls , found in the City and Suburbs of Paris . It may be so , but we shall find in the ensuing Discourse that London hath more . Secondly , for magnitude : 't is true , that Paris hath the advantage of an Orbicular figure , and so is more capacious . But by the judgement of those Mathematicians , who have observed both Cities ; if London were cast into a Circle , she would with all her dimensions , be altogether as big as Paris . Touching the Loure , 't is true , that it is a vast fabrick , and the like is not found in London ; but it is the only Court the French King hath in Paris , whereas in London there are fower Royal Seates , with two Parks annexed to one ; I hope the Bastile will not offer to compare with the Tower of London , nor the River of Seine with the Thames ; much lesse I believe , will Paris offer to make any comparisons with London , in point of Traffique , and Societies of Noble adventuring Marchants , who trade on both the Hemispheres ; nor of her Provost with the Lord Mayor of London . I allow Paris to have rich Banquiers , but they are most of them strangers , and not Natives . Moreover , I think Paris would be loth to compare with London for neatness of streets , or for sweetness of site ; for Paris hath scarce any verdure about her , but the Proclere ; whereas London hath most delightful Fields round about Her , of a deeper greene , not so fading as that of France : and touching streets , the dirt and crott of Paris may be smelt ten miles off , and leaves such a tenacious oily stain , that it is indelible , and can never be washed off ; 't is confessed , that Paris hath waters of a singular vertue , for the die of Scarlets ; but 't is as well known to the World , what extraordinary Vertues the Thames water hath for many things . Ask the Hollander , and he will tell you , there is no such water to fatten Eeles , and all sorts of Fish . Thames water Beer bears the price of Wine , in many places beyond the Seas . And the Portugalls have found of late , such vertue in that water , that they carry it away by whole Tuns , to Lisbon . I might enlarge my self further , in shewing what advantage the City of London hath of Paris , but I will suspend my Discourse till I proceed a little further , only I will conclude this Paragraffe with this one Objection , that London hath far better blood in her Veins , then Paris , I mean a greater number of wholsom Springs , Conduits , Aqueducts , and Sources of sweet waters , whereof Paris hath not so many . And now there comes into my memory , a facetious passage , between Henry the 4th , and the Provost of Paris , touching those waters ; which happened thus . The King had appointed the Suisse Ambassadors , whereof there were many in Commission , to be lodged in the City , and that plenty of the best Wines should be provided for them ; The Ambassadors having lain long upon the Parisians , and drunk daily very deep , and being at last dismissed . The Provost made an humble Remonstrance to the King , how the City had so long time win'd the Suisse Ambassadors , and their numerous retinue , which put Her in some Arreares , therefore he humbly prayed , in the name of the City , that his Majesty would be pleased to give leave , that a small Tax might be laid for a while upon the Water-pipes and Cesterns of fresh Waters , for the discharge of those Arrears for Wine , &c. The King pleasantly answered , Ventre de Saint Gris , there must be some other way found out to do this ; for 'T was our Saviour only , that could turn water into Wine , therefore he would not presume to attempt it . Having thus rambled up and down the World , and cast some few glances upon the most renowned Cities ; and having pointed before , at twenty properties , wherein London may well compare with any of the greatest Cities in Europe , we will now more particularly , treat a little of those properties , and take them all single , as they are ranked . 1. The first is , Conveniency of Situation , and salubrity of Air , wherein the wisdom of the old Britains our Ancestors , in point of Election of the place , and the benignity of the Heavens , in point of influences and temperature , have made London as happy as any other City under the vast Canopy of the Heavens ; some say , that that City is best situated , which resembleth a Camels back , who hath protuberancies , and bunches , so a City should be seated upon rising grounds , or small Hillocks ; It is the posture of London ; for she is builded upon the flanks , sides , and tops of divers small Hillocks , lying near the Banks of a Noble River , and being encompassed about with delightful green Medows , and Fields on all sides ; and she is in so fair a distance from the Sea , that no danger of forren invasion can surprize her , but she must have notice before : The nature of her Soyl s sandy , which is wholsomost for Habitation , and conduceth much o goodness of Air , the barrenness whereof , is made prolifical by art . 2. Touching the second property , which is a method of strict , and punctual Government , ther 's no City goes beyond her , or indeed equalls her , take night and day together ; for there is not the least misdemeanor , or inconvenience that can be ; but there be Officers in every corner of the City to pry into them , and find them out ; but especially , the Wardmote Inquest , which are to be men of repute , and known integrity ; They by vertue of their Office inquire , if any man outlawed , or indited of Treason , or Felony , lurk within the Ward ; They inquire if the publique peace be any way disturbed , or broken ; They enquire of all offences , and dammages done to the River of Thames , and make a speedy presentment of them to be redressed ; They inquire after Riotors , dissolute persons , and Barrators , walking by nightertayle , without light at unseasonable houres . They inquire after those that play at unlawful Games . They inquire after Potours , Panders , and Bawds , common hazardors , Champartors , maintainers of quarrels , or embracers of Inquests . They inquire after Witches , Strumpets , common Punks , and Scolds . They inquire after hot houses , and sweating houses , whereunto any lewd Women resort , or others of ill repute . They inquire after any Inholder , Taverner , Brewer , or Huckster , that hold open at unseasonable houres . They by vertue of their Office , inquire if any manner of person , after rain , or any other time , cast or lay any dung , ordure , rubbish , Sea-coal ashes , rushes , or any other thing of noisance in the River of Thames , or the Channels of the City . They inquire , whether any manner of persons , nourish Hogs , Oxen , Kine , Ducks , or any other living thing , that may cause unwholsomness , or any grievance . They inquire , if any false Chevesancers , or extortioning Usurers , dwell within their Ward . They inquire , if any Freeman against his Oath made , doth conceal , cover , or colour the Goods of Forreiners against the Franchises of the City . They inquire , if any Forrainer buy and sell with any other Forrainer , within the City or Suburbs thereof , any Marchandizes or Goods , to the prejudice of the Natives . They inquire , if every Freeman which receiveth , or taketh benefit of the Franchises of the City , but continually dwelling out of it , hath not , nor will not pay scot and lot after his Oath made , nor be partner to the common charges of the City , when he is required . They inquire , if any conceal the Goods of Orphans , whose Ward and Mariage belong to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen . They inquire , if any Officer , by colour of his Authority , do extortion to any man , or be a promoter , or maintainer of quarrels against right , or take carriage , and arrest victual unduly . They inquire , if any Boat-man , or Ferriman take more then is due for his Boat-hire . They are to inquire , if any pourprestures be made upon the common ground of the City by Land , or water , as in Walls , Pales , Stoops , Grieces , Doores , or Cellars ; or if any Porch , Pent-house , or jetty be too low , in letting of Passengers that ride , or Carts : They are to inquire , that Pentises , and jetties , be at least the heighth of nine feet , and that the Stalls be not but of two foot and a half in breadth , and to be flexible , and moveable , viz. to hang by Jewmews or Garnets , so that they may be taken up , and let down . They are to inquire , if any common course of water be forclos'd , or letted to the noyance of the City . They are to inquire , if any pavement be defective , or too high in one place , and too low in another , to the disturbance of the Riders , goers , and Carts that passe along . They are to inquire after Regrators , or forestallers of Victuals , or of any other Marchandizes which should come to the City to be publiquely and fairly sold . They are to inquire , if any Butcher , Fishmonger , Poulter , Vintner , Hostler , Cook , or seller of Victuals , do sell at unreasonable prizes . They are to inquire , if any Retaylor do sell unwholsome Victuals , or dearer then is proclaimed by the Lord Mayor . They are to inquire , whether any Vintner , Inholder , Alehouse-keeper , or any other person whatsoever , do use , or keep any Cans , stone-pots , or other measures which are unseal'd , and are lesse then due measure , and whether they sell any Beer or Ale above a peny a quart , and small Ale above a half peny . They are to inquire in Shops and Houses of Chandlers , and others which sell by weight , that all their Scales be right , and according to the Standard ; as also , that all Yards and Ells , be of their just length , and that none do sell by Venice weights . They are to inquire , if any Inholder do bake Bread to sell within his own House ; and if any Baker of sowre bread , bake white bread to sell , and take more for the baking then three pence in a Bushel . They are to inquire , if any House be covered , otherwise then with Tile , Stone , or Lead , for peril of fire . They are to inquire , if any leper , faitor , or mighty Begger reside in the Ward . They are to inquire , if any Baker or Brewer , bake or brew with Straw , or any other fewel , which may indanger fyring . They are to inquire , if any go with painted Visage . They are to inquire , if any neglecteth to hang a Lanthorn at his door , with a Candle therein burning , after the usage at the season of the year appointed . They are to inquire , whether any bring to be sold , or sell and offer , or put to sale any tall-Wood , Billets , Fagots , or other fire-wood , not being of the full assize . They are also to inquire after them , who go to the Countrey , and ingrosse any Billet , tall-wood , Fagot , Tosard , or other fire-wood , and so keep it , till they may sell it at excessive prizes , and above the prizes set by the Lord Mayor . They are also , to inquire after Ingrossers of Butter and Cheese , in great quantities , in going into the Countrey to buy it , and after , convey it by water , or otherwise to the City , to be sold at Excessive rates . They are to inquire , whether any use the priviledge of Freemen , being none ; and to that purpose , they shall demand a sight from those whom they suspect , of a Copy of their Freedom , under the Seal of the Office of the Chamberlain . They shall inquire after all such as melt Tallow , contrary to an Act of the Common Councel in that case made and provided . They shall inquire after such who use any fire-presses within the City , and liberties for pressing , or dressing of netherstocks , Wollen Clothes , or other things . They shall inquire of all Armorers , and other Artificers , using to work in Metals , which have or use any Reardorses , or any other places dangerous for fire . They shall inquire , if any who have undertaken to be appraysers of the Goods of any Freeman deceased , leaving behind him any Orphan or Orphans ; and the said Appraysers not having bin sworn before the Lord Mayor , or the Alderman of the Ward . They are to inquire if any Freeman buy any Wares or Marchandizes unweighed , which ought to be weighed at the Kings beam , of any stranger or Forrainer free of the City of London . They are to inquire if any buy or sell any Cloth or Clothes in the Shop , Ware-house , or other place of any Cloth-worker ; or if any Cloth-worker do receive , or harbor any Cloth , before the same be brought to Blackwell-Hall . They are to inquire , if any Carman take for Carriage of any Commodity , above the rates ordained . They are to inquire , if any make , or cause to be made , any new Buildings , or divide , or cause to be divided , any House , or Houses , or receive any Inmate , or Inmates , contrary to the Kings Majesties Proclamation , or to Law , or any Statute of the Land. They are to inquire after Hawkers , which go up and down the streets , and from House to House , to sell any Wares , contrary to an Act made in that behalf . They are to inquire , if any have fraudulently , or unduly obtained the Freedom of the City . They are to inquire after Women-Brokers , such as use to resort to mens Houses , to suborn young Maydens with promise to help them to better service . They are to inquire , if any have , or use any common Privy , having issue into any common Sewer of the City . They are to inquire , if any Constable , Beadle , or other Officer , be negligent , and remisse , in discharging their duties , touching the execution of the Statute made for punishment of Rogues , Vagabonds , and sturdy Beggars , &c. They are to inquire , if those to whom the execution of the Statute for the relief of the poor , doth appertain , be remisse in discharging their duties that way . They are to inquire , if any Executor , or others , keep in their hands any Legacy , sum of money , or other thing , given to charitable uses . They are to inquire , if any that keep Horses in their Houses , do lay their Stable dung , or such kind of noysome filth , in any streets , or lanes of the City , and do not cause the Dung-cart to be led to the Stable door . The Ward-mote Inquest , by vertue of their Office , are bound to search into all these enormities , and to meet once a moneth , or oftner , if need require to that purpose . And whosoever doth judiciously observe these several heads , will find , there 's nothing wanting to preserve a City , or the people thereof in the wayes of neatness , safety , and industry , or for the advancement of Vertue , and suppression of Vice. By these particulars , with what hath bin spoken of formerly , in the Body of this Book , the Reader may observe , how exact the City of London is in her Urban Government . 3. Now touching the magnificence , gravity , and state of the chief Magistrate : neither the Pretor of Rome , or the Prefect of Milan ; neither the Proctors of Saint Mark in Venice , or their Podestas in other Cities ; neither the Provost of Paris , the Markgrave of Antwerp , can compare with the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs of London : If one go to the variety of their Robes sometimes Scarlet richly fur'd , sometimes Purple , sometimes Violet , and Puke . What a goodly Spectacle it is to behold the Lord Mayor , and the Companies attending him in so many dainty Barges , when he goes to be sworn in Westminster-Hall ; and what brave shews there are attending him by Land , at his return ? what a plentiful sumptuous Dinner , consisting of so many huge Tables , is provided for him ? what a variety of domestick Officers wait upon him perpetually , whereof , with the Remembrancer , there are five of them Esquires by their places , as was hinted before ? what a comely sight it is to see the Lord Mayor , Sheriffs , and Aldermen , going in their Robes upon Festivals to the Cathedral Church of Saint Pauls , though they who stand not so well affected to the present Government , say , that he goeth in now at the wrong end of the Church : what a goodly sight it is , when he goeth upon Easter Holidayes , to the Spittle , with the Sword , and Cap of Maintenance going before him ? How his Robes are fitted for the season , as from Michaelmas to Whitsontide , he weares Violet fur'd ; from Whitsontide to Michaelmas , Scarlet lined : And for distinction among the Aldermen , they who have bin Lord Mayors , have their Cloaks lined with changeable Taffata ; but those that have not , with green Taffata ; what great places of trust are committed to the Lord Mayor , as the keeping of the great Bridge in repair , which hath such large Revenues belonging unto it , with a particular stately Seal , which of old , had the Effigies of Thomas of Becket , ( a Londoner born ) upon it , with this Inscription in the name of the City . Me quae te peperi , ne cesses , Thoma , tueri ; But the Seal was altered in Henry the eighths Raign : what a great trust is it for the Lord Mayor to have the conservation of the Noble River of Thames , from Stanes Bridge , till She disgorgeth her self into the Sea ? How stately is he attended , when he goes to take a view of the River , or a Swan-hopping ? and lately , what a Noble addition was it for the Lord Mayor to have a Park of Deer of his own so near the City , to find him sport , and furnish him with Venison ? what an Honour is it for the Lord Mayor to be accounted the first man of England , upon the death of the Soveraign Prince . As when King James was invited to come , and take the Crown of England , Robert Lee , Lord Mayor of London , was the first man who subscribed , and then the Officers of the Crown , with the chief Noblemen after him . The Recorder of London also , is primus Consiliarius Angliae , and is priviledged to plead within the Barre . The Lord Mayors of London have bin called sometime , to sit at the Councel Table , as Sir John Allen was in Henry the eighths time , with others , ( which Allen , gave that rich Collar of Gold , which the Lord Mayors use to wear ) and the Aldermen his Brethren , were used to be called Barons . 4. We are come now to Regulation of Trade , wherein London is not inferior to any City whatsoever , witness ( among others ) what prudential Lawes , Restraints and Cautions the Marchant Adventurers , who trade in the Golden Fleece of England , viz. in Woollen Manufactures , have propos'd to themselves , as likewise all other Corporations in like manner , for the improvement of that particular Trade , and preserving it from confusion . 5. Touching variety of Artisans , London yields to no other , 't is true , that mingling with Forreiners , hath much advantag'd her in this kind ; but 't is observed , and confessed by all Nations , that though the Londoners be not so apt to invent ; yet when they have got the Invention , they use alwayes to improve it , and bring it to a greater perfection . 6. Touching Corporations , Halls , Fraternities , Guilds , and Societies , London hath not her Fellow : witness the twelve Honourable Companies ; out of one of which , the Lord Mayor is yearly chosen . The several Societies of those , who venter abroad in all parts of the habitable Earth , as far as the Antipodes . And threescore Companies of Citizens besides ; whereunto the new Company of Coachmen , is lately added , who have their Halls , their regular Orders , and Officers accordingly ; And touching all sorts of Artificers , and variety of industrious wayes to improve all kind of Manufactures , and thereby gain an honest Livelihood , and so enrich the place . London may be called a Hive of Bees , ( as formerly was touched ) or a Hill of Ants , which have bin alwayes made the Emblems of industry , and providence . 7. Touching plenty , and abundance of all kinds of Provision , as Flesh , Fish , Fowle , Fruits , Fuel , variety of Drinks , and Wines , with any other Commodity , that conduceth to pleasure and delight , as well as necessity , London may glory to be as well served , as any City under Heaven . A knowing Spaniard said , that he thought Eastcheape Shambles alone , vends more Flesh in the year , then all the Court of Spain . Gascon Wines drink better in London , then in Bourdeaux , and so do all other , provided they be not sophisticated . Nor doth London abound with all things so plentifully , for the belly alone , but also for the back , either to keep it warm , or make it gay ; what varieties of woollen Stuffs there are in every Shop , with broad Cloth equal to the price of Silk , being come to that heighth of perfection , that some hath bin made of ten pounds a yard in price ; But the Hollanders and others , have now got the art of making our Stuffs and Cloths , by those foolish giddy headed Puritans that pretended to fly for persecution of their Consciences , whereby they have done their own Countrey no little mischief in this particular , as in many things besides . But in point of plenty , it may be well avouch'd , that no Oppidan Magistrates on Earth , go beyond the Lord Mayor of London , and the two Sheriffs , for constant Hospitality all the year long : The time was , that the Lord Mayor of London feasted four Kings at once . Insomuch , that of all other places in the Iland , those Verses of Michael , the Cornish Poet , may be most verified of London . Nobilis Anglia , pocula , prandia donat , &c. 8. Concerning wholsom , clear waters , as 't was said before that London hath good blood in her Veins , by those many Aqueducts , Conduits , and conveyances of fresh waters , to serve for all uses , so she hath good Veins in her Body , by those rivulets , Springs , and Sources she hath within and about Her : What an Herculean work was that , to bring the River of Ware , to run through her streets , and refresh all her Houses . And what an ingenious fabrick is lately rear'd up in the Thames , to furnish the Strand , Drury Lane , the Convent Garden , and all the new Houses thereabouts , with convenient proportions of fresh water . 9. For Universality of Trade , there is no Countrey upon the Surface of the Earth , no Seas that any of the Winds blow upon from the Artick to the Antartick Pole , from the rising to the setting Sun , but London by her Navigations , findes them out , and so barters , and brings all kind of Commodities ; what goodly Vessels doth she send forth , to crosse the Line to the East Indies , to Italy , and the bottom of the Streights , the Turks Dominions : As also to the Baltick Sea , how she flyes ore the vast White Ocean , to Moscovy , and to hunt the great Leviathan in Groenland . How her Marchants and Factors are more reputed , and have greater priviledges every where , then any other , particularly in the huge Hanse City of Hamburgh , and Rotterdam , &c. 10. In point of solid and useful Wares she hath of her own , what a substantial Commodity , and of what high esteem , all the World over is her Cloth , her Kersies , and divers other kinds of Woollen manufactures ; together with her Lead and Tin , how she turns the first to Silk , and Cloth of Tissue , the last to Gold and Silver ; what rich returns she makes of her Fish , from all the Catholick Countries ? What large Ware-houses , and spacious fair Shops she hath of all mercantile Commodities ? And touching her Royal Exchange , those of Antwerp and Amsterdam , have but baubling Pedlery Wares , in comparison of hers . Insomuch , that a wager was offered once to be laid , that Crashawes Shop alone , was able to buy all those in the Busse at Amsterdam . 11. For strength defensive and offensive , for Arms of all sorts , for Artillery , Ammunition , for Arsenals and Docks on both sides the River , for Castles and Block-houses , &c. London is not inferior to any ; She hath twelve thousand Trained-Band-Citizens , perpetually in a readiness , excellently armed ; which when Count Gondamar saw in a Muster one day in Saint James's Fields , and the King asking him what he thought of his Citizens of London ; He answered , That he never saw a Company of stouter men , and better Arms in all his life-time ; but he had a sting in the Tayl of his discourse ; for he told the King , that although his Majesty was well pleased with that sight at present , he feared , that those men handling their Arms so well , might do him one day a mischief , which proved true ; for in the unlucky Warres with the long Parliament , the London Firelocks did him most mischief . In times passed , the City of London hath sent out strong Fleets to scoure , and secure the four Seas from depredations , and Pyracy . And if in the year 1293. she was able to set forth a Fleet of ninety five Ships , as it stands upon Record , what would she be able to do now , if she were permitted ? Moreover , If in King Stephens Raign , as another Record hath it , she raised 60000. Foot , and 20000. Horse for Land Service , how many more were she able to do now in case of necessity , that being compared to what she was then , were to compare a Gyant to a dwarf ? But besides these several kind of strengths , and Arms , there 's no place so well furnish'd with Amonition de bouche , as the Frenchman hath it , with munition for the mouth , viz. with Magazines of Corn , and Arms against Famine , as London is ; for besides that at Leaden-Hall , and the Bridge-house , how many Halls have Store-houses of this kind ? There 's no place also better armed against the fury of the fire ; for besides the pitched Buckets that hang in Churches and Halls , there are divers new Engines for that purpose . But it had bin wished , that the Proclamations of the two last Kings for building with Brick , had bin observed by London , for besides that , it had made Her lesse subject to casual fyrings , it had conduced much to the beauty of her Streets , and uniformity of Structure . 12. For healthful corporal Recreations , and harmless passe-times , London may go in the Van , to any place that I ever saw yet . Go and walk in her Fields , you shall see some shooting at long marks , some at Buts ; some bowling upon dainty pleasant Greens , some upon Bares ; some wrestling , some throwing the Barre , some the stone , some jumping , some running , some with their Dogs at Ducking ponds ; some riding upon Nags , some in Coaches to take the fresh Air , some at Nine-pins , some at Stool-ball , though that stradling kind of Tomboy sport be not so handsome for Mayds , as Forreiners observe , who hold , that dansing in a Ring , or otherwise , is a far more comely exercise for them . Within the City , what variety of Bowling Allies there are , some open , some covered ? there are Tennis Courts , Shuffle-Boards , playing at Cudgels , Cock-fightings , a sport peculiar to the English ; and so is Bear , & Bull-baytings , there being not such generous Dogs , and Cocks any where else . Go to the River , what a pleasure it is to go thereon , in the Summer time , in Boat or Barge ? or to go a floundring among the Fishermen ? There was in former times a sport used upon the Thames , which is now discontinued : it was for two Wherries to row , and run one against the other , with staves in their hands , flat at the fore-end ; which kind of Recreation , is much practised among the Gondolas of Venice . The time was , that Stage-playes , and Fencing , were much used in London : The History speaks of a Play , Anno 1391. performed by the Parish Clarks of London , at the Skinners Well , besides Smithfield , which continued three several dayes : the King , Queen , and the Court being present . And of another , in the year 1409. which lasted eight dayes , the subject was touching the Creation of the World , whereunto the Court , and Nobility were invited : But those kind of Stage-playes , were turned after to Tragedies , Comedies , Histories , and Enterludes ; for representing whereof , there were more theaters in London , then any where else ; And it was a true observation , that those comical , and tragical Histories , did much improve , and enrich the English Language , they taught young men witty Complements , and how to carry their Bodies in a handsome posture : Add hereunto , that they instructed them in the stories of divers things , which being so lively represented to the eye , made firmer impressions in the memory . Lastly , They reclaimed many from Vice and Vanity ; for though a Comedy be never so wanton , yet it ends with vertue , and the punishment of vice . 13. For a stately Cathedral Temple , and Dome of devotion , the time was , that London did not yield to any City under the Sun in this particular ; Saint Pauls Church being esteemed by all Nations , to be one of the eminentest , and visiblest Temple , one of the most glorious Piles of Stones under Heaven , taking all the dimensions , together with the chearful conspicuous Site thereof , being near the Center of the City , and upon a rising ground ; Being also founded upon Faith's , by having a large Church of that name truckling , as one may say , under her Chancel ; Add hereunto , what a comfortable Object it was , to behold above twenty miles distance , round about , this goodly Structure , raysing it self above the rest , and serving as it were for a Crest to the whole City ; But now this famous Fabrick , which was accounted the greatest glory of London , is become her greatest shame ; For many Forrainers , ( who are none of those that place any inherent Sanctity in senseless inanimat stones ) have bin overheard to say , that Pauls Church in that posture she now is , is the saddest sight , and most ruthful Spectacle upon the Surface of the whole Earth ; nay , some have bin heard to say , that whereas a Stable became once a Temple in Palestine , a Temple among us hath bin made a Stable ; nay , they went further , not sticking to say , that as Christ was born in a Stable , so Antichrist is like to be born in a Stable in England . The time was , that London was used to have a greater care of this Temple , when a solemn Act of the Lord Mayors , and Common Councel passed , which stands yet upon good Record , to this effect , and stands still in force . For as much as the material Temples of God were first ordained for the Lawfull and devout Assembly of people , there to lift their hearts , and lawd and prayse Almighty God , and to hear his Divine Service , and his holy Word , and Gospel , sincerely said , sung , and taught , and not be used as Markets , and other prophane places , or thorow faires , by carriage of things : And for that of late years , many of the Inhabitants of the City of London , and other people repairing thither , do commonly use , and accustom themselves very unseemly , and unreverently ( the more the pitty ) to make their common carriage of great Vessels full of Ale and Beere , great Baskets full of Bread , Fish , Flesh , and Fruit , and such other things , Fardels of Stuffe , and other grosse Wares , and things , through the Cathedrall Church of Saint Pauls , and some in leading Moyles , Horses , and other Beasts , through the same unreverently , to the great dishonour , and displeasure of Almighty God , and the great grief also , and offence of all good people , Be it therefore for remedy and Reformation thereof , ordained , enacted , and established , &c. That no person , either free or forren , of what estate or condition soever , do at any time from henceforth , carry or convey , or cause to be carried , and conveyed through the said Cathedrall , any manner of great Vessel , or Basket with Bread , Ale , Beer , Fish , Flesh , or any other like thing or things , upon pain of forfeiture , or loosing , for every such his or their offence , three shillings four pence ; for the second , six shillings eight pence ; for the third , ten shillings ; And for every other offence , after such third time , to forfeit ten shillings , and to suffer two dayes and two nights imprisonment , without Bayl or Mainprize , The one moyety of all which pains and penalties , shall be to Christs Hospital within Newgate , and the other half , to him that will sue for the same , in any Court of Record within the City , by Bill , original Complaint , or Information , to be commenc'd , or sued in the name of the Chamberlain of the said City for the time being , wherein no Essoyne , or wager of Law , for the Defendant shall be admitted , or allowed , &c. Such was the Reverence , that London shewed her Cathedral Church , not long agoe , which may be said , to look now like the hulk of a great weather beaten Ship , that had cross'd the Line eight times , forward and backward , to the East Indies , and lies rotting upon the Carine : such is the condition of this stately Church , which is like to be buried shortly in her own ruines , and so become a heap of rubbish ; and then how bold London will look , let them judge , who have taken a judicious prospect of Her. Moreover , there 's another Reason , that may induce London to prevent this ; for if Pauls were down , She forfeits the name of a City ; for all Lawyers concur in this opinion , that there can be no City , without a Cathedral Church ; t' is but a Village without one , or a Town at most : therefore London hath great cause to wish , that those unlucky Scismaticks had never bin born , who first brought Pauls Church to this pittiful passe ; for it may well be said , that all those casual fires which she suffered , ( whereof there were many ) did not do her as much mischief , as the fatuous fires of some fanatical Zelots have done ; as one said also of the House of Peers , that the Long Parliament was more destructive unto it , then the Powder-plot had bin , if it had taken effect . Touching particular appropriated places for the service of God. We know there were such from the beginning . As soon as Noah got footing on dry ground , he erected an Altar , which was in lieu of a Church , the Patriarks had theirs ; then from Altars , they came to have Arks , and ambulatory Tabernacles ; and we read , what a conceit of holiness was carried towards them : Then Salomon , by Instructions from Heaven , did build a fix'd , and standing material Temple ; And we well know , how highly our Saviour himself was incensed against the money changers , and others , who prophan'd that place ; and what sharp reprehensions his Apostle gave afterwards to those , who used to eat and drink in those places which were appointed for devotion . That Hyper●on or room , where our Saviour did please to celebrate the Passe-over , and institute his last Supper , may well be thought to have more Sanctity in it , then an ordinary Chamber , considering how many holy things were done there afterwards ; for our Saviour appeared in that very place , twice after his Resurrection ; the Holy Ghost came down in cloven tongues in that place . James was created Bishop of Hierusalem , and seven Deacons were elected in that place , which in regard of so many holy transactions , was enlarged , and made afterwards a goodly Church , long before Constantine : whosoever is versed with the Primitive Fathers , knowes well how often they speak of peculiar places , set apart to celebrate divine service ; as also of set times , and that the posture must be Eastward ; Among the primitive Christians , those places were called by some , Basilica ; by others , Dominica , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whence the German word Kerk , was derived ; by others , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by some they were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by others , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. all which were but Synonyma's to Churches , or holy Oratories . One of the first Fathers saith positively , that Churches were in the Apostles time . Another saith , they continued from the Apostles time , to Constantine , with whom the Roman Empire came to be Christian first . And in all the ten Persecutions , which happened by intermissions , we may read , how that by the Edicts of the Emperors , the Oratories or Churches of the Christians , were to be in some places burnt , in others , demolished . And in the last persecution under Dioclesian , the History saith , that a great number of ancient Edifices , and Churches of the Christians were destroyed ; And observable it is , that one of those Primitive Fathers , compares the Churches on the shore , to safe Harbors in the Sea , which surely must be interpreted , to relate to the places , and not to the persons only . Histories also speak plainly , how in the first and second Century after Christ , in the persecution that was in Persia , many goodly Oratories and Churches of the Christians were destroyed . By these short disquisitions into the Ages of the World and History , it appears , that among the Patriarks , there were holy places that had an Analogy with Churches , which continues among the Jewes ever since : And touching Christians , there were Oratories , and appropriate sacred places , from the very infancy of the Gospel , which served as a general Rendezvouz to celebrate Divine service all along from the Apostles time , through the three Centuries of the Primitive Church : therefore they must be possessed with a strange spirit of contradiction , and prophaness , who make no account of those peculiar Houses , which pious devout souls have appropriated , rea'rd up , and dedicated to the sole service of Almighty God , but hold all places promiscuous , and indifferently proper for that use . It may justly be doubted , whether such sordid poor narrow souls , who so malign the beauty , the holiness , and decencies of Gods House here in the Church militant , will ever be admitted to behold the glory of the Church Triumphant . And now , having presumed to speak so much of Londons great Temple ( than which there is not a more conspicuous Object upon Earth , except the Mount Olympus , which is said to bear up Heaven ) ; and having with a true sense of sorrow set forth the sad condition thereof , my prayers are , that it would please God to put it into the hearts , and move the spirits of those worthy Patriots , who are now assembled to mend all breaches in the Common-wealth , to propose some way for preserving this ancient great visible Ornament from tumbling down : And there is a fair opportunity offered to this purpose ; for if those irregular New Buildings be questioned ( whereof there are by computation , above a hundred thousand pop'd up within these forty years ) , It would , most humbly under favour , be very proper to employ part of the Tax upon those Houses , to repair Gods House . 14. Touching a Noble Bridge , and a Navigable River , spoken of before , London is not inferior to any other City whatsoever : concerning the first , what a large Rent hath it to preserve it self ? what a vast Magazine of Corn is there alwayes in the Bridge-house , against a dearth ? what a number of Officers , that look to the reparations thereof , are handsomly maintained thereby , and some of them persons of good quality ? Touching the second , the River of Thames hath not her fellow , if regard be had to the straightness and length of her course running from East to West , without many meanders , her convenient distance from the Sea , to prevent surprizals , the chearfulness of the Soyl on both sides , the wholsomness of her water , which makes the best-Beer in the World , & is transported by forrein Nations for other uses ; the variety of her Fish , the fatness of her mud ; If regard be had also to those Forrests of Masts , which are perpetually upon her , the variety of smaller Woodden bottoms plying up and down , the stately Palaces that are built on both sides of her banks so thick , which made divers forrein Ambassadors affirm , that the most glorious sight in the World ( take water and land together ) was to come upon a high Tide from Gravesend , and shoot the Bridge to Westminster . 15. For number of humane souls , breathing in City and Suburbs ; London may compare with any in Europe , in point of populousness : the last Cense that was made in Paris , came under a million ; but in the year 1636. King Charles sending to the Lord Mayor , to make a scrutiny , what number of Roman Catholiques and strangers , there were in the City , he took occasion thereby , to make a Cense of all the people ; and there were of Men , Women , and Children , above seven hundred thousand that lived within the Barres of his jurisdiction alone ; and this being one and twenty years passed , 't is thought , by all probable computation , that London hath more by the third part now , then she had then . Now , for Westminster , and Petty France , the Strand , Bedford Berry , St. Martins Lane , Long Acre , Drury Lane , St. Giles of the Field , High Holborn , Grayes Inne Lane , St. Jones , and St. Georges street , Clarken well , the out-lets of Red and Whitecrosse-street , the out-lets beyond the Barres of Bishopsgate , Aldersgate , and Southwark Barres , beyond the Tower , &c. take all these places , with divers more , which are contiguous , and one entire peece with London her self , I say , take all these Buildings together , there will be found by all probable conjecture , as many Inhabitants at least , as were found before within that compass , where the point of the Lord Mayors Sword reacheth , which may amount in all , to a million and a half of humane souls : Now , one way to know the populousness of a great City is , to observe the Bills of Mortality , and Nativities every week . I think , there is no such Custom in Paris ; but for Amsterdam , which is a very populous Mercantile place , the ordinary number there , of those that go weekly out of the World , is but fifty , or thereabouts , and about so many come into the World every week ; But in London , the common Weekly Bills come to near upon 300. that come in , and about so many that go out of the World , though the last years general Bill made twice as many to go out , as came in ; for it gives account of fourteen thousand and odd that dyed , and but seven thousand christened ; but this may be imputed ( the more 's the pitty ) to the confusion of Sectaries , which swarm since the long Parliament , as Anabaptists , and others who use not to christen their Children , a sad story to tell , so that there were many thousands born , which were not baptized , and whereof the Bill speaks not . Touching the form and shape of London , it may be aptly compared to a Lawrel leaf , which is far more long then broad ; and were London round , as Paris and other Cities are , she would appear more populous , by a more often encounter of the passengers . Concerning the length of London , take all Buildings that are contiguous one to another from East to West , from the utmost point of Westminster , to the utmost point beyond the Tower , she may be well thought to be near upon five Italian miles in longitude , and about half so much in latitude , and in Circuit , above twelve miles . 'T is true , that the Suburbs of London are larger then the Body of the City , which make some compare her to a Jesuites Hat , whose brims are far larger then the Block , which made Count Gondamar the Spanish Ambassador to say , as the Queen of Spain was discoursing with him , upon his return from England , of the City of London . Madam , I believe there will be no City left shortly , for all will run out at the Gates to the Suburbs ; and for the Men , I think they are gone by this time into the Country , for I left them all booted and spur'd when I came away . But touching the amplitude , and largeness of London , whereas Charles the Emperor , to put a Complement upon Paris , said , that she might be called a Province , rather then a City , this term may better befit London , who is a County of her self . 16. From proportions and quantity , we will now go to the quality of the persons she hath produced from time to time : whereof there have been great numbers of most gallant and generous , most wealthy and worthy , most eminent and munificent brave men , who had souls as large as their substance , I mean such that received , either their first being , or well being from Her. Charles the Quint was used to glory , that he was a Citizen of Ghent , having bin born there . Henry the Great , in answer to a Letter of the King of Spains , wherein he had enumerated above a score of Soveraign Titles , stiled himself only Henry , Roy de France , & Bourgeois de Paris . Henry King of France , and Burgesse of Paris . But London hath greater cause to glory in this point , for Constantine , the first Christian Emperor , a Britain born , was her Child . And a foul mistake it was in Him , who writ the Book of Martyrs , when in his Epistle Dedicatory he saith , that Constantine was the Son of Helena , an English Woman , ( being pure British ) ; for the name of English was not then in the World , nor did the Saxons , whence the English are derived , take footing in great Britain , but a long time after . Maud the Empress was also a Londoner born , with divers other great Kings and Princes . Thomas Becket , a man very famous in all the Catholick Countries , and held one of the highest Saints , was born in London ; he was first one of the Sheriffs Clarks , then he was Parson of St. Mary Hil ; then he went to Bologna in Italy , to study the Law ; and at his return , he was made Chancellor of England , and Arch Bishop of Canterbury . Innumerable other great Clarks , and eminent Bishops , were born in London ; and of late times , Bishop Lancelot Andrews , who for his vast stock of learning , might be called , the Universal Bishop . There are now living , two great Luminaries of the Church , Doctor Wren , and Doctor Warner , born both in London , the one Bishop of Ely , the other Bishop of Rochester , a person of most acute Intellectuals , and of rare excellent knowledge . Fabian the famous Chronologer was Sheriff of London , and born there ; what a number of most munificent Benefactors hath London had among her own Natives , besides those whom she bred ; what a Noble useful Structure is Leaden-hall , built at the sole charge of Sir Simon Eyre Draper , and Lord Mayor of London ? what a worthy Foundation is St. Johns Colledge in Oxford , built by Sir Thomas White , Lord Mayor of London , who was Benefactor also to Bristoll , Reading , and above twenty Towns besides ? what a bountiful Benefactor was Mr. William Lambe , free of the Company of Clothworkers ? what a world of charitable deeds , did he do in Town and Countrey ? what a Noble soul had Sir Thomas Gresham Mercer , and Marchant , who built the Royal Exchange , Gresham Colledge , with another great Countrey Palace in Middlesex ; what a notable Benefactor , was Mr. Thomas Howel , bred in his youth in Spain , and afterwards in London , who was one of the greatest Benefactors of the Company of Drapers , and , besides many other large acts of charity , he hath left such means to Drapers Hall , that if any Mayden can derive her self from the right linage of Howel in Wales , the said Hall is to give her 21 l. towards her portion ; and this to continue for ever ; what a free large Soul had Mr. William Jones , Marchant , and free of the Haberdashers , who in Monmouth , the Countrey where he was born , did build a fair Free School , with very large allowance to the Masters ; he was Benefactor also to Hamborough , Stoad , and divers other places at home and abroad . To these two Britains , we will add a third , which is Sir Hugh Middleton , Goldsmith ; what a hazardous , expenceful mighty work , did he perform , in bringing Ware-River to run through the streets of London ? what an infinite universal benefit doth accrue thereby , to the whole City and Suburbs ? how often did this great design take heat and cold , what faintings and fears , what oppositions did it break through , before it was perfectly finished ? What a large noble Soul had Sir Baptist Hicks , Lord Vicount Campden ? what a number of worthy things did he in his life , and at his death , both for the advancement of Religion and Justice ? At Campden , in the County of Glocester , he repaired , and adorned God Almighties House , and reard another for the poor , before he built any for himself ; He founded also there , a very commodious Market-house , and having done many things more for the publick good in that place , he erected afterwards , a stately Palace for his Posterity , though the hard fate of the times , and the fury of the Warre hath half destroyed it : He was also a great Benefactor to the Churches , and the poor of Hamsted , and Kensinton , to St. Bartholomewes , and Christ-Church Hospitals in London , to all the Prisons ; as also to St. Laurence Church in the old Jury : He purchased divers Impropriations , and bestowed them upon the Church in divers counties ; He was at the charge of erecting a convenient Session-house , for the Justices of Middlesex to meet , in the middest of St. John's street , which is called Hicks Hall , and will so be called to all posterity . All these great lights he carried before him , and at his death he gave a World of Legacies , and divers Pensions to pious Ministers and others , and bequeathed a great sum to be distributed among all his Servants . To speak of all those Noble Londoners , who have done glorious things , both for Church and State , in point of piety , stately Structures of divers natures , for the publick good , and deeds of charity , would make a large Volume of it self . I will conclude for the present , with a late worthy man , one Mr. John Walter , who was Clark of Drapers Hall , who , having resolved with himself , when he had attained a competent subsistence for himself and his Children , to employ the rest every year , for charitable uses , which he did constantly for many years : He built two Hospitals near London , and it was a great while before the Founder of them was known . He used to send a proportion of bread to be distributed among the poor , to divers Churches ; and it was not known , who sent it , till he was dead , and that he was missing . It is thought by a computation that was made , that he had employed above ten thousand pounds to charitable uses of all sorts , private and publick , and he was so free from vain-glory , that his greatest care was to do them in such a manner , that his left hand should not know what his right hand did ; And in his study after his death , there was a bag of 800 l. in Gold , with a label in paper upon it , This is none of mine , but the poor's . Lastly , for Prerogatives , Enfranchisements , Immunities , Charters , and Liberties , for Hospitality , and plentiful treatments ; as also for Antiquity , the City of London comes not in the arrears to any . Touching the last , 't is true , there are some Cities in the East , that have the start of her in point of time , yet London was built 354 years before Rome , which is a fair Age. Touching the second , some call London , a lick-peny , ( as Paris is called by some , a pick-purse ) because of feastings , with other occasions of expence and allurements , which cause so many unthrifts among Countrey Gentlemen , and others , who flock into her , in such excessive multitudes ; but this must be imputed not to the place , but to the persons ; for one may live in London as frugally , if he hath wit to make use of it , as in any other City whatsoever . T' is true , that the prizes of all things use to be enhanc'd by confluences , and swarms of people , which a judicious Forreiner observing in London , said , that she bore no proportion with the Iland , but might serve a Kingdom thrice as big , and that England may be rather said , to be in London , then London in England , which made some compare her to the spleen , whose over-swelling , make the rest of the body languish ; but it might be answered , that London is rather like the stomack , which digests the wealth of the Land , and after a good concoction , disperseth it again in wholsom nutriment to all parts . Touching the third , viz. freedom and immunities , there 's no City hath more . In the Raign of Richard the second , it was enacted , That the Citizens of London were to enjoy their priviledges , and franchises , licet usi non fuerint , vel abusi fuerint , whether they were not us'd or abus'd , notwithstanding any Statute to the contrary , as the Lord Coke hath it in his Institutes . In the Lawes of the Land , London is called sometimes Camera Regis , Reipublicae Cor , & totius Regni Epitome , the Kings Chamber , the heart of the Common-wealth , and compendium of the whole Kingdom ; sometimes she is called Caput Regum & Legum , The head of Kings , and of Lawes ; nay , some of the Roman Emperors in their Edicts , called her Augusta , which is a name alwayes of magnificence and State. And now will I take leave of the Noble Augusta , or City of London , concluding with this hearty wish , couch'd in these two Hexameters , and relating to her proportion , or shape , which is a Laurel leaf , as formerly was said . Londinum Lauri folio non impare formâ , Floreat Urbs , sicut Laurus , semperque virescat , London is like a Laurel leaf , may She , Be verdant still , and flourish like the Tree . FINIS . AN INDEX POINTING At the chief Passages throughout the whole Book . A. AUgusta , a name given by the Roman Emperors to London . fol. 2. Appellations which forrain Authors give of London . fol. 2. Of Algate . fol. 5. Of Amwel River brought to London , fol. 11. The Lord Ailwine first Alderman in England , Anno 851. fol. 34. Of the Authority and State of the Lord Mayor of London . fol. 35. His Attendants and Officers , with divers Prerogatives . fol. 35. Of the ancient Court of the Hustings . fol. 37. Austin the Monk , the English-mens Apostle . fol. 39. The Arms of all the Companies and Corporations of London blazon'd . fol. 41. The antiquity of all the Companies of London . fol. 41. Of Allhallowes Barking . fol. 48. Of Algate Ward . fol. 52. Of St. Andrew Undershaft . fol. 55. Of Augustine Fryers . fol. 72. St. Albanes , a very ancient Church in London . fol. 301. Of Aldersgate Ward . fol. 306 Of the ancient great Monuments in Christs Church . fol. 311. The Antiquities of Southwark . fol. 137. An Alderman alotted to every Ward . fol. 340. The Abbey of Westminster , the greatest Sanctuary . fol. 346. Of the Court of Admiralty . fol. 373. A Contest 'twixt the Court of Admiralty , and Westminster Hall. fol. 374. Of Amsterdam . fol. 339. Of Auspurg . fol. 389. B. The Britains concreated with this Iland . fol. 2. The British Etymologies of London . fol. 2. The Britains were first Founders and God-fathers of London . fol. 3. Of Bainards Castle . fol. 5. Of the chief Banner-bearer of the City of London . fol. 27. The Black Fryers built of the ruines of the Tower of Monfiquet . fol. 29. Bishops have bin good Friends to London . fol. 40. Of Barking Church . fol. 48. The Bayliff of Rumford strangely executed . fol. 56. The common Burse at first in Lombard-street . fol. 63 O● Bishopsgate Ward . fol. 63 Of Bethlem , now called Bedlam , and the notable deed of gift that was made thereof . fol. 63 Of Broad-street Ward . fol. 71 Of Billingsgate Ward . fol. 84 Of Billingsgate some things remarkable . fol. 85 Of the Bridge-ward within . fol. 87 Of Buckles-berry . fol. 113 Of Basings-Hall Ward . fol. 123 Of Backwell-Hall . fol. 123 The History of the Black-Fryers . fol. 316 Of Breadstreet Ward . fol. 318 Of Bridewell . fol. 332 Of St. Brides . fol. 333 Of the Bridge-House . fol. 339 A British Prophecy , lately verified . fol. 348 Bishop of Chesters Inne . fol. 349 Of Bedford , York , Salisbury , Worcester-House , with others . fol. 349 Of Bedford Berry . fol. 350 Of Babylon , fol. 382 C. Cornelius Tacitus lived seven years in Britain . the Epist . The Character which Tacitus gives of London . fol. 3 Constantine the Great , first Builder of London Walls . fol. 4 Contests 'twixt the Lord Admiral , and Lord Mayor about the Thames . fol. 14 The Conservancy of the Thames , belongs de jure to the Lord Mayor . fol. 17 The Character of London Bridg in Latine and English verse fol. 1 A City compared to a Ship. fol. 33 Of the several Courts belonging to the City of London . fol. 37 Ceremonies used in the Election of the Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs . fol. 36 The Clashes 'twixt the City of London , and divers Kings . fol. 40 No City without a Cathedral Church , and a Bishops See. fol. 40 Of the several Companies and Corporations belonging to the City of London . fol. 41 Corporations prejudicial to Monarchy . fol. 46 The Custom-house Key called in former times , Petty Wales . fol. 49 Of the Crouched Fryers . fol. 57 Of Cornhill-Ward . fol. 77 Of Candlewick-Ward . fol. 89 The Charter of the Styliard . fol. 98 Of Cordwainers-ward . fol. 107 Of Cheap-ward . fol. 111 Of the great Crosse in Cheap . fol. 115 Of Colemanstreet-ward . fol. 119 Of Cripplegate-ward . fol. 301 Of the Chappel of Jesus , hard by Pauls . fol. 314 The Counter removed from Bread-street , to VVood-street . fol. 319 Of Castle-Baynard-ward . fol. 324 A Clash 'twixt the Lord Mayor and the Lawyers . fol. 330 D. Of Diana's Chamber hard by Pauls . fol. 3 A Description of Pauls . fol. 7 The duty of the Lord Mayor to conserve the Thames . fol. 18 Divers small Bridges in former times in London . fol. 23 Of Drapers-Hall . fol. 73 Of Dowgate-ward . fol. 97 Dowgate-ward hath many things considerable . fol. 100 Of the Dance of Death , painted at Pauls . fol. 323 The difference 'twixt Southark and London , in point of Government . fol. 340 Of the Dutchy of Lancaster and Savoy , with the Liberties thereof . fol. 347 Of Durham-House . fol. 349 E. The English converted to Christianity by the Britains . fol. 33 The Emperor Charles lodged in the Black-Fryers . fol. 316 Of the Elms , the place of common Execution in times passed . fol. 326 Edward the Confessors Charter to VVestminster . fol. 355 Of the Exchequer Court. fol. 369 Of the Court of Equity , or Chancery . fol. 365 An Encomium of the Civil Law. fol. 377 Of the City of Florence . fol. 387 An extravagant saying of a French Baron . In the Epist . Of the eminent Citizens of London . fol. 405 F. The foundation and first Rise of the City of London . fol. 2 Fitstephen reports of London . fol. 8 Of the fresh water Rivers that were in London . fol. 10. A factious saying of the Lord Mayors to King James . fol. 19 Fearful Fires on London-Bridg . fol. 21 Of the four Inns of Court. fol. 31 Of the present factions in London . fol. 47 Of Fishers Folly hard by Bishopsgate . fol. 67 Of Fenchurch . fol. 83 Of the Fishmongers Company . fol. 88 Of Faringdon Intra Ward . fol. 309 Of Faringdon Ward Extra . fol. 327 Of Bartholomew-Fair , fol. 328 Of Fewter or Fetter-lane . fol. 331 G. Of the Gates of London . fol. 4 Of the great famous River of Thames . fol. 12 Of Grayes Inne . fol. 32 Of Gresham Colledge . fol. 31 The Government of London . fol. 33 Of Knighten Guild . fol. 49 Of Grasse-street , vulgarly called Gracious-street . fol. 40 Of Grocers-Hall . fol. 113 Of the Guild-Hall . fol. 117 Of St. Giles by Cripplegate . fol. 304 Of Golding-lane . ibid. The History of the Gray Fryers , by Newgate Market . fol. 310 Of the great Wardrobe . fol. 325 Of St. Giles of the Field . fol. 345 Of the Gran Cayro . fol. 384 Of Genoa . fol. 387 A guesse at the number of humane souls breathing in London . fol. 403 Of the general Trade of London . fol. 396 Of the Gravity , and state of the Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen . fol. 395 H. Of Sir Hugh Middleton , and Ware River . fol. 11 The History of London Bridge , from its beginning . fol. 20 The History of the great Tower of London . fol. 24 The History of the Saxons , or Englishmen . fol. 33 Of the Hustings Court. fol. 37 Of the Holy Trinity by Algate , a famous Priory , with the great Prerogatives thereof . fol. 50 Of St. Helens Church , sometimes a Nunnery . fol. 70 Of the Haunce of Almain , or the Styliard . fol. 97. Henry the eighth came in habit of a Yeoman to see the Watch. fol. 110 The History of Cheap-side-Crosse . fol. 115 The History of the GuildHall . fol. 117 The History of the Jews in England . fol. 120 The History of Moorfields . fol. 301 The History of Sion Colledg . fol. 302 The History of Pauls Church . fol. 312 Of Houndsditch . fol. 341 Of Hamburg and the Hans Towns. fol. 388 Of the Inns of Court. fol. fol. 9 Justs and Tournments in former times upon London-Bridg . fol. 22 Of the Inns of Chancery . fol. 31 Julius Caesar only a Discoverer of Great Britain , and Claudius Caesar the Conqueror . fol. 33 The ill May-day . fol. 40 Of Jack Straw . fol. 81 The Jews banish'd out of England . fol. 119 Where the Jews had their Synagogue in London . fol. 119 700 Jews murthered by the Londoners . fol. 119 Of the Jew that fell into a Jakes at Tewksbury . fol. 121 Of James the fourth , King of Scots . fol. 303 Of St. James Hospital , or the Charter-house . fol. 343 Of St. James's House and Park . fol. 356 L. Of London-Stone . fol. 4 Of Ludgate . fol. 4 London Bridg hath two many Eyes . fol. 20 London much beholden to her Bishops . fol. 39 London like a Hive of Bees . fol. 41 London a Lick-peny . fol. 406 Of Lumley-House . fol. 48 Of Limestreet Ward . fol. 59 Of Leaden-Hall , and the foundation thereof . fol. 59 A laudable Custom at St. Mary Spittle , for rehearsal of Sermons . fol. 67 Of Loseworth or Spittle-field , and strange Monuments that were found there . fol. 68 Of Langborn Ward fol. 82 Of Lombard-street . fol. 82 Of Lothberry . fol. 119 Of Lollards Tower. fol. 326 Of Lincolns Inne . fol. 344 The length of London . fol. 404 The latitude of London . fol. 404 M. The Method of the work . fol. 1 Of Moorgate . fol. 5 The Lord Mayors of London had divers appellations . fol. 34 Of the Lord Mayor , and manner of his Election . fol. 36 Of Mart-lane , and Minchinlane . fol. 48 Of the Minories . fol. 51 Of St. Mary Spittle . fol. 67 Of Marchantaylors-Hall . fol. 73 Of St. Michael in Corn-hill . fol. 81. Of Mercers Chappel . fol. 116 Of Melitus Bishop of London . fol. 312 Of the ancient Monuments in Pauls Church . fol. 312 Of the Monuments in the Temple Church . fol. 334 Of the Marshalsey . fol. 339 The chief Monuments of Westminster . fol. 355 Of the Mewse . fol. 355 N. A notable saying of Count Gundamar , touching the Jesuites . fol. 9 Of Northumberland-House . fol. 57 A new Monument of a Porter in Cheape-side . fol. 115 Of Newgate , and the Market thereof . fol. 317 Of the New Market in St. Clements Field . fol. 344 Of the City of Naples . fol. 387 O. Otia Imperialia , an ancient Book of Gervase of Tilberry . fol. 5 Of the Officers attending the Lord Mayor of London . fol. 38 Of the old Jury . fol. 120 Of the old Exchange . fol. 319 Of old Fishstreet-Hill . fol. 322 Of the Heralds Office. fol. 326 Of Old Burn , or Holburn . fol. 327 Of the Old Baylie . fol. 330 Of the Clink . fol. 337 Of St. Mary Overy . fol. 338 Of St. Olaves . fol. 330 P. The Proeme . fol. 1 The Parallel . fol. 381 Of the Posterns about London . fol. 5 Of Pauls Church . fol. 7 Pauls Church built partly at first , and now destroyed , by the sins of the People . fol. 7 The passage of the Thames from her first Spring . fol. 12 The pittiful Speech of Queen Jane when beheaded . fol. 26 Divers priviledges given to the Lord Mayor of London . fol. 34 Provost Marshal given the City by Queen Elizabeth . fol. 35 The Prior of the holy Trinity at Aldgate , once a great man in the Government of the City of London . fol. 39 Paris a Pick-purse . fol. 406 Of Portsoken-Ward . fol. 49 The famous Priory of the holy Trinity , built by Queen Matilda . fol. 53 The Prior of the Holy Trinity , alwayes an Alderman of London . fol. 53 Of Pawlet , or Winchester House in Broad-street . fol. 72 Of St. Peter upon Corn-hill , and of the ancient Table that hangs there . fol. 79 Of the Priory of St. Bartholomew . fol. 328 Of the priviledges of London . fol. 407 The Popes-head-Tavern a Kings Palace in times passed . fol. 81 Of the priviledges of the Styliard . fol. 98 Pauls Steeple and Church-fired . fol. 313 Parliament kept in Black Fryers . fol. 313 Of Puddle-Wharf . fol. 325 A Purchase made of much Lands in Southwark by the City , of Edward the sixth . fol. 335 Of the Prisons in Southwark . fol. 339 Of the high Court of Parliament . fol. 356 Of the Common Pleas. fol. 368 Of Palermo . fol. 387 Of Paris . fol. 391 Q. Of Queen Hith . fol. 322 Of the pious Queen Matilda . fol. 345 Of the most pious Queen Eleanor . fol. 356 Of the City of Quinzay , call'd the Celestical City . fol. 383 R. Restitutus Bishop of London , sate at the Councel of Arles , in Constantines time . fol. 39 Of the Royal Exchange , and the name given unto it by Queen Elizabeth , with the Ceremonyes us'd . fol. 78 Of Robert Fabian the Chronicler . fol. 81 Of the Rolls and six Clerks Office . fol. 344 Of Rome . fol. 386 Rome eight times sack'd . fol. 386 Of the City of Roven . fol. 391 S. Of the publick Schools in London . fol. 31 Of the Sheriffs of London , and their Election . fol. 37 The several Courts belonging to the City of London . fol. 38 Of the spiritual Government of London . fol. 39 Of Sydon lane , vulgarly Sithinglane . fol. 48 Of the Shaft of St. Andrew . fol. 55 A strange accident happened in St. Michaels Church in Corn-hill . fol. 18 A strange Tomb found in St. Mary Hill Church . fol. 86 Of the Stock , and Salt Fishmongers , and their antiquity . fol. 89 Of the Stocks . fol. 84 Of the Steelyard , or Guilda aula Teutonicorum . fol. 97 Of sweet Wines . fol. 102 Of the Standard in Cheap . fol. 115 A Shank-bone and Tooth of a marvellous bigness in St. Laurence Church . fol. 118 Of Sion Colledge . fol. 302 Of St. Martin le grand , and the great priviledges it had . fol. 307 Of Smithfield . fol. 328 Of Southwark Ward . fol. 335 Of the Stew-houses allowed in times pass'd . fol. 337 Of the Suburbs of London . fol. 341 Of Suttons Hospital . fol. 343 The strange Judgements fallen upon the Duke of Somerset for Sacriledge . fol. 343 Of the Savoy . fol. 347 Of the shape of London . fol. 406 T. Of the Tower of London . fol. 23 Of the Lyon Tower. ibid. The Tower of London delivered to Lewis of France . fol. 24 Theon the Britain , first Bishop of London . fol. 39 Of Tower-street Ward . fol. 48 The Prerogatives of the Tower. fol. 48 Of the Tun , a Prison in Cornhill in times passed , now a Conduit . fol. 77 Of the Tower Royal. fol. 103 The Tragical end of William Fitzosbert . fol. 109 Great Tryumph in Smithfield in times pass'd . fol. 329 The Templer Knight arraigned in London . fol. 333 Twenty particulars , wherein the City of London may compare with any other City . fol. 385 V Of the Vintry Ward . fol. 101 The Vintners of old , called Marchant-Vintners of Gascogne . fol. 103 The Lady Venetia Stanley , hath a fair Monument in Christ-Church . fol. 311 Of the Upper Bench Court. fol. 363 Of Venice . fol. 386 Of Vienna . fol. 388 W. William the Conquerors Charter to the City of London . fol. 40 The Wardmote-Inquest a wholsome Constitution . fol. 39 Of the six and twenty several Wards of London . fol. 49 Westminster first called Thorney . fol. 80 Of Wat Tylar . fol. 81 Of Sir William Walworth , and the manner of his knighting . fol. 91 Of Wallbrook Ward . fol. 83 Whittington four times Lord Mayor , and thrice buried . fol. 103 The Weavers ancient Charter . fol. 123 Of Watling-street . fol. 318 Of Winchester-House . fol. 338 Of Wapping . fol. 341 Westminster and London compared . fol. 346 Of Westminster-Abbey , with the History thereof . fol. 353 Of White-Hall . fol. 356 A witty Speech of Henry the 4th of France . fol. 391 A witty saying of Charles the Emperor . in Epist . Of the Wardmore Inquest . fol. 394 A witty passage of Henry the Great , of France . fol. 404 A witty saying of Count Gandamar of London . fol. 404 A Catalogue of Mr. Howels Works , in several Volumes . Printed by Mr. Humphrey Mosely . 1. Mr. Howels History of Lewis the thirteenth , King of France , with the life of his Cardinal de Richelieu . Fol. 2. Mr. Howels Epistolae Hoelianae , familiar Letters , Domestick and Forreign , in six Sections , partly Historical , Political , Philosaphical , the first Volume with Additions , Octavo . 3. Mr. Howels New Volume of Familiar Letters , partly Historical , Political , Philosophical ; the second Volume with many Additions , Octavo . 4. Mr. Howels third Volume of additional Letters , of a fresher date , never before published , Octavo . 5. Mr. Howels Dodona's Grove , or the Vocall Forrest , in Folio ; together , with the second part in Folio , never printed before . 6. Mr. Howels Englands Teares , for the present Warres . 7. Mr. Howels pre-eminence and pedigree of Parliament , in duodecimo in an answer to Mr. Pryn. 8. Mr. Howels Instructions and Directions for forrain Travels , in Twelves , with divers Additions for travelling into Turky , and the Levant parts . 9. Mr. Howels Votes , or a Poem-Royal , presented to his Majesty , in Quarto . 10. Mr. Howels Angliae Suspiria , and Lachrymae in Twelves , Tumulus Thalamus , two Counter-Poems ; the first an Elegy upon Edward Earl of Dorset ; the second , an Epithalamium to the Lord M. of Dorchester . Parallels reflecting on the times . A German Dyet , or the Ballance of Europe , wherein the power and weakness , Glory and Reproach , Vertues and Vices , Plenty and Wants , Advantages and Defects , Antiquity and Modernness , of all the Kingdoms and states of Christendom , are impartially poiz'd , by James Howel Esq Fol. Parthenopoeia , or the History of the most Noble and Renowned Kingdom of Naples , with the Lists of all their Kings ; the first part translated out of the Italian , by Mr. Samson Lennard ; the second part continued to the present times , 1654. by James Howel Esq ; More of Mr. Howels Works , printed by other men . THe great French Dictionary refined and augmented , in a large Folio . A Survey of the Signiory of Venice , in Folio . A Dialogue 'twixt the Soul and the Body . The first part of the late Revolutions in Naples . The second part of the said Revolutions . The Warre of the Jews epitomiz'd . Sir Robert Cottons works , which he was desired to publish . Saint Pauls Progresse upon Earth . Some sober Inspections made into the Cariage and Consults of the late long Parliament . A Venetian Looking-glasse . A Winter Dream . The Trance , or Mercurius Acheronticus . A Dialogue 'twixt Patricius and Peregrin . An Inquisition after blood . The Instruments of a King. The late Kings Declaration in Latine , French , and English . Bella Scoto Anglica , or the Traverses of Warr , 'twixt England and Scotland . Mercurius Hibernicus . The Process and Pleadings in the Court of Spain , for the Death of Mr. Ascham , in Folio . Londinopolis , or a new Prospect of the City of London and Westminster . Three of all which Books are Translations , the rest his own Compositions . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A44731-e180 * The prime Bridge in Venice . A44732 ---- Londinopolis an historicall discourse or perlustration of the city of London, the imperial chamber, and chief emporium of Great Britain : whereunto is added another of the city of Westminster, with the courts of justice, antiquities, and new buildings thereunto belonging / by Jam. Howel Esq. Howell, James, 1594?-1666. 1657 Approx. 919 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 130 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A44732 Wing H3091 ESTC R13420 12539624 ocm 12539624 62937 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A44732) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62937) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 671:3) Londinopolis an historicall discourse or perlustration of the city of London, the imperial chamber, and chief emporium of Great Britain : whereunto is added another of the city of Westminster, with the courts of justice, antiquities, and new buildings thereunto belonging / by Jam. Howel Esq. Howell, James, 1594?-1666. [11], 124, 301-407, [9] p., 1 folded leaf of plates Printed by J. Streater, for Henry Twiford, George Sawbridge, Thomas Dring, and John Place ..., London : 1657. "Largely borrowed from Stow." Cf. DNB. Index: p. [2]-[9] at end. "A catalogue of Mr. Howels works ...": p. [9] at end. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. 2003-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-01 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2004-01 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion LONDINOPOLIS ; AN Historicall Discourse OR PERLUSTRATION Of the City of LONDON , THE Imperial Chamber , and chief Emporium OF Great Britain : WHEREUNTO Is added another of the City of WESTMINSTER , WITH The Courts of Justice , Antiquities , and new Buildings thereunto belonging . By Iam Howel Esq Senesco , non Segnesco . LONDON , Printed by I. Streater , for Henry Twiford , George Sawbridge , Thomas Dring , and Iohn Place , and are to be sold at their Shops , 1657. DE PONTE LONDINENSI Ejusque Stupendo Situ & Structurâ , Ad instar Celebris illius Hexastichi poetae Sannazarii de urbe Veneta — Viderat Hadriacis — Cum Londinensem Neptunus viderat Urbem , Vectus ibi propriis atque ; revectus aquis , Dum densam penetrat Syluam , Lucosque ; ferentes Pro ramis funes , pro foliisque ; Cruces , Cum superimpositum Torrenti flumine Pontem Viderat , et rapido ponere jura freto , Cum tantos muros , ferrumina , castra , tot Arcus Vidit , & haec tergo cuncta jacere suo , Arcus , qui possent totidem formare Rialtos Metiri si quis summa vel ima cupit ; Haec Deus undarum aspiciens , fluxusque ; retrorsum Tundere , & horrendos inde boare Sonos , Nunc mihi quanta velis Terrae miracula pandas Est primus Mundi Pons , ait , Iste Stupor . The same paraphrased in English. Of London-Bridg , and the Stupendous Site , and Structure thereof . When Neptune from his billows London spyde , Brought proudly thither by a high Spring-Tyde ; As through a floating Wood He steer'd along , And dancing Castles cluster'd in a throng ; When he beheld a mighty Bridg give law Unto his Surges , and their fury awe ; When such a shelf of Cataracts did roar , As if the Thames with Nile had changed her shoar When he such massy Walls , such Towrs did eye , Such Posts , such Irons upon his back to lye , When such vast Arches he observ'd , that might Nineteen * Rialtos make for depth and height , When the Cerulean God these things survayd , He shook his Trident , and astonish'd said , Let the whol Earth now all Her wonders count This Bridg of Wonders is the Paramount . To the Renowned City of London . To the Right Honourable , Honourable , and all others , Who owe their first Birth or wellbeing to so Noble a Metropolis . IT was a notable Character , which Cornelius Tacitus , ( that famous Register of Time , who had lived here many years ) did give of London about fifteen hundred years agoe , Londinum copiâ Negotiatorum , & Comeatu maximè celebre , London a most renowned Mart for multitude of Marchants , and Commerce . If She deserved such a Character in those dayes , what would She merit now ? who being compared to what she was then , may be said , in point of magnitude , to be as a large Volume in Folio , to a Book in Decimo Sexto : And , in point of Trade , as in an East Indy Carack , to a Quinbourough Oyster ketch . I have read of some , who have bin enamor'd of Cities , as others use to be of Mistresses : so Charles the Emperor , was struck with the love of Florence , when among other expressions he said , That she was a fair Lady , fit to be seen only on Holidayes ; So a French Baron was so taken with the City of Paris , ( which is known to be none of the neatest ) that he said , Could he live ever in Paris , he would quit his right to Paradise . And it is storied of Tamberlain , that having got Constantinople , the first Complement he put upon Her , was , that he had heard so much of Her rare beauty , that He came from so far off to Court Her ; but answer was made , that it was the Custom of Thrace , to Court fair Ladies , not with Trumpets and Drums , but with Dulcimers , and other melodious Instruments . I may well affirm , that London is not inferior to any of these , as will appear in a Parallel hereunto annexed : And having breath'd Air , and slept in her bosom , now near upon forty years ( except the times that I was abroad upon forren Employments , ) it is no wonder , if I be habitually in love with Her ; nor have I bin wanting to express it many times by dedicating unto Her the great French Dictionary refin'd , and enrich'd with divers Additionals ; Then in giving Her some warnings by the sad destiny of Jerusalem , in an Epitome that goes of Josephus ; I shewed my self also very sensible of Her case at that time , when I addressd unto Her Englands Teares , and Mercurius Acheronticus . nor is it long since , that I made publick love to Venice , and Courted Naples also , and I came off with no ill success ; I hope to do the like here . I know others ●ave treated already of the same Subject , and given a laudible account of the City of London , but Gold may be often told over without fouling the fingers . I have read near upon a dozen several Survayes of Rome and Venice , with other Cities , and I alwayes found new Observations ; But it is now above thirty foure years agoe , ( which are near upon five Ages in the Law ) since any thing was written of London , and Westminster her collateral Sister ; which tract of time , affords variety of accidents , which the Reader shall find in this new Account : wherein as I have bin careful not to pre●ermit any thing that 's Material , so my special Caution hath bin not to thrust in any frivolous pedantick things , or Superfluities , whereunto my nature hath bin alwayes averse ; Moreover , I promise the Reader , that he shall meet with many other Observations here , which were never yet drawn off the Presse , or exposed to publick light until now . I will conclude my Epistle with this Question , If it was esteemed an honour among the Greeks , to be born in Athens ; If among the Italians , to be a Roman ; If among the Spaniards to be a Toledano : why should it be lesse honour for an Englishman to be born in London ? My hearty prayers to Heaven are , for the incolumity , and welfare of this Great City , for the aversion of all Iudgements , and that she may still flourish with affluence of all Earthly felicity ; by which prayer I subscribe my self , Much Honoured Sirs , Your humble , and ready Servant , Iam : Howel . SOME ADVERTISEMENTS TO THE READER . THey who make researches into Antiquity , may be said to passe often through many dark Lobbies , and dusky places , before they come to Aula lucis , the Great Hall of light ; They must repair to old Archives , and peruse many mouldred and moth-eaten Records , and so bring light as it were out of darkness , to inform the present World , what the former did , and make us see truth through our Ancestors eyes . Now , though we commonly term Them that went before us our Ancestors , yet if we have respect to the extent of Time , and the Age of the World , we who live now , may be called the more Ancient ; For They lived , some of them in the Non-age , some in the Youth , some in the Adolescence , some in the virility of the World , And We who now crawl up and down the earth , may be said to live in the declining and doting old decrepit Age : Therefore if relation be had to true longaevity , We may be rather called the Older : Insomuch , that a Child born to day , as he is part of the Universe , and the product of Time , may be said to be more ancient then Adam , which I conceive to be the meaning of that common saying among us , The younger Brother is the ancienter Gentleman . Moreover , it is desired , that the discerning Reader be advertized , that Historians and Antiquaries , may well be compared to Architects , who in rearing up a Fabrick , although the Idaea , and design of the work , with the site , the contrivement of rooms , the contignation of parts and Symmetry , be wholly in themselves ; yet in point of Substance , they fetch their Materials from else where ; so the Historian and Antiquary , though the method , the style , and compilement be his , yet he hath his matter from others , either from Manuscripts , or printed Records , except these modern passages that are Synchronical with himself . Furthermore , an Historian may be compared to one walking in a Garden , and making a posie of Flowers , which he culs and plucks from divers beds and banks ; now , though the Flowers be none of his , yet the choyce of them , and twisting them together , to give the fuller fragnancy , and not to thrust in any unsavory vegetal , is solely his own work . The Lord Bacon's Henry the seventh , and my Lord Harbert's Henry the eighth , though the composition , and digesting be theirs , whereby they denominate the Books , yet , under favour , touching the main Ingredients , they took them from others , who had written the life of those Kings before : So , concerning this present Treatise , although the trace , and form of the Structure be mine own ; yet , I am so much the Child of modesty , as to acknowledge to have fetch'd most of my Materials from others , who preceded me in the same Subject ; as from Mr. Stow , and those industrious persons , who have made Additionals unto him : yet , as I gave a hint before in my Epistle Dedicatory , there be divers things inserted here , which are not found there , nor any where else ; besides those modern Occurrences which have happened since , and are contemporary with myself . THE CHIEFEST MATERIALS THAT Go to the Compilement of this new Peece . 1. A Proeme . 2. The Historical part of London touching her first Rise and Foundation , with her degrees of growth . 3. Of the Great and glorious Temple of St. Pauls , with its dimensions , and places annexed ; together , with the rest of the Churches in City , or Suburbs . 4. Of the 26. several Wards , Precincts , or Aldermanries of London , into which the whole City is divided . 5. Of the Political , and Civil Government of the City of London , as also of the spiritual . 6. Of the Walls , Streets , Gates , and Towers of London ; with the Prisons , and places of restraint . 7. Of the Inns of Court and Chancery , of the Doctors Commons , Gresham , and Sion Colledge , with the publick Schools . 8. Of the Twelve chief Companies , whence the Lord Mayor is extracted , with other Societies of Marchant Adventurers , and the 61. Corporations . 9. Of their several Halls or Guilds , dispersed up and down in convenient places . 10. Of the Great Tower of London , the Royal Exchange , of Guild-Leaden● and Bassings-Hall , &c. 11. Of the White , and Black , the Gray , Cruchet , and Austin Fryers , with other Religious Houses , as Nunneries and Hospitalls . 12. Of the famous , and great Navigable River of Thames , from the first Source , till she dischargeth her self into the Ocean . 13. Of London-Bridge , and her admired Structure ; which nevertheless , would see better , had she fewer Eyes , and that her Nineteen Arches were reduc'd to Nine . 14. Of the Prerogative , and great trust , the Lord Mayor , and the City , have for the over-sight , and repair of the said Bridge , with the Conservancy of the said River . 15. Of the City of Westminster , and the Abbey . 16. Of the Strand , the New Exchange , the Savoy , and all the Great Houses towards the Water-side . 17. Of the Covent Garden , Saint Giles , Lincolns-Inne-Fields , Saint Martins , and Drury-Lane , with all the late New Buildings . 18. Of Westminster-Hall , and all the Tribunals of Iustice , there sedentary , 19. Of the High Court of Parliament , and the Admiralty , &c. 20. A Parallel 'twixt London , and other Great Cities of the World , whereof divers are spoken of in the Corollary . LONDON London the glory ●f Great Britaines Ile Behold her Lands●●ip here , and tru pourfile . 1 St. Paul 2 White Hall 3 Suffolke house 4 Yorke house 5 Savoy 6 Somerset house 7 Arundell house 8 St Clemens 9 S. Dunstane 10 The Temple 11 S. Brides 12 S. Andrew 13 Baynards Castle 14 Queene Hythe 15 S. Pulche●s 16 Three C●●nes 17 The Waterhouse 18 The Still●●●● 19 Bow Churche 20 Guild Hall 21 S. Michaels 22 S Lorentz Poultney 23 Fishmongers Hall● 24 The Old Swan 25 The Bridge 26 Gray Church , 27 S Dunstan in the East , 28 Belinsgate , 29 Cristome house 30 The Tower 31 Tower wharfe , 32 S. Catharins , 33 S. Olaffe , 34 S. Marie Gveris , 35 Winchester house 36 The Globe , 37 B●●r Garden 38 The Swan , 39 Har●vwe on the Hill. 40 Hamsted , 41 Hygate 42 Hackney 43 Po●●tney , 44 ●ll Ships , 45 Gally Fuste , 46 Cool harbour , THE PROEME , OR FIRST ENTRANCE Into the City of LONDON . MY purpose is to give as exact an account , as my Enquiries can , of the renowned City of London , with her Suburbs annexed ; And , to proceed herein the more regularly , the foundation of my Discourse shall be layed with that of Hers , beginning with her first Rise or Original ; Then it shall grow up with Her , according to those Degrees of profection , that she is now arrived unto . From her Foundation we will bring you to her Walls , and so lead you in at her Gates ; whence you shall walk along her streets , and visit her Churches with other ancient Religious Houses , and publique Edifices ; Then we shall bring you to refresh your self at her Conduits , and Aquaeducts , her brooks , bourns , and Wells ; Afterwards , we shall gently lead you along over her Bridges , and so bring you to solace your self upon the rare , and renowned River of Thames , which we shall derive from her very source , and accompany her Stream all along , till she comes to pay tribute to the Ocean ; Then we shall make a perambulation in her severall Precincts , Divisions , and Wards . And because nothing displayes the prudence of a City more , then her political way , and method of Government , we shall endeavour to satisfie you in that point , and speak of her Magistracy , her Priviledges , her well-moulded Corporations and Companies , whereby we shall take occasion to revive the memory of those famous Patriots , and Worthies , which she hath produc'd and bred , with their Munificence , their Merits , and publique Monuments . We shall go on then to give the neerest conjecture we can make of her dimensions , in point of length and latitude , and of the number of humane souls , that usually dwell , and lodge within Her ; Nor shall we conceal some Clowds that have hung over her , and ill-favour'd clashings she hath had with her Soveraign Princes . And lastly , There will be a short Discourse by way of parallel , betwixt the City of London , and other the most populous great Marts of the World. Of the Foundation , and first Rise of the City of LONDON . IT is as difficult a task to finde out the Original of some Nations and Citties , as it is to finde out the Spring of the mysterious River of Nile ; which tumbling down with a horrid noise of Cataracts through so many huge Rocks , above two thousand miles , comes punctually every Summer solstice , to visit the gran Cairo ; and then takes her leave of Her , as punctually the Autumnal Equinox next following , having first impregnated the hot womb of Egypt , with a wonderful prolificall vertue , for the generation of so many species of Animalls , and Vegetalls . But to finde out the Original of the City of London , 't is not so hard a matter ; yet , there are variety of Opinions hereof , which we will briefly examine ; Ptolomy , Tacitus , and Antonine , call her sometimes Londinium , and sometimes Longidinium . Ammianus Marsellinus , calls her Lundinum , and sometimes Augusta , which is , the stately and magnificent City . There are some who call Her Troia nova , or Troynovant ; which appellation , Edward the first , in that famous long Letter he writ to Pope Boniface , about the Scots Nation , seemes to assert : Others call her Caer Lud , other Dinas Belin ; But that Opinion which quadrats most with truth , is , that her first Founders , and Godfathers , were the ancient Britains , ( whom we now call Welsh ) who by confession of all Antiquaries , both domestick and sorraign , were the Aborigenes , and first Inhabitants of this Countrey , being contemporary , and as it were concreated with the Iland her self ; There are three denominations , which are derived from the Britans , viz. Llhogdin ; Llhwndian , and Llhandian , which we shall endeavour to explane ; Touching the first , the Britans call a ship Llhong , and Dinan a Town . Insomuch , that Llongdin is no other then Shipton , or a Town of Ships ; And I have read of many Cities , who derive their names from Ships , as Naupactum , Nauplia , Naualia Augusti , Nauctathmos ; But none of these hath more right to assume the Title of Shipton , or Llhongdin ( according to the British ) as the City of London hath , in regard that she is situated , upon the gentle ascent , or flank of a Hill hard by a dainty Navigable River , which swelling at certain set houres with the Ocean Tides , she is able by her deep , and safe Channel to entertain the greatest bottoms and Ships , that can ride on Neptunes back , which makes Her so famous a Mart , those Ships bringing in all the rich Commodities that the VVorld can afford ; whereunto alludes old Robert of Glocester , in the Rimes of those dayes , which I thought worthy to insert here for the Antiquity of the Dialect . In the Country of Canterbury , most plenty of Fish is ; And most chase of Beasts about Salsbury I wis , And London Ships most , and Wine at Winchester , At Hartford Sheep and Oxe , and fruit at Worcester , Soap about Coventry , and Iron at Glocestor , Metal , Lead , and Tin in the Country of Exceter , Enorwick of fairest wood , Lincoln of fairest men , Cambridge and Huntingdon most plenty of deep venne , Ely of fairest place , of fairest sight Rochester . Touching the second British appellation Llhwndian , Caesar , and Strabo , do mention , that the ancient Britans called those Woods or Groves , which they had barrocadoed and fenc'd about with Trees cast down , and plash'd , to prevent all inrodes and assaults , they call'd such a place I say Llhwn , which is equivalent to a fenc'd Town , or dwelling , as the Poet sings of them . — Their Houses were the Thicks , And bushy queaches hollow Caves , and Hardles made of sticks . And 't is more then probable , that in that place , where St. Pauls Church now stands , there was a Wood or Grove at first , in regard there was a Fane or Temple erected there to the honour of Diana ; for Historians observe , that whereas Venus , Mars , and Vulcan were used to have their Temples in the Suburbs , Iupiter and Apollo within the City , the Goddess Diana was used to have her Temples set up in Woods , which might make the Britains denominate that place Llhwndian , which is as much as Diana's Grove or Town . As this derivation carrieth a great semblance of truth with it , so the third , viz. Llhandian carrieth as much , if not a greater verisimilitude , and weighs most with me ; The Brittains to this day , call a Church or Temple Llhan , whereof there be a great number in Wales to this day , as Llhangorse , Llhansawel , Llhandilo , &c. which signifieth the Churches of such places ; And whereas by the Current and consentient opinion of all Antiquaries , there was a Pagan Temple , or Fane erected to Diana , in that place where now St. Paul's stands , there being yet there a place called Camera Dianae , where Oxe heads and bones are daily found , which were used to be offered her as victims and sacrifices , I say , 't is more then probable , that the Britains were induc'd thereby to call the place Nhandian , which is the Temple of Diana ; and so in tract of time , the word was contracted , and came to be called London . Now , who was the first Founder of London , is no where precisely found . But whosoever first founded her , they shewed much prudence in the choyce of scituation ; For the happy and fortunate Estate of the City , hath given good proof , that built she was in a good houre , when some propitious Starre was then the ascendent , and marked for long life and continuance , and that she is for antiquity very honourable ; Ammianus Marcellinus giveth us to understand , that she was called an ancient City in his time , which is above twelve hundred years agoe ; Cornelius Tacitus doth seem to do the like three hundred years before , who gives her this Character , Londinum copiâ Negotiatorum , & commeatu valdè celebre for multitude of Merchants , and commerce , London is very renowned : This only was wanting to the glory thereof , that she had not the name of Free City , nor of Colony ; Neither indeed had it stood with the Roman interest , if any City flourishing with Trade , should have enjoyed the right of a Free City ; And therefore it was , as may be well supposed , that they ordain'd her to be a Prefecture , for so they term'd Towns where Marts were kept , and Justice administred , yet so that they had no Magistrates of their own , but rulers were sent every year to govern them , and for to execute Law in publick matters , namely of Tax , Tribute , Tolls , Customs , Warfare , &c. from the Senate of Rome ; Hence it commeth , that Tacitus the Panegyrist , and Marcellinus aforesaid , call her only a Town ; But although she was not lostier in name , yet in Wealth , Riches , and Prosperity , she flourished as much as any other , yea and continued alwayes the same , under the Dominions of Romans , Saxons , and Normans , seldom or never afflicted with any great calamities . In the raign of Nero , when the Britains had conspired to recover , and resume their liberty , under the Conduct of Baodicia , the Londoncrs could not with all their vveepings hold Suetonius Paulinus , but that after he had leavied a power of the Citizens to ayd him , he would needes dislodge , and remove from thence , leaving the City naked to the Enemy , who forthwith surprized and slew some few , whom either weakness of Sex , feeblenesse of age , or sweetness of the place had detained there : Neither had she sustained lesse losse , and misery , at the hands of the Gaules , if she had not suddenly , and beyond all expectation by Gods providence bin relieved ; For when C. Alectus had by a deceitful stratagem , made away Cara●sius , who taking advantage of our rough Seas , and of Dioclesians dangerous Warres in the East , and withall , presuming of the Gauls , ( now French ) and most venturous Marriners , and Servitors at Sea , withheld to himself the Revenues of Britain and Holland , and born for the space of six years , the Title of Emperour Augustus , as his Coines here very oft do shew : When M. Aurelius Asclepiedotus had in a Battail slain Alectus in the third year now of his Usurpation of the Imperial Purple and State , those French who remained alive after the Battle hastening to London , would have sack'd the City , had not the Thames , who never fai●'d to help the Londoners , very opportunely brought in the Roman Legions , who by reason of a Fog at Sea , were severed from the Navy : For they put the Barbarians to the Sword , all the City over , and thereby gave the Citizens , not only safety by the slaughter of their Enemies , but pleasure in beholding such a sight ; And then it was , as our Chronicles record that Lucius Gallus was slain by a Brook side , which ran almost through the middle of the City , and of him was called by the British Nantgall , in English Wallbrook ; which name remains yet in a Street , under which there is a ●ewer within the ground , to rid away the filth , and ordures of the City , Not far from London-stone , which I take to be a Mile-mark or Milliary , such as was in the Market places at Roms , from which were taken dimensions of all journies , every way , considering it is neer the midst of the City , as it lyeth in length . Neither is it probable , she was yet wall'd about ; But a little after our Stories report , that Constantine the Great , at the instance of his Mother Helena , did first fence her about with a Wall made of rough stone , and British Bricks , which took up in compasse , above three miles , so that it inclosed the Model of the City almost four-square , but not equal on every side , considering , that from East to VVest , she is far longer then from South to North. That part of this Wall which stood on the Thames side , is by the continual flowing , and washings of the River fallen down and decayed ; yet there appear'd certain remains thereof in Henry the seconds time , as Fitzstephen , who then liv'd doth testifie . The rest now standing , is stronger towards the North , which not many years since , was reedified by the meanes of Ioceline , Lord Mayor of London ; But towards East and VVest , although the Barons in old time , during their Warres , repaired and renewed it with the ruynes of the Iewes houses then demolished , yet it grew quickly , all thorow , out of decay ; For Londoners like to those old Lacedemonians , laughed at strong walled Towns , as Cot-houses for Women , thinking their own Cities sufficiently fenc'd , when they are fortified with bones , and not with stones . This Wall giveth entrance at seven principal double Gates ; for I willingly omit the smaller , which as they have bin lately repaired , so they have also new names given them ; On the West side there be two , to wit , Ludgate of King Lud a Britain ; or Flud-gate , as Leland is of opinion , of a little flud running beneath it , like as the Gate Fluentana in Rome , built again from the foundation ; This Gate was made a free Prison , Anno 1378 , Bremer being Major , which was confirm'd 1382. by a Common Councel in the Guild-Hall , where 't was ordained , that all Freemen of London should for debts , trespasses , accounts , and contempts , be imprisoned in Ludgate , where at first for lodging and water , they did not pay any thing . We go next to Newgate , the fairest of all the Gates so call'd from the newness thereof , whereas before it was call'd Chamberlane Gate , which now is the publick Gaol or Prison for Criminalls ; and also for civil actions , for the County of Middlesex . And it hath bin so many Ages , as appears by Records in King Iohns time ; as also in King Henry the third , who ( as an old Authour testifieth ) sent a Command to the Sheriffs of London , to repair the Gaol of Newgate . On the North side are four Gates , viz. Aldersgate , or Oldersgate from the antiquity thereof , or as others would have it from Aldrich a Saxon ; the second is Cripplegate of a Spitle of Cripples sometimes adjoyning thereunto ; The third is Mooregate , call'd so of a Moory ground hard by , which is now draind up , and made fair and firm , and turn'd into a field & delightful walks . Which Gate was first built by Fal●oner Lord Mayor , in the year of our Lord 1414. Then Bishopsgate of a Bishop the Benefactor ; which Gate the Dutch Marchants , or Hans of the Styliard were bound by Covenant both to repair , and defend at all times of danger and extremity . On the East side there is Aldgate , so named from the oldnesse , or Elbegate as others terme it , which hath bin oft re-edified ; It is thought , that two Gates more stood , besides the Bridge gate , by the Thames side , namely Belmsgate , now a Wharfe or a Key for the Scots Trade ; and Donregate or the Watergate , commonly call'd Dowgate . There be some Posterns besides that may go for Gates , as that of Christs Hospital , which was made in the Reign of Edward the sixth ; Another was made out of the wall lately into Moorfields . But the Postern by the Tower shews that it hath bin very ancient , and an arch'd Gate of much trust ; for in times past there was alwaies a person of quality who was Custos of that Posterne . Towards the Rivers side , there are also many water gates for the better security of the City . Where the wall endeth towards the River , there were two strong Forts or Bastions , of which the one Eastward remaineth yet , usually called the Tower of London , called in the old British Bringwin , or Tourgwin , which in English is , the White Tower ; a most famous and goodly Cittadel encompassed about with thick and strong Walls , full of lofty , and stately Turrets , fenc'd about with a broad and a deep ditch , furnish'd also with an Armory or Magazine of Warlick munition , with other buildings besides , so that it resembleth a Town of it self ; and one may well suppose , that those two Castles which Fitz-stephens recordeth to have bin on the East side of this City , went both to the making of this one : The other Fort was on the West side of this City , where Fleet a little riveret ran , whence Fleetstreet took its name , and in time , it was able to bear Vessels , as appears in some Parliament Rolls , which Riveret dischargeth it self into the Thames . Fitz Stephen calls this the Palatin Tower or Castle ; And they write , that in the Reign of William the Conqueror , it was consumed by fire , out of the ruines whereof a great part of Saint Pauls Church , was newly built ; And also on the very plot of ground where it stood , Robert Kilwarby ArchBishop of Canterbury founded a Religious House for the Dominican Fryars , whence we call the place Black-fryars ; whereby a man may easily guess of what bigness it was ; howbeit , in that place , stood in the dayes of Henry the second ( Gervase of Tilbury in his Book call'd Otia Imperialia is my Author ) two Forts or Ramparts , the one whereof belong'd to Bainard , the other to the Baron of Monfichet by right of succession , but nothing remaineth of them to this day ; yet some think that Pembroke House was a piece of them , which we term Bainards Castle , of Bainard a noble man of Dunmow , whose possession sometimes it was , & whose Successors the Fitz Waters were in right of inheritance , who were Ensign-bearers of the City of London , ( as shall be told hereafter ) and among them Robert Fitz water , had licence of K. Edward the first , to sell the Site of Bainards Castle to the forenamed ArchBishop Kilwarby . Neither was this City at that time wall'd only , but also when the Flamins or Pagan Priests were taken away , and Christian Religion established under that good Emperour Constantine , a Bishop was install'd in their room ▪ for it appeareth at the Councel of Arles , which in the year of grace 314 was held under the said Constantine the great , the Bishop of London was present ; for he subscribed , as it is to be seen in the first Tome of the Councel in this manner . Restitutus , Bishop in the City of London out of the Province of great Britain ; Which Restitutus and his Successors , had their Seat and residence as some affirm , as Saint Peters in Cornhil . From that time , London flourished in such honour , that she began to be call'd Augusta , and by that name was famous under the Emperour Valentinian ; For Ammianus Marcellinus in his 27 Book writeth thus , And going forward to London an ancient Town which posterity call'd Augusta : and in the 28 Book , He went from Augusta , which men of old time call'd London ; Whence it came that after Constantine's time , there was a Mint appointed therein ; For we read in those Pieces of Money , which he caused to be stamp'd in honour of his Father Constantius , and in others ; this was the Inscription , P. Lon. S. that is Pecunia Londino signata , Mony stamp'd in London . He who had the charge and overseeing thereof under the Comes of Sacrarum largitionum , is in the Book of Notice term'd , Praepositus the saurorum Augustensium in Britannia , that is , Provost of the Treasury of Augusta or London , in Britany . For this name Augusta was a name full of Dignity and Majesty ; And both Founders and Repairers of Cities , when they hoped or wish'd , that such Cities would become flourishing and powerful , gave them significant names of good fortune ; But among the most auspicious names that be , none is more magnificent , none more auspicate and glorious than Augusta . For , this of Augustus , the most gracious & mighty Emperour Octavianus took unto himself , not without the judgment of the best learned . Sirnamed he was , saith Dio , Augustus as one of great Majesty above the nature of man : for what things be most honourable and sacred , are called Augusta : Neither had London this name for so high an honour , without the Licence of the Roman Emperours ; In regard that names could not be impos'd upon Cities without authority , as Virgil notes in that verse of his ; Urbem appellabant , permisso nomine , Acestam . The City , by permission , Acesta they did name . But as continuance of time has outworne this so honorable a name of Augusta : to it hath confirm'd that other most ancient name Londinum . Whiles it enjoy'd the foresaid name Augusta , it scaped fair from destruction by a rebellious rout of Ransakers ; But Theodosius the father of Theodosius the Emperour did cut them in pieces whiles they were encombred with their spoils , & entred , as Mareianus saith , with exceeding great joy in triumphant manner into the City distressed before , & overwhelm'd with grievous calamities ; And marching with his Army from thence , he by his valour and prowesse , so freed Britain from those intolerable calamities and dangers wherewith she was beset , that the Romans , as witnesseth Symmachus , honored him among other ancient Worthies , and men of high renown with the Statue of a man of Arms. Not long after , when the Romans Empire in Britain was come to an end , in that publick destiny , and fatal defection of the whole State , it fell unto the English Saxons , but in what sort , it is not well agreed on among Authors ; It is most probable that Vortigern to redeem himself , being taken prisoner , delivered it for his ransome unto Hengist the Saxon , considering that it did belong unto the East Saxons , whose Countrey also , as Writers do record , Vortigern upon that condition made over unto Hengist . At which time the state of the Church went also to wrack , and endured sore affliction ; the Pastors were either slain , or forc'd to fly , their flocks worried , and havock made of all , as well Church goods as others . Theon the last Bishop of London of the British blood , was fain to hide the holy Relique of Saints for a memorial , as my Author saith , and not for any superstition . But although those daies of the English Saxons were such , that a man might truly say , Mars then brandished and shook his weapons , yet was London neverthelesse , as Bede testifieth , a Town of Trade , and traffique , frequented by many Nations resorting thither by Sea and Land ; But afterwards when a more gracious gale of peace breath'd favourably upon this wearied Island , and the English Saxon began to professe Christianity , it also began to flourish afresh ; for Ethelbert King of Kent , under whom Sebert raign'd in this tract , as it 〈◊〉 his Vassal , and by courtesie , founded here a Church , and did consecrate it to Saint Paul , which being soon reedified and repaired , became at last most stately and magnificent , it was endowed by degrees with fair revenues , & livings , wherewith were maintain'd a Bishop , a Dean , a Chanter , a Chancellour , a Treasurer , fire Archdeacons , thirty Prebendaries , and divers other Incumbents and Officers , who might have a hansome subsistence thereby . The East part of this Church seems to be the newer , and more curiously wrought , having under it a very fair large arch'd Vault , which also is Saint Faiths Church ; It was built out of the ruines of that Castle Palatine ( spoken of before ) by Mauritius the Bishop , about the year of our Lord 1086 , whereas it had been formerly consum'd by a wofull accidental fire , whereof William of Mamesbury writeth thus ; The beauty whereof is so magnificent , that it deserves to be numbred in the rank of the most excellent Edifices , so large as that arck'd Vault underneath , and the Church above it of such capacity that it may seem sufficient to receive any multitudes of people whatsoever . Because therefore Bishop Maurice carried a mind beyond all measure in this project , he transmitted the cost and charge of so laborious a piece of work unto those that came after : In the end , when B. Richard his Successor had made over all the Revenues belonging unto the B●shoprick to the building of this Cathedrall Church ; sustaining himself and his family otherwise in the mean while , he seemed in a manner to have done just nothing , notwithstanding that he spent his whole substance thereabout , and yet small effects came thereof . The West part , as also the Cross Isle are very spacious , high built , and goodly to be seen by reason of such huge Columns , and are marvellously beautified with an arch'd roo● of stone . Where these four parts crosse one another & meet in one , there ariseth up a mighty large & lofty Tower , upon which stood a spire Steeple , cover'd with lead , mounting up to a wonderful altitude ; for it was no less than five hundred , and five and thirty foot high from the ground , which in the year 1087 , was set on fire by lightning , and burnt with a great part of the City , but being rebuilt , was afterwards fi'rd again with lightening about an hundred and fifty years ago , and was not perfectly repair'd ever since . The measure and proportion of this stately structure , shall be here set down out of an old authentick Writer , who saith , that Saint Pauls Church containeth in length 690 foot , the breadth thereof is 130 foot , the height of the West arch'd roof from the ground carrieth 102 foot , and the new fabrique from the ground is 88 foot high , &c. The ground belonging to this great Temple , in nature of a Coemitery or Church yard was of vast expansion , for , it reach'd North , as far as St. Nicholas market place ; West , almost as far as Ludgate ; and South , near to Baynards Castle : Now , as they say , that Rome was not built in a day , no more was this great and glorious Sanctuary , but a long tract of time , and some Ages pass'd before it came to be entirely compleated , and made a perfect Crosse , which is the exact shape of it . Nor did there want many advantages , according to the Genius of those times , to advance the work ▪ for persons of good rank , besides pecuniary Contributions , did labour themselves therein , in their own persons , thinking to do God Almighty good service , to have a hand in rearing up his Temple ; Besides , It was an ordinary thing , for the ghostly Father to lay penances upon some penitentiaries , as Masons , Carpenters , Bricklayers , Playsterers , and others to work so many daies gratis in the building , before they could get an absolution ; Insomuch , that it may be said , that as Pauls Church was partly ●ailt by the sinnes of the people , so it is now destroyed by the sins of the people . That there stood in old time , a Fane or Pagan Temple to Diana , in this place , ( as before was hinted ) some have more than only conjectur'd , for there are Arguments to make this conjecture good ; Certain old houses adjoyning are in the ancient Records of the Church call'd Diana's Chamber ; and in the Church-yard , while Edward the first raign'd , an incredible number of Ox-heads were found , as we find in our Annals , which the common sort at that time wondred at , as the sacrifices of the Gentiles : and the learned know , that Taurapolia were celebrated to the honour of Diana . But ever since this Temple was erected , it hath been the See of the Bishops of London : and the first Bishop it had under the English , some hundred years after Theon the Br●t●sh Bishop , was Melitus a Roman , consecrated by Austin Archbishop of Canterbury , in honour of which Austin , ( though flat against the Decree of Pope Gregory the great ) the Ensigns of the Archbishoprick , and the Metropolitan See were translated from London to Canterbury . Within this grand Cathedral , there lieth Saint Erkenwald , as also Sebba King of the East Saxons , who gave over his Kingdom to serve Christ : King Etheldred , who was an oppresser rather than a Ruler of this Kingdom , cruel in the beginning , wretched in the middle , and shameful in his end ; so outragious he was in connivency to parricides , so infamous in his flight and effeminacy , and so disastrrous in his death ; Henry Lacy Earl of Lincoln , Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster , Sir Simon de Burlie , a right noble Knight of the Garter , executed by encroch'd authority without the Kings assent , Sir Iohn de Beauchamp Lord VVarden of the Cinque-ports , Iohn Lord Latimer , Sir Iohn Mason Knight , William Harbert Earl of Pembrook , Sir Nicholas Bacon Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England , a man of a deep reach , and exquisite judgement ; Sir Philip Sid●ey , Sir Francis Walsingham , two famous Knights ; Sir Christopher Hatton Lord Chancellor of England ; and a great many Worthies more , lodge there until the Resurrection . Besides this Church , there is not any other work of the English Saxons extant in London ; for why , they continued not long in perfect peace , considering that the VVest Saxons subdued the East Saxons , and London began to be tributary to the Mercians ; Scarcely were these civil Wars hush'd , when a new tempest brake out of the North , I mean the Danes , who pitiously tore in pieces this whole Countrey , and shook this City very sore ; for the Danes brought her under subjection , but Alfred recover'd her out of their hands ; and after he had repair'd her , he gave her unto Ethelred Earl of the Mercians , who had married his daughter ; yet those wastful depopulators , did what they could afterwards to win her by siege : but Canutus , who specially by digging a new Channel , attempted to turn away the Thames from her , though the labour was lost , the Citizens did still manfully repel the force of the enemy ; yet were they alarm'd and terrified ever and anon by them , until they lovingly receiv'd and admitted as their King VVilliam Duke of Normandy , whom God design'd to be born for the good of England against those so many spoilers ; presently whereupon , the winds were layed , the clouds dispell'd , and golden daies shone upon her : since which time she never sustain'd any signal calamity , but through the special favour , and indulgence of Heaven , and bounty of Princes , obtain'd very large and great immunities : for she began to be call'd the Kings Chamber , and so flourished anew with fresh Trade , and concourse of Marchants , that William of Malmsbury who liv'd nere those times term'd it A noble and wealthy City , replenish'd with rich Citizens , and frequented with the Commerce of Occupiers , and Factors coming from all parts ; Fitz-Stephen living also in those daies hath left in writing , that London at that time counted 122 Parish Churches , and thirteen Convents or Monasteries of Religious Orders ; Moreover , he relates , that when a Muster was made of able men to bear Arms , they brought into the field under divers Colours 40000 Foot , and 20000 Horsemen . London about this time began to display h●r wings , and spread her train very wide ; Buildings did much increase , and the Suburbs strerch'd forth from the Gates a great way on every side , but Westward especially , which may be said to be best peopled , and the civillest part . For there , all the twelve Inns of Court are situate for the Students of the Law ; whereof fower being very fait and large belong to the Iudicial Courts , the rest to the Chancery : Besides two Inns more for the Servientes ad legem , or the Sargeants at Law ; ●ere such a number of young Gentlemen do so ply their Studies in all kind of Sciences , and other civilities , besides the Law ; that for a choyse way of Education and Gallantry , Sir Iohn Fortescue , in his Treatise of the Lawes of England , doth affirm , It is not inferior to any place of Christendom : The said four principal Houses are the Inner Temple , the middle Temple , Graies Inne , and Lincolns Iune ; The two former stand in the very same place , where in times pass'd , during the Raign of King Henry the second , Heraclius Patriark of Ierusalem , consecrated a Church for the Knight-Templers , which they had newly built , according to the form of the Temple , neer unto the Sepulcher of our Saviour at Ierusalem , for at their first Institution , about the yeer of our Lord 1113. they dwelt in part of the Temple , hard by the Holy Sepulcher , whereof they were so named , and vow'd to defend Christian Religion , the Holy Land , and Pilgrims going to visit the holy Sepulcher , against all Mahumetans and Infidels , professing to live in chastity and obedience ; whereupon , all men voluntarily , and with candid Christian hearts embrac'd and honor'd them : so that through the royal munificence of Princes , and other devout people , having got very fair possessions , and exceeding great wealth they flourish'd in a high reputation for piety and devotion ; yea , out of an opinion of the holiness of the men , and of the Place , King Henry the third , and many Noblemen desired much to be buried in their Church among them , where some of their Statues are to be seen crosse-legd to this day ; for so they were used to be buried in that Age , having taken upon them the Crosse to serve in the holy Warres , and vow'd the same accordingly : among whom , was William Marshall the elder , a powerful man in his time ; VVilliam and Gilbert his Sonnes Marshals of England , and Earls of Pembroke . Upon VVilliam the Elder , there were in the upper part engraven these words , Comes Pembrochiae ; and upon one side this Verse . Miles eram Martis , Mars multos vicerat armis . But in process of time , when with insatiable greediness , they had hoarded up much wealth , by withdrawing Tithes from many Churches , and appropriating spiritual Livings unto themselves ; and by other meanes , their riches turn●d to their ruine ; which may be one day the fortune of the Jesuites , as I heard Count Gondamar once say . For thereby , their former innocence and piety began to be stifled , they sell a clashing with other Religious Orders , their professed obedience to the Patriark of Ierusalem was rejected ; they dr●w daily more envy upon themselves , and an ill repute ; insomuch-that in the yeer 1312. this Order was condemned of impiety & other hainous crimes , & all this by the Popes Authority ; but specially , by the instigation of the French King , they were utte●ly abolished . Nevertheless , their possessions here , were by Authority of Parliament , assigned unto the Knights Hospitalers of St. Iohn of Ierusalem , lest that such Lands given to Religious and good uses , should be alienated against the pious Donors Wills. Yet it appeares in ancient writings , that this place , after the expulsion of the Templers , was the Seat and Habitation of Thomas Earl of Lancaster , and Sir Hugh Spencer , King Edward the seconds Minion , afterwards of Sir Aimer de Valence , Earl of Pembrook , and in the end turned to two Colleges or Inns of Court for the study of the Lawes ; The other two great Inns , were also the mansions of Noble men , Grayes Inne of the Lord Grey of Wilton , and the other of the Earls of Lincoln . Neer unto this , Henry the third erected between the two Temples , a House for Converts , as they call'd it , for the maintenance of those that were con●erted from Iudaisme to Christianity , which Edward the third afterwards made an Archive , to keep Rolls and Records in , and therefore 't is called to this day , The Rolls . In the yeer 1381. the Rebels of Essex and Kent , among other places destroyed and pulled down the Lodgings and Houses of this Temple , took out of the Church the Books and Records , that were in hutches of the Apprentices of the Law , carried them out into the street , and burnt them . The House they spoiled , and burnt also , out of an hatred they bore to Sir Robert Hales , Lord Prior of St. Iohn of Jerusalem , which was a place of so high a Dignity , that the Prior of St. John's , was accounted the first Parliamentary Peer of England ; But the said House at sundry times , was repaired again , and touching the Gate-house of the middle Temple , Sir Amias Paulet did build it up , while he remained Prisoner , having incur'd the indignation of Cardinal Wolsey , for an old grudge . The great Hall in the middle Temple was built about the yeer 1572. in the Raign of Queen Elizabeth . The Temple-Church had of old a Master , and four stipendary Priests , with a Clerk for the ministration of divine service , who had allowance given them out of the Revenues of St. John of Jerusalem , and that Hospital : but now by the revolution of time , and Ecclesiastical alterations , they have but one Minister to serve them . Of fresh water Rivers , Aqueducts , Conduits , and Fountains that belong to the City of LONDON . AS , the principal thing that conduceth to the health of humane bodies , is the blood that runneth through their Veins , so the chiefest thing that tends to the welfare of a City , is to have Springs and Conduits of fresh water run within her : therefore we will proceed now ; to give an account of those ancient and present Rivers , Brooks , Boorns , Pools , Wells , Conduits , and Aqueducts , which serve to refresh the City of London . In former Ages , until the Conquerors time , and long after ; the City of London was watred ( besides the River of Thames on the South part ) with the River of Wells , as it was then call'd , and on the West with water call'd Wallbrook , running through the midst of the City , to pay Tribute unto the Thames . There was another water or boorn , which run within the City through Langborn Ward , watring the East part ; In the West Suburbs was also another great Water call'd Oldborn , which had its fall into the River of Wells . Then were there 3. principal Fountains or Wells in the other Suburbs , to wit , Holy Well , Clements Well , and Clarks Well ; Near unto this last named Fountain , were divers other Wells , viz. Fags well , Skinners well , Tode well , Loders well , and Rad well . All which Wells having the fall of their over-flowings into the said River , much encreased the stream , and in that place , gave it the name of Well : In West-Smithfield , there was a Pool in Records , called Horse pool , and another in the Parish of St. Giles without Cripplegate ; Besides which , they had in every street , and lane of the City , divers fair Wells , and fresh Springs , after which manner , the City was then served with sweet and fresh waters , which being since decayed , other meanes have bin found to supply the want : But the prime and principal device was found out by that worthy Briton , and Citizen of London , Sir Hugh Middleton , by whose wit , care , and cost , the new River of Ware was brought from Chadwel , and Amwel , to water and refresh the heart , and bowels of the City ; The business was long in suspence , and under weighty deliberation , it receiv'd heat and cold a long time , being exposed to so many difficulties , and vast expence , able to terrifie the stoutest man. At last , courage and resolution , with a love to the publique good met in the breast of the Adventurer , and spur'd him on to so glorious an enterprise , which hath proved so happily commodious , and of such infinite utility to the whole City , that had he lived under some other Meridians , that I know , he should have had his Statue erected in the eminentest place of the City , to eternize his name & transmit his memory , and keep it fresh ( like his waters ) to all future Ages ; Now as Mr. Stow speaks very ingeniously , if those enemies to all good actions , Danger , difficulty detraction , contempt , scorn , & envy , could have prevail'd by their malevolent interposition , either before , at the beginning , and in the very birth of the attempt , and a good while after ; this work had never bin accomplished . 'T is true , Queen Elizabeth gave way , by act of Parliament , to her Citizens of London , and power for cutting and conveying of a River from any part of Middlesex or Hartfordshire into the City of London , with a limitation of ten years time for the performance thereof ; but that Enterprize expir'd with her life : King James her immediate successor , did grant the like , but without-date of time for the same effect ; And when the courage of others were quite quail'd and utterly refused the business , Sir Hugh Middleton did undertake it , and ●o with infinite pains , and no lesse expence , he finish'd the work , by bringing a River of wholsom fine chearful water from Chadwel and Amwel , to the North side of London , near Islington , where he built a large Cistern to receive it , The work began the 28. day of February , Anno Dom. 1608. and in the compa●s of five years was fully compleated . Touching the Aquaeduct , or the conveyance thereof to London , it hardly can be imagined , what difficulties and rubs there were in the way , by reason of the various qualities of grounds , through which the water was to passe ; some being ozie , ●oft , and muddy ; others again as stiffe , and craggy ; The depth of the Trench in some places descended full thirty foot and more , whereas in other places , it required as much artifice , to mount it over a valley in troughs betwixt Hills , and those troughs to be supported by woodden Arches , some of them fix'd in the Earth very deep , and rising in height above 23. foot . Being brought to the foresaid great Cestern , the water was not yet let in , till on Michaelmas day , Anno 1613. being the day that Sir Thomas Middleton , Brother to the said Sir Hugh , was elected Lord Maior of London for the year ensuing . In the afternoon of the same day , Sir John Swinerton , then Lord Maior , accompanied with the said Sir Thomas , Sir Henry Mountague , Recorder of London , and many of the worthy Aldermen , rode in a solemn manner , to see the great Cestern , and first issuing of the strange River thereunto , which then was made free Denizon of London , and the Solemnity was thus . A Troop of Labourers to the number of threescore , or more , well apparell'd , and wearing green Monmouth Caps , after the British manner , all alike , carried Spades , Shovels , Pickaxes , and such like Instruments of laborious Employment , and marching after Drums , twice or thrice about the Cistern , presented themselves before the Mount , where the Lord Mayor and the Aldermen were , where after a handsome speech , the Flud-gates flew open , the stream ran chearfully into the Cistern , the Drums and Trumpets sounding in triumphant manner , and a gallant peal of Chambers gave a Period to the entertainment . A noble achievement it was , as this reracted to Sir Hugh Middleton , doth partly set forth , which never saw publique light until now . Ad Hugonem Middleton equite●s Auratum de stupenda hac aquarum operâ . Compita qui fluvium per Londinensia dūxti , Ut jam quisque suis vicus abundet aquis , Non Aganippe tuas satis est depromere laudes , Haec scaturigo nova quam tibi fundit aquae . Of the famous , great Navigable River of Thames . VVEE will go now from the New River to the Old , the Famous and Ancient River of Thames , and find out her source , bed , and streams . She hath her head or spring out of the flank of a hill in Catswold Downs , about a mile from Tetbury , near unto the Fosse , a high road , so call'd in ancient times , where it was heretofore call'd Isis or the Ouse , from hence it runs towards the East , not without some Meanders and windings , and meets with the Cirne or Chiurne , a Brook whereof Cirncester town by which it runs takes the name ; From hence it hasteneth to Creekelade , otherwise call'd Crekanford , Lechlade , Ratcotebridg , Newbridg , and Ev●sham , receiving in her passage many other small Rivelets , Brooks , Becks , and Rundels ; And on this side the Town , divideth her self into two streams , whereof one goeth streight to Hincksey and Botley , the other passeth by Godstow ; This latter spreadeth it self for a while into divers small streams , which run not far before they meet again , and then embracing sundry fruitful Medowes , she passeth at length by Oxenford , who some imagine should rather be call'd Ouseford of this River , where she joyns with the Charwell , a little from whence the original branches do joyn , and keep company to Abbandune or Abington , call'd by some Senshum , although at first no part of her did approach so near the Town as now she doth , till a branch thereof was led thither by the main stream , through the industry of the Monks , as 〈◊〉 by the decay of Caerdoure , now call'd Dorchester , sometimes the high road from Wales , and the West Countrey to London ; From hence she goeth to Dorchester and so into Tame , where contracting friendship with a River of the like name , she loseth the name of Isis or Ouse , whereof Ousenny or Osney at Oxford is derived ; and from thence she assumes the name of Thamesis all along as she glides ; From Tame she passeth to Wallingford , and so to Rending , which in ages pass'd was call'd Pontium in regard of the number of Bridges ; There she receives the Kenet which comes from the hills that lye about Marleborough Westward , and then the Thetis , commonly call'd the Tyde , that comes from Thetisford . She hasteneth thence to Sudlington otherwise call'd Maydenhead , and so to Windlestore or Winsore , Eton , and then to Chertsey , where Erkenwald Bishop of London did erect a Religious house or Cell . From Chertsey she directs her course to Stanes ; and receiving another stream by the way call'd the Cole ( whereupon Colebrook stands ) she goes by Kingstone , Richmond , Sheene , Sion , & Brentford or Bregentford , where she meets with the Brane or the Bren● , another 〈◊〉 descending from Edgworth . From Brentford she visits Morlach , 〈…〉 Cheisoy , Lambeth , Westminster , and so to London . Having accompanied our gentle , and smooth-gliding Ri●●r now to London , she now makes great haste to meet with Neptune her lovely husband ; the first water she greets is the Brome , on Kent side , West of Greenwich ; whose spring is Bromis in Bromley Parish , and so goeth thence to Lewshant taking 〈◊〉 from the East : The next water she meets withal , is on Essex side , almost against Woolwich , and that is the Lee ; And being pass'd that , the Darwent also dischargeth her self into the Thames on Kent side , two miles and more beneath Erith having its rising at Tunbridge , or Tanridge . The next River that disgorgeth her self into the Thames , is West of the Wam Isles , a rill of no great note , or long course ; for rising about Coringham it rune not many miles East and by South , till it falls into the mouth of this River ; Last of all the Thames takes acquaintance , and mingleth with Medway a con●derable River watering all the South parts of Kent . This noble navigable River flows , and fills all her Channels twice ev'ry natural day , by the flux and reflux of the Sea , which holdeth on for the space of 70 miles within the main Land ; the stream or tyde being highest at London ▪ when the Moon doth exactly touch the Norh-east , and South or West points or the Heavens , whereof one is visible , the other underneath us : These rydes do also differ in their times , each one coming later than the other by so many m●nutes as passe ; yet the revolution and natural course of the Heavens , do reduce and bring about the said Planet to these her former places , whereby the common difference 'twixt one tyde and another , is sound to consist of 24 minutes ▪ which wanteth but twelve of a whole hour in 24 as experience doth confirm ; In like manner we daily find that each tyde is not of equal heighth and fulness ; For at the 〈◊〉 and the Change of the Moon , we have the highest ●●ouds , and such is their extraordinary course that as they diminish from their Changes and Fulls , unto their first and last Quarters , so afterwards , they encrease again until they come to the Fall and Change ; sometimes they rise also ●o high , e●pecially if the wind be at the North or North-east , which brings in the water with more vehemency , because the tyde which fills the Channel cometh Northward , that the Thames often inounds the bankes about London , which happeneth most frequently in Ianuary and February , which makes the grounds , afterwards more ferti●e . Neither do the tydes after a whit , unlesse some impetuous winds from the West or South-west , do keep back and check the stream , as the East and North-East do hasten the coming in thereof or else some other extraordinary occasion put by the course of the German Seas , which do fill the River by their n●tural 〈◊〉 , and flowings ; And the probabiest reason why three or four tydes do chop in in one day is , because the winds blowing more strong than ordinarily North or North-east , make the Sea to rush in with more speed , and abundance or water . The Land streams or white waters , do oftentimes thicken the finenesse of the River , in so much that after a Land floud , 't is usual to take up Haddocks with ones h●nd beneath the Bridge , as they float aloft on the water , their eyes being so blinded with the thicknesse of the water , that they cannot see whither they swimme ; and how to make shift for themselves before the poor crea●●re be surpriz'd , otherwise the Thames water useth to be as clear and 〈◊〉 , as any such great River in the world . Having gone along so fat with this great goodly River , even from her source until she di●●mboques , and payes Tribute to Nepume , and cast her self into his imbraces , It will be now expedient to go on further , and acquaint the Reader with the jurisdiction , and Prerogatives of the Th●mes , with the extent thereof , Which begins at a place call'd Colnie ditch , a little above St●nes-bridge , We●●ward as far as London-bridge , and ●rom thence to a place call'd Yendil , 〈…〉 and the waters or Medmay , all which extent is under the jurisdiction and conservancy of the Lord Mayor , the Comminalty , and Citizens of London . True it is , that there have been some Contests betwixt the Lord Mayor , and the Lord high Admiral of England , concerning the said Jurisdiction and power , but after a fair and judicial Tryal in open Court , the controversie was decided in favour of the City ; and the Lord Mayor adjudged to be Conservator of the Thames . There were also some other controversial points about the Rivers , of Thames and Medway , but all differences were absolutely concluded Anno 1613 , Sir Iohn Swinerton being then Lord Mayor , and Mr. Sparry being then his Deputy , or respective Bayliff for the execution of such a great trust repos'd in him . Ever since , is well as in former times , the Lord Mayor of London hath been styl'd the Conservator of the said River , within the forenamed limits and bounds , having plenary power to inflict punishments upon all transgressors relating to the said Rivers ; the Water-Bayly of London being his substitute . And whereas there are a company of Fishermen call'd Tinckermen , frequenting the River of Thames Eastward , who in times pass'd have been reported , and found out to make an infinit destruction of the young brood or fry of fish , by using unlawful Nets , and other Engines feeding their Hoggs with them ; by the singular care and cost of the Lord Mayor , and vigilance of the City , those prohibited Engines and Nets , are now quite suppress'd , and a true , and orderly manner of fishing brought into use , that such a havock may not be made of the young fry . Moreover , there are a great number of other kind of Fishermen , beside Tinckermen belonging to the Thames , call'd Hebbermen , Petermen , and Trawlermen , that had lived in former times , by unlawful fishing on the said River , to the destruction of the young fish , as aforesaid ; but now they are restrain'd , and regulated to a more orderly way of fishing . There have bin other kind of abuses reformed herein , as upon complaint made to the Lord Mayor , concerning certain Timbers standing in Tilbury Hope ; a matter not only dangerous to the Passengers , but a cause also to destroy the young brood of fish , by the dammage those Timbers did to the Fishermens Nets , in regard of their continual standing in the main course , and cur●ent of the River : that great grievance was speedily redressed , by the providence and prudence of the Lord Mayor , and the Water-Bayly . Furthermore , there hath been care taken , to clear and cleanse the said noble River Westward of seventy nine stops or hatches consisting of sundry great stakes and piles , purposely erected by Fishermen for their private lucre , and standing illfavouredly for passengers near unto the Fair deep ; but none of them remain now , but such as stand out of the passable high stream , and can be no prejudice to passers by ; yet some are permitted to be planted at the waters bottome , and so they serve as a great succour to the young brood of fish , being placed so remote on the River . Nor is this provident care for security of passengers , and conservation of the young fry or fish , a new thing , for it appears that the like course was kept in the Reign of Henry the fourth , and after in Henry the eighth , as Records and Chronicles do shew . Moreover , there is a watchful eye , that no carren , or dead carkasses be thrown into the River to pollute , or infect the stream . To all these intents and purposes , the Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen his Brethren with the under Officers , do use to meet eight times yearly , in the four Counties of Middlesex , Surrey , Kent , and Essex , and have a judicial sitting for maintenance of the Rivers Rights , and Priviledges , where they have power to empanel Juries , to make Inquisition after all offences committed upon the River within their extent ; And as the Verdict given up by the Jury make it appear , so they proceed to the punishment of the transgressors , according to the quality of the offence : and it is worthy the observation , to know the manner of their so solemn proceedings , whereof this instance shall be produced , extracted out of authentick Records . Sir Iohn Iolles Knight and Lord Mayor of the City of London , and Conservator of the River of Thames , and waters of Medway , assisted and accompanyed by the Aldermen ▪ and two Sheriffs then contemporary , and attended by the Recorder ; and the Sub-conservator , or Water-bayly , with fifty Officers and servants , took their Barges at Belmsgate the third of Iuly 1616 , and within few hours arriv'd at Gravesend in Kent , where a Session for the conservancy of the said River was kept before the said Lord Mayor , and his forenamed Assistants ; At which time and place , a Jury of the Freeholders of the said County , being sworn to enquire of all offences committed in any part of the River whatsoever , within the said County , the Common Sergeant of the City ( the Recorder being then absent upon extraordinary occasions ) deliver'd them a charge to this effect ; That , forasmuch as there had not been any Session of Conservancy in many years passed , kept by any Lord Mayor of London in that place , it was probable and evident they could not be well informed , neither of the Lord Mayors jurisdiction and power to reform annoyances and offences there , and to inflict due punishments upon the Offendors ; nor of the nature of the service to be by them performed in the course of their enquiry ; therefore he thought it convenient to make it known unto them , both the one and the other . Hereupon he shew'd them , The Jurisdiction of the Court of London in the River of Thames , from Stanes-bridge Westward unto the points of the River next the Sea Eastward , appear'd to belong to the City in manner and form following . First , In point of right by Praescription , as it appeareth by an ancient Book call'd Dunthorne , that , Civitatis fundationis , aedificationis , & constructionis causa erat Thamesis Fluvius , quorum vero Civitatis & Fluminis gubernationem tam Duces , Majores , Custodes , Vicecomites , Aldr. & magnates Civitatis memoratae hucusque obtinuerunt & habuerunt ; Whence he inferr'd , that the government of the River hath belong'd to the City , time out of mind . In 21. Hen. 3. Iorden Coventry one of the Sheriffs of the City , was sent by the Mayor and Aldermen , to remove certain Kiddles that annoy'd the Rivers of Thames and Medway , who ultra Yenland versus Mare , did take divers persons that were Offendors , and imprison'd them ; Whereupon , complaint being made to the King , he took the matter ill at the first , and sent for the Lord Mayor and Citizens to Kennington ; where , upon hearing of the matter before the said King ▪ the Cityes Jurisdiction over the said River , was set forth and allow'd , and the Complainants convinc'd , and every one of them amerc'd at 10 l. and the amercements adjudged to the City ; And afterward , their Nets were burnt by judgement given by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen in the Hustings , Moreover , 1. Richardi secundi , Writs were directed to the Sheriffs of Essex and Kent reciting the Cities Title , with command , not to suffer the Citizens of London to be molested contrary to the Liberties formerly granted , and allowed unto them . Secondly , in point of right by allowance in Eire , the conservation of the Thames belongs to the City : for it was produc'd that 1. Rich. ● . before Hugh Bigot being Justice Itinerant , the Sheriffs and Citizens of London were call'd in question for their Jurisdiction exercised on the Thames , before whom it was found by a Jury in Southwark , Quod nullus habeat aliquid juris in Thamisia usque ad novum gurgitem nisi Cives Londonens . In the 14. of Ed. 2. the Constable of the Tower , was indited by divers Wards of London , before the Justices in Eire at the Tower , De muneris et recep . cove . pro kidellis in Thamisiis , et Constabularius ad Kidellas respondet quód Iustic . non habent jurisdictionem extra London plitum , inde cognoscere cum predict . kidelli sunt in aliis comitatibus , et Justic. dixerunt , Aqua Thamisiae pertinet ad Civitatem London usque mart , & si velit respondeat , who then pleaded , Not guilty . 3. He went further , that this Jurisdiction belonged to the City by ancient Charters , 8. R. 1. Dominus Ricardus Rex , filius Regis Henrici secundi concessit , & firmiter praecepit , ut omnes Kidelli qui sunt in Thamisia amoveantur ubicunque fuerint in Thamisia ; 1. Ioh. Rex . concessit , & firmiter praecepit , ut omnes kidelli qui sunt in Thamisia vel in Medway amoveantur , & ne caeteri kidelli alicubi ponantur in Thamisia vel in Medway super sort : X. li. sterlingorum . Then he urg'd the famous Charter of King Henry the third , which ran thus . Henry by the Grace of God , King of England , Lord of Ireland , Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine , and Earl of Anjou unto all Archbishops , Bishops Abbots , Priors Earls , Barons , Justices Sheriffs , Stewards , Ministers , and to all Bayliffs , and to all his true Men , Greeting : Woreth well , that We for the health of our soul , and the health of the soul of King John our Fader , and the souls of all our Ancestors ; and also for common profit of our City of London , and of all our Realms , have granted , and steadfastly commanded ; That all the Weares that be in Thames , or in Medway be done away ; And that from henceforth no Weares be set in Thames or Medway , upon the forfeiture of 10. l. Also we claim quit to our Citizens of London all that , that our Constable of our Tower of London , was wont to take of the said Weares . Wherefore we will , and steadfastly command that no Constable of the aforesaid Tower , at any time from henceforth forward any thing ask , nor any grievance do , to any of the same City , by enchesen of the same Weares ; It is to us known enough , and by true men , do us to understand , that most privacy , and most profit might fall into the same City , and to the whole Realm by enchesen of the same weares ; which we make for ever firm and stable unto the same City , as the Charter of our Lord King John , our Fader , which our Barons of London , thereof have reasonably witnessed . Witnesses , Eustace of London , Peter of Winchester , &c. At Westminster the 18. of February , the year of our Reign eleven . Besides these , he produced divers others in this Kings Raign . 4. This Jurisdiction belongs to the City of London , by Acts of Parliament . W. 2. ca. 47. An. 13. No Salmons to be taken , from the Nativity of our Lady , unto St. Martins day in all points ; Nor none to be taken in Mill-pools , from the midst of April , until Midsummer , 1. Offence , burning of Nets , and Engines . 2. Offence , imprisonment for a quarter of a yeer . 3. A whole year , 13. R. 2. confirms the restraint of taking Salmons in many waters , from the midst of April , until Midsommer , upon the same pain ; nor within that time to use any Nets call'd Stalkers , nor any other Engine , whereby the fry may be destroyed . 1● . Eliz , None shall with any manner of Net , Wee le , Butcaining , Kepper , limecreele , rawfagnet , trolnet , trimnet , scalboat , weblister , sturlamet , or with any other device or Engine , made of cheare , woolbine or Canvas , or shall by any heeling Nets , or Trimbleboat , or any other device , Engines , Caut●lles , wayes or meanes soever , heretofore made or devised , or hereafter to be made or devised , take , or kill any young brood , spawn , or fry of Eeles , Salmon , Pike , or Pickrel , or of any other Fish or Flud-gate , Pipe , or tail of any Mill , Weare , or in any streights , streams , brooks , Rivers , salt or fresh . 2. None shall take or kill any Salmon and Trouts , not being in season , being Kepper Salmons , or Kepper Trouts , or Shedder Salmons , or Shedder Trouts , &c. The Mayor of London , inter alia , shall have full power and Authority by this Act , to enquire of all offences committed contrary thereunto , by the Othes of 12 men or more , and to hear and determine all and every the same , and inflict punishments , and impose fines , accordingly . 5. Then he proceeds to assert the Cities Right , to the conservation of the Thames , and waters of Medway , by way of Inquisition , whereof there were two : the one taken at Raynam in Essex , the other at Gravesend in Kent , 9. Hen. 5. before William Grocer , then Lord Mayor of London ▪ where it was presented , That whereas by the ancient Ordinances of London , the Mesches of Nets should be two Inches in the forepart , and one inch in the hinder part ; and it being found , that the offences according to the said Inquisitions are contra libertates & consuetudines Civitatis , it was adjudged , that the Nets should be burnt , according to the ancient custom in that behalf provided . 6. He goes on after , to prove that this Right belongs to the City by Decrees . In 8. Hen. 4. The Mayor and Aldermen did exhibit their humble Petition to the Kings Councel reciting ; That , time out of minde , they have had the conservation and correction of the River of Thames , of all trinks , nets , and other Engines whatsoever in the River of Thames , and Medway placed , and have used to make a sub-Conservator under them ; and complaining , that Alexander Bonner , then sub-Conservator , having discharg'd his duty , in removing Kiddels , he was ill entreated by the owners , the same owners dwelling in Erith , Putriferry , Barking , Woolwich , and other places in the Counties of Kent , and Essex : and upon hearing of the matter in Camera stellata , they were sound guilty , and constrained to submit themselves to the Lord Mayor , and ordered to bring alwayes their Nets unto him , before they should use them . And that the Kiddles then taken , should be at the disposition of the Lord Mayor ; so the Offendors made their submission accordingly . 7. He proceeds ; This right appertains to the City of London , by Letters Patents , which he proved by a grant made by Edward the 4th , to the Earl of Pembroke , for setting up a Weare in the River of Thames : which grant was revok'd and annul'd , at the instance of the Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen , upon shewing their right : therefore alledg'd , It was contrary to their ancient Customs . At which time , the Cities Title to the conservacy of the Thames , and Medway , was at large set forth , and recited to have bin shewn to the Lord Chancellour , and to the said Earl and his Councel , which accordingly was allowed . 8. He reinforceth the right of the City by Proclamations , whereof one was made by Hen. 8. in 34. of his Raign , wherein it is affirmed , that the Lord Mayor and his Predecessors , have had by divers grants of the Kings of England , and , by Acts of Parliament , enjoyed alwayes the conservacy of the Thames , without impediments , or interruption ; By which Proclamation , it was commanded that none should resist , deny , or impugne the Lord Mayor , or his Deputy , in doing or executing any thing that might conduce to the conservacy of the River , and of the fish and fry within the same . 9. He produceth Report ; for in a controversie 'twixt the Lord Admiral , and the Lord Mayor , for the measuring of Coles , and other things upon the Thames , it then fell into debate , to whom the Conservacy of the River appertain'd ▪ which cause was referred by Queen Elizabeths Councel of State , 1597. to the Atturney General , and Solicitor , who joyntly certified among other things , that the Conservacy and care of the River did , and ought to belong to the City of London , 10. By quo Warranto , 't was proved , that the Conservacy of the Thames belongs to the City , for 3. Jacob● ▪ a quo warranto , was brought against the City in the Exchequer , to know by what Title she claimed the Conservacy of the River of Thames , & the waters of Medway : whereupon the City made her Title good thereunto , by ancient prescription , and otherwise ; so judgement was given in her favour . 11. He goes on afterwards to confirm the right of the City , by proof of usage ; in regard the Lord Mayor and Aldermen have time out of minde , made Ordinances concerning the good Government of the River of Thames , as well for the seasons and manner of fishing beneath London Bridge Eastward , upon pain of penalties , as it appears from time to time , from the Raign of Hen. 3. and so downward : the Lord Mayor hath removed Kiddels , Weares , Trinks , and other unlawful Engines , and hath reformed the disorders of such as have offended besides , in the River of Thames , and inflicted punishment , upon Offendors accordingly . The right of the City appeares also by the Writs and Precepts under the teste of the Lord Mayor , to the Sheriffs of Kent and Essex , for the returning of Juries before him , to enquire of Offences done in the River . The same right of the City , appeares also by Commissions , whereof divers have bin directed to the Lord Mayor , to put in execution the Acts of Parliament , made for the Conservancie of the Thames and Medway , and to enquire of all offences , made or done in the said waters , and to punish the Delinquents accordingly . Lastly , He makes good the Right and Title of the City , by the continual claim she made thereunto , as appears in those various contests she had with the Lord Admiral of England , wherein after divers debates and bandings , she kept still above water , and made her Title good ; which moved King James , Anno the 3d of his Raign , to put a final determination to the business by the Letters Patents , he passed unto the City , wherein he saith , that ad omnem controversiam in hac parte temporibus tam presentibus quàm futuris tollendam , & omne dubium amovendum , that to cut off all controversies , as well of the present times , as of future , and to remove all doubts , he did confirm and ratifie the said right unto the City of London . Thus was the Title , Prerogative , and right of the City of London stoutly , and strongly asserted by eleven pregnant , and convincing proofs , to the conservation of her dearly beloved Minion , the River of Thames , both by prescription ; by allowance in Eire ; by ancient Charters ; by Acts of Parliament ; by Inquisitions ; by Decrees coram ipso Rege ; By Letters Patents ; by Proclamations ; by Report of the learned Councel ; by a quo Warranto ; And lastly , by ancient usage , custom , and continual claim . Mr. Stow in his survey of the City of London , hath more about this business , then here is inserted , which made the last King Charles the first , to command Sir John Coke his Secretary , to write to Sir Henry Martin , Judge of the Admiralty , to this effect , That His Majesty understanding , that a second Edition of Stowes Survey of the City of London , was put new to sale , wherein there are some passages prejudicial to His Majesties Right in his Admiralty , and derogatory to the just power belonging thereunto , his Majesty did therefore require him , his Iudge in that high Court , to examine the said Bo●k , and to cause the said passages inserted in prejudice of the Admirals Iurisdiction , and in support of any other pretence against the same , to be left out , or else to prohibite the publishing , and sale of the said Book , &c. Sir Henry Martin having received this Letter , after the Book was printed , and publiquely sold , all that he could do , was to have Sir John Cokes Letter inserted in the last Folio of Stow , to stand there for a Cautionary Reserve , and Record for the future . Now , there be many things that concern the incumbency of the Conservator of so Noble a River , it being an Office of no small extent . His first duty is to preserve the currency of the stream , and the banks on both sides . Secondly , He must preserve the Fish and Fry within the same , He must prevent all Encroachments upon the River , and the banks thereof ; as also he must enquire of all Flud-gates , Mill-dams , and such like annoyances ; and whether any do hurl in any soyl , dust , or rubbish , or other filth whatsoever to choak her . But for the strength , and safety of the River , against the invasion of an enemy , by Block-houses , Forts , Bastions or Castles , and the securing of the Merchant , and Navigation to and fro , that charge belongs to the Soveraign Prince , and not to the City . But indeed , touching the former charge , circumspection and care of the River of Thames , it is most proper for the City of London , who lies perpetually by her Beds side , and therefore in a fit posture to be watchful of her : for which vigilance the Thames rewards her abundantly , by bringing her in the Spices of the South , the Jewels of the East , and Treasure of the West ; Insomuch , that it may be well said ▪ this Office of Conservatorship , or superintendency of so Noble and useful a River , is as a fair flower , or rich Jewel , in the Cap of maintenance . This famous River , taking all her advantages together , surpassing all other whatsoever , that pay tribute to the Ocean , if you regard the streightness of her course , the stilness of her stream , for her proportionable latitude ; as also her length , for she comes sporting along from her first source , above ninescore miles before she embosomes her self in the Arms of Neptune . Add hereunto , the great store , and variety of Fish she abounds withall ; the most delectable , and fertile soiles , on both sides ; And lastly the conveniency of her scituation being towards the Center of England . And then in her entrance to the Sea , she opens upon France and Flanders , having them both in her eye ; Besides , she hath another advantagious property , that to the knowing Native , the entrance into the River is safe and easie , but difficult and hazardous to strangers , either to come in , or go out ; Insomuch , that the Thames may be said to be Londons best friend , which puts me in minde of a passage of drollery , that happened in the time of King James who being displeased with the City , because she would not lend him such a sum of money , and the Lord Mayor and the Aldermen attending him one day , being somewhat transported , he said , that he would remove his own Court , with all the Records of the Tower , and the Courts of Westminster-Hall , to another place , with further expressions of his indignation . The Lord Mayor calmly heard all and at last answered , Your Majesty hath power to do what you please , and your City of London will obey accordingly ; but she humbly desires , that when your Majesty shall remove your Courts , you would please to leave the Thames behind you . Of the great and admirable BRIDGE In the City of LONDON over the Thames . HAving bin thus long upon water , and accompanied the Thames to Thetis lap , 't is time now to land , and take a view of her greatest Bridge , which , if the stupendious Site , and structure thereof be well considered , may be said to be one of the Wonders of the World : though , as some think , it hath too many Arches ; so that it may be said , If London Bridge had fewer eyes , it would see far better . Now as we ferch'd the Thames from her Spring , so we will fetch her Bridge from its first foundation . At first there was but a Ferry kept in the place where now the Bridge is built , at length the Ferriman and his Wife deceasing , left the said Ferry to their only Daughter a Mayden , who with other goods , left her by her Parents , together with the profits arising from the said Ferry , did build a holy House for Nuns ; in place whereof , the East part of St. Mary Overies stands now above the Quire , where she was buried : and unto that House of Nuns , she bequeathed the over-sight and benefit of the Ferry ; But afterwards , that House of Nuns being converted into a House of Priests , the Priests did build a Bridge of Timber , and from time to time , kept the same in good reparation , till at length , considering the great charges which were bestowed in the frequent repair of the woodden Bridge , there was at last , by the Contributions of the Citizens , and others , a Bridge built of Stone . The Timber Bridge had stood some Ages before ; for the Story saith , that when Sweyn , King of Denmark , had besieged the City of London , both by Water and Land in the year 994. the Citizens manfully defended themselves under their King Ethelred ; so that a great number of the Enemies was slain in Battel , and part of them were drown'd in the River of Thames , because they could not recover the Bridge : Add hereunto , that in the year 1016. Can●tus the Dane , with a great Navy came up to London , and on the South of the Thames caus'd a Trench to be cast , through the which his Ships were tow'd towards the West side of the Bridge , and then with a deep Trench , and streight siege , he encompassed the City about . Moreover , 1052. the Earl Godwin , with the like Navy , taking his course up the River , and finding no resistance on the Bridge , he sail'd up the South side . Further , 1067. William the Conqueror in his Charter to the Church of St. Peter in Westminster , confirmed to the Monks serving God there , a Gate in London call'd Buttolphs Gate then , with a Wharf which was at the head of London Bridge . We read likewise , that Anno 1114. in the raign of Henry 1. the River of Thames was so dryed up , and the water grew so shallow , that between the Tower of London and the Bridge , not only with Horse , but people might have passed over a foot . In the year 1122 , Thomas Arden gave to the Monks at Bermondsey the Church of St. George in Southwark , and five shillings yearly rent out of the Land pertaining to London - Bridge . There is also a remarkable Charter of Hen. 1. upon Record , to this tenor . Henry King of England , to Ralph Chichester , and all the Ministers of Sussex , sendeth greeting ; Know ye , I command by my Kingly authority , that the Manor call'd Alceston , which my Father gave with other Lands to the Abbey of Battle , be free , and quiet from Shiers and Hundreds , and all other Customes of earthly servitude , as my Father held the same most freely and quietly , and namely from the work of London-Bridge , the work of the Castle at Pevensey : And this I command upon my forfaiture . Witnesse William de Pontdelarche at Berry . The first year of King Stephen , a fire began in the house of one A●lwards neer unto London-stone , which consum'd East unto Ludgate , and West to St. Erkenswald's shrine in St. Pauls Church . The Bridge of Timber upon the River of Thames was also burnt , but afterwards repair'd . Besides in the Reign of the said King Stephen , and of Hen. 2. men stood in great numbers upon the Bridge to see pastimes that were upon the River . In the year 1163 , that Bridge was not only repair'd , but built all of new Timber as before , by Peter Colechurch Priest , and Chaplain . This serves to shew , that there was a Timber Bridge a long tract of time over the Thames , which was maintain'd partly by the proper Lands thereof , partly by the Legacies and liberality of divers persons , and partly by taxations in divers Sheirs , at least 215 years before the Bridge of stone was erected . Now , about the year 1176 the stone-Bridge had its first foundation by the foresaid Peter of Cole-Church , near unto the place of the Timber Bridge , but somewhat more West , for the Chronicle saith , that Buttolphes WharF was at the end of London-Bridge ; The King not only countenanced , but assisted the great work , a Cardinal being then here Legate , and Richard Archbishop of Canterbuty , gave 1000 Marks towards the Foundation . The course of the River for a time was turn'd another way about , by a trench cast up for that purpose , beginning East about Radriff , and ending in the West about Patricksey , now call'd Battersay . This work to wit , the Arches , Chappel , and the Stone Bridge over the Thames at London , having been 33 years in building , was in the year 1209 finished , by the worthy Citizens of London , viz. Serle Mercer , William Almane , and Benedict Botewrite , being principal Masters of that Fabrique : for Peter Colechurch was dead four years before , and was as the principal Benefactor buried in the Chappel on the Bridge . Certain void places were given by King Iohn to build upon about London , the profits whereof were assign'd to maintain the Bridge . A Mason , being Master Workman of the Bridge , builded from the foundation the large Chappel on that Bridge upon his own charges , which Chappel was then endow'd with two Priests and four Clerks , &c. besides Chanteries ; After the finishing of this Chappel , which the first building upon those Arches , sundry Mansion Houses in tract of time were erected ; whereunto many charitable men gave Lands , Tenements , and sums of money towards the maintenance thereof ; All which was sometimes registred , and fairly written in a Table for posterity , which was put up in the said Chappel , till at last the said Chappel was turn'd to a dwelling House , and then remov'd to the Bridge-house : Now , in Hen. 7. time it stands upon Record , that all the payments and allowances belonging to London-Bridge , amounted to above 815 l. by which account made then , may be partly guessed the great Revenues , and incomes of the said Bridge , and to what improvement , and encrease it may be come unto by this time . But this noble Bridge , as other earthly things , hath suffer'd many disasters since : for four years after the finishing thereof , in the year 1212 , on the 10th , of Iuly at night , the Burrough of Southwark on the South side of Thames , as also the Church of our Lady of the Canons there , being on fire , and an exceeding great multitude of people passing the Bridge , either to extinguish and quench it , or to behold and gaze upon it , suddenly the North part by blowing of the South wind , was also set on fire , and the people which were then passing the Bridge percei●ing the same , would have return'd , but were stopp'd by the fury of the fire : and it came to passe as they stayed all in a consternation , and protracted the time ; the other South end of the Bridge , was also set on fire ; so that the people thronging themselves betwixt two raging fires , did nothing else but expect present death ; Whereupon , there came to save them many ships and vessels into which the multitude so inadvisedly rush'd in , that the ships being thereby ●unk they all perished ; And it was found that above three thousand souls perished by this disastrous accident at that time , whose bodies were found half burnt , besides those who were turn'd to ashes . Furthermore , in the year 1282 , through a great frost and deep snow , five Arches of London Bridge were born down , and destroyed : A little after , Anno 1289 , the Bridge was ●o sore decayed for want of reparations , that people were afrai● to pass thereon and a subsidy was granted towards the amendment thereof ; Afterwards , Sir Iohn Britain , being then Custos of London Anno 1381 , a great Collection was made by all the Clergy for the repair of London-Bridge . In the year 1381 , on St. Georges day was a great solemnity of Justs and Tournements upon London-Bridge , between David Earl of Crawford of Scotland , and the Lord Wells of England ; whereby one may infer , that the houses were not there so thick , at that time . The Tower on London-bridge , at the North end of the Draw-bridge ( which was then in a posture to be drawn up ) was built Anno 1426 , in the Majoralty of Iohn Rainwell . Anno 1471 , a house call'd the Common siege on London-Bridge , tumbled down into the Thames by death of diyers persons a little after . But in the year sixteen hundred thirty three , there happen'd a most raging dismal fire upon the North side of London-bridge , which by computation consum'd above the third part of the Buildings thereof ; But by the commendable care of the City , there are other goodly structures rais'd up in some of their rooms , of a stronger and more stately way of building , and pity it is , that the work were not compleated there being no object ( after the Church of St. Pauls ) that can conduce more to the glory and Ornament of this renowned City . Besides , this Bridge that may be call'd , the Bridge of the world , there are other inferior Bridges , which have still the names of Bridges that belong to the City of London , the first is Fleet-bridge in the West , fenc'd with iron Pikes , on which towards the South there be certain Lanthorns of Stones , for lights to be placed in Winter Evenings , for commodity of passengers ; Under this Bridge runs a water sometimes call'd , the River Wells , but since Turn-hill brook , and now Fleet Dike , because it runs by the Fleet under ground to the River of Thames ; this Bridge hath been far greater in times pass'd , but lessened as the water course hath been narrowed . Over the sayd River of Wells northerly stands Oldenbridge , now Holborn-bridge , so call'd of a boorn that sometimes ran down Holborn hill into the River ; this Bridge like Fleet-bridge-serves for passage only . Then comes Cow-bridge more Northerly over the same water near unto Cow-lane , but this Bridge being decayed , another of Timber is made more North towards Chicklane . There are some other small Bridges over the Town-ditch , viz. without Eald-gate , without Bishopsgat● , Mooregate , the Postern of Cripplegate , as also without Aldersgate , the Postern of Christs Hospital , Newgate , and Ludgate , which are now paved eaven with the streets ; only there remains one of Timber over the River of Wels or Fleet Dike . There have 〈◊〉 informer ages divers Bridges in sundry places over the course of Wallbrook ; but 〈◊〉 they are made levell with the pa●ements of the Streets , so that the water-course can now be hardly discover'd , being vaulted over with Brick . Of the chief Fortresse or Tower of LONDON . ANd now that we are come so near the famous and great Tower Palatine , or Cit●adel of London ; we will try whether we can get in thither , without paying fees , and take a view thereof as briefly as we can , it being an ill-favoured , and tedious thing to stay there long . I know it is the current vulgar opinion , that Julius Caesar , the first Conquerour , or rather indeed Discoverer of Britain , was the Original Founder thereof , but there is ●ery litle probability of truth in that for two Reasons ; The first is , the little stay he made here , during which he had other things to think on . The second is , that he himself who is so exact in his relations , specially if they conduce to his honour ; nor any other Roman Author , makes any mention of of such a work , or Fabrique ; Therefore , that opinion which approacheth truth the neerest , is , that William of Normandy the Conqueror , was the first tracer and erector of the Tower of London , as Edmond de Hadenham , an old English Antiquary affirms ; The first part that was built , was the great square and White Tower , ( though black to some ) which was about the year 1078 , whereof Gundulph Bishop of Rochester was principal Superviser and Surveyer , who was log'd then in the house of Edmere a Burgesse of London , as it stands upon Latine Record in the forenamed Author . Now it is to be considered , that at first the wall of the City was in many places furnish'd with sundry Bastions and Turrets in due distance one from the other , and divers stood on the waters side , where some of the said Wall extended at first , but the Thames with her ebbings and flowings , did as it were corrode , and subver● those Buildings on the South side ; Wherefore the Conqueror ( for then the Art of fortification was come to a greater perfection ) for defence of the City and River , pitch'd upon that place as most convenient , to erect a Bu●wark in the East part of the Wall. The White square Tower ( as was formerly said ) was first erected , and finished in the Conquerors time , but stood naked and single without other Buildings a good while : and the story ●aith , that in William Rufus time , it was by the injury of the Heavens , and violence of tempest sore shaken , and some part tumbled down , which was repair'd by the said Rufus and Henry the first , who also caused a Castle to be built under the said White Tower , on the South side towards the Thames , and he surrounded that also with a strong Wall ; Now , Henry of Huntindon relates , that VVill. Rufus challeng'd the inve●●iture of Prelates , and pill'd the people pitifully , to spend the treasure about the Tower of London , and the great Hall at VVestminster , whereof he was Founder . The first Keeper of the Tower of London was call'd Constable , Ostowerus . Acolinillus , Otho , and Geoffrey Magnaville , were the first four Constables of the Tower of London by succession , all which held a portion of Land that appertain'd to the Priory of the Holy Trinity near Algate , viz. East Smithfield , as belonging to that Office , making thereof a Vineyard ; and would would not part with it till the second year of King Stephen , when by judgment of the Court , it was restored to the Church . The foresaid Geoffery Magnaville , was at one time Constable of the Tower , Sherif of London , Middlesex , Essex ▪ & Hartfordshire , as the Chronicles relate ; He also fortified the Tower of London against King Stephen , but the King took him at last at St. Albanes , and would not free him till he had surrendred the Tower of London , with the Castles of VValden and Plashey in Essex . Richard de Lucie was Anno 1155 Constable of the Tower of London , and also of Cas●le the of VVinsore . About the beginning of the Raign of Richard the first , William Longshank Bishop of Ely , and Chancellour of England , for some dissentions 'twixt him , and John the Kings Brother , who was in Rebellion , enclos'd the Tower of London with an outward Wall of stone embattail'd , and also caused a deep ditch to be cast about the same , and thought to have environ'd it with the River of Thames . The Lion Tower was built by Edward the fourth & Frederick the Emperor , having sent for a present three Leopards : they were first kept at Woodstock ( which was the first Park of England seven miles about ; to the destruction of some Churches , and Chappels adjacent by Henry the third ) but afterwards , all such wild Beasts , as Lions ( which are call'd the Beasts of the Royall Prerogative ) together with Leopards , Linxes , and Propentines , have been kept in that part of the Tower , which is called Lions Tower ; And we read , that Edward the 2d . commanded the Sheriff of London , to pay 6d . per diem , to the Keeper o● the Lions and Leopards , for their sustenance ; and three half pence a day for the Keeper's diet , out of the Fee-farm of the City . In former times , there were persons of high quality that kept these Beasts ( whereof the Earl of Oxford was one ) and they had a Pension from the Crown belonging to the Office. Mr. Robert Gill a very worthy Gentleman hath the place now , and hath had it many years , No● was the Tower ever better furnish'd with Lions than it is now , there being six in all , young and old . Edward the fourth fortified the Tower of London , and enclosed with Brick a certain enclosure of ground taken from Tower-hill Westward , now call'd the Bullwark . His Officers also set up upon the said Hill a Gallowes , and a Scaffold , for the execution of offendors , whereupon the Lord Mayor complaining to the King , all the answer he had , was , that it was not done to the derogation of the City . In the year 1216 , the Tower of London was delivered to Lewis of France , by the Barons of England , who banded against the King ; Anno 1222. the Citizens of London , having made an uprore against the Abbot of Westminster , Huber● de Burgh chief Justice of England came to the Tower of London , and summoned before him the Mayor and Aldermen : of whom he enquired , and demanded the principal Authors of that Insurrection . Among whom one Constantine Fitzaeluphe confess'd that he was the man , saying undauntedly that he was the man , and that he had done much lesse than he had thought to have done ; Whereupon the Justice passed him over to Fulke de Brent , who with a band of arm'd men , brought him to the Gallowes where he was executed . Anno 1244. Griffeth the eldest Son to Luellin Prince of Wales , being kept prisoner in the Tower , devised means to escape , and having made a Line of the Sheets and Hangings , he put himself down from the top of the Tower , but in the sliding , the weight of his Body , he being a corpulent man , brake the rope with his neck together . King Hen. the 3d. imprisoned the Sheriffs of London , Anno 1253. for the escape of a prisoner out of Newgate . The same Henry with his Queen , to secure himself from rebelling Barons , kept his Court at the Tower , & sent for the Lords to hold a Parliament ; and the next year his Queen passing through London-Bridge , the Londoners did outrage her as she pass'd hurling stones and dirt at her , in so much that she was forc'd to return ; hereupon the Mayor , Aldermen , and Sheriffs , were sent to divers Prisons , and a Custos was set over the City for the time ' viz. Othon Constable of the Tower , until submission had bin made , and other satisfaction given . It is upon Record , that Edw. 2. allowed a Knight 2d . per diem , and a Squire a peny , for their Diet , as long as they were prisoners in the Tower upon his Command : Roger Mortimer being prisoner in the Tower , gave his Watchmen a sleeping potion , and so escaped ; but afterwards , he was arraigned and condemned by his Peers , without personal appearance , and so executed at the Elmes , where he hung two dayes . The Londoners in the year 13●6 . seized upon the Tower , wresting the keys out of the Constables hands , they freed all the Prisoners , and kept it in their hands for the use of Queen Isabel , and her Son Edward , both Tower and City . The first gold that was coin'd in the Tower , was in the raign of Edward the third , and the peeces were call'd Florences , of the value of 6s . 8d ; Perceval de post being Master of the Mint at that time . All great sums before , were used to be payd by the weight , as so many pounds or marks of silver , or so many pounds or marks of gold ; but they bore no stamp , the lesser payments were in Starlings , which was the only coin then current , and stamp'd , which were pence so call'd . And they had their antiquity no further , then from the raign of King Henry the second . Nevertheless , the Saxon coines before the Conquest , were pence of fine silver , somewhat weightier , and better then the latter starlings , and the probablest Reason that is given , why it was starling money , was , because in the ring or border of the peny , there was a Starre stamped . But to return to the Tower of London : In the year 1360. Iohn the French King being Prisoner in the Tower , King Edward the third , being newly returned victoriously from France , the first thing he did , was to visit his Prisoner whose ransome was assessed afterwards at three millions of Florences or Nobles ; whereupon he was brought honourably to the Sea side : Anno 1387. King Richard kept his Christmas in the Tower , and the year after was clapt up Prisoner there . In the year 1458. there were Justs and Tournements in the Tower , wherein the chief Actor was the Duke of Somerset ; Anno 1465 , Henry the sixth , was brought Prisoner to the Tower , where he remained many years , of whom was given this Character , that he was a good King , but born in an ill time : The Mayor of London Sir Richard Lee , and the Aldermen , freed the said King Henry once from his imprisonment ; but being sent thither again , he was pittifully murthered . Anno 1478. The Duke of Clarence was drowned in a But of Malmsey within the Tower : and 5. years after young Edward the fifth , with his Brother , were by the practices of Richard the third , sti●●ed there betwixt two Fetherbeds , as the current story goes . Iohn Earl of Oxford , Anno 1485. was made Constable of the Tower , and he had also the keeping of the Lions , and Leopards , as the story makes mention . Queen Elizabeth , Wife to Henry the 7th , died in the Tower , Anno 1502. in Child-birth , and the year before there was running at tilt , and tourney there ; The Chappel in the high white Tower was burnt Anno 1512. Queen Anno Bullein , was beheaded in the Tower 1541. and a little after , the Lady Katherine Howard , both Wifes to Henry the eighth : Anno 1546. a strange accident happened in the Tower : for one Foxley , who was Pot-maker for the Mint , being fallen asleep , he could not be awakened by pinching , cramping , or burning for fourteen dayes , at which time he awak'd as fresh as at the first day he began to sleep . In Henry the eighths time , the Tower was e●er and anon full of prisoners , among others Sir Thomas More , Lord Chancellor of England , was clap'd there close Prisoner : and at last they took away from him all his Books , so he did shut up all his windows , and liv'd afterwards in obscurity , and being asked Why , he answered , 'T is time to shut up shop , when the Ware is all gone : At his first entrance to the Tower , the Gentleman Porter , ask'd for his fee , which is the upper Garment , whereupon Sir Thomas pull'd off his Cap to give him , but that not suff●●ing , he pull'd out a handful of Angels , end gave him a good many , a Knight that was in his Company telling him , that he was glad to see him so full of Angels ; yes , answered he , I love to carry my friends alwayes about me . The young Lady Iane , was beheaded there not long after , and upon the Scaffold she made a most ingenious Speech , and full of pity , That she came thither , to serve for an example to posterity , that innocence cannot be any protection against greatness ; And that she was come thither , not for aspiring to a Crown , but for not refusing one , when it was offered Her. Queen Elizabeth was brought up many years in that School of affliction , but afterwards she may be said to have gone from the Scaffold to the Throne ; For the truth is , that the Scaffold had made an end of her , had not King Philip her Brother in Law , strongly interceded for her . In her dayes , Robert Earl of Essex lost his head in the Tower , which he might have kept on many years longer , had he not bin betrayed by the Lady Walsingham ; to whom after the sentence of condemnation , he sent a Ring , which the Queen had given him as a token that she would stick to him in any danger : the Lady delivered not this Ring , and being a little after upon her Death-bed she desired to speak with the Queen , and having disburthened a great weight which lay upon her Conscience for that act , the Queen flung away in a fury , and never enjoyed her self perfectly after that time , but she would break out often into passion , and wring her hands , crying ▪ O Essex-Essex . And this Earl was the last , who was executed within the walls of the Tower. In King Iames's time , for 22 years , there was no blood spilt , in the Tower , or upon Tower-hill , only Sir Gervase Elwayes was hanged there , when he was Lieutenant : and one remarkable passage there was in his Speech upon the Ladder , that being in the low Countries , and much addicted to gaming , he made a vow , that if ever he played more above such a value , he might be hanged ; but he did violate the Oath , and so the just Judgement of Heaven did fall upon him , accordingly as he said . The Earl of Castlehaven was brought from the Tower to be executed for horrid kinds of incontinencies in Charles the first time ; Afterwards , in the raign of the long Parliament , and ever since , the Tower of London hath had more number of Prisoners , then it had in the compasse of a hundred years before . This stately Tower of London , serves not only for a Gaol to detain prisoners , but for many other uses , It is a strong Fort , or Cittadel , which secures both City and River , It serves not only to defend , but to command either , upon occasion ; It serves as a royal Randezvouz for Assemblies and Treaties ; It is the Treasury for the Jewels and Ornaments of the Crown ; The great Archive which conserves all the old Records of the Courts of Justice at Westminster ; It is the place for the Royal Mint , and Coynage of Gold and Silver ; It is the chief Magazin and Armory , or Ar●enal of the whole Land , for Martial Engines , and Provision . There only , is the Brake or Rack , usually call'd the Duke of Exceters Daughter because he was t●e first Inventer of it . And lastly , It is a great Ornament , by the situation of it , both to the River and City . The City of London hath divers other inferior Towers , as that on the North of the great Bridge . At the South end over the Gate , there is also another Tower over London-Bridge , which hath suffered many accidents of firing , and otherwise , and was still made up by the care and charge of the City , specially one time when it was under bastard Fawconbridge , burnt by the Marriners , and Saylers of Kent . The Antiquaries speak of two Castles that were in the West part of London , one call'd the Castle of Monfiquet , which was built by a Baron of that name , who came over with the Conqueror , which was afterwards demolished , and the Black Fryers risen up out of the ruines of it ; The second Castle is Baynards Castle , by Pauls Wharf , built also by one Baynard , who came over with the Conqueror : who being ennobled , the honour of Baynards Castle succeeded from Father to Son , a long time , till it came to Sir Robert Fitzwater , a valiant Cavalier : who being fallen into the displeasure of King Iohn , in the Barons Warres , was banished , and Baynards Castle destroyed ; But afterwards , being rest●red to the Kings favour , by an exployt he did in France , he was re-invested in all his Livings , and so repair'd Baynards Castle again : Moreover , he was made chief Banner-bearer of the City of London ▪ whereof he had a Charter , which ran to this sense , That he said , Robert Fitzwater , and his Heirs , ought to be , and are chief Bannerers of London , in fee for the Chastilary , which he and his Ancestors had from Baynards Castle , and the said City . In time of War the said Robert and his Heires , ought to serve the City as followeth . The said Robert ( he being the twentieth man of Armes himself ) ought to come on Horseback , covered with Cloth or Armor , under the great West door of St. Paul , with his Banner displayed before him ; and when he is come mounted to that door , and apparreld , as before is said , The Maior ( with the Aldermen and Sheriffs ) in their Arms , shall come out of the Church of St. Paul , unto the said West door , the Maior bearing a Banner in his hand , all on foot , which Banner shall be Gules , the Image of St. Paul Gold , the face , hands , feet , and Sword Argent ; And as soon as the said Robert shall see the Maior , Aldermen and Sheriffs , come on foot out of the Church , armed with such a Banner , he shall alight off his Horse , and salute the Maior , and say to him , Sir Maior , I am come to do my service which I owe to the City : whereunto the Maior , and Aldermen shall answer , We give to you , as to our Bannerer of fee in this City , the Banner of this City , to beare , and govern to the honour and profit of this City to your power : And the said Robert and his Heires , shall receive the said Banner in his hands , and shall go on foot out of the Gate , with the Banner in his hands , and the Maior , Aldermen , and Sheriffs , shall follow to the door , and shall bring a Horse to the said Bannerer , worth twenty pounds , which Horse shall be sadled with a saddle of the Arms of the said Bannerer , and shall be covered with ●indalls of the said Arms. Moreover , they shall present unto him , twenty pounds Starling money , and deliver it to the Chamberlain of the said Bannerer , for his expences that day . Then the said Bannerer shall mount on Horseback , with the Banner in his hand , and as soon as he is up , he shall say to the Lord Maior , that he cause a Marshal to be chosen for the Host , one of the City ; which Marshal being nam'd , the said Bannerer shall command the Maior and Burgesses of the City , to warn the Commons to assemble , and they shall all go under the Banner of St. Paul ; and the said Bannerer shall bear it himself unto Ealdgate ; and there the said Bannerer and the Maior , shall deliver the said Banner from thence , to whom they shall assent and think good ; And in case they make any issue out of the City , then the said Bannerer ought to choose two out of every Ward , the most sage Personages , to foresee and look to the safe keeping of the City , after they be gone forth ; And this Councel shall be taken in the priory of the holy Trinity , near unto Aldgate ; And also before every Town or Castle , they shall besiege , if the siege continue a whole year , the said Bannerer shall have for every siege one hundred shillings , and no more of the Comminalty of London . These be the Rights that the said Bannerer shall have in time of War ; But the Rights that belong unto the said Bannerer Sir Rob ▪ Fitzwater in time of peace are these , that is to say , The said Robert hath a Soke or Ward in the City , that is to say , a Wall of the Canonry of St. Paul unto the Thames , & so to the side of the Mill , which is in the water that cometh from Fleet bridge , & so goeth by London walls betwixt the Fryars Preachers & Ludgate , & so returneth back by the house of the said Fryrs , unto the said Walls , of the said Canonry of St. Pauls , viz. all the Parish of St. Andrews , which is in the gift of his Ancestors by the said Signority ; And so the said Robert hath appendant unto the said Soke , all these things under-written , & if any of the Sokemanry be impleaded in Guild-hall , of any thing that toucheth not the Body of the Lord Mayor , or the Sheriffs for the time being , it is not lawful for the Sokeman of the Sokmanry of the said Robert to demand a Court of the said Robert ; And the Mayor and the Citizens of London ought to grant him a Court , and in his Court he ought to bring his Judgments as it is assented and agreed upon in the Guild-hall , that shall be given him . If any therefore be taken in his Sokemanry , he ought to have his stocks and imprisonment in his Soke , and he shall be brought thence to the Guild-hall before the Mayor , and there they shall provide him his judgement that ought to be given of him ; but his judgement shall not be publish'd till he come unto the Court of the said Robert , and in his Liberty . And the Judgement shall be such , that if he have deserved death for Treason , he is to be tied to a Post in the Thames at a good Wharf , where Boats are fastened , two ebbings and two flowings of the water . And if he be condemn'd for a common thief , he ought to be led to the Elmes , and there suffer his judgement as other thieves ; So the said Robert and his Heirs hath the honour , that he holdeth a great Franchise within the City , that the Mayor of the City , and the Cittizens are bound to do him of Right , viz. that when the Mayor will hold a great Councel , he ought to call the said Robert and his Heir to be with him in the Councel of the said City ; and the said Robert ought to be sworn of the Councell of the said City , against all people ; saving the King , and his Heirs . And when the said Robert comes to the Hustings in the Guild-hall of the said City , the Mayor or his Livetenant , ought to rise and set him down to sit neer him ; and so long as he is in the Guild-hall , all the judgements ought to be given by his mouth , according to the Records of the Recorders of the said Guildhall ; And so many Waifes as come while he he is there , he ought to give them to the Bayliffs of the said Town , or to whom he will by the Councel of the City . These are the ancient Franchises that belong to the Bannerer of London , as they stand upon ancient authentick Records ; But when this honor fell from the Fitzwaters , and from Baynards Castle , 't is incertain ; Now , that Castle fell afterwards to the Earl of March , who was Crown'd there by the Title of Edward the fourth , to whom this City stuck very close ; But in the seventh year of King Edward's Reign , many of the greatest men of London were attach'd for Treason , with divers Aldermen , whereof though they were acquitted , yet they did forfeit their goods to the value of 40000 marks ; among whom Sir Thomas Coke , Sir Iohn Plummer , and Humfrey Howard , were of the number ; And the said Coke Lord Mayor a little before was committed to the Tower , with one Hawkins ; nor could Coke be acquitted until he had paied 8000 Marks to the King. Henry the seventh rode in Majesty through the City with all the Knights of St. George , from the Tower to St. Pauls Church , where they heard Vespers , and so the King lodg'd that night at Baynards Castle , which he had newly repair'd before . Queen Mary was also proclaim'd there , notwithstanding that the Lady Jane had been proclaim'd a little before . There was also another Tower or Castle , near adioyning unto Baynards Castle , which was call'd Legates Inne , but now there is no trace of it le●t . There was also another Castle call'd the Tower of Monfiquet ( spoken of a little before ) upon the River of Thames more Westward , where afterwards a Monastery of Fryars was erected , call'd to this day the Black fryars ; first built by Kelwarby , Archbishop of Canterbury , to whom the Mayor of London , gave two Lanes or wayes adjoyning to Baynards Castle ; There was also another Tower stood there , above 300 years , which was demolished by Iohn Sha Lord Mayor of London Anno 1502 , the King giving leave to do it . There was another Tower or Castle , that stood in the same place that Bride-well now stands ; which being demolished , yet notwithstanding , there was a Royal Palace stood still where the Kings of England kept their Courts , and call'd Parliaments : and among others , it stands upon good Record , that King Iohn summoned a Parliament thither , where he exacted of the Clergy in a Parliament held at Saint Brides in London 100000 Marks ; and besides this , the white Monks were compelled to cancel their Priviledges , and pay the King 40000 Marks ; This House of Saint Brides of later time being left , and not used or inhabited , fell to ruine , yet the Platform still remained among the filth and rubbish , together with a fair Well . A great part of the House on the West side , was given to the Bishop of Salisbury , whence Salisbury Court derives its name to this day ; The other part towards the East remain'd wast , until Henry the 8th , did build a stately Palace there in a very short time , and call'd it Bridewel , which he did for the entertainment of his Nephew Charles the fifth Emperour and King of Spain , who came hither Anno 1522 , and was there entertain'd in a Princely and Magnificent manner . There was another Tower call'd the Tower Royal in the Parish of Saint Michael de Pater noster , where King Stephen was us'd to keep his Court , which was call'd afterwards the Queens Wardrobe ; Barbican was also another Tower , Besides , there was an ancient Tower , in Bucklersbury , called Sernes Tower , and the story saith , that Edward the third kept his Court there , appointing his exchange of moneys to be also there kept , which he gave afterwards to his free Chappel of St. Stephen in VVestminster , now call'd Henry the sevenths Chappel , who spent 14000 ls . in the building of it , and about the same time a great ship was built which cost just as much . Of the publick places of Sciences and Literature which London hath . IT is observed , that the English Nation hath bin alwaies extraordinarily addicted to Literature , and to the love of Knowledge : which among other instances appears ; in that , of old times , there were three principal Churches in London which had famous Schools , wherein there were professors & Doctors , which were famous for their know●edge in Philosophy and the Mathematicks ; The three Churches which had these Schools by Priviledges , were the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul , for by General Councel held in the year 1176 at Rome in the Patriarchy of Saint Lateran , it was decreed , that every Cathedral Church should have a School-master to teach poor Schollers , and others . The second , was St. Peters in Westminster , whereof Ingulphus Abbot of Crowland in the Reign of William the Conqueror writes thus ; I Ingulphus an humble servant of God , born of English Parents in the most beautiful City of London , for to attain to Learning , was first put to Westminster , and after to study a● Oxford , &c. The third School , seemes to have bin in the Monastery of St. Savlour in Bermondsey at Southwark . There were other Schools built afterwards , as that of St Iohn by Smithfield , and that of Saint Bartholmew , that of Saint Mary Overies , and that of the holy Trinity by Ealdgate , with divers others ; But touching Philosophy and other Sciences , in regard that the Colledges in Oxford and Cambridge did so much encrease ; the former meetings in London , and di putes in Philosophy , that were used to be , did discontinue ; Only of late years , that noble Maecenas and Patriot , Sir Thomas Gresham , did erect to his eternal honour a Colledge for all the Sciences , in Bishopsgate-street , as an attendant to his Royall Exchange . The Chronicles teach us , that Henry the fifth having suppressed the Priori●s Aliens , whereof there were some about London , namely , our Lady of Rounc●val by Charing crosse , one other Hospital in Oldborn , now Holborn , another without Cripplegate , and the fourth without Aldersgate , besides others that are worne long since out of memory , only that of Rouncival continued till the Reign of Henry the eighth , being converted to a brotherhood ; But Edward the sixth appointed by Patent , that there should be in London more Grammar Schooles erected , to wit , one in St Andrews in Holborn , another in Alhallows the great , another in St Peters on Cornhil , and another in the Hospital of St. Thomas of Acon in West cheap ▪ The Free-school of Pauls was built of an old ruined house in ample manner , and richly endowed Anno 1512 , by Doctor Colet Dean of Pauls , for 153 poor mens children : for which there was a chief Master , an Usher , and Chaplain ordained . Moreover , in the year 1553 , after the erection of Christs Hospital , which risse out of the ruins of the Grey Fryers that stood there , a great number of poor children were taken in , and a fair School appointed at the charge of the City , though Edward the sixth beat the name of Patron . Anno 1561 the Marchant Taylors of London , founded one notable School , in the Parish of St. Lawrence Poultney . The house was sometimes the Duke of Buckinghams called , the Mannor of the Rose , which Mr. Richard Hills Master of the company , did purchase for 500 l. and bestowed it for a free School . There was an old Custome in London , that the School-Masters should meet on festival daies , and their Schollers should dispute in Logick , as well as Grammer Questions , and Principles , and the most common randezvouz , was Saint Bartholmews in Smithfield , being a priory , where upon a bank boorded under a tree , they used to meet , and the best Schollers were rewarded with Bows and Arrows of silver , which they carried away as prizes : but that laudable custome is grown obsole●e , and quite discontinued . A great emulation there was 'twixt Pauls Schollers , and those of St. Anthonies ; the Schollers of Pauls would taunt , and term them , St. Anthonies Piggs ; and they would call St. Pauls Schollers , Pigeons of Pauls , and many feuds happen'd amongst them in the open streets : but St. Anthonies School decaying , the quarrel also ceas'd . Anno 1582 , a publick Lecture of Chirurgery was founded , to be read in the Colledge of Physitians in Knight-rider-street twice every week ; The Founder thereof was , the honourable Baron the Lord Lumley , and Richard Chadwel Doctor of Physick ; and Doctor Foster was the first Reader thereof . A Mathematical Lecture was also founded about the same time , to be read in a fair ancient Chappel , built by Simon Eyre within Leaden-hall ; But this Chappel , being employ'd afterwards for stowage of goods taken out of a Spanish Carack , the said Lecture ceas'd there , and was used to be read in Mr. Tho. Smiths house in Grass-street , 1184. Anno 1579 Sir Thomas Gresham ( Queen Elizabeths Royal Marchant or Agent , spoken of before ) gave the Royal Exchange , with all the buildings thereunto appertaining , viz. the one moity to the Mayor and Comminalty of London , and their Successors , upon trust that they perform as shall be declared ; and the other moity to the Mercers on the same confidence ; The Maior & Aldermen are to find four to read Lectures of Divinity , Astronomy , Musick , and Geometry within that dwelling in Bishopsgate-street , and to bestow the sum of 200l . viz. 50l . per annum to every Reader . The Mercers also are to find three Readers in the same place , that is , The Civil Law , Physick and Rhetorick , and every Reader was to have 50 l. a year stipen'd , which great gift was confirm'd afterwards by Act of Parliament , and so to continue for ever . These Lectures are to be read every day in the week in Term time ( Sundays excepted ) in the Latine Tongue in the morning , and the same in English in the same dayes afternoon , only the Musick Lecture , whereof Doctor Bull was the first Lecturers was to be read only in English. Moreover , there is in and about the City of London , a whole University , as it were of Students , Practisers , or Pleaders , and Judges of the Lawes of England , not living of common Salaries , as is used in other Academies ; but of their private maintenance , as being supported , by their own means or practise , or exhibition from their friends ; In so much that most of them are Sons & younger Brothers to wealthy Parents , where , besides the knowledge of the Laws , they learn all other civilities and exercises besides . Of these Nurseries or Societies there are fourteen , whereof nine do stand within the Liberties of the City , and five without ; Those that stand within the Liberties are , Sargeants Inne in Fleet-street , Sargeants Inne in Chancery Lane , the two Temples , which are called , Inns of Court ; The other are , Cliffords Inne , Thavies Inne in Holborn , Furnevals Inne , Barnards Inne , and Staples Inne , which are termd Inns of Chancery . Without the Liberties , there is Grayes Inne in Holburn , Lincolns Inne , ( which are Inns of Court ) Clements Inne , New Inne , and Lions Inne , which are houses of Chancery . In former time , there was in Scroops Court in Holborn an Inne of Sargeants also ; There was likewise where Somerset House now stands Chesters Inne or Strand Inne , in the liberty of the Dutchy of Lancaster , which was pull'd down with many other Buildings , to make room for Somerset House , who had also his materials from St. John of Ierusalem , which some held to be no better than Sacr●●edge ; and therefore that fatal death , to be beheaded , befell the Duke of Somerset , who with his Councel were , it seems , so infatuated , that they forgot to call for his Clergy , whereby , by the Lawes of England , he might have bin saved . Justice Fortescue makes mention also of a tenth house of Chancery , but he names not the place . The choisest , gentliest & most ingenious wi●s of the Land , are founds among these Students of the Inns of Court ▪ having cōmonly bin graduates before , in one of the Universities ; But the Inns of Chancery being as it were Provinces subjected severally to the Inns of Court be chiefly made up of Attorneys , Sollicitors , and Clerks that follow the Courts of Westminster Hall ; yet many of them remove to one of the great Inns of Court , where continuing seven years , and frequenting Readings , Mootings , Boltings , and other learned Exercises , they improve themselves in the knowledge of the Lawes : they are then by the consent of the Benchers , who are most commonly of the grave and learned sort selected , & call'd to the degree of Utter Barristers , and so enabled to be Practitioners in the Law , both in their Chamber , and at the Barre in open Court ▪ Of these after they be call'd to a further step of preferment , 2. were used to be chosen every year to be Readers , who make two Readings every year out of some choise hard points in the Law , one in Lent , the other in August . Out of these Benchers and Readers , Sergeants at Law are made , and of them the Judges , unlesse it be that some by special favour of the Prince are chosen otherwise ; But being made Sergeants , they leave the Inns of Court and remove to one of the Sergeants Inns ; where they only , and the reverend Judges are admitted . Touching the two Temples , they are discoursed of here in another place ; But concerning Grayes Inne and Lincolns Inne , they took their denominations from two noble Lords , who had formerly Palaces in those places where those two Innes now stand ; The one is singular , for a curious Chappel it hath ; the other for choise delicate Walks , high and low , with a large delightful prospect that carrieth the optiques very far , where the choisest beauties both of City and Suburbs use to resort in the Summer , to solace themselves , and breath fresh aire . Thus have we rambled through the City of London , and waded hitherto through universals ( wherein there is not alwaies plain-dealing ) we will now hunt dry foot after particulars , and find out the Primitive mode , & method of Government which London had , with the Titles of her chief Magistrates ; We will then Muster her twelve prime Companies , with all the rest of her Corporations ; Then , a Perambulation shall be made through all her Precincts , Aldermanries and Wards , as far as the point of the Lord Mayors Sword doth reach ; Then shall there be a Parallel 'twixt London , and other the greatest Cities in the world ; wherein it will appear to the impartial discerning Reader , that , if consideration be had to the Prerogatives and power of her chiefest Magistrates , to their plenty , magnificence and hospitality , to the security of Passengers up and down her streets at midnight , as well as at noon daies , The City of London admits no Parallel . Of the Political Government , and Civil Sway of the City of London . IT is no incongruous allusion , that some Polititians make , when they compare a City to a great Ship , whereof Government is the Healm and Rudder , which regulate , and guide her course ; Good Lawes and Constitutions , are the Cables and Ligaments ; The Main-Mast is Religion , and the Standard , of the Crosse ; the Foremast is Honour and Renown ; the Mise● Mast is Trade and Wealth ; Iudgement and Prudence is the Ballast ; Authority and strength the Artillery . This Comparison may quadrat with London , as much as with any other City , on the surface of the Earth . The Lord Maior is as the Pilot and Master ; the Aldermen , his Mates ; the Recorder and Sheriffs the chief Gunners ; the Scavengers , the Swabbers ; other inferior Officers are the Mariners , to weigh Anchors , to hoise and furle the Sails , &c. Touching the primitive Government of London in the time of the Britains , Antiquity scarce affords us any light , whereby to discern what it was , Caesar gives us most , when he writes , that Mandrubacius was King of the Londoners , or the Trinobants , which last word extends also to some of the Counties adjacent ; But it may be wondred , that Iulius Caesar should know so much , in regard that He never took firm footing in Great Britain , but , by way of exploration , did only d'scover Her ; Augustus and Tiberius may be said to conceal Her. Caligula intending an Invasion , was diverted by his Warres with the Germans . Claudi●s Caesar ( from whom Glocester takes her name , being no other then Castrum Claud●● , the Castle of Claudius ) was the first that fixt here , and he sent over Publius Agriola for his Lieutenant , who took great pains to civilize the Nation : and as he was about the work , he sent notice to Rome , that he preferred the British wits before the Gallic . Then was London made a Praefectura , and the Magistrate in chief , was called Praefect ( as he of Rome is called to this day ) this Title continued all the time that the Romans had dominion here , which was above 300 years . Afterwards , the Romans having so many great Irons in the fire by Warres they had against divers Nations , who had revolted from them , they drain'd this Iland not only of great numbers of the British Youth , to serve them in their Warres abroad , but drew away at last their own Legions ; whereupon , the Iland being thus grown weak , much depopulated , and to a long de●uetude of Arms , the Saxons , who are now the English ( yet keep still their first denomination of Saxons , both in the British and Irish Tongues to this day ) came over with a considerable strength , and having in a Parly on Salsbury Plains , musiered most of the British Nobility by a stratagem , and taken Vortiger the King Prisoner , He for his ransom was forc'd to give , not only London , but most part of the Iland to the Saxons . And the chief Magistrate of London , they call'd Portreve , which is a Gardian or Governour of a Port , and that name is yet used in England , in some places . The Saxons then changed their names into Englishmen , yet they continued Pagans a long time after , but at last , the Britains converted them to Christianity , and then the City of London flourished exceedingly for many Ages , till there came over a swarm of Danes , who proved more fatal to London , then any other Nation ; for by fire and sword , they had almost utterly destroyed Her , had not the Londoners at last rowz'd up their spirits , who making vertue of necessity , did fall upon King Swein the insulting Enemy , with such a resolution , that by a mighty slaughter , and extraordinary prowesse , they utterly repel'd him ; The City having recovered her former lustre ( though 't was a good while first ) she continued under the English Government , and the Magistracy of a Portreve , till the Norman rush'd in ; yet the Title was not alter'd a good while after , when at last he came to be call'd Bayliffe , and sometimes Provost : Richard the first , for supporting the Croy sada , and his Warres in the Holy Land , got great Contributions of monies , from the Londoners ; in lieu whereof , he gave them leave to choose two Bayliffs annually . King Iohn after him chang'd their Bayliffs into a Maior , and two Sheriffs : To these Henry the third adds some Aldermen , who though yeerly Elegible at first , grew afterwards Perpetual ; Now , this Word Alderman , is consonant to Senator , being both derived from old Age and Gravity . The first Alderman we read of in England , was in the time of King Edgar , about 800 years agoe , whose name was Ailwine , and was descended of the blood Royal , as appeares by his Epitaph in that goodly Monastery , in the I le of Ely , whereof he was founder himself , which Epitaph runs thus . Hic requiescit Dom. Ailwinus inclyti Regis Edgari Cognatus , totius Angliae Aldermannus , & hujus Sacri coenobii miraculosus Fundator . Here resteth the Lord Ailwine ( Cousin to Noble King Edgar ) Alderman of all England , which some interpret chief Justice , & miraculous Founder of this holy Abbey , Hence it may be infer'd , that the appellation of Alderman , is not only venerable , but ancient , & honourable . And from this Lord Ailwine , it seemes the first Maior of London descended , who was Henry Fitz-Alwin , Anno 1191. who continued many years in the Office , & lies buried in St. Mary Bothaw , near London-stone ; and the next Maior to him was Roger Fitz-Alwin , after whom he Office grew annual . The City being thus , in tract of time , come to a fixed and setled Government , she began to flourish exceedingly . And as she increased in Men , Manufactures , and Merchandizing , so the Kings did enlarge their royal favours unto Her , Anno 1226. Henry the third confirmed unto the Citizens of London , free Warren , or liberty to hunt about the City , and in the Warren of Stanes ; Moreover , that the Citizens of London , should passe Toll-free , throughout all England , and that the Keddles and Weres in the Rivers of Thames and Medway , should be plucked up and destroyed for ever , because Navigation to London might be more free . Roger Renger was Maior , when these Patents were granted . A few years after the liberties , and franchises of London , were ratified by the same King , who granted , that either Sheriff should have two Clarks , and two Sargeants , and that the Citizens should have a Common Seal : A little after the same King granted that the Maior Elect , should be presented to the Barons of the Exchequer , and they should admit him . Moreover , he gave way , that the City should be fortified with Pos●s , and Iron Chains , drawn athwart over the streets . Anno 1326. Edward the third much increased the Immunities of the City , and the Authority of the Maior ; for he granted , that the Maior should be Iustice for the Gaol delivery at Newgate , and have power to reprieve Prisoners . That the Citizens of London should not be constrained to go out of the City of London , to any Warre ; He granted also , that the liberties and franchises of the City , should not after that time be taken into the Kings hands , as it had bin often before , when a Custos was put in . Moreover , He granted by Letters Patents , that there should be no other Eschetor in the City , but the Maior . Anno 1338. He granted , that the Sargeants attending the Maior and the Sheriffs , should bear Maces silver and gilt , with the Royal Arms engraven . Anno 1356. The same King ordained , that whereas the Aldermen were used to be chang'd yeerly , they should not be removed without special cause for the future . Then for the higher honour , and Authority of the Office , the Sword was added with the Cap of Maintenance . Thus in proce●s of time , the Government of London , grew to be more and more established . Anno 1415. Sir Henry Barton being Maior , ordained Lanthorns and Lights to be hang'd out on the Winter Evenings , betwixt Alhollontide and Candlemas : Sir Iohn Norman , being Maior , was the first who went upon the River to Westminster , having made a stately Barge to that purpose , Anno 1453. And the rest of the Companies followed that laudable Example , with their Barges also . Anno 1473. Sir Iohn Tate being Maior , the Sheriffs of London were appointed each of them , to have sixteen Serjeants , and every Serjeant to have his Yeoman ; Moreover , they were to have six Clerks , a Secondary , a Clark of the Papers , with fower other Clarks , besides the Under Sheriffs Clark. Anno 1484. It happened , that there was successively one after the other , three Mayors , and three Sheriffs of London , in the compasse of one year ; by reason of the sweating sickness , which rag'd so extreamly . Anno 1501. Sir John Sha being Maior , added some state to the Office ; for it was ordered , that the Aldermen his Brethren should attend him on Horseback , from Guild-hall to the Rivers side , when he took Barge for Westminster ; Besides , he was the first who kept Court in his own House , for redressing of such matters that came before him ; Sir William Capel being Maior of London , caus'd Cages to be set up in every Ward , for the punishments of Vagabends , and Rogues . Anno 1556. Sir Thomas Ossley being Mayor , the Night Bel-man was first ordained . Queen Elizabeth did much favour the City of London ; and for the better Government , thereof , gave way for a Provost Marshal to be appointed . Thus have we observed , that the Governours in chief of the City of London , have had from time to time , differing appellations . Under the Britains , they were call'd Kings ; The Romans stiled them , Praefects . The Saxons , Portreves . The Norman Kings at their first comming , Bayliffs , and sometimes Provosts , Then came the Office to be established in the Title of Maior , which hath continued any time these 467. years , though it was interrupted sometimes by a Custos ; which some of the Kings , as Henry the third , and Edward the first , upon a displeasure against the City , were used to appoint . This great Urban Magistrate , the Maior of London , useth to be chosen upon the feast of St. Michael the Archangel , every year out of the six and twenty Aldermen , who are his Brethren ; but he takes not his place , until the 28. of October next following . Touching the State and Authority of the Lord Maior of London , there is no Oppidan Magistrate in Christendom , all things well considered , lives in a greater ; Let us examine the particulars , and first go to his domestical attendance , and the Officers thereunto belonging , which are , 1. A Sword-bearer . 2. Common Hunt. 3. Common Cryer . And 4. Water Bayliffs , all Esquires by their places . Then is there the Coroner of London , three Sergeant Carvers , 3. Sargeants of the Chamber ; Sargeant of the Channel , 4 Yeomen of the Water side . The Under Water-Bayliffe ; two Yeomen of the Chamber , three Meal-weighets ; two Yeomen of the Wood-Wharfs ; and most of these have their Servants allowed them ; but the common Huntsman and Water-Bayliffe have two a peece ; some of them have Liveries from the Lord Maior , and the rest from the Chamber of London . There be divers other great publick Officers belong to the Government of the City of London , as the two Sherif●s , which , like the Lord Maior , are but annual ; The Recorder , the Chamberlain , the Common Sergeant , the Town-Clark , or common Clark , the Remembrancer , all Esquires . The Sheriffs are chosen upon Midsummer day : they formerly were used to be elected out of the Commonalty ; and sometimes they came to be Aldermen , as many Aldermen were made Maiors , though not having bin Sheriffs ; But of latter years , the Sheriffs have bin Aldermen before , or presently after their Election ; And 't is remarkable , that Nicolas Faringdon was 4 times Maior of London , and yet never Sheriff . Now touching the Election of these Officers , we shall give a brief account , the prime Magistrate , the Lord Maior and the Aldermen , met at Guild-hall at 8. in the morning , in their Scarlet Gowns , and their Cloaks fur'd riding on Horseback , and having bin a while in the Councel Chamber , they come forth into the Orphans Court , whence they go in their Cloaks to the Chappel , to hear Service and Sermon , where the Lord Maior , with some of the Aldermen , take the Communion , which being ended , and Offrings delivered , they return to the Councel Chamber , and thence to the Hustings , the highest Court ; where the Recorder makes a Speech , touching the business in hand : then they go back to the Lord Maiors Court , where they remain , the doors shut until the Election be brought unto them ; Then the common Sargeant having the Sheriffs on either side , and the Sheriffs other Officers about them , makes another Speech , touching the Custom of the City in this kind ; whereupon , they choose two , whose names are brought up to the Lord Maior and the Aldermen , who by scrutiny , elect one of those two , whom the Commons had nominated before . Then the Lord Maior returns to the Hustings , and he who is chosen , goeth upon his left hand , and sitteth next him ; Then the Recorder speaks again to the Commons , nominating the person whom the Lord Maior , and the Aldermen had admitted , and demands whether it be their free choyce ; the commons affirming it the Sword-bearer goes to the Lord Maior , Elect , and taketh off his Tipper ( which he takes for his fee ) and puts on his Chain ; whereupon , he making a short Speech of gratitude , the Lord Maior , and the new Elect , go to the Eldest Sheriffs House to dinner . After dinner , the Lord Elect taking the Common Hunt , and other Officers to attend him , besides a Company of Aldermen , goeth to the Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England , where five or six Aldermen present him , wearing their Violet Gowns . The morrow after Michaelmas day , the Lord Maior and the Aldermen go with the two new Sheriffs to the Exchequer-chamber in Westminster , where they are presented and sworn , and the old Sheriffs are sworn also to their account . On Simon and Iudes day , the Aldermen and Sheriffs attend the old Lord Maior at his House , whence they come in their formalities to the Hustings , where being sate , the common Cryer commands silence : then the Town-Clark exhibites an Oath to the Lord Maior Elect , which being done , the former Lord Maior giveth place to the New ; which being done , the Chamberlain delivers him the Scepter , next the Keyes of the Common Seal ; and lastly , the Seal of the Majoralty ; Then the Sword-bearer delivers him the Sword. On the morrow after , all the Aldermen and Sheriffs solemnly meet at the new Lord Maiors House , by 8. in the morning , whence they go to the Guild-Hall , and thence to the Vine-Tree , where they take Barge , and are rowed in state to Westminster-Hall , the rest of the chief Companies attending in their several Barges , with their Arms , Colours , and Streamers , in a very gay manner ; Being come to the Hall , they go round about , and salute all the Tribunals of justice : then they ascend to the Exchequer Chamber to the Barons , where after the Recorder hath made a Speech , the Oath is administer'd . Then they come down to the Hall , and go first to the Kings Bench , then to the Common Pleas , and so to Westminster Abbey , where having walk'd about the Kings Tombs , they return to their Barge , and so to London again ; where , being landed , they go to the Guild-hall , where a most plentifull dinner is prepared , which lasts many hours , being called , the Lord Mayors feast ; The Lords of the privy Councel , the Judges , with other Lords and Ladies of the best quality , are thither invited ; After dinner , the Lord Mayor with all the Companies attending , ride solemnly to Saint Pauls , to do their devotions ; and so the Ceremony of that great day is concluded . Touching the Election of the Sheriffs , the Lord Mayor and the Aldermen meet at 8 in the morning at Guild-hall in their violet-colour'd Gowns , and their Cloaks of Scarlet lin'd but without horses ; where from the Counsel-Chamber , they go to the Orphans Court , & so to the Hustings , where the Recorder having made a speech touching the present meeting , the Mayor & Aldermen go to the Mayors Court , the dores shut upon them , then the Commons fall to the Election of Sheriffs , as also a Chamberlain , two Bridg-masters , the Auditors of the City and Bridg-house Accounts , and the Surveyors for Beer and Ale : which being done , the Sheriffs with the other Officers , the Common Cryer going before them with his Mace , go up to the Lord Mayor and the Aldermen , to cary up the report of what is done at the Hustings , whither the Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen descend again , and confirm the Elections ; Then the Recorder making them a Speech of thanks , the meeting ends . Now touching the Hustings , which we have mentioned so often , it is the ancient'st and highest Court of the City of London ; Touching the Etymology of it , it is a pure Saxon word , and is derived of House and dhing or thing , which among the Saxons signified a Cause or Plea ; in so much that Hustings is no other then the House of Causes , or Pleading ; and Thingere was the ancient word for a Lawyer or Pleader ; This Court preserves the Laws , Rights , Franchises , Customs and Dignities of the City ; There be handled also there the intricat'st accounts , and Pleas of the Crowns , and of the whole Kingdom ; which Court hath for many Ages , conserv'd inviolably its own Prerogatives and Customs . This Court was anciently held every Munday , but it was chang'd of late years into Tuesday , because of the Sheriffs intending the Market , which being kept upon Munday would hinder their sitting in the Hustings . Edward the Confessors Lawes refer much to this Hustings Court ; Moreover , the Cities o● York , Winchester , Lincoln , the Isle of Shepey , and other places , have had their Hustings . There is also another Court peculiar to London , which discovers as much of Charity , as of Policy : It is call'd the Court of Requests , or the Court of Conscience . It was first erected by an act of Common-Councel Anno 9. Henry 8. viz. That the Lord Mayor and Aldermen for the time being should monthly assign two Aldermen , and four discreet Commoners , to sit twice a week to hear , and determine all matters brought before them ( betwixt Free-men ) where the due debt , or dammage did not exceed 40S . Afterwards the said number of Commissioners was encreased to the number of twelve , which continued till the end of Q. Elizabeths Reign ; But , primo Iacobi , it was confirm'd by Act of Parliament , That the said Commissioners should have power to exhibit an Oath , and to commit to prison such as did not obey their Summons , or perform the Orders they made , betwixt Plaintiff and Defendant , Debitor or Creditor , touching any debt , not amounting to forty shillings ; but such hath been the unconscionablenesse and malice of some men of late times , that they have endeavour'd to overthrow the the said Court , by cavilling at some doubtful words therein , & wresting them to a perver●e sense , the rich might have power thereby to oppresse the poorer sort , by bringing them to Westminster Hall to a further expence of time and trouble , There is then the Court of the Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen , which is a Court of Record ; the Recorder and the two Sheriffs ( being Aldermen not else ) are members of this Court , whose office it is , to redresse and correct the errors , defaults and misprisions which happen in the Government of the City ; This Court is kept Tuesdays and Thursdays throughout the year . Then are the two Courts of the Sheriffs , one for every Counter , whereof there are two Lawyers as Judges , well read in the Customs of the City , as well as the common Laws ; but if an erroneous judgment be given before the Sheriffs , the party griev'd may sue a Writ of error , and remove it to the Hustings . Then is the Court of Orphans ; For the Mayor and Aldermen , by Custome , have the custody of the Orphans within the City , and if they commit the Custody of the Orphans to another man , he shall have a ravishment of ward if the Orphan be taken away ; it being enacted that the Mayor and Chamberlain of London for the time being , shall have the keeping of all the Lands and Goods of such Orphans , as happen within the City ; saving to the King , and other Lords , their Rights of such as hold of them out of the same Liberty ; Now the Chamberlain is a sole Corporation to himself , and his Successors for Orphans ; and a Recognizance made to him and his Successors touching Orphans , shall by custome go to his Successor ; Moreover , the Government of Orphans , is so invested in the Mayor , that it any Orphans sue in the Ecclesiastical Court , or else-where for a Legacy , or duty due to them , by the Custome , a Prohibition doth lye . Then is there the Court of Common Councel , which hath some resemblance of the high Court of Parliament : for it consists of two Houses , viz. the one of the Mayor and Aldermen ▪ and the other of the Commoners of the City ; Here they make Constitutions and Laws for advancement of Trade , and regulation of other things which bind the whole City . There is then the Court of the Chamberlain for Apprentices ; Now , one may be free of London three manner of wayes , first , by Service ; secondly , by Birth-right , being sonne of a Freeman ; And thirdly , by Redemption by Order of the Court of Aldermen . The Chamberlain of London , is an Officer very considerable in point of power : for without him no man can set up shop , or occupy his Trade without being sworn before him ; No man can set-over an Apprentice to another , but by his Licence ; He may imprison any that disobeys his Summons , or any Apprenrice that mildemeans himself , or punish him otherwise . There are the Courts of the Coroner , and the Escheator , which both belong to the Lord Mayor ; he being Coroner , and Escheator by vertue of his authority , and Office. Then is there a Court for the conservation of the water & River of Thames , which belongs to the Lord Mayor , from Stanes-bridge unto the water of Yendal and Medway , as is amply spoken of before . Then is there the Court of the Tower of London ; and this Court is held within the Verge of the City before the Steward by prescription of debt , trespasse , and other actions ; now , part of the Tower is within the City , and part in Middlesex , viz. the East part , but the West in London , whereof there was a notable example in the person of Sir Thomas Overbury , who being poyson'd in a Chamber on the West part , the principal murtherers were tryed before Commissioners of Oyer and Termin●r in London , and so was Sir Gervase Elwayes the Live●enant of the Tower at that time . There is also a peculiar Court , call'd the Court of Policies , and of Assurances in London , to Marchants that venture and traffique on the Seas , where ships and goods are insur'd at so much in the hundred , where there is an Officer of good quality who Registers these Assurances . Then is the Court of Halmote , or Hall Court , for every Company of London having a particular Hall. They use to meet there to deliberate of matters belonging to the Company . Then is the Court of the Wardmote , or of the Wardmote Inquest , For the whole City being divided to 26 Wards , every Ward hath such an Inquest consisting of twelve or more , who inquire after abuses and disorders , and present them to be redressed . There is also a kind of Court call'd the Colledge of the President , Censors , and Commonalty or Physicians , who have peculiar Lawes of their own : and among other one is remarkable , that if one who is not of the mystery of a Physician or Chirurgion , take upon him the Cure of a sick Body , and he dieth of the Potion or Medicament , this is , as Britton the great Lawyer saith , Covert Felony . Then is the●e the Court of Sessions , or monthly Goal-delivery at the Old-Bayly , both for the City and Middlesex for tryal of Felons , whereof the Lord Mayor is the chief Judge , and hath power of reprieving . Touching the Ecclesiastical Government OF THE City of LONDON . HAving thus in a cursory way run over , and taken in grosse as it were , a view of the Civil Government of the City of London ; we will now make some inspections into her spiritual way of Government , which was alwaies Episcopal from the beginning ; for there be Records that may we I induce us to believe , that in the time of the Britains there were Bishops of London , whereof they ●ay Thean was the first ; and in the Reign of Constantine , we read that Restitutus , Bishop of London , had his Session in a Councel he summoned at Arles ; After that , 〈◊〉 Saxons making twice an irruption into this Island , and at last possessing the better part of it , and being not reduced a good while after , to Christianity , there was a long interruption , and no Bishop of London 〈◊〉 Austin the Monk came over , who was call'd the Apost●e of the Saxons or English , for he absolutely converted them ; He consecra●ed Melitus Bishop of London , from whom to Doctor Iuxon yet living , there are upon good Record the names of 97 Bishops of London , who succeeded one another . In so much that the City of London was not without a Bishop any time these thousand years till now : The Prior of the holy T●inity at Aldgate was a great man also in the ●●vernment of the City , for he used to ride with the Mayor & the Aldermen in 〈◊〉 but the chief administration of all Ecclesiastical affairs was in the Bishop 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of London hath oftentimes far'd the better for her Bishops , who have done her many signal good services , upon some discomposures ; & stood as a skreen 'twixt the fury of the Prince and Her. When the Norman came over , and was much incens'd against the City , William her Bishop then , took off the edg of his fury , and introducing her to the Conquerors favour , got ●er that famous Charter which is worthy to be here inserted . William King greit William Bishop , and Godfregis Posteron , and ●all the Bourough , waren bynden London , Franchiste , and Engliste , and ickhyd eth that Ick yill that grete be ealbra yearalaga die yegret , &c. Which in intelligible English runs thus . William King , greets William Bishop , and Gode froy Portreve , and all the Burgesses within London , French or English , And I grant you , that I will t●at ye be all your Law worth that ye were in Edward is his dayes the King ; And I will , that ich Child be his Faders eyer , And I 〈◊〉 suffer that ony man you ony wrongys beed , and God you keep . The said Bishop William , procured this Charter , from the insulting Conquerour , as appears by his Epitaph ; And this Saxon Charter , was not only confirmed , but inlarged by Henry the first in Latine ; Now as far Soils are subject to produce rank Weeds , so rich populous Cities are alwayes subject to bring forth turbulent spirits , whereof there is a world of examples in all stories ; nor doth London want good store of them , who used to bandy against their Soveraign Prince , and we well know , how often she forfeited her Charter that way . It stands upon Record , how Henry the third , Edward the second , Richard the 2d , with other Kings , had Her their fore enemies ; It is well known , how often she smarted for it , how often her Posts & Chains were taken away , how her Maior & Sheriffs wereclap'd in Prison , and a Custos appointed over her in the interim ; How Rich. the first trounced her for murthering the Iews how she suffered for the barbarous fray 'twixt the Goldsmiths and Taylors Servants ; For the blood , shed 'twixt her and the men of Westminster on St. Iames's day ; For the brawl about the Bakers loaf in Salsbury Court ; For the outrages done to St. Martins Sanctuary men ; for the Ill May day ; and a little of late years for the murther of Doctor Lamb. But now that we are giving a touch of her Church Government , It is observable in History , how her Bishops proved her best friends at a pinch , to pull her out of such plunges , and rectifie her again in the opinion of her Soveraign , Nay it stands upon good Record , that she was no City , till she had a Bishop ; for we well know , that a City must have of necessity , a Cathedral Church , with the Seat and See of a Bishop . Of the several COMPANIES , AND CORPORATIONS Of the City of LONDON . With their Originals , and Arms. HAving made a short transcursion through the Government of the City of LONDON , in general ; we will now visit their severall Companies , Corporations , and Societies , whereof the main part of the City may be said to be composed : who for their Industry and Arts , their Inventions , and sundry wayes of Manufactures , may be compared to so many Hives of Bees , the Emblems of sedulity and diligence , And first , Of the Twelve chief Companies , out of which the Lord Mayor is to be annually chosen . 1. THe Mercers have bin alwayes allowed the first place , who were incorporated into a Society , & enabled to purchase Lands , 17th Richardi Secundi , Anno 1393. For their Arms they bear gules , a Mayden-head proper crown'd , or Wascot Purple , issuing out of Clowds proper , within a bordure nebulee , or , 2. The Grocers , who at first were called Pepperèrs , were incorporated , Anno 1345. in the twentieth year of Edward the third . The Arms a cheuron between nine Cloves , sable with this Motto , God grant Grace ; Supporters Helm and Crest granted by Clarenceux , King of Arms in the Raign of Hen. 8. 3. The Drapers were incorporated in the 17 year of Henry the 6th , Anno 1430. The Arms first granted by Garter , Crest , and Helm by Clarenceux ; the Coat Gules three triple Crowns , or Capt Gules issuing out of Clowds , resting upon Sun-beams ▪ their Motto , Unto God only , be Honour and Glory . 4. The Fishmongers were at first two Companies , to wit , Stock-Fishmongers , and Salt-Fishmongers ; but 28. of Hen. 8. they were imbodied into one Company ; Their Arms azure , three Dolphins in pale proper crown'd , or . betwixt 4 lives , Salterwayes argent , all crown'd , or on a chief Gules , 3 Crosse-Keyes , Salterwayes , argent , the Motto , All Worship be to God only . 5. The Goldsmiths were incorporated in the 16. year of Richard the second , their Arms quarterly Gules and Azure , two Leopards Heads , or fower Golden Cups , covered 'twixt two Buckles , or , the Motto , To God only be all Glory . 6. The Skinners are more ancient , having bin incorporated in the first year of Edward the third , but made a perfect fraternity in the 18. of Rich. the 2d , their Arms , Ermyn on a chief Gules 3. ducal Crowns , or , lind of the first , their Motto the same with the Goldsmiths , To God only be all Glory . 7. The Merchantaylors were compleatly incorporated by Hen. 7th , Anno 1501. their Arms , Argent a Tent 3. Robes Gules , on a chief azure , a Lion passant regardant , or , with this Motto , Concordi● parvae res crescunt . 8. The Haberdashers ( calld of old Hurrers ) were incorporated a Society of St. Katherine 26 Hen. 6. Anno 1447. And they were confirmed 17. Hen. 7. and named Marchant-Haberdashers : their Coat Nebulee argent , and azure , on a bend gules , a Lyon passant , regardant , or , the Crest and Supporters , granted Anno 1571. with this Motto , Serve and obey . 9. The Salters had the Arms of a Society given them the 22. of Hen. 8. Anno 1530 , the Crest , and Supporters by Queen Elizabeth . The Coat party per cheuron azure & gules , 3. Salts covered overflowing argent with this motto , Sals●pit omnia . 10. The Ironmongers were incorporated in the 3 , year of Edw. 4. Anno 1462. their Coat Argent , on a cheuron gules , 3 lockets capted , or between 3 steel gads a zure . 11. The Vintners are more ancient , being incorporated by Edw. 3. by the name of Winetonners , and confirmed by Hen. 6. their Coat Sable a cheuron , between three Tuns argent . 12. The Cloathworkers grew to be a Company , 22 of Hen. 8. at which time , they had Arms first granted them , which are , Sable a cheuron Ermyne in chief , two crabets argent in base a beazel , or , with Supporters and Crest ; and this Motto ▪ My trust is in God alone . Next to the twelve chief Companies , the Marchants by whole Sale , may well claim room in point of Dignity . 1. AMong Marchants , those of the Staple , may challenge the precedence , who were incorporated by Edw. 3. in whose Raign they had their Staple of Wooll at Callis : They have a fair Coat of Arms , with this Motto ▪ God be our Friend . 2. The Marchant-Adventurers were incorporated in the Raign of Edw. 4. but their priviledges were much enlarged by Queen Elizabeth , they have also a fair Coat , with the same Motto as they of the Staple , God be our Friend . 3. The Marchants of Russia , were incorporated by Edw. 6. and confirmed by Queen Elizabeth , they have also a fair Coat with this Motto , God be our good Guide . 4. The Marchants of Elbing became incorporated by Queen Elizabeth . 5. The Society of Levant Marchants , commonly called the Turky Marchants , being first incorporated by Queen Elizabeth , had their Charter enlarged by King Iames. 6. The Company of Spanish Merchants were incorporated by Queen Elizabeth . 7. The Company of East India Marchants , were also first incorporated by Queen Elizabeth , 1600. 8. A new Company of French Merchant-Adventurers , had a Coat and Crest of Arms granted them by Garter , and Clarencieux , Kings of Arms in the 14th of King James , with this Motto , Reddite cuique suum . 9. The Merchants of Virginia , the Bermudus , & Summer Ilands , began also in Queen Eliz. Raign ; but ●ince , they are mightily encreased , and planted in the Charibbi Ilands . Having put this Parenthesis between , viz. the Noble Company of Marchant-adventurers , or Traffiquers , we will now return to the rest of the home-Corporations , and first of the Dyers . 1. The Dyers were first incorporated by a special Charter of Hen. 6. Their Coat a cheuron , engrail'd between three Wooll-sacks argents . 2. The Brewers had a charter of Incorporation of Hen. 6. and confirmed 2 Eliz. Their coat Gules , on a cheuron engrail●d , argent three Tuns Sable , 'twixt 6 Garbes Salterwayes , or . 3. The Company of Lethersellers is ancient , for they were first incorporated in the 6th year of Rich. 2. and for their Arms , they have 3. Bucks trippant regardant gules . 4. The Pewterers were a Society in the Raign of Edw. 4th , their Arms azure , on a Cheuron , or 3. Roses gules between . 5. The Barber-Chirurgions were first incorporated by Edw. the 4th . but confirmed by every King and Queen ever since , their Arms a crosse quartered gules , a Lyon passant gardant , or , in the first quarter , a cheuron between 3. in the ●econd party , per pale argent & vert , a Rose gules crown'd with an Imperial Crown , the first as the 4th , the second as the third . 6. The Company of Armorers , were incorporated at the beginning of Hen. 6th , and the King himself made himself one of the Society , their Arms Argent on a Cheuron gules , a Gantlet between three Swords in Saltire , on a chief Sable , a Buckler Argent , charged with crosse gules , 'twixt two Helmets of the first . 7. The Company of White Bakers are of great antiquity , as appears by many Monuments in their Hall. They were a Company in the first year of Edw. 2. Their Arms gules , 3. Garbs , or , on a chief , an Arm issuing out of the Clowds proper holding a pair of scales , or , between 3. Anchors of the first . 8. The Company of Wax-Chandlers are also of an ancient standing , and of great doings in the time of the Roman Religion : their Arms azure , on a cheuron between 3. Lamps argent , as Roses gules . The Brother-hood of Tallow-Chandlers , is also of much antiquity ; yet they were first formally incorporated in 2 Edw. 4th : their Arms a pale counter-changed argent , and azure between 3. Doves argent volant , with Olive branches verd . 10. The Company of Cutlers , were incorporated at the beginning of the Raign of Hen. 5th , their Arms 6 Swords Salterwayes , proper . 11. The Girdlers are not inferior for antiquity to either of these , yet came they not to be incorporated , till the twentieth year of Hen. 6th , their Arms azure , or & a pale between 3. Grid-irons azure . 12. The Butchers came not to be incorporated , till the 3d year of King Iames ; at which time , they were incorporated by the names of Master , Wardens , and Comminalty of the Art of Mystery of Butchers , yet the fraternity is ancient ; their Arms azure , two Axes Salterwayes argent , between two Roses argent , as many Bulls Heads cowped of the second attir'd , or a Bores Head gules 'twixt two Garbs vert . 13. The Society of Sadlers must needs be of long antiquity , from the time of Edw. the first ; their arms , a cheuron , between 3. Saddles , or . 14. The Company of Carpenters were incorporated by Letters Patents of Edw. 4th , by the name of Master , Warden , and Comminalty of the Mystery of Freemen of the Carpentry of the City of London ; their arms , azure , a cheuron engraild between 3. Compasses argent . 15. The Company of Shoomakers , call'd Cordwainners of old , were first incorporated 17. of Hen. the 6th . and confirmed since by all Kings ; their arms , azure a cheuron , or between 3. Goats heads , drafed argent attir'd , or . 16. The Company of Painters having the addition of Painters Stainers , are of high antiquity ; yet were they not incorporated till 1580. by Queen Eliz. their arms quarterly in the first azure , a cheuron between 3. heads , erected , or , in the second argent 3. Escuchins azure , the third as the second , the fourth as the first . 17. The Company of Curriers , are also ancient , yet they were not reduc'd to a Company , till the third of King Iames , their arms azure , a Crosse engrail'd , or between 4. Sawes , Salterwayes argent . 18. The Company of Masons , otherwise call'd Free Masons , were us'd to be a loving Brother-hood for many ages ; yet were they not regulated to a Society , till Hen. 4. their arms sable , on a cheuron between 3. Castles argent , a pair of Compasses of the first . 19. The Company of Plumbers were erected to a Corporation 9th Jacobi . 20. The Company of Inholders came to be reduc'd to a Corporation 6. Hen. 8. their arms azure a cheuron quarterly or and gules counterchang'd between 3. garbs , or . 21. The Company of Founders were incorporated on the 18th of Septemb. in the 12th year of King James ; their Coat , gules , a Spoonpot betwixt two Candlesticks , or . 22. The Company of Embroiderers came to be a Corporation 4th Eliz. their arms barry of 8. argent , and azure on a fesse or , a Cup argent , between as many Lyons passant regardant . 23. The Company of Poulters became a Corporation in the 19th of Hen. 7th ; their arms are three Swans of the first , as many Herons of the second . 24. The Company of Cooks became a Corporation in the 12th year of Edw. 4th ; their arms are a cheuron Sable , between three burray branches proper . 25. The Company of Coopers was reduced to a Corporation , the 16th of the Raign of Hen. 7th , by the name of Master , Wardens , or keepers of the Comminalty of the Freemen of the mystery of Coopers , and the Suburbs thereof . Their arms party per pale gules , and or , a cheuron between three hoops in a chief azure . 26. The Company of Tylers and Brick-layers , though very ancient , yet were they not made a Corporation , till the 10th of Queen Eliz. Their Arms , azure a cheuron , ●r between a Flower-de-lice , or in chief , 'twixt two gads of Steel of the second . 27. The Company of Bowyers , though of much antiquity , and honor to the English Nation ; yet their Incorporation was but in the 21. of King James : their arms , Sable on a chief , 3. Mallets of the first , between 3. Sawes of the first . 28. The Company of Fletchers are also a Corporation , their arms Sable a cheuron , or between 3. Arrowes argent . 29. The Company of Smiths , or Black-smiths , a very ancient Fraternity ; were first incorporated by Queen Eliz. 20th of her Raign , their arms , Sable , a cheuron between three Hammers crown'd , or . 30. The Company of Joyners , or Seelers , were incorporated by Queen Eliz. 13th of her Raign , their Arms , gules a Cheuron , 'twixt two Compasses and a Globe argent , on a chief pale gules , charg'd with an escalop , or , between two Roses of the first . 31. The Company of Playsterers were incorporated into one fraternity in the Raign of Hen. 7th . Their arms , azure an Escucheon , or , a Rose between two Flower-de-luces gules , two Hammers , and a Brush argent . 32. The Company of Weavers , were of very ancient note indeed , as having three several Societies of themselves , viz. the Woollen Weavers , the Arras Weavers & the Linnen Weavers ; their arms azure , three Leopards heads , with three Shuttles in their mouthes , argent on a cheuron gules or between . 33. The Company of the Fruterers were incorporated 3d Iacobi , their arms argent , the Tree of Paradice between Adam and Eve proper . 34. The Company of Scriveners became a Corporation , 14th Jacobi ; their arms , an Eagle volant , holding in his mouth a penner , and an Inkhorn . 34. As for Bottle-makers and Horners , though they may plead antiquity , yet are they no Incorporation . 35. The Company of Stationers of great antiquity before Printing was invented : their old dwelling was in Paternoster Row , and the adjoyning parts ; yet were they not incorporated till the third of Philip and Mary ; their arms , argent on a cheuron between 3. Bibles , or a Faulcon volant between two Roses , the Holy Ghost in chief . 36. The Company call'd the Marblers , or Sculpters , are in one fraternity with the Masons , yet have they a differing Coat , viz. a cheuron between two and a Mallet argent . 37. There was a Company of Wooll-packers , in the time of the Haunce , when the staple of Wooll flourish'd , their Coat , azure a Wool-sack argent . 38. The Company of Farriers had their rise from Henry de Ferraris , a Norman born , who was Master of the Horse to the Conqueror , and had given him the honour of Tutbury , which was the first preferment of the Ferrars , their arms three Horshooes azure . 39. The Company of Paviours are ancient , their Coat argent , a cheuron between three rummers Sable . 40. The Company of Lorinors , or Loriners , have for their arms , gules on a cheuron argent , three Horscombs 'twixt three Roses argent . 41. The Company of Brown-Bakers were incorporated 19th Jacobi , their arms , gules , a hand issuing out of the Clouds , a chief barry wavie , or , and azure on a cheuron gules . 41. The Company of Wood-mongers came to be incorporated 3d Jacobi , their Coat , argent a cheuron 'twixt 3. Faggots Sable . 42. The Company of the Upholsters , or Upholders , give for their arms , Sable three tents gules , on a cheuron , or 3. tents of the second . 43. The Company of Turners came to be incorporated 2d Jacobi , their Coat azure , a Katherine Wheel argent . 44. The Company of Glasiers give for their arms two Crosiers Salterwayes Sable , 4 sprigs on a chief gules , a Lyon passant , gardant or . 45. The Company of the Clarks , commonly call'd Parish-Clarks , is ancient , having bin incorporated 17th Hen. 3d , their arms azure , a Flower-de-lice , or , on a chief gules , a Leopards head , 'twixt two Books , or . 46. The Company of Watermen have for their arms barry waive of six azure and argent , a Lighter proper on a chief gules , a pair of Oares Salterwayes , 'twixt two Cushions , or . 47. The Company of Silk-throwers were made a Fellowship of this City , 19th Jacobi , they were incorporated by the name of the Master , Wardens , Assistants , and Comminalty of the Trade , Art , or Mystery of Silkthrowers , of the City of London . 48. The Company of the Apothecaries having separated themselves from the ancient Society of the Grocers , grew so much in favour with King James , that he us'd to call them his Company ; and therefore gave them a Charter of Incorporation , the 15th of his Raign . Thus have we visited all the publick Societies , and Corporations of this rich and renowned City , who may be called her best sorts of Children , for increasing of her Wealth , and advancement of Trade . Now every of these Companies hath a handsome and well-furnish'd stately Hall , with a Clark , and other Ministerial Officers thereunto belonging , to attend them , when they meet there to consult , and inorder what may conduce to the better regulation of the Society , and promoting of the publique good ; They also use to meet there frequently to rejoyce , and make plentiful Feasts , for the increase of love and good Neighbourhood among themselves ; And though there be some , who hold such Corporations , and little Body politiques , of this kind , to be prejudicial to Monarchy ; yet they may be said to be one of the Glories of London , and wherein she surpasseth all other Cities . The Perambulation of LONDON , OR , A Progress made through the six and twenty particular Wards , Precincts , or Aldermanries , whereinto the whole City is divided . GReat Cities have commonly their Divisions : And I could heartily wish , that the Noble City of London , had not so many in one sense , I mean so many Rents , factions , and feuds in the practice of Holy Duties , proceeding from such extravagant , heterodoxal , and fanatical opinions , or rather Chymeras of unsetled brains ; But these are not the Divisions that are here meant . Those which I intend in this place , are only topical distributions , or Districts , shewing the several position of parts , and differences of their locality , whereby the Reader may have a kind of Anatomy presented unto him , of all the members of this great populous City thus dissected . This general Division consists of six and twenty parts , or precincts , which in the English Dia●ect , are called Wards , and are these that follow . The names of all the Wards of the City of LONDON . Ward . 1. Tower-street . 2. Port-soken . 3. Algate . 4. Limestreet . 5. Bishops-gate . 6. Broad-street . 7. Cornhill . 8. Langhorn . 9. Billingsgate . 10. Bridge-ward within . 11. Candlewick . 12. Wallbrook . 13. Dowgate . 14. Vintry . 15. Cordwainer . 16. Cheape . 17. Colemanstreet . 18. Basings Hall. 19. Cripplegate . 20. Aldersgate . 21. Faringdon intra . 22. Faringdon extra . 23. Breadstreet . 24. Queen Hith . 25. Castle Bainard . 26. Bridgewater without viz. the Borough of Southwark . Whereof the greatest is the last , and Bassings-Hall the least . Of the first Ward or , Aldermanry , called Tower-street Ward . OUt of an honour which is due to the Tower of London , it being the prime Fortresse and propugnacle of the City , both by water and Land , the chief Armory and Archive of the whole Island , &c. we will begin with Tower-street Ward , it being the first Ward Eastward within the Wall , extending it self along the River from the Tower almost to Billinsgate ; One half of the Tower , the ditch on the West side , and Bulwarks adjoyning , do stand within that part where the wall of the City of old time went streight from the Postern gate South to the River of Thames , before that the Tower was perfectly built . Then was Tower hill sometimes a clear large plot of ground , but now pester'd with encroachments of houses , built upon the banks of the ditch , much to the prejudice , and choaking up of the said ditch . This Hill hath alwaies a Scaffold , and Gallowes erected for execution of Traytors and others , which the City opposed at first . Many clashings have been also 'twixt the Lord Mayor and the Lieutenant of the Tower about the extent of their Liberties , and some Priviledges touching prisoners the Lievtenant claim'd , which were reconciled 1585 ; in Queen Elizabeths time at Nonsuch . On the Northside of Tower-hill , there is Lumly house ; then is Tower-street , stretching from Tower-hill to Saint Margaret Pattens . At the end of this is the Parish Church called Alhallows Barking ; on the North side whereof was sometimes a fair Chappel , built by Richard the first ; and some say , that his Heart ( which is call'd Coeur de lion ) was buried there under the high Altar ; it became afterward a little Colledge of Priests , and stood till Edward the sixth . Henry Howard Earl of Surrey , being beheaded , was buried in Barking Church ; Iohn Fisher Bishop of Rochester , having layen naked upon the Scaffold a long time , was at last carried thither , and buried in the Churchyard ; There were divers other men of note buried there : and lately Doctor Land Archbishop of Canterbury , who was beheaded by the long Parliament . By the West side of Barking Church lyeth Sydon Lane , commonly call●d Sithing Lane , wherein among other large Buildings , there is Walsingham House . Then is there the Parish Church of Saint Olave , hard by Hart-street , where there are some Monuments of the noble Family of the Radcliffs Earls of Sussex . Then is there Mart-lane , part whereof lies in Algate Ward , where there are many fair Houses , & rich Marchants . Then is there Mincheon Lane , so call'd , because of Tenements there , sometimes pertaining to the Minchuns , or Nuns of St. Helens in Bishopsgate-street ; There dwelt in this Lane divers strangers in times pass'd , and they were commonly call'd Gallimen , because they brought up Wines , and other commodities in Gallies , which they landed in the Thames street , in a place call'd Galley Key ; They brought also a Coin with them call'd Gally half pence , which was a Ligurian Coin ; But in the Reign of Henry the fourth , and Henry the fifth , it was inordred , that whosoever should import that Coin with Suskins or Dodkins , should be punished as a Felon ; The Clothwork●rs Hall is in this Lane. Then have you the Parish Church of St. Mary Pattens , and Bear Lane hard by , reaching to Thames street ; The next is Spurrier lane , call'd so in times pass'd , but now named Water lane ; then is there Hart lane , call'd at first Harp-lane , which likewise reaches to Thames street . In this Lane is the Bakers Hall. In Tower street 'twixt Hart-lane and Church-lane , was in times pass'd a quadrant call'd Galley-row , because Galley men dwelt there : whence may be inferr'd ; that Galleys was a kind of shipping , not unknown to England in times pass'd . Then have you two Lanes out of Tower street , both call'd Church lanes , then hard by , is there another call'd Fowl-lane . Afterwards you come to the Parish Church of S. Dunstans in the East : it is a fair large Church of an ancient building , with a spacious Church-yard ; the chiefest Salters & Ironmongers were us'd to be thick there . There are many Monuments of Knights , and other persons of ranke in this Church ; among others , that of Sir Iohn Hawkins the great Seaman . There are many Keys in this Parish , among others VVooll Key , where was used to be the Trouage of Woolls ; Then Custome-house Key , which part of the Town was used to be call'd in times passd Petty VVales . And some are of opinion , that the Princes of Wales , when they repair'd to the City , had a Pallace there , the ruines whereof remain to this day of firm stone . There was in former times an Hospital in the Parish of Barking , for the sustentation of poor Priests , with other both men and women that were Lunatick . And so much in brief for what concerns Tower-street Ward . Of the second Ward of London called Portsoken Ward . VVE will now make a salley out of Algate , and visit Portsoken VVard ; This Portsoken signifieth Franchise , where there was sometimes a very ancient Guild or particular Society , which had its beginning in the Reign of King Edgar ; There were then 13 Knights , who desir'd to have a portion of Land on the East part of the City , which for some signal services done in the wars , was granted them with the Liberty of a Guild ; The King condescended hereunto , pro●ided that each of them should victoriously perform three combats , one above ground , and another under ground , and the third in the water . They were to run in East Smithfield with Spears against all comers , which was us'd to be gloriously performed ; So that the King namd that place Knighten Guild , and so prescribed its bound● , which extended from Algate to the place where now the Barrs are Eastward , on both sides of the street , and Northward as far as Bishopsgate ; and Southward as far as the Thames , and so far into the River that a horieman might ride at low water , and throw his Spear ; These Knights continued their Ch●rter in the daies of Edgar , Ethelred , and Canutus , which Edward the Confessor did not only ratifie but enlarge , which deed remain'd a long time fairly written in the Saxon Letter & Tongue , in the Book of the late House of the holy Trinity ; after that VVilliam Rufus confirm'd the said Charter unto the Heirs of those Knights , as followeth ; William King of England , to Maurice Bishop , and Godefroy de Magun , and Richard de Parre , and to his faithful people of London , Greeting . Know ye me to have granted to the men of Knighten Guild , that belong'd to them , and the Land that belong'd thereunto , with all Customes as they were used to have the same in the time of my Predecessors , &c. Henry the first after him confirm'd the same ; But afterwards the Church of the Holy Trinity , being founded by Queen Matilda within Aldgate , such was the piety of those times , that this Knighten Guild , which was of such large extent that it reach'd unto the Thames , was voluntarily given to the Canons of that Church ; And for better ratification of the Grant they offer'd upon the Altar , Saint Edwards Charter with the rest which they had , and put the Prior of the Holy Trinity , in possession and saisin thereof ; by the Church of Saint Butolph , which was built thereon , being the head of the Land ; All which , King Henry confirm'd by that famous Charter which runs thus . Henry King of England to R. Bishop of London , to the Sheriffs , and Provost , and all his Barons , and faithful people , French and English of London and Middlesex , Greeting ; Know ye me to have granted and confirm'd to the Church & Canons of the holy Church of the Trinity of London the Soke of the English Knighten Guild , and the Land which pertaineth thereunto ; and to the Church of Saint Buttolph , as the men of the same Guild have given , and granted unto them ; And I will & streightly command , that they hold the same well , and honourably and freely with Sack and Soke , Toll and Thea , Infangthefe , and all Customs belonging to it as the men of the same Guild in the best sort had it in the time of King Edward ; and as King William my Father and Brother did grant it to them by their Writs , Witnesse A. the Queen , &c. The Prior and Canons of the Holy Trinity beind thus seiz'd of the said Land , and Soke of Knighten Guild , being not only a part of the Suburbe without the Wall , but also within the City , the Prior was for him and his Successors admitted as one of the Aldermen of London ; And according to the Customs of the City , he did sit in Court , and rode● with the Mayor and his brethren the Aldermen , as one of them , in Scarlet , or other Livery as they then us'd : until the year 1531 , at which time , the said Priory was surrendred to Henry the eighth by Act of Parliament , who gave it to Sir Thomas Audley Lord Chancelour of England , and he pull'd down the Church , and dissolv'd the Priory ; since which dissolution , the said Ward of Portsoken hath been govern'd by Temporal men , one of the Aldermen of London . Thus much for the out-bound Portsoken Ward , or Knighten Guild , touching the antiquity and Government thereof . Now touching the Parts thereof , it is to be observed , that the East part of the Tower stands therein , then an Hospital of Saint Katherine founded by the foresaid Queen Matilda , wife to King Stephen , by Licence of the Prior , and Convent of the Holy Trinity in London , on whose ground she built it ; Queen Elianor Wife to Edward the first , was a second Foundresse there , and appointed one Master , three Brethren Chaplains , and three Sisters , ten poor women , with six poor Clerks ; for the maintenance of whom , she gave the Mannor of Clarton in VViltshiere , and Upchurch in Kent , &c. Queen Philippa Wife to Edward the third , founded a Chantry there , and contributed to that Hospital ten pounds Land a year ; The Quiere there , was not much inferior to that of Pauls , which by one Doctor Wilson being Master there , was afterwards dissolv'd . On the East and by North of the Tower lieth East Smithfield and Tower hill , two Plots of ground so call'd without the Walls of the City , where sometimes flood a Monastery call'd New Abbey , founded by Edward the 3d. upon the occasion following ; That having escaped a great danger in a tempest at Sea , he made a vow to build a Monastery , in sign of gratitude to heaven , to the honor of God and our Lady of Grace , which he perform'd accordingly . But the said Monastery , being afterwards pull'd down by Sir Arthur Darcy of late time , in place thereof is built a large store-house for victual , with convenient Ovens , for baking of Bisket to serve the Navy Royal ; the rest of the ground is become into smal Tenements . The Company of Marchant-Taylors , have built thereabouts , hard by Hog-street , divers fair Alms-houses for 14 poor women , and endow'd it with maintenance accordingly . Westward hence from Tower hill towards Algate , there was a Monastery of Nunns of the Order of Santa Clara , call'd the Minories , founded by Edmund Earl of Lancaster , brother to Edward the first , Anno 1293 , which was demolished in Henry the eighths time , Dame Elizabeth Savage being then Abbesse : In the room of this Nunnery , there are now store-houses for Armour , and habillaments for war , with divers Work-houses to that purpose ; and hard by , there is is a small Church , called Saint Trinity for the Inhabitants thereabouts . We come now to the Church of Saint B●ttolph , which the Priors of the Holy Trinity did build , being Patrons thereof ; In this Church among others there lies buried , Thomas Lord Darcy of the North , Knight of the Garter , who was beheaded Anno 1537. And also Sir Nicholas Carew , of Beddington in Surrey , beheaded also Anno 1538. East from this Parish Church is Hog-lane , that stretcheth towards St. Mary Spittle , which within these sixty years , had fair rows of Elm-trees all along , which are turn'd now to Houses on both sides , from Houndsditch to VVhite-Chappel . Of the Third Ward , or Aldermanry , called Aldgate Ward . WE will still look Eastward yet a good while , and go to the third Ward within the Walls , which is called Ealdgate Ward , or Aldgate , as taking name of the same gate ; The principal street of this Ward beginneth at Ealdgate stretching West to sometime a fair Well , where now a Pump is placed ; From thence ( the way being divided into twain ) the first and principal street , ( called Aldgate ) runneth on the South side to Lime-street corner , and half that street down on the left hand is also of that Ward . In the mid way on that South side , betwixt Ealdgate and Lime-street , is Hart-horn Alley , a way that goeth thorow into Fen-Church street , over against Northumberland house ; Then have ye Bricklayers H●ll , and another Alley called Sprinkle Alley , now named Suger-loaf-alley , of the like Si●n . Then is there a fair House with divers Tenements near adjoyning , sometimes belonging to a late dissol●ed Priory , but since possessed by Mr. Cornwallies widdow , and her Heirs by the gift of King Henry the eighth , in reward of fine puddings ( as it was commonly said ) by her made , wherewith she had presented him ; such was the Princely liberality of those times . Of later time , Sir Nicholas Throgmorton Knight , was log'd there . Then somewhat more West is Belzetters Lane , so called of the first Builder and owner thereof : now corruptly called B●lliter lane ; betwixt this Belzetters lane and Lime-street , was ( of later time ) a frame of three fair Houses , set up in the year 1590 , in place where before was a large Garden-plot , enclosed from the High-street with a Brick Wall , which Wall being taken down , and the ground digged deep for cellerage , there was found right under the said Brick Wall , another Wall of stone with a Gate arch'd of stone , and Gates of Timber , closed in the middest towards the street ; the Timber of the Gates was consumed , but the Hinges of Iron still remained on , and their Staples on both the sides . Moreover , in that Wall were square Windowes , with Bars of Iron on either side the Gate ; this Wall was under ground above two fathoms deep , as it was esteemed , and seemed to be the ruines of some House burned in the Reign of King Steven , when the fire began in the House of one Aleward , neer London-stone , and consumed East to Ealdgate , whereby it appeareth , how greatly the ground of this City hath been in that place raised . On the North side , this principall street stretcheth to the West corner of Saint Andrews Church , and then the Ward turneth towards the North , by S. Mary street ; on the East side , to St. Augustines Church in the Wall , and so by Burryes Markes again , or about by the Wall to Ealdgate . The second way from Ealdgate , more towards the South from the Pump aforesaid , is called Fen-Church-street , and is of Ealdgate Ward , till ye come to Cullver Alley , on the West side of Ironmongers Hall ; where sometimes was a Lane , which went out of F●n-Church-street , to the middest of Lime-street , but this Lane was stopped up , for suspicion of Thieves that lurked there by night . Again , to Aldgate , ( out of the principal street , even by the Gate and Wall of the City , ) runneth a Lane South to Crossed or Crouched-Fryers , and then Woodroof Lane , to the Tower Hill ; and out of this Lane West , a street called Hart-street , which of that Ward stretcheth to Sydon-lane , by St. Olaves Church ; one other Lane more West from Algate , goeth by Northumberland-House towards the Crossed-Fryars ; then have you on the same side , the North end of Mart-lane , and Blanch-axelton or Chappleton , where that Ward endeth . Thus much for bounds . Now for Monuments , or places most anci●nt and notable ; I am first to begin with the late dissolved Priory of the holy Trinity , call'd Christs-Church , on the right hand within Aldgate ; This Priory was founded by Matilda , Queen and Wife to Henry the first , in the same place where Siredus somtime began to erect a Church in honour of that Crosse , and of Saint Mary Magdalen , of which the Dean and Chapter of Waltham , were wont to receive thirty shillings , the Queen was to acquit her Church thereof ; and in exchange gave unto them a Mi●● , King Henry her husband confirmed her gift ; This Church was given to Norman , the first Canon regular in all England . The said Queen gave also unto the same Church , and those that served God therein , the plot of Aldgate , and the Soke or Tenements thereunto belonging , with all Customs , so free as she had held the same , and 25 l. Blanks , which she had of the City of Exeter , as appeareth by her Deed , wherein she nameth the House of Christs-Church , and reporteth Aldgate to be of her Demains , which she granteth , with two parts of the rent of the City of Excester . Norman took on him to be Prior of Christs-Church , in the year of Christ 1108 , in the Parishes of St. Mary Magdalen , St. Michael , St. Katherine , and the blessed Trinity , and was ( in old time ) of the holy Crosse , or holy R●●d Parish . The Priory was builded on a piece of ground in the Parish of St. Katherine , towards Aldgate , which lyeth in length , betwixt the Kings-street , by the which men go towards Algate near to the Chappel of St. Michael towards the North , and containeth in ●ength eighty three ells , half quarter , and half quartern of the Kings Iron eln , and lieth in breadth , &c. The Soke and Ward of Aldgate was then bounded , as I have before shewn . The Queen was a men also , that the Land and English Knighten-Gu●ld was given unto the Prior Norman , and the honorable man Geffrey de Clinton , was a great helper therein , and obtained , that the Canons might enclose the way betwixt their Church and the Wall of the City , &c. This Priory in processe of time , became a very fair and large Church , rich in Lands and Ornaments , and passed all the Priories in the City of London , or Shire of Middlesex . The Prior whereof was an Alderman of London , to wit , of Portsoken Ward . It is Recorded , that Eustacius the eighth Prior , about the year 1264 , because he would not deal with temporal Matters , instituted Theobald Fitz Ivon●s Alderman of the said Portsoken Ward under him ; and that VVilliam Rising Prior of Christs Church , was sworne Alderman of the said Portsoken Ward , in the first of Richard the second . These Priors have sitten and ridden amongst the Aldermen of London , in Livery like unto them , faring that his habit was in shape of a spirituall person , at which time the Prior kept a most bountiful house of meat and drink , both for rich and poor , as well within the House as at the Gates , to all comers according to their estates and qualities . But to take leave of this Priory : King Henry the eighth minding to reward Sir Thomas Audley Speaker of the Parliament against Cardinal Woolsey , as ye may read in the Chronicle , sent for the Prior , commending him for his Hospitality , promised him preferment as a man worthy of a far greater dignity , ( which promise surely he performed ) and compounded with him , though in what sort I never heard ; so that the Priory , with the appurtenances , was surrendred to the King , in the month of Iuly 1531 , the 23 of the said Kings Reign , the Canons were sent to other houses of the same Order : and the Priory with the appurtenances , King Henry gave to Sir Tho. Audley newly knighted , and afterwards made Lord Chancelour . Sir Thomas Audley offered the great Church of this Priory , with a ring of nine Bells well tuned ( whereof four of the greatest were since sold to the Parish of Stebunbith , and the five lesser to the Parish of St. Katherine Christs-Church , in exchange for their small Parish Church , minding to have pulled it down , and to have builded there towards the steeet ; But the Parishioners , having doubts in their heads of after-claps , refused the offer . Then was the Priory Church and Steeple , proffered to whomsoever would take it down , and carry it from the ground , but no man would undertake the offer ; whereupon , Sir , Thomas Audley was fain to be at more charges than could be made of the Stones , Timber , Lead , Iron , &c. For the Workmen , with great labour , beginning at the top , loosed stone from stone , and threw them down , whereby the most part of them were broken , and few remained whole , & those were sold very cheap ; for all the buildings then made about the City , were of Brick & Timber ; At that time any man in the City might have a Cart-load of stone for paving brought to his door for 6d . or 7d . with the carriage . The said Thomas , Lord Audley , builded and dwelt on this Priory during his life , and dyed there in the year 1544 , since which time , the said Priory came ( by Marriage of the Lord Audley's Daughter and Heir ) unto Thomas Duke of Norfolk , and was then called the Dukes-place . At this time the Inhabitants dwelling & abiding in the said Dukes-place became utterly destitute of any Parish Church , for resorting to Gods Divine service , and the administration of the blessed Sacraments ; which in the time of their former zeal , the demolished Priory , not only serv'd their use , but infinite numbers besides , resorted thither . In which respect , the Parish Church of St. Katherine being so near , and standing in the Coemitery or Church-yard of the late dissolved Priory of the Holy Trinity , whereby it was called Saint Katherine Christs-Church , they resorted thither at the hours of Divine Service , and for the benefit of the blessed Sacraments , whereby they became a burthen to the said Parish , yet well enough borne withal , in regard of the benefit ensuing by them , so that they carried the respect of equal parishioners , exercising and accomplishing all duties there , even as if it had been their own proper Parish . The long continuance of them in this kind , although some much misliked , and gladly would have compassed means for remedy thereof ; yet their power not stretching so far , nor the way ( as yet ) fitting for their purpose , they remained contented against their Wills , till time would fit them with more convenient opportunity ; Ground they wanted not , for raising a sufficient Parish Church to themselves , neither did any good will fail in them for the effecting their purpose ; but only were curbed by the lack of strength , how and which way to bring it about . At length perceiving their ground ( intended for so good a use to themselves ) aimed at for buildings to private mens benefits , that so they might be frustrate of any such help , when occasion should in better manner shine on them , some of the best advised among them , by Petition solicited the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , to make their desire and intention known to the King , which he did . And the King , finding the case so truly honest and religious , for new erecting a Church where such necessity required , and where Superstition had so long time formerly been harboured , not only gave the Lord Archbishop and the Suitors , both thanks and commendation , but also under his Hand and broad Seal , authorizable Warrant for their proceeding . The Lord Mayor and Senate of Aldermen , having intelligence in the case , and perceiving what an honour would redound thereby , first to God who inspired them thereto ; next to the King , for so Royally granting the suite ; and then to the City , for furthering it to Effect , notwithstanding that divers oppositions were made by them , who would have things still continue , as formerly they did without benefit of a Parish Church of their own . It proceeded on with good & prosperous success , to the no mean Honour , and commendation of the Lord Maior then being , Sir Ed. Barkham by name , the Court of Aldermen , and state of this famous City by whose good meanes it is made a very beautiful and comely Parish Church , it being called in the time of re-edifying , Trinity Christs Church , raised out of the long decayed ruines , of Trinity Priory in the Dukes place . By this time , the work is grown to such fulness and perfection , as now nothing wanteth , but the windows glazing , which was performed in this manner , The main and great East light in the Chancel , Sir Edward Barkham himself undertook , and effected it at his own Charge , as the expression testifieth in the same Window . The other sideling by it ; but inclining more Southerly . Mr. George Whitmore , and Mr. Nicholas Rainton , performed . And the third , standing Northerly in the same Chancel , Mr. Walter Leigh , who had bin a Serjeant at Arms , to the Kings Majesty , and then Sword-bearer of London , did likewise at his own Charge perform , The two Western lights in the bottom of the Church , being ( indeed ) very fair lights ; the Company of Drapers effected the one , and the Wood-mongers Society finished the other . Beside , the two Southerly Windows , the one done at the charge of Mr. Cornelius Fish , Chamberlain of London ; and the other by Mr. Waldron , then Marshal : so now ye have the Church of St. Iames compleat . The Parish Church of St. Katherine , standeth in the Caemitery of the dissolved Priory of the holy Trinity , and is therefore called St. Katherine Christs Church . The Church seemeth to be very old , since the building whereof , the High street hath bin so often raised by Pavements , that now men are sain to descend into the said Church , by divers steps , seven in number ; but the Steeple , or Bell Tower thereof , hath bin lately builded , to wit , about the year 1504. For Sir Iohn Perceival Marchant-Tailor , then deceasing , gave money towards the building thereof . Now concerning this Parish Church of St. Katherine Christs Church , commonly Cree-Church , as formerly hath bin said , it had a descent down into it by seven steps or stayers ; but being now newly built , and made a very fair Ch●●ch : the ascent into the Church , is by four or five degrees . At the North-West corner of this Ward , in the said High street , standeth the fair and beautiful Parish Church of St. Andrew the Apostle , with an Addition , to be known from other Churches of that Name , of the Knape , or Undershaft and so called St. Andrew Undershaft : because that of old time , every year ( on May-day in the morning ) it was used , that an high or long shaft , or May-pole , was set up there , in the midst of the street , before the South door of the said Church , which Shaft or Pole , when it was set on end , and fixed in the ground , was higher then the Church Steeple . Jeffrey Chawcer , writing of a vain boaster , hath these words , meaning of the said Shaft . Right well aloft , and high ye bear your head , The Weather-Cock , with flying , as ye would kill , When ye be stuffed , bet of Wine , than bread , Then look ye , when your wombe doth fill , As ye would bear the great Shaft of Corn-hill . Lord so merrily , crowdeth then your Croke , That all the Street may bear your Body Cloke . This Shaft was not raised any time since evil May-day ( so called of an insurrection made by Prentices , and other young persons against Aliens , in the year 1517. ) but the said Shaft was laid along over the doors , and under the Pentises of one rowe of Houses , and Alley-gate , called of the Shaft , Shaft-Alley , ( being of the possessions of Rochester-bridge ) in the Ward of Limestreet . It was there I say , hanged on Iron hooks many years , till the third of King Edward the sixth That one Sir Steven , Curate of St. Katherine Christs Church , preaching at Pauls Crosse , said there , that this Shaft was made an Idoll , by naming the Church of St. Andrew , with the addition of Under-shaft ; he perswaded therefore , that the names of Churches might be altered : Also , that the names of the dayes in the week , might be changed , the Fish dayes to be kept any dayes , except Friday and Saturday ; and the Lent any time , save only betwixt Shrovetide and Easter : This man forsaking the Pulpit of his said Parish Church , would preach out of an high Elm Tree , in the midst of the Church-yard , And then entring the Church , forsaking the Altar , to have sung his High Masse in English ▪ upon a Tomb of the Dead , towards the North ; But his Sermon at Pauls Crosse , took such effect , that in the Afternoon of that present Sunday , the Neighbors and Tenants to the said Bridge , over whose doors , the said Shaft had lain , after they had dined ( to make themselves strong ) gathered more help , and with great labor , raising the Shaft from the Hooks ( whereon it had rested two and thirty years ) they sawed it in pieces , every man taking for his share , so much as had lain over his door and stall , the length of his house ; and they of the Alley divided amongst them , so much as had lain over their Alley gate . Thus was his Idoll ( as he termed it ) mangled , and after burned . Soon after , was there a commotion of the Commons in Norfolk , Suffolk , Essex , and other Shires , by means whereof , streight Orders being taken for the suppression of rumors , divers persons were apprehended , and executed by Marshal Law ; amongst the which , the Bayliffe of Rumford in Essex , was one , a man very well beloved : he was early in the morning of Mary Magdalens day ( then kept Holy-day ) brought by the Sheriffs of London , and the Knight-Marshall , to the Well within Aldgate , there to be executed upon a Gibbit , set up that morning , where being on the Ladder , he had words to this effect ; ●ood People , I am come hither to die , but know not for what offence , except for words by me spoken yester night to Sir Stephen , Curate and Preacher of this Parish , which were these , He asked me what newes in the Country , I answered , Hea●y newes ; why quoth he ? It is said , quoth I , that many men be up in Essex ; But thanks be to God , all is in good quiet about us ; and this was all , as God be my Iudge , &c. Thus much , by the By. Now again , to the Parish Church of St. Andrew Under Shaft , for it still retaineth the name , which hath bin new builded by the Parishioners , since the year 1520. every man putting to his helping hand , some with their purses , others with their Bodies . Stephen Iennings Marchant-Taylor , sometimes Mayor of London , caused ( at his charges ) to be builded the whole North side of the great middle I le , both of the Body and Quire , as appeareth by his Arms , over every Pillar graven ; and also the North I le , which he roofed with Timber , and seeled . Also the whole South side of the Church , was glazed , and the Pewes in the South Chappel made of his Costs , as appeareth in every Window , and upon the said Pewes . He deceased in the year 1524. and was buried in the Grey Fryers Church . John Kirby Marchant-Taylor , sometimes one of the Sheriffs , John Garland Marchant-Taylor , and Nicholas Levison Mercer , Executor to Garland , were great Benefactors to this work , which was finished ( to the glazing ) in the year 1529. and fully finished 1532. Now in the second way from Aldgate , more toward the South , from the Well or Pump aforesaid , sieth Fenne-Church street ; on the right hand whereof , somewhat West from the South end of Belzetters lane , is Ironmongers-Hall , which Company was incorporated in the third of Edward the fourth , Richard Flemming was their first Master , Nicholas Marshall , and Richard Cox , were Custodes or Wardens . And on the left hand , or South side , ( even by the Gate and Wall of the City ) runneth down a Lane to the Tower-Hill : the South part whereof , is called Woodroof-Lane ; and out of this Lane toward the West , a street called Hart-street . In this street , at the South-East Corner thereof ; sometime stood one house of Crowched or ( Crossed ) Fryers , founded by Ralph Hosier , and William Sabernes , about the year 1298. Stephen the tenth Prior of the Holy Trinity in London , granted three Tenements for 13 s. 8 d. by the year , unto the said Ralph Hosiar , and William Saburnes , who afterwards became Fryers of S. Crosse. Adam was the first Prior of that house : These Fryers founded their house in the place of certain Tenements , purchased of Rich. Wimblush , the 12th Prior of the Holy Trinity , in the year 1319. which was confirmed by Edward the third , the seventeenth of his Raign , valued at 52 l. 13 s. 4 d. surrendred the 12th of Novemb , the 30. of Henry the 8th . In place of this Church , is now a Carpenters yard , a Tennis-Court , and such like : the Fryers Hall was made a Glasse-house , or house , wherein was made Glasse of divers sorts to drink in : which house , in the year 1575. on the fourth of September , burst out into a terrible fire , where all meanes possible being practised to quench it , notwithstanding , as the same house in a small time before , had consumed a great quantity of Wood , by making of Glasses ; Now it self , having within it about 40000 Billets of Wood , was also consumed to the stone walls , which nevertheless , greatly , hindred the fire from spreading any further . Adjoyning unto this Fryers Church , by the East end thereof in Woodroffe Lane , towards the Tower-Hill , are certain Almes-houses , 14. in number , builded of Brick and Timber , founded by Sir John Milburn , Draper , sometime Maior , 1521. wherein be placed 13. aged poor men , and their Wives : these have their dwellings rent-free , and 2 s. 4 d. a peece , the first day of every Moneth for ever . Next to these Alms-houses is the Lord Lumleys house , builded in the time of King Henry the 8th , by Sir Thomas Wiat the Father , upon one plot of ground , of late pertaining to the aforesaid Crossed Fryers , where part of their house stood . And this is the farthest of Aldgate VVard toward the South , and joyneth to the Tower-Hill ; the other side of that Lane , over against the Lord Lumleys house , on the wall side of the City , is now for the most part ( or altogether ) builded , even to Aldgate . Then have ye on the South side of Fenne-Church-street , over against the wall or Pump , amongst other fair and large builded houses , one that sometime belonged to the Prior of Monte Joves , or Monastarie Cornute , a Cell to Monte Joves beyond the Seas ; in Essex it was the Priors Inne , when he repaired to this City ; Then a Lane that leadeth down by Northumberland House , towards the Crossed Fryers , as is afore shewed . This Northumberland House in the Parish of St. Katherine Coleman , belonging to Henry Percy , Earl of Northumberland , in the 33. of Henrie the sixth ; but of late being left by the Earls , the Gardens thereof were made into Bowling Alleys , and other parts into Dicing-houses , common to all commers , for their money , there to bowl & recreate themselves . But now of late , so many Bowling Alleys , and other houses for unlawful gaming , have been raised in other parts of the City and Subburbs , that this which was used to be the ancientest , and only Rendezvouz of sport , is left and forsaken of the Gamesters , and therefore turned into a number of great Rents , small Cottages , for strangers and others . At the East end of this Lane , in the way from Aldgate , toward the Crossed Friers , of old time , were certain Tenements , called the Poor Jurie , of Jewes dwelling there . Next unto this Northumberland house , is the Parish Church of St. Katherine , called Coleman ; which addition of Coleman , was taken of a great Haw-yard , or Garden , of old time called Coleman Haw , in the Parish of the Trinity , now called Christs Church . And in the Parish of St. Katherine , and All-saints , called Coleman Church . There are some handsome Tombs in this Church , and particularly of Sir Henry Billingley Knight , and Lord Mayor of London , who was a Benefactor thereunto . Then have ye Blanch Appleton , whereof we read in the 13th of Edw. the first , that a Lane behind the same Blanch Appleton , was granted by the King to be inclosed , and shut up ; This Blanch Appleton was a Mannor belonging to Sir Thomas R●●os of Hamelake , Knight , the 7th of Rich : the 2d , standing at the North-East corner of Mart Lane , so called , of a priviledge sometime enjoyed to keep a Mart there , long since discontinued , and therefore forgotten : so as nothing remaineth for memory , but the name of Mart Lane , and now corruptly termed Mark Lane. Of the fourth Ward , or Aldermanry of London , called Limestreet Ward . WE will now give a visit to Limestreet Ward , which takes its denomination from the street , and the street from making Lime there , in times passed . In Limestreet are divers fair Houses ; for Marchants and others , there was sometime a Mansion house of the Kings , called the Kings Artirce , as it stands upon Record , in the 14th of Edward the first ; but now grown out of knowledge : We read also of another great House , in the West side of Limestreet , having a Chappel on the South , and a Garden on the West , belonging to the Lord Nevill , which Garden is now called Green Yard , of the Leaden Hall. This House in the 9th of Rich. 2. pertained to Sir Simon Burley , and Sir John Burley his Brother : and of late , the said House was taken down , and the forefront thereof new builded of Timber , by Hugh Offley , Alderman . At the North-west Corner of Limestreet , was ( of old time ) one great Mesuage , called Benbridges Inne ; Raph Holland , Draper , about the year 1452. gave it to John Gill , Master , and to the VVardens and Fraternity of Taylors , and Linnen Armourers of St. John Baptist in London , and to their successors for ever . They did set up in places thereof , a fair large frame of Timber , containing in the high street , one great house ; and before it , to the corner of Limestreet three other Tenements , the corner house being the largest ; and then down Limestreet , divers handsome Tenements : All which , the Marchant-Taylors , in the Raign of Edw. 6. sold to Stephen Kirton , Marchant-Taylor , and Alderman , who gave with his Daughter Grisild , to Nicholas Woodroffe , the said great House , with two Tenements before it , in lieu of an hundred pounds , and made it up in money , three hundred sixty six pounds , thirteen shillings four pence : This worthy man , and the Gentlewoman his Widow , after him , kept those houses down Limestreet , in good reparations , never put out but one Tenant , took no fines , nor raised rents for them , which was ten shillings the piece yearly ; But whether that favour did over-live her Funeral , the Tenants now can best declare the contrary . The next is Leaden-Hall , of which we read , that in the year 1309. it belonged to Sir Hugh Nevil , Knight , and that the Lady Alice his Wife , made a Feoffment thereof , by the name of Leaden Hall , with the Advousions of S. Peter on Cornhill , and other Churches , to Richard Earl of Arrundel , and Surrey , 1362. Moreover , in the year 1380. Alice Nevil , Widow to Sir Iohn Nevil , Knight of Essex , confirmed to Thomas Cogshall , and others , the said Mannor of Leaden-Hall , and the advousions , &c. In the year 1384. Humphrey de Bohun , Earl of Hereford , had the said Mannor , And in the year 1408. Robert Rikeden of Essex , and Margaret his Wife , confirmed to Richard Whittington , and other Citizens of London , the said Mannor of Leaden Hall , with the Appurtenances , the Advousion of St. Peters Church , S. Margaret Pattens , &c. And in the year 141● . the said Whitington , and other , confirmed the same to the Maior , and Comminalty of London , whereby it came to the possession of the City . Then in the year 1443. the one and twenty of Henry the sixth , Iohn Hatheyrley , Maior , purchased Licence of the said King , to take up 200. fodder of Lead , for the building of Water Conduits , a common Granary , and the Crosse in West Cheape , more richly , for the honour of the City . In the year next following , the Parson and Parish of St. Dunstane , in the East of London , seeing the Noble and mighty Man ( for the words be in the Grant ; Cùm Nobilis & Potens vir . ) Simon Eyre , Citizen of London , among other his works of piety , effectually determined to erect & build a certain Granary , upon the soil of the same City at Leaden Hall , of his own charges , for the common utility of the said City , to the amplifying and inlarging of the said Granary , granted to Henry Frowick , then Maior , the Aldermen and Commonalty , and their Successors for ever , all their Tenements , with the appurtenances , sometime called the Horse Mill in Grasse-street , for the annual Rent of four pounds , &c. Also , certain evidences of an Alley , and Tenements pertaining to the Horse Mill , adjoyning to the said Leaden Hall in Grasse-street , given by VVilliam Kingstone , Fishmonger , unto the Parish Church of St. Peter upon Cornhill , do specifie the said Granary , to be builded by the said Honourable and famous Marchant , Simon Eyre , sometime an Upholster , and ●hen a Draper , in the year 1419. He builded it of squared stone , in form as now it sheweth , with a fair and large Chappel in the East side of the Quadrant ; over the Porch of which , he caused to be written , Dextra Domini exaltavit me , The Lords right hand exalted me . Within the said Church , on the North wall , was written , Honorandus famosus Mercator Simon Eyre , hujus operis , &c. In English thus , The honourable and famous Marchant Simon Eyre , founder of this work , once Maior of this City , Citizen and Draper of the same , departed out of this life , the 18th day of Septemb. the year from the Incarnation of Christ , 1459. and the 38. year of the Raign of King Henry the sixth : he was buried in the Parish Church of St. Mary Wolnoth , in Lumbard street ; he gave by his Testament , to be distributed to all Prisons in London , or within a mile of that City , somewhat , to relieve them . More , he gave 2000 Marks upon a condition , which not performed , was then to be distributed to Maids Marriages , and other deeds of Charity : he also gave 3000 Marks to the Drapers , upon condition , that they should within one year after his decease , establish perpetually a Master or Warden , five secular Priests , six Clerks , and two Queristers , to sing daily Divine Service , by note for ever , in this Chappel of the Leaden-hall ; Also , one Master with an Usher for Grammar , one Master for Writing , and the third for Song , with Houses there newly builded for them for ever ; the Master to have for his salary , ten pounds , and every other Priest , eight pounds ; every other Clarke , five pounds six shillings eight pence ; and every other Chorister , five Marks ; and if the Drapers refused this to do , within one year after his decease , then the three thousand Marks to remain to the Prior and Covent of Christs-Church in London , with condition to establish things as aforesaid , within two years after his decease ; And if they refused , then the three thousand Marks to be disposed by his Executors , as they best could devise in works of Charity . Thus much for his Testament , not performed by establishing of Divine Service in his Chappel or Free-School , and Scholars ; neither was it known how the stock of three thousand Marks ( or rather five thousand Marks ) was employed by his Executors , he left issue Thomas , who had issue Thomas , &c. True it is , that in the year 1464 , the third of Edward the fourth , it was agreed by the Mayor , Aldermen , and Commonalty of London , that notwithstanding the Kings Letters Pattents , lately before granted unto them , touching the Trouage or weighing of Wares , to be held at Leaden-hall ; yet Suite should be made to the King , for new Letters Pattents , to be granted to the Mayor of the Staple , for the Trouage of Wools , to be holden there , and order to be taken by the discretion of Thomas Cooke , then Mayor ; The Councel of the City , Geffrey filding , then Mayor of the Staple at Westminster , and of the Kings Councel what should be paid to the Mayor , and Aldermen of the City , for the laying and housing of the Wools there , that so they might be brought forth and weighed , &c. Touching the Chappel there , we find that in the year 1466 , by Licence obtained of King Edward the fourth , in the sixth of his Reign , a Fraternity of the Trinity of 60 Priests ( besides other brethren and sisters ) in the same Chappel , was founded by Rouse , Iohn Risby , and Thomas Ashby Priests : some of the which sixty Priests , every Market-day , in the fore-noon , did celebrate Divine service there , to such Market people as repaired to prayer , and once every year , they met altogether , and had solemn Service , with procession of all the Brethren , and Sisters ; this foundation was in the year 1512 , by a Common-Councel confirmed to the sixty Trinity Priests , and to their Successors , at the will of the Mayor and Commonalty . In the year 1484 a great fire happened upon Leaden-hall , by what casualty it was not known , but much housing was there destroyed , with all the Stocks for Guns , and other provision belonging to the City , which was a great losse , and no lesse charge to be repaired by them . In the year 1503. the eighteenth of Henry the seventh , a request was made by the Commons of the City , concerning the usage of the said Leaden-Hall , in form as followeth ; Please it the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Common-Councel , to enact , that all Frenchmen bringing Canvas , Linnen cloth , and other Wares to be sold , and all Forreins bringing Woolsteads , Sayes , Stamins , Kiverings , Nayles , Iron work , or any other Wares , and also all Forreins , bringing Lead to the City to be sold , shall bring all such their Wares aforesaid , to the open Market of the Leaden-Hall , and no where else to be shewed , sold and uttered , like as of old time it hath been used , upon pain of forfeiture of all the said Wares , shewed or sold in any other place than aforesaid ; And the shew of the said Wares to be made three daies in a week , that is to lay Monday , Tuesday , and Wednesday ; It is also thought reasonable , that the common Beam be kept from henceforth in the Leaden-hall , & the Farmer to pay therefore reasonable rent to the Chamber , for better it is , that the Chamber have advantage thereby , than a Forreign person ; And also the said Leaden-hall , which is more chargeable now by half than profitable , shall better bear out the charges thereof ; Also the common Beam for Wool at Leaden-hall may pay yearly a rent to the Chamber of London , toward the supportation and charges of the same place : for reason it is , that a common Office occupied upon a common ground , bear a charge to the use of the Communalty ; Also that Forrains bringing Wools , Felts , or any other Marchandizes or Wares to Leaden-hall , to be kept there for the sale and market , may pay more largely for keeping of their goods , than Freemen . Thus much for the request of the Commons at that time . Now to set down some proof , that the said Hall hath been employed and used as a Granary for Corn and grain ( as the same was first appointed ) leaving all former examples , this one may suffice , Roger Achley Mayor of London in the year 1512 , the third of Henry the eighth , when the said Mayor entred the Majoralty , there was not found one hundred quarters of Wheat in all the Garners of this City , either within the Liberties or near adjoyning , through the which scarcity , when the Carts of Stratford came laden with Bread to the City ( as they had been accustomed ) there was such press about them , that one man was ready to destroy another , in striving to be served for their money ; but this scarcity lasted not long , for the Mayor ( in short time ) made such provision for Wheat that the Bakers , both of London , and of Stratford , were weary of taking it up , and were forced to take much more than they would , and for the rest the Mayor laid out the money , and stored it up in Leaden-hall , and other Garners of the City ; This Mayor also kept the Market so well , that he would be at the Leaden-Hall , by four a clock in the Summer mornings , and from thence he went to other Markets to the great comfort of the Citizens . We read also , that in the year 1528 , the twentieth of Henry the eighth , Surveyers were appointed to view the Garners of the City , namely , the Bridge-house and the Leaden-hall , how they were stored of Grain for the service of the City ; And because we have here before spoken of the Bread-carts coming from Stratford at the Bow , ye shall understand , that of old time the Bakers of Bread at Stratford , were allowed to bring daily ( except the Sabbath and principal Feasts ) divers long Carts laden with bread , the same being two ounces in the penny wheaten loaf heavier than the penny wheaten loaf baked in the City , the same to be sold in Cheap , three or four Carts standing there 'tween G●therans Lane , and Fausters Lane end , one Cart on Cornhil by the Conduit , and one other in Grasse-street ; And we may read , that in the fourth year of Edward the second , Richard Reffeham , being Mayor , a Baker named Iohn of Stratford , for making Bread lesser than the Assize , was with a fools hood on his Head , and loaves of Bread about his Neck , drawn on a hurdle through the streets of the City ▪ Moreover , in the four and fortieth of Edward the third , Iohn Chichester being Mayor of London , as we may read in the visions of Pierce Plowman , a Book so called as followeth ; There was a careful commune , when no Cart came to Town with Basket Bread from Stratford tho gan beggars weep , and workmen were agast , a little this will be thought long in the date of our dirte , in a dry Averel , a thousand and three hundred , twice thirty and ten , &c. We read also in the twentieth of Henry the eighth , Sir Iames Spencer being Mayor , six Bakers of Stratford , were amerced in the Guild-hall of London , for baking under the size appointed ; But these Bakers of Stratford left serving this City , I know not upon what occasion , above forty years since . In the year 1519 a Petition was exhibited by the Commons to the Common-Councel , and was by them allowed , concerning the Leaden-hall , how they would have it used , viz. Meekly beseeching , sheweth unto your good Lordship , and Masterships , divers Citizens of this City , which ( under correction ) think , that the great place called the Leaden-hall , should , nor ought not to be letten out to Farme , to any person or persons and in special , to any fellowship or Company incorporate , to have and hold the same Hall for term of years ; for such conveniences as thereby may ensue , and come to the hurt of the Common-weale of the said City in time to come , as somewhat more largely may appear in the Articles following . First , if any assembly or hasty gathering of the Commons of the said City , for suppressing or subduing of mi●ruled people within the said City , hereafter shall happen to be called or commanded by the Mayor , Aldermen , and other Governours and Councellors of the said City for the time being ; there is none so convenient , meet and necessary a place to assemble them in , within the said City , as the said Leaden-hall , both for largenesse of room , and for their sure defence in time of their counselling together about the premises . Also , in that place hath been used the Artillery , Guns , and other Armors of the said City , to be safely kept in a readinesse , for the safegard , wealth , and defence of the said City to be had and occupied at times when need required . As also the store of Timber , for the necessary reparations of the Tenements belonging to the Chamber of the said City , there commonly hath been kept . Item , If any Triumph or Noblenesse were to be done , or shewed by the Commonalty of the City , for the honour of our Soveraign Lord the King and Realm , and for the worship of the said City , the said Leaden-hall is the most meet and convenient place , to prepare and order the said Triumph therein , and from thence to issue forth to the places thereof appointed . Item , at any Largesse or dole of any money , made unto the poore people of this City ; it hath been used to be done and given in the said Leaden-hall , for that the said place is most meet therefore . Item , the honourable Father , that was maker of the said Hall , had a speciall will , intent , and mind , that ( as it is commonly said ) the Market men and women , that came to the City with victuals and other things , should have their free standing within the said Leaden-Hall in wet weather , to keep themselves & their Wares dry , and thereby to encourage them , and all other , to have the better will and desire , the more plentiously to resort to the said City , to victual the same ; And if the said Hall should be letten to Farme , the will of the said honourable Father , should never be fullfilled , nor take effect . Item , if the said place , which is the chief Fortresse , and most necessary place within all the City , for the tuition and safegard of the same , should be letten out to Farme , out of the hands of the chief Heads of the same City , and especially to any other Body politick , it might at length ( by likelihood ) be an occasion of discord and debate , between the said Bodies politick , which God defend . For these , and many other great and reasonable causes , which hereafter shall be shewed to this honourable Court , your said Beseechers think it much necessary , that the said Hall be still in the hands of this City ; and to be surely kept by sad and discreet Officers in such wise , that it might alwaies be ready to be used and occupied , for the Common-weale of the said City , when need shall require , and in no wise to be letten to any Body politick . Thus much for the Petition . About the year one thousand five hundred thirty four , great means was made about the Leaden-hall , to have the same made a Burse for the Assembly of Marchants , as they had been accustomed in Lumbard-street ; many Common-Councels were called to that end , but in the year 1535 , Iohn Champneys being Mayor , it was fully concluded , that the Burse should remain in Lumbard-street , as afore , and Leaden-hall no more to be spoken of concerning that matter . The use of Leaden-hall was us'd to be thus ; In a part of the North Quadrant , on the East side of the North Gate , were the common Beams , for weighing of Wooll and other Wares , as had been accustomed ; On the West side of ▪ the Gate was the Scales to weigh Meal : the other three sides were reserved ( for the most part ) to the making and resting of the Pageants shewed at Mid-Summer in the watch : the remnant of the sides and Quadrants , were employed for the stowage of Wool-sacks , but not closed up : the lofts above were partly used by the Painters , in working for the decking of Pageants and other devices , for beautifying of the Watch and Watch-men : the residue of the Lofts were letten out to Marchants , the Wooll-winders and Packers therein , to winde and pack their Wools. And thus much for Leaden-hall may suffice . Now on the North of Limestreet Ward , in the Highstreet are divers fair houses for Marchants , and proper Tenements for Artificers , with an Alley also called Shalt Alley , of the Shaft or May-pole , sometime resting over the Gate thereof , as I have declared in Aldgate Ward . In the year 1576. partly at the charges of the Parish of St. Andrew , and partly at the charges of the Chamber of London , a water-pump , was raysed in the high street of Lime-street Ward , neer unto Lime-street corner , for the placing of the which Pump , having broken up the ground , they were forced to dig more than two fadome deep , before they came to any main ground , where they found a Hearth made of Britaine , or rather Romane Tyle , every Tyle half yard square , and about two inches thick , they found coal lying there also ( for that lying whole will never consume ) then digging one fadome in the main , they found water sufficient , made their Prall , and set up the Pump , which Pump , with oft repairing and great charges to the Parish , continued not four and twenty years , but being rotted , was taken up , and a new one set in the place , in the year 1600. Thus much for the High-street . In Saint Mary street had ye ( of old time ) a Parish Church of Saint Mary a Virgin , Saint Ursula , and the 11000 Virgins , which Church was commonly called Saint Mary at the Axe , of the Signe of an Axe , over against the East end thereof , or Saint Mary Pellipar , of a plot of ground lying on the North side thereof pertaining to the Skinners in London ; This Parish about the year 1565. was united to the Parish Church of Saint Andrew Under Shaft , and so was Saint Mary at the Axe suppressed , and letten out to be a Ware-house for a Marchant ; Against the East end of this Church , was sometime a fair Well , now turned to a Pump ; Also against the North end of this Saint Mary street , was , sometime one other Parish Church of Saint Augustine , called Saint Augustine in the Wall , for that it stood adjoyning to the Wall of the City , and otherwise called Saint Augustines Papey , or the poor , as I have read , in the Reign of Edward the third . About the year 1430 , in the Reign of Henry the sixth , the same Church was allowed to the Brethren of the Papey , the House of poor Priests , whereof I have spoken in Aldgate Ward , the Parishioners of this Church were appointed to the Parish Church of Alhallowes in the Wall , which is in Broad street Ward , and this Brotherhood called Papey , being suppressed , the Church of Saint Augustine was pulled down , and in place thereof one Grey Apothecary , builded a Stable , a Hay-lost , &c. It is now a dwelling house , those two Parish Churches , both lying in the Ward of Lime-street ; being thus suppressed , there is not any one Parish Church or place for Divine Service in that Ward , but the Inhabitants thereof repair to Saint Peters in Cornhill Ward , Saint Andrew in Aldgate Ward , Alhallows in the Wall in Broad-street Ward , and some to Saint Denys in Langbourne Ward . Now , because there hath been some question , to what Ward this Church of Saint Augustine Papey should of right belong , for the same hath been challenged by them of Aldgate Ward , and ( without reason ) taken into Bishops-gate Ward , from Lime-street Ward , I am somewhat to touch it . About 70 years since , the Chamber of London , granted a Lease of ground lying near London Wall , in the Ward of Lime-street , from the West of the said Church or Chappel of Saint Augustine Papey , towards Bishops-gate &c. on the which plot of ground , the Leasee builded three fair Tenements , and placed Tenants there , these were charged to bear Scot and Lot , and some of them to bea● Office in Lime street Ward , all which they did willingly without grudging ; And when any suspected or disordered persons were by the Landlord placed there , the Officers of Lime street Ward , fetched them out of their Houses , committed them to Ward , procured their due punishments , and banished them from thence ; whereby in short time that place was reformed , and brought into good order , which thing being noted by them of Aldgate Ward , they moved their Alderman , Sir Thomas Offley , to call in those Houses to be of his Ward ; But Mr. Stow producing a fair Ledgier Book , sometime pertaining to the late dissolved Priory of the Holy Trinity within Aldgate , wherein were set down the just bounds of Aldgate Ward , before Sir Thomas Offley , Sir Rowland Hayward , the Common-Councel , and Ward-Mote Inquest , of the said Lime street Ward , Sir Thomas Offley gave over his Challenge , and so that matter rested in good quiet , until the year 1579. that Sir Richard Pype ( being Mayor , and Alderman of Bishops-gate Ward ) challenged those Houses to be of his Ward , whereunto ( without reason shewed ) Sir Rowland Hayward yeilded ; and thus is that side of the street from the North corner of Saint Mary street , almost to Bishopsgate , ( wherein is one plot of ground , letten by the Chamberlaine of London , to the Parish of Saint Martins Oteswich , to be a Church-yard , or burying-place for the dead of that Parish , &c. ) unjustly drawn and with-holden from the Ward of Lime-street , as Master Stow avoncheth . Of the Fifth Ward , or Aldermanry of London , called Bishopsgate-Ward . THe Ward next in order is Bishopsgate-Ward , whereof a part is without the Gate ; and of the Subburbs , from the Barres by St. Mary Spittle , to Bishopsgate , and a part of Hounds-ditch , almost half thereof ; also without the Wall of the same Ward . Then within the Gate is Bishopsgate-street , so called , of the Gate , to a Pump , were sometime was a fair Well , with two Buckets , by the East end of the Parish Church of St. Martin Oteswich , and then winding by the West corner of Leaden-Hall , down Grasse-street , to the corner over against Grasse-Church ; and these are the bounds of that Ward . Monuments most to be noted , are these , The Parish-Church of St. Buttolph without Bishopsgate , in a fair Church-yard adjoyning to the Town-Ditch , upon the very Bank thereof ; but of old time , inclosed with a comely Wall of Brick , lately repaired by Sir William Allen , Mayor , in the year 1571 , because he was born in that Parish , where also he was buried . An Anchoresse ( by Bishopsgate ) received forty shillings the year , of the Sheriffs of London . Next unto the Parish Church of St. Buttolph , was a fair Inne , for receipt of Travellers , then an Hospital of St. Mary of Bethlem , founded by Simon Fitz Mary , one of the Sheriffs of London , in the year 1246. He founded it to have been a Priory of Canons , with Brethren and Sisters ; and King Edward the 3d , granted a Protection , for the Brethren called Milites beatae Mariae de Bethlem ; within the City of London , the 14th year of his Raign . It was an Hospital for distracted people . Stephen Gennings , Marchant-Taylor , gave forty pounds toward purchase of the Patronage , by his Testament , 1523. The Mayor and Commonalty purchased the Patronage thereof , with all the Lands and Tenements thereunto belonging , in the year 1546. Now it shall not be amisse , to insert here that memorable ancient deed of gift , given to Bethelem , or Bedlam , by the foresaid Simon , the Son of Mary , as followeth . To all the Children of our Mother holy Church , to whom this present writing shall come , Simon the Sonne of Mary , sendeth greeting in our Lord , where among other things , and before other Lands , the high Altitude of the Heavenly Councels , marvellously wrought by some readier devotion , it ought to be more worshipped ; of which things the mortal sickness ( after the fall of our first Father Adam ) hath taken the beginning of this new repairing : therefore forsooth , it beseemeth worthy , that the place , in which the Son of God is become Man , and hath proceeded from the Virgins Womb , which is increaser , and beginning of Mans Redemption ; namely , ought to be with Reverence worshipped , and with beneficial Portions to be increased : therefore it is , that the said Simon , Son of Mary , having special and singular Devotion to the Church , of the glorious Virgin at Bethelem , where the same Virgin of Her , brought forth our Saviour incarnate , and lying in the Cratch , and with her own milk nourished ; and where the same Child to us there born , the Chivalry of the heavenly Company , sang the new Hymne , Gloria in Excelsis Deo. The same time , the increaser of our health , ( as a King , and his Mother a Queen ) willed to be worshipped of Kings , a new Starre going before them , as the Honour and Reverence of the same Child , and his most meek Mother : And to the exaltation of my most Noble Lord , Henry King of England , whose Wife and Child the foresaid Mother of God , and her only Son , have in their keeping , and protection ; And to the manifold increase of this City of London , in which I was born . And also for the health of my soul , and the souls of my Predecessors , and Successors , my Father , Mother , and my Friends . And specially for the souls of Guy of Marlow , Iohn Durant , Ralph Ashwye , Maud , Margaret , and Dennis , Women : Have given , granted , and by this my present Charter , here , have confirmed to God , and to the Church of St. Mary of Bethelem , all my Lands which I have in the Parish of St. Buttolph , without Bishopsgate of London , that is to say , whatsoever I there now have , or had , or in time to come may have , in Houses , Gardens , Pools , Ponds , Ditches and Pits , and all their appurtenances , as they be closed in by their bounds ; which now extend in length , from the Kings high street , East , to the great Ditch in the West ; the which is called deep Ditch ; and in breadth , to the Lands of Ralph Downing , in the North ; and to the Land of the Church of St. Buttolph in the South ; To have and to hold the aforesaid Church of Bethelem , in fre● and perpetual Alms ; And also to make there a Priory , and to ordain a Prior , and Canons ; Brothers , and also Sisters , when Jesus Christ shall enlarge his grace upon it . And in the same place , the Rule and order of the said Church of Bethelem solemnly professing , which shall bear the Token of a Starre openly in their Coapes and Mantles of profession ; and for to say Divine Service there , for the souls aforesaid , and all Christian souls ; and specially to receive there , the Bishop of Bethelem , Canons , Brothers , and Messengers of the Church of Bethelem for evermore , as often as they shall come thither . And that a Church or Oratory there shall be builded , as soon as our Lord shall enlarge his grace , under such form , that the Order , Institution of Priors , Canons , Brothers , Sisters , of the visitation , correction , and reformation of the said place , to the Bishop of Bethelem , and his Successors , and to the Charter of his Church , and of his Messengers , as often as they shall come thither , as shall seem them expedient ; no mans contradiction notwithstanding ; shall pertain for evermore : saving alway the Services of the chief Lords , as much as pertaineth to the said Land. And to the more surety of this thing , I have put my self out of this Land , and all mine . And Lord Godfrey , then chosen of the Nobles of the City of Rome , Bishop of Bethelem , and of the Pope , confirmed then by his name in England , in his name , and of his Successors , and of his Chapter of his Church of Bethelem , into bodily possession , I have indented and given to his possession all the foresaid Lands ; which possession he hath received , and entred in form abovesaid . And in token of subjection , and reverence , the said place in London , without Bishopsgate , shall pay yearly in the said City , a mark sterling at Easter , to the Bishop of Bethelem , his Successors , or his Messengers , in the name of a Pension ; and if the faculties or goods of the said place ( our Lord granting ) happen to grow more , the said place shall pay more , in the name of Pension , at the said terme , to the Mother Church of Bethelem . This ( forsooth ) gift and confirmation of my Deed , and the putting to of my Seal for me , and mine Heires , I have steadfastly made strong , the year of our Lord God , A thousand , two hundred , forty seven , the VVednesday after the Feast of St. Luke the Evangelist , &c. King Henry the 8th , gave this Hospital unto the City , The Church and Chappel were taken down in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth , and houses builded there , by the Governours of Christs Hospital in London . In this place , people that be distraught in their wits , are now ( by the suit of their friends ) received and kept as before , but not without charges to their bringers in . Then is there a fair House of late , builded by Iohn Powlet . Next to that , a far more large and beautiful House , with Gardens of pleasure , Bowling Allies , and such like , builded by Iasper Fisher , free of the Goldsmiths , late one of the six-Clarks of the Chancery , and a Justice of Peace . It hath since ( for a time ) been the Earl of Oxfords place . The late Queen Elizabeth hath lodged there , it now belongeth to the Earl of Devonshire . This House being so large , and sumptuously builded , by a man of no great Calling , Possessions , or VVealth ; ( for he was indebted to many ) was mockingly called Fishers folly , and a Rithme was made of it , and other the like , in this manner . Kirbyes Castle , and Fishers Folly , Spinilas pleasure , and Megses glory . And so of other like Buildings about the City , by Citizens , men have not forborn to speak their pleasure . From Fishers Folly , up to the West end of Berwards Lane , of old time so called ; but now Hogge-Lane , because it meeteth with Hogge-Lane , which commeth from the Barres without Ealdgate , as is afore shewed , is a continual bnilding of Tenements , with Allies of Cottages , pestered , &c. Then is there a large close , called Fazel Close , sometime , for that there were Zazels planted for the use of Cloth-workers , since letten to the Crosse-bow Makers , wherein they used to shoot for Games at the Popingey . Now the same being inclosed with a Brick-wall , serveth to be an Artillery-yard , or Garden , whereunto the Gunners of the Tower , weekly do repair ; namely , every Thursday , and their levelling certain B●asse-Pieces of great Artillery against a But of Earth , made for that purpose ; they discharged them for their exercise , present use is made thereof by divers worthy Citizens , Gentlemen , and Captains , using Marshal Discipline , and where they meet ( well-neere ) weekly , to their great commendation , in so worthy an Exercise , whereof hereafter , I will speak more at large . Then have ye the late dissolved Priory and Hospital , commonly called , Saint Mary Spittle , founded by Walter Brune , and Rosia his Wife , for Canons regular , VValter , Arch Deacon of London , laid the first stone in the year 1197. VVilliam of St. Mary Church , then Bishop of London , dedicated it to the honour of Jesus Christ , and his Mother , the perpetual Virgin Mary , by the name of Domus De● , and Beatae Mariae , Extra Bishopsgate , in the Parish of St. Buttolph , the bounds whereof , as appeareth by composition between the Parson , and Prior of the said Hospital ; concerning Tithes , beginning at Berwards Line , towards the South , and extendeth in breadth to the Parish of St. Leonard of Sores-ditch , towards the North ; and in length , from the Kings street on the West , to the Bishops of Londons field , called Lollesworth on the East . The Prior of this St. Mary Spittle , for the immortising and propriation of the Priory of Bikenacar in Essex , to his said house of St. Mary Spittle , gave to Henry the 7th , four hundred pounds , in the two and twentieth of his Raign . This Hospital surrendred to Henry the 8th , was valued to dispend four hundred seventy eight pounds per annu●s , wherein was found , besides Ornaments of the Church , and other goods pertaining to the Hospital , one hundred eighty beds well furnished , for receipt of the poor ; for it was an Hospital of great relief . Sir Henry Plesington Knight , was buried there , one thousand four hundred fifty and two . And here is to be noted , that time out of minde , it hath been a laudable Custome , that on good Friday in the After-noon , some especial learned man , by appointment of the Prelates , should preach a Sermon at Pauls Crosse , treating of Christs passion ▪ and upon the three next Easter Holydayes , Munday , Tuesday , and Wednesday , the like learned men , by the like appointment , have used to preach on the forenoons at the said Spittle , to perswade the Article of Christs Resurrection ; and then on Low Sunday , one other learned man at Pauls Crosse , to make rehearsal of those four former Sermons , either commending , or reproving them , as to him ( by judgement of the learned Divines ) was thought convenient ; And that done , he was to make a studied Sermon of his own , which in all , were five Sermons in one ; At these Sermons so severally preached , the Maior with his Brethren the Aldermen , were accustomed to be present in their Violets at Pauls , on good Friday , and in their Scarlets at the Spittle , in the Holydayes ( except VVednesday , in Violet ) and the Maior with his Brethren on Low Sunday in Scarlet , at Pauls Crosse. Touching the Antiquity of this Custom , I finde , that in the year one thousand three hundred ninety eight , King Richard having procured from Rome , confirmation of such Statutes , and Ordinances , as were made in the Parliament begun at VVestminster , and ended at Shrewsbury ; he caused the same confirmation to be read , and pronounced at Pauls Crosse , and at St. Mary Spittle , in a Sermon before all the People . Philip Malpas , one of the Sheriffs , in the year , one thousand four hundred thirty nine , gave twenty shillings by the year , to the three Preachers at the Spittle . Stephen Foster Maior , in the year , 1594. gave 40 l. to the Preachers of Pauls Crosse and Spittle . We find also , that the aforesaid House , wherein the Maior , and Aldermen do sit at the Spittle , was builded ( for that purpose ) of the goods , and by the Executors of Richard Rawson , Alderman , and Isabel his Wife , in the year 1488. In the year 1594. this Pulpit being old , was taken down , and a new one set up : the Preachers face turned towards the South , which was before towards the West . Also a large House ( on the East side of the said Pulpit ) was then builded , for the Governours and Children of Christs Hospital to sit in ; and this was done of the goods of William Elkin , Alderman before deceased ; But within the first year , the same House decaying , and like to have fallen , was again ( with great cost ) repaired at the Cities Charge . On the East side of this Church-yard , lyeth a large field , of old time called Lolesworth , now Spittle-field , which about the year , 1576. was broken up , for Clay to make Brick : in the digging thereof , many Earthen Pots called Urnae , were found full of Ashes , with burnt bones of men , to wit , of the Romans that inhabited here ; for it was the Custom of the Romans , to burn their dead , to put their Ashes in an Urn , and then bury the same with certain Ceremonies , in some field appointed for that purpose near unto their City ; and commonly , there was another Urn of fresh water , laid by the other , denoting the teares of their friends . Every of these Pots had in them ( with the Ashes of the Dead ) one piece of Copper money , with the Inscription of the Emperor then reigning , some of them were of Claudius , some of Vespasian , some of Nero , of Antoninus Pius , of Trajanus , and others ; Besides those Urns , many other Pots were found in the same place , made of a white Earth , with long necks , and handles , like to our stone Jugs : these were empty , but seemed to be buried full of some liquid matter , long since consumed , and soked through ; For there were found divers Vials , and other fashioned Glasses ; some most cunningly wrought , and some of Crystal , all which had water in them ( which it seems were the teare-Bottles ) nothing differing in clearness , tast , or savour from common Spring water , whatsoever it was at the first ; Some of these Glasses had Oyl in them very thick , and earthy in savour ; some were supposed to have balm in them , but had lost the vertue ; many of these Pots and Glasses were broken in cutting of the Clay , so that few were taken up whole . There were also found divers Dishes and Cups , of a fine red coloured Earth , which shewed outwardly such a shining smoothness , as if they had been of Curtal ; Those had ( in the bottoms ) Roman letters printed : There were also Lamps of white Earth and red , artificially wrought with divers Antiques about them , some three or four Images , made of white Earth , about a span long each of them ; one was of Pallas . Amongst divers of those Antiquities , there was sound one Urn , with Ashes and Bones , and one pot of white Earth , very small , not exceeding the quantity of a quartern of a Wine pint , made in shape of a Hare squatted upon her leggs , and between her Eares is the mouth of the Pot. There hath also bin found ( in the same field ) divers Coffins of stone , containing the bones of men ; these I suppose to be the Burials of some special persons , in time of the Britons , or Saxons , after that the Romans had left to govern here . Morever , there were also found the sculls and bones of men , without Coffins ; or rather , whose Coffins ( being of Timber ) were consumed ; divers great Nails of Iron were there sound , such as are used in the Wheels of shod Carts ; being each of them as big as a mans finger , and a quarter of a yard long ; the heads two inches over : Those nayles were more wondred at , then the rest of the things there found ; and many Opinions of men were there passed upon them ; namely , that the men there buried , were murthered by driving those nayles into their heads . But to set down what was observed , concerning this matter ; there were there , the bones of a man lying , the head North , the feet South , and round about him ( athwart his head ) along both his sides , and thwart his feet such nails were found ; wherefore it may be conjectured , they were the nayls of his Coffin , which had bin a trough cut out of some great Tree ; and the same covered with a Plank of that thickness , fastened with such nayls , and found under the broad heads of some of those nayls , the old Wood was found scant turned into Earth ; but still retaining both the grain and proper colour . And thus much for that part of Bishopsgate-Ward ; now we will proceed to that part which lyeth within the Gate . And first , to begin on the left hand of Bishopsgate ; from the Gate ye have certain Tenements of old time , pertaining to a Brother-hood of St. Nicholas , granted to the Parish Clarks of London , for two Chaplains to be kept in the Chappel of St. Mary Magdalen , near unto the Guild-Hall of London , in the 27. of Henry the sixth . The first of these Houses towards the North , and against the Wall of the City , was sometime a large Inne or Court , called the Wrastlers of such a signe ; And the last in the high street , towards the South , was sometime also a fair Inne , called the Angel , of such a signe . Amongst these said Tenements was ( on the same street side ) a fair Entry or Court , to the common Hall of the said Parish-Clarks , with proper Alms-houses , seven in number adjoyning ; for Parish-Clarks , and their Wives , and their Widows , such as were in great years , not able to labour ; one of these by the said Brother-hood of Parish-Clarks , was allowed sixteen pence the week : the other six had each of them nine pence the week , according to the Patent granted to that effect . This Brother-hood ( amongst other ) being suppressed , in the Raign of Edward the sixth : the said Hall , with the other Buildings there , was given to Sir Robert Chester , a Knight of Cambridge-shire , against whom the Parish-Clarks commencing suit , in the Raign of Queen Mary ; and being like to have prevailed , the said Sir Robert Chester pulled down the Hall , sold the Timber , stone , and Lead ; and thereupon the sui● was ended . The Alms-houses remained in the Queens hands , and people were there placed , such as could make best friends , some of them taking the pension appointed , and letting forth their houses at great Rent , have given occasion to the P●rson of the Parish , to challenge Tithes of them , &c. Next unto this is the small Parish Church of Saint Ethelburgh , Virgin ; and from thence , some small distance is a large Court , called Little St. Helens , because it pertained to the Nuns of St. Helens , and was their House : there were there seven Alms-Rooms , or Houses for the poor , belonging to the Company of Leathersellers ; Then somewhat more West , is another Court , with a winding Lane , which commeth out against the West end of St. Andrew Undershafts Church . In this Court standeth the fair Church of St. Helen , sometime a Priory of black Nuns ; and in the same the Parish Church of St. Helen . This Priory was founded before the Raign of Henry the third ; William Ba●ing Dean of Pauls , was the first founder , and was there buried ; and William Basing , one of the Sheriffs of London , in the second year of Edward the second , was holden also to be a Founder , or rather an helper thereof : This Priory being valued at 1314 l. 2 s. 6 d. was surrendred the five and twentieth of November , the thirtieth of Henry the eighth : the whole Church , the partition betwixt the Nuns Church ; and the Parish Church being taken down , remaineth now to the Parish , and is a fair Church , but wanteth such a Steeple , as Sir Thomas Gresham promised to have builded , in recompence of ground in that Church , filled up with his Monument . The Nuns Hall , and other Housing thereto pertaining , was since purchased by the Company of Leather-sellers , and is their common Hall ; which Company , was incorporate , the one and twentieth year of Richard the second . A young new-born Child was taken up , between the great Ware-house , and Sir Iohn Spencers back-gate , being ( by a most unnatural Mother ) there buried in a great Dung-hill of Sea-coal Ashes , with the face upward ; yet found alive by Richard Atkinson , who used to make clean the passage there of the soyle , carrying it thence with his Wheel-Barrow . The Child had not any ragg , or Cloth about it , but was all bloodied , by reason that the Navil string was untyed , and the Body meerly crusted over with the Seacoal-dust ; yet being made clean by the poor mans Wife , it was found to be a most goodly Man-Child , strong and well-featured , without any blemish or harm upon it ; but strangled inwardly , by sucking in the noysome filth and Ashes . He was Christned , and named Iob cinere extractus , Iob taken out of the Ashes , He lived three dayes , and lies buried in the Church-yard , the fifth of September , 1612. Of the Sixth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of LONDON , called Broad-street Ward . WE will now proceed to make a Perambulation in Broad street Ward , whereof part lies , contig●ous to Bishopsgate Ward : for it beginneth from the water Conduit , Westward on both sides of the street , by Alhallows Church , to an Iron Grate on the Channel , which runneth into the water-course of Wallbrook , before ye come to the Postern called Moregate , and this is the farthest West part of that Ward ; Then have ye Broad street , where of the Ward taketh name , which stretcheth out of the former street , from the East Corner of Alhallowes Church-yard , somewhat South , to the Parish Church of Saint Peter the poor on both sides , and then by the South Gate of the Augustine Fryars , West , down Throgmorton street by the Drapers Hall , into Loathbury , to another Grate of Iron on the Channel there , whence the water runneth into the course of Wallbrook , under the East end of St. Margarets Church ; certain posts of Timber are there set up ; and this is also the furthest ▪ West part of this Ward , in the said street , out of the which street it runneth up Bartholomew Lane , South , to the North side of the Exchange , then more East out of the former street ; From over against the Fryars Augustines Church South gate , runneth up another part of Broad streete , South , to a Pump , over against St. Bennets Church . Then have ye one other street , called Threed-needle street , beginning at the Well with two Buckets , by St. Martins Oteswich Church Wall ; This street runneth down on both sides to Finkes-Lane , now called Finch Lane , and half way up that Lane , to a Gate of a Marchants house on the West side , but not so far on the East ; Then the aforesaid street , from this Finkes Lane now Finch Lane , runneth down by the Royal Exchange to the Stocks , and to a place commonly called , the Scalding-house , or Scalding wicke , but now Scalding Alley , by the West side whereof , under the Parish Church of St. Mildred , runneth the course of VVallbrooke , and these be the bounds of this Ward . Here stands the Parish Church of Alhallowes in the Wall , so called of standing close to the Wall of the City near Moorfields , and over against Winchester house , which was so vast and spacious a Mansion , that it has been many years since cut , into divers habitations ; For the Glasse-house stood in part of it , the Spanish Ambassadour had another part ; And now of late , the Excise Office hath bin kept in another part . On the other side of the street , among many proper Houses ( possessed for the most part by Curriers ) is the Carpenters Hall , which Company was Incorporated in the seventeenth year of Edward the fourth . Then East from the Curriers row , is a long and high Wall of stone in the foresaid Winchester house , enclosing the North side of a large Garden , adioyning to as large an house , builded in the Reigns of King Henry the eighth , and of Edward the sixth , by Sir William Powlet , Lord Treasurer of England , thorow his Garden , which ( of old time ) consisted of divers parts , now united , was sometimes a fair foot way , leading by the West end of the Augustine Fryars Church straight North , and opened somewhat West from Alhallowes Church against London Wall , towards Mooregate , which foot-way had Gates at either end , locked up every night , but now the same way ( being taken into those Gardens ) the Gates are closed up with Stone , whereby the people are enforced to go about by Saint Peters Church , and the East end of the said Fryers Church , and all the said great place and Garden of Sir William Pawlet , to London Wall , and so to Moorgate . This great House adjoyning to the Garden aforesaid , stretcheth , to the North corner of Broad-street , and then turneth up Broad-street all that side , to and beyond the East end of the said Friers Church ; It was builded by the said Lord Treasurer , in place of Augustine Fryers House , Cloyster , and Gardens , &c. The Fryars Church he pulled not down , but the West end thereof , enclosed from the Steeple and Quire , was in the year 1550 , granted to the Dutch Nation in London , to be their preaching place ; The other part , namely , the Steeple , Quire , and side Iles to the Quire adjoyning , he reserved to houshold uses , as for Stowage of Corn , Coal , and other thing● : his Son and Heir , Marquiss of VVinchester , sold the Monuments of Noble men ( there buried ) in great number , Paving stone , and whatsoever , ( which cost many thousand pounds ) for one hundred pounds ; and in place thereof ; made fair s●abling for horses ; He caused the Lead to be taken from the roofs , and laid Tyle in place , which exchange proved not so profitable as he looked for , but rather to his disadvantage , for there have been some remarkable judgements upon that Family since . On the East side of this Broad street amongst other buildings , on the back part of Gresham House , which is in Bishopsgate street , there are placed eight Alms-houses , builded of Brick and Timber , by Sir Thomas Gresham Knight , for eight Almes-men , which be now there placed rent-free , and receive each of them by his gift , six pound thirteen shillings four pence yearly for ever . Next unto Pawlet House , is the Parish Church of Saint Peter the poor , so called for a difference from other of that name , sometime ( peradventure ) a poor Parish , but at this present there be many fair Houses , possessed by rich Marchants , and others . In this little Church there be some fair Monuments , one of Sir Thomas Lowe , and another of Sir VVilliam Garaway , with Iohn Lucas Esquire of Colchester . Then next have ye the Augustine Fryers Church , and Church-yard , the entring thereunto by a South gate to the West Porch , a large Church having a most fine spired Steeple , small , high , and streight , that there are few the like , founded by Humphrey Bohun , Earl of Hereford and Essex , in the year one thousand two hundred fifty three . R●egnald Cobham gave this Messuage in London , to the enlarging thereof , in the year one thousand three hundred fourty four . Humphrey Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex , re-edified this Church in the year 1354 , whose Body was there buried in the Quire. The small spired Steeple of this Church was overthrown by tempest of wind , in the year one thousand three hundred sixty two , but was raised of new , as still it might have stood , had not private benefit ( the only devourer of Antiquity ) pull'd it down . Both that goodly Steeple , and all that East part of the Church , hath lately been taken down , and Houses ( for one mans commodity ) raised in the place , whereby London hath lost so goodly an ornament , and times hereafter may more talk of it . This House was valued at fifty seven pounds , and was surrendred the twelfth of November , the 13 of Henry the 8. There were many great Monuments in this Fryers Church , one of Edmond first son to Ioan mother to Richard the second , Guy de Meryke Earl of Saint Paul , Lucie Countesse of Kent , Richard the great Earl of Arundel , Surrey , & VVarren , Sir Francis Atcourt Earl of Pembrooke , Iohn Vere Earle of Oxford , with Aubery de Vere his son , the Lady of Bedford , with Edward Duke of Buckingham , and very many more persons of quality . On the South side , and at West end of this Church , many fair houses are builded ; namely in Throgmorton street , one very large and spacious , builded in the place of old and small Tenements , by Thomas Cromwel , Master of the Kings Jewel-house , after that , Master of the Rolls , then Lord Cromwell Knight , Lord Privie Seal , Vicar General , Earl of Essex , high Chamberlain of England , &c. This house being finished , and having some reasonable plot of ground left for a Garden , he caused the pales of the Gardens adjoyning to the North part thereof , on a sudden to be taken down , two and twe●ty foot to be measured forth-right into the North of every mans ground , a Line there to be drawn , a Trench to be cast , a foundation laid and an high Brick Wall to be builded ; and this was suddenly and no warning given , nor other answer , but ( when any spake to the Surveyers of that work ) they said their Master Sir Thomas commanded them so to do ; so that no man durst go to argue the matter , but each man lost his Land ; Thus the sudden rising of some men , causeth them to forget themselves . The Company of Drapers in London bought this House , and now the same is their Common Hall. This Company obtained of King Henry the sixth , in the seventeenth of his Reign , to be incorporate . Iohn Gedney was chosen to be their first Master , and the four Wardens were , Iohn VVotton , I. Darby , Robert Breton , and T. Cooke ; The Armes granted to the said Company by Sir VVilliam Bridges Knight , first Garter King at Arms , in Blazon are thus . Three Sun Beams , issuing out of three Clouds of flame , crowned with three Crowns , Imperials of Gold , upon a Shield Azure . From this Hall , on the same side , down to the Grates and course of VVallbrooke , have ye divers fair houses for Marchants and other , from the which Grates back again on the other side in Lotisbury ( so called in Record of Edward the third , the thirty eighth year , and now corruptly called Lothbury ) are Candlestick founders placed , till ye come to Bartholmew Lane , so called of Saint Bartholmew's Church , at the South-east corner thereof . In this Lane also are divers fair builded Houses on both sides , and so likewise have ye in the other street , which stretcheth from the Fryers Augustines South gate , to the corner over against Saint Bennets Church . In this street , amongst other fair buildings the most ancient was ( of old time ) an house pertaining to the Abbot of Saint Albans ; Iohn Catcher Alderman ( after ) dwelled there ; Then is the free School , pertaining to the late dissolved Hospital of Saint Anthony , whereof more shall be shewed in another place , and so up to Thred-needle-street . On the South part of which street , beginning at the East , by the Well with two Buckets , now turned to a Pump , is the Parish Church of Saint Martin called Oteswitch , of Martin de Oteswitch , Nicholas de Oteswich , William Oteswich , and Iohn Oteswich Founders thereof , and all buried there , as appeareth by their Monuments . There is also there a fair engraven Stone , with a Latine Epitaph upon the Lord Iames Fulkes Treasurer of Holland and Ambassador for the States of the united Provinces here in England . Sir Thomas Row gave 5 l. to perpetuity to this Parish , to buy Bread and Coals for the poor . Some small distance from thence is the Merchant-Taylors Hall , pertaining to the Guild and Fraternity of Saint Iohn Baptist , time out of mind called of Taylors and Linnen Armorers of London ; For we find that King Edward the first , in the eight and twentieth of his Reign , confirmed this Guild by the name of Taylors and Linnen Armorers , and also gave to the Brethren thereof , authority every year at Mid-summer to hold a feast and to choose unto them a Governour or Master , with Wardens ; whereupon , the same year , one thousand three hundred , on the Feast day of the Nativity of Saint John Baptist , they chose Henry de Ryall to be their P●lgrim ; For the Master of this Mystery ( as one that travelled for the whole Company ) was then so called , untill the eleventh year of Richard the second , and the four Wardens were then called Purveyers of Alms , ( now called Quartredge ) of the said Fraternity . This Merchant-Taylors Hall , sometime perteining to a worthy Gentleman , named Edmund Crepin , Dominus Creep●ng after some Record ; he , in the year of Christ 1331 , the sixth of Edward the third , for a certain sum of money to him paid , made this grant thereof , by the name of his principal Messuage , in the Wards of Cornhill and Broad-street , which Sir Oliver Ingham Knight , did then hold , to John of Yakeley the Kings Pavilion-maker ; This was called the New Hall , or Taylors Inne , for a difference from their old Hall , which was about the back side of the Red Lion in Basing Lane , and in the Ward of Cordwayner street . The one and twentieth of Edward the fourth , Thomas Holm , aliàs Clarentiaux King of Armes for the South part of England , granted by his Pa●ents to the said Fraternity and Guild of Saint John Baptist of Taylors and Linnen Armorers , to beat in a field Silver , a Pavilion between two Mantles Imperial , Purple , garnished with Gold , in a chief Azure , a holy Lamb , set within a Sun , the Crest upon the Helm ; a Pavilion purp●e , garnished with Gold , &c. After this King Henry the seventh , was himself a Brother of this Fraternity , or Guild of S. Iohn Baptist , of Taylors or Linnen Armorers , ( as divers others of his Predecessors Kings had been ) to wit R●ohard the third , Edward the fourth , Henry the sixth , Henry the fifth , Henry the fourth , and Richard the second . And for that divers of that Fraternity had ( time out of mi●e ) been great Merchants , and had frequented all sorts of Merchandizes into most parts of the world , to the honour of the Kings Realm , and to the great profit of his Subjects , and of his Progenitors , and the men of the said Mystery , ( during the time aforesaid ) had exercised the buying and selling of all Wares and Merchandizes , especially , of Woollen Cloth , as well in grosse , as by retaile , throughout all this Realm of England , and chiefly within the said City ; therefore ●e of his especial grace , did change , transfer , and translate , the Guild aforesaid , and did incorporate them into the name of the Master and Wardens of the Merchant-Taylors , of the Fraternity of S. John Baptist in the City of London . Some distance West from this Merchant-Taylors Hall , is Finkes Lane , so called of Robert Finke , and Robert Finke his son , James Finke and Rosamond Finke ; Robert Finke the elder new builded the Parish Church of Saint Bennet commonly called Finke of the Founder ; his Tenements were both of St. Benuets parish , and Saint Martins Oteswich Parish , the one half of this Finke Lane is of Broad-street ward , to wit , on the West side , up to the great and principal house , wherein the said Finke dwelled ; But on the other side , namely the East , not so much towards Cornhil . Then without this Lane , in the aforesaid Threed-Needle street , is the said Parish Church of Saint Bennet a handsome Church in which are sundry old Monuments . There happened lately a great fire in Threed-Needle street , over against Merchant-Taylors Hall , which rag●d as far as Saint Bennets Church Walls , and there the fury was s●opped , otherwi●e it might have destroyed all this City . The French Reformers have their Sermons in this Church , and the exercise of Calv●n● Religion . On the North side of this street , from over against the East corner , of St. Martins Osteswich Church , have ye divers fair and large houses , till you come to the Hospital of St. Anthony , sometime a Cell of St. Anthonies of Vienna ; For we read , that King Henry the third , granted to the Brother-hood of St. Anthony of Vienna , a place amongst the Jewes , which was sometime their Synagogue , and had been builded by them , about the year 1231. But the Christians obtained of the King , that it should be dedicated to our blessed Lady ; and since , an Hospital being there builded , was called St. Anthonies in London . It was founded in the Parish of St. Bennet Finke , for a Master , two Priests , one School-master , and twelve poor men ; after which foundation , amongst other things , was given to this Hospital , one Messuage and Garden , whereon was builded the fair large Free-School , and one other parcel of ground , containing thirty seven foot in length , and eighteen foot in breadth , whereon were builded the Alms-Houses of hard Stone and Timber , in the Reign of Henry the sixth . Which said Henry the sixth , in the twentieth of his Reign , gave unto Iohn Carpenter , Dr. of Divinity , and Master of St. Anthonies Hospital , and to his Brethren , and their Successors for ever , his Mannor of Poinington , with the appurtenances , with certain Pensions , and Portions of Milburn , Burneworth , Charleton , and Up-Wimburn , in the County of Southhamton , towards the maintenance of five Scholars in the University of Oxford , to be brought up in the faculty of Arts , after the rate of ten pence the week for every Scholar ; so that the said Scholars be first instructed in the rudiments of Grammar , at the Colledge of Eaton , founded by the said King. In the year 1474. Edward the 4th granted to William Say , Batchelor of Divinity , Master of the said Hospital , to have Priests , Clerks , Scholars , poor men , and Brethren of the same , Clerks , or Laymen , Queristers , Procters , Messengers , Servants in Houshold , and other things whatsoever , like as the Prior , and Covent of St. Anthonies of Vienna , &c. He also annexed , united , and appropriated the said Hospital , unto the Collegiate of St. George in Windsor . The Protectors of this House , were to collect the benevolence of charitable Persons , towards the building and supporting thereof . In the year 1499. Sir John Tate , sometime Alebrewer , then a Mercer , caused his Brewhouse , called the Swan , near adjoyning to the said Free Chappel , College , or Hospital of St. Anthony , to be taken for the enlarging of the Church , which was then newly builded ; toward the building whereof , the said Tate gave great sums of money , and finished it in the year 1501 , Sir John Tate , deceased 1514. and was there buried , under a fair Monument by him prepared , Dr. Taylor Master of the Rolls , and other . Walter Champion , Draper , one of the Sheriffs of London , 1529. was buried there , and gave to the Beadmen twenty pounds , The Lands by year of this Hospital , were valued in the 37. of King Henry the eighth , to be 55l . 6 s. and 8. pence . One Iohnson ( a Schoolmaster of the famous Free-School there ) became a prebend of Windsor , and then ( by little and little ) followed the spoil of this Hospital : he first dissolved the Quire , conveyed away the Plate and Ornaments , then the Bels ; and lastly , put out the Alms men from their houses , appointing them portions of twelve pence the week to each ; but now I hear of no such matter performed ; for their houses , with other , be letten out for rent , and the Church is a preaching place for the French Nation , as was touched before . This School was commended in the Reign of Henry the sixth , and sithence commended above other ; but now decayed , and come to nothing , by taking that from it , which thereunto belonged . Next is the Parish Church of St. Bartholmew , at the end of Bartholmew Lane , Thomas Pike Alderman , with the assistance of Nicholas Yoo , one of the Shetiffs of London , about the year 1438. new builded this Church . West from this Church , have ye Scalding Alley , of old time called Scalding House , or Scalding wick , because that ground ( for the most part ) was then imployed by Poulterers , that dwelled in the high street , from the Stocks Market , to the great Conduit . Their Poultry which they sold at their stalls , were scalded there : the street doth yet bear the name of the Poultry , and the Poulterers are but lately departed from thence , into other streets , as into Grasse-street , and the ends of St. Nicholas Flesh-shambles . This Scalding wick , is the farthest part of Broadstreet-Ward , and is ( by the water called Wallbrook ) parted from Cheap-Ward . Of the Seventh Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Corn-hill Ward . NOw Cornhil Ward comes to consideration , corruptly called Cornwel by the vulgar ; It was called Corn-hill of a Corn-Market , time out of mind there holden , and is a part of the principal high street , beginning at the West end of Leaden-Hall , stretching down West , on both the sides , by the South end of Finkes Lane , on the right hand , and by the North end of Birchoven Lane , on the left part : of which Lanes , to wit , to the middle of them , is of this Ward , and so down to the Stocks Market ; and this is the bounds . The upper or East part of this Ward , and also a part of Limestreet Ward , hath been ( as I said ) a Market-place , especially for Corn , and since for all kind of Victuals , as is partly shewed in Limestreet Ward . It appeareth by Record , that in the year 1522. the Rippiers of Rie and other places , sold their fresh Fish in Leaden-hall Market upon Cornhill ; but forraign Butchers were not admitted there to sell Flesh , till the year 1533. And it was enacted , that Butchers should sell their Bief , not above a half peny the pound ; and Mutton , half peny , half farthing : which Act being devised , for the great Commodity of the Realm , ( as it was then thought ) hath since proved far otherwise ; for , before that time , a fat Oxe was sold at London , for six and twenty shillings eight pence , at the most ; a far Weather , for three shillings four pence ; a fat Calf at the same price ; a fat Lamb for twelve pence ; pieces of Bief weighing , 2. pounds and a half at the least , yea , 3. pound or better for a peny , on every Butchers Stall in this City ; and of those pieces of Bief , 13 , or fourteen for twelve pence ; fat Mutton for eight pence the quarter ; and one hundred weight of Bief , for four shillings eight pence , at the dearest . What the price is now , I need not set down ; many men thought the same Act to raise the price , by reason that Grasier knew , or supposed what weight every their Beasts contained : and so raising their price thereafter , the Butcher could be no gainer , but by likewise raising his price : the number of Butchers then in the City and Suburbs , was accounted sixscore , of which every one killed six Oxen a peece weekly , which is in forty six weeks , 33120. Oxen , or seven hundred and twenty Oxen weekly . The forraign Butchers ( for a long time ) stood in the high street of Limestreet-Ward , on the North side , twice every week , viz , Wednesdayes and Saturdayes , and wer● some gain to the Tenants , before whose doors they stood , and into who●e houses they set their blocks and stalls ; but that advantage being e●pied , they were taken into Leaden-Hall , there to pay for their standing to the Chamber of London . Thus much for the Market upon Cornhill . The chief Ornaments in Cornhill-VVard , are these ; First , at the East end thereof , in the middle of the high street , and at the parting of four wayes , have ye a Water-Standard , placed in the year 1582. in manner following ; A certain German , named Peter Morris , having made an artificial Forcier for that purpose , conveyed Thames-water in Pipes of Lead , over the Steeple of St. Magnus Church , at the North end of London-Bridge ; and from thence into divers mens Houses in Thames-street , New Fish-street , and Grasse-street , ( now Gracious-street ) up to the North West corner of Leaden-hall , the highest ground of all the City ; where the waste of the main Pipe rising into this Standard ( provided at the charges of the City ) with four spouts , did at every Tyde run ( according to Covenant ) four wayes , plentifully serving to the Commodity of the Inhabitants , near adjoyning in their houses ; and also cleansed the Channels of the street , toward Bishops-gate , Aldgate , the Bridge , and the Stocks Market ; but now no such matter , by what default I know not . Then have ye a fair Conduit , of sweet water , castellated in the midst of that Ward ; This Conduit was first builded of stone , in the year 1282. by Henry VVallis , Maior of London , to be a Prison for Night-walkers , and other suspicious persons , and was called the Tunne upon Cornhill ; because the same was builded somewhat in fashion of a Tunne , standing on the one end . To this Prison , the Night-watchers to this City , committed not only Night-walkers , but also other persons , as well spiritual as temporal , whom they suspected of incontinency , and punished them according to the customs of this City ; but complaint therefore being made , about the year of Christ , 1297. King Edward the first , writeth to the Citizens thus . Edward by the Grace of God , &c. VVhereas Richard Gravesend ▪ Bishop of London , hath shewed unto us , that by the great Charter of England , the Church hath a privilede , that no Clark should be imprisoned by a Lay-man , without our Commandment , and breach of peace : Which notwithstanding , some Citizens of London , upon meer spight , do enter in their vvatches , into Clarks Chambers , and then ( ●ike Felons ) carry them to the Tunne , which Henry le Wallis , sometime Maior , built for Night-walkers ; wherefore we will , that this our Commandment , be proclaimed in a full Hustings , and that no vvatch hereafter enter into any Clarks Chamber , under the forfeit of thirty pounds . Dated at Carlile , the 18th of March , the 25. of our Reign . More we read , that about the year of Christ 1299. the seven and twentieth of Edward the first , certain principal Citizens of London , to wit , T. Romane , Rich : Gloucester , Nicholas Faringdon , Adam Helingbury , T. Saly , Iohn Dunstable , Richard Ashwy , John Wade , and William Stortforde , brake up this Prison , called the Tunne , and took out certain Prisoners ; for the which they were sharply punished , by long Imprisonment , and great fines ; It cost the Citizens ( as some have written ) more than 20000 Marks , which they were amerced in , before William de March , Treasurer of the Kings Exchequer , to purchase the Kings favour , and the confirmation of their Liberties . By the West side of the aforesaid Prison , then called the Tunne , was a fair Well of Spring water , curbed round with hard stone , but in the year 1401. the said Prison house called the Tunne , was made a Cestern for sweet water , conveyed by Pipes of Lead , from Tyburne , and was from thenceforth called the Conduit upon Cornhil ; Then was the Well planked over , and a strong Prison made of Timber , called a Cage , with a pair of Stocks therein , set upon it ; and this was for Night-walkers : on the top of which Cage , was placed a Pillory , for the punishment of Bakers , offending in the assize of Bread , for Millers stealing of Corn at the Mill ; for Bawds , Scholds , and other offenders . As in the year 1468. the seventh of Edward , the fourth , divers persons , being common Jurors , such as at Assizes , were forsworn for rewards , or favour of parties , were judged to ride from Newgate , to the Pillory in Corn-hill , with Miters of Paper on their heads , there to stand , and from thence again to Newgate , and this judgement was given by the Maior of London . On the North side of this street , from the East unto the West , have ye divers fair houses , for Marchants and others ; amongst the which , one large House is called the Wey-house , where Marchandizes brought from beyond the Seas , are to be weighed at the Kings Beame : this House hath a Master , and under him four Master-Porters , with Porters under them , they have a strong Cart , and four great Horses , to draw and carry the Wates from the Marchants Houses to the Beam , and back again ; Sir Thomas Lovel , Knight , builded this House , with a fair front of Tenements , toward t●e street , all which he gave to the Grocers of London , himself being free of the City , and a Brother of that Company . Then have ye the said Finks Lane , the South end of which Lane , on both sides , is in Corn-hill Ward . Then next is the Royal Exchange , erected in the year 1566. after this Order , viz. certain Houses upon Corn-hill , and the like upon the part thereof , in the Ward of Broadstreet , with three Allies ; the first called Swan Alley , opening into Corn-hill ; the second , New Alley , passing through out of Corn-hill , into Broadstreet Ward , over against St. Bartholomew-Lane ; the third , St. Christophers Alley , opening into Broadstreet-Ward , and into St. Christophers Parish , containing many thick Housholds , were first purchased by the Citizens of London , for more than 3532. pounds , and were sold for 478. pounds , to such persons as should take them down , and carry them thence ; Also the ground , or plot was made plain , at the Charges of the City , and then possession thereof was by certain Aldermen ( in name of the whole Citizens ) given to Sir Thomas Gresham Knight , sometimes Agent to the Queens Higheness , thereupon to build a Burse , or place for Marchants to assemble in , at his own proper charges ; And he , on the seventh of June , laying the first stone of the Foundation , being Brick , accompanied with some Aldermen , every of them laid a piece of Gold , which the Workmen took up ; and forthwith followed upon the same , such diligence , that by the Moneth of November , in the year 1567. the same was covered with slate , and shortly after fully finished . In the year 1570. on the 23. of January , the Queens Majesty , attended with her Nobility , came from her House at the Strand , called Sommerset-House , and entred the City by Temple-Barre , through Fleet-street , Cheape , and so by the North side of the Burse , through Thredneedle-street , to Sir , Thomas Greshams House in Bishopgate-street , where she dined : After dinner , her Majesty returning through Corn-hill , entred the Burse on the South side ; and after she had viewed every part thereof above the ground , especially the Pawne , which was richly furnished with all sorts of the finest Wares in the City , she caused the same Burse , by an Haura●d and a Trumpet , to be proclaimed at the Royal Exchange , and so to to be called from thenceforth , and not otherwise . Next adjoyning to this Royal Exchange , remaineth one part of a large stone House , and is now called the Castle , of such a sign at a Tavern door ; there is a passage thorough out of Cornhill , into Threed-needle street ; the other part of the said stone House was taken down , for enlarging the Royal Exchange ; This stone House was said of some to have been a Church , whereof it had no proportion ; of others , a Jewes House , as though none but Jewes had dwelt in stone houses , but that opinion is without warrant . For beside the strong building of stone houses , against 〈◊〉 of thieves in the night when no watches were kept , In the first year of Richard the first , ( to prevent casualties of fire , which often had hapned in the City , when the H●uses were builded of Timber , and covered with Reed and Straw , Henry Fitz Allwine being Mayor ) it was Decreed , That from thenceforth , no man should build within the City but of some unto a certain height , and to cover the same building with Slate , or burnt Tyle ; This was the very cause of such stone Buildings , whereof many have rem●ined until out time that for gaining of ground , they have been taken down , and in place of some of them being low , ( as but two Stories above the ground ) many Houses of four or five Stories high are placed . From this Stone House down to the Stocks , are divers large Houses , especially for height , ●or Merchants and Artificers . On the South side of this High-street , is the Parish Church of Saint Peter upon Cornhill , which seemeth to be of an ancient building , but not so an●ient as fame reporteth ; for it hath been lately repaired , if not all new builded , except the Steeple which is ancient . The Roo● of this Church and Glazing , was finished in the Reign of King Edward the fourth , as appeareth by Armes of Noble men , and Aldermen of London then living . There remaineth in this Church a Table , wherein it is written I know not by what Authority , but of no late hand , that King Lucius founded the same Church , to be an Archbishops See , Metropolitan● , and chief Church of his Kingdom , and that it so continued the space of four hundred years , unto the coming of Augustine the Monk. Now , because many may be curious to be further acquainted therewith , I have here inserted the same Verbatim , as it is there recorded in the Table . BE it known unto all men , that the year of our Lord God 179 , Lucius the first Christian King of this Land , then called Britaine , sounded the first Church in London , that is to say , the Church of St. Peter upon Cornhill ; and he founded there an Archbishops See , and made that Church the Metropolitan and chief Church of this Kingdom , and so endured the space of four hundred years , unto the coming of St. Austin , the Apostle of the English , the which was sent into this Land by St. Gregory the Doctor of the Church , in the time of King Ethilbert ; And then was the Archbishops See , and Pall , removed from the foresaid Church of St. Peter upon Cornhill , unto Doreburniam that now is called Canterbury , and there remaineth to this day . And Millet the Monk , which came into the Land with S. Austin , was made this first Bishop of London , and his See was made in Pauls Church , And this King Lucius was the first Founder of St. Peters Church upon Cornhill ; and he reigned in this Land after Brute , a thousand two hundred fourty five years , and the year of our Lord God , a hundred twenty four , Lucius was Crowned King : and the years of his Reign were seventy seven years , and he was ( a●ter some Chronicle ) buried at London ; and ( after some Chronicle ) he was buried at Glocester , in that place where the Order of St. Francis standeth now . Joceline of Furn●is writeth , that Thean or Theon , the first Arch bishop of London in the Reign of Lucius builded the said Church , by the aid of C●ran chief Butler to King Lucius : and also that Etv●nus the second Archbishop builded a Library to the same adjoyning , and con●erted many of the Druydes learned men in the Pagan Law , to Christianity . William Harrison , discoursing hereon more at large , hath these very words , There is a Controversy ( saith he ) moved among our Historiographers , whether the Church that 〈◊〉 built at London , stood at Westminster , or in Cornhill , For , there is some cause , why the Metropolitane Church should be thought to stand where St. Peters now doth , by the space of four hundred and od years , before it was removed to Canterbury by Austin the Monk , if a man would lean to one side without any conference of the asseverations of the other ; But herein there may lurk some scruple ; for , besides that St. Peters Church stood in the East end of the City , and that of Apollo in the West ; the word Cornhil , a denomination given of late ( so speak of ) to one street , may easily be mistaken for Thorney . For as the word Thorney , proceedeth from the Saxons ; who called the West end of the City by that ●ame where Westminster now standeth , because of the wildernesse and bushine●●e of the soile , so we do not read of any street in London , called Cornhill , before the Conquest of the Normans : wherefore , I hold with them , which make Westminster to be the place , where Lucius builded his Church , upon the ruines of that Fane , 264 years ( as Malmsbury saith ) before the coming of the Saxons , and four hundred and eleven before the arrival of Augustine . Read also his Appendix in Lib. fourth Pontif. where he noteth the time of the Saxons , in the 444 of Grace , and of Augustine in 596 of Christ , which is a manifest account , though some Copies have 499 for the one , but not without-manifest corruption and error . And now to return where we left ; True it is , that a Library there was , pertaining to this Parish Church , of old time builded of Stone , and of late repaired with Brick , by the Executors of Sir Iohn Crosby Alderman , as his Arms on the South end do witnesse . This Library hath been ( of late time ) to wit within this seventy years , well furnished of Books , Iohn Leyland viewed and commended them : but now those Books are gone , and this place is occupied by a School-master , and his Usher , for a number of Scholers learning their Grammer Rules , &c. Notwithstanding before that time , a Grammar School had been kept in this Parish , as appeareth in the year a thousand four hundred twenty five . We read , that John Whitby was Rector , and John Steward School-master there ; and in the five and twentieth of Henry the sixth , it was Enacted by Parliament , that four Grammer Schools in London , should be maintained , viz In the Parishes of Alhallowes in Thames street , Saint Andrew in Oldburn , Saint Peters upon Cornhill , and Saint Thomas of Acres . Then have ye the Parish Church of St. Michael the Archangel : for the antiquity thereof , we find that Alnothus the Priest , gave it to the Abbot and Covent of Covesham ; Raynold the Abbot and the Covent there , did grant the same to Sparling the Priest , in all measures , as he and his Predecessors before had held it : to the which Sparling also , they granted all their Lands which they there had , except certain Lands which Orgar le proud held of them , and paid two shillings yearly ; For the which grant , the said Sparling should yearly pay one mark of Rent to the said Abbot of Covesham , and find him his lodging , Salt , Water , and Fire , when he came to London ; This was granted , a thousand one hundred thirty three , about the thirty four of Henry the first . The fair new Steeple or Bell-Tower of this Church , was begun to be builded in the year 1421 , which being finished , and a fair ●ing of five Bells therein placed , a sixth Bell was added , and given by John VVhitwell , Isabel his Wife , and William Rus , or Rous Alderman ; and Goldsmith , about the year 1430 , which Bell named Rus , ( nightly at eight of the clock , and otherwise for Knels , and in Peals , rung by one man by the space of 160 years ) of late over-haled by four or five at once , hath been thrice broken , and new cast , within the space of ten years , to the charges of that Parish more than 100 marks . And here note of this Steeple : Upon St. James night , certain men in the loft next under the Bell● , ringing of a peal , a tempest of Lightning and Thunder did arise , and an ugly-shapen sight appeared to them , coming in at the South Window , and lighted on the North , for fear whereof , they all fell down , and lay as dead for the time , letting the Bells ring and cease of their own accord ; When the Ringers came to themselves , they found certain stones o the North Window to be raised , and scratched , as if they had been so much Butter printed with a Lions claw . The same stones were fastned there again , and so remain till this day ; they may be seen to this day , together with the holes where the claws had entred , three or four inches deep . At the same time , certain main Timber posts at Queen-Hith , were scratched and cleft from top to the bottome ; and the Pulpit-crosse in Pauls Church-yard , was likewise scratcht , cleft , and overturned ; One of the Ringers lived in Queen Elizabeths time , who would verifie the same to be true to his knowledge . Robert Fabian Alderman , and Chronicler of England , lieth buried in this Church , with divers others persons of note . This Parish Church hath on the South side thereof a handsome Cloyster , and a fair Church-yard , with a Pulpit-cross , not much unlike to that in Pauls Church-yard ; Sir John Rudstone Mayor , caused the same Pulpit-crosse in his life time to be builded , the Church-yard to be enlarged , by ground purchased of the next Parish ; and also hansome Houses to be raised , for lodging of Quire men , such as at that time were assitants to Divine Service , then daily sung by note in that Church . Then have ye Burchover Lane , so called of Burchover the first builder , and owner thereof , now corruptly called Birchin Lane ; the North half whereof , is the said Cornhill Ward , the other half is of Langborn Ward . This Lane and the High-street neer adjoyning , hath been of old inhabited ( for the most part ) with wealthy Drapers , in whose room now Mercers and Silkmen are come ; from Birchover Lane , on that side the street down to the Stocks , in the Reign of Henry the sixth , had ye ( for the most part ) dwelling there , Frippers or Upholders , that sold Apparrel and old houshold stuff . The Popes-head Taverne , with other Houses adjoyning , strongly builded of Stone , hath of old time been all in one , appertaining to some great Estate , or rather to the King of this Realm , as may be supposed , both by largenesse thereof , and by the Armes , to wit , three Leopards passant gardant , which was the whole Arms of England , before the Reign of Edward the Third , that quartered them with the Armes of France , the three Flower de Luces . Of the Eighth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of LONDON , called Langborn Ward . VVE are now by discourse , and degrees of observation , come to Langbourn Ward , so called of a long Bourn of sweet water , which ( of old time ) breaking out into Fenne Church-street , ran down the same street , and Lom●ard street to the West end of St. Mary Woolnoths Church , where turning South , and breaking into small floares , rills , or streams , it gave the name of Share-borne Lane , or South-borne Lane , ( as we read ) because it ran South to the River of of Thames ; This Ward beginneth at the West end of Ealdgate Ward in Fen-Church street , by the Ironmongers Hall , which is on the North side of that street , at a place called Culver Alley , where sometime was a Lane , through which men went into Lime-street , but that being long since stopped up , for suspition of Theeves that lurked there by night , as is shewed in Lime-street Ward ; there is now in this said Alley a Tennis-Court , &c. Fen-Church-street , took that name of Fenny or Moorish ground , so made by means of this Bourne , which passed through it ; And therefore ( until this day ) in the Guild-Hall of this City , that Ward is called by the name of Langbourne , and Fenny about , and not otherwise ; yet others be of opinion , that it took that name of Faenum , that is , Hay sold there , as Grass-street took the name of Grasse or Herbs there sold. In the midst of this street standeth a small Parish Church called , S. Gabriel Fen-Church , corruptly Fan-Church . Helming Legget Esquire , by Licence of Edward the third , in the fourty ninth of his Reign , gave one Tenement , with a cur●elarge thereto belonging , and a Garden with an entrey thereto leading , unto Sir Iohn Hariot , Parson of Fen-Church , and to his Successors for ever , the House to be a Parsonage House , the Garden to be a Church-yard or burying place for the Parish . Then have ye Lombard street , so called of the Longobards , and other Merchants strangers of divers Nations , assembling there twice every day : of what original , or continuance it hath been , ther 's no Record , more than that Edward the second , in the twelfth of his Reign , confirmed a Messuage sometime belonging to Robert Turk abutting on Lombard street toward the South , and toward Cornhill on the North , for the Marchants of Florence , which proveth that street to have had the name of of Lombard street before the Reign of Edward the second ; The meeting of which Merchants , and others there , continued until the 22th of December in the year 1568 , on the which day , the said Merchants began to make their Meetings at the Burse , a place then new builded for that purpose , in the Ward of Cornhill ; and was since by her Majesty , Queen Elizabeth , named the Royal Exchange . On the North side of this Ward , is Lime street , one half whereof ( on both sides ) is of this Langbourne Ward , and therein on the West side , is the Pewterers Hall , which Company were admitted to be a Brotherhood in the thirteenth of Edward the fourth . At the South West corner of Limestreet , standeth a fair Parish Church of St. Dionys , called Back-Church , new builded in the Reign of Henry the sixth . John Bugge Esquire , was a great Benefactor to that work , as appeareth by his Arms , three water-Budgets , and his Crest a Morions head , graven in the stone-work of the Quire , at the upper and end on the North side , where he was buried . Also John Darby , Alderman , added thereunto , a fair Ile or Chappel on the South side , and was there buried , about the year 1466. He gave ( besides sundry Ornaments ) his dwelling House , and others unto the said Church ; The Lady Wich , Sir Edward Osborn , Sir James Harvey , with divers other persons , and Benefactors to that Church , lie interred there . Then by the four Corners ( so called of Fen-Church-street in the East , Bridge-street on the South , Grasse-street on the North , and Lumbard-street on the West ) in Lumbard-street is one fair Parish Church , called Alhallowes Grasse-Church in Lumbard-street ; for so 't is read in Evidences of Record ; for that the Grasse-Market , went down that way , when that street was farre broader then now it is , being straightned by incroachments now . This Church was new builded : John Warner , Armorer , and then Grocer , Sheriff 1494. builded the South I le , his Sonne Robert Warner , Esquire , finished it , in the year 1516. The Pewterers were benefactors towards the North I le , &c. The Steeple , or Bel-Tower thereof , was finished in the year 1554. about the 36. of Henry the 8th , The fair Stone-Porch of this Church , was brought from the late dissolved Priory of St. John of Jerusalem , by Smithfield , so was the frame of their Bells ; but the Bells being bought , were never brought thither , by reason that one old VVarner , Draper of that Parish deceasing , his Sonne Mark VVarner , would not perform what his Father had begun and appointed , so that fair Steeple hath but one Bell , as Fryers were wont to use , &c. Next is a common Ostery for Travellers , called the George , of such a signe . This is said to have pertained to the Earl Ferrers , and was his London Lodging in Lumbardstreet . And that in the year 1175. a Brother of the said Earl , being there privily slain in the night , was there thrown down into the dirty street . Next is the Parish Church of St. Edmond , the King and Martyr , in Lumbard-street , by the South corner of Birchover Lane. This Church is also called St. Edmond Grasse-Church , because the said Grasse-Market came down so low ; Sir John M●lburn , and Sir VVilliam Chester , both Lord Maiors , with others , have Monuments in this Church . From this Church down Lombard-street , by Birchovers Lane , ( the one half of which Lane is of this Ward ) and so down , be divers fair Houses ; namely , one with a fair fore-front towards the street , builded by Sir Martin Bowes , Goldsmith , since Maior of London . And then one other , sometime belonging to William de la pole , Earl of Suffolk in the 24. of Richard the second , and was his Marchants House , and so down towards the Stocks Market , lacking but some three houses thereof . The South side of this Ward beginneth in the East , at the Chain to be drawn thwart Mart-Lane , up into Fenchurch-street , and so West , by the North end of Mincheon-Lane , to St. Margaret Pattens street , or Rood Lane , and down that street to the mid-way , towards St. Margarets Church , then by Philpot-Lane , ( so called of Sir John Philpot that dwelled there , and was owner thereof ) and ▪ down that Lane , some six or eight houses , on each side , is all of this Ward . Then by Grasse-Church corner , into Lumbard-street , to St. Clements L●ne , and down the same to St. Clements Church , then down St. Nicholas Lane , and down the same to St. Nicholas Church , and the same Church is of this Ward . Then to Abchurch Lane , and down some small portion thereof ; then down Sherborn-Lane , a part thereof , and a part of Bearbinder-Lane , be of this Ward , and then down Lumbard-street , to the sign of the Angel , almost to the corner over against the Stocks Market . On the South side of this Ward , somewhat within Mart-lane , have ye the Parish Church of Alhallowes , commonly called Stane-Church , ( as may be supposed ) for a difference from other Churches of that name in this City , which ( of old time ) were builded of Timber , and since were builded of stone ; Sir John Test , Knight of the holy Sepulcher , hath here a Monument with others . Then is the Parish Church of St. Nicholas Acon , or Hacon ( for so it is read in the Records ) in Lombardstreet . Sir John Bridges Draper , Maior 1520. newly repaired this Church , and imbattelled it , and was there buried . Then is there ( in the high street ) a comely Parish Church of St. Mary Wolnoth , of the Nativity ; the reason of which name , the Annals make no mention ; This Church is lately new builded , Sir Hugh Price Goldsmith , Mayor in the first year of Henry the 7th , Keeper of the Kings Exchange at London , and one of the Governours of the Kings Mint in the Tower of London , under William Lord Hastings , the fifth of Edward the fourth deceased , 1496. He builded in this Church a Chappel , called the Charnel ; as also part of the Body of the Church , and of the Steeple , and gave money toward the finishing thereof , besides the stone that he had prepared ; he was buried in the Body of the Church , and Guy Brice or Boys , was also buried there , with some other of note . Simon Eyre , 1459. He gave the Tavern , called the Cardinals Hat in Lumbard-street , with a Tenement annexed on the East part of the Tavern , and a Mansion behind the East Tenement ; together , with an Ally from Lumbard-street to Corn-hill , with the appurrenances ; all which were by him new builded , toward a Brother-hood of our Lady in St. Mary Wolnoths Church : Among others , Sir Martin Bowes hath a Monument there , who Anno 1569. gave certain Lands for discharging Langborn Ward , of all fifteens granted by Parliament . Of the Ninth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Billingsgate Ward . WE will now go South-East , and take a Survey of Billingsgate-Ward , which beginneth at the West end of Tower-street Ward in Thames-street , about Smarts Key , and runneth down along that street , on the South side , to St. Magnus Church , at the Bridge foot , and on the North side of the said Thames-street , from over against Smarts Key , till over against the North-West Corner of St. Magnus Church aforesaid . On this North side of Thames-street , is St. Mary Hill Lane , up to St. Margarets Church , and then part of St. Margarets Pattens street , at the end of St. Mary Hills Lane ; next out of Thames-street , is Lucas Lane ; and then Buttolph Lane ; and at the North end thereof Philpot Lane , Then is there Rother Lane , of old time so called ; and thwart the same Lane is little East-Cheape , And these be the bounds of Billingsgate Ward . Touching the principal Ornaments within this Ward , on the South side of Thamesstreet , beginning at the East end thereof ; there is first the said Smarts Key , so called , of one Smart , sometime owner thereof . The next is Billinsgate , whereof the whole Ward taketh name , the which ( leaving out of the Roman's faining it to be builded by King Bel●nus , a Britain , ●ong before the Incarnation of Christ ) is at this present , a large Water-gate , Port , or Harbor for Ships and Boats , commonly arriving there with Fish , both fresh and salt , Shell-fishes , Salt , Oranges , Onions , and other Fruits and Roo●s , Wheat , Rie , and Grain of divers sorts , for service of the City , and the parts of this Realm adjoyning . This Gate is now more frequented , then of old time , when the Queens Hith was used , as being appointed by the Kings of this Realm , to be the special or only Port , for taking up of all such kind of Matchandizes , brought to this City by strangers and Forraigners , because the Draw-Bridge of Timbe● at London Bridge , was then to be raised , and drawn up for passage of Ships , with tops to the said Queen Hith . Touching the ancient Customs of Billingsgate , in the Reign of Edward the third ; every great Ship landing there , paid for standage , two pence , every little Ship with orelocks , a peny : the lesser Boat , called a Battle , a half-peny ; of two quarters of Corn measured , the King was to have one farthing ; of a Combe of Corn , a peny , of every weight going out of the City , a half peny , of two quarters of Sea-Coals measured , a farthing ; and of every Tun of Ale , going out of England , beyond the Seas , by Marchants strangers , four pence ; of every thousand Herrings , a farthing , except the Franchises , &c. Next to this is , Sommers Key , which likewise took that name , of one Sommer , dwelling there , as did Lyon Key , of one Lyon , owner thereof , and since of the Signe of the Lyon. Then is there a fair Wharf or Key , called Buttolphs-gate , by that name so called , in the time of William the Conqueror , and before him , of Edward the Confessor . Next is the Parish of St. Buttolph , a comely Church , and hath had many fair Monuments therein , now much defaced and gone ; Among others , there is William Rainwel and his Sonne , who gave a Stone-House to be a Vestry to that Church ; with Lands and Tenements to discharge Billingsgate , Dowgate , and Algate , of fifteens granted to the King , and other Tolls : this was about the year 1426. This Parish of St. Buttolph , is no great thing ; notwithstanding , divers strangers are there harboured , as may appear by a presentment , not many years since made , of strangers Inhabitants in the Ward of Billingsgate , in these words . In Billingsgate Ward , were one and fifty Housholds of strangers , whereof thirty of the●e Housholders , inhabited in the Parish of St. Buttolph , in the chief and principal Houses , where they give twenty pounds a year , for an house letten , used to be let before for four marks : the nearer they dwell to the Water side ▪ the more they give for Houses ; and within 30. years before , there was not in the whole Ward above three Nether landers ; at which time , there was within the said Parish , levied for the help of the poor , seven and twenty pounds by the year ; but since they came so plentifully thither , there cannot be gathered above eleven pounds ; the strangers being exempted , to contribute to such charges as other Citizens do , in regard they much advance the Trade of the City . On the North side is Bosse Alley , so called of a Bosse of Spring-water , continually running , which standeth by Billingsgate , against this Alley ; and was sometimes made by the Executors of Richard Whittington . Then is St. Mary Hill ane which runneth up North from Billingsgate , to the end of St. Margaret Patte●ns , commonly called Rood-lane ; and the greatest half of that Lane , is also of Billingsgate Ward . In this St. Mary Hill lane , is the 〈◊〉 Parish Church of St. Mary on the Hill , called so , because of the ascent from Billingsgate . In the year 1497. in the Moneth of April , as labourers digged for the foundation of a Wall , within the Church of St. Mary Hill , near unto Billingsgate , they found a Coffin of rotten Timber , and therein the Corps of a Woman , whole of skin , and of bones undissevered , with the joynts of her Arms , plyable , without breaking of the skin , upon whose Sepulcher this was engraven . Here lie the Bodies of Richard Hackney , Fishmonger , and Alice his Wife ; The which Richard , was Sheriff , in the fifteenth of Edward the second . Her Body was kept above ground three or four dayes , without noyance ; but then it waxed unsavory , and was again buried . This Lane on both sides , is furnished with fair Houses for Marchants , and hath at the North end thereof , one other Lane , called St. Margaret Pattens , because of old time , Pattens were usually there made and sold ; but of latter time , this is called Rood Lane , of a Rood there placed , in the Church-yard of St. Margaret , whilest the old Church was taken down , and again new builded ; during which time , the oblations made to this Rood , were imployed towards building of the Church ; But in the year 1538. about the 23. of May in the morning , the said Rood was found to have been in the night preceding ( by people unknown ) broken all to pieces ; together , with the Tabernacle , wherein it had bin placed . Then have ye another Lane , called Rother Lane , or Red Rose Lane , of such a signe there , now commonly called Pudding Lane , because the Butchers of East-Cheape , have their Scalding-house for Hoggs there , & their Puddings , with other fi●th of Beasts , are voided down that way to their Dung-boats on the Thames : In this Church you have the Sepulchers of sundry worthy men , among other of Mr. Vandepute , a very worthy Marchant , whose Son Mr. Giles Vandepute , was lately buried also there . Then on the West side of St. Mary Hill Church , is a Lane called Rope-lane of old , and after Lucas-lane , but now Love-lane ; Then have you the Parish of St. Andrew Hubbart in East-Cheape ; Then is there But●olph-lane , and afterwards the Church of St. George Buttolph-lane , which though small , hath divers Monuments . Of the Tenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Bridg-Ward within . WE will direct our● pace downward now , and take a Survey of Bridge Ward within , so called of London-Bridge , which Bridge is a principal part of that Ward , and beginning at the Stulps on the South end by Southwark , runneth along the Bridge , and North up Bridge-street , commonly called ( of the Fish Market ) New Fish-street , from Fish-street Hill up Grass-street , to the North corner of Grass-Church . All the Bridge is replenished on both the sides , with large , fait , and beautiful buildings , Inhabitants for the most part Rich Marchants , and other wealthy Citizens , Mercers , and Haberdasher● ▪ In New Fish-street , be Fishmongers and fair Taverns ; on Fish-street ●●ill , and Grasse-street , men of divers Trades , Grocers , and Haberdashers . In Grass-street , have ye one fair Conduit of sweet water , castellated with crest and vent , made by the appointment of Thomas Hill Mayor , 1484 , who gave by his Testament a hundred Marks towards the conveyance of water to this place ; it was begun by his Executors in the year 1491 , and finished of his goods , whatsoever it cost . On the East side of this Bridge Ward , have ye the fair Parish Church of Saint Magnus , in the which Church have been buried many men of good repute , whose Monuments are now for the most part defaced . Among others Sir Richard Morgan chief Justice of the Common-Pleas , and Morris Griffith , Bishop of Rochester , both born in Wales about the year 1556. Then is the Parish Church of St. Margarets Fish-shreet Hill ; a proper Church , but Monument it hath none of any note . Up higher on this Hill , is the Parish Church of St. Leonard Milk-Church , so termed of one VVilliam Melker , an especial builder thereof , but commonly called Saint Leonards East-cheap , because it standeth at East-cheap co●ner . This Church , and from thence into little East-cheap , to the East end of the said Church , is of the Bridge Ward . Then higher in Grasse-street , is the Parish Church of St. Bennet called Grass-Church , of the Herbe Market there kept ; this Church also is of the Bridge Ward , and the farthest North end thereof . The Customes of Grasse-Church Market , in the Reign of Edward the third , as appears in a Book of Customes , were these : every forreign Cart laden with Corn , or Malt , coming thither to be sold , was to pay one half penny ; every Forreign Cart bringing Chee●e , two pence ; every Cart of Corn and Chee●e together , ( if the Cheese be more worth than the Corn ) two pence ; and if the Corn be more worth than the Cheese , it was to pay a half-penny ; of two Horses laden with Corn o● Malt , the Bayliff had one farthing ; The Carts of the Franchi●e of the Temple , and of Saint Mary Le Grand , paid afarching ; the Carr of the Hospitall of St. Iohn of Ierusalem , paid nothing of their proper goods , and if the Corn were brought by Merchants to sell again , the load paid a half penny , &c. On the West side of this Ward , at the North end of London Bridge , is a part of Thames street , which is also of this Ward , to wit , so much as of old time was called Stock-Fishmonger Row , of the Stock-Fish-mongers dwelling t●ere , down West to a Wa●er-gate , of old time called Ebgate , since Ebgate Lane , and now the Old Swan , which is a common stair on the Thames , but the passage is very ●arrow , by means of encroachments . On the South side of Thames street , about the Mid-way betwixt the Bridge foot and Ebgate Lane , standeth the Fishmongers Hall , and divers other fair Houses for Merchants . These Fishmongers were sometimes of two several Companies , to wit , Stock-Fishmongers and Salt-Fishmongers . Of who●e antiquity we read that by the name of Fishmongers of London , they were for fore-stalling , &c. contrary to the Laws and constitutions of the City , fined to the King at 500 Marks , the eighteenth of King Edward the first ; Moreover , that the said Fishmongers hearing of the great victory obtained by the same King against the Scots , in the six & twentieth of his Reign , made a Triumphant and solemn Shew through the City , with divers Pageants , and more than a thousand Horsemen , &c. These two Companies of Stock-Fishmongers and Salt-Fishmongers , of old time had their severall Halls , to wit , in Thames street twain , in New Fish-street twai● , in Old Fish-street twain , in each place one for either Company , in all six several Halls ; the Company was so great , that it lies upon Records , that these Fishmongers have been jolly Citizens , and six Mayors have been of their Company in the space of four and twenty years , to wit , Walter Turk 1350 , John Lofkin 1359 , John Wreth , 1361 , John Pechie 1362 , Simon Morden 1369 , and William Wallworth 1374. It followed , that in the year 1382 , through the Counsel of John North hampton Draper , then being Mayor , VVilliam Essex , John More Mercer , and Richard Northbury the said Fishmongers were greatly troubled , hindred of their Liberties , and almost destroyed by combinations made against them , so that in a Parliament at London , the controversie depending between the Mayor and Aldermen of London , and the Fishmongers , Nic. Exton Speaker for the Fishmongers , prayeth the King to receive him and his Company into his protection for fear of corporal hurt , whereupon it was commanded , either part to keep the peace , upon pain of losing all they had ; Hereupon , a Fishmonger starting up , replyed , that the complain brought against them by the movers , &c. was but matter of malice , for that the Fishmongers , in the Reign of Edward the 3d. being chief Officers of the City , had for their misdemeanors then done , committed the chief exhibitors of those Petitions to prison . In this Parliament the Fishmongers ( by the Kings Charter Patents ) were restored to their Liberties ; Notwithstanding , in the year next following 1383 , John Cavendish Fishmong●r , craveth the peace against the Chancellour of England , which was granted , and he put in Sureties , the Earls of Stafford and Salisbury , and challengeth the Chancellour for taking a bribe of ten pounds , for favour of Cavendish Case , which the Chancellour by Oath upon the Sacrament avoideth . In further triall , it was found , that the Chancellours man ( without his Masters privity ) had taken it ; whereupon Cavendish was Judged to prison , and to pay the Chancellour 1000 Marks for slandering him . After this , many of the Nobles assembled at Reading , to supprese the seditious Sheirs of the said John Northampion , or Combarton , late Mayor , that had attempted great and hainous enterprises , of the which he was convict ; and when he stood mute nor would utter one word , it was Decreed , that he should be committed to perpetual prison , his goods confiscate to the Kings use , and that he should not come within a hundred miles of London , during his life ; He was therefore sent to the Castle of Fintegall in the Confines of Cornwall ; and in the mean space the Kings Servants spoiled his goods : John Moore , Richard Northbury , and others were likewise there Convict , and condemned to perpetual prison , and their good● confiscate , for certain Congregations by them made against the Fishmongers in the City of London , as is aforesaid , but they● obtained and had the Kings pardon in the fourteenth of his Reign , as appeareth upon Record and thus were all these troubles appealed . Those Stock-Fishmongers and Salt-Fishmongers were united in the year 1536 , the eight and twentieth of Henry the eighth , their Hall to be but one , in the House given unto them by Sir Iohn Cornwall , Lord Fanhope , and of Ampthull , in the Parish of Saint Michael in Crooked Lane , in the Reign of Henry the sixth . Thus much was thought remarkable to be spoken of the Fishmongers , men ignorant of their Antiquities , and not able to shew a reason why , or when they were in amity with the Goldsmiths , do give part of their Arms , &c. Neither to say ought of Sir William Walworth ( the Glory of their Company ) more than that he slew Jack Straw , which some do question : for the said Straw was after the overthrow of the Rebels , taken , and by judgement of the Mayor beheaded , whose confession at the Gallows is extant in Mr. Stows Annales , where also is set down the most valiant and praise-worthy act of Sir William Walworth , against the principal Rebel Wat Tyler . On that South side of Thames street , have ye Drink-water Wharf , and Fish Wharf , in the Parish of Saint Magnus . On the North side of Thames street is Saint Martins Lane , a part of which Lane is also of this Ward , to wit , on the one side to a Well of water , and on the other side as far up as against the said Well . Then is St. Michaels Lane part whereof is also of this Ward , up to a Well there &c. Then at the upper end of New Fish-street , is a Lane turning towards St. Michaels Lane , and is called Crooked-Lane , of the crooked windings thereof ; Above this Lanes end , upon Fish-street Hill , is one great House for the most p●rt builded with stone , which pertained sometime to Edward the black Prince , sonne to Edward the third , who was in his life time lodged there ; and 't was called the Prince of VVales his Court , which was afterward for a long time a common Hostry , having the sign of the Black Bell. Of the Eleventh Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Candle-wick Ward . WE will now see what light Antiquity can give us of Candle-wick street , or Candle-wright street Ward . It beginneth at the East end of great East-cheap , it passeth West through East-cheap to Candle-wright street , and thorough the same down to the North end of Suffolk Lane : on the South side , and down that Lane by the West end of St. Lawrence Church-yard , which is the farthest West part of that Ward ; the street of Great East-cheap , is so called of the Market there kept , in the East part of the City , as VVest-cheap is a Market so called , being in the West . This East-Cheap is now a Flesh-market of Butchers , there dwelling on both sides of the street : it had sometime also Cooks mixed amongst the B●tchers , and such other as sold Victuals ready dressed of all sorts ; For of old time , when friends did meet , and were disposed to be merry , they never went to dine and Sup in Taverns , but to the Cooks , where they called for meat what them liked , 〈◊〉 they alwayes sound ready dressed , and at a reasonable rate ; for Vintners 〈◊〉 ●old on●y Wine . In the year 1410. the eleventh of Henry the fourth , upon the Even of Saint Iohn Baptist ▪ the Kings Sonnes , Thomas and Iohn , being in East-Cheape at Supper , ( or rather at break-fast ; for it was after the Watch was broken up , betwixt two and three a Clock after mid-night ) a great debate happened between their men , and other of the Court , which lasted one houre , till the Maior and Sheriffs , with other Citizens appea●●d the same ; For the which , afterwards , the said Maior , Aldermen and Sheriffs , were called to answer before the King , his Sons , and divers Lords , being highly moved against the City ; At which time , William Gascoign● , chief Justice , required the Maior and Aldermen , for the Citizens , to put them in the Kings Grace ; whereunto they answered , that they had not offended , but ( according to the Law ) had done their best , in stinting debate and maintaining of the peace ; upon which answer , the King remitted all his Ire , and dismissed them . And to prove this East-Cheape to be a place replenished with Cooks , it may appear by a Song called London lick-penny , made by Lidgate , a Monk of Bury , in the Reign of Henry the fifth , in the person of a Country-man , comming to London , and travelling thorough the same . In West-Cheape ( saith the Song ) he was called on to buy fine Lawn , Paris Thred , Cotton Umble , and other linnen Clothes , and such like , ( he speaketh of no silk . ) In Corn-hill , to buy old Apparel , and Houshold-stuffe , where he was forced to buy his own Hood , which he had lost in Westminster-hall . In Candlewright-street , Drapers pro●cred him Cheap Cloth. In East-Cheape , the Cooks cryed hot Ribs of Beef rosted , Pies well baked , and other Victuals . There was clattering of Pewter-Pots , Harp , Pipe and Sawtry ; yea by cock , nay by cock , for greater Oaths were spared , some sang of Ienkin , and Julian , &c. All which Melody liked well the Passenger , but he wanted money to abide by it ; and therefore gat him into Gravesend-Barge , and home into Kent . Candlewright ( so called in old Records , of the Guild-hall of St. Mary Overies , and other ) or Candlewick-street , took that name ( as may be supposed ) either of Chaundlers , or Makers of Candles , both of Wax and Tallow , for Candle-wright is a Maker of Candles , and of Wick , which is the Cotton , or yarn thereof , or otherwise which is the place where they used to work them , as scalding wick by the Stocks-Market , was called of the Poulterers dressing and scalding their Poultry there . And in divers Countries , Dairy-houses , or Cottages , wherein they make Butter and Cheese , are usually called Wickes . There dwelled also of old time , divers Weavers of Woollen Clothes , brought in by Edward the 3d ; for I read that in the four and twentieth of his Reign , the Weavers , brought out of Flanders , were appointed their meetings to be in the Church-yard of St. Lawrence Poultney ; and the Weavers of Brabant , in the Church-yard of St. Mary Sommerset : There were then in this City , Weavers of divers sorts , to wit , of Drapery or Tapery , and Nappery : these Weavers of Candlewicke street , being in short time worn out , their place is now possessed by rich Drapers , Sellers of Woollen Cloth , &c. On the Northside of this Ward , at the West end of East-Cheape , have ye St. Clements Lane ; a part whereof , ( on both sides ) is of Candlewicke street Ward , to wit , somewhat North , beyond the Parish Church of St. Clement in East-cheape . Though this Church be small , yet there are some comely Monuments in it , among others of William Chartney , and William Overy , who founded a Chantry there . Next is St. Nicholas Lane , for the most part on both sides , of this Ward , almost to St. Nicholas Church . Then is Abchurch Lane , which is on both sides , almost wholly of this Ward : the Parish Church there ( called of St. Mary Abchurch , Apechurch , or Upchurch , as I have read it ) standeth somewhat near unto the South end thereof , on a rising ground . It is a fair Church , Simon de Winchcombe , sounded a Chauntery there , the 19th of Richard the Littleton●ounded ●ounded another , and Thomas Hondon another . Here are likewise some remarkable Monuments , particularly of Sir Iames , and Sir Iohn Branch , both Lord Mayors of London , about the year 1570. On the South side of this Ward , beginning again at the East , is St. Michaels lane ; which lane is almost wholly of this Ward , on both sides down towards Thames street ; to a Well or Pump there ; on the East side of this Lane is Crooked Lane aforesaid , by St. Michaels Church , towards New Fishstreet . One of the most ancient Houses in this Lane , is called the Leaden Porch , and belonged sometime to Sir John Merston , Knight , the first of Edward the 4th ; It is now called the Swan in Crooked Lane , possessed of strangers , and retailing of Rhenish Wine . The Parish Church of this St. Michaels , was sometime but a small and homely thing , standing upon part of that ground , wherein now standeth the Parsonage House , and the ground thereabout was a filthy plot , by reason of the Butchers in East-Cheape , who made the same their Lay-stall . VV. de Burgo , gave two Messuages to that Church in Candlewick street , 1317. John Loveken , Stock-fish monger , fout times Maior , builded ( in the same ground ) this fair Church of St. Michael , and was there buried in the Quire , under a fair Tombe , with the Images of him and his Wise in Alabaster : the said Church hath bin since increased , with a new Quire , and side Chappels by Sir W. Walworth , Stock-fishmonger , Maior , sometime Servant to the said John Loveken ; Also the Tombe of Loveken was removed , and a flat stone of gray marble , garnished with Plates of Copper , laid on him , as it yet remaineth in the Body of the Church . This William Walworth is reported by some , to have slain Jack Straw ; but Jack Straw being afterward taken , was first adjudged by the said Mayor , and then executed by the losse of his head in Smithfield : True it is , that this William Walworth , being a man wise , learned , and of an incomparable Manhood , arrested Wat Tyler , a presumptuous Rebel , upon whom no man durst lay hand , whereby he delivered the King and Kingdom , from most wicked Tyranny of Traytors : the Mayor arrested him on the head with a sound blow ; whereupon , Wat Tylar furiously stroke the Mayor with his Dagger , but hurt him not , by reason he was well armed , The Maior having received his stroke drew his Bas●●liard , and grievously wounded Wat in the Neck ; and withall , gave him a great blow on the Head ; in the which Conflict , an Esquire of the Kings House , called John Cavendish , drew his Sword , and wounded Wat twice or thrice , even to the death , and Wat spurring his Horse , cryed to the Commons to revenge him : the Horse beats him about eighty foot from the place , and there he fell down half dead , and by and by , they which attended on the King , environed him about , so as he was not seen of his Company ; many of them thrust him in , in divers places of his Body , and drew him into the Hospital of St. Bartholomew ; from whence again the Maior caused him to be drawn into Smithfield , and there to be beheaded : In reward of his Service , ( the people being dispersed ) the King commanded the Maior to put a Basenet on his Head ; and the Mayor requesting why he should so do , the King answered , he being much bound unto him , would make him Knight ; The Mayor answered , that he was neither worthy , nor able to take such an Estate upon him ; for he was but a Marchant , and had to live by his Marchandize only : Notwithstanding , the King made him to put on his Basenet , and then with a Sword in both his hands , he strongly struck him on the Neck , as the manner was then , and the same day he made three other Citizens Knights ( for his sake ) to wit , John Philpot , Nicholas Brember , and Robert Launde , Aldermen . The King gave to the Maior , a hundred pound Land by year , and to each of the other forty pound Land , yearly , to them and their-Heires for ever . After this , in the same year , the said Sir William Walworth , founded in the said Parish Church of St. Michael , a Colledge , of a Master and nine Priests , or Chaplains , and deceasing 1385. was there buried in the North Chappel by the Quire ; but his Monument being ( amongst other by bad people ) defaced in the Reign of Edward the sixth ; and again , since renewed by the Fishmongers , for lack of knowledge , whatsoever before had been written in this Epitaph , they followed a fabulous Book , and wrote Iack Straw , instead of Wat Tylar . It hath also been , and is now grown to a common opinion , that in reward of this service done by the said William Wallworth , against the Rebel , that King Richard added to the Arms of this City ( which was Argent , a plane Crosse Gules ) a Sword , or Dagger , ( for so they terme it ) whereof Mr. Iohn Stow makes a doubt ; but to the contrary , he alledgeth , that in the fourth year of Richard the second , in a full Assembly made in the upper Chamber of the Guild-hall , summoned by this William Walworth , then Mayor , as well of Aldermen , as of the Common Councel , in every Ward , for certain affaires concerning the King , it was there by common consent agreed and ordained , that the old Seal of the Office of the Majoralty of the City , being very small , old , unapt , and un●omely for the Honour of the City , should be broken , and one other new should be had , which the said Mayor commanded to be made artificially , and honourably for the exercise of the said Office thereafter , in place of the other . In which new Seal , besides the Images of Peter and Paul , which of old were rudely engraven , there should be under the feet of the said Images , a Shield of the Arms of the said City , perfectly graven with two Lyons supporting the same , and two Serjeants of Arms ; in the other part , one , and two Tabernacles ; in which , above , should stand two Angels , between whom ( above the said Images of Peter and Paul ) should be set the Glorious Virgin. This being done , the old Seal of the Office was delivered to Richard Odiham , Chamberlain , who brake it , and in placethereof , was delivered the new Seal to the said Mayor , to use in his Office of Majoralty , as occasion should require . This new Seal seemeth to be made before William Walworth was Knighted ; for he is not there intituled Sir , as afterwards he was ; and certain it is , that the same new Seal then made , is now in use , and none other in that Office of the Majoralty , which may suffice to answer the former supposition , without shewing of any evidence sealed with the old Seal , which was the Crosse , and Sword of St. Paul , and not the Dagger of William Walworth . In this Church are sundry ancient Monuments , of Mayors and Sheriffs of London . West from this St. Michaels Lane , is St. Martins Orgar Lane , by Candlewick-street , which lane is , on both sides down to a Well , replenished with fair and large Houses for Marchants ; and it is of this Ward . One of which Houses was sometime called Beauchamps Inne , as pertaining unto them of that Family . Thomas Arundel , Arch Bishop of Canterbury commonly , for his time was lodged there . The Parish Church of St. Martin Orgar , is a small thing . William Crowmer , Maior , builded a proper Chappel on the South side thereof , and was buried there in an ancient Tombe 1533. where are some others , of Maiors and Aldermen . Then is there one other Lane , called St. Lawrence , of the Parish Church there . This Lane , down to the South side of the Church-yard , is of Candlewick street VVard . The Parish Church of St. Laurence , was increased with a Chappel of Jesus , by Thomas Cole , for a Master and Chaplain ; the which Chappel and Parish Church , was made a Colledge of Iesus , and of Corpus Christi , for a Master and seven Chaplains , by Iohn Poultney Maior , and was confirmed by Edward the third , the twentieth of his Raign ; of him was this Church called St. Laurence Poultney in Candlewick street ; which Colledge was valued at seventy nine pounds , seventeen shillings eleven pence , and was surrendred in the Reign of Edward the sixth . In this Church , Robert and Henry Radcliffe , Earls of Sussex , lie buried . Of the Twelfth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of LONDON , called Wallbrook Ward . WE will now proceed , and make a Perambulation of Walbrook VVard , which beginneth at the vvest end of Candlewick Street VVard , It runneth down Candlewick street , vvest toward Budge Rowe ; It hath on the North side thereof , St. Swithens Lane , so called of St. Swithens , a Parish Church by London-stone ; This Lane is replenished ( on both the sides ) with fair builded Houses , and is vvholly of VVallbrook VVard . The said Parish Church of St. Sw●then , standeth at the South vvest corner of this Lane ; Licence vvas procured , to new build and increase the said Church and Steeple , in the year 1420. Sir Iohn Hend Draper , and Maior , was an especial Benefactor thereunto , as appeareth by his Arms in the Glasse vvindows , even in the tops of them , which is in a Field Argent , a Chief Azure , a Lyon passant Argent , a Cheueron Azure , three Escalops Argent ; Ralph Ioceline , Maior of London , among others , hath a Monument in this Church , having bin a benefactor to it . On the South side of this high street , near unto the Channel , is pitched upright a great stone , called London stone , fixed in the ground very deep , fastned with Barres of Iron , and otherwise so strongly set , that if Carts do run against it , through negligence , the VVheels be broken , and the Stone it self unshaken . The cause vvhy this Stone was there set , the time when , or other memory thereof is none , but that the same hath long continued there , is manifest , namely since ( or rather before ) the Conquest ; for in the end of a fair written Gospel Book , given to Christs Church in Canterbury , by Ethelstane , King of the vvest Saxons , mention is made of Lands and Rents in London , belonging to the said Church , whereof one parcel is described to lie near unto London Stone . Of latter time we read , that in the year of Christ 1135. the first of King Stephen , a fire , which began in the house of one Ailward , near unto London , stone , consumed all East to Ealdgate , in which fire the Priory of the Holy Trinity was burnt , and vvest to St. Erkenwalds shrine in Pauls Church , and these be the Eldest Notes that I read thereof . Some have said , this stone to be set there , as a Mark in the middle of the City within the Wall , but in truth it standeth far nearer to the River of Thames , than to the Wall of the City . Some others have said , the same to be set , for the tendering and making of payment by Debtors to their Creditors , at their appointed dayes and times , till of latter time , payments were more usually made at the Font in Ponts Church , and now most commonly at the Royal Exchange ; Some again have imagined , the same to be set up by Iohn or Thomas London-stone dwelling there against it ; but more likely it is , that such men have taken name of the Stone , than the Stone of them : as did John at Noke , and Thomas at Stile , William at Wall or at Well &c. But the most probable opinion , is , that it was placed there by the Romans for a Milliare , as was observed elswhere in this Discourse . Down West from this Parish Church , and from London-stone , have ye Wallbroke corner , from whence runneth up a street North to the Stocks called Walbrook ; because it standeth on the East side of the same Brook by the Bank thereof , and the whole Ward taketh name of that street . On the East side of this street , and at the North corner thereof , is the Stocks Market , which had this beginning . About the year of Christ 1282 , Henry Wallis Mayor , caused divers houses in this City to be builded towards the maintenance of London-Bridge , namely , in one void place neare unto the Parish Church called Wooll-Church ; On the North side thereof , where sometime ( the way being very large and broad ) had stood a pair of Stocks for punishment of offenders ; This building took name of those Stooks , and was appointed ( by him ) to be a Market-place for Fish & Flesh , in the midst of the City : other Houses be builded in other places , by Patent of Edward the first it doth appear , dated the tenth of his Reign . After this , in the year 1322 , the seventeenth of Edward the second , a Decree was made by Hamond Chickwell Mayor , that none should sell fish or flesh , out of the Markets appointed , to wit , Bridge-street , East-cheap , Old Fish-street , St. Nicholas Shambles , and the said Stocks , on pain to forfeit such fish or flesh as were there sold , for the first time ; and the second time to lose their Freedom : Which Act was made by commandment of the King , under his Letters Patents , dated at the Tower the 17th of his Reign , & then was this Stocks let to Farm for forty six pounds thirteen shillings four pence by year : this Stocks Market was again begun to be builded , in the year 1410 , in the eleaventh of Henry the fourth , and was finished in the year next following . In the year 1507 , the same was rented fifty six pounds nineteen shillings ten pence ; And in the year 1543 , John Cotes being Mayor , there was in this Stocks Market , for Fishmongers five and twenty Boards or Stalls , rented yearly to 34 pounds , 13 shillings . 4 pence . There was for Butchers 18 Boards or stalls rented at 41 pounds , 16 shillings 4 pence , and there were also Chambers above sixteen , rented at five pounds , thirteen shillings four pence , in all , eighty two pounds three shillings . Next unto this Stocks is the Parish Church of St. Mary VVool-Church , so called of a Beam placed in the Church-yard , which was thereof called Wool-Church Haw , of the Tronage or weighing of Wooll there used , and to verifie this , we find amongst the Customs of London written in French , in the Reign of Edward the second , a Chapter intituled , Les Customes de VVooll-Church Haw , wherein is set down , what was there to be paid for every parcel of Wooll weighed ; this Tronage , or weighing of Wooll , till the sixth of Richard the second , was there continued : John Church-man then builded the Custome-house upon VVooll Key , to serve for the said Tonnage as is before shewed in Tower-street Ward . This Church is reasonable fair and large , and was afterwards new builded , by Licence granted in the twentieth of Henry the sixth , with condition to be builded fifteen foot from the Stocks Market , for sparing of light to the said Stocks , the Parson of this Parish is to have four Marks the year , for Tyth of the said Stocks , paid him by the Masters of the Bridge-house , by a special Decree , made the second of Henry the seventh . In the year about 1500 , John VVingar Lord Mayor , gave two Basons of silver to this Church ; And Richard Shore Sheriff of London made the Porch at the West end : they lye both there entombed . From the Stocks Market , and this Parish Church East , up into Lombard-street , some four or five houses on a side , and also on the South side of VVooll-Church have ye Bear-Binder Lane , a part whereof is of this VVallbrook Ward . Then down sower in the street called Wallbrook , is one other fair Church of St. Stephen , builded new on the East side thereof ; for the old Church stood on the West side , in place where now standeth the Parsonage House , and therefore so much nearer to the Brook , even on the Bank. This Church was finished in the year 1439. The breadth thereof is sixty seven foot , and length one hundred twenty five foot , the Church-yard ninty foot in length , and thirty seven in breadth , and more , Robert VVhittingham ( made Knight of the Bath ) in the yeer 1432 , purchased the Patronage of this Church , from John Duke of Bedford , Unkle to Henry the sixth ; and Edward the fourth , in the second of his Reign , gave it to Sir Richard Lee then Mayor , who ileth there hansomely entomb'd , having bin twice Lord Maior , with divers others . Lower down from this Parish Church , be ●ivers fair houses , namely one , wherein of late Sir Richard Baker , a Knight of Kent was lodged ; and wherein also dwelled Mr. Thomas Gore , a Merchant famous for Hospitality . On the West side of this VValbrook street , over against the Stocks Market , is a part of the High street , called the Poultry ; On the South side West , till over against Saint Mildreds Church , and the Scalding wike , is of this Ward . Then down again Wallbrook street , some small distance , in Buckles Bury , a street so called of Buckle , that sometime was owner thereof ; part of which street on both sides , three or four Houses , to the course of the Brook , is of this Ward , and so down VValbrook street , to the South corner , from whence West , down Budge row , some small distance , to an Alley , and thorow that Al●ey South , by the West end of St. Johns Church upon VValbrook , by the South side and East end of the same , again to VValbrook corner . This Parish Church is called , St John upon VValbrook , because the West end thereof is on the very bank of Walbrook by Horshooe Bridge , in Horshooe-Bridge street . This Church was also lately new builded : for about the year 1412 , Licence was granted by the Mayor and Communalty , to the Parson and Parish , for the inlarging thereof , with a piece of ground on the North part of the Quire , one and twenty foot in length , seventeen foot in breadth , and three inches ; and on the South side of the Quite , one foot of the common soyle . On the South side of Walbrook Ward , from Candle-wick street , in the mid-way between London-stone and Walbrook corner , is a little Lane with a Turn-Pike in the middest thereof , and in the same a hansome Parish Church , called S. Mary Bothaw , or Boat-Haw , by the Erbar . This Church being near unto Downgate , on the River of Thames , hath the addition of Bothaw or Boat-haw , of near adjoyning to an Haw or Yard , wherein ( of old time ) Boats were made and landed from Downgate to be mended , as may be supposed ; for other reason I find none , why it should be so called . This Church hath one remarkable thing in it , viz. The Monument of the first Lord May or of London , Sir Henry Fitz Alwin ; His dwelling House remains yet in the Parish , but divided to divers Tenements ; Mr. Stow relates , that he was buried in the holy Trinity within Algate , but it is far more probable that he was buried here , because his Arms● are both upon the Gravestone and the Windows . Of the Thirteenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Dowgate Ward . WE will now , following the thred of our Discourse , descend to Downgate Ward , which beginneth at the South end of Wallbrook Ward , over against the East corner of St. Iohns Church upon Walbrook , and descendeth on both the sides to Downgate or Dowgate , on the Thames , and is so called of that down going or descending thereunto , and of this Downgate the Ward taketh name ; This Ward turneth into Thames street Westward , some ten Hou●es on a side , to the course of Walbrooke , but East in Thames street ( on both sides ) to Ebgate Lane , or Old Swan , the Land-side whereof hath many Lanes turning up , as shall be shewed when we come to them . But first to begin with the High street called Dowgate : at the upper end thereof , is a fair Conduit of Thames Water , castellated , and made in the year 1568 , at the charges of the Citizens , and is called , the Conduit upon Dowgate . The descent of this stre●t is such , that in the year 1574 , on the fourth of September in the afternoon , there fell a storm of rain , where-through the Channels suddenly aro●e and ran with such a swift course towards the Common-shores , that a Lad of eighteen years old , minding to have leapt over the Channel near unto the said Conduit , was taken with the stream , and carried from thence towards the Thames , with such a violence , that no man , with staves , or otherwise , could stay him till he came against a Cart-wheele , that stood in the said Water-gate ; before which time he was drowned and stark dead . On the West side of this street is Tallow-Chandlers Hall , a hansome house , which Company was incorporated in the second year of Edward the fourth . Somewhat lower standeth the Skinners Hall , a fair house , which was sometimes called Copped Hall by Downgate , in the Parish of St. John upon Wallbrook . In the nineteenth year of Edward the second , Ralph Cobham possessed it , with five shops , &c. This Company of Skinners in London , was incorporate by Edward the third , in the first of his Reign ; they had two Brotherhoods of Corpus Christi viz. one at St. Mary Spittle , the other at St. Mary Bethlem without Bishopsgate . Richard the second , in the eighteenth of his Reign , granted them to make their two Brotherhoods one , by the name of the Fraternity of Corpus Christi of Skinners ; divers Royal persons were named to be Founders , and Brethren of this Fraternity , to wit , Kings six , Dukes nine , Earls two , Lords one ; K●ngs , Edward the third , Richard the second , Henry the fifth , Henry the sixth , and Edward the fourth . This Fraternity had also once every year on Corpus Christi day afternoon a a pro●ession , which passed through the principal streets of the City , wherein was borne more than one hundred Torches of Wax , ( costly garnished ) burning light , and above two hundred Clerks and Priests in Surplesses and Coaps , singing ; After the which , were the Sheriffs servants , the Clarks of the Compters , Chaplains for the Sheriffs , the Mayors Sergeants , the Councel of the City , the Mayor and Aldermen in Scarlet and then the Skinners in their best Liveries . Then lower , was a Colledge of Priests , called Jesus Commons , a House well furnished with Brasse , Pewter , Napery , Plate , &c. besides a fair Library well stored with Books ; all which of old time were given to a number of Priests that should keep Commons there ; and as one left his p●ace ( by death or otherwise ) another should be admitted into his room ; but this Order within these 70. years , being discontinued , the said House was dissolved , and turned into Tenements . Down lower have ye Elbowe Lane , and at the corner thereof , was one great Stone-house , called Old-hall ; it is now taken down , and divers fair Houses of Timber placed there : This was sometimes pertaining to William de pont le Arch , and by him given the Priory of St. Mary Overy in Southwark , in the Reign o● Henry the first . In this Elbow-lane , is the Inholders Hall , and other fair Houses : this Lane runneth West , and suddenly turneth South , into Thames-street , and therefore ( of that bending ) is called Elbow-lane : on the East side of this Downgate-street , is the great old House before spoken of , called the Erbar , neere to the Church of St. Mary Bothaw ; Geffery Scroop held it by the gift of Edward the third , in the fourteenth of his Reign : It belonged since , to Iohn Nevel , Lord of Raby ; then to Richard Nevel , Earl of Warwick ; Nevel , Earl of Salisbury , was lodged there , 1457. Then it came to George Duke of Clarence , and his Heires Males , by the gift of Edward the fourth , in the fourteenth yea● of his Reign . It was lately builded by Sir Thomas Pull●son Maior , and was afterward Inhabited by Sir Francis Drake , that famous Navigator ; Next to this great House , is Lane turning to Bush-lane , ( of old time called Carter-lane , of Carts , and Carmen having Stables there ) and now called Chequer-lane , or Chequer-Alley , of an Inne called the Chequer . In Thamesstreet , on the Thames side West from Downgate , is Greenwitch lane , of old time so called , and now Fryer lane , of such a signe there set up . In this Lane is the Ioyners Hall , and other fair Houses . Then is Granthams Lane , so called of Iohn Grantham , sometime Maior , and owner thereof , whose house was very large and strong , builded of stone , as appeareth by Gates Arched yet remaining ; Ralph Dodmer , first a Brewer , then a Mercer , Maior 1529. dwelled there , and kept his Majoralty in that house : it is now a Brew-house , as it was before . Then is Down-gate , whereof is spoken in another place ; East from this Downegate , is Cosin lane , named of one VVilliam Cosin , that dwelled there in the fourth of Richard the second , as divers his Predecessors , Father , Granfather , &c. had done before him ; VVilliam Cosin was one of the Sheriffs , in the year 1306. That House standeth at the South end of the Lane , having an old and Artificial conveyance , of Thames water into it ; And is now a Dye-house , called Lambards Mess●age ; Adjoyning to that House , there was lately erected an Engine , to convey ● hames water unto Downgate Conduit aforesaid . Next to this Lane , on the East , is the Steel-yard ( as they terme it ) a place for Marchants of Almain , that used to bring hither , as well Wheat , Rie , and other Grain , as Cables , Ropes , Masts , Pitch , Tarre , Flax , Hemp , Linnen Cloth ▪ Wainscots , Wax , Steel , and other profitable Marchandizes ; unto these Marchan sin the year 1259. Henry the third , at the Request of his Brother Richard , Earl of Cornwall , King of Almain , granted , that all and singular the Marchants ; having a House in the City of London , commonly called Guilda Aula The●●onicorum , should be maintained and upholden through the whole Realm , by a●l such freedoms , and free usages or Liberties ▪ as by the King and his Noble Progenitors time they had , and enjoyed , &c. Edward the first renewed and confirmed that Charter of Liberties granted by his Father ; And in the tenth year of the same Edward , Henry W●llis being Mayor , a great Controversie did arise between the said Mayor , and the Marchants of the Haunce of Almaine , about the reparations of Bishops-gate , then likely to fall ; for that the said Marchants enjoyed divers priviledges , in respect of maintaining the said Gate , which they now denyed to repair ; for the appeasing of which controversie , the King sent his Writ to the Treasurer , and Baron of his Exchequer commanding that they should make Inquisition thereof ; Before whom the Marchants being called , when they were not able to discharge themselves , s●●h they enjoyed the Liberties to them granted for the same , a precept was sent to the Maior and Sheriffs , to distrain the said Marchants to make reparations ; namely , Gerard Marhod , Alderman of the Haunce , Ralph de Cussarde a Citizen of Colen , Ludero de Denauar , a Burgesse of Trivar , Iohn of Aras a Burgesse of Trivon , Bartram of Hamburgh , Godestalk of Hundoudale , a Burgesse of Trivon , Iohn de Deal a Burgesse of Munster , then remaining in the said City of London , for themselves , and all other Marchants of the Haunce , and so they granted 210 Marks sterling , to the Maior and Citizens ; and undertook , that they and their Successors , should ( from time to time ) repair the said Gate , and bear the third part of the Charges in money , and men to defend it , when need were . And for this Agreement , the said Maior and Citizens , granted to the said Marchants their liberties , which till of late they have enjoyed ; as namely , amongst other , that they might lay up their Grain , which they brought into this Realm , in Inns , and sell it in their Garners , by the space of forty dayes , after they had laid it up ; except by the Mayor and Citizens they were expresly forbidden , because of Dearth , or other reasonable occasions . Also they might have their Aldermen , as they had bin accustomed ; provided alwayes , that he were of the City , and presented to the Maior and Aldermen of the City , so oft as any should be chosen , and should take an Oath before them , to maintain Justice in their Courts , and to behave themselves in their Office , according to Law , and as it stood with the Customs of the City . Thus much for their priviledges , whereby it appeareth , that they were great Marchants of Corne , brought out of the East parts hither ; insomuch , that the Occupiers of Husbandry in this Land , were en●orced to complain of them , for bringing in such abundance , when the Corn of this Realm was at an easie price ; whereupon it was ordained by Parliament , That no person should bring into any part of this Realm , by way of Marchandize , Wheat , Rie , or Barley , growing out of the said Realm , when the Quarter of Wheat exceeded not the price of six shilling eight pence , Rie four shillings the Quarter , and Barley three shillings the Quarter , upon forfeiture one half to the King , the other half to the seisor thereof : These Marchants of the Hawnce , had their Guild-Hall in Thames-street , in the place aforesaid by the said Cosin-lane : Their Hall is large , builded of Stone , with three Arched Gates towards the street ; the middlemost whereof , is far bigger than the other , and is seldom opened , the other two be mured up , the same is now called the Old Hall. In the 6th of Richard the 2d , they hired one House next adjoyning to their Old Hall , which sometime belonged to Richard Lions , a famous Lapidary , one of the Sheriffs of London in the 49 of Edward the 3d ; and in the 4th of Richard the 2d , by the Rebels of Kent , drawn out of that House , and beheaded in West-Cheape : This also was a great House , with a large Wharf on the Thames ; and the way thereunto was called Windgoose , or Wildgoose-lane , which is now called Windgoose-Alley ; for that the same Alley is ( for the most part ) builded on by the Styliard Marchants . The Abbat of St. Albans , had a Messuage here , with a key given to him , 34. of Henry the 6th . Then is one other great House , which sometime pertained to Iohn Rainwel , Stock-Fishmonger , Maior , and it was by him given to the Maior and Commonalty , to the end , that the profits thereof , should be disposed in deeds of piety ; which House , in the 15th of Edward the 4th , was c●●firmed unto the said Marchants , in manner following , viz. It is ordered by our Soveraign Lord , and his Parliament , that the said Marchants of A●main ▪ being of the Company , called the Guild-hall Theutonicorum , ( or the Flemish Geld ) that now be , or hereafter shall be , shall have , hold , and enjoy to them and their Successors for ever , the said place , called the Steel-house , yielding to the Maior and Commonalty , an annual Rent of threescore and ten pounds , three shillings , foure pence , &c. In the year 1551 , the 5th of Edward the 6th , through complaint of the English Marchants , the liberty of the Steel-yard Marchants , was seized into the Kings hands , and so it resteth . Then is Church-lane , at the West end of Alhollowes Church , called Alhollowds the more in Thames-street , for a difference from Alhollowes the lesse , in the same street ; It is also called Alhollowes ad faenum in the Ropery , because Hay was sold near thereunto , at Hay-Wharf , and Ropes of old time made and so●d in the high street : This is a fair Church , with a large Cloyster on the South side thereof about their Church-yard , but fouly defaced and ruinated . Dr. Lichfield , a learned man , and an Authour , who died 1447. lieth here buried , with other Benefactors . At the East end of this Church goeth down a Lane , called Wharf-lane , now lately a great Brew-house , builded there by one Pot ; Hen , Compion , Esq a Beere-Brewer , used it , & Abraham his Son , since possessed it : Then was there one other Lane , sometime called Woolseys Gate , now out of use , for the lower part thereof , upon the Bank of Thames , is builded by the late Earl of Shrewsbury ; & the other end is builded on , & stopped up by the Chamberlain of London . I. Butler , Draper , one of the Sheriffs , in the year 1420. dwelled there ; He appointed his house to be sold , and the price thereof to be given to the poor ; it was of Alhollowes Parish the lesse . Then is there the said Parish-Church of Alhollowes called the Lesse , and by some Alhollowes on the Cellars ; for it standeth on Vau●ts , it is said to be builded by Sir Iohn Poultney , sometimes Mayor : The Steeple and Quire of this Church , stand on an Arched Gate , being the entry to a great House , called Cold Harborough , the Quire of late being fallen down , is now again at length , in the year 1594. by the Parishioners new builded . Touching this Cold Harborough , I finde , that in thirteenth of Edward the second , Sir Iohn Abel , Knight , demised , or let unto Henry Stow , Draper , all that his Capital Messuage , called the Cold Harborough , in the Parish of All Saints ad fanum , & all the pu●tenances within the Gate , with the Key which Rob. Hartford Citizen , Son to W. Hartford , had , & ought , & the foresaid Rob. paid for it Rent , 335. the year . This Ro. Hartford being owner thereof , as also of other Lands in Surrey , deceasing without issue Male , left two Daughters his Co-heires , to wit , Idonia , married to Sir Ralph Biggot , and Maude married to Sir Stephen Cosenton Knights , between whom the said House & Lands were parted . After the which Io. Bigot Sonne to the said Sir Ralph , & Sir Iohn Cosent●n , did ●ell their Moyeties of Cold Harborough unto Iohn Poultney , Sonne of Adam Poultney , the 8th of Edward the 3d. This Sir John Poultney dwelling in this House , and being four times Mayor , the said House took the name of Poultneys Inne ; notwithstanding this , Sir John Poultney , the 21. of Edward the 3d , by his Charter gave and confirmed to Humphrey de Bohune , Earl of Hereford , and Essex , his whole Tenement , called Cold Harborough , with all the Tenements and Key adjoyning , and appurtenances sometime pertaining to Robert de Hereford , on the way called Hay-wharf Lane , &c. for one Rose at Midsommer , to him and his Heires , for all services , if the same were demanded , This Sir John Poultney deceased 1349. and left issue , by Margaret his Wife , William Poultney , who dyed without issue ; and Margaret his Mother was married to Sir Nicholas Lovel Knight &c. Philip St. Cleare , gave two Messuages , pertaining to this Cold Harbrough , in the Ropery , towards the enlarging of the Parish Church , and Church-yard of Al-Saints , called the lesse , in the 20. of Richard the second . In the year 1397. the 21. of Richard the 2d . John Holland , Earl of Huntington , was lodged there , and Richard the second his Brother , dined with him , it was then counted a right fair and stately house ; But in the next year following , I finde , that Edmund , Earl of Cambridge , was there lodged , notwithstanding , the said house still retained the name of Poul●neys Inne , in the Reign of Henry the sixth , the 26 of his Reign . It belonged since to H. Holland , Duke of Excester , and he was lodged there , in the year 1472. In the year 1485. Richard the third , by his Letters Patents , granted and gave to John VVrith , alias Garter , principal King of Arms of English men , and to the rest of the Kings Heralds , and Pursevants of Arms , all that Messuage , with the appurtenances called Cold Harber , in the Parish of Al-Saints the little in London , and their Successors for ever , Dated at VVestminster , the second of March , Anno regni sui primo , without fine or fee. How the said Heraulds departed therewith , I have not read ; ●ut in the Reign of Henry the eighth , the Bishop of Durhams hous● neer Charing Crosse , being taken into the Kings hand , Cuthbert Tunstall , Bishop of Durham , was lodged in this Cold Harber ; since the which time it hath belonged to the Earls of Shrewsbury , by composition , ( as is supposed ) from the said Cuthbert Tunstall . The last decea●ed Ear● took it down , and in place thereof , builded a great number of ●mall Tenements , now letten out for great Rents , to people of all sorts . Then is the Dyers-hall , which Company was made a Brother-hood and a Guild , in the fourth Henry the sixth , and appointed to consist o● a Gardian , or Warden , and a Communalty , the twelvth of Edward the fourth . Then be there divers large Brew-houses , and others , till you come to Ebgate Lane , where that Ward endeth in the East ; On the North side of Thames-street , be divers Lanes also , the first is at the South end of Elbow Lane , before spoken of , West from Downgate , over against Greenwich-lane , then be divers fair Houses for Marchants , and others all along that side ; The next Lane East from Down●gate , is called Bush-lane , which turneth up to Candlewick-street , and is of Down-gate Ward . Next is Suffolk , lane , likewise turning up to Candlewick-street , in this Lane is one notable Grammar School , founded in the year 1561. by the Master , Wardens , and Assistants of the Marchant-Taylors , in the Parish of St. Lawrence Poultney , Richard Hills , sometimes Master of that Company , having before given 500 l. toward the purchase of an House , called the Mannor of the Rose , sometime belonging to the Duke of Buckingham , wherein the said School is kept . Then is there one other Lane , which turneth up to St. Lawrence-hill , and to the South vvest Corner of St. Lawrence Church-yard , then another Lane , called Poultney-lane , that goeth up of this Ward to the South-East corner of St. Lawrence Church-yard , and so down again , and to the West corner of St. Martin Orgar lane , and over against Ebgate-lane ; and this is all of Downgate-vvard , the thirteenth in number , lying East from the Water-course of VVallbrooke , and hat hnot any one House on the West side of the said Brook. This Dowgate vvard is more considerable then others , in divers things ; for it hath more Halls then any other ; it hath also the Great Hans , or the Teutonique Guild , call'd now the Stil-yard . Mr. John Robinson , who hath his House in Milk-street , is lately made the Alderman of this VVard , a generous , discreet , and worthy Gentleman , being of the Company of the Turkie , or Levantine Marchants . Of the Fourteenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Vintry Ward . THe Wards spoken of hitherto may besaid to lye on the East . Now I am to treat of the other Ward● twelve in number , all lying on the West side of the course of Wallbrook , and first of the Vintry Ward , so called of Vintners , and of the Vintry , a part of the Bank of the River of Thames , where the Merchants of Bourdeaux craned their Wines out of Lighters , and other Vessels , and there landed and made sale of them , within forty daies after ; until the twenty eighth of Edward the first , at which time the said Merchants complained , that they could not fell their Wines , paying poundage , neither hire Houses or Cellars to lay them in : and it was redressed by virtue of the Kings Writ , directed to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London , dated at Carlaveroke or Carlile , since the which time , many fair and large houses ( with Vaults and Cellars for stowage of Wines and lodging of Burdeaux Merchants ) have been builded , in place where before time were Cooks houses : ▪ for F●tz Stephen , in the Reign of Henry the second , writeth , that upon the Rivers side , between the Wine in Ships , and the Wine to be sold in Taverns , was a common Cooks row , &c. as in another place I have set down . Whereby it appears , that in those daies , ( and till of late times ) every man lived according to his own professed Trade , not any one interrupting another ▪ The Cooks dressed meat , and sold no Wine ; and the Taverner sold Wine , but dressed ●o meat for sale , &c. This Ward beginneth in the East , at the West end of Downgate Ward , at the Water-course of Walbrook , which parteth them , to wit , at Granthams Lane on the Thames side , and at Elbow-Lane on the Lands side , it runneth along in Thames street West , some three houses beyond the Old Swan a Brew-house ; and on the Land side , some three Houses West , beyond Saint Iames at Garlick Hithe . In breadth , this Ward stretcheth from the Vintry North , to the Wall of the West gate of the Tower Royal , the other North part is of Cordwainer-street Ward . Out of this Royal street by the South gate of Tower Royal , runneth a small street East to St. Iohns upon Walbrook , which street is called Horseshooe-Bridge , of such a Bridge sometime over the Brook there , which is now vaulted over , and pav●d . Then from the South gate West , runneth one other street , called Knight-riders street , by Saint Thomas Apostles Church , on the North side , and Wr●●gwren Lare , by the said Church , at the West end thereof , and to the East end of Trinity Church in the said Knight-riders street , where this Ward endeth , on that South side the street ; but on the North side it runneth no farther than the corner against the new builded Taverne , and other Houses , in a plot of ground where sometime stood Ormond place ; yet have ye one other Lane , lower down in Royall-street , stretching forth from over against Saint Michaels Church , to and by the North side of Saint Iames Church by Garlick Hithe , this is called , Kerion Lane ; and thus much for the bounds of the Vintry Ward . Now on the Thames side , West from Granthams Lane , have ye Herbert Lane , or Brickles Lane , so called of Iohn Brickles , sometimes owner thereof . Then is Simpsons Lane , of one Simpson ; or Emperours head Lane , of such a Sign : then the Three Cranes Lane , so called , not only of a Sign of three Cranes at a Taverne door , but rather of three strong Cranes of Timber placed on the Vintry Wharf , by the Thames side , to Crane up Wines there as is aforesaid ; this Lane wa● of old time , to wit , the ninth of Richard the second , called the Painted Tavern Lane , of the Tavern being painted . Then next over against St. Martins Church , is a large House builded of Stone and Timber , with Vaults for the stowage of Wines , and is called the Vintry ; There dwelled John Gisers Vintner , Mayor of London , and Constable of the Tower ; and then was Henry Picard , Vintner , Mayor ; In this house Henry Picard feasted four Kings in one day , as is shewed before . Then next is Vanners Lane , so called of Vanner that was owner thereof ; it is now called Church Lane , of the coming up from St. Martins Church . Next is Proad-Lane , for that the same is broader for the passage of Carts from the Vintry Wharf , than be the other Lanes . At the Northwest corner of this Lane , is the Parish Clarkes Hall , by them purchased , since they lost their old Hall in Bishopsgate-street . Next is Spittle-Lane , of old time so called , since Stodies-Lane , of the owner thereof named Stodie ; Sir John Stodie , Vintner and Mayor in the year 1357 gave it , with all the Quadrant wherein Vintners Hall now standeth , with the Tenements round about , unto the Vintners . The Vintners builded for themselves a fair Hall , and also thirteen Alms-houses there , for thirteen poor people , which are kept of Charity Rent-free . The Vintners in London , were ( of old time ) called Marchant Vintners of Gascoyne , and so I read them in the Records of Edward the second , the eleventh year , a●d Edward the third the ninth year ; they were as well English-men as strangers born beyond the Seas , but then subjects to the King of England , great Burdeaux Merchants of Gascoyne & French Wines , divers of them were Mayors of this City ; namely , John Adrian Vintner , Reignold at Conduit , John Oxenford , Henry Picard that feasted the Kings of England , France , Scotl and , and Cypres ; John Stodie , that gave Stodies Lane to the Vintners , which four last named , were Mayors in the Reign of Edward the third , and yet Gascoyne Wines were then to be sold at London , not above fourpence , nor Rhenish Wines above six pence the Gallon . I read of Sweet Wines , that in the fiftieth of Edward the third , Iohn Peachie , Fishmonger was accused of , for that he procured a License for the only sale of them in London , which he endeavoured to justifie by Law , yet he was imprisoned and fined . More I read , that in the sixth of Henry the sixth , the Lombards corrupted their Sweet Wines ; when knowledge thereof came to Iohn Raynwel Mayor of London , he ( in divers places of the City ) commanded the heads of the Buts and other Vessells in the open streets , to be broken , to the number of a hundred and fifty , so that the liquour running forth , passed through the City like a stream of rain water , in the sight of all the people , from whence there issued a most loathsome savour . I read in the Reign of Henry the seventh , that no Sweet VVines were brought into this Realm but Malmsyes , by the Longobards , paying to the King for his Licence , six shillings eight pence of every Butt , besides twelve pence for Bottellage . In those daies Malmsey was not to be sold above three half-pence the pint ; For proof whereof , it appeareth in the Church of St. Andrew Under-shaft that in the year 1547 , I. G. and S. K. then Church-Wardens , for eighty pints of Malmsey spent in the Church , after one penny half penny the pint , paid at the years end for the same ten shillings . Moreover , no Sacks were sold , but Rumney , & that for Medicine more than fo r drink ; but now many kinds of Sacks are known and used . And so much for Wines . I read further that in the Reign of Henry the fourth , the young Prince Henry , T. Duke of Clarence , I. Duke of Bedford , and Humphrey Duke of Glocester the Kings sons , came to Supper amongst the Merchants of London , in the Vintry● in the House of Lewes Iohn a Briton . The successors of those Vintners and Wine-drawers , that retailed by the Gallons , Pottel , quart , and pint , were all incorporated by the name of Wine-tunners , in the Raign of Edward the third , and confirmed the fifteenth of Henry the sixth . Next is Palmers Lane , now called , Anchors Lane , the Plummers have their Hall there , but are Tenants to the Vintners . Then is Worcester House , sometimes belonging to the Earls of Worcester , now divided into many Tenaments ; The Fruiterers have there Hall there . On the Land side , is the Royal street , and Pater noster Lane , I think of old time called the Arches , for I read , that Robert de Suffolk , gave to Walter Darford , his Tenement with the apurtenance , in the Lane called Les Arches , in the Parish of Saint Michael de Pater noster Church , between the Wall of the field called Winchester field on the East , and the same Lane on the West , &c. More , there was a stone House called Stoda de Winton , juxta Stodum Bridge , which in that Lane was over Walbrook water . Then is the fair Parish Church of Saint Michael , called Pater noster Church , in the Royal street ; This Church was new builded , and made a Colledge of S. Spirit , and S. Mary , founded by Richard VVhittington , Mercer , four times Mayor , for a Master , four Fellows , Masters of Art , Clerks , Conducts , Chorists , &c. and an Alms-house , called Gods house or Hospital , for thirteen poor men , one of them to be Tutor , and to have sixteen pence the week , the other twelve , each of them to have fourteen pence the week for ever , with other necessary provision , an Hutch with three Locks , with a common Seal , &c. The Licence for this foundation was granted by King Henry the fourth , the eleventh of his Reign , and in the twelfth of the same Kings reign , the Mayor and the Communalty of London , granted to Richard VVhittington , a vacant piece of ground thereon , to build his Colledge in the Royall ; all which was confirmed by Henry the sixth the third of his Reign , to Iohn Coventry , Jenkin Carpenter , and VVilliam Grove , Executors to to Richard Whittington . This foundation was again confirmed by Parliament , the tenth of Henry the sixth , and was suppressed by the Statute of Edward the sixth . The Alms-Houses , with the poor men , do remain , and are paid by the Mercers . This Richard VVhittington was ( in this Church ) three times buried , first , by his Executors , under a fair Monument ; then , in the Reign of Edward the sixth , the Parson of that Church , thinking some great riches ( as he said ) to be buried with him , caused his Monument to be broken , his Body to be spoiled of his Leaden sheet , and again the second time to be buried ; And in the Reign of Queen Mary , the Parishioners were forced to take him up , and lap him in Lead , as afore , to bury him the third time , and to place his Monuments , or the like , over him again , which remaineth still and so he rested . Among others , Sir Thomas Tanke Knight of the Garter born in Almain , a great Martial man , lieth buried there . At the upper end of this street , is the Tower Royall , whereof that street taketh name ; This Tower & great place was so called , of pertaining to the Kings of this Realm , but by whom the same was first builded , or of what Antiquity continued , it doth not appear , more than that in the Reign of King Edward the first , the second , fourth , and seventh year , it was the Tenement of Simon Beawmes ; Also that in the thirty sixt of Edward the third the same was called the Royal , in the Parish of St. Michael de Pater noster , and that in the three and fortieth of his Reign , he gave it by the name of his Inne , called the Royall , in his City of London , in value twenty pounds by year , unto his Colledge of Saint Stephen at Westminster : Notwithstanding , in the Reign of Richard the second , it was called the Queens Wardrobe , as appeareth by this that followeth . King Richard , having in Smithfield overcome and dispersed the Rebels , He , his Lords , and all his Company , entred the City of London with great joy , and went to the Lady Princesse his Mother , who was then lodged in the Tower called the Queens Wardrobe , where she had remained three daies and two nights much affrighted ; But when she saw the King her Son , she was greatly rejoyced , Ah Son , What great sorrow have I suffered for you this day ? The King answered and said , Certainly , Madam , I know it well , but now rej●●ce , and thank God , for I have this day recovered mine Heritage , and the Realm of England , which I had near-hand lost . This Tower seemeth to have been ( at that time ) of good defence ; for when the Rebels had beset the Tower of London , and got possession thereof , taking from thence whom they listed , the Princesse being forced to fly , came to this Tower-Royall , where she was lodged , and remained safe , as ye have heard and it may be also supposed , that the King himself was at that time lodged there . I read , that in the year 1386 , Lyon King of Armony , being chased out of his Rea●m , by the Tartarians , received innumerable gifts of the King and of his Nobles , the King then lying in the Royall , where he also granted to the said King of Armony , a Charter of a thousand pounds by year during his Life ; This for proof may suffice , that Kings of England have been lodged in this Tower , though the same ( afterwards ) hath been neglected , and turned into stabling for the Kings Horses , and now letten out to divers men and ●ivided into Tenements . In Horse-Bridge-street , is the Cutlers Hall , Richard de Wilehale , 1295 , confirmed to Paul Butelar this House , and Edifices , in the Parish of Saint Michael Pater noster Church , and Saint Iohn upon Walbrook , which sometime Lawrence Gisers , and his son Peter Gisers did possesse , and afterward Hugonis de Hingham , and lyeth between the Tenement of the said Richard towards the South ; and the Lane called Horse-shoe-Bridge , towards the North , and between the way called Pater noster Church on the West , and the course of Walbrooke on the East , paying yearly one Clove of Gilliflowers at Easter , and to the poor and Convent of Saint Mary Overy , six shillings . This House sometime belonged to Simon Dolesly Grocer , and Mayor 1359 , They of this Company had ( of old time ) three Arts , or sorts of Workmen , to wit , the first were Smiths , Forgers of Blades , and therefore called Bladers , and divers of them proved wealthy men , as namely , Walter Nele Blader ; one of the Sheriffs , the twelfth of Edward the third , Deceased 1352 , and was buried in Saint Iames Garlicke Hithe , He lest Lands to the mending of High-wayes about London , betwixt Newgate and Wicombe , Ealdgate and Chelmesford , Bishopsgate and Ware , Southwark and Rochester , &c. The second were Makers of Hafts , and otherwise Garnishers of Blades . The third sort were Sheath-makers for Swords , Daggers , and Knives . In the tenth of Henry the fourth , certain Ordinances we●e made betwixt the Bladers , and the other Cutlers , and in the fourth of Henry the sixth , they were all three Companies drawn into one Fraternity , or Brotherhood , by the name of Cutlers . Then is Knight-riders street , so called ( as is supposed ) of Knights well armed ' and mounted at the Tower-Royall , riding from thence through the street West to Creed-Lane , and so out at Ludgate , towards Smithfield , when they were there to Turney , Just , or otherwise to shew activities before the King and States of the Realm . In this street is the Parish Church of Saint Thomas Apostles , by Wring-wren Lane a hansome Church , and in the year 1629 , well repaired and fine●y garnished ; but Monuments of antiquity , there are none beyond the Reign of Henry the eighth , except some Arms in the Windows , as also in the Stone-work , which some suppose to be of John Barnes Mercer , Mayor of London , in the year 1371 , a great builder thereof . H. Causton Merchant , was a Benefactor and had a Chantry there about , 1396. T. Roman Mayor 1310 , had also a Chantry there 1319. Fitz Williams also a Benefactor , had a Chantry there . More , Sir William Littlesbury , aliàs Horne , ( for King Edward the fourth so named him ) because he was a most excellent Winder of an Horne ; he was a Salter , and Merchant of the Staple , Mayor of London in the year 1487 , and was buried in this Church , having appointed ( by his Testament ) the Bells to be changed for four new Bells of good tune and sound ; but that was not performed : he gave five hundred Marks towards the repairing of High-waies , between London and Cambridge ; his dwelling House , with a Garden and appurtenances in the said Parish , to be sold , and bestowed in charitable actions . His House called the George in Bread-street he gave to the Salters , they to find a Priest in the said Parish , to have six pounds , thirteen shillings , four pence the year ; to every Preacher at Pauls-Crosse , and at the Spittle , four pence for ever ; to the Prisoners of Newgate , Ludgate , Marshalsey , and Kings-Bench , in Victuals , ten shillings at Christmas , and ten shillings at Easter for ever , which Legacies were not performed . Among others , ther 's one Epitaph in Greek in this Church on the Lady Katherine Killegree . Then West from the said Church on the same side , was one great Messuage , sometime called Ipres Inne of William of Ipres a Flemming , the first Builder thereof ; This William was called out of Flanders , with a number of Flemmings to the aid of King Stephen , against Maude the Empress , in the the year 1138 , and grew in favour with the said King for his service , so far , that he builded this House near unto Tower-Royall , in the which Tower it seemeth the King was then lodged , as in the heart of the City , for his more safety . Robert Earl of Glocester , Brother to the Empresse , being taken , was committed to the Custody of this VVilliam , to be kept in the Castle of Rochester , till King Stephen was also taken , and then the one was delivered in exchange for the other , and both set free . This William of Ipres gave Edredes Hith , now called Queens Hith , to the Prior and Canons of the Holy Trinity in London , he founded the Abbey of Borley in Kent , &c. In the first of Henry the second , the said William , withall the other Flemmings ( fearing the indignation of the new King ) departed the Land , but it seemeth that the said William was shortly called back again , and restored both to the Kings favour , and to his old possessions here , so that the name and Family continued long after in this Realm . On the other side , I read of a Messuage , called Kinged Hall : King Henry the eighth , the thirty two of his Reign , gave the same ( with four Tenements adjoyning ) unto Morgan Phillip , aliàs Wolfe , in the Parish of Saint Thomas Apostles in London , &c. Over against Ipres Inne in Knight-Riders street , at the corner towards Saint James Garlick Hith , was sometime a great House builded with Stone , and called Ormond place , for that it sometime belonged to the Earls of Ormond . King Edward the Fourth in the fifth of his Reign , gave to Elizabeth his Wife , the Mannor of Greenwich with the Tower and Park , in the County of Kent . He also gave this Tenement called Ormond place , with all the appurrenances to the same , scituate in the Parish of Saint Trinity in Knight-Rider street in London . This House is now taken down , and divers fair Tenements are builded there . Then lower down in Royall-street , is Kerion Lane , of one Kerion sometime dwelling there . In this Lane be divers fair Houses for Merchants , and amongst others is the Glasiers Hall. At the South corner of Royall-street , is the fair Parish Church of Saint Martin , called , in the Vintry , sometimes called St. Martin de Beremand Church ; This Church was new builded about the year 1399 , by the Executors of Matthew Columbars , a stranger born , a Burdeaux Marchant of Gascoine and French Wines : His Armes remain yet in the East Window , and is a Cheveron , between three Colombins . Sir Iohn Gisors Mayor , with his Brother , and his Son , lye there buried ; He had a great Mansion House called Gisors Hall , in St. Mildreds Parish in Bread-street . There are sundry Latin Epiraphs in this Church . Then is the Parish Church of St. Iames , called , at Garlick Hith , or Garlick Hive , for that ( of old time ) on the River of Thames , near to this Church Garlick was usually sold ; This is a comely Church , whereof Richard Rothing one of the Sheriffs 1326 , is said to be the new builder , and lyeth buried in the same : so was Walter Nele Blader , one of the Sheriffs 1337 , Iohn of Oxenford , Vintner , Mayor 1341. I read in the first of Edward the third , that this Iohn of Oxenford gave to the Priory of the Holy Trinity in London , two Tofts of Land , one Mill , fifty Acres of Land , two Acres of Wood , with the appurtenances in Kentish Town , in value twenty shillings and three pence by year . The Lady Stanley , the Countesse of Hunting●on , and the Lady Harbert , lye buried in this Church . Of the Fifteenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Cordwayner Ward . VVE will passe now from the Vintry to Cordwainer-street Ward , taking that name of Cordwayners or Shoomakers ; Curriours , and Workers of Leather dwelling there ; for it appeareth in the Records of Henry the sixth , the ninth of his Reign , that an Order was taken then for Cordwayners and Curriours , in Corney-street and Sopers Lane. This Ward beginneth in the East , one the West side of Walbrooke , and runneth West thorow Budge-row , ( a street so called of Budge Furre , and of Skinners dwelling there ) then up by Saint Anthen●es Church , thorow Atheling ( or Noble-street ) as Leyland termeth it , commonly called Wathling-street , to the Red-Lion , a place so called , of a great Lion of Timber placed there , at a Gate entring a large Court , wherein are divers fair and large Shops , well furnished with Broad-cloths , and other Draperies of all sorts to be sold , and this is the farthest West part of this Ward . On the South side of this street from Budge-row , lyeth a Lane turning down by the West-gate of the Tower Royal , and to the South end of the Stone Wall beyond the said Gate , which is of this Ward , and is accounted a part of the Royall-street . Against this West gate of the Tower-Royall , is one other Lane , that runneth West to Cordwainer-street , and this is called Turn base Lane ; on the South side whereof is a piece of Wring-wren-Lane , to the North-west corner of Saint Thomas Church the Apostle . Then again out of the High-street called Wathling , is one other street , which runneth thwart the same , and this is Cordwayner street , whereof the whole Ward taketh name . This street beginneth by West-cheap , and Saint Mary Bow Church is the head thereof on the West side , and it runneth down South , thorow that part which of latter time was called Hosier Lane , now Bow Lane ; and then by the West end of Aldermary Church to the new builded Houses , in place of Ormond House , and so to Garlick hill , or Hith , to St. Iames Church . The upper part of this street towards Cheap , was called Hosier Lane , of Hosiers dwelling there in place of Shoomakers ; but now those Hosiers being worn out by men of other Trades , ( as the Hosiers had worn out the Shoomakers ) the same is called Bow-Lane , of Bow Church . On the West side of Cordwainer-street , is Basing-lane , right over against Turn-base-lane , This Basing-lane , West to the back gate of the Red Lyon , in Wathling-street , is of this Cordwainer-street Ward . Now again on the North side of this high street , is Budge-row : by the East end of St. Anthonies Church , have ye St. Sithes Lane , so called of St. Sithes Church , ( which standeth against the North end of that Lane ) and this is wholly of Cordwainer-street Ward ; also the South side of Needlers lane , which reacheth from the North end of St. Sithes lane , then vvest from St. Anthonies Church , is the South end of Sopers lane , which lane took that name , not of Sope-making , as some have supposed , but of Alen le Sopar , in the ninth of Edward the second ; nor can we read of Sope-making in this City , till within this hundred and fifty years , that Iohn Lambe , dwelling in Grasse-street , set up a boyling house ; for this City ( in former time ) was served of white Sope in hard Cakes ( called Castle-Soap , and other ) from beyond the Seas , and of gray Sope , speckled with white , very sweet and good , from Bristow , sold here for a peny the pound , and never above peny farthing ; and black Sope for an half-peny the pound . Then in Bow-lane ( as they now call it ) is Goose-lane , by Bow-Church ; Will●am Essex , Mercer , had Tenements there , in the six and twentieth of Edward the third . Then from the South end of Bow-lane , up Wathling-street , till over against the Red Lyon , are the bounds of Cordwainer-street Ward . Then is there a fair Parish in Budge-row , called St. Anthonies at first , and now St. Antlins . Sir Thomas Knowles Lord Mayor of London , lyeth buried there , who repaired , and was a great Benefactor to that Church , upon whom is this Epitaph , Here lyeth graven under this Stone , Thomas Knowles , both flesh and bone , &c. Next on the South side of Budge-row , by the West corner thereof , and on the East side of Cordwainer-street , is one other fair Church , called Aldermary Church , because the same was very old , and elder then any Church of St. Mary in the City ; till of late years , the foundation of a very fair new Church , was laid there by Henry Keeble , Grocer , and Mayor , who deceased 1518. and was ther buried in a Vault , by him prepared , with a fair Monument raised over him , on the North side of the Q●ire , now destroyed and gone : he gave by his Testament , a thousand pound toward the building up of that Church ; and yet was not permitted a resting place for his bones there afterwards . Richard Chawcer Vintner , thought to be the Father of Ieffrey Chawcer the Poet , was a great Benefactor to this Church . At the upper end of Hosier-lane , toward VVest-Cheape , is the fair Parish Church of St. Mary Bow ; this Church in the Reign of VVilliam the Conqueror , being the first in this City , builded on Arches of Stone , was therefore called New Mary Church , of St. Mary de Arcubus , orle Bow , in VVest Cheaping ; As Stratford Bridge , being the first builded ( by Matilda , the Queen , VVife to Henry the first ) with Arches of Stone was called Stratfordle Bow ; which names , to the said Church and Bridge , remain till this day ; the Court of the Arches is kept in this Church , and taketh name of the place , not the place of the Court ; but of what Antiquity , or continuation that Court hath there continued , 't is uncertain . This Church is of Cordwainer-street , and for divers accidents happening there , hath bin made more famous than any other Parish Church of the whole City , or Suburbs . First we read , that in the year 1090 , and the third of VVilliam Rufus , by tempest of vvin● , the roof of the Church of St. Mary Bow in Cheape , was overturned , wherewith some persons were slain , and four of the Rafters of six and twenty foot in length , with such violence were pitched in the ground of the high street , that scantly four foot of them remained above ground , which were fain to be cut even with the ground , because they could not be plucked out ; for the City of London was not then paved , but a Moorish ground . In the year 1196. VVilliam Fitz Osbert , a seditious Traytor , took the Steeple of Bow , and fortified it with Munitions and victuals , but it was assaulted , and VVilllam with his Complices , were taken ( though without blood-shed ) for he was forced by fire and smoak to forsake the Church , and then being by the Judges condemned , he was by the heels drawn to the Elmes in Smithfield , and there hanged with nine of his fellowes , where because his favourers came not to deliver him , he forsook Maries Son , ( as he termed Christ our Saviour ) and called upon the Devil to help and deliver him : such was the end of this deceiver , a man of an evil life , a secret murtherer , a filthy fornicator , a keep●r o● Concubines , and ( amongst other his detestable facts ) a false accuser of his elder Brother , who had ( in his youth ) brought him up in learning , and done many things for his preferment . In the year 1271. a great part of the Church of Bow fell down , and slew many people , men and women . In the year 1284 , the thirteenth of Edward the first , Lawrence Ducket , Goldsmith , having grievously wounded one Ralph Crepin in West Cheap , fled into Bow-Church , into the which ( in the night time ) entred certain evil persons , friends unto the said Ralph , and slew the said Laurence , lying in the Steeple , and then hanged him up , placing him so by the Window , as if he had hanged himself , and so was it found by Inquisition ; for the which fact , Lawrence Ducket being drawn by the feet , was buried in a ditch without the City ; but shortly after ( by relation of a Boy , who lay with the said Lawrence , at the time of his death , and had hid him there for fear ) the truth of the matter was disclosed ; for the which cause , Iordan Good-Cheape , Ralph Crepin , Gilbert Clarke , and Ieffrey Clarke , were attainted , and a certain Woman named Alice , that was chief causer of the said mischief , was burned , and to the number of sixteen men , were drawn and hanged , besides others that , being richer , after long imprisonment , were hanged by the purse . The Church was interdicted , the Doors and Windows were stopped up with Thorns for a while , but Lawrence was taken up , and honestly buried in the Church-yard afterwards . The Parish-Church of St. Mary Bow , by meanes of incroachment , and building of Houses , wanting room in their Church-yard , for burial of the Dead , Iohn Rotham , or Rodham , Citizen and Taylor , by his Testament dated the year 1465. gave to the Parson and Church-wardens , a certain Garden in Hosier-lane , to be a Church-yard , which so continued near a hundred years , but now is builded on , and is a private mans house . The old Steeple of this Church , was by little and little re-edified , and new builded up , at the least so much as was fallen down , many men giving sums of money to the furtherance thereof , so that at length , to wit , in the year 1469 , it was ordained by a Common Councel , that the Bow Bell should be nightly rung at nine of the Clock . Shortly after , Iohn Donne Mercer , by his Testament dated 1472 , according to the trust of Reginald Longdon , gave to the Parson and Church-wardens of St. Mary Bow two Tenements , with the appurtenances , since made into one , in Hosierlane , then so called , to the maintenance of Bow Bell , the same to be rung as aforesaid , and other things to be observed , as by the Will appeareth . The Arches or Bowes thereupon with the Lanthorns five in number , to wit , one at each Corner , and one on the top in the middle upon the Arches , were also afterward finished of Stone , brought from Cane in Normandy , delivered at the Customers Key , for four shillings eight pence the Tun 1515 , and 1516 , William Copland being Church-warden . It is said that this Copland gave the great Bell , which made the fifth in the Ring , to be rung nightly at nine of the Clock : This Bell was first rung ( as a Knell ) at the Burial of the same Copland ; It appeareth , that the Lanthorns on the top of this Steeple , were meant to have bin glazed , and lights in them placed nightly in the Winter , whereby Travellers to the City might have the better sight thereof , and not to misse of their wayes . In this Parish also was a Grammar-School , by commandment of King Henry the sixth , which School was ( of old time ) kept in an house for that purpose prepared in the Church-yard ; But that School being decayed , as others about this City , the School-house was let out for Rent , in the Reign of Henry the 8th , for four shillings the year , a Cellar for two shillings the year , and two Vaults under the Church , for 15 s. both . There are Monuments of divers Citizens of note in this Church , but most of them much defac'd , and mouldred away . Without the North side of this Church of St. Mary Bow , towards West-Cheape , standeth one fair building of Stone , called in Record Sildam , a shed which greatly darkneth the said Church ; for by meanes thereof , all the Windows and doors on that side , are stopped up ; King Edward the third , upon occasion , as shall be shewed in the Ward of Cheap , caused this side or shed to be made , and strongly to be builded of Stone for himself , the Queen , and other States , to stand there to behold the Justings , and other shewes at their pleasures ; And this House ( for long time after ) served to that use , namely , in the Reign of Edward the third , and Richard the second ; but in the year 1410. Henry the fourth , in the twelfth of his Reign , confirmed the said shed or building , to Stephen Spilman , William Marchford , and John Wattle , Mercers , by the name of one new Sildain , Shed or Building , with Shops , Cellars , and Edifices , whatsoever appertaining , called Crounsild , or Tamersild , scituate in the Mercety of West-Cheape , and in the Parish of St. Mary de Arcubus in London , &c. Notwithstanding which grant , the Kings of England , and other great Estates , as well of forraign Countries repairing to this Realm , as Inhabitants of the same , have usually repaired to this place , therein to behold the shewes of this City , passing through West-Cheape ; namely , the great Watches accustomed in the night , on the Even of St. John Baptist , and St. Peter at Midsommer ; the Examples whereof were over-long to recite , wherefore let it suffice briefly to rouch one . In the year 1510 , on St. Johns Eve at night , King Henry the eight , came to this place , then called the Kings-Head in Cheape , in the Livery of a Yeoman of the Gard , with an Halberd on his shoulder , and there beholding the Watch , departed privily , when the Watch was done ; and was not known to any , but whom it pleased him ; But on Saint Peters night next following , He and the Queen came Royally riding to the said place , and there with their Nobles , beheld the Watch of the City , and return'd in the morning . Of the Sixteenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of LONDON , called Cheape-Ward . WE enter now into the Center of the City , which is Cheap-Ward , taking name of the Market there kept , called West Cheaping ; which Ward , as a River , as Mr. Stow saith , that hath three heads , and running along to the uttermost of his bounds , issueth out on the sides into little streams : so this Ward , beginning on the Course of Wallbrook , and is not the meanest of the Wards , ( if for no other cause , yet because it is nearest to the heart of the City ) hath his beginning on the East from three places . The High street of the Poultrey , the lower end of Buckles bury , and the nether part of the Venell , or entry into Scalding Alley , & so running along , as far as unto the North-East corner of Bow-lane on the South side , and from thence into Bow-lane on the East side , until ye come to the Channel over against the Cellardoor under the Church ; & then , on the North side of Cheap up to the Standard , stretching it self into divers Lanes and peeces , on the right hand , and on the left hand , as it commeth along . First , for the High street of the Poultrey ( which is the main body of this Ward : ) on the South side thereof toward the East , this Ward beginneth in the way going down to St. Mary Wooll-Church . Now for Antiquities , and things worthy of memory in Cheap-Ward . First , in the main Body of this Ward , that is , the Poultry , standeth the hansome little Church , that beareth the name of St. Mildred in the Poultry the Virgin , which name was given surely for distinction not for superstition ; for so was the Custom of the Kingdom ( & yet is ) in building their things for the service of God , that the Founders called them by the name of some Apostle , Saint , Martyr , or Confessor , as best liked their own conceit , at the present time , to distinguish them from others . Who this Mildred was , whether she was the Eldest Daughter of Merwaldus , King of the VVest-Mercians , as some think , or that she was Daughter of Ethelbert , King of Kent , one of the founders of Pauls Church , it is incertain : neither is it much material , but it is probable , that she was some holy and devout Maid , which the People of that Age held to be a Saint afterward in Heaven . In what years this Church was first erected , or who was the first Founder of it , we find not ; but it appeareth by some ancient Evidences of the said Church , that from the beginning it had not so much spare ground about it , as to make a Church-yard of , until in the year of our Lord God 1420 , and the 8th of King Henry the fifth , Thomas Morsted Esquire , and Chirurgion to the Kings , Henry the fourth , Henry the fifth , and Henry the sixth . ( And afterward , in Anno Dom. 1436. was Sheriff and Alderman of London ) gave unto the Church a parcel of ground , lying between his dwelling-house and the said Church ( and adjoyning unto the said Church toward the North ) to make a Church-yard of , for the burial of their Dead , containing in length , from the Course of VVallbrook , toward the West , forty five foot , and in breadth , from the Church toward the North , thirty five foot . Within short time after , some body , of Religious and Charitable disposition , erected upon the sides of the said Church-yard , but upon Posts and Pillars , with Cloysters underneath , toward the West , a Parsonage House , or Mansion , and free dwelling of the Ministers and Rectors of the said Church , and toward the East four Chambers , then called the Priests Chambers , now converted into a Tenement or dwelling House , & demised for yearly Rent ; but the Church-yard is much abridged , and of late fouly defaced ; and the lights of the said Parsonage hindered by additions of pieces , to the said ancient Chambers , which ought not to be : In this ancient Church , some Citizens of note lie buried . Some few Houses West from this Parish Church of St. Mildred , is a Prison-house , pertaining to one of the Sheriffs of London , and is called the Counter in the Poultry : This hath bin there kept , and continued time out of minde ; for I have not read of the Original thereof : West from this Counter , was a proper Chappel , called of Corpus Christi , and St. Mary , at Cony-hope lane end , in the Parish of the said Mildred , founded by one named Iorivirunnes , a Citizen of London , in the Raign of Edward the third ; in which Chappel was a Guild , or Fraternity , that might dispend in Lands better then twenty pounds by year ; it was suppressed by Henry the eighth , and purchased by one Thomas Hobson , Haberdasher : he turned this Chappel into a fair Ware-house , and Shops towards the street , with fair Lodgings over them . Then is Cony-hope lane , of old time so called , of a signe of three Coneys , which hung over a Poulterers Stall at the Lanes end ; within this Lane standeth the Grocers Hall , which Company being of old time called Pepperers , were first incorporated by the name of Grocers , in the year 1345 , at which time , they elected for Cus●os , or Gardian of their Fraternity , Richard Oswin , and Lawrence Hallwell , and twenty Brethren were then taken in , to be of their Society . In the year 1411 , the Custos or Gardian , and the Brethren of this Company , purchased of the Lord Robert Fitzwaters , one Plot of ground , with the building thereupon , in the said Cony-hope lane , for three hundred twenty Marks , and then laid their foundation of their new Common-Hall . About the year 1429 , the Grocers had Licence to purchase five hundred Marks Land ; since the which time , near adjoyning unto the Grocers Hall , the said Company have builded seven proper Houses , for seven aged poor , Alms-people ; Thomas Knowles Grocer and Maior , gave his Tenement in St. Anthonies Church-yard to the Grocers , towards the relief of the poor Brethren in that Company : Also Henry Keeble , Grocer and Maior , gave to the seven Alms-people , six pence weekly for ever ; which Pension is now increased by the Masters , to some of them two shillings a peece weekly , and to some of them lesse , &c. Henry Ady Grocer , 1563 , gave a thousand Marks to the Grocers to purchase Lands , and Sir Henry Pechy , Knight Banneret , free of that Company , gave them five hundred pounds to certain uses : he builded Alms-houses at Luding stone in Kent , and was there buried . West from this Cony-hope Lane , is the Old Iury , whereof some portion is of Cheape Ward ; at the South end of this Lane , is the Parish-Church of St. Mary Cole-Church , named of one Cole , that builded it : this Church is builded upon a Vault above ground , so that men are forced to go to ascend up thereunto , by certain steps , I finde no Monuments of this Church more , than that Henry the fourth granted Licence to William Marshal , and others , to found a Brotherhood of Saint Katherine therein , because Thomas Becket and St. Edmond , the Arch Bishop were baptized there . The Old Iury hath had alwayes Citizens of quality , and fair large Houses , as there is now Gurney-house , where Alderman Friderique lives , a very worthy Gentleman . There is also another ancient fair House of Thomas Bowyer , and another of Mr. Bonnel , worthy and wealthy brave Marchants . We read of Bordhangli-lane , to be of that Parish ; and thus much for the North side of the Poultry . The South side of the said Poultry , beginning on the Bank of the said Brook , over against the Parish-Church of St. Mildred passing , up to the great Conduit , hath divers fair Houses , which were sometimes inhabited by the Poulterers , but now by Grocers , Haberdashers , and Upholsters . Concerning other Antiquities there , first is Bucklesbury , so called of a Mannor , and Tenements pertaining to one Buckle who there dwelled , and kept his Courts ; this Mannor is supposed to be the great Stone-Building . yet in part remaining on the South side of the street , which of late time hath been called the Old Barge , of such a signe hanged out , near the Garte thereof ; This Mannor , or great House , hath of long time bin divided , and letten out into m●ny Tenements ; and it hath bin a common Speech , that when Wallbrook did lie open , Barges were rowed out of the Thames , or towed up so far ; and therefore the place hath ever since bin called the Old Barge . Also , on the North side of this street , directly over against the said Bucklesbury , was one ancient and strong Tower of Stone ; the which Tower , King Edward the third , in the eighteenth of his Reign , called by the name of the Kings house , and Cornet Stoure in London , and ●id appoint his Exchange of money , there to be kept : In the nine and twentieth , he granted it to Fr●idus Guynysane , and Landus Bardaile , Marchants of Luke , for twenty pound the year ; And in the three and twentieth , he gave the same Tower to his Colledge , or Free Chappel of St. Stephen at VVestmister , by the name of Cornet Stoure , at Bucklesbury in London . This whole street , called Buckles bury , on both the sides throughout , is possessed of Grocers , and Apothecaries ; toward the West end thereof , on the South side , breaketh out one other short lane , called in Records , Peneritch-street , it reacheth but to St. Sythes lane ; and St. Sythes Church , is the farthest part thereof ; for by the West end of the said Church , beginneth Needles Lane , which reacheth to Sopers Lane , as is aforesaid . This small Parish Church of St. Syth , hath also an addition of Bennet Shorne , ( or Shrog , or Shorehog ) for by all these names it hath bin called ; but the ancient is Shorne , wherefore it seemeth to take that name of one Benedict Shorne , sometime a Citizen and Stock-fishmonger of London , a new Builder , repairer , or Benefactor thereof , in the year of Edward the second , so that Shorne is but corruptly called Shrog , and more corruptly Shorehog , Here are divers Monuments , and among other the Tomb of Sir Raph V●arren , Knight , Alderman , twice Lord Maior of London , and Marchant of the Staple at Callis , with his two Wives , Anno 1553. Then in Needlers Lane , have ye the Parish Church of St. Pancrase , a proper small Church , but divers rich Parishioners therein , and hath had of old time , many liberal Benefactors ; But of late , such as ( not regarding the Order taken by Queen Elizabeth , ) the least Bell in their Church being broken , have rather sold the same for half the value , then put the Parish to charge with new casting : late experience hath proved this to be true , besides the spoil of Monuments there ; This little Church hath also some handsome Monuments . Then is a part of Sopers-lane , turning up to Cheap . By the assent of Stephen Abunden , Maior , the Pepperers in Sopers lane , were admitted sell all such Spices , and other Wares , as Grocers now use to sell , retaining the old name of Pepperers in Sopers lane , till at length , in the Reign of Henry the sixth , the same Sopers lane was inhabited by Cordwayners and Curriers , after that the Pepperers or Grocers had seated themselves in a more open street , to wit , in Buckles bury , where they now remain : Thus much for the South Wing of Cheap-Ward . At the West end of this Poultry , and also of Bucklers bury , beginneth the large street of West Cheaping , a Market place so called , which street siretcheth West , till ye come to the little Conduit by Pauls Gate , but not all of Cheap Ward . In the East part of this street standeth the Great Conduit , of Sweet-water , conveyed by Pipes of Lead , under ground from Paddington , for service of this City , castellated with stone , and Cisterned in Lead , about the year 1285 , and again new builded and enlarged by Thomas Ilam one of the Sheriffs , 1479. About the middest of this street is the Standard in Cheape : of what Antiquity , the first foundation is , I have not read . But Henry the sixth by his Patent , dated at Windsor the one and twentieth of his Reign ( which Patent , was confirmed by Parliament , 1442 ) granted Licence to Thomas Knolles , Iohn Chichle , and other Executers to Iohn Wells , Grocer , sometime Maior of London , with his Goods to make new the high-way , which leadeth from the City of London , towards the place of Westminster , before and nigh the Mannor of Savoy , parcel of the Dutchey of Lancaster , a way then very ruinous , and the Pavement broken , to the hurt and mischi●f of the Subjects , which old Pavement , then remaining in that way , within the length of five hundred foot , and all the breadth of the same . before and nigh the fire of the Manner aforesaid , they were to break up , and with Stone , Gravel , and other stuffe , make one other good and sufficient way for the Commodity of the Subjects ; And further , that the Standard in Cheape , where divers Executions of the Law before time had bin performed ; which Standard at that pre●ent was very ruinous with age ; in which there was a Cond it , should be taken down , and another competent Standard of Stone ; together with a Conduit in the same , of new , strongly to be builded , for the Commodity and honour of the City , with the goods of their Testator , without interruption &c. Of Executions at the Standard in Cheape , we read , that in the year 1293. three men had their right hands smitten off there , for rescuing of a Prisoner , arrested by an Officer of the City . In the year 1326 , the Burgesses of London , caused Walter Stapleton , Bishop of Exceter , Treasurer to Edward the second , and others , to be beheaded at the Standard in Cheap ( but this was by Pauls Gate . ) In the year 1351 , the six and twentieth of Edward the third , two Fishmongers were beheaded at the Standard in Cheap . 1381 , wat Tylar beheaded , Richard Lyons , and others , there . In the year 1●99 , Henry the fourth , caused the Blank Charters , made by Richard the ●econd , to be burnt there . In the year 1450 , Iack Cade , Captain of the Kentish Rebels , beheaded the Lord Say there . In the year 1461 , Iohn Davy had his hand stricken off there , because he had stricken a man before the Judges at Westminster , &c. Then next is the great Crosse in VVest Cheap , which Crosse was there erected in the year 1290 , by Edward the first ; upon occasion thus , Queen Elianor his Wise , dyed at Hardeby ( a Town near unto the City of Lincoln ) her Body was brought from thence to VVestminster , and the King in memory of her , caused in every place , where her Body rested by the way , a stately Crosse of Stone to be erecte● , with the Queens Image , and Arms upon it , as at Grantham , VVoborn , Northampton , Stony-stratford Dunstable , St. Albones , VValtham , VVest-Cheape , and at Charing , from whence she was conveyed to VVestminster , and there buried . This Crosse in VVest-Cheape , being like to those other which remain to this day ; and being by length of time decayed , Iohn Hatherley , Mayor of London , procured in the year 1441 , Licence of King Henry the sixth , to re-edifie the same in more beautiful manner , for the honour of the City ; and had Licence also , to take up two hundred Fodder of Lead , for the building thereof , & of certain Conduits , and a common Granary . This Crosse was then curiously wrought , at the Charges of divers Citizens ; Iohn Fisher Mercer , gave six hundred Marks towards it , the same was begun to be set up 1484 , and finished 1486 , the second of Henry the seventh : It was , after , gilt over , in the year 1522 , against the comming in of Charles the fifth , Emperor . In the year 1553 , against the Coronation of Queen Anne . New burnished against the Coronation of Edward the sixth ; And again new guilt 1554 , against the comming in of King Philip. Since which time , the said Crosse having bin presented by divers Juries , ( or Quests of Wardmote ) to stand in the high-way , to the let of carriages ( as they alledged ) but could not have it removed ; it followed , that in the year 1581 , the twenty one of Iune , in the night , the lowest Images round about the said Crosse ( being of Christ his Resurrection , of the Virgin Mary , King Edward the Confessor , and such like ) were broken , and defaced : Proclamation was made , that who so would discover the doers , should have forty Crowns , but nothing came to light : the Image of the blessed Virgin , at that time was robbed of her Son , and her Arms broken , by which she stayed him on her knees ; her whole body was also haled with Ropes , and left likely to fall ; but in the year 1595. was again fastened and repaired ; and in the year next following , a new mis-shapen Son , as born out of time , all naked , was laid in her Arms ; the other Images remaining , broke as afore . But on the East side of the same Crosse , the steps being taken thence ; under the Image of Christs Resurrection defaced , was set up a curious wrought Tabernacle of gray Marble , and in the same an Alabaster Image of Diana , and water conveyed from the Thames , prilling from her naked Brest for a time , but now decayed . In the year 1599 , the Timber of the Crosse at the top , being rotted within the Lead , the Arms thereof bending , were feared to have fallen , to the harming of some people ; and therefore the whole Body of the Crosse , was seasfolded about , and the top thereof taken down , meaning in place thereof , to have set up a Pyramis : but some of her Majesties honourable Councellors , directed their Letters to Sir Nicholas Mosley , then Maior , by her Highnesse express Commandment concerning the Crosse , forthwith to be repaired , and placed again as it formerly stood , &c. Notwithstanding , the said Crosse stood he adless more then a year after , whereupon the said Councellors in great number , meaning not any longer to permit the continuance of such a contempt , wrote to William Rider , then Maior , requiring him , by vertue of her Highness said former direction and Commandement , without any further delay , to accomplish her Majesties most princely care therein , respecting especially , the Antiquity and continuance of that Monument , and ancient Ensign of Christianity , &c. dared the four and twentieth of December , 1600. After this , a Crosse of Timber was framed , set up , covered with Lead , and gilded , the Body of the Crosse downward , cleansed of dust , the Scaffold cartyed thence . About twelve nights following , the Image of our Lady was again defaced , by plucking off her Crown , and almost her head , taking from her , her naked Child , and stabbing her in the Brest . But in the year 1644 , during the Reign of the long Parliament , the said Crosse , by an Ordinance thereof , was utterly demolished ; and while the thing was a doing , there was a noyse of Trumpets blew all the while . Upon the utter demolition of this so ancient and visible a Monument , or Ornament of the City of London as all Forrainers esteemed it , it fortuned , that there was another new one , popp'd up in Cheap-side , hard by the Standard , viz. a high square Table of Stone , left in Legacy by one Russel a Porter , and well-minded man , with this Distichengraven , God blesse the Porter who great pains doth take , Rest here , and welcome when thy back doth ake . Thus much for the Crosse in West-cheape . Then at the West end of West-Cheap-street , was sometimes a Crosse of Stone called the Old Crosse. Ralph Higden in his Polychronicon saith , that Walter Stapleton Bishop of Exceter , Treasurer to Edward the second , was by the Burgesses of London beheaded at this Crosse , then called the Standard , without the North door of St. Pauls Church ; and so it is noted in other Writers that then lived . This old Crosse stood and remained at the East end of the Parish Church called St. Michael in the corner by Pauls Gate , near to the North end of the old Exchange , till the year 1390 , the thirteenth of Richard the second , in place of which old Crosse then taken down , the said Church of St. Michael was enlarged , and also a fair Water-Conduit builded , about the ninth of Henry the sixth . In the Reign of Edward the third , divers Justings were made in this street , betwixt Sopers Lane and the gre●● Crosse , namely , one in the year 1331 , about the one and twentieth of September , as 't is obserted by divers Writers of that time . In the middle of the City of London , ( say they ) in a Street called Cheap , the Stone pa●ement , being covered with sand , that the Horses might not slide , when they strongly set their feet to the ground , the King held a Tournement three daies together with the Nobility , valiant men of the Realm , and others , some strange Knights ; And to the end the beholders might with the better ease see the same , there was a wooden Scaffold erected crosse the street , like unto a Tower , wherein Queen Philip and many other Ladies , richly attired , and assembled from all parts of the Realm , did stand to behold the Justs , but the higher frame in which the Ladies were placed , brake in sunder , whereby they were ( with some shame ) forced to fall down , by reason whereof the Knights , and such as were underneath , were grievously hurt ; wherefore the Queen took great care to save the Carpenters from punishment , and through her prayers ( which she made upon her Knee● ) pacified the King and Councel , and thereby purchased great love of the people . After which time , the King caused a shed to be strongly made of Stone for himself , the Queen , and other States to stand on , and there to behold the Justings , and other shewes , at their pleasure , by the Church of St. Mary Bow , as is shewed in Cordwayner-street Ward . Thus much for the High street of Cheap . Now of the North side of Cheap street and Ward , beginning at the great Conduit , and by St. Mary Cole Church , where we left ; Next thereunto Westward , is the Mercers Chappel , sometime an Hospital , entituled of St. Thomas of Acon , or Acars , for a Master and Brethren . Militia Hospitalis &c , saith the Record of Edward the third , the fourteenth year , it was founded by Thomas Fitz Theobald de Heili , and Agnes his Wife , sister to Thomas Becket , in the Reign of Henry the second : they gave to the Master and Brethren the Lands with the appurtenances , that sometimes were Gilbert Beckets , Father to the said Thomas , in the which he was born , there to make a Church ; There was a Charnel , and a Chappel over it of St. Nicholas and St. Stephen ; This Hospital was valued to dispend two hundred seventy seven pounds , three shillings four pence , surrendred the thirtieth of Henry the eighth , the one and twentieth of October , and was since purchased by the Mercers , by means of Sir Richard Gresham , and was again set open on the Eve of Saint Michael 1541 , the three and thirtieth of Henry the eighth ; It is now called the Mercers Chappel , therein is kept a free Grammer School , as of old time had been accustomed , commanded by Parliament . In this Chappel there is every Sunday morning throughout the year a Sermon in the Italian Tongue , beginning about ten a clock . Here be many Monuments remaining , but more have been defaced ; among others , there is Iames Butler Earl of Ormond , and Dame Ioane his Countesse , 1428. Before this Hospital towards the street , was builded a fair and beautiful Chappel arched over with stone , and thereupon the Mercers Hall , a most curious piece of work , Sir Iohn Allen Mercer , being founder of that Chappel , was there buried , but since his Tombe is removed thence into the Body of the Hospital : Church , and his Body-room divided into Shops , are letten our for Rent ; These Mercers were enabled to be a Company , and to purchase Lands to the value of twenty pound the year , the seventeenth of R●chard the second ; they had three Messuages and Shops in the Parish of Saint Martins Otesw●ch , in the Ward of Bishopsgate , for the sustentation of the poor , and a Chantry , the two and twentieth of Richard the second . Henry the fourth in the twelfth of his Reign , confirmed to Stephen Spilman , W. Marchford and Iohn Watild Mercers , by the name of one new Sildam , shed , or building , with Shops , Cellars , and Edifices whatsoever appertaining , called Crownsildes Scituate in the Mercery in West-cheap , in the Parish of St. Mary de Arcubus in London , &c. to be holden in Burgage , as all the City of London is . Next beyond the Mercers Chappel , and their Hall , is Ironmonger Lane , so called of Ironmongers dwelling there . In this Lane , is the small Parish Church of St. Martin , called Pomary , upon what occasion I certainly know not ; it is supposed to be of Apples growing , where now Houses are lately builded . Farther West , is St. Lawrence Lane , so called of St. Lawrence Church , which standeth directly over against the North end thereof . Antiquities in this Lane I finde none other , then that among many fair Houses , there is one large Inne for receipt of travellers , called Blossomes Inne , but corruptly Bosomes Inne , and hath to Sign St. Lawrence the Deacon , in a Border of Blossoms or Flowers . Then near to the standard in Cheap , is Hony-lane , being very narrow , and somewhat dark . In this Lane , is the small Parish Church called Alhallowes in Hony-Lane ; There be no Monuments in this Church worth the noting . I find that Iohn Norman , Draper , Mayor 1453 , was buried there . He gave to the Drapers his Tenements on the North side the said Church ; they to allow for the Beam light and Lamp , thirteen shillings four pence yearly , from this Lane to the Standard . And thus much for Cheap Ward , in the High-street of Cheap , for it stretcheth no farther . Now , for the North wing of Cheap Ward , have ye Catte-street , corruptly called Catteaten-street , which beginneth at the North end of Ironmong●● Lane , and runneth to the West end of Saint Lawrence-Church , as is aforeshewed . On the North side of this street is the Guild-hall , wherein the Courts for the City are kept , namely , first the Court of Common-Councel , second the Court of the Lord Mayor and his Brethren the Aldermen , third the Court of Hustings , fourth the Court of Orphanes , fifth the two Sheriffs●ixt ●ixt the Court of the Wardmote , seventh the Court of Hallmote , eight the Court of Requests , commonly called the Court of Conscience , nine the Chamberlains Court for Prentices , & making them free ; This Guild-hall , saith Robert Fabian , was began to be builded new , in the year 1411 , the twelfth of Henry the fourth , by Thomas Knowles , then Mayor , and his Brethren the Aldermen ; The same was made , of a little Cottage , a large and great House , as now it standeth towards the charges whereof , the Companies gave large benevolences ; Also offences of men were pardoned for sums of money towards this work , extraordinary Fees were raised , Fines , Amercements , and other things imployed , during seven years , with a Continuation thereof , three years more , all to be employed to this building . The first year of Henry the sixth , John Coventry & John Carpenter Executors to Richard Whittington , gave towards the paving of this great Hall twenty pounds and the next year fifteen pounds more to the said pavement , with hard Stone of Purb●ck ; They also glaz'd some VVindows thereof , and of the Mayors Court , on every which Window , the Arms of Richard Whittington are placed . The foundation of the Mayors Court was laid in the third year of the Reign of Henry the sixth , and of the Porch on the South side of the Mayors Court , in the fourth of the said King. Then was builded the Mayors Chamber , and the Councel Chamber , with other Roomes above the staires . Having here so just occasion , speaking of that former ancient Councel Chamber , which hath continued so ever since , I cannot but account it expedient ( as in no place better fitting ) to remember the fair and goodly new Councel Chamber , a worthy Act , and an Honour to the City . The said new Councel Chamber , with a fair Room over the same , appointed for a Treasury , wherein to preserve the Books and Records belonging to the City , and another Room also underneath the same Chamber , reserved for necessary use and employment , began to be builded the first week after Easter , in the time of the Majoralty of Sir Thomas Middleton , Knight , and Alderman , in the year of our Lord 1614 , it was fully finished shortly after Michaelmas 1615 , at the la●ter end of the Majoralty of Sir Thomas Hayes , Knight and Alderman ; But the Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen his Brethren , kept their first Court in the said new Councel Chamber , on the seventh day of November , in the year of our Lord 1615 , Sir Iohn Iolles Knight and Alderman , being then Lord Mayor ; by whose order and direction , the said building was performed , from the first beginning thereof , to the finall finishing of the same , amounting to the charge of 1740 l. than which , no money could be better bestowed , nor more to the Cities credit and renown . Last of all , a stately Porch en●ring the great Hall , was erected ; the front thereof towards the Stouth , being beautified with Images of Srone . Now for the Chappel or Colledge of our Lady Mary Magdalene , and of All Saints by Guild-Hall , called London Colledge , we read , that the same was builded about the year 1299 , and that Peter Fanelore , Adam Francis , and Henry Frowick Citizen , gave one Messuage with the appurtenances , in the Parish of St. Foster , to William Brampton Custos of the Chauntry , by them founded in the said Chappel , with four Chaplains ; and one other House in the Parish of St. Giles without Creplegate , in the seven and twentieth of Edward the third , was given to them . Adjoyning to this Chappel on the South side , was sometime a fair and large Library , furnished with Books pertaining to the Guild-Hall and Colledge . These Books ( as it is said ) were in the Reign of Edward the sixth , sent for by Edward Duke of Somerset , Lord Protector , with promise to be restored shortly ; Men laded from thence threescore Carts with them , but they were never returned ; This Library was builded by the Executors of R. Whittington , and by W. Bury ; on the other side , it is now lofted through , and made a Store-house for Cloaths , South-west from this Guild-Hall , is the fair Parish Church of St. Lawrence , called , in the Iury , because ( of old time ) many Jewes inhabited there about ; This Church is fair and large , and hath divers Monuments . In this Church there was the Shank-bone of a man , and also a Tooth of a very great bigness , hanged up for shew , in Chains of Iron , upon a Pillar of Stone : the Tooth ( being about the bigness of a mans fist ) is long since conveyed from thence ; the Thigh or Shank-bone , of five and twenty inches in length by the Rule , remaineth yet fastned to a post of Timber , and is not so much to be noted for the length , as for the thickness , hardness , and strength thereof ; for when it was hanged on the Stone Pillar , it fretted ( with moving ) the said Pillar , and was not it self fretted , nor ( as seemeth ) is not yet lightned by remaining dry : but where or when this Bone was first found or discovered , I have not heard . Of the Seventeenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Coleman-street Ward . VVE will now stear our course Northward , and look towards London Walls to find out another Ward , and next to Cheap Ward on the North side thereof , is Coleman-street Ward , and beginneth also in the East , on the course of Wallbrook , in Lothbury , and runneth West , ( on the South side to the end of Ironmongers Lane , and on the North side , to the West corner of Basing-Hall street ; On the South side of Lothbury , is the street called the Old Iewry ; the one half , and better , on both sides towards Cheap , is of this Ward . Antiquities therein to be noted , are these , First , the street of Lothbury , Lathbery , or Loadbay ; This street is possessed ( for the most part ) by Founders , that cast Candlesticks , Chasing-dishes , Spice●Mortars , and such like Copper or Latin workes , and do after turn them with the Foot , and not with the Wheel , to make them smoth and bright , with turning and scrating , ( as some do term it ) making a loathsome noise to the by-passers , that have not been used to the like , and therefore by them disdainedly called Lothbury . On the South side of this street amongst the Founders be some fair Houses and large , for Merchants ; namely , one that of old time was the Jews Synagogue , which was defaced by the Citizens of London , after that they had slain seven hundred Jewes , and spoiled the re●due of their goods , in the year 1262 , the forty seventh of Henry the third . And not long after , in the year 1291 , King Edward the first banished the remnant of the Jewes out of England , as is afore shewed . The Synagogue being so suppressed , certain Fryars got possession thereof ; For in the year 1257 , ( saith Matthew Paris ) there were seen in London a new Order of Fryars , called De poenitentia Iesu , or Fratres de sacco , because they were apparrelled in sackcloth , who had their House in London , near unto Aldersgate , without the gate , and had Licence of Henry the third , in the four and twentieth of his Reign , to remove from thence to any other place ; and in the fifty sixt , she gave unto them this Iews Synagogue . After which time Elianor the Queen , wife to Edward the first , took into her protection , and warranted unto the Prior and Brethren De poenitentia Jesu Christi , of London , the said Land and building in Cole-Church street , in the Parish of Saint Olave in the Jury and St. Margaret in Loathbury , by her granted , with consent of Stephen de Fulborn , under-Warden of the Bridge-house , and other Brethren of that House , for threescore Marks of Silver , which they had received of the said Prior and Brethren of repentance , towards the building of the said Bridge . This Order of Friers gathered many good Schollars , and multiplyed in number exceedingly , untill the Councel , of Lyons ; by the which it was Decreed , that ( from that time forth ) there should no more Orders of Begging Fryers , be permitted , but only the four Orders , to wit , the Dominick or Preachers , the Minorites or Gray Fryers , and the Augustines : and so from that time the Begging Fryers decreased and fell to nothing . Now it fo●lowed , that in the year 1305 , Robert Fitzwalter , requested and obtained of the said King Edward the first , that the same Fryers of the Sack , might assigne to the said Robert , their Chappel or Church , of old time , called the Synagogue of the Iewes , near adjoyning to the then Mansion house of the same Robert , which was in place where now standeth the Grocers Hall , and the said Synagogue was at the North Corner of the old Jury , Robert Large , Mercer , Mayor , in the year 1439 , kept his Majoralty in this House , and dwelled there until his dying day . This House s●andeth , and is of two Parishes , as opening into Lothbury , of St. Margarets Parish , and opening into the Old Iewry , of St. Olaves Parish , The said Robert Large , gave liberally to both these Parishes , but was buried at St. Ol●ves . Hugh Clopton , Mercet , Maior 1492 , dwelled in this House , and kept his Majoralty there : it is now a Tavern , and hath to signe a Wind-Mill . And thus much for this House , sometimes the Iews Synagogue , since an house of Fryers , then a Noble mans House , after that , a Marchants House , wherein Majoralities have bin kept , and now a Wine-Tavern . Then is the Old Jewry , a street so called of Jews , sometime dwelling there , and near adjoyning in the Parishes of St. Olave , St. Michael Basing Hall , St. Martin Ironmonger-lane , St. Lawrence , called the Jewry , and so West to Wood-street . William Duke of Normandy , first brought them from Roane to inhabit here . William Rusus favoured them so far , that he sware by Lukes face , his common Oath , if they could overcome the Christians , he would be one of their Sect. Henry the second , grievously punished them for corrupting his Coyne . Richard the first forbad Jewes , and Women to be present at his Coronation , for fear of Inchantments ; for breaking of which Commandment , many Jews were slain , who being ass●mbled , to present the King with some gift , one of them was ●●icken by a Christian , which some unruly people perceiving , fell upon them , beat them to their houses , and brent them therein , or slew them at their comming out . Also the Jewes at Norwich , St. Edmonds bury , Lincoln , Stanford , and Lyn , were robbed and spoyled ; and at York , to the number of five hundred , besides Women and Children , entred a Tower of the Castle , profered money to be in surety of their lives ; but the Christians would not take it ; whereupon , they ●●t the throats of their own Wives and Children , and cast them over the Walls on the Christian● heads ; and then , entring the Kings Lodging , they burned both the House and themselves . King John in the 11th of his Reign , commanded all the Jews , both Men and Women , to be imprisoned , and grievously punished , because he would have all their Money ; some of them gave all they had , and promised more , to escape so many kinds of torments ; for every one of them , had one of their eyes at the least plucked o●t . Amongst whom there was one , which being tormented many wayes , would not ransome himself , till the King had caused ( every day ) one of his great teeth to be plucked out , by the space of seven dayes , and then he gave the King ten thousand Marks of silver ; to the end , they should pull out no more , the said King at that time , spoyl●d the Jews of sixty six thousand Marks . The 17th of this King , the Barons brake into the Jews Houses , rifled their Coffers , and with the Stone of their Houses , repaired the Gates and Walls of London . King Henry the third , in the 11th of his Reign , granted to Semaine , or Ballaster , the house of Benomie Mittun the Jew , in the Parish of St. Michael Bassing-hanghe , in which the said Benomy dwelt , with the fourth part of all his Land in that Parish , which VVilliam Elie held of the Fee of Hugh Nevel , and all the Land in Colemanstreet , belonging to the said Benomy ; and the fourth part of the Land , in the Parish of St. Lawrence , which was the Fee of Thomas Buckerel , and were excheted to the King , for the murther which the said Benomy committed in the City of London , to hold to the said Semaine , and his Heires , of the King , paying at Easter , a pair of gilt Spurs , and to do the servi●e thereof due unto the Lords Court. In the like manner , and for like services , the King granted to Guso for his Homage , the other part of the Lands of the said Benomye in St. Michaels Parish ; which Law , the Painter held , and was the Kings Excheter , and the Lands of the said Benomye , in the said Parish , which VValter Turner held , and fifteen foot of Land , which H●gh Harman held , with fifteen Iron Ells of Land , and an half , in the front of Iron-monger-lane , in the Parish of St. Martin , which were the said Benomyes , of the Fee of the Hospital of St. Giles , and which Adam the Smith held , with two Stone-Houses , which were Moses the Jew of Canterbury , in the Parish of St. Olave ; and which are of the Fee of Arnold de Reus , and are the Kings Exchetes , as aforesaid . The 16th of the said Henry , the Jews in London , builded a Synagogue , but the King commanded , it should be dedicated to our blessed Lady , and after gave it to the Brethren of St. Anthonies of Vienna , and so was it called St. Anthonies Hospital . This King Henry founded a Church and House for converted Jews , in a new street by the Temple , whereby it came to passe , that ( in short time ) there was gathered a great number of Converts . The twentieth of this King Henry , seven Jews were brought from Norwich , vvhich had stolen a christened Child , had circumcised , and minded to have cruci●●ed him at Easter , vvherefore their Bodies and Goods vvere at the Kings pleasure : The six and twentieth , the Jews vvere constrained to pay to the King , twenty thousand Marks , at two Termes in the year , or else to be kept in perpetual Prison . The five and thirtieth , He taketh inestimable sums of money , of all rich men , namely , of Aaron , a Jew born at York , fourteen thousand Marks for himself , and ten thousand Marks for the Queen ; and before , he had taken of the same Jew as much , as in all , amounted to thirty thousand Marks of Silver , and two hund●red Marks of Gold to the Queen . In the fortieth year , vvere brought up to VVestminster , two hundred Jews from Lincoln , for crucifying a Child , named Hugh ; eighteen of them were hang'd . The forty third , a Jew at Tewksbury fell into a Privie on the Saturday , and would not that day be taken out , for reverence of his Sabbath ; wherefore Richard Clare , Earl of Gloucester , kept him there till Monday , that he was dead . The forty seven , the Barons slew of the Jews at London , seven hundred ; the rest were spoiled , and thei●r Synagogue defaced , because one Jew would have forced a Christian to have payd more than two shillings , for the lone of twenty shillings a week . The third of Edward the first , in a Parliament at London , usury was forbidden to the Jews ; and that all Usurers might be known , the King commanded that every Usurer should weare a Table on his brest , the breadth of a Paveline , or else to avoid the Realm . The sixth of the said King Edward , a Reformation was made for clipping of the Kings Coyn ; for which offence , two hundred sixty seven Jews were drawn and hanged ; three were English Christians , and other were English Jews . The same year the Jews crucified a child at Northampton ; for the which fact , many Jews at London were drawn at Horses Tayls , and hanged . The 11th of Edward the first , Iohn Perkham , Arch Bishop of Canterbury , commanded the Bishop of London , to destroy all the Jewes Synagogues in his Diocese . The 16th of the said Edward , all the Jews in England , were ( in one day ) apprehended by precept from the King , but they redeemed themselves for twelve thousand pounds of silver ; notwithstanding , in the nineteenth of his Reign , he banished them all out of England giving them only to bear their Charge , till they were out of this Realm , the number of Jews then expulsed , were fifteen thousand and sixty persons : the King made a mighty masse of money of their Houses , which he sold , and yet the Commons of England had granted , and gave him a fifteenth of all their Goods , to banish them ; and thus much for the Jewes . In this street called the Old Iewry , is a proper Parish-Church of St. Olave Upwell , so called in Record , 1320 , John Brian , Parson of St. Olave Upwell , in the Iewry , founded there a Chauncery , and gave two Messuages to that Parish , the sixteenth of Edward the second , and was by the said King confirmed . In this Church to the commendations of the Parsons and Parishioners , the Monuments , of the dead , remain lesse defaced than in many other . From this Parish Church of St. Olave , to the North end of the Old Iewry , and from thence West to the North end of Ironmonger-lane , almost to the Parish Church of St. Martin , ( was of old time ) one large building of stone , very ancient , made in place of Jews Houses ; but of what antiquity , or by whom the same was builded , or for what use , is not known : more than that King Henry ) the sixth , in the sixteenth of his Reign , gave the Office of being Porter , or Keeper thereof , unto John Stent , for terme of his life , by the name of his principal Pallace in the Old Jewry . This was called the Old Wardrobe , but of latter time , the outward Strone-Wall hath bin by little and little taken down , and divers fair Houses builded thereupon , even round about . Now or the North side of this Lothbury , beginning again at the East end thereof , upon the Water-Course of Wallbrook , have ye a proper Parish Church , called St. Margaret , which was newly re-edified and builded , about the year 1440. By the West end of this Parish-Church , have ye a fair Warter-Conduit , builded at the Charges of the City , in the year , 1546. Next is the Founders Hall , a hansom House , and so to the South-West corner of Basing-hall-street , have ye fair and large Houses for Marchants , namely , the Corner-house , at the end of Basings-Hall-street , an old peece of work , builded of Stone , sometime belonging to a certain Jew , named Mansere , the Sonne of Aaron , the Sonne of Coke the Jew , the seventh of Edward the first , since , to Rahere Sopers-Lane , then , to Simon Francis. Thomas Bradbury , Mercer , kept his Majoralty there , deceased 1509. part of this House hath bin lately imployed as a Market-house for the sale of Woollen Bayes , Watmoles , Flanels , and such like . On this North side , against the Old Iewry , is Colemanstreet , so called of Coleman ▪ the first builder and owner thereof ; is also of Cole-Church , or Coleman-Church , against the great Conduit in Cheape : This is a fair and large street , on both sides builded with divers fair Houses , besides Allies with small Tenements in great number , on the East side of this street , almost at the North end thereof , is the Armorers-Hall , which Company of Armorers , were made a Fraternity of Guild of St. George , with a Chantry in the Chappel of St. Thomas , in Pauls Church , in the first of Henry the sixth ; also on the same side is Kings All●y , and Love-lane , both containing many Tenements , And on the West side , towards the South end , is the Parish Church of St. Stephen , wherein the Monuments are defaced . This Church was sometime a Synagogue of the Jews , then a Parish Church , then a Chappel to Saint Olaves in the Jewry , until the seventh of Edward the fourth , and was then incorporated , a Parish Church . Of the Eighteenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Basings-Hall-Ward . THe next adjoyning to Coleman-street-Ward , on the West side thereof , is Bassings-Hall-VVard , a small thing , and consisteth of one street , called Basings-Hall-street , of Basings-Hall , the most principal House , whereof the Ward taketh name : it beginneth in the South , by the late spoken Market House , called the Bay Hall , which is the last of Coleman-street-VVard . This street runneth from thence North , down to London-Wall , and some distance both East and West , against the said Hall , And this is the bounds of Basings-Hall-VVard . Amongst divers fair Houses for Marchants , have ye three Halls of Companies , namely , the Masons Hall for the first ; but of what Antiquity that Company is , I have not read . The next is the Weavers Hall , which Company hath bin of great Antiquity in this City , as appeareth by a Charter of Henry the second , in these words , Rex omnibus ad Quos , &c. to be englished thus . Henry King of England , Duke of Normandy , and of Guyan , Earl of Anjou , to the Bishop , Justices , Sheriffs , Barons , Ministers , and all his true Lieges of London , sendeth greeting : Know ye , that we have granted to the Weavers in London their Guild , with all the Freedoms , and Customs that they had in the time of King Henry my Grandfather , so that they intermit none but within the City , of their Craft , but he be of their Guild ; neither in Southwark , or other places pertaining to London , otherwise than it was done in the time of King Henry my Grand-father ; wherefore I will and straightly command , that over all lawfully they may treat , and have all aforesaid , as well in peace , free , worshipful , and wholly , as they had it ftreer , better , worshipfuller , and whollier than in the time of King Henry my Grand-father , so that they yield yearly to me , two Marks of Gold , at the feast of St. Michael . And I forbid , that any man to them do any Unright , or Disease , upon pain of ten pound , &c. Lower down , is the Girdlers Hall , and this is all touching the East side of this Ward . On the West side , almost at the South end thereof is Bakewell-Hall , corruptly called Blackwell-Hall , concerning the Original whereof , I have heard divers Opinious , which I over-passe as Fables , without colour of truth ; for though the same seemed a Building of great Antiquity , yet ( in mine Opinion ) the Foundation thereof was first laid , since the Conquest of VVilliam , Duke of Normandy ; for the same was builded upon Vaults of Stone ; which Stone was brought from Cane in Normandy : The like of that in Pauls Church , builded by Mauritius and his Successors , Bishops of London ; but that this House hath bin a Temple , or Jewish Synagogue ( as some have fantisied ) I allow not , seeing that it had no such form of roundness , or other likeness ; neither had it the form of a Church , for the Assembly of Christians , which are builded East and West ; but contrariwise , the same was builded North and South , and in the form of a Noblemans House , and therefore the best Opinion ( in my judgement ) is , that it was ( of old time ) belonging to the Family of the Bassings , which was in this Realm , a name of great Antiquity and Renown ; and that it beares also the name of that Family , and was called therefore Basings-Haugh , or Hall. Now how Bakewell-hall took that name , is another Question , For which I read , That Thomas Bakewel dwelled in this House , in the 36. of Edward the 3d , and that in the 20. of Richard the 2d , the said King for the sum of 50. pounds , which the Mayor and the Communalty , had paid into the Hanapar , granted Licence , so much as was in him , to Iohn Frosh , William Parker , and Stephen Spilman , ( Citizens and Mercers ) that they , the said Messuage , called Bakewell-hall , and one Garden , with the appurtenances , in the Parish of St. Michael of Bassings-Haugh , and of St. Lawrence , in the Jewry of London , and one Messuage , two Shops , and one Garden , in the said Parish of St. Michael , which they held of the King in Burgage , might give and assign to the Mayor and Communalty for ever . This Bakewell-Hall thus established , hath bin long since imployed , as a weekly Market-place for all sorts of Woollen Clothes , broad and narrow , brought from all parts of this Realm , there to be sold. In the 21. of Richard the second , Richard Whittington Mayor ; and in the 22 , Drew Barringtine being Mayor , it was decreed , that no Forraign or stranger , should sell any Woollen-Cloth ; but in Bakewell-hall , upon pain of forfeiture thereof . This House ( of late years ) growing ruinous , and in danger of falling , Richard May , Merchant-Taylor , at his decease , gave towards the new building of the outward part thereof , 300l . upon condition , that the same should be performed , within three years after his Decease ; whereupon , the old Bakewell-Hall , was taken down , and in the Moneth of February next following the foundation of a new , strong , and beautiful Store-house being laid , the work thereof was so diligently applyed , that within the space of ten moneths after , to the charges of two thousand five hundred pounds , the same was finished , in the year 1588. Next beyond this House , are placed divers fair Houses for Marchants , and others , till ye come to the back Gate of Guild-hall ; which Gate , and part of the building within the same , is of this Ward : some small distance beyond this Gate , the Coopers have their common Hall. Then is the Parish Church of St. Michael , called St. Michael at Bassings-hall , a proper Church , lately re-edified or new builded . The Nineteenth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of LONDON , called Cripplegate Ward . THe Next Ward is called of Cripplegate , and consisteth of divers Streets and Lanes , lying as well without the Gate and Wall of the City , as within . First , within the Wall on the East part thereof , towards the North ; it runneth to the West-side of Hall's Ward , and towards the South , it joyneth to the Ward of Cheap ; It beginneth at the West end of the St. Laurence Church in the Jury , on the North-side , and runeth West to a Pumpe , where sometimes was a well with Buckets , at the South Corner of Alderman-Bury-Street , which Street runneth down North to Gayspur Lane , and to London Wall , which Street and Lane are wholly ( on both sides ) of this Ward , and so be some few houses ( on both sides ) from Gayspur Lane , by and against the Wall of the City , East to the Grates , made for the water-course of the Channels , and West to the Creplegate . Now on the South side , from over against the West End of Saint Laurence Church , to the Pumpe , and up Milke-Street South unto Cheap , which Milke-Street is wholly ( on both the sides ) of Cripplegate Ward , as also without the South end of Milke-Street , a part of West Cheap , to wit , from the Standard to the Crosse , is all of Cripplegate Ward . Then down great Wood-Street , which is wholly of this Ward on both the sides thereof , so is little Wood-Street , which runneth down to Creplegate . Out of this Wood-Street be diver Lanes , namely on the East side is Lad lane , which runneth East to Milke-Street Corner , down lower in WoodStreet is Love lane , which lieth by the South side of St. Albans Church in Wood-Street , and runneth down to the Conduit in Aldermanbury-Street ; Lower down in Wood-Street , is Addle-Street , out of the which runneth Philip-lane , down to London Wall. These be the Lanes on the East-side . On the West side of Wood-Street , in Huggen-lane , by the South side of St. Michaels Church & goeth thorow to Gutherons lane ; Then lower is Maiden-lane , which runneth West to the North End of Gutherons lane , and up the said lane on the East side thereof , till against Kery lane , and back again , then the said Maiden-lane , on the North side , goeth up to Staining lane , & up a part thereof on the East side , to the farthest North part of Haberdashers Hall , and back again to Wood-Street , and there lower down is Silver Street , which is of this Ward , till ye come to the East End of St. Olaves Church on the South side , and to Monkes-well Street , on the North side , then down the said Monkes-well Street on the East side thereof , and so to Cripplegate , do make the bonds of this Ward within the Walls . Of these More-Feilds , you have formerly read , what a Moorish rotten ground they were , unpassable , but for Cawsways ; purposely made to that intent ; what they were also in our own nearer times of Memory , even till Sir Leonard Halliday was Lord Major of London , I am very well assured many do perfectly remember . And what they are now at this instant by the honourable cost and care of this City , and the industrious pains and diligence of that worthy Citizen Mr. Nicolas Leate , we all ( to our continuall comfort ) do evidently behold . Then to turn back again , through the said Posternlane to More lane , which More-lane , with all the Allies and buildings there , is of this Ward . After that is Grub-Street more rhen half thereof to the Streightning of the Street , Next is White-Crosse-Street , up to the End of Beech-lane , and then Red-Crosse-Street , wholly with a part of Golding-lane , even to the posts there placed , as a bounder . Then is Beech lane before spoken of ; the East side of the Red-Crosse , and the Barbican-Street , more than halfe thereof toward Aldersgate-Street . Touching the Antiquitie of this Old Aldermans-Bury or Court , I have not read other , then that Richard Kenery , one of the Sheriffs of London ; in the first of Richard the first , which was in the year of Christ 1189. gave to the Church of Saint Mary at Os●ey by Oxford , certain grounds and rents in Alderman-Bury , of London , as appeareth by the Register of that Church , as as also entered into the Hustings of the Guild-Hall in London . This Old Bery , Court , or Hall continued , and the courts of the Major and Aldermen were continually holden there , untill the New Bery-Court , or Guild-Hall that now is , was builded and finished , which Hall was first begun to be founded in the year 1411 , and was not fully finished in twenty years after , The ruines of the Old Court Hall in Alderman-Bury-Street yet appear which of late hath bin imployed as a Carpenters yard , &c. Then is the parish Church of St. M●ry Aldermanbury , a fair Church , with a Church-yard and Cloyster adjoyning . In the which Cloyster is hanged and fastned a Shanke-bone of a man ( as is said ) very great , and larger by three inches and a half , than that which hangeth in St. Laurence Church in the Iury , for it is in length twenty Eight inches and a half of assise , but not so hard and Steely , like as the other ; for the same is Leight , and somewhat pory and spongy . This bone is said to be found amongst the bones of men removed from the Charnell house of Pauls , or rather from the Cloyster of Pauls Church . Beneath this Church have ye Gayspur-lane , which runneth down to London Wall , as is afore shewed . In this lane , at the North end thereof , was ( of old time ) a house of Nuns , which house being in great decay William Elsing , Mercer , in the year of Christ 1329. the third of Edward of the third , began in place thereof the foundation of an Hospitall , for sustentation of one hundred blind men : Towards the erection whereof , he gave his two houses in the Parishes of St. Alphage and our Blessed Lady in Aldermanbury Near Cripplegate . This house was after called a Priory or Hospitall of St. Mary the Virgin , founded in the year 1332. by W. Elsing for Canons Regular , the which W. became the first Prior there . In the same place where the aforesaid Elsing Spittle and priory , were formerly scituated , there is now newly erected a Colledge for the Clergy of London , and Liberties thereof , called by the name of Sion-Colledge : And Almes-houses for twenty poor people , ten men and ten women . This was done by the especiall care and paines of Mr. Iohn Simson , Rector of St. Olaves Hart-Street London , one of the Executors of the last Will and Testament of Mr. Thomas White , Doctor in Divinity , Vicar of S. Dunstans in the West , and one of the Canons Residentiary of S. Pauls Church London : which ore-named Thomas White , ( besides sundry sums of money , and great yearly Revenues given by him to pious and Charitable uses in divers places ) gave three thousand pound to purchase and build the foresaid Colledge for the use of the Clergy , and Almes-houses for the twenty poor people aforesaid . He gave also unto the said Colledge , and Almes-houses , a hundred sixty pound , per annum for ever ; whereof there is a hundred twenty pound yearly allowed for the maintenance of the poor Almes-men and women : And forty pound yearly for four dinners for the Clergy , who are to have four Latine Sermons in the year one every quarter , and upon these dayes are to dine together in the Colledge . In the same Colledge the forenamed Iohn Simson did in his life time , at his own proper Costs and Charges , build a very faire and spacious Library , containing , a hundred twenty one foot in length , within the Walls , and above twenty five foot in breadth . And hath furnished it with Wainscot , Stalls , Desks , Seats , and other Necessary and usefull Ornaments befitting the place . To this Library there have been already divers bountifull , and well disposed Benefactors , who have given large sums of money towards the furnishing of it with Books . Then is there the Parish Church of Saint Alphage ; The principall I le of this Church towards the North , was pulled down , and a frame of four houses set up in the place : the other part , from the Steeple upward , was converted into a Parish Church of S. Alphage ; and the Parish Church which stood near unto the Wall of the City by Cripplegate , was pulled down ; the plot thereof made a Carpenters Yard , with Saw-pits . The Hospitall it self , the Prior , and Canons house , with other Lodgings were made a dwelling house , the Church-Yard is a Garden plot , and a faire Gallery on the Cloyster , the Lodgins for the poor are translated into stabling for horses . Now we will return to Milk-Street so call'd of Milke sold there at the beginning . In this Milk-Street , is a small Parish Church of Saint Mary Magdelen , which hath of late years been repaired . William Brown , Mayor 1513. gave to this Church fourty pounds , and was buried there . Then Next is Wood-Street , by what reason so called , I know not . True it is , that ( of old time ) according to a Decree made in the reign of Richard the first , the houses of London were builded of Stone , for defence of fire , which kind of building was used for two hundred years or more , but of latter time , for the winning of ground , taken down ; and houses of Timber were set up in their place . It seemeth therefore that this Street hath been of the latter building , all of timber , ( for scarce one house of stone hath been known there ) and therefore called Wood-Street : otherwise it might take the name of some builder or owner thereof . On the East side of this Street is one of the Prison-houses , pertaining to the Sheriffs of London , and is called the Compter in Wood-Street , which was prepared to be a prison-house in the year 1555. And on the Eve of S. Michael the Archangell , the prisoners that lay in the Compter in Bread-Street , were removed to this Compter in Wood-Street . Beneath this Compter in Lad-lane , or Ladle Hall , for so I find it of Record , in the parish of Saint Michaell Wood-Street ; and Beneath that is Love lane , so called of wantons . By this lane is the Ancient parish Church of S. Albans . One note of the great Antiquity of it , is the name , by which it was at first dedicated to St. Albanus , the first Martyr of England . Another Character of the Antiquity of it , is to be seen in the manner of the turning of the Arches in the windows , and heads of the Pillars . A third Note , appears in the Roman Bricks , here and there here and there inlayed amongst the stones of the building . Very probable it is , that this Church is at least of as ancient a standing as King Aldelstane the Saxon , who , as the Tradition sayes , had his house at the East end of this Church . This Kings house , having a door also into Adel-Street in this Parish , gave name , as 't is thought , unto the said Adel-Street , which in all Evidences to this day , is written King Adel-Street . One great square Tower of this Kings house seems yet remaining , to be seen at the North corner of Love lane , as you come from Alderman-bury ; which Tower is of the very same stone and manner of building with S. Albans Church . There is also ( but without any outward Monument ) the head of Iames the Fourth King of Scots of that name , slain at Flodden field , and buried here by this occasion : After the Battell , the body of the said King being found , was closed in ●ead , and conveyed from thence to London , and so to the Monastery of Sheine in Surrey , where it remained for a time , in what order I am not certain : But since the dissolution of that house , in the reign of Edward the Sixth , Henry Gray Duke of Suffolk , being lodged and keeping house there , the same body was to be shew'd , so lapped in lead , close to the head and body , thrown into a waste room amongst the old timber , lead , & other rubble ; since which time , the workmen there ( for their foolish pleasure ) hewed off his head ; and Launcelot Young , Master Glasier to Queen Elizabeth , feeling a sweet savour to come from thence , and seeing the same dried from all moisture , and yet the form remaining , with the hair of the head and beard red , brought it into London , to his house in Woodstreet , where ( for a time ) he kept it for the sweetnesse ; but in the end , caused the Sexton of that Church , to bury it amongst other bones , taken out of their Charnell , &c. There are divers Records of a house in Wood-street , then called Black Hall , but no man at this day can tell thereof . On the North side of this Saint Michaels Church is Maiden-lane , now so called , but ( of old time ) Ingene-lane , or Inglane . In this Lane the Wax-Chaundlers have their Common Hall , on the the South side thereof ; and the Haberdashers have their Hall on the North side , at Stayning-lane end . This Company of the Haberdashers , or Hurrers , of old time so called , were incorporated a Brotherhood of St. Katherines , the twenty sixth of Henry the Sixth , and so confirmed by Henry the Seventh , the seventeenth of his Reign ; the Cappers and Hat-Merchants , or Hurrers , being one Company of Haberdashers . Down lower in VVood-street is Silver-street ( I think , of Silver-Smiths dwelling there ) in which be divers fair houses . And on the North side thereof is Monks-well street , so called , of a well , at the North end thereof , where the Abbot of Garendon had an house or Cell , called Saint Iames in the wall by Cripple-gate , and certain Monks of their house were Chaplains there ; wherefore the Well ( belonging to that Cell or Hermitage ) was called Monks-well , and the street of the well , Monks-well street . The East side of this street down against London wall , and the South side thereof to Cripple-gate , be of Cripple-gate Ward , as is afore-shewed . In this street , by the corner of Monks-well street , is the Bowyers Hall. On the East side of Monks-well street , be convenient Alms-houses , twelve in number , founded by Sir Ambrose Nicholas , Salter , Maior . 1575. wherein he placed twelve poor and aged people rent-free , having each of them seven pence the week , and once the yeer each of them five sacks of Charcoals , and one quartem of one hundred of Faggots , of his gift for ever . On the North side of the way , turning towards Cripple-gate , and even upon , or close to London wall , ( as it were ) are certain new erected Almes-houses , six in number , of the cost and gift of Mr. Robert Rogers , Leather-Seller , and very good maintenance allowed ( for ever ) to such people as are appointed to dwell in them . Then , in little VVood-street , be seven proper Chambers in an Alley on the West side , founded for seven poor people , therein to dwell rent-free , by Henry Barton , Skinner , Maior , 1516. Now without the Postern of Cripple-gate , first is the Parish Church of Saint Giles , a very fair and large Church , lately repaired , after that the same was burned , in the yeer 1545 , the thirty seventh of Henry the Eighth , by which mischance , the Monuments of the dead in this Church are very few . In VVhite Crosse-street King Henry the Fifth builded a fair house , and founded there a Brotherhood of S. Giles to be kept , which house had sometime been an Hospitall of the French Order , by the name of Saint Giles without Cripple-gate . In the reign of Edward the First , the King having the Jurisdiction , and pointing a Custos thereof , for the Precinct of the Parish of Saint Giles , &c. which Hospitall being suppressed , the lands were given to the Brotherhood for relief of the poor . One Alley , of divers Tenements , over against the North wall of Saint Giles Church-yard , was appointed to be Alms-houses , for the poor , wherein they dwelled rent-free , and otherwise were releeved ; but the said Brotherhood was suppressed by Henry the Eighth , since which time , Sir Iohn Gresham , Maior , purchased the lands , and gave part thereof to the maintenance of a Free School , which he had founded at Holt , a Market-town in Norfolk . In Red Crosse-street , on the West side from S. Giles Church-yard , up to the said Crosse , be many fair houses builded outward , with divers Alleys , turning into a large plot of ground , of old time called the Iews Garden , as being the only place appointed them in England , wherein to bury their dead , till the year 1177 , the twenty fourth of Henry the Second , that it was permitted them ( after long suit to the King and Parliament at Oxford ) to have a speciall place assigned them in every quarter where they dwelled . On the East side of this Red Crosse-street , be also divers fair houses , up to the Crosse , and there is Beech-lane , peradventure so called of Nicholas de la Beech , Lievtenant of the Tower of London , put out of that office in the thirteenth of Edward the Third . This Lane stretcheth from Red Crosse-street to VVhite Crosse-street , replenished not with Beech trees , but with beautifull houses of Stone , Brick , and Timber : Amongst the which was ( of old time ) a great house pertaining to the Abbot of Ramsey , for his lodging , when he repaired to the City ; it is now called Drewry House , of Sir Drew Drewry , who dwelt there . On the North side of this Beech-lane , towards VVhite Crosse street , the Drapers of London have lately builded eight Alms-houses of Brick and Timber , for eight poor widows of their own Company , whom they placed there rent-free . Then is Golding-lane : Richard Gallard of Islington Esquire , Citizen and Painter-Stainer of London , founded thirteen Alms-houses , for so many poor people placed in them rent-free . He gave to the poor of the same Alms-houses , two pence the peece weekly , and a load of Charcoals among them yeerly for ever : He left fair lands about Islington , to maintain his Foundation . T. Hayes , sometime Chamberlain of London , in the latter time of Henry the Eighth , married Elizabeth , his daughter and heir , which Hayes and Elizabeth had a daughter named Elizabeth , married to Iohn Ironmonger , of London Mercer , who had the ordering of the Alms-people . On the West side of Red Crosse-street , is a street called the Barbican , because sometime there stood on the North side thereof a Burghkenning or VVatch-tower of the City , called in some language a Barbican , as a Bikening is called Beacon . This Burgh-kenning , by the name of the Mannour of Base Court , was given by Edward the Third , to Robert Ufford Earl of Suffolk , and was afterward pertaining , to Peregrine Barty , Lord VVilloughby of Ersby . Next adjoyning to this , is one other great house , called Garter Place , sometime builded by Sir Thomas VVrithe , or VVrithesly , Knight , aliàs Garter , principall King of Arms , second son of Sir Iohn VVrithe , Knight , aliàs Garter , and was Uncle to the first Thomas , Earl of Southampton , Knight of the Garter , and Chancellor of England : He built this house , and in the top thereof a Chappell , which he dedicated by the name of S. Trinitatis in Alto. Of the Twentieth Ward , or Aldermanry , of the City of LONDON , call●d Aldersgate Ward . THe Next is Aldersgate Ward , taking name of that North Gate of the City : this Ward also consisteth o● divers Streets and Lanes , lying as well within the Gate and Wall , as without , And first , to speak of that part within the Gate , thus it is , the East part thereof joyneth unto the West part of Cripplegate Ward , in Engain lane , or Maiden lane ; It beginneth on the North side of that Lane , at Staining lane End runneth up , from the Haberdashers Hall , to St. Mary Staining Church , and by the Church East , winding almost to Wood Street ; and West through Oate lane ; and then by the South side of Bacon house in Noble-Street , back again by Lilipot lane , which is also of that ward , to Maiden lane ; and so on that North side West to Saint Iohn Zacharies Church , and to Foster lane . Now on the south side of Engain or Maiden lane , is the West side of Gutherons lane . to Kery lane and Kery lane it self ( which is of this ward ) and back again into Engain lane , by the North side of the Goldsmiths Hall , to Foster lane are almost wholly of this Ward : which beginneth in the South toward Cheap on the East side by the North side of Saint Fosters Church , and runneth down North West by the East end of Engain lane by Lilipot lane , and Oate lane , to Noble-Street , and through that by Shelly house , ( of old time so called , as belonging to the Shellies ) Sir Thomas Shelley Knight , was owner thereof in the first of Henry the fourth . It is now called Bacon-House , because the same was new builded by Sir Nicholas Bacon , Lord-Keeper of the Great Seal ; Down on that side by Serjeant Fleet-Woods house , Recorder of London , who also new builded it to Saint Olaves Church in Silver-Street , which is by the North-West End of this Noble-Street . Then have ye Maine Street of this Ward , which is called Saint Martins lane , in cluding Saint Martin , on the East side thereof ; and so down on both the sides to Aldersgate . And these be the bounds of this Ward , within the Wall and Gate . Without the Gate , the main Street called Aldersgate-Street , runneth up North on the East side to the West end of Hounds-ditch or Barbican-Street ; a part of which Street , is also of this Ward ; And on the West side to Long-Lane , a part whereof is likewise of this Ward . Beyond the which Aldersgate , is Goswell Street up to the Barrs . And on the West side of Hidersgate Street , by Saint Buttolphs Church , is Briton-Street which runneth West to a Pumpe , and then North to the Gate , which entreth the Church-Yard , sometimes pertaining to the Priory of Saint Bartholomews on the east side & on the west side towards St. Bartholomews Spittle , to a paire of posts there fixed . And these be the bounds of this Aldersgate Ward without . The antiquities be these , first in Stain●ng lane , of old time so called , as may be supposed of Painter-stainers dwelling there . On the East side thereof , adjoyning to the Aaberdashers Hall , be ten Almes-houses , pertaining to the Haberdashers ; wherein be placed ten Almes people of that Company , every of them having Eight pence the peece every Friday for ever , by the gift of Thomas Huntlow , Haberdasher , one of the Sheriffs , in the year , 1539. Then is the small Parish Church of Saint Mary , called Staining , because it standeth , at the North end of Staining lane . Then is Engain lane , or Maiden lane ; and , at the North-West Corner thereof , the Parish Church of St. John Zachary , a fair Church , with the Monuments well preserved , of Thomas Lichfield who founded a Chancery there , in the fourteenth of Edward the second . On the East side of this Foster Lane , at Engane Lane end , is Goldsmiths Hall , a proper House , but not large ; and therefore to say ▪ that Bartholmew Read Goldsmith , Mayor in the year 1502 kept such a feast in this Hall , as some have fabuled , is far incredible , and altogether unpossible , considering the smallnesse of the Hall , & number of the Guests , which as they say , were more than one hundred persons of great estate ; But of late years the said Goldsmiths Hall is much enlarged and in a stately and sumptuous manner , in so much that it may compare with any other Hall in London . Then at the North end of Noble-street , is the Parish Church of St. Olave in Silver-street , a small thing . On the West side of Foster-Lane , is the small Parish Church of St. Leonards , for them of St. Martins le Grand . A number of Tenements being lately builded in place of the great Collegiate Church of St. Martin : that Parish is mightily encreased . Then in Pope-lane , so called of one Pope that was owner thereof ▪ On the North side is the Parish Church of Saint Anne in the Willowes , so called , I know not upon what occasion , but some say , of Willowes growing thereabouts , but now there is no such void place for Willowes to grow , more than the Church-yard , wherein do grow some high Ash-trees to this day . Then in St. Martins Lane was ( of old time ) a fair and large Colledge , of a Dean and Secular Canons or Priests , and was called Saint Martins le grand , founded by Ingelricus , and Edwardus his Brother , in the year of Christ 1056 , and confirmed by William the Conqueror , as appeareth by his Charter , dated 1068. This Colledge claimed great Priviledges of Sanctuary , and otherwise , as appeareth in a Book written by a Notary of that House , about the year 1442 the nineteenth of Henry the sixth : wherein , amongst other things , is set down and declared that on the first of September , in the year aforesaid , a Souldier , prisoner in Newgate , as he was led by an Officer towards the Guild-Hall of London , there came out of Panyer Alley five of his fellowship , and took him from the Officer , brought him into Sanctuary , at the West door of St. Martins Church , and took Grithe of that place ; But the same day Philip Malpas , & Robert Marshall , then Sheriffs of London , with many other entred the said Church , and forcibly took out with them the said five men thither fled , led them fettered to the Counter , and from thence chained by the Necks to Newgate : of which violent taking , the Dean and Chapter in large manner complained to the King , and required him as their Patron , to defend their Priviledges , like as his Predecessors had done , &c. All which complaint and suite , the Citizens by their Counsel Markham Serjeant at the Law , Iohn Carpenter common Clerk of the City , and others , learnedly answered , offering to prove , that the said place of St. Martin had no such Immunity or Liberty , as was pretended . Notwithstanding , after long debating of this Controversie , by the Kings commandment , & assent of his Councel in the Starr-Chamber , the Chancellour and Treasurer , sent a Writ unto the Sheriffs of London , charging them to bring the said five persons , with the cause of their taking and withholding , afore the King in his Chancery on the Vigil of Alhallowes : on which day , the said Sheriffs , with the Recorder and Counsel of the City , brought and delivered them accordingly , afore the said Lords ; where the Chancellour , after he had declared the Kings Commandement , sent them to St. Martins , there to abide freely , as in a place having Franchises , whiles them liked , &c. Without Aldersgate on the East side of Aldersgate-street , is the Cookes Hall , which Cooks ( or Pastlers ) were admitted to be a Company , and to have a Master and Wardens , in the two and twentieth of Edward the fourth ; From thence , along unto Houndsditch , or Barbican street , be many fair Houses ; on the West side also , be the like fair buildings , till ye come to Long-Lane , and so to Goswell street . In Britaine street , which took that name of the Duke of Britain Lodging there , is one proper Parish Church of St. Buttolph ; In which Church was sometime a Brotherhood of St. Fabian and Sebastian , founded in the year 1377 , the fifty one of Edward the third ; and confirmed by Henry the fourth in the sixth of his Reign . Then Henry the sixth in the twenty fourth of his Reign , to the honour of the Trinity , gave Licence to Dame Joane Astley , sometime his Nurse , to R. Cawood and T. Smith , to found the same a Fraternity perpetually , to have a Master and two Custos with Brethren and Sisters ; This Brotherhood was endowed with Lands , more than thirty pounds by the year , and was suppressed by Edward the sixth . Of the One and Twentieth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Faringdon Ward Intra . ON the South side of Aldersgate Ward , lyeth Faringdon Ward , called Intra , or within , for a difference from another Ward of that name , which lyeth without the Walls of the City , and is therefore called Farringdon Extra . These two Wards ( of old time ) were but one , and had also but one Alderman ; The whole great Ward of Faringdon , both Intra and Extra took name of W. Farrendon Goldsmith , Alderman of that Ward , and one of the Sheriffs of London , in the year 1281 , the ninth of Edward the first ; He purchased the Aldermanry of this Ward , as by the Abstract of Deeds which are yet extant , may appear . At the South-West corner of Wood-street , is the Parish Church of St , Peter the Apostle , by the said Crosse : a proper Church . John Sha Goldsmith , Mayor , deceased 1503 , appointed by his Testament , the said Church and Steeple to be new builded of his goods , with a flat roof . Notwithstanding , Tho. Wood Goldsmith , one of the Sheriffs 1491 , is accounted a principal Benefactor , because the roof of the middle Isle is supported by Images of Woodmen , thought to be at his charge . The long Shop , or Shed encroaching on the High-street before this Church Wall , was licenced to be made in the year 1401 , yielding to the Chamber of London three shillings four pence yearly for the time . Also the same Shop was letten by the Parish , for three pounds at the most , many years since . Then is Guthuruns Lane , so called of Guthurun , sometime owner thereof , the Inhabitants of this Lane ( of old time ) were Gold-beaters , as doth appear by Records in the Exchequer . For , the Easterling money , was appointed to be made of fine Silver , such as men made into foyle , and was commonly called Silver of Gu●hrons Lane , &c. The Imbroyderers Hall is in this Lane , Iohn Throwstone Imbroyderer , then Goldsmith , Sheriff , deceasing 1519. gave forty pound towards the purchase of this Hall ; Hugon Lane on the East side , and Key Lane called of one Kery on the West . Then in the High street on the same North side , is the Sadlers Hall , and then Foster-Lane , so called , of Saint Fosters , a fair Church , lately new builded . Henry Coote Goldsmith , one of the Sheriffs , deceased 1509 , builded St. Dunstans Chappel there . Iohn Throwstone , one of the Sheriffs , gave to the building thereof one hundred pounds by his Testament . John Brown Sergeant-painter Alderman , deceased 1532 , was a great Benefactor , and was there buried . William Trist Selerar to the King 1425. John Standelf Goldsmiths , lye buried there . Richard Galder 1544 , Agnes Wife to William Milbourne , Chamberlain of London , 1500. In this West side is the Barber Chirurgions Hall ; This Company was Incorporated by means of Thomas Morestead , Esquire , one of the Sheriffs of London , a thousand four hund●ed thirty six ; Chirurgion to the Kings of England , Henry the fourth , fifth , and sixth He deceased 1450. Then Jaques Fries , Physitian to Edward the fourth , and William Hobbs , Physician and Chirurgion to the same Kings Body , continuing the Suite the full terme of twenty years . Edward the fourth in the second of his Reign , and Richard Duke of Glocester became Founders of the same Corporation , in the Parish of Saint Cosme and Damiane . The first assembling of that Mystery was by Roger Strippe , William Hobbs , Thomas Goddard , and Richard Kent , since the which time they builded their Hall in that street , &c. At the North corner of this street , on the same side , was sometime an Hermitage , or Chappel of Saint James called in the Wall , near Creplegate , it belonged to the Abbey and Covent of Garadon , as appeareth by a Record the seven and twentieth of Edward the first ; and also the fiftieth of Edward the third , William de Lions was Hermit there , and the Abbot and Convent of Garadon found two Chaplains Cesterc●an Monkes of their House , in this Hermitage one of them , for Aymor de Valence Earl of Pembrooke , and Mary de Saint Paul his Countesse . Of these Monks , and of a Well pertaining to them , the street took that name , and is called Monkes-Well street . This Hermitage with the appurrenances , was in the Reign of Edward the sixth , purchased from the said King by W. Lambe , one of the Gentlemen of the Kings Chappel , Citizen , and Cloth-worker of London ; He deceased in the year 1577 , and then gave it to the Cloth-workers of London , with other Tenements to the value of fifty pounds the year , to the intent they shall hire a Minister , to say Divine Service there . Again , to the High street of Cheap , from Foster Lane end , to St. Martins , and by that Lane to the Shambles or Flesh-mark●t , on the North side whereof is Pentecost Lane , containing divers Slaughter-houses for the Butchers . Then was there of old time , a hansome Parish Church of Saint Nicholas , whereof the said Flesh-market took the name , and was called Saint Nicholas Shambles . This Church with the Tenements and Ornaments , was by Henry the eighth given to the Mayor and Communalty of the City , towards the maintenance of the New Parish Church , then to be erected in the late dissolved Church of the Gray Fryers , so was this Church dissolved and pulled down , in place whereof , and of the Church-yard ; many fair Houses are now builded , in a Court with a Well , in the middest whereof the Church stood . Then is Stinking Lane , formerly so called , or Chick Lane , at the East end of the Gray Fryers Church , it is now kept clean , and free from annoyance , and called by the name of Butchers Hall Lane , for there is the Butchers Hall. In the third of Richard the second , motion was made , that no Butcher should kill any flesh within London , but at Knightsbridge , or such like distant place from the Walls of the City . Then is there the late dissolved Church of Gray Fryars , the Originall whereof was thus ; In the year 1224 , being the 8th year of the Reign of King Henry the 3d , there came out of Italy nine Fryers of the order of the Franciscans , or Frior Minors ; five whereof were Priests , and the other four Lay-men ; the Priests placed themselves at Canterbury in Kent , but the other four came to London , and were lodged ( for some short while ) among the preaching Fryers , who lived then in Oldburn , now Holborne , Afterwards , they obtained to be placed in Cornhil London , man House belonging to one Iohn Travers , who was then one of the Sheriffs of London , in the same year 1224 in which House they made themselves Cells , and inhabited there for a certain time , till their number so encreased , and the Citizens devotion grew to be so great , that ( within few years after ) they were thence removed , by the means of one Iohn Ewin Mercet , who purchased a void plot of ground , near to St. Nicholas Shambles , where to erect an House for the said Fryers . Divers Citizens seemed herein to joyn with the said Iohn Ewin , and erected there very beautiful Buildings , upon the same ground so formerly purchased by John Ewin , and a great part builded at his own Charge , which he appropriated to the Communalty of London , and then entred into the same Order of Friers , as a Lay-Brother himself . This whole Church contained in length three hundred foot , of the feet of St. Paul , in breadth eighty nine foot , and in heighth from the ground to the roof , sixty four foot , and two inches , &c. It was consecrated 1325 , and at the Generall suppression , was valued at thirty two pound , nineteen shillings ; and surrendred the twelfth of November 1538 , the thirty of Henry the eighth : the Ornaments and goods being taken to the Kings use , the Church was shut up for a time ▪ and used as a Store-house of goods taken prizes from the French , but in the year 1546 , on the third of January , it was again set open , on the which day preached at Pauls Crosse the Bishop of Rochester , where he declared the Kings gift thereof to the City , for the relieving of the poor ; which gift was inroll'd by Patents . St. Bartholmews Spittle in Smithfield , lately valued at three hundred five pounds : six shillings , seven pence , and surrendred to the King , was of the said Church of the Gray Fryars and of two Parish Churches the one of St. Nicholas in the Shambles , and the other of St. Ewins in Newgate-Market ; they were to be made one Parish Church , in the said Fryers Church : In Lands he gave for maintenance of the said Church , with Divine Service , reparations , &c. five hundred Marks by year for ever . The thirteenth of January , the thirty eighth of Henry the eighth , an agreement was made betwixt the King and the Mayor , and Communalty of London , dated the twenty seven of December , by which the said gift of the Gray Fryers Church , with all the Edifices and ground , the Fratrie , the Library , the Portar , and Chapter House , the great Cloistry and the lesser , Tenements , Gardens , and vacant grounds , Lead , Stone , Iron , &c. The Hospitall of St. Bartholmew in West Smithfield ▪ the Church of the same , the Lead , Bells , and Ornaments of the same Hospitall , with all the Messuages Tenements and appurtenances . The Parishes of Saint Nicholas and of Saint Ewin , and so much of Saint Sepulchres Parish as is within Newgate , were made one Parish Church in the Grey Fryers Church , and called Christs Church , founded by King Henry the eighth . In the year 1552 , began the repairing of the Gray Fryars House , for the poor fatherlesse Children ; and in the Month of November , the children were taken into the same , to the number of almost four hundred . On Christmas day in the afternoon , while the Lord Mayor and Aldermen rod to Pauls , the Children of Christs Hospital stood , from Saint Lawrence Lane end in Cheap towards Pauls , all in one Livery of Russet Cotton , three hundred and forty in Number , and in the Easter next they were in Blue at the Spittle , and so have continued ever since . For these sorts of poor , three several Houses were provided . First , for the innocent and fatherlesse , which is the Beggars Child , they provided the House that was the late Gray Fryers in London , and called it by the name of Christs Hospitall , where poor Children are trained up in the Knowledge of God , and some vertuous exercises , to the overthrow of beggary . For the second degree , was provided , the Hospitals of Saint Thomas in Southwark , and Saint Bartholmew in West Smithfield , where are continually , ( at least ) two hundred diseased persons , which are not only there lodged and cured , but also fed and nourished . For the third degree , they provided Bridewell , where the Vagabond and idle Strumpet is chastised , and compelled to labour , to the overthrow of the vicious life of idlenesse . They provided also for the honest decayed housholder , that he should be relieved at home at his House , and in the Parish where he dwelled , by weekly relief and Pension ; And in like manner they provided for the Lazer , to keep him out of the City , from clapping of dishes and ringing of Bells , to the great trouble of the Citizens , & also to the dangerous infection of many , that they should be relieved at home at their Houses by several Pensions . St. Bartholmewes Hospital is incorporated by the name of Mayor , Communalty , and Citizens of the City of London , Governours of the Hospital for the poor , called little St. Bartholmews , near to West Smithfield , of the Foundation of King Henry the eighth . Christs Hospitall , Bridewell , and Saint Thomas the Apostle in Southwarke , are incorporated , by the names of the Mayor , Communalty , and Citizens of London , Governours of the Possessions , Revenues , a●d Goods of the Hospitals of Edward King of England the sixth , of Christ , Bridewell , and Saint Thomas the Apostle , &c. This Church was full of many great Monuments , as of the Lady Margaret Daughter to Philip of France , and Wife to Edward the first . Of Queen Isabel Wife to Edward the second . Of Joane Queen of the Scots , Wife to David Bruce . Of Isabel , Daughter to Edward the third . Of Eleanor Dutchesse of Britain . Of the Lady Beatrix , Dutchesse of Britain , Daughter to Henry the third . Of Roger Mortimer , Earl of March. Of John Hastings Earl of Pembrook . Of John Duke of Bourton , who had been taken Prisoner at Agencourt , with divers other great Personages . There is lately erected there in the South end of the Chancel and extraordinary hansome Monument to the Lady Venetia Stanley , Wife to the noble Knight Sir Kenelme Digby . Now for the South side of this Ward , beginning again at the Crosse in Cheap , from thence to Fryday-street , and down that street on the West side , till over against the North-west corner of Saint Matthewes Church ; And on the West side , to the South corner of the said Church , is wholly in the Ward of Faringdon . From this Fryday-street West , to the old Exchange , a street so called of Kings Exchange there kept , which was for the receipt of Bullion , to be coyned . For Henry the third , in the sixth year of his Reign , wrote to the Scahines , and men of Ipre● that he and his Councel had given prohibition , that no Englishmen , or other should make change of Plate , or other Masse of Silver , but only in his Exchange at London , or at Canterbury ; Andrew Bukerel , then had to ●arm the Exchange of England & was Maior of London ; in the Reign of Henry the third , Iohn Somercote , had the keeping of the Kings Exchange overall England . In the eighth of Edward the first , Gregory Rock●ley , was Keeper of the said Exchange for the King● in the fi●th of Edward the second , William Hausted was Keeper thereof ; And in the eighteenth , Roger de Frowick , &c. These received the old stamps , or Coyning-Irons , from time to time , as the same were worn , and delivered new to all the Mints in England . This street beginneth by VVest-Cheap in the North , and runneth down South , to Knight-rider-street-that part thereof which is called Old Fish-street : But the very Housing and Office of the Exchange and Coynage , was about the midst thereof , South from the East Gate , that entreth Pauls Church-yard , and on the West side , in Baynards-Castle Ward . On the East side of this Lane , betwixt West-Cheap , and the Church of St. Augustine , Henry VValleis Mayor , ( by Licence of Edward the first ) builded one row of Houses , the profits rising of them to be imployed on London Bridge . The Parish-Church of St. Augustine , and one House next adjoyning , in VVathing-street , is of this Ward called Faringdon . Then is the North Church-yard of Pauls , in the which standeth the Cathedral Church first founded by Ethelbert , King of Kent , about the year of Christ 610. He gave Lands thereunto , as appeareth , Ethelbertus , Rex , Deo inspirante , pro animae suae remedio , dedit Episcopo Melito terram quae appellatur Tillingeham , ad Monasteris sui solatium ▪ scilicet , S. Pauli , &c. Ego Rex Ethelbertus ita firmiter concedo tibi praesuli Melito potestatem ejus habendi & possidendi ut in perpetuum in Monasterii utilitate permaneas , &c. Athelstan , Edgar , Edward the Confessor , and others also , gave Lands thereunto . William the Conqueror , gave to the Church of St. Paul , and to Mauricius , then Bishop , and his Successors , the Castle of Stortford ▪ with the appurtenances , &c. He also confirmed the gifts of his Predecessors , in these words , ut habeant quiet as in perpetuum , 24. Hidas quas Rex Athelbert dedit S. Paulo juxta Murum London , &c. The Charter of King William the Conqueror , exemplified in the Tower , englished thus . William , By the Grace of God , King of Englishmen , to all his well-beloved French and English People , greeting : Know ye , that I do give unto God , and the Church of St. Paul of London , and to the Rectors and Servi●ors of the same , in all other Lands which the Church hath , or shall have , within Borough , and without , Sack and Sock , Thole and The , Infangtheef , and Grithbirche , and all free Sh●ps by Sea , and by Land , on Tide , and off-Tide , and all the Rights that unto them Christendom by rad and more speak , and on Buright hamed , and on Buright work , afore all the Bishopricks in mine Land , and on each other mans Land. For I will , that the Church in all things , be as free , as I would my soul to be in the day of Iudgement . In the year 1087. this Church of St. Paul , was burnt with fire , and therewith the most part of the City ; which fire began at the entry of the West Gate , and consumed the East Gate . Mauricius then Bishop , began therefore the Foundation of a new Church of St. Paul , a work , that men ( of that time ) judged ▪ would ne●er have bin finished , it was to them so wonderful for length and breadth ; and also the same was builded upon Arches ( or Vaults ) of stone , for defence of fire , which was a manner of work ( before that time ) unknown to the people of this Nation , and then brought in by the French , and the Stone was fetch'd from Cane in Normandy . The Steeple of this Church was builded and finished in the year 1222. The Crosse on the said Steeple fell down , and a new was set up in the year 1314. The new work of Pauls ( so called ) at the East end abo●e the Quite , wa● begun in the year 1251. Henry Lacy , Earl of Lincoln , Constable of Chester , and Custos of England , in his time was a great Benefactor to this work , and was there buried , in the year 1310. The first of February , in the year 1444. about two of the Clock in the After-noon , the Steeple of Pauls was fired by Lightning , in the midst of the Shaft , or Spire , both on the West side , and on the South ; but by labour of many well dispo●ed people , the same was ( to appearance ) quenched with Vineger . This Steeple was repaired in the year 1462. and the Weather-Cock again erected , Robert Goodwin winding it up , the Rope brake , and he was destroyed on the Pinacles , and the Cock was sore bruised ; but B●rchwood ( the Kings Plummer ) set it up again ; since the which time , needing reparation , it was both taken down and set up in the year 1553. At which time it was found to be of Copper , gilt over , and the length from the Bill to the Tail , being four foot , and the breadth over the Wings , three foot and a half , it weighed forty pounds , the Crosse from the Bole , to the Eagle ( or Cock ) was fifteen foot and six inches of assize ; the length thereof , overthwart , was five foot and ten Inches , and the Compass of the Bole was nine foot and one inch . The inner Body of this Crosse was Oak , the next Cover was lead , and the outermost was of Copper red varnished . The Bole and Eagle , or Cock , were of Copper , and gilt also . The height of the Steeple was 520 Foot , whereof the Stone-work was 260 Foot , and the Spire was likewise 260 Foot. The length of the whole Church is 240 Taylors yards , which make 720 Foot. The breadth thereof is 130 Foot , and the heighth of the Body of that Church , is 150 Foot. The Colledge of petty Cannons there , was founded by King Richard the second , in honour of Queen Anne his Wife , and of her Progenitors , in the seventeenth of his Reign . Their Hall and Lands was then gi●en unto them , as appeareth by the Patent , Robert Dokesworth , then being Master thereof . In the year 1408. the petty Canons then building their Colledge , the Maior and Communalty granted them their Water-Courses , and other Easements . There was also one great Cloyster , on the North side of this Church , invironing a Plot of ground of old time called Pardon Church-yard , whereof Thomas Moore , Dean of Pauls , was either the first builder , or a most special Benefactor , and was buried there . About this Cloyster , was artificially , and richly painted the Dance of Mochabray , or Dance of Death , commonly called the Dance of Pauls , the like whereof was painted about S. Innocents Cloyster , at Paris in France ; the Meeters or Poesie of this Dance , were translated out of French into English , by Iohn Lidgate , Monk of Berry , the Picture of Death leading all estates . In the midst of this Pardon Church-yard , was also a fair Chappel , first founded by Gilbert Becket , Portgrave , and principal Magistrate of this City , in the Reign of King Stephen , who was there buried . There was also a Chappel at the North door of Pauls , founded by Walter Sherington , by Licence of Henry the sixth . There was furthermore , a fair Chappel of the Holy Ghost , in Pauls Church , on the North side , ●ounded in the year 1400 , by Roger Holmes , Chancellor , and Prebendary of Pauls . Then under the Quire of Pauls , is a large Chappel , first dedicated to the name of Iesu , founded , or rather confirmed the 37. of Henry the sixth , as appeareth by his Parent thereof , dared at Crowdown to this effect . Many Liege-Men and Christian People , having begun a Fraternity and Guild , to the honour of the most glorious name of Jesu Christ , our Saviour , in a place called the Crowds of the Cathedral Church of Pauls in London , which hath continued long time peaceably , till now of late ; whereupon they have made request , and we have taken upon us , the name and charge of the Foundation , to the laud of Almighty God , the Father , the Son , and the Holy Ghost ; and especially , to the honour of Jesu , in whose honour the Fraternity was begun , &c. At the West end of this Iesus Chappel , under the Quire of Pauls , also was , and is , a Parish-Church of St. Faith , commonly called St. Faith under Pauls , which served ( as still it doth ) for the Stationers and others , dwelling in Pauls Church-yard ▪ Pater Noster Rowe , and the places near adjoyning . The said Chappel of Jesus , being suppressed in the Reign of Edward the sixth , the Parishioners of St. Faiths Church were removed into the same , as to a place more sufficient for largeness and lightsomness , in the year 1551. and so it remaineth . In the East part of this Church-yard standeth Pauls School , lately new builded , and endowed in the year 1512. by John Collet , Doctor of Divinity , and Dean of Pauls , for a hundred fifty three poor mens Children , to be taught free in the same School ; for which he appointed a Master , a Sub-master or Usher , and a Chaplain , with large stipends for ever , committing the over-sight thereof , to the Masters , Wardens , and Assistants of the Mercers in London , because he was Son to Henry Collet , Mercer , sometime Maior . Near unto this School , on the North side thereof , was ( of old time ) a great and high Clochier , or Bell-house , foure square , builded of stone , and in the same , a most strong frame of Timber , with four Bells , the greatest of England : these were called Jesus Bells , and belonging to Jesus Chappel : The same had a great spire of Timber , covered with Lead , with the Image of St. Paul , on the top , but was pulled down by Sir Miles Partridge Knight , in the Reign of Henry the eighth : the common speech then was , that he did set one hundred pounds , upon a cast at Dice against it , & so won the said Clochier and Bells of the King , & then causing the Bells to be broken as they hung , the rest was pulled down : This man was afterward executed on the Tower-Hill , for matters concerning the Duke of Summerset , the fifth of Edward the sixth . In the year 1561. the fourth of June , betwixt the houres of three and four of the Clock in the Afternoon , the great Spire of the Steeple of St. Pauls Church , was fired by lightening , which brake forth ( as it seemed ) two or three yards beneath the foot of the Crosse , and from thence it burnt downward the spire to the Battlements , Stone-work , and Bells , so furiously , that within the space of four houres , the same Steeple , with all the roofs of the Church , were consumed , to the great sorrow , and perpetual remembrance of the beholders ; After this mischance , the Queen Elizabeth directed her Letters to the Maior , willing him to take order for speedy repairing of the same ; And she , of her gracious disposition , for the furtherance thereof , did presently give , and deliver in gold , one thousand Marks , with a Warrant for a thousand Loads of Timber , to be taken out of her Woods , or else-where . The Citizens also gave first a great Benevolence , and after that three fifteens to be speedily paid . The Clergy of England , within the Province of Canterbury , granted the fortieth part of the value of their Benefices , charged with first fruits , the thirtieth part of such as were not so charged ; but the Clergy of London Dioces , granted the thirtieth part of all that payd first fruits , and the twentieth part of such as had paid their fruits . Six Citizens of London , and two Petty Canons of Pauls Church , had charge to further and oversee the work , wherein such expedition was used , that within one Moneth next following the burning thereof , the Church was covered with boards and Lead , in manner of a false roof , against the Weather , and before the end of the said year , all the said Iles of the Church ▪ were framed out of new Timber , covered with Lead , and fully finished . Pauls Church was full of great Monuments , the ancientest are of King Sibba , and King Ethelred , two Saxon K●ngs : There are two ancient Bishops of London , viz. Erkenvald , and William Norman , who being of the privy Councel to William the Conqueror , not only preserved , by his Mediation , the old pri●iledges of London , but got them inlarged ; whereupon , it was the Custom of the Lord Maior and Aldermen , upon solemn dayes , when they came to Pauls to walk to the Graves stone , where this Bishop lay ; and Sir Edward Barkham , caused a Table to be hung up there with Verses thereupon , called the Monument of Gratitude . Touching other remarkable peeces of Antiquity , which belong to St. Pauls Church , I leave them to such a Person of knowledge and industry , who may haply make it his sole task to preserve the memory of so stately a Temple from the injury of time . Without the North Gate of Pauls Church , from the end of the old Exchange , West up Pater Noster Rowe , by the two Lanes out of Pauls Church , the first out of the Crosse Isle of Pauls , the other out of the body of the Church , about the midst thereof , and so West to the Golden Lyon , be all of this Ward , as is aforesaid : The Houses in this street from the first North Gate of Pauls Church-yard , unto the next Gate , were first builded without the Wall of the Church-yard , by Henry Walleis Mayor , in the year 1282. the rest of those Houses go to the maintenance of London-Bridge . This street is now called Pater Noster Rowe , because of Stationers , or Text-Writers , that dwelled there , who wrote , and sold all sorts of Books then in use , namely , A. B. C. with the Pater Noster , Ave , Creed , Graces , &c. There dwelled also Turners of Beads , and they were called Pater Noster makers . At the end of this Pater Noster Rowe , is Ave-mary lane , so called upon the like occasion , of Text-writers , and Bead-makers then dwelling there . And at the end of that Lane , is likewise Creed-lane , lately so called , but sometime Spurrier Rowe , of Spurriers dwelling there ; And Amen-lane is added thereunto , betwixt the South end of Warwick-lane , and the North end of Ave Mary Lane. At the North end of Ave Mary Lane , is one great House , builded of Stone and Timber , of old time pertaining to Iohn Duke of Britain , Earl of Richmond , as appeareth by the Records of Edward the second ; since that , it was called Pembrooks Inne , near unto Ludgate , as belonging to the Earls of Pembrooke , in the times of Richard the second , the eighteenth year , and of Henry the sixth , in the fourteenth year : it was after called Aburgaveny House , and belonged to Henry , late Lord of Aburgaveny ; but the Company of Stationers have since purchased it , and made it the Hall for the Meeting of their Society , converting the Stone-work into a new fair Frame of Timber , and applying it to such serviceable use , as themselves have thought convenient . Betwixt the South end of Ave Mary Lane , and the North end of Creed-lane , is the comming out of Pauls Church-yard , on the East , and the high street on the West , towards Ludgate , and this was called Bowyer Roue , of Bowyers dwelling there in old time , now worn out by Mercers and others . In this street , on the North side , is the Parish Church of St. Martin , wherein there are divers hansom Monuments , and Epitaphs . On the South side of this street , is the turning into the Black Fryers , which Order ( sometime ) had their Houses in Old-born , where they remained for the space of five and fifty years , and then , in the year 1276. Gregory Rocksley , Mayor , and the Barons of this City , granted and gave to Robert Kilwarby , Arch Bishop of Canterbury , two Lanes or wayes next the street of Baynards Castle ; and also the Tower of Mount fitchet , to be destroyed ; in place of which , the said Robert , builded the late new Church of the Black-Fryers , and placed them therein ; King Edward the first , and Eleanor his Wife , were great Benefactors thereunto : this was a large Church , and richly furnished with Ornaments , wherein divers Parliaments , and other great Meetings have been holden ; namely , in the year 1450 ▪ the twenty eighth of Henry the sixth , a Parliament was begun at VVestminster , and adjourned to the Black Fryers in London , and from thence to Leicester . In the year one thousand five hundred twenty two , the Emperor Charls the fifth , was lodged there . In the year one thousand five hundred twenty foure , the fifteenth of April , a Parliament was begun at the Black Fryers , wherein was demanded a Subsidy of 800000. pounds , to be raised of Goods and Lands , four shillings in every pound ; and in the end , was granted two shillings of the pound , of their Goods and Lands , that were worth twenty pound , or might dispend twenty pounds by the year , and so upward , to be paid in two years . This Parliament was adjourned to VVestminster , amongst the black Monks , and ended in the Kings Palace there , the 14th of August , at nine of the Clock in the night , and was therefore called the Black Parliament . The same year , in the moneth of October , began a Parliament in the Black Fryers ; in the which , Cardinal VVoolsey was condemned in the premunire : this House , valued at a hundred and four pound , fifteen shillings five pence , was surrendred the 12th of November , the 30th of Henry the 8th . Now to turn again to the Black Fryers , through Bowyer Rowe , Ave Mary Lane , and Pater Noster Rowe , to the Church of St. Michael ad Bladum , or at the Corn , ( corruptly , at the Querne ) so called , because in place thereof , was sometime a Corn-Market , stretching up West to the Shambles ; It seemeth , that this Church was new builded , about the Reign of Edward the third , Thomas Newton , first Parson there , was buried in the Quire , in the year 1461. At the East end of this Church stood a Crosse , called the old Crosse , in West Cheap , which was taken down in the year 1390. since the which time , the said Parish Church was also taken down , but new builded , and enlarged in the year 1430. the eighth of Henry the sixth , VVilliam Eastfield Mayor , and the Communalty , granted of the common ground of the City , three foot and an half in breadth , on the North part , and four foot in breadth toward the East , for the inlarging thereof . At the West end of this Parish Church , is a small passage for people on foot , thorow the same Church , and West from the said Church , some distance , is another passage out of Pater Noster Rowe , and is called ( of such a signe ) Panyer Alley , which commeth out into the North , over against Saint Martins Lane. Next is Ivy Lane , so called of Ivy , growing on the Walls of the Prebends Houses ; but now the Lane is replenished on both the sides , with fair Houses , and di●ers Offices have bin there kept , by Registers , namely , for the Prerogative Court of the Arch Bishop of Canterbury , the Probate of Wills , which is now removed into Warwick lane ; and also for the Lord Treasurers Remembrance of the Exchequer , &c. This Lane runneth North , to the Westend of St. Nicholas Shambles : of old time there was one great House , sometimes belonging to the Earls of Brita●n ; since that , to the Lovels , and was called Lovels Inne . Then is Eldenesse Lane , which stretcheth North to the high street of Newgate Market , the same is now called Warwick Lane , of an ancient House there builded by an Earl of Warwick , and was since called Warwick Inne : It is in Record , called a Messuage in Eldenesse lane ▪ in the Parish of St. Sepulchre : the twenty eighth of Henry the sixth , Cicilie , Dutchesse of VVarwick possessed it . Now again , from the Conduit by Pauls Gate , on the North side , is a large street , running West to Newgate ; the first part whereof , from the Conduit to the Shambles , ( of selling Bladders there ) called Bladder-street : then behind the Butchers Shops , be now divers Slaughter-houses inward , and Tipling-houses outward : This is called Mount Goddard-street , of the Tipling-houses there , and the Goddards mounting from the Tap to the Table , from the Table to the Mouth , and sometimes over the Head. This street goeth up to the North end of Ivy lane ; before this Mount-goddard street , Stall-boards were of old time set up by the Butchers , to shew , and to sell their Flesh meat upon , over the which Stall-Boards ; they first builded sheds , to keep off the Weather ; but since that , ( incroaching by little and little ) they have made their Stall-boards and sheds , fair Houses , meet for the principal Shambles . Next is Newgate Market , first of Corn and Meale , and then of other victuals , which stretcheth almost to Eldenese-Lane , a fair new and strong Frame of Timber , covered with Lead , was therefore set up at the Charges of the City : near to the West Corner of St. Nicholas Shambles , for the meal to be weighed , in the first of Edward the sixth , Sir Iohn Gresham being then Mayor . On this side the North Corner of Eldenese Lane , stood sometime a proper Parish-Church of St. Ewine , as is before said , given by Henry the eighth towards the erecting of Christs Church . It was taken down , and in place thereof , a fair strong Frame of Timber erected , wherein dwell men of divers Trades , And from this Frame to Newgaete ▪ is all of this Ward , and so an end thereof . Of the two and Twentieth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Bread-street Ward . THen is Bread-street it self , so called , of Bread in old time there sold , for it appeareth by Records , that in the year 1302 , which was the thirty of Edward the first the Bakers of London were bounden to sell no Bread in their Shops or Houses , but in the Market , and that they should have four Hall-motes in the year , at four several Terms , to determine of enormities belonging to the said Company . This street , giving the name to the whole Ward , beginneth in West Cheap , almost by the Standard ; and runneth down South , through or thwart Wathling-street , to Knight Riders-street aforesaid , where it endeth ; This Bread-street is wholly on both sides of this Ward , out of the which street , on the East side is Basing Lane , a piece whereof , to wit , to , and over against the back gate of the Red Lion in Wathling-street , is of this Bread-street Ward . Then is Fryday-street beginning also in West Cheap , and runneth down South through Wathling-street , to Knight-Riders street , or old Fishstreet . This Fryday-street is of Bread-street Ward , on the East side , from over against the North-East corner of Saint Matthews Church , and on the West side , from the South corner of the said Church , down as aforesaid . In this Fryday-street , on the West side thereof , is a Lane , commonly called Mayden Lane , or Distaffe Lane , corruptly for Distar Lane , which runneth West into the old Exchange , and in this Lane is also one other Lane , on the South side thereof ; likewise called Distar Lane , which runneth down to Knight-Rider street , or Old Fish-street And so be the bounds of this whole Ward . Monuments to be noted here , first at Bread-street corner , the North-East end , 1595 , of Thomas Tmolioson , causing in the High street of Cheap , a Vault to be digged and made ; there was sound at fifteen foot deep , a fair payement , like unto that above ground , and at the further end , at the Channel , was found a Tree , sawed into five steps , which was to step over some Brook , running out of the West , towards Walbrooke , and upon the edge of the said Brook as it seemeth , there were found lying along , the bodies of two great Trees , the ends whereof were then sawed off , and firm Timber , as at the first when they fell , part of the said Trees remain yet in the ground undigged ; It was all forced ground , untill they went past the Trees aforesaid , which was about seventeen foot deep , or better ; Thus much hath the ground of this City ( in that place ) been raised from the main . Next to be noted , the most beautiful Frame of fair Houses and Shops , that be within the Walls of London , or else where in England , commonly called Goldsmiths Row , betwixt Bread-street end , and the Crosse in Cheap , but is within this Bread-street Ward . Then for Watheling-street , which Leyland calleth Atheling , or Noble-street , but since he sheweth no reason why , I rather take it to be so named , of the great High-way of the same calling . True it is , that at this present the Inhabitants thereof are wealthy Drapers , Retailers of Wollen Cloths , both Broad and Narrow , of all sorts , more than in any one street of this City . Of the Old Exchange , I have noted in Faringdon Ward , wherefore I passe down to Knight-Riders street , whereof I have also spoken in Cordwayner street Ward ; But in this part of the said Knight-Riders street , is a Fish-market kept , and therefore called Old Fish-street , for a difference from New Fish-street . In this Old Fishstreet , is one Row of small Houses , placed along in the middest of Knight-Riders-street , which Row is also of Bread-street Ward . These Houses , now possessed by Fishmongers , were at the first but moveable Boards , or Stalls , set out on Market-daies , to shew their fish there to be sold , but procuring Licence to set up Sheds , they grew to shops , and by little and little , to tall Houses of three or four Stories in height , and now is called Fish-street . Walter Turke , Fishmonger , Mayor , 1349 , had two Shops in Old Fish-street , over against Saint Nicholas Church , the one rented at five shillings the year , the other four shillings . Bread-street , so called of Bread sold there ( as I said ) is now wholly inhabited by rich Marchants , and divers fair Inns be there , for good receit of Carriers , and other Travellers to the City . On the East side of this street , at the corner of Watheling street , is the comely Church of Alh●llowes in Bread-street . On the same side is Salters Hall , with six Alms-houses in number , builded for poor decayed Brethren of that Company ; This Hall was burned in the year 1539 , and again re-edified . Lower down , on the same side , is the Parish Church of Saint Mildred the Virgin. Out of this Bread-street , on the same side , is Basing Lane , a part whereof ( as is afore shewed ) is of this Ward , but how it took the name of Basing , I have not read ; In the twentieth year of Richard the second , the same was called the Bake-house , whether meant of the Kings Bake-house , or of Bakers dwelling there , and baking Bread to serve the Market in Bread-street , where the Bread was sold , I know not , but sure I am , I have not read of Basing , or of Gerrard the Gyant , to have any thing there to do . On the South side of this Lane , is one great House , of old time builded upon arched Vaults , and with arched Gates , of Stone brought from Cane in Normandy , the same is now a common Ostrey for receit of Travellers , commonly and corruptly called Gerrards Hall , of a Giant said to have dwelled there . In the high roofed Hall of this House , sometime stood a large Firr-pole , which reached to the roof thereof , and was said to be one of the sta●es that Gerrard the Gyant used in the Wars to run withal , there stood also a Ladder of the same length , which ( as they said ) served to ascend to the top of the staff . Of later years this Hall is altered in building , and divers rooms are made in it ; Notwithstanding , the Pole is removed to once corner of the Hall , and the Ladder hanged broken , upon a Wall in the yard . Now on the West side of Breadstreet , amongst divers fair and large Houses for Marchants , and fair Inns for Passengers , had ye one Prison-house pertaining to the Sheriffs of London , called the Compter in Bread-street , but in the year 1555 , the Prisoners were removed from thence , to one other new Compter in Wood-street , provided by the Cities purchase , and builded for that purpose , the cause of which remove was this ; Richard Husband Pasteler , Keeper of this Compter in Breadstreet , being a willful and head-strong man , dealt ( for his own advantage ) hard with the prisoners under his charge , having also servants such as himself liked best for their bad usage , and would not for any complaint be reformed ; whereupon , in the year 1550 , Sir Rowland Hill being Mayor , by the assent of a Court of Aldermen , he was sent to the Goal of Newgate , for the cruel handling of his prisoners , and it was commanded to the Keeper , to set those Irons on his leggs which are called the Widdows Alms ; These he ware from Thursday , till Sunday in the afternoon , and being by a Court of Aldermen released on the Tuesday , was bound in an hundred Marks , to observe from thence forth an Act made by the Common Councel , for the ordering of prisoners in the Compters ; all which notwithstanding , he continued as afore : For being on a Jury , to enquire against a Sessions of Goal delivery , in the year 1552 , it was found that the Prisoners were still hardly dealt with all for their achates , and otherwise , as also that Thieves and Strumpets were there lodged for four pence the night , whereby they might be safe from searches that were made abroad , for the which enormities , and other not needfull to be recited , he was indicted at that Session , but did rub it out , and could not be reformed , till this remove of the prisoners , for the House in Bread-street was his own by Lease , or otherwise , so that he could not be put from it . Now in Friday-street , so called of Fishmongers dwelling there , and serving Frydays Market , on the East side is a small Parish Church commonly called Saint John Evangelist . The Monuments therein be , of John Dogget , Merchant-Taylor , one of the Sheriffs in the year 1509. Then lower down , is another Church of Saint Margaret Moyses , so called ( as seemeth ) of one Moyses , that was Founder , or new Builder thereof . In this Distar Lane , on the North side thereof is the Cordwayners or Shoomakers Hall , which Company were made a Brotherhood or Fraternity , in the eleventh of Henry the fourth . Of the Twentie third Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Queen-hithe Ward . NExt unto Bread-street Ward , on the South side thereof , is Queen-Hith Ward , so called of a Water-gate , or Harborow for Boats , Lighters , and Barges , and was ( of old time ) for Ships : at what time , the Timber Bridge at London , was drawn up , for the passage of them to the said Hith , as to a principal Strand for landing and unlading against the middest and heart of the City ; this Ward beginneth in the East , in Knight-Riders-street ; on the South side thereof , at the East end of the Parish Church called the Holy Trinity , and runneth West on the South side , to a Lane called Lambert Hill , which is the length of the Ward in Knight-Riders street , out of the which street are divers Lanes , running South to Thames street , and are of this Ward ; the first is Trinity Lane , which runneth down by the West end of Trinity Church ; Then is Spuren Lane , or Spooners Lane , now called Huggen Lane ; Then Bread-street Hill , Then Saint Mary Mounthaunt , out of the which Lane , on the East side thereof , is one other Lane , turning East through St. Nicholas Olaves Church-yard , to Bread-street Hill ; This Lane is called Finimore Lane , or Five foot Lane , because it is but five foot in breadth ; at the West end , in the middest of this Lane , runneth down one other Lane broader , South to Thames street , I think the same to be called Desborne Lane ; for we read of such a Lane to have been in the Parish of Saint Mary Summerset in the twenty two of Edward the third where there is said to ly between the Tenement of Edward de Mountacute Knight , on the East part , and the Tenement sometime pertaining to William Gladwine , on the West , one plot of ground , containing in length towards Thames street , twenty five foot , &c. Last of all have ye Lambart Hill , so called of one Lambart owner thereof , and this is the farthest West part of this Ward . First in Knight-Riders street is the small Parish Church of the Holy Trinity , lately very old , and in danger of down falling , Collections were made for the repairing thereof ; but they would not stretch so far ; until a general means was made , as appeareth by a publick notice thereof , declared in the said Church . Towards the West end of Knight-Riders street , is the Parish Church of Saint Nicholas Cold Abbey , a proper Church somewhat ancient , as appeareth by the waies raysed there about , so that men are forced to descend into the body of the Church , it hath been called of many Colden Abbey , of some Cold Abbey or Cold Bay , and so have the most ancient Writings ; as standing in a cold place , as Cold Harbor , and such like , the Steeple or tall Tower of this Church , with the South I le , hath been of later building , to wit , the first of Richard the second , when it was meant , that the whole old Church should have been new builded , as appeareth by the Arching begun on the East side the Steeple , under the which , in the Stone work , the Armes of one Buckland , Esquire , and his Wife , Daughter to Beaupere , are cut in Stone , and also are in the Glasse Windows , whereby it appeareth , he was the Builder thereof , and Repairer of the residue . In Trinity Lane , on the West side thereof , is the Painter Stainers Hall , for so of old time were they called , but now that workmanship of Staining is departed and out of use in England . Lower down in Trinity Lane , on the East side thereof , was sometime a great Messuage pertaining unto Iohn Earl of Cornwall , in the fourteenth of Edward the third . On Bread-street Hill , down to the Thames , on both sides , be divers fair Houses , inhabited by Fishmongers , Cheesemongers , and Merchants of divers Trades ; on the West side whereof is the Parish Church of St. Nicholas Olave , a convenient Church . The next is Old Fish-street Hill , a passage so called , which also runneth down to Thames street ; In this Lane , on the East side thereof , is the one end of Finimore or Five foor Lane. On the West side of this Old Fish-street Hill , is the Bishop of Hereford's Inne , or lodging , an ancient House , and large rooms , builded of Stone and Timber , which sometime belonged to the Mounthaunts in Norfolke . Radulphus de Mayden-stone , Bishop of Hereford about the year , one thousand two hundred thirty four , bought it of the Mounthaunts , and gave it to the Bishops of Hereford , his Successors . Charles , both Bishop of Hereford , and Chancellour of the Marches , about the year 1517 repaired it , since the which time , the same is greatly ruined , and is now divided into many small Tenements ; The Hall , and principall Rooms , are in House to make Sugar-Loaves , &c. Next adjoyning is the Parish Church of Saint Mary de Monte also , or Mounthaunt ; this is a very small Church , and at the first builded to be a Chappel for the said House of the Mounthaunts , and for Tenements thereunto belonging . On the East side of this Old Fish-street Hill , is one great House , now letten out for Rent , which House sometime was one of the Halls pertaining to the Company of Fishmongers , at such time as they had six Hall-Motes or Meeting places , namely , twain in Bridge-street , or New Fish-street , twain in Old Fish-street , whereof this was one , and twain in Stock-Fishmonger Row , or Thames street , as appeareth by a Record the twenty two of Richard the second . Next Westward is one other Lane , called Lambart Hill , the East side wherof is wholly of this Ward , and but half the West side , to wit , from the North end of the Black-smiths Hall. Then in Thames street , of this Ward , and on the North side over against the Queens Hith , is the Parish Church of Saint Michael a convenient Church , but all the Monuments therein are defaced . At the West end of that Church , goeth up a Lane , called Pyel-lane ; on the same North side , at the South end of Saint Mary Mounthaunt Lane , is the Parish Church of Saint Summerset , over against the Broken-Wharfe . Then is a small Parish Church of St. Peter , called parva , or little , near unto Pauls Wharf . In this Church no Monuments do remain . At the West end thereof is a Lane called Saint Peters Hill ; but two Houses up that Lane , on the East side , is of this Ward , and the rest is of Castle Baynards Ward . On the South side of Thames street , beginning again in the East among the Cooks , the first in this Ward , is the Signe of David the King. Then is Towns-end Lane , turning down to the Thames . Then is Queen-hithe , a large receptacle for Ships , Lighters , Barges , and such other Vessels . Touching the Antiquity and use of this Gate and Hithe , first I find , that the same belonged to one named Edred , and was then called Edreds Hith , which since falling into the hands of King Stephen , it was by his Charter confirmed to William de Ypre , the Farm thereof in Fee and in Heritage ; William de Ypre , gave it unto the Prior and Covent of the Holy Trinity within Ealdgate . This Edreds Hith , after the foresaid Grant , came again to the Kings hands , by what means I have not read , but it pertained unto the Queen , and therefore was called Ripa Reginae , the Queens Bank , or Queens-Hith , and great profit thereof was made to her use , as may appear by this which followeth . King Henry the third , in the ninth of his Reign , commanded the Constables of the Tower of London , to arrest the Ships of the Cinque-Ports on the River of Thames , and to compell them to bring their Corn to no other place , but to the Queens Hith only . In the eleaventh of his Reign , he charged the said Constable , to distrain all Fish offered to be sold in any place of this City , but at the Queens Hith . Moreover , in the eight and twentieth of his Reign , an Inquisition was made before William of Yorke , and the Provost of Beverley , Henry of Bath , and Hierome of Caxton , Justices Itinerantes , sitting in the Tower of London , touching the Customs of Queen-hith , observed in the year last before the Wars between the King and his Father , and the Barons of England , and of old Customs of other times , and what Customs had been changed , at what time the Tax and Payment of all things coming thither , and between VVoore-path , and Anede Hith , were found and seized , according to the old Order , as well Corne and Fish , as of other things ; All which Customes were as well to be observed in the part of Down-gate , as in Queen-Hith , for the Kings use , when also it was found , that the Corn arriving between the Gate of Guild-Hall , of the Merchants of Colleyne , and the Soke of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , ( for he had a House near unto the Black-Fryers ) was not to be measured by any other quarter , than by that of the Queens Soke . Next adjoyning to this Queen-hith , on the West side thereof , is Salt-Wharf , named of Salt taken up , measured , and sold there . The next is Stew Lane , of a Stew , or Hot-house there kept . After that is Timber-Hith , or Timber street , so called , of Timber , or Boards , there taken up , and wharsed ; it is in the Parish of Saint Mary Sommers Hith , as we read in the fifty six of Henry the third , and in the ninth of Edward the second . Then is Brookes Wharfe , and Broken Wharfe , a Water-gate or Key , so called of being broken and fallen down into the Thames . By this Broken-VVharfe remaineth one large old building of Stone , with Arched Gates ; which Messuage , as we finde , in the Reign of Henry the third , the forty three year , pertained unto Hugh de Bigot , and in the eleaventh of Edward the third , to Thomas Brotherton , the Kings Brother , Earle of Norfolke , Marshall of England , in the eleventh of Henry the sixth , to Iohn Mowbray Duke of Norfolk , &c. Within the Gate of this House ( now belonging to the City of London ) is lately , to wit , in the year 1594. and 1595 , builded one large House , of great height , called an Engine , made by Bevis Bulmar , Gentleman , for the conveying and forcing of Thames water , to serve in the middle and West parts of the City ; the ancient great Hall of this Messuage , is yet standing , and pertaining to a great Brew-House for Beere . West from this is Trigge Lane , going down to the Thames . Next is called Bosse-Lane of a Bosse of water , like unto that of Belingsgate , there placed by the Executors of Richard Whittington . Then is one great Messuage , sometime belonging to the Abbots of Chartsey , in Surrey , and was their Inne , wherein they were lodged when they repaired to the City : it is now called Sandie House , by what reason we have not heard ; some think the Lord Sands hath been lodged there . Of the Twentie fourth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Castle-Baynard Ward . THen next is Castle Baynard Ward , so named of an old Castle there ; This Ward beginneth in the East on the Thames side , at an House called , Huntington House , and runneth West by Pauls Wharfe , by Baynards Castle , Puddle Wharfe , and by the South side of Black-Fryers ; Then turning by the East Wall of the said Fryers to the South-West end of Creed Lane ; then on the North side of Thames street , over against Huntington House , by St. Peters Church and Lane , called Peter Hill , along till over against Puddle Wharfe , and then North up by the great Wardrobe , to the West end of Carter Lane ; Then up Creed Lane , Ave Mary Lane , and a piece of Pater noster Row , to the Sign of the Golden Lion , and back again up Warwick Lane , all the East side thereof , to the Sign of the Crown by Newgate-Market ; and this is the farthest North part of this Ward . Then out of Thames street be Lanes ascending North to Knight-Riders street ; The first is Peters Hill Lane , all of that Ward , ( two Houses excepted , adjoyning to St. Peters Church ) The next is Pauls Wharfe Hill , which thwarting Knight-Riders street , and Carter Lane , goeth up to the South Chain of Pauls Church-yard . Then is Adle-street , over against the West part of Baynards Castle , going up by the West end of Knight-Riders street , and to Carter Lane. Thus much for Lanes out of Thames street . The one half of the West side of Lambert Hill Lane being of this Ward , at the North-west end thereof , on the South side , and at the West end of St. Mary Magdalens Church ; on the North side , beginneth Knight-Riders street to be of this Ward , and runneth West on both sides , to the Parish Church of St. Andrew by the Wardrobe . Then at the said East end of St. Mary Magdalens Church , goeth up the Old Exchange , all the West side whereof , upto the South-East gate of Pauls Church-yard , and by St. Austins Church , is of this Ward . About the midst of this Old Exchange , on the West side thereof , is Carter Lane , which runneth West to the East entry of the Black-Fryers , and the South end of Creed-Lane , out of the which Carter Lane descendeth a Lane , called Dolittle Lane , and commeth into Knight-Riders street , by the Boar-head Tavern , and more West is Sermon Lane , by an Inne called the Powl-head . Then out of Carter Lane , on the North side thereof , the South Chain of Pauls Church-yard , and the Church-yard it self , on that South side of Pauls Church , and the Church of St. Gregory , the Bishops Palace , and the Deans Lodging , be all of this Ward and such be the bounds thereof . The Ornaments in this Ward , be Parish Churches four , of old time a Castle ' divers Noble-mens Houses , Halls of Companies twain , and such others as shall be shewed . In Thames street at the South-East end , is an ancient Messuage , of old time called Beaumonts Inne , as belonging to that Family of Noble-men of this Realm , in the fourth of Edward the third . Edward the fourth in the fifth of his Reign , gave it to W. Hastings , Lord Chamberlaine , Master of his Mints ; It is how called Huntington House , as belonging to the Earls of Huntington . Next is Pauls Wharfe a large landing place , with a common Stayre upon the River of Thames , at the end of a street called Pauls Wharf Hill , which runneth down from Pauls Chain . Next is a great Messuage , called Scroopes Inne , sometime belonging to the Scroopes , in the thirty one of Henry the sixth . Then is one other great Messuage , sometime belonging to the Abbey of Fiscampe , beyond the Sea , and by reason of the Wars , it coming to the hands of King Edward the third , the same was given to Sir Simon Burley , Knight of the Gar●er , and therefore called Burley House in Thames street , between Baynards Castle and Pauls Wharfe . Then have you Baynards Castle , whereof this whole Ward taketh name ; This Castle banketh on the River Thames , and was callest Baynards Castle , of Baynard a Nobleman , that came in with William the Conquerour , of the which Castle and of Baynard himself , we have spoken in another place . There was also another Tower by Baynards Castle , builded by King Edward the second . Edward the third , in the second of his Reign , gave it to William Duke of Hamelake , in the County of Yorke , and his Heirs , for one Rose yearly to be paid for all service ; the same place ( as seemeth ) was since called Legates Inne , in the seventh of Edward the fourth , where be now divers Wood-Wharfes in the place . Then is there a great Brew-house , and Puddle-Wharfe , a Water-gate into the Thames , where Houses use to be watered , and therefore being filled with their trampling & made puddle-like , as also of one Puddle dwelling there , it is call'd Puddle Wharfe . Then is there a Lane between the Black Fryars and the Thames , called in the twenty six of Edward the third , Castle-lane . This Ward ascendeth up by the East VVall of the Black-Fryers , to the South VVest end of Creed Lane where it endeth on that side . Then to begin again on the North side of Thames-street , over against Huntington House , by St. Peters Church and Lane , called Peter Hill , and so to St. Bennet Hude , ( or Hithe ) over against Pauls VVharfe , is a convenient Parish Church , which hath the Monuments of Sir VVilliam Cheny Knight , and Margaret his VVife 1442 buried there . VVest from this Church , by the South end of Addle street , almost against Puddle VVharfe , there is one ancient building of Stone and Timber , builded by the Lords of Barkley , and therefore called Barkleys Inne . This House is now all in ruine , and letten out in several Tenements , yet the Arms of the Lord Barkley remain in the Stone-work of an arched Gate , and is between a Cheveron Crosses ten , three , and four . Richard Beauchampe , Earl of VVarwick , was lodged in this House , then called Barkleys Inne , in the Parish of St. Andrew , in the Reign of Henry the sixth ; Then turning up towards the North ▪ is the Parish Church of St. Andrew in the VVardrobe , a proper Church , but few Monuments hath it . Iohn Parnt hath founded a Chauntrey there . Then is the Kings great VVardrobe , Sir Iohn Beauchamp Knight of the Garter , Constable of Dover , Warden of the Cinqueports , ( son to Guido de Beauchamp Earl of VVarwick ) builded this House , was lodged there , deceased in the year 1359 , and was buried on the South side of the middle I le of Pauls Church . His Executors sold the House to King Edward the third . Touching La●es ascending out of Thames street , to Knight-Riders , the first is Peter Hill , wherein I find no ma●ter of note more than certain Alms-houses , lately founded on the West side thereof , by David Smith Embroyderer , for six poor Widdows , whereof each to have twenty shillings by the year . At the upper end of this Lane towards the North the corner Houses there , be called Peter Key , but the reason thereof we have not heard . Then is Pauls VVharfe , on the East side whereof is VVoodmongers Hall. And next adjoyning is Darby-house , sometime belonging to the Stanleys , for Thomas Stanley : first Earl of Darby , of that name , who married the Lady Margaret , Countesse of Richmond , Mother to Henry the seventh , in his time builded it . Queen Mary gave it to Gilbert Dethick , then Garter , principal King of Arms of English men ; Thomas Hauley , Clarentieux , King of Arms of the South parts ; VVilliam Harvey aliàs Norroy , King of Armes of the North parts , and the other Heralds and Pursevants of Arms , and their Successors , all the Capital Messuage or House called Darby house , with the appurtenances , situate in the Parish of Saint Bennet , and Saint Peter , and then being in the tenure of Sir Richard Sackvile Knight , and lately parcel of the Lands of Edward Earl of Darby , &c. To the end , that the said Kings of Arms , Heraulds , and Pursevants of Arms , and their Successors might ( at their liking ) dwell together , and at meet times congregate , speak , confer , and agree among themselves , for the good Government of their Faculty , and their Records might be more safely kept , &c. On the West side of this street is one other great House builded of Stone , which belongeth to Pauls Church , and was sometime lette● to the Blunts , Lord Mountjoy ; but of later time to a Colledge in Cambridge , and from them to the Doctors of the Civil Law , and Arches , who keep a Commons there ; and many of them being lodged there , it is called the Doctors Commons . In Lambard Hill Lane , on the West side thereof , is the Black-smiths Hall. Over-against the North-west end of this Lambard Hill Lane in Knight-Riders street , is the Parish Church of St. Mary Magdalen , a small Church , having but few Monuments . By the East end of St. Mary Magdalene Church , runneth up the Old Exchange Lane , by the West end of Carter Lane , to the South-East Gate or Chaine of Pauls Church-yard , as is before shewed ; And in this part was the Exchange kept , and Bullion was received for Coynage , as is noted in Faringdon Ward Within . In this Parish Church of St. Mary Magdalen , out of Knight-Riders street , up to Carter Lane , be two small Lanes , the one of them called Doo-little Lane , as a place not inhabited by Artificers , or open Shop-keepers , but serving for a near passage from Knight-Riders street to Carter-Lane . The other corruptly called Sermon Lane , for Sheremoniers Lane ; For we find it by that name recorded in the fourteenth of Edward the first ; And in that Lane , a place to be called the Black L●ft , ( of melting Silver ) with four Shops adjoyning . It may therefore be well supposed , that Lane to take its name of Shermonier● , such as cut and rounded the Plates , to be Coyned or stamped into Estarling pence ; for the place of Coyning was the Old Exchange . In Knight-Riders street , was the Colledge of Physicians , wherein was founded in the year 1582 , a publick Lecture in Surgery , to be read twice every week , &c. as is shewed else-where . Towards the South , is called the Lollards Tower , and hath been used as the Bishops prison , for such as were detected for opinions in Religion , contrary to the Faith of the Church . Adjoyning to this Lowlards Tower , is the Parish Church of St. Gregory , appointed to the Petty Chanons of Pauls . Of the Twentie fifth Ward , or Aldermanry of the City of London , called Farringdon Ward without , or Extra . THe farthest West-ward of this City , being the twenty fifth Ward of London , but without the Walls , is called Farringdon without , and was of old time , part of the other Faringdon within , until the seventeenth of Richard the second , that it was devided and made twain , by the names of Faringdon Intra , and Faringdon Extra , as is afore shewed . Touching Ornaments and Antiquities in this Ward ; First , betwixt the said Newgate , and the Parish of St. Sepulchres , is a way towards Smithfield , called Gilt-Spur , or Knight-Riders street , of the Knights and other riding that way into Smithfield , replenished with buildings on both sides up to Pye-corner , a place so called of such a Sign , sometimes a fair Inne , for receipt of Travellers , but now divided into Tenements , and over against the said Pye-corner , lyeth Cock-lane , which runneth down to Oldburn Conduit . Beyond this Pye-corner , lyeth VVest Smithfield , compassed about with buildings : at first on the South side , following the right hand standeth the large Hospital of St. Bartholmews , founded by Rahere , the first Prior of Saint Bartholmewes thereto near adjoyning , in the year , 1102. Alfune , that had not long before builded the Parish Church of Saint Giles , without Creplegate , became first Hospitelar , or Proctor for the poor of this House and went himself daily to the Shambles and other Markets , where he Begged the Charity of devout people for their relief , promising to the liberall givers , ( and that by alledging Testimonies of the holy Scripture ) reward at the hands of God. Henry the third , granted to Katherine late Wife to VVilliam Hardell , twenty foot of Land in length and breadth in Smithfield , next to the Chappel of St. Bartholomew , to build a Recluse or Ankorage , commanding the Mayor and Sheriffs of London , to assign the said twenty foot to the said Katherine , the eleventh of Henry the third , the foundation of this Hospital for the poor and diseased , and their special sustentation , was confirmed by Edward the third , the twenty sixth of his Reign ; It was governed by a Master , and eight Brethren being Priests , for the Church , and four Sisters to see the poor served . This Hospitall was valued at the suppression , in the year 1539 , the thirty one of Henry the eighth , to five and thirty pounds , six shillings , seven , pence yearly . The Church remaineth a Parish Church to the Tenents dwelling in the Precinct of the Hospital ; But in the year 1546 , on the thirteenth of Ianuary , the Bishop of Rochester , preaching at Pauls Crosse , declared the gift of the said King to the Citizens , for relieving of the poor , which contained the Church of the Grey Fryers , the Church of Saint Bartholomew , with the Hospital , the Messuages , and appurrenances in Gilt-Spur , aliàs Knight-Riders street , Briton street , Peter Key , in the Parish of Saint Mary Magdalen , in old Fish-street , and in the Parish of Saint Bennet , Huda , Linie-hurst , or Limehost , in the Parish of Stebunheth , &c. Then also were Orders devised for relief of the poor , the Inhabitants were all called to their Parish Churches , where , by Sir Richard Dobbs , then Mayor , their several Aldermen , or other grave Citizens , they were by eloquent Orations perswaded , how great , and how many Commodities would ensue unto them , and their City , if the poor of divers sorts , which they named , were taken from out their streets , Lanes , and Alleys , and were bestowed and provided for in Hospitals abroad , &c. Therefore was every man moved , liberally to grant ( what they would impart ) towards the preparing and furnishing of such Hospitals ; and also , what they would contribute weekly towards their maintenance for a time , which ( they said ) should not be past one year , or twain , until they were better furnished of endowment ; To make short , every man granted liberally , according to his ability . Books were drawn of the Relief in every Ward of the City , towards the new Hospitals , and were delivered by the Major to the Kings Commissioners , on the seventeenth of February ; and order was taken therein , at the six and twenty of Iuly . In the year 1552 , the repairing of the Gray Fryers House for poor Fatherless Children , was taken in hand ; and also , in the latter end of the same Moneth , began the repairing of this Hospitall of St. Bartholmew , and was of new endowed , and furnished at the charges of the Citizens . On the East side of this Hospital lyeth Duck-lane , which runneth out of Smithfield South , to the North end of Little Britain street . On the East side of this Duck-lane , and also of Smithfield , lyeth the late dissolved Priory of St. Bartholmew , founded also by Rahere , a pleasant witted Gentleman , and therefore in his time called the Kings Minstrel , about the year of Christ , 1102. He founded it in a part of the before named Moorish ground , which was therefore a common Lay-stall of all filth , that was to be voided out of the City : He placed Canons there , himself became their first Prior , and so continued till his dying day , and was there buried in a fair Monument , renewed afterwards by Prior Bolton . To this Priory , King Henry the second , granted the priviledge of a Faire , to be kept yearly at Bartholomew-tyde , for three dayes , to wit , the Eve , the Day , and the next Morrow ; to the which , the Clothiers of England , and Drapers of London repaired , and had their Boothes and standings within the Church-yard of this Prioty , closed in with Walls and Gates locked every night , and watched , for safety of Mens Goods and Wares , a Court of Pipepowders was daily , during the Faire holden , for debts and Contracts . On the North side of this Priory , is the lane truly called Long , which reacheth from Smithfield to Aldersgate-street . This Lane is now lately builded on both the sides , with Tenements for Brokers , Tiplers , and such like ; the rest of Smithfield , from Long lane end , to the Barres , is inclosed with Inns , Brew-houses , and large Tenements . On the West side is Chicken-lane , down to Cow-bridge ; then be the Pens or Folds , so called of Sheep there parted , and penned up to be sold on the Market dayes . Then is Smithfield Pond , which of ( old time ) in Records , was called Horse-Poole , for that men watered Horses there , and was a great water . In the sixth of Henry the fifth , a new Building was made in the West part of Smithfield , betwixt the said Pool and the River of the Wells , or Turnmill-brook , in a place then called the Elmes , for that there grew many Elm-Trees , and this had bin the place of Execution for offenders ; since the which time , the building there hath bin so increased , that now remaineth not one Tree growing . Amongst these new buildings is Cow-bridge street , or Cow-lane , which turneth toward Holdbourn ; in vvhich Lane , the Prior of Semperingham had his Inne , or London Lodging . The rest of that West side of Smithfield , hath divers fair Inns , and other comely Buildings , up to Hosier-lane , which also turneth down to Houldbourn , till it meet with Cowbridge-street , from this Lane to Cock-lane , over against Pie-Corner . In the year 1362 , the thirty sixth of Edward the third , on the first five dayes of May , in Smithfield , were Justs holden , the King and Queen being present , with the most part of the Chivalry of England , and of France , and of other Nation , to the which came Spaniards , Cyprians , and Armenians , Knightly requesting aid of the King of England , against the Pagans that invaded their Confines . The 48. of Edward the third , Dame Alice Perrers , or Pierce , ( the Kings Concubine ) as Lady of the Sun , rode from the Tower of London , through Cheape , accompanied by many Lords and Ladies , every Lady leading a Lord by his Horse Bridle , till they came into West Smithfield , and then began a great Just , vvhich endured seven dayes after . In the year 1393. the 17th of Richard the second , certain Lords of Scotland , came into England , to get vvorship , by force of Arms , the Earl of Marre chalenged the Earl of Nottingham , to Just vvith him , and so they rode together certain Courses , but not the full Challenge , for the Earl of Marre was cast both Horse and Man , and two of his Ribs broken vvith the fall , so that he vvas conveighed out of Smithfield , and so towards Scotland , but dyed by the vvay at York . Sir VVilliam Darel Knight , the Kings Banner-bearer of Scotland , challenged Sir Percey Courtney Knight , the Kings Banner-bearer of England , and vvhen they had run certain Courses , gave over vvithout conclusion of Victory : Then Cookborne , Esquire of Scotland , challenged Sir Nicholas Hawberke Knight , and rode five Courses ; but Cookborne vvas born over Horse and Man. Now to return through Gilt-spur-street by Newgate , vvhere I first began , there standeth the fair Parish Church called St. Sepulchers in the Bayly , or by Chamberlain Gate , in a fair Church-yard , though not so large as of old time ; for the same is letten out for buildings , and a Garden plot . This Church vvas newly re-edified , or builded , about the Reign of Henry the sixth , or of Edward the fourth , one of the Popham's , vvas a great builder there , and 't is lately also vvashed over , and furbish'd . Next to this Church , is a fair and large Inne , for the receipt of Travellers , and hath to signe the Sarasens Head , vvhere Oxford men resort . There lyeth a street from Newgate , West , to the end of Turn again-lane , and winding North to Oldbourne Conduit ; but of late , a new Conduit vvas there builded in place of the old , namely , in the year 1577. by VVilliam Lambe , sometime a Gentleman of the Chappel to King Henry the eighth , and afterward a Citizen and Clothworker of London . From the West side of this Conduit , is the high way , there called Snow-hill , stretching out by Oldbourne-bridge , over the oft-named Water of Turn-mill-Brook , and so up to Old-bourn-hill , all replenished with fair Buildings . Without Ould-bourn-bridge , on the right hand , is Gold-lane , as is before shewed , up higher on the Hill , be certain Inns , and other fair Buildings ; amongst the which , ( of old time ) was a Messuage called Scroops Inne , for so we finde the , same recorded in the 37. of Henry the sixth . This House was sometime letten out to Sergeants at the Law , as appeareth , and was found by Inquisition taken in the Guild-hall of London , before William Purchase Mayor , and Escheater for King Henry the 7th , in the 14th of his Reign . Then is the Bishop of Elies Inne , so called of , belonging and pertaining to the Bishops of Ely , Will , de Luda ▪ Bishop of Ely , deceased 1297 , and gave this House , by the name of his Mannor , with the Appurrenances in Holdbourne , to his Successors , with condition , that his next Successor should pay a thousand Marks , towards the finding of three Chaglains , in the Chappel there . The first in the year 1464. the fourth of Edward the fourth , in Michaelmas Terme , the Sergeants at Law , held their Feast in this House ; to the which , amongst other Estates , Matthew Philip , Mayor of London , with the Aldermen , Sheriffs , and Commons of divers Crafts , being invited , did repair ; but when the Mayor looked to keep the state in the Hall , as it had bin used in all places within the City and Liberties ( out of the Kings presence ) the Lord Gray of Ruthen , then Lord Treasurer of England , unwitting the Sergeants , and against their wills ( as they said ) was first placed , whereupon , the Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons , departed home , and the Mayor made the Aldermen to dine with him ; howbeit , he and all the Citizens were wonderfully displeased that he was so dealt with , and the new Sergeants and others , were right o●ry therefore , and had rather then much good ( as they said ) it had not so happened . Next beyond this Mannor of Ely-house , is Lither-lane , turning into the Fields . Then is Furnivals Inne , now an Inne of Chancery , but sometime belonging to Sir William Furnival Knight , and Thomasin his Wife , who had in Holdbourne two Messuages , and thirteen Shops , as appeareth by Record of Richard the second , in the sixth of his Reign . Now again from Newgate , on the left hand , or South side , lyeth the Old Baylay , which runneth down by the Wall , upon the Ditch of the City , called Houndsditch , to Ludgate : we have not read how this street took that name ; but it is like to have risen of some Court of old time there kept ; and we finde , that in the year 1356. the thirty four of Edward the third , the Tenement and ground upon Houndsditch , between Ludgate on the South , and Newgate on the North , was appointed to Iohn Cambridge , Fishmonger , Chamberlain of London , whereby it seemeth , that the Chamberlains of London , have there kept their Courts , as now they do in the Guild-hall : and till this day , the Mayor and Justices of this City , keep their Sessions in a part thereof , now called the Sessions Hall , both for the City of London , and Shire of Middlesex ; over again● the which House , on the right hand , turneth down St. Georges Lane , towards Fleet Lane. In this St. Georges Lane , on the North side thereof , remaineth yet an old wall of stone , inclosing a peece of ground up Sea-cole-Lane , wherein ( by report ) sometime stood an Inne of Chancery ; which House being greatly decayed ▪ and standing remote from other Houses of that Profession , the Company removed to a Common Hostery , called of the signe , out Lady Inne , not far from Clements Inne , which they procured from Sir Iohn Fineox , Lord chief Justice of the Kings Bench ; and since , have held it of the owners , by the name of the New Inne , paying therefore six pounds Rent , by the year , as Tenants at their own will , for more ( as is said ) cannot be gotten of them , and much lesse , will they be put from it . Beneath this Saint Georges Lane , is the Lane called Fleet-lane , winding South by the Prison of the Fleet , into Fleet-street , by Fleet-bridge . Next out of the high street , turneth down a Lane , called the Little Bayly , which runneth down to the East end of St. Georges Lane. The next is Sea-cole-lane , I think , called Limeburners Lane , of burning Lime there with Sea-cole ; For we read in Record of such a Lane , to have bin in the Parish of St. Sepulchre , and there yet remaineth in this Lane , an Alley , called Lime-burners Alley . Near unto this Sea-cole-lane , in the turning towards Oldbourne-Conduit , is Turn-again-lane , or rather , as in a Record of the fifth of Edward the third , Wind-again-lane , for that it goeth down West to Fleet Dike , from whence , men must turn again the same way they came , for there it is stopped . Then the high street turneth down Snow-hill , to Holdbourne Conduit , and from thence , to Ouldbourn-bridge ; beyond the which Bridge on the left hand , is Shooe-lane , by the which , men passe from Ouldbourne to Fleet street , by the Conduit there . In this Shooe-lane , on the left hand , is one old House , called Oldbourn-Hall , it is now letten out into divers Tenements . On the other side , at the very corner , standeth the Parish Church of Saint Andrew . From this Church to St. Andrew , up Oldbourn-hill , be divers fair builded Houses ; amongst the which , on the left hand , there standeth three Inns of Chancery , whereof the first , adjoyning unto Crook-horn-Alley , is called Thavies Inne , and standeth opposite to Ely House . Then is Fewter-lane , which stretcheth South into Fleet-street , by the East end of St. Dunstanes Church , and is so called of Fewters ( or idle people ) lying there , as in a way leading to Gardens ; but the same is now of later years , on both sides builded thorow with many fair Houses : and in the wast grounds and Gardens , betwixt Shooe-lane and Fewter-lane ; there are now many fair convenient Houses , built by the Company of the Goldsmiths ; as also a street called New-street , betwixt Aldersgate and Redcrosse-street . Beyond this Fewters Lane , is Baynards Inne , aliàs Mackworths Inne , which is of the Chancery . Then is Staple-Inne also of the Chancery , but whereof so named , I am ignorant ; the same of late , is ( for a great part thereof ) fair builded , and not a little augmented ; And then at the Barres endeth this Ward , without Newgate . Without Ludgate , on the right hand , or North side , from the said Gate lyeth the Old Bayley , as I said , then the high street , called Ludgate-hill , down to Fleet-Lane ; in which Lane standeth the Fleet , a Prison-house , so called of the Fleet , or water running by it , and sometime flowing about it , but now vaulted over . Then also , against the South end of Shooe-lane , standeth a fair Water-Conduit , whereof William East field , sometime Mayor , was Founder ; for the Mayor and Commonalty of London , being possessed of a Conduit Head , with divers Springs of water gathered thereunto , in the Parish of Padington , and the water conveyed from thence , by Pipes of Lead , towards London unto Teyborn , where it had lain by the space of six years , and more : the Executors of Sir Will●am Eastfield , obtained Licence of the Mayor and Communalty , for them , in the year 1453. with the Goods of Sir William , to convey the said Water , first , in Pipes of Lead , into a Pipe , begun to be laid besides the great Conduit Head at Maribone , which stretcheth from thence unto a separall , late before made against the Chappel of Rounseval , by Charing-Crosse , and no further ; and then from thence , to convey the said water into the City , and there to make Receit , or Receits for the same , unto the Common-weale of the Commonalty ; to wit , the poor to drink , the rich to dresse their Meats , which water was by them brought thus into Fleet-street , to a Standard which they had made and finished 1471. From this Conduit up to Fewters Lane , and further , is the Parish Church of St. Dunstane , called in the West , ( for difference from Saint Dunstane in the East . ) Next beyond this Church , is Cliffords Inne , sometime belonging to Robert Clifford , by gift of Edward the second . Somewhat beyond this Cliffords Inne , is the South end of Newstreet , ( or Chancelor Inne ) on the right hand whereof , is Sergeants-Inne , called , in Chancery lane . And then next was sometime the House of the converted Iews , founded by King Henry the third , in place of a Jews House to him forfeited , in the year 1233. and the seventeenth of his Reign ; who builded there for them , a fair Church , now used , and called the Chappel ; for the Custody of Rolles and Records of Chancery , it standeth not far from the old Temple and the new ; in the which House , all such Jews and Infidels , as were converted to the Christian Faith , were ordained and appointed ( under an honest rule of life ) sufficient maintenance : whereby it came to passe , that in short time , there were gathered a great number of Converts which were baptized instructed in the Doctrine of Christ , and there lived under a learned Christian , appointed to govern them ; since the which time , to wit , in the year 1290. all the Jews in England , were banished out of the Realm , whereby the number of Converts in this place was decayed , and therefore in the year 1377. this House was annexed by Parent , to William Burstall Clark , Custos Rotulorum , or Keeper of the Ro●s of the Chancery , by Edward the third , in the fifty one year of his Reign ; and this first Master of the Rolls was sworn in Westminster-Hall , at the I able of Marble-stone ; since the which time , that House hath bin commonly called the Rolls in Chancery-Lane . On the West side , sometime was an House , pertaining to the Prior of Necto● Park , a House of Canons in Lincolnshire : this was commonly called Hereflete Inne and was a Brew-house ▪ but now fair builded for the six Clerks of the Chancery , and standeth over against the said House , called the Rolls , and near unto the Lane , which now entreth Fickets Croft , or Fickets field . Then is Shere-lane , opening also into Fickets field , hard by the Barres . Next is Bride-lane , and therein Bridewell , of old time the Kings House ; for the Kings of this Realm have bin there lodged , and till the ninth of Henry the third , the Courts were kept in the Kings House , wheresoever he was lodged , as may appear by ancient Records , whereof there are many ; and for example , have set forth one in the Chapter , or Towers and Castles . King Henry the eighth , builded there a stately and beautiful House of new , for receit of the Emperor , Charles the fifth , who in the year of Christ 1522. was lodged himself at the Black-Fryers ; but his Nobles , in this new builded Bridewell , a Gallery being made out of the House over the Water , and thorow the Wall of the City , into the Emperors Lodging at the Black-Fryers : King Henry himself often times lodged there also ; as namely , in the year 1525. a Parliament being then holden in the Black-Fryers , he created States of Nobility there . In the year 1553. the seventh of Edward the sixth , the tenth of April , sir George Barne , being Mayor of this City , was sent for to the Court at White-hall , and there at that time the King gave unto him , for the Communalty and Citizens , to be a Work-house , for the poor and idle persons of the City , his house of Bridewell : and seven hundred Marks Land , late of the possessions of the house of Savoy , and all the Bedding and other Furniture of the said Hospital of the Savoy , towards the maintenance of the said Work-house of Bridewel , and the Hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark . This gift , King Edward confirmed by his Charter , dated the 26. of Iune , next following . And in the year 1555. in the moneth of February , Sir William Gerrard Mayor , and the Aldermen , entred Bridewel , and took possession thereof according to the gift of the said King Edward , the same being confirmed by Queen Mary . The Bishop of St. Davids had his Inne over against the North side of this Bridewell , as I have said . Then is the Parish Church of St. Bridget , or Bride , of old time a small thing , which now remaineth to be the Quire ; but since , increased with a large Body , and side Iles , towards the West , at the charges of William Vinor E●quire , Warden of the Fleet , about the year 1480. all which he cau●ed to be wrought about in the stone , in the figure of a Vine , with Grapes and Leaves , &c. The partition betwixt the old work and the new , sometime prepared as a Screne , to be set up in the Hall of the Duke of Summersets House at the Strand , was bought for eightscore pounds , and set up in the year , one thousand five hundred fifty seven . The next is Salisbury Court , a place so called , for that it belonged to the Bishops of Salisbury , and was their Inne , or London House , at such time as they were summoned to come to the Parliam●nt , or came for other business : It hath of late time bin the dwelling , first of Sir Richard Sackvile , and after , of Sir Thomas Sackvile his Sonne , Baron of Buckhurst , Lord Treasurer , who very greatly inlarged it with stately Buildings . Then is Water-lane , running down by the West side of a House , called the Hanging Sword , to the Thames . Then was the White Fryers Church , called Fratres beatae Mariae de monte Carmeli , first founded ( saith Iohn Bale ) by Sir Richard Gray , Knight , Ancestor to the Lord Gray of Codner , in the year 1241. King Edward the first , gave to the Prior and Brethren of that house , a plot of ground in Fleet-street ; whereupon to build their House , which was since reedified , or new builded , by Hugh Courtney , Earl of Devonshire , about the year one thousand three hundred and fifty , the four and twentieth of Edward the third . Iohn Lufken , Mayor of London , and the Commonalty of the City , granted a Lane , called Crockers-lane , reaching from Fleetstreet to the Thames , to build in the West end of that Church . Then is the Sergeants Inne , so called , for that divers Iudges and Sergeants at the Law keep a Commons , and are lodged there in Terme time . Next is the New Temple , so called , because the Templers , before the building of this House had their Temple in Oldbourn : This house was founded by the Knights Templers in England , in the Reign of Henry the second ▪ and the same was dedicated to God , and our Blessed Lady , by Heraclius , Patriark of the Church , called the Holy Resurrection in Jerusalem , in the year of Christ , 1185. Many Parliaments and great Councels have been there kept , as may appear by our Histories . In the year 1308. all the Templers in England , as also in other parts of Christendom , were apprehended , and committed to divers Prisons . Anno 1310. a Provincial Councel was holden at London , against the Templets in England , upon Heresie , and other Articles , whereof they were accused ; but denyed all , except one or two of them ; notwithstanding , they all did confesse , that they could not purge themselves fully , as faultless , and so they were condemned to perpetual penance , in several Monasteries , where they behaved themselves modestly . Philip King of France , procured their over-throw throughout the whole World , and caused them to be condemned by a general Councel to his advantage as he thought ; for he believed to have had all their Lands in France , and therefore seizing the same in his hands , caused the Templers , to the number of 54. or after Fabian , threescore , to be burnt at Paris . Edward the second , in the year 1313. gave unto Aimer de la Valence , Earl of Pembrook , the whole place & house , called the new Temple at London , with the ground called Fiquetes Croft , and all the Tenements and Rents , with the appurtenances that belonged to the Templers in the City of London , and Suburbs th●reof . After Aimer de Valence ( saith some ) Hugh Spencer ( usurping the same ) held it during his life ; by whose death , it fell again to the hands of Edward the third ; but in the mean time , to wit , 1324. by a Councel holden at Vienna , all the Lands of the Templers ( lest the same should be put to prophane uses ) were given to the Knights Hospitalers , of the Order of St. Iohn Baptist , called Saint Iohn of Ierusalem ; which Knights had put the Turks out of the I le of Rhodes , and after , wan upon the said Turk , daily for a long time . In the Reign of the same Edward the third , was granted ( for a certain Rent of ten pounds by the year ) the said Temple , with the Appurtenances thereunto adjoyning , to the Students of the Common Lawes of England , in whose possession , the same hath ever sithence remained , and is now divided into two Houses of several Students , by the name of Inns of Court , to wit , the Inner Temple , and the Middle Temple , who keep two several Halls ; but they resort all to the said Temple-Church , in the round walk whereof , ( which is the West part , without the Quire ) there remain Monuments of Noblemen , buried to the number of eleven , eight of them are Images of Armed Knights , five lying Crosse-legged , as men vowed to the Holy Land , against the Infidels , and unbelieving Jews , the other three straight-legged . The rest are coaped stones , all of Gray Marble : the first of the Crosse-legged , was William Marshal the elder , Earl of Pembrooke , who died 1219. William Marshall his Sonne , Earl of Pembrooke , was the second , he dyed 1231. And Gilbert Marshall , his Brother , Earl of Pembrooke , slain in a Turnament at Hartford , besides Ware , in the year 1241. Of the Twenty sixth , or the last Ward of the City of LONDON , called the Bridge-Ward without , containing the Bourough of Southwark . WE have now almost finished the Perambulation ; for having treated of Wards in London , on the North side of the Thames , ( in number five and twenty ) we are now to crosse over the said River , into the Burough of Southwark , which is also a Ward of London without the Walls , on the South side thereof , as is Portsoken on the East , and Faringdon Extra on the West . But before we come to the particular Description of this Ward , it will not be impertinent to declare , when , and by what meanes the Burough of Southwark , now called Bridge-Ward without , was made one of the six and twenty Wards , belonging to the City of London , which was in this manner . After the dissolution of the Monasteries , Abbeys , Priories , and other Religious Houses , in this Realm of England , The Mayor , Commonalty , and Citizens of this City of London , taking into their Considerations , how commodious , and convenient it would be unto the City , to have the Burough of Southwark annexed thereunto ; and that the same Burough was in the Kings hands wholly , they became humble suiters unto King Henry the eighth , and unto the Lords of his Highness Privy Councel , for the obtaining of the same . Which suit not being granted unto them ; after the Decease of King Henry the eighth , they renewed their Suit unto his Sonne and next Successour , King Edward the sixth , and to the Lords of his Privie Councel for the obtaining of the same Borough . At the length , after long suit , and much labour , it pleased King Edward the fixth , by his Letters Parents , sealed with the great Seal of England , bearing date at VVestminster the three and twentieth day of April , in the fourth year of his Reign , as well in consideration of the sum of six hundred forty seven pounds , two shillings and a penny , of lawful money of England , paid to his Highnesses use , by the Mayor , Communalty , and Citizens of London , as for divers other considerations him thereunto moving , To give and grant unto the said Mayor , and Communalty , and Citizens of London , divers Messuages , Lands and Tenements , lying near the Borough of Southwark , in the said Letters Parents , particularly expressed , which were sometimes the Lands of Charles late Duke of Suffolk , and of whom King Henry the eighth did buy and purchase the same . But there was excepted out of the said grant , and reserved unto the said King Edward the sixth , his Heirs and Successors , and all that his Capitall Messuage , or Mansion Ho●se , called Southwark place , late of the said Duke of Suffolke , and all Gardens and Land to the same adjoyning ; and all that his Park in Southwarke , and all that his Messuage , and all Edifices and ground , called the Antelope there . And the said King Edward the 6th , did by his said Letters Patents , give & grant to the said Mayor , Communalty , and Citizens , and their Successors , all that his Lordship , and Mannor of Southwarke , with all and singular the Rights , Members , and Appurtenances thereof , in the said County of Surrey , then late belonging to the late Monastery of Bermondsey in the same County ; And also all that his Mannor and Borough of Southwarke , with all , and singular the Rights Members , and Appurtenances thereof , in the said County of Surrey , then late parcel of the Possessions of the Arch-Bishop and Bishoprick of Canterbury , together with divers yearly Rents , issuing out of the divers Messuages or Tenements , in the said Letters Patents particularly expressed . But there was excepted and reserved out of the said Grant , to the said King Edward the sixth , his Heirs , and Successors , all his Rights , Jurisdictions , Liberties , and Franchises whatsoever within the Walk , Circuit , and Precinct of his Capital Messuage , Gardens , and Park in Southwarke ; and in all Gardens , Curtilages , and Lands , to the said Mansion House , Gardens , and Park belonging . Also , there was excepted and reserved out of the said Grant , the House , Messuage , or lodging there , called the Kings-Bench , and the Gardens to the same belonging so long as it should be used as a Prison for prisoners , as it was then used . Also , there was excepted and reserved out of the said Grant , the House , Messuage , or Lodging there called , the Marshalsey , and the Gardens to the same belonging , so long as it should be used as a Prison for prisoners , as it was then used . Also , it was provided , that the said Letters Patents , should not be prejudicial to the Offices of the great Master or Steward of the Kings Houshold , within the Borough and Precincts aforesaid , to be executed while the same Borough and Precincts should be within the Verge ; Nor to Iohn Gates Knight , one of the Gentlemen of the Kings Privy Chamber , concerning any Lands , Tenements , Offices , Profits , Franchises , or Liberties to him granted during his life , by the said King Edward the sixth , or by his Father King Henry the eighth . About the space of a Month after the said Borough of Southwark was so granted by King Edward the sixth , to the Mayor Communalty and Citizens of London , and that they by force of the said Letters Patents , stood charged with the Ordering , Survey , and Government of the same Borough , and of all the Kings Subjects , inhabiting therein , and repairing thither . At a Court holden before Sir Rowland Hill Knight , then Lord Mayor of London , and the Aldermen of the same City , in the Guild-Hall of London , on Tuesday the eight and twentieth of May , in the said fourth year of the Reign of King Edward the sixth , the said Town or Borough was named and called the Ward , or Bridge VVard without . Not long after , it was enacted , that besides the then ancient accustomed number of five and twenty Aldermen , there should be one Alderman more elected , to have the Rule , Charge , and Governance of the said Borough and Town . And that four discreet persons , or more , being Freemen of London , and dwelling within the said City , or the Borough of Southwarke , or in other the Liberties of the said City , should from thenceforth , as often as the Case shall require , be from time to time nominated , appointed , and chosen by the Inhabitants of the said Borough for the time being , before the Lord Mayor of London for the time being ; And that the said Lord Mayor for the time being , should ( at the next Court of Aldermen , to be holden at the Guild-Hall of the said City , next after such election ) present the Names and Sirnames of all such persons , as to should be named before him , and put in the said Election ; And that the said Lord Mayor and Aldermen , for the time being , should of those four persons , or mo , so presented , Elect and Chuse one , by way of Scrutinie ; to be an Alderman of the said City , and to have the peculiar Ordering , Rule , and Governance of the said Borough and Town of Southwarke , and of the Inhabitants thereof , and of all other the Kings liege people , repairing to the same . This Borough being in the County of Surrey , consisteth of divers streets , waies , and winding Lanes , all full of Buildings inhabited ; And first , to begin at the West part thereof , over against the West Suburbe of the City , on the Bank of the River Thames , there is now a continual building of Tenements , about half a mile in length to the Bridge . Then South a continual street called Long Southwark , builded on both sides with divers Lanes , and Alleys up to St. Georges Church , and beyond it through Blackman street , towards New Town , ( or Newington ) the Liberties of which Borough , extend almost to the Parish Church of New Town aforesaid , distant one mile from London Bridge , and also South-west a continual building , almost to Lambeth , more than one mile from the said Bridge . Then from the Bridge along by the Thames East-ward , is St. Olaves street , having continual building on both the sides , with Lanes and Alleys up to Battle-Bridge : to Horse-down , and towards Rother-Hith also , some good half mile in length from London Bridge , so that I account the whole continual buildings , on the Bank of the said River , from the West towards the East to be more than a large mile in length . Then have ye from the entring towards the said Horse-down , one other continual street , called Barmonds eye street , which stretcheth South , likewise furnished with Buildings on both the sides , almost half a mile in length up to the late dissolved Monastery of St. Saviours , called Bermondsey . And from thence is one Long Lane ( so called of the length ) turning West to St. Georges Church aforenamed , out of the which Lane , mentioned Long-lane , breaketh one other street towards the South and by East , and this is called Kentvsh-street , for that it is the way leading into that County ; and so have ye the bounds of this Borough . The Antiquities most notable in this Borough are these ; First , for Ecclesiastical , there was Bermondsey , an Abbey of Black Monks ; St. Mary Overies , a Priory of Canons Regular ; St. Thomas , a Colledge or Hosp●tal for the poor ; and the Loke , a Lazar-house in Kent-street . Parish Churches there have been six , whereof five do remain , ( viz. ) St. Mary Magdalen , in the Priory of Saint Mary Overy ; Now the same St. Mary Overy is the Parish Church for the said Mary Magdalen , and for Saint Margaret on the Hill , and is called Saint Saviour . Saint Margaret on the Hill , being put down is now a Court for Justice ; St. Thomas in the Hospital serveth for a Parish Church as afore ; St George a Parish Church , as before it did ; so doth St , Olave , and St. Mary Magdalen by the Abby of Bermondsey . There be also these five Prisons , or Goals , the Clink on the Bank , the Compter in the late Parish Church of St. Margaret , the Marshalsey , the Kings-Bench , and the White-Lyon , all in Long Southwarke . Now to return to the West Bank , there were two Bear-Gardens , the old and new , places wherein were kept Bears , Bulls , and other Beasts , to be bated ; As also Mastives , in se●eral Kenels , nourished to baite them . These Bears and other Beasts are there baired in plots of ground , Scaffolded about , for the beholders to stand safe ; but this kind of sport is now prohibited . Next , on this Bank , was sometime the Bord●llo or Stewes , a place so called of certain Stew-houses , priviledged there , for the repair of incontinent men , to the like women , of the which Priviledge we read thus . In a Parliament holden at Westminster , the eight of Henry the second , it was ordained by the Commons , and confirmed by the King and Lords , That divers constitutions for ever should he kept in that Lordship or Franchise , according to the old Customs , that had been there used time out of mind ; Amongst the which , these following were some , viz. That no Stew-holder , or his Wife should let or stay any single Woman to go and come freely at all times , when they listed . No Stew-holder to keep any Woman to board , but she to board abroad at her pleasure . To take no more for the Womans Chamber in the week than fourteen pence . Not to keep open his doors upon the Holy-daies . Not to keep any single Woman in his House on the Holy-dayes ; but the Bayliff to see them voided out of the Lordship . No single Woman to be kept against her will that would leave her sin . No Stew-holder to receive any Woman of Religion , or any Mans Wife . No single Woman to take mony to lye with any man , except she lie with him all night till the morrow . No man to be drawn or enticed into any Stew-house . The Constables , Bayliffe , and others , every week to search every Stew-house . No Stew-holder to keep any Woman , that hath the perilous Infirmity of burning : nor to sell Bread , Ale , Flesh , Fish , Wood , Coale , or any Victuals , &c. These allowed Stew-houses had Signs on their Fronts , towards the Thames , not hanged out , but painted on the Walls , as a Boars head , the Crosse-Keys , the Gun , the Castle , the Craue , the Cardinals Hat , the Bell , the Swan , &c. Ancient men of good credit do report , that these single Women were forbidden the Rights of the Church so long as they continued that sinful life , and were excluded from Christian burial , if they were not reconciled , before their death : And therefore there was a plot of ground called the Single Womans Church-yard , appointed for them , far from the Parish Church . In the year of Christ , one thousand five hundred forty six , the seven and thirtieth of Henry the eighth , this Row of Stews in Southwarke , was put down by the Kings commandement , which was proclaimed by sound of Trumpet , no more to be priviledg'd and used as a common Brothel . Then next is the Clinke , a Goale or Prison for the Trespassers in those parts , namely , in old time for such as should brabble , fray , or break the peace on the said Bank , or in the Brothel Houses ; they were by the Inhabitants thereabout , apprehended and committed to this Gaole , where they were streightly imprisoned . Next is the Bishop of Winchesters House , or Lodging when he commeth to this City . Adioyning to this on the South side thereof , is the Bishop of Rochesters Inne , or lodging , by whom first erected , it is not upon Record ; but 't is known well , the same of long time hath not been frequented by any Bishop , and lieth ruinous for lack of reparations . The Abbot of Naverly had a House there . East from the Bishop of Winchesters House , directly over against it standeth a fair Church , called St. Mary , over the Rie , or Overy , that is , over the water ; This Church , or some other in place thereof was ( of old time long before the Conquest ) an House of Sisters , founded by a Maiden , named Mary , unto the which House and Sisters they left ( as was left to her by her Parents ) the over-sight and profits of a Crosse-Ferry or Traverse-Ferry over the Thames , there kept before that any Bridge was builded ; This House of Sisters was after by Swithin , a Noble Lady , converted unto a Colledge of Priests who in place of the Ferry , builded a Bridge of Timber , and from time to time kept the same in good reparations ; But lastly the same Bridge was builded of Stone , and then in the year 1106 , was this Church again founded for Canons Regular , by VVilliam Pont del l' Arch , and VVilliam Daunly Knights Normans . This Peter de Rupibus or de la Roch , founded a large Chappel of St. Mary Magdalen , in the Church of St Mary Overy , which Chappel was afterward appointed to be the Parish Church for the Inhabitants near adjoyning . This Church was again new builded in the Reign of Richard the second , and King Henry the fourth . Iohn Gower Esquire , a famous Poet , was then an especial Benefactor to that work , and was there buried on the North side of the said Church , in the Chappel of St. Iohn , where he founded a Chantry ; He lyeth under a Tombe of Stone , with his Image also of Stone over him ; The Hair of his Head auburne , long to his Shoulders , but curling up and a small forked Beard : on his Head a Chaplet , like a Coronet of four Roses , an habit of Purple damasked down to his feet , a Collar of Esses of Gold about his Neck , under his Feet the likenesse of three Books , which he compiled . The first named Speculum Meditantis , written in French ; The second , Vox clamantis , penned in Latine ; The third , Confessio Amantis , written in English , and this last is printed ; Vox Clamantis , with his Chronica Tripartita , & other both in Latine and French , were never printed . Besides on the Wall where he lyeth , there was painted three Virgins Crowned , one of the which was named Charity , holding this Device , En Toy qui es Fitz de Dieu le pere Sav●e soit , qui gist soubs cest pierre . In Thee who art the Son of God Be sav'd who lyes under this clod . Now passing through St. Mary Overies Close ( once in possession of the Lord Montacute ) & Pepper Alley into Long Southwark ; on the right hand thereof the Market Hill , where the Leather is sold , there stood the late named Parish Church of Saint Margaret , given to St. Mary Overies by Henry the first , put down and joyned with the Parish Church of St. Mary Magdalen , and united to the late dissolved Priory Church of St. Mary Overy . A part of this Parish Church of St. Margaret is now a Court wherein the Assizes and Sessions be kept , and the Court of Admiralty is also there kept ; one other part of the same Church is now a prison , called the Compter in Southwarke , &c. Farther up on that side , almost directly over against St. Georges Church , was sometime a large and most sumptuous house , builded by Charles Brandon , Duke of Suffolke , in the Reign of Henry the eighth , which was called Suffolk House , but coming afterwards into the Kings hands , the same was called Southwark place , and a Mint of Coynage was there kept for the King. Queen Mary give this House to Nicholas Heth , Archbishop of York , and to his Successors for ever , to be their Inne or Lodging for their repair to London , in recompence of York House near to Westminster , which King Henry her Father had taken from Cardinal Woolsey , and from the See of York . Then is the White Lion , a Goal so called , for that the same was a common Hoftery for the receit of Travellers by that Sign . This ●ouse was first used as a Goal within these hundred years last , since the which time the prisoners were once removed thence to an House in New-town , where they remained for a short time , and were returned again to the aforesaid White Lion , there to remain as the appointed Goal for the Countey of Surrey . Next is the Goal or Prison of the Kings-Bench , but of what antiquity the same is , it appears not . We read , that the Courts of the Kings-Bench and Chancery , have oft times been removed from London to other places , and so hath likewise the other Goals that serve those Courts , as in the year 1304 , Edward the first commanded the Courts of Kings-Bench & the Exchequer , which had remained seven years at York , to be removed to their old places at London . And in the year 1387 , the eleaventh of Richard the second , Robert Trisilian chief Justice , came to the City of Coventry , and there sat by the space of a Month , as Justice of the Kings Bench , and caused to be Indicted in that Court about the number of 2000 persons of that Country , &c. It seemeth therefore , that for that time the Prison or Goale of that Court was not far off . Also , in the year 1392 , the sixteenth of the same Richard , the Archbishop of York , being Lord Chancellor , for good will that he bare to his City , caused the Kings Bench and Chancery to be removed from London to York , but ere long they were returned to London . Then is the Marshalsey another Goal or Prison , so called , as pertaining to the Marshalls of England , of what continuance kept in Southwark , it appears not ; but likely it is , that the same hath been removeable , at the pleasure of the Marshalls . And then Thieves Lane by St. Thomas Hospital , first found by Richard , Prior of Bermondsey , in the Cellerers grounded , against the Wall of the Monastery , in the year 1213 , He named it the Almery , or house of Alms , for Converts and poor Children . In the year 1552 , the Citizens of London , having the void suppressed Hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark , in the Month of Iuly , began the reparations thereof , for poor , impotent , lame , and diseased people , so that in the Month of November next following , the sick and poor people were taken in , ; And in the year 1553 , on the tenth of April , King Edward the sixth in the seventh of his Reign , gave to the Mayor , Communalty and Citizens of London , to be a Work-House for the poor , and idle persons of the City , his House of Bridewell , and seven hundred Marks Lands of the Savoy Rents , which Hospital he had suppressed , with all the Beds , bedding , and other furniture belonging to the same , towards the maintenance of the said Work-house of Bridewell , and of this Hospital of Saint Thomas in Southwark . This gift , the King confirmed by his Charter . The Church of this Hospital , which of old time served for the Tenements neer adjoyning and pertaining to the said Hospital , remaineth as a Parish Church . But now to come to St. Olaves street : on the Bank of the River of Thames , is the Parish Church of St. Olave , a fair and mee●ly large Church , but a far larger Parish , especially of Aliens or strangers , and poor people . Next is the Bridge-House , so called , as being a Store-house for Stone , Timber , or whatsoever pertaining to the building or repairing of London Bridge . This House seemeth to have taken beginning with the first founding of the Bridge , either of Stone or Timber ; it is a large plot of ground on the Bank of the River of Thames , containing divers large buildings , for stowage of things necessary , towards reparation of the said Bridge . There are also divers Garners , for laying up of Wheat , and other Granaries for service of the City , as need requireth . Moreover , there be certain Ovens builded , in number ten , of which six be very large the other four being but half so big : these were purposely made to bake out the Bread Corn of the said Grayners , to the best advantage , for relief of the poor Cittizens , when need should require . Then is Battaile Bridge , so called of Battaile Abbey , for that it standeth on the ground & over a Water-course , ( flowing out of Thames ) pertaining to that Abbey , and was therefore both builded and repaired by the Abbots of that House , as being hard adjoyning to the Abbots Lodging . Beyond this Bridge is Bermondsey street , turning South , in the South end whereof was sometime a Priory or Abby of St. Saviour , called Bermonds Eye in Southwarke , founded by Ailwin , a Citizen of London , in the year 1081. In the year 1094 , deceased Alwin , founder of this House . Then William Rufus gave to the Monks , his Mannor of Bermondsey , with the appurtenances , and builded there for them a new great Church . In the year 1539. this Abbey was valued to di●pend by the year , 474 l. fourteen shillings four pence half penny , and was surrendred to Henry the eighth , the one and thirtieth of his Reign , the Abbey Church was then pulled down by Sir Thomas Pope Knight , and in place thereof , a goodly House builded of Stone and Timber , since pertaining to the Earls of Sussex . Next unto this Abbey Church standeth a proper Church of St. Mary Magdalen , builded by the Priory of Bermondsey , serving for resort of the Inhabitants ( Tenants to the Priors or Abbots near adjoyning ) there to have their Divine Service ; this Church remaineth and serveth as afore , and is called a Parish Church . Then in Kent street , is a Lazar House for Leprous people , called the Loke in Southwark , the foundation whereof is incertain . This Borough at a subsidy to the King , was used to yield about a thousand Marks , or eight hundred pounds , which is more than any one City in England payeth except London ; And also , the Muster of men in this Borough doth likewi●e in number surpasse all other Cities , except London . And thus much for the Borough of Southwarke , one of the six and twenty Wards of London . Having thus travers'd the whole Body of this great City , and her severall Wards , from the Center to the Circumference ; it is now to be observed , that every Ward hath its particular Alderman as an Overseer , or Guardian assign'd thereunto , who hath a greater latitude of power , than an ordinary Justice of the Peace . This Alderman hath one Deputy , and in some Wards more . There are likewise a number of Common-Councel men , Constables , men of the Wardmote Inquest , Scavengers ▪ some more , some lesse , with Beadles in every Ward . Th● last Ward which is the Borough of Southwark , differs from the rest in this , that the Alderman appointed there , hath three Deputies and a Bayliff , but no Common Councel men . Of Places adjacent , and contiguous to the City of London . HAving endeavoured already to di●●ect the City of London , so that all her Members , and homogeneal parts may be discern'd : We will now passe on to her heterogeneal , or Suburbian parts , which yet are contiguous , and make one entire continued peece : We will , as formerly , take our first aym Eastward and begin with those parts that are without the Postern by the Tower of London . The second of Henry the third , the Forrest of Middlesex , and the Warren of Stanes , were difafforested ; since which time , the Suburbs also about London , in tract of time , and , as it were , by an insensible augmentation , have wonderfully increased in people and edifices . Near the Tower of London , is the Hospital of St. Katherine ( spoken of before ) founded by Matilda , Wife to King Stephen , that renowned and most Religious Queen . From the Liberties of St. Katherine to Wapping , the usual place of Execution for Pyrates , and Sea-rovers , there to continue hanging till three Tydes overflow and cover them ; I say , from St. Katherines to Wapping , 't is yet in the memory of man , there was never a House standing , but the Gallowes which was further removed , in regard of the Buildings . But now there is a continued street towards a mile long , from the Tower , all along the River , almost as far as Radcliffe , which proceeded from the encrease of Navigation , Mariners and Trafique . The Citizens of London , were the chief Benefactors , towards the erecting of the new Church at Wapping , a Chappel of ease to White-Chappel : And upon a high Beam , in the midst thereof , there is a memorable neat Inscription , viz. This Chappel was dedicated to Almighty God , and consecrated to the Honour and glory of his great and wonderful name , the seventh day of July , 1617. by the right Reverend Father in God , John King , then Bishop of London . North-East of the Tower , lyeth East-Smithfield , Hoggs-street , and another Tower-Hill , near whereunto was an Hermitage , in times passed , called the new Abbey of Grace , founded by Edward the third , in gratitude to Heaven , for his victorious Successes in France ; which commendable custom , continueth still beyond the Se●s , as lately there is a fair costly Church , erected in Venice , dedicated to St. Lawrence , in remembrance of a signal Victory she obtained against the common Enemy the Turk , about that Saints day ; as Philip the second did build the Escurial for St. Quinten Victory . Then is there Radcliffe , much encreased also in Buildings , and Nightingale-lane ; from thence towards Aldgate , were the Minories , a famous Abbey of N●ns , of the Order of Santa Clara , founded by Edmund Earl of Lancaster , Leicester and Darby , Brother to Edward the first , as hath bin formerly spoken . Without Algate there is a spacious huge Suburb , about a mile long , as far as White Chappel , and further : White Chappel was as it were , a Chappel of Ease to Stebunhith , now called by a strange contraction , Stepney Parish : the Church of White Chappel , was called St. Mary Marfelon , because a Frenchman having served a rich Widow hard by and murthered her for her Wealth , the Women and Boyes stoned the Felon to death , as he thought to fly away . From Algate ▪ North-West to Bishopsgate , lyeth Houndsditch , a long street , then is the fair Parish Church of St. Buttolph : Then is the Hospital of St. Mary of Bethlem , founded by a London Citizen , as hath bin shewn before ; without which is Norton-Fallgate , a liberty belonging to St. Pauls . Thence up to the Priory of St. Iohn Baptist , is Holy Well , where there was in ancient times , a Nunnery , founded by Stephen Gravesend , Bishop of London 1318. In the High street from Holy Well , there is a continual Building to Sewers Ditch , then is there Shore-Ditch , Golding-lane , Goswell-street , then Hoxton , ( vulgarly called Hogsdon ) which was once a Prebend belonging to St. Pauls . Then is there in this Suburb , the Hospital of St. Mary Spittle , and a great Palace , called Fishers Folly , built by the Lord Iohn Powlet . In former times , there was in Shoreditch , a Row of small Almshon●es , built there by the Prior , which being suppressed , they were called the Rotten Rowe . Then is there the Parish Church of St. Leonard , in Shoreditch , whereof the Arch-Deacon of Pauls de jure , is alwayes Parson ; We are come now to Moor-fields , which in former times , was but a fenny quagge , or Moore , and is now , by the industry and bounty of well disposed Citizens , come to that perfection , and pleasantness , as now we behold it in , whereof mention is made before . We passe now to Cripplegate , and St. Giles Church , built by one , Alfune , first Hospitaler of St. Bartholomew in Smithfield ; near unto this Church , there was in former times , a fair pool of sweet water , where in Anne of Lodberry was drowned , as the Story shewes . Then is there Forestreet , Moore-lane , and Grubstreet , White-crosse-street , which is of great extent , and reacheth to Old street . From the West end of Forestreet , lyeth Redcrosse-street , and Beech-lane , with Golding-lane , full of small Tenements . Then is there Barbican , anciently called Houndsditch , all these populous places , are within the Precincts of St. Giles Parish . Aldersgate Suburb is next , where the Parish of St. Buttolph stands , and little Britain street on the one side ; then it stretcheth all along North , with very handsome Edifices , and a large street , as far as Barbican , on the one side , and Long-lane on the other . This street resembleth an Italian street , more then any other in London , by reason of the spaciousness & uniformity of Buildings , and streightness thereof , with the convenient distance of the Houses ; on both sides whereof , there are divers very fair ones , as Peter-House , the Palace now , and Mansion of the most Noble Marquis of Dorchester : Then is there the Earl of Tenets House , with the Moon and Sun-Tavern , very fair structures , Then is there from about the middle of Aldersgate-street , a handsome new street butted out , and fairly built by the Company of Goldsmiths , which reacheth athwart as far as Redcrosse-street . At the furthest point of this Suburb Northward , there was a Winde-Mill in times past , which being blown down by a Tempest , Queen Katherine of Aragon , first Wife to Henry the 8th , erected there a Chappel , and named it Mount Calvary , which was afterwards suppressed , and the place came to be called Mount-mill , whereof the Long-Parliament made much use for their fortifications . We are going now to Newgate , where towards Smithfield , I meet with Gilt-spur , and Knight-riders-street : Then is Smithfield it self , which hath bin spoken of before , in Faringdon Ward . Without Smithfield Barres , there is St. Johns street ; on the right hand whereof , stood the Charter-house , founded by Sir Walter Manuy , Knight of the Garter to Edward the third . Hard by , is Pardon Church-yard , whereas the Annales record , above fifty thousand souls were buried in one year , who had dyed of a raging great sweeping Pestilence , in the Reign of the foresaid Edward the third . The Chievalrou ▪ and most devo●t Knight , first bui●t a Chappel there , then a Monastery of Carthusian Fryers , which are the ●evere●● one most rigid of all claustral Societies : this Monast●ery was called at first the Salutation . In this Charter-House , was the Monument of the said Sir Walter M●nny , and above twenty Knights more , besides Ladies and other per●ons of high Rank , and at the suppression of Abbeys , this Monastery had 642 l. yearly Rent , a mighty sum in those dayes . This demolish'd Charter-House , came a while after , to the possession of Thomas Earl of Suffolk , Lord Treasurer of England , in King James his Raign , and the place being sweetly scituated , with accommodations of spacious Walks , Orchards , and Gardens , with sundry dependencies of Tenements , and Lands thereunto belonging , gave occasion to that worthy and well disposed Gentleman , Mr. Thomas Sutton , of Cast●e Camps , in the County of Cambridge Esquire , but born at Knayth in Lincolnshire , to alter his Resolution of erecting an Hospital at Hallingbury in Essex , where he had first pitched his design , and to purchase this place of the Earl , for 13000 l. first peny payd before the s●aling of the Conveyance ; which charitable , great , and noble enterprize , was countenanced by King James , and his privy Councel . So having in few years raised up that goodly Fabrique , ( though it pleased God to take him to himself , before it was quite finish'd ) and endowed it with competent allowance , by passing away many goodly Mannors , he had in Lincoln , Wiltshire , Middlesex , Cambridge and Essex , with other goodly possessions , the work was compleated , and nominated the Hospital of King James ; which Hospital , consisted of a Master , a Governor , a Preacher , a Free School , with a Master and Usher , 80. poor people , and 40. Schollers , maintained all by the Revenues of the House , Anno 1614. on Munday next , after Michaelmas day , the Captains , Gentlemen , and Officers , entred into this new Hospital . Now there were by Letters Pattents under the great Seal of England , divers Governors appointed of this Hospital , whereof the Arch Bishop of Canterbury was chief , The Lord Chancelor , and Treasurer , The Bishops of London and Ely , the Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas , the Attorney General , the Dean of Pauls , the Dean of Westminster , and divers others ; But the late long Parliament , inverting the order and will of the founder , did nominate others in their rooms . A little without the Barres of West Smithfield ▪ is Charter-house Lane ; but in the large yard before , there are many handsome Palaces , as Rutland House , and one where the Venetian Embassadors were used to lodge ; which yard hath lately bin conveniently raised , and made more neat and comely . Then is there St. Johns street , with Turnmill-street , which stretcheth up West , to Clarken-well , and it is vulgarly called Turnball-street : There is another Lane called St. Peters Lane , which turns from St. Johns street , to Cow-Crosse . The dissolved Priory of St. John of Jerusalem , stood on the left hand , founded almost 600. years since , by Jorden Briset , a pious brave man , who had founded al●o a Priory of Nuns at Clarken-Well . The Rebels and Rabble of Kent , did much mischief to this House 1381. setting it on fire , and letting it burn seven dayes : At the suppression of Abbeys , this House among the rest , felt the fury of fare ; yet it was not quite demolished , but employed as a Store-house for the Kings toyles and tents , as well for hunting ▪ as for the Warres . But in Edward the sixth's time , that goodly Church for the most part , I mean the body and side Iles , with the great Bell-Tower , a most curious peece of fabrick , being engraven , gilt , and enamel'd , to the great Ornament of City and Suburb , was barbarously undermined , and blown up with Gunpowder : the stones whereof were carried to finish the then Protectors House in the Strand , viz. the Duke of Somerset , but strange Judgements fell afterwards upon him , as is before mentioned . Cardinal Pool , in Queen Maries Raign , closed up again part of the Quire , and side Walls on the West side , and made Sir Thomas Tresham , Prior thereof ; but thinking to bring the place to its first principles , it was suppressed again by Queen Elizabeth . A great number of Knights of that Order , had Monuments in that Church . North from the said House of St. John's , was the Priory of Clarken-Well , which also was very ancient , being built Anno 1100. We must now go back to Giltspur-street , where this Suburb first begins , where hard by standeth a comely fair Church , called St. Sepulcher , in the Baylie . Hard by is Turnagain-lane , Hosier-lane . and Cow-lane ; then you come down Sore●hill ( now vulgarly called Snow-hill ) to Oldborne , now called Holborn-Bridge : then you go up by Chick-lane , and Lither-lane ; but before you come thither , you passe by the Bishop of Elies great Palace , and Hatton-House , and Brook-House : beyond the Barres , there is Postpool-lane , and Grayes Inne Lane. Southward of this Lane , there is a row of small Houses , which is a mighty hindrance to Holborn , in point of prospect , which if they were taken down , there would be from Holborn Conduit , to St. Giles in the field , one of the fairest rising street in the World. From Newgate on the left hand , lyeth the Old Bayley ; and so down by Sea-cole and Fleet-lane , we passe then over the common Sewer , up to Shooe-lane and so to Fewter-lane , now vulgarly called Fetter-lane ; but betwixt these two Lanes , there is another new street , butted out by the Company of Goldsmiths , called Newstreet , where there is a knot of very handsome Buildings . Above the Barres , there was a House of the Templers , but they removed thence to Fleetstreet : There was also adjoyning thereunto , the Bishop of Lincolns House , which was very ancient ; for the Records say , 't was built Anno 1147. But of late years , it hath belonged to the Noble Earls of Southhampton ; And lately , it hath bin quite taken down , and turned to several private Tenements , as Durham House is in the Strand . Insomuch , that if one should ask , what God Almighty doth now in London , he might ( as the pulse of the 〈◊〉 beats ) give the same answer that was given by the Pagan Philosopher , who being demanded what Iupiter did in Heaven , he said , Magnas ollas rump●t , & ex frustis earum parvas componit , Jupiter breaks great Vessels , and makes small ones of their peeces . Side long of this ancient House of the Bishop of Lincoln , is Newstreet , for so it was called at first ; but now 't is called Chancery-lane , where Edward the third annexed the House of converted Jews , to the Office of Custos Rotulorum . Here the Cursitors Office was built by Sir Nicholas Bacon , Lord Keeper of the great Seal . Here also is the six Clarks Office , which is a fair convenient peece of stone and Brick Building newly erected , the old being consumed by a casual fire of late years . The Bishop of Chicester , Ralph Nevil , had much ground given him thereabouts , by Henry the third , which now is become all Tenements , thick built , and quite alienated . Then is Lincolns Inne , very much encreased in building , it appertained sometimes to the said Ralph Nevil , Bishop of Chicester , Lord Chancellor of England , having bin before the House of the Black-Fryers : and after the decease of the said Bishop Nevil , Henry Lacy Earl of Lincoln , Constable of Chester ▪ and Custos of England , added much building to this place ; and Sir Thomas Lovel did also add much thereunto , in Henry the eighth's time ; but now it is one of the foure Inns of Court , for the Students in the Law. Behind Lincolns Inne Westward , is a spacious field , where many fair Houses , or rather Palaces , are taken up by the Gentry . Then is there towards Drewry Lane , a new Market , called Clare Market ; then is there a street , and Palace of the same name , built by the Earl of Clare , who lives there in a princely manner , having a House , a street , and a Market , both for flesh and fish , all bearing his name . There was something omitted which should have bin spoken of the Church of St. Giles of the Field , which is , that being a very ancient Church , and so decayed , that it could not be repaired , a new one was erected , partly out of the ruines of the old ; which work was begun and finished in two years ; and a while after , the fair Brick Wall that encompasseth it . There were divers well disposed persons , who contributed to so pious a work ; but specially the Lady Alice Duddeley , according to that which is engraven upon the North door , in pure and ponderous Latine , which I thought therefore worthy to be here inserted . Quod faelix faustumque sit posteris , Hoc Templum loco Veteris ex Annosa vetustate Collapsi , mole et splendore auctum multa Paraecorum Charitas Restauravit . In quibus pientissimae Heroinae , Dom. Aliciae Duddeley Munificentia gratum marmoris hujus meretur eloquium : Huc etiam accessit aliorum pletas ; Quibus provisae sunt grates In Coelo . Heus viator an effaetum est bon●s Operibus Hoc Saeculum ? From the North end of Chancery Lane , is High Holborn , which extends up to St. Giles in the Field , where the famous devout Queen Matilda did found an Hospital , as she did Eastward St. Katherines beyond the Tower. At this Hospital the Prisoners conveyed from London to Tyborn , were used to be presented with a Bowl of Ale , for their last refreshment in this life , and it was commonly called St. Giles's Bowl : Then is there a spacious fair street , called Long Acre , and then Pickadilly , full of fair Houses round about . Thus have we as succinctly as we could , avoiding superfluities , and unnecessary trivial things , spoken of the Skirts of London , and the places thereunto annexed , without the Gates , and now , Navige● hinc al●● jam mihi linter aqua . I mean , let us steer now to the City of VVestminster . Of the Savoy , the Dutchy , and City of Westminster , with the Antiquities , the Tribunals of Iustice , and Liberties thereunto belonging . HAving taken so fair a Prospect , and finished the perlustration of London . It were a high Incivility , and a soloecism in good manners ( or rather a Piacle ) not to give VVestminster also a visit , being so near and contiguous a Neighborr : It is true , that they were once above a mile asunder ; but by insen●●b●e coalition and recruit of people , they came at last to be united , and incorporated into one continued peece , in point of posture , though not of Government . And the Union with Scotland , did not a little conduce , to make this Union ●twixt London and VVestminster ▪ For the Scots multiplying here mightily , neas●ed themse●ves about the Court , so that the Strand , from mud Walls , and thatched Houses , came to that perfection of Buildings , as now we see . Moreover , the City of VVestminster hath divers Magnalia's , which may deserve as exact a view as any within London ; for if London of old had her Temple of Diana , VVestm●nster had one to a greater Deity , which was Apollo ; And since , ( in those very places ) ; is St. Paul , hath his Church in London : St. Peter , the Prince of the Apostles , hath his in VVestminster , which was used to keep the Regalia's and the Crown . Add hereunto , that if London hath her Guild-hall , and the Hustings . VVestminster hath the great Praetorian , or common Hall , where the chief Courts , and general Tribunals of Justice , do make their Sessions , though to her high pray●e be it spoken , London hath a far more expedite way of doing Justice , and determination of cau●es then Westminster hath ; besides , in point of safety and strength , if London hath her Artillery Garden , Westminster hath her Military : And in point of Extent and Government , if London hath her six and twenty Wards , and so many Aldermen ; Westminster also hath her Twelve Burgesses , and so many distinct Wards ; but for the quality of Inhabitants , London mu●t vayl to her ; most of the Nobility and Gentry residing in , or about her Precincts . Moreover , in one particular , Westminster may claim a great advantage of London in regard as the Royal Court once was , so the residence of the Soveraign Magistrate is still there : Insomuch , that Westminster may well glory of three things , That she hath the chiefest Courts of Justice , the chiefest Court of the Prince , and the chiefest Court of the King of Heaven ( for every Temple is his Hou●e and Court. ) Now the Abbey of Westminster , hath bin alwayes held the greatest Sanctuary , and randevouze of devotion of the whole Iland : w●ereunto , the scituation of the very place , seemes to contribute much , and to strike a holy kind of Reverence and sweetness of melting piety in the hearts of the beho●ders . But before we steer our course to Westminster , we must visit the Dutchy o● Lancaster , and the Savoy , which are liberties of themselves , and lie ( as a Parenthesis ) 'twixt London and Westminster . Without Temple-barre Westward , is a liberty pertaining to the Dutchy of Lancaster , which beginneth on the North side of the Thames , and stretcheth West to Ivy-bridge , where it terminates . And again , on the North side , some small distance without Temple-Barre , in the High street , there stretcheth one large middle row , or troop of small Tenements , partly opening to the South , and partly towards the North , up West to a Stone Crosse , over against the Strand ; and this is the bounds of the liberty , which first belonged to Brian Lisle , after to Peter of Savoy , and then to the House of Lancaster . Henry the third did grant to his Uncle Peter of Savoy , all those Houses upon the Thames , which pertained to Brian Lisle , or de Insula , in the way , or the street , called the Strand , to hold to him and his Heires , yielding three gilded Arrowes , every year in the Exchequer . This Peter , Earl of Savoy and Richmond , Son to Thomas Earl of Savoy , Brother to Boniface Arch Bishop of Canterbury , and Uncle unto Eleanor Wife to Henry the third , was the first Founder of the Savoy , Anno 1245. which he gave afterwards to the Fraternity of Monjoy . Queen Eleanor did purchase it for Edmund Duke of Lancaster , her Son , of the Fraternity ; which Duke did much augment and improve the structure . Iohn the French King was lodged there , being then the fairest Mannor of England . Anno 1381. The Rebels of Kent and Essex , did most barbarously burn this House , with many Vessels of Gold and Silver , which they threw into the River ; all which they did out of a popular malice to Iohn of Gaunt , Duke of Lancaster . It came afterwards to the Kings hands , and Henry the seventh did re-edifie and raise it up again , but converted it to the Hospital of St. Iohn Baptist ; yet was he content , that it should be still called the Savoy , and bestowed Lands , for maintenance of 100. poor men ; But afterwards , it was suppressed by his Granchild , Edward the sixth : the Beds , and Bedding , with other Furniture , were given to the City of London ; together , with Bridewell , to be a Work-house for idle persons ; and some of Savoy Furniture was given also to furnish St. Thomas Hospital in Southwark : But afterwards , the Savoy Hospital was refounded , and endowed with Lands , by Queen Mary , who made one Iackson , first Master thereof ) And it is memorable , how the Mayds of Honour , and Ladies of the Court , in those times , did much contribute for storing it again with new Beds , and Furniture ; and so it hath continued ever since : the Chappel of this Hospital serving for a Parish Church , to the Neighbors thereof near adjoyning , and others . Now touching the Prerogatives , and enfranchisements of the Dutchy of Lancaster , let the Reader know , that Henry the fourth , by his Royal Charter , and concurrence of Parliament , did sever the possessions of the said Dutchy from the Crown , And that which Iohn of Gaunt held for term of life , was established to perpetuity , by the Statutes of Edward the fourth , and Henry the seventh : which separation was made by Henry the fourth , in regard he well knew , that he had the Dutchy o Lancaster ( par Regno ) by sure and indefesble Title , whereas his Title to the Crown was not so assured , because that after the death of Richard the second , the Royal right was in the Heir of Lionel , Duke of Clarence , second Son of Edward the third . And John of Gaunt , who was Father to Henry the fourth , was the fourth Son : therefore his policy was , to make it a distinct thing from the Crown , for fear of after-claps . It was Edward the third , who erected the County of Lancaster to a County Palatine , and honoured the Duke of Lancaster therewith , giving him Jura Regalia , having a particular Court , The Officers whereof , were the Chancellor , the Attorney , the Receiver General , Clark of the Court , the Auditors , Surveyors , the Messenger ; The Seal of the Dutchy of Lancaster remains with the Chancellor ; but the Seal of the County Palatine , remains alwayes in a Chest , in the County Palatine under the safe custody of a Keeper . Now , all Grants and Leases of Lands , Tenements , and Offices in the County Palatine of Lancaster , should passe under that Seal , and no other ; but all Grants and Leases out of the County Palatine , and within the Survey of the Dutchy , should passe under the Seal of the Dutchy , and no other ; otherwise such Grants are voyd , Ipso facto . Though this County Palatine was a younger Brother , yet it had more honours mannors , and Lands annexed unto it , th●n any of the rest ; and all this by Acts of Parliament , whereby all the Franchises , Priviledges , Immunities , Quittances and Freedoms , which the Duke of Lancaster had for Himself and his Men , and Tenants , were confirmed . The Liberty of the Dutchy was used to be governed by the Chancellor , who had under him a Steward , that kept Court Le●t , with an Attorney of the Dutchy . There were also four Burgesses , and four Assistants , a Bayliffe , who had others under him ▪ four Constables , four Wardens , that kept the stock for the poor , four Wardens for high wayes , a Jury of 14. Ale-cunners , which looked to the assise of measures , four Scavengers , and a Beadle , and the common Prison is Newgate . And now we must make a step back towards Temple-barre , and so by degrees , to Westminster all along , we will begin with the right hand , or the Northside , and so pas●e up West , through a back lane or street , wherein do stand ( as was touched before ) three Inns of Chancery ▪ The first called Clements Inne , in regard it is near St. Clements Church , and Clements Well . The second New Inne , which was made of a common Hostery , about the beginning of the Reign of Henry 7. The third is Lions Inne . This street stretcheth up unto Drury lane , which lane extends Northward towards St. Giles in the Field . But now we must go back , as was said before , towards Temple-barre . and so by taking the Strand , all along return by degrees to Westminster it self , in a direct line . I have heard often of a British Prophecy , which came from an old Bard , viz. The Church man was , the Lawyer is , and the Soul●ier shall be . True it is , that Bishops lived in the Equipage of Princes , in former times ; and among other in●●ar●es , one is , the goodly Palaces they had in and about London , and Westminster ; for from Dorset House in Fleetstreet , as far as White-hall , all the great Houses , which were built upon the Banks of the Thames , were all Episcopal Palaces , except the Savoy and Suffolk-house . The first for greatness was Excester House ( now called Essex ) whereof the chiefest Founder was Edward Stapleton , Bishop of that See , who was beheaded by the Londoners in Cheap-side , and his Body was then brought , and buried in a heap of Sand or rubbish , in his own House near Temple-barre , in the Raign of Edward the second . Bishop Edmond L●ey , built the great Hall in the Raign of Henry the sixth . The same was since called Paget-House , being enlarged by William Lord Paget . Then was it called Leicester-House , of Robert Dudley , who was the great Favorite to Queen Elizabeth , and then it came to be called Essex-house , from Robert Earl of Essex , who was also a Favorite of Queen Elizabeth , and beheaded in the Tower. Opposite to this House , standeth the Parish-Church of Saint Clement Danes , so called , because Harold , a Danish King , with other of that Nation , were buried there . Then was the Bishop of Baths Inne , or City-House , builded by the Lord Thomas Seamer , Admiral of England : which House , came afterwards to be possessed by the Earl of Arundel , & so it beares the name of Arundel-house : neer there adjoyning , there was once a Parish-Church , called the Nativity of our Lady , or the Innocents of the Strand , with a fair Coemitery , or Church-yard , wherein there was a Brother-hood kept , called Saint Vrsula of the Strand . Near adjoyning to the said Church , betwixt it and the Thames , there was an Inne of Chancery , called Chesters Inne , because it belonged to the Bishop of Chester , and sometimes 't was called Strand Inne . Then was there a House belonging to the Bishop of Landaff , which one of those Bishops purchased of the Duke of Lancaster . Then was there the Bishop of Chesters Inne or Palace , which was first built by Walter Langhton , Treasurer of England , in the Reign of Edward the first . And not far from that was the Bishop of Worcesters Inne or Palace ; All which viz. The Parish Church called Saint Mary of the Strand , Strand Inne , with the Bishop of Chester , and Bishop of Worcesters Houses , with all the Tenements adjoyning , were by commandement of Edward Duke of Somerset , Uncle to Edward the sixth , & Lord Protector pull'd down , and laid level to the ground Anno 1549. In place whereof , he erected that large and goodly House , call'd now Somerset House , which rose out of the ruines of the Church ; Therefore the Roman Catholiques observed , that an apparent judgement from Heaven fell upon him afterwards , being beheaded a little after ; and he and his Counsel were so infatuated , that he forgot to call for his Clergy , which he might have claimed by the Law , and so sav'd his life . Then is there Bedford House , which was sometimes the Bishop of Carliles Inne . It stretched from the Savoy to Ivie Bridge , where Sir Robert Cecill Earl of Salisbury raysed a large and stately House of Brick and Timber ; Worcester House lies sideling of it , and there being a great VValnut tree there growing , which much hindred the prospect of Salisbury House Eastward , the Earl bargained with one of the Lord Edward of VVorcesters servants , that if he could get leave of his Lord to cut down that Tree , he would give him 100 li , the servanc told his Lord of it , who bad him fell down the Tree and take the money ; but the old Earl ( there being no good correspondence 'twixt Salisbury and him ) caused presently a new Brick building to be there erected , where the Tree stood . We come now to Durham House , built by Thomas Hatfield Bishop of that See , a very capacious Edifice , on the North side whereof stood a row of thatch'd Stables , which the Earl of Salisbury purchased , and pull'd down , and erected in place thereof , the New Exchange , or Britains Burse ; which was built with wonderful celerity , for the first Stone thereof was ●ayed on the tenth of Iune 1608 , and it was fully finished the November next following . The Earl did then invite King Iames with the Queen , to see his new House , where after a rich banquet the King named the place Britains Burse . Next beyond Durham House and this new building , is another great Palace , belonging of old to the Bishop of Norwich , but afterwards it came to the Archbishop of Yorke , by this occasion . When Cardinal Woolsey , Arch Bishop of Yorke , was Indicted in a premunire , whereby the King was entitled to all his Goods and Possessions , he among other things , seazed upon the said Cardinals House , where he then dwelled , commonly called York Place , and changed the name thereof to White-Hall . The Arch-bishops of York , having then no House in London or Westminster , Queen Mary gave unto Nicholas Heath then Arch-bishop of Yorke , Suffolke House in Southwark , lately built by Charles Brandon ; which House the said Arch-bishop sold , and in lieu thereof he purchased the Bishop of Norwich's House , which ever since hath been called Yorke House , though it came afterwards to the possession of the Duke of Buckingham George Villers , who added much to the old Edifice , and would have had it called Buckingham House , which name is engraven upon the watergate in great Letters . There was of old , an Hospitall of St. Mary Rouncival ( an order which came from Navarre in Spain ) by Charing-Crosse , where a Fraternity was founded in the fifteenth of Edward the fourth , which was afterwards suppressed and turned to Tenements . Near unto this Hospital was an Hermitage with a Chappel of St. Katherine over against Charing-Crosse , which Crosse was erected by Edward the first to the honor of his Queen ( as is spoken else-where ) Eleanor , and it was a goodly Monument , which was utterly destroyed by the fury of the long Parl●ament . West of this Crosse stood sometimes another Hospital called St. Iames , consisting of two Hides of Land in the Parish of St. Margaret in VVestminster , and 〈…〉 by the Citizens of London , for 14 Sister-Maidens that were Lep●ous ; then were there added eight Brethren , to minister Divine Service there . Afterwards , there was a great addition of Land made to this Hospital , and Edward the first granted a Fair to be kept there every year . This Hospital being surrendred to Henry 8. the Sisters were allowed Pensions during their 〈◊〉 , and the King erected there a Mannor House , with a Park annexed-encompassed about with a Brick Wall. But before we advance further Northward towards Westminster , we must make a slep backward to Saint Martins Church and Lane , where on the West side there are many gentile fair Houses in a row built by the same Earl of Salisbury who built Britains Burse , but somewhat before . Then have we Bedford Berry , commonly called the Coven ●arden , because there was a large Convent , or Monastery there in times pass'd , where there are many good structures , cloystered underneath some of them , with a large Piazza or Market place , and a Church that bears the name of Saint Paul , which , though within the Precincts of Saint Martins Parish , yet by Act of Parliament , it is now exempted . The Founder who was the Earl of Bedford , p●ying the Minister 100l . per annum . On the left hand of Charing-Crosse , there are divers fair Houses built of late yea●s , specially the most stately Palace of Suffolk or Northampton House , built by Henry of Northampton Son to the Duke of Norfolk , and Lord Pri●ie Seal to King Iames. Then is there a large plot of ground enclosed with Brick , called Scotland yard where the Kings of Scotland were used to be lodg'd and Margaret Queen Dowager of Scotland , eldest sister to Henry the 8th , kept her Court there a●●er the King her Husband had been kill'd in Flodden field . And now we are come to White-Hall , belonging of old to Hubert de Burgh , Earl of Kent ▪ and Iusticier of England , who gave it to the Black-Fryers in Holborne ; but being fallen to Henry the 8. ordained it to be called an Honor , and built there a huge long Gallery , with two Gate-houses thwart the street to St. Iames Park . From these Gates we passe in a direct Line to Kings street ; on one side whereof passing through St. Stephen Alley is Canon Row , ( but now though very corruptly calld Channel Row ) to called because it belonged to the Dean and Canons of Saint Stephens Chappel , who were lodg'd there , but now they are all turn'd to be temporal habitations . Then we come to Woolstaple now the common Market place of Westminster , In the Reign of Edward the first , we read that the Staple being at Westminster , the P●rishioners of Saint Margarets , and Merchants of the Staple bui●ded the said Church of new . Henry the sixth , had six Wool-houses within the Staple at Westminster , which he granted to the Dean and Canons of Saint Stephens . Bec●use we are not yet ready to speak of the Abbey , we will passe by it to the Gatehouse of Westminster , and so to Totehill and Petty France . The Gate-house is called so of two Gates , the one out of the Colledge Court towards the North , on the Eastside whereof was the Bishop of Londons Prison for Clerks convict ; the other Gate-house is a Goal or Prison for Felons , one Walter Warfield Cellerer to the Monastery of VVestminster , was founder of both these Gates , in Edward the third's Reign . On the South side of these Gates , Henry the the seventh founded an Alms-House for 13 poor men ; one of them to be a Priest , and above 45 years old , the rest to be aged 50 years without Wives . Near to this place , was of old , the Chappel of St. Anne , where the Lady Margaret Henry the sevenths Mother , erected an Alms-House for poor women and it was called Eleemosynary , and now Almory , or Ambry , because the Alms of the Abbey were there distributed to the poor : And there Islp Abbot of VVestminster set up the first Press of Book-printing that ever was in England , Anno 1471. And one Caxton Citizen of London , was the first who brought over that Art. Then is there Totehill street , where there are of late years sundry fair Houses on the back of St. Iames Park . The Lady Anne Dacre built there an Hosptall for twenty poor Women , and so many Children to be brought up under them . Then is there Petty France , where , upon a place called St. Hermits Hill , Cornelius Van Dun a Brabanter born , and Yeoman of the Guard to Henry the 8th , Edward the sixth , Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth , built twenty Houses for poor Women to dwell Rent-free . And near hereunto there was of old a Chappel of St. Mary Magdalen which is now quite ruinated . There is of late years a new large Chappel of Brick erected there , at the entrance to Totehil fields ; Where Mr. Palmer , a well di●posed and reverend Divine , hath also erected lately another new Hospital , with a competent allowance to the poor that shall be admitted thereinto . And now we will return to the Abbey of VVestminster , a place which was us'd to be of very high devotion ; It gives the denomination to the whole City , and certainly , that place cannot choose but be happy which hath Gods House for its Godfather , as Munster a great and renowned City in Germany , takes her name from the chief Church . Of Westminster Abbey . THis Church is famous , especially by reason of the inauguration and sepulture of the Kings of England . Sulcard writeth , that there stood sometimes a Temple of Apollo in that place , and that in the daies of Antoninus Pius , Emperor of Rome , it fell down with an Earthquake ; out of the remains whereof , Sebert King of the East-Saxons , erected another to St. Peter , which being by the Danes overthrown , Bishop Dunstane re-edified , and granted it to some few Monks . But afterwards King Edward surnamed the Confessour , with the tenth penny of all his Revenues , built it a new for to be his own Sepulture , and a Monastery for Benedictine Monks , endowing it with Livings and Lands , lying dispersed in divers parts of England . But listen what an Historian saith , who then lived . The devout King destined unto God that place , both for that it was near unto the famous and wealthy City of London , and also had a pleasant scituation amongst fruitful fields , and green grounds , lying round about it , with the principal River running hard by , bringing in from all parts of the World , great variety of Wares ; and Merchandize of all sorts to the City adjoyning ; But chiefly for the love of the Chief Apostle , whom he reverenced with a special and singular affection . He made choice to have a place there for his own Sepulchre : and thereupon commanded , that of the Tenths of all his Rents , the work of a noble Edifice should be taken in hand , such as might beseem the Prince of the Apostles : To the end ( as the Annales have it ) that he might procure the propitious favour of the Lord , after he should finish the course of this transitory life , both in regard of his devout Piety , and also of his free Oblation of Lands and Ornaments , wherewith he purposed to endow , and enrich the same . According therefore to the Kings commandement the work was nobly began , and happily proceeded forward : neither the charges already disbursed , or to be disbursed , were weighed and regarded , so that it might be presented in the end unto God and Saint Peter , and made worth their acceptation . Thus the words of the old Record run . Touching the Form of that ancient building , we read in an old Manuscript Book , that the principal plot or ground-work of the building was supported with most lofty Arches , cast round with a four square work , and semblable joynts . But the compasse of the whole , with a do●b●e Arch of Stone on both sides is enclosed with joyned-work , firmly knit and united together , every way . Moreouer , the Crosse of the Church which was to compasse the mid Quire of those that chaunted unto the Lord , and with a twofold supportance , that it had on either side to uphold and bear the lofty top of the Tower in the midst , simply riseth at first with a low and strong Arch ; then mounteth it higher , with many winding stairs , artificially ascending with a number of steps : But afterward with a single Wall it reacheth up to the roof of Timber , well and surely covered with Lead . But after an hundred and threescore years , King Henry the third , subverted this Fabrick of King Edwards , and built from the very foundation a new Church of very rare Workmanship , supported with sundry rowes of Marble Pillars , and the roofe covered over with sheets of Lead : a piece of work that cost fifty years labour in building ; which Church the Abbots enlarged very much toward the West end ; and King Henry the seventh for the burial of himself and his Children , adjoyned thereto , in the East end , a Chappel of admirable artificial elegancy , The Wonder of the Worlde , as Leland calleth it : for a man would say , that all the curious and exquisite work that can be devised , is there compacted ; wherein is to be seen , his own most stately magnificial Monument , all of solid and mass●e Copper . This Church , when the Monks were driven thence , from time to time , was altered to and fro with sundry changes . First of all , it had a Dean and Preb●ndaries : soon after one Bishop and no more , namely T. Thurlbey , who having wasted the Church Patrimony , surrendred it to the spoil of Courtiers ; and shortly after were the Monks with their Abbot ●et in possession again by Queen Mary ; and when they also within a while after , were by authority of Parliament cast out , Queen Elizabeth converted it into a Collegiate Church , or rather into a Seminary and Nurse-Garden of the Church , appointing twelve Prebendaries there , and as many old Souldiers past service , for Alms-men , fourty Schollars , who in their due time are preferred to the Universities ; and from thence sent forth into the Church and Common-weale , &c. Over these they placed D. B●ll Dean , whose Successor was Gabriel Goodman , a right good man indeed , and of singular integrity and an especial Patron of Literature . Within this Church are intombed ( that I may note them according to their dignity and time wherein they died ) Sebert the first of that name , and first Christian King of the East-Saxons . Harold the bastard Son of Canutus the Dane King of England ; Edward King and Confessour , with his Wife Ed●th ; Maud Wife to King Henry the first , the Daughter of Malcolme King of Scots ; King Henry the third , and his Son ; King Edward the first , with Eleanor his Wife Daughter to Ferdinando the first King of Castile and of Leon : King Edward the third , and Philippa of Henault his Wife ; King Richard the second , and his Wife Anne , Sister to VVencelaus the Emperour ; King Henry the fifth , with Katherine his Wife , Daughter to Charles the sixth King of France ; Anne , Wife to King Richard the third , Daughter to Richard Nevil Earl of VVarwick ▪ King Henry the seaventh , with his Wife Elizabeth , Daughter to Ki●g Edward the fourth , and his Mother Margaret Countesse of Richmond ; King Edward the sixth ; Anne of Cleave the fourth Wife of King Henry the eighth ; Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth ; Prince Henry eldest Son of King Iames the sixth of Scotland , and first of England , who lies there also interred with Queen Anne his Wife ; and lastly , the first male born of Charles the first , dying an Infant . Of Dukes and Earls Degree , there lie here buried , Edmund Earl of Lancaster , second Son of King Henry the third , and his Wife Aveline de Fortibus Countesse of Albemarle ; William and Audomar of Valence of the Family of Lusignian , Earls of Pembrooke ; Alphonsus Iohn , and other Children of King Edward the first ; Iohn of Eltham Earl of Cornwall , Son to King Edward the second ; Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Glocester , the youngest Son of King Edward the third with other of his Children ; Eleanor , Daughter and Heir of Humphrey Bohun Earl of Hereford , and of Essex , Wife to Thomas of VVoodstock ; the young Daughter of Edward the fourth , and King Henry the seventh ; Henry a Child two Months old , Son o● King Henry the eighth ; Sophia the Daughter of King Iames who died , as it were , in the very first day-dawning of her age ; Phill●ppa Mohun , , Dutches of Yorke ; Robert of Hexault in right of his Wife Lord Bourchier ; Anne , the young Daughter and Heir of Iohn Mowbray Duke of Norfolk , promised in marriage unto Richard Duke of York , younger Son to K. Edward the 4th ; Sir Giles Daubeny , Lord Chamberlain to King Henry the 7th , and his Wife of the house of the Arundels in Cornwal ; I. Viscount VVells ; Farnces Brandon Dutchess of Suffolk , Marry her Daughter , Margaret Douglasse Countesse of Lennox , Grandmother to Iames King of great Britain , with Charles her Sonne ; VVinifred Bruges , Marchionesse of V●inchestèr ; Anne Stanhope Dutchess of Sommerset , and Iane her Daughter ; Anne Cecill Countesse of Oxford , Daughter to the Lord Burleigh , Lord High Treasure of England , with Mildred Burghley her Mother ; Elizabeth Berkeley Countesse of Ormond ; ●Frances Sidney Countess of Sussex ; Iames Butler Vicount Thurles , Son and Heir to the Earl of Ormond . Besides these , Humphrey Lord Bourchier of Cromwall ; Sir Humphrey Bourchier Son and Heir to the Lord Bourchier of Beruers , both slain at Bernet field ; Sir Nicholas Carew Baronesse Powisse , T. Lord Wentworth ; Thomas Lord Wharton ; John Lord Russel ; Sir T. Bromley , Lord Chancellour of England ; Douglas Howard Daughter and Heir general of H. Vicount Howard of Bindon , Wife to Sir Arthur Gorges ; Elizabeth Daughter and Heir of Edward Earl of Rutland , Wife to William Cecill ; Sir John Puckering Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England ; Francis Howard Countesse of Hertford ; Henry and George Cary , the Father and Son , Barons of Hundsdon , both Lords Chamberlains to Queen Elizabeth ; the Heart of Anne Sophia , the tender Daughter of Christopher Harley ; Count Beaumont , Embassador for the King of France in England , bestowed within a small gilt Urne over a Pyramid ; Sir Charles Blunt Earl of Devonshire , Lord Livetenant General of Ireland ; And ( whom in no wise we must forget ) the Prince of English Poets , Geoffrey Chaucer ; as also he that for pregnant wit , and an excellent gift in Poetry , of all English Poets came nearest unto him , Edmund Spencer , William Cambden , Clarencieux King of Arms ; Causabon the grea● French Writer ; Michael Drayton . Then there is George Villers Duke , Marquiss and Earl of Buckingham , favorite to King James , and Charles the first . The late Earl of Essex , with divers other during the Reign of the long Parliament . There was also another Colledge or Free-Chappel hard by , consisting of a Dean and twelve Chanons , Dedicated to St. Stephen , which King Edward the third in his princely Magnificence repaired with curious Workmanship , and endowed with fair possessions , so as he may seem to have built it new , the time as he had with his Victories over-run and subdued all France , recalling to mind ( as we read the Charter of the Foundation ) and pondering in a due weighty devout consideration , the exceeding benefits of Christ , whereby of his own sweet mercy and pitty , he preventeth us in all occasions , delivering us , although without desert , from sundry p●ills , and defending us gloriously with his powerful right Hand , against the violent assaults of our adversaries , with victorious successes , and in other Tribulations , and perplexities , wherein we have exceeding much bin encumbred , by comforting us , and by applying , and in powring remedies upon us beyond all hope and expectation . There was also adjoyning hereto a Palace , the ancient Habitation of the Kings of England , from the time of King Edward the Confessor , which in the Raign of King Henry the eighth , was burnt by casual fire to the ground ; A very large , stately , and sumptuous Palace this was , and in that age , for building incomparable , with a Vawmure , and Bulwarks for defence . The remains whereof , are the Chamber wherein the King , the Nobles , with the Councellors , and , Officers of State , do assemble at the High Court of Parliament ; and the next unto it , wherein anciently they were wont to begin the Parliaments known by the name of St. Edwards painted Chamber , because the Tradition holdeth , that the said King Edward therein dyed . Adjoyning unto this , is the White-Hall , wherein at this day , the Court of Requests is kept ; beneath this is that Hall , which of all other is the greatest , and the very Praetorium , or Hall of Justice , for all England , In this , are the Judicial Courts ; namely , The Kings Bench , The Common Pleas , and the Chancery ; and in places near thereabout , the Star-Chamber , the Exchequer , Court of Wards , and Court of the Dutchy of Lancaster , &c. In which at certain set times , ( we call them Termes ) yearly Causes are heard , and tryed : whereas before King Henry the third his dayes , the Court of Common Law , and principal Justice , was unsetled , and alwayes followed the Kings Court ; But he in the Magna Charta , made a Law in these words , Let not the Common Pleas follow our Court , but be holden in some certain place ; which notwithstanding , some expound thus , That the Common Pleas , from thenceforch be handled in a Court of her own , by it self a part , and not in the Kings Bench , as before . This Judgement-Hall , which we now have , King Richard the second , built out of the ground , as appeareth by his Arms , engraven in the Stone-work , and many Arched Beams , ( when he had plucked down the former old Hall that King William Rufus in the same place had built before ) and made it his own Habitation ; For Kings in those dayes , sate in Judgement place , in their own persons , And they are indeed , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , Judges , whose mouth ( as the Royal Writer saith ) shall not erre in judgement ; But the foresaid Palace ▪ after it was burnt down , in the year of our Lord , 1512. lay desolate , and King Henry the eighth , translated shortly after , the Kings Seat , from thence to an House not far off , which belonged but a while before , to Cardinal Woolsey , and is called White Hall. This House is a Princely thing , enclosed on the one side with a Park , that reacheth also to another House of the Kings , named Saint James ( where anciently was a Spittle for Mayden Lepers ) demolished by King Henry the eighth , as is spoken else-where . Hard by , near unto the Mues , so called , for that it served to keep Hawkes , and now is become a most fair Stable for the Court Horses : there remaineth a Monument in memorial of that most pious and kind Queen Eleanor , erected by King Edward the first , her most dearly beloved Husband ; and certainly , the memory of her conjugal love shall remain worthy , to be consecrated to eternity ; For she , the Daughter of Ferdinand the third , King of Castile , being given in Mariage to Edward the first , King of England , accompanied him into the Holy Land , where , when as he was secretly fore-laid , and by a certain Moor , wounded with an envenomed Sword , and by all the remedies that Physitians could devise , was not so much eased as afflicted , she took her to a strange cure , I must needs say , and never heard of before ; howbeit , full of love , care , and affection . For , her Husbands wounds infected with the poyson , and which , by reason of the malignity thereof , could not be closed and healed , she day by day , licked with her Tongue , and sucked out the venomous humor , which to her was a most sweet Liquor , by the vigour and strength whereof , or to say more truly , by vertue of a Wives s●ingular fidelity , she so drew unto her , all the substance of the poyson , that the wounds being closed , and cicatrized , he becam perfectly healed , and she caught no harm at all ; what then can be heard more ra●e , what admirable then this Womans faithful more love ? That a Wives Tongue thus annoynted , as I may so say , with faith and love to her Husband , should from her well beloved , draw those poysons , which by an approved Physitian , could not be drawn ; and that which many , and those right exquisite Medicines effected not , the love only , and piety of a Wi●e performed : These are the words of the a●cient Record . But we must not passe by the Mewse so sleightly ; that place was called so of the Kings Faulcons there kept , which in former times , was an Office of high esteem ; But Henry the eighth , having his Stablings at Lomesberry , ( now called Blomesberry ) which was then a M●nnor in Holborn , it fortuned , that the same was consumed by ●ire , with Hay and Horses ; whereupon , the Mewse was enlarged , and made fit for the Kings Stables , which hath continued ever since receiving divers additions from time to time . But now we are according to the method of our Discourse , summoned to appear at Westminster-Hall ; But I had almost pretermitted one signal thing , which belongs to the great Dome or Temple of Westminster Abbey , which is the great priviledge of Sanctuary it had within the Precincts thereof , viz. the Church , the Church-yard , and the Close , whereof there are two ; the little , and the great Sanctuary , vulgarly now called Centry ; from whence it was not lawful for the Soveraign Prince himself , much lesse , any other Magistrate , to fetch out any that had fled thither , for any offence : which Prerogative , was granted near upon a thousand years since , by King Sebert , then seconded by King Edgar , and afterwards confirmed by Edward the Confessor , whose Charter I thought worthy the inserting here , the Tenor whereof , runs thus , in the modern English. Edward by the Grace of God , King of Englishmen , I make it to be known to all Generations in the VVorld , after me , that by special Commandment of our holy Father Pope Leo , I have renewed , and honoured the holy Church of the blessed Apostle , St. Peter of Westminster ; and I order and establish for ever , that what Person , of what estate or condition soever he be , and from whence soever he come , or for what offence , or cause it be , either for his refuge into the said holy place , he be assured of his life , liberty , and Limbs . And over I forbid under pain of everlasting damnation , that no Minister of mine , or any of my Successors , intermeddle themselves with any the Goods , Lands , or possessions of the said persons , taking the said Sanctuary ; For I have taken their Goods and Livelihoods into my special protection . And therefore I grant to every each of them ▪ in as much as my Terrestrial power may suffice , all manner of freedom of joyous liberty ; and whosoever shall presume , or doth contrary to this my grant , I will , he lose his name , VVorship , Dignity and Power ; and that with the great Traytor Judas , that betrayed our Saviour , he be in the everlasting fire of Hell. And I will and ordain , that this my Grant , endure as long as there remaineth in England , either love or dread of Christian name . And this Record may be ranked among the most ancient of the Land. About what time , King Edward the Confessor , did renew it , he removed St. Margarets Church , which before was within the Abbey , to the place where now it stands . Of Westminster-Hall , and all the Tribunalls of Iustice , which have their motion therein ; And first of the High Court of Parliament . HAving visited God Almighties House , we will now take a view of the chief Praetorium of Great Britain , which is VVestminster-Hall , and of the Courts of Judicature , which are thereunto annexed ; And first , of the Court Paramount , the high national Court of Parliament : vvhich great Councel vvas used to be the Bulwark of our liberties , the boundary and bank vvhich kept us from slavery , from the inundations of Tyrannical encroachments , and unbounded VVill-Government . And in this High Court , there was used to be such a Co-ordination of power , such a wholsome mixture 'twixt Monarchy , Optimacy , and Democracy , I mean , 'twixt Prince , Peers , and Commonalty , during the time of consultation , that of so many distinct parts , by a rare co-operation and unanimity , they made but one Body Politique ( like that sheaf of Arrowes in the Fable ; ) they made but one entire concentrical peece ; and the results of their deliberations , but as so many harmonious Diapazons arising from the touch of different strings . And what greater mark of freedom can there be to a people , then to be lyable to no Lawes , but what they make themselves ? to be subject to no Contribution , Assement , or pecuniary Levies whatsoever ▪ but what they vote , and voluntarily yield unto themselves . For in this great compacted Body politick , there be all degrees of people represented ; The Yeoman , Marchant , Tradesman , and mechanick , have there their inclusive Votes , as well as the Gentry and Freeholders , in the persons of their Trustees , viz. their Burgesses and Knights . The Clergy also , which make a considerable part of the Common-wealth , were used to have their Representatives there , not only in the persons of the Bishops ( which at the first constitution , were the prime Parliament , and continued so many Ages ) but in the Convocation which was an Assesmbly of Divines , fairly chosen to that purpose . Nor is this Soveraign super-intendent Councel and Epitome of this Iland only ; but it may be said , to represent the whole Universe , according to the primitive constitution . The Soveraign Prince was as the Sun , the Nobles the fixed Starres , the Itinerant Iudges , and other Officers , that were wont to go with Messages 'twixt both Houses , to the Planets : The Clergy ( when there was a Convocation House , as was said before ) to the Element of fire : The Commons to the solid body of the Earth , and the rest of the Elements . He who hath bin conversant with the Chronicles of this Iland , will finde it hath bin her fare , to be four times conquered ; but the Scot , never till now of late . These so many Conquests , must needs bring with them , many tumblings and tossings , many disturbances and changes in Government ; yet I have observed , that notwithstanding these various tumblings , England retained still the form of Monarchy , and something there was alwayes , that held an Analogy with the great Assembly of Parliament . The first Conquest was made by Claudius Caesar , at which time it may be said , that the Standard of the Crosse came in together with the Roman Eagles ▪ 't is well known , how the Ro●an governed . He had his Comitia , which bore a resemblance with our Convention in Parliament , the place of meeting was called praetorium , and the Lawes which were enacted , were called Plebiscita . The Saxon Conquest succeeded next , in which were the English , and the Saxons governed by Parliament , though it was under other names , as Michel Gemote , Michel Sinoth , and VVitenage Mote . There are Records near upon a thousand years , of these Parliaments , in the Raigns of King Ina , Offa , Ethelbert , and others . The third Conquest was by the Danes , and they governed also by such generall Assemblies , in the Raign of Canutus and others . Then came the Norman , whose Successors did revive , and ratifie the way of governing by Parliament , witness Magna Charta , which was used to be called the Foundation of the English liberty ; and it may be compared to divers outlandish graffs set upon one stock : for the choysest of the British , Roman , Saxon , Danish , and Norman Lawes , being cull'd and pick'd out , and gathered as it were in one bundle , out of them the foresaid grand Charter was extracted : the establishment whereof , was a work of a Parliament : Now by an ancient Statute of Edward the third , it was enacted , That all Statutes are repealed , which are against Magna Charta , or Charta de foresta . Nor are the Lawes of this Iland only , and the immunities of the people conserved by Parliament ; but all the best policed Countries of Europe have the like . The Germans have their Diets : The Dane and Swedes their Rich-daghs . The Spaniard , las Cortes ; and the French , the Assembly of the three Estates , though it hath bin for many years discontinued . And touching England , the Parliament was u●ed to be the principal Fountain , whence the Soveraign Prince derived his happiness and safety . It was the great Conduit-Pipe , which conveighed unto him the Peoples bounty and love . It was the truest Looking-Glasse , wherein he discerned their affections and allegiance . In Parliament , the Soveraign Prince used to appear , like the Sun in the Meridian , in the altitude of his glory , in his highest Royal State , as the Law tells us . But we will go now more particularly to work , and treat of this great National Conncel , according to the first constitution , and establishment thereof . This Court consisteth of the Kings Majesty sitting there , as in his Royal politick Capacity , and of the three Estates of the Realm , viz. of the Lords spiritual Arch Bishops and Bishops , being in number twenty four , who sit there by succession in respect of their Counties , or Baronies parcel of their Bishopricks , which they hold also in their politick Capacity ; And every one of these , when any Parliament is to be holden , ought , Ex debito justitiae , to have a writ of Summons . The Lords Temporal Dukes , Marquesses , Earls , Viscounts , and Barons , who sit there , by reason of their Dignities , which they hold by Descent or Creation ; and likewise , every one of these being of full age , ought to have a writ of Summons , ex debito justitiae ; for they are called Parliamentary Barons . The third Estate is the Commons of the Realm , whereof there be Knights of shires , or Counties , Citizens of Cities , and Burghesses of Burghes . All which are respectively elected by the Shires or Counties , Cities and Burghes , by force of the Kings Writ , Ex debito justitiae , and none of them ought to be omitted ; and these represent all the Commons of the whole Realm , and trusted for them , and were used to be in number , near upon 500. Now the King and these three Estates , were the great Corporation or Body politick of the Kingdom ; but they were to sit in two Houses , viz. the King and Lords in one House , called the Lords House , and the Knights , Citizens and Burgesses in another House , called the House of Commons . The Commons are in Legal understanding , taken for the Franck Tenants , or Freeholders of the Counties . And whosoever is not a Lord of Parliament , and of the Lords House , is of the House of the Commons , either in person , or by representation , partly coaugmentative , and partly representative . Of this Court of Parliament , the Soveraign Prince by the Law is Caput principium & finis , the head , beginning , and ending . And as in the natural body , when all the sinews , being joyned in the head , do unite their forces together , for the strengthening of the body , there is ultimum potentiae ; so , in the poli●ique Body , when the King and the Lords spiritual , and temporal , Knights , Citizens , and Burgesses , are all by the Kings Command assembled and joyned together , under the Head in consultation for the common good of the whole Realm there is ultimum sapientiae . The third year of Henry the sixth , it appears in a Parliament Roll , that the Parliament being called , as hath bin said , Commune Consilium every member of the House being a Counsellor , should have the three properties of the Elephant ; which are First , That he hath no Gall. Secondly , That he be inflexible , and cannot bow . Thirdly , That he is of a most ripe and perfect memory ; which properties , as there it is said , ought to be in every Member of the great Councel of Parliament . First , to be without Gall , that is , without malice , rancor , heat , and envie , In the Elephant , Melancholia transit in nutrimentum corporis , every gallish inclination ( if any were ) should tend to the good of the whole body , the Common-wealth . Secondly , That he be constant , inflexible , and not to be bowed , or turned from the right , either for fear , reward , or favour ; nor , in judgement , re●pect any person . Thirdly , of a ripe memory ▪ that they remembring perils past , might prevent dangers to come , as in that Roll of Parliament it appeareth . The Prince de advisamento consilii ( for so be the words of the Writ of Parliament ) resolving to have a Parliament , doth out of the Court of Chancery , send out Writs of Summons , at the least forty dayes before the Parliament begins : every Lord of Parliament , either spiritual , as Arch bishops , and Bishops ; or temporal , as Dukes , Marquisses , Earls , Viscounts , and Barons , Peers of the Realm , and Lords of Parliament , were used to have several Writs of Summons . And all the Judges of the the Realm , Barons of the Exchequer of the Coif , the Kings learned Cousnel , and the Civilians Masters of the Chancery , are called to give their assistance and attendance , in the upper House of Parliament ; but they have no Voices in Parliament , being only ministerial ; and their Writs differ from the Writs to the Judges ; for their Writs be , Quòd intersitis Nobiscum & cum caeteris de Concilio Nostro , ( & sometimes Nobiscum only ) super praemissis tractaturi , vestrumque consilium impensuri ; But the Writ to the Barons is , Quòd intersitis cum praelatis , Magnatibus & proceribus , super dictis negotiis tractaturi , vestrumque Consilium impensuri . Moreover , in every Writ to Summons to the Bishops , there is a clause requiring them to summon these persons to appear personally at the Parliament , which is in these words , premonientes Decanum & Capitulum Ecclesiae Vestrae Norwicensis , ac Archidi●conos totumque clerum vestrae Dioces , quod iidem Decani & Archi diaconi in propr●is persmiss suis , ac dictum capitulum per unum , idemque clerus per duos proeuratores idoneos plenam & sufficientem potestatem ab ipsis capitulo & clero divisim habentes predict ' die & loco personaliter intersint ad consenti●ndum hiis quae tunc ibidem de Communi concilio dicti regni Nostri divina favente clementia contigerit ordinari ; and the Bishop under his Seal makes Certificate accordingly . And these are called Procuratores cleri , and many times have appeared in Parliament , as spiritual Assistants , to consider , consult , and consent , ut supra ; but had never voyces there , because they were no Lords of Parliament ; And this Assembly was called the Convocation-House , which the last King continuing , ( after the dissolution of the Parliament ) and the Bishops comming amongst them to consult , and make Canons , the next Parliament protested against their proceedings as irregular , and prejudicial to the priviledges of Parliament . Observable it is , what difference there was in the Writ , whereby the spiritual Lords were summoned , and that whereby the temporal Lords were called . The Ecclesiastical Barons were required by the Kings Writ to be present , In fide & dilectione quibus nobis tenemini , In the faith and Love you are bound to us ; But the secular Lords were summoned to appear , In fide & homagio , quibus nobis tenemini . In the faith and homage you are bound unto us ; Now touching the Commons , their Writ or Summons to the Sheriff runs thus . The King to the Vicount , or Sheriff , Greeting : WHereas by the advice and assent of our Councel for certain Arduous and urgent Affaires concerning Us , the State , and defence of our Kingdom of England , and the Anglican Church , we have ordained a certain Parliament of ours , to be held at our City of the day of next ensuing , and there to have Conference , and to treat with the Prelates , Great men and Peers of our said Kingdom , We command , and strictly enjoyn you , that making Proclamation at our next County Court , after the receipt of this our Writ , to be holden the day and place aforesaid , you cause two Knights girt with Swords , the most fit and discreet of the County aforesaid , and of every City of that County two Citizens ; of every Borough two Burgesses , of the discreetest and most sufficient , to be freely and indifferently chosen by them , who shall be present at such Proclamation , according to the tenure of the Statutes in that case made and provided ; And the names of the said Knights , Citizens and Burgesses so chosen , to be inserted in certain Indentures to be then made between you and those that shall be present at such Election , whether the parties so elected be present or absent , and shall make them to come at the said day and place ; so that the said Knights for themselves , and the County aforesaid , and the Citizens , and the Burgesses for themselves , and the Commonalty of the said Cities and Beroughs , may have severally from them , full and sufficient power , to do , and to consent to those things , which then by the favour of God , shall happen to be ordained by the Common Councel of our said Kingdom , concerning the businessse aforesaid , so that the business may not by any means remain undone for want of such power , or by reason of the unprovident Election of the foresaid Knights , Burgesses and Citizens ; But we will not , in any case that you , or any other Sheriff of our said Kingdom , shall be elected , And at the day and place aforesaid , the said Election being made in a full County Court , you shall certifie without delay unto us , in our Chancery under your Seal , and the Seals of them who shall be present at the Election , sending back unto us , the other part of the Indenture aforesaid , affil'd to these presents , ogether with the Writ . Witness our Self at Westminster . This Commission or Writ , is the foundation , whereon the whole fabrick of the power , and duty of both Houses of Parliament is grounded . The first House is to parley , or have conference , and to treat and consult with the King , the other House is to do and consent only unto what the other shall ordain . This was the Law and usage in former times ; but what is the power of the Commons in these dayes now that the Government is altred , and cast into another mould , ( the House of Peers being dissolved ) it is not the intent of this Discourse to determine . At the return of the Writs aforesaid , the Parliament could not begin , but by the Royal presence of the King , either in Per●on , or by Representation ▪ By Representation two wayes , either by a Gardian of England , by Letters Patenrs under the Great Seal , when the King was in remotis , out of the Realm ; or by Commission , under the Great Seal , to certain Lords of Parliament , representing the Person of the King , he being within the Realm , but absent in respect of some infirmity . On the first day of the Parliament , the King himself , or most commonly , the Lord Chancellor , or Keeper , in the presence of the Lords and Commons , did shew the causes of the calling of High Court of Parliament ; but the King might have appointed any other to be his Prolocutor , in this case . Then the Commons are to choose their Speaker ; but in regard , that after their choyce , the King might refuse him ; for avoiding of time and contestation , the use was as in the Congè deslire of a Bishop , that the King doth recommend a discreet and learned man , whom the Commons elect ; but without their Election , no Speaker can be appointed for them , because he is their mouth , and intrusted by them , and so necessary , that the House of Commons cannot sit without him : therefore a grievous sickness is a good cause to remove him , as in Henry the 4th Raign , Iohn Chervy Speaker , was for sickness discharged and Sir Iohn Dorewoold chosen in his place ; but sickness is no cause to remove any Knight , Citizen or Burgesse . The Speaker being voted in the House , was presented to the King , where being allowed , he made a supplication consisting of three parts . First , That the Commons in Parliament might have free speech . Secondly , That in any thing he should deliver in the name of the Commons , if he should commit any error , no fault should be imputed to the Commons . Thirdly , That as often as necessity for his Majesties service , and the good of the Common-wealth shall require , he may by the directions of the House , have access to his Royal Person . Any of the Pee●s , by the Kings leave , may absent himself , and make a proxy to another Lord ; but a Knight , Citizen , or Burgess , cannot make a Proxy , because he is elected , and intrusted by multitudes of people . And it is to be observed , though one be chosen for one particular County or City , yet when he is returned , and sits in Parliament , he serveth for the whole Common-wealth . There belongs to Parliament , a Prorogation , or adjournment , which differ in this : A Prorogation presupposeth a Session , and then such Bills as passed in either House , or by both Houses , and had no Royal assent unto them , must at the next Assembly begin again ; for every Session in Parliament , is in Law a several Parliament ; but if it be but adjourned , then there is no Session . When a Parliament is called , and doth sit , and is dissolved without any Act passed , or judgement given , it is no Session of Parliament , but a Convention . Touching the Power and Jurisdiction of Parliament , for making of Lawes in proceeding by Bill , it is so transcendent , and absolute , as it cannot be confined within any bounds . No Alien is capable to be chosen a Parliament-man , nor can any of the Judges of the Kings Bench , or Common Pleas , or Barons of the Exchequer , that have Judicial places , or any Church-man , that hath care of souls , be chosen a member of the House of Parliament : For others , the King cannot grant a Charter of Exemption to any man , to be freed from Election of Knight or Burgesse of the Parliament , because the Elections of them , ought to be free for the publique service . OF THE COVRT OF THE KINGS-BENCH , THE Royallest Court in the Land ; Now called , The Upper Bench. THe Lawes of England , presuppose the King to be the Fountain and Oracle of Justice , and to have special inspirations from Heaven to that purpose ; therefore all the Tribunals of Judicature , were used to be ambulatory with his Court , and He was wont to sit in Person in the Upper Bench , which is the Supreme Tribunal of the Land. The Justices in this Court , are the soveraign Justices of Oyer and Terminer , Goal-delivery , Conservation of the Peace , &c. in the Realm . In this Court the Kings of this Realm have sat , as being the highest Bench , and the Judges of that Court on the lower Bench at his Feet ; but Judicature only belongeth to the Judges of that Court , and in his presence they answer all Motions , &c. The Justices of this Court are the soveraign Coroners of the Land , and therefore , where the Sheriffs and Coroners may receive appeals by Bill à fortiori , the Justices of this Court may do it : so High is the authority of this Court , that when it comes and sits in any County , the Justices of Eire , of Oier and Terminer , Coal-delivery , they which have conusance , &c. do cease without any writing to them ; But if any Indictment of Treason or Felony in a Forain County , be removed before certain Commissioners of Oier and Terminer , in the County where this Court sits , yet they may proceed , because this Court ( for that this Indictment , was not removed before them ) cannot proceed for that offence ; But if any Indictment be taken in Midd ▪ in the vacation , and after this Court sit in the next Term in the same County ( if this Court be adjourned ) then may special Commissioners of Oier and Terminer , &c. in the interim proceed upon that Indictment ; but the more usual way is by special Commission . And this was resolved by all the Judges of England at Winchester , Anno 1 ' Iacobi Regis , in the Case of Sir Everard Digby and others , and so had it been resolved , Mich. 25 and 26 Eliz. in the Case of Arden and Somervile , for this kind of special Commission of Oier and Terminer ; and herewith agreeth Pl. Com. in the Earl of Leic ' Case , Anno 1 Mar. Reginae . And so supream is the Jurisdiction of this Court , that if any Record be removed into this Court , it cannot ( being as it were in his Center ) be remanded back , unlesse it be by Act of Parliament ; And this appeareth by the Judgment of the Parliament , in Anno 6. H. 8. but by the authority of that Act , Indictments of Fellonies and Murders , removed into the Kings Bench , may by the Justices of that Court be remanded , and this Court may send down aswell the Bodies of all Felons and Murderers , as their Indictments , into the Counties where the same Murders of Felonies were committed or done , &c. in such manner , &c. as if the Indictments had not been brought into the Kings Bench. Out of this Court , are other Courts derived , as from one Fountain several Springs and Rivers , in repect of the multiplicity of Causes , which have encreased . Jurisdictio istius curiae est originalis seu ordinaria , & non delegata . The Justices of this Court have no Commission , Letters Patents , or other means to hold Pleas ▪ &c. but their power is original & ordinary . They were called ancienlty Iusticiae , Justiciarii , locum tenentes Domini Regis , &c. The chief Justice , Justicia Angliae , Justicia prima , Iusticiarius Angliae Capitalis , and Iusticiarius noster Capitalis adplacita coram nobis terminand ' . To observe the Changes of these names , and the reason and Changes thereof is worthy of observation . Before the Reign of E. 1. the Chief Justice of this Court was created by Letters Patents , and the form thereof , ( taking one example for all ) was in these words ; Rex &c. Archiepiscopis , Episcopis , Abbatibus , Prioribus , Comitibus , Baronibus , Vicecomitibus , Forestariis , &c. & omnibus aliis fidelibus regni Angliae , salutem . Cum pro conservatione nostra , & tranquill●tatis regni nostri , & ad justiciam universis & sing●lis de rengo nostro exhibendam constituerimus dilectum et fidelem nostrum Philippum Basset Iusticiarium Angliae , quamdiu nobis placuerit , capit alem ; vobis mandamus in fide qua nobis tenemini firmiter insungentes , quatenus in omnibus quae ad officium Justitiarii praedicti , nec non ad conservationem pacis nostrae et regni nos●ri eidem dum in officio praedicto steterit , pleniùs sitis intendentes . Teste Rege &c. The King &c. to all Archbishops , Bishops , Abbots , Priors , Earls , Barons , Vicounts , Foresters , &c. and to all other faithful to the Kingdom of England , greeting . Whereas for our conservation and the tranquillity of our Kingdom , &c. for the exhibition of justice to all and every one of our Kingdom , We ha●e constituted our beloved and faithful Philip Basset chief Justice of England , as long as we shall please . We command you upon the faith you hold unto us , and firmly enjoyn you to all things that belong unto the office of Chief Justice aforesaid , for the conservation of our Peace , and of our Kingdom , and that you be very intentive , as long as you stand in the said Office. Witnesse the King , &c. This Philip Basset was the last of this kind of creation by any like Letters Patents , and he died Chief Justice near to the end of the Reign of H. 3. King E. 1. being a wise and prudent Prince , knowing that Cui plus licet quam par est , plus vult quàm licet , ( as most of these Summi Iusticiarii did ) made three alterations , 1. By limitation of his authority . 2. By changing Summus Iusticiarius to Capitalis Iustic ▪ 3. By a new kind of creation , viz. By Writ , lest if he had continued his former manner of creation , he might have had a desire of his former Authority , which three do expresly appear by the Writ yet in use , &c. Rex &c. E. C. Militi salutem . Sciatis quod constituimus vos Justiciarium nostrum capitalem ad placita coram nobis tenenda , durante beneplacito nostro , Teste &c. The King &c. to E. C. greeting . Know ye , that we have constituted you our Capital ( or Chief ) Justice in Pleas , held before us during our pleasure . Witnesse &c. A short Writ , but of large extent in point of Authority . The rest of the Judges of the Kings Bench , have their Offices by Letters Patents , in these words , Rex omnibus ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint , salutem , Sciatis quod constituimus dilectum et fidelem Johannem Doderidge , Militem , unum Justiciariorum ad placita coram nobis tenenda durante beneplacito nostro , Teste &c. These Justices of the Kings Bench , are styled , 1. Capitales . 2. Generales . 3. Perpetui . 4. Majores à latere Regis residentes ; But the Chief Justice is only by the King , Capitalis Justiciarius noster . They are called first Capitales , in respect of their supream Jurisdiction . 2. Generales , in respect of their general jurisdiction throughout all England , &c. 3. Perpetui , for that they ought not to be removed without just cause , 4. Majores à latere Regis residentes , for their honor and safety , that they should be protected by the King in administration of justice , for that they be à latere Regis , that is , by the Kings fide . And vvhereas 5. E. 4. it was holden by all the Justices in the Exchequer Chamber , that a man cannot be Justice by Writ , but by Patent , or Commission , it is to be understood of all the Judges , saving the Chief Justice of this Court ; But both the Chief Justice , and the rest of the Judges may be discharged by Writ under the Great Seal . None can be a Judge of this Court , unlesse he be a Serjeant of the degree of the Coif ; and yet in the Writ or Patent to them made , they are not named Sergeants . There have been for a long time , and still there are great Complaints for multiplicity of Suits in Law , and it were a wholsome and happy thing , could it be prevented : but because a Disease cannot be cured without knowledge of the Cause , it is to be observed , that there be six Causes of the increase of them , whereof two be general , the other four particular ; The general be Peace , and Plenty ; The particular , 1. The dissolution of so many Monasteries , Chan●eries , &c. and the dispersing of them into so many several hands . 2. The swarm of Informers . 3. The number of Concealors . 4. The multitude of Atturneys . For the first general ; In the Reign of E. 3. R. 2. H. 4. H. 5. and part of the Reign of H. 6. in respect of the wars in France , &c. & in the residue of the Reign of H. 6. & in the Reign of E. 4. in respect of the bloody & intestine Wars , & in almost continual Alarms within the bowls of this Kingdom , between the Houses of Lancaster & York , there could not be so many Suits in Law , as since this Kingdom hath enjoyed Peace , which is the first general cause . Peace is the Mother of Plenty , ( which is the 2d general cause ) and Plenty the Nurse of Suits . In particulars , by the dissolution of Monasteries , Chanteries , &c. and dispersing of them , &c. upon the Statutes made concerning the same ( there being such a confluence of Ecclesiastical possessions ) there aro●e many questions , and doubts , whereupon Suits were greatly increased . 2. Informers and Relators raised many Suits , by Informations , Writs , &c. in the Kings Courts at Westminster , upon penai Statutes , many whereof were obsolete , inconvenient , and not fit for those daies , and yet remained as snares upon the Subject , so as the Subject might justly say with Tacitus , Priùs vitiis laboravimus , nunc legibus . 3. Concealers ; Helluones that endeavoured to swallow up Cathedral Churches , and the Ecclesiastical possessions of Church-men , and the Livings of many others of the Kings Subjects . Lastly , the multitude of Atturneys , more than is limited by Law , is a great cause of encrease of Suits . Touching the jurisdiction of this Court , which was used to be called the King Bench , it is of a larger extent of power , and more incontroulable than any other Tribunal : for the Law presums , that the King is there still in Person : He being the Lord Chief Justice of England himself : as King James gave a check to one who call'd Lord Coke , Lord Chief Justice of England , saying , that he was but Chief Justice of his Bench , and that it was his own Office to be Chief Justice of England ; Yet it is observable , that though the King be Chief Justice of England , and that he personally sit upon the Bench , yet he can passe no sentence of judgment , but by the mouths and mediation of his Judges , who did use to sit there at his Feet when he was present . Of the Court of Chancery , or Equity and Conscience . IT is taken pro confesso by all Antiquaries , that both the Brittish , and Saxon Kings , had their Chancellors , and Court of Chancery , the only Court out of which original and remedial Writs do issue ; as taking some few examples before the Conquest . Edward the Confessor had Reinbald his Chancelor ; this Edward granted many Mannors , Lands , &c. and Franchises to the Abbot of Westminster , and endeth his Charter thus , Adult●mum , cartam istam sigillari jussi , & ipse manu meâ propriâ signum Crucis impressi , & idon●os testes annotari praecepi . And amongst those Witnesse this you shall find , Swardus Notarius ad vicem Reinbaldi regiae dignitatis Chancellarii hanc cartam scripsi &c. subscripsi , He had also Lefrick to his Chancelor . King Etheldred also had a worthy name , and a worthy man to his Chancelor , Rex Etheldredus statuit atque concessit quatenus Ecclesiam de Elye ex tunc & semper in regis curia Cancellariae ageret dignitatem , &c. This King began his Reign Anno Domini 978 , which albeit , it was void in Law to grant the Chancelorship of England in succession ; yet it proveth then there was a Court of Chancery . King Edgar had Adulph ; King Edred had Thurkettle , King Edmond the same , King Athelstane Wolsine , their Chancelors &c. In the Chancery are two Courts , one ordinary , Coram Domino Rege in Cancellaria , wherein the Lord Chancelor , or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal proceeds , according to the right line of the Laws and Statutes of the Realm , Secundum legem & consuetudinem Angliae ; Another extraordinary according to the Rule of equity , secundum aquum & bonum ; And first of the former Court. He hath power to hold Plea of Scire fac ' for repeal of the Kings Letters Patents , of Petitions , Monstrans de droite , Traverses of office , Partitions in Chancery , of Scire fac ' upon recognizances in this Court , Writs of Audita querela , and Scire fac ' , in the nature of an Audita querela , to avoid Executions in this Court , Dowments in Chancery , the Writ De dote assignanda , upon Offices found , Executions upon the Statute Staple , or Recognizance in nature of a Stature Staple , upon the Act of 23. H. 8. but the Execution upon a Statute Merchant is retornable , either into the Kings Bench , or into the Common place , and all personall actions by or against any Officer or Minister of this Court in respect of their service or attendance there ; In these if the parties descend to issue , this Court cannot try it by Jury , but the Lord Chancelor or the Lord Keeper , delivereth the Record by his proper hands into the Kings Bench to be tried there , because for that purpose both Courts are accounted but one ; and after trial had to be remanded into the Chancery , and there Judgment to be given . But if there be a Demurrer in Law , it shall be argued and adjuged in this Court. Nota , the legal proceedings of this Court , be not inrolled in Rolls , but remain in Filaciis , being filed up in the Office of the Pe●y-bag : upon a judgement given in this Court , a Writ of Error doth lye retornable into the Kings Bench. The style of the Court of the Kings Bench is Coram Rege , ( as hath been said ) and the style of this Court of Chancery is Coram domino Rege in Cancellaria , and Additio probat minoritatem ; And in this Court , the Lord Chancelor or the Lord Keeper is the sole Judge , and in the Kings Bench there are four Judges at the least . This Court is Officina Justiciae , out of which all original Writs , and all Commissions which passe under the Great Seal go forth ; which Great Seal is Clavis regni , and for those ends this Court is ever open . And this Court is the rather alwaies open , for that if a man be wrongfully imprisoned in the Vacation , the Lord Chancellor may grant a Habeas Corpus , and do him Justice according to Law , where neither the Kings Bench nor Common Pleas , can grant that Writ , but in the term time ; but this Court may grant it either in Term time or Vacation : so likewise this Court may grant Prohibitions at any time , either in Term or Vacation : which Writs of Prohibition are not retornable , but if they be not obeyed , then may this Court grant an Attachment , upon the Prohibition retornable , either in the Kings Bench or Common Place . The Officers and Ministers of this Court of Common Law do principally attend , and do their service to the Great Seal , as the twelve Masters of the Chance●y , whereof the Master of the Rolls is the chief , who by their original institution , as it is proved before , should be expert in the Common Law , to see the forming and framing of original Writs , according to Law , which are not of course ; whereupon such are called in our ancient Authors , Brevia Magistralia ; Then you have the Clerk of the Crown , the Clerk of the Hamper , the Sealer , the Chafe wax , the Controuler of the Chancery , twenty four Cursitors for making Writs of course , or form'd Writs according to the Register of the Chancery ; The Clerk of the presentations , the Clerk of the Faculties , the Clerk Examiner of the Patents , the Clerks of the Petty-bag , and the six Attorneys . Having spoken somewhat of this Court 's ordinary Jurisdiction , something shall be said of the extraordinary proceedings thereof , according to the Rule of Equity , secundum aquum et bonum , or according to the dictates of Conscience ; for the Lord Chancelor , or Keeper of the Great Seal of England , may be said to be Keeper of the Kings Conscience , for mitigation of the rigour of the Common Law. Yet this Court of Equity proceeding by English Bill , is no Court of Record ; therefore it can bind but the Person only , and neither the State of the Defendants Lands , nor property of his Goods , and Chattles ; therefore if the Lord Chancelor impose any fine , it is void in Law , he having no power but on the Person only . Yet the Lord Chancelor or Keeper , is sole Judge both in this Court of Equity , and in the Court concerning the Common Law ; but in cases of weight or difficulty , he doth assist himself with some of the Judges : and no greater exception can be taken hereunto , than in case of the Lord Steward of England , being sole Judge in tryal of the Nobility , who also is assisted with some of the Judges . Touching this Court of Equity , the ancient Rule is , that three things are to be considered in a Court of Conscience ; Covin , Accident , and Breach of confidence ; All Covins , collusions , frauds , and deceits , for which ther 's no remedy by the ordinary course of Law. Accident , as when the servant of an Obligor or Morgageor , is sent to pay the money on the day , and he is robb'd &c. then remedy is to be had in this Court against the for●eiture ; The third is breach of tru't and confidence , whereof there are plentiful examples . The ancient Custome was when one was made Lord Chancellor , for the King to hang the Great Seal about his Neck . Cardinal Woolsey had the Chancelorship by Letters Pat●ents during life , but it was held void because an ancien Office must be granted as it was accustomed . Henry the 〈◊〉 had two great Seals , one of Gold , which he delivered the Bishop of Durham ; and another oft Silver , which he delivered the Bishop of London . The Chancellors Oath consists of six parts . 1. That well and tr●ly he shall serve the King our Soveraign Lord , and his People in the Office of Chancellor , or Lord Keeper . 2. That ●e shall do right to all manner of people poor and rich , after the Laws and usages of the Realm . 3. That he shall truly Counsel the King , and his Counsel , he shall layne ( or conceal ) and keep . 4. That he shall not know , nor suffer the hurt or disheriting of the King , or that the Rights of the Crown be decreased , by any means as far as he may let it . 5. And in case he cannot let it , he shall make it clearly and expresly to be known to the King , with his true advice and counsel . 6. He shall do and purchase the Kings profit in all that he reasonably may . There be in this Court many Officers , whereof mention is made before , the principal whereof is the Master of the Rolls , which is an ancient Office , and grantable either for life or at will , according to the Prince his pleasure . Edward the third by Letters Patents , annex'd the House of the converted Iews in Chancery Lane to this Office , for keeping of the Records of the Chancery , viz. Charters , Letters Patents , Commissions , Deeds , Recognizances ▪ which before the Reign of Henry the seventh , were used to be transmitted to the Tower of London , The Master of the Rolls used to have Iure Officii , the gift of the Offices of the six Clerks in the Chancery ; and in the absence of the Lord Chancellor , he heareth Causes , and giveth Orders . OF THE COVRT OF COMMON-PLEAS IN WESTMINSTER-Hall . IN times pass'd , the Courts and Benches , or Banks of Justices ( as was touched before ) followed the Kings Person wheresoever he went , as well since the Conquest as before : which thing being found chargeable and cumbersome ; The ninth of Henry the third , it was resolved , that there should be a standing place appointed , where matters should be heard and determined ; And the Court of the Common Pleas was the first that was fix'd , wherein tenures of Lands , and civil Actions used to be pleaded ; And it is one of the Statutes of Magna Charta , Quod Communia placita non sequantur Curiam nostram sed teneantur loco certo , That the Common Pleas follow not our Court , but be kept in a certain place . Now , Pleas are distinguished into Pleas of the Crown , as Treason and Felony , with misprision of Treason and Felony , ( which belong to the Upper Bench ) and to Common or Civil Pleas , whereof this Court takes Cognizance . This Court therefore is call'd , the Lock and Key of the Common Law of England , and the Judges there sitting had need to be more knowing , and learned than any other ; for here all Reall Actions whereupon Fi●es and recoveries , the common assurances of the Land do passe , and all other reall Actions by original Writs , are to be determined , as also of all Common 〈◊〉 mixt or personal , in divers of which the Kings Bench , & this Court have a concurrent authority ; But regularly this Court cannot hold Common 〈◊〉 in any Action , real , mix'd or personal , but by Writ out of the Chancery and returnable to this Court ; yet this Court in some cases may hold Plea by Bill without any Writ in the Chancery : as for , or against any Officer , 〈◊〉 or priviledged Person of this Court. This Court also , without any Writ may upon a suggestion grant Prohibitions , to keep Temporal as well as Ecclesiastical Courts , within their bounds and jurisdictions , without any Original , or Plea depending ; for the Common Law , which in those cases is a Prohibition of it self stands instead of an Original . The Chief Justice of this Court , is created by Letters Patents during the pleasure of the Prince , and so are the rest of his Associats , but none is capable to be constituted a Judge here , unlesse he be a Sargeant at Law of the degree of the Coif . The jurisdiction of this Court is general & extendeth throughout England . The Officers of this Court are many , viz. Custos Brevium , three Protonotaries , Clerk of the Warrants , Clerk of the Kings Silver , four Exigenters , fourteen Filazers , Clerk of the Juries , Clerk of the Essoins , Clerk of the Outlaries , which belongeth to the Attorney General , who doth exercise it by Deputy . In former times great abuses have been by Attorneys of this Court , by suing out a Judicial Processe with any Original , which when detected have been severely punished . OF THE COVRT OF THE EXCHEQUER . THe Authority of this Court is of Original Jurisdiction , without any Commission . In the chief place of account for the Revenues of the Crown ; The Hearers of the accounts have Auditors under them , and they who are the chief for the accounts of the Prince , are called Barons of the Exchequer , whereof one is called Lord Chief Baron . The greatest Officer of all is the Lord Treasurer . In this Court are heard , those that are Delators or Informers in popular or penal Actions , having thereby part of the profit assign'd unto them by the Law. In this Court , if any question be , 't is determined by the Common Law of England , by twelve men , and all Subsidies , Taxes , and Customes by account ; For in this Office the Sheriffs of the Countries do attend upon the execution of the Commandements of the Judges . If any Fines or Amercements be extracted out of any Court or any arrearages of accounts of such things as is of Customes , Taxes , & Subsidies , and other such like occasions , the same the Sheriff of the Country doth gather , and is answerable therefore to the Exchequer . This Court is divided into two parts , viz. Iudicial accounts called , Scaccarum computorum , And into the Receit of the Exchequer , The prime Officer of this Court , as was me●tioned before , is the Lord high Treasurer of England , who receives a White Staff from the King ; But in former time he had this Office by delivery of a Golden Key . Then there is Cancellarius Scaccarii the Chancelor of the Exchequer , who keepeth the Seal . Then you have the chief Baron , and his Associates , whereof one , though he sits there , yet he hath no voice ; therefore he was used to be call'd by way of Drollery , Baron Tell-clock ; yet he takes the same Oath that others do , he hath a Fee of 100 Marks per annum ; At daies of prefixions , he hath to do with the Sheriffs Accounts , he can take Recognizances ; but he hath not the Robes , nor any suffrage upon the Bench in point of Judicature ; And that nickname Baron Tellclock came up first in Baron Southertons time , who when he felt the Chimes ring in his Stomach towards dinner , he was us'd to tell chief Baron Tanfield , My Lord 't is twelve a clock . Then have you sundry other inferiour Officers , more then in any other Court , except the Kings House . This Court is called Exchequer from a French word vne place quarree a four-square place , because the Carpet that lay before the Judges , is in the form of a Chess-board , and of two colours : thence the name of Exchequer was derived . Now , it is to be observe'd , that albeit the Barons are the sole Judges of the Exchequer Court , yet the Lord Treasurer is joyn'd with them , in keeping of the Records . The Lord Treasurer hath also granted him by Parent under the great Seal , Thesaurarium Scaccarii Regis Angliae , which of ancient time , as the Lord Coke hath it , was a distinct Office by it self . Then is there the Pipe Office , whereof the Chancelor of the Exchequer is Contrarotulator or Controuler . The Original institution of the Pipe Office was taken from a Conduit of water , which was conveyed by Pipes into a Cestern which lay in a Court : for as water is derived from many Fountains Springs , by Aquaeducts into a Cestern House , and from thence into several Offices of the same : so this golden and silver stream is drawn from sundry Courts as Fountains of Justice , and other Springs of Revenue reduc'd and collected into one Pipe , and thereby conveyed into the Grand Cestern of the Princes receit , &c. Therefore all Accounts and Debts to the Crown are delivered and collected out of the Offices of the Kings Remembrancer , and Treasurers Remembrancer , and so drawn , and p●t in charge in the Pipe. There be five Auditors of the Revenue Royal within the survey of this Court , and their Office is , to take Accounts of the Kings Receivers , Sheriffs , Escheators , Collectors , and Customers , and to audite and perfect the Account ; But an Auditor cannot allow any Licence or Grant , in regard he knoweth not whether it be good , this belongs to the Barons ; Neither can the Auditor put any thing in Charge , his Office being only to take and audite Accounts . There is the Auditor of the Prests , whose Office it is to take the Accounts of the Mint , Ireland , and Barwick , and of all other imprested or moneys advanc'd before hand . Then is there the Auditor of the Receits , which is an Office very considerable , and consisting of many parts ; For first , he is a kind of Filazer , for he fileth the Tellers Bills , and entreth them . Secondly , he is a Remembrancer , for he gives the Lord Treasurer a certificate of the money received the week before . Then he is an Auditor , for he makes Debenturs to every Teller , before they pay any money , and takes and audites their Accounts . Besides all this , he keepeth the black Book of Receits , and the Lord Treasurers Key of the Treasury , and seeth every Tellers money lock'd up in the new Treasury . Of those Tellers there are four , and their Office consists in four duties . First , to receive money due to the Soveraign Prince . Secondly , to pay all persons moneys by Warrant of the Auditor of the Receit . Thirdly , to make yearly and weekly Books of their Receits and payments , which they deliver to the Lord Treasurer . And lastly , to give the Clerk of the Pell a Bill of what moneys they receive , whereby he may be charged . Now , touching Clericus Pellis the Clerk of the Pell ; his duty is , to enter every Tellers Bill into a Roll call'd Pellis Receptorum ; his Office also is , to enter ino another Roll payments , call'd Pellis exitus , signifying by what Warrant the payment was made . Concerning the Kings Remembrancer in the Exchequer his Office , consists in eight Duties ; First , to write Process against Collectors of Customs , Subsidies , and Fifteens . 2. He entreth in his Office all Recognizances before the Barons , and taketh Bond for any of the Kings Debts , for observing of Order , for appearances , and his duty is to make out Process upon every of them . 3. He maketh Process upon Informations upon penal Statutes , all which Informations are entred into his Office. 4 He maketh Bills of composition upon Informations upon penal Statutes . 5. He taketh the stallment of Debts , and entreth them . 6. The Clerk of the Star-Chamber , was us'd to certifie into his Office what fines were there set , whereof he maketh a Record , and draweth them down in the Pipe. 7. In this Office ought to be kept all Assurances , Conveyances and Evidences whereby any Lands , Tenements , Herediraments , or other things are granted to the Soveraign Prince . 8. There is a Court of Equity holden in the Exchequer Chamber by English Bill , whereof all the proceedings and Bills are entred into this Office. The Lord Treasurers Remembrancer , is also an Office of trust , and consequence , which consisteth of seven Duties . First , To preserve the Royal tenures , and to make out Process for the Revenues thereof . 2. He maketh Process of Fierifacias , to extend for Debts due to the Prince , either in the Pipe or with the Auditors . 3. He awards Process against all Sheriffs , Escheators , Receivers , and Bayliffs , to bring them to account . 4. He is to make an entry of Record , whereby it appears whether Sheriffs , and other Accountants pay their proffers due at Easter and Michaelmas . 5. He makes another entry of Record , to the end that it may be known , whether Sheriffs and other Accounts keep their day of prefixion . 6. The green Was is certified into this Office , and by him delivered to the Clerk of the Estreats . 7. There ought to be brought into this Office , all the Accounts of Customers , Controulers , and all other , to make an entry of Record in this Office , to avoid delay and concealments . The Oath of the Barons of the Exchequer , consists of ten parts . First , That he shall well , and truly serve in the Office of Baron . 2. That , truly he shall charge , and discharge all manner of people , as well poor as rich . 3. That for Higness , nor for Riches , nor for hatred , nor for any deed , gift , or promise of any person , which is made unto him , nor by craft engine , he shall let the Kings right . 4. He shall not let , disturbe , or respite contrary to the Lawes of the Land the Right of any other person . 5. He shall not put in respite the Kings Debts , where goodly they may be levied . 6. That he shall speed the Kings need before others . 7. That neither for gift , wages , nor good deed , he shall layn , disturb , nor let the profit or reasonable advantage of the King , in the advantage of any other Person , nor of himself . 8. That nothing he shall take of any Person to do wrong or right , to delay , or deliver , or to delay the people that have to do before him , that as hastily as he may them goodly , to deliver without hurt of the King , &c. 9. Where he may know any wrong or prejudice to be done to the King , he shall put and do all his power and diligence that to redresse . 10. The Kings Counsel he shall keep and layne in all things . In the Exchequer Chamber , all cases of difficulty , either in the Kings bench , or the Common Pleas , were used to be debated , argued , and resolved by all the Judges of England , and the Exchequer Barons . The Treasurer of the Kings Chamber , and the Keeper of the privy purse , with such domestick Offices of the Kings House , are not subject to this Court of Exchequer . This Court was first erected for the particular profit and service of the Soveraign Prince ; And this profit is mediat or immediat ; Immediat , as of Lands , Rents , Franchises , Hereditaments , Debts , Duties , Accounts , Goods , Chatrels , and other profits , and benefits whatsoever due unto the Soveraign Prince . Mediate , as the priviledge of the Officers , and Ministers of the Court ; for two things do principally support the jurisdiction of a Court ( as my Lord Coke hath it ) first the preservation of the dignity thereof , and then the due attendance of the Officers and Ministers of the same . The chief Baron is created by Letters Patents , and the Office is granted , Quamdiu se bene gesserit , wherein he hath a more fixed estate , it being an estate of life , than the Justices of other Benches have , who are durante beneplacito ; And in like manner are the rest of the Barons , constituted with the Patents of the Attorney General and Solicitor . There is a Court called the Court of Equity in the Exchequer Chamber . The Iudges of this Court are the Lord Treasurer , the Chancelor of the Exchequer , and the Barons ; Their jurisdiction is as large for matter of Equity , as the Barons of the Exchequer have for the benefit of the King by the common Law , but if in either Court they hold any Plea that doth not concern the profit of the King , there lieth a Prohibition . To conclude , there are seven Courts that belong to the Exchequer . 1. The Court of Pleas or of the Barons . 2. The Court of Accounts . 3. The Court of Receits . 4. The Court of the Exchequer Chamber , being the Assembly of all the Iudges of England for matters in Law. 5. The Court of Exchequer for Errors in the Court of Exchequer . 6. A Court in the Exchequer Chamber for Errors in the Kings Bench. 7. The Court of Equity , spoken of a little before . But touching all the Officers , either coordinate or inferior , that belong to the Exchequer , and the Revenues Customes , & perquisits of the Soveraign Prince , they are very many , & far more in number than in any other Court as was touched before ; yet nothing so numerous as those Financiers , and swarm of other Officers which belong to the Revenues of France , which are so many that their fees being payed there comes not a Quardecu in every Crown clearly to the Kings Coffers , which is but the fourth part : But there is one publick advantage in it , that thousands of younger Brothers , and others , have a handsome subsistance , to carry themselves hereby in the garbe and equipage of men . OF THE COURT OF ADMIRALTY . HAving thus made some inspections into so many Courts , we must not pretermit the Court of Admiralty ; for Great Britain being an Island which makes the Sea , and Woodden Castles , to be her chiefest Conservators : the Court of Admiralty may be said to be more pertinent and necessary to her , then to divers other States : therefore the Lord High Admiral is by the Law of England , one of the four Officers of the Crown , with the Lord Chancelor , the Lord Treasurer , and Lord privy Seal . Some hold the Etymology of Admirall , to come from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth Salsugo maris , the saltness of the Sea ; others derive it from Ammir , an Arabian word , which signifieth a King , or Emperor ; And some would have it to come from the low Dutch , Aen-meer-all , which signifie , on the Sea all , The Reader , according as his own judgement leads him , may adhere to which he please ; for I know of none that have positively asserted , which is the truest . But to know the nature and jurisdiction of this Court , it will conduce very much , if we insert here certain grievances which the Lord Admiral presented in the 8th year of K. Iames , concerning Prohibitions granted by the Judges of the Courts of Westminster , against the Jurisdiction and Prerogatives of this Court , with the answer which the Judges returned to every point . 1. The first Objection was , that whereas the cognizance of all Contracts , and other things done upon the Sea , belongeth to the Admirals jurisdiction , the same are made tryable at the common Law , as if they had bin done in Cheapside and such places . The Judges of Westminster-Hall answered , that by the Lawes of the Realm , the Court of the Admiral hath no cognizance , power , or jurisdiction of any manner of Contract , plea , or querele , within any County of the Realm , either upon the Land or the water ; but every Contract , Plea , or querele , and all other things arising in any County of the Realm , either upon the Land , or the water ; and also Wrecks of the Sea , ought to be tryed , discussed , determined , and remedied by the common Lawes of the Land , and not before , or by , the Admiral or his Lieutenant , in any manner ; so that it is not material , whether the place be upon the water , intra fluxum & refluxum aqua , or whether it be upon any other water within the precincts of a County . But the said Judges acknowledged , that of Contracts , pleas , and quereles , made upon the Sea , or any part thereof , which is not within any County , from whence no tryal can be had by twelve men , the Admiral hath , and ought to have jurisdiction . And no president can be shewed , that any Prohibition hath bin granted for any plea , contract , or querele , concerning any Marine cause , made or done upon the Sea , taking that only to be the Sea , wherein the Admiral hath his jurisdiction , which is before described by Law to be out of any County . 2. The second Objection was , that when actions are brought to the Admiralty , upon Bargains and Contracts , made beyond the Seas , wherein the common Law cannot administer justice ; yet in these cases , prohibitions are awarded , in prejudice of the Court of Admiralty . The Judges answer , that Bargains and Contracts made beyond the Sea , wherein the common Law cannot administer justice , do belong to the Constable and Marshal ; For the jurisdiction of the Admiralty , is wholly confined to the Sea , which is out of any County ; but if any Indenture , Bond , or other specialty , or any Contract , be made beyond the Seas , for doing of any act , or payment of any money , within this Realm , or otherwise , wherein the common Law can administer justice , and give ordinary redress : In these cases , neither the Constable nor Marshal , nor the Court of Admiralty , hath any jurisdiction : therefore when that Court hath proceeding , in derogation of the common Law , prohibitions have bin issued out , as by the Law they ought . 3. The third Objection was , that whereas time out of minde , the Court of Admiralty hath taken stipulations for appearance , and performance of the acts and judgements of the same Court , It is now affirmed , by the Judges of the common Law , that the Admirals Court , is no Court of Record , and therefore not able to take such stipulations : hereupon , prohibitions are granted , to the utter overthrow of that jurisdiction . The Judges answered , that the Court of the Admiralty , proceeding by the course of the Civil Law , is no Court of Record , and therefore cannot take any such a recognizance as a Court of Record may . And for taking Recognizanses against the Law of the Realm , we finde , that prohibitions have bin granted . And if an erroneous sentence be given in that Court , no Writ of Error , but an appeal before certain Delegates do lye , which proves , 't is no Court of Record . 4. The fourth Objection was , that Charter parties , made only to be performed upon the Seas , are daily withdrawn from that Court by prohibitions . The Judges answered , That if the Charter party be made within any City , Port-Town , or County of this Realm , although it be to be performed , either upon the Seas , or beyond the Seas , yet it is to be tryed and determined by the ordinary course of the Common Law , and not in the Court of the Admiralty , And therefore , when that Court hath encroached upon the common Law , in that case , the Iudge of the Admiralty , and party there suing , have bin prohibited , and oftentimes the party condemned , in great and grievous dammages , by the Lawes of the Realm . 5. The fifth Objection was , that notwithstanding the clause of Non obstante statuto , which hath foundation in his Majesties Prerogative , and is current in all other grants ; yet in the Lord Admirals Patent , 't is said to be of no force , to warrant the determination of the Causes , committed to him in his Lordships Patent , and so rejected by the Iudges of the common Law. The common Lawyers answer , that without all question , the sundry Statutes which declare the jurisdiction of the Court of Admiralty , and wherein all the Subjects of the Realm have interest , cannot be dispensed with , by any non obstante statuto ; and therefore not worthy of any answer ; but by colour thereof the Court of Admiralty hath , contrary to those Acts of Parliament , encroached upon the jurisdiction of the common Law , to the intolerable grievance of Subjects , which hath oftentimes urged them to complain , in his Majesties ordinary Courts of justice in Westminster-Hall , for their relief in that behalf . 6. The sixth Objection was , that to the end that the Admirals jurisdiction , might receive all manner of empeachment , and interruption , the Rivers beneath the first Bridges where it ebbeth and floweth , and all the Creeks and Ports are by the Iudges of the common Law , affirmed to be no part of the Sea , nor within the Admirals jurisdiction , and thereupon , prohibitions are ordinarily awarded upon actions depending in that Court for Contracts , and other things done in those places , notwithstanding , that by use and practise , time out of minde , the Admirals Court hath had jurisdiction , within such Ports , Creeks , and Rivers . The Judges answer was like to their first , And 't was further added , that for the death of a man , or mayhm in those two cases , only done in great Ships , being and hovering in the main stream only , beneath the point of some Rivers nigh unto the Sea , and no other place of the same Rivers , nor in other causes , but only in those two , the Admiral hath cognizance . But for all Contracts , Pleas , and Quereles , made or done upon a River , Haven , or Creek within any County of this Realm , the Admiral without question hath no jurisdiction ; for then he should hold plea of things , done within the Body of the County , which are tryable by verdict of twelve men , and meerly determinable by the common Law , and not within the Court of the Admiralty , according to the Civil Law ; for that were to change and alter the Lawes of the Realm in like cases , and make those Contracts , Pleas , and Quereles , tryable by the common Law of the Realm , to be drawn off ad aliud Examen , and to be sentenced by the Iudges of the Admiralty , according to the Civil Law. 7. The seventh Objection was , that the Agreement made Anno 1575. between the Judges of the Kings Bench , and the Court of the Admiralty , for the more quiet and certain Execution of Admiral Iurisdiction , is not observed as it ought to be . The Iudges answered , that the supposed Agreement , mentioned in the Article , hath not as yet bin delivered them ; but having heard the same read before his Majesty ; they answer'd , that for so much thereof , as differeth from these answers , it is against the Lawes , and Statutes of this Realm : therefore the Iudges of the Kings Bench , never assented thereunto , as was pretended . 8. The eighth Objection was , That many other grievances there were , which in discussing of these former , would easily appear worthy of Reformation . To this the Judges answered , that this Article was so general , as no particular answer can be made thereunto , only it appeareth , by that which hath bin said , that the Lord Admiral his Officers and Ministers principally by colour of that Non obstante , and for want of learned advice , have injustly encroached upon the common Lawes of this Realm ; for which the marvel is the lesse , because that the Lord Admiral his Lieutenants , Officers , and Ministers , have without all colour , intruded upon the Right and Prerogative due to the Crown , in that they have seized and converted to their own use , Goods and Chattels , of infinite value taken at Sea ; and other Goods and Chattels , which in no sort , appertain unto his Lordship , by his Letters Patents , wherein the said Non obstante is contained ; and for which , he and his Officers , remain accountable to his Majesty ; And they now wanting , in this time of peace , causes appertaining to their natural jurisdiction , do now encroach upon the jurisdiction of the common Law , lest they should sit idle , and reap no profit . They added further , That touching their proceedings in granting of Prohibitions concerning any of the said Articles , two things were to be considered of , first the matter , then the manner ; touching the matter , nothing hath bin done therein , by the Court of Westminster , but by good Warrant of Law , and former judicial Precedents ; And for the manner , they granted none in the Vacation time , nor in their Terme time , in any of their Chambers , nor in the Court in the Terme-time , ex officio , but upon motion made in open Court , by learned Councel ; and after a day prefixed , and warning given to the adverse party , &c. Hereupon they proceeded , to prove and confirm their answers , by three kind of Authorities in Law. First , By Authority of High Court of Parliament . Secondly , By Judgement , and judicial Precedents . Thirdly , By Book-Cases . Concerning the Acts of Parliament , they urged the Statute of Richard the second , viz. That the Admiralls and their Deputies , shall not meddle from henceforth , with any thing done within the Realm of England , but only with things done upon the Sea , according to that which hath been duly used in the time of the Noble King Edward , Grandfather to Richard the second . Concerning the second proof by Judgements , and Iudicial Precedents , and the third by Book-Cases , they alledged divers Cases , which are to be seen in that great light , and laborious Champion of the Common Law of England , the Lord Coke , in the third part of his Institutes ; But , the Result of all which the Iudges of the Common Law driv ' at , was , that the Court of Admiralty , was to take no Cognizance , nor had power to determine any thing that had happened , and should give occasion of Plea , upon any Waters , either fresh or salt , that were within the Precincts of any County ; but it was tryable by the Common Law of England , and by the Empanelment , and Verdict of twelve men , which is not the way of Tryal of the Civil Law , by which the Admiralty is directed . By this notable clash , and contestation 'twixt the Iudges of Westminster-Hall and the Lord Admiral , the Reader may learn what the extent of the Authority of that Court is , and that the jurisdiction of the Admiral is confined to the high Sea. In times past , there were distinct Admirals , in point of power , as we read in Richard the seconds Raign , the Earl of Northumberland was Admiral of the North ; and the Earl of Devonshire , Admiral of the West : who were to receive the Subsidy of Poundage and Tonnage , for the garding of the Seas . Among other Prerogatives , which belonged to the Lord Admiral of England , one was to erect Beacons upon the Maritim Coasts ; which word , is derived from the old Saxon , or Dutch Becnam , which signifieth , to give a signe , as we use the word , to becken at to this day . Before the Reign of Edward the 3d , there were but stakes of Wood , set upon high places , which were fired , upon the discovery of any enemies ; but in his time , pitched Barrels were set up ; and by the Law of the Land , whosoever fired a Beacon , commits Felony , unless there were Authority and just cause for it . In other Countries they are called Phares , which are no other then speculatory , or maritime monitory fires , which serve for two ends , as well to direct Seafaring men , as to fore-warn the approach of an Enemy ; which with such wonderful celerity , give the whole Land an Alarum , and so puts them in a posture of defence . But there are three main matters , whereof the Lord Admiral is to take Cognizance , which are Flotsan , Ietsan , and Lagan : whereof the first is , when a Ship is sunk and perished , and the Goods floating upon the waters : The second is Ietsan , when in stresse of weather , or other occasions , the Goods are thrown over-board . The third is , when Goods are tyed to a Cork , or Cable , and may be found again ; But the Court of Admiralty , hath not to do with Wrecks ; for then the Goods are deposited in the custody of the Officers of the next Town , where , if the Proprietor come within a twelve moneth and a day , he may claim them by Law. Henry the sixth did constitute by Charter , Iohn Holland , Duke of Exceter , and Henry his Son , to be Admirallos Angliae : But the Iudges of the Common Law , held that Charter to be invalid ; and the Reason they alledged , was , that that Charter being of a Iudicial Office , it could not be granted to two . When the former contestation happened 'twixt the Court of Admiralty and Westminster-Hall , they were choyse powerful men at that time , who swayed as Grandees of the Common Law , as Sir Edward Coke , the Lord Bacon , Iudge Doddridge , and Hubbard , which made them carry the Bucklers from the Civilians , at that time ; But there were some learned Treatises published afterward , to vindicate the Right of the Civil Law ; which , without controversie , hath more in it of natural equity , and reaches of pure Reason , then any other : It is the Product of that mighty Monarchy of the Romans , who though they conquered by the Lance , yet they con●er●ed by their Lawes , so many vast distant Territories , and Nations , which they had subdued , leading so many people Captive by their policy , as much as by their Prowesse ; And indeed , the Civil Law is fitted for the general Affaires of mankind , and for all Nations ; For though every particular state hath some few municipal Lawes peculiar to it self : yet no where beyond the Seas is there any profession or Science of Law , but of the Civil ; nor are there any other studied in Vniversities . Only in England there are Inns of Court , which are equivalent to an Academy , where lex Terrae , or the common municipal Law of the Land is studied , and Graduates proceed , and are made therein accordingly , which is no where else ; But the Civil Law extends to all man-kind . And , if regard be had to the University of humane Reason , it is no where ●o narrowly discussed , and eventilated , and the judgement rectified by clear notions : Moreover , there is nothing , of what nature soever it be but the Civil Law hath ordained a means to bring it to a Tryal , either by giving a speciall action in the case , or a general one releeving by ordinary remedies ; or if those fail , by such as are extraordinary , helping the Clyent , Iure actionis , or Officio Iudicis . Yet there was one notable Example of one business , that not only caused a clash 'twixt the Civilian , and Common Lawyer , but puzzel'd them both so that neither could try it . It was , that one Peacock , struck Lacy in alto Mari , and the Ship landing at Scarborough , Lacy dyed a little after , of the stroke that was given at Sea : there was a great contestation , whether the Court of Admiralty , or the common Lawyer , should try Peacock ; but it was found , that the cognisance hereof belonged to neither , so the party escaped without condemnation . But now we will resume the thred of our Survay of Westminster , and add to that which hath bin already spoken of the Great Hall , which as it hath bin , and continueth still the usual place of pleadings , and ministration of Justice ; so it was in former times , the principal Seat , and Palace of the Kings of England , since the Conquest ; for here the Feasts of Coronation , and other solemn Feasts , as that of Christmas were kept : It is recorded , that at the day of Circumcision , Henry the third commanded his Treasurer , William de Haverhull , to cause 6000. poor people to be fed at Westminster-Hall , upon the Kings account ; Richard Earl of Cornwall , the Kings Brother , Anno 1243. being married to Cincia , Daughter to the Countesse of Provence , kept his Bridall Feast at Westminster-Hall , where , the story saith , there were three thousand dishes of meat , served in at dinner . Rich. the second having repaired the Great Hall which had bin burnt by a pittiful fire , kept his Christmas there , in a most sumptuous manner , with Justings , and running at Tilt , where there was such a huge confluence of People , that for divers dayes , there were spent 26. fat Oxen , and 300 Sheep . The King himself wore a Gown of Cloth of Gold , garnished with precious stones , which was valued at 3000 marks , a mighty sum in those dayes . Henry the 7th keeping his Christmas at Westminster-Hall , invited Ralph Austry , Lord Mayor of London , with all the Aldermen , to a Feast on Twelf-day , The King , the Queen , and some Ambassadors , sate at the Marble Table , 60. Knights and Esquires , served in the Kings meat , which consisted of 60. dishes , and the Queen as many . The Mayor was served with 24. where after sundry sort of disports , he supped also , and it was break of day , before He , and the Aldermen returned by Barges to London . Parliaments also were used to be kept frequently at Westminster-Hall , and one was kept in Richard the seconds time , which proved fatal unto him ; for he was deposed there , notwithstanding , that he had bin the greatest Repairer of that Hall , when it had bin destroyed by fire . For it hath bin the hard destiny of this Great Hall , to suffer many times the fury of fire ; but the last that happened , was in the beginning of Henry the eighths Raign , Anno 1512. at which time , a great part of the Palace was consumed , which was never re-edified since ; so that the Kings Courts , have bin from that time , sometimes at Baynards Castle , then at Bridewell , and since at White-Hall , called before , York place , as hath bin said before . In this great Palace at Westminster , there was St. Stephens Chappel , which was built by King Stephen himself ; It was repaired and enlarged by Edward the third , and 38. persons were appointed there to serve God , viz. a Dean , 12. secular Canons , 13. Vicars , 4. Clarks , 6. Chorists , a Verger , and a Keeper of the Chappel , who had endowments , and Houses built them near the Thames : there were also , Lodgings assigned them , 'twixt the Clock-house , and the Wooll-Staple , called the Weigh-house : He also built for their use , a strong Clochard , in the little Sanctuary , covered with Lead , where there were three great Bells , which usually rung at Coronations , and Funeralls of Princes , which gave such a huge sound , that 't was commonly said they sowred all the drink in the Town ; but now there 's scarce any marks left of that Clochard . This Chappel of St. Stephens , at the suppression in Henry the eights time , was valued to dispend one thousand eighty five pounds ; and in Edward the sixths time it was made to serve as a Parliament for the House of Commons , who formerly were used to sit in the Chapter-house of the Abbot of Westminster . Before the Great Hall , there is a large Court , called now the new Palace , where there is a strong Tower of Stone , containing a Clock , which striketh on a great Bell every houre , to give notice to the Judges , how the time passeth ; when the wind is South South-West , it may be heard into any part of London , and commonly , it presageth wet weather : The Dean of St. Stephens , was used to ha●e the keeping of this Clock , having six pence every day out of the Exchequer , for keeping the Kings Clock , or Great Tom of Westminster . We must now make a step Southward , before we leave Westminster , and perform some further devotions to the old Abbey , the prime Sanctuary of the Land ; whereunto belongs another very ancient priviledged place , and Sanctuary of St. Martin le Grand , hard by Aldersgate in London , whereas formerly was said , there was of old a fair and large Colledge of a Dean , and secular Canons or Priests , founded by Ingelricus 1056. and confirmed a little after by William the Conqueror , as appeareth by that ample Charter he gave thereunto , which in regard of the ancient Saxon Termes then used , I thought worthy the inserting here , and it runs thus . Willimus Conquester per chartam suam corroborat , & confirmat Deo & Ecclesiae Beati Martini intramuros London sitae , quod sit quieta ab ●mni exactione , & inquietudine Episcoporum , Archidiaconorum ; &c. Et possessiones suas ab omni regali Iurisdictione liberari , & ab Exercitus expeditione , Pontis restaurat●one , munitione , & Castelli auxilio quietas habent , Secuam , & Toll , & Team , & Infangthese , Blodwite , Mundbrice , Burghbrice , Meskenning , Seawing , Alcesting ▪ Frithsorn , Fleamina , Finnithe , Welgerthofe , Vthleap , forfeng , fyhfeng , Firdwite , Firthwit , Weardite , Hengwite , Hamsokne , Forsteal , & si quas alias libertates , & consuetudines aliqua Ecclesiarum regni mei Anglie meliores habeat : Si quis vero hoc in aliud quam concessimus transferre presumserit cum Iuda proditore Deiluat poenas ; Dat. Anno Dom. 1068. Annoque Regni mei secundo , die Natalis Domini . Et post modum in d'● Pentecostes confirmo quando Matilda Conjux mea in Basilica Sancti Petri Westmonasterii in Reginam divino nutu est consecrata . This priviledge of Sanctuary , was confirmed , and strictly enjoyned by divers succeeding Kings , under the same Curse that the Infringers thereof should be eternally damned , and suffer the like torments , as Iudas the betrayer of God , &c. Touching the hard Saxons word of this Charter , the Reader is referred to those worthy persons , who made additionals to Mr. Stow , where he shall find them explain'd ; For many Ages , this Saint Martin le Grand , continued by it self a place of as great priviledges , as Westminster , or Beverlay , which were counted the chiefest in the whole Land ; But Henry the 7th annexed it at last , to the Monastery of St. Peter of Westminster , which claims Title ever since , to the free Chappel , the Priviledges , and Sanctuary thereof , and hath enjoyed it , without controlement or question . And now before we bid a farewel to Westminster , we will acquaint the Reader in brief , with the modern Civil Government thereof ; Now as London is divided into 26. Wards , so Westminster is partition'd to 12. for the which , the Dean of the Collegiat Church , was wont with the high Steward , to elect 12. Burgesses , and as many Assistants , viz. one Burgesse , and one Assistant , for every Ward : out of which twelve , two are nominated yearly , upon Thursday in Easter week , for chief Burgesses to continue for one entire year , who have Authority to hear , examine , determine , and punish according to the Lawes of the Realm , and Customs of the City , matters of incontinency , common Scolds , Inmates , with publique annoyances ; and likewise to commit such persons , as shall offend against the peace , giving notice thereof within 24. houres , to some Justice of the Peace , in the County of Middlesex ; And this mode of Government , Westminster hath by vertue of an Act of Parliament , in the twenty seventh of Queen Elizabeth . A PARALLEL , By way of COROLLARY , Betwixt LONDON , AND Other great Cities of the World. HAving hitherto rambled up and down the streets of London , and pryed into every corner thereof ; having endeavoured to fetch Her from her very Cradle , ( which may not be improperly said ; for we found Her at first a Grove of Wood ) and so attended Her all along , to that marvellous degree of perfection , she is now arrived unto , by insensible Coalitions of people , improvement of Trade , and encrease of Structures : We will now , for the better illustration of things , and further enlightning of the Reader , make a Comparison or Parallel 'twixt Her , and other great Cities of the World , which are accounted Cities of the first Magnitude ; for as the Starres in Heaven are distinguish'd by degrees of Magnitude , so are Cities on the Earth : Or , to descend lower , as there are Ships of the first , second , and third rate ; so there are Cities , Now among those various wayes , which tend to convey knowledge to the understanding , & rectifie ones judgement , Examples , Comparisons , and Parallels conduce much thereunto ; and Plutarch was the first that prescrib'd this way , who , as t' was said of him , by giving life to so many noble Greeks and Romans , after their deaths , gave himself the longest life ; so it may be said , that by his Parallels , he made himself parallel'd . The Terrestial Globe , which the Great God of Nature was pleased to entail upon man-kind for his mansion , and to hold it ( for himself and his Heirs ) in Capite , from Him ; I say this Masse of Earth is compared by some , to a Camels back , in regard of the bunchy unevenness of it ; by others , to a Libbards skin , in regard of the sundry 〈◊〉 parts , and variety of Habitations : By others , to a great piece of Embrodery , enchas'd up and down , whereof the most bossie , and richest compacted parts are Towns and Cities , where People are linked in a nearer bond of love , and lead a more civil course of life ; For Urbanity , and Civility , derived their names first from thence . These Comparisons are lesse wide , and more significant , then that which Lucian makes , when , by way of drollery , he makes the greatest Cities upon Earth , to appear like so many Birds Neasts . It is a Catholique truth , wherein all Chronologers , & Antiquaries , do unanimously concur , that in the non-age of the World , man-kind had no other Habitation then Woods , Groves , and bushy Queaches , which they fenc'd about with Hardles made of twigs , and loose Stone-walls , to defend them from the invasions of wild and ravenous Beasts ; some lived in Caves , and concavities of Rocks , to shelter themselves from the inclemency , and rigor of the Air : Insomuch , that all men were Troglodites at first , as there are many Nations , who are housed so to this day , making themselves holes and hollowes , in Rocks , and sandy dry grounds , as we find in this Iland some of those Troglodites , both in Nottingham , and Bridge-north . Then by degrees , they made themselves small Huts : from Huts , they came to build Houses , and so to cohabit in Hamlets : and thence sprung up Towns and Cities . The first of any same , was that stupend , or City of Babylon , founded by Nimrod , the great Hunter ; and enlarged by that notable Virago , Semiramis : which was girded about with Walls , 200. foot high , and fifty broad , whereof the Circuit was 300 Furlongs ; she had also 300. Turrets upon the Walls , which were of such a latitude , that Chariots might go upon them ; and if old Historians may oblige us to a belief , there were three hundred thousand men that were employed in the building thereof ; she continueth still , a vast and flourishing City , called by the Turks Bagdat ; Asia being the most Orientall Countrey on this side the Hemisphere , as it was first peopled , for Adam was that Countreyman ; so Towns , Cities , Castles , Altars , and other Buildings , first began to be erected there ; and indeed , all other knowledge , besides Architecture , came first from those parts , being next Neighbors to the rising Sun : The Indian Brachmans , or Gymnosophists , were the first scientifical men , and Students of Philosophy ; The Persian Magi were her next Students : Then she cross'd the red Sea , and came to Memphis , among the Aegyptians , whence she steered down the Nile , and got over the Aegean Seas to Corinth and Athens among the Greeks , whence she took wing to Rome , and from thence she clammer'd ore the Alps to France , Germany , Great Britany , and other North-west Climats . Now as Asia had the first Cities , so she glories to have to this day the greatest : we will instance only in the City of Quinzay , who arrogates to her self , the name of the Celestial City , whereof divers modern Authours do write portentous things ; and truly , he must have a strong Faith , who will believe them : She is the chief City of the Empire of China , lying under the same Climate as Venice doth , with whom she hath a great resemblance , being built upon the South side of a huge Laque ; she hath in length about forty miles , in latitude thirty , and one hundred and twenty miles in circumference ; she hath above a thousand Bridges , some whereof are so high , that Ships under saile , may passe under them : Her Houses are of Stone and Earth ; the lowest whereof , is five stories high , of marvellous beauty and strength : She hath many magnificent Temples , but one next the Royal Palace , of a stupendious structure , being of that altitude , that the ascent is threescore and fower marble stairs : There are an incredible number of fair Palaces in her ; among which , after that of the Emperour , those of the ten Governours , are the stateliest , and among them that of the Captain of the Tartars . About the Center of the City ; stands the Imperial Court , which is fenc'd about with seven Walls , whereof every one is garded by ten thousand Souldiers , the Palace is ten miles in Circuit , and hath fourscore great Halls ; but that where the great Councel sits is four square , and hath Windows and Gates looking towards the four parts of the Heaven , East , West , North and South , where officers and others that have business , do enter , according to the scituation of the Countrey , whence they come , there being above threescore several Kingdoms , under the Dominion of the Emperor , and every one hath a particular Hall and Councel , where they deliberate , touching the Government of every Kingdom . 'T is such a ravishing voluptuous place ; that there are objects to please and charm all the five senses , The eyes are fed in beholding the goodly Structures , Gardens , and Trees which are up and down : The Eares by hearing , the chirping of the Birds , and sweet murmure of the waters ; The smell is feasted with odoriferous sent of flowers , and other rich perfumes ; The Taste by most delicate fruits ; And the other sense , by most beautiful , and ravishing Women ; which are able to tempt a Stoick , having by their rowling large eyes , and other postures , extraordinary wayes of allurement . There was a computation made of above a million of Houses within her , so that allowing ten to a Family , there be ordinarily about ten Millions of humane souls that breath within the City ; They are very rich in their Habits , and there is not much difference in the Clothes of male and female , only the women have more diversity of colours ; blew and red are the commonest , but black is never worn : There be Birds there , of such a wonderful bigness , that they will take up a whole Mutton alive , up into the Air , and sometimes a man in Armor . There are abundance of Elephants , Dromedaries , Camels , and other huge Beasts , that do their work ; And all Animals , both volatil , and terrestrial , are there , of a bigger size and proportion , then any where else , by special influences of the Heavens : It is incredible , what number of Nations do resort thither for Traffique and Commerce , as all the Indies , Cathay , Tartary , Arabia , and Persia ; They are rare Artists ; for 't is thought , that Guns and Printing were there invented thousands of years agoe ; their Characters , and way of reading , being not either from the left hand to the right , as the Greeks and Latines use ; or from the right hand to the left , as the Hebrew , and all the Dialect thereof , as the Arabian , Persian , and others , but perpendicular downward : There is one Law amongst them , that conduceth much to make them such exquisite Artisans , which is , that the Sonnes are alwayes of their Fathers Trade , whereby they come to have a more natural dexterity , genius , and aptitude to the Trade , and their Parents train them therein more industriously , and discover unto them all the mysteries thereof . Touching the rare China Dishes and Cups they make , the masse of Earth , whereof they are moulded , useth to be buried in lumps , within the bowels of the Earth , sometimes a hundred years before they fall to work upon it , and such a masse of aged Earth is the common Patrimony , that Parents use to leave their Children : In fine , they pretend to so much sagacity , wit , and industry , that 't is a saying among them , that They only have two eyes , the Europaeans one , and all the rest of the World is blind . They have such a high opinion of their King , that they think he is descended of the race of some demy-God , and so adore him accordingly . They believe there is some Divinity in his blood , insomuch , that he never marries any , but either his own Sister , or Daughter , or next a kin , for fear of staining the Royal Blood ; He is seldom seen openly , but he hath a private place , when his Councel sits , whence he may hear whatsoever is agitated , and he signifieth his pleasure invisibly through certain hollow Trunks , and he gives audience to Ambassadors also in that manner . We will now over the Red Sea to Afrique , and take a short transient Survay of the Gran Cairo in Egypt , a City also of a huge Gigantique stature , being near upon forty miles compasse , having five and thirty thousand Meskeetos , that is , Churches and Chappels : There are in her four and twenty thousand noted streets ; some whereof are two miles in length , every one is locked up in the night , with a dore and Chains at each end : There is a huge number of Horsmen , under the command of so many Saniacks , which watch and gard the Town all the year long , to the number of eight and twenty thousand men , for fear of the incursions of the wild Arabs : the cause of the vastness of Gran Cairo is , that there are three Cities incorporated into one , that is , old Memphis , Babylon , and Elkhaire ; for there was another City hard by , called Babylone , but by encrease of Trade , and new concourse of people , the Soldans and Mammalucks reduc'd all three to one entire City : which would be a pittiful poor place , did not the River of Nile give her a yearly visit from the Mountains of the Moon , about the Sommer Solstice , and retire again about eighty dayes after . We will now crosse the Greek Seas to Europe , and take a quick view of most of those Cities , which are of the first magnitude ; for indeed , this Parallel aymes only at the Europaean Cities ; And it will be found by any impartial Reader , that London needs not vail to any of them , if regard be had . 1. To conveniency of situation , and to salubrity of air . 2. To method of strict Government . 3. To magnificence of the chief Magistrates . 4. To Regulation of Trade . 5. To variety of Artisans . 6. To a greater number of Corporations and Halls . 7. To plenty of all Provision , that Air , Earth , or Water can afford . 8. To Springs , Conduits , Aqueducts , and other conveyances of fresh wholsome waters . 9. To the universality of Trafick , and bravery of the Adventurers . 10. To solidity , and richness of Commodities . 11. To Artillery , Ammunition , Docks , and a number of military stout well armed Citizens . 12. To ( once ) a glorious Temple . 13. To an admirable great Bridge . 14. To a noble Navigable River . 15. To a chearful and wholsome green circumjacent Soyl. 16. To Hospitality , and Festival publique meetings of Corporations , and other Societies for encrease of love , and good intelligence between Neighbors . 17. To number of Coaches by Land , and all sorts of Boats by water , for the accommodation of Passengers . 18. For sundry kind of reliefs for the poor , and indigent . 19. For various kinds of honest corporal recreations and pastimes . 20. And lastly , for the number of humane souls . Many of these may be found severally in other Cities , who may haply exceed London in some particulars ; but take them all together , she may vie with the best of them , and run no great hazard . But to proceed the more methodically in taking a view ▪ to this purpose , though short and cursory of the greatest Cities in Europe , we will begin Eastward at Constantinople , called of old Bizantium , and now Stambole by the Turks , being the chief Court or Port , as they terme it , of the Ottoman Empire , the word being derived from Faith and Plenty : 'T is true , she is plac'd in a fit , and advantageous posture , to be Commandresse of the World , she was raised by a Constantine , and lost by a Constantine ( both of them , the Sonnes of Helens ) about a thousand years after ; but touching her site , she hath on the one side , the Pontus , or black Sea , and the Marmora , or Hellespont on the other : the mouthes of which Seas are so narrow , that no passage can be forced against the Castles , she is built upon the utmost levant point of Europe , and hath all the vast Continent of Asia , before her from S●utari ; Insomuch , that she stands almost in the Center of the old World , and thereby , capable to send her Commands more speedily to other Countries ; yet since the discovery of America , the new World , some modern Geographers balancing the parts of the old with the new , they find that Rome stands more appositly to command the whole Earth , because she is rather situated more towards the middle ; In some things 't is confessed , Constantinople may claim the precedence of London , as first for the huge Palace of the Seraglio , which is about three miles compasse ; 'T is thought also , she exceeds for number , of humane Souls and Houses ; yet in point of building , they are but low , and cottage-like , nothing comparable to those of London . And if you go to the quality of the Inhabitants , Constantinople may be called but a nest , or banner of slaves ; and herein , as in many other of the particulars pointed at , before London hath the start of Her. We come now to Italy , and first to Rome , which though in circuit she be yet about as big as London ; yet in point of people , she may be called a Wilderness , in comparison of her : She is also far inferior for Traffique and Wealth ; as also for temperature , and wholsomness of Air , that of Rome being not so healthy , which some impute to the burning of stubble , for fertilizing the bed of the Earth ; others , to the ill-favour'd vapors that come from divers subterranean hollowes that remain up and down , out of the ruines of old Rome ; for Rome at present , may be called but a Skeleton of the old ; or like a tall man , shrunk into the skin of a Pygmey , being compared to that monstruous stature she was of , in Vopiscus his time , who leaves it upon Record , that she was fifty miles about , and had above four hundred thousand free Citizens ; and consequently , about four millions of souls with in her bosome , as some infer ; She then made the Ocean to do homage unto the Tyber , she made Asia , and Afrique , feudetaries to Europe ; but she who daunted the World , yielded to the Lawes of Time , who gives all great Cities a space of growing , of subsistence , and of declination ; But a wonder it is , how so much of her is left , considering , that from Brennus the Britain , to the Duke of Bourbon , she was eight times sack'd , whence it may be inferr'd , that there is an extraordinary providence , that seems to watch over her . For as she subsisted before by the Pike , the Pen may be said now to support Her , I mean her Ecclesiastical Courts , which causeth a great confluence of people to resort thither , from all corners of the Earth : Insomuch , that the number of strangers in Rome , may be said to exceed the number of the Natives , because she is accounted the Communis Patria , and chief Randezvouze of all Christians , in regard of the residence of the chief Bishop , in whom every Catholique claimes an Interest : Insomuch , that Rome may be said to be more beholden to Shepheards , then to any other profession ; for as a Shepheard was her Founder , so a Shepheard is still her Preserver . The next City of the first magnitude in Italy , is Milan , which of all other Towns , may be said to have this singularity , as to have no Suburbs ; 'T is true , She may pretend much for Her Doure , her Cittadel , and Hospital , with number of excellent Artisans ; yet who is well acquainted with both places , will find that London is not much inferior to her , in any of these fower things ; And for other particulars , as ubiquitary Traffique , by Sea as well as Land , for multitude of people , and divers other things , pointed at before , Milan comes short of London . Touching the City of Venice , 't is true , she hath many things to glory of , as her wonderful situation , that she was born a Christian , that she hath continued a Virgin , near upon thirteen hundred years , having been never ravish'd by the assaults of any enemy , ( though some out of malice would make her a Concubine to the great Turk ) . She may also glory of her great Arsenal , and that she hath the Sea for her Husband ; yet if one go to multitude of Inhabitants , to the magnitude of both Cities , to number of Corporations , with other particulars pointed at before , Venice will not disdain to vail to London ; But touching the last thing She glorieth of , London may claim as much interest in the Sea as she , if regard be had to Maritime Dominion and Naval power . And lastly , while Venice is steeping and pickling in Salt-water , London sports her self upon the banks of a fresh stately River , which brings into her bosom , all the Spices of the East Indies , the Treasure of the West , the Gems of the South , and the rich Furs of the North. Naples 't is confess'd , is a populous great Mercantile Town , and hath three Castles , with handsom Buildings , and store of Nobility ; but besides magnitude of places , and multitude of People , with other advantages which London hath of Her , the Sun , whiles he doth as it were broyl the Neapolitan , doth with the gentle reverberations of his rayes , but guild the Walls of London . Genoa , though she be a proud City , yet she stands not upon her own legs , but she subsists most by the King of Spains money , by being a Seal to convey it by Cambio to Flanders ; and else-where , having little of her own to trade withall ; whereas London hath native substantial Commodities of her own , and is far superior to her for bigness , and number of souls , with other advantages . Touching Florence , there is beauty enough to be seen there , but she may partly thank London , that she is so fair , by the Trade she bears to Ligorn , of late years . Touching the rest of the Cities of Italy , though they be ranked among those of the first magnitude , yet they bear no proportion with London . Touching Sicily , there is Palermo , the residence of the Viceroy , a jolly neat City , which may glory of one thing , that neither London , nor any other City in Christendom hath the like , which is a fair spacious uniform street , of above a mile long ; Next to which , is that of Edenburgh in Scotland , extending it self in a direct line , from the Royal Palace to the Castle . Concerning Spain , there are divers large Cities of the first magnitude , as Barcelona , the metropolis of Catalonia ; Saragossa the cape City of Aragon ; Valencia the chief of that Kingdom ; Pampelona the head of Navarr ; Burgos the chief of old Castile , and Toledo of the new ; Murcia , Granada , Sevill , and Lisbonne in Portugal , which is the biggest of them all . The two last are best peopled ; but Madrid where the Catholique Court is kept ( though a Village ) hath more then any of them ; but all these come short of London , in point of greatness , and populousness , with divers advantages besides . Vienna the Imperial Court is of an extraordinary bigness , being fenced about with English Walls , which Richard the first rear'd up for his Ransome : It is also well peopled ; so is Prague . Which though the latter be made up of three Cities , yet they both come short of the City of London in amplitude , and number of people , with divers other properties mentioned before . Germany hath divers fair Cities , that may take place amongst them of the first magnitude , as Mentz , Colen , Frankfort , Strasburg , Norimburg , Auspurg , Magdenburg , and others , which though they beat a Land Trade , being mediterranean Cities , and abound with wealth , and numbers of Artisans , yet they are inferior to London , for many respects . Touching the Hans , and imperial Towns , there are divers of them large , wealthy , and full of Trade , as Lubeck , Danzick , and Hamburgh the biggest of them , which owes much of her prosperity to the Staple of the London Marchant Adventurers , who are there setled ; but there 's none of these Cities , though they be threescore more in number , that will presume to compare with London , in any of those twenty properties before mentioned . Touching Copenhagen in Denmark , and Stockholm in Swethland , they come far short ; nay , if you go more Northward , upon the white Sea , as far as the gran Mosco the Emperor of Russias Court , which is a huge woodden City , and inviron'd about with a treble wall to stop the incursions of the Tartar , you will find it inferior to London , in every of those twenty particulars . Touching Low Germany , or the Netherlands , which is one of the greatest Countries of Commerce in Christendom ; 't is true , there are there many Noble Cities . Among others , the City of Gant in Flanders , which for bigness , bears the Bell of all the Cities of Europe , being computed to be twenty miles in circuit , which makes the Flemins twit the French , by saying Nous auons un Gant qui tiendra Paris dedans , We have a Glove ( meaning Gant , which is a Glove in French ) that will hold Paris within it ; yet for number of humane souls , this great City is but a kind of Desart , being compared to London . Antwerp is a Noble City , both for her Cittadel , and Fortifications , which are so vast , that two Coaches may go abrest upon the Walls ; She may compare with any other City , she was in former times , one of the greatest Marts , this side the Alps : Insomuch , that Guicciardin reports , that after the Intercursus Magnus was established betwixt England and the Netherlands , the Trade 'twixt London and Antwerp , came to above twelve Millions yearly ; But upon the Revolt of the Confederate Provinces from the King of Spain , when Secretary Walsingham told Elizabeth , that he would give both the Spaniard , and the French King such bones to gnaw , that might shake both their teeths in their heads ; meaning thereby , the Revolt of the Hollander from the one , and the kindling of the Ligue in France . I say , when these tumults began , Amsterdam may be said to have risen up out of the ruines of Antwerp , which Town is come , in lesse then fourscore years , and by a stupendous course of Commerce and Negotiation , to be one of the greatest Marts of the World , being before , one of the meanest Towns of the first magnitude in Holland ; but she is swoln since , twice if not thrice as big as she was : Insomuch , that she may be said to give the Law to all the rest of the united Provinces , and to smell rank of a Hans Town , or little Common-wealth of her self . Among other causes , this may be imputed to the Trade of the East and West Indies , which is appropriated unto Her , and to a mixture with the Jewes , who have there two Synagogues : yet is this fresh great Mercantile Town , much inferior to London , almost in all things . First , in point of populousness , as may be conjectured out of her weekly Bills of Mortality , which at the utmost , come but to about threescore a week ; whence may be inferred , that London is five times more populous ; for the number that dies in Her every week , comes commonly , to near upon three hundred . Secondly , in point of Wealth , Amsterdam comes short of London ; for when Sir Ralph Freeman was Lord Mayor , it was found out by more than a probable conjecture , that He , with the 24. Aldermen , his Brethren , might have bought the Estates of one hundred of the richest Bourgemasters in Amsterdam . Then , for sweetnesse of Site , and salubrity of Air , she is so far inferior to London , that her Inhabitants may be said to draw in Fogs , in lieu of free Air , the Countrey being all marsh and moorish about Her ; so that Amsterdam is built as it were in a bog , or quag ; for in their fabriques , they are forced to dig so deep for a firm foundation , by ramming in huge Piles of Wood , that the Basis of a House , doth oftentimes cost more then the superstructure . Moreover , Amsterdam hath neither Conduit , Well , or Fountain of fresh water within her , but it is brought to her by Boats ; and they wash with Rain water , which every House preserves in Cisterns , to that purpose . Touching the River of Texel , that brings her in all Commodities she is nothing comparable to the Thames , in point of security of sayling , or sweetness of water : touching the first , they say there stood a Forrest of Wood in times past , where now the Texel makes her bed , which could not be cut down so clean , but there are divers ill favoured Trunks , and stubs of Trees , still found under water , which is a great annoyance to Ships . There are in the United Provinces , many jolly Towns besides , which may be ranked among them of the first magnitude , especially Utrecht , which hath the face of an ancient stately Town , & subsists more by her self : the rest grow great , and flourish in Wealth , Buildings , and People , by having some peculiar staple-Commodity appropriated unto them , as Amsterdam hath the Trade of the East and West Indies assigned Her , ( as was formerly mentioned ) . Rotterdam , hath the Staple of English Cloth ; Dort , of the Rhenish-Wine , and Corn that comes from Germany ; Haerlam hath a Charter for Weaving and Knitting ; Leyden is an University ; The Hague subsists by the residence of the Hoghen Moghen , the Councel of State ; Middleburgh in Zeland , by the Staple of French Wines ; Trevere , by the Scots Commodities , &c. but none of these bear any proportion with the City of London , who trades in all these several Commodities together , and hath particular Corporations accordingly , with many more . We will now hoyse up Sayl for France , which also hath divers Cities of the first Magnitude , as Rouen in Normandy , Bourdeaux in Gascogny , Tholouse in Languedock , with the other five Courts of Parliament ; as also Amiens in Picardy , and the City of Lions , and Marseilles : the one whereof , subsists by her Bank ; the other , by being the chief Arsenal of the French Gallies ; but none of these will offer , I think , to compare with the City of London , nor any of those Towns that stand upon the Loire , whereof there are many gentile ones . Paris I confess , may be capable of some Comparisons with London , for which she hath many helps , as being a Citè , Vil●é & Universitè , a City , a Town , and an University ; as also the chief residence of the French Kings , and the Parliament . But le ts go a little to particulars . And first , to the populousness of both Cities ; They say in Paris , that the Parishes of Saint Eustace , and Saint Innocent , have above one hundred thousand Communicants in them alone : and that by the last Cense that was made there , was near upon a million of humane souls , found in the City and Suburbs of Paris . It may be so , but we shall find in the ensuing Discourse that London hath more . Secondly , for magnitude : 't is true , that Paris hath the advantage of an Orbicular figure , and so is more capacious . But by the judgement of those Mathematicians , who have observed both Cities ; if London were cast into a Circle , she would with all her dimensions , be altogether as big as Paris . Touching the Loure , 't is true , that it is a vast fabrick , and the like is not found in London ; but it is the only Court the French King hath in Paris , whereas in London there are fower Royal Seates , with two Parks annexed to one ; I hope the Bastile will not offer to compare with the Tower of London , nor the River of Seine with the Thames ; much lesse I believe , will Paris offer to make any comparisons with London , in point of Traffique , and Societies of Noble adventuring Marchants , who trade on both the Hemispheres ; nor of her Provost with the Lord Mayor of London . I allow Paris to have rich Banquiers , but they are most of them strangers , and not Natives . Moreover , I think Paris would be loth to compare with London for neatness of streets , or for sweetness of site ; for Paris hath scarce any verdure about her , but the Proclere ; whereas London hath most delightful Fields round about Her , of a deeper greene , not so fading as that of France : and touching streets , the dirt and crott of Paris may be smelt ten miles off , and leaves such a tenacious oily stain , that it is indelible , and can never be washed off ; 't is confessed , that Paris hath waters of a singular vertue , for the die of Scarlets ; but 't is as well known to the World , what extraordinary Vertues the Thames water hath for many things . Ask the Hollander , and he will tell you , there is no such water to fatten Eeles , and all sorts of Fish. Thames water Beer bears the price of Wine , in many places beyond the Seas . And the Portugalls have found of late , such vertue in that water , that they carry it away by whole Tuns , to Lisbon . I might enlarge my self further , in shewing what advantages the City of London hath of Paris , but I will suspend my Discourse till I proceed a little further , only I will conclude this Paragraffe with this one Objection , that London hath far better blood in her Veins , then Paris , I mean a greater number of wholsom Springs , Conduits , Aqueducts , and Sources of sweet waters , whereof Paris hath not so many . And now there comes into my memory , a facetious passage , between Henry the 4th , and the Provost of Paris , touching those waters ; which happened thus . The King had appointed the Suisse Ambassadors , whereof there were many in Commission , to be lodged in the City , and that plenty of the best Wines should be provided for them ; The Ambassadors having lain long upon the Parisians , and drunk daily very deep , and being at last dismissed . The Provost made an humble Remonstrance to the King , how the City had so long time win'd the Suisse Ambassadors , and their numerous retinue , which put Her in some Arreares , therefore he humbly prayed , in the name of the City , that his Majesty would be pleased to give leave , that a small Tax might be laid for a while upon the Water-pipes and Cesterns of fresh Waters , for the discharge of those Arrears for Wine , &c. The King pleasantly answered , Ventre de Saint Gris , there must be some other way found out to do this ; for 'T was our Saviour only , that could turn water into Wine , therefore he would not presume to attempt it . Having thus rambled up and down the World , and cast some few glances upon the most renowned Cities ; and having pointed before , at twenty properties , wherein London may well compare with any of the greatest Cities in Europe , we will now more particularly , treat a little of those properties , and take them all single , as they are ranked . 1. The first is , Conveniency of Situation , and salubrity of Air , wherein the wisdom of the old Britains our Ancestors , in point of Election of the place , a●d the benignity of the Heavens , in point of influences and temperature , have made London as happy as any other City under the vast Canopy of the Heavens ; some say , that that City is best situated , which resembleth a Camels back , who hath protuberancies , and bunches , so a City should be seated upon rising grounds , or small Hillocks ; It is the posture of London ; for she is builded upon the flanks , sides , and tops of divers small Hillocks , lying near the Banks of a Noble River , and being encompassed about with delightful green Medows , and Fields on all sides ; and she is in so fair a distance from the Sea , that no danger of forren invasion can surprize her , but she must have notice before : The nature of her Soyl sandy , which is wholsomest for Habitation , and conduceth much goodness of Air , the barrenness whereof , is made prolifical by art . 2. Touching the second property , which is a method of strict , and punctual Government , ther 's no City goes beyond her , or indeed equalls her , take night and day together ; for there is not the least misdemeanor , or inconvenience that can be ; but there be Officers in every corner of the City to pry into them , and find them out ; but especially , the Wardmote Inquest , which are to be men of repute , and known integrity ; They by vertue of their Office inquire , if any man outlawed , or indited of Treason , or Felony , lurk within the Ward ; They inquire if the publique peace be any way disturbed , or broken ; They enquire of all offences , and dammages done to the River of Thames , and make a speedy presentment of them to be redressed ; They inquire after Riotors , dissolute persons , and Barrators , walking by nightertayle , without light at unseasonable houres . They inquire after those that play at unlawful Games . They inquire after Potours , Panders , and Bawds , common hazardors , Champartors , maintainers of quarrels , or embracers of Inquests . They inquire after Witches , Strumpets , common Punks , and Scolds . They inquire after hot houses , and sweating houses , whereunto any lewd Women resort , or others of ill repute . They inquire after any Inholder , Taverner , Brewer , or Huckster , that hold open at unseasonable houres . They by vertue of their Office , inquire if any manner of person , after rain , or any other time , cast or lay any dung , ordure , rubbish , Sea-coal ashes , rushes , or any other thing of noisance in the River of Thames , or the Channels of the City . They inquire , whether any manner of persons , nourish Hogs , Oxen , Kine , Ducks , or any other living thing , that may cause unwholsomness , or any grievance . They inquire , if any false Chevesancers , or extortioning Usurers , dwell within their Ward . They inquire , if any Freeman against his Oath made , doth conceal , cover , or colour the Goods of Forreiners against the Franchises of the City . They inquire , if any Forrainer buy and sell with any other Forrainer , within they City or Suburbs thereof , any Marchandizes or Goods , to the prejudice of the Natives . They inquire , if every Freeman which receiveth , or taketh benefit of the Franchises of the City , but continually dwelling out of it , hath not , nor will not pay scot and lot after his Oath made , nor be partner to the common charges of the City , when he is required . They inquire , if any conceal the Goods of Orphans , whose Ward and Mariage belong to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen . They inquire , if any Officer , by colour of his Authority , do extortion to any man , or be a promoter , or maintainer of quarrels against right , or take carriage , and arrest victual unduly . They inquire , if any Boat-man , or Ferriman take more then is due for his Boat-hire . They are to inquire , if any pourprestures be made upon the common ground of the City by Land , or water , as in Walls , Pales , Stoops , Grieces , Doores , or Cellars ; or if any Porch , Pent-house , or jetty be too low , in letting of Passengers that ride , or Carts : They are to inquire , that Pentises , and jetties , be at least the heighth of nine feet , and that the Stalls be not but of two foot and a half in breadth , and to be flexible , and moveable , viz. to hang by Jewmews or Garnets , so that they may be taken up , and let down . They are to inquire , if any common course of water be forclos'd , or letted to the noyance of the City . They are to inquire , if any pavement be defective , or too high in one place , and too low in another , to the disturbance of the Riders , goers , and Carts that passe along . They are to inquire after Regrators , or forestallers of Victuals , or of any other Marchandizes which should come to the City to be publiquely and fairly sold. They are to inquire , if any Butcher , Fishmonger , Poulter , Vintner , Hostler , Cook , or seller of Victuals , do sell at unreasonable prizes . They are to inquire , if any Retaylor do sell unwholsome Victuals , or dearer then is proclaimed by the Lord Mayor . They are to inquire , whether any Vintner , Inholder , Alehouse-keeper , or any other person whatsoever , do use , or keep any Cans , stone-pots , or other measures which are unseal'd , and are lesse then due measure , and whether they sell any Beer or Ale above a peny a quart , and small Ale above a half peny . They are to inquire in Shops and Houses of Chandlers , and others which fell by weight , that all their Scales be right , and according to the Standard ; as also , that all Yards and Ells , be of their just length , and that none do sell by Venice weights . They are to inquire , if any Inholder do bake Bread to sell within his own House ; and if any Baker of sowre bread , bake white bread to sell , and take more for the baking then three pence in a Bushel . They are to inquire , if any House be covered , otherwise then with Tile , Stone , or Lead , for peril of fire . They are to inquire , if any leper , faitor , or mighty Begger reside in the Ward . They are to inquire , if any Baker or Brewer , bake or brew with Straw , or any other fewel , which may indanger fyring . They are to inquire , if any go with painted Vi●age . They are to inquire , if any neglecteth to hang a Lanthorn at his door , with a ●●ndle therein burning , after the usage at the season of the year appointed . They are to inquire , whether any bring to be sold , or sell and offer , or put to sale any tall-Wood , Billets , Fagots , or other fire-wood , not being of the full assize . They are also to inquire after them , who go to the Countrey , and ingrosse any Billet , tall-wood , Fagot , Tosard , or other fire-wood , and so keep it , till they may sell it at excessive prizes , and above the prizes set by the Lord Mayor . They are also , to inquire after Ingrossers of Butter and Cheese , in great quantities , in going into the Countrey to buy it , and after , convey it by water , or otherwise to the City , to be sold at Excessive rates . They are to inquire , whether any use the priviledge of Freemen , being none ; and to that purpose , they shall demand a sight from those whom they suspect , of a Copy of their Freedom , under the Seal of the Office of the Chamberlain . They shall inquire after all such as melt Tallow , contrary to an Act of the Common Councel in that case made and provided . They shall inquire after such who use any fire-presses within the City , and liberties for pressing , or dressing of netherstocks , Wollen Clothes , or other things . They shall inquire of all Armorers , and other Artificers , using to work in Metals , which have or use any Reardorses , or any other places dangerous for fire . They shall inquire , if any who have undertaken to be appraysers of the Goods of any Freeman deceased , leaving behind him any Orphan or Orphans ; and the said Appraysers not having bin sworn before the Lord Mayor , or the Alderman of the Ward . They are to inquire if any Freeman buy any Wares or Marchandizes unweighed , which ought to be weighed at the Kings beam , of any stranger or Forrainer free of the City of London . They are to inquire if any buy or sell any Cloth or Clothes in the Shop , Ware-house , or other place of any Cloth-worker ; or if any Cloth-worker do receive , or harbor any Cloth , before the same be brought to Blackwell-Hall . They are to inquire , if any Carman take for Carriage of any Commodity , above the rates ordained . They are to inquire , if any make , or cause to be made , any new Buildings , or divide , or cause to be divided , any House , or Houses , or receive any Inmate , or Inmates , contrary to the Kings Majesties Proclamation , or to Law , or any Statute of the Land. They are to inquire after Hawkers , which go up and down the streets , and from House to House , to sell any Wares , contrary to an Act made in that behalf . They are to inquire , if any have fraudulently , or unduly obtained the Freedom of the City . They are to inquire after Women-Brokers , such as use to resort to mens Houses , to suborn young Maydens with promise to help them to better service . They are to inquire , if any have , or use any common Privy , having issue into any common Sewer of the City . They are to inquire , if any Constable , Beadle , or other Officer ▪ be negligent , and remisse , in discharging their duties , touching the execution of the Statute made for punishment of Rogues , Vagabonds , and sturdy Beggars , &c. They are to inquire , if those to whom the execution of the Statute for the relief of the poor , doth appertain , be remisse in discharging their duties that way . They are to inquire , if any Executor , or others , keep in their hands any Legacy , sum of money , or other thing , given to charitable uses . They are to inquire , if any that keep Horses in their Houses , do lay their Stable dung , or such kind of noysome filth , in any streets , or lanes of the City , and do not cause the Dung-cart to be led to the Stable door . The Ward-mote Inquest , by vertue of their Office , are bound to search into all these enormities , and to meet once a moneth , or oftner , if need require to that purpose . And whosoever doth judiciously observe these several heads , will find , there 's nothing wanting to preserve a City , or the people thereof in the wayes of neatness , safety , and industry , or for the advancement of Vertue , and suppression of Vice. By these particulars , with what hath bin spoken of formerly , in the Body of this Book , the Reader may observe , how exact the City of London is in her Urban Government . 3. Now touching the magnificence , gravity , and state of the chief Magistrate : neither the Pretor of Rome , or the Prefect of Milan ; neither the Proctors of Saint Mark in Venice , or their Podestas in other Cities ; neither the Provost of Paris , the Markgrave of Antwerp , can compare with the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs of London : If one go to the variety of their Robes , sometimes Scarlet richly fur'd , sometimes Purple , sometimes Violet , and Puke . What a goodly Spectacle it is to behold the Lord Mayor , and the Companies attending him in so many dainty Barges , when he goes to be sworn in Westminster-Hall ; and what brave shews there are attending him by Land , at his return ? what a plentiful sumptuous Dinner , consisting of so many huge Tables , is provided for him ? what a variety of domestick Officers wait upon him perpetually , whereof , with the Remembrancer , there are five of them Esquires by their places , as was hinted before ? what a comely sight it is to see the Lord Mayor , Sheriffs , and Aldermen , going in their Robes upon Festivals to the Cathedral Church of Saint Pauls , though they who stand not so well affected to the present Government , say , that he goeth in now at the wrong end of the Church : what a goodly sight it is , when he goeth upon Easter Holidayes , to the Spittle , with the Sword , and Cap of Maintenance going before him ? How his Robes are fitted for the season , as from Michaelmas to Whitsontide , he weares Violet fur'd ; from Whitsontide to Michaelmas , Scarlet lined : And for distinction among the Aldermen , they who have bin Lord Mayors , have their Cloaks lined with changeable Taffata ; but those that have not , with green Taffata ; what great places of trust are committed to the Lord Mayor , as the keeping of the great Bridge in repair , which hath such large Revenues belonging unto it , with a particular stately Seal , which of old , had the Effigies of Thomas of Becket , ( a Londoner born ) upon it , with this Inscription in the name of the City . Me quae te peperi , ne cesses , Thoma , tueri ; But the Seal was altered in Henry the eighths Raign : what a great trust is it for the Lord Mayor to have the conservation of the Noble River of Thames , from Stanes Bridge , till She disgorgeth her self into the Sea ? How stately is he attended , when he goes to take a view of the River , or a Swan-hopping ? and lately , what a Noble addition was it for the Lord Mayor to have a Park of Deer of his own so near the City , to find him sport , and furnish him with Venison ? what an Honour is it for the Lord Mayor to be accounted the first man of England , upon the death of the Soveraign Prince . As when King Iames was invited to come , and take the Crown of England ; Robert Lee , Lord Mayor of London , was the first man who subscribed , and then the Officers of the Crown , with the chief Noblemen after him . The Recorder of London also , is primus Consiliarius Angliae , and is priviledged to plead within the Barre . The Lord Mayors of London have bin called sometime , to sit at the Councel Table , as Sir Iohn Allen was in Henry the eighths time , with others , ( which Allen , gave that rich Collar of Gold , which the Lord Mayors use to wear ) and the Aldermen his Brethren , were used to be called Barons . 4. We are come now to Regulation of Trade , wherein London is not inferior to any City whatsoever , witness ( among others ) what prudential Lawes , Restraints and Cautions the Marchant Adventurers , who trade in the Golden Fleece of England , viz. in Woollen Manufactures , have propos'd to themselves , as likewise all other Corporations in like manner , for the improvement of that particular Trade , and preserving it from confusion . 5. Touching variety of Artisans , London yields to no other , 't is true , that mingling with Forreiners , hath much advantag'd her in this kind ; but 't is observed , and confessed by all Nations , that though the Londoners be not so apt to invent ; yet when they have got the Invention , they use alwayes to improve it , and bring it to a greater perfection . 6. Touching Corporations , Halls , Fraternities , Guilds , and Societies , London hath not her Fellow : witness the twelve Honourable Companies ; out of one of which , the Lord Mayor is yearly chosen . The several Societies of those , who venter abroad in all parts of the habitable Earth , as far as the Antipodes . And threescore Companies of Citizens besides ; whereunto the new Company of Coachmen , is lately added , who have their Halls , their regular Orders , and Officers accordingly ; And touching all sorts of Artificers , and variety of industrious wayes to improve all kind of Manufactures , and thereby gain an honest Livelihood , and so enrich the place . London may be called a Hive of Bees , ( as formerly was touched ) or a Hill of Ants , which have bin alwayes made the Emblems of industry , and providence . 7. Touching plenty , and abundance of all kinds of Provision , as Flesh , Fish , Fowle , Fruits , Fuel , variety of Drinks , and Wines , with any other Commodity , that conduceth to pleasure and delight , as well as necessity , London may glory to be as well served , as any City under Heaven . A knowing Spaniard said , that he thought Eastcheape Shambles alone , vends more Flesh in the year , then all the Court of Spain . Gascon Wines drink better in London , then in Bourdeaux , and so do all other , provided they be not sophisticated . Nor doth London abound with all things so plentifully , for the belly alone , but also for the back , either to keep it warm , or make it gay ; what varieties of woollen Stuffs there are in every Shop , with broad Cloth equal to the price of Silk , being come to that heighth of perfection , that some hath bin made of ten pounds a yard in price ; But the Hollanders and others , have now got the art of making our Stuffs and Cloths , by those foolish giddy headed Puritans that pretended to fly for persecution of their Consciences , whereby they have done their own Countrey no little mischief in this particular , as in many things besides . But in point of plenty , it may be well avouch'd , that no Oppidan Magistrates on Earth , go beyond the Lord Mayor of London , and the two Sheriffs , for constant Hospitality all the year long : The time was , that the Lord Mayor of London feasted four Kings at once . Insomuch , that of all other places in the Iland , those Verses of Michael , the Cornish Poet , may be most verified of London . Nobilis Anglia , pocula , prandia donat , &c. 8. Concerning wholsom , clear waters , as 't was said before that London hath good blood in her Veins , by those many Aqueducts , Conduits , and conveyances of fresh waters , to serve for all uses , so she hath good Veins in her Body , by those rivulets , Springs , and Sources she hath within and about Her ▪ What an Herculean work was that , to bring the River of Ware , to run through her streets , and refresh all her Houses . And what an ingenious fabrick is lately rear'd up in the Thames , to furnish the Strand , Drury Lane , the Convent Garden , and all the new Houses thereabouts , with convenient proportions of fresh water . 9. For Universality of Trade , there is no Countrey upon the Surface of the Earth , no Seas that any of the Winds blow upon from the Artick to the Antartick Pole , from the rising to the setting Sun , but London by her Navigations , findes them out , and so barters , and brings all kind of Commodities ; what goodly Vessels doth she send forth , to crosse the Line to the East Indies , to Italy , and the bottom of the Streights , the Turks Dominions : As also to the Baltick Sea , how she flyes ore the vast White Ocean , to Moscovy , and to hunt the great Leviathan in Groenland . How her Marchants and Factors are more reputed , and have greater priviledges every where , then any other , particularly in the huge Hause City of Hamburgh , and Rotterdam , &c. 10. In point of solid and useful Wares she hath of her own , what a substantial Commodity , and of what high esteem , all the World over is her Cloth , her Kersies , and divers other kinds of Woollen manufactures ; together with her Lead and Tin , how she turns the first to Silk , and Cloth of Tissue , the last to Gold and Silver ; what rich returns she makes of her Fish , from all the Catholick Countries ? What large Ware-house , and spacious fair Shops she hath of all mercantile Commodities ? And touching her Royal Exchange , those of Antwerp and Amsterdam , have but baubling Pedlery Wares , in comparison of hers . Insomuch , that a wager was offered once to be laid , that Crashawes Shop alone , was able to buy all those in the Busse at Amsterdam . 11. For strength defensive and offensive , for Arms of all sorts , for Artillery , Ammunition , for Arsenals and Docks on both sides the River , for Castles and Block-houses , &c. London is not inferior to any ; She hath twelve thousand Trained-Band-Citizens , perpetually in a readiness , excellently armed ; which when Count Gondamar saw in a Muster one day in Saint Iames's Fields , and the King asking him what he thought of his Citizens of London ; He answered , That he never saw a Company of stouter men , and better Arms in all his life-time ; but he had a sting in the Tayl of his discourse ; for he told the King , that although his Majesty was well pleased with that sight at present , he feared , that those men handling their Arms so well , might do him one day a mischief , which proved true ; for in the unlucky Warres with the long Parliament , the London Firelocks did him most mischief . In times passed , the City of London hath sent out strong Fleets to scoure , and secure the four Seas from depredations , and Pyracy . And if in the year 1293. she was able to set forth a Fleet of ninety five Ships , as it stands upon Record , what would she be able to do now , if she were permitted ? Moreover , If in King Stephens Raign , as another Record hath it , she raised 60000. Foot , and 2000. Horse for Land Service , how many more were she able to do now in case of necessity , that being compared to what she was then , were to compare a Gyant to a dwarf ? But besides these several kind of strengths , and Arms , there 's no place so well furnish'd with Amonition de bouche , as the Frenchman hath it , with munition for the mouth , viz. with Magazines of Corn , and Arms against Famine , a● London is ; for besides that at Leaden-Hall , and the Bridge-house , how many Halls have Store-houses of this kind ? There 's no place also better armed against the fury of the fire ; for besides the pitched Buckets that hang in Churches and Halls , there are divers new Engines for that purpose . But it had bin wished , that the Proclamations of the two last Kings for building with Brick , had bin observed by London , for besides that , it had made Her lesse subject to casual fyrings , it had conduced much to the beauty of her Streets , and uniformity of Structure . 12. For healthful corporal Recreations , and harmless passe-times , London may go in the Van , to any place that I ever saw yet . Go and walk in her Fields , you shall see some shooting at long marks , some at Buts ; some bowling upon dainty pleasant Greens , some upon Bares ; some wrestling , some throwing the Barre , some the stone , some jumping , some running , some with their Dogs at Ducking ponds ; some riding upon Nags , some in Coaches to take the fresh Air , some at Nine-pins , some at Stool-ball , though that stradling kind of Tomboy sport be not so handsome for Mayds , as Forreiners observe , who hold ▪ that dansing in a Ring , or otherwise , is a far more comely exercise for them . Within the City , what variety of Bowling Allies there are , some open , some covered ? there are Tennis Courts , Shuffle-Boards , playing at Cudgels , Cock-fightings , a sport peculiar to the English ; and so is Bear , & Bull-baytings , there being not such generous Dogs , and Cocks any where else . Go to the River , what a pleasure it is to go thereon , in the Summer time , in Boat or Barge ? or to go a floundring among the Fishermen ? There was in former times a sport used upon the Thames , which is now discontinued : it was for two Wherries to row , and run one against the other , with staves in their hands ; flat at the fore-end ; which kind of Recreation , is much practised among the Gondolas of Venice . The time was , that Stage-playes , and Fencing , were much used in London : The History speaks of a Play , Anno 1391. performed by the Parish Clarks of London , at the Skinners Well , besides Smithfield , which continued three several dayes : the King , Queen , and the Court being present . And of another , in the year 1409. which lasted eight dayes , the subject was touching the Creation of the World , whereunto the Court , and Nobility were invited : But those ●ind of Stage-playes , were turned after to Tragedies , Comedies , Histories , and Enterludes ; for representing whereof , there were more theaters in London , then any where else ; And it was a true observation , that those comical , and tragical Histories , did much improve , and enrich the English Language , they taught young men witty Complements , and how to carry their Bodies in a handsome posture : Add hereunto , that they instructed them in the stories of divers things , which being so lively represented to the eye , made firmer impressions in the memory . Lastly , They reclaimed many from Vice and Vanity ; for though a Comedy be never so wanton , yet it ends with vertue , and the punishment of vice . 13. For a stately Cathedral Temple , and Dome of devotion , the time was , that London did not yield to any City under the Sun in this particular ; Saint Pauls Church being esteemed by all Nations , to be one of the eminentest , and visiblest Temple , one of the most glorious Piles of Stones under Heaven ; taking all the dimensions , together with the chearful conspicuous Site thereof , being near the Center of the City , and upon a rising ground ; Being also founded upon Faith's , by having a large Church of that name truckling , as one may say , under her Chancel ; Add hereunto , what a comfortable Object it was , to behold above twenty miles distance , round about , this goodly Structure , raysing it self above the rest , and serving as it were for a Crest to the whole City ; But now this famous Fabrick , which was accounted the greatest glory of London , is become her greatest shame ; For many Fortainers , ( who are none of those that place any inherent Sanctity in senseless inanimat stones ) have bin overheard to say , that Pauls Church in that posture she now is , is the saddest sight , and most ruthful Spectacle upon the Surface of the whole Earth ; nay , some have bin heard to say , that whereas a Stable became once a Temple in Palestine , a Temple among us hath bin made a Stable ; nay , they went further , not sticking to say , that as Christ was born in a Stable , so Antichrist is like to be born in a Stable in England . The time was , that London was used to have a greater care of this Temple , when a solemn Act of the Lord Mayors , and Common Councel passed , which stands yet upon good Record , to this effect , and stands still in force . Forasmuch as the material Temples of God were first ordained for the lawfull and devout Assembly of people , there to lift their hearts , and lawd and prayse Almighty God , and to hear his Divine Service , and his holy Word , and Gospel , sincerely said , sung , and taught , and not to be used as Markets , and other prophane places , or thorow faires , by carriage of things : And for that of late years , many of the Inhabitants of the City of London , and other people repairing thither , do commonly use , and accustom themselves very unseemly , and unreverently ( the more the pitty ) to make their common carriage of great Vessels ●ll of Ale and Beere , great Baskets full of Bread , Fish , Flesh , and Fruit , ●●d such other things , Fardels of Stuffe , and other grosse Wares , and things , through the Cathedrall Church of Saint Pauls , and some in leading Moyles , Horses , and other Beasts , through the same unreverently , to the great dishonour , and displeasure of Almighty God , and the great grief also , and offence of all good people , Be it therefore for remedy and Reformation thereof , ●dained , enacted , and established , &c. That no person , either fi●e or forren , of what estate or condition soever , do at any time from henceforth , carry or convey , or cause to be carried , and conveyed through the said Cathedrall , any manner of great Vessel , or Basket with Bread , Ale , Beer , Fish , Flesh , or any other like thing or things , upon pain of forfeiture , or loosing , for every such his or their offence , three shillings four pence ; for the second , six shillings eight pence ; for the third , ten shillings ; And for every other offence , after such third time , to forfeit ten shillings , and to suffer two dayes and two nights imprisonment , without Bayl or Mainprize , The one moyety of all which pains and penalties , shall be to Christs Hospital within Newgate , and the other half , to him that will sue for the same , in any Court of Record within the City , by Bill , original Complaint , or Information , to be commenc'd , or sued in the name of the Chamberlain of the said City for the time being , wherein no Essoyne , or wager of Law , for the Defendant shall be admitted , or allowed , &c. Such was the Reverence , that London shewed her Cathedral Church , not long agoe , which may be said , to look now like the hulk of a great weather beaten Ship , that had cross'd the Line eight times , forward and backward , to the East Indies , and lies rotting upon the Carine : such is the condition of this stately Church , which is like to be buried shortly in her own ruines , and so become a heap of rubbish ; and then how b●ld London will look , let them judge , who have taken a judicious prospect of Her. Moreover , there 's another Reason , that may induce London to prevent this ; for if Pauls were down , She forfeits the name of a City ; for all Lawyers concur in this opinion , that there can be no City , without a Cathedral Church ; t' is but a Village without one , or a Town at most : therefore London hath great cause to wish , that those unlucky Scismaticks had never bin born , who first brought Pauls Church to this pittiful passe ; for it may well be said , that all those casual fires which she suffered , ( whereof there were many ) did not do her as much mischief , as the faruous fires of some fanatical Zelots have done ; as one said also of the House of Peers , that the Long Parliament was more destructive unto it , then the Powder-plot had bin , if it had taken effect . Touching particular appropriated places for the service of God. We know there were such from the beginning . As soon as Noah got footing on dry ground , he erected an Altar , which was in liue of a Church , the Patriarks had theirs ; then from Altars , they came to have Arks , and ambulatory Tabernacles ; and we read , what a conceit of holiness was carried towards them : Then Salomon , by Instructions from Heaven , did build a fix'd , and standing material Temple ; And we well know , how highly our Saviour himself was incensed against the money changers , and others , who prophan'd that place ; and what sharp reprehensions his Apostle gave afterwards to those , who used to eat and drink in those places which were appointed for devotion . That Hyper●● or room , where our Saviour did please to celebrate the Passe-over , and institute his last Supper , may well be thought to have more Sanctity in it , then an ordinary Chamber , considering how many holy things were done there afterwards ; for our Saviour appeared in that very place , twice after his Resurrection ; the Holy Ghost came down in cloven tongues in that place . Iames was created Bishop of Hierusalem , and seven Deacons were elected in that place , which in regard of so many holy transactions , was enlarged , and made afterwards a goodly Church , long before Constantine : whosoever is versed with the Primitive Fathers , knowes well how often they speak of Peculiar places , set apart to celebrate divine service ; as also of set times , and that the posture must be Eastward ; Among the primitive Christians , those places were called by some , Basilica ; by others , Dominica , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whence the German word Kerk , was derived ; by others , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by some they were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by others , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. all which were but Synonyma's to Churches , or holy Oratories . One of the first Fathers saith positively , that Churches were in the Apostles time . Another saith , they continued from the Apostles time , to Constantine , with whom the Roman Empire came to be Christian first . And in all the ten Persecutions , which happened by intermissions , we may read , how that by the Edicts of the Emperors , the Oratories or Churches of the Christians , were to be in some places burnt , in others , demolished . And in the last persecution under Dioclesian , the History saith , that a great number of ancient Edifices , and Churches of the Christians were destroyed ; And observable it is , that one of those Primitive Fathers , compares the Churches on the shore , to safe Harbors in the Sea , which surely must be interpreted , to relate to the Places , and not to the persons only . Histories also speak plainly , how in the first and second Century after Christ , in the persecution that was in Persia , many goodly Oratories and Churches of the Christians were destroyed . By these short disquisitions into the Ages of the World and History , it appears , that among the Patriarks , there were holy places that had an Analogy with Churches , which continues among the Iewes ever since : And touching Christians , there were Oratories , and appropriate sacred places , from the very infancy of the Gospel , which served as a general Rendezvouz to celebrate Divine service all along from the Apostles time , through the three Centuries of the Primitive Church : therefore they must be possessed with a strange spirit of contradiction , and prophaness , who make no account of those peculiar Houses , which pious devout souls have appropriated , rea'rd up , and dedicated to the sole service of Almighty God , but hold all places promiscuous , and indifferently proper for that use . It may justly be doubted , whether such sordid poor narrow souls , who so malign the beauty , the holiness , and decencies of Gods House here in the Church militant , will ever be admitted to behold the glory of the Church Triumphant . And now , having presumed to speak so much of Londons great Temple ( than which there is not a more conspicuous Object upon Earth , except the Mount Olympus , which is said to bear up Heaven ) ; and having with a true sense of sorrow set forth the sad condition thereof ; my prayers are , that it would please God to put it into the hearts , and move the spirits of those worthy Patriots , who are now assembled to mend all breaches in the Common-wealth , to propose some way for preserving this ancient great visible Ornament from tumbling down : And there is a fair opportunity offered to this purpose ; for if those irregular New Buildings be questioned ( whereof there are by computation , above a hundred thousand pop'd up within these forty years ) , It would , most humbly under favour , be very proper to employ part of the Tax upon those Houses , to repair Gods House . 14. Touching a Noble Bridge , and a Navigable River , spoken of before , London is not inferior to any other City whatsoever : concerning the first , what a large Rent hath it to preserve it self ? what a vast Magazine of Corn is there alwayes in the Bridge-house , against a dearth ? what a number of Officers , that look to the reparations thereof , are handsomly maintained thereby , and some of them persons of good quality ? Touching the second , the River of Thames hath not her fellow , if regard be had to the straightness and length of her course running from East to West , without many meanders , her convenient distance from the Sea , to prevent surprizals , the chearfulness of the Soyl on both sides , the wholsomness of her water , which makes the best Beer in the World , & is transported by forrein Nations for other uses ; the variety of her Fish , the fatness of her mud ; If regard be had also to those Forrests of Masts , which are perpetually upon her , the variety of smaller Woodden bottoms plying up and down , the stately Palaces that are built on both sides of her banks so thick , which made divers forrein Ambassadors affirm , that the most glorious sight in the World ( take water and land together ) was to come upon a high Tide from Gravesend , and shoot the Bridge to Westminster . 15. For number of humane souls , breathing in City and Suburbs ; London may compare with any in Europe , in point of populousness : the last Cense that was made in Paris , came under a million ; but in the year 1636. King Charles sending to the Lord Mayor , to make a scrutiny , what number of Roman Catholiques and Strangers , there were in the City , he took occasion thereby , to make a Cense of all the people ; and there were of Men , Women , and Children , above seven hundred thousand that lived within the Barres of his jurisdiction alone ; and this being one and twenty years passed , 't is thought , by all probable computation , that London hath more by the third part now , then she had then . Now , for Westminster , and Petty France , the Strand , Bedford Berry , St. Martins Lane , Long Acre , Drury Lane , St. Giles of the Field , High Holborn , Grayes Inne Lane , St. Iones , and St. Georges street , Clarken well , the out-lets of Red and Whitecrosse-street , the out-lets beyond the Barres of Bishopsgate , Aldersgate , and Southwark Barres , beyond the Tower , &c. take all these places , with divers more , which are contiguous , and one entire peece with London her self , I say , take all these Buildings together , there will be found by all probable conjecture , as many Inhabitants at least , as were found before within that compass , where the point of the Lord Mayors Sword reacheth , which may amount in all , to a million and a half of humane souls : Now , one way to know the populousness of a great City is , to observe the Bills of Mortality , and Nativities every week . I think , there is no such Custom in Paris ; but for Amsterdam , which is a very populous Mercantile place , the ordinary number there , of those that go weekly out of the World , is but fifty , or thereabouts , and about so many come into the World every week ; But in London , the common Weekly Bills come to near upon 300. that come in , and about so many that go out of the World , though the last years general Bill made twice as many to go out , as came in ; for it gives account of fourteen thousand and odd that dyed , and but seven thousand christened ; but this may be imputed ( the more 's the pitty ) to the confusion of Sectaries , which swarm since the long Parliament , as Anabaptists , and others who use not to christen their Children , a sad story to tell , so that there were many thousands born , which were not baptized , and whereof the Bill speaks not . Touching the form and shape of London , it may be aptly compared to a Lawrel leaf , which is far more long then broad ; and were London round , as Paris and other Cities are , she would appear more populous , by a more often encounter of the passengers . Concerning the length of London , take all Buildings that are contiguous one to another from East to West , from the utmost point of Westminster , to the utmost point beyond the Tower , she may be well thought to be near upon five Italian miles in longitude , and about half so much in latitude , and in Circuit , above twelve miles . 'T is true , that the Suburbs of London are larger then the Body of the City , which make some compare her to a Iesuites Hat , whose brims are far larger then the Block , which made Count Gondamar the Spanish Ambassador to say , as the Queen of Spain was discoursing with him , upon his return from England , of the City of London . Madam , I believe there will be no City left shortly ; for all will run out at the Gates to the Suburbs ; and for the Men , I think they are gone by this time into the Country , for I left them all booted and spur'd when I came away . But touching the amplitude , and largeness of London , whereas Charles the Emperor , to put a Complement upon Paris , said , that she might be called a Province , rather then a City , this term may better befit London , who is a County of her self . 16. From proportions and quantity , we will now go to the quality of the persons she hath produced from time to time : whereof there have been great numbers of most gallant and generous , most wealthy and worthy , most eminent and munificent brave men , who had souls as large as their substance , I mean such that received , either their first being , or well being from Her. Charles the Quint was used to glory , that he was a Citizen of Ghent , having bin born there . Henry the Great , in answer to a Letter of the King of Spains , wherein he had enumerated above a score of Soveraign Titles , stiled himself only Henry , Roy de France , & Bourgeois de Paris . Henry King of France , and Burgesse of Paris . But London hath greater cause to glory in this point , for Constantine , the first Christian Emperor , a Britain born , was her Child . And a foul mistake it was in Him , who writ the Book of Martyrs , when in his Epistle Dedicatory he saith , that Constantine was the Son of Helena , an English Woman , ( being pure British ) ; for the name of English was not then in the World , nor did the Saxons , whence the English are derived , take footing in great Britain , but a long time after . Maud the Empress was also a Londoner born , with divers other great Kings and Princes . Thomas Becket , a man very famous in all the Catholick Countries , and held one of the highest Saints , was born in London ; he was first one of the Sheriffs Clarks , then he was Parson of St. Mary Hil● then he went to Bologna in Italy , to study the Law ; and at his return , he was made Chancellor of England , and Arch Bishop of Canterbury . Innumerable other great Clarks , and eminent Bishops , were born in London ; and of late times , Bishop Lancelot Andrews , who for his vast stock of learning , might be called , the Universal Bishop . There are now living , two great Luminaries of the Church , Doctor Wren , and Doctor Warner , born both in London , the one Bishop of Ely , the other Bishop of Rochester , a person of most acute Intellectuals , and of rare excellent knowledge . Fabian the famous Chronologer was Sheriff of London , and born there ; what a number of most munificent Benefactors hath London had among her own Natives , besides those whom she bred ; what a Noble useful Structure is Leaden-hall , built at the sole charge of Sir Simon Eyre Draper , and Lord Mayor of London ? what a worthy Foundation is St. Iohns Colledge in Oxford , built by Sir Thomas White , Lord Mayor of London , who was Benefactor also to Bristoll , Reading , and above twenty Towns besides ? what a bountiful Benefactor was Mr. William Lambe , free of the Company of Clothworkers ? what a world of charitable deeds , did he do in Town and Countrey ? what a Noble soul had Sir Thomas Gresham Mercer , and Marchant , who built the Royal Exchange , Gresham Colledge , with another great Countrey Palace in Middlesex ; what a notable Benefactor , was Mr. Thomas Howel , bred in his youth in Spain , and afterwards in London , who was one of the greatest Benefactors of the Company of Drapers , and , besides many other large acts of charity , he hath left such means to Drapers Hall , that if any Mayden can derive her self from the right linage of Howel in Wales , the said Hall is to give her 21 l. towards her portion ; and this to continue for ever ; what a free large Soul had Mr. William Iones , Marchant , and free of the Haberdashers , who in Monmouth , the Countrey where he was born , did build a fair Free School , with very large allowance to the Masters ; he was Benefactor also to Hamborough , Stoad , and divers other places at home and abroad . To these two Britains , we will add a third , which is Sir Hugh Middleton , Goldsmith ; what a hazardous , expenceful mighty work , did he perform , in bringing Ware-River to run through the streets of London ? what an infinite universal benefit doth accrue thereby , to the whole City and Suburbs ? how often did this great design take heat and cold , what faintings and fears , what oppositions did it break through , before it was perfectly finished ? What a large noble Soul had Sir Baptist Hicks , Lord Vicount Campden ? what a number of worthy things did he in his life , and at his death , both for the advancement of Religion and Iustice ? At Campden , in the County of Glocester , he repaired , and adorned God Almighties House , and reard another for the poor , before he built any for himself ; He founded also there , a very commodious Market-house , and having done many things more for the publick good in that place , he erected afterwards , a stately Palace for his Posterity , though the hard fate of the times , and the fury of the Warre hath half destroyed it : He was also a great Benefactor to the Churches , and the poor of Hamsted , and Kensinton , to St. Bartholomewes , and Christ-Church Hospitals in London , to all the Prisons ; as also to St. Laurence Church in the old Iury : He purchased divers Impropriations , and bestowed them upon the Church in divers counties ; He was at the charge of erecting a convenient Session-house , for the Justices of Middlesex to meet , in the middest of St. Iohn's street , which is called Hicks Hall , and will so be called to all posterity . All these great lights he carried before him , and at his death he gave a World of Legacies , and divers Pensions to pious Ministers and others , and bequeathed a great sum to be distributed among all his Servants . To speak of all those Noble Londoners , who have done glorious things , both for Church and State , in point of piety , stately Structures of divers natures , for the publick good , and deeds of charity , would make a large Volume of it self . I will conclude for the present , with a late worthy man , one Mr. Iohn Walter , who was Clark of Drapers Hall , who , having resolved with himself , when he had attained a competent subsistence for himself and his Children , to employ the rest every year , for charitable uses , which he did constantly for many years : He built two Hospitals near London , and it was a great while before the Founder of them was known . He used to send a proportion of bread to be distributed among the poor , to divers Churches ; and it was not known , who sent it , till he was dead , and that he was missing . It is thought by a computation that was made , that he had employed above ten thousand pounds to charitable uses of all sorts , private and publick , and he was so free from vain-glory , that his greatest care was to do them in such a manner , that his left hand should not know what his right hand did ; And in his study after his death , there was a bag of 800 l. in Gold , with a label in paper upon it , This is none of mine , but the poor's . Lastly , for Prerogatives , Enfranchisements , Immunities , Charters , and Liberties , for Hospitality , and plentiful treatments ; as also for Antiquity , the City of London comes not in the arrears to any . Touching the last , 't is true , there are some Cities in the East , that have the start of her in point of time , yet London was built 354 years before Rome , which is a fair Age. Touching the second , some call London , a lick-peny , ( as Paris is called by some , a pick-purse ) because of feastings , with other occasions of expence and allurements , which cause so many unthrifts among Countrey Gentlemen , and others , who flock into her , in such excessive multitudes ; but this must be imputed not to the place , but to the persons ; for one may live in London as frugally , if he hath wit to make use of it , as in any other City whatsoever . T' is true , that the prizes of all things use to be enhanc'd by confluences , and swarms of people , which a judicious Forreiner observing in London , said , that she bore no proportion with the Iland , but might serve a Kingdom thrice as big , and that England may be rather said , to be in London , then London in England , which made some compare her to the spleen , whose over-swelling , make the rest of the body languish ; but it might be answered , that London is rather like the stomack , which digests the wealth of the Land , and after a good concoction , disperseth it again in wholsom nutriment to all parts . Touching the third , viz. freedom and immunities , there 's no City hath more . In the Raign of Richard the second , it was enacted , That the Citizens of London were to enjoy their priviledges , and franchises , licet usi non fuerint , vel abusi fuerint , whether they were not us'd or abus'd , notwithstanding any Statute to the contrary , as the Lord Coke hath it in his Institutes . In the Lawes of the Land , London is called sometimes Camera Regis , Reipublicae Cor , & totius Regni Epitome , the Kings Chamber , the heart of the Common-wealth , and compendium of the whole Kingdom ; sometimes she is called Caput Regum & Legum , The head of Kings , and of Lawes ; nay , some of the Roman Emperors in their Edicts , called her Augusta , which is a name alwayes of magnificence and State. And now will I take leave of the Noble Augusta , or City of London , concluding with this hearty wish , couch'd in these two Hexameters , and relating to her proportion , or shape , which is a Laurel leaf , as formerly was said . Londinum Lauri folio non impare formâ , Flore at Urbs , sicut Laurus , semperque virescat : London is like a Laurel leaf , may She , Be verdant still , and flourish like the Tree . FINIS . AN INDEX POINTING At the chief Passage throughout the whole Book . A. fol. AUgusta , a name given by the Roman Emperors to London . 2. Appellations which forrain Authors give of London . 2. Of Algate . 5. Of Amwel River brought to London , 11. The Lord Ailwine first Alderman in England , Anno 851. 34. Of the Authority and State of the Lord Mayor of London . 35. His Attendants and Officers , with divers Prerogatives . 35. Of the ancient Court of the Hustings . 37. Austin the Monk , the Englishmens Apostle . 39. The Arms of all the Companies and Corporations of London blazon'd . 41. The antiquity of all the Companies of London . 41. Of Allhallowes Barking . 48. Of Algate Ward . 52. Of St. Andrew Undershaft . 55. Of Augustine Fryers . 72. St. Albanes , a very ancient Church in London . 301. Of Aldersgate Ward . 306. Of the ancient great Monuments in Christs Church . 311. The Antiquities of Southwark . 137. An Alderman alotted to every Ward . 340. The Abbey of Westminster , ● the greatest Sanctuary . 346. Of the Court of Admiralty . 373. A Contest 'twixt the Court of Admiralty , and Westminster Hall. 374. Of Amsterdam . 339. Of Auspurg . 389. B. fol. The Britains concreated with this Iland . 2. The British Etymologies of London . 2. The Britains were first Founders and God-fathers of London . 3. Of Bainards Castle . 5. Of the chief Banner-bearer of the City of London . 27. The Black Fryers built of the ruines of the Tower of Monsiquet . 29. Bishops have bin good Friends to London . 40. Of Barking Church . 48. The Bayliff of Rumford strangely executed . 56. The common Burse at first in Lombard-street . 63 Of Bishopsgate Ward . 63 Of Bethlem , now called Bedlam , and the notable deed of gift that was made thereof . 63 Of Broad-street Ward . 71 Of Billingsgate Ward . 84 Of Billingsgate some things remarkable . 85 Of the Bridge-ward within . 87 Of Backles-berry . 113 Of Basings-Hall Ward . 123 Of Backwell-Hall . 123 The History of the Black-Fryers . 316 Of Breadstreet Ward . 318 Of Bridewell . 332 Of St. Brides . 333 Of the Bridge-House . 339 A British Prophecy , lately verified . 348 Bishop of Chesters Inne . 349 Of Bedford , York , Salisbury , Worcester-House , with others . 349 Of Bedford Berry . 350 Of Babylon , 382 C. fol , Cornelius Tacitus lived seven years in Britain . the Epist. The Character which Tacitus gives of London . 3 Constantine the Great , first Builder of London Walls . 4 Contests 'twixt the Lord Admiral , and Lord Mayor about the Thames . 14 The Conservancy of the Thames , belongs de jure to the Lord Mayor . 17 The Character of London Bridg in Latine and English verse 1 A City compared to a Ship. 33 Of the several Courts belonging to the City of London . 37 Ceremonies used in the Election of the Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs . 36 The Clashes 'twixt the City of London , and divers Kings . 40 No City without a Cathedral Church , and a Bishops See. 40 Of the several Companies and Corporations belonging to the City of London . 41 Corporations prejudicial to Monarchy . 46 The Custom-house Key called in former times , Petty Wales . 49 Of the Crouched Fryers . 57 Of Cornhill-Ward . 77 Of Candlewick-Ward . 89 The Charter of the Styliard . 98 Of Cordwainers-ward . 107 Of Cheap-ward . 111 Of the great Crosse in Cheap . 115 Of Colemanstreet-ward . 119 Of Cripplegate-ward . 301 Of the Chappel of Jesus , hard by Pauls . 314 The Counter removed from Bread-street , to VVood-street . 319 Of Castle-Baynard-ward . 324 A Clash 'twixt the Lord Mayor and the Lawyers . 330 D. Of Diana's Chamber hard by Pauls . 3 A Description of Pauls . 7 The duty of the Lord Mayor to conserve the Thames . 18 Divers small Bridges in former times in London . 23 Of Drapers-Hall . 73 Of Dowgate-ward . 97 Dowgate-ward hath many things considerable . 100 Of the Dance of Death , painted at Pauls . 323 The difference 'twixt Southark and London , in point of Government . 340 Of the Dutchy of Lancaster and Savoy , with the Liberties thereof . 347 Of Dorham-House . 349 E. The English converted to Christianity by the Britains . 33 The Emperor Charles lodged in the Black-Fryers . 316 Of the Elms , the place of common Execution in times passed . 326 Edward the Consessors Charter to VVestminster . 355 Of the Exchequer Court. 369 Of the Court of Equity , or Chancery . 365 An Encomium of the Civil Law. 377 Of the City of Florence . 387 An extravagant saying of a French Baron . In the Epist. Of the eminent Citizens of London . 405 F. The foundation and first Rise of the City of London . 2 Fitstephen reports of London . 8 Of the fresh water Rivers that were in London . 10. A factious saying of the Lord Mayors to King James . 19 Fearful Fires on London-Bridg . 21 Of the four Inns of Court. 31 Of the present factions in London . 47 Of Fishers Folly hard by Bishops-gate . 67 Of Fenchurch . 83 Of the Fishmongers Company . 88 Of Faringdon Intra Ward . 309 Of Faringdon Ward Extra . 327 Of Bartholomew-Fair , 328 Of Fewter or Fetter-lane . 331 G. Of the Gates of London . 4 Of the great famous River of Thames . 12 Of Grayes Inne . 32 Of Gr●tham Colledge . 31 The Government of London . 33 Of Knighten Guild . 49 Of Grasse-street , vulgarly called Gracious-street . 40 Of Grocers-Hall . 113 Of the Guild-Hall . 117 Of St. Giles by Cripplegate . 304 Of Golding-lane . ibid. The History of the Gray Fryers , by Newgate Market . 310 Of the great wardrobe . 325 Of St. Giles of the Field . 345 Of the Gran Cayro . 384 Of Genoa . 387 A guesse at the number of humane souls breathing in London . 403 Of the general Trade of London . 396 Of the Gravity , and state of the Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen . 395 H. Of Sir Hugh Middleton , and Ware River . 11 The History of London Bridge , from its beginning . 20 The History of the great Tower of London . 24 The History of the Saxons , or Englishmen . 33 Of the Hustings Court. 37 Of the Holy Trinity by Algate , a famous Priory , with the great Prerogatives thereof . 50 Of St. Helens Church , sometimes a Nunnery . 70 Of the Haunce of Almain , or the Styliard . 97 Henry the eighth came in habit of a Yeoman to see the Watch. 110 The History of Cheap-side-Crosse . 115 The History of the Guild Hall. 117 The History of the Jews in England . 120 The History of Moorfields . 301 The History of Sion Colledg . 302 The History of Pauls Church . 312 Of Houndsditch . 341 Of Hamburg and the Hans Towns. 388 fol. Of the Inns of Court. 9 Iusts and Tournments in former times upon London-Bridg . 22 Of the Inns of Chancery . 31 Julius Caesar only a Discoverer of Great Britain , 〈◊〉 Claudius Caesar the Conqueror . 33 The ill May-day . 40 Of Jack Straw . 81 The Jews banish'd out of England . 119 Where the Jews had their Synagogue in London . 119 700 Jews murthered by the Londoners . 119 Of the Jew that fell into a Iakes at Tewksbury . 121 Of James the fourth , King of Scots . 303 Of St. James Hospital , or the Charter-house . 343 Of St. James's House and Park . 356 L. fol. Of London-Stone . 4 Of Ludgate . 4 London Bridg hath two many Eyes . 20 London much beholden to her Bishops . 39 London like a Hive of Bees . 41 London a Lick-peny . 406 Of Lumley-House . 48 Of Limestreet Ward . 59 Of Leaden-Hall , and the foundation thereof . 59 A laudable Custom at St. Mary Spittle , for rehearsal of Sermons . 67 Of Loseworth or Spittle-field , and strange Monuments that were found there . 68 Of Langborn Ward 82 Of Lombard-street . 82 Of Lothberry . 119 Of Lollards Tower. 326 Of Lincolns Inne . 344 The length of London . 404 The latitude of London . 404 M. fol. The Method of the work . 1 Of Moorgate . 5 The Lord Mayors of London had divers appellations . 34 Of the Lord Mayor , and manner of his Election . 36 Of Mart-lane , and Minchinlane . 48 Of the Minories . 51 Of St. Mary Spittle . 67 Of Marchantaylors-Hall . 73 Of St. Michael in Corn-hill . 81. Of Mercers Chappel . 116 Of Melitus Bishop of London . 312 Of the ancient Monuments in Pauls Church . 312 Of the Monuments in the Temple Church . 334 Of the Marshalsey . 339 The chief Monuments of Westminster . 355 Of the Mewse . 355 N. fol. A notable saying of Count Gundamar , touching the Iesuites . 9 Of Northumberland-House . 57 A new Monument of a Porter in Cheape-side . 115 Of Newgate , and the Market thereof . 317 Of the New Market in St. Clements Field . 344 Of the City of Naples . 387 O. fol. Otia Imperialia , an ancient Book of Gervase of Tilberry . 5 Of the Officers attending the Lord Mayor of London . 38 Of the old Jury . 120 Of the old Exchange . 319 Of old Fishstreet-Hill . 322 Of the Heralds Office. 326 Of Old Burn , or Holburn . 327 Of the Old Baylie . 330 Of the Clink . 337 Of St. Mary Overy . 338 Of St. Olaves . 330 P. The Proeme . 1 The Parallel . 381 Of the Posterns about London . 5 Of Pauls Church . 7 Pauls Church built partly at first , and now destroyed , by the sins of the People . 7 The passage of the Thames from her first Spring . 12 The pittiful Speech of Queen Jane when beheaded . 26 Divers priviledges given to the Lord Mayor of London . 34 Provost Marshal given the City by Queen Elizabeth . 35 The Prior of the holy Trinity at Aldgate , once a great man in the Government of the City of London . 39 Paris a Pick-purse . 406 Of Portsoken-Ward . 49 The famous Priory of the holy Trinity , built by Queen Matilda . 53 The Prior of the Holy Trinity , alwayes an Alderman of London . 53 Of Pawlet , or Winchester House in Broad-street . 72 Of St. Peter upon Corn-hill , and of the ancient Table that hangs there . 79 Of the Priory of St. Bartholomew . 328 Of the priviledges of London . 407 The Popes-head-Tavern a Kings Palace in times passed . 81 Of the priviledges of the Styliard . 98 Pauls Steeple and Church-fired . 313 Parliament kept in Black Fryers . 313 Of Puddle-Wharf . 325 A Purchase made of much Lands in Southwark by the City , of Edward the sixth . 335 Of the Prisons in Southwark . 339 Of the high Court of Parliament . 356 Of the Common Pleas. 368 Of Palermo . 387 Of Paris . 391 Q. Of Queen Hith . 322 Of the pious Queen Matilda . 345 Of the most pious Queen Eleanor . 356 Of the City of Quinzay , call'd the Celestial City . 383 R. Restitutus Bishop of London , s●te at the Councel of Arles , in Constantines time . 39 Of the Royal Exchange , and the name given unto it by Queen Elizabeth , with the Ceremonyes us'd . 78 Of Robert Fabian the Chronicler . 81 Of the Rolls and six Clerks Office . 344 Of Rome . 386 Rome eight times sack'd . 386 Of the City of Roven . 391 S. Of the publick Schools in London . 31 Of the Sheriffs of London , and their Election . 37 The several Courts belonging to the City of London . 38 Of the spiritual Government of London . 39 Of Sydon lane , vulgarly Sithinglane . 48 Of the Shaft of St. Andrew . 55 A strange accident happened in St. Michaels Church in Corn-hill . 18 A strange Tomb found in St. Mary Hill Church . 86 Of the Stock , and Salt Fishmongers , and their antiquity . 89 Of the Stocks . 84 Of the Steelyard , or Guilda aula Teutonicorum . 97 Of sweet Wines . 102 Of the Standard in Cheap . 115 A Shank-bone and Tooth of a marvellous bigness in St. Laurence Church . 118 Of Sion Colledge . 302 Of St. Martin le grand , and the great priviledges it had . 307 Of Smithfield . 328 Of Southwark Ward . 335 Of the Stew-houses allowed in times pass'd . 337 Of the Suburbs of London . 341 Of Suttons Hospital . 343 The strange Iudgements fallen upon the Duke of Somerset for Sacriledge . 343 Of the Savoy . 347 Of the shape of London . 406 T. Of the Tower of London . 23 Of the Lyon Tower. ibid. The Tower of London delivered to Lewis of France . 24 The on the Britain , first Bishop of London . 39 Of Tower-street Ward . 48 The Prerogatives of the Tower. 48 Of the Tun , a Prison in Cornhill in times passed , now a Conduit . 77 Of the Tower Royal. 103 The Tragical end of William Fitzosbert . 109 Great Tryumph in Smithfield in times pass'd . 329 The Templer Knight arraigned in London . 333 Twenty particulars , wherein the City of London may compare with any other City . 385 V Of the Vintry Ward . 101 The Vintners of old , called Marchant-Vintners of Gascogne . 103 The Lady Venetia Stanley , hath a fair Monument in Christ-Church . 311 Of the Upper Bench Court. 363 Of Venice . 386 Of Vienna . 388 W. William the Conquerors Charter to the City of London . 40 The Wardmore-Inquest a wholsome Constitution . 39 Of the six and twenty several Wards of London . 49 Westminster first called Thorney . 80 Of Wat Tylar . 81 Of Sir William Walworth , and the manner of his knighting . 91 Of Wallbrook Ward . 83 Whittington four times Lord Mayor , and thrice buried . 103 The Weavers ancient Charter . 123 Of Watling-street . 318 Of Winchester-House . 338 Of Wapping . 341 Westminster and London compared . 346 Of Westminster-Abbey , with the History thereof . 353 Of White-Hall . 356 A witty Speech of Henry the 4th of France . 391 A witty saying of Charles the Emperor . in Epist. Of the Wardmote l●quest . 394 A witty passage of Henry the Great , of France . 404 A witty saying of Count Gandamar of London . 404 A Catalogue of Mr. Howels Works , in several Volumes . Printed by Mr. Humphrey Mosely . 1. Mr. Howels History of Lewis the thirteenth , King of France , with the life of his Cardinal de Richelieu . Fol. 2. Mr. Howels Epistolae Hoelianae , familiar Letters , Domestick and Forreign , in six Sections , partly Historical , Political , Philosaphical , the first Volume with Additions , Octavo . 3. Mr. Howels New Volume of Familiar Letters , partly Historical , Political , Philosophical ; the second Volume with many Additions , Octavo . 4. Mr. Howels third Volume of additional Letters , of a fresher date , never before published , Octavo . 5. Mr. Howels Dodona's Grove , or the Vocall Forrest , in Folio ; together , with the second part in Folio , never printed before . 6. Mr. Howels Englands Teares , for the present Warres . 7. Mr. Howels pre-eminence and pedigree of Parliament , in duodecimo in an answer to Mr. Pryn. 8. Mr. Howels Instructions and Directions for forrain Travels , in Twelves , with divers Additions for travelling into Turky , and the Levant parts . 9. Mr. Howels Votes , or a Poem-Royal , presented to his Majesty , in Quarto . 10. Mr. Howels Angliae Suspiria , and Lachrymae in Twelves , Tumulus Thalamus , two Counter-Poems ; the first an Elegy upon Edward Earl of Dorset ; the second , an Epithalamium to the Lord M. of Dorchester . Parallels reflecting on the times . A German Dyet , or the Ballance of Europe , wherein the power and weakness , Glory and Reproach , Vertues and Vices , Plenty and Wants , Advantages and Defects , Antiquity and Modernness , of all the Kingdoms and states of Christendom , are impartially poiz'd , by Iames Howel Esq Fol. Parthenopoeta , or the History of the most Noble and Renowned Kingdom of Naples , with the Lists of all their Kings ; the first part translated out of the Italian , by Mr. Samson Lennard ; the second part continued to the present times , 1654. by Iames Howel Esq More of Mr. Howels Works , printed by other men . THe great French Dictionary refined and augmented , in a large Folio . A Survey of the Signiory of Venice , in Folio . A Dialogue 'twixt the Soul and the Body . The first part of the late Revolutions in Naples . The second part of the said Revolutions . The Warre of the Jews epitomiz'd . Sir Robert Cottons works , which he was desired to publish . Saint Pauls Progresse upon Earth . Some sober Inspections made into the Cariage and Consults of the late long Parliament . A Venetian Looking-glasse . A Winter Dream . The Trance , or Mercurius Acheronticus . A Dialogue 'twixt Patricius and Peregrin . An Inquisition after blood . The Instruments of a King. The late Kings Declaration in Latine , French , and English. Bella Scoto Anglica , or the Travers●s of Warr , 'twixt England and Scotland . Mercurius Hibernicus . The Process and Pleadings in the Court of Spain , for the Death of Mr. Ascham , in Folio . Londinopolis , or a new Prospect of the City of London and Westminster . Three of all which Books are Translations , the rest his own Compositions . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A44732-e180 * The prime Bridge in Venice . A70490 ---- Londons liberties, or, A learned argument of law and reason, before the Lord Mayor, Court of Aldermen, and Common-Council, at Guild-Hall between Mr. Maynard, now the Kings eldest serjeant at law, Mr. Hales, late Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench, and Mr. Wilde, lately one of the justices of the same court, of council for the Livery-men of London, and Major John Wildman, and Mr. John Price, of council for the Freemen of London : wherein the freedom of the citizens of London in their elections of their mayor, sheriffs, aldermen, and common-council-men, is fully debated, their most ancient charters examined, and on both hands agreed to be but a confirmation of their former rights : with their opinions concerning the forfeiture of Londons charter. 1682 Approx. 120 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A70490 Wing L2936B ESTC R14306 12157737 ocm 12157737 55182 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A70490) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 55182) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 599:10 or 768:10) Londons liberties, or, A learned argument of law and reason, before the Lord Mayor, Court of Aldermen, and Common-Council, at Guild-Hall between Mr. Maynard, now the Kings eldest serjeant at law, Mr. Hales, late Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench, and Mr. Wilde, lately one of the justices of the same court, of council for the Livery-men of London, and Major John Wildman, and Mr. John Price, of council for the Freemen of London : wherein the freedom of the citizens of London in their elections of their mayor, sheriffs, aldermen, and common-council-men, is fully debated, their most ancient charters examined, and on both hands agreed to be but a confirmation of their former rights : with their opinions concerning the forfeiture of Londons charter. Maynard, John, Sir, 1602-1690. Wildman, John, Sir, 1621?-1693. Wilde, William, Sir, 1611?-1679. Hale, Matthew, Sir, 1609-1676. [4], 32 p. Printed for R. Read, London : 1682. Identified in reel guide and on film as H249;cancelled in Wing (2nd ed.). Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library and Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Elections -- England -- London. London (England) -- Charters, grants, privileges. 2003-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2004-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Londons Liberties : OR , A LEARNED ARGUMENT OF Law and Reason , Before the Lord Mayor , Court of Aldermen , and Common-Council , at Guild-Hall . Between Mr. Maynard , now the Kings Eldest Serjeant at Law. Mr. Hales , late Lord Chief Iustice of the Kings-Bench , and Mr. Wilde , lately one of the Justices of the same Court. Of Council for the Livery-Men of London . And Major Iohn Wildman , and Mr. Iohn Price . Of Council for the Freemen of London . Wherein the Freedom of the Citizens of London in their Elections of their Mayor , Sheriffs , Aldermen , and Common-Council-men , is fully debated ; their most Ancient Charters Examined , and on both hands agreed to be but a Confirmation of their former Rights : With their Opinions concerning the Forfeiture of Londons Charter . LONDON , Printed for R. Read. 1682. THE PREFACE . THE unusual methods that have been made use of in the Election of Sheriffs for London and Middlesex for the year ensuing , having raised great Disputes among the Citizens , concerning the Manner of Chusing their Chief Officers , and those Disputes produced great Heats and Animosities , I thought it my Duty , both as a Protestant , and an English-man , to use my utmost endeavours for putting an end to such Disputes , that so the Cause being remov'd , the Effects might cease : To this purpose I suppose the publication of the following Sheets will be judged very seasonable by all unbiass'd Men ; for whereas these Disputes and Heats have engendered many Phamphlets , which have rather added fuel to , then extinguish'd the differences , that have happen'd upon this occasion between the Citizens that adhere to the Lord Mayor , and those that adhere to the Sheriffs : Methinks this Argument , though now almost two and thirty years old , seems by Divine Providence to have been calculated for deciding the Differences aforesaid , and I question not this good Effect , if Men will lay aside Passion and Prejudice , and entirely resign themselves to the conduct of Law and Reason , upon both which we cannot doubt but the Argument is founded , unless we should suspect want of skill in those three great Oracles of the Law. One of whom , was the late incomparable Lord Chief Iustice of the Court of Kings-Bench , another one of the Iustices of the same Court , and the third now living , his Majesties Eldest Serjeant at Law : And certainly if any man should be so absurd as to affirm , that any one of these three ( much more that all three of them jointly ) should be mistaken in an Argument of such consequence , he would discover more Ignorance than Malice . August , 26. 1650. The Report of the Committee appointed for Examination of the State of the Chamber of London . ABout 1630. we find the Chamber to be indebted about the Sum of 050000 : 00 : 00 At Michaelmass 1649. the Accompt of the Chamber being then Cast up , the Chamber was then in Debt : ( Viz. ) To Orphans 169654 : 01 : 05½ 264066 : 14 : 09½ To other Persons for Principal Money 094412 : 13 : 04 The means whereby it came into Debt , are either Extraordinary , or Ordinary . Extraordinary . Anno   l. s. d.   A Gold Cup given the Prince 001191 04 05 1633. Presents given to the King , Queen , and Prince 003260 00 00 1634. A Jewel given the Queen 004000 00 00 1634. Entertainment of the King and Queen at Merchant-Ta●lors-Hall . 001287 12 08 1634. Christening the Duke of York 000633 00 00 1639. A Cup of Gold given the Queen Mother , and other Charges 001000 00 00 1639. Charges of the Charter 002355 00 00 1639. Given the King 010000 00 00 1639. Composition for Package and Scavage 004000 00 00 1649. Composition for London-Derry 012000 00 00 1639. To the Repair of St. Pauls 000600 00 00 1642. Entertainment of the King and Queen 001786 00 00   For Building the Bridge 006400 00 00   For Ship-money , and setting out Ships to Sea 017218 00 00   By Gifts and Rewards to Officers for 20 years , at 1200 l. per Annum . 024000 00 00   By several bad Debts 089730 17 01     071739 14 01 Ordinary . Charges for Marshal Causes for twenty years 035278 00 00 For Interest-money paid 20 years , at 6000 l. per Annum 120000 00 00 By delivering up Bonds to be Cancell'd by Act of Common-Council in 1640. to several Persons for money lent them out of the Chamber 20 years before about 30000 l. Principal in all with Interest 060000 00 00 For Officers standing Fees for about 20 years ; at 1400 l. per An. 028000 00 00 For Workmens Wages for 20 years , at 1000 l. per Annum 020000 00 00 Stuff for Reparation for about 20 years , at 1600 l. per Annum 030400 00 00 The totall sum given , lost and expended for about 20 years , is 455148 11 02 Present , Mr. Sheriff Pack Mr. Ald. Chiverton Col. Mumering Mr. Cole Mr. Barbone Mr. Dallison Mr. Ald. Hayes Mr. Ald. Titchborne Mr. Gibbs Mr. Bolt●n Mr. Adams Mr. Manton . August , 26. 1650. Those Men being very sensible of this horrid abuse of the City , that the Chamber , which hath been esteemed like that among the Romans , a Sacred Treasury , for safety and pitying the Orphans cryes . And searching how the City came to be thus Bankrupt , it was found that the chief Officers had been very faulty ; and thereupon it was considered how they were Elected ; and there arose the Question about the Right of Electing the chief Officers of the City . And it came into Debate whether the Livery-Men ought to be the Electors , as now they are . Thereupon the Companies of London Petitioned the Court that they might continue their Elective Power : And divers Freemen of the City Petitioned for the Abolishing that Power of the Liveries or Companies : the Petitions are these : To the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor of the City of London ; and to the Right Worshipful the Aldermen his Brethren , and the Commons in Common-Council Assembled . The Humble Petition of the several Companies and Societies of the City of London . Humbly Sheweth , THat whereas it appeareth , That heretofore for divers years , many great differences did arise within this City , touching the Election of the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs , to the great disturbance of the Peace thereof ; the said Elections being made divers and several ways , and with continual alterations and often disturbances , ( viz. ) in the seventh year of King Edward the third , by the Mayor and Aldermen together , with the most sufficient men of every Ward , in the Eighth year of the said King , as the King's Proclamation then commanded ; By the Aldermen , and the most discreet and ablest Citizens of the City ? In the twentieth year of that King , by the Mayor and all the Aldermen , and twelve , eight , or six of every Ward , according as the Ward should be great or small , of the richest and wisest men of every Ward : In the fiftieth year of the said King , by a certain number of the good men of the several Mysteries ( their Names being certified by the several Companies . ) In the eighth year of King Richard the Second , by the Common-Council , and the most sufficient men of the City . In the ninth year of that King , by those as should be summoned of the most sufficient men of the City , or of the Common-Council . In the seventh Year of King Edward the Fourth , by the General Council , the Masters and Warden , of every Mystery of the City coming in their Liveries ; and by other good men , especially summoned , ( and so the said unsetled Elections continued with many disturbances ) untill in the Fifteenth year of the said King Edward the Fourth . That the same Election was setled by Authority of this Honourable Court of General Council , by an Act then made , That the Master and Wardens of the Mysteries of this City , meeting in their Halls , or other fit places , and associating with the good men of the Company , cloathed in their last Liveries , should come together to the Guild-Hall of this City for the Election of the Mayor and Sheriff . And that no other but the good men of the Common-Council of the City should be present at the said Elections ; which course and custome hath been ever since yearly used and continued , to the honour , peace and happiness of this City , and the well setled Government of the same . And forasmuch as the Petitioners are given to understand , that there is an endeavouring to deprive and take from them , that their ancient and lawful Right , for the Election of Lord Mayor and Sheriffs , which for near two hundred years together , they and their Predecessors ( the Livery-men of the several Companies ) have lawfully and quietly enjoyed , as belonging to them , without any question or disturbance . Their humble desire and request therefore is , That this Honourable Court will be pleased to take their just Cause into your serious Consideration , that as they are for the most part the ancient●st and most able Citizens of this City , and do undergo ( as always they have done ) the greatest part of the Charge , and Service within the same ; so they may not be put from that their Right of Election , as they and their Predecessors , Livery-men , have ( without alteration or disturbance , lovingly and peaceably ) held and enjoyed ever since the said Act of the 15th . of Edward the Fourth , being near two hundred years , as aforesaid , or be discouraged from bearing Charge , giving Attendan●e , and performing services , as they have always done , and performed for the honour and good of this City . And they shall , according to their duties , pray , &c. Mercers . Tho. Chamberlain , William Barbe . Grocers . Samu●l Harsnet , William Hulme . Drapers . Francis Peeke , Peter Iones . Fishmongers . Tho. Lusher , Gyles-Baggs . Goldsmiths . Iohn Terry , Iohn Perrin . Skinners . Iohn Garrard , Iohn Southwood . Merchant-Taylors George Alpers , Richard Orme . Iohn Green , Haberdasher . Iohn Redding , Salter . Robert Cravenor , Ironmonger . Vintners . William Field , Wiliiam Iames. Cloth-workers . Iohn Milles , Edward Chard . I. Sadler . To the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons in Common-Council Assembled . The Humble Petition of divers Freemen ; Inhabitants of this Honourable City : Sheweth , THat whereas the Ancient Liberties of the City did admit only Freemen of the same , to have his Vote in the choice of the Supreme Magistrates thereof : The imposition of the Governours upon a People without their voluntary Election , importing the prevalency of meer Tyranny and Slavery , And whereas the Livery-men of each Company thereof not chosen either by the City , or their respective Companies , and therefore not Representee● , either of the one or the other , have for many years past , imposed such Supreme Magistrates upon the same City as they pleased , without the suf●'rage of the Freemen thereof , either by themselves or Representees chosen for that purpose ; and for which end , your Petitioners humbly conceive this Court hath been Constituted , and sworn upon the election of the Representative Members thereof in their several Wards . The premises considered , the Petitioners humbly pray , that by an Act of this honorable Court , such a competent number of Representees my be annually chosen by the Freemen of every Word , in their respective Words , who together with the Common Council-men , may be authorized to choose the Supreme Officers of this City Annually for the time to come . And your Petitioners shall pray , &c. THese were referred to a Commitee , and Counsel for the Companies there heard , And Mr. Price in the behalf of the Freemen : from thence it was referred to be fully debated before the Lord Mayor , Court of Aldermen and Common Council . And on Saturday the 14. of December , the Court being sat at Guild Hall , the Companies brought for their Counsel , Mr. Maynard , Mr. Hales , and Mr. Wilde , Gentlemen most famous in the profession of the Law ; and the Freemen ( besides Mr. Iohn Price ) had prevailed by much intreaty , with Major Iohn Wildman , as I am informed , without hopes of Fees or Rewards to plead their Cause ; and so the debate begun as followeth : Mr. Price . My Lord , I Only crave leave to speak one word in the behalf of my self ; for I acknowledge my self to be but weak in the knowledge of the Law ; and I therefore unable to withstand those Gentlemen of the long robe , come only as a Citizen of London , to render a reason of my subscribing of that Petition that was presented unto your Honour , and this worshipful Court ; And I hope you will not judge otherwise of my appearing here at this time . We began the last time to speak of it , to vindicate it to them that opposed us herein ; And they being the first that spake then , we desire that they may likewise begin now , and then with your Lordships favour , we shall reply to them ; for my part , I thought there had been an issue put to the business , and little thought had I to appear any more about it . Mr. Recorder . They that oppose any thing that is setled , to the end to have it altered , they usually begin first to shew their grounds or Reasons , in all Courts of Justice . Mr. Mainard . The intent of our coming here , is not to introduce any novelty , but to maintain the ancient priviledges of this Famous City under which it hath for so many hundreds of years flourished , in all Happiness the Earth affords with Peace and Plenty . And therefore we conceive we shall not need to produce any arguments to defend our cause , but to answer the objections that shall be made by such that do oppose us in the enjoying our Right , always presuming that where the Possession goeth , there the Right is ; and therefore if they on the other side have any thing to Object , we are ready to give Answers to their Objections . Mr. Price . We hope we are before such Men , as will not take notice so much of the Persons as of the Arguments , that are brought on both sides ; And therefore my Lord , I shall begin to proceed where they please . The last time this business was under consideration before the worshipful Committee to be heard , the business was driven as I conceive , to this head by your Opponents , to know whether the thing desired by us , be in your power to grant to us ; And whether the things desired by them , were in your power to deny them . They Pleaded by their Council , that they maintained their Priviledges by Right of Custom , so that it was Argued that the Law of Election was not in this Courts Power to give . So that your Lordship and this Honourable Court , are by them made not so much as Judges , much less Parties . Mr. Recorder . Mr. Price , takes it for granted , That all this Court understands the State of this Case , which they do not ; and therefore I desire the Question may be rightly stated , that is to be disputed upon , otherwise you will spend much time and run into confusion , and it will be impossible for them that hear you to understand the business ; so that I desire the Question may be stated , and the matter of Fact agreed upon . Mr. Price . My Lord , I had thought to begin where we left the last time ; and the Question then stated , was reduced to this short point ; Whether the Right of Election of the chief Officers of this City , did belong to the Livery-men of the several Companies , with the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen , by vertue of a Law of this Court , or by vertue of custome . Mr. Recorder . I beseech you let it be clear what you go upon . Mr. Wildman . My Lord , I am here desired by many Free-men of this City to appear in their behalf , to inforce a Petition of theirs delivered to this Court , and they also produced to me a Petition preferred to some others in opposition to theirs ; And as I conceive , that noble Gentleman Mr. Recorder , desires that which is very requisite , that is , That the Question may be rightly stated ; and so the Arguments produced on either side ; Now I conceive the Question is this , Whether the Wardens , Assistants , and Livery-men of the several Companies of this City of London , ought to have the Election of the Lord Mayor , and Sheriffs of London , or whether the Freemen in general by themselves or by their Deputies have the Right of that Election . City-Counsell . The Question cannot be collected from the Petition , which prays , That the People of the several Wards ( where many Forreiners inhabit , ) may chuse the Lord Mayor . Mr. Wildman . My Lord , I believe those Gentlemen endeavour so to state the Question , that they might make the Court believe , that we would split our selves upon that Rock of Popular Confusion ; but we shall endeavour to avoid that Clamor . We conceive the Question to be this : Whether the Masters , Wardens , Assistants , and Livery-men of the several Companies , of Right ought to Elect the Lord Mayor , and the Sheriffs of this City ; Or the Freemen of the City by themselves or their Deputies . It will be concluded on both sides , That the Lord Mayor , and Court of Aldermen , with the Common-Counsel men , may have a Right in the Election . City-Counsell . We say the Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen , and the Common-Counsel , and the Masters , Assistants , and Liveries of the several Companies , have the Right of the Election , and Possession of that Right . Mr. Price . The Question is , Whether the Election as it is , shall continue , or not continue ; We deny not that the Right of Election doth belong to the Wardens and Livery-men of each Company , with my Lord Mayor , and Court of Aldermen . But the Question is , Whether it belongs to them upon such grounds as are unalterable by this Court ; if they are unalterable by this Court , let them shew by what Law ; if they are alterable , we are then in a fair way to have one Petition granted . Mr. Mainard . There is nothing pretended by the Petition that is endeavoured to be made the Question . They do complain in their Petition , That this Government which you have so long enjoyed in this City , is an Imposition of Tyranny and Slavery , and that imposed ; when I came first hither , I thought I was to speak to matter of Right , but they decline that , and speak to point of Crime . Mr. Price . It is true , these words of Tyranny and Slavery are in the Petition , but they are with a Parenthesis . I desire the Petition may be read . ( The Petition was then read . ) Mr. Price . We say that the imposition of such and such things is slavery ? but it is not in relation to this Court , but in Answer to their Petition , who call it in their Petition their Ancient Right ; if it be their Ancient Right , let them shew by what Law ; And I conceive the Parenthesis is only in Relation to that Expression . Mr. Wildman . I humbly conceive ( my Lord , and Gentlemen ) the thing in Question must be collected from the Prayer of both Petitions ; the Sum of the Prayer of one Petition is this , that the Representatives of all the Wards may ( as of Right they ought ) Elect the chief Officers of this City . Mr. Recorder . I think , the business before you , is to come to the Question in hand ; and I humbly beg , That for expressions on both sides , they may be wholly waved ; and if you will not speak the Question , that you would agree of it in writing . Mr. Mainard . I suppose it is conceived by all what we both aim at , I shall be a suitor that those Gentlemen may go on to matter of Argument , and I shall speak what I am able . Mr. Wildman . May it please your Lordship , to let me pursue the Recorder's motion ; We humbly conceive that the Prayer of our Petition must direct us to state the Question ; we pray no more but this , That the chief Officers of the City may be chosen by the several Wards , in their Representatives Annually . We do admit that the Lord Mayor , the Court of Aldermen , and Common-Council , may have Right of Election , because they represent their Wards ; but we pray that our Right in Electing , as we are Free-men , may be restored to us . Mr. Hales . My Lord , There 's no Officers of any Corporation in England , but are by Usage or Charter ; and if these Gentlemen be about Officers , their Question is about the Officers of a Corporation ; these Gentlemen would introduce some new thing that hath not been heretofore used , and we desire to know upon what imagined pretence they would have it , and that they shew us the persons to inforce the thing they desire ; otherwise , why do they Petition ? Mr. Wildman . My Lord , These Gentlemen would avoid the true stating the Question , and engage us in Logomachi●'s , contentions about words ; we would know wherein they oppose the desire of our Petition , to have the Ancient Right of the Citizens of Lond●n , restored to them in the Choice of the chief Officers of the City . Mr. Mainard . We deny That you desire in your Petition , is the Right of the City of London . It is so far from being their Right , that when they put that in Execution , they lose their Charter , and all their Franchises . Mr. Price . The Question was reduced to this , Whether it was in the power of this Court to alter what was then in custome , so that we shall not be lookt upon as adversaries to our Opponents , denying this Court their Right of election ; but if we make it good , that the custome was altered by you , why then we trust we serve you in so doing , if we prove it in your power to alter it now ; and it shall encourage us to pray , and you also to give what we ask , if it shall tend to the good Government of this City . If the right of election belong to the Livery , it must appear by written Law , or by custome time out of minde ; if by a Law , it must be by some Law of the Land , or by some Charter , or by some Act of Common-Hall , or Common-Counsel . If it be by Charter , we must insist upon the terms of the Charter , and expounded the same by succeeding practices , and if this Charter granted in King Iohns time be meerly declarative , we shall know what the custome was by the succeeding elections . If you plead custome , we shall finde custome for many years , that the chief Officers of the City were elected by the Lord Mayor , Court of Aldermen , Common-Counsel-men , and the Wards of the City , and not by the Livery-men of every Company , as is desired by these Gentlemen . To the 15. year of Ed. 4. they are in use from the 19. year of Ed. the first , which was 194 years . It was the practice of the City to choose by Wards so long ; And the Aldermen and Common-Counsel-men are chosen out of the Wards . Now for election of Mayors and Sheriffs by the wards , we will give you but a place of that plenty we can give to that purpose , in the 19. year of Ed. the first 1231. and in the 31. year of Ed. the first . In the 19 of Ed. the first out of twelve men of every Ward , were the Sheriffs chosen ; and so was the Mayor Thomas Blun chosen ; the Sheriffs were chosen by the Lord Mayor , the Court of Aldermen , and Common-Counsel , and twelve men out of every Ward ; And Iohn Lincoln was so chosen . And in the 32. of Ed. the first Iohn Blun was so chosen again ; and in the 33. of Ed. the first , Iohn Blun was chosen the fifth time Mayor so , and so were the Sheriffs . And again 1 Ed. the second , Peter Drove chosen Sheriff as before , and Iohn Blun was chosen Mayor the sixth time ; the first of Ed. the second , Blun was chosen the seventh time by the Lord Mayor , Court of Aldermen , and the Community which was summoned thereunto , which was twelve men out of every Ward ; and in the 2. of Ed. the second , Bu●ler and Dov●r were chosen Sheriffs as before ; the time would fail if we should speak of Palmer and Edmonds , &c. and many others who were chosen by the Lord Mayor , the Aldermen , the Common-Counsel , and the good men of Wards . At the 22. year of Henry the sixth , were present at election of the Mayor , all the Common-Counsel-men , and several discreet Citizens chosen out of every Ward ; its true they are called the Commons and Community , and if that you look in the 21. of Ed. the first , the Community there is expounded to be the honest , discreet , and wise men of the Ward ; so that they were Representatives chosen out of the Wards ; but if it be objected , that besides these twelve honest discreet men of every Ward , there were certain other men that did belong unto this election , and surely it may imply that the Livery-men did bel●ng unto the election ; surely no , but by those dark expressions , must be meant the honest discreet men chosen out of the Wards , with the Lord Mayor and Aldermen , to whom it belongs ex officio . The main argument was this ; that the chief Officers of the City were to be chosen by the Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen , and Sheriffs , and Common-Counsel-men , with twelve men chosen out of every Ward that were discreet men , that was granted ; but that they were such discreet men , as to exclude other , was denied : If that these are the men , they must be distinguished from other men , by another term than discreet men . Now you argue thus , that Livery-men are discreet , and therefore the men that must choose my Lord Mayor , are the Livery-men ; as if you should argue , That the Lord Mayor wears a golden Chain , therefore the Sheriffs are Lord Mayors , because they wear golden Chains . I humbly offer these Considerations : 1. My Lord Mayor , nor the Aldermen chuse not any officers of the Companies ; why should they then chuse any chief Officers of the City ? 2. The jurisdiction of the Mayor and Sheriffs extends to a Local Power ; and by these Gentlemens pleading , Livery-men , Free of this City , may live at York ; and if they be at London that day my Lord Mayor is chosen , they may choose my Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs of this City , and yet live not under their Power . 3. The way of election we plead for , doth not exempt them from being chosen by the Ward to elect . 4. Free-men of this City pay Shot and Lot , and are bound to assist the chief Officers of this City : but Livery-men living not under these bounds , are not under this obligation . 5. Again , this City is distributed by way of Wards ; Quest-men , Jury-men , Constables , and Scavengers , are all chosen by the Wards ; and it is most necessary for the well Government of this City , that the chief Officers of this City be chosen by Representatives from every Ward . 6. If there be any miscarriage in Government , The Citizens living in the City must be taxt , and pay any fine for misgovernment , and therefore it is most fit they should have their vote in election . 7. And further , if any accident happen by Fire or the miscarriage of one of more of the chief Officers , if it so fall out that the Treasure of the Chamber should be exhausted and mis-imployed , that the Orphans cannot have their portions , I desire to know who must be responsible for it ; the Livery-men of several Companies , or the whole Wards , and every particular man thereof ? And here give me leave to be heard with Charity : God knows my Heart , I speak out of Love to you all , and as prest in Conscience , what I have to say , I am sure it is the whisperings , nay the Report of most , and I fear too true ; That the cry of the Fatherless and the Widdow doth sollicite Heaven for vengeance , for expending the poor Orphans Estates ; and we trust and believe , that your Honour and this Honourable Court , whose Faces , and Lives , and Conversations we so well know , that we do verily believe that your Hearts and Hands are clean from this pollution ; but as we do believe , so we hope , that your Honour and the rest will take some speedy course that the blood of the Fatherless and the Widdow may not stick to these Walls ; Let our Blood and Estates go before the Blood of poor Orphans , that that may not one day be charged upon this City . I desire to be pardoned this digression . I should answer some objections that are commonly made against this way of election that we desire : The first is this , That this will destroy the Companies , and so at last it will strike higher , to wit , the overthrow of my Lord Mayor and the Court of Aldermen , and so consequently all Government ; for my part , I know not that Absolon among us , but did I know such a man , my Hand should be upon him as soon as any mans ; I say let a Bear robbed of her whelps m●et me , rather then a People without Government ; the Magistrates power is my power , and is in him for my use , and for my part I am for the Majestry of Magistrates : for when we read of Kings , we read of Thrones and Scepters , and soft Raiment , &c. It is true , though your chains are gold , yet they are chains as well as gold : and though your Gowns be Honorable , yet they are burdensome as well as Honorable . But as for the business in hand , we speak not against the Form and the Beauty of it , but let every Star shine in his own Orbe . Let there be no confusion ; let Wards have their dues , and let Companies have theirs ; I want opportunity to set forth their Glory and their Excellency in their proper places . As for the objections of Popularity and Confusion , we shall answer them if they be insisted on . Mr. Wildman . My Lord , I humbly propose no other end , but to inforce the Petition of the Free-men of this City : the Question that was stated is this , Whether the Companies of the several Misteries in the City , or the Free-men in the several Wards have right to choose Lord Mayor and Sheriffs . Now it rests upon us to prove ; that the Free-men in their Representatives , chosen out of the Wards , are to choose ; and we do assert this for a truth , That those , and those only that shall be actually chosen to represent the Free-men of the City of London , not excluding the Lord Mayor , Court of Aldermen , and Common-Counsel , have a right to this Election . And my Lord , I might insist upon it , that this very City and Common-Counsel in all things do acknowledge this to be the Peoples Right ; For upon your Election of your Representatives in Parliament , the Commissions you give them run in the name of the whole Commonalty of the City . And it is generally admitted to be the Peoples right in all Acts of Common-Counsel and other publick Acts , which run in the name of the Commonalty of the City , they are therefore supposed to do those Acts by themselves or deputyes : But , my Lord , I shall wave this , lest I should reduce all Government to an uncertainty , by dissolving it into the first principles , and so seem at least to run upon that Rock of coufusion which those Gentlemen would have us split our selves upon ; But it is no way our intention , and therefore I shall assert this proposition ; That the Representers of the several Wards ought to chuse the Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs , upon a Right declared by written Law ; only I crave leave to premise , or to inform this Honorable Court , that those first Records that should make out the Peopels right , are imbezeled , burnt or lost , there being no Record in your Treasury , but since Edward . 1. But my Lord , by Records that are extent the Liberties of the Citizens of London appear to be more ancient then any Charter of the City that 's visible to us : in the 9. Chap. of Magna Charta it is said , The City of London shall have all her Liberties and Customs she was used to have ; so that there was Liberties and Customes that the City had before the great Charter of England . Now it is agreed by the Gentlemen of the long Robe , that the great Charter of England is chiefly declarative of the Common-Law ; And Sir Edward Cook in his second part of his Institutes upon that ground declares it for Law , that any Law made by the Parliament it self , and contrary to the great Charter of England , and contrary to right reason , is void of it self . I suppose he adds these words ( And contrary to right reason ) to shew that he means onely that a Statute made against that part of the great Charter which is declarative of the Common-Law , is null of it self ; for the Common-Law , being right reason , it cannot be supposed without a contradiction , that Parliaments should of Right have power to make a Law against Right . Now the Liberties of London being confirmed by the great Charter , I cannot conceive that any other Liberties are there intended to be confirmed , then those common Liberties that were grounded upon right reason , and then those words of the ninth Chapter of the great Charter do but declare the Common-Law , and by consequence are unalterable ; and any Law made against those Liberties of London either by a Power within the City , or without the City , is null of it self ; now to make it appear that it was one of the City Liberties before the great Charter , that the Free-men should chuse their chief Officers , we can go no farther then your Charter granted by King Iohn , in the year ( 1215. ) 435 years since ; that is the first Charter the City of London hath extant . And by that Charter t is said to be granted to the Barons of London yearly to elect a Mayor and Sheriffs , and the word Barons doth import no more then the Free-men of London ; for then the Free-men of every Port were called Barons , though since it hath been made a name and title of honour peculiar to those called Noblemen . Now I conceive it will be agreed by the Gentlemen of the other side , that this very Charter was not the original of those Liberties of London that are mentioned there to be granted , but that it was only declarative , shewing what the Liberties of the City were ; and here I must infer , that this Charter declaring that the Barons of the City ( wherein every particular Citizen is included ) should chuse the Mayor and the Sheriffs , this ( I say ) doth but declare what was the Common rihgt of all the Citizens of London before this Charter . I may then from hence conclude , that before the great Charter it was the Right of the Citizens of London , none Excluded , That they should Chuse the Mayor and their Sheriffs ; and such a Right as I crave leave to affirm to be Unalterable , that is justly so ; for being a Right by the Law of Nature , 't is superior to all other Laws , and other Laws are onely so far Right , as they agree with that ; however I may more bol●ly say , That this Liberty of the Citizens of London being confirmed by the Great Charter , cannot be null by any Act of Common-Council ; and I humbly conceive that it was not in the Common-Council's Power , to make that Act in the Fifteenth of Edward the Fourth , to debar all but the Liveries of the several Companies to come to the Election of the Mayor , and Sheriffs : for they could not take away the Right of the Citizens declared by their Charter ; and in the First Charter , and all others , 't is said to be Giranted to the Citizens indefinitely , to Chuse of themselves a Mayor : and the Charter ought to be construed in favour of Right , and so 't is to be taken that it is Granted to all the Citizens : and this their Right is apparent by the use of it , which is mentioned in all the most Ancient Records of the City : there 's one or two very clear to this purpose . The City growing great and very populous after their first Charter , found it inconvenient to meet together , the Commonalty being very great : and therefore according to this their Right , which we Assert , the whole City at a Common-Hall did make an Agreement , That Eight , Ten , or Twelve , of every Ward should be Chosen by their Wards , and in their Names , and in their Steads , Elect the Mayor and the Sheriffs of the City . As in the Sixth Year of King Edward the Second , Lib. D. Fol. 3. which if you please I desire may be Read ; that you may not think I speak without Book . The Act was Read. And in the Twentieth Year of Edward the Third , in the Year 1347. there is an Act of a Common-Hall Recorded , wherein 't is said that there gathered together on Simon and Iu●es Day , the whole Commonalty into Guild-Hall , London , so that the whole Hall was full with the Commonalty . The Act read in these words . And it is agreeed that from henceforth there shall come the Mayor , the Aldermen , and also out of every Ward of the City of London , Twelve , Eight , or Six , according as the Ward shall be great or small , of the Richest and Wisest of every Ward ; and such Twelve , Eight , or Six , with the Mayor and Aldermen , shall intermeddle , and Chuse a Mayor and Sheriffs , for the Year following . I conceive this is sufficient to prove , That it is the Citizens of Londons Right to Chuse the Mayor and Sheriffs of London ; for accordingly they did meet together , the whole Body of the Free-men ; and finding that inconvenient , the Commonalty did agree at a full Hall , that such a select number should be chosen by every Ward , and sent to the Election of the Mayor and Sheriffs , as appears by the Act that hath been read ; and 't is probable , that this was not the first time that such an Agreement was made , but that this was made after the Commonalty had upon some Occasion reassumed the Power of Electing to themselves ; for according to this Agreement , it was the Practice of the City of London for near two hundred years before it was put into the hands of the Livery-men of each Company ; in 19th . of Edward the First , Lib. C. Fol. 62. the Election of the Mayor and Sheriffs , is said to have been by the Mayor , Sheriffs , and Aldermen , and Twelve men of every Ward . In the 19th . year of Edward the first , Blun was Chosen Mayor of the City of London , by the Common-Counsel and Aldermen , and by the Assent of twelve honest men of every Ward of the whole City . My Lord , it is apparent that twelve men were Chosen by every Ward , that did Elect the Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs . And the very same words are in the 31. of Edw. 1. where Martin and Burford were Chosen Sheriffs ; and in the Thirty Second of Edward the First , where Iohn Blun was so Chosen Mayor . Lib. C. Fol. 111. and 112. And in the First Year of Edward the Second , Fol. 112. Picot and Dury were so Chosen Sheriffs . I humbly submit it to your Lordship , whether you will see these Records . I may quote more , as in the Third of Edward the Second , Lib. C. Fol. 113. &c. It was the continual Practice from Year to Year , that the Twelve Men Chosen by every Ward , did Elect the Lord Mayor , and the Sheriffs ; there is a whole Jury of Witnesses in the Records to this purpose . And my Lord , where this Usage may seem to have ceased , because in other Records 't is said they were Elected by the Lord Mayor , Sheriffs , and Aldermen , and the whole Commonalty ; we shall make it appear that this is meant the Selected Men of the Wards ; though however those Records are clear for us : for if the Choice was by the whole Commonalty , it was either by themselves , or these Deputies . Yet we find one Record in the Twenty First of Edward the First , Lib. C. Fol. 6. where 't is said , First , that there was Assembled the whole Commonalty , and then 't is Explained in these words , That is to say of every Ward , the Richest and the Wisest . The Record was Read. Mr. Wildman . I produce this Record for this End , to shew that where the Election is said to be by the Commonalty of the City , it is to be understood the select number of every Wards Representatives ; for it is supposed every one is included ; and therefore 't is said to be by the Commonalty . I pray my Lord observe these words in this Record , the whole Commonalty , that is to say the more able and discreet men of every Ward . And to confirm this , if there be any need of it , we can produce another Record in 113. Fol. Libro C. where Election is said to be made by the Commonalty summoned thereunto : yet in Page 112. of the same , it is said men of every Ward did Choose : whence I Collect that by the expression of the Commonalty summoned hereto , is understood the Twelve Men from the Wards ; so that it appeareth clearly in my humble Opinion , That it was the Practice of the City for near two hundred Years , to Choose by their Representatives , before it came to be the Usage of the City , to Choose by the Livery-men of the Companies . And my Lord , if it were needful to strengthen this , we can shew by * Records , That Parliament men where Chosen by the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Twelve men of every Ward ; these were the Representers of the Wards , that joyned with the Lord Mayor , and the Court of Aldermen , in such Elections ; and the Commissions given to the Parliament-men , are in the Name of the whole Commonalty of the City , which admits they were all there in their Persons or in their Deputies , to Choose them , and give them their Commissions : else the Commonalty is abused in having their Names used in the Commissions . Now my Lord , I shall take the boldness to conclude from all this evidence of the Common-Councel of London , though I much honor their power , and would be infinitely loth to detract from it : yet my Lord I must crave leave to affirm , That it being the liberty of all the Free-men of L●ndon ; by themselves or deputies , to chuse the Lord Mayor and Sherifis ; and this being confirmed to them by Magna Charia , as unalterable : and all the people having declared at a full Common Hall that they had put it into the hands of twelve Men which were their deputies , or Representatives to elect the chief Officers of of this City ; this my Lord being the case , I say , I humbly , affirm , that it was not in the power of the Common-Councel by that Act 15 Edward 4 to take away the Free-mens right , not to say who should be the Peoples deputies to make their elections , they being by the People deputies themselves , and deputed to another power ; So that my Lord , I now conclude that it was the Ancient undoubted right of the Citizens of London by themselves or their deputies , to make their election of their Mayor and Sheriffs , and other chief Officers of the City ; and I conceive the Petition of the Freemen of the City of London , which I now indeavor to inforce , amounts to no more then a modest humble claim of their Common right , that elections might be future be made by the deputies of every Ward , which was the ancient custome of the City before the great Charter ; and all their Charters , that of King Iohn , and since , say that the election shall be according to the ancient custom of the City . Mr. Wildman . And if the King at any time sent Writs , or made-Proclamation for the quieting the elections when there was disturbances , and prohibited the access of People : Yet the more honest and discreet men of the several Wards are mentioned as bound to come to the election , and 't is commauded that they chuse prout moris est , according to their custom ; and I conceive it hath been proved that it was their custom to chuse by the Representatives of every Ward . I shall say nothing for the conveniency of this way of choice that I plead for , because we claim it as our right : and we expect that the Arguments against us will be chiefly from pretended inconveniences s and when those Arguments are produced , we shall endeavor to answer them . Mr. Mainard . I suppose to satisfie your Consciences what is the Right in that which is indeavored by these Gentlemen to be defended , which they have taken very great pains about , in collecting what hath been said to you ; I shall endeavour Gentlemen in the first place to remove that which seemeth to lie in my way , and so come to that which I have to say in Answer to what hath been spoken by you . The Gentleman that first spake , taking Occasion to make an Apology for his own inability to perform the Work in his hands , he was pleased to say that which I conceive you do not believe ; he would make as if he wanted parts , when certainly he shewed very great Skill in the very entrance of the business ; and when the Fact was but a little stated , he would have laid hold of ▪ you all , and so of making you Judges , he would have made you Parties ; A●d indeed it is well that you are both Judges and Parties ; they said , and doubtless they are ingenious , that they desire you to proceed according as you should be satisfied in conscience , the which for my part I doubt not but that you will ; there was much said how much it did behove you in point of danger ; but what that danger is I understand not ; but he tels you he urged it out of zeal ; also he tels you much of some secret Absolom ; but for my part I understand not what , nor who he means hereby ; I will take no advantage of any mans affection nor inclinations at all ; but the man which that Gentlemen spake to the business in hand , was that he cited many precedents and records for the practice of what he now desireth my be effected ; But truly I do extreamly much misunderstand those presidents and Records that he produceth , If that they are not as full against them , as any thing can be said . I shall first offer the weight of their reasons , which they urge without president ; which deals most candidly , you shall judge ; for I shall involve the former in the latter , Mr. Price in Mr. Wildman ; and first , That that was urged by Mr. Wildman by way of reason was this , that it is a principle of Common right , that just subjection cannot be but by assent , and there is no way whereby this assent may be but this he speaks of . I do deny his Major . I shall deny his first proposition ; there is , and may be just subjection without assent ; and certainly the experience of all generations in the World evidences this truth , that there may be just subjection without assent ; and there be but few Governments but are established without assent : it is true , where the assent is , the easier is the subjection born . But what doth he mean by assent ? a vertual or personal assent ? if he means personal assent , why then when should there be any such assent ? but to say no man nor People shall be Governed but by Assent , we deny ; for is not a Lawful Conquest a Lawful Title in some Cases ? the matter is not to make the Business impossible without assent . But to that which they deliver , I can no way assent . He tels you that the several Wards must have Representatives to elect the chief Officers of this City , and he tels you the first Records were lost and imbezeled ; But it is not right placed . But Gentlemen , what doth he conclude ? he tells you there were Records , and he tells you without all question , if that they were extant , they would speak for them ; although he nor none else know the Contents of them . But saith he , The Liberties of London are Ancienter then the Great Charter ; and the Liberties of London being Confirmed by that Law ; therefore any Law made against that , is void and null : and therefore the Common-Counsel cannot change them . Mr. Wildman . I said that wherein the great Charter was declarative of the Common-Law , i. e. right Reason , it was unalterable , and any Liberty of London of that nature , such as is that we now Plead for , ought also to be unalterable . Mr. Mainard . You said this , that our City Liberties are Ancienter th●n Magna Charta ; and that they are confirmed by Magna Charta , and therefore cannot be altered by any Law , much less by the Common-Counsel . I shall appeal to the whole Auditory for the Argument ; then what ever Magna Charta hath confirmed cannot be by any Law repealed ; and when this comes to generals , this may be of very sad consequence ; I see Laws are edged tools ; those that understand them , make good use of them : and those that do not understand them , will finde that they are sharpe , and will cut ; Now he comes to the presidents which I did tell you before , and hope to make it clear , that the presidents cited do overthrow that which they bring them for . I shall offer unto you , that which according to the best of my Judgment , is matter of reason , and proof of that which hath been affirmed by them . I shall not beg any favour from you , in regard I sp●ak for that which is dear to you all , which is the Peace , Prosperity , and well Government of this famous City : we shall first lay before you the fact , and from thence proceed to the Question . From the fifteenth of E●ward the fourth , there hath been a succession of Election this way , and that cannot be denied by any , which is nigh two hundred years . If any man lay claim to any thing , he either doth claim of right , or prescription . Now if a man should come and put you to prove your right , when you have had possession of an Estate 150 years past , you would think your self hardly dealt withal . Now we shall prove that there hath been 180. years possession of Election this way , and it hath by the blessing of God brought with it Peace , Prosperity , and plenty to you ; and I hope you are not so ungrateful , but to acknowledge it ; but it is told you , and much pains is taken to perswade you by these Gentlemen that this must be removed ; but under favour upon little grounds . You see here are but two , and these two differ in what they would maintain . Now all Truths stand one with another ; saith one , this is lawful ; saith another , this cannot be changed ; either you must conclude the present is lawful or unlawful ; if lawful , why is it desired to be changed ? But judge you the consequents of this ; if you deny this way now establisht to be lawful , then the whole City of London for above two hundred years never had one lawful Mayor , and all Actions performed by them may be questioned . Now in the fourty one of Queen Elizabeth , there being a difference in the City about Election of Officers , all the Judges of England were caused to meet together about this very thing ; and it was expresly resolved by them all , that such Elections were lawful , and London is named in the Resolution ; and it is said they found it a Question of very great Advice , and those Judges were very grave , pious , and godly men , for some of them , as Popham and Anderson , and Pyriam also a famous man ; so that Gentlemen , fifty years ago this Question was on foot , and all the Judges of the Land did then give their Resolutions , that it would be matter of very great inconveniency to alter it , and they gave it as in right of Law to belong , as it had been before ; and if it be not lawful , then this City hath forfeited its Charter , and is lyable , when they that are above in Power and Authority at any time shall be pleased , to be questioned for it ; I do apprehend that the foundation of your right doth not depend upon any Charter ; those Charters you have , are matter of confirmation , and not Charters that do give you your Right ; the antientest Record that you produce , is from King Iohn , but the first year of Richard the first is the utmost bounds of memory . If that it be not by prescription , why then are many customs of the City void ? For there are many customes and usages for which there is no Charter , nor is it possible there should be ; and therefore it must of necessity follow , that Mayors was time out of Mind ; and the truth is , Mayors were in use before the Charter ; they were indeed called Portwards and Portrifts ; but the Name was changed in Richard the First 's time , and from thence they were called Mayors , and the Charter was granted in the Name of the Mayor ; so that though the Officers Name be changed , it is the same Officer still , the Power the same , but not the Name , if they were not by Custome ; for you must know what is by Custome , is not by Charter , and what is by Charter is not by Custome . Now then what is the Charter ? the Barons of themselves may choose a Mayor ; this Charter being of this Antiquity , it shall be construed according to usage , and that is a rule in Law , and that is your consequence ; for if we shall be forced to find out the meaning of words , you shall be to seek ; for Citizens in those times were called Barons . But we shall now come to answer their objections , and to make those objections we have to say on the other sides . Those Records that they produce , say , we shall all choose , and if that you hold your selves to the letter , Then you are tyed to an impossibility , that is every Citizen none excluded , and then yon will reduce your selves to an absolute impossibility ; but say they , we would have a Representative made out of every Ward , and so they with the Mayor and Court of Aldermen , should choose the chief Officers of the City ; but this doth no more stand as an objection against the present choice ; for if you look to the words of the Record produced , it doth not bear it ; for doth the Charter grant you any such Representative ? Taking it for granted , the Right is founded upon Charter , and and not upon custom : and I take it to be by Ancient custom before the Charter , or else the Charter would not bear it , that they should choose a Mayor , and not telling them how and when ; for this general grant was made because it was their custom ; but an objection is made , that in this way which we now choose , all do not choose . But I answer ; all do choose , though not by their own votes ; you say , when did we give our right to the Livery Men to give vote for us ? I answer a Man seeth with his eye , ye we say the Man seeth ; a Mans hand moveth , but it is the Man that moveth it ; so though every part doth not do every thing in the City , yet the whole doth every thing , and the City doth choose , though every member thereof be not at the choice ; so that the question is whether you do believe this was lawfully done by those that do it . Now if Lawfully why then they are the Cities Representatives ; as for example for the Parliament , every member thereof cannot give his vote for the passing of all things : for many times , many of them are in the Country when many Acts are past , and yet we say the Parliament doth it ; as in election of Parliament Men in the Country , the Writs run , that the People shall choose ; and yet we all know that none choose but such as are Free-holders , although there may be many as good men as Free-holders , yet they have no vote : and yet this Act is accounted the Act of all the Commons in England , though they come in but by some parts , and some have no vote in the choice of them ; we may not depart from this ; for by this we hold all we have ; so if this be a lawful choice , why then the Law supposes that where there is a continuance of a lawful possession , there all lawful meanes is supposed to maintain the possession . If that all the City should meet together , and set down this Order , if that it be once settled , that for ever hereafter these and these shall chuse ; then you make those your Trustees , and it supposeth such an ancient custom was . And truly , Gentlemen , the choice as now it is , is no otherwise ; for the Aldermen they are chosen by the Ward , and so are the Common Council . I will put you a Case , which to my Understanding , is like this . In the 28. year of Edw. the 1st . there was a Statute made , wherein the King grants to the People , that they shall chuse the Sheriffs , or conservators of the Peace ; whenas there was nothing more clear , that none but the Freeholders should chuse them . Mark the parallel ; and yet this is an Act of Parliament that hath its beginning at that time : and yet that is accounted the choice of the People . I shall now come to examine that which I told you of , the Presidents which they produced ; which I was bold to tell you , that every one of them made against them . That which is desired is , That every Ward should chuse them Representatives , and that those Representatives , together with my Lord Mayor , and Court of Aldermen , should chuse the chief Officers of the City . And in proof to this , I shall appeal to your Memories , and to the words of the Presidents , whether one President that they produce , prove that those 6 , 8 , or 12 men that were summoned to chuse , were chosen by the Ward . You shall see what a pass you will come to , if you go according to their meaning of those Presidents . Says the first President , They were summoned from each Ward . They did not summon themselves . Pray then who summoned them ? Why , it was the Mayor that summoned them : The Mayor summoned whom he would ; somtimes 6 , somtimes 8 , somtimes 12 , at his pleasure ; and he summoned somtimes the Honest men , somtimes the Rich men , and somtimes the Wise men ; and they came and made Election of the Mayor . There is not the least tittle in all the Records that they produce , that they were chosen by the Ward . It is one thing to say , 12 Men that were summoned from such a Ward , came , and another thing to say , 12 Men that were elected by the Ward , came and chose : and yet so it is said , that at that Convention there should be 6 , 8 , or 12 of the Honestest , Wisest , and Richest men of the Ward chose . If that there should be such a Summons 〈◊〉 out , That all the Richest , and all the Wisest of such and such a Ward should come , what a kind of Summons is this ! And how shall you judge of these persons ? &c. But it appears the Mayor sent out his Process and summoned them , and so a Law is made , that none should come but those who are thus summoned : as it appears in the Election of Blunn Mayor , and all along no mention made of electing the persons , but summoning them to appear . Otherwise this must be understood to be the Common Council of the City of London , for they have had several terms ; and a man may very well say , when the right is in the Commons to do this , or that , that when it is done by their Trustee , it is done by the Commons . Now the Common Council are often so called , the Commons of this City . Now how will you understand that these 6 , 8 , or 12 men were only chosen for this end , To chuse the chief Officers ? There is nothing less in the * Record : only Master Wildman fancies that the Ward met upon this occasion , and elected them ; and then the Mayor should summon them . So that , I say , there could not be stronger Presidents than what they have produced , that make against themselves . I shall now conclude what inconveniences would follow in point of Law , in case they had their desire . Secondly , You put your selves upon this hazard , that if you part from that which is warranted by Charter , and warranted by the possession of 200 years , and warranted by the Resolution of those 12 Judges , I say , Then you will forfeit your Charter which you have so long enjoyed . Thirdly , It will be inconvenient to you , in regard of your Liberty in the Ancient Laws of England . No man dwelt in any Ward , but was sworn to appear upon all summons to Courts . Your Wards have Courts of Inquest : and over them you have the Sheriffs Court ; and this Court , which is above that : and no man can live out of those Jurisdictions . Your Wards in the City are like your Hundred-Courts in the Country . And heretofore , in all Wards , every one was to be summoned , assoon as one was 12 years old , they were to be summoned to give an account of their Life . In a Ward you know there are many that are not Free-men ; and there are many Free-men that have their Habitations abroad . Now if you admit of all to come to choice , why then Foreigners that live in the Ward , shall have more freedom than Free-men that live out of the Ward ; and it may so fall out , that in some Wards there may be more Strangers than Free-men . So that in this way of choice by the Ward , oftentimes those that are Citizens may be excluded , and those that are Foreigners may be included . But you may say , we will exclude those that are not Free-men from choice . But was there ever any such thing done in this World ? The next thing that will follow it will be this , Popularity . Gentlemen , you must remember that I told you that the Ward consisteth of every Inhabitant thereof : and when you are in such a populous place as this City is , and when that they shall all meet together , what Breaches of Peace and Insurrections may come ! I speak not of that which is without president : and such Meetings cannot be , in any wise mans apprehension ; but this will follow . But truly I do not look upon this as the greatest danger ; but there is this in it also : The foundation upon which this is grounded , which the Doctrinal part of the Law , in this case is undermined , and the Example of such a thing as this : For after this Example , truly all the Government or Corporations of this Kingdom will receive such shakings , as I blush to mention , when they shall consider the Ancient Government of this City , so backt with Lawful Authority , put into a new way . There is not a more dangerous thing in my Understanding . Heretofore when the Prer●●●tive did lie upon you , you did shew your selves constant to your own Interest . Truly this is a meer design to betray you ; and it will shake you all to pieces , if you look not to it ; for it is an Earth-quake under you , and will blow you up . As for that Principle Mr W. asserted concerning just Subjection , because he left it , lest he should reduce things to an uncertainty , I shall say nothing . Mr. Hayles . My Lord and Gentlemen , First , It is agreed to by them , that the power of the choice of my Lord Mayor is not meerly by Charter , but by Prescription too ; That the Charter is a Confirmation , and not the Original : For we do say , that there was the same Office of Mayor many Years before K. Iohn : So that your Officers of the City have been time out of mind , and not barely by the Charter . And if it were not so , that would overthrow all your Courts and Franchises . Secondly , This is agreed to on both sides , that without all question the Common Council shall have a Vote in Election of the Mayor ; in this we agree : But the Dispute is , whether or no the Livery and Assistants of the Companies shall come in with their Voice , or whether there shall be a new device , that the Citizens shall meet and chuse 12 Men of each Ward , as they do in the choice of the Common Council ; and so they shall elect the Mayor . Thirdly , We agree in this , that is , that the way of Election hath been by the Mayor , Aldermen , Common Council , and Livery Men , and hath been used for about 180 years . And they affirm that this was grounded upon an Act of Common Councel . These three things are agreed unto on both sides . But now the great heat is against the Livery Men ; and the Reasons they give against them are these Three : First , They argue from point of Inconveniency . That is , because the Mayor and Aldermen do not chuse the Masters and Wardens of the Companies , therefore they should not chuse the Mayor , and Officers of the City . The Second Reason they give , is in point of right . I shall say no more of that than what hath been said already : You have had a choice of Mayor and Sheriffs , for near 200 years , by the Aldermen , Common Council , and Livery , to argue Election out of convenience , that you have been under 200 years . To alter it upon M. Prise's Opinion , I think you will not , you having found it every way so convenient and profitable to you . But if so be there be any inconveniency in this , a popular choice will be very much more inconvenient . I pray consider but this one thing : If so be the People should come hereafter , and dispute the validity of this choice you plead for , and say , What do you tell us of Representatives ! We will all choose our selves ; What imaginary grounds can there be to say , These fears are but imaginary ? How will it be , when it will come to be thus ? They will say , We will go and chuse a Mayor our selves ; there is nothing of Right in this , but meerly Imaginations : if you allow of 10 , or 12 , they may say , why not 50 , or 100 , or 200 ? But for point of Right you have heard what hath been said of these 3 Heads . But , saith M. Wildman , the foundation of all power is in the People first : If that shall be a ground to let in all the generality of Citizens into an actual choice of Officers , will there not be the same reason for Apprentices , and Foreigners , to plead for Votes in your Election ? A Foreigner is under the power of the Mayor , and Apprentices live under the command of the Mayor . The next Reason is , they would endeavour to prove that this course of Election they plead for , was heretofore usual . I shall say but two words to that . First , They insist upon the Charter , and that of King Iohn : the words are , They shall Elect a Mayor . And they produce some Presidents of 31 Edw. 1. and 1 Edw. 2. I shall repeat one word or two of that my Brother Maynard omitted . First , You will remember we proved a constant usage of near 200 Years in this way of Election ; and their pretence is but for a few certain Years , that the choice was in that way which they desired . A second thing shews their pittiful mistake . The Common Council are agreed to have a choice : why if they examine it , they will find the Common Council are men chosen by the Ward . They do find here and there mention made , that the Mayor was chosen by the Aldermen , and about 6 , 8 , or 12 men summoned . And here they think , that they must needs be Representatives chosen by the Ward ; whenas in truth , these might very well be the Common Council of the Ward . I think there is nothing left for me to say to that . What I shall offer , shall be out of Record , and never mention the conveniences nor inconveniences . I shall read the Records unto you , that they produce , and I will take hold of some words of them . The words are these : There shall come out of every Ward Twelve , Eight , or Six men , according to the greatness of the Ward . And according to the Wards of London , the Common Council Men were sent , some more , and some less . And this is very obvious , that where there is such a description of the number for each Ward , there must needs be meant the Common Councils . So that of necessity these words extend to the Common Council Men , or else the Common Council must be excluded . And again , from a Record Edw. 3. they argue the Commonalty to be the 12 Men , when they are the Liveries . So they mistake in their Application . We are not to dispute who may alter the custom ; but they say , this is your custom , and they say , that is . We will admit , that that which is by a fundamental Law or Charter , cannot be altered by an Act of Common Council . But if your present choice be not lawful , then all Bargains made since Edw. 1. by your Officers are void , and you have no power to judge ; for you are no Common Council . ( M. Wild spoke last for the City Liveries to the same purpose as the other : He had no new Argument , only an observation from 28 Edw. 1. ) M. Prise : I humbly conceive I may answer him to what hath been objected against what I delivered according to Reason . You say that I did declare , that just Subjection cannot be but by assent . Under favour , that was not offered by me : But I affirm that just Subjection cannot be but by right of assent . Secondly , They urge that we differ upon our grounds . The one saith that it is lawful , the other saith not . And the Reason is , because they that grant it have no power to grant it : But for my part I did not assert any such thing . As concerning the Resolution of the Judges that you so much speak of , in some cases it is considerable , and in some cases little weight is to be given to the●r Resolutions . For we all know , in the case of Ship-Mony , they gave in their Resolutions , that it was according to Law. And we also know , that this was afterwards condemned by the Parliament , to be contrary to Law and Illegal . Secondly , The Resolutions of those very Judges you so much extol , do no way refer to the business . We offer to grant a select number may lawfully choose ; but the Liveries are not so . And the Opinion of the Judges only say , that a select number may choose . Thirdly , Whereas it is said the Charter is declarative ; to that I answer . The Practice succeeding doth declare what the custom then was ; and we have no mention of any Masters , or Livery-Men of Companies in Election . And for Exposition of the Charter , if that we tie you to the Letter of it , you say we tie you to an impossibility : But we only plead for the Representatives of Wards , to chuse , not all personally : and therein is no impossibility . And besides , in 21 Ed. 1. it is expounded what was meant by those words . We proved the Charter gave it the City , and the City gave it the Common Council , and the Common Council gave it to the Livery ; and if they gave it for good , if they find it prejudicial , ye may take it away again . Whereas they say that by the number of 6 , 8 , or 10 , is doubtless meant the Common Council ; How do you know the Common Council-Men did consist of so many in every Ward ? And then for the Exposition of the Ward Moat : Whereas they say some Foreigners may chuse , yea , they may infer as well , Foreigners may be chosen . To that I answer , many men may be summoned together about business , & some of them may have a right to some things there in hand , & some may not . We have a President : Once one that was no Freeman was chosen to be a Sheriff of London , and because he was no Freeman , therefore the Election was null . So though it be granted , that every particular man of every Ward , be summoned to come to the Ward-Moat , yet it doth not follow that he hath a right to all the work to be done in that Court. Again for the Popularity and consequences which they so much plead , that will every whit reflect upon this Honourable Court ; for every Member of this Honourable Court is chosen by that Party which they call Popular : therefore let them speak of that till to morrow morning all will reflect upon you . That which is now pleaded for is custom . Thirdly , That this hath been the practice for 180 Years , I do not deny ; but I do not grant it . Suppose we do grant it , and yet we bring a Practice for within 12 Years , that was another Practice ; whether an intermission of Practices do not rend that which is called custom , I humbly offer . For my part I did not offer the Argument of conveniency in relation to the present Practice ▪ but according to this Principle I argue against the unreasonableness of this Priviledge , that these Gentlemen would have to this Right , and not by Authority of this Court. Again they say , that if Election be by the Ward , men will plead thus : Why not 50 , or 100 , as well as 6 , 8 , or 12 ? Again they urge , that Livery-Men were called the Commonalty ; but how aptly , and how fitly , we offer unto you to determine . Major Wildman's Reply . MAy it please your Lordship , and this Honourable Court , to give me leave to make some Answers to what the learned Gentlemen on the other side have pleased to object and take exceptions at what was affirmed . I shall not ( my Lord ) endeavour ( as that Gentleman did ) captare benevolentiam , to take the Affections of the People , before I begin to debate the matter in question . I shall not tell them that I will not insinuate into their minds any thing but what will stand upon the foundation of Truth ; but offer my thoughts , and freely submit to your Judgment : Yet I hope to answer particularly M. Maynard's Exceptions . He was pleased , first , to take exception at that general Principle that I averred , from whence I said might be deduced the Right of all the Wards to chuse the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs by their Representatives : Though the Gentleman might have pleased to remember , I did say I would wave th●se Principles of common Right , lest he should say we intended to bring all things to an uncertainty , by unravelling the bottom of Government to its first Principle ; and therefore I insisted upon nothing but what we claim as our written Right . The second thing the Gentleman was pleased to except against , was that which he only imagined in his own Brain , misreciting my words , like a man created by his fancy to ●ry his skill upon : for he supposed I did say , That if we had the Records that are now lost , we doubted not but that they would prove the assertion we maintain : whereas I said , If we had the Records of those times , that are lest , they would shew us what the Rights of People then were . And that I conceive to be without Execption . The next thing he takes exception against , is , what I said concerning Magna Charta ; and would make this Court believe that I had thought all that great Charter was unalterable : But the truth is , I did only say , That Magna Charta , the great Charter of England , was unalterable , according to the Principles of the Gentlemen of the long Robe : I only spoke it upon their bottom . I said , If I should believe Sir Edw. Cook in what he said upon the Statute of 42 Edw. 3. I must then say , that an Act of Parliament made contrary to that part of the great Charter that was declarative of the Common Law , was null of it self ; for he said that part of it was unalterable . Thus I gave them only their own Authority , and made it no assertion of mine absolutely : Tho , under his favour , I think a man may assert , that what is founded upon the true Common Law of England , as Sir Ed. Cook saith , which is Right Reason , no Authority whatsoever ought to alter : ( I speak not of circumstances ) for if we should aver that , we should aver contradictions in the very terms , and say , that Right Reason of right may be altered from Right Reason , I shall let pass what the Gentleman was pleased to say of the Laws being edge-tools , and of men cutting themselves with them . I believe he met with an Argument for the Peoples Right that was an edge tool in his way , and he was loth to break his shins over it , and therefore he past over the Argument with a grave caution of the sharpness of the Law , that he might divert your thoughts from it : But the Gentleman coming a little nearer to the matter , lays down his Maxim , wh●ch is this , That ever since the 15 Ed. 4. these Liveries have had the choice . And then he argues thus : Saith he , The case would be very hard to have your titles of Land , after 190 years possession , to be questioned : And is it not as hard , that the right of the Liveries to Elections should now be questioned ? Under the Gentleman's favour , the case is very different . I suppose no man pleads for the like title to a Power or Authority over the People , that men have to their Lands , nor upon the same grounds . If the Titles were alike , it were just to buy and sell Authority , or places of Trust and Government , as we buy and sell Lands or ●orses in Smithfield ; and this our Common Law abhors . If we speak of People that are arrant meer Vassals , like the Slaves in Argier , Authority over them is indeed bought and sold ; but I hope we are not to be so esteemed , and yet the Ju●●ice of those bargains is not clear . But certainly mens titles to Land ; and to a power of Government , are , or ought to be of a different nature : And I shall make bold to assert , That 't is no hard case , that the Right of any number of men claiming a power in or about Government by Succession only , should after 190 Years possession be questioned . Suppose M. Maynard could have made good the Livery Mens claims to the Election of the chief Officers of the City by custom , ( but then he must have more than doubled the time of the usage he spake of , ) yet I humbly conceive that the Exercise of any power about Government is not made just by continuance of time , unless it were just in the Original . If long usurpation of a Power , in or about Government , could give a right to that Power , all the foundations of just Government were overturned , and by consequence it were not right or just to take away an usurped Power if the Usurpers be grown old . Next the Gentleman is pleased before he comes to his material Arguments , to insinuate strange , huge , dreadful , monstruous Consequences that would ensue in case any man shall deny his Assertions , he is pleaded to say , What strange consequences would ensue , if we should say , for 190 years all the Lord Mayors or Sheriffs of the City of London have been unlawfully chosen ? but suppose that which he suggests , that the Mayors have been chosen unlawfully so long , 't is time then to provide for a lawful choice , and the continuance of the un●awful will breed more of M. Maynard's monstruous consequences ; and if it be unlawful , 't is not forbearing to say so that will amend the Consequences . But now the Gentleman comes to his Position , and saith , That this Government that is now is lawful . The Gentleman might have pleased to have spared that ; I did not yet assert that the Government that is now is unlawful , yet he may take some answers to his Arguments , or rather Authorities for the legality of it . The 1st . Ground he builds upon for the lawfulness of this Government is the Opinion of the Judges , which makes a huge Cry. But by the way , the question is not now concerning the Government , but only concerning the choosers or electers of the Governours ; the Government may be the same still , though the manner and way of electing these Governours may be altered from what it is at present . Yet to that Opinion of the Judges , which makes the great noise in the Court ; Oh ( saith he ) 't is the Opinion of all the learn'd Iudges , and then he paraphrases upon the goodness , honesty , learning , and fame of the Judges that were named in the Book produced . It may be those Gentlemen of the Long Robe were Black-Swans ; yet the Argument from Authority is none of the strongest , 'T is not a very good consequence , that the thing is just because good men thought so . Yet under favour the Opinion of the Judges I take to be not the most certain or unalterable amongst men , nor the most unbyassed by their own Interest , I believe if a man should go to the 12 Judges , he shall scarce find 4 or 3 of the 12 of the same opinion in a dubious case ; yet if there were more that agreed , the late opinion of the Judges in the case of Ship-Mony may inform us how free the Judges opinions are from the Byass of private Interest in such 〈…〉 how fit 't is for us to depend upon them ; but however the opinion of the ●●ges produced by Mr. Maynard , I crave leave to affirm to be against him in this Case , at least not for him . I desire it may be read . The Case of Corporations , touching the Election of Governours in the fourth of the Lord Cooks Reports , fol. 77 , 78. In the same Term at Serjeants-Inn in Fleet street , it was demanded of the chief Justices , Popham , and Anderson , and Periam , chief Baron , & of the other Justices , That where divers Cities , Burroughs , & Towns are incorporate by Charters , whether by the name of the Mayor & Commonalty , or the Mayor & Burgesses , & of the Bailiffs & Burgesses , &c. or the Aldermen & Burgesses , or the Provost & Sheriffs , or Burgesses , or the like ; & in the said Charters it be prescribed that the Mayor , Bailiffs , Aldermen , Provosts shall be chosen by the Commonalty or Burgesses ▪ & of the ancient & usual Elections of Mayor , Baiiffs , Provosts , & by a certain chosen number of the chief of the Commonalty , or of the Burgesses , commonly called the Common Council , or by other name , & not in general by all the Commonalty or Burgesses , or not by so many of them as will come to the Election , shall be good in Law , forasmuch as by these words of the Charters the Election shall be indefinitely by the Commonalty , or all the Burgesses . And which Question being of great importance and consequence , was r●ferred by the Lords of the Council to the Justices , to know the Law in that case ; for that divers attempts were now of late in divers Corporations , contrary to the ancient usage , to make popular Elections ; & it was resolv'd by the Justices upon great deliberation , and upon conference had amongst themselves , that such ancient usual Elections were good , and well warranted by their Charter , and by the Law also ; for in every of their Charters they have power given them to make Laws , Ordinances & Constitutions , for the better Government & Order of their Cities or Burroughs , & by force of which , & for avoiding popular confusion , they by their common assent constitute or ordain , That the Mayor , Bailisfs , or other principal Officers , shall be chosen by one certain select number of the principal of the Commonalty , or of the Burgesses , as is aforesaid , & prescribe also how such selected numbers shall chuse ; & such Ordinances & Constitutions was resolved to be good , & allowable , & agreeable with the Law , & their Charters , for avo●ding of popular disorder & confusion ; & although that no such Constitution or Ordinance can be sh●wed , yet it shall be presumed & intended in respect of such special manner of ancient & continual Election , which special Election is not begun without common consent ; that at the first la●e Ordinance or Constitution was made , such reverend respect of Law doth give to ancient & continual allowance & usage , as it had been within time of Memory . And the custom of most faithful Antiquity is to be esteemed ; the things which are done contrary to the custom & usage of the Ancients either please , or seem right , & the frequency of the Act premiseth much , and according to that Resolution the ancient and continual Usages have been in the Cities of London & Norwich , and other ancient Cities & Corporations . And God defend that they shall be now innovated or altered , for that many and great Inconveniences will arise upon the same ; all which the Law hath well prevented , as appears by that Resolution . First , My Lord , observe , that the Question here resolved is not our Question , the Question here resolved was this , Whether an Election of a Mayor , not made by all the Commonalty in a Corporation , or at least as many as would come , was good in Law ? But our present question is only this , Whether the Commonalty of this City ought not to have their Representers to chuse the Lord Mayor ? So that we do grant , that an Election not made by all the Commonalty may be good . Now , my Lord , observe the Judges Resolution of the Question ; they resolve that an Election made by the Mayor and Aldermen , and a certain chosen number of the choice of the Commonalty , is good in Law. We concur with the Judges , keeping close to their words ▪ A certain chosen number of the Commonalty ; & to those other words of theirs , viz. Such ancient usual Elections ; that is to say , such ancient Elections by the chosen number of the Commonalty are good in Law. Now we deny that the present Election of the the Ld. Mayor by the Livery-Men is the most ancient usual way of Electing , and that the Livery-Men are a chosen number of the Commonalty , I mean , chosen according to any right of choice , that right being in the Commonalty . But , my Lord , 't is very observable in this Opinion of the Judges , upon what Ground they judged such Elections valid in Law ; the ground is this , For 't is to be imagined or supposed , say they , that such ancient and continued Elections did not begin without common assent . Hence 't is evident , that the Judges imagined that all the Citizens had the right of choice in them , and that they had agreed that a chosen number of themselves should choose in their stead ; So that the Judges in their Opinion took the chosen number of the chief of the Commonalty , that did elect the chief Officers to be the Represent●rs of the whole Commonalty . Now if your Lordship please to remember we produced an Act of the Common Hall of London , made long before the Liveries made any claim to be the choosers , and at an Assembly , when the Guild Hall was filled with the Commonalty , wherein they did assent , that there should be a certain number of every Ward proportionably that should be the Electers of the Mayor and Sheriffs ; so that the way we propose , of several men of every Ward , representing the Wards to elect , is founded upon a common Assent . They produce no one Act of a common Hall , that should make it appear , that it was ever assented unto by the Commonalty , that the Livery-Men of the Mysteries should be the choosers of the Mayor . Now my Lord I humbly offer it to this Honourable Court , whether this opinion of the Judges about Elections produced by Mr Maynard as the pillar whereon they build the lawfulness of the Liveries Elections , do not rather speak them to be unlawful , in my humble opinion , this that those learned Gentlemen flourished like Goliah's Sword against us , ●●ays themselves . After Mr. Maynard had produced the Authority of the Judges as he supposed for his Cl●ents case , he argues from consequences , saith he , If this present way of Electing by the Liveries were not lawful , mark the consequences , your Charter , saith he , is forfeited ; this I confess is a big bellied word ; but how will this assertion agree with what M. Maynard , M. Hales , and M. Wilde all affirmed , that the Charters of the City did not originally give the City those Liberties that are mentioned in the Charter , but that the Charters were only D●clarative of Cities Rights , shewing what their Rights were before the Charters ? Now if the Charters give not the City their Rights , certainly you cannot forfeit your Charters , unless the learned Gentlemen shall please to say . You shall forfeit the Declaration of your Rights , ( for the Charters are no more by their own confession ) and if your forfeiture be no more you may enjoy your Liberties still , notwithstanding such a forfeiture as they pretend . But suppose a man should say what I did not yet say , that the present way of Electing the Mayor is unlawful , is it any more than this , that the Citizens have suffered their Right to be taken from them for many Years , & others to enjoy it unlawfully , and how will this consequence be deduced from thence , that the City hath forfeited their Rights ; I confess I understand not by the Law that a Body politick or Corporation , as such , is under harder Laws in our Nation , than the Members of the Common-Wealth severally ; now no man in England can forfeit his Rights without a legal conviction of some crime for which the Law censures him to forfeit his Rights ; & I know no reason why the City should have such hard measure , that in case the free men have suffered the Companies to usurp their right , that therefore all the Cities rights should be forfeited . Mr. Maynards next argument for the Liveries Elections , was this , That 't is founded upon a constant usage , time out of mind , so that , saith he , the City now prescribes unto this way of Electing ; and yet the Gentleman was pleased afterwards to confess , that to make a title by prescription there must be a constant usage since Rich. the firsts time , and they only produce an Act of a Common Councel for the Liveries Electing about 174 years since , and will suppose that that act of Common Councel was in confirmation of what was the custome before , whereas they produce no one footstep of a Record before that time to prove that it was the usage to chuse by Livery-men , but on the contrary it hath appeared that the Election hath been 400 years since by a select number out of the several Wards , which cannot be any way supposed to be meant of Livery-men , they not coming as men from several Wards , but as men from several Companies . The next thing the Gentleman said , was this , that he hoped we would grant that we did both depart from the Charter it self ; for , saith he , if we found the way of Electing upon the Charter , the Charter running to the Citizens indefinitely , it must be understood of all the Citizens and Barons ; and , saith he , you grant , it is impossible they should altogether make the Election , so we both depart from it . Under his Favour I must be bold to deny it ; We depart not from the Charter , for we say , that the Charter giving a right of choyce to all the Citizens , they may proceed in their Elections , either by themselves personally , or their Deputies ; and they finding it inconvenient to meet Personally , may depute others to make their Elections ; and an Election so made , is truly said to be made by the Citizens . So that in case that way of Electing were admitted which the Pertitioners propose , it were directly agreeable to the Charter ; for , then indeed the Citizens should chuse , because they chuse every one of them by their Deputies , as all the People of England make Laws in Parliament , because every mans Deputy is , or ought to be , there in Parliament . Next Mr. Maynard answers an Objection ; If , saith he , it be objected , that in the way of Election that is by the Livery men , all are not represented ; saith he , it is true , if you take it in some sence ; but , saith he , if you take it in the sence of the Law , therein they are represented , and it is the City makes these Elections ; Saith he , the Law saith so ; as , saith he , in case a mans hand moves , it is the man that moves , or his eye sees a Colour , it is the man that sees . I hope the Gentleman will please to confess a vast difference between a Body natural , and a Body politique ; Because he may truly say , if a mans hand moves , all the man moves , therefore will he say that what a few , or one member of the City doth , is the Cities action ? If so , if one in the City commit Treason , all the City are Traytors . I believe , Gentlemen , you would be loath to admit of such a Law. But to confirm this assertion , the Gentleman produced something out of that which he called Articuli super Chartas , where he saith , the King granted to the People to chuse Sheriffs , and yet the People did not chuse them all in general , it was the Freeholders chose them . Mr. Maynard , If he pleaseth , could have told when the People in general were restrained from electing Parliament-men , and other the Sheriffs also , and upon what pretence it was put upon Freeholders onely , and how it served the Kings ends to procure that Statute of Restriction ; if I forget not the time , it was in the 8 of Henry 6. Chap. 7. But however Mr. Maynard should have proved this to be just , before he can prove the other to be just by this . Now the Gentleman is pleased to come to examine the presidents we produced , and saith , he will turn our own swords into our own bowels ; and endeavors to do it thus ; First , saith he , you prove that the Wards did send several Persons to these Elections 400 years since , but you prove not that the Wards chose these Persons ; you read indeed Records that said these Persons were summoned to the Election , but who summoned them ? certainly the Mayor summoned them , and he summoned whom he would . I verily believe this would be a very bitter Pill for the Citizens to digest , to ●ay the Lord Mayor should summon when he pleased , and whom he pleased , out of every Ward to come to the Election , the Government would be turned topsie turvy , if that were admitted ▪ then he that should be once Lord Mayor , might be for ever Lord Mayor , if he could make but a friend or two in every Ward , and if this be imagined to have been the custom of the City , I wonder who summoned those that chose the first Mayor . But the Gentleman is pleased to make his Argument thus ; saith he , it is not named in the Record you produce , that these men were Elected by the Wards , though summoned from the Wards ; therefore saith he , they were not elected . It is a new kind of logick that must make this argument good ; 'T is not recited in the Record that they were chosen , therefore they were not chosen ; I might as well say that in your summon to a Common Coun●el , your being chosen by the Wards is not recited , therefore you Gentlemen of this Court were not chosen . I confess I am not very well verst in the Acts that are in this Court , but I think there is no act of the Court recorded , wherein it is said , There were present the Common Councel that were chosen by such Wards , shall I therefore conclude that they were not chosen by the Wards ? I must first learn a new Logick , before I shall ●are so to conclude . The second thing he objected against the presidents , was this , Those Twelve men of the Wards that are said to elect the Mayor , saith he , must needs be understood to be Common Councel men ; Truly , besides the Answer of Mr. Price , that it was not probable , because the number of Common Councel would then have been far greater , than now it is , when the City was far less ▪ to let that pass , I only answer thus , that if they please to look in 22 of Henry the sixth , it is in Lib. K. fol. 214. It is said in the writ that came down from the King to prevent disturbances at that Election of the Mayor , that none should be there but they that have an interest to be there , those that were in Common-Councel , And the more discreet and able men of the Wards , so that besides the Common-Councel , there were others that were wise and able discreet men in the Wards that were to come to the Elections , which probably were those that were chosen by the Wards . If your Honour please the Record may be read . The former answer serves to Mr. Mayards Observation of the Election of the Parliament Men for the City , wherein it is said only six of a ward were called to be there , but not chosen ; I propose it to him , whether it is probable that the Lord Mayor had power to pick six men out of a Ward to chuse the Parliament men for the City , or whether this be a good Argument , because they are said to be summoned by the Lord Mayor , and not said to be elected , therefore they were not elected . I hope the Gentlemen of the Long-Robe have better arguments . The last thing that Mr. Manard avers , is , the inconveniencies in point of Law that would ensue upon that which we pray for , which he calls an Innovation . But I humbly crave leave to aver , unless I could see his confutation , that it is an antient Right of the Citizens of this City . Those inconveniencies in point of Law , he saith , are these , the hazard of forfeiting of Charters . I conceive that to be answered before , That if a City should depart from a just way , if their Charter were but the confirmation of their right before , there is no forfeiting of that Charter , for the Charter gives them not that Right . The next Argument he draws from every mans living in a Court-●eet , and that at twelve years old he ought to meet there , and he saith from thence , if there should be Representers of the Wards chosen , to make the choyce , it might be that those that are no Citizens might meer to chuse a Mayor , and Citizens that live without should not chuse . I think under his favour the common practice will answer to that , when the Wards meet for the choyce of Aldermen , or Common-Councel Men , none but Citizens have their Votes in it , there is no danger that those that are Aliens should either be chosen or choosers . His next Argument against this Petition is this , saith Mr. Maynard , It will tend to Popularity , if this should be admitted , that the Wards should choose ; and I leave it , saith he , to the Court to judg what the Consequent of that would be ; all mens Educations , saith he , are not such as make them fit for Government , or fit to choose Governors . Truly if it please the honourable Court but to consider who they are that are now the Electors , this Arrow of the Gentlemans returns upon himself : I could say more of it , if I should not be thought to reflect , because I have a reverend respect to all kind of Trades ; but if I should speak of all the several Companies , the Bricklayers , Bowyers , Fletchers , Turners , Coopers , Tallow-Chandlers , &c. If I should speak of the Education of most of the Livery-Men of forty Companies of the City , and compute their number , and tell you upon what terms most are admitted to be of the Liveries , that is , for a small sum of Money ; I conceive the Court would quickly judge which way of Election tends most to Popularity , as he calls it , and who proposeth most men that are unfit for Government to choose the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs . Will any man suppose that the Educations of all the Handicraft men of the Liveries render them so able and discreet , that they are fit for Government ? I submit it to the Court. As for the great Word Mr. Maynard was pleased to add about the ill consequents of this change that would be to other Corporations , saying , That this is an Earthquake comes under them . I shall conceive his Oratory in this to be of the Earthquakes nature , a swelling vapor , unless he will be pleased to shew me how the Liberty of the City , or any one Citizen , is undermined by what is proposed , only I must observe to the Court , that where Arguments are wanting , their room is commonly supplied with words and pretences of huge strange consequences , that will ensue , if their desires be crossed ; But the arguments from a consequence , I believe they well know their strength is not of the first degree ; but however to suppose an ill consequence may ensue upon a City , or company of persons exercising their right , and thence to conclude they must not enjoy it , is a way of arguing that I understand not . I confess Mr. Hales is pleased to deal very ingenuously in laying down those principles wherein we agreed , which was , That the Liberties of the City were by prescription , and that the Charters were but Declarations of what our Liberties were , and that the Common-Councel-Men ought to have a Vote in their Elections ; But I said not they ought , but that they might have their Votes if they were chosen to that purpose : But he was pleased to say that the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Common-Counsel , were a kind of a Representative of the City , and therefore he would thence aver , that there is no inconvenience to the City , seeing they have such a Representative . I shall answer Mr. Hales thus , If a man should say the Parliament represent the Common-Wealth , and seeing we have a Representative , what matter if that 200. or 300. men more went into the Parliament and voted with them , the people of England surely would not think themselves well dealt withal , nor think those Acts so passed to be valid . Mr. Hales is pleased also to pursue Mr. Maynards mode of imagining strange kind of consequences that may ensue upon this , and saith he , How if the People will say , when you brought it to the Representatives , we will not be bound to Representatives , but we will come and chuse personally ; what then ( saith he ) would be the consequence of this ? Truly if Mr. Hales will suppose that the people will not be bound by any Government , not by Acts of Parliament , he may fill his fancy with bad consequences : and why may it not be supposed as well , that all the people in England should say , we will go and make Laws our selves in Parliament , as well as that the people should not be willing to be bound in the Wards to chuse the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs by their Representatives ? I shall let pass also , what Mr. Hales was pleased to urge concerning that principle of a just subjection of Peoples to Governours , to be founded upon an Assent , because he was pleased to confess very ingenuously , that I waved those Arguments that might reduce Government to an uncertainty , or to the first principles of general Common-Right . But saith Mr. Hales , if that principle be allowed amongst a free People , that subjection to their Governours ought to be by meer assent , sath he , we must consider there is a Personal and a Virtual assent , and it shall be conceived to be a Virtual consent , where there hath been an usage time out of mind for the People to be subject to any form of Government . Of which nature he endeavoured to prove the way of electing the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs by the Livery-Men of the several Misteries ; whereas if Mr. Hales please to remember , they do all aver the usage of this way of Electing , but to have been for 174. years that they can prove . As for any suppositions that it was before , I think there is enough answered to that , there being no ancient Records that mention the choise to have been by the Livery-Men , who come not as sent from Wards . And though Mr. Hales is pleased to ballance the Records produced on one hand and on the other , and saith thus , that they produce for one hundred seventy four years , to shew that this hath been the way of electing which now is ; but saith he , those Records produced to prove another way of Electing , is but a short time . If he please to remember there is no foot-step or mention made of any Livery-Man , or of any of the Mysteries having a Power to elect , until that 15. of Edw. 4. and we find from Edward the first , about 200 yeers before , that there were twelve men in the Wards that were Electors , which we may well think to be the Representors of those Wards , and chosen by them for that purpose ; and no foot-steps of the discontinuance of it , from that time produced ; but we may well say that all the Records that mention the Communaltyes choise , are to be interpreted by the former Records , untill that Record comes wherein mention is made of Livery-men , there being no mention made of them formerly , under that , or any other name as such . That which he was pleased to alledge , that it was the Common-Counsel-men that were those twelve men , is answered before in Mr. Maynards , and therefore I pass it over . But Mr. Hales seems to think it hard measure that we should exclude the Livery , because there is no mention made of them . I shall only answer , that it is as hard for them to say , because the Common-Counsel men are not mentioned to joyn with the 12 of the Wards , therefore they were excluded . But saith Mr. Hales , it is the usage that shall explain what is meant by the Communalty , and what is meant by those more able and discreet men in the City that are chosen ; we desire but to stand to the explanation of the Record ; we produced an ancient Record that had these words , viz. The whole Communalty ; that is to say , the more able and discreet men of the Ward ; we would fain have him produce a Record where it is said , The whole Communalty , that is to say , the Livery-Men , at least any time before that of Edward the fourth . As to the Arguments from the consequences , if this Government were not right , then saith Mr. Hales , all the Purchases you have made since that time you altered the way of Elections , is null . I must humbly crave leave not to submit to his Judgment in that , till he give me better reasons ; for I suppose it is grounded upon that of forfeiting a Charter , which was answered before ; for though the Body corporate have not had their Officers rightly Elected , yet the Body is not thereby dissolved , and therefore their purchase may be good , and without fear of forfeiture . The Arguments Mr. Wild was pleased to use , were but to inforce what his Brethren had said , that by the 12 Electors of the Wards must be meant the Common-Counsel , because ( saith he ) no mention is made of the Common-Counsel ; but it hath been proved that in an election mention is made of the Common-Councel , and of other honest men of the City , before any mention is made of Livery-men ; and though no mention were made of the Common-Counsel , yet to say they were not mentioned , therefore they were not called to that Assembly when the Election was made , is no good consequence ; upon the grounds before asserted , Mr. Wilds objection that we would endeavour to introduce a novelty , falls to the ground ; for we conceive the way of twelve men out of the Wards , to be far more antient than the way that is now practised . And as for Mr. Wilds Arguments concerning the danger that would ensue upon the multitude coming to Elections , upon the same ground he may say ; the Wards must not chuse their Aldermen nor Common-Councel Men , if the Citizens should be deprived of their right upon that ground , that it is popularity , or they may be divided , and fall to blows ; upon the same grounds they may take away the liberty of chusing Common-Councel Men and Aldermen , and all their common Freedoms ; and if these fears shall affright men from the claim of their right , they may be told next that the Sky may fall , and therefore they must not go abroad . As for the last objection of Mr. Wilds , that in this way of popularity 't is possible a choice may be made of unfit men . I shall only offer this to the consideration of the Court , Whether it is more probable that a whole Ward meeting together to chuse a small number of men that should represent them in the electing their Superiour Officers , should chuse more unfit men for that Election , then a company it may be of Coopers , Tallow-Chandlers , or other manuel occupations should admit to the Livery , who admit all that will give so much money to be of the Livery ; who are the likeliest men to send fittest men for the choyce , I humbly refer to the Honourable Court , though it is strange to me to hear that the fear of popularity , or of giving way so much to the Liberty of the people , is so much insisted on , now we are come into the way of a common Wealth ; it is a little dissonant to the present constitution . Now I shall humbly submit to the Court , what hath been offered in answer to that which the Gentlemen on the other-side have objected ; and humbly crave leave to be still of opinion , that I see nothing of strength objected against our assertion , viz. That the liberty of Electing is the Right of the Citizens of London in general , and so declared by the first Charter we find upon Record ; And if it be the liberty of the Citizens in general to chuse , every man must chuse either by himself or deputy , and they all agree it is impossible they should all chuse Personally ; why they should not then chuse by their representatives , I humbly leave to the judgment of this Honourable Court. Mr. Maynard . WE have taken up a great deal of time and patience , I will repeat nothing of what hath been said , only I think Mr. Wildman fears nothing of a popularity ; for the matter , the measure is before you , how long one , how long another , we differ upon the Records recited , we think they are for us , they think the contrary ; it lies in your judgments , and the measure of time how much it is ; I am sure they cited no presidents before Edward the first 's time , and none since Edward the third's time ; somwhat was spoken of Henry the sixth ; I will not enter into a particular recapitulation , but there hath been nothing of that I apprehend we have said , but hath been answered only by the by ; and that which is the strength of that we rely upon , hath been let go , and some generals taken hold of only ; I shall give you but this observation , that it is like enough the Mayor and Sheriffs , the Chamberlain who is the keeper of all the wealth of the City , and the great trust of the City reposed in them , will much depend upon this string ; Two Gentlemen have here argued ; and observe it , the one grants what the other will not ; we all agree , and how they will agree when a great many comes together . I leave it to you to judge . Mr. Hales . Onely this , Gentlemen , some two or three little mistakes there have been : I think not that they are wilful . First of all , Whereas they would offer it to you , that the Words of all the Commonalty , should be intended of the twelve men of the Wards , that is mistaken : for , Gentlemen , it was in a case of a choice of Aldermen , which is made by the Wards , and is not made by twelve men , as the very Record it self speaks ; and therefore that is misapplied . It is in case of a choice of Aldermen , which is made by the Wards in their bulks ; and not in twelve men . And then next of all , for the continual Usage , they mistake in that , For that Usage , they give an instance in the third of King Edward the first , till some later time in Edward the second , and in the twentyeth of Edward the third : But from the twentyeth of Edward the third , not any instance at all of Electing men out of Wards . That which they say now they are driven to it , now they would indeed exclude the Common-Councel from having any voice of right . We say , You do well . If the Common-Councel have no right , then may the Livery-Men have no right neither ; for their Rights will stand and fall upon the same bottom . We say only this : For that Record of Henry the sixth's time , it 's nothing at all to the purpose ; for that is this , That all those that were in the Common-Councel , together with other persons that were called in , either from the Wards or City , be it which it will : there is no man doubts but most of the Liveries they live in the Wards ; and therefore it is not an Argument that they were not persons that were of the Wards . And whereas we have no footsteps of the Livery in Record , it is true , the stiling of the Record is not of the Liveries ; your Elections are not said to be by the Liveries at this day , but by the Commonalty , as it was neer two hundred years ago ; and yet in truth done by the Common Councel and Liveries , so that all is one . Mr. Wild. My Lord , I shall only desire Mr. Latham may read this Record in the twentyeth of Edward the third ; it is that whereupon I built my Argument ; that is , Thus it was agreed by all the commonalty of the City , that the Lord Mayor for the time being shall be chosen by twelve , eight , or six out of every Ward , according to the greatness or bigness of the Ward . That must of necessity be the Common-Councel . Mr. Maynard . One thing I forgot in that , That your Livery-Men come not by number ; Common-Councel-Men they are Summoned by a certain number ¶ Here the Record was read . Mr. Hales . This is that we say , and here we leave it . We say , That that Reason that these Gentlemen do use upon their presidents in Edward the first 's time , and Edward the second 's time , is to exclude the Common Councel , as well as the Common-Hall ; and we say , that upon the same reasons they may exclude the one as well as the other . There is no mention made of the Common-Councel to have a voice in any of the Elections in Records , and therefore they would exclude them . We say , They do the Record and themselves wrong ; for though it's Truth , there is mention made of the Mayor , Aldermen , and some others , it is not exclusive ; for some others there might be , and yet notwithstanding it is agreed that the Common-Councel may make an election , and vote , and are not excluded ; and therefore the Livery-Men may do the same . And when as it hath gone on so long , and not been contradicted , we hope you will continue on that continued course . Mr. Wildman . My Lord , We still insist upon it , that those presidents produced , being for twelve men out of every Ward , cannot probably be conceived to be the Common-Councel ; for how can we conceive that the Common-Councel , at that time when the City was not a fourth part of what it is , should consist of as many or more then it doth now ? But by the Record now read , it appears , that it was agreed that so many men of every Ward should come to the Election ; and then further agreed , that every Alderman of every Ward should cause such a number , a smaller number than the other , to be chosen , to be of the Common-Councel ; and 't is not said that they should be the Electors . The Record speaks of two things agreed unto : First , that one number of men should be Elected for the Wards ; Secondly , that another number of men should be chosen by the Wards , to consult , as the Record saith , de arduis negotiis , to consult about the hard matters that concerned the City . But suppose I should grant the learned Gentlemen of the other side that which they so much contend for , viz. That the twelve men of the Wards , mentioned in the Records to be the Electors of the Mayor , were the Common-Councel ; and that , as Mr. Wild would have it , the twelve , eight , or six of every Ward , that the Common-Hall agreed in the 20 of Edward 3d. should be the chusers of the Mayor , that those were the Common-Councel ; suppose this , What advantage to their cause will the Gentlemen gain from thence ? The conclusion from thence would be ▪ That the Common-Councel were the only Electors of the Mayor ; and what becomes of the Compa●●es Liveries , for whose power in electing they plead ? And if it were the Common-Councel that were the electors , it doth establish our foundation , which is this , That all those who are chosen by the Wards , and do represent them , ought to chuse the chief Officers of the City . And if the Wards would trust the Common-Councel onely to be the chusers now , and declare it in the choice of them , we should not oppose it . M. Maynard . Gentlemen , I forget one word , that M. Wildman was pleased to deliver for Law , that you may believe , if you think good , That there is no forfeiture of Charters . Now what the Parliament may do under favour , is no question ; but no doubt but there is forfeiture of Charters . And he saith , Twelve Iudges there are , and but few of them agree . You must be sure , That it is the Judges part to judge your actions at last . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A70490-e3390 * Lib. C. Fo. 41. Edw. 1. * 2 Ed. 1. fol. 41. A65241 ---- A short narrative of the late dreadful fire in London together vvith certain considerations remarkable therein, and deducible therefrom : not unseasonable for the perusal of this age written by way of letter to a person of honour and virtue. Waterhouse, Edward, 1619-1670. 1667 Approx. 226 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 97 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A65241 Wing W1050 ESTC R8112 11981431 ocm 11981431 51852 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A65241) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51852) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 523:1) A short narrative of the late dreadful fire in London together vvith certain considerations remarkable therein, and deducible therefrom : not unseasonable for the perusal of this age written by way of letter to a person of honour and virtue. Waterhouse, Edward, 1619-1670. [2], 190 p. Printed by W.G. for Rich. Thrale ..., and James Thrale ..., London : 1667. First edition. Signed: Edward Waterhous. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Fire, 1666. 2003-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2003-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SHORT NARRATIVE Of the late DREADFVL FIRE IN LONDON : TOGETHER VVith certain Considerations Remarkable therein , and deducible therefrom ; Not unseasonable for the Perusal of this Age. Written by way of LETTER to a Person of Honour and Virtue . LONDON , Printed by W. G. for Rich. Thrale at the Crosse-Keysand Dolphin in Aldersgate-street over against the Half-Moon Tavern , and Iames Thrale under St. Martin's Outwich Church in Bishops-gate-street . 1667. To His Noble Friend And Kinsman , Sr. EDWARD TURNOR , KNIGHT ; Speaker of the Honorable House of COMMONS in this Present PARLIAMENT . SIR , BEcause I know you were at a distance when that furious , never to be forgotten , and never enough to be lamented Fire , begun the 2. of Septemb. desolated our Native City , the glory of England and of Europe , London ; In which , I , your Compatriot , formerly happy in it , am now a great sufferer with it ; I think it a just service to the publique , and no unacceptable present to you , to endeavour such an account of the commencement , progress and conclusion of it , as both mine own view , and the faithful report of others assists me to ; that as God may have the glory of his just judgement on a populous and rich City dispersed and impoverished , so men may see the dreadful effects of providence , untutelar to their acquisitions , and call off their hearts and confidences , from these sublunaries , to God , who only can bring them to us , and preserve them with us , and by whom only they can be transformed into comforts , ( which as elementary and vicissitudinarious , they can in no true sense be . For the fashion of this world passeth away , ) and the glory of it being but as a Flower of the Field ; to set the heart upon that which has wings and flyes away , will we , nill we , is to be as accessary to our own deception , as weakness and wilfulness can make us , or misery and judgement can continue us to be . And because ( Sir ) it is bruited abroad by some that this fatal accident had a more than ordinary express of fury , that is , that London was fired from Heaven , as was Sodom and Gomorrah of old , though say they , God restrained the Fire from such dismal effects as then were permitted it : And others referr it to the spight and furtherance of male-content Villanes , and mischievous Forreigners , greedy thus to revenge themselves of us , for our stout demeanours towards them , and our great successes against them , which they judge no otherwise ballanceable than by this spoil and non-such disappointment , equal , if not paramount , to any other diversion : because ( Sir ) I say men are so variously acted in this Euroclydon of Providence , which has been so stupifying to every mans senses , that either was a compassionate spectator , or a concerned sufferer in the spoil and loss of that once famous place , which Tacitus so long ago terms , Nobilissimum emporium & commeatu negotiatorum maxime celebre ; I have adventured to write my thoughts of the rise , nature , and circumstances of the Fire , and to beg your patience and pardon both to them and me . And here ( Sir ) I must confess though I adore the greatness of God , and deplore the grievousness of the sin of London , for which God may justly bring upon it , not only what he has , but greater and more eradicating judgements , such as he expresses , when he begins he will make an end by , and the fire of his wrath shall burn , and none shall quench it . Though whatsoever of this that might have been more , is the deserved severity of God to its many and monstrous sins , yet doe I not believe that this Fire was like that of Sodom and Gomorrah , for that was fire from the Lord out of Heaven , Gen. 19. 24. Fire not only of wasting things combustible , but Fire of exinanition to to the earth and soyl , incapacitating it to produce necessaries for the life of man and beast , converting the substance of the place into Brimstone and Salt and Burning , as the Lord paraphraseth on Sodoms judgement , Deut. 29. 33. so that it became desert , never to be dwelt in again . Isaiah 13. 19. for such fire , like the waters on the old world , God may be only thought once to exemplifie his power by , and to fix the fear and awe of him in the minds of men , insolent against him , whose greatness it can reach , whose obduration it can penetrate , whose fixation in the world it can dissettle ; God who has said his spirit shall not always strive with man , forasmuch as he is but dust , lest the spirit that he hath created should fail before him , makes all judgement his strange work , and therefore such stupendious ones as this , he may be thought to account much more his strange work : once indeed he has appeared in flaming Fire and devouring Brimstone to Sodom and the City of the rich and fertile plain , who were sinners before the Lord , that is , who because they were rich were riotous , and because they had abundance from the soyl which was rank and lusty , gave themselves up to luxury and pride ; ( For the sins of Sodom were idleness and fulness of bread . ) Once more he will send his Son in flaming Fire to dissolve the world and render vengeance to his enemies ; but his intercurrent judgements of Fire between this first & that last president of unparallelledness , are alloyed by mixtures of mercy in them . And I perswade my self of this nature was the late judgement by Fire upon London , a City not like Sodom without Priest and without Magistrate , whose vices and insolencies bore down both ordinances of Church and State. Londons fulness of bread and idleness were no publick and owned effronteries , no such wickedness as Sodom had was setled by a law , or practised against law in her , no rioters against Angels were her inhabitants as the Sodomites were , no murmurers were they against Gods soveraignty as the Sodomites were , ver . 13. Therefore God in the midst of judgement remembred mercy to London ; God overthrew not only Sodom and Gomorrah , but all the Cities of the plain , giving Zoar only for a Sanctuary to one Lot ; but God has not destroyed the Suburbs of London or the neighbouring City to it , but reserved them for a shelter to her many thousand inhabitants ; God destroyed Sodom and Gomorrah in a moment , Lament . 4. 6. by a special and not to be disputed finger of God , no mortal instrument co-operating , no culinary fire being so speedy in its consumptions , but God exercised his judgements on London gradually that the spectators might by the sight of their punishment , bewail the ingratitude of their sin deserving it ; God overthrew all the Inhabitants of Sodom , and that which grew upon the ground of it , but God has preserved the Inhabitants of London and much of their riches to be a seed of succession and a door of hope to its future restauration . God petrified Lot's wifes body as a standing monument of his wrath upon her , but for looking back upon Sodom whence she was delivered , with commiseration of it and wish of better fortune to it , but God has delivered the inhabitants of London to look to London with pity and to praise him for their deliverance , and they wish its re-edifying , I hope , without sin , and will set on to build it , I hope , without interruption . Lastly , Sodoms judgement is termed Eternal fire , as if God had made those monstrous sinners , who turned the glory of God into shame , to have a Hell both here and hereafter , unusual sinners punished with unusual judgements ; But Londons doom , I hope , is not such , for God has given its inhabitants the spirit of grace and of supplication , and though they have ashes for beauty , and the spirit of heaviness for the garment of salvation , yet are they submissive to God , and accepters of his correction , and abiders by it till he release them from it . And hence it is ( Sir ) that I conclude since London was that City when it was fired that had a people and thousands of them that feared God sincerely ; if in any part of the world God had a chosen generation , and a people nigh unto him , the judgement of fire sent upon it was not miraculous and extraordinary as those fires we read consumed the Sacrifice on the Altar , 9 , 10. of Levit. or that which consumed the Flesh upon the Altar upon Elias his Prayer , or that which destroyed the Souldiers , sent to apprehend Elias , or that which consumed Solomon's Sacrifice , 1 Chron. chap. 8. all which with other the like Fires in Scripture was by Lightning , fire darted from Heaven upon them , and prevalent beyond all natural operation and activity seperated from the addition of Gods penall power in it , no such Fire I humbly conceive was this , but that Fire which the providence of God suffered to fall out by the mediation of concurring circumstances specifique to that Issue and productive of the consequences of it . Yet Secondly I humbly also conceive this Fire of desolation , not to be barely natural , but to be signal of something supernatural , for Gods not exerting his power to hinder it , is the tacite commissioning of nature to express its utmost of active evil , that is , of penal truculency , which only is mitigated and asswaged by God , who says to the Sea , hitherto shalt thou go , and to the Plague , Sword , Famine , Fire , beyond this bound yee shall not pass . Which considered , there may several particulars be mentioned which might subserve to this ruine ; As first the general and malicious conjunctions of enemies ab●o●d who knowing London the Governments Epitome , the Copy from the life of this Empires Majesty , the second Throne of Rega● Glory , the readiest and most certain supply of all necessaries for Offence or Defence , the great Sanctury of Protestantisme , the almost all of Great Britain , this so combined in London to her Soveraigns lustre , the Nations supply , and her opposites disappointment , might rationally originate evill thoughts against her , and thence evil practises upon her , and as the chief and most fatal to her this of Fire ; which as it hastneth the spoil , so both terrifieth the inhabitants , and gives rise through the suddenness of its confusion to any discontented numbers in her , whose designs being tenebrious , and their Partizans lewd and desperate , can have no sitter an opportunity to act a Sicilian Vespers , or a Parisian Massacre in , then in that mist and fog of danger and inconsideration , wherein every ones particular concern becomes a neglect of the publick , and the Nerves , Sinews , and Arteries of Governments contexture become shrivelled ●p , and by reason of their violent Convulsions , incorrespondent to their general designment ; This wa● one of those evils that might have made , and probably was designed to make the time of the Fire more fatal than God in goodness suffered it to prove ; for since contemptor propriae vitae Magister tuae is a true rule , and it is riveted in the corrupt nature of man to revenge injuries by destruction of the Soul , body , substance and being of enemies , and mens ambitions are most keen in exploits for their Countreys , to cause good to which , a Great spirit would not only beg off a believed curse , as that Venetian Senator did the Popes interdiction of Venice , with a Rope about his neck , lying like a dog at the Popes feet , and not being to be drawn thence till he obtained it , but with Codrus dye to obtain his Countreps liberty , I say considering that policy tempts power to scruple little , that is , its advantage , and that where ever there is mony to give , there will be service to exchange for it , be the fact as horrid and sanguinary as that of Faux or any like it ; and considering that no mischief done us can amount to any thing like this to London , it is not improbable but that this Fire might be first kindled in the revenge , and then lighted further by the hands of miscreants hired thereunto ; for did not Herostratus a base Fellow , purely to have a name for villany , set on fire the famous Temple of Ephesus , the worlds wonder ? &c. Did not Iudas the Gaulomite , and Sadoc the Pharisee , with his lewd comorades , set on fire the Temple of Ierusalem ? And a single Souldier of Vespasian's burn a second time the Temple at Ierusalem contrary to Vespasian's mind , and though he came with Souldiers to quench it , yet the Souldiers continued it burning that they might come at the Gold which they believed it full of ; and if this hath been the course of other things , why should we not consider that what has been may be , and what is to London so dreadful , may as probably be the effect of such malignant counsels as ever ruled heretofore to prodigies , if not parallel to , yet second to this ; I see no cause not to suspect it now , when this which is probable enough to be the wisdom of the children of this world , shall be confirmed by confessions of parties , agents , by depositions of confederacies , threats , preparations and agitations by persons banished the land , or capital offenders for being in the land , when notwithstanding the Laws penal in force against them , they shall abide and be in the very face of power , and glory in the confusions that by Parties and Fire they have made , There is just cause to fear there be many Michalls amongst us . And let us ( in Blessed King James his words ) rejoyce and praise God for the discovery of them , assuring our selves they were never of us , accounting all them to be against us , that either rejoyce at the prosperity of our enemies , or rejoyce not with us at our miraculous deliverance , and let us also diligently and warily try out those crafty Michalls , for it is in that respect that Christ recommends unto us the wisdom of Serpents , not thereby to deceive and betray others , no , God forbid , but to arm us against the deceit and treason of Hypocrites that go about to trap us ▪ Thus that Solomon of his time wrote , adding his weighty reason , That these Meditations of mine may after my death remain to the posterity , as a certain testimony of my upright and honest meaning in this so weighty a cause ; from which I collect this positively , that not to be prudently zealous , and politickly severe to men of bloody and active principles , who are by the Breves of their holy Father commanded not to take The Oath of Allegiance , because this Oath cannot be taken with safety of the Catholick Faith , and of their souls health , since it containeth many things that are plainly and directly contrary to their Faith and and Salvation ; and who embrace this as Divine Canon , which I do not believe all Romanists do , whom Secretary Wallsington styled Papists of softnesse and conscience , though the Jesuited sort , Papists of Faction undoubtedly do ; I say , not to take notice of these dangers is much a blemish to the integrity of Reformed Religion in the hearts of those that are guilty of it , which to clear themselves from , as of old there has been prudent regard to those Engineers of disturbance , who to relieve their Religion from Captivity as they pretend , have in the days of Queen Elizabeth and King Iames , Princes of Eternal memory , raised invasions and conspiracies , and of latter days have carryed them on , hanging forth Pirats colours to suppress true men till they displayed a Papal interest under the Vizzard of a popular Reformation ; which though it were by wise men perceived , yet was permitted by God to punish our too much favour to them , who do not only maintain Parracides and Rebellions ; some of which the Raign of Hen. 8. shews , who was a Prince of their own perswasions , though he opposed the Popes power over him , for which many of his Popish Subjects opposed him , ( though they paid dear for it , ) as still many such would do if they had power ; and if the maximes of their State Fathers the Iesuites had , that power with them that heretofore they had ; for though it must be acknowledged , many of the English Romanists are and may be good Subjects , because they have and will I hope take the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy without Papal dispensation or mental reservation , which declares their fidelity to the Crown and Government ; yet are there many that are so far from so doing ( because they are taught that salvis principiis they cannot do it ) that they will rather hazzard any thing than do it ; and I am contented they that will not do it , should rather hazzard their any thing , then the Kings and our All. As I say these preliminations ushered in Laws of purgation , prevention and punishment heretofore to be made , so do they upon presumptions of equivalent prudence prompting thereunto , solicite and warrant the revival of those laws vigours , Now in this nick of time wherein the Gangreen of enmity against Englands glory , and its Empires prosperity , is so combined against ; And I bless God and the Great King and Parliament of England now sitting , for their vigilance and zeal in this provision lately concluded against the evil instruments , and evil effects of such disloyalty as the Iesuited Engineers have raised against us , not only that of Wars , ( which their Campanella has long since counselled to and is now brought about , ) but also all other ways of subjecting this Crown and Subjects to their Catholick Tyranny , which ( not only that Anonymus author Revelatio consillii Tridertini set forth in French , and then suppressed , though since about 1620. printed in Latine , has made good by irrefragable instances , which I here would have set down verbatim , had not my copy with other things of mine been burned in Syon Colledge , ) but many other Authors have given us severalties , which summed up together , makes out such secret Policies & bloody Practises , tending to the like funest issues : Witness the boast of the Duke of Alva a little before his death , that he had caused neer 18000. persons to be under the Executioner for several sorts of punishment for Religion sake : Witness that speech of Phillip the Second of Spain , that he had rather lose all his Provinces than seem to grant or favour any thing which might be prejudicial to the Catholick Religion ; so in the pacification of Colen , Anno 1580. the Spanish Ministers of State declared openly that the Protestants would be well served if they were stripped of all their goods and forced to go seek new Countreys like Iews and Egyptians , who wander up and down like Rogues and Vagabonds : Witness that boast of Cardinal Granuellanus , who was wont to say , that he would reduce the Catholick Religion in all places , though 100000. men were to be burned in an hour ; and reported it is , that in less then 30. years the Spanish Inquisition did consume by various torments and sundry kinds of death 150000. yea , so hateful is any thing of Reformed Religion to them , that not only doth a man of note of their Church blame Charles the fifth Emperor for keeping his word with Luther , which he says he kept vanum clementiae famam aucupans , affecting the vain fame of clemency , and that which reason of State ought to have excused him from ; but if , says he , he did well in such a punctilio , yet post in domuitione illum eundem opprimere debuisset atque principes Protestantes jam suppressos prorsus extinguere ; That is , when he was upon his return home he ought to have surprised him , and utterly extinguished all the Protestant Princes he had power over : And , if I am not mis-informed , it was disputed amongst the Inquisitors , whether the bones of Charles the fifth were not to be digged up and burned , because before his death he seemed to be inclined to the opinion , That man is only saved through faith in Christ. Yea , that Learned and Good Son , of a Matchless Father , Dr. Du Mouliu , evidences the kindness and charity of Jesuited Romanists to consist in no better fruits of piety to us , than to censure the Protestant Reformers ( Soveraign Princes and their Loyal Subjects ) and the Reformation it self ( though done by their authority ) guilty of Rebellion and High Treason , calling it the new Gospel , Iustifies Mariana and the Iesuites against those that object to them their Doctrine of King killing , cryes down Protestants as persons not to be trusted with the Government of the State , or suffered to live in any Common-wealth ; bestows upon them the most odious terms that he could devise , Traytors , Diabolical , Cockatrices , Infernal Spirits , and such wilde terms . And yet while that Author reviles the Religion that our Gracious King , his Loyal Parliament and Subjects are of , and inveighs against them as unworthy the trust of Government , he has the impudence to style himself Philanax Anglicus . And King Iames of blessed memory has long ago charged it as an abuse of his Lenity , that though he had honoured many Papists with Knighthood , that they were known and open Recusants , though he did indisserently give audience and access to both sides bestowing equally all Favours and Honours on both professions , all Ranks and Degrees of Papists , had free and continual access in his Court and Company , that he frankly and freely did free Recusants of their ordinary payments , and gave out of his own mouth strait order to spare the execution of all Priests , notwithstanding their conviction , joyning thereunto a gracious Proclamation whereby all Priests that were at liberty and not taken , might go out of the Country by such a day : This general pardon having been extended to all convicted Priests in Prison , whereupon they were set at liberty as good Subjects , and all Priests that were taken after , sent over and set at liberty there ; notwithstanding all his Royal clemency , beyond which so zealous a Protestant Prince as he was , could not warrantably go ; the good Kings charge on the Papists was such , that not only the Papists themselves , grew to that height of pride , in confidence of my mildness , that they did directly expect , and assuredly promise to themselves Liberty of Conscience and Equality with other of my Subjects in all things ; but even a number of the best and faithfullest of my said Subjects were cast in great fear and amazement of my course and proceedings , ever prognosticating , and justly suspecting that sowre fruits to come of it , which shewed it self clearly in the Powder Treason : Thus the King. If I say the confidence and enmity of the Jesuited confederacy be such , when the power of the Nation is ( blessed be God ) not theirs , nor the hundredth man in the Nation theirs , and when they have all the favour Subjects that are sober and conformable to Law can have or be happy with ; what would the courtesie of England be less then Banishment , Fire , Faggot and Slaughter , if they were in power and had their will , and if their devices were not by the boast , braving , and appearing of their activity , taken notice of , and the Nation thereby remembred , that danger is designed by those homines novae fectae & malefica superstitionis qui republicam turbabant , as the words of the arrest of the French Parliament for expulsion of the Jesuites are ? with which the Statute of * 27. Eliz. c. 2. consents , when it declares them to be sent , as hath appeared by sundry of their own confessions and examinations , as by divers other manifest means and proofs , not only to withdraw her Majesties Subjects from their due obedience to Her Majesty , but also to stir up and move Sedition , Rebellion and Hostility ! All which suggestions ( Sir ) laid together amount to this , that probable it may be , that the Fire in London might be the effect of desperate designs and complotments from abroad , shrowded under and seconded by some male-contents at home , because it seems to me of such consequences to Forraign purposes , not only by becoming an opportunity for commotion , and the dreadful consequences of it ( had not God in mercy restrained them ) but also by retarding the supplies of men , mony , and all other necessaries for peace and war , which thence are best readiest , and in fuller proportion served than from the greatest part of the Nation besides , and if suppliable elsewhere , yet with more charge , more difficulty , less constantly , less plenarily . Which has ever kept up the honour and influence of London ; for had it not been for the River of Thames , and the portability of that which it brings up to the Keyes of London , which drew and kept together . Trade , and t●ereby plenty of men and mony , London would not have been so deservedly accounted the Chamber of her Kings , the Seat of their Government , the Mart of the Nations Trade , the Magazine of the Nations wealth , for enemies and enviers she has ever had more than many , and those of the great men , some of whom have had the face to court their Daughters , and with their portions to redeem their Lands mortgaged , and to inherit more by them , yet forgot the gratitude they owe and ought to pay to their Fathers , made what they are in London ; yea , London has ever had more rough and opprobrious scorns cast upon her by the issues of Citizens , grown men of Country Fortunes got in London , then by any more noble Country Gentleman : Which considered , if London were not such a useful part of England , as the heart is in the body , it would not have been of such import as it was ; but such it being , it must by a parity of reason become the mark of this Kingdoms enemies malice for so being , and thence must follow unavoidably , that all designs of ruine and diminution are formed and executed against her , for her so being . Thus ( Sir ) it may be probable the instigation to it was from abroad : Nor Secondly , can it be denied but that it may be furthered from a party at home , who being mixed , partly constituted of men differing in main points of Religion and of dangerous principles in Civil Policy , and of men loose in Life and indigent of Fortune , may both rejoyce in , and be helpers forward of the doom of London , which while Loyal and under due Obedience to lawful Government they look upon as the only check to their exorbitancy , and the only probable ballance to their mutinous preponderations ? for though I well know they do not all agree in first principles , yet may they conjoyn in the design of rendring their opposites , ( as they account all men who are for legal settlements , & subject-like demeanour ) less potent , and their enmity less formidable , which makes the case of London more deplorable ▪ in that it had not only a contest with the Fire to quench it , but also with the virulent vulgar , and the deboshed libertines nessed in her , whose necessities and vices as they pinch them , so will they provoke them to any destructive course in supplement to them . For London , as all other promisouous aggregations of men , having vast Suburbs , and ( those inhabited by multitudes of men , and those under a loose Shire Government , and many of those single Persons , Gamesters , and others of shuffling life , or married persons , full of charge and poverty , ) undergoes a great danger from those insolent and needy numbers , who if not restrained by strong Watches , and Trained bands ready upon all summons , and hindred rise or conjunction by vigilant Officers , and Popular readiness to seize upon Insurrectors , would undoubtedly upon any general and amazing contingent , become vexatious and bloudy , which being the apprehension of Government has caused it in all times of fear to survey the Out-parts , and take account of all Inmates , requiring the Inhabitants to be responsible for them , and upon survey of their number about 1647. I remember the number of them who lived in the Out-parts and were independent on Government , as to their charge to or in it , was said to be many thousands . And how dangerous these added to the other poor members of Parishes and Masters of Sheds and Houses are , is easie to be judged and has been found by sad experience in the Fire , the loss of which was much in the Goods imbezzelled , and the Thefts committed by them upon pretence of helping forth goods and hindring the approaching Fire , as well as in the actual consuming by the Fire , ( the houses only excepted , ) and probably those in a good part had been saved , had they restrained their hands from theft , and imployed them to master the Fire , by handing water , pulling down houses , ridding away materials mingled with the Fire , and observing the commands of provident and knowing leaders in that ( so imployed ) saving service . But their design being not what wontedly ( though stealing has been ever in fashion in those cases ) so much to stay the Fire and aid the sufferers and their neighbours , yea , and the whole City which ought to be concerned in the misery of any part of it , as to prog for themselves , and to pilfer from them whom the Fire sufficiently threatned , and at last preyed upon ; the Fire had no impediment from their labour , nor the removers any benefit by their fidelity , but they either valued their labour so high that no losers purse could well reach to it , ( by reason of which some ordinary House-keepers were put to 40. pound charge but to remove from the Fire , and some few of the more stored sort as I have been informed at neer 400. pound , ) or accepted ingagement , that under pretence of it they might colour and act their designed falshood ; for though many there were that gave and could give great rates for honest Carts and Labourers , yet others there were that could not reach it , monies being not so flush with them , nor they so stored with it on Saturday nights , men then paying out all on Saturdays their pay day ; and those who had thus drayned themselves were certainly put to great straits , being either forced to give one part to carry away the rest , or to leave all to the fire ; the mercies of which was cruelty to all that it came neer ; the flight from which gave opportunity to mis-carriage of thousands of pounds worth of goods , and to many thefts of goods lodged in open places , Fields and others for present riddance out of danger and hoped for security from it , which as it frowardly proved , became a removal out of the danger of Fire , into the Den of Thieves ; so that indeed in some sense , the City , that rich and glorious seat of Merchants and other Tradesmen , who were as those of Tyre are said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Honourable of the Earth , Members of the Crowning City , which imployed the Nations younger Brothers and Sisters , and restored them in their posterities , of elder Brothers Fortunes and Honours . The City , that I think I may say was one of the wonders of the world , if Pope Innocent the fourth were a competent judge , who desired not with Moses to see Gods glory , but to see with Satan the World and the glory of it , summed together in the riches of London , and the rarities at Westminster ; this riches in some degree , and the subsistance of the inhabitants thereof , was as well devoured by the Suburbian thieves , and by the Countreys extortion for their Carts and conveniencies , as by the Fire ; all which had their respective share in laying load upon Londons broken back , and upon the general distraction of , and in it . Which I note , not to lay an Imputation upon all assistants , either as Labourers or as Carts ; for some , and many I hope , and know by relation , to have been very honest and reasonable , but into those honest and happy hands God knows many of my goods fell not , nor the goods of thousands more , but into the hands of those Harpyes that devoured all they took , and cryed Give give , never to return again ; whereupon the argument must stand good , that the riches of London being only the posessors during the vigour of Laws and the ability of the Magistrate to circumspect every part of his charge , all disability of thine so to do , and so this distraction of the Fire must demolish the wall of seperation , and draw a line of level to whatever industry and villany during that rage will prey upon . For as Inter arma silent leges , so inter flammas cessat proprietas , and in such case Occupancy is judged by men unconscionable the best title , and the after Proclamations may endevour , return and threaten detension of goods so unjustly gotten , and some out of honesty , and othes out of fear may return some parts , and others out of envy to those that have more than they may disclose things that by these means may come to the owners hands ; yet notwithstanding all these , there will not be thetenth of the goods restored that were carried away purely in theft ; so great and effectual a temptation is opportunity , to need where it is not restrayned by conscience , nay in this harrass of Fire , and that so generally absorptive of the City , then there is somewhat towards authorizing a scruple of conscience , and absolving persons from the guilt of theft ; In that what they took being in a kind of Landwreck , wherein no body owned goods , and they deserted and left to the Fire , must have been consumed ; better they were taken away by any to whom they would do good , then consumed by the Fire which does nothing but hurt . And if they will now part with their dubious titles upon reasonable terms , they that took away goods in a sort wrongfully , will prove themselves preservers not raptors , which I in a great measure distrusting , do conclude that though the Fire in London might not come , yet it might be negatively continued from those needy numbers who fish in troubled waters , being like the vultures in publico malo falcies , carrying more from two or three dayes such disorder , then they will by labour or patrimony get or save to themselves all their lives . There is a story in Iosephus of the Fire in Antioch which consumed the four square Market-place , the publick place where all Writings and Registers were kept , as also the Kings Houses ; which Fire so increased that it threatned firing the whole City ; Antiochus accused the Jews to be the incendiaries , and all the Jews were like to be slain upon the suspition and bruit of it ; but Collega appeasing the people , and further inquiring into the matter , found the Jews wholly innocent , but certain inpious people had done this being imdebted , thinking that when they had burned the Market places , and the publick writings , that then their debts could not be required at their hands . And though if men thought seriously upon the judgements of God on such evill works and ways , such gains would prove but like the hire of a Harlot , or like the wedge of Achan , or the Babylonish garment , a curse to them and theirs , yet posession being nine points of ten of the Law to them , the advantage they in present ( for further they look not ) have by it , carries them out to withdraw assistance from hindring its progress , which by their manual labour they might probably have done ; so that though what has been written is intended to satisfie so full as it can , You ( Sir ) and all that read this , from concluding this to be from a supernatural cause , that is from Fire darted upon it from Heaven ; yet does it not , nor can it in the least drive at making it a bare accident and a nude casualty , but a just and severe judgement of God upon the place and nation , auxiliated and perfected by concurrence of circumstances , benign to , and corresponding with a vastative event ; nor is any evill of punishments on Cities , or Men , or Nations , but from God concurring with it , and exciting and carrying forth instruments to the accomplishing of it , a The deliverance from the captivity of Aegypt , The raising of the Syrians against Israel , The defection b of the ten Tribes from Rehoboam , The c captivity into Babylon , The desolation d of Ierusalem by Vespasian , The afflictions of e David from his childrens lust and insolency , the misery f of Iob from Satans inrode upon him and his , The storm g upon Ionah for his disobedience , The temptation of h Peter for his self-confidence , The thorn i in the s●esh for Saint Pauls elevation ; The persecution of the Primitive Martyrs , which were the Churches Spawn , The Translations of Empires , The advance and reducements of families , The Marches and Counter-marches of men and things out of one posture into another , all these are circumacted by God imploying instruments of his in the managery of them . Thus though by good and evil spirits God leads about the world and all in it , bringing them into the mold and method of his own good pleasure both of wisdom and power ; yet are these instruments so purely passive compared to God , that they are drowned in his omnipotence , whose vassals and visible puppets of agency they only are , nor are men to respect them but as bubbles raised up and flatted , as God the Master-builder of them , informs or deserts them . Which rectified notion proves a just medium of expediency to those equally boystrous extremes of seduced man , who on the one side will have this judgement miraculous and Fire from Heaven without any natural assistance , Gods finger heavier than all the loyns of nature ; or on the other side ascribe it so to second causes , that they will allow no more judgement of God in it , than that which accompanies common casualty ; whereas indeed in this case of London there are so many concurrencies which have their attending cheques ; which possible are to be , but actually , were not improved in remedy that the prevalence of the Fire against , and in despight of those wonted prudences , and usual resistances , and the Latitude of effects , seconding such a neglect of impeding means , where so well understood , and so dexterously at other times practised ; this I say duely and impartially considered must evince some more than ordinary concurrence of God to arm and enable those arising pimples to such a general distemper and mortification . And I pray God that this judgement that has thus begun at the House of God ( For such I dare account London ) let prophane and superstitious defamers of it say what they please ( God had more marked ones for Mourners over and livers against the abominations done in the Land , in London , then I believe in a great part of the Nation beside ) may stay there , and not proceed to those that are yet preserved who are no more righteous than their ruined neighbours ; Which the Lord of mercy grant for his Sons sake . Having thus ( Sir ) made way to the more Historical part of this Narrative , which falls in properly with the circumstances of co-operation with the Fire , whereby it unhappily as to man , though happily as to God propagating his power by it ) prevailed against the City , I come to the particularization of such instances as were by wise men observed Fautive of its progress and conclusion . And the first circumstance notable in it is that of the time when it began , which was ominous as it was about 3. of the clock on a Sunday morning , a time when most persons , especially the poorer sort , were but newly in bed , and in their first dead sleep ; for Saturday being the conclusion of the weeks labour , and the day of receipts and payments , the markets last not then only all the day , but some part of the night , especially in Butcheries , and too often in Ale-houses , the Poors pockets then stored with mony overflowing mostly that way : And thence might the Fire get a more than ordinary rooting , from the leisure of its burning before it met with checque or suppression ; Yea , and when it was discovered , the usuall custom being to lye longest in bed on Sunday might make men more indulge their ease , and remit their early stirring and wonted vigour , than otherwise they would and besides this , amazements in the night are most terrifying to men even of courage , whom the dangers of the day are not at all discomforting to , because known and distinguished to be what they are by them ; whereupon in that it pleased God to permit it then to break forth , it was not without intimation of some displeasure ; For usually it is with God to make dayes , places , and persons , peculiarly and devotedly his the instances of his eminent and wasting judgements , thus he is said in commissionating judgements to begin at his Sanctuary , to give his beloved into the enemies hand , to tread the Daughter of Judah in a Wine-press , to make Shiloh the mark of his anger , to abhorre his people , and to hate Sacrifices , and to cause the Sabbath to cease from a La●d , to cast down the Prince and the Priests his own Vicegerents , to make Jerusalem a hissing and an astonishment , and to give up his Temple and people into the spoil of the Nations , to suffer the Bloud of Iesus that speaks better things than did the bloud of Abel , to be the bloud of execration and indictment against them , who cryed out , Let him be crucified . These things thus by God ordered , and the method of his ordinary providence , inverted , and corrosion coming into the room of Balsamittiqueness ; this ruling of Wine into Vinegar , and of Oyl into Aqua Fortis , ( as I may say ) argues God highly incensed , and resolved upon destruction and vengeance . For some provocation unnatural , unusual , persisted in with obstinacy and in opposition to , and despight of the meanes and motions of ●eclaimer ; And applicable hereunto seems Londons case , as to the time , to be suitable , for did he not God make His holy day of Rest , a day of labour and disquiet ? did he not cause the Church to be thin of people to pray to him and hear his Word from him ? did he not cast off the care of his Sanctuaries and Ministers , and give them and theirs up as a prey to the Fire ? because many of the people would not be present at their Churches according to the Law ; nor many of the Ministers spiritually expend themselves , but according to the law of man , has not God dis-parished and scattered them , Priest from people , & Neighbour from Neighbour ? Indeed ( Sir ) these things are to me observable , and that God who is a God of Peace and a God of Order , should bring distraction and disorder upon a City Regular and Religious , upon his own day , and in the morn of it , to anticipate as it were , their conventions of expiation , and to avocate them from the use of a probable and prescribed remedy , argues indignation : For Gods promise to Solomon as a Type of Christ was , If my people that call upon my name , shall humble themselves and seek my face , and turn from their evil way , then will I hear in Heaven , my dwelling place , and have mercy and heal their I and ▪ For I have chosen this place to my self for an house of Sacrifice ; yet God seemed to walk contrary to his people of London in this , for he drew them as it were off from the remedy , that his hands being loosened , he might punish and not be prevailed with to pardon , which aversion of Gods from being intreated , imponderates the judgement with a weightier note of Gods displeasure , which the pensive Prophet Ieremiah rehearseth to this sense , The Lord saith he hath swallowed up all the habitations of Iacob , and hath not pitied , he hath thrown down in his wrath the strong holds of the Daughter of Iudah , he hath brought them down to the ground , he hath polluted the Kingdom and the Princes thereof . This , this , is that which is not ordinary , that God began the Fire of his wrath on the day of his rest and solemn worship , and ( with reverence be it utter'd ) prophaned his Sabbath , which he commanded to be sanctifyed ; as if the sins of the Nation punished in London , the head and heart of it were such as had procured a violation of all the methods of kindness and paternal goodness , whereby God wontedly corresponded with us , and as if he had recalled his former condescension , and would be in Covenant with us , and a Patron to us no longer ; This advantage given the passers by to clap their hands to hiss and wag their head at London , saying , Is this the City that men call the perfection of Beauty , the joy of the whole earth ; This , this , brought upon London , upon a Lords day , wherein were more Sanctifyers of his Holy day and Name , than in most of the Nation besides , gives the judgement a tincture , nay , a deep woad of intense displeasure , He that commands , we shall not do our own works , nor think our own thoughts upon that day , would not himself have set a foot this work , this strange work , upon that day , nor have thought thoughts of ruine to a populous and ancient City , called upon by him , on that Holy day : But that the Notation of the day might lesson us displeasure extraordinary . Which I mention not to comply with any party whose constructions of Gods meaning are calculated to the Meridian of their interest , which has couched in it a secret reak of enmity to their opposites , and of applause of themselves , such as are on the one hand the outed party , who expound it to be for their ejection , or the other party , who averr it to be a punishment of Phanaticism , which they will have favoured and advanced by London , or of that proud party who will have it sent for the pride of London , who because the Citizens in it thrive and provide well for their Wifes , Children , and Relations , are accounted proud in their suitable livings to their births , and Gods blessing upon their industry and thrift , or of that prophane party who will intrude their loose sentiments into Gods counsel , and confirm themselves in their libertinism , to live , and speak as they list , because they see themselves delivered , when the Precisians of London ( as they deridingly , and perhaps sinfully call them ) are plagued and punished by Fire ; I say not to dance after these mistaken Pipes whose notes are besides Gods Gammuth . All that I see or dare believe inscribed by God upon the judgement is , that the sin of the Nation , punished by War and Plague last year , and yet unrepented of , is further prosecuted by God , thorough the sides and heart of the chief Corporation and Master-City of this Island , London , whose burning is the Herald of God to the Nation , calling it to view its remaining doom upon its persisted impenitence ; For as they were not the greatest sinners on whom the Tower of Siloam fell , so were they the greatest sinners in England on whom the Fire of London fell , and whose Fortunes and habitations it has levelled ; but except we punished , and others yet priviledged therefrom , repent , we shall all , and altogether perish . The next remarkable circumstance in this Fire , was that of Place wherein it first began , which was Pudding-lane , a place so called , but from some eminent seller or sellers of Puddings living of old there , it being usual to take denomination of Lanes and Streets , not only from mens names , chief owners of , and dwellers in them , but from some other accidents from whence they are denominated ; thus as the Lord Baynard , Lord of Baynards Castle , gave name to Castle Baynards Ward , and Sir Iohn Basing to Basing-hall Ward ; so streets have been called according to several occasions , as Lothbury , because Founders and Brasiers living therein , made every one Loth the Street for the noise ; Bread-street , Milk-street , Wood-street , Candlewick-street , and infinite others were called from the Bakers , Milk-women , Wood-buildings , and Chandlers that in quantity dwelt there , which is evident in the Survey of London , so is this Pudding-lane called ; For that Lane bordering upon Thames-street and Billings-gate , where people of labour and poor condition ply , and are early in the morning , and late at night , when the Tyde serves to bring up Fishermen , Passengers , and other Boats and Portages ; the vicinity of such a good house as they call them , wherein Pudding , the general beloved dish of English men was sold , might reasonably bring the place in request , and thence give denomination to the corner wherein the seller lived . This little pittyful Lane , crowded in behind little East-cheap on the West , St. Buttolphs-lane on the East , and Thames-street on the South of it , was the place where the Fire originated , and that forwarded by a Bakers stack of wood in the house , and by all the neighbouring houses , which were as so many matches to kindle and carry it on to its havock ; thus the Fire meeting with the Star Inn on Fish-street-hill on the back of it , and that Inn full of Hay , and other combustibles , and with the houses opposite to it , and closed with it at the top , burned three ways at once , into Thames-street , ( the lodge of all combustibles , Oyl , Hemp , Flax , Pitch , Tar , Cordage , Hops , Wines , Brandies , and other materials favourable to Fire ; all heavy goods being ware-housed there neer the water side , and all the wharfs for Coale , Timber , Wood , &c. being in a line consumed by it ) unto Fish-street-hill , till it met the other Fire at the Bridge , to the Interval of Building , and to Butolphs-lane into Mark-lane in Tower-street ; and in all this Savage progress met with no opposition from Engines or other Artifices ; because it was impossible in such a strait , and in such a rage of Fire , they should be serviceable ; for if all the Engineers of mischief would have compacted the irremedyable Burning of London , they could not have laid the Scene of their fatal contrivance more desperately , to a probable success than there where it was , where narrow Streets , old Buildings all of Timber , all contiguous each to other , all stuffed with aliment for the Fire , all in the very heart of the Trade and Wealth of the City ; these all concentring in this place , put a great share of the mischief upon the choice of the place . And hence there may be a more than ordinary argument , that this choice was not a thing of accident but contrivance , and meditation for some time , If it were by the Instrumentality of Man only permitted by God , for so was the Plot by Mendoza as Throgmorton and Parry confessed : So was the Vault under the Parliament House , in the case of the intended Powder ruine by Faux , great enterprises alwayes requiring grave perpendment of the method , by inspection , circumspection , and retrospection , before they be reduced into act ; forasmuch as in the defect of due adjustments and prudent libration of what weight they will and will not beare , suitable whereunto must every particle of the composure be framed and disposed , not only the whole Fabrick sinks and proves effete , but the actors in it , and the well wishers to it , prove ridiculous , if not ruined , which causes that axiom to be so acclamated among Politicians , Deliberandum est diu quod constituendum est semel ; nor do wise men and fools differ in any thing more than in those specifique actions which are denominative of them , fools running hand over head , and wisemen going fair and softly , surely though slowly ; and probable it is that the many forraign minded and addicted subtilists amongst us , adjuuated by the needy miscreants and desperadoes at home , might do much to the production of this Centaure , which so speedily devoured more houses of State and Residence , and more wealth and value in Merchandizes , and other better things , than many years wars could spend , or many years labour can get ; yea , the victory of any thing beneath an Indies will be but a ten groats composition , for a 20 s. lost . And if God , who knows all things , and whose infinite wisdom is past finding out , or hiding from , stirred up evil men to act his counsell to punish England by London this way , that should need ( as it were ) no second to it , then we have all great cause to take off our thoughts from evill instruments , men ; and place them penitently upon evil Sin , for which Gods thoughts are upon us for evil , and not for good , and we have just ground to bemoane our ways and doings which have not been right before God ; for the punishment whereof he sends such sweeping and unchecqued judgements , such as a Fire is , which has no ears to hear the cryes of the sick , weak , aged , lame , who are in danger to perish , by not being able to remove themselves from it , nor happy in being tendred by others who will in that disorder pity them ; nor eyes to see the cryes and moans of those Widdows , Orphans , and spoyled Creatures , whose tears are Orators potent enough to prevail with any thing but its inexorability , When God gives the inhabitations of London for Fuel to the Fire , when he sets his face against them , that they shall go out from one fire , and another fire shall devour them then this had , 't is sad . And this was the case of London , the fire removed from in one place followto another , yea , sundry there were that removed two or three times , yet lost at last , and that not only by evil instruments who forfeited their trust and took advantage of the confusion incumbent on all men , but by the very Fire which broke in , like waves of the Sea , and raged like a Beare , robbed of her Whelps , untill it had executed its errand , and made that predicable of London which Florus writes of Samnium , so destroyed by Papyrius the Roman Consul , Vt hodie Samnium in ipso Samnio requiratur . So that though the advantage of place was much in this as in other cases , ubi plus valet locus quam virtus , and though there might have been rational and probable anticipations of these conflagrating progresses , yet were they altogether hid from the eyes of those whose interest in comfort and fortune it would have been to have improved them . The third circumstance of furtherance to the Fire was that of the wind , which was not only not still but boysterous , and such as carried it to , not from the City , and turned to fan and blow up the Fire East , West , South , and North , at some time or other during the Fire ; like that judgement God threatned upon Elam , 49 Ier. 36. Vpon Elam will I bring the four Winds from the four quarters of Heaven , and will scatter them toward all these winds , and there shall be no Nation whither the outcast of Elam shall come . So Iosephus sayes , the providence of God turned the Fire the Romans put to the wall of Ierusalem upon the City , by reason of which the Fires natural tendency was carried forth to oblique as well as direct effects of wasting , that is , spread it self this and that way , till it had prevailed every where , spreading it self like an Armys wings first drawn forth , and the main body marching up to it : Which complication of circumstances inductive to and in augmentation of , a mercyless fate , argues this Fire to be no ordinary judgement , but to be sent as an evidence of God incensed , and of sin the meritorious cause of it out of measure sinful . For if the punishment of one single element be dreadful , as the water was to the old world , and the Air is in pestilential infections , and the Earth was when it opened its mouth to swallow up Corah and his company , how dreadfully sinful are those provocations of a land or person That God punishes with double and treble judgements in their judgement ? what vengeance is that like to prove , which has Gods Armies of fire and wind united , when his single army of Insects are enough to destroy Aegypt ? and when his negative hostility is productive of Famine to consume his enemies ? Whom , because they would not serve in the abundance of all things , he will press to serve their enemies , and be ruined by his bringing upon them the want of all things ? And if Ionas his storm at Sea was so dreadful , that he swallowed up in it , is said to call to God out of the belly of Hell , 2 Ionah 2. What a Hell of confusion and torment were the inhabitants of London delivered from when their lives were in the rage of Fire and Wind , and when the Fire carried the noyse of a whirle-wind in it , and was so informed with terrour , that it surprised the eyes and hearts of men with fear , as well as their houses and goods with flame ? So that this wind from the Lord was not a wind like that of Numb . 11. 31. which brought the Israelites quayles , a wind of benignity , nor such a wind as God made to pass over the earth to return the waters into their Trench after they had inundated the earth , and absorped all the gayity of it , Gen. 8. 1. but a wind it was that carried away and rent asunder , by leading on the Fire upon its prey , a wind it was that was commissionated to joyn with the Fire to devour above 2 third parts in the midst of the City , as the phrase is , Ezek. 5. 2. And this is that which in the concurrence of two such potent circumstances renders it more than ordinary as well in the intention of the chief cause as in the operation of the mediate ones . For had God antipathized and severed their conjunction , they had not done that complicated mischief they did , but in that they corresponded each with other , and both performed a savage charge upon London , routing her Beauty , Riches , and being in a great degree , it is not to be doubted but as the instrumental enemies rage is glutted with the booty of his option and designment , ( those that prophesied of its firing before it happen'd , being probably the principal contrivers and furtherers of the firing of it , & those that blew the coals , heated the iron , and made all things ready to further it ) so the Lords anger in permitting such a success was great , and the humiliation , for it ought to be serious and sacred ; for if God made the wind winged , I allude to that passage in Zach. c. 5. v. 9. to proportion the fire to its breadth as well as boisture of fury , if this judgement like that of the Caldaean God speaks of in 1 Hab. 16. must march through the breadth of the City , if the flying rowl of Cursing had its length and its breadth , as the Prophet Zachary has it , 5 ch . v. 1. then this fire and wind in its length and breadth of procedure and subversion , being a great judgment , calls for length and breadth of humiliation before God for it , yea not to be sutably affected for the provokings of sin , is to be deservedly punished once for all ; incorrigibility is next door to final impenitency , the merit of utter subversion . And truly , when to all this it is considered that the Fire burned at some time contrary to the wind , and as it were in opposition of it , and then did as much spoil unto whatsoever it approach●● , & was as unchecquable then as when it had the winds raising and chasing it , then surely there must be great ground to conclude that this wind as well as this Fire come from the Lords anger , and that whatsoever in it was besides the usual import of Fire in a place of so great help and experience to obviate and Master it , was by the precise appointment and commission of God , who does not only Authorize the Sword to do execution upon the world , but imploys Air , Wind , Fire , Water as well as other Creatures to be his Baliffs to Arrest , if not his Devils to ruine them . And if further it be ruminated , that Gods proceeding by pauses , ( which though not very deliberate , compared with fatal protracted ones , yet mild weighed against the method of Gods firing and consuming all in a moment as Sodom was , seems to insinuate that God in this might expect a man or men holy before and accepted with him to stand in the gap , and propitiate ( as it were ) for the City , whereby the Fire might have been forced back and carryed off ) the non appearance of such , whose spirits God touched with holy Charity to Gods cause and their Nations weal , shrewdly insinuates a suspicion that God by removing or suspending the impediments might conclude the formidable issue , that it had , when God not only hides himself from his people that pray , but calls off his peoples devotion from prayer for pardon , that so his wrath may take its full course , and burn so that none can quench it . In such a case Gods expectation being defeated , it is time to sit down under Judgments with confession of our doing wickedly , and justification of Gods righteousness in whatever he has done . The fourth circumstances of aid to the Fire was the drought of the season and the want of water , which had not only prepared the combustible matter for a speedier reception of igneous Attoms and Contacts , but prevented application of remora's and extinguishments , to both wind and fire ; For as showers usually lay winds , so winds abated , usually mitigate fires . Here then was another instance of propagation to this fire , that God suffered it to carry all before it , and to be impeded by nothing specifiquely its check , whereby is argued in a good measure Gods allowance of the quarrel and his conduct of this his artillery of havock , and besom of severity ; God having created all things in proportion to the whole of his design , and placed in nature ballances and repulsives as well as insolencies and pestilences of assaults on harmony , when these repulsives shall be exinfluenced , and their vigour not only be abated , but their contraries prevail and be effectual , then is doom inevitable , and the consequence as fatal as the counsell of it , unsearchable . And this was Poor London's case , God had given us a long brightness of weather , and made every thing so dry , that it was of it self , by the length and efficacy of that exhaustion , in potentia proximâ to fire , and the Springs were so low , and the Engines of raising water so destroyed , that there was no suitable appease to it , applicable , whence it came to pass , that as a Buck that is not able to run must yield and die , and a Vessel that cannot bear steerage and sails , must be surprized and taken , by wanting the conveniencies to flight , and a Souldier that has lost his sword and shield must submit to his Enemies quarter , how manly soever his courage be , so in the defect of those obstacles to fire , it unavoidably must follow that whatever the fire can do it may and will do , for all natural stays being absent , the battel is gained without stroake , and the possession got without so much as challenge . For as in ways of mercy God makes every thing ancillary hereunto , as he suspended the fires consuming in the case of the three Children , and in the bush which burned but consumed not , and as he does in invigorating dry bones , and in making the weak things of his justitution to confront and evict the mighty oppositions of flesh and bloud , as he bears down the daring Monarchs of humane Learning , and precipitates the fiery Sciolists of superstition by the piety , zeal and humility of illiterate men Apostoliz'd and made by him unopposable , God making his little and low Ordinances as the world esteems them , the foolishness of preaching , and the faith of a Crucified and derided Saviour , paramount to all more subtil projects of captivation , because conducted and blessed by him who is all power , wisdom and duration , and therefore can be neither abbreviated or defeated in his volitions and resolves . ( All things working together for the good of his Elect , and his counsel ever standing like Mount Sion which can never be removed . ) As I say in his paths of kindness and obligement to man he predisposes and forecalls severalties to their Randezvous , and draws forth such services from them , as conduces to his own honour and his holy servants security and comfort by them , so in order to judgements does he ripen and forward them by such assistances and proper adjuncts , that the beauty of penal providence is maintainable from them in spight of all artifices of wickedness to Eclipse or cashire it ; Thus when he will destroy a sinner , he hardneth his heart against his fear ; and when he will give Victory to his Armies , he causes a noise of horsemen and Chariots , and drives them away in fear when none pursues them , yea he will and does prove a Terrour to wickedness even in the pleasure of it , as he did in the hand-writing upon the wall to Nebuchadnezzar . What alas signifies Haman's rage , if God deny him favour with Ahasuerus as wontedly , and bring in Ester his Enemy to his supersedal ? What avails Sampson's strength , if God give a key to the secret of it , which resides in its unshavenness ? To what purpose is Achitophel's policy , if God turn it into foolishness and conntermand the aids and co-operations with it , we put all our endeavours and attainments in a broken bag ; if God be not the blessing of them , if he speaks no fiat , folly is the best prognate of our contrivances ; so necessary is Gods allowance and aid , that without it all is abortive and amort . As then when God is in mercy or judgment present , all things are as they are properest to be , so in his absence on either side , there can be no thorow effect of either , for all things observe him , and as when he says Goe they Goe , so when he says recede they depart , as he gives heavenly influences in mercy , so he withdraws them in wrath , he makes the light darkness , and the rain fruitlesness , the suppression , the exaltation , the death , the life of his , manifests to the world what He is ; and when He has famine , pestilence , sword , or any other noyance to charge a man or Nation with , he withholds seasons , showers , salubrity of air , and causes the ●ire of animosity to break out into war , and no endeavour of honourable peace to be offered or accepted , he withdraws remembrance of old leagues and ancient obligements , he casts a veil upon true Christian advantage , and will not render its amability to the view of judgment and impartiality , and he suffers such intricacies to clog breaches once made , that they are reconcileable by no Tertian , nor are they admissive of any expedient beneath that dubious , fatal , and I had almost said uncharitable one , of aut Vincere aut vinci , either get or lose all . And thus God pa●esies the way to his displeasure , in that he drys up the pooles of supply in the wilderness of need , and as a moth of corrosion in place of a horn of salvation . And if the drought and scantness of water upon a Land , be a judgment , as God testifies it to be , 50 Ier. 38. where he says of the Caldaeans , a drought is upon her waters , and they shall be dryed up , for it is a land of graven Images , and they are mad upon their Idols ; and God is said to call for a drought on the Land upon all things man and beast , Hag. 11. as a token of his displeasure , then to want water when fire burned , and to have the buckets of heaven and the lodges of earth exhaust of water to quench it , ( there being no rain of a long time before the fire , and both the Springs low ; and the Water-works at the Bridge-foot which carryed water into that part of the City burnt down the first day of the fire . ) Thus , thus for it to be was no small judgment , for as it is a mercy to have God a ready help when trouble is near , so is it a judgment to have his creatures denyed when there is most use for them , when their presence is salvi●ique and repulsive , when God gives a stomach to eat and no food to satiate it , When he opens his peoples hearts to pray , and yet hides himself from them , and will not be found of them ; when he that is all plenty becomes a barren wilderness , and he that is all power contracts his arm and will not out-stretch it . When he that commands the Seas , Winds , Fire , and they obey him , raises those Elements by evil instruments , and remands them not into their restraint , but suffers them of servants to become Masters and instruments of spoil and terrour ; This unconcernedness of God , when his great arrows are thus shot forth of his Almighty bow , and fixed in the very hearts of mens delights and recumbencies , so that they see all that was dear to them ruined before them , and they rendred helpless to themselves , can not chuse but be a signal of Gods indignation . And we may conjecture God sends his fire to punish our ●●e , his wind to reward our wind . Levity and zealesness for Reformed Religion , and enmity and uncharitableness in matters of no moment compared to provoking one another to love and to good works , has undone all ; repining against God and against one anotehr has had a notable share in this judgement , and as this puts the charge into Gods Cannon , so has undervaluation of God , ramm'd home the charge to fit it for fataller execution ; in 78 Psal. 21. God had smote the rock and the waters gushed our , and yet the people questioned , Can God give bread in the wilderness ? The Lord , says the Psalmist , heard this , and was wrath , and a fire was kin●led against Iudah and anger also came up against Israel ; And I pray God this late harrass of us by a more than Gottish and Vandallique fire , be not the stroke of some such brutish and unchristian provocation of God , For greater and more express indications of Gods power and goodness has no Nation ever had then we , never any Nation less conformed to the call and mercy of it then we ; Gods Jewels have had their righteous souls vexed amongst us , and they cry out to God as David did , 57 Psal. 4. My soul is among ●yons , and I lye among them that are set on fire , even the sons of men , whose teeth are Spears and Arrows , and their Tongue is a sharp Sword. And may not God , to revenge this offence to his little ones , hang the Milstone of his fury about our necks , and cast us into a Sea of misery , and into the pressure of a helpless condition ? may not he pour out the fury of his anger and the strength of battle ? May not his anger set us on fire round about , and we lay it not to heart though we be burned by it ? as the words of the Prophet from God are , Ier. 42. last . O that this were seriously considered , that it might work a penitential reflexion in us upon our ways and doings , which have not been good ; For which God has both lengthened and strengthened the sphere and activity of the Fire , to inundate things sacred and civil , and to be repulsed from neither the water manageable against it , nor the wind dormant in it , but has been provoked by every thing that might make our guiltness suspect that God having kindled the Fire in our gates , made it unquenchable , till it had left nothing almost further to ruine ! And I pray God it were not a Saboth days punishment , for many Sabbath and Fast days prophanation , 17. Ier. last . This I subjoyn , to shew that where God shews his displeasure he does it by all instruments of advantage to his purpose , not only desolating chief and remarkable places , but by denying all combinations of aid against it , that so the judgement might not so much sip as swallow down its full draught of waste and consumption ; that as he made them all things in perfection , so he may shew us that he can so perfectly destroy them , that the place of their once being , shall be known no more . The fifth circumstance of augmenting it , was that of the choice of place that this Fire was to work its woe upon , the Heart of the City , both for Houses of State , Trade , Charity , publick Magistracy , most of which it took into its Cyclopique arms , and crumbled into ashes , for its burning was from London Bridge to neer the Temple , both upon the Street side and on the bank of the River , its expansion was from a good way low into Fanchurch-street to all the houses that were upon the hilly part of London , Candlewick-street , Gracious-street , Lombard-street , Cornhill , a part of Broad-street , Thred-needle-street , Throgmorton-street , and so up Coleman-street , and so all up to Cripplegate , to Aldersgate , all Newgate-market to Holborn-bridge ; Thus from the East to the West it prostrated Houses , Halls , Chappels , Churches , Monuments ; all which it so flaked and enervated , that it has left few standing walls , stout enough to bear a roof , without new raising or charge of repair equivalent to new building ; which argues the Fire more than ordinarily in earnest , when it was not only not impartial , but not copable with by those Gyants of strength that usually outstand the shock of Fire ; yea , it brought to ashes that Goodly and Generously useful Pile Sion-Colledge , the place of my then comfortable and beloved Residence , whose foundations ( laid by Dr. White and perfected by Mr. Simpson , Twins of precious memory , and the ever to be celebrated benefactors to Londons Clergy , and Religions Increment ) it demolished ; For which I cannot but grieve as much as for mine own great losses both in and out of it , because it was a publick Dedication to God in a good and graceful accommodation to persons of Learning , and aged Poverty ; the former sort of which had access with welcome to its fair and well-furnished Library six hours in the day duely and freely open to all commers , whom the honest and understanding Mr. Spencer , ( the trusty and Aboriginal Librarier , yet living , and yet faithfully attending the remains of the Books , ( for which he deserves to be well rewarded with a fixed Pension during the little restancy of his life ) conscionably and with much diligence and humility attended ; And the latter sort persons of Poverty being twenty of both Sexes chosen Alms-folk into the Colledge , were quarterly relieved out of lands appointed thereunto by our Reverend Founder . This Colledge , I say , not added to ( God knows ) in Lands by any since its Foundations Gifts ( though God has made its Library , a good part of which is preserved , and safely lodged in an upper Gallery by the Favour of the Honorable Government of Sulton's Hospital ) increase by the gifts of pious and charitable Gentlemen , Citizens , and their Widows and Children , as also by good additions from the London Clergy , and by others formerly well addicted to it , amongst whom that Learned Grandaeus long since deceased and now with God , Mr. Walter Travers Bachelour of Divinity , ought as he deserves to be remembred , the greatest Benefactour to it of any Clergy man whatever since the two Reverend Founders : This , this , Beloved Sion so nobly design'd , and so kept up in its Credit and Reputation , till the unhappy dissolution hereof by this Fire , was burned down and ruined ; only the Case of the Library and some of the Gate-piece yet remains , but so shattered that long it cannot stand , nor suddenly is it like to be repaired ; the site of the Colledge lying for three Months since the fire open , many of the Materials embezzelled , too few resenting the detriment that Religion and Learning will receive by the neglect of it , so that the remains within the Freedom that were exempted this fire were only from Leaden-hall to the Barrs without Algate ; from Bishopsgate-street Corner in Cornhil to the Barrs without Bishopsgate , and from Moore-fields first postern Gate along the wall with Broad-street , from the Church up into Bishopsgate-street , from Cripplegate to the Barrs in that Parish , from Aldersgate-street to the Barrs above in that street , and all the compass without the wall , from thence to the end of Cow-lane , and from Holborn Bridge to Holborn Barrs ; these together with the houses , from near Iron-Mongers Hall in Fanchurch-street up to Algate and down Mark-lane , till within near twenty houses of Tower-street end , with Crutched Fryers and the Appendixes thereto , were all that of the Liberties of London were preserved , which I reckon not above the twentyeth part of the City Freedom in quantity , nor the hundereth part of it in value of houses , and all this waste committed by the mercyless flames in four dayes , the speed whereof added to the quality of what it preyed upon , argues the judgment remarkable and past president . For it was wont to be computed amongst the choice mercies of God to London , that it was specially protected from fires , notwithstanding the houses were most of Timber , very contiguous each to other , and had constant and fierce fires kept in the hearths of them night by night , and those later than in any City of the world ; the good Government thereof making the night as safe for Passengers as the day , which gave occasion to more free and more lasting hospitalityes in her then otherwhere are practicable . And yet so has God in all times preserved London , that such a fire as this never before was kindled in her thus to prevail over her . I read indeed of great Fires of old in her , In Anno 764 when many Cities and places were destroyed igne repentino . London , Dunelmensis sayes , was one , and in Anno 798 , London is again storied to be burned , repentino igne cum magna hominum multitudine consumpta . In Anno 982 Temps Ethelred there was a great Fire . In Anno 1087 , Cambden tells us the Spire of S. Pauls was so high ( quae ignem caelestium provocavit ) as his words are that it was set on Fire by Lightning , arsitque non sine Magno totius vrbis damno , in King Stephen's time there was a Fire that began at London Stone , and consumed all unto Aldgate ; Not to mention the smaller Fires which have been many , the damage whereof has returned only upon private persons , These have been the remarkable Fires : yet none of them were such as this , not only because London was not then near what now it was , nor the consumption of it by them proportionable to what it was by this Fire ; which was not a Fire that pick'd and chused , but a Have at all Fire , a Fire that took into its possession 81 Parish Churches , and at least 6 or 7 Chappels , & other Churches answerable to them , amongst which , the famous Cathedral of St. Paul , was one , so incinerating the Glory & Emasculating the vigour and firmness of them , that the standing Walls are ( for the most part ) unable to bear new roofs , the sturdy Supporters of them being enervated , the Monuments in them burnt to powder , the Bells in the Steeples melted , the Vaults under-ground pierced , the Stones of the outside so scaled , as if the Fire was greedy to eat out all firmness in them . Thus God spared not Shiloh in the day of his feirce wrath , but destroyed the Gates of Sion , together with the habitations of Iacob . Add to this , that the Fire reached the very Wombs and Mynes of Charity , the Worshipful Societies of London , to whose honour I dare erect this Trophe , That of all the Societies in England or Europe none excell , if any parallel them in discharge of their Trusts , which they punctually and indispensably do Modo & forma statutis , not transgressing any appointment of the Donors will , except it be in enlargement of his charity as it improves These , that were the maintainers of aged Poor , whom they housed decently , and salaryed competently , These , who were Benefactors to Young men of their Societies , whom , upon security to make good the Principal , they lent hundreds a pounds to persons , upon none , or very small Interest , to begin the world with , by which ( with Gods blessing , ) ●hey grew rich and wealthy in after times . These , that gave out Portions to Maids Marriages , brought up poor Children , fitting them for all Callings ; let good Peny-worths to their Tenants ; hospitably treated Strangers , and their Members at their Halls , allowed comfortable exhibitions to Young Scholars at Universities ; gave Presentations of Livings in City and Country to worthy Clerks ; maintained bravely their Guilds , Common Halls , Servants and Utensils . These , that upon all publique occasions of Triumph , made up the renowned Pomp of Londons Festivals and appearings . These , These , are in a great measure ruined ; Eleven of the Twelve chief Companies Halls ( the goodlyest buildings one with another in any one Town in Christendome ▪ being burnt down , the Furniture and Utensils of some of them wholly lost , besides the spoil done to the 24 Companies , very many of whose Halls and Incomes are likewise destroyed . Amongst which , that of the Company of the Stationers is sad , the Common Stock of which valued re vera at between Twenty and Thirty Thousand pound was imployed to yeild the profit of the Joint Stock to those Old men , Widdows , and others qualified ( according to the Laws of their Society , ) who were allowed respective proportions in the same . None of which exceeding above 360 l. made way for the more accommodation of perticulars , than if they had allowed men to have put in greater Sums ; This so good a security , and so gainful a proceed to many aged Stationers , their Widows and Children , This Dreadful Fire has wholly consumed , and over and above destroyed of the Members of this Society and other Booksellers and Printers in London , near to the value of 150000 l. in Printed Books and Copies , besides the loss of their Common Hall and other Houses and valuable things belonging to them . And if one and but a mean Society , compared to other Societies of the City has thus suffered , what incredible detriment have the Societies joyntly suffered ? How many asking hearts , hungry bellies , bare backs , will this Winter shew us helpless by want of their Charity ? How many impoverished Tenants , how many wandring Pilgrims , outed of Houses , Callings , Acquaintance , has this caused ? Yea how many not only valuable parts of intrinsique wealth , but Writings , Evidences , Charters , ●oyntures , Contracts , Morgages , Bonds , Acquittances , Books of Accompt has this consumed ? It were endless to wade into the confusions hereby made , into Hospitals laid wast , and their Inhabitants , Children , and other aged persons turned out to the cold weather , helpless in themselves because decrepit through Age , or tender by reason of Childhood ; yet uncapable to be helped by others whose hearts prone enough to it , are not seconded by their Purses provided for it , Churches levelled , and their Poor and painful Clerks at once robb'd of their Tithes , and over and above of the charities of those that are now companions with them in Misery & Poverty ; Publick places of Magistratique dispatch bare of all Beauty , and visible only in their deplorable Ruines . The Houses of Hospitable and Wealthy Aldermen , Merchants , and Shop-keepers swept away , and they themselves either fled , or cooped up in some hole of Covert , the Maintenances of Widows , Orphans , and others ill Marryed , brought to nothing , and they by means thereof either forced to beg or to work for a Livelihood , and glad they can get the Bread they and theirs may Eate ; This is that God has done to London . He hath not spared in the day of his fierce wrath , but hath covered the Daughter of London with a cloud in his anger , he hath swallowed up most of the habitations of its Jacob , he hath thrown down the strong hold of the Daughter of England , and hath polluted the Kingdom ; he hath violently taken away his Tabernacles , he hath abhorred his Sanctuaries , the Elders of the Daughter of London sit upon the ground and keep silence , to allude to the Prophet Jeremiah writing of Jerusalems ruine ; Behold , O Lord , and consider to whom thou haste done this , To London , the Chamber of Englands Kings , To London , the chief of Englands Empire , To London , the Native place of Princes , Prelates , and men of Renown , To London , that Ancient and Rich Magazine of Trade and Wealth , whom men called the Perfection of Beauty , the glory of the whole Earth , To London , the Citizens whereof were men of Bloud , Fortune , Valour , men of Renown as those of Tyre was , To London , the Non-such of orderly Government and of frequent and fervent Religion , Adeo ut Religio & pietas hic sibi delubrum collocasse videatur , as the Learned Antiquaries words are , To London the inexhaustible Secret of her Princes , To London the Treasury of Men , Money , Arts , the Rome ; the Athens , the India of England . To this London hath God done this , Weep O Daughters of England ! for this London who cloathed you in Scarlet , but now is her self cloathed with Confusion , Mourn ye Princes and Grandees for this , because the mighty City is fallen which once was the Market of what brought you Wealth and Peace ; For this London who took off your younger Sons , making them thrifty Common-wealths men , and in time returned them to you Great and Noble , for your Daughters who into it were comfortably bestowed , and from it were richly provided for in their Persons and Issues . For their Eldest Sons , whose Wives portions , the provisions of Younger Children , were hence plenfully had , without sale of Land , or diminution of Income ; Weep O Peasantry ! who had London for a Market swallowing up all Provisions for it , and all quantities brought to it . Weep O Poor ! that in London had great relief , Weep O Aged ! who in London were refreshed , and prepared by constant Devotions and hourly Sermons for their dissolutions ; Weep all , High , Low , Honourable , Mean , for London was , but is not ! London , despise it who will and dare , the Great and Flourishing Sprig in our Princes Plumes , the Pyramyd of conspicuity in the admired Pile of Britain . The Graecatrojan Horse out of which marched many of the Hectors of Englands courage ; The great Academy of Arts , wherein the Learning and activity of all parts united ; The Hospitable Sanctuary of all distressed strangers , who thither came numerously , and there were entertained civilly ; London the great Bulwark of reformed Religion against the assaults and batteries of Popery and Prophanness , is in a great measure destroyed ; O tell it not in Gath , declare it not in the Streets of Askalon ! lest the Uncircumcised Levellers rejoyce , and the Enemies of God and the King , the Parliament and the Religion say , Ah , Ah , so would we have it . O Day , O Month , September , not more inauspicious to many Famous Cities , such as Ierusalem , a begirt the seventh and entred the eighth of Sept. b such as Constantinople which was wasted by sire Anno 465. In the beginning of September , such as Heidleberg , which was taken by the Imperialists about Anno 1622. And now to London in this Fire , of September 1666. I mention no more , though probably those forty which d Caluesius mentions in his Chronology , might yield more in execration of September , I say not more trist to other parts of the World and to this Nation in general , then to Me in particular ; For it hath been successively within eight years Productive of a Quaternion of unhappinesses to Me ; The loss of an Excellent Wife , of an Indulgent Father , the affliction of a terrible Sickness , all which happened to Me in September 1658. and now were added to by this of September 1666. wherein it pleased God to give me a fourth tryal by Fire , that I may for the future learn to devote my portion of Soul & Body to him in the sacred and serious service of him , Which O Lord I desire to do as , and when , thou shalt call , enable and accept Me ; This is my particular apprehension of Septemb. which Sept. thus the time of Londons firing and England● Misery , let it be Discalendred , and not be numbered amongst the Twelve , let it be accounted the Iudas Month that betrayed all the rest to infelicity ; Let that day that first opened the Wombe of fire be darkness , and let the shaddow of death stain it , let a Cloud dwell upon it , let the blackness of the day terrifie it ; as for that night let darkness be upon it , let it be solitary , and no joyful voice come thereon , let the Stars of the Twylight hereof be dark , let it look for light but have none , as holy Iob's pathetique is upon a like dismal accident and occasion , because it produced a Monster , and diminished the enjoyment of present , and the hopes of after-ages , and cast into the Widows disconsolacy . Her , that sat as a Queen upon a hill of plenty and honour , viswing all the Nations doing homage to her , as to the Faithful City , as to the City of Righteousness 1. Isaiah to 26 , as the City of praise , the City of all Joy , as Damascus was called 49. Ieremiah 25. as the City of Renown , who was strong in the Sea , that caused their terrour to be upon all that haunt it , as the Prophet Ezekiel describeth Tire . c. 26. v. 27. London , the Earthly Paradice of Cities , having the glory of Gods Ordinances , and the light of his Reformed Truth in her , shining like a Jaspar stone , clear as Crystal ; The foundation of the Wall of which City was garnished with all manner of precious Stones ; Its Government , its Magistrates , its Ministery , its Fraternities , its Franchises being all Emblematical of , and Symmetrious with the Greater Ones of the Nation , in the best and clearest instances of its Royalty . This London ancienter as is thought than Rome , and more potent though less politique then she , that has her Oar in every Boat , This London , ( which its learned Native , and Englands admired Antiquary * terms such , that none hath better right to assume to it self the Name of a Ship Road or Haven , than she , For in regard of both Elements most blessed and happy it is , as being situate in a rich and fertile soil , abounding with plentiful store of all things , and on the gentle ascent and rising of a Hill , hard by the Thames side , the most mild Merchant ( as one may say ) of all things that the World doth yield ) hath swelling at certain set hours , which the Ocean Tides , by its safe and deep Channel , able to entertain the greatest Ships that be , daily bringeth it so great Riches from all parts , that it striveth at this day with the Mart Towns of Christendom for the second Prize : thus her Cambden . This London , I say , who was to those that lived in it , whatever Heaven and Earth could indulge a Militant condition and a viatory state , did God give up to the destruction of Fire . So that now there is little resting in it but Piles of Rubbish , and Mountains of wast , no neatness of Pavement , no Magnificence of Structure , no vestige of Majesty , there only now is to be seen the the tops of Steeples Belless , and the Stones of Structures Mortarless , and the figures of Beauty disfigured ; no Pallaces have the Magistrates to sit in , no Prisons , as wontedly , to hold Offendors in , no conveniency almost to sustain Order to its future hopes , but God has made it a Bochim , and scattered the Inhabitants of it into all quarters : Thus has God done to London , our English Ierusalem , the joy of which was heard even a far off . More I could Write , and more of this I had written in a Commentary on the Chartar 9. H. 3. For election of the Lord Mayor of London , but that with many other Manuscripts fitted for the Press , together with the general collections of the study of my life being burned , I can only weep my kindness to her , Quid faciam , vocem pectori negare non audeo , amor ordinem nescit ; And if London the place of my Birth , and of my longest dwelling , should not have all the right my poor Pen can do it , It deserved not to be accounted any thing tending to the Pen of a ready Writer , nor indeed is it , but I hope it will be accounted & prove it self to be the Pen of a veracious & well meaning Christian Englishman , whose glory it is , not so much to subdue Divels of danger , & to level Mountains of difficulties , as to be owned a Friend to Learning , a Servant to Religion , a Native of London . And if I forget thee , O London ! let my right hand forget her cunning , and they that forget thee by their cold Prayers , heartless Tears , Vituperious Sarcasms , Secret rejoycings at thy ruins had best to remember that the Inundation of thy Thames may cool their courage , and thy tutelar Angelique Patron , become thine avenger on them , for God has fixed an immortal spirit in London , the horn and branch of which , will sprout out to her detractors amazement , and though she sit now in darkness , yet the Lord shall be a light to her . While England is an Empire , London will be the Metropolis of it , let who will dote on that Northern Prophecy , which some thought fulfilled in stout Bishop Montaigne , Lincoln was , London is , York shall be ; yet the very Learned and Noble Geographer Dr. Heylin is so far from cherishing that , which has any reflexion of Ecclipse to London , whose misfortune is as it were the prodromus of the Nations misery , that he discreetly docks , the recitall , ●incoln is , London was , &c. And Ingenious Dr. Fuller ( who will be more valued in after ages , as most are , than in their own ) upon this Proverb , thus writes , But as for those whose hope is York shall be the English Metropolis , they must wait until the River of Thames run under the great Arch of the Ouse bridge . However York shall be , that is , shall be York still as it was before , for if York ( I write for my Native City , and no City or person ought to be offended with me for my zeal for London ) would ever have overpoysed London , it was probablest to have been when the union of England and Scotland into Great Britain was , because of its neer situation to the Two Kingdoms then conjoyned . But then it failing by the advantage London gave to the seat of Government , above that or any part of the Nation , the River of Thames that flowing up to her , caused her foundation at first , will I trust in God forever keep her in her Metropolitical station , and add to her Paramouncy of renown , as the Vrbs aeternabilis , as Rome is called , For so she seems to be framed after the Protoplast of the Nation , that she answers every feature and digestion of parts in the Greater Body . As if the Providence of God and the Policy of Antiquity , had set her as a Glass before her Monarchs to see the paths and perfections of the greater Government , in the methods and manageryes of her the less . And so far does London answer the favour of her Soveraigns in their indulged liberties to her , that she hath the suffrage abroad to be one of the most August , Regular , Religious , Subaltern Governments in the world . And now ( Sir ) after a more than usually long digression , I come to the last Circumstance promoting this desolating Fire ; which was that Dread and pavid manlessness , that seised the Inhabitants , by reason of which , they not only fled before the Fire , leaving it to its forradge , and not checquing it while dealeable with , nor anticipating its Progress by pulling down or blowing up buildings before it ; For by this did every mans unmanly example discourage , till at last the hearts of men were in their heels , and every hand ( as it were ) became Palsie thorough terrour of apprehension ; there being a kind of Divination in men introductive to , and fautive of , the victory of the Fire over both their houses and endevours ; For as Iosephus well observes , when God has designs to accomplish , he puts upon men the guilt of humane errour and incredulity , by which they think it not lawful for them to avoid their future calamity , neither shun they irrecoverable destiny , which as it was the case of the Iews when Nebuzaradan led the Iews captive into Babylon , burning the goodly Temple and razing the City . So was it ( in a great measure ) the condition of London ; for though the Inhabitants had seen many Fires , and seen them soon again upon Gods blessing on their endevours quenched , yet This , This Fire was from the begining of it , a Fire of amazement , a Fire bespoke by them to be portentuous , they gave up all by common Opinion & mistrust of vote unto it , God stopped some ruling mens ears against Counsel , and filled other mens hearts with terrour , the rich packed away , effaeminating their endevour by the securings they made of their Wives , Children , and Goods , and those not only near and within view , but remotest from the Fire , when no colour or prudent probability gave judgment to warrant such doings . But yet was it done , and thereby the City undone ; for had not that exportation been , their diligence and success against the Fire would have been trebled , and sutably for ought any knows have prov'd successful ; the prayers and tears of some cooperating with the hands & heads of others , being more probable securities to communities , then such courses of astonishment which tended to presage of depopulation , and was a holocaust to nothing but the extortion and thefts of Forraigners , and had not God been more merciful , to Outrage and Savageness . Which seisure of the Inhabitants , and over early pregustation of Woe , disarming them of all agible judgment and prudent succour was if not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of , yet the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the judgment . For as in the body natural , when the Sun , and the Moon , and the Stars be darkned , when the keepers of the house shall tremble , and the strong men shall bow themselves , as the Preacher describes old Age , c. 12. v. 2 , 3. Death is at the dore , so in the body Politique , when manly Courage flags and the spirit of people fail them so that they crep about like walking Ghosts ; there is a sign that God is the cause of it , and punishes by it ; when God turns mens pleasure into fears , 21 Isay 4. when fear prepares for the pit and the snare , 24 Isay 17. when fear is on every side , 6 Ier. 25. when God sends a voice of fear , 30 Ier. 5. and when he seconds the voice with real fear , 48 Ier. 43. and those that fly from fear shall fall into the pit , v. 44. when God sends a fear from all those that be about men , c. 49. Ier. 5. This fear of exatlantation arising from guilt , and its punishment poorness of spirit , is that which is the Judgement and Curse of fear . Now this God does to make way for his execution , and to render the endeavour against it less potent , and to save himself the drawing forth of his Almighty Artiller ; This he doth to shew that his wrath is perfected by rendring enemies passive to his power as well as by becoming himself active in power irresistible ; And as in evidences of mercy , The righteous shall be quiet from the fear of evil , 11 Prov. last , and be not afraid of sudden fear , 3 Prov. 15. and Gods people are dehorted from fearing other mens fears , 8 Isay 12. And God , St. Paul sayes gives not his Elect the spirit of fear , 2 Tim. 1. c. v. 7. so in displayes of judgement fear shall amate and terrifie wicked men , God will mock when their fear comes , when it comes as Desolation , 1 Prov. v. 26. 27. Fear shall be upon the Land , 30 Ezekiel 13. Fear fell upon all them which saw Gods judgements , 11 Rev. 11. This not only real , but opinionative and imaginary fear is the Crysis of the judgement , therein lies the vigour and execution of it , when God gives up the Pilot to neglect steerage and stoppage , when the Marriners that should ply the sails and pump , prepare for planks and shipwrack , when the light of reason is under a Bushel of passion ; and impuissance is regent in the soul and senses , when the right hand not only knows not what the left hand doth , but hath forgot it is a right hand , or a hand , and hangs it self down folded , when the sluggards dilatoriness is upon men , and they will sit still a little longer , and pause a little more , till sorrow and misery come upon them like an armed man ; These remisnesses in cases of strait and Paroxisms of instancy , argue Phrygian wits , and arrive men at woe with a witness . Thus was Troy lost by the sloth and carelesness of her Inhabitants . And thus , Sir , was London's Fate and fyring , helped forward by the extremes of some mens precipitancy and other mens dilatoriness ; For had but Industry led the Van , Security probably , or at least not this havock , would have Marched in the Rear , but because some neglected the fire to save their Moveables , and others neglected removing upon belief ( therein , Sir , I accuse my self who was one of those unbelievers ) that the fires limits would be within and short of them and theirs , the fire diverted not from its persuit , but devoured the Goods of many , and the Houses of all , so dangerous a thing is that , which the consequence calls unpreventive wisdom , that the want of it is censured by many ( whose fortunate fright has proved advantageous to them ) to be wanting to their own good , and helpers forward of their own Woe . And yet ( Sir ) God often impregnates his severity with this which is the Talent of Lead in the Ephah of judgment , that men shall not see the day of their Visitation . This fetched tears from the innocent eyes , those Casements and out-looks of the tender heart of our Lord Jesus , who beholding the City Ierusalem wept over it , saying , O that thou hadst known , even thou in this thy day the things that belonged to thy peace ; This is that which becalmed Ierusalem , who sate as a Queen and knew no evil , till at last Misery came upon her in a moment and desolation as a whirlwind , when men and Citties have Babylons doom to be cast into a deep sleep ; so that sooner may all be crumbled down about their ears , and they buryed in the rubbish and confusion of their downfall , than they awaken , when God brings a high repose on Saul in the Cave , and makes him secure amidst bare and watchless weapons of defence ; Then either men are taken napping as Saul was , or are ruined nodding as Eutychus , but for a Miracle had been , and nothing but mercy reached out of the Clouds can save them from their perpetual sleep and unawaking period , 51. Ier. 57. Now though ( Sir ) it be too heavy a guilt to charge this on London , yet how we of this City can discharge our selves of it , I do not very well know , unless we take refuge in that rule , Quos perdere vult Iupiter dementat , or in that Quae fata manent non facile vitantur , which Tacitus makes the salve for every fatality , or unlesse the day of Visitation being come , and the time of recompense being on us , God makes the Prophet a Fool , and the Spiritual man mad ; that is , brings Prescience , Counsel , Courage , Constancy in all degrees of their activity out of date , giving men up to the just surprise of ridiculous stupidness , and to obstinate contumacy against the dictates of them . And if God had not intended much of this nature to be evidenced in this Case of London's trouble in order to the whole Nations abatement , he would not have charged home this assault in the time of London's weakness , when so many of the Good and Grave Magistrates of London , men of steddiness , experience and power in the City were in their Graves , when many of the Weeping , Fasting and Praying Intercessors of her Clergy , whose Office it is to expiate for her , were either absent or disseised ( by fear ) of that vigour which their hands and Prayers in full Assurance of Faith nothing doubting might otherwise have expressed against the judgment . Nor would he have made the hearts and hands of the people of London so lanquid and unactive in this day of their Concern ; But thus , and only thus it was preordained of God to lesson the Nation that God can bring down high thoughts , and that the scorn and contempt of Religion and sober sincerity in Her and in her skirts , might be punished with an amazing and insolite judgment , that those that are round about and are not less guilty than She that is punished , May hear and fear and do no more presumptuously . For though London be the place smitten and afflicted by God , yet because that cannot be charged on her that Iosephus relates of the seditious Jews that had gotten head in Ierusalem ; I will not cease to speak that which grief compels me , I verily think that had the Romans forbore to come against these sedetious , that either the Earth would have swallowed the City up , or some Deluge have devoured it , or else the Thunder and Lightning which consumed Sodom , would have light upon it ; For the people of the City were far more impious then the Sodomites . Thus Iosephus , because I say ( though wicked enough London was yet so wicked it was not ( but as regular and Religious a City , and as full of those that feared the Lord , and called upon his Name , and that Mourned for the Abominations done in it , and in the whole Land as any I perswade my self the world then had or at any time ever had ) To convince the incredulity and ill-will of refractory spirits of the truth of which ; God I believe reserved a Remnant in it , and was mercyful to the Bodies and Goods of the Inhabitants of it , the greatest part of whom and which are now blessed be God resient dwelling and Trading in the remains of the Freedom , and in the reserved Suburbs . This ( Sir ) Shall be written that the Generations to come may know it , and the people that are yet unborn shall praise the Lord ; For if the Lord had not been on our side may London now say , If the Lord had not been on our side when the Fire rose up against us , then the Fire had swallowed us up quick when its rage was kindled against us ; Yea , certainly God never mingled a Cup of wrath with more Mercy than this , which was rather Physick than Poyson , more a Paternal chastisement , then an extirpating Vengeance . For whereas he Marched against Ierusalem of old , charging her from his pale horse of fury , bringing truculent and bloudy Enemies against it : Romans , Syrians , Arabians , all which accompanyed ●espasian against it , and that then when there were 270000 Jews which came to Sacrifice , shut up by the siege in it as in a Prison , and were slain and starved during the siege and at its rendition , whereof 600000. were cast out of the City in such distress that a Bushel of Wheat was sold for a talent which is 600 Crowns , and the dung and raking of the City sinks was ●●●d good Commons , and necessity made a Mother kill her Child and dress it , and whereas the dead Bodies lay so thick , that the way by them was not passable , the whole City flowing with bloud ; so that many parts set on fire were quenched by the bloud of them that were slain , and after all the City was burned , whereas God thus punished Ierusalem by giving it a Cup of trembling , and filling it brimful with deadly Poyson , leaving no remnant from which succession should arise , or rebuilding , and re-inhabitation become probable and effective , yet to the praise of the glory of his Grace be it written , and be this loving kindness of the Lord never forgotten by London . It was not with London as Tacitus writes of Rome , Sequiter clades , omnibus quid urbi per violentiam ignium acciderunt gravior atque atrocior . Annal. lib. 15. p. 791. Edit . Dorleans . No bloud of the Londoners was mingled with their Sacrifices ; that is , no violent essusion of bloud was in London , no Famine during the fire was in London . God indeed made the Inhabitants of London during the distraction like Reeds shaken with the wind , its Streets were confusedly walked and hurried about in , thwack'd with Carts , pester'd with Porters and Portadges , every house threw out its Furniture , which they could not carry away more orderly , Men , Women , Children of all degrees and ages carried out somewhat , either to safety or spoil , some sent their Goods into the Countrey , others into the Feilds and other Open places , watching them many nights , and others removed them from place to place to lose them at last ; yet though this was sad , God gave them their lives for a prey , and they had had the Pity , Presence , and Comfort of their Good King , and the Noble Duke of York , with the most Generous Lord Craven , and others , for Guards and Securers to them and theirs . There were indeed bruits of fear , and there were companies of suspicious persons who at the best , live upon the vices of the Nation , and who like Coasters ride out at Sea , to expect prey from wrecks , and small Boats which they can Master and prey upon , such Cormorants of pillage and snaps of ruine My Lodgings were an eminent instance of before they were burned yet open violence there was none to speak of , but much even of exemplary Justice , and charitable Mercy , In the time of the Fires raging , and of the distractious impetuosity ; which I write not to vindicate the dissolute Multitude of pretended Labourers , and other instruments of carriage ( who exhansed the rates of their own portadge , while perhaps their Wives , Children , and Servants , or some of them , were busie at other work , all becoming theirs which their hook could reach , or their Net drag away . ) Nor yet do I mention This to atone the displeasure had against those Country Carts and Labourers , some of whose wages exceeded the worth of their Lading , or the ability of the persons they in this distress exacted it from , From these so dreadfully Mercenary to their sensual gain , as no more Justice or Courtesie is to be expected than is haveable from a Spoyler , who must leave what he cannot carry away , and who does not take all , not because he cannot find in his heart so to do , but because he is afraid so to do , whose avoydance of extortion is from wisdom of caution to prevent trouble , not upon Conscience of duty to approve himself to God and to Humanity . From These , I say , as no Mercy or Justice is ( upon resolution ) to be expected , so the Justice and Mercy of These , do I not in the least intend to mention by way of praise ) the Justice and Mercy then remarkable , was that of many Honest persons , who well understanding the Duties of Constables and Officers , became voluntarily such to preseve peace and prevent disorders , assisting Government against the common rout , apprehending and deteining suspicious persons till they brought Good vouchers and cleared themselves . And other Guards and Foot Souldiery upon duty , answered the end of their array , and did not only not do violence to any , but secured all against the violence of any that attempted it ; it was not with the Sufferers in this Fire , as with the Iews when the Romans besieged and Mastered them , and they were envyed , the Gold that was supposed to be in their Bellies , it being noysed that they had swallowed down much , which caused some of the Roman allyes in one night to rip up the Bellies of 2000 of them , to search for that they found not , which Vespasian hearing of , and the cruelty of it abominating , caused them to be compassed about with Horse , and to be destroyed ; No such truculency was acted here , but the Citizens wer fuffered to secure what they could , and to pass and repass with what possible freedome and security the exigency of affairs would permit , The Souldiers riding about , and being their guard and help . Thus did King , Duke , Peers , People , Souldiers , do their parts , but Gods Counsell stood , and he did with the Buildings and Riches of the City , what came in his Soveraign mind to do , by reason of which , the beauty , vastness & order of Lond. came down to its Chaos in four dayes , which had been climing up to its Meridian above 2000 years , exchanging its name of a goodly City , for the reproach of a graceless heap ; The rumination of all which particulars , that God suffered a City saved by the Lord from the miseries of War , and the mercylessness of Insurrection , Risen by grave pauses and Centuries of time , into a Miracle of stature , accommodated with all ingredients and concentrations to publish and establish it in request and value , Whose appositeness for Trade , was Magnetique of all Nations and Merchandises to it . Whose Credit for order and honesty , lewred Strangers out of their Countrys to reside in it , and kept them here , and naturalized them to it , Whose Government was effectual and sweet ; To ends of terrour and obligement , whose Customes and Franchises were beneficial and stated , Whose Cittizens were Rich and Hospitable , Whose appearances were pompous , and becoming their Descents and Fortunes , That London which was so celebrious for publique Edefices of State and Religion , that it was not possible almost to wish better or more remarks of Christian Devotion and Politique Grandeur in such dimensions as it stood upon , That this City which once deserved the Union of all Characters of glory , vying with Rome for Religion , with Naples for Nobility , with Millan for Beauty , with Genoa for Statelyness , with Florence for Policy , which Venice for Riches , That this which was compleat usque ad Invidiam mundi , as I may so write , should become inglorious , and be the Subject as well of her Enemies insult , as of her Friends pity ; This Inscription of Gods fury on the Roll of her Judgment , Lamentation , and Mourning , and Woe , ought to call us , From joy and melody , from pleasure and riot , which God has caused to cease , unto prostration and confession before God ; And that not by Hanging down the head like a Bulrush for a day , and returning to our Sin the next day , like the Dog to his Vomit , not by presenting our selves in the Congregation of God , which too few do , and there only counterfeiting Devotion for an hour only , but following it with unmortified bestiality and inhumane luxury , not by bare words of piety without any reflexion of them on the heart , or any evidence of the truth of its radication , in the Flower of it , the life ; Humiliation that God commands and accepts is deep and setled , the souls contusion and exinanition , such abhorrence as Iob speaks of 42 Iob. 6. an abhorrence of a Mans self , and of that Sin that cleaves closest to him , and is most connatural with him , and a repenting in dust and ashes , that is an evidence of self condemnation in the vivid'st and most exact note of it , in that which is Emblematical of the lowest dejection , such a frame of Soul as weeps bitterly with Peter , and makes restoration with Zachaeus , and rejects the former allurements to Sin with Mary Magdalen , and resigns up it self wholly to Christ Jesus as consternated Saul did when Christ dismounted him , and he became his Convert , such a humiliation as Manasses and the Good men in Nehemiah presidents us to in the 9. Neh. where 't is said the Children of Israel were assembled with fasting and Sackcloth , and with Earth upon them , and the seed of Israel separated themselves from all strangers , and stood and confessed their sins and the iniquity of their Fathers ; Such a humiliation as pulls with indignation sin from its Root , and suffers no corner of the Soul or Land to be fantive to it or polluted by it , such a humiliation as is in sincerity and truth commensurate to the God of Truth whom it is devoted to , such an humiliation as includes the Kings , the Peers , the Prelates , the Clergy , the Laity does God call for , and that in proportion to that Epidemique mercy that he hath obliged all by , and suitable to that heavy and repeated judgment he hath already brought and farther may bring upon all , such a humiliation as excuses , no degree , no age , no person from it dres the Lord require from thee , O England ! and from thee , O London ! To whom he hath shewed Mercies of a former or latter date , parallel with , if not paramount to his manifests to any Nation ; He hath called us Beloved who were not beloved , and caused us an Island to become the Head and not the Tail of the Nations , He hath brought us into the marvellous light of Christianity , who sate in darkness of errour , and in the shadow of death through Ethnicism , he hath not been a wilderness to us , nor planted us in a barren soil , but given us a Canaan , flowing with Milk and Honey , a Land rich in Corn , Pastures , Cattel , Fruits , Fish , every thing that necessity and delight calls the glory of any Land , God has raised us up Kings , Rulers and Iudges , not è Fece populi , but derived from loins Noble , the Sons of Honour and Majesty , who have been Nursing Fathers to our Pieties , Persons and Laws , God has preserved us from Vassalage , and made us free in our persons and properties ( safety and propriety being in the Kings Protection and his peoples subjection , according to the Law. ) God has preserved the Rights and Renown of England so , that the Subjects of it are famous for Valour and Success in their Enterprises by Sea and Land , God hath made this little spot , that in the Map of Chorography is hardly discernable , a Mart of Trade and a Mine of Wealth , which the inexhaustion of this last twenty six years , by Sums unsummable , and in their possibility to be adjusted would be incredible , yet have not drawn low , but preserved pregnant to carry on its just and necessary Interests against her potent combined Enemies ; These Mercies to Engl. ever since her Christianity , recognised by those abridgements of them in the Reigns of the five last Princes equalling all other anteceding them , The Reformation of Religion by E. 6. The deliverance from the cruelty of Popery in Queen Maryes Reign , The Restoration of Protestancy in Quen Elizabeths dayes , in spight of the Jesuited Plots , Spanish Invasion , expensive Wars purposely raised to distress and divert her ; In the Reign of King Iames , whom God brought in rightfully , setled quietly , and deliverd from the fatal Powder-Plot , to leave his Crown Rich and Great to his Successor , the late Glorious King Charles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( whose Reign was as beneficial , and peaceful , ( for the most part of ) it as any preced-ed , and had made the Nation as happy after a Cloud , had not God punished and polluted the glory of it with the storm of Contradiction in a Civil uncivil War , and with the guilt of the , bloud of that , Solomonique Codrus whose life was sacrificed to vindicate the Religion and Laws of Loyalty and Liberty , against the Oppressions and Insolencies of Antiscriptural Errour and Antimonarchical avarice ; ) These five last Reigns in which the Princes and people of England were kept from either the sufferings of publique mischief or the long and grievous detinue under it , shew Gods Mercy to this Nation , and call for humiliation from it ; And if these so long past are not fresh in our Memories , as God forbid they should , ( being done but within the Age of those that yet Live , and God forgive if they be , which ought to be had in everlasting remembrance ) yet there are Obligations of late which are Monitory to us of Mercy abused and ingratefully deported to . And here give me leave ( Sir ) to Apostrophize as God did by his Prophet Isaiah , Hear O Heaven , hearken O Earth , bear witness Angels and Men , and our own Consciences , whether God has not nourished us up that are now alive as his Children , and yet We , we have rebelled against him ; O Sir , the Mercies shewed to our Glorious Lord and Renowned Soveraign of England , our Gracious King Charles the Second , whom God long preserve and Sanctifie thoroughout both in Body and Soul , are the Marrow and Fatness of all Gods Treasury of Mercies concerning this life ; His seasonable departure and safe arrival beyond the Seas , when he might have been in the same hands his blessed Martyr Father was , His Conduct and Preservation while abroad , in the condition of a Pilgrim , & under the Eclipse of a Pensioner , His preparation to reduction by his opposites dimnion , and his Subjects better prospect into their Seduction & combination against those Artificers of their former delusion , His Generals and ever Glorious Father in fidelity to him , and success for him and us . I make bold ( with His Majesties gracious Pard●n humbly implor'd ) to use the Compellation that I have heard reported to be given him by His Majesty ) the now beloved and deservedly admired Duke of Albemar●● , his sagacity in carrying his intents undiscovered , till he had both enabled himself and disabled the opposites to discover or defeat them ; The honest and wise Parliament of 1660 / 1 their plyableness first to publish , and after to act the security and seasonableness of his Restoration ; The passivity of a potent Army and Party formerly against him , which fore-seeing what is come to pass , yet opposed nothing at all , at least to no purpose , but rather in a great measure forwarded the mercy by their activity . The advantage that accrewed to His Majesty upon his reverter , not only of Money and Monyes worth by Offices , but by Improvement of Lands , & by other valuable perquisites ; and besides all , the love of his Subjects , who adoring the rising Son of so blessed and lamented a Father , and accounting themselves delivered by him , and Establishable against relapse only from him , Sacrificed all to him , Their persons and fidelity to him by Oath , Their Laws , Liberties and Purses to him by Parliamentary playbleness , Their Prayers to him by thinking that best done which he did , and their prayses of what he did , as acceptable to them , and magnified by them ; This , this Sun-shine in the harvest of their hopes ; This , This Rain of Fertility after Englands Sultre of war and dissention . This mercy of Inundation in the joy of Englands King Charles returned , is a mercy from the Womb of the Morning , which the light sprung from on high visited us with , a Visitation it was of Gods Light and of his Truth , Of the light of his countenance in making our Captivity like the Rivers of the South , a reaping in joy after a sowing in tears ; of the Truth of his Promise , The seed of the Righteous shall not be forsaken , of the truth of his Paternity to us who thus remembred us in our low estate . For his mercy endureth for ever . This , this prosecuted and perfected by his deliverances from Insurrections at home , from Confederacies against him abroad , from the violencies of ungo●ly men , and from the dangers and uncertainties of war , This raising of him in his Reputation , and making his Adversaries appear little to him , Is the Matchless mercy of God to him , and is Gods Envoy and Herald to beseech His Grace to suitable subjection to him , and to circumspect Sanctimony before him . And if O England ! and O London ! God has thus obliged thy Monarch , and his Peerage and his Prelacy , and his people of all degrees . Then what O England ! does God require of this Renowned Recipient and Lodge of thy mercy by the distributions from whence thou art refreshed and inriched , then that thy Monarch with all his Train of dependants , do execute Justice , love Mercy , and walk humbly with his and their God. Answer God O England ! Prince and people in this requiry of his ? Do Iustice upon sin , the abominable thing that he hateth ; upon sin of all sorts , of all degrees , in all persons , Execute the Laws impartially while they stand in Force , Repeal them if they be supernumerary , mitigate them if vexatious , explain them if dubious , adde to them if too short to reach and redress emergent evils , and be not over-come of the evil of partiality , but over-come that and all other evil with the goodness of publique spiritedness , which aims at entailing Gods blessing upon him and his . For he hath not only said he will forgive the sins of those that execute judgment , 1 Isay 17. 18. But has promised that those that Execute judgement , make their shadows as the Night in the midst of the Noon-day , hide the out-casts , and betray not him that wandereth , to have their Thrones be Established in mercy , and their Posterity sit upon them in truth , 16 Isa. 5. yea with execution of judgement , God whose Throne is Established by Righteousness , & whose ways are Mercy and Truth , is so taken at , that He promises to pardon a great and sinful City , Ierusalem , if in the streets and in the broad places thereof , there can be found but one man that executeth judgment and seeketh the truth , 5 Jer. 1. Thus to do Justice is to please God , if it be seconded by Love of mercy to Gods poor and afflicted Ones , Relieve the oppressed , visit the Fatherless and Widow in their extremity , be not a terrour to those that do well , do not break the bruised reed , nor quench the smoaking flax ; Let the long-sufferance and patience of God to you make you compassionate to those whose errours you ought to pity and pray for , rather then punish , Let Gods Longanimity in your renewed Conscience break out upon their passions in Victory over them ; and in vertue expressed to them that are contrary minded to you , and think that the noblest Conquest that makes you triumph over mortal wrath which accomplishes not the Righteousness of God , and that carries you out under every weight that would suppress your heavenly ambition to take heaven by force , and to lay hold of eternal Life , and to carry away the assurance of God yours in the Talons of an Eagled faith , which looks upon the Son of Righteousness boldly , and which mounts to the Throne of glory with humble confidence ; This , O Prince and People of England is to love mercy , To seek out every true and sacred object of it , To neglect no manifestation of it to such , To be unwearied in such welldoing , To expend every measure of it with Eye to him in heaven that doth command , cannot but accept , will without fail reward it ; He that remembers that Gods Extraordinary benevolence to Man is phrased by shewing mercy , 14 Num. 18. 3. Lam. 22. 103 Ps. 8. 11. 17. and that he promised his mercy and loving kindness , he will never take from His , cannot but promise himself great comfort in shewing mercy , and greater in loving mercy . For God delights in the mercy which is complacential and flows from the bowels and beeing of the shewer , and because he delights in mercy and is a God merciful and gracious , therefore he requires Men his Vicars , to love mercy ; Evil men may occasionably shew mercy . But good men only love mercy . Thus O England ! thou hast invitations from thy God to performances of doing justice and loving mercy ; Nor is this all , but there is another requiry aequivalent to these in the coordination of which , Gods postulation of thee is answered , walk humbly with thy God ; This , This , O England ! is thy duty and interest to propagate also , for there can be none of the two former without this latter , there is no demeanour national or personal under-mercies , true and uniform , without the Condiment and Ballast of this , Humility in owning God the spring of all authority and enablement to do justice , and love mercy , is that which carries the grace of resolution to its period of performance , Let God , O England ! O London ! have all the glory of what ye have arrived at , while some put confidence in Charriots and Horsemen , and say their Bow hath brought them their Venison , and their Councel and their Confederacies has thus befriended them , while they boast of their hearts desires , 10. Ps. 3. and of a false gift , 25. Prov. 14. while they boast in their Idols , 97. Ps. 7. and of too Morrow which they know not what it may bring forth , 17. Prov. 1. do thou , O England ! boast only of God all the day long , 44. Ps. 8. and so moderate your minds , under all your mercies that ye may be termed the Ministers of our God , that ye may eat the riches of your Enemies , and in that glory shall you boast your selves , 61 Isaiah 6. O England ! O London ! the Countrey , the City of my birth breeding , and love , how considerable an Interest is this to thee , praeponderating all those of Moneys , Men , Navies , Armies , though all admirable and useful , yet without thee thus prostrate and devoutly nothing in thine own Eyes , thou art nothing before God , nor wilt thou be any thing against thy Neighbours , but in this , and in the strength of Gods might by this , Thou wilt be more than a ballance to them ; Thou wilt be a Victor over them , for God saveth the afflicted people , 18. Ps. 27. that is the humble people , 2. Sam. 22. c. v. 28. 49. Isa. 13. and To England and To London thus afflicted & paenitent for their sins , God I trust will commiseratingly say as once he did to his Church by his Prophet , O Thou afflicted , tossed with Tempests , and not Comforted , Behold I will lay thy Stones with fair colours , and lay thy Foundations with Saphires , and I will make thy Windows with Agates , and thy Gates of Carbuncles , and all thy Borders of pleasant Stones , and all thy Children shal be taught of the Lord , and great shall be the peace of thy Children . This is the cause why I humbly provoke the Nation to humiliation before God upon view of his mercies immerited , we have not been worthy of the least of those Myriaded ones that we have enjoyed , nor improved them to such a degree of Melioration and gratitude as we might and ought , For if those mighty wonders that had been amongst us , had been done in any other Nation or City , they would have repented long ago in Sackcloth and Ashes , whereas We are still setled in our Lees , and return not to him that smites us , neither bring we forth fruits meet for repentance . Further ( Sir ) I do humbly pray and wish that England and London would consider the necessity of their humiliation before God ; for the Judgments past , present , & probably to come upon it and them that are Impaenitent in it , and unreformed by them . And here methinks I hear the Nation crying to its Neighbours , & inhabitants as Ierusalem is personated to cry out , 1 Lam. 12. Is it nothing to you all yee that pass by behold and see , If there be be any sorrow like unto my sorrow which is done unto me , wherewith the Lord hath afflicted me in the day of his fierce anger ? Is it nothing to you that after above 80 years peace I should have an Intestine War , an Irish Rebellion , a Scotch Insurrection , and an English Discord ; By the Tragickness of all which , in Battails fought , in Violencies committed , in Depraedations made ; I lost Hundreds of Thousands of Men , Millions of Wealth , Multitudes of Buildings of State , suffered Havock of Religion , Humanity , Timber , and what not that was valuable to keep or get ? Is it nothing to you that I had wickedness setled in me by a Law , and that the Rulers of the People caused me to erre ; turning judgment into Gall , and righteousness into Wormwood , till at last the light of our eyes , the Annointed of the Lord fell in their snare , and the blood of that Holy and Just one Charles the First , my once Lord and Master was slain in me ? Is it nothing to you , that I was made another Absyrtus , and my seameless coat was torn in pieces , and divided between those that then were chief ; That I was in a good progress to Anarchy , and to an impossibility ever to have been recollected and reduced into my orderly and consistent way of regularity and harmony wherein our Governours might be as at the first , and our Iudges as at the first , no Neighbouring eye pitying me in this day of contempt , or saying unto me Live , had not God made this time of my pollution , the time of his Love ? Is it nothing to you , that God has given me a Horn of salvation in this house of his Servant David , and we that under his shadow and protection sit under our own Vine , and under our own Fig-tree , and enjoy our good things with Peace , yet do repine at the Anchor that holds us all together from wreck , and think necessary aids granted to him , burthens , and his Proclamations and Manifests against Prophaneness and contempt of God ( disobeyed by many of those who will Ram and Damn themselves to be his best friends , & all Phanatiques , who refrain from the same excess not to be heeded with them ) Is it nothing to you that God has brought a War upon me from my Neighbours in Situation , and Religion , and made the two Earthen Vessels placed in the Sea , and insuperable while inseperable , dash each against other , and they that in their Union are a terrour to all their opposites , become in Hostility the advantage of those that abet their feuds , looking for that day ( which I hope they shall never see ) wherein they promise themselves the spoil of them ? Is it nothing to you that the God of Heaven hath brought upon many great Cities and Towns in me and into my London , in Anno 1665. the grievous Plague and Pestilence wherein above a hundred thousand dyed . Many of its Inhabitants were scattered into several corners of the Nation , and impoverished by high expences , loss of Trade and Debts , and by other unavoidable accidents . And when they were but a little returned , and were in their way of settlement and recovery , Is it nothing to you that God hath by this Dreadful fire of Londons havock given the Enemy of the setled Religion of England occasion to account England and London forsaken of God ; And * now to be as vituperious of me and mine as their Predecessors in Profession were in their Petition to King Iames , in which they have amongst many other passages this ; ( Assuring your Grace that howsoever some Protestants or Puritans incited by morral honesty of life , or innated instinct of Nature , or for fear of some temporal punishment , pretend obedience unto their Highness Laws , yet certainly the only Catholiques for Conscience-sake observe them , Is this ? Is this nothing to you that thus the adversary reproaches me upon the misery of London ? Beloved London , Virtutum omnium domicilium , as the a Historian styled Rome , now the object of our Tears , who wast heretofore the pleasures of our eyes , whose being and bravery God has given up into the rage of fire as the punishment of God upon the Nations and its own sins ; Though thou art persecuted yet art thou not forsaken , Why may not the words of the Prophet Isaiah be applyed to thee , Behold thy Salvation cometh , And they shall call thee the Holy people , the Redeemed of the Lora ; and thou shalt be called sought out , A City not forsaken . Tell me , O tell me , ye that are most proud upon your prosperity , ye that despise the day of small things , and think ye are delivered to do all the abominations that the worst of men do , who follow the lusts of their own eyes , and the thoughts of their own hearts , and make God unconcerned in their behavious , As if every one that doth evil were good in the sight of the Lord , and he delighteth in him , or where is the God of judgment , 2 Mal. ult . ye who discharge the providence of God from all Regency over the world and the men , and things of it subjecting all things to chance , as if the Lord who made it , wholly cast off the care and controul of it , and will not do good , neither will he do evil in it ; Tell me O ye mistaken ones , who smile in your sleeves , and exalt your selves against those that the Lord has humbled , may not the Prophet Obeds words be applyed to you . But are these not with you , even with you sins against the Lord your God ; For which sins God may meet with you also ? Let these things O people of England be weighed , and let it not seem light to you that God has made such a breach in the wall of the strength of England , and caused the Metropolis of it to be a Step-Mother to her Children . This O London Inhabitants now dispersed , take religiously to heart , and let God have the glory of your voluntary and penitent taking to your selves shame and confusion of Face ; For behold the Lord hath made the Earth of London waste , he hath made it empty and turned it upside down , and scattered abroad the Inhabitnnts thereof , God hath given it ( for but a while I hope ) the portion of Egypt to be desolate and waste , though the River ( was and is and will be I trust Hers , ) which brought all Trade to her , and carryed all Trade from her , not only into England , but into all other parts of the habitable world . Because of which testimony of Gods indignation against us , for our untowardness to him , and our neglect of him when his judgments on us ought to make us learn righteousness . What cause ( Dear Sir ) has England and London to cry mightily to God for a profitable issue of this his judgment upon us , and how ought we all to abhor our selves for provoking his goodness , and patience , so long and so far ? Let ( Sir ) evil Instruments have their due Guerdon if they be found , and found guilty , Let no eye spare , nor any heart compassionate the misery of any Villany that shall be Confederate against the Lord , and against his Anointed in the ruine of London , ( which was more happy in some respects when on fire , than * Rome when on fire was ) But yet the great Delinquent that provoked God to give up London such a main Pillar and Masterbranch in Englands Grandeur , into the power of raging fire was Englands and Londons sins , for which she and it hath received such things at the Lords hand . This is a lamentation , and it ought to be a lamentation ; For of all the Clouds over England , none more portentuous than this . Which ( Sir ) in mine opinion , ( but I am a modest subscriber to your and other Wise-mens better judgments ) addresses to the Nation this Counsel to promote union and general complyance amongst true Englishmen , to serve their Prince resolutely , supply his necessities roundly , discourage his Enemies manfully , and in all things prove themselves a terrour to the common Enemy , whose pride it is to see us peevish , and whose project it is to keep us jealous and inconfident each of other , and thence impotent against them , so Camp●●ella has told the world . For having advised to open Popish Schools in Flanders ( which Country hath much commerce with England and is neer to it , he concludes that Natural Sciences professed there , and drawing over many great Wits thither , will so engage them to cavil and busie their brains in disputes , That the errours of the Calvinists will be made manifest . And he proceeds , c. 27. To conclude that God himself has shewed , them the way by which the Heretiques may be overcome ; namely , their rendring into Sects and Parties , which he assures by the endeavours that he prescribes may be such , That there hardly be found a family in that Land ( meaning Engl. ) in which divers Hersies shall not be favoured , nor is there wanting to our wishes anything but the knowing & improving of so desirable an opportunity , For every Kingdom divided against it self shall be desolated , and firm union has ever a undissolvable knot ; Thus Campanella . For as in the body natural the amputation and dock of one member forces the bloud and spirits that therein reside when fixed , to recur to the heart , and there to succour it in the absence of that part , to the more plenary vigour of the remaining parts , so in the body politique , in this sense Intentio supplere debet defectum , What England has at present lost in Londons Counsel , Riches , Readiness , it must supply by the hale and uninjured other parts , till Londons dispersions can be recollected , and the impoverishings of it be regain'd . The number of Lond. ( blessed be God ) are not by the fire much destroyed , nor their spirits Crest-fallen , nor are they languid and despairing in their endeavours to get up again , if God give his blessing to them , and if they be left ( so far as may suit with His Majesties pleasure and the Laws direction for publique advantage ) to the building of it upon its old Foundation , and according to the just proportion of every mans allowed claim and right ; This , in such measure as the wisdom and justice of Government shall indulge , may make us hopeful , and I hope confident to see a London again , and therefore O England , O London , renounce thy Factions and Parties which are great Remora's to thy prosperity , and let us who are Christian Englishmen keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of Peace , and the God of peace will be with us , and make the work of it peace and assurance for ever , rendring this fruit of Righteousness a tree of life . Nothing tends to redintegration , to improvement like union , for by that are unnatural Breaches made up , and firmness the only auxiliary to opposition of Enemies is advanced and carryed on to its amiable issue ; while Brethren live together and are full fed at their Fathers Table they often will be found jarring each with other , and contending with animosity for straws and bubbles , but when their provident Fathers disposes them into several quarters , and they see and hear from one another but seldom , then their childish vatiances fall off and they unite into an indissolvability of affection , so that they will covet to hear from and see each other , omitting no expression of obligement that they can make to one another ; Sembably in National differences it proves true , that the common affection of Countrymen solders them into a common resolve of kindness each to other , when they see they have bought their humours at too dear a rate to boast of their purchase , or to continue in it any longer . And this , they that are most stupid and setled upon their Lees , may easily discover ; And if God that divided Simeon and Levi in Jacob , and scattered them in Israel , because cruelty was in their dwellings , shall unite Ephraim to Manasseth , and Manasseth to Ephraim , Iudah will have no cause to complain both of them against each other have been against her . Nothing is a Curse of subversion to a Nation but Faction , Dissention , Jealousie , which the aforesaid Campanella calls ( the most approved and successful way to humble the Heretiques of England and distract them that can be , for while they are afraid of one another , and keep at distance , they all lie open to become the prey of their Adversary . ) Nor can this Nation be solidly thankful to God for his Mercies on the right hand and his Correction on the left , nor are they or any of them rightly understood or applyed by us , till with one heart and one mind we turn to God by Prayer and Supplication , till we seek him with undivided hearts , and beseech him junctis viribus , with intireness and unbroken devotion , till we all become a Fulminans Legio , a band of seekers and servers of him orderly , as those that are gathered together , and the Kingdoms to serve the Lord , Psalm 102. v. 22. O union ! how wilt thou befriend Engl. if thou now become the blessing of City and Country , of Church and State , High and Low , old and young ; let this spirit hold riffe in Engl. and let us learn obedience to God by the things that we have suffered , for being too much without it , and our prosperity will be like a River , and our Renown and dread like a mighty stream , our enemies will be before us as the Chaff before the wind , One of us will chase a 1000 , five of us will chase a 100 , and a 100 of us will put 10000 to flight , For till union be Gods gift upon Nationall endeavours and prayers , its best blessing is like to prove but a ballance to enemies , not a Victory over them , God may , and 't is but a may , make their bow abide sure to wound their enemies in the hinder-parts , yet shall they still be but partial Victors , while their enemies industry and unitedness wasts that by length which it cannot scatter or bear down by strength . And if any man ( Sir ) think this a paradox and mis-judgeth it an error in History , let him rectifie his mistake by the Oracle of truth Christ Jesus , A Kingdom divided against it self cannot stand , and let him thereupon consider whether the plenary success of Nations in their enterprises both offensive and defensive , depend not , under God Almighty , upon union , which if the late judgment of Pestilence and Fire , with the present war will not invite us to , and confirm us in , what will do I know not , unless whom the Lord intends to destroy , He hardneth against his fear , and against knowing the day of their saving Visitation , which I hope and pray Engl. may be delivered from , and do promise my self Englishmen will ever make good that humour which I think is natural to them , to lay aside all private grudges , and bid their Valours to a reconciled entertainment in furious charge upon their Countries enemies , and thereby discharge their Countries vexation ; For if pro aris , pro focis & Patre Patriae if in these cases ( to use K. Iames of blessed Memory his words ) no man ought to think his life happyer and more gloriously bestowed than in defence of any of the three ; how great an obligation is there on us to be true to our Nation when all are in danger , and how ought we all to be united to defend them all , who are so happy by them all ? Thus ( Sir ) having observed to your Judicious eye and to the Nation 's , the mercies of God to Engl. in general , and to London a considerable part of it , I think it proportionable to mine honest intendment , to become in that measure that God enableth me , the Cities Orator & Advocate to the Nation , to whose aid , splendour , convenience , Grandeur , She when she stood upon her ancient bottom was so great a Contributor , Do not , O do not glory in her ruines , trample not upon her dislustre , reproach not her widowhood , insult not over her humbling ; Do not , O do not vomit out Invectives against her whom God hath given as it were the Cup of abasement and astonishment to drink ; do not lay load upon those Shoulders that God has in a sort , Issachar'd , to crowch between two Burthens of Poverty and dispersion , lay not that upon them which they are not able to bear , because God layes upon no man more then he gives strength to undergo ; Be not lifted up in this day of Londons dejection , lest the Lord see it and be displeased , and he hurl you Lucifers out of the Heaven of your sinful selicity , and make you Noctifers and Mortifers of misery and contempt ; Remember God was sore displeased with the Heathen that were at ease , Because I was ( saith he ) but a little displeased , and they helped forward the affliction , For I hope God is returning to it in Mercy , and his Houses shall be built , and a Line shall be stretched forth upon it , v. 16. I the rather ( Noble Sir ) mention this , because the rancour of ill Nature , lewd rage , and un-English truculency discovers it self in the words and actions of some to such degrees , that they count London as Nero's House was termed , Spoliarium Vrbis & Orbis , Censuring it thus punished for her bloud and Rebellion , for her Sectarism and Puritannicalness , making the loss and just complaints of her Inhabitants , the matter of their secret repast , if not open exultation . To this the answer of our Lord to his furious Disciples , who would have had Fire called for from heaven upon their enemies , is apposite You know not of what spirit ye are , therefore to such I shall make no reply that will incense them or engage me . Only ( Sir ) I hope I may with modesty and truth say , that whatever Londons guilt before God hath been , and its receiving from the Lords hand by this fire is , God is just , and it hath reaped but the fruits of its own sinful doings , as to God Londons destruction is of it self , but as to the Nation , it hath not I perswade my self had more than a proportion of sin with it ; Her Magistracy , Her Ministery , Her Sabbaths , Her Congregations , Her Citizens , Her altogether has been as orderly & pious as the proportions of them in other places privileged from her Calamity were , and when ever the temper of her Inhabitants was most distemper'd , they were then no more Criminal than the rest of the Nation ; whose Emissaries and Suffragans either called up those disorders in her , or confirmed , ex post facto , what was vildely done by them . And if London ( be it as bad as it will be , must in policy be made as good as it can , and be born with till its humors be sweetned , and its eventriqueness be reduced , for the Metropolis of Engl. I hope God has ratifyed in Heaven it shall ever be and abide ; ) then to no purpose is this waste of rage , while Lond. being the common Hostelry of the Nation , receives into it men of all additions and tempers , nor can it be responsible before God or man for that , which a more governable place ( then the continued building which in this account is reckoned Lond. but really is not ) would be , Londons numbers made London orderly , or the contrary , as the predominant vertue or vice of them led her , nor avails it much what a few wise and loyal men say or do , if many more than they will appeal from them to the power they have gotten over them , and the mastery they are resolved to keep upon them . And though the least instance of Lond. misdemeanor be that which I wish from my soul she could not be charged with , yet if those that are most censorious of her , and most profess service to the K. and the Country would consider it aright , they may I presume find cause to joyn with Renowned K. Iames , who in his acknowledgment of Her great forwardness in that honorable action of proclaiming him King , says , Wherein you have given a singular proof of your ancient Fidelity , a Reputation Hereditary to that our City of London being the Chamber of our Imperial Crown , and ever free from all shades of tumultuous and undutyful courses , so that King. And so much by way of Attonement for London , the challenge to which needs no other or better reply than that of the Archangel , contesting with his Antagonist about the body of Moses , whom he answered not with rayling accusations , but said , The Lord rebuke Thee ; even so , O Lord , rebuke the evil spirit of these Sanballats , and raise up the spirit of the Nehemiahs and such other Heroicks of Kindness and Ability , to consider London ; If not the place of their birth , breeding , supply , or the foyle in which their Ancestors layd the foundations of their Honour and Fortune , yet that wherein their younger Brothers , Sisters , or Cozen-Germans were disposed of , and lived happily in . And , O that such of the Nobility and Gentry , whose Greatness owes its Freedom and Fullness to their City Ancestors who throve so well in it , as to leave them that whereby they and their thrifty Posterities may enjoy the plenty they neither laboured nor spun for . O that , I say , these would think the ruines of London , under which the Monuments of their worthy Fathers or Grandseirs , and the ashes of them lye , worthy their rescue and revival , by re-edifying those Piles of Devotion in which they were erected and buryed ; That what is written but upon the Porch of one Church now in the Borders of London , may be the Motto of every such restored Church and Chappel , Heus viator anne bonis operibus effoetum est hoc soeculum . And O that the aid of their great Estates would come in to help the publique Places of Londons Government , Guild-hall and the Halls of the Worthy and Charitable Societies of the same , a Work becoming the best and bravest Minds , and only expectable from such , who thereby would more contribute to their own earthly perennity , than by the doubtful continuance of Sons and Daughters . God knows my heart , I hate the vapour of words divorced from real and solid Intentions , but this , if you ( Sir ) and other Worthy men will give me leave to write , and belief in writing , I had rather live in such publique Munificencies , than in Sons or Daughters . And had I an Estate as Augustus had , whom Tacitus reports to have bestowed by Legacy in his Will , incredible sums of Money to the Citizens and Souldiers thereby entitled to his Gift ; I should rather chuse , after moderate Provision for my Children , to make the Ruines of London . ( In which Beloved Syon Colledge should have no small share ) Mine Executor then to restore , or continue my own Family by it . And , I trust , God who I believe has accepted , as well pleasing in his sight , the Piety , Faithfullness , and Diligence of the Corporations in London , will give a Command to those Lazaritique spirits , who have been of late engraved in cold resolves to hoard what would be better thus imployed , to come forth and become charitably visible ; And if God be with London to this purpose , He that at first brought Order out of Confusion , can from this present Heap of Rubbish , raise up a New and no less Renowned London . And thereby provide a-new for the Reverend , Learned , and Painful Clergy , many of which Constant Preachers , Polite Writers , Discreet and Holy Livers , are now exposed with their Wives , Children and Families to hardship , un-housed , dis-parished , Fortuneless ; Some whereof have lost all , or part of their Libraries , Common Places , and Sermon Notes , the fruits of their Studies , and the supplies of their Cures , and other advantageous Emergencies ; and what is yet as lamentable as any other unwelcome Accident , have lost the convenience of Sy●n Colledge , whose well furnished Library ( though little added to these late years ) in a good part saved , yet by the ruines of its Case , and the uselessness of it in any place , but that which was peculiar to it , adds to their unhappiness ; to recover which pristine convenience , there was a Motion made to the President and such of the Governours as could be got together about three weeks after the Fire , by a Gentleman who would have been the Colledge Orator , had they given him , and some other Gentlemen joyned with him , Credentials to address in their name , and to so worthy a purpose , The then living , though now dead , * Bishop of Rochester , whom the Motioner , to my knowledg , told such of the Governours as there were present , the most likely of any one liveing to accept the Intreaty and Motion , to become the Patron and Refounder of the Colledge . God having concentred in his Lordship those arguments of Motive for him to do this , which he has not now , in many no less willing , as that his Lordship was a Native of London , the Son of a wealthy Citizen in the same ; That he was a Church-man in the City many years ; That he had been a Governour of Syon Colledge ; That he had long published himself an intender of Publique charity by way of a Colledge to be built , or some Hospital , or both ; if this , added to his Fatherly ability in point of Estate , and his non-avocation by Provision for Children , which many mens Intentions this way are pestered with , and rendred ineffectual by ; These , I say , all amassed together , did portray him probable enough to expect such an address , and to be by God prepared , not to brow-beat it ; especially when the Eminency of this Charity had furtherance by the cheapness of it , the restoration of which Edifice to its splendor , would not , with the Materials ( when the Motion was made ) already there , have amounted to above 3000l . which was far less than either our first Founder , Reverend Dr. White , or our second Founder worthy Mr. Simpson , though but a playne Rector of a Church in London , and having a charge of Children , bestowed upon their respective parts of Foundation therein . But this Motion ( which no man can deny to have been then not impossible to have gain'd accomplishment to those honest ends ) ceased under the conclusion , He was an angry old Man , and would not relish such an Application , and so it dyed , and two moneths after his Lordship too ; but I wish it be not the hopefullest opportunity that the Colledge will ever have . And I pray God that future diligence may supply what herein may be feared wanting , and that the Library may be fitted to use . Since as the Lord Coventry once said , The Colledge had never been or continued , if it had not been for the Library and Alms-houses . This I thought here good to publish , it being my nature and custome to promote all pious and learned Interests by any opportunities I have , or can seasonably take , and to Gratulate the Kindness , Convenience , and Favour I have had from any person or thing , with frequency of acknowledgment , and wherein I can with fluency of requital . Yea , so great a confidence had I of the feasibility of this Motion , had it been currantly followed , that , I dare say , and I would have none displeased with me , but if they be , I will be pleased with my self for believing it , That if the meanest Society in London had conceived such hopes of any man so related to them , and so enabled for them , as the prementioned Prelate was to the Corporation of London Ministers at Syon Colledge , they would have not been so Modest as to have made to themselves a difficulty to approach him , and a denyal from him , before they had attempted the one , and received the other ; But would have made as much of it , as their diligence , furthered by Gods blessing , would have prospered their application to . And I the rather ( Sir ) move the Nobles and Gentry to this , because God , in the words of Mordecay to Esther , perhaps has brought them to , and preserved them in , riches and plenty for such a time as this , Esther 4. 14. And how can they do more to denominate them Noble and Great ●inded , then this of building somewhat of publique Use and State. Thus God when he declares his Mercy and Greatness to his , is said to Build the Cities of Iudah , Psal. 69. 35. And when the Lord builds up Zyon , he is said to Appear in his Glory , Psal. 102. 16. Thus God saies to his Peoples comfort , The Heathen that are left round about you shall know , that I the Lord build the ruined places , and plant that that was desolate , Ezech. 36. 36. And when God threatned the deriders of his destroyed people , whom he calls sinners of his people that shall die by the sword , which say the evil shall not overtake nor prevent us , Amos 9. 10. In the 11th v. he adds , In that day ( to wit of their ruine ) will I raise up the Tabernacle of David that is fallen , and close up the breaches thereof , and I will raise up his ruines , and I will build it as in the dayes of old . And as God himself shews his Greatness by this , so does he stir up great Mindes thus to do . Thus he stirred up Solomon to build a House to him , 1 Chron. 28. 10. Thus God moved Cyrus to build the Temple , Ezra 5●13 . Thus Cain , Nimrod , Ashur , and all men else of Might , are excited to build Cities and Houses , and to call them after their own Names , which was not onely the Fashion of elder times , and Eastern Countries , but has ever been the Custome of England : Most Halls and Lordship Houses takeing Denomination from the Primitive or most remarkable Owner of them ; Which perpetuation of any mans Name and Memory , is more probable and certainly continuous , than that of a Child , who may die , or leave no Heir , or but an Heir Female ; or may by unthriftiness waste an Estate , and so extinguish the Ancestor ; when as a publique Bounty fixed on the Basis of a notable Structure imployed to a general Use , can undergo no such change ; for its Corporation never dies , and its Alienation is secured against . Which is verified in that Magnanimous and liberal hearted Benefactor to London , and that Glory of Englands Traders in his time , Sir Thomas Gresham Knight , and Mercer of London , the wealthy and serviceable Merchant of Queen Elizabeth of ever blessed Memory ; who dying childless , is buryed in the alienation of Asterly , and other great parcels of his Lands , now out of the Name of Gresham ; but yet he lives in the Colledge of his Foundation , and in the City House he lived in , which is by the Mercy of God preserved from Fire , and become the Chamber , The Guild-hall , The Common-hall , The Exchange of the remaining City ; The Royal Exchange in Cornhil of his Foundation , Anno 1571. being wholly burnt down , and all the Stately and Kingly Effigies of it demolished , except his the Founders , which yet stands in its Arch undefaced : which president of Gods Custody of a charitable mans Statue in that place and posture which to his Memory it was first placed in , insinuates to me a very cogent Argument of invitation to some of the descendants from Citizens to set apart some share of their spare Estate , to restore waste places of Use and Notability , wherein they will more display the Piety , Gratitude , and bravery of their Natures , than by any Paradoe of Pompe , or any affectation of Grandeur which is Personal . It was a rare Testimony given of the Centurion , That he loved the Iewish Nation , because he built the Iewes a Synagogue . And 't will be a sure Evidence of Love to the Ancestor that in London rose and enriched a Family in London , when the Descendants from it so enriched , shall do good in their good pleasure to London , and help to build up the ruines of its Churches , Chappels , Halls and Colledges , which the sooner they are done the more exemplary , the less chargeable they will be ; and till they can be done , there are many real Objects of Charity , which the wayffs and strayes of their amplitude would releive , The impoverished Clergy , The deserted Children of Christs Hospital , The aged poor of the Alms-houses of the Societies . These , together with thousands of altogether distressed and undone House-keepers , call for your charitie , and will be worthy Objects of your Almonage . Look upon these , O ye Great and Rich men , whoss Barns are full , whose Purses are weighty , whose Bellies are pampered , whose Credits are questionless , whose Houses are well stored , whose Children are well matched , whose Rents come in sleeping and waking , Cast away some of your Bread upon these Waters , sprinkle some Crumbs of Comfort before these helpless Infants ; divide some portion to seven or eight , to what number your discretion directs you to , and your Piety shall bless you in so doing ; For you know not what Evil shall come upon the Earth , Eccles. 11. 2. Remember ( O man ) God the distinguisher of thee and him , was the Creator as well of thy Brother in want , as of thee in plenty ; ( the Rich and the Poor meet together in their Commencement , both dust , God is the Maker of you both , Prov. 222. ) and if thy heart be hard to him , and thou turnest thine eye from his misery , and succourest not his poverty with thy plenty ; as The Love of God dwells not in thee so the blessing of God will not rest upon thee . If there be a poor man among you , one of thy Brethren , within any of thy Gates in thy Land , which the Lord thy God giveth thee ; Thou shalt not harden thy heart , nor shut thine hand from thy poor Brother , but thou shalt open thine hand wide unto him , and shalt surely lend him sufficient for his need in that which he wanteth . Beware that there be not a thought in thy wicked heart , saying , The seventh year the year of release is at hand , and thine eye be evil against thy poor Brother , and thou givest him nought , and he cry unto the Lord against thee , and it be sin unto thee : Thou shalt surely give him , and thy heart shall not be grieved when thou givest unto him ; Because that for this thing the Lord thy God shall bless thee in all thy Works , and in all that thou puttest thine hand unto . This is Gods Enaction in Force in the Moral Charity of it to the Worlds end . Which , in the Bowels of Christ , I think ( Sir ) is pressable upon rich exempted persons now , according to such proportions as the publique Affairs and other Exigents , I know more then ordinarily expensive , will permit . Yet still revolving in their mindes that of St Paul , He that sowes sparingly , shall reap sparingly ; A Suit of Clothes , an Exuberant Servant , a Dish of Meat , an affected Folly , is better spared , than a Charity to one of these : To whom a cup of cold water given , shall be from God above rewarded . But I forbear , what mine Oratory is incogent in , which for the Poor , God can supply , who has the hearts of the Rich in his hand , and can soften them into such distributions , as they by the poor , devote to him . There is also ( Sir ) another Act of Charity , or rather Justice , that I humbly commend to the great men of the Nation , to express to the ruined Citizens , To wit , suddain and full payment of their just Debts . For they , poor Souls , being outed of their Habitations , and loosers in the Fines ▪ as well as Proprieties of them , are not only exposed to lay down new Fines , and those , God knowes , unreasonable ones , to get them an abiding place , but are ( by the suspicion that their Creditors have of their loss and inability ) rendred unable to buy up Credit , upon which double exhaustion of them by the act of God , and the inevitable inference thereupon ; if those that are able be not willing , and suddain in paying them , they will unavoidably be ruined , which , I hope , their great Debtors , whom they must ( for losses make men less confident , except they be such as are totall and irreparable ) address with less courage , and are less able to compel , if refractory , than heretofore , will count it beneath them to put them to ; For a Great man is not more distinguishable by any thing that is a di●play of Notability , than by a Mind Just and Generous , as well abhorring to do as to receive wrong , To whom Unjust and Mean advantages taken against their Inferiours , is so execrable , that they count it no less than a staine to their Honour , and an abatement to their Herocisme . King Sesostris is reckoned one of the most Virtuous and Noble of the Egyptian Kings ; yet he forgot himself much , when he caused four captive Kings to draw his Coach ; nor had he the true view of worldly Instability , nor the great sentiments of Regality , when he prided his inconstant Fortune , in the desport of their Vassalage . A braver humour prevailed in the Christian and Masculine Soul of Charles the Fifth ( many of whose previous actions , to the resignation of an Empire , and the contentation with a private life , were proportionate to the utmost expectable from an Immortal Mortal ▪ ) This Great man , having by his Forces at the siege of Pavia , taken Francis the First of France , a great and warlike King , Shewed only such sense of it as became a wise Prince , and one that was not himself exempted from a Quartan ; for if he considered Francis in the custody of his Guards , he looked upon himself as in the custody of his Phisician , saying moreover , It was not for Christians to rejoyce in their Victories each against other , but only against Infidels : So treating him as if he had been no Prisoner , but a free Prince : This , this to do is as Greatness ought , which cannot but understand that the chances and changes of life are in Gods hand , and that they are misunderstood by men , when their eye is evil , because Gods is good : whose Moral , as well as Religious Rule , is not to lay snares , nor to make men miserable by their power , Because he is an avenger of such things ; But if our Enemy be hungry , give him bread ; and if he be thirsty give him water to drink , for thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head , and the Lord shall reward thee . So King Solomon , Prov. 25. 2. Confirmed by a greater then he , Christ Jesus , Matt. 5. Luke 6. 27. And if those men owe nothing to , but in point of Charity , be thus to be treated , then surely much more ought to be expressed to them , who to this Obligation of Charity and Freewill , have in them a right of Justice to crave Kindness from their Debtors , even that Kindeness of seasonably paying them , what they seasonably for their own supplies took up of them This ( Sir ) I conceive very requisite to be intreated in the behalf of the now distracted Citizens , because I have heard it said to be one of the great miseries of Trade , to have arich Shop-book , and a lank Credit , by reason of the detinue of Debts due to them , by which they should keep touch with their Creditors , with whom they are forced not to correspond as they ought , because they are not enabled by the solvency of their Debtors . And the noise of the world is , that many men of great Estates , are most bare of money , and most backward in payments ; the sluce of which Evacuation , or the nick of which retardment , must be either the secret displeasure of God against their abused greatness , from which God has less tribute then is his due and expectation ; or from the vage expence of their Persons ; or from Frauds committed upon them , by non-inspecting their own Estates , but trusting others wholly with the managery of them ; which of these is the cause , I am not wise enough to state , but that it is so , that many of those that have most reason , in prudence and possibility , to be before hand , and to lend , rather then borrow , and pay when they buy , rather then run into the Book , are the Debtors that are least , and latest ready to pay . That being too often true which the Judicious and most Learned Knight long since wrote , Most of those who present Death upon the points of their Swords to all that give the lye to them , use nothing so much in their conversation and course of life , as to speak and swear falsly : which is not only a palpable Scar to their Reputations , ( their Credits being often refused ) but a diminution to their Estates , they paying upon such presumptions of hazzard , and uncertainty of payment , 20 or 30 l. per Cent. more then the ready money Market value , and yet are the Dealers with them beggars by it , because Trade being like a Scale , in motion up and down , the circumaction of it by paying and receiving , upon buying and selling , is the life of it , which upon such incorrespondence , if not insolvency , must acquiesse , and not flow and ●bb ; whereupon it has ever been the Maxime of great and solid Traders , To Purchase Lands of great Men , but to trade and deal with common Persons , whom they can reach by the Laws compulsion , if they cannot perswade by Credits value . And truely ( Noble Sir ) if it seemed good to the Power and Policy of the Nation , I could ( yet with humility and submission ) wish that it might be examined whether those provident Statutes of 34 H. 8. 4. 13 Eliz. 7. 1 Jac. 15. 21 Jac. 19. against Bankrupts may not be extended somwhat further now , then when they were made , there seemed to be reason to apply them : The Preamble of 1 Jac. 15. has these words ; For that Fraud and Deceit as new diseases , daily increase amongst such as live by buying and selling , to the hinderance of Traffique and mutual Commerce , and to the general hurt of the Realm , by such as wilfully and willingly become Bankrupts . For since , now it appears , not only Traders , but divers others , do contract Debts , buy Lands , settle them on their children , or in trust , and take Prisons for their Sanctuaries , defying their Creditors , which is Fraud and Deceit to all the execrable issues preambled in the Statute , why these though not Traders yet under the same guilt , should not be lyable to the same severities , and be brought within the compass of those Statutes , I am to seek of reason for it , as many are to seek of remedy against those Frauds for want of it . A better course it is which Solomon prescribes , Prov. 3. 27. With-hold not good from him to whom it is due , when it is in the power of thy hand to do it : say not unto thy neighbour go , and come again , and to morrow I will give it , when thou hast it by thee . Take heed of thus taking a pledg of thy brother for nought ; and of stripping the naked of their cloathing , of giving not water to the weary to drink , and of with-holding thus bread from the hungry ; least by reason of this , thy wickedness be great , and thine Iniquities infinite : as holy Iob his words are , Ch. 22. vers . 5 , 6. For such with-holding of more then is meet tendeth to poverty , Pro. 11. 24. Yea , certainly to with-hold a just Debt , when there is ability in the Debtor to pay it , and the convenient time of its discharge is come ; or to let it come , when it comes , with defalcations of Fees and allowances of poundage , is no less a great trouble to the Creditor receiving , than a deceit to the Debtor paying : To avoid which , it were much more peace to the Sellers conscience to sell at a reasonable price , and with moderate gain , upon money ready paid and no hazzard encountred with ( ready money answering the opportunity of a speed to Market again , and of many light gains magnified by quick returns ) and much more profit to the buyers estate , and diminution to his expence , then upon this latitude of Credit , given and taken , falls out to either . Let then ( Sir ) the Man of Estate that is deep in the undone Tradesmans Book , and who heretofore , thought it but a thing of course to make him stay long , and dance many fruitless attendancies , and to inforce him to hedg in his first Debt , by addition of money lent , and acceptation of security for both : Now consider the Citizens impotency thus to do , and the mercilessness of thus delaying him , and comply with this accident of stress which God has , without his possibilitie of prescience or prevention , brought upon him and he will oblige him by a Mercy and Justice propitious to this his exigent , and declare himself truly Great ; For Titles and Words are but Wind , but real actions of Virtue are the substantial determinations of Magnanimity ; the life-draught of which was Heroically expressed in that Contest between the Earl of Essex , and the Lord Mountjoy , Temps . Q ▪ Eliz. between whom there being quarrels upon rivalry of Favour , Caesar and Pompey's hautess being revived in them , the Lord Mountjoy daring to accept , as readily as the E. of Essex was ready to give him the Challenge , met the E. of Essex in the Field , the after Stage of their Combate ; the Lord Mountjoy being the Defendant , told the Earl of Essex , That he fought him with some disparity , because that if he killed the Earl , his life was sure to go for it ; but if you my Lord of Essex kill me , your Interest is so great at the Court , and in the Favour of her Majesty so much to you , that you will easily obtain her pardon ; therefore , my Lord , before we fight , let me beg the favour of you , that you give it under your hand , that you challenged me , and do pardon me : The Earl of Essex said , That I will , but how shall we do to have a Pen and Inkhorn : My Lord Mountjoy replyed , I have one : Oh but quoth the Earl of Essex , would you have me quit my Sword in the Field , and my Guard upon which I stand : Yes , my Lord , ( quoth my Lord Mountjoy ) and you shall write it upon my back ; I know your Lordship to be a Person of so great Gallantry , that there is no danger to me , that can dishonourably come from you : So the Earl of Essex wrote it upon his back , after which they generously fought , to shew their respective Valours . This I introduce to shew that true Nobility and Generosity , abhors to take an advantage poorly and surprisingly against any man : Whereupon I am hopeful this disablement of the Citizens of London by Gods act , who is Soveraign over all , to whose pleasure our Souls and Bodies , with all the present and future attendants on them are Vassals ; I trust , I say and hope , it will produce a speedier and more effectual payment of their due Debts from those that owe them , then otherwise they would have got them in from them . And Sir , I am further hopeful , that those Creditors to the City that are undammaged , or so only detracted from by this accident , that they are but shaven by it , not shorn , that is , abated in the excrements and parings of their Estates , not in the substance and totality of it ; that these would be as patient and tender as they Christianly can to them that are clean undone ; as many , God knows , are , whose savings from the destruction will not keep the life and soul of themselves and their charges together : They whom this accident hath made unable to live , and yet whom Providence rescues not from their misery by death : Those whose children they themselves are disabled to bring up , and by the disablement of others ( the calamity being so Epidemical ) are not to be supplied with breeding from others : Those who turned out of their callings , and unstocked by the loss of that ruffle , are neither able to set up , or fitted to other imployments , if they could be found , proportionable to their age and ability : Those that are thus already Prisoners to want , pensive thoughts and terrours of despair , are to be commended with all sympathy to their Creditors Mercie and Kindness : That they would forbear reproaches to them , and arrests of them , or suits against them ; for prisons get no debts , nor doth poverty pay any ; nor can they hope to be forgiven of God their great debt , who forgive not their Brother , thus distressed , his small one to them : And remember what Tilly , I have heard , said to Morgan , when the one marched into Stoade , and the other marched out , Hodie tu , Cras ego , I might have been in your case , the fortunes of Warr are dubious ; you must now leave that place which you have kept as a man , and I now enter on that which I have bought with many a man , and with much misery ; therefore , Sir , let us be friends in the conclusion , who have been enemies in the premisses : Let this , I say , be practised in the little debates of mine and thine referrable to Trading , thus clogg'd and impeded , and there may be hopes that London may revive , and its Citizens have wherewith to imploy their industrie in subserviencie to Gods blessing , and in time to make convenient restitution . And those Rents and Fortunes of Lords , Knights , Gentlemen , and other Proprietors , which now are incontributive to the publique Charge , as well as unaydant to their own expences , and childrens provision for , will in time advance towards their wonted service ; And the Magistracy of London be carried on by men of Fortune and fitness , whose Issues may , as heretofore , be provided richly for in all Counties of the Nation ; and Charitie to the Poor and to Learning , may by them be propagated , whose Predecessors in dwelling and course of life , have , together with men Ecclesiastical , been more publique and generous that way , then all the Nation besides . Which I mention , not to raise the indignation of any , but to move compassion to the present cloud upon Citizens , and to alledge what may advance their present ease , in order to their future publique usefulness and benefaction . Thrifty Oaks , though fleeced of under boughs , yet if not headed , may thrive and grow stately timber Trees ; but if once headed , prove after but Pollards , short and rough Timber , fit only for small and course uses . So is it with men under accidental Mischances ; if they be fiercely proceeded against , and discredited , they are probable only to live in misery , and to die in poverty : but if they be favoured , till their industry fortunated by God has made head against its misfortune , and evicted its cloud , they prove rich and valuable , according to the belief , or the contrary whereof , my humble prayer for them stands or falls . It were also ( Noble Sir ) worthy the consideration of the Nations wisdom and goodness , to provide some Law of defence against the rigours of Landlords , and the refractoriness of Tenants , by which the Partie detrimented by this act of God , might escape the additional misery of a vexatious contest . Let ( Sir ) mercy be shewed to the Looser , but not pretence of loss , pass for loss of disablements , where it has really devoured nothing but valuless Lumber : Neither let the condition of Books , Papers , Writings , and Records burnt or lost , be unprovided for by some Good and Grave Salvo , pleadable for the Loosers Indempnitie , least many long since discharged Debts be revived , and demanded afresh ; and least men be by loss of Evidences evicted their Freeholds , or at least vexed with Suits concerning them ; nothing being more sure , then that many men out of Town , and in distraction in Town , either forgot to secure many Books and Papers of weight and value ; or else committed them to they knew not whom , and shall receive them from them they know not when ; nay it may so fall out , that many Writings may by chance come into those hands from whence they moved , and cease to be securities to those to whom they are passed ; and what mischiefs may hereupon ensue ( if some Law of limitation and bar be not interjected ) is easie to presage . It were ( Sir ) also most sutable to the paternity of your House , to provide somwhat about the Registers of Churches , which are now in such dispersion , if they survive the Fire , that they would be commanded into some Office , there to be till the Parishes to which they belong be rebuilt : For since Certificate of Marriages , Legitimation of Children , proof of Ages , light in point of Pedegree , depend thereupon , the same will be the reason of their preservation now , that was of their Institution at first , and many poor Infants will be , when grown Men and Women , at a loss irremediable , if some caution against , possible , and probable evils of such nature , be not passed into a Law. And Sir , to all these add not the least important act of your Piety and Prudence , the furtherance of a Law , for making the Second of September for ever , a Solemn Fast for the National sins that merited this Judgment of God upon its London : And the Sixth of September a day of Thanksgiving for ever , for Gods merciful stay of the Fire that it proceeded no further , to enter into the Suburbs , and to destroy therein , as it had done in London : That the Pallaces of our Soveraign and his Peers , and the Cathedral and City of Westminster went free , that they should be spared when London and St. Pauls felt the furie of merciless Flames , ought to be had in yearly and hourly remembrance . Nor can any better and more religious occasions of both duties be given us by God , than these prementioned exchanges of his Providence , the Staff of which as well comforts us , as the Rod of it afflicted us ; for since he shewed himself to be ex utroque Caesar , it befits us to shew our selves Christians to both his exhibitions of Power and Mercy . These things ( Sir ) I have in haste prepared in present to you , that it may appear to the Nation , That there is one ( amongst the many others that are well affected to London ) that accounts it his duty to appear for her , not ashamed of her dislustre , and that now he can pay her no other duty , then that of his tears over her , and prayers for her , allowes her those , and over and above those , pleads her Cause with God and the Nation , not justifying her Innocency , or lessening her guilt , not excusing her Provocation , or drawing a vayle over her Deformities ; No , God forbid I should thus become the Pharisee for her , who ought to put her Mouth in the Dust , and by her silence before her correcting God , testifie her consent to the Justice and adequateness of his Judgments upon her : On this account I will allude to Iob's words , No mention shall be made by me of her Coral or Pearls ; all her righteousness my Pen shall publish but as menstruous Raggs , the price of the wisdom of humbling her self under this mighty hand of God , shall in my suffrage excel any Rubies of insisting on Termes , God has done what he has done , and let all the Earth of London be silent before him : The Lord hath done that to London which he hath devised , he hath fulfilled his word that he hath commanded ; he hath thrown down , but yet hath pittyed , Lam. 2. 17. London is the Back that is smitten , but there is not a Corner in England , but hath contributed to the desert , and will first or last feel the rebound and consequence of this punishment to London . The sins of Sodom , the Violence , the Levity , the Prophaness , the Luxury , the Lukewarmness , that provokes God , is as much every where , as in London ; there is a nauseousness of Angels Food , and a tendency to the Garlicks and Onyons of Prophaness every where , as well as in London : The Fields of England are every where ripe to the Harvest of Judgment , as well as the Sickle of it has been already thrust into London , the Glory of which God has cut down in his stupendious fury . Awake O North wind , blow O South wind upon the Garden of Holy Zeal , that the Spices of indignation for God may flow forth : Come forth of your Graves you old Hectors of Holyness , Arch-bishops , Bishops , and other renowned and triumphant Saints of this English Church , Help O ye Iewels of Glory , and ye Bradwardines of courage and constancy , and ye Fortherby's and ye Carletons of conviction and valiancy for the Truth , worthy the Crowns ye enjoy , Come , O come ye in to the ayd of the Lord against the mighty hoasts of Prophaness and Uncharitableness , of Carnal Politicks , and Atheistical Ruffians , that are confederate against the Lord , and against his Christ : O remember the Prophetical descant of glorious King Iames , once our happy Monarch , who writing on the forth Angels Errand , by the Vial of Gods wrath , says thus : Then the fourth Angel powred forth his Vial upon the Sun , and power was given him to afflict men with Fire . For even as the Sun was darkned in the fourth Trumpet , to wit , the special Teachers did begin to fall from the sincerity of the Truth , enticed thereunto , though not by Apolyon himself , for he was not yet risen ; yet by the qualities whereof He is composed , and therefore is here punished for the same . And as Moses , troubled by the hot Eastern wind , the Land of Egypt , by the breeding of Grass-hoppers , so shall the fiery Spirit of God , in the mouths of his Witnesses , so trouble Babylon , with the burning Sun of Gods Truth , as men shall be troubled with a great Heat , to wit , she and her Followers shall be tormented and vexed therewith . So King Iames. O sacred Zeal whither art thou fled , that thou hast lest England , a Land in mourning because of Oaths ; A Land accursed because of blood touching blood ; a Land deserving to be abarren Wilderness , for the iniquities of the Inhabitants of it , to whom the Word of God is made a reproach , Ier. 6. 10. and a derision daily , Chap. 20. 8. The Saints of God are thought troublers , 1 Kings 18. 17. The Image of God which is renued in knowledg after the Image of him that created it , Col. 3. 10. censured singularity and hypocrisie ; holiness of life , which God commands as that which brings to his likeness and exaltation , 1 Pet. 1. 16. Heb. 12. 14. is nick-named Phanaticism ; Zeal for reformed Religion , is counted groundless mistrust , Real Fury , precise Singularity , factious Calvenism ; Terms of opprobry beseeming rather the mouths of professed Romanists , then pretended sons of the Church of England , whose primitive Reformers , Bishops , Deans , and Doctors , if they could be raised up now to hear them , would obtest against them , as having lost the Zeal of their Profession , and not being a real honour to their way of worship and distinction , as if every thing were becoming , but what becomes every thing , Sincerity and plain dealing : Our Fashions and our Minds being so alike aery and sceptical , that we no day are what we ought , nor any day design to be what we should . O Piety , O Gravity ! Why hast thou forsaken England , who wert of old so friendly to her , and so befriended by her ? why are thy effects so invisible now , which heretofore so cleerly appeared , and so becomingly adorned the words and lives of men , and the order and harmony of places and things ? It is that which will kindle the rage of a Moses of meekness , and impatience the patience of a Iob , to see and hear sin set up amongst us by common consent and practice against Laws in Force , and Magistrates sworn to execute them . The a exercrable swearing , the notorious b Incontinency , the abominable c Drunkenness , the unconscionable d deceit , the loathsome debauchery , the e bruitish * Murther ; These and other Grists that pass by the Mill of publique Severity , and are challengers of priviledg by their universality , are ill returns to Gods multiplyed mercies , and shrewd provocations to his Chastisement : But when his Service is counted a vain thing , Mal. 3. 14. when his Prophets are misused , 2 Chron. 36. 16. and those that have not been wind of levity , Ier. 5. 13. or Foxes of Crast , Ezech. 13. 4. or Prophets of Flattery , daubing with untempered Mortar , Ezech. 22. 28. but Prophets of Truth have been lightly set by , yea , shrewdly set against : When the Lords Day , set apart for Sanctification and Devotion , hath been prophaned and made common , and not only mocked at by Religions Adversaries , but thought too long by Religions seeming friends , and the perparatory duties to them , and the performed duties on them , too severe for Christians . When the Judgments of God face us to humilitie , as the testimony of our sorrow for sin , so destructive of us , yet mirth and jollity is so applauded and countenanced , that no man almost Remembreth the afflictions of Ioseph , The desolations that sin has already made , further may , and without prevention by repentance will make . It is to be doubted , Thy ways and doings which have not been good , O England , O London , have procured the evils thou feelest and fearest upon thee : Thy Incorrigibility and Obduration has brought the Pestilence , Exod. 9. 15. Thy contrary walking to God , has raised up Enemies against thee , Prov. 16. 7. Deut. 28. 48. The pride we have had in our Strength , hath made God contend by Fire with us , and by such a Fire , as hath eaten up , not the great deep of England , but a part of it , London . And yet God that has pulled some of us out of the Fire , and kept others from the Fire , is not returned unto , as he upbraids the people , Amos 4. 11. These Judgments have been upon England and London , the Lord deliver us from what followed upon Israels impenitency , Gods abhorrence of the Excellency of Jacob , and his hating of his Pallaces ; God forbid that Iudgment of Gods delivery of England , into her Enemies hand , from his smiting of the great House of England , with breaches , as he hath done the little House of London with clefts , ver . 11. Be that Judgment , O Lord , be that undecreed by thee , and may our repentance reverse the first thoughts of thy severity this way to us . This be , O Lord , the punishment of those who are as Children of Ethiopians to thee , sinners that swear by the sin of Samaria , and say to the Deities of their own Erection , thy God O Dan liveth , and the Maner of Beersheba liveth , Amos 8. last v. Let those who forsake thee , and Follow lying vanities be thus given up to fall , and never rise up again : But let England and London that have trusted in the Lord , be saved by thee , and that with A mighty Salvation : O be gracious to England , that as it hitherto has , so yet hereafter it may stand in thy sight a faithful Witness to thy Truth , and a signal Instance of thy Patronage for ever , and build thou up the walls of London that lye waste , and let it once more be called the Perfection of this Nations beauty ; for my Nations sake , I cannot be silent ; for my Nativities sake , I cannot hold my peace , I cannot contain my Pen , but it will bewray my hearts Language ; for my Brethren and Companions sake , I will wish thee Good will , O London , in the Name of the Lord ; The Lord send thee prosperity out of Sion . And if the Question be asked of me , By whom shall London arise for it is small : my Answer shall be , God only knows how & by what , for he can make dry bones live : Yet there seems to me som ground of comfort from this , That the root of London being left , that which now seems arid , and sapless , may kindle in the womb of Providence , and take root downward , and bring forth fruit upward ; first , and chiefly , in repentance , for past Provocations , and in Vows of renewed conversation in her Inhabitants ; and then in making her Buildings , her Judges , and her Magistrates , as at the first , and the Renown and Authority of them , as in the beginning . This Sir , is that which I would promise to my self , and fore-speak to be the great mercy to England after revived London , The late loss of which , I believe , to be great ; which my prayers are , may be compensated with ten times ten Myriads of Increase , and that to render it terrible to Gods and the Kings Foes , and supportive to the Crown , Religion , Lawes , under which it happily flourished , till the late disastre upon it ; and God Almighty , who knows all secrets , and commands all hearts , raise it up , for these general and honest ends , Friends and Benefactors , who may not only further its acceleration to what it was , but to what , of further addition , it may be improved to . And may all the Timagenesses , who hate London , as he did Rome , augment their grief upon the cause he did , the fear and assurance he had Rome would be rebuilt more glorious than it was before . The prosperity of which must be the joy and prayer of every sober English man , and sincere Protestant ; and , I hope , whosoever is not both these , shall never have the power to hinder it , as I am sure he never will have the will to further it : I could enlarge in this Subject which is so pleasing to me , to expectorate my self by ; but over-doing is Vndoing , and there is no straine but comes home with a halt . Yet this I must subjoyn in comfort to London and England , changes will , and must come , and those to great Kingdomes , mighty Governments , rich Cities , Seneca has languaged this appositely to us . All that now ( Noble Sir ) remains for me to write , is to beg mine excuse for thus addressing you , whose greater affairs may be judged unreconcilable with the perusal of such papers as these , which carry the memoires of what is as unpleasing for you to remember , as impossible to forget . But I am not at all diffident of your Civility to them and me , because I am in them wholly acted by the cogency of publick spiritedness to both , Propose Londons case to the Nations piety , and to publish mine own Gratitude to it , the place of my birth , and of the breeding and conversation of my Worthy , Generous , and most Religiously sincere and Dear * Father , who both lived long , creditably and belovedly in it , and also had the publick respect and Honour from it , to be chosen Chamberlain of it upon the death of Chamberlain Harrison ( tho he was made incapable , when his hand was upon the book to be sworn in the Office , by one of those Orders that then were in date , to exclude those whom that Power termed disaffected . ) These things , together with my experience , conversation and search into the City Records , Customes and Story ( in which , I may modestly say , I have desired not to be unknowing ) court me to appear thus to you ( Sir ) and to the Nation in her behalf . And since ( Sir ) I have no design to promote her happiness by any black arts of injury and impiety to others Interests , leaving those mysteries of iniquity to such as Clement the seventh , who to advance his own Family , sometimes changed the Face of the affairs of Europe ; and Cardinal Wolsey , who to be made Legate a Latere , and to be enabled to visit not onely Monasteries , but all the Clergy , and dispense with Church Laws ; so defamed the Clergy of his own Church and Country , that they were by the Popes Bull termed Dati in reprobum sensum . Since , I say , I have in this , and I hope I may truly say in my former appearings , ( In Apology for Arts and Interests Honest and of good Report , only designed the Glory of God , the service of my Country , and the just and necessary vindication of my self from the censure of living to no purpose , and of affecting an idle and unconversable moroseness , which I think a very great sin against God , Nature , and the Time and Men with whom I live , and to whom I am responsible for the service of any smal ability I have , or may be improved to have ) I cannot but be in a sort assured that my Country-men , who read me , will excuse my Pathos for London ; especially , when I have herein avoided all vehemence that I apprehended in any degree offensive , or mis-becoming the temperate ambition of my heart and hand ; which , as they are daily lifted up to God in prayer , for his peculiar direction , how to live , speak , write and do , as suits with the attainment of a good Conscience , and the assurance of a glorious Heaven ; the only noble imployment of time and parts , besides which all is vanity and vexation , ( For of all other perfections , a few years will shew us the end . ) So are they testimonial of their expectation to be freed from prejudice , in respect of their author , who though he pleads for strict Piety , sober Order , Religions Influence , Laws esteem , Trades increase , Londons restoration , yet is void of all private concern in any of these , further than as a Christian and an English man. No creature have I been , or am I of any design , no Polypus to times and men , no Vower , Covenanter or Engager , no Purchaser of Kings , Bishops ▪ Deans and Chapters Lands ; no Petitioner in Tumults ; no Sectary in Conventicles ; no waver in Judgment , have I , through Gods mercy , ever been ; but a constant assertor of , and sufferer for my satisfiedness in , and adhaesion to , the piety and probity of my breeding and belief , which was ever , yet is , and I hope , through Gods grace , to death shall be , in point of Religion according to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England . In Duty and loyalty , according to the sound judgment of the Law , and the Declaration of Kings by their three Estates in Parliament ; In love to , and correspondence with the Universities and Houses of Learning , sutable to the gratitude I , as a Gentleman , ought to express to them , wherein I have had breeding and acquaintance , and from which I have received respect ; upon all which considerations I trust ( Sir ) this plain and honest application to the Nation , under Gods and Your Patronage , will be seasonable and successful ( tho it has been longer held in the birth than was fit it should , had not the unpardonable slowness of the Press , and the chilness of the Frost demurred that , which the preparation of the Copy would have sent forth long ago . This , Sir , I beseech you excuse . ) And give me leave to conclude with that which is the most suitable farewell to all things of this nature ; The application to God , that he would be our God ; and the God of our posterities ; that he would bless with long Life and a happy Reign , our most Gracious King Charles ; with Wisdom and Understanding , the Lords and others of his Majesties most Honourable Privy Councel ; with Zeal for God and holiness of life the Reverend Clergy ; with Justice and Courage the Learned Judges ; with Obedience and Loyalty the body of the Commons : And that he would consolidate all these to the comfort of this and after Ages , by the High Court of Parliament * now assembled , that by these degrees of Gods merciful endowment to this Nation , all in this Nation , and of this Church , may be holy to the Lord , and happy in themselves , is and shall be the Prayer of , Noble Sir , Oct 20. 1666. Your Humble Servant , and most affectionate Friend and Kinsman Edward Waterhous ▪ FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A65241-e200 7v . Jude Lib. 3. c. 9. Iosephus lib. 8. Antiq . Iudic. c. 7. l. 8. c. 2. Quoniam benefaciendo non potuit innotescere , male agendo innotesceret . Iosephus Antiq. lib. ●8 . c. 1. lib. 7. de Bello Iud. c. 10. 27. Eliz. 2. 35. Eli. 2. 1. lac . 4. 3. Car. 2. Par. 88. of his works in Folio . Pag. 81. Paul the 5 in his B●ief to the English Catholiques . cited p. 254. of K. Iames See Faux and Winter's examinat on at the Powder P●ot . p. 231 , 233 , 234. Apolog. for the O●th of Allegi . p. 252 , 264. 270 Speed in H. 8. p. 790. And the Pope instigated the Princes and Subjects o Eng. against H. 8. Speed p. 783. Stat. 28. H. 8. c. 10. In His Majesti●s Pr●c am●tion of the 10. of Nov. 1666. upon the desires of His two Houses of Parliament . c. 25. de monarchia hispanica . Thuanus l. 85. 98. Gaspar . Grevinus in Institut . p. 192. B●llaeus de actis Pont. Campanella c. 16. de monarc . Hisp. De comitiis ●ormacientibus & Augustionis , c. 27. Answer to Philanax Ang. p. 58 , 59. Pag 253. In the Apologie for the Oath of Allegian . * Et per Iesu●tas Fact●oois Hispaniae emissar o● vulgi animos solicitasse atque hoc rebellionum lacendium in Gallia quae side erga ●gitimos Principes ante illa tempora precipua suit , &c. Thuanus l. 101. To 5. See my defence of Arms and Armory printed Anno 1660. Book 7. c. 25. de bello Iudic . Mic 1. 7. Jos. 7. 21 , ●4 . a Ex. 13. 3 b Ezek. 9. 23. 1 Km. 11. 12 , 13. c Jer. 29. 4. Jer. 27. 9. Jer. 32. 3. d Mi. 3. 12. Zec 1. 12. Luke 21. 20. e 2. Sam. 13. 14 , 15. Sanguis martyrum semen Ecclesiae . f Job 1. 12. g 1 , & 2. c. Jonah . h Mat. 26. & 14 Mat. i 2 Cor. 12. 7. Ps 37. 37. E●e . 9. 4. Je. 25. 29. Ezek. 9. 6. Ps. 78. 61. Lam. 1. 15 Jer. 7. 12. 14. 26. v. 6. Amos 6. 8 Isa. 1. 11. Jer. 6. 20. Isa. 1. 13. Hos. 2. 11. Lam. 2. 1. Jer. 19. 8. c. 25. v. 9. 2 Chron. 7. 12. Deu. 9. 14. Ch. 2. v. 2. La. 2. 15. Eze. 15. 8. Stowes Survey . Speed p. 872 , ●73 . Antiq. l. 7. c. 2● See Letter Arch-Bishop York to K. Iames. Cabala ● part . p. 13. D. D. One of the Residentiaries of St. Pauls . Ferox Flammae urbes multas Eeclesiam quoque Sancti Pauli Apostolicum majori & meliore parte Londonia consumpsit . Dunelm . p. 214. P. 106. P. 114. p. 267. Speed p. 39. Cambd. in ●●idx . E●t . Lament . 2. Londinum totius Britanniae Epitome , Britannicique imperii sedes , Reg●umque Angliae Ca●era tantum inter omnes emi●ct , quantum 〈◊〉 viburna cupressus . C●mbd . Brit. lat . Edit . 1587. Fons imperii , orbis Terranum Mater , gentium , Regionum contumbernium pacis aeternae consecratio , Sanctus Hyeronimu ; lege clogia Romae apud Ludovicum . Dorleans in Comment ad l. 1. Annal. T●citi . p. 2. Grande illud & ante T●mpus invictum caput Syracusae quamvis Archimedis ingenio de●enderetur , aliquando cesserunt . Jornandes l. 1. de Regni & temporis successu . O Populum dignum orbis imper●o dignumque omnium savare & admirat one hominū ac deorum compulsus ad ultimos metus . Idem . a Iosephus lib. 7. c. 16. de Bello Iudaico . b Nicephorus l. 15. c. 21. Evageius l. 2. c. 13. Baronius Tom. 5. 465. d See Chronol . Ca●ncsi● Edict Quartae Impress . Francae-surti . Anno 1650. Fucre qui annotarent XIIII . Calendis Sextiles ●rincipium incendi●●ujus Ortum quo & Senones captam urbem inst●mmaverunt . Tacitus Annal. lib. 15. p. 792. Edit . Porleans . de incendio Romae . * Cambd. Britain . ●2 Neh. 43. Franci illi qui pugnae super suerunt Londinum convolantes , I am j am urbem perdaturi erant , nisi Tamisis qui nunquaem Londinensibus de defuit Romanos milites pererrore nebuloso maris à classe abductos opportunè intulisset Cambd. in M●ddx . p. 265. Cosmography . p. 316. History Worthies . p. 227. Ca●sa fundationis Civitatis Londine●sis Fluvius Thamisis liber Dunthorne . lib. 10. c. 10. 〈…〉 Diligentissima est tela sui 〈◊〉 Fortitudo . Baptista Gramay D●scription of Asia . ● Z●c● . 7. 29 Isa. 10. 1 Sam. 26. 12. 20 Acts 9. L. 6. c. 16 de Bello Judaico . L●b . 7. c. 16 de bello I●d●ico . L 6 c. 16. Scyllam inopem unde praecipuum audaciam Tacit . Annal. lib. 14. p. 159. Ex edit Eudovici Dorlea●s . 6 lib. c. 16. De bello Iudaic. Impetu pervagatum incenaium , plana primum , deinde in edita assurgens inferiora populando anteriit remedia velocitate mali . Tacit . An●●l . lib. 15. p. 791. Edit . Dorlea●s . 26 Ezek. 13. 7 Jer. 34. 16 Jer. 9. 9 Acts 6. V. 1. 2. 13 Jer. 18 2 Chr 12. c. v. 6. 28 D●ut . 13. 11 Jer. 5. 10 Eccl. 17. 〈…〉 Thankful Rem●mbrance of Gods mercy . See Dr. Sharpe's Letter . Cabala p. 256. 259. 1 part . 1 Isa. 2. 126 Ps. 4. 1●2 Ps. 28 11 Prov. 21. 1 Jam. 20 34. Exod. ●6 . 2. Chron. 30. c. v. 9. 103. Ps. 8. 3. Jer. 12. 49. Ps. 6. 64 Isaiah 11 , 12 , 13. Mat. 11. 21. 23. Lu●e 10. 13. 48 Jer. 11. 7 Hos. 10. 4 Mat. 8. 9. 〈◊〉 ●6 . 9 〈◊〉 13. 6. 〈◊〉 ▪ 12. 1. Isai. 26. 132. Ps. 2. Certo constat Regem Hispaniarum si totam Angliam cum Belgio donare possit totius Europae magnaeque partis mundi Novi Monarcham cito Evasurum ; Omnino id agat ut Anglorum vires infringat , ad quod efficiendum Naves Hollandiae & Frisiae sufficerent si nimirum Classi A●glae opponerentur . Campanella c. 25. de Monarchia Hispanic● . 71 Ps. 11. * Apology and Appeal to the Royalists now published . Cab. l● . 2 p●●t . p. 84. a Ammi●●nus Mar●lli-nus . ● . 14. 2 Cor. 4. c. v. 9. ● 2 Isa. 11. 12. 1 Zep. 12 ▪ Vere affirmare possumus mundum novum quodammodo perdidisse mundum . 2 Chron. 17. c. v. 10. Veterem nam mentibus nost . is a varitium insevit & mutuum amorem inter homines extrin●it . Campanella c. 16. Monarch Hispan . 24 Isa. 1. 29 Ezech 9. * Nec quisquam desendere audebat , creb●is multorum minis restinguere prohibentium , & quia alii palam faces jaciebant atque esse sibi auctorem vociserabantur sive ut raptus licentius exercerent , seu ●ussu . Tacitus Annal . l. 15. p. 791. Edit . Dor●ea●s . Ad Rel●gionem Angl●ae quod s●ectat obtinet quidem Calvin a●a attamen moderata , nec tam prava ut Genevensim est quae tamen facile restling ui non potest , nisi aperiuntur Scholae in Flandra , quae gens cum Anglis multum commercii habet , int● ventuque illarum spargentur semina Scismatum in Scientiis Naturalibus , &c. c. 25. de Monarch . Hispan . Deus tamen ipse postmodum ust●ad●t vtam quà illi vinci potuerunt cum ipsi ( Protestantes ) per sectas in diversas partes decesserunt , Cro●● sciliscet Lutheri , subtilis Calvini , dissoluti Zuinglii & Mem●c nis , adeo ut vix ulla domus ibi terrarum inveniatur in quà 〈◊〉 diverse Haer●ses soveantur , nec ulla desit nobis quam scientia apprehendendi & usurpandi tam exoptatam occasionem , omn● en 〈◊〉 regnum inse divisum desolabitur & unio fi●ma difficilem semper habet nodum . c. 27. 2 Cor. 13. c. v. 11. 4 Eph. 3. 3 2 Isa. 17. 11 Prov. 30. Ge● . 9 Isa. 20. Egregia vero via ad humilandos Ha●eticos eosque distrahendos etiam haec est , nimirum aperire Scholas Philosohicas & Mathematicas in Germania ut ejusmod● speculati omnibus immergatur potius quum Haereticis studiis vacet . Et Paulo post una quadem via est si animus omnis et voluntas interse coeundi et conspirandi illis auferatur suspiciones et simultatis inter illos alendo , &c. c. 23. 23 Josh. 10. 26 Lev. 8. Read Sir Walt. Bawleigh 2 Book 1 part p. 262. l. 10. p. 233. of his works in folio . 23 Ezech 32. 12 Zach. 2. 49 Gen. 19 36 Isa. 27. 1 Cor. 10. c. v. 13. 1 Zach. 15. Anno. 1602. Cabala . p. 81. St. Jude 9. At Pompeii theatrum igne fortuito haustum , Caesar extructurum pollicitus est , eo quod nemo è Familia restaurando sufficeret . Tacitus Annal. lib. 3. p. 417. Edit Dorleaus . St. Gyles's in the Fields . A senatu petivi● Lepidus ut B●silicam Sancti Pauli Aemiliam monumenta propria pecuniâ firmaret , o naretque , erat enim tunc in more publica munisicentia . Idem eodem loco . Legata non ultra Civilem modum nisi quod populo & Pleb . ccccxxxv . Praetoriarum co●ortium militibus singula nummûm millia , legionariis autem cohortih●s Civium Romanorum trecenos nummos vi●itim dedit . Annal. lib. ● . p. 33. Edit Dorleans . * Dr. War●er . St. Olaves Har●-stree● . Nota ben● . See Sir Rawleigh● Book . 1. part c. 10. § 4. Remember this that God may remember you . Deut. 15. 7 , 8 , 9. L. Herberto Hist. H. 8. p. 167. Sir Walter Rawleigh 5. Book part 1. p. 467. Job 2● . 1● Cant. ● . 16 See Arch-Bishop of Yorks Letter to King Iames , Cabala part 1. p. 13 Paraphrase in Rev. 16 p. 50 operum . Hos. 4. 3. Psal. 107. 34. a 21 Jac. 20. confirmed by 3 Car. 4. b 20 H. 3. 9 9 H. 6. 11. 18 Eliz 3 7 Jac. 4. c 4 Jac. 5. 21 Jac 7. 1 Car. 4. d Some of which are punishable by fine and inditement , others are against 3 E. 1. c. 29. 21 Jac. 26. 2 R. 2 , 3. 3 H. ● . c. 4. 13 El. 5. 27 El. 4. 13 El. 10. 52 H. 3. 6 , 7. 34 H. 8. 5. 27 H. 8. c. 28. 31 H. 8 c. 13. 1 E. 6. c. 14. 13 Eliz. 1. e 3 H. 7. 1. 1 E. 6. 10. 52 H. 3. 25. 1 Jac. 8. 3. E. 1 ; 23 H. 8. 1. 26 H. 8. c. 12. 1 E. 6. 12. 13 R. 2. c. 1. 16 R. 2. c. 6. * Read Sir Walter Rawleigh ● 5. c. 3. of his first part p. 468 Lam. 1. 7. Amos 6. 6 Hos. 4. 9. Jer 4. 18. Lev ●6 . 25 Numb . 14. 12. Amos 6. 3. ●ers . 11. ● 9. ● 7. Ionah 2. 8 Ps 1. ● 7. 1 Sam. 19 5 Isa. 45. 17 Seneca Ep. 91 An Apho●ism of Sir Benjamin Ruddiards . Omnium istarum Civitatum quas nunc mag●ificas & Nobiles audes , vestigia quoque tempus erudet non tantum manufacta labuntur juga mon●●um destaunt , &c. Ep. 92 * Francis Waterhous Esq L. Herberts H 8. p. 378. Idem p. 90 Ad prodendam virtutis memoriam sine gratia aut ambitione bonae tantum conscientiae praetio ducebatur vir bonus . Scipio A miratus in Digressionibus Politicis . p. 43. Edit . 1609. * Fidum & altum Reipubl . Pectus as Valerius his words are . Principes viri triumphisq , & am●lissimis honoribus su●cti , hor●atu Princip●s ad ornandam ●●bem i●●●cti sunt . ●elleius Pare●culus lib. 2. A72792 ---- By the Mayor whereas the right honourable the Lords of His Maiesties most honourable Priuy Councell ... finding that the said abuse hath appeared in nothing more than in the excessiue rates of poultry ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1634 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A72792 STC 16733.7 ESTC S120164 24640434 ocm 24640434 178628 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A72792) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 178628) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 844:13 and 893:4c and 1856:12 or 1997:19) By the Mayor whereas the right honourable the Lords of His Maiesties most honourable Priuy Councell ... finding that the said abuse hath appeared in nothing more than in the excessiue rates of poultry ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1 broadside. Printed by Robert Young, printer to the honourable citie of London, [London?] : [1634] Second part of title from first seven lines of text. "Giuen at the Guild-Hall the seuenth day of Ianuary, Anno Dom. 1633." Date of publication suggested by STC (2nd ed.). Reproduction of originals in the Guildhall Library (London, England) and the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Poultry -- England -- London -- Prices. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2008-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-12 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-12 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE MAYOR . WHereas the right honourable the Lords of his Maiesties most honourable priuy Councell , hauing taken care to reforme many abuses that haue of late crept into this City and places adioyning , as the excessiue number of Tauernes , and the eractions vsed in the immoderate prices of all sorts of prouisions in Ordinaries and Hosteries : and finding that the said abuse hath appeared in nothing more than in the excessiue rates of Poultry of all sorts , being so vnreasonably enhaunsed by Poulterers and Higlers , that it is not onely an intolerable grieuance to his Maiesties Subiects , but the inconuenience thereof doth also deepely reflect vpon his Maiesties houshold . Haue signified the expresse Command of his Maiesty That the Lord Mayor and his brethren , the Aldermen , should enter into serious consideration of that particular grieuance , as a thing altogether vnsufferable , and should set such prices as they should conceiue to be fit for all small Acates and other prouisions , and to set vp the same in publike ▪ Tables to the end that both Buyer and Seller may take notice thereof : and also should vary them from time to time as they shall finde iust cause . In obedience whereunto , the said Lord Mayor , by the aduice of the said Aldermen , for remedy and reformation thereof , hath , vpon mature deliberation , set such rates and prices as seeme meete and reasonable to be giuen and paid for all sorts of Poultry and other small Acates , to be sold within this City and Liberties thereof , and hath commanded the same rates to be published and set vp in Tables , to the end and intent that all and euery person and persons may thereby haue cleare knowledge and vnderstanding what the Poulterers and all other person and persons ought iustly to demand or take of them for their Poultry , vended as aforesaid . Streightly charging and commanding euery of the said Poulterers and others , as aforesaid , that they or any of them do not at any time or times hereafter demand , require or take any more or greater price for their said Poultry , than is assessed and rated as aforesaid : And that no manner of person or persons doe in any wise pay more than after the same rates . And also , that euery person do obey and keep aswell the said prices , as all other prices that shall from time to time hereafter be set and appointed by the said Lord Mayor for any prouision of Victuall whatsoeuer , vpon pain of such punishment to be inflicted vpon the Transgressors , as according to the lawes , and their deserts shall bee thought meete and requisite . Prouided alwayes , that all manner of persons may from time to time buy Poultry at lesser and lower prices , as they can furnish themselues . Giuen at the Guild-Hall the seuenth day of Ianuary , Anno Dom. 1633. God saue the King. Printed by Robert Young , Printer to the Honourable Citie of London . A72798 ---- 1602. 1603. A true report of all the burials and christnings within the Citie of London and the liberties thereof, from the 23. of December, 1602 to the 22. of December, 1603 VVhereunto is added the number of euery seuerall parish, from the 14. of Iuly, to the 22. of December, aswell within the Citie of London, and the liberties thereof, as in other parishes in the skirts of the citie and out of the freedome, adioyning to the Citie: according to the report made to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, by the Company of Parish Clearkes of the same citie. Bills of mortality. 1602-12-23 to 1603-12-22 Worshipful Company of Parish Clerks. 1625 Approx. 18 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A72798 STC 16740.5 ESTC S125099 99900370 99900370 151052 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A72798) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 151052) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1997:24) 1602. 1603. A true report of all the burials and christnings within the Citie of London and the liberties thereof, from the 23. of December, 1602 to the 22. of December, 1603 VVhereunto is added the number of euery seuerall parish, from the 14. of Iuly, to the 22. of December, aswell within the Citie of London, and the liberties thereof, as in other parishes in the skirts of the citie and out of the freedome, adioyning to the Citie: according to the report made to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, by the Company of Parish Clearkes of the same citie. Bills of mortality. 1602-12-23 to 1603-12-22 Worshipful Company of Parish Clerks. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by William Stansby, London : [1625] Date of publication from STC. Another edition of part I of STC 16740--STC. This edition has both the royal arms and the arms of London at top. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall Library, London, England. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Mortality -- England -- London -- Statistics -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2008-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 Megan Marion Sampled and proofread 2008-11 Megan Marion Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms 1602. 1603. A true Report of all the Burials and Christnings within the Citie of London and the Liberties thereof , from the 23. of December , 1602. to the 22. of December , 1603. Whereunto is added the number of euery seuerall Parish , from the 14. of Iuly , to the 22. of December , aswell within the Citie of London and the Liberties thereof , as in other Parishes in the Skirts of the Citie and out of the Freedome , adioyning to the Citie : According to the Report made to the KINGS most Excellent Maiestie , by the Company of Parish Clearkes of the same Citie . coat of arms of the City of London   Buried in all Of the Plague . Christnings . December 23 83 3 69 Ianuary 6 78 0 97 Ianuary 13 83 1 134 Ianuary 2 80 0 105 Ianuary 27 82 4 128 February 3 104 1 102 February 10 76 0 108 February 17 96 3 109 February 24 85 0 108 March 3 82 3 110 March 10 101 2 110 March 17 108 3 106 March 24 60 2 106 March 31 78 6 59 Aprill 7 66 4 143 Aprill 14 79 4 86 Aprill 21 98 8 84 Aprill 28 109 10 85 May 5 90 11 78 May 13 112 18 103 May 19 122 22 81 May 26 122 32 98 Iune 2 114 30 82 Iune 9 131 43 110 Iune 16 144 59 90 Iune 23 182 72 95 Iune 30 267 158 82 Iuly 7 445 263 89 Iuly 14 612 424 88 This Weeke was the Out-Parishes brought in to bee ioyned with the Citie and Liberties .   Buried in all Of the Plague Christnings . Iuly 21 1186 917 50 Iuly 28 1728 1396 138 August 4 2256 1922 115 August 11 2077 1745 110 August 18 3054 2713 9● August 25 2853 2539 127 September 1 3385 3035 97 September 8 3078 2724 105 September 15 3129 2818 89 September 22 2456 2195 90 September 29 1961 1732 81 October 6 1831 1641 71 October 13 1312 1146 73 October 20 766 642 67 October 27 625 508 75 Nouember 3 737 594 70 Nouember 10 585 442 65 Nouember 17 384 251 64 Nouember 24 198 105 58 December 1 223 102 64 December 8 163 55 72 December 15 200 96 71 December 22 168 74 70 The totall of all that hath beene buried this yeere 38244 Whereof of the Plague 30578 Christnings 4789 London within the Wals●   Buried in all Of the Plague . Albones in Woodstreet 183 164 Alhallowes Lumbardstreet 109 98 Alhallowes the great 286 250 Alhallowes the lesse 227 182 Alhallowes Breadstreet 33 27 Alhallowes Staynings 123 103 Alhallowes the Wall 216 174 Alhallowes Hony-lane 12 5 Alhallowes Barking 390 339 Alphage Cripplegate 175 152 Andrewes by the Wardrobe 290 256 Andrewes Eastcheape 114 108 Andrewes Vndershaft 165 142 Annes at Aldersgate 146 125 Annes Black Fryers 235 226 Antholines Parish 32 27 Austines Parish 92 78 Barthol . at the Exchange 93 63 Bennets at Pauls Wharfe 199 136 Bennets Grace-Church 40 30 Bennets Finck 95 78 Bennets Sherhog 26 24 Botolphs Billinsgate 91 73 Christ Church Parish 334 271 Christophers Parish 41 35 Clements by Eastcheape 48 40 Dionis Backchurch 112 88 Dunstanes in the East 227 197 Edmunds in Lumbardstreet 78 67 Ethelborow within Bishopsg . 163 124 Saint Faiths 115 96 Saint Fosters in Fosterlane 91 81 Gabriel Fanchurch 67 56 George Botolphlane 36 30 Gregories by Paules 272 217 Hellens within Bishopsgate 98 83 Iames by Garlickhithe 141 110 Iohn Euangelist 9 5 Iohn Zacharies 131 118 Iohns in the Walbrooke 136 122 Katherines Cree-Church 400 337 Katherine Colemans 190 167 Lawrence in the Iewry 88 71 Lawrence Pountney 161 134 Leonards Fosterlane 230 210 Leonards Eastcheape 54 39 Magnus Parish by the Bridge 109 76 Margrets New-fishstreet 83 61 Margarets Pattons 54 44 Margarets Moses 70 60 Margarets Lothbery ●06 88 Martins in the Vintry 258 190 Martins Orgars 90 77 Martins Iremonger lane 27 19 Martins at Ludgate 199 161 Martins Outwich 39 32 Mary le Booe 26 24 Mary Bothaw 35 31 Mary at the Hill 142 120 Mary Abchurch 124 110 Mary Woolchurch 52 37 Mary Colchurch 10 8 Mary Woolnoth 99 91 Mary Aldermary 80 68 Mary Aldermanbery 81 70 Mary Staynings 49 37 Mary Mounthaw 51 45 Mary Sommersets 197 177 Matthew Fridaystreet 16 13 Maudlins in Milkestreet 33 30 Maudlins by Oldfishstreet 126 104 Michael Bashishaw 141 109 Michael Corn-hill 130 91 Michael in Woodstreet 156 137 Michael in the Riall 100 79 Michael in the Querne 61 46 Michael Queenhithe 138 105 Michael Crooked Lane 110 97 Mildreds Poulty 84 62 Mildreds Breadstreet 43 33 Nicholas Acons 41 32 Nicholas Cole Abbay 147 103 Nicholas Olaues 83 69 Olaues in the Iury 41 33 Olaues in Siluerstreet 113 92 Pancras by Soperlane 20 16 Peters in Cornhill 141 80 Peters in Cheape 58 37 Peters the poore in broadstr . 44 39 Peters at Pauls Wharfe 97 88 Steuens in Colmanstreet 363 315 Steuens in the Walbrooke 24 20 Swithins at Londonstone 120 95 Thomas Apostles 86 64 Trinitie Parish 116 108 London without the Wals , and within the Liberties . Andrewes in Holborne 1191 1125 Bartho . the lesse Smithfield 86 74 Bart. the great Smithfield 195 165 Brides Parish 933 805 Botolph Algate 1413 1280 Bridewell Precinct 108 105 Botolphs Bishopsgate 1228 1094 Botolphs without Aldersg . 576 508 Dunstones in the West 510 412 Georges in Southwarke 915 804 Giles without Creeplegate 2408 1745 Olaues in Southwarke 2541 2383 Sauiours in Southwarke 1914 1773 Sepulchres Parish 2223 1861 Thomas in Southwarke 249 221 Trinitie in the Minories 40 33 Out Parishes adioyning to the Citie . Clements Templebarre 662 502 Giles in the Fields 456 402 Iames at Clarkenwell 725 619 Katherines by the Tower 653 585 Leonards in Shorditch 871 740 Martins in the Fields 505 405 Mary White-chappel 1539 1352 Magdalens in Bermondsey — street 597 562 At the Pest-house 135 135 Buried in all within these 23. Weekes 33681 Whereof , of the Plague 29083. London , Printed by William Stansby . A72819 ---- To the Honourable House of Commons assembled in Parliament. An abstract of the generall grieuances of the poore free-men and iourney-men printers oppressed and kept in seruile bondage all their liues by the vnlawfull ordinances of the master and wardens of the Company, which they fortifie only by a warrant dormant. Stationers' Company (London, England) 1621 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A72819 STC 16786.10 ESTC S123628 99899007 99899007 151070 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A72819) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 151070) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1997:42) To the Honourable House of Commons assembled in Parliament. An abstract of the generall grieuances of the poore free-men and iourney-men printers oppressed and kept in seruile bondage all their liues by the vnlawfull ordinances of the master and wardens of the Company, which they fortifie only by a warrant dormant. Stationers' Company (London, England) 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1621] Against the 'unlawfull', i.e. monopolistic, ordinances of the company; this and STC 16786.8 presented before 29 May 1621--STC. Imprint from STC. Another issue, with heading altered, of STC 16786.8. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall Library, London, England. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Stationers' Company (London, England) -- Early works to 1800. Printers -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Printing -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2008-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-11 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TO THE HONOVRABLE HOVSE OF Commons assembled in Parliament . An Abstract of the generall grieuances of the poore Free-men and Iourney-men Printers oppressed , and kept in seruile bondage all their liues by the vnlawfull ordinances of the Master and Wardens of the Company , which they fortifie only by a Warrant dormant . With their most Humble Petition , FFOM the beginning of Printing his Maiesties progenitors by their prerogatiue Royall did priuiledge such persons as they pleased soly to Print some peculiar bookes , leauing the rest in generall to the Printers . And for this Art of Printing was the key that opened the doore of knowledge and learning ( which is the honour and support of all States and Kingdomes ) his Maiesties progenitors were pleased to incorporate a selected number , and to indow them with a large Charter and many great priuiledges which was graciously intended for the generall good of the whole company , but by the innouations brought in by the Masters and their ordinances , the benefit is conuerted to them in particular , and the petitioners vtterly ruined thereby . The lawes of the kingdome authorise all persons , that haue serued an Apprentiship according to the statute , lawfully to set vp and vse that trade to which they haue serued . But the petitioners are depriued of that benefit ( which all honest and loyall subiects inioy ) by ordinances of the Masters of their company . And made perpetuall bondmen to serue some few of the rich all their liues vpon such condissions , and for such hire , and at such times , as the Masters thinke fit : for their trade of Printing ( but as seruants ) they must not vse , so as they take all possibiltie of Aduancement ( be they neuer so exquisite in their qualitie ) from the petitioners , and make them vncapable of maintenance for them their wiues and posterities . The Masters obtained a decree 28. Eliz. prohibiting the petitioners to set vp any presse or presses wherewith to print vpon paine of sixe moneths imprisonment without Bayle or mainprise , and his presses and other instruments to be defaced . The decree was obtained vnder colour of granting the petitioners diuers bookes in priuiledge to bee printed for their benefit , and diners ordinances for the petitioners continuall and full imployments , and other orders profitable for them . But the decree obtained , they obserued none of their contracts : those being instituted without penalty . But all that tended to the petitioners preiudice , and their Masters particular profits , were inioyned vnder great and grieuous punishments . Whereas his Maiestie was graciously pleased to grant in priuiledge the printing of diuers bookes vnto the petitioners the poore Printers ( they by their ordinances haue disposed them wholly to their owne particular benefit , the petitioners hauing no share or benefit of his Maiesties most gracious and free bountie , intended chiefely to the poore petitioners . And with the profit of his Maiesties gift , they haue purchased and drawne into their hands diuers other priuiledged bookes , conuerting them likewise to their owne ends . In like maner vnder a false pretence of relieuing the poore , they haue obtained almost al into their hands , what either his Maiestie : or his progenitors euer granted in priuiledge , of which the Petitioners and poore sort of Printers expecting benefit , reape indemnity and preiudice , and his Maiesties Subiects in general are abused by their exactions . For they keeping multiplicity of Apprentisies , ( who after their Apprentiships , like the Petitioners , become for euer more seruile then before ) Print Bookes most by their Apprentises , whereby the Petitioners haue not halfe imployment sufficient to worke as seruants ; But the Petitioners are in worse case , then when the priuiledges were in strangers hands , which had no prentises . Besides the Masters of the Company haue raised the prizes of Bookes , Print in worse Paper , and with dimne and bad Letters . The Stationers to whom these priuiledges were neuer intended by his Maiesties most Gracious Gift , or the Grant of his Progenitors , are the chiefe Ingrossers of these Priuiledged Coppies , with some few Printers . And further , the Stationers by an agreement among themselues will retale no new Copies , vnlesse they be of their owne . For be it neuer so Religious , Learned , or profitable , if it be a Printers , either by purchase , or by free gift , they will not sell the same : but the Printer must loose his labour , his Paper and expence , if he will not sell them at their rate : by which meanes the Stationer hath all the profit both by Printing and Booke-selling . If the Petitioners infringe any part of the former Decree , or any of their owne Ordinances , or but seeme to question their right in the benefits Graciously giuen them by his Maiestie , or complaine of their vnconscionable and lawlesse proceedings , they by vertue of a Warrant Dormant , presently breake the Petitioners houses , imprison their bodies , seize their goods , and deface their Presses and Printing Instruments , without legall proceeding or euiction by information . And by this meanes dispose of all things amongst themselues , so a few are raised to great and infinite estates , and all the Petitioners thereby made absolute beggers . Reasons why the Petitioners should be relieued in this high and most Honourable Court. The Decree and their Ordinances barre them all reliefe in any Court of Iustice , or any other Court of Equity , but this onely . The Decree and their Ordinances are absolutely contrary to the Lawes of this Kingdome , and against the Lawes of God and Nations . The Masters haue in nothing performed their Contracts made at the obtaining the Decree . The Petitioners are depriued of that freedome that all other loyall subiects inioy , and they ought to haue . His Maiesties bounty extended to charitable vses , but is conuerted to their priuate endes and benefits . The Petitioners most humble request is : That the Decree may be dissolued . That the Petitioners may inioy that liberty and priuiledge that euery honest and loyall subiect ought to inioy . That they may haue equall share of what his Maiestie Graciously gaue for their charitable vses . And such other priuiledges distributed amongst the whole Company as of right belongs , wrongfully by them now vsurped . The Petitioners shall beseech the Iudge of all Iudges , to Crowne you all with eternall Honour . A72822 ---- To the honorable assembly of the Commons house of Parliament, and to the committees, for grieuances of the same house. The humble petition of Edward Hopkins, William Barwell, Iohn Bellamy, Robert Vilet, Iohn Walter, Robert Wright, and other wharfingers in and neere the Cittie of London 1621 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A72822 STC 16787.10 ESTC S125118 99898804 99898804 151074 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A72822) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 151074) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1997:46) To the honorable assembly of the Commons house of Parliament, and to the committees, for grieuances of the same house. The humble petition of Edward Hopkins, William Barwell, Iohn Bellamy, Robert Vilet, Iohn Walter, Robert Wright, and other wharfingers in and neere the Cittie of London Hopkins, Edward, fl. 1621. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1621] Against abuses by the woodmongers in regulating use of carts--STC. Imprint from STC. In this edition, lines 4-5 of title have: "... Robert Vilet,/ Iohn Walter, ...". Reproduction of original in the Guildhall Library, London, England. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Company of Woodmongers (London, England) -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Carriages and carts -- Early works to 1800. Wharves -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2008-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-11 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TO THE HONORABLE ASSEMBLY OF THE COMMONS house of Parliament , and to the Committees , for Grieuances of the same house . The humble petition of Edward Hopkins , William Barwell , Iohn Bellamy , Robert Vilet , Iohn Walter , Robert Wright , and other Wharfingers in and neere the Cittie of London . WHereas the petitioners and all others vsing Wharfes for sale of Fuell within and neere the Cittie of London , haue time out of minde had the vse of a competent number of Carts and Carres as necessarily incident to their trade , to carry wood and cole for the necessary vse of his Maiesties subiects in and about the said Citie , vntill some of the Woodmongers in An. 3. Iac. ( without the consent of the rest ) did not onely procure themselues to be incorporated by his Maiesties letters patents , with power to make ordinances for gouernment thereof , but also for their owne lucre , and to the intent to oppresse his Maiesties subiects and make a Monopoly thereof , vpon pretence of better gouernment , haue by colour of the said Letters patents made ordinances , whereby they haue drawne the gouernment of Carres into their owne hands , and so prouided that neither Wharfinger nor other might vse a Carre without licence from the said Companie ; and vpon such as had licence for vse thereof , laid an imposition of 17. s. 4. d. per annum , and other great taxes , as sometimes 40. s. and at other times 4. lib. a man. ANd the said Companie hauing so setled their said gouernment , did denie the vse of Carres to diuers owners of ancient Wharfes vsing the trade of Woodmongers , and either sold them out to others for 40. and 50. lib. a Car-roome , or else did farme them for 10 s and 12. s. the weeke ; by which meanes the said Car-roomes are appropriated to Tapsters , Ale-house-keepers , Scriueners , Hostlers , Bakers , and such like , not vsing themselues either Wharfe or Carre , and become priuate interests , and go as Chattels to Executours . ANd when Wharfingers ( in case of necessitie ) vsed any Carres for vse of their trade , themselues and their seruants haue at seuerall times beene ( by colour of the said Letters patents ) committed to prison by the Master and Wardens of the said Companie , and there detained sometimes 7 or 8 dayes ; at other times their Carres haue beene by the said Companie or their ministers taken from them ; and when they haue endeuoured by course of law to relieue themselues , they haue beene vnduly staid . BY which vniust courses the petitioners and diuers others being free of the Citie of London , haue beene most vniustly denied the free vse of Carres , and thereby hindred from vsing their said trade , and inforced either to buy diuers Car-roomes , or to farme them at the seuerall rates aforesaid , to the vtter vndoing of themselues , wiues and children , to the great inhansing and raising of the price of Fuell , and the great grieuance and oppression of his Maiesties subiects in and neere about the said Citie , and to the raising of the price of cariages , with many other inconueniences . IN tender consideration whereof , and for that the said Grant ( accompanied with ordinances as aforesaid ) is not onely a Monopoly , but the execution thereof tends to depriue his Maiesties subiects of their libertie , by vnlawfull imprisonment , contrary to the great Charter of the Liberties of England , and to the hinderance of Legall proceedings and stop of Iustice for their goods vniustly and against law taken from them , and to the destruction of their trade , and is otherwise enormous and extreme grieuous to the petitioners and others his Maiesties subiects , and may with the like colour be put in execution against Brewers , Scauingers , and diuers other trades ; and for that the petitioners are ready to make good each of the said generals , with diuers particulars of euery sort . MAy it therefore please this honorably Assembly and high Counsell to take the premisses into consideration , and to appoint some time for the hearing thereof , and to take such course to reforme the said abuses , and punish the said offenders , as to iustice shall appertaine : And the petitioners ( as most bound ) shall euer pray for the long continuance and happie prosperitie of this honorable Assembly , and all the members thereof , &c. A72823 ---- To the honorable assembly of the Commons house of Parliament, and to the committees for grieuances of the same house: the answere of the master, wardens and fellowship of woodmongers, London, to the complaint of some few wharfingers and others, whereof, some are forraine, and some free of the same citie Company of Woodmongers (London, England) 1621 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A72823 STC 16787.12 ESTC S125119 99898805 99898805 151075 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A72823) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 151075) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1997:47) To the honorable assembly of the Commons house of Parliament, and to the committees for grieuances of the same house: the answere of the master, wardens and fellowship of woodmongers, London, to the complaint of some few wharfingers and others, whereof, some are forraine, and some free of the same citie Company of Woodmongers (London, England) 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1621] A responce to a petition of the London wharfingers (STC 16787.10) against abuses by the woodmongers in regulating use of carts--STC. Imprint from STC. Reproduction of original in the Guildhall Library, London, England. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Company of Woodmongers (London, England) -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Carriages and carts -- Early works to 1800. Wharves -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2008-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-11 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To the Honorable Assembly of the Commons house of PARLIAMENT , and to the Committees for grieuances of the same HOVSE : The Answere of the Master , Wardens and fellowship of Woodmongers , London , to the Complaint of some few Wharfingers and others , whereof , some are forraine , and some free of the same Citie . THe gouernment of Carres and Carremen within the Cittie of London was ancientlie time out of mind in the Maior and Aldermen of the Cittie of London . At a Court holden before the said Maior and Aldermen xj . Octobris Anno 22. Eliz. It was ordered that the gouernment of the said Carres and Carremen should from that time be in the Master and VVardens of the companie of VVood-mongers of the Citie of London . After , his Maiestie by his Letters patents dated the xxix . of August and in the third yeare of his raigne did incorporate the said Woodmongers and Carremen by the name of the Master , Wardens and fellowship of woodmongers of London . After the xxi . Of October in the said third yeare of his Maiesties raigne the gouernement of all Carres and Carremen , within the said Cittie was by Act of Common Councell confirmed vnto the said Master Wardens and Fellow-shipp and their Successors . They paying to Christs Hospitall for the reliefe of the poore there 150li. Per annum , And it was by the same Act further enacted that from thenceforth all persons vsing the trade of Carremen should be translated to the Company of Woodmongers . After the said Master VVardens and Fellowshipp did make diuers ordinances for the gouernment of the said Carres and Carremen which ordinances the xviii . of May Anno , 5. Iacobi were confirmed by the late Lord Chauncellor Ellesmere , Sir Iohn Popham , Knight , then Chiefe Iustice of the kings bench , and Sir Edward Coke Knight then Chiefe Iustice of the Common plees according to the statute of 19. Henrie 7. XXX . Nouembris Anno 6. Iacobi , it was ordered by the Lords of the Councell that all persons vsing the trade of Carres should be ordered and gouerned according to the before recited Act of Common Councell . And that the nomber of Carrs within London should not exceed 400. And that none of them should be vsed but by the licence of the Company of VVoodmongers and Carremen . XI . Octobris Anno 9. Iacobi , the before recited Charter and ordinances were decreed in the Court of Star-chamber . After diuers disordered persons not conforming themselues according to the said ordinances the Lords of the Councell were pleased to direct their Honorable letters to the Lord Maior and Court of Aldermen requiring them to call the said persons before them and to cause them presently without delay or excuse to submit themselues to the said ordinances or else to commit them to prison vntill they should so conforme themselues . The 20. of November Anno 16. Iacobi Regis , a second decree was made in the starr-chamber , whereby the decree of the xi of October in the ix . yeare of his Maiesties raigne the order of the Lords 30. Nouembris Anno 6. Iacobi , the letters of the Lords of the Councell before mencioned the ordinances of the said Companie of VVoodmongers , the before mencioned Act of Common Councell and all other ordinances established for the gouernment of the said Companie of VVood-mongers & Carremen were decreed to be after trulie obserued performed and kept according to the purport and true meaning thereof . After the xv . of October Anno 17. Iacobi , the said last mencioned decree was in all the points afore-said confirmed by a third decree in the said Court of Starr-chamber & diuers persons that is to say Robert Wright Thomas Newton Thomas Guy William Barwell Edward Hopkines and Robert Violet , And also Mathew Kimpster and William Sligh should be restrained and prohibited to vse or worke any Carre or Carres within the said Citie liberties & suburbes thereof without allowance of the said VVood-mongers vpon paine of punishment to bee inflicted vpon them by the censure of the said Honorable court : And it was then further decreed by the said Court that such persons as then did or should after vse Carres and were free of any other Companies in London then of the said VVood-mongers should forthwith bee translated ouer to the said company of VVood-mongers in manner and forme as by the said Act of Common Councell is set downe and prescribed . And that such person or persons as did or should refuse or neglect to be translated after request made vnto them according to the said Act should vndergoe and be subiect to the Censure and punishment of the said most Honourable Court of Starr-chamber for his or their contempt in that behalf : And lastlie it was ordered by the said high Court that the said Robert Wright for his contempt should be committed to the prison of the Fleet there to remaine vntill he should conforme himself and shew obedience to the decrees orders and ordinances established as aforesaid . All which notwithstanding the said Robert Wright and the other persons before mencioned and diuers others by their example doe not onelie continue Contemners of the said Act of Common Councell ordinances and decrees but doe also become suitors to the high Court of Parliament to put in vse diuers things contrarie to the said Act of Common Councell ordinances and decrees . A74093 ---- And being above -- xxiijc. weight upon every hundred ijd. ... City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74093 of text R210463 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.11[10]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74093 Thomason 669.f.11[10] ESTC R210463 99869261 99869261 162661 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74093) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162661) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f11[10]) And being above -- xxiijc. weight upon every hundred ijd. ... City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1 sheet ([1+] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes, printer to the honourable City of London, [[London] : [1647]] A fragment. Corporate authorship conjectured from text. Title from opening words of text. Imprint from colophon. Item is bound with items from 1647. Sets fees for cartage within the City and liberties of London. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Physical distribution of goods -- England -- London -- Costs -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Politics and government -- Early works to 1800. A74093 R210463 (Thomason 669.f.11[10]). civilwar no And being above -- xxiijc. weight upon every hundred ijd. ... City of London 1647 796 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion And being above — xxiijc. weight upon every hundred ijd . And for Seacoales the Load xijd . 3 Item , From any the Wharfes aforesaid , To Smithfield barrs , Holborne barr , Temple barr , or any of the barrs on the Northside of the City , and places of like distance up the Hill with — xviijC. weight , not exceeding — xxiijC. = weight .   For every Load xxijd . And going beyond the said places , the Parties to agree with the Carrmen .   4 Item , From any the Wharfes aforesaid , To Towerstreet , Gracechurchstreet , Bishopsgate within , Cornhill , and places of like distance up the Hill with — xiiijC. = weight , not exceeding — xviijC. = weight , In which may bee included xx . peices of Raisins , a load of Raisins of the Sun , vj . bags of Pepper , vj . ordinary bags of Galls , iij . great bags of Galls , vj . bales and barrels of Indico , vj . bales of Grograines , vj . ordinary bales of Turky silk , viij . bales of India silk , v. hogsheads of Cloves and Tobacco , iiij . bales of Callicoes , iij . hogsheads of Wines , ij . chests of Sugars ; or any other goods of the like weight xiiijd . 7 Item , From London bridge to the Bridgfoot westward , Old Swan , Coleharbour , the three Cranes , Queenhithe , Broken wharfe , Paulswharfe , Puddle wharfe , the Wardrobe , and to all other Places not exceeding the Poultry , Cheapside , Newgate market , for — xiijC. = weight , not exceeding — xviijC. weight xiiijd . And for every load of Seacoales xiid . And to all the places Northward of the Poultry , Cheapside , Newgate market , Holborne bridge , and Fleetstreet , for — xiiijC. weight , not exceeding — xviii C. weight xvid . 8 Item , from Towerstreet , Gracechurchstreet Fanchurchstreet , Bishopsgatestreet within , Cornehill , and other places of like distance , for every pack of xx . Clothes , for vi . bales of Clothes and Kersies , vi . bales of Pepper , vi . barrels of Indico , v. hogsheads of Cloves , and for other goods of like weight to the waterside xiid . And from Broadstreet , Lothbury , Old-jury Bassishaw , Colemanstreet , Iremongerlane , St. Lawrence lane , Milkstreet , Aldermanbury , Cheapside , Woodstreet , Fridaystreet , Breadstreet , and other places of like distance to the waterside , for the like weight , conditionally , that the Carrmen doe load their own Carrs xiiijd . And if they refuse to doe the same , then but xiid . 1 Item , That it shall be free for all Merchants and others that have occasion to use Carres , to choose what Carres they please , except such as stand for Wharfe-worke , Crane-work , Shops , and Warehouses between Tower Wharfe and London bridge , which are to stand in order , and to be taken in turne , in regard of the narrownesse of the passage in those places . Item , For prevention of future damage to the Merchants , and suppressing of unruly and disorderly Carremen , and for avoyding of danger by unruly horses , it is thought fit , and so ordered by this Court , that the Company of Woodmongers , shall have power , and be hereby authorized to nominate and appoint Streetmen , ( such as they shall thinke fit ) to be Overseers of the said Carremen , to see and take care , that Merchants and other Citizens goods be well and faithfully carryed and delivered at the rates and prices aforesaid , without any exaction , hinderance , or disturbance ; and that able persons , none under the age of Eighteen years be employed to manage their Horses and Carres : And that such of the Carremen as shall be found obstinate , and refuse to obey these Orders , may receive condigne punishment , according to the Laws and Orders of the said Company . And that such of them as shall bee disturbers , and occasion the breach of the Peace bee immediately brought before the Lord Maior , or some other of His Maiesties Iustices of the Peace , to bee punisht according to the Law . And all Constables and Officers within this City and Liberties , are required to be ayding and assisting unto the said Overseers , in the lawfull execution of their duties . Printed by Richard Cotes Printer to the Honourable City of LONDON . A74121 ---- To the present visible supreame power, assembled at VVestminster The humble petition, and desires of many thousand well-affected persons, in, and about the city of London, in behalf of themselves and the whole Kingdome. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74121 of text186 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.13[75]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74121 Thomason 669.f.13[75] 50811835 ocm 50811835 162971 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74121) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162971) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f13[75]) To the present visible supreame power, assembled at VVestminster The humble petition, and desires of many thousand well-affected persons, in, and about the city of London, in behalf of themselves and the whole Kingdome. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1649] Imprint from Thomason catalogue. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Jan: 27: 1648". eng Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A74121 186 (Thomason 669.f.13[75]). civilwar no To the present visible supreame power, assembled at VVestminster. The humble petition, and desires of many thousand well-affected persons, i England and Wales. Parliament. 1649 829 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To the present visible Supreame Power , Assembled at VVEST MINSTER . The Humble Petition , and desires of many thousand well-affected persons , in , and about the City of London , in behalf of themselves and the whole Kingdome . Humbly sheweth , THat your Petitioners being sensible what it is to offend the Almighty , and procure his wrath upon our selves and our posterity , ( as also of the misery of a late and lasting War ) and how dangerous a thing it is to offend against the very light of Conscience , and to dally with Oathes and Covenants , &c. And having taken into our Consideration the present straits we are in , if under one hand we shall oppose or speak against those present visible powers in being : Or on the other hand , shall violate the Oath of Allegeance , ( which we were forced to take when we became Free-men , and Subjects to the King ) the Protestation , and the late Solemne League and Covenant , all which we have , by many learned Divines , beene from time to time taught that they ought not to be violated , and that from the same we could not be absolved . But so it is , as we humbly conceive , if we shall comply with our Brethren in laying aside of the King , the Parliament , the present Settled Lawes , and Constitutions of this Kingdome ; and shall side with , and abbet in deposing of the King , and His Posterity , the dismembring of Parliament , the defrauding of Fellow-members of their Freedome , for to Chuse , or to be Chosen , in places of Office and Trust in the Kingdome ; we shall thereby violate our Oathes , give up our undoubted Rights to others , offend God , and sinne against the light of our own Consciences : Or if not , we shall expose our selves , and Estates , into the power of those , who ( by the known Lawes , and undoubted Rights , belonging and appertaining unto the Subjects of England ) have no power over us , and to be tryed , and disposed by unwritten , and uncertaine Dictates , Lawes and Rules , to which we never gave the least consent , nor had the least knowledge of . Neither are we ignorant of what evill Consequences to this Kingdome , the deposing of former Kings hath been , witnesse the Story of Henry the Fourth , and others : And how God from time to time , hath taken vengeance on Covenant-breakers , ( though it was amongst Heathens themselves ) who have made specious pretences of good , untill they have gotten power into their owne hands , &c. and of the sad consequences that have risen from the change of Government in a State , witness that of Athens , &c. All which , we beseech you to take into your serious consideration , ( know you not yet that ENGLAND is destroyed ) before our miseries come inevitably upon us , and there be no remedy , nor hopes of Restauration to our hoped-for Peace and Tranquility ; and that for the prevention of the fore-mentioned evills felt or feared , 1. You will please to propound to the whole Kingdome , ( and not a part only ) that they , within a certaine time to be limited , convene together , to declare their approbation of the present Members , or to chuse others instead of them : which Parliament so freely and satisfactorily chosen by the whole Kingdome , may ( with the advice of our Brethren of Scotland ) consult , and advise for the speedy Setling the Peace of both Kingdomes upon sure and lasting Bases . 2. That for matter of Religion and Church-Government , you will please to take advice of an Assembly of Ministers , Convened out of England , Scotland , and Holland , that so the better satisfaction may be given , as to your selves , so to the whole Kingdome . 3. That you will declare unto us , what immunities you will please to grant , to those that discent from , and cannot in Conscience joyne with the now propounded Agreement , or Propositions drawn up and propounded by a few unto the whole Kingdome , &c. and that , though in some meane condition , we may live in peace amongst our Brethren , who once declared it as most unreasonable , for all Government to be in the hands of a Party , &c. Therefore our humble desire is , that your Honour ; would be pleased to take the premises into your serious Consideration : which granted , Your Petitioners shall ever pray , &c. A74131 ---- Wednesday the 27 August, 1651. Mr. Speaker, by way of report acquaints the House of the great appearance of the militiaes of London, Westminster, Southwarke, and the hamblets of the Tower, on Monday last in Finsbury feilds, ... England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74131 of text R211350 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.16[22]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74131 Thomason 669.f.16[22] ESTC R211350 99870080 99870080 163179 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74131) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163179) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f16[22]) Wednesday the 27 August, 1651. Mr. Speaker, by way of report acquaints the House of the great appearance of the militiaes of London, Westminster, Southwarke, and the hamblets of the Tower, on Monday last in Finsbury feilds, ... England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1651] Title from opening lines of text. Place of publication and publication date inferred. Signed: Hen. Scobell Cler. Parliament. The speaker reports the appearance of the militia at Finsbury Fields on Monday, 25th inst.: whereon a vote of thanks is passed to the Lord Mayor, &c., of London, etc. for their affection to Parliament. Ald. Pennington, Sir John Bourchier, Ald. Atkin, and Ald. Allen to return thanks -- Cf. Steele. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Septemb. 1. 1651". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A74131 R211350 (Thomason 669.f.16[22]). civilwar no Wednesday the 27 August, 1651. Mr. speaker, by way of report acquaints the House of the great appearance of the militiaes of London, Westmin England and Wales. Parliament. 1651 250 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Wednesday the 27 August , 1651. MR. Speaker , by way of report acquaints the House of the great appearance of the Militiaes of London , Westminster , Southwarke , and the Hamblets of the Tower , on Monday last in Finsbury feilds , and their great Cheerefulnes and Readines manifested to the publick service . And likewise of the great care and affection of the Lord Major , Aldermen , Sheriffes , and Common-councell of the City of London , the Collonels , and Officers , and Souldiers of the Trained bands , and Voluntiers both horse and foot , and especially the great care and paines of Major Generall Skippon , in that service . Resolved , That the thankes of the Parliament be returned to the Lord Major , and Aldermen , Sheriffes , and Common-councell of the City of London , and likewise to the severall Militiaes of London , Westminster , Southwarke , and the Hamblets of the Tower , and to the Collonels , Officers , and Souldiers ; and to the Trained bands , and Voluntiers , both horse and foot , for their great affection to the Parliament , in their cheerfull readines to serve the State , manifested at their last appearance in Finesbury feilds on Monday last . Resolved , That Alderman Pennington , Sir John Bourchier , Alderman Atkin , and Alderman Allen , doe returne the thanks of the Parliament accordingly . Hen. Scobell Cler. Parliament . A74147 ---- By the Mayor. Whereas by neglect of executing the good lawes and statutes against rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggers, that vermine of this Common-wealth doth now swarme in and about this city and liberties, ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74147 of text R211678 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.20[21]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74147 Thomason 669.f.20[21] ESTC R211678 99870384 99870384 163438 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74147) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163438) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f20[21]) By the Mayor. Whereas by neglect of executing the good lawes and statutes against rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggers, that vermine of this Common-wealth doth now swarme in and about this city and liberties, ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by James Flesher Printer to honourable city of London, [London] : 1655. Title from caption and first lines of text. Signed and dated: the twenty third day of January 1655. Sadler. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Decemb. 1655". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Begging -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Rogues and vagabonds -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A74147 R211678 (Thomason 669.f.20[21]). civilwar no By the Mayor. Whereas by neglect of executing the good lawes and statutes against rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggers, that vermine of the City of London 1655 1025 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Mayor . WHereas by neglect of executing the good Lawes and Statutes against Rogues , Vagabonds , and Sturdy beggers , That vermine of this Common-wealth doth now swarme in and about this City and Liberties , disturbing and annoying the inhabitants and Passengers , by hanging upon Coaches , and clamarous begging at the doores of Churches and private Houses and in the Streets and common Dayes ; beguilling the modest , laborious and honest poore , ( the proper obiects of Charity ) of much reliefe and Almes which otherwise might bee disposed to them by bountifull and well minded people : And by this meanes and their corrupt and prophane communication , doe bring dishonor to God , scandall to Religion , and shame to the Government of this City : And for as much as it is intended and resolved that for Reformation of this living Nusance , the said Lawes and Statutes shall bee hence-forth duely and strictly executed within this City and Liberties thereof , and the penaltyes and punishments thereby appointed , imposed and inflicted upon all Persons offending against the same : I doe thereofore give notice thereof , And in the name of his Highnes the Lord Protector , doe hereby require and Command all Constables and other Officers and Persons whatsoever within this City and Liberties , to bee diligent and watchfull about their duties herein : For better information whereof and that none may excuse himselfe by pretence of ignorance , I have caused some branches of the said Statutes of most Common concernment to bee added hereunto , expecting that accordingly every Constable doe presently apprehend ( and so continue to doe during his said Office ) all such Rogues , Vagabonds and Sturdy beggers as shall bee found in his parish or precinct , or shall bee brought or sent to him by any of his Neighbors , and to send to Bridewell ( the place of Correction ) such of them as live within this City and Liberties , who are there to bee received and dealt withall according to Law ; and such as live not within the Liberties aforesaid , to whipp and passe away to the place of their dwelling or last aboade . And that all other Persons doe apprehend or cause to bee apprehended all such as they shall see or know to resort to their houses to receive or begg any Almes , and carry or cause them to bee carried to the next Constable , And that in all other things they give that furtherance to this worke as by the Law is required . And further , I doe hereby require all and every the said Constables , to the end their dwellings may bee the better known and more readily found , that they have their staves set or fixed at their streete doores , plainly to bee seene by all Passengers . And moreover , that on the first Wednesday in every moneth at foure of the Clocke in the afternoone , they deliver in to the Corporation for the poore at Weavers Hall , a list of the names and sirnames of all such Rogues and Beggers as shall by them respectively bee apprehended , whipped and passed away , with the time when , and the place to which they are sent . As they will answere the contrary at their perills . Dated the Twenty third day of January 1655. Sadler . To all and every the Constables within the City of London and Liberties thereof . 39 Eliz cap. 4. EVery Rogue , Vagabond , or Sturdy begger that shall bee taken begging , vagrant , wandering , or misordering themselves , shall bee apprehended by any Constable of the Parish where such Person shall bee taken , and bee stripped naked from the middle upwards and bee openly whipped , till his or her body bee bloody and shall bee forthwith sent from Parish to Parish by the said Officer , the next streight way to the Parish where hee or shee was born , if the same may bee known by the parties confession or otherwise , And if the same bee not known , then to the Parish where hee or shee last dwelt , before the same punishment , by the space of one whole yeare , or if it bee not know where hee or shee was borne , or last dwelt , then to the Parish to which hee or shee last passed without punishment &c. 39 Eliz. cap. 4. If any Constable bee negligent and doe not his and their best endeavours for the apprehension of such Vagabond , Rogue , or Sturdy begger , and to cause every of them to bee punished and Convayed as aforesaid , then the Constable in whom such default shall bee , shall loose and forfeit for every such default Tenne shillings . 39 Eliz. cap. 4. Also , if any Person doe disturbe or let the execution of this Law , or make rescusse against any Officer or Person authorised for the due execution of the premisses , such Person offending shall forfeit for every such offence five pounds , and bee bound to the good behaviour . 1 Iac. cap. 7. Every Person or Persons shall apprehend or cause to bee apprended , such Rogues , Vagabonds and Sturdy beggers as hee or they shall see or know to resort to their houses to begg , gather , or receive any Almes , and him or them shall carry or cause to bee carried to the next Constable , upon paine to forfeit for every default Tenne shillings . 1. Iac. cap. 7. And if such Constable doe not cause the said Rogues , Vagabonds and Sturdy beggers to bee punished and Convayed as aforesaid , such Constable shall forefeit and loose the summe of Twenty shillings for every default . Printed by James Flesher Printer to Honourable City of LONDON . A74149 ---- At a court held by the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor President, and the rest of the Governors of the Corporation for the Poor of London the 6th of February, 1655. Governors for the Poor (London, England) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74149 of text R211774 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.20[24]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74149 Thomason 669.f.20[24] ESTC R211774 99870474 99870474 163441 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74149) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163441) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f20[24]) At a court held by the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor President, and the rest of the Governors of the Corporation for the Poor of London the 6th of February, 1655. Governors for the Poor (London, England) 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by James Flesher, Printer to the honourable city of London, [London] : 1655. At end: Signed by the Appointment of the said Corporation; by William Haslope Clerk to the said Corporation. Annotation on Thomason copy: "feb. 7th". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Poor laws -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Poor -- Services for -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A74149 R211774 (Thomason 669.f.20[24]). civilwar no At a court held by the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor President, and the rest of the Governors of the Corporation for the Poor of London, t Governors for the Poor 1655 726 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms blazon or coat of arms At a Court held by the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor President , and the rest of the Governors of the Corporation for the Poor of London , the 6th of February , 1655. WHereas the Governors of the Corporation for the Poor of London , have from year to year given publique notice of their having a Stock of Flax , Hemp , and Tow , at either of their Workhouses , to imploy the Poor within this City and Liberties thereof ; And for some years together did imploy about one thousand Poor at Work , besides the Poor Children that are Educated by the said Corporation in Learning and Arts ; Yet neverthelesse there are many Vagrants and Common Beggers which continually frequent the Streets of this City , and refuse to receive or undertake any lawfull work , or imployment , to the Scandall of the Government of this City , and the profession of Religion . For Prevention whereof , It hath pleased the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor of this City President of this Corporation , lately to issue his Lordships Precepts to all the Constables of this City , requiring them diligently to prosecute the Laws of this Nation against Vagrants and Common Beggers , and hath also given them a Breviate of the Statutes in force , the better to informe them of their respective duties , and of the penalties which they and others concerned must sustaine , if they shall not pursue the said directions ; In the further persuance whereof his Lordship and the rest of the Governors of the said Corporation , ( by and with the advice of the Treasurers and others , Governors of the severall Hospitalls of this City ) have resolved to give each other their best Assistance for the Vigorous and Constant carrying on of the same . And to this end have appointed a Competent number of able men under a Sallary , to spend their whole time in their respective appointed divisions , to be Assisting to the Constables of this City , in the apprehending of all sorts of Beggers , to the end that such of the Poor belonging to this City , as will Work , may be sent to the Workhouses ( at the Mynories and the Wardrobe ) belonging to the said Corporation , there being a Stock of Hemp , Flax , and Tow , in readinesse to imploy them : And that the rest may be sent to the house of Correction , or be passed away according to the directions inserted in his Lordships Precepts . And to the end the broken Bread and Meat within this City ( which hath usually been distributed to the aforesaid Common Beggers ) may not be lost : It is thought meet ( respect being had to the severall Prisons within this City ) that such Basketmen as shall be judged convenient , being recommended by the Churchwardens or Overseers of the out-Parishes , shall be allowed to Gather and Receive the said broken Bread and Meat in such places as shall be assigned to them , to be distributed to such of the poorest sort of people , as the said Churchwardens and Overseers shall appoint to receive the same , they giving a Badge of distinguishment to such as they shall judge meet for that service . Towards the more Effectuall carrying on of which good work , his Lordship with the rest of the Governors of the said Corporation , do earnestly desire the Ministers of the Gospell within this City and Liberties thereof , to publish the same , together with the heads of the Statutes inserted in his Lordships Precept hereunto Annexed , the next Lords day in their respective Congregations : And to stirre up all good people to be cheerfully active ( in their severall duties ) for the encouragement of the great work under the management of the said Corporation , And more especially to implore the blessing of God and his gracious Assistance in and upon their endeavors . Signed by the Appointment of the said Corporation ; By William Haslope Clerk to the said Corporation . Printed by James Flesher , Printer to the Honourable City of London , 1655. A74155 ---- A prohibition to all persons who have set up any offices called by the names of addresses, publique advice, or intelligence within the cities of London and VVestminster, the borough of Southwark, and three miles about the same. Williams, Oliver, fl. 1657-1670. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74155 of text R211957 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.20[57]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74155 Wing W2749 Thomason 669.f.20[57] ESTC R211937 ESTC R211957 99870605 99870605 163473 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74155) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163473) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f20[57]) A prohibition to all persons who have set up any offices called by the names of addresses, publique advice, or intelligence within the cities of London and VVestminster, the borough of Southwark, and three miles about the same. Williams, Oliver, fl. 1657-1670. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for the author, and are to be had at the Sun in Paul's Church-yard, London : 1657. Signed and dated at end: Oliver Williams. 26 day of May, 1657. Annotation on Thomason copy: "May". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Office of Intelligence (London, Eng.) -- Early works to 1800. Advertising -- England -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A74155 R211957 (Thomason 669.f.20[57]). civilwar no A prohibition to all persons who have set up any offices called by the names of addresses, publique advice, or intelligence, within the citi Williams, Oliver 1657 719 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A PROHIBITION to all persons who have set up any Offices called by the names of ADDRESSES , PUBLIQUE ADVICE , or INTELLIGENCE , Within the Cities of London and VVestminster , the Borough of Southwark , and three Miles about the same . THese are to certifie all persons whatsoever , whom it may any wayes concerne ; That whereas the late King Charles the 20 Day of December , in the 13 year of his Raign did for himself his Heirs and Successors , grant one Indenture of Lease under the Great Seal of England , to Captain Robert Innes his Executors , Administrators , and Assignes , for the term of 41 years , of an Office then called the Intelligence Office , of all kinds of Intelligence whatsoever , of all Bargaines , of things lost , or found , for helping Masters and Mistrisses to Servants , and Servants to Services , And all other things of the like nature , within the Cities of London and Westminster ; The Borough of Southwark , and three miles about the same , inhibiting and forbidding all other persons whatsoever , from erecting any other Office or Offices , of the like nature , without authority under the hand and Seal of the said Captain Robert Innes , or his Assignes ; And that notwithstanding the said Prohibition in the said Grant is still in full force for divers yeares yet to come ; several persons without any legal authority have , in divers places of the Cities of London and Westminster , and Borough of Southwark , set up several Offices of the like nature , by the name of the Office of Addresses ; And lately by the name of the Office of publick Advice ; as appeareth by a printed paper printed by one Mr. Thomas Newcomb , wherein ( contrary to Law , ) several persons have assumed a power to themselves , of imposing rates upon the several particulars therein set forth and expressed , whereas in the Lease granted to the said Captain Robert Innes , it is left to the voluntary disposition of the persons addressing themselves to the said Office what to give ; which Grant amongst others was confirmed by an Act of Parliament , bearing date the 29 day of January 1648 : And also by an Ordinance of his Highnesse the Lord Protector , with the advice and consent of his Council , hearing date the 26 of December 1653 ; And the said Grant is now exemplified under the Great Seal of England , in the name of his Highnesse the Lord Protector , at the request of Oliver Williams , Assigne to the said Captain Robert Innes . Now whereas the legal right of the aforesaid Office is invested in the said Oliver Williams his Executors , Administrators , and Assignes . He doth further certifie all whom it shall or may concern , that he is resolved with all possible speed to set up the said Office of Intelligence , in such convenient places as may be for the better executing the power granted in the said Letters Pattents , according to the true intent and meaning thereof ; And the said Oliver Williams by the power and authority therein granted and confirmed , as aforesaid , doth hereby require and prohibit all and every person and persons whatsoever , that from henceforth neither they nor any of them presume to set up any such Office or Offices , or shall any longer continue the Office or Offices , set up as aforesaid , or to Officiate in the same , either by the name of the Office of Addresses , Publick Advice , or Intelligence , or any other name whatsoever , for the performance of those things granted as aforesaid , without sufficient Authority first obtained under the hand and Seal of the aforesaid Oliver Williams or his Assigns , during the said term , As he or they will answer the same at their peril , Dated the 26 day of May , 1657. Oliver Williams . London , Printed for the Author , and are to be had at the Sun in Pauls Church-yard , 1657. A74205 ---- To the right honourable the knights, citizens and burgesses now assembled in Parliament. The humble petition of Andrew Church, George Allen, Thomas Sander, Robert Parkinson, Iohn Tippin, and Iohn Wigmore as it was by them delivered to Master Speaker the 9 of August, in the behalfe of the multitude of poore trades-men and artificers, in and about the cities of London and Westminster, with the suburbs and liberties of them both, and by Master Speaker, presented to the honourable house of Commons, the 16. of the same moneth. Church, Andrew, fl. 1641. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74205 of text R210201 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.4[27]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74205 Wing C3985 Thomason 669.f.4[27] ESTC R210201 99869021 99869021 160649 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74205) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160649) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f4[27]) To the right honourable the knights, citizens and burgesses now assembled in Parliament. The humble petition of Andrew Church, George Allen, Thomas Sander, Robert Parkinson, Iohn Tippin, and Iohn Wigmore as it was by them delivered to Master Speaker the 9 of August, in the behalfe of the multitude of poore trades-men and artificers, in and about the cities of London and Westminster, with the suburbs and liberties of them both, and by Master Speaker, presented to the honourable house of Commons, the 16. of the same moneth. Church, Andrew, fl. 1641. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1641] Imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Poor -- Early works to 1800. A74205 R210201 (Thomason 669.f.4[27]). civilwar no To the right honourable the knights, citizens and burgesses now assembled in Parliament. The humble petition of Andrew Church, George Allen, Church, Andrew 1641 807 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE The Knights , Citizens and Burgesses now assembled in Parliament . The humble Petition of Andrew Church , George Allen , Thomas Sander , Robert Parkinson , Iohn Tippin , and Iohn Wigmore , as it was by them delivered to Master Speaker the 9 of August , in the behalfe of the multitude of poore trades-men and artificers , in and about the Cities of London and Westminster , with the Suburbs and liberties of them both , And by Master Speaker , presented to the honourable house of Commons , the 16. of the same moneth . HVMBLY SHEWETH , THat the infinite number and increasing multitudes of Aliens which have and still doe Intrude themselves into this Kingdome are so great both of French , Walloones and Dutch , and their accesse of using trades here in these Citties and liberties , which is the Rumating of the most part of the poorer sort of Tradesmen in the said Citties and liberties , That thereby the French , Walloones and Dutch have got our trades into their hands so , that we native borne subiects are enforced to be their servants , and have our bread snatched out of our hands by them , A thing not suffered in any other Common wealth . 2 That since the beginning of this happy parliament there have beene diverse petitions delivered to this honourable Assembly for prevention of this misery and mischiefe , which we poore natives lye groning under the burden of . 3 That we which suffer most ( by this grievance ) are poore men and not able to wage law , and therefore the more sleighted by those of Eminency amongst us , and from our Masters and Officers can get noe Reliefe in this case , our Masters and governors in the places where we live having taken diverse summes of money to licence , admit , and allow the said Aliens to trade as freely as wee , insomuch that many of us Tradesmen which might have lived very comfortably on our Trades and been helpefull unto others , are forced through want of Imployment to be chargeable to the parishes in which we live , many even to beg , many to turne Porters , Day-labourers , Waterbearers , Chimney-sweepers , and the like thus the Aliens are cherished , and many of them get great and unknowne estates , as it were even out of the subiects mouths . 4 That a great part of the said Aliens are Roman Catholiks , and but few of them that have any certificates to shew of what Religion they are , or how they learned their trades which now they use . 5 That the said Aliens the most part of them live in Allies , by-places , and odde corners , postering their houses with five or six families in one house , which is altogether very dangerous for infection , especially now in these Cities and Liberties . 6 That by the tollerating such infinite numbers of them , they having gotten the most part of our trading into their hands , commercing one with another , and imploying men and women of their owne nations , as Brokers , to sell and put off their workes and wares for them , whereby they doe dayly increase , which makes houses at excessive rents , and all provision the dearer . 7 That we native borne subiects , are by the Lawes of this Land , to serve seaven or eight yeares for our trades before we are suffered to worke for our owne benefit : But on the contrary , the Aliens and strangers at their first comming , set up as masters , or worke as iourneymen without restraint . 8 That we Englishmen are not suffered to enioy any of these priviledges in France , but must of necessity be servants there , and not be suffered to worke , no not so much as in our chambers , in paine of the losse of the commodities so wrought . Therefore we laying aside all Confidence in our Magistrates Masters & governours on whom we have Relyed , we do here most humbly appeale to this Honourable assembly , knowing that it is your desires and all you labour for , to doe good , to Relieve the oppressed , to Reforme abuses , and to heare all poore mens grievances : Our request is to this Honourable assembly , that your grave Wisdomes will be pleased to take the premisses into Consideration , and provide some fit meanes whereby we may be releived herein , And your petitioners as in all duty bound will dayly pray for your prosperities . A74776 ---- Down-right dealing, or The despised Protestant speaking plain English to the Kings most excellent Majesty the honourable houses of Parliament. The city of London. The Army. And all other peace-desiring commons of this divided and self-destroying kingdome. / Written by J.H. an impartiall observer of the present transactions of the court, city, and camp. Howell, James, 1594?-1666. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74776 of text R202555 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E408_17). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 24 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74776 Thomason E408_17 ESTC R202555 99862793 99862793 114969 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74776) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 114969) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 64:E408[17]) Down-right dealing, or The despised Protestant speaking plain English to the Kings most excellent Majesty the honourable houses of Parliament. The city of London. The Army. And all other peace-desiring commons of this divided and self-destroying kingdome. / Written by J.H. an impartiall observer of the present transactions of the court, city, and camp. Howell, James, 1594?-1666. 16 p. s.n.], [London : Printed in the year of discoveries. 1647. J.H. = James Howell. Place of publication from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "7ber [i.e. September] 24". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britian -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Peace -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A74776 R202555 (Thomason E408_17). civilwar no Down-right dealing, or The despised Protestant speaking plain English: to the Kings most excellent Majesty the honourable houses of Parliam Howell, James 1647 4417 17 0 0 0 0 0 38 D The rate of 38 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Down-right Dealing , OR The despised Protestant Speaking plain English To the Kings most Excellent Majesty The honourable houses of Parliament . The City of London . The Army . AND All other Peace-desiring Commons of this divided and self-destroying Kingdome . Written by J. H. an impartiall observer of the present transactions of the Court , City , and Camp . A Kingdome , City , or House , divided against it self cannot stand . Printed in the Year of Discoveries . 1647. To the Reader . Reader , WHat ere thou chancest to be , I neither fear , nor care : the frown of the mighty ; the fleer of the froward , nor the censure of the severe , shall neither distaste , nor deter me from publishing these few following pages : Onely to prevent prejudicacy , know , that these are not the fruits of discontent , nor blessinge● of Fact●●●… neither are they intended to kindle that fire , which already ( though seemingly smother'd ) blazes too fast , but rather to quench it : It may be one will tax me of Arrogancy , another of simplicity , a third of singularity , 't is no matter for that , what J have writ , I have writ , truth it is J am sure , and more J beleeve then some will be willing to hear , let him that is the most guilty be the least offended , least they make the Proverb true , and prove his own discoverer . All J desire is that who ever shall vouchsafe to peruse these following pages , would do it seriously and judge impartially , and then let them praise or dispraise , frown or smile , I care not : TO The Kings most Excellent Majesty . Most gracious Soveraign , LEt it not be thought a crime unpardonable , if one of the poorest of your subjects ( presuming on your clemency ) doth offer unto your Majesty what he hath observed to be destructive to the peace of this poor Kingdome , and dangerous ( if not speedily prevented ) to undermine not onely the honour and safety of your Majesty and Royall posterity , but also the supporters thereof ; ( to wit ) the Law of the Kingdome , and peace of the people ; in the ruin whereof your Majesty and posterity must certainly bear the greatest share , and sustain the greatest losse ; the law of the Kingdome , and the peoples peace , being altogether essentiall with the honour and kingly domination , of your Majesty , and without which , both King and people must necessarily run into confusion , the truth hereof your Majestie hath had experimentall knowledge of for these late years , and at this day cannot want examples to demonstrate the truth of this particular . Now forasmuch as what is past recall , is also past cure , since what might have been commanded cannot now be entreated , since power cannot , policy must , since rage cannot prevaile , let reason reconcile , make necessity a ve●●…e , and rather conquer by courtesie , then compell by Soveraignty . And now most gracious and great Prince , suffer this humble but serious capitulation ▪ Can it consist with Wisdome ▪ if it be according to God ) to esteem any thing to great or good to be parted withall ▪ for the 〈…〉 ence , for the making up so large a breath ? for the stopping the torrent of such a doluge of crimson confusions , as have already and do dayly again threaten to break in upon your kingdomes ? A good sheep-heard will give his life for his sheep , a gracious King for his people ▪ And will not your Majesty part with a superfluous sprig , a meer pun●●●…o , or thread bare excressence of honour or power for the saving of your poor people ? What man would not lose one member to save all the rest ? Are you so far in love with the shaddow that to preserve it , you will hazzard the losse , nay ruin of the substance ? Are you so far in love with some few ( perhaps flatterers ) if ●…ot traytors ) that to be mercifull to them , you will be unmercifull and unjust too , to all the kingdome ; certainly most gracious Soveraign , there may be wisdome in so doing , but it cannot proceed from God , neither can it conduce to the good of your self , posterity of people ; surely , if your people were made for you , you were likewise made for them , one for the good of the other , and not one to destroy another ; you were made a Soveraign that they might be Subjects , not slaves , that you might protect them , not devour them ; that you might do justice and execute judgement , to the poor and to the rich impartially , not suffer the rich and mighty to eate up the poor and devour the Widdow : The Magistrate ( that is of God ) is not a terrour to good Works , but to the evill , not a persecuter of the people of God but a protector and preserver of them , and what Magistrate ▪ soever shall pretend to have received a power from God , if he imploy it not in all things according to Gods end , he will certainly come to naught , he shall perish , and those whom he hath cast down and endeavoured to destroy , shall rise up against him , and he shall not be able to stand in that day , but shall ●lee● before them ▪ To conclude , if your Majesty ( according to your so often reiterated expressions in your Declarations ) do really intend to take all oppertunities to save this poor kingdome in a right sense , now is the time to manifest your self herein and by some self denying testimony effectually act for the re-establishing the poor Commons of England in their ancient birth rights , and securing them therein , providing for a due execution of justice , and countenancing of godliness in your dominions , which being speedily , cordially , and effectually done , your Majesty need not doubt but to finde , your present losse to produce a future gaine , by the increase both of your power and love of your people , which will cause such a mutuall confidence betwixt you and your subjects , as will both comfort your heart and strengthen your hands against the secret complotments of foes at home , or publike attempts of enemies abroad , and cause all your now discontented , and distrushing people to be united , and with one heart and assent to cry ▪ Long live our gracious Soveraign , &c. To the Parliament . Grave Senators , AFter seven yeare sufferings , and tedious expectation to be delivered from our then declared pressures and grievances , give us leave , ( for loosers should have leave to speak ) to tell you , we cannot but with bitterness of Spirit declare , That we wonder by what strange and unheard of presidents , this Parliament hath acted ; there having been never before any visible rule for such actions , in or by any Parliament . But leaving things that are past cure , let us come to expostulate with you about future security . Can it , think you , consist with the peace and wel-fare of the Kingdome , especially considering the state and temper of the people , and the present exigences of the State . That you who should be acting joyntly for the securing of the Kings authority , and Subjects liberty , should be divided into Factions and acting for your own particular interests ? Is this to discharge that trust which you have in the presence of God sworn to perform ? Surely so long as you thus continue to beate and bandy one against another , to pull down one faction to set up a second ; a second to set up a third ; to hang one theef that you may make another ; so long as you are thus selvish and partial in sparing men , ( I was about , nay I will say , knaves ) because they will side with you in carrying on your own designs , so long we cannot hope for any good either by you or from you , so long we are confident ( what ere you may pretend ) you intend no good to the King or kingdome , neither can any thing you do , compose or perfect that great work which you were called to and undertook , ( to wiy ) to ease us of our burthens , and establish justice with righteousness ; since 't is a meer contradiction ; and contrary to sense or reason for us to think that ever we can be eased of oppression by oppression , or obtain justice by injustice : 't is true your great oppressions of late years may make us forget our former petty sufferings , but never settle us in a true course of freedome , nor secure us for the future from injustice . Therefore to conclude unless you do immediately lay aside all by-respects and your own interests , and unanimously joyn and act for the securing of the kingdome , and give a speedy testimony thereof , by your walking in the parts of justice and righteousness ; unless you do immediately administer justice and execute judgement impartially and endeavour to settle a firm and lasting peace , whereby the King may be with due honour invested , and the Kingdome in its just liberty secured ; truely the Kingdome shall not onely have been by you already exposed to many hazzards , ( besides the large expence of blood and treasure ) but shall for the future be necessitated , to curse the time that ever they entrusted you ; and be forced in justice to prosecute you as persons which had power , but not wills to restore them to their ancient liberties , and that which might have been an honour to you and your posterities in the generatons to come , will be recorded as a brand of obloquie , That such a Parliament sate seven yeares , to enrich themselves , enslave , the whole Nation . To the City . Grave Citizens , IN whom wisdome was once chiefly resident , though now ( it is to be feared ) a great stranger ; how comes it to passe that such a Spirit of giddiness possesses you ? What , have you found out new wayes to make your selves famous ? ( I fear miserable . ) you that were the glory of the Nations , the envy of your Foes , and the admiration of strangers , are now become the amazement of your friends , the scorn of your enemies , and a by-word to all Nations ▪ cast but an eye upon your follies , and see into what a condition your Division , nay , your Prlde hath brought you : you that exalted your selves almost above the heavens , are now fallen , if possible , lower than the earth ; your towring pride is now buried in the dust of Division ; you have been long time in travaile with joy , and now are delivered of sorrow : I wish you could yet see in this your day the things that belong unto your Peace ; What , hath the love of money , eaten up your love towards one another ? hath your earnest pursuite of Religion , forst Religion to a squat ; truely you have hunted fairly , you have strove so much for Religion in the Church that it is to be feared you have lost it in your hearts ; these are the fruits of Division , your Presbytery , and Independency , your outward formes and formall circumstances ; what , have you strove so long for the shaddow that you have lost the substance ; have you forgot That it is neither Circumcisiou nor uncircumcision that availeth ought , but a new creature ; have you forgot that love is the fulfilling of the Law , and a gospell duty : surely , this Division is of the Devill and not of God , for God is love , and his people are carried out with a spirit of Love , and not of hatred and contention , envie and emulation . Therefore dear Friends and fellow Citizens , I beseech you lay your condition ro heart , examine the ground of your Division , and you will finde it to be the pride of your hearts , your self-conceitedness , &c. and cloath your selves in self-abhorrency , let him that would be the greatest be the least among you , let him that would or thinks himself wise , be a fool for Christs sake , learn to bear with one another , labour to see that you are members of one body , united unto one head , and love one another , and administer unto the necessities one of another , so shall your love encrease and your Divisions dye , but if you shall continue to widen the gap , confusion will enter , and what will ye do in that day ? To the Army . Gentlemen , ACtions are alwayes honourable that are compassed by just wayes , and aim at good ends , for wee ought not to do evill to produce good , neither should there be publike pretences made use of to advantage or secure private interests , I hope the contrary now , but yet I fear the event ; when the fabrick is larger then the foundation , there is great danger in the building ; so when the undertaking is greater then the power of the undertakers , truely 't is to be feared there will be more hurt then good , more detriment then advantage acrue to the persons concerned therein . Gentlemen , your undertakings and engagements thereupon I have seriously observed , and impartially scanned , I find the end good , but the manner and prosecution hitherto , hath not been so good as I could wish ; and the temper , nay , necessity of the Kingdome doth require : you engaged , if I mistake not , not to give over , nor look back untill you had to the utmost of your powers made provision ( not onely for your selves , and own interests as Souldiers ) but as Commoners ; and with your selves , all the free Commons of England , that they and you together might be for the future protected and secured from all violence and oppression whatsoever , and in whomsoever and that there might be a due administration of justice and judgement , with righteousness : Now give me leave to demand the cause of your retreat from the pursuance of this so honourable action ? How comes it to passe , I hear so many private whispers among you ; That you have nothing to do to meddle with any thing that concerns the Kingdome , but meerly what concerns your selves , and your own particular actings : was it just or lawfull for you to enter into an ingagement , to perform that , which you now seem to dis-own , as unlawfull : Surely , either there wanted a serious consideration at first , or else interests hath abated your Resolutions at last ; which if either , how dishonourable it will be to your selves , how destructive to the Kingdome , be your own Judges . If the welfare of the people be the supream Law , as you have sometimes granted , yea affirmed ; Then whatsoever is contrary or standeth in opposition to that , is destructive to that main end , and therefore not onely to be avoided at present , but prevented for the future . But oppression and injustice particular interests , &c. are direct in opposition to the welfare of the people and altogether destructive , therefore to be prevented and removed . And certainly what cannot be repelled by policy , maybe by power , for if there be not a sufficient means left for the attaining the end , it is altogether vain and to no purpose . But to every end there is a sufficient means , therefore if the welfare of the people cannot be secured by one means , it may by another , if not by policy , then by power according to the Parliaments ow● language to the King , The Kingdome must not be without a means to preserve it selfe . And truely if the kingdome hath a means to preserve it self against the King , being then acting against the welfare of the Kingdome ; It hath a power likewise to secure it self against the Parliament , and Army too , if they shall act , in the same way , and shall not prosecute the main end ( to wit ) the peoples welfare . How comes it to passe I beseech you that there is such sidings among you ? one great man favours another , and stomacks his opposer ; and let him be never so bad , so he will side insecuring some great persons particular interests in power among you , he shall not only scape Scot-free , but be countenanced and protected among you : Little theeves are hangd and great ones let go . Is this to be single hearted ? will you that have taxed the King and Parliament of partiality , be partiall too ? what a blemish will this be to all your former actions ? That you should now fawn upon those for favour , who would have rejoyced to have seen both you and the kingdome weltring in flouds of blood and confusion ; and who , it is to be feared by your too great indulgence and credulity , are plotting your destruction . I beseech you gentlemen consider , you stand upon a sandy place , which will , if not carefully looked to , devoure you , Lay aside all interests and be what you have pretended to be , let not your own honour or promotions be onely aimed at , but have sole respect unto the peace of the Kingdome . I have with sorrow observed . That there are , I may say too many among you , too great in power , who are swaid by passion not reason , who speak much against injustice in others , but never knew what it was to be just them selves ; men neither of discretion nor religion , what ere they may pretend , who do vehemently act for to gain applause and the favour of great men , and not for any love to the peace of the Kingdome : now it is very unlikely that ever such a man can do ( or at least intends ) a generall good , unless it may advantage his own interest . I beseech you observe and beware of such persons , you may easily finde them ; for such persons in your Councells will do you more hurt then all your other enemies , be not deluded by pretences though never so specious ; those persons that plead so much for delay , and argue so critically , intend no good to you , but carry on a dangerous design against you and the whole kingdome . And you may assure your selves the Adversary , with whom you now run a contest , could never have gained so much time , nor brought you to such an exigency , had they not been encouraged , nay , assisted by some that have too much power and influence in your Councell . Gentlemen , the eyes of the Kingdome are upon you ; and unless you answer their expectations and perform your promises and engagements , and that speedily ; truly , you will stand at as great a distance in their affections as others have done before you ; lose not this opportunity , seek the peace of the Kingdome now , and seek your selves afterward , lest while you contend so earnestly for a shaddow , you lose the substance , be for pure justice without respect of persons , and let the kingdome see , That you will not favour or disfavour any person for siding with or against you , or for being of this or the other judgement . But that all persons of each party shall receive from you equall respect , according to their merit . But if you shall appear partiall to some , and severe to others ; if you shall do the works your selves , which you condemn in others : if you shall pretend to free us from one form of slavery to involve us in another , assure your selves , Division and Confusion will follow , and a worm will rise from your own bowels which will certainly devour you and consume your former glory . Read and practice , prevent . Farewel . To my fellow Commons which desire Peace . MOderation in a multitude is ( Rara avis in terra ) especially in England , of late years ▪ where rage , not reason , hath had the Rule and Soveraignty ; when the reynes of the bridle are thrown in the neck the unruly beast runneth where he listeth ; And truly such hath been the practice of you my Fellow-Commons for this seven years almost ; although you have received many a curb , and oft bit of the bridle for it , yet still like a head-strong horse you are stubborn and untamed , fearing neither Switch nor Spur ; and it is to be feared you will still persist until you are quite tyred ; To prevent which give me leave to expostulate with you a little ; It hath been often said , that misery is a schoolmaster to wisdom , and that wit is the best when it is dearly payd for , and truly I beleeve you have payd enough for it , Hath not the plundering of your estates , the burning of your houses , the murdering of your children , the inslaving of your persons , taught you to hate War and love Peace ? How comes it to pass then that there are so many murmurings amongst you , one part for the King , another for the Parliament , another for the Army , another for neither ; what are you frantick ? hath reason given place to rage , wisdom to folly , meekness to madness ? Have you been so patient under seven years sufferings by War , and cannot you contain your selves one year in peace ; what , like children , all at an instant or none at all ? Just like a fool that because he could not be rich in one day , would be a beggar all his life . Certainly a spirit of fury ( I may say folly ) hath bewirched you , and put you upon the purchase of perpetual desolation to your selves and posterities ; and you with eagerness pursue it , in despite of those that would prevent it . In a word ; know therefore , unless you do with patience wait for the establishing of that peace which you desire , and give limits to your unlimited contentions , unless you lay aside your prejudicacy and censuring until you see the event , unless you seriously apply your selvs to make up the breach between your selves and your Soveraign , the Parliament , Army , and City , and one another , and every one in his place and relation set his hand to the reducing of things to their proper center , unless both Magistrates and people do I say with one accord , seek peace and establish judgment and righteousness , in vain are and will be all these mutterings and commotions , and do what they and you can , confusion and desolation wil break in upon them and you , and then when it is too late you may repent , but not prevent your destruction . This is the sence of him that sees great cause to fear this wil be the end of all this division if providence do not interpose very suddenly . Postscript . I Beseech you labour to love one another , and to be faithful each to other . Let Soveraigns seek the good of their Subjects , and Subjects the Honour and Peace of their Soveraigns . Let Parliaments be faithful , and people peaceable : Let Souldiers be valiant for Justice , but not factious for preferment ; Let King , Parliament , City , Army , and People unite and joyn in the bonds of love , and leave judging , suspecting and reviling one another . Then shal you see and enjoy a happy peace and the fruits thereof ; Then shal the Lamb lie down with the Lion ; Then shal not the voyce of the oppressed be heard in our streets , but joy , peace , plenty , and the most wished delights that are , or can be imaginable , or desired , be freely communicated unto you by the hand of Jehovah , who is the God of Peace , and hath annexed a blessing to the lovers thereof . Farewel . Thine , if thou studiest the Peace of England . J. H. FINIS . A75224 ---- A letter of advice to the Londoners to forewarn them of their neere approaching miseries and to rouze them (if it be possible) out of their senslesse security. P. A., zealous well-willer of the whole kingdome and parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A75224 of text R15547 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.6[113]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 9 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A75224 Wing A25 Thomason 669.f.6[113] ESTC R15547 99859882 99859882 160974 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A75224) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160974) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f6[113]) A letter of advice to the Londoners to forewarn them of their neere approaching miseries and to rouze them (if it be possible) out of their senslesse security. P. A., zealous well-willer of the whole kingdome and parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1643] Signed: Your friend and remembrancer, P.A. Imprint from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "feb: 21 1642". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A75224 R15547 (Thomason 669.f.6[113]). civilwar no A letter of advice to the Londoners to forewarn them of their neere approaching miseries, and to rouze them (if it be possible) out of their P. A., zealous well-willer of the whole kingdome and parliament 1643 1707 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ A Letter of advice to the LONDONERS to forewarn them of their neere approching miseries , and to rouze them ( if it be possible ) out of their senslesle Security . A Man would wonder ( O yee Londoners ) to see how amidst your greatest dangers you are least circumspect and active in prevention thereof : you thinke you haue done well enough , and plaid the parts of good Common-wealths men , if you can hinder the Kings Forces from doing execution upon you ; and never think upon them with any respect to your selves , till they advance within few miles of your walls , that in the meane time while they are absent from you , they are plotting and contriving all wayes that possible can be to endamage you , and worke you into such a condition , that when they come next at you , they may the easier make themselves Masters of your Citie . When they have gained to their Party all the Westerne and Northerne Counties , and disarmed or cut off all those your friends that stand out against them ( as you perceive they resolve to doe , and are like enough to effect unlesse you interpose ) they will by that meanes not onely subdue halfe part of England , but thereby likewise halfe conquer London it selfe : for as the Countries are not like to hold out , if the Kings Forces possesse themselves of London ; so neither can London hold out if provisions be cut off from comming thither . To me you seeme to beare your selves as if you had no warre in your Land , or as if you thought the Cavahers and desperate Roysters intended no evill towards you , or that the Designe of making you slaves were therefore laid downe , because 't is found so easie a matter to compasse , and you are so easie to admit it . What doe you think of the condition you now are in ? Or , doe you not thinke of it at all ? Verily , a man might sweare you did not , you are so secure and quiet ; so busie about your trading , You see it is otherwise with the King and his Friends , you see how active they are , that they set themselves wholly to this worke , you see that every weeke produces some notable exploit they have enterpriz'd to their reall advantage , besides what private succours and supplies each houre affords , insomuch that they have made themselves in a short time , by their Policie and laborious industry of a weake and contemptible Party , a strong power and overawing army of Traitors : when in the meane time you by your slacknesse and drowzy managing of your Affaires are much wasted , have lost much of your strength , and are like to lose more , unlesse you looke better about you then you have done heretofore : Your eyes are altogether upon the Parliament , and you doe well ; but can the Parliament sight for you ? They are your Counsell and directors ; but 't is you the People that are the strength and power of the Kingdome : neither is it to be hoped that the Kings Forces shall ever be vanquished by Words and Writings ; it must be your Swords and valiant prowesse that must subdue them . Why , what would you have us doe you will say ? Or , what can you doe more then you have done ? You have contributed freely out of your Estates ; and you have likewise sent away your servants to the Wartes ; I applaud you for it : but let me withall tell you , that if you doe no more as the case stands , you have done as much as nothing , for all this will not availe you ; for you see that the nature of the Country is such that the King can avoid your Souldiers , and choose whether ever he will sight , but when he is sure to conquer , where his Enemies are weake and unprovided , or that our souldiers come on upon many disadvantages ; so that unlesse your courage and resolution be the greater , and yee set your selves more closely to your businesse , yee shall be sure to have this Warre last long enongh , since his interest depends upon the prolongation thereof , whereby he finds his Party to be increased , and you impoverished and thereby unable to ssue out supplies to oppose your enemies : and so wearied with the Charge , many of you will be willing to make peace ; which ( the King being strong ) must be expected to be upon such conditions as shall leave the way easie to make you perfect Slaves , and himselfe absolute . Well , you will say , what then must be done ? Verily , I think 't is to no purpose to tell you ; for you are so heavy a People , that you make nothing of good Counsell ; you are onely well-aflected ; but you want abilities to deale with your cunning Adversaries , and all because you cannot find in your hearts to set about it : there is little difference in men besides custome and exercise in businesses , which principally makes one excell another : you doe not set your selves to contrive waies to circumvent them in their Policies , and to meet them halfe way ; you are behind hand still , as your Army is with the Kings : You spend your time about telling and asking of newes ; and O how you are taken with some forged Report of Sir Ralph Hoptons overthrow , or the Lord of Newcastles being driven into York ? of so much money taken in one place , so much Armcur , and so many Horses in another ? and your Enemies , since they find so small matters will content you , busie your heads , and keepe you from rising as one man , they will be sure to furnish you . You are meere News-mongers , and when you have any , Oh how you flutter about to tell it , because you would be thought to know somewhat , as if the Warres were in Sweth-land or the Low-Countries , and not in your owne Countrey , and ready to destroy you , as it hath done many of your friends already . And when you have a little victory , how you amplifie it ! Then your Bells must ting , and Bonefires be made , when perhaps the losse was equall , and the Victory doubtfull , and you are little neerer a conclusion of your Warres then you were before : you are most unmanly in your behaviours ; when if the King overthrowes you or your Friends , as at Cisseter , the businesse is concealed ; your Friends conceale it , because by declaring it they thinke you would be dejected , and your Enemies conceale it , lest by hearing thereof you be justly enraged and provoked to revenge : they are glad to keep your anger downe , and Iull your courages asleep , least by awakening thereof it devoure them : you are so farre from casting about to succour and relieve your Friends abroad ; that you neglect your selves , and are not yet Masters of your owne Citie , that place design'd for a recompence to the Cavaliers hard services and dangerous hazards they now run ; the hopes of pillaging thereof makes their labours and wounds pleasant to them , and sweetens all difficulties and dangers they now undergoe in the Kings Service . Doe you looke for advice ? it will be good that you make it appeare that you haue first shook off that Lethargie that ha's possest you , for till then you are not capable of advice : if I thought you were a wake I would advise you to doe what ? to stop your eares against the Syren inchantments of such as you may be sure ( by your former sufferings , and sorcing you to these present shifts and 02 extremities ) wish you not well ; and to open your eares to such your Brethren who hazard themselves and their Fortunes in your behalfe , who have liv'd amongst you , and of whose faith and sound affection you have had so much experience : follow their advice , I am a stranger to you , and thinke not much if they shall put you upon what for the present shall be irksome to you , your sicknesse is so desperate that 't will be well if rough and chargeable meanes can cure you . Onely let me tell you thus much , that 't is not your fasting and repenting that God requires at your hands , so much as doing justice upon the wicked brood in the Land , whose prosession in former times hath beene to oppresse you , and is now to destroy you . God is not wanting to you ; neither can you make him more willing to assist you , then he hath already beene ; he hath given you understanding to discerne your Afflictions and Afflictors , and power likewise to free your selves from both : but 't is you that are wanting to your selves , you want courage and endeavours ; you have strength to help your selves given you by God , and yet you lie still and cry God help us . Well according as I heare you beare your selves hereafter , and either amend , continue in the same sleepy state , or grow worse ; you shall receive further from me : For this time farewell . Your Friend and Remembrancer . P. A. Composed by a zealous Well-willer of the whole Kingdome and Parliament . A75756 ---- At a generall meeting of the Committee for Arrears, the 13th. of September, anno Dom. 1648. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. Committee for Arrears. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A75756 of text R210933 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.13[18]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A75756 Wing A4092 Thomason 669.f.13[18] ESTC R210933 99869681 99869681 162913 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A75756) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162913) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f13[18]) At a generall meeting of the Committee for Arrears, the 13th. of September, anno Dom. 1648. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. Committee for Arrears. Lathum, Tho. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1648] Imprint from Wing. Signed at end: Tho. Lathum Cler. Conmiss. præd. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Sept 15". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Taxation -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Politics and government -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A75756 R210933 (Thomason 669.f.13[18]). civilwar no At a generall meeting of the Committee for Arrears, the 13th. of September, anno Dom. 1648. City of London 1648 531 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-09 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion At a generall Meeting of the Committee for Arrears , the 13th . of September , Anno Dom. 1648. FOrasmuch as that by severall former Precepts awarded in pursuance of severall Orders of Common-councell , and in particular by the Precept dated the Fourth of this instant September ; It was ordered , That on this day return should be made to this Committee , of the Names of all persons that are in Arrear upon any of the Assessments , in such manner , and to such purpose as therein was expressed . And whereas also by the same Precept , the Collectors in their severall Divisions were required to be active and diligent in the collecting of the said severall Assessments ; and that the Collectors within a certain time therein prefixed , were to make up their Accompts concerning the same , with the Deputy and Common-councell-men in their said severall Divisions , and pay in the Money then remaining in their hands to the Treasurers at War : And that return should by the Deputy Common-councell-men and Collectors be made to this Committee , of the Names of such persons within their Ward , as have not paid their said Assessments , and the summes by them owing , and the reasons why they pay not the same ; And if any of the said Collectors should be remiss that then their Names were to be this day also returned ; and thereupon ( according to an Order of the honourable House of Commons ) to be certified to a Committee of Parliament , as in and by the said Precept , relation being thereunto had , may more at large appear : All which nevertheless , and although the said Committee this day expected Returns to have been made , according to the same Precept ; but the said Service being ( as it now seems ) neglected , It is therefore Ordered , That time be given for the doing the matters and things contained in the former Precept , by the said Deputy , Common-councell-men , and Collectors , and every of them , untill Tuesday next at Two of the clock in the afternoon ; with this intimation also , That if the said Returns are not by that time made , that then the Deputies and severall Common-councell-men doe make return of such of the said Collectors as either obstruct or neglect the Work , or fail in doing any thing of them required , whose Names are by this Committee to be then returned to the said Committee of Parliament ; or in default thereof , the said Deputies and Common-councell-men are to be returned to the said Committee of Parliament , there to be dealt withall according to their demerit : with this also , That further time or favour is not to be expected . And it is hereby further ordered , That the Returns shal be made by this Committee of the said Defaulters at the time aforesaid . And all Parties concerned therein , are to take notice hereof . Tho. Lathum Cler. Comiss . praed. A75759 ---- At a meeting of the Committee of Arrears the eleventh day of December, 1648. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. Committee for Arrears. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A75759 of text R211092 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.13[54]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A75759 Wing A4095 Thomason 669.f.13[54] ESTC R211092 99869830 99869830 162950 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A75759) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162950) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f13[54]) At a meeting of the Committee of Arrears the eleventh day of December, 1648. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. Committee for Arrears. Lathum, Tho. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1648] Imprint from Wing. Signed at end: Tho. Lathum Clerk to the said Committee. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Taxation -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Finance -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Politics and government -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A75759 R211092 (Thomason 669.f.13[54]). civilwar no At a meeting of the Committee of Arrears the eleventh day of December, 1648. City of London 1648 285 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-09 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion At a meeting of the Committee of Arrears the eleventh day of December , 1648. IT is Ordered by the said Committee , that the Ward books of the severall Arrears remaining unpaid upon the severall Assessements made for the maintenance of the Army under the Command of his Excellency the Lord Fairfax , now in the custody of this Committee , be herewith returned to the Deputy and Common-councell men of the respective Wards ; with directions that they shall within two dayes , call all the Collectors of their Ward before them , and examine their rolls with the said books , and cross the same books for so much as are paid ; and returne the same books again within two daies now next ensuing to the said Committee . And in the same returne they are to express 1. Whom they conceive to be able and have not paid . 2. Who are poore and unable to pay . 3. Who are dead and left sufficient estates , and who are their Executors , or Administrators , and where they dwell . 4. Who are removed since their Assessements made , and are able , and have not paid , and where they now dwell . 5. Such Landlords as are assessed and have not paid , and their Tenants removed , then to certifie the names of the new Tenants . All which particulars are by them to be carefully performed , to the end , that what Arrears cannot be collected , may be returned back to the respective Wards to be newly assessed . Tho. Lathum Clerk to the said Committee . A75869 ---- The humble petition of the worshipful Thomas Adams, John Langham, and James Bunce, aldermen of London, presented to the Lords at their bar on Tuesday April 25. 1648. Wherein is declared their firm resolution to stand for the defence of the established laws of the land. Also their protestation against the lords jurisdiction over them or any other commoners in criminal cases. With their appeal from the Lords to their proper and competent judges (a jury of their equals) and judges sworn to proceed according to the known law of England. Together with a salva libertate by them sent to the lieutenant of the Tower, April 23. 1648. Adams, Thomas, Sir, 1586-1668. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A75869 of text R206259 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E435_31). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 11 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A75869 Wing A496 Thomason E435_31 ESTC R206259 99865432 99865432 117672 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A75869) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 117672) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 68:E435[31]) The humble petition of the worshipful Thomas Adams, John Langham, and James Bunce, aldermen of London, presented to the Lords at their bar on Tuesday April 25. 1648. Wherein is declared their firm resolution to stand for the defence of the established laws of the land. Also their protestation against the lords jurisdiction over them or any other commoners in criminal cases. With their appeal from the Lords to their proper and competent judges (a jury of their equals) and judges sworn to proceed according to the known law of England. Together with a salva libertate by them sent to the lieutenant of the Tower, April 23. 1648. Adams, Thomas, Sir, 1586-1668. Langham, John, Sir, 1584-1671. Bunce, James, Sir, d. 1670. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A75869 of text R206259 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E435_31). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread 7, [1] p. Printed for J. Norris, London : April 25. 1648. A salva libertate is dated and signed on p.4: From our chambers in the Tower of London, April 23. 1648. Thomas Adams, John Langham, James Bunce. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament. -- House of Lords -- Early works to 1800. Fair trial -- England -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A75869 R206259 (Thomason E435_31). civilwar no The humble petition of the worshipful Thomas Adams, John Langham, and James Bunce, aldermen of London,: presented to the Lords at their bar Adams, Thomas, Sir 1648 1767 1 0 0 0 0 0 6 B The rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-04 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-04 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Humble PETITION Of the Worshipful Thomas Adams , John Langham , and James Bunce , Aldermen of London . Presented to the Lords at their Bar on Tuesday APRIL 25. 1648. Wherein is declared their firm resolution to stand for the defence of the established Laws of the Land . Also their Protestation against the Lords Jurisdiction over them or any other Commoners in Criminal Cases . With their Appeal from the Lords to their proper and competent Judges ( a Jury of their equals ) and Judges sworn to proceed according to the known Law of England . Together with A Salva Libertate by them sent to the Lieutenant of the Tower , APRIL 23. 1648. The second Edition corrected . Unto which is annexed a desire to have them read in all the Parish Churches of England and Wales . London , Printed for J. Norris , April 25. 1648. A Salva Libertate Sent to Colonel Tichburn Lieutenant of the Tower , on Sunday , April 23. by Thomas Adams , John Langham , James Bunce , Aldermen of London , now Prisoners in the Tower . Being occasioned by the receipt of a Paper sent unto them by the said Lieutenant wherin the said Lieut was seemingly authorized to carry them before the Lords on Tuesday next , being the 25 of APRIL . To our honored Friend Col. Tichburn Lieutenant of the Tower . SIR , WE received a Paper from you , seeming to authorize you to carry our persons before the Lords , to answer to a Charge : We are constrained to inform you here by , that our persons ought not to be hurried to & fro , or disturbed at the pleasure of any man , neither can we yeeld obedience to the commands of any , which are not Legal ; and therefore in case you intend to disturb us on Teusday next , we expect to see a legal Warrant from some person or Court , which have a Jurisdiction over us in case of a real or supposed Crime : And we must acquaint you , that the Lords have no legal power to summon us to answer to any crime whereof we are accused or suspected : and therefore you must expect to answer for whatsoever injury you offer to our persons , and know hereby , that we shall not voluntarily go from hence to Westminster by vertue of the paper received , but shal suffer you to carry us , if you shall send force which we cannot resist . From our Chambers in the Tower of London , April 23. 1648. Your Friends and Servants , Thomas Adams , John Langham , James Bunce . To the right honorable the Lords assembled in PARLIAMENT . The humble Petition of Thomas Adams , John Langham , James Bunce Aldermen of London , &c. Sheweth , THat if your Petitioners shall submit to your Lordships Jurisdiction over Commoners in those criminal cases or Novalisms in Law , intituled Articles of impeachment of high Treason and other misdemeanors ; They shall not only be Phe-loes de-ses , but also shall murther the persons , and ruine the estates of all the free born people of England ; and that which is more , They shall betray the Common Law , which is the Supream Authority ( under God ) of the Nation , and the inheritance of every Free-mans posterity : And that which is worst of all , they shal be instrumental to pul down al the Judicatories of the Kingdom , and reedifie an Arbitrary Government many stories higher then ever the Star Chamber , High Commission or Councel Table were ; and by the same rule that your Lordships have fined several Commoners 500l . a man for not kneeling or submitting to your Lordships Jurisdiction in criminal cases , for which there is no Law , nay , which is absolutely and apparently against the fundamental Laws of the Land , and the ordinary rule of your own Court of Judicature , usually referring those causes which appertain to the Common Law , to the other Courrs of Justice , especially if the People desite it , so you may fine their fellow Citizens , and Commoners of England as many millions , and take away the lives and estates , of all as well as some , to the Perpetual destroying and inslaving the whole Kingdom . For by the 29 Chapter of the great Charter , all Commoners are to be tryed by their equals ; and there are 30 Sessions of Parliament which confirm the great Charter , being a Statute declaratory of the Common Law , especially those eminent Laws , wherein your Lordships had your shares in making of them , viz. the Petition of Right in the 30 Caroli , and the Act for abolishing the Star-Chamber , and regulating the Counsel Table , in the 17. Caroli , in which many Statutes are enumerated , That Commoners ought to be tryed by their equals , by Bill of Indictment or writ original , and by those of their neighbourhood ; And all Decrees and Judgments made contrary thereunto , are declared thereby to be null and void in Law , which bars all Presidents : And by severall Declarations and Ordinances your Lordships have declared , that Ordinances are no Laws , but temporary , during the Wars ; and the cause of necessity being taken away , your Lordships have promised the free people of England , that they shall be governed according to the known Laws of the Land , as it appears in the Ordinance dated the 15 of January , 1647. And it is against the Law of God , Nature and Nations , that any person or persons should be Judg and Parties , Examiners & Accusers in their own cause , or to be tryed any otherwise then by a known Law , for where there is no Law there is no transgression . It is declared by Sir Edward Cook , that the Parliament cannot make a Law against the Law of Nature , which is custom according to Right and necessary Reason . That Presidents are nothing in comparison of the Common and Statute Laws , being known Maximes in Law , A facto ad jus non valet Argumentum ; Gubernandum est legibus non exemplis : Articles are nothing in Law but meer Innovations and Prerogative extrajudicials , especially when ordinary persons are in question . The old Maxime in Law is , Non recurrendum est ad extraordinaria quando fieri potest per ordinaria . And your Lordships are not only sworn , but have imposed several oaths , as the Protestation , and Solemn League and Covenant , upon the free Commoners of England ; to defend the fundamental Laws of the Land . And they are confident your Lordships will be very tender of the preservation of the great Charter , in which is wrapped up our lives , liberties and estates ; Your noble Predecessors being so glorious and famous Instruments in assisting the PEOPLE , in purchasing the same . Concerning the point of Presidents , which is all can be said for your Lordships , we shall give you this Answer . 1. It is observable , that most Commoners , which have submitted to your Lorships Jurisdiction , were in the time of the Civil Wars , Flagrante Bello , not by compulsion , but by voluntary Petitions of the Commons in a summary way , to the King in person . 2. One President against your Lordships Jurisdiction is of more consequence then a thousand for it ; The reason is plain , because all Courts of Judicature are bottomed upon the Law of the Land , and it cannot be supposed that any Court can be miscognizant of its own Jurisdiction . Your Lordships have confessed in Sir Simon de Berisfords case , that it is against the Law for Peers to try Commoners , and your Predecessors have promised upon record , that they wil never do the like again , though that occasion were superlative . 3. The Corporation of Cambridg was accused before the King and Lords for complying with the Rebels of Essex , Kent and Hartford , their Councel pleaded against the Jurisdiction of the Lords House , in the point of Treason , and the King and Lords allowed of the Plea , as appears Rot. Parl. 5. Rich. 2. numb. 45. 4. As there are many presidents more may be alledged , that Commoners have denyed your Lordships Jurisdiction , and that your Lordship have transmitted such cases to the Common Law , if desired by the free people ; so there can no president be shewn that Commoners , which have refused to be tryed by your house , have been over-ruled by them in point of Jurisdiction . 5. There was never President , since there were Parliaments in England , That the same Session of Parliament hath imprisoned , fined , or any otherwise diss●i●ed or destroyed any man for obeying or executing the Laws , Ordinances , or orders of the same Parliament . And there are many Ordinances in force , which indempnifie all those which have acted by the authority of Parliament , viz. May 26. 1642. 1. part Book Decl. p. 281. June 14. 1642. p. 377. The Premises considered ; Your Petitioners being free Commoners of England , according to the known Laws of the Land ( de Jure claim their birth right , which is to be tried by God & their Country , in His Majesties Court of Justice , by the sworn Judges of the Law , and a Iury of their equals of their own neighbourhood , where the pretended fact was done , the Courts of Iustice being open . And your Petitioners shall pray , &c. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A75869e-200 All honest Ministers and true hearted Englishmen , that love the Laws and Liberties of their native Country , are earnestly desired in all the parish Churches and Market Towns in the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales to read the fore-going Petition publikely and openly , that so the people thereby may be instructed in their Laws and Liberties . A75870 ---- Plain dealing or a fair vvarning to the gentlemen of the Committee for Union : in a letter intended to Alderman Foulks, to be communicated unto them accordingly at Gurney House, or elsewhere. / Written by a friend to the Parliament, City and kingdom, and for their vindication, is now published to the world. Adams, Thomas, Sir, 1586-1668. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A75870 of text R204469 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E416_3). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 17 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A75870 Wing A497 Thomason E416_3 ESTC R204469 99863959 99863959 116177 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A75870) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 116177) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 66:E416[3]) Plain dealing or a fair vvarning to the gentlemen of the Committee for Union : in a letter intended to Alderman Foulks, to be communicated unto them accordingly at Gurney House, or elsewhere. / Written by a friend to the Parliament, City and kingdom, and for their vindication, is now published to the world. Adams, Thomas, Sir, 1586-1668. 8 p. s.n.], [London : Printed in the first year of the Agitators raign, MDCXLVII. [1647] A friend to the Parliament = Sir Thomas Adams, whose initials appear as A.T. on p.8. The union referred to in title is between Parliament and the City of London. Imperfect: significant bleed-through. Annotations on Thomason copy: "By maior Tho: Adams"; "Nou: 17 1647". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Defenses -- Early works to 1800. A75870 R204469 (Thomason E416_3). civilwar no Plain dealing: or a fair vvarning to the gentlemen of the Committee for Union : in a letter intended to Alderman Foulks, to be communicated Adams, Thomas, Sir 1647 2971 32 0 0 0 0 0 108 F The rate of 108 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion PLAIN DEALING OR A Fair Warning TO THE Gentlemen of the COMMITTEE FOR UNION : IN A LETTER Intended to ALDERMAN FOVLKS , To be Communicated unto them accordingly at Gurney House , or elsewhere . Written by a Friend to the Parliament , City and Kingdom , and for their Vindication , is now published to the World . MATH . 18. 7. ●o unto the world , because of offences : but it must needs be that offences come : but wo unto that man by whom the offence cometh . Printed in the first Year of the Agitators Raign , MDCXLVII . PLAIN DEALING OR A Fair VVarning TO THE Gentlemen of the COMMITTEE FOR UNION . Gentlemen , THat this meeting may prove effectuall by Gods blessing to the end pretended , even a sweet union between the godly , and a happy Composure of this unhappy difference ; I thought it my duty to give you ( as briefly and plainly as I can : ) that which I conceive , must necessarily be debated in order to this union : and were not Religion , Gods cause , the Kingdom , nay three Kingdoms so nearly con●●●ned , I would have been silent for my brethrens sakes , for whom it 〈◊〉 me at the very heart . But it may be remembred , the fathers dangers made the dumb child to speak , you know there is no sore can be throughly cured , but it must indure some smart ; if this sore be not skilfully handled , and throughly cured , it may prove fatall to the Gospel , throughout all Europe ; and in truth , whatsoever specious pretext to the contrary , a perpetual farewel to Englands , Irelands and Scotlands Common Right and Freedom * ; whatsoever Mr. Estwick is pleas'd to say , I am confident his own Conscience tells him , The Gentlemen he accuseth for promoting a new War , and his inveighing against the City Remonstrance , Declaration , and all the late Carriages of the promoters thereof , is really from a deep sense of their duty , and the danger , this Parliament was in by the Armies disobedience , whose proceedings all along since , doth sufficiently justifie , and make manifest , and whether or no the fundamental Laws of the Land be not now subverted , and the very being of Parliaments struck at , when the Army hath not only refused to obey the Parliament , but contrarily hath forst obedience from them , both in voting and unvoting , and hath taken upon them to judg the case of the Kingdom , nay , to be the Parliaments Judges , and to require Reasons of their votes , to be given them , or such as they confide in , as appears by that Declaration of the 18 , of June , and Parliament like , to receive the Countryes Petitions , set up a * General Counsel against the Great Counsel of the Land undertake to do that there , only proper to Parliaments ; vote down the Kings negative voyce , the House of Pears , set periods to Parliaments , give Rules and Directions to Parliaments . I would I could not add that bold fac'd Treason , when they declared the Parliament to be no Parliament . In a word , as they have devided the Parliaments , so have they Fomented and Promoted all the divisions in the Kingdom , that shakes the very foundations of this Common-wealth ; what exceeding * Juggling hath bin in the Army from the beginning , and also , withall the world besides : Absolon like to steal away the hearts of the people , and to cozen and cheat them out of their very understandings , to the betraying of themselves , the Parliament , even to the indangering the ever having more Parliaments ? What strange and undutiful expressions ? What slander and Reproaches ? Nay , what treasonable speeches and actions hath bin attempted against this Parliament ? Was not the Kings taking from Holdenby disowned by the Army since own'd , upon very great pretences of loyally and duty to him , but what performances all the world may now see by his Maiesties present escape for the safety of his person , as well as by the attempts of the Agitators * , to Impeach him without any Authority or Countenance of the Parliaments ; and such other attempts upon the Parliament and Ministery of the Gospel , that if Absolon were now alive to act his Treason , it might wel enough pass among the Croud , for Common Right and Freedom Was not the Petition disowned since owned ? Was not their disobedience disowned with a great deal of fained sorrow , since own'd with a great deal of real Joy ; doth any man know what to make of the Army now , one piece of it is for Paul , and other for Apollos , and an other for Sephaes , but all out of order , all disobedient to the Parliament , ever and anon professing that the Parliament is not yet for their turn ; so that the truth is , and I think all the world can never make it out , that there is any thing to be said for them , but that whilst they were obedient , God honoured them to be Instruments to this poor Kingdom ; which very service makes me pour out many a prayer to God , to pour upon them the spirit of Repentance and Obedience , without which I much doubt of any good by your meeting : for when God comes to enquire after all those things , I am afraid he wil charge upon the Armies disobedience , the new * War you talk of , the accusation of the Imprisoned and banished ones , the renting and tearing in piec●s the Parliament , the City , the whole Kingdom , nay 3 , Kingdoms , the hinderers of Irelands Relief ; promoters of the Famine , both of bread , and of the word of the Lord , and of all the sad Consequences we fear may follow : So that the Subiect or matter that tends to a godly union in my opinion wil be speedily to make a Religious Retreat , if nature prevail so with you that you canot own the new War , yet let grace be so predominant as not to continue to charge it upon those you know are * innocent , set at liberty all those Gentlemen , most of which I know you have had such signal Testimonies of their faithfulness to this Parliament , that as I am confident , Treason wil not stick by them , so the several footsteps of Gods providence ever since hath given strange Commendation to their endeavors , as if God would have the world to see , that they then did but attempt to do their duty : Put both Houses and the City into the same posture they were in , when you first medled with them , and then know , that there is much doubt too , whether unity and uniformity be not twins to live and dye together . I am perswaded there is many great Officers of the Army in ●ool bloud , could heartily wish themselves where they were when they begun , but they are now in a snare , and Subiect to many Temptations : yet I hope their ●●genuity is such , that though ambition bids them goe on , that they will Remember they have not so learned Christ ; and the further they go the more misery they wil run themselves into ; for I am confident , without Repentance , God wil bring them to a s●● reckoning , at last : and indeed Gentlemen : how can a true Israelite , a true English man , dispence with his duty ? Nay can England , that has obleiged it selfe by so many Solemn Vows * and Covenants , to preserve the Parliament , when so apparently it is indangered ? were not the 11. Members fain to leave the Parliament , or else they would turn them out by force ? Did not the Parliament Vote six days one after another , That , that was a Parliament the Army Voted was none ; and would , as I think , have Voted so til this day , could we say they were not now under a force ? But I believe the last great turn given to the Parliament by that 1000 Horse , commanded by Major Desborough into Hide Park ( to execute that dreadful Declaration or poysonous purge , of which the Parliament hath never yet recovered , and was such a blow to the Gospel of Jesus Christ and to these three Kingdoms ●● cannot yet be paralel'd ) wil require a thorough REPENTANCE : And though we cannot see all the plots and designs of men , yet God knows all the present juglings of this Age ; and we have had so much experience in all the transactions , since this unhappy difference , as to say , surely this putting of the Army thus out of joynt is to try the skil of some or other . But , I hope , the Gentlemen that press an Union upon that ground , wil see a providence in it , and say of their policy , all is uanity : and that surely by this division in the Army , God minds us of our disobedience , and that we should trust God more in his ordinary way of providence : and let Parliaments alone with the setling of Church and State , as only proper to them : And if the Soldiers act without , or in opposition to their Officers : is it not Lex Talionis ? Is it not the bitter fruit of their own rash Councels and Actions ? Believe it , all the would , that observes the Army , may with good reason conclude , that they are gone so far , that they now resolve only to depend upon their own strongth for Indempnity : their own Papers do more then intimate as much : if so then , what good issue of this meeting can be expected without some better incouragement from that party : but some kind of acknowledgment , or s●bmission or something akin to it ? And indeed , what ever is pretended that seems to be their aim , if Master Estwick spake their Meaning at the last Meeting ; and if so , ●hen know that an ungodly Union cannot hold ; for if you could out-reach or out-wit men , it s to no purpose , for God wil laugh you to s●orn and have you in derision ; as its good to forget on all sides , so its dangerous to countenance any of the late passages since this difference , or to comply while they have power to drive on their own designs * . It would be too tedious to give you a taste of all the bitter fruit of the Armies disobedience : but in one Paper they take Liberty of Conscience , to desire the punishment of those Gentlemen that out of conscience , and in obedience , left the Army : And M. Estwick more then intimated , that he greatly desired an Union between the Parliament and City , only some particular Gentlemen should lie under the guilt of a new War ; of whose innocency , by this time , I presume he cannot be ignorant : but that self defence , which he is pleased to cal a new War , I am fully satisfied , had been the only way to preserve the Parliament , City and Kingdom from all those dangers both felt and feard , had they not by their craft and subtilty , sown so much division among the godly , that we thereby were in danger of a common Enemy . To conclude , so long , I am confident ▪ as a counsel of Agitators is set up to oppose the great Counsel of Parliament , and we humble not our selves for it , there is little hopes of an Union ; nay it is a great dishonor to our English Nation , a hissing stock and by-word in all Countries . Can you read , without trembling , the Case of the Army , and Call to the Army , the Diurnal , & several other Papers , what danger our Religion is in , what dishonor is cast upon our God , what Heresies and Blasphemies are fomented and maintained , what Hypocrisies in reference to Ireland , what double dealing in reference to England . Witness their own Relation of his Majesties escape or retirement ; indeed they have as many several designs as they are parties in the Army ; and all tend to a New War , if hiding or driving of King , Parliament and Religion our of the Kingdom wil do it , under the notion of Peace and Truth or common Right and Freedom . What indeavoring to charge their own treasons * and mischiefs upon other mens shoulders ; all which together with the present necessity of settling the King and Kingdom , relieving Ireland , easing the Kingdom of those unnecessary , Taxes , as Free quarter and all other charges upon the poor Country ▪ occasioned by the Armies disobedience ; I say , as all these Cals for Fasting and Prayer , and for humbling our selves to a happy speedy Union ; so shal it also be the dayly prayer and sincere indeavor of Yours and the Kingdoms humble and faithful Servant , A. T. ENglands sickness , Irelands dying , and Scotlands sad Complaints Are from our ●rethrens mischiefs we thought to be the Saints . Our Religion and Liberty the glory of this Nation , Is through their disobedience brought neer to desolation . And without our God step in to stop their persecution , We may expect at last , the Parliaments dissolution ▪ And ●nstead of King & Parliament , the Pillars of this kingdom Have Community and parity for Common right and freedome . But that sincere Repentance may be their Resolution . God give them grace , and pardon too , and send a good conclusion FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A75870e-100 * For do not Soldiers usurp the Parliaments authority , which is one fair step to it ? and for the Ministry , they 'l be preachers ; Rome may keep their Iesuits at home these wil do their work for them if God prevent not . * The Junto or Mock Parliament at Putney . * Is there not jugling in the Kings being found at the Ifle of Wight . I wish his person be not st●l in danger ; and that we knew the Truth . * If you see them shot to death for their attempts upon the King , Parliament & City , then I hope al wil be wel , no as bad as ever without Peters Repentance ; even among the head Officers , who sin in that also ; is it not as just for the Agitators to disobey their Officers as for them to disobey the Parliament . * What is your own Child turn'd a Monster that you are asham'd to own it . * The Lord Maior , Aldermen , the Members of both Houses , and divers others occused of High Treason or Misdemeanors . * How y●u have k●pt the Coven●nt let your conscie●ces speak , that have not only ●uffered the priviledges of Parliament to be b●●ken , but have broken them your selves . Do not your own consciences check you if they do defer n●t Repentance , un●avel & und● what you have rashly done ; for I hope you see what it is to let the golden 〈◊〉 of Government loose , and if you be real converts leave jugling . * To be sure they have not power to defend King , Parliament and Kingdom , as appears by the Kings flight at their confession & practice dayly . Do not the Gen●ral Counc●l drive one way and the Agiltators another ●● the best Lie , Gen. Cromwel can do is but to obstruct their treason , which they chuse to suffer in h●●es of a better opportunity to act it ; and it s wel known have no smal Party , and are in a desperat● c●●dition . * What difference between privat tampering now and Sir Io●●●●thans treasons or is there liberty for saints to act what was treason as they say in the 11. Members or any elle ? or is this the way to peace to keep the Parliament in the dark , or if they wil see to putout their eyes ? this Machivil an polcy wil never restore Englands peace surely it s neither the victory over the Agitators , nor the General Councel , nor any other select number of officers in the Army but the Armies obedience to the Parliament , & the freedom of Parliament and application of both Kingdoms to his Majesty that 's likely to procure a firm & lasting peace A64990 ---- God's terrible voice in the city by T.V. Vincent, Thomas, 1634-1678. 1667 Approx. 387 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 124 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64990 Wing V440 ESTC R24578 08251084 ocm 08251084 41186 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64990) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 41186) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1243:1) God's terrible voice in the city by T.V. Vincent, Thomas, 1634-1678. [6], 262 p. s.n.], [London? : Printed in the year 1667. "Wherein you have I. The sound of the voice in the narration of the two late dreadfull judgments of plague and fire, inflicted by the Lord upon the city of London, the former in the year 1665, the latter in the year 1666, II. The interpretation of the voice, in a discovery, 1. Of the cause of these judgments, where you have a catalogue of London's sins, 2. Of the design of these judgments where you have an enumeration of the duties God calls for by this terrible voice." Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England -- London. London (England) -- Fire, 1666. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2003-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion GOD'S Terrible Voice IN THE CITY : Wherein you have I. The sound of the voice , in the Narration of the two late Dreadfull Judgments of Plague and Fire , inflicted by the Lord upon the City of London , the former in the year , 1665 , the latter in the year 1666. II. The interpretation of the voice , in a Discovery , 1. Of the cause of these Judgments , where you have a Catalogue of London's sins . 2. Of the design of these Judgments ; where you have an enumeration of the Duties God calls for by this terrible voice . By T. V. Micah 6. 9. The voice of the Lord cryeth unto the City , and the Man of wisdome shall see thy name : Hear ye the Rod , and who hath appointed it . Printed in the Year 1667. TO All such of the CITY , WHO Have seen the Desolations OF LONDON BY The late Judgments of PLAGUE and FIRE . IT might have seemed more seasonable unto some , if a work of this nature had come forth unto view more immediately after the sound of Gods terrible voice , and execution , at least , of the last dreadfull Iudgment of the Fire ; because if a Man strikes whilst the Iron is hot , it is likely to make the more deep impression , which when it grows cool , growes hard and unmalleable ; and if the hammer of the Word had been used , when London was newly come forth of the Furnace , some might think they would have yielded the more easily unto it's strokes , and the better have received the fashion , which this Hammer would work them unto ; and that , since the fresh and lively remembrance of the judgement is more worn off , it is to be feared , that they are more cooled and hardned , and therefore in likelihood , it will be more difficult to effect a due impression of the Iudgements by the Word upon them : yet , besides that it was not in my thoughts to attempt this Work , until the greatest part of the Winter was spent : I may further adde , that , though a discourse concerning the Plague , would have been most seasonable under the Iudgment it self , when people who were generally taken off from their trading , had room and time for retirement and consideration , more than ever they had in their lives before ; and therefore were more likely to lay to heart , what might be spoken or written unto them on that Subject : yet the reason is not the same in the Iudgement of the Fire , which ( however startling and astonishing ) was so far from giving them retiring time for consideration , as the former Iudgement of the Plague had done , that it did engage them unto more labourious works than ever they had , not only while London was burning , in removing what they could save of their goods from the Fire ; but also since , in looking out new Habitations , and fitting their Houses and Shops for Trades ; which hath given them occasion for so much distraction , that I fear they could hardly settle their mindes to read and consider so seriously as they should , what the Lord hath been doing with them , & speaking unto them by this Terrible Voice , which hath sounded so loud in their ears : but by this time , I hope , that the most have attained to some kinde of settlement , at least so much , as to give them leave to sit down and ponder upon the meaning of God , in these strange and dreadful Iudgements of Plague and Fire in the City ; and therefore this Book may be more seasonable unto the most , than if it had been written , and presented to them immediately after the Fire had burnt them out of their habitations . Friends , It is high time for all of you to retire your selves , and bethink your selves , and wisely to consider Gods dealings with you , to open your ear , and labour to understand these speaking Iudgments , least if God be provoked , by your deafness , and incorrigibleness , to speak a third time , it be in your utter ruine and desolation . If these Papers be any wayes helpfull to revive in your memories the Iudgments themselves , by the Historicall Narration which here you have of them ; to work your hearts to some sense of sin in discovery of the cause ; and to perswade you unto a ready compliance with Gods design in the declaring of what God now expects from you , after such dreadfull executions ; as yours will be the benefit : so I desire that God may have the whole glory ; and that you would make this return for my help of you , to help me with your prayers , that I may be the more helpfull to you in mine , who am Your dearly affectionate friend and servant in the Lord. T. V. Gods terrible Voice IN THE CITY . Psalm 65. part of the fifth Verse . By terrible things in righteousness wilt thou answer us . INTRODUCTION . SHall a Trumpet be blown in the City , and the people not be afraid ? Shall there be evil in the City , and the Lord hath not done it ? The Lyon hath roared , who will not fear ? the Lord God hath spoken , who can but Prophesie ? Am. 3. 6. 8. When the Pharisees spake to our Saviour to rebuke his Disciples for their loud praises of the Lord with Hosanna's , he tells them , If they should hold their peace , the stones would immediately cry out , Luk. 19. 39 , 40. And we read in Habakkuk , Chap. 2. 11. Of the stone crying out of the wall , and the beam out of the timber making answer . Certainly we in London have lately heard the cry of stones and walls , of timber and beams in their fall and flames ; I mean in the late Dreadful Fire which hath laid out Ierusalem in heaps ; or rather we have heard the Voice of God in this and other terrible things which have come upon us ; Let none then rebuke , if one so unfit do make an attempt to speak something of the meaning of Londons Fire , or of Gods Terrible Voice in this and other Judgements , when by the mouth of Babes God can declare his Will. SECT . 1. By terrible things in righteousness wilt thou answer us . THis whole Psalm breathes forth nothing but grace and goodness unto the people of God , from the beginning of it to the end ; yea , in the verse of my Text where God speaks most terribly and righteously in the Judgements and Destructions which he bringeth upon their Enemies , yet he is called the God of their Salvation , and those terrible things by which God speaks , are not only a righteous answer unto their Enemies sins , but also a gracious answer unto his peoples prayers . By terrible things in righteousness wilt thou answer us . I shall not speak of terrible things in the restrained sense , as they befall the Enemies only of Gods people , and the wicked , whilst the righteous do escape , and it may be hereby are preserved ; but as they may befall any people , not excluding Gods people , whom the Lord may answer by terrible things in righteousness . Two Doctrines we may observe . Doct. 1. That God doth sometimes speak unto a People by terrible things . Doct. 2. That when God doth speak most terribly , he doth answer most righteously . First , That God doth sometimes speak unto a People by terrible things . Here I shall show : 1. How God may be said to speak . 2. What those terrible things are by which God doth sometimes speak . 3. Why God doth sometimes speak unto a People by terrible things ; and then apply . 1. How God may be said to speak . God being a Spirit , hath no Mouth nor Tongue properly as men have , who have bodies , and therefore his way of speaking is not like ours ( though sometimes he hath created a Voice in as articulate sound as if it had proceeded from the mouth of man to declare his will ) but there are several wayes in which God hath spoken and doth speak unto the Children of men , by which he doth as really and effectually make known his mind , as if he spake with mans voice . 1. God hath spoken formerly unto men immediately , in extraordinary wayes , and that sometimes more terribly ; as when he gave the Law upon Mount Sinai , when the Mount burned with fire , and there was blackness , and darkness , and tempest , thundrings and lightnings , and the sound of the Trumpet exceeding loud , and the voice of words so exceeding terrible , that it made the whole Camp to tremble ; and Moses himself said , I exceedingly fear and quake , Exod. 19. 16. Heb. 12. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. This way of Gods speaking the Children of Israel were not able to bear , therefore they desired that Moses might speak unto them , but that God would not speak unto them thus any more , least they should die , Exod. 20. 19. At other times God spake with a more still and gentle voice , and in a more milde way , as when he spake to Samuel in the night , he thought at first that it had been the voice of Eli , 1 Sam. 3. 4 , 5. Thus God spake unto Abraham , unto Iacob , unto Moses , to whom it is said , he spake face to face , as a man speaketh to his friend , Exod. 33. 11. God spake also in an extraordinary way to his Prophets of old , when he made known unto them his counsel , that they might declare it unto the people : Sometimes he spake unto them with an audible voice , which he created when no Shape was seen ; sometimes by Angels , who appeared in bodies , which they laid down again when they had delivered their message ; sometimes by Dreams and Visions in the night ; sometimes by Urim and Thummim ; sometimes by more secret Inspirations of the Spirit . In the last daies of Gods extraordinary speaking , he spake by the most extraordinary person , namely , by his own most dearly beloved and only begotten Son , Heb. 1. 1 , 2. whom he sent out of his bosom to declare himself , Ioh. 1. 18. and reveal what he had heard of the Father , Ioh. 15. 15. who brought life and immortality to light by the Gospel , and made known Gods purpose and Grace in mans Salvation , 2 Tim. 1. 9 , 10. and uttered such things as were kept secret from the foundations of the world , Mat. 13. 35. The Gospel began to be spoken of by the Lord Iesus himself , and was continued and confirmed by his Apostles , who were his Witnesses , to whom God also did bear witness with signs and wonders , and divers Miracles , and gifts of the Holy Ghost , according to his will , Heb. 2. 3 , 4. 2. And now , though not so immediately , and in such extraordinary wayes , yet still God doth speak unto the Children of men . There are two wayes of Gods speaking now unto men ; namely , his Word and his Works . 1. His Word contained in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament , which holy men wrote as they were inspired by the Holy Ghost , 2 Pet. 1. 21. And thus God speaketh either externally by his Word alone , or internally with his Word by his Spirit . 1. God speaketh now unto men externally by his Word alone , to some more silently , unto whom he gives his Scriptures only to be read , and brings to their view his written Word alone , without the advantage of other Ordinances , which might more powerfully declare unto them his will. Unto others he speaks more audibly , where the Gospel doth sound in their ears , and wi●h the Scriptures God sendeth his Ministers to preach unto them . God speaketh by his Ministers , who are his Watchmen , in his Name to warn the people of his Judgements temporal and eternal , which in the Scriptures he hath threatned , Ezek. 3 , 17 18 , &c. Isa. 63. 6. who are the Lords Embassadors , 2 Cor. 5. 20. from whom they have a Commission to preach the Gospel , and declare the glad tidings of Salvation unto all such as repent , and believe , and yield up themselves unto the obedience of the Word . Ministers stand in the room of Christ ; and it is well for us that God speaks unto us by Ministers , because we should not be able to endure , should he speak unto us immediately by himself ; should he speak unto us with an audible voice , as he did to the Children of Israel on Mount Sinai , when he gave the Law , this would be so terrible , that with them we should desire to heat Moses , and chuse Ministers rather to speak unto us ; yea , if Christ Jesus himself should come down from heaven , however he might have been heard in his state of Humiliation , when his Deity was so much vailed ; yet if he should now appear in the glory he hath with the Father ; or as he appeared unto Iohn his Beloved Disciple , when his eyes were as a flame of fire , and his countenance like the Sun when it shineth in its full strength , and his voice like the sound of many waters : I say , if Christ should thus appear and preach unto us , such a dread and amazement would fall upon us , that we should fall down dead at his feet , as his Disciple Iohn did , Rev. 1. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17. Therefore it is better for us in this state of weakness , that God speaketh to us by Ministers , men of like passions and infirmities with our selves , whom we may be able to bear , and whose words notwithstanding our weakness , we may be able to hear . 2. God doth now also speak unto men internally with his Word by his Spirit , when God sends his Spirit with his Word for Conviction only , or some Common work : thus God calls upon the wicked , who sit under the preaching of the Word , moves and strives with them by his Spirit , but they resist the spirit , stifle Convictions , & wil not hearken to his calls and motions , Gen. 6. 3. Act. 7. 51. But especially God speaks with his Word by his Spirit , when he sendeth his Spirit for Conversion , and to effect a saving change : thus God speaks when he calleth blind sinners out of darkness into his marvellous light , 1 Pet. 2. 9. quickneth dead sinners , putting into them a new Principle of spiritual life , Eph. 2. 1. rescueth enslaved sinners out of Satans snare , 2 Tim. 2. 26. delivering them from the power of the Devil , and translating them into the Kingdome of his dear Son , Col. 1. 13. when by his Spirit he draweth sinners , Ioh. 6. 44. and joyns them unto Jesus Christ , 1 Cor. 6. 17. God speaketh unto men with his Word by his Spirit , when he doth thus effectually call them ; and he speaketh unto men also by his Spirit , when he graciously visiteth them which are called , when he teacheth , melteth , warmeth , quickneth , strengtheneth , and refresheth them by his Spirit , as they sit under the influence of his Ordinances , when he speaketh peace unto their Consciences , sheweth them his reconciled Face , sheddeth abroad his love in their hearts , and giveth such sweet comforts and ravishing joy as is unspeakable , and full of Glory , Ioh. 6. 45. Ioh. 14. 26. Luk. 24. 32. Psal. 143. 11. Eph. 3. 16. Act. 3. 19. Psa. 85. 8. Rom. 5. 5. Psa. 94. 19. 1 Pet. 1. 8. 2. God speaketh unto men by his Works ; and that either by his works of Creation , or by his works of Providence . 1. God speaketh by his works of Creation ; the Heavens have a voice and declare Gods glory , Psa. 19. 1. and the Earth hath not only an ear to hear , Isa. 1. 2. but also a tongue , as it were , to speak Gods praise . We read of the Seas roaring , and the Floods clapping their hands ; of the Mountains singing , and the Trees of the wood sounding forth their joyful acclamations ; yea , beasts and all cattel , creeping things and flying fowl , Dragons and all Deeps , Fire , Hail , Snow , Rain , and stormy winde , as they fulfill his Word , so they speak , and in their way declare what their Maker is , or rather in them , and by them , God doth speak , and make known something of himself , Psa. 148. 7 , 8 , 10. &c. We read of the Voice of the Lord in Power , the Voice of the Lord in Majesty , the Voice of the Lord upon the waters , the Voice of the Lord dividing the flames of fire , the Voice of the Lord shaking the Wilderness of Cadesh , breaking the Cedars of Lebanon , and the like , which is the Voice of the Lord in the terrible noise of Thunder , Psa. 29. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. And there is no one work of the Lord ( though not with such a noise ) which doth not with a loud voice , as it were , in the Name of the Lord proclaim unto the Children of men , how great and glorious the Lord is , who hath given it its being , and use , and place in the world : especially the work of God in the Make of man , his body the members and senses , his Soul the powers and faculties , doth without a tongue speak the praise of that God , who curiously framed the body in the womb , and immediately infused the living soul , Psa. 139. 14 , 15. Zach. 12. 1. 2. God speaketh by his Works of Providence , and that both merciful and afflictive . 1. God speaketh by his Merciful Providences , by his patience , and bounty , and goodness , he calleth men unto repentance , Rom. 2. 4. He giveth witness of himself , in giving rain and fruitful seasons , Act. 14. 17. Gods providing mercies , Gods preventing mercies , Gods preserving mercies , Gods delivering mercies , the number of Gods mercies which cannot be reckoned , the order and strange method of Gods mercies , which cannot be declared , the greatness of Gods mercies in the kinds and strange circumstances , which cannot be expressed , do all with open mouth call upon men from the Lord to repent of their sins which they have committed against him , and to yeild all love , thankfulness , and obedience unto him . 2. God speaketh by his afflictive Providences : There is a voice of God in his Rod , as well as in his Word , Mic. 6. 9. Hear the Rod , and who hath appointed it ; when God chasteneth , he teacheth , Psal. 94. 12. When God lifteth up his hand and strikes , he openeth his mouth also and speaks ; and sometimes openeth mens ears too , and sealeth their instruction , Iob 33. 16. Sometimes God speaks by Rods more mildly , by lesser afflictions ; sometimes God speaks by Scorpions more terribly , by greater Judgements , which leads to the second particular . SECT . II. 2. What are those terrible things by which God doth sometimes speak ? THe word in the Original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth , he feared : Terrible things are such great Judgements of God , as do usually make a general impression of fear upon the hearts of people . Take some instances . 1. The Plague is a Terrible Iudgement by which God speaks unto men . The Hebrew word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he spake . It is a speaking Judgement ; where God sends the Plague , he speaks , and he speaks terribly ; the Plague is very terrible , as it effecteth terrour ; the Pestilence which walketh in darkness , is called the Terrour by night , Psal. 91. 5 , 6. The Plague is very terrible , in that 1. It is so poysonous a disease ; it poysons the blood and spirits , breeds a strange kind of venom in the body , which breaketh forth sometimes in Boils , and Blains , and great Carbuncles , or else works more dangerously , when it preyeth upon the vitals more inwardly . 2. It is so noysome a disease ; it turns the good humors into putrefaction , which putting forth it self in the issues of running sores , doth give a most noysome smell : Such a disease for loathsomeness we read of , Psa. 38. 5 , 7 , 11. My wounds stink and are corrupt , my loins are filled with a loathsome disease , and there is no soundness in my flesh ; my lovers and my friends stand aloof from my sore , and my Kinsmen stand afar off . 3. It is so infectious a disease ; it spreadeth it self worse than the Leprosie amongst the Iews ; it infecteth not only those which are weak , and infirm in body , and full of ill humors , but also those which are young , strong , healthful , and of the best temperature ; and that sometimes sooner than others . The Plague is infectious , and greatly infectious , whole Cities have been depopulated through its spreading , many whole families have received infection , and death one from another thereby , which is the third thing that rendreth the Plague so terrible . 4. It is so deadly ; it kills where it comes without mercy ; it kills ( I had almost said certainly ) very few do escape , especially upon its first entrance , and before its malignity be spent ; few are touched by it , but they are killed by it : and it kills suddenly ; as it gives no warning before it comes , suddenly the arrow is shot which woundeth unto the heart ; so it gives little time of preparation before it brings to the Grave : Under other diseases men may linger out many weeks and moneths ; under some divers years ; but the Plague usually killeth within a few daies ; sometimes within a few hours after its first approach , though the body were never so strong and free from disease before . The Plague is very terrible ; it is terrible to them that have it ; insomuch as it usually comes with Grim Death , the King of Terrours , in its hand : and it is terrible to them which have it not ; because of their danger of being infected by it ; the fear of which hath made such an impression upon some , that it hath rased out of their hearts , for the while , all affections of love and pitty to their nearest Relations and dearest Friends ; so that when the Disease hath first seized upon them , and they have had the greatest need of succour , they have left their friends in distress , and flown away from them , as if they had been their Enemies . 2. A Deluge by Water is a Terrible Iudgement : There have been several Floods which we read of in Histories , that have suddenly broken in upon some places , and overwhelmed Habitations and Inhabitants together . But God never did , and never will speak so Terribly by a Deluge of Water , as by the great Deluge in the daies of Noah , when the whole world was drowned thereby , excepting Noah , and those which were with him in the Ark. And because the Judgement was so dreadful , and the History so affecting , I shall set it before your eye out of Gen. 7. from the 11th ver . to the end of the Chapter . In the six hundredth year of Noahs life , in the second moneth , and the seventeenth day of the moneth , in the same day were all the Fountains of the Great Deep broken up . God withdrew the bounds which he had set to the great Sea , so that the waters covered the earth as they did at the beginning ; and the Windowes of heaven were opened , out of which God looked forth in anger upon the earth , and powered forth a Viol of his wrath , causing it to rain forty daies and forty nights in dreadful showres , accompanied , as is probable , with stormy winds , and hideous tempest , which put the world into a fright and amazement ; when the Element of Air seemed to be changed into water , and such a Torrent flowed in upon them on every side ; we may guess what fear they were over-whelmed withal ; but Noah and his Family were got into the Ark , and the Lord shut them in ; then the waters encreased , and bare up the Ark , and it was lift up above the earth , and the waters encreased , and prevailed greatly upon the earth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Ark went upon the face of the waters , so that all the high Hills and Mountains were covered fifteen Cubits : Then all flesh died , fowl , and cattel , and beast , and every thing that creeped or moved on the earth , and every man , and Noah only remained alive , and they that were with him in the Ark. God spake then terribly indeed unto the wicked world by the Flood , which devoured them all together in the midst of their security and sin ; but God hath promised he will never speak thus by water any more . 3. Fire is another terrible thing , whereby God sometimes calls to contend by with a sinful People : Fire is very dreadful when it hath a Commission from God , and meets with much combustible matter , and prevails without resistance . God spake terribly by Fire unto Sodom and Gomorrah , when he rained Fire and Brimstone on those Cities , and consumed them . See Gen. 19. from the 24th ver . to the 29th , The Lord rained fire and brimstone out of heaven , and overthrew those Cities and the Inhabitants together ; and when Abraham looked toward Sodom and Gomorrah , and the Land of the Plain , he saw the smoke of the Country go up like the smoke of a Furnace . God spake terribly , though not so terribly to Ierusalem , when he suffered their City to be set on fire by the Babylonians , and their Temple to be burnt to the ground . See Ier. 52. 12 , 13. But the most fearful Instances of Gods Terrible Voice by Fire are yet to come : Thus God will speak by Fire unto Spiritual Babylon , which may easily be proved to be Rome , from Rev. 17. 18. She being the then great City , which reigned over the Kings of the earth . Babylons burning with fire you may read , Rev. 18. 8 , 9 , 10 , &c. Therefore shall her Plagues come in one day , Death , and Mourning , and Famine , and she shall be utterly burnt with fire ; for strong is the Lord God who judgeth her : And the Kings of the earth who have committed fornication , and lived deliciously with her , shall bewail her , and lament for her , when they shall see the smoak of her burning ; standing afar off for fear of her torment , saying , Alas ! alas ! that great City Babylon ! that mighty City ! for in one hour is thy judgement come . &c. God spake terribly by fire when London was in flames , of which in the application ; but he will speak far more terribly when Babylon shall be in flames ; and not only in part , but wholly , and utterly , and irreparably burnt and turned into ashes : when not only the City shall be consumed , but also the Whore her self shall be hated and made desolate , and devoured with fire by the Kings of the earth , Rev. 17. 10. The last instance of Gods speaking terribly by fire will be the last day , when the Lord Jesus Christ , the Judge of Quick and Dead , shall come down from heaven in flaming fire , to take vengeance on all those that know not God , and obey not the Gospel , 2 Thes. 1. 7 , 8. And the Apostle Peter tells us , that the heavens and the earth are reserved in store for fire against this day : when the Heavens shall pass away with a great noise , and the Elements melt with fervent heat , and the Earth , and all the works therein shall be burnt up , 2 Pet. 3. 7 , 10. Then God will speak terribly by fire , and above all , most terribly to the ungodly world , when he will sentence them unto , and cast them into the Fire of Hell , where they must dwell with devouring fire , and inhabit everlasting burnings . 4. The Sword is a dreadful Iudgement , whereby God speaks sometimes very terribly ; especially when he draws it forth against his own and his peoples Enemies . Hear how terribly God speaks , as in , Deut. 32. 39 , 40 , 41 , 42. See now that I , even I am he , and there is no God with me ; I kill , and I make alive ; I wound , and I heal ; neither is there any that can deliver out of my hand : For I lift up my hand to heaven , and say , I live for ever . If I whet my glittering Sword , and my hand take hold on Iudgement , I will render vengeance to mine Enemies , and reward them that hate me ; I will make mine Arrows drunk with blood ( and my Sword shall devoure flesh ) and that with the blood of the slain , and of the Captives , from the beginning of revenges upon the Enemies . When God furbusheth his Sword , and whets it ; when God girdeth his Sword upon his thigh , and marcheth against his Enemies ; when he draweth his Sword , and maketh slaughter with it ; when his Sword devoureth much flesh , and is made drunk with the blood of the slain ; when God gives Commission to the Sword , saying , Sword , go thorow such a Land ; as Ezek. 14. 17. And powers out his fury on the Land in blood ; as ver . 19. So that the Sword is bathed in blood , and garments are rowled in blood , and the Land is soaked in blood ; when blood is powred forth like water , and dead bodies are cast forth into the open field without burial ; and God makes an invitation to all feathered fowl to gather themselves together , and feast themselves upon the carkasses of the slain ; as Ezek. 39. 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. When God comes with died garments from Bozrah , Isa. 63. 1. When he gathereth the Nations , and brings them into the valley of Jehoshaphat , and thither causeth his Mighty Ones to come down against them , Ioel 3. 2. 11. When the day of Gods indignation doth come , and he makes such slaughter amongst his Enemies , that the Earth doth stink with their carkasses , and the Mountains do melt with their blood , Isa. 34. 2 , 3. When God treadeth the Wine-press of his wrath without the City , and the blood comes out of the Wine-press even to the horses bridles , Rev. 14. 20. In a word , when the Lord shall come forth upon his White Horse with his Armies , and shall destroy the Beast , and all the Powers of the earth that take part with him : as Rev. 19. from the 11th ver . to the end : Then God will speak terribly indeed against his Enemies by the Sword ; then he will roar out of Zion , and utter his voice from Ierusalem , and that in such a manner , as will make both the heavens and the earth to tremble , Ioel 3. 16. And indeed God speaks with a Terrible Voice where-ever he sends the Sword , and makes the Alarm of War to be heard ; as sometimes he sends it amongst his own people for their sin , 1 Kings 8. 33. When God brings into a Land a people of another Language and Religion , of a fierce countenance and cruel disposition , and gives them power to prevail , and bring the Land under their feet , so that the Mighty Men are cut off by them , and the Men of Valour crushed in the gate ; the young men fly and fall before them , and there is none to make any resistance ; when they break in upon Cities , plunder houses , ravish Women and Maids , strip , and spoil , and put all to the sword , the young , with the grey-head , cruelly rip up women with-childe , and without any pity on little Infants , dash them against the stones . God speaks more terribly by such a Judgement , than by Plague or Fire . 5. The Famine is a dreadful Iudgement , whereby God speaks sometime unto a people very terribly ; when God stretcheth upon a place the lines of confusion , & the stones of emptiness ; as Isa. 34. 11. When God sendeth cleanness of teeth into Cities ; as Amos 4. 6. When God shooteth into a Land the evil Arrows of Famine , and it becomes exceeding sore , this is one of the most dreadful Judgements of all Judgements in this world , far beyond Plague , or Fire , or Sword. See how pathetically the Famine amongst the Iews is described by Ieremiah in his Lamentations , Chap. 4. from the 4th ver . unto the 12. The tongue of the sucking Childe cleaveth to the roof of his mouth f●r thirst ; the young Children ask for bread , and no man breaketh it unto them . They that feed delicately are desolate in the streets . They that were brought up in scarlet embrace dunghils . For the punishment of the iniquity of the daughter of my people is greater than the punishment of the sin of Sodom , that was overthrown in a moment , and no hand stayed on her . The Nazarites were purer than snow ; whiter than milk ; they were more ruddy in body then Rubies ; their polishing was of saphire : their vtsage is blacker than a coal ; they are not known in the streets ; their skin cleaveth to their lones , it is withered , it is become like a stick . They that be slain with the sword , are better than they which be slain with hunger ; for these pine away stricken through for want of the fruits of the Earth . The hands of the pittiful women have sodden their own Children , they were their meat in the destruction of the daughter of my people . The Lord hath accomplished his fury , he hath poured out his fierce anger . 6. The sixth terrible Iudgment is a Famine of the Word , which is threatned , Am. 8. 11 , 12. Behold the dayes come , saith the Lord , that I will send a Famine in the Land , not a Famine of Bread , nor a thirst for Water , but of hearing the words of the Lord : And they shall wander from Sea to Sea , and from the North to the East , and they shall run to and fro to seek the word of the Lord , and shall not finde it . A Famine of the Word is a worse judgment , than a Famine of Bread ; indeed few do really think so , because the most judge according to sense ; but that it is so , is evident to a Man of faith and consideration ; for as the soul is more excellent than the body , and the concernments of the other life , far beyond the concernments of this life : so the provisions for the soul are more excellent than the provisions for the body , and the means of getting eternal life to be preferred before the means of preserving temporal life ; and therefore by consequence the dearth & scarcity of provisions for the soul must needs be a greater judgment , than a scarcity of provisions for the body . Unto which I might add , that the Famine of the word doth usually bring with it many temporal judgments ; The burning of the Temple at Ierusalem , and the failing of Vision was accompanied with slaughter by the sword , and captivity of the Land. 7. And lastly , God speaks most terriblie unto a people when he sends divers of these Iudgments together , as Lam. 1. 20. Abroad the sword bereaveth , at home there is death , when enemies without , Plague and Famine within . God speaks terribly , when Fire and Sword goeth together , or Sword and Famine ; or Famine and Plague , or Famine of Bread , and Famine of the Word . These are some of the terrible things by which God doth sometimes speak . SECT . III. Why is it that the Lord doth speak unto a people 3. by such terrible things ? THe reason is , because people don't hearken unto him , speaking any other way , God speaketh once , yea twice , but men perceive it not , Iob 33. 14. Gods gentle voice is not heard or minded , therefore he speaks more loudly and terribly , that people might be awakened to hear . Particularly God speaks thus terribly , 1. Because People do not hearken to the voice of his word and messengers ; God speaks audibly by Ministers , and when they are not regarded , he speaks more feelingly by judgments ; he speaks first by threatnings , & when they are slighted , he speaks by executions . God first lifts up his voice and warns by his word , before he lifts up his arme and strikes with his Rod ; when men grow thick of hearing the sweet calls of the Gospel , God is even forced to thunder , that he may peirce their ear ; when God speaks to the ears and they are shut , God speaks to the eyes and other senses , that his mind may be known ; especially when men obstinately refuse to hear , God is exceedingly provoked to execute his terrible judgments upon them , see Zach. 8. 11 , 12. But they refused to hearken , and pulled away the shoulder , and stopped their ears that they should not hear : yea they made their heart like an Adamant stone , least they should hear the Law , and the words which the Lord of Hosts had sent in his spirit by the former Prophets : Therefore came there a great wrath from the Lord of Hosts . So also when God gave up Ierusalem to desolation and ruine , see the sin which provoked the Lord hereunto . 2 Chron. 36. 16. They mocked the messengers of God , and despised his words , and misused his Prophets , untill the wrath of the Lord arose against his people , till there was no remedy . 2. Because they do not hearken to the voice of his goodness and mercies . The goodness and forbearance of God doth speak unto men from him , and call upon them to forbear sin for shame , to repent and return to him , Rom. 1. 4. But when men despise the riches of his goodness , and deafen their ear unto the language of his mercies , and trample his patience under foot ( though God hath appointed a day of wrath hereafter , wherein he will reckon with the whole ungodly World together , and give them the just demerit of their sin , yet ) sometimes his patience is turned hereby into fury , and his anger doth break forth into a flame , and consumes them by the blow of dreadfull temporal judgments . 3. Because they will not hearken to the voice of lesser afflictions ; when Gods word is not heard , he speaks by his Rod ; when his Rod is not heard , he shoots with his arrowes & strikes with his sword ; and if lesser afflictions be not minded , then God speaks by more dreadful awakening judgments : as the sins of men do precede the judgments of God : so usually lesser judgments do precede greater judgments ; and as there are degrees and steps which men usually do make before they arrive to a great heighth in sin , Nemo repentè fit turpissimus : so there are degrees and steps which God usually doth take , in inflicting his judgments for sin . Look into one place for all , which shews how God doth proceed from less to greater judgments , Lev. 26. from the 15. v. to the 40 th . when his statutes are despised and Covenant broken , first he threatneth to send upon them consumption , and a burning ague , then he threatneth that they shall fall before their enemies ; and if they will not hearken to his voice in these judgments , he threatneth to punish them seven times more for their sins ; and to make the Heavens as Iron ; and the Earth as brass ; and send a dearth amongst them . And if they will not yet hearken , he threatneth to send wild beasts , which should devour their children and Cattel . And if they would not be reformed by these things , but still would walk contrary unto him , he threatneth to walk contrary unto them , and to punish them yet seven times more for their sins : he threatneth to bring a sword upon them to avenge the quarrel of his Covenant ; and when they should be gathered together in their Cities , to send the Pestilence amongst them ; and hereunto to adde the Famine . And if they would not yet hearken unto God , but still walk contrary unto him , he threatneth that he will walk contrary unto them in fury ▪ and make them eat the flesh of their Sons and their Daughters , and lay wast their Cities , and make their Sanctuaries a desolation ; and upon them that are left alive he threatneth to send such faintness of heart , that they should flee at the sound of a shaken leaf , and fall when none pursued them ; and that they should pine away in their iniquities in the Land of their enemies . Thus God proceeds by steps and degrees in the execution of his fierce anger upon a rebellious People , when God speaks by ordinary diseases and is not heard , then sometimes he sends a Plague ; and if after a Plague , people will not return to him that smiteth them , nor seek to pacify Gods anger which is kindled against them ; but walk so much the more contrary unto him , he may walk contrary to them in fury , and send fire into their Cities to devour their habitations . And if the voice of the Fire be not heard , he hath other judgments in readiness , Sword ▪ Famine and the like . And if temporal judgments be n●● heeded , he will bring upon them eternal judgments . God is not heard any other way , therefore he doth speak by such terrible things . SECT . IV. The Application . God speaks sometimes to a People by terrible things . THese few last years have given sad instances hereof in England , especially the two last years in our City of London . The voice of the Lord hath been in the City , it hath been loud and full of terrour ; the Lord hath come forth against us with armed vengeance . Frowns have been in his brow ; death and desolation in his looks ; thunder hath been in his voice : flames of Fire in his hand : the Pestilence hath gone before him , and burning Coals at his feet : He hath sent forth his Arrows which have scattered us , and shot forth his lightnings which have discomfited us ; The Lord hath thundered in the Heavens , and the highest gave his voice , hail-stones and coals of fire : the Lord hath visited us with storm and tempest and great noise , yea he hath caused his glorious voice to be heard , and shewed the lighting down of his arme , with the indignation of his anger : and with the flame of devouring Fire , with scattering and tempest and hail-stones : then the furrowes of the Earth were seen , and the foundations of the City were discovered , the Earth also shook , because he was wrath , and the Inhabitants of London trembled , because of his fierce anger ; then the snares of death compassed us , and the fears of hell gat hold on us , and our hearts were moved within us , as Trees when they are moved by the Wind. Dreadfull have Gods late judgments been in London , the noise of which hath gone forth , not only throughout the Land , but also unto the outermost parts of the World. Three things we should remark in this terrible voice of Gods judgments . 1. The Iudgments themselves . 2. The Cause of the Iudgments . 3. The Design of the Iudgments . In the first , we have the sound of the voice . In the two last , the Interpretation of the voice . 1. Concerning the Iudgments themselves . Here I might speak of the judgment executed , August 24th 1662. when so many Ministers were put out of their places ; and the judgment executed March 24th 1665. when so many Ministers were banished 5. miles from Corporations , the former by way of introduction to the Plague which sometime after did spread in the Land , but chiefly raged in the City ; the later by way of introduction to the Fire , which quickly after did burn down London the greatest Corporation in England . These judgments having been so lately , and general in the Land ; and I presume so generally known , with all their circumstances ; that it would be needless to give here a Narration of them . But this I must say , I could wish they were as generally believed to be judgments ; and accordingly laid to heart : for I fear that the great insensibility , which people have been under of these judgments ; because they have not reached the Flesh ; and their sottish inconsideration of Gods dreadfull displeasure herein , hath provoked the Lord to send such judgments as have come nearer to sense : that they might perceive God was angry indeed before , and that his greater displeasure in the former might be known by his more sensible displeasure in the latter . Let London seriously consider whether her Gospel priviledges were not her best defence against temporal calamities ; and whether since her slighting , abuse and forfeiture , and Gods seisure and stripping her so much of these , she hath not been laid naked to those heavy strokes of extraordinary judgments which she hath lately received . London had the Gospel , Ordinances powerfull , pure , plentifull Ministers excellently qualified and rarely furnished with ministerial abilities ; London had as many burning and shining lights as any one such spot of ground under the cope of heaven . Not to speak of their abilities for preaching and defence of the truth , such gifts of prayer London Ministers had , which were no small defence of the City , as I believe no City in the World could parallel . O what prayers have there formerly been in London Pulpits , especially on dayes of solemn humiliation ! how have the spirits of Ministers been carried forth sometime in prayer for several hours together , ( without tautologies and vain repetitions ) in such variety of affectionate enlargements , and with such raisedness and transports of spirit ; as if they had been just leaving the body , and going to live and abide with God , and would converse no more with men or worldly things ! In their confessions of sin , how have they rak'd into the dunghill of a rotten heart , and laid abroad its inward filthiness ? how have they trac'd the foot-steps of its deceitfulness , through the maze and wilderness of its many windings and turnings ? how have they peirced into the very bowels of sin , and ript it up as it were to the back-bone , bringing forth its very entrals to open view ? how have they anatomiz'd as it were the body of death in all the parts and members of it , discovering withall the several diseases of every part , with their cause , and manner of working ? and all this in such pathetical cutting expressions , accompanied with such brokenness and bleeding of heart , as no form can imitate or effect . In their supplications for the pardon of sin , for spiritual and heavenly riches , O with what feeling and fervour did they express themselves ? O with what faith and importunity did they wrestle and plead at the Throne of Grace for such favours beyond the importunity of poor prisoners through the grates , or poor beggars at the doors , when they are most earnest for relief ? yea how did they besiege God as it were , and seem as if they would scale the walls of Heaven it self , and take the Kingdome of Heaven with violence and force ? how have they even pressed in upon God with the dint of argument , and laid hold on him with the hand of faith , resolving not to let him go without a blessing ? In their supplications for the Church and Land , they have behaved themselves as if they had no private concernments . But how did they bear London upon their hearts when they came to the throne of grace ? what yearning bowels had they towards and for the City ? how many teares have they shed in bewailing her sins ? how have they stood in the breach , when the Lord hath been coming forth against this place ? how have they held his arme when it hath been lifted up to strike ? how have they stood weeping between the Porch and the Altar , crying spare thy People O Lord , and do not destroy London ! and many times have they prevailed to appease Gods wrath and turn away his fierce anger which hath been kindled against us . Gospel-Ordinances , and Gospel-Ministers were the safe-guard of London , the glory and defence . But when the Ordinances were slighted , and the Ministers were mocked and misused by some who called themselves Professors , and both were fallen so much in the esteem of the most ; and London did not yield the fruit which God looked for under such dressing , ( of which more when I come to speak of Londons sins ) God is provoked not only to call for some of his Messengers home to himself , but also to suffer the rest which were most consciencious to be thrust into Corners . This , this did presage London's near approaching ruine and desolation , though few did believe it , and because they did not believe it , and were insensible of Gods wrath in this judgment : therefore their danger was the greater of the other judgments which have come upon them : when so many stakes were pluckt out , no wonder if the hedge be broken ; when so many Pillars were removed , no wonder if the building tumble to the ground . But I proceed to give a narration of the later judgments of Plague and Fire . SECT . V. THe Plague so great , so lately , should not be forgotten ; yet lest the fire more lately , and propotionably more great , and the amazing fears , which since have risen within us , should shuffle former thoughts out of our minds , and rase out the impressions , which by the Plague we had , and should labour to retain to our dying hour : therefore I shall give a brief narration of this sad judgment , and some observations of mine own ( who was here in the City from the beginning to the end of it ) both to keep alive in my self and others , the memory of the judgment , that we may be the better prepared for compliance with Gods designe in sending the Plague amongst us . It was in the year of our Lord 1665. that the Plague began in our City of London , after we were warned by the great Plague in Holland in the year 1664. & the beginning of it in some remote parts of our Land the same year ; not to speak any thing whether there was any signification and influence in the Blazing-star not long before , that appeared in the view of London , and struck some amazement upon the spirits of many : It was in the moneth of May that the Plague was first taken notice of ; our Bill of Mortality did let us know but of three which died of the disease in the whole year before ; but in the beginning of May the bill tels us of nine , which fell by the Plague , just in the heart of the City , the other eight in the Suburbs . This was the first arrow of warning that was shot from Heaven amongst us , and fear quickly begins to creep upon peoples hearts ; great thoughts and discourse there is in Town about the Plague , and they cast in their minds whether they should go if the Plague should increase . Yet when the next weeks Bill signifieth to them the disease from 9 to 3. their minds are something appeased ; discourse of that subject cools ; fears are husht , and hopes take place , that the black cloud did but threaten , and give a few drops ; but the wind would drive it away . But when in the next Bill the number of the dead by the Plague is mounted from 3 to 14 , and in the next to 17 , and in the next to 43 , and the disease begins so much to increase , and disperse . Now secure sinners begin to be startled , and those who would have slept at quiet still in their nests , are unwillingly awakened . Now a great consternation seizeth upon most persons , and fearful bodings of a desolating judgment . Now guilty sinners begin to look about them , and think with themselves into what corner of the Land they might fly to hide them . Now the profane and sensual , if they have not remorse for their sins ; yet dread and terrors , the effects of guilt , they could not drive from them ; and if by company , and carousing , and soft pleasures they do intoxicate and smoothen their spirits in the day ; yet we may guess what dread doth return upon them if they give but any room for retirement , and what hideous thoughts such persons have in the silent night , through fears of death which they are in danger of . Now those who did not believe an unseen God , are affraid of unseen arrows ; and those which slighted Gods threatnings of eternal judgments , do tremble at the beginning of his execution of one , and not the greatest temporal judgment . Now those which had as it were challenged the God of Heaven , and defied him by their horrid oaths and blasphemies , when he begins to appear , they retreat , yea fly away with terror and amazement . The great Orbs begin first to move ; the Lords and Gentry retire into their Countries ; their remote houses are prepared , goods removed , and London is quickly upon their backs : few ruffling Gallants walk the streets : few spotted Ladies to be seen at windows : a great forsaking there was of the adjacent places where the Plague did first rage . In Iune the number increaseth from 43 to an 112. the next week to 168. the next to 267. the next to 470. most of which increase was in the remote parts ; few in this month within , or neer the walls of the City ; and few that had any note for goodness or profession , were visited at the first : God gave them warning to bethink and prepare themselves ; yet some few that were choice were visited pretty soon , that the best might not promise to themselves a supercedeas , or interpret any place of Scripture so literally , as if the Lord had promised an absolute general immunity and defence of his own people from this disease of the Plague . Now the Citizens of London are put to a stop in the carrier of their trade ; they begin to fear whom they converse withall , and deal withall , least they should have come out of infected places . Now roses and other sweet flowers wither in the Gardens , are dis-regarded in the Markets , and People dare not offer them to their noses , lest with their sweet savour , that which is infectious should be attracted : Rue and Wormwood is taken into the hand ; Myrrhe and Zedoary into the mouth ; and without some antidote few stir abroad in the morning . Now many houses are shut up where the Plague comes , and the inhabitants shut in , lest coming abroad they should spread infection . It was very dismal to behold the red Crosses , and read in great letters , Lord have mercy upon us , on the doors , and Watchmen standing before them with Halberts , and such a solitude about those places , and people passing by them so gingerly , and with such fearful looks , as if they had been lined with enemies in ambush , that waited to destroy them . Now rich Tradesmen provide themselves to depart , if they have not Country-houses , they seek lodgings abroad for themselves and families , and the poorer tradesmen , that they may imitate the rich in their fear , stretch themselves to take a Country journey , though they have scarce wherewithall to bring them back again . The Ministers also many of them take occasion to go to their Country places for the Summer time ; or it may be to find out some few of their Parishioners that were gone before them , leaving the greatest part of their flock without food or physick , in the time of their greatest need . ( I don't speak of all Ministers , those which did stay out of choice and duty , deserve true honour ) possibly they might think God was now preaching to the City , and what need their preaching ; or rather did not the thunder of Gods voice affrighten their guilty consciences , and make them fly away , lest a bolt from Heaven should fall upon them , and spoil their preaching for the future : and therefore they would reserve themselves , till the people had less need of them . I do not blame many Citizens retiring , when there was so little trading , and the presence of all might have helped forward the increase and spreading of the infection ; but how did guilt drive many away , where duty would have engaged them to stay in the place ? Now the high waies are thronged with passengers , and goods , & London doth emptie it self into the Country ; great are the stirs and hurries in London by the removal of so many families ; fear puts many thousands on the wing , and those think themselves most safe , that can flie furthest off from the City . In Iuly the Plague encreaseth , and prevaileth exceedingly , the number of 470. which died in one week by the disease ariseth to 725 the next week ▪ to 1089 the next , to 1843 the next , to 2010 the next . Now the Plague compasseth the walls of the City like a flood , and poureth in upon it . Now most Parishes are infected , both without and within ; yea there are not so many houses shut up by the Plague , as by the owners forsaking of them for fear of it ; and though the Inhabitants be so exceedingly decreased by the departure of so many thousands , yet the number of dying persons doth increase fearfully . Now the Countries keep guards , left infections persons should from the City bring the disease unto them ; most of the rich are now gone , and the middle sort will not stay behind ; but the poor are forced through poverty to stay and abide the storm . Now most faces gather paleness , and what dismal apprehensions do then fill the minds , what dreadful fears do there possess the spirits , especially of those whose consciences are full of guilt , and have not made their peace with God ? the old drunkards and swearers , and unclean persons are brought into great straits ; they look on the right hand , and on the left , and death is marching towards them from every part , and they know not whither to flie that they may escape it . Now the Arrows begin to flie very thick about their ears , and they see many fellow-sinners fall before their faces , expecting every hour themselves to be smitten ; and the very sinking fears they have had of the Plague , hath brought the Plague and death upon many : some by the sight of a Coffin in the streets have fallen into a shivering , and immediatly the disease hath assaulted them , and Sergeant Death hath arrested them , and clapt too the doors of their houses upon them , from whence they have come forth no more , till they have been brought forth to their graves ; we may imagine the hideous thoughts and horrid perplexity of mind , the tremblings , confusions , and anguish of spirit , which some awakened sinners have had , when the Plague hath broke in upon their houses , and seized upon neer relations , whose dying groans sounding in their ears have warned them to prepare : when their doors have been shut up and fastned on the outside with an Inscription , Lord have mercy upon us , and none suffered to come in but a Nurse , whom they have been more afraid of , then the Plague it self : when lovers and friends , and companions in sin have stood aloof , and not dared to come nigh the door of the house , lest death should issue forth from thence upon them ; especially when the disease hath invaded themselves ; and first began with a pain and diziness in their head , then trembling in their other members ; when they have felt boiles to arise under their arms , and in their groins , and seen blaines to come forth in other parts : when the disease hath wrought in them to that height as to send forth those spots which ( most think ) are the certain tokens of neer approaching death ; and now they have received the sentence of death within themselves , and have certainly concluded , that within a few hours they must go down into the dust ; and their naked souls , without the case of their body , must make its passage into eternity , and appear before the highest Majesty , to render their accounts , and receive their sentence : None can utter the horrour , which hath been upon the spirits of such , through the lashes and stings of their guilty consciences , when they have called to mind a life of sensuality , and profaneness , their uncleanness , drunkenness , injustice , oaths , curses , derision of Saints , and holiness , neglect of their own salvation ; and when a thousand sins have been set in order before their eyes , with another aspect , than when they looked upon them in the temptation ; and they find God to be irreconcileably angry with them , and that the day of grace is over , the door of mercy is shut , and that pardon and salvation ( which before they slighted ) is now unattainable ; that the grave is now opening its mouth to receive their bodies , and hell opening its mouth to receive their souls ; and they apprehend , that they are now just entring into a place of endless wo and torment , and they must now take up their lodgings in the inferiour regions of utter darkness , with devils and their fellow damned sinners , and there abide for evermore in the extremity of misery , without any hopes or possibility of a release ; and that they have foolishly brought themselves into this condition , and been the cause of their own ruin ; we may guess that the dispairful agonies , and anguish of such awakened sinners hath been of all things the most unsupportable ; except the very future miseries themselves , which they have been afraid of . In August how dreadful is the increase ? from 2010 the number amounts up to 2817 in one week ; and thence to 3880 the next ; thence to 4237 the next ; thence to 6102 the next ; and all these of the Plague , besides other diseases . Now the cloud is very black , and the storm comes down upon us very sharp . Now death rides triumphantly on his pale horse through our streets , and breaks into every house almost where any inhabitants are to be found . Now people fall as thick as leaves from the trees in Autumn , when they are shaken by a mighty wind . Now there is a dismal solitude in London-streets , every day looks with the face of a Sabbath day , observed with greater solemnity than it used to be in the City . Now shops are shut in , people rare and very few that walk about , in so much that the grass begins to spring up in some places , and a deep silence almost in every place , especially within the walls ; no ratling Coaches , no prancing Horses , no calling in Customers , nor offering Wares ; no London cries sounding in the ears ; if any voice be heard , it is the groans of dying perions , breathing forth their last , and the funeral knells of them that are ready to be carried to their graves . Now shutting up of visited houses ( there being so many ) is at an end , and most of the well are mingled among the sick which otherwise would have got no help . Now in some places where the people did generally stay ; not one house in an hundred but is infected ; and in many houses half the family is swept away ; in some the whole , from the eldest to the youngest ; few escape with the death of but one or two : never did so many husbands and wives die together ; never did so many parents carry their children with them to the grave , and go together into the same house under earth ; who had lived together in the same house upon it . Now the nights are too short to bury the dead , the whole day though at so great a length is hardly sufficient to light the dead that fall therein into their beds . Now we could hardly go forth , but we should meet many coffins , and see many with sores , and limping in the streets ; amongst other sad spectacles , methought two were very affecting : one of a woman comming alone , and weeping by the door where I lived ( which was in the midst of the infection ) with a little Coffin under her arm carrying it to the new Church yard ; I did judge that it was the mother of the childe , and that all the family besides was dead , and she was forced to coffin up and bury with her own hands this her last dead childe . Another , was of a man at the corner of the Artillery-wall , that as I judge through the diziness of his head with the disease , which seised upon him there , had dasht his face against the wall , and when I came by he lay hanging with his bloody face over the rails , and bleeding upon the ground ; and as I came back he was removed under a tree in More-fields , and lay upon his back ; I went and spake to him ; he could make me no answer , but ratled in the throat , and as I was informed , within half an hour died in the place . It would be endless to speak what we have seen and heard of some in their frensie , rising out of their beds , and leaping about their rooms ; others crying and roaring at their windows ; some comming forth almost naked , and running into the streets , strange things have others spoken and done , when the disease was upon them : But it was very sad to hear of one who being sick alone , and it is like phrantick , burnt himself in his bed . Now the plague had broken in much amongst my acquaintance ; and of about 16. or more whose faces I used to see every day in our house , within a little while I could finde but 4. or 6. of them alive ; scarcely a day past over my head for I think a moneth or more together , but I should hear of the death of some one or more that I knew . The first day that they were smitten , the next day some hopes of recovery , and the third day that they were dead . The September , when we hoped for a decrease , because of the season , because of the number gone , and the number already dead ; yet it was not come to its height ; but from 6102. which died by the Plague the last week of August , the number is augmented to 6988 the first week in September ; and when we conceived some little hopes in the next weeks abatement to 6544 ; our hopes were quite dashed again , when the next week it did rise to 7165. which was the highest Bill ; And a dreadful Bill it was ! and of the 130. Parishes in and about the City , there were but 4 Parishes which were not infected : and in those , few people remaining that were not gone into the Country . Now the grave doth open its mouth without measure . Multitudes ! multitudes ! in the valley of the shadow of death , thronging daily into eternity ; the Church-yards now are stufft so full with dead corpses , that they are in many places swell'd two or three foot higher than they were before ; and new ground is broken up to bury the dead . Now Hell from beneath is moved at the number of the guests that are received into its chambers ; the number of the wicked which have died by the Plague , no doubt , hath been far the greatest , as we may reasonably conclude without breach of charity ; and it is certain that all the wicked , which then died in sin , were turned into Hell ; how then are the damned spirits now encreased ? some were damning themselves a little before in their oaths , and God is now damning their souls for it , and is passing the irreversible sentence of damnation upon them . Some were drinking Wine in bowls a little before , and strong drink without measure ; and now God hath put another cup into their hands , a cup of red Wine , even the Wine of the wrath and fierceness of the Almighty ; some were a little before feasting their senses , pleasing their appetite , satisfying the desires of the flesh , and being past feeling had given themselves up to lasciviousness , to work all uncleanness with greediness ; but now their laughter is turned into mourning , and their joy into howling and woe ; Now they have recovered their feeling again , but instead of the pleasures which they felt , and their sensual delights , which took away the feeling of their consciences , they are made to feel the heavy hand of God , and to endure such anguish and horrour , through the sense of Gods wrath , as no tongue can express . Now the Atheists believe there is a God , and the Anti-scripturists is convinced of the truth of Gods Word , by the execution of Gods threatnings in the Word upon them . Now the covetous and unjust , the malicious and cruel , the scoffers and profane begin to suffer the vengeance of eternal fire ; and the ignorant person with the civil , who are unacquainted with Jesus Christ are not excused ; yea the hypocrites , with all impenitent , and unbelieving persons , are sent down to the place of weeping : and surely hell wonders to see so many come amongst them from such a City as London , where they have enjoyed such plenty of such powerful means of grace ; and place is given to them , even the lowest and hottest , where Iudas and others are of the chiefest note . Yet Hell doth not engross all that dye by the visitation ; some there are ( though not the first or most ) who have room made for them in the mansions , which are above ; the Plague makes little difference between the righteous and the wicked ( except the Lord by a peculiar providence do shelter some under his wing , and compass them with his favour as with a shield , hereby keeping off the darts that are shot so thick about them ) yet as there is little difference in the body of the righteous , and of others : so this disease makes little discrimination , and not a few fearing God , are cut off amongst the rest ; they dye of the same distemper , with the most profane ; they are buried in the same grave , and there sleep together till the morning of the resurrection : but as there is a difference in their spirits , whilst they live : so there is a difference and the chiefest difference in their place and state after their separation from the body . Dives is carryed to Hell , and Lazarus to Abrahams bosome , though he dyed with his body full of sores : Devils drag the souls of the wicked after they have received their final doom at the Bar of God , into utter darkness where there is weeping , and wailing and gnashing of teeth : but Angels convey the souls of the righteous into the heavenly Paradise , the new Ierusalem which is above , where God is in his glory ; and the Lord Jesus Christ at his right hand ; and thousand thousands stand before him , and ten thousand times ten thousand administer unto him ; even an innumerable company of Angels , and where the spirits of all just men and women made perfect were before gathered ; where there is fulness of joy , and rivers of eternal pleasures running about the Throne of God , the streams of which do make glad all the Inhabitants of new Jerusalem . Now the weak prison doors of the body are broken down ; and the strong everlasting Gates of their Fathers Palace are lifted up ; and the Saints are received with joy and triumph into glory , and they come with singing into Zion , and everlasting joy in their hearts , and all sorrow and sighing doth fly away like a cloud , which never any more shall be seen . Now the vail is rent , and they enter the holy of holies , where God dwells , not in the darkness of a thick cloud , as in the Temple of old ; but in the brightness of such marvelous light and glory , as their eyes never did behold , neither could enter into their heart to conceive ; there they have the vision of Gods face , without any eclipse upon the light of his countenance ; there they have the treasures of Gods love opened , and his armes to receive them with dearest and sweetest embracements ; which kindles in their hearts such a flame of love , so ravishing and delightful , as words cannot utter ; there they are entertained by the Lord Jesus Christ , whom in the World they have served , and he that shewed them his grace , which they have wondred at , when they were in the body , doth now shew them his glory , which they wonder at much more : There they are welcomed by Angels , who rejoyce if at their conversion , much more at their coronation ; there they sit down with Abraham , Isaac and Iacob in the Kingdome of their Father ; there they find Moses , and David , and Samuel , and Paul , and all the holy Martyrs and Saints , which have dyed before them , amongst whom they are numbred , and placed , who rejoyce in their increased society . And as there is a great difference between the condition of the souls of the righteous , and the wicked , who dyed by the same disease of the Plague , after their death and separation , so there is a great difference between the carriage of their spirits at their death , and upon their sick Bed. Some wicked men are stupid and senseless , and are given up to a judiciary hardness , and dye in a sleep of carnal security , out of which they are not awakened , till they are awakned in the midst of flames : others more sensible , and considering what hath been , and what is coming upon them , are filled with unexpressible terrour , through the roarings and tearings of a guilty accusing conscience , and the fore-thoughts of that horrible unsupportable torment they are so neer unto . Now scaring dreams do terrifie them , and fearfulness of the bottomless Pit , and the burning Lake below doth surprize them , and some breaketh forth in the anguish of their despairing souls ; Who can dwell with devouring Fire , who can inhabit everlasting burnings ? and however jovial and full of pleasure their life hath been , yet at their latter end they are utterly consumed with terrours . But mark the perfect man , and behold the upright , the end of that Man is peace , whatsoever storms they have had in their passage through a rough Sea , the wind blowing , and the waves roaring , and sometimes have been ready to sink through opposition and discouragement , sometimes have been over-whelmed with grief and doubtings , sometimes have been dasht upon the Rocks of terrour , and perplexity : yet now they are come to the haven of death , the Winds are husht and still , the Waves are smooth and silent , the storm is over , and there is a great calm upon their spirits ; they are past the Rocks , and are out of the danger they feared , when they are in the greatest danger of approaching death . It was generally observed amongst us , that Gods people who dyed by the Plague amongst the rest ; dyed with such peace and comfort , as Christians do not ordinarily arrive unto , except when they are called forth to suffer martyrdome for the testimony of Jesus Christ. Some who have been full of doubts , and fears , and complaints , whilst they have lived , and been well ; have been filled with assurance , and comfort , and praise , and joyful expectation of glory , when they have layn on their death-beds with this disease . And not only more grown Christians , who have been more ripe for glory , have had these comforts : but also some younger Christians , whose acquaintance with the Lord hath been of no long standing . I can speak something of mine own knowledge concerning some of my friends , whom I have been withall ; I shall instance only in the house where I lived . We were eight in Family , three Men , three Youths , an old Woman , and a maid : all which came to me , hearing of my stay in Town , some to accompany me , others to help me . It was the latter end of September before any of us were toucht ; the young ones were not idle , but improved their time in praying , and hearing , and were ready to receive instruction ; and were strangly born up against the fears of the disease and death , every day so familiar to the view . But at last we were visited , and the Plague came in dreadfully upon us , the Cup was put into our hand to drink , after a neighbour Family had tasted it , with whom we had much sweet society in this time of sorrow . And first our Maid was smitten , it began with a shivering and trembling in her flesh , and quickly seised on her spirits ; it was a sad day , which I believe I shall never forget ; I had been abroad to see a friend in the City , whose Husband was newly dead of the Plague , and she her self visited with it ; I came back to see another , whose Wife was dead of the Plague , and he himself under apprehensions that he should die within a few hours ; I came home , and the Maid was on her Death-bed ; and another crying out for help , being left alone in a sweating fainting fit . What was an interest in Christ worth then ? what a priviledge to have a title to the Kingdom of Heaven ? But I proceed . It was the Monday when the Maid was smitten ; on Thursday she dyed full of tokens ; on Friday one of the Youths had a swelling in his groin ; and on the Lords day died with the marks of the distemper upon him ; on the same day another Youth did sicken ; and on the Wednesday following he died : on the thursday night his Master fell sick of the disease , and within a day or two was full of spots ; but strangely beyond his own , and others expectations recovered . Thus did the Plague follow us , and came upon us one by one ; as Iob's Messengers came one upon the heels of another : so the Messengers of death came so close one after another , in such dreadfull manner , as if we must all follow one another immediately into the Pit. Yet the Lord in mercy put a stop to it , and the rest were preserved . But that which was very remarkable in this Visitation , was the carriage especially of those Youths that died , who I believe were less troubled themselves , then others were troubled for them . The first Youth that was visited being asked by his Father , concerning the provision he had made for his death and eternity ; told him , he hop't if he died , he should go to Heaven : being asked the grounds of his hopes , said , the Lord had enabled him to look beyond the World ; and when he was drawing neer to his end ; boldly enquired whether the tokens did yet appear , saying that he was ready for them ; and so a hopeful bud was nipt ; but let not the Father or the Mother weep , and be in sadness for him , he is I don't doubt with their Father , and his Heavenly Father , which may be their comfort . The other also was a very sweet hopefull Youth ; so loving and towardly , that it could not choose but attract love from those that were acquainted with him . But the grace he had gotten in those years , being I suppose under seventeen , did above all beautify him , and stand him in the greatest stead : in his sickness he had much quiet and serenity upon his spirit ; and lay so unconcerned at the thoughts of approaching death , that I confess I marvelled to see it ; the sting and fear of death , were strangely taken out through the hopes which he had of future glory ; yet once he told his Mother he could desire to live a little longer , if it were the will of God ; she asked him why he desired it ? he told her he desired to live till fire and faggot came , and above all he would fain die a Martyr : she said if he died now he should have a Crown ; he answered , but if he died a Martyr he should have a more glorious Crown : yet he was not unwilling to receive his Crown presently ; and went away with great peace and sweetness in his looks , to his fathers house : and I could not blame the Mothers grief for the loss of such an only Son ; but to be so immoderate was not well ; now I am sure it is time to dry up tears , and lay aside sorrows for the loss of him , who hath been so long filled with joys in the heavenly mansions . I might speak of the carriage of the master in his sickness under the apprehensions of death ; when the spots did appear on his body , he sent for me and desired me to pray with him ; told me he was now going home , desired me to write to his friends , and let them know , that it did not repent him of his stay in the City , though they had been so importunate with him to come away : but he had found so much of Gods presence in his abode here , that he had no reason to repent : he told me where he would be buried , and desired me to preach his funeral Sermon on Psal. 16. ult . In thy presence there is fulness of joy ; and at thy right hand there is pleasures for evermore . But the Lord raised him again beyond the expectation of himself , friends , or Physician . Let him not forget Gods mercies , and suffer too much worldly business to croud in upon him , & choak the remembrance and sense of God's goodness so singular ; but let him by his singularity in meekness , humility , self-denial , and love , zeal , and holy walking , declare that the Lord hath been singularly gracious unto him . But when I speak of home concernments , let me not forget to look abroad ; the Plague now increaseth exceedingly , and fears there are amongst us that within a while there will not be enough alive to bury the dead ; and that the City of London will now be quite depopulated by this Plague . Now some Ministers , formerly put out of their places , who did abide in the City when most of Ministers in place were fled and gone from the people , as well as from the disease , into the Countreys , seeing the people crowd so fast into the grave and eternity , who seemed to cry as they went for spiritual Physicians ; and perceiving the Churches to be open , and Pulpits to be open , and finding Pamphlets flung about the streets , of Pulpits to be let , they judged that the Law of God and nature did now dispense with , yea command their preaching in publick places , though the Law of man ( it is to be supposed in ordinary cases ) did forbid them to do it . Surely if there had been a Law that none should practise Physick in the City , but such as were licenc'd by the Colledge of Physitians , and most of those , when there was the greatest need of them , should in the time of the Plague , have retired into the Country , and other Physitians who had as good skill in Physick , and no license should have staid amongst the sick , none would have judged it to have been breach of Law , in such an extraordinary case to endeavour by their practise though without a license , to save the lives of those who by good care and Physick were capable of a cure ; and they could hardly have freed themselves from the guilt of murther of many bodies , if for a nicety of Law in such a case of necessity they should have neglected to administer Physick : the case was the same with the unlicensed Ministers which stayed , when so many of the licenc'd ones were gone , and as the need of souls was greater than the need of bodies ; the sickness of the one being more universal and dangerous , than the sickness of the other ; and the saving or losing of the soul being so many degrees beyond the preservation or death of the body : so the obligation upon Ministers was stronger , and the motive to preach greater , and for them to have incurred the guilt of soul-murther , by their neglect to administer soul-physick , would have been more hainous and unanswerable , that they were called by the Lord into publick : I suppose that few of any seriousness will deny , when the Lord did so eminently own them , in giving many seals of their Ministry unto them . Now they are preaching , and every Sermon was unto them , as if they were preaching their last . Old Time seems now to stand at the head of the Pulpit , with its great Sithe , saying with a hoarse voice , Work while it is called to day , at night I will mow thee down . Grim Death seems to stand at the side of the Pulpit with its sharp arrow , saying , Do thou shoot Gods arrows , and I will shoot mine . The Grave seems to lie open at the foot of the Pulpit ; with dust in her bosome , saying , Louden thy Cry To God , To Men , And now fulfill thy Trust : Here thou must lye , Mouth stopt , Breath gone , And silent in the Dust. Ministers now had awakning calls to seriousness and fervour in their ministeriall work : to preach on the side and brink of the Pit , into which thousands were tumbling ; to pray under such neer views of eternity , into which many passengers were daily entring , might be a means to stir up the spirit more than ordinary . Now there is such a vast concourse of people in the Churches , where these Ministers are to be found , that they cannot many times come neer the Pulpit doors for the press , but are forced to climb over the pews to them : And such a face is now seen in the Assemblies , as seldome was seen before in London ; such eager looks ; such open ears , such greedy attention , as if every word would be eaten , which dropt from the mouths of the Ministers . If you ever saw a drowning Man catch at a rope , you may guess how eagerly many people did catch at the Word ; when they were ready to be overwhelmed by this over-flowing scourge , which was passing thorough the City ; when death was knocking at so many doors ; and God was crying aloud by his judgments ; and Ministers were now sent to knock , cry aloud , and lift up their voice like a Trumpet : then , then the people began to open the ear and the heart , which were fast shut and barred before : How did they then hearken , as for their lives ; as if every Sermon were their last ; as if death stood at the door of the Church , and would seize upon them so soon as they came forth ; as if the arrows which flew so thick in the City would strike them , before they could get to their houses ; as if they were immediately to appear before the Barr of that God , who by his Ministers was now speaking unto them . Great were the impressions which the Word then made upon many hearts , beyond the power of Man to effect , and beyond what the people before ever felt , as some of them have declar'd . When sin is ript up and reprov'd , O the teares that slide down from the eyes ! when the judgments of God are denounced , O the tremblings which are upon the conscience ! when the Lord Jesus Christ is made known and proffer'd , O the longing desires and openings of heart unto him ! when the riches of the Gospel are displayed , and the promises of the Covenant of grace are set forth and applyed , O the inward burnings and sweet flames which were on the affections ! now the Net is cast , and many fishes are taken ; the Pool is moved by the Angel , and many leprous spirits , and sin-sick-souls are cured ; many were brought to the birth , and I hope not a few were born again , and brought forth ; a strange moving there was upon the hearts of multitudes in the City ; and I am perswaded that many were brought over effectually unto a closure with Jesus Christ ; whereof some dyed by the Plague with willingness and peace ; others remain stedfast in Gods wayes unto this day : but convictions ( I believe ) many hundreds had , if not thousands , which I wish that none have stifled , and with the Dog returned to their vomit , & with the Sow , have wallowed again in the mire of their former sins . The work was the more great , because the instruments , which were made use of was more obscure , and unlikely , whom the Lord did make choice of the rather , that the glory by Ministers and people might be ascrib'd in full unto himself . About the beginning of these Ministers preaching , especially after their first Fast together , the Lord begins to remit , and turn his hand , and cause some abatement of the disease . From 7155 which dyed of the Plague in one week ▪ there is a decrease to 5538 the next , which was at the latter end of September , the next week a farther decrease to 4929. the next to 4327. the next to 2665. the next to 1421. the next to 1021. then there was an encrease the first week in November to 1414. but it fell the week after to 1050 and the week after to 652. and the week after that to 333. and so lessened more and more to the end of the year : when we had a Bill of 97306. which dyed of all diseases , which was an encrease of more then 79000 , over what it was the year before : and the number of them which dyed by the Plague was reckoned to be 68596 this year ; when there were but 6 which the Bill speaks of who dyed the year before . Now the Citizens , who had dispers'd themselves abroad into the Countries , because of the Contagion , think of their old Houses and Trades , and begin to return , though with fearfulness and trembling , least some of the after-drops of the storm should fall upon them : and O that many of them had not brought back their old hearts and sins ▪ which they carryed away with them ; O that there had been a general repentance and reformation , and returning to the Lord that had smitten the City : The Lord gave them leisure and Vacation from their Trades ; for the one necessary thing ▪ which had they improved , and generally mourned for sin , which brought the plague upon the City , had they humbly and earnestly sought the Lord to turn from his fierce anger , which was kindled against London , it might have prevented the desolating judgment by Fire : But alas ! how many spent their time of leisure in toys and trifles , at best about feeding and preserving their bodies , but no time in serious minding the salvation of their souls ; and if , some were a little awakned with fear , whilst the plague raged so greatly , and they lookt upon themselves to be in such danger ; yet when they apprehended the danger to be over , they dropt asleep faster than before ; still they are the same or worse than formerly : They that were drunken , are drunken still ; they that were filthy , are filthy still ; and they that were unjust and covetous , do still persevere in their sinfull course ; couzenilng , and lying , and swearing , and cursing , and Sabbath-breaking , and pride , and envy , and flesh-pleasing , and the like God-displeasing , and God-provoking sins , ( of which in the Catalogue of London's sins ) do abound in London ; as if there were no signification in Gods judgments by the Plague ; some return to their Houses , and follow their worldly business , and work as hard as they can to fetch up the time they have lost , without minding and labouring to improve by the Judgment , and Gods wonderfull preservation of them : others return , and sin as hard as they can , having been taken off for a while from those opportunities and free liberties for sin , which they had before : most began now to sit down at rest in their houses when the Summer was come , and the Plague did not return ; now they bring back all their Goods they had carried into the Country because of the Plague ; they did not imagine they should be forced to remove them again so soon . Thus concerning the great Plague in London . SECT . VI. I Proceed now to give a Narration of the judgement of the Fire ; in which I shall be more brief , it being dispatcht in fewer daies then the Plague was in months . It was the 2. of September 1666. that the anger of the Lord was kindled against London , and the Fire began : It began in a Bakers house in Pudding-lane by Fishstreet-hill : and now the Lord is making London like a fiery Oven in the time of his anger , and in his wrath doth devour and swallow up our habitations . It was in the depth and dead of the night , when most doors and ▪ sences were lockt up in the City ; that the Fire doth break forth and appear abroad ; and like a mighty Gyant refresht with Wine , doth awake and arm it self , quickly gathers strength , when it had made havock of some houses ; rusheth down the hill towards the Bridge ; crosseth Thames-street , invadeth Magnus-Church at the Bridge foot , and though that Church were so great , yet it was not a sufficient Barracado against this Conqueror ; but having scaled and taken this Fort , it shooteth flames with so much the greater advantage into all places round about ; and a great building of houses upon the , Bridge is quickly thrown to the ground : Then the Conquerour , being stayed in his course at the Bridge , marcheth back towards the City again ; and runs along with great noise and violence through Thames-street . Westward , where having such combustible matter in its teeth , and such a fierce Winde upon its back , it prevails with little resistance , unto the astonishment of the beholders . My business is not to speak of the hand of man ; which was made use of in the beginning and carrying on of this Fire . The beginning of the Fire at such a time , when there had been so much hot weather , which had dried the houses , and made them : the more fit for fuel ; the beginning of it in such a place , where there were so many Timber houses , and the shops filled with so much combustible matter ; and the beginning of it just when the Winde did blow so fiercely upon that corner towards the rest of the City , which then was like Tinder to the Sparks ; this doth smell of aPopish design so hatcht in the same place where the Gunpowder plot was contriv'd , only that this was more successful . The world sufficiently knows how correspondent this is to Popish principles and practises ; those , who could intentionally blow up King and Parliament by Gunpowder , might ( without any scruple of their kinds of conscience ) actually burn an heretical City ( as they count it ) into ashes : for besides the Dispensations they can have from his Holiness , or rather his Wickedness the Pope , for the most horrid crimes of Murder , Incest , and the like ; It is not unlikely but they count such an action as this meritorious ( in their kind of merit ) which , in the issue , they will finde to merit the flames of eternal Fine , instead of a Crown of Glory , which I wonder that in their way they can have the least hopes of . I believe that the people will now take more heed of them and their waies ; and instead of promoting their cause , I hope that a contrary effect is produced ; and that the before Indifferency of a generation more newly sprung up , who did not know them , is now turned into loathing and detestation of such a religion , as can allow of such practises ▪ My work is not to declare what hath been proved against the Papists before the Honourable Committee of Parliament appointed to enquire into their insolencies ; and the proofs which have been given in concerning the Fire , and who have been accessory thereunto . No , I would rather endeavour to turn peoples eyes from men to God ; for whoever were the instruments , God was the Authour of this evil , which hath come upon us ; there being no evil in the City ( that is , evil of punishment ) which the Lord , as a righteous , and the supream Judge , doth not inflict . And surely more of the extraordinary hand of God , than of any men , did appear in the burning of the City of London . God could have prevented men , by discovering their plots ( as he did that of the Gun powder-treason ) before they had taken effect . God could have directed and given a blessing unto means for the quenching of it when it was first kindled . God , who hath the winds in his Fist , could have gathered in the Wind , and laid it asleep , or so turned it the other way , that it should have been a defence to the City ▪ or God who hath the Clouds at his command , and the Bottles of Heaven in his hand , could have gathered his thick Clouds together , and squeez'd them ; opend his Bottles , and poured down Rain in abundance upon the City , so that if the wind had blown as it did , it should have blown water upon the fire , which would quickly have put it out . But the Heavens at that time were Brass , no showring Clouds to be seen : the Fire begins , is quickly taken notice of , though in the midst of the night ; Fire , Fire , Fire doth resound the streets ; many Citizens start out of their sleep ; look out of their windows ; some dress themselves , and run to the place . The Lord Maior of the City comes with his Officers ; a confusion there is : councell is taken away : and London , so famous for wisdom and dexterity , can now find neither brains , nor hands to prevent its ruine . The hand of God was in it ▪ The Decree was come forth : London must now fall : and who could prevent it ? No wonder , when so many Pillars are removed , if the Building tumbles ; the prayers , tears , and faith which sometimes London hath had , might have quenched the violence of the fire ; might have opened Heaven for rain , and driven back the winde : but now the fire gets mastery , & burns dreadfully ; and God with his great Bellows blowes upon it , which makes it spread quickly , & go on with such force and rage , overturning all so furiously , that the whole City is brought into jeopardy of desolation . That night most of the Londoners had taken their last sleep in their houses ; they little thought it would be so when they went into their beds ; they did not in the lest suspect , when the doors of their ears were unlockt , and the casement of their eyes were opened in the morning , to hear of such an enemies invading the City ▪ and that they should see him , with such fury , enter the doors of their houses , break into every room , and look out of their casements with such a threatning countenance . As it is said , Lam. 4. 12. The inhabitants would not have believed that the adversary should have entered the gates of Ierusalem : so the Inhabitants of the City would not have believed that the Fire should have entred and prevailed to burn London to the ground . That which made the ruin the more dismall , was , that it was begun on the Lords day morning : never was there the like Sabbath in London ; some Churches were in flames that day ; and God seems to come down , and to preach himself in them , as he did in Mount Sinai ; when the Mount burned with Fire ; such warmpreaching those Churches never had ; such Lightning dreadful Sermons never were before delivered in London . In other Churches Ministers were preaching their Farewel Sermons , and people were hearing with quaking and astonishment : Instead of a holy Rest which Christians have taken on this day ; there is a tumultuous hurrying about the streets towards the place that burned , and more tumultuous hurrying upon the spirits of those that sat still and had only the notice of the eare , of the quick and strange spreading of the Fire . Now the Train-bands are up in Arms watching at every quarter for Outlandish men , because of the general fears and jealousies , and rumours that Fire-Balls were thrown into houses by several of them , to help on and provoke the too furious flames . Now Goods are hastily removed from the lower parts of the City ; and the body of the people begin to retire , and draw upwards , as the people did from the Tabernacles of Corah , Dathan and Abiram , when the earth did cleave asunder and swallow them up : or rather as Lot drew out from his house in Sodom before it was consumed by fire from Heaven . Yet some hopes were retained on the Lords day that the Fire would be extinguished , especially by them who lived in the remote parts ; they could scarcely imagine that the Fire a mile off should be able to reach their houses . But the evening draws on , and now the Fire is more visible and dreadful : instead of the Black curtains of the night , which used to be spread over the City , now the curtains are Yellow ; the smoke that arose from the burning parts , seemed like so much flame in the night , which being blown upon the other parts by the winde , the whole City at some distance seemed to be on fire . Now hopes begin to sink , and a general consternation seiseth upon the spirits of people ; little sleep is taken in London this night ; the amazement which the eye and ear doth effect upon the spirit , doth either dry up , or drive away the vapour which used to binde up the senses , Some are at work to quench the fire with water ; others endeavour to stop its course , by pulling down of houses ; but all to no purpose : if it be a little allayed , or beaten down , or put to a stand in some places , it is but a very little while ; it quickly recruits , and recovers its force ; it leaps , and mounts , and makes the more furious onset , drives back its opposers , snatcheth their weapons out of their hands , seiseth upon the Water-houses and Engines , burns them , spoils them , and makes them unfit for service . Some are upon their knees in the night , pouring out tears before the Lord , interceding for poor London , in the day of its calamity ; but alas I fear there are too few weeping Ieremiah's at the throne of grace : too few Moses's to stand in the gap , too few Iacob's to wrestle with the Lord , and hang about his arm . Londons sins were too great , and Gods anger against the City was too hot , so easily & presently to be quenched and allayed ; and if by the intercession of some , a mitigation be obtained , so that the Lord doth not stir up all his wrath , utterly to destroy the place , as he did Sodom and Gomorrah ; yet none can prevaile to call back that wrath , and reverse that decree which is gone forth against the City : The time of Londons fall is come ; the Fire hath received its commission from God to burn down the City , and therefore all attempts to hinder it are in vain . On the Lords day night the Fire had run as far as Garlick-hithe in Thames-street , and had crept up into Cannon-street , and levell'd it with the ground ; and still is making forward by the water-side , and upward to the brow of the hill , on which the City was built . On Munday Grace-church-street is all in flames , with Lumbard-street on the left hand , and part of Fen-church-street on the right , the Fire working ( though not so fast ) against the winde that way : before it were pleasant and stately houses , behind it ruinous and desolate heaps . The burning then was in fashion of a Bow , a dreadful Bow it was , such as mine eyes never before had seen ; a Bow which had Gods Arrow in it with a flaming point ; It was a shining Bow ; not like that in the cloud , which brings water with it , and withall signified Gods Covenant not to destroy the world any more with water : but it was a Bow which had Fire in it , which signified Gods anger , and his intention to destroy London with Fire . Now the Flames break in upon Cornhill , that large and spacious street , and quickly crosse the way by the train of Wood that lay in the streets untaken away , which had been pull'd down from houses to prevent its spreading : and so they lick the whole street as they go : they mount up to the top of the highest houses ; they descend down to the bottom of the lowest vaults and cellars ; and march along on both sides of the way , with such a roaring noise , as never was heard in the City of London ; no stately building so great , as to resist their fury : the Royal Exchange it self , the glory of the Merchants , is now invaded with much violence ; and when once the fire was entred , how quickly did it run round the Galleries , filling them with flames ; then came down staires , compasseth the walkes , giving forth flaming volleys , and filleth the court with sheets of Fire ; by and by down fall all the Kings upon their faces , and the greatest part of the stone-building after them , ( the Founders statue only remaining ) with such a noise , as was dreadful and astonishing . Then , then the City did shake indeed ; and the inhabitants did tremble , and flew away in great amazement from their houses , least the flames should devour them ; Ratle , ratle , ratle , was the noise which the Fire struck upon the eare round about , as if there had been a thousand Iron Chariots beating upon the stones : and if you opened your eye to the opening of the streets , where the Fire was come , you might see in some places whole streets at once in flames , that issued forth , as if they had been so many great Forges from the opposite windowes , which folding together , were united into one great flame throughout the whole street ; and then you might see the Houses tumble , tumble , tumble , from one end of the street to the other with a great crash , leaving the foundations open to the view of the heavens . Now fearfulness and terrour doth surprize the Citizens of London ; confusion and astonishment doth fall upon them at this unheard of , unthought of Judgment . It would have grieved the heart , of an unconcern'd person , to see the rufull looks , the pale cheeks , the tears trickling down from the eyes , ( where the greatness of sorrow and amazement could give leave for such a vent ) the smiting of the brest , the wringing of the hands ; to hear the sighs and groans , the dolefull and weeping speeches of the distressed Citizens , when they were bringing forth their wives ( some from their child bed ) and their little ones ( some from their sick bed ) out of their houses , and sending them into the Countreys , or some where into the Fields with their goods . Now the hopes of London are gone , their heart is sunk ; now there is a general remove in the City , and that in a greater hurry than before the Plague ; their goods being in greater danger by the Fire , than their persons were by the sickness . Scarcely are some returned , but they must remove again , and not as before , now without any more hopes of ever returning , and living in those houses any more . Now Carts , and Draies , and Coaches , and Horses , as many as could have entrance into the City were loaden , and any money is given for help 5 l. 10 l. 20 l. 30 l. for a Cart , to bear forth into the Fields some choice things , which were ready to be consumed ; and some of the Countreys had the conscience to accept of the highest price , which the Citizens did then offer in their extremity ; I am mistaken if such money do not burn worse , than the Fire out of which it was rak'd . Now Casks of Wine , and Oyl , and other commodities are tumbled along , and the owners shove as much of their goods as they can towards the Gate : every one now becomes a Porter to himself , and scarcely a back either of Man or Woman that hath strength , but had a burden on it in the streets : It was very sad to see such throngs of poor Citizens coming in , and going forth from the unburnt parts , heavy loaden with some pieces of their goods , but more heavy loaden with weighty grief and sorrow of heart , so that it is wonderfull they did not quite sink under these burdens . Munday night was a dreadfull night , when the wings of the night had shadowed the light of the heavenly bodies , there was no darkness of night in London , for the Fire shines now round about with a fearful Blaze , which yeilded such light in the streets , as it had been the Sun at noon day . Now the Fire having wrought backward strangely against the Winde to Billings-Gate , &c. along Thames-Street Eastward , runs up the hill to Tower-Street , and having marched on from Grace-Church-Street , maketh further progress in Fen-Church-Street , and having spread its wing beyond Queen-hithe in Thames-Street Westward , mounts up from the Water-side through Dowgate , and old Fish-street into Watling-street : but the great fury of the Fire was in the broader Streets ; in the midst of the night it was come down Cornhill , and laid it in the dust , and runs along by the Stocks , and there meets with another Fire , which came down Thred-needle-street ; a little further with another , which came up from Wall-brook ; a little further with another , which comes up from Bucklers-bury , and all these four joyning together , break into one great flame at the corner of Cheap-side with such a dazling light , and burning heat , and roaring noise by the fall of so many houses together , that was very amazing ; and though it were something stopt in its swift course at Mercers Chappel , yet with great force in a while , it conquers the place , and burns through it , and then with great rage proceedeth forward in Cheapside . On Tuesday was the Fire burning up the very bowels of London ; Cheapside is all in a light fire in a few hours time ) many Fires meeting there , as in the center ; from Soper-lane , Bow-lane , Bread-street , Friday-street , and Old-change , the Fire comes up almost together , and breaks furiously into the Broad-street , and most of that side of the way was together in flames , a dreadful spectacle ! and then partly by the Fire which came down by Mercers Chappel , partly by the fall of the Houses cross the way , the other side is quickly kindled , and doth not stand long after it . Now the Fire gets into Black-fryers , and so continues its course by the water , and makes up towards Paul's Church , on that side , and Cheap-side Fire besets the great building on this side , and the Church though all of stone outward , though naked of houses about it , and though so high above all buildings in the City , yet within a while , doth yield to the violent assaults of the conquering flames , and strangely takes Fire at the top ; now the lead melts and runs down , as if it had been snow before the Sun ; and the great beames and massy stones , with a great noise fall on the Pavement , and break through into Faith-Church under neath ; now great flakes of stone scale , and peel off strangely from the side of the Walls ; the Conqueror having got this high Fort , darts its flames round about , now Pater-noster-rowe , Newgate-market , the old Baily , and Ludgate-hill have submitted themselves to the devouring Fire , which with wonderful speed rusheth down the Hill into Fleet-street . Now Cheap-side Fire marcheth along Iron-monger-lane , old Iury , Lawrence-lane , Milk-street , Wood-street , Gutter-lane , Foster-lane : Now it runs along Lothbury , Cat-eaten-street , &c. From Newgate-Market , it assaults Christ-Church , and conquers that great building , and burns through Martin's lane towards Alders-gate , and all about so furiously , as if it would not leave a House standing upon the ground . Now horrible flakes of fire mount up the sky , and the yellow smoke of London ascendeth up towards Heaven , like the smoak of a great Furnace ; a smoak so great , as darkned the Sun at noon-day , ( it at any time the Sun peeped forth , it looked red like blood ) the Cloud of smoak was so great , that travellers did ride at noon day some miles together in the shaddow thereof , though there were no other cloud beside to be seen in the sky . And if Munday night was dreadfull , Tuesday night was more dreadfull , when far the greatest part of the City was consumed : many thousands who on Saturday had Houses convenient in the City , both for themselves , and to entertain others , now have not where to lay their head ; and the fields are the only receptacle , which they can find for themselves and their goods ; most of the late Inhabitants of London lye all night in the open Ayr , with no other canopy over them , but that of the Heavens : The fire is still making towards them , and threatneth the Suburbs ; it was amazing to see , how it had spread it self several miles in compass ; and amongst other things that night , the sight of Guild-hall was a fearfull spectacle , which stood the whole body of it together in view , for several hours together , after the fire had taken it , without flames , ( I suppose because the timber was such solid Oake ) in a bright shining coale as if it had been a Pallace of gold , or a great building of burnished Brass . On Wednesday morning , when people expected that the Suburbs would be burnt , as well as the City , and with speed , were preparing their flight , as well as they could with their luggage into the Countreys , and neighbouring Villages . Then the Lord hath pitty on poor London ; his bowels begin to relent ; his heart is turned within him , and he stayes his rough wind in the day of the East wind ; his fury begins to be allayed ; he hath a remnant of people in London , and there shall a remnant of houses escape ; the wind now is husht ; the Commission of the fire is withdrawing , and it burns so gently , even where it meets with no opposition , that it was not hard to be quenched , in many places , with a few hands : now the Citizens begin to gather a little heart , and encouragement in their endeavours to quench the Fire . A check it had at Leaden-hall by that great building ; a stop it had in Bishopsgate-street , Fen-church-street , Lime-street , Mark-lane , and towards the Tower ; one means , under God , was the blowing up of houses with Gunpowder . Now it is stayed in Lothbury , Broad-street , Coleman-street ; towards the gates it burnt , but not with any great violence ; at the Temple also it is stayed , and in Holbourn , where it had got no great footing ; and when once the fire was got under , it was kept under , and on Thursday the flames were extinguished . But on Wednesday-night , when the people late of London , now of the fields , hoped to get a little rest on the ground , where they had spread their beds , a more dreadful fear fals upon them than they had before , through a rumour that the French were comming armed against them to cut their throats , and spoil them of what they had saved out of the Fire ; they were now naked , and weak , and in ill condition to defend themselves , and the hearts , especially of the females , do quake , and tremble , and are ready to die within them ; yet many Citizens having lost their houses , and almost all that they had , are fired with rage and fury : and they begin to stir up themselves like Lyons , or like Bears bereaved of their whelps , and now Arm , Arm , Arm , doth resound the Fields and Suburbs with a dreadful voice . We may guess at the distress and perplexity of the people this night , which was something alleviated when the falsness of the alarm was perceived . Thus fell great London , that ancient City ! that populous City ! London , which was the Queen City of the Land , and as famous as most Cities in the world ; none so famous for the Gospel and zealous profession of the reformed Religion . And yet how is London departed like smoak , and her glory laid in the dust ? how is her destruction come , which no man thought of , and her desolation in a moment ? how do the Nations about gaze and wonder ? how doth the whole Land tremble at the noise of her fall ? how do her Citizens droop and hang down their heads ? her Women and Virgins weep , and sit in the dust ? Oh , the paleness that now sits upon the cheeks ! the astonishment and confusion that covers the face , the dismall apprehensions that arise in the minds of most , concerning the dreadful consequences which are likely to be of this fall of London ? How is the pride of London stained , and beauty spoiled ! her arme broken , and strength departed ? her riches almost gone , and treasures so much consumed ? The head now is sick ? and the whole body faint ; the heart is wounded , and every other part is sensible of its stroke ; never was England in greater danger of being made a prey to a forraign power , than since the firing and fall of this City , which had the strength and treasure of the Nation in it . How is London ceased , that rich City ! that joyous City ! one corner indeed is left , but more than as many houses as were within the walls are turned into ashes . The Merchants now have left the Royal Exchange ; the buyers and sellers have now forsaken the streets : Grace-church-street , Cornhill , Cheapside , Newgate Market , and the like places , which used some time to have throngs of traffiquers , now are become empty of inhabitants ; and instead of the stately houses which stood there last Summer , now they lie this Winter in ruinous heaps . The glory of London is now fled away like a Bird , the Trade of London is shattered and broken to pieces , her delights also are vanished , and pleasant things laid waste ; now no chaunting to the sound of the Viol , and dancing to the sweet Musick of other Instruments ; now no drinking Wine in Bowls , and stretching upon the beds of lust ; now no excess of Wine and banquettings ; no feasts in Halls and curious dishes ; no amorous looks , & wanton dalliances ; no ruffling silks , and costly dresses ; these things in that place are at an end . But if houses for sin alone were sunke , and fuel for lust only were consumed , it would not be so much ; but the houses also for Gods worship , ( which formerly were a bulwark against the fire , partly through the walls about them , partly through the fervent prayers within them ) now are devoured by the flames , and the habitations of many who truly fear God , have not escaped ; and in the places where God hath been served , and his servants have lived ; now nettles are growing ; owles are screeching ; thieves and cut-throats are lurking : A sad face there is now in the ruinous part of London : and terrible hath the voice of the Lord been , which hath been crying , yea roaring in the City by these dreadful judgments of the Plague and Fire , which he hath brought upon us . Thus you have the Narration of the judgments themselves . SECT . VII . 2. Concerning the Cause of these Iudgments ; why hath the Lord spoken by such terrible things , in the City of London ? IN giving an account hereof , I shall make use of the second Doctrine observed from the words : That when God speaks most terribly , he doth answer most righteously . They are Gods judgments , and therefore they must needs be righteous judgments ; Can there be unrighteousness in God ? No , in no wise : for how then could he be God ? How then could he judge the world ? Let God be true , and every man a lyar . Rom. 3. 5 , 6. Let God be righteous , and all the world unrighteous : for light may more easily depart from the Sun , and heat be separated from the fire ; and the whole creation may more easily drop into nothing , than God cease to be just and righteous , in the severest judgments which he doth inflict upon the children of men . If any profane mockers do reply against God , and reflect upon his righteousness and goodness towards his own people , because these judgments have fallen so sore upon London , the Glory of the Land , yea of the World , for the number of godly persons ( as in scoff they call them ) which dwell in it ; if God were so righteous and favourable to the Godly , would he bend his bow , and shoot so many arrows amongst them as he did in the visitation by the Plague , whilst he suffered so many notoriously wicked persons to escape ? would he send the Fire to consume so many habitations of the Godly , whilst the houses of the most vicious and vile were preserved ? I shall labour to stop the mouths of such , who are ready to open them against the King of Heaven , by proposing to consideration these following particulars . 1. That Gods way is sometimes in the Sea , and his paths in the great Waters ; and his foot-steps are not known . Psal. 77. 19. That his judgments are unsearchable , and his waies past finding out . Rom. 11. 33. And that even then he is righteous in all his waies , and holy in all his works , Psal. 145. 17. And when clouds and darkness are round about him , righteousness and judgment are the habitation of his Throne . Psal. 97. 2. And when his judgments are a great deep , his righteousness is like the great Mountains . Psal. 36. 6. We do not understand all the mysteries of nature , neither are we acquainted with all the mysteries of State ; and if there be some mysteries in Gods way of governing the World , and distributing temporal mercies and judgments , which we do not apprehend in every thing the meaning of , and cannot so fully trace Gods righteousness and goodness therein , let us say it is because our eyes are shut , and that we are covered with darkness : Therefore let us shut our mouths too , and seal up our lips with silence , not daring in the least to utter any thing which may derogate from these attributes in God , which are as inviolable and unchangeable as his very Beeing . This might be said if the reason were more abstruse than it is . 2. But secondly , the reason of Gods judgments and righteousness therein , with the salve of his goodness towards his own people , may be apprehended , if we consider . 1. That these Judgments of Plague and Fire are both of them National judgments . 1. The judgment of the Plague was National ; in as much as London was the chief City , in as much as the Kings Court was here , and most Countries had relations here ; and all Countries had concernments here : moreover the Plague was not only in London , and Westminster , and and places neer adjacent , but it was dispersed into the Countries at a farther distance , as Cambridge , Norwich , Colchester , and other Towns , where it raged either the same or the next year , as much proportionably as it did in London . 2. The Judgment of the Fire which burned down only the City , and left Westminster and the Suburbs standing , and did not reach into the Countreys , yet was a National judgment , because London was the Metropolis of the Land , because the Beauty , Riches , Strength , and Glory of the whole Kingdom lay in London : and it was not the inhabitants of the City who alone did suffer by this fire , but the whole Land more or less , do and will feel the smart hereof . 2. These Judgments then being National : it is not unreasonable to say , that National sins have been the cause of them : and if so , we may readily finde a reason of Gods righteousness in these proceedings ; when the sins of the Land are so obvious and so hainous . He is a great stranger in England , that doth not know how wickedness hath abounded in these later years ; his eyes must be fast shut , who doth not see what a deluge of profaneness and impiety hath broken in like a mighty torrent , and overflowed the Land ; that hath not taken notice of those bare-fac'd villanies which have been committed amongst us , which is a great question whether any ages before us could parallel ; we read in Scripture of Sodom and Gomorrah , and the wickedness sometime of Ierusalem ; Profane Histories and Travellers make mention of Rome , Venice , Naples , Paris , and other places very wicked , but who can equal England , which calls it self Christian and Protestant , for such desperate and audacious affronts and indignities which have been offered to the Highest Majesty , by the Gallants ( as they are called ) of our times : How was Hell as it were broke loose , and how were men worse than those which in our Saviours time were possest with devils , who cut themselves with stones , and tore their own flesh ; even such who went about like so many Hell-hounds and incarnate devils , cursing and banning , swearing and blaspheming , inventing new oaths , and glorying therein , delighting to tear the name of God , and to spit forth their rancour and malice in his very face ? and can we then be at a loss for a reason of Gods righteousness in his thus punishing England , by beginning thus furiously with London ? When there were so many Atheists about London , and in the Land , who denied the very being of God , when so many Gentlemen ( who lookt upon it as one piece of their breeding , to cast off all sentiments of a Deity ) did walk our streets , and no arguments would work them to a perswasion of the truth of Gods being , shall we wonder if the Lord appears in a terrible way , that he might be known by the judgments which he executeth ? When so many denied the Divine Authority of the Scriptures , the very foundation of our Christian faith , and reckoned themselves by their principles amongst Turks , Pagans , and other Infidels , however they called themselves Christians , and hereby put such an affront upon the Lord Jesus Christ , the only Son of the most high God , is it strange that the Lord should speak so terribly to shew his indignation ? when there was such blowing at , and endeavours to put out that light , which would shew Men the way to Heaven ; such hatred and opposition against the power of godliness ; when the name of a Saint was matter of derision and scorn ; when there was such wallowing in filthy fornication , and adultry , in swinish drunkenness and intemperance ; when such oppression , bribery , such malice , cruelty , such unheard of wickedness and hideous impiety grown to such a heighth in the Land ; may not we reasonably think that such persons as were thus guilty , being in the Ship , were a great cause of the storme of Gods anger , which hath made such a shipwrack . The Plague indeed when it was come , made little discrimination between the bodies of the righteous , and the bodies of the wicked ; no more doth grace ; the difference is more inward and deepe ; it is the soul begins to be glorifyed hereby , and hath the seed of eternal life put into it , when it doth pass the new birth ; but the body is not changed with the soul , the body remains as it was , as frail and weak , and exposed to diseases and death , as before , and as the body of any wicked person ; and therefore the infectious disease of the Plague , coming into a populous City , the bodies of the righteous ; amongst the rest , receive the contagion , and they fall in the common calamity ; there is a difference in the manner of their death , and a difference in their place , and state after death , as hath been spoken of before , but the kind of death is the same . So the fire doth make no discrimination between the Houses of the godly , and the Houses of the ungodly , they are all made of the same combustible matter , and are enkindled , as bodies infected , one by another ; indeed the godly have God to be their habitation , and they are Citizens of the new Ierusalem , which is above , a City which hath foundations , whose builder and maker is God ; an abiding City , which the fire cannot reach , and their persons are secured from the flames of eternal fire in Hell , but they have no promise nor security for the preservation of their Houses from fire here in this World. The judgments of the plague and fire being sent , work according to their nature , without distinguishing the righteous . But if we further enquire into the reason , why the plague was sent the last year , and such a plague as hath not been known this forty year , which raged so sorely , when there was no such sultriness of weather ( as in other years ) to encrease it ; and why the fire was sent this year , and such a fire as neither we , nor our fore-fathers ever knew , neither do we read of in any History of any so great in any place , in time of peace ; what shall we say was the cause of these extraordinary national judgments , but the extraordinary national sins . It was an extraordinary hand of God which brought the plague , of which no natural cause can be assigned , why it should be so great that year , more then in former years , but that sin was grown to greater heighth ; and that a fire should prevaile , against all attempts to quench it , to burn down the City , and that judgment just following upon the heels of the other ; what reason can be assigned , but that Englands sins , and Gods displeasure hath been extraordinary ; God is a God of patience , and it is not a light thing will move him ; he is slow to anger , it must needs be then some great provocation which makes him so furious ; he is highly offended , before he lifts up his hand ; and he is exceedingly incens'd , before his anger breaks forth into such a flame ; for my part , I verily think , if it had not been for the crying abominations of the times , which are not chiefly to be limited to the City of London , and if the means of Gods prescription , according to the Rule of his Word , which England sometime could , had by England been made use of , that both Plague and Fire had been prevented . 3. Moreover it may be said that some particular persons by some more peculiar , and notorious sins in the City may have provoked the Lord to bring punishment upon the whole place , if the Land were not so generally profane and wicked , the heathen could say . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A whole City may be punished for the wickedness of one Man ; yea we read of David , though so good a man , yet when he numbred the people ( a small sin in comparison with the sins of some others in our days ) God was provoked to send such a dreadful Plague , not on himself , but upon his people , that there dyed 70000 men by it in three days , and David said , I have sinned and done wickedly , but these sheep , what have they done ? 2 Sam. 24. 10-18 . 4. If it be enquired how Gods mercy to his people doth appear , when these judgments have fallen so heavy upon many of them ? I Answer , 1. Those of his own people , who have fallen by the Plague , are received to greater grace and mercy in Heaven , than here they were capable of , and they are moreover delivered from evil to come , which hath since , and may further come upon us . 2. Those whose houses have fallen by the fire , the Lord could , and confident I am , the Lord hath made them greater gainers another way , they have lost it may be much in temporal things , but they are or may be , if they be not wanting to themselves , gainers in spiritual things , which are of a higher and more excellent nature ; I have known and heard of many of Gods people whose houses are burnt , and goods spoyled , who have taken the loss with so much chearfulness , humility , meekness , patience , contentment , and thankfulness that any thing was saved , if it were only their lives , that it hath been my wonder and joy ; to gain such a spirit hath more of good , than the loss of all externall enjoyments hath of evil . 3. Further , if these judgments have fallen upon Gods people , we must know that they have their sins , which have deserved them , possibly some have begun now to comply with the wicked in their wicked wayes , it may be they were grown more loose in their walking , and formal in the service of God , & their hearts more set on the World , of which sins more largely when I come to speak of the sins of the City ; and the sins of Gods people have more hainous aggravations , than the sins of the wicked , being committed against clearer light , dearer love , sweeter mercies , stronger obligations , and therefore provoke God the more to wrath ; therefore he threatneth his own people especially to punish them when they transgress , Am. 3. 2. You only have I known of all the Families of the Earth , and therefore I will punish you for your iniquities . 5. Besides , they may have need of awakening judgments to rouze them , and humble them for sin , to loosen and wean them from the World ; and it is in love and faithfulness , that God doth inflict such judgments upon them . 6. Lastly , we must remember , that it is Gods usual course to begin with his own house , 1 Pet. 4. 17. Iudgement begins at the House of God. 5. To conclude , Do any of the ungodly question Gods righteousness , because in these common calamities , they have hitherto survived and escaped ? 1. It is but an ill requital and ill use , which they make of Gods patience and goodness which he hath exercised towards them , that hereby he might lead them unto repentance , Rom. 2. 4 , 5. 2. Let them stay a while , and God will answer them himself , and give them an experimental conviction of his righteous judgments , 1 Pet. 4. 17 , 18. If judgment begin at the house of God , what shall the end be of them that obey not the Gospel ? and if the righteous scarcely be saved , where shall the ungodly and sinners appear ? we read Psal. 75. 8. Of a Cup of red Wine in the hand of the Lord , he may give his people to drink the top of it , but the most bitter and dreggish part , which is at the bottome , the wicked shall wring forth and drink ; if God whip his children with rods , he will scourge his enemies with scorpions . I am perswaded that the notoriously ungodly of this generation will not go out of this World , without some remarkable temporal judgment ; and that the Lord will make them feel something even here , what an evil thing , and a bitter it is so audaciously to fly in the face of the great God , by their hideous oaths and blasphemies , by their horrid wickedness and abominations , whereby they do as it were challenge God to do his worst against them ; and when God doth draw forth his glittering Sword , and make ready his sharp arrow upon the string ; when God doth cloathe himself with fury , as with a garment , and his hand doth take hold on vengeance ; when their iniquities are grown fully ripe , and the day of their visitation and recompence is come , how then will these sinners of England be afraid , and what amazing terrour will there then surprize this vile generation ? Can their hearts endure , or their hands be strong in the day that the Lord shall deal with them ? Ezek. 22. 14. Then the Lord will roar from his holy habitation , with such a terrible voice , as shall make their ears to tingle , their hearts to quake and tremble ; he will roar like a Lion , and tear them in pieces , when there shall be none to deliver . If the shaking of his rod hath moved them , and the beginning of his judgments , which he hath executed upon others , hath affrighted them ; what will their behaviour be when the scourge is laid upon their own backs , and judgment shall fall upon their own heads ? Surely the judgments intended purposely for the most ungodly , are not yet come ; yet , as they are like to be exceeding great , because more of pure , and unmixt wrath will accompany them : so they are like to be very neer ; because they are filling up the measure of their wickedness so fast , and they seem to be arrived even to the uttermost of sin ; surely their judgment doth neither linger , nor slumber , but is upon the wing , hastning towards them ; surely the arme of the Lord is awakened , and lifted up on high , and though infinite patience doth hold it up a little while , to try whether the judgments already executed upon others , before their eyes will work any good effect upon them , so as to awaken them , and stop them , and turn them from their evil wayes ; yet , if they proceed in their sinfull course , his arm I am perswaded will come down with such force and fury upon them , that their destruction shall be remarkable to all that are round about them : and I have much of that perswasion , that the Lord will as it were hang up many of the villains of our times , who have been guilty of such treachery and rebellion against the great King of heaven , as it were in chains , and make their punishment here as notorious as their sins have been , that the whole World may hear and fear , and take heed of such vile practises : I suppose they may not now expect it , nor fear it , no more than the old World did their drowning , or Sodom and Gomorrah did their burning , because deceitful sin hath hardned their hearts ; long custome in sin , with impunity hath seared their consciences , as with a hot Iron : but then they are in the greatest danger , when they sleep with the greatest security ; when Men grow desperately hardned against often , and all reproofs , by word , and rod too , what followes , but sudden destruction and that without remedy ? Prov. 29. 1. and when men cry peace and safety , then sudden destruction cometh upon them , as travel upon a Woman with childe , and they shall not escape , 1 Thess. 5. 3. And if some of this untoward and wicked Generation do drop away without a remarkable temporal destruction ; God will make his righteousness evident to them , in the other World , when he claps up their souls close Prisoners in the lowest dungeon of Hell , appointing black Devils to be their Jaylors , flames of fire to be their cloathing , hideous terrours and woe to be their food , Cain , Iudas , and other damned tormented spirits to be their companions , where they must lye bound in chains of darkness , till the judgment of the great day ; and when the general assize is come , and the Angels have blown the last Trumpet , and gathered the elect to the right hand of Christ , then they will be sent with the Keys of the bottomless Pit , and the Prison will be opened for a while , and like so many Rogues in Chains , they shall together with all their fellow sinners be brought forth , and finde out the dirty flesh of their bodies , which like a nasty ragg they shall then put on , and with most rufull looks , and trembling joynts , and horrible shreeks , and unexpressible confusion and terrour , they shall behold the Lord Jesus Christ , whom in life time they despised and affronted , come down from Heaven in flaming fire , to take vengeance upon them , who will sentence them to the flames of eternal fire , and drive them from his Throne and presence into utter darkness , where they must take up their lodging for evermore . Then , Then there will be a clear revelation of the righteous and dreadful judgments of this great God unto the world , and upon this accursed generation . But more fully to clear up the reason of London's judgments , and the righteousness of God herein ; God hath indeed spoken very terribly , but he hath answered us very righteously . London was not so godly , as some speak by way of scoff : no! If London had been more generally godly , and more powerfully godly , these judgments might have been escaped , and the ruins of the City prevented ; No! it was the ungodliness of London , which brought the Plague and fire upon London . There was a general Plague upon the heart , a more dangerous infection , and deadly Plague of sin , before there was sent a Plague upon the body ; there was a fire of divers lusts which was enkindled , and did burn in the bosome , som t●mes issuing out flames at the door of the mouth , and at the windows of the eyes of the inhabitants , before the fire was kindled in the City , which swallowed up so many habitations . We have fallen , thousands of persons into the grave by the Plague , thousands of houses , as a great monument upon them , by the fire ; and whence is it ? we are fallen by our iniquities . Hosea 14. 1. the Crown is fallen from our heads ; and what is the reason ? because we have sinned against the Lord. Lam. 5. 16. God hath spoken terribly , but he hath answered righteously ; as he gives great and especial mercies in answer unto prayer : so he sendeth great and extraordinary judgments in answer unto sin ; there is a voice and loud cry , especially in some sins which entreth into the ears of the Lord of Sabbath . 1 Sam. 5. 4. When God speaks by terrible things , he makes but a righteous return to this cry . And though these Judgments of Plague and Fire are National judgments , and may be the product of National sins , and I verily am perswaded , that God was more highly provoked by some that dwelt out of the City , than with those which dwelt in it , I mean the profane and ungodly generation , who chiefly did inhabit more remotely ; and that God , being so provokt , was the more ready to strike , and let his hand fall so heavy upon London ; yet since many of the ungodly crew were got into the City it self , and most in the City , that were not of them , & did not dare to commit their impieties , yet made themselves guilty , by not mourning for them , and labouring in their place what they could after a redress ; and since London it self hath been guilty of so many crying sins ( as I shall endeavour to shew . ) Gods righteousness in the terrible things of London will be evident , especially if we consider 1. That God hath punished London no more than their iniquities have deserved . 2. That God hath punished London less than their iniquities have deserved . 1. God hath punished London no more than their iniquities deserved ; Great sins deserve great Plagues ; and have not the sins of London been great ? Let us make an inquity after Londons sins . Here I shall offer some sins to consideration , and let London judge whether she be not guilty , and whether the Lord hath not been plaguing her , and burning her , and possibly , yea probably will bring utter ruin and desolation upon her , except she see and mourn and turn the sooner : It is out of dear and tender love to London ( with whom I could willingly live and die ) that I write these things to put them in mind of their sins , that they might take some speedy course for a redress and turning away the fierce anger of the Lord which is kindled against them for sin , lest he next proceed to bring utter ruin upon them : surely they have not more reason to think that Gods anger is turned away since the fire , than they had to think it was turned away after the Plague ; but rather they may conclude , that though the fire of the City bee quenched yet the fire of Gods anger doth burn still more dreadfully , than the other fire ; and that his hand is stretched out still to destroy . Therefore , O all yee inhabitants about Lond●n open your eyes , and ears , and hearts , and suffer a word of reproof for your sins ; and deal not with this Catalogue of your sins as Iehojakim did with Ieremiah's roll , who burnt it in the fire , not being able to bear his words ; but do with it as Iohn did with his little book , eat it and digest it , though it be bitter in the mouth , as well as in the belly ; it is bitter Physick , but necessary for the preservation of a sick languishing City , which is even ready to give up the Ghost . And here I shall begin with more Gospel-sins , which , though natural conscience is not so ready to accuse of , yet in the account of God are the most heinous sins : And I would have a regard not only to latter , but also to former sins , which , possibly , may now be more out of view , and forgotten , and which some may be hardned in , because the guilty have not been so particularly and sensibly punished ( though Gods sparing of them hath been in order to their repentance ) or their punishments in some kinde hath been accounted by them no punishments , or their punishments have been mistaken , and their hearts have swelled against instruments made use of by God therein , instead of accepting of the punishment of their iniquity , and humbling themselves deeply before the Lord. I say I would call to remembrance former sins , as well as latter , which are more visible now and apparent : for as God , being so slow to anger , hath not been quickly moved to such indignation ; but , as we have reason to think , that his wrath hath been a long time boiling in his breast , before it was raised to this heighth as to boile over , and pour down Plague and Fire upon the City of London : so we may reasonably infer , that sins committed by London long agoe , were the fuel put under , that caused this boiling of his anger , which , because other judgments have not wrought the kindly effect of repentance , the Lord hath been provoked to express this way , which hath been more feeling and dreadfull . Moreover when I reckon up London's sins , I would not reflect alone upon any one party , in as much as all parties have sinned , and I believe the Lord hath been offended with all , as in his judgments he hath made no difference , that all might be awakened to see their faults with sorrow and shame . And if it were fit , I would begin here with my self , being perswaded that my sins , more then thousands of others , have helpt to fill up the Viol of Gods anger ; but as I go along , I shall endeavour by the grace of God to apply to my self the sins which conscience will accuse of , that I may bewail and amend : and I would beseech every one of you , that cast your eyes upon these lines , to do the like , and to compare them with those lines , which are written in the Book of your consciences , and where you finde a transcript , read and read again , consider and lay to heart , get to your knees , confess and labour to drop , at least some teares into the Bottle , which if this little Book might help gather from your eyes , and you could be perswaded to pour forth such waters before the Lord , they might help to quench the violence of the Fire of Gods anger , which we have reason to fear is still burning against us . SECT . VIII . A Catalogue of London's sins , which have provoked the Lord to speak with so terrible a voice in the City . 1. THe first sin of London is slighting of the Gospel . The Gospel in England hath above this hundred years shined forth out of the clouds of Popery and Antichristianisme , which before did over-spread the Land ; and in no place of England hath the Gospel been preached with greater power and purity than in London ; and what entertainment hath it found ? hath it been valued according to its worth and excellency ? hath it been received as if it had come down from the God of Heaven , expressing his love and good-will towards the children of Men , as if it had brought such good newes and tidings , as salvation by Jesus Christ ? Read the elogium which the Apostle Peter gives of the salvation made known by the Gospel , 1 Pet. 1. 10 , 11 , 12. Of which salvation the Prophets have enquired , and searched diligently , who prophesied of the grace that should come unto you : searching what , or what manner of time the spirit of Christ which was in them , did signify when it testified before-hand the sufferings of Christ , and the glory that should follow : unto whom it was revealed , that not unto themselves , but unto us they did minister the things , which are now reported unto you , by them that have preached the Gospel unto you , with the holy Ghost sent down from Heaven , which things the Angels desire to look into . The Prophets of old did enquire and search , but did not so clearly understand the Gospel , as now it is revealed , our Saviour tells his Disciples , Luke 10. 24. That many Prophets and Kings had desired to see the things which they saw and had not seen them , and to hear the things , which they did hear , and had not heard them ; for indeed this mystery was hid from ages and generations which God then made manifest unto the Saints , Col. 1. 26. And the Apostle Paul tells us , that though the ministration of the Law were glorious , in so much that it made the face of Moses to shine , unto whom the Law was revealed upon the Mount , yet that it had no glory , in comparison with the ministration of the Gospel , whose glory did so far excell , 2 Cor. 3. 7 , 10. the mysteries of Gods wisdome and love revealed in the Gospel , being so glorious , surely are worthy of acceptation and esteem , especially when the Angels who are not so much concerned , desire to look into these things , unto whom it is said , Eph. 3. 10. Is made known by the Church the manifold wisedome of God. And yet these great things , which have been reported by them , who have preached the Gospel , with the Holy Ghost sent down from Heaven , have been undervalued in London . The Gospel hath been slighted in London , and though some have been more notoriously guilty , yet who can altogether excuse themselves from this sin ? Now that the conviction may be more full , I shall charge the sin more particularly . 1. The ignorant persons in London have been guilty of this sin , the light of the Gospel hath shin'd about them , but they have mufled up themselves in darkness , and suffered Sathan to keep them hood-wink'd , least the light of the glorious Gospel should enter , and lead them out of his snare ; thousands in the City have been affectedly ignorant : though they have had means of knowledge , so near , and so easy to come by , multitudes have perished out of London , and multitudes still remain in their ignorance . O the neglect that there hath been of learning Catechisms ! and how few have endeavour'd to acquaint themselves with the Principles of the Christian Religion , that they might have the more full and clear understanding of the Gospel ? 2. The vicious and profane have been guilty of slighting the Gospel , how many such persons have there crouded , and are still crouding out of London into Hell , when the light of the Gospel shined upon them , which would have guided them in the way to Heaven : because this light hath been too troublesome in its discovery , and reproof of their dear and sweet sins ; they have hated it , and endeavoured to fly as far as they could from it , or to shut their eyes as hard as they could against it . 3. The civil persons also have been guilty , there have been many sober Citizens , and Matrons , civil youths , and virgins , who have been free from the gross pollutions , which are in the World through lust , who have been diligent in their calling , just in their dealings , courteous , and sweet natur'd in their demeanour , and yet without the least degree of the power of godliness , without which it is impossible they should be saved , alas ! none of these have given any warme welcome unto the Gospel in their hearts , which hath been so long preached in the City ; the kindness of a friend hath been esteemed by them , but the kindness of God hath not been regarded : if a Messenger had come and told them how they might save their estates , when in danger of loss , or how to save their relations when in danger of death ; O how welcome would such a messenger and tidings have been ? but when Ministers have preached the Gospel unto them , which tells them how they should save their souls , in danger of death and hell , such tidings have had no relish with them , as if they had no souls , or were in no danger : the light hath shined before them , but there hath been a cloud in their eye , they could not discern it ; or they have look'd upon it afar off , they have not drawn neer , and brought it home , and set it up in their bosomes , that they might order themselves , and whole conversations , according to its guidance and direction . 4. The Hypocrites have been guilty of this sin , these have drawn neerer to this light , than any of the former ; so neer , that they have seem'd to be cloathed with its beames , they have lighted their Lamps hereby , and have shined forth in a glorious blaze of an outward profession , yet there hath been even in these an inward secret disrelish of the Gospel , especially of some things in it ; there have been some secret rooms in their hearts into which they would not suffer the light to enter , least it should discover those beloved Dalilah's which there they have nourished and brought up , they have been rotten at the Core , and have had some unmortified lust within , which the World hath not taken notice of ; so that if the Gospel hath been received by them , it hath been only in the outward form , not in the inward power ; if the light hath been received , it hath been without its heat and life . Hence it hath come to pass that some of these Hypocrites , who seemed to be Stars of the first magnitude , have proved only Blazing-stars and Commets , which in a short time have fallen and sunk into wilde opinions , or fearful Apostacy . 5. The Errone us have been guilty of this sin ; some and not a few in London , under this glorious Sun-shine of the Gospel , which hath come from Heaven , have lighted a Candle at the Fire of Hell , and laboured to set it up in opposition to the true Light of the Gospel , crying out , New Light , new Light. Sathan himself hath appeared in London like an Angel of Light , and employed his Emissaries and wicked instruments ( who have seemed to be Ministers of righteousness , but have had a wolfish ravenous heart under the dress and cloathing of the sheep ) to vent many damnable and destructive opinions in our Church , under pretence of new discoveries and revelations of the spirit ; and though this false and Taper-light could never abide the test , and put forth any beams of convincing truth , but darkned and disappeared upon the approach of the Sun , where it shined in its power ; yet too many whose eyes were too fore to look upon the glorious beams of the Sun , and yet withall their hearts too fearful to remain wholly in the dark without any shew of light , did withdraw themselves from the former , and sought after the later in dark corners , where alone such rotten wood could seem to shine , and such candles could give forth any light , and choosing night rather than day ▪ they followed these false wandring fires , though they were led by them into many a precipice . It is sad to remember , and seriously to consider what errours and strong delusions have abounded and prevailed in our Gospel-daies . How many false teachers have there been among us , which have crept in at unawares ? how many Jesuits and Priests sent from Rome and other places , to rend and tear our Protestant Church to pieces , that they might make way for the introduction of Popery , at least to cast a disgrace upon Protestantism , and delude many of us with the opinions they have broached , and to confirm their own in their delusions ; thus many cunning & learned Jesuits have disguised themselves in the habit of Taylors , Shoo-makers , and of other mechanical Tradesmen , that they might seem to the people to have been taught those things by the Spirit , which have been the product of much study ; thus these cursed villains , of old ordained to condemnation , have privily brought in damnable heresies , some calling themselves Quakers , others Ranters , other Seekers , others Antinomians , others Brownists , others Anabaptists ; putting themselves into any shapes , that they might mis-lead , and the better lye in wait to deceive poor souls ; some denying the Lord that bought them , setting up the fancy of a Christ within them for their Saviour ; others denying the foundation , undermining the Divine Authority of the Scriptures ; others labouring to overthrow the Doctrine of Justification , and striking at most fundamental Doctrines in the Christian faith ; and all of them endeavouring to undermine the ministry of Christs institution , and sending , calling them Anti-Christian , Baals Priests , False Prophets , doing what they could to bring them and their ministry out of esteem , that they might the more effectually prevaile with the people to receive their false doctrines , and arm them hereby against an undeceivement ; and sweetning their poison with good words and fair speeches , they have deceived the hearts of the simple , so that many did follow their pernicious waies , by reason of whom the way of truth hath been evil spoken of , and what ever good words they had , they were but feigned words , whereby they made merchandize of souls , Whose judgment now a long time lingreth not , and whose damnation slumbreth not . 2 Pet. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. These the Apostle calls spots and blemishes , sporting themselves with their own deceivings , Wells without Water , Clouds carried about with a Tempest , Raging waves of the Sea , foaming out their own shame , Wandring stars , unto whom is reserved blackness of darkness for ever . 2 Pet. 2. 13 , 17. Iud. 13. And yet many of these were hearkned unto , and adheared unto by too many in London , rather than the true Gospel Ministers , commissioned by the Lord Jesus Christ himself , and ordained according to the Prescription of his Word . Then many Lay-men , some gifted , ( who would have given a better account of their gifts at the great day had they kept their station ) and some without gifts , but with a great measure of ignorance and confidence , did step up sometimes into Pulpits , often took upon them to preach in private , invading the office , and intruding into the work of Christs Embassadours , which he hath appointed a peculiar office for , and which he hath set a hedge about more than any other office we read of in Scripture ; but they ventured to break over the hedge , I am confident to the affronting and displeasing of the great King , whose representatives in the world his Embassadours are ; and not only silly women were led captive by the deceivers which crept in when so many took liberty to preach , but also men who professed themselves to be wise , and to have attained to a degree of light above the vulgar ; yet forsaking the Ministery and Ordinances of Jesus Christ , appointed to continue unto the end of the world , for the instructing , perfecting , and establishment of Saints in knowledge and faith , they became fools and children , tossed to and fro with every mind of doctrine , by the slight of them which led them aside . Eph. 4. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. Now all these persons have been slighters of the Gospel of Jesus Christ , the Ignorant , the Profane , the Hypocrite , and the Erroneous ; and if you place them all in one company , how few will there remain in London , that have sincerely and heartily imbraced the truth as it is in Jesus , and upon whom the Gospel hath made a powerful and saving impression ? And even amongst those that have been affected and converted by the preaching of the Gospel , and had it greatly in esteem at first hearing and believing ; how was their esteem of the Gospel fallen , and their affection cooled ? did not Gospel-ordinances begin to loose their worth and excellency , and grow tedious and wearisome unto them ? O how generally unthankful was London for the Gospel priviledges and liberties ! yea , many began to be very nice and wanton , & the Gospel was not relished , unless it were served up with such neatnesses & dressings , in which some Ministers possibly did too much endeavour to please themselves and the people , and then the sauce was more relished than the food it selfe ; and the appetite of many was so spoiled , that plain wholsome soul-saving truths would not down with them . Londoners began to be glutted with the Gospel , and like the Israelites in the Wilderness , their souls began to loathe the Mannah which came down from Heaven ; a strange curiosity there was in spiritual pallates , which in many turned to a loathing of the food , in so much that the Gospel became a burden unto them , and thence it was that many turned away their ears from the truth , and were turned unto errours , and they could not indure to hear sound doctrine , but having itching ears , heaped up unto themselves teachers according to their lusts . 2 Tim. 4. 3 , 4. And those that continued stedfast in the truth , did not duly prize the Gospel , none of them according to its dignity and worth . No wonder then if God grows angry at such contempts and affronts as were hereby offered unto him , and easeth them so much of their burden , and withdraws the food so much , which they grew so weary of : No wonder that he suffers so many of their teachers to be thrust into corners , and so much withdraws the beams of that light which was so much abused , and when they are not sensible of his displeasure in this , no wonder if he sends the Plague and Fire , to awaken them unto a sensibility . When the King sent forth his servants to call the guests to the Wedding-feast , and they make light of it and excuse themselves , and go away , one to his Farm , another to his Merchandize , and the remnant took his servants and entreated them spightfully and slew them : The King was wroth , and sent forth his Armies to destroy those murderers , and burn their City . Matth. 22. from v. 1. to v. 8. God hath sent forth his fervants to call Londoners to this Feast ; how many invitations have they had to come unto Christ , to accept of him , to save them , and feed upon him , from whom alone they can get any Spiritual nourishment ; but how many in London have had their excuses , they have been following their Merchandize and other business , and could not come ; and what entertainment his servants hath had ; the Lord knows : I do not say that London hath entertained them despightfully , and slain them ; but have not their message been slighted by London ? and is it a wonder then if the King that sent them be wroth , and send a Fire to burn down the City ? No greater favour could be shewed , no greater priviledge could be enjoyed , than to have the Gospel powerfully preached , and ordinances purely administred ; but hath it been generally so accounted in London ? hath not Merchandize , and thriving in the world ( which yet they have not thrived in ) been preferred before this by many thousands in the City ? when God hath been at such an expence to work out a way for mans salvation ; when he hath discovered such wonders of astonishing Love in sending his only begotten Son out of Heaven to cloath himself in our flesh , that therein he might purchase life and salvation for us who were sunk so low from our Primitive state by sin , and were exposed to death and wrath , & unavoidable endless misery in Hell ; and hath sent his Embassadours of peace to bring unto us the glad tidings hereof , and in his name to make known the thing , the Authour , the tearms , the way ; and to intreat us that we would accept of life and reconciliation to God , who without any injury to himself could ruin us everlastingly , and get himself a name thereby ; and yet when the Gospel is preached that we should undervalue and slight both messenger & message ; surely this hath been an affront to the Lord , who hath sent his Embassadours on this errand , and doth carry with it such ingratitude as cannot be paralleld . No doubt but this sin of slighting the Gospel is a prime sin , which hath provoked God against London , to come forth in such fury ; and if London do not repent the sooner , and labour to recover its relish and esteem for the Gospel , and make more evident demonstrations of it , I fear the Lord will quite remove the Gospel from them , and then nothing is like to follow but desolation and wo ; God doth not remove his glory at once but by steps ; first the glory of the Lord departs from the Inner-court , to the Threshold of the house , Ezek. 10. 3 , 4. from the Threshold of the house to the Door of the East-gate . v. 18 , 19. then it goes from the midst of the City , and standeth upon the Mountain , Chap. 11. 23. The Gospel is the glory of London , and hath the glory of the Lord made none of these removes ? is it not come forth of the Inner-court ? hath it not left the Threshold ? is not a departing of it quite from the City threatned ? will any thing recover it , if we do not recover our appetite , and prize , and cry after it . If the Gospel go , God will go , the Gospel being the sign and means of his special presence , and wo be unto us when God shall depart from us . Hos. 9. 12. And if God depart with the Gospel , farewel peace and prosperity in England , nothing I dare be confident but temporal misery and ruine will be the consequent ; if the Ecclipse bring such misery , what will the quite darkning of the Sun doe ? 2. The second sin of London is Vnfruitfulness in such a fertile soile . This sin hath been an attendant upon , and a consequent of the former . London was not only a Goshen , but an Eden ▪ God chose out London to be his Garden ; he hath hedged it , planted , watered , prun'd and manur'd it ; no place in the world hath had more plenty of the means of grace ; God hath given the former and the latter rain , and sweet dews of Heaven both morning and evening did fall upon this place , in the morning seed was sown , and in the evening the hand was not with-drawn ; plentifull and powerfull hath preaching been in London , in season and out of season , on the Sabbath day , and on the week day ; but hath London answered all Gods care and cost ? hath not God come for many years together , seeking fruit , and found nothing but the leaves of profession ? hath he not often threatned to cut down the unfruitfull Trees , and not suffer them to cumber his ground any longer ? and when through the intercession of the Vine-dresser , he hath spared them this year and another year , hath not the same unfruitfulness still remained ? what could the Lord have done more to his Vine-yard than he hath done ? wherefore then when he looked for Grapes , brought it forth only leaves , or wilde Grapes ? And is it then to be wondred at , if the Lord pluck down the hedge thereof , that it might be eaten up by the wilde Boar and Beast of the field , if he break down the wall thereof , and make it waste and desolate ? Is it to be wondred at , if he with-hold the Clouds that they rain not on it , and suffer briars and thorns to spring up in it , where the Plants did grow ? The Vine when it is unfruitful , is the most unuseful of all Trees , it is fit for nothing but the fire , and the Lord hath threatned to gather the unfruitfull branches , and to cast them into the fire and burn them ; and the Earth which drinketh in the rain that often falleth upon it , and instead of herbs meet for the use of him by whom it is dressed , bringeth forth nothing but bryars and thorns , God rejecteth and curseth , and in the end burneth . O the unfruitfulness of London ! O the briars and thorns which have flourished in this ground , whereby the seed of the Word hath been choaked ! O the hemlock , the thistle , and the wormwood , that have sprung up in the furrowes of the field ! O the tares that have abounded and overtopped the wheat , and how little good Corn hath there been brought forth ! O the wilde Olive Trees which have grown up in Gods Garden , and wilde Figges and wilde Grapes , which the Figg-Trees and Vines of God have yielded unto him ! O the leanness of his sheep in such fat pasture ! O the barrenness ! the barrenness ! of London under such plentifull showers of the Word ! instead of the fruits of righteousness , which are to the praise and glory of God , there have been the fruits of unrighteousness and wickedness , which are to Gods dishonour ; instead of the fruits of the spirit , which are love , joy , peace , gentleness , meekness , temperance , goodness , faith ; there have been the works of the flesh , fornication , uncleanness , lasciviousness , hatred , variance , emulations , wraths , strifes , seditions , heresies , envyings , murders , drunkenness , revellings , and such like ; of which the Apostle tells us , that they which do such things , shall not inherit the Kingdome of God. And those who have not abounded in the grosser works of the flesh , very few of them have been very fruitfull in good works . London hath had the means of grace , and yet most of them without grace , few of them have much grace ; London hath had powerfull Ordinances , but but what powerful effect have they produced ? what have they to shew of all their Prayers , and Sermons , and Sacraments ? have they attained unto a great measure of mortification ? is grace grown up to a great heighth ? what evidences , what experiences have the best got , which they might have got , had they been more diligent ? Give me leave a little more particularly to instance the unfruitfulness of London in regard of repentance , faith , love and new obedience , the fruit which God so much looketh for , and so much delighteth in . 1. Where have been the fruits of Repentance in London ? Calls there have been to repentance frequent , fervent : reason for repentance , sins numerous , hainous : need of repentance that judgments temporall , eternall , might be diverted , that pardon , happiness might be obtained : and yet O the impenitency and hard-heartedness of London ! few bleeding hearts under the sharp sword of the Word ; little tenderness under the most melting discourses ; few converts and penitent persons did the most powerful preaching ( especially before the Gospels eclipse ) bring forth in London : converting work was at a great stand , though there were so many unconverted persons in the City : and by the impenitency and hardness of heart in London , Gods treasures of wrath have been filled up , which in some measure he hath opened in these late judgments , that he hath inflicted , and yet the great day of his wrath is stil to come , Rom. 2. 4 , 5. 2. Where have been the fruits of Faith in London ? how hath unbelief abounded , the great Gospel sin , more dangerous than any other , and more hainous in London than in any other place ? O the thick vail of unbelief which hath hid Gospel mysteries , and things afar off from the eyes of this people ! O the evil heart of unbelief which hath shut the door against the Lord Jesus Christ , who hath knocked so long for entertainment ! O the sottishness of London , to believe no more , when truths have been made so plain and clear ; when promises have been made known so great and sure ; when Christ hath been preached and tendered ; and when Heaven hath been reveal'd and proffered ; and when all have such need , for the most to shut the eye , and ear , and heart , and through unbelief to refuse ! to give God the lye , and turn upon him the back ; to give Christ a wound , and tread his blood underfoot ; to give the spirit a repulse , and send him away griev'd from the heart , as men do by their unbelief ; this sin doth provoke the Lord to great displeasure . 3. Where have been the fruits of love in London ? O the want of love to God , and one to another ! the grace of love is necessary and sweet and hath been much pressed , but little exercised in London ; there hath been much love of the World , but little love of the Father ; hatred of the brethren hath abounded , but there was little brotherly love ; burning anger there hath been , litle burning love ; burning lusts , litle burning love ; inordinate carnal love , little true spiritual love ; carnal love hath exceeded the bounds , but spiritual love hath been in a very low degree : and when love in London hath waxed cold , is it a wonder if Gods anger hath waxed so hot , and broken forth into such flames , as we have seen ? 4. Where have been the fruits of new obedience in London ? and expression of love to Jesus Christ by keeping of his commandments , though his commandments are not grievous ? 3. A third sin of London , is hypocrisy in the profession of religion . This sin exceedingly prevailed in the late times , when profession of religion was grown into fashion : religion was neer in the mouths of most , but far from the reins : there was a general face of religion , but it was no more than skin-deep ; It was seated in the countenance , not rooted in the heart : how many painted sepulchres had ▪ we in London , outwardly fair and beautiful , inwardly full of rottenness and wickedness ? how much sounding brass had we then in our streets ? a great noise and stir hypocrites did make , but they were hollow at heart ; our gold was most of it counterfeit ; water we had instead of wine , and dross instead of silver . O how was religion abused ! some made it a stirrop to get up by into the seat of honor ; others made it a cloak to cover their covetous practises ; many base and wicked designes were carried on under pretence of religion . It would ask too much time to set forth hypocrites in all their shapes , and to paint hypocrisy in all its colours . London hath formerly abounded with hypocrites , and more lately it hath not been free . If Hell-fire be the portion especially of hypocrites hereafter , Matth. 24. 51. No wonder then if God be angry with a place for this sin here . 4. The fourth sin of London , is Formality and lukewarmness in the Worship of God. There was much formality when there was no Form ; and I suppose that Forms have not quickned unto more liveliness ; there was a face of Worship indeed in London ; and was there not only , or little more than a Face in most places ? God is Holy and Jealous , a great King , and his Name is dreadful , Mal. 1. 14. God is a Spirit , and they that worship him , must worship him in spirit and in truth , Joh. 4. 24. But hath his Worship been accordingly in London ? hath there been that spiritual Worship which he requires ? Let London seriously reflect upon their carriage towards God in their Devotions ; have they had a due awe and dread of the great Name of God upon them , when they have seemed to draw neer unto him ? have they worshipped him with reverence and godly fear ? outward reverence some have used , more than he hath required , in bowing at Names and before Places ; but have they had inward reverence and fear of God upon their hearts ? have they cloathed themselves with Humility , when they have come into his presence ? hath there been inward fervour and delight accompanying their outward acts of Worship ? Alas ! how formal hath London been , especially of late in Gods Worship ? they have prayed , but what kinde of Prayers have they been ? could they deserve the name of Prayers ? were those prayers likely to prevent Judgement , or turn away wrath ? some Confessions of sin have been made , but so generall and formall , that they have been very unlikely to work up the heart to sorrow and repentance : and where some have been more particular , hath not much formality cleaved to them ? where hath hearty grief for sin , and sorrow been to be found ? would not a small Viol hold all the tears that have dropt from the eyes of great Assemblies , even in the day of their most solemn Humiliations ? hath not sin been rolled under the tongue , when Confession of sin hath been at the end of it ? Have not the Confessions of many been such as if they came to ask leave to commit sin , rather than humbly to bewail it ? at least have they not taken leave , whatever their Confessions have been ? Petitions have been made for pardon , and grace , and sanctification , but hath it not been Lip-prayer , without hearty desire ? hath it not been in such a manner , as if they did not much care whether they did speed or no ? as if they could make shift well enough without a Pardon ? as if they had no need of Grace and Holiness ; but they must say something for Form and Custom ? hath there not been an enmity in the hearts of many against that which they have seemed to desire with their lips ? Who have stirr'd up themselves to lay hold on God ? Who have wrestled in Prayer with fervent desires , with Faith , and Importunity ? Hearing there hath been in London ; but how little Believing ? how little relishing the Word , and receiving it with Love ? Singing there hath been , but how little Joy and Melody of the heart in the Lord ? O how formal and lukewarm hath London been ? how much of the Laodicean temper have they had in all Ordinances ? And might not God say to London , as he did of old to Ierusalem , Isa. 1. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. To what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices unto me ? &c. Such services are to no purpose ; they are vain Worship , and do not attain the end thereof , either to profit him that offereth them , or to please him unto whom they are tendered ; can such formal services be effectual to procure pardon or peace ? can they bear up the spirit in a day of trouble ? will not the Morning cloud and early dew of such Righteousness flee away and vanish upon the approach of the Sun ? will not such Spiders webs be broken to pieces by a stormy winde ? how do Formalists behave themselves as if they had no Religion when they fall into trouble ? when God thunders by his Judgements , what can a cold , formal , empty prayer do ? when Death appears before them with a grim countenance , what comfort can such reap by reflection on such services ? what Evidences for Heaven can they gather from any of their outside Devotions ? And are not they to as little purpose in regard of God ? may not God say unto them of their Fastings and Prayers , Did you fast unto me ? did you pray at all unto me ? Zach. 7. 5. Or as here to the Iews , That he was full of their Services , even to a loathing ; that he took no delight in them , and who hath required these things at your hands to tread my Courts ? Bring no more vain Oblations , Incense is an abomination unto me , I cannot away with your Assemblies , my soul hateth them , they are a trouble to me , I am weary to bear them . The Lord is much offended with formal , hypocritical Services ; hereby they flatter and mock him , and is he taken with flatteries ? Such services are like a dead , cold , black , mangled , rotten , stinking Carkase without the Soul and spirit , which must needs be very unsavoury and displeasing ; they are like the lame , blinde , halt , sick Cattel , which were not fit to be offered up in Sacrifice under the Law , Mal. 1. 8. If ye offer the blinde for Sacrifice , is it not evil ? and if ye offer the lame and sick , is it not evil ? Offer it now unto thy Governour , will he be pleased with thee ? And will God then be pleased ? Such persons when they seem to serve God with their Outward man , they serve the Devil and their own lusts with their Inward man ; God hath the Form sometimes , the Devil hath the Power ; God hath the show , the Devil hath the substance ; God hath the bark , the rinde , the shell , the Devil hath the kernel ; God hath the Cabinet , the Devil gets the Jewel ; they give God the Devils leavings and refuse as it were of their own lust ; for they spend the strength and vigour of soul and body in serving the Devil , and gratifying their own lusts ; and then think to put God off with any thing ; giveing him only some dead , cold , faint , empty , heartless , lifeless , outward services ; and even in them they are sweyed by some carnal Motives , which are the secret spring to the wheel of all external services . And O how abominable is all such Worship in the sight of God ? Hath not Formality in Worship , been one sin of London , which hath helpt to fill up the Ephah ? when the means God hath appointed for the turning away of his anger is used in such a manner that it self becomes a provocation , no wonder if his wrath break forth without remedy . 5. A fifth sin of London is Division amongst Professors ; different perswasions have made wide breaches and divisions in London , and through Divisions have arisen great animosities and contentions , unto the shame of Christianity and the Protestant Religion ; and hath not God been provoked to anger hereby ? hath not he contended with Professours , and by the common scourge he hath brought upon them , called aloud unto them for a union , and more hearty accord and affection then formerly they have had ? and hath not he given them liberty and opportunity , had they minded and cared to make use of it , for meeting together in order unto healing ? but have professours of different parties been sensible of Gods meaning in the scourge upon their backs ? have they hearkened unto Gods call ? have they laid hold of , and improved opportunities for closing up their wide breaches ? I hope some closing in affection there hath been amongst some ; but how rarely hath it been to be found ? and when there are such breaches still amongst us , is it not just with God to make further breaches upon us , as he hath done by his judgements ? 6. A sixth sin of London is neglect of Reformation . Neglect of 1 Personal 2 Family 3 City 4 Church Reformation . 1 Neglect of Personal reformation in Heart . Life . 1. Who in London have seriously and very diligently endeavoured the Reformation of their hearts ? when so unclean , and polluted , who have laboured to get them washed ? when such roots of bitterness have been springing forth , and such weeds of Lust have been growing there , who hath endeavoured to pluck them up ? outward neatness there hath been in London , washing , and rincing , rubbing and scowring ; but O the inward sluttishness ! they who have had clean houses , and clean garments , and clean faces and hands , have had foul hearts : who have taken care every day to rince and scowre their inside ? to bring their hearts to the fountain set open for sin and uncleanness ; and to cleanse themselves from all filthiness of flesh and spirit , that they might arrive every day unto greater perfection in holiness ? they who have been careful to dress their bodies every day , have been very careless in dressing their hearts , neglecting to put on the white robes of Christs righteousness which alone can cover their spiritual nakedness and deformity ; and to get the jewels of grace , which alone can adorn the soul , and render it amiable in the sight of God. Heart work , is hard work ; and it is so hard that most have let it alone ; they have been discouraged with the difficulty ; the opposition of Sathan and Lust to this work hath been so strong , that they have been quickly overpowered upon their first attempts and endeavours after a change and rectifying of the disorders , which they have perceived . Heart work , is secret work ; many have employed themselves in the more open work of religion ; few have taken pains with their hearts in secret ; many take heed to their tongues , what they speak , and before whom ; to their hands , what they do ; to their feet , whither they go ; but few take heed to their hearts ▪ Murder , Adultery , Theft , and the like sins have been committed in the heart by many , who would have been afraid and ashamed of the outward acts . O the unwatchfulness there hath been in London over the heart ! Citizens have watched their gates , and watched their streets , and watched their houses ; but how few have watched their hearts , what cometh in , and what goeth forth ? how few have set a watch before the door of their lips , and ears , and other senses , which are the inlets of sin ; and upon their hearts , from whence are the issues of sin ? how few have kept their hearts with all diligence ? how few have laboured to govern their thoughts , to rule their passions , to subjugate their wills to Christ , and to deliver up all their affections to his dispose and obedience ? Heart reformation hath been much neglected . 2. Who in London have endeavoured Life-Reformation as they should ? how few have there been effectually perswaded to put away the evil of their doings from before the eyes of the Lord , to cease from evil , and have learned to do well ? How few have broken off their sins by Repentance , and throughly amended their ways , measuring out their actions , by the Rule of the word ? how few have got the Law of God written in their hearts , and the transcript thereof in their lives , exemplifying the precepts thereof in their conversations ? how few in London have been like so many Epistles of Christ , in whom the will and grace of their Master might be read ? who have troden in Christs steps , walking as he walked , and followed him in the way of obedience and self-denyal ? who have shined like so many lights in dark places and times , adorning their profession , and living as becometh the Gospel ? Great irregularities there have been in the lives of most Londoners , little Gospel-reformation ; little making Religion the business ; little holy exact living . If a stranger had looked into our City , and observed the lives of the most , and not known them to have had the name of Christians , would not he have judged them to be Heathens , yea many of them in their dealing to be worse then Turks and Infidels ? Thus Personal Reformation hath been neglected . 2. A great neglect there hath been of family reformation in London ; How few have with Ioshuah resolved , and accordingly endeavoured that they and their houses should serve the Lord ? how few have set up Religious worship in their families ? have not many hundred houses in the City been without family-prayer in them from one end of the week to the other ? and is it strange that the Lord hath burned down those houses , wherein the inhabitants would not vouchsafe to worship him ? And where there hath been some prayer in many families , it was but once a day , and that so late at night , and when the body hath been so tryed , and sleepy , and the soul so dull , and unfit for Gods service , that the prayers have been no prayers , or lost prayers , such , which instead of pleasing him , have provoked him to anger ? how few did labour to instruct their families ; Catechize their children and servants , to bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord ? hath not God threatned to pour out his wrath upon irreligious families ? Ier. 10. 25. 3. Neglect of City-reformation ; have not the Magistrates of London been faulty here ? let them ask their own consciences , whether to the uttermost of their power according to the trust and opportunity the Lord hath put into their hands , they have endeavoured the Reformation of the City ? whether as Gods under-officers , they have improved their interest for the promotion of Religion in the zealous exercise of it ? yea whether they have put the Laws made , in execution against Sabbath-breakers , swearers , drunkards , endeavouring to find out and punish such offenders ? 4. Neglect of Church-reformation ; And is there no blame to be laid upon Church-officers ? hath there been that zeal for , and faithful execution of Church-discipline according to the Rules of the word ? hath not the Lord Jesus Christ been affronted in his Kingly office by some , who have imposed precepts of their own upon mens consciences , instead of vigorously endeavouring the execution of his ; and taken the power of the Keyes out of the hands of those unto whom the Lord hath entrusted it , hereby rendring the execution of discipline impossible according to the Laws of Christ ? have not the tender and most conscientious lain under the censures of some , rather then the openly profane and scandalously wicked ? Neglect of Reformation am I speaking of ? nay have not many , who call themselves Ministers , endeavoured rather the overthrow , then the promotion of it ? have they not had girds in their Pulpits at holiness and zealous profession ; which they have seconded by a conversation of dissoluteness , malitious opposition and persecution of those especially who have been the most religious ? Sad neglects there have been of reformation in London ; and that when London lay under such obligations to reform : as Christians they were obliged by baptismal and renewed vows : as Protestants of the Reformed religion , they were obliged to endeavour a reformation : by Mercies they were obliged ; an● have they been under no other obligations ? And hath not the neglect of reformation , notwithstanding all obligations , rendred them guilty of disingenuity , infideliy , yea of perjury it self ? I verily believe this is the great sin God is scourging London for ; God is contending for a Reformation ; and if they do not endeavour it more vigorously the sooner , I fear he will bring desolation upon them . 7. A seventh sin of London , is fearful Apostacy , and a spirit of complyance with the sins of the times . How many in London who formerly were great profestours , have discovered themselves to be rotten hypocrites ? who casting off the sheeps clothing , and laying aside all profession , have given themselves up to dissoluteness , and licentious living ? formerly they have seemed true penitents , and to be washed from their iniquities ; but they have returned with the dogg to the vomit , and with the Sow that is washed to the wallowing in the mire , 2 Pet. 2. ult . formerly they have been swept a little within ; and garnisht outwardly with a fair profession ; but the unclean spirit hath returned , and without any great difficulty hath entered with seven worse spirits , and defiled them more then before , and made their last state worse then their first . I speak not so much of those who worship God in this Mode or that Mode , and of alterations herein ; but of those who sometimes professed religion , and now do not worship God in any mode at all , but wholly addict themselves to their lusts , and are ashamed to be called , or thought to be religious . They would not now look like a Saint , or speak like a Saint , much less live like a Saint . Thus have many in our dayes cast off all fear of God , and devoted themselves with the Hell-hounds of the times to the service of the Devil ; resolving to do what in them lies to promote the interest of his Kingdom . And if some are a little more aukward in his service , and not altogether so like him , and such apt Scholars presently , as others whose education hath been in his School from their childhood , yet they learn very fast , and wonderfull is their proficiency in a short time ; and in regard of Apostacy they come neerer the Image of the Devil , than those that have been alwayes tutor'd by him . Now for any in London to forsake God , that they might serve the Devil ; to draw off from the wayes of Holiness , that they might walk in the wayes of Wickedness ; doth cast a great slurr upon God and his wayes . They do in effect say , That the Devil is a better Master than God ; and that the way of sin that leadeth to Hell is more eligible than the way of Holiness , which alone can bring to Heaven . The Lord threatneth , that his Soul shall have no pleasure in such Apostates , Heb. 10. 38. It is a Meiosis , and we are to understand , that the Lord is highly displeased with such persons . See how God pleads with Apostatizing Israel , Ier. 2. 9 , 10 , &c. Wherefore I will yet plead with you , saith the Lord. Pass ye over to the Isles of Chittim , and see , and send unto Kedar , and diligently consider , if there be any such thing ? Hath any Nation changed their gods , which yet are no gods ? But my people have changed their glory for that which doth not profit ! Be astonished O ye Heavens at this , and be horribly afraid , be ye very desolate , saith the Lord ; for my people have committed two great evils ; they have forsaken me the fountain of living waters , and have hewen out unto themselves broken cisterns , that can hold no water : And hence follows , v. 15. The young lions roared and yelled upon him , and laid his land waste ; his Cities are burnt without inhabitant : and v. 17. Thou hast procured these things unto thy self , because thou hast forsaken the Lord thy God : and v. 19. Thy own wickedness shall correct thee , and thy back-slidings shall reprove thee ; know therefore and see that it is an evil thing and bitter , that thou hast forsaken the Lord thy God , and that my fear is not in thee , saith the Lord God of hosts . And may not God thus plead with the Apostates of London , and punish them as he did his people of Israel ? 8. The Eighth sin of London is deafning the Ear against all Gods Calls . The Lord hath called upon London by his Ministers , but they have been like the deaf Adder which will not hearken to the voice of the Charmer ; they have stopped their ears , and turned away their shoulder , and made their heart like an Adamant stone . God hath called by his Mercies ; but this voice hath been too low , and they have slept the more securely in sin . God after other Means hath called by Afflictions , first lighter , then heavier ; and yet how many in London have , and still do walk contrary unto God , and will not return to him that hath smitten them ? They have been incorrigible under all Gods correcting Rods. When God spake by the Plague , they were a little awakened , but quickly dropt asleep again ; when the plague was a little over , they return to their Trades again , to their sins again , but they do not return unto the Lord. And when the Judgement of the Plague was so much lost and ineffectual for their good ; this no doubt hath provoked God so quickly and unexpectedly to turn his hand upon them , and bring the Judgement of the Fire ; and if they will still walk contrary to God , they must expect that God will walk contrary to them , untill he have consumed them . 9. A Ninth sin of London is Profaneness , and a loose and frothy spirit , especially in the Youth and springing generation . I do not tax all ; for I am confident there is a serious and godly Youth growing up . But O that there were not reason to say , that the generality of Youth is profane and wicked , as well as those who are grown more mature in wickedness ! And this Profaneness hath shewed it self In 1 Profane using Gods Name . 2 Profane breaking of Gods Day . 3 Profane scoffing at Gods People . 1. In profane using of Gods Name . How grosly hath the third Commandment been broken in the City ? how hath the great and dreadfull Name of the Lord God , which should make men to tremble in the mention of it , and command their spirits into aw and reverence , been vainly taken by many , and used to fill up the sentence of their ordinary discourse ? And not only so ; but how hath the Name of God been tossed in the black mouths of the Children of darkness , and even torn in pieces by their hideous Oaths and Execrations ? What an hellish noyse hath the sound of full-mouth'd Oaths , made sometimes in the streets ; enough to make the hair stand on end , of one who hath a sence of the greatness of that Majesty upon his spirit , which hereby is so audaciously affronted ? Oh the Swearing that hath been used by Londoners in buying and selling ! Many Parents have been so addicted to this sin in their Families , that their little Children have no sooner learned to speak , but they have also learned of them to swear by the Name of God , which hath been all the teaching of God that they have given them ; a devilish teaching indeed ; which hereafter they will curse and bann them for in Hell. But if you should have laid your ears unto the Taverns , and Ale-houses , and Whore-houses , and other Devil-houses once standing in London ; and harkened to the speeches of many of the Devils Imps , in their drinking and gaming , and other lewd practises , especially when a little cross'd and vexed ; Oh what language of Hell might have been heard ! How have those cursed Villains , in the heat of their wine and anger , shot vollies of Oaths in the face of the God of Heaven ! and whetting their tongues like a sharp sword , they have not feared to wound the name of God , when they have received any injury from men . O what poyson of Asps hath there been under their lips ? but a worse poyson of sin in their hearts , from the evil treasure and abundance of which , these oaths and blasphemies have proceeded . But who can find words to set forth the evil of this sin , which hath not the temptation of pleasure , advantage or honour , as other sins have ; and therefore is a great argument of a monstrous wicked heart ? And who can express Gods displeasure for this sin , for which he makes sometimes a whole land to mourn ? And hath not this sin provoked the Lord to utter his angry voice in Plaguing and burning the City , that they might fear to abuse his Name any more ? 2. In profanc breaking of Gods day . Sabbath breaking was an ordinary sin in London . I say not , it was so much broken in doing the ordinary works of the particular callings , but in that which was worse : How many did spend the Sabbath in eating to excess , and drinking till they were drunk , in sleeping , in walking into the fields , in sports and recreations ? Many wholly neglected the worship of God on that day ; and instead of that , did the Devil more service on the Lords day , then all the days of the week besides . The many weeks of Sabbaths which London had in the time of the Plague , methinks did reprove London for their profaning of the weekly Sabbath : And the great fire , ( I will not call it bon-fire because so destructive to London . ) which was begun in the City on the Lords day did reprove London for those lesser fires , ( I will not call them bon-fires because so offensive to God ) which not long before were kindled in the streets on that day which called for other kind of work . Not to speak any thing whether there were any just occasion for those fires and ringing of bells , ( most of which were melted before they were rung so generally again ) and such a shew of mirth and rejoycing at that time . The Citizens carrying forth their goods , and lying in the fields , with grief and fear , might put them in mind how often they had walked out into those fields on the Lords day for their recreation ; when they should rather have been hearing the word preached , or if that were over , repeating it in their own families , giving and receiving instruction , or in their closets at the throne of grace , or employed in meditation . As God delights in those that call his Sabbaths a delight , and makes sweet promises to them ; so he is highly displeased with Sabbath breakers , and hath denounced severe threatnings against them , Jer. 17. 27. If ye will not hearken to me to hallow the Sabbath day ; I will kindle a fire in the gates of Jerusalem which shall devour the Palaces thereof , and shall not he quenched . 3. In profane scoffing at Gods people . The name of a Saint , and Godly man , hath been ridiculous to many prophane Spirits in London , and used by them in a way of reproach . How have Gods people , especially the more strict and zealous , been made the drunkards song , and laughed at in the streets ? Horrid impiety ! as if it were matter of more shame to be like the Holy God , than to be like the Foul Devill ! and to be employed in the work of angels , than to drudge in Satans chains ! No wonder if God is angry with such a place where such vipers have had their abode : Prophaness is a great sin that hath brought ruine upon us . 10. A tenth sin of London is Pride . This sin being so odious to God ; so destructive where it abounds ; and so universal in London ; I shall speak of it the more largely , both in regard of the inward workings , and the outward expressions of it : which when opened , I believe there are none that will be able to say they are wholly free from it . 1. In regard of the inward workings of pride . Oh how hath the poison of this sin envenomed the spirits of the most in a very high degree ? How many self-admirers have there been in London , who have been puft up with an overweening conceit of their own excellencies ? What high , touring , swelling thoughts have they had of themselves ? What secret self-pleasing , and lifting up themselves in their own esteem ? Some esteeming themselves for that which is matter of shame ; admiring themselves for their own wit and parts , when they have lain fallow , and not been employed for God , or when they have been employed to his dishonour : when they have been wise , but it hath been to do evil : when they have been men of understanding , but it hath been to practise iniquity : when they have had cunning craftiness , but it hath been to deceive , to defraud and over-reach ; or to plot and contrive others mischief ; when they have had a ripe wit , quick understanding , rich fancy , fluency of speech ; but the employment hath been about toyes and trifles , or that which is worse ; when the vent hath been in foolish , empty complements and courtship , jesting with Scripture , scoffing at the religious , or in dirty and obscene discourses . Others have admired themselves , for that which really they never had but only in their own imagination . Some for their parts and learning ; thinking themselves great schollars when none have thought so but themselves : others for their grace and godliness , when their silver hath been dross ; and their grace either counterfeit in whole , or so mixed with unperceived corruption , that upon examination they might find themselves very poor , in that which they thought themselves so much enriched with ; and if they looked to the root and principle of their actions , they might find great flaws , and deficiency in those things which they had the highest conceit of . How many in London have had very honourable esteem of themselves ; preferring themselves above others , yea above the whole world ? Few have measured themselves by the rule , but measured themselves by their own fancies , or by other mens esteem . How many have thought themselves to be something , when they have been nothing , and rejoyced in their actions as excellent , and admirable , not from their own proof and tryal of them by the word , but from others acceptation and commendations , and by comparing them with the actions of other men , whom they have conceited themselves to exceed ? O how have some lifted up themselves above others , looking upon themselves as far more worthy without any reall ground ? their eye hath been upon their own good things , overlooking the secret evil , because it cannot be seen by men : and their eye hath been upon others evil things ; overlooking the good which hath been out of ready view : their eye hath been upon their own best things , and upon others worst things , aggravating their faults , and extenuating their own . Thus they have in their thoughts brought others down through uncharitableness , and lifted up themselves upon the ruines , which their uncharitableness hath made in others worth : and when they have had greater esteem because of their greater shew , this opinion of themselves hath been confirmed ; whereas in truth , others who made less shew , and had less esteem , have had more sincerity , and secret hidden excellency . I might further trace the inward workings of pride in the self-love which it hath effected ; What a marvelous affection have proud persons had towards themselves , notwithstanding their ugliness , and spiritual deformity , the rottenness and corruption within them ? and many lusts of their hearts ? all which pride hath covered and a thousand faults in themselves ; as charity doth cover a thousand faults in others : Pride hath put a fair gloss and Varnish upon all , and represented men to themselves as very lovely and amiable . Pride also hath chosen for such , their friends , who have been loved , not according to the worth which those persons have had , but according to the estimation those persons have had of their worth ; which if those have fallen in estimation , these have fallen in affection . I might shew the workings of Pride , in the hatred , anger , spight , revenge which it hath effected , when it hath met with disesteem or slighting : the grief at the substraction of its fuel , and provision ; the sollicitous thoughts , and cares concerning , and eager progging , and pursuit after others commendations ; the storm of commotion and disturbance which this winde hath raised , when the tide of Applause hath run another way : the complacency and delight it hath yielded in drinking out of a full stream of others esteem , in chewing the Cud , and revolving in the minde the praise of men . But so much concerning the inward workings of Pride . 2. Concerning the Outward expressions of Pride , and that , 1. In the Speech : London hath been grosly guilty in Boasting and Vain-glory. What company could you come into almost , but you should finde many boasting spirits ? some foaming out the shame of their own praise , in high expressions , and direct self-commendations ( without any regard to Gods glory , self-vindication , example , or excitement ; in which cases , modestly and sparingly , to do it may be lawfull and a duty ) but they have done it only to be well thought on , and admired : Others driveling out their own praises more sliely and indirectly ; but a Christian of eyes and brains , might easily perceive that the drift and scope of the discourse hath been Self , and a tacit begging of a good opinion . As if one should say , Pray friends , think a little better of me ; pray have me higher in your esteem ; for to say the truth , by this I give you to understand that I am a very worthy person . Many we shall finde very forward to declare their own goodness , but few faithfull in speaking forth the praises of God ; yea many there have been who have discommended themselves , not that they might fall , but rise in esteem . Thus some rotten-hearted hypocrites as full of pride as they can hold , and some sincere in the main , yet too much like them , have spoken so meanly of themselves , and so much against themselves as none other would do ; and what hath been the design ? even that they might be accounted humble : and therefore they have taken care in their self-commendations , to speak of nothing but common infirmities , concealing their more gross faults ; and those common infirmities , in a mourning and complaining way , as if they were very sensible of them ; as if affected , afflicted , and burthened with them ( as the humble , sincere Christian is indeed ) that they might be esteemed for sensibility of small faults ; and then they have taken care to do it , not to those that are more rigid , severe and quicksighted Christians , that would quickly have smelt out their pride ; but unto those , which they have lookt upon as the most tender , charitable persons , who are ready hereby to advance them higher in esteem ; or weaker Christians , who are ready to confess more evil of themselves . And when they have thus spoken against themselves , they have not really thought so , but the contrary ; but they have spoken so , that they might be contradicted , and commended to their faces ; if they thought they should have fallen in esteem by such words , they would have held their peace , but because they supposed discommendation might most effectually promote esteem , and draw out a good word , therefore they have used it . Proud Hypocrites speak ill of themselves that they may be accounted humble ; they cannot endure to be humble ; they care not for the grace , yea they hate it ; yet they would be thought to have it , because it doth promote esteem : they love the reward of humility , but they care not for humility it self , they love humility in others , because such persons will stoop to them ; but they love not humility in themselves , for they will stoop to none . Thus some also out of a secret design of pride have discommended others behinde their backs , that they might be thought to exceed them , whom they could correct , and finde fault withall ; they have laboured to bring down others that they might set up themselves . And the same design of Pride they have had in commending others to their faces , and exalting them in words above themselves , not from a reall esteem which they have had of them above themselves , but only that they might draw forth a commendation from them . Such expressions of pride have been to be found in Professors , and have been more latent ; but I shall speak of the more gross and open expressions , which have been generall in the City . We read of the pride of the Daughters of Ierusalem , Isa. 3. 16 , &c. They were haughty , and walked with stretched forth necks , and wanton eyes , walking and mincing as they went , and making a tinckling with their feet : and what was it they were proud of ? See from v. 18. to v. 25. Their ornaments , their Cauls , their Tires , their Chains , their Bracelets , their Mufflers , their Tablets , their Head-bands , their Rings , their Iewels , their changeable suits of Apparel , and the like . And hath there not been this pride in London ? Were not the Daughters of London like the Daughters of Zion for pride , and haughtiness ? Was there any place in England that could shew such pride of Apparel as London could shew , which the Female sex were not only guilty of ? Was there any fashion , though never so antick and apish , which London did not presently imitate ? Who can count the Cost which hath been lavished out in Cloathing , and rich Apparel ? some pinching their Bellies and Families to lay it out on this Lust. This Pride of Apparel is very shamefull and absurd , Cloaths being the Badge of Apostasie , which were not made use of till after the fall , therefore the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies Cloathing , comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He prevaricated ; and it is as if a Thief should be proud of his Shackles , or any Malefactor of his mark of disgrace : At least the gaudy attire of many persons hath signified the emptiness and frothy minde within ; and that they have had nothing to set them forth but their Cloaths . I might also add ; the pride , which the daughters of London have had of their Beauty , though it be but skin-deep , and the Body but a skinfull of dirt , and the choycest beauty without discretion , like a Jewel hanged at the ear or nose of a Swine : And the Lord knows what monstrous , and defiled , and deformed insides , the most of those have had , who have been so fair and adorned outwardly . Many in London have been proud of their fine cloaths and fair faces ; and others of their fair Shops , and stately houses ; Pride has hung about the neck like a Chain , and covered them like a garment , instead of the cloathing and Ornament of Humility , which before God is of so great price . Now God is highly offended with the sin of Pride , God resisteth the proud , 1 Pet. 5. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he doth as it were set himself in battell array against them . Pride goes before destruction , and an haughty spirit before a fall , Prov. 16. 18. Pride was one of Sodoms sins , which City was burnt with fire from Heaven , Ezek. 16. 49. The Scriptures speak of Three Cities that were burnt for this sin of pride among other sins , namely Sodom , Ierusalem , and Babylon : And may not London come in for a fourth ? The botches , and blains , and loathsome sores in the bodies of many , when the Plague was in London ; and the burning of so much fewel of pride , by the Fire , methinks were a very loud reproof and rebuke of London for this sin . 11. An eleventh sin of London , is fullness of Bread , or intemperance in eating : this was another of the sins of Sodom . God did feed London with the finest of the Wheat , and gave plenty of Corn , and Flesh , and other Provisions ; but how have they abused Plenty by their Intemperance and Luxury ? O the excessive Feasting in Halls , and private Houses of them whose Estates have been more plentifull ! What indulging hath there been to the Appetite , as if self-denyal in regard of the Appetite were no duty , or an enemy , and with the Poor to be shut out of doors ? What curiosity of Palat , and daintiness have many in London had , so that Air , Earth , Sea , must be ransackt to please them , and all would not do ? What loathing have they had of ordinary food ? Many good creatures of God must be cut and mangled , and spoyled , to make them new dishes ; which however pleasing , have but spoyled their stomachs , and bred diseases in their bodies . Some have not eaten much , but have been so choice , that scarce any food hath pleased them ; and that not , through sickness of body , but wantonness of mind : others have been pleased with their food and overpleased , and all their pleasure hath been therein ; All whose God , as the Apostle speaks , Phil. 3. hath been their belly . Such like the Rich man , Luk. 16. 19. have fared sumptuously and deliciously every day ; O the excessive cost that some have bestowed upon their Tables daily ! O the excessive quantity of Meat that some have devoured ! O the excessive time that hath been wasted in pampering the flesh ! What rioting and banqueting hath there been daily in London , many feeding themselves without fear ; as if gluttony were not any sin at all ? How many have been like fed Horses in the City , or like fatted Oxen , who as the Apostle Iames speaks , have lived in pleasure and been wanton , and nourished themselves as in a day of slaughter , Jam. 5. 5. and as Hos. 13. 6. According to their pasture so were they filled ; they were filled , and their heart was exalted , therefore have they forgotten Me. This kinde of Intemperance hath so strangely brutified many , that they have been even degenerated into Beasts , only that they have been more unusefull ; for hereby they have unfitted themselves for all kinde of service , as if they were born only to eat : but withall they have prepared themselves for those ruining and slaughtering Judgements which have come upon the City . 12. A twelfth sin of London is Idleness ; a consequent of the former ; only that Idleness hath been more generall : this was also a sin of Sodom ; I will not say but many Citizens of London were diligent in their Calling , but how many idle Vagrant persons were there in the City ? What Idleness in many of the Youth , if not held in the more strictly , and some breaking forth , and lavishing away stollen time , which was not at their own dispose whatever strictness was used ? Moreover what an ill example for idleness , did many Governours themselves give to their children and servants ? When Masters were idle abroad , no wonder that Servants were idle at home ; when Mistresses were idle in their Chambers , no wonder if the Kitchin did imitate . Though eating , and drinking , and cloathing were necessary , and called for some time ; yet the excess of time spent about these things , if not worse , was no better than idle time . Many especially of the Females in the City have spent so much time in the Morning in their beds , if not in sleeping , at least in idle foolish Fancies , and so much time after in neat and curious dressing their bodies , that they have had no time before Dinner for Prayer or Reading , no time to dress their Souls : and the Afternoon being far spent in eating and drinking , the rest of the time hath run away either in Visitings or Entertainments , wherein ( if not worse ) vain , idle , unprofitable things have been the chief , if not the only subject of their discourse : and by that time they have again refreshed themselves with food at night , they have been too sleepy and unfit for Prayer , and the Service of God. And thus many careless Women in the City have lived in ease and idleness from one end of the Week , and one end of the Year unto another . But methinks the Lord hath by his terrible things in London , spoken unto them much in the same language as he did , Isa. 32. 9 , 10 , 11. Rise up ye Women that are at ease , hear my voice ye careless Daughters , give ear to my speech ; many dayes and years shall ye be troubled ye careless Women : tremble ye Women that are at ease , be troubled ye careless ones , strip ye , make ye bare , and gird sackcloth upon your loyns . But I would not charge this sin of idleness only upon the female sex : many men have been more shamefully guilty , especially those who have mispent so much time in gaming , ( not to speak of excess in eating and drinking , and other time-consuming sins which are reproved in their proper place ) O the time that many have spent in gaming ! Some recreations wherein the body is exercised , may be lawful and necessary at some time ; so they do not steal away too much of their time and affections ; but for men to sit at games as hard as schollars at their books , what rational plea can be used for such wicked idleness ? Thus silver , and gold , and great estates have been consumed ; and O the golden hours , the dayes , and nights , and precious time , that have been lost in gaming ! Thus some have run out of all , and removed into the Country to hide their shame , after their high port in the City ; some have gone into the high wayes , not to beg , but to do that which is far worse , which in some hath had a dreadful conclusion . And not only this kind of Idleness hath brought poverty , but also that heedless , slothful spirit , which many of the City have had in their callings ; which hath made them blemishes to the City , and hath been an helper on of our ruine . 13. A thirteenth sin of London is unmercifulness , another of Sodom's sins . Ezek. 16. 49. She strengthened not the hands of the poor and needy . I shall not blame the whole for this sin , for the charity of London hath sounded throughout the land , and throughout the world . But yet have not many of the great men of the City been guilty of unmercifulness , who though more able , yet have been less forward to contribute to the relief of such as have been in distress ? It hath been the comfort of some who have lost much by the fire , that they had saved what before they had given to the poor , by putting it out of the reach of moth , or rust , or thieves , or flames of fire . But oh what marble bowels have some had towards the poor ! so that they could , ( whatever abundance they had by them beyond what themselves did make use of ) as freely part with so many drops of their blood , as pieces of money , though to help some of the needy and distressed members of Jesus Christ : not considering that the Lord Jesus is the Heir of all things , and whatever estate they had , they were but his stewards ; and that relief of the needy is a debt , which though man cannot require it of them , yet God can : and is it unequal if for want of payment of Gods debts ( which they owed out of their estates , by vertue of Gods command , to the poor ) the Lord hath dispossest them of his houses , and burnt them with fire , and taken away part of the estates which he gave them because they have employed them no more for his glory . 14. A fourteenth sin of London is Vncleanness , another sin of Sodom ; their sin indeed was unnatural uncleanness . I would hope that this sin hath been little known and practised in the City . But Fornication and Adultery have been too common . Indeed there hath not been that boldness and impudency in this sin as elsewhere ; there hath not been that whores forehead so generally in London , and declaring the iniquity like Sodom : but let the consciences of many Londoners speak , whether they have not been secretly guilty of this sin ? Would it not be a shame to tell of the chambering and wantonness , and privy leudness which hath been committed in London ? suppose that in all the remaining Churches the sin of uncleanness should be reproved ; and all , both men and women that have been actually guilty of it , should be forced by an inward sting of conscience ( as sometimes those were upon the words of our Saviour that accused the woman taken in Adultery ) immediately to go forth out of the place : what a stir would there be in some Churches ? what an emptying of some Pews ? what a clearing of some Iles ? and how few would there be remaining in some places ? Suppose a visible mark were put by God upon the foreheads of all Adulterers in the City of London , as God put a mark upon Cain after he had been guilty of murther ; would not many who walk now very demurely , and with much seeming innocency , walk with blushes in their cheeks ? would not many keep house and hide their face , and not stir abroad except in the night ? or if in the day , would they not shuffle thorow the streets , and hate the fashion of little hats , and the court-mode of wearing them behind their head ; and rather get such whose brims are of a larger size , which might the more conveniently cover their brows ? And would not many unsuspected and seemingly modest women also , stain their cheeks with a vermilion dye upon their husbands or friends search into their countenance ? would not many of them walk with thick hoods , and wear continually deep fore-head-cloaths , as if they were troubled with a perpetual head-ake , that they might hide their shame from the view of man ? This sin is so nasty and filthy , that whatever swinish pleasure is found in the commission of it , usually those that are guilty ( unless the brow be brass ) are ashamed that it should be known : the holy and jealous eye of God hath seen them in their filthiness ; their secret sins are set in the light of his countenance , which above all should make them ashamed ; Whoremongers and Adulterers God will judge , Heb. 13. 4. which should make them afraid . I have heard of Smithfield haunts , and Moore-field walks , whither there hath been too great a resort from the City under the shadow of the wings of the night , about these deeds of darkness ; the words and signs which such lewd persons have used to signifie their minds one to another I am unacquainted withall : the many Whorehouses , under the name of Alehouses about London , by report have had too many customers : and if the Constables had been as zealous at other times , as they were when the strict Press was in the City to disturb those Conventicles , they might possibly have found more of that Coat , and Tribe who should have given better example . If there have not been publick Stews in London as in other Cities in the World ; yet have not some made their own houses little better , some men bringing in their whores in little better than publick view ? and of the other Sex some by the open weare of naked breasts , and their light attyre and carriage , have enticed the eye and courtship , and after , basely prostituted their bodies to the lusts of filthy Ruffians . O the boyling , burning lusts that have been in London ! O the wanton eyes and looks ! the speculative uncleanness , and secret self-pollutions ! the obscene and filthy speeches ! the toying and lustful dalliances ! and the gross actual uncleann●ss which God hath been witness to every day in London ! This sin of uncleanness doth debase the spirit made at first after Gods own image ; defiles both soul and body , which should be the Temple of the Holy-Ghost ; and renders men unfit for communion with an holy God , who is of such pure eyes that he cannot approve of the least iniquity ; much less of this , which is so gross ; and not only so but doth exceedingly provoke him unto anger and jealousie . This may be one sin that hath brought down such fearful judgements upon the City ; we read of twenty and four thousand men that fell in one day by the Plague , for the sin of fornication , Num. 15. 9. and have not many thousand inhabitants and habitations of London fallen for this sin ? It is said of the Israelites , Hos. 7. 6. they have made ready their heart like an Oven , while they lye in wait , their Baker sleepeth all night ; in the morning it burneth as a flaming fire . Have not the hearts of many in London been like an Oven for lust , and themselves like Bakers putting fewel into it , and stirring it up ; and if whilest they have lain in wait , and have not had present opportunity for satisfaction of their lusts ; they have seemed to be asleep ; yet no sooner hath the Morning light of a fit occasion offered it self to their adulterous eyes , but their adulterous hearts have burned within them , and broken forth into a flaming fire , in the actual commission of the sin . And hath this been the practice only of the Court , and of Westminster side ? hath not the cursed Leaven of this common sin of the times , spread it self also in the City ? Therefore the Lord also hath made ready his wrath as in an hot Oven ; and though like a Baker he hath seemed to sleep while he lay in wait , and delayd to execute his judgments ; yet in the Morning of his great provocation by this and other sins , his anger hath broke forth like a flaming fire , from whence that fire hath been kindled which hath burnt the greatest part of London down to the ground , Ier. 5. 8 , 9. When the Israelites were like fed horses in the morning , every one neighing after his neighbours Wife ; The Lord speaks to them in his wrath , Shall not I visit for these things ? shall not my soul be avenged on such a Nation as this ? 15. A fifteenth sin of London is Drunkenness ; This sin hath been more visible and apparent ; I believe that scarcely any Nation under Heaven hath proportionably more Taverns and Ale-houses than England , and no place in England so many as London , and its adjacent parts : and of all the many thousands of these houses I believe there hath been scarce any but could give many instances of this sin . Besides the many private houses where this sin hath been practised . How have men risen early in the morning to follow strong drink , and continued unto night , till wine inflamed them ? Isa. 5. 11. Come ye say they , and I will fetch wine , and we will fill our selves with strong drink ; and to morrow shall be as this day , and much more abundant , Isa. 56. 12. The corners and beds full of vomit , the reelings about the streets , the contentions and wranglings , the wounds without cause , the redness of the eyes , and such like have been to evident a demonstration , of mens tarrying too long at the Wine , and distempering themselves with excessive drinking , Prov. 23. 29 , 30. To be overtaken with drunkenness is a great sin , which makes men more bruitish than their very Horses , who will not exceed their measure in drinking , except they be forced to it by Barnacles : and if none in the City had yielded to receive the drench of a cup beyond the measure without Barnacles upon their noses , I suppose that with their horses , they would have been more sober ; and hereby prevented many distempers of body , and worse distempers of mind , and which is worst of all , much dishonour of God , as well as of themselves , which excess in this kind hath been the cause of . But for men to follow after this sin , and make it their trade and common practice ; to delight in it , and seek for their God and chief happiness , in a cup of Wine , or Ale , and to grow men of might in drinking ; to exceed the bounds by many degrees without reeling , to entice others to it , yea to force them to drink healths ( that ungodly practice ) which would not in the least promote anothers health , but was likely to destroy their own , through the excess which such practices do introduce ; to take pleasure in drinking down others under their feet ; and after to glory in their shame and wickedness ; this is a sin that doth so far exceed bruitish , that it becomes devilish , and doth highly provoke the Lord to pour forth his fury like water upon the places where such sins are committed . And hath not London been guilty of this sin of drunkenness with the aggravations of it ? Have not some of Londons Magistrates been guilty , who should have punished this sin , and too many Ministers , who should have reproved it both by word and example of sobriety ? And for such to be seen drunk and reeling in the streets , was very shamefull , and a great provocation . Have not the late judgements in some sort pointed out this sin ? the dizziness of head , and reeling of persons that have been smitten with the Plague ; the flaming of the heart of the City , and reeling of the houses , and tumbling of them to the ground by the fire , methinks were a reproof of the dizziness and reelings , about the streets and houses , of such persons as had inflamed and distempered themselves with excessive drinking . 16. A sixteenth sin of London is perverting of judgement . This is a God-provoking sin : when none calleth for justice , nor any pleadeth for truth ; when men make to themselves crooked paths , and there is no judgement in their goings ; yea when judgment is turned away backward , and justice standeth afarr off , and truth is fallen in the streets , and equity cannot enter ; when truth faileth , and he that departeth from evil , maketh himself a prey , &c. as the Prophet speaks , Isa. 59. When Magigistrates are lovers of gifts , and followers after rewards ; when they judge not the fatherless , neither doth the cause of the widdow come unto them ; then the Lord cryeth Ah! I will ease me of mine adversaries , and aveuge me of mine enemies , Isaiah 1. 23 , 24. I cannot charge London deeply with this sin ; not having been my self present much in their Courts of Judicature ; and I would hope that justice hath taken place here , as much as in most Cities in the world : but when I read what the Lord saith concerning Ierusalem , Jer. 5. 1. Run ye too and fro through the streets of Jerusalem , and see now and know , and seek in the broad places thereof if ye can find a man , if there be any that executeth judgement , that seeketh the truth , and I will pardon it : and when withall I consider the dreadfull judgments of God upon the City of London , whereby the glory of the Magistracy and government of the City is so much stained ; I would submit it to enquiry whether there hath not been a failure and perverting of judgment in the City ? whether bribes and rewards have not blinded the eyes , and the edge of the Law hath not been turned against well doers , instead of evil doers ? whe●her the Fatherless and the Widdow have not been sent weeping to their heavenly Father to complain of injustice ? It is not a time to cover faults but to confess and leave them ; least unavoidable ruine come upon us when it will be too late . 17. A seventeenth sin of London is Covetousness . How universally hath this sin reigned in the City ? so that it may almost be said of London , as it was of Ierusalem , Jer. 6. 13. From the least of them even unto the greatest of them every one is given to covetousness . Those who have been free from gluttony , drunkenness , adultery , and the like expensive sins ; have on the other hand addicted themselves to the sin of covetousness . I do not charge all , but oh how almost universal hath this sin among tradesmen been ? which hath evidenced it self both in their getting and keeping riches . 1. In getting : what eager desires after the world , and their obtaining an estate by their trades ? What studies and consultations , what wracking the brains , and torturing the wits , to find out the best way of thriving in the world ? what earnest prosecutions have there been , and laborious endeavours , rising up early , and sitting up late , and wearying the body , and the mind all the day , eating the bread of carefulness , and mingling the drink with sollicitousness , crouding up the whole time with worldly business , so that their own health hath been disregarded , as well as the worship of God neglected in the families of these worldlings ; and all to scrape a little worldly riches together which some have mist of , notwithstanding all their endeavours : and if they have obtained , yet they have remained more poor in contentment , than when they were more poor in their estates ? for as their estates have increased , so their desires have increased and been farther off from satisfaction ; as they have enlarged their shops and trades ; and wealth hath flowed in upon them ; so they have enlarged their desires like Hell , and like the Grave have never said It is enough : when they have added bag to bag , and house to house , the more cares , and fears , and sometimes piercing sorrows have accompanied their gains ; but far have they been from finding the contentment and comfort in their riches that they looked for . 2. This covetousness hath appeared in keeping what they have gotten : keeping I say , for covetous persons have had little heart to spend though in necessary uses what they have scraped together : they have had wealth , but the use of it they have not had ; it hath been to them like a treasure in a chest of which they had lost the key ; or like another mans money in their keeping , which they must not meddle withall . Whatever abundance they have had in the bag , and in the coffer , their families have been in want ; the table hath been penurious ; the back and belly have been pinched ; they have lived at a meaner rate than those that have been of a meaner degree . The poor might starve at their doors , no pitty towards others in want and misery , and the least pitty towards themselves : whilest they have saved , for fear least afterwards they should want ; they have all along wanted , whilest they have been saving ; and it may be at last they have lost what they have been keeping , to the unexpressible grief , and it may be breaking of their hearts , which have been so set upon these things . This sin of covetousness in some hath had deeper rooting , in most hath had too much footing : and in all hath been very heinous and abominable before God. This sin is termed Idolatry in Scripture , and the covetous are stigmatized with the name of Idolaters , Col. 3. 5. Ephes. 5. 5. It is heart idolatry forbidden in the first commandment . That thing we make a God to our selves , which we chiefly affect : if it be the world , then we make the world our God ; which is inconsistent with the true love of God the Father the only true God. 1 Joh. 2. 15. Love not the world , neither the things that are in the world , if any man love the world , the love of the father is not in him . This sin of covetousness is hateful to God and provokes his wrath , Isa. 57. 17. for the iniquity of his covetousness was I wroth and smote him . Hath not God smitten London with the plague and fire , among other iniquities , for this iniquity of Covetousness ? When London was eagerly pursuing after the World , and all minding and seeking their own Interest , without any regard to the Interest of Gods glory and Kingdom , or care of their soul-interest and salvation , which their worldly business would not allow time for ; did not the Lord send a Plague to put a stop to their Trade ; and gave them time to seek him , and to make their peace with him in their retirements , which they could not , or rather would not finde before ? And when they returned with more eagerness to their Trades , after the Plague was a little over , that they might fetch up if they could what they had miss'd by that intermission ; did not the Lord send a Fire to consume much of that which they had set their hearts upon , and in large legible Letters write Vanity upon this Idol , which so many had worshipped ? Let London consider and lay to heart this sin of Covetousness . 18. The Eighteenth sin of London is Extortion ; thus Covetousness hath expressed it self more grosly in some . I shall not here discourse concerning Usury ; but the extorting Use , which some have taken of those who have been in want ; the taking Use upon Use , and grinding the faces of the Poor in their distress , no doubt is a great sin , and very offensive to God. How many Extortioners have there been in London , who have enriched themselves by impoverishing of others ; who panting after the dust of the Earth , on the head of the Poor , have lent Money to them , not for their help , but to catch them at an advantage , that so without mercy they might catch away all that they had , not leaving them so much as a Bed to ly on ? Thus some have been like Lyons for Cruelty , and like Evening Wolves unt the poor , tearing their flesh from their bones , and reserving their very bones to gnaw in the morning , as the Prophet speaks , Zeph. 3. 3. This sin of Extortion was one of the abominations reckoned up by the Prophet Ezekiel , for which God was so highly offended with Ierusalem , chap. 22. 12. Thou hast taken Vsury and increase , and hast greedily gained of thy Neighbour by Extortion ; and hast forgotten me ; for this and other sins there mentioned , it is said v. 3. Therefore have I poured out my indignation upon them ; I have consumed them with the fire of my Wrath. Unto this sin of Extortion I may add severall other wayes that many in the City have had of getting Estates , which some may dispute for the lawfulness of , and because so common and gainfull , the sin is little heeded ; but when the Lord hath been contending with the whole City , and hath inflicted a generall stroke upon Tradesmen , yea one stroke upon another , and hath trodden their Trade under his feet , as seeming to be offended with something therein ; methinks they should be awakened , and open their eyes , and impartially search , and labour to finde out whatever it is that doth offend him , whatever seeming disadvantage may come to them thereby . And if they will not hearken , God can take away the remainder , as he hath done a great part , and so force them to a sense of their sin . One sinfull way of getting Estates , and I am perswaded displeasing to God , is engrossing and monopolizing of Commodities , which many in London have done , that having all the Commodities of that kinde in their hands , they might make their own Market , and set their own price upon them ; which if they sold as cheap as otherwise they would do , or as others do when they are shared into many hands ( as possibly some may ) I could not condemn the thing : But when by getting the whole into their hands , they hoist and raise the Price far beyond the just Value , which they necessitate people to give , and that only that they might enrich themselves : this I dare confidently affirm to be unlawfull ; and my reason is , because hereby they prefer a lesser good , before a greater ; namely , the enriching of themselves , and their Families , before the more publick good of making the Commodity more cheap to the Commonwealth . If they say , the injury which they who buy of it , will sustain , ( they being so many ) will be very small and inconsiderable ; but the good they shall get hereby will be great , and they may be in a better capacity of doing good ; I answer , that none ought to do the least injury for the reaping of the greatest advantage ; It being absolutely unlawfull to do evil , that good may come thereby , and the damnation of such will be just , Rom. 3. 8. and consequently a greater injury will come to themselves , than to those whom they injure ; yea , the Injury will be greater , than the Good , which they obtain . And as for their being in a capacity of doing more good ; I believe that such persons , if they do spend such gains , are more forward to spend them on their lusts , than to lay them out in Charitable uses ; I have not heard that the greatest Monopolizers in London have been the most charitable persons . If I were more acquainted with the mysteries of Trades in the City , I fear , I might finde out more than one Mystery of Iniquity among them . If the Lord would put into the hearts of Magistrates and Citizens , to look into Trades , and to consider the equity that they bear , and take some course for rectifying abuses in them ; it might be one way to obtain a more favourable aspect from Heaven ; and the Lord might revive again the Trade of London , which now is dying and sinking to the ground . 19. A Nineteenth sin of London is Lying . It is said of Nineveh , Nah. 3. 1. that it was a City full of lies . O the Lies that have been in London ! who can reckon them ? Lies in the streets , loud lies , which have been cryed , false News which we daily hear . Lies in the Chambers , secret lies , privy false tales which are whispered in the ears : Lies in the Shop , trading lies ; lies told in buying and selling : Officious lies , which some tell to do their friends a kindness : Mischievous lies , which some tell to do another an injury . We read of some , that bend their tongue like their bow for lies , that will not speak the truth , but teach their tongue to speak lies , Jer , 9. 3 , 5. How many Liars have there been in London ? What age is free from this sin ? The Children have learned to lie , as soon as they have learned to speak . What house hath been free ? How have Tradesmen been guilty of lying , which some account a necessary adjunct to their Trade , without which they could not live ? How many Servants have excused one another and themselves when they have committed faults , with their lies ? But of all lies , mischievous lies have been the worst , which some have invented to do an injury to their neighbour ; such lies are more immediately begotten by the Devil the Father of lies , and such liars are his most genuine Off-spring . But all lies in a sense are mischievous lies ; they are mischievous to the party that tells them ; even the Officious liar cannot do so much kindness to his Friend by his lye , as he doth injury to himself : What! will a man stab himself to do his Friend a courtesie ? he that wounds his Conscience doth worse ; he that gains in his Trade by his lye , loseth more than he gains : A bag of Gold is not to be compared with inward peace , and the favour of God ( better than life ) which by this sin is lost . Surely , the Lord , being a God of Truth , is much offended with this sin of lying . God delights , saith Solomon , in them that deal truly , but lying lips are an abomination to him , Prov. 12. 22. Lying was one sin of Israel , for which their land did mourn , Hos. 14. 2 , 3. And God threatneth to give all liars their part in that lake which burneth with fire and brimstone , Rev. 21. 8. Methinks that one place should make all liars to tremble . And is not this one sin which some Professors also in the City have been guilty of , to the shame of their Profession ; for which the Lord hath sent the Fire to burn down the City , to awaken us to fly from this sin , as we would escape the future Fire of Hell ? 20. Another sin of London is couzening and defrauding : This sin hath been the product of Covetousness , and the companion of Lying , and how ordinary hath it been among Tradesmen , which many have been so accustomed to , that it hath been as easie to perswade the Aethiopian to change his skin , as to perswade them to leave off their Couzening ? This they have lookt upon as even essential to their Trade , at least as necessary to their Gains ; yea some have pleaded a necessity thereof , to get a Livelyhood for themselves and Families . But there is no necessity of any sin ; Duties are necessary , but sins are never necessary , and the gain which is gotten by sin , is like the gain of a Garment , which hath the Plague in it , which if it bring warmth for the present , quickly also may bring sickness and death : and if Couzening brings gain into the purse , it presently brings the Plague into the heart , and quickly will bring the pain and punishment of Hell. To defraud another in dealing , is but a more covert way of stealing , and it is as lawfull to take a Purse upon the High-way , as to take a Shilling by fraud in the Shop ; the difference lies only in the degree , the nature of the sin which is Theft , is the same in both . And the Lord , as he hath expresly forbidden this sin , so he hath threatned to avenge it , 1 Thess. 4. 6. That no man go beyond or defraud his Brother ( not only in a greater thing but ) in any matter , because the Lord is the avenger of all such . The several ways which Tradesmen have had of defrauding , would be too large for me to speak of , neither am I so skilfull as to understand . The falsifying of Weights and Measures is gross , a sin practised among the Iews of old , which God threatens to punish them for , Hos. 12. 7. Ephraim is a merchant , the ballances of deceit are in his hand . And both their sin and Gods anger are set forth , Mic. 6. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. Are there yet the treasures of wickedness in the houses of the wicked , and the scant measure which is abominable ? shall I count them pure with the wicked ballances , and with the bag of deceitfull weights ? For the rich men thereof are full of violence , and the Inhabitants thereof have spoken lyes , and their tongue is deceitfull in their mouth : Therefore also will I make thee sick in smiting thee , in making thee desolate , because of thy sins . And was it not thus with London ? Did they not falsifie Weights and Measures , and falsifie Commodities , and speak falsly concerning the price of them , and take unconscionable gains , and yet profess kinde usage of their Customers , whom they did most exact upon ? But if I could , I should not open the cunning wayes which some have found out , of defrauding and over-reaching , least any should learn , and be enticed to practise the sin by the very reproof of it , as I have heard some have done . Now such persons , who have gotten their wealth by defrauding and over-reaching their brethren , bring themselves into such a snare of the Devil , that very few ever get out , but are dragg'd by him thereby into hell ; because it is not bare grieving for this sin , which is necessary to the obtaining of a pardon ; but restitution is necessary ; they must refund , they must restore , either to the parties themselves , or to the poor , what they have gotten wrongfully , if they be able ; if not , as much as they have , otherwise they cannot be saved . No salvation came to Zacheus till he was resolved upon restitution of what he had wrongfully gained , Luke 19. 8 , 9. God smites his hand at dishonest gain , Ezek. 21. 13. and this is one sin which I believe God hath smitten London for . 21. The one and twentyeth sin of London is Prodigality and Profuse spending ; Some have spared too much through covetousness , others have spent too much through prodigality . Liberality is a great vertue ; and bountiful charity an excellent grace , which London hath not been without ; but prodigality is a great sin . Thus some have spent above their degree , lavishing out their Estates on their tables , on their houses , on their cloathes ; but the worst prodigality hath been , in that which men have lavished out in the satisfaction of their lusts , in drunkenness , gaming , whoring , and the like ; and especially those , who have spent profusely that which hath been none of their own , but what they have taken up on credit of others ; have been most grosly guilty of this sin . And unto this sin of prodigality and profuseness , I may refer the sin of excessive mirth and jollity , which hath been in London , there is an harmless mirth which is lawfull ; and there is a spiritual chearfulness , which is the duty of Christians : though in times of great sin and affliction of Gods people , sackcloth and mourning doth become Christians , and some expressions of joy which are more carnal , should be much forborn : But I am speaking of the mirth of such , who have had the least ground for mirth of any , namely the wicked , unto whom no peace nor joy in that estate doth belong : for Them to be so excessively merry and Jovial , and frolick , expressing it in their prophane , obscene , and scurrilous jesting ; in their musick , singing , and dancing ; in their ranting , roaring , and carousing ; in many wastfull and profuse wayes of spending ; when the Church is in sackcloth , and lies a bleeding ; as too many in London have done ; surely God hath been offended with this , and hath been provoked to send down his judgements , to alter the cheer of London , and hereby to put them into mourning , which they were so averse unto . Had they foreseen the Plague , and how many of them should have fallen by it , surely it would have damped their mirth ; had they foreseen the burning of the City of London ; and that their houses should have fallen by the fire ; surely their laughter would have been turned into heaviness . These judgements they could not foresee ; but future Judgment far more dreadful , they might have foreseen , which should have made an impression of sorrow upon them if possibly by repentance they might avoid and escape it . Be afflicted , and mourn , and weep , let your laughter be turned into mourning , and your joy into heaviness , Jam. 4. 9. Such mourning if for sin might be a means to prevent future miseries , and eternal woe and weeping ; others they have reason to mourn for those miseries which will come upon them . Go to now ye rich men , weep and howl , for the miseries that shall come upon you , Jam. 5. 1. but for prophane wicked persons to sing , and rejoyce just upon the brink of the grave and hell , is very unreasonable and an aggravation of their other sins . 22. The twenty second sin of London is envying . And this sin was to be found not only in Women , which envied others that exceeded them , in beauty of body , in cloaths , and dressing , and such like toyes ; but also in men , who envied them who were of the same trade , which had better houses and shops , more custome and wealth than themselves , as Hesiod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Yea this envying was to be found among many Ministers , who envied others that had better parts , and more learning , greater applause , and more auditors than themselves . There was a spirit among us which lusted to envy , Jam. 4. 5. which besides the great torment that it brings to the spirit where it reigns , is a very great provocation to the Lord. 23. The twenty third sin of London is slandering and backbiting , which hath been the consequent of the former . The ninth commandment hath been exceedingly broken in London , especially in a private way of bearing false witness against the neighbour , and wounding his reputation by a slanderous tongue : some inventing lyes , and raising slanders , which they have in their consciences known to be false ; others taking up slanders , readily believing them without any just proof . This sin you have set forth with a caution to take heed of such persons , Ier. 9. 4 , 5. London hath been full of backbiters and tale-bearers , and too many professours have been guilty of this sin : few have entertained backbiters with an angry countenance , which as the wind driveth away rain , would have driven them out of sight . I might here add the hatred of one another that hath been in London ( much through slanders ) the emulation that hath risen from hatred ; the wrath that hath risen from emulation ; and the wrath of God which hath arisen from these and other works of the flesh , spoken of , Gal. 5. 19 , 20. 24. The twentyfourth sin of London is murmuring : and that not only in want , and under losses and crosses but also in fulness and plenty . Many Farmers in the Countrey have murmured at the plenty and cheapness of Corn ; many tradesmen in the City have murmured at the plenty of the commodities which they have dealt in ; because however such plenty is a publick and unspeakable mercy , yet they have had the less private advantage which hath been chiefly regarded by them . Yea some in their murmuring have wished for a Plague , that the survivers might have the better trade ; And I have heard that a Fire also hath been wisht for , to take off the plenty of such commodities , that the remainder might bear the higher rate . Is it a wonder then if God have sent Plague and Fire which some have called for by such murmuring speeches ? The Israelites in the Wilderness were plagued for their murmuring ; and the murmuring company of Corah , that were not swallowed up with him were consumed by a fire from Heaven . 25. The twenty fifth and last sin of London , which I shall speak of , is Carnal security ; another of Sodoms sins . It is said of the Sodomites , Luk. 17. 28 , 29. In the days of Lot , they did eat , they drank , they bought , they sold , they planted , they builded : But the same day that Lot went out of Sodom , it rained fire and brimstone from Heaven , and destroyed them all . When London had provoked God so highly by so many sins , yet how secure were they before his judgements broke forth upon them , they eat and drank , they bought and sold , &c. They sate at ease , and put far from them the evil day , as Amos 6. they were still , and at rest , little expecting such changes as have come upon them , and taking little care to prevent them : they were secure and trusted in arms of flesh , broken reeds which have alwayes failed . And I might add here as a cause of the security of some , the presumptuous confidences of future events which belong only to God to foreknow ; which some have taken upon them so absolutely to determine as if they had looked into the book of Gods decrees , or had an infallible revelation from him of what should come to pass . O the good dayes that some have looked for upon the presumption of what they had no ground for ▪ Great expectations many had of the Fall of Antichrist and Babylon in the year 1666. and other events , limiting times , which God hath not clearly revealed , which is an entrenching upon Gods prerogative , and I believe a greater provocation than such persons are aware of . This may be one reason why London is fallen instead of Babylon , in this year of such expectation and presumption . By this time it may be the Reader may be wearied with reading , as I am with thinking and writing of Londons sins . But how hath the Lord been wearied with the bearing of them , how hath he been pressed with the weight of them , as a Cart is pressed that is full of Sheaves ? Amos 2. 13. If when you have read of Londons judgements , withall you consider Londons provocations , you must needs acknowledge that God is righteous in that he hath punished London no more than they have deserved for these sins . 2. GOds Righteousness will further appear , if we consider that he hath punished London less than her iniquities deserved . 1. God might have punished London deservedly with more dreadful judgements here ; and that both in the same and another kind . 1. God might have deservedly punished London worse in the same kind , 1. In the judgement of the Plague ; It was a dreadful Plague indeed ; but God could have made it more dreadful ; where he shot one arrow , he might have shot an hundred : he visited many families ; he might have visited every family ; and swept every house with the beesome of destruction . Though so many fell , yet I believe that five parts in six of the inhabitants of London were preserved ; God might have taken away the five parts , and have left but one alive : yea it might have been said of London , as it was of Israel , Amos 5. 2 , 3. The Virgin of Israel is fallen , she shall rise no more ; the City that went out by a thousand shall leave an hundred . God might have made every hundred that dyed by the Plague , a thousand ; he might have sent out his arrows after all the inhabitants of London , that were gone into the Countrey ; and smitten them wheresoever he found them : or he might have met with them upon their return home , and given commission to Death to lay hold on them assoon as they entred into their doors . He might have depopulated the City of London by the Plague ; so that every house should have had dead Corpses lying , and none to bury them . He might have made our Plague wonderful , fearful , and of long continuance . We that have survived so great a mortality , have reason to say , that deservedly it might have been greater ; that we deserved as much or more to fall , for our more heinous sins , than thousands that are gone down into the pitt , surely it is of the Lords mercies that we are not consumed ; he was merciful in sparing of us ; he would have been righteous if he had destroyed us . Think with your selves , you that are alive , and remain escaped ; how fearful would the Plague have been , if it had come home to your houses ; you were afraid to hear of others houses visited and shut up ; what would you have been , if it had entered your doors ? you were afraid when others were struck with the disease ; what would you have been , if you had been struck your selves ? Sinners , what would you have done if the arrow had pierced through your Livers , if under such guilt and wrath you had been smitten ? when you had such a Plague of sin in your hearts , if you should have had the Plague of Pestilence in your bodies ; if when you were so rotten and corrupt , and defiled inwardly , you should have had boyls , and blanes , and running sores outwardly ; if when conscience was so filled with guilt ; your bodies should have been filled with this disease ; In a word ; If when you had the marks of Hell and damnation in your souls , you should have had the marks of inevitable death in your bodies ; Oh the dread that would have seised upon you ! The Judgement of the Plague might have been worse to you ; you might have spent above a year in Hell by this time among Devils and damned Spirits ; you might by this time have been inured to those torments which yet you could not have endured , but must have endured for ever without any possibility of deliverance for ever . Many of you who have escaped , have your Families unbroken , when other whole Families are swept away . Suppose thy dear Wife had fallen , or thy hopefull Children had been nipt by death in the very bud , and your Families had been maimed ; the Judgement would have been much sorer on you . None can say but God might have righteously punished London more severely by the Plague . 2. God might have punished London also more severely by the Fire . The greatest part of the City is fallen , it might have been the whole : Most of the City within the Walls is consumed ; the flames might have issued forth at all the Gates , and consumed all the Suburbs too : all the goods might have been burnt with the houses , and all the Inhabitants with the Habitations . The Fire , though it burned dreadfully , yet it began at one end ; and came on so slowly , that most of the Inhabitants of London had time to remove themselves , and the choycest of their goods ; some Livelihood was left , and Materials for a future Trade . Suppose the Fire had been so sudden , or had been kindled in so many places , that there had been no possibility of removing any thing , except the persons themselves . Suppose all the Silver , and Gold , and rich Plate of the City had been melted by this Fire , that all the Wares and Merchandize , all the Garments , Beds and Houshold goods had been turned into ashes ; and many thousand Families , that have been turned out of house had been turned out of all , and quite bereaved of all their Substance , so that nothing had remained to them for necessary use , this would have been very sore . Alas ! what would they have done ? whether would they have gone for relief ? Would the Court have supplyed them ? Could the Countrey have helped and maintained so many , when so much impoverished themselves , that in many places they are hardly able to live ? Could they have hoped for relief from foreign Nations ? Are not all the World almost our Enemies ? Is Charity so warm abroad ? Alas ! what would they have done ? Must not many of them have pined away in their wants , and starved under Hedges , for lack of suitable provisions . This would have been dreadfull indeed . Or suppose they had lugg'd their Goods out of London from the Fire , and the whole City had been burnt down with all the Suburbs , and no habitations left standing hereabouts ; what would they have done with their goods ? where would they have disposed of them ? How could they any wayes have continued their Trades ? Where could they have disposed of their persons ? How could they have lived this cold Winter Season ? Could they have struck up Booths presently , fit for themselves to abide in , which would have sheltred them from the injury of the weather ? where would they have had materials , when all was burnt ? Alas ! what would they have done ? must not their goods have been spoyled by lying abroad ? would not they themselves , who had been used to so much tenderness , have quickly grown sick , and died in the Fields ? would not thousands have starved for cold ? and what Provision could they have had for food and other necessaries ? Besides ; would they not have been a prey to Theeves and Cut-throats ? Would not many of their Enemies , who laughed at the fall of the City , have rejoyced much more , and taken advantage to come upon them in their nakedness , and butcher'd them without mercy ? But , suppose the Fire that begun at one corner , had been kindled in every Gate at the same time ; when all the Inhabitants had been asleep in their Houses , and they had been inclosed with flames , and no possibility of escape , how dreadfull would the Fire have been then ? If when they awakened in the Morning they had seen the smoke ascending round about them , and the Fire drawing neer to them ; if both ends of a street had been on Fire together , and they in the midst , and had heard with the roaring of the Fire , a greater roaring of the People that were burning with the Houses ; O the ruefull looks ! Oh the horrible shrieks by women and children ! oh the dreadfull amazement and perplexity which would have been in such a place and case ! To be burnt alive is dreadfull ; but think what tortures would have been in the spirits of guilty sinners , who had not made their peace with God , that had slept out the Harvest and day of Grace , that had made no Provision for death and Eternity ! The noise and roaring without , would have been nothing to the lashes and tearings within them ; the Fire in their Houses would have been but small , in comparison of the fire in their Consciences ; and the flames of Hell-fire , which if awakened , they would have seen just before them . This Judgement of the Fire might have been more dreadfull than it was : Persons are escaped ; Goods and Wealth much saved ; Houses standing to receive them ; Trade going on ; God might have punisht London more sorely in the same kinde . 2. God might have punished London more severely in other kindes of Judgements . 1. He might have brought upon them , and upon the whole Land , the Sword of a Foreign Enemy , as he did upon Ierusalem , and the land of Iudea , for their sins , which being so pathetically set forth by the Prophet Ieremy , 4. v. 16. to the end , I shall represent to the eye . A Voice declareth from Dan , and publisheth affliction from Mount Ephraim , make ye mention to the Nations ; behold , publish against Jerusalem , that Watchers come from a far Countrey , and give out their voice against the Cities of Judah : As Keepers of the Field they are against her round about , because she hath been rebellious against me , saith the Lord. Thy way and thy doings have procured these things unto thee ; this is thy wickedness , because it is bitter , because it reacheth unto thine heart . My bowels , my bowels , I am pained at my very heart , my heart maketh a noise within me , I cannot hold my peace , because thou hast heard , O my soul , the sound of the Trumpet , the Alarm of Warr. Destruction upon destruction is cryed , for the whole land is spoyled , and my curtains in a moment . How long shall I see the Standard , and hear the sound of the Trumpet ; I beheld , and all the Cities were broken down at the presence of the Lord , and by his fierce anger ; for thus hath the Lord said , The whole land shall be desolate ; for this shall the land mourn , and the Heavens above be black . The whole City shall flee for the noise of the Horsemen and the Bowmen , they shall go into the Thickets , and climbe up upon the Rocks ; every City shall be forsaken , and not a man dwell therein ; And when thou art spoyled , what wilt thou do ? though thou cloathest thy self with Crimson , though thou deckest thy self with Ornaments of Gold , though thou rentest thy face with Painting ; in vain shalt thou make thy self fair ; thy lovers shall despise thee , they will seek thy life : for I have heard a voice , as of a woman in travell , and the anguish as of her that bringeth forth her first childe ; the voice of the daughter of Zion , that bewaileth her self ; that spreadeth forth her hands , saying , Wo is me now , for my soul is wearied because of murtherers . This might have been the Judgement , and these the Complaints of London and England ; which would have been worse than Plague or Fire . The Plague reached many , but the Sword might have reached all ; the Fire devoured Houses , but the Sword might have devoured the Inhabitants . The Lord might have brought a Foreign Sword , and open Invasion ; or he might have given up London to a more private sudden Butchery and Massacre by the hands of cruel Papists , as was feared ; which would have been more dreadfull than the Massacre of the Protestants by the Papists in Paris ; because our numbers do so far exceed those which were in that City . If bloody Papists had come into our Houses in the dead of the Night , with such kinde of Knives in their hands as were found after the Fire in Barrels ; and having set Watch at every Streets end , had suffered none to escape , but cruelly slaughtered the Husband with the Wife , the Parents and the Children together , ripping up women with Childe , and not sparing either the Silver hair , or the Sucking Babe ; If there had been a cry at midnight , They are come ; but no possibility of flying from them , or making resistance against them ; if instead of heaps of Stones and Bricks in the top of every street , there had been heaps of dead Bodies , and the Kennels had been made to run down with gore-blood ; sure this Judgement would have been more dreadfull than the Plague or Fire , which have been among us . 2. God might have punished London with Famine , which is a greater Judgement than the Plague or Sword : If the Lord had broken the whole staff of bread , and cut off all provisions of food from the many thousand souls that lived in and about the City ; how dreadful would this have been ! If a famine had been so sore in London ; that people should have been forced to eat one another and their own flesh , as it was in Samaria and Ierusalem ; If instead of houses in London , God should have made the people as fuel of the Fire in this judgement , as is threatned , Esa. 9. 19 , 20. Through the wrath of the Lord of Hosts is the Land darkened ; and the people shall be as the fuel of the fire , no man shall spare his brother ; and he shall snatch on his right hand and be hungry ; and he shall eat on the left hand , and not be satisfied ; they shall eat every man the flesh of his own arms : If London had been forced through hunger to eat the flesh of their own arms , and the fruit of their own bodies , Oh what a dismal face would there have been in the City ! and how would death have been chosen rather than life ; in the by-us-unconceivable pain of gnawing hunger ! Those which dye by the Plague or are slain by the sword , would be counted happy in comparison with them that live under such a judgement . Lastly , The righteousness of God in the judgements he hath inflicted on London , appears ; in that he might instead of Plague and fire on earth have punished them with the plagues and fire of hell ; which such sins as we have reckoned up have abundantly deserved . Tyre and Sidon now in Hell ; Sodom and Gomorrah under the vengeance of eternal fire , were not guilty of such sins as London was guilty of . And what are body plagues here , in comparison of soul plagues hereafter ? what is a fire that burns down a City , in comparison with the fire of hell , which shall burn the damned , and never be quenched . God hath punished London no more than her iniquities have deserved ; God hath punished London less than her iniquities have deserved , therefore in speaking most terribly , he hath answered most righteously . SECT . 8. 3. COncerning the design of these judgements . What doth God mean by this terrible voice ? by speaking such terrible things in the City of London ? The Lord hath not only spoken but cryed and shouted , he hath lifted up his voice like a Trumpet ; and his voice hath not been inarticulate and insignificant ; but hath had a meaning ; and they that have an ear to hear , may understand ; for as the voice of the Lord hath cryed in the City , so the voice of the Lord hath cryed to the City , Mic. 6. 9. The Lords voice cryeth unto the City , The man of Wisdom shall see thy name , hear ye the rod , and who hath appointed it . Some take notice of the judgements themselves , and the effects of them upon themselves and families ; They discourse of the Plague , and how many dyed thereby , that they have lost such a relation , such a friend or neighbour was visited and dyed quickly ; They discourse of the Fire , where it began , how it increased and prevailed , what day such a street fell , and where their houses were consumed , what they lost , and how much they saved : And it may be , some speak of the hands of men , that were suspected to enkindle and carry it on ; but few discourse of the hand of God which sent both Plague and Fire , and what he means by such strange and dreadful judgements : But the man of wisdom , such as are wise do consider that these judgements spring not out of the dust , but were sent down from Heaven , They see Gods Name , and Gods hand that hath been stretched forth upon London . They know that both Plague and Fire have had their commission from the God of Heaven ; otherwise they could not have wrought with such force and power . They see Gods Name , that is , the glorious attributes of his name displayed . God proclaimed his Name before Moses when he caused his goodness to pass before him ; and discovered himself to be the Lord , the Lord God gracious and merciful , slow to anger , abundant in lovingkindness , goodness and truth , Exod. 34. 6. And God hath proclaimed his Name before London , in causing his judgements to come upon the City ; and hath declared himself to be the Lord , the Lord God Holy and Iealous , a God that can be angry when much provoked , and yet righteous in the severest judgements which he doth inflict . A man of wisdom may see Gods Name in Londons judgements , and as he may see power and righteousness in Gods name ; so he may see grace and goodness in the name of God , which hath passed before the City ; he may see and know that God hath a gracious meaning and design of good to London in these judgements ; he may see Gods name , and hear Gods voice , and what it is that he speaketh by the rod. On that London were thus wise ! that they would open their eyes and see Gods Name ! Gods hand so just and righteous ; as also open their ears , and hear Gods voice , and understand Gods design so gracious , and so much for their good ! O that God would open the ears of London , and bend them to the discipline of his judgements ! that with the loss of friends and relations by the Plague , and of houses and goods by the Fire ; they may not lose the good of these Judgements too , though of another kind , yet of far greater value , which God intends them . The enquiry then is , What meaneth the Lord by the Plague , and by the Fire in the City ? what doth he call for by this terrible voice ? and look for in London , that these judgements may turn to their advantage ? The duties which God expects from London after such desolations by the Plague and Fire , are these . 1. God expects that London should awake . London hath been asleep ; both the foolish and the wise Virgins have been asleep ; and when such a voice hath come down in these judgements , which have been revealed from Heaven , crying in the midnight of their carnal security , Behold , the great God is come forth from his place , and is entred into London in fury ; surely all should awake and arise , and prepare to meet him , seeing none can flee from him . God hath seemed to be asleep , while he exercised so much patience towards London ; his arm slept in his bosome ; but now the Lord hath been awakened with the loud cry of England and Londons sins ; his arm hath awaked , and put on strength and vengeance . Awake ! then O London awake ! open thine eyes , draw thy curtains ; come forth of thy bed ; look out of thy windows ; Apparitions ! Apparitions ! strange sights to be seen ; Behold ! Heaven is opened , and God is come down upon earth ; cloathed with garments of lightning : God is come down in his Majesty , and looks upon London with a terrible countenance : Behold the amazing terrour of God in the late strange and prodigious Judgements . What! doest thou not see him ? surely thou art fast asleep still , thine eyes are closed , the vail is before them . Awake ! London Awake ! open thine ears , Harke ! Oh the Trumpet that hath been sounding from Heaven over the City exceeding loud ! Oh the Thundrings of the terrible voice of the Angry God! the voice of the Lord hath been powerful and very dreadful : What! canst thou sleep under such a noise ? surely thou art dead asleep , dead in sin and security . What will awaken thee , if these Judgements do not awaken thee ? If a shrill and loud trumpet do not pierce thine ears , will soft musick enter ? if the sound of Cannons be not heard , can any expect that Pistols should ? It when the Lyon roareth in thine ears thou canst sleep still , will soft whispers awaken thee ? What will awaken thee if the loud voice of these judgements do not awaken thee ? The Lord called upon thee before by his Ministers , by his mercies : now he hath shouted in thine ears by his Judgements . Awake ! London Awake ! Thou hast been rouzed out of thine habitation ; methinks thou shouldest be rouzed out of thy security : What! sleep when dying ! dying by the plague , and tumbling into the grave ! what sleep when burning ! burning by the fire , and tumbling into desolation ! What! sleep in a storm ! when winds are blowing , and waves roaring , sea entring , and ship sinking ! What meanest thou O sleeper ! could the Heathen Ship-master say , in such a case , unto Ionah , chap. 1. 5 , 6. when he lay fast asleep in the sides of the ship : Arise , call upon thy God ; if God will think upon us that we perish not . And may not I say , What meanest thou O sleepy London ; hast thou not perceived the storm that hath beaten so fiercely on thy head ? dost thou not perceive that thy ship is shattered and broken ? and the Sea is coming in amain , and thou art in danger of sinking , and that quickly , unless some speedy course be taken for prevention ? And yet canst thou sleep still ? Awake ! arise ! call upon thy God , if so be he will think upon us , that we perish not . God calls upon sleepy sinners to awake . Suppose you were under the power of cruel enemies , that had killed your husbands , or wives , or dear children and friends ; and you knew not how soon they might fall upon you , and cut your throats ; could you sleep securely in the same house with such persons ? You are under the power of Tyrannicall lusts , which are far worse enemies ; you are under the reigning power of sin , which hath brought the Plague into the City ; and whereby some of you have been deprived of these relations ; and you know not how soon sin may bring death upon your selves , not only the first , but the second death ; not only temporal , but eternal death ; and deprive you not only of life , but happiness , and all hopes of the least share in it for ever : And yet can you sleep securely with sin in your hearts ? with such an enemy , with such a viper in your bosomes ? When the Fire was in London I believe few of you could take much sleep for divers nights together ; when the Fire was burning in your streets , and burning down your houses , you could not sleep in your houses least the Fire should have burned your persons too : And , when the Fire of lust is within you , and burning within you ; when the fire of Gods anger is kindled above you , and burning over you ; and the fire of hell so dreadful and unextinguishable is burning beneath you ; and you are hanging over the burning lake by a twine thred , which ere long will untwine of it self ; and may ere you are aware , and suddenly be cut or snapt asunder , and then you must drop into the midst of flames ; can you sleep under the guilt and power of sin , when you are in such danger ? Awake ! sinners awake ! God doth not burn you presently , but warns you first ; he burns your houses , that you might awake , and scape a more dreadful fire . Awake ! sinners , when will you awake ! how often , how long , how loud shall God call upon you , before you will arise ? Eph. 5. 14. Awake thou that sleepest , and arise from the dead , and Iesus Christ shall give thee life . A little sleep , a little slumber , a little folding of the hands to rest . What! can you sleep any longer now ? Was not this your tone long ago , when you were under the calls of the Word ? and is it the same under the Rod too ? What will awaken you ? or when do you think you shall be awakened , if still you lye down in the Bed of security , and love to slumber upon the lap of pleasure , and after a little startle sleep faster than before ? Ministers have preached , and you have slept under their Sermons ; but when God hath preached , methinks you should awake . When Paul preached to Felix a Sermon of Judgement , Felix trembled . God hath preached One , nay Two Sermons of Judgement ; and that more feelingly than Paul could ; methinks you should awake , and not drop asleep so soon , because God gives you a little respite to learn his Sermon , before he preach the third Sermon , which may be your last and ruining Sermon . If you do not awake by the sound of his Judgements before you , you shall awake by the sense of his Judgements upon you : If the Plague and Fire of London do not awaken you , you shall be awakened by the plagues and fire of Hell , which you shall see and feel , but not be able to flee from , as here you might do , if presently awakened . God calls upon sleepy Sinners to awake , and God calls upon drowsie Saints to awake ; and was there not great need ? were not the Ionahs gone down into the sides of the Ship and lying on Pillows ? Were not the wise Virgins turning foolish , sleeping with the rest , untrimm'd and undress'd ? Had there not of late a strange torpour and benummedness seized upon the spirits of Gods own people ? Was not the ancient vigour and activity , which once they had in the ways and Worship of God , much abated and decayed before these Judgements came upon London ? Awake then ye drowsie Saints , awake ! put on your Garments , which you have laid aside to the discovery of your Nakedness ; shake your selves from the dust , which hath covered and sullied your faces , and loosen the bands of sleep . God hath been thundring , your Father hath been angry , and displeased with you as well as with others : Your God hath spoken in his Jealousie , and he hath spoken in his fury ; he hath spoken with a loud voice in righteousness and in Judgement . Awake ! ye Children , your Father is stirring , and knocking , and calling , yea he hath entred your Chamber , and smitten you on this side and that ; and yet will you not arise ? He hath been crying in your Ears ; now he is looking and harkening whether you will cry in His , and what you will say and do for the prevention of the ruine of England , which he seems to be threatning . It is high time to awake out of sleep , for now is the utter destruction of the City and Nation neerer it may be than you believe or imagine . Awake then , put off your Cloaths of night and darkness , in which you have been sleeping , and put on your Garments of light . Cloath your selves with humility , and begirt you with all your graces , and get you to Gods knee , hang about his arm ; put your selves in the breach ; It may be the Lord may think upon us , that we perish not . 2. The Lord doth now after his speaking by terrible things , expect that London should stand in awe of him . Gods Judgements made this Impression upon David , Psal. 119. 120. My flesh trembleth for fear of Thee , and I am afraid of thy judgements . And see how the Prophet Habakkuk behaved himself , when God spake with a terrible Voice , chap. 3. 2 , &c. O Lord , I have heard thy speech and was afraid ; when God came down from Teman , the Holy One from Mount Paran , Selah ; when the Pestilence went before him , and burning Coals went forth at his feet ; when the Nations were drove asunder , the everlasting Mountains were scattered , and the perpetual hills did bow ; when the Tents of Cushan were in affliction , and the Curtains of the land of Midian did tremble : when God did ride upon Horses , and his Bow was made quite naked : when the Sun and Moon did stand still in their habitations , at the light of his arrows that went forth , at the shining of his glittering Spear : when God did march through the land in his indignation , and walk through the Sea with his horses , and did wound the head out of the house of the wicked , and did strike through habitations with his staves : at this , the Prophet is afraid , his Belly trembled , his lips quivered at the voice , rottenness entred into his bones , &c. And when God hath come down from Heaven , the Holy One from Mount Sion , Selah . When the Pestilence hath gone before him , and burning Coals at his feet , when the Lord drove London asunder , scattered the Inhabitants , and made the stately buildings to bow and fall , whose rearing up none can remember ; when the Tents of London have been in affliction , and the Curtains of the City have trembled : when Death hath been riding upon Horses , and his Bow hath been made quite naked ; when the Heavens have been astonished at Gods Judgements , and the Sun and Moon have hid their heads in their Habitations , at the shining of his glittering Spear : When the Lord hath marched through the City in his indignation , hath wounded the heads of so many wicked with his arrows , and struck through so many Habitations with his staves : Oh how should London tremble and quiver , and stand in awe of this glorious Majesty , at the voice of these terrible Judgements ! Read and apply what the Lord speaketh by the Prophet Isaias , Chap. 33. 13 , 14. Hear ye that are far off , what I have done , and ye that are neer , acknowledge my might . The sinners of Sion are afraid , fearfulness hath surprized the hypocrites ; who among us shall dwell with devouring fire ? who among us shall inhabit everlasting burnings ? v. 18. Thine heart shall meditate terrour ; where is the Scribe ? where is the receiver ? where is he that counted the Towers ? Methinks the sinners now in London should be afraid , and fearfulness should surprize the Hypocrites ; when God hath sent so many of their number into the Everlasting burnings of Hell by the Plague ; and by such a devouring Fire hath consumed so many Habitations . Tremble ye Sinners at this , and be ye horribly afraid all ye workers of iniquity ! God hath come down with a shout , the Lord with the sound of a Trumpet : He hath taken his weapons in his hand , and hath appeared in London as a furious Enemy : should not this make the sinners in the City to quake , and strike a dread upon the spirits of the rebellious ? When the Lord hath spoken thus , and done thus ; because of our sins , should not London , yea all England , hear and fear , and do no more so wickedly . Because God was patient formerly , you presumed : because sentence against your evil works was not speedily executed ; therefore your hearts were hardened and resolved in your evil ways . Because the Lord kept silence , you thought he was altogether such an one as your selves . You thought it may be that he took no more notice of you , than you did of him ; or that you had no more reason to fear him , than he had to fear you . You thought it may be , that God had forsaken the Earth ; or had hidden his face , and should never see your wickedness : And oh how bold have you been , how audacious and fearless in sin ? You were afraid to offend man though a Worm , and yet you have not been afraid to offend God the King of the whole World. Mens Laws have kept you from some sins , but the Laws of God have not put upon you the least restraint . You have lived and sin'd as if there were no God , or as if he had been so gentle , and milde , and mercifull , that you might do any thing to him , and he not be displeased with you : or as if though he were displeased , yet his displeasure were not to be regarded , and that he had no power to execute vengeance upon you . But now Gods patience hath in a great measure been turned into fury . Now sinners you may perceive a little that God can be angry ; and when his anger is kindled but a little , if it doth express it self so dreadfully ; what dreadfull expressions will there be of it , when it breaks forth into an open flame ? If his anger be such in the day of some lighter , temporal Judgements ; what will it be in the day of the Revelation of the treasures of it , upon all the wicked , at the appearance of Jesus Christ ? But Gods vengeance now in these Judgements should work your hearts to a fear and awe of this righteous Judge , who hath done such executions in the City ; it should bridle and stay you in that fearless course of sin , in which you were rushing on as the Horse rusheth into the battle . When Balaams Ass saw the Angel stand in the way with a drawn Sword , he was afraid , and would not go forward , though spurr'd on , and beaten by his Master . And when God stands in the way with his Sword of Judgement which hath made such slaughter already , and is lifted up again to strike you , methinks you should be afraid , and turn back : It is the way to Hell that God stands in by his Judgements ; and will you break through all into those flames ? Oh stand in awe , and sin not , commune with your own hearts . Consider what hath been doing in London , and who hath done these things . You have neerly escaped it may be with your lives ; Oh learn to fear the glorious and fearfull Name of the Lord God in these dreadfull Judgements . And as God doth expect that the World and his Enemies should stand in awe of him ; so also much more that the righteous and his people should . Some it may be when God gave them free access to him , and admitted unto familiarity with him , and encouraged them to boldness and confidence , and strowed their path with nothing but Mercy ; it may be might abuse his goodness , and forget to mingle faith and love with due reverence and respect ; and began to be too sawcy with God , and peremptory , and did not consider their originall and distance , and forgat the severity which they deserved for sin . Therefore God appears in the way of these Judgements with such terrible rebukes , that his own people might be brought unto a due awe and fear of his Name ; that if they love him , they may fear him too ; if they pray with boldness , they may pray also with reverence ; if they rejoyce in his goodness , they may tremble also at his Judgements . 3. God doth expect that London should now search and try their wayes . When God had punished Ierusalem with dreadfull Judgements , in the Lamentation of which , the Prophet Ieremiah doth spend a Book , see what use and improvement he calls upon the People to make hereof , Lam. 3. 40. Let us search and try our wayes , and turn again unto the Lord. This was the practice of David in the day of his trouble , Psal. 77. 6. I commune with mine own heart , and my spirit made diligent search . It hath been a day of Gods wrath in London , a day of trouble and distress , a day of wasting and desolation , a day of darkness and gloominess , a day of clouds and thick darkness , as it was in Ierusalem , Zeph. 1. 15. There have been dark and thick Clouds over London , which in part have broken into dreadfull storms and amazing Tempests of Gods anger expressed in the late Judgements ; and all have been the product of Londons sins , which may yet produce far worse effects : London is then called upon with a loud voice , to search and finde out those sins which have been the troublers of the City . I suppose that true Citizens would be forward to search after those persons that had a hand in the first kindling and carrying on the Fire , which burned their Habitations to the ground : give me leave , and I shall make a discovery of Londons Incendiaries , how you may finde the persons , how you may trace their footsteps , what marks they bare , what their Names are , and where their abode ; and need I lead you far in the search ? The sinners , the sinners of London did kindle the Fire of London ; it was sin which fired the first house , and sin was like Oyl poured upon the flames which put such fury unto them , that none could withstand untill the greatest part of the City was fallen and turned into ashes : the Swearers , the Sabbath-breakers , the Adulterers , the Drunkards , the Unrighteous , the Prophane and the like sinners have been Londons Incendiaries , and had a hand in pulling down this and other judgements upon the place where they lived ; and is it hard to find out these persons ? are they gone far from the place of their former abode ? the skirts of London are remaining , and if you turn up the skirts , or turn your eye under them , and look into the houses standing about the City , may you not find many of these persons , these vile sinners inhabiting , who are still blowing hard at the Fire of Gods anger , and pulling hard with cords of vanity and sin , for further judgements ? Search , London search , and find out thine enemies , thy destroyers ; hast not thou destroyed thy self ? Search , and find out thy sins , which have brought such mischiefs and ruines upon thee . Sinners , enter into your closets , retire into your selves , take the candle of the Lord , and look into your inner rooms , make a strict search into your hearts , find out those filthy Lusts which lodge in dark corners , and bring them forth to be slain ; read over the old records of your lives , consult the Register of your Consciences , revolve in your minds your former sins ; take the glass of the Word , and look upon your faces in it , and see how many spots it will discover which you never before did perceive ; not beauty spots , but spots of deformity , Plague-spots , Death-marks , Hell-tokens , such as will bring upon you inevitable misery , unless they be wiped off ; Take the Rule of the Word , and measure your actions by it , and you may quickly perceive how much they have fallen short , how crooked they have been , Rectum est index sui & obliqui : compare your actions with the straight rule of Gods Law , and you may find out many irregularities ; If you do not find out your sins , your sins will find you out , and Gods judgements will find you out ; and if you be found out in your sins , woe be to you ; O the horrour which will be upon your consciences when ruining judgements are inflicted upon you particularly , and you cannot escape , when Death looks you in the face , and comes with the sting of sin in its mouth to devour you ! But O the horrour you will be under hereafter if you be taken away in your sins ! when your souls shall be summoned , immediately after their separation , unto the barr of God , where you will be searched and tryed , and condemned to everlasting torment , by an inevitable and irreversible sentence of the Judge himself : O therefore hearken to the voice of God in these temporal judgements on the City ( after which you still remain alive , through infinite patience ) which calls upon you to search and try your wayes , that you may escape more fearful judgements which may be preparing for you ; labour to find out your sins which are the cause of all judgements , temporal and eternal ; and to help you in your search after sin , read the Catalogue I have given you of Londons sins , and examine your selves thereby ; be very serious , and thorow , and impartial in this search ; sequester your selves often from all company ; ease your mind of the load of worldly business ; leave the carriages at the bottom of the hill ; strive against temptations and indispositions to the work ; set your selves in the Presence of the Heart-searching God ; beg the help of his spirit to discover to you what hath displeased and provoked him ; search after sin as offensive to God , and as destructive to your selves , as your worst enemy , as the cause of Plague and Fire in London , and as that which will bring the Plagues and Fire of Hell upon you , if it be not found out and subdued . 4. God doth expect that London should acknowledge their sins unto him . When the Prophet had directed the people to search and try their wayes after the execution of such Judgements upon them , Lam. 3. 40. see the following direction , v. 41 , 42. Let us lift our hearts with our hands unto God in the Heavens : we have trangressed , and have rebelled , &c. thus the Prophet doth confess the sins of Ierusalem , Chap. 1. 8 , 9. Ierusalem hath greatly sinned , therefore she is removed . Her filthiness is in her skirts , she remembred not her last end , therefore she came down wonderfully ; and thus the Daughter of Zion , as she bewaileth her affliction , so she acknowledgeth her transgression , v. 17 , 18 , 20. Zion spreadeth forth her hands , and there is none to comfort her . The Lord is righteous , for I have rebelled against his commandment . Behold O Lord for I am in distress , my bowels are troubled , mine heart is turned within me , for I have grievously rebelled . Thus Daniel after dreadful judgements maketh confession of the sins of the people of Israel , chap. 9. 4 , 5 , 6. I prayed unto the Lord , and made my confession , and said , O Lord the great and Dreadful God , we have sinned and committed iniquity , and have done wickedly , and have rebelled , even by departing from thy precepts and thy judgements : neither have we hearkened unto thy servants the Prophets , which spake in thy name to our Kings , our Princes , and our Fathers , and to all the people of the land , and v. 11 , 12. Yea all Israel have transgressed thy law , by departing , that they might not obey thy voice ; therefore the curse is poured upon us , and the oath that is written in the law of Moses the servant of God , because we have sinned against him : And he hath confirmed his word which he spake against us , and against our judges that judged us , by bringing upon us a great evil : for under the whole Heaven hath it not been done , as it hath been done upon Jerusalem . God doth expect that London should find out their sins , and having found them , that they should make confession of them : O that the Prophane and ungodly generation in London , whose sins have been enumerated in the Catalogue , would be perswaded to get alone by themselves , and consider their evil wayes , and what the consequents of their sins have been in bringing down temporal Judgements , what the consequence of their sins is like to be , even the bringing upon them eternal Judgements , and that they would fall down and prostrate themselves at Gods foot , and covering their cheeks with shame and blushing , because of their filthiness and foul sins under the view of so holy an eye , that they would acknowledge their transgressions unto him not only in general , but also particularly with their heinous aggravations ! O that with an inward deep sense , with a bleeding , broken heart , they would fill their mouths with confessions ! that they would take to themselves words and say , We have rebelled against thee O Lord , and done wickedly , and grievously offended thee ; so foolish have we been , and ignorant of thee , we have been worse than beasts before thee ; the Oxe acknowledgeth his owner , and the Ass his master ; but , though we are thy creatures and live upon thy bounty , and are daily at thy finding , yet we have not acknowledged thee , and have had less consideration , than those creatures , who have had no reason ; we have been a sinful people , laden with iniquity , a seed of evil doers , children that have been corrupters , who have forsaken thee , and by our wickedness provoked thee to anger . We have been stubborn and disobedient ; serving thine enemies , the devil and our own lusts , but have neglected , yea refused to serve and worship thee in our families and closets , living as if there had been no God in the world . We have seldom if ever taken thy Name into our mouths , unless it hath been in vain , unless in our Oaths and Curses . We have prophaned thy Sabboths , and defiled thine ordinances , and have often been more wicked on the Lords day , than any day of the week besides . When we were children we disobeyed our Parents , but disobeyed thee much more , who didest command us to honour them ; when we were children in years , we were grown Men and Women in sin ; when we were weak in body , we were strong in spirit to commit iniquity ; we learnt the trade of sin before any other , and were apt Schollars in the School of the Devil , when dull and blockish to learn any thing , which was good ; we were wise to do evil , when to do good we had no understanding ; our iniquities have increased over our heads , faster than our years have done : Since we have been governours of others , we have had no government upon our own spirits , and have endeavoured to lead those under our charge with us in the way to Hell , instead of labouring to draw them into the way of Heaven , by our example , command , and perswasions ; and we have filled up all our relations with sin , instead of filling them up with a duty . If we have not murdered any with our hand , we have murdered many with our tongue , swords have been in our lips , and bitter reviling speeches in our mouths , heart murder we have been guilty of , O the inordinate anger that hath boiled in our hearts ! O the envy and malice which have gnawed our spirits , and been working daily within us ! and especially those persons have been most hated by us , who have had thine image upon them , and have been best beloved by thee ; we have scorned them , and looked upon them as mean-spirited people ; we have separated them from our company , as those who damp and spoil our mirth by their words and looks of reproof ; yea , we have persecuted them as seditious and factious persons , when in truth it was their holiness and conversation that did contradict and condemn our wicked practices , which did stir up our anger against them ; we have scoft at them , who have prayed for us , and we have lookt upon them , and dealt with them as our enemies , because so to our lusts , who were the best friends to our souls , and above all things desired our Salvation . Thou hast given us Corn , and Wine , and Oyle , and plentiful provisions for our body , but we have abused thy mercies by our intemperance and luxury : we have been guilty of drunkenness and gluttony ; we have indulged our flesh and sensual appetite ; we have lived in pleasure and been wanton ; we wallowed , like so many swine , in the mire and dung of some filthy sins , which it is a shame to speak of ; we have had eyes and hearts full of lusts and adultery , and have broken forth into such vile actual sins of uncleannesses , as would raise blushes in modest cheeks to hear but the mention of ; we have been unjust and unrighteous in our dealing , have wronged and defrauded our neighbour , though thou hast threatned to be avenged on all such persons ; O the lyes we have spoken , the slanderous backbiting speeches we have uttered ! O the discontentment , murmuring , envying , evil concupiscence , inordinate affection , and wicked distempers which have been in our spirits ! and though we have broken all thy Laws , and are guilty of such notorious sins , yet O the impentency and hardness of our hearts ! though no Salvation is attainable but by Christ , who is freely tendered unto us , yet O the unbelief of our hearts , and neglect of our own Salvation ! We have sinned , we have sinned against thee , and what shall we do unto thee , O thou preserver of men ! God expects that London should make Confession of their sin , and it could be wish'd that London would joyn together like one man in this work ; but if this cannot be , and they want common mouths to open their hearts and sins before the Lord in particular Confession , let every one of them be a Mouth to himself , and get into his Closet , and there acknowledge Londons sins ; and if those who are most guilty , do neglect this work , let Gods people do it in their room , and confess not only their own sins , but also the sins of the profane and wicked where they live , and that not only because God is dishonour'd , but also because they are in danger of being ruin'd by the unbewail'd sins of others . 5. God doth expect that London should be humble under these Iudgements . God inflicted Judgements on the children of Israel in the Wilderness , to humble them , Deut. 8. 16. and he promiseth after the sorest distresses which he brings his people into for their sins , to remember his Covenant , if their uncircumcised heart be humbled , Levit. 26. 40 , 41 , 42. Yea he promiseth to exalt such in due time , who humble themselves under his mighty hand , 1 Pet. 5. 6. Gods mighty hand hath been stretched forth upon London , God expects that London should be humble ; he hath humbled them by his Judgements , he expects that they should humble themselves under his Judgements ; God hath stained the Pride of London , he expects that they should let down their plumes ; he hath brought them down , and he expects that they should lye low ; he hath brought Poverty upon many of them in regard of their Estates , and he expects that all of them should be poor in regard of their Spirits ; he hath made many of them mean in regard of their Condition , and he expects that their disposition and affection should be accordingly : God hath laid many Persons in the dust by the Plague , and he hath laid many Houses in the dust by the Fire , and he expects that those which survive and remain after such Judgements should lay themselves in the dust for their sins . Humble thy self them , O London , humble thy self before the Lord , lick the dust of his feet , put off thy Ornaments , and gird thee with Sackcloth , cloath thy self with Humility . God hath spit in thy face , wilt thou be proud of thy beauty again ? he hath burnt the City with Fire , wilt thou be proud of thy Buildings and stately Edifices any more ? he hath consumed much of the fuel of thy pride , and he expects that thy pride should be abated , and that thou shouldest abase thy self , and humble thy self before him . 6. God doth expect that London should accept of the punishment of their iniquity . Levit. 26. 40 , 41 , 42. If my people shall confess their iniquity , and the iniquity of their Fathers , and be humbled , and accept the punishment of their iniquity , then will I remember my Covenant , and remember the land . God expects that London should justifie him in the severest Judgements which he hath inflicted upon them ; as they should acknowledge their sins , so they should acknowledge their demerit , and that the Lord hath punished them no more , yea that he hath punished them less than their iniquities have deserved : As they should bring a bill of Inditement against themselves , so they should bring a bill of Acquittance of God ; God expects that they should say , as Neh. 9. 33. Thou art just in all that is brought upon us ; for thou hast done right , but we have done wickedly . Or as Dan. 9. 7 , 8. O Lord , righteousness belongeth unto thee , but unto us confusion of faces , because we have sinned against thee . Let not London murmure or repine , let not London finde fault and complain of God , because of his Judgements , Lam. 3. 39. Why doth the living man complain , a man for the punishment of his sin ? God hath opened his mouth , and spoken terribly , but let London shut her mouth , because God hath spoken Righteously ; God hath spoken with a loud Voice , let London be in deep silence ; I was dumb , I opened not my mouth , saith David , because thou didst it , Psal. 39. 9. When Nadab and Abihu the two Sons of Aaron were consumed with Fire from Heaven , for offering strange Fire before the Lord , It is said , that Aaron held his peace , Lev. 10. 1 , 2 , 3. So when God hath consumed the City of London with Fire , for the sins of the Inhabitants , let them hold their peace , because they have deserved it . Let London be still , and know that God is righteous ; let London lay her hand upon her mouth , and her mouth in the dust ; let London close up her lips , and seal them up with silence ; or if she open them , let her mouth be filled with Confessions , not with Complaints ; or if she complain , let her complain to God , but let her not complain of him ; if she complain , let her complain against her self , but let her not complain against God ; let her complain of her own sin and wickedness , but not of Gods Judgement so righteous . Let London wonder it is no worse with her , when both her sin and her danger was so great ; let her wonder , when God was so angry , that he should put any restraint upon it ; that when wrath was come forth , that it proceeded no further ; let her wonder that the Plague did not quite depopulate her , and that the Fire did not wholly consume her ; let her wonder it is so well with her , that she is not made a Desolation , and say , It is the Lords mercies we are not consumed , Lam. 3. 22. 7. God doth expect , that London should mourn for her sins . We read , Ier. 3. 21. A voice was heard upon the high places , weeping and supplications of the house of Israel . When the terrible voice of Gods Judgements hath been heard in London , God doth hearken for the voice of Weeping and Supplications ; this Gods voice doth call for ; when breaches were made in the City of David , Isa. 22. 9. then did the Lord of hosts call to weeping , and to mourning , to baldness , and to girding with sackcloth , v. 11. and when instead hereof there was joy and gladnesse , eating flesh , and drinking wine , the Lord is so angry , that he threatneth , surely this iniquity shall not be purged from you till you die , v. 13 , 14. See also what the Lord calls for to the Daughter of Sion under her Judgements , Lam. 2. 18 , 19. Let tears run down like a river day and night , give thy self no rest , let not the apple of thine eye cease : Arise , cry in the night , in the beginning of the Watches pour out thine heart like water before the face of the Lord. God doth not only expect that his Ministers and Priests should weep between the Porch and the Altar , when sore Judgements are upon his Land , as Ioel 2. 17. but also that the People should weep too , that the Bridegroom should go forth of his Chamber , and the Bride out of her closet , as v. 16. that people should be afflicted , mourn and weep , that their laughter should be turned into mourning , and their joy into heaviness , Jam. 4. 9. He expects that those which escape his Judgements should be like Doves upon the mountains , every one mourning for his iniquities , as Ezek. 6. 16. London may mourn for her Judgements which have been so dreadfull , but God expects they should mourn more for his displeasure , which hath been the cause of these Judgements , and most of all for their sins , which have been the cause of his displeasure . Weep , London , weep for thy sins , which have been so many and provoking ; let thine eye affect thine heart : When thou lookest into thy Burying places , and thinkest how many of thy people have lately there taken up their habitation ; it should draw tears from thine eyes to think of thy sins , which opened the doors of those Lodgings unto them : Methinks , when thou passest thorow thy ruinous Habitations , and seest the heaps of Stones at the top of thy streets , when thou viewest thy half-Churches and bare Steeples , and ragged Walls , and open Vaults , and the dismal Solitude in those places , which not long ago were full of people , it should fill thine heart with sorrow for thy sins , which have kindled such anger in the breast of God , as to send the late dreadfull Fire , which hath made such desolations . Mourn , London , mourn , put on Sackcloth , thou seest in part what an evil thing and a bitter it is , to offend a Holy and Jealous God ; the effects of sin here are fearfull sometimes , what evil is there is sin then which is the cause of thy Ruines . God looks now that the sinners of London should become Mourners : We read of a Mark which was set upon the foreheads of them in Ierusalem , which did mourn and cry out for the Abominations that were done in the midst thereof , and they were separated from temporal destruction which was brought upon the rest , Ezek. 9. 4. 6. God doth set a mark upon them that mourn in London for the sins of London , and however he may deal with them in regard of temporal Calamities , be sure he will separate them , and preserve them from eternal destruction . Methinks , the fall of London calls for a Mourning like the Mourning of Hadadrimmon in the Valley of Megiddo , where Iosiah fell in battle , Zach. 12. 11. And there should not only be publick mourning , but also private mourning , and secret mourning ; Families apart , and Persons apart : It becomes Christians now , after such strokes of Gods wrath , to keep secret Fasts , to bewail Londons ruines , especially to bewail Londons sins ; their eyes should weep in secret places , for the Abominations committed in the City , and bedew Gods feet with their tears , that if possible they might turn away his displeasure . 8. God doth expect that London should labour to pacifie his anger . When God threatned to send the Sword , and to cut off from Israel the head and the tail , the branch and the rush in one day , and to send the Famine so sore that they should eat every man the flesh of his own arm , yet it is said , For all this his anger is not turned away , but his hand is stretched out still , Isa. 9. 14 , 17 , 20 , 21. And now God hath executed his Judgements of Plague and Fire in London , have not we reason to fear that his anger is not yet turned away , but his hand is stretched out still ? When the houses of London were consumed , which were the fuel to the late Fire , then the Fire quickly went out ; and if the sins of London had been consumed with the houses , if the Inhabitants of the City had not brought forth their sins , when they were forced to leave their goods behinde unto the flames , then we should have reason to think that the Fire of Gods anger was gone out , and his wrath turned away from the escaped remnant of London , insomuch as the sins of London have been the fuel , as it were to this Dreadful Fire ; but when so much sin after such Judgements is saved alive , untouch'd , and unmortified ; when the Plague of sin doth rage so much after the Plague of Pestilence is removed ; and the Fire of lust doth burn so much , when the other Fire is extinguished ; when Londoners who have taken new houses , have brought into them their old hearts , and live in the practice of their old sins ; when the Swearers , and Prophane , the Drunkards and Unclean , the Covetous , Unrighteous , and loose Livers still persevere in their wicked courses , and no Judgement will put a stop to them , but they grow more hardened and incorrigible , when as it is said , Ier. 5. 3. the Lord hath stricken them for sin , but they are not grieved , consumed them , but they refuse to receive correction , making their faces harder than a rock , and refuse to return : what can we conclude , but that Gods anger doth still remain , yea is more enraged by this aggravation of their wickedness , and that he is stretching forth his hand to give them another blow . God doth expect that London should use some means to pacifie his anger ; and he gives them time for it by the pauses which he m●kes between his Judgements , being still slow to anger , and unwilling , if he be not even forced unto it , utterly to destroy this place , where his Name hath been called upon . O that London would be perswaded unto this Duty , which doth so much concern their safety and happiness : when the Fire was in London , and it burned so furiously and dreadfully on the Monday , and Tuesday , Londoners hearts were sunk within them , having little hopes of getting victory over this conquerer , which marched thorow their streets , and therefore little resistance was made , but all were busily employed in flying from him , with their goods ; but when the fury of the Fire was something abated on the Wednesday , and they began to conceive any hopes that it might be extinguished ; then they pluck up their spirits , and join their forces , and many thousand hands are at work in drawing waters , and pouring them upon the Flames , and their pains through Gods blessing was not unsuccessful : The Fire of Gods wrath which shall devour the wicked and burn them everlastingly , will be so furious and dreadful that the hearts of the damned will sink under it without the least hopes of ever extinguishing this Flame , or flying from it when it hath once got hold of them : And therefore they will not attempt , but let alone all endeavours for ever to turn away Gods displeasure , and to put out the unquenchable Fire of Hell : but the Fire of Gods wrath and anger here may be put out , and the flames of his anger may be turned into flames of Love ; Gods anger which hath been so hot against London may be cooled , his wrath alleviated and his displeasure removed : there is Hope in Israel concerning this thing , God is not yet grown so furious that he will not be spoken unto , he is easie to be entreated , and therefore London may be encouraged in their endeavours to pacifie his anger . Let them not say as Israel of old , Jer. 2. 25. There is no hope , no , for I have loved strangers , and after them will I go . Though Gods anger be not yet turned away , yet it may be turned away ; and though one hand be stretched out to destroy you , yet the other hand is stretched forth to save you ; for he stretcheth forth his hand all the day long , to a disobedient and gain-saying people , Rom. 10. 21. O Labour then to pacifie Gods anger , to quench this Fire ; arise and gird your selves with humility ; pluck up your spirits , and stir up your selves to lay hold on God , and stop him in the march of his Judgements ; bring forth your buckets , draw water , and pour it forth before the Lord ; let your eyes be like Fountains of tears , the voice of weeping , and mourning for sin , doth turn Gods bowels within him , Ier. 31. 18 , 19 , 20. I have surely heard Ephraim bemoaning himself , Thou hast chastised me , and I was chastised , &c. and when he repented after such chastisements , and was ashamed of his sin , God doth relent , and his bowels are moved for him , Is Ephraim my dear Son ! is he a pleasant Child ? for since I spake against him , I earnestly remember him still , therefore my bowels are troubled for him ; and I will surely have mercy upon him saith the Lord. If London would be chastised , and receive the impressions of grief and shame for their sins by these Judgements , Gods bowels would be moved , and his fierce anger would be changed into tender compassions ; and though he hath spoken terribly against London , yet he would now speak comfortably unto her , he would earnestly remember her , and make her glad according to the dayes wherein he hath afflicted her , and the years wherein she hath seen evil ; there is an excellent vertue in the tears of true repentance accompanied with the blood of Christ , applyed by faith to quench the fire of Gods anger . Sinners , God is angry with you , Psal. 7. 11. God is angry with the wicked every day , and it is worse to have God angry with you , than all the men in the world ; his favour is better than Life , his displeasure is worse than Death : to have God angry with you , who is so Just and Jealous , who is so potent and furious , is very dreadful ; if the wrath of an earthly King be like the roaring of a Lyon , what is the wrath of the King of Heaven ? and when his anger is stirred up by your sins , and blown into a flame , and breaks forth upon you , what will you do ? you cannot hide your selves in any place where his all seeing eye will not find you ; you cannot flie into any place , where his stretched-forth arm will not reach you ; you cannot gather such strength as to make head against him , and defend your selves from the strokes of his vengeance , who can stand in his sight when once he is angry ? Psal. 76. 7. O then labour to pacifie his anger , you cannot fly from him , O then fly unto him ; you cannot stand in his sight when he is angry , O then fall down at his feet ; make peace with this adversary , whilest you are upon the way , before he deliver you to the officer Death , and cast you into the prison of Hell. Sinners , Gods patience doth as yet hold his arm ; and his mercy calls upon you to repent , and he invites you to make your peace with him , Isa. 27. 4 , 5. Who would set the briers and thorns against me in battle , I would go thorow them , I would burn them together ; or let him take hold on my strength , and make peace with me , and he shall make peace with me . You will be like briers and thorns , which will easily take fire , and quickly be consumed in the time of Gods anger ; and if briers and thorns do offer to contend with devouring Fire , what will be the issue , but the burning of them up without remedy ; you will find it sharp and painful for your feet , if you kick against the pricks ; you will dash out your brains , if you run your head against a Rock , or a brazen wall ; none ever hardened themselves against God , and prospered ; none ever fought against the God of Heaven by their sins , but they were wounded , and in the end destroyed ; sin , when it is finished , bringeth forth Death , and wrath , and misery for ever : O then lay hold on Gods strength , and make peace with him ; run to him , take hold of the Scepter of grace and reconciliation , which is held forth unto you ; take hold of his arm , and plead with him for mercy ; take hold of his Son who is offered to you , who is set forth to be a propitiation for the remission of sins which are past through the forbearance of God , Rom. 3. 25. as yet God hath forborn you ; as yet you are on this side of the Grave , and Hell , and there is a possibility of turning away Gods anger which is kindled against you , of flying from that wrath which is pursuing of you , of escaping those miseries which are preparing for you ; and therefore lay hold on Christ who is freely tendered unto you , who is able and willing to save you , and make your peace with the Father , and to procure a pardon for you ; and further to move you , you are not only offered peace and reconciliation , but you are entreated to be reconciled , Ministers entreat you , yea God himself , and Jesus Christ by us , doth entreat , and pray , and beseech you , that you would accept of reconciliation , 2 Cor. 5. 20. Be astonished O ye Heavens ! and wonder Oye Angels ! Be astonished much more ye Sinners ! and be rapt up with admiration O ye Rebels ! the King of glory against whom you have rebelled , and who could crush you so easily without any injury to himself , is not only willing to lay aside his anger , but also entreats you to accept of reconciliation ; heartily embrace Jesus Christ upon his own terms , and the work will be done , otherwise the fury of the Lord will be so much the more provoked , and the Fire of his anger will break forth into such a flame , as none shall be able to quench ; otherwise the Lord will be so much the more enraged against you , and meet you like a roaring and devouring Lyon , or like a Bear bereaved of her Whelps ; and rent the Caul of your heart , yea tear you in pieces , when there shall be none to deliver , Hos. 13. 7 , 8. Psal. 50. 22. 9. God doth expect that London should turn from her evil wayes , 2 Chron. 7. 14. The Lord maketh a sweet promise under the dreadfull Judgements of Famine or Pestilence , which sometimes he sendeth upon his people for their sins , If my people which are called by my name shall humble themselves , and pray , and seek my face , and turn from their wicked wayes : then will I hear from Heaven , and forgive their sin , and will heal their Land. God doth not only expect that Londoners should now acknowledge their sins , and humble themselves , and mourn for their sins ; but also that they should turn from them , otherwise pardon , and healing , and his favour is not to be obtained , neither are further Judgements likely to be prevented ; they must confess and forsake their sins , if they would find mercy , Prov. 28. 13. the wicked must forsake their way of sin , and turn unto the Lord , and then he will have mercy , and abundantly pardon , Isa. 55. 7. God threatneth to go on to punish such as go on to transgress , Psal. 68. 21. He will wound the head of his enemies , and the hairy scalp of such as go on still in their trespasses . Break off then your sins by repentance , and cast away all your transgressions from you ; put away the evil of your doings from before the holy and jealous eyes of God ; cease to do evil ; cleanse your hands you sinners , and purifie your hearts ye wickedly-minded ; wash your selves in the fountain of Christs blood set open to you , that you may be cleansed from all filthiness of flesh and spirit , and be partakers of holiness , and the divine nature ; Deny all ungodliness and worldly lusts ; abstain from flesh-pleasing sins , which war against the soul●● and be not conformed to the wicked cust●●es of wicked men , neither follow this ungodly generation to do evil , much less run with them to the same excess of riot ; but be ye transformed by the renewing of your minds , and live soberly , righteously and godly in this present evil world ; and let the time past of your lives be sufficient wherein you have wrought the will of the flesh , and served divers lusts , and cast a blot upon the profession of Christianity : now be blameless , and harmless , and unrebukeable in the midst of a crooked and perverse Nation , cast off the works of darkness ; lay aside your night-vail of ignorance ; put on the robes of light ; walk honestly , as in the day , shining as lights where you live ; forbear all works of darkness and sin ; and as he which hath called you is holy , so be ye holy in all manner of conversation . Sinners , turn from your evil wayes , otherwise iniquity will be your ruine . 1. Drunkards turn from your evil wayes ; overcharge not your selves with excess , where God allows you enough for use ; Look not upon the Wine when it is red , when it giveth its colour in the Cup , when it sparkleth and moveth it self aright : At last it biteth like a Serpent , and stingeth like an Adder , Prov. 23. 31 , 32. wounds and woe are the issue of excessive drinking , v. 29. this sin may be sweet and pleasing to the eye and appetite in the temptation ; but it will wound and sting the conscience , worse than an Adder or Serpent can do the body , in the reflection ; God hath put bitterness into the Cup by his Judgements , and will you drink as deep as before ? are you resolved to taste the ●reggs that lye at bottome ? the Cup hath poison in it , soul-poison , and will you drink of it still , though you murder and destroy your souls for ever by this sin ? the Cup hath wrath in it , the wrath of an angry God ; and is it good for you to drink off the Wine of Gods wrath ? Drunkenness hath been your sin , and if you go on , God threatneth that Drunkenness shall be your punishment , Jer. 15. 12. Speak unto them this word , thus saith the Lord , every bottle shall be filled with Wine ; Drunkards like this very well , they are very well pleased that their bottles shall be filled with Wine , that they may empty them , but understand the meaning , v. 13 , 14. Thus saith the Lord , I will fill all the inhabitants of the Land with Drunkenness ; and I will dash them one against another , even the Fathers , and the Sans together : I will not pity , nor spare , nor have mercy , but destroy them . Drunkards , you reel and fall sometimes with your sin ; God will make you reel and fall by his Judgements , and dash you one upon another , yea dash you in pieces , and destroy you without pity or mercy . Will you not forbear your Cups , and excesses , God will put a Cup of trembling and astonishment into your hand ; he will put Gall and Wormwood into your Cup , and make you taste the bitter effects of this sin ; if he do not severely scourge you for this sin here , he will be sure to torment you for this sin for ever . Turn ye Drunkards from your evil wayes ; vomit up your sin by repentance ; weep and mourn for all your sinfull mirth and jollity ; and take heed of returning with the Dog , and licking up the Vomit which you have disgorged : avoid the occasions of this sin ; shun the company of such as have been your tempters ; take heed of coming into the places where you have been drawn in to commit it ; make a Covenant with your feet that they may never lead you out of the way of God , into such places , where you have been so often overtaken ; curb and restrain your appetite , take some kind of holy revenge upon your selves ; deny your selves some things which are lawfull in themselves , because occasions of sin unto you ; and instead of filling your selves with Wine , or strong Drink unto drunkenness , and excess ; labour to be filled with the spirit , and by the spirit to mortifie this and all other deeds of the body , and rather let the wicked wonder at you , and speak evil of you for your sobriety , than God hate you , and bring destruction upon you for your intemperance . 2. Adulterers Turn from your evil wayes ; come out of the unclean bed ; wallow not any longer in this besmearing mire : are you fallen into the ditch , get up and come forth with speed , and wash your garments from the spots , which they have received ; are you taken in the net , and ensnared in adulterous embracements , deliver your selves like a Roe from the net of the Hunter , and like a Bird from the snare of the Fowler ; Lust not after the beauty and enjoyment of Adulterous Women ; let not the soft and sweet language of their lips entice you ; nor the sparkling motions of their eyes enflame you ; put not fire into your bosomes , and take heed of walking upon burning Coals ; why will you consume your body , and time , and substance , which cannot be redeemed ? why will you bring upon your selves a wound and dishonor which cannot be wiped off ? Why will you be like Oxen which go to the slaughter , and be such fools , as to bring upon your selves destruction ? Turn from your evil wayes ; dare not to go forward in that way which leads unto death and hell . Marriage is honourable in all , and the bed undefiled , but Whoremongers , and Adulterers God will judge , Heb. 13. 4. God hath shot his arrows into the City , and wounded many Adulterers for this sin , that had before defiled and wounded themselves by it ; and will you go on till a dart pierce thorow your Liver ? the beginning of the sin is sweet like honey , but will not the end of it be more bitter than wormwood ? and if a little short pleasure of the flesh be so desirable , will not the extream endless pain , it will produce , be intollerable ? can you be content to lye so many millions of years under the horrible tortures of Hell , for a little present sensual delight , which when reaped , cannot yield you satisfaction ? is it sweet to fall into the arms of an adulterous woman ; and will it not be bitter , yea a fearfull thing to fall into the hands of the Living God , Heb. 10. 31. especially when he is irreconcileably angry , and his anger burns like fire which is devouring , and unquenchable ? you have seen the Fire which hath burnt down the City how dreadfull it was ; the fire of Lust within you , is worse ; and the Fire of Hell beneath you , which is preparing for you , and unto which by this sin you are hastening , is a thousand fold more dreadfull ; ( of which more by and by ) and yet will you go on ? O Turn from your adulterous wayes ; come not near the door of such houses , where you have had incentives to Lust , and opportunities for such lewd practices ; make a Covenant with your eyes , the spark is catcht at the eye , not only from it , but also by it ; the spark that falling upon the tinder of an adulterous heart , puts it into a flame ; do not look upon the Maid or Woman , that you may not think ; do not think , that you may not lust ; do not touch , that you may not desire to taste ; do not toy , least you be caught ; do not come too near the brink , least you fall into the stream before you are aware ; take heed of speculative uncleanness , as you would be kept from actual uncleanness ; take heed of self-pollutions , as you would be kept from adultery with others ; avoid occasions of this sin , come not into such Company and places where you may have opportunity to commit it ; flee youthfull lusts which warr against the soul ; keep your mindes pure and chaste ; resist the first suggestions to this sin ; quench the fire , when it begins to kindle ; look to the issue and consequents of this sin ; remember that the holy eye of God is upon you , in your most secret retirements , and he will ere long call you to an account . 3. Swearers , turn from your evil wayes . Remember the Third Commandment , unto which a Threatning is annexed , of Gods charging guilt especially upon the breakers hereof , Exod. 20. 7. Thou shalt not take the Name of the Lord thy God in vain , for the Lord will not hold him guiltless , that taketh his Name in vain . The very use of the Name of God irreverently , is a breach of this Command ; but to swear by the Name of God in ordinary discourse , is a gross breach of it ; which as it affronts God highly , so it will bring Condemnation certainly upon the guilty , that do not repent and forbear . When God hath made your Mouths , and given you tongues to speak his praise , which then are your glory ; will you profane the Name of this God , and turn not only the glory of God , but also your own glory into shame and dishonour , and that when you have not the motive and incentive as to flesh-pleasing sins ? Herbert . Take not his Name , who made thy mouth , in vain ; It gets thee nothing , and hath no excuse : Lust and Wine plead a pleasure , Avarice gain : But the cheap Swearer through his open sluce Le ts his soul run for nought , as little fearing : Were I an Epicure , I could hate swearing . Look into Deut. 28. 58 , 59. what threatnings the Lord doth denounce there against such as do not fear his Name ; and surely it is for want of fear and awe of Gods Name , that any are so bold as to swear by it , or take it in vain : If thou wilt not fear this glorious and fearfull Name , THE LORD THY GOD , then the Lord will make thy Plagues wonderfull , and the Plagues of thy seed , even great Plagues , and of long continuance , and sore sicknesses , and of long continuance , &c. Hath not God plagued and burned the City of London , amongst other sins , for this of Swearing ? and yet will you swear still , and provoke the Lord to further wrath ? when you have seen in part how fearfull the Name of God is , in the Judgements which he hath executed , will you go on still to profane his Name ? Do you not fear future Judgements ? will not the Name of God be displayed more dreadfully before you , when he opens the Treasures of his wrath , and sends his Son in flaming Fire , to take vengeance upon sinners , and yet will not you fear this Name of God ? Swearers , with what confidence can you pray to God ? what hopes can you have when you use Gods Name in Prayer , that you shall have the least audience or acceptance , when you abuse his Name so much , and cast such dishonour upon it by your Oaths ? If you do not pray now , as Swearers seldom do , will you never be driven to your knees ? will you never be brought to such extremities that no creature shall be able to give you any relief ? and with what face can you then look up to God ? will not your callings upon the Name of God be in vain , as you have taken his Name in vain ? will not God laugh at your Calamity , and though you cry and shout , will not he shut out your Prayer , and barr the door of Mercy upon you for ever ? Swearers , turn from your sin ; make a Covenant with your mouth ; set a Watch before the dore of your lips ; use Gods Name in Prayer , and reverently in discourse ; do not swear by it , or take it in vain any more ; get an awe of this Name upon your hearts , which will be an excellent means to keep you from this sin . 4. Lyars , turn from your evil wayes . We read Acts 5. at the beginning , of Annanias and Sapphira , who were smitten with sudden Death for the sin of Lying ; it is said , they fell down at the Apostles feet , and gave up the ghost . And hath not the sin of Lying been one ingredient in the meritorious Cause of the fall of so many persons and houses by the Plague and Fire in the City of London ? This sin of Lying , the Apostle doth in especial caution the Colossians and Ephesians against , after the wonderfull grace of God in the renovation of them according to his Image , Col. 3. 9. Lye not one to another , seeing ye have put off the Old man with his deeds : And have put on the New man , &c. Eph. 4. 24 , 25. Having put on the New man , which after God is created in righteousness and true holiness . Put away lying , and speak every man truth to his Neighbour . And this sin I may caution Londoners against , after the dreadful anger of God , expressed in the Desolations which he hath made amongst them by his late Judgements ; Lye not one to another any more , but speak every one Truth to his Neighbour . The Lord is a God of truth , and he cannot lye ; do you labour to be men of truth , such as will not lye : The Devil is the Father of Lyes , and Lyars , Ioh. 8. 44. and which is most eligible , to be Children of God , or Children of the Devil ? A lying tongue , is one of the seven Abominatitions which the Lord hateth , Prov. 6. 16 , 17. And is there any good you can get by your lying , comparable to the evil of rendring your selves hatefull and abominable in the sight of God ? Is it needfull for you sometimes to speak lyes ? Is it not a thousand fold more needfull for you alwayes to speak truth ? are you likely to gain so much by the former , as by the later ? what is a little outward Emolument in comparison with inward Peace ? are you likely to lose so much by the later , as by the former ? what is the loss of external , temporal things , in comparison with the loss of your Souls and Happiness for ever ? Is it needfull to lye that you may excuse your faults ? this makes them double . Herbert . Nothing can need a lye ; A fault which needs it most , grows two thereby . Parents , warn your Children against this sin of Lying ; do not spare the Rod of Correction where you finde them guilty ; pass by twenty other faults rather than this ; Lying is the first link in the Chain of a thousand gross sins ; rap off their fingers from the first link , least the Chain after grow too strong for you to break . Masters , indulge not your Servants in this sin , the resolution of David was , Psal. 101. 7. He that worketh deceit shall not dwell in my house ; he that telleth lies shall not tarry in my sight . Especially take heed of leading Servants to this sin by your Example ; above all of putting them upon this sin , by your perswasions or commands ; for , besides the guilt of their sin which hereby you incurr ; your dammage is like to be more than your advantage by their lyes ; If you put them upon lying for you , they will put themselves upon lying to you ; and if you deceive others in some things by the former , they are likely to deceive you , deservedly , in greater things by the latter . Young ones , take heed of Lyes ; do nothing as may need the cloak and excuse of a lye ; and if you be overtaken with a fault , never deny it when examined , but with sorrow acknowledge it as you would gain favour with God and man : Take heed of this sin betimes ; lay aside lying before it grows into a Custom , which will be hard to leave . Old ones , break off this sin , before you be dragg'd by the chain of this sin into the Fire of Hell , which is the threatned punishment thereof , Rev. 21. 8. Be not too hasty in speech , least this sin issue forth at the door of your lips , before you are aware ; speak always as in the hearing of God , who knows whether your words and heart do agree , and who will one day call you to an account for this sin , and except you repent , punish you for it severely in the Lake of Fire and Brimstone . 5. Slanderers , turn from your evil wayes . The sin of slandering is one of the worst sorts of Lying ; and the teeth of slanderers are compared to spears and arrows , and their tongue to a sharp sword , Psal. 57. 4. and when they utter their slanders , they bend their bowe , and shoot their arrows , they whet their sword , and wound therewith the reputation of others , which they are bound to be as carefull of as their own , Psal. 64. 34. Slanderers are false-witnesses , who lay to the charge of others such things as they know not , Psal. 35. 11. they are Lyons , who tear in pieces the good Name of others ; they are Serpents , whose words are stings , and full of deadly poyson ; they are compared to mauls , and swords , and sharp arrows , Prov. 25. 18. yea , they are like mad men , who cast about fire-brands , and arrows , and death , Prov. 26. 18. By this sin , you wound others , and are guilty of tongue-murder ; but you wound your selves more , I mean your Consciences , and are guilty of self-murder , of soul-murder ; and the poyson of such speeches is not so venemous and deadly , in regard of your Neighbours good name , as it is in regard of your own spirits , which are invenom'd , and will be destroyed hereby , without the application of the blood of Christ for pardon and healing . Slanderers , forbear your backbiting , slanderous speeches ; forbear devouring words , which swallow up the good name of your neighbours ; let not your throats be like open Sepulchres , to entombe their Reputation : Take heed your tongues do not utter slanders and reproaches , devised by your selves ; be carefull also that you do not spread such Calumnies as others have devised . Receive not any accusation against your Neighbours without good proof ; drive away backbiting tongues with an angry countenance ; and if you must hear of others faults , let love conceal them as much as may be from the knowledge of others ; rather speak to themselves what you hear , and reprove them , ( if the things be scandalous ) with prudence , love , and a spirit of meekness . Remember the command , Tit. 3. 2. Speak evil of no man. And take heed of the sinfull practice of the Women described , 1 Tim. 5. 13. They learn to be idle , wandring about from house to house ; and not only idle , but Tatlers also , and busie-bodies , speaking things which they ought not . Where your tongues have been instrumental to wound others , and your selves withall , by slanderous speeches , make use of the same instrument for healing ; labour to heal your selves by Confession of your sin to God , and to heal others by acknowledging to them the wrong you have done them ; labour to lick whole their fame , and by good words to promote their esteem , which you have unjustly taken away . Labour for so much humility and brotherly love , as to be as tender of their good Name and fame as your own , and in honour to preferr them above your selves , which will make you ready to hide their faults , and keep you from evil furmises , and evil slanderous speeches . 6. Revilers , turn from your evil wayes . Reviling and slandering often go together , as proceeding both from the same root of malice and hatred ; yet sometimes the malice is kept more close ; when Warr is in the heart , and mischief is inwardly devised , and the Name secretly wounded with slanders behinde the back , the tongue doth flatter , and like a Honey-comb doth drop nothing but sweet words before the face . The sin of Reviling is open , and spits forth rancour and malice into the face , and breaks forth into bitter speeches , for the shame and disgrace of such persons against whom they are spoken , though Revilers disgrace themselves more by the weakness , and ill government of spirit , which hereby they discover . Revilers , refrain your angry bitter speeches ; Let all bitterness and wrath , and anger , and clamour , and evil speaking , be put away from you , with all malice , Eph. 4. 31. Do not quarrel and contend , do not break forth into brawls and clamours , and bitter reviling speeches , against such as give you no occasion , but desire to live at peace with you ; and if others are angry and quarrel with you , labour to pacifie their anger , do not stir up the coals by your bitter retorts ; when you are reviled , revile not again , like our Saviour , 1 Pet. 2. 23. Render not evil for evil , nor railing for railing , but contrariwise blessing , 1 Pet. 3. 9. The second blow breeds the quarrel , and the second reviling word breeds the strife ; give to a hard speech the return of a soft answer , Prov. 15. 1. A soft answer turneth away wrath , but grievous words stir up anger . And Prov. 25. 15. Long forbearance is of great perswasion , and a soft tongue breaketh a bone : there is a marvelous force in a meek reception of bitter speeches to appease anger , and molifie the spirits of those which are most fierce ; whereas grievous and bitter returns stir up unto greater contention ; Revenge not your selves with the hand , neither revenge your selves with the tongue ; revile not your enemies , but love them , and pray for them , and do good to them , feed and cloath them , and heap coals upon their head , Matth. 5. 44. Rom. 12. 19 , 20. Be gentle shewing all meekness to all men , Tit. 3. 2. especially revile not your friends , take heed of stirring up strife in the house where you live ; be of a peaceable disposition ; above all , take heed of reviling Christs friends , Gods children ; revile not the Saints , remember that no revilers , especially such revilers that persevere in that sin , shall inherit the Kingdom of God , 1 Cor. 6. 10. and when the Lord Jesus cometh at the last day , he will execute judgement upon the ungodly , for their hard speeches which they have spoken against him , in speaking against his people , Iude 15. Revilers govern your tongues , If any man among you seem to be religious , and bridleth not his tongue , that mans religion is vain , Jam. 1. 26. would you govern your selves well according to Scripture rules , bridle and govern your tongues , Jam. 3. 3 , 4. Behold we put bits into the Horses mouths that they may obey us , and we turn about their whole body . Behold also the Ships , which though they be so great , and are driven of fierce winds , yet they are turned about with a very small helm , withersoever the governour listeth . Put a bit upon this little member , and you may the better have all the rest at command , and keep your selves in , when otherwise vented passions like wilde horses without rains may carry you into many a precipice ; when otherwise the fierce storms of your minds may break forth , and drive you upon rocks and shelves , and shipwrack both soul and body together . There is a world of iniquity in the tongue , which defileth the whole body ; the tongue is a fire , which setteth on fire the whole course of nature , and it self is set on fire of Hell , y. 6. get the former fire quenched , get the heat of your tongues cooled , as you would escape the latter fire , I mean the fire of Hell , from whence the former fire doth proceed , and unto which it will certainly bring you . The tongue is full of deadly poison , it is an unruly evil which no man can tame , when by art the wildest beasts may and have been tamed , v. 7 , 8. others cannot tame your tongues , but you may get them tamed your selves : put them under the government of Christ , and he will tame them , get your passions tamed within , and you may tame this member which is the instrument that they make use of to vent themselves in your revilings ; keep guard and sentinel before the door of your lips , and watch your words that you offend not with your tongues . 7. Persecutors turn from your evil waies : Forbear persecuting the people of God , who desire your good , and are the best safeguard and defence by their prayers and faith of the places where they live , from miseries and destruction ; is it good for you to hew at the bough on which you stand , over such a deep , into which if you should fall , it will be impossible for you to recover your selves again ? is it good for you to pull at the Pillars of the house , which if you pluck down , will bring the house upon you , and bury you in its ruines ? is it good to put your selves under the burdensome stone which will grinde you to powder ? suppose whilest you are breathing forth threatnings against any of Christs Disciples , and are in the heat of your rage and furious persecution of them , you should hear such a voice as Paul did from Heaven , Sinners , sinners , why persecute you me , would it not cool , and stop you ? you may hear this voice , if you will open your ear unto the word ; It is Christ you persecute in his Disciples ; it is Christ you wound thorow their sides , you would do the same to him as the Jews did , were he alive amongst you , and you had the same power as sometimes was put into their hands against the Lord of life . I will not charge London with , and therefore need not warn them generally against the sin of persecution of Gods people , because they have been a shelter to them when the times have frowned most upon them ; but are there none have need of this warning ? are there no Iudas's amongst them , none of Pauls spirit before his Conversion ? Persecutors forbear this sin , which makes you as like the Devil as any that I know , and locks you fastest in his arms ; which is the very next door to the sin against the Holy Ghost ▪ which will bring upon you swift destruction ; which will sink you into the lowest parts of the bottomless pit ; which will lash and sting your Consciences with horrible scourges hereafter , if they be not awakened with horrour here ; turn from this sin before it be too late ; Imitate Paul ▪ and become friends to them against whom you have expressed so much enmity and spight . 8. Covetous persons turn from your evil wayes ▪ God hath smitten you for the iniquity of your covetousness , do not go frowardly on in this sin ; he hath substracted much of the fuel of this sin , and burnt it in the fire , let there be a greater decay in your lust of Covetousness , than there hath been in any of your estates . Covetousness is one of the sins which the Apostle would not have so much as named amongst the Saints , Ephes. 5. 3. It is a sin if it reign , which is inconsistent with the truth of grace , and power of Godliness , because it is Idolatry , Col. 3. 5. and the Apostle tells us expresly that Covetous persons shall not inherit the Kingdom of God , 1 Cor. 9. 10. yea that the wrath of God shall come upon them , Ephes. 5. 6. Covetous persons turn from your sin , get this earthly member mortified : get your hearts loosened from those things , which you have hitherto made your God , and in which you have sought for your chiefest felicity . Have you little in the world ? be contented with the portion which God gives you ; you have as much as God seeth fit for you , Heb. 13. 5. Let your conversation be without covetousness , and be content with such things as you have , Covetousness may not heal your poverty any more , than riches can heal your Covetousness . Have you much in the world ? do your riches encrease ? set not your heart upon them ; make use of what God hath given you without such pinching and self-deniall which the Lord Jesus never commanded in his ▪ precepts of that kind ; God never gave riches to save , but to use ; take heed of exceeding the bounds in spending , and do not spare the moderate use of what you have for fear of future wanting ; use part of your estates for your selves in what is needful for the body , and sutable to your degree and quality ▪ lay aside part for your posterity , and lay out part in the help of those in necessity ▪ for relief of the poor , whereby you will lay up for your selves a good foundation for the time to come , and at last , lay hold on eternal life ▪ 1 Tim. 6. 18 , 19. 9. Vnrighteous persons turn from your evil wayes . God hath been righteous in his Judgements , because you have been unrighteous in your dealings ; and as his Judgements are a reproof of your sin , so are they a warning to you to leave it . Unrighteous gains will yield you little advantage in the issue : See what the Apostle Iames speaks of the wealth which men get in such a way , Chap. 5. 2 , 3 , 4. Your riches are corrupted , and your garments Moth-eaten : Your Gold and Silver is cankered , and the rust of them shall be a witness against you , and shall eat your flesh , as it were fire : ye have heaped treasure together for the last dayes ; Behold the hire of your labourers which have reaped down your fields , which is of you kept back by fraud , cryeth , and the cryes have entered into the ears of the Lord of Sabboth . The curse of God goeth along with unlawfull , unrighteous gains ; and is like Moth and Rust to corrupt and canker them ; they bring a fire into the flesh and bones , which will eat and torment ; they pierce men thorow with many sorrows , and at their latter end utterly consume them with terrours , if their conscience be awakened ; Unrighteous persons do not heap up such treasures of wealth , as by sin they heap up treasures of wrath against the last day : the wrongs , which they do to others , cry with a loud voice to God , and the Lord will be the avenger of all such as are defrauded . Let them that have been unrighteous then be unrighteous no more : you cannot wrong others so much by this sin , as you wrong your selves ; shake your hands of dishonest gains : make restitution of what you have defrauded others , as you expect salvation , non remittitur peccatum , nisi restituctur ablatum . This is a hard saying to some , who have no other wealth , but what they have gained in a dishonest and unrighteous way ; but will it not be harder to suffer the vengeance of Eternal fire for this sin ? is it not better to impoverish your selves that you may be just and honest whilest you live , than to be damned , and thrust into a place of torment when you die ? you must leave what you have ; if God do not take away what you have by some temporal Calamity before , be sure Death will strip you of all ; and is it not better for you to part with it your selves to the just owners , when this is the way to obtain pardon and peace , and an Inheritance which is of a thousand fold more value ? And do not fear but God will make provision for you whilest you abide in the world , if you resolve to be honest , and put your trust in him , who hath the dispose of the Earth , and the fulness thereof . Be righteous for the future , do not swerve a hair from the Rule of Right ; what you would that others should do unto you , do unto them , this is a Principle inscribed upon the heart by Nature , and this is the Law and the Prophets , Matth. 7. 12. 10. Hypocrites , turn from your evil wayes . Methinks the terrible voice of God should affrighten you , under your Hypocritical showes , and outside Devotions : Methinks you should now bend your hearts to please the Lord , and approve your selves chiefly to him , who hath expressed so much displeasure against sinners , and is most highly offended with Hypocrites ; what good will a Form do you , without the Power of godliness ? what good will showes do you , without sincere and substantial service ? what benefit will you get by counterfeit Graces , if your Graces be not reall ? if your Repentance , and Faith and Love , and the like , be feigned , how uneffectual will they be to procure pardon , and peace , and salvation ? are you content to lose all your Bodily Exercise , and to have all your heartless lifeless Duties rise up one day in Judgement against you ? What advantage will you get by a bare Profession of Religion , especially in such times when profession if it be strict is discountenanced , and Professors if their Lamp shine with any brightness , and they carry any great sail , expose themselves to danger ? And if you have not Sincerity , which alone can yield you the true and sweet fruits of Religion , you are like to lose all , and of all others to make your selves most miserable ; you may suffer from Men , because you have a Profession , and you will suffer from God , because you have no more than a Profession : What then ? should you cast off your Profession ? No ; so you would turn Apostates ; and may fall into the sin against the Holy Ghost , which will bring upon you inevitable Damnation ; but lay aside your hypocrisie , and become sincere ; be that in truth , which you are in show ; labour for sincerity in regard of your State , and labour for sincerity in regard of your Duties . Sinners , God calls upon all of you to turn from your evil wayes by his thundering Voice . Turn presently : let the time past be sufficient wherein you have fulfilled the desires of the flesh and the minde ; go not a step forward in the way of sin , least you meet with destruction suddenly , and perish without remedy . Turn universally , say not of any sin , as Lot did of Zoar , It is a little one , cast away all your transgressions ; and let no iniquity have dominion over you for the future . Turn heartily , from an inward Principle of hatred to sin , and love to God , and not from outward Considerations , and meerly upon the account of sins dreadfull consequents . Turn constantly , and with full purpose of heart never to return unto your evil wayes of sin any more . 10. The Lord doth expect after such Iudgements that London should seek him : That they should not only turn from their evil wayes , but also that they should turn unto him that hath smitten them , and seek the Lord of Hosts , Isa. 9. 13. We read , Am. 5. 2. The Virgin of Israel is falen , she is forsaken , and none to raise her up : whereupon God calls to this duty , v. 4 , 5 , 6 , 8. Thus saith the Lord to the house of Israel , Seek ye me , and ye shall live ; but seek not Bethel , &c. seek the Lord , and ye shall live , least he break forth like fire in the house of Joseph , and devour , and there be none to quench ; seek him who made the seven Stars , and Orion , and turneth the shadow of death into the morning , &c. the LORD is his Name : and it follows , v. 15. It may be the Lord will be gracious unto the remnant of Joseph . And when this Duty is neglected , see the Threatning , v. 16. Wailing shall be in all streets , and they shall say in all the high wayes , Alas , alas ! and they shall call the Husbandmen to mourning , and such as are skilful of lamentation , to wailing . And now London is fallen , doth not the Lord call upon them , that they would call upon him , and as they would turn away his anger , and prevent their utter ruine , that they would seek him who can turn the shadow of death into the Morning , and the blackest night of affliction into a day of Prosperity and Rejoycing . London , seek the Lord , that ye may live , that there may be a reviving after the years of such death and ruines ; seek the Lord , before the decree bring forth some other Judgement , and ye pass away like Chaffe before the Whirlwinde , in the day of the Lords fierce anger ; it may be the Lord will be gracious to the remnant of this great City . God expects that London should now pray at another rate than heretofore they have done . It is said , Dan. 9. 13. All this evil is come upon us , yet made we not our prayer unto the Lord our God ; and when God had consumed Israel because of their iniquities , the Prophet complains , Isa. 64. 7. There is none that calleth upon thy Name , that stirreth up himself to take hold of thee . Had the Prayers of London been such as they should have been , such as they have been , the Desolations of London might have been prevented : God expects that London under such Chastisements , should pour out Prayers before him , Isa. 26. 16. God hath spoken terribly unto them , he expects that they should cry mightily unto him . God expects that London should meet him in the way of his Judgements , not only with weepings for their sins , that they have provoked him unto so great displeasure , but also with Supplications for his Mercies . When Iacob was devoured , and his dwelling-place laid waste , Psal. 79. 7. you have their prayer , v. 8 , 9 , &c. O Remember not against us former iniquities , let thy tender mercies speedily prevent us , for we are brought very low : Help us O Lord God of our salvation , for the glory of thy Name : deliver us , and purge away our sins for thy Names sake . And the Church under desolating Judgements doth in prayer express her self very pathetically , Isa. 63. 15 , &c. Look down from Heaven , and behold from the habitation of thy holiness , and thy glory , where is thy zeal , and thy strength , the sounding of thy bowels , and thy mercies , are they restrained ? Doubtless , thou art our Father , &c. We are thine , return for thy servants sake , &c. and chap. 64. 9. Be not wroth very sore , O Lord , neither remember iniquity for ever , behold , see , we beseech thee , we are all thy people . God hath been pleading and contending with London by his Judgements , and God doth look that London should plead with him in prayer for his Mercies . London , seek the Lord of Hosts , who hath come forth against you in battel , and wounded you with his sharp arrows , and yet hath not laid down his weapons ; get to your knees ; hang about Gods feet and arms ; fill your mouths with arguments to stay him in the course of his Judgements ; let not the Apple of your eye cease from weeping , that you have displeased him ; and let not your tongue cease from humble and earnest Entreaties , that he would pardon you , and remove his displeasure from you . Seek the Lord humbly ; put your mouths in the dust , if so be there may be any hope ; God hears the Cry of the Humble , and will not despise their Prayer , Psal. 10. 17. Psal. 102. 17. Seek the Lord diligently : He hath promised to be found of all them that diligently seek him , Heb. 11. 6. God looks for earnest , hearty , fervent Prayer : There is a sweet Promise which God makes to his Peoples prayers after his sore Judgements which he had brought upon them : Ier. 29. 11 , 12 , 13. I know the thoughts , that I think towards you , saith the Lord , thoughts of peace , and not of evil , to give you an expected end . Then shall ye call upon me , and ye shall go , and pray unto me , and I will hearken unto you : And ye shall seek me and finde me , when ye shall search for me with all your heart . Seek the Lord believingly ; mingle your Prayers with Faith , and make use of the Mediation of Christ , that you may prevail . 11. God calls upon London , by the voice of his Iudgements , to prepare for greater troubles . The face of God seems to threaten greater troubles , there is little sign that Gods brow is smoothened now , more than it was before the Fire ; there is little evidence of the appeasement of Gods anger : The face of the times seem to threaten greater troubles ; the Cloud over London and England is still very black , and seems to be thicker than it was before . Gods own people are like to undergo greater troubles : some of them have endured much , but they are like to endure much more ; some of them have suffered deeply , but they are like to suffer greater things more generally : they have been brought low by affliction , but not so low as others be ; when others of Gods people are stript of all , they enjoy a comparative prosperity : they are not so low as they deserve to be ; their Gospel-reproaching sins deserve far greater severities : they are not so low as they may have need to be ; they may need greater troubles , to unite them more one to another in their affections ▪ to further their sanctification , to wean and loosen them more from the World ; to humble them for , and purifie them more from sin ; to exercise and brighten more their graces : they are not so low as possibly they must be before they be exalted ; the Night is the darkest before the Day breaks ; the storm is the fiercest many times in its last blast ; and the afflictions of Gods people are the sorest before God gives them deliverance ; God layes his people most low , when he intends their highest exaltation : surely , the expected shock is not yet over , and Gods Peoples most dreadfull sufferings seem most immediately to be threatned , they seem to be near , very near , even at the doors . The intent of the late Judgements by Plague and Fire , seems plainly to be for the fitting and preparing of them for more smart and heavy strokes . If God had permitted those expected sufferings to have come upon them more suddenly , they might have found them more unready ; God hath given them time to prepare , and awakening warnings to prepare ; and when will they be ready to suffer like Christians , like Protestants , if now they be not ready ? The Profane and wicked Generation in the Land are like to endure greater troubles , as hath been shown pag. 80 , 81 , 82. and when the storm of Gods anger doth break down upon them , are there no drops likely to fall upon London ? Is not the whole Land likely to be in danger of ruine , when God doth deal with the ungodly and wicked Crew , whom he spares for some time , whilest he punisheth so severely the more righteous ? The troubles of London have been great , but methinks it is evident , that London is in danger of greater troubles ; therefore they have need to make preparation , which they have had such awakening calls unto . Some possibly may think the bitterness of Londons troubles is over , because their troubles have been so bitter ; that the sharp Winter cold is gone , when it was so sharp in the midst of Winter , and the Sun had got to some height ; but March can bring in as cold nipping Frost , as December and Ianuary did ; and when the Spring of Prosperity is expected by some , they may finde the sharpest part of the Winter of troubles to be behinde . Prepare therefore London for greater troubles . 12. God doth expect that London should trust no more in arms of flesh , but in himself alone . By these Judgements God hath shown to London the weakness and insufficiency of arms of flesh what broken reeds they are . Some put their trust in men , and their great expectation of relief and comfort hath been from their friends ; by the Plague God hath shown , how frail and weak man is , how like grass or a flower that quickly withereth , or is cut down ; how like glass or a bubble which is easily broken and vanisheth ; many have lost by the Plague their chief friends upon whom they have had all their dependance , and the Lord hath shown how insufficient a foundation man is for any ones trust and confidence , therefore he calleth aloud to London to cease from man , whose breath is in his nostrils , for wherein is he to be accounted of ? Isa. 2. 22. not to trust in any of the sons of men , in whom there is no help ; and the reason is , because their breath goeth forth , they return to their dust , in that very day all their thoughts perish , Psal. 146. 3 , 4. Some put their trust in their wealth and riches . Prov. 18. 11. the rich mans wealth is his City , and a high wall in his own conceit . God hath by the Fire , which hath consumed so much of the wealth of the City , shown how insufficient a foundation wealth is for any mans confidence , he hath made it evident that riches are uncertain , and that they fly away with Eagles wings , sometimes whilest the owners are looking on ; may not that which is threatned , Psal. 52. 5. 7. be spoken of many in London , that God hath rooted some of them by the Plague out of the Land of the living , plucked and forced others out of their habitations by the Fire , and taken away their stay and prop from them , of whom it may be said , Lo these are they that made not God their strength , but trusted in the abundance of their riches , and strengthned themselves in their wickedness . London trust no more in arms of flesh , but trust in God alone : It is better to trust in the Lord , than to put confidence in men ; it is better to trust in the Lord , than to put confidence in Princes , Psal. 118. 8 , 9. God is knocking off your fingers from all things here below , his will is that you should put your trust in him ; which is one promised effect of great desolations and afflictions , that you should labour after ; Zeph. 3. 12. I will also leave in the midst of thee an afflicted , and poor people , and they shall trust in the Name of the Lord. You were not so forward to trust in the Lord when you had greater abundance , endeavour to trust in him , now you are brought into greater poverty and affliction : his Infinite Power , Wisdom , loving kindness , his promise , truth and faithfulness are a strong bottome for your trust and confidence in God. Trust in him at all times , in the worst of times ; when your danger is greatest , he will be your help and shield , Psal. 115. 11. he will be your refuge under oppression , and present help in time of trouble , Psal. 46. 1. he will be your rock and fortress , your high tower to defend you , or your deliverer to redeem you out of all your troubles : trust in God alone for all things : if you make use of creatures , do not lean and stay upon them , for they will slip from under you ; but stay your selves on God. O the peace and quiet which this will yield in shaking troublesome dayes ! when others hearts tremble within them , and are moved like leaves upon the approach of danger , you shall not be afraid of evil tydings , but have your hearts fixed trusting in the Lord , Psal. 112. 7. 13. God doth expect that London should have Death in continual remembrance : This God expects from the Judgement of the Plague , the Death of so many thousands a week in London , gave such a spectacle of Mortality , and Preached such a Sermon in the City , as should bring the remembrance of Death into their minds every day of their lives ; the death , if it were but of one or two should put you in mind of your later end ; but when you have seen so many go down into the pit before you , it should inscribe the remembrance of death more deeply upon your mindes , the record of which you should look daily into : the gates of the City in the year of the Plague seem'd to have this inscription upon them , All Flesh is Grass ; Let that word sound every day in your ears , and remember your bodies are exposed to the stroke of death every day ; and though you have out-lived the Plague , that yet Death hath you in the chase , and will ere long ( you know not how soon ) overtake you ; remember your glass is running , and will quickly be run out ; and therefore all the dayes of your appointed time , as you should remember ; so you should prepare for your great change . God expects that the remaining inhabitants of London should be prepared well for death now , when they have had death so much in their view : some of you have been sick of the Plague and brought to the very brink of the Grave , all of you have been in danger of the Plague , when the disease was so sore and raging : I fear most of you were unprepared for death at that time , and had you dyed then , that it would have been with horrour : and I believe that there are few of you , but did in the time of your fears and danger , make vows and promises , if the Lord would shelter you from the arrows , which flew about you , and spare your lives then ; that you would lead new lives , and be more carefull to prepare for your change ; so that Death should not take you so unprovided any more : God expects the fulfilling of your promises ; and that you should live up to the vowes , which you made in the time of your distress ; and so provide your selves whilest you are well , that the messenger of Death may have a welcome reception , when ever he summoneth you to leave this world . 14. God expects that London should retain great impressions of Eternity . You have had the door of Eternity set wide open in your view , when so many were thronging in at the door , and I believe you had deeper apprehensions of Eternity in those dayes , than ever you had in your lives ; take heed that those impressions do not wear off , and that you lose not those apprehensions , especially when you are drawing every day nearer and nearer thereunto . Think often of the vast Ocean of Eternity without bottome or bank on the other side , into which the whole stream of time will empty it self ; and how quickly the small rivulet of your appointed dayes may fall into it : Think often of the unalterable state of Joy or Misery , which you must enter into at the end of your course : think how thin and short the pleasures of sin are in this life , in comparison of the horrible and endless torments of hell ; and how light and momentaneous the afflictions of Gods people are here , in comparison with the exceeding and eternal weight of glory prepared for them in Heaven , 2 Cor. 4. 17. 15. God doth call upon London by the Fire which burnt down the City to secure themselves against the Fire of Hell. London's Fire was Dreadful , but the Fire of Hell will be a thousand-fold more Dreadfull . The Fire of London was kindled by man ; be sure some second cause was made use of herein ; but the Fire of Hell will be kindled by God himself , Isa. 30. 33. Tophet is ordained of old , for the King it is prepared , he hath made it deep and large : the pile thereof is Fire and much Wood , and the breath of the Lord like a stream of brimstone doth kindle it . The Fire of London burnt the houses of the City , and consumed much of the goods ; but the Fire of Hell will burn the persons of the wicked , Matth. 15. 41. Depart ye cursed into everlasting Fire . The Fire of London did burn most , but not all the houses in the City , some are yet remaining , but the Fire of Hell will burn all the persons of the wicked , not one of them shall escape and remain . The Fire of London was extinguished , and did last but four dayes ; but the Fire of Hell will be unextinguishable , it will burn for ever , it is called everlasting Fire , in which the damned must lye and burn eternally , without any possibility of ever getting forth . If you had known before of Londons Fire , where it would begin , and how it would spread , and seize upon your houses , surely you would have taken some course for the prevention of it : you know before of the Fire of Hell , the Word of God hath revealed it ; O take some course for prevention of it , at least for securing of your selves against it : when the Fire was burning in London , you did fly from it , least it should have consumed your persons as well as houses ; O fly from the Fire of Hell , into which your persons will be thrown if you go on in sin ; fly from the wrath which is to come ; fly unto Jesus Christ who alone can deliver you . 16. God doth call upon Londoners by the Fire to be like Strangers and Pilgrims in the World. God hath burned you out of your habitations , that he might loosen your affections from houses , and riches , and all things here below ; that he might unsettle you , unhinge , unfix you , that you might never think of Rest and Settlement in the Creatures , as long as you live : God calls upon you by this Judgement , to take off your hearts from this world , which is so very uncertain , and to be like Strangers and Pilgrims upon the earth , who are to take up your lodging here but a few dayes and nights in your passage to the other world ; God expects you should live as those who have here no certain dwelling place , and therefore that you should not lavish away too much of your thoughts , and affections , and time about these uncertain things , which are of so short a continuance , and with which you cannot have a long abode ; God hath by his Judgements crucified the World very much before you , and he expects that the world should be crucified in you ; God hath poured contempt upon the world , and set a mark of disgrace thereon ; he hath cast dirt upon the face where you fancied before so much beauty to lye ; and he expects that you should fall in esteem , and grow out of love with the world , and never go a whoring from him to the creatures any more . 17. God calls upon London to make him their habitation . Psal. 90. 1. Lord thou hast been our dwelling places in all generations . God is the hiding-place , and he is the dwelling-place of his people ; you have lost your dwellings by the Fire , make God your habitation , and dwell in him , to whom you may have constant resort , and in whom you may have a sure abode . Get possession of this house by your union to God through his Son ; and when you are in , keep possession , abide in this honse , do not wander from him , and turn your selves out of doors by breaking of his houshold laws ; make God your home , and labour to be much acquainted at home ; spend your time with God , and give your hearts to him : Rest and repose your selves in God daily ; look for all your provisions in him , and from him ; walk in him and with him . Make God your habitation . 18. God calleth upon London to seek after an abiding City . Heb. 13. 14. We have here no continuing City , but we seek one to come . London hath reason to say the former , therefore let London do the later : you have seen the City fall by the Fire , seek after a City which hath more lasting foundations , and is of such strong building , that neither time can wear and weaken , nor flames of Fire reach and consume . I mean the New Ierusalem , which is above , the Heavenly City , whose builder and maker is God ; there are Mansions , abiding places for the Saints , Ioh. 14. 2. there the wicked will cease from troubling , and the weary will be at rest , seek : after this City , labour for a title to it , lay up your Treasure in it , get your affections set upon it ; above all Trades drive a Trade for Heaven , which in the issue will yield you the best returns . 19. God doth expect that London should labour to build his House . The neglect of Gods House , I believe hath been a great cause of the fall of so many Houses in the City by Fire . God expects that now you should endeavour the building of his House ; otherwise , I do not think that God will build again your Houses : you may have an Act of Parliament for building the City , and set Workmen about it ; but unless God do enact it too , the building will never go forward ; unless God build the City , the Workmen will labour in vain . Read and consider the Prophesie of Haggai . Set about the work of Reformation more vigorously ; especially in the House and Worship of God. 20. God doth expect that Londoners should dedicate themselves and Families unto him . You have broken your Baptismal and other Vows , and God hath made great breaches upon you for your Infidelity ; now renew your Vows , give up your selves to God , avouch him to be your God , and avouch your selves to be his People , and live accordingly : Take up Ioshuah's resolution , that whatever others in the Land do , that you and your Families will serve the Lord : Make it your only business in the World to serve God ; let Religion have an influence upon all your actions ; do nothing without the Warrant of Gods Precept ; let your Conversation be such as becometh the Gospel ; govern your Families in the fear of God ; fill all your Relations with duty ; learn more righteousness by Gods Judgements , and be quickned by them unto a more holy and strict walking . And if you yield such Fruits as these , which God expects after his plowing and harrowing of you ; if you open your Ear to the Terrible Voice of the Lord which hath uttered it self in the City , and with full purpose of heart set about the practice of the duties he expects and calls for ; then you may hope that he will yet build you up and plant you , that he will close your breaches , and raise up your ruinous Habitations ; that he will make you glad according to the Years wherein he hath afflicted you , and give you to see good dayes , instead of those evil which you have seen and felt ; then the Lord will rejoyce over you to do you good ; and make London like Mount Zion , where he will pitch his Tent , and take up his Habitation ; then he will compass you about with the Bulwark of Salvation , and prevent those further utterly Desolating Judgements which you are in danger of ; yea the Lord will be as a wall of fire round about you , and the Glory in the midst of London , from whence his Praise and your Fame shall sound throughout the whole World. FINIS . Soli Deo Gloria . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64990-e250 Hab. 3. 5. Psal. 18. 13 , 14. Isa. 29. 6. Isa. 30. 30. Psal. 18. 45 7. 5. Isa 7. 2. Psa. 21. 9. Num. 16. 27 , 31 , 32. Gen. 19. Luk. 13. Isa. 5. 4 , 5 , 6 Isa. 15. Ioh. 15. 6 Heb. 6. 7. Gal. 5. 19 ▪ 24. Mat. 12. 43 , 44 , 45. Eccl. 9. Psal. 50. A76009 ---- A letter of His Excellencie the Lord General Monck, to the Speaker of the Parl. From Guild-Hall, London Albemarle, George Monck, Duke of, 1608-1670. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A76009 of text R211555 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.23[39]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A76009 Wing A858 Thomason 669.f.23[39] ESTC R211555 99870271 99870271 163695 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A76009) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163695) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f23[39]) A letter of His Excellencie the Lord General Monck, to the Speaker of the Parl. From Guild-Hall, London Albemarle, George Monck, Duke of, 1608-1670. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by John Macock, in the year 1659. [i.e. 1660] London : Dated: Guildhall Feb 9. 1659. Includes two Parliamentary responses, both dated: Thursday, February 9. 1659. Enquiring whether he shall destroy the gates and portcullises of the City of London. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Feb: 13." Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A76009 R211555 (Thomason 669.f.23[39]). civilwar no A letter of His Excellencie the Lord General Monck, to the Speaker of the Parl. from Guild-Hall, London. Albemarle, George Monck, Duke of 1660 545 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-10 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-10 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LETTER Of His Excellencie The Lord General Monck , To the Speaker of the Parl. From Guild-Hall , London . Right Honourable , IN obedience to the Commands received from the Council last night , I marched with your Forces into the City this morning , and have secured all the persons except two , ordered to be secured , which two were not to be found : The Posts and Chaines I have given order to be taken away , but have hitherto forborn the taking down of the Gates and Portcullises , because it will in all likelihood exasperate the City ; and I have good ground of hopes from them , that they will Levy the Assess ; They desiring onely first to meet in Common-Council , which they intend to do to morrow morning . It seems probable to me , that they will yeild obedience to your Commands , and be brought to a friendly Complyance with you ; for which reason I have suspended the execution of your Commands touching the Gates and Portcullises , till I know your further pleasure therein , which I desire I may by this Bearer ; I shall onely desire , that ( so your Commands may be answered with due obedience ) such tenderness may be used towards them , as may gain their affections ; They desired the Restauration of those Members of their Common-Council that are secured , which desires of theirs I shall onely commend to your grave Consideration , to do therein as you shall think most expedient , and , in attendance upon your further Commands , Remain Guildhall Feb 9. 1659. Your most Humble and Obedient Servant . George Monck . To the Right Honourable William Lenthal , Speaker to the Parliament of the Common-Wealth of England at Westminster . POSTSCRIPT . I shall become an humble suiter to you , That You will be pleased to hasten your Qualifications , that the Writs may be sent out ; I can assure you it will tend much to the Peace of the Country , and satisfie many honest Men . Thursday Afternoon , January 9. 1659. THis Letter from General George Monck from Guild-Hall , London , of the 9th of February , 1659 , was read . Resolved , Upon the Question by the Parliament , That the Answer to this Letter be , to send General Monck the Resolve of the Parliament , That the Gates of the City of London , and the Portcullises thereof be forthwith destroyed ; And that he be ordered to put the said Vote in Execution accordingly , and that M. Scot and M. Pury do go to General Monck and acquaint him with these Votes . Tho. St. Nicholas , Clerk to the Parliament . Thursday , February 9. 1659. REsolved upon the Question by the Parliament , That the Gates of the City of London , and the Portcullises thereof be forthwith destroyed , and that the Commissioners for the Army do take Order that the same be done accordingly . Tho. St. Nicholas , Clerk to the Parliament . LONDON , Printed by John Macock , in the Year 1659. A77668 ---- A modell of the fire-workes to be presented in Lincolnes-Inne fields on the 5th. of Novemb. 1647. Before the Lords and Commons of Parliament, and the militia of London, in commemoration of Gods great mercy in delivering this kingdome from the hellish plots of papists, acted in the damnable Gunpowder treason. With their present statues and proportions. Browne, George, gunner. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A77668 of text R210669 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.11[92]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A77668 Wing B5114 Thomason 669.f.11[92] ESTC R210669 99869444 99869444 162744 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A77668) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162744) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f11[92]) A modell of the fire-workes to be presented in Lincolnes-Inne fields on the 5th. of Novemb. 1647. Before the Lords and Commons of Parliament, and the militia of London, in commemoration of Gods great mercy in delivering this kingdome from the hellish plots of papists, acted in the damnable Gunpowder treason. With their present statues and proportions. Browne, George, gunner. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for George Lindsey, and are to be sold at his shop over against London-stone, London : 1647. Signed at end: Per George Browne Gunner, to bee performed in Lincolns-Inne fields before the Lords and Commons of Parliament, and the Militia of London. With decorative border. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Nouemb: 4th". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Fireworks -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Social life and customs -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A77668 R210669 (Thomason 669.f.11[92]). civilwar no A modell of the fire-workes to be presented in Lincolnes-Inne fields on the 5th. of Novemb. 1647. Before the Lords and Commons of Parliament Browne, George, gunner. 1647 528 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Modell of the Fire-workes to be presented in Lincolnes-Inne Fields on the 5th . of Novemb. 1647. Before the Lords and Commons of PARLIAMENT , and the Militia of London , in commemoration of Gods great Mercy in delivering this Kingdome from the hellish Plots of Papists , acted in the damnable Gunpowder treason . With their perfect Statues and Proportions . The Actors good will to this Kingdome , and City of LONDON . JN a Description of his Fire-workes to be performed Novem the 5th . 1647 , in commemoration of the great deliverance from the Powder plot by Popish conspiracie against Englands then King and Parliament , and by consequence , the enslaving the whole Kingdome to Popery . 1 Fire-Bals burning in the water , and rising out of the water burning , shewing the Papists conjuration and consultation with infernall Spirits , for the destruction of Englands King and Parliament . 2 Fire-Boxes like Meteors , sending forth many dozen of Rockets out of the water , intimating the Popish 〈◊〉 coming from below to act their treasonous Plots against Englands King and Parliament . 3 Faux with his darke Lanthorne , and many fire-boxes , lights , and Lamps , ushering the Pope into England , intimating the full Plot to destroy Englands King and Parliament . 4 Pluto with his fiery Club , presenting himselfe malitiously bent to destroy all that have hindered the Pope from destroying Englands King and Parliament . 5 Hercules with his fiery Club , who discomfiteth Pluto , and suffers him not , nor any of his infernall Spirits to hurt Englands King and Parliament . 6 Runners on a line , intimating the Papists sending to all parts of the world , for subtill , cunning , and malitious Plotters of mischiefe against Englands King and Parliament . 7 A Fire wheele , intimating the display of a flag of victory over the enemies that would have destroyed Englands King and Parliament , in the time of which motion , a payre of Virginals musically playing of themselves . 8 Rockets in the ayre , shewing the thankfulnesse of all well willers to true Religion , for the deliverance of Englands King and Parliament 9 Balloones breaking in the ayre , with many streames of fire , shewing Gods large and bounteous goodnesse towards Englands King and Parliament . 10 Chambers of lights , shewing Englands willingnesse to cherish the light of the glorious Gospell therein to bee continued . 11 A great Bumber-ball breaking in pieces , and discharging it selfe of other its lights , holding forth the cruelty of Papists to Englands King and Parliament . 12 Fire boxes among the spectators , to warne them to take heede for the future that they cherish none that are enemies to Englands King and Parliament . Per GEORGE BROWNE Gunner , to bee performed in Lincolns-Inne fields before the Lords and Commons of Parliament , and the Militia of London . LONDON , Printed for George Lindsey , and are to be sold at his Shop over against London-stone , 1647. A78071 ---- A letter with a narrative, written to the right Hon:ble Thomas Allen Lord Major of London, &e. [sic] concerning a strange sight that appeared over this city of London, in the yeare 1642. when the King was driven from his Parliament, dated as followeth Butter, Nathaniel, d. 1664. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78071 of text R226406 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing B6339A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78071 Wing B6339A ESTC R226406 99895662 99895662 153074 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78071) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 153074) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2346:3) A letter with a narrative, written to the right Hon:ble Thomas Allen Lord Major of London, &e. [sic] concerning a strange sight that appeared over this city of London, in the yeare 1642. when the King was driven from his Parliament, dated as followeth Butter, Nathaniel, d. 1664. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for Nath. Butter, residing in Cursitors Alley, London : 1659. Signed at end: N.B., i.e. Nathaniel Butter. Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library. eng Omens -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England A78071 R226406 (Wing B6339A). civilwar no A letter with a narrative, written to the right Hon:ble Thomas Allen Lord Major of London, &e. [sic] concerning a strange sight that appeare Butter, Nathaniel 1659 877 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-05 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-05 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Letter with a Narrative , written to the right Hon:ble THOMAS ALLEN Lord Major of London , &c. concerning a strange Sight that appeared over this City of London , in the yeare 1642. when the King was driven from his Parliament , Dated as followeth . My LORD : I Doe with all due respects ( upon sight of your late Proclamation ) make bold to acquaint your Honour , with a strange sight which appeared over this City in 1642. not improper for the worke of next Friday . I am sorry I had not acquainted your Lordship with it , before you publisht your Proclamation , for it will conduce much to the worke of the day , to let the People know what warning God offered to this City in 1642. and may much increase their Devotion and humiliation upon the day , or as many dayes as it shall please God to put into your Lordships heart , to command the people ( under you ) to meet againe upon the like Humiliation ; For this neglect hath been so long , that I feare it will require many dayes of humiliation before Gods Judgments will be remitted . There hath been many Fasts , since God sent this City warning in 42. but no proper returne hath been made by this City in 17. yeares , to answer God againe ; till it hath pleased God to put it into your heart at this time ( NEHEMIAH like ) to command a Fast , which I hope will prove effectuall as his did . I thinke my selfe happie , that I can see it begun in Your time , which your Predecessor did either neglect , or tooke no cognizance of . I hope it will be a means to preserve this City ; if with reverence , and effectually performed ; as I doubt not , I could have wished that you had made it Nehemiahs fast ; that both Man and Beast might have fasted strictly ; But for that , I submit to your Honours better Judgment , and shall ever pray for your Honours health and happiniss , and the Cities safety . Your Honors to command ; N. B. If your Honour doubt the Truth of what I have related , I am ready to make it good , being well knowne ( a member of the Company of Stationers ) and being Aged 78. yeares , not able to follow my Trade doe the more give my mind to a better world . Cursitors Alley anent the Rose Taverne , Novemb. the 30. 1659. A Narrative of the strange Apparition which appeared over this City of London in the yeare 1642. about the time that the late King Charles was forced away from his Parliament by the rude multitude . IN the yeare 1642. in the Christmass Holidayes , there appeared over this City of London , a Bow of Smoake in the Firmament ( in a cleere Star-light night no cloud seene ) which had his motion over the City about three houres before it dispiersed it selfe . The rising of it was about Aldgate or White Chappell , and extended it self as farre as St. Giles in the Fields to our appearance , and began his motion over the North part of the City , moving in a perfit body ( for about three houres ) towards the South , till it came over the Thames , and there , and then scattered and dispierst it selfe . The bredth of the bow was about an Ell to our seeming : It was observed by divers Gentlemen in the Fleet which I spare not to name , Sir Iohn Digby , Mr. Thorne of Bedford , Mr. Newcomin , 2. reverend Divines , Mr. James Howell , a knowing man , and they and divers more of quality , gave their opinion , that this Apparition was not Naturall , but sent by God to give warning to this City , and that the Bow of smoake intimated Fire that should consume it , and that God sent it of purpose to give warning . I doubt not but many hundreth in the City saw it , but slighted it , as being smoake a common vapour that comes out of every Chimney , and appearing at that time of Night when few people were abroad , twixt Eight and Eleven at night , there could bee little notice taken of it ; but at the Fleet upon notice given , most of the Gentlemen of the house went up into the Leads , where you might looke over all the houses as farre as Aldgate , and had a full view of the manner and motion of it , which struck a great amazement into many of them , whereof I was one , and did observe it from almost the beginning , till it came over the Thames and dispierst it selfe . So much for the description and manner of this apparition . LONDON , Printed for Nath. Butter , residing in Cursitors Alley , 1659. A78087 ---- By vertue of severall ordinances of Parliament, authorizing the Committee of the Militia of London and liberties thereof, ... City of London (England). Committee for the Militia. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78087 of text R211017 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.12[101]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78087 Wing B6374 Thomason 669.f.12[101] ESTC R211017 99869756 99869756 162892 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78087) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162892) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f12[101]) By vertue of severall ordinances of Parliament, authorizing the Committee of the Militia of London and liberties thereof, ... City of London (England). Committee for the Militia. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1648] Title from opening lines of text. Signed: Adam Banckes Clerk to the said Committee. Imprint from Wing. An order of the Committee of the Militia of London, appointing several Commanders of Horse for the defence of the King, Parliament, and city.--Thomason Tract index. Annotation on Thomason copy: "To mr Geo. Thomason [illegible] Commissioner of ye ward of ffaringdon within"; [Illegible; a list of the names of the Commanders of Horse]. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78087 R211017 (Thomason 669.f.12[101]). civilwar no By vertue of severall ordinances of Parliament, authorizing the Committee of the Militia of London and liberties thereof, ... City of London 1648 235 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY vertue of severall Ordinances of Parliament , authorizing the Committee of the Militia of London and Liberties thereof , for the better strengthening and assisting of the Trained bands and Auxiliaries thereunto belonging ; The said Committee have lately appointed severall Commanders of Horse ( whose Names are under-written ) for the defence of the King , Parliament and City , according to the solemn League and Covenant ; And whosoever will bring in Horse , Armes , ( or pay Riders to be Listed under any of them ) or ready Money , or subscribe to pay so much a week ( to continue three Months ) towards the payment of the said Commanders , and other necessary occasions incident thereunto , it will be accounted by the said Committee of the Militia a very acceptable service , and conduce much to the Ends aforesaid , in these times of imminent danger : And the Deputy and Common-councell-men in their severall Limits and Precincts , are desired to doe their utmost endeavour to further this work ; and to make return thereof forthwith to the Treasurers and others who sit for this purpose in the Irish-Court in Guildhall . Dated the Fifth of August , 1648. Signed in the Name and by the warrant of the Committed of the Militia of London , By Adam Banckes Clerk to the said Committee . A78156 ---- May 27. 1651. For as much as the inhabitants of Pauls Church yard are much disturbed by the souldiers and others, ... Barkstead, John, d. 1662. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78156 of text R211273 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.16[5]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78156 Wing B813 Thomason 669.f.16[5] ESTC R211273 99870001 99870001 163162 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78156) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163162) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f16[5]) May 27. 1651. For as much as the inhabitants of Pauls Church yard are much disturbed by the souldiers and others, ... Barkstead, John, d. 1662. Blundell, Benjamin. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1651] Title from opening words of text. Signed at end: Iohn Barkestead, Benjamin Blundell. Imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Soldiers -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A78156 R211273 (Thomason 669.f.16[5]). civilwar no May 27. 1651. For as much as the inhabitants of Pauls Churchyard are much disturbed by the souldiers and others, ... Barkstead, John 1651 153 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion May 27. 1651. FOr as much as the Inhabitants of Pauls Church yard are much disturbed by the Souldiers and others , calling out to passingers , and examining them ( though they goe peaceably and civilly along ) and by playing at nine pinnes at unseasonable houres ; These are therefore to command all Souldiers and others whom it may concerne , that hereafter there shall bee no examining and calling out to persons that go peaceably on their way , unlesse they doe approach their Gaurds , and likewise to forbeare playing at nine pinnes and other sports , from the houre of nine of the clocke in the evening , till six in the morning , that so persons that are weake and indisposed to rest , may not be disturbed . Given under our hands the day and yeare above written . Iohn Barkestead . Benjamin Blundell . A78765 ---- By the King. His Majesties declaration whereby to repeale and make voyd, all licenses, by himselfe granted for bringing any goods or commodities, from the cities of London and Westminster and other places, in rebellion against His Majesty, contrary to his late proclamation, prohibiting trade and commerce with the said citties and places. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78765 of text R212008 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[59]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78765 Wing C2289 Thomason 669.f.7[59] ESTC R212008 99870666 99870666 161040 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78765) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161040) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[59]) By the King. His Majesties declaration whereby to repeale and make voyd, all licenses, by himselfe granted for bringing any goods or commodities, from the cities of London and Westminster and other places, in rebellion against His Majesty, contrary to his late proclamation, prohibiting trade and commerce with the said citties and places. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the Vniversity, Printed at Oxford : 1643. Dated at end: Given at Oxford under his Maiesties signe Manuall, the tenth day of December, in the nineteenth Yeare of his Reigne. 1643. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Commercial policy -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Westminster (London, England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A78765 R212008 (Thomason 669.f.7[59]). civilwar no By the King. His Majesties declaration whereby to repeale and make voyd, all licenses, by himselfe granted for bringing any goods or commodi England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 470 9 0 0 0 0 0 191 F The rate of 191 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . His Majesties Declaration whereby to Repeale and make voyd , all Licenses , by Himselfe granted f●● bringing any Goods or Commodities , from the Cities of London and Westminster , and other pl●ces , in rebellion against His Majesty , contrary to His late Proclamation , prohibiting Trade and Commerce , with the said Citties and Places . WHereas since His Majesties late Proclamation , prohibiting Trade with the C●ties of London and Westminster , at the earnest and humble suit of certaine H●● Majesties faithfull Subjects of this City of Oxford , and other places , and fo●● reasons by them proposed , which appeared to be very pressing , some few licenses and dispensations have bin granted , under His Royall Signature , for bringin● some certaine quantities of sundry sorts of Goods and Commodities from the said Cities of London and Westminster . And whereas his Majesty hath since found , that by colour of such Licenses , there is a great Trade of almost all Commodities still continued with those Cities , to the enerving and frustrating the scope and intent of his said Proclamation , which in his Royall Wisedome he hath Judged most necessary to prevent : his Majesty hath therefore thought fit hereby to declare , that from henceforth , and from the date hereof , all such licenses by him granted as aforesaid , shall be void , and no more put in use , even although the same , or any of them may have bin obtained with intent onely to provide supplyes of such things , as might be needfull for his own Royal Person , or his dear Consort the Queens Majesty or for the Persons of the Prince or Duke of York , their highnesses , straightly charging & commanding all Persons whosoever have obtained , or are possessed of any such Licenses as aforesaid , and all other Persons whatsoever , that they presume not to bring , or cause to be brought any Goods or Commodities , from the said Cities of London and Westminster , or any othe● Towne or Place in Rebellion against his Majesty , directly or indirectly , mediately or immediately , unto this his City of Oxford , or any other place in obedience unto his Majesty , upo● such paines as are expressed in his Majesties said Proclamation , and such farther punishment a● may Justly be inflicted on them for contemning and infringing this his Royall Pleasure and Command . Given at Oxford under his Maiesties signe Manuall , the tenth day of December , in the nineteenth Yeare of his Reigne . 1643. God save the KING . Printed at Oxford by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer to the Vniversity . 1643. A78766 ---- The city remembrancer. Or, A sermon preached to the native-citizens, of London, at their solemn assembly in Pauls on Tuesday, the 23 of June, A.D. MDCLVII. / By Edm. Calamy B.D. and pastor of the church at Aldermanbury. Calamy, Edmund, 1600-1666. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78766 of text R208432 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E1676_2). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 90 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 46 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78766 Wing C228A Thomason E1676_2 ESTC R208432 99867386 99867386 119696 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78766) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 119696) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 209:E1676[2]) The city remembrancer. Or, A sermon preached to the native-citizens, of London, at their solemn assembly in Pauls on Tuesday, the 23 of June, A.D. MDCLVII. / By Edm. Calamy B.D. and pastor of the church at Aldermanbury. Calamy, Edmund, 1600-1666. [16], 74 p. Printed by S.G. for John Baker, at the sign of the Peacock in Pauls Church-yard., London, : 1657. Annotation on Thomason copy: "July 30". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Bible. -- N.T. -- Acts XXI, 39 -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A78766 R208432 (Thomason E1676_2). civilwar no The city remembrancer. Or, A sermon preached to the native-citizens, of London,: at their solemn assembly in Pauls on Tuesday, the 23 of Ju Calamy, Edmund 1657 14370 28 75 0 0 0 0 72 D The rate of 72 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-06 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-06 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The City Remembrancer . OR , A SERMON PREACHED To the NATIVE-CITIZENS , OF LONDON , At their solemn Assembly in PAULS on Tuesday , the 23 of June , A. D. MDCLVII . By EDM. CALAMY B. D. and Pastor of the Church at ALDERMANBVRY . Psal. 87. 4 , 5 , 6. — This man was born there , And of Zion it shall be said , This and that man was born in her ; and the Highest himself shall establish her . The Lord shall count when he writes up the people , That this man was born there . Selah . LONDON , Printed by S. G. for John Baker , at the Sign of the Peacock in Pauls Church-yard . 1657. TO THE Right Honourable , Right Worshipfull , and all other Citizens of London , who received their first birth in so renowned a Metropolis , and were of late Assembled together for the acknowledgement of this Passage of Divine Providence towards them . Much honoured and beloved in Christ , IT cannot be denied , but that GOD hath blessed this City above most Cities in the world with blessings of all kinds , and more especially , with the blessing of the Gospel . And although our sins are many , and great , and such sins may be found amongst us , for which God hath destroyed other great Cities ; yet notwithstanding he hath hitherto preserved us , and dealt with us , not according to Rule , but according to Prerogative . He hath made London an exception from his generall way of proceeding with other Cities , and hath spared us upon the account alone of free-grace ; Even so Father , for so it seemeth good in thy sight . O that this extraordinaryand distinguishing love of God , might at last lead us to Repentance ! And thatin this our day we might know those things which belong unto our peace , before they be hid from our eyes ; That our Preservationsfrom former judgements , may not prove Reservationsunto greater , And that we may not ( by reason of our unthankfulness , and unfruitfulness ) drink the dregs of Gods wrath , and at last be be made a spectacle of divine indignation , and an exampleto others , because we would not learn righteousnessby their Examples . The chief design of this ensuing Sermon ( now made publick by your intreaty ) is , to persuade the Citizensborn in this famous City , by their Prayers , Unity , Piety , Verity , and Charity , to seek the welfare and happinessof it ; And to be so holy and heavenly in their lives , that they may be accounted able , and worthy to stand in the gap , to hinder the Judgements of God from falling upon it . It is not only not contrary , but very suitable to Christian Religion to seek the good ( in an especiall manner ) of thePlace where we were born , or bred up . Because Jesus Christ was bred in Nazareththerefore he preached first in that place . This he did ( saith one ) as a recompence for his education . Because Paul was bred , andbrought up in Jerusalem , and of the stock of Israel , therefore he was in great heaviness , and continual sorrow of heart ; and could have wished himself accursed from Christ for his brethren , his kinsmen according to the flesh . Religion doth not take away natural affection , butperfects it , it doth not extinguish , but order and regulateit . It is your great Dutyto study to be blessings andMercies , as to the placeswhere you were brought up , so also to the places where youwere born . It is reported ofAlexander the great , that he loved his Master Aristostle , as much as he did hisFather Philip ; because ( as he said ) from his Father hee received his being , and from his Master his wel-being . I will not dispute , whether we owe more to the place where we were born , or to the place where we were bred , Sure I am . We owe much to both ; and it is our duty to endeavour to beblessings both to the one , and to the other . It is a Providence not to be slighted , that you are Citizens of no mean City , but this will little avail , if you be not a credit and an ornament to it . The excellency of a Cityconsisteth in the excellencyof the Citizens ; without which an excellent City is rather a Bethaven , than aBethel , rather an Hell , than a Heaven . Human storiesrelate what great blessings some Persons have been to the places , where they received their first Breath . The Lacedaemonianswhen they laied waste all Baeotia , sparedThebes , because Pindar ( that famous Poet ) was born there ; And when Alexander destroyed it , he commanded his Souldiers to spare Pindars Family , &c. The Persians when they waged War withall Grecia , would not hurt the Isle of Delos , because it was the place where Apollo was born , &c. O let it be your care , that you may be Noah's , Abraham's , Lots , and Daniels to the place where you were born ; That God by your prayers and tears may be moved to spare this great city ▪ & multiply his blessing upon it . For this end and purpose , your great study must be towalk worthy of the Gospel , which you enjoy with much purity , power , plenty , and liberty ; You must not onely have it with you , but in you ; not onely be Professors , but practisers of it ; not onely be fellow-Citizens of London , but of the Saints , and of the houshold of God . You must labour to be Citizens and Freemen of that City which hath foundations , whose builder and maker is God . For you cannotsin at so cheap a rate in London , as some may do in other places . When you sin , you sin against greater light , and love , against greater means , and mercies than others do . And therefore your sins will more provoke theAlmighty , and bring downgreater , and more sudden desolations upon you ; You areCapernaum-like , lifted up to heaven , and if you slight the Gospel as she did , you shall be brought down to hell , and it shall be easier for Capernaum at the great day than for you . The great God expects , that you should be like Hananiah who feared God above many . That you should be in the highest for me of Christs School , taller by the head in gracethan men in other places . He looks that you should do {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , something singular and extraordinary ; He hath given you more than he hathgiven to others , and he requires more from you , the Lord grant you may return more ! There were many eyes upon you , beholding what you would do ( after this following Sermon was preached , in which you were earnestly excited unto good works ) at your Publique Dinner . Give me leave to tell you freely and plainly ; You have not as yet sufficiently answered the expectation , either of others , or of many of your own Company ; There were some little spots ( this year also ) in your Feast of Charity ; ( I mean ) some defects , and blemishes , not ( I hope ) for want of affection , but of observing a due Method ; howsoever ; Thus much I must publish to the World both for theHonor of God , and for your honor ; you havedoubled your Charity this year , above what it was the last year ; You have bound out 30. Boyes to be Apprentices ; You have given considerable summes to Ministers born in London , and Ministers Widows , in distresse , and to poor Scholars in the Vniversities ; And my hope is , That the next year you will double the summe above what you have given this year . I am verily perswaded , that , what God said of Corinth , is very true of London , He hath much people in this City ; Though there are many wicked amongst us , yet there are many , yea , very many , both born , andbrought up in London , who truly fear God ; and for their sakes ▪ God hath hitherto spared us . My prayers is , that God would increasetheir number ; That this City may be a City of Refuge , for distressed Christians ; not an oppressing , or a bloudy City ; but a faithful and holy Citywherein ▪ God may delight to dwell , and that Salvation may be appointed to her for Walls and Bulwarks . So prayeth ▪ Your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and fellow servant in promoting the common good , Edm. Calamy . A SERMON PREACHED Before the Native CITIZENS OF LONDON . The City Remembrancer . Act. 21. 39. But Paul said , I am a Man which am a Jew of Tarsus , a City in Cilicia , a Citizen of no mean City . WE are here met this day , not only as Christians , but as fellow Citizens , to bless the name of the Lord , that we were born not only in England , but in London ; That we are Native-Citizens of no mean City . For the better Celebrating of this mercy , I have chosen this suitable Text , which contains Saint Pauls just and necessary defence of himself against the unjust accusation of the Chief Captain of the Roman Band . The chief Captain accuseth him for being an Egyptian , a Seducer , and a Murderer . Art not thou that Egyptian which before these dayes madest an uprore , and leddest out to the wilderness four thousand men that were Murderers ? In this verse Saint Paul makes his Apology , which consisteth of three parts . 1. He describes his Original ; He was {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , I am ( saith he ) a man which am a Jew , I am not that wicked and cursed Egyptian you speak on , but I am a Jew , of a religious and noble extraction . For though the Jewes are at this day the scorn and contempt of the world , justly odious to all good Christians , because of their murdering of Christ ; yet the time was when they were the only people God had upon earth , when they were a Holy Nation , when they were naturally holy , as it is , Gal. 2. 15. We who are Jews by nature , and not sinners of the Gentiles . They were not sinners by nature , as the Gentiles , but holy by nature ( I do not mean with the holyness of regeneration , but with a federall holyness ) They were all in Covenant with God , and their very Land was holy , It was Immanuels Land . The time was when they were not onely a holy , but a noble people : The honourablest Nation under the whole heavens . For to them , as the Apostles , saith pertained the adoption , and the glory , and the Covenants , and the giving of the Law , and the Service of God , and the promises . Whose are the Fathers ( those noble and honourable Patriarcks ) and of whom as concerning the flesh , Christ came , who is over all God blessed for ever . Jesus Christ was not only the Son of man , but the Seed of Abraham . This is the first part of Pauls Apology . He was a Jew , of a godly and noble original . Secondly , He describes the Country where he was born ; He was not only a Jew as to his original , but as to his Country , he was a Cilician , which is a Province in Anatolia , or Asia minor , a Country saith Ammianus Marcellinus , dives omnibus bonis , wealthy and fruitfull of all necessaries . He was born in a rich and fruitfull Countrey . Thirdly , He describes his Native City , & the dignity and excellency of it ; He was a Jew of Tarsus , that is , born in Tarsus of Cilicia , so called , in opposition ( saith Cajetan ) to another Tarsus in Bythinia . He was a Citizen of no mean City , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . In these words , there is a {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , where more is to be understood , than is expressed . He was a Citizen of no mean City , that is , He was a Citizen of a Famous City . Josephus calls it {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , Stephanus , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . It was urbs celebratissima , a most renowned and celebrious City . It was the Metropolis of all Cilicia . Solinus saith , it was mater urbium , The Mother of Cities , Diodorus Siculus saith , That for the kindness it shew-to Julius Caesar , and after him to Augustus Caesar , it was called Juliopolis . In this famous City was Paul born . The words thus expounded , may be handled two manner of wayes . 1. Relatively , as they are purely Apologetical , and satissactory answers to the unjust accusations laid to Pauls charge , by the chief Captain . I shall not meddle with them in this sense , because it would lead me to a discourse . Heterogeneal to the occasion of this dayes meeting . 2. Absolutely , as they are an Historical Narraration of Pauls extraction , Countrey , and native City . In this sense I shall speak to them . I shall sum up all that I have to say into this Doctrinal conclusion . Doct. That to be descended from religious and noble ancestors , and to be born in a famous Country and City , are considerable privileges , and passages of Divine Providence not to be slighted or disregarded . This proposition consisteth offour branches , of which I shall speak in order . 1. To be descended from godly and religious Ancestors is a desirable privilege , and no small honour . This was Pauls prerogative . He was a Jew descended from the holy Patriarcks . It is a great happiness when a man can truly say , O God , thou art my God , and my Fathers God , as it is , Exod. 15. 2. And with Jacob , O God of my Father Abraham , and my Father Isaac . For God hath promised not onely to be the God of the righteous , but of their Seed ; and David saith , That the generation of the righteous shall be blessed . There is a saying amongst some men , Happy is the Child whose Father goeth to the Devil . But this is a wicked and cursed Speech , For God punisheth the sins of the Fathers upon the Children unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate him . But I rather say , Happy is the child whose Father goeth to Heaven . For God sheweth mercy unto thousands of them that love him and keep his Commandements . God promiseth to bless Isaac , and to multiply his seed as the Stars of heaven , because that Abraham his Father obeyed his voyce , and kept his Statutes and Laws , Gen. 26. 3 , 4 , 5. And the Apostle commends Marcus to the Colosstans to be regarded and respected by them , because he was Barnabas Sisters Son ; he was the Sisters Son of a godly man . 2. To be descended from noble and illustrious Progenitors is a considerable privilege . This was also Pauls Prerogative , He was of the stock of Israel , of the Tribe of Benjamin , an Hebrew of the Hebrews . The wiseman saith , Blessed art thou , O Land , when thy King is the Son of Nobles , &c. To be nobly born , is naturale medium & stimulus ad virtutem & gloriam ( as one saith , ) it is a natural help , and a singular incitation and provocation to riches and glory . When Bathshebah would disswade Solomon her Son from intemperancy in drinking , she brings an Argument from the nobleness of his birth , Prov. 31. 4. It is not for Kings , O Lemuel , It is not for Kings to drink Wine , nor for Princes strong drink . It is not fit for any to drink immoderately , much less for Kings and Princes . Alexander scorned to run a Race with any who were not Kings , because he himself was a Kings Son . And because Themistocles was a great General , therfore he would not stoop to take up a rich Booty , but bids a common Souldier do it . Nobility is a great spur to vertue . The very Heathen could say , Fortes creantur fortibus & bonis , Virtue when it is joyned with Nobility is much more glorious and illustrious , than when joyned with poverty . It is like a Diamond in a Golden Ring : It is much more beautiful , and much more useful and serviceable . And therefore it is reckoned as a great judgement , when the Nobles are cut off from a Nation , Isaiah 39. 12. They shall call the Nobles thereof to the Kingdom , but none shall be there , and all their Princes shall be nothing . 3. To be born in a rich , fruitfull and religious Nation is no inconsiderable privilege . For that God which sets bounds to our lives which we cannot pass , doth also set bounds to our habitations , Act. 17. 26. And hath made of one bloud all Nations of men , for to dwell on all the face of the earth , and hath determined the times before appointed , and the bounds of their habitation . That one man is born in Spain , another in France , another in Turks , non fit Casu sed à Deo desinitur . It is not by Chance and Fortune , but by the wise ordering of God . When God first scattered men over the face of the earth , it was divino ductu & distributione , by divine guidance , and distribution , and as some think ( saith Streso ) by the Ministry of Angels . As Joshua distributed the Land of Canaan by a divine lot : So doth God by his Providence , appoint in what places of the world every man shall dwell . It is no little happiness to us , that are now assembled this day , that wee are by Nation Englishmen . When Julius Caesar first came into Britain ( which we now call England , ) hee thought he had found out another world . Aristides a Greek Author cals it by way of excellency , The great Island . Charles the Great stiles it ▪ The granary and Storehouse for the Western world . Matth. Parisiensis calls it , hortus deliciarum , puteus inexhaustus &c. A Paradise of pleasures , a well which can never be drawn dry . Iosephus saith , That if God had made the world round like a Ring , as he hath done like a Globe , Britain might most worthily have been the gem of it . If all the world were made into a Ring . Britain the Gem , and grace thereto should bring . There are four other considerations may be added in commendation of this fortunate Island ( as it hath anciently been called ) of great Britain . 1. It was one of the first Nations that were converted from heathenism unto Christianity ; the learned Arch-bishop of Armagh proveth by undeniable Arguments , that Ioseph of Arimathea Preached and Planted the Gospel in Britain . The Apostle 2 Tim. 4. 21. makes mention of Claudia , and Pudens her Husband , That this Claudia was of the British Nation , the same Authour proves by an Epigram in Martial , Claudia caeruleis cum sit Ruffina Britannis , Edita , cur Latiae pectora plebis habet ? &c. 2. The first King that ever professed Christian Religion , was King Lucius born here in this Nation . 3. The first Emperor that ever owned Christ and his Gospell , was Constantine the great , born in England . 4. The first King that ever renounced the Popes Supremacy , was King Henry the Eight ; and the first King that ever wrote against the Pope , to prove him to be the Antichrist , and the whore of Babylon , was King Iames of famous memory . And therefore I may safely say , That it is a providence not to be slighted and disregarded , that we are by Nation Englishmen . Fourthly , to be born in a Noble and famous City is a desirable privilege . Paul reckoneth it as a mercy that hee was born in Tarsus , and that he was a Citizen of no mean City . There is ( I confess ) some contention amongst learned men , about the place of Pauls birth . As seven Cities strove about Homers birth , so there are many places which challenge an interest in this holy Apostle . Hierome brings it as the common opinion of his time , that he was born in Giscalis a Town in Iudaea , and bred up in Tarsus . But in another place he recants this opinion and yet it is revived by Beda , Masius , and Arias Montanus . Some say hee was born in Graecia , others that hee was a Citizen of Rome . But ( as Lorinus well saith ) Paulo ipsi natale suum prodenti solum credendum est , Wee must believe Paul above all other witnesses , He saith expresly , That hee was {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Born in Tarsus , indeed he saith of himself that he was a Roman , But how ? Not by birth ▪ but because Tarsus was invested with the Roman privileges . There was a time when it was a singular Prerogative to be a Citizen of Rome , Haec vox civis Romanus sum , saepe in ultimis Terris , &c. This word , I am a Roman Citizen , relieved and rescued many in the utmost parts of the Earth . It was terror mundi , saith Cicero . It was not lawfull to binde or scourge a Roman Citizen ; the chief Captain paid dear for this freedom ; but Paul was free-born , because born in Tarsus , which was a Roman Colony , and made free of Rome by M. Antonius . It is no contemptible Prerogative to us here present , that we were born in London ; a City famous in Nero's time ( which is almost 1600. yeares ago ) for concourse of Merchants , and of great renowne for provision of all things necessary . Ammianus Marcellinus gives it a glorious Title , calling it , Augusta , a stately and magnificent City . This was 1200 ▪ years ago . Cornelius Tacitus 300. years before him , saith , that it was , valde celebre copiâ negotiatorum & commeatu , very renowned for commerce , and multitude of Merchants . It is the Metropolis and Mother-City of the Nation . If England be a Paradise of pleasure , London is as the Tree of life in this Paradise . And surely if Plato accounted it a great honour that he was a Grecian born and not a Barbarian , and that he was not onely a Grecian , but an Athenian , it must needs be an honour to us here assembled , not onely that we are Englishmen , but Englishmen born in the Noble and famous City of London , That we are Citizens of no mean City . If any here desire to be farther informed of the excellency of this City , let me intreat him to peruse a Booke printed this year , & composed by Mr. James Howel , called Londinopolis . Thus you have the Propositiō explained in all the four Branches of it . But now I must adde , That though the things forementioned be considerable Privileges , yet they are but outward and temporal privileges , common to the worst , as well as the best of men ; Cateline was born in Rome , as well as Caesar ; Caligula and Nero , as well as Augustus and Trajan . They are but fleshly and carnal prerogatives , which a man may enjoy , and yet be under the wrath of God , and guilt of eternal damnation . They are the Privileges of Paul a Pharisee , and of Paul a Persecutor ; they are such Privileges , which after he was converted , he accounted but as dung and dross in comparison of , and competition with , the Lord Jesus Christ . But yet howsoever , they are privileges , & passages of Divine Providence , not to be sleighted . And therefore in the Application , I shall first improve this Propositiō , as it is a desirable privilege ; & secondly , as it is but an outward , common , and temporal privilege . First , As it is a considerable and desirable privilege ; and upon this account alone it will afford us three profitable and seasonable Exhortations . Let us this day bless the Lord for this mercy , that we are Englishmen and Londoners born ; and especially , that we were born in England since it became Christian , and since it was reformed from Popish Superstition . There was a time when Britain was tristissimum superstitionum chaos , when London was {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ( as Paul saith of Athens ) a City wholly given to idolatry ; when we offered our sons and daughters alive in Sacrifice to those that were no Gods , non ad honorem sed ad injuria●s religionis , not as an honour , but as a shame to Religion . The time was , when we were drowned in popish superstition , when England was the Popes Vassail , and the Popes Asse ( as it was called ) to bear all his burdens ; but God out of his infinite mercy , hath freed us of those burdens , and we have enjoyed the Protestant reformed Religion , for an hundred years together . O let us bless God that we were born in England since it was reformed from Heathenism and Popery ; that we were born , not in Egypt , but in Goshen ; not in a valley of darkness , but in a valley of vision ; not in Babylon , but in Sion ; ( as you heard excellently the last year ) Le● us bless God that we were born in London , not onely because of the excellency of the situation of it , and the many outward accommodations to be found in it above other Cities ; but because of the abundance of the Gospel of salvation herein dispensed . It is said of the Isle of Rhodes , that it is fo happy an Island , that there is not one day in the year , in which the Sun doth not shine upon it ; this is true of London in a spiritual sense ; there is not one day in the year , in which you do not enjoy the sun●shine of the Gospel . This is the glory of London ; without this , London is no more than Ligorn , or Constantinople , or Paris , or any other City . And this is one main end of our meeting this day , to praise the Lord for this happy providence , that we were born in London , where we enjoy more of the purity , plenty , power and liberty of the Gospel , than any other City in the world . Besides this ; Let us this day bless God that London is yet a City , and that it hath not long ago been made like unto Sodom and Gomorrha . It is most certain , that we are a sinfull City , a City laden with iniquity , a seed of evil doers , children that are corrupters , that are miserably apostatised , both in doctrine , worship , and conversation : as the sinnes of Niniveh cried aloud to God for vengeance : so do the sins of London ; the pride , the hypocrisie , the covetousness , the injustice , the contempt of the Gospel , the profanation of the Sabbath , the drunkenness , perjury & whoredoms of London ; these and such like sins , cry to God for vengeance . Now that God should not onely not destroy us , but multiply his blessings upon us ( as appears by our meeting this day ; ) That God should preserve us so many years from the man devouring plague ; & that in all the time of the late unhappy wars , God should preserve us from being plundered , from popular tumults and insurrections , from being burnt with fire , and turned into an heap of ashes ; this heightens the mercy of God , and makes it a blessing in folio . Let us praise God exceedingly for it . This is a Duty belonging to all that live in the City , but more especially to us who are Native Citizens . 2. Let us labour to be a credit , and an ornament to the place where we were born ; as we are Citizens of no mean City , so let not our conversation be low , and mean , but holy and honorable ; this was Paul's commendation , he was a greater credit to Tarsus , than Tarsus was to him : Therefore Ignatius writing ( in one of his Epistles ) to the Tarsenses , calls them , Pauli cines & discipulos , Pauls fellow-Citizens and Disciples , as accounting it a great honor to them , that so famous a man , as Paul , was born in their City ; Thus Austin was a greater credit to Hippo , than Hippo was to him , and Hippocrates was a greater blessing to the Island Co● where he was born , than the Island was to him . I here are some men who are curses , and Plague ▪ soars , to the places where they receive their first breath , who Viper ▪ like tear in pieces the bowels of the Mother that bare them : such a one was Nero , who set his own City on fire , and rejoyced to behold the flames of it ; such another was Caligula , who wished , that all Rome had but one neck , that he might cut it off at once : Many such Monsters there are in most Cities , who are vomicae & carcinomata civitatis , diseases , impostumations , stains , and blemishes to the places where they are born ; who are Citizens , but drunken Citizens ; Citizens , but adulterous Citizens ; Citizens , but covetous , and oppressing Citizens ; but I hope better things of you here present this day . What must we do , that we may be ornaments to the place where we were born ? You must do two things : You must be just in your words , and actions towards men , and holy in your carriage towards God ; these are the two Poles upon which the happiness of London turns ; then is a City happy , when Justice and holiness meet together , when the men thereof make Conscience of their duty to God , as well as to their Neighbour ; and of their duty to their Neighbour , as well as of their duty towards God , when there is a conjunction of holiness and righteousness ; blessed is that Land , and blessed is that City , which is in such a condition ; happy London , if a Minister could rationally pray Jeremies prayer over it , The Lord blesse thee O habitation of justice , and mountain of holiness . 1. You must be just in your words and actions towards men . There is a great complaint throughout the whole Nation , against divers men professing godlinesse in this City , that they are false to their trust , unfaithful in their promises , unjust in their buying and selling : That they are very religious in the publique Congregation , but very unconscienceable in their private Shops ; That the faithful City is become an Harlot , It was full of judgement , and righteousness lodged in it , but now her silver is become drosse , and her wine mixt with water ; Now it is full of unrighteousness and un●ustice . This is a bloudy charge , and if true , renders y●u Traytors and Rebels , to the City of your Nativity . Remember this day , that God hates holinesse if it be not joyned with righteousnesse ; That an unjust holy man is an abomination to the Lord ; That holinesse without righteousnesse is not holiness , but hypocrisie . 2. You must be holy in your carriage towards God ; you must not onely give man his due , but God his due ; you must not only have the Gospel , but obey the Gospel ; you must not onely be good Citizens , but good Christians . Justice without holiness may make you good Heathens , but will never make you good Christians : An unholy justice is as odious to God , as an unjust holiness . Remember the words of the Apostle , Without holiness no man shall see God ; Though you be never so just towards your Neighbours , if you be not also holy towards God , you shall never go to heaven . Let us sincerely desire , and earnestly endeavour , and seek the good of the City wherein we were born . This was the great commendation of Mordecah , Fster 10. 3. He sought the wealth of his people ; Not his own wealth , but the wealth of his people : Such another was Nehemiah , he sought the welfare of the children of Israel ; he was a man of a publique spirit , he did not Monopolize , and ingrosse all to himself ; he was a true Common-wealth's man , not a Private-wealth's man , he sought the good of the people of God , more than his own : Such another was Augustus Caesar , It is said of him , That he found the City of Rome weak and in rubbish , and left it adamantine and invincible : such must you be , you must seek the good of the place of your nativity , you must not onely labour to enrich , enoble , and greaten your selves , to make your selves happy ; But you must labour to enrich , enoble , greaten , and make London happy and blessed ; this you must do six manner of waies , 1. By your prayers ; you must pray for the peace of this our Jerusalem , that peace may be within her Walls , and prosperity within her Palaces : For your Brethren , and Companions sake , you must say , and pray peace be within thee : For in the peace of London is your peace wrapt up , in the happiness of London , your happiness is involved . Pray that the name of London , from this day may be Jehovah Shammai , the Lord is there ; that the Lord would make it an habitation of Justice , and a Mountain of Holiness : Pray that the Sun of the Gospel may not set in our daies , but that it may be continued to us , and our posterities for evermore . 2. By living together in love and union ; behold how good and how pleasant it is , for brethren to dwell together in unity ! it is like the precious ointment upon the head , that ran down upon the beard , even Aarons beard , that went down to the skirts of his garments ; as the dew of Herm●n , and as the dew that descended upon the mountains of Sion ; for there the Lord commanded the blessing , even life for ever . As long as Ierusalem was a City compact together , and at unity within it self , so long it prospered ; But when it came to be divided into two sticks , into Iudah , and Ephraim ( the two Tribes and the Ten Tribes ) these two sticks never left beating one another , till they were at last both of them destroyed . It is observed by Learned men , That all Englands enemies from without , were brought into the Land by divisions from within ; Intestine divisions brought in the Romans , Saxons , Danes , and Normans . Tacitus saith , that the Britains ( when Caesar came in ) factionibus trahebantur , & dunt singuli pugnabant universi vincuntur , &c. The divisions of London at this day are very many , and very great . O that this dayes meeting might be some wayes instrumentall for the healing of them . That our feasting together may not onely in name , but in reality prove to be a Love-Feast . That he●●eforth we would cease striving one against another ; and strive together for the Faith of the Gospel . That wee would abstain from all dividing names , principles , and practices . That Magistrates and Ministers would joyn together for the publick good . That Aaron and Huz would hold up ( not weaken ) the hands of Moses . Alwayes remembring that sad speech of Jesus Christ , Mat. 12. 25. Every Kingdom divided against it self , is brought to desolation , and every City or House divided against it self , shall not stand . Thirdly , By your holy lives and conversations ; For Holiness will not only preserve your own persons from Hell , but the City wherein you live from ruine and destruction . Here are assembled this day at least a thousand persons born in London ; Now if all you were really holy , what a wall of Brass would it be for the defence of the City ? For if God would have spared five Cities , if there had been but ten righteous persons in them , How much more will he spare one City , wherein there are a thousand righteous men ? Sin and iniquity brings down the judgements of God upon Cities and Kingdoms . There is a story of two men riding through a Town in Germany , burnt down by Souldiers ; The one said to the other , Hic fuit hostilitas , Here the enemy hath been ; but the other wisely and Christianly answered , Hic fuit iniquitas , Here sin hath been ; It was the sin of this place , which made way for the Souldiers to come to destroy it . When Phocas the Murderer of the Emperor Mauritius had built a high and strong Wall for his safety and defence , he heard a voyce from heaven saying to him , Though thou buildest thy Wall , as high as Heaven , sin is within , and this will easily expose it to destruction . It is sin which causeth God to burn up Cities ; and therefore you must by a holy life , seek the good of this City . Fourthly , By your love to the godly , learned , and painfull Ministry of the City ; Contempt of the Ministry is a City-ruinating-sin , It is a sin which brings destruction without remedy , 2 Chron. 36. 16. They mocked the Messengers of God , and misused his Prophets , untill the wrath of God arose against his people , till there was no remedy . When Hanun the Ammonite abused Davids Ambassadors , this affront made him to stink before David ( as it is expresly said , 2 Sam. 10. 6. ) and brought destruction upon him and all his people : Ministers rightly called and ordained , are the Ambassadors of Jesus Christ ; when you despise them , you despise Christ ; when you starve them for want of maintenance , Christ takes it as an injury against himself , and he will revenge their quarrel . One great reason , why God destroyed Jerusalem , was , because she killed the Prophets , and stoned them that were sent to her . And the reason why Heidelberg that famous City was laid wast , was ( as I was told by a Reverend and learned Minister there dwelling ) for the contempt of the Ministry . O Let not this be your sin , lest you also perish as they have done . 5. By your constancy in the faith in these Apostatizing dayes ; It will not , it cannot be denied , but that London is miserably infected and beleapred with errors and heresies ; And what is said of Poland , and Amsterdam , may be as truly said of this City , That if a man had lost his Religion , he should be sure to find it ( be it what it will be ) amongst as here . We are a Cage of unclean Birds ; A receptacle for Hereticks of all kinds ; Heresie is gone forth from London , into all parts of the Land . Now you must know , That Heresie will quickly bring ruine upon a City . Pezelius upon Sleidan , tells us , that the dissentions of the Christians in the East , brought in the Saracens and Mahumetans : They were divided into ten severall Religions ; and their divisions did armare Saracenos in ecclesiae perniciem , did Arm the Saracens to destroy the Christians ; and therefore if you would seek the good of the place of your Nativity , you must be valiant for the truth , you must indeavour , according to the station in which God hath set you , to purge the City of these Augaean stables , to hinder the growth of Heresie : You must not be like Children tossed to and fro , and carried about with every wind of Doctrin . You must in malice be children , but in understanding be men . You must be stedfast and immoveable in the truth , that so at last God who is a God of truth , may delight to dwell in the midst of us ; and this City may be called as Jerusalem was , A City of Truth . 6. By your Charity and Liberality ; This doth especially concern such of you , upon whom God hath bestowed the Riches of this World . A poor Citizen may do good to his native-City , by his prayers and holy life , but you must also do good to it , by your bounty and liberality . Charity is the Queen of Graces , without which all other graces are but cyphers and shadows ; Faith without charity is nothing worth ; if a man gives his body to be burnt , and hath not charity , it profiteth him nothing . The Protestant Religion , as it teacheth us not to trust to good works , so also it teacheth us to be full of good works ; you have often heard us say , that though faith alone justifieth , yet the faith that justifieth , is never alone ; though faith justifieth separatim à bonis operibus , yet not separata à bonis operibus ; though good works be not necessary in the act of justification , yet they are necessary in the person justified ; though good works be not the cause , why we go to heaven , yet they are the way to heaven . Thus wee Preach ▪ Let it appear this day , that you are real Protestants by pract●sing this Doctrine . Let the proud Papists trust to the merit of their works , but let us Protestants trust in Christ onely and his righteousness , and let us manifest the truth of our faith in Christ , by our good works to the members of Christ , alwaies remembring that laying of Christ , Whatsoever you do to any of the least of my Brethren , you do unto me . You have many glorious precedents and put ternes left you by your predecessors , whose hearts God hath stirred up to build many famous Hospitalls , and to endow them with large revenews , and to erect Free-Schools for the education of Youth , and herein they become examples to you to follow their steps , and as you inherit their Estates , so also to inherit their vertues . But I shall not press you any farther to charity in general ; I shall confine my Discourse to one little piece and parcel of charity towards your fellow-Citizens , that are in want and necessity . You are this day to dine together ; my hearts desire is , that this dinner may be a Feast of Charity . In the Primitive times the Christians had their {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , their Love-feasts , on purpose to maintain Brotherly love ; these Feasts Jude calls ( according to our translation ) Feasts of Charity , because in such Feasts the poor were alwaies remembred ; my humble sute is , that this dinner may be a Feast of Love and Charity , that some real good may be done at it , that you may not onely feast as good Citizens , but as good Christians ; and therefore you have a Sermon here this morning , on purpose to prepare you for this Feast , that so it may not onely be a civil , but a religious meeting . The Apostle Jude tells us of spots that were in the Primitive Feasts of Charity , these spots were certain wicked and heretical persons , which crept into their Feasts , and defiled and polluted them ; I hope their will be no such spots amongst us this day . The last year there were spots in our Feast of Charity , mistake me not , I do not mean it in Judes sense , I am far from thinking , that there were wicked and heretical men amongst us , my meaning onely is , that there were defects and blemishes in our last years meeting . The Reverend Brother that Preach'd here the last year , hath told the World thus much in Print ; But he addes very wisely and discreetly , and ( I hope ) truly , that this was not for want of affection , but of contrivance ; not for want of liquor , but vent , not matter , but method , not conception , but obstetrication ; you did not want a fountain of charity , but onely a chanel cut out wherein your charity might stream it self ; This channel is now cut out for you , there are indeed four chanels , four glorious designes proposed by the Stewards , for to draw out your charity and liberality , towards your fellow-Citizens ; give me leave to read them to you , as they were sent me in writing . 1. For the relief of Ministers in distresse , born in the freedom ofLondon . 2. For relief of Ministers Widdows in want , whose husbands were born in the freedom of London . 3. For putting forth of poor Children to be Apprentises , whose Fathers are or were freemen , and which Children were born in the City of London , or Liberties thereof . 4. That relief may be made for poor Scholars , Students in the Vniversity , and there resident , who are unable to subsist of themselves , and who were Sons of freemen , and have been horn in London , or the Liberties thereof . Here are four famous Chanels for your Charity to stream in ; four Excellent materials to build your Liberality upon . And let me tell you , That you are obliged this day , both in Conscience , and Honour , and you can neither sasisfie God or Man , unlesse you do something worthy your selves . To move you , consider , 1. That you miscarried the last year , and therefore you are the more ingaged this year . When I say you miscarried , I do not mean as to the faithfulnesse of the Stewards , who were very carefull and exactly diligent in laying out the Money that was gathered , ( in Testimony whereof you have 32. poor Youths here before you whom they bound out Apprentises . ) But I mean in regard of the littleness of the sum that was gathered . And this miscarriage was not for want of affection , ( as is said of you in print ) but for want of contrivance , not for want of liquor , but Vent , of matter , but method , &c. Behold now a Method propounded ! Behold a Vent for your charity ! Let it appear this day , that that which is said of you in print is true . Let the Fountain of your liberality stream out in these four Chanels . 2. You have most of you got your Estates here in this City ; Here is the place where God hath blessed you ; And therefore the light of Nature teacheth you to seek the good of this City , where God hath prospered you in the first and chief place . And there are many of you whom God hath blessed with great estates . As you are Citizens of no mean City , so you are no mean Citizens . Now God requires of you , not only to be charitable , but a suitable proportion of charity according as he hath blessed you . You that are rich in Estate must not only do good works , but be rich in good works , alwaies remembring that saying of Christ , To whom much is given , of them much is required . 3. Your charity will be a pattern and president to other persons and places . For though you must not do good works to be seen of men , yet you must do good works , which men may see , according as Christ saith , Let your light so shine before men , that they may see your good works , and glorifie your Father w●h is in Heaven . 4. I might here take occasion to tell you what the Kentish men have done lately in their Meeting , and what the Warwick-shire men have done ; but this would be too much to undervalue you ; you are the Mother city , and it is not fit that the Daughters should be examples to the Mother , but the Mother to her Daughters . I perswade my self , that you will this day exceed all former patterns , and be your selves a pattern to all others . 5. I might also here take occasion to put you in mind of one of the last years Stewards , whom God hath suddainly taken out of this world . He was a godly man , and of good esteem ; His name was Mr. John Wallington . The Egyptians in all their great feasts were wont to have a Death's head served in as one dish , that thereby they might be put in mind of their Mortality ; and learn to be sober and temperate in eating and drinking . I could heartily wish , that the death of this precious Christian might serve this day instead of a Death's-head to stir up your Charity , and Liberality , forasmuch as you know not how soon God may take you from your Estates , or your Estates from you , how soon God may call you to give an account of your Stewardships ; or whether ever you shall live to have such another publick occasion , to testifie the greatness of your love to Christ , by your Charity to his fellow-members . And therefore while you have opportunity , do good to all , but especially to the Houshold of Faith . But why should I use any more Arguments ? For the City of London hath alwayes been one of the best places in the world , for Deeds of Charity . Let me speak it to the Honour of God , and of this City , that even at this very day , the City of London is a Sanctuary for all the distressed Christians of the Nation ; and a man may sooner get a 100 l. at a Collection in London ; than an hundred pence in many other places . As God hath given you large estates , so also hath he given to many of you large hearts . And therfore why should not believe , and confidently conclude , that you will this day answer expectation ; and that you will be charitable , though not to be seen of men , yet so , as that men may see it , and bless God for you . I shall adde onely this one word more . You are Citizens of no mean City , and no mean Citizens of this City ; And therefore let not your Charity this day be low and mean , but transcendent , and superlative , suitable to the place where you were born , and to such persons born in such a place . So much for the use of this Proposition , as it is a considerable and desirable Privilege . Vse 2. I shall now further improve it as it is but an outward , temporall , fleshly , and carnal privilege , common to the worst , as well as to the best of men . As it is the Prerogative of Paul , even then when hee was a persecuting Pharisee ; as it is a Privilege which a man may enjoy , and yet be in the state of damnation . And here likewise ( if time would permit ) I should exhort you unto three things very seasonable and profitable . 1. Let us not rest satisfied in being the Children of Religious Parents , but let us labour to inherit the virtues of our Parents . There are many Children , who are blots and blemishes to their Parents , as Manasseh was to Hezekiah , Conmodus unto Marcus Aurelius Antoninus , of whom it is said , that he had been perfectly happy , had hee not begotten such a Son ; And that he did injure his Countrey in nothing but in being the Father of such an ungodly child . Hoc solo patriae , quod genuit , nocuit . There are many Citizens amongst us , who are the wicked sons of very godly Parents , let such know , That it is a fearful thing to sin against good education , and to walk contrary to those religious Principles , which they suck'd in from their very Cradle ; That that which is a great mercy in it self , is to them a great judgement ; And that their very Parents shall rise up in judgement against them , and be instead of a thousand witnesses to condemn them . 2. Let us not rest contented in being born of noble Parents , but let those that are nobly born , labour to be nobly minded ; For it is the noble minde makes a man noble , and not the noble title . It is a notable saying of Gregory the great , A King may command his Subjects to call a Lyon a Lamb , but he cannot make a Lyon to be a Lamb ; A King may give a man noble Titles , but he cannot make the man a noble man , because he cannot give him a noble and vertuous minde . And therefore you that are nobly born must labour to be nobly and vertuously minded . Nobility without vertue is , but , as a scarlet-roabe upon a leprous body , and like a jewel in a swines snout . There are very many who are ignobly born , and yet prove noble ; such was the Coblers son who grew to be a famous Captain , and when he was upbraided by a noble man with his mean original , wittily answered , My nobility begins with me , and thine ends in thee ; And there are many who are nobly born , and yet prove ignoble , to the dishonour of their progenitors ; Such were the children of Alcibiades ; Such was Hezekiah's son ; Such must not you be , you must labour to be a credit to your Ancestors . And you must not account it sufficient to be born of earthly Parents , though never so noble , but you must labour to be born of God , and to be born from above ; for as Christ saith , Except a man be born from above , ( for so it is in the original ) He shall never enter into the Kingdom of Heaven . It is not your being born from below , ( though your Parents be never so high ) which will intitle you to heaven ; unlesse you be born from above , unless you be heaven-born Christians . A true Christian is of a noble extraction ; he is the adopted son of God , Brother to Jesus Christ , heir of God , and co-heir with Christ ; He is the noblest man in the world ; Such must you labour to be ; and in comparison of this all outward nobility is , but as dung and drosse . 3. Let us not rest satisfied in being Citizens of this famous City of London , but let us labour to be Citizens of the new Jerusalem , to be Citizens of that City which is made without hands , eternal in the heavens . Heaven in Scripture is often called a City , and it is no mean City , glorious things are spoken of thee , O thou City of the living God ; all earthly Cities aremean and poor , in comparison of it , and not worthy to be named that day in which we speak of this City ; the Scripture calls it , A better Countrey , that is , an heavenly ; As far as heaven exceeds the earth , so far doth thisCity exceed all earthly Cities . It exceeds them . 1. In its greatness and bigness ; and therefore it is called agreat City , Revel 21. 10. And , that great City by way of emphasis ; The holy Jerusalem descending out of heaven . Our Saviour Christ saith , That in his fathers house there are many Mansions ; Who can tell how many ? For there are in heaven a great multitude , which no man could number , of all Nations , and kindreds , and people , and tongues . If the Sun be 166times bigger than the Earth , how big is this blessed City ? 2. In its sublimity and altitude ; It is a City seated above all visible heavens , as the Apostle saith , Ephes● 4. 10. Therefore it is called ; The highest Heaven , and the third Heaven , farre above the aëriall , and aetheriall heavens . And this sheweth the excellency of this City ; For in the Composition of the World , the purest , and the most excellent things are situated in the highest places ; The earth as the grossest is put in the lowest room ; the air above that , and therefore purer than that ; the fire purer than the air ; the starry heaven above them , and therefore of a more pure composition , which Aristotle calls , Quinta essentia ; But the heaven of the blessed is above the starry heaven , and therefore of a far purer composition , and as Zanchy saith , It is inter omnia corpora simplicia simplicissimum . 3. In its beauty and glory ; For this City hath no need of the Sun or Moon to shine in it ; But the glory of God doth lighten it , and the Lamb is the light thereof . And herein also consisteth the excellency of this City because it is a place where we shall be filled with the glory of God , The Lord God Almighty shall be the everlasting light of it , and our God the glory of it . 4. It exceeds all other Cities in the wealth and riches of it ; For it is a City of pure gold , and the streets of it are of pure gold , the walls of it and the foundations are garnished with all manner of precious stones , and the twelve gates of it are made of twelve pearles , &c. These expressions are all of them Metaphorical , borrowed from things that are most precious , and of highest account with men upon earth , to set out the incomparable wealth and riches of heaven . And surely if the streets be of pure gold , O how beautiful are the inner rooms ! How rich is the Chamber of Presence of the great King of Kings ! 5. In the pleasures of it ; There are many Cities which are pleasantly situated , and wherein all earthly pleasures are to be enjoyed ; This famous City of London is deservedly stiled not onely The Store-House of profit , but the Garden of pleasure ; But Heaven is a Paradise of all pleasure , and therefore it is called Paradise ; Earthly Paradise was omnium voluptatum promptuarium , A promptuary and store-house of all pleasures , and delights , much more is heavenly Paradise : It is the Garden of the Lord , wherein the Saints of God are satisfied with joyes and unspeakable delights . 6. In the privileges and immunities of it ; Every City hath its privileges , and immunities to invite men to dwell in it , & to be free of it . But now the privileges , and immunities of heaven are unexpressible ; There we shall all be Kings , crowned with a crown of righteousness , a crown of life , and a crown of glory . There we shall be free from all misery , from the wicked and their persecutions , from the Devil and his temptations , and above all we shall be free from the body of sin and iniquity . 7. In the necessary accommodations of it ; A City is a place where all things necessary for the comfort of mans life are to be found . The whole Countrey round about bring in their Commodities to it . We use to say of Cheap side in London , That it is the best garden in England . But now Heaven is a City wherein we shall have a perfect possession of all good things . It is an happiness made up by the aggregation of all things desirable . 8. In the excellency of the inhabitants ; It is one of the greatest commendations of a City , when the Inhabitants of it are godly and religious . But now in Heaven there are none , but the Souls of just men made perfect in grace . The People which dwell there are all righteous ; Therefore it is called , A holy City , because it consisteth onely of holy persons . 9. In the safety and security of it . It is a great commendation of a City when it is safe and secure from enemies ; There is hardly any City in the whole World which enjoyeth this happinesse . But now in heaven , there is perfect safety and security . Therefore it is said , That the gates of it shall never be shut . They that dwell there , are above the Fear , and hurt of men or Devils . 10. It exceeds all other Cities in the work & imployment which the Citizens of this City have . In earthly Cities men turmoil themselves with wordly businesses , and are troubled about many things , drowning themselves in the cares of the world &c. But in Heaven there is no work but to sing Hallelujahs , and to be alwayes praising God , and rejoycing in his Presence . 11. It exceeds all other Cities in the durableness & eternity of it ; The pleasures of this City are everlasting , and the Glory , Honor , Riches and Privileges &c. of it , are everlasting . Therefore it is said to be a City which hath foundations . The Apost. tels us , That Abraham looked for a City which hath foundations . This expressiō is put down in oppositiō to Abrahams dwelling in Tents & Tabernacles . A Tent is an house wch hath a covering but no foundation ; A Tent is a moveable house , easily reared up , and easily pull'd down ; But now the heaven of the blessed is a firm and an enduring City , a City which hath foundations . This Phrase signifieth Two things . 1. The unchangeableness & unalterableness of this Heavenly City . 2. The everlastingnesse and eternity of it . Both of them are expresly mentioned by the Apost. Peter , 1 Pet. 1. 4. Where he calls heaven not only an immortal , and undefiled , but an inheritance that never fadeth away . All Farthly Cities decay in time , and need reparation : But this is a City which never fadeth ; A place which needs no reparation . And is as a Flower that is alwayes sweet , and never withereth , as excellent after 10000000. years , as at the first moment of its creation . It is unchangeable and unalterable . And so also , it is eternal and everlasting . Earthly Cities have no foundation , and therefore are fading and perishing . They are like Cities made of wax or snow , which quickly melt away , like Nebucadnezzars Image , whose head was of fine gold , and breasts of silver , but the feet which upheld it were composed of brittle clay , that is easily dissolved . Earthly happinesse like the earth is founded upon nothing . And as the Cities we dwell in , so we that dwell in these Cities have no foundation , unlesse it be in the dust , as Job speaks ; Therefore the Apostle saith , We have here no abiding City , but we seek one to come . Heaven is a Kingdom , that cannot be shaken . A mansion-house , as Christ saith , In my Fathers house are many mansions ; ( so called from their perpetuity . ) But we have no {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , no abiding city here . Nature ( saith Cicero ) hath not given a dwelling place to us here upon earth , but onely a lodging place , as a guest in an Inne for a night and away . Therefore it is , that the Saints of God in all ages have acknowledged themselves to be sojourners , pilgrims , and strangers in this world , traveling thorough it , as thorough a strange Country unto their mansion-house in Heaven . In a word ; All earthly Cities , Persons , and happinesse are subject , First to alteration , and next to dissolution . The longest day hath its night , and the longest life its death . The famous Monarchies of the World have had their periods . Kings dye , and Kingdoms dye ; And great and famous Cities are in length of time ruinated , and demolished . We in this Nation have seen strange alterations , changes , and dissolutions . All earthly Cities are changeable , and perishing ; but Heaven is a City which hath foundations : It is an unchangeable and everlasting City . Lastly , This City excells all other Cities in the builder and maker of it ; Earthly Cities are built by men , but the builder of this City is God : so saith the Apostle , He looked for a City which hath foundations , whose builder and maker is God . There are some who think , that the Heaven of the blessed is an uncreated place : But this a great error . For every thing in the world is either the Creator , or the Creature ; ●f heaven were an uncreated place , it should he a God and not a Creature . We believe in our Creed , That God is the Creator of all things visible and invisible . And the forementioned text tells us ; That God was the builder and maker of it . Here are two words used {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the last word signifieth , that God made it , summo artificio , to set out his skill and workmanship . When great men build great houses for their own dwelling , they build them according to their greatnesse . When Ahashuerosh made a feast , to shew the riches , and glory ▪ of his Kingdom , it was a most magnificent feast . Solomons Temple ( built by him ) was justly accounted the glory of the World , Pliny calls it , Orbis miraculum , The miracle of the World . When Nebucadnezzar built a Palace for his own dwelling , it was a sumptuous one . The Heathens tell us of glorious structures made by earthly Kings . of the Temple of Diana ; The Sepulcher of Mausolus ; The Walls of Babylon ; The Capitol of Rome , &c. and the Pyramids of Egypt , one of which was twenty years building , and three hundred threescore thousand men alwaies at work about it . If all the Kings of the earth should joyn together to build a Palace , surely it would be a rare building ; But if all the Angels in heaven should joyn , and set their wisdom on work to build an house , surely it would be an Angelical structure . Much more when God himself who is an infinite Agent , infinite in glory , power , and wisdom , shall make an house to shew his skill , wisdom , glory , and power , this house surely must needs be superlatively excellent ; Such an house and such a City is Heaven , whose Builder and curious Artificer was God . And therefore it is said , to be an house made without hands ; Not onely without earthly hands , ( for so all the visible Heavens were made ) but without hands , that is , after a more excellent manner than the other Heavens ; The other Heavens are said to be made by the hand of God , Psal. 19. 1. Psalm 102. 25. But this was made without hands , that is , after a more glorious , and a more unconceiveable manner than all the other Heavens . Q. But for what end did God build this glorious City ? A. For two ends . First , For his own dwelling-house . Christ calls it , His Fathers House . God indeed dwells every where in regard of his Essence , but in regard of the presence of his Glory , he dwells onely in Heaven . This sheweth the surpassing excellency of this Heavenly House ; It is an House fit for God to dwell in . Secondly , God made this City , that it might be a place where the Saints of God shall live in the embraces of God for ever . Come ye Blessed of my Father ( saith Christ , ) inherit the Kingdom prepared for you , &c. It is a Kingdom of glory , and happiness prepared for the Saints before the foundation of the world . In a word . God made this City to be the habitation of Angels and Saints after this life , in which they shall see God face to face ; and be made like to Christ in glory , and enjoy such pleasures and delights , which eye never saw , nor ear never heard , nor ever entred into the heart of man to conceive . But here I shall draw a veil , not forgetting what the ancient Fathers usually say , when they speak of Heaven , Experimento opus est ; We shall never perfectly understand the excellency of this City , till we come to be dwellers in it . O let us all labour to be Citizens and Free-men of this blessed City . Here are this day assembled , multitudes of Citizens and Free-men of London : How happy would it be if all here present , were Citizens and Freemen of Heaven . If there were a City in this world , in which whosoever dwelt should be alwayes rich , and healthfull , and young and happy , what flocking would be to such a City ? Such a City is heaven ; it is a City in which the Saints of God shall all be Kings , and shall bee perfectly and perpetually happy . Let us bind our selves Apprentices to God in this life ; and when our short time is out , he will make us Freemen of that City , which hath Foundations , whose builder and maker is God . Wee must not think to be the Devils slaves here , and Gods Freemen in heaven ; but we must be Gods faithfull servants here , and wee shall be his Freemen hereafter . Heaven is not onely an excellent ▪ City , but a holy City , into which no unclean person shall in any wise enter . In earthly Cities wicked men dwell , as well as righteous , and more wicked than righteous ; but in this City , the people shall all be righteous , as it is Isaiah , 60. 21. This City is the inheritance of the Saints , and of all the Saints , and onely of the Saints , and unless we be born again , we shall never enter into this City . And therefore let us pray unto God , that hee would make us meet & fit to enter into this holy and heavenly City ; that he that made us creatures , would make us new creatures ; that God by grace , would make us fit to enter into glory . In a word , let us make it appear this day , that we are not onely Citizens of London , but of heaven , by our deeds of charity distributed to Christs poor for Christs sake . God hath entailed not only temporal and spiritual , but eternal mercices upon charity and liberality ; and therefore let us make to our selves friends of the unrighteous Mammon , that when we fail , they may receive us into everlasting habitations ; Let us lay up our treasures in heaven , where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt , and where theeves do not break thorough and steal . Let me speak to you in the words of the Apostle Paul : Charge them that are rich in this world , ( A man may be rich in this world as Dives was , and poor enough ( as hee was ) in the other world ▪ ) therefore if you would not only be rich here , but rich in the other world , you must not be high-minded , nor trust in uncertain riches , but in the living God who giveth us all things richly to enjoy , you must do good , and he rich in good works ( not only do good works , but be rich in good works , ) ready to distribute , willing to communicate , laying up in store for your selves a good Foundation against the time to come , that you may lay hold on eternal life . The world foundation is not here to be understood in the builders sense , but in the Lawyers sense , who call the evidences upon which they ground their plea , their foundation . The merits of Christ , are our onely foundation to build our hope of heaven upon ; but good works are the evidencing foundation . Let us lay up for our selves in heaven a good foundation , by works of Charity , that at the great day of Judgement , Jesus Christ may say unto us , Come yee blessed of my Father , inherit the Kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world : For I was an hungred , and ye gave me meat : I was thirsty , and ye gave me drink : I was a stranger , and ye took me in ; I was naked , and yee cloathed me ; I was sick , and ye visited me ; I was in prison , and ye came unto me . So much for this Text , and for this time . FINIS Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A78766e-210 Mat. 11 : 26 Luc. 19. 42. Luc. 4. 16. Elton upon Rom. 9. Act 22. 3. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Rom. 9. 2 , 3. Aristotelem ha●d minus quam Patrem suum initio dilexit , quod a Patre , ut viveret , a Praeceptore , ut bene viveret , accepisset Pezelius . Ejus gratiâ Lacedaemonii in reliquam Baeotiam saevientes Thebanis pepercerunt . Ita & Alexander quum Thebas everteret , & in omnes saeviret sine discrimine , Pindari Vatis penatibus familiaeque parci jussit . Cicero contra Verrem . Eph. 2. 19. Heb. 11. 10 Mat. 11. 23 Neh. 7. 2. Mat 5. 47. I received a Note of these particulars from the worthy Stewards of the late Feast . Act. 18. 10. Zeph. 3. 1. Nah. 3. 1. Isa. 26. 1. Notes for div A78766e-2550 Vers . 38. First Isa. 8. 8. Rom. 9. Cajetan . in locum . Vbi minus dicitur & plus intelligitur . Ciliciae totius Princeps & Caput . The words may be handled two wayes . Relatively Absolutely . Doctrine . The first branch of the Proposition . Gen. 32. 9. Gen. 17 , 7. Psal. 112. 2. Col. 4. 10. The second branch the Proposition Phil. 3. 5. Eccl. 10. 17. Gaspar Streso in locum . Et tu ea tibi accepe non es enim Themistocles . The third branch of the Proposition . Streso in Acta &c. Gen. 11. In Panegyric Orat. to Constantius . Speed . This saying of Josephus is quoted by Speed in his History of great Britain . 4. things in commendation of England . De Britanni carum Eccle●●arum primordiis . The 4th branch of the Proposition . Libr. de Scriptor . Eccl. in Paulo . In ep. ad Philem. Beda in c. 21. Act. Masius in c. 19. Josh. Arias Montanus , in Apparatu &c. Ebionaei apud Epiphan. haeres . 30. Act. 22. 3. Act. 22. 27. Cicero . Acts 22. 28. Speed . Vse 1. Exh. 1. Cambden . Act. 17. 16 Cambden . Matth : Parisiens . Nulla digs tam nubilis in quâsol in hâc insulâ non conspiciatur . Solinus . Isa. 1. 4. Exh. 2. Two things are to be done that we may be a credit , and an ornament to London . Jer. 31. 23. Heb. 12. 14 Exhort . 3. Neh 2. 10. Invenit late retia● reliquit marmoream . Six waies to make London happy . Ezek. 48. 35. The 2d . way to make London happy . Psal. 133. Psalm . 122 3. 3. The third way to make London happy . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . The 4th way to make London happy . Luc. 20. 16. Luc. 13. 34. Scultetus , who afterward came over into England . The fifth way to make London happy . Jer. 9. 3. 1 Cor. 15. 58. Zech 8. 3. The sixth way to make London happy . Jam. 2. 14. 1 Cor. 13. 3. Mat. 25. 40 Jude 12. Jude 12. Dr. Horton . Four several sorts of persons upon whom the Charity gathered at the Londoners meeting is to be bestowed . Luc. 12. 46. Matth. 5. 16. Gal. 6. 10. Vse 2. Exhort . Prorsus felicem futurum fuisse ( inquit Ausoinius ) si hunc filium non generasset . Exhort . 2. Iphicoabes . Genus meum à me incipit tuum in te desinit . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Joh. 3. 3. Exho . 3. Heb. 11. 10 , 16. Heb. 13. 14 Psal. 87. Heb. 11. 16 Heaven is a City , that exceeds all other Cities in in twelves respects . Joh. 14. 2. Rev. 7. 9. Rev. 21. 23 Rev. 12. 5. Isa. 60. 19. Rev. 21. 18 , 19 , 21. 2 Tim. 4. 8 Rev. 2. 10. 1 Pet. 5. 4. Heb 12. 23 Isa. 60. 20. Rev. 21. 10 Rev. 21. 25 Heb. 11. 10 Tectum habet , fundamentum non habet . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Job . 4. 14. Heb. 12. 28 Joh. 14. Natura non habitandi sed commorandi diversorium hic nobis dedit . Heb. 11 , 10 Heb. 11. 10. Nulla alia aedificandi Pyramidis causa quam vana , & stulta ostentatio ut scilicet nec pecunia ipsa , nec etiam plebs otiosa esset - Pancyrolla . 2 Cor. 5. 1. Qeust . Answ . 1. John 14. 2 2. Rev. 21. 27. Col. 1. 12. John 3. 3 Col. 1. 12. Isaiah 58. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. Luc. 6. 38 Luc. 16. 9 Mat. 6. 20 1 Tim. 6. 17 , 18 , 19. Mat. 25. 34 , 35 , 36. A78812 ---- By the King. His Majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of London and VVestminster. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78812 of text R211126 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[89]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78812 Wing C2344 Thomason 669.f.5[89] ESTC R211126 99869859 99869859 160802 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78812) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160802) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[89]) By the King. His Majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of London and VVestminster. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1642] Place and date of publication from Wing. "Given at Our court at Ayno this 27 of October, in the eighteenth yeare of Our raigne." Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78812 R211126 (Thomason 669.f.5[89]). civilwar no By the King. His Majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of London and VVestminster. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 922 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . His Majesties gratious Proclamation to the Cities of London and VVestminster . WHEREAS amongst other Arts used by the Promoters of this horrid and desperate Rebellion against Vs , great Industry and Subtility hath been applyed to corrupt Our Subjects of Our Cities of London and Westminster , first by engaging them in Factions and Tumults to awe the members of both Our Houses of Parliement who would not consent to their seditious Designes ; then by perswading them to Loanes and Contributions for the maintenance of the Army now in Rebellion against Vs , upon pretence that the same was raised for the defence of Our Person , the Protestant Religion , the Laws of the Land , and Priviledge of Parliament ( WHEREAS in truth it is for the destruction of them all ) by their yeelding obedience to , and executing the pretended Ordinance of the Militia : and lastly by infusing into them a desperate sense of their own Condition , and that We are so much incensed against them for the premises , that We intend to plunder , and give up the wealth of those Our Cities , as a prey to Our Souldiers : We do hereby declare , That We are yet far from being so much incensed against those Our Cities , as these men desire to be believed , and in truth have endeavoured to make Vs : but We beleive that those Tumults were contrived by the Persons whom We haue formerly accused of that practice , and raised out of the meanest and poorest People of those Our Cities and Suburbs , without the privity and consent of the best and substantiall Gi. izens and Inhabitants , and that the Loanes and Contributions which have been since raised ( though they have passed more generally than We expected from the duty and sobriety of men of fortunes and understanding ) have beene wrested and extorted from them by threats and menaces , and feare of plundering and violence . And therefore We do hereby offer Our free and gracious Pardon to all the Citizens and Inhabitants of Our said Cities of London and Westminster , for all Offences concerning the premises committed against Vs before the publishing of this Our Proclamation ( except all those Persons whom We have excepted in Our Declaration of the 12 of August , and except Alderman Fulke and Captaine Manwaring , against all which We shall proceed according to the Rules of Law , as against Traytors and Stirrers of sedition against Vs ) and We do assure them in the word of a King , that no violence shall be offered by Our Army , or any part of it to any of them , not doubting but their demeanour will henceforward be such , that VVe shall not be compelled to bring Our Army against them . Provided that this Our Grace shall not extend to any Person , who after the publishing this Our Proclamation shall presume by Loane or Contribution to assist the said Army of Rebels to assemble and muster themselves in Armes without Authority derived from Vs under Our hand , or to enter into any Oath of Association for the assistance of the Earle of Essex , how spetiously soever the same be pretended for Our safety , for since the encounter on Sunday 23. of this Moneth , where they used all possible meanes and malice to have destroyed Vs , and where it pleased God to give Vs so great a Victory over them ( though with the losse of many worthy men ) no man can be satisfied in the mischiefe and malice of their Rebellion , shall take Armes by vertue of any pretended Ordinance , or shall enter into any Oath of association against Vs , or without Our Consent , shall be esteemed by Vs as an Enemy to the publique Peace , a Person disaffected to Vs , the Religion and Law of the Kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment ; of which We give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . And to the end that they may receive all possible and particular assurance from Vs of Our gratious Intentions towards them , We shall be willing that such a number of grave and substantiall Citizens be imployed from Our said City to Vs , as shall by them be thought fit , who may propose such things to Vs on their behalfe as shall be desired , to which We shall give a gracious and just Answer . And we do assure them and all the world , that as the Scandals and Imputations upon Vs concerning Our favouring of Papists have been groundlesse , and maliciously contrived by the Authors of this Rebellion to beget a misunderstanding between Vs and Our Subjects , so all the professions We have made in Our severall Declarations for the suppression of Popery , and the maintenance of the true Reformed Protestant Religion established in the Church of England , and for the defence of the Laws of the Land , and the just Priviledges of Parliament shall be as inviolably observed by Vs , as We expect blessing from the Almighty God , and obedience from Our Subjects . Given at Our Court at Ayno this 27 of October , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Raigne . A79006 ---- By the King. A proclamation for the free and safe passage of all clothes, goods, wares, and merchandize to our city of London. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79006 of text R211521 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[114]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79006 Wing C2613 Thomason 669.f.5[114] ESTC R211521 99870238 99870238 160826 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79006) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160826) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[114]) By the King. A proclamation for the free and safe passage of all clothes, goods, wares, and merchandize to our city of London. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Alice Norton, [London : 1642] Imprint from Wing. With engraving of royal seal at head of document, between two bands of ornament and initials C. R. "Given at Our court at Oxford, the eight day of December, in the eighteenth yeare of Our reigne. God save the King." Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79006 R211521 (Thomason 669.f.5[114]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for the free and safe passage of all clothes, goods, wares, and merchandize to our city of London. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 433 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT C R BY THE KING . A Proclamation for the free and safe passage of all Clothes , Goods , Wares , and Merchandize to Our City of LONDON . WHereas We have been informed , that diverse of Our loving Subjects , who have been travelling from Our Westerne Counties , and other parts of Our Kingdome to Our City of London with Clothes , Goods , and other Merchandize , have been of late stopped and interrupted in their Iournies , and other Clothes , Wares , and Merchandize have been taken or detained from them , whereby the season and benefit of their Markets have been lost to them , and considering , that if the same Licence and Course shall be still taken and held , that the damage and mischief thereof will not only fall upon Places and Persons disaffected to Vs , but upon very many of Our good and loving Subjects of all parts , and that thereby the generall Trade and Commerce of the Kingdom ( which We have alwayes , and do desire to advance to the utmost of Our Power ) will in a short time decay , and the poore People , wanting work , be brought to Penury and Famine . Wee are gratiously pleased to declare , and doe hereby will and require all the Officers and Souldiers of Our Army , and all other Our Officers and Ministers whatsoever , that from henceforth they giue no stop or interruption to any of Our loving Subjects as they travell to Our City of London with any Clothes , Wares , or other Merchandize , but that they suffer them , and such their Clothes , Wares , and Merchandize freely and peaceably to passe without any let , trouble , or molestation whatsoever . And We doe hereby promise and assure all Our loving Subjects , that if they shall henceforth suffer by any Souldiers of Our Army in this Case , and shall not upon Complaint to the chief Officers of Our Army where such damage is suffered , receive Iustice and Reparation for the damage they sustaine , upon complaint made to Vs We will take speedy care for the severe and exemplary punishment of the Offendors , and for the full satisfaction of the Parties grieved and injured . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the eight day of December , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . A79105 ---- His Royall Maiesties speech: spoken in the High Court of Parliament on Friday, December the 2. 1641, with the love which His Majesty lately hath shown to the city of London, by knighting five aldermen, at his palace at Hampton Court, and royally giving them againe into their hands London-Derrie. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79105 of text R9799 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E199_33 E199_34). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79105 Wing C2795 Thomason E199_33 Thomason E199_34 ESTC R9799 99873616 99873616 157532 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79105) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 157532) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 35:E199[33], 35:E199[34]) His Royall Maiesties speech: spoken in the High Court of Parliament on Friday, December the 2. 1641, with the love which His Majesty lately hath shown to the city of London, by knighting five aldermen, at his palace at Hampton Court, and royally giving them againe into their hands London-Derrie. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2], 1, [5],p. Printed by B. Alsop, [London] : 1641. Place of publication from Wing. Text continuous despite pagination. Thomason E.199[34] has the caption title: "His Majesties love to the aldermen of London at Hampton Court.". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Speeches, addresses, etc., English -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A79105 R9799 (Thomason E199_33 E199_34). civilwar no His Royall Maiesties speech: spoken in the High Court of Parliament on Friday, December the 2. 1641,: with the love which His Majesty latel England and Wales. Sovereign 1641 326 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion His Majesties love to the Aldermen of London at Hampton Court . HIs Majesties goodnesse and care of this Kingdome , hath alwayes bin wonderfull , to the comfort of all his loyall and well-affected Subjects . London in his returning home , shew'd its love unto his sacred Majesty , and he his Affection by the honour which he shewed downe upon it . First of all , in knighting the Loid Major , and Recorder , at Kingsland , Then by suffering the Lord Major in such a tryumph to beare the sword before him . the like of which , was never knowne in England , but the sword was alwayes presented , as an Honour to some Noblemen . At Guild-hall his Majesty graced the City with his presence to dine there , accompanyed with his Spouse and Princely children , Guifts were presented there unto his sacred Majesty . And he rewarded them with as great a benefit by granting unto them ( so soone as it shall please God to fet a period to the wicked Designes of treacherous Rebels in Ireland ) London-Derry . Also upon Thursday , Decemb , 4 about seven of the clock in the morning , so expresse his extraordinary love to the city , he sent for five of the Aldermen of London to Hampton Court , his Majesties royall Palace , 12 miles distance from London , and made them all Knights . What encouragement can Subjects have more , as to love and obey a King , then to have such favour and love showne by a King ; for whose prosperous , happy , and successive reigne , it behoves us all to pray : else there is no question to be made , but that judgment will bee flowred downe upon our heads , by the Heavenly King , for not loving so good a heavenly King . FINIS . A79808 ---- The cities X commandements, commanded to be read in all churches, by Mr L. Warner and the Common Councell. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79808 of text R210812 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.11[133]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79808 Wing C4334 Thomason 669.f.11[133] ESTC R210812 99869569 99869569 162786 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79808) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162786) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f11[133]) The cities X commandements, commanded to be read in all churches, by Mr L. Warner and the Common Councell. Warner, John, Sir, d. 1648 attributed name. City of London (England). Court of Common Council attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1648] Imprint from Wing. A satire; not in fact by Sir John Warner or the Court of Common Council. Annotation on Thomason copy: "feb. 27 1647". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. The cities X commandments -- The city Lords prayer -- The cities creed. eng Ten commandments -- Parodies, imitations, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Lord's prayer -- Parodies, imitations, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Apostles' Creed -- Parodies, imitations, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Humor -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Humor -- Early works to 1800. A79808 R210812 (Thomason 669.f.11[133]). civilwar no The cities X commandements, commanded to be read in all churches, by my L. Warner and the Common Councell. [Warner, John, Sir] 1648 999 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE CITIES X COMMANDEMENTS , commanded to be read in all Churches , by my L. Warner and the Common Councell . Estote Proditores . Sine Rex Sine Lex . I. THou shalt not worship any god save Oliver , Harry Martin , and Mr. Warner , a trinitie in unitie , and unitie in trinitie . II. Thou shalt not make any resistance against them , or either of them , or yeeld obedience to any power , not derived from them ; neither shalt thou grave any Image except of Mr. Warner , mounted on his Palfray , with a branch of Holly on his head , and a tod of yvie at his tayle ; thou shalt not when thou beholdest thy King , either bow downe to him , or worship him ; for wee of the City are zealous Animals , and will cause our masters at Westminster , to visit such unto the third and fourth Generation , of them that hate us for our base cowardice , and will not obey our masters Ordinances . III. Thou shalt not take the name of my Lord Mayjor in vaine , by calling him Pigwidgin Sectarie , or Coxscomb , for wee of the Common Counsell will not hold him guiltlesse , that taketh his name in vaine . IIII. Remember , that thou keep holy all our thanksgiving dayes , on which we feast the greedie Cormorants of Westminister , especially let that day , be celebrated , on which K. Tom , had a Dinner given him by us , to the expence of 500. l. on that day thou shalt doe no manner of work , thou nor thy sonne , nor thy daughter , for we have entred that day into the Kalendar , and command it to bee kept holy . V. Thou shalt honour no father , save the penniefathers at Westminister , nor no mother save the new Church , which we the Sectaries of the Common Counsell have set up , so will we intreat our masters for thee , that thy dayes may be long in these sequestred Lands which they legally and justly have ceazed on . VI . Thou shalt aide and assist us of the Common Counsell , to imprison and murther all , that will not yeild obedience , to the Decrees of our masters , at Westminster . VII . Thou shalt follow the example of thy Lord Major , and us of the Common Counsell , and not refraine to commit adulterie , with any well shapt woman . VIII . Thou shalt steale , or purloine anything , from those that are not Saints of our new moddell , but that under a pretence of justice , provided thou bee invested with the Power of a Parliament man , a Common Counsell man , or Committee man . IX . Thou shalt beare false witnesse against thy neighbour , upon all occasions , that wee of the Common Counsell , call him before us , provided he be rich and worthy the screwing , thou shalt follow our example , to squeeze all men , imprison some men , and spare no man . X. Thou shalt and art hereby authorized , if any warrant come to thee from us , bearing date from Westminster , to take from thy neighbour , his wife his house , his Oxe , or his Asse , or anything that belongs unto him , all which our masters , are first to view and wee to share the reversion . All these our Commandements wee require all the inhabitants of great Brittaine strictly to observe , and put in practise , and we of the Common Counsell , will not be wanting , at all times to put you in minde of keeping the same . The City Lords Prayer . OVr Fathers which are at Westminster hallowed be your names , for that you have brought us into perfect bondage , and Fgyptian slaverie , your kingdome come , which can never bee , so long as King CHARLES is possessed with life , or any of the Royall Progeny , your wills are done on Earth , though you breake his will that is in Heaven , give us this day our daily bread ; for you have brought us to that passe , that without you , we can have nothing , and forgive us our trespasses , though we cannot forgive you , that have trespassed against us , and lead as not any more into such temptations , as for these seaven years past you have done ; now at length become honest and deliver us from those evills , that now hang over our heads , for yours is the Kingdome , and the power , though you merit no glory , but we hope it will not last for ever and ever , Amen . The Cities Creed . I Believe in Warner , the father of all Fopperie , maker of trouble , and Tumults , and in Col. Barkstead , his sonne by adoption , who was conceived of a Dairie maid in long Sutton , borne at Winchester , brought up at Salsbury , suffered under the heavie Crosse of doing pennace , he descended into Olivers favour , and rose the third day into Fairfax favour , and now sitteth at the right hand of the Sophies at Westminster , from wgence each day , he comes to hunt out the Royall partie , to judgement ; I beleive he will come to an jill end ; as also all the communion of our new Saints , for that it is impossible for them , to gaine the forgivenesse of their sinnes , at the Resurection of the dead , or to injoy life everlasting , Amen . Finis . A80247 ---- The Committee of the Militia London, and the liberties thereof, earnestly desire you to enquire what armes are in your ward, ... City of London (England). Committee for the Militia. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A80247 of text R210784 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.12[29]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A80247 Wing C5566 Thomason 669.f.12[29] ESTC R210784 99869541 99869541 162822 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A80247) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162822) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f12[29]) The Committee of the Militia London, and the liberties thereof, earnestly desire you to enquire what armes are in your ward, ... City of London (England). Committee for the Militia. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1648] Title from opening lines of text. Imprint from Wing. "Dated at Guild-Hall the Twentyeth of May, 1648. Signed in the name, and by the Warrant of the Committee of the Militia London, [blank], Clerk to the said committee." Annotations on Thomason copy: "By Adam Bankes"; "farmingdon within"; [on verso, most likely not by Thomason] "To mr. George Thomason comon Counsell-man". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A80247 R210784 (Thomason 669.f.12[29]). civilwar no The Committee of the Militia London, and the liberties thereof, earnestly desire you to enquire what armes are in your ward, ... City of London 1648 162 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THe Committee of the Militia London , and the Liberties thereof , carnestly desire you to enquire what Armes are in your Ward , which belong to Auxiliaries ; and to take care that good and sufficient Guards be set upon them , because the Committee hath information that there is a purpose of some evill disposed Persons speedily to seize the said Armes , and use them upon a mischievous design : And within a very few days the Committee will ease of this trouble , and provide a convenient place for them , where they may be safely kept for the publike good of the City , if you shall think fit . Dated at Guild-Hall the Twentyeth of May , 1648. Signed in the Name , and by the Warrant of the Committee of the Militia London , BY Adam Banckes Clerk to the said Committee . To the Deputy and Common-councell-men in the Ward of farington wthin A80248 ---- The Committee of the Militia of London, and the liberties thereof, taking into their serious consideration the imminent danger that the Parliament and city are in: ... City of London (England). Committee for the Militia. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A80248 of text R210787 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.12[30]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A80248 Wing C5567 Thomason 669.f.12[30] ESTC R210787 99869544 99869544 162823 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A80248) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162823) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f12[30]) The Committee of the Militia of London, and the liberties thereof, taking into their serious consideration the imminent danger that the Parliament and city are in: ... City of London (England). Committee for the Militia. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1648] Title from opening lines of text. Imprint from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "may 22th 1648"; "ffarmindon within"; [on verso, most likely not by Thomason] "To mr Geo. Thomason of ye ward". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A80248 R210787 (Thomason 669.f.12[30]). civilwar no The Committee of the Militia of London, and the liberties thereof, taking into their serious consideration the imminent danger that the Parl City of London 1648 181 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THe Committee of the Militia of London , and the Liberties thereof , taking into their serious consideration the imminent danger that the Parliament and City are in : And that divers Apprentices and other Persons inhabiting within the Limits aforesaid , who are able and fit in their own persons to bear Arms in the Auxiliary Forces , are not Listed accordingly ; by means whereof divers of the said persons are abused and misled by dis-affected and dangerous persons , to the endangering of the peace and safety of the Parliament and City : Therefore the said Committee in discharge of the great Trust committed to them by divers Ordinances of Parliament , doe pray and desire you ( calling the Constables to your assistance ) forthwith to compleat your Roll of Auxiliaries , with such Apprentices and other persons within your Division , as are not already Listed upon the Trained Bands ; and this shall be your warrant . Dated at Guildhall London May 22th 1648 To the Deputy and Common-councell-men in the Ward of Farrington wthin A80546 ---- The Protestant's warning-piece or, The humble remonstrance of Ieffery Corbet citizen and grocer of London, composed for the view of his Highness, the Parliament, and all the good people in England, Scotland, and Ireland; and published to frustrate the designes of the incendiaries employed by the Pope, and the King of Spain, who have severall yeares contrived to fire the city of London in a 100 places at once, and then proceed to their long intended massacre. Corbet, Jeffrey. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A80546 of text R211849 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.20[37]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 11 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A80546 Wing C6246 Thomason 669.f.20[37] ESTC R211849 99870536 99870536 163454 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A80546) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163454) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f20[37]) The Protestant's warning-piece or, The humble remonstrance of Ieffery Corbet citizen and grocer of London, composed for the view of his Highness, the Parliament, and all the good people in England, Scotland, and Ireland; and published to frustrate the designes of the incendiaries employed by the Pope, and the King of Spain, who have severall yeares contrived to fire the city of London in a 100 places at once, and then proceed to their long intended massacre. Corbet, Jeffrey. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1656] Imprint from Wing. Signed at end: Jeffery Corbet. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Catholics -- Ireland -- Early works to 1800. Anti-Catholicism -- England -- Early works to 1800. Protestants -- England -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A80546 R211849 (Thomason 669.f.20[37]). civilwar no The Protestant's warning-piece: or, The humble remonstrance of Ieffery Corbet citizen and grocer of London, composed for the view of his Hig Corbet, Jeffrey. 1656 1803 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2008-08 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The PROTESTANT's Warning-Piece : Or , The humble Remonstrance of Ieffery Corbet Citizen and Grocer of London , composed for the view of his Highness , the Parliament , and all the good People in England , Scotland and Jreland ; and published to frustrate the Designes of the Incendiaries employed by the Pope , and the King of Spain , who have severall yeares contrived to fire the City of London in a 100 places at once , and then proceed to their long intended Massacre . Sheweth , THat about the yeare , 1639. The Pope and his Councell sent William Oconner , an Irish Jesuit unto the King of Spain and the rest of the Catholick Princes for their contribution of Money , Arms and Amunition to carry on the Massacre of all the Protestants in the 3. Nations . And for that end the said Oconner came over into England about Iuly , 1640. And went daily in the garbe of a Courtier attending upon the Queen Mother . About 1. Septemb. 1640. the said Oconnee did boast unto an Jrish convert that he was the chief contriver of that intended Massacre , and that there were 7000. men in private pay for the Massacre in London . And that the L. Cottington was to be Lieutenant of the Tower , and had 500. Irish Papists sent out of Flanders to guard the Tower under him . And that the Queene was to goe beyond Sea , and pawne the jewels of the Crowne for that purpose . And that the Money , Arms , and Amunition which the King of Spain had sent over was secured at the Spanish Ambassadors house in London , and was disposed of amongst the Papists by one Garrat Dillon an Irish Iesuit , who had his Residence at the Spanish Ambassadors . That upon discovery of the Massacre the said O conner was apprehended , and committed to the Gate-hoase , 3. Septemb. 1640. But divers persons in and about the City of London , and West minster , caused the said O conner to be protected from Iustice above 4. years and then to be released , contrary to the Law of God , and the laws of the Land . And though the said O conner was so timely apprehended that the Massacre was prevented here , yet because Iustice was not speedily executed upon him that others might heare & feare , and do no more so wickedly . Therefore the hearts of his Confederates were fully set in them to do evill . Insomuch that above 100000 Protestants in Ireland were barbarously murdered in cold blood severall moneths after the said O conner was apprehended . Moreover those persons did not only prevaile , that the bloody Massacre was not at all discovered to the Protestants in Ireland to fore-warn and arme them to fight for their lives ; but they improved such an Interest here , that the Popish party who had a hand in the Massacre intended in England were never searched out . Yea those persons wittingly and wilfully suffered the Queen to goe beyond Sea to pawne the Jewels of the Crowne for laying the foundation of the late warres here to carry on the Popes hellish Interest . That those Persons have from time to time , Protected the Popes Agents from Iustice , when they were apprehended by his Highness , and others during the wars , and sent to the Parliament , to be tryed for their lives as Trayterous Incendiaries . Insomuch , that the Pope & his Conclave finding such encouragement they sent over 300 chosen Jesuits into England to make factions , and parties amongst Professors , and so preach us into Confusion as they have boasted . Moreover the Pope caused his Buls to be hanged up on the Church doores at Antwerp and other places , in 1643. and 1644. giving dispensations to all Priests , and Iesuits to come into England and to transforme themselves into the various formes of Religion amongst us , the better to divide the People and carry on their bloudy Designes under a form of Godliness . And by that stratagem they have all along exasperated the spirits of Professors differing in Iudgement and made them bite , and endeavour to devour one another . Mean while the Popes interest hath gone on unsuspected . And under this colour they have conspired divers yeares to set the City of London on fire in a hundred places at once , and then fall to Massacre , and cut off the root and branch of all the Protestants in these Nations . Yea , they have boasted that they are in constant readiness , and watch only for the remove of the Army as they did in 1648. upon the Scots Invasion , and the Insurrection in Kent Wales , &c. And the Captain Generall for that bloody worke had his constant resident at the Spanish Ambassadours house till hee removed from London . That the aforesaid Persons have from time to time dammed up Justice against the Discoverers of those horrid Conspiracies , and all others who have appeared on their behalfe . And have caused them and their friends to bee defrauded of Estates above 40000. pounds in value . Mean while they have caused divers friends to those discoverers to goe with sorrow to their Graves , and others to lead languishing lives in disgrace and repreach . Upon which account the foresaid Persons being subtle secret Enemies did improve such an Interest in the three last Parliaments , that no Law was made to remedy such abhominable obstructions of Iustice whereby the Agents for the Pope , and the King of Spaine , and the King of Scots have been encouraged , and protected in their barbarous Conspiracies , and the friends of the Common-wealth exposed to ruine . Onely the good hand of Providence hath preserved those Discoverers , and many of their friends even to Admiration for to make good the fore-going particulars on behalfe of this divided , and wel-nigh distracted Common-wealth . That the King of Scots hath many yeares since engaged to the Pope to set up Popery in these Nations upon the Popes engagement to improve his Interest to settle him in his Throne . And from that mutuall Ingagement , The Presbyterians in Scotland , and here may gather that their making a party to bring in the K. of Scots for the Establishing of Presbytery was to strengthen the hands of the Popes party to murder them , and their posterities . And the Protestant Cavalier may likewise observe that if they should have conquered the Parliaments party , yet all the advantage they would have gained thereby would have been only this to have been last destroyed . For the Popes bloody Monsters would have given them no more quarter then they did the 100000. in Ireland , which they murdered in cold blood . That the Spine saith . No Prophesie of Scripture is of any private Interpretation . And because thou hast let goe out of thy hand a man whom I appointed to utter destruction , thy life shall goe for his life , and thy People for his People . And neglect to strengthen the hands of the poore and needy , was one of the sins of Sodom , And God abhorres solemne Fasts , and other duties where Iudgement and Righteousness are neglected , ( 2 Pet. 1. 20. 1 King. 20. 42. Ezek. 16. 49. Isa 1. 11. to 18. Amos , 5. 21. ) From whence it doth appeare that the unparalell'd mercies which God hath bestowed upon these Nations have been hitherto intermixed with dreadfull Iudgements threatning utter desolation . Because ! The Popes bloody Monsters have been let goe from time to time by the aforesaid secret Enemies . And , because men of knowne Integrity , fearing God , and of a good conversation are not appointed for Commissioners to bring these secret Enemies unto speedy publick Justice , and to breake the heavie yoke of oppression by delivering the spoyled from their oppressors and strengthen the hands of the poore and needy , which is the faft that God hath chosen , and promised a speciall blessing unto . In tender consideration of the premisses J doe earnestly beseech all Protestants under what forme whatsoever , specially in , and about the City of London , and West minster ( as they will answer it at the great day of Account , and desire to be free from the blood of themselves , and their Wives , Children and friends . ) That they would unite as one man , and improve their utmost Interest in the Parliament by Petition and otherwise , for the obtaining of such Cōmissioners , to the end the Innocent blood which hath been spilt by the Trechery of those secret Enemies may be expiated , and the Pope's bloody Designes now on foot may bee defeated . And that the complainings in our Streets may cease by setting the oppressed free from the obstructions of Iustice which they have long groaned under . And I doe hereby engage my Life to make good the aforesaid particulars before such Commissioners , and do professe before God and men that J am moved to declare these things out of no self-end or by-respect whatsoever , but out of a desire to discharge a good Conscience and a zeale to promote the good and welfare of these Nations ; being fully convinced that the appointment of such Commissioners would soone root out the Popes Incendiaries , and undeceive many thousands of deluded dissenters , and reconcile this divided People and open an effectuall doore for judgement , & righteousness to run downe like a mighty streame , and would give the People cause to blesse the Lord , for raising and Spiriting his Highness , and this Parliament , to be Repairers of our Breaches , and the Restorers of paths to dwell in . Prov. 14. 34. Isa. 32. 17. Iustice exalts a Nation . And the worke of Righteousness shall be Peace . Prov. 3. 27. Withhold not good from them to whom it is due , when it is in the Power of thy hand to doe it . Iudges , 5 23. Curse yee Meroz because they came not to the helpe of the Lord against the Mighty . 8. Novemb. 1656. JEFFERY CORBET . A80956 ---- By the Protector an order and declaration of His Highness, by the advice of His council, commanding all persons who have been of the late Kings party, or his sons, to depart out of the cities of London and Westminster, and late lines of communication, on or before Monday the fifth day of November, 1655. England and Wales. Lord Protector (1653-1658 : O. Cromwell) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A80956 of text R211670 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.20[17]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A80956 Wing C7121 Thomason 669.f.20[17] ESTC R211670 99870376 99870376 163434 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A80956) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163434) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f20[17]) By the Protector an order and declaration of His Highness, by the advice of His council, commanding all persons who have been of the late Kings party, or his sons, to depart out of the cities of London and Westminster, and late lines of communication, on or before Monday the fifth day of November, 1655. England and Wales. Lord Protector (1653-1658 : O. Cromwell) England and Wales. Council of State. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Henry Hills and John Field, Printers to His Highness, London : 1655. Order to print dated: Thursday the 25. of October, 1655. Signed: Henry Scobell Clerk of the Council. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Royalists -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Exile (Punishment) -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A80956 R211670 (Thomason 669.f.20[17]). civilwar no By the Protector: an order and declaration of His Highness, by the advice of His council, commanding all persons who have been of the late K England and Wales. Lord Protector 1655 858 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion OP blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the Protector : AN ORDER AND DECLARATION Of His Highness , by the Advice of His Council , COMMANDING All Persons who have been of the late KINGS Party , or his Sons , to depart out of the Cities of London and Westminster , and late Lines of Communication , on or before Monday the Fifth day of November , 1655. FOrasmuch as His Highness the Lord Protector , by the Advice of the Council , Hath found it necessary to make and set down several Orders for the Securing the Peace of this Commonwealth , The Care of the Execution whereof is particularly committed to the Major-Generals of the respective Counties , and to whom all and every person and persons within the respective Counties , who have born Arms against the Commonwealth , are to give Security for the peacable behaving themselves , that the People of this Nation may be preserved and secured against future Troubses , by them who have so lately and often attempted their Ruine ; And taking notice of the great Confluence and Resort of divers Ill-affected persons , who have born Arms against the Commonwealth , or otherwise Adhered to , or Assisted the Enemy in the late Wars , to the Cities of LONDON and WESTMINSTER , upon the Expiration of the late Proclamation . To the end the Orders aforesaid may be observed , His Highness , by , and with the Advice of His Council doth think fit , and doth hereby Publish , Declare and Enjoin , That all persons , who have been , at any time , in Armes against the Commonwealth , or have adhered unto , or willingly assisted the Enemies thereof in the time of the late Wars , being within the Cities of London and Westminster , or the late Lines of Communication , and not under restraint , nor hereafter excepted , shall , on or before the Fifth day of November next , or , if then under restraint , within five daies after their respective enlargement , depart out of the said Cities of London and Westminster , and late lines of Communication , and all other places within Twenty miles of the said late lines , unless it be their places of habitation for themselves and Families , as they will answer the contrary at their perils . And His Highness doth Command the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London , and Iustices of the Peace within the said City and late lines of Communication , and of the severall Counties of Middlesex , Hertford , Essex , Kent and Surry , and the respective Officers of the Militia within the said City and Liberties , the City of Westminster , Burrough of Southwark , Hamlets of the Tower , and Suburbs , or any two or more of them , in their respective Liberties and Iurisdictions , to cause strict Wards and Watches to be kept , and to make frequent Searches for , and apprehend , or cause to be apprehended , all such persons as aforesaid , which shall be found within the distance aforesaid , after the said Fifth day of November next ; And of their doings therein , under their hands and Seals , forthwith to certifie His Highness Council ; To the end the said Offenders may be dealt withall , and proceeded against as disturbers of the Peace , and contemners of Authority . And all Sheriffs , Bayliffs , Constables , and all Captains of Guards , Officers and Souldiers , and other the good People of this Commonwealth , are required to be aiding to the said Iustices of the Peace , Officers and Ministers , in the due execution of the premises . And for the better discovery , preventing and avoiding of Plots and Disturbances dangerous to the Peace of the Commonwealth , His Highness doth straightly charge and command all the said Persons appointed to depart as aforesaid , and not restrained or stayed either by imprisonment , or such sickness or infirmity of body as they shall not be able to travell without imminent danger of life , or that having Law-suites necessarily requiring their personall attendance , to repair to their place of dwelling , or where they usually made their common abode , or ( not having any certain abode ) to the place of their Birth , or where their Parents shall be then dwelling , and not to return untill the ninth day of February , or before such person shall have given such Security unto the Major Generall of the County whether such person shall go , as by the Orders aforesaid is required . Thursday the 25. of October , 1655. ORdered by His Highness the LORD PROTECTOR and His COUNCIL , That this Order and Declaration be forthwith Printed and Published . Henry Scobell Clerk of the Council . London , Printed by Henry Hills and John Field , Printers to His HIGHNES , 1655. A81293 ---- Mr. Hampdens speech occasioned upon the Londoners petition for peace. Denham, John, Sir, 1615-1669. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A81293 of text R212629 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.6[122]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A81293 Wing D1002A Thomason 669.f.6[122] ESTC R212629 99871231 99871231 160982 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A81293) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160982) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f6[122]) Mr. Hampdens speech occasioned upon the Londoners petition for peace. Denham, John, Sir, 1615-1669. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1643] Verse - "But will you now to peace encline,". Anonymous. By Sir John Denham. Imprint from Wing. A satire. Annotation on Thomason copy: "March. 23. 1642". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Hampden, John, 1584-1643 -- Early works to 1800. Satire, English -- 17th century. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A81293 R212629 (Thomason 669.f.6[122]). civilwar no Mr. Hampdens speech occasioned upon the Londoners petition for peace. Denham, John, Sir 1643 753 7 0 0 0 0 0 93 D The rate of 93 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Mr. Hampdens Speech occasioned upon the Londoners Petition for PEACE . BUt will you now to peace encline , And languish in the maine designe , and leave us in the lurch ; I would not Monarchy destroie , But only as the way t' injoy the ruines of the Church . Is not the Bishops Bill deni'd , And we still threatned to be tri'd ? you see the King embraces Those counsells he approv'd before , Nor does he promise which is more that we shall have their places . Did I for this bring in the Scot , ( For'tis no secret now ) the plot was S●y's and mine together ; Did I for this returne againe ? And spent a winter then in vaine once more t' invite them hither . Though more our money then our cause Their brotherly assistance drawes my labour was not lost ▪ At my returne I brought you thence Necessity , their strong pretence , and this shall quit your cost Did I for this my Country bring , To helpe their Knight against their King , and raise the first division ; Yet I the businesse did decline Though I contriv'd the whole designe , and taught them to petition . So many nights spent in the City In that invisible Committee , the wheele that governs all ; From thence the change in Church & State And all the mischiefes beares their date from Haberdashers Hall . Did we force Ireland to despaire ? Upon the King to cast the war to make the world abhor him ; Because the Rebels used his name , Though we our selves can doe the same while both alike are for him . Then the same fire we kindled here whilst we pretend to quench that there , and wisely lost that Nation ; To doe as crafty beggars use To maine themselves only t' abuse the simple mans compassion . Have I so often past between Winsor and Westminster unseen ? and did my selfe divide , To keep his Excellence in awe , And give the Parliament the Law , for they knew none beside . Did I for this take paines to teach Our zealous ignorance to preach , and did their lungs inspire Read 'em their texts , shew'd them their parts And taught them all their little arts to fling abroad the fire Sometimes to beg , sometimes to threaten ? Then say the Cayaliers are beaten , and strooke the peoples ears ▪ And straight when victories grow cheap , And will no more advance the heap to raise the price of fears ▪ And now the books , and now the bells , And now our arts the Preacher tells to edifie the people ; All our Divinity is news , And we have made of equall use the pulpit and the steeple . And shall we kindle all this flame Only to put it out againe , and must we now give ore , And only end where we begun , In vaine this mischiefe we have done if we can do no more . If men in peace may have their right , Where is this necessity to fight and break both law and oath ? Who say that they fight for the cause , And to defend the King and laws , but'tis against them both . Either the cause at first was ill , Or being good it is so still , and thence they will infer That either now , or at the first They were dceived , or which is worst that we our selves may erre . But plague and famine will come in , For they and we are near of kin , and cannot go asunder ▪ For while the wicked starve indeed , The Saints have ready at their need Gods providence and plunder . Princes we are if we prevaile , And gallant villaines if we faile when to our fame 't is told , It will not be our least of praise When our new state we could not raise we have destroi'd the old . Then let us slay , fight , and vote Till London be not worth a groat , oh 't is a patient Beast , When we have gal'd and tir'd that mule ▪ And can no longer have the rule ▪ wee le have our spoile at least . FINIS . A82304 ---- A seasonable letter of advice delivered to the Major of London; as he was sitting at Common Councell at Guild-Hall, on Tuesday the 27. of December, and by him read on the bench. C. D. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82304 of text R211405 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.22[35]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82304 Wing D9 Thomason 669.f.22[35] ESTC R211405 99870134 99870134 163618 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82304) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163618) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f22[35]) A seasonable letter of advice delivered to the Major of London; as he was sitting at Common Councell at Guild-Hall, on Tuesday the 27. of December, and by him read on the bench. C. D. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1659] Signed at end: C.D. Imprint from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "28. 1659. xber [i.e. December] 28". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng City of London (England). -- Lord Mayor -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A82304 R211405 (Thomason 669.f.22[35]). civilwar no A seasonable letter of advice delivered to the Major of London; as he was sitting at Common Councell at Guild-Hall, on Tuesday the 27. of De C. D. 1659 234 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A seasonable Letter of Advice delivered to the Major of London ; as He was sitting at Common Councell at Guild-Hall , on Tuesday the 27. of December , and by Him read on the Bench . Right Honourable , YOur very good friends here present understand by some Members of your Councell , that you have many difficulties to wrastle with , which are cast in amongst you by ill-affected Members to the peace of this Nation . Your Adversaries will grow upon you by your delayes . The eyes of the Nation are upon you . Glory or shame will be your potion . Your Authority hath the only lawfull stamp ; all others are but pretenders : Resolution and Expedition are the Mothers of glorious actions . Sir , you are more neerly concerned in this glorious work then any other person . If by delayes the work succeedeth not , I dare assure you the fury of the People will unavoidable fall upon you : but I hope your good Example will prevent the ill consequence of it . The pretended Authority fear your Councell ; but their only hope is , you may as easily be misled by them , as you were caught by that silly Gull Fleetwood , by the pretence of a free Parliament . Verbum sapienti . Your humble Servant and Wellwisher C. D. A82377 ---- An act for continuing two former acts touching elections in the city of London. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82377 of text R212067 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.15[69]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82377 Wing E1027 Thomason 669.f.15[69] ESTC R212067 99870719 99870719 163142 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82377) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163142) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f15[69]) An act for continuing two former acts touching elections in the city of London. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Edward Husband and Iohn Field, Printers to the Parliament of England, London : 1650. Order to print dated: Die Mercurii, 18 Decembr. 1650. Signed: Hen: Scobell, Cleric. Parliamenti. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Election law -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Politics and government -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A82377 R212067 (Thomason 669.f.15[69]). civilwar no An Act for continuing two former acts touching elections in the city of London. England and Wales. Parliament. 1650 208 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms AN ACT For Continuing Two former Acts touching ELECTIONS IN The City of London . BE it Enacted by this present Parliament , and by the Authority thereof , That one Act , Entituled , An Act disabling the Election of divers persons to any Office or place of Trust within the City of London , and the Votes of such persons in such Elections : And also one other Act , Entituled , An Act concerning the Election of Questmen , Constables , and all other subordinate Officers whatsoever , within the City of London and Liberties thereof , be , and hereby are Revived and Continued , and shall be , according to the true scope , intent and meaning of the said several Acts , in all things observed , kept and executed , for the space of One whole year , from the Eighteenth day of December , One thousand six hundred and fifty . Die Mercurii , 18 Decembr . 1650. ORdered by the Parliament , That this Act be forthwith printed and published . Hen : Scobell , Cleric . Parliamenti . London , Printed by Edward Husband and Iohn Field , Printers to the Parliament of England , 1650. A82636 ---- A declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, concerning diverse well affected persons and citizens of the City of London who are willing and ready to undertake and advance a considerable number of souldiers, and them to arme, maintaine, and pay for severall months ensuing, or during these times of danger, upon the publike faith. Die lunæ. 14. Novemb. 1642 England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82636 of text R211422 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[104]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82636 Wing E1364 Thomason 669.f.5[104] ESTC R211422 99870149 99870149 160817 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82636) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160817) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[104]) A declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, concerning diverse well affected persons and citizens of the City of London who are willing and ready to undertake and advance a considerable number of souldiers, and them to arme, maintaine, and pay for severall months ensuing, or during these times of danger, upon the publike faith. Die lunæ. 14. Novemb. 1642 England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1642] Place and date of publication from Wing. Declaration signed: John Brown, Cler. Parliament. Signed at bottom of text: Isacke Pennington, Major. John Langham, Thomas Andrews, Shreiffes [sic]. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- Defenses -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A82636 R211422 (Thomason 669.f.5[104]). civilwar no A declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, concerning diverse well affected persons and citizens of the City of London, England and Wales. Parliament. 1642 1076 2 0 0 0 0 0 19 C The rate of 19 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Declaration of the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament , concerning diverse well affected persons and Citizens of the City of London , who are willing and ready to undertake and advance a considerable number of Souldiers , and them to Arme , maintaine , and pay for severall months ensuing , or during these times of danger , upon the publike Faith . Die Lunae . 14. Novemb. 1642. WHereas divers well-affected Persons , Citizens of the City of London , and others , have advanced severall great summes of money , and other supplies for the safety of the King , Parliament , and Kingdome , and also have set forth many Souldiers under the severall Commands of their Excellencies the Earles of Essex and Warwicke : Notwithstanding all which said former Advances , and for the better supply of the said Forces , as also for the more sure preservation and safety of the King , Parliament , and City , which so much concernes the Publique . And no way to hinder or backward the said former undertakings or intentions ; divers of the said well-affected Persons , are and do declare themselves yet willing and ready , further to undertake and advance a considerable number of Souldiers , and them to Arme , maintaine and pay for severall moneths ensuing , or during these times of dangers and Distractions , for the purposes aforesaid . Provided they may have the Publique Faith of the Kingdome for repayment of all such summes of money , which they shall so advance by way of Loane . All which is Declared by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , to be an acceptable Service to the King , Parliament , and Kingdome , and necessarily tending to the preservation of them . And doe therefore Order that all such as shall furnish Men , Money , Horse or Armes for this Service , shall have the same fully Repayed againe , with interest for the forbearance thereof from the times disbursed : And for the true payment thereof , doe hereby engage to all and every such person and persons the Publique Faith of the Kingdome . And doe further Order , that the Lord Major , and Sheriffes of London for the time being , shall by themselves , and such Sub-Committee as they shall appoint to take the said Subscriptions , who are to order the performance of this Service for the advancement thereof . John Brown , Cler. Parliament . ACcording to an ordinance of Parliament bearing date the fourteenth day of this present Moneth of November 1642 concerning the advancing of a considerable number of Souldiers , by contribution of Money ; and Armes , to be raised within this City , and liberties by the subscriptions of persons to be called upon in the severall Wards and Parishes , for the perfecting of this necessary worke , and the furtherance of the same , being directed by the said ordinance unto us the Major and Sheriffs of this City , and to such subcommittee , as by us shall be thought fit , for the execution of the contents of the said ordinance , we doe therefore hereby ordaine and appoint the severall persons here under mentioned that is to say ( Robert Sweet for La●gborne Ward . John Bellamie for Cornehill Ward . Hugh Smithson for Cheap Ward . Richard Willet for Cordwinders Ward . Wylliam Walwin for Vintrey Ward . Haugan Hovell for Broadstreete Ward . Christopher Nicholson for Castle-Bennets Ward . Miguel Styles for Candleweak Ward . John Hilliard for Dowgate Ward . Rich. Cotes for Aldersgate without . and John Leigh for Aldersgate within . Walter Boothby for Cripplegate Ward . Nicholas Gerrard for Breadstreete Ward . Will. and Matthew Fox for Farington without . Tho. Lentall for Billingsgate Ward . Tho. Hutchins for B●shopsgate Ward . Richard Finch for Queene-hithe Ward . Robert Meade for Walbrooke Ward . Will. Farrington for Port-Sokin Ward without . Marke Hilsley for Colemanstreete Ward . John Dethick , for Limestr . Ward . John Kenricke for Tower Ward . Tho. Foote , for Bridge Ward . Francis Greeneway for Basinghall Ward . Edward Vaughan for Farrington within . Solomon Vandebrooke for the Dukes place , ) and to any other Committes , that have not yet brought in their names unto you to be a generall Committee for the mannaging of this businesse , and for the same to assemble themselves together from time to time , keeping their Court at Weavers Hall , or where-else your selves shall finde most convenient , to consider and conclude of those things which may promote the expedition of this service , to which purpose we give you by these presents full power and authority together with the other treasurers of severall parishes to collect and receive all such subscriptions as shall be advanced for money and armes as aforesaid , and that by monethly payments to begin from the first day of this present Moneth , and to deale with the Deputies , Common-councell men , Church-wardens and all others of the severall Wards and Parishes within and about this City of London , and particularly with those who have not yet promoted the subscriptions in their Wards or Parishes , nor have hitherto chosen any Treasurers nor Committes for the furtherance of this worke ; to call before you all such persons , and to presse them thereunto , by vertue of the ordinance of Parliament , and of this our authority given unto you in this behalfe , for the execution whereof , it will be convenient that the greatest number of you should be present at your Courts , however when there shall be a defect of the greater number , then whatsoever six persons of you at the least shall debate and resolve upon , shall passe for good , and be entred for an order , and for your ease and more free attendance upon the Committee Court . We give you power in your seuerall Parishes to chuse and appoint such person or persons as you think meet together in the subscriptions , and to bring in the same to you that are Treasurers , as well as Committees . Isacke Pennington , Major . Shreiffes . John Langham , Thomas Andrews , A82679 ---- A declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, for the Kings Majesties speedy coming to London. Die Sabbathi, ultimo Julii, 1647. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82679 of text R210589 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.11[55]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82679 Wing E1417 Thomason 669.f.11[55] ESTC R210589 99869373 99869373 162704 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82679) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162704) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f11[55]) A declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, for the Kings Majesties speedy coming to London. Die Sabbathi, ultimo Julii, 1647. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for Edward Husband, Printer to the Honorable House of Commons, London : August 2. 1647. Signed: H: Elsynge, Cler. Parl. D. Com. With decorative border. Whereas the King has been carried away from Holdenby to the Army without his consent, Parliament desires that he will come to such place as they shall appoint to arrange a safe and well-grounded peace. London is to be the place the King shall be desired to come to -- Cf. Steele. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A82679 R210589 (Thomason 669.f.11[55]). civilwar no A declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, for the Kings Majesties speedy coming to London. Die Sabbathi, ultimo Julii, England and Wales. Parliament. 1647 222 1 0 0 0 0 0 45 D The rate of 45 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DECLARATION OF THE LORDS and COMMONS Assembled in PARLIAMENT , For the KINGS Majesties speedy coming to London . Die Sabbathi , ultimo Julii , 1647. WHereas the King hath been seized upon , and carryed away from Holdenby without His consent , or the consent of the Houses of Parliament , by a party into the Army , where His Majestie yet remaineth ; The Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled do desire , That His Majestie will be pleased immediately to come to such places as both Houses of Parliament shall appoint ▪ And they do Declare , That He shall there be with Honor , Freedom and Safety ; and that they , with the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , will make their addresses unto His Majestie for a safe and well-grounded Peace . 2o Augusti , 1467. Resolved upon the Question , THat London be the place whither the King shall be desired to come to , where both Houses of Parliament , and the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , may make their addresses to Him for a safe and well-grounded Peace . H : Elsynge , Cler. Parl. D. Com. London , Printed for Edward Husband , Printer to the Honorable House of COMMONS . August 2. 1647. A82713 ---- A declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament that the sheriffes of London shall be saved and kept harmelesse by the authority of both Houses, for not publishing some late messages and proclamations lately sent them in his Majesties name. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82713 of text R211764 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[144]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82713 Wing E1466 Thomason 669.f.5[144] ESTC R211764 99870465 99870465 160855 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82713) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160855) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[144]) A declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament that the sheriffes of London shall be saved and kept harmelesse by the authority of both Houses, for not publishing some late messages and proclamations lately sent them in his Majesties name. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) March 11. Printed at London for John Wright in the Old-bailey, [London] : 1642. Offical date from Steele. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A82713 R211764 (Thomason 669.f.5[144]). civilwar no A declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, that the sheriffes of London shall be saved and kept harmelesse by the autho England and Wales. Parliament. 1642 303 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DECLARATION OF THE LORDS AND COMMONS ASSEMBLED IN PARLIAMENT , That the Sheriffes of LONDON shall be saved and kept harmelesse by the authority of both Houses , for not publishing some late Messages and Proclamations lately sent them in his Majesties Name . WHereas divers Proclamations , Writs , and Messages , some under the great Seale , and some under the Privie Signet , have beene directed and delivered unto Alderman Langham and Alderman Andrewes , then and yet Sheriffs of the City of London and Countie of Middlesex , Commanding them in his Maiesties name to execute the same , which Proclamations , Writs and Messages , being contrary to the priviledge of Parliament , and some of them conteining matters tending to the Scandall of the procéedings thereof , and to the preiudice of the Common-Wealth , were by Order of both or either House of Parliament , forbidden to be executed , And the said Sheriffs in obedience thereunto , according to their duty did forbeare to execute the same , The Lords and Commons doe Declare , that they well approve of the ready conformity of the said Sheriffs to their commands ; And doe further Declare and Ordaine , that the said Sheriffs shall by the authority of both Houses be saved and kept harmelesse from all damages and inconveniences that shall or can happen unto them for obeying the said Orders , or for any Act or thing they have done or shall doe , in pursuance of the said Order or Orders . ORdered by the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament , that this Declaration shall be forthwith Printed and published . John Browne Cler. Parliamentorum . March 11. Printed at London for John Wright in the Old-bailey . 1642. A82779 ---- August, 1. 1647. For the better satisfaction of the kingdome, the City of London, (who hath been the principall maintainer of the Army) now advancing against them, is for peace, ... This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82779 of text R210587 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.11[54]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82779 Wing E1537 Thomason 669.f.11[54] ESTC R210587 99869371 99869371 162703 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82779) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162703) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f11[54]) August, 1. 1647. For the better satisfaction of the kingdome, the City of London, (who hath been the principall maintainer of the Army) now advancing against them, is for peace, ... City of London (England). Committee for the Militia. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes, London : [1647] Imprint date from Wing. Ordered to be printed and published by the Committee of Lords and Commons for the safety of the king, Parliament, city and kingdom and by the Committee of the Militia of the City of London. Signed: Tho. Partington Cler. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A82779 R210587 (Thomason 669.f.11[54]). civilwar no August, 1. 1647. For the better satisfaction of the kingdome, the City of London, (who hath been the principall maintainer of the Army) now City of London 1647 260 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion August , 1. 1647. FOR the better satisfaction of the Kingdome , The City of London , ( who hath been the Principall maintainer of the Army ) now advancing against them , is for Peace , and hath omitted nothing to shew their desires to maintaine a good understanding with the Army ; What the City doth in standing upon their Guard , is for their owne defence , and not to engage in a new War , but to put a speedy period to the Kingdomes troubles , and hasten Irelands reliefe ; They professe they have , and shall alwayes endeavour to procure the Souldiers indempnity , and that they may have their Arreares paid them ; and have no other end but that God may have his glory , the Kings Majesty setled in his just Rights , the Parliament enjoy their Priviledges and Freedomes , and the Subject their fundamentall Laws Liberty and Peace ; And this being the resolution of this City , they are confident no Person of Honor , good Conscience and lover of their Countrey will draw sword or use violence against them , but rather stand for their defence and safety . Ordered by the Committee of Lords and Commons for the safety of the King , Parliament , City , and Kingdom , And also by the Committee of the Militia of the City of London and parts adjacent , that this Declaration bee Printed and Published . Tho. Partington Cler. London Printed by Richard Cotes . A82877 ---- Die Sabbathi 24. Iulii 1647. The Lords and Commons having seene a printed paper intituled, A petition to the Lord Mayer, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London in the Guild Hall assembled, ... England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82877 of text R210571 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.11[49]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82877 Wing E1636 Thomason 669.f.11[49] ESTC R210571 99869356 99869356 162698 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82877) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162698) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f11[49]) Die Sabbathi 24. Iulii 1647. The Lords and Commons having seene a printed paper intituled, A petition to the Lord Mayer, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London in the Guild Hall assembled, ... England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for John Wright at the Kings Head in the Old Bayley, London : 1647. Order to print signed: Joh. Brown Cler. Parliament. A printed paper 'A petition to the Lord Mayer, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London in the Guild Hall assembled', together with a dangerous engagement by oath and vow to make other terms with the king than those sanctioned by Parliament are in circulation; it is ordered by Parliament that no one is to proceed in the matter or set his name to it on pain of high treason -- Cf. Steele. A response to "To the Right Honorable the Lord Mayor, the Right Worshipfull the Aldermen and Commons of the City of London in the Common or Guildhall of the City of London assembled" (Wing T1659) and to "A soleme ingagement of the citizens, commanders, officers and souldiers of the trained bands and auxilaries" (Wing S4439). Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A82877 R210571 (Thomason 669.f.11[49]). civilwar no Die Sabbathi 24. Iulii 1647. The Lords and Commons having seene a printed paper intituled, A petition to the Lord Mayer, Aldermen, and Commo England and Wales. Parliament. 1647 307 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Sabbathi 24 Iulii 1647. THe Lords and Commons having seene a printed Paper intituled , A Petition to the Lord Mayer , Aldermen , and Commons of the City of London in the Guild Hall assembled , under the name of divers Citizens , Commanders , Officers , and Souldiers of the Trained Bands , Auxiliaries , and others , young men and Apprentices , Sea-Commanders ; Sea-men , and Watermen , together with a dangerous engagement of the same persons by Oath and Vow concerning the Kings present comming to the Parliament upon tearmes far different from those which both Houses after mature deliberation , have declared to be necessary for the good and safety of this Kingdome , casting reflections upon the proceedings both of the Parliament and Army , and tending to the imbroiling the Kingdom in a new Warre : And the said Lords and Commons taking notice of great Endeavours used by divers ill-affected persons to procure Subscriptions thereunto , whereby well meaning people may be mis-lead , doe therefore declare , That whosoever after publication or notice hereof shall proceed in , or promote or set his name to , or give consent that his name be set unto , or any way joyne in the said Engagement , shall be deemed and adjudged guilty of high Treason , and shall forfeit life and estate , as in cases of high Treason accustomed . ORdered that this Declaration be published forthwith by Order of the Lord Mayor , Sheriffes , and Committee of the Militia by beat of Drumme and sound of Trumpet in the Cities of London , Westminster , and within the Lines of Communication . Joh. Brown Cler. Parliament . London printed for John Wright at the Kings Head in the Old Bayley . 1647. A82907 ---- A new declaration of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, in answer to His Majesties letter to the lord major and the court of aldermen of the city of London, and concerning his declaration to the county of Yorke at Heyworth Moore by his last speciall summonds, Luna 20. day of Junæ, 1642. / Ordered by the Lords in Parliament that this declaration be forthwith printed and published, Joh: Brown cler. Parl. ; With a letter from the Lord Paget, lord lievtenant of the county of Buckingham, to the earle of Holland, shewing the readinesse of that county to obey the ordinance of Parliament touching the militia ; and the examination of the Lord Magwire, Colonell Read, cousin-germane to Tyrone, Capt. Mac Mallion, brother-in-law to Philomy O-neale, the relation being truly taken from their owne mouths word for word as followeth, before a committee of both houses in the court of wards on Munday the 21. of June, 1642. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82907 of text R171992 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing E1669). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 12 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82907 Wing E1669 ESTC R171992 45097697 ocm 45097697 171294 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82907) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 171294) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2571:10) A new declaration of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, in answer to His Majesties letter to the lord major and the court of aldermen of the city of London, and concerning his declaration to the county of Yorke at Heyworth Moore by his last speciall summonds, Luna 20. day of Junæ, 1642. / Ordered by the Lords in Parliament that this declaration be forthwith printed and published, Joh: Brown cler. Parl. ; With a letter from the Lord Paget, lord lievtenant of the county of Buckingham, to the earle of Holland, shewing the readinesse of that county to obey the ordinance of Parliament touching the militia ; and the examination of the Lord Magwire, Colonell Read, cousin-germane to Tyrone, Capt. Mac Mallion, brother-in-law to Philomy O-neale, the relation being truly taken from their owne mouths word for word as followeth, before a committee of both houses in the court of wards on Munday the 21. of June, 1642. England and Wales. Parliament. Paget, William Paget, Baron, 1609-1678. Browne, John, ca. 1608-1691. 8 p. Printed for W. Gay., London : 1642. Reproduction of original in the Sutro Library. eng Enniskillen, Connor Maguire, -- Baron of, 1616-1645. Reade, John, -- Sir. MacMahon, Hugh Oge, 1606?-1644. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1641. A82907 R171992 (Wing E1669). civilwar no A new declaration of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, in answer to his Majesties letter to the lord major and the court of ald England and Wales. Parliament 1642 1976 3 0 0 0 0 0 15 C The rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A NEW DECLARATION of the Lords and Commons in Parlialiament assembled , in answer to his Majesties Letter to the Lord Major and the Court of Aldermen of the City of London , and concerning his Declaration to the County of Yorke at Heyworth Moore by His last speciall Summonds , Luna 20. day of Junae , 1642. Ordered by the Lords in Parliament that this Declaration be forthwith Printed and published , Joh : Brown Cler. Parl. With a Letter from the Lord Paget , Lord Lievtenant of the County of Buckingham , to the Earle of Holland , shewing the readinesse of that County to obey the Ordinance of Parliament touching the Militia And the examination of the Lord Magwire , Colonell Read , Cousin-germane to Tyrone , Capt. Mac Mallion , Brother-in-Law to Philomy O-neale , the Relation being truly taken from their owne mouths word for word as followeth , before a Commitee of both Houses in the Court of Wards on Munday the 21. of June , 1642. London Printed for W. Gay . 1642. A Declaration of the Lords and Commons concerning a Paper directed by his MAIESTY to the Lord MAIOR and Sheriffs of London , Dated Iune fourteenth , 1642. WHereas in a paper inscribed to our trusty and well-beloved the Lord MAIOR , Aldermen and Sheriffs of the City of London , dated the fourteenth of June 1642. It is affirmed that great labour is used to perswade his MAJESTIES Subjects to raise Horse and to furnish money upon pretence of a Guard for the Parliament , but in truth to bee imployed against his MAJESTY , The Lords and Common doe declare that the designe of those Propositions is , as was formerly declared , to maintaine the Protestant Religion , the KINGS Authority and Person in his Royall Dignity , the free course of Justice , the Lawes of the Land , the Peace of the Kingdome and priviledges of Parliament , against any force which shall oppose them . And they doe further declare , that as the forces already attending his MAIESTY and the preparation which his MAIESTY is now making of Armes , Horse and Ordinance from within his Kingdome and without , at first coloured under the pretence of a Guard , doe evidently appeare to be intended for some great and extraordinary Designe , so they give just cause of feare and jealousy to the Parliament . And doe fully justify those Votes of the KINGS intention of levying Warre against the Parliament , to be altogether free from any imputation of scandall as is injuriously cast upon them by that paper ; For so long as his MAIESTY shall continue those levies and preparation . The Lords and Commons in Parliament , having been so often threatned and reviled for their proceedings about Hull , and the Militia , so necessarily undertaken for the good and peace of the Kingdome , they cannot bee secured by his MAIESTIES solemne Protestation alone , expressed in this and other Declarations , That all his desires and purposes are for the publick peace , and that he hath not the least thought of using force , except he be compelled to it for the defence of his Person and protecti of the Lawes , seeing his MAIESTY in a Declaration published at Hyworth More , doth interpret the protection of the Lawes in such a manner as giveth just and full occasion to beleeve , that by protecting the Lawes , his MAIESTY intendeth force upon , or against those who shall submit to the Ordinance of the Militia , it appeares by divers expressions of his MAIESTY , he hath discovered an intention of making some attempt upon Hull . And because in both which cases they doe declare that whatsoever violence shall be used either against those who exercise this Militia , or against Hull , they cannot but take it as done against the Parliament . And whereas the Houses have upon loane received great summes of money for the service of Ireland , from the Companies of the City of London , ( for which they give them grtat and hearty thankes . ) They doe declare that these summes shall be dispended as the former have beene to that onely service . Notwithstanding an Infinuation laying an aspersion upon them as if they had done otherwise . Further , whereas it is declared to the great reproach of the Parliament , that the summes desired towards the raising of Horse and Armes is contrived upon generall pretences by some few Factious persons we leave it to the World to judge how it is possible , that Houses should have all their members , seeing diverse of them are by his Majestie summoned to Yorke , and there contrary to the Lawes of the Land ; and priviledges of Parliament deteined , may be protected from the Justice of both Houses . And secondly , how that can possibly be called a Faction which is done by both Houses of Parliament , the greatest Court of England , the most faithfull Councell his Majesty hath . But at such language as this they wonder not , considering by what wicked Councell his Majesties affaires are guided , and by what malignant spirits his Majesties affections to the Parliament of late have been mis-led . Both Houses well weighing the premisses doe forbid any Majors , Sheriffs , Bailiffs , or other Officers whatsoever to publish or spread that paper as they will answer their contempt to the Parliament . And doe assure themselves that neither his Majesties commands nor his threats will withdraw or deterrmen well affected to the publique from doing their duty , in contributing such money , horse and plate , as will be necessary for the preserving the being of Parliament , the peace of the Kingdome , and those other ends before mentioned , for which they are desired . The dangerous and mischievous intentions of some about his Majestie being such , that whatsoever is most precious to men of conscience and honour , as religion , liberty , and publique safety , are like to be overwhelmed and lost in the generall confusion and calamity of the Kingdome , which will not only question , but overthrow the Charter of the City of London , expose the Citizens , their Wives , and Children to violence and villany , and leave the wealth of that famous City , as a prey to those desperate and necessitous persons . The Lords and Commons as they hope by this means those horrid Mischiefs may be prevented : So those of the City ( which contribute hereunto ) whereof none are so mean and base , as to deserve the reproches cast on them by that paper . And all his Majesties good Subjects may be assured that in doing their duty herein , they shall be protected and secured in their persons , Liberties , and Estates , by the power and authority of both Houses of Parliament , according to their former ingagements , which they will ever faithfully perform . A copy of a Letter sent from the Right Honourable the Lord Paget , Lord Lieutenant of the County of Buckingham , To the Right Honourable the Earle of Holland ; shewing the great readinesse of that County , to obey the Ordinance of the Parliament touching the Militia . I Have received so great expressions of my Countreymen of Buckinghamshire , of their good affections to the Publique , and ready Obedience to the commands of Parliament , in the present Muster this day begun for a fourth part of this County , that I held it my duty to make your Lordship acquainted here with , to the end an account may be given of it to the Parliament , if your Lordship shall thinke fit . Ten of my Deputy Lievtenants met me this morning at Beckonsfield , where we called over the Traine Band , consisting but of one hundred and fifty men , who made a very good appearance with their Armes and supplyes , and as full as they have been formerly upon any o●her summons . Besides eightscore Volunteers and upwards within this Division , presented themselves to us very well armed , and exercised in two Companies ; more in number then the Trained Band ; summoned to this place . I am also informed of another Company of an hundred and fifty Volunteeres more within this Division , that intend to shew themselves in our way to the next place of meeting , and of another Company of an hundred more , who there intend to meet us , besides the Trained Band . This publique testimony of my Countrymens good affections , for the safety of the King and Kingdome , I thought not unfit to make knowne . And rest Beckonsfield 23. May . 1642. Your Lordspips most dutifull sonne , and humble servant , WILLIAM PAGET . Newes from Yorke . WITH HIS MAJESTIES PROpositions to the Lords there . SIR , I Conceive my Lord of Lindsey is Admirall of England , and the Lord o●O●mond Lord Lievtenant of Ireland . The King hath this day made diverse Propositions to the Lords here ; As , First , to have the Declaration of both Houses of the ninth of May to be disavowed . Secondly , to have Justice in Hull businesse . Thirdly , to have the Militia declared to be his right . Fourthly , to have tumults punished . Fiftly , to have the Parliament adjourned to Oxford , Cambridge , Winchester , Yorke , Coventry , Bristoll , Nottingham , or any of those places where his Majesty shall command , and other things which I have not leisure to adde . To morrow they meet againe , and I beleeve the maine question will be , whether a Declaration shall be made here , or the Lords to agree here , and vote in the House , and in what equipage to goe . Our Court increaseth daily , and we beleeve , notwithstanding the offer of an hundred thousand pound , by the Common Councell , that the King may have as much money from the Citizens as they , and I beleeve here is ground for such a conceit . Here is no possibility for the Kings suddaine remove hence , though some thinke he may step hence to Lincolne , for three or foure dayes , to settle that Countrey , but I am not of that opinion , The examination of three notorius Rebels before a Committee sitting in the Court of Wards . THey were brought last Monday before a Committee of both Houses , sitting in the Court of Wards , where when they first appeared at their examination before the Committee , they answered , that they were Recusants , and being borne and brought up in the same Religion , which the Catholique Church of Rome profess●d , they were also resolved to live and die in the maintenance thereof : renouncing whatsoever shall be in opposition to the same . And that though the might be supposed to be Rebels , and so reputed , yet they did nothing ( as they strongly did asseverate ) but what the lawfulnesse of their Consciences did suggest unto them . Wherepuon it was Ordered by the House , that they should be committed to strong Custody , till the further censure of the House . FINIS . A82916 ---- An order for the sixe regiments to advance tovvards Reading. By the Lord Mayor, and the rest of the Committee for the Militia of London. City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82916 of text R211987 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[45]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82916 Wing E1681 Thomason 669.f.7[45] ESTC R211987 99870648 99870648 161026 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82916) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161026) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[45]) An order for the sixe regiments to advance tovvards Reading. By the Lord Mayor, and the rest of the Committee for the Militia of London. City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Penington, Isaac, Sir, 1587?-1660. City of London (England). Committee for the Militia. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1643] Imprint from Wing. Signed and dated at end: Guildhall London, the 7. of October, 1643. .. Isaac Pennington, Mayor. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A82916 R211987 (Thomason 669.f.7[45]). civilwar no An order for the sixe regiments to advance tovvards Reading. By the Lord Mayor, and the rest of the Committee for the Militia of London. City of London 1643 349 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion An Order for the sixe Regiments to Advance tovvards READING . By the Lord Mayor , and the rest of the Committee for the MILITIA of LONDON . THE Committee for the Militia of London , and parts adjacent within the Lines of Communication , and Parishes mentioned in the weekely Bill of Mortality , apprehending that the taking and possessing of Reading by the Kings Forces , will be a very great meanes to hinder Trade and Victualls , and all other intercourse unto the Cities of London and Westminster , from the West part of the Kingdome , to the very great detriment of the said City and parts adjacent , and being moved by the Parliament , and also by my Lord Generall his Excellency , have thought fit to propound unto the severall Commanders and Officers of , and belonging to the said Forces , to draw forth speedily , some considerable strength , to joyne with his Excellency for prevention thereof . And finding them most ready and willing to undertake the Service , and sixe Regiments being forthwith to March for that purpose , the severall Ministers of the Parish Churches within the parts aforesaid , are desired on the next Lords day , being the eighth of October , 1643. Effectually to stir up all those Souldiers which belong to the said Regiments , Cheerefully upon summons by Drummes or otherwise , to repaire to their Collours , and to March forth with their Commanders accordingly , the same tending to the preservation of our Religion , Lives , and Liberties , and of all that is deare unto us . And all Constables , and other his Majesties Officers within the limits aforesaid , are required to be aiding and assisting in the execution of the premises , as they shall be directed by the severall Commanders and Officers of the Regiments aforesaid . Guildhall London , the 7. of October , 1643. Let this be read and published , as is desired . ISAAC PENNINGTON , Mayor . A82930 ---- An order of the committee of the Lords and Commons at Guild-hall for the defence of the kingdom for the disarming and securing the persons of such as are disaffected to the Parliament :nd [sic] Commonwealth, with citie of Lodon [sic] and Westminster, and the suburbs within three miles of the citie. With a proclamation by the Lord Maior of London. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82930 of text R36394 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[95]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 10 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82930 Wing E1696 Thomason 669.f.5[95] ESTC R36394 99872442 99872442 160808 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82930) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160808) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[95]) An order of the committee of the Lords and Commons at Guild-hall for the defence of the kingdom for the disarming and securing the persons of such as are disaffected to the Parliament :nd [sic] Commonwealth, with citie of Lodon [sic] and Westminster, and the suburbs within three miles of the citie. With a proclamation by the Lord Maior of London. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for I. Iackson, G. Tomlinson, and T. Homer, and are to be sold in the Old Baily, London : 1642. Novemb. 4. A variant of the edition with line 3 of title beginning "with the cities of London" in place of "with citie of Lodon". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A82930 R36394 (Thomason 669.f.5[95]). civilwar no An order of the committee of the Lords and Commons at Guild-hall for the defence of the kingdom, for the disarming and securing the persons England and Wales. Parliament. 1642 1681 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion An Order of the Committee of the Lords and Commons at Guild-hall for the defence of the Kingdom , for the disarming and securing the persons of such as are disaffected to the Parliament and Commonwealth ; with citie of Lodon and Westminster , and the Suburbs within three miles of the Citie . With a Proclamation by the Lord Maior of London . IT is this day ordered by the said Committee of the Lords and Commons , that the 〈◊〉 hereafter mentioned , shall be disarmed , and their persons secured ; That is to say , First , all of ability and estate , who have not contributed to the defence of the Kingdome , upon the propositions heretofore issued for that purpose , whose names are contained in a Roll hereunto annexed under the hand of the Clerke of the Commons House of Parliament . All such as by name have been voted by both or either of the Houses of Parliament , to be disarmed or to be delinquents . A Roll wherof is hereunto annexed under the hands of the foresaid Committee . All Popish Recusants , or iustly suspected of Popery , or whose wives are Popish Recusants , or whose children are Popishly bred : all that have contributed to the warres against the Patlirment . The Armes and Horses to be found in the Houses of any Bishops or Deane , and Chapters , or other supected places to be ceised and brought to any of the places heereafter appoynted , and the persons that are to disarme and secure the parsons heereby intended to be disarmed and secured shallhereb have power and authority to enter into and search the houses of the said Bishops , Deanes and Chapters , and all other Townes and places where any suspected persons doe usually lodge or abide , and to seize and secure the said suspected persons . For the effecting of the premises , the severall and respective Colonels , Lieutenant Colonels , Captaines , and other Officers of the trained Bands of the severall Wards within the Citie of London , are hereby authorized and required to disarme the persons before mentioned within their severall Wards , and other their places within their Liberties ; and to take and ceize all their Horses , Armes , and Ammunition , or other provision of warre , and to ceise upon and secure their persons . The severall Aldermen and Aldermens Deputies , common Councell men , Constables , and all other persons are required to bee assisting and aiding to the said severall Officers and trained Bands in the execution of the premises . That the premises may with the better effect and speed be executed , It , will bee convenient that the trained Bands in each Ward be divided inth three or more severall Companies , which is hereby required , unlesse the respective Officers and persons intrusted with the service upon the place , and upon emergencies shall finde cause to doe otherwise . The Lord Mayor and the Sheriffes of the Citie of London , Sergeant Maior Generall Skippon , together with such persons as they shall thinke fit to call to their assistance , are hereby required to use all care and diligence that the premises bee executed according to the intent of these presents . The persons of such as by intent of this Order are to be secured , shallbe brought unto the places hereafter mentioned , that is to say , unto Gresham Colledge , and Crosby House in Bishops-gate-street , Winchester house in or neere the Burrough of Southwarke . ; the house of the Bishop of London , neer the Church of S. Pauls ; Lambeth house , the house of the Deane and Chapter of Westminster , and Ely house . And it is left to the discretion of the Officers of the respective trained Bands , to which of the said houses they shall carry the persons of those whom they shall apprehend . The severall houses and places where the persons apprehended shall remaine , shall have guards set about them of such number of the trained Bands , or others , as the said Lord Maior and Shariffes of the City of London , and Sergeant Maior Generall Skippon , or any of them shall appoint . And those that shall be appointed to make those guards , shall have allowance of one shilling fix pence per diem , during the time they continue in the said services , the same to be paid at the charge of the persons so restrained , in such manner as by the Lords and Commons shall be appointed . For the better effecting of the premises about the Suburbs of London , and within the Citie of Westminster , the Burough of Southwark , and other places within three miles of the Citie of London , the severall Colonels , Lieutenant Colonels , Captaines , and other Officers of the trained Bands of the severall Wards within the Citie of London , and of the respective Colonels , Lieutenant Colonels , Captaines , and other Officers of the trained Bands of those respective places without the Citie of London , are hereby authorized and required to disarme the persons before mentioned therein residing , and to take and ceize all their Horses , Armes and Ammunition , and other provisions of warre , and to ceize upon and secure their persons . The Lord Lieutenants , and Deputy Lieutenants , and the Knights and Burgesses serving in this presont Parliament , for the Counties , Cities , and Burroughes in the said severall places ; as likewise all Constables , Headburroughes , and other persons abiding therein respectively , are required to be assistant and aiding unto the severall Colonels , Lieutenant Colonels , Captains , and other Officers , and the trained Bands in the execution of the premises . In respect that it may so fall out , that in some of the Wards within the citie of London , and some other of the places without the citie of London , there may not occasion of use for the full number of their trained Bands , but that they may be spared and sent into other places within the respective limits . The Officers of the trained Bands therefore respectively within the citie of London , and without the citie , are required to be aiding and assisting unto each other in the execution of the premises , whereby the service may with greater speed be performed . The arms and ammunition , and other provision of warre , shall be ceized in any the places aforesaid , as well without the citie of London as within , shall bee brought to such of the Halles belonging to the severall companies of the citie of London , as shall be neerest to the places where such ceisure shall be made onely fittest for that use , and the horses with their furniture shall be brought to such places as the Lord Maior and the Sheriffes of the citie of London , Sergeant Maior Skippon , or any of them shall appoint . All the horses , armes or ammunition and provision for warre , which shall be ceised by vertue of this Order , or to be Inventoried and listed by the Captains and Lieutenants of the respective companies of the teained Bands , and certified under their hands to the Lord Maior , to the end it may better appeare where such horses and ammunition remaine , and to whom they belong . And authority is hereby given to the said Lord Maior of London , Sheriffes , Leiutenants , Colonels , Lieutenant Colonels , Captaines and other Officers , and to every of them , before or at the time of the execution of the premises , to make proclamation in the severall Wards within the said citie of London , and likewise in such severall places within the suburbs thereof , the citie of Westminster , Burrough of Southwarke , and other places and precincts within thre miles of the citie of London , as they or any of them shall think convenient thereby commanding all and every the person and persons , which according to the true intent and meaning of this Order , are to be disarmed , and their persons secured , that they and every of them from and after the time of the making of the said proclamation , shall repaire unto , continue and abide , in their severall houses , lodgings , or places of their usuall abode , untill the premises shall be duely executed and performed , and during such time only and in such manner , as by the said severall proclamations shal be enioyned . Proclamations to be made at or before the time of disarming and securing the Malignants in and about the Citie of London and the Suburbs , in the forme of words ensuing . ALL Popish Recusants , or whose wives are Papists , or wwhose children are Popishly bred , : All that have contributed to this present warre against the Parliament . All of ability and estate , who have not contributed to the defence of the Kingdome , upon the Propositions heretofore issued for that purpose , together with such others as shall receive particular directions for that purpose . Ate by the authority of both Houses of Parliament , commanded to repaire unto , remanie and abide within their severall houses , lodgings , and usuall places of abode , untill they shall have further directions from both Houses of Parliament , upon the paines and penalties that may ensue thereupon . London printed for I. Iackson , G. Tomlinson , and T. Homer , and are to be sold in the Old Baily , 1642. A82945 ---- Fryday the 10th of December. 1652. An order of the Parliament touching the extraordinary rate of coals. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82945 of text R211568 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.16[74]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82945 Wing E1718 Thomason 669.f.16[74] ESTC R211568 99870284 99870284 163227 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82945) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163227) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f16[74]) Fryday the 10th of December. 1652. An order of the Parliament touching the extraordinary rate of coals. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by John Field, Printer to the Parliament of England, London : 1652. Signed: Hen: Scobell, Cleric. Parliamenti. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Coal trade -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Economic conditions -- Early works to 1800. A82945 R211568 (Thomason 669.f.16[74]). civilwar no Fryday the 10th of December. 1652. An order of the Parliament touching the extraordinary rate of coals. England and Wales. Parliament. 1652 175 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms AN ORDER OF THE PARLIAMENT touching the extraordinary rate of COALS . Fryday the 10th of December . 1652. Ordered by the Parliament , THat it be referred to the Lord Major of the City of London , and the Court of Aldermen , and that they be authorised and required to examine how the price of Coals is raised to such extraordinary rates , and the abuse therein , and by whom , and to take an effectual course for the present remedy thereof for the good of the poor ; and in case they shall finde the same not to be within their power to redress , that then they do state the matter of Fact ; and certifie the same , with their opinion therein , to the Parliament with all convenient speed ; and Mr. Alderman Atkin is to take the special care hereof . Hen : Scobell , Cleric . Parliamenti . London , Printed by JOHN FIELD , Printer to the Parliament of England , 1652. A82948 ---- Die Jovis 18 May, 1648. Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, that all the commission-officers and others within the city of London and the liberties thereof, bee, and are hereby required to act upon the commissions they now have ... England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82948 of text R176469 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing E1733C). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82948 Wing E1733C ESTC R176469 47682930 ocm 47682930 172882 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82948) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 172882) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2654:25) Die Jovis 18 May, 1648. Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, that all the commission-officers and others within the city of London and the liberties thereof, bee, and are hereby required to act upon the commissions they now have ... England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n.], [London : Dated the twentyeth of May, 1648. Headpiece; initial. Place of publication from Wing (2nd ed.). Reproduction of original in: Birmingham Central Reference Library (Birmignham, England). eng City of London (England). -- Committee for the Militia -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- England -- London -- 17th century. A82948 R176469 (Wing E1733C). civilwar no Die Jovis 18 May, 1648. Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, that all the commission-officers and others within the cit England and Wales. Parliament 1648 213 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Jovis 18 May , 1648. ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament Assembled , That all the Commission-Officers and others within the City of London and the Liberties thereof , bee , and are hereby required to act upon the Commissions they now have , untill the Committee of the Militia now constituted shall think fit to appoint others ; to the intent no prejudice may happen to the Parliament or City in the interim , till the Militia be setled . And that they doe obey all such Orders and Directions as they shall from time to time receive from Major-Generall Skippon . Joh. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . IN pursuance of an Ordinance of Parliament concerning the Commission-Officers within the City of London , dated the 18 of May instant ; The Committee of the Militia of the said City , and Liberties thereof ; do desire all the Souldiers listed of the Trained Bands at the beat of Drum to repair to their Colours , and to be in readiness under their present Commanders , as they tender the safety of the Parliament and City , in these times of imminent danger : hereof you are not to fail . Dated the Twentyeth of May , 1648. A82956 ---- Die Mercurij 16. Aprill, 1645. Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, that the Lord Major of the city of London is hereby desired and required to give direction that publike thanksgiving be made on the next Lords day, in every church, & chappel within the lines of communication, and bills of mortallity for Gods blessing to the forces in Scotland, against the rebells in that kingdome. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82956 of text R200015 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E278_10). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82956 Wing E1734 Thomason E278_10 ESTC R200015 99860817 99860817 112942 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82956) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 112942) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 46:E278[10]) Die Mercurij 16. Aprill, 1645. Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, that the Lord Major of the city of London is hereby desired and required to give direction that publike thanksgiving be made on the next Lords day, in every church, & chappel within the lines of communication, and bills of mortallity for Gods blessing to the forces in Scotland, against the rebells in that kingdome. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1645] Signed: Jo: Browne Cler. Parliamentorum. Imprint from Wing. At foot: To the gentleman vsher attending this house, or his deputy to be delivered to the Lord Major of the city of London. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng City of London (England). -- Lord Mayor -- Early works to 1800. Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A82956 R200015 (Thomason E278_10). civilwar no Die Mercurij 16. Aprill, 1645.: Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, that the Lord Major of the city of London is here England and Wales. Parliament. 1645 108 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Mercurij 16. Aprill , 1645. ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament Assembled , That the Lord Major of the City of London is hereby desired and required to give direction that Publike Thanksgiving be made on the next Lords day , in every Church , & Chappel within the Lines of Communication , and Bills of Mortallity for Gods blessing to the Forces in Scotland , against the Rebells in that Kingdome . Jo : Browne Cler. Parliamentorum . To the Gentleman Vsher attending this House , or his Deputy to be delivered to the Lord Major of the City of London . A82960 ---- Die Veneris, 28 August. 1646. Ordered by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, that Tuesday, being the eight day of September, now next coming, be set a part for a day of publike thanksgiving within the Cities of London and Westminster, ... England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82960 of text R212302 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.9[66]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82960 Wing E1735 Thomason 669.f.9[66] ESTC R212302 99870940 99870940 161164 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82960) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161164) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f9[66]) Die Veneris, 28 August. 1646. Ordered by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, that Tuesday, being the eight day of September, now next coming, be set a part for a day of publike thanksgiving within the Cities of London and Westminster, ... England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for John Wright, at the King Head in the Old Bayley, London : 1646. Title from heading and first lines of text. An order of Parliament that 8 September be set apart as a day of public thanksgiving for Parliamentary successes. Signed: Jo. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Public worship -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Westminster (London, England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A82960 R212302 (Thomason 669.f.9[66]). civilwar no Die Veneris, 28 August. 1646. Ordered by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, that Tuesday, being the eight day of September, now England and Wales. Parliament. 1646 162 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Veneris , 28 August . 1646. ORdered by the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament , That Tuesday , being the eight day of September , now next coming , be set a part for a day of Publike thanksgiving within the Cities of London and Westminster , Lines of Communication , and weekly Bils of Mortality , and ten miles about , For the great blessing of God upon the Forces of the Parliament , in the reducing of the severall Castles and Garrisons of Worcester , Wallingford , Ruthen , Ragland , and Pendennis ; And that the Lord Mayor of the City of London doe take care , that the Ministers of the severall Churches and Chappels , within the City of London , and Liberties thereof , may have timely notice hereof . Jo. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . LONDON : Printed for John Wright , at the King Head in the Old Bayley . 1646. A83034 ---- An ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament concerning the election of Common-councel men, and other officers in the City of London. Die Mercurii 20. Decemb. 1648. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83034 of text R211106 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.13[59]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83034 Wing E1820 Thomason 669.f.13[59] ESTC R211106 99869843 99869843 162955 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83034) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162955) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f13[59]) An ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament concerning the election of Common-councel men, and other officers in the City of London. Die Mercurii 20. Decemb. 1648. England and Wales. Parliament. Reynardson, Abraham, Sir, 1590-1661. City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes, [London] : [1648] Place of publication and imprint date from Wing. Besides the ordinance of 18 December, it is also ordered that no person who took the engagement for a personal treaty is to be elected to any office -- Cf. Steele. Includes an order from the mayor (also dated 20 December 1648) requiring the publishing of this ordinance, together with the one dated December 18 'of this instant moneth at your elections' (Wing (2nd. ed. 1994) E1955). Ordinance of 18 December signed: Jo. Brown Cleric. Parliamentorum. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Politics and government -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A83034 R211106 (Thomason 669.f.13[59]). civilwar no An ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, concerning the election of Common-councel men, and other officers in the City England and Wales. Parliament. 1648 292 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , concerning the election of Common-councel men , and other Officers in the City of London . Die Mercurii 20. Decemb. 1648. WHereas there is an Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , bearing date the 18 of December , 1648. for the choosing of Common-Councel-men , and other Officers within the City of London and liberties thereof for the yeare ensuing . The said Lords and Commons do further Declare and Ordaine , and bee it hereby Ordained by the said Lords and Commons , that no person whatsoever that subscribed , promoted , or abetted , any engagement in the Yeare 1648. relating to a personall Treaty with the KING at London , shall be elected , chosen , or put into any of the Offices , or places expressed in the aforesaid Ordinance under the penalty contained in the same , upon the other excepted persons , and to bee levyed according to the provision of the said Ordinance , and the Lord Major for the time being is hereby required that this Ordinance with the other bee published at all Elections , and strictly and punctually observed according to the true intent and meaning hereof . Jo. Brown Cleric . Parliamentorum . By the Major . THese are to require you to publish this Ordinance with the other . Dated the 18. of this instant moneth at your elections , and that the same be strictly and punctually observed according to the true intent and meaning of the same , this 20. day of December , 1648. Michel . To the Alderman or Deputy of the Ward of Printed by Richard Cotes , A83133 ---- Die Veneris 4 Octob. 1644. An ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament for sending forth five regiments out of the City of London; and parts adjacent. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83133 of text R212198 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.9[15]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83133 Wing E1924 Thomason 669.f.9[15] ESTC R212198 99870844 99870844 161113 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83133) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161113) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f9[15]) Die Veneris 4 Octob. 1644. An ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament for sending forth five regiments out of the City of London; and parts adjacent. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Richard Cotes, Printed at London : 1644. Signed: Joh. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng City of London (England). -- Committee for the Militia -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A83133 R212198 (Thomason 669.f.9[15]). civilwar no Die Veneris 4 Octob. 1644. An ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament: for sending forth five regiments out of the City o England and Wales. Parliament. 1644 885 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Veneris 4 Octob. 1644. An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament : For sending forth Five Regiments out of the City of LONDON ; and parts adjacent . IT is this day Ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , that the Committee of the Militia of the City of London and parts adjacent , within the Lines of Communication , and Parishes mentioned in the weekly bills of Mortality , shall have power , and is hereby authorised to command the Red and Blue Regiments of Trayned Bands of the said City ; and the Red Regiment of Trayned Bands of Westminster ; the Yellow Regiment of Trayned Bands of the Borough of Southwark ; and the Yellow Regiment of Auxiliaries of the Hamblets of the Tower , consisting of five thousand men , or thereabouts , and such other Forces as they shall think fit , either of Horse , or Foot , raised or to bee raised under the command of the said Committee of the Militia , within the Limits aforesaid , to March from the severall parts aforesaid , according to the Discipline and order of Warre , under the conduct and command of such Major Generall , Collonels , Lieutenant Collonels , Captains , and other Officers , as the said Committee shall appoint , together with all such necessary provisions of Armes Ammunition , Ordnance , and other Carriages , and to joine with such other Forces of Horse and Foote , as are under the command of the Earle of Manchester , and Sir William Waller , or either of them , according as they shall bee directed by both Houses , or the Committee of both Kingdomes ; to resist and subdue the Forces raised without authority of Parliament ; and to recover , and preserve such places as are now possessed by the Enemy . And for prevention of such inconveniences , as by experience hath been discovered to fall out in former expeditions by giving great summes of money before hand to hired Souldiers , and by their refusing to serve ; unlesse they may have their owne demands . It is further ordained , That no advance shall be henceforth given before hand , to any Souldiers hired , or to bee hired , besides their weekly pay ; and that the Committee of the Militia , and their Sub-committees respectively , shall have power to Impresse within their severall Limits , all such persons as shall be by them thought fit to bee hired , to serve in this expedition , excepting such persons as are excepted in the Ordinance of Parliament , made the 12 of July last , 1644. And it is further ordained , that the said Committee shall have power , and is hereby authorized to call backe such Forces as they shall command to march forth by vertue of this Ordinance , when they shall thinke fit ; and that all the said Colonells , Lieutenant Colonells , Captaines , Officers , Souldiers , and other persons under the command of the said Committee of the Militia , whether Masters , or Servants , shall obey the directions of the said Committee of the Militia from time to time , upon paine of imprisonment , or expulsion out of the Limits aforesaid , and such other punishments as the said Committee shall thinke fit to impose upon them by reasonable Fines , or according to the course of Warre : and to levy the said Fines , by distresse , and sale of their goods , and to imploy the same for the service of the City , as the said Committee shall appoint : And all Sub-committees made , or to bee made , Constables , Headboroughs , Provost Marshals , and other Officers , are hereby required to bee aiding and assisting from time to time for the better furthering and effecting all such services as are contained or intended by this Ordinance , according as they shall bee directed by the said Committee within the Limits aforesaid ; as they will answer the contrary under the penalties herein mentioned . And it is further ordained , that all such Forces as shall be sent forth by the said Committees of the Militia , by vertue of this Ordinance , shall bee payed during their continuance abroad by the Parliament , according to the new establishment of the Army under his Excellency the Earle of Essex . And it is further ordained , that the Sub-committees appointed , or to bee appointed by the said Committee of the Militia shall have power , and are hereby authorized to cause all or any the clauses conteined in this Ordinance to bee put in due execution , when , and as often as they shall receive directions from the said Committee ; and as well the said Committee , as also their Sub-committees , and all other persons acting in the Premises , according to the true intent of this Ordinance , shall bee saved harmelesse by the authority of both Houses of Parliament . Joh. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . Printed at London by Richard Cotes , 1644. A83227 ---- An ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament for the putting out of the cities of London and VVestminster, and late lines of communication, and twenty miles distant, for six months, all delinquents, papists, and others that have been in armes against the Parliament. England and Wales. Parliament. 1648 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A83227 Wing E2008 Thomason 669.f.11[123] ESTC R210775 99869532 99869532 162774 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83227) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162774) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f11[123]) An ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament for the putting out of the cities of London and VVestminster, and late lines of communication, and twenty miles distant, for six months, all delinquents, papists, and others that have been in armes against the Parliament. England and Wales. Parliament. City of London (England). Committee for the Militia. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1648] Imprint from Wing. All Papists, officers, and soldiers of fortune, and all who have borne arms against Parliament are to leave London, etc. before 23 December. Lord Mayor, Justices, and Committees to execute. Persons found after 23 December to be arrested. This ordinance to last six months. Persons who have compounded may stay at their own residences. 24 Dec. Malignant ministers to be expelled. Justices have power to search for offenders -- Cf. Steele. At end is an authorization for search from the Committee for the Militia for London with blanks for place of search, beginning date, and issue date. Signed: Ioh. Browne, Cler. Parliamentorum and Hen. Elsynge, Cler. Parl. D. Com. Annotation on Thomason copy (in last two blanks at end of document): "ye second day of ffebruary"; "2d of ffeb: 1647". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , For the putting out of the Cities of London and VVestminster , and late Lines of Communication , and Twenty miles distant , for Six Months , all Delinquents , Papists , and others that have been in Armes against the Parliament . Die Veneris , 17. Decemb. 1647. THE Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament doe Declare and Ordain , and be it by Authority of Parliament Ordained and Declared , That all Papists whatsoever , and all Officers and Souldiers of Fortune , and all other persons whatsoever that have born Armes against the Parliament , or have adhered to , or willingly assisted the Enemy in this late Warre , not being under restraint , and not hereafter excepted , shall at , or before the Three and twentyeth day of this instant December , depart the Cities of London and Westminster , and the late Lines of Communication , and all other places within Twenty miles of the said late Lines of Communication ; and if any of the persons aforesaid shall continue within the said Lines , or within twenty miles distance of the said late Lines of Communication after the said three and twentyeth day of this instant December , such person or persons shall be apprehended , imprisoned , and proceeded against as Traytors . And for the better execution of this Ordinance , it is further Ordained and Declared by the said Lords and Commons , and by Authority of Parliament , That the Lord Major of the City of London , and all Justices of Peace within the said City and Liberties thereof ; and the Committee of the Militia of the said City , or any two or more of them , and Justices of Peace of the severall Counties of Middlesex , Hertford , Essex , Kent , and Surrey , and of the City of Westminster , and Liberties thereof , and of the severall Committees of the Militia of the said Cities of Westminster , and Liberties thereof , and of the Burrough of Southwark , Hamblets of the Tower and Suburbs , or any two or more of them in their respective Liberties and Jurisdictions shall and may , and are hereby authorized and required to make search for , and apprehend , or cause to be apprehended all Papists and Popish Recusants , whatsoever , and all Officers and Souldiers whatsoever that have born Arms against the Parliament of England , or have adhered to , or willingly assisted the Enemy in this late Warre , that are or shall be found within the said Cities of London and Westminster , and Suburbs and Liberties thereof , or within the said late Lines of communication , or Twenty miles distant thereof , after the said Three and twentyeth day of this instant December ; And all such persons so apprehended and taken , and brought before them , or any two of them as abovesaid , to imprison , and commit to some common Gaole or Prison , or to safe custody . And all Sheriffs , Bayliffs , Constables , and all other his Majesties Officers and Subjects are to be aiding to the said Justices of Peace , and Committees of Militia in execution of this Ordinance . And in case any Jaylor , Constable , or other Officer to whom any the persons aforesaid shall be committed , shall permit such person or persons to go at liberty without the speciall Warrant or discharge of the said Lord Major , Justices of Peace , or Committees of Militia by whom they were so committed , that the same shall be taken and adjudged an escape ; And such Jaylor , Constable , and other Officer shall bee proceeded against , and punished as for an escape according to Law ; And this Ordinance is to continue for the space of Six months from the said Three and twentyeth day of this instant December . Provided , that nothing in this Ordinance shall extend to such persons aforesaid , who having their habitations within the Lines of communication , or within the said space of Twenty miles have made their compositions , and paid in , or secured their Fines , or have taken the negative Oath and covenant , or that shall be authorized by both Houses of Parliament , or being really attending their compositions at Goldsmiths-Hall , shall be permitted by the Committee of Lords and Commons for compositions , there to continue within the said late Lines of communication for the perfecting their said compositions . Ioh. Brown , Cler. Parliamentorum . Die Sabbathi , 22. Januarii , 1647. BE it Ordered and Ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That any person or persons nominated and appointed by the Lord Major of the City of London , or by the Justices of Peace , or Committee of the Militia in the said City , or by any Three or more of them , or by the Justices and Committees of Militia in the County of Middlesex , and in the City of Westminster , and liberties thereof , and Borough of Southwark , or by any Three or more of them respectively , are hereby authorized within their respective Limits to search for , and apprehend all Papists and Popish Recusants , and all Officers and Souldiers whatsoever who have borne Armes against the Parliament of England , or have adhered to the Enemy in the late Warre , according to an Ordinance passed in that behalf , bearing date the 17. of December , One thousand six hundred forty seven . Iohn Brown , Cler. Parliamentorum . Hen. Elsynge , Cler. Parl. D. Com. Die Veneris , 24. Decembr . 1647. Ordered , THat the severall Committees of the Militia of London , VVestminster , Hamblets , and Borough of Southwark , doe take especiall care , That all the Malignant Ministers that have adhered to the Enemy , be forthwith put out of the late Lines of Communication , in pursuance of the Ordinance for putting Malignants out of the Lines of Communication . H. Elsynge , Cler. Parl. D. Com. BY vertue of the Ordinances and Order above mentioned , we the Committee of the Militia of London , and the Liberties thereof , doe hereby Authorize and appoint you to make diligent search in all places within and to begin on and such offenders as you shall apprehend in the search , you are to commit to safe Custody , and to give us notice thereof , to the end that they may be proceeded against according to the said Ordinances and Order of Parliament : And all Constables , Officers , and other persons are required to be aiding and assisting unto you in the execution hereof . Dated at Guild Hall , London , the ●o the Deputy and Common-Councell-men in the 〈…〉 A83432 ---- Die Martis 29. Februarii. 1647. Resolved by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament. That no person or persons whatsoever, presume to raise lift, muster, or gather together any souldiers, ... England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83432 of text R210819 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.11[135]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83432 Wing E2241 Thomason 669.f.11[135] ESTC R210819 99869576 99869576 162788 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83432) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162788) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f11[135]) Die Martis 29. Februarii. 1647. Resolved by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament. That no person or persons whatsoever, presume to raise lift, muster, or gather together any souldiers, ... England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) for John Wright at the Kings Head in the Old-Bayley, Imprinted at London : 1647 [i.e. 1648] No person to enlist soldiers on pretence of transporting them for the service of any foreign prince in London or within 10 miles of it. No person to enlist soldiers for the service of any foreign prince without the special leave of the Committee at Derby House -- Cf. Steele. Ordered to be printed and published by the House of Lords. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Soldiers -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A83432 R210819 (Thomason 669.f.11[135]). civilwar no Die Martis 29. Februarii. 1647. Resolved by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament. That no person or persons whatsoever, presume to England and Wales. Parliament. 1648 174 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Martis 29. Februarii . 1647. Resolved by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament . THat no person or persons whatsoever , presume to Raise , List , Muster , or gather together any Souldiers , or Forces upon pretence of Transporting them for the service of any forraigne Prince or State , within the City of London , or within ten miles of the said City . Resolved &c. THat no person or persons whatsoever presume to Raise , List , Muster , or gather together any Souldiers , or Forces in any place of this Kingdome for the service of any forraigne Prince or State , or to Transport any Souldiers or Forces out of this Kingdom , without the speciall licence of the Committee of Derby house Die Martis 29 Februarii . 1647. ORdered by the Lords Assembled in Parliament , that these Votes be forthwith printed and published . Imprinted at London for John Wright at the Kings Head in the Old-Bayley . 1647. A83448 ---- Thursday the 17th of July, 1651 Resolved by the Parliament, that the fair usually held and kept yearly at James's, within the liberty of the city of Westminster, on or about the twenty fifth day of July, be forborn this year; ... Proceedings. 1651-07-17 England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83448 of text R211308 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.16[14]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83448 Wing E2257B Thomason 669.f.16[14] ESTC R211308 99897379 99897379 132747 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83448) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 132747) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2498:22) Thursday the 17th of July, 1651 Resolved by the Parliament, that the fair usually held and kept yearly at James's, within the liberty of the city of Westminster, on or about the twenty fifth day of July, be forborn this year; ... Proceedings. 1651-07-17 England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by John Field, printer to the Parliament of England, London : [1651] Title from caption title and opening words of text. Steele notation: kept Day Parlia-. Reproduction of original in the Folger Shakespeare Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Westminster (London, England) -- Fairs -- Law and legislation -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England A83448 R211308 (Thomason 669.f.16[14]). civilwar no Thursday the 17th of July, 1651. Resolved by the Parliament, that the fair usually held and kept yearly at James's, within the liberty of th England and Wales. Parliament 1651 94 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Thursday the 17th of July , 1651. Resolved by the Parliament , blazon or coat of arms THat the Fair usually held and kept yearly at James's , within the Liberty of the City of Westminster , on or about the Twenty fifth Day of July , be forborn this year ; And that no Fair be kept or held there by any person or persons whatsoever , until the Parliament shall take further Order . Hen : Scobell , Cleric . Parliamenti . London , printed by John Field , Printer to the Parliament of England . A83449 ---- Friday the four and twentieth day of December, 1652. Resolved by the Parliament, that the markets be kept to morrow, being the five and twentieth day of December; ... England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83449 of text R211587 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.16[77]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83449 Wing E2258 Thomason 669.f.16[77] ESTC R211587 99870302 99870302 163230 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83449) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163230) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f16[77]) Friday the four and twentieth day of December, 1652. Resolved by the Parliament, that the markets be kept to morrow, being the five and twentieth day of December; ... England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by John Field, Printer to the Paliament of England, London : 1652. Title from caption and opening words of text. Signed: Hen: Scobell, Cleric. Parliamenti. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Christmas -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A83449 R211587 (Thomason 669.f.16[77]). civilwar no Friday the four and twentieth day of December, 1652. Resolved by the Parliament, that the markets be kept to morrow, being the five and twen England and Wales. Parliament. 1652 206 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms Friday the Four and twentieth day of December , 1652. Resolved by the Parliament , THat the Markets be kept to Morrow , being the Five and twentieth day of December ; And that the Lord Major , and Sheriffs of London and Middlesex , and the Iustices of Peace for the City of Westminster and Liberties thereof , do take care , That all such persons as shall open their Shops on that day , be protected from VVrong or Violence , and the Offenders punished . Resolved by the Parliament , That no Observation shall be had of the Five and twentieth day of December , commonly called Christmas-Day ; nor any Solemnity used or exercised in Churches upon that Day in respect thereof . Ordered by the Parliament , That the Lord Major of the City of London , and Sheriffs of London and Middlesex , and the Iustices of Peace of Middlesex respectively , be Authorized and Required to see this Order duly observed within the late Lines of Communication , and weekly Bills of Mortality . Hen : Scobell , Cleric . Parliamenti . London , Printed by John Field , Printer to the Parliament of England . 1652. A83541 ---- Two ordinances of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled 26. July 1647. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83541 of text R210572 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.11[50]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83541 Wing E2398 Thomason 669.f.11[50] ESTC R210572 99869357 99869357 162699 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83541) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162699) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f11[50]) Two ordinances of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled 26. July 1647. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for Mathew Walebanck, London : 1647. Both signed: H. Elsynge Cler. Parl. D. Com. Ordinance of 23 July for settling of the militia revoked. The ordinance of 4 May 1647 to remain in force. Ordinance of 24 July declaring traitors those who get subscriptions to the engagement is null and void -- Cf. Steele. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A83541 R210572 (Thomason 669.f.11[50]). civilwar no Two ordinances of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled 26. July 1647. England and Wales. Parliament. 1647 208 7 0 0 0 0 0 337 F The rate of 337 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TWO ORDINANCES Of the Lords and Commons Jn PARLIAMENT Assembled 26 ▪ July 1647 ▪ Iuly 26 1647 ▪ BEE it Ordered and Ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That the Ordinance of the 23. of this instant July for the setling of the Militia of the City of London , bee , and shall be hereby revoked , and made voyd to all intents and purposes , and that the said Ordinance of the 4th , of May 1647 for the said Militia of London be in full force and vertue , any thing in the said Ordinance of the 23th . instant , to the contrary notwithstanding . H. Elsynge : Cler Parl. D ▪ Com : Die Lune 26 Iulii 1647 BE it Ordayned by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , that the Declaration of the twentie fourth of this instant July , which declare all those Traytors , and so to forfeit Life and Estate , who shall after publication thereof act thereupon to get subscriptions , be null and void any thing in the said Declaration to the contrary notwitstanding H ▪ Elsyng Cler ▪ Parl ▪ D. Com. London printed for Mathew Walebanck 1647. A83608 ---- Die Lunæ. 14. Novemb. 1642. Whereas divers well-affected persons, citizens of the city of London, and others, have advanced severall great summes of money, and other supplies for the safety of the King, Parliament, and kingdome, ... England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83608 of text R211445 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[106]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83608 Wing E2474 Thomason 669.f.5[106] ESTC R211445 99870170 99870170 160818 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83608) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160818) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[106]) Die Lunæ. 14. Novemb. 1642. Whereas divers well-affected persons, citizens of the city of London, and others, have advanced severall great summes of money, and other supplies for the safety of the King, Parliament, and kingdome, ... England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1642] Title from caption and opening words of text. Place and date of publication from Wing. Signed at bottom of text: John Brown, Cler. Parliament. An ordinance inviting loans of men, money, horses or arms for the service of Parliament. -- Thomason Catalogue. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- Defenses -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A83608 R211445 (Thomason 669.f.5[106]). civilwar no Die Lunæ. 14. Novemb. 1642. Whereas divers well-affected persons, citizens of the city of London, and others, have advanced severall great s England and Wales. Parliament. 1642 364 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Lunae . 14. Novemb. 1642. WHereas divers well-affected Persons , Citizens of the City of London , and others , have advanced severall great summes of money , and other supplies for the safety of the King , Parliament , and Kingdome , and also have set forth many Souldiers under the severall Commands of their Excellencies the Earles of Essex and Warwicke : Notwithstanding all which said former Advances , and for the better supply of the said Forces , as also for the more sure preservation and safety of the King , Parliament , and City , which so much concernes the Publique . And no way to hinder or backward the said former undertakings or intentions ; divers of the said well-affected Persons , are and doe declare themselves yet willing and ready , further to undertake and advance a considerable number of Souldiers , and them to Arme , maintaine and pay , for severall moneths ensuing , or during these times of dangers and Distractions , for the purposes aforesaid . Provided they may have the Publique Faith of the Kingdome for repayment of all such summes of money , which they shall so advance by way of Loane . All which is Declared by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , to be an acceptable Service to the King , Parliament , and Kingdome , and necessarily tending to the preservation of them . And doe therefore Order that all such as shall furnish Men , Money , Horse or Armes for this Service , shall have the same fully Repayed againe , with interest for the forbearance thereof from the times disbursed : And for the true payment thereof , doe hereby engage to all and every such person and persons , the Publique Faith of the Kingdome . And doe further Order , that the Lord Major , and Sheriffes of London for the time being , shall by themselves , and such Sub-Committee as they shall appoint to take the said Subscriptions , who are to order the performance of this Service for the advancement thereof . John Brown , Cler. Parliament . A83621 ---- The 21. of August. 1643. Whereas the Committee for the Militia in the city of London by vertue of an ordinance of both houses of Parliament ... have power to command the shutting up of all shops ... England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83621 of text R204136 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[33]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83621 Wing E2490 Thomason 669.f.7[33] ESTC R204136 99897548 99897548 132703 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83621) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 132703) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2515:15) The 21. of August. 1643. Whereas the Committee for the Militia in the city of London by vertue of an ordinance of both houses of Parliament ... have power to command the shutting up of all shops ... England and Wales. Parliament. Committee for the Militia of London. aut 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Richard Cotes, Printed at London : 1643. Title from caption and first lines of text. Ordering business to cease and the Militia to march to the relief of Gloucester. -- Steele. Reproduction of original in the Society of Antiquaries, London, England. eng Committee for the Militia of London -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. England -- Proclamations -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Defenses -- Early works to 1800. Gloucester (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides A83621 R204136 (Thomason 669.f.7[33]). civilwar no The 21. of August. 1643. Whereas the Committee for the Militia in the city of London by vertue of an ordinance of both houses of Parliament, England and Wales. Parliament 1643 438 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The 21. of August . 1643. WHereas the Committee for the Militia in the City of London by vertue of an Ordinance of both-houses of Parliament , Dated the seventeenth day of this instant moneth of August , have power to command the shutting up of all shops within the lines of Communication to the end the Inhabitants thereof may the better fit themselves for the defence of the said City and parts adjacent , and forasmuch as the said Committee have been moved , as well by a Committee of Lords and Commons in Parliament , as from his Excellency the Earle of Essex , to send forth of this City some speedy aide for the relieving of the City of Glocester , now in great distresse by reason of the enemies Army , wherewith they are besieged : And the said Committee conceiving that the City of London and parts adjacent cannot be long in safety , if that City be lost , they have thereupon resolved forthwith to send out a Force both of Horse and Foote , for the reliefe of the said City of Glocester . And for the better furtherance of that service , the said Committee of the Militia , doe hereby require all persons inhabiting within the Lines of Communication , immediately to shut up their shops , and to continue them so shut up untill Glocester be relieved , or untill further order shal be given by both Houses of Parliament , or this Committee , and to apply themselves to the furthering of this so necessary a service , and the Officers of the Regiments of Trayned Bands and Auxilliary Forces , which by lot are appointed to goe in this Expedition , are required to returne to the said Committee , as well the names of such persons of the said Regiments , as shall neither March with the rest , nor appoint other sufficient men to goe in their roome , and of such as shall in any sort hinder this Expedition , to the end such course may be taken with them ; as this discovery of their ill affection to the safety of this City and parts adjacent deserveth , as also the names of such Voluntiers not Listed in the said Regiments , as shall goe in this Expedition ; to the end they may receive the like pay which the rest doe , and also be taken notice of as persons well affected to the City , Parliament , and Kingdome . Printed at London by Richard Cotes . 1643. A83623 ---- Die Sabbathi. 30. Sept. 1643. Whereas the companies of London have been rated by an act of Common Councell, towards the raising of monies advanced by the city, for the publique service ... England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83623 of text R211981 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing E2491). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83623 Wing E2491 ESTC R211981 45097743 ocm 45097743 171336 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83623) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 171336) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2571:50) Die Sabbathi. 30. Sept. 1643. Whereas the companies of London have been rated by an act of Common Councell, towards the raising of monies advanced by the city, for the publique service ... England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed for Iohn Wright, London, : 1643. Title from caption and first lines of text. "Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament that this be forthwith printed and published." Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library. eng Internal revenue -- England -- London. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. A83623 R211981 (Wing E2491). civilwar no Die Sabbathi. 30. Sept. 1643. Whereas the companies of London have been rated by an Act of Common Councell, towards the raising of monies ad England and Wales. Parliament 1643 170 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Sabbathi . 30. Sept. 1643. WHereas the Companies of London have been rated by an Act of Common Councell , towards the raising of Monies advanced by the City , for the publique service ; for the repayment whereof , The City is secured by Ordinance of Parliament . And whereas there are diverse Companies that are behinde in the payment of the Rates , so assessed upon them ; It is this day Ordered by the Lords and Commons , that the said Companies so in Arreare doe forthwith pay their Rates , assessed upon them . Or otherwise that the Lands and Revenues of the said Companies shall be sequestred in the like manner ; As the Estates and Revenues of Delinquents by the Ordinance of Sequestrations , are and ought to bee Sequestred . ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament that this be forthwith Printed and Published . I. Brown Cler. Parliament . London , Printed for Iohn Wright , 1643. A83649 ---- Primo die Novembris, 1648. At the Committee of the House of Commons appointed for the consideration of the petition of the Lord Mayor, aldermen, and commons of the City of London, in Common-councell assembled, presented to the House of Commons; for addition of maintenance within the province of London. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83649 of text R211033 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.13[36]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83649 Wing E2531 Thomason 669.f.13[36] ESTC R211033 99869772 99869772 162932 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83649) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162932) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f13[36]) Primo die Novembris, 1648. At the Committee of the House of Commons appointed for the consideration of the petition of the Lord Mayor, aldermen, and commons of the City of London, in Common-councell assembled, presented to the House of Commons; for addition of maintenance within the province of London. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Rich. Cotes, London : 1648. Consists of 1) the report of the Committee of the House of Commons to a petition by the Lord Mayor, aldermen, and others; and 2) the order of a committee of the Court of Common Council that the report of the Committee shall be printed and sent to the 'ministers, common-councell-men, and church-wardens of London so that they can make report of the properites belonging to deans and chapters. The order of the Court of Common Council committee has title: Secundo die Novembris, 1648. At a meeting of the Committee appointed by the Common-councell of London, to conferre with the Honorable Committee of Parliament, for the obtaining of an addition for the maintenance of the ministers within the province of London. The report is signed: Ri. Knightlie; the order is signed: Tho. Lathum Cleric. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Politics and government -- Early works to 1800. A83649 R211033 (Thomason 669.f.13[36]). civilwar no Primo die Novembris, 1648. At the Committee of the House of Commons appointed for the consideration of the petition of the Lord Mayor, alder England and Wales. Parliament. 1648 409 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2007-12 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Primo die Novembris , 1648. At the Committee of the House of Commons appointed for the consideration of the Petition of the Lord Major , Aldermen , and Commons of the City of London , in Common-councell assembled ; presented to the House of Commons , for addition of maintenance within the Province of London . IT is the oppinion of this Committee that the Aldermen and others of the Common-councell , appointed to conferre with this Committee , be desired to informe themselves , what Lands , Houses , or Impropriations are within the Province of London , belonging to Deanes and Chapters , and are to acquaint this Committee therewith , this day seavennight , to which day this Committee doth adjourn the further consideration of this businesse . It is further declared by this Committee , That the severall Receivers , Treasurers , Sequestrators , and all others whom it may concern , are desired to contribute their best assistance ; to the end this Committee may bee fully informed , what Lands , Houses , and Impropriations lie within the severall Precincts of London , Middlesex , and Surrey , within the Province of London . Ri. Knightlie . Secundo die Novembris , 1648. At a meeting of the Committee appointed by the Common-councell of London , to conferre with the Honorable Committee of Parliament , for the obtaining of an addition for the maintenance of the Ministers within the Province of London . IT is Ordered by this Committee , That the late Order of the First of this instant November , made by the said Honorable Committee of Parliament , shall be printed , and sent to the Ministers , Common-councell-men , and Church-wardens of the severall Parishes within the City of London , and Liberties thereof : And they are thereupon desired by this Committee , in pursuance of the said Order made by the Committee of Parliament , to make return to this Committee at the Guild-hall , on Monday next , by two of the clock in the afternoon ; of the particulars of all Lands , Houses , and Impropriations belonging to Deans and Chapters , lying within their several Parishes ; whereby to enable this Commitee to give satisfaction to the Committee of Parliament , as by their said Order is desired . Tho. Lathum Cleric . London , Printed by Rich. Cotes , 1648. A83728 ---- Die Lunæ, 8. Junii. 1646. It is this day ordered by the Commons now assembled in Parliament, that on the next Lords day the respective ministers of the severall churches, and chappels within the cities of London and Westminster, ... England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83728 of text R212298 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.9[63]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83728 Wing E2603E Thomason 669.f.9[63] ESTC R212298 99870936 99870936 161161 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83728) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161161) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f9[63]) Die Lunæ, 8. Junii. 1646. It is this day ordered by the Commons now assembled in Parliament, that on the next Lords day the respective ministers of the severall churches, and chappels within the cities of London and Westminster, ... England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1646] Title from heading and first lines of text. Imprint from Wing. Signed: H. Elsynge Cler. Parl. D. Com. An order of the Commons that the following Sunday be appointed a thanksgiving day for various Parliamentary successes. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Public worship -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Westminster (London, England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A83728 R212298 (Thomason 669.f.9[63]). civilwar no Die Lunæ, 8. Junii. 1646. It is this day ordered by the Commons now assembled in Parliament, that on the next Lords day the respective minis England and Wales. Parliament. 1646 161 1 0 0 0 0 0 62 D The rate of 62 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Lunae , 8. Junii . 1646. IT is this day Ordered by the Commons now Assembled in Parliament , That on the next Lords day the respective Ministers of the severall Churches , and Chappels within the Cities of London and Westminster , and Lines of Communication and Weekely Bills of Mortallity , doe take notice of the late severall Mercies of Almighty God to the Forces of the Parliament in the regaining and reducing of the severall Garrisons of Tudbury Castle , Dudley Castle , Hartlebury Castle , Ludlow Towne and Castle , and of Bostoll House ; And to acknowledge and returne hearty thanks for the same . And that the Lord Major of the City of London be desired to take care that timely notice may be given hereof to the Ministers . And Mr. Alderman Atkin ▪ is to acquaint the Lord Major with this Order . H. Elsynge Cler. Parl. D. Com. A83769 ---- Die Mercurii, 15 Maii, 1644. An order of the Commons assembled in Parliament, for the removall out of the Cities of London and VVestminster, and line of communication, all recusants, wives of recusants, and the wives of such persons as are in arms against the Parliament together with all suspitious persons, or such as have lately come from Oxford, or any of the Kings quarters. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83769 of text R212183 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.9[7]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83769 Wing E2651 Thomason 669.f.9[7] ESTC R212183 99870828 99870828 161105 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83769) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161105) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f9[7]) Die Mercurii, 15 Maii, 1644. An order of the Commons assembled in Parliament, for the removall out of the Cities of London and VVestminster, and line of communication, all recusants, wives of recusants, and the wives of such persons as are in arms against the Parliament together with all suspitious persons, or such as have lately come from Oxford, or any of the Kings quarters. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for Edward Husbands, London : May 18. 1644. A variant of the edition with May 20 in imprint. Signed: H: Elsynge, Cler. Parl. D. Com. Steele notation: directions all usuall. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A83769 R212183 (Thomason 669.f.9[7]). civilwar no Die Mercurii, 15 Maii, 1644. An order of the Commons assembled in Parliament, for the removall out of the Cities of London and VVestminster, England and Wales. Parliament. 1644 377 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Mercurii , 15 Maii , 1644. An Order of the Commons assembled in Parliament , for the removall out of the Cities of London and Westminster , and Line of Communication , all Recusants , wives of Recusants , and the wives of such persons as are in Arms against the Parliament : Together with all suspitious persons , or such as have lately come from Oxford , or any of the Kings quarters . IT is this day Ordered by the Commons assembled in Parliament , that directions be given to the Lord Major , Court of Aldermen , Common-councell , and the Committee of the Militia , to take some speciall and strict course for the removall of all suspitious Persons , all such as have lately come from Oxford , or any other of the Kings quarters , Recusants , the wives of Recusants , and the wives of such persons as are in Arms against the Parliament , out of the cities of London and Westminster , the Suburbs , the Innes of court , and Chancery , and all other places within the Line of Communication , and to take some course to prevent the return of them , or the coming in of any other ; And likewise to take order , That all the Forces of the cities of London and Westminster , Suburbs , and Line of communication , may be put in a posture ready to march at two hours warning ; And that they will give order , that good VVatches , by faithfull and good men may be kept at all the Guards , and upon all the Avenues to the city . The like directions mutatis mutandis to be sent to the severall and respective Committees of the severall and respective counties . They are further required , that if upon the search after suspitious persons , they shall meet with any Souldiers , that they take course that they may be sent to their colours , to be proceeded with according to their demerits , and the usuall course of VVar. H : Elsynge , Cler. Parl. D. Com. LONDON : Printed for Edward Husbands . May 18. 1644. A83770 ---- Die Mercurii, 15 Maii, 1644. An order of the Commons assembled in Parliament, for the removall out of the cities of London and Westminster, and line of communcation, all recusants, wives of recusants, and the wives of such persons as are in arms against the Parliament: Together with all suspitious persons, or such as have lately come from Oxford, or any of the Kings quarters. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83770 of text R218984 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing E2651A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83770 Wing E2651A ESTC R218984 45097757 ocm 45097757 171348 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83770) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 171348) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2571:63) Die Mercurii, 15 Maii, 1644. An order of the Commons assembled in Parliament, for the removall out of the cities of London and Westminster, and line of communcation, all recusants, wives of recusants, and the wives of such persons as are in arms against the Parliament: Together with all suspitious persons, or such as have lately come from Oxford, or any of the Kings quarters. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed for Edward Husbands., London: : May 20. 1644. Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. A83770 R218984 (Wing E2651A). civilwar no Die Mercurii, 15 Maii, 1644. An order of the Commons assembled in Parliament, for the removall out of the Cities of London and VVestminster, England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons 1644 377 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Mercurii , 15 Maii , 1644. An Order of the Commons assembled in Parliament , for the removall out of the Cities of London and Westminster , and Line of Communication , all Recusants , wives of Recusants , and the wives of such persons as are in Arms against the Parliament : Together with all suspitious persons , or such as have lately come from Oxford , or any of the Kings quarters . IT is this day Ordered by the Commons assembled in Parliament , that directions be given to the Lord Major , Court of Aldermen , Common-councell , and the Committee of the Militia , to take some speciall and strict course for the removall of all suspitious Persons , all such as have lately come from Oxford , or any other of the Kings quarters , Recusants , the wives of Recusants , and the wives of such persons as are in Arms against the Parliament , out of the cities of London and Westminster , the Suburbs , the Innes of court , and Chancery , and all other places within the Line of Communication , and to take some course to prevent the return of them , or the coming in of any other ; And likewise to take order , That all the Forces of the cities of London and Westminster , Suburbs , and Line of communication , may be put in a posture ready to march at two hours warning ; And that they will give order , that good VVatches , by faithfull and good men may be kept at all the Guards , and upon all the Avenues to the city . The like directions mutatis mutandis to be sent to the severall and respective Committees of the severall and respective counties . They are further required , that if upon the search after suspitious persons , they shall meet with any Souldiers , that they take course that they may be sent to their colours , to be proceeded with according to their demerits , and the usuall course of VVar. H : Elsynge , Cler. Parl. D. Com. LONDON : Printed for Edward Husbands . May 20. 1644. A83777 ---- Die Veneris, 19 Januarii, 1648 [i.e. 1649]. Ordered by the Commons assembled in Parliament, that all commission-officers, and others of the trained-bands and auxiliaries under the militia of the city of London, and liberties thereof; bee, and are hereby required to act upon the commissions they now have ... England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83777 of text R176483 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing E2658C). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83777 Wing E2658C ESTC R176483 47683431 ocm 47683431 172897 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83777) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 172897) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2655:9) Die Veneris, 19 Januarii, 1648 [i.e. 1649]. Ordered by the Commons assembled in Parliament, that all commission-officers, and others of the trained-bands and auxiliaries under the militia of the city of London, and liberties thereof; bee, and are hereby required to act upon the commissions they now have ... England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1649] Date of publication from Wing (2nd ed.). Signed: Hen. Scobell Cler. Parl. Dom. Com. Reproduction of original in: Birmingham Central Reference Library (Birmingham, England). eng City of London (England). -- Committee for the Militia -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- England -- London -- 17th century. A83777 R176483 (Wing E2658C). civilwar no Die Veneris, 19 Januarii, 1648. Ordered by the Commons assembled in Parliament, that all commission-officers, and others of the trained-band England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons 1649 123 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Veneris , 19 Januarii , 1648. ORdered by the Commons assembled in Parliament , That all Commission-Officers , and others of the Trained-bands and Auxiliaries under the Militia of the City of London , and liberties thereof ; bee , and are hereby required to act upon the Commissions they now have , untill the Committee of the Militia now constituted shall think fit to appoint others , to the intent no prejudice may happen to the Parliament or City , in the interim , till the Militia be setled ; And that they doe obey all such Orders and directions as they shall from time to time receive from Major Generall Skippon . Hen. Scobell Cler. Parl. Dom. Com. A83865 ---- Die Sabbathi, 13 Januarii, 1648. Whereas by an ordinance of Parliament, bearing date the 20th of December last, the Lord Mayor hath issued out his precepts for the due observation thereof, and that for the most part Common-councell-men are chosen in every ward, ... England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83865 of text R211141 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.13[69]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83865 Wing E2772 Thomason 669.f.13[69] ESTC R211141 99869874 99869874 162965 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83865) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162965) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f13[69]) Die Sabbathi, 13 Januarii, 1648. Whereas by an ordinance of Parliament, bearing date the 20th of December last, the Lord Mayor hath issued out his precepts for the due observation thereof, and that for the most part Common-councell-men are chosen in every ward, ... England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1649] Imprint from Wing. Common Council men have been elected in conformity with the Order of 20 December, No. 2811, q.v. They shall have power to act. Quest-men, constables, etc. are to be chosen under the ordinance of 18 Dec. Ordered: that these words (yee shall be true to our Soveraign Lord the King, that now is, and to his heirs and successors, Kings of England) be omitted from the Common Council men's oath, etc. -- Cf. Steele. Signed: Hen. Scobell Cler. Parl. Dom. Com. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng City of London (England). -- Court of Common Council -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Politics and government -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A83865 R211141 (Thomason 669.f.13[69]). civilwar no Die Sabbathi, 13 Januarii, 1648. Whereas by an ordinance of Parliament, bearing date the 20th of December last, the Lord Mayor hath issued o England and Wales. Parliament. 1649 258 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Sabbathi , 13 Januarii , 1648. WHereas by an Ordinance of Parliament , bearing date the 20th of December last , the Lord Major hath issued out his Precepts for the due observation thereof , and that for the most part Common-councell-men are chosen in every Ward , as hath been represented to this House , It is this day ordered and declared by the Commons assembled in Parliament , that the said Common-councell-men so chosen , or to be chosen according to the said ordinance , shall hereby have power and authority to perform the duty of Common-councell-men , and that the Lord Major doe give further order for the electing and choosing Quest-men , Constables , and all other subordinate Officers whatsoever , within the said City and liberties thereof for the year insuing , Provided that the said elections be according to the Ordinance of Parliament of the 18th of December , 1648. Hen. Scobell Cler. Parl. Dom. Com. Die Sabbathi , 13 Januarii , 1648. REsolved upon the question by the Commons assembled in Parliament , that these words following , viz. ( Yee shall be true to our Soveraign Lord the King , that now is , and to his Heirs and Successors , Kings of England , ) bee from henceforth omitted out of the Oath to be taken by the Common-councel and other subordinate Officers in the City of London , already chosen , or to be chosen . Hen. Scobell Cler. Parl. Dom. Com. A83872 ---- Die Lunæ 7[mo] November, 1642. Whereas in these times of publique danger and distraction, there is a recourse unto the city of London of divers persons ... England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83872 of text R211190 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing E2779). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83872 Wing E2779 ESTC R211190 47683435 ocm 47683435 172900 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83872) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 172900) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2655:12) Die Lunæ 7[mo] November, 1642. Whereas in these times of publique danger and distraction, there is a recourse unto the city of London of divers persons ... England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. Elsynge, Henry, 1598-1654. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed for R. Oulton & G. Dexter, London, : 1642. Headpiece; initial. At foot of sheet: Hen: Elsynge Cleri. Parl. D. Com. Reproduction of original in: Eton College. Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England -- London -- 17th century. A83872 R211190 (Wing E2779). civilwar no Die Lunæ 7mo. November, 1642. Whereas in these times of publique danger and distraction, ... England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons 1642 249 7 0 0 0 0 0 281 F The rate of 281 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Lunae 7mo . November , 1642. WHereas in these times of publique danger and distraction , there is a recourse unto the City of London of divers persons that are come into the said City and Suburbs thereof to reside , and have taken Houses or Lodgings for their habitations , being strangers and altogether unknown how they stand affected ; It is therefore Ordered by the Commons in Parliament , that the Lord Major of the said City , shall cause a generall search and enquirie to be made from time to time throughout the said City and Suburbs thereof , and to take ●●eciall notice of the said persons and their attendants , and of their names ; and ●●r the better discovery how they stand affected , shall tender unto them the ●ropositions for Horse Money or Plate , and to take their subscriptions , and to in●orme himselfe whether they doe make their paiements accordingly into the Guild Hall of the said City ; And to returne the names of such as cannot give ● good account of their coming to the said City or suburbs thereof , or that ●●ould refuse to subscribe to the said Propositions , according to their severall ●states and qualities , that some further course may be forthwith taken by this House in that behalfe . Hen : Elsynge Cleri . Parl. D. Com. London , Printed for R. Oulton & G. Dexter , 1642. A83873 ---- Die Lunæ 7mo. November, 1642. Whereas in these times of publique danger and distraction, ... England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83873 of text R211190 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[96]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83873 Wing E2779 Thomason 669.f.5[96] ESTC R211190 99869922 99869922 160809 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83873) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160809) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[96]) Die Lunæ 7mo. November, 1642. Whereas in these times of publique danger and distraction, ... England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by R. Oulton and G. Dexter, London : 1642. Strangers to be examined. -- Steele. Signed: Hen: Elsynge Cleri. Parl. D. Com. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A83873 R211190 (Thomason 669.f.5[96]). civilwar no Die Lunæ 7mo. November, 1642. Whereas in these times of publique danger and distraction, ... England and Wales. Parliament. 1642 249 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Lunae 7mo . November , 1642. WHereas in these times of publique danger and distraction , there is a recourse unto the City of London of divers persons that are come into the said City and Suburbs thereof to reside , and have taken Houses or Lodgings for their habitations , being strangers and altogether unknown how they stand affecte ; It is therefore Ordered by the Commons in Parliament , that the Lord Major of the said City , shall cause a generall search and enquirie to be made from time to time throughout the said City and Suburbs thereof , and to take speciall notice of the said persons and their attendants , and of their names ; and for the better discovery how they stand affected , shall tender unto them the Propositions for Horse Money or Plate , and to take their subscriptions , and to informe himselfe whether they doe make their paiements accordingly into the Guild Hall of the said City ; And to returne the names of such as cannot give a good account of their coming to the said City or suburbs thereof , or that should refuse to subscribe to the said Propositions , according to their severall Estates and qualities , that some further course may be forthwith taken by this House in that behalfe . Hen : Elsynge Cleri . Parl. D. Com. London , Printed for R. Oulton & G. Dexter , 1642. A83909 ---- An order of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, assembled at Westminster, in the House of Lords, December 22. 1688. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Lords. 1688 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A83909 Wing E2836A ESTC R213737 45097772 ocm 45097772 171361 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83909) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 171361) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2572:9) An order of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, assembled at Westminster, in the House of Lords, December 22. 1688. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Lords. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed for Awnsham and William Churchill, London, : M DC LXXXVIII [i.e. 1688] Orders all papists to leave the city of London. Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Anti-Catholicism -- England -- London Great Britain -- Politics and government -- Revolution of 1688. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ORDER OF THE LORDS Spiritual and Temporal , Assembled at WEST MINSTER , in the House of LORDS , December 22. 1688. PRESENT , Lord Archbishop of York . Duke of Norfolk . Duke of Somerset . Duke of Grafton . Duke of Ormonde . Duke of Beaufort . Marquess of Hallifax . Earl of Oxford . Earl of Shrewsbury . Earl of Kent . Earl of Bedford . Earl of Pembroke . Earl of Dorset . Earl of Northampton . Earl of Devonshire . Earl of Bolingbrooke . Earl of Manchester . Earl of Mulgrave . Earl of Rivers . Earl of Stamford . Earl of Winchelsea . Earl of Thanet . Earl of Scarsdale . Earl of Clarendon . Earl of Craven . Earl of Burlington . Earl of Sussex . Earl of Maclesfield . Earl of Radnor . Earl of Yarmouth . Earl of Berkeley . Earl of Nottingham . Earl of Rochester . Earl of Abington . Lord Visc . Fauconberg . Lord Viscount Mordaunt . Lord Viscount Newport . Lord Viscount Weymouth . Lord Viscount Hatton . Lord Bishop of London . Lord Bishop of Duresme . Lord BP of Winchester . Lord Bishop of St. Asaph . Lord Bishop of Ely. Lord Bishop of Rochester . Lord Delawarr . Lord Grey of Ruthen . Lord Eure. Lord Wharton . Lord Paget . Lord North and Grey . Lord Chandos . Lord Montague . Lord Grey of Warke . Lord Maynard . Lord Howard of Escrick . Lord Jermyn . Lord Vaughan Carbery . Lord Culpeper . Lord Lucas . Lord Delamere . Lord Crew . Lord Lumley . Lord Carteret . Lord Ossulstone . Lord Godolphin . Lord Churchill . THE Lords Spiritual and Temporal Assembled in this Extraordinary Conjuncture , considering the great Mischiefs that have happened unto , and do still threaten this Kingdom , by the evil Designs and Practices of the Papists , in great numbers restoring unto , and abiding in the City of London , and places adjacent to the said City ; For the better preservation of the Peace and common Safety , have thought fit , and do Order and Require , That all Papists , and Reputed Papists do , and shall , within Five Days after the Date hereof , depart from the said City , unto their respective Habitations ; from which they are not to remove above Five Miles distance . Except such as now are in the Actual Service of the Queen Dowager ; and Except all Ambassadors , and Foreign Ministers , with their Domestick Servants , being Foreigners ; and all other Foreigners , being Merchants or Factors , or who are come into , or do reside in this Kingdom upon the account of Trade only . Except also all such Persons as have been Housholders , or have exercised any Trade within the said City of London , or within Ten Miles of the same , by the space of Three Years last past ( other than such as do sell Arms , ) so as such Housholders shall , within Eight Days from the Date hereof , leave an Account in Writing with the Lord Mayor , the Recorder , or some Alderman , being a Justice of Peace within the said City , or other Justice of Peace , of their respective Names , and Places of their Habitations . Except also all such Popish Officers as shall within Six Days from the Date hereof , give good and sufficient Bail before the Lord Mayor , the Recorder , or some Alderman , being a Justice of Peace within the said City , for their Appearance in the Court of King's Bench , the First Day of the next Term , to answer such Things as shall be there Objected to them ; and in the mean time for the keeping of the Peace . And it is hereby Ordered , that such Popish Officers as shall not within the said Eight Days give such Bail as aforesaid , shall be committed into Custody ; and be detained and kept in some publick Inns , by the Trained Bands or Militia of the said City or Counties adjacent respectively , until further Order . Signed by their Lordships Order . FRANCIS GWYN . WE , the Lords Spiritual and Temporal Assembled in this Extraordinary Conjuncture , Do appoint Francis Gwyn , Esquire , for Vs , and in Our Names , to Sign and Subscribe such Orders as shall be from time to time by Vs made . Dated at the House of Lords in Westminster the 22 day of December , 1688. Tho. Ebor. Norfolk . Somerset . Grafton . Ormond . Beaufort . Northumberland . Hallifax . Oxford . Kent . Bedford . Pembrooke . Dorset . Devonshire . Bolingbrooke . Manchester . Rivers . Stamford . Thanet . Scarsdale . Clarendon . Burlington . Sussex . Maclesfield . Radnor . Berkeley . Nottingham . Rochester . Fauconberg . Mordaunt . Newport . Weymouth . Hatton . W. Asaph . Fran. Ely. La-warr . R. Eure. P. Wharton . Paget . North and Grey . Chandos . Montague . Grey . Maynard . T. Jermyn . Vaughan Carbery . Tho. Culpeper . Lucas . Delamere . Crew . Lumley . Carteret . Ossulstone . LONDON , Printed for Awnsham and William Churchill , M DC LXXXVIII . A83923 ---- Die Mercurii 22. Julii 1646. Whereas divers malignants and others that have adhered to the King against the Parliament, are now come to the Cities of London and Westminster, and other places within the Parliaments quarters: ... England and Wales. Parliament. House of Lords. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83923 of text R212300 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.9[65]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83923 Wing E2867B Thomason 669.f.9[65] ESTC R212300 99870938 99870938 161163 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83923) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161163) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f9[65]) Die Mercurii 22. Julii 1646. Whereas divers malignants and others that have adhered to the King against the Parliament, are now come to the Cities of London and Westminster, and other places within the Parliaments quarters: ... England and Wales. Parliament. House of Lords. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for John Wright at the Kings Head in the Old Bayley, London : 1646. Title from heading and first lines of text. Signed: Joh. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum. An order of the Lords forbidding anyone "to repaire to the Court or to the Kings person, without the speciall leave of this house." Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Westminster (London, England) -- Early works to 1800. A83923 R212300 (Thomason 669.f.9[65]). civilwar no Die Mercurii 22. Julii 1646. Whereas divers malignants and others that have adhered to the King against the Parliament, are now come to the England and Wales. Parliament. 1646 260 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Mercurii 22. Julii 1646. WHereas divers Malignants and others that have adhered to the King against the Parliament , are now come to the Cities of London and Westminster , and other places within the Parliaments Quarters : And under pretence of severall Articles doe repaire to the Kings Person , whereby much inconvenience may arise , The Lords in Parliament do declare , That no such person whatsoever shall presume in the future to repaire to the Court , or to the Kings person , without the speciall leave of this House , and a Passe under the hand of the Speaker of this House , as they will answer the contrary to this House at their perils . And that this Declaration may be communicated to the Scots Commissioners , who are hereby desired to give directions , that this Order be performed accordingly . And lastly , That all such persons as have been in Armes against the Parliament , and in particular Edward Walker , a dangerous Malignant and a person ill affected to the Parliament , now about the King , shall be forthwith dismissed and sent away from about his Maiesty . And it is Ordered , That the Scots Commissioners be desired to prevent the comming of any of their Nation to the King , who have beene in Armes against the Parliament of either or both Kingdoms . Joh. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . London printed for John Wright at the Kings Head in the Old Bayley . 1646. A84300 ---- An express from the knights and gentlemen now engaged with Sir George Booth to the city and citizens of London, and all other free-men of England. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84300 of text R211261 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.21[68]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 13 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A84300 Wing E3892 Thomason 669.f.21[68] ESTC R211261 99869990 99869990 163563 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A84300) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163563) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f21[68]) An express from the knights and gentlemen now engaged with Sir George Booth to the city and citizens of London, and all other free-men of England. Delamer, George Booth, Baron, 1622-1684. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1659] Imprint from Wing. Included at foot: "Sir George Booth to a friend of his in London" (dated Manchester Aug. 9. 1659). Annotation on Thomason copy: "August 12". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Delamer, George Booth, -- Baron, 1622-1684 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A84300 R211261 (Thomason 669.f.21[68]). civilwar no An express from the knights and gentlemen now engaged with Sir George Booth; to the city and citizens of London, and all other free-men of E Delamer, George Booth, Baron 1659 2239 4 0 0 0 0 0 18 C The rate of 18 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion An EXPRESS from the KNIGHTS and GENTLEMEN now engaged with Sir GEORGE BOOTH ; To the CITY and CITIZENS of London , And all other FREE-MEN of ENGLAND . Worthy CITIZENS , and all other our English FREE-MEN and BRETHREN , AS we are English-men we are all incorporated into one Body , and though distinct and different Families , Fortunes , and Qualities , yet fellow Members and Coheirs of one and the same Birthright ; not onely by nature , as we are the Sons of men , ( nature obliging all in one Common and equal Bond of Freedom and Unity , ) but by certain sacred Laws and Customes of peculiar and inherent Right to this Nation ; general , equal , and impartial to all , without respect of persons , rank , quality , or degree , derived through all successions of Ages , by the blood Justice and Prudence of our Fore-fathers to us their posterity , as ours , and the Right of our Children after us , not disinheritable : though this Age were wholly made up of Apostates and Traytors to Common Justice and Freedom , and should make sale of , and deliver up their Children as slaves and vassails , yet English Right abideth , to wit , our just Lawes and Liberties , and may justly be reinforced as opportunity may present ; Sometimes they sleep but never dye , their total Extinguishment is not to be imagined so long as any English-man , or English-blood abideth : and whoever undertaketh , ( though by Arms , or otherwise , ) their recovery and redemption is justified in that very Action by the Laws of God , of Nations , Nature , Reason , and by the Laws of the Land ; and within the Bowels of our Nation amongst our selves no War can be justified , but upon that score , the contrary is Sedition , Murder , Treason , Tyranny and what not , and the Instruments thereof no other in the Eye of English Freedom and Right , but as Bears , Wolves , and other Beasts of prey . Now right worthy and noble Citizens , and all other our English Brethren , let us consider and lay to heart the sad and deplorable condition of our native Countrey : Oppression , Injustice , and Tyranny raigneth ; Division , Discord , and Dissimulation fomented and fostered ; Trade and industery discouraged , our Land rent into parties and factions , and the Common Band of Unity Cancell'd , our Fundamental Laws supplanted , High Courts of Justice introduced , the blood of War shed in times of Peace ; Arbitrary and illegal imprisonments , Pattents , Monopolies Excise , and other payments brought upon us , and continued Contrary to Magna Charta , and the Petition of Right ; no form or face of Government of English Constitution amongst us ; the name and Authority of the People in Parliament usurped and abused , and the stamp thereof put upon strange and prodigious Actions , vexing and oppressing the people with dayly Changes and Alterations in Government , as the Interest of some few ambitious Grandees alter and change , or get advantages one of another , and all under the Name of a Common-wealth , when as the Nature is not practised or intended at all , it being utterly inconsistent with their very temper and interest ; they are wrapt up and compounded of nothing but guilt blood and Tyranny ; and Equal and Common Justice ( the Essence of a Common-wealth ) are utterly repugnant thereto ; and whatsoever they can doe must be planted and maintained by Sword and violence against the very Heart and Sence of the Nation ; and they know not where nor how to centre an Oligarchy or something they would have to be Masters of the People , and perpetuate their power and Tyranny , and therefore would amaze and confound us with their New Debates of a Coordinate Power , or Senate for Life , such as our English Laws and Liberties know not of , and of pernitious Consequence to this Nation ; so that from these men that thus handle the Sterne at Westminster , there is no expectation of any just Settlement of peace , or Freedom from oppression ; especially considering , the Apostacy , Hypocrisy , Deceipt , and Perjury of those men , their manifold Sollemn Engagements , Oaths , Vows , Protestations , Appeals unto Heaven ; Promises , Remonstrances , Declarations all by them broken again and again , never keeping Faith , Truce , or Oath , being unbounded , unlimited , Certain to nothing , not to be held either by the Law of God , of Man , of Conscience , or Reason ; and from such Persons in Government good Lord deliver us , and all the good people of England ; and that all this is true of them , your own Consciences Noble Citizens , and all other the Free people of England can witness , there is no tongue , no pen is able to vindicate them in this point , it is known of all , owned by all , and can be denyed by none ; how then can any honest or just man shed any blood in their Quarrel , or lend them Assistance ? surely that blood will be required at their hands , and we doubt not but you will be careful what you do . And therefore from those Considerations and just provocations we have taken up Arms in pursuance of , and Inquisition after our Government , Laws , and Liberties , that every English-man may be protected and secured in his Religion , Liberty , and Property ; and though it may be suggested , that we intend to introduce Prosecution for Conscience into the Land again , we do hereby ( in the presence of Almighty God ) protest and Declare against all Coercive Power in matters of Religion , and that to the utmost of our strength ( through Gods Assistance ) we will endevour to the hazzard of our Blood and Fortunes the Freedome and Protection of all virtuous and religious People , by what Name soever differenced from us , Equal with our selves : And that no Forraign or other other Authority save onely the Civil be exercised in England : That the Practise of the Law be reformed ; all Corrupt Statutes repealed ; Annual Elections of all Officers and Magistrates , with the Constant Succession of Parliaments restored ; our Fundamental Laws cleared and asserted , and whatever is contrary there to be abolished : That no Tryals be admitted in England for Life , Limb , Liberty or Estate but by the good old way of Juries , and that they be restored ▪ to their Original power ▪ and purity : That all Extrajudicial and Illegal proceedings by High-Courts of Justice , or otherwise , with all Illegal and Arbitrary Committees be strictly provided against : That the Excise , and all other Payments and Taxes such as our Ancestors never knew of , together with all Monopolies and Pattents destructive to Trade and the Common Good of the Nation be also abolished : And , that our Parliaments and Magistrates be secured from all Force and Violence ; and utterly cleared from all boundless Prerogative , and unlimited Priviledge : That the Right of the Poor in the Commons of England , all Donations for Charitable Uses , and all Lands formerly belonging to the People be restor'd again : And that Mercy and Justice be truely established amongst us . And for these ends , and what else may be of publick good to the Nation , we do desire , and indeed challenge as of English Right , the speedy Election of a New Free Parliament . And thus , Most noble Citizens , Brethren and fellow Free-men of England , we have dealt truely and plainly with you , and given you the real Grounds and Reasons of our taking up Arms ; looking upon you as the most concern'd in the Nation , and therefore hold our selves the more oblieged to give you this Early Advice of our Candid and Just intentions in this Undertaking , that you may not be deluded or frighted ( though falsly ) into any strange opinion of us , either through your own mistake , or by the pollicy of those men who will leave no means unattempted to render us as Publick Enemies , Rebels and Traitors , Plunderers , Tyrants and Persecuters , or whatever is odious and monstrous , to engage you in Blood . Beleeve us , Right worthy Citizens , and Free-born English Brethren , we have no Designe of Fire or Sword , or of Evil toward you or your City , or any part of the Nation , or any person in it : We know there are thousands amongst you that are satisfied in us ; it may be indeed that many or most of the Gathered Sepeate Churches may be fearful and jealous of us , and so may be induced to Arms against us ; but we do again and again protest before Almighty God , and the whole World , that we have no other purpose towards them , but that they with us , and we with them , may be bound up as Friends and Brethren in the Common Cause of our Countrey , that every English-man may have English Freedom and Right ; and we do not desire to wrong either Man , Woman , or Childe the worth of a Shooe-latchet : Therefore we hope you will first well advise before you proceed in a new War , lest you bring not only your own , but others blood on your heads ( for we are resolved to prosecute this to the last drop of our blood . ) The Case of England is laid before you , our Laws and Liberties , they are yours as well as ours , and for which we have all engaged in the first War , and not to be so streightly vai●●d as to be set at stake against the private ends of some ambitious and corrupt persons : Salus Populi , Suprema Lex ; Let the People live , and their Enemies perish . Therefore we beseech you , we conjure you as English men , to stand by your Native Countrey , and your Countreys Cause : Our voyce is , and it is no other than the Consent and Voyce of the People , A New Free Parliament , A New Free Parliament ; it is the English mans main Birthright , which we are resolved to put the People in possession of , or to perish with our Swords in our hands . But if you will not joyn , but degenerate , we hope nothwithstanding ( by Gods blessing ) to carry on this Work : Yet to that just and glorious Work we may challenge your concurrence , it being your duty as well as ours to endevour the procurement thereof : And therefore to you make it our Proposall , to your Militia , to the Army , and the whole People , for the prevention of a New War , and the effusion of English blood , that you would be Instrumental with us for the speedy Election of a New Free Parliament , for the ends aforesaid ; and in the interim all hostility to be forborn ▪ and that a day may be appointed , and the People suffered to go to their free Elections , and we shall quietly submit unto their Authority ; heartily desiring that all revenge , division , rancor , and animositie of spirit may be for ever buried in one General Act of Oblivion ; And that all Parties , Sects , and Sorts ( now jarring , and making up interests one against another ) may reconcile , cement , and concenter in the common Brotherhood of English Freedome and Right ; in and for which we are Sir GEORGE BOOTH to a Friend of his in London . SIR , MY last to you of the second Instant I understand you have committed to open view , the Publication whereof was of general Satisfaction to your Friends here , and for which we all hold our selves obliged . I have sent you here inclosed An Express from the Knights and Gentlemen engaged with me , and beg this further addition to your former many Favours , that you would please to take the care upon you , to get the same printed and published , for the undeceiving of those amongst you , and all other that are yet doubtful or unsatisfied in us . This Messenger will inform you of the present State and Condition of Affairs with us , to whom I refer you . In hast I rest , SIR , Your most affectionate Friend and Servant George Booth . Manchester Aug. 9. 1659. A84448 ---- By the Committee of Safety. A proclamation Forasmuch as this Committee hath received certain information of several designs and endeavours of persons ill-affected to the publique peace and good of this Common-wealth, ... England and Wales. Committee of Safety. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84448 of text R211351 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.22[13]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A84448 Wing E744 Thomason 669.f.22[13] ESTC R211351 99870081 99870081 163596 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A84448) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163596) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f22[13]) By the Committee of Safety. A proclamation Forasmuch as this Committee hath received certain information of several designs and endeavours of persons ill-affected to the publique peace and good of this Common-wealth, ... England and Wales. Committee of Safety. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Henry Hills and John Field, Printers to the Committee of Safety, London : [1659] Title from caption and first lines of text. Dated at end: Given at the Committee of Safety at Whitehall, the first day of December, 1659. Prohibits "the contrivance or subscription of any petitions or papers for the promoting of designs dangerous to the peace of the Commonwealth." Annotation on Thomason copy: "xber [i.e. December]. 3.". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Censorship -- England -- Early works to 1800. Dissenters -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A84448 R211351 (Thomason 669.f.22[13]). civilwar no By the Committee of Safety. A proclamation Forasmuch as this Committee hath received certain information of several designs and endeavours o England and Wales. Committee of Safety. 1659 519 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms By the Committee of Safety . A PROCLAMATION FOrasmuch as this Committee hath received certain Information of several designs and endeavours of persons ill-affected to the publique Peace and good of this Common-wealth , by untrue reports and suggestions , to beget and foment distempers in the mindes of the People , and thereby , under specious pretences , to promote their own private and sinister ends and designs , to the endangering the Peace and Safety of the Common-wealth : And that in order to such attempts divers of the said ill-disposed persons , have set on foot Papers under colour of Petitions , of their own framing , and labour to get subscriptions thereunto in and about the City of London and other parts , the better to countenance their own mischievous intentions against the Peace of the Nation ; The Committee of Safety knowing of how dangerous consequence it may be to the Inhabitants of the Cities of London and Westminster , as well as the whole Common-wealth , if the same be not prevented : And least any may , by the plausible pretences of such men , be seduced and drawn in to write their names to such Papers for the carrying on of designs tending to the ruine of themselves and these Nations , The said Committee of Safety have thought fit to Publish and declare their resentments of such undue and dangerous practises ; And do hereby prohibite and forbid all and every person and persons whatsoever , to contrive , promote or subscribe any such Papers , as are now , or shall be on foot in and about the Cities of London and Westminster , for the ends and designs aforesaid , or to endeavour or sollicite the getting hands or subscriptions unto any such Papers : And that if any such Paper be offered to any person or persons to be by them subscribed , that such person to whom the same shall be tendered do suppress the same , or give information thereof to the Lord Mayor of the City of London , the Alderman of the Ward , or next Iustice of the Peace , who are hereby enjoyned and required , to cause the person so endeavouring to get hands thereunto , to be apprehended , and kept in safe custody , and such Papers suppressed . And this Committee do require and enjoyn , that no person or persons whatsoever , do after the Publication hereof , promote such Papers or Subscriptions , or endeavour to get hands or subscriptions thereunto , as they tender the good and peace of the said Cities and this Common-wealth , and as they desire to avoid being accounted disturbers and enemies thereof . Given at the Committee of Safety at Whitehall , the first day of December , 1659. ORdered , That this Proclamation be forthwith Printed and Published . William Robinson , Clerk to the Committee of Safety . London , Printed by Henry Hills and John Field , Printers to the Committee of Safety . A84453 ---- By the Committee of Safety of the Common-wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland. A proclamation touching the summoning of a Parliament England and Wales. Committee of Safety. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84453 of text R211385 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.22[24]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A84453 Wing E748 Thomason 669.f.22[24] ESTC R211385 99897143 99897143 135080 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A84453) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 135080) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2484:1) By the Committee of Safety of the Common-wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland. A proclamation touching the summoning of a Parliament England and Wales. Committee of Safety. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by Henry Hills, and John Field, printers to the Committee of Safety, London : [1659] Dated at end: Whitehall this 14. day of December. 1659. Annotation on Thomason copy: "xber [i.e. December] 15. 1659.". Steele notation: condition ment hope; Arms 51a. Reproduction of original in the Folger Shakespeare Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Rules and practice -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England A84453 R211385 (Thomason 669.f.22[24]). civilwar no By the Committee of Safety of the Common-wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland. A proclamation touching the summoning of a Parliament. England and Wales. Committee of Safety 1659 490 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Committee of Safety Of the Common-wealth of England , Scotland , and Ireland . A PROCLAMATION Touching the Summoning of a PARLIAMENT . THe Council of Officers of the Army , upon consideration of the present condition of affairs in this Commonwealth , and the great distractions now fomented by the enemies thereof ; and being satisfied that the most probable means under God for the appeasing of all discontents , quieting the peoples minds , and preserving of their Spiritual and Civil Rights and Liberties , will be , that a Parliament , without a single Person as chief Magistrate , Kingship or House of Peers , may speedily be called , who , through the gracious assistance of our God , may proceed to such a settlement of the Government of this Commonwealth , as may be for the security of the Cause wherein the good People of these Nations have been , and still are engaged ; And that their intentions of setting up the Civil Authority , and being subservient thereunto may be brought to effect , They have held it their Duty by all good means within their power to be instrumental in procuring the same , and in order thereunto , have made known to the Committee of Safety their desires herein ; and that the Committee would take speedy Order that the same may be put in execution for the ends before mentioned . Whereupon this Committee being ready to contribute their utmost endeavours in so good a work , and so much tending to the satisfaction of all good men , and to the preservation of the Peace , Liberties and Rights of this Commonwealth , Have thought fit , and do hereby publish and declare , That Writs under the Great Seal of England , shall forthwith be issued for the summoning of a Parliament , as aforesaid , to be held in the usual place at Westminster , upon the four and twentieth day of January next ensuing ; And this Committee do hereby exhort and require all persons of what condition soever , that in the mean time they do not act or promote any thing to the disturbance of the publique Peace , but that they do demean themselves peaceably according to the Law , expecting and resolving to submit unto what the Parliament shall in their wisedom think fit to Order concerning the great affairs of these distracted Nations , wherein they humbly pray and hope that the Lord will be pleased to vouchsafe his gracious presence and assistance . Given at Whitehall this 14. day of December . 1659. ORdered by the Committee of Safety , That this Proclamation be forthwith Printed and Published . Will. Robinson , Clerk of the Committee of Safety . London , Printed by Henry Hills , and John Field , Printers to the Committee of Safety . A84471 ---- By the Council of State. A proclamation. Whereas several officers reduced and disbanded, within the space of a year last past, do now remain in and about the cities of London and Westminster, and frequently resort thither, who may be justly suspected (in these times of danger) to be inclineable (through the influence of their discontent with the present posture of affairs) to foment dissatisfactions, and to combine amongst themselves, and with others of the same principle, for disturbance of the publick peace: ... England and Wales. Council of State. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84471 of text R40212 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.24[23]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A84471 Wing E781 Thomason 669.f.24[23] ESTC R40212 99872573 99872573 163754 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A84471) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163754) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f24[23]) By the Council of State. A proclamation. Whereas several officers reduced and disbanded, within the space of a year last past, do now remain in and about the cities of London and Westminster, and frequently resort thither, who may be justly suspected (in these times of danger) to be inclineable (through the influence of their discontent with the present posture of affairs) to foment dissatisfactions, and to combine amongst themselves, and with others of the same principle, for disturbance of the publick peace: ... England and Wales. Council of State. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Abel Roper, and Thomas Collins, Printers to the Council of State, London : [1660] Title from caption and opening lines of text. Dated: Saturday the 17 of March 1659. At the Council of State at Whitehal. Date of publication from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "March 19". Identified as Wing E783 on UMI microfilm set "Early English books, 1641-1700". Reproductions of the originals in the British Library and the Harvard University Library. eng England and Wales. -- Army -- Officers -- Early works to 1800. Exile (Punishment) -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A84471 R40212 (Thomason 669.f.24[23]). civilwar no By the Council of State. A proclamation. Whereas several officers reduced and disbanded, within the space of a year last past, do now remain England and Wales. Council of State. 1660 352 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Council of State . A PROCLAMATION . WHereas several Officers Reduced and Disbanded , within the space of a Year last past , do now remain in and about the Cities of London and Westminster , and frequently resort thither , who may be justly suspected ( in these times of danger ) to be inclineable ( through the influence of their discontent with the present posture of affairs ) to Foment Dissatisfactions , and to combine amongst themselves , and with others of the same Principle , for disturbance of the publick peace : The Council of State having a due resentment hereof , and in tender respect to the Safety of the Commonwealth , have thought it necessary , That all and every such Reduced and Disbanded Officer and Officers , do on or before the Twenty Fifth day of this instant March , depart out of the said Cities of London and VVestminster , and the late Lines of Communication , to their respective dwellings and places of abode in the Country . And they do hereby charge and require them , and every of them to depart accordingly , and not to return till the First of May next , unless upon satisfaction received of their peaceable Spirits and Demeanour ; Or that they have no dwellings and places of abode in the Country , and notice left with the Clerks of the Council , or one of them , of the Places of their Residence in and about the said Cities , or either of them , they shall obtain leave from the Council of State there to continue till further Order . Herein the Council will expect , from all persons concerned , a punctual Submission and Conformity at their Perils . Saturday the 17 of March 1659. At the Council of State at Whitehal ORdered that this Proclamation be forth with Printed and Published . WIL . JESSOP , Clerk of the Council . LONDON , Printed by Abel Roper , and Thomas Collins , Printers to the Council of State . A84566 ---- An act constituting Major-General Philip Skippon to be major-general and commander in chief of all the forces within the city of London, the late lines of communication, and weekly bills of mortality. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84566 of text R211958 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.15[37]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A84566 Wing E985 Thomason 669.f.15[37] ESTC R211958 99870623 99870623 163111 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A84566) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163111) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f15[37]) An act constituting Major-General Philip Skippon to be major-general and commander in chief of all the forces within the city of London, the late lines of communication, and weekly bills of mortality. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Edward Husband and John Field, Printers to the Parliament of England, London : 1650. Order to print dated: Die Martis, 25 Junii, 1650. Signed: Hen: Scobell, Cleric. Parliamenti. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Skippon, Philip, d. 1660 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. A84566 R211958 (Thomason 669.f.15[37]). civilwar no An Act constituting Major-General Philip Skippon to be major-general, and commander in chief of all the forces within the city of London, th England and Wales. Parliament. 1650 406 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ACT Constituting Major-General Philip Skippon TO Be Major-General , and Commander in Chief of all the Forces within the City of London , the late Lines of Communication , and weekly Bills of Mortality . BE it Enacted by the Parliament assembled , and it is Enacted by the Authority of the same , That Major General Philip Skippon be , and is hereby appointed Major General , and Commander in chief over all the Forces within the City of London and Liberties thereof , the late Lines of Communication , and weekly Bills of Mortality , raised or to be raised by the respective Committees for the Militia for the places and Precincts aforesaid for the time being , within the several Limits and Jurisdictions aforesaid : And the said Major General Philip Skippon shall have power , and is hereby authorized from time to time to Command , Lead , Conduct and Imploy the Forces so raised or to be raised as aforesaid , for the protection , and safe guarding of the Parliament from all force and violence , and likewise of the Cities of London and Westminster , and parts adjacent , within the said late Lines of Communication , and weekly Bills of Mortality ; and for the suppressing of all Tumults , Insurrections , Rebellions and Invasions , and of all Forces that shall be raised without Authority of Parliament within the limits aforesaid ; And shall and may Fight with , Kill and Slay all such as shall by force oppose him , and the Forces under his Command , in the execution of this Act ; And to observe and follow such other Directions , which the said Major General shall from time to time receive from the respective Committees for the Militia aforesaid , or either of them , within their respective Limits and Jurisdictions , in order to the Peace and Safety of the Parliament , Cities and places aforesaid ; And likewise to observe all such Orders and Directions as he shall from time to time receive from the Parliament or Councel of State . Die Martis , 25 Junii , 1650. ORdered by the Parliament , That this Act be forthwith printed and published . Hen : Scobell , Cleric . Parliamenti . London , Printed by Edward Husband and John Field , Printers to the Parliament of England , 1650. A84567 ---- An Act constituting Major-General Philip Skippon to be major-general, and commander in chief of all the forces within the city of London, the late lines of communication, and weekly bills of mortality Ordinances. 1650-06-25 England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84567 of text R211958 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.15[37]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A84567 Wing E985 Thomason 669.f.15[37] ESTC R211958 99897912 99897912 135477 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A84567) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 135477) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2555:13) An Act constituting Major-General Philip Skippon to be major-general, and commander in chief of all the forces within the city of London, the late lines of communication, and weekly bills of mortality Ordinances. 1650-06-25 England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by Edward Husband and John Field, printers to the Parliament of England, London : 1650. With an order to print dated: die martis, 25 Junii, 1650. Steele notation: Au- respective Councel; Arms 45. Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library. eng Skippon, Philip, d. 1660 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England A84567 R211958 (Thomason 669.f.15[37]). civilwar no An Act constituting Major-General Philip Skippon to be major-general, and commander in chief of all the forces within the city of London, th England and Wales. Parliament 1650 406 1 0 0 0 0 0 25 C The rate of 25 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ACT Constituting Major-General Philip Skippon TO Be Major-General , and Commander in Chief of all the Forces within the City of London , the late Lines of Communication , and weekly Bills of Mortality . BE it Enacted by the Parliament assembled , and it is Enacted by the Authority of the same , That Major General Philip Skippon be , and is hereby appointed Major General , and Commander in chief over all the Forces within the City of London and Liberties thereof , the late Lines of Communication , and weekly Bills of Mortality , raised or to be raised by the respective Committees for the Militia for the places and Precincts aforesaid for the time being , within the several Limits and Iurisdictions aforesaid : And the said Major General Philip Skippon shall have power , and is hereby authorized from time to time to Command , Lead , Conduct and Imploy the Forces so raised or to be raised as aforesaid , for the protection , and safe guarding of the Parliament from all force and violence , and likewise of the Cities of London and Westminster , and parts adjacent , with●● the said late Lines of Communication , and weekly Bills of Mortality ; and for the suppressing of all Tumults , Insurrections , Rebellions and Invasions , and of all Forces that shall be raised without Authority of Parliament within the limits aforesaid ; And shall and may Fight with , Kill and Slay all such as shall by force oppose him , and the Forces under his Command , in the execution of this Act ; And to observe and follow such other Directions , which the said Major General shall from time to time receive from the respective Committees for the Militia aforesaid , or either of them , within their respective Limits and Iurisdictions , in order to the Peace and Safety of the Parliament , Cities and places aforesaid ; And likewise to observe all such Orders and Directions as he shall from time to time receive from the Parliament or Councel of State . Die Martis , 25 Junii , 1650. ORdered by the Parliament , That this Act be forthwith printed and published . Hen : Scobell , Cleric . Parliamenti . London , Printed by Edward Husband and John Field , Printers to the Parliament of England , 1650. A84576 ---- An act enabling the militia of the City of London to raise horse vvithin the said city and liberties for defence of the Parliament, City of London, and liberties thereof, and the parts adjacent. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84576 of text R211955 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.15[35] 669.f.15[36]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A84576 Wing E991 Thomason 669.f.15[35] Thomason 669.f.15[36] ESTC R211955 99870621 99870621 163109 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A84576) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163109) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f15[35], 246:669f15[36]) An act enabling the militia of the City of London to raise horse vvithin the said city and liberties for defence of the Parliament, City of London, and liberties thereof, and the parts adjacent. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes, London : 1650. Order to print dated: Die Martis, 4 Iunii, 1650. Signed: Hen. Scobell Cler. Parliament. Reproductions of the originals in the British Library. eng Corporation of London (England) -- Committee for the Militia -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. A84576 R211955 (Thomason 669.f.15[35] 669.f.15[36]). civilwar no An act enabling the militia of the City of London to raise horse vvithin the said city and liberties: for defence of the Parliament, City o England and Wales. Parliament. 1650 726 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion An Act enabling the Militia of the City of LONDON to Raise HORSE within the said City and Liberties , For Defence of the Parliament , City of London , and Liberties thereof , and the parts adjacent . THE Parliament of England , doe Enact and Declare , and it is hereby Enacted and Declared , That the Committee of the Militia of the City of London , or any nine or more of them , shall have power , and are hereby authorized to charge such Inhabitants who are constantly dwelling within the said City and Liberties thereof , and such persons who have Stocks going in trade within the limits aforesaid , and absent themselves , as they or any Nine of them shal esteem able to find and maintain Horses , with Furniture and Rider , or Horse and furniture without Rider , at their proper charges , for the defence of the Parliament , City of London , Liberties and parts adjacent ; so as no person shall be charged for the raising and maintaining of more then two Horses , Furniture and Riders , to be put under such Commanders and Officers as the said Committee shall think fit : And the said Horse being Listed , Trained and Exercised , to bee employed by the said Committee , or by suc whom they shall appoint , to suppresse all Tumults Rebellions , and Insurrections that shall happen within the said City , and Liberties , and parts adjacent . And it is further Enacted ; That if any person or persons shall be charged to find Horse , Furniture and Riders , or Horse and Furniture without Riders as aforesaid , and shall refuse or neglect to provide the same within eight dayes after notice thereof given to them in person , or left in writing at their dwelling , shall forfeit and pay twenty pounds ; and if they or any of them shall neglect or refuse to send forth their Horse , with Furniture and Rider , or Horse and furniture without Rider , provided and furnished as aforesaid , when and as often as he or they shall be summoned thereunto by the said Committee of the Militia , or such Commanders or Officers as they shall appoint , in default thereof shall forfeit and pay Forty shillings upon every such failing , or suffer four days Imprisonment , without Baile or Mainprize , to be inflicted upon every such Offender ; and the several Penalties aforesaid to be levyed by Distresse , and sale of the Goods of such Offenders , by the said Committee of the Militia , or such as they shall appoint ; And the said Committee shall have power , and are hereby authorized to give such satisfaction to such persons as they shal imploy in levying the said Fines as the Committee of the Militia shal think reasonable ; & the moneys so raised , to be employed by the said Committee , for the payment of the forces under their command : and that all such persons that shall be charged to find Horse , Furniture and Riders as aforesaid , and shal yeeld obedience thereunto , shal during that time be freed from service in the Trained-bands and Auxiliaries within the said City and Liberties thereof . Provided alwaies , That the number of the Horse exceed not Six hundred , and the Riders thereof be such as the Committee of the Militia , or such as they shal appoint , shall approve of . And it is further Enacted , That hereafter Proclamations shall be made , and Summons given by beat of Drum , or otherwise , In the Name of the Parliament of the Common-wealth of England , and for their Safety , and the Safety of the City of London , Liberties thereof , and parts adjacent . Provided , That this Act doe continue in force untill the four and twentyeth day of June , One thousand six hundred fifty and one , and no longer . Die Martis , 4 Iunii , 1650. Ordered by the Parliament , That this Act be forthwith printed and published . Hen. Scobell Cler. Parliament . London , Printed by Richard Cotes , 1650. A84836 ---- A vvarning to all in this proud city called London to call them to repentance least the wrath of the Lord break out against them; this is the day of your visitation if you will own it. Fox, George, 1624-1691. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84836 of text R211903 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.17[82]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A84836 Wing F1982 Thomason 669.f.17[82] ESTC R211903 99870575 99870575 163329 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A84836) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163329) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f17[82]) A vvarning to all in this proud city called London to call them to repentance least the wrath of the Lord break out against them; this is the day of your visitation if you will own it. Fox, George, 1624-1691. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1654] Signed at end: George Fox. Imprint from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "march. 30. 1654". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng God -- Wrath -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- Prophecies -- Early works to 1800. A84836 R211903 (Thomason 669.f.17[82]). civilwar no A vvarning to all in this proud city called London to call them to repentance, least the wrath of the Lord break out against them; this is t Fox, George 1654 709 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A VVARNING TO All in this proud City called London to call them to Repentance , least the Wrath of the Lord break out against them ; this is the day of your visitation if you will own it . VVO unto thee O London , ( so called by name ) who hast made a profession of Christ ; but hast cleared thy self from Christ , who lives in the affections of lusts , for who are Christs have Crucified the flesh , with the affections and lusts ; your pride stinks before the Lord , your glory and renown must wither : plagues , wo and misery , and vengeance from God , is coming upon you all , you proud and lofty ones , who have been the Adversaries of God , your profession stinks before the Lord , pride and hardheartedness abounds , cruelty and oppression grows & abounds in your Streets , and such are you that would know meanings to the Scriptures , and cries for meanings , meanings , and which lives in your conceivings , which must be scattered from the Lord God , and from the Life which gave forth the Scriptures , for you have here cleared your selves from the life which was in them which gave forth the Scriptures , for the Life which gave forth the Scriptures , hews down pride and oppression , and envious ones , and lusts hardheartedness , which thy streets are ful of : And O London thou art full of Inventions , and full of Images and Image-makers , Pictures , glassed hoods , vails , and round atire like the Moon ; let the Life which gave forth the Scriptures search thee , and Judg thee , and bring thee under Conedmnation , for these things art thou guilty of , O how doth all excess abound , and pride and lusts , and filthiness , which stinks before the Lord God , and the smell of it is come up amongst his children , Plagues , plagues , plagues , is to be poured upon thee ; how beautiful art thou in thy colours , and in thy changeable suits of Apparrel , and thy dainty dishes , Dives like , who was turned into Hell ; the Life which gave forth the Scriptures , shall Judg thee Eternally , and the Life it lyes upon thee Judging thee : Over all the heads of the wicked , heads of the oppressors , heads of the proud , the Devil is King ; wo is pronounced from the Life of God upon thee , who hath drawn out his Sword , to hew thee to peices , and to thresh thee ; to scatter you all as chaff with the wind , to burn you as stubble with the fire , The Mouth of the Lord hath spoken it ; this is the portion of all the wicked . To the just and them that fear the Lord I say , come out of her ways lest you be consumed with her , that you may give Judgment upon the Whore , that sits upon so many waters , least you be partakers of her plagues , hearken to God and hear him ; for the Rod of God is over you , and you must come under it , for your Whoredom and for your pride and oppression , and hypocrisie and desembling , the Lord will find you all out , for his Mighty day is coming , to all your consciences I speak ; which hath been convinced but hath not repented , torment , torment , the fire is kindled , wo unto you all ; plotters to do mischief , who are not single to God : Wo unto you all stubborn hard hearted ones , the Life which gave forth the Scriptures lyes upon thee , Judging thee , and this is the Word of the Lord to you all , to that in all your consciences I speak , which will witness me , and condemn you , who live in these wicked practises . March .30 . 1654 George Fox . A84849 ---- The Lord General's letter to the Lord Major, aldermen, and Common-Councell of London concerning the armies advance up to the City of London; and desiring the advance of 40000 li. presently, for pay of the army. Fairfax, Thomas Fairfax, Baron, 1612-1671. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84849 of text R211078 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.13[49]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A84849 Wing F201 Thomason 669.f.13[49] ESTC R211078 99869815 99869815 162945 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A84849) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162945) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f13[49]) The Lord General's letter to the Lord Major, aldermen, and Common-Councell of London concerning the armies advance up to the City of London; and desiring the advance of 40000 li. presently, for pay of the army. Fairfax, Thomas Fairfax, Baron, 1612-1671. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for Lawrence Blaiklocke, London : 1648. Dated and signed at end: Windsor, ult. Novemb. 1648 ... T. Fairfax. Imprimatur for the City of London dated: 1 Decemb. 1648. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A84849 R211078 (Thomason 669.f.13[49]). civilwar no The Lord General's letter to the Lord Major, aldermen, and Common-Councell of London, concerning the armies advance up to the City of London Fairfax, Thomas Fairfax, Baron 1648 371 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE LORD GENERAL'S LETTER To the Lord Major , Aldermen , and Common-Councell of LONDON , Concerning the ARMIEs advance up to the City of London ; and desiring the Advance of 40000 li. presently , for pay of the ARMY . My Lord , and Gentlemen , BEing upon an immediate advance with the Army towards London , we thought good hereby to give you notice thereof ; For the grounds and necessity leading us hereunto , we referre you to our late Remonstrance , and to our late Declaration concerning the same . We have only this further to adde , that as we are far from the least thought of plunder or other wrong to your City , or any the places adjoyning ( which we hope your former experiences of us will give you cause enough to credit us in , ) so for the better prevention of any disorder in the Souldiery , or of any abuse or inconvenience to the inhabitants in the quartering of the Souldiery at private houses ; wee earnestly desire , that you would take a present course for the supply of Money to pay those Forces , while wee shall be necessitated to stay there , upon which we assure you we shall so dispose of them into great and void houses about the City as much as may be possible , as that few or none of the inhabitants shall be troubled with quartering of any Souldiers at all . And for this purpose we desire , That forty thousand pound may be forthwith provided upon the security of your Arrears to be ready to be paid out to the Forces to morrow night if possible . And wee shall be ready to receive from you any intimations for the further prevention of hurt , or inconvenience to the City in this businesse , I remaine Windsor , ult. Novemb. 1648. Your Lordships most assured friend and servant , T. FAIRFAX . For the Right Honourable the Lord Major , Aldermen , and Common-councell of the City of London . 1 Decemb. 1648. Imprimatur . Gil. Mabbot . London , Printed for Lawrence Blaiklocke . 1648. A85196 ---- To the general council of officers The representation of divers citizens of London, and others well-affected to the peace and tranquility of the Common-wealth. Fox, Margaret Askew Fell, 1614-1702. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A85196 of text R211362 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.22[17]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A85196 Wing F638B Thomason 669.f.22[17] ESTC R211362 99870092 99870092 163600 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A85196) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163600) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f22[17]) To the general council of officers The representation of divers citizens of London, and others well-affected to the peace and tranquility of the Common-wealth. Fox, Margaret Askew Fell, 1614-1702. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by John Clowes, London : 1659. Anonymous. By Margaret Askew Fell Fox. Annotation on Thomason copy: "xber [i.e. December]. 12.". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- Politics and government -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A85196 R211362 (Thomason 669.f.22[17]). civilwar no To the general council of officers. The representation of divers citizens of London, and others well-affected to the peace and tranquility o Fox, Margaret Askew Fell 1659 966 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TO THE GENERAL COVNCIL OF OFFICERS . The Representation of divers Citizens of LONDON , and others Well-affected to the Peace and Tranquility of the Common-wealth . AS Wee doubt not but the words of your friends will find acceptance , so our Lives , Liberties , and All that is dear and near to us , being imbarqued in the same Bottom with yours , we cannot be so insensible , as not to take notice of the storm impending , nor so careless of our own Concernments , as not to lay down our Observations before you . When by the interrruption of Government you reduced these Nations unto that condition they are now in , Though you could not be ignorant , that what you did , would be very grateful to the Common Enemy ; who alwaies had the Parliament in an odious memory for the great things God hath done by them , and the little hopes they have of ever prevailing against their industry and prudence ; yet we cannot in the least suspect , that you could ( in that action ) have before your eys the contentment of your malitious and implacable enemies ; But rather a cordial and sincere intention of settling those things so long contended for , by a speedier hand then that of the Parliament , ( of whose grave , slow , pace you were impatient ) exspecting thereby to give full satisfaction to all your friends and adherents , to the uniting of them the firmlier to you . Other ends then these , we hope could not enter into the hearts of many of you ; And therefore , taking this to be the case , and knowing that Experience is the best Teacher , We desire leave to observe how little the successe hath hitherto answered your Ends . It is visible to all that have any occasion to converse with your enemies , that they are exceedingly rejoyced at your late transactions , not doubting , but by the division of your friends , to have an opportunity to destroy both you and them . And it is also as visible , that your friends are dissatisfied , not being able to go along with you in your present undertakings ; And that , not only as they are without any warrantable Call made out to them , but also , as they are against that acknowledged principle of all just Powers , being ( under God ) originally in the People , and derived from them ; Beyond which , we cannot be free to act , or own any thing for Legal or unusurped ; Knowing , that what is settled by a party , will alwaies be unstable , and subject to the wills , and alterations of that party ; especially , when it hath the Sword , as the restauration of the Parliament , though done with the greatest acknowledgment of duty imaginable , is now made use of by many ( though weakly ) for the justification of the late interruption . We cannot also , but in taking notice that you having already spent near half as much time upon the Government alone , without bringing any thing to maturity , as the Parliament did in that and all other affairs , hope you are ( to the vindication of them ) convinced of the greatness and difficulty of the work . And lastly , we may observe , that if by rooting up foundations you must necessarily give the common Enemie a great advantage , you ought to be assured of a party able to oppose him ; And that if all your friends united , be a body small enough , for that end , you cannot rationally conceive that less then half will be sufficient to maintaine your quarrell , now your Enemies are strengthened with the addition of France and Spain , who without doubt are at this present vigorously at work . We might say much more upon this subject , but thinking it needless to persons who will be equally concerned with us in any common Calamity , we shall not trouble you further then upon the whole to desire ( which we do with hearts full of sorrow and feare ) That since ( as we do assert ) the restless adversary is not likely to be idle ; That he cannot in all probability be opposed but by the union of your Friends ; That there can be no union without restoring foundations ; That the interuption of Government cannot be continued without weakening your hands to the strengthening those of your Enemies ) That as the only way left us for our preservation you would speedily ( least otherwise it be too late ) withdraw the force from the Parliament House door , leaving the Members lately interrupted to return to the discharge of their trust in setleing the destracted affairs of this Commonwealth , and making provision for future Parliaments ; In doing which you willunite the hearts of your Friends , oblige them to a Cordiall Conjunction with you in the opposition of the common enemy , and cause them once more to rejoyce in having the less reason to be afraid of what our adversaries can do unto us . This Representation was delivered by divers Citizens of London to the Lord Fleetwood the 6th , of this present December , 1659. to be by him Communicated to the Generall Council of Officers , as the only expedient to deliver this Nation from ( otherwise ) inevitable ruin and destruction . London Printed by John Clowes , 1659. A85469 ---- The coming of God in mercy, in vengeance; beginning with fire, to convert, or consume, at this so sinful city London: oh! London, London. Gostelo, Walter. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A85469 of text R202235 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E1612_3 E1833_1). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 98 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 41 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A85469 Wing G1319 Thomason E1612_3 Thomason E1833_1 ESTC R202235 99862599 99862599 170434 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A85469) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 170434) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 203:E1612[3] or 228:E1833[1]) The coming of God in mercy, in vengeance; beginning with fire, to convert, or consume, at this so sinful city London: oh! London, London. Gostelo, Walter. [80] p. : ill. (woodcuts) Printed for the authour Walter Gostelo, dwelling in Broad-street London., [London] : 1658. Signatures: A-E. Annotation on Thomason copy E.1833[1]: "April"; "April 15". Reproductions of the originals in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- Prophecies -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Prophecies -- Early works to 1800. A85469 R202235 (Thomason E1612_3 E1833_1). civilwar no The coming of God in mercy, in vengeance;: beginning with fire, to convert, or consume, at this so sinful city London: oh! London, London. Gostelo, Walter. 1658 17600 3 0 0 0 0 0 2 B The rate of 2 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-10 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-10 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The coming of GOD IN MERCY , IN VENGEANCE ; Beginning With fire , to Convert , or Consume , at this so sinful City London : Oh! London , London . Amos the 3. verses 6 , 7 , 8. Shall a Trumpet be blown in the City , and the people not be afraid ? Surely the Lord will do nothing , but he revealeth his secrets to his servants the Prophets . The Lion hath roared , who will not be afraid ? the Lord hath spoken , who can but prophesie ? ( this to you I must or perish . ) Printed for the Authour WALTER GOSTELO , dwelling in Broad-street London . 1658. To OLIVER CROMWELL Lord PROTECTOR ; To this City LONDON ; To the People of these three NATIONS , and CHRISTIAN WORLD , is this matter of so high concernment Dedicated . AFter how Miraculous a manner God is Coming in mercy to his , in vengeance to Evil-doers , this Book , made up of truth and good affection ( as the Author ought to be for his Countries Good ) will tell you , which being sent as an Herald to declare the Coming of God . It doth not Crave , but Command protection ; And though I may not dedicate it , to any other then to whom God Almighty hath directed the matter of it ; Primarily to you of this so sinful City London , subsequently to all the people of the three Nations and Christian World , yet is it good manners fairly to intreat of you , Oliver Cromwell Protector , that it suffer not by any prohibition of yours , in sale or otherwise . Indeed I do not doubt of that from your Lordship which I beseech from all , its good acceptance . Especially if you did know or do remember , those two so Considerable passages , both which not long since fel out at White-Hall . A person well known to your Lordship , E. C. gives to one near you , ( but purposely for your perusal ) A paper , of which you were to take Cognisance . That paper he or they Burnt ; Now to let you or them see clearly Gods dislike of that wicked act , his Fire of displeasure not long after flamed out of the Chimney , t was near you ; its rage frighted some , it was visible to very many : in vision was it said to the party that gave the Paper , they have burnt thy Paper , but go forth , and thou shalt see their Chimney on Fire : the party did so , and saw it so on Fire . At another time , the same party endevours to set a Paper on the Chappel doors of White-Hall ; White-Hall still , the matter of that was , ( as much of this Book is ) what God would have speedily done , for his injured King , and despised Church : of all which your self , Chaplaines and others under that roof , were to take special notice , and conforme unto . The Chappel Officer would needs hinder the setting up of that Paper , for some time he did so ; in fine he boldly said , if ever it was set up , he would pull it down . He was then forewarned and charged not to do so , lest God took vengeance on him ; he slighted the counsel , and when it was set up , not fearing God but men , he puls it down . The next news heard and seen of him is , that very right hand of his , so misimployed as to pull it down , is suddenly bound up , becomes unuseful , and withers , a very few dayes after , some 15. or 20. himself dyes . These things are true , I can prove them . My Lord , it is very seasonable here to remind you of what so sadly befall Mr. Whaley Mayor of North-hampton in the very year of his Majoralty , on Tuesday Easter next it is but two since , marke it well I beseech you , for these things are clearly of God , yea clearly so . That Presbyter Whaley , an Early Complyer with the worst times , most falsly and shamefully belyes me , he traduceth and Endeavours to suppress the so Miraculous proceedings of God Almighty afforded in that Town of Northampton , on behalf of his own prophecy , my unworthy self , and what past the very night of my enlargement from prison there . After I had wrote to him , and followed him close to know his grounds or reasons of those his ugly practices , but could never receive any from him : at last I wrote to his fellow-Iugler , and brother Presbyter Ball Minister in that Town , Charged him that he should let Whaley know , if I received not speedily from him in writing , he should from me in print , yea both of them should ; On Goodfriday I finished what I intended to print against them : The Tuesday follovving God takes the business into his own hand , Whaley sinks down and dyes suddenly in his Clothes . Indeed I was unalterably resolved not to endure them or any to belye , endeavour to suppress , or oppose the proceedings of my God , and his Prophecy ( for so this is ) if I could help it : and because I could not , God did it for me . The Manuscript which your Lordship had of mine declaring their bad practises against Gods so wonderful proceedings in that place of Northampton , because I could not get Printed , I left it in the University Library of Oxford ; My Lord , it is worthy your Remembrance for ever ; I shall one day get most of it Printed , the world must know what 's in it . For Ball his minister he is now become a Pulpit-defender in Print , ( the World hath too many such ) not long known to be so ; but he sees early and comes round with the first : I have desired him , Ball , by word of mouth , that his repentance be sincere , early , and publick , the rather because his aberrations were publick and with the first . Oh Presbytery , Presbytery ! Thou hast not hitherto done Gods Church and this kingdom many good offices , mend for shame Presbytery . Reader , I must therefore Print these Precedents of truth , that they may deter all Presbyters or others , from belying , or impeding , the Revealed Decrees of Heaven , in favour of Gods King and true Church ; which decrees he is pleased now to have made publick , and by all are to be conformed unto . But why complain I of ill offices done to me or others in these three Kingdoms , seeing I know very well ( yea this Book tells you truly as much ) that to remedy all this and more , God is coming ? Whose Almighty fire sent out up on the Eight of April , is gone before him , Commissioned to begin at this so sinful City London , Converting or Consuming the Enemies of his King and Church . Believe it Reader , our appeal is heard in Heaven , and we shall shortly have a Court on Earth to remedy what 's amiss : For God hath revealed from between the Cherubins , where he is said to dwell , That the Restoration of our King is of God : and then all those lesser devils , waiting upon this Kingdom of darkness will suddenly become invisible . To conclude , why should I in a Preface tell thee what I have therefore made so very short in the book , on purpose , that it should be Read , be Believed , and practised by all ? all are infinitely concerned to do so ; Certainly , happines will be had thereby . Reader , distrust me not , there is a storm and change at hand , a greater , or any like it since our Saviors time , I firmly and warrantably believe hath not been on Earth : After which will ensue Golden times and dayes . A Church more conspicuously glorious then ever : for the defence and Protection of which , God will afford his Nursing Kings and Queens , as promised of Old , but in his wisdom reserved for the fittest time . In Good Earnest I do pray for all men , duty binds me to it ; yet can I not but fear A very General Confusion of the most . This is what I must faithfully let you all know , and stand to when I have done . So help me O God , as I ever own , in all times and places , thy Prophecy I formerly printed , and this book I now publish to the world , being both of thee ; Witnessed and sealed unto by me VValter Gostelo dwelling in Broad-street London , at which Church officiated as our pastor , The so deservedly beloved Doctor Oldsworth . Men and Brethren , Divines learned , Good , and of holy life like him , ever taught their Auditors , to be peaceable sons of the true Church , so is faithfully to serve you of this City and his Country , VValter Gostelo . CIty London , the Protector whom God will ever direct and bless , hath now put the Militia into your own hands purposely , That if you will ruine , your judgement shall be of your selves . I wil likewise now send or put into your Mayor , Sheriffes , Aldermen , every of your Ministers and Common Council mens hands one of these Books , for I do tell you truly , Gods Menace and Decree is gone forth against London for its destruction ; continue your Rebellions but a little longer against God and your King , who are both coming to you , and if you perish not , cut off my head , as you have done your chief Magistrate and Ministers , God give you Repentance and Life . W. G. THE Unquestionable Restore of OUR KING Charles St. Is Revealed and assured by God Almighty . C. R. His restore is of God . He hath Revealed it , he hath Assured it from between the Cherubims , he did it , where he is known to dwell . God save the King , and Oliver Cromwell Protector . The Introduction . SOber men know very well , that amongst us most sort of villanies have been committed by a Law , God coming as now he doth , to give deliverance to his people , commanding them to lift up their heads , for their Redemption draweth nigh ; it remains , what will become of such wicked Law-makers as ours have been , in that day , whose sad fate being shewed me , and very short also , like their continuance , Read that first I beseech you , for so I received it , and the rather read it , for as much as I am to let you see and know clearly , that the sign by which my self and you are given to understand , when the deliverance and redemption doth draw nigh , is their sudden dissipation , and trouble , yea perpetual rejection , as to Law-makers , or Rulers , and that it is now come to pass in this place where it was shewed me . In this City London , near two years since , particularly upon the eighth of March 1655. God shewed me with others this Vision , which I presently wrote to the Protector ; he that believes it not , may see my Manuscript , left near two years since in the University Library of Oxford assuring it , there left , because I could not get it printed . As for the Vision it self thus it was : I first saw the wicked Governours and mis-Rulers of these people met as in a Convocation or Parliament-house : That wicked Council was no sooner set , but some of them hastily rose up , and bearded their fellow members , telling them you were for Presbytery : others upbraid them with lying , cheating , and wicked practises . They go on to wrangle and discontents , agree not at all , nothing but Animosities amongst them . Indeed they there behaved themselves just as our Glorified King prophesied it should come to pass : you that agreed in nothing more then to make me and this kingdom miserable , shall agree in nothing less then to make your selves happy ; so his Majesty prophesied , and so God will certainly now fulfill . In this wicked assembly of Black Saints and Justiciaries , ( for I heard not a man amongst them , condem himself , ) though guilty , and stunk at stake ( their looks discovered as much , yet , see I beseech you , even to admiration , how God brought truth from their own mouthes , ( they then charged themselves , to be most culpable ) not the people : Oh the wayes of God are past finding out ! God will one day set the saddle upon the right jade ; when this disorder was at the highest , in comes a person very hastily as sent of God , Oliver Cromwell is this person sent of God , and looking boldly upon them spake thus , Our Lord Iesus Christ is at hand : presently these Grandees startled , and looking pale as death , like Cowards and villains , fastened their gastly eyes and looks upon that messenger ; the messenger reiterates the words , Our Lord Iesus Christ is at hand ; he after added , he is at the very doore , I saw him , he comes with Flagons : when this was spoken and heard , those dirty fellows , and misgovernours of the people , hastily and confusedly broke up house , stayed not at all , disappeared immediately , whither they hasted to their own home , or their last home swallowed them quick , I cannot tell , but this I am most sure of , they were all made invisible in an instant . Oh wickedness , wickedness in Governors can not stand in the day of Gods coming , though it be acted by a law of their own ; of which vile nature these mens wickedness was , and doubtless more should have been had not God so scattered them by his sent messenger Oliver Cromwell ; I told you it was but short , God having done with them because they were Dirt . I have done with them also . For a further confirmation of this thing , time , & persons , as Iam alive I shall declare truth unto you : Upon the first day of Ianuary last , being on a Friday and New-years day , my unworthy self then in retirement , ( after I had passed my most infirme devotions of prayer and meditation that day by the side of the River Meade in Kent ) I was thus wonderfully dealt with . The Lord carried me in vision to this City London , set me down in the inner Chambers and places where the people of this City performed their devotion or sacrifices , and being there I was shewed the Close hypocrisies , most irreverent and damnable irreligious practises of the ungodly people of this City and Nation , committed in those very places where they pretended to worship God ; for which their great impiety and fornications , I then saw some of them carryed away and thrown into a Bed , but it was a Bed of destruction , for in it was a pit out of which they never rose nor appeared more , yet was it like a Bed . This terrible sight made me make haste from amongst them ; Going into other Chambers I saw more , but nothing that pleased me , Earthen vessels , goodly to look on , Paintedboxes , but nothing in any of them ; at which I being much troubled , some of them persecuted me from place to place , out they drove me into the street ; Looking behind me to see if the Persecutors still followed me , I then saw them no more , but I did see a man making great haste , coming after me with a Mete-wand , rod , or rule in his hand , it was about the length of six foot ; by his side came only a harmless little boy , very Beautiful , and in appearance very innocent . Being then in the streets of this City , I suddenly saw the people all of them wonderfully affrighted , and being so afraid , they run every man of them to my left hand , astonished at the suddenness of it ; I asked what frighted the people , and why they run so to the left hand : I was forthwith answered by the man with the measuring Mete-wand in his hand , or rule , Their Sacrifices are dirt ; or thus , they offer dirt for sacrifices . In good earnest when I had heard the words I looked up to heaven , and I there saw such a Cloud of Blackness and Dirt , as could not possibly arise from any place but Hell , it was a Cloud made up of nothing but Devillish Dirt , and thick stinking Darkness ; which Cloud almost totaly obscured a very great light , that was in the Heavens above it , so that there appeared no more of that great light , but as a Quarter Moon . So soon as the Lord had shewed , it me perfectly , he scattered that dirty cloud with a vengeance , t was done immediately , and the place of it no more seen . What I saw afterwards of Beauty and wonder , as well in this vision as in the former , belongs not to these wicked ones , these were all to be first scattered and made invisible as well the wicked Okes chosen for their Law-makers or rulers , as the Briars and Thornes ( being the people , ) which sent them up , for so they are all termed in the word of God , and they must perish together . It is impossible in this depraved age of ours to have a good Parliament , if the people must choose , who are now so generally Bad ; and here is the Reason the Lord gives me , of this dirty Parliaments and this suitable peoples dissipation and scattering , for a signe and signal watch-word , by which we were to know when our Redemption did draw nigh , and when we were to lift up our heads , as in the next Section I shall , and am to declare unto you . And now tell me Reader , was there not such dirty wicked Law-makers as these in this last dissolved House ? What think you , not to particularize any of that Rable , were not the most of them ( too many at least ) bad from the Beginning , and did they not so continue all along , did they not divide ? which of them repented himself of his former wickednesses ? Find me the man that ever took the blame to himself ; they suddenly divided and fell to wrangling , they would have us believe , it is you , and you , him and him that committed the wickedness , none condemned himself ; were there not the highest Animosities imaginable amongst them ? I dare say they would have fired , and imbroyled the Kingdom in a New war , rather then some of that faction , should seem other then a true Saint , or White Devil , ( I still speak of the major part . ) I beseech you , what number of them ever agreed to make themselves or the people happy , by returning to every man , or but to any man , his own inheritance ? They spoke well of the covetous and deceitful person , whom God abhors ; that they did , themselves being so : is it not high time think you that such Miscreants as these be scattered ? Thanks be to God , who sent Oliver Cromwell hastily in amongst them , as in the vision , to do so ; in great haste he did come in upon them , yes he did so ; so in the vision , so in thefulfil . Reader , did not Oliver Cromwell come in upon them in haste ? did he not then , or at their sitting down tell them plainly ( most sure he did ) That our Lord Jesus Christ was at hand , and now at the very doore , and that he saw him coming with Flagons also ? as in the 85. Psalme , Namely to establish peace , to have mercy and truth meet together , that Righteousness and peace may now kiss each other , and that glory may dwell in our Land , did he not further say unto them , that he ( our Lord ) was coming to break in pieces all powers that were not of God , and for God , alluding to the leggs and feet of Nebuchadnezzars Image , which being Iron for oppression , and dirt for irreligion , was now to have its end . Thus was his speech , thus were his words to them , he told them , that both these prophecies were now fulfilling , he advised them so , and so instructed them : to this end he did it also , that they might now apply themselves to be subservient thereunto , here is what he directed unto , also what they should have done ; I told you before what they did , now see this very Prophesies fulfill ; first , it must break in pieces the Powers that are not of God , I am sure it points out them to be broken ( point Blanck ) and more also if Principled like them ; they and such as they broken to pieces , in comes that power and rule of Gods , under which we shall be blest , and our land happy for ever , as in the former prophecy , and other part of his speech taken from the 85. Psalm : here is what he said , here 's what he did , broke them to pieces , they are both of God , he did it in haste also , so in the vision so in the fulfill . O God , this thy signal signe given me , and then vision shewed me , having thus undeniable , in all Circumsiances had its now fulfill , and being , as I may truly say , the very watch-word , and acting , by which I was to know when our Redemption should draw nigh , and when we were to lift up our heads , Our heads , to whom the vision was shewed with my self ; your heads , your with an Emphasis ; none of theirs , theirs , are to be Broken ; the words lift up your heads , were not spoken , nor heard by me and them , until those wicked ones were all dissipated and gone . Truly I had been blind and most unfaithful to you , if I had not thus proceeded for an introduction ; I now see clearly the reason why I could not get this book printed as I intended before Christmas , I penned it early , as once I did the like , for the Good of the world , and a Parliament then ready to meet and sit , intitled it Charles St. and Oliver Cromwell united , so I have already printed , which I will ever stand to , and so will God certainly fulfill , let things seem to the world never so contrary , for it is of God . But I could never get that book forth , until those , as these , were turned out of Doors , because good for nothing . Indeed the work of the Lord , as his secrets , is chiefly for those that fear him , and such the Lord will certainly now in merey give us for rulers , for Law-makers : We have no reason at all to doubt it . You may well wonder and stand amazed to read what the Lord shewed me as to this last Parliament sitting , on purpose he did it , that I might know the approch of my signes fulfill : the first of Ianuary it is shewed me , the 20. they sit , also , why the Lord would so dissipate and over-turne them , because there sacrifices were Dirt . I must give you a short review of the whole , and then I get out of this dirty subject , in which dirt I am to stick untill I make you as clearly sensible as my self , that God hath fulfilled to a tittle , the signe given me for Assurances , when deliverance to his Church , King , and people , ( the Israel of God ) was to be afforded , also when commanded to lift up their heads , redemption and deliverance being come unto them . On March the 8. 1655. this very signe and signal watch-word is given me . [ That I then declared it to the Protector you have read , and he that doubts of it may read what I left almost two years ago in the University Library of Oxford . Ianuary the first 1657. on Earth , and in Heaven , is it first shewed , then said unto me , their sacrifices are dirt , that very new Moon , year , and day , points out their New Moons and dirty sacrifices , both which God abhors . Ianuary the 20. this Dirty house meets , and falls to wrangling immediately , so in the Vision , so in the fulfill . With in 15. dayes after God sweeps away this Dirty house , by his sent messenger Oliver Cromwell coming to them in haste , so in the vision , so in the fulfill . If all these visions prove not themselves to be real Visions of God , and that we have warrant and good occasion also now to lift up our heads , as the next section will fully shew you , then cut off my head , and reckon me a lyar for ever ; I Beg not your favour , but your Repentance . These things I have wrote to the Protector presently after they were shewed me ; you have them more exactly in print , make therefore the best use of it . C. R. HEAD and CROWN be lifted up , for deliverance is come to Carolus Rex , also to his good subjects the Servants of the Ever-living God . Section the first assures it . Sect. I. IMmediately after all those miscreants were swept away , my self with someothers plainly heard sung by most Angelical voices , these words , lift up your Heads , for your redemption draweth nigh : Our Lord Iesus Christ is at hand , he comes with Flagons ; Those Celestial voyces continue singing , and reiterate the words , lift up your heads , still your , with an Emphasis , for your Redemption draweth nigh . Ravished with the Excellency of the voyces and the matter , I turned my head towards those Heavenly Aires , ( being faced about ) I then saw many glorious Angels moving towards us in good order , two by two , they were all clothed in white , having on them Girdles of Gold , and in some of their hands were Flagons of silver . The place they so appeared in , Then seems a Church , up the middle of that Church they come , when advanced to the Table , which was covered with fine and clean Linen as themselves , they there set down those silver Flagons ; that done , they stand round about the Table , in a most reverent posture and comly beauty , fit for devotion , on which Table , neer those Flagons ; on a silver plate was placed one Mauchet cut and prepared as at our best ordered Communions ; this done , they altogether began and sung these words , Blessed be the Lord God of Israel , for he hath visited and redeemed his people , and hath raised up a mighty salvation for them . This heard and seen , the vision and signe assuring deliverance upon their dissipation and rejection , as in the introduction upon the 8. of March , 1655. ended , the rest of New-years day follows . After the man with the Mete-rod or rule in his hand had said unto me , their Sacrifices are dirt , and God hath scattered with a Vengeance that dirty stinking hellish cloud , ( gotten into the face of that great light ) as in the Introduction and Vision of last New-years day , forthwith the Lord drew my eye to look again up into the Heavens , but it was more upon my right hand : I then perfectly saw a wondrous high hill , upon which high hill was situate a very thick and high Wall , the wall was made all of divers Coloured stones , richly shining as painted Glass , the Morter or Cement which held those several coloured stones together , appeared rich also , as the dust of Gold . At the end or entrance into that wall , ( for it was like the wall of a great City ) yet I saw no house within it ; without the wall I did see many houses , but the stood at good distance from that wall , and all those houses were New , the Foundation and building was raised some few yards above the ground , being all of perfect white stone , but not finished ; indeed the man with the mete-wand or rule to measure with , that answered to me , they offer dirt for sacrifice , that man and innocent boy appeared unto me among those New foundations which were on both sides of a largestreet . At the end of that Rich wall , there stood a Tree or Trees , which were full as high , or higher then the Rich wall . Within the wall , ( and just over the place the wall surrounded ) I did see a wonderful Great light , very Glorious it was , and of a Chrystaline Colour , for bigness it appeared ten times as big as the Moon . This light shewed me a Lamb , and divers other clean Creatures , as sheep and kids . What I saw afterwards , when I had wept and prayed to God that he would be pleased I might understand the whole Vision , I will not now tell you what that was , the obtaining of it cost me dear ; I am sure I lay so long weeping and praying with a resolution I would have no denial , until the Lord was pleased to let me fully understand the Vision , that it is his unparalleld goodness to me I am alive at this time . But this I will tell you , serve you God , desire and endeavour from the bottom of your hearts , to live wholly to his Glory , and you may see it also ; I pray you may , nothing is more Worthy to be desired . What think you now , is not this one good ground more to believe that our Redemption doth draw nigh , and that we are now commanded to lift up our heads ? you will say and believe as much presently ; read what follows , for I have done with what was shewed me on New-years day as in the Introduction . The rest I told you concerned not those were scattered , but the Redeemed of God . As I am a live and a Christian , I continue to set forth truth unto you ; I was at Oxford when the news came to me of the Protectors dissolving that house of miscreants , he , Oliver Cromwell , was that very man the Lord sent in in haste upon them , as in the sign and introduction , now mark and well consider , what immediately succeeds upon their dissolution . Tuesday night , which was February the 9. just 5. dayes after this house was swept , I came home to my own house from Oxford ; Being come home , God then shewed me a very great and Glorious people , standing orderly in the Heavens , they were a people richly shining ; in the head of this so Glorious body after a short time , there comes slowly moving , but in very great state Prince-like , the most Transcendently Glorious person that ever my eyes beheld , he was clothed in a very Rich Coat or long vest , which Coat or Rich vest was girt about his Middle with a broad Girdle of Gold , in his hand there was an extraordinary long and Broad naked sword , which great sword he held upright ; this Transcendent person had such A Head , face and countenance , for beauty , Majesty , power , and wonder , as I can never express or set forth unto you , the figure of his person being of a Wonderful height , yet very straight , having no defection in any part , but Tale beyond compare : this Rich , Glorious and wonderful person stood so long in the head of that beautiful and shining people , that I had a full view of him and them to my great contentment . The vision ended , my sinfull self fell a weeping , and praying that God would be pleased to afford me the understanding of it ; Reader , in good earnest , thus it was , and no otherwise : for clear satisfaction , I was referred unto the twelfth of Daniel , at the beginning of which chapter , you also , as well as my self , may read and know the import of that so Great Princes standing up in the head of his people , now to be delivered , the Israel of God , be they here or throw the world : And thus in these several wayes and times ( all agreeing to Gods word , and assured of God ) I am instructed , and sent to assure you , that deliverance is come unto you , Gods , the Kings , and your Enemies are now to be scattered . Upon so glorious Visions as these are , declaring the coming of God in Mercy to the Redemption of his ( for that is what I am upon ) and that he thus comes with Flagons also , what can the world expect I should say to all of it ? The gift of Vision and Prophecy is given to one man , the gift of discerning and interpretation of them and Scriptures to another . ( Friends ) I have here dealt with you of this land and our times , as Zachariah , and the Prophet Daniel dealt with the people of their land and times , Truly told you what I saw , Truly told you what I heard ; wonder not I beseech you , if I cannot tell you what it all means , Or set you the very time and day for deliverance : I often tremble at the Visions shewed me , and words then spoken to me ; I read not some places of holy Scriptures without amazement , though I do it for the better understanding of what is shewed me in Vision , unto and by which word of God , all prophecy must come for trial and Conformity , no thing that 's Contrary to it can possibly be true , yet for all This , I may not from them hastily conclude . I beseech you let this truly spoken by me , keep you , my self and all men from rash speaking , and determining of things or times , both which to my understanding have Gods appointment , if not limitation , upon our Repentance , but if we despise his premonitions , A swifter motion to execute vengeance . Prophecy is prophecy , and vision is truly shewed of the Lord to Zachariah , and Daniel , yet Zachariah confesseth in his fourth Chapter and fifth verse , That he saw , but he knew not the meaning or import of what was shewed him in that vision . Daniel in his 12. Chapter and 8. verse tells us , he heard , but he understood not what he heard , ( in that his Prophecy , yet both Gods prophesies . ) Tell me , O now tell me , you Worthies of our Church of England , I speak to men of clean conversation , Wise , studious , and of holy life also , with such I may not doubt the secret of the Lord is , because they fear him ; there are those that have forsaken all to keep God and a Good conscience , such as those are now to lift up their heads ; for their Redemption draweth nigh . I enquire not of , neither expect resolve from , the unsent and unblest number of Vagabond Bablers , who like unfaithful bowes in the day of Battel have started aside , to the scandal of the true Church , dishonor of our Nation and the Protestant Religion ; from such villains as those I neither expect or seek for any true interpretation of the word or vision of God , their sacrifices being Dirt , a Mystery of iniquity they shall carry on , but no true sense of Scripture , Wisdom and Counsel is not found with him that must perish . Worthies sent of God , pray tell me , doth not these visions lively express and warrantably assure us , us I say , though hitherto persecuted and despised , are not We now to be invested in what was promised of old by our Lord himself , as in the book of Canticles Chapter the 2. verse the 45. he brought me into his house of wine , Covered me with his Banner of love , and Comforted me with Flagons ? In the several Evangelists he likewise assures us , how for ever happily blest they shall be , that Eate bread , and drink the fruit of the Vine , when New , with him in his Fathers kingdom : certainly those very times are now at hand , who can doubt it , that hath trusted in the ever-living God , which hath now sent his so Blessed Angels , as Ministring Spirits to command us , that we lift up the head , with an Emphasis , your heads , Lift up your heads , for your Redemption draweth nigh : he further comforteth us , adding he is at the very door , and that he comes with Flagons . What think you Worthies , can we wish for more assurance of happiness , or could I see more and live ? All this being true , What manner of persons ought we to be in all Godliness and holiness of conversation ? Here I could be content to lye down in happiness ; but I must go on to let you clearly see , how God is coming in vengeance to evil doers ; that 's at hand also , and comes next to be considered , but for his Church , King and people , them he will deliver , their Enemies he will convert or confound , Michael that great Prince and Deliverer of his people is risen and now standeth up , having his sword in his hand , himself being in the head of those he will desiver , therefore King and people fail not to lift up your heads , Redemption being come to both . THE Coming of GOD IN VENGEANCE To evill doers . Sect. II. AT that time when Michael the great Prince standeth up , which is the deliverer of Gods people , as the foregoing Section assures to that purpose he is now risen , And I have seen him : The next thing the world is to look for , is , what they may read in the same verse , of Daniel 12. Chapter , the words are these : and there shall be a time of trouble , such as never was since there began to be a nation : upon whom , and in what place , that day of trouble and vengeance will fall , that 's the Considerable Question ; to which I reply . At Bridges in Flanders December 1656. the day Gloomy and darkish , the people surprised with fear , stood gazing and looking up into the Heavens ; hastily they called to me , saying , Sir , come hither , and behold what we do , of wonder in the heavens ; being placed at more advantage to well observe , but still in that City Bridges , I then looked up , and plainly saw ( at good distance ) coming from the North or North-west , very many small bodies of horse , having on them the best appointed Riders . Those horse and Riders Came towards the South and South-East ; as they came nearer to me , they seemed to increase , so that very much of the Hemisphere was suddenly over-spread with them ; that part of the Heavens they moved in was all over of a perfect Fire colour , since I came into the world , I never beheld such horse and Riders , for Strength , Courage , and Resolution ; they came fiercely Trotting on , stamping also with their feet ; their Hoofes and Shooes , which I perfectly saw , lookt like Flint , or something Harder then the nether Mill-stone ; they were shod , for the Lord knows what service and Execution , I do not . Horse and Riders had unparalleld strength in every part , Their heads all Lift up , not a Man or Horse of them that had any defect , or apprehension of danger ; what speak I of danger ? there was nothing could stand before them , so sure as the Lord lives , they were an Host that shall not fail to effect whatsoever the Lord of Hosts shall Commission them for , That is , to Execute his vengeance on evil-doers . Whilst with astonishment I looked upon all this , I prayed , and praying , besought the Lord that he would be pleased to let me know what all that force signified , forthwith I heard a very strong voice , coming directly down from Heaven , before the Horse came up to me , which strong voice spake these words only , It is the coming of God , It is the coming of God . I neither saw more nor heard more , but I shall tell you what I Read more , and it is the word of God , which suites in all things very well with this vision of Gods , in the second Chapter of the Prophet Ioel you have these words : A day of Gloominess , Clouds , and thick darkness : A Great and strong people , There hath not been ever the like , the land is as the Garden of Eden before them , and behind them a desolate wilderness , nothing shall escape them ; The appearance of them is as the appearance of Horses , and as horsemen , so shall they run to be avenged on his Enemies : this is in Ioel the second , in the 11. verse of that Chapter you have these very words , and the Lord shall utter his voyce before his host : so in the head of the Host was it said unto me , it is the coming of God : the verse concludes with these words , The day of the Lord is Great , and very terrible , who can abide it ? For that word which came to Ieremiah the Prophet with command then to him , as now here to me ; That it be proclaimed to the people of his time then ripe , as now you , for vengeance and destruction ; decline to Read it him that dares , I dare not but observe it to you , Make ready the Horses , let the Horsemen get up . Come up you horses , and rage you Chariots , for this is the day of the Lord God of Hosts , and a day of vengeance , in which he will be eased of his adversaries . To others , there follow these words of Comfort , But fear not then my servant Iacob , neither be thou afraid O Israel , none shall make you afraid , as you have it at large , in the 46. Chapter of the Prophet Ieremiah : but what is all this to Evil doers ? Good things profit us not in their being , but in our enjoying them : That happy Condition is not yours of London , for the very next thing shewed me , and I am to proclaim it also , assures you of this so sinful City London , That Gods judgements begin at London , therefore look you to it , God is in earnest with you , and I must not flatter you ; Repent or Burn , you and your City London . I have a few words to the Church of Rome , which I dare not but observe to them before I quit this Section . Church of Rome , deceive not your selves , but warrantably believe , and patiently provide for , your sad share of sufferance in this coming of God to take vengeance on Evil-doers ; therefore Church of Rome Read , and well consider my Reasons , it highly concerns you , for with your Church all is at stake . First , these Horses , and Host of the Lords , which came from the North , and North-west , moved so hastily as if they would be with your Church presently , having their faces directly set against the South and South-East , and so from thence , not onely Rome , but the proudest part of that Church lies ( South and South East ) is not onely the Eagles nest , but that Brood also of Vultures , now to be deplumed , dashed in pieces , and made invisible . Secondly , not long before this was shewed me , I was also shewed the Altars of Rome , and the Priests of Rome , both of them in their Richest adorne and most suitable dress ; at which time their Priests boasted of themselves and Altars , Proudly saying to me ; see , is not this to the Glory of God ? In answer to which words , I presently heard a voyce which desended from above , and said , The Altars of Rome are not fitted for the worship of God . These words heard by her Priests also , the Priests Cryed out , this is Gostelo that hath Prophecied and Printed , Our Church shall fall ; Away with him , Away with him : The multitude derided me , and strove who should be formost to have me out ; the Priests in their Rich habits , followed and helped to drive me out , when forced out of their Churches ; for out went multitude , my self , Priests and all . I then lookt behind me , and saw the Priests still in their Rich habits ; but very strangely Metamorphosed , for all their heads were then as the heads of Wolves , Foxes , Dogs , and Swine ; which whilst I stood wondering at , immediately in the twinkling of an Eye all of them were struck down flat to the Ground , on which they helpless lay Grovelling and bleeding , wounded only on the heads ; at which wounds , and at the snout of their unclean heads , ( for they still retained them ) they there and then , on the Ground , Expired and Bled to death ; I saw not the hand that struck them down , nor a man of them that ever rose from the Earth again . My third Reason is , in the Prophecy I printed ; which Prophecy I give you for the word of God ( agreeable thereunto certainly it is ) there it is said in that Prophecy the Church of Rome shall fall ; and put me to death , if ever one word of that Prophecy go unfulfilled ; Flatter not your selves you of the Church of Rome : to some of your more sober ones , men in Orders also , to such I have already imparted much that hath been shewed me of that Churches sad fate : those sober ones have replyed to me , that truly they had reason to expect and fear , God was coming to punish them and their Church also , but that she should fall , that could not be admitted ; the Court of Rome possibly might fall , nay they believed , it should fall , but for the Church of Rome , they believed , it was built upon that Rock and foundation which could not fall ; would to God they were so . The Court of Rome acknowledged ( as well it may ) to be infected , now sick , and may fall ; certainly the body which already totters can not stand long : hear the words again you of the Church of Rome , Men in Orders and others , for clearly there is many of you , that I love well , and there is too many of you that merit not to be beloved , the very words of the infallible Prophecy agreeable to the word of God also , are these , The Church of Rome shall fall ; the words heard in the vision are these , The Altars of Rome are not fitted for the service of God ; you have read what her priests suffered , suddenly struck down to the Ground , wounded on the heads only , as Prophecied of Old , the seed of the woman shall Break thy head , when a deceitful Serpent , on no part else is the wound visible , what those heads were all unclean ; Wolves , Foxes , Dogs and Swine . Lastly how they bled at them untill they Expired . And now believe me you of the Church of Rome , if all the men on Earth keep your Church from falling , put me not only to death , but put me also into your Roman Calender in Great Red letters , and let my name stand there as a son of Belial and a lyar for ever , if that I have Prophecied of your Church come not to pass , and I fear suddenly also , I would you did the like : A few years will make it visible to all , that she is a Church may fall , shall fall , and never rise again : and this not raising against you , but as a friend I early tell you , and will for ever stand to ; I believe I shall shortly come amongst you , I intend so , and to this very purpose that you may turn from sin and do your first works , for what you do now is abominable and God abhors it , and you shall smoke for it . This digression made I return to my purposed method ; To London , and against you of London God is coming also ; but how think you ? the manner follows ; Repent or Burn , for he cometh , for he cometh to judge the Earth , and with righteousness to judge the world , and the people with his truth , Psal. the 96. 13. C. R. GODS FIRE Sent out on the eight of April shall Convert or Confound the enemies of God and our King CAROLUS REX . Sect. III. ARrived in Flanders , December 1656. I there finde the forces his Majesty was raising , full as glad that action was at hand , as those already sent by his enemies to keep him from the coast and Port-town : I parted last with Norfolk and Yarmouth . To be inriched by violence is that too many souldiers on both sides wait for ; such firebrands and delighters in war God there shews me in a Vision ; wherein they deride any man that doth but speak to them of peace , they having made themselves ready for war , would have war , being impatient and inraged , they began to scuffle , would not be parted : Whilst this was so , and no perswasions of mine could prevail with them for quiet , a woman suddenly appears , and steps in between them ; at which instant of time I heard these onely words , Waite until the eight of April . These words spoken , the Souldiers presently desisted , strove no more ; the saying I kept to my self , knew not what it might import . Christmas ended , I humbly took leave of his Majesty and most Heroick Brothers , with full resolution to go to the Court of France , to those four persons of Majesty and Royal birth , so highly concerned in this Prophecy of Gods ; but with this full resolution I parted , that I would be back again by the Eighth of April , firmly believing that Vision and those words ( Waite until the Eighth of April ) was shewed and spoken to me for his Majesties interest : To Flushing I came ; the wind serves not ; after long stay some shipping goes off , but by contrary windes are made to return , several times they did so , my self never went off with them ; God so over-ruled me , my Port-mantell , in which were my Papers , once did , at which I was wonderfully troubled , but suddenly I was quieted , believing in a day or little more , I should be repossessed of my papers again : the very next morning I met the Master of the vessell returned . After all these vicissitudes and changes March came on , and truly then I considered with my self , should I now go for France , I could not return by the Eighth of April , at which day I durst not be absent from my King ; back I went , I could have no quiet until I did so ; when come to Court , I most humbly besought his Majesty and Princely brother the Duke of York , that in private I might speak with them , and with them onely ; being in private I imparted to them much of Gods so miraculous proceeding with me at Flushing , as to the Kings interest : wonder upon wonder , you will read them in my last Section ; at last this came from me , the chief occasion of my return was to attend the Eighth of Aprill , which until then I concealed : of this his Majesty and Heroick Brother took full notice ; but what would fall out upon that Eighth of April , God onely knew , I did not , so I told them , wait I must untill then , I durst not depart till the Eighth of April was past . At Bridges in the morning of the Eighth of Aprill Stylo novo , about day , I clearly saw our soveraign Lord the King sitting in Counsel with some six more , the Duke of York one of the Counsel , and whilst they so sate in Counsel , there came down from above , into the midst of them , a very lively and wonderful bright Fire of Coles ; Clear it was as the best Charcole fire when all of a Glow ; No smoke about it , no ashes under it : this fire was no more in compass , then what might well be contained upon such a Censer or plate of the Altar , as His Majesty and Heroick Brothers offered their Alms upon the Sabbath day before , being Easter day , on which they all received the Most Blessed Communion of our Lords Body and Blood , by them received with that due Reverence , holy fear , and apparent contrition for sin , that upon my very conscience I may most warrantably say ' their prayers and Almes reached Heaven ; and to witness acceptance , their God sends down the very next Sabbath , That his fire in their behalf , to do what you shall presently read it commissioned for . This fire so fallen in the midst of them , first moved round , discernable to all , next it comes to a stand at the feet of our Soveraign Lord the King , pointing him out to us , to be the servant and for ever beloved of God Almighty : after it had stood some short time there , I heard these words Commissioning it to go forth ; Begin at London , and go throw all his dominions . Fear all that read it , and you that hear it , I say fear and Tremble , for they are the words of the Lord Almighty , and his also is this sent-out fire . So soon as the words were spoken , Begin at London & go thorow all his dominions , the fire immediately removed from between the Kings feet , to a distance some three yards from him , and there stood , but still kept in a right line before him ; there and then , that fire suddenly became dilated , and forthwith was big as the Sun in appearance ; when so dilated it had then ashes all under it , which ashes were of the thickness of a pocket-Bible , fire , ashes , and Bible are made up of the word and power of God , who so contems his word , his fire makes ashes of them ; contemn God and the King , and you perish together . Certainly on purpose is it thus shewed me with ashes under it , that I may let you all see and know its readiness to Execute Gods Command , first upon you of London , Begin at London , then his three Kingdoms and Christian world : Men and Brethren , either suffer your Corruptions and Rebellions of all sorts of which you are Horridly Guilty against God and his King Charles Stuart , ( your Sacrifices are Dirt , your hypocrisies are the Greatest , your Rebellions have no compare ) suffer all these things and whatever more to be burnt up and consumed in you by his sent-out fire of mercy ; which if you shall madly neglect to do , deceive not your selves , it shall suddenly do its other work commissioned , for to make ashes of you and all those mountains of opposition that men or Devils , have , can , or dare , raise up to obstruct the way and rule of Gods Vice-gerent , Charles Stuart , your only lawful King and Soveraign . God is irritated , and you have done it , look to your selves , when the Almighty kindles and sends forth a fire as here he doth , read I beseech you to what purpose he doth it ; The Prophet Amos assures evil doers , no less then six several times in his first Chapters , which are but very short , yet most admirable full to this very purpose , there he saith , That the Lord will send a fire , that the Lord will Commission a fire , That the Lord will kindle a fire . And to what purpose I beseech you is all this ? even as here , it shall devour , it shall burn up , it shall consume , if not sin , then sinful persons : Do you ask me what it shall do ? I answer , you and all for I fear no man ; do ? what shall it not do , when commissiond and sent out by God as this is ? what shall it do ? why , it shall burn up his enemies on every side , if they repent not ; Ps. the 97. 3 verse , There shall go a fire before him , and Burn up his Enemies round about : The Army of Horses went before , this fire comes next after , that nothing may escape . I dare not yet leave this Commissioned fire of the Lords , sent out upon this particular day the Eighth of Aprill ; what I have now to say in this so wonderful proceed of God Almighty , is to you Oliver Cromwell , Protector of these three Kingdoms ( pro Tempore ) Sir , well look about you ; and best bethink your self , and know Sir , That for more then three months it was my continual meditation , and amaze to think why it was dictated , Waite until the Eighth of Aprill ; why to that day , I could never give his Majesty and Heroick Brother any clear or certain reason for it , but having upon that day seen the vision , and then heard the words of Commission to the Almighties fire in our Kings behalf , I can now give His Majesty , his Brother , you and all such a certain and true reason for it , as will astonish the world ; there is in it Wonder upon Wonder , it looks like the Children of Israel being brought out of Egypt upon the very day , both the Lords own doings : O that I were with you , your Lordship should find , I would speak to you as sent of God , not flatteringly ; Examin your self , Sir , did not the Lord some two years since , Easter next it will be so , I again say , did he not then in mercy send to you Oliver Cromwell the wife of Thomas Chalener , a free-holder dwelling on the Edge of Sussex ? whose Commission was to this very purpose : First , to ask you whether or no the Vineyard you yet gathered the fruit of , was yours or Gods ; if it was yours , then to say so ; if Gods , then your duty forthwith to give the fruit of it to his Steward , Charles Stuart , for God had given it unto him by inheritance ; if you refused forthwith to submit , or doubted his right of inheritance , she tells you that God had vouchsafed for the decision of his right three wayes ; Chuse you either of them : God would appear for him , whose unquestionable right it was , for in the Court and justice of Heaven , the Father having paid the debt , the Son was to have the inheritance . Her first offer to you is , to cast Lots , and by lot you should see on whom the Lord would resolve it : to that you wisely considered , and said , what if the lot should go against me ? she truly told you it would : your answer was , that way of lot you would decline . Her second offer was , would you fight personally with Charls Stuart , and so decide it ? to that , as I have heard , you gave no answer ; indeed God forbid that any such damnable thought or word , should ever be found in your heart or mouth : An impiety of that ugly nature , I print to the whole world will never be found in you , as ill as men generally speak of you : who was most Culpable before , God knows , I do not . The persons of Kings are sacred , Appointed of God , and anointed by his Prophets , wise and honest men know it well , their persons are rarely to be exposed ; Crowns , not to be worne by any but whom the Lord sets apart ; with us it must be so , the law of God and our Land best directs in that particular ; and I firmely believe , That as you said nothing to that second offer of the Lords ( for they are all his offers , not hers ) so upon that very consideration , let the world say what they will , you have hitherto declined , and ever will do , to put on his Crown : they were fools that said , you were afraid of the Army when t was offered you ; no no , you were afraid of God , and your King ; do well and be so Ever : I commend your wisdom in that you put that Dirty assembly upon tryal what they would do with the Crown , whereby you might clearly see and discover the Enemies of God and the King , also the haters of Monarchy ; how could you a served your King better ? you have out-witted all those Arrant Good subjects . The Lord shewed me before their sitting , and told me when they were to sit , their sacrifices were Dirt , you had it before , those were the very Men , that was the Dirty Parliament ; his Crown , I say and print to the world , you will not touch it , nor meddle with it upon any ill account , indeed upon no account , except it be to settle it upon the right head . I have heard of a King who being at Sea , and his Crown on his head , by some unhappy accident his Crown fell into the Sea ; a most Excellent swimmer dives after it , recovers it , brings it above water ; which being too proud of , he staid there and put it on his own head ; at last the Crown came to the right hand and owner , the King Commands that the man should be Royally rewarded for his swimming so well , and recovering the Crown , but withall strictly charged he should be forthwith Hanged , for putting the Crown upon his own head . I speak not this to deter you , you know very well that the Crown was none of those upright just dealing mens to give , neither were you to take it , it is Gods only to give , and our lawful declared Kings Charls Stuarts only to receive ; God and our Laws , have both pointed him out , during life , and prohibited all others to be Capable of it . God save the King , Even Ours Charls Stuart , yea God will save him for Ever . Her third offer was , ( you having been so well advised as to refuse the two former ) Whether or no you would set apart persons on both sides , and let them persons so presented fight for the right of inheritance and future receit of the profits belonging thereunto ; if you would so fight , that you then declared when you would fight : ( here was a most merciful proceeding of the Lords . ) Davids three offers for choice were of another nature ; To this last also you decline to answer . I am Glad to see now the power is in your own hand , that you are not for imbroyling the Kingdoms in a new war : Upon that very consideration it may fare much better with you , then it hath with those that set you to work ; God assures us in his word ( in this Prophecy of mine also ) that he will scatter the men which delight in war ; and I praise his name for it , he hath done very much by your hand and wisdom , to avoid the shedding of any more Innocent Blood . She tells you , she is not to quit you , untill you do answer to this last offer , following and importuning you for it . In fine , after some short demurre , These very words , or words to this purpose come from you ; If fighting could not be avoided , and it must be so , then be it , upon Munday come twelvemoneth : other answer untill then she might not expect nor stay for , but be gone : To all which , as her self hath since told me , She then replyed , God certainly would fight or appear in the behalf of his and our King Charls Stuart , before that time , so sure as the Lord is in Heaven ; there was Prophecy in these , her last words , and she knew it not . My Lord , and all that read this , Now observe very well and see what God doth . The Munday come twelvemoneth you set for fighting or further answer , was with us of this Nation April the 6. 1657. and the very next day after Low-Sunday last ; Where God shews me this Vision , at Bridges in Flanders , Low-Sunday last fell out to be upon the Eight of April 1657. just one day before that Munday come twelvemoneth . Oh all that read ! see here , how miraculously doth this make good what she said and Prophesied , but knew not of , just as of old , to the children of Israel , whom the Lord wrought for , and by his mighty hand brought out of Egyptian Bondage , the very same day as promised , is not this our Eighth of April ? so likewise , God lets it alone untill the very last day before that set Munday . Then he doth it , the very next day before , none betwixt , and on that very day he doth it ; as I foretold his Majesty it should be done on the eighth of Aprill . Who sees not now clearly , we were all over-ruled of God , even you Oliver Cromwell also in your replyes ? For my unworthy self , in good earnest I profess unto you , I could never tell the King what he might expect on that day ; I deal clearly with you , I did in a very great measure expect , that some sudden judgement from Heaven would that day visibly have fallen in England upon incorrigible sinners ; but see , and for ever praised be Gods holy name , it is the clean contrary for the present . This fire from Heaven must first burn up our corruptions , and make many of us true servants of God and our King Charles Stuart , in whose behalf it is sent out . This is that I am to let you all know , and came hither for , I warrantably tell you , neither Men nor Devils shall be of power long to keep out Gods Anointed and our lawful King Charles Stuart : God will not longer be mocked , undeniably thus it is , none shall prosper that opposeth him or his King ; he that but puld down her Paper from the Chappel doore , his arm withers ; God indeed suffers him to live some 15. dayes after , but it is to carry about with him a withered Arm , that the judgements of God may appear the more publick , and sure to come upon evil doers , affording yet more time for him and us to repent , and amend for shame . In the Epistle you have read when Whaley of Northampton Belies , Traduceth , ( and I fear ) endevours much more , to suppress Gods so miraculous proceedings in that Town , on my behalf Prophecy and Book , he drops down and dies in his clothes immediately without any more a do . The Preface to the Reader tels you as much , he that fears man more then God , and to lose an estate on Earth more then Heaven , Certainly his impieties are of the worst nature and illest consequence : God would convert you , and you abuse his mercies , despise and persecute his sent Messengers ; Oh , mercy abused , leaves room for judgement , warning not taken is a certain presage of destruction ; if often we receive pardon , as you have done , to expect it longer is desperate . Look back a little and well consider , what this fire of mercy hath done amongst us , and the Kings Enemies , since sent out by God on his Majesties behalf , being but the Eighth of Aprill last ; did it not before or upon the fifteenth day of that very month of Aprill , defeat and bring to nought , that so bloody and damnable designe , of the Annabaptist fifth Monarchy men , and Levellers , all sworn Enemies to Monarchy , all mischievous brethren ? in that intended Rebellion did it not do its work also at London , as Commissioned , Begin at London , after go through all his dominions ? ( So that visibly you shall know it ) in stead of setting up their standard , and Arming of thousands , which they were provided of , and for , together with the spreading of their seditious Pamphlets for a new Rebellion , which the better to dispose others to joyn with them , they had well provided by specious pretences , and sharing of other mens estates , not willing that any should be poor amongst those only Saints , which as they said and printed , were undonbredly the just ones that should now rule the world , us of this part of it , at the least ; so that if Gods sent-out fire on the Eighth of Aprill had not prevented it , These Saints , Martin Webb●rs , or Iohn of Leydens , all of them ( call them what you will , are the most implacable haters of all Kings and Monarches in the whole world ) had suddenly or in a short time molded and Gathered an Army of thirty or forty thousand , whose business certainly was to have embroiled this kingdom in a new and most dangerous war ; the principles of those men , with the now poverty of the most men , would a made mad work , had not this fire of Gods burnt up , and prevented the confusions . As I am a Christian , God shewed me in a vision that whole Rebellion ; Their contrivances , their actings , and their ruine ; he shewed it me in Flanders , the wednesday before Easter 1657. On Goodfriday I told the King , after that I wrote it , and set my hand and seal unto it , that it was a true vision of Gods , Given by the Lord , for a signe that it should all so and so Come to pass by that day month , and this God did , to satisfie some that desired a signe of God , to the end belief might be created in the hearts of many that doubted . Nay I was so impowred of God , that after I had wrote it and sealed unto it , I laid it upon the Communion Table , and there received the Communion upon it , That this was Gods vision , and he would fulfill it that day month , when as I am alive , I knew nothing of it , but what the Lord shewed me of vision , from thence I wrote to the Protector here , that he should fear nothing , for God would disappoint the designes of wicked men who were working mischief , and that he would do it before the twentieth of April . Indeed I told the King the very day he would do it on , that wednesday moneth on which it was shewed me ; for so was it said unto me , after the vision ended , this day month this vision shall have its fulfill ; Eight dayes before that day month came , was it said unto me by vision also , what shall be done that day is not of man , but that God may be Glorified , God , my King , and His two Princely Brothers , are my witness , I told them of it long before ; and all this I now see is Gods working fire , which on my Kings behalf , shall Convert , defeat , or Consume his Enemies . This is that stone cut out without hands which shall now do that Great work of the Lords , Break in peeces the powers that are not of God , Prophecied of old by Daniel , but now fulfilling : and thus by the power of God , these mens Arms , Ammunition , standard , books , designe and persons , came all by that day month , ( nay your own books tell you in print , that very morning , they came all ) into and under the Protectors hand and power . Come I say he shall do the work of God and his King , he shall subdue the enemies of Monarchy , yea his Kings enemies he shall subdue , root out , and make them incapable to offend or hurt ; and this he shall do , because his heart doth or shall fear God and the King : And this I will ever stand to , this I have related unto you was the initiatory part and fulfill of that Great vision , but the latter , and completory part of it is and will be the wonder of the world ; bur I must yet conceal that part of it from the nonconcerned ; a few shall know it , and but a few . For a second work of this Fire sent forth in the behalf of our King , in May , the very next moneth after , six thousand men in arms are sent for France , a short time after them four thousand more , in all ten thousand men ; pray tell me , are not these men , being so great a number , Converted or Consumed ? how many of them now live the Kings Enemies ? Adde to these , no small number sent , others blown back again from the cost of Swedeland , to let us see God is not pleased with these warriours of ours , if Gods and the Kings Enemies . I have heard some of them say , they repent themselves of their former disservices against the King : many of them dead also ; to-say nothing of the miscarriage by sea , wherein perished Colonel Reynolds , with others , Captains and Officers . As for that blow at the Hermitage , and sudden burst by Gun-powder , was it not given you and me , as a warning-piece to look about us ? it fell out so soon as ever I came over to Print unto you , that God had sent out his Fire in behalf of our King , to Convert or Consume : in good earnest I looked upon that Blow , though a judgement , yet a mercy , a few men killed , many houses much defaced ; I viewed it well , and in sober judgement with neighbours and inhabitants there abouts ; we allowed fifteen hundred houses to be torn and damaged by it : All this is shewed me , and you , what your City should be , if you repent not , an heap of Rubbish and Chaos of Confusion . For that so general sickness , which went almost through the whole kingdom the last summer , taking away very many , Truly it was no other to my understanding , then the merciful shaking of Gods Rod over the whole land for amendment , for a Menace if they amended not ; and look to it that you do Amend , or assure your selves sudden Death , Plagus , Sword , Fire , Violence , what not , shall in a very short time burst in upon you , to devour , to burn up , to consume , and to lay waste . And this brings me to the now sad fate of this so sinful City London . Oh! London , London , Read and well consider it , its judgement with a witness , nay many witnesses agree in this thy sad fate : Thy Sacrificers , and Sacrifices are both Dirt , The first Generally , Canting dirty fellows , the lowest and worst of the people , ( neither Scholars nor Honest men ) the latter altogether the abominations and horrid practises of this most sinful world . Thy Dirty Parliament , Gods sent out Fire , did this very moneth scatter and bring to nothing ; are not all these a very great number of mercies and warnings for one year ? London , go on still in thy presumptuous wickednesses , Put the evil day far from thee , and Repent not , do so London , but if Fire make not ashes of thy City , and thy bones also , Conclude me a lyar for ever ; stand out London against God and thy King but a little longer , and then it will be high time for me to have done with that Rebellions City and People , whose sins of all sorts unrepented of , have made them cease to be a City or a People . But I know you deride me ; therefore read on . Oh London , London , sinful as Sodom & Gomorrah , the Decree is gone out Repent or Burn , as Sodom , as Gomorrah . Sect. IV. AT Bridges in Flanders , upon Whitson Munday last , the morning of that day bright and clear , I saw my self placed on the North-fide of this so sinful City London , the people of this City then appeared before me very fine , very numerous , Bargaining also , and full of jollity , every man putting the evill day far from him , deriding to the purpose my self or any that durst tell them they should see Change or alteration : when all this jollity , security , and trade was at the highest , on a sudden the day over-cast , and became dark , that occasioned us to look up into the Heavens ; looking up , I saw over the East part of this City London , in the Aire , many strange figures of furious Satyrs , as Executioners of Gods Wrath and Vengeance ; they had all shapes like Devils , not like men . At this Horrible sight , the people suddenly looked Pale and Trembled ; The day , that grew darker , and withall in an instant Soultry hot . Looking up again , the whole City then appeared to be surrounded with those furious Satyrs and Devils , so was it then surrounded by those Executioners of Gods Wrath and Vengeance , that there was no place left for escape , or to get out at . This sad and ugly appearance so possessed the People with fear and amazement , that they stood Trembling , and bereft of all understanding , even as those that expected sudden destruction : when this was so , and the darkness become greater , I looked again upon the City , and then I saw Lights shining in most parts of it , which Lights clearly discovered to me the Ruinous condition of the Cathedral Church dedicated to Saint Paul ; these lights were placed to so wonderful advantage , That they laid open to me , Close Corners , Ware-houses , Shops , dark places , places of Sacriledge , Theft , Murder , damnable uncleannesses , Hypocrisies as deep as Hell ; indeed I cannot express all I saw , but so much was shewed me , that my heart smote me , and put me thus to reason . O Lord , thought I , What art thou now searching this City London , as once thou didst Ierusalem with Candels ? must this so sad day be a day of Wrath , destruction , and desolation ? shall this place now be devoured and Consumed by the fire of thy jealousie ? While I thus sadly contemplated , there suddenly appeared , standing by me on my right hand , a very great number of Black and White Ensignes , which Ensignes had in every of them , Ten times as much Black as White . Here and there a Pearl or Diamond of White , as in the Flag : but a very few that shall finde deliverance , his Iewels shall , in that day of Vengeance . The place these Flags so appeared in , was the very place your Ensignes of Rebellion were held up in , against your King , Law , and good Conscience , when you usurped the Militia from his Majesties hand , The North-side of this City London , near the Winde-Mills , ( which fitly resembles your empty turning pates ) there were so many of these mourning Ensignes , that every Street , Alley , and close Corner of iniquity was provided for , whilst with admiration I looked upon them , first as being so vast a number , next as being all Black and White , and my Eye fastened on them , suddenly all of them were raised up from the Ground , to such a height were they raised , that they might go over the highest Wall or Bulwark , observe with me if the Devil be gotten as high as Heaven , seeming an Angel of Light also , yet there Gods hand reacheth him , and whirles him thence , I saw not any hand of Man raising those Ensignes , no mans hand touched any one of them ; being raised they moved all of them towards this City London , and just as they moved , I also was taken up from the ground , but my face was then turned towards the North ( from the City ) still I saw and beheld the Flags moving towards the City , and those Ensignes passing on by me they went the nearest way , at which time as they moved , I heard these words and no more , Now the King marcheth : When the words were spoken , Now the King marcheth , Immediately , I also by that power which took me up from the ground , was in that very instant of time carried away with my face from the City , I neither heard more , nor saw more , what so sadly and in an instant followed me , is most Tragical and full of Lamentation , as to this so sinful City London . There presently overtook me such a Stink , yea such a damnable stink , of Fire and Brimstone , that truly I thought it would have choked me , certainly the stink of Hell can not exceed it ; for my own part I was not suffered then to pity you , nor once to look behind me . What think you now , have not your sins exceeded those of Sodom ? I would to God your non-repentance , together with your certain punishment , might not answer theirs also ; But I have done with you . This seen and heard , I could not be quiet until I privately imparted all to his Majesty and both his Heroick Brothers , Indeed whilst I weeping imparted it to my pious King , I was forced to beseech him , not to mournimmoderately for them , to forgive them I told him it was his duty , and to pray for their souls , but certainly God would be glorified on them , whatsoever became of their Bodies or Estates , and that sinke of wickedness , Brothell City of all sin and Rebellion , now ripe for Iudgement . That done , I took leave of them , and hasted hither , whither I am come on purpose to let you of this so sinful City London , know these sad things , that if possible , you might Repent , Live , and finde Mercy . It is very true , I saw no hand of man in the whole vision , nor do I think other of those onely words heard , Now the King marcheth , but that the workings against this City London , as well as the words , will be the workings of the Almighty King of Kings , he it is , The Lord of Hosts , that will so powerfully fulfil in the behalf of our King Charles Stuart . Alas our good King is not rightly known to you , nor owned of you , but God owns him , and that you shall suddenly know and finde , he is misrepresented to you , and you are pleased with it , you are wilfully blind , and how should you know him ? you continue to injure him daily , beyond all compare , you traduce him still , as you did of old his glorified Father , too many of you would willingly rid the world of him , as you did of Charles the first ; and to what purpose is all this mischief and villany ? onely . That you might the better enjoy his inheritance , with those also which you have stollen from the Church and others ; In this City London all this villany , with the Lord knows what more , hath been committed by a Law and Laws of your own making . Yet good ▪ King for all this he mourns for you , he daily prayes for you , and on my Conscience he doth it from the very bottome of his heart , Praying for you in the Lords own words , That God would forgive him his Trespasses , as he forgives those that have trespassed against ( his Father and him ) he sees clearly judgement is hasting to you , and sorrows for it , you continue blinde , and will not so much as once see it moving towards you , by your non-repentance it appears so . Oh take your King for a better pattern . His Majesties charity , and sweetness of soul , in imitation of the highest example and best of patterns , his ever blessed Saviour , and lately Glorified Father , according to both their precepts , hath begot in him our King , such a well grounded confidence , in the unchangeable favour of God Almighty towards him , and to his just cause , notwithstanding , all those late inundations of Evil , and other improbabilities of his Restore , That in good earnest , when none present with his Majesty but my most unworthy self , He hath been pleased cheerfully to tell me , several times , even to me hath his Majesty said it , That he doubts not at all , but firmly believes , The Lord will Restore him to his ▪ Right of inheritance ; indeed he needs not doubt of his Restore , nor any thing else that 's best for him , God having given him a heart to refer all things , whether in matter of Restore , or Revenge , Time or manner , to his merciful Father and Omnipotent God , most wisely considering that to God onely it belongs to take Vengeance , to us not at all . As for you of this City and three Nations , Were your Repentance what it should be , God would assure you of forgiveness in Heaven and Earth also , but Hypocrites cannot trust him , they have , So Irritated So dissembled with ; your Sacrifices are Dirt , and your selves are not other . C. R. His restore is of God . UNQUESTIONABLY SO , The Lord hath Revealed and Assured it , from between the Cherubims , where he is known to dwell . Sect. V. SAint Peter writing to the men of his generation concerning the coming of God , forewarnes them of scoffers and deriders , letting them know they should meet with such in the last and worst days , Saying , Where is the promise of his coming ? surely such as those , we have amongst us now , who do not onely Deride what I have already said as concerning the now coming of God , to take Vengeance on Evil doers , but are as ready , if not more ready , to scoff and deride at the Restore of our King , Seeing things continue as they were , Laws and Militia in their possession still ; No God yet appears coming to avenge , no King as yet in any likely way of Restore , be it so , this startles me not , it may them ; Gods unexpected coming brings to such mockers and deriders unavoidable judgement . At Flushing February last , God shews me such miscreants as those , mockers , deriders , and persecutors , met and Congregated in a Church , come thither to hear if any thing would be said in defence of him they had seemingly killed , which man had printed the Restore of the King , to which they were declared Enemies , as well as to him they had long since murthered , this Rabble of Evil doers , being come into the Church , the Church suddenly became much darker then formerly , by and by , in the upper part of that Church , which we call the Chancel , there shines forth a most glorious light , the colour perfect Aurora , or fire colour like the Sun when he riseth most gloriously ; This light terrible to behold , shewes me all the upper parts of the Battlements , and Pillars in the Chancell , full beset with Cherubims , placed all of them just one against the other face to face , but such was the transcendent Beauty of their faces , heads , and wings , that my eyes never beheld the like : this light also shewed me those mockers and deriders of the Kings restore , standing afar off towards the lower end of the Church , my self with great admiration looking upon what then appeared , and my eyes fastened upon the Cherubims , suddenly there glides in a light wonderfully transcending the former ; indeed that last light was so very glorious , and withall so beautiful piercing also , that I have often thought and said , a man could hardly look upon such a Visio . twice & live : whilst this so miraculous light appeared , all the Cherubims , which still kept their places and postures of face to face , then softly moved , and Reverently bowed their so glorious heads , at the same time also they slowly shook and hovered their Seraphical and snow-white wings , heads and wings were fuller of beauty then I can express . Oh the order of their worship , whilst that unexpressible light continued there , t was Heaven , so sure as I live it was The Vision of God , Gods Vision it was , that is undeniable , the words I then heard were onely these ( it was of God : ) all which those mockers and deriders of the Kings restore no sooner saw but they turned about , and immediately hasted out : Here is a Conviction of mockers , haters , and deriders of our Kings Restore , ( astonished all of them ) God here appeared for his and our King , as once he did on Mount Sinai , at the Promulgation of the Law , when he would have the incredulous and Rebellious Israelites know t was his , and obey it also , Then ( on the Mount ) the appearance of the Lord was in the eyes of the children of Israel as Flaming Fire : I now cease to wonder any more , that your brother Rebells the Iews desired Moses onely to go up and near , for they could not approach the place , nor twice see without danger of Life ; for those Rebels as bold as they were at first , yet when it came to this Vision , God made you stand afar off , you were not onely ashamed , but then afraid , yea sore afraid also , your haste to be gone shews it , for not a man of you durst look behind him , or stay so long as I did ; it will shortly be all or many of your portions , hastily to run away , or hide your selves : be gone , be gone , all you mockers , and deriders of the Kings restore , for God hath set you packing , and rid me of you . Now come near and rejoyce ye blessed of the Lord , lovers of God and your King , and be for ever comforted ; first observe with me , Where doth God appear in behalf of your King ? he appears as he did of old in the Holy of Holies , now with us a Chancell : Next , why there ? there his Mercy-seat , our Communion-Table stands . Thirdly , in view of whom ? he that must declare it , and will ever stand to it , neither run away , nor hide himself , his most unworthy yet sent Messenger Walter Gostelo . What other witnesses ? all the Cherubims : Lastly , how know you this to be an appearance and Vision of Gods , and that he will fulfill it ? because it is shewed me between the Cherubims , and he hath spoken it that cannot lye , whose dwelling is between the Cherubims . From whence his Prophets formerly received , as here , the so lively Visions and Oracles of the Lord , in the behalf of his King , Church and People ; In Exodus the 25. verse the 22. it is there said , From between the Cherubims I will declare my self unto thee , yea , I will there tell thee all things which I give thee in command unto the children of Israel . In good earnest some Eight or Ten dayes after when I was at Middlebourough , and came to some better sight ( for my eyes were much impaired ) I there read those very words in Exodus , and if there be any truth in me , then considering again the Vision it self how it was shewed me , in what place , and before what witnesses , ( the Cherubims ) suddenly an over-joy took me , that I hardly knew where I was , or what to do . Therefore Reader expect not that I should say more of this and live . Men , Women , and Children , of the Christian World , if God restore not our King Charles Stuart , and make him not the greatest in the whole world , Then let my name for ever perish off the Earth . Now Men and Devils do your worst , Gods Vice-Roy , His Beloved Standard-bearer on earth , our King , Charles Stuart comes , he comes to reign , I see him coming , and God comes with him , of whom his restore and strength is : Make your forces Ten Millions , and take Twenty millions more into your assistance , God Converts , Scatters , or Confounds them all ; I have for this time done with you : God prosper it to you . Finished upon Good-Friday . 1658. CIty London , Therefore have I made all possible haste to publish this , That Repentance might come early into your hearts , and this Book at a very cheap rate into all your hands . To your Lord Mayor , Aldermen , Sheriffes , every of your Ministers , and Common-Councell men will I give one , to your Militia , to the Officers of the Army also will I give them , that you may return to your duty , Repent and Live . I must yet Print what God hath shewed me , referring to the Jews , who shall now know the Lord , receive mercy , and go into their own land . God save their and our King CAROLUS REX : The End . A86813 ---- The humble petition of the Lord Major, aldermen, and commons of the City of London in Common-councell assembled: to the Right Honorable the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled. Together with their answers to the said petition. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A86813 of text R202508 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E437_11). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 12 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A86813 Wing H3538 Thomason E437_11 ESTC R202508 99862762 99862762 114938 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A86813) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 114938) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 69:E437[11]) The humble petition of the Lord Major, aldermen, and commons of the City of London in Common-councell assembled: to the Right Honorable the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled. Together with their answers to the said petition. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. Everard, John. England and Wales. Parliament. 12 p. Printed by Richard Cotes, Printer to the Honorable City of London, [London] : 1648. Includes a statement by John Everard regarding a plot to disarm and plunder the city. The replies are dated 27 April 1648. Quire B is in two settings; B1r last word is (1) "suspected" or (2) "suspe-". Annotation on Thomason copy: "Aprill 27". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Conspiracies -- England -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A86813 R202508 (Thomason E437_11). civilwar no The humble petition of the Lord Major, aldermen, and commons of the City of London in Common-councell assembled:: to the Right Honorable th City of London 1648 1900 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-04 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-04 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE HUMBLE PETITION OF THE Lord Major , Aldermen , and Commons of the City of London in Common-councell assembled : TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE THE LORDS and COMMONS IN Parliament Assembled . Together with their ANSWERS to the said Petition . Printed by RICHARD COTES Printer to the Honorable City of LONDON , 1648. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE THE LORDS IN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED The humble Petition of the Lord Major , Aldermen , and Commons in Common-councell assembled . Humbly sheweth , THat they had lately presented unto them an information from one John Everard , a true Copie whereof is hereunto annexed , whereby he doth give intimation of some Speeches that passed from certain persons at Windsor , of an intention to disarm the City , and then to Plunder the same : And that divers reports to that effect have been brought unto us by Letters and otherwise from divers parts of this Kingdom , and from Forain parts : Which Reports , together with the present Drawing and Continuing of the Army so near the City ; and the encrease of the number of Souldiers in the Tower , hath been , now is , and will be occasion of great fears , and a great decay of Trade , and an enhauncing of the Prizes of Victuals within this City : The which fears are much encreased by the taking and keeping down of the Chaines within the same . And the Petitioners doe humbly conceive , That their danger is encreased , and their strength much abated by the disuniting of the command of the Forces of the City , and the Parts within the late Lines of Communication , and the weekly Bills of Mortality . For the removing of which Feares , and obtaining of those things which may conduce to the safety of the Parliament and of this City ; The Petitioners doe humbly pray , That consideration may bee taken of the information given by the said John Everard ; and that upon a further examination thereof , such course may be taken therein as your Honors shall think fit . That the Chaines within the City of London , which were lately pulled down , may forthwith bee repaired and set up again : And that the Army may be speedily removed to a further distance from the City . That by an Ordinance of Parliament , Major Generall Skippon ( who was long since chosen , and still by Act of Common-councell is continued Major Generall over the Forces of the City ) may be appointed to be Major Generall within the late Lines of Communication , and the weekly Bils of Mortality ; By which meanes he may the better be enabled to reunite the Forces within the City , and the said late Lines of Communication , and weekly Bills of Mortality , for the better defence of the City , and the Places adjacent : And likewise for the preservation of the Parliament , to whom the City do resolve to adhere according to their Solemn League and Covenant . And your Petitioners shall pray , &c. The Information of John Everard , Concerning some Speeches that passed from certain persons at Windsor , of an intention to Disarm the City of London , and then to Plunder the same . IOhn Everard maketh Oath , That he having some occasion of businesse at Windsor upon Thursday the 20 of April , 1648. as he did lye in Bed , did heare some Gentlemen discourse in the next Chamber , the number of whom he cannot tel , but by their discourse they could not be lesse then three or four ; And that he doth beleeve they were all Officers of the Army under the command of his Excellency the Lord Fairfax ; one of them was Quartermaster-generall Gravener as he supposeth ; another , one Colonell Ewer , or some such name : And after some merry discourse , they began to be serious , and propounded what they thought fit to bee done in reference to the present exigencies of the Kingdome , upon which subject they discoursed an houre or more : They made no doubt of the comming in of the Scots ; and with the same confidence beleeved that the City of London would joyne with the Scots ; For the preventing of which , they could find no way but to Disarm the City both Friend and Foe : And afterwards , they said , they would intimate that those who were the Friends of the Army , should come forth into the Fields , and there they should be armed : And that they should have the power of the City of London put into their hands , to keep the rest of the Citizens in awe : And that they should be maintained at the Charge of the City , so long as it should bee thought fit to continue them . And because that Money is the sinews of Warre , having which , they doubted not but to procure Men enow , if there were occasion to use them : And therefore for the present advancement of the same , if need were , ( this City being Disarmed ) they would make them advance a Million of Money , or else plunder them : And the Party that spake this , said , Hee had acquainted Commissary-generall Ireton with it . All which , or to the like effect , was spoken in this Deponents hearing . John Everard . Copia vera . 23. Aprilis , 1648. Jur. coram Jo. Warner Major . Die Jovis , 27. April . 1648. MAster Sheriffs , and Gentlemen of the Common-councell of the City of London ; The Lords have commanded me to return Thanks to the Lord Major , Aldermen , and Common-councell of the City of London , for the good affections that they have expressed in this their Petition , asserting the resolutions of the City to adhere to the Parliament according to their solemn League and Covenant . They likewise have commanded me to assure you , That it hath ever been a principall part of their care to prevent any danger or inconveniency that might threaten the disturbance of the quiet of the city of London , or tend to the decay of the Trade thereof , though to their great grief these late troubles have much hindred the successe of their endevors therein ; which care they are fully resolved still to continue to the utmost of their power . And they assure you , That it never entred into their thoughts to have the City of London to be disarmed : And they hope there can be no such intentions in any others who wish well to the safety of the Parliament . As to the report which hath been brought unto you by one Iohn Everard , they will put it into a further examination , that they may be satisfied of the truth or falshood of it : and except there be further proof of it , they hope such a report shall not render the Army to be suspected of any such design , considering the many former and late experiences that the Parliament and City have had of the fidelity and good services of the Army . As to the particular of setting up the Chaines within the City , they doe fully leave it to the Lord Major , Aldermen , and Common-councell , to doe therein as they shall think fit . To the last particular concerning Major Generall Skippon , he being a member of the House of Commons , the Lords can resolve nothing therein , without a joynt concurrence of that House ; but they will take it further into their consideration . Joh. Brown , Cler. Parliamentorum . Die Jovis , 27 Aprilis , 1648. THe House being informed that divers Aldermen and Citizens were at the doore , they were called in , and Alderman Bide one of-the Sheriffes of the City of London , after some short preamble , acquainted the House that he was commanded by the Lord Major , Aldermen and Commons in Common-councel assembled , the representative Body of the City of London , to present a Petition to the House : The Petitioners being withdrawn , the Petition was read , and an information annexed of one John Everard taken upon oath before the Lord Major , 23. of Aprill , 1648. The Petition was intituled , The Humble Petition of the Lord Major , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Councell assembled . Ordered upon the question by the Commons in Parliament assembled , That this House doth approve of the desires of the City , concerning Major Generall Skippon . Resolved , &c. That the desire of the Petitioners concerning the Chaines be granted , and that the Committee of the Militia do see it done . Sir Harbottle Grimston Major Generall Skippon Mr. Knightley Sir John Evelyn Mr. Bond Mr. Doddridge Sir Henry Mildmay Mr. John Corbet Colonell Harvey Sir Robert Harley Mr. Prideaux Mr. Miles Corbet Mr. John Ashe Colonell Ven Mr. Swynfon Mr. Boyse Alderm. Pennington Mr. Blakiston Mr. Vassall Sir Tho. Soame Alderm. Atkin Sir Greg. Norton Mr. Erle Mr. Reynalds Mr. Long . Sir Martin Lumley Mr. Grove Mr. Scuwen Mr. Dove Sir Rob. Pye . Mr. Bulkley Major Gen. Browne Commissary Ireton Colonel Purie Mr. Say . This Committee or any five of them are appointed to examine the information given in by Mr. John Everard , mentioned in this City Petition , The information given in by Mr. Walker a Member of this House , and that he doe name unto the Committee the Reporter of it to him ; and all other informations , Forrain or other , that concern the same businesse ; and have power to send for parties , Witnesses , Papers , Records , and they are to meete upon it to morrow at two pt. merid. in the Court of Wards , and the care of this businesse is more particularly referred to Alderman Pennington and Mr. Doddridge . Resolved , &c. That the thankes of this House be returned to the Citizens for their good affections exprest in their Petition . Mr. Speaker is appointed to acquaint the Citizens , That the drawing of part of the Army so neere the City was occasioned by Orders given out in the time of the late Tumult ; That the House will take that businesse into serious consideration , and doe that therein which may be for the good and safety of the Parliament and City so farre as thereby they may receive satisfaction . The Sheriffes , Aldermen and other Citizens were again called in , and Mr. Speaker by the command of the House , acquainted them with the Resolutions and Proceedings upon the Petition , and did give them the thanks of this House for their very good affections exprest in the Petition to the Parliament . H. Elsynge Cler. Parl. D. Com. FINIS . A86895 ---- To the right worshipful Iohn Fowke, alderman of the ward of Farrington within, to the deputy, Common-counsell, and to the rest of the inhabitants of the aforesaid ward. The humble petition of Joseph Hunscot citizen and stationer of London. Hunscot, Joseph. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A86895 of text R210732 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.11[107]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A86895 Wing H3729 Thomason 669.f.11[107] ESTC R210732 99869495 99869495 162759 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A86895) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162759) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f11[107]) To the right worshipful Iohn Fowke, alderman of the ward of Farrington within, to the deputy, Common-counsell, and to the rest of the inhabitants of the aforesaid ward. The humble petition of Joseph Hunscot citizen and stationer of London. Hunscot, Joseph. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1647] Imprint from Wing. Petitioning for the position of beadle in the ward of Farrington. Annotation on Thomason copy: "December 15. 1647". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Hunscot, Joseph -- Early works to 1800. Fowke, John, d. 1662 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A86895 R210732 (Thomason 669.f.11[107]). civilwar no To the right worshipful Iohn Fowke, alderman of the ward of Farrington within, to the deputy, Common-counsell, and to the rest of the inhabi Hunscot, Joseph. 1647 310 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL Iohn Fowke , Alderman of the Ward of FARRINGTON within , To the Deputy , Common-counsell , and to the rest of the Inhabitants of the aforesaid Ward . The humble Petition of Joseph Hunscot Citizen and Stationer of LONDON : Humbly sheweth , WHereas by the late death of Thomas Nichols , the Beadles place of the Ward aforesaid is become void , and your Petitioner having lived these forty yeers and upwards in the said Ward , and borne all Offices in his Parish where he lived , and hath from time to time manifested his good affection to the service of the Parliament , not only in paying of Taxes and Assesments imposed on him , but before did voluntarily carry in a horse , monies , and in person with his sonne and three servants actually served the Parliament , to the losse both of the benefit of his servants times , and also of his trade ; And since hath printed severall Books by the direction of the Parliament , which amounts to a good value , for all which he hath had no satisfaction . The premises considered , Your Petitioner humbly prayes your Worships and the rest of the said Ward , to grant him your favours and furtherance to be the Beadle for the Ward in the room of the said Mr. Nichols deceased ; in discharge whereof he promises all faithfulnesse and diligence both to your Worships and the Ward ; And as in duty bound , Your Petitioner shall ever pray , &c. And your Petitioner will undertake to discharge the Inhabitants of the said Ward from all other Taxes levied upon the said Ward , for and toward the Beadles Salery , and to maintain a sufficient Watch according to the ancient custome . A87344 ---- The impeached and imprisoned citizens, aldermen, and members, absolution from guilt or treason, by an ancient vote of the Commons House, when full, free, dis-ingaged, and out of ward-ship to the army. Die Lunæ 2 Martij. 1645. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A87344 of text R210726 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.11[105]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A87344 Wing I91 Thomason 669.f.11[105] ESTC R210726 99869489 99869489 162757 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A87344) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162757) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f11[105]) The impeached and imprisoned citizens, aldermen, and members, absolution from guilt or treason, by an ancient vote of the Commons House, when full, free, dis-ingaged, and out of ward-ship to the army. Die Lunæ 2 Martij. 1645. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1647] Annotation on Thomason copy: "Decemb: 11th 1647". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A87344 R210726 (Thomason 669.f.11[105]). civilwar no The impeached and imprisoned citizens, aldermen, and members, absolution from guilt or treason, by an ancient vote of the Commons House, whe England and Wales. Parliament. 1647 253 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Impeached and Imprisoned Citizens , Aldermen , and Members , Absolution from Guilt or Treason , by an Ancient Vote of the Commons House , when full , free , dis-ingaged , and out of Wardship to the Army . Die Lunae 2 Martij . 1645. Resolved &c. by the House of Commons , THat the Actions of the City of London , or of any other person whatsoever , for the defence of the Parliament , or the Priviledg thereof , or the preservation of the Members thereof , are according to their duty and to their late Protestation , and the Laws of the Kingdom ; And if any person shal arrest or trouble any of them for so doing , he is declared to be a publique enemy of the Common-wealth . Resolved &c. That this Vote shall be made known to the Common Counsell of the City of London . But the Actions of the now Impeached and Imprisoned Citizens , Aldermen and Members , for which they stand Accused and Committed are such ; Yea , warranted by Ordinances , Votes , and Orders of both Houses then sitting , Ergo ; Those Fugitives and Preingaged Members , and other persons who have accused , impeached , arrested and troubled them for so doing , are by this Vote , declared to be publique enemies to the State , and the greater Traytors of the two , as most honest dis-interessed men repute them . A87651 ---- The keepers of the liberties of England by authority of Parliament, to all parsons, ministers, lecturers, viccars, and curates as also to all justices of the peace, mayors, burgers, sheriffes, bayliffes, constables, overseers of the poor, and headboroughs. And to all other officers, ministers, and people whatsoever, as well within liberties as without, to whom these presents shall come, greeting. Dawe, fl. 1653. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A87651 of text R211694 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.17[50]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A87651 Wing K129 Thomason 669.f.17[50] ESTC R211694 99870400 99870400 163298 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A87651) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163298) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f17[50]) The keepers of the liberties of England by authority of Parliament, to all parsons, ministers, lecturers, viccars, and curates as also to all justices of the peace, mayors, burgers, sheriffes, bayliffes, constables, overseers of the poor, and headboroughs. And to all other officers, ministers, and people whatsoever, as well within liberties as without, to whom these presents shall come, greeting. Dawe, fl. 1653. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1653] Signed at end: Dawe. Imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Disaster relief -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A87651 R211694 (Thomason 669.f.17[50]). civilwar no The keepers of the liberties of England by authority of Parliament, to all parsons, ministers, lecturers, viccars, and curates; as also to a Dawe 1653 1328 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms incorporating the Commonwealth Flag (1649-1651) The Keepers of the Liberties of England by Authority of Parliament , To all Parsons , Ministers , Lecturers , Viccars , and Curates ; As also to all Justices of the Peace , Mayors , Burgers , Sheriffes , Bayliffes , Constables , Overseers of the Poor , and Headboroughs . And to all other Officers , Ministers , and People whatsoever , as well within Liberties as without , to whom these Presents shall come , Greeting . WHEREAS at the Gaol-Delivery for the City of London held in the Old-Baily on Wednesday the nineteenth day of February in the yeer of our Lord , One thousand six hundred and fifty , before the Right Honourable Thomas Andrews Lord Mayor of the said City of London , and the rest of the Bench then and there sitting . It appeared unto the said Court ( by a Certificate from the Deputy , Common-Councel men , Church-Wardens , and divers others Inhabitants of the Parish of Sepulchres without Newgate London , well known , and worthy of good credit ) That on Munday the two and twentieth day of July , in the said yeer of our Lord , One thousand six hundred and fifty , about seven of the Clocke in the Evening of that day , there happened a most fierce and lamentable Fire near Holborne-Conduit in the Parish aforesaid , which within foure houres , consumed , and burnt downe to the ground five and twenty dwelling Houses ; The Losse whereof , amounts to the Summe of Two Thousand and five Hundred pounds , as appeared upon a full and particular view and examination of many able and experienced Workmen . By the meanes of which sad Accident Threescore Families are utterly impoverished , and most of them in extream Necessity and Misery , and like to perish for want , unlesse God in mercy move the hearts of well-disposed people in compassion towards them ; Besides divers other Houses there adjacent , which were partly burnt and spoyled to a very great dammage and losse , and which are not herein valued , in regard the Owners thereof are able to beare the same : And the same things were likewise at the said Court testified by divers other persons of good worth and quality then , and there present . For the furtherance of which pious and charitable Worke : The Parliament having been acquainted with the particulars of the said sad and lamentable Accident , did thereupon the Fifteenth day of August last , Order , That the said distressed Inhabitants shall be Authorised by Letters Pattents , under the Great Seale of England to make a general Collection with the Cities and Counties hereafter mentioned . Know ye therefore , That Wee being willing that such reliefe might be afforded to them herein , as to others in like cases hath been heretofore granted , and not doubting , but that all good Christians within the said places ( having a fellow feeling of their miseries , will bee ready to extend their liberall Contributions towards the Reliefe , Helpe , and Comfort of their distressed Brethren in this their great Necessity ) Have , Given and Granted ; And by these Letters Pattents , doe Give and Grant unto the said distressed Inhabitants , and to their Deputy and Deputies , the Bearer and Bearers hereof , full Power , Licence , and Authority to ask , gather , receive and take the Alms and charitable Benevolence of all good and wel-disposed people Inhabiting within the Cities of London and Westminster , with the Suburbs and Liberties thereof : And in the Counties of Middlex , Surrey , and Kent , the Burrough of Southwark , the City of Canterbury , and County of the same City , the City of Rochester , with the Cinque-Ports , and all other the Cities , Towns Corporate , Priviledged places , Parishes , Villages , and all other places whatsoever , within the said Cities , and Counties , and not elsewhere , towards the recovery of their said losses ; And for the Reliefe , Support , and Maintenance of the said distressed Families . Wherefore , We Will and Command you , and every of you , That at such time , and times as the said Inhabitants , or their said Deputy , or Deputies , the Bearer , or Bearers hereof ; shall come and repaire to any of your Churches , Chappels , or any other places , to ask , and receive the gratuities , and charitable Benevolence of good , and well-disposed people , quietly to permit , and suffer them so to doe , without any manner your Lets , or Contradictions . And you the said Parsons , Ministers , Lecturers , Vicars , and Curats , for the better stirring up of charitable Devotions , deliberately to publish and declare the Tenor of these Letters Pattents , or the Copy , or Briefe hereof unto the people upon some Sabbath day after the same shall bee tendred or delivered unto you , exhorting , and perswading them to extend their liberal Contributions in so good and charitable a deed . And you the Overseers of the poore of every Parish where such Collection is to be made as aforesaid , to collect , and gather the Almes and charitable Benevolence as well of strangers as Fellow-Parishoners . And what shall be by you so gathered , to be by the Ministers , and your selves endorsed on the backside of these Letters Pattents , or the Copy or brief hereof in words at length , and not in figures . And the Summe and Summes of Money so gathered , and endorsed , to deliver to the Bearer or Bearers of these Letters Pattents , and to no other person or persons , whensoever you shall be by them thereunto required . And in case it so fall out that any Parish being destitute of a Minister shall be without publicke Assemblies . Then the Overseers of the poor of the said Parish are hereby required to go from house to house to gather and receive the charity of the Inhabitants . And lastly , Our Will and Pleasure is , for the more assurance of faithfull , and equall dealing in the Receit , Account , and Distribution of the Moneys hereby to be collected , by vertue of these Presents . That no man shall receive any of the Moneys so collected , but such as shall be appointed thereunto by Deputation under the hands and seales of Humphrey Primate , Thomas Poultney , Josias Ward , and Thomas Bradbury , Citizens , or any two of them , and that the moneys collected and raised by vertue thereof , shal be distributed amongst such only of those damnified by the said Fire , as are in this case fit to be relieved by publick charity . And by such proportions to each of them as shall be thought fit , and set down in writing under the hands of the said persons last above named , or any two of them as aforesaid , at such times and places as shall be by them , or any two of them from time to time appointed for that purpose ; Any Statute , Law , Ordinance , or Provision heretofore made to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding . In witnesse whereof , We have caused these our Letters to be made Pattents for the space of Six Months next after the date hereof to endure , and no longer . Witnesse Our Selves at Westminster the Seventh day of September , In the Yeer of our Lord , One thousand six hundred fifty and three . DAWE . A87885 ---- The engagement and remonstrance of the City of London, subscribed by 23500 hands. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A87885 of text R211365 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.22[18]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A87885 Wing L1246B Thomason 669.f.22[18] ESTC R211365 99870095 99870095 163601 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A87885) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163601) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f22[18]) The engagement and remonstrance of the City of London, subscribed by 23500 hands. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704, attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1659] Sometimes attributed to Sir Roger L'Estrange. Demanding the dispersal, within twelve hours, of "all such troups and companies as do not properly belong to the guard of this city," and the release from prison of certain citizens. Imprint from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "xber [i.e. December]. 1659.". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Army -- Early works to 1800. Military occupation -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A87885 R211365 (Thomason 669.f.22[18]). civilwar no The engagement and remonstrance of the City of London, subscribed by 23500 hands. [L'Estrange, Roger, Sir] 1659 835 2 0 0 0 0 0 24 C The rate of 24 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Engagement and Remonstrance of the City OF LONDON ▪ Subscribed by 23500 hands ▪ ALthough , as Citizens , wee are reduced to a necessity of Violence ; and as Christians , obliged to the Exercize of it ; Vnless we will rather prostitute our Lives and Liberties , Fortunes and Reputations ; Nay , our very Souls , and Altars , to the Lusts of a Barbarous , and Sacrilegious Enemy : Wee have yet so great a tendernesse for Christian bloud , as to leave unattempted no means , of probability to save it . This is it which hath prevayl'd with us to Declare , First , to the World , what wee Propose , and Resolve , ere we proceed to further Extremities : and to Satisfie the Publique , as well in the Reasons of our Vndertakings , as to Justifie our Selves , in the Menage and Event of them . We find , in the Midst of us , the House of Prayer converted into a Den of Theeves : Our Counsels Affronted by Armed Troups , our Fellow Citizens knock'd on the head , like Doggs , at their own doors , for not so much as barking ; Nay , t is become Death , now , to desire to Live ; and Adjudg'd Treason , but to Claim the benefit of the Law against it . Witnesse those Infamous Murders committed , but Monday last , upon our unarmed Friends : and the glorious Insolencies of that Rabble , towards such of the rest , as they seized , and carried away . But this is nothing : to make us a Compleat Sacrifice , we are to be Burnt too : a thing , not only Threatned , in the Passion of the Tumult , but Soberly intended ; for they have layd in their Materials for the work already : a Prodigious Quantity of Fire-Balls in Pauls , and Gresham Colledge . Briefly , We are design'd for Fire , and Sword , and Pillage : and it concerns us now , to look a little better to our gratious Guards . Not to insist upon the losse of Trade ; how many Thousand Families have nothing now to do , but Begg , and Curse these wretches ? the Honour and the Safety of the City lies at stake : and God so blesse us as wee 'll fall together . We will not live to see our Wives , and Daughters ravish'd : our Houses Rifled , and our Children Beggars , that shall only live to Reproach their cowardly Fathers : and all this done too by a People , which we can as easily destroy , as mention : by a Party , so barbarous , and so Inconsiderable together , that , certainly , no creature can be mean enough , either to suffer the one , or fear the other . In this Exigency of Affairs , we have found it both our Duty and our Interests to Associate ; and we desire a Blessing front Heaven upon us , no otherwise than as we do vigorously and faithfully pursue what we here Remonstrate . First , We do engage our Selves , in the presence of Almighty God , with our lives and fortunes , to defend the Rights and Liberties of the City of LONDON ; and if any person that subscribes to this Engagement , shall be molested for so doing ; We will unanimously , and without delay , appear as one Man to his Rescue . Next , we demand , that all such Troups , and Companies , as do not properly belong to the Guard of the City , nor receive Orders from the lawfull Magistrates thereof ; that such Forces withdraw themselves from the Liberties , within 12. hours after the Publication of This : upon pain of being deemed Conspiratours , and of being Proceeded against accordingly , ( for to this extent , both of Iudgement , and Execution , is every Individual qualified in his own defence . ) We are next to demand the Inlargement of our Fellow Citizens , which were taken away by Force , and in a tumultuons manner , contrary to the known Lawes of the Place and Nation . This being performed , we shall acquiesce , in the Enjoyment of those Liberties , which we will not lose , but with our Lives . In fine , to remove all Impediments of the peace we desire : We do undertake , both as Men of Credit , and Iustice ; that such of the Soldiers as will betake themselves to honester Imployments , shall receive their Arreares from the City , and such a further care of their future well-being , as is suitable to the Necessities of the one part , and the Charity of the other . A87888 ---- The final protest, and sense of the citie This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A87888 of text R211388 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.22[26]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A87888 Wing L1247B Thomason 669.f.22[26] ESTC R211388 99870117 99870117 163609 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A87888) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163609) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f22[26]) The final protest, and sense of the citie L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704, attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1659] Sometimes attributed to Sir Roger L'Estrange. Imprint from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "xber [i.e. December]: 19. 1659". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Committee of Safety -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A87888 R211388 (Thomason 669.f.22[26]). civilwar no The final protest, and sense of the citie. [L'Estrange, Roger, Sir] 1659 1138 2 0 0 0 0 0 18 C The rate of 18 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Final Protest , and Sense of the CITIE . HAving diligently perused two Printed Papers , bearing date the 14th . of this instant December : The one , in form of a Proclamation concerning the summoning of a Parliament : The other , as an Order of the Common Council , commanding the City to acquiesce in expectation of that Parliament : We find therein contained , matters , so contrary to the Honour of the Nation , and to the Freedom of the City , that we stand obliged , both as Englishmen , and as Citizens , to protest , against the Impositions of the Former , as illegal , and the Concessions of the Latter , as a direct Combination against us . These two Papers are Seconded by a Third : ( for the Two are One , both in effect , and Design , ) and that is , a Proclamation of Banishment , directing to the late Kings Party , under the notion of the Common Enemy : so that there 's no love lost betwixt the Committee of Safety , and the Common Council , when the General provides for the Peace of the City ; and the Mayor , for the Safety of the Army ; not to argue Acts of Oblivion ; and the violation of Publique Faith in the Case : that they Conditioned for their Lives and Liberties ▪ and Compounded for their Fortunes . This is not our Concern , what they do suffer ; but what we may , if we Trust those , that Keep no Faith with them : And that we 'll take a care of : When They are Gone , Then we are the Common Enemy ; So are the Laws of God , and of the Nation , and such is every Man that Loves them . What this Malignant Party is , these People talk of , we neither Know , nor Meddle ; the Gentry 't is we Live by , and by the Laws of Gratitude , and Hospitality , we are Bound to Protect them , and as well resolved to do it , within our Walls , against any other Power , than that of the Known Law . The short of the Design is this , a Danger is pretended to the City , from the late Kings party , and to prevent the mischief , the Kind Committee Banishes the Gentlemen ; with Order to the Mayor of Wallingford , ( late of London ) &c. — to make strict Searches for Delinquents . Now in pursuance of this Pretious Order , our Houses must be Forced , and we Disarmed , and Then , our Throats cut , to preserve the City . Let those that would be Chronicled for Slaves , & Fools , Submit to suffer this ; and after that Infamous Hour , may a Yellow Coat , and a Wooden Dagger be the Badge , and Distinction of a Citizen . To conclude , We our selves are that City , so much the Care and Cry of the Proclamation ; and This is our Unanimous sence , and Resolve . The Army proposes to Pillage , and Murther us , the Mayor , and his worthy Advisers , Ireton ▪ &c. — are to hold our hands , whiles they give the Blow ; So , that we are now to provide both against Force and Treason ; having One Enemy within our Walls , and Another in our Councils . But withall , we have our Swords in our Hands , and our Brains in our Heads ; so that only to Strike the One , and to Dis-believe the Other , is to Subdue , and Disappoint them Both . We do therefore declare to the World , that We will by Violence oppose all Violence whatsoever , which is not warranted by the Letter of the established Law : and that in pursuance of this Duty , both toward the Nation , and City , an Insolent Souldier , and an Apostatized Magistrate shall be to us as the same thing . — Not to word it much further , as we will not be Bafled , by Affronts , so neither will we be Fooled by Flatteries . — After the Loss of Trade , and Liberty , a vast expence of Blood , and Treasure ; After many Injuryes received , more Threatned , and none Returned ; We made a sober , and Regular Application , to the Authority of the City , for Redresse . This They Promised , and Wee Expected , til at last , instead of a Reparation for Past Wrongs , or a Security against worse to come ; We are paid with an Expectation of a Parliament in January . This is a Logique We understand not . It is in English , Lye still , till you have your Throats cut . It would be well to commit the disposition of our Fortunes , to those people , that are at this Instant designing an Execution upon our Persons ; and to requite those Worthies , that have already Robb'd us of all we have Lost , with the Offer of that little Rest they have Left . But this will not do our Businesse ; we will not have our Murtherers , for our Judges : nor will we wait . That Parliament they Babble of so much , will not soon Vote up the City again out of Ashes , nor all the Saints in that holy Assembly , be able to bring the poor Cobler into the World again , that was Kill'd by order of his Brother Hewson . No , the Cheat is too stale , and we are Determined to Redeem our selves ; but with this Caution ; we do solemnly professe , that we will exercise all the Tendernesse which possibly the Case will bear . The Common Soldier is engaged rather out of a Heedelesse , than Malitious Interest : We do therefore Protest , that such of those as shall not evidence their Malice , by their Obstinacy , shall receive a Faire Consideration ; But , for such as Lead them , we do Resolve , not to allow Quarter to any one of them , that draws his Sword in the Quarrel : and in Order to the Quicker , and Gentler Dispatch of the Businesse : We conclude with a Text . Fight neither with Small nor Great , but with the King of Israel . And so God give a Blessing to the Endeavours of all Honest Men . A87901 ---- The resolve of the Citie This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A87901 of text R211401 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.22[32]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A87901 Wing L1299 Thomason 669.f.22[32] ESTC R211401 99870130 99870130 163615 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A87901) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163615) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f22[32]) The resolve of the Citie L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704, attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1659] Sometimes attributed to Sir Roger L'Estrange. Protesting against the terms of "The agrement [sic] of the General Council of Officers of the Armies of England, Scotland, and Ireland". Imprint from Wing. Dated at end: December 23. Annotation on Thomason copy: "xber [i.e., December]. 27. 1659". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Army. -- Council -- The agreement of the General Council of Officers of the Armies of England, Scotland, and Ireland -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A87901 R211401 (Thomason 669.f.22[32]). civilwar no The resolve of the Citie. [L'Estrange, Roger, Sir] 1659 1056 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The RESOLVE of the CITIE . OVr Respects to Peace , and Order , are too notorious to be questioned , since by the meer Impressions of Charity and Obedience , we have thus long suspended the Justice we owe to our Selves , together with that Vengeance , which the Blood of our Murthered Companions requires at our hands . Nor hath the Power of these Principles of Publique tendernesse been lesse Eminent , upon our Judgements , than upon our Passions ; For , We have as well Believed , in Contradiction to Evidence of Experiment , as we have Suffered , in Opposition to the very Elements , and Dictates of Humanity . Witnesse that Execrable Munday ( sacred to the Eternal Infamy of this City ) even Then ; When we had that Enemy at our Mercy , toward whom , by the Rights of Nature , and of Generosity , we were not bound to exercise any ; even then , I say , in the very Heat , and Course of an Honest , and Powerfull Indignation , we returned Quietly , to our Houses , upon the first Notice , that the Authority of the City would have it so . But it is likewise true , that this Assurance , was added to the Message , viz. That the Common Council , was Sensible of our Grievances , and would duly Consider them . Since this , we find nothing done in Pursuance of that Promise ; but on the Contrary , Iniuries are Multiplyed upon us ; and those of that Day , serve but as Arguments of Encouragement to Greater . Some of us Killed , Others Wounded , and lead in Triumph Naked through the Strets : Two or Three Hundred Thousand Persons Looking on , to Celebrate the Conquest , and the Shame . A Citizens Skull , is but a thing to try the Temper of a Souldiers Sword upon ; Give us but every man a Red-Coat for a Cash Keeper , and the work 's done . They 're come within a Trifle on 't already ; and all this while , an Order to be Quiet , is all our Patient Masters would afford us . Give us an Order that may make us Safe ( although we need not Ask , what we can give our selves ) Perswade these people to be Gone , or Bid us Drive them out ; What Law made Pauls , and Gresham Colledge , Garrisons ? If nothing else will do , wee 'l do 't our selves : We have Engaged , and Sworn the Vindication of the City , and nothing can Absolve us from the Oath we have taken This must be done betimes too , 't will come too late else , to prevent , either the Necessity of a Tumult , or the greater Mischief , of a Supine , and Credulous security . A Parliament in January , will do us no more good , than a Cordial will do him that was Hanged last Sessions . Our Sense at Large , we delivered to the world , in a Paper , Entinuled , The Final Protest , and Sense of the CITY : Which is Publique enough , notwithstanding the great Design used to suppresse it , and the Insolences of diverse Persons , disaffected to the good of the City , toward those that sold them . To that we adhere , That Protest of Ours , produced Another from the Common Council , of the 20th . Current , to which something ought to be said , ( by the way , let the Reader take Notice of an Error in the Printing , and , for — Not Soon Vote up the City , & e. Read , Soon Vote up , &c. — ) The sum of that Order is , but in effect , the Iustification of the Lord Mayor , in the matter of Prudence and Integrity : we do not Deny , but finding our selves abandoned to all sorts of Outrages , by the Cold Proceedings of the Court , in our behalf , We were transported to some bitter Reflections : Involving the present Mayor , with his more Criminal Predecessor , Ireton , in the Imputation . We shall not more Gladly find it a Mistake , than Readily Confess it one , when we reap the Effects of that Care for the Good of the City ; but so long as we are tyed up from all Lawful Defence , and the Publique Enemy at liberty to Practise all Unlawful Violences upon us , We desire to be Pardoned , if we suspend in the Case . The Cloze indeed is very Noble , and worthy of the Court , where they Declare ; For the Fundamental Lawes , and the Protestant Religion , &c. — and in fine , to endeavour the Convening of a Free Parliament , in order thereunto . But in Contradiction to this Resolve , the Committee of Officers have yesterday published a Paper , Entituled , The Agreement , &c. — — fairly telling us , That we are to be Governed by People of their Chusing , & by a Model of their framing , without any regard had to the Practice , and Reason of the Antient Laws , or to the Interest , and Liberty of every Freeborn Englishman . This Vsurpation is to be considered in its due Place ; at present it concerns us , to hinder them from making the Slavery of the City , their first Step towards the Subjection of the Nation . The seasonable Care of This , we do Humbly , and Earnestly recommend to the Court of Common Council ; Our Hopes are , that we are now fallen into Better hands , and if our Magistrates will but Command us , they have an Hundred Thousand Lives in Readiness to Engage for them . If wee should be so unhappy , as to be still delayed ; wee doe however wash our hands of the Consequences : And so God Direct and Deliver Us . December 23. A88025 ---- A letter sent to the Right Honourable, the Lord Mayor of the City of London, by Lieutenant Colonel Kiffin, Captain Gosfright, Captain Hewling, and Lieutenant Lomes, touching the seizing of their persons, and searching their houses for arms; and also shewing the forgery and falsehood of a scandalous pamphlet, intituled A manifesto and declaration of the Anabaptists, and other congregational churches, &c. published Febr. 28. 1659. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88025 of text R211646 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.23[72]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88025 Wing L1623 Thomason 669.f.23[72] ESTC R211646 99870356 99870356 163729 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88025) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163729) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f23[72]) A letter sent to the Right Honourable, the Lord Mayor of the City of London, by Lieutenant Colonel Kiffin, Captain Gosfright, Captain Hewling, and Lieutenant Lomes, touching the seizing of their persons, and searching their houses for arms; and also shewing the forgery and falsehood of a scandalous pamphlet, intituled A manifesto and declaration of the Anabaptists, and other congregational churches, &c. published Febr. 28. 1659. Kiffin, William, 1616-1701. City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Henry Hills dwelling in Aldersgate-street, next door to the signe of the Peacock, London : 1659. [i.e. 1660] Signed: William Kiffen [and 3 others]. Dated at end: in London the 28 February 1659. Annotation on Thomason copy: "March. 2. 1659". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Serious manifesto and declaration of the Anabaptist -- Early works to 1800. Searches and seizures -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88025 R211646 (Thomason 669.f.23[72]). civilwar no A letter sent to the Right Honourable, the Lord Mayor of the City of London, by Lieutenant Colonel Kiffin, Captain Gosfright, Captain Hewlin Kiffin, William 1659 1252 2 0 0 0 0 0 16 C The rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-01 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-01 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Letter sent to the Right Honourable , the Lord Mayor of the City of London , by Lieutenant Colonel Kiffen , Captain Gosfright , Captain Hewling , and Lieutenant Lomes , touching the seizing of their Persons , and searching their houses for Arms ; and also shewing the forgery and falsehood of a scandalous Pamphlet , Intituled A Manifesto and Declaration of the Anabaptists , and other Congregational Churches , &c. published Febr. 28. 1659. May it please your Lordship , THe very much unexpected , undeserved , and Illegal usage which we lately found from the hands of some Officers and Souldiers , ( they declaring for just liberty ) hath enforced us to make this application to your Lordship , as the Patron of this City , from whom we hope we may justly expect common freedom and safety with other the Citizens thereof : In order whereunto we crave leave to acquaint your Lordship , That the other night about midnight , several parties of soldiers came to our dwellings , who ( without any VVarrant from the Parliament , Council of State , your Lordship , the Magistrate of this City , or any other civil Authority , ( A president not to be paralleld that we know of in the City , in all our late sad intestine wars ) demanded admission ; And to the great affrightment and astonishment of our wives , children , with other relations , apprehended our Prrsons , being quiet in our habitations , and some of us sick in our beds , searched our houses , carried , and detained our persons as Prisoners at the Guard at Pauls , till that day noon , and then no otherwise suffered us to be removed from thence , but as being still under confinement , and to return at their pleasure , giving us to no account of the reason of this action , but said they had Order from General Monck , which they refused to let us read : we desired to know our accusers or accusations , but could not understand the least crime laid to our charge . Being thus used as evil doers , exposed to scorn and reproach , hindred in our Callings , and prejudiced in our Credits , We cannot be so injurious to our selves ( with other Citizens ) as to suffer this wrong , without endeavouring our just vindication and reparation . We are not willing to conclude that this hath befallen us in reference to our judgement and practise , in matters of Religion , which we are not ashamed to own , as being agreeable to the mind of God revealed in the holy Scriptures ; as also within the liberty that the General himself hath held forth to be enjoyed by us , equally with other persons , truly fearing God , Why then should we thus suffer , having to our utmost in all our capacities , endeavoured the common peace and welfare of this City and Nation , and nothing to the contrary ? Surely my Lord , as the President it self is of most dangerous consequence to the Inhabitants of this place , so will it sound very harsh in the ears of other people in the Nation , who may reckon themselves exposed to the like usage , if this and such like actions pass without due observation ; and therefore for their sakes ( as our own ) we cannot be altogether silent ; Besides that even now when most men are seeking for settlement , such undertakings , how greatly they tend to dissettle mens minds , and fill the Land with disturbances and distractions , we leave to your Lordship to judge . My Lord , We sue to your Lordship for nothing , but that right may be done us ; If we have done any thing contrary to the Laws of the Nation , or the City , we refuse not , but seek a legal tryal ; But if otherwise ( as indeed we are not conscious to our selves , that we have ( in the least ) offended against this City or our Rulers ) We do claim our right , and humbly conceive your Lordship engaged to endeavour that we may be set at liberty from our confinement ; But if your Lordship shall think it fit and requisite , that application be in this case made to the Parliament or Council of State , we then humbly pray , That we , being Members of this City , your Lordship will please to move for present redress in this our grievance , and future protection and security ( with others our neighbours ) in out habitations . My Lord , the day following they seached our houses for Arms , there being reports of great numbers found there , which were no more in all our houses but as followeth , viz. Lieuetenant Colonel Kiffen , 2 Drums , 1 Pattisan , 5 old Pikes , and 6 Swords . Major Mallery , 3 Pistols , 2 Swords , and his sons Fouling piece . Captain Gosfright , 3 Drums , 1 Leading staff , 1 Sword , and 3 Birding pieces belonging to a Dutch Merchant , and another friend . Captain Hewling , 7 Pikes , 12 Muskets , and 17 Swords , whose arms being gathered in by the States Order , to be returned into the Tower . The said Captain Hewling gave notice before to the Clerk of the Delivery , to cause them to be fetcht in accordingly , who hitherto had omitted it . Lieutenant Lomes , 3 Muskets , 3 Pikes , and 1 Sword . And whilst we were writing this Letter to your Lordship , there was brought to our view a printed Libellous paper , this day published , stiled A Serious Manifesto and Declaration of the Anabaptists , and other Congregational Churches , touching the present transactions of the affairs of this Commonwealth , both in Church and State . Touching which , although we doubt not but all sober minded people will perceive it to be ( as it is ) forged , false and scandalous , and done by prophane and luxuriant Incendiaries , who makes lies their refuge , and under falsehood hide themselves , designing to foment distractions and confusions in this City and Nation , yet we think fit , without further , troubling our selves therewith , to certifie your Lordship our disowning and detesting thereof , with our confidence and assurance of the like disowning by all those upon whom its unworthily patronised , humbly desiring , that such Printers and Publishers being searcht out , may be made exemplary , or at least , that such abusive and scandalous papers , may be speedily and effectually suppressed according to Law , there being neither Names of Author , Printer , or Stationer annexed thereunto . We are , my Lord , Dated in London the 28 February 1659. Your Lordships humble Servants , To the Right Honorable , Thomas Alleyn , Lord Mayor of the City of London . William Kiffen . George Gosfright . Benjamin Hewling . Thomas Lomes . London , Printed by Henry Hills dwelling in Aldersgate-street , next door to the Signe of the Peacock ▪ 16●●… A88351 ---- A list of the names of the severall colonells, and their colours with the leiutenant [sic] colonells, serieant maiors, and capt. and lieutenants appointed by the committee, for the ordering of the militia of this honourable city of London. City of London (England). Committee for the Militia This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88351 of text R211828 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.6[8]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88351 Wing L2477 Thomason 669.f.6[8] ESTC R211828 99870520 99870520 160869 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88351) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160869) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f6[8]) A list of the names of the severall colonells, and their colours with the leiutenant [sic] colonells, serieant maiors, and capt. and lieutenants appointed by the committee, for the ordering of the militia of this honourable city of London. City of London (England). Committee for the Militia 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for Henry Overton, London : 1642. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng City of London (England). -- Committee for the Militia -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Defenses -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. A88351 R211828 (Thomason 669.f.6[8]). civilwar no A list of the names of the severall colonells, and their colours, with the leiutenant colonells, serieant maiors, and capt. and lieutenants City of London 1642 269 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LIST OF THE NAMES OF the severall Colonells , and their Colours , with the Leivtenant Colonells , Serieant Maiors , and Capt. and Lievtenants appointed by the Committee , for the ordering of the Militia of this Honourable City of London . ( 1 ) ALderman Atkins , Col. Colour Red . Capt. Royden Leivtenant Colonell . Captaine Mannering , Serjeant Major . Captaine Bunch . Captaine Tucker . Captaine Tompson . Captaine Hooker . Mr. Gautherne Leivtenant . ( 2 ) Alderman Pennington Col. Colour White . Captaine Langham Leivtenant Colonell . Captaine Davis , Serjeant Major . Captaine Chamberlaine . Captaine Hervey . Captaine Whithcot . Captaine Player . M. Forth Goodday Leivt. ( 3 ) Alderman Wollaston Colonell , Colour Yellow . Captaine Ven Leivtenant Colonell . Captaine Bradley Serjeant Major . Captaine Turner . Captaine Harison . Captaine Titchburne . Captaine Cutbert . Mr. William Barriffe Leivtenant . ( 4 ) Alderman Adams Colonell , Colour Blew . Captain Edmond Foster , Leivtenant Colonell . Captaine Carleton Serjeant Major . Captaine West . Captaine Hacket . Captaine Vnderwood . Captaine Backwell . Mr. Bellerme Leivt. ( 5 ) Alderman Warner Colonell , Colour Greene . Captaine Covell Leivtenant Colonell . Captaine Matthew Foster Serjeant Major . Captaine Owen Row . Captaine Sheppard . Captaine Francis Row . Mr. Hause Leivtenant . ( 6 ) Alderman Towes Colonell , Colour Orrenge . Captaine Rowland Wilston Leivt. Colonell . Captaine Geere Serjeant Major . Capt. Thomas Buxton . Captaine Browne . Captaine Chamfield . Mr. Woollaston Leivt. London Printed for Henry Overton , 1642. A88438 ---- At a Court of Sewers held at the Guild Hall, London on Saterday the fifth of February in the year of our Lord 1652. ... Commissioners of Sewers of the City of London. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88438 of text R211665 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.16[88]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88438 Wing L2851B Thomason 669.f.16[88] ESTC R211665 99870374 99870374 163241 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88438) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163241) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f16[88]) At a Court of Sewers held at the Guild Hall, London on Saterday the fifth of February in the year of our Lord 1652. ... Commissioners of Sewers of the City of London. Webbe, Benjamine. Moreton, Edward. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by Hen. Hills for John Bellinger in Clifford's Inne-lane, London : [1653] Title from caption and opening words of text. Imprint date from Wing. Signed: Benjamine Webbe Edward Moreton Clerks to the Commissioners. Annotation on Thomason copy: "feb 5. 1652". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Sewerage -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88438 R211665 (Thomason 669.f.16[88]). civilwar no Sewers London ss. At a Court of Sewers held at the Guild Hall, London; on Saterday the fifth of February in the year of our Lord 1652. ... City of London 1653 710 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion At a Court of Sewers held at the Guild Hall , London ; on Saterday the fifth of February in the year of our Lord 1652. before us Commissioners of Sewers for the City of London the Suburbs of the same and elsewhere in all places within the limits of two miles of and from the said City , whose names hereafter ensue , whereof three or more are of the Quorum , to wit , The Lord Major of the City of London . Mr. Alderman Kendrick . Mr. Alderman Pack . Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower . Mr. Webbe . Mr. Swallow . Mr. Cole . Mr. Holloway . Mr. Normington . Mr. Bellomy . Mr. Nash . Mr. Benson . Mr. Argent . Mr. Archer . Mr. Clark . IT was amongst other things ordered and decreed as followeth , to wit , Whereas in the due execution of a commission of Sewers for the limits aforesaid under the great Seal of England , bearing date at Westminster the 30 day of July in the year of our Lord 1651. to us and others directed , it appeareth aswel by view as by the oathes of good and lawfull men aswel of the west part of the said City as of the County of Middlesex , that the common Dich or Sewer commonly called Fleet-Ditch and the River-Wells , also Tremel-Brook from the River of Thames at Bridewell Dock London to Hockley in the hole in the County of Middlesex having bin antiently passable with Boats , Ballingers , Lighters , and other vessels is now by many encroachments thereupon made by keeping of Hogs and Swine therein and elsewhere neer to the said Sewer , the throwing in of Offals and other Garbage by Butchers , Soucemen and others , and by reason of many houses of office erected built and standing upon and over the said Sewer and otherwise not only stopped , choaked up and become unpassable with boats and other vessels as heretofore , but also become very stinking and noisome to the great prejudice and annoyance not only of the neighbourhood and inhabitants thereabout , but to the said City of London and County of Middlesex , and the Commonwealth in general , and contratry to the good and whole some Lawes and Statutes of this Common-wealth in that case made and provided . And whereas all or most of the offenders in any the kinds a foresaid stand presented before us for their several encroachments , houses of office erected and other annoyances and misdemeanors by them severally made and committed in and upon the said Ditch or Sewer , some whereof have appeared submitted them selves and been fined and others , though summoned , have not appeared , but stand in contempt , and yet the said encroachments , erections and nusances are still continued unredressed . Now we the said Commissioners minding a through reformation of all the said abuses by scouring and cleansing the said Ditch or Sewer to make it passable again with boats and other vessels for the benefit of the inhabitants and others as formerly , and being desirous that all the said encroachments nusances and other obstructions may be redressed and removed with as much ease and little trouble to the inhabitants as may be , do therefore think fit to order and decree , and it is hereby ordered and decreed , That as well all and every person and persons as stand presented before us as others not yet presented for any encroachments , stops , lets , houses of office or annoyances in or upon the said ditch or Sewer shall abate , pull down , reform and amend the same by the 12 day of March next coming upon such pain as shall by the said Commissioners by vertue of the said Commission , and the authority therof according to the Lawes and Statutes of this Commonwealth in that case made and provided , be inflicted upon them in case of there neglect herein . Clerks to the Commissioners . Benjamine Webbe Edward Moreton London printed by Hen. Hills for John Bellinger in Clifford's Inne-lane . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A88438e-30 Sewers London §. A88441 ---- An act of Common-Councell concerning the collecting and gathering of the fifteenes granted for the necessary defences of the City of London. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88441 of text R212635 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[4]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88441 Wing L2851O Thomason 669.f.7[4] ESTC R212635 99871235 99871235 160986 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88441) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160986) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[4]) An act of Common-Councell concerning the collecting and gathering of the fifteenes granted for the necessary defences of the City of London. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes, printer to the honourable City of London, [London] : [1643] Place and date of publication from Wing. Wing dates this Act 7 April 1643. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88441 R212635 (Thomason 669.f.7[4]). civilwar no An act of Common-Councell concerning the collecting and gathering of the fifteenes granted for the necessary defences of the City of London. City of London 1643 740 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion MIP blazon or coat of arms of the City of London An Act of Common-Councell concerning the Collecting and gathering of the Fifteenes Granted for the necessary Defence of the City of London . Commune Concilium tentum in Camera Guild-hall Civitatis London , septimo die Aprilis 1643 post meridiem , Annoque Regni Domini nostri Caroli , nunc Regis Angliae , &c. decimo nono , coram Isaac Pennington Majore secundo tempore Civitatis London , Jacobo Garrad Milite , Thoma Atkin , Johan . Wollaston Milite , Thoma Adams , Johan . Warner , Johan . Towse , Abraha . Reynardson , Georgio Garret Milite , Johan . Fowke , Jacobo Bunce , Willi . Gibbs , & Richardo Chambers , Aldermannis Civitatis praedictae , ac Johan . Langham , & Thoma Andrews , Aldermannis ac dicte Civitatis Vicecomit ' Necnon majore parte Communariorum de Communi Concilio ejusdem Civitatis tunc & ibidem Assemblat ' . WHEREAS at a Common Councell here holden , the three and twentyeth day of February last past , eight Fifteenes ( after the new rate ) were granted for the necessary defence of this City , and thereby Collectors are to be made , and directions given , in what manner , and to whom , and to what purpose the said Monies Collected shall be paid and issued out , as by the said Act it doth more at large appeare . And forasmuch as this Court is informed by some Members thereof , that the Collecting of the said monies is much detarded and hindered , by reason that divers Collectors conceive that they have not power to distraine for the same , in case the same be refused to be paid ; For clearing of which doubt , and furthering the Collecting of the same ; It is declared granted , and enacted by the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor , the Right Worshipfull the Aldermen his Brethren , and Commons in this Common Councell assembled , and by authority of the same : That it shall and may be lawfull to and for all and every of the Collectors of the said Fifteenes , respectively within his and their respective divisions or collections , to distraine any person or persons refusing to pay the said Fifteenes , by his , her , and their goods and Chattels , and the same to take , carry away and retaine , untill such person or persons so refusing , shall pay his or her part or portion of the said Fifteenes . And for his assistance shall ( if he or they require the same ) take unto him or them any Constable or Constables within the Parish or Ward , where any person or persons refusing shall dwell . And that all the Constables within the City of London and Liberties thereof , as well within Priviledged places as without , shall and are hereby required ( upon request of any Collector or Collectors of the said Fifteenes ) to ayde and assist such Collector or Collectors to take Distresses for default of payment of the said Fifteenes . And that it shall be lawfull to and for the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor to make a Warrant or Precept unto any Collector ( requiring the same ) to distraine the Goods and Chattels of every person or persons refusing to pay the said Fifteenes . And for the better incouragement of the said Collectors in the due executing of their duties and speedy collecting of the severall summes of Money in their severall and respective Collections ; It is granted , agreed and enacted by authority aforesaid , That if the said Collectors or any of them shall distraine the Goods and chattels of any person or persons refusing to pay the said Fifteenes , for the said monies or any part thereof by a reasonable distresse ; And that for the same , he , they , or any person or persons that doth or shall aide or assist him , them , or any of them , in taking such reasonable distresse , shall be sued or put to charges , that then such Collectors and every one of them , and all Constables and others , persons aiding and assisting them or any of them therein , shall be defended and saved harmelesse by this Court . Printed by Richard Cotes , Printer to the Honourable City of London . A88442 ---- An Act of Common Councell, for the prohibiting of all persons vvhatsoever, from crying or putting to sale about the streets within this city, and liberties, any pamphlets, books, or papers whatsoever, by way of hawking, to be sold and for the punishment of the offenders therein, according to the custome and law of this city. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88442 of text R211991 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[49]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88442 Wing L2851P Thomason 669.f.7[49] ESTC R211991 99870652 99870652 161030 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88442) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161030) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[49]) An Act of Common Councell, for the prohibiting of all persons vvhatsoever, from crying or putting to sale about the streets within this city, and liberties, any pamphlets, books, or papers whatsoever, by way of hawking, to be sold and for the punishment of the offenders therein, according to the custome and law of this city. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes, printer to the Honourable City of London, [London] : [1643] Wing dates this item 9 October 1643. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A88442 R211991 (Thomason 669.f.7[49]). civilwar no An Act of Common Councell, for the prohibiting of all persons vvhatsoever, from crying or putting to sale about the streets within this city City of London 1643 596 2 0 0 0 0 0 34 C The rate of 34 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms of the City of London An Act of Common Councell , for the prohibiting of all persons vvhatsoever , from crying or putting to sale about the streets within this City , and Liberties , any Pamphlets , Books , or Papers whatsoever , by way of Hawking , to be sold , and for the punishment of the offenders therein , according to the Custome and Law of this CITY . Commune Concilium tentum in Camera Guild-hall Civitatis London , nono die Octobris , 1643. Annoque Regni Domini nostri Caroli , nunc Regis Angliae , &c. decimo nono , coram Isaac Pennington Majore ( secundo tempore ) Civitatis London , Johan . Wollaston Milite , & Aldermanno , Majore Civitatis Londini electo , Johan . Glyn , Armiger . ejusdem Civitatis Recordatore , Thoma Atkin , Johan . Warner , Johan . Langham , Willi . Gibbs , Will . Barkley , ejusdem Civitatis Aldermannis , & Johan . Fowke & Jacobo Bunce , Aldermannis & Vicecomit ' ejusdem Civitatis , Necnon majore parte Communariorum de Communi Concilio ejusdem Civitatis tunc & ibidem Assemblat ' . THis Common Councell taking into their serious consideration , a complaint made by the Master , Wardens , Assistants , and Commonalty of the Stationers , London , against a multitude of vagrant persons , men , women and children , which after the manner of Hawkers , doe openly cry about the streetes , Pamphlets , and other Bookes , and under colour thereof are found to disperse all sorts of dangerous Libels , to the intolerable dishonour of the Kings Maiesty , and of the high Court of Parliament , and the whole Government of this Realme , and this City in particular . And conceiving it very necessary by all due meanes to suppresse the evils growing by such unlawfull selling of such Pamphlets and Libels , have thought fit , and doe Ordaine , that from henceforth the Lawes and Custome of this City , which make a forfeiture of the goods , that are carryed about the streetes , by way of Hawking to be sold ; And also the Statutes made against Rogues , and Vagabonds , shall be strictly put in execution against such vagrant persons , selling as aforesaid , being petty Chapmen within the said Statutes : And for the more sure execution of the said Custom● and Lawes , It is by this Court further Ordered , that the Officers of the Chamber , for the offences against the Custome and Law of Hawking , and Marshals of the City , and the Constables of every Precinct within this City , are hereby streightly charged to doe their utmost duties in their severall places and Offices , in apprehending and bringing before some of his Maiesties Iustices of the Peace within this City , all and every such person or persons which shal offend in crying , offering , or putting to sale by way of Hawking , any Pamphlets , Bookes , or Papers whatsoever as aforesaid ; whereby they may receive such punishments , as by the Custome and Lawes aforesaid ought to be inflicted upon them . And that for neglect of the said Officers , Constables , and Marshals in their duties and places as aforesaid , informations or indictments , as the case shall require , shall be preferred against them , that they may be punished for their neglect therein according to the Law . Printed by Richard Cotes , Printer to the Honourable Ci●● 〈◊〉 LONDON A88446 ---- Commune Concilium tent. vicesimo septimo die Iulii, 1648. Forasmuch as this court did apprehend the great danger the Parliament and city is in, in regard of the many commotions in this kingdom, and the distractions thereof; ... City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88446 of text R37952 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.12[94]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88446 Wing L2852A Wing L2852B Thomason 669.f.12[94] ESTC R37952 99872495 99872495 162885 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88446) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162885) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f12[94]) Commune Concilium tent. vicesimo septimo die Iulii, 1648. Forasmuch as this court did apprehend the great danger the Parliament and city is in, in regard of the many commotions in this kingdom, and the distractions thereof; ... City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes Printer to the honorable City of London, [London] : 1648. Title from caption and first line of text. Place of publication from Wing. Signed: Adam Banckes, Clerk to the said Committee. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Geo: Thomason ffariingdon within". Reproductions of the originals in the Harvard University Library (Early English books) and the British Library (Thomason Tracts). eng City of London (England). -- Committee for the Militia -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88446 R37952 (Thomason 669.f.12[94]). civilwar no Commune Concilium tent. vicesimo septimo die Iulii, 1648. Forasmuch as this court did apprehend the great danger the Parliament and city is City of London 1648 454 1 0 0 0 0 0 22 C The rate of 22 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Commune Concilium tent . vicesimo septimo die Iulii , 1648. FOrasmuch as this Court did apprehend the great danger the Parliament and City is in , in regard of the many Commotions in this Kingdom , and the distractions thereof ; And that a convenient number of Horse to joyn with the other Forces of this City , would be very usefull and serviceable for the safety and preservation both of Parliament and City : Therefore this Court doth now Declare , That it shall be taken as an acceptable service in any that will voluntarily List any Horses , or contribute any Money thereunto , and declare themselves therein unto the Committee of the Militia of London ; And to be under such Commanders , and observe such directions ( tending to the welfare and safety of the Parliament and City ) as the said Committee of the Militia shall appoint . And the said Committee are to appoint Treasurers to receive such Moneys , Horse , and Armes as shall bee voluntarily advanced towards that work , and to take Subscriptions to that purpose , and to be by them employed accordingly : And they are from time to time to acquaint this Court of their progresse and proceedings therein ; and to receive their further directions concerning the same , as occasion shall require . Michel . IN pursuance of which Act of Common-councell , there are severall members of the Committee of the Militia appointed to sit daily in Guildhall in the Irish-Court , to take the said Subscriptions above-mentioned ; and are to sit from Nine till Twelve of the clock in the forenoon , and from Three till Six of the clock in the afternoon . Mr. Glyd , and Mr. Blackwall are desired and appointed to be Treasurers . You are desired by the Committee of the Militia of London to use your utmost endeavour in your Precinct for the furthering of this Work , so much conducing to the publick peace of the City , and suppressing of Tumults therein ; and for the better inabling of the said Militia to discharge their Trust for the preservation of the Parliament and City . And you are likewise desired forthwith to make return of your doings herein to the Committee aforesaid . Dated at Guildhall London , the First of August , 1648. To Mr. Geo : Thomason Common-councell-man in the Ward of Farrington 〈…〉 Signed in the Name and by the warrant of the Committee of the Militia London , By Adam Banckes , Clerk to the said Committee . Printed by Richard Cotes Printer to the honorable City of London , 1648. A88447 ---- In pursuance of the order of the Honorable Committee of Parliament it is desired by the Committee of Common-councell of London, that the minsters and church-wardens, with the assistance of other inhabitants ... doe on Wednesday next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, make an exact return at the Guild-hall London, ... City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88447 of text R211039 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.13[37]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88447 Wing L2852C Thomason 669.f.13[37] ESTC R211039 99869775 99869775 162933 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88447) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162933) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f13[37]) In pursuance of the order of the Honorable Committee of Parliament it is desired by the Committee of Common-councell of London, that the minsters and church-wardens, with the assistance of other inhabitants ... doe on Wednesday next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, make an exact return at the Guild-hall London, ... City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1648] Imprint from Wing. Dated and signed at end: 9th of November, 1648. Tho. Lathum Cler. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Politics and government -- Early works to 1800. A88447 R211039 (Thomason 669.f.13[37]). civilwar no In pursuance of the order of the Honorable Committee of Parliament it is desired by the Committee of Common-councell of London, that the min City of London 1648 215 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion IN pursuance of the Order of the Honorable Committee of Parliament It is desired by the Committee of Common-councell of London , That the Minister and Church-wardens , with the assistance of other inhabitants of the respective Parishes within the Province of London , doe on Wednesday next , at ten of the clock in the forenoon , make an exact return at the Guild-hall London , of all the Lands , Houses , and Impropriations belonging to Deans and Chapters lying within their severall Parishes , and in what street and Parish the same doth lye , and what rent so neer as they can learn is paid to the said Deanes and Chapters for the same , and to what Deans and Chapters the same doth belong , and who is the immediate Tenant to the said Deans and Chapters , and for what term to come ; and likewise , whether their Parsonage be an Impropriation or not , and if it bee , then who hath the inheritance of the Impropriation : To the intent , That the said Committee of Common-councell may give full satisfaction to the said Committee of Parliament , concerning the perticulars aforesaid . Dated this 9th . of November , 1648. Tho. Lathum Cler. A88448 ---- At a Common-councel held on Tuesday the 20th day of August, 1650. London. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88448 of text R211984 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.15[48]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88448 Wing L2852E Thomason 669.f.15[48] ESTC R211984 99870646 99870646 163122 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88448) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163122) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f15[48]) At a Common-councel held on Tuesday the 20th day of August, 1650. London. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1650] Signed at end: Sadler. Imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng City of London (England). -- Court of Common Council -- Early works to 1800. Fasts and feasts -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Public worship -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88448 R211984 (Thomason 669.f.15[48]). civilwar no Foot major. At a Common-councel held on Tuesday the 20th day of August, 1650. London. City of London 1650 243 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion At a Common-councel held on Tuesday , the 20th . day of August , 1650. IT is Ordered by this Court of Common-councell , that Thurseday next , the 22 of this present August , shall bee set apart for especiall seeking of God , by Prayer and Fasting , for the Army which is gone hence into Scotland : and Mr. Griffith , Mr. Sterry , Mr. Brooks , Mr. Feak , Mr. Cardwell , Mr. Greenhill , Mr. Thomas Goodwin , Mr. Powell , Mr. Sedgwick , Mr. John Sympson , and Mr. Sidrack Sympson , or any 4 of them , to be desired to be then here , to pray with this Court , which is to meet in the Common-councel Chamber , at nine of the clock on Thurseday morning ; And every Member of this Court is especially desired to be present here that day ; and in the close thereof , the Court will subscribe , as God shall move each man , ( and afterwards the Members of this Court will move the Inhabitants of their severall Precincts , and every Member of this Court that shall be then absent ) for a free Contribution to be sent to the poor Souldiers ( in that Expedition ) who have so freely adventured their lives , for the safety of this City , and the whole Common-wealth . Sadler . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A88448e-30 FOOT Major . London . A88451 ---- At a Common-Council holden at the Guild-hall London, on VVednesday the 23 day of November 1659. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88451 of text R211344 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.22[11*]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88451 Wing L2852L Thomason 669.f.22[11*] ESTC R211344 99870074 99870074 163594 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88451) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163594) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f22[11*]) At a Common-Council holden at the Guild-hall London, on VVednesday the 23 day of November 1659. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. Alleyne, Thomas, Sir, fl. 1660. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by James Flesher Printer to the honourable City of London, [London] : [1659] Publication date from Wing. An order of the Common Council appointing the 2nd of December to be kept as a Fast Day. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Fasts and feasts -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88451 R211344 (Thomason 669.f.22[11*]). civilwar no Aleyn Mayor. At a Common-Councel holden at the Guild-hall London, on VVednesday the 23 day of November 1659. City of London 1659 393 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Aleyn blazon or coat of arms Mayor . At a Common-Councel holden at the Guild-hall London , on Wednesday the 23 day of November 1659. IT having pleased Almighty God to shew us so much of the Fruit of our own Hearts and Evil ways , as to let us see the very Foundations of Government Razed ; and that we have so much cause to fear our great Want of Fear and Love to his holy Name and Word , Worship and Sabbaths , Magistrates and Ministers , may justly provoke him to withdraw from us , and to Loath , Abhor and Leave us to the Lusts of our own Hearts , and to our great Weakness and Folly , till Confusion and Desolations make us become a Reproach to Religion , and a Scorn to all Nations . In most humble desires of that good convincing Spirit of Promise , to give us a right sight and sense of our great Vileness , and his greater Goodness , yet able to Pardon , Recover and Heal us ; We desire to Bow down and humble our Souls before the mighty hand of God , that he may yet Pitty and Spare , Pardon and Heal , according to the Greatness of his Power and Goodness : That his Name may be glorified , and the Kingdom of our Lord Iesus enlarged , and these Nations setled in Peace and Righteousness , with Governors and Councellors , Iudges and Teachers after his own Mind and Heart , according to his Holy Word : And that He will not leave us in this Houre of Temptation , till he hath brought us through all our Fears , Troubles and Darkness , unto True Rest , Peace and Setlement . For these great ends this Court hath appointed Friday the second of December next , solemnly to seek the Face of God , with Fasting and Prayer at Pauls Church ; and doth recommend it to the Ministers of the Gospel , to give notice hereof in all their several Churches and Congregations , and to desire their Assistance and Concurrence in their several Churches , as the Lord shall enable them and all his People throughout this City and Liberties thereof . Sadler . Printed by James Flesher Printer to the Honourable City of London . A88453 ---- At a Common Councel holden in the Guild-hall London on VVednesday the 14th of December, 1659. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88453 of text R211384 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.22[23]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88453 Wing L2852M Thomason 669.f.22[23] ESTC R211384 99870113 99870113 163606 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88453) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163606) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f22[23]) At a Common Councel holden in the Guild-hall London on VVednesday the 14th of December, 1659. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. Alleyne, Thomas, Sir, fl. 1660. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by James Flesher, Printer to the Honourable City of London, [London] : [1659] Aleyn Mayor = Sir Thomas Alleyne, mayor of London in 1659-60. An order of the Common Council, for preserving the peace of the city at the forthcoming meeting of Parliament. Publication date from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "xber [i.e. December]. 15". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A88453 R211384 (Thomason 669.f.22[23]). civilwar no Aleyn Mayor. At a Common Councel holden in the Guild-hall London on VVednesday the 14th of December, 1659. City of London 1659 278 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Aleyn blazon or coat of arms Mayor . At a Common Councel holden in the Guild-hall London on Wednesday the 14th of December , 1659. WHereas this Court upon the hearing of the Report made by the Committee appointed to confer with the Lord Fleetewood touching the Safety and Peace of this City , have received Information ( amongst other things ) That a Parliament shall be called with all Convenient speed for the Settlement of this Nation ; And thereon to Act without any disturbance from the Army : It is therefore ordered by this Court , That every Member thereof do repair to the several Housholders within their respective wards and Precincts , requiring them to use all diligence to prevent all Commotions , and to preserve the Peace of this City , and in order to their own Defence and the Safety of the City , to come forth when by the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs of this City they shall be Commanded : And this Court doth hereby most strictly require and Command all Masters of Families within this City , to keep in their Sons , Apprentices and other Servants , to forbear any Meetings and Concourse in the Streets in any tumultuous way whereby the Peace of this City may be disturbed : And this Court do hereby declare , That they are fully resolved ( by Gods assistance ) by all lawful means to Defend themselves and this City to their utmost , against all Persons whatsoever , that on any pretence shall disturbe the Peace of this City . Sadler . Printed by James Flesher , Printer to the Honourable City of London . A88454 ---- Aleyn mayor. At a Common Councel holden in the Guildhall London on Wednesday the 14th of December, 1659. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88454 of text R211384 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2852M). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88454 Wing L2852M ESTC R211384 45097829 ocm 45097829 171411 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88454) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 171411) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2573:4) Aleyn mayor. At a Common Councel holden in the Guildhall London on Wednesday the 14th of December, 1659. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. Alleyne, Thomas, Sir, fl. 1660. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed by James Flesher, printer to the honourable city of London., [London] : [1659] Signed: Sadler. Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library. eng London (England) -- Politics and government. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. A88454 R211384 (Wing L2852M). civilwar no Aleyn Mayor. At a Common Councel holden in the Guild-hall London on VVednesday the 14th of December, 1659. Corporation of London 1659 278 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Aleyn blazon or coat of arms Mayor . At a Common Councel holden in the Guild-hall London on Wednesday the 14th of December , 1659. WHereas this Court upon the hearing of the Report made by the Committee appointed to confer with the Lord Fleetewood touching the Safety and Peace of this City , have received Information ( amongst other things ) That a Parliament shall be called with all Convenient speed for the Settlement of this Nation ; And thereon to Act without any disturbance from the Army : It is therefore ordered by this Court , That every Member thereof do repair to the several Housholders within their respective Wards and Precincts , requiring them to use all diligence to prevent all Commotions , and to preserve the Peace of this City , and in order to their own Defence and the Safety of the City , to come forth when by the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs of this City they shall be Commanded : And this Court doth hereby most strictly require and Command all Masters of Families within this City , to keep in their Sons , Apprentices and other Servants , to forbear any Meetings and Concourse in the Streets in any tumultuous way whereby the Peace of this City may be disturbed : And this Court do hereby declare , That they are fully resolved ( by Gods assistance ) by all lawful means to Defend themselves and this City to their utmost , against all Persons whatsoever , that on any pretence shall disturbe the Peace of this City . Sadler . Printed by James Flesher , Printer to the Honourable City of London . A88455 ---- At a Common Councel holden in the Guildhall London, on Tuesday the 20th of December, 1659. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88455 of text R211396 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.22[28]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88455 Wing L2852N Thomason 669.f.22[28] ESTC R211396 99870125 99870125 163611 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88455) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163611) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f22[28]) At a Common Councel holden in the Guildhall London, on Tuesday the 20th of December, 1659. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. Alleyne, Thomas, Sir, fl. 1660. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by James Flesher Printer to the honourable City of London, [London] : [1659] Publication date from Wing. A declaration by the Common Council, vindicating the Lord Mayor and others from "certain scandalous aspersions, contained in a pamphlet entitled, The final protest and sense of the city" -- Thomason catalogue. Annotation on Thomason copy: "xber [i.e. December]. 21". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Alleyne, Thomas, -- Sir, fl. 1660 -- Early works to 1800. Final protest and sense of the city -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88455 R211396 (Thomason 669.f.22[28]). civilwar no Aleyn Mayor. At a Common Councel holden in the Guildhall London, on Tuesday the 20th of December, 1659. City of London 1659 447 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Aleyn blazon or coat of arms Mayor . At a Common Councel holden in the Guildhall London , on Tuesday the 20th of December , 1659. THis Court having taken notice of divers Affronts put upon the Right Honourable Thomas Aleyn , the present Lord-Mayor of this City with many false and scandalous Aspertions cast upon his Lordship , and the Committee appointed by this Court to confer with the Lord Fleetwood touching the Peace and Safety of this City : as if they had deserted their Trust , or betrayed the Rights and Liberties of this City , And in particuler , that the said Committee seemed satisfied withthe Limitations of Parliament , called the seven Principles or unalterable Fundamentals , printed in a late scandalous Pamphlet stiled The Publick Intelligencer ; The said Committee here openly declaring that they never heard the said Principles , or had them any way Communicated to them , much less ever Consented to the same or any of them . This Court being deeply sensible of these great Indignities , doth declare , That the said Lord-Mayor is so far from deserving any of the said Affronts or Aspertions , that he hath highly merited the great Honour and Esteem of this Court and the whole City , having in all things demeaned himself with much Prudence and faithful Integrity to this City and Court , which doth therefore return his Lordship their most hearty thanks . And that the said Committee in all their Transactions , touching the Peace and safety of this City , have also discreetly and faithfully discharged their trust , to their own trouble and great satisfaction of this Court . And whereas this Court and City hath been lately represented by some , as having deserted their first Cause and Declarations for their taking Armes or joyning with the Parliament in defence of the City or the Commonwealth : This Court doth declare that they still doe , and with Gods assistance alwayes will adhere to their former Principles & Declarations in the use of all Lawfull meanes for the maintenance of the true reformed Protestant Religion according to the Scriptures ; The support and maintenance of a settled lawfull Magistracy , a learned pious Ministery and publick Universities , with the antient fundamental Laws of the Nation , Iust Rights , Properties and Liberties of all persons : And for these ends will endeavour , all they lawfully may the speedy convening of a Free Parliament to fit and Act without Interruption or Molestation , by any persons whatsoever . Sadler . Printed by James Flesher Printer to the Honourable City of London , 1659. A88456 ---- Aleyn mayor. At a Common Councel holden in the Guildhall London, on Tuesday the 20th of December, 1659. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88456 of text R211396 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2852N). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88456 Wing L2852N ESTC R211396 45097830 ocm 45097830 171412 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88456) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 171412) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2573:5) Aleyn mayor. At a Common Councel holden in the Guildhall London, on Tuesday the 20th of December, 1659. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. Alleyne, Thomas, Sir, fl. 1660. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed by James Flesher, printer to the honourable city of London, [London] : 1659. Signed: Sadler. Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library. eng Alleyne, Thomas, -- Sir, fl. 1660. London (England) -- Politics and government. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. A88456 R211396 (Wing L2852N). civilwar no Aleyn Mayor. At a Common Councel holden in the Guildhall London, on Tuesday the 20th of December, 1659. Corporation of London 1659 449 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Aleyn blazon or coat of arms Mayor . At a Common Councel holden in the Guildhall London , on Tuesday the 20th of December , 1659. THis Court having taken notice of divers Affronts put upon the Right Honourable Thomas Aleyn , the present Lord-Mayor of this City , with many false with scandalous Aspertions cast upon his Lordship , and the Committee appointed by this Court to confer with the Lord Fleetwood touching the Peace and Safety of this City : as if they had deserted their Trust , or betrayed the Rights and Liberties of this City , And in particuler , that the said Committee seemed satisfied with the Limitations of Parliament , called the seven Principles or unalterable Fundamentals , printed in a late scandalous Pamphlet stiled The Publick Intelligencer ; The said Committee here openly declaring that they never heard the said Principles , or had them any way Communicated to them , much less ever Consented to the same or any of them . This Court being deeply sensible of these great Indignities , doth declare , That the said Lord-Mayor is so far from deserving any of the said Affronts or Aspertions , that he hath highly merited the great Honour and Esteem of this Court and the whole City , having in all things demeaned himself with much Prudence and faithful Integrity to this City and Court , which doth therefore return his Lordship their most hearty thanks . And that the said Committee in all their Transactions , touching the Peace and safety of this City , have also discreetly and faithfully discharged their trust , to their own trouble and great satisfaction of this Court . And whereas this Court and City hath been lately represented by some , as having deserted their first Cause and Declarations for their taking Armes or joyning with the Parliament in defence of the City or the Commonwealth : This Court doth declare that they still doe , and with Gods assistance alwayes will adhere to their former Principles & Declarations in the use of all Lawfull meanes for the maintenance of the true reformed Protestant Religion according to the Scriptures ; The support and maintenance of a settled lawfull Magistracy , a learned pious Ministry and publick Vniversities , with the antient fundamental Laws of the Nation , Iust Rights , Properties and Liberties of all persons : And for these ends will endeavour , all they lawfully may the speedy convening of a Free Parliament to sit and Act without Interruption or Molestation , by any persons whatsoever . Sadler . Printed by James Flesher Printer to the Honourable City of London , 1659. A88457 ---- A Common Council holden the 29. of Decemb. 1659 To this Common Council was presented a report by Alderman Fowke; as followeth. At the Committee of Common Council, &c. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88457 of text R211423 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.22[45]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88457 Wing L2852O Thomason 669.f.22[45] ESTC R211423 99870150 99870150 163628 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88457) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163628) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f22[45]) A Common Council holden the 29. of Decemb. 1659 To this Common Council was presented a report by Alderman Fowke; as followeth. At the Committee of Common Council, &c. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. Fowke, John, d. 1662. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1659] Imprint from Wing. Votes of a Common Council upon a report by Alderman Fowke with respect to "the imminent and extraordinary danger" of the City of London, to raise six regiments of trained bands, etc. With the names of the officers appointed to them. Annotation on Thomason copy: "31 xber [i.e., December] 31. 1659". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Politics and government -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Defenses -- Early works to 1800. A88457 R211423 (Thomason 669.f.22[45]). civilwar no A Common Council holden the 29. of Decemb. 1659. To this Common Council was presented a report by Alderman Fowke; as followeth. At the Commi City of London 1659 900 5 0 0 0 0 0 56 D The rate of 56 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Common Council holden the 29. of Decemb. 1659. To this Common Council was presented a Report by Alderman Fowke ; as followeth . At the Committee of Common Council , &c. VOTED , 1. THat this Committee conceive the City of LONDON is at this time in imminent and extraordinary danger . 2. That they Judge it absolutely necessary at this time for the Court of Common Council to put this City forthwith in a posture of Defence . 3. And in order thereunto , That the Maior , Aldermen and Common Council , settle six Regiments of Trained Bands , with their respective Commanders and Officers . 4. That the naming of those Commanders and Officers be left to the Lord Maior , Aldermen and Common Council . That the said Commanders and Officers Commissions shall be under the common Seal of the City , to be sealed in open Court before the Maior , Aldermen and Common Council . Touching the Letters received from Portsmouth & the Fleet , The Opinion of the Committee is , That several Commissionrs ▪ be forthwith appointed to confer with the L. Fleetwood , with Sir Arthur Haslrig , Col. Morley , and Col. Walton , and with Vice-Admiral Lawson , and other Officers of the Fleet , in order to the safety of the City and the Peace and Settlement of the Nation , and in due time to give an Answer to General Moncks Letter . That in order to the obtaining of that Peace and Safety , the Common Council do impower those Commissioners to propound the convening of a Free Parliament according to a late Declaration of this Court . Voted , That these Votes be Reported to the Common Council by Alderman Fowke . Which Report being read and every part thereof severally debated , was by this Court confirmed and approved of , saving the right of the Court of Aldermen . Appointed Commissioners to confer with Vice-Admiral Lawson . Alderman Fowke . Mr. Richard Ford . Will. Bateman , Esq. approved Commissioners to confer with Sir Arthur Hastrig , &c. Alder. Tompson . Col. Bromfield . Maximil . Beard . appointed Commissi . to confer with the L. Fleetwood and the Speaker . Alder. Bateman . Will. Vincent , Esq . & John Jolly , Esq. Inrstuctions for the Commissioners . To acquaint them that this Court hath received their Letters , and do return thanks for their good Expressions touching the Peace and Welfare of the Nation . To acquaint them what the Court hath resolved for the peace and safety and the City . And in pursuance of the Declaration of Decem. 20. to confer of the best way to settle the Nation in a way of Free Parliament , and to offer what they conceive conducing thereunto , and to mediate agreement and peace between all parties in order to a Free Parliament . And the Commissioners impowered to confer with the respective parties in any place or places they shall see fit , And to report to this Court . Decemb. 24. 1659. Ordered that the Chains and Posts be Set up . chosen the Colonels of the six Regiments of Trained-bands to be raised by this City . Ald. Robinson . Ald. Bateman . Ald. Laurence . Ald. King . Ald. Bolton . Ald. Wale . Green Lieut. col . Tasker Major Kilby . Cap. Winstanley . Cap. Wil. Keane . Cap. Hussey . Cap. Bluncken . Red Lieu. col . Cleggat Major Stanyon . cap. Locke . cap. Lee . cap. Cheese . cap. I. Swale . Setting up the Posts and Chains to be forborn . White Lieutcol . Taylor . Major Greenhill . cap. Cooke cap. Massey . cap. Hudson . cap. Smart , Jun. Orange Lieu. col . Alsoppe Major Pinkney , cap. Th. Bostocke . cap. Andrews . cap. Day . Blew Lieut. Coll. Cox Major Earely Richard Ford Peter Houblon Thomas Bonfoy Robert Fisher . Yellow Lieut. Col. Hind . Major Neale . cap. Fawne . Cap. Bolt . Cap. Walton . cap. Colchester . Decemb. 27. 1659. Alder : Fowke and Commissioners to Vice-Admiral Lawson made a report of their Conference . A Committee appointed to attend the Parliament with a Petition , which after the report was given by the Commissioners from Portsmouth ; the Common Council then thought it not necessary to Petition . The Names of the Committee appointed for regulating the Mili●ia of the City of London . Tho. Aleyn L. Maior . Sir Tho. Atkin . Sir Tho. Foot . Alder. Fowke . Sir Tho. Vyner . Alder. Thompson . Ald. Robinson . Ald. Bateman . Ald. Laurence . Ald. King . Ald Boulton . Ald. W●le . The two Sheriffs pro tempore . Col. Bromfeild . Mr. Rich. Ford . Major Chamberline . Will. Bateman Esq . Will. Vincent Esq . John Jolley Esq . Major Taylor , aWill . Antrobus , Esq . Deputy Steyne , Mr. Myn , Theof . Biddolph Esq ▪ Capt. Story , Deputy Johnson , Mr. Sanders , Tho. Bloodworth Esq . Maximilian Bard Esq . Major Cox. Major Earley . Major Alsopp . Dep. Lenthall . Col. Gower . Peter Mil●s . Mr. Penning . Capt. Clegatt . A88465 ---- Februar. 18. 1642. Whereas the Lords and Commons of both Houses of Parliament, made request at a common councell holden this day in the afternoone, ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88465 of text R211650 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[125]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88465 Wing L2878B Thomason 669.f.5[125] ESTC R211650 99870360 99870360 160837 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88465) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160837) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[125]) Februar. 18. 1642. Whereas the Lords and Commons of both Houses of Parliament, made request at a common councell holden this day in the afternoone, ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Pennington, Isaac, Sir, 1587?-1660. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1643] Dated and signed at bottom of text: Saturday this eighteenth day of February, 1642 [i.e. 1643]. Isaac Pennington Mayor. Title from caption and opening lines of text. Imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A88465 R211650 (Thomason 669.f.5[125]). civilwar no Februar. 18. 1642. Whereas the Lords and Commons of both Houses of Parliament, made request at a common councell holden this day in the afte City of London 1643 496 1 0 0 0 0 0 20 C The rate of 20 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Februar . 18. 1642. WHEREAS the Lords and Commons of both Houses of Parliament , made request at a Common Councell holden this day in the afternoone , for the loane of three score thousand pounds to be paid by the Citizens on munday next , into the Treasury at the Guild hall , for the present supply of the great wants and payment of the Army ( under the Command of his Excellency Robert Earle of Essex ) which is very much in arreare in their pay . The Common Councell considering the present necessity and urgent occasion , did condiscend to doe their utmost endevours to promote the advancement of the said money . And the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Common Councell-men then present , did freely declare what summe of money they will then bring in , towards the same . And for the more speedy advancement of the remainder of the said 60000. pounds . It was conceived requisite that the Minister of every Parish Church , shall to morrow publish this unto his Parishioners , and effectually move them freely to advance some good summe , towards the raising of the remainder of the said money , And the Common Councell men and Churchwardens of every Parish , with such others as the Common Councell men shall thinke fit , are desired to repaire to every Inhabitant and Lodger within their severall Parishes , and earnestly perswade them to this good worke ; And set downe all their names and surnames , and the summes of money they shall respectively lend , and the particular answers of such able men as refuse to lend . And the said Common Councell men and Churchwardens , are desired to Collect the said monies so to be lent , and pay the same into the Treasury at the Guild hall , and to give Receipts for what they shall collect , and upon their payment thereof to take a Receipt from the Treasurers . All which Monies so to be lent , the Lords and Commons Declared , shall be re-payed unto the severall lenders , out of the first monies that shall be received out of the weekely payments of money , agreed upon by an Ordinance in Parliament this day made , to be raised for the maintaining of the Army : And the Lords and Commons likewise declared that they hoped that this will be the last monies that they shall require from the City in this kinde . And at the request , and by the directions of the said Common Councell , I doe hereby desire the Minister , Common Councell men , and Churchwardens of every Parish , to doe their utmost endeavours for the speedy and effectuall promoting of this businesse , and to doe therein as is before mentioned . Saturday this eighteenth day of February , 1642. ISAAC PENNINGTON Mayor ▪ A88466 ---- By the Mayor. Whereas the Lords Day, (commonly called Sunday) is of late much broken and prophaned by diverse disorderly people, in carrying and putting to sale diverse victuals and other things: ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88466 of text R211716 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[22]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88466 Wing L2878D Thomason 669.f.7[22] ESTC R211716 99870422 99870422 161004 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88466) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161004) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[22]) By the Mayor. Whereas the Lords Day, (commonly called Sunday) is of late much broken and prophaned by diverse disorderly people, in carrying and putting to sale diverse victuals and other things: ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Penington, Isaac, Sir, 1587?-1660. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1643] Title from caption and first lines of text. A proclamation from Sir Isaac Penington, Lord Mayor of London, regulating the sale of milk on Sunday. Imprint from Wing. Dated and signed at end: Given under my hand this nineteenth day of June, anno Dom. 1643. And in the nineteenth yeare of the reigne of our Sovereigne Lord King Charles, of England &c. Isaac Pennington Mayor. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Sunday -- England -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A88466 R211716 (Thomason 669.f.7[22]). civilwar no By the Mayor. Whereas the Lords Day, (commonly called Sunday) is of late much broken and prophaned by diverse disorderly people, in carrying City of London 1643 675 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms By the Mayor . WHEREAS the Lords Day , ( commonly called Sunday ) is of late much broken and prophaned by diverse disorderly people , in carrying and putting to sale diverse victuals and other things : Yet in regard of the inevitable necessity of milke for many Infants , sicke , aged , and many medicines , as well on the Lords day as in the weeke dayes , without which they cannot subsist ; by reason whereof , the sale of milke on that day cannot be avoided . And whereas the Milkewomen in the City of London , and places adjacent , have most earnestly petitioned , That Order might be taken aswell about the sale of Milke on the said Dayes , that they might neverthelesse injoy the Ordinances of God , and sanctifie the Sabbath in obedience to the Commands of God , and the pious Lawes of the Kingdome in that behalfe made . As also to prevent the great abuse and fraud which is used by divers single persons using the said calling , give great prices for their milke to the Milke-masters , ( those of the said calling ( which have Families to maintaine , and many Parish , and Church duties to pay ) not being able to give the like ) and to make up their money againe in retailing their milke , doe usually deceive the Common wealth , in selling by false measures , and vending flatten milke for new : It is therefore Ordered , That all and every person using the said calling of Milke-selling , and which are House keepers within the City of London and places adjacent , may repaire to the houses of their Customers , and serve them only in the morning of every Lords day with Milke , they not exceeding the houres of eight of the clocke ( in the Summer , ) and nine of the clocke ( in the Winter time ) of the same mornings , for the sale and serving thereof at the furthest ; And that no such retaylers of Milke , shall presume to cry or sell any milke during the residue of the said dayes , nor in the evening of the same . And it is further Ordered , That no Milkemasters within the City of London , and places adjacent , shall sell the Milke ( which their Kine doth yeeld in the evening of the Sabbath dayes ) to any of their retailing Customers whatsoever ; And that the same evenings milke ( from time to time ) of every Sabbath day , shall remaine and be unto the respective Milkemasters ( Owners thereof ) unto their owne Accompts , as their owne proper goods and Chattels , without ( any way ) charging the same , either to , or upon their ( then ) retailing Customer ; Or mollesting , suing or troubling them or any of them , for any losse or dammage that shall or may arise or grow thereby . And lastly , for the preventing of the inhancing of the prices of Milke , and the great deceite which is daily used as foresaid , by many idle and extravagant single persons in retailing of Milke . It is ordered , that no milkemaster whatsoever at any time or times hereafter , shall utter , vend , or sell their milke to any retailing single person or persons whatsoever : And if any person or persons shall be found offending in the premises : That then they be brought before me the Lord Mayor , or some other of his Majesties Iustices of the Peace , to the end they may receive such punishment as to Iustice shall appertaine . Given under my hand this nineteenth day of June , Anno Dom. 1643. And in the nineteenth yeare of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord King Charles , of England , &c. ISAAC PENNINGTON Mayor A88467 ---- By the Mayor. To the aldermen of the ward of [blank] Forasmuch as the Lords day, commonly called Sunday, is of late much broken and prophaned, by a disorderly sort of people, in frequenting tavernes, alehouses, and the like, ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88467 of text R211998 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[54]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88467 Wing L2878E Thomason 669.f.7[54] ESTC R211998 99870657 99870657 161035 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88467) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161035) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[54]) By the Mayor. To the aldermen of the ward of [blank] Forasmuch as the Lords day, commonly called Sunday, is of late much broken and prophaned, by a disorderly sort of people, in frequenting tavernes, alehouses, and the like, ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Wollaston, John, Sir. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes, printer to the Honourable City of London, [London] : [1643] Title from caption and first lines of text. The form of an order by the Mayor of London to the several wards, for the due observance of the Lord's Day. Dated at end: This second of November, 1643. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Sunday -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88467 R211998 (Thomason 669.f.7[54]). civilwar no By the Mayor. To the aldermen of the ward of [blank] Forasmuch as the Lords day, commonly called Sunday, is of late much broken and prophane City of London 1643 495 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Mayor . To the Alderman of the Ward of FOrasmuch as the Lords day , commonly called Sunday , is of late much broken and prophaned , by a disorderly sort of people , in frequenting Tavernes , Alehouses , and the like , and in carrying and putting to sale Victuall , and other things , and exercising unlawfull Games and pastimes , to the great dishonour of God , and reproach of Religion . These are therefore to will and require you , in his Maiesties name , forthwith upon sight hereof , to give strict charge and command unto all and every the Church-wardens and Constables within your Ward , that from henceforth they doe not permit or suffer any person or persons , in the time of divine Service , or at any time upon the Lords day , to be tipling in any Taverne , Inne , Tobaccoshop , Alehouse , or other Victualling house whatsoever , nor suffer any Fruiterers , or Herb-women , to stand with Fruite , Herbes , or other Victuall or Wares , in any Streetes , Lanes , or Allies , within your Ward , or any other wayes , to put those or any other things to sale on that day , at any time of the day , or in the evening thereof , or any Milkewomen to cry milke on that day , in any the Streetes , or places aforesaid , nor to permit or suffer any person or persons to use or exercise upon that day their labour in unlading any vessels of Fruite , or other Goods , and carrying Goods on shore , or in the streetes , or to doe any unlawfull exercises and pastimes , within your Ward , and that expresse charge be given to every keeper of any Taverne , Inne , Cookes-shop , Tobacco house , Alehouse , or any other Tipler or Victualler whatsoever within your Ward , that hereafter they receive not or suffer to remaine any person or persons whatsoever as their guests or Customers , to Tipple , Eate , Drinke , or take Tobacco in their Houses upon the Lords day , other then that Inholders may receive their Ordinary Guests , or Travellers and such like , who come to remaine for a time in their Inne , for dispatch of their necessary businesse . And if any person or persons , shall bee found offending in the premises , that then they bee brought before me the Lord Mayor , or some other of his Maiesties Iustices of the peace , to the end they may receive such punishment as to Iustice shall appertaine . And hereof not to faile , as you will answer the contrary at your perill . This second of November , 1643. Michel . Printed by Richard Cotes , Printer to the Honourable City of LONDON . A88470 ---- By the Major. A proclamation for the bringing into the Port of London, any manner of fevvell. City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88470 of text R212189 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.9[9]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88470 Wing L2882B Thomason 669.f.9[9] ESTC R212189 99870834 99870834 161107 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88470) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161107) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f9[9]) By the Major. A proclamation for the bringing into the Port of London, any manner of fevvell. City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Wollaston, John, Sir. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes, printer to the honourable City of London, [London] : [1644] Place and date of publication from Wing. Dated at end: Dated at the Guildhall, London, this 27 day of June, 1644. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Fuel -- England -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A88470 R212189 (Thomason 669.f.9[9]). civilwar no By the Major. A proclamation for the bringing into the Port of London, any manner of fevvell. City of London 1644 302 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion MIW blazon or coat of arms By the Major . A Proclamation for the bringing into the Port of London , any manner of Fevvell . THE Lord Maior and Aldermen his Brethren , having taken into their serious consideration , the great scarcity and want of Fewell , for the necessary and needfull use of this City , and Liberties thereof . And finding it a very hard and difficult matter to supply the same in these troublesome times , by reason that Newcastle from whence this City was formerly stored , is blocked up . The Lord Maior with the advise of his said Brethren , the Aldermen , to give incouragement to all those that shall out of their good affection and charity towards this City , adventure to bring Seacoales , Pitcoales , or any other manner of Fewell from any part of this kingdome , into the Port of London , for the use and benefit of the Inhabitants thereof , and parts adiacent ; especially of the poore and needy , which heretofore were yeerely provided for by the provident care of this City , from Newcastle . Hath thought fit hereby to publish and declare , that such persons shall have free leave and liberty , at their pleasure to vend and put to saile within this City and Liberties thereof , whatsoever fewell they shall bring hither , for the use and purpose aforesaid , and shall be accounted men well affected to this City : And their doings and actions herein , shall bee taken as a very acceptable service to this City , and not to bee forgotten . Dated at the Guildhall , London , this 27 day of June , 1644. Printed by Richard Cotes , Printer to the Honourable City of LONDON . A88471 ---- 15. June, 1645. It is desired that all the ministers in London, the liberties, and within the lines of communication doe this Sabbath day blesse God that hee hath beene pleased to heare our prayers in the behalf of our army ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88471 of text R200104 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E288_20). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88471 Wing L2882C Thomason E288_20 ESTC R200104 99860908 99860908 113035 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88471) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 113035) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 47:E288[20]) 15. June, 1645. It is desired that all the ministers in London, the liberties, and within the lines of communication doe this Sabbath day blesse God that hee hath beene pleased to heare our prayers in the behalf of our army ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Atkins, Thomas, Sir. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1645] Imprint from Wing. Signed at end: Tho. Atkin Major. Orders a thanksgiving prayer for the Parliamentary victory at Naseby. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88471 R200104 (Thomason E288_20). civilwar no 15. June, 1645. It is desired that all the ministers in London, the liberties, and within the lines of communication doe this Sabbath day bl City of London 1645 127 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion 15. Iune , 1645. IT is desired that all Ministers in London , the Liberties , and within the Lines of Communication doe this Sabbath day blesse God that hee hath beene pleased to heare our Prayers in the behalf of our Army ; and hath given the Parliament a glorious Victory , killed many , taken many Prisoners , the Standard with the Ramping Lyon in Gold , with the Crown upon it taken , and Colonell Crumwell pursuing ; the Fight began on Saturday the 14. of Iune , about 12 a clock at noon , and held a terrible fight for about half an houre : and it is reported in the pursuit Prince Rupert is taken . Tho. Atkin Major . A88472 ---- By the Major. Forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the Common-councell, that the city at the present is in great danger; ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88472 of text R39656 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.12[15]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88472 Wing L2882D Thomason 669.f.12[15] ESTC R39656 99869511 99869511 162808 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88472) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162808) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f12[15]) By the Major. Forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the Common-councell, that the city at the present is in great danger; ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Warner, John, Sir, d. 1648. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes, Printer to the Honourable City of London, [London] : [1648] Title from caption and opening lines of text. Place and date of publication from Wing. Dated at end: This 25 of Aprill, 1648. Signed: Michel. Annotation on Thomason copy: "ffaringdon within". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. A88472 R39656 (Thomason 669.f.12[15]). civilwar no By the Major. Forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the Common-councell, that the city at the present is in great danger; ... City of London 1648 341 1 0 0 0 0 0 29 C The rate of 29 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Jason Colman Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Jason Colman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ● W blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the Major . FOrasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the Common-councell , that the City at the present is in great danger ; These are therefore according to the desire and direction of the said Court , to will and require you in His Majesties name , that presently upon sight hereof , you respectively , with the Constables of your severall Precincts , doe repair to every Housholder within the same ; and give them strict charge and command , that at their perils they do so order and dispose of their Servants , and all others under their charge , that they be not onely kept from committing any Outrage or misdemeanor ; But that they and their servants from time to time be in a readinesse , according to their severall Capacities , with Arms , Weapons , and Ammunitions for preservation of the Peace , defence of themselves , the City , and the Magistrates thereof : And also , that all persons who are of the Trained Bands of this City , doe from time to time upon the beat of the Drum repair with all speed to their Colours : And therein demeasn themselves , as may conduce to the safety and welfare of this City : And that you doe from time to time certifie unto me , or some other of his Majesties Justices of the Peace , the names of such Constables and others as you shall finde to bee remisse or negligent in the performance of their respective Duties in this behalf , to the intent that they may bee punished according to the law . And hereof fail you not , as you tender the safety of your selves and the City , and will answer the contrary at your perill . This 25 of Aprill , 1648. To the Deputy , and Common-Councell-men , in the Ward of Michel . Printed by Richard Cotes , Printer to the Honorable City of London . A88473 ---- By the Major. Forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the Court of Common-councell, that the citie at the present in great danger; ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88473 of text R210755 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.12[18]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88473 Wing L2882E Thomason 669.f.12[18] ESTC R210755 99869513 99869513 162811 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88473) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162811) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f12[18]) By the Major. Forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the Court of Common-councell, that the citie at the present in great danger; ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Warner, John, Sir, d. 1648. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes, Printer to the City of London, [London] : 1648. Title from caption and opening lines of text. Place of publication from Wing. "Dated this 29. of Aprill, 1648." Annotation on Thomason copy: "ffaringdon within"; "different from ye former". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88473 R210755 (Thomason 669.f.12[18]). civilwar no By the Major. Forasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the Court of Common-councell, that the citie at the present in great danger; . City of London 1648 660 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Jason Colman Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Jason Colman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the Major . FOrasmuch as it is conceived and apprehended by the Court of Common-councell , that the Citie at the present is in great danger ; And that the same doth require more then ordinary care for the preventing thereof : And for that purpose the said Court of Common-councell hath entred into consideration of what may conduce to the safety of the Citie ; and in pursuance thereof , These are in His Majesties name straitly to charge and command you , and every of you , That some of your selves in your own persons , with some of your Constables , do presently upon sight hereof repair to every Housholder within your Ward , and give them strict charge and command ( as they will answer the contrary ) that during this Night , to Morrow , to morrow at Night , Monday next , and Monday at night next , they do not suffer any of their Children , Servants , or others under their command , to go abroad out of their Houses , but onely to morrow in their own company to Church . And further , that this Night , and to Morrow at night , some of your selves , with some of your Constables doe make diligent search in all places within your Ward , where you shall think fitting , for all persons that doe now lodge within the same ; And that you cause their Names to be taken , and to enquire of them the cause of their lodging there : And such as you shall finde to be Souldiers , to know of them where their Quarters are , and to require them presently to repair thither according to their duties : And such as are dangerous people , to secure their persons , and cause them the next morning to be carryed before some of the Justices of the Peace within the City , to be examined and disposed of according to Law ; and that you return the Names of all you shall so finde . And further that during the time aforesaid , you cause all the Gates and Posterns within your Ward to be kept shut ; And that some of the Common-councel-men of the Ward within and without the Gate , may attend at the same , and have the Keys of the Gate , and give directions for the opening of the same , as occasion shall require , and not otherwise . And further , that you doe appoint one or more that you may trust , to see the Chaines within your Ward , during the said Three nights , to be put up and locked at Eleven of the clock in the night ; and opened at Five of the clock in the morning : And that some be appointed to guard the same Chaines , that may be able to maintain them against any violence that may be offered . And lastly , That you take speciall Order , that during the time aforesaid , you cause a good and substantiall double Watch and Ward , to be constantly kept , of good and substantiall Housholders of your Ward within the same ; and especially at the Gates and Landing-places within your Ward : And that they so order themselves , that the one Watch and Ward may continue untill the other be set . And that they be carefull to see the Peace and safety of the City preserved : And that you bee carefull that all these things be put in execution and duly observed , as you will answer the contrary at your Perill . Dated this 29. of Aprill , 1648. To the Alderman , Deputy , and Common-Councell-men , in the Ward of Michel . Printed by Richard Cotes , Printer to the Honorable City of London , 1648. A88475 ---- By the Major. Forasmuch as notwithstanding divers good acts and ordinancees of Parliament, and the frequent aadmonitions formerly given in this behalf by the present Lord Maior, this predecessors late Lord Maiors of this city, it is observed, that the Lords day, and the days of publike fast, are in these sad times of distraction and calamity much profaned, ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88475 of text R211019 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.12[102]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88475 Wing L2882G Thomason 669.f.12[102] ESTC R211019 99869758 99869758 162893 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88475) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162893) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f12[102]) By the Major. Forasmuch as notwithstanding divers good acts and ordinancees of Parliament, and the frequent aadmonitions formerly given in this behalf by the present Lord Maior, this predecessors late Lord Maiors of this city, it is observed, that the Lords day, and the days of publike fast, are in these sad times of distraction and calamity much profaned, ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Warner, John, Sir, d. 1648. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes, Printer to the Honourable City of London, London : [1648] Title from caption and opening lines of text. Date of publication from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Sunday legislation -- England -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88475 R211019 (Thomason 669.f.12[102]). civilwar no By the Major. Forasmuch as notwithstanding divers good acts and ordinancees of Parliament, and the frequent aadmonitions formerly given in t City of London 1648 1071 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ By the Major . FOrasmuch as notwithstanding divers good Acts and ordinances of Parliament , and the frequent admonitions formerly given in this behalf by the present Lord Maior , & his Predecessors late Lord Maiors of this City , it is observed , that the Lords day , and the days of publike Fast , are in these sad times of distraction and calamity much prophaned , and not so strictly and solemnly kept as they ought to be ; And that the odious sin of Drunkennesse and prophane swearing and cursing is still too common , being the root and foundation of many other enormous sins , drawing Gods heavy Iudgments upon this Kingdom ; Which offences are apprehended to arise and continue , to the great dishonour of Almighty God , and reproch of the true Protestant Religion , through the neglect of due execution of the said Acts and Ordinances made and established for redresse thereof : Wherefore John Warner , Lord Maior of the City of London , intending by all the best means and power that he can use , a reformation of the said evills and mis-demeanors committed within this City and Liberties thereof , hath thought fit again to revive and publish this in print , and hereby strictly to charge and command , that henceforth no person or persons whatsoever shall in any wise shew forth or put to sale upon the Lords day , and dayes of publique Fast , any Wares , Merchandizes , Fruit , Herbes , Goods or Chattells whatsoever ( except in extreme necessity ) nor upon those dayes shall travail with Horse , Cart , or Wagon , without iust cause for the same , nor shall carry any burthens , or doe any worldly labour unnecessarily : and that no Vintner or Taverner , Inholder , Alehouse-keeper , Cooke , Tobacco-seller , nor other Victualler or keeper of Ordinaries whatsoever , shall receive into his or their houses upon the Lords day , and days of publike Fast , any person or persons to drink or tipple ; nor shall permit or suffer any person whatsoever upon any other day , to remain and abide tippling and drinking in his or their houses contrary to the Acts and Ordinances of Parliament , and shall shut in his or their gates and doores by nine of the clock in the evening , and keep the same shut untill six of the clock in the morning , for and during the Winter season ; and by ten of the clock in the evening , and keep the same shut until five of the clock in the morning , during the summer season ; and between the said houres of shutting in and opening , shall not receive any persons into his or their houses to drink or tipple . And the Lord Maior doth hereby also charge and command all and every the Constables , Church-wardens and others , whom it may any way concern , within their severall and respective Parishes and Precincts within this City and Liberties thereof , to notifie and make knowne this his Proclamation to all the Vintners , Inkeepers , Alehouse-keepers , Cooks , and other victualling houses within the same , and to make diligent search and enquiry of all and every the said offences committed upon those dayes , and other times , as wel in the day as in the night , in any the Taverns , Innes , Alehouses , and other Victualling houses & places within their severall and respective Divisions , and to take the Names and dwelling places of all such persons as they at any time shall know not to observe strictly the Lords day , and dayes of publique Fast , according to the Acts and Ordinances of Parliament in that behalfe made ; and also the Names of all such persons as they shal find at any time drunk , prophanely swearing , cursing , tippling , or drinking contrary to the said Acts and Ordinances ; and likewise to take the Names and dwelling places of all and every the Inhabitants of every such House where the offence shall be committed , and present the same , or bring the offenders before the Lord Maior , or some other of his Maiesties Iustices of the Peace , that such punishment may be inflicted upon them , as by the said Acts and Ordinances are imposed . And the Lord Maior doth hereby further charge & command all and every the said Constables , Churchwardens , and other Officers whatsoever , to whom it appertaineth , to see that no rogues , vagabonds and Beggers doe hereafter wander or beg in the streets of this City upon the Lords day , and dayes of publique Fasting , or at any other time ; and that all the Acts and Ordinances of Parliament , in all the parts and branches of the same , as well against the said Rogues , Vagabonds , and Beggers , as against any other offender in the premisses , be duely and exactly executed , as they , and every of them will answer the contrary at their uttermost perills . And his Lordship doth also hereby require the Aldermen of the severall Wards of this City , or their Deputies , and Common councell men to endeavour to their utmost power a reformation of the said offences , in pursuance of the said Acts and Ordinances , and to take care that the Names of all such of the said Constables , Churchwardens and other Officers as shall at any time be found remisse or negligent in the performance of their respective Duties required by the severall Acts and Ordinances of Parliament heretofore made for redresse of the severall offences aforesaid , be returned unto his Lordship , or some other of his Maiesties Iustices of the Peace of the City of London , to the end such course may be taken for the severe punishment of such of them as shall so offend , according to Iustice , and as the said Acts and Ordinances require . Guildhall London , the eight Day of August , 1648. London , Printed by Richard Cotes , Printer to the Honorable City of London . A88476 ---- By the Major. Whereas by severall orders of the House of Commons in Parliament assembled, and by a letter to the the speaker of that House, from the Committee of the countie of York, this day delivered to the Common-councell by a committee of the said House of Commons, it is declared, that the Parliaments army in the northern parts are in a sad and distressed condition for want of food and other necessaries; ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88476 of text R210884 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.13[9]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88476 Wing L2882H Thomason 669.f.13[9] ESTC R210884 99869636 99869636 162904 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88476) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162904) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f13[9]) By the Major. Whereas by severall orders of the House of Commons in Parliament assembled, and by a letter to the the speaker of that House, from the Committee of the countie of York, this day delivered to the Common-councell by a committee of the said House of Commons, it is declared, that the Parliaments army in the northern parts are in a sad and distressed condition for want of food and other necessaries; ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Warner, John, Sir, d. 1648. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes Printer to the honorable City of London, [London] : 1648. Collection of arrears for the army; dated at end: 29. day of August, 1648. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Aug ye 31". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A88476 R210884 (Thomason 669.f.13[9]). civilwar no By the Major. Whereas by severall orders of the House of Commons in Parliament assembled, and by a letter to the the speaker of that House, City of London 1648 723 1 0 0 0 0 0 14 C The rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Jason Colman Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Jason Colman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms By the Major . WHereas by severall Orders of the House of Commons in Parliament assembled , and by a Letter to the Speaker of that House , from the Committee of the Countie of York , this day delivered to the Common-councell by a Committee of the said House of Commons , it is declared , That the Parliaments Army in the Northern parts are in a sad and distressed condition for want of Food and other necessaries ; And that a present supply must of necessitie be made : and to that purpose it is desired that Twenty thousand pounds should be forthwith advanced by the City , out of the Arrears of the severall Assessements made within this City and Liberties thereof , for the Army under the Command of the Lord Fairfax . And for the better getting in of the said Arrears , it is required by the said Orders , that the Common-councell doe forthwith send and certifie to the said Committee , the Names of such persons that hav● not paid their said Assessements , and the summs they are in Arrear , to be by the said Committee reported to the said House of Commons . Upon the reading of which Orders , Letter , and severall other relations made by the said Committee concerning the great necessitie of the said Army and Northern parts ; the Common councell have declared their sensibleness of the Premises , and their desire to answer the expectation of the said Committee , in effecting to their power what is desired , as a thing of great consequence to the City and Kingdom ; And in pursuance of an Order of the Common-councell thereupon made ; And for the prevention of further inconveniencies that may ensue ; These are to will and require you , that presently upon sight hereof , you call the severall Collectors within your Ward before you ; And that the said Collectors , with some of your selves , doe on Thursday and Friday next use your best diligence and endevours for the Collecting and getting in of the said Arrears ; and acquaint the severall persons that are to pay the same , that the Names of all that doe not now pay their Arrears are to be certified as aforesaid ; And that they may expect that further trouble and dangers will fall upon them for their neglect therein . And further , that you or some of you doe examine the said Collectors accounts , and take notice what moneys every of them have in their hands ; and require them on Saturday next at the furthest , to pay the same unto the Treasurers at Warre , in the Guild-Hall London : and that you on Monday next in the afternoon make return unto the grand Committee for the Arrears , sitting at the Guild-Hall London , in the Orphans Court , of your doings and proceedings therein ; and also a List of the names of all such persons within your Ward , as shall be found to be in Arrears for the said Assessements , and the summes by them owing , and the reasons by them given , why they refuse to pay the same , under the hands of the respective Collectors , with your opinions therein : And if you find any of the Collectors or others , remisse or carelesse in the performance of their duties , in any thing herein required , or that might conduce to the furtherance of the worke , that then you also certifie to the said grand Committee at the time aforesaid , the names of him or them so neglecting or refusing to performe their duties concerning the same , that they may be also certified to the said Committee of Parliament , and otherwise proceeded against , as the neglect of such a weighty businesse shall deserve . And herein I require you to use all diligence for the effecting what is desired , as you will answer the contrary at your perill , this 29. day of August , 1648. Michel To the Deputy and Common-councell-men of the Ward of _____ Printed by Richard Cotes Printer to the honorable City of London , 1648. A88477 ---- By the Major. Whereas it is made known to my self, the aldermen, and commons in Common-councell assembled, by a letter received from his excellency the Lord Fairfax, that his Lordship for the preventing of the quartering of his army in the city, doth require, that a present supply of money may be paid for the use of the army, ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88477 of text R211081 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.13[50]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88477 Wing L2882J Thomason 669.f.13[50] ESTC R211081 99869819 99869819 162946 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88477) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162946) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f13[50]) By the Major. Whereas it is made known to my self, the aldermen, and commons in Common-councell assembled, by a letter received from his excellency the Lord Fairfax, that his Lordship for the preventing of the quartering of his army in the city, doth require, that a present supply of money may be paid for the use of the army, ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Reynardson, Abraham, Sir, 1590-1661. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes, Printer to the Honourable City of London, [London] : [1648] Place of publication conjectured from printer's reported city of operation. Imprint from Wing. Dated at end of document: at the Guild-hall London, this second day of December, 1648. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88477 R211081 (Thomason 669.f.13[50]). civilwar no By the Major. Whereas it is made known to my self, the aldermen, and commons in Common-councell assembled, by a letter received from his exc City of London 1648 266 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Jason Colman Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Jason Colman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms By the Major . WHereas it is made known to my self , the Aldermen , and Commons in Common-councell assembled , by a Letter received from his Excellency the Lord Fairfax , That his Lordship for the preventing of the quartering of his Army in the City , doth require , that a present supply of money may be paid for the use of the Army , to enable them to pay their Quarters , out of the Arrears owing upon the severall assessements made for the maintenance of the said Army : In pursuance therefore of an act of Common-councell this day made ; These are to give notice to all Collectors and other persons in arrear upon any of the assessements aforesaid , That if they do not on Monday next pay all such sums of money as are owing by them in arrear , or is remaining in their hands , that then the names of every person and persons so failing therein , shall bee forthwith returned , together with the severall sums of money by them owing or remaining in their hands : And the Minister of every Parish within this City and liberties thereof , is desired both forenoon and afternoon to publish this in their severall Parish Churches , that so every person concerned therein may take notice thereof , thereby to avoid the danger that may follow thereupon . Dated at the Guild-hall London , this second day of December , 1648. Michel . Printed by Richard Cotes , Printer to the Honorable City of London . A88478 ---- By the Major. To the Alderman of the ward of [blank]. Whereas the City of London, and the liberties thereof, is exceedingly pestered with rogues, vagabonds and sturdy beggars, aswel men as women, ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88478 of text R211366 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.15[22]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88478 Wing L2882L Thomason 669.f.15[22] ESTC R211366 99870096 99870096 163097 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88478) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163097) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f15[22]) By the Major. To the Alderman of the ward of [blank]. Whereas the City of London, and the liberties thereof, is exceedingly pestered with rogues, vagabonds and sturdy beggars, aswel men as women, ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes, Printer to the honorable City of London, [London] : 1649. Title from caption and first lines of text. Signed and dated at end: 22th of March, 1649. Sadler. A blank is left after the words "ward of" in title. An order for the apprehension of rogues. Annotation on Thomason copy: "ffaringdon within" written into blank in title. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Social problems -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88478 R211366 (Thomason 669.f.15[22]). civilwar no By the Major. To the Alderman of the ward of [blank] Whereas the City of London, and the liberties thereof, is exceedingly pestered with rog City of London 1649 380 1 0 0 0 0 0 26 C The rate of 26 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Major . To the Alderman of the Ward of _____ WHereas the City of London , and the Liberties thereof , is exceedingly pestered with Rogues , Vagabonds and Sturdy Beggars , aswel Men as Women , which wander abroad about the Streets and Lanes thereof , to the dishonour of the City , and grievance of the good Inhabitants of the same : These are therefore at the instance of the Corporation for setting the Poore on worke within this City , straightly to charge and command you , in the name of the Keepers of the Liberties of England , by Authority of Parliament ; That forthwith upon sight hereof , you call before you your Deputy , and all the Constables within your Ward , and give straight charge unto the said Constables , that from henceforth from time to time they doe apprehend and take all manner of Rogues , Vagabonds and Sturdy Beggars , both Men and Women whatsoever , which shall be found begging or wandring idlely abroad in any part of your Ward , and them from time to time either to punish at the Whipping-post according to the Law , and so send them away by Passe to such place as the Law doth require ; or otherwise to carry and convey them and every of them to Bridewell , where order is already taken for their imployment and setting on worke : And that all and every the said Constables be from time to time assistant unto the Marshalls of this City and their men , and every of them , for the conveying to Bridewell of all such Rogues , Vagabonds and Sturdy Beggars , as they or any of them shall find or take up in any the Streets or Lanes of this City , or the Liberties thereof , as aforesaid . Whereof see you fail not , as you will answer the neglect of your Duty therein , and the contempt of this Precept , at the Sessions to be holden for the City . Dated at the Guildhall London , this 22th of March , 1649. Sadler . Printed by Richard Cotes , Printer to the Honorable City of LONDON , 1649 ▪ A88479 ---- By the Major. Whereas by an act of Parliament, entituled, An act against unlicensed and scandalous bookes and pamphlets, and for better regulating of printing; ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88479 of text in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.14[79]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88479 Wing L2883 Thomason 669.f.14[79] 99870007 99870007 163066 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88479) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163066) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f14[79]) By the Major. Whereas by an act of Parliament, entituled, An act against unlicensed and scandalous bookes and pamphlets, and for better regulating of printing; ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Richard Cotes, Printer to the Honourable City of London, [London] : 1649. Title from caption and opening lines of text. Place of publication from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Octob: 9 1649". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Censorship -- England -- Early works to 1800. Prohibited books -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88479 (Thomason 669.f.14[79]). civilwar no By the Major. Whereas by an act of Parliament, entituled, An act against unlicensed and scandalous bookes and pamphlets, and for better regu City of London 1649 737 1 0 0 0 0 0 14 C The rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Major . WHereas by an Act of Parliament , Eutituled , An Act against unlicensed and scandalous bookes and Pamphlets , and for better regulating of Printing ; It is enacted and Ordained , That no such vagrant persons , of idle conversation , who after the manner of Hawkers , doe cry about the streets , and sell Pamphlets and other bookes ; and under colour thereof , disperse all sorts of Lybills , be permitted , but that all such Hawkers , and Ballad-singers , wheresoever they be apprehended , shall forfeit all Books , Pamphlets , Ballads , and Papers by them exposed to sale , and shall be seized upon , and conveyed unto the house of Correction , there to be whipt as common Rogues , and the Constables and Officers who shall neglect their duties concerning the premises , are to be punisht in such manner , as by the said Act is directed : And whereas upon a complaint heretofore made by the Master , Wardens , Assistants , and Commonalty of the Stationers London , against a multitude of vagrant persons , Men , W●omen , and Children , which after the manner of Hawkers , doe openly cry about the streets Pamphlets and other bookes , and under colour thereof , are found to disperse all manner of dangerous Lybells , to the intolerable dishonour of the High Court of Parliament , and the whole government of this Common-wealth , and of this City in particular . The Lord Major , Aldermen , and Commons in the Common-councell assembled the ninth day of October , 1643. conceiving it very necessary by all due meanes to suppresse the evils then growing by such unlawfull selling of such Pamplets and Lybells , did then thinke fit , and Ordaine , That from thenceforth , The Lawes and Customs of this City , which made a forfeiture of the Goods that are carryed about the streets by way of Hawking to bee sold : And also the statutes made against Rogues and Vagabonds should be strictly put in execution against such vagrant persons selling as aforesaid , being petty Chap-men within the said statutes : And for the more sure execution of the said Custome and Laws ; It was by the said Court then further ordained , that the Officers of the Chamber , for the offences against the Custome and law of Hawking , and Marshalls of the City , and the Constables of every Precinct within this City , are thereby straitly charged to doe their uttermost duties in their several places or offices in apprchending and bringe before some of the Iustices of the peace within this City , all and every such person or persons which shall offend in crying , offering , or putting to sale by way of Hawking , any Pamphlets , Bookes , or Papers whatsoever , as aforesaid , whereby they may receive such punishments , as by the Custome and Laws aforesaid ought to be inflicted upon them : And for neglect of the said Officers , Constables , and Marshalls in their duties and places as aforesaid , informations or indictments as the case shall require , shall be preferred against them , that they may be punished for their neglect according to the Law . And to the end none may pretend ignorance of the premises , but expect the due execution of the Laws in such case : I the said Lord Major , with the advice of the Aldermen my brethren , doe hereby enjoine all persons whatsoever , that they nor any of them doe presume to offend contrary thereunto ; and for the better performance thereof , have caused the said Act of Common-councell to be again published in print ; and do hereby require all Constables , Marshalls , and other Officers & persons within the City of London , & liberties thereof , to whom it shal appertain , to put in execution the same , and that they carefully and diligently in their severall places see done accordingly , aswel what is injoined them by the said Act of Parliament , as in and by any former law , custome and usage whatsoever . Printed by Richard Cotes , Printer to the Honourable City of London , 1649. A88481 ---- By the mayor. To the aldermen of the ward of [blank] Whereas oftentimes heretofore, especially towards winter the evenings growing dark, many loose and vagrant persons have been found to wander about the streets and lanes to lurk in corners within this city ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. 1654 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A88481 Wing L2883H Thomason 669.f.19[35] ESTC R212334 99870964 99870964 163373 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88481) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163373) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f19[35]) By the mayor. To the aldermen of the ward of [blank] Whereas oftentimes heretofore, especially towards winter the evenings growing dark, many loose and vagrant persons have been found to wander about the streets and lanes to lurk in corners within this city ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Vyner, Thomas, Sir, 1588-1665. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1654] Title from caption and opening lines of text. Dated at end: ["7th", Thomason annotation] of November, 1654. "Order concerning night watches." - Wing (2nd ed. 1994). Annotation on Thomason copy: "7th". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Tramps -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Police -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms By the Mayor . blazon or coat of arms To the Alderman of the Ward of WHereas oftentimes heretofore , especially towards Winter the Evenings growing dark , many loose and vagrant persons have been found to wander about the streets and lanes and to lurk in corners within this City and Liberties thereof , and under colour of begging in the day time , have practised how to break into Houses , Shops , and other places in the night season , & in the mornings after the Watches are broken up , and thereby divers burglaries , robberies , fellonies , and outrages are committed to the breach of the Peace of the Common-wealth , & to the slander of the Government of this City ; for the avoiding of which inconveniences and many others within this City and Liberties thereof . These are in the name of his Highnesse the Lord Protector of the Common-wealth of England , Scotland , and Ireland and the dominions thereunto belonging , straightly to charge and command you , that from henceforth you cause a good and substantiall Watch to be kept nightly within your Ward , to begin this winter season at nine of the clock in the Evening , and to continue untill six of the clock in the Morning ; And that once every week or oftner as shall be needfull , and in as private manner as may be , you cause diligent search to be made in all Innes , Ale-houses , Victualling-houses , houses of lodging and all other suspected places wherein your Ward , for any idle , loose , lewd and suspicious persons , and that they be brought before me or some other Iustice of the Peace within this City to be examined & dealt withall as to Iustice shall appertain . And that you cause the Beadle of your Ward from henceforth every night during the time appointed in that behalf , to give warning to the Inhabitants within your Ward for Lanthorn and Candle light , to be by them set , and hanged forth in convenient places according to the antient usage and order in that behalf . And that the same be duely continued untill the first day of March next ; And that I be certified from time to time , of the name , sirnames , and welling places of all such as shall nake default therein , to the intent that due punishment may be inflicted upon such as shall fail in the doing of what is required . And further that you take order that the Lanthorn and Candle light , which is appointed for every Precinct be duly put forth and continued as by order is directed ; And also that your Beadle and the Constables within your Ward make diligent search and inquiry from time to time , and that you certifie me in writing of the names and dwelling places of all such Inmates or undersitters as now are or hereafter shall be received or harboured within your Ward ; And likewise the names and sirnames of such as shall receive or harbour them to the end they may be proceeded against according to Law , And further that you give present order to the Beadle of your Ward , to warn all the Inhabitants of the same to amend their Pavements where they are defective , and that the streets before their doors , shops and houses , be daily from time to time at their perills clean swept , pared and kept clean , and that no persons presume to lay their Sea-coal ashes in the streets , but that they bring the same in Baskets to the Raker , under the penalties in the severall Acts of Common-councell of this City mentioned ; And that I may be certified of such Constables , Scavengers , Yeomen of the Channell , and other persons as shall make default in the performance of their severall duties in the premises ; And also that you cause certificate to be made unto me , to 〈◊〉 such persons as shall presume to keep Alehouses without Licence , and of such as shall suffer disorders in their houses being licensed : In all which you are to take especiall care , that so thereby such order may be taken for reforming the severall abuses within this City , as may be for the well governing and the quiet , peace , and safety of the same . And lastly , that you cause your Wardmote Inquest to meet once in every moneth , to oversee that all Weights , and Measures used in buying and selling be sealed , and according to the Standard : And that the Bakers , Brewers , and Typlers do keep the assize according to the Law , And that Butchers , and Victuallers do put to sail no other Victuall but such as shall be good and wholsome for mans body ; And that they observe and do all other things , which according to their charge , and the duty of their places they are to do and perform . And that you take an accompt of your Beadle , and the Constab●es and other Officers within your Ward once every moneth at the least , or oftner as you see cause how they have performed their severall duties herein : And that you take especial care that the orders aforesaid may be observed . And hereof not to fail as you tender the welfare and good government of this City . Dated this _____ of November . 1654. A88482 ---- Forasmuch as notwithstanding divers good Acts and Ordinances of Parliament made for the better observation of the Lords-day, days of publique humiliation, and thanksgiving, and the many endeavours used for the due execution thereof it is observed that the Lords day is very much prophaned, ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88482 of text R211836 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.20[33]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88482 Wing L2883L Thomason 669.f.20[33] ESTC R211836 99870528 99870528 163450 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88482) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163450) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f20[33]) Forasmuch as notwithstanding divers good Acts and Ordinances of Parliament made for the better observation of the Lords-day, days of publique humiliation, and thanksgiving, and the many endeavours used for the due execution thereof it is observed that the Lords day is very much prophaned, ... City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Tichborne, Robert, Sir, d. 1682. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1656] Title from opening lines of text. Imprint from Wing. Dated at end: [handwritten] 12th day of [handwritten] Nouemb. 1656. Annotation on Thomason copy: "12th Nouemb.". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Sunday legislation -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Public worship -- England -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88482 R211836 (Thomason 669.f.20[33]). civilwar no London sc. Forasmuch as notwithstanding divers good Acts and Ordinances of Parliament made for the better observation of the Lords-day, daye City of London 1656 749 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Jason Colman Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Jason Colman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms blazon or coat of arms FOrasmuch as notwithstanding divers good Acts and Ordinances of Parliament made for the better observation of the Lords-day , dayes of Publique Humiliation , and Thanksgiving ; and the many endeavours used for the due execution thereof : It is observed that the Lords day is very much prophaned , and the observation thereof , and others the dayes aforesaid , are very much neglected within this City and the Liberties thereof , by Vintners , Inholders , Ale-house-keepers , Butchers , Fruiterers , Cookes , Tobacco-sellers , Keepers of Ordinaries , and such like , by suffering tipling and drinking in their houses ; and by them and others in Selling , and exposing to sale divers Commodities , and in unlawfull Pastimes , and Travelling , and working upon the dayes aforesaid , within this City and Liberties thereof , to the great dishonour of Almighty God , scandall of Religion and the Government of this City : And whereas also severall persons do keep Hackney-Coaches , and Watermen by rowing upon the river of Thames , do ordinarily exercise their Callings upon the dayes aforesaid ; I have therefore thought fit for the better discovering and suppressing of the severall Offences aforesaid , and for the more exact execution of the severall Laws and Ordinances made for that purpose , to appoint , and do hereby accordingly appoint the persons here-under named , Inhabitants within the said City and Liberties , diligently and by all Lawfull means to make discovery of all persons offending contrary to the Laws and Ordinances aforesaid , to my Self or any the Justices within the said City and Liberties , or to any Constable or other officer who are authorized by the said Acts , or any of them , to apprehend such Offenders : And for that end do also will and require , and in the name of his Highness the Lord Protector of the Common-wealth of England , Scotland , and Ireland , hereby straightly Charge and Command all such Constables and others , Officers and Ministers , within the said City and Liberties thereof , to whom it shall appertaine , to be diligent in the execution of the Powers and Authorities given them by the said Laws , or any of them , And also to be aiding and assisting unto them the said persons hereunder particularly named , and every , or any of them in the finding out , & causing to be apprehended , all and every such person and persons , as shall offend in any of the kinds aforesaid , or otherwise contrary to the Laws aforesaid , And them and every of them to bring before me , or some other the Justices of the Peace , within this City and the Liberties of the same , to the end that such offenders , and every of them , may be further dealt withall as to Justice shall appertain : I doe judge it to bee my Duty to use the utmost power that God and Men hath betrusted me with , to finde out all Offenders in the premises , and to inflict on them the utmost punishment that the Law requires for such offences , and doe desire all persons intrusted herewith , to make Conscience of doing their utmost , to bring all offenders herein to punishment , That so this City may not lie under the guilt of this Crying sinne ; and such as are required by the Law upon a penalty to see these Lawes duely executed , must expect to suffer what ever the Law doth lay on them , if they shall bee found negligent in their duties : And the Ministers of every congregation , are hereby desired to be frequent in minding and exhorting their People to use their Constant , and Vigorous endeavours , to prevent this growing Evill , by bringing the Offenders to their due punishment , which is a work that will doubtless be highly pleasing to God and all good men , and greatly Honorable to our Religion and Government , which ought to bee the desire and endeavour of all that professe to owne God , Jesus Christ and the Gospell : Dated the _____ day of _____ 1656 And to all Constables and other Officers and Ministers of Justice within the said City and Liberties thereof whom it shall concern . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A88482e-30 London sc. A88483 ---- At the general quarter-sessions of the publick peace holden for the City of London by adjournament at Justice-hall in the old Baily London, on VVednesday the xij day of January in the year of our Lord 1652 before John Fowke Maior of the City of London, Thomas Atkins, Thomas Andrewes, Thomas Foote, John Kendricke, aldermen of the City of London, and William Steel recorder of the same city, Samuel Avery, Robert Titchborne and John Dethicke, aldermen of the said city, and other their fellowes justices assigned to keep the publick peace in the City of London, and also to hear and determine divers fellonies, trespasses and other misdemeanours within the same city committed. City of London (England). This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88483 of text R211624 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.16[82]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88483 Wing L2887A Thomason 669.f.16[82] ESTC R211624 99870335 99870335 163235 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88483) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163235) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f16[82]) At the general quarter-sessions of the publick peace holden for the City of London by adjournament at Justice-hall in the old Baily London, on VVednesday the xij day of January in the year of our Lord 1652 before John Fowke Maior of the City of London, Thomas Atkins, Thomas Andrewes, Thomas Foote, John Kendricke, aldermen of the City of London, and William Steel recorder of the same city, Samuel Avery, Robert Titchborne and John Dethicke, aldermen of the said city, and other their fellowes justices assigned to keep the publick peace in the City of London, and also to hear and determine divers fellonies, trespasses and other misdemeanours within the same city committed. City of London (England). 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by James Flesher, Printer to the Honourable City of London, [London] : [1653] Imprint place and publication date from Wing. The response of the Corporation of London to the 10 December 1652 order of Parliament that the Lord Mayor and aldermen were to inquire into and take remedy for the extraordinary price of coal in which they fix the price "of seacoals untill further or other order shall be duely given in this behalfe". Signed: Sadler. Annotation on Thomason copy: "January 12th". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament. -- Early works to 1800. Coal trade -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Economic conditions -- Early works to 1800. A88483 R211624 (Thomason 669.f.16[82]). civilwar no London ss. At the general quarter-sessions of the publick peace holden for the City of London by adjournament at Justice-hall in the old Bai City of London 1653 571 2 0 0 0 0 0 35 C The rate of 35 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms blazon or coat of arms At the general Quarter-Sessions of the publick peace holden for the City of London by adjournament at Justice-hall in the old Baily London , on Wednesday the xij day of January in the year of our Lord 1652 before John Fowke Maior of the City of London , Thomas Atkins , Thomas Andrewes , Thomas Foote , John Kendricke , Aldermen of the City of London , and William Steel Recorder of the same City , Samuel Avery , Robert Titchborne and John Dethicke , Aldermen of the said City , and other their fellowes Justices assigned to keep the publick peace in the City of London , and also to hear and determine divers fellonies , trespasses and other misdemeanours within the same City committed . WHereas by order of Parliament of the xi of January instant , It was referred to the Lord Maior and the several Courts of Sessions of the Peace for London and Middlesex , at their then next sitting being at this present time , and they were impowred to give in charge to the Grand Iury to inquire what is a fit and indifferent price for seacoals and upon their presentment to set such rate and price as they shall think fit both within the Cities of London and Westminster , and Liberties thereof , the Borough of Southwark and County of Middlesex , and that all Wood-mongers Cole-merchants and others that sell either in grosse or by retail within the said Cities and Liberties thereof , the borough of Southwark and County aforesaid , be enjoyned to sell the Coals in their possessions not exceeding the rate and price which shall be so set accordingly , and that the Lord Maior and Iustices of the Peace within the said Cities and Liberties thereof , and borough and county aforesaid , respectively doe take care that this Order be duely observed and put in execution with all possible speed for the advantage and relief of the poor : And whereas this Court in pursuance of the said Order and by virtue thereof have given in charge to the Grand Iury for the City of London to enquire and make presentment according to the said Order : And accordingly the said grand Iury have made and delivered in their presentment to that Court in this behalfe : And now upon serious consideration thereof had in the presence of and with the advice of the Lord chief Iustice Rolle , the Lord chief Baron Wyld , M. Iustice Jermin , and Iustice Aske , and divers other Iustices here present : This Court doth think fit and hereby order that no Cole-Merchant , Wood-monger , Chandler , or other person or persons whatsoever that sel sea-coals either in grosse or by retail within the City of London and the liberties thereof , and the borough of Southwark shall from henceforth sell or utter any Seacoales either in grosse or by retail above the rate and price of twelve pence the bushell , nor above the rate and price in proportion for any greater or lesser measure or quantity of Seacoals untill further or other order shall be duely given in this behalfe , And that for the better observation hereof this Order be openly published . January 12 〈…〉 Sadler . Printed by James Flesher , Printer to the Honourable City of LONDON . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A88483e-30 ●ondon ss. A88790 ---- To all the honest, wise, and grave-citizens of London, but more especially to all those that challenge an interest in the Common-Hall. A. L. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88790 of text R210876 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.12[54]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88790 Wing L6 Thomason 669.f.12[54] ESTC R210876 99869629 99869629 162847 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88790) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162847) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f12[54]) To all the honest, wise, and grave-citizens of London, but more especially to all those that challenge an interest in the Common-Hall. A. L. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1648] Imprint from Wing. Dated at end: 23. Junii 1648. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A88790 R210876 (Thomason 669.f.12[54]). civilwar no To all the honest, wise, and grave-citizens of London, but more especially to all those that challenge an interest in the Common-Hall. A. L. 1648 1047 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To all the Honest , Wise , and Grave-Citizens of London , but more especially to all those that challenge an interest in the Common-Hall . GRAVE CITIZENS YOU cannot but account it an extraordinary great blessing from God , that a day of Right , or rather of Inheritance ( as I may call it to every Citizen ) should offer it selfe unto you , the 24. day of this instant June , for a common-Hall : Time hath now put that into your hands , which Petition upon Petition could not obteine , for such is our miseries , that those which had Power had not Will to grant our Requests , and experience hath not only satisfied mee , but ( I thinke ) every honest man , that the ground of our neglects or rather denyalls , are selfe interests , and private respects , which indeede are and have beene , from time to time , the very fludgates to let in our miseries , and the very choake Peare to Peace , the blessed ground of all our happinesse : for who more averse to any motion or Petition for Peace in this City , then they that are invested in places of power and profit , and what greater unhappinesse can befall us then this , that our grand Trustees , should as much as in them lyes , bring King , Kingdome , and Citie into an everlasting undoing ; behold then you gallant and brave Citizens , and know that it is yet in your power ( through the mercies of our God ) to prevent a finall ruine , of this distressed , distracted , dying Kingdome ; and the better to effect it , let it bee your first worke on the Hall-day ( and bee sure to doe it the first ) remove the causes , and the effects will cease , bee not over-power'd with policie , nor with enforcement of arguments , nor with the approach of Souldiers , and Troopers ; the two first may seeme to perswade you , the latter may terrifie you into an everlasting undoing , but I say first presse on to the marke , lest you shut the stable doore when the steede is stoln ; which is , to point out the Acans that trouble your Citie , for it is to bee feared , except those wicked ( I had like to have said accursed ) things bee removed , this City and Kingdome will hardly bee established in Peace ; Oh! what maddesse is it for you to nurce such serpents in your bosomes as would ( not many moneths agoe ) have totally destroyed you ? putting their helping hands to introduce a mercilesse , and blood thirstie Armie into the bowels of this famous Citie , such now you have in high places and high Offices , but roote them out , and make choyce of those that will ( all sinister ends set apart ) act for the peace and prosperity of this languishing Citie , and Kingdome , you may bee hold to doe this , for it is your right , granted in your Charter , to locate , or dislocate , place , or displace , any Officer that is in this City ; therefore grave Citizens betray not your own immunities , loose not your priviledges , stand for truth and peace , and according to your oathes of allegiance , your protestation , your late Covenant , pittie the sad condition of your most religious , and gracious King Charles , pressing hard that a petition may bee forthwith drawn , for a speedy Personall Treaty with his Majesty : the best way in all humane apprehension to establish Peace , and prevent those dangers , which seeme to approach neer unto us . Looke , Oh looke ! with an impartiall eye , and yet with the eye of pittie ( before it bee too late ) upon the distemper of the whole Kingdome , and consider how this Citie is almost hated of all , beloved of few : What black curses there are against you abroad , what distempers and murmurings within , your daily actions hourely dissever you from the love of strangers , that know you not , and from the love of your neighbors and friends that know you , witnesse Surrey , Kent , and Essex . Besides looke towards the North , and you shall see a cloud , so full of darkenesse moving this way , that it seemes to threaten our finall ruine ; but some may say , wee neede not feare for wee have money , and men , and Amunition enough , and this Fort , and that Tower ; but good Citizens bee not lulled asleepe with carelesse securitie , for what can money , and men , and Ammunition doe , so long as Acans trouble your Citie ? goe on then boldly ( in the name of God ) to your own worke , and in the election of Officers let mee give you this caution . In no waies to trust any Generall with full power in this great and populous City , that dares not trust his Wife , Children , Family and Fortunes in it . Trust not your Officers of Excise . Trust not any man that hath place of great profit ; as you tender the peculiar well-fare of your Selves , your Wives and Children ; and as you tender the well-fare of this Glorious City , Let none snch beare Office in this Choice : This done , a short time may make you and the Kingdome happy in a well grounded Peace : Which shall ever bee the Prayer of your well-willing Friend and Brother-Citizen A. L. 23. Junii 1648. Lastly , let mee remember you of a brother Citizen one Mr. Mathew Barker , who was taken out of his house the last weeke , and imprisoned in severall places , without Baile or Mainprize , not yet any Cause shewn . Hodie mihi , cras tibi . A88836 ---- Two letters from Vice-Admiral John Lavvson, the one to the Right Honourable, the Lord Mayor of the City of London; to be communicated to the court of aldermen, and Common-Council of the said City. The other, to the Honorable the commissioners for the militia of the City of London. Dated December the 28. 1659. Lawson, John, Sir, d. 1665. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88836 of text R211413 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.22[42]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88836 Wing L721 Thomason 669.f.22[42] ESTC R211413 99870141 99870141 163625 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88836) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163625) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f22[42]) Two letters from Vice-Admiral John Lavvson, the one to the Right Honourable, the Lord Mayor of the City of London; to be communicated to the court of aldermen, and Common-Council of the said City. The other, to the Honorable the commissioners for the militia of the City of London. Dated December the 28. 1659. Lawson, John, Sir, d. 1665. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1659] Imprint from Wing. Expressing his confidence in them and the willingness of the Navy to assist them. Annotation on Thomason copy: "xber [i.e., December]. 30". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Corporation of London (England) -- Lord Mayor -- Early works to 1800. Corporation of London (England) -- Court of Common Council -- Early works to 1800. Corporation of London (England) -- Committee for the Militia -- Early works to 1800. England and Wales. -- Royal Navy -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A88836 R211413 (Thomason 669.f.22[42]). civilwar no Two letters from Vice-Admiral John Lavvson, the one, to the Right Honourable, the Lord Mayor of the City of London; to be communicated to th Lawson, John, Sir 1659 640 1 0 0 0 0 0 16 C The rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TWO LETTERS FROM Vice-Admiral John Lavvson , The one , To the Right Honourable , the Lord Mayor of the City of London ; To be communicated to the Court of Aldermen , and Common-Council of the said City . The other , to the Honorable the Commissioners for the Militia of the City of London . Dated December the 28. 1659. MY LORD , VVHen Alderman Fook , and the other Two worthy Gentlemen Commissioners were here from your Lordships Court of Aldermen , and Common Council , the 25th instant , they acquainted Me , and the Officers present , with what they had in their Instructions ; and also propounded , that We would appoint some number , to joyn with the like number , in the behalf of the City , telling Us , That the like proportion was sent to Portsmouth for an equal number in the behalf of the Army ; and that these Commissioners in beha●f of Army , City , and Navie , might advise together , consider and agree of some things to be offered to the Parliament , in order to the settlement of the Government of the Nation ; unto which We promised to return you answer by some of our own within few days , which We give as followeth , That the Parliament being now returned to the Exercise and Discharge of their Trust and Authority , We are bound by Duty , as We are Servants to Them and the Commonwealth , to yield Obedience to Them , and to acquiesce in the Judgment of Parliament , as to Government . And as we have publiquely disclaimed the Interest of Charles Stuart , and all his Adherents , or any Interest that shall adde thereunto ; so We humbly apprehend , if your Lordships Court of Aldermen , and Common Council , improve your Authority in the Government of the City against Charls Stuarts party , by a total , absolute , and publike disowning and discounterancing of them , and joyn with Us in a due submission to the Parliament , it would be a great demonstration of your Affections , and adde much to the strengthning their hands in the settling of the Peace of these Nations , and abating the Taxes and Burthens of the People , and advancing the Trade of your City in particular , and the Nation in general ; and in these things , through the Lords assistance , we shall contribute our utmost Endeavours . I remain , My Lord , Your very humble Servant , John Lawson . James off Gravesend , 28. Decemb. 1659. Vice-Admiral Lawsons Letter to the Commissioners of the Militia of London . GENTELMEN , I Received yours of the 26th instant by these four Gentlemen my worthy Friends , and therein cannot but take notice of your great respect both in your Letter , as also by the Gentlemen , and do rejoyce at your chearfulness and forwardnesse in helping to carry on the work of God , in securing his Cause , the Interest of Christ and his people in their Civil and Religious Concernments , and doubt not of your persisting therein : And I trust the Lord will crown yours and others Endeavours with good and comfortable Issues ; amongst whom , my Self and Officers here shall be found ready to contribute to the utmost of our Capacities ; and if in any thing we may adde to your Assistance , you may be very confident of our forwardness : I have not further , but what these Gentlemen will acquaint you withall , and that I am James off Gravesend , 28. of Decem. 1659. Your assured Loving Friend and Servant , John Lawson . A89198 ---- A mode the cities profound policie, in delivering themselves, their city, their vvorks and ammunition, into the protection of the Armie. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A89198 of text R209816 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.11[69]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A89198 Wing M2311 Thomason 669.f.11[69] ESTC R209816 99868672 99868672 162719 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A89198) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162719) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f11[69]) A mode the cities profound policie, in delivering themselves, their city, their vvorks and ammunition, into the protection of the Armie. Wither, George, 1588-1667, attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n.], [London : Printed in the yeere, 1647. Verse - "Brave citizens, you have done well,"... Place of publication from Wing. Sometimes attributed to George Wither. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Aug: 27"; before 'mode' in title: "la". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Political satire, English -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Politics and government -- 17th century -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800. A89198 R209816 (Thomason 669.f.11[69]). civilwar no A mode: the cities profound policie, in delivering themselves, their city, their vvorks and ammunition, into the protection of the Armie. [Wither, George] 1647 924 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A MODE : THE Cities profound Policie , in delivering themselves , their City , their VVorks and Ammunition , into the protection of the ARMIE . BRave Citizens , you have done well , To make your slaves your Masters ; Your policie it doth excell , Your Groomes will be your Tasters . My Lord Mayor , and the Aldermen , Your Gownes must make them breeches ; And if you doe retort agen , They 'l make you eat your Speeches . O brave Common-Counsell men , O brave Trained-Bands ! When do you thinke to get again The staffe in your owne hands ? 2 Th' Apprentices did vapour much , They 'd bang the Army soundly , And yet their valour proved such , They durst not go to 't roundly : Massey was made the Generall Of all your mighty Forces ; But when he on the Foe should fall , He wanted men and horses . O brave Common-Counsell men , O brave Trained-Bands ! When do you thinke to get again The staffe in your owne hands ? 3 Wher 's Hollis now and Stapleton , Jack Maynard and Clotworthy ? And where is Prynne and Poyntz now gone , To purge them of the scurvy ? And Glyn and Lewis have left all , Within at six and sevens ; And Waller 's gone to Glocester-Hall To visit Mrs. Stevens . O brave Common-Counsell men , &c 4 The Souldiers now , even where they wish , Will in your Citie quarter , And 'fore you tast of every dish ; And for your wives will barter . Your dainty ducks , whose soles nere treads Upon the earth that bears them , They now will towse upon your beds , Your Antlers nothing scares them . O brave Common-Counsell men , &c. 5 Sir Thomas now will make his peace , Even as his owne selfe listeth : And meanes to stew you in your grease , The Army with with him twisteth . New halters manie , for to hang Those that meant to oppose him , Tell truth , do not your hearts cry twang , That ere at first you chose him ? O brave Common-Counsell men , &c. 6 And now the Royallists will sing , Aloud Vive le Roy ; The Commons will imbrace their King , With an unwonted joy : And where 's now all your coine and toile , 'T is vanish'd into aire : You may get more , if that you moile Now at S. Bartholmews Faire . O brave Common-Counsell men , &c. 7 If Fairfax now his Soveraigne bring To London , to his People , Each Parish bells for joy shall ring , Till they knock down the steeple : And we Sir Thomas his renown VVill like S. Georges hallow , Tom May shall all his acts write downe , Or Withers that Apollo . O brave Common-Counsell men , &c. 8 The Scots doe whine that they have lost Their hopes at once : deare Jockey , Thy fine Presbyterie quite is crost , The English doe but mock yee : The coine that is behind of pay , For selling of the King , You 'l have the cleane contrary way , Sir Thomas will it bring . O Brave Common-Counsell men , &c. 9 The Trained Bands alas are tyr'd , Their works they cannot man them , And therefore have , the Army hyr'd , Who like to chaffe doe fan them : The Tower too great a trouble was , They wanted a Constable ; And therefore they did bring 't to passe , Sir Thomas might be able . O Brave Common-Counsell men , &c. 10 Case now doth doubt , calamitie Will seize on the Presbyterie , Calamie doubts , the case will bee So as to see 't were pitie : The Synod now doth greatly doubt , That Bishops , and the Service , Will now once more be brought about , Before it please Tom Gervice , O brave Common-Counsell men , &c. 11 Overton now may walke abroad , Stone walls are weak to hold him ; As Lilburne that same Demie-god , Prophetickly hath told him : And you may goe , and shake your eares , Who had , and could not hold it , What you had strove for many yeares , And got ; you now have sold it . O brave Common-Counsell men &c. 12 You need not now to Westminster To march with Fife and Drumme , The Army so your goods preferre , They will supplie your roome . The Modells now and you may lie , Abed till noone , and please yee ; The Armie , will your place supplie , All this is done to ease yee . O brave Common-Counsell men &c. 13 And now what doe ye lack fond men , Alas you wanted knowledge : Who would have thoght , when you had been So long at Gotham Colledge , You should not know to bargaine well , But so to maime your Charter : The after-Ages will you tell , You did not wisely barter . O brave Common-Counsell men O brave Trained-bands ! When doe you think to get againe The staffe in your own hands ? FINIS . Printed in the Yeere 1647. A89588 ---- A thanksgiving sermon: preached to the Right Honorable the Lord Maior, aldermen, and Common Councell of the Citie of London, upon occasion of the many late and signall victories, and deliverances vouchsafed to the Parliaments forces, in Pauls Church London, July 28. 1648. By Stephen Marshall, B.D. Minister of Gods Word at Finchingfield in Essex. Marshall, Stephen, 1594?-1655. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A89588 of text R205009 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E455_2). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 68 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A89588 Wing M791 Thomason E455_2 ESTC R205009 99864455 99864455 116684 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A89588) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 116684) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 72:E455[2]) A thanksgiving sermon: preached to the Right Honorable the Lord Maior, aldermen, and Common Councell of the Citie of London, upon occasion of the many late and signall victories, and deliverances vouchsafed to the Parliaments forces, in Pauls Church London, July 28. 1648. By Stephen Marshall, B.D. Minister of Gods Word at Finchingfield in Essex. Marshall, Stephen, 1594?-1655. [4], 32 p. Printed by R. Cotes, for Stephen Bowtell, at the signe of the Bible in Popes-head Alley, London : 1648. Running title reads: A thanksgiving sermon, preached to the Lord Major, aldermen, and Common-Councell of the City of London. Annotation on Thomason copy: the '7' in 'July 27. 1648' in title altered to "8" then crossed out and restored to "27"; "Sept 9" written by imprint, yet item bound with other items from late July. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng City of London (England). -- Common Council -- Early works to 1800. England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Sermons, English -- 17th century. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A89588 R205009 (Thomason E455_2). civilwar no A thanksgiving sermon:: preached to the Right Honorable the Lord Maior, aldermen, and Common Councell of the Citie of London, upon occasion Marshall, Stephen 1648 12928 7 0 0 0 0 0 5 B The rate of 5 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Angela Berkley Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Angela Berkley Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A THANKS GIVING SERMON : PREACHED To the Right Honorable the Lord Maior , Aldermen , and Common Councell of the Citie of London , Upon occasion of the many late and signall Victories , and Deliverances vouchsafed to the Parliaments Forces , In Pauls Church London , July 27. 1648. By STEPHEN MARSHALL , B. D. Minister of Gods Word at Finchingfield in Essex . Psalme 66. 11 , 12 , 13. Thou broughtest us into the net , thou laydest affliction upon our loynes . Thou hast caused men to ride over our heads , we went through fire and water ; but thou broughtest us out into a wealthy place . I will goe into thy house with burnt offerings , I will pay thee my vowes . LONDON , Printed by R. Cotes , for Stephen Bowtell , at the Signe of the Bible in Popes-head Alley , 1648. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE John Warner Lord Major of the Citie of LONDON . My Lord , THis plaine Sermon was preached in obedience to the call I received from you , it is published according to your request , and that it may be ( though in never so weak a measure ) a strengthning of your hands in your great work , it is humbly presented unto you as a pledge of the unfeigned respect and service of Your Lordships much obliged STEPHEN MARSHALL . A THANKSGIVING SERMON : PREACHED To the Right Honorable the Lord Maior , Aldermen , and Common-Councell of the Citie of London . ISAIAH 9. 4 , 5. For thou hast broken the yoke of his burden , and the staffe of his shoulder , the rod of his oppressour , as in the day of Midian ; For every battell of the Warriour is with confused noise , and garments rolled in blood , but this shall bee with burning and fuell of fire . THE first word of my Text For , ( For thou hast broken the yoke of his burden ) doth tell us this hath dependence upon what is laid down before ; If you please to looke into it , you 'l find it to be thus : The Lord in the former Chapter had threatned the terriblest calamitie that ever came upon the Jewish nation , a wofull darke night of affliction of severall hundreds of yeers was now beginning , and such calamities were threatned , as the Lord professed that many men amongst them , when they look'd up to heaven , and saw nothing but darknesse there , nothing but confusion upon earth , they should rave and be mad , they should curse their God that would not helpe them , curse their King that could not helpe them , should bee driven into utter darknesse ; but yet notwithstanding in the beginning of this Chapter the Lord saith , that unto those that feared him , to his own people , the darknesse and uncomfortablenesse of it , should not bee so great , as they had formerly met with in some lesser afflictions ; for God did ( as i● were ) create a new Star , that should shine unto his people , all that long and darke night , that is , a most glorious promise of Jesus Christ , and salvation by him , which is laid downe in the seven first verses of this Chapter , and there are severall degrees , or breakings out of the light of this comfort , I 'le but name them so farre as may leade me to the Text . First , The Lord tells them whence this comfort should come , there should a glorious light shine to them , in the second verse ; the people that walked in darknesse should see a great light , they that dwelt in the land of the shadow of death , upon them hath the light shined , which is the promise of Jesus Christ setting up his Gospel amongst them , as it is expresly interpreted in the fourth of Matthem . This Text seemes to bee a propheticall description of Capernaum , where Christ first set up his Ministery some hundreds of yeers before it was built , which stood in the land of Galile by the Sea side in the way leading to the Gentiles . Secondly , The next degree is , what the comfort is , that they should have from this light , in the third verse , they should have great joy by it , the Lord had formerly more multiplied their nation , but never gave them more joy then now they should have , though they should bee in a very afflicted condition , yet they should have as much joy in the Gospel of Christ , as ever that nation injoyed in the dayes of David or Solomon ; though now they should live after a precarious manner , and should be tributaries to all the foure great Monarchies of the world in their succession , first to the Assyrian , then to the Persian , then to the Grecian , and then to the Roman , and all this time , a space of some 700. yeers , they should bee a despised , contemned people , yet from the Lord Christ and the promise of the Gospel , should they have as much joy as ever they had when their Nation was most enlarged , yea such joy that it should bee like the joy of harvest , or the joy that Souldiers have when they divide the spoile , that is the second degree ; now my text is the third degree or breaking out of this glorious comfort , and that tels you , What the mercy shall bee that shall bee the cause of so much joy ; what it is that should fill them with so much joy , why hee would breake every yoke of their burden , every staffe that lay upon their shoulders , every rod of their oppressors , that whipped them , hee would break all as hee did once doe it in the day of Midian , he will burn up their enemies with fewell of fire , hee would free them from them all , and tread them under their feet ; then the last branch of all , and the height of their comfort is , That Christ will not only break other yokes , but would put the yoke of his own sweet and easie government upon them , himselfe will bee their King ; To us a Son is given , to us a child is borne , upon whose shoulder the government shall bee , his name is Wonderfull , Counsellor , the mighty God , the everlasting Father , the Prince of peace ; and in these things should the hearts of Gods people rejoyce in their most afflicted times . Thus stands the dependence of my Text , so that these two verses that I have read , containe the cause of all the joy that the people of God should finde in Christ in their afflicted times ; and there are two branches of the Text to bee handled . First , Here is the blessing that should bee conferred upon them , in these words , thou hast broken the yoke of his burden , the staffe of his shoulder , the rod of his oppressors : that is the mercy they should receive . Secondly , Here is the manner how this should bee done ; and that is laid downe , First , It should bee as in the day of Midian ; that is , as in the day when in Gideons time with 300. men with lamps and pitchers the Lord destroyed an innumerable multitude of Midianites ; so would the Lord Christ now worke this great deliverance , that he promises to his people . Then , Secondly , The manner of it is yet more clearely and fully laid downe in the 5. verse , by shewing that the way of Gods working of this , shall bee diverse from the manner of other deliverances : Every battell of the Warriour is with confused noise , and garments rolled in blood , but this shall bee with burning and fewell of fire ; the meaning whereof in a few words is this , This victory that God would give his people , should not bee in the way of humane helpe to doe it , as Nations get victories one over another by bringing one a greater Army then the other , or better disciplined or trained men then the other , or with pollicy and valour , with shouting and making the others lie wallowing in their blood , and so mans Arme to bee the instrument of it ; no , this should bee with fewell or burning of fire , that is , it should be done by Gods own hand ; for what the Lord doth immediatly himselfe , that is ordinarily said to bee done by fire , or fewell of fire , it hath been the ordinary way of Gods manifesting himself by devouring fire , when he threatens to shew himselfe hee will come in devouring fire , seldome hath hee appeared , but it hath been either in smoak or fire ; so then this expression signifies it should not bee done by mans helpe , but the Lord alone would come and doe it by his owne immediate hand . Let us now first inquire into the matter , what it is that they should injoy ; the Lord would break the yoke of their burden , the staffe of their shoulder , the rod of their oppressor : And here we must consider , First , What this signifies , what doth God intend in this ? For the Grammaticall meaning the yoke of his burden , this is an Hebrewisme , and signifies his burdensome yoke , hee will breake his burdensome yoke , that is , the heavy yoke that was put upon his shoulders , by those that had enslaved him ; the staffe of his shoulder , that is , the staffe wherewith his shoulders used to be beaten ; the rod of his oppressor , that is , either the Scepter of those Tyrants that kept them under often expressed by a rod ; or otherwise the rod of correction , wherewith the enemies that kept them under did use to discipline them : and by all this congeries of words , these severall expressions of yokes , and burdensome yokes , and rods and staves , the Lord doth signifie the greatnesse of that misery and bondage , that his people should lie under at that time , when Jesus Christ should come to deliver them . What are those yokes , and staves , and rods that are here meant ? I answer , that it will appeare cleer unto every one that markes the Text , that here are two things intended . Breaking of the temporall yokes , the yokes that they should lie under from the Assyrians , the Babylonians , and so the successive Kingdomes and Empires , that should keepe them under subjection and bondage ; but principally here is meant , The spirituall yokes of sinne , and death , and wrath , and curse ; and that both these are meant is cleare in the Text ; that the outward yokes are literally meant is obvious to every ones eye that doth but compare this with the two former chapters , and all the chapters that follow , for five or six of them together : in the eighth chapter the Lord threatned hee would bring the Empire of Assyria upon them , and the Assyrians should carry them into captivitie , and fill their land with waters up to the necke ; and for a great many chapters together from the seventh chapter , I thinke there is not one but there is somewhat of the Assyrian Empire that should lie heavie upon the backe of Gods people ; that is the literall , but another thing intended is , the mysticall , the spirituall Babylonish yoke , the devill and sinne , and death and hell ; Jesus Christ will breake all these yokes from off the neck of his people . And that the spirituall is intended as well and more then the temporall , is cleer both by what goes before , the preaching of the Gospel should doe it , and by all that followes , for unto a us Child is borne , to us a Sonne is given : both these sorts of yokes would Christ beake by his owne hand ; if you would have it yet a little more cleer , I conceive the deliverance most immediatly intended in the letter was the destruction of that great Army of Senacherib that came in Hezekiahs time , which came to swallow them up , and was destroyed with Gods hand immediatly from heaven , which ( as all the rest of the Jewes deliverances ) was intended as a Type , to shew how God will breake all other the yokes of those that lie heavie upon his inheritance . This then for the meaning of it , That whatsoever enemies should rise up against the Church or people of God , however they may keepe them under for a while , Christ hath a purpose , and will in his owne due time break them , and their yokes in peeces , and he will doe it in a strange way , by his own hand , in a way that shall bee very easie to him to worke , but very hard for them ; either to resist or to beare . This is the plaine scope of the Text ; Now I proceed to some matter of instructions ; and first , if you looke upon these words , as they stand in their connexion or dependence with the former verse , they joy before thee as the joy in harvest , and as men rejoyce when they divide the spoile , for thou hast broken every yoke , the yoke of his burden , the rod of his oppressor ; because God destroyed his enemies that would have destroyed him , therefore they shall joy like the joy in harvest ; learn one lesson from it , very sutable to the occasion of our meeting ; namely , That the Lord doth expect that his people should greatly rejoyce when he doth break the yoke of their enemies , and the staffe and rod wherewith they whip Gods people when God uses to defeat the plots , and enterprises of wicked men against his servants , hee expects that the hearts of his people should bee fill'd with joy , and their tongues overrun with his praises . There is abundance of evidence for this in the Scripture , in the 126. Psalme you shall finde the Church exulting , her mouth was fill'd with laughter , and her tongue with joy ; every one that look'd in the face of Gods people saw them have a merry countenance ; why ? because God had broken the captivitie of Babylon , hee had brought back the captivity of his people , and broken in peeces the enemies that kept them under , so likewise did Moses and all the Israelites , when they saw the Egyptians sinke like a stone into the depth of the Sea , in the 15. of Exodus , and Pharoah and all his Chariots drown'd in the red Sea , they all lift up their voyce , and sung to God praise and thanksgiving in the highest , I will sing unto the Lord , for hee hath triumphed gloriously , the horse and his rider hath hee throwne into the Sea : So did Deborah , and Barak in the fifth of Iudges , when Sisera and his host was broken before the servants of God , they rejoyced , and prayed God it might ever bee so , that all Gods enemies might so perish , and all his people might so rejoyce ; thus you shall finde it prophesied in the New Testament , in the 19. of Revelations , you shall reade in the latter end of the 18. chapter of the destruction of the Babylonian party , mystically Babylon , the Popish party , the Antichristian partie , the Malignant Church that is risen up against the Church of Christ , there I say you shall reade the ruine of it , and the meanes of it , the Saints helpe to doe it , and you shall there see all the Kings of the earth weeping and howling , and all that were friends to the harlot were condoling one with another for that great losse ; but in the 19. chap. in heaven , that is , in the Church of Christ , there was nothing but Hallelujah , praise yee the Lord , for the Lord hath avenged himselfe , and when her smoke arose up for evermore , againe they say Hallelujah to see Rome burning , and the instruments that would have oppressed Gods people destroyed , and troden under foot ; it was Hallelujah to the hearts of all that feare God : This I doe but touch , but , It may bee a notable tryall of your spirits , for certainly , it is a signe of a gracious spirit to refuse to bee comforted in Zions ruines , and to refuse to be sadded in Babylons ruines ; to finde a soule , or a people that will hang their harpes upon the willowes , and will mourn and lament , and rather wish that their right hand forget their cunning , then to sing one cheerfull song while Gods people are in Babylon , and yet to find them full of joy and rejoycing , when God is breaking the yokes of oppressors , and treading them under feet , that rise up against them ; this I say , is an argument of a heart that joynes with Jesus Christ , when they fulfill that of the 66. of Isaiah , Rejoyce with Ierusalem all yee that mourne for her ; And that of Psal. 58. 10. The righteous shall rejoyce when hee seeth the vengeance : and on the other side , it is an argument of a base spirit , of a spirit malignant against Christ and his cause , that is either rejoycing when Gods people are troden under foot , or malignes those that are the meanes or instruments of delivering of Gods people , that with Sanballat and Tobiah , are vexed and grieved at the heart when they see God raised up any that may be for salvation to his people ; but it is a token withal that as their hearts are not with Jesus Christ , but against him , so they shall perish in the ruine of his enemies : This I doe but point at from the connexion , they shall joy like the joy in harvest , for Christ hath broken the yoke of their oppressors , broken the yoke of the enemy and the enemies themselves , and the enemies themselves together ; but I come to the words , which I shall handle onely as they respect their temporall and outward deliverances ; and under that consideration there are these two lessons that I intend by the Lords assistance to handle : The first is , That the Lord doth sometimes leave his owne people to lie under heavy yokes , to have the staves and rods of oppressors lie upon their backs and shoulders : Secondly , and principally , That Jesus Christ will in his due time breake in sunder all the yokes that lie upon his peoples neck , all the staves that beate their shoulders , all the rods that whip their backes , Christ hath a time wherein he will break them all , both yokes and oppressors together , and set his people free from them ; this second I most intend ; a word or two of the first . That the Lord doth sometimes leave his owne people to bee under the tyranny of them that hate them : I say his own people ( for this was Emanuels land , you 'l read it called by the very name of Emmanuel in the eighth chapter ) the Assyrian shall come and fill the breadth of thy land O Emmanuel ; they were Emmanuels people that should have these terrible yokes put upon them : to understand this lesson , bee pleased to premise thus much ; That it is of all judgements one of the most terrible and uncomfortable that ever a people can be exposed to , to have those that hate them to tyrannize over them , that was Davids prayer , I have done justice and judgement , give me not up to mine oppressors : O Lord deliver mee from that judgement , that I bee not left to wicked men , to put yokes upon my neck , to beate my shoulders ; and God used to threaten it as one of the severest plagues that ever should come upon his people , when hee was angry with them , that hee would give them up , that they that hated them should beare rule over them : and truely it will easily appeare to bee one of the terriblest judgements of all , because it is a misery that is opposite and contrary to the greatest mercy that can bee enjoyed upon earth ; which is to have rulers and governors , such as are over a people , to bee as a Sun or a Shield , as a Shepheard , as a Protector , as a Father , for these are names whereby the Spirit of God deseribes good Magistrates & rulers , to give such to a people as may defend every one in his own right , protect the fatherlesse and widow , and see that every one have justice and judgement , that there may be no complaining in the streets of a people ; but that they may live and serve God in godlinesse and honesty , in peace , to bee preserved in security and tranquillity , O happy are the people that are in such a case , faith the Spirit of God in the 144. Psalme ; now if this bee the greatest earthly mercy , then for God to give up a people , or to let them be given up to the judgement that is contrary to it , that their shepheards should bee like them in the 34. of Ezekiel , who should kill the fat , and tread under feet the leane , that should pluck off the wooll , and teare off the skinne ; that should bee as they are described in the 7. of Micah , as briars and thornes that should rend and teare the people that are under them , when the Lord shall give men up to such a condition , that those that should defend them , should enter into the field of the fatherlesse , and undoe a man and his neighbour , without mercy and compassion , this of all judgements in the world is one of the cruellest , and the heaviest that a people can bee given up to : now I tell you that God sometimes leaves his owne people to this condition , there are abundance of examples , and I should spend the time needlesly to receite them to you , because you cannot bee ignorant of them ; so they were in Egypt , when their lives were made burdensome to themselves , by reason of the heavy yoke of bondage that lay upon them ; so they were in the times of the Iudges , oftentimes an enemy comes in , carries away the harvest that they are ready to reape , sometimes carries away the corne they had gather'd into their barnes , mightily oppressed them , put heavy yokes upon them ; so was it in Babylon , if you reade but the fifth of Lamentations , it will make you weep to consider the sad complaint that the Church makes there , Our inheritance is turned to strangers , our houses to aliants , wee have drunke our water for money , our wood is sold unto us , our necks are under persecution , we labour and have no rest , servants rule over us ; wee eate our bread with the perill of our lives , Princes are hanged up by the hand , young men are taken to grinde , and the children fell under the wood , &c. such abundance of examples there are that I shall not need to prove it , onely let me a little discover to you out of the Word , for what causes the Lord uses to leave his owne people to this terrible judgement : I finde three cleer causes why God oftentimes hath left his own people to be given up to oppressors , to Tyrants , to put such heavy yokes upon their necks , their states , their consciences , their liberties , and the first & greatest & most frequent is when God himself offer'd to be the King and ruler of his people , to put the yoke of his government upon their necks , a yoke that should be sweet and easie , honorable & profitable , and his people cast off Gods yoke , would not be under that , then hath the Lord frequently let them fall under the yoke of some others , that they might know the difference betwixt being Gods servants , and the servants of other men ; take but two instances of this , one in the 2 Chronicles 12. it was in Rehoboams time , when Shishak the King of Egypt came against them , though Egypt and Iudah had been in a league , articles of peace betwixt them , Shishak comes against them , and brings a mighty Army , and Rehoboams subjects knew not what to doe , they cryed to God , they prayed the Lord to deliver them , no ( saith God ) I will not give you wholly up to a spoile , but you shall bee the servants of the Kings of Egypt ; why ? because they shall know the difference of my service , and the service of the other Nations ; they shall see whether they had not been better to have let mee bee their King , then to bring those to rule over them , who I am now resolved shall bee over them for a while ; There is another terrible instance in the 11. of Zachariah ; you shall see the purpose of that Chapter is to signifie these two things : First , that Jesus Christ would come to bee a Prince and a Ruler over his people , as a faithfull and good shepheard , they would none of him , they sold him for 30. peeces of Silver , which as it is noted , was but the price that a slave used to bee sold at ; Christ the Lord himselfe came from heaven , offer'd himselfe to them to bee their shepheard , and they sold him for 30. peeces of Silver ; A gooly price that I was sold at , saith the Lord ! Well , but what becomes of this ? the rest of that chapter tells you , that hee will give them other shepheards that shall teare them to purpose ; in the 6. verse , I will give them up every man into the hand of his neighbour , I will give them up into the hand of their King ; who was that ? it is plaine that the Roman was their King at that time , because Christ came at that time when the Roman was over them , now when Jesus Christ would have been their King , and they say nay , we have no King but Caesar , God therefore gives them up into the Romans hands , and then they shall have Shepheards that shall teare them to purpose ; because they would have none of the Lord Christ , the Lord would give them up into such hands as should discipline them after another manner ; that is one cause , when God offers himselfe to bee their ruler , and they will not have him to bee their ruler , then God puts other yokes upon them . Againe secondly , another cause I finde is this , When the Lord hath raised up to a people good Rulers , and Magistrates , that under them ( though possibly with many humane frailties ) they might bee ruled in godlinesse and honesty according to Gods wayes , and the people have been ungratefull for them ; the Lord then gives them up to the hands of others , that they shall not bee able to shake off , when they will ; so you find it in the example of Gideon ; when Gideon had delivered the Israelites , they came to him , and say be our King ; not I ( saith hee ) God must bee your King , ( which by the way , let me interpret it to you , he meant , he would not change that forme of government , that God had set up in that Commonwealth , which was this , that every Tribe had their owne Aristocraticall government , that is , the chief men of their Tribe did rule all , as it might be the Maior , Aldermen , Common-Councell men in every Tribe , and when a time of speciall danger came , that an enemy invaded them , God from heaven used extraordinarily to raise up some Judge , & that danger being over the government of the Commonwealth went in the old channell ) they would have had Gideon to be their King , No ( saith hee ) not I , nor my sonnes , but you shall have God to bee over you ; well , but when Gideon died they forgot Gideon and they would have a King , and tooke Abimelech , who proved a cruell tyrant to them , whereupon Iotham in the 9. of Iudges , ( when all the people were together ) tells them a tale ; The trees ( saith he ) would have a King , and they went to the Olive , and the Vine , and the fruitful trees to rule over them ; No ( say they ) we must keep every one our own ranke , I cannot leave my fatnesse nor my sweetnesse , &c. But a King the trees will have , and their King proves a Bramble , so ( as his speech intimates ) will it prove unto you for your ingratitude to God for Gideon and unto Gideons family , it will come to passe that this bramble your King shall first rend and teare you , and afterwards you and your King consume one another , and this curse or prophesie came upon them , and for that very cause . Another like instance wee have 1 Sam. 8. God had raised up Samuel in a time of much trouble , to be a Judge and Saviour to the Jewes , they took occasion upon some miscariages of Samuels sonnes to cast him off , and they would have a King after the manner of the Nations round about them , and therefore God in his wrath gave them Saul , who proved a Tyrant : Ingratitude for good governours is one cause why God gives people up to such oppressors . And then thirdly , I finde , When people use to teare and devoure one another in their petty precincts , when as any one gets a little power in his hand , hee loves to put a yoke upon the neck of his brother , for this doth the Lord send them those that shall put yokes upon them all ; so you find it in this very chapter , in the latter end of it , Manasses bites Ephraim , and Ephraim Manasses , and these two confederate together to bite Iudah , and for this the Lord gives them up to Senacherib , and he bites & devours them all ; Thus was it also , Ieremy 6. 6. when the people were given wholly to oppresse one another , the City was wholly oppression in the midst of it , violence and spoile , griefe and wounds were every where found , then was Ierusalem a Citie to bee visited by them who should gleane them as a vine , who should be cruell to them and shew no mercy . Thus you see the Lord sometimes leaves his people under heavy yokes , yokes put upon their lives , estates , consciences , liberties , when they will not bee under Gods government , when they are not thankfull for good governours , when they according to their own power will be tyrannicall and oppressive one to another . I shall not stay upon the Application of this , I onely say of it , as Christ of the Cup he was to drink , Father , if it bee possible let this cup passe from me ; Lord let this Cup passe from us , let not our God give us up to spoyle , to confusion , to oppression ; for I am too well assured that in all these things I have spoken , wee have deserved to drinke this cup , and our sinnes cry loud in the eares of God for it ; and whatsoever you may say of the two latter , I am confident you 'l all beare mee witnesse wee have highly deserved it in the first of these ; the Lord hath offer'd to England the government of his own Scepter , the government of his Gospel , & he is shewing us the way how he will rule us in Ecclesiasticall things , but alas , there is not a thing under heaven more abominable to the people of this Land , then to think that they should have such a yoke put upon them , though the aime and end of it bee onely to make them holy ; but we will have none of it , the thing we will have , is , to live as we list , wee will not have this man rule over us ; the Lord grant wee bee not broken with other yokes ; And as for ingratitude for our other Magistrates and Rulers , and for our biting and devouring one another , the Lord knowes it is to bee found in every corner of the Land ; I onely mention these things that in this day of rejoycing for mercies received , you may all joyne in prayer that the Lord bring not this evill upon us . Thus briefly for the first ; the second lesson which I mainely aime at is , That howsoever the Lord sometimes lets his people lie under heavy and terrible yokes , yokes upon their lives , names , estates , liberties , consciences , ( call them by what names you will ) yet Jesus Christ hath a time , when hee will break them all ; Thou hast broken , it was not broken yet , but God uses to speak of his mercies intended for the Church , in the preterperfect tense , as things already done , because they were so sure ; the Lord Christ will breake the yoke of their burden , the staffe of their shoulder , the rod of their oppressor ; when the Lord doth at any time leave his people in this sad condition which I have spoken of , hee never puts them out of his own hand , though hee may deliver them into the hands of others , hee alwayes keeps the line in his owne hand , that the adversary cannot doe what they list , they are bounded by him , and it is not for want of love or of power , that the Lord lets any such yoke ever come upon the neck of his people , but onely from his owne will , and from his own wisedome , the Lord orders it so , that the heaviest thing that betides them , shall never hurt a haire of their heads , as Christ hath it in Luke ; though some of them be put to death , not a haire of their heads shall perish , hee never gives them so into the hand of wicked men , as to put them out of his owne hand , or to cease his owne care ; but this doctrine holds out a further mercy , that though the Lord sometimes puts them into the hands of wicked men , and lets them be his rod to scourge them , beate them , pinch them , thresh them , yet in his due time hee will breake all those yokes , and the yokers together , all such as put them upon his peoples necks , they & their yokes shall all perish , for both of them are equally intended , as it is in the next words , as in the day of Midian , not onely the people of Israel were saved from Midian , but the Midianites destroyed also ; and so in Senacheribs time , not onely the people delivered , but the enemies destroyed ; now that the Lord will doe it , blessed be his name , there are 1000. promises that it shall bee so , and as great a cloud of instances , to prove it hath been so ; Egypts yoke was broken , the Philistims broken , Ashur and Babylon broken , yea the ruine of all the kingdomes of the earth who have successively laine heavy upon his Church and people doe all beare witnesse to this truth , that the rod of the wicked shall not alwayes rest upon the back of his people . I shall not inlarge my discourse upon this , because I thinke it is a knowne theame , every one that hath read the Scriptures can give proofes of it , I shall onely present to your consideration two or three Texts , one is that of Isa. 49. 24. The Lord promised in the former Verses a great inlargement , increase & prosperitie , so that their Land should be too narrow for them , & Kings and Queens should bow unto them , now he knowing how hard it would bee for his people to beleeve this , because of the great bondage they lay under , and the utter improbability of getting out of that state , brings them in in this 24. verse , objecting thus , Alas , our miseries plead prescription over us , our hope is gone , shall the prey be taken out of the hand of the mighty , or the lawfull captive delivered ? now our adversaries say , we are a lawfull prey , we are prisoners of warre , and they can plead right as well as might to bring us under , and now shall wee ever bee delivered ? yes saith the answer of God , even the captive of the mighty shall bee delivered , and the prey of the terrible shall bee taken out of his hand , for I will contend with him that contendeth with thee , and I will save thy children , and all flesh shall know that I the Lord am thy Saviour : and in the 51. of Esay after hee had promised to consume their enemies as a moth eates a garment , and that his people should returne with the voyce of singing unto Sion , hee then chides their feare and unbeleefe , Why fearest thou a worme that shall die , why fearest thou because of the fury of the oppressor , as if hee were ready to destroy ? and where is the fury of the oppressour ? alas it 's gone as a puffe of wind : then followes , the captive exile hastneth that hee may bee loosened , that hee may not die in the pit , nor that his bread should faile , hee feares lest he should starve or die in his bondage , and therefore makes hast out of it ; but Gods people shall not need to make such hast , their seasonable deliverance is sure enough ; many other Scriptures speak this truth as plainely ; But that which I chiefly aime at for cleering this doctrine , is , the discussing of two questions , the one is , 1. When the Lord uses to doe this ; 2. How hee doth it . For the first , that hee will deliver his people from all their oppressors , is not to be doubted , but when the Lord will doe it , that is the time that every sad soule cries after , How long Lord , holy and true , doest thou not avenge us ? or when Lord shall it bee ? I answer , Though it bee not for us to search curiously into the times and seasons that the Father keeps in his owne bosome , as you have it in Acts 1. 7. yet the Lord hath left very comfortable prognosticks in his Word , whereby wee may guesse when the time of the deliverance of Gods people from their bondage is even at hand ; certainly it will come in the best time , in the fittest time , but when that time doth appropinquate , drawes nigh , you shall find it cleer in the Word by these three things ; the one is , The Lord ordinarily makes that the time of his breaking the power of the enemies of his Church , when they are fill'd most with rage and fury against the Church , when they breath out nothing but slaughter , and threatnings against them , blaspheme not onely them , but their God , and their profession , and their way , when they are risen up to that height that their sinnes are full against God , and their rage against Gods people , that is the time when the Lord suddenly uses to break out and crush his enemies ; I might give you many examples of this in the book of God , take that expression in Ieremiah 30. 17. for one , the Lord would speedily come to deliver his people , but why ? even because they said , This is Zion , whom no man cries for ; Zion was then a scorned company , I will therefore ( saith hee ) restore healing to them ; therefore would hee come , because the enemy said , this is Zion that no body cares for , every one can tread it under foot ; So likewise , Ezek. 25. 3. because the Ammonites said Aha against his Sanctuary , against the Land of Israel and against the house of Iudah , when they went into captivitie , Behold I will therefore deliver them , &c. and Ezek. 28. 67. because the King of Tyrus had set his heart as the heart of God , therefore God would bring enemies upon him . What need I multiply examples ? you shall find it was thus to all the people that ever had Gods people under them , goe from Egypt , to those of Syria , Palestina , to the Assyrians , the Babylonians , the Grecians , the Romans , you shall find in them all , that when their rage was most furious against Gods people , then was the time neer that God used to breake them , and deliver his people from them . Secondly , another time is , When the Lord by the threshings of their enemies hath purged the chaffe out of his people ; when the Lord hath by delivering his people up into the hands of wicked men wrought in their hearts a spirit of repentance , a spirit of humiliation , a spirit of Prayer , a spirit of looking unto God , the Lord never stayes long before he doth deliver them ; I beseech you search the Scriptures , and you will find that the morning starre is not a more infallible argument of the day , of the Sunnes approach or rising , then a spirit of humiliation and prayer powered upon Gods people , is an argument of their deliverance at hand : The burden of Hadrach , and Damasous , Tyre and Sidon , ruine to them is prophesied of in the 9. of Zachariah , but when should it bee ? When the eyes of the Tribes are towards the Lord , when God puts it into the hearts of his people to looke to God , to humble themselves and seek his favour , the Lord is then at hand , to ruine their enemies and deliver them : So also in the 102. Psalme , Vers . 13. Thou shalt arise and have mercy upon Zion , marke the phrase , Thou shalt arise , it is somewhat akin to that place of Isaiah , where the Lord saith , Aske me of things to come , and concerning my sonnes and daughters command yee mee ; so the people of God come in , Thou shalt arise and have mercy , why ? what makes them so confident ? the set time is come , the time of deliverance of Zion is come , even the set time is come ; how can they tell that ? thy servants mourne over the dust of it , thy servants are compassionate , they pitie , they poure out their soules , and mourne to God , and out of this ; the Church could set downe the conclusion , the set time is come for it , when the Lord hath prepared his people , and humbled them : And then thirdly , When hee hath broke all other meanes of deliverance , so that they see no hope or meanes of helpe in any other , the heart of man cannot thinke how prone even Gods servants are to relie upon other Crutches besides God , and to catch as sinking men at every twig , and every Bulrush , but when the Lord hath broke all their probabilities , and expectations elsewhere , that there is none shut up , nor none left , then doth the Lord use to come himself & rescue his people , and break those that thought to swallow them up ; of this you may please to take two notable instances ; the one is a Prophesie in Deuteronomy 32. 36. the Lord had said how hee would scatter his people , but ( saith hee ) when hee saw , that their strength was all gone , that there was none shut up , nor none left , that is , none to bee a helpe , there were enow of Gods people left , but not any one that could worke any deliverance for them , what then ? then did the Lord repent concerning his servants , and his owne Arme delivered them ; you have it yet rather more cleerly in Isaiah 59. 16. the words are these , The Lord looked , and there was no man , and wondred that there was no intercessor , the Lord could finde none that could speake for them , none that could act for them , when God saw that , then his owne arme will doe it , hee then put on his mercy and goodnesse , and arrayed himselfe with his zeale like a robe , and his owne Arme did it ; that they might feare the name of God from the rising of the Sunne to the setting of it : and that is the reason why the Lord uses to come in at such a time , because hee hath the more glory . This for the time , when God uses to break the yokes of his people that lie upon them , when the enemies are at highest , when he hath humbled and prepared his people , and when all other helpes doe faile them , then the Lord doth it : But then in the next place , How doth he doe it ? after what manner doth he use to deliver them ? I answer first in generall : Which way soever the Lord doth it , all wayes are alike easie to him ; alike easie for him to contrive ; alike easie for him to use his infinite wisdome , and his infinite power knows no degrees of ease or strength in any way , all are alike to him ; It is all one to him to save by many or to save by few . Secondly , I answer , That when the Lord comes to deliver his people , he seldome doth it that way that his people expect , seldome walks in the paths that we have causeyed for him , or by the line that we have chalked out for his direction ; seldome or never doth God take that way : We are prone to deal with God as Naaman did , when the Prophet had sent for him to cure , that he and his master might know there was a God in Israel who knew how to cure him of his Leprosie ; Naaman believed it , but he had fancied by the way how it should be done : Now ( saith he ) I shall finde a Cure ; and he will surely come out to me , and strike his hand over the place , and stand and call on the name of God , and so I shall see a miraculous work wrought upon me ; the Prophet went clean another way ; and because the Prophet did not come out , and take that way he thought of , he went away in a rage , and thought there was no cure for him : So verily most people deal with God ; we think this is the way how our deliverance must come , by such a Parliament , by such an Army , by such a designe , by such an association , by such and the other way , here it must come , if this way fail , we think all is lost , and God seldome goes the way we have chalked out ; study you the Scriptures and you will finde it : But yet if positively you 'll know what way he doth it ; I answer more particularly : Very frequently by his own immediate hand , without the help of any other ; he alone trode out the winepress of the wrath of God , and there was none of the people with him to help him , but doth all himself , so my Text saith in the next verse , The battail of the Warriours , &c. if other Nations conquer , they doe it by garments rolled in blood , and by confused noise , but this shall be by burning and by fuell of fire by Gods own hand ; Or which is all one , He ordinarily doth it by most unlikely and contemptible meanes , he will not alwayes work Miracles , that is to doe a thing without any meanes at all ; but in the deliverance of his Church , he alwayes works miranda , marvailous things , by doing it by such meanes as are altogether improbable and unsuitable to the great things that are to be done by him . This instance of my Text is a most notable proof , He will break every yoke of the oppressor , as in the day of Midian ; how was that ? you may read the Story in the 17 of Iudges : the way was this , there was such a numerous and mighty Army of the Midianites , that the text saith , they lay like grashoppers , and cover'd over all the Countrey ; the Lord meant to destroy them and Gideon must goe with 300 men , and these 300 men must every one carry a pitcher , and a lamp therein in one hand , and a trumpet in another hand , and compass in this mighty Company , every one at his post , and blow with the trumpet , and not strike a stroke , but cry , The sword of the Lord and Gideon ; and this routs and destroys an invincible Army . As in the day of Midian , saith the Lord , so will Jesus Christ , that is , by some unlikely meanes : And give me leave to say confidently , That whosoever reads the book of God from one end to the other , will finde that most of all the deliverances which the Lord hath given his Church , have been by people that have been most unlike to doe their businesse ; A shepheard shall bring Israel out of Egypt ; Rams hornes shall blow down the Walls of Iericho : A Shepheards boy with a sling and a stone in it , shall overthrow Goliah ; the Israelites like two little flocks of Kids shall overthrow the Assyrians , that fill all the Countrey , thus hath the Lord used to doe it : If you 'l know the reason of this manner of proceeding as well as of the time when he doth it , it is , Because then hee appeares like himselfe ; the truth is , let God doe it by never such probable meanes , it is God that workes all ; God did no more when hee destroyed the Midianites by Gideons 300. then hee did when he destroyed the Army of the Israelites , with 400000. of the Tribes of Iudah and Benjamin , God did no more in the one then in the other , for it is God who workes all in all , but God doth not so much appeare , for wee that are thick sighted can see what the creature doth , but wee cannot see that this creature is in Gods hand , and that it is God that doth all ; but now when the Lord uses meanes which are altogether unlike to attaine it , and are wholly unfit for the worke then to doe it , all say this was digitus Dei , this was the Lords doing ; now the Lord saith , when there was none to speak , then his owne arme did it , that Gods name might have the praise from the rising of the Sunne to the setting of it : these things I might have prosecuted further ; give me leave to wind it all up with an Application , and I shall dismisse you ; and there are but two Vses , which I intend of this Lesson , the one is , First , A word or two of admonition to enemies , if there should be any such here , that are ill-willers to the Church and people of God that love not Christs cause in the hands of his servants , who wish ill to it , who are glad when power and strength comes into the hands of those that would , or are likely to oppresse Gods people , and as farr as they can are contributing their power towards such designes ; let mee tell thee who ever thou art , Thou wilt wholly be frustrate of thy expectation , flatter not your selves , O yee malignant spirits , if any such heare mee this day , I say againe flatter not your selves with any thought that you shall bee able to doe any great matters against the servants of Christ , your plots will all come to nothing ; I will tell you a story , you shall finde it in 2 Chron. 28. the Church malignant , I meane the Church of the ten Tribes , ( who had made apostasie under Ieroboam ) had rallied a mighty Army together , and went against the true Church of Christ , against Iudah , and they got the day , and carried away 200000. of their brethren , whom they made account to keepe or sell for slaves , and so keep them in bondage , and now they thought all was their owne , there comes a Prophet and meets them , who tells them from God , With a rage that reacheth unto heaven , you have slaine many of your brethren , and now you think to keep the people of Iudah under , it will not bee ( saith hee ) there are sinnes amongst you , great is the wrath of God that is kindled against you , let them goe home againe , meddle not with them : and truely though the people were naught , they tooke the Prophets counsell , they saw it would be in vaine for them to kick against the prick ; so I say , it may bee there may bee some such here , for I can heare of strange insultings and threatnings in the mouths and tongues of many against those whom they thinke shortly to have under their feet , but doe not flatter your selves , the people of God are too heavy a stone for you to carry farre ; I will make ( saith the Lord in the 12. of Zachariah ) Ierusalem a burdensome stone , for all people that burthen themselves with it shall bee broken in peeces , though all the nations of the earth should bee gathered together against it , the people of God will bee too heavy a weight for them : in the same place hee speakes to them that thought to drinke their blood , I will make Ierusalem a cup of trembling unto all the people round about ; you cannot hurt them , you may bee Gods flaile to thresh out their Chaffe , bee a meanes to purge and winnow them ( which they will have cause to thank God for , ) but for you to thinke to oppresse them long , that the rod of the wicked shall remaine or rest upon the neck of them that feare God , it cannot bee , you 'l ruine your selves in the designe ; bee wise therefore and leave it off ; but I forbeare , for such ordinarily are more fill'd with fury and rage against that that is spoken in this kind , then willing to profit by it , and therefore my next Vse is , To them that will profit by it , and whom I hope the Lord will teach to profit by it , to all those that have sincerely owned Christ and his cause amongst us , I would speake somewhat to them , the Lord grant I may speake effectually , I am sure it is a word in season , you who are the Lords people , that are in Covenant with him , who desire to know & feare him , and to see the welfare and prosperity of Zion , the thing I would leave with you is this , lay not to heart overmuch the dangers you seeme to be in for the present , from the hands of those who would destroy you , lay it not ( I say ) so far to heart as to be dismayed : I confesse it is as Arrowes in the hearts , and Swords in the bowels of many , to heare the extream threatnings and scornes wch in many places are cast upon those that desire to feare God , they are often told , You are not farre from hanging , you must shortly looke for it , England will bee too hot for you , your doores are mark'd , you are known well enough , the day is comming , you 'l be caught ere long , what of all that ? which if these things bee belched out ? I confesse if our lives were in the hands of men , if the Lord would deliver us up to them to doe what they would , and put us out of his hand , I beleeve there would not bee a godly man left before to morrow night , so much rage and fury is throughout the Land against them , if Satan might have the ruling of the rost , and the determination of businesses ; but truely the servants of God are never nearer to deliverance , then when such threats lie upon them , and the Lord Jesus Christ being the same yesterday , to day , and for ever , knowes his own best time , and his own best way , and we should fix our eyes upon him , when all other things goe crosse , and studie onely to walke so as wee may bee under the power of this doctrine , that wee may bee under the reach , and cover and wings of it , and when wee have done that , wee have done all wee should doe ; and therefore to this end , give me leave in this close of the Sermon , to give a threefold advice to Gods people , what they should now do in regard of the present straights and dangers that wee are cast in , that so wee may the more comfortably expect deliverance from Christ : the one is , Let us all ( in the first place ) take the counsell of the Prophet in Ieremiah 8. 14. when the Lord was giving up his people to most wofull spoiles , the Prophet speakes to them after this manner , Why doe you sit still ? assemble your selves , and let us enter into the defenced Cities , and let us be silent there , for the Lord our God hath put us to silence and given you the water of gall and wormeword to drinke ; for wee have sinned against God ; so I would say to all , O that the voyce of God in this could reach his servants in the Parliament , in the Court of Aldermen , in the Common-Councell , in the Citie , and throughout England , that it might prevaile with all that have been unfainedly devoted to this work , to get into their closets , to lay their hand upon their mouth , and weep before God , and say , This cup of gall and bitternesse is given us to drinke because wee have sinn'd against God , my meaning plainly is this , I thinke the servants of God in England , since the Gospel came into England , have never miscarried , nor dishonoured the Gospel so , as we have done since God hath wrought these enlargements for us ; surely wee walked 100. times better in the dayes of persecution , then wee have in the middest of our inlargement ; O to what abundance of loosenesse even good people are come , what pride in many of their hearts , what scandalous walking in the eyes of those that are enemies to Religion , what bitter divisions one against another , undermining one another , opposing one another , when one side gets power striving to beate downe the other , if the other get the ball , they kick as unmercifully against the other , even to the scorne of Religion : truely wee have even lost our selves ; our foolish walking hath took off the awe that the profession of Religion laid upon the hearts of wicked men , who heretofore though they did not love goodnesse , yet they saw such a conversation in those that were good , that it laid a bridle upon them , but now they see that many godly , or who at least pretend to bee godly , appeare so selfish , so bitter , so worldly , not onely to bee of differing minds , but of differing affections , falling into horrible rents , and abominable opinions , this I say , hath tooke off the awe that lay upon mens consciences , and therefore is there so much rage let out against us ; I desire therefore that we all that professe our selves to bee Christs servants may get our selves into our Closets , and bee silent , lay our hands upon our mouths , and say , It is most just with God wee should bee given up , wee had a little power and wee have abused it , wee have dishonor'd the Gospel , and now the Lord hath given us the water of Gall and Wormewood to drinke , because our finnes have called for it . Beloved , our adversaries can speak of these things , and it is good for you to heare of it from the Ministers mouth , for when wee lye low and submit , and say , God hath walked contrary to us , because wee have walked contrary to him , then the Lord will quickly turne things about , and bee gratious to us : that is one ; let the servants of God wherein they have miscarried bee sensible of it , humbled and abased for it in Gods sight ; And secondly , Let our conversation for the time to come , bee according to the principles and wayes that wee walked in the beginning of this worke , when wee were first ingaged in it ; In the beginning of our work , what were our principles ? what were the things wee aimed at then ? Did we not then aime at the reformation of Religion , execution of justice , enjoyment of libertie , &c. were not these the hinges that carried us ? and the wayes wherein we walked then , what were they ? Were they not the wayes of Prayer , and the wayes of Christian love , and a spirit of zeale ? Was there not a spirit of prayer mightily poured out in every corner of the Land , so that you could come no where , where there were any that feared God , but frequently in publique and private there was knocking at heaven gate , and wrestling with God ? and was there not a spirit of Love amongst Gods people then ? Wee know not the divisions and animosities that are come in since , every one helped together ; and was there not also a spirit of Activity ? Were they not all vigorous and active laying out all their strength and all their talents , when the enemy was not so active as now ? which diligence many have given over , and the enemy hath taken up ; now let us indeavour that the same spirit may be revived amongst Gods people for the time to come , let us remember our engagements , and what the things were wee vowed , when wee lifted up our hands to the most high God , and doe our first workes ; O that wee could see a restoring of these things , O that wee could see a restoring of the Spirit of prayer againe among the godly people of England , and a Spirit of love to unite one with another , ( I am sure wee see all our enemies unite against us ) O that they would now unite one with another , though they cannot bee all of one minde , yet of one heart , bearing one anothers infirmities , indeavoring to heale all that is sinfull in each other ; O that the spirit of zeale to promote the cause wee are ingaged in , might once more bee found amongst us , that wee might with Abishai and Ioab play the men and bestirre our selves , and let God doe what is good in his own eyes : let that be our second care , remember our first principles , and our first wayes ; And then thirdly , and lastly , With lamenting and bemoaning our failings , and with our recovering our first love , and our first wayes , let us quietly leave it to God , to doe what hee will ; O that God would once bring his servants to this passe , never to look for any great good from man , nor never to feare any great evill from man , neither good from the best of men , nor evill from the worst of men , but to resolve that the Lord can and will himselfe doe his own worke , and were there not left in London , in England , in all three Kingdomes any one of power to stand for the cause of God , were all swallowed up , yet let us conclude the fire of God will burne up all the briars and thornes that are risen up against the Lords vineyard ; were our Armies all lost , were our friends all gone ( as indeed wee are come to a very low ebbe ) yet is our deliverance never the further off , therefore hold up your confidence ; indeed if wee were engaged in an ill cause wee ought to give it over to repent of it openly , and take shame to our selves ; if wee have done ill , to stand for reformation , contend for our liberties , to contend to bee a free people , if this were sinfull let us bee humbled , and tell all the world of it , but if it be right , it 's not the falling away of this man or that man , or the revolting of this or t'other Ship , or Castle , or this partie or that partie , all this is nothing , if God turne but his face against them they are all gone ; Brethren , let me speak truly of it , it is thus in Scotland at this day , the godly party , they that are for the Covenant and Religion ; though they are overborne with an Army , a degenerate party risen up against them , who threaten to swallow up all , and have plundred and wasted the estates and goods of them who will not joyne with them in this sinfull and wicked ingagement , yet they hold one and cleave to their old rules and principles , and confidently expect deliverance ; the Lord teach us to doe the like , that as wee meet this day to praise God for his mercies and deliverances lately received , a whole catalogue whereof were now read unto you , so to resolve it for the time to come to seeke him in his own way , wee to doe what wee can , and with faith leave him to doe what he will . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A89588e-290 Introduction shewing the coherence . 1. Matth ▪ 4. 15 , 16. 2. 3. 4. Scope and parts of the Text . 1 Which are A great deliverance of the Church . 2 The manner how i● must be wrought . 1. Judges 7. 2. Interpretation of the Text . 1. 1. 1. 1. 2. 2 Chron. 32. 2 Kings 18. 19. Esay 36. 37. Obs. From the connexion of these words with the former , Gods people should rejoyce when God breakes their enemies & their yokes in sunder , Psal. 126. Exod. 15. Judges 5. Vers . 19. Vse . A notable tryall of our hearts whether they be right to Christ and his Church . Esay 66. 10. Two doctrines from the deliverance promised in the Text . 1 Doct. Christ sometimes leaves his own people under grievous yokes . Esay 8. 8. Psal. 119 , 121. Esay 3. 12. Deut. 28. 29. 33. Psal. 106. 41. 42. Hos. 5. 11. Psal. 144. 12 , 13. Ezek. 34. Micah 7. 34. Lamentar . 5. per totum . For what sins God useth to give up his people into the hands of tyrants and oppressors . For refusing to be under his government he gives them up to be under cruell governers . 2 Chron. 12. 8. Zach. 11. opened . 2. When his people are unthankfull for good governours , hee gives them up into the hands of oppressors . Judges 9 , 7 , &c. 1 Sam. 8. Ho●ea 13. 11. 3. When people are tyrants and oppressors one over another , God useth to give : him into the hands of oppressors . Esay 9. 21. Jer. 66. 7. 23. Application . 2 Doct. Christ will in due time break all the yokes which lie upon his peoples necks . Luke 21. 1● . Psal. 125. 3. Esay 49 , 24 , 25 , 26. Esa. 51. 13 , 14. Quest . 1. When Christ useth to deliver his people . Answer to the first . He alwayes doth it in the best time . And that time may be known to approach . When the rage of his and their enemies is highest . Jer. 30. 17. 2. When Gods people are humbled and seek his face and favour . zath. . 9. 1. &c. Psal. 102. 13. 3. And when all hope of deliverance by any other meanes is cut off . Deut. 32. 35. Esay 59. 16. Quest . 2. How , and after what manner doth God use to deliver his people . Resp. 1. All wayes are alike easie to him . Resp. 2. He seldome delivers in that way his people expect it . Resp. 3. Esay 63. 4 He usually delivers his Church without any humane help . Resp. 4. Or which is all one , by unlikely meanes and instruments , Reason . Because in this way of working God appeares most like himselfe . 2 Chron. 13. 13. Vse . Admonition to them who have ill will at Zion . 2 Chron. 28. Zach. 12. 3. Vse 2. Exhortation Gods people not to be dishartned by the threatnings of ●●em●es . And to walke so as to be under the shelter of this doctrine Directions how this may bee done . 1. First , bee humbled and ashamed for our unworthy walking in the middest of so many wonderfull administrations towards us . Jen. 8 ▪ 14. 2. To walke according to our first good principles and wayes . 3. With confidence expect a good issue from God . A89742 ---- The demands and proposals of the Earle of Norwich, and Sr. Charles Lucas, (in the name of themselves, and the rest of his Majesties officers and souldiers in the city of Colchester) to Generall Fairfax, concerning the surrendering of the said city, ad their resolution thereupon. With the answer of the Lord Generall to the said demands and proposals also, the proceedings of the Scots-Royalists neare the Parliament doores, and their animating on the people to cudgell the Parliament. Likewise, the d[i]scovery of a great designe in the city of London, to have murthered most of the Parliament men, and the apprehending of the Princes agent at the Royall Exchange, and taking of divers commissions from his Highnes to the citizens, for the raising of a army for his Royal father the King. Signed, Charles. P. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A89742 of text R205129 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E460_25). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 12 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A89742 Wing N1331 Thomason E460_25 ESTC R205129 99864566 99864566 162146 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A89742) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162146) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 73:E460[25]) The demands and proposals of the Earle of Norwich, and Sr. Charles Lucas, (in the name of themselves, and the rest of his Majesties officers and souldiers in the city of Colchester) to Generall Fairfax, concerning the surrendering of the said city, ad their resolution thereupon. With the answer of the Lord Generall to the said demands and proposals also, the proceedings of the Scots-Royalists neare the Parliament doores, and their animating on the people to cudgell the Parliament. Likewise, the d[i]scovery of a great designe in the city of London, to have murthered most of the Parliament men, and the apprehending of the Princes agent at the Royall Exchange, and taking of divers commissions from his Highnes to the citizens, for the raising of a army for his Royal father the King. Signed, Charles. P. Goring, George Goring, Baron, 1608-1657. [2], 6 p. [s.n.], London : Printed Anno Dom. 1648. Sometimes attributed to Sir George Goring. (Cf. Wing). Annotation on Thomason copy: "August ye 23th". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Royalists -- England -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Colchester (England) -- History -- Siege, 1648 -- Early works to 1800. A89742 R205129 (Thomason E460_25). civilwar no The demands and proposals of the Earle of Norwich, and Sr. Charles Lucas,: (in the name of themselves, and the rest of his Majesties office Goring, George Goring, Baron 1648 1976 4 0 0 0 0 0 20 C The rate of 20 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE DEMANDS AND PROPOSALS OF The Earle of Norwich , and Sr. Charles Lucas , ( in the name of themselves , and the rest of his Majesties Officers and Souldiers in the City of Colchester ) to Generall Fairfax , concerning the surrendering of the said City , and their resolution thereupon . With the Answer of the Lord Generall to the said DEMANDS and PROPOSALS ALSO . the Proceedings of the Scots Royalists neare the Parliament doores , and their animating on the people to Cudgell the PARLIAMENT . Likewise , the D●scovery of a great Designe in the City of London , to have murthered most of the Parliament men , and the apprehending of the Princes Agent at the Royall Exchange , and taking of divers Commissions from his Highnes to the Citizens , for the raising of an Army for his Royall father the King . Signed , CHARLES . P. LONDON , Printed ANNO DOM. 1648. The discovery of a great Plot in the City of London to Massacre the Parliament men , and other Jnhabitants with in the City , and the Apprehending of the Princes Agent neere the Royal Exchange . THe Treaty is carried on violently , & many jealousies possess the honest party , who are as active as scrutinous , knowing a personall Treaty was never yet desired with out some designe to cut their throats ; divine providence , with Gods wonted goodnesse to his people discovers a hellish Plot in the City , to Massacre all honest Members in Parliament , and Inhabitants in City and Suburbs , for which Commissions were granted from his Sacred Highnesse the Prince of Wales , to Citizens and others , who in the prosecution of the Covenant with their deare Brethren of Scotland , and their zeale to the Royall Cause of his Gracious Majesty , make large subcriptions for buying Armes , and maintaining the forces listed for this great designe ) no marvell now ▪ that the Prince , and the City , with the Reformadoes should so much presse for a Personall treaty in London , that their brethren of Scotland may be provided for , and a Cessation and Free trade insisted on , that the City should raise forces by act of Common Councel , and the Royal party so much domineere . ) A Committee was this day appointed to joyne with the Miltia in examining and discovering this designe , with power to send for parties , witnesses , &c. seize horses armes , and Ammunition , and secure such persons as they shall think fit . They consider of their Lordships Votes upon the businesse of the Treaty , and make some additions and alterations therein : Agree to the repealing of foure Votes for no further application to the King . To the Vote for persons to attend him during the Treaty , the Commons add a provision , That they be not persons accepted against under restraint , or in actuall Warr by Sea or Land , nor so many as may cause suspition : To that , for his Majesty to be in the same freedom as at Hampton Court , Concurred . To that for Domestick servants to attend him , agreed to , so that they be not in any of the former limitations . His Highness the Prince of Wales , hath sent for a Dr. and Apothecary from London to wait spedily upon him : They acquaint the Speaker with the Princes Command , the occasion thereof , and their desires to the House in relation thereuto . The House Ordered , that the said Dr. and Chirurgion go aboard the Prince , and return : It s conceived the message was mistaken , and an Oculist intended , Ah poor Prince this is worse then blasting his land Army , for now his Amorous features will no more tempt the French Ladies , and besides , his Highnesse may come to an incapacity of — if his sight be not recovered . Some of the Scots Commanders insolencies was this day taken notice of in Westminster Hall , in stirring up the discontented people at the House rising , to fall on the Parliament men , crying , Cudgell them , Cudgell them . The Princes Agent was seen this day in the Exchange , London , and being friendly invited to a Glasse of Wine , a squadron of Major Gen. Skippons horse in the interim secured him , upon search finde the Clavis of the Princes Characters , Commissions from the Prince to Citizens , and severall particulars of Armes in relation to the grand Designe of the City : The prisoner and two Troopers are Coched , a squadron of horse-guard them down to Derby hous who dispose of the Agent into safe Custody , & return thanks to the Troopers , who rest not here , but scout round , and thorow the City this night , and Sunday likewise , their activiandy gallantry makes them terrible , and more dispicable , the Enemy calling them Fairfax Bastards . Make these 300 horse 6●0 . and give them power , they will secure both Parliament and City . The Bunch of Cavaliers and Citizens were hapily discovered at a Tavern in London , but more unhappily prevented . SIR , WE have little News here , God is acting for us , though we do little for ourselves , and the lesse we se our selvs do , the more we shall do : Our great work now , is the carrying on of the approaches , which are so neare , that our souldiers and theirs lay down their Arms and instead of shooting cast stones one at another ; our line between Botolph gate and East-gate , is almost brought to their wall . The enemy in town are very full of distractions , and the inhabitants of straits and disturbance , as you will perceive by the enclosed petitions , which were this day sent unto his Excellency in a letter from the L. Norwich , and the rest , expressing , That they had at the desire of the inhabitants , thought fit to restrain them and that they should be constrained for the better accommodation of the souldiery , to turn out the Towns-people whereby their houses and goods would be left liable to spoile and ruine ; for the prevention whereof , they had thought fit to treate with his Lordship for the surrender of the town , if he pleased , to which purpose they would send six Officers , if his Lordship would appoint the like number to meet them on his behalf . With this letter came another , offering the exchange of Capt. Gray for Mr , Weston , and Mr. Rawlens : His Excelencies answer was , that as to the exchange he accepted of , but as to the matter of treaty , he would send answer by a messenger of his own . As yet no inclination to grant their requests , the Officers are to advise about it to morrow , delay being now the best part of our game . This evening his Excelency going into one of the forts near East gate , the enemy discharged a Drake with Case shot , which scattered durt upon him and his attendants , but did none of them any harme . Our men kil'd one of theirs looking over the Wall . The other day Sr. Richard Hastings boy being exchanged for one Gooday a Townsman , whom the enemy had apprehended as a spie , having heard some discourse among the souldiers , and told it among the rest , that our soldiers bid him comend them to Goring , & tell him they would bore a hole through his nose , and draw him with a rope through Cheapside , crying here is the great Bull of Colchester , which made his Lordship merry . To the Right honorable the Earle of Norwich , the Lord Capell , and Sir Charles Lucas . The humble Petition of the Inhabitants of Colchester . SHEWETH , THat your Petitioners having lately received your Commands to prepare our selves generally to depart the town , for the better supplying of the souldiers we have been bold humbly to Petition the L. Fairfax for liberty to passe into the Country , least being forced we go voluntarily without his Lordships licence , we might expose our lives to eminent danger . We therefore humbly pray your honors to be pleased to give way that our Petition may be sent to his Lordship , and that till we have received answer of it , we may not be enforced from our habitations . Au. 16. 1648. Subscribed by us the Mayor & Aldermen in the name of all the Petitioners . W. Cooke Mayor , R. Buxton , Io. Furley T. Laurence , and Io. Sharp Aldermen . To the Right honorable Thomas Lord Fairfax his Excelency . The humble Petition of the inhabitants of Colchester . Sheweth , THat divers of your Petitioners of every parish , having been summoned this present morning to attend the Commanders in chief here , have received this Message from them , strict charge to communicate it to all the inhabitants in generall , namely , that we must with all expedition provide to depart the town , or otherwise we sh●ll by power be forced therunto , for that what ever becometh of us ; the souldiery , who maintain the Kings cause must and shall be provided for . Now my Lord , your Petitioners being driven to this exigency , they have no other means but to fly to your Christian clemency , and humbly pray , that you will give them leave to passe into the Country for the preservation of their lives . And your Petitioners shall pray , &c. Aug. 19. 1648 Subscribed by the Mayor and Aldermen in the name of all the Petitioners . Wil. Cook Mayor , Rob. Buxton , Io. Furley , Tho Laurence , and Io. Saw. Aldermen . Colchester . Leaguer Aug. 20. My Lords , I am willing to beleive that the necessities of the inhabitants of the towne of Colchester have wrung from them the Petition in your letter inclosed , I shall not only clear my self to all the world from the occasion of their sufferings but so far contribute to their releif , as to allow all the inhabitants of that town to enjoy the liberty in their Petition desired , provided the Committee of the County of Essex , now prisoners with you , be sent out with the first , only I shall not permit the wives and children of any townsmen , or others who shall abide with you in arms to have the benifit above mentioned . And to the other part of your Lordships letter that concerne the rendition of the town , I make this offer , that all such Officers and Souldiers under the degree of a Capt , ( excepting all such of my Army , who have since the 10 of May deserted their colours shall have passes without injury offered them to return to their homes , engaging themselves never hereafter to bear Arms against the Parl. and all other Superiour Officers , with Lords and Gentlemen , to submit to mercy . Your Lordships servant , T. FxIRFAX . For the Earl of Norwich , Lord Capel , and Sr. Charls Lucas . FINIS . A89782 ---- Nineteene humble propositions for peace, which the author desireth to cleere and make evident to all the true-hearted citizens of London if God will direct their hearts to heare and imbrace the same (and importune the Parliament for the practice thereof) for the good of city and countrey, humbly shewing. Nutt, Thomas, 17th cent. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A89782 of text R212078 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.8[21]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A89782 Wing N1474 Thomason 669.f.8[21] ESTC R212078 99870730 99870730 161072 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A89782) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161072) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f8[21]) Nineteene humble propositions for peace, which the author desireth to cleere and make evident to all the true-hearted citizens of London if God will direct their hearts to heare and imbrace the same (and importune the Parliament for the practice thereof) for the good of city and countrey, humbly shewing. Nutt, Thomas, 17th cent. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1643] Anonymous. By Thomas Nutt. Annotation on Thomason copy: "August 10 1643:"; "[illegible] T. Nutt Carrier norwich". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Peace -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A89782 R212078 (Thomason 669.f.8[21]). civilwar no Nineteene humble propositions for peace, which the author desireth to cleere and make evident to all the true-hearted citizens of London, if Nutt, Thomas 1643 852 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Jason Colman Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Jason Colman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Nineteene humble Propositions for Peace , which the Author desireth to cleere and make evident to all the true-hearted Citizens of London , if God will direct their hearts to heare and imbrace the same ( and importune the Parliament for the practice thereof ) for the good of City and Countrey , humbly shewing , THat your poor and almost restlesse Suppliant , who for the space of eight or nine moneths in the neglect of his own private affairs and livelihood having continually almost had new solicitations in his thoughts of certaine probable wayes and means for the deliverance of this City and almost the whole Kingdome with the spare of much money now spent , and bloud now spilt , hath sought continuall opportunity to declare the same to you that being faithfull had power to execute the same , yet notwithstanding could never get a hearing , Gods time being not then come , do yet once more , not knowing Gods time , try if God will now at last move your hearts in generall , or any particulars of you , to joyn together to hear him at large concerning that , the heads whereof he hath here set down , he doth not doubt but if God affect your hearts to hear , and endeavour the practice of the same , that you will think it the best spent time you spent in temporall occasions since our King departed from us , which also will be joyfull to many , and incourage them in your defence , which at present for feare dare not move therein , for if God do it , he will do it I conceive by a means yet unthought of in generall . 1 How to secure the store of food , and chief goods both in City and Countrey for the use of the owners thereof . 2 How to treble your strength , and make them your helpers , that now ( fearing your side the weakest ) dare not . 3 How to make your enemies not onely defend your cause , but to doe it willingly , because thereby they should make their owne estates the more secure , and have a lawfull satisfactory excuse if they be taken . 4 How notwithstanding the enemies threatning , yet to keep the City and Countrey yet unplundered from starving or fear of starving . 5 How to prevent the enemies Troupes , coming among us , of subsistence , except by yeelding up horses and armes , which they will rather do then lose their lives . 6 How to prevent a way of destruction which is like to come by the corne which our God ordinarily sendeth for our preservation . 7 How to make a comfortable defence about all places yet unplundered , to the great joy of the inhabitants , whereby they shall be a refreshing to the City , and the City to them . 8 How to increase bread by destroying drunkennesse . 9 How to increase our friends and store with the losse of nothing but such members as we would not own and enjoy . 10 How it will so appear unto all , that they shall prevail in your cause , and thereby enjoy their lives , goods and priviledges , as it will much increase their courage therein . 11 How abundance of money of Colonels , Captaines and Officers wages , as also of the horse and his rider might be spared . 12 How to give warning of the approach of the enemy , and to discover the number of them to the countrey about , and which way they march , without sending to them . 13 How both food and firing would hold out foure times as long as it is like to last , in a way much more profitable to the City and Countrey . 14 How this course would keep many friends among us that are daily flying beyond the seas . 15 How many women and maids would be as beneficiall as men . 16 How full of joy the practice hereof would fill the hearts of City and Countrey . 17 How it would in an ordinary way of providence be to the great increase of friends , food and store . 18 How to keep your secrets from your enemies , and any other letters from passing to them . 19 The losse of enemies , which as it will be the increase of our food , which they being among us spend , so it will cause a scarcity of food among the enemies , and store of food will procure friends . I beseech you consider , and use your best endeavour , if the Lord will shew you in this your day the things that belong to your peace . The weaker the means , and baser the instrument , the more Gods own hand is seen . T. Nutt Published according to Order . A90166 ---- Orders conceived and approved by the Committee for the Militia of the county of Middlesex as expedient for the present to be published and practised in the said county without the lines of communication. City of London (England). Committee for the Militia. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A90166 of text R35082 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.10[12]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A90166 Wing O396A Thomason 669.f.10[12] ESTC R35082 99872399 99872399 162553 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A90166) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162553) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f10[12]) Orders conceived and approved by the Committee for the Militia of the county of Middlesex as expedient for the present to be published and practised in the said county without the lines of communication. City of London (England). Committee for the Militia. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1644] Imprint from Wing. "Dated at the Dutchy Court at Westminster, 16. September, 1644. W. Greenhill, Cler. to the said Committee". Reproductions of the originals in the British Library (Thomason Tracts) and in the Harvard University Library (Early English Books). eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Middlesex (England) -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. A90166 R35082 (Thomason 669.f.10[12]). civilwar no Orders conceived and approved by the Committee for the Militia of the county of Middlesex, as expedient for the present to be published and City of London 1644 1065 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ORDERS CONCEIVED and approved by the Committee for the Militia of the County of Middlesex , as expedient for the present to be published , and practised in the said County without the lines of Communication . 1. THat Lists of Resiants within all Parishes be duly conserved from Moneth to Moneth , of all persons between the ages of 16. and 60. carefully registred according to their Names , Qualities , and Professions , not only of men , but also of Widows and Maids , living at their owne hands ; this to be performed by the Church-wardens , Overseers for the poore , Constables and Headboroughs , and to be attested by the next Justice of the Peace , High-Constable , or two of the Committee-men of the parish , or neerest adjoyning . 2. That from out of the said Lists , the Watches for the said parishes shall be raysed ( as occasion requires for day or night ) and so numbred and appointed all along the yeare , as every Resiant as aforesaid , may watch , or find a sufficient Watchman in his turne , and not further , but as the turne comes sooner or later round , by occasion of the more often or more numerous watches through the yeare . 3. That the names be so ordered upon the appointment of the Watches , as that a part of them may bee armed with Muskets and halfe Pikes , when any Justice of the Peace , or Constable shall Command the same . 4. That from out of the said Resiants , a particular selection be made of their names , who have shewed their affections to conserve their Countrey , their neighbours and themselves , by subscription to find Armes for horse or foot souldiers , with the numbers and kinds of the said Armes . 5. That every able bodyed man betweene the Ages aforesaid be listed again together , to serve as they shall be commanded with Armes of their owne , or appointed for them . 6. That no man be left out of this last directed list , or exempted in the case , but by suspension for , or in regard of some peculiar imployment of greater consequence to the publique , allowed by the Collonel of the Regiment in that part of the County , or otherwise by two Deputy-Lievtenants . 7. That all not able of body , with Widows and Maids at their owne hand , as aforesaid , be considered to furnish somewhat the more in any Assessement , or charge towards the souldiery , or Magazine of ammunition for the County . 8. That the Commanders in the Militia shall observe diligence and care in their severall charges , and in their severall degrees . As the Deputy-Lievtenants over the Collonels , they over their Field officers and Captaines , and those over inferiour officers and souldiers , so upwards in all obedience according to discipline of Warre . 9. That if any souldier shall not appeare upon summons , or shall absent themselves from this service without leave of his Officer , or shall wilfully spoyle or imbeazill his Armes , or be disorderly , or if any shall receive such his Armes , such offendors to be punished by fine or imprisonment , such imprisonment not exceeding ten dayes , or fine xx . shillings for any such offence to be levyed by distresse , and sale of such offendors goods according to the Ordinance . 10. That appeale to the Higher power shall alwayes be accepted , but the more distant appeale , as from the inferiour souldier to the Deputy-Lievtenants or Collonel , shall be the more blamed or punished , in case he or they prove , and be judged more troublesome then wronged . 11. That the Captaines , under Officers and souldiers of each Regiment , shall enter into halfe pay for their dayes of Exercise of every Company , assoone as each Regiment shall be compleated with their Lists of Officers and Souldiers ; Provided that the said dayes of Exercise , exceed not the number of 26. dayes through the whole yeare . Touching the Extention of halfe pay to the Listed Trayned-Band souldiers , aswell as to the Captaines and Officers ; it is agreed fitting . 1. That the Companies shall be so farre reduced into a selection of the better or more orderly conditioned , as that 120. in number shall be the reserved Band under every Captaine . 140. for the Serjeant Major . 160. for the Lievtenant Collonel , and 200. for the Collonels Company , who shall have their halfe pay , together with their Officers for 26. dayes Exercise within the yeare . The Captaines and Committees within each Lymit with approbation of the Collonel to affix the severall pay from time to time ; That the supernumeraries that shall arise within the limits of each Company , being received , or appointed to find , or weare Armes , shall be in protection , and under the same Command . 2. That where the said Captaines and Committees thinke fit to Lyst any number of youth that may be willing to exercise , they shall be received into Consideration , as they appeare to deserve for their numbers and industry . Lastly , Touching the Certificats for Souldiers and Officers without Commissions to shew their Condition . It is agreed , That every souldier and officer-shall have Certificats from his Collonel ( such as were shewed to the Committee ) with impression of his Escutchion of Armes , and under the hand of his Captaine , and Secretary of the Regiment , for which the souldier shall pay vj-pence out of his next following pay allowed , and xij-pence for every Officer or Gentleman of each Company ; Two parts of which fees shall be to the Secretary of the Regiment , and one third part to the Clerke of the Band , in which such souldier or Officer is . Dated at the Dutchy Court at Westminster , 16. September , 1644. W. Greenhill , Cler. to the said Committee . A91163 ---- Accommodation cordially desired, and really intended. A moderate discourse: tending, to the satisfaction of all such, who do either wilfully, or ignorantly conceive that the Parliament is disaffected to peace. Written upon occasion of a late pamphlet, pretended to be printed at Oxford; entituled a Reply to the answer of the London-Petition for peace. Contra-replicant, his complaint to His Majestie. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A91163 of text R21031 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E101_23). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 91 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A91163 Wing P392A Thomason E101_23 ESTC R21031 99869118 99869118 155894 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A91163) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 155894) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 18:E101[23]) Accommodation cordially desired, and really intended. A moderate discourse: tending, to the satisfaction of all such, who do either wilfully, or ignorantly conceive that the Parliament is disaffected to peace. Written upon occasion of a late pamphlet, pretended to be printed at Oxford; entituled a Reply to the answer of the London-Petition for peace. Contra-replicant, his complaint to His Majestie. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652. [2], 31, [1] p. [s.n.], London : 1642 [i.e. 1643] By Henry Parker. An answer to the "Reply of the London petitioners to the late answer to their petition for peace", often attributed to W. Chillingworth, which was published as part of: The petition of the most substantiall inhabitants of the citie of London and the liberties thereof to the Lords and Commonns for peace. A reissue of "The contra-replicant, his complaint to His Maiestie" with A1 cancelled by a new title page and conjugate A1. The Thomason copy of the original issue has MS. date "Jan: 31 1642" on title page. Annotation on Thomason copy: "May 15". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Chillingworth, William, 1602-1644. Petition of the most substantiall inhabitants of the citie of London and the liberties thereof to the Lords and Commonns for peace. London (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A91163 R21031 (Thomason E101_23). civilwar no Accommodation cordially desired, and really intended.: A moderate discourse: tending, to the satisfaction of all such, who do either wilful Parker, Henry 1643 16234 18 5 0 0 0 0 14 C The rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2008-07 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Accommodation Cordially DESIRED , AND REALLY INTENDED . A MODERATE DISCOVRSE : TENDING , To the satisfaction of all such , who do either Wilfully , or Ignorantly Conceive that the PARLIAMENT is Disaffected to PEACE . WRITTEN Upon occasion of a late Pamphlet , pretended to be Printed at Oxford ; entituled a REPLY to the Answer of the LONDON . PETITION for PEACE . LONDON , 1643. ACCOMMODATION Cordially DESIRED , AND REALLY INTENDED . A Moderate Discourse , tending to the satisfaction of all such who , &c. A Petition for Peace is presented to the Parliament by some thousands of Citizens ; the Petition findes a peaceable answer ; and that Answer ( as I shall now set forth ) is opposed by an unpeaceable Reply , but that time may be the better husbanded , and indifferent Readers the better satisfied , before I undertake the Replication it selfe , I desire all men to be preadvertised of some few things . Schollars have been very active in this unnaturall warre , both in raysing and fomenting it ; the tongue hath made some wounds as well as the hand ; and the sword had never bin so keene , had it not been whetted by the Pen : but Schollars are not active on both sides alike ( to shew their partiality , & interest in this cause ) 't is only on the Kings side , where the Pen and the Launce are both brandisht in the same hand . And it is wisely ordered , for the Kings interest wil be the more hopefully pursu'd when Schollars second it with their Arts , and the Schollars Interests will be the easier gained , when the King seconds them with his Armes . But of all kindes of Learning Oratory is most relyed on : and of all kinds of Oratory , that is most made use of , which is most want only painted and dressed , and borrowes most from ostentatious Art , and is therefore most unfit for businesse , either of Law or State , because it is most fit to inveagle , and deceive with its false graces and flourishes . The tongue of Cyneas was very advantageous to Pyrrhus in subduing Townes and Cities , but 't is likely more of manly Logick then of effeminate Rhetorick flow'd from that tongue of his , or else Townes and Cities in those dayes were governed by very illiterate men . None but the duller sort of people are to be catcht by pure oratory , the wiser sort are wel enough instructed , that when the Fowlers pipe playes most melodiously , the snare is coucht most pernitiously . That man is very unworthy to judge of Papers that cannot distiguish betweene foundations and superstructions , reasons and Assumptions ; that cannot discerne between prooving of premises , and pursuing of conclusions : and yet the chiefest fraud of the Orator is to passe over that part of the businesse which requires most proofe , without proofe at all , & that which is most darke without light at all , and that which is most important without mention at all . 'T is enough for the Orator to blazon the bloudy shield of war in general , when 't is his sole charge to dispute who are the guilty causers & promoters of this particular War : 'T is enough for him to take it for grāted , or at most upon his own credit to affirme it , That the Kings party of Papists and Arminian Clergy men and delinquents were first assayled by this Parliament , without cause or danger ; and so presaltum to proceed to vēemous invectives , & cursed censures against the Parliament : when his main task is to proove either that a Parliament may in no case whatsoever defend it selfe , or that this warre in the Parliament is not defensive . If wee peruse all the papers which have come out in the Kings behalfe , under his name , or otherwise ; we shall find nothing proper to be insisted on but these two points , That defensive warre is unlawfull in Parliaments , or that this warre in the Parliament is not defensive ; and yet nothing lesse hath been insisted on ; nay though the Fabricke bee vast that is built and raised thereupon , yet that which ought to support all the fabrick is utterly neglected ; so in this reply ( now to be examined ) if much be affirmed , yet little is prooved , and if any proofe be made 't is of sequels , not of premisses ; 't is of assumptions deduced , not of Theses deducing : and 't is plaine and obvious to al that the Replicant here pleads not as if he stood at the barre , but pronounces sentence , as if he sate on the Bench : We may justly therefore suspect that he aymes not at the satisfying of wise men , but the dazelling of simple men , and that he would not daube with his fucusses every line , & embellish with his Caressing Phrases every sentence , if he did not affect the pompe of Mr Rhombus the Pedant , rather then the gravitie of a Statist . The next Art of our Replicant is to impose those his nude averments which are most false and improbable , with most boldnesse and assurance , assaling as it were thereby the beliefe of other men with armed violence . That it may passe for currant that Franham Castle was surprized contrary to the faith , and Treaty of Sir William Waller ( with whom no Treaty was ever entertained nor spoken of , ) it must be further averred , That our side was false at Winchecter , false in York shire , false every where ; but these things eadem facilitate negantur , quâ affirmantur . Another advantage of the Kings party is by multitude of writings , invective and Satyricall : both the Universities are become mints of defamatory disgracefull papers , the Regiments of the Kings Pen-and-Inkhorne men , are more and fuller then of his sword-men ; and though too many papers are scattered of both sides , yet those of the Kings are most of them serious , and done by able men , whereas those of the Parliaments side for the most part are ridiculous done by Sots , or prevaricators to the disadvantage of the partie . After these premonitions I come to the Replication it selfe . The substance of the Petition was That the Parliament would tender such Propositions for Accommodation , as might be accepted with honour to his Maiesty , and safety to the Kingdome . The substance of the Answer was that the Parliament was truly and heartily desirous of a safe and honourable Accommodation , and for an instance of that their desire would seeke nothing from the King , but to enjoy the due essentiall Priviledges of his highest Court of Law and policie , which priviledge must needs qualifie and fit them rather to judge , then to be judged by any other inferiour partie . That a totall submission to the King , he being so farre addicted to a faction of Papists and haters of Parliaments , could neither be safe nor honourable . That to submit to the Kings party were to submit to the foes of Religion and Libertie : foes irreconcileable , and such as ever had been dangerous , and were now made more furious by bloud against the Parliament . That if the Petitioners being but a part of London , and that but a part of England , should in stead of an honourable safe Accommodation presse the Parliament to a dishonourable unsafe submission to the Kings party , it were a breach of publike trust in the Parliament to yeeld therein , the Parliament being trusted by the whole Kingdome , that if a just fit Accommodation be intended the King ought to trust the Parliament in part , as well as the Parliament ought in part to trust the King . That both parties being equally disarmed , the Protestants being lesse countenanced by the King , and more obliged in Conscience by oathes and agreements , would be more obnoxious to disadvantages , then that party wherein so many Papists are predominant . That though the Parliament might submit , yet a faire Accommodation it could not obtaine , except the King would equally condescend thereunto . That if the Petitioners had found out a more safe and honourable Accommodation then the Parliament had yet discovered ; ( for that was possible ) the Parliament would embrace it ; That if none such could be found out , the affections and judgements of the Parliament ought not to be censur'd or distrusted . That it behooved the Petitioners to addresse themselves by the like petition to the King , if no want of affection to peace were apparent in the Parliament , as certainly none was . In contradiction and opposition to all the severall poynts in this Analysis , what the Replicant hath set forth , wee shall now see in the same order . 1. The great contrivers of our sad divisions , which abuse the weake reason of the people , to keepe up an unfortunate misunderstanding between King and Subject are not named by the Replicant ; but they are clearely pointed out to be the Chiefe Lords and Commons in Parliament : for he saith , Every new Vote of late hath been a new affliction : and he makes Pennington and the Citty Lecturers to be but Iourney-men Rebels under them : and even this Hellish slander he venteth under the name of the Petitioners , whom he stiles the most considerable persons of the Citty : and at the same time affirmeth , that the people generally are of honest affections . And the Answer to the Petition in which , the words ( he saies ) are softer then oyle , though the matter of it be poison of Aspes , he attributes only to some Chiefe Engineers of mischiefe in the House , though it carry in it the Authority of the whole House . Here is a wonder beyond all wonders . A few factious persons in Parliament over-awe the major , better and wiser part in Parliament ; and by a few factious Instruments in Citty and Countrey abuse the major , better and wiser part there also into the most miserable distempers and calamities that ever were ; and though the honest generality begin to grow wiser and are instructed by the sence of their miseries , and by other advertisements from loyall Papists and Prelates , and other pious Courtiers and souldiers to shake off their few Tormentors : Nay , and though the King himself has not onely publisht the most eloquent and subtill Declarations to disabuse the people , that ever were ( himselfe being the most beloved and honoured Prince that ever was for his indulgence to Liberty and Religion ) but ha●h also advanced a most puissant and victorious Army to releeve these undeceived wretches ; yet the incantation holds , no humane force either of Armes or Arts can dissolve it . The miracles of Moses had an impression of divine vertue upon them , and did therefore triumph over all the Egyptians spels : but in this case , Mr Pym , with I know not what infernall engines distors and wrests all the Orbes of a Kingdome from their naturall motions ; and yet no divine Art can resist him . 'T was never beleev'd before that any but God could work contrary to nature , but now it must be beleeved . But is it so apparent that the Parliament is averse from peace ? yet saies the Replicant , For withdraw the fuell , and the fire is soon extinguisht : Let the Parliament not foment the ill humour ( by supplyes of men , Armes and Ammunition ) and the wound will heale of it selfe . In the petition , nothing but an Accommodation , safe and honourable was pretended , but now we see a meere submission is intended in this replication . T is not prooved : That the Armes of the Parliament are unjust ; 't is not prooved , that it may be safe for the Kingdome to prostrate , and subject Parliaments to the discretion of that faction which now has bereav'd us of the Kings presence and favour , yet because the Replicant will take upon him to condemne Parliaments ; we must also allow of his Judgement . But ' its further say'd by the Replicant , that even Accommodation it selfe is not pleasing in Parliament , witnesse that speech of one , I like not daubing : and that of another , I hate the name of Accommodation . Hee which hates the name of an Accommodation as it has been used of late to signifie a totall submission , may love a true Accommodation in it selfe : and he that likes not the daubing of those which under the colour of Accommodation ayme at nothing but division and dissention amongst the people , may more heartily affect a safe , and honourable agreement , then the Replicant himselfe . Can the Parliament expresse zeale to peace better then by contracting all its rights and priviledges into one compendious proposition , for the setling of union ? To purchase true peace , the Parliament desires nothing but to retain the meere being of a Parliament ; that is , to be the supreme Court of King and Kingdome . And if it can stand with the essence of such a Court to be arraign'd , tryed and sentenced by a faction of Papists , Prelates , Delinquents , and Souldiers , the Parliament will submit to that Condition also . 2. When we expresse our feares of the Kings party , and therefore deny submission thereunto as dangerous and dishonourable , the Replicant tels us further , we are required not to submit to our fellow subiects , but to the King only : and he tels us further , that the Lawes are the best security , and those we shall enioy , and to claime any higher securitie is to assume the power of Kings . How farre the Lawes of the Land have been sufficient to preserve to Parliaments , and the be●ter part of loyall Protestant subjects their rightfull portion and interest in the Kings favour , for these 17. yeares last past , is knowne to all ; The Lawes of Scotland could not secure the better and greater part there ; The Lawes of Ireland have not saved the Brittaines and Protestants from Massacres there : and yet certainly both those Kingdomes are intitled to Lawes of as ample benefit , and vigour as ours now is . But what speake we of Common Lawes , when even at this instant such a free subjects house is burnt and plundered by the Kings party , in derision and despight of the Kings owne Proclamation and particular Placard granted for the safegard of himselfe and his family ? As our Judges preyed upon us heretofore in matters of State , and Divines oppressed us in matters of Religion : so our Martialists now have a power of spoyling above the generall Law , or any particular protection . If the King thinke fit to grant safety to such a person , or such a Towne , it must be provided alwayes that such a Dutch or Scotch Commander , who conceives himselfe more skilfull in war then the King give his approbation withall ; for my part I conceive it more honourable for the King to say that he cannot , then that he would not save his people from all those cursed indignities and cruelties which have been multiplyed upon us during this warre , and before by his adherents . As for Lawes therefore we must take notice that they may be imployed either to the benefit or prejudice of any Nation , and that they themselves do require to be regulated by further Lawes . No Nation can be free without a three-fold priviledge : The first is in the framing and passing of Lawes . The second is in declaring and interpreting Lawes . And the third is in executing and preserving Lawes inforce . Where the King is sole Law-maker all things are subject to his meer discretion , and a greater bondage then this never was nor can be ; the English lie not under such base servitude , their King claimes but a part in the Leg●slative power : and yet neverthelesse of late by discontinuing of Writs for the summoning of Parliaments , and by the right of a Negative voyce in Parliaments , and an untimely dissolving of Parliaments , the peoples interest in this Legislative power has been much abridged and suspended . In the like manner also if the sole power of declaring Lawes were so in the King as that he might himselfe give Judgement , or create Judges at his pleasure without imposing Oathes of trust on them in behalfe of the people , or should deny redresses upon Appeales from them , our Legislative power would be vaine and uneffectuall to us . For my part I hold it an equall thing , whither just men make Lawes and unjust interpret them , or unjust men make Lawes and just interpret them . When it was just in the King of late to impose what taxes hee pleased , and as often as he pleased upon us for the preparing of Armadoes all over England . Our Nation was fallen into a most desperate thraldome , yet the fault was not then in the Lawes , but in the Judges , and such as had a power over the Judges , Lawes as they are deafe , and by a strict inflexibility more righteous then living Judges , so they are dumb also , and by their want of Language more imperfect then the brests of men . And indeed since the Lawes of God and Nature , though knowne to all , yet do not utter to all the same sense , but remaine in many plaine points strangely controverted , as to their intent and meaning ; how can we hope that any humane Lawes should satisfie all mens understanding in abstruse points , without some living Key to open them ? the vast Pandects and digests of the Law sufficiently testifie , that in the clearest Law , which mankind could ever yet discover there are dark and endlesse Labyrinths , wherein the weaker sort of lay men are presently lost , & the learnedst advocates are tediously perplext . In the last place also if the sole power of inforcing and executing Lawes were so vested in the King , as that he might use it to the cessation or perversion of all justice , and the people were in such case remedilesse , the interest in making and declaring of Law were invalid , and frustrate in the people , and the King might still inslave or destroy them at his pleasure . The Replicant sayes , That under a Monarchy much must be trusted to the King , or else it will be debased into Democracie . T is confessed much must , but all must not be trusted : the question then is , how farre this much extends in a Monarchy of such a mixt nature as ours is , in such times as ours now are ? In absolute Monarchies all is trusted to the King : in absolute Democracies all is vested in the people : in a mixt Monarchy more is trusted to the King , then is reserved to the people ; and in a mixt Democracie more is reserved to the people , then is derived to the Prince . In all formes of Government the people passes by way of trust , all that power which it retaines not , and the difference of formes is only in degree , and the degrees are almost as various as the severall states of the world are , nay the same state admits of often changes many times , sometimes the people gaines , and sometimes looses , sometimes to its prejudice , sometimes not ; and sometimes injuriously , sometimes not ; but the degrees of ordinary power consist in the making , declaring and inforcing Law , except when forraigne warre is , and then it is expedient that a greater and more extraordinary trust be reposed in one , and this we see in Holland , the most exact Republicke , and in England the most exact Monarchy in the world . But it is a leud conceit of our Royalists now adayes to attribute to our King an absolute power over the Militia of this Land at all times alike , not distinguishing between Civill warres , wherein he may be a party , and suspected ; and between a forraigne warre , where he is neither a party nor suspected : for if our Kings will plead such a trust to our disadvantage , 't is just that they produce some proofe for it , and relye not upon meere Common use , 't is true in case of Forraigne invasion , 't is expedient that the King be farre trusted , and yet even so , if the King should conspire with forraigne forces , or neglect to protect us against them , contrary to the intent of his trust , we might resume the common native Posse , or Militia of the Land , for our owne defence without his consent . And much more reasonable is it in time of Peace , or Civill warre , if the King will deny his influences , or withdraw his presence , to obstruct Law , or will by his Negative voyce , or by force seeke to disable his highest Courts and Councels , and reduce all to arbitrary government : more reasonable is it , that the people secure to themselves the Law , their chiefest portion and best patrimony . For as the King cannot by Law deny to the people their undoubted interest in passing of Lawes ; so neither can he defeat the same interest , or destroy the benefit thereof by misinterpretations , or by mis-executions of the same Lawes . No Nation can injoy any freedome but by the right and share which it has in the Lawes , and if that right and share doe not extend to the preservation of Lawes in their true vigour and meaning , as well as to the Creation of them , 't is emptie and defeasible at the Kings meere pleasure , Much is to be trusted to the King : true , but all is not ( we see ) trusted , some power we see is of Necessity to be reserved in free Nations , such as the King allowes us to be , and there is a difference also in the word Trust : for there is an arbitrary , and there is a necessary Trust , and the one may be resumed ; the other not upon meere pleasure . Without all question , the wiser and juster Princes are esteemed , the more the people ever trust them , but this makes no difference in the Legall and fundamentall Trust of the Kingdome , nor can infirme credulous , and easie Princes pretend alwayes to the same degree of power as their Ancestors have held , unlesse they can prescribe to their vertues also . Queene Elizabeth might with safety and expedience be trusted further then King Iames , even in those things where the Law did not trust her : but this is the misery of subjects , all goes from them , but nothing must returne : The Court of a Prince is like the Lions den in the Fable , all the beasts leave prints and steps advorsum but none retrorsum . But the Replicant further assures us , That t is very easie to assigne the bounds of these severall trusts : for the Lawes and Customes of the Land determine both : nor will his Maiestie ( he sies ) require any new trust to himselfe , or deny any old trust to us . Our great Divines were to bee admired for their profound knowledge in the mysteries of Law were they not Courtiers : but now the King is presum'd to comprehend omnia jura in scrinio Pectoris : and so they by their residence at Court discerne all the secrets of Law and State in speculo Imperii , just as our heavenly Saints doe read all things else in speculo Trinitatis . Our gravest Sages of the Law are much divided in points of lesse moment and intricacie , and as for the precise metes and bounds , where Soveraignty and Liberty are sever'd , and the direct degrees of publike trust in all cases , and at all times , they looke upon them as grand difficulties , scarce fit to be debated but in the sacred Court of Parliament ; and yet Clergie-men think them but the first rudiments of all knowledge , obvious to very A. B. C. Darians . They alwayes boast of the knowne Lawes of the Kingdome , in all disputes they referre us to the knowne Lawes and Customes of the Land , as if Judges were things utterly needlesse , and the study of Law meerely superfluous . The Treshault Court of Parliament , of whose determination our learnedst Judges will not thinke dishonourably , cannot pierce into thefe known obvious Lawes , and yet every Sophister can : the Fountaines of Justice are now exhausted , and yet the Cisternes remaine full . But saies the Replicant , If you seeke further security then the knowne Lawes , the people will see , that under the name of free subiects , you take upon you the power of Kings . Sir , we desire to have our Lawes themselves secured to us , which you may turne like our owne Canons against our selves , if righteous and prudent Iudges be not granted us , and all over-awing violence so prevented , as that the fruit of their Iudgements be clearely and intirely conveyed to us . And such securance is not incompatible with Monarchy ; for it is no more impeachment to Monarchy , that the people should injoy then make lawes ; that they should be sharers in the power of declaring and executing , then in the power of passing & framing lawes : but it is on the contrary an evident impeachment to liberty , if an equality of these three Priviledges be not at least shared with the people . 3. As for the diametricall opposition in Religion and State betwixt us and our irreconcilable enemies of the Kings party . The Replicant maintaines divers things : and of the Papists and Delinquents he sayes , That we have nothing against them , but State Calumnies : That the same justice may governe both , if wee will submit to Law . He beseeches us to tell what Religion we would have : if that which the Martyrs sealed with their blood , our Adversaries practise it , and desire severe punishment upon all such as transgresse it : he imputes to us a new Creed : he sayes the King is to look upon friends or enemies in a Law notion only , that Subjects must not give Lawes to Princes courtesies : That our enemies , if they be Traytors , are to be tried at the Kings Bench , the house of Commons having no right of Judicature . The major part of our enemies are certainly either Papists , or else such as are either over-awed or outwitted by Papists . T is true , some part of our enemies knowes the truth of the Protestant Religion , and the desperate antipathy of Papistry ; yet having in them the true power of no Religion , but serving Mammon only , for their worldly interests sake , ( with which severity of Parliaments will not square ) they adhere to Papists , little regarding what Religion stands , or what falls . Another part out of meere ignorance is carried away with the name King , and the Professions of the King , not at all looking into reason of State , nor being able to judge of the same : but the last sort of men are not so considerable , either for their number , or power , or malice ; and therefore I shall not insist upon them . The maine Engineers in this Civill Warre are Papists , the most poysonous , serpentine , Iesuited Papists of the world . All the Papists in Europe either pray for the prosperity of this designe , or have contributed some other influence and assistance to it . This warre was not the production of these two last yeares ; nor was England alone the field wherein the Dragons teeth were sowd . Scotland was first attempted , but the Protestant party there was too strong for the Papists , and such of the English as joyned with them . The conspiracies next broke out in Ireland , where the Popish party being too strong for the Protestants , the Tragedy has been beseeming Papists , it had proved beyond all paralell bloody ; and if shipping were not wanting , they might spare some aids for their fellow Conspirators here in England . England is now in its agony , bleeding and sweating under the sad conflict of two parties , equally almost poized in force and courage . The Papists themselves in England amount not to the twentieth arithmeticall part of Protestants , and yet one papist in geometricall proportion may stand against twenty Protestants , considering the papists with together with their adherents , and considering also what they are that act over them , and who they are that act under them . What power the Romish Vice-god has in the Queen is known , & what power the Queen has in the King , and what power the King and Queen have in the prelaticall Clergy , and the Clergy in them reciprocally , and what power the King , Queen and Clergy have on a great number of irreligious or luke-warm protestants ( now made Delinquents and so further engaged ) as also upon all papists , & how all these have interests divided & intwined & how restlesly active they al are in pursuing their interests is not unknown . Besides Ireland is a weakness , & Scotland is no strength to us : all popish countries France , & Spain &c ▪ are likely to annoy us , and the protestants in Denmark , Holland &c. have not power to restrain their Princes from combining further against us . In this deplorable condition we have no friends to complain to , and yet this Replicant tels us , we have no enemies to complain of ; our very condoling against papists and delinquents , he tearms State calumnies , and slanders that have lost their credit by time , and are confuted by experience . O thou black mouth , more black then thy coat , hast thou no more remorse for all that protestant blood , which delinquent have enabled papists to shed in Ireland , and for all that protestant blood which armies of papists and delinquents are now ready to shed in England ? if all this blood finde no pity in thee , yet is it an offence to thee , that it extorts teares and lamentations from us ? O thou unbowelled sanguinary wretch , if God be the God of protestants , he will judge these cruelties of papists , and their abettors : and if he be the God of papists , we know our slanders and calumnies cannot deceive him ; wee submit our selves and our cause to his revenging hand . But thou wilt say , the Kings party in this warre are good Protestants , and we are Anabaptists , &c. The tyranny and superstition of Bishops has driven some of our tender and strictor protestants into utter dislike of Ceremonies , and that pompous , or rather superstitious forme of Church discipline which has beene hitherto used in England . Some of us desire an alteration of some things in our Lyturgy , by advice of a learned and uncorrupt Synod : others perhaps scruple Church musick , and any set forme of divine service , to be imposed of necessity , liking better the single order of Scotland . What new Creed is there in all this , or what change of Religion were this , if there were any great numbers of men so opinionated ? But it is well enough knowne to our Adversaries , that there is not one man of both Houses of Parlialiament that is violent against all publick set formes of prayer , or that forme which is now in use , or that desires any alteration of Doctrine in Essentialls , nay nor of Discipline , except in things very few and inconsiderable . And it is well knowne that the Parliament , as it would loosen the rigour of Law in some scruples for the ease of tender consciences , so it abhors utterly all licentious government in the Church , and all by-wayes of confusion . In the City the King has instanced in Pennington , Ven , Foulk , and Mannering , as notoriously guilty of Schisme , and doubtlesse they were named for want of worse : try these men now by the old Creed , or by the nine and thirty Articles ; nay , examine them concerning the Common prayer Book , and it will soon appeare how farre they are strayed into Brownisme , or any other Schisme : it will appeare how they are wounded in schismatick , and all protestants in them , and the true Religion in us all : it may be they have not put pluralities , or the Parliamentary Votes of Bishops into their Creed ; it may be they have reserved no implicite faith for Convocation acts , and Canons , which the Replicant may perhaps judge very irreligious ; but they hope this never had any anathema pronounced against it in the old Church by any Councell before Antichrists dayes . Let not railing pulse for impleading and condemning , and we will all be tried in the same manner , and if any new Creed be found amongst us , differing in substance from the old , let our adversaries themselves give and execute sentence upon us . If Brownists could be as well distinguisht and nominated in our Army , as papists are in the Kings , or were really as many and as far countenanced , we would distrust our cause ; whereas we now beg no otherwise the blessing of God upon our Armies , then as we are enemies both to Popery and Brownism . Dares our Replicant make such a prayer ? no , somtimes he owns Papists , and somtimes he seemingly disowns them : speaking of the Kings party , once he saies , As for the establisht religion we will become suiters to you , that you will severely punish all persons whatsoever that transgress against it . Papists certainly have transgrest against our religion ; if the rebellion in Ireland be a transgression , or if the instant taking up of arms here against the parliament be a transgression ; yet see at the same time , when they call us to punish the papists , they themselves arm & enable papists to punish , nay to destroy us , is this all the ingenuity we shall expect ? well , to our law notion : it is argued in the next place , that a Papist fighting for the King , though in a notion of Theology , he may be accounted an enemy quatenus a Papist , yet in understanding of Law , hee was accounted the Kings friend , as to his fighting : Priest squires Doctrine just , hee that fights for the King , or rather at the Kings command , let the cause be what it will , he is the Kings friend . When Saul gave a furious command to fall upon the Priests of Iehovah ; amongst all his servants , he had no entire loving friend but Doeg : so when his unnaturall rage incited him to take away the life of Ionathan ▪ the whole Army that defended Ionathan were his foes , and if it had proceeded to parties ( as it had , if Saul had had as many Idumeans in his service as King Charles now has ) those onely which had been the execrable instruments of the Kings Tyranny , had been the Kings friends , and had fought for their King : so those six hundred men which adhered to David , out of a pious intent , to preserve his innocent soule from the bloudy hands of Saul , and his three thousand impious murderers ; and the Keilites also , if they had been faithfull to David ( as they ought to have been ) were guilty of Treason and drew their swords against their master . But I expect now that the Replicant insist upon the Iustice of the Kings cause , as not taking armes to master the Parliament , but to defend themselves against the Parliament : this if it could be proved , would over-rule all , but it being in question , and as resolutely denied by one side , as affirmed by the other ; the Replicant must evince by reason all that he expects to gaine from us . 'T is not so probable that a Parliament should invade a King , as a King a Parliament : 'T is not so probable , that a Parliament should be misled , and have ends to enrich it selfe by oppression as a King . 'T is not so probable , that that Army which consists all of Protestants , should be so adverse to the reformed Religion , as that which admits and favours all Papists and Delinquents : 'T is not so probable , that that Army which is raised and payed by Parliament , that is by the flower of all the English Nobility and Gentry , should fight for Arbitrary government , and against propriety , liberty and priviledge of Parliament ; as that which hath nothing considerable , but rapine and pillage to maintaine it . If many evidences of facts , many pregnant proofs , and many lively circumstances of time and place , did not absolve the Parliament of trayterous conspiring against the Kings Crowne , Dignity , and person ; and convince Digby , Percy , Iermin , and divers of the Kings and Queens party , of conspiring against the priviledges of Parliament , and the lives of many of our noblest Parliament men . If all other arguments did faile , the very invitation of Papists to the Kings Standard , & the rising of the Papists with such generall consent now , that all Ireland is almost lost to the papists , and some hopes were else to recover it , would sufficiently assure me , that religion and liberty stand in more danger of the Kings party , than of the parliaments . I could not with more cleare and cheerfull confidence die for the truth of the protestant Religion , then for the Iustice of the parliaments cause in this warre , noscitur ex Comite , &c. Let the papist plead for the Delinquent , and the Delinquent for the papist , those ends which have so closely cemented , and kindly incorporated both together , make a sufficient discovery to me , as well what the papist , as what the Delinquentis . And this age must prove monstrously unnaturall , in producing a wonder never heard of in all former ages , If Iustice doe now rest in the Kings side ; For surely , no King ever till now , having a iust cause , was opposed therein by the maior and better part of his subiects ; much lesse was it ever seene or heard of , that any King in a iust cause was deserted by the maiority of his Orthodox subiects , and supported by the unanimous aid of such , as hated his true protested Religion . God send the King to lay these things seriously and pensively to heart , for since none of his wise and worthy Ancestors ever yet had cause to wage war either with the Collective or Representative Body of the People : so none at all ever in any warre sided with a false Religion , or against the true , till this unhappy day ; in the King Charles is the first , and I hope will be the last , and therefore this is worthy to make a sad impression upon his soule . But our Replicant will tell us , That the Kings Iustice may yet govern and awe both parties by the same Law , whatsoever their antipathy be . The King has Law , and power by the Law to protect the better partie , and to provide for the peace of both parties : But notwithstanding that Law and that power the poore British Protestants in Ireland have beene left unprotected , and lamentably exposed to a generall Assassination : And had they not beene betrayed by their vaine confidence in the Law , and in the Kings protection , they perhaps might have found other meanes to defend themselves ; therefore it is no refuge or comfort to them now , to hear the name of Law proclaimed & reiterated , when as things hapned there , it has been the very shelfe and rock whereon the Protestants have been miserably bulyed and wricked ; then pardon pray , if the same name of Iustice also sound but harshly at this time in our eares : when papists which have destroyed our religion in Ireland , are raysed to preserve it in England ; and protestants which were sending succours and supplyes into Ireland , are in the instant invaded here in England for the better suppression of Popery both here and in Ireland ; T is a strange kinde of assurance or ioy to us , to see the names of Religion ▪ Liberty , and parliamentary priviledge , stamped upon our coyne , or interwoven in our Standard , when at the same time , we see the same Coyne imprested for the entertainment of a Popish Army : and the same standard marching against the representative body of our Nation , and the supreame Court of Iustice in our State . Nay , and the strange time that is taken for the righting of Religion , Law and Liberty amongst us , makes our assurance , and joy the lesse triumphant , for we plainely see , that as the season now is , no one Protestant falls here by the Kings sword ; but by the same stroak three Protestants at least are cut off in Ireland . And lastly , the manner of rightting Religion ▪ Law and Liberty , is most strange of all , for open warre is not now sufficiently destructive , though it be spread all over the face of the Kingdom ; subterranean plots are brooded further in the dark , and by privie intelligence , the whole City of London is to be engaged in a tragicall conspiracy , to murder it selfe in one night : What the benefit : therefore is of Law and Power , and Iustice for the disabling of Papist and Delinquents , and for the safe guarding of loyall Protestants we all know : But when papists and delinquents finde countenance , and the true religion is abandoned , and left obnoxious to mischiefe by the perversion of Law , Power and Iustice ; the names alone will not availe us , but our Replicant further saith , Subjects must not give Lawes to Princes courtesies . In matters of a private nature Princes are absolute , but not so in publike affaires , where the publike safety or liberty is touched . In their own pallaces Princes may dispose of Offices , but in the State if they make Patents prejudiciall to their revenues , to their prerogatives , or to the peoples interest ; the Iudges shall pronounce them deceived in their grants , and make the deeds void and null in Law : Princes cannot alien any parcells of their Crownes ▪ Hull may not bee transferred to the King of Denmark , nor Portsmouth to France , nor Falmouth to Spaine , for Kings have no sole propriety in such things , and the same reason is in the super intending Offices of Royalty it selfe ; they are not transferible at pleasure : Some Princes ( to use the words of Tacitus ) are so infirme and credulous , that they remaine jussis alienis obnoxii , and non modo Imperii sed libertatis etiam indigent , they are so enslaved sometimes to their basest flatterers , that their very Diadems are as it were aliend and made prostitute to seducers , and these their flatterers and seducers ( in the expressions of the same Tacitus ) Minore metu & majore praemio peccant . The unhappy Protestants in Ireland were of late undone by the vaste power which was put into the hands of the Earl of Strafford , and all the Ecclesiasticall , if not Civill disturbances and distractions which have of late infested these three Kingdoms , were in great part caused by excesse of power over the Church , delegated to the Archbishop of Canterbury : Without doubt when the foundation of Popery was first to be laid , it did not prosper and advance so much in sixscore yeers under the first Popes , as it did in six yeeres here under Canterbury : And Nero himselfe in his first three yeeres did not attaine to so much insolence and tyranny as Strafford did in one yeare . The Kings freedom therefore in favours will never justifie the preferring of such men , to an unquestionable command , nor the subjecting the lives , liberties , and soules of so many millions of Religious Protestants to their corrupted disaffected wills : Neverthelesse , for ought I can see we have since but changed one Strafford for another , and one Canterbury for another : Only to stop our complaints : This Replicant tell us , That the courtesies of Princes are not to be questioned by subjects . The Queen has now attained to a great heigth of power as formidable as she is to us , in regard of her sex , in regard of her Nation , in regard of her disposition , in regard of her family , in regard of her Religion , and lastly , in regard of her ingagments in these present troubles ; some think shee has an absolute unlimitable power over the Kings sword and Scepter ; which if it bee so , no end of our feares and calamities can be , no propositions can profit us , no Accommodation can secure us . If the King himselfe were a Papist , he would yet look upon us as his naturall subjects , but when his regall power is secondarily in the hands of a Papist , to that Papist we appeare but as meere hereticks without any other relation of subjects : By secondary power also , a stroak is given with more secresie and security ; so that there is the lesse feare in the party striking to break and retard its violence : It issues like a bullet , whose line is not direct , but with some elevation in the ayre , or with some windings in the barrell of the gun , whereby it doth more execution at a further distance . Therefore our Kings many and dreadfull Oaths and Vowes of sincerity in the Protestant Religion are not satisfying , if in the mean time any of his Kingly prerogative bee shared with such as are not sincere in the Protestant Religion ; it were farre safer for us that hee would sweare for his party , then for himselfe . But our Replicant will never have done with the Law , hee still tells us , That every man is to bee tryde by his Peeres the Lords in the Lords House , and the Commons at the Kings Bench , and though the House of Commons have no right of Iudicature , yet there is another tryall for Treasons , and our maine point in difference at this time is concerning Treason . The Parliament is nothing else but the whole Nation of England by its owne free choice , and by vertue of representation united in a more narrow roome , and better regulated and qualified for consultation then the collective body without this art and order could be . The Lords and Commons make but one entire Court , and this Court is vertually the whole Nation : and we may truly say of it , that by it consent Royalty it selfe was first founded , and for its ends Royalty it selfe was so qualified and tempered , as it is ; and from its supreame reason , the nature of that qualification and temperature ought only to be still learnd , and the determination thereof sought . For who can better expound what Kings and lawes are , and for what end they were both created , then that unquestionable power , which for its own advantage meerly gave creation to them both ? If Kings and nationall lawes had any humane beginning , if they be {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , as the Scripture sayes they are , they had not their being from themselves : and from nations collectively taken they could not have their being ; for nations so are not congregable , nor consultable , nor redeemable from confusion ( pardon the hardnesse of words ) and therefore it must follow , that both Kings and laws were first formed and created by such bodyes of men , as our Parliaments now are ; that is , such Councells as had in them the force of whole Nations by consent and deputation , and the Maiesty of whole Nations by right and representation . The enemies of Parliaments seeing this not to be gain-said , and seeing that it must needs follow , that that cause which first gave the being , and prescribed the end of that being , must needs have most right and skill to limit , and direct the manner of that being : they seek to divide the coactive from the representative body of the people : they seek to divide between the two houses of Parliament : and these seek to divide between the head and the body of the Parliament . They perswade the multitude , that they have entrusted the Parliament only with their purses to give away subsidies , and replenish the Kings coffers ; but not to settle their rights and franchises , and to make knowne the bounds of Prerogative , and restraine the unnaturall encroachments or erruptions of the same . If the community have beene agrieved , to complaine , or almost accuse , is a sufficient priviledge of the house of Commons , and this , but to avoid further repining , shall not be granted them . T is pity that our Doctors doe not study the Law further ; for with a little more industry , they might perhaps finde out , that every private man as well as the house of Commons , or the whole Community out of Parliament , as well as our Knights , and Burgesses in it , may give the King money , and if occasion be , preferre an accusation against such a tyrrannicall Lord or favourite ; well , if such Rabbies , and expounders can satisfie any of the unworthy vulgar , and some Gentlemen , and Lords who have spirits below the Yeomanry of England ( for such I have seene too many since . 3. Novemb. 1640 , they shall be no further disabus'd by me . In the next place , They attempt to work a disunion between the Houses , the Lords shall have a power of Judicature over their Members so they will exclude the Commons from any part therin ; and upon condition that they will so farre disclaime them , as to leave them obnoxious for tryalls at the Kings bench ; This sitting of the Lords and Commons in severall Houses , does not prove them severall Courts , nor does the observance of particular Priviledges in either House , and not laying all things common between both , prove any independance of either : doubtlesse they are like the twines of Hippocrates , they both must live and die together . In former ages judgement was so given upon the greatest Delinquents , at that the Commons were parties in the judgement : And sure , whilst they were Judges over Lords , themselves were not subjected to inferiour Courts : the Lords then knew they could not indure any indignity to fall upon the Commons being but distinct parts of the same Court , but it would reflect upon themselves ; and the Commons knew that the honour of the Lords was an addition to themselves , whilst the Curiatii stand close together , their three adverse Combatants are too weake for them ; but when they are divided by unwarinesse in the encounter , they prove all three too weake for one of their enemies , I will not make any comparisons , or say whither the Lords or Commons deserted by the other suffer more ; I will only say , that nothing but fatall want of policy , can divide or diminish their mutuall love and correspondence . In the last place , division also is raised betwixt the King and Parliament ; there is a generation of men which seeke not the good of King and Parliament ; nor could prosper if the King and Parliament were united as they ought to be . These men because their suggestions cannot prevaile to alienate the Parliament from the King , apply all their indevours to alienate the King from the Parliament : their perpetuall suggestion are , That the greatnesse of Kings is eclipsed by Parliaments , That there is in Lawes themselves a kind of enmity , and something that is inconsistant with royalty , That Kings are bound to seek nothing but themselves . That Kings can seeke nothing in themselves , so nobly as the satisfying of their wills , especially when their wills are fixt upon things difficult and forbidden . Neverthelesse , there is nothing but falsety in all these suggestions . For Princes are the Creatures , and naturall productions of Parliaments , and so are their Prerogatives as has been set forth , and every rationall and naturall thing loveth its own off-spring , and that love is rather ascending then descending , it is liker the sap of the root , then of the branch , viz. The people are more inclinable to love Princes , then Princes to love the People ; There is likewise a neare consanguinity , and reflexive benevolence of aspects between Lawes and Princes , they are both of the same descent , and tend to the same end , and both are inviolable ▪ whilst they are assistant each to other ; the enemy of both has no hope to prevaile , Si attribuat Rex legi , quod lex attribuit ei . T is retrograde also to nature , that Princes whom God has set to feed his people , and not without the creation of the people , should think themselves more valuable then that people ; or that they should confine their thoughts to themselves as Gods , despising the universality , when God has called particular subjects their brethren , and forbidden them to lift up their hearts above any of them . Lastly , that Princes which have as other men , sinfull affections , and are subject more then other men to sinfull temptations , and are accountable to God therefore , in a higher degree then other men , should think it inglorious to deny their own irregular wills , and to submit to Lawes , Parliaments , and the Publike prayers and advice of their subjects , 't is a thing scarce credible . The most expert Navigator preferres the guidance of his Needle before his own conceit ; the most tried Engineer wholly relies upon the certainty of his rule . All Artists how rare soever apply themselves to their Instruments , absolutely renouncing their skill and experience in comparison of Mechanick directions . Only Princes chuse rather to erre with their own fancies and fancy feeding flatterers , then to go right with publick advice , and no mischiefe , which can happen to themselves , and millions of others by their error , seems so unkingly to be suffered , as a retractation from error . But our Replicant has more particular objections against Parliaments , As first , That they have no cognizance of matters of State : secondly , That in matters of grace and pardon they have no power or right : the King in those , has an Arbitary sole authority . Lawes ayme at Iustice , Reason of state aimes at safety ; Law secures one subject from another , Law protects subjects from insolence of Princes , and Princes from sedition of Subjects , so far as certaine rules may be given and written ; but reason of State goes beyond all particular formes and pacts , and looks rather to the being , then well-being of a State , and seeks to prevent mischiefe forraign as well as Domestick , by emergent Counsels , and unwritten resolutions . Reason of State is something more sublime and imperiall then Law : it may be rightly said , that the Statesman begins where the Lawyer ceaseth : for when warre has silenced Law , as it often does ; Policy is to bee observed as the only true Law , a kind of a dictatorian power is to be allowed to her ; whatsoeever has any right to defend it selfe in time of danger is to resort to policy in stead of Law , and it is the same thing in the Replicant , To deny to Parliaments recourse to reason of State in these miserable times of warre and danger , as to deny them self-defence . Many men , especially Lawyers , would fain have Law alone take place in all times , but for my part I think it equally destructive to renounce reason of State , and adhere to Law in times of great extremity , as to renounce Law , & adhere to Policy in times of tranquillity . Nothing has done us more harme of late , then this opinion of adhering to Law only for our preservation : & the King and his party though they are too wise themselves to observe Law at all , yet have wrought much upon the simpler sort of our side by objecting against us neglect of Law . Certainly as our dangers now are , it would bee good for us to adde more power to the Earle of Essex ( if he be thought the worthiest man of Trust amongst us , as he has deserved no lesse estimation ) for till I see him lookt upon , and served as a temporary Dictator , and the bounds of his Commission to bee only this ; ne quid detrimenti capiat Respublica cavere : I shall never think the Parliaments safety sufficiently provided for . To frame any Arguments , or reasons , or to offer proofes , that the Representative body of the Kingdome is a Counsell of State , rather then a Court of Justice , would shew me as foolish as the Replicant : 't is impossible any man should doubt of it , that does think the being is to bee preferred before the well being ; or that whole Nations have any interests either in their owne being or well being . Let our Adversaries triumph in their owne conceits , and when in the same case there is both matter of Law and State ( as in the case of Hull , where the King had an interest rather in State then Law ) let them upbraid us for declining of Law : I shall like that best which they dislike most in us : I wish we had not observed Law too farre , for they would never so farre recommend it to us , did they not know it might be sometimes unseasonable . As for acts of grace and pardon . I shall not much quarrel thereabout , the Parliament can best advise the King how far it is fit to passe a Law of oblivion in these generall times of confusion : And the Answerer of the London Petition affirmed nothing , but that their advise therein was likely to be most wholsome , which can hardly be contradicted . And the Law is cleare enough that though the execution of Law be farre intrusted to the King , and there is a dispensing power in Him , so farre as he is supposed to be damnified or to be interested in the penalty ; yet where crimes have been committed against the whole State , the King ought not , and where particular men have been injured , the King cannot suffocate , frustrate , or deny Justice . 'T is against his Oath , 't is against publike Liberty to deny satisfaction by stopping execution . 4. But London is the most considerable part of the Kingdome and the Petitioners the best part of London ; and the most to bee valued in other parts , are inclined to the same request for peace , therefore the Parliament ought to yeeld . When our Adversaries please , they can alledge numbers for their advantage , as if the Major part of the people were cordially on the Kings side : when they please they can give you reasons why the major part of the people are inchanted , and therfore cannot be on the Kings side ; yet we all know the major part cannot be both for and against the King at the same time in the same case . Besides divide England into 3. parts , and we doe not allow London to be the major of those three , and divide London into 3. parts , and the Petitioners cannot make it appear , that they are full one third part ; this must be attributed to our Replicants boldnesse meerly . That which is manifest , is , that most of the faulty , and decayed Nobility , and Gentry , are of the Kings party , and so are the Lees of the people ; but almost all of the Yeomenry ( which is the most considerable ranke of any Nation ) and a very choyse part both of Nobility and Gentry at this time side against the King and the Papists : And it is impossible for any rationall man to imagine , that the King has not infinite advantages against the Parliament , if his cause be generally apprehended , as the more just : But sense teaches us the contrary , that no King in the unjustest cause that ever was , had a weaker party then this King , considering what courses he has taken . The King has an Army , and such an Army as is able to force and overawe all places where they lye , with swords drawne over the Pesants : but cursed be that man for my part , that next after God , would not referre the arbitration of this difference to the publike vote of the people . And yet we know that there is a great deal of servilty in the people , and that for the most part , they looke no further then to present grievances ; like Esau in his Pottage bargain , chusing rather to dy for ever of a Lethargy then to sweat for a time under a Feaver . 5. All Controversies are determined either by the Dye of Force , and chance of War ( for so Nations have ever censur'd that kind of tryall ) or else they are concluded by Lawes justly interpreted , or else there is a middle way ( which we call Accommodation ) and that is commonly when to avoid the mischiefe of the Sword , and the uncertaine intricacie of Judgement , both parties by mutuall agreement condiscend equally to depart from the rigor of their demands on either side , and so comply , accommodate , and meet together upon termes as equall as may be . Whersoever then the word Accommodation is pressed , ( as it is now with us in the London Petition , for the word Submission is not at all used ) 't is most absurd and contradictory to exclude a yeelding and compliance of both sides . See then the manifest unjustice of our Replicant , who when the matter of Accommodation onely is in Treaty , yet urges us to a meere submission , and taking it for granted that he is Judge , and that he has determined the matter for the King ; therfore the King ought not to condiscend , or comply at all , or leave any thing to the Parliaments trust , but must wholly be trusted in every point . 6. The King requires to have preserved to him for the future that compasse of Royall power which his Progenitors have been invested with , and without which he cannot give protection to his Subjects . The Parliament desires to have preserved to the Subject , peace , safetie , and all those priviledges which their Ancestors have enjoyed , without which they cannot be a Nation , much lesse a free Nation . Now the Militia and Posse of the Kingdome must be so placed , and concredited , and that the King may be as equally assured of it , as the Parliament , or else without all Accommodation the King must be left to the Fidelity and duty of Parliament , or else the Parliament must be wholly left to the Kings discretion , or rather to the Kings party . In this case what shall be done , the Parliament pleads that the King has resigned himselfe too far into the hands of Papists and Malignants , from whom nothing can be expected but perfidie and cruelty ; The King objects that the Parliament is besotted with Anabaptists , Brownists , Familists , and Impostors , from whom nothing can be expected but disloyalty and confusion . If the King here will grant any security against Papists and Malignants , the question is what security he will give ; and if hee will give none , the question is how he can be said to seeke an Accommodation ; so on the contrary , if the Parliament will undertake to secure the King , as that is granted , then what must that securance be . I will now take it for granted , that the King ought to abjure for the future the giving of countenance to Papists , or being counselled or led by them in State matters ; as also to disband his Forces , and that the Parliament will doe the like , and abjure all dangerous Schismaticks and Hereticks . But for a further tye to strengthen this abjuration , and for a securance against Malignants , who are not yet so perfectly distinguisht on either side , what shall be the reciprocall caution or ingagement ? Shall the King have all Forts , Ships , Armes , and Offices in his dispose ? Shall the King assigne to what Judges he pleases , the division of our quarrels ? or shall he trust his Parliament in the choise and Approbation of persons intrusted ? I will not dispute this , I will onely say , that the nature of an Accommodation requires some condescending on both sides , and it is manifest injustice in the Replicant to prejudge the same , as unbeseeming the King more then the Parliament , and in all probability the Parliament is likely to condiscend upon more disadvantageous termes then the King ; and is lesse lyable to be missed , and lesse apt to break a trust , then any one man . 7. To shew that the Parliament is disaffected to an Accommodation , and the King not , & that therefore a Petition to the Parliament is more proper & seasonable then to the King . The Replicant bitterly reviles the Parliament as having punished some for seeking peace , and as having rejected the Kings gracious offers of peace with termes of incivility below the respect due to a King . What more damnable crimes can any man load the Parliament with , then with rebelling against the King first , & after rejecting officers of peace with foule and scandalous language ? Yet this the Replicant freely grants to himselfe , and as if hee were placed in some tribunall above the Parliament , where all allegations and proofes were utterly superfluous , he proceeds to sentence very imperiously . For ought I know I am as venerable and unquestionable a judge in this case as hee is , yet I dare condemn nothing , but rash and presumptuous condemning of authority without proofes ; and for that I have Scripture it selfe for my proofe . As for the Kings comming to Brainford in a mist , and during a Treaty , and there surprising men unprepared , and retiring againe upon the drawing up of our forces , that these are instances of seeking peace , and shewing favour to the city is not so cleare to my understanding as to the Replicants . 8. But sayes the Replicant , you grant that the people may perhaps find out a better way of Accommodation then you have done , and you allow them to petition when you faile of your duty : And this must needs overthrow the strongest and most popular argument of your innocence , and authority . The Parliament did never assume to have an absolute freedome from all failes or Errors , nor does detract from other mens knowledge , it vindicates nothing more then to bee lesse obnoxious to deceit and perversenesse then other Courts , and that the rather because it disdaines not any advise or reason from any parties whatsoever . 9. The Answerer demanded from the Petitioners a modell of an Accommodation to bee framed by them , for the better help and instruction of the Parliament . The Replicant satisfies that Demand ▪ Hee makes two propositions thus ; 1 That the Parliament shall as readily consent to the Kings Rights as the King consents to theirs . 2. That the Reigne of Queen Elizabeth : may be the measure to determine those rights . In this the Replicant is very reasonable ; for we freely submit to both his propositions : but he is not so Politick as he thinks ; for a submission to these generall propositions , will not determine any one of our Particular debates . Let us be safe , as wee were in Queen Elizabeths dayes , and let us be secured of our safety by the same meanes , as Queen Elizabeth secured us ; That is , by shewing no countenance to Papists ( much lesse admitting them as Counsellors , least of all as Governors in her highest Councells ) let wise men generally loved and revered sit at the Councell Table , and let the Publick advise of Parliament sway above all private ; let our Lawes be in the Custody of learned , and uncorrupt Iudges , and let our Militia be under the Command of such renowned Patriots , as shee preferred in her dayes ; and our Accommodation is more ample , and beneficiall , then any we have yet desired . But our Replicant will suggest , Be you such Subjects as Queen Elizabeth ruled , and King Charles will treat you , as Queen Elizabeth did her Subjects : doe you right first to the King and the King will not faile to doe right to you . Here is now the maine Question indeed , which rightly solved , would solve all , whether these deplorable miseries , which have of late vexed and grieved our three Nations , have rather hapned from the Change of the People , or from the Change of the Prince . And most certaine it is future Ages will conceive no great doubt , or difficulty to be in this Question : but now it is mortall to dispute it : it is scarce lawfull to suppose any thing herein , Though supponere be not ponere but by way of supposition , I will only plead thus : if the three Nations have by I know not what fatall posture , and Congresse of stars , or superior Causes , declined from their allegiance , and degenerated into unnaturall obstinacy , and turned recreant , and contrary to the sweet Genius , which was ever in their Ancestors , they are bound to submit to the King & to put in him as full and absolute a Trust , as our Parents did in Queen Elizabeth : but on the contrary , if miscarriages in government , and the pernicious Counsells whereby our Princes have been guided , have overwhelmed us in these inundations of blood , and mischiefes ; the Alteration , and Reformation , ought to begin first in the King , and He cannot expect that we should trust him so farre as we did Queen Elizabeth untill we are assured as fully of his protection as we were of Queen Elizabeths ; but suppose there have been faults on both sides , can nothing but the sword rectifie our faults ? I never yet heard that any Prince was forced to a warre with any considerable part of his own Subjects , but that he had an unjust cause , or might have determined the strife without bloud by some Politick Complyance if he pleased . It is not so common or probable in nature , for Nations causlesly to rebell , as for Princes wickedly to oppresse : and when armes are taken up on both sides , it is not so safe for Subjects to yeeld , as for Kings ; nor can Subjects so easily reduce Kings to a peaceable agreement , and cessation of Armes , as Kings may Subjects for the sparing of blood . Kings can make no composition almost dishonourable , or disadvantagious ; but Subjects being falne into the indignation of revengfull Princes are necessitated commonly to this choyce , either to come forth with halters about their necks , or to fight upon great disadvantages ▪ as Rebellious as the Subjects of Rehoboam were , a kind , nay , a Civill Answer might have retayned them in their allegiance , and yet if their termes had been full of insolence , and their Capitulations more unreasonable , yet Salomon's Councellors would have perswaded Rehoboam to yield to necessity , and to master that multitude by some finenesse of wit , which he could not Tame for the present by violence ; And certainly he shewed not himself the Son of Salomon , that would not purchase an hereditary Empire over a gallant Nation by being a Servant for one day , that would quit his own policy , because the multitude had quitted their civilitie , that thought that Complyance which should gaine a scepter more dishonourable , than that Contestation which should absolutly forfeit one . How easy had it been for the great , the wise , the terrible Philip of Spaine , to have prevented the totall defection of so many goodly Provinces in the Netherlands : and if it could not have been done without something which is ordinarily accounted below , a K. would not that have been more honourably done by him , then the casting away of so brave a Dominion , and the casting after that so much blood & treasure ? That King of France was far wiser , and sped better , which satisfied himselfe in his strugling through many difficulties with this Maxime , That a Prince can loose no honour by any Treaty , which addes to his Dominion . Infinite instances might here bee alleadged , but they are needlesse . God send our King truly to represent these things to himselfe , and rather to trust plain , then pleasing advice . God open his eyes , that he may see how honorably , and easily he might heve preuented these calamities , and may yet stanch our bleeding wounds ; and how much m●re difficult it is and u●safe for the Parliament to compose things unlesse he or rather his Party be equally disposed to hearken to peace . Hen. the 4. was as wise , as valiant , and as just a Prince as ever was Crowned in England , and no Prince ever had by experience a more perfect understandi●g of the English Genius : yet he in his death bed ( where dissimulation uses to be laid aside ) in his last advice to his own son and heire ( whom it was not likely he would willingly deceive ) deciphered the English Nation to be generally observant of their Princes , and whilst they were well treated , and preserved in Peace and plenty , most incomparable for their perfect inviolable loyalty , but of all nations the most unquiet under such a harsh rule , which should render them servile , poore and miserable This he had abundantly prooved , and found true by the wofull deposition of his unpolitick Kinsman and predecessor Rich. the 2. and his own prosperous , and glorious Raigne , and many strange traverses of Fortune , which throughout his whole Raigne . He was forced to encounter withall . His scope therefore was to recommend to his sons charge this Nation both as dutifull , and as generous , of whose loyalty he needs not to doubt , so long as his Iustice was not to be douhted . O that this most Excellent Prince could bee againe summoned from his peacefull Monument to repeate the same advertissements in our Soveraignes eares , and to justle out of his presence these bloud thirsty Papists and Malignants , which use all possible art to staine the peoples loyalty , and to candy over all his actions , intending thereby not to reconcile the people by procuring grace from the King , but to confound both King and people , by fostering enmity between both ? I will only adde this by such instigations , as our Replicant and his fellow Courtiers use , the King cannot be happy , but by the uncertainty of war , that is by making his subjects miserable : but such Traytors as I am , if our advise bee entertained , propose to the King a more certaine way to happinesse by Peace that is by making his subjects yet more happy ; but our Replicant saith , the King is willing to condescend to any thing , but you will admit of no reconciliation , except the King will remove those servants , whom he had found most honest and faithfull in his afflictions , and prefer you undeserving in their place . Here is the grand knot indeed , we oppose such as have been the Counsellors or instruments of such and such designes : the King , saith , they are his friends , and he cannot abandon his friends : 't is confest , the King ought not to abandon his friends , but the King may erre in the knowledge of friends : and as he ought to protect his friends , in whom he cannot err ; so he is not bound to protect such as he meerly thinks his friends , and in whom if he will beleeve the voyce of the people , he is very much deceived . We have as much interest in the Kings friends and Counsellors as we have in our Laws , Liberties , lifes , any thing , for we know we can enjoy nothing if the King shall owne those for his friends , whom we know to be our enemies , and account of these as good Counseils , which we know to be treasons against the State , that Prince that will be arbitrary and rely upon his owne meer opinion , and discretion in the imployment of Counsellors and Ministers of State , having no regard to publique approbation therein , is as injurious altogether as he that will admit of no other Law , judge , nor rule in the propriety and liberty of his subjects , but his owne brest only . It will be replyed , not fancy , but sense teaches this , that he that obeyes the Kings commands , and fights under the Kings Standart is more a friend than he that disobeyes , and fight against the King : this is demonstration , no error can be in it . I answer no , 't is most false , Scripture and reason manifest it to be most false . Doeg did obey Saul , when all his other servants denyed obedience , yet even in that obedience he made himselfe culpable , and his master abominable , whereas the other servants of Saul were dutifull in withholding an unlawfull duty . So those 3000 Souldiers which marched out after Saul to take away the life of just and uncondemned David , they were instruments in a base disservice to Saul , they are not to be justified for this service ; whereas those 600 valiant men which accompanied David in his dangers and afflictions and were ready with their sword drawn to guard that innocence , which Saul himself should have guarded are not to be accounted false to Saul but true to David . And the meere presence of Saul on the one side , did not make the cause injust on the other side , nor if himself had fallen by rushing oftentimes , upon defensive weapons , could that horrid guilt of his death , have been imputed to any but to himself . Cursed therefore , yea thrice cursed be these miscreants , which ingage the King in this war against the Parliam not without hazard of his sacred Person , if they be private persons and have not sufficiency to decide this great controversie betwixt the King and Parliament . For my part I dare not pronounce sentence , neither for nor against the Parliament , as the Replicant without all scruples doth in all places ; but I may safely say , that if the King does , though in person , unjustly wage war against the Parliament ; the E. of Essex and his Army may far more lawfully fight in defence of that supreame Court , than David and his followers did for the protection of one innocent private man . And taking the controversie as undecided , 't is not apparent who fight for or against the King , and the King may himself as lawfully claime to be sole supreme judge over all single and universal persons , and over all Laws and Courts , and in all cases whatsoever , as to claime any man a Traitor for serving the Parliament in this war ; and this if he claimes , what Priviledge remaines to Parliament , what limits remaine to the Prince : what liberty remain is to the Subjects ? 'T is not only then trayterous , but ridiculous in the Replicant to assume that supremacy to himself which is denyed to the King by condemning the Parliament and justifying the Kings party in all passages of this War , we when we except against the Kings party , asperse not at all the Kings person , and the Law it self makes ever a distinction betwixt the King and his agents : though our Replicant will not allow any such feverance : but betwixt the Parl●am . and its instruments no such feverance is except for the worse , for there pejor est author quam actor , but sayes the Replicant . 'T is the unhappinesse of the King that he hath a par●y , 't is the fault of the Parliament , he desires and ought to have the whole . See here 't is the Parliaments fault that Percy , Digby , Winter , Mountague , Crofts , Killegrew , and many other of the Queens devoted Creatures are preferred in the Kings favour before the Parliament . And 't is the Parliaments fault , that Rivers , King . and the Titular Court of the Palatinate with some other Irish Papists latly come over have the honour of the Court , command of the Camp , and spoyle of the Kingdom to reward them , whilst Manchester , Hambden , Hellis , ●im , Strod , Haselrig , are designed for the block , and that upon such charges , as shall intangle almost all the most eminent Gentry and Nobility , as well as them , That this is the Kings unhappinesse is aggreed , but that this is the Parliaments fault is not proved by the Replicant , and we are not bound alwayes to abate him proofes in matters of this consequence . Doubtlesse we are likely to expect great performances from Parliaments hereafter if it shall be guilt in them that they are rejected , and if they shall be rejected only because other more favoring Courtiers pretend better affection to the Kings private advantage . The actions of Popish and Malignant Courtyers , cannot represent them more friendly to the K. than the Parliaments . No honour or prosperity has followed hitherto therupon all their difference is that their single professions of Love are more credited , than such as are credited by the Votes of the Generality , and attestations of Parliament . Howsoever though many men do think , private advise and testimony , to be more valuable , and fit for Princes to hearken too , then publick , I never till now heard , that it was a fault or blame in Parliaments to be lesse valued or accepted then private persons . To what purpose is it said ? that the King ought to have the whole : it is our complaint that the King will not accept of the whole : and it is the Replicants complaint , that the King is not suffered to injoy the whole . This shall reconcile all : let the whole be received as the whole ; and every part as it is Major , or Minor be entertained in grace and equipage proportionably , and this difference is composed . 10 But sayes the Replicant , the Kings party is the more just , and therefore to be preferred , and this is to be judged of by rule ; as thus ; the Parliament intrenches upon our Liberty by imprisoning without cause , according to pleasure and claimes to be unquestionable therein : The Parliament intrenches upon Religion by committing our best Professors , and planting Sectaries in their stead , the Parliament proceeds according to reason of State , not Law : and this places an arbitrary power in them , and makes ordinances equall to acts of Parliament . Heare in a breif summe all that ever has been spoken , or can be spoken against the Parliament ; and all this is grounded upon an ungranted proposition , that the Parliament has no right to defend it self : For if it be lawfull for both Houses of Parliament to defend themselves , it must of necessity follow , that they may and must imprison , levye moneyes , suppresse seditious preachers , and make use of an arbitrary power according to reason of State , and not confine themselves to meere expedients of Law . Enough has been said of this , 't is impossible that any wise man should be opposite herein , and the Kings party have more recourse to reason of State , and arbi●rary power by far than we have . But if it be said , that the Houses abuse arbitrary power in imprisoning , levying moneyes &c. causelesly ; this is a false calumny , and not to be granted without particular and pregnant proofes , of which the Replicant produces none at all , were it not for this great noise and boast of Arbitrary power , our Academians would want matter to stuffe their in numerable pamphlets withall : and the sillyer sort of Malignants would want fuell to feed their enmity . And yet we know , Arbitrary power is only dangerous in one man or in a few men , and cannot be so in Parliaments at any time ; much lesse in times of publick distresse : for then it is not only harmlesse but necessary . The House of Commons without the other States hath had an arbitrary power at all times , to dispose of the treasure of the Kingdome , and where they give away one subsidy , they may give 20 , and where they give 50000l at one subsidy they may give fifty times so much , and all this whether war or peace be . Yet when did either King or Subject complaine of this arbitrary power ? Nay if any parts of the Kingdom have repined at the abuse of this arbitrary power , and refused to pay subsidys assessed by the house of Commons , what Kings would suffer it ? when was it not held a good ground of War ? so both Houses have an arbitrary power to abridge the freedom of the Subject , and to inlarge the Kings prerogative , beyond a measure ; they may repeale our great Charter , the Charter of Forrests , and the petition of right if they please , they may if they please subject the whole Kingdom for ever to the same arbitrary rule as France grones under , nay , & they have often been with force and all manner of sollicitations almost violented into it : and yet notwithstanding all this , we are neither terrifyed nor indangered at all by this arbitrary power in both houses . To have then an arbitrary power placed in the Peers and Comm. is naturall and expedient at all times , but the very use of this arbitrary power , according to reason of State , and warlick policy in times of generall dangers and distresse is absolutely necessary and inevitable : but 't is a great offence , that both Houses should make ordinances generally binding . They , which would take from us all meanes of defence ; if they could dispute us out of the power of making temporary Ordinances had their wils upon us , for defence without some obliging power to preserve order , and to regulate the method of defence , would be vaine and absurd ; but this is but one branch of arbitrary power and reason of State , and to wast time in proving it necessary in times of extremity , if defence be granted lawfull , were childish and ridiculous . I have now done with the Replicant , so far as he hath spoken to the matter , I shall now come to his emergent , strange , calumnious speeches , against the persons of such and such men , but this were Caninos rodere dentes . I forbeare it , only rehearsing some raylings , which need no answer but themselves . The two houses are generally railed at , as guilty of Rebellion against the King . All adherents to Parliament are railed at , as Anabaptists , Separatists , &c. The Lord Major is railed at , for preventing bloudshed in the City , when the Petitioners under the pretence of seeking for Peace , had many of them plotted dissention , and this his Office is stiled the stiffling of peace in the womb . The City Preachers are railed at , for satisfying our Consciences in the justifiablenesse of a defensive war , for this they are charged to fight against the King in the feare of God , and to turn the spirituall Militia into weapons of the flesh . The framer of the Answer is rayled at for giving the Petitioners just satisfaction in peaceable language . Though his words be confessed to be softer than oyle , yet 'ts said , that the poyson of Aspes is under his lips ; he is called a Cataline , the firebrand of his Countrey , whose sophistry and eloquence was fit to disturbe a State , but unable to compose or setle it . The judgment of all these things is now submitted to the world , what the intent of the Petition was , in some master-plotters and contrivers of it , will appeare by the arguments of this fell Replicant . Whereby it is now seconded . That the name of an Accomodation was pretended to force the two Houses under colour therof , to cast themselves upon a meer submission , or to be made odious , and lookt upon as foes to peace , which was a Scilla on one side , and Charybdis ( on the other ) is here manifested . Whether the Answer to the Petition savour of so much malice and enmity to peace , as this Replication does , let indifferent men censure , Lastly , whether the soule of that man which thirsts for a firme Peace , may not dislike these practises of pretending to it ; and the soule of that man which hates peace , may not make advantage of the name of peace , let all wise men proved and examine . FINIS . A91200 ---- A just and solemn protestation and remonstrance of the lord mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, common-councell-men, and other citizens and freemen of London against two late ordinances of the Lords and Commons that now sit, for the choosing of common-councell-men and other officers within the city and liberties thereof ... which ordinances bear date the 18, and 20 of December, 1648. Prynne, William, 1600-1669. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A91200 of text R42518 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing P3989). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 17 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A91200 Wing P3989 ESTC R42518 36282213 ocm 36282213 150175 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A91200) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 150175) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2234:26) A just and solemn protestation and remonstrance of the lord mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, common-councell-men, and other citizens and freemen of London against two late ordinances of the Lords and Commons that now sit, for the choosing of common-councell-men and other officers within the city and liberties thereof ... which ordinances bear date the 18, and 20 of December, 1648. Prynne, William, 1600-1669. 8 p. [s.n.], Imprinted at London : 1648. Attributed to William Prynne by Wing (2nd ed.). Reproduction of original in Lincoln's Inn Library (London, England). eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A91200 R42518 (Wing P3989). civilwar no A just and solemn protestation and remonstrance of the lord mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, common-councell-men, and other citizens and freemen o Prynne, William 1648 2622 7 0 0 0 0 0 27 C The rate of 27 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Just and Solemn PROTESTATION AND REMONSTRANCE OF THE Lord Mayor , Aldermen , Sheriffs , Common-Councell-men , and other Citizens and Freemen of LONDON . AGAINST Two late Ordinances of the Lords and Commons that now sit ; For the Choosing of COMMON-COUNCELL-MEN and other Officers within the City and Liberties thereof for the YEAR ensuing , in the generall ; And against some Clauses in them in particular : Which ORDINANCES bear date the 18 , and 20 of DECEMBER , 1648. Imprinted at London , 1648. A just and Solemn Protestation and Remonstrance OF THE Lord Major , Aldermen , Sheriffs , Common-Councel-men , and other Citizens and Freemen of London , against two late Ordinances of the Lords and Commons that now sit . WE the Lord Major , Aldermen , Sheriffs , Common-councel-men , and other Citizens and Freemen of the City of London , who have exhausted our estates , adventured our lives , lost our blood , and for eight years space together day and night upon all occasions indefatigably contributed our utmost labors , treasures travails , counsels , prayers , & endevors to maintain the honor , freedom and safety of both houses of Parliament ; & stood by them in their greatest straits , assisting them with our purses and forces , when few else would own or stand by them , and hazarded the loss of all that is dear and precious to us for their defence , who else had been swallowed up and destroyed by their Prelaticall , Popish , Malignant enemies sundry times ere this , and brought to utter desolation ; For all which faithfull Services , and real testimonies of our most cordiall affections towards them ( which they have frequently and gratefully acknowledged both in the Houses and City upon sundry occasions , and remonstrated to the world in divers printed Ordinances and Delarations . ) We did at least expect a free and full enjoyment , if not a confirmation and enlargement of all Our ancient Hereditary freedoms , priviledges , rights , Franchises and Customs ever constantly enjoyed by us and our Predecessors from before the Conquest , till the last year , confirmed by Magna Charta it self , Chap. 9. which enacts , That the City of London shall have all the old Liberties and Customs which it hath been u●ed to have ; and entayled to us and our Successors for ever , by many successive Charters and Acts of Parliament of most of the noble Kings of England , as well before as since ; which neither one nor both Houses of Parliament , in their fullest and freest condition , have or can pretend to have any just or lawfull power to repeal or diminish in the least degree , without our own consents or desires , and the Kings concurrence thereunto by an Act of Repeal ; much less whiles under the actuall force and power of disobedient mutinous Army , who have forcibly imprisoned , excluded and driven away most of their Members . But in stead thereof we finde ( to our deepest grief and astonishment ) a most ingratefull , and dishonorable requitall of all our former faithfulness , love , bounty and services , not by the generality of the Members of both Houses ( whose favors and sincere affections towards us , in studying to preserve and enlarge our Priviledges , Franchises and Charters upon all occasions and Treaties with his Majesty , we shall ever gratefully acknowledg ) but only of a small inconsiderate party in the Houses , wholly acted and swayed by a Jesuitical and Anabaptistical powerfull party in the Army , who have a long time made it their principall study and Master-piece , to rend and disengage the City and Houses from , and dash them in pieces one against another , and divide them into factions and fractions among themselves , whereby to enslave and ruine them both , and by their slavery and ruines to make way for their own ambitious designs , and intended Greatness and Tyranny , far more intolerable and grievous then any we or our Ancestors formerly sustained under the worst of all our kings ; which they have no hopes to accomplish , whiles the Houses and City enjoy their ancient Priviledges , Freedoms , and continue cordially united : and therefore have at this present most perfidiously and trayterously endevored to captivate and enslave , not only the King , but both Houses of Parliament , and the City together ; and in them the whole Kingdom and English Nation . For which end and purpose , having brought up the whole Army to London and Westminster , contrary to the Houses Order ▪ and quartered many of them in and about the City , in the principall places of strength and advantage , beyond our expectation , and contrary to their own Engagement to us ; seised upon our Treasuries and Halls ; imprisoned one of our Sheriffs , though a Member , and carried him caprive out of our liberties ; and by armed power and a horrid force upon both Houses , most injuriously imprisoned , and forceably kept out , and driven away all or most of their faithfull Members admiting none to sit , but only such who are confederate with them in these their Treasonable designs , and that under their force and imposed Guards to over-awe them ; They have on the 18 and 20 of December last , caused these their Confederates ( who usurp and take upon them the Name and Authority of the two Houses of Parliament , when as in truth , they are and have been neither , and no Houses at all ever since their being under such a visible force , and violent restraint and seclusion of the greatest Number of their Members from thence by the Officers & Armies armed power , contrary to the undoubted known Rights , Priviledges and freedom of Parliament , which they , we , and the whole kingdom and Army are engaged by Covenant inviolably to preserve ) to make and publish two Printed Papers : The first whereof they style , An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament for the choosing of Common Councel-men , and other officers within the City of London , and liberties thereof for the year ensuing , The second , an Ordinance of the Lords & Commons assembled in Parliament : concerning the Election of Common Councel-men , and other Officers in the City of London . Wherein among other things they do Declare and Ordaine ; That no person whatsoever that hath been imprisoned or that did subscribe or abet to the Treasonable engagement ( as they tearm it ) in 1647 , or that did aid , assist , or abet the late Tumult within the Cities of London and Westminster , or the Counties of Kent , Essex , Middelsex , or Surrey shall be elected , chosen , or put into the Office and place of Lord Major , Alderman , Aldermans Deputy , Common Councel-men , or into any Office or place of trust within the City for space of one whole year , or be capable to give his voyce for the chosing any person to any the Offices aforesaid . And it is thereby further Ordained by the Authority aforesaid ( though null and void ) That if any person or persons comprehended under the aforesaid exceptions , being chosen , shall presume to sit in the court of Aldermen , Common-Councell , &c. or to execute any of the aforesaid Offices contrary to the true intent of this Ordinance , shall forfeit the sum of two hundred pounds , the one halfe whereof shall be within twenty dayes paid unto him or them that shall make proof thereof , and the other Moyety to be paid unto the Treasurers appointed by Parliament for the use and relief of the maimed Souldiers ; And it is hereby declared ; That all such elections are null and void , and the Lord Major for the time being is hereby required from time to time to give order , that this Ordinance be published at all elections , and that the same be strictly and punctuolly observed , as also by affording the liberty of Pole , it being required by any of the Electors present ; And for the better execution of this present Ordinance be it further ordained , That the Lord Major of London , the Sheriffs , and Aldermen , and Justices of Peace within the said City of London , or any two of them shall , and are hereby authorized and required to commit to prison all such persons , as after due proof upon oath to be made unto them , or any two of them of any person that shall make any disturbance at any election , contrary to this Ordinance , and to leavy the said fine of two hundred pounds by distresse , and sale of the goods of the person so offending contrary to this Ordinancee . Which pretended Ordinances , being made and published by Confedracy as aforesaid , whiles both Houses remained under the unparalleld , force of the Officers and Army , who have levyed open war against them , and violently imprisoned , excluded and driven away most of the Members , and end●avour to dissolve the Parliament , and tending wholly to alienate our affections from , and engage us against the Parliament , to deprive us of our undoubted Hereditary Liberties , Freedoms , Franchises and Customes , confirmed and setled upon us by so many Royall Charters and Acts of Parliaments , and enjoyed alwayes by our Predecessors under the worst of Kings and Tyrants ; to subvert the whole Government , Magistracy and Freedom of the City , and to put us into present confusion and mutinies , that s● they might thereupon take advantage to enslave , plunder and destroy us at their pleasures : We do therefore in this our great extremity and perplexity , which so nearly concernes the present Government , weal , safety , and very life and being both of City , Parliament and Kingdom , here seriously and unanimously Protest before the Almighty all-seeing God , Angels and men , That these two pretended Ordinances , being made by confederacy as aforesaid while both Houses lay under so great a force , and most Members were violently excluded and forced thence , ( there being at the passing of them not above 3 , or 4. Lords , and 45. Commons at most present , and they under the forced guards of the Army ) are in themselves meer nul , void and u●obligatory to us and all others , to all intents and purposes , and were and are declared to be so , at the very time of their making . by the Ordinance of both Houses of the 20 of August 1647 made by those very Members who passed these two pretended Ordinances . And that all elections of any Officers whatsoever within the said City and Liberties , wherein any of us have been deprived of our Voyces and Freedom by colour of either of these two Ordinances are meerly nul and void to all intents . And we further hereby in like maner declare and protest , that the fore mentioned clauses contained in these pretended Ordinances ( though the Houses had been never so repleat and free when passed ) which deprives us of the undoubted liberty and freedom of our voices in electing our officers ; disables any persons elected by us to bear any office when elected , and which doe declare the said elections void , imposing a forfeiture of two hundred pound upon such who shall in the least degree execute any trust or office to which we shall elect him , to be levyed by distresse and sale of his goods ; and giving authority to the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Justices of Peace within the City , to imprison all such persons , ( who coming to give their voices , or claiming and maintaining their freedom and the Cities ) shall make any disturbance at any election contrary to these pretended Ordinances ; though never so faithfull to the Parliament , and active in their service heretofore : are likewise void and null in themselves , and the highest and most tyranicall usurpations over our liberties , franchises , Persons , estates and freedom in our elections , that the heads of our professed enemies could invent , and most contrary to all the Houses former Professions , Remonstrances , Declarations , promises , and engagements , and to their solemn League and Covenant , to defend and protect our liberties , franchises , customs rightes and freedoms , yea contrary to the fundamentall Lawes and Statutes of the land ; the manifold Charters and Acts of Parliament made from time to time , for the confirmation of our Customs , Liberties , and Freedom in the Elections of our Officers ; and to the express Statute of 3 Edw. 1. c. 5. which enacts , That all Elections ought to be free ; and that no great man , nor other by force of Arms or menacing , shall disturb any to make free Election ▪ ( much lesse by menacing Ordinances , Fines and Imprisonments ; ) which Sir Edward Cook in his Commentary thereon ( printed by both Houses speciall Authority ) affirms and proves to be the Common Law of England , and the Subjects Birth-right . And contrary to the Statutes of Magna Charta c. 29. 5. Ed. 3. c. 9. 25. Ed. 3. c. 4. 28. Ed. 3. c. 3. 37. Ed. 3. c. 18. 42. E. 3. c. 3. and the Petition of Right ; for defence whereof we have in our seven last yeers Wars , expended so many millions of Treasure , and lost such streams of gallant English blood . And finally , we do hereby unanimously further declare and protest ▪ That notwithstanding these pretended void Ordinances , or any other of this nature , made in derogation of our just Franchises , Rights , Liberties , Customs and ancient Government , we are resolved , according to our oaths as Citizens and Freemen of London , and according to our solemn League and Covenant , as Christians and Freemen of England , through Gods assistance , to the utmost of our powers and , abilities , with our lives and estates constantly and inviolably to maintain , defend , and preserve our just Hereditary Freedom and right of electing all our City officers , whatsoever , acording to our ancient and uninterrupted Charters , Customs , Acts and Vsages , with all other our undoubted Franchises , Liberties , Priviledges , Rights and Customs left unto us by our Ancestors , ( especially in these times of so much contesting for common Liberty and Freedom ; ) and will protect and defend the same against all Invasion and Encroachment of any usurped , arbitrary and tyrannicall ( Parliamentary or other ) power whatsoever . In witnesse whereof we have thought meet to publish this our Declaration and Protestation to all the world . January 1. 1648. FINIS . A91301 ---- To the Right Honourable, the Lord Mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of London in Common-Council assembled; the humble petition and address of the sea-men, and watermen, in and about the said city of London. Prynne, William, 1600-1669. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A91301 of text R225698 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing P4106B). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A91301 Wing P4106B ESTC R225698 45097898 ocm 45097898 171477 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A91301) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 171477) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2575:23) To the Right Honourable, the Lord Mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of London in Common-Council assembled; the humble petition and address of the sea-men, and watermen, in and about the said city of London. Prynne, William, 1600-1669. Watermen's Company (London, England) City of London (England). Lord Mayor. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [London : 1659] Author and imprint suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. A91301 R225698 (Wing P4106B). civilwar no To the Right Honourable, the Lord Mayor, aldermen, and commons of the City of London in common-council assembled; the humble petition and ad Prynne, William 1659 696 3 0 0 0 0 0 43 D The rate of 43 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To the Right Honourable , the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons of the City of LONDON in Common-Council Assembled ; The Humble Petition and Address of the Sea-men , and Watermen , in and about the said City of LONDON . SHEWETH , THat they cannot without much grief of heart , and consternation of spirit , consider and bewail the Extraordinary decay of Merchandize , Trade , Religion , Iustice , Piety , and inundation of all sorts of Oppressions Miseries , Rapines Wars Tumults , Sects , Heresies Blasphemies , Alterations of Government and destructive Confusions , which have over whelm'd our formerly flourishing and renowned Nations , and this famous City ever since the notorious violations , and subversions of our Fundamental Laws , Liberties , Properties Governments and Parliaments , by the treacherie , and armed violence of ambitious , treacherous Mercenaries of inconsiderable Fortunes and corrupt Principles usurping a more arbitrary dominion over Our Lives , Persons , Estates , and Priviledges , than the worst of Our Kingly Governors whose desperate Counsels Practises and Innovations have made Vs the scorn , derision of all the World and plunged Our Church State Nations , and this famous City , into the very Gulph of inevitable Ruin ; unless spéedily and timely prevented by your prudent , unanimous Counsels , and standing up in the G●p in this day of Our publique Calamity , by improving your power and interest to accomplish these just Desires of Your Petitioners , and many Thousands of these Nations , which we humbly conceive to be the onely visible means ( through Gods blessing on them ) to obviate our Dangers , compose Our Divisions and restore Our pristine Peace , Vnity , Trade , Prosperity , and make Vs once more a praise amongst the Kingdoms , Churches , and Nations , whom the Lord hath signally blessed with glorious Deliverances , and transcendent Mercies . We shall therefore humbly importune this Honorable Assemblie ( to whom We can make Our Addresses ) to endeavour , I. That a Free and Legal Parliament , may with all convenient speed be convened to sit within the City of London , without any forcible Interruption or Molestation , to Settle the Government , Redresse the Grievances , Restore the Peace , Merchandize , Trade , and Navigation of this Nation . II. That the Militia of the City may be presently raised , and put into the hands of such Persons , whose Principles and Actions have evidenced them to be Well-affected to Government , Magistracy , Ministry , Laws , Liberties , the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament , and Reformed Religion here Established . That the Guards of the City may be put into their Hands , and all Obtruded Guards , disturbing the Peace , obstructing the Trade of , and Threatning Danger to the City , removed . III. That all such Officers and Souldiers of the Army in and about the City and elsewhere , who shall obey your Commands , and contribute their Assistance for the Calling , & Safe-Sitting , of a FREE PARLIAMENT , may be assured and speedily paid their Arrears ; and those , who shall oppose the same , and Settlement of the Nation , and City , left to publique Justice for the Murders lately Committed , and other Misdemeanours . IV. That the Nobility , and Gentry of Quality , in and about the City , may be Invited to contribute their Counsels and assistance for effecting the Premisses . In the prosecution whereof , and Our former Oaths , Protestation ▪ Vow and Covenant ' We shall with Our Estates , Lives and last drop of Our Bloods ▪ constantly and unanimously assist Your Honours , and all others adhering to You , to promote and accomplish the Promises and what else Your Wisdome shall think fit to conduce to the Restitution of the Publique Peace , Trade and Welfare of this City , and Our Thrée Distracted Nations . In Witness whereof We hereunto subscribe Our Hands and Hearts . A91587 ---- The Queenes Majesties propositions to the Kings most Excellent Majesty. Wherein is declared, Her Majesties gracious will and pleasure, concerning the City of London, and His Excellencie Sir Thomas Fairfax, together, with Her Mjaesties desires, touching the discipline of the Church of England, and ease of tender consciences. Briefly intimated in Her Majesties gracious message to the King at Hampton-Court. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A91587 of text R204659 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E407_40). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 10 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A91587 Wing Q157G Thomason E407_40 ESTC R204659 99864124 99864124 160529 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A91587) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160529) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 64:E407[40]) The Queenes Majesties propositions to the Kings most Excellent Majesty. Wherein is declared, Her Majesties gracious will and pleasure, concerning the City of London, and His Excellencie Sir Thomas Fairfax, together, with Her Mjaesties desires, touching the discipline of the Church of England, and ease of tender consciences. Briefly intimated in Her Majesties gracious message to the King at Hampton-Court. Henrietta Maria, Queen, consort of Charles I, King of England, 1609-1669, attributed name. [8] p. Die 22. Septemb. 1647. Printed at London, for E. Cotton, [London] : MDCXLVII. [1647] "Suppositious"--Thomason Catalogue. Signatures: A⁴. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Church of England -- Government -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. A91587 R204659 (Thomason E407_40). civilwar no The Queenes Majesties propositions to the Kings most Excellent Majesty.: Wherein is declared, Her Majesties gracious will and pleasure, con Henrietta Maria, Queen, consort of Charles I 1647 1685 1 0 0 0 0 0 6 B The rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Aaron McCollough Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Aaron McCollough Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE QUEENES MAJESTIES PROPOSITIONS TO To the KINGS most Excellent Majesty . WHEREIN IS DECLARED , Her Majesties Gracious will and pleasure , concerning the City of LONDON , and His EXCELLENCIE Sir Thomas Fairfax , TOGETHER , With Her Majesties Desires , touching the Discipline of the Church of England , and ease of tender Consciences . Briefly intimated in Her Majesties Gracious Message to the KING at Hampton-Court . Die 22. Septemb. 1647. Printed at London , for E. Cotton , MDCXLVII . THE QVEENES MAJESTIES Gracious Message , to her Soveraigne Lord the King of Great Brittaine . BY a Letter from the Kings Majesties Court at Hampton , it is intimated , that there hath lately arrived a messenger from the Kingdome of France , with a message from the queen of England to the King , a Copy whereof followeth : My deare Heart , AS there could no occasion minister greater griefe to my sorrowfull heart , then to hear of a short adjornment of these unnaturall divisions betweene you and your liege people , and presently to have the consuming flames of a new war sudenly to break out afresh in your languishing kingdomes : so there could no welcomer newes salute mine ear , then speedily to heare of a small period to be put to these unhappy distractions , that so the sweet harmony of desired peace and concord may re-unite you and your subjects , and tye you fast each to other in the sacred bands of love and unity , and therefore I shall desire your Majesty to grant your Parliament and people whatsoever with a good Conscience and Honour you may , for the further prevention of shedding innocent bloud , & preservation of those committed to your charge . Sir , assure your selfe , nothing shall be displeasing to me , that displeaseth you my Lord ; for I shall for ever esteeme your good , and the good of all your faithfull Subjects , the only businesse of all my actions , and shall be contented to share with you and them ( not only in blessings , but ) even in the worst of times that can happen to a disconsolate & unjust banished wife . Sir , concerning the Propositions tendred your Majesty , I humbly conceive , the chiefe things to be considered will be two , Conscience and Policy . For the first , I know it never entred into your Royal thoughts to change the Government by Bishops not only concurring with the most generall opinion of most Christians in all ages , as being the best ; but considering you hold your selfe bound by the Oath you took at your Coronation , not to alter the Government of the Church from what you found it . And for the Churches Patrimony , you cannot suffer any diminution or alienation of it , without danger to your conscience , or breach of your Coronation Oath ; but whatsoever shall be offered for the certifying abuses crept into the Church in Government or Discipline , or , for the ease of tender consciences , ( indangering not the foundation , ) I desire your Majesty to lend a speedy ear unto , and give your gracious answer . For as it is your Majesties duty to protect the Church , so it is the Churches duty to assist your Majesty in maintaining your just authority ; for as your Predecessors have alwayes bin careful to keep the dependency of the clergy intirely upon the Crown , without which ( as I humbly conceive ) it will scarcely sit fast upon your Royall head ; therefore it behoves your Majesty to do nothing to change or lessen this so necessary dependency . The other maine Proposition will be concerning the Militia : Next to conscience ( certainly ) there is no fi●●r subject for a Kings quarrell ; for without it , your Majesties power is but a shaddow , and therefore by no meanes to be quitted , but to be maintained according to the known Lawes of the Land : yet for the speedy attainment of this so long looked for and wished for peace , prayed for by all good Christians , That your Majesty may be pleased to permit the City of London , and all other strong Holds and Garrisons , with other Military Forts , to reside in the hands of the Parliaments Generall Sir Thomas Fairfax , untill articles be performed and agreed upon , to give such further assurance for performance of conditions , as your Majesty shall judge necessary for the concluding of a firme and lasting peace ; which being once setled , all things may return , and run in their ancient channels . Thus , Dear Heart , understanding that Commissioners were sent to you , from both Houses of Parliament , with Propositions , I thought good to put you in mind that you have a care of your honour ; and that if you have a peace , it may be such as may hold . Farewell , My deare Heart , I cannot write any more , but that I am absolutely Yours . The Generals Declaration . VVHereas the great neglect of divers persons within the City of London , hath occasioned too many delayes in raising Money for supply of the Army , and other Forces of the Kingdome ; His Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax , and the General-Councell of the Army , Doth declare , That they take notice of the great wants of the Souldiery , both of the Army , and other Forces , and Garrisons ; as also of the sufferings of the County , in respect of free quarter , which might have been peevented , and a course taken for disbanding superfluous Forces , and sending over of others for the reliefe of Ireland , and the supplying of those that are there already , had it not been for neglect or delay of those on whom the Parliament have depended in that particular , and they doe especially take notice of the delayes made by the City in advancing of that summe , which the Houses have demanded of them upon the security of the Arreares so long since due from the City to the Army ; upon which they doe declare , and propound to this effect . 1. That they cannot but consider the notorious readinesse of the Court of Aldermen , to the advancing of far greater sums for the raising of a new warre , and prosecution of the late mischievous practises and designes against the Parliament and Army ; and that as their predipitate forwardnesse therein , was the occasion of the Armies coming into these parts , so their backwardnesse to the raising or advancing of the money now required for the service of the Parliament , & supply of the Army , hath been and is the occasion of the armies continuance hence : and therefore they cannot but offer it is , as what they humbly conceive most just and reasonable . That for what time their defauls or delayes have occasioned , and shall further occasion the Armies stay hereabouts , the charge thereof should some way be laid upon them , and their adherents about the City . That the Houses would be pleased speedily to consider of the Delinquencie of those that had a hand in the Tumult , Desine , and Engagement of a new Warre , and that such Fines may be upon them for the same , as shall bee agreeable to justice . Lastly , since it is most evident , that for the speedy bringing in of the money required upon the arrears , there wants not in the said Major , Aldermen , and Common-Councell , either authority to levy it , or ability to advance it by way of Loan till it can be levyed , and it is therefore offered , That in case the Money be not brought in by the time limited , the Parliament would be pleased to give leave to the Generall ( with the advice and directions of the Committee for the Army ) for the levying of the said Arreares All which they rather desire from grounds of reason and evidence from the speeches of many in the City , and designes and hopes of the Parliament and Armies Enemies to raise the Army into distempers , and the Country about them into confusion . This Declaration was agreed upon at the Head-quarters at Putney , upon Thursday last , there being a Generall Councell of the Army appointed to be held every Thursday . The Generall Councell met in the Church , the Generall , many Generall Officers , Field-Officers , inferiour Officers , and Agitators met . A great part of the time was spent in consideration , and debate of the Proposals of the Army , and some few things agreed upon to be altered , and explained in them , which no doubt will give much satisfaction to the Kingdome . After the aforesaid Declaration was finished , it was , by the appointment of his Excellency , and the Councell of Warre , sent to the Right Honourable the Commissioners of Lords and Commons residing with the Army , to be presented from them to both Houses of Parliament , which according , with a Letter from the Generall and Army , to this effect , vix . That they earnestly desired , some speedy course might be taken for their pay , that so they might be inabled to pay their quarters , was presented to both Houses of Parliament upon Satturday last , and after reading thereof , ordered to be communicated to the Lord Major , Aldermen , and Common-Councell of the City of London . FINIS . A91799 ---- Whereas I am informed that some evil disposed persons (upon pretence of imployment or authority from me, to hire and bring in teams of draught horses and carts, for the service of the King and Parliament) ... Richardson, Thomas, waggon-master-general. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A91799 of text R211709 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[18]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A91799 Wing R1416 Thomason 669.f.7[18] ESTC R211709 99870415 99870415 161000 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A91799) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161000) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[18]) Whereas I am informed that some evil disposed persons (upon pretence of imployment or authority from me, to hire and bring in teams of draught horses and carts, for the service of the King and Parliament) ... Richardson, Thomas, waggon-master-general. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1643] Signed at end: Thomas Richardson Wagon-master Generall. Title from first lines of text. A notice from Thomas Richardson, Wagon-master General, of certain persons having fraudulently received money from some of His Majesty's subjects, upon pretence of employment by him. Dated at end: "Dated at Plumbers-Hall, London, this 29. of May. 1643. Imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Carriages and carts -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A91799 R211709 (Thomason 669.f.7[18]). civilwar no Whereas I am informed that some evil disposed persons (upon pretence of imployment or authority from me, to hire and bring in teams of draug Richardson, Thomas, waggon-master-general 1643 240 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion WHereas I am informed that some evil disposed persons ( upon pretence of imployment or authority from me , to hire and bring in Teams of Draught Horses and Carts , for the service of the King and Parliament ) have by colour thereof ( extorsively and corruptly ) taken and received Money from divers of His Majesties Subjects , to release some Teams , and protect others from doing Service ; which hath tended to the great prejudice of the parties so extorted from , the hinderance of the publike Service , and scandall ( as much as in them lay ) of my Office , and the due execution thereof . I have thought fit hereby to give publike notice , That I shall take it for a favour of any man that will inform me of the particular name or names , and offences of any person or persons that have been , or hereafter shall be offenders in this kinde ; And I will readily contribute my best and utmost endeavours , not onely to bring them to condigne punishment , but also to procure the parties wronged restitution of their Moneys ; with such other reparation , as to the wisdom of the Committee of the Honorable House of Commons for Examinations shall be thought meet . Dated at Plumbers-Hall , London , this 29. of May . 1643. Thomas Richardson Wagon-Master Generall . A91818 ---- Sir, By virtue of a letter from His Highness the Prince of Orange to the sheriffs of London ... Sam. Ridgley, Beadle. Ridgley, Sam. 1689 Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A91818 Wing R1448B ESTC R42880 38875889 ocm 38875889 152345 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A91818) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 152345) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2293:16) Sir, By virtue of a letter from His Highness the Prince of Orange to the sheriffs of London ... Sam. Ridgley, Beadle. Ridgley, Sam. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [London : Jan. 1689] Contains date in ms.: 1688 [i.e. 1689], and names of the two representatives, Sir Robert Clayton, and Sir Patience Ward. Reproduction of original in: Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Clayton, Robert, -- Sir, 1629-1707. Ward, Patience, -- Sir, 1629-1696. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Great Britain -- History -- Revolution of 1688. Great Britain -- History -- William and Mary, 1689-1702. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion SERVE & OBEY blazon or coat of arms SIR , BY virtue of a Letter from his Highness the Prince of ORANGE to the Sheriffs of London to this purpose directed , you are desired to meet the Master and Wardens of the Worshipful Company of HABERDASHERS at Haberdashers-Hall , on Wednesday next , the Ninth day of ▪ January , at Eight of the Clock in the Morning ; from thence to accompany them to Guild-Hall , there to Elect four Representatives for the City of London , to meet at Westminster the 22th . day of this Instant . Sam. Ridgley , Beadle . A91839 ---- The loyall subjects lamentation for Londons perversenesse, in the malignant choice of some rotten members, on Tuesday the 19. of March 1661. 1661 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A91839 Wing R1531 Thomason 669.f.27[3] ESTC R210249 99869064 99869064 170700 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A91839) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 170700) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 256:669f27[3]) The loyall subjects lamentation for Londons perversenesse, in the malignant choice of some rotten members, on Tuesday the 19. of March 1661. Rise, Augustin, attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], London : printed in the year, 1661. Anonymous. Attributed to Augustin Rise. Verse - "Oh horrid monsters! what strange newes is here,". Annotation on Thomason copy: "March 28"; the second 1 in the imprint date has been altered in MS to "0". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Humor -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Politics and government -- 17th century -- Humor -- Early works to 1800. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE LOYALL SUBJECTS LAMENTATION FOR LONDONS Perversenesse , in the Malignant Choice of some Rotten Members , on Tuesday the 19. of March 1661. OH horrid Monsters ! what strange Newes is here , When Factious Locusts thus in Swarms appear . At Guild-Hall-Gate , where they do freely Vote For such vild Scabs , who soon would cut the Throat Of Justice , and would have all idle sport In Churches us'd ; Nay , they a Tennis-Court Would make it , if they could ( by Lot or Fate ) Obtain the Pow'r to Rule in Church or State. The City Vermine in Guild-Hall did cry ( Both Independent and Presbytery . ) For Love , whose zeal so hot was set on work , That he declar'd hee 'd rather see a Turk Then a Sursingle , Rub on , ther 's none can Bowl better then this Independent man. Then Anabaptists they aloud did cry With Jack Presbyter ' gainst Episcopy . Saying , Fowk was a Member fit they knew , Who had the Brains to cheat a subtle Jew . So well his Cash , with cursed Self he loves , As did appear by those left-handed gloves . He sold the Jew alone , but after they Were gone , he made his Chapman soundly pay For Fellows to them , thus his pregnant wit Makes him a man for Parliament so fit . Next Eccho'd forth a dismal thundring Voice , Crying for Thompson ; Oh such hellish Choice Will us undo ; London , thy case all pitty , And pray these Vermine may not spoil thy City . Such Shrubs and Stumps will spoil a Royal Oak , Who have their Rise from stinking Indian smoak . As this rare Pedlar , whose ever smoaking Brains Doth smoak and smell as hot and strong as Grains , The House wherein he sits , O England , pity , For why , his breath will poison a Committee . The next was Jones , another Smoaker , chose , That all good subjects by the Choice suppose They did appoint that day for to undo Themselves , their King , I and their Countrey too . But stay , methinks I hear blinde Justice say The Vote is carri'd a contrarie way ; For Independent Voices did appear : The Anabaptist and the Presbyter , Many of whom we may Malignants make Because they never yielded yet to take The Oath of true Allegiance to their King ▪ Which well their persons might in question bring With their estates ; How can the Vote Of such stand firme , who have no note Of Loyalty ; I do presume they are Chose by Malignants ; Ergo , 't is not faire . Thus have you Four sad Stewards chose , God send Them ne're to sit , or soon to have an end . London , lament your Case , you plainlie see Your worthy Burgesses , and what they be , Base factious Persons , of a rigid spirit , Chose by sad persons without Grace or merit . Yet if they stand without a just Return , God send the Commons House may soon Adjourne . And all that can displease so milde a KING As CHARLES the Second , God in due time bring Them to an end , and grant they may as well HOYLE themselves as did Achitophel . LONDON , Printed in the Year , 1660 Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A91839-e10 The only honest man amongst them if any . A92309 ---- Received the [blank] day of [blank] 1642 of [blank] the summe of [blank] towards the arming, maintaining, and paying of souldiers weekly for severall months ensuing, which money is to be repayed againe upon the publicke faith of the kingdome, with interest for the time, as appeareth by an ordinance of Parliament dated the 14 day of November, 1642. 1642 Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A92309 Wing R619 Thomason 669.f.5[105] ESTC R211433 99870160 99870160 122552 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A92309) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 122552) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[105]) Received the [blank] day of [blank] 1642 of [blank] the summe of [blank] towards the arming, maintaining, and paying of souldiers weekly for severall months ensuing, which money is to be repayed againe upon the publicke faith of the kingdome, with interest for the time, as appeareth by an ordinance of Parliament dated the 14 day of November, 1642. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1642] Place and date of publication from Wing. Probably intended to accompany the text of the text of the ordinance mentioned (Wing E1364). Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Defenses -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion REceived the day of _____ 1642 of the summe of towards the Arming , maintaining , and paying of Souldiers weekly for severall months ensuing , which money is to be repayed againe upon the publicke Faith of the Kingdome , with Interest for the time , as appeareth by an Ordinance of Parliament dated the 14 day of November , 1642. A92777 ---- Reverend and beloved, it hath pleased the Right Honorable the Lord Major of the City of London, once and again to write unto the ministers thereof respectively, in a very pious and pathetical manner. ... Seaman, Lazarus, d. 1675. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A92777 of text R211395 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.16[28]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A92777 Wing S2176A Thomason 669.f.16[28] ESTC R211395 99870124 99870124 163184 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A92777) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163184) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f16[28]) Reverend and beloved, it hath pleased the Right Honorable the Lord Major of the City of London, once and again to write unto the ministers thereof respectively, in a very pious and pathetical manner. ... Seaman, Lazarus, d. 1675. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1651] Title from opening words of text. Signed at end: La. Seaman. Place of publication from Wing. Imprint date from Thomason's Ms. note. Annotation on Thomason copy: "October 13. 1651". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Westminster Assembly (1643-1652) -- Early works to 1800. Religious tolerance -- England -- Early works to 1800. Freedom of religion -- England -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A92777 R211395 (Thomason 669.f.16[28]). civilwar no Reverend and beloved, it hath pleased the Right Honorable the Lord Major of the City of London, once and again to write unto the ministers t Seaman, Lazarus 1651 1043 1 0 0 0 0 0 10 C The rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Reverend and Beloved , IT hath pleased the Right Honorable the Lord Major of the City of London , once and again to write unto the Ministers thereof respectively , in a very pious and pathetical manner . Not only to bewail the prophanation of the Lords day , the Christian Sabbath , and to signifie what he hath done by way of Precept ; but also to promise what ever the power of his place may do for the strengthening of their hands ; and likewise to desire all and every particular Minister in the City , as they tender the honour of Christ , and the good of peoples souls , and welfare of the City , yea and earnestly in the name of God to intreat ( as in the said Letters appeareth more fully , ) that they the Ministers of Christ Jesus , press the duty of Sanctifying that holy day , shew the danger of prophaning of it , and perswade not only to publike worship , but also to retire in private families to such holy duties as the Lord requireth . We who are some of those to whom the foresaid Letters were directed , have therefore accordingly indeavoured something heretofore in order to the desired end , but of late more seriously in our Provincial Assembly ( where through Gods mercy we have opportunity to confer about matters of Religion ) we have weighed those foresaid Letters , and laboured mutually to have our hearts affected ( as in the sight of God ) with the contents thereof . And as we bless God unfainedly for stirring up the Magistrate to minde the Sabbath , and quicken us in our duty about it , ( the rather because in these times many are of Gallio's temper careless of such matters . ) So we the Ministers there assembled , with the assistance of the Elders , have consulted among our selves , wherein , and how we might be most serviceable to our Lord Jesus Christ the great Shepherd of the sheep , in decrying Sabbath-breaking , and in furthering the true Sanctification of that holy rest , both in publike and private , throughout all the Congregations and families within the said City , the Liberties thereof , and the bounds of the Province . And because the Delegates there assembling are but few of many Ministers within the City , we judged it necessary by writing to stir up our selves and the rest of our Brethren and fellow-labourers in the work of the Lord , that as one man with one shoulder we may apply our selves to procure in the first place the sanctifying of the Sabbath , as the fountaine and foundation of a more perfect Reformation in all other things appertaining to Religion . To that end we make it our request unto all our dear Brethren & to your self in particular , that upon and after as you see occasion , you choose some pertinent Scripture to open and apply for instruction of your hearers about the Sabbath , that all duties belonging to it may be inforced , and all Errors in judgment , and sinful practises whereby it is polluted , may be discovered , confuted and reproved . And because there are divers Acts and Ordinances of Parliament in force for the better sanctification of that day , we desire also that every Officer may be stirred up to act conscientiously and vigorously according to the duty of his place , as is in them prescribed . And what , though we be poor and despised , yet we may not forget Gods Law . We fear a great part of our trouble arises from hence , that we are not sufficiently zealous for that rest . If we can vindicate the Lords day , His holy Ordinances will soon regain their credit . The Calling of the Ministers will not die , if conscience of the Sabbath do revive . But if that fall , which of us , or what Ordinance of God shall be able to stand ? It should be no small incouragement unto us that God hath prepared the Magistrates heart to accompany us in our desires and indeavours this way . And that we have so solemn an Ingagement as his promise in writing to every one of us particularly , that he will use all the power of his place to presse and carry on this work , untill it come unto perfection . We want not many other , yea stronger and more sacred grounds and reasons , to inforce these duties upon our consciences , yet His incouragements , zeale and forwardness should provoke us , as the like in Jehosaphat and Nehemia did among the Priests and Levites . God threatens Sabbaths of desolation , the Land ( saith he ) shall enjoy her rest , because it rested not in the dayes and yeers which He had set apart ; This in some proportion hath been verified in mos● of those Churches which bear the name of Reformed . To England we may say , considering the state of other places , Be not high-minded , but fear . Repent and do thy first works . Yea let thy last be better then thy first , lest God remove thy Candlestick . We speak not this as if we needed to put words into our Brethrens mouths , but to stir up their pure minds and to testifie how sincerely we desire to sympathize with all those who minde the things of God , and of his Son Jesus Christ our Lord . Which we desire so much the more to love , and look after , as they are hated or neglected by others We forbear to press arguments from the duty of your calling , because of your selfe , we hope you are sufficiently sensible thereof . The good Lord prosper all your labour in the Lord , to whose blessing we commend you . Signed in the name and by the appointment of the Provincial Assembly by the present MODERATOR La. Seaman . A93905 ---- Sir, you may perceive by the inclosed brief for rebuilding the cathedral church of St. Paul ... Stillingfleet, Edward, 1635-1699. 1678 Approx. 21 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A93905 Wing S5668 ESTC R42881 38875892 ocm 38875892 152417 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A93905) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 152417) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2296:12) Sir, you may perceive by the inclosed brief for rebuilding the cathedral church of St. Paul ... Stillingfleet, Edward, 1635-1699. [4] p. s.n., [London : 1678] Place of publication from Wing (2nd ed.). Signed on p. 2: Edw. Stillingfleet, Dean of St. Pauls. "Imprimatur. Dat. xxx. Mai. 1678. H. London (Henry Compton)." -- cf. p. 4. Reproduction of original in: Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng St. Paul's Cathedral (London, England) -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685. 2007-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-07 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2007-07 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion SIR , YOU may perceive by the inclosed Brief for rebuilding the Cathedral Church of St. Paul , how much His Majesty is concerned to have this Work carried on , and in what particular manner He recommends it to the City of London ; and therefore I am commanded , not only to send you the Briefs , but to excite you to a more than ordinary care and diligence in promoting so good a Work , and which tends so much to the Honour of this City . I am sensible what Objections a Work of this nature is like to meet with in our Age ; wherein some love to cavil at whatever relates to God and his Worship ; and especially if it be like to cost them any thing ; others who seem very zealous for some kind of Religion , are for enjoying it on as cheap and easie terms as may be ; and many of those who declare a good will to this Work , yet express great dissatisfaction both as to this method of proceeding , and the time we have chosen , which they think very unsuitable to such a design , if we either respect the present State of the City or Nation . So that till such Objections be removed out of mens minds , there is little reason to expect they should make any free and chearful Contributions ; and if I can be any waies serviceable therein , I shall think my time and pains well employed in writing and sending this Letter to you . It is a principle among those who love a thrifty and parsimonious Religion , that whatever is beyond the bounds and measures of necessity and conveniency in the Worship of God , is vain and superstitious , and therefore deserves no encouragement at all . I do not wonder at this principle in those men who measure their Religion by their Interest , and choose that which brings them the best Trade , and saves them the most expence . But there are many well meaning persons among us , who look on what is great and Magnificent as unsuitable to the times of the Gospel , and only proper for that dispensation , wherein God declared , That he loved the Gates of Sion more than all the dwellings of Jacob. But I desire such to consider that we Worship the same God , who gave order for the Building of Solomon's Temple ; not meerly for the conveniency of that way of Worship ; but with all the Splendour and Greatness which was agreeable to the Majesty of that God who was Worshipped therein . For since it was the House of God , the sense of nature did teach the Jews as well as Gentiles , that it ought to bear some proportion to the Greatness of Him who dwelt in it : And that is the reason given by Solomon to King Hiram , And the House which I build is great , for great is our God above all gods . Hath not God made the most glorious Temple for himself in Heaven , and adorned it after such a manner , as all the Wit and Art of His Creatures can never exactly describe or imitate ? And the Jews think , not without reason , that the fashion of their Temple was designed on purpose to represent in little , the far more Magnificent Temple which God had framed for His own Glory in the Fabrick of the World. And certainly , it is no part of the Ceremonial Law , to Worship God in a way agreeable to those conceptions of His Greatness , which the Works of His Hands suggest unto us . Under the Gospel , I grant , that Christ hath altered the way of Worship which was used among the Jews ; and now we are no longer tied to make any part of the places dedicated to God's Worship , a kind of Shambles by slaying the Beasts for sacrifice , but must we therefore make them Stables ? There is a natural Decency and Fitness to be observed in these things which Christ hath never taken away , no more than he hath their separation from common use ; the destroying whereof brings such rudeness and Barbarism into Religion , as even the Turks and Scythians abhorr . And although Christ appeared in a low and mean condition in the World , as most suitable to the design of His coming , yet even when He lay in the Manger , He had Gold , and Frankincense , and Myrrhe offered him ( which were all rich and costly presents ) and that by Wise Men too . And when He was to be buried , His Body was Embalmed before-hand with a costly Oyntment ; and we know what a severe check Christ himself gave to him that said , To what purpose is all this Waste ? although at the same time he pretended great Charity to the Poor . It was the Poverty and Persecution of the Primitive Christians , which made them at any time to Worship God in Chambers and Grotts : For as soon as they had any respite and ease , they erected lofty and beautiful Churches , as Eusebius relates ; and the first Christian Emperours shewed their zeal in the Splendour and Magnificence of the Churches which they built ; and not only the Emperours themselves , but the best Christians of those times thought this to be for the Honour of Christ and of the Christian Religion . And do these men indeed think , that building great Houses for themselves , and adorning them with the richest Furniture , or raising of Families , and heaping up vast Treasures , is more agreeable to the Design of the Gospel , than serving God in a Beautiful and Magnificent Church ? But if none of these things will move them , let them consider this Work , as a Design which will employ many poor men for many years ( and this they cannot deny to be a Work of Charity . ) Let them look on it as an Ornament of the City , as an Honour of the Nation , as like to be a standing Monument of Protestant Affection to good and publick Works ; and on such Accounts as these , we are sure there can be no scruple of Conscience against it . But others say , Their own Parish Churches are not built , and therefore it cannot be expected they should do any thing yet towards the Cathedral . I am heartily sorry for the occasion of this Objection in any parts of the City ; and God forbid that we should hinder the Building of any of the Parochial Churches ; but I do not understand how this will do it . All that we desire is , That the Mother-Church may not be forgotten , while the others are rising so fast out of their Ruines , and so many of them are already finished with extraordinary beauty and conveniency . For , however length of time hath made the relation to be almost forgotten between the Mother-Church and the rest ; yet for some Ages of the Christian Church , whatever other conveniencies they might have for assembling together , there was but one Church in a City which had a Baptistery belonging to it , that all the Christians being there Baptized , might own their relation to the Mother-Church . And although , since the great increase of the number of Christians , it hath been thought fit to have the Sacraments Administred in Parochial Churches , yet it ought to be considered , that this Church is properly the City Church , to which our Princes on extraordinary occasions , and the Governours of the City have alwaies resorted , and where the Worship of God hath been more solemnly performed , and the Word of God set forth by Preachers chosen out from the Universities , and all parts of the Kingdom , to the great Honour as well as satisfaction of this City . And it ought not to be forgotten , that the emulous City to this for Trade and Riches , hath not only built a Stathouse , but a Magnificent Church too at their own Charges ; and it will be no great reputation to London to fall so much short of Amsterdam in zeal for the publick Worship of God. But why should the burden lie on the City which hath suffered so much of late by a dreadful Fire ? This were indeed a terrible Objection , if it had been made in the Ruines of the City ; but thanks be to the Wonderful Providence of God Almighty , we have lived to see the City rise with a Splendour and Greatness so far surpassing whatever it had before , that this were enough to put us in mind of building the House of God in a way suitable to the present Grandeur of the City . I do not think that in all respects the Prophet's Argument will reach our case , Is it time for You , O ye , to dwell in your Cieled Houses , and this House lie Waste ? but yet methinks , those who have already laid out so many thousands on a Monument of the dreadful Fire , should think themselves as much concerned to contribute freely towards a Monument of the Resurrection of the City after it , and what can be more proper for that , that the Re-building St. Pauls ? Lastly , Those who have nothing else to Object against this Work , find fault with the Season , as very ill chosen by us , when so many Burdens and Taxes lie already on the City , and men are still afraid of more . As though the Season were of our own choosing ! Whereas the true state of the Case is this : As long as our Stock held out any waies proportionably to the expence , we went on chearfully and with great diligence ; and we may say it without vanity , the Stock we had hath been managed with as much care and good Husbandry , as of any publick Buildng whatsoever : But when we found that we could not carry on the Work without farther Supplies ; What should we do ? should we let the Work stand still without trying other waies ? Then we might have justly suffered under the Clamours which would have been made against us , that the Work might have gone on , if we had not been careless and negligent ; that the City would , no doubt , give very considerable Supplies , if they were but asked ; that in the former repairs the Chamber of London gave two hundred pounds per annum for ten years ; besides the liberal Contributions of the Aldermen and of the Wards , and Companies ; that it was not to be supposed , the City should be less able , or less willing than it was at that time ; that a very easie Rate upon the New-built and Inhabited Houses would serve to sinish the Choire ; that but a fourth part of the Rate for the Poor in all the Parishes of England would go very far towards the Body of the Church ; that no Citizen of London would ever refuse doing something towards it ; that at least it was but our trying this Way , and if it did not succeed , we need not doubt at last of the Kindness both of King and Parliament . Upon such Discourses as these , it was thought fit by the Commissioners to make an Address to His Majesty , for Authority to gather Contributions , which out of His Royal Clemency and great readiness to promote this Work , He was pleased to grant us . And now the time is Vnseasonable ! as though it were ever otherwise , to those who have no mind to it ! But is it ever unseasonable to do Praise-worthy , pious and generous actions ? We do not desire men to impoverish themselves to Re-build St. Paul's , but to give freely and chearfully , and in such a proportion as other publick occasions will permit , and as will be no hindrance to the concernment of their Trade or Families . For our Fears of future burdens and Troubles , can we do better to prevent them than to be full of good Works ? And if we were as full of Troubles , as we are of Fears , we may remember that the City and Temple of Jerusalem were fore-told to be Built in troublous times : but thanks be to God , we yet enjoy Peace and Tranquillity ; our Port is full of Ships , our City of Trade , and there is great store of Riches among many , who without any considerable diminution to their Stock , may contribute freely to this great Work. I am glad the Clergy of this City have already shewed so good an Example to others by their own Subscriptions ; and therefore we are the more encouraged to hope for your chearful assistance in procuring Subscriptions and Contributions from others , and your diligence in pursuing the Directions contained in the Brief it self . I am Your Affectionate Brother and Servant , Edw. Stillingfleet , Dean of St. Pauls , and Arch-Deacon of London . For the better satisfaction of all Persons concerning the present state of the Building , I have Annexed a brief Abstract of it ; and for the encouragement of others to Subscribe now , I have adjoyned some of the Subscriptions made in this City towards the former Repairs . S t. PAUL'S Church , LONDON . A Brief Account of the Receipts and Disbursements for the Rebuilding the said Church .   l. s. d. l. s. d. l. s. d. Remained in Cash in the Chamber of London , the first day of May , 1674. ( when the Work was first begun ) upon the Coal Duty at 4 d. ½ . per Chaldron — 12038 05 03. 12707 01 02. 40525 10 3 ¼ . Upon free Gifts , Legacies , &c. — 00668 15 11. Brought more into the Chamber aforesaid upon the said Duty of Coals ; from the said first of May , 1674. to the first of May , 1678. 18144 04 01 ½ . 27818 09 1 ¼ . And upon free Gifts , &c. — 09674 05 00 ¼ . Out of which hath been paid and disbursed in the said Building from the said first day of May , 1674. to the first of May , 1678. including the Carting away of 28000 Loads of Rubbish ; breaking up 11133 cubical yards of old Foundation Walls , with Scaffolding , and taking down old Walls , amounting to 4000 l. and upwards — 33000 00 00. 36000 00 00. Besides there is due upon a reasonable conjecture for Scaffolding and other Materials , Masons work not yet measured , the several Accounts not being yet Audited — 03000 00 00. Subscriptions towards the Repairs of S t. PAUL'S , 1631 , &c. The CITIES Gift , Feb. 21. The free Gift of the City out of the Chamber of London , by order of the Lord Major and Court of Aldermen , the summ of two hundred pounds per annum , for ten years . The ninth annual payment I find received Feb. 10. 1639. — 200. per annum for ten years . The Company of Merchant-Taylors subscribed the summ of five hundred pounds to be paid by fifty pounds per annum , for ten years ; the first payment to begin before Easter , 1632. 50 l. per annum for ten years . The Company of Gold-smiths four hundred pounds 50 l. per annum for eight years . The Company of Grocers three hundred and fifty pounds 50 l. per annum for seven years . The Company of Vintners one hundred pounds to be paid before the last of Jan. 1631.   The Company of Salters one hundred and forty pounds , forty pounds in present , and the remainder at 20 l. per annum for five years . The Company of Skinners the summ of two hundred and eighty pounds at 40 l. per annum for seven years . The Company of Girdlers 10 l. per annum for seven years . The Company of Ironmongers 20 l. per annum for five years . The Company of Cloth-workers 40 l. per annum for five years . The Company of Stationers 15 l. per annum for ten years . The Company of Fishmongers 50 l. per annum , of which I find the seventh payment . The Company of Haberdashers 30 l. per annum , of which I find the eighth payment . I omit the other Companies , these being the most considerable for Subscriptions . ALDERMEN , 1631.   l. s. d. Sir John Leman 30 00 00. And left by him , 1632. 50 00 00. Sir Robert Ducie 50 00 00. Sir George Whitmore 20 00 00. Alderman Bromfield 50 00 00. Sir James Campbell 20 00 00. Sir William Acton 20 00 00. Sir John Gore 20 00 00. Alderman Pool 15 00 00. Alderman Backhouse &c. 15 00 00. Sir Paul Pinder's extraordinary bounty ought never to be forgotten , who besides what he did towards adorning the Quire , gave to the South end 4000 l.     WARDS , 1633. Langborn Ward 209 09 00. Broadstreet Ward 103 02 03. Farringdon Without 250 07 03. Bassishaw Ward 056 13 06. Aldgate Ward 150 09 10. Farringdon Without , more 126 00 02. Candlewickstreet Ward 050 00 00. Bishopsgate Ward 041 05 10. Farringdon Within 334 08 04. Limestreet Ward 039 17 09. Tower-Ward 153 00 00. Aldersgate Ward 077 05 02. Cripplegate Ward 045 16 04. More of the same 110 07 00. Vintry Ward 065 04 06. These I have only mention'd as a Tast of the readiness of the City at that time , and they are faithfully extracted out of the Books of the Receipts then kept in the Chamber of London . Imprimatur . Dat. xxx . Mai. 1678. H. London . A93957 ---- Sir, You are desired to send in your horse & armes required of you by warrant from the Militia of London, to the new artillary-ground, upon Monday next being the nine and twentieth of this instant Iuly, by eight of the clock in the forenoone. Dated this 26 of Iuly 1650. Your reall freind[sic] Jacob Strange. Strange, Jacob. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A93957 of text R205913 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E608_14). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A93957 Wing S5809 Thomason E608_14 ESTC R205913 99865141 99865141 165699 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A93957) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 165699) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 93:E608[14]) Sir, You are desired to send in your horse & armes required of you by warrant from the Militia of London, to the new artillary-ground, upon Monday next being the nine and twentieth of this instant Iuly, by eight of the clock in the forenoone. Dated this 26 of Iuly 1650. Your reall freind[sic] Jacob Strange. Strange, Jacob. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1650] A form sent to George Thomason and Philemon Stevens by the Militia of London. Date and place of publication from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "vide 4th June 1650 in ye follio collection.". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng City of London (England). -- Committee for the Militia. London (England) -- History, Military -- 17th century. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A93957 R205913 (Thomason E608_14). civilwar no Sir, You are desired to send in your horse & armes required of you by warrant from the Militia of London, to the new artillary-ground, upon Strange, Jacob 1650 66 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-07 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-07 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion SIR , YOU are desired to send in your Horse & Armes required of you by warrant from the Militia of London , to the new Artillary-Ground , upon Monday next being the nine and twentieth of this instant Iuly , by eight of the clock in the forenoone . Dated this 26 of Iuly 1650. Your reall freind Jacob Strange . To Mr. _____ A94419 ---- To His Excellency the Lord General Monck The unanimous representation of the apprentices and young men inhabiting in the City of London. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A94419 of text R205554 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.23[33]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A94419 Wing T1359 Thomason 669.f.23[33] ESTC R205554 99864900 99864900 163689 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A94419) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163689) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f23[33]) To His Excellency the Lord General Monck The unanimous representation of the apprentices and young men inhabiting in the City of London. Albemarle, George Monck, Duke of, 1608-1670. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Tho. Ratcliffe, London : anno Dom. 1659. [i.e. 1660] Dated at end: This was delivered to his Excellency at St. Albans, Thursday, Febr. 2. 1659. by persons elected for that purpose, and had a very cheerful reception. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Feb: 4." Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A94419 R205554 (Thomason 669.f.23[33]). civilwar no To His Excellency the Lord General Monck. The unanimous representation of the apprentices and young men inhabiting in the City of London. Albemarle, George Monck, Duke of 1659 586 1 0 0 0 0 0 17 C The rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE Lord General Monck . The Unanimous Representation of the Apprentices and young men Inhabiting in the City of London . Humbly Sheweth , THat the glory of our Nation , and the greatest comfort of our Lives in our Civil Interests , consists in the Priviledges and Liberties to which we were born , and which are the undoubted Inheritance of all the free people of England , among which the grand and Essential Priviledge which discriminates free men from slaves , is the interest which every man hath in the Legislative power of the Nation , by their Representatives assembled in Parliament : without which , however we may flatter our selves , or be flatter'd by others , we are truly no better then Vassals govern'd by the will and pleasure of those who have no relation to us or our common Interest . Now how much this dear Priviledge of the People hath been assaulted by the open violence of some , and secret artifice of others , and to what a deplorable condition we are brought at this present period , when heavy taxes are imposing upon mens Estates , and new Laws upon our Persons without any consent of the people had in a free Parliament , and how generally through the said distractions in Government trading is decayed , and how much we are likely to suffer therby in our times and places , we cannot but Remonstrate to your Excellency , constrain'd through the sense of our present sufferings and apprehensions of greater to implore your assistance , most humbly beseeching your Excellency by that ancient love you have born to your Native Countrey , zeal to our Liberties , by that great renowne you have lately gain'd in opposing the cruel Rageing of the Sword by the common cries of the People , and by the hopes and chearful Expectation of all England now fixt upon you ; And , lastly , by your own personal concern in the same common cause as a free-born English man , that you would please to use those great advantages Divine Providence hath now put into your hands to the securing your Native Countrey from those dangerous usurpations , and preserving us in those Liberties to which we were borne . That no Tax may be imposed , nor new Law made , nor old abolisht but with the consents of the people had by their Representatives in Parliament , freely to be chosen without terrour or limitations , and freely to sit without any Oath or Engagement previous to their entrance , without which special Liberties the Parliament cannot in any construction be esteemed the free Assembly of the People ; And by your Excellency's asserting of those our undoubted Rights in your present advantages , you will certainly by the blessing of God , and unanimous concurrence of the People accomplish our ends , and will thereby gaine the hearts and hands of the whole Nation , and the City in particular , and purchase to your self a name that shall make every true English man call you blessed , and Posterity shall hereafter delight to recount the famous Acts of their worthy Patriot . This was delivered to his Excellency at St. Albans , Thursday , Febr. 2. 1659. by persons Elected for that purpose , and had a very cheerful Reception . LONDON , Printed by Tho. Ratcliffe , Anno Dom ▪ 1659. A94436 ---- To the alderman, deputy and common-councel-men of the ward of [blank] City of London (England). This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A94436 of text R210765 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.26[3]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A94436 Wing T1387 Thomason 669.f.26[3] ESTC R210765 99869522 99869522 163885 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A94436) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163885) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f26[3]) To the alderman, deputy and common-councel-men of the ward of [blank] City of London (England). 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1660] Orders by the commissioners under the Act for the speedy provision of money for disbanding and paying of the forces, to the aldermen and common-council-men of the different wards, for the better execution of the Act. Imprint from Wing. Dated at end: Dated at the Guild-hall London the 4 day of September, 1660. Annotation on Thomason copy: "7ber [i.e. September]. 8.". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Tax assessment -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Politics and government -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A94436 R210765 (Thomason 669.f.26[3]). civilwar no To the alderman, deputy and common-councel-men of the ward of [blank] City of London 1660 1007 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-04 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-04 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To the Alderman , Deputy and Common — councel-men of the Ward of _____ FOR the better and more speedy execution of the Act of Parliament lately made , Intituled , An Act for the speedy provision of money for disbanding and paying of the Forces of this Kingdome both by Land and Sea : We the Commissioners , whose names are subscribed , thereby authorized ( amongst others ) for the better Assessing , Ordering and Levying of the sums of money by the said Act to be raised within the City of London and Liberties thereof , Do in his Majesties Name hereby will and require you forthwith upon Receipt hereof ( calling to your assistance the Churchwardens , Constables and Overseers of the poor of the several Parishes in your said Ward , who are hereby also required and charged to observe and follow your direction , and appointment herein ) well and diligently to inform your selves and without delay to make true , distinct and fair Certificate unto us in writing under your hands of the several particulars following , that is to say . 1. Of the Names and Surnames of every Person within your Ward who either is Alderman or Sheriffe of this City or hath fined for Alderman and Sheriffe of the said City . 2. Of the Names and Surnames of every Person who hath been or now is Deputy to any Alderman of the said Ward . 3. Of the Names and Surnames of all the Common-councel-men of the same Ward . 4. Of the Names and Surnames of all Persons of the degree of a Barronet , and Knight of the Bath now inhabiting or residing within the same Ward . 5. Of the Names and Surnames of all Persons of the degree of a Knight Batchelour now inhabiting or residing within the same Ward . 6. Of all Persons of the degree of an Esquire or so reputed inhabiting or residing within the said Ward , and above the age of 21 years . 7. The Names and Surnames of every Parson or Vicar within your Ward being possessed of a Parsonage or Vicarage or other estate of the cleer yearly value of 100 li. 8. Of the Names and Surnames of every Doctor of the Civil or Cannon Laws , and every Advocate residing within your Ward . 9. Of the Names and Surnames of every Judge or Commissioner in the Court of Admiralty or of the Probate of Wills residing within your Ward . 10. Of the Names and Surnames of every Person who hath practised as a Proctor in either of the said Courts residing within your Ward . 11. Of the Names and Surnames of every Doctor of Physick residing within your said Ward . 12. Of the Names and Surnames of all English Merchants within your Ward not free of this City . 13. Of the Names and Surnames of all English Factors residing within your Ward . 14. Of the Names and Surnames of all Merchants strangers of the degree of a Knight residing within your Ward . 15. Of the Names and Surnames of all Merchant strangers below that degree , trading to Sea , residing within your Ward . 16. Of the Names and Surnames of all Merchant strangers trading within the Land , that reside within your Ward . 17. Of the Names and Surnames of all Persons being Aliens born , and using or exercising any trade , mystery or manuall occupation , being a house-keeper within your said Ward . 18. Of the Names and Surnames of all Attorneys at Law of any the Courts at Westminster , residing within your Ward . 19. Of the Names and Surnames of all Widows residing within your said Ward , and of what ( highest ) degree the husbands of such Widows were in their life times . 20. Of the Names and Surnames of all Persons keeping one or more Hackney Coach or Coaches within your Ward , and how many Coaches and pair of Horses he or she so keepeth . 21. The Names and Surnames of all free-men of this City being of none of the degrees before mentioned , dwelling or residing within your Ward , who can dispend in Lands , Leases , Money , Stock or otherwise of their own proper estate the sum of 5 li. per annum or above , and how much yearly every of them can dispend as aforesaid ( so neerly as you can deem them ) and of what Company every of them is free , and in what Parish he is resident . 22. Of the Names and Surnames of all other Persons within your Ward that can dispend in Lands , Leases , Money , Stock or otherwise of their own proper estate the sum of 5 li. per annum and above , and how much yearly every of them can dispend as aforesaid , ( so neer as you can deem them . ) 23. That you also insert in your said Certificate the number of all single Persons in every family above the age of 16 years . 24. As also of all other Persons of what estate or degree he or she be , not before mentioned or herein comprised nor receiving Almes and being above the Age of 16 years . And that you distinguish all of every degree , rank and quality aforesaid by themselves in order . And in the true and exact performance of all and every the particulars above mentioned ; We require you and the said Church-wardens , Constables and Collectors for the poor , not to fail upon the Penalties in the said Act conteined . Dated at the Guild-hall London the 4 day of September , 1660. A94568 ---- To the Parliament of England the humble petition of the Mayor, aldermen, and commons of the City of London, in Common-Council assembled. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A94568 of text R211622 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.23[61]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A94568 Wing T1580 Thomason 669.f.23[61] ESTC R211622 99870333 99870333 163717 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A94568) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163717) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f23[61]) To the Parliament of England the humble petition of the Mayor, aldermen, and commons of the City of London, in Common-Council assembled. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Iohn Redmayn in Lovells-Court in Pater-noster-Row, London : [1660] Imprint from Wing. The petition of the Mayor and commons of London in Common Council assembled, that the militia of London may be forthwith settled in the hands of citizens of known integrity and interest in the city. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Feb. 24 1659". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. A94568 R211622 (Thomason 669.f.23[61]). civilwar no To the Parliament of England: the humble petition of the Mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of London, in Common-Council assembled. City of London 1660 308 1 0 0 0 0 0 32 C The rate of 32 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-07 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-07 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TO THE PARLIAMENT OF ENGLAND : The Humble Petition of the Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons of the City of London , in Common-Council Assembled . Sheweth , THat the Petitioners in a deep sense of what the City of London hath lately suffered by misapprehensions of their affections to the Parliament of England , ( to which in all times they have constantly adhered ) do humbly adore that gracious God , who hath so mercifully restored this Honourable Parliament to the exercise of their Trust , for this Cities just vindication , and their and the Nations deliverance and preservation : and do with unfeigned thankfulnesse acknowledge the happy concurrence of this Honourable House , in their late worthy and prudent Resolves , in order to the general Settlement of the Nation , and for your tendernesse to this City , in enlarging their late imprisoned Members , restoring their Common-Council , and ordering their Gates and Portcullisses , Posts and Chains , to be repaired at the publick Charge , By all which signal marks of Honour , and respects to your Petitioners , they do find themselves fully drawn forth into duty and affection , to tender to this Honourable House , their sincere and most ready service in all the capacities God hath put them in , for the maintenance of your Parliamentary Authority , and safety of your persons : and your Petitioners hope they neither have , nor shall forfeit that confidence , which the Parliament hath alwaies had of them . The Petitioners do therefore Humbly pray that the Militia of London may be forthwith settled in the hands of Citizens of known integrity & interest in the City , And your Petitioners shall pray , &c. Sadler . London Printed by Iohn Redmayn in Lovells-Court in Pater-noster-Ro●● A94698 ---- To the supreme authority of this nation in Parliament assembled. The humble petition of the Lord Major and Court of Aldermen of the Citie of London. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A94698 of text R212069 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.15[70]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A94698 Wing T1735cA Thomason 669.f.15[70] ESTC R212069 99870721 99870721 163143 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A94698) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163143) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f15[70]) To the supreme authority of this nation in Parliament assembled. The humble petition of the Lord Major and Court of Aldermen of the Citie of London. Sadler, John, 1615-1674. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1650] The petition is signed: J. Sadler. Imprint from Wing. Includes: The Parliaments answer declared by Mr. Speaker upon this petition. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Election law -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Politics and government -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A94698 R212069 (Thomason 669.f.15[70]). civilwar no To the supreme authority of this nation in Parliament assembled. The humble petition of the Lord Major and Court of Aldermen of the Citie of Sadler, John 1650 396 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-07 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-07 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To the Supreme Authority of this NATION in PARLIAMENT assembled . The Humble PETITION of the Lord Major and Court of Aldermen of the CITIE of LONDON . HUMBLY SHEWETH , THat your Petitioners acknowledge the wisdome and goodnesse of this Parliament in the Acts of the last year , for regulating Elections of Aldermen , Common-counsell men , and other Officers of this City ; and doe humbly conceive that severall of the same limitations may again conduce to the good of this City . But in that particular concerning the Subscribers to the Personall Treaty , in which we know many faithfull men were surprised in that hour of Temptation , who have constantly acted very really for the publicke good of this Common-wealth . Your Petitioners therefore humbly pray , That if it may stand with the wisdome of this Parliament , Liberty may be granted in that particular ; Which we humbly conceive will much tend to the greater peace , union , and happy government of this City , and be a more sure engagement of many persons very well affected to this Common-wealth . And your Petitioners shall ever pray &c. J. Sadler . The Parliaments Answer Declared by Mr. Speaker upon this Petition . GENTLEMEN , THE Parliament hath taken into consideration the Petition presented by you , and hath commanded me to return you this Answer , That the Parliament doth take notice of the good affections of the Petitioners ; And likewise having had in consideration yesterday the substance of that Petition now presented , did then passe an Act , and therefore the Petition coming so late , they do not think fit to make any alteration therein : but shall in convenient time take the desires of the Petitioners into consideration . And as to such persons as do constantly adhere to the Parliament , and have alwayes adhered thereunto ( saving in that business of signing the Petition for the Personall Treaty ) when the Parliament shall be informed of such persons in particular , the Parliament will take the same into consideration for such indulgence to such persons as have and still do manifest their fidelity and affection to the Parliament , as shall be thought fit . Hen Scobel Cler. Parliament . London , Printed by Richard Cotes 1650. A95020 ---- A true copy of the letter sent from the Lord Mayor, aldermen and Common-Council, at a Common-Council holden in Guildhall London, on the 29th of December, 1659 Directed to the Right Honorable George Moncke, General of the forces in Scotland. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A95020 of text R211442 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.22[58]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A95020 Wing T2647 Thomason 669.f.22[58] ESTC R211442 99870169 99870169 163640 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A95020) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163640) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f22[58]) A true copy of the letter sent from the Lord Mayor, aldermen and Common-Council, at a Common-Council holden in Guildhall London, on the 29th of December, 1659 Directed to the Right Honorable George Moncke, General of the forces in Scotland. Aleyn, Thomas, Sir, fl. 1660. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., London : Printed in the year of our Lord, 1659. [i.e., 1660] Expressing their approval of his resolution to vindicate the civil and religious liberties of the country. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Albemarle, George Monck, -- Duke of, 1608-1670 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A95020 R211442 (Thomason 669.f.22[58]). civilwar no A true copy of the letter sent from the Lord Mayor, aldermen and Common-Council, at a Common-Council holden in Guildhall London, on the 29th Aleyn, Thomas, Sir 1659 651 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-07 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2007-07 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A True Copy of the LETTER sent from the Lord Mayor , Aldermen and Common-Council , at a Common-Council holden in Guildhall London , on the 29th . of December , 1659. Directed to the Right Honorable GEORGE MONCKE , General of the Forces in Scotland . Right Honorable , WE dare not enter upon the Answer , to the merits of your Honors Letter of the 12th . of November , ( which was the first and onely , that came to us ) without prefacing our hearty and thankful admiring , and acknowledging the transcendent mercy of God , in putting into your heart those Pious and Noble Resolutions , to appear at such an Exigent , to be the glorious Instrument in his hand to assert and vindicate the greatest interess of these Nations , both Religious and Civil . And next , That , your great humility of spirit , and singular affection to this City , in communicating to us , so early , those your just Resolves ; and inviting us to share in the honor of assisting to the obtaining of those great and glorious ends , in which the happiness of these Nations in general , and of this City , as a Corporation , consists . In all which , our spirits were both enlightened and warmed by a spark from your Zeal , and actuated by God to a present activity in our Sphere and Capacity , in complyance with your Honors advice , as we hope , the whole world that hath seen our actings , can bare us witness ; and that , we trust may be our sufficient plea for pardon , for our not returning a more timely Answer to your Honors said Letter ; But we pray you to beleive that it was principally retarded , First , by suspicion cast on the Authentickness of it , by those who had the confidence on that score , to Imprison the Deliverers . And next , by the Interposition of the Forces here , and led out against your Honor , who lay in the passage to you . But now ( may it please your Excellency ) seeing it hath pleased God in some degree to remove those obstructions , we presume by this , to assert in writing , what we hope all our actions since the receipt of your Honors advice , have evidenced . That we have cordially concurred with your Honor , in disowning the Authors of that Force who Interrupted the Parliament , and Ravish'd the Birth-right of these Nations , by daring to null and make voyd Acts of Parliament : And we hope we have contributed somewhat , by Gods blessing , in our Councils , and Actions , to the preventing of the sad consequences of that exorbitant Presumption . How fully and entirely we comply with your Honor , in asserting the Authority and Freedome of Parliament ; a National Ministery , for the enlightening of the Ignorant , and suppressing of Atheisme ; and the Peoples just Rights and Liberties ; We humbly referre your Honor to our enclosed Declaration : And do seriously assure your Honor , that we shall by Gods assistance persist faithfully and vigorously in this good Cause . And praying God to preserve your Excellency , and those noble Commanders with you in those Just , Honorable , and Christian undertakings , shall remain Your Honors humble Servants . Signed , Sadler Clerk . [ The City Sword-bearer was appointed by the Court to carry this Letter ; and he was ordered to ride post with it : Accordingly he went away on the 30th . of December , being Friday , in the morning early . ] LONDON , Printed in the Year of our Lord , 1659. A96571 ---- The Prince of Orange his speech to the citizens of London. William III, King of England, 1650-1702. 1688 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A96571 Wing W2481A ESTC R186719 47683559 ocm 47683559 173014 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A96571) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 173014) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2661:19) The Prince of Orange his speech to the citizens of London. William III, King of England, 1650-1702. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed for G.R., London, : 1688. Reproduction of original in: Eton College. Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Great Britain -- History -- Revolution of 1688. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- England -- London -- 17th century. 2007-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-07 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-07 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Prince of Orange HIS SPEECH , TO THE Citizens of London . Worthy Gentlemen , IT is not a little satisfaction to me , That having an Army compos'd of so many different Nations ; I do notwithstanding find them unanimously bent to maintain and prosecute , to the utmost , the Cause I have now undertaken . And though by several Declarations , I have ( as I believe ) sufficiently satisfied both you , and all England , of the Sincerity , as well as the necessity of these my Actions and Designs . I shall not , however , think it unnecessary , or superfluous , briefly to Repeat and Summ up some things which may serve you for satisfaction , as to matters past , as well as Encouragement for the Future . That England , and the Vnited Provinces , are the Two main Pillars , whereon all the Reformed Churches of Europe seem to depend , is to us rather the Envy than the Doubt of our Adversaries now at the Court of Rome , and lately of England , not only to weaken , but wholly to root out even the Name of Protestant , each Man 's private Diurnal , as well as our publick Annals , do sufficiently Testifie ; nor is the Breach made by the restless Malice of our Enemies ( urg'd by a late Opportunity ) in the Laws and Liberties of these Kingdoms , so effectually made up as to free us from the Suspicion and Fear of a more dangerous Relapse . What therefore remains , but that we apply such Remedies , as shall not only for the present Ease us , but for the future Secure us . Lenitives have , to our cost , been too long thrown away on the Canker'd Hearts of our Irreconcilable Enemies . God's Providence , not our Swords , proving the only Antidote against their Poyson . The present Persecution of the poor Protestants in Ireland , is but as a Prologue to their intended Miseries , had it not by Providence been timely prevented : nor did the Laws and Liberties of the People of England , seem a sufficient Sacrifice to their Hungry Zeal for the present , unless by Methods as Sophistical as their Doctrine , they might bind and secure them to Posterity . We have seen the Corruption of Judges ( those Betrayers of their Country , ) the Oppression of the Bishops , ( those Pillars of the Church , ) the Abuses of most of the great Offices ( Civil and Military , ) private Cabals , and publick Grievances ; and all to promote a Faction as uneasie , as contrary to all Moral Conversation . Let us therefore , Gentlemen and Fellow Soldiers , with Courage and Constancy , Oppose and Disarm these common Disturbers of the Peace of Christendome . If our Adversaries boast of French Supplies , and Irish Succours ( while you are resolv'd and united in your Hearts : ) I value them not ; I fear not the Strength of the One ; and , I thank God , can Laugh at the Malice of the Other . Let us vigorously tread that Path , which God Almighty seems to have peculiarly mark'd out for us . If there be any of you , that either distrust your own Courages , or are dissatisfied with the Cause you have undertaken , I freely give you Liberty , and fase Conduct to your several Abodes . I will , My Self , be both the Spectator and Rewarder of all your Actions ; resolving to be the Personal Example of your Courage and Resolution . I Exhort and Command you to be Dutiful and Obedient to your several respective Commanders . To forbear , on pain of Death , all Fraud or Pillages of the Citizens ; and to be careful and vigilant in your several Posts ; and , as I believe , you are sufficiently satisfied with the Justice of our Cause ; so , by the help of God , which I chiefly Exhort you constantly to Pray for ) I doubt not of a happy and speedy ●uccess , as in other places , so in London . LONDON , Printed for G. R. 1688. A97191 ---- A warning, or, a word of advice to the City of London, and to the whole Kingdome of England, concerning the armies intentions and actions; / by him who is a lover of righteousnesse and peace; and at present a member of the army, very vsefull and considerable. Him who is a lover of righteousnesse and peace. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A97191 of text R205357 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E474_6). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 13 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A97191 Wing W925 Thomason E474_6 ESTC R205357 99864759 99864759 162458 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A97191) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162458) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 76:E474[6]) A warning, or, a word of advice to the City of London, and to the whole Kingdome of England, concerning the armies intentions and actions; / by him who is a lover of righteousnesse and peace; and at present a member of the army, very vsefull and considerable. Him who is a lover of righteousnesse and peace. [2], 6 p. for Giles Calvert near Ludgate, Printed at London : 1648. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Nou: 30th". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A97191 R205357 (Thomason E474_6). civilwar no A warning, or, a word of advice to the City of London,: and to the whole Kingdome of England, concerning the armies intentions and actions; Him who is a lover of righteousnesse and peace. 1648 2417 3 0 0 0 0 0 12 C The rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-12 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Sarah Allison Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Sarah Allison Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Warning , or , A word of Advice to the City OF LONDON , And to the whole Kingdome OF ENGLAND , concerning the Armies Intentions and Actions ; BY Him who is a Lover of Righteousnesse and Peace ; and at present a member of the Army , very Vsefull and Considerable . Printed at London for Giles Calvert near Ludgate , 1648. A Word of Advice to the City of LONDON , and to the whole Kingdome of England , concerning the Armies intentions and actions by him who is a lover of Righteousnesse and Peace , and at present a member of the Army ; very usefull and considerable . OH the Citie of London , and the Kingdome of England ! What mercies hast thou enjoyed , or rather , what mercy have you not both abused : How may thy freinds and true lovers stand weeping over thee , and saying , Oh the great metropolitaine Citie , the Kingdome of England , hadst thou known the things which belong to thy peace ; but now they are hid from thine eies , I say , hadst thou known , thou hadst not necessitated an Armie , ( which generally hath used to be furthest from Righteousnesse , Justice and equitie ) to doe that for thee which thou thy self shouldest have looked after : oh thou great Citie , thy sinnes are many , thy provocations great , thy temptations increasing within thee , to oppose thine own good , thine own peace . And now I shall tell thee , that the Armies intentions , art and their actions will be for thine and the Kingdomes good , peace , welfare , be you but passive , seeing that through your neglect , if not contrary activenesse , you have compelled them to be active ; they intend not your trouble , impoverishing , or ruine : but first , that Justice may be impartially administred without respect of persons , without which they judge there can be no establishment either of righteousnesse or true and lasting peace , that which your selves long after , and be yee assured , it s not the plunder of your City , nor the decay or decrease of your trade that is intended : but rather that you might be settled in a more free way of liberty in your tradings , Secondly , That this way be effected , viz. the execution of Justice , they intend onely to question those both in Parliament and City , which have been the obstructours of it , that so they may be expunged from any farther power , in betraying their trust , as of late , in wheeling round so fast into an unitie with those whom formerly they opposed , as the great occasioners of our trouble and miseries . Thirdly , That by this means the Justice of God may be taken off the Kingdome , which is not like to be , untill justice be executed ; for God is a just God and will make inquisition for blood ; and blood cryeth for blood , and it s far better justice take hold of a few , if God so please , then of many thousands as must be expected , if justice be not executed ; for believe it , the way of the Treatie is the high way of ruine even to those who cry it up , work it and manage it , and you will finde the Army to be in the hands of God , your saviours in delivering you from it . This is that others see , although you see it not : and that which you cry up as the onely way of Peace and Libertie , others see it to be the high way of bondage and ruine ; give them therefore Libertie to save you with feare pulling you out of the fire , &c. Fourthly , That they might once see this poore bleeding and dying Kingdome delivered from its oppressions and burdens , and established in its just Rights and Freedomes ; and this is that which God will effect , whatever shall say him nay , although at present to many , the remedie seems worse then the disease , yet the end shall be glorious . Object . But perhaps you will say , this is that which belongs to the Parliament and we are to look to them ; and to acquies in what they doe , they being chosen for that end . Answ. It s true , it properly belongs to them indeed , but they betraying their trust in making peace with men of blood , contrary to Law and Religion , contrary to the Law of Nature or of God ; they are to be questioned by those for whom they are imployed : For if we will allow of Arbitrary Will and Power in the Parliament , as good in the King ; as good an unlimitted power were in the hands of one , as of many ; for this is a truth confest by all , that the Parliament are servants of State unto the People , and I hope the servant may be questioned by his Master if he betray his Trust and that wilfully too , as a great part of this Parliament hath done , in Voting and carrying on a Treaty of Peace with the Enemies of Peace , and that not onely ignorantly but wilfully , contrary to the mindes of those who trusted them , as appears in their rejecting of all Petitions from all Counties who Petitioned them the contrary : and secondly , in their not freeing the Kingdome from burdens , but rather increasing of them . Object . But those Petitions came not from the major party in the City and Counties to the Parliament . Answ. True , for the major party are such as have betrayed their interest in the Parliament , in fighting against them , and are not to have any Vote in the choice of them ; and so are not to be looked upon as within the liberty of propounding grievances , or judging the actions of those whose ruine they have so long d●sired : they are capable to receive government from them , but not govern or vote in governing ; therefore the Parliament is proper to the honest wel affected party that have stood by them and with them in all difficulties , and they it is , who are ca●led to have an eye to their Parliaments proceedings , and they it is who have Petitioned their Parliament time after time , but could not be heard ; and now their eyes are greatly upon the Army , waiting what God will doe by the Army for them , the Army being the Kingdomes servants as well as the Parliament , the Army being in the hands of God , the only visible power in and of the Kingdome , by whom the enemy is subdued , upon whom the eyes of all those who expect Righteousnesse and Justice are for the accomplishment of it ; and therefore I must tell you that if the Army should altogether be silent , they should likewise be perfideous and traytors to that trust reposed in them , betraying both the Lives and Liberties of themselves and friends into the hands of implacable and murtherous men . Secondly , I answer , that the Army is very tender of a Parliamentary power and intend not to act things themselves , but to see those who have betrayed their trust purged forth , that so there may be a free course of Justice in a lawfull Parliamentary way . Object . But it s reported that the Army are Levellers , and intend to make all things common . Answ. It s very false and untrue raised by those who are enemies to truth and peace , its true they desire to levell all powers which are contrary to and against God : and this is that assure your selves the great God will beare them out in , for its God indeed who is the great leveller both within and without his people ; and who art thou O great mountaine that will stand up before him , thou shalt be made plaine . Object . But there is not unity in the Army in their proceedings , they are much divided amongst themselves . Answ. That is likewise an untruth , for God hath powred down a mighty spirit of unity and courage amongst them that as one man they are united for the common good , and this I must tell you likewise that God hath not only given them that spirit of unity but a spirit of prayer and faith likewise , beleeving a deliverance before they ingage they are in good earnest , a praying , a beleeving people , therefore I shall now proceed to a word of advice unto you and that first be advised how you entertaine thoughts of opposition & so of the beginning of another Warr in England , and that for these reasons first before if you oppose you will have the great God against you : second , then be sure you shal fal before him for he is able , and will dash you to peices like a potters vessell , it is neither multitudes nor tumults can save before him . 2 According to principles of reason , you of all people in the Kingdome declare your folly and weaknesse : if you should begin a tumult , for be sure if ever you strike stroke you are undone ; if not by the Army , yet have you not so much wisdome as to fore ; see that there are those amongst your selves who waite for a pray to be inriched in your fall ; O London , London , dost thou not yet know what belongs to thy peace ; shall it be hid from thine eyes or wilt thou not doe good , nor suffer good to be done , mine eye and my heart pittieth thee , if thou wilt worke out thine own ruine , 3 And be you therefore advised as you tender the safety of your Persons , Estates , Trading , the Peace of the Kingdome , the honour of the great Jehovah that you oppose not his worke in hand , lest you perish in your way , for who is he that shall stand before him ; I must tell you that God hath a dispensation of righteousnesse to bring forth in the worke and he will effect it though all the world say-him nay ; and he will make his people his batle and weapon of Warr , by whom he will breake all that shall oppose him ; have you not seene God breaking to pieces great and mighty powers by them , O when will you see that its God fights our batles for us and delivers enemies into our hands ; take heed how you are found fighters against God . 4 Consider you have for the most part all the godly people in this Kingdome , as one in this act , and as one against you , if you oppose and they are the great interest of the Kingdome ; for first , they are a praying people , secondly , they are a beleeving people : thirdly they are made a couragious fighting people , and then with them you will have their God and Father to be against you , in a word you will have all the powers of Heaven against you , and nothing but the powers of darknesse and confusion to be for you . 5. And finally be you sure to perish in any designe you undertake against them for there is neither pollisie nor power against them , God undermines it all and brings it to nothing Faith is given in already in this particular , and that which I have said to the City , I say to the whole Kingdome of England : be not perverse seek not to raise new troubles be at the least passive , suffer good when it commeth for all that oppose must be led forth with the workers of iniquity into confusion and misery : God will punish them with astonishment and madnesse , and will recompence unto them the fruite of their own waies : thus have I very briefly and that with much bowels and tendernesse , given you this word of warning , that if God so please thy ruine may be prevented , but if you will not heare my soule shall weep in secre● for thy pride ; yet know that thou hast had a word of warning from him who foresees both thy sin and misery ; and if notwithstanding this thou will be rebellious and oppose the work of the great Jehovah , and so perish in thy opposition , thy Destruction is of thy selfe and thy Judgement will be the more just : hearken not to flatterers neither flatter thy self , it will be to late to repent when the judgement is past : consider that thou thy selfe by thy clamourous petitions to the Parliament , hast been the cause of this approaching storme , add not therefore sin to sin , but repent and amend looke not at dishonour in thy submitting , beter be dishonourable in receiving good then honourable in opposing it : better be dishonourable in being passive in receaving them : to lose al in opposing , and your greatest honor now at least will be to conquer lust and pride ; before you are conquered for your pride , you know what sad doomes have been past upon you by many , I cannot yet say that is past upon you by God ; I desire the Lord to deliver you from that fiery destruction threatened , therefore have I written that you might be prevented from working out your one ruine that so you might have peace FINIS . A97317 ---- Die Sabbathi 19. Decembris, 1646. It is ordered by the Lords in Parliament assembled, that the city printer shall print and publish the two petitions presented to the house this day ... / John Browne cler. Parliamentorum. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Lords. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A97317 of text R492269 in the English Short Title CatalogTextual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A97317 ESTC R492269 45097709 ocm 45097709 171304 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A97317) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 171304) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2571:18c) Die Sabbathi 19. Decembris, 1646. It is ordered by the Lords in Parliament assembled, that the city printer shall print and publish the two petitions presented to the house this day ... / John Browne cler. Parliamentorum. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Lords. Browne, John, ca. 1608-1691. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [London : 1646] Not found in Wing. Reproduction of original in the Sutro Library. With: An ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament: For bringing in of the arrears for the garrisons of the Easterne Association. Die Jovis 10 Decemb. 1646. London : Printed for Iohn Wright ..., 1646 -- Die Jovis, 8. Julii, 1646. eng Humble petition of the lord major, aldermen, and commons of the city of London, in Common-Councell assembled. Humble representation of the pressing greivances [sic], and important desires of the well-affected freemen, and covenant-engaged citizens, of the city of London. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. A97317 R492269 civilwar no Die Sabbathi 19. Decembris, 1646.: It is ordered by the Lords in Parliament assembled, that the city printer shall print and publish the tw England and Wales. Parliament 1646 113 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Sabbathi 19. Decembris , 1646. IT is Ordered by the Lords in Parliament Assembled , that the City Printer shall Print and publish the two Petitions presented to this House this day ; the one intituled , The humble Petition of the Lord Major , Aldermen , and Commons of the City of London , in Common-Councell assembled ; And the other intituled , An humble representation of the pressing greivances , and important desires of the Well-affected Freemen , and Covenant-engaged Citizens , of the City of London ; And the Answer of the Lords in Parliament made this day unto them both . John Browne Cler. Parliamentorum . B02616 ---- Mr. Hampdens speech, occasioned upon the Londoners petition for peace. Denham, John, Sir, 1615-1669. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription B02616 of text274 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing D1002B). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 B02616 Wing D1002B Interim Tract Supplement Guide C.20.f.4[94] 99884969 ocm99884969 182765 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B02616) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 182765) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books; Tract supplement ; A4:2[95]) Mr. Hampdens speech, occasioned upon the Londoners petition for peace. Denham, John, Sir, 1615-1669. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [London : 1643] Attributed to Sir John Denham. Imprint suggested by Wing. Verse: "But will you now to peace encline ..." Reproduction of original in the British Library. eng Hampden, John, 1594-1643 -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800. Satire, English -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800. Peace -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. B02616 274 (Wing D1002B). civilwar no Mr. Hampdens speech, occasioned upon the Londoners petition for peace. Denham, John, Sir 1643 770 5 0 0 0 0 0 65 D The rate of 65 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Mr. Hampdens Speech , occasioned upon the Londoners Petition for PEACE . BUt will you now to peace encline , And languish in the maine designe , and leave us in the lurch . I would not Monarchy destroy , But onely as the way t' enjoy , the ruines of the Church . Is not the Bishops Bill deni'd , And we still threatned to be tri'd ? you see the King imbraces Those counsels he approv'd before , Nor does he promise which is more that we shall have their places . Did I for this bring in the Scot , ( For 't is no secret now ) the plot was Say's and mine together ; Did I for this returne againe ? And spent a winter then in vaine once more t' invite them hither . Though more our money then our cause Their brotherly assistance drawes , my labour was not lost ; At my returne I brought you thence Necessity my strong pretence , and this shall quit your cost . Did I for this my Country bring , To helpe their Knight against their King , and raise the first division ; Yet I the businesse did decline Though I contriv'd the whole designe , and taught them to petition . So many nights spent in the City In that invisible Committee , the wheele that governs all ; From thence the change in Church & State And all the mischiefes beares their date from Haberdashers Hall . Did we force Ireland to despaire ? Upon the King to cast the war , to make the world abhor him ; Because the Rebels used his name , Though we our selves can doe the same , while both alike are for him . Then the same fire we kindle here Whilst we pretend to quench that there , and wisely lost that Nation ; To doe as crafty beggars use To maine themselves only t' abuse the simple mans compassion . Have I so often past betweene Winsor and Westminster unseene ? and did my selfe divide , To keep his Excellence in awe , And give the Parliament the Law , for they knew none beside . Did I for this take paines to teach Our zealous ignorance to preach , and did their lungs inspire ; Read 'em their texts , shew'd them their parts And taught them all their little arts to fling abroad the sire . Sometimes to beg , sometimes to threaten , Then say the Cavaleers are beaten , and stroake the peoples eares . And streight when victories grow cheap , And will no more advance the heap , to raise the price of feares . And now the books , and now the bells , And now our arts the Preacher tells to edifie the people ; All our Divinity is newes , And we have made of equall use the Pulpit and the Steeple . And shall we kindle all this flame , Onely to put it out againe , and must we now give ore . And onely end where we begun , In vaine this mischiefe we have done , if we can do no more . If men in peace may have their right , Where is this necessity to fight , and break both law and oath ? Who say that they fight for the cause , 〈◊〉 to defend the King and Laws , But ' ti● 〈…〉 them both . Either the cause at fir●● 〈…〉 Or being good it is so still , and thence they will in●●●erre ; That either now , or at the first They were deceived , or which is worst that we our selves may erre . But plague and famine will come in , For they and we are near of kin , and cannot goe asunder ; For while the wicked starve indeed , The Saints have ready at their need Gods providence and plunder . Princes we are if we prevaile , And gallant villaines if we faile , when to our fame 't is told , It will not be our least of praise , When our new state we could not raise , we have destroy'd the old . Then let us slay , fight , and vote Till London be not worth a groat , oh 't is a patient Beast , When we have gal'd and tir'd that mule , And can no longer have the rule , wee le have our spoyle at least . FINIS . B03615 ---- To each gentleman soldier in the company [of] Captain John Hulls, captain in the Yellow regiment of trained bands of London. Hawkins, Thomas, fl. 1695? 1691 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). B03615 Wing H1180 Interim Tract Supplement Guide C.20.f.2[358] 99886995 ocm99886995 181680 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B03615) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 181680) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books; Tract supplement ; A1:1[362]) To each gentleman soldier in the company [of] Captain John Hulls, captain in the Yellow regiment of trained bands of London. Hawkins, Thomas, fl. 1695? 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [London, 1691?] Signed: Thomas Hawkins. Verse: "Tho your great actions I need not rehearse ..." Imprint from Wing CD-ROM, 1996. Imperfect: torn at edge with slight loss of text. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Defenses -- Early works to 1800. 2008-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To each Gentleman S●dier in the Company 〈◊〉 Captain John Hulls , Captain in the YELLOW Regiment of Trained Bands of London . THO your great Actions I need not rehearse , ( They speak your Worth beyond my home-spun Verse , ) Yet Custom once a Year obliges me T' applaud your long-experienc'd Loyalty : Wherefore , Great Sirs , all that 's desir'd by me , Is , that my Offering may accepted be ; Being made unto you with a free good Will , Altho I can't pretend to th' Poet's Skill . When the Bold French ( last Year ) had an Intent Us to Invade , the YELLOW Regiment First took up Arms , meaning thereby to shew All Loyal Subjects what they ought to do For their dear Country , and its Warlike King , Whose Valour through th' whole Universe doth ring . When the Six Reg'ments March'd unto Hide-Park , ( Each Man accoutred like a Warlike Spark ) You were the Van , the Place of Honour due ( Brave Heroes of the YELLOW ) unto you : Th' admiring Crowd afforded you Applause , Crying , Behold the Glorious YELLOW Boys , Whose Loyalty has ever stedfast been Unto our most auspicious King and Queen , William and Mary whose great Worth will be Recorded unto all Posterity . And when their Majesties were pleas'd to say They 'd grace the Triumph of the Lord Mayor's Day , The YELLOW then was pitch'd upon to be Their chiefest Safeguard and Security . Thus upon all Occasions you are free To signalize your Zeal and Loyalty To your Dear Country and His Majesty . For which long may you live , untill you see All Enemies to England's Monarchy Fall down before your Arms and Loyalty . May sacred Heav'n always propitious be To Great King William and his Consort Mary , Is the good Pray'r , and shall be to the End , Of your most faithful Marshal and your Friend Thomas Hawki●● B04140 ---- Orders set downe by the court of Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the city of London, concerning the rates of carriages with carrs within this city and the liberties thereof, to continue untill further order be taken in that behalf. City of London (England). Lord Mayor's Court This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription B04140 of text R179965 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2864FA). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 B04140 Wing L2864FA ESTC R179965 53299185 ocm 53299185 179929 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B04140) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 179929) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2808:34) Orders set downe by the court of Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the city of London, concerning the rates of carriages with carrs within this city and the liberties thereof, to continue untill further order be taken in that behalf. City of London (England). Lord Mayor's Court 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1655] Some text in black letter. At head of title: February 15. 1654. Place and date of publication suggested by Wing (2nd ed.). Reproduction of original in: Bodleian Library eng Freight and freightage -- Rates -- England -- London -- 17th century -- Sources. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Sources. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. B04140 R179965 (Wing L2864FA). civilwar no February 15. 1654. Orders set down by the court of Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the city of London, concerning the rates of carriages with car City of London 1655 636 2 0 0 0 0 0 31 C The rate of 31 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-12 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-12 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion February 15. 1654. Orders set down by the Court of Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of LONDON , Concerning the Rates of Carriages with Carrs Within this City and Liberties thereof , to continue untill further Order be taken in that behalf . WHereas daily complaint is made by Merchants and other Citizens , of the excessive Rates demanded and received by Carmen , above what is reasonable and hath been limited and appointed for Carriages within this City and Liberties : Now upon due consideration had as well of former times as of the present , wherein the prices of some commodities of necessary and principal use to the Carmen are risen , and consequently require some increase of the Rates heretofore set for their labour and carriage ; It is therefore ordered by this Court , That all Carmen trading or working with Carres in the City of London and Liberties thereof , shall and may demand and take for every carriage or load of the commodities under mentioned , the Rates hereafter following , and shall not exceed the same upon pain to be strictly punished and proceeded against for every offence to the contrary ; That is to say , 1. FIrst , from any the Wharfs between the Tower and London-bridge , to Tower-street , Gracechurchstreet , Fanchurchstreet , Bishopsgatestreet within , Cornhill , and places of like distance up the hill with xviij C weight , not exceeding xxiij C weight . In which may be included , Two punchions of Prunes , two bales of Macher , twenty barrels of Figs , two fats of Fustians , five ordinary sacks of Cotton-woolls of Smyrna , and three extraordinary ; as bags of Cyprus wooll , butts of Currans , great butts of Oyles , three chests of Sugars , eight bags of Allums , one laste of Flax , one laste of Hemp , and and other goods of the like kinde and weights , for every Load — xx d. And for Seacols the Load — xij d 2. Also from any the Wharfs aforesaid , To Broadstreet , Lothbury , Old-jury , Bassishaw , Colemanstreet , Ironmongerlane , St. Laurence-lane , Milkstreet , Aldermanbury , Cheapside , Woodstreet , Friday-street , Breadstreet , and places of like distance , for the like weight of xviij C not exceeding xxiij C For the goods aforesaid , and others of the like kinde for every Load — xxij d 〈…〉 5. Also from any the Wharfs aforesaid , To Broadstreet , Lothbury , Old-jury , Bassishaw , Colemanstreet , Ironmonger lane , St. Laurence lane , Milkstreet , Aldermanbury , Cheapside , Woodstreet , Fridaystreet , Breadstreet , and places of the like distance , for any of the said goods of the same quantity and weight , for every load — xx d 6. Also from any the Wharfs aforesaid , To Towerstreet , Gracechurchstreet , Fanchurch-street , Bishopsgatestreet within , Cornhill , and other places of like distance up the hill with viij C weight , not exceeding xiiij C weight ; In which may be included , All butts and pipes of Wine , packs of Canvas , two hogsheads , or three terces , a fat of Fustians , and all other goods of the like bulk and weight , for every load — xvj d And from any the Wharfs aforesaid , To Broadstreet , Lothbury , Old-jury , Bassishaw , Colemanstreet , Ironmonger lane , St. Laurence lane , Milkstreet , Aldermanbury , Cheapside , Woodstreet , Fridaystreet , Breadstreet , and other places of like distance , for any other goods of like load and weight , for every load — xviij d 〈…〉 B04141 ---- Chiverton Mayor. Tuesday the eighth day of December 1657. An order of the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen, against concealing and colouring the goods of aliens and foreyners. City of London (England). Lord Mayor. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription B04141 of text R173836 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L2864GA). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 B04141 Wing L2864GA ESTC R173836 47012510 ocm 47012510 174477 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B04141) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 174477) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2690:21) Chiverton Mayor. Tuesday the eighth day of December 1657. An order of the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen, against concealing and colouring the goods of aliens and foreyners. City of London (England). Lord Mayor. Chiverton, Richard. City of London (England). Court of Aldermen. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by James Flesher, printer to the honourable City of London, [London] : [1657] Signed at end: Sadler. Place and date of publication taken from Wing (2nd ed.) Reproduction of original in: University of London. Library. eng Customs administration -- Law and legislation -- London (England) -- 17th century. London (England) -- Commerce -- 17th century -- Sources. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. B04141 R173836 (Wing L2864GA). civilwar no Chiverton Mayor. Tuesday the eighth day of December 1657. An order of the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen, against concealing and colouring Corporation of London 1657 638 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-12 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-12 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Chiverton Mayor . Tuesday the eighth day of December 1657. An Order of the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen , against concealing and colouring the goods of Aliens and Foreyners . WHereas the Offices of Package , Scavage , Waterballiage , Portage , and weighing the Goods and Merchandizes of Alyens and Foreyners , doe perteine unto this City , and for the same severall Customes , Fees and Profits are due , and time out of mind have been payed to the Officers deputed to those places , and been imployed towards reliefe of the Poore , the conservation of the River of Thames , the maintenance of Hospitality , and support of the Magistracy of this City , and other publique uses : And however the trade especially into foreyne parts is now more then ever it hath been in the hands of Alyens and Foreyners , who have attained to great estates under the Government of this City , without bearing any Charge of the same ; And yet the profits of the said Offices doe fall exceedingly short of what formerly they have been , to the great hindrance of the good uses aforesaid : The decay whereof , as this Court hath understood , is especially caused by many ill disposed and unworthy Freemen of this City , who mindlesse of their Oaths & the Laws under which they live , do in complyance with Alyens and Foreyners ofttimes pretend that the goods they export are their own goods untill they are on Ship-board or beyond the Seas , when in truth such goods are for the accompt of Alyens , or are contracted for by Aliens or Foreyners , and after such contract are the goods of Alyens or Foreyners , and are lyable to the said duties ; And divers other wayes do fraudulently owne and colour the Goods and Merchandizes bought and sould , taken in or sent out , by the said Aliens and Foreyners , some being received into partnership to colour the whole , some for hire permitting the use of their names , and others in their own persons , and in their own names , buying , selling and negotiating , meerly for the use and accompt of Alyens and Foreyners , of which sort too many Cloathworkers , Packers , and Drawers of Cloth are suspected to frequent the Market of Blackwell-hall , and all to defraud the City of their just Rights and Customes which by strongest Obligations they are bound to maintaine ; This Court therefore resolving to put forth the utmost of their power and indeavours for remedy of this so great a mischiefe to the City , and to bring upon the Practicers of the said offences the just shame and punishment due for their perjury and unfaithfulnesse to the interest of the City , according to the Laws and provisions in this behalfe ; Doe require and enjoyne the severall persons deputed and intrusted in the said severall Places or Offices , and whom else it may concern , to be diligent and active in the finding out and apprehension of any the Offenders aforesaid , and do admonish and desire all other honest and well affected Freemen of this City to be assistant to them , and as they have opportunity to endeavour as well the preservation of the City in its said Rights and Duties , as to discover those of its own unnaturall members , and others that would violate and betray the same by any the said practices , to be dealt withall and disfranchised as by Law they ought to be , and doe truely deserve . SADLER . Printed by James Flesher , Printer to the Honourable City of London . B04522 ---- The Kings entertainment at Guild-Hall or, Londons option in fruition. Norton, John, b. 1662. 1674 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). B04522 Wing N1325 Interim Tract Supplement Guide C.20.f.4[39] 99884938 ocm99884938 182709 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B04522) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 182709) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books; Tract supplement ; A4:2[39]) The Kings entertainment at Guild-Hall or, Londons option in fruition. Norton, John, b. 1662. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed by T. Milbourn, for Rowland Reynolds at the Sun and Bible in the Poultery [sic], London, : 1674. Signed: By John Norton, AEtat. suae. Verse: "COome all ye Muses nine, assist me pray ..." Imperfect: cropped at side with loss of print. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Viner, Robert, -- Sir, 1631-1688 -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800. 2008-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Megan Marion Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Megan Marion Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE KINGS Entertainment at GUILD-HALL OR ; Londons Option in Fruition . COome all ye Muses nine , assist me pray , Here 's , work enough to hold you all in play ; Lend me your aid also , you Graces three , Aglia , Thalia , and Euphrosyne ; And yet you 're all too few to guide that quill That means in this Days Praise to try its skill ; Wonder and silence would it more proclaim , Than words or Poetry it self by name . Scarce was the Sun arose from Tithon's bed , But London was with Galileans spread Gazing at those Solemnities that were Perform'd in rev'rence to their good Lord Mayor ; VVho for his most unparall'd Loyalty , His signal Faithfulness and Charity , Unto the King , the City , and the Poor , VVas of the Citizens Elect , by more Unanimous consents than have been known Conferr'd these many years on One alone . VVho ( being attended gallantly by all The Senators and Companys of each Hall , All in their several Barges ) hence was bor'n Before th' Exchequer Barons to be sworn , Westminster-Ceremonies being past , To London he returns again at last . The River Thames being all over-spread VVith Boats and Barges was quite covered . Hark how the Drums do beat , & Trumpets play , As if Bellona here , or Mars did stay . The very Syrens , they themselves would be Entrapt to hear so sweet a melody . Look how the Streamers and the Flaggs do flutter , And litle Fishes frisking seem to mutter . Nereus and all the Nymphs did sport and play , Rejoycing at the Tryumphs of that day . The very water seemed to be proud To have the honour to bear such a crowd . Now the Lord Mayor on Shore being safely Landed , To the Guild-Hall is as before Attended ; Him all the Pageants with applause saluted , Others with Admiration to him shouted ; And in this sumptuous state they all Pass through the Streets to Dinner at Guild-Hall VVhere they the Judges meet , & all the Princely T 〈…〉 The Duke , the Queen , the King , whom God gran● to R 〈…〉 To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Viner , K 〈…〉 and Baronet , Lord Mayor of the City of Londo● Great SIR , SUpporter of our famous City , Now almost gon to ruine , more 's the pity ! Be you our Sun , and with your rays expel Those threatning Clouds which in our Orb do sw 〈…〉 Our greatest expectations , Sir , do lye In your great Prudence , and your Clemency ; Londons Vice-roy , may you our Joseph be , Lay up our Corn against a scarcity ; That through your Care , this City London may Help all the Neighbourhood when they 're at a sta 〈…〉 And that it may with Wealth so much abound That Mints of Money may i' th ' Streets be found : VVhich to effect be you our Solomon , VVho Silver caus'd to be as flush as Stone ; And when you have so done , may you enjoy There greatest blessings free from all annoy . May London , You , her great Astrea find ; May London to you thankful prove and kind ; May you of London take a special Care ; May London proud be of so good a Mayor ; O blest Conjunction ! In one man to see Honour and Arts , Wisdom and Piety ! Londons great Hector , and Augustus may You out-live Nestor many an happy day . By John Norton , AEtat . suae LONDON , Printed by T. Milbourn , for Rowland Reynolds at the Sun and Bible in the Poultery , 1674. A13053 ---- The survey of London containing the original, increase, modern estate and government of that city, methodically set down : with a memorial of those famouser acts of charity, which for publick and pious vses have been bestowed by many worshipfull citizens and benefactors : as also all the ancient and modern monuments erected in the churches, not only of those two famous cities, London and Westminster, but (now newly added) four miles compass / begun first by the pains and industry of John Stow, in the year 1598 ; afterwards inlarged by the care and diligence of A.M. in the year 1618 ; and now compleatly finished by the study & labour of A.M., H.D. and others, this present year 1633 ; whereunto, besides many additions (as appears by the contents) are annexed divers alphabetical tables, especially two, the first, an index of things, the second, a concordance of names. Stow, John, 1525?-1605. 1633 Approx. 4071 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 498 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A13053 STC 23345.5 ESTC S4459 24448867 ocm 24448867 27673 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A13053) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 27673) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1825:1) The survey of London containing the original, increase, modern estate and government of that city, methodically set down : with a memorial of those famouser acts of charity, which for publick and pious vses have been bestowed by many worshipfull citizens and benefactors : as also all the ancient and modern monuments erected in the churches, not only of those two famous cities, London and Westminster, but (now newly added) four miles compass / begun first by the pains and industry of John Stow, in the year 1598 ; afterwards inlarged by the care and diligence of A.M. in the year 1618 ; and now compleatly finished by the study & labour of A.M., H.D. and others, this present year 1633 ; whereunto, besides many additions (as appears by the contents) are annexed divers alphabetical tables, especially two, the first, an index of things, the second, a concordance of names. Stow, John, 1525?-1605. Munday, Anthony, 1553-1633. [14], 939 [i.e. 943], [29] p. : ill., coats of arms. Printed for Nicholas Bourn, and are to be sold at his shop at the south entrance of the Royal-Exchange, London : 1633. "The remaines or remnants of divers worthy things, which should have had their due place and honour in this worke, if promising friends had kept their words" has special t.p. "A. M., H. D. and others" [i.e. Anthony Munday, Henry Dyson, and others]--Cf. STC (2nd ed.) and NUC pre-1956 imprints. Signatures: A⁸(-A1) B-2X⁶ 2Y⁵ (2Y)⁵ 2Z-4K⁶ 4L-4M⁴ 4N⁶. Numerous errors in paging. Includes indexes. Marginal notes. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng London (England) -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- To 1500. London (England) -- History -- 16th century. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DOMINE DIRIGE NOS blazon or coat of arms THE SURVEY OF LONDON : CONTAINING The Original , Increase , Modern Estate and Government of that City , Methodically set down . With a Memorial of those famouser Acts of Charity , which for publick and Pious Vses have been bestowed by many Worshipfull Citizens and Benefactors . As also all the Ancient and Modern Monuments erected in the Churches , not only of those two famous Cities , LONDON and WESTMINSTER , but ( now newly added ) Four miles compass . Begun first by the pains and industry of JOHN STOW , in the year 1598. Afterwards inlarged by the care and diligence of A. M. in the year 1618. And now compleatly finished by the study & labour of A. M. H. D. and others , this present year 1633. Whereunto , besides many Additions ( as appears by the Contents ) are annexed divers Alphabetical Tables : especially two , The first , and Index of Things . The second , a Concordance of Names . LONDON , Printed for Nicholas Bourn , and are to be sold at his Shop at the South Entrance of the ROYAL-EXCHANGE ▪ 1633. Adrian Drift Esqr. blazon or coat of arms TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE RALPH FREEMAN , now Lord Maior of the City of LONDON , Sir Edward Barkham , Sir Martin Lumley , Sir Iohn Gore , Sir Hugh Ham●●●rsley , Sir Richard Deane , Sir Iames Cambell , Sir Robert Ducy , Sir George ●hitmore , Sir Nicholas Raynton , Knights ; Edward Litleton , Esquire , Recorder of LONDON : And to all the other Aldermen , Brethren-Senators in the state of so famous a City ; All of them being my Honorable and worthy Masters : A. M. Wisheth the fruition of all temporall Felicities in this life ; and the never-failing fulnesse of blessednesse in the life to come . RIGHT HONORABLE , THis famous City hath now enioyed the peacefull succession of more than one and thirty worthy Lord Maiors , since Master Iohn Stow ( the painfull Searcher into Reverend Antiquity ) did first present LONDONS SVRVEY to this Honourable Senate , Sir Robert Lee , then Lord Maior , with gracious and favourable acceptance . Who purposing to adde increase to this Worke ( according to the dignity of the Subiect ) but prevented by infirmity , and Sicknesse-bringing Death , imparted not only his good Intentions , but best Collections also unto me , by his importunacy now perswaded both to correct the Errors , and perfect so well deserving a VVorke : And had his request beene wanting , the respect and honour I owe to this Royall City ( the tender Mother and Nurse to us both ) had beene incitement enough to further a Booke of such consequence , as far as my weake abilities would give leave . Having therefore at first drawne a briefe Discourse thereof , lest I might unadvisedly dash on the Rocks of Displeasure , I delivered it to the Right VVorshipfull , Sir Henry Mountague , then Recorder of London , by whom commanded to appeare before your Worships in the Councell Chamber at Guild-Hall , I received Encouragement and Authority , with promise of helpe and furtherance , to perfect this worthy Monument . VVhich accordingly ( after the care and paines of twelve yeeres travell about it ) I presented unto this Honourable Senate , in the yeere 1618. But now that I might adde a Complement to this Survey , which might best become it , have I done my diligent endevour ( unto which have I called the assistance of other learned Antiquaries ) to set downe Methodically , the Originall , Increase , Moderne Estate , and Government of this City ; as also by what Name , or Office rather , whether of Port-graves , Port-reeves , Barons , Provosts , or Bayliffes , the Governours , Rulers , and Magistrates were anciently distinguished . Before all other , I find the name of Alderman , well worthy observation , as being derived from most venerable Antiquity : For ancient Records say , that in the dayes of King Edgar , there was a worthy Noble man , of the Blood Royall , named Ailwine , in great authority and favour with the King , insomuch that he was therefore termed , Healf-Koning , as much to say , as Halfe-King ; and by Office was stiled , Alderman of all England : as appeares by this Epitaph engraven on his Tombe , in that Famous Monastery ( by him founded ) in the I le of Ely : Hic requiescit D. Ailwinus , incliti Regis Edgari Cognatus , totius Angliae Aldermannus , & huius sacri Coenobii miraculosus Fundator . Here resteth Lord Ailwine , Cousin to the Noble King Edgar , Alderman of all England , and miraculous Founder of this holy Abbey . VVhich plainly sheweth , that in those times of ancient and venerable respect , this Title of Alderman , was only given , for a further addition of Repute and Honour . Some Authors have delivered , that men bearing such a Stile , were sometimes called Doomesmen , sometimes Ealdermen , Judges of the Kings Courts , &c. As being distinguished by those additions of Honour and Esteeme from other men , for their greater maturity of Iudgement , gravity of yeeres , experience and person ; and therefore the fitter for weighty imployment in the State-affaires , by apt correspondency of their trust and fidelity . Which name of dignity declaring the most eminent degree of Magistracy , doth still ( as heretofore it hath ) extend it selfe thorowout all England , in Cities , Townes , and Corporations ; and in some the Alderman only is the chiefe Commander : Even so is it much more Maiesticall here , in the supreme City of the whole Land , London , the Metropolis of Great Britaine , the Mother of authentike Memory , the Ancient and Moderne Seat of our Kings , yea , the very Chamber Royall for Maiesty it selfe , and the open Haven for all Merchandise and Commerce , as being the rich Store-house of Peace and Plenty . It shall be needlesse to trouble your Honour , and the rest of my worthy Masters , with repetition here of those Officers and Governours , that ruled this Great City in elder times , because you shall finde them sufficiently set downe in their apt and distinct places , untill this higher degree of Honour came to full perfection , I meane the Maioralty , which some hold to be in King Iohns time , but most maintaine & avouch it to bee in the first yeere of King Richard the first , whose Vertue and Courage won him the name of Cueur-de-lion . From which happy beginning , it hath neither beene mine , nor my most industrious and helpfull Friends good fortune , to ranke downe in formall order the successive line of the Sheriffes , Maiors , and Aldermen , according to my former intended purpose , concerning their Birth-place , and Parentage ; nor how many of them this Honourable City it selfe then yeelded , as challenging them her owne Off-spring , she being as well a loving Mother to breed them in her owne Bowels , as a carefull Nurse afterward to bring them up . For my selfe , Londons Off-spring , though the meanest , yet hold I it no small attribute of Honour to record it , how much more Glory then for you ( equall in worth and ranke ) to reade it , and what comfort for Posterity to remember and acknowledge it , that this Ancient , Famous , and Renowned Mother City , never wanted from time to time Honourable Sonnes of her owne bearing and breeding , to sit at Sterne , to undergoe all Offices of Credit and Authority , yea , even the Maioralty , from Father to Son in the third Generation ; and they to boast their Grandfathers , and great Grandfathers , borne & bred in this worthy City , some to the fourth , others the third , but many the second Generation , as in the Reportary following will more at large appeare . I forbeare to speake of such as have beene Aldermen and Sheriffes ; first , the Fathers ; then , the Sonnes ; yet neither living to enioy the Maioralties Dignity . As also what fluent plenty of Magistrates in the same high Office , the severall Sheirffes of England have yeelded , wherewith the said Discourse will more familiarly acquaint you . And now , let me beseech your Honour and VVorships , to allow this Survey of London your gracious entertainment ; and the rather , for that it now comes in a fairer Volume than ever , replete with plenty and enlargement of memorable Additions , not only with the splendor of Armes , and other glorious Ensignes of Honour , but with speciall observations of venerable Antiquity , and infinite supplements of Ancient and Moderne Monuments , as well of the Churches in the famous Cities of London and Westminster , as in foure miles compasse round about them , such as before this instant were never published . To the Reader . THat I may give you a reason of such things as the Iudicious and severe Censurer may deeme blemishes and imperfections in this Worke : For the Order , you may be pleased to understand , it is not so absolutely Methodicall as I could wish it were , yet needs none other Apologie , than the length of time it hath beene growing to this Bulke , and Mortality of the Authors , who have spent ( two of them now ) their lives in the disquisition of venerable Antiquity concerning this City . The Learned know , Men are all various in their Opinions , as in their Faces you hardly finde of a Nation two that resemble in all proportions , so in their Minds is there as much discrepancy , and then must there needs be the same or more in their Writings , the expresse Image of their Minds . And this is the Fate of our present Worke , which begun Methodically , hath not beene so well prosecuted , whether out of difference in Iudgement , or want of Information , I dispute not : Probable it may be , the desire of inserting all things for the delight of the Reader , might breed this want of Method , and the rather am I induc'd to incline thereto , since every dayes Experience teaches , how unstable oftentimes and incertaine Friendship is , when she promises Information in this kinde : Yet this , the ingenuity of a courteous Reader will excuse , since the Benefit compensates the Wrong . And to administer a salve to this sore , and prevent Distraction in the Reader , in this last Impression have you variety of Tables , succinct and pithy , yet not obscure : In the beginning , the whole body of the Book dissected into sixtie Chapters , whose short Contents epitomize the Substance of the Work : Then briefe Schemes as well of all the Churches in and about London and Westminster foure miles compasse , as of all the Halls and Companies of this Honourable City , both Alphabetically ranged with reference to their proper places . Lastly , that nothing might be wanting which should bring ease and furtherance to the Studious Reader , have you a Catalogue of Authors , on whose authority the truth of our Assertions may depend . Neither leave we you heare : In the end also have we furnished it with two exact Tables ; The first an Index , containing in it the chiefe Streets , Lanes , Conduits , stately Houses of Noblemen , Innes of Court , Chancery , and other ancient Monuments of this City , not without the admixion also of worthy Actions and Customes of Citizens . The other a Concordance of those , whose Honour in their Office , Charity in their Almes , Memory in their Monument , hath acquainted Posterity with their Names : By this Guide , hee who boasts his Birth in a Magnificent City ( as the Ancient did in Rome or Athens ) may with great facility finde his Ancestors in their Honours , Almes giving , Tombes , or other memorable and worthy Actions here recorded : For instance ( not to exceed our Memories ) finde the name of Anderson in the Concordance , and according to the first figures ( 105. a. ¶ ) turne to the Page , and you have his Liberality or Benefaction to Brazen-nose College in Oxford ; then consult the second ( 291. a. ¶ ) in like manner , and you have his Monument in Saint Olave Vpwel's Church : so the third ( 592. b. ¶ . ) and you shall finde him there Sheriffe , Anno Dom. 1601. The same order is observed in the rest , onely for distinction sake , I have added these letters . B. to such as have beene Bishops , and M. to those that have borne the Office of Maior . Thus have we endevored to prevent Distraction , and reduce the copious Variety of this Worke to heads , for the Readers ease ; not without a great deale of Paines , Care , and Charge : The ●udicious can give the best estimate of the Paines ; of the Care none better than he that hath reaped benefit by the reading ; as for the Charge , the proportion of the Volume speakes , especially to the skilfull in that Mystery ; to which if you adde the length of time ( now almost three yeeres ) it hath lyen under the Presse , there is none but may conceive the greatnesse thereof . Yet no small satisfaction to all these may you afford ( Gentle Reader ) by your candide and courteous acceptance , with a future encouragement ( in this , or the like ) to the ready endevours of him that will study to be Your Servant , C. I. The Contents of the severall Chapters of this BOOKE . CHAP. I. OF the Originall , Antiquity , and Increase of this City of London . Fol. 1 CHAP. II. Of the Wall about the City . 4 CHAP. III. Of the ancient and present Brookes , Boornes , Pooles , Wels , and Conduirs of fresh Water , serving the City : as also of the D●ch compassing the Wall of the same for defence thereof . 8 CHAP. IV. Of the ancient and famous River of Thames , from whence she deriveth her head or ●rig●nall , and so conveyeth her selfe to the Ci●ies service , being supplyed by divers other sweet Rivers in her course . 14 CHAP. V. A further testimony concerning the River of Thames , and of the right and authority of the Lord Maior of London , to the conservacy and defence of the said famous River . 20 CHAP. VI. Of Towne-Ditch about the City Walls . 26 CHAP. VII . Of the Bridges of this City . 27 CHAP. VIII . Of the severall Gates in the Wall of the City , and of their increasing and new building from time to time , as occasion served . 31 CHAP. IX . Of Towers and Castles in and about this City . 40 CHAP. X. Of the rights that belonged anciently to Robert Fitz-walter , Chastillion and Banner-bearer of London , Lord of Wadeham , &c. 50 CHAP. XI . Of Schooles and other houses of Learning . 63 CHAP. XII . Of Houses and Innes of Students in the Common Law. 66 CHAP. XIII . Of orders and customes observed by the Citizens in elder times . 67 CHAP. XIV . Of great Families kept in ●lder times . 70 CHAP. XV. Of charitable Almesgiving in ancient times . 74 CHAP. XVI . Of Sports and Pastimes used of old in this City . 75 CHAP. XVII . Of Watches in this City , and other Matters commanded , and the causes why . 83 CHAP. XVIII . Of the honour of Londons Citizens , and the worthinesse of men and women dwelling in the same City , by their liberall bounty and charity to good and godly uses from time to time . 86 CHAP. XIX . The division of the City of London into Parts , Precincts , and Wards . 113 Of the 26. WARDS . CHAP. XX. 1 Portsoken Ward , with the Parish Churches , Monuments , and Halls of Companies therein 115 CHAP. XXI . 2 Towerstreet Ward . 225 CHAP. XXII . 3 Ealdgate Ward . 144 CHAP. XXIII . 4 Limestreet Ward . 161 CHAP. XXIV . 5 Bishopsgate Ward . 16● CHAP. XXV . 6 Broad-street Ward . 183 CHAP. XXVI . 7 Cornehill Ward . 206 CHAP. XXVII . 8 Langborne Ward , and Fenny about . 217 CHAP. XXVIII . 9 Belinsgate Ward . 225 CHAP. XXIX . 10 Bridge Ward within . 230 CHAP. XXX . 11 Candlewickstreet , or Candlewright street Ward . 234 CHAP. XXXI . 12 Walbrooke Ward . 241 CHAP. XXXII . 13 Downegate Ward . 248 CHAP. XXXIII . 14 Vintrie Ward . 254 CHAP. XXXIV . 15 Cordwainer street Ward . 264 CHAP. XXXV . 16 Cheape Ward . 272 CHAP. XXXVI . 17 Coleman street Ward . 287 CHAP. XXXVII . 18 Bassings Hall Ward . 297 CHAP. XXXVIII . 19 Creplegate Ward . 301 CHAP. XXXIX . 20 Aldersgate Ward . 320 CHAP. XL. 21 Faringdon Ward within . 335 CHAP. XLI . 22 Breadstreet Ward . 390 CHAP. XLII . 23 Queenehiche Ward . 397 CHAP. XLIII . 24 Castle Baynard Ward . 404 CHAP. XLIV . 25 Faringdon Ward without . 414 CHAP. XLV . 26 Bridge Ward without , consisting of the Borough of Southwarke , in the County of Surrey . 442 CHAP. XLVI . Of the Suburbes without the Wall of London , as also without the Liberties . 461 CHAP. XLVII . Of the Liberties of the Duchy of Lancaster without the Suburbes . 489 CHAP. XLVIII . Of the City of Westminster , with the Antiquities , Bounds , and Liberties thereof : As also a Breviate of the first Foundation , Alterations , and Rebuilding of that famous ancient Abbey , from time to time , till it came to be called a Collegiate Church ; together with a briefe description of most of the worthy Monuments in that Church . 493 CHAP. XLXIX. Of the Government of the City of London : and first of the Ecclesiasticall Governours , the Bishops of London , what time they sate in that See , with the places of their burialls . 527 CHAP. L. Of the Temporall Government of this City , with the Names and Armes of all the Lord Maiors , as also the Order and Armes of all the Companies in London . 535 Whereunto is added also : The Statutes of the Streets . 665 An Act for Reformation of divers abuses crept into the Wardmote Inquest . 669 CHAP. LI. An Apologie for the City of London . 631 CHAP. LII . Stephanides , or a description of London . 703 CHAP. LIII . A Relation of the two Lordships of Stepney and Hackney , together with their free Customes , Privileges , &c. 715 CHAP. LIV. The Charter of London : and an Ordinace for the Affiz● and Weight of Bread. 739 CHAP. LV. The Popes Bull , and other Bishops their Letters , concerning the Offerings ( or Tithes ) of the Parishes of London , to their Curates . 747 CHAP. LVI . The Patrons ( anciently ) of all the Benefices in the City of London . 751 The REMAINES , wherein is contained : CHAP. LVII . First , many memorable things which should have beene inserted in due place , had the Authors friends supplied them in due time , as the College of Dulwich , &c. 757 CHAP. LVIII . Then , a Perambulation foure miles about London , with the Monuments of all the Churches in that compasse , and observation of many other worthy matters . 783 CHAP. LIX . Besides , a Returne of London , with particular notes of the Reparations and Adornments of every Church therein . 819 CHAP. LX. And lastly , a Review of the sixteene Parishes without the Walls , and the nine out Parishes . 872. 889 All the Churches in and about LONDON , foure miles compasse ( Alphabetically digested ) with reference to the severall places where their Situation , Monuments , Reparations , and other memorable things recorded thorowout this whole Booke . The 97. Churches within the Walls . Names . Fol. Albanes Woodstreet . 308. 819 Alhallowes Barking . 130. 820 Breadstreet . 391. 820 Great . 251. 821 Honilane . 282. 822 Lesse . 251. 822 Lumbardstreet . 219. 822 Stayning . 222. 822 The Wall. 183. 823 Alphage . 305. 823 Andrew Hubbard . 228. 824 Audrew Vndershaft . 151. 824 Andrew Wardrobe . 407. 825 Anne Aldersgate . 326. 825 Anne Black-Friers . 374. 826 Antholins . 265. 827 Austins . 351. 827 Bartholomew Exchange . 191. 827 Bennet Fink . 189. 828 Bennet Grasse-Church . 231. 773. 828 Bennet Pauls wharfe . 406. 829 Bennet Sherehog . 276. 829 Botolph Belinsgate . 225. 829 Christs Church . 341. 763. 830 Christophers . 192. 831 Clements East-cheape . 235. 832 Dionis Backe-Church . 218. 832 Dunstans East . 138. 832 Edmunds Lumbard street . 221. 833 Ethelborough . 178. 833 Faiths . 355. 833 Fosters . 338. 773. 836 Gabriel Fenchurch . 217. 836 George Botolphlane . 228. 836 Gregories by Pauls . 411. 836 Hellins . 178. 837 Iames Dukes place . 148. 837 Iames Garlikhithe . 262. 838 Iohu Baptist . 246. 838 Iohn Evangelist . 395. 838 Iohn Zacharie . 321. 838 Katherine Coleman . 158. 839 Katherine Creechurch . 149. 839 Lawrence Iewrie . 284. 840 Lawrence Pountney . 239. 843 Leonard Eastcheape . 231. 843 Leonard Fosterlane . 325. 844 Magnus . 230. 844 Margaret Lothbury . 292. 845 Margaret Moses . 395. 845 Margaret New fishstreet . 230. 845 Margaret Pattons . 137. 228. 846 Mary Abchurch . 235. 846 Mary Aldermanbury . 303. 847 Mary Aldermary . 266. 847 Mary le Bow. 268. 848 Mary Bothaw . 246. 849 Mary Colechurch . 275. 850 Mary Hill. 227. 850 Mary Mounthawe . 400. 850 Mary Summerset . 400. 850 Mary Staynings . 321. 851 Mary Wooll-church . 244. 851 Mary Woollnoth . 223. 852 Martins Ironmonger lane . 282. 852 Martins Ludgate . 372. 852 Martins Orgars . 2●8 . 853 Martins Oteswich . 188. 853 Martins Vintry . 261. 853 Matthew Frydaystreet . 350. 854 Maudlins Milkestreet . 306. 854 Maudlins Oldfishstreet . 409. 855 Michael Bassingshall . 299. 855 Michael Cornehill . 212. 856 Michael Crookedlane . 236. 856 Michael Queenhithe . 400. 857 Michael Querne . 387. 857 Michael Royall . 256. 859 Michael Woodstreet . 311. 859 Mildred Breadstreet . 392. 859 Mildred Poultrey . 273. 861 Nicholas Acons . 223. 862 Nicholas Coleabby . 398. 863 Nicholas Olaves . 399. 863 Olaves Harestreet . 134. 863 Olaves Jewrie . 290. 863 Olaves Silverstreet . 324. 865 Pancras Soperlane . 277. 866 Peters Cheape . 337. 866 Peters Cornehill . 210. 867 Peters Pauls wharfe 400. 867 Peters Poore . 184. 868 Stevens Colemanstreet . 293. 869 Stevens Walbrooke . 244. 870 Swithins . 241. 870 Thomas Apostle . 258. 871 Trinity Church . 397. 872 The 16. Churches without the Walls , standing part within the Liberties , and part without . Andrew Holborne . 4●8 . 763. 770. 872 Bartholomew great . 420. 873 Bartholomew lesse . 415. 874 Brides Church . 437. 762. 875 Bridewell Precinct . 312. 876 Botolph Aldersgate . 330. 772. 867 Botolph Algate . 118. 878 Botolph Bishopsgate . 169. 780. 879 Dunstans West . 431. 879 George Southwarke . 454. 793. 882. Giles Criplegate . 312. 762. 778. 883 Olaves Southwarke . 457. 884 Saviours Southwarke . 450. 884 Sepulchres . 423. 779. 885 Thomas Southwarke . 457. 887 Trinity Minories . 146. 888 The 9. out Churches in Middlesex and Surry . Clement Danes . 491. 889 Giles in the Fields . 488. 800. 894 Iames Clarkenwell . 484. 899 Katherine Tower. 117. 900 Leonard Shorditch . 471 Martins in the Fields , 493. 800. 901 Mary Whitechapell . 469. 903 Magdalens Bermondsey . 460. 905 Savoy Church . 490. 905 The 17. Churches foure miles compasse about London , and in the City of Westminster . Battersey . 795 Chelsey . 786 Detford . 805 Fulham . 783 Greenwich . 803 Hackney . 796 Islington . 798 Kenzington . 799 Lambeth . 790 Westmin . Marg. 499. 519. 773. 807 Peter . 500. 763. 774. 814. Putney . 784 Newington . 792 Roderith . 806 Stepney . 787 Stratford Bow and Bromley . 789 Wandsworth . 793 All the Companies in LONDON , Alphabetically ordered , together with their severall Halls , and Armes , with reference to the places where they are spoken of in this Worke. Their Halls . Armes . ARmorers . 293. 624 Apothecaries . 〈…〉 645 Bakers White . Browne . 138. 624 642 Barber-Surgeons . 339. 623 Black-Smithes . 409. 635 Bottle-makers , and Home-makers 638 Bowyers . 312. 634 Brewers . 311. 622 Bricklayers and Tylers . 144. 634 Butchers . 340. 627 Carpenters . 184. 628 Clerkes . 255. 644 Clothworkers . 137. 610 Cooks and Pastelars . 330. 633 Coopers . 299. 633 Cordwainers . 395. 628 Curriers . 311. 629 Cutlers . 258. 626 Diers . 249. 621 Drapers . 187. 601 Farriers . 640 Fishmongers . 231. 602 Fletchers . 156. 635 Founders . 293. 631 Fruterers . 256. 637 Girdlers . 297. 626 Glasiers . 261. 644 Goldsmiths . 323. 603 Grocers . 274. 600 Haberdashers . 312. 606 Imbroderers . 338. 632 Inne-holders . 249. 631 Ioyners . 249. 636 Ironmongers . 156. 608 Leathersellers . 179. 622 Lorimers . 641 Masons , or Marblers . 297. 630 Mercers . 281. 599 Merchantaylors . 188. 605 Painter-Stayners . 399. 629 Paviers . 641 Pewterers . 217. 623 Pinners , now Plaisterers . 310. 636 Plummers . 256. 630 Poulters . 632 Sadlers . 338. 627 Saltars . 392. 607 Scriveners . 638 Skinners . 248. 604 Stationers . 372. 639 Tallow-Chandlers . 248. 625 Turners . 643 Vintners . 255. 609 Vpholsters . 643 Watermen . 645 Waxe-Chandlers . 312. 625 Weavers . 297. 637 Woodmongers . 408. 642 Wooll-packers . 640 The Companies of the Merchants . Their Armes . ADventurers . 612 Adventurers new French Merchants . 618 East Indian . 617 Of Elbing . 614 French. 619 Turkish . 615 Russian . 613 Spanish . 616 Of the Staple . 611 Virginian . 620 A Catalogue of Authors , venerable for Antiquity , out of whom the Truth of those worthy and Ancient Matters contained in this Booke is excerpted : Ranged into an Alphabeticall order . ABbas Floriacensis Alfred of Beverley . Antonius Florentinus . Arnold Rich. Asserius Menevensis . Baconthorpe Iohn . Baldock Ralph . Bale Iohn . Bannester Iohn . Beda . Benedict of Whirhall . Beware the Cat. Body William . Bradshaw Henry . Buchanan . Burchard . Caesars Commentaries . Camden Clarencieux . Capgrave Iohn . Caxtons Chronicle . Chancery Rolls . Chaucer . Chronica Chronicorum . Chronicle of Abingdon . Chronicle of S. Albans . Chronicle of Britaine . Chronicle of Dunstable . Chronicle of Scarborow . Clifford Thomas . Cooper Thomas . Dedicato Radulphus . Dector Dee . Dion Rom. Dunthorne William . Dyson Humphrey . Edm●rus . Edmond de Hadenbam . Elderton William . Eversden Ioh. Fabians Chronicle . Fabians Manuscript . Fitz-Stephen . Flores Historiarum . Floria●●nsis Wigorniensis Fox his Monuments . Froisard . Gaguin Rebert . Geffery of Monmouth . Gervase of Tilburie . Glastenbury Antiquities Giraldus Cambrensis . Gower Iohn . Grafton Richard. Guildas . Halls Chronicle . Hall Edward . Hardings Chronicle . Harrison William . Henry of Leicester . Henry of Marleborow . Higeden Ranulph . Historia Tripartita . Holinshed Raphael . Horne Andrew . Hoveden Roger. Huntingdon Henry . Ioceline of Furneis . Iohn de Bavow . Iohn of Beverley . Ingulphus . Iucliffe Roger. Knighton Henry . Lambert William . Lanquet Thomas . Leyland Iohn . Lhuyd Humphrey . Lib. Albo. Lib. S. Bartholomew . Lib. Bermondsey . Lib. Burton sup . Trent . Lib. Bury S. Edmonds . Lib. Chartsey . Lib. de Clarkenwell . Lib. Colchester . Lib. Constitutionum . Lib. Customes London . Lib. Dunmow . Lib. Dunthorne . Lib. Ely. Lib. Erswicke . Lib. Fleetwood . Lib. de S. Katharines . Lib. de Knighton Guild . Lib. S. Mariae Eborum . Lib. S. Mariae Overies . Lib. S. Martins . Lib. Osney . Lib. de Papie . Lib. Roffens . Lib. Tewkesbury . Lib. Trinitatis . Lib. Waverley . Lib. de Woodbridge , Lidgate Iohn . Lilie George . Lilie William . Livius . London Iohn . Lucan . Magna Charta . Malverne Iohn . Manuscripts . Manuscript French. Marianus Scotus . Mathew Paris . Mathew of Westminster . Melancthon . Merimouth Adam . More Thomas , Knight . Mountgomery Iohn . Nevil Alexander . Osbernus Dorobernensis . Otherborne Henry . Packenton William . Paradine William . Paston William . Patten William . Pattent de Iugham . Philip Com●●ines . Politianus . Poly Chronicon . Polydore Virgil. Pomponius M●la . Price Iohn , Knight . Ptolomaeus . Ralph Cogshall . Records Canterbury . Records of Guildhall . Records Parliament . Records Patent . Records of Pontfract . Records in the Rolls . Records of the Tower. Records of the Vintry . Register of Brockesden . Rishanger William . Robert de Amesbury . Roger of Wendover . Rouse Iohn . Savage Dennis . Scoggan Henry . Simon of Durham . Smith Thomas , Knight . Socrates . Sorocold Thomas . Spelman Henry . Spot Thomas . Strabo . Sulcardus . Tacitus . Textor Iohn . Thorne William . Tuke Brian , Knight . Vita Erkenwaldi . Walsingham Thomas . Walter of Coventry . Whethamsted . William of Huntingdon . William of Malmesbury . Witchendus . Wolfe Reginald . To these might be added many more , who cover rather the benefit and furtherance of so necessary a Worke , than vain-glory and reputation amongst men . THE SURVEY OF LONDON : Containing the Originall , Antiquity , Increase , Moderne Estate , and Description of that Citie . AS the Romane Writers , to glorify the Citie of Rome , drew the Originall thereof from gods & demygods , by the Trojan progenie : so Geoffrey of Monmouth , the Welsh Historian , deduceth the foundation of this famous Citie of London , for the greater glorie thereof , and emulation of Rome , from the very same Originall . For he reporteth , that Brute lineally descended from the demy-god Aeneas , the sonne of Venus , daughter of Iupiter , about the yeere of the world 2855. and 1108. before the nativity of Christ , builded this Citie neere unto the River now called Thames , and named it Troynovant , or Trenovant . But herein , as Livie ( the most famous Historiographer of the Romanes ) writeth , Antiquity is pardonable , and hath an especiall priviledge , by interlacing divine matters with humane , to make the first foundation of Cities more honourable , more sacred , and as it were , of greater Majestie . King Lud ( as the aforesaid Geoffrey of Monmouth noteth ) afterward , not only repaired this Citie ; but also increased the same with faire Buildings , Towers and Walls , and after his owne name , called it Caire-Lud , as Luds Towne , and the strong Gate which he builded in the West part of the Citie , he likewise ( for his owne honour ) named Ludgate . This Lud had issue two sonnes , Androgeus , and Theomantius , or Tenanticus , who beeing not of age to governe at the death of their Father ; their Vncle Cassibelan tooke upon him the Crowne ; about the eighth yeere of whose reigne , Iulius Caesar arrived in this Land , with a great power of Romanes to conquer it . The manner of which Conquest , I will summarily set downe out of his owne Commentaries , which are of farre better credit , than the relations of Geoffrey Monmouth . The chiefe government of the Britains , and ordering of the Warres , was then ( by common advice ) committed to Cassibelan , whose Signiorie was separated from the Cities towards the Sea-coast , by the River called Thames , about 80. miles off from the Sea. This Cassibelan in times past , had made continuall warre upon the Cities adjoyning ; but the Britains being moved with the Romanes invasiton , had resolved in that necessity to make him their Soveraigne and Generall of the Warres . Caesar having knowledge of their intent , marched with his Army to the Thames , into the Signory of Cassibelan . This River can be passed but onely in one place on foot , and that very hardly . When he came thither , he saw a great power of his enemies in battaile array , on the other side of the River . Now was the Banke sticked full of stakes , sharpned at the end ; and likewise other stakes ( of the same making ) were driven into the Channell , and hidden with the water . Caesar having understanding thereof , by his Prisoners and Runne-awaies , sent his Horsemen before , and commanded his Footmen to follow immediately after them . But the Romane Souldiers went with such speed and force , having no more than their heads onely above the water : that the enemy being not able to withstand the violence of the Footmen , and the men of Armes , forsooke the banke , and tooke them to flight . Cassibelan despairing of his good successe , by fighting in plaine battaile , sent away all his greater powers , and keeping still about foure thousand Waggoners , watched which way the Romanes went , and drew somewhat aside out of the way , hiding himselfe in cumbersome and woody places . And wheresoever hee knew the Romanes should march , hee drave both Cattell and people thence into the Woods . When the Romanes Horsemen ranged any thing freely abroad into the fields for forrage , or to harry the Countrey : he sent his Waggoners by allwaies and paths out of the woods , upon their men of Armes , and encountred with them to their great prejudice , through the feare whereof , he kept them short from ranging at their pleasure . So the matter was brought to this passe , that Caesar would not suffer his Horsemen to stray any farnesse from his maine Battaile of Footmen , and adventured no further to annoy his enemies , in wasting their fields , and burning their houses , than he could compasse by the travaile of his Footmen , as they were able to journey . In the meane while , the Trinobants , which was the strongest Citie , wel-neere , of all those Countries , and out of which Citie , a yong Gentleman called Mandubrace , upon confidence of Caesars helpe , comming unto him into the maine Land of Gallia , now called France , had thereby escaped death , which he should have suffered at Cassibelans hand , ( as his Father Imanuence had done , who had reigned in that Citie : ) sent Ambassadours to Caesar , promising to yeeld unto him , and to doe what hee should command them . Instantly desiring him , to protect Mandubrace from the furious Tyranny of Cassibelan , and to send him into the City , with authority to take the government thereof upon him . Caesar accepted the offer , and appointed them to give unto him 40. Hostages , and withall to finde him graine for his Armie , and so sent hee Mandubrace unto them . When others saw that Caesar had not only defended the Trinobants against Cassibelan , but had also saved them harmlesse from the pillage of his owne Souldiers : then also did the Cenimagues , Segontians , Aucalits , Bibrokes , and Cassians likewise submit themselves unto him , and by them he learned , that not farre from thence was Cassibelans Towne , ( fortified with woods and marish grounds ) into the which he had gathered a great number both of men and cattell . For the Brittans call that a Towne , when they have fortified a cumbersome wood with a ditch and Rampire , and thither they resort to eschew the invasions of their enemies . To this place therefore marched Caesar with his Legions ; hee found it excellently fortified , both of nature , and by mans advice : neverthelesse , he resolved to assault it in two severall places at once ; whereupon the Britaines being not able to endure the force of the Romanes , fled out at another part , and left the Towne unto him : a great number of cattell he found there , and many of the Britaines he slew , and others hee tooke in the chase . Whilest these things were a doing in these quarters , Cassibelan sent messengers into Kent , which lyeth upon the Sea , and in which there reigned then foure particular Kings , named , Cingetorix , Carvil , Taximagul , and Segonax , whom he commanded to raise all their forces , and suddenly to set upon , and assault the Romanes in their Trenches by the Sea side : the which when the Romans perceived , they sallied out upon them , slew a great sort of them , and taking Cingetorix their noble Captaine prisoner , retired themselves to their Campe in good safetie . When Cassibelan heard of this , and had formerly taken many other losses , and found his Countrey sore wasted , and himselfe left almost alone , by the defection of the other Cities , he sent Ambassadours by Comius of Arras to Caesar , to intreat him concerning his owne submission : the which Caesar did accept ; and taking Hostages , assessed the Realme of Britaine to a yeerely Tribute , to be paid to the people of Rome , giving straight charge to Cassibelan , that he should not seeke any revenge upon Mandubrace , or the Trinobants , and so withdrew his Armie to the Sea againe . Thus farre out of Caesars Commentaries , concerning this History , which hapned in the yeere before Christs nativity , 54. In all which processe , there is for this purpose to be noted , that Caesar nameth the Citie of Trinobantes , which hath a resemblance with Troy nova , or Trinobantum , having no greater difference in the Orthography , than changing ( b ) into ( v ) , and yet maketh an errour , whereof I will not argue . Onely this I will note , that divers learned men doe not thinke Civitas Trinobantum , to bee well and truely translated , the Citie of the Trinobantes : but it should rather bee the state , communalty , or Signiorie of the Trinobantes , for that Caesar in his Commentaries useth the word Civitas , onely for a people living under the selfe-same Prince and Law. But certaine it is , that the Cities of the Brittaines were ( in those daies ) neither artificially builded with houses , nor strongly walled with stone , but were onely thicke and cumbersome Woods , plashed within , and trenched about : and the like ( in effect ) doe other the Romane and Greeke Authors affirme , as Strabo , Pomponius Mela , and Dion , a Senator of Rome , which flourished in the severall reignes of the Romane Emperours , Tiberius , Claudius , Domitian , and Severus : to wit , that before the arrivall of the Romanes , the Brittaines had no Townes , but called that a Towne , which had a thicke intangled Wood , defended ( as I said ) with a ditch and banke , the like whereof the Irishmen , our next neighbours , doe at this day call Fastnes . But after that these hither parts of Britains were reduced into the forme of a Province , by the Romans , who sowed the seeds of civility over all Europe ; this Citie , whatsoever it was before , began to be renowned and of fame . For Tacitus , who first of all Authors nameth it Londinium , saith , that in the 26. yeere after Christ , it was , albeit no Colonie of the Romanes , yet most famous for the great multitude of Merchants , provision , and entercourse . At which time , in that notable revolt of the Britaine 's from Nero , in which threescore and ten thousand Romanes and their confederates were slaine ; this Citie , with Verulamium , neere Saint Albans , and Maldon in Essex , then all famous , were ransacked and spoiled . For Suetonius Paulinus , then Lieutenant for the Romanes in this I le , abandoned it , as not then fortified , and left it to the spoile . Shortly after , Iulius Agricola , the Romane Lieutenant , in the time of Domitian , was the first that ( by adhorting the Britaines publikely , and helping them privately ) wonne them to build houses , for themselves , Temples for the gods , and Courts for Justice , to bring up the Noble mens children in good Letters , and humanity , and to apparell themselves Romane like . Whereas before ( for the most part ) they went naked , painting their bodies , &c. as all the Romane Writers have observed . True it is , I confesse , that afterward many Cities and Townes in Britaine , under the Government of the Romanes , were walled with Stone , and baked Brickes , or Tyles ; as Richborrow , Ryptachester , in the I le of Thanet , till the channell altered his course ; besides Sandwich in Kent , Verulamium , besides Saint Albanes in Hartfordshire , Cilcester in Hampshire , Wroxcester in Shropshire , Kencester in Herefordshire , there miles from Hereford Towne ; Ribcester , seven miles above Preston , on the water of Rible ; Aldeburge , a mile from Borrowbridge , or Wathelingstreet , on Vre River , and others . And no doubt but this Citie of London was also walled with Stone , in the time of the Romane Government here , but yet very lately . For , it seemeth not to have beene walled in the yeere of our Lord 296. because in that yeere , when Alectus the Tyrant was slaine in the Field , the Franks or Franconians easily entred London , and had sacked the same , had not GOD ( of his great favour ) at the very instant , brought along the River of Thames , certaine Bands of Romane Souldiers , who slew those Franks in every street of the Citie . Wall about the Citie of LONDON . IN few yeeres after , as Simeon of Durham , an ancient Writer , reporteth , Helen , the Mother of Constatine the great , was the first that inwalled this Citie , about the yeere of Christ , 306. But howsoever those wals of stone might be builded by Helen , yet the Britaines ( I know ) had no skill of building with stone , as it may appeare by that which followeth , about the yeere of Christ , 399. when Arcadius and Honorius , the sonnes of Theodosius Magnus , governed the Empire , the one in the East , the other in the West . For Honorius having received Britaine , the Citie of Rome was invaded and destroyed by the Gothes ; after which time the Romanes left to rule in Britaine , as being imployed in defence of their Territories neerer home . Whereupon the Britaines , not able to defend themselves against the invasions of their enemies , were many yeeres together under the oppression of two cruell Nations , the Scots and Picts , and at length were forced to send their Ambassadours , with Letters and lamentable supplications to Rome , requiring aide and succour from thence , upon promise of their continuall fealtie , so that the Romanes would rescue them out of the hands of their enemies . Hereupon , the Romanes sent unto them a Legion of armed Souldiers , which comming into this Iland , and encountring with the enemies , overthrew a great number of them , and drave the rest out of the frontiers of the Country . And so setting the Britaine 's at liberty , counselled them to make a Wall , extending all along between the two seas , which might be of force to keepe out their evill neighbours , and then returned home with great triumph . The Britaines wanting Masons , builded that wall , not of stone ( as they were advised ) but made it of turfe , and that so slender , that it served little or nothing at all for their defence . And the enemy perceiving that the Romane Legion was returned home , forthwith arrived out of their Boats , invaded their borders , overcame the Countrey , and ( as it were ) bare downe all that was before them . Whereupon , Ambassadours were eftsoones dispatched to Rome , lamentably beseeching , that they would not suffer their miserable Countrey to bee utterly destroyed . Then againe , another Legion was sent , which comming on a sudden , made a great slaughter of the enemy , and chased him home , even to his owne Countrey . These Romanes at their departure told the Britaines plainly , that it was not for their ease or leasure , to take upon them ( any more ) such long and laborious journies for their defence , and therefore bade them practise the use of Armour and Weapons , and learn to withstand their enemies , whom nothing else did make so strong , as their faint heart and cowardise . And for so much as they thought , that it would be no small helpe and encouragement unto their tributarie friends , whom they were now forced to forsake : they builded for them a wall of hard stone , from the West Sea to the East Sea , right betweene those two Cities , which were there made to keepe out the enemies , in the selfe-same place where Severus before had cast his Trench : the Britaines also putting to their helping hands as labourers . This Wall they builded eight foot thicke in bredth , and twelve foot in height , right as it were by a line from East to West ; as the ruines thereof , ( remaining in many places till this day ) doe make to appeare . Which worke thus perfected , they gave the people straight charge to looke well to themselves , they teach them to handle their weapons , and instruct them in warlike feats . And lest by the Sea side Southwards , where their Ships lay at harbor , the enemie should come on Land ; they made up sundry bulwarkes , each somewhat distant from other , & so bid them farewell , as minding no more to return . This hapned in the dayes of Theodosius the yonger , almost 500. yeeres after the first arrivall of the Romanes here , about the yeere after Christs Incarnation , 434. The Britaine 's after this continuing a lingring and doubtfull warre with the Scots and Picts ; made choice of Vortiger to be their King and Leader : which man ( as saith Malmesbury ) was neither valorous of courage , nor wise of counsell , but wholly given over to the unlawfull lusts of his flesh . The people likewise ( in short time ) being growne to some quietnesse , gave themselves to gluttony and drunkennesse , pride , contention , envie , and such other vices , casting from them the yoke of Christ . In the meane season , a bitter Plague fell among them , consuming in short time such a multitude , that the quicke were not sufficient to burie the dead : and yet the remnant remained so hardned in sinne , that neither death of their friends , nor feare of their owne danger , could cure the mortality of their soules ; wherupon a great stroke of vengeance ensued upon the whole sinfull Nation . For , being now againe infested with their old neighbours , the Scots and Picts , they consult with their King Vortiger , and send for the Saxons , who shortly after arrived here in Britaine ; where , saith Bede , they were received as friends : but as it proved , they minded to destroy the Countrey as enemies . For after they had driven out the Scots and Picts , they also drave the Britaines , some over the Seas , some into the waste mountaines of Wales and Cornwall , and divided the Countrey into divers Kingdomes amongst themselves . These Saxons were likewise ignorant of building with stone , untill the yeere 680. for then it is affirmed , that Bennet , Abbot of Wirrall , Master to the reverend Bede , first brought Artificers of stone houses , and glasse windowes into this Iland , amongst the Saxons : Arts , before that time , unto them unknowne , and therefore used they but woodden buildings . And to this accordeth Polychronicon , who saith , that then had yee woodden Churches ; nay woodden Chalices , and golden Priests ; but since , golden Chalices , and woodden Priests . And , to knit up this Argument , King Edgar , in his Charter to the Abbey of Malmesbury , dated the yeere of Christ 974. hath words to this effect : All the Monasteries in my Realme , to the outward sight , are nothing but worm-eaten and rotten Timber , and boords ; and that worse is , within they are almost empty and void of divine Service . Thus much be said for walling , not onely in respect of this Citie , but generally also of the first within the Realme . Now to returne to our Trinobant , ( as Caesar cals it ; ) the same is ( since ) by Tacitus , Ptolomaeus , and Antonius , called Londinium , Longidinium ; of Ammianus , Lundinum , and Augusta , who calleth it also an ancient Citie . Of our Britaines , Lundaine ; of the old Saxons , Lunden-ceaster , Lundenbirig , Londennir . Of strangers , Londra and Londres ; of the inhabitants , London : whereof you may read a more large and learned Discourse , and how it tooke the name , in that Worke of my loving friend , Master Camden , now Clarenceaulx , which is called Britania . Concerning Mr. Camden , in his more absolute relation of London , the Argument we have now in hand ; I will be so bold as to borrow his owne words , as he hath set them downe in his Britania . Summing over the severall names then given and attributed thereto , as formerly hath beene declared : hee comes to his owne iudgement : For mine owne part , ( saith hee ) seeing that Caesar and Strabo doe write , that the ancient Britaines called those Woods and Groves , by the name of Cities and Townes , which they had fenced with Trees , cast down and plashed , to stop up all passage : Seeing also I have understood , that such Woods or Groves are in the British Tongue named Llhwn : I incline a little to the opinion , that London thence tooke name , as one would say , by way of excellencie ; The Citie , or A Citie thicke of Trees . But if herein I faile of the truth ; let me ( with good leave ) give my conjecture . And here would I have no man to charge me with inconstancie , while I disport in conjecture ; that whence it had the fame , thence also it took name , even from Ships , which the Britaines in their language call Lhong : so that Londinum may seeme to sound as much as a Ship-Road , or Citie of Ships . For the Britaines terme a Citie Dinas , whence the Latines have fetched their Dinum . And hence it is , that elsewhere it is called Longidinium ; and in the Funerall Song or Dumpe of a most ancient British * Bard , Lhong-porth , that is , An Harbour or Haven of Ships . And by this very terme Bononia , or Bolen in France , which Ptolomee calleth Gessoriacum Navale , in the British Glossarie is named Bolunglhong : as Naupactus , Naustathmos , Nauplia , Navalia Augusti , &c. But of these , none hath better right to assume unto it the name of a Ship-Roade , or Haven , than our London . For in regard of both Elements , most happy and blessed it is ; as being situated in a rich and fertile soile , abounding with plentifull store of all things , and on the gentle ascent and rising of an Hill , hard by the Thames side , the most milde Merchant ( as one would say ) of all things that the world doth yeeld : which swelling at certaine houres with the Ocean Tides , by his safe and deepe Channell ( able to entertaine the greatest Ships that be ) daily bringeth in so great riches from all parts , that it striveth at this day with the Mart-Townes of Christendome for the second Prize , and affordeth a most sure and beautifull Road for Shipping . A man would say that seeth the Shipping there , that it is ( as it were ) a very Wood of Trees , disbranched to make glades and let in light : So shaded it is with Masts and Sayles . Who was the first Founder , is by length of time growne out of knowledge : and intruth , very few Cities there are , that know theier owne first Founders , considering they grew up to their greatnesse by little and little . But as other Cities , so this of ours , fathereth her originall upon the Trojans , as verily beleeving that Brute ( the Nephew in the third descent of great Aeneas ) was the builder thereof . But whosoever founded it ; the happy and fortunate estate thereof hath given good proofe , that built it was in a good houre , and marked for life and long continuance . And that it is for Antiquity Honourable , Ammianus Marcellinus giveth us to understand ; who called it in his time , ( and that was 1200. yeeres agoe ) An old Towne . And Cornelius Tacitus in like manner , who in Nero's dayes , 1540. yeeres since , reported it to have bin a place Very famous for fresh trade , concourse of Merchants , & great store of victuals , and all things necessary . This onely at that time was wanting to the glory thereof , that it had the name neither of a free City , nor of a Colony . Neither verily could it have stood with the Romanes profit , if a Citie flourishing with Merchandize , should haue enjoyed the right of a Colonie or Free Citie . And therefore it was ( as I suppose ) that they ordained it to be a Praefectura : for so they termed all Townes where Marts were kept , and Iustice ministred : Yet so , as that they had no Magistrates of their owne : but Rulers were sent every yeere to governe in them , and for to minister Law , which in publike matters , namely of Taxe , Tributes , Tolles , Customes , Warfare , &c. they should have from the Senate of Rome . Hence it commeth that Tacitus , the Panegyrist , and Marcellinus call it onely a Towne . And although it was not in name loftier ; yet in wealth , riches and prosperity , it flourished as much as any other : yea and continued in manner alwaies the same , under the dominion of Romanes , English-Saxons , and Normans , seldome or never afflicted with any great calamities . In the reigne of Nero , when the Britaine 's had conspired to recover and resume their liberty under the leading of Boadicia ; the Londoners could not with all their weeping teares , hold Suetonius Paulinus , but that after he had levied a power of the Citizens to aide him , he would needes dislodge and remove from thence , leaving the Citie naked to the enemy ; who forthwith surprized and slew some few , whom either weaknesse of sexe , feeblenesse of age , or sweetnesse of the place had detained there . This City of Londō having bin destroyed & burnt by the Danes & other Pagan enemies , about the yeere of Christ 839 ; was , by Alfred , King of the West-Saxons , in the yeere 886. repaired , honourabley restored , and made againe habitable : Who also committed the custody thereof unto his sonne in law , Ethelred , Earle of Mercia , unto whom before he had given his daughter Ethelfled . And that this Citie was then strongly walled , may appeare by divers accidents ; whereof William of Malmesbury hath , that about the yeere of Christ , 994 the Londoners did shut up their gates , and defended their King , Ethelred , within their Wals against the Danes . In the yeere 1016. Edmund Ironside , reigning over the West-Saxons , Canutus the Dane , bringing his Navy unto the west part of the Bridge , did cast a trench about the Citie of London , and then attempted to have won it by assault : but the Citizens repulsed him , and drave them from their Wals. Also in the yeere 1052. Earle Godwin , with his Navie sayled up by the South end of the Bridge , and so assailed the Walles of this Citie . William Fitzstephen , in the reigne of Henry the second , writing of the Wals of this Citie , hath these words : the wall is high and great , well towred on the North side , with due distance betweene the Towres . On the South side also , the Citie was walled and towred : but the fishfull River of Thames , by his ebbing and flowing , hath long since subverted them . By the North side , he meaneth from the River of Thames in the East , to the River of Thames in the West : for so stretched the Wall in his time , and the Citie being farre more in length from East to West , than in breadth from South to North ; and also narrower at both ends , than in the middest , is therefore compassed with the Wall on the Land side , in forme of a bow , except denting in betwixt Cripplegate and Aldersgate . But the Wall on the South side , along by the River of Thames , was straight , as the string of a bow , and all furnished with Towres or Bulwarkes , ( as we now terme them ) in due distance every one from other , as witnesseth our Author , and our selves may behold for the Land side . This may suffice for proofe of a Wall , and forme thereof about this Citie , and the same to have beene of great Antiquity , as any other within this Realme . And now touching the maintenance and repairing the said Wall , I read , that in the yeere 1215. the 6. of King Iohn , the Barons entring the City by Ealdgate , first took assurance of the Citizens , then brake into the Iews houses , searched their coffers , to fill their owne purses : and after , with great diligence repaired the wals and gates of the Citie , with stones taken from the Iewes broken houses . In the yeere 1257. Henry the third caused the wals of this Citie , which were sore decayed , and destitute of Towres and Towrets , to be repaired in more seemely wise than before , at the common charges of the Citie . Also , in the yeere 1282 King Edward the first , having granted to Robert Kilwarby , Archbishop of Canterbury , licence for the enlarging of the Blacke Friers Church , to breake and take downe a part of the Wall of the Citie , from Ludgate to the River of Thames : He also granted to Henry Waleis , Maior , and the Citizens of London , the favour to take toward the making of the wall , and inclosure of the Citie , certaine customs , or toll , as appeareth by his Grant. This wall was then to be made from Ludgate west to Fleetbridge , along behinde the houses , and along by the water of the Fleet unto the River of Thames . Moreover , in the yeere 1310. Edward the second commanded the Citizens to make up the Wall already begunne , and the Tower at the end of the same Wall , within the water of Thames , neere unto the Blacke Friers , &c. 1322. the second of Edward the third , the Wals of this Citie were repaired . It was also granted by King Richard the second , in the tenth yeere of his reigne , that a toll should be taken of the wares , sold by Land or by Water , ( for tenne yeeres ) towards the repairing of the Wals , and cleansing of the Ditch about London . In the 17. of Edward the fourth , Ralph Ioseline Maior , caused part of the Wall about the Citie of London to be repaired ; to wit , betwixt Ealdgate and Aldersgate . He also caused the Moore-field to be searched for clay , and bricke thereof to be made and burnt : he likewise caused chalke to be brought out of Kent , and to be burnt into lime in the same Moore-field , for more furtherance of the worke . Then the Skinners , to beginne in the East , made that part of the Wall , betwixt Ealdgate and Buries markes , towards Bishopsgate ; as may appeare by their Armes in three places fixed there . The Maior , with his Companie of Drapers , made all that part betwixt Bishopsgate and Alhallowes Church in the same Wall , and from Alhallowes towards the Posterne called Mooregate . A great part of the same Wall was repaired by the Executors of Sir Iohn Crosby , late Alderman , as may appeare by his Armes in two places there fixed : And other Companies repaired the rest of the VVall to the Posterne of Cripplegate . In a Record which I have seene , and affirmed also by Iohn Rouse , and ( after him ) by Raphael Holinshed , I finde thus written : In Anno 1477. by the diligence of Ralph Ioseline , Maior of London , the Wall about London was new made , betwixt Aldgate and Creplegate . He caused the Moore-fields to be searched for clay , and bricke to be made and burnt there . He caused chalke also to be brought out of Kent , and in the same Moore-fields to be burnt into lime , onely for the furtherance of that worke . The Maior , with his company of Drapers , made all that part betwixt Bishopsgate and Alhallowes Church in the same wall . Bishopsgate it selfe was new built by the Merchants Almanes of the Stillyard . And from Alhallowes Church in the wall , towards Mooregate , a great part of the same was builded , of the goods , and by the Executours of Sir Iohn Crosby , sometimes an Alderman , and Maior of London , as may appeare by his Armes thereon fixed in two places . The Company of Skinners made that part of the wall betweene Ealdgate and Buries markes , towards Bishopsgate ; as may appeare by their Armes in three places fixed . The other Companies of the Citie , made the other deale of the wall : which was a great worke to be done in one yeere . The Goldsmiths repaired from Creplegate towards Aldersgate , and there the worke ceased . The circuit of the wall of London on the lands side , to wit , from the Tower of London in the East , unto Ealdgate , is 82. Perches : from Ealdgate to Bishopsgate , 86. Perches : from Bishopsgate in the North , to the Posterne of Creplegate , 162. Perches : from Creplegate to Aldersgate , 75. Perches : from Aldersgate to Newgate , 66. Perches : from Newgate in the West , to Ludgate , 42. Perches : in all , 513. Perches of assise . From Ludgate to the Fleet-Dike West about 60. Perches : from Fleet-bridge South to the River Thames , about 70. Perches : and so the Totall of these Perches amounteth to 643. every Perch consisting of 5. yardes and an halfe ; which doe yeeld 3536. yards and an halfe , containing 10608. foot , which make vp two English miles , and more by 608. foot . Of Ancient and present Rivers , Brooks , Boorns , Pooles , Wels , and Conduits of fresh Water , serving the Citie , as also of the Ditch compassing the Wall of the same , for Defence thereof . ANciently , untill the Conquerours time , and two hundred yeeres after , the Citie of London was watred ( besides the famous River of Thames on the south part ) with the River of Wels , as it was then called : on the west , with water called Walbrooke , running thorow the midst of the Citie into the River of Thames , serving the heart thereof : and with a fourth water or Boorne , which ranne within the Citie , through Langboorne Ward , watring that part in the East . In the West Suburbs was also another great water , called Oldborne , which had his fall into the River of the Wels. Then were there three principall fountains or wels in the other Suburbs ; to wit , Holy-Well , Clements Well , and Clarkes Well . Neere unto this last named Fountaine , were divers other wels ; to wit , Skinners Well , Fags Well , Tode Well , Loders Well , and Radwell . All which said Wels having the fall of their overflowing into the foresaid River , much increased the streame , and in that place , gave it the name of Well . In west Smithfield there was a Poole , in Records called Horsepoole , and another neere unto the parish Church of S. Giles without Creplegate . Besides all which , they had in every street and lane of the Citie , divers faire Wels , and fresh Springs : and after this manner was this Citie then served with sweet and fresh waters , which being since decayed , other means have beene sought to supply the want ; as shall be shewed : but first of the afore-named Rivers and other waters , is to be said as followeth : Thames , the most famous River of this Iland , beginneth a little above a Village called Winchcomb in Oxfordshire , and still increasing , passeth first by the Vniversity of Oxford , and so ( with a marvellous quiet course ) to London , and thence breaketh into the French Ocean by maine tides , which twise in twenty foure houres doth ebbe and flow , more than threescore miles in lenght , to the great commodity of Travailours , by which all kinde of Merchandises are easily conveyed to London , the principall Storchouse , and Staple of all commodities within this Realme . So that , omitting to speake of great ships , and other vessels of burthen , there appertaineth to the Citie of London , Westminster , and the Burrough of Southwarke , above the number ( as is supposed ) of two thousand Wherries , and other small Boats , wherby three thousand poore men ( at least ) be set on worke , and maintained . That the River of Wels in the West part of the Citie , was of old so called of the VVels , it may bee proved thus : William the Conquerour , in his Charter to the Colledge of Saint Martin le grand in London , hath these words : I doe give and grant to the same Church , all the land and the Moore without the Posterne which is called Creplegate , on eyther part of the Posterne : that is to say , from the North corner of the Wall ( as the River of the Wels , there neere running , departeth the same Moore from the Wall ) unto the running water which entreth the Citie . This water hath beene long since called , the River of the Wels ; which name of River continued , and it was so called in the Reigne of Edward the first : as shall be shewed , with the decay also of the said River . In a faire book of Parliament records , now lately restored to the Tower , it appeareth , that a Parliament being holden at Carlile , in the yeere 1307. the 35. of Edw. the first , Henry Lacy , Earle of Lincolne , complained , that whereas ( in times past ) the course of water , running at London under Oldborne-bridge , and Fleet-bridge into the Thames , had beene of such bredth and depth , that ten or twelve Ships , Navies at once with Merchandises , were wont to come to the foresaid Bridge of Fleet , and some of them unto Oldborne-bridge : Now the same course ( by filth of the Tanners , and such others ) was sore decayed ; also by raising of Wharfes , but especially , by a diversion of the water , made by theni of the New Temple , for their Milles standing without Baynards Castle , in the first yeere of King Iohn , and by divers others impediments , so as the said Ships could not enter as they were wont , and as they ought . Wherefore hee desired , that the Maior of London , with the Shiriffes , and other discreet Aldermen , might be appointed to view the said course of the said water , and that by the oathes of good men , all the foresaid hindrances might bee removed , and it to be made as it was wont of old . Whereupon Roger le Barbason , the Constable of the Tower , with the Maior and Shiriffes , were assigned to take with them honest and discreet men , and to make diligent search and enquirie , how the said River was in former time , and that they leave nothing that may hurt or stoppe it , but keepe it in the same estate that it was wont to be . So farre the Record . Whereupon it followed , that the said River was at that time cleansed , these Milles removed , and other things done for the preservation of the course therof : notwithstanding never brought to the old depth and bredth : wherupon the name of River ceased , and it was since called a Brooke ; namely , Turnemill or Tremill Brooke , for that divers Milles were erected upon it , as appeareth by a faire Register Booke , containing the foundation of the Priorie at Clarken-well , and donation of the lands thereunto belonging , as also by divers other Records . This Brooke hath beene divers times since cleansed , namely , and last of all to any effect , in the yeere one thousand five hundred and two , the seventeenth of Henry the Seventh , the whole course of Fleet-Dike , then so called , was scowred ( I say ) downe unto the Thames , so that Boats with Fish and Fewell were rowed to Fleet-bridge and Oldborne-bridge , as they of old time had beene accustomed , which was a great commodity to all the inhabitants in that part of the Citie . In the yeere 1589. was granted a fifteen by a common Councel of the City , for the clensing of this Brooke or Dike : the money amounting to a thousand marks , was collected , and it was undertaken , that by drawing divers Springs about Hampsted Heath into one head and course , both the Citie should bee served of fresh water in all places of want , and also , that by such a follower , ( as men call it ) the channell of this Brooke should be scowred into the River of Thames . But much money being therein spent , the effect failed ; so that the Brooke , by meanes of continuall incrochments upon the banks , getting over the water , and casting of soylage into the streame , is now become worse cloyed than ever it was before . The running water , so called by William Conqueror in his said Charter , which entreth the Citie , &c. ( before there was any ditch ) betweene Bishopsgate and the late-made Posterne called Mooregate , entred the wall , and was truely of the wall called Walbrooke , not of Gualo , as some have farre fetched . It ran through the Citie , with divers windings from the North towards the South , into the River of Thames ; and had ( over the same ) divers Bridges along the streets and lanes through which it passed . I have read in an old Booke , long since printed , that the Prior of holy Trinity within Ealdgate , ought to make over Walbrooke in the VVard of Broadstreet , against the stone wall of the Citie , viz. the same bridge that is next the Church of All Saints at the VVall. Also , that the Prior of the New Hospitall , S. Mary Spittle , without Bishopsgate , ought to make the middle part of one other Bridge next to the said Bridge towards the North : and that in the 28. yeere of Edward the first , it was by Inquisition found before the Mayor of London , that the Parish of S. Stephen upon Walbrooke , ought of right to scowre the course of the said Brooke ; and therefore the Shiriffes were commanded to distraine the said Parishioners so to do . In the yeere 1300. the keepers of those bridges at that time , were William Iordan , and Iohn de Bever . This water-course having divers Bridges , was afterwards vaulted over with Bricke , and paved levell with the streets and lanes , where-through it passed ; and since that also , houses have been builded thereon , so that the course of Walbrooke is now hid under ground , and thereby hardly knowne . Langborne water , so called of the length thereof , was a great streame breaking out of the ground in Fen Church street , which ranne downe with a swift course , west , through the street , thwart Grastreet , and downe Lumbard street , to the west end of Saint Mary Wolnoths Church , and then turning the course South , downe Shareborne Lane ( so termed of sharing or dividing ) it brake into divers rilles or rillets to the River of Thames . Of this Boorne that VVard tooke the name , and is to this day called Langborne VVard . This Boorne is also long since stopped up at the head , and the rest of the course filled up , and paved over , so that no signe thereof remaineth , more than the names aforesaid . Oldborne or Hilborne , was the like water , breaking out about the place where now the Barres doe stand , and it ranne downe the whole street to Oldborne bridge , and into the River of the Wels , or Turne-mill brooke . This Boorne was likewise ( long since ) stopped up at the head , and in other places , where the same hath broken out : but yet till this day , the said street is there called , high Oldborne hill , and both the sides thereof , ( together with all the grounds adjoyning , that lye betwixt it and the River of Thames ) remaine full of Springs , so that water is there found at hand , and hard to be stopped in every house . There are ( saith Fitzstephen ) neere London , on the North side , speciall Wels in the suburbs , sweet , wholsome and cleere , among which , Holy VVell , Clarkes VVell , and Clements VVell , are most famous , and frequented by schollers and youths of the Citie in summer evenings , when they walke forth to take the Ayre . The first , to wit , Holy Well , is much decayed and spoiled , with filthines purposely laid there , for the heightning of the ground for Garden plots . The Fountaine called Saint Clements Well , North from the Parish Church of S. Clements , and neere unto an Inne of Chancerie , called Clements Inne , is faire curbed square with hard stone , cleane for common use , and is alwaies full . The third is called Clarkes Well , or Clarken-Well , and is curbed about square with hard stone : not farre from the west end of Clarken-well Church , but close without the VVall that incloseth it . The said Church the tooke name of the Well ; and the Well tooke name of the Parish Clarkes in London , who ( of old time ) were accustomed there yeerely to assemble , and to play some large Historie of holy Scripture . For example , of later time , to wit , in the yeere 1390. the 14. of Richard the second , I read , that the Parish Clarkes of London , on the 18. of Iuly , plaid Enterludes at Skinners Well , neere unto Clarkes Well , which Play continued three dayes together , the King , Queene , and Nobles being present . Also the yeere 1409. the tenth of Henry the fourth , they played a Play at the Skinners Well , which lasted eight dayes , and was of matter from the Creation of the world : there were to see the same , the most part of the Nobles and Gentiles in England , &c. Other smaller Wels were many neere unto Clarkes well ; namely Skinners well , so called , for that the Skinners of London held there certain Playes , yeerely plaid of holy Scripture , &c. In place whereof , the wrestlings have of latter yeeres beene kept , and is in part continued at Bartholomewtide . Then was there Fags well , neere unto Smithfield , by the Charter-house , now lately dammed up . Todwell , Loders well , and Radwell are all decayed , and so filled up , that their places are hardly now discerned . Somewhat North from Holy well , is one other Well , curbed square with stone , and is called Dame Annis the cleere ; and not farre from it , but somewhat west , is also another cleere water , called Perilous Pond , because divers Youths ( by swimming therein ) have beene drowned . And thus much be said for Fountaines and Wels. Horsepoole in West smithfield , was sometime a great water ; and because the inhabitants in that part of the Citie did there water their Horses , the same was in old Records called Horsepoole . It is now much decayed , the Springs being stopped up , and the Land-water falling into the small bottome , remaining inclosed with Bricke , is called Smith-field Pond . By S. Giles Churchyard was a large water , called a Poole : I reade in the yeere 1244. that Anne of Lodbury was drowned therein . This Poole is now ( for the most part ) stopped up ; but the Spring is preserved , and was coopeped about with stone , by the Executors of Richard Whittington . The said River of Wels , the running water of Walbrooke , the Boornes aforenamed , and other the fresh waters that were in and about this Citie , being in processe of time , by incroachment for buildings , and heightnings of grounds , utterly decayed , and the number of Citizens mightily increased ; they were forced to seeke fresh waters abroad ; whereof some , at the request of King Henrie the third , in the 21. yeere of his reigne , were ( for the profit of the Citie , and good of the whole Realme thither repairing ; to wit , for the poore to drink , and the rich to dresse their meat ) granted to the Citizens , and their Successors , by one Gilbert Sanford , with liberty to convey water from the Towne of Teyborne , by pipes of lead into their Citie . The first Cisterne of lead , castellated with stone in the Citie of London , was called the Great Conduit in west Cheap , which was begun to be builded in the yeere 1285. Henry Wales being then Maior : the water-course from Padington to Iames hed , hath 510. rods ; from Iames hed on the hill , to the Mewsgate , 102. rods ; from the Mewsgate to the Crosse in Cheape , 484. rods . The Tonne upon Cornhill was cisternated in the yeere 1401. Iohn Sandworth then being Maior . Bosses of water at Belinsgate , by Pauls wharfe , and by S. Giles Church without Creplegate , made about the yeere 1423. Water conveyed to the Gaoles of Newgate and Ludgate , 1432. Water was first procured to the Standard in west Cheap , about the yeere 1285. which Standard was againe new builded by the Executors of Iohn Welles , as shall bee shewed in another place . King Henry the sixth , in the yeere 1442. granted to Iohn Hatherley , Maior , licence to take up 200. fodar of Lead , for the building of Conduits , of a common Granery , and of a common Granery , and of a new Crosse in west Cheape , for the honour of the Citie . The Conduit in west Cheap , by Pauls gate , ( commonly called , The little Conduit ) was builded about the yeere 1442. one thousand markes was granted by common Councell for the building thereof , and repairing of the other Conduits . The Conduit in Aldermanbury , and the Standard in Fleetstreet , were made and finished by the Executors of Sir William Eastfield , in the yeere 1471. A Cisterne also was added to the Standard in Fleetstreet , and a Cisterne was made at Fleet bridge , and another without Creplegate , in the yeere 1478. Conduit in Grastreet , in the yeere 1491. Conduit at Oldborne Crosse , about 1498. againe new made by Mr. William Lambe , 1577. Little Conduit by the Stockes Market , about 1500. Conduit at Bishopsgate , about 1513. Conduit at London wall , against Colemanstreet , about 1528. Conduit at Ealdgate without , about 1535. Conduit in Lothbury , and in Coleman-street , neere to the Church , 1546. Conduit of Thames water at Dowgate , 1568. Thames water conveyed into mens houses by pipes of Lead , from a most artificiall Forcier standing neere unto London Bridge , and made by Peter Morbis , Dutchman , in the yeere 1582. for the service of the Citie on the East part thereof . Conduits of Thames water by the parish Churches of S. Mary Magdalen , and S. Nicholas cole-Abbey , neere unto old Fishstreet , in the yeere 1583. One other new Forcier was made neere to Broken Wharfe , to convey Thames water into mens houses of west Cheape , about Pauls , Flectstreet , &c. by an English Gentleman , named Bevis Bulmer , in the yeere 1594. Another Conduit was also built at Aldersgate , without the Gate , in Anno 1610. and Thames water conveyed unto it in pipes of wood and stone , by an English Gentleman , named Mr. Thomas Hayes . Next to the Conduit water thus conveyed to Aldersgate , and as you have already heard ; that famous ( and never to be forgotten ) new River , brought from Chadwell and Amwell , by the onely care , cost , and liberall expences of one worthy man , Sir Hugh Middleton , Knight and Barornet , Citizen and Goldsmith of London , deserveth to be recorded in everlasting memory . I spare here to speake of the length of time that such an intent was in talking on , like much good matter , well motioned , though little minded ; long debated , but never concluded , till courage and resolution lovingly shooke hands together , as it appeares it did in the Soule of this ( no way to bee daunted ) well-minded Gentleman . For , if those enemies to all good endevours , Danger , Difficulty , Impossibility , Detraction , Contempt , Scorne , Derision , yea , and Desperate Despight , could have prevailed by their accursed and malevolent interposition , either before , at the beginning , in the very birth of proceeding , or in the least stolen advantage of the whole prosecution ; this Worke of so great worth had never bin accomplished . I am not ignorant of an Act of Parliament , granted by Queene Elizabeth of blessed memory , to her Citizens of London , for cutting and conveying a River from any part of Middlesex or Hertfordshire , to the Citie of London , with a limitation of ten yeeres time for the performance thereof : But the expiration of her Royall life sooner came , than any such matter would be undertaken . Also our late gracious Soveraigne King Iames pleased to grant the like Act ( but without date of time ) for the same effect : and when all else refused , Sir Hugh Middletō undertook it , to bring his intended River from Chadwell and Amwell , to the North side of London , neere Is●ington , where he builded a large Cisterne to receive it . The Worke began the 20. day of February , Anno Dom. 1608. and in five yeers space was fully accomplished : concerning the conveyance of it along to London , from Chadwell and Amwell , I my selfe ( by favour of the Gentlemen ) did divers times ride to see it , and diligently observed , that admirable Art , paines and industry were bestowed for the passage of it , by reason that all grounds are not of a like nature , some being ozie and very muddy , others againe as stiffe , craggy and stony . The depth of the Trench ( in some places ) descended full thirty foot , if no● more ; whereas ( in other places ) it required as sprightfull Art againe , to mount it over a valley in a Trough , betweene a couple of hils , and the Trough all the while borne up by woodden Arches , some of them fixed in the ground very deepe , and rising in heighth above 23. foot . Being brought to the intended Cisterne , but not ( as yet ) the water admitted entrance thereinto : on Michael-masse day , in Anno 1613. being the day when Sir Thomas Middleton , Knight , ( Brother to the said Sir Hugh Middleton ) was elected Lord of London for the yeere ensuing ; in the afternoone of the same day , Sir Iohn Swinerton , Knight , and Lord Maior of London , accompanied with the said Sir Thomas , Sir Henry Montague , Knight , and Recorder of London , and many of the worthy Aldermen , rode to see the Cisterne , and first issuing of the River thereinto : which was performed in this manner : A troope of Labourers , to the number of 60. or more , well apparelled , and wearing greene Monmouth Caps , all alike , carryed Spades , Shovels , Pickaxes , and such like instruments of laborious imployment , marching after Drummes twice or thrice about the Cisterne , presented themselves before the Mount , where the Lord Maior , Aldermen , and a worthy company beside , stood to behold them , and one man ( in behalfe of all the rest ) delivered this Speech . The Speech at the Cisterne , according as it was delivered to me . LOng have we labour'd , long desird & pray'd For this great works perfection : & by th'ayd Of Heaven , and good mens wishes , 't is at length Happily conquer'd by Cost , Art , and Strength . And after five yeeres dcare expence in dayes , Tr●vaile and 〈◊〉 , beside the infinite Wayes Of Malice , 〈◊〉 , false suggestions ; Able to daunt the spirits of mighty ones In wealth and courage : This , a worke so rare , Onely by one mans industry , cost and care , Is brought to 〈◊〉 effect , so much withstood ; His onely ayme , the Cities generall good . And where ( before ) many 〈◊〉 complaints , Enviously 〈…〉 oft restraints , Stops , and great crosses , to our Masters charge , And the Works hindrance : favour n●w at large Spread it selfe open to him , and commends To admiration both his paines and ends . ( The Kings most gracious love ) Perfectiō draws Favour from Princes , and ( from all ) applause . Then worthy Magistrates , to whose content , ( Next to the State ) all this great care was bent , And for the publike good ( which grace requires ) Your loves and furtherance chiefly he desires , To cherish these proceedings , which may give Courage to some that may hereafter live , To practise deedes of Goodnesse , and of Fame , And gladly light their Actions by his Name . Clarke of the Worke , reach me the Booke to show , How many Arts from such is Labour flow . First , hered the Overseer , this tride man , An ancient Souldier , and an Artizan . The Clarke , next him Mathematician , The Master of the rimber-worke takes place Next after these ; the Measurer , in like case , Brick-layer , and Enginer ; and after those ; The Borer and the Pavier . Then it showes The Labourers next ; Keeper of Amwell-head , The VValkers last : so all their names are read . Yet these but parcels of six hundred more , That ( at one time ) have beene imployd before . Yet these in sight , and all the rest will say , That all the weeke they had their Royall pay . Now , for the fruits then : Flow forth ; precious Spring , So long and dearely sought for , and now bring Comfort to all that love thee : loudly sing , And with thy Chrystal murmurs strook together , Bid all thy true wel-wishers welcome hither . At which words the Flood-gates flew open , the streame ranne gallantly into the Cisterne , Drummes and Trumpets sounding in triumphall manner , and a brave Peale of Chambers gave full issue to the intended entertainment . Thus much for waters serving this Citie ; first by Rivers , Brookes , Boorns , Fountaines , Pooles , &c. And since by Conduits , partly made by good and charitable Citizens , and otherwise by charges of the Communalty , as shall bee more amply shewed in our description of the Wards wherein they are placed . And now some Benefactors to these Conduits shall be remembred . In the yeere 1236. certain Merchant strangers , of Cities beyond the Seas , to wit , of Amiens , Corby , and Nele , for priviledges which they enjoyed in this Citie , gave 100 l. towards the charges of conveying water from the Towne of Teyborne . Robert Large , Mayor , 1439. gave to the new water Conduits then in hand , 40. Markes ; and towards the vaulting over of Walbrooke , neere to the parish Church of S. Margarets in Lothbury , 200. Markes . Sir William Eastfield , Maior , 1438. conveyed water from Teyborne to Fleetstreet , to Aldermanbury , and from Hightory to Creplegate . William Combes , Sheriffe , 1441. gave to the worke of the Conduits . 10. l. Richard Rawson , one of the Sheriffes , 1476. gave 20. l. Robert Revel , one of the Sheriffes , 1490. gave 10. l. Iohn Mathew , Maior , 1490. gave 20. l. William Bucke , Taylor , in the yeere 1494. towards repairing of Conduits , gave 100. Marks . Dame Thomasin widdow , late wife to Sir Iohn Percivall , Merchant Taylor , Maior , in the yeere 1498. gave toward the Conduit in Oldborne , 20. Marks . Richard Shore , one of the Sheriffes , 1505. gave to the Conduit in Oldborne , 10. l. The Lady Ascue , widdow to Sir Christopher Ascue , 1543. gave towards the Conduits , 100. l. David Woodroofe , Sheriffe , 1554. gave toward the Conduit at Bishopsgate , 20. l. Edward Iackman , one of the Sheriffes , 1564. gave towards the Conduits , 100. l. Barnard Randulph , common Serjeant of the Citie , 1583. gave to the water Conduits , 900. l. Thus much for the Conduits of fresh water to this Citie . Of the Ancient and famous River of Thames , whence it deriveth her head or originall , and so conveyeth it selfe on to the Cities service , being supplyed by divers other sweet Rivers in her course , YOV have already heard , what Rivers , Brookes , Boornes , Pooles and Conduits of fresh water have liberally afforded ( out of their plenty ) most commodious helpe for the service of so great a Citie . And yet the River of Thames , much more famous than all the reft , yeelding by Forniers , Conduits , and other meanes of conveyance , inestimable benefit to the Citie , we have said little or nothing of her due worth , neither of her antiquity , course and originall , all which deserve to be more especially respected . According therefore to the advice of very wise and learned judgements , and borrowing such helps as they have gladly lent me , I will begin with the head or spring of this famous River , and shew how it glideth along in current , untill it come to imbrace the bosome of the Sea , and there to take up her entertainement in his liquid armes . Giving credit to such mens writings , as have ( of set purpose ) sought out the Spring of the Thames , it is faithfully affirmed , That this famous streame hath her head or beginning , out of the side of an Hill , standing in the Plaines of Cotswold , about a mile from Tetbury , neere unto the Fosse , ( an highway so called of old ) where it was sometime named Isis , or the Ouse , although divers doe ( ignorantly ) call it Thames even there ; rather of a foolish custome , than any skill , because they either neglect , or are utterly ignorant , how it was named at the first . From hence it runneth directly toward the East , ( as all good Rivers should doe ) and meeteth with the Cirne or Churne , a Brooke , called in Latine Corinium : whereof Cirncester Towne ( by which it commeth ) doth take the denomination in most opinions . From hence it hasteth unto Creekelade , alias Crekanford , Lechlade , Radcotebridge , Newbridge , and Evesham , receiving ( by the way ) an infinite sort of small Streames , Brookes , Beckes , Waters and Rundels . And here ( on this side of the Towne ) divideth it selfe into two courses , of which one goeth straight to Botley and Hinksey ; the other passeth by Godstow , a Village not farre off . This later spreadeth it selfe also ( for a whi●● ) into sundry smaller branches , which 〈◊〉 not farre , before they be reunited , and then beclipping sundry pleasant Meddowes , it passeth at length by Oxford , of some supposed rather to be called Ouseford , of this River , where it meeteth with the Charwell . A little from whence the originall branches doe joyne , and goe together by Abbandune ( alias Sensham or Abbington , as wee call it , ) although no part of it ( at the first ) came so neere the Towne as it now doth , till a branch thereof was led thither from the maine streame , through the industry of the Monkes , as ( beside the testimony of old Records thereof , yet extant to be seene ) by the decay of Cair Dour , now Dorchester it selfe , sometime the thorow-fare from Wales , and the West Countrey unto London , which ensued upon this fact , is easie to bee seene . From hence it goeth to Dorchester , and so unto Thame , where joyning with a River of the same denomination , it loseth the name of Isis or Ouse , ( whereof Ousennie at Oxford is producted ) and from thence is called Thamesis all along as it passeth . From Thame it goeth to Wallingford , and so to Reding , which ( in time past ) of the number of Bridges there , was called Pontium . Albeit that the English name doth rather proceed from Rhe or Ree , the Saxon word for a water-course or River : which may bee seene in Overee , or Suthree , for over the Ree , or south of the Ree ; as to the skilfull doth readily appeare . Yet some hold , ( and not altogether against probability and likelihood ) that the word Sutheree , is so called of Sudrijc ; to wit , the south Kingdome , whereunto ( in part ) the Thames is a bound . But that holdeth not in denomination , either of the said Chruch , or name of the foresaid Countie . Other affirme likewise , that Reding is so called of the Greeke word ( REO ) which is to overflow . Surely , as neither of these conjectures are to be contemned , so the last commeth most neere to mine ayd , who affirme , that not only the course of every water it selfe ; but also his overflowing , was in times past called Rhee , by such Saxons as inhabited this Iland . And even to this day , in Essex , I have oft observed , that when the lower grounds ( by rage of waters ) hath beene over-flowne ; the people beholding the same have said ; All is on a Rhee ; as if they would have said ; All is now a River . Albeit the word River is derived from the French , and borrowed by them from the Latines : but not without corruption , as it was brought to them . I will not here give notice how far they are deceived , which call the aforesaid Church by the name of Saint Mary Auderies , or Saint Mary over Isis , or I se : but I will proceede with the course of this Noble Streame ; which , howsoever these matters stand , it hath passed by Reding , and there received the Kenet , which commeth from the Hills that lye West of Marleborough ; and then the Thetis , commonly called the Tide , that commeth from Thetisford . It hyeth thence to Sudlington , otherwise called Maiden-head , and so to Windleshore , or Windsore , Aeton , and then to Chertsey , where Erkenwald Bishop of London , sometime builded a Religious House or Cell , as I doe reade . From Chertsey it hasteth directly unto Stanes , and receiving another Streame by the way , called the Cole , ( whereupon Colebrooke standeth ) it goeth by Kingstone , Shene , Sion , and Brentford , or Bregentford : where it meeteth with the Brane or the Brene , another Brooke descending from Edgeworth . Vpon this Brooke also , Sir Iohn Thinne had sometime a sumptuous and stately House , with a marvellous provision to inclose and retaine such Fish , as should come about the same . From Brentford it passeth by Mortlach , Putney , Fulham , Battersey , Chelsey , Lambeth , and so to London . Our famous River being thus brought to London , and hasting on apace , to meete with Oceanus her amorous Husband : the first water that it then meeteth withall , is the Brome on Kent side , west of Greenwich , whose head is Bromis in Bromley Perish , and going thence to Lewsham , it taketh in a water from the East , and so directeth its course forth-right unto the Thames . The next water that it meeteth withall , is on Essex side , almost against Wolwich , and that is the Lee or Luie . And being past that , the Darwent also meeteth with our Thames on Kent side , two miles and more beneath Erith , it rising at Tanridge . The next River that falleth into the Thames , is West of the Wanie Iles , a Rill of no great fame , neither long course : for , rising about Coringham , it runneth not many miles East , and by South , till it fals into the mouth of this River , which I doe now describe . Last of all we come to the Medway , a notable River , in mine opinion , watering all the South , and Southwest parts of Kent , in whose description we cannot ( at this time ) proceed any further . Having ( in this manner ) briefely touched this Noble River , and such Brookes as fall into the same : I will insert a word or two , concerning the commodities of the said River , which I will performe with so much brevity as is possible ; hereby also finding out her whole tract and course from the head , to the fall thereof into the Sea. It appeareth evidently , that the length thereof is ( at the least ) an hundred and eighty miles , if it be measured by the journies of the Land. And as it is in course , the longest of the three famous Rivers of this I le : so is it nothing inferiour to them , in abundance of all kind of Fish , whereof it is hard to say , which of the three have either most plenty , or greatest variety , if the circumstances be duly weighed . What some other write , concerning the Rivers of their Countries , it skilleth not , neither will I ( as divers doe ) invent strange things of this Noble streame , therewith to nobilitate , and make it more honourable : But this will I in plaine termes affirme , That it neither swalloweth up bastards of the Celtish Brood , nor casteth up the right-begotten , that are throwne in , ( without hurt ) into their Mothers lappe : as Politian fableth of the Rhene , Epistolarum lib. 8. Epist . 6. nor yeeldeth clots of gold , as the Tagus doth : but an infinite plenty of excellent , sweet and pleasant Fish , wherwith such as inhabit neere to her banks , are fed and fully nourished . What should I speake of the fat and sweet Salmons , dayly taken in this streame , and that in such plenty , ( after the time of the Smelt is past ) as no River in Europe is able to exceed it ? But what store also of Barbels , Trowts , Chevins , Pearches , Smelts , Breames , Roches , Daces , Gudgeons , Flounders , Shrimps , Eeles , &c. are commonly to be had therein , I refer me to them that know by experience better than I , by reason of their daily trade of fishing in the same . And albeit it seemeth from time to time , to be ( as it were ) defrauded in sundry wise , of these her large commodities , by the insatiable avarice of Fishermen : yet this famous River complaineth commonly of no want , but the more it loseth at one time , the more it yeeldeth at another . Onely in Carpes it seemeth to be scant , sith ( not long since ) that kinde of Fish was brought over into England , and but of late ( to speake of ) into this streame ; by the violent rage of Land-floods , that breake open the heads and dammes of divers Gentlemens Ponds , by which meanes it became somewhat partaker also of this said commodity , whereof ( before ) it had no portion that I could ever heare . Oh that this worthy River might bee spared but one yeere from Nets , &c. but alas , then should many a poore man be undone . In the meane time it is lamentable to see , how it is and hath beene choked of late , with sands and shelves , by the penning and wresting of the course of the water for commodities sake . But as this is an inconveniency easily remedied , if good order were taken for the redresse thereof : so now , the fine or pay set upon the Ballast , sometimes freely given to the Merchants by Patent , even to the Lands end , ( Iusques aupoinct ) will be another cause of harme to this noble streame : and all through an advantage taken at the want of an ( i ) in the word ponct : which grew through an errour committed by an English Notarie , unskilfull in the French tong , wherein that Patent was granted . Furthermore , the said River floweth and filleth all her chanels , twice in the day and night ; that is , in every 12. houres once , and this ebbing and flowing holdeth on for the space of 70. miles within the maine Land : the streame or Tide being alwaies highest at London , when the moon doth exactly touch the northeast , and south or west points of the heavens , of which one is visible , the other under the earth , & not in our sight . These Tides also differ in their times , each one comming later than other , by so many minutes as passe , yet the revolution and naturall course of the heavens do reduce and bring about the said Planet , to these her former places , wherby , the common difference between one Tide & another , is found to consist of 24. minutes , which wanteth but 12. of a whole houre in 24. as experience doth confirme . In like sort , we see by daily tryall , that each Tide is not of equall height and greatnesse . For at the full and change of the Moone , we have the greatest floods , and such is their extraordinary course , that as they diminish from their changes & fuls , unto the first and last quarters : so afterwards they increase againe , untill they come to the full and change . Sometimes also they rise so high , ( if the wind be at the North or North-east , which bringeth in the water with more vehemency , because the Tide that filleth the channell , commeth from Scotland ward ) that the Thames overfloweth her bankes neere unto London : which hapneth especially in the fuls and changes of Ianuary and February , wherein the lower grounds are ( of custome ) soonest drowned . This order of flowing in like sort is perpetuall , so that when the Moone is on the South-west and North of points , then is the water at London at the highest . Neither doe the Tides alter , except some rough winds out of the West or South-west , doe keepe backe and checke the streame in her entrance : as the East and North-east doe hasten the comming in thereof , or else some other extraordinary occasion put by the ordinary course of the Northerne Seas , which doe fill the said River by their naturall returne and flowing . And that both these doe happen eftsoones among , I referre me to such , as have not seldome observed it : as also the sensible chopping in of three or foure Tides in one naturall day , whereof the unskilfull doe descant many things , according to their minds . But howsoever these small matters doe fall out , and how often soever this course of the streame doth happen to be disturbed : yet at two severall times of the Moone , the Waters returne to their naturall course and limits of time exactly . Polydore saith , that this River is seldome increased , or rather never overfloweth her banks by land-flouds : but he is herein very much deceived , as it shall more apparantly be seene hereafter . For the more that this River is put by of her right course , the more the water must ( of necessity ) swell with the white waters , which run downe from the Land : because the passage cannot bee so swift and ready in the winding , as in the straight course . The Land-flouds also doe greatly staine the finenesse of the streame , insomuch that after a great land-floud , you shall take up Haddocks with your hands beneath the Bridge , as they float aloft on the water : whose eyes are so blinded with the thicknesse of that element , that they cannot see where to become , and make shift to save themselves before death take hold on them . Otherwise , the water ( of it selfe ) is very cleere , and , in comparison , next unto that of the Sea , which is most subtill & pure of all other ; as that of great Rivers is most excellent in comparison of smal brooks . Although Aristotle will have the salt water to be most grosse , because a Ship will beare a greater burden on the Sea , than on the fresh water , and an Egge sinks in this , that swimmeth in the other . But he may easily be answered , by the quantity of roome , and abundance of waters in the Sea , whereby it becommeth of more force , to sustaine such vessels as are committed to the same , and whereunto the greatest Rivers are nothing comparable . I would here make mention of sundry Bridges over this noble streame : of which , that of London is most chiefely to be commended : for it is ( in a manner ) a continuall street , well replenished with large and stately houses on both sides , and situate upon twenty Arches , whereof each one is made of excellent free stone , every of them being threescore foot in height , and full twenty in distance one from another , as I have often viewed . In the like manner , I could entreat of the infinite number of Swans daily to be seene upon this River , and of two thousand Wherries and small Boats , whereby three thousand poore Watermen are maintained , through the carriage and recarriage of such persons as passe or repasse ( from time to time ) upon the same . Beside , those huge Tide-boats , Tilt-boats , and Barges , which eyther carry passengers , or bring necessary provision from all quarters of Oxfordshire , Barkeshire , Buckinghamshire , Bedfordshire , Hertfordshire , Middlesex , Essex , Surrey , and Kent , unto the Citie of London . Having thus farre proceeded in the description of this famous River , even from her head and originall , till her imbracing the Sea : I thought good to go on a little further , concerning the extent of the Thames jurisdiction , from a place called Colnie Ditch , a little above the Bridge of Stanes westward , to London Bridge : and from thence to a certaine place called Yendall , alias Yenland , alias Yenleete , and of the Water of Medway , as being matter more proper to the Citie of Londons Survey , than any other discourse else whatsoever . For many yeeres , the authority and jurisdiction of this River , hath undoubtedly belonged to the Lord Maior , Communalty , and Citizens of London , by the sufficient testimony of divers Grants , Charters , and Confirmations , made by the precedent Kings and Queenes of this Land , and by our late deceased King Iames of happy memory , besides sundry Acts of Parliament ordained to that end . But because some question appeared to be not long since made by the Lord high Admirall of England , concerning that case of Power or Jurisdiction , a full and finall conclusion was at length established , betweene the Lord high Admirall , and the Lord Maior and Communalty of London also , concerning the Prerogative then questioned . Whereby , as in former ancient priviledges , the right and title hath beene alwaies evident ; so then it appeared a plaine and manifest case , that the Lord Maior of London for the time being , and his successors for ever in that eminent dignity , have full power and authority over the said Rivers , the Lord Maior bearing the stile and title of Conservator or preserver of them , within the forenamed bounds and limits ; Having absolute power , of inflicting punishment for all unlawfull fishings , eyther by Fishermen or any other , fishing within the same at any time : yea , and to search , oversee and punish all such , as shall abuse his lawfull authority in those proceedings from time to time . And because his great and serious imployments withhold him from such attending on this important businesse , as the urgent necessity thereof doth ( almost continually ) require : he hath a Deputy or Substitute , named the Water-Bayliffe of London , who under his Honours authority , and by vertue of his more absolute power , doth continually search , oversee and punish all offenders , that dare infringe those rights of duty , belonging to so famous a River , or make spoile of that intended for generall benefit . And whereas there are a certaine company of Fishermen , called Tinckermen , frequenting the River of Thames , Eastward , who ( in times past ) not onley have beene reported , but also manifestly approved , and found out , to make an infinite destruction of the yong brood and Fry of Fish , by use of unlawfull Nets , and unpermittable Engines , feeding and glutting their Hogges with them , as M. Doctor Dee reporteth : By the diligent and extraordinary cost and care of the Lord Maior , his Brethren , and the rest of the Citizens of London , as also the vigilant respect of his worthy Officer the Water-Bayliffe , day and night attending to cut off such an horrible abuse ; those unlawfull Nets and Engines are now quite supprest , and a true & orderly forme of fishing brought into use , that such waste and havocke may no more be made . Through which restraint of robberie , and application of continuall providence , our River of Thames ( the honour and beauty of this whole Iland ) is become againe most rich and plentifull , yeelding daily out of her bountifull bosome , great store of Fish of all kindes , and at much more reasonable rate , than in many yeeres past hath beene seene , as our weekely Markets in this Honourable Citie , can better testifie , than I report : a matter highly to bee commended , and ( no doubt ) but will bee as heedfully continued . Vpon a great complaint lately made to the Lord Maior , concerning Timbers being and standing in Tilbury Hope , beneath Gravesend , a matter not onely perillous to passengers upon the River , but a cause also to destroy ( infinitely ) the yong brood and fry of Fish , by the harmes those Timbers did to Fishermens Nets , by reason of their continuall standing in the maine course , and speedy current of the streame , which was mightily annoyed and injured thereby : his honourable care extended so farre , that by the paines and diligence of his Water-Bayliffe , being thereto by his Office and place warrantably directed , those grievous hurts and annoyances were all taken up , and conveyed to the Guildhall in London , as an example to all that should dare to offend in the like nature , or presume to prejudice such an honourable course of our fishing , as it is faithfully reported , at every Tide , by day and night , foure Bushels of small Fish and Fry , ( continually throughout the whole ) are saved and preserved by this worthy providence , which otherwise had remained to the former desperate spoile , and continued a great hindrance to the abounding increase now likely to ensue thereby . The Lord Maior and Communalty , not many yeeres since , have caused this Noble River of Thames westward , to be cleered and cleansed of 79. stops or hatches , consisting of divers great stakes and piles , purposely erected by Fishermen for their private gaine , and standing dangerous for passengers neere unto the faire deepe : so that none of them doe now remaine upon the River , but onely such as stand out of the passable to faire way , and can bee no prejudice to passengers . For otherwise , they serve as a great succour to the young breed and Frie , being planted at the waters bottome , and placed so remotely on the River ; that they releeve and comfort many poore Fishermen thereon dwelling . Beside , in the great heate and drought of Summer , when usually water is most scanty , these are then the cause of raising it so high , that Barges may well and safely passe , with all kind of goods to our ancient Mother Citie ; whereas else they would be grounded , how many soever , and be void of passage , by lownesse of the water . There are likewise a number of Fishermen belonging to the River of Thames , some stiled by the name of Tinckermen , others , Hebbermen , Petermen , Trawlermen , &c. that have lived ( in precedent times ) by very unlawfull fishing on this River , and to the great injurie of her abounding store . But by meanes of this wel-provided restriction , so forwarded in the maine Magistrate , and followed in the diligent endevour of the carefull Water-Bayliffe , ( making no spare of his paines at all times whatsoever ) their insolence hath beene reduced to a more temperate qualification , and the awfull hand of civill Government appeareth to carry much better respect , than formerly it did . Nor let this provident care , both for the safety of passengers on the River , and preservation of the Breed , Frie , and Fish in the River , bee understood as a matter of novelty , without any precedent example in elder dayes ; when it plainely appeareth , that the very like course was kept and effected in the time of King Henry the fourth , the seventh yeere of his reigne , Anno Dom. 1405. Also more late in the dayes of King Henry the eighth , &c. As appeareth by Records in divers Chronicles , and so warranted and avouched , as already hath beene said , and shall ( in more ample manner ) hereafter appeare . Concerning the controversiall question , about the Rivers of Thames and Medway , all variance and difference was absolutely concluded , in the yeere 1613 the twentieth day of Mary : Sir Iohn Swynnerton Knight , being then Lord Maior , and carefull Conservator of the said Rivers rights ; and Thomas Sparrey , Esquire , his Substiture , and respective Water-Bayliffe , for the performing of such a maine trust reposed in him , appertaining justly unto his place and office . At eight severall times yeerely , within the foure Countries of Middlesex , Surrey , Kent , and Essex , the Lord Maior of London for the time then being , with his Brethren the Aldermen , for the better maintaining of the Rivers rights and priviledges , doe sit in person judicially , and charge foure Juries by oath , to make inquisition after all offences , committed upon the River of Thames . And as the verdict ( presented by the said Jurie ) maketh appearance , so doe they accordingly proceed to the punishment of the transgressors , answerably to the nature of their offences , and as to Justice shall see me expedient : Wherein , the Rivers prosperity , safety of passengers , and generall good of the Common-wealth , are their chiefest respects . And because it may appeare more probably unto all men , in what worthy manner the Lord Maior and his Brethren doe proceed in this case , by the helpe of Master Edmund Howes , Gent. I have hereto added , the last Courts that were kept about this Rivers service , in the time of Sir Iohn Iolles , Knight , to take away all sinister scruple or doubt , that can be otherwise alledged . For he being present in the Journey , ( as I my selfe might also have beene , if my leasure would have so permitted ) observed the course of all that then passed , and as hee delivered it to mee , so have I set it downe , with some other few collections of mine owne , out of such Antiquities as have come to my hands . A further testimony concerning the River of Thames , and of the right and authority of the Lord Maior of London , to the conservancie of the said River , &c. IN the yeere 1616. on Wednesday , being the third of Iuly , Sir Iohn Iolles , Knight , L. Maior of the Citie of London , and Conservator of the River of Thames , and waters of Medway , assisted and accompanied by Francis Iones , Edward Rotheram , Alexander Prescot , Martin Lumley , Aldermen of London ; and William Gore , Alderman , and Shiriffe ( at that time ) of the said Citie ; Thomas Iones Esquire , Common Serjeant of the said Citie , in the absence of Sir Henry Mountague , Recorder of the same Citie , attended by Thomas Sparrey , Esquire , Subconservator of the said River of Thames , with fifty Officers and other servants , tooke Barges at Belinsgate , and ( within few houres ) arrived at Gravesend in Kent , where a Session for the Conservancie of the said River was kept , before the said Lord Maior , and his forenamed Assistants . At which time and place , a Jurie of Freeholders of the said Countrie , being sworne to enquire of all offences committed in any part of that River whatsoever within the said County ; Master Common Serjeant delivered them a charge to this effect : That , forasmuch as there had not been any Session of Conservancy in many yeeres past , kept by any Lord Maior of London in that place : it was probable and evident , that they could not be well informed , neither of the Lord Maiors jurisdiction and power , to reforme annoyances and offences there , and to inflict due punishment vpon the offenders , nor of the nature of the service by them to bee performed , in the course of their enquirie . And therefore hee thought it convenient , to make knowne unto them , both the one and the other . And hereupon he shewed them , that the Jurisdiction of the Citie of London , in the River of Thames , from Stanes Bridge Westward , unto the points of the River next the Sea Eastward , appeared to belong to the Citie , in manner and forme as followeth : In point of Right 1. By Prescription . 2. By allowance in Eire . 3. By ancient Charters . 4. By Acts of Parliament . 5. By Inquisitions . 6. By Decrees upon Hearing Coram Rege ipso , & in Camera Stellata . 7. By Letters Patents . 8. By Proclaimations . 9. By Report of the Kings Councell learned . 10. By a Quo Warranto . In point of Vsage 1. By ancient Ordinances . 2. By punishment of offenders . 3. By Writs and Precepts . 4. By accompts for charges of Searches , from 17. R. 2. till 2. Eliz. Regina . 5. By Commissions . 6. By continuall claime ever since 37. Hen. 8. when the Lord Admirall first interrupted the Citie , to exercise her authority below London Bridge . And to crowne all these points both of right and usage , Et ad omnem controversiam temporibus futuris tollendam : the Citie of London hath King Iames his most gracious and liberall Charter in that point granted , in the third yeere of his Majesties happy reigne . 1. By Prescription . IT appeareth by an ancient Booke , called Dunthorne , that Civitatis fundationis , aedificationis & constructionis , causa erat Thamesis Fluvius ; quorum vero Civitatis & fluminis gubernationem tam Duces , Maiores , Custodes , Vicecomites , Aldr. & Magnates Civitatis memoratae hucusque obtinuerunt & habuerunt . So as the government of the River hath belonged to the Citie time out of minde . In 21. H. 3. Iorden Coventry , one of the Shiriffes of London , was by the Maior and Aldermen sent , to remove certaine Kiddels that annoyed the Rivers of Thames and Medway ; who ultra Yenland versus Mare , did take divers persons that were offenders , and imprisoned them . Whereupon , complaint being made to King H. 3. hee tooke the matter ill at the first , and sent for the Lord Maior & Citizens to Kennington ; and upon hearing of the matter before the said King , the Cities Jurisdiction on the River was set forth and allowed , and the Complainants convicted , and every of them amerced at 10. pounds , and the Amercements adjudged to the Citie ; and their Nets were afterwards burned , by judgement given by the Lord Maior and Aldermen in the Hustings . 37. H. 3. Eodem Anno , ante Pentecostem , Vicecomites London , quia aqua Thamisiae pertinet ad London , per praecetum dict . Dom. Regis , deriverunt omnes alios gurgites à London usabque ; Mare . 1. R. 2. Writs to the Shiriffes of Kent and Essex , reciting the Cities title , with command , not to suffer the Citizens of London to be molested , contrary to the liberties formerly granted and allowed unto them . 2. In Eire . In 41. H. 3. Before Hugh Bigot , being Justice Itinerant , the Shiriffes and Citizens of London were called in question , for their jurisdiction exercised on the Thames . Before whom , it was found by a Jurie in Southwarke , Quod nullus aliquid juris habet in Thamisia , usque ad novum gurgitem , nisi Cives London . 14. Ed. 2. Lib. Antiq. Reg. 156. The Constable of the Tower was indicted by divers Wards of London , before the Justices in Eire at the Tower : De muneris & recep . cove . pro Kidellis in Thamisijs . Et Constabularius ad Kidellas respondet , quod Iustic . non habent jurisdictionem extra London , plitum . inde cognoscere cum praedict . Kidelli sunt in alijs Comitatibus . Et Iustic , dixerunt , aqua Thamisiae pertinet ad Civitatem London , usque mare ; & si velit respondeat : who then pleaded , Not guilty . 3. By Charters . 8. R. 1. Dom. Richardus Rex , filius Regis Henrici secundi , concessit & firmiter praecepit , ut omnes Kidelli qui sunt in Thamisia amoveantur , ubicunque fuerint in Thamisia . 1. Ioh. Rex concessit & firmiter praecepit , ut omnes Kidelli qui sunt in Thamisia vel in Medway amoveantur , & ne caeteri Kidelli alicubi ponantur in Thamisia vel in Medway , super forf . x. li. sterlingorum . Henry the third , sonne to King Iohn , granted this Charter to the Citie , in forme following : HENRY by the Grace of God , King of England , Lord of Ireland , Duke of Normandie and Aquitaine , and Earle of Anjou : Vnto Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Abbots , Priors , Earles , Barons , Iustices , Sheriffes , Stewards , Ministers , and to all Bailiffes , and to all his true men , greeting : Weteth well , that we , for the health of our soule , and the health of the soule of King Iohn our Fader , and the soules of all our Ancestours ; and also for common profit of our Citie of London , and of all our Realme , have granted and stedfastly commanded : That all the Weares that beene in Thames or in Medway , where that ever they be in Thames or in Medway , be done away : And that from henceforth , no Weares be set in Thames nor in Medway , upon the forfaiture of ten pounds . Also wee claime quite to our Citizens of London , all that that the Constable of our Tower of London was wont to take of the said Weares . Wherefore we will , and stedfastly command , that no Constable of the aforesaid Tower , at any time from henceforth forward , any thing aske , nor any grievance doe to any of the same Citie , by enchesen of the same Weares . It is to us knowne enough , and by our true men doe us to understand , that most privacie and least profit might fall unto the same Citie , and to the whole Realme , by enchesen of the same weares : which we make forever firme and stable to the same Citie , as the Charter of our Lord King Iohn our Fader , which our Barons of London thereof have reasonably witnessed . Witnesses , Eustace of London , Peter of Winchester , Ioceline of Bath , Richard of Salisbury , Bishops : Hubert of Burgh , Earle of Kent , our Iustice ; Gilbert of Clare , Earle of Glocester and Hertford ; Raufe Fitz-Nichol , and Richard of Argentine , our Stewards . Given by the hand of our Worshipfull Fader , Raufe , Bishop of Chichester , our Chauncellour , at Westminster , the 18. day of February , the yeere of our reigne , eleven . In the 68. Article also are these words : And that the said Citizens remene and doe away all the Weares in Thames and Medway , and that they have the punishment thereof longing to us . Likewise in the 68. Article are these words : And the Constable of the Tower of London make no prices by Land nor by water , of vitaile or any other things whatsoever they beene , of men of the aforesaid Citie , nor of none other , comming to the Citie , nor going out . Nor he shall not arresten by any manner of way , Ships ne Boats , bringing or leading vitaile or other merchandises to the Citie , or fro the Citie aforesaid . 11. H. 3. Concessimus etiam eisdem Baronibus nostris , & Carta nostra confirmavimus , quod habeant bone & in pace libere & quiete , omnes libertates suas quibus hactenus usi sunt , tam in Civitate London , quàm extra ; tam in aquis , quàm in terris & omnibus aliis locis . 7. E. 3. Volumus & concedimus , quod dicti Cives amoveant & capiant omnes Kidellas in aqua Thamistae & Medway , & habeant punitiones ad nos inde pertinentes . 4. By Acts of Parliament . W. 2. Ca. 47. An. 13. L. 1. No Salmons to be taken , from the nativity of our Lady , unto S. Martins day , in all points . Nor none to be taken in Mill. pooles , from the midst of April , untill Midsummer . 1. Offence , burning the Nets and Engines . 2. Imprisonment for a quarter of a yeere . 3. For a whole yeere . 13. R. 2. Cap. 19. Confirmes the other , and restraines the taking of yong Salmons in many waters , from the middest of April untill Midsummer , upon the same paine . None ( within that time ) to use any Nets called Stalkers , nor any other Engines , by which the Frie may bee destroyed , upon the same paine . 17. R. 2. Cap. 9. Justices of peace shall be Conservators , and to survey all offences against the said Statutes , and shall survey and search all the Weares , that they be not strait , for the destruction of the Frie and brood , but of reasonable widenesse , after the old assize . And they shall punish according to the said Statutes ; and they to appoint under-conservators , who shall bee sworne . And the same Justices shall enquire , as well ex officio , as by information of the under-conservators : And such as be indicted , they shall cause to come before them ; and if they be thereof convicted , they shall have imprisonment , and make fine after the discretion of the same Justices . And if the same be at the information of any of the under-conservators , he shall have halfe the fine . 11. Hen. 7. Cap. 15. The like power is granted to the Maior of London , in Breaches and in Creeks , as in the River , so farre as it ebbeth and floweth : except in the Kings ground , or in the liberties and franchises of others . 1. Eliz. Chap. 17. None shall with any maner of Net , Wee le , But-eayning , Kepper , Lymecreele , Raw Fagnet , Trolnet , Trymnet , Scalboat , Weblister , Sturlamet , or with any other device or engines , made of cheare , woollbine , canvas ; or shall by any heeling-Nets , or Trimbleboat , or any other device , engine , cautelles , wayes or means soever , heretofore made or devised , or hereafter to bee made or devised , take and kill any yong brood , spawne , or frie of Eeles , Salmon , Pike or Pickerell , or of any other Fish , in any floudgate , pipe or the taile of any Mill , Weare , or in any straites , streames , brookes , Rivers , salt or fresh . Secondly , none shall take and kill any Salmons and Trowts , not being in season , being kepper Salmons , or kepper Trowts , or shedder Salmons or shedder Trowts . Thirdly , none shall take and kill any Pike or Pickerell , not being in length ten intches Fish , and more ; nor any Salmon , not being 16. intches fish , and more ; nor any Trowt , not being eight intches ; nor any Barbell , not being 12. intches , and more . Fourthly , none to fish with any Nets , Tramels , Keep , Weare , Helme , Creele ; or by any other Engine , device , wayes or meanes ; but onely with Net or Tramell ; wherof every mesh or mash shall be two intches and an halfe broad ; Angling excepted . A Provisio , that this shall not extend to Smelts , Roches , Minoes , Bulheads , Gudgeons or Eeles , in place where the same have beene used to be taken . The Offenders to lose for every offence 20. shillings , and the fish ; and also the unlawfull Nets , Engines and Instruments . The Maior of London ( inter alia ) shall have full power and authority by this Act , to enquire of all offences committed contrary to this Act , by the oathes of twelve men or more , and to heare and determine all and every the same . The paines and forfeitures to be at the use of every such person and persons ( being no body politick nor corporate , or head of the same ) before whom such conviction shall be had : and to the use of every body politicke and corporate , that hereafter have lawfully had any fines , &c. upon such conviction . 5. By Inquisition . By two Inquisitions , the one taken at Raynam in Essex , the other at Gravesend in Kent : 9. Hen. 5. before William Cambridge , Grocer , then Lord Maior of London , and Conservator of the waiters of Thames and Medway ; it was presented , That where by the ancient ordinances of London , the Mesches of Nets should be two intches in the forepart , and one intch in the hinder-part . And further , it was thereby found , that the offences in the same Inquisition , are contra libertates & consuetudines Civitatis . And it was adjudged , that the Nets should be burned , according to the ancient custome in that behalfe provided . 6. By Decrees . In 8. H. 4. The Maior and Aldermen of London did exhibite their humble Petition to the Kings Councell , reciting that ( time out of minde ) they have had the Conservation and correction of the River of Thames , and of all Trinckes , Nets and other Engins whatsoever , in the Rivers of Thames and Medway placed , and have used to make a Subconservator under them : And complained , that Alexander Bonner , then Subcōservator , having done his duty in removing Kiddels , he was evil entreated by the owners : the same owners dwelling in Erith , Pratriferry , Barking , Woolwich , and other places in the Counties of Kent and Essex . And upon hearing of the matter in Camera Stellata , they were found guilty , and constrained to submit themselves to the Lord Maior , and ordered ( alwaies ) to bring their Nets to the Lord Maior , before they should use them : And that the Kiddels then taken , should be at the disposition of the Lord Maior : and the offenders made their submission accordingly . 7. By Letters Patents . A Grant made by King E. 4. to the E. of Pembrooke , for building a Weare in the River of Thames : which Grant was canceled at the request of the Lord Maior and Aldermen , upon shewing of their right , for that it was contrary to their ancient liberties . At which time the Cities title to the conservacie of the River of Thames and Medway , was at large set forth , and is recited to have beene shewne to the Lord Chancelour , and to the Earle and his Councell ; and was afterward allowed , and the Patent thereupon cancelled . 8. By Proclamations . By Proclamation made by King H. 8. in 34. of his Reigne , it is affirmed , that the Lord Maior and his predecessors , have had by divers Grants of the Kings of England , and by Acts of Parliament , and have also long enjoyed the conservacy of Thames , without interruptiō or impediment of the said King Hen. 8. or of any of his Subjects . And by the same Proclamation it was commanded , that none should resist , deny , or impugne the Lord Maior and his Deputy , in doing or executing any thing , for the conservacie of the River , and of the Fish and Frie within the same . 9. By Report . A Controversie being betweene the Lord Admirall and the Lord Maior , for the measuring of Coales and other things upon the Thames : it then fell into consideration , to whom the conservacie of the said River did belong . Which cause , in Anno 1597. was by the Lords of the Queenes most Honourable Privie Councell , referred to the then Atturney generall , and Solliciter ; who certified ( among other things ) that the conservacy of the River of Thames did , and ought to belong to the Citie of London . 10. By Quo Warranto . 3. Iacobi Regis , A Quo Warranto was brought against the Citie in the Exchequer , to know , by what title they claimed the conservacie of the River of Thames , and of the waters of Medway : The Citie made their title to the same , by antient prescription : and judgement was given for them . For proofe of Vsage . 1. By ancient Ordinances . 2. By punishment of offenders . THe Lord Maior and Aldermen have ( time out of minde ) made Ordinances , concerning the good governement of the River of Thames , for the times and manners of Fishing beneath London Bridge Eastward , to be observed upon paines . And it appeareth , ( that from time to time ) from the time of King Hen. 3. and so downeward , the Lord Maior hath removed Kiddels , Weares , Trinkes , and other unlawfull Engines , and hath reformed the disorders of such as have offended in the River of Thames ; and punished offenders , sometimes by imprisonment , sometimes by Fine , and by burning of their unlawfull Nets . 3. By Writs and Precepts . 9. H. 5. Precepts under the Teste of the Lord Maior , to the Shiriffes of Kent and Essex , for the returning of Juries before the Lord Maior , to enquire of offences done in the River of Thames . 4. By Accompts . In the accompts of the Chamberlaine of London , from 17. of R. 2. to 11. of Eliz. Reginae , it appeareth , that the Water-Bailiffe of London hath made search for unlawfull Nets , in the waters of Thames and Medway . 5. By Commissions . 9. H. 5. Commission to the Lord Maior , to put in execution the Acts of Parliament , made for the conservacie of Thames and Medway ; and to enquire of all offences made or done in the said waters , and to punish the delinquents for the same . A like Commission 3. H. 6. A like Commission 1. Eliz. A like Commission 1. Iacobi . And all these , or the like Commissions in this case , were and are directed to the Lord Maior for the time being . 6. By continuall claime . 37. H. 8. Letters from the Lord Admirall , for stay of such matters as were then in question , betweene his Lordship and the Citie , concerning the Jurisdiction of this Citie upon the Thames . 3. Edw. 6. Order , that the Chamberlaine should take care , for stay of certaine Inquests , charged by vertue of a Commission , directed to the Lord Admirall , to enquire of abuses used in fishing beneath the Bridge . 4. Edw. 6. Master Common Serjeant , appointed to repaire to the Duke of Somerset , and to informe his Lordship of the Cities authority , in pulling downe Weares within the River of Thames . 6. Edw. 6. Order , that suit should be made to the Kings Majesty and his Councell , for the determination and allowance of the Cities Jurisdiction and interest in the River of Thames . 1. Mariae Reginae , A great number of the Fishermen of the East side of London , present in the Court of the Lord Maior and Aldermen , were commanded to obey the Water-Bayliffe : And that one Hunter of the Admiraltie , should be warned to be before the Lord Maior and Aldermen , at the next Court to be holden for the same matter . 1. Eliz. Reginae , Certaine Committees appointed to conferre with the L. Admirall , touching the controversie betweene his Honour and the Citie , concerning the conservacie of the River of Thames . 3. Eliz. Certaine Committees appointed to attend the Lord Admirall , concerning the Jurisdiction of the River of Thames . 7. Eliz. The Lord Admirall to bee conferred with , touching the Cities Jurisdiction in the River of Thames . 8. Eliz. L. Admirall to be conferred with , touching the Cities right to the conservacy of the River of Thames . 13. Eliz. L. Admirall to be moved , that the Citie may enjoy their liberties in Thames and Medway . 17. Eliz. Aldermen and others , to conferre with the Lord Admirall , for the Cities title in the River eastward . 23. Eliz. Mr. Norton and others appointed to attend on the Lord Treasurer of England , and to informe his Lordship touching the Cities title to the conservacie of the River of Thames below London Bridge . 23. Eliz. Sessions appointed for the conservancie of the River of Thames , the ninth of October at Barking in Essex , and on Wednesday following , to be kept at Woolwith in Kent . 24. Eliz. Certaine Aldermen appointed to treat with the Lord Admirall , touching the conservacy . 29. Aldermen appointed to the L. Admirall , and to informe his Lordship touching the Cities right to the conservacie of the River of Thames , from London Bridge , to Yenland and the Reculvers . In the Letters Patents , granted by King Iames of happy memory , in the 3. yeere of his reigne ; the Cities title to the conservacie of the River of Thames and the waters of Medway , is recited and set downe at large . And therein mention is made , that the Citie hath beene interrupted in the said office , and a doubt conceived , that the same did not belong to his Highnesse Citie of London . His Majestie therefore ( of his especiall grace and favour to the Citie of London ) Ad omnem controversiam in hac parte temporibus tam praesentibus quàm futuris tollendam , ac omne dubium amovendum : did by those his Letters Patents , grant , ratifie and confirme to the Citie of London , the conservacie of the said River of Thames , and waters of Medway . So much concerning the Right and Vsage . Now , de re ipsa . This word Conservancie , doth extend it selfe to the preservation of the streame , and the banks of the River ; as also the Fish and Frie within the same . For by the Lawes of the Land , all navigable Rivers are the high streames of the King , for the passage of Ships , Boats , &c. As the high-way is Via Regia , for the people to passe by . And if the bankes be not kept from decaying and incroachment : it will not only be an annoyance to the River it selfe , by diverting the water , and hindring the Navigation ; but will also annoy the grounds next adjoyning to the same . And if the Fish be taken at undue seasons , and the Frie not kept and preserved , the fishing will be soone destroyed . And first touching the streame : you are to enquire whether any person or persons have erected any Weares , Kiddels , or Engines , or knocked any Posts , Piles , or Stakes within the Rivers , or any part thereof , which may ( in any sort ) hinder the streame , or the navigation , or passage of any Ships , Barges , Boats , or vessels within the same . And whether any have cast any soyle , dust or rubbish , or other filth whatsoever , into the same . You are to present the persons , times , and places , touching the committing of every such offence . Secondly , you are to enquire of all encroachments upon the River , and the bankes of the same : and of all Bridges , Flood-gates , Mill-dammes , and such like annoyances , erected and builded upon , or neere to the bankes of the same River ; and where , and by whom , and when the same were done . Thirdly , for the preservation of the Fish and Frie within the River , you are to enquire , whether any Fishermen , or others , have fished at any undue or prohibited seasons , or with any unlawfull and prohibited Nets , or Engines : and when , where , and by whom every such offence was committed . Thus much for a generall direction . But for your more particular instruction , and for the ease of your memories , here are certain printed Articles , which you shall have with you ; to every one of which you shall give a particular answer . The like charge was given by the said Master Common Serjeant , on the next day following , at Lee , in the County of Essex ; and the like Sessions kept there for the same purpose . The Towne-ditch without the Wall of the CITIE . THe Ditch , which partly now remaineth , and compassed the wall of the Citie , was begun to be made by the Londoners , in the yeere 1211. and finished 1213. the 15. of K. Iohn : this ditch being then made of 200. foot broad , caused no small hindrance to the Canons of the holy Trinitie , whose Church stood neere Ealdgate , for that the said ditch passed through their ground from the Tower unto Bishopsgate . This Ditch being originally made for the defence of the Citie , was also long time together carefully cleansed and maintained , as need required : but now of late neglected , and forced eyther to a very narrow , and the same a filthy channell , or altogether stopped up , for Gardens planted , & houses builded thereon , even to the Wall , and in many places upon both Ditch & Wall , houses are builded , to what danger of the Citie , I leave to wiser consideration than mine owne : and can but wish that reformation might be had . In the yeere of Christ 1354. 28. Ed. 3. the ditch of this Citie flowing over the banke into the Tower ditch , the King commanded the said ditch of the Citie to be cleansed and so ordered , that the overflowing thereof , should not force any filth into the Tower ditch . Ann. 1379. Iohn Philpot , Maior of London , caused this ditch to be clensed , and every houshold to pay 5. d. which was for a dayes worke toward the charges therof . R. 2. in the 10. of his reigne , granted a Toll to be taken of wares sold by water or by land for 10. yeeres , towards repairing the wall , & clensing the ditch . Thomas Fawconer Maior , 1414. caused the ditch to be clensed . Ralph Ioseline Maior , 1477. caused the whole ditch to be cleansed , and so from time to time it was cleansed and otherwise reformed : namely , in 1519. the 10 of Hen. 8. for clensing and scowring the ditch , betweene Ealdgate and the Posterne next the Tower ditch : the chiefe ditcher had by the day 7. pence , the second ditcher 6. pence , the other ditchers , 5. pence . And every vagabond ( for so were they then termed ) one penny the day , meat and drink , at the charges of the Citie . Sum. 95. l. 3. s. 4. d. In my remembrance also the same was cleansed , namely the Moore ditch , when Sir William Hollies was Maior , in the yeere 1540. and not long before , from the Tower of London to Ealdgate . It was againe cleansed in the yeere 1549. Henry Ameotes being Maior , at the charges of the Companies . And againe 1569. the 11. of Q. Eliz. for cleansing the same Ditch , betweene Ealdgate and the Posterne , and making a new Sewere , and Wharfe of Timber , from the head of the Posterne into the towne ditch , 814. l. 15. s. 8. d. Before the which time , the said ditch lay open , without wall or pall , having therein great store of very good fish , of divers sorts , as many men yet living , who have taken and tasted them , can well witnes : but now no such matter , the charge of cleansing is spared , and great profit made by letting out the bankes , with the spoile of the whole ditch . I am not ignorant of two Fifteenes granted by a common Councell , in the yeere 1595. for the reformation of this ditch , and that a small portion thereof , to wit , betweene Bishopsgate and the Posterne called Mooregate , was cleansed , and made somewhat broader than it was before : but filling againe very fast , by reason of over-raising the ground neere adjoyning , therefore never the better : and I will so leave it , for I cannot helpe it . Bridge of this Citie . THe originall foundation of London bridge , by report of Bartholomew Linsted , alias Fowle , last Prior of Saint Mary Overees Church in Southwarke , was this : A Ferry being kept in the place where now the Bridge is builded , at length the Ferry-man and his wife deceasing , left the same Ferry to their onely Daughter , a Maiden , named Mary , which with the goods left her by her parents , as also with the profits rising of the said Ferry , builded an House of Sisters , in place where now standeth the East part of Saint Mary Overees Church , above the Queere , where shee was buried , unto which house shee gave the oversight and profits of the Ferry . But afterward , the said House of Sisters being converted into a Colledge of Priests , the Priests builded the Bridge of Timber , as all other the great Bridges of this Land were , and from time to time kept the same in good reparations ; till at length , considering the great charges which were bestowed in the repairing the same , there was ( by ayd of the Citizens and others ) a Bridge builded with stone , as shall be shewed . But first of the Timber Bridge , the Antiquity thereof being great , but uncertaine : I remember to have read , that in the yeere of Christ 994. Sweyn King of Denmarke besieging the Citie of London , both by water and by land , the Citizens manfully defended themselves , and their King Ethelred , so as part of their enemies were slaine in battaile , and part of them were drowned in the River of Thames , because in their hastie rage they tooke no heed of the Bridge . Moreover , in the yeere 1016. Can●tus the Dane , with a great Navie came up to London , and on the South of the Thames , caused a Trench to bee cast , through the which his Ships were towed into the west side on the Bridge , and then , with a deepe Trench and straight siege he compassed the City about . Also 1052. E. Goodwin , with the like Navy , taking his course up the River of Thames , and finding no resistance on the Bridge , he sailed up the South side . Further , 1067. Will. Conq. in his Charter to the Church of Saint Peter at Westminster , confirmed to the Monkes , serving God there , a Gate in London , then called Buttolphs Gate , with a Wharfe , which was at the head of London Bridge . We read likewise , that in the yeere 1114. the 14. of Henry the first , the River of Thames was so dryed up , and such want of Water there , that betweene the Tower of London & the Bridge , and under the Bridge , not only with horse , but also a great number of men , women and children did wade over on foot . In the yeere 1122. the 22. of Hen. 1. Thomas Arden gave to the Monkes of Bermondsey , the Church of S. George in Southwarke , and five shillings rent by the yeere , out of the Land pertaining to London Bridge . I have also seene a Charter under seale , to the effect following : Henry King of England , to Ralfe Bishop of Chichester , and all the Ministers of Sussex , sendeth greeting . Know ye , &c. I command by my Kingly authority , that the Mannor called Alceston , which my Father gave , with other Lands , to the Abbey of Battle , be free and quiet from Shires and Hundreds , and all other Customes of earthly servitude , as my Father held the same , most freely and quietly ; and namely , from the worke of London bridge , and the worke of the Castle at Pevensey : and this I command upon my forfeiture . Witnesse William de Pontlearche at Berry . The which Charter , with the seale very faire , remaineth in the custody of Ioseph Holland , Gent. In the yeere 1136 the first of King Stephen , a fire began in the house of one Ailewarde , neere unto London stone , which consumed East to Ealdgate , and West to S. Erkenwalds shrine in Pauls Church : the Bridge of Timber over the River of Thames was also burnt , &c. but afterwards againe repaired . For Fitz stephen writeth , that in the Reigne of King Stephen , and of Henry the 2. when pastimes were shewed on the River of Thames , men stood in great number on the Bridge , Wharfes , and Houses , to behold . Now in the yeere 1163. the same Bridge was not onely repayred but new made of timber , as before , by Peter Cole-church , Priest and Chaplaine . Thus much for the old timber-bridge , maintained partly by the proper Lands thereof , partly by the liberality of divers persons , and partly by taxations in divers Shires , as I have proved for the space of 215. yeeres , before the Bridge of stone was built . Now touching the foundation of the stone Bridge , it followeth : About the yeere 1176. the stone Bridge over the River of Thames at London , was begun to be founded by the foresaid Peter of Cole-Church , neere unto the Bridge of Timber , but somewhat more towards the West : for I reade , that Buttolph-Wharfe was in the Conquerours time at the head of London Bridge . The King assisted this worke : A Cardinall then being Legate here , and Richard Archbish . of Cant. gave one thousand marks towards the foundation . The course of the River ( for the time ) was turned another way about by a Trench , cast for that purpose ; beginning ( as is supposed ) east about Radriffe , and ending in the west about Patricksey , now termed Battersey . This worke , to wit , the Arches , Chappell , and stone Bridge over the Thames at London , having been 33. yeers in building , was in the yeere 1209. finished by the worthy Merchants of London , Serle Mercer , William Almaine , and Benedict Botewrite , principall masters of that worke : for Peter Cole-Church deceased foure yeeres before , and was buried in the Chappell on the Bridge , in the yeere 1205. King Iohn gave certaine void places in London to build on , the profits thereof to remaine towards the charges of building and repayring of the same Bridge . A Mason , being Master-workman of the Bridge , builded ( from the foundation ) the large Chappell on that Bridge , of his owne charges ; which Chappell was then endowed for two Priests , foure Clarkes , &c. besides Chanteries ; since founded by Iohn Hatfield , and others . After the finishing of this Chappell , which was the first building upon those Arches , sundry houses ( at times ) were erected , and many charitable men gave lands , tenements , or summes of money towards the maintenance thereof ; all which was sometimes noted , and in a Table faire written for posterity : remaining in the Chappell , till the same Chappell was turned to a dwelling house , and then removed to the Bridge-house . The effect of which Table I was willing to have published , in this Booke , if I could have obtained the sight thereof : but making the shorter worke , I finde by the accompt of William Mariner and Christopher Eliot , Wardens of London Bridge , from Michaelmas the 22. of Hen. 7. untill Michaelmas next ensuing , by one whole yeere , that all the payments and allowance came to 815. l. 17. s. 2. d. ob . as there is shewed by particulars : by which accompt then made , may be partly ghessed the great charges and discharges of that Bridge at this day , when things bee stretched to so great a price . And now to actions on this Bridge . The first action to be noted , was lamentable : for within foure yeeres after the finishing thereof , to wit , in the yeere 1212. on the 10. of Iuly at night , the Borrought of Southwarke , upon the South side of the River of Thames , as also the Church of our Lady of the Canons there , being on fire , and an exceeding great multitude of people passing the Bridge , either to extinguish and quench it , or else to gaze and behold it ; suddenly the North part , by blowing of the South wind , was also set on fire , and the people which were even now passing the Bridge , perceiving the same , would have returned , but were stopped by the fire ; and it came to passe , that as they stayed or protracted the time , the other end of the Bridge also , namely , the South end , was fired ; so that the people thronging themselves betweene the two fires , did nothing else but expect present death . Then there came to aide them many ships and vessels , into which the multitude so unadvisedly rushed , that the ships being thereby drowned , they all perished . It was said , that through the fire and shipwracke , there were destroyed above three thousand persons , whose bodies were found in part , or halfe burned , besides those that were wholly burnt to ashes , and could not be found . About the yeere one thousand two hundred eighty two , through a great frost and deepe snow , five Arches of London Bridge were borne downe , and carried away . In the yeere 1289. the Bridge was so sore decayed for want of reparations , that men were afraid to passe thereon , and a Subsidy was granted towards the amendment thereof , Sir Iohn Britaine being Custos of London , 1381. a great collection or gathering was made , of all Archbishops , Bishops , and other Ecclesiasticall persons , for the reparations of London Bridge . In Anno 1381. Wat Tyler , and other Rebels of Kent , by this Bridge entred the Citie , as yee may reade in my Summary and Annales . In the yeere 1395. on S. Georges day , was a great Justing on London Bridge , betwixt David Earle of Craford of Scotland , and the Lord Wels of England : In the which , the Lord Wels was at the third course borne out of the Saddle : Which History proveth , that at that time the Bridge ( being coaped on eyther side ) was not replenished with houses builded thereupon , as since it hath beene , and now is . The next yeere , on the 30. of November , the yong Queene Isabel , commonly called the little , ( for she was but 8. yeeres old ) was conveyed from Kennington , beside Lambeth , through Southwarke , to the Tower of London ; and such a multitude of people went out to see her , that on London Bridge nine persons were crowded to death , of whom the Prior of Tiptre , a place in Essex , was one , and a Matron on Cornehill , was another . The Tower on London Bridge , at the North end of the draw-bridge , ( for that bridge was then readily to bee drawne up , as well to give passage for ships to Queenehith , as for the resistance of any forreigne force ) was begun to be builded in the yeere 1426. Iohn Rainwell being Maior . Another Tower there is on the said Bridge , over the Gate at the South end towards Southwarke , whereof in another place shall be spoken . In the yeere 1450. Iacke Cade , and other Rebels of Kent , by this Bridge entred the Citie , hee strake his sword on London stone , and said himselfe then to be Lord of the Citie ; but they were by the Citizens overcome on the same Bridge , and put to flight , as in my Annales . In the yeere 1471. Thomas the Bastard Fawconbridge besieged this Bridge , burned the Gate , and all the Houses to the draw-bridge , being at that time 13 in number . In the yeere 1481. an house , called The common siege , on London Bridge , fell downe into the Thames : through the fall whereof five men were drawned . In the yeere 1553. the third of February , Sir Thomas Wyat and the Kentish men , marched from Depeford towards London , after knowledge whereof , forthwith the draw-bridge was cut downe and the Bridge gates shut . Wyat and his people entred Southwarke , where they lay till the 6. of Feb. but could get no entry of the Citie by the Bridge , the same was then so well defended by the Citizens , the Lord W. Howard assisting : wherefore bee removed towards Kingstone , &c. as in my Annales . To conclude , of this Bridge over the said River of Thames , I affirme , as in other my descriptions , That it is a worke very rare , having with the draw-bridge 20. arches , made of square stone , of height 60. foot , and in bredth 30. foot , distant one from another 20. foot , compact and joyned together with vaults and cellars ; upon both sides be houses builded , so that it seemeth rather a continuall street than a bridge : for the fortifying whereof , against the incessant assaults of the River , it hath overseers and officers , ( viz. ) Wardens , as aforesaid , and others . Fleet-bridge in the west , without Ludgate , a bridge of stone , faire coaped on either side with iron pikes , on the which towards the South , bee also certaine Lanthornes of stone , for lights to be placed in Winter evenings , for commodity of travellers . Vnder this Birdge runs a water , sometimes called ( as I have said ) the River of the Wels ; since , Turnemill brooke ; now , Fleet Dike , because it runneth by the Fleet , and sometime about the Fleet , so under Fleet-bridge into the River of Thames . This Bridge hath beene farre greater in times past ; but lessened , as the water-course hath beene narrowed . It seemeth , this last Bridge to bee made or repaired at the charges of Iohn Wels Maior , in the yeere 1431 : for on the coping is ingraved , Wels imbraced by Angels , like as on the Standard in Cheape , which hee also builded . Thus much of the Bridge : for of the water-course and decay thereof , I have spoken in another place . Oldborne-bridge , over the said River of Wels more towards the North , was so called , of a Boorne that sometimes randowne Oldborne Hill , into the said River : This bridge of stone , like as Fleet-bridge , from Ludgate west , serveth for passengers , with carriage or otherwise , from Newgate toward the West and by North. Cowbridge , more North over the same water , by Cowbridge street , or Cow-lane : this bridge being lately decayed , another of timber is made somewhat more North , by Chicklane , &c. Bridges over the Towne-ditch , there are divers : to wit , without Ealdgate , without Bishopsgate , the Posterne called Mooregate , the Posterne of Creplegate , without Aldersgate , the Posterne of Christs Hospitall , Newgate and Ludgate : all these be over-paved levell with the streets . But one other there is of Timber , over the River of Wels , or Fleet dike , betweene the precinct of the Blacke Friers , and the House of Bridewell . There have beene of old time also , divers bridges in sundry places over the course of Walbrooke , as before I have partly noted ; besides Horshooe bridge , by the Church of S. Iohn Baptist , now called S. Iohns upon Walbrooke . I reade that of old time , every person having Lands on either side of the said brooke , should cleanse the same , and mend and repaire the bridges so far as their Lands extended . More , in the eleventh of Edward the third , the inhabitants upon the course of this brooke , were forced to pile and wall the sides thereof . Also , that in the third of Henry the fifth , this water-course had many bridges , since vaulted over with bricke , and the streets where-through it passed , so paved , that the same water-course is now hardly discerned . For order was taken in the second of Edw. the fourth , that such persons as had any ground lying on eyther side of the River of Walbrooke , should vault and pave it over , so farre as his ground extended . And thus much for Bridges in this Citie may suffice . Gates in the Wall of this Citie . GAtes in the Wall of this Citie of old time , were foure : to wit , Ealdgate , for the East , Aldersgate for the North , Ludgate for the West , and the Bridgegate over the River of Thames for the South ; but of later times , for the ease of Citizens and passengers , divers other Gates and Posternes have beene made , as shall be shewed . In the reigne of Henry the second ( saith Fitzstephen ) there were seven double gates in the wall of this City , but he nameth them not . It may therefore bee supposed , hee meant for the first , the Gate next the Tower of London , now commonly called , the Posterne : the next , to be Ealdgate ; the third , Bishopsgate ; the fourth , Aldersgate ; the fist , Newgate ; the sixth , Ludgate ; the seventh , Bridge-gate . Since the which time hath been builded the Posterne called Mooregate , a Posterne from Christs Hospitall towards S. Bartholomewes Hospitall , &c. Now of every of these Gates , and Posternes in the Wall , and also of certaine water-gates over the River of Thames , severally somewhat may , and shall be noted , as I finde authority , or reasonable conjecture to warrant me . The first Gate Eastward . FOr the first , now called the Posterne by the Tower of London , it sheweth by that part which yet remaineth , to have beene a faire and strong arched Gate , partly builded of hard stone of Kent , and partly of stone brought from Cane in Normandy , since the Conquest , and foundation of the high Tower , and served for passengers on foot out of the East , from thence through the Citie to Ludgate in the West . The ruine and overthrow of this Gate and Posterne began in the yeere 1190. the second of Richard the first , when William Longshampe , Bishop of Ely , Chancelour S. England , caused a part of the Citie Wall ; to wit , from the said Gate towards the River of Thames , to the white Tower , to be broken downe , for the enlarging of the said Tower , which he then incompassed farre wide about with a Wall embattelled , and is now the outer Wall. He also caused a broad and deepe ditch to be made without the same Wall , intending , to have derived the River of Thames with her Tides , to have flowed about it , which would not be . But the South side of this Gate , being then by undermining at the foundation loosed , and greatly weakned ; at length , to wit , after 200. yeeres and odde , the same fell downe , in the yeere 1440. the 18. of Henrie the sixth , and was never since by the Citizens re-edified . Such was their negligence then , which hath bred some trouble to their successors ; since , they suffered a weake and woodden building to bee there made , inhabited by persons of lewd life , often by inquest of Portsoken Ward presented , but not reformed : whereas in former times , the said Posterne was accounted of , as other Gates of the Citie , and was appointed to men of good credit . Amongst other , I have read , that in 49. Ed. 3. Iohn Cobbe was admitted Custos of the said Postern , and all the habitation thereof , for terme of his life , by W. Walworth , then Maior of London , 1374. being the first time of his Maioralty ; for he was L. Maior againe in An. 1380. More , that Iohn Credy Esquire , in the 21. of Rich. 2. was admitted Custos of the said Posterne and appurtenances , by R. Whittington , Maior , the Aldermen and Communalty , &c. Ealdgate . THe next Gate in the East , is called Ealdgate , of the antiquity or age thereof . This is one , and the first of the foure principall Gates , and also one of the seven double Gates , mentioned by Fitzstephen . It hath had two paire of Gates , though now but one , the hookes of them both remaine . Also there hath beene two Portcloses , the one of them remained till the new building of the Gate , the other wanteth , and the place of letting downe was manifest . For Antiquity of the Gate , it appeareth by a Charter of King Edgar , to the Knights of Knighton Guild , that in his dayes , the said Port was called Ealdgate , as ye may read in the Ward of Portsoken . Also Matild the Queene , wife to Henrie the first , having founded the Priorie of the Holy Trinity within Ealdgate , gave to the same Church , to Norman , the first Prior , and the Canons that devoutly served God there in the Port of Ealdgate , the Soke or Franches thereunto belonging , with all customes , as free as shee held the same . In the which Charter , she nameth the House Christs Church , and reporteth Ealdgate to be of its demaine . More , I read in the yeere 1215. that in the civill Warres betweene King Iohn and his Barons , the Londoners assisting the Barons faction , who then besieged Northampton , and after came to Redford Castle , where they were well received by William Beauchampe , and Captane of the same : having then also secret intelligence , that they might enter the Citie of London , if they would ; they removed their Campe to Ware , from whence in the night comming to London , they entred Ealdgate , and placing guardians or keepers of the Gates , they disposed of all things in the Citie at their pleasure . They spoiled the Friers houses , and searched their coffers : which being done , Robert Fitzwater , Ieffrey Magnavile , Earle of Essex , and the Earle of Glocester , chiefe Leaders of the Armie , applyed all diligence to repaire the Gates and Walles of this Citie , with the stones taken from the Iewes broken houses ; namely Ealdgate , being then most ruinous , ( which had given them an easie entire ) they repaired , or rather newly builded , after the manner of the Normans , strengly arched , with bulwarkes of stone , brought from Cane in Normandy , and small Bricke , called Flanders tile , was brought from thence , such as hath beene here used since the Conquest , and not before . In the yeere 1471. the 11. of Edward the 4. Thomas the Bastard Fawconbridge , having assembled a riotous companie of Shipmen and other , in Essex and Kent , came to London with a great Navie of Ships , neere to the Tower : whereupon the Maior and Aldermen , by consent of a common Councell , fortified all along the Thames side , from Bainards Castle to the Tower , with armed men , Gunnes , and other instruments of war , to resist the invasion of the Mariners , whereby the Thames side was safely preserved and kept , by the Aldermen and other Citizens , that assembled thither in great numbers . Whereupon the Rebels being denyed passage thorow the Citie that way , set upon Ealdgate , Bishopsgate , Creplegate , Aldersgate , London bridge , and along the River of Thames ; shooting arrowes and gunnes into the Citie , fired the Suburbs , and burned more than threescore houses . And further , on Sunday the eleventh of May , five thousand of them assaulting Ealdgate , wanne the Bulwarkes , and entred the Citie ; but the Portclose being let downe , such as had entred , were slaine : and Robert Basset , Alderman of Ealdgate Ward , with the Recorder , commanded in the Name of God to draw up the Portclose : which being done , they issued out , and with sharpe shot and fierce fight , put their enemies backe so farre as Saint Buttolphus Church ; by which time the Earle Rivers , and the Lieutenant of the Tower , was come with a fresh companie ; which joyning together , discomfited the Rebels , and put them to flight ; whom the aforesaid Robert Basset , with other Citizens , chased unto the Miles end , and from thence , some to Popular , some to Stratford ; flew many , and tooke many of them prisoners . In the meane while , the Bastard having assaied other places upon the Water side , and little prevailing , fledde towards his Ships . Thus much for Ealdgate , as it was , and continued in those elder dayes : But the new building thereof remaineth till I come to speake of the Ward wherein the same Gate is situated . Bishopsgate . THe third and next Gate toward the North , is called Bishopsgate : for that ( as it may be supposed ) the same was first builded by some Bishop of London ; though now unknown , when , or by whom : but true it is , that this Gate was first builded for the case of passengers toward the East , and by North ; as into Norfolke , Suffolke , Cambridge-shire , &c. The travellers into which parts ( before the building of this Gate ) were forced ( passing out at Eald-gate ) to goe East till they came unto the Miles end , and then turned on the left hand to Blethenhall-greene , to Cambridge-heath , and so North , or East and by North , as their journies lay . If they tooke not this way , by the East out at Ealdgate , they must then take their way by the North out at Aldersgate , through Aldersgatestreet , and Goswellstreet , towards Iseldon , and by a crosse of stone on their right hand , set up for a marke by the North end of Golding-lane , to turne eastward through a long street , unto this day called Alderstreet , to another crosse then there standing , where now a Smiths forge is placed , by Sewers ditch Church ; and then to turne againe North towards Totenham , Enfield , Waltham , Ware , &c. The eldest note that I read of this Bishopsgate , is , that Wiliam Blund one of the Shiriffes of London , in the yere 1210 sold to Serle Mercer , & william Almaine , Procurators or Wardens of London Bridge , all his Land , with the Garden , in the Parish of Saint Buttolph without Bishopsgate , between the Land of Richard Casiarin , towards the North , and the Land of Robert Crispie towards the South , and the high-way called Bearewards lane on the East , &c. Next , I read in a Charter , dated the yeere 1235. that Walter Brune , Citizen of London , and Rosia his Wife , having founded the Priorie or new Hospitall of our blessed Lady , since called S. Mary Spittle , without Bishopsgate , confirmed the same to the honour of God and our blessed Lady , for Canons regular . Also in the yeere 1247. Simeon Fitz-Mary , one of the Shiriffes of London , in the 29. of Henrie the third , founded the Hospitall of S. Mary called Bethlem , without Bishopsgate . Thus much for antiquity of this Gate . And now for repairing the same : I finde , that Henry the 3. confirmed to the Merchants of the Haunce ▪ that had a house in the Citie , called Gi●●●alla Theutonicorum , certaine Liberties and Priviledges : Edward the first also confirmed the same ; in the tenth yeere of whose reigne it was found , that the said Merchants ought of right to repaire the said Gate , called Bishopsgate . Whereupon Gerard Marbod , Alderman of the Haunce , and other , then remaining in the Citie of London , for themselves and all others , Merchants of the said Haunce , granted 210. markes sterling to the Maior and Citizens : and covenanted , that they and their successors should ( from time to time ) repaire the same Gate . This Gate was againe beautifully builded in the yeere 1479. in the reigne of Edward the fourth , by the said Hannce Merchants . Moreover , in the yeere 1551. These Haunce Merchants , having prepared stone for that purpose , caused a new Gate to be framed , there to have beene set up : but then their liberties , through suit of our English Merchants , wer seazed into the Kings hand , and so that worke was stayed , and the old Gate yet remaineth . Posterne of Mooregate . TOuching the next Posterne , called Mooregate , I finde , that Thomas Falconer , Maior about the yeere 1415. the third of Henry the 5. caused the Wall of the Citie to be broken neere unto Colemanstreet , and there builded a Posterne now called Mooregate , upon the Mooreside , where was never Gate before . This Gate he made for ease of the Citizens , that way to passe upon Cawseys into the Field for their recreation : for the same Field was ( at that time ) a Marish . This Posterne was re-edified by William Hampton , Fishmonger , Maior , in the yeere 1472. In the yeere also 1511. the third of Hen. 8. Roger Achely Maior , caused Dikes and Bridges to be made , and the ground to be levelled , and made more commodious for passage ; since which time the same hath beene heightned so much , that the Dikes and Bridges are covered : and it seemeth to me , that if it be made levell with the Battlements of the City Wall , yet will it be little the dryer , such was then the moorish nature of that ground . Posterne of Creplegate . THe next is the Posterne of Creplegate , so called long before the Conquest . For I reade in the History of Edmund , King of the East Angles , written by Abba Floriacensis , and by Burchard , sometime Secretary to Offa , King of Mertia ; but since then , by Iohn Lidgate , Monke of Bury , that in the yeere 1010. the Danes spoiling the Kingdome of the East Angles , Alwyne Bishop of Helmeham , caused the body of King Edmund the Martyr , to bee brought from Bedrisworth , ( now called Bury S. Edmunds ) through the Kingdome of East Saxons , and so to London , in at Creplegate . A place , saith mine Author , so called of Cripples begging there : and at which Gate , ( it was said ) the body entring , miracles were wrought , and some of the lame to goe upright , praising God. The body of King Edmund rested , for the space of three yeers , in the Parish Church of Saint Gregory , neere unto the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul. Moreover , the Charter of William the Conquerour , confirming the foundation of the Colledge in London , called Saint Martin the great , hath these words : I doe give and grant to the same Church , and Canons serving GOD therein , all the lands , and the Moore without the Posterne , which is called Creplegate , on either part of the Posterne . More I read , that Alfune builded the Parish Church of S. Giles , nigh a Gate of the Citie , called Porta contractorum , or Cripplesgate , about the yeere 1090. This Posterne was sometime a Prison , whereunto such Citizens and others , as were arrested for debt , or common trespasses , were committed , as they be now to the Compters . Which thing appeareth by a Writ of Edward the first in these words : Rex Vic. London salutem . Ex gravi querela B. capt . & detent . in prisona nostra de Criplesgate pro x. l● . quas coram Radulpho de Sandwico , tunc Custod . Civitatis nostrae London , & I. de Blackwell Civis recognit . debit . &c. This Gate was new builded by the Brewers of London , in the yeere 1244. as saith Fabians Manuscript . Edmund Shaw Goldsmith , Maior in the yeere one thousand foure hundred eighty three , at his decease , appointed by his Testament his Executors , with the cost of foure hundred Markes , and the stuffe of the old Gate , called Cripplesgate , to build the same Gate anew , which was performed and done in the yeere one thousand foure hundred ninety one . Aldersgate . THe next is Aeldersgate or Aldersgate , so called , not of Aldrich , or of Elders , that is to say , ancient men , builders thereof ; nor of Elderne trees , growing there more abundantly than in other places , as some have fabuled ●●but for the very antiquity of the Gate it selfe , as being one of the first foure Gates of the Citie , and serving for the Northerne parts , as Ealdgate for the East ; which two Gates being both old Gates , are for difference sake called , the one Ealdgate , and the other Aldersgate . This is the fourth principall Gate , and hath at sundry times beene increased with buildings ; namely , on the South side , or inner side , a great frame of Timber hath beene added and set up , containing divers large roomes and lodgings . Also on the East side , is the addition of one great building of Timber , with one large floore , paved with stone , or tile , and a Well therein curbed with stone , of a great depth , and rising into the said Roome , two stories high from the ground : which well is the onely peculiar note belonging to that Gate ; for I have not seene the like in all this Citie , to be raised so high . Iohn Day Stationer , a late famous Printer of many good Bookes , in our time dwelled in this Gate , and builded much upon the Wall of the Citie , towards the Parish Church of Saint Anne . Concerning the late new building of this Gate , we shall speake more thereof , in the description of the Ward . Posterne out of Christs Hospitall . THen there is also a Posterne gate made out of the Wall , on the North side of the late dissolved Cloister of Friers Minors , commonly of their habit called Gray Friers , now Christs Church and Hospitall . This Posterne was made in the sixth yeere of Edward the sixth , to passe from the said Hospitall of Christs Church , unto the Hospitall of Saint Bartholomew in Smithfield : and licence was given to the Lord Maior and Aldermen , to breake downe so much of the Cities Wall as should suffice to make the same passage : by vertue of an Act of common Councell , made 1. Augusti , Anno 6. E. 6. in the Maioralty of Sir Richard Dobbes , Knight . Newgate . THe next Gate on the West and by North , is termed Newgate , a latelier builded than the rest , & is the fifth principall Gate . This Gate was first erected about the reigne of Henry the first , or of King Stephen , upon this occasion . The Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul , being burnt about the yeere 1086. in the Reigne of William the Conqueror , Mauritius , then Bishop of London , repaired not the old Church , as some have supposed ; but began the foundation of a new worke , such as men then judged would never have beene performed , it was to them so wonderfull for heighth , length , and breadth ; as also in respect it was raised upon Arches or vaults , a kinde of workmanship brought in by the Normans , and never knowne to the Artificers of this Land before that time , &c. After Mauritius , Richard Beaumore did wonderfully advance the worke of the said Church , purchasing the large Streets and Lanes round about , wherein were wont to dwell many lay people ; which grounds he beganne to compasse about with a strong wall of stone , and Gates . By meanes of this increase of the Church territory , but more by inclosing of ground for so large a Coemitery , or Church-yard ; the high and large Street , stretching from Ealdgate in the East , to Ludgate in the West , was in this place so crossed and stopped up , that the carriage through the City westward , was forced to passe without the said Churchyard wall on the North side , through Pater noster row , and then South down Ave Marie lane , and againe West through Bowyer row to Ludgate : or else out of Cheape , or Wathelingstreete , to turne South , through the old Change , then West through Carter lane , againe North up Creed lane , and then west to Ludgate . Which passage , by reason of so often turning , was very cumbersome and dangerous , both for horse and man. For remedy whereof , a new Gate was made , and so called , by which men and cattell , with all manner of carriages , might passe more directly ( as before ) from Ealdgate , through West Cheape by Pauls , on the North side , through S. Nicholas shambles and Newgate Market , to Newgate : and from thence to any part Westward over Oldborne-bridge , or turning without the Gate into Smithfield , and through Iseldon , to any part North and by West . This Gate hath of long time beene a Gaole or Prison for Felons and Trespassers , as appeareth by Records in the reigne of King Iohn , and of other Kings : amongst the which , I finde one testifying , that in the yeere 1218. the third of King Henry the third , the King writeth unto the Shiriffes of London , commanding them to repaire the Gaole of Newgate , for the safe keeping of his prisoners , promising that the charges laid out , should be allowed unto them upon their accompt in the Exchequer . Moreover , in the yeere 1241. the Iewes of Norwich were hanged , for circumcising a Christian child , their house called the Thor , was pulled downe and destroyed . Aaron , the sonne of Abraham , a Iew , at London , and the other Iewes were constrained to pay twenty thousand Marks , at two Termes in the yeere , or else to be kept perpetuall prisoners in Newgate of London , and in other prisons . 1255. King Henry the third lodged in the Tower of London , upon displeasure conceived towards the Citie of London , for the escape of Iohn Offrem , a prisoner , being a Clarke convict , out of Newgate , which had killed a Prior that wa● , of alliance to the King , as Cousin to the Queene : he sent for the Mayor and Sheriffes to come before him , to answer the matter . The Maior laid the fault from him to the Sheriffes , forasmuch as to them belonged the keeping of all prisoners within the Citie , and so the Maior returned home ; but the Sheriffes remained there prisoners , by the space of a moneth and more ; and yet they excused themselves , in that the fault chiefly rested in the Bishops Officers : For whereas the prisoner was under custodie , they ( at his request ) had granted licence , to imprison the offender within the Gaole of Newgate ; but so , as the Bishops Officers were charged to see him safely kept . The King notwithstanding all this , demanded of the Citie 3000. Marks for a fine . In the yeere 1326. Robert Baldocke , the Kings Chancelour , was put in Newgate the third of Edward the 3. In the yeere 1237. Sir Iohn Poultney gave foure Markes by the yeere , to the reliefe of prisoners in Newgate . In the yeere 1358. William Walworth gave somewhat , to relieve the prisoners in Newgate , so have many others since . In the yeere 1414. the Gaolers of Newgate and Ludgate dyed , and prisoners in Newgate , to the number of 64. In the yeere 1418. the Parson of Wortham in Kent was imprisoned in Newgate . The yeere 1412. the first of Henry 6. licence was granted to Iohn Coventre , Ienken Carpenter , and William Grove , executors to Richard Whittington , to re-edifie the Gaole of Newgate , which they did with his goods . Thomas Knowels , Grocer , sometimes Maior of London , by licence of Reynold , Prior of S. Bartholomews in Smithfield , and also of Iohn Wakering , Master of the Hospitall of S. Bartholomew , and his brethren , conveyed the waste of water , at the Cesterne neere unto the common . Fountaine , and Chappell of S. Nicholas , ( situate by the said Hospitall ) to the Gaoles of Newgate and Ludgate , for the reliefe of the prisoners . Tuesday next after Palme Sunday , 1431. all the prisoners of Ludgate were conveyed into Newgate , by Walter Chartsey and Robert Large , Sheriffes of London . And on the 13. April , the same Sheriffes ( through the false suggestion of Iohn Kingesell , Gaoler of Newgate ) did fetch from thence 18. persons , freemen , and these were led to the Compters pinioned , as if they had beene Felons . But on the 16. of Iune , Ludgate was againe appointed for freemen , prisoners for debt , and the same day , the said freemen entred by ordinance of the Maior , Aldermen and Commons , and by them Henry Deane Taylor , was made keeper of Ludgate . In the yeere 1457. a great Fray was in the North Countrey , betweene Sir Thomas Percie , Lord Egremond , and the Earle of Salisburies Sonnes , whereby many were maymed and slaine : but in the end , the Lord Egremond being taken , was by the Kings Councell found in great default , and therefore condemned in great summes of money , to bee payed to the Earle of Salisbury , and in the meane time committed to Newgate . Not long after , Sir Thomas Percy Lord Egremond , and Sir Richard Percie his Brother , being in Newgate , brake out of Prison by night , and went to the King , the other prisoners tooke the Leads of the Gate , and defended it ( a long while ) against the Sheriffes and all their Officers , insomuch that they were forced to call more ayd of the Citizens , whereby at last they subdued them , and laid them in Irons . And this may suffice for Newgate . Ludgate . IN the West is the next ; and sixth principall Gate , and is called Ludgate , at first builded ( saith Geoffrey Monmouth ) by King Lud , a Britaine , about the yeere before Christs Nativity , 66. Of which building , and also of the name , as Ludsgate or Fludsgate , hath bin of late some question among the learned , wherefore I overpasse it , as not to my purpose ; onely referring the Reader to that I have before written out of Caesars Commentaries , and other Romane Writers , concerning a Towne or Citie amongst the Britains . This Gate I suppose to be one of the most ancient ; and as Ealdgate was builded for the East , so was this Ludsgate for the West . I read , as I told you , that in the yeere 1215. the 17. of King Iohn , the Barons of the Realme , being in Armes against the King , entred this Citie , and spoiled the Iewes Houses : which being done , Robert Fitzwater , and Geffrey de Magna villa , Earle of Essex , and the Earle of Glocester , chiefe leaders of the Armie , applyed all diligence to repaire the Gates and Wals of this Citie , with the stones of the Iewes broken houses ; especially ( as it seemeth ) they then repaired ( or rather new builded ) Ludgate . For in the yeere 1586. when the same Gate was taken downe , to bee new builded , there was found couched within the wall thereof , a stone taken from one of the Iewes houses , wherein was graved in Hebrew Characters , these words following : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Haec est statio Rabbi Moses , filij insignis Rabbi Isaac : which is to say , This is the Station or Ward of Rabbi Moses , the sonne of the Honourable Rabbi Isaac . And it had beene fixed upon the front of one of the Iewes houses , as a note or signe that such an one dwelled there . In the yeere 1260. this Ludgate was repaired , and beautified with Images of Lud , and other Kings , as appeareth by Letters Patents of licence given to the Citizens of London , to take up stone for that purpose , dated the 25. of Henrie the third . These Images of Kings , in the reigne of Edward the sixth , had their heads smitten off , and were otherwise defaced , by such as judged every Image to be an Idoll ; and in the reigne of Queene Mary were repaired , as by setting new heads on their old bodies , &c. All which so remained , untill the yeere 1586. the 28. of Queene Elizabeth , when the same Gate ( being fore decayed ) was cleane taken downe , the prisoners in the meane time remaining in the large South-east quadrant of the same Gate adjoyning ; and the same yeere , the whole Gate was newly and beautifully builded , with the Images of Lud and others ( as afore ) on the East side , and the picture of her Majesty , Queene Elizabeth , on the West side . All which was done at the common charges of the Citizens , amounting to 1500. pounds , or more . This gate was made a free Prison in the yeere 1378. the first of Richard the second , Nicholas Bremer being Maior . The same was confirmed in the yeere 1382. Iohn Northampton being Maior , by a Common Councell in the Guild-hall : by which it was it was ordained , that all free-men of this Citie , should for debt , trespasses , accompts , and contempts , be imprisoned in Ludgate ; and for Treasons , Felonies , and other criminall offences , committed to Newgate , &c. In the yeere 1439. the tenth of King Henrie the 6. Iohn Wels being Maior , a Court of common Councell established ordinances , ( as William Stanley and Robert Chicheley , late Maiors before had done ) touching the Guard and government of Ludgate , and other Prisons . Also in the yeere 1463. the third of Edward the fourth , Mathew Philip being Maior , in a common Councell , at the request of the wel-disposed , blessed , and devout Woman , Dame Agnes Forster , Widdow , late wife to Stephen Forster , Fishmonger , sometime Maior , for the comfort and reliefe of all the poore prisoners , certaine Articles were established . Imprimis , That the new workes , then lately edified by the same Dame Agnes , for the enlarging of the Prison of Ludgate , from thenceforth should be had and taken , as a part and parcell of the said Prison of Ludgate , so that both the old and new worke of Ludgate aforesaid , to be one Prison , Gaole , Keeping , and charge for evermore . The said Quadrant , strongly builded of stone , by the forenamed Stephen Forster and Agnes his Wife , containing a large walking-place by ground , of 38. foot and an halfe in length , besides the thicknesse of the wals , which are at the least 6 foot , makes all together 44. foot and an halfe ; the breadth within the wals is 29. foot and an halfe ; so that the thicknes of the wals maketh it 35. foot and an halfe in breadth . The like roome it hath over it for lodgings , and over it againe faire Leads to walke upon , well embattelled , all for fresh ayre , and ease of prisoners , to the end they should have lodging and water free without charge ; as by certaine Verses graven in Copper , and fixed on the said Quadrant , I have read , in forme following : Devout soules that passe this way , For Stephen Forster , late Maior , heartily pray , And Dame Agnes his spouse , to God consecrate , That of pitty , this house made for Londoners in Ludgate . So that for lodging and water , prisoners here nought pay , As their keepers shall all answer at dreadfull doomes-day . This place , and one other of his Armes , being 3. broad Arrow-heads , taken downe with the old Gate , I caused to be fixed over the entry of the said Quadrant : but the verses being unhappily turned inward to the wall , procured the like in effect to be ingraven outward in prose , declaring him to bee a Fishmonger , because some , upon a light ocasion ( as a Maydens head in a glasse window ) had fabled him to be a Mercer , and to have begd there at Ludgate , &c. Thus much for Ludgate . Next this , there is a breach in the Wall of the Citie , and a Bridge of Timber over the Fleet-dike , betwixt Fleet-bridge and Thames , directly over against the house of Bridewell . Thus much for the Gates in the Wall. Water-gates on the banks of the River Thames , have beene many , which being purchased by private men , are also put to private use , and the old names of them forgotten . But of such as remaine , from the West , towards the East , may be said as followeth . The Blacke Friers stayres , a free landing place . Then a Water-gate at Puddle wharfe , of one Puddle , that kept a wharfe on the West side thereof , and now of Puddle water , by meanes of many horses watered there . Then Paules wharfe , also a free landing place with stayres , &c. Then Broken wharfe , and other such like . But Ripa Regina , the Queenes Banke , or Queene hithe , may well be accounted the very chiefe and principall Water-gate of this Citie , being a common strand or landing place , yet equall with , and ( of old time ) farre exceeding Belinsgate , as shall be shewed in the Ward of Queene Hithe . The next is Downgate , so called of the sudden descending , or downe going of that way , from Saint Iohns Church upon Walbroke unto the River of Thames , whereby the water in the Chanell there hath such a swift course , that in the yeere 1574. on the fourth of September after a strong showre of raine , a Lad of the age of eighteene yeeres , minding to have leapt over the Channell , was taken by the feet , and borne downe with the violence of that narrow streame , and carried toward the Thames with such a violent swiftnesse , as no man could rescue or stay him , till hee came against a Cart-wheele , that stood in the Watergate , before which time , he was drowned and starke dead . This was sometime a large water-gate frequented of ships , and other vessels , like as the Queenes Hithe , and was a part thereof , as doth appeare by an inquisition , made in the 28. yeere of Henry the third , wherein was found , That aswell corne as fish , and all other things comming to the Port of Downgate , were to be ordered after the customes of the Queens Hith for the Kings use . As also , that the corne arriving betweene the gate of the Guild-hall of the Merchants of Cullen : the ( Stil-yard ) which is East from Downegate , and the house then pertaining to the Archbishop of Canterbury , west from Bainards Castle ; was to bee measured by the measure , and measurer of the Queenes Soke , or Queen Hithe . I read also , in the 19. of Edward the third , That customes were then to bee paid for ships and other vessels , resting at Downgate , as if they roade at Queene Hith , and as they now doe at Belinsgate . But now it is fallen to such great decay , that not onely there is no use made thereof , but also by reason that the Water-gates are not repaired , it is very dangerous to passengers travelling through in the night season . And thus much for Downegate may suffice . The next was called Wolfes gate in the Ropary , in the Parish of Alhallowes the lesse , of later time called Wolfes lane , but now out of use : for the lower part was builded on by the Earle of Shrewsbury , and the other part was stopped up , and builded on by the Chamberlaine of London . The next is Ebgate , a Water-gate so called of old time , as appeareth by divers Records of tenements , neere unto the same adjoyning . It standeth neere unto the Church of Saint Laurence Pountney , but is within the Parish of Saint Marten Ordegare . In place of this gate , is now a narrow passage to the Thames , and is called Ebgate lane , but more commonly the Old Swanne . Then is there a Watergate at the Bridge foot , called Oystergate , of Oysters that were there ( of old time ) commonly to be sold , and was the chiefest Market for them , and for other shell Fish . There standeth now an engine or Forcier , for the winding up of water to serve the Citie , whereof I have already spoken . Bridgegate . THe next is the Bridgegate , so called of London Bridge , whereon it standeth : This was one of the foure first and principall Gates of the Citie , long before the Conquest , when there stood a Bridge of Timber ; and is the seventh and last principall Gate mentioned by W. Fitzstephen , which gate being new made , when the Bridge was builded of stone , hath beene often-times since repayred . This Gate , with the Tower upon it , in the yeere 1436. fell downe , and two of the farthest Arches Southwards also fell therewith , and no man perished or was hurt thereby . To the repayring whereof , divers wealthy Citizens gave large summes of money , namely Robert Large , sometime Maior , 100. Markes , Stephen Forster , 20. l' . Sir Iohn Crosby Alderman , 100. l' . &c. But in the yeere 1471. the Kentish Mariners , under the conduct of Bastard Fauconbridge , burned the said Gate , and thirteene houses on the Bridge , besides the Beere houses at Saint Katherines , and many other in the Suburbs . The next is Buttolphs gate so called of the Parish Church of S. Buttolph neere adjoyning . This Gate was sometime given , or confirmed by William Conquerour , to the Monks of Westminster , in these words : VVill. Rex Angliae , &c. VVilliam King of England , sendeth greating to the Sheriffes , and all his Ministers , as also to all his loving subjects , French and English , of London . Know yee , that I have granted to God and Saint Peter of VVestminster , and to the Abbot Vitalis , the gift which Almundus , of the Port of S●●nt Buttolph , gave them , when he was there made Monke : that is to say , his Lords Court , with the houses , and one Wharfe , which is at the head of London Bridge , and all other his lands which hee had in the same Citie , in such sort , as King Edward more beneficially , and amply granted the same : And I will and command , that they shall enjoy the same well , and quietly , and honourably , with sake and soke , &c. The next is Belinsgate , used as an especiall Port , or Harbour for small Ships and Boats comming thereto , and is now most frequented , the Queene Hith being almost forsaken . How this Gate tooke that name , or of what Antiquity the same is , 1 must leave uncertaine , as not having read any ancient Record thereof , more than that Geffrey Monmouth writeth , that Belin , a King of the Britans , about 400. yeeres before Christs Nativity , builded this Gate , and named it Belinsgate , after his owne Name : And that when he was dead , his body being burned , the Ashes in a Vessell of Brasse , were set upon a high pinacle of stone over the same Gate . But Caesar , and other Roman writers affirme of Cities , Walls and Gates , as ye have before heard , and therefore it seemeth to mee , not to be so ancient ; but rather to have taken that name , of some later owner of the place , haply named Beling , or Biling , as Somars key , Smarts key , Frosh wharfe , and others there-by , tooke their names of their owners : Of this Gate more shall bee said , when we come to speake of Belinsgate Ward . Then have you a Water-gate on the West side of Wool-wharfe , or Customers key , which is commonly called the Watergate , at the South end of Water lane . One other Water-gate , there is by the Bulwarke of the Tower , and this is the last and farthest Water gate East ward on the River of Thames , so farre as the Citie of LONDON extendeth within the Wals : both which last named Water-gates be within the Tower Ward . Besides these common Water-gates , were divers private Wharfes and Keies , all along from the East to the West of this Citie , on the banke of the River of Thames ; where Merchants ( of all Nations ) had landing places , Ware-houses , Cellars , and stowage of their goods and Merchandises , as partly shall bee touched in the Wards adjoyning to the said River . Now for the ordering and keeping of these Gates of this Citie in the night time , it was appointed in the yeere of Christ 1258. by Henry the 3. the 42. of his reigne , that the Ports of England should be strongly kept , and that the Gates of London should bee new repaired , and diligently kept in the night , for feare of French deceits , whereof one writeth these verses : Per noctem portae clauduntur Londoniarum , Moenia , ne fortè fraus frangat Francigenarū . Of Towers and Castles . THE Citie of London ( saith Fitzstephen ) hath in the East , a very great , and a most strong Palatine Tower , whose Turrets and Wals doe rise from a deepe foundation , the mortar thereof being tempred with the blood of beasts . In the West part are two most strong Castles , &c. To begin therefore with the most famous Tower of London , situate in the East , neere unto the River of Thames ; it hath beene the common opinion , and some have written , ( but of none assured ground ) that Iulius Caesar , the first Conquerour of the Britaines , was the originall Author and Founder , aswell thereof , as also of many other Towers , Castles , and great buildings within this Realme . But ( as I have already before noted ) Caesar remained not here so long , nor had he in his head any such matter ; but onely to dispatch a conquest of this barbarous Countrey , and to proceed to greater matters . Neither doe the Romane Writers make mention of any such buildings erected by him here . And therefore leaving this , and proceeding to more grounded authority , I finde in a faire Register Booke , containing the acts of the Bishops of Rochester , set downe by Edmund de Hadenham : that William the first , surnamed Conquerour , builded the Tower of London ; to wit , the great white and square Tower there , about the yeere of Christ , 1078. appointing Gundulph then Bishop of Rochester to be principall Surveyor and Overseer of that worke ; who was ( for that time ) lodged in the house of Edmere , a Burgesse of London . The very words of which mine Author are these in Latine : Gundulphus Episcopus , mandato Willielmi Regis magni praefuit operi magnae Turris London , quo tempore hospitatus est apud quendā Edmerum , Burgensem London , qui dedit unum Were Ecclesiae Roffen . Ye have before heard , that the wall of this Citie was all round about furnished with Towers and Bulwarkes , in due distance every one from other , and also that the River of Thames , with her ebbing and flowing , on the South-side , had subverted the said Wall , and Towers there . Wherefore King William , for defence of this Citie , in place most dangerous , and open to the enemy , having taken downe the second Bulwarke in the East part of the Wall , from the Thames , builded this Tower , which was the great square Tower , now called the white Tower ; and hath beene since ( at divers times ) enlarged with other buildings adjoyning , as shall bee shewed . This Tower was bytempest of wind sore shaken , in the yeere 1092. the 4. of Wil. Rufus , and was againe , by the said Rufus and Henry the first repaired . They also caused a Castle to be built under the said Tower ; namely , on the South-side toward the Thames , and also incastellated the same round about . Henry Huntington , libro sexto , hath these words : William Rufus challenged the investure of Prebates , he pilled and shaved the people with Tribute , especially to spend about the Tower of London , and the great Hall at Westminster . Othowerus , Acolinillus , Otto ; and Geffrey Magnaville Earle of Essex , were 4. the first Constables of this Tower of London by succession : all which held by force , a portion of Land ( that pertained to the Priorie of the holy Trinity within Ealdgate ) that is to say , Eastsmith field , neere unto the Tower , making thereof a Vineyard , and would not depart from it , till the second yeere of King Stephen , when the same was adiudged and restored to the Church . This Geffrey Magnaville was Earle of Essex , Constable of the Tower , Shiriffe of London , Middlesex , Essex , and Hertfordshire , as appeareth by a Charter of Maude the Empresse , 1141. Hee also fortified the Tower of London against King Stephen ; but the King tooke him in his Court at S. Albanes , and would not deliver him , till he had rendred the Tower of London , with the Castles of Walden and Plashey in Essex . In the yeere 1153. the Tower of London and the Castle of Windsore were by the King delivered to Richard de Lucie , to be safely kept . In the yeere 1155. Thomas Becket , being Chancellour to Henry the second , caused the Flemmings to be banished out of England , their Castles lately builded , to be pulled downe , and the Tower of London to be repaired . About the yeere 1190. the second of Richard the first , William Longshampe , Bishop of Ely , Chancelour of England , for cause of dissention betwixt him and the Earle Iohn , the Kings Brother , that was Rebell ; inclosed the Tower and Castle of London with an outward wall of stone embattailed ; and also caused a deepe Ditch to be cast about the same , thinking ( as I have said before ) to have environed it with the River of Thames . By making of this inclosure and ditch in Eastsmithfield , the Church of the holy Trinity in London , lost halfe a mark rent by the yeere ; and the Mill was removed , that belonged to the poore brethren of the Hospitall of S. Katherine , and to the Church of the holy Trinitie aforesaid ; which was no small losse and discommodity to either part . And the Garden , which the King had hyred of the brethren for sixe markes the yeere , for the most part was wasted and marred by the ditch . Recompence was often promised , but never performed , till King Edward comming after , gave to the Brethren five Markes and an halfe , for that part which the ditch had devoured : and the other part thereof without he yeelded them againe , which they hold ; and of the said rent of five Markes and an halfe , they have a Deed , by vertue whereof they are well paid to this day . It is also to be noted , and cannot bee denyed , but that the said inclosure and ditch , tooke the like or greater quantity of ground from the Citie within the VVall ; namely , on that part called the Tower Hill , besides breaking downe of the Citie VVall , from the white Tower to the first Gate of the Citie , called the Posterne . Yet have I not read of any quarrell made by the Citizens , or recompence demanded by them for that matter ; because all was done for good of the Cities defence thereby , and to their good likings . But Matthew Paris writeth , that in the yeere 1239. King Henry the third fortified the Tower of London to another end ; wherefore the Citizens fearing , lest that was done to their detriment , complained , and the King answered : That hee had not done it to their hurt ; But ( saith he ) I will from henceforth doe as my brother doth , in building and fortifying Castles , who beareth the name to be wiser than I am . It followed in the next yeere , ( saith mine Author ) the said Noble buildings of the stone Gate and Bulwarke , which the King had caused to be made by the Tower of London , on the West side thereof , was shaken as it had beene with an Earthquake , and fell downe ; which the King againe commanded to be built in better sort than before , which was done . And yet againe , in the yeere 1241. the said Wall and Bulwarkes that were newly builded , wherein the King had bestowed more than twelve thousand Markes , were unrecoverably quite throwne downe , as afore : for the which chance , the Citizens of London were nothing sorry : for they were threatned , that the said wall and Bulwarkes were builded , to the end , that if any of them would contend for the liberties of the Citie , they might be imprisoned : And that many might be laid in divers prisons , many lodgings were made , that no one should speake with another . Thus much Matthew Paris avoucheth for this building . More of Henry the third his dealings against the Citizens of London , we may read in the said Author , in 1245. 1248. 1249. 1253. 1255. 1256. &c. But concerning the said Wall and Bulwarke , the same was finished , though not in his time . For I read , That Edward the first , in the second of his reigne , commanded the Treasurer and Chamberlaine of the Exchequer , to deliver out of his Treasurie , unto Miles of Andwarp , 200. Markes , of the fines taken of divers Merchants , or Vsurers of London ( for so be the words of the Record ) toward the worke of the ditch , then new made about the said Bulwarke ; now called the Lion Tower. I find also recorded , that Henry the third , in the 46. of his reigne , wrote to Edward of Westminster , commanding him , That hee should buy certaine Perie Plants , and set the same in the place without his Tower of London , the ninth of Edward the second . Edward the fourth in place whereof builded a wall of Bricke . But now for the Lion-Tower , and Lions in England , the originall , as I have read , was thus : Henry the first builded the Mannor of Woodstocke , with a Parke which hee walled about with stone , seven miles in compasse , destroying for the same , divers Villages , Churches and Chappels , and this was the first Parke in England ; the words of the Record are these following : He appointed therein ( beside great store of Decre ) divers strange beasts , to be kept and nourished , such as were brought to him from far Countries ; as Lions , Leopards , Linxes , Porpentines , and such other : For such was his estimation among outlandish Princes , that few would willingly offend him . More I read , that in the yeere 1235. Fredericke the Emperour sent to Henry the third , three Leopards , in token of his regall Shield of Armes , wherein three Leopards were pictured : since which time , those Lions , and others , have beene kept in a part of this Bulwarke , now called the Lion Tower , and their keeper there lodged . King Edward the second , in the twelfth yeere of his reigne , commanded the Sheriffes of London , to pay the keeper of the Kings Leopards in the Tower of London , 6. d the day , for the sustenance of the Leopards ; and three halfe-pence a day , for dyet of the said keeper , out of the fee-farme of the said Citie . More , the 16. of Edward the third , one Lion , one Lionesse , one Leopard , and two Cattes Lions , in the said Tower , were committed to the custody of Robert , the sonne of Iohn Bowre . Edward the fourth fortified the Tower of London , and inclosed with Bricke ( as is aforesaid ) a certaine piece of ground , taken out of the Tower hill , west from the Lion Tower , now called the Bulwarke . His Officers also , in the fifth of his reigne , set upon the said Hill both Scaffold and Gallowes , for the execution of offenders ; whereupon the Maior & his brethren cōplained to the King , and were answered , that the same was not done in derogation of the Cities Liberties ; and therefore caused proclamation to be made , &c. as shall be shewed in Towerstreet . Richard the third repaired and builded this Tower somewhat . Henry the 8. in 1532. repaired the white Tower , and other parts thereof . In the yeere 1548. the second of Edward the sixth , on the 22. of November , in the night , a Frenchman lodged in the round Bulwarke , betwixt the West Gate and the Posterne , or draw bridge , called the Warders Gate , by setting fire on a barrell of Gunpowder , blew up the said Bulwarke , burnt himselfe , and no moe persons . This Bulwarke was again forthwith new builded . And here , because I have ( by occasion ) spoken of the west gate of this Tower ; the same ( as the most principall ) is used for the receipt and delivery of all kindes of carriages ; without the which Gate , be divers Bulwarkes and Gates , turning towards the North , &c. Then neere within this West gate , opening to the South , is a strong Posterne for passengers , by the Ward-house , over a draw-bridge , let downe for that purpose . Next , on the same South side , toward the East , is a large water-gate , for receipt of Boats and small vessels , partly under a stone bridge , from the River of Thames . Beyond it is a small Posterne , with a draw-bridge , seldome let down , but for the receipt of some great persons , prisoners . Then towards the East is a great and strong Gate , commonly called the Iron gate , but not usually opened . And thus much for the foundation , building , and repairing of this Tower , with the Gates and Posternes , may suffice . And now somewhat of accidents in the same , shall be shewed . In the yeere 1196. William Fitzosbert , a Citizen of London , seditiously moving the common people to seeke liberty , and not to be subject to the rich and more mighty ; at length was taken , and brought before the Archbishop of Canterbury in the Tower , where he was by the Judges condemned , and by the heeles drawne thence to the Elmes in Smithfield , and there hanged . 1214. King Iohn wrote unto Geffrey Magnaville , to deliver the Tower of London , with the Prisoners , Armour , and all other things sound therein , belonging to the King ; to William , Archdeacon of Huntington . The yeere 1216. the first of Henry the third , the said Tower was delivered to Lewes of France , and the Barons of England . In the yeere 1206. Plees of the Crown were pleaded in the Tower : likewise in the yeere 1220. and likewise in the yeere 1224. and againe in the yeere 1243. before William of Yorke , Richard Passelew , Henry Brahe , Ierome of Saxton , Justicers . In the yeere 1222. the Citizens of London having made a tumult against the Abbot of Westminster ; Hubert of Burgh , chiefe Justice of England , came to the Tower of London , and called before him the Maior and Aldermen , of whom hee inquired for the principall Authors of that sedition : Amongst whom , one named Constantine Fitz Aelulfe avowed , that he was the man , and had done much lesse than he thought to have done . Whereupon , the Justice sent him ( with two other ) to Falks de Brent , who with armed men brought them to the Gallowes , where they were hanged . In the yeere 1244. Griffith the eldest sonne of Leoline , Prince of Wales , being kept prisoner in the Tower , devised meanes of escape ; and having ( in the night ) made of the hangings , sheets , &c. a long line , he put himselfe downe from the top of the Tower. But in the sliding , the weight of his body , being a very bigge and a fat man , brake the Rope , and he fell on his necke , and brake his necke withall : whose miserable carkas , being found in the morning by the Tower wall , was a most pitifull sight to the beholders : for his head and necke were driven into his brest , between both the shoulders . The King hearing thereof , punished the watch-men , and caused Griffiths sonne , that was imprisoned with his Father , to bee more straitly kept . In the yeere 1253. King Henry the third imprisoned the Sheriffes of London in the Tower more than a moneth , for the escape of a prisoner out of Newgate , as ye may read in the Chapter of Gates . In the yeere 1260. King Henry , with his Queene ( for feare of the Barons ) were lodged in the Tower. The next yeere he sent for his Lords , and held his Parliament there . In the yeere 1263. when the Queene would have removed from the Tower by water , towards Windsore , sundry Londoners got them together to the Bridge , under the which she was to passe , and not onely cryed out upon her with reprochfull words , but also threw mire and stones at her , by which she was constrained to returne for the time . But in the yeere 1265. the said Citizens were faine to submit themselves to the King for it , and the Maior , Aldermen , and Sheriffes were sent to divers prisons , and a Custos also was set over the Citie ; to wit , Othon , Constable of the Tower , &c. Leoline Prince of Wales , came downe from the Mountaine of Snowdon , to Mountgomery , and was taken at Bluith Castle : where using reprochfull words against the Englishmen , Roger le Strange ran in upon him , and with the Sword wherewith he was girt , cut off his head , leaving his dead bodie on the ground . Sir Roger Mortimer caused the head of this Leoline to be set upon the Tower of London , crowned with a wreath of Ivie . Such was the end of Leoline , betrayed by the men of Bluith : And this was the last Prince of the Britaines blood , that bare rule and dominion in Wales . In the yeere 1290. divers Justices , as well of the Bench , as of the Assises , were sent prisoners to the Tower , which with great summes of money redeemed their liberty . Sir Thomas Weyland had all his goods , both moveable and unmoveable , confiscated , and himselfe banished . Sir Rafe Hengham , chiefe Justice of the higher Bench , offered seven thousand Markes : Sir Iohn Lovelet , Justice of the lower Bench , three thousand Markes . Sir William Bromtone , Justice , sixe thousand Markes . Of their Clarkes , for their redemption ; of Robert Littlebury , 1000. Markes ; and of Roger Leicester , 1000. Markes : And of a certaine Clarke of the Courts , called Adam de Straton , 32000. Markes , of old money and new ; beside Jewels ( without number ) and precious vessels of Silver , which were found in his house , and a Kings Crown , which some men said was King Iohns . Moreover , the King constrained the Justices to sweare , that ( from thenceforth ) they should take no pension , see or gift of any man , except onely a breakfast or such like present . Edward 2. the 14. of his reigne , appointed for prisoners in the Tower , a Knight , 2. d. the day , an Esquire , 1. d. the day , to serve for their dyet . In the yeere 1320. the Kings Justices sate in the Tower , for tryall of matters : whereupon , Iohn Gissors , late Maior of London , and many other , fled the City , for feare to be charged of things which they had presumptuously done . In the yeere 1321. the Mortimers yeelding themselves to the King , hee sent them prisoners to the Tower , where they remained long , and were judged to be drawne and hanged . But at length , Roger Mortimer of Wigmore , by giving his Keepers a sleepy drinke , escaped out of the Tower , and his Vnckle Roger being still kept , there dyed about five yeeres after . In the yeere 1326. the Citizens of London wanne the Tower , wresting the keyes out of the Constables hands , delivered all the prisoners , and kept both the Citie and Tower to the use of Isabel . the Queene , and Edward her sonne . In the yeere 1330. Roger Mortimer , Earle of March , was taken and brought to the Tower , from whence hee was drawne to the Elmes , and there hanged on the common Gallowes , where hee hung two dayes and two nights by the Kings commandement , and then was buried in the Gray Fryers Church . Hee was condemned by his Peeres , and yet never was brought to answer before them . For it was not then the custome , after the death of the Earles of Lancaster , Winchester , Glocester , & Kent : wherfore this Earle had that law himselfe , which before hee had appointed for others . In the yeere 1344. King Edward the third , in the 18. yeere of his reigne , commanded Florences of Gold to bee made , and coyned in the Tower ; that is to say , a penny a peece , of the value of 6. shillings and eight pence ; the halfe-penny peece , of the value of 3. shillings and foure pence ; and a farthing peece , worth 20. pence . Percevall de Port of Lake , being then Master of the coine . And this is the first coyning of Gold in the Tower , whereof I read , and also the first coynage of Gold in England . I finde also recorded , that the said King , in the same yeere , ordained his Exchange of money to be kept in Sernes Tower , a part of the Kings house in Buckles Bury . And here , to digresse a little ( by occasion offered ) I finde , that in times before passed , all great summes were paid by weight of gold or silver , as so many pounds , or markes of silver , or so many pounds or markes of gold , cut into blankes , and not stamped , as I could prove by many good authorities , which I overpasse . The smaller summes also were paid in starlings , which were pence so called : for other coynes they had none . The antiquity of this starling penny usually in this Realme , is from the reigne of Henry the second : notwithstanding the Saxon coynes ( before the Conquest ) were pence of fine silver , the full weight and somewhat better than the latter starlings , as I have tryed by conference of the pence of Burghrede King of Mercia , Aelfred , Edward , and Edelred , Kings of the West Saxons , Plegmond Archbishop of Canterbury , and others . William the Conquerours penny also was fine silver , of the weight of the Easterling , and had on the one side stamped , an armed head , with a beardlesse face , ( for the Normans ware no beards ) with a Scepter in his hand . The Inscription in the circumference , was this , Le Rei Wilam . On the side , a crosse double to the Ring , betweene 4. rowels of six points . King Henry the first his penny was of the like weight , finenesse , forme of face , crosse , &c. This Henry , in the eighth yeere of his reigne , ordained the penny which was round , so to be quartered by the crosse , that they might easily bee broken into halfe pence and farthings . In the first , second , third , fourth , and fifth of King Richard the first his reigne , and afterwards , I finde commonly Easterling money mentioned , and yet oft-times the same is called Argent , as afore , and not otherwise . The first great sum that I read of to be paid in Easterlings , was in the fifth of Richard the first , when Robert Earle of Leicester , being prisoner in France , proffered for his ransome a thousand marks Easterlings ; notwithstanding , the Easterling pence were long before . The weight of the Easterling penny may appeare by divers Statutes , namely , of weights and measures , made in the 51. yeere of Henry the third , in these words : Thirty two graines of Wheat , dry and round , taken in the middest of the eare , should be the weight of a starling penny ; twenty of those pence should weigh one ounce , twelve ounces a pound Troy. It followeth in the Statute , Eight pound to make a gallon of Wine , and eight gallons , a bushell of London measure , &c. Notwithstanding which Statute , I finde in the eighth of Edward the first , Gregorie Rokesley , Maior of London , being chiefe Master or Minister of the Kings Exchange or Mints , a new coyne being then appointed , the pound of Easterling money should containe ( as afore ) 12. ounces , to wit , fine silver , such as was then made into foyle , and was commonly called silver of Guthurons lane ; 11. ounces , two Easterlings , and one ferling or farthing , and the other 17. pence halfepenny farthing to be lay . Also the pound of money ought to weigh 20. shillings 3. pence by account ; so that no pound ought to be over 20. shillings 4. pence , nor lesse than 20. shillings 2. pence by account ; the ounce to weigh 20. pence , the penny weight 24. graines . Which 24. by weight then appointed , were as much as the former 32. graines of Wheat : a penny force , 25. graines and an halfe ; the penny deble or feeble , 22. graines and an halfe , &c. Now for the penny Easterling , how it tooke that name , I think good briefely to touch . It hath beene said , that Numa Pompilius , the second King of the Romanes , commanded monies first to be made , of whose name they were called Numi ; and when copper pence , silver pence , and gold pence were made , ( because every silver penny was worth ten copper pence , and every gold penny worth ten silver pence ) the pence were therefore called in Latine , Denarij ; and oftentimes , the pence are named of the matter or stuffe of gold or silver . But the Money of England was called of the workers and makers thereof : as the Floren of gold is called of the Florentines , that were the workers thereof ; and so the Easterling pence tooke their name of the Easterlings , which did first make this money in England , in the reigne of Henry the second . Thus have I set downe , according to my reading in Antiquity , of money matters ; omitting the imaginations of late Writers ; of whom some have said , Easterling money to take that name of a starre stamped in the border or ring of the penny : othersome , of a bird , called a Stare or Starling , stamped in the circumference : and other ( more unlikely ) of being coyned at Strivelin or Starling , a Towne in Scotland . &c. Now concerning halfepence and farthings , the accompt of which is more subtiler than the pence , I need not speak of them more , than that they were only made in the Exchange at London , and no where else : First , pointed to be made by Edward the first , in the eighth of his reigne : and also at the same time , the said Kings coine was some few groats of silver , but they were not usuall . The Kings Exchange at London was neere unto the Cathedrall Church of S. Paul , and is to this day commonly called , the Old Change ; but in Evidences , the Old Exchange . The Kings Exchanger in this place , was to deliver out to every other Exchanger throughout England , or other the Kings Dominions , their Coyning Irons , that is to say , one Standard or Staple , and two trussels , or Punchions : and when the same were spent and worn , to receive them with an account , what summe had been coyned , and also their Pix , or Box of assay , and to deliver other Irons new graven , &c. I finde that in the 9. of King Iohn , there was , besides the Mint at London , other Mints , at Winchester , Excester , Chichester . Canterbury , Rochester , Ipswich , Norwich , Linne , Lincolne , Yorke , Carleil , Northampton , Oxford , S. Edmondsbury , and Durham . The Exchanger , Examiner and Tryer , buyeth the silver for coynage : answering for every hundred pound of silver , bought in Bolion , or otherwise 98. l. 15. s. for hee taketh 25. s. for coynage . King Edward the first , in the 27. of his reigne , held a Parliament at Stebunbeth , in the house of Henry Waleis , Maior of London , wherein amongst other things there handled , the transporting of starling money was forbidden . In the yeere 1351. William Edington , Bishop of Winchester , and Treasurer of England , a wise man , but loving the Kings commodity more , than the wealth of the whole Realme and common people ( saith mine Author ) Caused new coyne , called a Great and halfe a Groat to be coyned and stamped , the Groat to bee taken for 4. d. and the halfe Groat for 2. d. not conteyning in weight according to the pence called Easterling , but much lesse , to wit , by 5. s. in the pound : by reason whereof , victuals and merchandizes became the dearer through the whole Realme . About the same time also , the old coyne of gold was changed into a new ; but the old Floren or Noble , then so called , was worth much above the taxed rate of the new . And therefore the Merchants ingrossed up the old , and conveied them out of the Realme , to the great losse of the Kingdome . Wherefore a remedy was provided , by changing of the stampe . In the yeere 1411. King Henry the fourth caused a new coyne of Nobles to be made , of lesse value than the old , by 4. d. in the Noble , so that fifty Nobles should be a pound , Troy weight . In the yeere 1421. was granted to Henry the fifth a fifteene to be paid at Candlemas , and at Martinmasse , of such money as was then currant gold , or silver , not overmuch clipped or washed , to wit , That if the Noble were worth 5. s. 8. d. then the King should take it for a full Noble , of 6. s. 8. d. And if it were lesse of value , than 5. s. 8. d. then the person that gold , to make it good to the value of 5. s. 8. d. the King alway receiving it for an whole Noble of six shillings 8. d. And if the Noble so payed were better than 5. s. 8. d. the King to pay againe the surplusage , that it was better than 5. s. 8. d. Also this yeere was such scarcity of white mony , that though a Noble were so good of gold , and weight , as six shillings eight pence ; men could get no white money fro them . In the yeere 1465. King Edward the fourth caused a new coyne , both of gold and silver to be made , whereby he gained much , for he made of an old Noble , a Royall : which he commanded to goe for ten s. Neverthelesse to the same Royall was put 8. d. of allay , and so weyed the more , being smitten with a new stampe , to wit , a Rose . Hee likewise made halfe Angels of 5. s. And farthings of 5. s. 6. d. Angelets of 6. s. 8. d. And halfe Angels 3. s. 4. d. Hee made silver money of three pence , a groat , and so of other coynes after that rate , to the great harme of the Commons . W. Lord Hastings the Kings Chamberlaine , being Master of the Kings Mints , saith the Record , undertooke to make the monies under forme following : to wit , of gold a peece of 8. s. 4. d. starling , which should be called a Noble of gold , of the which there should be fifty such peeces in the pound weight of the Tower. Another piece of gold , 4. s. 2. d. of starling , and to be of them an hundred such pieces in the pound . And a third piece of gold , 2. s. 1. d. starling , two hundred such pieces in the pound , every pound weight of the Tower to be worth 20. l' , 16. s. 8. d. of starlings , the which should be 23. Carits , 3. graines , and halfe 5. &c. and for silver , 37. s. 6. d. of starlings , the piece of 4. pence , to be 112. Groats , and 2. pence in the pound weight . In the yeere 1504. King Henry the seventh appointed a new coyne ; to wit , a Groat , and halfe a Groat , which bare but halfe faces . The same time also was coyned a Groat , which was in value 12. d. but of those but a few , after the rate of forty pence the ounce . In the yeere 1526. the 18. of Hen. the eight , the Angell Noble , being then the sixt part of an ounce Troy , so that six Angels were just an ounce , which was 40. shillings starling , and the Angell was also worth two ounces of silver ; so that six Angels were worth 12. ounces of silver , which was 40. s. A Proclamation was made on the 6. of September , that the Angell should goe for 7. s. 4. d. the Royall for 11. s. and the Crowne for 4. s. 4. d. And on the 5. of November following , againe by Proclamation , the Angell was enhaunced to 7. s. 6. d. and so every ounce a gold to be 45. s. and the ounce of silver at 3. 9. d. in value . In the yeere 1544. the 35. of Henry the 8. on the 16. of May , Proclamation was made , for the enhauncing of gold to 48. shillings , and silver to 4. shillings the ounce . Also the King caused to bee coyned base monies , towi , pieces of 12. d. 6. d. 4. d. & 1. d. in weight as the late starling , in shew good silver , but inwardly Copper . These pieces had whole or broad faces , and continued currant after that rate , till the 5. of Edward the 6. when they were on the 9. of Iuly called downe , the shilling to 9. d. the Groat to 3. d. &c. and on the 17. of August from 9. d. to 6. d. &c. And on the 30. of October , was published new coynes of silver and gold to bee made , a piece of silver 5. s. starling , a piece 2. s. 6. d. of 12. d. of 6. d. a penny with a double Rose , a halfe penny a single Rose , and a farthing with a Portclose . Coyns of fine Gold , a whole Soveraigne of ●0 . s. an Angell of 10. s. an Angeler of 5. s. Of Crowne gold , a Soveraigne 20. S. halfe Soveraigne 10. s. 5. s. 2. s. 6. d. and base monies to passe as afore , which continued till the 2. of Queene Elizabeth then called to a lower rate , taken to the Mint , and refined , the silver whereof being coyned with a new stampe of her Majesty , the drosse was carried to foule high-waies , to heighten them . This base monies ( for the time ) caused the old starling monies to be hoorded up , so that I have seene 21. s. currant , given for one old Angell to gild withall . Also rents of lands and tenements , with prices of victuals , were raised farre beyond the formerrates , hardly since to be brought downe . Thus much for base monies , coyned and currant in England have I knowne : But for Leather monies , as many people have fondly talked , I find no such matter . I read that King Iohn of France , being taken prisoner , by Edward the blacke Prince , at the Battell of Poytiers , payed a ransome of 3. Millions of Florences , whereby , he brought the Realme of France into such poverty , that many yeeres after they used Leather money , with a little stud or nayle of silver in the midst thereof . Thus much for Mint , and coynage , by occasion of this Tower ( under correction of other more skilfull ) may suffice . And now to other accidents there . In the yeere 1360. the peace betweene England and France being confirmed , King Edward came over into England , and straight to the Tower , to see the French King then prisoner there , whose ransome hee assessed at 3. Millions of Florences , and so delivered him from prison , and brought him with honour to the Sea. In the yeere 1381. and the fourth yeere of the reigne of King Richard the second , was granted to the King a grievous tax and tallage of his subjects , both spirituall and temporall : through the which was raised in England a shipwracke of great troubles . For divers Courtiers , desirous to enrich themselves with other mens goods , enformed the King and his Court , that the tallage was not gathered up faithfully to the Kings use by the Collection . Whereupon , they offered to the King , that they would pay a great summe of money for the farme of that , which they would gather over and above that which had beene paid , if they might be by the King thereunto authorized . Some of them getting the Kings Letters and Authority , sate in divers places of Essex and Kent , and handled the people sore and uncourteously , almost not to be spoken , for the levying of the said summe of money : which some of the people taking in evill part ; they secretly tooke counsell together , gathered assistants , and resisted the exactors , rising against them , of whom , some they slew , some they wounded , and the rest fled . This tumult beganne principally in Kent , and after this manner , as I finde the same set downe in a Chronicle of S. Albans : One of the Collectors of the Groats , or pole money , comming to the house of Iohn ( others say Watt ) Tylar , in the Towne of Dartford in Kent , demanded of the Tylars wife , for her Husband , for her selfe , for her servants , and for their daughter ( a young maiden ) every one of them a Groat ; which the Tylars wife denyed not to pay , saving for her daughter ; who ( she said ) was a childe , and not to bee accounted as a woman . That will I soone wete ( answered the Collector ) and taking the yong maiden dishonestly turned her up to search whether shee were under-growne with haire , or not ; for in many places they had made the like shamefull tryall . Whereupon , her mother cryed out , which caused neighbours to come in , and her husband ( being at worke in the same Towne , tyling of an house ) when he heard thereof , caught his Lathing-staffe in his hand , and ran presently home : where reasoning with the Collector ; who made him to be so bold ? The Collector answered with stoutwords , & strake at the Tylar . But the Tylar avoyding the blow , smotethe Collector with his Lathing-staffe , that the braines flew out of his head : where-through great noyse arose in the streets , and the poore people being glad , every one prepared to support the said Iohn Tylar . Thus the Commons being drawne together , went to Maidstone , and from thence backe againe to Black-heath , and so ( in short time ) they stirred all the Country ( in a manner ) to the like commotion . Then , besetting the waies that led to Canterbury , arrested all passengers , compelling them to sweare : First , that they should keepe allegeance to King Richard , and to the Commons : And that they should accept no King that was named Iohn : in envy they bare unto Iohn Duke of Lancaster , who named himselfe King of Castile : And that they should bee ready whensoever they were called , and that they should agree to no taxe , to be levied ( from thenceforth ) in the Kingdome , nor consent to any , except it were a fifteene . The Fame of these doings spread into Sussex , Hertford , Essex , and Cambridgeshires , Norfolke , suffolke , &c. And when such assembling of the common people daily tooke encrease , and that their number was now made almost infinite , so that they feared no man to resist them : they began to shew some such desperate Acts , as they had rashly considered on in their minds : And tooke in hand to behead all men of Law , as well Apprentices , as utter-Baristers , and old Justices , with all the Jurors of the country , whom they might get into their hands . They spared none whom they thought to be learned , especially , if they found any to have a Pen and Inke-horne about him : they pulled off his Hood , and all with one voyce crying , Hale him out , and cut off his head . The bondmen and other of Essex , being joyned with them of Kent on Black-heath , there came Knights to them from the King , to enquire the cause of their assembly : to whom they made answer , That for certaine causes , they were come together , to have talke with the King : And therfore willed the Knights to tell him , that he must needs come unto them , that he might understand the desire of their hearts . The King was counselled by some , to make haste unto them : but Simon Sudbury , Archbishop of Canterbury , Lord Chancelor , and Robert Hales of Saint Iohns , Treasurer , affirmed : that it was not meet for the King to goe to such a rude company , but rather some order to be taken for their suppression . Which when the Commons heard , being moved to a furious rage , they swore , that they would goe seeke the Kings Traytors , to take off their heads . Forthwith they took their journey towards London , and came to Southwarke , where they felled all the places of that Borough , and in the Countrey about . They spoiled the Archbishops Palace at Lambeth , for despight they bare him . The Lord Maior of London and Aldermen ( fearing the Cities spoyle ) decreed to shut up the Gates : But the Commons of the City , especially the poorer people , favouring the Commons of the Country ; would not suffer the Maior to shut them out , but threatned death to them that went about it . All the night following , to wit , Corpus Christi Even , the Rebels enjoyed free ingate and outgate , and encouraged the Commons of London , as also of all the Realme , to favour their cause . For , said they , their purpose was but to search out the Traytors of the Land , and so to cease . The more credit was given to speeches , because they tooke nothing from any man , but at a just price : and if they found any man wich theft , they beheaded him . The morrow after , to wit , on Corpus Christi day , comming into the Citie , talking with the Commons of procuring liberty to them , and apprehending of Traytors ( as they tearmed them ) especially the Duke of Lancaster : they shortly got all the poorer Citizens to conspire with them . And the same day after it was waxen somewhat warm , and that they had tasted divers Wines ( for the Citizens did set open their Cellers for them , to enter at their pleasure ) they exhorted each other , that going to the Savoy , the Duke of Lancasters house ( to the which there was none in the whole Realme to be compared , for beauty and statelinesse ) they might set it on fire , and burne it downe to the ground . Straightway they ran thither , and setting fire on it round about , applied their travell to destroy it . And that it might appeare to the Communalty , that they did not any thing for avarice : they caused to be proclaimed , that none ( upon paine of losing his head ) should presume to convert to his owne use , any thing that was there ; but that they should breake such Plate , and vessels of Gold and Silver ( as was there in great plenty ) into small pieces , and then to throw the same into the Thames , and to all ( whatsover ) was destroyed . But one of the Rebels ( saith Henry Kniton ) contrary to the Proclamation , tooke a goodly silver piece , and hid it in his bosome : but another that espied him , told his fellowes , who ( forthwith ) hurled him and the piece of Plate into the fire , saying , We be zealous of Truth and Iustice , and not theeves or robbers . Also , two and thirty of those Rebels entred a Celler of the Savoy , where they dranke so much of sweet Wines , that they were not able to come out againe in time : but were shut in with wood and stones , that mured up the doore , where they were heard crying and calling seven dayes after , but none came to helpe them our , till they were all dead . These things being done , they brake downe the place called the new Temple at the Barre , in which place , Apprentices at the Law were lodged : for anger which they had conceived against Sir Robert Hales , Master of Saint Iohns Hospitall , unto which Hospitall of St. Iohns the Temple belonged , where many Monuments , which the Lawyers had in their custody , were consumed with fire . After a number of them had sacked this Temple : what with wearinesse of labour , and what with Wine , being overcome , they lay downe under the wals and housing , and were slaine like Swine ; one of them killing another for old grudges , and other also made quick dispatch of them . Another troope ( in the meane time ) set fire on the noble house of Saint Iohn at Clarkenwell , causing it to burne by the space of seven dayes together , not suffering any to quench it . On Friday , they burned the Manor of Highburie , the whole number of the Common people ( being at that time ) divided into three parts . Of the which division , one part was attending to destroy the Manor of Highbury , and other places belonging to the Priory of Saint Iohn . Another company lay at the Miles-end , East of the City . The third kept at the Tower-hill , There to spoile the King of such victuals , as were brought toward him . The company that were assembled on the Miles-end , sent to command the King , that hee should come to them without delay , unarmed , or without any force : which if he refused to doe , they would pull downe the Tower , neither should he escape alive . The King taking counsell , with a few unarmed , went toward them in great feare on Horseback : and so the Gates of the Tower being set open , a great multitude of them entred into it . There was ( at the same time ) within the Tower 600. Armed valiant persons , and expert in Armes , and sixe hundred Archers : all which did quaile in stomacke , and stood as men amazed . For the basest of the Rusticks ( not many together , but every one by himselfe ) durst presume to enter the Kings Chamber , and his Mothers , with their weapons , to put in feare each of the men of War , Knights and other . Many of them went into the Kings Privie-Chamber , and played the wantons , in sitting , lying and sporting them on the Kings Bed. And that which is much more sawcily , invited the Kings Mother , to kisse with them : yet durst none of those men of Warre ( strange to bee said ) once withstand them : they went in and out like Masters , that were but base slaves , and of most vile condition . While these rude wretches sought for the Archbishop , running up and downe with terrible noyse and fury : at length , finding one of his servants , they charged him to bring them where his Master was , whom they named Traytor . The servant not daring to displease them , brought them to the Chappell : where , after Masse had been said , and having received the Communion , the Arch-bishop was busie in his prayers : for , not unknowing of their comming and purpose , he had passed the last night in confessing of his sinnes , and in devout prayers . When therefore he heard that they were come , with great constancy , he said to his men : Let us now goe , surely it is best to dye , when it is no pleasure to live . And with that , the tormentors entring , cryed , Where is the Traytor ? The Archbishop answered : Behold , I am the Archbishop , whom you seeke , not a Traytor . They therfore laid hands on him , and dragging him out of the Chappell , they drew him forth of the Tower gate , to the Tower-hill , where being compassed about with many thousands , and seeing swords about his head drawn in excessive manner , threatning death to him , he spake unto them in these words . What is it ( deare brethren ) you purpose to doe ? What is mine offence committed against you , for which you will kill me ? You were best to take heed , that if I be killed , who am your Pastor , there come not on you the indignation of the iust Revenger , or ( at the least ) for such a fact , all England be not put under interdiction . Vnneath could hee pronounce these words , before they cryed out with an horrible noise : That they neither feared the interdiction , nor allowed the Pope to be above them . The Archbishop seeing death at hand , with comfortable words ( as hee was an eloquent man , and wise , beyond all the wise men of the Realme ) spake fairely to them . Lastly , after forgivenesse granted to the executioner , that should behead him , kneeling down , he offered his necke to him that should imite off his head . Being stricken in the necke , but not deadly , hee putting his necke , said , Aha , it is the hand of God. He had not removed his hand from the place where the paine was , but that being suddenly stricken againe , his fingers ends being cut off , and part of the Arteries , he fell downe , but yet he dyed not , till being mangled with 8. severall strokes in the necke and head , he fulfilled most worthy Martyrdome . There lay his body unburied all that Friday , and the morrow till afternoone , none daring to deliver his body to Sepulture . His head those wicked villaines tooke , and nayling thereon his Hood , they fixed it on a pole , and set it on London Bridge , in place where before stood the head of Sir Iohn Minstarworth . This Archbishop , Simon Tibald , alias Sudbury , Son to Nicholas Tibald , Gentleman , borne in the Towne of Sudbury in Suffolke , Doctor of both Lawes , was eighteene yeeres Bishop of London , in the which time , hee builded a goodly Colledge , in place where his Fathers house stood , and endued it with great possessions : furnishing the same with secular Clarks , and other Ministers , being valued at the suppression , at 122. l. 16. s. in Lands by the yeere . Hee builded the upper end of St. Gregories Church at Sudbury . Afterward , being translated to the Archbishopricke of Canturbury , in An. 1375. he re-edified the Wals of that City , from the Westgate ( which he builded ) to the North-gate : which had been destroyed by the Danes , before the Conquest of King Williane the Bastard . Hee was slaine , as you have heard , and afterward buried in the Cathedrall Church of Canturbury . There died with him Sir Robert Hales , a most valiant Knight , Lord of Saint Iohns , and Treasurer of England , and Iohn Degge , one of the Kings Serjeants at Armes , and a Franciscane Fryer , named W. Apledore , the Kings Confessor . Richard Lyons also , a famous Lapidary and Goldsmith , late one of the Sheriffs of London , was drawn out of his house , and beheaded in Cheap . Many that day were beheaded , as well Flemmings , as Englishmen , for no cause ; but only to fulfill the cruelty of the rude Commons . For it was a solemne pastime to them , if they could take any that was not sworne to them , to take from such a one his Hood , with their accustomed clamours , and forthwith to behead him . Neither did they shew any reverence to sacred places ; for in the very Churches they did kill any whom they had in hatred . They fetched 13. Flemmings out of the Augustines Fryers Church in London , and 17. out of another Church , and 32. in the Vintry , and so in other places of the Citie , as also in Southwarke , all which they beheaded : except they could plainely pronounce Bread and Cheese . For if their speech sounded any thing on Brot or Cawse , off went their heads , as a sure marke that they were Flemmings . The King comming to the Miles-end , the place before recited , was greatly afraid , beholding the mad-headed Commons : who ( with froward countenances ) required many things , which they had put in writing , and to be confirmed by the Kings Letter Patents . The demands made by the Rebelles to the King at Miles-end . THat all men should be free from servitude and bondage ; so as ( from thenceforth ) there should be no bondmen . That hee should pardon all men , of what estate soever , all manner actions and insurrections committed , and all manner of Treasons , Felonies , transgressions and extortions , by any of them done , and to grant them peace . That all men ( from thenceforth ) might bee enfranchised to buy and sell in every County , City , Borough , Towne , Faire , Market and other place within the Realme of England . That no Acre of Land , holden in bondage or service , should bee holden but for foure pence : And if it had been holden for lesse in former time , it should not hereafter bee inhaunsed . These , and many other things they required : And told him moreover , that hee had beene evilly governed till that day : but from that time forward hee must be governed otherwise . The King perceiving that he could not escape , except hee granted to their request , yeelded to the same : and so , craving Truce departed from them , and the Essex men returned homeward . On the morrow , being Saturday , and the 15. of Iune , the King ( after dinner ) went from the Wardrobe in the Royall in London , to Westminster , to visite the Shrine of Saint Edward the King , and to see if they had done any mischiefe there . Then went he to the Chappell , called our Lady in the Piew , where hee made his prayers : and returning by the Suburbes of West Smithfield , he found all that place full of people , to wit , the Kentish men . Wherfore he sent to shew them , that their fellowes the Essex men were gone home , and that hee would grant to them the like forme of Peace , if it liked them to accept thereof . Their chiefe Captaine , named Iohn , or , as other affirme , Walter Hilliard , alias Tylar , being a crafty fellow , and of an excellent wir , but wanting grace , answered , That he desired peace , but with conditions to his liking , meaning , to seed the King with faire words untill next day , that hee might in the night time have compassed his purpose . For they thought ( the same night ) to have spoiled the Citie , the King being first slaine , and the great Lords that were about him : then to have burnt the City , by setting fire in foure parts thereof . But God that resisteth the proud , did suddenly disappoint him . For whereas the forme of peace was written in three several Charters , and thrice sent to him : none of them could please him . Wherefore at length , the King sent to him one of his Knights , named Sir Iohn Newton , not so much to command , as to intreat him ( for his pride was well enough knowne ) to come and talke with him , about his owne demands , to have them put into his Charter : of which demands I will set downe one , that it may plainly appeare , how contrary to reason all the rest were . First , he would have a Commission to behead all Lawyers , Escheators , and others whatsoever , that were learned in the Law , or communicated with the Law , by reason of their office . For hee had conceived in his mind , that this being brought to passe , all things afterward should bee ordered , according to the fancy of the Common people . And indeed it was said , that he had ( but the day before ) made his vaunt , putting his hand to his own lips : that before foure daies came to an end , all the Lawes of England shuld proceed from his mouth . When Sir Iohn Newton was in hand with him for dispatch , he answered with indignation : If thou art so hasty , thou maist get thee to thy Master , for I will come when it pleaseth mee . Notwithstanding , he followed on horsebacke a slow pace : and by the way , there came to him a Doublet maker , who had brought to the Commons threescore Doublers , which they bought and wore , and hee demanded thirty Markes for them , but could have no payment , Wat Tylar ansered him , saying , Friend , appease thy selfe , thou shalt be well payed before this day be ended : keep thee neere to me , I will be thy Creditor . Setting spurs to his horse , he departed from his company , and came so neere to the King , that his horse had touched the crooper of the Kings horse , and the first words he spake , were these : Sir King , seest thou all yonder people ? Yea truely , quoth the King , wherefore saist thou so ? Because ( said he ) they be all at my commandement , and have sworne to mee their faith and truth , to doe all that I will have them . In good time , replyed the King , I beleeve it well . Then said Wat Tylar , beleevest thou , King that these people , and as many moe as be in London , at my command , will depart from thee thus , without having thy Letters ? No , said the King , yee shall have them , they bee ordained for you , and shall bee delivered to every one of them . At these words , Wat Tylar seeing the Knight Sir Iohn Newton neere to him on horsebacke , bearing the Kings sword , was offended , and said , It had become him better to be on foot inhis presence . The Knight ( not having forgot his old accustomed manhood ) answered , That it was no harme , seeing himselfe was also on horsebacke . Which words so offended Wat , that he drew his Dagger , and offered to strike the Knight , calling him Traitor . The Knight answered , that he lied , and drew his Dagger likewise . Wat Tylar , not suffering such an indignity to be done him , and before his rustick companions , made as if he would have run upon the Knight . The King therefore , seeing the Knight in danger , to asswage the rigor of Wat for the time , commanded the Knight to alight on foot , and to deliver his Dagger to Wat Tylar . But when his proud mind could not bee so pacified , but hee would also have his Sword : the Knight answered , It was the kings sword , and ( quoth he ) thou art not worthy to have it , nor durst thou aske it of me , if here were no more but thou and I. By my faith , said Wat Tylar , I shall never eat , untill I have thy head , and would have run in upon the Knight . At that very instant came to the King William Walworth , Lord Maior of London , a bold , couragious and brave minded man , with many Knights and Squires to assist the King , and hee said ; My Liege , it were a great shame , and such as never had before been heard of , if in that presence , they should permit a Noble knight to be shamefully murthered , and before the face of their Soveraigne : wherefore hee ought to bee rescued , and Tylar the Rebell to be ararrested . Which words being heard , the king , although he were but of tender yeers , taking boldnesse and courage to him , commanded the Maior of London to lay hand upon him . The Maior , being a man of an incomparable spirit and boldnes , without any further delay or doubting , straight arrested him with his Mace upon the head , and in such sort , that he fell downe at the feet of his horse . By and by , they which attended on the king , environed him round about , whereby he was not seene of his companie . And an Esquire of the Kings , called Iohn Cavendish , alighted from his horse , and thrust his Sword into Wat Tylars belly : albeit more opinions do hold , that the Maior did it with his Dagger , and many beside did thrust him in , in many places of his body , and then drew him from among the people , into the Hospitall of Saint Bartholomew . Which when the Commons perceived , they cryed out , that their Captaine was traiterously slaine , heartning one another to fight , and to revenge his death , bending their Bowes . But the King rode to them , saying , What a worke is this , my men ? What meane you to doe ? Will you shoot at your king ? Be not quarrellous , or sorry for the death of a Traytor and Ribald : I am your king , I will be your Captaine and Leader : follow me into the Field , there to have whatsoever you will require . This the king did , lest the Commons , being bitterly bent in minde , should set fire on the houses in Smithfield , where their Captain was slaine . They therfore followed him into the open Field , and the Souldiers that were with him , not knowing as yet , whether they would kill the king , or be in rest , and depart home with the kings Charter . In the meane while , worthy Walworth , the ( for ever ) famous Maior of London , to second his first peece of service , that fell out to so good purpose , onely with one servant , riding speedily into the Citie , began to cry , You good Citizens , come to helpe your king , that is in doubt to be murdered , and succour me your Maior , that am in the like danger : Or if you will not succour me , yet leave not the king destitute . When the Citizens heard this , in whose hearts the love of the king was ingrafted , suddenly , and very seemely prepared , ( to the number of a thousand ) they tarried in the streets , for some one of the knights to lead them ( with the Lord Maior ) to the king . And by good fortune , Sir Robert Knowles , a Freeman of the Citie , came in the very instant , whom they all required to bee their Leader . Hee gladly undertooke part of them ; and Perducas Dalbert , the Lord Maior , and some other knights , led on the rest to the kings presence . The king , and all that were with him , rejoycing not a little at the unhoped for comming of these brave armed Citizens , suddenly compassed the whole multitude of the Commons . There might a man have seene a wonderfull change of Gods right hand , how the Commons did now throw downe their weapons , and fall to the ground , beseeching pardon ; who lately before did glory that they had the kings life in their power ; and now were glad to hide themselves in caves , ditches , corne-fields , &c. The knights therefore , desirous to be revenged , besought the king to permit them to take off the heads of and hundred or two ofthem . But the king would not condiscend to their request , but commanded the Charter which they had demanded , written and sealed , to be delivered to them for the time , to avoid any more mischiefe : As knowing well , that Essex was not yet pacified , nor Kent stayed , the Commons and Rusticks of which Countries were ready to rise again , if he did not satisfie them the sooner . The Commons having got the Charter , departed homeward , and the rude people being disperted and gone , the king called for his valiant Maior of Lond. W. Walworth , whom ( with great honour ) he knighted there in the field , and as he had very worthily deserved . The like he did to Nicholas Brember , Ioh. Philpot , Robert Lawnd , Iohn Standish , Nicholas Twiford , and Adam Frances , Aldermen . Afterward , the king , with his lords and his company , orderly entred into the Citie of London with great joy , and went to his royal Mother , who was lodged in the Tower Royall , called then the Queenes Wardrobe , and there shee had remained two dayes and two nights , very much abashed and amazed . But when shee saw the king her sonne , she was highly comforted , and said , Ah faire Sonne , what great sorrow have I suffered for you this day ! The king answered , and said : Certainely , Madame , I know it well : but now rejoyce , and thanke God , for I have this day recovered mine Heritage , and the Realme of England , which I had neere-hand lost . The Archbishops head was taken off the Bridge , and Wat Tylars head set up in the place . Here we are further to consider , that for an eternall remembrance of this happy day , and the Cities honour withall , the king granted , that there should be a Dagger added to the Armes of the Citie , in the right quarter of the shield , for an augmentation of the same Armes , and a memory of the Lord Maior his valiant act , as doth appeare unto this day . For till that time , the Citie bare onely the Crosse without the Dagger . And whereas it hath been farre spred abroad by vulgar opinion , that the Rebell smitten downe so manfully by Sir William Walworth , the then worthy Lord Maior of London , was named Iack Straw , and not Wat Tylar : I thought good to reconcile this rash conceived doubt , by such testimony as I find in ancient and good Records . The principall Leaders and Captaines of the Commons , were Wat Tylar , as the first man that tooke himselfe to be offended . The second , was Iohn or Iack Straw : the third , was Iohn Kirkby : the fourth , Allen Thredder : the fifth , Thomas Scot : the sixth , Ralfe Rugge . These and many other were Leaders of the Kentish and Essex men . At Mildenhall and Burie in Suffolke , was Robert Westbrome , that made himselfe a king ; and was most famous , next to Iohn Wrawe , who being a Priest , could not set Crowne upon Crowne : but left the name of king and Crowne to the same Robert. At Norwich , Iohn Litester a Dyer , exercised the name and power of a king , till he was taken and hanged for his paines . Thus dangerously had this Rebellion dispersed it selfe abroad . But the happy and prosperous successe at London , with other good care for them further off , gave a gracious issue to all in the end . After the death of Wat Tylar , and Iack Straw being taken , with divers other , as chiefe actors in this monstrous disorder : the fore-named Lord Mayor sate in judgement upon the offenders , and pronounced the sentence of death upon them . At which time , the Lord Maior spake openly to him thus : Iohn ( quoth he ) behold , thy death is at hand without all doubt , and there is no way through which thou mayst hope to escape : wherefore , for thy soules health , without making any lye , tell us what you purposed to have done among you , and to what end you did assemble the Commons . When hee had stayed a while , as doubtfull what to say , the Maior began thus againe to him : Surely thou knowest , Iohn , that the thing which I demand of thee , if thou doe it truely , it will redound to thy soules health , &c. He therefore , animated by the Lord Maiors good words , began as followeth : The Confession of Iack Straw , to the Lord Maior of London , before his death . NOw it booteth not to lye , neither is it lawfull to utter any untruth : especially , understanding that my Soule is to suffer more straiter torments if I should so doe . And because I hope for two commodities by speaking the truth : first , that what I shall speake , may profit the Common-wealth : and secondly , after my death , I trust by your suffrages to be succoured , according to your promises , which is to pray for me : I will speake faithfully , and without any deceit . At the same time as wee were assembled upon Black-heath , and had sent to the King to come unto us : our purpose was , to have slaine all such Knights , Squires and Gentlemen , as should have given their attendance thither upon him : And as for the King , we would have kept him among us , to the end that the people might more boldly have repaired to us : sith they would have thought , that whatsoever we did , the same had beene done by his authority . Finally , when we had gotten power enough , that wee needed not to feare any force which might be made against us , we would have slaine all such Noblemen as might either have given counsell , or made any resistance against us : especially , we would have slaine the Knights of the Rhodes or Saint Iohns , and lastly , were would have killed the King himselfe , and all men of possessions : with Bishops , Monks , Canons , and Parsons of Churches . Onely Friers Mendicants wee would have spared , that might have sufficed for Ministration of the Sacraments . When we had made a riddance of all those , we would have devised Lawes , according to which Lawes the subjects of the Realme should have lived . For we would have created Kings , as Wat Tylar in Kent , and other in other Countries . But because this our purpose was disappointed by the Archbishop of Canturbury , that would not permit the King to come to us : wee sought by all meanes to dispatch him out the way , as at length we did . Moreover , the same evening that Wat Tylar was kild , wee were determined ( having the greatest part of the Commons of the City bent to joyne with us ) to have set fire in foure corners of the Citie , and so to have divided among our selves , the spoile of the chiefest riches that might have been found at our 〈◊〉 pleasure . And this ( said he ) 〈…〉 , as God may helpe me now at 〈…〉 . After this confession ●●de hee was beheaded , and 〈◊〉 ●ad set on London bridge by Wat Tylars , and many other . In the yeere 1387. King Richard held his feast of Christmas in the Tower. And in the yeere 1399. the same King was sent prisoner to the Tower. In the yeere 1414. Sir Iohn Oldcastle brake out of the Tower. And the same yeere a Parliament being holden at Leicester , a Porter of the Tower was drawn , hanged and headed , whose head was sent up , and set over the Tower Gate , for consenting to one Whitlooke , that brake out of the Tower. In the yeere 1419. Fryer Randulph was sent to the Tower , and was there slaine by the Parson of Saint Peters in the Tower. In the yeere 1426. there came to London a lewd fellow , feining himselfe to be sent from the Emperour , to the yong king Henry the sixt , calling himselfe the Baron of Blackamoore , and that he should be the principall Physician in this Kingdome : but his subtilty being knowne , he was apprehended , condemned , drawne , hanged , headed and quartered , his head set on the Tower of London , and his quarters on toure Gates of the Citie . In the yeere 1458. in Whitson-week , the Duke of Somerset , with Anthony Rivers , and other foure , kept Iusts before the Queen in the Tower of London against three Esquires of the Queenes , and others . In the yeere 1465. King Henry the sixt was brought prisoner the Tower , where he remained long . In the yeere 1470. the Tower was yeelded to Sir Richard Lee Maior of London and his Brethren the Aldermen , who forthwith entred the same , delivering King Henry of his imprisonment , and lodged him in the Kings lodging there , but the next yeere he was againe sent thither prisoner , and there murdered . In the yeere 1478. George Duke of Clarence , was drowned in a Butte of Malmesey in the Tower : and within 5. yeeres after King Edward the fift , with his Brother , were said to be murthered there . In the yeere 1485. Iohn Earle of Oxford was made Constable of the Tower , and had custody of the Lyons granted him . In the yeere 1501. in the moneth of May , was royall Turney of Lords and Knights in the Tower of London before the king . In the yeere 1502. Queen Elizabeth , wife to Henry the 7. died of Childbirth in the Tower. In the yeere 1512. the Chappell in the high white Tower was burned . In the yeere 1546. Queene Anne Bullein was beheaded in the Tower. 1541. Lady Katherine Howard , wife to king Henry the eighth , was also beheaded there . In the yeere 1546. the 27. of April , being Tuesday in Easter weeke William Foxley , Potmaker for the Mint of the Tower of London , fell asleepe , and so continued sleeping , and could not bee wakened with pricking , cramping , or otherwise burning whatsoever , till the first day of the tearme , which was full 14. daies , and 15. nights , or more , for that Easter tearme beginneth not afore 17. dayes after Easter . The cause of his thus sleeping could not bee knowne , though the same were diligently searched after by the Kings Physicians , and other learned men : yea , the king himselfe examined the said Wil. Foxley , who was in all points found at his wakening , to be as if he had slept but one night , and he lived more than forty yeeres after in the said Tower , to wit , untill the yeere of Christ , 1587. and then deceased on Wednesday in Easter weeke . Thus much for these accidents : and now to conclude thereof in summary . This Tower is a Cittadell , to defend or command the Citie : a Royall place for assemblies and treaties : a Prison of Estate , for the most dangerous offenders : The onely place of coynage for all England at this time : the Armorie for warlike provision : the Treasurie of the Ornaments and Iewels of the Crowne , and generall conserver of the most Records of the kings Courts of Iustice at Westminster . Tower on London Bridge . THe next Tower on the River of Thames , was on London Bridge , at the north end of the Draw-bridge . This Tower was new begun to be builded 1426. Iohn Reynwell , Maior of London , laid one of the first corner-stones in the foundation of this worke ; the other three were laid by the Sheriffes and Bridge-masters : upon every of these foure stones was ingraven in faire Romane letters , the name of Ihesus . And these stones I have seene laid in the Bridge Storehouse , since they were taken up , when that Tower was of late newly made of timber . This Gate and tower was at the first strongly builded up of stone , and so continued untill the yeere 1577. in the moneth of April , when the same stone arched gate and tower , being decayed , was begun to be taken downe , and then were the heads of the traytors removed thence , and set on the tower over the gate at the Bridge foot , towards Southwarke . This said tower beeing taken downe , a new foundation was drawne , and Sir Iohn Langley , Lord Maior , laid the first stone , in the presence of the Sheriffes and Bridge masters . On the 28 of August , and in the moneth of September , the yeere 1579. the same tower was finished , a beautifull and chargeable peece of worke , all above the Bridge being of timber . Tower on the South of London Bridge . ANother tower there is on London Bridge , to wit , over the gate at the South end of the same Bridge , toward Southwarke . This gate , with the tower thereupon , and two Arches of the Bridge fell downe , and no man perished by the fall thereof , in the yeere 1436. Towards the new building whereof , divers charitable Citizens gave large summes of monies : which Gate being then againe new builded , was , with thirteene houses more on the Bridge , in the yeere 1471. burned by the Mariners and Saylers of Kent , Bastard Fawconbridge being their Captaine . Baynards Castle . IN the west part of this Citie ( saith Fitzstephen ) are two most strong Castles , &c. Also Gervasim Tilbury , in the Reigne of Henry the second , writing of these Castl● 〈◊〉 to this effect : Two Castles ( saith he ) 〈◊〉 built with wals and rampires , whereof one is in right of possession Baynards : the other , the Barons of Mountfitchet . The first of these Castles , banking on the River Thames , was called Baynards Castle , of Baynard , a Nobleman that came in with the Conquerour , and then builded it , and deceased in the reigne of William Rufus : after whose decease Geffrey Baynard succeeded , and then William Baynard , in the yeere 1111 who by forfeiture for Felonie , lost his Baronry of little Dunmow , and king Henry gave it wholly to Robert , the sonne of Richard , the sonne of Gilbert of Clare , and to his heires , together with the honour of Baynards Castle . This Robert married Maude de Sent Licio , Lady of Bradham , and deceased 1134. was buried at Saint Needes by Gilbert of Glare his Father : Walter his sonne succeeded him , he tooke to wife Matilde de Bocham ; and after her decease , Matilde the daughter and coheyre of Richard de Lucy , on whom hee begate Robert , and other : hee deceased in the yeere 1198. and was buried at Dunmow : after whom succeeded Robert Fitzwater , a valiant knight . About the yeere 1213. there arose a great discord betwixt king Iohn and his Barons , because of Matilda , surnamed the faire , daughter to the said Robert Fitzwater , whom the king unlawfully loved , but could not obtain her , nor her Father would consent thereunto : wherupon , and for other like causes , ensued warre through the whole Realme . The Barons were received into Lond. where they greatly endamaged the King , but in the end , the king did not onely ( therefore ) banish the said Fitzwater amongst other , out of the Realme , but also caused his Castell , called Baynard , and other his houses to bee spoiled . Which then being done , a Messenger being sent unto Matilda the faire , about the kings suit , whereunto shee would not consent , she was poysoned : Robert Fitzwater , and other being then passed into France and some into Scotland , &c. It hapned in the yeere 1214. king Iohn being then in France with a great Army , that a truce was taken betwixt the two kings of England and France , for the tearme of five yeeres , and a River , or arme of the Sea 〈◊〉 then betwixt either host . There was a Knight in the English host , that cryed to them of the other side , willing some one of their Knights , to come and just a course or twaine with him : whereupon , without stay , Robert Fitzwater , being on the French part , made himselfe ready , ferried over , and got on horsebacke , without any man to helpe him , and shewed himselfe ready to the face of his challenger , whom at the first course , hee strooke so hard with his great Speare , that horse and man fell to the ground : and when his Speare was broken , hee went back againe to the king of France . Which when the king had seene , by Gods tooth , quoth hee ( after his usuall oath ) he were a king indeed , that had such a Knight . The friends of Robert hearing these words , kneeled downe and said : O king , he is your knight ; it is Robert Fitzwater , and thereupon the next day hee was sent for , and restored to the kings favour : By which meanes , peace was concluded , and he received his livings , and had licence to repaire to his Castell of Baynard , and other Castles . The yeere 1216. the first of Henry the third , the Castell of Hartford , being delivered to Lewes the French , and the Barons of England , Robert Fitzwater requiring to have the same ; because the keeping thereof did by ancient right and title pertaine to him , was answered by Lewes ; That English men were not worthy to have such holds in keeping , because they did betray their own Lord , &c. This Robert deceased in the yeere 1234. and was buried at Dunmow , and Walter his sonne succeeded him , 1258. and his Barony of Baynard , was in the ward of King Henry in the nonage of Robert Fitzwater . This Robert tooke to his second wife , Aelianor , daughter and heire to the Earle of Ferrars , in the yeere 1289. and in the yeere 1303. on the 12. of March. Before Iohn Blondon , Maior of London , he acknowledged his service to the same Citie , and sware upon the Evangelists , that he would be true to the liberties thereof , and maintaine the same to his power , and the counsell of the same to keepe , &c. The rights that belonged to Robert Fitzwater , Chastilian and Banner-bearer of London , Lord of Wodeham were these . THe said Robert and his heires , ought to be , and are chiefe Bannerers of London , in fee for the Chastilary , which he and his ancestors had by Castell Baynard , in the said Citie . In time of warre , the said Robert and his heyres ought to serve the City in manner as followeth : that is ; The said Robert ought to come , hee being the twentieth man of Armes on horsebacke , covered with cloth , or Armour , unto the great West doore of St. Paul , with his Banner displaied before him , of his Armes . And when hee is come to the said doore , mounted and apparelled , as before is said , the Maior with his Aldermen and Sheriffs , armed in their Armes , shall come out of the said Church of Saint Paul unto the said doore , with a Banner in his hand all on foot , which Banner shal be Gules , the Image of Saint Paul gold : the face , hands , feet , and sword of silver : and assoone as the said Robert shall see the Maior , Aldermen , and Sheriffs come on foot out of the Church , armed with such a Banner , he shall alight from his horse , and salute the Maior , and say to him ; Sir Maior , I am come to doe my service , which I owe to the Citie . And the Maior and Aldermen shall answer : We give to you , as to our Banneret of fee in this Citie , the Banner of this Citie to beare and governe , to the honour and profit of this Citie , to your power . And the said Robert and his heires shall receive the Banner in his hands , and shall goe on foot out of the gate , with the Banner in his hands ; and the Maior , Aldermen , and Shiriffes shall follow to the doore , and shall bring an horse to the said Robert , worth twenty pound , which horse shall bee saddled with a saddle of the Armes of the said Robert , and shall be covered with sindals of the said Armes . Also they shall present to him twenty pounds starling money , and deliver it to the Chamberlaine of the said Robert , for his expences that day . Then the said Robert shall mount upon the horse which the Maior presented to him , with the Banner in his hand , and as soone as he is up , hee shall say to the Mayor , that he cause a Marshall to be chosen for the host , one of the Citie ; which Marshall being chosen , the said Robert shall command the Maior and Burgesses of the Citie , to warne the Commons to assemble together , and they shall all goe under the Banner of S. Paul , and the said Robert shall beare it himselfe unto Ealdgate , and there the said Robert and Maior shall deliver the said Bauner of Saint Paul from thence , to whom they shal assent or think good . And if they must make any issue forth of the Citie ; then the said Robert ought to choose two forth of every Ward , the most sage personages , to foresee to the safe keeping of the Citie , after they be gone forth . And this counsell shall bee taken in the Priorie of the Trinity neere unto Ealdgate . And againe , before every Towne or Castle , which the host of London shall besiege , if the siege continue a whole yeere , the said Robert shall have for every siege , of the Communalty of London , one hundred shillings for his travell , and no more . These be the rights that the said Robert hath in the time of warre . Rights belonging to Robert Fitzwater and to his heires in the Citie of London in the time of peace , are these ; that is to say , The said Robert hath a Soke or Ward in the Citie ; that is , a wall of the Canonrie of Saint Paul , as a man goeth down the street before the Brewhouse of Saint Paul , unto the Thames , and so to the side of the Mill , which is in the water that commeth downe from the Fleet-bridge , and goeth so by London wals , betwixt the Friers preachers and Ludgate , and so returneth backe by the house of the said Fryers , unto the said wall of the said Canonrie of Saint Paul ; that is , all the Parish of Saint Andrew , which is in the gift of his Ancestors , by the said Signiority : and so the said Robert hath appendant unto the said Soke , all these things under-written : That he ought to have a Sokeman , and to place what Sokeman he will , so he be of the Sokemanrie , or the same Ward ; and if any of the Sokemanry be impleaded in the Guildhall , of any thing that toucheth not the body of the Maior that for the time is , or that toucheth the body of no Sheriffe , it is not lawfull for the Sokeman of the Sokemanrie of the said Robert Fitzwater , to demand a Court of the said Robert ; and the Maior and his Citizens of London ought to grant him to have a Court , and in his Court hee ought to bring his judgements , at it is assented and agreed upon in the Guild-hall , that shall be given them . If any therefore be taken in his Soke . manry , he ought to have his Stocks and imprisonment in his Soke ; and he shall be brought from thence to the Guild-hall , before the Maior , and there they shall provide him his judgement that ought to be given of him : but his judgement shall not be published till he come into the Court of the said Robert , and in his liberty . And the judgement shall bee such , that if he have deserved death by treason , he to be tyed to a post in the Thames at a good Wharfe , where Boats are fastned , two ebbings and two flowings of the water . And if he be condemned for a common thiefe , he ought to bee led to the Elmes , and there suffer his judgement as other Theeves . And so the said Robert and his heires hath honour , that he holdeth a great Franches within the Citie , that the Maior of the Citie and Citizens are bound to doe him of right ; that is to say , that when the Maior will hold a great Councell , he ought to call the said Robert and his heires , to be with him in councell of the Citie ; and the said Robert ought to be sworne , to be of counsell with the Citie , against all people , saving the King and his heires . And when the said Robert commeth to the Hustings in the Guild hall of the Citie , the Maior or his Lieutenant ought to rise against him , and set him downe neere unto him , and so long as hee is in the Guild-hall , all the judgements ought to be given by his mouth , according to the Record of the Recorders of the said Guild-hall . And so many waifes as come so long as he is there , he ought to give them to the Bayliffes of the Towne , or to whom he will , by the counsaile of the Maior of the Citie . These be the Franchises that belonged to Robert Fitzwater in London , in time of peace , which , for the antiquity thereof , I have noted out of an old Record . This Robert deceased in the yeere 1305 leaving issue , Walter Fitzrobert , who had issue , Robert Fitzwalter , unto whom , in the yeere 1320. the Citizens of London acknowledged the right , which they ought to him and his heires for the Castle Baynard . He deceased 1325. unto whom succeeded Robert Fitzrobert , Fitzwalter , &c. More of the Lord Fitzwater may ye read in my Annales , in the 51 of Edward the third . But how this honour of Baynards Castle , with the appurtenances , fell from the possession of the Fitzwaters , I have not read : only I find , that in the yeere 1428. the seventh of Henry the sixth , a great fire was at Baynards Castle , and that Humfrey Duke of Gloucester builded it new . By his death and attaindor , in the yeere 1446. it came to the hands of Henry the sixth , and from him to Richard Duke of Yorke , of whom wee reade , that in the yeere 1457. he lodged there as in his owne house . In the yeere 1460. the 28 of February , the Earles of March and of Warwicke , with a great power of men , ( but few of name ) entred the City of London , where they were of the Citizens joyfully received ; and upon the third of March , being Sunday , the said Earle caused his people to be mustred in S. Iohns field : where , unto that host was shewed and proclaimed , certaine Articles & points , wherein King Henry , as they said , had offended , and thereupon it was demanded of the said people , whether the said Henry was worthy to raingne as King any longer , or not : wherunto the people cryed , nay . Then it was asked of them , whether they would have the E. of March for their King : and they cryed , yea , yea . Whereupon certaine Captaines were appointed to beare report thereof to the said Earle of March , then being lodged at his Castle of Baynard . Whereof when the Earle was by them advertised , he thanked God , and them for their election : notwithstanding , he shewed some countenance of insufficiency in him , to occupie so great a charge , till by exhortation of the Archbishop of Canturbury , the Bishop of Excest . and certain Noblemen , he granted to their petition : and on the next morrow at Pauls , he went on Procession , offered , and had Te Deum sung . Then was he with great Royalty conveyed to Westminster , and there in the great Hall , set in the Kingss Seat , with Saint Edwards Scepter in his hand . In the seventh yeere of King Edwards reigne , many men were arrested of treason , surmised against them , wherethough many of them were put to death , and other escaped for great sums of money . Amongst whom were , Sir Thomas Cooke , Sir Iohan Plummer , Knights , Humfrey Heyward , and other Aldermen of London arrested , and charged with treason : whereof they were acquitted , but they lost their goods to the King , to the value of 40000. Marks , or more , as some have written . And for example , Sir Thomas Cooke , lately before L. Maior of London , was by one , named Hawkins , appeached of Treason , for which he was committed to the Tower , his place in London seized on by the Lord Rivers ; and his Lady and servants cleerely put out thereof , the cause being thus : The forenamed Hawkins came ( upon a time ) to the said Sir Thomas Cooke , requesting him to lend him a thousand Markes upon good surety ; wherunto he answered , that he would first know for whom it should be : At length understanding that it should bee for the use of Queen Margaret , hee answered ; he had no currant wares , whereof any shift might bee made , without too much losse , and therefore required Hawkins to move him no further , for he intended not to deale therewithall . Yet the said Hawkins requested but one hundred pounds at length , and went away without it , or the value of one penny , and never after came again to move him ; which rested so for two or 3. yeere after , till the said Hawkins was committed to the Tower ; and brought at length to the Brake or Racke , commonly called , the Duke of Excesters daughter , because hee was the deviser of that torture . By meanes of which paine , he revealed many things : and among the rest , the motion , which hee had made to Sir Thomas Cooke , was one . In regard whereof , the said Sir Thomas was troubled , as you have heard , and a Iury , by the meanes of Sir Iohn Fogge , endighted him of treason . After which , an Oyer determiner was held in the Guildhall , where sate the Lord Maior , the Duke of Clarence , the Earle of Warwicke , the Lord Rivers , Sir Iohn Fogge , with other of the kings Councell . To this place was the said Sir Thomas brought , and there arraigned upon life and death : where he was acquitted of the said endightment , and sent to the Counter in Breadstreet , and from thence to the Kings Bench. Being thus acquitted , his Wife got possession againe of his house , the which she found in a very evill plight : for the servants of Sir Iohn Fogge , and of the Lord Rivers , had made havocke of what they listed . Also , at his place at Giddy Hall in Essex , anóther sort had destroyed the Deere in his Parke , his Conies and Fish , and spared not Brasse , Pewter , Bedding , and all that they could carry away ; for which , neuer a penny might be gotten backe againe in recompence , nor Sir Thomas Cooke bee delivered , untill he had paid 8000. pounds to the King , and 800. pounds to the Queene . And because that Sir Iohn Markham knight , then chiefe Iustice of the Pleas , determined somewhat against the kings pleasure ( that the offence done by Sir Thomas Cooke was no treason , but misprision , the which was no desert of death , but to be fined at the kings pleasure : ) the Lord Rivers , and the Dutches of Bedford his wife , procured , that he lost his Office afterward . Edward the fourth being dead , leaving his eldest sonne Edward , and his second sonne Richard , both infants ; Richard Duke of Glocester , being elected by the Nobles and Commons in the Guildhall of London , tooke on him the title or the Realme and kingdome , as imposed upon him in this Baynards Castle , as yee may read pended by Sir Thomas Moore , and set downe in my Annals . Henry the seventh , about the yeere 1501. the 16. of his reigne , repaired or rather new builded this house , not imbattelled , or so strongly fortified Castle-like ▪ but farre more beautifull and commodious for the entertainment of any Prince or great Estate : hee also kept a Royall Turney , and Iusts in the Tower of London , for his Lords , knights and other . In the seventeenth of his reigne , he with his Queene were lodged there , and came from thence to Fauls Church , where they made their offering , dined in the Bishops Palace , and so returned . The 18 , of his reigne he was lodged there , and the Ambassadours from the King of the Romanes , were thither brought to his presence , and from thence the king came to Pauls , and was there sworne to the King of the Romans , as the said King had sworne to him . The twenty of the said King , he with his Knights of the Order , all in their habits of the Gatter , rode from the Tower of London through the City , unto the Cathedrall Church of St. Pauls , and there heard Evensong , and from thence they rode to Baynards Castle , where the king lodged , and on the next morrow , in the same habit they rode from thence againe to the said Church of St. Pauls , went on Procession , heard the divine Service , offered and returned . The same yeere the King of Castile was lodged there . In the yeere 1553. the 19. of Iuly , the Councell , partly moved with the right of the Lady Maries cause , partly considering , that the most of the Realm was wholly bent on her side , changing their minde from Lady Iane , lately proclaimed Queen ; assembled themselves at this Baynards Castle , where they communed with the Earle of Pembrooke and the Earle of Shrewsbury , and Sir Iohn Mason , Clerke of the Councell , sent for the Lord Maior , and then riding into Cheape to the Crosse , where Garter King at Armes ( Trumpets being sounded ) proclaimed the Lady Marie , Daughter to King Henry the eight , and Queene Katharine , Queene of England , &c. This Castle now belongeth to the Earle of Pembrooke . Next adjoyning to this Castle , was sometime a Tower , the name thereof I have not read , but that the same was builded by Edward the second , is manifest by this that followeth : King Edward the third , in the second yeere of his reigne , gave unto William de Ros , of Hamelake in Yorkeshire , a Tower upon the water of Thames , by the Gastle Baynard , in the Citie of London , which Tower his Father had builded , he gave the said Tower and appurtenances to the said William Hamesake , and his heires , for a Roseyeerely to be paid for al service due , &c. This Tower as it seemeth to me , was since called Legates Inne , the 7. of Edward the fourth . Tower of Mountfiquit . THe next Tower or Castle , banking also on the river of Thames , was ( as is afore shewed ) called Mountfiquits Castle , belonging to a Nobleman , Baron of Mountfiquit , the first builder thereof , who came in with William the Conquerour , and was afterward named , William le Sir Monntfiquit . This Castle hee builded in a place , not far distant from Baynards , towards the West . The same William Mountfiquit lived in the reigne of Hen. the 1. and was witnesse to a Charter then granted to the Citie for the Shiriffes of London , Richard Mountfiquit lived in king Iohns time , and in the yeere 1213. was by the same king banished the Realme into France , when ( peradventure ) king Iohn caused his Castle of Mountfiquit , amongst other Castles of the Barons , to be overthrowne . The which , after his returne , might bee by him againe re edified ; for the totall destruction thereof , was about the yeere 1276. when Robert Kilwarby , Archbishop of Canturbury , began the foundation of the Fryers Preachers Church there , commonly called , the Blacke Fryers , as appeareth by a Charter , in the fourth of Edward the first , in these words . Gregory Rokesley , Lord Maior , and the Barons of London , granted , and gave to the Archbishop of Canturbury Robert Kilwarby , two lanes or wayes , lying next to the street of Baynards Castle , and the Tower of Mountfiquit , or Mountfichet to be destroyed . In the which place , the said Robert builded the late new Church of the Blacke Fryers , with the rest of the stones that were left of the said Tower . For the best and choise stones the Bishop of London had obtained of King William Conquerour , to re-edifie the upper part of Saint Pauls Church , which was then ( by chance of fire ) decaied . One other Tower there was also , situate on the River of Thames , neere unto the said Black Fryers Church , on the West part thereof , builded at the Citizens charges , by licence and commandement of Edward the first , and of Edward the second as appeareth by their gránts . Which Tower was then finished , and so stood for the space of 300. yeeres ; and was at the last taken downe by the commandement of Iohn Sha , Maior of London , in the yeere 1502. Another Tower or Castle also was there , in the West part of the Citie , pertaining to the king . For I read , that in the yeere 1087. the 20. of William the first , the City of London , with the Church of Saint Paul , being burned , Mauritius then Bishop of London , afterward began the foundation of a new Church , whereunto king William ( saith mine Author ) gave the choise stones of his Castle , standing neere to the bank of the River of Thames , at the west end of the Citie . After this Mauritius , Richard his successor purchased the streets about Pauls Church , compassing the same with a wall of stone , and gates , King Henry the first gave to this Richard , so much of the Moat or wall of the Castle , on the Thames side to the South , as should be needfull to make the said wall of the Churchyard , and so much more as should suffice to make a way without the wall on the North side . This Tower or Castle being thus destroyed , stood , as it may seeme , in place where now standeth the House called Bridewell . For notwithstanding the destruction of the said Castle or Tower , the house remained large , so that the Kings of this Realme long after were lodged there , and kept their Courts . For untill the 9. yeere of Henry the third , the Courts of Law and Iustice were kept in the Kings house , wheresoever he was lodged , and not elsewhere . And that the Kings have beene lodged , and kept their Law Court in this place , I could shew you many , authors of record ; but for a plaine proofe , this one may suffice : Haec est finalis concordia , facta in Curia Dom. Regis apud Sanct. Bridgid . Lond. a die Sancti Michaelis in 15. dies Anno regni Regis Iohannis 7. Corā G. Fil. Petri , Eustacio de Fauconberg , Iohanne de Gestlinge , Osbart filio Hervey , Walter de Crisping , Iusticiar . & aliis Baronibus Domini Regis . More ( as Mathew Paris hath ) about the yeere 1210. King Iohn , the 12. of his reigne , summoned a Parliament at S. Brides in London , where he exacted of the Clergie and religious persons , the summe of one hundred thousand pounds , and besides all this , the white Monks were compelled to cancell their priviledges , and to pay 40000. l. to the King , &c. This house of S. Birdes of later time being left , and not used by the Kings , fell to ruine , insomuch that the very platforme thereof remained ( for great part ) waste , and as it were , but a lay-stall of filth and rubbish , only a faire Well remained there . A great part of this house , namely on the west , as hath beene said , was given to the Bishop of Salisbury ; the other part toward the East remained waste , untill King Henry the 8. builded a stately and beautifull house thereupon , giving it to name , Bridewell , of the Parish and Well there . This house he purposely builded for the entertainmēt of the Emp. Charles the 5. who in the yeere 1522. came into this Citie , as I have shewed in my Summarie , Annales , and large Chronicles . On the North-west side of this Citie , neere unto Redcrosse-street , there was a Tower , commonly called Barbican , or Burhkenning , for that the same , being placed on an high ground , and also builded of some good height , was ( in old time ) used as a Watch-Tower for the Citie , from whence a man might behold and view the whole Citie towards the South , and also into Kent , Suffex and Surrey , and likewise every other way , East , North , or West . Some other Burhkennings or Watch-Towers there were of old time , in and about the Citie , all which were repayred , yea and others new builded , by Gilbert de Clare , Earle of Gloucester , in the reigne of King Henry the third , when the Barons were in Armes , and held the Citie against the King. But the Barons being reconciled to his favour , in the yeere 1267. he caused all their Burhkennings , Watch-Towers , and Bulwarkes , made and repaired by the said Earle , to be plucked downe , and the ditches to be filled up , so that nought of them might seeme to remaine . And then was might seeme to remaine . And then was this Burhkenning , amongst the rest , overthrowne and destroyed : and although the ditch neere thereunto , then called Hounds-ditch , was stopped up , yet the street ( of long time after ) was called Hounds-ditch , and of late time ( more commonly ) called Barbican . The plot or feat of this Burhkëning or watch-tower , King Edward the third , in the yeere 1336. the tenth of his reigne , gave unto Robert Vfford , Earle of Suffolke , by the name of his Mannor of Base-court , in the Parish of S. Giles without Creplegate of London , commonly called the Barbican . Tower Royall was of old time the kings house , King Stephen was there lodged ; but since called the Queenes Wardrobe . The Princesse , mother to King Richard the 2. in the 4. of his reigne , was lodged there , being forced to fly frō the Tower of London , when the Rebels possessed it . But on the 15. of Iune , ( saith Frosard ) Wat Tylar being slaine , the King went to this Lady Princesse his mother , then lodged in the Tower Royall , called the Queenes Wardrobe , where shee had tarried two dayes and two nights : which Tower ( saith the Record of Edward the third , the thirty sixth yeere ) was in the Parishe of the Saint Michael de Pater noster , &c. In the yeere 1386. King Richard with Queene Anne his wife , kept their Christmas at Eltham , whither came to him Lion King of Ermonie , under pretence to reforme peace betwixt the Kings of England and France ; but what his comming profited , he onely understood . For , besides innumerable gifts that he received of the King and of the Nobles , the King lying then in this Tower Royall , or the Queenes Wardrobe in London , granted to him a Charter , of a thousand pounds by yeere during his life . He was , as hee affirmed , chased out of his Kingdome by the Tartarians . More concerning this Tower shall you read , when you come to the Vintry Ward , in which is standeth . Sernes Tower in Bucklersberie , was sometimes the Kings house . Edward the third , in the eighteenth yeere of his reigne , appointed his Exchange of monies therein to be kept , and in the two and thirtieth , hee gave the same Tower to his free Chappell of S. Stephen at Westminster . Of Schooles and other Houses of Learning . IN the reigne of King Stephen , and of Henry the second , ( saith Fitzstephen ) there were in London 3. principal Churches , which had famous Schooles , either by priviledge and ancient dignitie , or by fauour of some particular persons , as of Doctors , which were ●●ceounted notable and renowned , for knowledge in Philosophie . And there were other inferior Schools also . Vpon Festivall dayes , the Masters made solemne meetings in the Churches , where their Schollers disputed Logically and demonstratively : some bringing Enthimems , other , perfect Syllogismes : some disputed for shew ; others to trace out the truth ; and cunning Sophisters were brave scholars , when they flowed with words . Others used fallacies : Rhetoricians spake aptly to perswade , observing the precepts of Art , and omitting nothing that might serve their purpose . The Boyes of divers Schooles did cap or pot verses , and contended of the principles of Grammar . There were some , which ( on the other side ) with Epigrams and Rimes , nipping and quipping their fellowes , and the faults of others , though suppressing their names , moved thereby much laughter among their Auditors . Hitherto Fitzstephen , for schooles and scholars , and for their exercise in the Citie in his dayes , : sithence the which time , as to me it seemeth , by increase of Colledges of students in the Vaiversities of Oxford and Cambridge , the frequenting of schooles , and exercises of scholars in the Citie , as had beene accustomed , very much decreased . The three principall Churches which had these famous shooles by priviledges , must needs be the cathedral Church of S. Paul for one : seeing that by a generall Councell , holden in the yeere 1176. at Rome , in the Patriarchie of Laterane , it was decreed , that every Cathedrall Church should have his schoolemaster , to teach poore schollers , and others , as had bin accustomed , and that no man should take any reward for licence to teach . The second , as most ancient , may seeme to have beene the Monasterie of S. Peters at Westminster , whereof Ingulphus , Abbot of Crowland , in the reigne of William the Conqueror , writeth thus : 1 Jngulphus , an humble servant of God , borne of English parents , in the most beautifull Citie of London , for to attaine to learning , was first put to Westm . & after to study at Oxford , &c. And writing in praise of Queene Agitha , wife to Edward the Confessor : I have seene ( faith he ) often , when being but a Boy , I came to see my Father , dwelling in the Kings Court , and often comming from Schoole , when I met the Queene , she would oppose me touching my learning and lesson . And falling from Grammar to Logicke , wherein she had some knowledge , she would subtilly conclude an Argument with me . And by her handmaiden give me three or foure peeces of money , and send mee unto the Palace , where I should receive some victuals , and then bee dismissed . The third Schoole seemeth to have beene in the Monastery of S. Saviour , at Bermondsey in Southwarke . For other Priories , as of Saint Iohn by Smithfield , Saint Bartholomew in Smithfield , Saint Mary Overie in Southwarke , and that of the Holy Trinity by Ealdgate , were all of later foundation , and the Friers Colledges , and Hospitals in this Citie , were raised since them , in the reignes of Henry the 3. Edward the 1 , 2 , and 3. &c. All which houses had their Schools , though not so famous as these first named . But touching Schooles more lately advanced in this Citie , I read , that King Henry the fifth , having suppressed the Priories Aliens , whereof some were about London , namely , Our Lady of Rouncivall by Charing-Crosse : one other Hospitall in Oldborne : one other without Creplegate ; and the fourth without Aldersgate : besides other that are now worne out of memory , and whereof there is no monument remaining , more than Rouncivall , converted to a Brotherhood , which continued till the reigne of Henry the eighth , or Edward the 6. This , I say , and other of their Schooles , being broken up and ceased , King Henry the 6. in the 24. of his reigne , by Patent appointed , that there should be in London Grammar-Schooles , besides S. Pauls , at S. Martins le grand , S. Mary le Bow , in Cheap , S. Dunstans in the west , and S. Anthonies . And in the next yeere , to wit , 1394. the said King ordained by Parliament , that foure other Grammer-Schooles should be erected , to wit , in the Parishes of Saint Andrew in Oldborne , Alhallowes the great , in Thames street , Saint Peters upon Cornhill , and in the Hospitall of Saint Thomas of Acons in west Cheape . Since the which time , as divers Schooles , by suppressing of religious houses ( whereof they were members in the reigne of Henry the eighth , have beene decayed : so againe have some others beene newly erected and founded for them . As namely , Pauls schoole , in place of an old ruined house , was builded in most ample manner , and largely endowed in the yeere 1512. by Iohn Collet , Doctor of Divinity , and Deane of Pauls , for 153. poore mens children : for which there was ordained a Master , Submaster or Vsher , and a Chaplaine . Againe , in the yeere 1553. after the erection of Christs Hospitall , in the late dissolved house of the Gray Friers , a great number of poore children being taken in , a schoole was also ordained there , at the Citizens charges . Also in the yeere 1561. the Merchant Taylors of London , founded one notable free Grammar-schoole , in the Parish of Saint Laurence Poultney , by Candle-weeke street ; Richard Hils , late Master of that Company , having given 500. pound toward the purchase of an House , called the Mannor of the Rose , sometime the Duke of Buckinghams , wherein the schoole is kept . As for the meeting of Schoolemasters on festivall dayes , at festivall Churches , and the disputing of their schollers Logically , &c. whereof I have before spoken , the same was long since discontinued . But the arguing of schoole-boies about the principles of Grammar , hath beene continued even till our time : for I my selfe ( in my youth ) have yeerely seene , on the Eve of Saint Bartholomew the Apostle , the schollers of divers Grammar-schooles , repaire unto the Churchyard of Saint Bartholomew the Priory in Smithfield , where , upon a banke boorded about under a Tree , some one scholar hath stepped up , and there hath apposed and answered , till he were by some better scholler overcome and put downe . And then the overcommer taking the place , did like as the first : and in the end , the best opposers and answerers had rewards , which I observed not : but it made both good schoolemasters , and also good scholars ( diligently against such times ) to prepare themselves for the obtaining of this Garland . I remember there repaired to these exercises , ( amongst others ) the Masters and scholars of the free schooles of S. Pauls in London , of Saint Peters at Westminster , of Saint Thomas Acons Hospital , and of Saint Anthonies Hospitall : whereof the last named , commonly presented the best Scholers , and had the prize in those dayes . This Priorie of Saint Bartholomew being surrendred to Henry the eighth , those disputations of Scholers in that place surceased , and was againe , onely for a yeere or twaine , in the reigne of Edward the sixth , revived in the Cloister of Christs Hospitall , where the best Scholers , ( then still of S. Anthonies Schoole ) were rewarded with Bowes and Arrowes of silver , given to them by Sir Martin Bowes , Goldsmith . Neverthelesse , howsoever the incouragement failed , the Scholers of Pauls , meeting with them of Saint Anthonies , would call them Saint Anthonies Pigs , and they againe would call the other Pigeons of Pauls ; because many Pigeons were bred in Pauls Church , and S. Anthonie was alwaies figured with a Pig following him : and mindfull of the former usage , did for a long season , disorderly in the open street , provoke one another , with Salve tu quoque , placet tibi mecum disputare ? placet . And so proceeding from this to questions in Grammar , they usually fell from words to blowes , with their fatchels full of books , many times in great heaps , that they troubled the streets and passengers : so that finally they were restrained with the decay of Saint Anthonies Schoole . Out of this Schoole have sprung divers famous persons , whereof although time hath buried the names of many , yet in mine owne remembrance may be numbred these following : Sir Thomas Moore , Knight , Lord Chancellour of England : Doctor Nicholas Heath , sometime Bishop of Rochester , after of Worcester , and lastly , Archbishop of Yorke , and Lord Chancellour of England : Doctor Iohn Whitgift , Bishop of Worcester , and after Archbishop of Canturbury , &c. Of later time , in the yeere of Christ 1582. there was founded a publike Lecture in Chirurgerie , to be read in the Colledge of Physicians in Knight-riders-street , to beginne in the yeere 1584. on the sixth of May , and so to be continued for ever twice a week , on Wednesdsy & Friday , by the honourable Baron , Iohn , Lord Lombley , and the learned Richard Chadwell , Doctor in Physicke : the Reader whereof to be Richard Forster , Doctor of Physicke , during his life . Furthermore , about the same time , there was also begun a Mathematicall Lecture , to be read in a faire old Chappell , builded by Simon Eayre , within the Leaden-hall ; whereof a learned Citizen borne , named Thomas Hood , was the first Reader . But this Chappell , and other parts of that Hall , being imployed for stowage of goods , taken out of a great Spanish Caracke , the said Lecture ceased any more to be read , and was then in the yeere 1588. read in the house of Master Thomas Smith in Grasse-street , &c. Last of all , Sir Thomas Gresham knight , Agent to Queene Elizabeth , by his last Will and Testament , made in the yeere 1579. gave the Royall Exchange , and all the buildings therunto appertaining ; that is to say , the one moity to the Maior and Communalty of London , and their successors , upon trust , that they performe as shall be declared : and the other moity to the Mercers , in like confidence . The Maior and Communalty are to finde foure , to reade Lectures of Divinity , Astronomy , Musicke and Geometry , within his dwelling house in Bishopsgate-street , and to bestowe the summe of two hundred pound ; to wit , fifty pound apeece , &c. The Mercers likewise are to find three Readers ; that is , in Civill Law , Physicke and Rhetoricke , within the same dwelling house , the summe of 150. pound , to every Reader 50. pound , &c. Which gift was ( since that time ) confirmed by Parliament , to take effect , and beganne after the decease of the Lady Anne Gresham , which hapned in the yeere 1596. and so is to continue for ever . Wherupon , the Lectures were accordingly chosen , and appointed to begin their Readings in the Moneth of Iune , 1597. Whose names were , Master Anthony Wotton , for Divinity ; Master Doctor Mathew Gwyn , for Physick ; Doctor Henry Mountlow , for the Civill Law ; Doctor Iohn Bull , for Musicke ; Master Breerewood , for Astronomie ; Master Henrie Bridges , for Geometrie ; and Master Caleb Willis , for Rhetorick . These Lectures are read daily , Sundaies excepted , in the Termetimes , by every one upon his day , in the morning betwixt nine and ten , in Latine : in the afternoon betwixt two and three , in English ; save that Doctor Bull was dispensed with to reade the Musicke Lecture in English onely , and upon two severall dayes , Thursday and Saturday in the afternoons , betwixt 3. and 4. of the clock . The Readers of the seven Liberall Sciences at Gresham Colledge , Iune 27. 1631. were these following : First , Master Richard Holdsworth , Reader of Divinity , on Munday . Doctor Eaton , Reader of Civill Law , on Tuesday . Doctor Winston , Reader of Physicke , on Saturday . Master Iohn Taverner , Reader of Musicke , on Saturday . Master Henry Gilibrand , Reader of Astronomy , on Wednesday . Master Iohn Greaves , Reader of Geometry , on Thursday . And Master Edward Wilkinson , Reader of Rhetoricke , on Friday . Houses of Students in the Common Law. BVt beside all this , there is in and about this Citie , a whole Vniversitie , as it were , of Students , practisers or pleaders , and Iudges of the Lawes of this Realme , not living of common stipends , as in other Vniversities it is for the most part done , but of their owne private maintenance , as being altogether fed , either by their places , or practice , or otherwise by their proper Revenues , or exhibition of parents and friends : for that the yonger sort are either Gentlemen or the sonnes of Gentlemen , or of other most wealthy persons . Of these Houses there bee at this day foureteene in all , whereof nine doe stand within the Liberties of this Citie , and five in the Suburbs thereof : VIZ. Within the Liberties . For Iudges and Sergeants onely . Sergeants Inne in Fleetstreet , Sergeants Inne in Chancery Lane , In Fleetstreet , Houses of Court. The Inner Temple , The middle Temple , Houses of Chancerie . Cliffords Inne in Fleetstreet , Thavies Inne in Oldborne , Furnevals Inne in Oldborne , Barnards Inne in Oldborne , Staple Inne in Oldborne , Without the Liberties . Houses of Court. Grayes Inne in Oldborne , Lincolnes Inne in Chancerie-lane , by the old Temple . Houses of Chancerie without Temple barre , in the liberty of Westminster . Clements Inne , New Inne , Lions Iune , There was sometime an Inne of Sergeants in Oldborne , as ye may reade of Scroopes Inne , over against Saint Andrews Church . There was also one other Inne of Chancerie , called Chesters Inne , for the neerenesse to the Bishop of Chesters house , but more commonly termed Strand Inne , for that it stood in Strand street , and neere unto Strand bridge without Temple Barre , in the liberty of the Dutchie of Lancaster . This Inne of Chancery , with other houses adjoyning , were pulled down in the reigne of Edw. the 6. by Edward Duke of Sommerset , who in place thereof raised that large and beautifull house , called Sommerset House . There was moreover , in the reigne of King Henry the sixth , a tenth House of Chancery , mentioned by Iustice Fortescue , in his booke of the Lawes of England : but where it stood , or when it was abandoned , I cannot find , and therfore I will leave it , and returne to the rest . The Houses of Court be replenished , partly with yong students , and partly with Graduates and practisers of the Law : but the Innes of Chancerie , being ( as it were ) provinces , severally subjected to the Innes of Court , bee chiefly furnished with Officers , Atturneys , Solliciters and Clerkes , that follow the Courts of the Kings Bench , or Common Pleas. And yet there want not some other , being young students , that come thither sometimes from one of the Vniversities , and sometimes immediately from Grammer Schooles , and these having spent some time in studying upon the grounds of the Law , and having performed the exercises of their owne houses , ( called Boltas Mootes , and putting of cases ) they proceed to be admitted , and become students in some of these foure houses or Innes of Court , where continuing by the space of seven yeeres , or thereabouts , they frequent Readings , Meetings , Boltings , and other learned exercises , whereby growing ripe in the knowledge of the Lawes , and approved withall , to bee of honest conversation , they are either by the generall consent of the Benchers , or Readers , ( being of the most ancient , grave , and judiciall men of every Inne of the Court , or by speciall priviledge of the present Reader there , selected and called to the degree of Vtter Barristers , and so enabled to be common Counsellors . and to practise the Law , both in their Chambers , and at the Barres . Of these , after that they be called to a further step of preferment , called the Bench , there are two ( every yeere ) chosen among the Benchers of every Inne of Court , to be Readers there , who doe make their Readings at two times of the yeere also : that is , one in Lent , and the other in the beginning of August . And for the helpe of yong Students in every one of the Innes of Chancerie , they doe likewise choose out of every one Inne of Court a Reader , being no Bencher , but an Vtter Barrister there , in tenne or twelve yeeres continuance , and of good profit in studie . Now from these of the said degree of Counsellours , or Vtter Barristers , having continued therein the space of foureteene or fifteene yeeres at the least , the chiefest and best learned are ( by the Benchers ) elected to increase the number , as I said , of the Bench amongst them ; and so in their time doe become , first single , and then double Readers , to the students of those houses of Court. After which last Reading , they bee named Apprentices at the Law , and in default of a sufficient number of Serjeants at Law , these are , at the pleasure of the Prince , to bee advanced to the places of Serjeants . Out of which number of Serjeants also , the void places of Iudges are likewise ordinarily filled , albeit ( now and then ) some be advanced by the speciall favour of the Prince , to the estate , dignity , and place both of Serjeant and Iudge , as it were in one instant . But from thence-forth , they hold not any roome in those Innes of Court , by being translated to one of the said two Innes , called Serjeants Innes , where none but the Serjeants and Iudges doe converse . Of Orders and Customes . OF Orders and Customes in this Citie , Fitzstephen ( in his time ) said as followeth : Men of all Trades , sellers of all sorts of Wares , labourers in every worke , every morning are in their distinct and severall places . Furthermore , in London , upon the River side , betweene the wine in Ships , and the wine to be sold in Taverns , is a common Cookery , or Cookes Row , where daily for the season of the yeere , men might have meat , roast , sod , orfryed fish , flesh , fowles , fit for rich and poore . If any come suddenly to any Citizen from afarre , weary , and not willing to tarry till the meat be bought , and dressed , while the servant bringeth water for his masters hands , and fetcheth bread , he shall have immediately ( from the Rivers side ) all viands whatsoever hee desireth , What multitude soever , either of Souldiers , or strangers doe come to the Citie , whatsoever houre , day or night , according to their pleasures , may refresh themselves , and they which delight in delicatenesse , may bee satisfied with as delicate dishes there , as may be found elsewhere . And this Cookes row is very necessary to the Citie : and according to Plato in Gorgius ; next to Physick is the office of Cookes , as part of a City . Without one of the Gates is a plaine field , both in name and deed , where every Fryday , unlesse it bee a solemne bidden Holy-day , is a notable shew of horses to bee sold , Earles , Barons , Knights and Citizens repaire thither to see , or to buy : there may you of pleasure see amblers , pacing it delicately : there may you see trotters , fit for men of armes , setting more hardly : there there may you have not able young horses not yet brokene may you have strong steeds , well limmedgeldings , whō the buiers do especially regard for pace , and swiftnesse . The boyes which ride these horses , sometime two , sometime three , doe runne races for wagers , with a desire of praise , or hope of victory . In another part of that fieldare to be sold all implements of husbandry , as also fat swine , milch kine , sheepe and Oxen : there stand also Mares and Horses , fit for Ploughes and Teames , with their young Colts by them . At this City , Merchant strangers of all Nations , had their keyes and wharses : the Arabians sent gold : the Sabeans spice and Frankincense : the Scythian Armour , Babylon oyle , Indian purple garments , Egypt precious stones , Norway and Russia Ambexgreece and sables , and the Frenchmen wine . According to the truth of Chronicles , this City is ancienter than Rome , built by the ancient Troians and by Brute , before that was built by Romulus and Remus ; and therefore useth the ancient customes of Rome . This Citie , even as Rome , is divided into Wards . It hath yeerely Shriffes , in stead of Consuls . It hath the diginity of Senators , in Aldermen . It hath under-Officers , Common Sewers , and Conducts in streets , according to the quality of causes . It hath generall Courts and assemblies upon appointed daies . I doe not thinke that there is any City , wherein are better customes , in frequenting the Churches , in serving God , in keeping Holy-daies , in giving almes , in entertaining strangers , in solemnizing Marriages , in furnishing banquets , celebrating funerals , and burying dead bodies . The only plagues of London , is immoderate quaffing among the foolish sort , and often casualties by fire . Most part of the Bishops , Abbots , and great Lords of the land , have houses there , whereunto they resort and bestow much , when they are called to Parliament by the King , or to counsell by their Metropolitane , or otherwise by their private businesse . Thus firre Fitzstephen , of the estate of things in his time , whereunto may bee added the present , by conference whereof , the alteration will easily appeare . Men of trades and sellers of wares in this City have oftentimes since changed their places , as they have found their best advantage . For whereas Mercers , and Haberdashers used wholly then to keepe their shops in west Cheap ; of later time , they held them on London bridge , where some of them doe as yet remaine . The Goldsmiths of Gutherons lane , and the Old Exchange , are now ( for the most part ) removed into the South side of West Cheape . The Pepperers & Grocers of Sopers lane , are now in Bucklesbury , and other places disperced . The Drapers of Lombard-street , and of Cornehill , are seated in Candleweeke street , and Watheling streete . The Skinners from St. Mary Pellipers , or at the Axe ; into Budgerow and Walbrook . The Stockfishmongers in Thames street : wet Fishmongers in Knightriders street , and Bridge-street . The Ironmongers of Ironmongrs lane , and Old Iury , into Thames street . The Vintners , from the Vinetree , into divers places . But the Brewers ( for the most part ) remained neere to the friendly water of Thames . The Butchers in Eastcheap , St. Nicholas Shambles , and the Stockes Market . The Hosiers ( of old time ) in Hosier lane , neere unto Smithfield , are since then removed into Cordwayner street , the upper part thereof by Bow-Church , and last of all , into Burchoverlane by Cornhill . The Shoomakers and Curriors of Cordwayner street , removed , the one to Saint Martins legrand , the other to London Wall , neere to Mooregate . The Founders remaine by themselves in Lothbury . Cookes or Pastelars , ( for the most part ) were in Thames street , the others dispersed into divers parts . Poulters of late removed out of the Poultrie , betwixt the Stockes and the great Conduit in Cheape , into Grasse-street and S. Nicholas shambles . Bowyers from Bowyers row by Ludgate , into divers parts , and almost worne out with the Fletchers . noster-makers , of old time , or Bead-makers , and Text-writers , are gone out of Pater noster row , and are called Stationers of Pauls Church-yard . Patten-makers , of Saint Margaret Pattens Lane , cleane worne out . Labourers , every worke-day to be found in Cheap , about Sopers lane end . Horse-coursers , and sellers of Oxen , sheepe , swine , and such like , remaine in their old Market of Smithfield , &c. That Merchants of all Nations had their Keyes and Wharfes at this Citie , wherunto they brought their Merchandizes , before , and in the reigne of Henry the second , mine Author wrote ( of his owne knowlege ) to be true , though for the Antiquity of the Citie , he tooke the common opinion . Also , that this Citie was ( in his time , and before ) divided into Wards ; had yeerely Sheriffes and Aldermen , generall Courts and assemblies , and such like notes by him set downe , in commendation of the Citizens , whereof there is no question . He wrote likewise of his owne experience , as being borne and brought up amongst them . And to confirme his opinion , concerning Merchandizes then hither transported , whereof haply may be some argument ; Thomas Clifford ( before Fitzstephens time ) writing of King Edward the confessor , saith to this effect : King Edward , intending to make his Sepulchre at Westminster , for that it was neere to the famous Citie of London , and the River of Thames , which brought in all kinde of Merchandizes from all parts of the world , &c. And William of Malmesbury , that that lived in the reigne of William the first and second , Henry the first , and King Stephen , calleth this A Noble Citie , full of wealthy Citizens , frequented with the trade of Merchandizes from all parts of the world . Also I read in divers Records , that ( in old time ) No woad was stowed or harboured in this Citie , but all was presently seld in the Ships , except by licence purchased of the Sheriffes ; till of more later time , to wit in the yeere 1236. Andrew Bokerell , being Maior , by assent of the principall Citizens , the Merchants of Amiens , Nele and Corby , purchased Letters ensealed with the common seale of the Citie , that they , when they came , might harborow their Woads , and therefore should give the Maior every yeere 50. Markes starling . And the same yeere they gave an hundred pound toward conveying of water from Tyborn to this Citie , as already hath beene related . Also the Merchants of Normandy made fine , for licence to harbour their Woads , till it was otherwise provided , in the yeere 1263. Thomas Fitzthomas being Maior , &c. Which proveth , that then ( as before ) they were here , among other Nations , priviledged . It followeth in Fitzstephen ; That the plagues of London ( in that time ) were immoderate quaffing among fooles , and often casualties by fire . For the first , to wit , of quaffing , it continueth still as afore , or rather , is mightily increased , though greatly qualmed among the poorer sort , not of any holy abstinency , but of meere necessity : Ale and Beere being small , and Wines in price above their reach . As for prevention of casualties by fire , the houses in this Citie ( being then builded all of timber , and covered with thatch of straw or reed ; ) it was long since thought good policie in our fore-father , wisely to provide ; namely , in the yeere of Christ , 1189. the first of Richard the first , Henry Fitzalwine , ( being then Maior ) that all men in this Citie should build their houses of stone up to a certaine height , and to cover them with slate or baked tile . Since which time , thankes bee given to God , there hath not hapned the like often consuming fire in this Citie , as before . But now in our time , insteed of these enormities , others are come in place , no lesse meet to be reformed , namely , Purprestures , or encrochments on the high-wayes , lanes , and common grounds , in and about this City . Whereof a learned Gentleman , a grave Citizen , hath ( not many yeeres since ) written and exhibited a Book to the Maior and communalty , which Booke , whether the same hath been by them read , and diligently considered upon , I know not ; but sure I am , nothing is reformed since concerning this matter . Then the number of Cars , Draies , Carts , and Coaches , more than hath been accustomed , the streets and lanes being streightned , must needs be dangerous , as daily experience proveth . The Coach-man rides behinde the horse tailes , lasheth them , and looketh not behind him . The Dray-man sitteth and sleepeth on his Dray , and letteth his horse leade him home . I know , that by the good Lawes and Customes of this City , shod Carts are forbidden to enter the same , except upon reasonable causes , as service of the Prince , or such like , they be tolerated . Also that the fore-horse of every carriage should bee led by hand : but these good orders are not observed . Of old time , Coaches were not known in this Iland , but Chariots or Whirlicotes , then so called , and they onely used for Princes or great Estates , such as had their footmen about them . And for example to note , I reade that Richard the second being threatned by the Rebels of Kent , rode from the Tower of London to the Miles-end , and with him , his Mother , because she was sicke and weake , in a Whirlicote , the Earles of Buckingham , Kent , Warwicke , and Oxford , Sir Thomas Percie , Sir Robert Knowles , the Maior of London , Sir Aubery de Vere that bare the Kings sword , with other Knights and Esquiers attending on horsebacke . It followed in the next yeere , that the said King Richard , who took to wife Anne , daughter to the King of Boheme , that then was , first brought hither the riding upon side Saddles , and so was the riding in those Whirlicotes and Chariots forsken ; except at Coronations and such like spectacles . But now of late yeeres , the use of Coaches , brought out of Germany , is taken up , and made so common , as there is neither distinction of time , nor difference of persons observed : for the world runnes on wheeles with many , whose Parents were glad to goe on foot . Last of all , mine Author , in this Chapter hath these words : Most part of the Bishops , Abbots , and great Lords of the land , as if they were Citizens and Freemen of Lond. had many faire houses to resort unto , and many rich & wealthy Gentlemen spent their money there . And in another place , he hath these words : Every Sunday in Lent , a fresh company of young men comes into the fields on horsbacke , and the best horsemen conduct the rest , then march forth the Citizens Sonnes , and other yong men with disarmed Launces and Shields , and practise feats of Warre . Many Courtiers likewise , and attendants on Noblemen , repaire to this exercise , and whilest the hope of victory doth inflame their minds ; they doe shew good proofe , how serviceable they would bee in Martiall affaires , &c. Againe he saith , This Citie , in the troublesome time of King Stephen , shewed at a Muster 20000. armed horsemen , and 40000. footmen , serviceable for the Wars , &c. All which sayings of the said Author well considered , doe plainly prove , that in those dayes , the inhabitants and repaireres to this City ( of what este soever , spirituall or temporall ) having houses here , lived in amity with the Citizens , every man observing the customes and orders of the City , and chose to be contributary to charges here , rather than in any part of the land whersoever . This City being the heart of the Realme , the Kings Chamber , and Princes seat , whereunto they made repaire , and shewed their forces , both of Horses and of men , which caused in troublesome time , as of King Stephen , the Musters of this City to be so great in number . Great Families of old time kept . ANd here to touch somewhat of great Families and households , kept in former times by Noble men , and great estates of this Realme , according to their honors and dignities . I have seene an account made by Henry Leicester , Cofferer to Thomas Earle of Lancaster , for one whole yeeres expences in the Earles house , from the day next after Michaelmasse , in the seventh yeere of Edward the second , untill Michaelmasse in the eight yeere of the same King , amounting to the summe of seven thousand , nine hundred , fifty seven pound , thirteene shillings , foure pence halfe penny , as followeth . To wit , in the Pantry , Buttry , and Kitchin , 3405. l. &c. For 184. Tuns , 1. pipe of Red or Claret wine , and one Tun of White wine , bought for the house 104. l. 17. s. 6. d. For Grocery ware , 180. l. 17. s. For sixe Barrels of Sturgeon , nineteene pound . For 6800. Stockfishes , so called , and for dryed fishes , of all sorts , as Lings , Haberdines , and other , 41. l. 6. s. 7. d. For 1714. pound Waxe , with Vermilion and Turpentine to make red Wax , 314. l. 7. s. 4. d. ob . For 2319. pound of Tallow candles for the houshold , and 1870. of lights for Paris candles , called Perchers , 31. l. 14. s. 3. d. Expences on the Earles great Horses , and the Keepers wages , 486. l. 4. s. 3. d. ob . Linnen cloth for the Lord and his Chaplaines , and for the Pantry 43. l. 17. d. Fro 129. dozen of Parchment , with Inke , 4. l. 8. s. 3 ob . Summe . 1230. l' . 17. d. 7. d. ob . Item , for two clothes of Scarlet for the Earle against Christmasse , one cloth of Russet , for the Bishop of Anjou , 70. cloths of blew for the Knights , ( as they were then tearmed ) 15. clothes of Medley for the Lords clerks , 28. cloths for the Esquire , 15. cloths for Officers , 19. clothes for Groomes , 3. clothes for Archers , 4. clothes for Minstrels and Carpenters , with the sharing and carriage for the Earles Liveries at Christmas , 460. l. 15. d. Item , for 7. Furs of variable Miniver ( or powdred Ermin ) 7. Hoods of purple , 395. Furs of Budge , for the Liveries of Barons , Knights , and Clerkes , 123. Furres of Lambe , for Esquires , bought at Chrismas , 147. l. 17. s. 8. d. Item , 65. clothes Saffron colour , for the Barons and Knights : in summer , 12. red clothes mixt , for Clerks , 26 clothes ray , for Esquires , one cloth ray , for Officers coats in summer , and foure clothes ray , for carpets in the Hall , 345. l. 13. s. 8. d. Item , 100. peeces of greene silke for the Knights , 14. Budge Furs for surcotes , 13. hoods of Budge for Clerkes , and 75. Furs of Lambs , for the Lords liveries in summer , with Canvas and cords to trusse them , 72. l. 19. s. Item , Saddles for the Lords liveries in summer , 51. l. 6. s. 8. d. Item , for one Saddle for the Earle , of the Princes armes 40. s. Summe . 1079. l. 18. s. 3. d. Item , for things bought , whereof nothing can bee read in my note , 241. l. 14. s. 1. d. ob . For horses lost in service of the Earle 8. l. 6. s. 8. d. Fees paid to Earles , Barons , Knights , and Esquires , 623. l. 15. s. 5. d. In gifts to Knights of France , the Queene of Englands Nurces , to the Countesse of Warren , Esquires , Minstrels , Messengers and riders , 92. l. 14. s. Item , 168. yards of Russet cloth , and 24. coats for poore men , with money given to the poore on Maundy Thursday , 8. l. 16. s. 7. d. Item , 24 silver Dishes , so many sawcers , and so many Cups for the Buttry , one paire of Pater nosters , and one silver coffen bought this yeere , 103. l. 5. s. 6. d. To divers Messengers about the Earles businesse , 34. l. 19. s. 8. d. In the Earles Chamber 5. l. To diuers men for the Earles old debts , 88. l. 16. s. ob . q. Summe . 1270. l. 7. s. 11. d. ob . q. The expences of the Countesse at Pickering , for the time of this account , as in the Pantry , Buttry , Kitchin , and other places concerning these Offices , two hundred , fourescore and 5. pounds thirteene shillings , halfe penny . In Wine , Waxe , Spices , Clothes , Furs , and other things for the Countesses Wardrobe , an hundred fifty foure pounds , seven shillings , foure pence , halfe penny . Summe . 439. l. 8. s. 6. d. q. Summa totalis of the whole expences , 7957 l' 13. s. 4. d. ob . This much for this Earle of Lancaster . More , I read that in the 14. of the same Edward the second , Hugh Spencer the elder ( condemned by the comunalty ) was banished the Realme , at which time , it was found by inquisition , that the said Spencer had in sundry shires . 59. Mannors , He had 28000. sheep , 1000. Oxen and Streeres , 1200. Kine with their Calves , 40. Mares with their Colts , 160. drawing horse , 2000. Hogges , 300. Bullocks , 40. Tuns of Wine , 600. Bacons , 80. Carkases of Martilmasse Beefe , 600. Muttons in Larder , 10. Tuns of Sidar . His Armor , plate , jewels , ready mony , better than 10000. pound , 36. sacks of Wooll , and a Library of Bookes . Thus much the Record : which provision for houshold , sheweth a great Family there to bee kept . Neerer to our time , I read in the 36. of Henry the sixt , that the greater estates of the Realme being called up to London . The Earle of Salisbury came up to London with 500. men on horsebacke , and was lodged in the Herber . Richard Duke of Yorke with 400. men lodged at Baynards Castle . The Duke of Excester and Sommerset with 800. men . The Earle of Northumberland , the Lord Egremont , and the Lord Clifford , with 1500. men . Richard Nevell , Earle of Warwicke , with 600. men all in red Iackets , Imbrodered with ragged staves before and behinde , and was lodged in Warwicke lane : in whose house there was oftentimes sixe Oxen eaten at a breakefast , and every Taverne was full of his meat , for he that had any acquaintance in that house might have there so much of sodden and rost meat , as hee could pricke and carry upon a long Dagger . Richard Redman , Bishop of Ely , 1500. the 17. of Henry the seventh , besides his great family , housekeeping , Almes dish , and reliefe to the poore , wheresoever he was lodged . In his travaiing , when at his comming , or going to or from any Towne , the Bels being rung , all the poore would come together , to whom he gave every one sixe pence at the least . And now to note of our owne time somewhat . Not omitting in this Thomas Woolsey , Archbishop of Yorke , and Cardinall . You shall understand , that hee had in his hall ( continually ) three tables or boords , kept with three principall Officers , to wit , a Steward , who was alwaies a Priest , a Treasurer a Knight , and a Controler an Esquire . Also a Cofferer , being a Doctor , three Marshals , three Yeomen Vshers in the Hall : besides two Groomes and Almners . Then in the Hall kitchin , two Clerks of the kitchin , a Clerke controler , a Survevor of the dressor , a clark of the Spicery : all which ( together ) kept also a continuall Messe in the Hall. Also , in his Hall-kitchin , he had of Master cookes two , and of other cookes , labourers , and children of the kitchin , twelve persons : foure Yeomen of the ordinary scullery , foure Yeomen of the silver scullery , two Yeomen of the Pastry , with two other Pastelers under the Yeomen . In the Privie kitchin , he had a Master cooke , who went daily in Velvet and Sattin , with a chaine of Gold about his necke , and two other Yeomen , and a Groome . In the scalding house , a Yeomen and two Groomes . In the Pantry , two Yeoman . In the Buttery , two Yeomen , two Groomes , and two Pages . In the Chandery two Yeomen . In the Wafary two Yeomen . In the Wardrobe of Beds , the Master of the VVardrobe , and tenne other persons attending . In the Laundery a Yeoman , a Groome , thirty Pages , two Yeomen Purveyors , and one Groome . In the Bake-house a Yeoman and 2 Groomes . In the Wood-yard a Yeoman and a Groome . In the Barne one . In the Garden a Yeoman and two Groomes : A Yeoman of his Barge ; a Master of his Horse , a Clerke of the Stable , a Yeoman of the same ; the Saddler ; the Farriar ; a Yeoman of his Chariot ; a Sumpter-man , ; a Yeoman of his Stirrop ; a Muleter , and sixteen Groomes of his Stable , every one of them keeping 4. Geldings . Porters at his gate , two Yeomen and two Groomes . In the Almnorie , a Yeoman and a Groome . In his Chappell he had a Deane , a great Divine , and a man of excellent learning : a Subdeane , a repeater of the Quire , a Gospeller , a Pisteler , of singing Priests ten , a master of the children , twelve Seculars , being singing-men of the Chappell ; ten singing children , with a servant to attend upon the children . In the Revestry , a Yeoman and two Groomes ; over and beside divers retainers , that came thither at principall Feasts . For the furniture of his Chappell , it exceedeth my cpacity to declare , or to speake of the number of costly ornaments and rich Jewels that were used in the same continually . There hath bin seene in procession about the Hall , foure and forty very rich Coaps worne , all of one sute ; besides the rich Crosses and Candlesticks , and other ornaments belonging to the furnishment of the same . He had two Crosse-bearers , and two Pillar-bearers in his great Chamber . And in his Privie-chamber these persons : First , the chiefe Chamberlaine and Vice-chamberlaine . Of Gentlemen Vshers ( beside one in his Privie-chamber ) he had twelve daily waiters : and of Gentlemen waiters , in his Privie-Chamber , he had six ; of Lords nine or tenne , who had ( each of them ) two men allowed to attend upon them : except the Earle of Darby , who alwaies was allowed 5. men . Then had he of Gentlemē , Cupbearers , Carvers , Sewers , both of the Privie chamber and of the great chamber , with Gentlemē ( daily waiters there ) 40. persons . Of Yeomen Vshers 6. of Groomes in his chamber , 8. of Yeomen in his chamber 45. daily . He had also Almes-men , sometime more in number than at other times . There was attending on his Table daily , of Doctors and Chaplaines , ( beside them of his Chappell ) 16. A Clerk of his Closet , two Secretaries , 2 Clerks of his Signet ; and foure Counsellours , learned in the Lawes . And forasmuch as it was necessary to have divers Officers of the Chancery to attend upon him ; that is to say , the Clerke of the Crowne , a riding Clerke , a Clerke of the Hamper , and a Clerke of the Wax ; then a Clerke of the Checke , ( aswell vpon the Chaplaines , as on the Yeomen of his chamber , ) he gave allowance to them all . He had also foure Footmen , who were clothed in rich running coats , whensoever hee rode on any journey . Then had he an Herauld at Armes , a Serjeant at Armes , a Physician , an Apothecarie , foure Minstrels , a keeper of his Tents , an Armorer , an instructor of his Wards , two Yeomen of his Ward-robe of Robes , and a keeper of his chamber continually in the Court. He had also in his house the Survey or of Yorke , and a Clerke of the Greene cloth . All these were daily attending , downe lying and uprising ; as we use to say , and at meales . He kept in his great chamber , a continuall Table for the Chamberers and Gentlemen Officers : having with them a Messe of the yong Lords , and another of Gentlemen . And besides all these , there was never an Offices , Gentleman , or other worthy person , but hee was allowed in the house , some three , some two , and all other , one at the least , which grew to a great number of persons . Thus farre out of the Checke-roll : besides other Officers , servants and retainers , and Suiters , that most commonly dined in the Hall. Nicholas West , in the yeere 1532. kept continually in his house 100. servants , giving to the one halfe of them 53. s. 4. d. apiece yeerly : to the other halfe , each 40. s. apiece : to every one for his winter Gowne , foure yards of broadcloath , and for his Summer Coat three yards and an halfe . He daily gave at his Gates , besides bread and drinke , warme meate to two hundred poore people . The house-keeping of Edward late Earle of Darby is not to be forgotten , who had 220. men in check-roll : his feeding aged persons twice every day , 60. and odde , beside all commers , thrice a weeke appointed for his dealing daies , and every Good-friday , 2700. with meat , drinke , and money . Thomas Audley , Lord Chancellour , his family of Gentlemen before him , in coats garded with velvet , and chaines of gold , his Yeomen after him , in the same Livery not garded . William Powlet or Pawlet , Lord great Master , Marquesse of Winchester , kept the like number of Gentlemen and yeomen , in a Livery of Reading tawny , and great reliefe at his gate . Thomas Lord Cromwell , Earle of Essex , kept the like or greater number in a Livery of gray Marble ; the Gentlemen guarded with Velvet , the Yeomen with the same cloth , yet their skirts large enough for their friends to sit upon them . Edward , Duke of Sommerset was not inferiour in keeping a number of tall and comely Gentlemen and Yeomen , though his house was then in building , & most of his men were lodged abroad . The Earle of Oxford hath beene noted within these fifty yeeres , to have ridden into this Citie , and so to his house by London-stone , with fourescore Gentlemen in a Livery of Reading Tawny , and chaines of gold about their necks , before him ; and one hundred tall Yeomen in the like Livery to follow him , without Chaines , but all having his Cognizance of the blew Bore , embroydered on their left shoulder . Of charitable Almes in old time given . THese , as all other of their times , gave great reliefe to the poore . I my self , in that declining time of charity , have oft seene at the Lord Cromwels gate in London , more than 200 persons , served twice every day with bread , meat and drinke sufficient ; for he observed that ancient and charitable custome , as all Prelates , Noblemen , or men of honour and worship his predecessours , had done before him : wherof somewhat to note for example : Venerable Bede writeth ; that Prelates of his time , having peradventure but woodden Churches , had ( notwithstanding ) on their boord at their meales , one Almes dish , into the which was carved some good portion of meat , out of every other dish brought to their Table , all which was given to the poore , besides the fragments left . Insomuch as in a hard time , a poore Prelate wanting victuals , hath caused his Almes dish , being silver , to be divided amongst the poore , therewith to shift as they could , till God should send him better store . Such a Prelate was Ethelwald , Bishop of Winchester , in the reigne of King Edgar , about the yeere of Christ , 963. He in a great famine , sold away all the sacred vessels of his Church , for to relieve the almost starved people , saying : That there was no reason that the senselesse Temples of God should abound in riches , and lively Temples of the Holy Ghost to lacke it . Walter de Suffilde , Bishop of Norwich , was of the like minde , about the yeere 1245. In a time of great dearth , he sold all his Plate , and distributed it to the poore every penniworth . Robert Winchelsey , Archbishop of Canturbury , about the yeere 1293. besides the daily fragments of his house , gave every Friday and Sunday to every beggar that came to his gate , a loate of bread sufficient for that day , and there were usually every such almes day in time of dearth , to the number of 5000. and otherwise 4000 at the least . More , hee used every great Feastivall day , to give 150. pence to so many poore people , and sent daily meat , bread , and drinke , to such as by age , or sicknes , were not able to fetch his Almes , and did send meat , money and apparell to such as he thought needed it . I reade in 1171. that Henry the second , after his returne into England , did penance for the slaughter of Thomas Becket , by whom ( a sore dearth then increasing ) ten thousand persons , from the first of April ; till new corne was inned , were daily fed and sustained . More I finde recorded , that in the yeere 1236. the 20. of Henry the third , William de Haverhull , the Kings Treasurer , was commanded , that upon the day of the Circumcision of our Lord , 6000. poore people should bee fed at Westminster , for the state of the King , Queene , and their children . The like commandement the said King Henry gave to Hugh Gifford , & William Brown , that upon Friday next after the Epiphanie , they should cause to be fed in the great Hall at Windsore , at a good fire , all the poore & needy children that could be found , and the Kings children being weighed and measured , their weight and measure to be distributed for their good estates . These few examples for charity of Kings may suffice . I read in the reigne of Edward the 3. that Richard de Berry , Bishop of Durham , did weekely bestow for releefe of the poore , eight quarters of wheat made into bread , besides his Almes dish , fragments of his house , and great summes of money given to the poore when hee journied . And that these Almes dishes were as well used at the Tables of Noblemen , as of the Prelates , one note may suffice in this place . I read in the yeere 1452. that Richard Duke of York then claiming the Crown , the Lord Rivers should have passed the Sea about the Kings busines , but staying at Plinouth till his money was spent , and then sending for more ; the Duke of Somerset sent him the Image of S. George in silver and gold , to be sold , with the Almes dish of the Duke of Gloucester , which was also of great price : for coyne had they none . To end the Orders and Customes in this Citie , as also of great families kept by honourable persons thither repairing , and of charitable Almes of old time given : I say , for conclusion , that all Noble persons , and other of honour and worship , in former times lodging in this Citie , or liberties thereof , did without grudging , beare their parts in charges with the Citizens , according to their estimated estates , as I have before said , and could prove it by examples . But let men call to minde Sir Thomas Cromwell , then Lord Privie Seale , and Vicar generall , lying in the Citie of London , he bare his charges to the great Muster there , consisting of 15000 , besides Whisslers and other waiters , all in bright harnesse , with coats of white silke or 〈◊〉 , and chaines of gold , in three great battels . In Anno 1539. hee sent his men ( in great number ) to the Miles end , and after them their Armour in Carres , with their coats of white cloth , and the Armes of this Citie , to wit , a red crosse and a sword , on the brest and backe , which Armour and Coats they ware amongst the Citizens , without any difference , and marched thorow the Citie to Westminster . Sports and Pastimes of old time used in this Citie . LEt us now ( saith Fitzstephen ) come to the Sports and Pastimes , seeing it is fit that a Citie should not 〈◊〉 be commodious and serious , but also merry and sportfull . Whereupon , in the seales of the Popes , untill the time of Pope Leo , on the one side was Saint Peter fishing , with a key over him , reached as it were by the hand of God out of Heaven , and about it this verse : Tu pro me navē liquisti , suscipe clavem . And on the other side was a Citie , and this inscription on it , Aurea Roma . Likewise to the praise of Augustus Caesar and the Citie , in respect of the shewes and sports , was written , Nocte pluit tota , redeunt spectaculs mane , &c. All night it raines , and shewes at morrow-tide returne againe ; And Caesar with almighty Iove hath matcht an equall reigne . But London for the shewes upon Theaters , and Comicall pastimes , hath holy playes , representations of miracles , which holy Confessors have wrought ; or representations of torments , wherein the constancle of Martyrs appeared . Every yeere also on Shrove-Tuesday , ( that we may beginne with childrens sports , seeing wee all have beene children : ) the Schoole-boyes doe bring Cockes of the game to their Master , and all the fore-noone they delight themselves in Cock-fighting . After dinner , all the youths goe into the fields to play at the Ball. The scholars of every Schoole have their Ball , or bastion in their hands : the ancient and wealthy men of the Citie come forth on horsebacke , to see the sport of the Young-men , and to take part of the pleasure , in beholding their agility . Every Friday in Lent , a fresh companie of young-men comes into the field on horsebacke , and the best horse-men conduct the rest . Then march forth the Citizens sonnes , and other young-men with disarmed Lances and Shields , and there they practise feats of Warre . Many Courtiers likewise , when the King lyeth neere , and attendants on Noble-men , doe repaire to these exercises , and while the hope of victory doth inflame their mindes , they shew by good proofe how serviceable they would be in Martiall affaires . In Easter Holydayes , they fight battels on the water , a Shield is hanged upon a pole , fixed in the midst of the streame ; a Boat is prepared without Oares , to be carried by violence of the water , and in the fore-part thereof standeth a young-man , ready to give charge upon the Shield with his Launce . If so be he breake his Launce against the Shield and doth not fall , he is thought to have performed a worthy deede . If so bee without breaking his Launce , he runneth strongly against the Shield , downe he falleth into the water ; for the Boat is violently forced with the Tide ; but on each side of the Shield ride two Boats , furnished with yong-men , which recover him that falleth , as soone as they may . Vpon the Bridge , Wharfes and houses by the Rivers side , stand great numbers to see , and laugh thereat . In the Holydaies all the Summer , the youths are exercised in leaping , dancing , shooting , wrastling , casting the stone , and practising their Shields : the Maidens trip with their Timbrels , and dance as long as they can well see . In Winter , every Holiday before dinner , the Bores prepared for brawne are set to fight , or else Buls or Beares are baited . When the great Fenne or Moore , which watereth the wals of the Citie on the North side is frozen , many yong men play upon the Ice ; some striding as wide as they may , doe slide swiftly : others make themselves seats of Ice , as great as Milstones . One sits downe , many ( hand in hand ) doe draw him , and one slipping on a sudden , all fall together . Some tye bones to their feet , and under their heeles , and shoving themselues by a little piked staffe , doe slide as swiftly as a bird flyeth in the ayre , or an arrow out of a Crosse-bow , Sometime two runne together with poles , and hitting one the other , either one or both doe fall , not without hurt : some breake their armes , some their legs : but youth ( desirous of glory in this sort ) exerciseth it selfe against the time of warre . Many of the Citizens doe delight themselves in Hawkes and Hounds , for they have liberty of hunting in Middlesex , Hertfordshire , all Chiltron , and in Kent to the water of Cray . Thus far Fitzstephen of sports . These or the like exercises have been continued til our time , namely in Stage-playes , whereof ye may read , in Anno 1391. a Play by the Parish Clerkes of London at the Skinners Well besides Smithfield ; which continued three dayes together , the King , Queene , and Nobles being present . And of another in the yeere 1409. which lasted eight dayes , and was of matter from the Creation of the World , whereat was present most part of the Nobility , and Gentry of England . Of late time , in stead of those Stage-playes , have beene vsed Comedies , Tragedies , Enterludes , and Histories , both true and sained : for the acting whereof , certaine publike places have beene erected . Also Cockes of the game are yet cherished by divers men for their pleasures , much money being laid on their heads , when they fight in pits , whereof some be costly , made for that purpose . The Ball is used by Noblemen and Gentlemen in Tennis-courts , and by people of meaner sort in the open fields and streets . The marching forth of Citizens sons and other yong men on horse-backe , with disarmed Launces and Shields , there to practise feats of warre , man against man , hath long since beene left off , but in their Citie they have used on horse-backe , to runne at a dead marke , called a Quinten . Certaine of the Kings servants , because the Court lay then at Westminster , came , as it were , in despight of the Citizens , to that game , and giving reprochfull names to the Londoners , which for the dignity of the Citie , and the ancient priviledge which they ought to have enjoyed , were called Barons : the said Londoners being wrongfully abused , fell upon the Kings servants , and beat them shrewdly , so that upon complaint made to the King , he fined the Citie to pay a thousand Markes . This exercise of running at the Quinten , was practised by the youthfull Citizens , aswel in summer as in winter ; namely , in the feast of Christmas . I have seene a Quinten set upon Cornhill , by the Leaden Hall , where the attendants of the Lords of merry disports have runne , and made great pastime : for he that hit not the broad end of the Quinten , was of all men laughed to scorne ; and he that hit it full , if hee rode nor the faster , had a sound blow in his necke with a bag full of sand , hanged on the other end . I have also in the Summer season , seene some upon the River of Thames , rowed in Whirries , with staves in their hands , flat at the fore-end , running one against another , and for the most part , one or both overthrowne , and well dowked . On the Holy-dayes in Summer , the Youths of this Citie have in the Field exercised themselves , in leaping , dancing , shooting , wrestling , casting of the stone or ball , &c. And for defence and use of the Weapon , there is a speciall profession of men that teach it . I reade that in the yeere 1222. and the 6. of King Henry the 3. on Saint Iames day , the Citizens of London kept games of defence and wrestling , neere to the Hospitall of Matilda , at S. Giles in the field , where they got the mastery of the men of the Suburbs . The Bailiffe of Westminster devising to be revenged , proclaimed a game to be at Westminster upon Lammas day : whereunto the Citizens willingly repaired . When they had played a while , the Bailiffe , with the men of the Suburbs , harnessed themselves treacherously , and fell to such fighting , that the Citizens ( being sore wounded ) were forced to runne into the Citie , where they rung the common Bell , and assembled the Citizens in great number . When the matter was declared , every man wished to revenge the fact : but the Lord Maior of the Citie , being a wise and quiet man , willed them first to move the Abbot of Westminster in the matter , and if he would promise to see amends made , it was sufficient . But a certaine Citizen , named Constantine Fitz Arnulit , willed , that all the houses of the Abbot and Bailiffe should be pulled downe . Which desperate words were no sooner spoken , but the common people ( as unadvisedly ) issued forth of the Citie without any order , and fought a cruell battell , Constantine pulling downe divers houses ; and the people ( as praising Constantine ) cryed ; The joy of the Mountaine , the joy of the Mountaine ; God help , and the Lord Lodowike . A few dayes after this tumult , the Abbot of Westminster came to London , to Philip Dawbeney , one of the kings Councell , to complaine of the injuries done to him : the Londoners perceiving it , beset the house about , and tooke by violence twelve of the Abbots horses away , cruelly beating his men , &c. But whilest the said Dawbeney laboured to pacific the vprore , the Abbot got out at the backe doore of the house , and so , by a Boat on the Thames , hardly escaped , the Citizens throwing stones after him in great abundance . These things being thus done , Hubert de Burge , chiefe Iustice of England , with a great Army of men , came to the Tower of London , and sent for the Maior and Aldermen , of whom hee enquired for the principall Authors of this Faction . Constantine , being constant in the sedition , was more constant in the answer ; affirming , that hee had done it , and that he had done much lesse than hee meant to have done . The Justice tooke him , and two other with him , and that morning sent him to Faulcatius by water , with a great number of armed men , who brought Constantine to the Gallowes . But when he saw the Rope about his necke , hee offered for his life fifteene thousand Markes , yet it would not seeme to save him : so he was hanged , with Constantine his Nephew , and Galfrid that proclaimed his proclamation , on the 16. of August . Also in the yeere 1453. of a tumult made against the Maior , at the wrestling besides Clerks well , &c. Which is sufficient to prove , that ( of old time ) the exercising of wrestling , and such like , hath beene much more used than of latter yeeres . The youths of this Citie also have used , on holidayes , after Evening Prayer , at their Masters doores , to exercise their Wasters and Bucklers : and the Maidens , one of them playing on a Timbrell , in sight of their Masters and Dames , to dance for Garlands , hanged thwart the streets , which open pastimes in my youth , being now suppressed , worser practices within doores are to be feared . As for the baiting of Buls and Beares , they are till this day much frequented , namely in Beare-gardens on the Banke-side , wherein be prepared scaffolds for beholders to stand upon . Sliding on the Ice is now but childrens play : but in Hawking and Hunting many grave Citizens at this present have great delight , and doe rather want leasure than goodwill to follow it . Of triumphant shews made by the Citizens of Lond. ye may read in the yeere 1236. the twentieth of Henry the third , Andrew Bockrell then being Maior , how Elianor , daughter to Reymond , Earle of Provence , riding thorow the Citie toward Westminster , there to be crowned Queene of England , the Citie was adorned with silkes , and in the night with Lamps , Cressets , and other lights , without number , besides many Pageants , and strange devices there presented ; the Citizens also rode to meet the King and Queene , clothed in long garments embroydered about with gold , and silkes of divers colours , their horses gallantly , trapped , to the number of 306. every manbearing a Cup of gold or silver in his hand , and the Kings Trumpetters before them : These Citizens did minister Wine , as Buttlers , which is their service at the Coronation . More , in the yeere 1298. for victory obtained by Edward the first against the Scots , every Company , according to their severall Trade , made their severall shew : but specially the Fishmongers , which in a solemne Procession passed thorow the Citie , having amongst other Pageants and shewes , foure Sturgeons gi●t , carried on foure horses ; then , foure Salmons of silver , on foure horses , and after them sixe and forty armed Knights , riding on horses , made like Luces of the Sea , and then one presenting Saint Magnes , because it was upon Saint Magnes day , with a thousand horsemen , &c. One other shew in the yeere 1377. made by the Citizens for disport of the yong Prince Richard , sonne to the black Prince , in the Feast of Christmas , and in this manner : On the Sunday before Candlemas , in the night , one hundred and thirty Citizens , disgnised and well horsed , in a Mummery , with sound of Trumpets , Sackbuts , Cornets , Shalmes , and other Minstrels , and innumerable Torch-lights of Wax , rode from Newgate thorow Cheap , over the Bridge , through Southwarke , and so to Kennington besides Lambeth , where the yong Prince remained with his Mother , and the Duke of Lancaster , his Vncle , the Earles of Cambridge , Hertford , Warwicke , and Suffolke , with divers other Lords . In the first ranke did ride 48. in the likenesse and habit of Esquires , two and two together , clothed in red coats , and gownes of Say or Sendall , with comely vizors one their faces . After them came riding 48. Knights , in the same Livery of colour and stuffe . Then followed one richly arrayed , like an Emperour ; and after him some distance , one stately tyred like a Pope , who was followed by 24. Cardinals : and after them eight or ten with blacke vizors , not amiable , as if they had been Legates from some forraigne Princes . These Maskers , after they had entred the Mannor of Kennington , alighted from their horses : and entred the Hall on foot ; which done , the Prince , his Mother , and the Lords came out of the chamber into the hall , whom the Mummers did salute : shewing by a paire of Dice on the Table , their desire to play with the yong Prince : which they so handled , that the Prince did alwaies winne when he cast at them . Then the Mummers set to the Prince three Jewels , one after another ; which were , a Boule of gold , a Cup of gold , and a Ring of gold , which the Prince wanne at three casts . Then they set to the Princes Mother , the Duke , the Earles , and other Lords , to every one ● Ring of gold , which they did also winne . After which they were feasted , and the Musicke sounded , the Prince and Lords danced on the one part with the Mummers , who did also dance : which jollity being ended , they were againe made to drinke , and then departed in order as they came . The like was to Henry the fourth , in the second of his reign , he then keeping his Christmas at Eltham , twelve Aldermen of London , and their sonnes , rode in a mumming , and had great thanks . Thus much for sportfull shewes in Triumphes may suffice . Now for sports and pastimes yeerely used . First , in the Feast of Christmas , there was in the Kings house , wheresoever he was lodged , a Lord of Misrule , or Master of merry disports , and the like had ye in the house of every Nobleman of honour , or good worship , were he spirituall or temporall . Among the which , The Maior of London , and either of the Sheriffes had their severall Lords of misrule , ever contending , without quarell or offence , who should make the rarest pastimes to delight the beholders . These Lords beginning their rule at Alhallon Eve , continued the same till the mocrow after the Feast of the Purification , commonly called Candlemas day : In all which space , there were fine and subtill disguisings , Maskes and Mummeries , with playing at Cards for counters , nayles and points in every house , more for pastime than for gaine . Against the Feast of Christmas , every mans house , as also their Parish Churches , were decked with Holme , Ivie , Bayes , and whatsoever the season of the yeere affoorded to be greene : The conduits and standards in the streets were likewise garnished . Among the which , I read , that in the yeere 1444. by tempest of thunder and lightning , on the first of February at night , Pauls steeple was fired , but with great labour quenched : and toward the morning of Candlemas day , at the Leaden Hall in Cornhill , a Standard of tree being set up in the midst of the payement , fast in the ground , nayled full of Holme and Ivie , for disport of Christmas to the people ; was torne up , and cast downe by the malignant Spirit ( as was thought ) and the stones of the payement all about , were cast in the streets , and into divers houses , so that the people were sore agast at the great tempests . In the weeke before Easter , had yee great shewes made , for the fetching in of a twisted Tree , or With , as they termed it , out of the woods , into the kings house , and the like into every mans house of Honour or Worship . In the Moneth of May , namely on May day in the morning , every man , except impediment , would walke into the sweet Meddowes and green woods , there to rejoyce their spirits with the beauty and savour of sweet Flowers , and with the harmonie of Birdes , praising God in their kinde . And for example hereof , Edward Hall hath noted , that King Henry the eighth , as in the third of his reigne , and divers other yeeres , so namely in the seventh of his reigne , on May day in the morning , with Queene Katharine his wife , accompanied with many Lords and Ladies , rode a Maying from Greenwich to the high ground of Shooters-hill : where as they passed by the way , they espyed a company of tall Yeomen , clothed all in greene , with greene hoods , and with bowes and arrowes , to the number of 200. One , being their Chieftaine , was called Robin Hood , who required the King and all his company to stay and see his men shoot : whereunto the King granting , Robin Hood whistled , and all the 200. Archers shot off , loosing all at once ; and when he whistled againe , they likewise shot againe : their Arrowes whistled by craft of the head , so that the noise was strange and loud , which greatly delighted the King , Queene , and their company . Moreouer , this Robin Hood desired the King and Queene , with their retinue , to enter the greene Wood , where , in Arbours made with boughes , and deckt with flowers , they were set and served plentifully with venison and wine , by Robin Hood and his meyny , to their great contentment , and had other Pageants and Pastimes , as yee may read in my said Author . I find also , that in the month of May , the Citizens of London ( of all estates ) lightly in every Parish , or sometime two or three Parishes joyning together , had their severall Maynings , and did fetch in May-poles , with divers warlike shewes , with good Archers , Morice-dancers , and other devices for pastime all the day long ; and towards the evening , they had stage-plaies , and Bonefires in the streets . Of these Mayings , we read in the reign of Henry the sixth , that the Aldermen and Sheriffes of London , being on May day at the Bishop of Londons Wood in the Parish of Stebunheath , and having there a worshipfull dinner for themselves and other commers , Lydgate the the Poet , that was a Monk of Bury , sent to them by a Pursivant a joyfull commendation of that seasen , containing sixteene staves in meeter Royall , beginning thus : Mighty Flora , Goddesse of fresh flowers , which clothed hath the soyle in lusty green , Made buds to spring , with her sweet showers , by influence of the Sunne shine , To doe pleasance of intent full cleane , unto the States which now sit here , Hath Ver downe sent her own daughter deare , Making the vertue , that dared in the root , Called the vertue , the vertue vegetable , for to transcend , most wholesome & most soote , Into the top , this season so agreeable : the baw my liquor is so commendable , That it rejoyceth with his fresh moisture , man , beast , and fowle , and every creature , &c. About the ninth yeere of the reigne of King Henry the eight , a great he artburning and malicious grudge grew amongst the Englishmen of the City of London , against strangers : and namely , the Artificers found themselves much agrieved ; because such number of strangers were permitted , to resort hither with their Wares , and to exercise Handicrafts , to the great hinderance and impoverishing of the Kings Liege people . Which malice grew to such a point that one Iohn Lincolne a Broker , busied himselfe so farre in the matter , that about Palme Sunday , or the fift of April , he came to one Doctor Henry Standish , with these words ; Sir , I understand , that you shall preach at the Spittle on Munday in Easter-weeke , and so it is , that English men , both Merchants and other , are undone by stangers , who have more liberty in this Land than they , which is against reason , and also against the Common-weale of this Realme : I beseech you therefore , to declare this in your sermon , and in so doing , you shall deserve great thanks of my Lord Maior , and of all his Brethren . And herewith he offered unto the said Doctor a bill , containing the matter more at large . But Doctor Standish wisely considering , that there might more inconvenience arise thereof , than he would wish , if he should deale in such a sort : both refused the bill , and told Lincolne plainely , that he meant not to meddle with any such matter in his Sermon . Whereupon , the said Lincolne went unto one Doctor Bell , a Canon of the foresaid Spittle , that was appointed likewise to preach upon Tuesday in Easter-weake at the same Spittle , whom hee perswaded to reade his said bill in the Pulpit : which bill contained ( in effect ) the griefes that many found with strangers , for taking the livings away from Artificers , and the entercourse from Merchants , the redresse whereof must come from the commons knit in one ; for as the hurt touched all men , so must al set to their helping hands . Which letter he read , or the chiefest part thereof , comprehending much seditious matter . And then he began with this sentence : Coelum coeli Domino , terram autem dedit filiis hominum . And upon this Text he entreated , how this Land was given to Englishmen , and as Birds defend their nests , so ought Englishmen to cherish and maintaine themselves , and to hurt and grieve Aliens , for respect of their Common-wealth . And on this Text , Pugna pro Patria , he brought in , how ( by Gods Law ) it was was lawfull to fight for their Country : and thus he subtilly moved the people to rebell against strangers . By this Sermon , many a light-headed person tooke courage , and openly spake against strangers : and by mishap , there had beene divers evill parts ( of late ) plaid by strangers , in and about the Citie of London , which kindled the peoples rancor the more furiously against them . The twenty eighth day of April , divers yong-men of the Citie picked quarels with certaine strangers , as they passed along the streets : some they smote and buffetted , and some they threw in the channell : for which , the Lord Maior sent some of the Englishmen to prison , as Stephen Studley , Skinner , Stevenson , Bets , and other . Then suddenly rose a secret rumour , and no man could tell how it began , that on May-day next following , the Citie would slay all the Aliens : insomuch that divers strangers fled out of the Citie . This rumour came to the knowledge of the Kings Councell : whereupon the Lord Cardinall sent for the Maior , and other of the Councell of the Citie , giving them to understand what hee had heard . The Lord Maior ( as one ignorant of the matter ) told the Cardinall , that he doubted not so to governe the Citie , but as peace should be observed . The Cardinall willed him so to doe , and to take good heed , that if any riotous attempt were intended , he should by good policy prevent it . The Maior comming from the Cardinals house , about foure of the clocke in the afternoone on May Eve , sent for his Brethren to the Guild-hall , yet was it almost seven of the clocke before the Assembly was set . Vpon conference had of the matter , some thought it necessary , that a substantiall watch should be set of honest Citizens , which might withstand the evill doers , if they went about any misrule . Other were of contrary opinion , as rather thinking it best , that every man should be commanded to shut in his doores , and to keepe his servants within . Before 8. of the clock , Master Recorder was sent to the Cardinall , with these opinions : who hearing the same , allowed the latter . And then the Recorder , and Sir Thomas More , late under-sheriffe of London , and now of the Kings Councell , came backe againe to the Guild-hall , halfe an houre before nine of the clock , and there shewed the pleasure of the Kings Councell : whereupon every Alderman sent to his Ward , that no man ( after nine of the clocke ) should stir out of his house , but keepe his doores shut , and his servants within , untill nine of the clocke in the morning . After this commandement was given , in the Evening , as Sir Iohn Mundy Alderman , came from his Ward , hee found two young-men in Cheape , playing at the Bucklers , and a great many of young-men looking on them , for the command seemed to bee scarcely published ; he commanded them to leave off ; and because one of them asked him why , hee would have him sent to the Counter . But the Prentices resisted the Alderman , taking the young-man from him , and cryed Prentices , Prentices , Clubs , Clubs : then out at every doore came Clubs and other weapons , so that the Alderman was forced to flight . Then more people arose out of every quarter , and forth came Servingmen , Watermen , Courtiers , and other , so that by eleven of the clocke , there were in Cheape , 6. or 7. hundred , and out of Pauls Church-yard came about 300. From all places they gathered together , and breake up the Counter , took out the Prisoners , which had beene committed thither by the Lord Maior , for hurting the strangers : also they went to Newgate , and tooke out Studley and Bets , committed thither for the like cause . The Maior and Sheriffes were present , and made Proclamation in the Kings name , but nothing was obeyed . Being thus gathered into severall heaps , they ran thorow Saint Nicholas shambles , and at Saint Martins Gate , there met with them Sir Thomas More , and other , desiring them to goe to their lodgings . As they were thus intreating , and had almost perswaded the people to depart , they within Saint Martins threw out stones and bats , so that they hurt divers honest persons , which were with Sir Thomas More , perswading the rebellious Rout to cease . Insomuch as at length , one Nicholas Dennis , a Serjeant at Armes , being there sore hurt , cryed in a fury , Downe with them : and then all the unruly persons ran to the doores and windowes of the houses within St. Martins , and spoiled all that they found . After that they ran into Cornehill , and so on to a house East of Leadenhal , called the Green-gate , where dwelt one Mewtas a Piccard or Frenchman , within whose house dwelled divers French men , whom they likewise spoyled : and if they had found Mewtas , they would have stricken off his head . Some ran to Blanchapleton , and there brake up the strangers houses , and spoiled them . Thus they continued till 3. a clocke in the morning , at which time , they began to withdraw : but by the way they were taken by the Maior and other , and sent to the Tower , Newgate and Counters , to the number of 300. The Cardinall was advertised by Sir Thomas Parre , whom in all haste he sent to Richmond , to informe the King : who immediately sent to understand the state of the City , and was truely informed . Sir Roger Cholmeley Lievtenant of the Tower , during the time of this businesse , shot off certaine peeces of Ordnance against the City , but did no great hurt . About five of the clocke in the morning , the Earles of Shrewsbury and Surrey , Thomas Dockery , Lord Prior of Saint Iohns , George Nevill , Lord Aburgaveny , and other , came to London with such powers as they could make , so did the Innes of Court ; but before they came , the businesse was done , as ye have heard . Then were the prisoners examined , and the Sermon of Doctor Bell called to remembrance , and hee sent to the Tower. A Commission of Oyer and Determiner was directed to the Duke of Norfolke , and other Lords , for punishment of this insurrection . The second of May , the Commissioners , with the Lord Maior , Aldermen and Iustices , went to the Guildhall , where many of the offenders were indicted , whereupon they were arraigned , and pleaded not guilty , having day given them till the 4. of May. On which day , the Lord Maior , the Duke of Norfolke , the Earle of Surrey and other , came to sit in the Guildhall . The Duke of Norfolke entred the City with one thousand three hundred men , and the prisoners were brought through the streets tyed in ropes , some men , some lads but of thirteen or foureteene yeeres old , to the number of 278. persons . That day Iohn Lincolne and divers other were indicted , and the next day thirteen were adjudged to bee drawne , hanged , and quartered : for execution whereof , ten payre of Gallowes were set up in divers places of the City , as at Aldgate , Blanchapleton , Grasse-street , Leaden-hall , before either of the Counters ; at Newgate , Saint Martins , at Aldersgate and Bishopsgate . And these Gallowes were set upon wheeles , to bee removed irom street to street , and from doore to doore whereas the prisoners were to be executed . On the seventh of May , Iohn Lincoln , one Shirwin , and two brethren , named Betts , with divers other were adjudged to dye . They were on the Hurdles drawne to the Standard in Cheape , and first was Lincolne executed : and as the other had the ropes about their neckes , there came a commandement from the King , to respit the execution , and then were the prisoners sent againe to prison , and the armed men sent away out of the Citie . On the thirteenth of May , the King came to Westminster-hall , and with him the Lord Cardinall , the Dukes of Norfolke , and ●uffolke , the Earles of Shrewsbury , Essex , Wiltshire , and Surrey , with many Lords and other of the Kings Councell ; the Lord Maior of London , Aldermen and other chiefe Citizens , were there in their best liveries , by nine of the clocke in the morning . Then came in the prisoners , bound in ropes in a ranke one after another , in their shirts , and every one had a Halter about his necke , being in number 400. men , and 11. women . When they were thus come before the Kings presence , the Cardinall laid sore to the Maior and Aldermen their negligence , and to the prisoners he declared how justly they had deserved to dye . Then all the prisoners together cryed to the King for mercy , and therewith the Lords besought his grace of pardon : at whose request , the King pardoned them all . The generall pardon being pronounced , all the Prisoners shouted at once , and cast their Halters towards the roofe of the Hall. The prisoners being dismissed , the Gallowes were taken downe , and the Citizens tooke more heed to their servants : keeping ( for ever after ) as on that night , a strong watch in Armour , in remembrance of Evill May-day . These great Mayings and Maygames made by the Governours and Masters of this City , with the Triumphant setting up of the great shaft ( a principall May-pole in Cornehill , before the Parish of Saint Andrew ) therefore called Vndershaft , by meane of that insurrection of youths , against Aliens on May-day , 1517. the 6. of Henry the eight , have not been so freely used as before . And therefore I leave them , and will somewhat touch of Watches , as also of shewes in the night . Of Watches in this Citie , and other matters commanded , and the cause why . WIlliam Conquerour commanded , that in every Towne and Village , a Bell should be nightly rung at eight of the clocke , and that all people should then put out their fire , and candle , and take their rest . Which order was observed through this Realm during his reigne , and the reigne of William Rufus : but Henry the first , restoring to his Subjects the use of fire and lights , as afore , it followeth ( by reason of Warres within the Realme ) that many men also gave themselves to robbery and murders in the night : for example whereof in this City , Roger Hoveden writeth thus : In the yeere 1175. a councell was kept at Nottingham , in time of which Councell , a brother of the Earle Ferrers , being in the night privily slaine at London , and thrown out of his Inne into the durty street when the King understood thereof he sware that he would be revenged on the Citizens . For it was then ( saith mine Author ) a common practice in this City ; that a hundred or more in a company , young and old , would make nightly invasions upon houses of the wealthy , to the intent to rob them , and if they found any man stirring in the City within the night , that were not of their crue , they would presently murder him : insomuch , that when night was come , no man durst adventure to walk in the streets . When this had continued long , it fortuned , that as a crue of yong and wealthy Citizens assembling together in the night , assaulted a stone house of a certaine rich man , and breaking through the wall , the good man of that house , having prepared himselfe with other in a corner , when hee perceived one of the theeves , named Andrew Bucquint , to lead the way , with a burning brand in the one hand , and a pot of coles in the other , which hee assaied to kindle with the brand , he flew upon him , and smote off his right hand , and then with a loud voyce cryed theeves . At the hearing whereof , the theeves tooke their flight , all saving he that had lost his hand , whom the good man ( in the next morning ) delivered to Richard de Lucie the Kings Iustice . This theefe , upon warrant of his life , appeached his confederates , of whom many were taken , and many were fled . Among the rest that were apprehended , a certaine Citizen of great countenance , credit , and wealth , named Iohn Senex , who for as much he could not acquit himselfe by the Water-doome ( as that law was then tearmed ) hee offered to the King five hundred pounds of silver for his life . But forasmuch as he was condemned by judgement of the Water , the King would not take the offer , but commanded him to be hanged on the Gallowes , which was done , and then the City became more quiet for a long time after . But for a full remedy of enormities in the night , I read , that in the yeere of Christ 1253. Henry the third commanded Watches in Cities , and Borough Townes to be kept , for the better observing of peace and quietnesse amongst his people . And further , by the advice of them of Savoy , hee ordained , that if any man chanced to be robbed , or by any means damnified , by any theese or robber ; he to whom the charge of keeping that Country , City or Borough chiefly appertained , where the robbery was done , should competently restore the losse . And this was after the use of Savoy ; but yet thought more hard to bee observed here , than in those parts : and therefore leaving those laborious Watches , I will speake of our Pleasures and Pastimes in watching by night . In the Months of Iune and Iuly , on the Vigils of Festivall dayes , and on the same Festivall dayes in the Evenings , after the Sun-setting , there were usually made Bone-fires in the streets , every man bestowing wood or labour towards them . The wealthier sort also before their doores , neere to the said Bonefires would set out Tables on the Vigils , furnished with sweete bread , and good drinke , and on the Festivall dayes with meats and drinkes plentifully , whereunto they would invite their neighbours and passengers also to sit , and be merry with them in great familiarity , praysing God for his benefits bestowed on them . These were called Bonefires , as well of amity amongst neighbours , that being before at controversie , were there by the labour of others reconciled , and made of bitter enemies , loving friends ; as also for the vertue that a great fire hath , to purge the infection of the ayre . On the Vigill of Saint Iohn Baptist , and on Saint Peter and Paul the Apostles , every mans doore being shaddowed with greene Birch , long Fennel , Saint Iohns wort , Orpin , white Lilies , and such like , garnished upon with Garlands of beautifull flowers , had also Lamps of glasse , with Oyle burning in them all the night ; some hung out branches of Iron curiously wrought , containing hundreds of Lamps lighted at once , which made a goodly shew , namely in new Fish street , Thames-street , &c. Then had ye besides the standing watches , all in bright harnesse , in every Ward and street of this City and Suburbs , a marching watch , that passed through the principall streets thereof , to wit , from the little Conduit by Pauls gate , through West Cheape , by the Stocks , through Cornehill , by Leaden hall to Aldgate , then backe down Fen-Church street , by Grasse-Church , about Grasse-Church Conduit , and up Grasse-Church street into Cornhil , and through it into West Cheape again , and so broke up . The whole way ordered for this marching watch , extended to 3●00 . Taylors yards of assize , for the furniture whereof with lights , there were appointed 700. Cressers , 500. of them being found by the Companies , the other 200. by the Chamber of London . Besides the which lights , every Constable in London , in number more than 240. had his Cresset : the charge of every Cresset was in light two shillings foure pence , and every Cresset had 2. men , one to beare or hold it , another to beare a bag with light , and to serve it : so that the poore men pertaining to the Cressets , taking wages , besides that every one had a strawen hat , with a badge painted , & his break fast in the morning , amounted in number to almost 2000. The marching watch contained in number 2000. men , part of them being old Souldiers , of skill to bee Captaines , Licutenants , Serjeants , Corporals , &c. Wiffers , Drummers , and Fifes , Standard and Ensigne-bearers , Sword-players , Trumpeters on horsebacke , Demilaunces on great horses , Gunners with hand-guns , or halfe hakes , Archers in cotes of white fustian , signed on the brest and backe with the Armes of the City , their bowes bent in their hands , with sheafes of arrowes by their sides , Pike-men in bright Corslets , Burganets &c. Holbards , the like Billmen in Almaine Rivets , and Aperns of Mayle in great number . There were also divers Pageants , Morris dancers , Constables , the one halfe which was 120. on St. Iohns Eve , the other halfe on Saint Peters Eve in bright harnesse , some over-gilt , and every one a Jornet of Scarlet thereupon and a chaine of Gold , his Hench-man following him , his Ministrels before him , and his Cresset light passing by him : the Waytes of the City , the Maiors Officers , for his guard before him , all in a Livery of Wosted or Say Iackets , party coloured , the Maior himselfe wel mounted on horseback , the Sword-bearer before him in faire Armour , well mounted also , the Maiors foot-men , and the like Torch-bearers about him ; Hench-men twaine , upon great stirring horses following him . The Sheriffes Watches came one after the other in like order , but not so large in number as the Maiors : for where the Maior had besides his Giant three Pageants , each of the Sheriffes had besides their Giants , but two Pageants ; each their morrīs-dance , and one Hench-man , their Officers in Jackets of Wosted , or Say , party-coloured , differing from the Maiors , and each from other , but having harnessed men a great many , &c. This Midsummer Watch was thus accustomed yeerely , time out of minde , untill the yeere 1539. the 31. of Henry the eighth , in which yeere , on the S. of May , a great Muster was made by the Citizens at the Miles end , all in bright harnesse , with coats of white silke or cloth , and chaines of gold , in three great battels , to the number of 15000. which passed thorow London to Westminister , and so through the Sanctuary , and round about the Parke of S. Iames , and returned home thorow Oldborne . King Henry then considering the great charges of the Citizens , for the furniture of this unusuall Muster , forbad the marching Watch provided for at Midsummer for that yeere ; which being once laid downe , was not raised againe till the yeere 1548. the second of Edward the sixth , Sir Iohn Gresham then being Maior , who caused the marching Watch , both on the Eve of Saint Iohn Baptist , and of S. Peter the Apostle , to be revived and set forth , in as comely order as it had been accustomed ; which Watch was also beautified by the number of more than 300. Demilances and light-horsemen , prepared by the Citizens to be sent into Scotland , for the rescue of the Towne of Haddington , and others , kept by the Englishmen since this Maiors time . The like marching Watch in this Citie hath not beene used , though some attempts have been made thereunto , as in the yeere 1585. a Booke was drawne by a grave Citizen , and by him dedicated to Sir Tho. Pullison , then L. Maior , and his brethren the Aldermen , containing the manner and order of a marching Watch in the Citie upon the Evens accustomed , in commendation whereof , namely , in times of peace to be used , he hath words to this effect : The Artificers of sundry sorts were thereby well set aworke , none but rich men charged , poore men helped , old Souldiers , Trumpeters , Drummers , Fifes , and Ensigne-bearers , with such like men , meet for the Princes service , kept in ure , wherein the safety and defence of every Common-weale consisteth . Armour and Weapons being yeerely occupied in this wise , the Citizens had of their owne readily prepared for any neede , whereas by intermission hereof , armorers are out of worke , Souldiers out of ure , weapons overgrowne with foulenesse , few or none good being provided , &c. In the Moneth of August , about the Feast of Saint Bartholomew the Apostle , before the Lord Maior , Aldermen , and Sheriffes of London , placed in a large Tentneere unto Clarkenwell , of old time were divers dayes spent in the pastime of wrestling ; where the Officers of the Citie , namely the Sheriffes , Serjeants , and Yeomen , the Porters of the Kings Beame , or weigh-house , ( now no such men ) and other of the Citie , were challengers of all men in the Suburbs , to wrestle for games appointed . And on other dayes , before the said Maior , Aldermen and Sheriffes , in Fensbury field , to shoot the standard , broad-arrow and flight , for games . But now of late yeeres , the wrestling is onely practised on Bartholomew day in the afternoone , and the shooting some three or foure dayes after , in one afternoone and no more . What should I speake of the ancient daily exercises in the long Bow by Citizens of this Citie , now almost cleane left off and forsaken ? Lover-passe it : for by the meanes of closing in of Common grounds , our Archers , for want of roome to shoot abroad , creepe into Bowling-Alleys , and ordinarie Dicing-houses , neerer home , where they have roome enough to hazzard their money at unlawfull Games , and there I leave them to take their pleasures . Honour of Citizens , and worthinesse both of men and women in the same . THis Citie ( saith Fitzstephen ) is glorious in Manhood : furnished with munitions , populous with inhabitants ; insomuch that in the troublesome time of King Stephen , it hath shewed at a Muster 20000. armed Horsemen , and threescore thousand Foot-men , serviceable for the Warres . Moreover ( saith he ) the Citizens of London , wheresoever they become , are notable before all other Citizens , in civility of manners , attire , table , and talke . The Matrons of this Citie , are the very modest Sabine Ladies of Italie . The Londoners , sometime called Trinobants , repelled Caesar , who alwaies made his passage by shedding blood : whereupon Lucan sung : Territa quaesitis ostēdit terga Britannis . The Citie of London hath bred some , which have subdued many Kingdomes , and also the Romane Empire . It hath also brought forth manyothers , whom Vertue and Valour hath highly advanced , according to Apollo in his Oracle to Brute , Sub occasu Solis , &c. In the time of Christianity , it brought forth that Noble Emperour Constantine , which gave the Citie of Rome , and all the Imperiall signes , to God , Saint Peter , and Pope Silvester , chusing rather to be called a Defender of the Church , than an Emperour . And lest peace might be violated , and their eyes troubled by his presence , he retired from Rome , and built the Citie of Constantinople . London also in late time hath brought forth famous Kings : Maude the Empresse , King Henrie , sonne to Henry the second , and Thomas the Archbishop , &c. This Thomas , surnamed Becket , borne in London , brought up in the Priory of Marton , and a Student at Paris , became the Sheriffes Clerke of London for a time , then Parson of S. Mary-hill , he had a Prebend at London , another at Lincolne , studied the Law at Bononie , &c. was made Chancellour of England , and Archbishop of Canturbury , &c. Vnto these might be added innumerable persons of honour , wisedome and vertue , borne in London : but of actions done by worthy Citizens , I will onely note a few , and so to other matters . The Citizens of London , time out of minde , founded an Hospitall at Saint Iames in the fields , for leprous women of their Citie . In the yeere 1197. Walter Brune , a Citizen of London , and Rosia his wife , founded the Hospitall of our Lady , called Domus Dei , or S. Mary Spittle , without Bishopsgate in London , an house of such reliefe to the needy , that there was found standing at the surrender thereof , ninescore beds , well furnished for receipt of poore people . In the yeere 1216. the Londoners sending out a Navie , tooke 95. ships of Pirates and Sea-robbers , besides innumerable others that they drowned , which had robbed on the River of Thames . In the yeere 1247. Simon Fitzmary , one of the Sheriffes of London , founded the Hospitall of S. Mary , called Bethlem , without Bishopsgate . In the yeere 1283. Henry Wallis , then Maior , builded the Tunne upon Cornehill , to bee a Prison for night-walkers , and a Market-house called the Stocks , both for fish and flesh , standing in the middest of the Citie . Hee also builded divers Houses on the West and North side of Pauls Church-yard , the profits of all which buildings are to the maintenance of London Bridge . In the yeere 1332. William Elsing , Mercer of London , founded Elsing Spittle , within Creplegate , for fustentation of an hundred poore blinde men , and became himselfe the first Prior of that Hospitall . Sir Iohn Poultney , Draper , 4. times Maior , 1337. builded a faire Chappell in Pauls Church , wherein he was buried . He founded a Colledge in the Parish Church of S. Laurence , called Poultney . Hee builded the Church called little Alhallowes , in Thames streete : and the Carmelite Friers Church in Coventry : he gave reliefe to prisoners in Newgate and the Fleet , and ten shillings the yeere to Saint Giles Hospitall by Oldborne for ever , and other legacies long to rehearse . Iohn Stody Vintner , Maior , 1358. gave to the Vintners all the Quadrant , wherein the Vintners Hall now standeth , with all the tenuments round about , from Stodies Lane , where is founded thirteene Almes-houses , for so many poore people , &c. Henry Picard , Vin●ner , Maior , 1357. In the yeere 1363. did in one day ●umptuously feast Edward the third , King of England ; Iohn , King of France ; David , King of Scots ; the King of Cipres , then all in England ; Edward , Paince of Wales , with many other Noblemen , and after kept his Hall for all commers , that were willing to play at dice and hazard ; the Lady Margaret his wife kept her chamber to the same effect , &c. Iohn Lofken Fishmonger , foure times Maior , 1367. builded an Hospitall called Magdalens , at Kingstone upon Thames , gave thereunto 9. tenements , 10. shops , one Mill , 125 acres of Land , 10 acres of meddow , 120. acres of pasture , &c. More , in Lond. he builded the faire parish Church of Saint Michael in crooked Lane , and was there buried . Iohn Barnes , Maior , 1371. gave a Chest with three locks , & 1000. marks therein , to be lent to yong men upon sufficient pawne , and for the use thereof , to say De profundis , or Pater noster , and no more : he also was a great builder of S. Thomas Apostles Parish Church , as appeareth by his Armes there both in stone and glasse . In the yeere 1378. Iohn Filpot , sometime Maior , hired with his mony 1000. Souldiers , and defended the Realme from incursions of the enemy ; so that in small time his hired men tooke Iohn Mercer , a Sea-rover , with all his ships , which he before had taken from Scarborrow , and fifteene Spanish ships , laden with great riches . In the yeere 1380. Thomas of Woodstocke , Thomas Percy , Hugh Calverley , Robert Knowles , & others , being sent with a great power to ayde the Duke of Britaine , the said Iohn Filpot hired Ships for them of his owne charges , and released the Armour , which the Souldiers had pawned for their victuals , more than a thousand in number . This most Noble Citizen , ( saith Thomas Walsingham ) that had travelled for the commodity of the whole Realme , more than all other of his time , had often relieved the King , by lending him great summes of money , and otherwise . He deceased in the yeere 1384. after that he had assured lands to the Citie , for the reliefe of thirteene poore people for ever . In the yeere 1381. William Walworth , then Maior , a most provident , valiant , and learned Citizen , did by his arrest of Wat Tylar , ( a presumptuous Rebell , upon whom no man durst lay hands ) deliver the King and Kingdome from the danger of most wicked Traitors , and was for his service knighted in the field , as before hath beene related . Nicholas Brembar , Iohn Filpot , Robert Laund , Nicholas Twiford , and Adam Francis , Aldermen , were then for their service likewise Knighted , and Sir Robert Knowles , for assisting of the Maior was made free of the City . Sir Robert Knowles , thus worthily enfranchised a Citizen , founded a Colledge with an Hospitall at Pountfract : he also builded the great stone bridge at Rochester , over the River of Medway . Iohn Churchman Grocer , one of the Sheriffes , 1386. for the quiet of Merchants , builded a certaine house upon Wooll wharse , in Tower ward to serve for Ternage , or weighing of wools , and for the Customer , Comptrollers , Clerkes , and other Officers to sit , &c. Adam Bamme , Goldsmith , Maior , 1091 , in a great dearth , procured corne from divers parts beyond the Seas , to be brought hither in such abundance , as sufficed to serve the Citie , and the Countries neere adjoyning : to the furtherance of which good worke , he took out of the Orphants Chest in the Guild-hall , 2000. Marks to buy the said corne , and each Alderman laid out 20. pound to the like purpose . Tho. Knowles , Grocer , Maior , 1400. with his brethren the Aldermen , began to new build the Guild-hall in London , and in stead of an old little Cottage in Alderman-bury street , made a faire and goodly house , more neere unto S. Laurence Church in the Jurie . Hee reedified S. Anthonies Church , and gave to the Grocers his house neere unto the same , for reliefe of the poore for ever . More , he caused water to be conveied to the gates of Newgate and Ludgate , for reliefe of the prisoners there . Iohn Hinde , Draper , Maior 1405. newly builded his parish Church of Saint Swithen by London stone , his monument is defaced , save onely his Armes in the glasse windows . Thomas Falconer Mercer , Maior , 1414 lent to King Henry the 5. towards maintenance of his warres in France , 10000. markes upon Iewels : more , hee made the posterne called Mooregate , caused the ditches of the Citie to be cleansed , and did many other things for good of the same Citie . William Sevenock Grocer , Maior 1419. founded in the Towne of Sevenock in Kent , a free schoole for poore mens children , and 13. Almes-houses : his Testament saith 20. poore men and women . Richard Whittington Mercer , 3. times Maior , in the yeere 1421. began the Library of Gray Friers in London , to the charge of foure hundred l. his executors ( with his goods ) founded and builded Whittington Colledge , with Almes-houses for 13. poore men , and Divinity Lectures to be read there for ever . They repaired Saint Bartholomews Hospitall in Smithfield , they bare some charges to the glazing and paving of the Guildhall , they bare halfe the charges of building the Library there , and they builded the west gate of London , of old time called Newgate , &c. Iohn Carpenter , Towne-Clerke of London , in the reigne of Henry the fifth , caused ( with great expences ) to be curiously painted upon boord , about the North Cloister of Pauls , a monument of death , leading all estates , with the speeches of death , and answer of every state . This Cloyster was pulled downe 1549. He also gave Tenements to the Citie , for the finding and bringing up of foure poore mens children , with meat , drinke , apparell , learning at the Schooles in the Vniversity , &c. untill they might be preferred , and then other in their places for ever . Robert Chichley , Grocer , Maior , 1422. appointed by his Testament , that on his birth-day , a competent dinner should be ordained for two thousand foure hundred poore men , housholders of this Citie , and every one to have two pence in money . More , he gave one large plot of ground , thereupon to build the new parish Church of S. Stephen neere unto Walbrooke , &c. Iohn Rainwell Fishmonger , Maior , 1427. gave Tenements to discharge certaine Wards of London of Fifteenes , and other payments . Iohn Welles Grocer , Maior , 1433. a great builder of the Chappell or Colledge of the Guild-hall , and was there buried : he caused fresh water to be conveyed from Teyborne , to the Standard in West Cheap , for the service of the Citie . William Eastfield Mercer , 1438. appointed his executors , of his goods , to convey sweet water from Teyborne , and to build a faire Conduit by Aldermanbery Church , which they performed , as also made a Standard in Fleetstreet , by Shew-lane end : they also conveyed water to Creplegate , &c. Stephen Browne Grocer , Maior 1439. sent into Prusia , causing corne to bee brought from thence , whereby hee brought downe the price of Wheat , from three shillings the bushell , to lesse than halfe that money : for corne was then so scarce in England , that poore people were enforced to make them bread of Fearne roots . Philip Malpas , one of the Sheriffes , 1440. gave by his Testament 125. l. to reliefe of poore prisoners , and every yeere for five yeeres , 400. shirts and smocks , 40. paire of sheets , and 150. gownes of Freeze to the poore . To 500 poore people in London , every one six shillings eight pence : to poore maids marriages , 100. markes : to high-waies , an hundred markes : twenty markes the yeere to a Graduate to preach , twentie pounds unto Preachers at the Spittle on the three Easter holy-daies , &c. Robert Large Mercer , Maior 1440. gave to his parish Church of S. Olive in Surrey 200. l. to S. Margarets in Lothbery 25. l. to the poore twenty pounds : to London bridge one hundred markes . Towards the vaulting over the water-course of Walbroke two hundred marks . To poore Maids marriages , one hundred markes : to poore House-holders , one hundred pounds , &c. Richard Rich Mercer , one of the Sheriffes , 1442. founded Almes houses at Hodsdon in Hertfordshire . Simon Eyre Draper , Mayor , 1346. builded the Leaden-hall , for a common Garner of corne , to the use of this City , and left five thousand markes to charitable uses . Godfrey Bullein , Maior of London , 1458. by his Testament gave liberally to the prisons , hospitals , and Lazer-houses ; besides a thousand pound to poore house-holders in London , and 200. l. to poore householders in Norfolke . Richard Rawson , one of the Sheriffes , 1477. gave by Testament large Legacies to the Prisoners , Hospitals and Lazer-houses . To other poore , to high wayes , to the water-conduits , besides to poore Maids marriages , 340. pounds , and his executors to build a large house in the Churchyard of S. Mary Spittle , wherein the Maior and his brethren do use to sit , and heare the Sermons in the Easter holy-dayes . Thomas Ilam , one of the Sheriffes , 1480. newly builded the great Conduit in Cheape , of his owne charges . Edward Shaw Goldsmith , Maior 1483 caused Creplegate of London to bee builded of his owne goods , &c. Thomas Hill Grocer , Maior , 1485. caused of his goods , the Conduit of Grasse-street to be builded . Hugh Clopton Mercer , during his life a batchelour , Maior 1492. builded the great stone arched Bridge at Stratford upon Avon in Warwickshire , and did many other things of great charity , as in my Summary . Robert Fabian , one of the Sheriffes , 1494. gathered out of divers good Authors , aswell Latine as French , a large Chronicle of England and of France , which he published in English , to his great charges , for the honor of this Citie , and common utility of the whole Realme . Sir Iohn Percivall Merchant-Taylor , Maior , 1498. founded a Grammar-schoole at Macklefield in Cheshire , where he was borne , hee endowed the same schoole with sufficient Lands , for the finding of a Priest , master there , to teach freely all children thither sent , without exception . The Lady Thomasine his wife , founded the like Freeschoole , together with faire lodgings for the Schoolemasters , Scholars , and other , and added twenty pound of yeerely revennue for supporting the charges , at Saint Mary Wike in Devonshire , where she was borne . Stephen Gennings , Merchant-Taylor , Maior 1509. founded a faire Grammar-schoole at Vlfrimhampton in Staffordshire , left good lands , and also builded a great part of his Parish Church , called Saint Andrewes Vndershaft in London . Henry Keble Grocer , Maior 1511. in his life a great benefactor to the new building of old Mary Church , and by his Testament gave a thousand pounds toward the finishing thereof . He gave to highwaies two hundred pound ; to poor Maids marriages , one hundred markes . To poore husbandmen in Oxford and Warwickshires , one hundred and forty Ploughshares , and one hundred and forty Cultars of iron , and in London to seven Almes-men , six pence the week for ever . Iohn Collet , a Citizen of London by birth , and by dignity Deane of Pauls , Doctor of Divinity , etected and builded one Free-schoole in Pauls Church-yard , 1512. for 3. hundred fifty three poore mens children , to be taught free in the same schoole , appointing a Master , a submaster and a Chaplaine , with sufficient stipends to endure for ever , and committed the oversight thereof to the Mercers in London , because himselfe was sonne to Henry Collet , Mercer , Maior of London , and endowed the Mercers with Lands , to the yeerely value of 120. pound , or better . Sir William Fitzwilliam the elder , being a Merchant-taylor , and servant somtime to Cardinall Wolsey , was chosen Alderman of Breadstreet Ward in London , in Anno 1506. Going afterward to dwell at Milton in Northamptonshire , in the fall of the Cardinall his former master , he gave him kinde entertainement there at his house in the Countrey . For which deed being called before the King , and demanded how he durst entertaine so great an enemy to the State ? His answer was , that hee had not contemptuously or wilfully done it ; but only because he had beene his Master , and ( partly ) the meanes of his greatest fortunes . The King was so well pleased with his answer , that saying , himselfe had too few such servants , immediately he knighted him , and afterward made him a Privie Counsellour . This worthy Knight dying , gave an hundred pounds to poore maids marriages . His debts and debtors ( over whose names he had written , Amore Dei remitto ) he freely forgave . He gave to the Vniversities forty pounds ; to the poore , thirty pounds ; to mend the high waies betwixt Chigwell and Copersall in Essex , fifty pounds . To mend other high waies , about Thorney and Sawtry Chappell , and the Bridge , fifty pounds more . And to the Merchant-Taylors his Brethren , he gave his best standing Cup , as a friendly remembrance of him for ever . Iohn Tate , Brewer , then a Mercer , Maior , 1514. caused his Brewhouse , called the Swanne , neere adjoyning to the Hospitall of Saint Anthonie in London , to be taken downe , for the inlarging of the said Church , then new builded , being a great part of his charge : This was a goodly foundation , with Almes houses , a Free Schoole , &c. George Monnox Draper , Maior 1515. re-edified the decayed Parish Church of Waltamstow or Walthamstow in Essex , he founded there a Free Schoole , and Almes-houses for thirteene Almes-people : He made also a cawsey of Timber over the Marshes , from Walthamstow to Locke-Bridge , &c. Sir Iohn Milborne , Draper , Maior , 1522. builded Almes-houses , foureteen in number , by the crossed Friers Church in London , there to be placed foureteen poore people , and left to the Drapers , certaine Messuages , Tenements , and Garden-plots , in the Parish of Saint Olaves in Hartstreet , for performance of stipends to the said Almes people , and other uses . Looke more in Aldgate Ward , where you shall be further satisfied . Robert Thorne , Merchant-Taylor , deceasing a Batchelour , in the yeere 1532. gave by his Testament to charitable actions , more than foure thousand , foure hundred and forty pounds , and legacies to his poore kindred more , five thousand , one hundred forty two pounds , besides his debts forgiven , &c. Sir Iohn Allen , Mercer , Maior of London , and of counsell to King Henry the 8. deceased 1544. buried at Saint Thomas of Acres , in a faire Chappell by him builded . He gave to the Citie of London a rich collar of gold , to be worne by the Maior , which was first worne by Sir William Laxton . He gave five hundred Markes to be a stocke for Sea-cole , his Lands purchased of the King , the rent thereof to bee distributed to the poore in the Wards of London for ever . He gave besides to the Prisons , Hospitals , Lazer houses , and all other poore in the Citie , or two miles without , very liberally , and over-long to be recited . Sir William Laxton , Grocer , Maior , 1545. founded a faire free Schoole at Owndale in Northamptonshire , with six Almes-houses for the poore . Sir Iohn Gresham , Mercer , Maior 1548 founded a Free schoole at Holt , a Market Towne in Norfolke : He gave to every Ward in London tenne pounds , to be distributed to the poore ; and to 120. poore men and women , every one of them three yards of broad cloth , of 8. or 9. shillings the yard , to be made in Gownes ready to their backes . He gave also to Maids marriages , and to the Hospitals in London , aboue 200. pounds in ready money . Sir Rowland Hill , Mercer , Maior , 1550. caused to be made divers cawseyes , both for horse and man : he made foure Bridges , two of stone , containing 18. Arches in them both . He builded one notable Free-schoole at Drayton in Shropshire : he gave to Christs hospitall in London , 500. pounds , &c. Sir Andrew Iud Skinner , Maior 1551. erected one notable Free-scoole at Tunbridge in Kent , and Almes-houses nigh Saint Helens Church in London , and left to the Skinners , Lands to the value of threescore pounds , 3. shillings eight pence the yeere , for the which they bee bound to pay 20. l. to the Schoolmaster , 8. l. to the Vsher yeerely for ever , and foure shillings the week to the sixe almes people , and twenty five shillings foure pence the yeere in coales , for ever . Sir Thomas White , Lord Maior of this honourable City in Anno 1554. and a worthy Brother likewise of the Merchant-Taylors Society , being a lover of learning , & an earnest furtherer therof , first purchased the Hall in Oxenford , called Glocester Hall , for Schollers and Students , to receive there the benefit of learning . But his private thoughts very often soliciting him , that he should ( in time ) meet with a place , where two Elmes grew , and that there his further purpose should take effect . At length , he found out the place , where ( at his owne cost and expences ) hee founded the famous Colledge , called Saint Iohn Baptist Colledge , and where these two Elmes ( as I have heard ) are yet standing endowing it with such liberall gifts , lands and revenues , as would require too much time , here to be remembred of set downe . Beside his provision for learning in this worthy place , hee erected other Schooles : as at Bristow , Reading , and a Colledge at Higham Ferries . More , he gave to the City of Bristow , the summe of two thousand pounds to purchase land , amounting to the yeerely value of an hundred and twenty pound : The Maior and Citizens paying therefore yeerely an hundred pounds . Eight hundred pounds must bee lent to sixteene poore Clothiers , fifty pounds each man , for the space of ten yeeres , sufficient security being given by them for the same . Afterward that eight hundred pounds , was to passe to other sixteen poore clothiers , according to the discretion of them put in trust . Two hundred pounds beside was reserved , for provision of corne , and needefull occasions for the poore , in the order and care of the Maior , Aldermen and Citizens , &c. Then according to his will , which remaineth yet to be seen , out of this bountifull gift to Bristow , these memorable branches , and benevolences , were ( by himselfe ) devised , and thus ordered , beginning in the yeere 1577. and so thence forward , they went on according to his owne direction . Then on the Feast of Saint Bartholmew was brought to the Merchant-Taylors Hall , an hundred and foure pounds , the hundred pound to be lent ( for ten yeeres space ) to foure poore young men in the City of Yorke , Free-men and Inhabitants being Clothiers : and the foure pound overplus , to bee imployed about the charges and paines , that no man ( used in the businesse ) might receive discontentment . Then in 1578. the like sum was to bee delivered thence to Canturbury : and so thence forward , the same summes ( yeerely ) to the Cities and Townes following orderly . To 1579 Reading . 1580 The Merchant-Taylors themselves . 1581 Glocester . 1582 Worcester . 1583 Excester . 1584 Salisbury . 1585 West-Chester . 1586 Norwich . 1587 Southampton . 1588 Lincolne . 1589 Winchester . 1590 Oxenford . 1591 Hereford East . 1592 Cambridge . 1593 Shrewsbury . 1594 Linne . 1595 Bathe . 1596 Derbie . 1597 Ipswich . 1598 Colchester . 1599 New-Castle . This sum of one hundred and foure pounds , passing thus yeerly to the forenamed places , is delivered still at the Merchant-Taylors Hall , and to the good intended uses of the giver ; and that there might be no breathing while for so just a Stewards talent , but to have it still kept in continuall employment for the poore : the same order was appointed , to take beginning againe ( as before ) at the City of Yorke , and so successively ( while the world endureth ) to the Townes before named , in the selfe-same course as it had the Originall ; with great care and observance in them , to whom it belongeth , that the dead may not be abused , nor poore mens right injured . But did he thus shut up his purse , and say to himselfe ; I have given sufficient ? No , he did cast his pitying eye next on the City of Coventry , distressed ( at that time ) in great and grievous manner : What his instant benevolence was , hee tooke it to be but as an houres Sun-shine after a whole day of storme and tempest ; although it might yeeld some comfort , were the season never so short . But to establish a certainty , that no dismay or doubt should ever after bee able to remove ( even as a worthy Pyramides erected to perpetuity ) he gave to the City of Coventry , 1400. pounds , therewith to purchase lands , rising to the annuall value of seventy pounds . Twelve aged poore inhabitants of that City , were to have ( in free Almes ) 24. pounds , each man 40. shillings yeerly , on the eleventh day of March , or within six dayes after Foure poore young men also were to have 40. pounds lent them in free lone , ten pound each man , and for nine yeers space , upon sufficent security given . And their turnes being thus served , then foure other poore young men were to have the like summes , and for like limitation , and so from 9. yeeres to nine yeeres for ever . Afterward , it was ordered ( in free lone ) to two poore men of the same City , and lastly , to one : in which nature ( according to the severall limitations ) it doth yet , and doubtlesse shall for ever continue . Also the same summe was appointed to one yong man in Northampton for 9. yeeres in free lone , next , to one in the City of Leicester ; thirdly , to one in Nottingham ; fourthly , to one in Warwicke ; and for the like time . Then returning againe to Coventry for one yeere , it repasseth to the said Townes againe , each after other in like nature , for ever . And lest his worthy intent should faile in the continuance , he enlarged his first gift to Coventry of 1400. l. to 2000. and 60. pound to be employed as hath been remembred : 40. l. being yeerely paid out of it , to Saint Iohn Baptist Colledge in Oxenford , and allowances also by himselfe given in each place , that bonds should bee made , without any charge to the receiver . Edward Hall Gentleman , of Grayes Inne a Citizen by birth and office , as common Serjeant of Lond. & one of the Iudges in the Sheriffes Court , he wrote and published a famous and eloquent Chronicle , intituled , The uniting of the two noble Families , Lancaster and Yorke . Richard Hils Merchant-Taylor , 1560. gave 500. pound towards the purchase of an house , called , the Mannor of the Rose , wherein the Merchant-Taylors founded their free Schoole in London : he also gave to the said Merchant-Taylors one plot of ground , withcertainsmal Cottages on the Tower hill , where he builded faire Almes-houses for foureteene sole women . About the same time , William Lambert Esquire , free of the worshipfull Company of . Drapers , borne in London , a Iustice of the peace in Kent , founded a Colledge for the poore , which he named of Queene Elizabeth in East Greenwitch . William Harper . Merchant-Taylor , Maior , 1562. sounded a a free Schoole in the Towne of Bedford where he was borne and also buried . Sir Thomas Gresham Mercer , 1566. builded the Royall Exchange in London , and by his Testament left his dwelling house in Bishopsgate street , to be a place for readings ; allowing large stipends to the Readers , and certaine Almes-houses for the poore . William Patten Gentleman , a Citizen by birth , and customer of London outward , Iustice of Peace in Middlesex , the Parish Church of Stokenwenton being ruinous , he repaired or rather new builded . Sir Thomas Rowe Knight , Lord Maior of the City of London , in 1568. a worthy brother also of the Merchant-Taylors Company , beside his charitable cost and charges , in building the new Church yard in Bethlem , containing neere one Acre of ground , and inclosed with a wall of bricke , and a Sermon to be preached every Whit-Sunday in the morning , in presence of the Lord Maior and Aldermen ; as also giving one hundred pounds , to be lent to eight poore men : gave to the merchant-Taylors , lands , or tenements , out of them to be given 40. pounds yeerely , to maintaine ten poore men for ever , such as were not brethren of his owne society , but chosen out of five severall Companies , viz. Clothworkers , Armorers , Carpenters , Tylars , and Plaisterers . As considering , that by over toyling labour , dangers , fall , bruises and such like inconveniences , they were soonest like to become impotent , and unable to help or maintaine themselves . Therefore , to each of these ten men , he freely gave the summe of foure pounds , quarterly to bee paid them at the Merchant-Taylors Hall , during their lives . And then to succeed to other men in the same Companies , according to due consideration of just cause , and most necessitie . Ambrose Nicholas Salter , Maior 1576. founded 12. Almes-houses in Monks-well street , neere unto Creplegate , wherein he placed 12. poore people , having each of them 7. d. the weeke , and once every yeere , 5. sackes of coles , and one quarter of a hundred Faggots , all of his gift for ever . William Lambe Esquire , sometime a Gentleman of the Chappell to King Henry the eighth , and in great favour with him : was also a free Brother of the worshipfull Company of Clothworkers , and a kind loving Citizen to the City of London . Out of his love to Learning and Schollers , in the Town of Sutton Valens in Kent , where hee was borne , at his owne proper cost and charges he erected a free Grammar-Schoole , for the education & instruction of youth , in the feare of God , good manners , knowledge , and understanding , allowing yeerely to the Master twenty pounds , and ten pouuds yeerely to the Vsher , from time to time , as either place shall be supplied by succession , and for their yeerely stipends or perpetuall pensions . In the same Towne of Sutton also , for the reliefe of poore people , he caused to bee builded sixe Almes-houses , having an Orchard and Gardens , and the sum of ten pounds yeerely payed them . At Maidstone likewise in Kent , hee hath given ten pounds yeerely to the free Schoole for ever : with this speciall caution , that needy mens children may bee preferred onely , to the enjoying of this benefit . The Gentleman foresecing , in his life time , the decay of sundry Trades and Occupations , to the utter undoing of very many , especially poore Clothiers , whose impoverishing deserved greatly to be pittied , freely gave to the poore Clothiers in Suffolke , in Bridgenorth and in Ludlow in Shropshire , 300. pounds to be paid by even portions : to each severall Towne of the said Counties , one hundred pounds apeece , for their supportation and maintenance , at their worke or occupation . And as his charity extended it selfe thus liberally abroad in the Countrey , so did the Citie of London likewise taste thereof not sparingly . For neere unto Holborne hee founded a faire Conduit , and a standard with a Cocke at Holborne bridge , to convey thence the waste . These were begun the six and twentieth day of March , 1577. and the water carried along in pipes of Lead , more than two thousand yards , all at his owne cost and charges , amounting to the summe of fifteene hundred pounds , and the worke fully finished the foure and twentieth of August in the same yeere . Moreover , he gave to poore women , such as were willing to take paines , 120 Pailes , therwith to carry & serve water . Being a member ( as I have already said ) of the Cloth-workers Company , and to shew that he was not unmindfull of them , hee gave them his dwelling house in London , with other Lands and Tenements to the value of thirty pound yeerely , besides , 4. pounds more also yeerely , by them to be thus bestowed ; to wit , for the hyring of a Minister to read divine Service , thrice every weeke , as Sunday , Wednesday and Friday , throughout the yeere , in the Chappell or Church belonging to his house , called by the name of Saint Iames in the Wall , by Creplegate ; and for foure Sermons there to be preached , a competent allowance for each . And also out of the thirty pounds yeerely , it is provided , that a deduction be made by the said Clothworkers , for apparelling of twelve men , and as many women , in forme as followeth : To every of the twelve men a Freeze gowne , one Lockeram shirt , and a good strong paire of Winter shooes . To the twelve women likewise , a Freeze gowne , a Lockeram smocke , and a good paire of Winter shooes , all ready made for their wearing . Alwaies remembred , that they be persons both poore and honest , to whom this charitable deed is to be extended ; and this is yeerely done on the first of October . To the Parish Church of Saint Giles without Creplegate , hee gave fifteene pound to the Bels and Chime , intending a further liberality thereto , if they had taken due time . To the worshipfull Company of the Stationers he gave a legacie of sixe l. 13. s. 4. d. for perpetuall reliefe of the poore , in the Parish Church of Saint Faiths under Pauls : namely , to twelve poore people , twelve pence in money , and twelve pence in bread , every Friday throughout the yeere . To Christs Hospitall in London , toward the bringing up of poore mens children he hath given 6. l. yeerely for ever : and an hundred pounds in ready money together , therewith to purchase Lands , that their reliefe ( by the revennues of the same ) may be perpetuall . To Saint Thomas Spittle or Hospital in Southwarke , towards the succour of the sicke and diseased , he gave foure l. yeerely for ever . An hundred pounds he intended to the Hospitall called the Savoy , but by reason that such agreements could not be made as he thought convenient , his contribution that way , ( much against his minde ) went not forward . For the reliefe of poore prisoners in the two Compters , Newgate , Ludgate , the Marshalseas , the Kings-Bench , and the White Lion , he dealt very bountifully and discreetly ; giving unto the two Compters six pound apeece , and to bee paid unto them by twenty shillings each moneth . To the other Prisons fore-mentioned , six mattresses apeece , the whole number being two dozen and an halfe . He was not unmindful of poore maids marriages , but gave twenty pounds to be equally divided among forty , by equall portions of tenne shillings apiece . Yet with this proviso , that those poore maids to be married , should be of good name and fame . His love and bounty to his servants , as also the hundred and eight Freeze gownes ready made , which he bequeathed at his Funerall to poore men and women , with dispersing the remnant of all his goods after his buriall , where need and reason required , I am contented to passe over , referring what else is further to be said of him , till I come to speake of the place where he lyeth buried . Sir T. Offley , Merchant-Taylor , Maior , deceased 1580. appointed by his Testament , the one halfe of all his goods , and two hundred pounds deducted out of the other halfe , given to his sonne Henry , to be given and bestowed in deeds of charity , by his executors , according to his confidence and trust in them . Barnard Randulph , Common Serjeant of London , 1583. This man ( in his life time ) somewhat before his death , gave and delivered with his owne hand , to the Company of Fishmongers in London , the summe of nine hundred pounds ; of good and lawfull money of England , to be imployed towards the conducting of Thames water , cesterning the same in lead , and cas●eling it with stone , in the Parishes of Saint Mary Magdalen , and Saint Nicholas Cold-Abbey , neere unto old Fishstreet , seven hundred pounds . The other two hundred pounds , to pay for ever yeerely , the sum of ten pounds : to wit , towards the maintenance of a poore Scholler , in the Vniuersitie of Oxenford , yeerely , foure pounds . Towards mending the high-waies in the Parish of Tisehurst , in the County of Sussex where the said Barnard was borne , every yeere foure pounds . And to the poore people of the Parishes of Saint Nicholas Oliffe in Breadstreet , and St. Mary Magdalen neere to old Fishstreet , forty shillings ; to wit , twenty shillings to either Parish for ever . More he willed and bequeathed by his last will and testament , to be bestowed in land or annuities , for reliefe of the poore , inhabiting in the Wards of Queen Hith , and Castle Baynard in the City of London , and in the forenamed Parish of Tisehurst , in the County of Sussex , the summe of 1000 pounds . Master Thomas Ridge , Grocer , gave 1163. l. 6. s. 8. d. to godly and charitable uses in forme following . To the Company of Grocers , for the benefit of Young-men , free of the same Society , and to be lent unto them for a certaine time one hundred pound . To the Hospitals in and about London , 100. l. For the releefe of poore Preachers , 400. l. For the helpe of poore and decayed Trasedmen , in and about London , 300. l. To a Lecture in Grasse-Church in London , 100. l. To his men and maid servants , 63. l. In gownes for poore men , 100. l. Master Iohn Haydon Mercer , Alderman , and one of the Sheriffes of London , deceasing in the time of his Shrievalty 1583. gave these christian and liberall gifts following . An hundred gownes , which cost 100. l. given to an hundred poore men , and every man 12. d. in mony beside . For the benefit of young beginners in the world he gave , to his owne Company of the Mercers , 600. l. to bee lent to young men , after the allowance of 3. l. 6. s. 8. d. in the hundred pound . And the 20. pound yeerely arising by that money , yeerely to be given to the poore . To the same Company also he gave 400. l. more , to bee likewise lent out , according to the former rate : and the benefit ensuing thereby ; of 3. l. 6. s. 8. d. yeerely , allowed towards the maintaining of a Lecture at Saint Michaels Church by Pater noster row , called St. Michaels in the Querne . He gave to Christs Hospitall 500. l. Hee gave to the eleven chiefe worshipfull Companies , beside his owne , the summe of 1100. l. to bee lent out ( for time ) to young beginners , at 3. l. 6. s. 8. d. in the hundred pound , and the benefit of 20. pound arising thereby yeerely , to goe to the Hospitals , and sixteene pound besides to the poore yeerely . He gave to the City of Excester one hundred pound . To the City of Bristow one hundred pound . To the City of Glocester , one hundred pound . This money is intended to be lent to poore young beginners in trading , at the rate of benefit ( by the money ) of 3. l. 6. s. 8. d. in the 100. l. And that benefit should go to the reliefe of poore prisoners , and other poore people . He gave to the Towne of Wardbury , in the County of Glocester , 6. l. 13. s. 4. d. He gave to his Company of the Mercers , to make them a Cup , 40. l. He gave to his servants among them all , 〈◊〉 . l. What remained out of this moity , as an over-plus , he gave to the before remembred Companies , viz. 50. pound to each of them and to the uses fore-named . Master Richard Walter Girdler , 2200. pound to the foure Hospitals of London . And 500. pound towards building and maintaining a Free-Schoole at Thiryden in Northampton shire . William Norton , Stationer , sometime Treasurer of Christs Hospitall , gave the summe of 6. l. 13. s. 4. d. yeerely to his Company to be lent to young men , free of the same Society : And 6. l. 13. s. 4. d. yeerely for ever , he gave also unto Christs Hospitall . Thomas Iennings , Fishmonger , to 7. Parishes in London , gave 4. l. 13 , s. 2. d. yeerely . To Christs Hospitall he gave 40. s. yeerely . To the Towne of Braughin in Hartford shire , where he was borne , he gave 6. l. 13. s. 4. d. Master Peter Blundell , Clothier of London , a man very godly and christianly disposed all his life time , dying in Anno 1599. gave by his last will and testament , these bountifull gifts following . He gave to Christs Hospitall in London , 500. l. To S. Bartholomews Hospitall 250. l. To S. Thomas Hospitall 250. l. To Bridewell Hospitall yeerely 8. l. To the Church of Tiverton , in which Towne he was borne , 50. l. Towards mending the High-waies there , 100. l. To the twelve chiefe Companies in London , to each of them 150. l. toward the releeving of poore prisoners , and other charitable uses , the whole summe amounting to 1800. l. Towards the helpe of poore Maides marriages in the Towne of Tiverton , 400. l. He gave to the City of Excester , to bee lent there to poore Artificers nine hundred pound . He gave toward the building of a free Grammar-Schoole in Tiverton , 2400. pound . More afterward laid out by his executors 1000. pound . To the Schoole-master yeerely , fifty pounds . To the Vsher yeerly , 13. l. 6. s. 8. d. To the Clerke yeerely , 40. s. To place foure boyes Apprentises in husbandry yeerely 20. pound . For the maintenance of six Schollers yeerely , three in Oxenford , and the other three in Cambridge , 2000. l. Robert Comin , alias Chilcot , servant sometime to the said Peter Blundell , imitated the worthy steps of his Master , so farre as power permitted him leave , giving as insueth . He gave to Christs Hospitall in London , 100. l. To poore prisoners , whose debts did not amount above five pound , 100. l. Towards the building of an ordinary Free-Schoole , that children might bee made apt and ready for his Masters free Grammar-Schoole in Tiverton , where he himselfe also was borne , 400. l. Towards the maintaining of the said lesser schoole , and for reliefe of certaine poore people yeerely , 90. l. To the Schoole-master yeerely 20. pound . To the Clerke yeerely 3. l. For reparations yeerely 4. s. For 15. poore mens Gownes , and each of them 2. s. in money yeerly 16. l. 10. s. To 15. poore Artificers 15. pound . To as many poore people weekely , 6. d. to each . Towards repayring the Church 19. l. 10. s. To mend the High-waies there ten pound . To other uses foure pound . Iohn Holmes Draper , gave to the Parish of Saint Sepulchres , in Anno 1588. his dwelling house in the same Parish , yeelding yeerely , 32. pound . Thomas Atkinson Baker , gave also to the same Parish , 10. l. yeerely . Master Thomas Cure , Sadler , and Squire Sadler to Queene Elizabeth , as his sonne also was after him , did build an Hospitall in Southwarke , having some helpe afforded him by the Parish of St. Saviour : but the main and chiefe charge was his owne proper cost . The house was for 18. poore people each of them having two Chambers , and allowance of 4. pound ten shillings to each person yeerely . The building of the Hospitall cost above three hundred pounds . Master George Bishop , Stationer , gave 6. pound yeerly to his Company : and hath allowed ten pound yeerely for ever towards maintaining Preachers at Pauls Crosse . Hee gave likewise sixe pound yeerly to Christs Hospitall . Master Richard Culverwell , Brewer , gave to the Hospitall of Bridewell , two hundred pound . Master William Whitmore , Haberdasher , gave also to the same hospitall , 200. pound . Master Iohn Norton , Stationer , gave to his owne Company the summe of one thousand pound to purchase lands amounting to the value of fifty pound yeerly , and some part to be lent to poore yong men . He gave also one hundred and fifty pounds to the Parish of S. Faiths under Pauls , to purchase seven pounds tenne shillings yeerely for ever , to be given to the poore . Master Henry Fisher , Fishmonger , gave to his Company nine pound yeerly , to maintaine a Scholar in the Colledge of Brazen-nose in Oxenford , with the allowance of nine pound and two shillings yeerely for two Sermons . Master Thomas Aldersey , Haberdasher , out of an Appropriation which he had at Bunbery in Cheshire , gave the allowance of two hundred Markes yeerely , one hundred Markes whereof was for the maintenance of a Preacher . He gave to the Minister 20. pound . He gave to a Schoole , thirty pound . He gave to the poore , ten pound . Master Robert Offley , Haberdasher , to the Maior and communalty of Chester gave sixe hundred pound to be lent there to young Traders . For reliefe of the poore , and men in prisons , besides other charitable uses two hundred pound . More , he gave two hundred pounds , to pay tenne pounds yeerely to the poore of the Company . More , he gave two hundred pounds , that tenne pounds might be yeerely given to either of the Vniversities , toward the maintaining of two Scholars there , one in each . Hee gave to Bethlem , one hundred pounds . He gave to the other Hospitals , to prisons , and to the poore , one hundred and threescore pounds . Master Thomas Fisher , Skinner , gave forty five pounds yeerely , out of which , twenty pounds was to be yeerely allowed , for a Free-schoole at Standon in the County of Hertford . To buy paper , bookes , pennes and inke , yeerely for the Scholars , 5. poends . To Christs Hospitall yeerely , tenne pounds . For the redemption of Prisoners in either of the Compters and Ludgate , lying there for three pounds debt , twenty pounds . Master Florence Caldwell , Haberdasher , to divers poore Parishes in London gave twenty pounds yeerely . Divers wel-disposed Citizens of London , desirous ( as yet ) not to be named , being born in or neere to Ashborn in the Peake , in the Country of Derby , combining their loving benevolence together , have builded there a faire School-house , with convenient lodgings for a Master and Vsher , and liberall maintenance yeerely allowed thereto . Master Robert Rogers , Leatherseller , and a Batchelour , like a most liberall and bountifull benefactor , gave these gifts following : To the Prisons in and about London , twelve pounds . To the poore of two severall Townes in the west Countrey , thirteene pounds sixe shillings eight pence . To the poore of the Towne of Poole , where he was borne , tenne pounds . For the building of Almes-houses there , three hundred thirty three l. For the reliefe of poore prisoners , such as were neither Atheists nor Papists , and might be delivered , each man at the summe of twenty Nobles , an hundred and fifty pounds . For the benefit of poore Preachers , allowing to each man tenne pounds , an hundred pounds . For the comfort of poore decayed Artificers , being charged with wife and children , and of knowne honest reputation , one hundred pounds . He gave to the Company of Merchant Adventurers , for the reliefe of poore decayed people , and toward the support of yong Free-men , foure hundred pounds . He gave to Christs Hospitall , to purchase Lands for the reliefe of the house , five hundred pounds . For the erection of certaine Almes-houses in and about London , and also for the maintenance of twelve poore people , six hundred pounds . To the Parish wherein he dwelt , 10. l. That two dozen of bread may every Sunday ( through the yeere ) for ever be given to the poore , an hundred pounds . He gave to Christs-Church Parish , fifteene pounds . For reliefe of the poore in sundry Parishes without the wals , as Newgate , Creplegate , Bishopsgate , and the Parish of S. George in Southwarke ; unto every one of them he gave twenty sixe pounds , thirteene shillings , fourepence . Moreover , he gave to S. Georges Parish in Southwarke , Saint Sepulchres , S. Olaves beyond the Bridge , Saint Giles without Creplegate , and S. Leonard in Shorditch , to buy coales for the poore in each Paris , thirty pounds apeece . He gave beside to either Parish of S. Buttolph , without Aldgate and Bishopsgate , twenty pounds . For the maintaining of foure Scholars , two in Oxenford , and two in Cambridge , Students in Divinity , 400 , l. Of which the Company of Leather-sellers have great respect , and not onely see it diligently performed ; but also have added their bounty thereto . Master Iohn Fuller , Esquire , and one of the Judges in the Sheriffes Court in London , by his last will and testament , bearing date the 10. of Iune , 1592. appointed his wife , her heires and assignes , to erect certaine Almes-houses in the Parish of Stoken-heath , for twelve poore aged single men , being aged fifty yeeres or upwards . He appointed also the like Almes-houses to be builded in the Parish of S. Leonard in Shorditch , for twelve poore Widdow women of the like age , and shee to endow them with the yeerely maintenance of one hundred pounds ; namely , to each fifty pounds by the yeere for ever . And that mony to be deducted out of his Lands in Lincolnshire , assuring over the same to certaine Feoffees in trust , by a Deed of Feoffement . Moreover , hee gave his Messuages , Land , and Tenements , lying and being in the severall Parishes of S. Bennet , and S. Peter by Pauls wharfe , to Feoffees in trust , yeerely for ever , to disburse all the issues and profits of the said Lands and Tenements , to the relieving and discharging of poore prisoners , in the Hole or Two-penny wards , in either of the Compters in London , by equall portions to each Compter . Provided , that the debt doe not exceed the summe of twenty shillings eight pence , for every prisoner at any time to be set free . Master Edward Elmer , Grocer , gave to both the Compters in London , an hundred pounds , partly to bee laid out in Faggots for the Prisoners in cold weather ; and for two load of straw yeerely to Bethlem . Master William Nelson , Grocer , towards the maintaining of twelve poore Scholars in Oxenford and Cambridge , gave foure hundred pounds , to be paid yeerely to each place twenty pounds ; and thirty three shillings foure pence to each man. And to the Prisons , 33. l. Master Rafe Newbery , Stationer , gave a stocke of Bookes , and priviledges of Printing , to bee sold for the benefit of Christs Hospitall and Bridewell . Master Robert Row , Haberdasher , for the furtherance of poore Scholars in both the Vniversities , gave 20. l. yeerely , and the remainder of his goods that were not bequeathed . Master Edmond Stile , Grocer , and Sheriffe of London , gave to be distributed among the said Hospitals in London , the summe of threescoure pounds . Iohn Stockley , Merchant-taylor , gave to Christs Hospitall , and the other Hospitals beside , towards the education of poore children in the feare of God , the summe of forty pounds . He gave besides to the Vniversities , forty pounds more , towards the maintenance of foure poore Scholars , to bee disposed by the Master and Wardens of the Merchant-taylors , with consent of his Executors and Overseers ; desiring that S. Iohn Baptists Colledge in Oxenford should have the prerogative of the gift , if such be there to be found , as are capable of the same . Gaius Newman , Goldsmith , gave to Christs Hospitall , five pounds : to Saint Bartholomews Hospitall , six pounds , thirteene shillings , foure pence : and to the hospitall of Bridewell , three pounds . Iohn Newman , Grocer , gave to Christs Hospitall ; three pounds : to Saint Bartholomews hospitall , six pounds : and to Saint Thomas in Southwarke , and Bridewell hospitall , forty shillings to each house . Richard May , Merchant-taylor , gave ( by his last will and testament ) to the Chamber of London , the summe of three hundred pounds , toward the new building of old , ruined and decayed Blackwell Hall , in London : It being a Market place for the selling of woollen clothes , on such usuall market-dayes as are therunto assigned . Vpon the receipt of this gift , the said Hall was taken downe , a new foundation laid ; and within the space of tenne moneths following , the worke was finished , with the full charge of 2500. pounds . He gave besides to Christs Hospitall , the summe of ninety pounds . Peter Chapman , Ironmonger , gave to the eight Prisons in and about London , the summe of threescore pounds . He gave also to two poore Scholars of Oxenford , studying Divinity , 5. l. to each yeerely . To poore Scholars in Cambridge also , following the same study , hee gave the like summe of money . To the poore of the Towne of Cokeham in Barkeshire , where it appeared he was borne , he gave the summe of five pounds yeerely . Iohn Carre , Ironmonger , gave a gift of twenty pounds yeerely , for the space of one and twenty yeeres . Five pounds thereof was to goe to a Preacher at Standon in Essex . Concerning the other 15. pounds , it was ordered to passe in this manner of course . The first yeere , it was for the benefit of certaine poore Parishes in London , thereto appointed . The second yeere it was for the helpe of two poore Scholars , one in Oxenford , and the other in Cambridge . The third yeere it was appointed for reliefe of the poore in Standon . And so ( according to this course ) to continue for time and place , during the space of one and twenty yeeres . Henry Cowche , or Croutch , Merchant-Taylor , gave unto Christs Hospitall the benefit of his house , known by the name of the Crowne without Aldgate , having divers yeeres as then to come in the Lease , and yeelding yeerely the summe of fifteene pounds . Five pound is yeerely appointed to be paid to the poore of the Parish , and tenne shillings to a Preacher . The rest remaineth to the Hospitall , and after the Leases expiration , it is judged to yeeld above an hundred markes yeerely . David Smith , Embroiderer , at his owne charge did build certaine Almes-houses , upon the hill called S. Peters hill , neere unto old Fishstreet , allowing sufficient maintenance to them . He gave also five and twenty pounds yeerely to the Company of Ironmongers , appointing it to be distributed among the poor , in the Wards of Queen Hithe , and Castle Baynard . Iohn Scot , Salter , gave to his Companie the summe of twenty pounds yeerely , because they should allow to the six poore Almes-men of the Company , each man twelve pence weekely . The rest is to be divided among other poore , and thirty shillings to bee bestowed in Coles yeerely for the poore . William Stoder , Grocer , gave to Christs hospitall , for reliefe of the poore children there , fifty pounds yeerely . William Mascall , Brewer , gave to the same hospitall , and to the same intent , nine pounds yeerely . Stephen Skidmore , Vintner , gave a gift of forty foure pounds yeerely , and ordered in this manner : To seventeene poore Parishes in London , appointed by nomination , seventeene pounds . To the poore of the Parish of S. Stephen in Colemanstreet , twelve pence weekly in bread . To the poore of Corke in Ireland , ( where it seemeth he was borne ) being twelve in number , to each poore body forty shillings . Richard Iacob , Vintner , gave a gift of sixteene pounds for ever , that it should be distributed to Christs Hospitall , Saint Bartholomews , Bridewell , and Saint Thomas in Southwark , forty shillings to each house yeerely : and the other eight pounds to be given to certaine appointed poore Parishes in London . He gave moreover ( for so long time as two hundred yeeres should last ) the summe of twenty eight pounds yeerely . Of which portion of money , sixteene pounds was appointed for poore Prisoners , that lay imprisoned in any of the eight Prisons in and about London yeerly ; to each Prison forty shillings : as the Gatehouse , the Fleet , both the Compters of the Poultry and Woodstreet , Ludgate , the Marshallsea , the Kings Bench , and the White Lion. What remained of the over plus of the money , was to be distributed to the poore of divers appointed Parishes . Iohn Russell , Draper , gave the summe of fourescore pounds yeerely for ever : out of which these summes following should be deducted , and the rest remain to be employed by the Company of Drapers . He gave thirteene pounds nine shillings yeerely to thirteene poore people . For reliefe of the poore , to be bestowed in bread yeerely , two and fifty shillings . To be bestowed in Coales yeerely for the poore , three pounds . For the maintaining of Preachers yeerely at Pauls Crosse , tenne pounds . Toward the maintaining of two Scholars , one in Oxenford and the other in Cambridge , the sum of thirteene pounds six shillings eight pence . For maintaining a Scholemaster at Burton in Staffordshire , thirteen pounds , sixe shillings , eight pence . Item , To the Visher , five pounds . And to the Visitors , thirty shillings . Robert Gale , Vintner , out of his Lands lying in divers places , gave the summe of one hundred and forty pounds yeerely , to be imployed in manner following , after the decease of Dorothy his wife . To six of the poorer sort of Scholars in Corpus Christi Colledge , in the Vniversity of Oxenford , usually commorant and residing in the said Colledge , and yeerely to be chosen on the Feast day of Saint Thomas the Apostle , by George Lacocke , his heires or assignes , under his or their hand and seale : To each Scholar he gave three pounds , six shillings eight pence yeerely for ever , to be paid by the said Lacocke , his heires or assignes for ever , out of his Lands in Claipoole , in the County of Lincolne , and Brassington , in the County of Derby . To the poore Towne of Chippenham , in Wiltshire , he gave twenty pounds . To the Preacher there , 20. shillings . To the Bailiffe and Burgesses , as a friendly remembrance , yeerely twenty shillings . To Christs Hospitall in London , twenty pounds . To the Company of Vintners , twenty pounds . To the poore in Lincolne , 20. pounds . To a Preacher there yeerely , ten shillings . To the Maior and Chamberlaine , twenty shillings . To the Minister of S. Markes Church there , ten shillings . Iohn Quarles , Draper , gave yeerely to be bestowed in bread , for reliefe of the poore , six pounds . William Dummer , Draper , gave to the poore the summe of 13. pounds , 18. shillings , 4. pence yeerely for ever . William Parker , a Brother also of the same Society , gave towards the maintaining of a Lecture yeerely at Saint Antlins , six pounds . Owen Clun , another Brother also of the same Society , gave to the poore of the said Company yeerely for ever , the summe of twenty five pounds . Iames Stoddard , Grocer , for the maintaining of two poore Scholars , the one in the Colledge of Brazen-nose in Oxenford , and the other to be of Queenes Colledge in Cambridge , gave 10. l. yeerely to be paid for ever , out of his Tenement called the Swan with two neckes , in the Parish of S. Laurence old Jury . Iohn Skeete , Draper , for reliefe and maintenance of the poore , in the Hospitals in and about London , gave the sum of three hundred pounds . Moreover , hee gave to foure poore Scholars studying Divinity in the Vniversity of Oxford , and which are not able to proceed in their degrees , five pounds to each Scholar , to be paid at the next Act or Commencement . The like liberality he gave to the other Vniversity of Cambridge , for so many Scholars , five pound to each , and at the same time . Roger Owfield , Fishmonger , gave the summe of one hundred pounds towards the maintenance of poore Scholars , that studied . Divinity in the Vniversities of Oxenford and Cambridge , or else where . And his desire was , that some of them might be of the Towne of Ashborne , if any such could there be found fit for it . Otherwise he appointed the money to be imployed in Scholarships , in Sidney or Emanuel Colledge in Cambridge . Beside , hee gave to Christs Hospitall one hundred pounds . Iohn Berriman , of Bishops Tawton , in the County of Devonshire , Clothier , and said to be a free Draper of London , gave to Christs Hospitall , an hundred pounds : to Saint Bartholomews , five pounds : to Saint Thomas , six pounds : to Bridewell , forty shillings : and to Bethlem fifty pounds . Iohn Ireland , Salter , gave to Christs Hospitall , foure pounds : to Saint Bartholomews , foure pounds : to Saint Thomas and Bridewell , twenty shillings to each house . Thomas Thorney , Barber Chirurgion , gave to Christs Hospitall , five pounds , and to Bridewell , five pounds . Francis Evington , Merchant-Taylor , gave to Christs Hospitall , tenne pounds , and to Saint Bartholomews Hospitall , tenne pounds . Hee gave also to poore Scholars in both the Vniversities , sixe pounds to each Scholar . Henry Butler , Draper , gave to Saint Thomas Hospitall , tenne pounds : to Christs Hospitall , five pounds : and to S. Bartholomews and Bridewell , five pounds to each house . Peter Hall , Draper , gave to Christs Hospitall , tenne pounds : to Saint Bartholomews , three pounds : and the like to Saint Thomas . Roger Ienkins , Barber Chirurgion , to the poore Scholars in Christs Hospitall , gave five pounds , to buy them Bookes at the discretion of the Treasurer . George Chamberlaine , Ironmonger , gave to Christs Hospitall , tenne pounds ; to Saint Thomas , five pounds : to Saint Bartholomews , five pounds : and to Bridewell , tenne pounds . Thomas Church , Draper , gave to Christs Hospitall , tenne pounds : to Bridewell , tenne pounds : to Saint Bartholomews five pounds ; and to Saint Thomas , five pounds . Andrew Banning Grocer , gave for ever , 120. pounds to the Company of Grocers , therewith to purchase lands of five pounds value yeerely , for the reliefe of some poore Scholar in the Vniversity of Cambridge . Randall Manning , Skinner , gave toward the reliefe of foure poore Scholars yeerely , forty shillings to each Scholar , being of Christs and Emanuel Colledges in Cambridge , and this gift to continue the space of thirty yeeres . Katharine , wife to the said Randall Manning , gave also the summe of one hundred pounds , that her husbands will might the more effectually be kept and performed . Hugh Cappe , Plaisterer , gave for reliefe of the poore children in Christs Hospitall , the summe of 100. pounds . He gave also to the two Hospitals of Saint Bartholomews and S. Thomas in Southwarke , tenne pounds to each house . Lewes Randall , Pewterer , gave unto Christs Hospitall , fifty pounds : and to S. Thomas Hospitall , twenty shillings . Henry van Hilton , Merchant Stranger , and a free Denison of London , gave unto Christs Hospitall , thirty pounds . Humfrey Fox , Draper , gave to the poore childrens succour in Christs Hospitall , the summe of fifty pounds . William Parker , Merchant-taylor , gave to Christs Hospitall , to purchase lands for maintenance of the poore children , five hundred pounds . He gave also to the Treasurer of Bridewell , to set forty Boyes on worke , which should bee taken up begging in the streets , and there bound Apprentices for 7. yeeres , to learne severall Trades ; for each boy should five pound be paid to the Treasurer , untill the summe of two hundred pound should fully be run out . Of this man expect more when I come to speake of the new building of Aldersgate . George Palin , Merchant , and free of the Girdlers Society , by his last Will and Testament , to good and charitable uses gave these gifts following : First , he gave nine hundred pounds towards the erection or building of certaine Almes-houses , in or about the Citie of London , wherein six poore people should have the yeerely allowance of six pounds , thirteene shillings and foure pence to each person . More , he gave towards the having a sweet Chime in Bow Church in London , one hundred pounds . He gave to Saint Iohn Baptist , and Brazen-nose Colledges in Oxenford , towards the maintaining of foure Scholars there yeerely , three hundred pounds , to each Colledge , and to each Scholar , foure pounds yeerely . To the six severall Prisons in and about London , he gave threescore pounds . He gave unto Christs Hospitall to purchase Lands after the rate of twenty pounds yeerely , for benefit of the poore children there , the summe of three hundred pounds . Moreover , in further expression of his zeale and love to learning , and for the like uses as we have before declared , he gave to Trinity and Saint Iohns Colledge in Cambridge , the summe of six hundred pounds . To the Hospitall of Saint Thomas in Southwarke , he gave fifty pounds . Towards the bearing of such Scholars charges , as should come ( from time to time ) to preach at Pauls Crosse , hee gave the summe of 200. pounds . He gave 132. pounds to be distributed to certaine Parishes in London , to some tenne pounds , to others twenty pounds . He gave to the Towne of Wrenbury in Cheshire , 200. l. to purchase Lands , after the rate of twenty markes by the yeere , for reliefe of the poore there . He gave also for behoof of the Church there , the summe of thirty pounds . He gave for forty poore Gownes , forty pounds . Laurence Campe , Draper , gave forty pounds towards the maintenance of poore Schollers in Cambridge , at the discretion of Robert Meakin , Preacher of S. Iohns Church in Walbrooke . Robert Dove , Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London , gave ( in his life time , and long before he dyed ) to the Master , Wardens , and Assistants of that worshipfull Company , the summe of two thousand , nine hundred , fifty eight l. . tenne shillings , to be yeerely imployed in these good uses following : First , for the mantaining of thirteen poore Almes-men , in gownes of good cloth , well lined , with a silver Dove upon each mans left sleeve . And six other poore men , termed Reversioners , to succeed in the roomes of the deceased Gowne-men , they wearing Cloakes of good cloth in the meane time , with a silver Dove also upon each mans left arme : the yeerely allowance to performe this is one hundred and seven pounds . He gave to the Schoolemaster eight pounds . He gave also to the poore of Saint Buttolphs without Aldgate , in which Parish he dwelt and dyed , twenty pounds , nine shillings . To Saint Iohn Baptists Colledge in Oxenford he gave 100. pounds . To the prisoners in the two Counters of London , and to the Prisons of Ludgate and Newgate , hee gave twenty pounds . He gave to Christs Hospitall in London , to purchase Lands , after the rate of tenne pounds yeerely , and for one to instruct the boyes in singing , two hundred and forty pounds . He gave to the Parish of S. Sepulchers the summe of fifty pounds , that after the severall Sessions in London , when the Prisoners remaine in the Gaole , as condemned men to death , expecting execution on the morrow following , the Clerke of the Church should come in the night time , and likewise early in the morning , to the window of the prison where they lye , and there ringing certaine toules with a hand-bell , appointed for the purpose , he doth afterward ( in most Christian manner ) put them in minde of their present condition , and ensuing execution , desiring them to be prepared therefore as they ought to bee . When they are in the Carts , and brought before the wall of the Church , there hee standeth ready with the same Bell , and after certaine toules , rehearseth an appointed Prayer , desiring all the people there present to pray for them . The Beadle also of Merchant-taylors Hall hath an honest allowed stipend , to see that this be duely done . What else remaineth concerning this man , expect when I come to speake of the Hall. Randulph Woolley , Merchant-Taylor , gave to the Governours of Christs Hospitall , therewith to pay yeerely for ever , five pounds , to the Reader of Oare Chappell , in the Parish of Mucklestone , in the County of Stafford , by fifty shillings at each halfe yeere . For which he is to teach freely the children of the inhabitants of Aston , in the fore-named Parish of Mucklestone . He gave more to the said Hospitall one hundred pounds , for the allowing of fifty shillings yeerely every Easter day , that the poore children may then eat roast meat . He gave moreover to the said Governours one hundred pounds , therewith to pay yeerely unto the poore of the Parish of Muckle stone five pounds . He gave also to Saint Bartholomews Hospitall , three pounds . Henry Walcot , Grocer , gave to Saint Bartholomews Hospitall twenty pounds : to Christs Hospitall , five pounds : to S. Thomas in Southwarke , five pounds : to Bridewell , three pounds sixe shillings , eight pence : and to Bethlem , three pounds , six shilling eight pence . Henry Woolaston , Draper , gave to S. Thomas Hospitall , forty pounds : and to the foure Beadles , Coats of good new cloth . Also he gave to every Governour , going to his buriall , and staying there the Sermon time , halfe a crowne to each man , to dine together afterward . Iohn Vernon , Merchant-Taylor , gave to Christs Hospitall , forty pounds : to S. Bartholomews Hospitall , fifty pounds : to Bridewell and S. Thomas , five pounds to each house . Edward Harvist , Brewer , gave unto Christs Hospitall , the summe of one hundred pounds : and fifty pounds , to bee equally divided betweene the two Hospitals of S. Bartholomews and S. Thomas in Southwarke . Iohn Brown , Wool-winder , and Magdalen his wife , gave certaine lands lying in Barking in Essex , amounting then to 5. l. 6. s. 8. d. yeerely . And this gift they gave unto Christs Hospitall for ever . Iohn Porter , of Porters Key , Fishmonger , gave unto Christs Hospitall , twenty pound . Lewis Randall , Pewterer , but a Brewer by his profession , of his owne free cost and charge , paved ( with faire free Stone ) the East I le of Christs Hospital Cloyster , and renewed all the Armories of former liberall Benefactors to that house , wherof himselfe was one of the Governours . Hee gave beside 50. pound to the Treasurer , that the poore children there maintained , might eate roste-meat , at dinner , on every Saint Mathias day , if it fall out of Lent. But if it fall in Lent , then they are to eat good and well made Furmenty , both at dinner and supper . Iohn Whithall , Skinner , gave to the Childrens reliefe in Christs Hospitall , 40. pound . William Iones , Merchant , and free of the worshipfull Company of Haberdashers , in his life time did many charitable deeds , and by his Will and Testament ordained many more , putting his owne Society in trust to see them performed , as shall briefly be declared . First , many yeeres before he dyed , he allowed 50. pound yeerely to a Preacher at Monmouth , there to instruct the people in Gods true Religion . Afterward hee grew to settle a certaine stipend there , amounting to the summe of 100. Markes yeerely , to maintaine a good Preacher there . Providing also , that a convenient house should be built for him , with all necessary matters belonging to it , that hee might ( with the more comfort ) dwell there among them . Also , for the instruction of youth in Learning and Religion , he ordained to have a faire Free-Schoole there built at his owne charge , and a faire house also to be erected for the chiefe Master . Allowing him yeerly ( for ever ) 60. pound , and 30. pound also yeerly to the Visher . Beside , being Christianly mindfull of the poore and needy people in those parts , he tooke order for the building of an Hospitall in the same Towne , ordaining it for twenty poore people : giving to every one of them a good Gowne yeerely , and 2. shillings 6. pence apeece weekely . And because himselfe ( being farre absent ) could bee no Surveyor of these workes , hee committed the care thereof to the loving Brethren of his Company , paying to them ( in his life time ) the summe of 8000. pound . And left them by his will , 1000. pound more , for the full finishing of so good a worke . More , he appointed to the said Company of Haberdashers , the summe of 5000. pound by them to be disbursed , for the maintenance of a good Preacher at Newland in Glocester shire , and of certaine poore people in the same Parish . More , Hee gave to the same Society , one thousand foure hundred and forty pounds , to allow unto nine poore men , being free Brethren of the same Company , eight pounds apeece yeerely for ever . Moreover , he left ( by his will ) 600. pound in money , and a faire house in the City of London , to the disposition of the Company , to bestow the yeerely profits , for the yeerely maintenance of a godly Preacher in this City for ever , which Preacher from time to time is to benominated by the Company . As already they have thereto appointed Master Iohn Downham , Batchelor in Divinity , and a very learned Preacher . More , hee gave the summe of 1000. pound to bee faithfully distributed among poore Preachers here in England . To be distributed among the severall Hospitals in London , he gave the summe of 500. pound . To the poore in Stoad hee gave 200. pound . To the poore of Hamborough , he gave 50. pound . Beside , to such poore English men as lived in Hamborough , he gave 50 pound . He gave likewise a good summe of money ( by way of gratitude and thankfulnesse ) to his owne Company , as a token of his love , for their care and paines-taking , in the managing of so serious a businesse . The Hospitall at Monmouth was built ( by the Company ) in his life time , and the poore people placed in it . Since his death , the house for the Preacher there , the Free-schoole , and the house for the Schoolmaster , all these are ( by this time ) neere hand finished . An house also for the Preacher at Newland , and the Hospitall for tenne poore people there , is already ( by them ) begun , and in very good forwardnesse . His intended care for a Preacher in London , is already performed , and the same continued in a Lecture , at S. Bartholomews Church , neere to the Exchange , every Thursday in the afternoone . Whatsoever else remaineth , concerning the trust reposed in them , they wil ( with all speed ) both truely and faithfully effect . Here I could enter into a further relation , concerning some men yet living , whose liberall bounty and most Christian charity , doth deserve no meane commendation , and is very little inferiour to many of them already named . But because they account it honour enough to them , that divers poore people ( in private ) should rather sufficiently finde it , than the world ( in publike ) know it , I am content to spare their nomination , as knowing very well , that they who have beene so liberall in their life time , have ( no doubt ) set downe extraordinary determinations , which neither death , nor any deceiving Executors , can or shall frustrate and disappoint . Let me commend that truly-religious man , who perceiving the heavy want of divers honest house-holders , laboriously end●vouring ( night and day ) to maintaine their charge ; but that the worlds extremity frowned too fiercely upon them . I know the man , and oftentimes in teares hath he said to mee ; Here is true poverty indeed , too modestly silent in speaking their mighty need and misery , and therefore justly deserving pittie . To two , three , foure , and many times more of these , hath he beene , and is , a liberall Benefactor ( weekely ) with his owne hands : yet not in his owne name , or as comming from himselfe , ( he being so meanely disguised at such times of his comming to them , and so sudden also in departing from them , that they were not able to distinguish him ; ) but alledging , that the reliefe was sent them from some , who understood their neede ( almost ) as well as themselves , and willed them to bee thankfull onely to God for it . Oh that London had a Park neer adjoining to it , stored with many such choise Deere ; as doubtlesse it hath , though not easily knowne . For some build Almes-houses , Free-Schooles , Cawseyes and Bridges in very needfull places : yea , and repaire old ruined Churches , releeving Hospitals also in very bountifull manner , and are weekly Benefactors to Prisons : yet performed by such agents faithfully , that the true bestowers are not noted , though vehemently suspected ; and the glory they shunne here , will ( for ever ) shine on them else-where . But God stirre up the mindes of many more , to imitate them in this tonguelesse liberality . Master William Masham , Grocer , and Alderman of London , gave ( beside his liberall charity to the Hospitall ) toward the maintenance of poore Scholars , at both the Vniversities , twenty pounds . Master Henry Prannel , Vintner , and Alderman of London , gave among the said Hospitals the summe of 50. pounds yeerely . Master William Elkin , Mercer , and Alderman of London , in the yeere 1593. gave to Christs Hospitall in London , and for certaine charitable uses , the summe of 800. pounds . He gave also to the Prisons in and about London , threescore pounds . Beside , he gave to Emanuel Colledge in Cambridge , five pounds , and to both the Vniversities together , threescore pounds . Master Richard Gurney , Slater and Alderman of London , gave to be distributed among the severall Hospitals in and about London , threescore pound . And to the Vniversities yeerely five pound . Master Hugh Offley , Leather seller and Alderman of London , gave for the maintaining of Scholars in both the Vniversities , 77. pound . He gave to Christs Hospitall in London , the like summe of 77. pound . Beside , hee gave to the prisoners in and about London , 20. pound , and 35. shillings yeerly to continue for certaine yeeres . Master Robert Brooke , Grocer and Alderman of London , gave to be distributed among the Hospitals in London , the summe of sixe and thirty pound . Master Benedict Barnham , Draper and Alderman of London , gave to be distributed among the severall Prisons in London , fifty pounds . Master Robert Taylor , Haberdasher and Alderman of London , gave in distribution to the Hospitals in London , the summe of one hundred pound . Master Paul Banning , Grocer , and sometime an Alderman of London , gave unto Christs Hospitall the sum of one hundred pounds . Sir Richard Goddard , Draper and Alderman of London , gave to the Hospitall of Bridewell , two hundred pound . Master William Walthall , Mercer and Alderman of London , gave to the Hospitals of London , two hundred pounds . More , he gave to poore Scholars in Cambridge , nine pound yeerely . To the Prisons beside , in and about London , he gave one hundred thirty five pounds . Beside his former gifts , hee gave ten pound yeerely to Christs Hospitall . To his Company of the Mercers he gave five hundred pounds to be lent to young men that begin the world . Sir Robert Hampson , Merchant-Taylor , and Alderman of London , gave to the charitable reliefe of poore prisoners , one hundred and fifty pounds in ready money , and the reversion of two Tenements beside . Sir Henry Anderson , Grocer and Alderman of London , and Richard Anderson his sonne , gave to the Colledge of Brazen-nose in Oxenford , for the reliefe of poore Scholars there , one hundred and thirteen pounds . Sir William Glover Dyer and Alderman of London , gave also to the Hospitals , in and about London , the summe of two hundred pounds , Sir William Rumney , Haberdasher , and Alderman of London , gave also to be distributed among the same Hospitals , the summe of threescore and five pounds . Sir Roger Iones , Dyer and Alderman of London , gave likewise to the said Hospitals , two and twenty pounds . Master Richard Faringdon , Clothworker , and Alderman of London , gave also to be distributed among the same Hospitals , the summe of threescore and six pound thirteene shillings foure pence . Nicholas Stile , Grocer , and Alderman of London , gave unto Christs Hospitall five pound , to St. Bartholomews , 10. pound , and to St , Thomas Hospitall three pound . Moreover , he gave to poore maimed Sea-faring souldiers , in S. Bartholomews Hospitall ten pound , if no house were erected in or about London , for the harbour and reliefe of such maimed Souldidiers and Saylors . Master Ieffrey Elwes , Merchant-Taylor , and Alderman of London , gave unto Christs Hospitall the summe of one hundred pounds . And to the Hospitall of St. Bartholomew , and St. Thomas in Southwarke ten pounds to each house . Master Cuthbert Martin , Skinner , and Alderman of London , gave unto Christs Hospitall , the summe of twenty pounds . Sir Iames Deane , Draper , gave to be distributed among the severall Hospitals in and about London , the summe of one hundred and thirty pounds . And to the Prisoners threescore and ten pounds . Master George Smithes , Goldsmith , and Alderman of London , gave to Christs Hospitall , ten pounds . And to Bridewell ten pounds . Sir William Bowyer , Grocer , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , in the yeere 1543. gave to the severall Prisons in and about London , the summe of two hundred pounds . Sir Iohn Lion , Grocer , Alderman , and Lord Maior of Lond , in the yeere 1554. gave to Christs Hospitall . St. Bartholomews , S. Thomas in Southwark , and Bridewell , one hundred pounds . Sir Richard Champion , Drapet , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , in the yeere , 1565. gave the summe of nineteene pound and foureteene shillings yeerely , to a Christian and charitable worke , formerly begun by Sir Iohn Milbourne , Draper , Alderman and Lord Maior of London likewise , and with the like yeerely allowance of nineteene pounds and fourteene shillings towards the maintenance of 13. poore Almes-houses at Tower-hill , and neere to the dwelling of the Lord Lumley . Sir Christopher Draper , Ironmonger , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , in the yeere 1566. gave to the Prisons in and about London , and Bethlem withall , threescore and eight pounds . Sir Lionel Ducket , Mercer , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , in the yeere 1572. gave to be distributed among the Hospitals in London , the summe of one hundred pounds . Sir Thomas Ramsey , Grocer , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , in the yeere 1577. gave also in distribution among the said Hospitals threescore pounds . Sir Wolstane Dixie , Skinner , Maior , 1586. gave as followeth . He founded a Free-schoole at Bosworth and endowed it with twenty pound yeerely . To Christs Hospitall in London hee gave yeerely for ever two and forty pounds . For a Lecture in St. Michaels Bassings Hall , yeerely , ten pounds . To the poore of Newgate , twenty pounds . To the two Compters , and to Ludgate and Bethlem , to each of them tenne pounds . To the foure Prisons in Southwarke , twenty pounds , thirteene shillings , and foure pence . To the poore of Bassings Hall , tenne pounds . To Emanuel Colledge in Cambridge , to buy lands for the maintenance or two Fellowes , and two Scholars , sixe hundred pounds . To the building of the Colledge , fifty pounds . To bee lent unto poore Merchants , five hundred pounds . To the Hospitals of Saint Bartholomew , and Saint Thomas , fifty pounds to each . To the the poore of Bridewell , twenty pounds . To poore Maids marriages , one hundred pounds . To poore Strangers of the Dutch and French Church , fifty pounds . Towards the building of the Pesthouse , two hundred pounds . Sir Iohn Hart , Grocer , Alderman and Lord Maior London , in the yeere 1589. erected and founded a Free-schoole in Yorkeshire , with the allowance of thirty pound yeerely to a Master and an Vsher . Sir Iohn Allot , Fishmonger , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , gave likewise in distribution among the said Hospitals , threescore and sixe pound thirteene shillings . Sir William Webbe , Salter , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , in the yeere 1591. gave likewise to be distributed among the said Hospitals , fourescore pound . Sir Stephen Slanie , Skinner , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , in the yeere 1595. beside his bountifull charity to the severall Hospitals , gave to bee bestowed among the severall Prisons , the summe of one hundred pounds . Master Thomas Skinner , Clothworker , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , in the yeere 1596. gave to the severall Hospitals in and about London one hundred and twenty pound to be equally divided among them . Sir Robert Lee , Merchant-Taylor , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , 1602. gave also in distribution among the said Hospitals , two and forty pound . Sir Iohn Wattes , Clothworker , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , in the yeere 1606. gave unto Christs Hospitall the summe of ten pound , and to Saint Thomas hospitall in Southwarke , twenty pounds . Sir Henry Rowe , Mercer , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , 1607. gave likewise to bee distributed among the same hospitals , the summe of one hundred pounds . Sir Humfrey Weld , Grocer , and Lord Maior of London , in the yeere 1608. gave to be distributed among the severall hospitals , the summe of one hundred pounds . Sir Thomas Cambell , Ironmonger , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , in the yeere 1609. gave to Christs Hospitall the summe of twenty pounds . And to the two Hospitals of S. Bartholomews , and Saint Thomas , five pound to each house . Sir Iames Pemberton , Goldsmith , and lately Lord Maior of London , in the yeere 1611. in his life time founded a Free-schoole at Heskin in the Parish of Ekklesden , in Lamcashire , endowing it with fifty pounds yeerely . Hee gave also to Christs Hospitall , five hundred pounds . Hee gave to his Company of Goldsmiths , two hundred pounds . To divers Prisons hee gave one hundred pounds . And to sundry poore Parishes hee gave charitably , leaving it to his Executors discretion . Sir Iohn Swinnerton , Merchant-Taylor , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , in the yeere 1612. gave unto Christs Hospitall the summe of one hundred pound . And to the other three hospitals , of Saint Bartholomews , Saint Thomas , and Bridewell , tenne pound to each house . Sir Henry Rowe , Mercer , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , beside his former bounty to the hospitals , gave to the two Vniversities , Oxenford and Cambridge , forty pound to poore scholars that study Divinity : and when they shall proceed Masters of Arts , to each scholar forty shillings . Sir Thomas Hunt , Skinner , gave to be divided among the poore of Christ Church , Saint Bartholomews , Saint Thomas in Southwarke , and Bridewell , one hundred pounds . Sir William Rumney , Haberdasher , and Alderman of London , beside his former liberality to the hospitals , gave to 40. poore scholars in Cambridge , the sum of twenty pounds . Sir William Stone , Clothworker , gave to the severall Prisons in London , the summe of fifty pounds . Master Ieffrey Elwes , Merchant-Taylor , and Alderman of London , over and beside his bountifull charity to the Hospitals in London , gave to the Chancelor , Master and scholars of the Vniversity of Oxenford , to the use of the body and corporation of the said Vniversity , and to Saint Iohn Baptist Colledge , the summe of three hundred pounds . Thus much for famous Citizens have I noted , concerning their charitable actions , for the most part done by them in their life time . The residue left in trust to their Executors , I have knowne some of them hardly ( or never ) performed . Wherefore I wish men to make their owne hands their Executors , and their eyes their Overseers , not forgetting the old Proverbe , Women be forgetfull , Children be unkinde , Executors bee covetous , and take what they finde . If any body aske where the deads goods became , They answer ; So God mee helpe and holydome , hee dyed a poore man. And now of some women , Citizens wives , deserving memory , for example to posterity , shall be noted . Dame Agnes Foster widdow , sometime wife to Sir Stephen Foster , Fishmonger , Maior , 1455. having enlarged the Prison of Ludgate , in 1463. shee procured in a common Councell of this City , certaine Articles to be established for the ease , comfort and reliefe of poor Prisoners there , as in the Chapter of Gates I have set downe . Avice Gibson , wife unto Nicholas Gibson , Grocer , one of the Sheriffes , 1539. by licence of her husband , founded a Free-schoole at Radcliffe neere unto London , appointing to the same for the instruction of threescore poore mens children , a Schoole-master and Vsher with fifty pound . Shee also builded Almes-houses for foureteene poore and aged persons , each of them to receive quarterly sixe shillings eight pence the peece for ever . The government of which Free-schoole and Almes-houses , she left in confidence to the Coopers in London . This vertuous Gentlewoman , was afterward joyned in marriage with Sir Anthony Knevet , Knight , and so called the Lady Knevet . A faire painted Table of her picture was placed in the Chappell , which she had built there , but of late removed thence , by the like reason , as the Grocers Armes ( fixed on the outer wall of the Schoole-house , are pulled downe , and the Coopers set in place . Margaret Danne , Widdow to William Danne , Ironmonger , one of the Sheriffes of London , 1570. gave by her testament to the Ironmongers two thousand pounds , to be lent to young men of that Company , paying after the rate of 5. pounds the yeere for every hundred , which hundred pounds so arising yeerly was to be imployed on charitable actions , as shee then appointed ; but not performed in more than thirty yeeres after . The Lady Baineham , sometime an Aldermans Widdow of this City , gave to the poore of the Drapers Company , ten pounds yeerely for ever . The Lady Forman gave to be distributed among the severall hospitals forty pounds . The Lady Barne , Wife to Sir George Barne , Haberdasher , and Lord Maior of London , gave also to the said hospitals , fourescore pounds . The Lady Anne Saunders , sometime also an Aldermans wife of London , gave unto the reliefe of the said Hospitals , the summe of one hundred and twenty pound . The Lady Anne Hunt , Wife to Sir Thomas Hunt , Skinner , gave in like manner for reliefe of the several Hospitals in London , the summe of one hundred and fourescore pounds . The Lady Frances Ierningham , Widdow , out of her Christian and charitable disposition to the said Hospitals , gave liberally the summe of three hundred and forty pounds . The Lady Frances , sometime Countesse of Sussex , but a great friend and well-willer to the City of London , and knowne to be a very godly and religious Lady , gave to the said Hospitals the summe of one hundred pounds . The Lady Katharine Constable , being said to be bred and brought up in this Honourable Citie , declared her love thereto at her death , and gave unto the Hospitals the summe of two hundred pounds . The Lady Webbe , sometime Wife to Sir William Webbe , Ironmonger , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , gave to be distributed among the severall Hospitals , the summe of three hundred pounds . The Lady Gresham , wife sometime to Sir Thomas Gresham , Mercer , and Agent beyond the Seas to Queene Elizabeth of famous memory , gave also to the Hospitals , fourescore and tenne pounds . The Lady Mary Ramsey , wife to Sir Thomas Ramsey , Grocer , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , about the yeere one thousand , five hundred , seventy seven , being seized of Lands in Fee-simple of her owne inheritance , amounting to the yeerely value of two hundred forty three pounds ; by consent of her said husband , gave the same to Christs Hospitall in London , towards the reliefe of the poore children there , and other charitable uses , as shall bee declared . To the Master and Vsher of the Schoole belonging to Christs-Church , she gave yeerely twenty pounds . To the Schoolemaster of Hawsted , by the yeere for ever , shee gave twenty pounds . To tenne poore Widdowes , beside apparell and houses , yeerely twenty pounds . To two poore people , a man and a woman by her appointed , during their lives she gave unto each of them yeerely , two pounds thirteene shillings and foure pence . To two Fellowes of Peter-house , in the Vniversity of Cambridge , and towards the reliefe of foure Schollers yeerly forty pounds . To St. Bartholemews Hospitall , tenne pounds . To Newgate , Ludgate , and both the Compters , each of them , ten pounds . After the expiration of certaine Leases , there is to come unto Christs Hospitall yeerely the summe of one hundred and twenty pounds . To three severall Parishes in London , namely , Saint Andrews Vndershaft , Saint Peters the poore , and Saint Mary Wolnoth in Lumbardstreet , tenne pounds to each . Towards the maintenance of sixe poore Scholars in Cambridge , twenty pounds . Towards the reliefe of tenne poore maimed Souldiers , beside cassoks , caps , hose and shooes yeerely , the summe of twenty pounds . For two Sermons yeerely , forty shillings . She gave to the poore of Christschurch Parish yeerely for ever , the summe of fifty shillings . To the poore of the Company of Drapers in London , she gave ten pounds yeerely . All these gifts already rehearsed , are to continue for every yeerely . Moreover , to each of these five Companies , of Grocers , Drapers , Goldsmiths , Haberdashers , and Merchant-Tailors , shee gave the summe of one thousand two hundred pounds , to bee lent to young Trades-men for foure yeeres . Shee gave to the Maior and Communalty of Bristow , a thousand pounds , to be imployed toward the new hospitall there , and other charitable uses , by the consent of her Executors . To certaine Parishes in the Countrey , as Berden , Newport , Clavering , Langley , Rickling , Quenden , Stocking , Pelham , and Walden , she gave the sum of one hundred pounds , to buy forty Gownes of Freeze for women , and sixty Coats for men , the remainder and overplus to goe to the poore . She gave to poore maids marriages , forty pounds . Moreover , shee gave the summe of five hundred pounds , towards the releasing of such prisoners , as lye for the debt of forty shillings , in any of the prisons in London and Southwarke . She gave beside , the summe of three thousand pounds , to other good and godly uses . The Lady Elizabeth Billingsley , wife to Sir Henry Billingsley , Haberdasher , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , gave to her said husband , the summe of 4000. pounds , therewith to purchase lands in convenient time , and willed , that the residue of the profits of the said lands , should be bestowed upon a Scholarship and a Fellowship , in the Vniversity of Cambridge , in Saint Iohns Colledge , or any other Colledge there at his discretion . The Lady Anne Iones , sometime wife to Sir Roger Iones , Dier , and Alderman of London , gave towards the encouragement of poore Scholars in the Vniversities , 29. pounds , at the discretion of her Executors . The Lady Spencer , sometime wife to Sir Iohn Spencer , Clothworker , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , gave to be distributed among the Hospitals , the summe of threescore and ten pounds . The Lady Anne Glover , sometime wife to Sir William Glover , Dier , Alderman of London , gave to reliefe of the Hospitals , the summe of fourescore pounds . The Lady Barbara Stone , sometime wife to Sir William Stone , Clothworker , gave to the reliefe of Christs Hospitall , one hundred pounds . Mistris Elizabeth Walter , sometime wife to Richard Walter , Girdler , gave 2. Fellowships to Emanuel Colledge in Cambridge . More , for the reliefe of poore Preachers , such as want livings , she gave the summe of three hundred pounds . Mistris Alice Barnham , mother to M. Benedict Barnham , Draper and Alderman of London , gave to both Vniversities , 20. pound . Mistris Elizabeth Scot , sometime wife to Iohn Scot , Salter , gave to the reliefe of poore Scholars in the Vniversities , forty pounds . Mistris Katharine Garway gave also to the same benefit of poore Scholars , twenty pounds . Mistris Cicely Hawes , gave to poore Scholars in the Vniversities , twenty pounds . Mistris Alice Hill , Widdow , gave for the reliefe of poore prisoners , in the severall Prisons in and about London , one hundred pounds . Mistris Elizabeth Packingten , Widdow , gave to Christs Hospitall , threescore pounds . Mistris Elizabeth Smith , Widdow , gave to be distributed among the Hospitals , fourescore pounds . Mistris Elizabeth Flicton , sometime wife to Robert Electon , Grocer , gave unto Christs Hospitall , the summe of 66. pounds . Mistris margery Simcotes , sometime wife to George Simcotes , Grocer , gave unto Christs Hospitall , for reliefe of the poore Children , one hundred pounds . Mistris Margaret Search , Widdow , gave unto Christs Hospitall , twenty pounds . Mistris Iane Allington , Widdow , gave unto Christs Hospitall , twenty pounds . Mistris Iane Baker , widdow gave to the reliefe of poore maids marriages , an hundred pounds . Mistris Sambach , widdow , gave to the poore of the parish of Saint Brides in Fleetstreet , the summe of twenty five pounds yeerely . Mistris Venables , widdow , in her love to Christian Religion , gave for the help of poore Preachers , the summe of five thousand pounds . Mistris Clarke , widdow , late wife of Roger Clarke , Salter , and Alderman of London , in the Parish of Saint Margaret Moses , gave for the maintenance of poore Scholars , and other charitable uses beside , the summe of one thousand foure hundred pounds . Mistris Ioane Doxie , Widdow , of Saint Bennet Grasse-Church in London , gave unto Christs Hospitall 5. pounds . She gave to poore Maids marriages , twenty pounds . She gave to the Company of Armorers , for reliefe of foure poore widdowes , for ever yeerely , five pounds to each widdow , desiring to have it called The poore Widdowes Mite . She gave also towards the maintenance of the Lecture in Grasse-Church , fifty shillings yeerely . Mistris Bakhouse , widdow , gave to the worshipfull Company of Haberdashers , the summe of forty pounds yeerely , towards the maintaining of 8. poore Scholars in the Vniversities ; allowing to each Scholar yeerely five pounds . Mistris Katharine Woodward , widdow , gave two hundred pounds to the Company of Ironmongers , to be lent out to yong men for their helpe . She gave two hundred pounds more , to be distributed unto poore Scholars , the Hospitals , poore Prisoners , poore Parishes , poore Householders , poore Maids marriages : and three pounds thereof for three Sermons yeerely . Mistris Iane Baker , widdow , over and besides her former gift , for the helpe of poore Maids marriages , gave to three poore Scholars in Cambridge , and as many in Oxenford , the summe of twenty foure pounds , that when they shall severally take degree of Batchelours of Arts , they are to receive foure pounds each man. Mistris Sibilla Iacob , widdow unto Richard Iacob , Vintener , gave unto Christs Hospitall , three pounds , and to Saint Thomas , three pounds . Mistris Margery Philips , widdow , gave unto Christs Hospital five pounds , and to Saint Thomas , five pounds . Mistris Anna Whitmore , sometime wife to Master William Whitmore , Haberdasher , out of her most bountifull charity , gave unto Christs Hospital the summe of foure hundred pounds . More , she gave to Saint Thomas Hospitall , twenty pounds . To Saint Bartholomews Hospitall , threescore pounds . She gave also to the Hospitall of Bridewell , to set the poore on worke , an hundred pounds . Mistris Margaret Awdley of Hackney , Widdow , gave unto Christs Hospitall , one hundred pounds . She gave to Saint Bartholomews , fifty pounds . And to Saint Thomas Hospitall , fifty pounds . Mistris Alice Elkin , widdow to Master William Elkin , Mercer and Alderman of London , was afterward married to the learned Lawyer , Master Thomas Owen , one of the learned Judges of the Land. This Mistris Alice Owen , caused ( in her life time ) an Hospitall to bee builded at Istington , for tenne poore women , with very convenient roomes , and Gardens to them adjoyning . Many other good workes were by her performed , and in her life time : and according as shee franckly and freely gave them , so will I set them downe in order , as followeth . First , she gave to the Library in the Vniversitie of Oxenford , the summe of two hundred pounds . She gave also to the Library in the Vniversity of Cambridge the summe of twenty pounds . For the foundation of one Fellowship , as also one Scholarship , in Emanuel Colledge in the Vniversity of Cambridge , shee gave a summe of money , the certaine value thereof is not as yet come to my hands . She gave unto Christs Hospitall in London , to the end that twelve pence a peece weekely might be given to certaine poore people of Islington , threescore pounds . Towards the beautifying of the Cloisters of Christs Hospitall , shee gave the summe of sixty six pounds , thirteene shillings , foure pence . Shee gave , towards the maintaining of a Schoole-house at Edmunton , twenty pounds . For a great Bell , to be rung and used in the Parish of Condover in Shropshire , shee gave the summe of fiftie pounds . Item , The building of the Almes-houses at Islington , and purchasing of the Land laid to them , did cost her the sum of one thousand , foure hundred and fifteene pounds . Close to the said Almes-houses , she builded a Schoolehouse and a Chappel of ease , that the poore might not goe over-far to Church , the charges whereof did cost her the summe of three hundred , sixty one pounds . Yeerely also shee gave good summes of money , to poore Preachers unbeneficed , as also to the Prisons in and about London , all these being done in her life time . By her last Will and Testament , she hath provided , that 22. pounds yeerely shall be purchased , for the maintenance of the Schoole at Islington . She hath bequeathed to poore Preachers the summe of 35. pounds . She hath given to the Parish of Bashingshaw , ( wherein sometime she dwelt ) to increase the stocke of the poore there , twenty pounds . She hath given to the Prisons , eight pounds . To the Company of Brewers in London , to whose trust and care shee hath committed the government and oversight of the forenamed Almes-houses and Schoole-house at Islington ; as a gratefull remembrance of her love , and that their paines should not goe altogether unregarded , she hath given in plate and money , one hundred pounds . And here let mee tell you , that the charity of this vertuous and religious woman , deserveth the more to bee remembred , and commended also to posterity ; because she made her owne eyes the witnesses , to all or the greater part of the severall summes , first mentioned and given in her life time . And yet at the time of her death , of children and childrens children , she had no lesse than two and twenty : A motive very able to hinder charity , especially in a worldly and covetous minde . Neverthelesse , looking on all the parts disposed to her children , and the other dividents beside , she selected out so bountifull a portion for those poore members of Christ , that ( even to the worlds end ) may successively remember her good done to them , and justly terme her their liberall and mercifull mother . One thing ( above the rest ) I may not forget ; because in deliverances from any dangers , wee owe a more speciall duty and gratitude to God. This worthy woman being borne at Islington , in the time of her childhood , she hapned there to escape a great danger , by meanes of an Arrow shot at randome in the field , where shee was then sporting among other children , the Arrow missing all the other , pierced quite thorow the hat on her head , and ( God be praised for it ) did not touch her with any other harme : whereupon , in the Towne of her birth , and where shee escaped such an expected perill , shee made choice to expresse her thankfulnesse to GOD , upon the Altar of her charitable Almes-houses and Schoole . Thus much for the worthinesse of Citizens ( both men and women ) in this Citie , touching whom , Iohn Lidgate , a Monke of Bury , in the reigne of King Henry the sixth , made ( amongst other ) these Verses following : Of seven things I praise this Citie : Of true meaning and faithfull observance , Of righteousnesse , truth and equity ; Of stablenesse aye kept in Legiance , And for of vertue thou hast suffisance : In this lond here , and other londs all , The Kings Chamber of Custom men thee call . Having thus in a generality handled the Original , the Wals , Gates , Ditches , and fresh Waters ; the Bridges , Towers and Castles ; the Schooles of Learning , and Houses of Law ; the Orders and Customes , Sports and Pastimes , Watchings and Martiall Exercises ; and lastly , the honour and worthinesse of the Citizens : I am now to set downe the distribution of this Citie into Parts ; and more especially , to declare the Antiquities ( note worthy ) in every of the same : and how both the whole and parts have bin ( from time to time ) ruled and governed . THe ancient division of this Citie , was into Wards or Aldermanries : and therefore I will beginne at the East , and so proceed thorow the high and most principall street of the Citie to the West , after this manner : First , through Aldgate street , to the West corner of Saint Andrews Church , called Vndershaft , on the right hand , and Limestreet corner on the left ; all which is of Aldgate Ward . From thence through Cornehill street , to the West corner of Leaden-hall ; all which is of Limestreet Ward . From thence , leaving the street that leadeth to Bishopsgate on the right hand , and the way that leadeth into Grasse-street on the left , still through Cornehill street , by the Conduit , to the West corner against the Stockes ; all which is in Cornehill Ward . Then by the said Stockes ( a Market-place both of Fish and Flesh , standing in the midst of the Citie ) through the Poultry , ( a street so called , to the great Conduit in West Cheape , and so through Cheape to the Standard , which is of Cheape Ward , except on the South side from Bow-lane to the said Standard , which is of Cordwayner-street Ward . Then by the Standard to the great Crosse , which is in Creplegate Ward on the North side , and in Breadstreet Ward on the South side : and to the little Conduit by Pauls gate , from whence ( of old time ) the said high street stretched straight on to Ludgate , all in the Ward of Farringdon within , then divided truely from East to West : but since , by meanes of the burning of Pauls Church , which was in the reigne of William the first , Mauricius , then Bishop of London , laid the foundation of a new Church , so farre in largenesse exceeding the old , that the way towards Ludgate was thereby greatly straightned , as before I have discoursed . Now , from the North to the South , this Citie was ( of old time ) divided , not by a large highway or street , as from East to West , but by a faire Brooke of sweet water , which came from out the North Fields , through the Wall and midst of the Citie , into the River of Thames , and which division is ( till this day ) constantly and without change maintained . This water was called ( as I have said ) Walbrooke ; not Gallus brook , of a Romane Captaine , slaine by Asclepiodatus , and throwne therein , as some have fabuled ; but of running through and from the Wall of this Citie . The course whereof , ( to prosecute it particularly ) was and is from the said Wall , to Saint Margarets Church in Lothbury ; from thence , beneath the lower part of the Grocers Hall , about the East part of their Kitchen , under Saint Mildreds Church , somewhat West from the said Stockes Market : from thence , through Buckles berry , by one great house builded of stone and Timber , called the old Barge ; because Barges out of the River of Thames were then rowed up so farre into this Brooke , on the backe-side of the houses in Walbrooke street , ( which street taketh name of the said Brooke ) By the West end of S. Iohns Church upon Walbrooke , under Horshooe Bridge , by the West side of Tallow-Chandlers Hall , and of the Skinners Hall , and so behind the other houses to Elbow lane , and by a part thereof , downe Greenewitch lane , into the River of Thames . This is the course of Walbrooke , which was ( of old time ) bridged over in divers places , for passage of horses and men , as need required : but since , by meanes of encrochment on the banks thereof , the channel being greatly straightned , and other annoyances done thereunto , at length the same ( by common consent ) was arched over with bricke , and paved with stone , equall with the ground , where-through it passed , and is now in most places builded upon , that no man may by the eye discerne it ; and therefore the trace thereof is hardly knowne to the common people . This Citie being thus divided from East to West , and from North to South ; I am now further to shew , how the same was ( of old time ) broken into divers parts , called Wards , whereof Fitzstephen , more than foure hundred yeeres since , writeth thus : This Citie ( saith he ) even as Rome , is divided into Wards : it hath yeerely Sheriffes , in stead of Consuls : It hath the dignity of Senators in Aldermen , &c. The number of these Wards in London , were both before and in the reigne of Henry the third , 24. in all : whereof 13. lay on the East side of the said Walbrooke , and 11. on the West . Notwithstanding , these 11. grew much more large than those on the East : and therfore in the yeere of Christ , 1393. the seventeenth of Richard the second , Faringdon Ward , which was then one entire Ward , but mightily increased of buildings without the gates ; was by Parliament appointed to be divided into twaine , and to have two Aldermen , to wit , Faringdon within , and Faringdon without , which made up the number of twelve Wards on the West side of Walbrooke , and so came the whole number of 25. on both sides . Moreover , in the yeere 1550. the Maior , Communalty , and Citizens of London , purchasing the liberties of the Burrough of Southwarke , appointed the same to be a Ward of London ; and so became the number of thirteene wards on the East , twelve on the West , and one South the River Thames , in the said Borough of Southwarke , in the County of Surrey ; which in all arise to the number of 26. Wards , and 26. Aldermen of London to governe them . Wards on the East part of Walbrook are these : 1. Portsoken ward , without the wals . 2. Towerstreet ward . 3. Ealdgate ward . 4. Limestreet ward . 5. Bishopsgate ward , within the wals , and without . 6. Broadstreet ward . 7. Cornehill ward . 8. Langbourne ward . 9. Billingsgate ward . 10. Bridge ward within . 11. Candlewike-street ward . 12. Walbrooke ward . 13. Downgate ward . Wards on the West side of Walbrook are these : 14. Vintry ward . 15. Cordwainer-street ward . 16. Cheape ward . 17. Colman-street ward . 18. Bassings-Hall ward . 19. Creplegate ward , within and without . 20. Aldersgate ward , within and without . 21. Faringdon ward within . 22. Breadstreet ward . 23. Queene Hith ward . 24. Castle Baynard ward . 25. Faringdon ward without the wals . One ward is south the River of Thames in the Burrough of Southwarke , by the name of , 26. Bridge ward without . OF PORTSOKEN VVARD : The first Ward in the East part . SEeing that of every of these Wards I have to say somewhat , I will begin with Portsoken ward without Ealdgate . This Portsoken , which soundeth the Franchise at the gate , was sometime a Guild , and had beginning in the dayes of King Edgar , more than six hundred yeeres since . Therewere then 13. Knights or Souldiers , well beloved to the King and Realme , for services by them done , who requested to have a certaine portion of Land on the East part of the Citie , being left desolate and forsaken by the Inhabitants , by reason of too much servitude . They besought the King to have this Land , with the liberty of a Guild forever . The King granted to their request , with conditions following ; to wit , That each of them should victoriously accomplish three Combates ; one above the ground , one under ground , and the third in the water . And after this , at a certaine day in East Smithfield , they should runne with Speares against all commers ; all which was gloriously performed ; and the same day the King named it Knighten Guild , and so bounded it , from Ealdgate , to the place where the barres now are toward the East , on both the sides of the street , and extended it towards Bishopsgate in the North , unto the house then of William Presbyter , afterward of Geffrey Tanner , and then of the heires of Clover ; after that , of Iohn Easeby : but since of the Lord Bourchier , &c. And againe , towards the South , unto the River of Thames , and so farre into the water , as a Horseman entring the same , might ride at a low water , and throw his Speare . So that all East Smithfield , with the right part of the street that goeth to Dodding Pond , into the Thames , and also the Hospitall of Saint Katharine , with the Mils , that were founded in King Stephens dayes , and the outward stone wall , and the new ditch of the Tower , were of the said Fee and Liberty : for the said wall and ditch of the Tower , were made in the time of King Richard the first , when he was in the holy Land , by William Longshampe , Bishop of Ely , as before I have noted unto you . These Knights had as then none other Charter , by all the dayes of Edgar , Ethelred , and Cnutus , untill the time of Edward the Confessor , whom the heires of those Knights humbly besought to confirme their liberties : whereunto he graciously granting , gave them a Deed thereof , as appeareth in the Booke of the late house of the holy Trinity . The said Charter was faire written , in the Saxon letter and Tongue . After this , King William , the sonne of William the Conquerour , made a confirmation of the same Liberties , unto the heires of those Knights , in these words : William , King of England , to Maurice , Bishop , and Godfrey de Magum , and Richard de Parre , and to his faithfull people of London , greeting : Know yee me to have granted to the men of Knighten Guild , the Guild that belonged to them , and the Land that belonged thereunto , with all Customes , as they had the same in the time of King Edward , and my Father . Witnesse Hugh de Buche ; at Rething . After him , King Henry the first confirmed the same by his Charter , to the like effect , the recitall whereof I pretermit for brevity . After which time , the Church of the holy Trinity within Ealdgate of London , being founded by Queen Matilde , wife to the said Henry , the multitude of brethren praising God therein , in short time so increased , that all the Citie was delighted in beholding of them : insomuch that in the yeere 1115. certaine Burgesses of London , of the progeny of those Noble English Knights ; to wit , Radulphus Fitzalgod , Wilmarde le Devereshe , Orgare le Prude , Edward Hupcornehill , Blackstanus , and Alwine his kinsman , and Robert his brother , the sonnes of Leofstanus the Goldsmith , Wiso his sonne , Hugh Fitzvulgar , Algare Secusme , comming together into the Chapter house of the said Church of the holy Trinity , gave to the same Church and Canons serving God therin , all the Lands and Soke called in English , Knighten Guild , which lyeth to the wall of the Citie without the same gate , and stretcheth to the River of Thames : they gave it , I say , ( taking upon them the brotherhood and participation of the benefits of that house ) by the hands of Prior Norman . And the better to confirme this their Grant , they offered upon the Altar there , the Charter of Edward , together with the other Charters which they had thereof ; and afterward they did put the foresaid Prior in seisin thereof , by the Church of Saint Buttolphs , which is builded thereon , and is the head of that Land. These things were thus done , before Bernard Prior of Dunstable , Iohn Prior of Derland , Geffrey Clinton Chamberlaine , and many other Clerkes and Laymen , French and English : Orgare le Prude ( one of their company ) was sent to King Henry , beseeching him to confirme their gift , which the King gladly granted by his deed . Henry , King of England , to R. Bishop of London , to the Sheriffes and Provost , and to all his Barons , and faithfull people , French and English , of London and Middlesex , greeting : Know ye me to have granted and confirmed to the Church and Canons of the holy Trinity of London , the Soke of the English Knighten Guild , and the Land which pertaineth thereunto , and the Church of S. Buttolph , as the men of the same Guild have given and granted unto them : And I will and straightly command , that they may hold the same well , and honourably and freely , with Sacke and Soke , Toll and Thea , infangthefe , and all customes belonging to it , as the men of the same Guild in best sort had the same in the time of King Edward , and as King William my Father , and brother , did grant it to them by their Writs . Witnesse , A. the Queene , Geffrey Clinton the Chancellour , and William of Clinton : at Woodstocke . All these prescribed witings ( saith my Booke ) which sometime belonged to the Priory of the holy Trinity , are registred in the end of the Booke of Remembrances , in the Guildhall of London , marked with the letter C. folio 134. The King sent also his Sheriffes , to wit , A●bery de Vere , and Roger , Nephew to Hubert , which ( upon his behalfe ) should invest this Church with the possessions hereof , which the said Sheriffes accomplished by comming upon the ground , Andrew Buchevite , and the forenamed witnesses , and other standing by ; notwithstanding , Othowerus , Acolivillus , Otto , and Ieffrey , Earle of Essex , Constables of the Tower by succession , withheld by force a Portion of the said land , as I have before delivered . The Prior and Canons of the holy Trinity , being thus seised of the said land and soke of Knighten Guild , a part of the Suburbe without the wall , ( but within the liberties of the City ) the same Prior was for him , and his successors , admitted as one of the Aldermen of London , to governe the same land and soke . According to the Customes of the City , hee did sit in Court , and rode with the Maior and his Brethren the Aldermen , as one of them in Scarlet , or other livery as they then used ; untill the yeere 1531. at the which time , the said Priory ( by the last Prior there ) was surrendred to King Henry the eight in the 23. of his reigne , who gave this Priory to Sir Thomas Audley , Knight , Lord Chancelor of England , and hee pulled downe the Church . Sithence the which dissolution of that house , the said Ward of Portsoken , hath been governed by a temporall man , one of the Aldermen of London , and elected by the Citizens , as by the Aldermen of other Wards . Thus much for the out-bounds of Knighten Guild , or Portsoken Ward , and for the antiquity and government thereof . Now for the parts therein , this is specially to be noted . First , the East part of the Tower standeth there , then an Hospitall of Saint Katharine , founded by Matilde the Queene , wife to King Stephen , by licence of the Prior and Covent of the holy Trinity in London , on whose ground shee founded it . Elianor the Queene , wife to King Edward the first , a second Foundresse , appointed to be there , one Master , three Brethren Chaplaines , and three Sisters , ten poore women , and sixe poore Clerkes ; shee gave to them the Manor of Clarton in Wiltshire , and Vpchurch in Kent , &c. Queene Philip , wife to King Edward the third , 1351. founded a Chauntry there , and gave to that Hospitall tenne pound land by yeere ; it was of late time called a free Chappell , a Colledge , and an Hospitall for poore sisters . The Quire , which ( of late yeeres ) was not much inferiour to that of Pauls , was dissolved by Doctor Wilson , a late Master there , the brethren and sisters remaining . This house was valued at 315. l. 14. s. 2. d. being now of late yeeres inclosed about or pestered with small Tenements , and homely cottages , having inhabitants English and Strangers , more in number than in some City in England . There lye buried in this Church , the Countesse of Huntington , Countesse of the March , in her time 1429. Iohn Holland Duke of Excester , and Earle of Huntington , 1447. and his two wives , in a faire Tombe on the North side the Quire : Thomas Walsingham Esquire , and Thomas Ballard Esquire by him 1465. Thomas Flemming Knight , 1466. &c. On the East and by North of the Tower , lieth Eastsmithfield and Tower hill , two plots of ground so called , without the wall of the City , and East from them both was sometime a Monastery , called , New Abby , founded by King Edward the third , in the yeere 1359. upon occasion as followeth . In the yeere 1348. the 23. of Edward the third , the first great pestilence in his time began , and increased so sore , that for want of roome in Church-yards to bury the dead of the City , & of the Suburbes , one Iohn Corey Clerke , procured of Nicholas , Prior of the holy Trinity within Ealdgate , one toft of ground neere unto Eastsmithfield , for the buriall of them that dyed , with condition that it might be called the Church-yard of the holy Trinity , which ground he caused by the ayd of divers devout Citizens to be inclosed with a wall of stone . Robert Elsing , sonne of William Elsing , gave five pounds thereunto : and the same was dedicated by Ralfe Stratford , Bishop of London , where innumerable bodies of the dead were afterward buried , and a Chappell built in the same place , to the honour of God : to the which King Edward setting his eye ( having before in a Tempest on the Sea , and perill of drowning , made a vow to build a Monastery to the honour of God , and our Lady of grace , if God would grant him grace to come safe to land ) builded there a * Monastery , placing an Abbot , and Monkes of the Cistercian , or white order . The bounds of this plot of ground , together with a decree for tithes thereof , are expressed in the Charter , the effect wherof I have set down in another place , and have to shew . This house at the late generall suppression was valued at 546. l. 10. d. yeerely , it was surrendred in the yeere 1539. the 30. of Henry the 8. Since the which time , the said Monastery being cleane pulled down , by Sir Arthur Darcy , Knight , and other ; of late time ( in place thereof ) is builded a large Store-house for Victual , and convenient Ovens are builded there , for baking of Bisket to serve his Majesties Shippes . The grounds adjoyning and belonging to the said Abby , are imployed in building of small Tenements . For Tower-hill , as the same is greatly diminished , by building of tenements and Garden plots , &c. So it is of late , to wit , in the yeere of Christ , 1593. on the North side thereof , and at the West end of Hogstreet , beautified by certaine faire Almes-houses , strongly builded of Bricke and Timber , and covered with Slate for the poore , by the Merchant-Taylors of London , in place of some small Cottages , given to them by Richard Hils , sometime a Master of that Company , one hundred loads of Timber for that use , being also given by Anthony Radcliffe , of the same Society , Alderman . In these Almes-houses 14. charitable brethren of the said Merchant-Taylors then living , caused to be placed foureteene poore sole women , which receive each of them of their Founders sixteene pence , or better , weekely , beside 8. l. 15. s. yeerely , paid out of the common Treasury of the same Corporation for fewell . From the West part of this Tower-hill , towards Ealdgate , being a long continuall street , amongst other smaller buildings in that row , there was sometimes an Abby of Nunnes of the order of S. Clare , called the Minories , founded by Edmund , Earle of Lancaster , Leicester and Darby , brother to King Edward the first , in the yeere 1293. the length of which Abby contained 15. perches and seven foot , neere unto the Kings street , or high-way , &c. as appeareth by a deed dated 1303. A plague of pestilence , being in this City , in the yeere 1515. there dyed in this house of Nuns professed , to the number of 27. besides other lay people , servants in the house . This house was valued to dispend 418. l. 8. s. 5. d. yeerely , and was surrendred by Dame Elizabeth Salvage , the last Abbesse there , unto King Henry the 8. in the thirty of his reigne , the yeere of Christ , 1539. In place of this house of Nunnes , is now builded with divers faire and large Store-houses for Armour , and habiliments of warre , with divers workhouses serving to the same purpose : There is also a small Parish Church for inhabitants of the Close , called , Saint Trinity . Neere adjoyning to this Abby , on the South side thereof , was sometime a Farme belonging to the said Nunrie , at the which Farme , I my selfe ( in my youth ) have fetched many a halfe-penny worth of milke , and never had lesse than three ale pintes for a halfe penny in the Summer , nor lesse than one ale quart for a halfe-penny in the Winter , alwaies hot from the Kine , as the same was milked and strained . One Trolop , and afterwards Goodman , were the Farmers there , and had thirty or forty Kine to the paile . Goodmans son , being heire to his fathers purchase , let out the ground , first for grazing of horses , and then for Garden plots , and lived like a Gentleman thereby . He lyeth buried in S. Buttolphs Church . On the other side of that street , lyeth the Ditch without the walls of the City which of old time was used to lye open , alwaies ( from time to time ) cleansed from filth and mud , as need required , of great breadth , and so deepe , that divers watring horses , where they thought it shallowest , were drowned both horse and man. But now of later time , the same Ditch is inclosed , and the bankes thereof let out for Garden plots , Carpenters yards , Bowling Allies , and divers houses thereon builded , whereby the City wall is hidden , the Ditch filled up , a small Channell left , and that very shallow . From Ealdgate East , lyeth a large street , and high-way , sometime replenished with few , but faire and comely buildings ; on the North side whereof , first was and is , the Parish Church of Saint Buttolph , in a large Cemitery , or Church-yard . This Church hath beene lately new builded , at the speciall charges of the Priors of the holy Trinity , Patrones thereof , as it appeareth by the Armes of that house engraven on the stone worke . The Parishioners of the Parish , being of late yeeres mightily increased , the Church is pestered with lofts and seats for them . Monuments of this Church are few , Henry Iorden founded a Chauntery there , Iohn Romany , Olarie and Agnes his wives were buried there , about Anno 1408. Richard Chester Alderman , one of the Sheriffes 1484. Thomas Lord Darcy of the North , Knight of the Garter , beheaded , 1537. Sir Nicholas Carew of Bedington in Surrey , Knight of the Garter , beheaded , 1538. Sir Arthur Darcy , yongest sonne to Thomas Lord Darcy , deceased at the new Abby on the Tower-hill , and was buried there . There is a faire Vault under ground , purposely made ( as appeareth ) for the whole Family . Over which Vault ( being in the East end of the Chancell , but leaning somewhat to the North ) is a faire ancient Tombe of Alabaster , ingeniously wrought : having these lines following engraven thereon : Here lyeth Thomas Lord Darcy of the North , and sometime of the Order of the Garter . Sir Nicholas Carew , Knight , sometime of the Garter . Lady Elizabeth Carew , Daughter to Sir Francis Brian , Knight : and Sir Arthur Darcy Knight , yonger sonne to the above-named Lord Darcy . And Lady Mary his deare wife , Daughter to Sir Nicholas Carew Knight ; who had tenne Sonnes , and five Daughters . Here lye Charles , William and Philip , Mary and Vrsula , Sons and Daughters to the said Sir Arthur , and Mary his Wife : whose soules God take to his infinite mercy . Amen . On the North side of this Tombe , there is a small Monument , fixed in the wall , bearing this inscription : Here lyeth Sir Edw. Darcy , Knight , third Son of Sir Arthur Darcy , Knight , of the Privy Chamber to the late Queene Elizabeth . Hee married the Daughter of Thomas Asteley , Esquire , by whom he had fifteene Children . Sir Robert Darcy , Knight , his eldest Sonne , caused him to bee buried in this Vault amongst his Ancestors , according to his desire . Hee dyed at his house called Dartford-Place in Kent , the 28. day of October . Anno Dom. 1612. He being 69. yeeres old . Another smaller Monument is also fixed in the same wall , but somewhat more toward the South , having this inscription : Here lyeth buried the corps of Robert Taylor , of Silverdale , in the Parish of Warton in the County of Lancaster , Gentleman , the Father of Iohn Taylor , Citizen and Draper of London , and of this Parish Beere-brewer . He departed this life , about the age of 80. yeeres , the 15. day of February , An. Dom. 1577. Vpon the ground , under the head of the Communion Table , lyeth an ancient faire stone , and these lines engraven theron in brasse : Hic jacet Ioannes , Episc . Bathon . & Wellensis , qui cum obiissit plures insig . Legation . tandem obiit summum in Legatione Clevensis , in Ianuarii . M. C. XL. Cujus anima propitietur Deus . Neere unto the place where the Minister readeth Divine Service , there is a small brasse plate fixed in the wall , a very unworthy Monument ( in my mind ) for a man of so great charity and bounty , not having so much as a graven stone bestowed on him upon the ground . The Plate containeth these lines following . Here before this Pew lyeth buried the body of Robert Dow , Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London , with Lettice his Wife , and Thomas his Son. Which Robert deceased the second day of May , in the yeere , 1612. His age was 89. yeeres . Who amongst other his charities done in this Citie , and elsewhere sundry wayes , as to severall Hospitals abroad and at home , Prisons , and to nineteene poore housholders , of the Merchant-Taylors Company in perpetuum , gave to this Parish of S. Buttolphs without Aldgate ( whereof he was a member ) the nomination of two Almes-women freely relieved . And twenty pound yeerely to be distributed to threescore poore aged and impotent men and women , by Nobles a peece upon every S. Thomas Eve for ever . Ad gloriam Dei. Per Nepotem ac Haeredem Zachari Dow , Posthumum . In the North I le of the Chancell , lyeth a faire stone on the ground , with this inscription upon it , engraven in brasse : Here lyeth the body of William Cowch , one of the ordinary Yeomen of her Majesties Chamber , Citizen and In-holder of London . He deceased the 13. day of Iuly , An. Dom. 1583. Who hath given ( after the decease of Ioane his Wife ) the house , called the Crowne , being at the East end of this Church , called S. Buttolphs without Aldgate , unto Christs Hospitall for ever . Out of the which house after the decease of the said Ioane his Wife , is to be paid by the Governours of the said Hospitall , five pound yeerely for ever , to the poore of Portsoken Ward , within the said Parish . In the middle I le of the Church , before the entrance into the Chancell , lyeth a faire Grave-stone on the ground , having this inscription engraven upon Brasle upon it : Dies mei sicut umbra declinaverunt , & ego sicut foenum aresco . Here under this Stone lyeth buried the body of Robert Cockes , late Citizen and Tallow-Chandler of London : Who by his last will and Testament , gave to this Ward of Portsoken ( wherein he dwelt ) the summe of one hundred pounds , to be employed for the use and benefit of the poore of the said Ward . He departed this mortall life the 20. day of September , An. Dom. 1609. and was here enterred the 3. day of October next following : Aetatis suae . LXVII . Vixi dum volui , volui dum Christe volebas , Christe mihi spes es , vita , corona , salus . In the same I le , but a little lower , lyeth another faire grave-stone , having ( in a whiter kind of stone ) a coat of Armes on it , and a description in well formed letters , speaking thus : Here underneath this stone , lyeth the body of Daniel Balgay , sometime an Inhabitant of this Parish ; of good account and credit : being a Citizen of this honourable City of London , and free of the worshipfull Company of the Mercers : Who parted this mortall life the 20. day of DDDecember , in the yeere of our Lord , 1608 being the day of the Nativity of our Lord Iesus Christ . Christus mihi vita . In the Church-yard Southward , and toward the street , standeth a handsome Ttombe , well defenced over from weather , and a faire Grave-stone upon it . Beneath , on the outside of the Tombe , are engraven the Armes belonging to the Vintners , and the Barber Chirurgions : upon the Grave-stone is a faire plate of Brasse , with all these following lines engraven on it : Here under this Stone lyeth the body of George Clarke , Citizen and Vintner of London , who by his last Will and Testament , gave for divers good and charitable uses , these Legacies hereafter following . First , for a publike Schoole in the Vniversity of Oxenford , the summe of two hundred pounds . To the use of the poore of the foure Precincts of the Ward of Portsoken , being in the Parish of St. Buttolps without Aldgate , the summe of 293. pounds 6. shillings , 8. pence . To the Parish of White Chappell , for the reliefe of the poore there , the sum of 230. pound . To the Parish of S. Leonards in Shorditch , to the use of the poore there , the summe of 106. pound , 15. shillings , 4. pence . To the Company of the Vintners , he gave the summe of ten pounds . And to the poore of Christs Hospitall he gave the summe of 5. pounds . He deceased the 19. day of April , Anno Dom. 1606. And was here buried the 24. day of the same next following : Aetatis suae 63. East from this Parish Church , there are certaine faire Innes , for receipt of Travellers repairing to the City , up towards Hog-lane end , somewhat within the Barres , and a marke there shewing , how farre the liberties of the City doe extend . This Hog-lane stretcheth North toward S. Mary Spittle , without Bishopsgate , and within these 40. yeeres , had ( on both sides ) faire hedge-rowes of Elme Trees , with Bridges and easie Stiles to passe over into the pleasant fields , very commodious for Citizens therein to walke , shoote , and otherwise to recreate and refresh their dulled spirits , in the sweet and wholsome ayre , which is now ( within few yeeres ) made a continuall building throughout , of Garden houses , and small Cottages : and the fields on either side bee turned into Garden plots , Tenter-yards , Bowling Allies , and such like ; from Houndsditch in the West , so farre as White Chappell , and further towards the East . On the South side of the High-way from Aldgate , were some few tenements thinly scattered here and there , with many voyd spaces betweene them up to the Barres . But now that street is not onely replenished with buildings outward , and also pestred with divers Alleys , on either side to the Barres ; but to White Chappell and beyond . Amongst the which late buildings , one , memorable for the commodity of that East part of this Citie , is a faire water-Conduit , hard without the gate , the building whereof , in the yeere 1535. Sir Bohn Allen being Maior , two fifteenes were granted by the Citizens , for the making , and laying of pipes to convery water from Hackney to that place , and so that worke was then finished . Here I may not omit to tell you , that although this Water-Conduit was very beneficiall to the people inhabiting there round about : yet in regard of the situation , being then upon the streets South side , and immediately descending downe many steps or stayres of stone , it was troublesome to the poore people fetching water there , in comming up laden with their Tubs , Pailes , anand Tankards . Beside , vntill the turne of each party came by order and due course , their Tankards , Tubs , and Pailes did greatly pester the passage about and thorow the Gate , endangering divers personall harmes , and other great inconveniences . Which since then , at the taking downe of the old Gate , that a new might bee builded in the same place , is exceeding commendably amended , to the Cities honour , their credit that had care for the disposing of the worke , and great case of the poore . Water-bearers , and all passengers . For now there is a faire spacious Court , wherein all the Tankards and other vessels orderly stand , ( without any annoyance to the Street : ) and the descent to the Conduit is made very convenient , free from offending one another in their labour , the passage to and fro is so aptly ordered , and the roome so large for their attendance . The old ruinous Gate being taken downe , and order provided for a new foundation : divers very ancient peeces of Romane coyne , were found among the stones and rubbish ; which as Mr. Martin Bond ( a Worshipfull Citizen , and one of the Surveyors of the worke ) told me , two of them ( according to their true forme and figure ) he caused to bee carved in stone , and fixed on eyther side of the Gates Arch without , Eastward . The rest of these stamped Romane peeces , were sent for by the Lord Maior an his brethren to the Guild-hall , where as yet they remaine to be seene . Moreover , under his owne hand-writing , he delivered me this briefe note , which ( for mine owne discharge ) I have here set downe . The 10. day of March , Anno 1607. I Martin Bond , laid the first foundation stone of Ealdgate , Northward . The bottome of which foundation was sixteene foot deepe , and eight foot broad . Now concerning the building of the Gate , what time it was in hand , and the care and paines taken about it : it would require a larger explanation , than here I am limited unto . But the Gate being very worthily and famously finished , it may be thus described to posterity . Eastward , upon the height of the Gate , standeth a faire golden Spheare , with a goodly Vane on it . On the upper Battlements ( as vigilant Sentinels , and kept waking by Fames golden Trumpet ) are placed the shapes of two armed ancient Souldiers , each holding a great stone in his hand , as denying the entrance of any bold enemy , or such as are not friends to the City . Beneath , in a faire large square , standeth the imaginary figure of our Royall Soveraigne King Iames , in bright gilt Armour , at whose feet ( on either side ) lye the Lion and golden-chained Vnicorne mildly couching , as expressing awe and humility in so great a presence . So much for the out-side of the Gate , with the two Romane Coynes before remembred . Westward , or within , highest of all , standeth Fortune , ingenuously carved and guilded , standing upon her Globe or Mound , with her Saile spreading over her head , and looking with a gracefull and auspicious countenance upon the Citie . Beneath her , in a large square , are placed the Kings Armes , richly wrought and engraven , bearing the Motto , DIEV EST MON DROIT . And a little lower , VIVATE REX . Somewhat lower , and to grace each side of the Gate , are set two feminine personages , the one Southward , appearing to be Peace , with a silver Dove upon her one hand , and a guilded wreath or garland in the other . On the North side standeth Charity , with a child at her breast , and another led in her hand : Implying ( as I conceive ) that where Peace , and love or Charity do prosper , and are truly embraced , that Citie shall be for everblessed . Over the Arch of the Gate is thus fairely ingraven : Senatus Populusque Londinens . fecit , 1609. And vnderneath : HVMFREY WELD , Maior . From Ealdgate Northwest to Bishopsgate , lyeth the Ditch of the Citie , called Hounds-ditch , because that in old time , when the same lay open , much filth ( conveyed forth of the Citie ) especially dead dogs , were there laid or cast : wherfore ( of later time ) a mud wall was made , inclosing the Ditch , to keep out the laying of such filth as had beene accustomed . Over against this mudde wall , on the other side of the street , was a faire field , sometime belonging to the Priory of the Trinity , and since , by Sir Tho. Awdley , given to Magdalen Colledge in Cambridge . This field ( as all other about the Citie ) was inclosed , reserving open passage thereinto , for such as were disposed . Towards the street were some small Cottages , of two stories high , and little Garden-plots backward , for poore bedred people , ( for in that street dwelt none other ) builded by some Prior of the holy Trinity , to whom that ground belonged . In my youth , I remember , devout people , as well men as women of this Citie , were accustomed oftentimes ( especially on Fridayes weekely to walke that way purposely ) there to bestow their charitable Almes , every poore man or woman lying in their bed within their window , which was towards the street , and open so low , that every man might see them ; a cleane linnen cloth lying in their window , and a paire of Beads , to shew that there lay a bedred body , unable but to pray onely . This Street was first paved in the yeere 1503. About the latter end of the reigne of King Hen. 8. three brethren that were Gun-founders , surnamed Owens , gate ground there to build upon , and to incloze for casting of Brasse Ordnance . These occupied a good part of the street on the field side , and in short time divers others also builded there , so that the poore bedred people were worne out , and in place of their homely Cottages , such houses builded , as doe rather want roome than rent ; which houses bee for the most part possessed by Brokers , sellers of old apparell , and such like . The residue of the field was for the most part made into a Garden , by a Gardiner named Cawsway , one that then served the Markets with herbs & roots : and in the last yeere of King Edw. the 6. the same was parcelled into Gardens , wherein are now many faire houses of pleasure builded . But as it is fatall to the Suburbs of every great Citie , to be infected with some foule and unclean Birds , that there build their nests , although not with professed and ignominious staine of lewd life ; because ( within the limits of Hounds-ditch ) dwell many a good and honest Citizen , that will never endure such scandalous neighbourhood : yet there are crept in among them a base kinde of vermine , wel-deserving to bee ranked and numbred with them , whom our old Prophet and Countryman Gyldas , called Aetatis atramentum , the black discredit of the Age , and of place where they are suffered to live . Or rather ( as S. Bernard thinkes it more convenient to terme them ) Baptisatos Iudaeos ; who take themselves to be Christians , when they are worse ( indeed ) than the Iewes ever were for usurie . These men , or rather monsters in the shape of men , professe to live by lending , and yet will lend nothing but upon pawnes ; neither to any , but unto poore people onely , and for no lesse gaine , than after fifty or threescore l. in the hundred . The pawne of the poore borrower , must needs be more than double worth the money lent upon it , and the time of limitation is no longer than a moneth ; albeit they well know , that the money needs not be repayed backe , untill a twelvemoneths end . By which time , the interest growes to be so great , that the pawne , which ( at the first ) was better than twice worth the money borrowed on it , doth not ( in the end ) prove to be valuable to the debt , which must be prayed , before the poore party can redeeme it . By which extorting meanes of proceeding , the poore borrower is quite cheated of his pawne , for lesse than the third part , which it was truly worth indeed . It is a great errour ( in my poore opinion ) that in so ancient and famous a Citie , abounding ( otherwise ) in most Christian Almes and workes of mercy , that among so many worthy liberalities bestowed on the poore in divers and distinct Parishes , no order is taken for such a publicke stocke , for the truely-poore , that when in their urgent necessitie , either by want of meanes , sicknesse and other hinderances , their pawnes may not goe to the cut-throat Vsurer ; but remaine to their owne good ( living or dying ) or to theirs ; without any other benefit , than that it may still serve for the like reliefe . And let mee not here bee mistaken , that I condemne such as live by honest buying and selling , and make a good conscience of their dealing : no truely , I meane onely the Iudas Broker , that lives by the Bagge , and ( except God be more mercifull to him ) will follow him that did beare the Bagge . On the ditch side of this street , the mudde wall which was , is also ( by little and little ) taken all downe , the Banke of the ditch being raised , made levell ground , and turned into Garden-plots , and Carpenters yards , and many large houses are there builded , for the uses before remembred ; the filth of which houses , as also the earth cast out of their vaults , is turned into the ditch ; by which meanes the ditch is filled up , and both the ditch and wall so hidden , that they cannot be seene of the passers by . Here , according to my purpose in all other Wards and Parishes , I meane not to forget Gods blessings bestowed , by the hands and mercifull mindes of charitable Benefactors . In this Parish of Saint Buttolphs without Aldgate , these persons following doe justly deserve memory . Benefactors to the Poore . Master William Newton , Citizen and Sadler of London , gave divers Tenements in the high street . Mistris Mary Bristow , gave a Tenement to the poore , the yeerely rent being , 3. l. 6. s. 8. d. Mistris Ioyce Ripton , gave the summe of 40. l. that fewell may be given thrice yeerely for ever to the poore . Master William Cowch ( of whom wee have already spoken ) gave 5. l. yeerely to the poore , and for a Sermon also ten shillings . Mr. Anthony Duffield gave the summe of 20. l. to have 400. of good Faggots yeerely given to the poore . Mistris Ioane Duffield gave 10. l' , to have 200. of good Faggots given yeerly to the poore . Mr. Iohn Franke gave an annuity of 20. s. yeerely for ever to the poore . Mistris Margaret Holigrave gave the like summe of 20. s. and for the like intent yeerely to the poore . Mr. Bernard Williamson gave yeerely a summe of mony , ( which since is made up twenty pounds ) that a load of Charcoales , and a certaine summe of money , may yeerely for ever bee given to the poore . Mr. Toby Wood , Esquire , gave a tenement of 6. l. rent yeerly ; the rent wherof is quarterly given to the poore , and for 4. Sermons . Mistris Anne Clarke , widdow , of Houndsditch , gave 40. l. to have foure Sermons yeerely , and a certaine allowance of bread given to the poore . Mr. Henry Iorden , sometime Citizen and Fishmonger of London , gave an annuity of twenty shillings yeerely for ever , to be given in fewell to the poore . Mr. George Palin , Girdler , gave 10. l. for ever , to be imployed for the benefit of the poore . Mr. Robert Rogers , late Citizen and Leatherseller , gave 20. l. to be laid out yeerely in Coales , that the poore may have them at a reasonable price in winter . Mr. Stephen Seudamour , late Citizen and Vintner , gave 20. s. yeerely for ever , to be given in fewell to the poore . Mr. Francis Tirrell , late Citizen and Grocer , gave 10. l. in money to the poore , and 5. Chauldrons of Coales yeerely for ever . Mr. Robert Dow , a great Benefactor , both in his life time , and for ever after death : as also Mr. George Clarke , and Mr. Robert Coxe , wee have spoken of before . Now , concerning the bounds and limits , both of the Parish and Ward , and how far they extend themselves every way ; there can be no better direction therein , than following the order of their own yeerly perambulation , which for avoiding of prolixity , thus I observe . Walking downe Hounds ditch Northward , so far as the dwelling house of one Edward Ansell , Carpenter , they there crosse the way Eastward into Still and Hand Alley , passing on along by a Garden bricke wall , belonging to a faire goodly Place , termed sometime , Fishers Folly. Thence they proceed into Hoggelane , in the middle of which lane , is the partition betweene the two Parishes of White Chappell and S. Buttolphs . There they goe on to the Barres in the common street , and crossing the way Southward , goe thorow a now Tavern house , knowen by the name of the Castle , where turning backe againe , the bredth of two small Gardens , they then passe on right forward ( west ) to the Minories wall , untill they come to the Minories barres . There ( at the further end ) they turne downe into an Alley , called Brownes Alley , to a Wall being by Goodmans Fields , and so along by that wall , so far as to Goodmans gate . Where , by reason of a controversie hapning betweene the Parish of White Chappell and Saint Buttolphs , and a Barne and other buildings erected in the way , they are constrained to turne up into the street againe . Then they goe downe Red-Lion Alley , to the house of one Darby Morgan , passing on thence directly into Rosemary lane . Then downe on the South side , till they come to the East side of a new Church-yard , there builded at the Parishes cost , and for their helpe in times of sicknes . There they goe thorow an house , then thorow the Church-yard , and afterward thorow the house of one Iohn Batcheler . Thence they goe down Nightingale lane , on the West side , untill they come to the middle of a Foord , which sometime turned Wapping Mill ; and there the foresaid two Parishes are divided againe by that Foord . Then goe they on so far as M. Duppa , or Duppers house , and so round about Saint Katharines , till they come to the signe of the Maiden-head , and there they fix their marke . And then passe over Tower-hill , to the house of one Iohn Atkinson , neere to the Posterne gate ; and then goe directly Northward up the Minories street , till they come to the Portcullis under Aldgate , where the testimony of their marke concludeth all . In these , or the most part of these latter directions , I have beene greatly favoured by Master Iohn Brigges , the painfull and industrious Minister of S. Buttolphs , who by the helpe of the Clerke and Sexton , most lovingly and gently befriended me . This Portsoken Ward hath an Alderman and his Deputy ; common Counsellours , 6. Constables , 4. Scavengers , 4. for the Wardmore inquest , 18. and a Beadle . To the Fifteene it is seased at 4. l. 10. s. TOWER-STREET VVARD . THe first Ward in the East part of this Citie , within the wall , is called Tower-street Ward and extendeth along the River of Thames , from the said Tower in the East , almost to Belingsgate in the VVest : one halfe of the Tower , the ditch on the West side , and Bulwarkes adjoyning , doe stand within that part , where the wall of the Citie ( of old time ) went straight from the Posterne gate South to the River of Thames , before that the Tower was builded . From and without the Tower ditch west and by north , is the said Tower Hill , sometime a large plot of ground , now greatly streightned by incroachments ( unlawfully made and suffered ) for Gardens and houses , some on the banke of the Tower-ditch , whereby the ditch is marred , and more neere unto the wall of the Citie from the Posterne north , till over against the principall fore-gate of the Lord Lumleyes house , &c. but the Tower ward goeth no further that way . Vpon this Hill is alwaies readily prepared ( at the charges of the Citie ) a large Scaffold and Gallowes of timber , for the execution of such Traitors or Transgressors , as are delivered out of the Tower , or otherwise to the Sheriffes of London by writ , there to be executed . I read , that in the fifth of King Edward the fourth , a Scaffold and Gallowes were there set up by other the Kings Officers , and not of the Cities charges ; whereupon the Maior and his Brethren complained , but were answered by the King , that the Tower hill was of the liberty of the Citie ; and whatsoever was done in that point , was not in derogation of the Cities liberties , and therefore commanded Proclamation to bee made , aswell within the Citie as in the Suburbs , as followeth : Forasmuch as the seventh day of this present moneth of November , Gallowes were erect and set up besides our Tower of London , within the liberties and franchises of our Citie of London , in derogation and prejudice of the liberties and franchises of this Citie : The King our Soveraigne Lord would have it be certainely understood , that the erection and setting up of the said Gallowes was not done by his commandement : wherefore , the King our Soveraigne Lord willeth , that the erection and setting up of the said Gallowes , be not any president , or example thereby hereafter to be taken , in hurt , prejudice or derogation of the franchises , liberties and priviledges of the Citie , which he at all times hath had , and hath in his benevolence , tender favour , and good grace , &c. Apud Westminst . nono die Novembris , Anno regni nostri quinto . Many Controversies have beene in times past , betwixt the Lord Maior and Citizens of London , on th' one party , and the Lieutenant of the Tower of London on th' other party , touching their liberties : The Lieutenant usurping divers priviledges which were against the Lawes of the Realme : as for example : If A. B. were indebted to C. D. dwelling in the precinct of the Tower , and would suffer himselfe to be arrested and prosecuted by the said C. D. in the Court held within the Tower , and there to have judgement upon the said debt obtained against him : after which judgement obtained , a Precept was awarded under the seale of office of the Lieutenant , redirected unto the Porter of the Tower or to his deputy , to take A. B. in execution for the same debt . And after that A. B. is so taken in execution , there is returne made of the execution of the said Precept ; and thereupon the Lieutenant not onely appointeth about a dozen or more Keepers to the said A. B. and such as the said A. B. will nominate ; but also suffereth the said A. B. to goe at liberty , giving unto him a Protection under the seale of his Office : And thereby commandeth all Officers in any wise to forbeare to arrest or trouble the said A. B. for the space of one whole yeere , beeing his prisoner . Then if it shall happen that the said A. B. shall be arrested , being in the custody of any of his Keepers , and having the said Protection to shew ; if immediately upon the shewing of the same , he bee not set at liberty againe , In such case , the Lieutenant pretendeth that he hath power to arrest the body of any person , dwelling in such Citie or Countie , wherein the said A. B. was so arrested and troubled , if any such person can bee found within the liberties of the Tower , and the body of the same person to detaine in safe custody , untill such time as the said A. B. shall be enlarged . By which meanes the execution of the Lawes of the Realme is hindred , and the Subjects wronged . The forme of a Precept of the Lieutenant of the Tower , for the taking of one in execution , with the returne of the same Precept . PRaeceptum est Ianitori Turr. praedict . quod capiat Willm . Aston de Lond. Civem & Haberdasher : Ita quod habeatur corpus ejus corā Edwardo VVarner , milite , Locumtenen . Dominae Reginae Turr. praed . & ejus Senescall . ibi ad prox . Cur. infra Turr. praed . tenend . ad satisfaciend . Johanni Thomson viginti lib. legalis monetae Angliae , quas idem Johannis in eadem Curia recuperavit adversus praefat . VVillm . & xxj . s. pro miss . & custag . Curiae , quae eidem Iohanni in eadem Curia adjudicat . fuerunt . Et qualiter hoc Praeceptum per te fuerit executum constare fac , adpraefat . Cur. Et hoc non omitt . periculo incumbent . Dat. apud Turr. praed . sub sigillo quo utor in hoc officio , decimo tertio die Novembris , Anno Regni Elizabethae , Dei gratia , Angliae , Franciae , & Hyberniae Reginae , primo . Ianitori Turris Lond. aut suo Deputato . RESPONS . CEpi Corpus supranominati Willm . Aston , & eum paratum habeo , prout mihi superiùs prcaeipitur . Hugh Pope , Iohn Laston , Iohn Sparrow , Edward Sanders , Thomas Browne , Gregory Newman , Henry Hudson , Iohn VVoodward , Thomas Bullen , VVilliam Law-man , Mathew Hinde , &c. His Keepers appointed . Christoph . Southows . The forme of a Protection , granted by the Lieutenant of the Tower , to a Prisoner being in execution for debt , to goe at large . EDwardus VVarner Miles , Locum-tenens Dominae Reginae Turr ' . suae praedict . omnibus Officiariis , ministris , & subditis dictae Dominae Reginae , salutem . Cùm secundum privilegium & consuetudinem in Curia Turris praedictae ab antiquo usitat . & opprobat . quilibet condemnatus in Curia praedictae ad sectam alicujus in placito debiti , ac in custodia dicti Locum-tenentis sivè ejus deputat . pro eodem debito existen . super certas considerationes ipsum Locumtenentem moventes , praedict . condemnat . ire & redire quò voluerit infra regnum Angliae permissus fuerit . Et quia VVillm . Aston de London Civis & Haberdasher , coram me praefato Locumtenente & Senescall . in Curia Turris praedictae , venit ad sectam cujusdam Johannis Thomson in placito debiti , super demand . viginti librarum bonae & legalis monetae Angliae , & xxj . s. pro missis & custagiis Curiae condemnat . existit , & in prisona Turris praedictae sub custodia mei praefati Locumtenentis , prout mos est , pro eodem debito existen . Sciatis me praefatum Locumtenentem considerantem statum & paupertatem praedicti VVillm . Aston , ac eò quòd citiùs debitum suum praedictum de amicis & bonis suis propriis levare possit , presentium . VVillm . cum custode seu latore praeseatium super considerationem praedictam , quo voluerit , dimiss . fore a die dat . praesentium pro uno Anno integro prox-futuro . Igitur ex parte dictae Dominae Reginae , vobis & cuilibet vestrii mando , Quod praedictu Willm . prisonarium meum , cum Custode sen latore praesentium , in aliquo non molestatis nec arrestetis pro aliqua personali actione . Nec quantum in vobis ab aliis infer . permitt . periculo incumbent . Dat. apud Turr. praed . sub sigillo quo utor in hoc officio , Decimo tertio die Novembris , An. Regni Elizabethae , Dei gratia , Angliae , Franciae , & Hiberniae Reginae , fidei Defensoris , &c. Primo . Edward VVarner . Also in the yeere of our Lord God , 1585. Sir Owen Hopton , Knight , Lieutenant of the Tower of London , by colour of his office , pretending title to a Garden-plot neere the Tower , did cause his servants violently to take possession therof , and to bring those persons before him that kept the possession , whom he imprisoned in the Tower. Whereupon , a Writ of Habeas Corpus was sued forth of the Kings Bench for the removing of the body of Robert Shapeley , one of the prisoners , which Writ was brought and delivered unto the Lieutenant by Robert Smith , then Solicitor of the City of London , but the Lieutenant would not receive nor obey the Writ , but would have compelled the said Robert Smith to carry it backe againe with him : which hee refusing , the Lieutenant put the Writ into his pocket , and abused and imprisoned also the said Robert Smith in the Tower : For redresse of which wrongs , and of many others , there was complaint made to the Lords of the Privie Councell , who referred the hearing of those controversies , and the examination of the rights and priviledges which the Lieutenant pretended to belong unto his Office , to the Lords chiefe Iustices and to the Master of the Rolles , who were to certifie their opinions therof in writing , as by the letters of the Lords of the Councell in that behalfe sent and directed unto them , of the tenor following , appeareth . The Councels letters to the Lords chiefe Iustices , and to the Master of the Rolles . AFter our very hearty Commendations , &c. There hath been complaint made unto us in the behalfe of the Lord Maior and Citizens of London , against Sir Owen Hopton , Knight , Lieutenant of the Tower , whom they charge with some disordered dealing by him used towards one Robert Smith , a Soliciter for the City , sent lately unto him with a Writ of Habeas Corpus , out of the Court of her Majesties Bench , for the removing of the body of one Robert Shapeley , a servant to one William Wikins a Citizen , imprisoned by the Lieutenant upon some pretended quarrell of priviledge ; the manner whereof shall best appeare unto you by the severall complaints and articles herein inclosed , exhibited unto us by the said Smith and VVikins . And forasmuch as the Maior , Aldermen and Citizens of London , have heretofore oftentimes found themselves grieved , with sundry actions of unkind and violent dealings , offered by the said Lieutenant and his Officers as they have enformed , to the breach of their Charters and liberties , wherby there is growne some division and dissention betweene them ( which we desire by all good meanes to have removed ; ) and whereas ▪ the Lieutenant seemeth to warrant his doings by ancient priviledges and customes of the Tower , whereunto the Citizens on their parts , upon opinion of the validities of their Charters , refuse to yeeld : VVee considering what inconvenience may ensue of the private dissention betweene them , have thought good to require you , calling Master Lieutenant before you , and the parties , whose complaints are herewith sent unto you ; with such proofes and witnesse as may be produced , effectually to examine the matters thereby informed against him : and that you also take knowledge of such other complaints and controversies , as the L. Maior and the Recorder of London shall deliver unto you against the Lieutenant of the Tower concerning their former debates and strifes , for matter of liberties , prescriptions and customes , and the like on the behalfe of the Lieutenant against them , praying you to take some paines to ●●are the matters at large on both sides ; and to see upon what priviledges , customes , and prescriptions , their severall claims are grounded and pretended : as also to consider of their strength and validity in Law , wherein after you shal have spent some time , and heard and understood the matters at large , wee require you then to make report unto us what you shall have found on both sides , as well touching the complains of Smith and Wikins , as of the Lord Maior and Citizens , with your opinions of their said complaints and controversies , and what course were fittest to be taken betweene them , which we pray you to doe with as convenient speed as you may : And so bid you heartily farewell . From the Court at Greenwitch . Subscribed by Bromley Cancellarius . Leicester . Hunsdon , Chamberl. M. Treasurer . M. Controller . M. Secretary . Sir Walter Mildmay . Directed to the Lords chiefe Iusices , and to the Master of the Rolles . Vpon the receit of which letters , the said Lords chiefe Iustices , and Master of the Rolles , did at large heare the allegations and proofes of both parties , and did accordingly certifie their opinions thereof to the Lords of the Privie Councell in manner following : The Certificat , touching as well the Articles and Complaints made to your Honours , by Robert Smith and VVilliam VVikius , against Sir Owen Hopton , Knight , Lieutenant of the Tower , as the controversies between the Maior and Citizens of London and the said Lieutenaut . FIrst , upon examination of the matter , touching the said Smith and VVikins , mentioned in your Honours letters , it appeareth unto us , that ( some controversie being betweene the Maior and Citizens , and the said Lieutenant , touching a Garden-plot neere the said Tower ) one Ralph Gasken , servant to the said Lieutenant , violently did draw forth of the said Garden , one Shapeley , servant to the said VVikins , then labouring there for his said Master , in such violent manner , as thereby blood was drawne of him in severall places , and carried him to the Tower , and there kept him in prison eight dayes ; and that one Shawe , another of the Lieutenants servants , was present with the said Gasken ayding him , but that he did not hurt the said Shapeley ; which Gasken and Shawe did detaine some of the apparell of the said Shapeley , and yet doe for any thing knowene to us . And that likewise one Payne was taken forth of the said Garden , and carried to the Tower , and there imprisoned three dayes , and then delivered upon bond , to render his body to the Tower when he should be required , and that Payne hath left a pawne of the value of tenne shillings for his meat and drinke . And that Her Majesties VVrit of Habeas Corpus for the body of Shapeley was sued forth of her Bench , directed to the Lieutenant , which carried and delivered to him by the said Smith , who prayed the said Lieutenant to make allowance thereof , and paid him the Fee due therefore . But forthwith he would have forced the said Smith to have received the money againe and the VVrit : which Smith refused to doe , praying him not to be offended for bringing of her Majesties Processe . And thereupon Master Lieutenant said he would put his VVrit in his pocket , as he had done many , and therewith rubbed Smith on the cheekes , and threatned to imprison him , if he would not carry backe the VVrit againe and the money : whereupon the said Lieutenant imprisoned Smith , and detained him about three houres , untill upon a Bill of his hand to returne to prison when the Lieutenant should send for him , he was delivered ; which matter the Lieutenant confesseth to be true . And touching such liberties as Master Lieutenant claimeth to have beene used for the Officers and Attendants in the Tower , as not to be arrested by any Action in the Citie of London , and Protections to be granted to them by Master Lieutenant , and not obeying of VVrits of Habeas Corpus , we thinke such persons as are daily attendant in the Tower , serving her Majesty there , are to be priviledged , and not to be arrested upon any plaint in London . But for VVrits of execution , or Capias ut ligatum , and such like , we thinke they ought to have no priviledge . Moreover , touching Protections granted by Master Lieutenant , for such as be condemned in any action in the Court kept in the Tower , to goe at large , and not to be arrested by any Processe out of the Queenes high Courts , or elsewhere , or any other Protection to that effect , for any priviledged person , we thinke the same against Her Majesties Lawes and dignity . Item , That Matter Lieutenant ought to returne every Habeas Corpus , out of any Court at Westminst . so as the Justices before whom it shall bee returned , ( as the cause shall require ) may either remand it with the body , or retaine the matter before them , and deliver the body , as Justice shall require . As touching the jurisdiction of the Court in the Tower , and the controversies for certaine liberties upon the Tower-hill , and the soile there , and divers places about the Tower , we are not yet fully resolved , but desire your Lordships to have some further time to consider thereupon : for , that there be many matters alleaged , and to be shewed in writing for the same , as we are informed , which we have not yet seene . Item , The said Lieutenant doth claime a liberty , that if any person priviledged in the Tower be arrested in London , that he may take the body of any Citizen that shall come within the liberties of the Tower , and keepe his body there , untill the other be delivered : which we thinke altogether against the Lawes of this Realme . Christopher Wray . Edmond Anderson . Gilbert Gerrard . After the Lords of the Privie Councell had received the same Certificat , they did thereupon make this finall Order and Decree following , viz. At Non such , the third day of October . 1585. Present , Lord Treasurer . Lord Admirall . Lord Chamberlaine . Master Treasurer . Master Secretary . WHereas sundry variances & contentions have heretofore arisen , and have of late yeeres depended , betwixt the Lord Maior and Communalty of the City of London , on the one part ; and the Lieutenant of Her Majesties Tower of London , on the other part , touching matters of liberties , prescriptions , customes , and other claimes and pretences : by reason wherof , and for lack of order for stay of those variances and contentions , divers tumults have heretofore growne , and Her Majesties Peace hath many times beene in hazard to be dangerously broken ; whereupon , severall complaints have beene heretofore exhibited to the Lords and others of Her Majesties most Honourable Privie Councell , by the Lord Maior and Communalty aforesaid , against the said Lieutenant , for divers injuries alleaged to bee offered on his part to the Citizens of London , without order of Law or equity : After consideration had of which severall complaints , it pleased their Lordships ( having care to procure an end of those controversies , for avoiding of inconveniences that might ensue ) by their Honourable letters to give order to Sir Christopher Wray , Knight , Lord chiefe Justice of England ; Sir Edmond Anderson , Knight , Lord chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas ; and to Sir Gilbert Gerrard , Knight , Master of the Rolles , that they ( calling the said Lieutenant and the parties complainants before them ) should effectually heare and examine the controversies ( on both sides , ) and certifie their Lordships what they should finde , together with their opinions touching the same , who having called the parties accordingly before them , and advisedly and with good deliberation sundry times heard their Allegations and answers , as well by writing as by word , with counsell learned on all parts , have signified their opinions of the said controversies in writing , as hereafter followeth : First , touching such liberties as M. Lieutenant claimeth to have beene used for the Officers and Attendants in the Tower , as not to be arrested by any action in the City of London , and protections to be granted to them , by Master Lieutenant , and not obeying of writs of we thinke such persons as bee dayly attendant in the Tower serving her Majestie there , are to be priviledged and not to be arrested upon any plaint in London , but for writs of Executions , or 〈…〉 and such like , wee thinke they ought to have no priviledge . Secondly , concerning protections granted by Master Lieutenant for such as bee condemned in any action in the Court , kept in the Tower , to goe at large , and not to be arrested by any Processe out of the Queenes high Courts , or elsewhere , or any other protection to that effect for any priviledged person , we thinke the same against her Majesties lawes and dignitie . Thirdly , that M. Lieutenant ought to returne every Habeas Corpus out of any Court at Westminster , so as the Iustices before whom it shall be returned ( as the cause shall require ) may either remand it with the body , or retaine the matter before them , and deliver the body as Iustice shall require . Lastly , whereas the Lieutenant doth also claime a liberty , that if any person priviledged in the Tower be arrested in London , hee may take the body of any Citizen that shall come within the liberties of the Tower , and keepe his body there untill the other bee delivered , we thinke the same to bee altogether against the lawes of the Realme . The Lords therefore of her Majesties said Privie Councell , upon grave and deliberate considerations had of the certificate and opinions of the said Lords chiefe Iustices and Master of the Rolles , and to the end occasions of contention , trouble , and disorder , and the danger of breach of her Majesties peace , which have heretofore of late yeeres arisen and growne upon the controversies aforesaid , may from henceforth cease , and bee althougher removed and taken away ; It was this day by their Lordships ordered and decreed , betwixt the Lord Maior , Communalty and Citizens of London , and their successors , and the Lieutenant of her Highnesse said Tower of London , and all other Lieutenants and Officers of the Tower at any time hereafter to succeed : That the matters , points and articles contained in the Certificate of the said Iustices and Master of the Rolles before mentioned , wherein their resolutions , opinions and determinations be set downe , declared and signified , shall at all times from henceforth stand and remaine for rules and resolutions and finall determination and decision : for so much and so many of the points of controversies as are contained in the said Certificate ( whereof they have delivered their opinions ) to be for ever hereafter duely observed and kept , and that nothing bee hereafter at any time done , or attempted on either part , to the violating or interrupting of the same . On the North side of this hill , is the said Lord Lumleyes house , and on the West side , divers houses lately builded , and other encrochments along South to Chicke lane , on the East of Barking Church , at the end whereof you have Tower-street , stretching from the Tower-hill , West to Saint Margaret Pattens Church Parsonage . Now therefore , to begin at the East end of the Street , on the North side thereof , is the faire Parish Church , called , Alhallowes Barking , which standeth in a large , but sometime far larger Cemitery or Church-yard . On the North side whereof was sometime builded a faire Chappell , founded by King Richard the first ; some have written that his heart was buried there under the high Altar . This Chappell was confirmed and augmented by King Edward the first . Edward the fourth gave licence to his Cousin Iohn , Earle of Worcester , to found there a Brotherhood for a Master and Brethren , and hee gave to the Custos of that fraternity , which was Sir Iohn Scot , Knight , Thomas Colte , Iohn Tate , and Iohn Croke , the Priory of Totingbecke , and the avousion of the Parish Church of Stretham in the Country of Surrey , with all the members and appurtenances , and a part of the Priory of Okeborne in Wiltshire , both Priors Aliens , and appointed it to be called the Kings Chappell of Chantry , In Capella beatae Mariae de Barking . King Richard the third , new builded and founded therein a Colledge of Priests , &c. Hamond de Lega was buried in that Chappell . Robert Tate , Maior of London , 1488. and other were there buried . This Colledge was suppressed and pulled downe in the yeere 1548. the second of , King Edward the sixth , the ground was imployed as a Garden-plot during the reignes of King Edward , Queene Mary , and part of Queene Elizabeth , till at length a large strong frame of Timber and Bricke was set thereon , and imployed as a Store-house of Merchants goods brought from the Sea , by Sir William Winter , &c. Monuments in the Parish Church of Alhallowes Barking , not defaced are these : Sir Thomas Studinham of Norwich Dioces , Knight , 1469. Thomas Gilbert Draper , and Merchant of the Staple , 1483. Iohn Bolt , Merchant of the Staple , 1459. Sir Iohn Stile , Knight , Draper , 1500. William Thinne , Esquire , one of the Clarks of the Greene cloth , and Master of the Houshold to King Henry the 8. 1546. Humfery Monmouth , Draper , one of the Sheriffs , 1535. buried in the Church yard . VVilliam Denham , one of the Sheriffes , 1934. Henry Eoward , Earle of Surrey beheaded , 1546. Sir Richard Devereux , sonne and heire to the Lord Ferrers of Chartley. Richard Browne Esquire , 1546. Philip Dennis , Esquire , 1556. Andrew Evenger , Saiter . VVilliam Robinson , Mercer , Alderman 1552. VVilliam Armorer , Clothworker , Esquire , Governour of the Pages of Honour , or Master of the Hance men , servant to Henry the eight , Edward the sixt and Queene Mary , buried 1560. Beside , which , there be divers Tombes without inscription . Iohn Crolys and Thomas Pike , Citizens of London , founded a Chantery there , 1388. Vpon further view of this Parish Church , and the monuments , I finde these following : In the Chancell lyeth a faire Marble stone with a plate of Brasse engraven , bearing this inscription : Hic jacet Ioannes Ruche , Generosius , qui obiit octavo die Mensis Maii , An. Dom. 1493. Cujus animae propitietur Deus . Vpon a faire large Marble stone , by occasion lately taken up , and being buried somewhat deep in the ground , on a Brasse plate fixed thereon was this inscription : Hic concluduntur ossa Iacobi Zamboni , illustrissimi Dom. Veneti Secretarii , Agentis apud Serenissimum hunc Angliae , &c. Regem . On a faire Marble stone , but without any plate , are these lines following engraven . In this Vault hereunder lyeth Elizabeth , late Wife unto William Denham , Alderman of London , and Merchant of the Staple at Callis : VVho departed unto God , on Wednesday , at 5. of the clock in the after-noone , in Easter-weeke , the last day of March , 1540. On whose soule Iesus have mercy , Amen . And by the Grace of God , the said William Denham , purposing to lye here by her , departed unto God the day of &c. Close by it is another stone thus inscribed : Hic jacet Dom. Thomes Vyrby , quondam Vicari●● istius Eccles . Qui obiit 2. die Mensis Decemb. 1453. Cujus anima , &c. Neere unto it is another stone , thus inscribed : Hic jacet Nicholaus Bremisgrave , quondam Vicarius istius Eccles . Qui obiit II. die Mens . August . An. Dom. 1416. Cujus , &c. By it also another stone , thus inscribed : Hic jacet M. Radulphus Darling , Almae Vniuer . Oxoniae olim Magist . in Artibus , & huius Eccles . quondam Vicarius peritissimus . Qui obiit An. Dom. 1500. 9. die Mens . Octob. Cuius , &c. By it also another stone , thus inscribed : Hic jacet tumulatus M. Thomas Cayfi . Can. & Baccalaurius in Art. vir perit . & unus Vicar . istius Eccles . Qui obiit 6. die Mens . Feb. 1475. Cuius , &c. By it also another stone , thus inscribed : Hic jacet Dom. Willielm . Tylling , quondam Capellanus istius Eccles . Qui obiit 24. die Mens . Iulii , An. Dom. 1430. Cuius , &c. On the same stone : Ac Johannes Vale , nuper Capellanus , & bonus reparator Cantar . ejusdem Eccles . Qui obiit 10. die Novemb. An. Dom. 1563. Cuius , &c. Vpon a very faire Marble stone , verged about with plates of brasse , and concluding with the like plates in the middle , is thus ingraven : Pray for the soule of M. William Thinne , Esquire , one of the Master of the honourable houshold to King Henry the 8. our Soveraigne Lord. He departed from the prison of this fraile life , the 10. day of August , An. Dom. 1546. in the 38. yeere of our said Soveraigne Lord the King , which body , and every part thereof , in the last day shall bee raised up againe , at the sound of the Lords Trumpet . In whose comming , that we may all ioyfully meet him , our heavenly Father grant us , whose mercy is so great towards us , that hee freely offertth to all them that earnestly repent their sinnes , everlasting life , through the death of his dearely beloved Sonne , Iesus : To whom be everlasting praise . Amen . Before the entrance into the Vestrie , lyeth a faire Marble stone , without any plate of Brasse , but thus engraven upon it : Nicholas Andrewes to his dearest wife Anne , doth this last office of love : for she was , Religious , Chaste , Discreet , Loving , Faire , Obedient . She lived but 25. yeeres , and dyed at Chigwell in Essex , the 12. day of Iune , 1606. and was here-under interred ( in great sorrow ) the munday following : leaving behind her living , two sonnes , William and Nicholas . Hard by it is another stone , thus inscribed : Here resteth the body of Agnes Bond , Widdow , sometime the wife of William Bond , Esquire ; the which William and Agnes had issue betwixt them , 8. sonnes and 8. daughters ; which Agnes deceased the 4. day of February , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1552. Lower in the Chancell toward the doore , is another faire stone plated , and thus engraven : Hereunder lyeth the body of Roger James , late of London , Brewer , who being of the age of 67. departed this life the second day of March , An. Dom. 1591. leaving behind him Sara his wife , eight sonnes , and one daughter . Neere unto it , another stone , thus inscribed : Here under this Marble stone lyeth , M. Henry Poulsted , Esquire , and Alice his wife ; the which Henry deceased the 10. of December , 1556. and begot of her body one sonne and one daughter , Richard and Mabell , &c. Close by it , another smaller stone , thus inscribed : Here lyeth buried Barbara Thornix , Daughter of Thomas Thornix Esquire , who deceased the eleventh day of April , 1613. being of the age of three yeeres . By it another faire stone , thus inscribed : Here lyeth the body of Mary Burnell , late wife of Iohn Burnell , Citizen and Merchant of London , the onely daughter of Mathew Brownrig of Ipswich , in Suffolke , Esquire , a woman sincerely living in the feare of God , and dying constantly in the faith of Christ Iesus . She departed this life the 5. day of April , 1612. being of the age of 20. yeeres : Having finished in wedlocke with her said husband 2. yeeres and 5. moneths , and bearing him issue , one sonne , whereof she dyed in childbed , and expecteth now ( with the Elect of God ) a joyfull resurrection . Then there is a goodly ancient faire Tombe , dividing the North I le from the Chancell , bearing these ingraven lines : Hic jacet Iohannes Bacon , quondam Civis & Woolman London , Qui obiit 6. die Mens . Maii , Anno Dom. 1437. Et Ioanna Vx. eius . There is a very goodly Tombe , but much defaced , and the Brasse plates stolne off from it : but so many of the words as are remaining , are these : Stapulo fuit seniorum , & unius Londi●lls habitans , sermene fidelis , cum Marga yera Domina costaque beata . Hunc rapuit Michael ad Coeli gaudi a lati , &c. By it is a faire Monument in the wall , bearing this inscription : Hic facet Hieronymus Benalius , Bergami netus , qui dum vixit , pietatem coluit , & futurae vitae resurrectionem expectat . Obiit 4. dic Martii , An. Dom. 1585. Aetatis suae , 58. On the ground in the middest of the way , lyeth a faire stone , by the appearance , entring into a Vault . The stone is thus ingraven : This stone belongeth to Francis Cherry , Merchant , Vintner , and to his heires . Here lyeth Margaret Cherry , the wife of Francis Cherry , by whom he had issue 11. children , 4. sonnes , and 7. daughters , and dyed of the 12. child , 1695. A small Brasse plate is fixed in the wall East , thus inscribed : Of your charity prayser the soule of Philip Dennis , of London , Esquire : whose body lyeth buried before this stone . Who dyed the 3 , day of September , 1556. A faire Marble Tombe much defaced , whereon are figured kneeling , a man and a woman , hee having three sonnes kneeling behinde him , and shee foure Daughters . A labell proceedeth from his mouth , with these words : Ego resurgam , & in carne mea videbe te Iesum , Deum Sabvatorem meum . Another from her , thus : Qui Lazarum resuscitasti à monumento fetidum , dona nobis requiem . Vpon the ground , somewhat neere to one another , are divers faire Grave-stones , bearing these inscriptions : Vnder this stone lyeth William Roberts , Citizen and Mc●cer of London , and Merchant of the Staple at Callis , sonne of William Roberts , Alderman of the said place : which William his sonne deceased the seventh day of Ianuary , Anno Domini , 1555. Here lyeth buried the body of Christopher Rawson , late Mercer of London , and Merchant of the Staple at Callis , who deceased the second day of October , Anno Domini , 1518. Here-under lyeth Master VVilliam Robinscn , Alderman of London , Citizen and Mer●●r , and Merchant of the Staple as Callis , and Elizabeth his wife . He deceased the thirtieth day of December , 1552. Here under this stone lyeth buried the body of Mistris Iane Russell , one of the Genth women of the Privie Chamber to Qu. Mary , andwife to William Russell , Serjeant of the Celler to our late Sove●aigne Lady , Queene Elizabeth : A●d deceased the 16. day of Ianuary , Anno Domini , 1558. Gods blessings bestowed on the poore of this Parish , by the benevolence and charity of wel-disposed people . Given by Margaret Martin , of the Parish of Alhallowes Barking in London , in the yeere 1557. to and amongst the poor of the said Parish , yeerly for ever , 26. s. 8. d. And to the Churchwardens for their paines , 20. d. to each , to bee paid them yeerely for ever . Given by Mr. William Armorer , to hold for tenne yeeres , one load of Charcoales , and two hundred of Faggots , by his wife to be delivered every Christmasse , to and amongst the poore of the same Parish . Given by Mistris Alice Polsted , to the use of the poore of the same Parish , the summe of 6. l. 13. s. 4. d. to bee paid them yeerely for ever . Given by Mr. William Haines , 5. l. a yeere for ever , after the death of Alice his wife . Given by Richard Smith , his dwelling house , knowne and called by the name of the White-Lion , situate neere to the Tower Hill , to the use of the poore of the said Parish : after the decease of his wife , and Richard and Margaret his children , if they happen to dye without issue . Given by Mr. Wilkinson , after the decease of his wife , the lease of the house situate at Tower Hill , to be let by the Churchwardens of the said Parish : and they to give out of the same rent , during the said lease , forty shillings yeerely to the poore of the Parish , and twenty shillings yeerely to the Preacher or Lecturer there . And the residue of the said rent to be distributed in such sort as in her will is mentioned . Concerning the bounds and limits of this Parish , according to our precedent order : They goe Northward from the Church , so farre as the corner , where is the backe gate , sometime belonging to Sir Francis Walsingham , but now to Sir Nicholas Salter . Thence they goe on aalong by the Garden wall belonging to the Lady Lumley , to the East corner : where going over , they passe on so farre as the house of one Peter Porter , right over against the great gate of the Lady Lumleyes house , where turning backe downe a passage to the South part of Mr. Covelles garden , in the midst wherof Eastward , upon London wall , their marke is fixed . Returning backe that way againe , they crosse Southward over Tower Hill , where sometime stood a Crosse , distinguishing the Tower liberty and Alhallowes . So they goe on the Tower-docke , to the house of Mr. Clay , Brewer , where they go up petty Wales , to the Custome-house gate . And there they turne up Water-lane , on the East side onely , till they come forth thereof , and crosse over into Mart-lane , so farre as Sir Henry Bakers house , where they turne over East , and so passe on that end of Mart-lane South , where turning againe East to Sydon-lane , they goe up that Lane North , so farre as part of the house belonging to Sir Nicholas Salter , and there fixe their marke ; returning to Chappell-Alley , and there ending where they began . Here I confesse my selfe beholding to Mr. Edward Abbot , Parson of Alhallowes Barking , and the Officers that there gave me friendly assistance . By the West end of this Parish Church and Chappell , lyeth Sydon-lane , now corruptly called Sything-lane , from Tower-street up North to Hart-street . In this Sydon-lane divers faire and large houses are builded ; namely , one by Sir Iohn Allen , sometime Maior of London , and of Councell unto King Henry the eighth : Sir Francis Walsingham , Knight , principall Secretary to the Queenes Majestie that then lived , was lodged there , and so was the Earle of Essex , &c. At the North-west corner of this lane standeth a proper Parish Church of Saint Olave , which Church , together with some houses adjoyning , and also others over against it in Hart-street , are of the said Tower-street Ward . Monuments in this Parish Church of Saint Olave , be these : Richard Cely , and Robert Cely , Felmongers , principall builders and benefactors of this Church . Dame Ioane , wife to Sir Iohn Zouch , 1439. Iohn Clarentiaulx , King of Armes . Thomas Sawle . Sir Richard Haddon , Mercer , Maior , 1512. Thomas Burnell , Mercer , 1548. Thomas Morley , Gentleman , 1566. Sir Iohn Radcliffe , Knight , 1568. And Dame Anne his wife , 1585. Chapone , a Florentine Gent. 1582. Sir Hamond Vaughan , Knight . George Stoddard , Merchant , &c. In the wall , on the North side , is an ancient Monument , but very much defaced , appearing to belong to Sir Richard Haddon , Mercer and Lord Maior of London , with some shew of two wives , two sonnes , and three daughters : but the plates of memory are gone . A faire Marble stone lyeth by the Communion Table , and a large plate upon it , on the top whereof these Latine Verses are ingraven : Ortu praeclarus curans illustrior Arte Efficier , patriam deserit iste suam , Discendi studio varias transiverat oras , Heu tandem febrius Anglia fintiter . Nobilitas , virtus , pietas , doctrina bearūt , Schraderum si vis pergere plura scies . In the midst are two faire Coats of Armes , the one having Schrader as the Motto , and the other , Non Wechtelt . Lower is this inscription fairely ingraven : Georgius Schraderus , Brunswigae , An. 1580. Mens . Februarii , nobili Familia Patre autore Schradero , à Consiliis secretissimis illustrissimorum Duc. Brunswig & Luneb . Matre Catharina à Vechtelt natas , in vera Dei notitia educatus , postquam maximum Germaniae partem , totam Galliam , Brabant . Fland. vidisset , in Angliam se recepit , inde domum ut rediret , febri verè correptus , placidè in Domino obdornivit , 3. Octob. An. salutis , 1605. Aetatis suae , 24. & in hoc tumulo requiescit . Two faire Marble stones lye something neere to this , bearing these inscriptions : Orate pro anima Roberti Byrche , Woolpacker : Qui obiit vicessimo septimo die Iulii , Anno Dom. 1433. Cuius animae propitietur Deus . D. O. M. Matthaeo Babalio , Nobili Ragusino , pietate ac probitate insigni , immaturáque morte vita defuncto , Anno aetatis suae , 27. Domini vero , 1567. Mens . Iunio. Nicholaus Gozzius amicus posuit . A faire Marble Tombe , with a Knight in Armour lying along on it , and his wife kneeling by him , thus inscribed : Hic jacet Joannes Radcliffe , Miles , filius Roberti , Comitis Sussexiae : Qui obiit ( nullis susceptis liberis ) nono die Novembris , Anno Domini , 1585. Here lyeth Dame Anne , the wife of Sir John Radcliffe , Knight , who dyed the tenth of Decemb. An. Dom. 1568. A faire Monument , erected behind the Tombe of Sir Iohn Radcliffe , but somewhat higher , with halfe the lively figure of the party it concerneth , inscribed thus : Memoriae Sacrum Petro Turnero , Gulielmi Turneri Patris inclyto filio , probitatis ac eruditionis fama , illustrique Medicinae Doctori peritissimo ; quem Cantabrigia aluit , Heidelbrigia Doctoris insignibus honoravit , Oxonium cohonestavit , Pascha Turnera Conjux moestissima aeternum pietatis , amoris ac doloris sui Monumentū . L. M. P. Henricus Parreus Episc . Wigorniensis , Paschae Turnerae frater moeroris consors , Piis defucti manibus hoc Epicediū parētauit . Obiit Maii 27. Anno Dom. 1614. Aetatis suae , 72. In the South-east wall , a stone ingraven , with out any plate , bearing this inscription : Gulielmo Turnero , Medico , ac Theologo peritissimo , Decano Wellens . Per Annos triginta in utraque scientia exercitatissimus , Ecclesiae & Reipublicae profuit , & contra utriusque pernitiosissimos hostes ; maximè vero Romanum Antichristum fortissimus Jesu Christi Miles acerrimè dimicavit , ac tandem corpus senio & laboribus compertum , in spem beatissim . resurrectionis hic deposuit ; devictis Christi virtute mundi , carnisque civibus cap. triumphat in aeternum . Magnus Apollinea , quondam Turnerus in arte , Magnus & in vera religione fuit : Mors tamen obrepens , majorem reddidit illum , Civis enim Coeli regna superna tenet . Obiit 7. die Iulii , An. Dom. 1568. Vnder it , upon a small plate is thus engraven : In God is my whole trust . I. O. 1591. Iohn Orgen , and Helen his wife . As I was , so be ye , As I am , you shall be . What I gave , that I have , What I spent , that I had : Thus I count all my cost , What I left , that I lost . There is a very faire Tombe erected in the South wall of the Quire , whereon these lines are engraven : Hic juxta in Choro situs est Jacobus Deane , Eques auratus , vir bonus & in operibus charitatis , qui primo Susannā filiam Christopheri Bumsted Generos . Vxorem habuit , ex qua unicum suscepit filiolum . Postea Elizab. filiam Hugon . Offley Armigeri , Alderm . Lond. Deinde Elizab. filiam Richardi Thornehill Armig. & viduam Christopheri Web Arm. duxit conjugē , ex qua duas genuit filiolas , nullam tamen relinquens prolem , se moriente , superstitem , An. Aetatis , 63. 15. Maii , 1608. in Domino . Two faire stones plated , one by another , thus inscribed : Here lyeth buryed ( in the mercie of God ) the bodies of Thomas Beckingham , Esquire , Merchant of the Staple at Callis , and Anne his wife . He deceased the 4. day of Decemb. An. Dom. 1576. And she the 22. of May , 1565. Here lyeth Thomas Prenthoit , Citizen and Vpholder of London , and Joane his wife . Hee deceased the 7. day of April , Anno Domini , 1521. A faire Alabaster Tombe , and the figure of a man kneeling on it , thus inscribed : D. O. M. Hic situs est Petrus Caponius , Florentinus in vita Nobilitate clarus , morum integritate , summis Principibus gratissimus , exilium quod iniquiore fato subierat constanter tulit . Obiit An. aetaris , 32. Sal. 1582. 6. Cal. Novembris . Mortuum Britannia , quem vivum in sinu tulerat , in sinu nec dum discincto conservat . Petrus Landus , ex parentibus Florentinis , apud Lugdunum Galliae natus , hoc amoris & moeroris Monumentum P. Vpon two plates fixed in the wall , these inscriptions : Here-under lyeth buried the body of Philip Van Wyllender , Esquire , Musician , and one of the privie Chamber to King Henry the eight of most famous memory , and to King Edward the sixth . Who dyed the 24. day of February , Ann. Dom. 1553. And had issue by Frances his wife , foure sonnes , and two daughters , &c. Here lyeth buried the body of Thomas Burnell , late Citizen and Mercer of London , and Merchant of the Staple at Callis . He deceased the 26. day of February , Ann. Dom. 1448. Comming now to the charitie 's given to the poore in this Parish , I finde no nomination of any , but of one Mistris Bainham , and Sir Iames Deane , whose gifts are benevolence in bread weekely to the poore . There standeth also in the lower part of the Church , a memory of one yet living , inscribed thus : Iohn High-Lord , senior , of London , Skinner , in his life time , and in the 85. yeere of his age , gave forty shillings yeerely for ever , to be bestowed in New-castle Coales , for the reliefe of the poore in this Parish of S. Olave in Hare-street . There are many men of great and good account in this Parish , who at divers times are bountifull unto the poore in money , and as they send it , it is faithfully divided among them . Now for the limits and bounds of the Parish , they go on from the Church West , and turning downe on the East side of Mart-lane , crosse the way over to Sir Henry Bakers house , and so go up on the West side , till turning into Hartstreet , they goe on into Sydon-lane , so farre as their marke standeth , on the house of Sir Nicholas Salter , joyning to theirs of Barking Parish . Then they goe over on the West side , and so passe downe Crochet Friers , to Tower-hill , to the further part of the Lady Lumleys garden wall , and the backe gate of the foresaid Sir Nicholas , where turning backe to Porters house , and going on Northward , they goe into an Alley , which guideth them to the North end of Master Covels garden , and there they fix their marke by theirs of Barking , on London Wall. So returning againe , they goe up towards Aldgate on the East side , so far as directly against the signe of the Cocke , returning backe on the West side to the Pumpe in Crochet Friers , and then to the place where they began . Here I was favoured by Master Iohn Simpson , Parson of S. Olaves , and the friendly Officers there . Then have ye out of Tower street also on the North side , one other lane , called Mart-Lane , which runneth up towards the North , and is for the most part of this Tower-street Ward ; which lane is about the third quarter thereof , divided from Aldgate Ward , by a chaine to bee drawne thwart the said lane , above the West end of Hart-street . Cokedon-lane , sometime at the South-west end of Mart-lane , I read of . A third lane out of Tower-street on the North side , is called Mincheon-lane , so called of Tenements there , sometime pertaining to the Minchuns or Nunnes of S. Helens in Bishopsgate-street : This Lane is all of the said Ward , except the corner house towards Fen-Church-street . In this lane of old time dwelled divers strangers borne , of Genoa and those parts ; these were commonly called Galley-men , as men that came up in the Galleys , brought up Wines and other Merchandises , which they landed in Thames street , at a place called Galley Key : they had a certaine coyne of siluer amongst themselves , which were halfe pence of Genoa , and were called Galley halfe-pence . These halfe-pence were forbidden in the 13. yeere of King Henry the 4. and againe by Parliament in the 4. of Henry the 5. it was enacted , that if any person bring into this Realm Galley halfepence , Suskins , or Dodkins , he should be punished as a Thiefe , and he that taketh or payeth such money , shall lose an hundred shillings , whereof the King shall have the one halfe , and he that will sue , the other halfe : notwithstanding in my youth I have seene them passe currant , but with some difficulty , for that the English halfe-pence were then ( though not so broad ) somewhat thicker and stronger . The Cloth-workers Hall is in this Lane. Then at the West end of Tower-street , have ye a little turning towards the North , to a faire house , sometime belonging to one named Griste , for hee dwelled there in the yeere 1449. And Iack Cade , Captaine of the Rebels in Kent , being by him in this his house feasted , when he had dined , like an unkind guest , robbed him of all that was there to be found worth the carriage . Next to this is another faire house , sometime builded by Angell Dunne , Grocer , Alderman of London ; since possessed by Sir Iohn Champneies , Alderman and Maior of London . He builded in this house an high Tower of Bricke , the first that ever I heard of in any private mans house , to overlooke his neighbours in this Citie . But this delight of his eye was punished with blindnesse some yeeres before his death . Since that time , Sir Percevall Hart , a jolly Courtier , and Knight Harbenger to the Queene , was lodged there , &c. From this house somewhat West , is the Parish Church and Parsonage house of Saint Margaret Pattens , to the which Church and house on the North side , and as farre over against on the South , stretcheth the farthest West part of this Ward . And therefore , to begin againe at the East end of Tower-street ; on the South side have ye Beare-lane , wherein are many faire houses , and runneth downe to Thames-street . The next is Sporiar-lane , of old time so called , but since and of later time , named , Water-lane , because it runneth downe to the Water-gate by the Custome House in Thames-street : then is there Hart-lane for Harp-lane , which likewise runneth downe into Thames-street . In this Hart-lane is the Bakers Hall , sometime the dwelling house of Iohn Chichley , Chamberlaine of London , who was son to William Chichley , Alderman of London , brother to William Chichley , Archdeacon of Canturbury , Nephew to Robert Chichley , Maior of London , and to Henry Chichley Archbishop of Canturbury . This Iohn Chichley ( saith our Leyland ) had foure and twenty children . Sir Tho. Kitrioll of Kent , after he had been long prisoner in France , married Elizabeth , one of the Daughters of this Chichley , by whom he had this Chichleyes house . This Elizabeth was secondly married to Sir Ralfe Ashton , Knight Marshall : and thirdly , to Sir Iohn Bourchier , Vncle to the late Bourchier , Earle of Essex , but she never had child . Edward Poynings made part with Bourchier , and Elizabeth to have Ostenhanger in Kent , after their death , and entred into it they living . In Tower-street , betweene Hart-lane , and Church-lane , was a quadrant , called Galley Row , because Galley men dwelled there . Then have yee two lanes out of Tower-street , both called Church-lanes , because one runneth downe by the East end of Saint Dunstans Church , and the other by the West end of the same : out of the West lane , turneth another lane , West toward Saint Mary Hill , and is called Fowle-lane , which is for the most of Tower-street Ward . This Church of Saint Dunstane is called in the East , for difference from one other of the same name in the West : it is a faire and large Church of an ancient building , and within a large Church-yard : it hath a great Parish of many rich Merchants , and other occupiers of divers trads ; namely Salters and Ironmongers . The Monuments in that Church bee ●hese : In the Quire Iohn Kennington Parson there buried , 1374. Willim Islip , Parlon , 1382. Iohn Kiryoll Esquire , brother to Thomas Kiryoll , 1400. Nicholas Bond. Thomas Barry , Merchant , 1445. Robert Shelley , Esquire , 1420. Robert Pepper , Grocer , 1445. Iohn Norwich , Grocer , 1390. Alice Brome , wife to Iohn Coventry , sometime Maior of London , 1433. William Isaack , Draper , Alderman , 1508. Edward Skales , Merchant , 1521. Iohn Ricroft , Esquire , Serjeant of the Larder to Henry the seventh and Henry the eighth , 1532. Edward Waters , Esquire , Serjeant at Armes , 1558. Sir Bartholomew Iames , Draper , Maior 1479. buried under a faire Monument , with his Lady . Ralfe Greenway , Grocer , Alderman , put under the stone of Robert Pepper , 1559. Thomas Bledlow , one of the Sheriffes , 1472. Iames Bacon , Fishmonger , Sheriffe , 1573. Sir Richard Champion , Draper , Maior 1568. Henry Herdson , Skinner , Alderman , 1555. Sir Iames Granado Knight . William Hariot , Draper , Maior , 1481. buried in a faire Chappell , by him builded , 1517. Iohn Tate , sonne to Sir Iohn Tate , in the same Chappell , in the North wall . Sir Christopher Draper , Ironmonger , Maior , 1566. buried 1580. and many other worshipfull personages besides , whose monuments ( for the most part ) are altogether defaced , but such as remaine , and merit memory , I will declare them in this order following . On the South side of the Chancell , standeth an ancient Marble Tombe , cooped about with filliting of brasse plates , bearing these words engraven on them : Hic jacet Bartholomeus Iames , Miles , Civis & Pannarius , ac Aldermannus , necnon quondam Maior hujus inclitae Civitatis London , &c. Close by it standeth another very faire Alabaster Tombe , richly and curiously gilded , and two ancient figures of Aldermen in Scarlet kneeling , the one , at one end of the Tombe in a goodly Arch , the other , at the other end in like manner , and a comely figure of a Lady betweene them , who was wife to them both . By the one standeth a Table , with this inscription : Here lyeth Henry Heardsons corps , within this Tombe of stone : His soule ( through faith in Christs death , ) to God in Heaven is gone . VVhiles that he lived an Alderman , and Skinner was his state : To Vertue bare hee all his love , To vice hee bare his hate . His Almes that weekely he bestowed , within this Parish here , May witnesse to the poores releefe , what good-will hee did beare . Hee had to wife one Barbara , which made this Tombe you see : By whom he had of issue store , eight Sonnes and Daughters three . Obiit 22. Decemb. An. Dom. 1555. By the other standeth the like Table , thus inscribed : The corps of Richard Champion , Knight , Maior and Draper , herein doth rest● Whose soule by most assured hope , with Christ in heaven is blest . His life was such , and so imployed , to right from wrong ; that hee Whom God did so direct in life , must needs with comfort dye : Both rich and poore did like him well , and yet doe praise his name : Though he behinde him left no child , which might declare the same . His weekely almes that is bestowed , within this Parish here : Doth witnesse to the poores comfort , the good will he did beare . Obiit 30. Octobris , An. Dom. 1568. There is a faire Alabaster Tombe , principally belonging to Sir Christopher Draper , Knight , yet bearing all these inscriptions following , in regard of the severall marriages of his daughters : Sir Christopher Draper ; Knight , Ironmonger , and Lord Maior of London , 1560. deceased , being 70. yeeres of age . Lady Margaret his wife made this Monument for him . Sir William Webbe , Knight , Salter and Lord Maior of London , 1591. deceased the fourth day of Iuly , 1599. Lady Bennet his Wife , yet living , Daughter to Sir Christopher Draper , Knight performed this in her love to him . Sir Wolstane Dixie , Knight , Skinner and Lord Maior of London , An. Dom. 1582. deceased , being 69. yeeres of age . Lady Agnes his Wife , Daughter to Sir Christopher Draper , Knight , deceased in the 37. yeere of her age . Sir Henry Billingsley , Knight , Haberdasher , and Lord Maior of London , 1596. yet living in An. 1602. Mistris Bridget his Wife , Daughter to Sir Christopher Draper , Knight , deceased in the 44. yeere of her age . Master Christopher Woodroffe , sonne to the said Mistris Bridget , deceased 37. yeers of age . Hoc Monumentum amoris ergo posuit Domina Benet Webbe superstes in memoriam sui coniugis dignissimi equitis Guil Webbe , defuncti 4. Iulii , 1599. Vt etiam in observantiam officii erga parentes suos Dom. Christ . Draper , & Margaretam Vxorem eius , necnon caeteros tune sorores tum posteros praefixos . Vnderneath it is an ancient Marble Monument , and upon a plate are these words engrauen : Here lyeth buried Iames Bacon , late of London Alderman , who departed this mortall life , the 5. day of Iune , Anno Dom. 1573. Having issue by Mary 〈◊〉 first wife , one Son and three Daughters . And by Margaret his second wife , three sonnes , and one Daughter . And by Anne his third wife , no child , &c. On the North side of the Chancell is a faire Monument erected in the wall , bearing this inscription : Iohannes Hawkins , Eques Auratus , clariss . Regiae Marinarum causarum Thesaurarius . Qui cum XLIIII . annos muniis bellicis , & longis periculosisque navigationibus detegendis novis regionibus , ad Patriae utilitatem , & suam ipsius gloriam , strenuam & egregiam operam navasset , in expeditione , cui Generalis praefuit ad Indiam occidentalem dum in Auchoris ad portum S. Ioannis in insala Boriquena staret , Placidè in Domino ad Coelestem Patriam emigravit , 12. die Novembris , Anno salutis , 1595. In cujus memoriam ob virtutem , & resgestas , Domina Margareta Hawkins , Vxor moestissima , hoc monumentum cum lacrymis posuit . By the Tombe hangs a faire Table , fastned in the wall , with these Verses in English : Dame Margaret , a Widdow well affected , This Monument of memory erected , Deciphering unto the viewers sight , The life and death of Sir Iohn Hawkins , Knight , One fearing God , and loyall to his Queene , True to the State by tryall ever seene , Kind to his Wives , both Gentlewomen borne , Whose counterfeits with grace this work adorn . Dame Katharine the first , of rare report , Dame Margaret the last , of Court consort , Attendant on the Chamber and the Bed Of Englands Queene ELIZABETH , our head Next under Christ , of whom all Princes hold Their Scepters , States , and Diadems of Gold : Free to their friends on either side his kinne , Carefull to keepe the credit he was in : Vnto the Sea-men beneficiall , As testifieth Chattams Hospitall . The poore of Plimouth , and of Debtford Towne , Have had , now have , and shal have many a crown ; Proceeding from his liberality , By way of great and gracious Legacie . This Parish of Saint Dunstane standing East , ( Wherein he dwelt full thirty yeeres at least ) Hath of the springs of his good will a part , Derived from the Fountaine of his heart , All which bequests , with many moe unsaid , Dame Margaret hath bountifully paid . Deepe of conceit , in speaking graue and wise , Endighting swift , and pregnant to devise ; In conference revealing haughty skill , In all affaires having a Worthies will , On Sea and Land spending his course & time , By steps of yeeres as he to age did climbe . God hath his soule , the Sea his body keepes , Where ( for a while ) as Ionas , now he sleeps ; Till he which said To Lazarus , Comeforth ; Awake this Knight , and give to him his worth . In Christian faith , and faithfull penitence , In quickning hope , and constant patience , He running ranne a faithfull Pilgrims race , God giving him the guiding of his grace . Ending his life with his experience , By deepe decree of Gods high providence , His yeeres to six times ten and three amounting , The ninth , the seventh Climactericke by counting : Dame Katharine , his first religious Wife , Saw yeeres thrice tenne and two of mortall life : Leaving the world the sixth , the seventh ascending , Thus he and she , alike their compasse ending , Asunder both by death of flesh alone , Together both insoule , two making one , Among the Saints above , from troubles free , Where two in one shall meet , and make up three . The Christian Knight and his good Ladies twaine , Flesh , Soule and Spirit united once againe ; Beholding Christ , who comfortably saith , Come , mine Elect , receive the Crowne of faith . Lenvoy . Give God , saith Christ , give Caesar lawfull right , Owe no man , saith Saint Paul , ne mine , ne mite Save love , which made this chaste memoriall , Subscribed with Truths restimoniall . FINIS . Now , in regard that this Parish of S. Dunstane is the last ( in our account ) of Tower-street Ward , we are to speake of Gods blessings there to the poore , which I finde to be seven shillings three pence every Sunday through the yeere , given in ready money , beside bread and other gifts , according to the wils and dispositions of Sir Richard Champion , and Master Alderman Heardson , with Coales given beside at certaine times . More , I finde , that one man hath given yeerely for ever , an whole Oxe to be distributed by a quarter thereof quarterly , and a pecke of Oate-meale there withall to the poore . But yet so discreetly ordered , that they that have the quarter of Beese and pecke of Oate-meale at one quarter , must stay till other poore bee so served , and that it comes to their turne againe . Other charities there are which came in gifts of ready money , and are accordingly truly distributed . In the perambulation of this Parish , they goe first so farre North from the Church , as to the house next William Offington , and thence returning , walke down on the North side of Tower-street , so farre as Mincheon-lane , and to the house of Master Dumbelowe , next to Clothworkers Hall , where they returne againe , and so goe on to the signe of the Dolphine in Tower-street , being a Taverne . There they crosse the way , and goe downe the West side onely of Water-lane , and then walke along Thames-street , leaving the Custome house , passing on to Smarts-key ; whence returning backe into the Crosse-lane , so farre as Sir Cuthbert Buckles house , now in the custody of Sir Iohn Lemnian , Knight , and Lord Maior of London , they goe home to the place where they began . Here I was favoured by Master Iohn Childerlay , Doctor of Divinity , my worthy good friend , and his diligent Officers . Now as concerning the two Church-lanes , they meeting on the South side of this Church and Church-yard , doe joyne in one : and running downe to the Thames-street , the same is called Saint Dunstans Hill : at the lower end whereof the said Thames-street ( toward the West , on both sides almost to Belins-gate but towards the East up to the VVater-gate , by the Bulwarke of the Tower ) is all of Tower-street VVard . In this street on the Thames side , are divers large landing places , called VVharffes , or Keys , for Cranage up of VVares and Merchandise , as also for shipping of Wares from thence to be transported . These Wharffes and Keys commonly beare the names of their owners , and are therefore changeable . I read , in the 26. of Henry the sixth , that in the Parish of Saint Dunstane in the East , a tenement called Passekes Wharffe , and another called Horners Key in Thames-street , were granted to William Harindon Esquire . I read also , that in the sixth of Richard the second , Iohn Churchman Grocer , for the quiet of Merchants , did newly build a certaine house upon the Key , called Wool-wharffe , in the Tower-street Ward , in the Parish of Alballewes Barking , betwixt the tenement of Paul Salisbury , on the East part , and the Lane called the Water-gate on the West , to serve for Tronage , or weighing of VVools in the Port of London : Whereupon , the King granted , that during the life of the said Iohn , the asoresaid Tronage should be held an kept in the said house , with easements there for the Ballances and Weights , and a counting place for the Customer , Controwlers , Clerkes and other Officers of the said Tronage , together with ingresse and regresse to and from the same , even as was had in other places , where the said Tronage was wont to be kept , and that the King should pay yeerely to the said Iohn ( during his life ) forty shillings , at the termes of S. Michael and Easter , by even portions by the hands of his Customer , without any other payment to the said Iohn , as in the Indenture thereof more at large appeareth . Neere unto this Customers Key , towards the East , is the said Water-gate , and West from it , Porters Key : then Galley Key , where the Galleys were used to unlade , and land their Merchandizes and wares : and that part of Thames street was therefore of some called Galley row , but more commonly , Petty-Wales . On the North side , as well as on the South of this Thames-street , are many faire houses , large for stowage , builded for Merchants , towards the East end thereof , namely , over against Galley Key , Wooll Key , and the Custome-house . There have beene of old time some large buildings of stone , the ruines whereof doe yet remaine , but the first builders and owners of them are worne out of memory : wherefore the common people affirme Iulius Caesar to be the builder thereof , as also of the Tower it selfe , but thereof I have spoken already . Some are of another opinion , and that a more likely , that this great stone building , was sometime the lodging appointed for the Princes of Wales , when they repayred to this City , and that therefore the streete in that part is called Petty Wales , which name remaineth there most commonly untill this day : even as where the Kings of Scotland were used to be lodged betwxit Charing-crosse , and White-hall , it is likewise called Scotland : and where the Earles of Brittain were lodged without Aldersgate , the street is called Brittain street , &c. The said building might ( of old time ) pertaine to the Princes of Wales , as is aforesaid , but is since turned to other use . It is before noted of Galley Key , that the Gallies of Italy , and other parts , did there discharge their VVines and Merchandizes brought to this City . It is like therefore that the Merchants and Owners procured the place to build upon for their lodgings and store-houses , as the Merchants of Haunce of Almaine were licensed to have an house , called Guilda Teutonicorum , the Guild-Hall of the Germanes . Also the Merchants of Burdeaux were licensed to build at the Vintry , strongly with stone , as may yet be seene , and seemeth old , though often repaired : much more cause have these buildings in Petty Wales ( though as lately builded , and part●y of the like stone brought from Cane in Normandy ) to seeme old , which for many yeeres , to wit , since the Gallies left their course of landing there , hath fallen to ruine , and been letten out for stabling of horses , to Tipplers of Beere , and such like . Amongst others , one Mother Mampudding ( as they termed her ) for many yeeres kept this house , or a great part thereof , for victualling : and it seemeth , that the builders of the Hall of this house were Shipwrights , and not house-Carpenters : for the frame thereof ( being but low ) is raised of certaine principall posts of maine timber , fixed deep in the ground , without any groundsell , boorded close round about on the inside , having none other wal from the ground to the roofe : those boords not exceeding the length of a Clap-boord , about an inch thicke , every boord ledging over other , as in a Ship or Gally nayled with Ship nayles called rough , and clench , to wit , rough nayles with broad round heads , and elenched on the other side with square plares of Iron . The roofe of this Hall is also wronght of the like boord , and nayled with rough and clench , and seemeth as it were a Gally , the Keele turned upwards : and I observed , that no worme or rottennesse is seene to have entred into either boord or timber of that Hall , and therefore , in mine opinion , of no great antiquity . I read in the 44. of Edward the third , that an Hospitall in the Parish of Barking Church , was founded by Robert Denton Chaplen , for the sustentation of poore Priests , and other both men and women , that were sicke of the Phrenzie , there to remaine till they were perfectly whole , and restored to good memory . Also I read , that in the sixth of Hen. 5. there was in the Tower ward , a Messuage or great house , called Cobhams Inne : and in the 37. of Henry the sixth , a Messuage in Thames street , pertaining to Richard Longvile , &c. Some of the ruines before spoken of , may seeme to be of the foresaid Hospitall , belonging peradventure to some Prior Alieu , and so suppressed amongst the rest , in the reigne of Edward the third , or Henry the fifth , who suppressed them all . Thus much for the bounds and Antiquity of this Ward , wherein noted , first , the Tower of London , three Parish Churches , the Custome-house , and two Hals of Companies ; to wit , the Cloth-workers , and the Bakers . This Ward hath an Alderman , his Deputy , Common Counsellors eight , Constables thirteen , Scavengers twelve , VVard-mote men thirteene , and a Beadle : it is taxed to the Fifteene at six and twenty pounds . EALDGATE VVARD . THE second VVard within the Wals on the East part , is called Ealdgate Ward , as taking name of the same Gate . The principall street of this VVard beginneth at Ealdgate , stretching West to sometime a faire Well , where now a Pumpe is placed . From thence ( the way being divided into twaine ) the first and principall street , ( called Aldgate-street ) runneth on the South side to Lime-street corner , and halfe that street downe on the left hand , is also of that Ward . In the mid way on that South side , betwixt Ealdgate and Lime-street , is Hart-horne Alley , a way that goeth thorow into Fen-Church street , over against Northumberland House . Then have yee Brick-layers Hall , and another Alley , called Sprinkle Alley , now named Sugar-loafe Alley , of the like signe . Then is there a faire house , with divers Tenements neere adjoyning , sometime belonging to a late dissolved Priory , but since possessed by Misti is Cornewallies , widdow , and her heires , by the gift of King Henry the eighth , in reward of fire puddings ( as it was commonly said ) by her made , wherewith she had presented him : such was the Princely liberality of those times . Of later time , Sir Nicholas Throgmorton , Knight , was lodged there . Then somewhat more west is Belzetters lane , so called of the first builder and owner thereof ; now corruptly called Billitar lane . Betwixt this Belzetters lane and Limestreet , was ( of later time ) a frame of three faire houses , set up in the yeere 1590. in place where before was a large Garden-plot , inclosed from the high street with a Brick wall , which wall being taken downe , and the ground digged deepe for Cellerage , there was found right under the said Bricke wall , another wall of stone , with a gate arched of stone , and gates of timber to be closed in the midst towards the street ; The timber of the gates was consumed , but the hinges of iron still remained on their scaples on both the sides . Moreover , in that Wall were square windowes , with barres of iron on either side the gate● this wall was under ground above two fathomes deepe , as I then esteemed it , and seemeth to be the ruines of some house burned in the reigne of King Stephen , when the fire began in the house of one Aleward , neere London stone , and consumed East to Ealdgate ; whereby it appeareth , how greatly the ground of this Citie hath beene in that place raised . On the North side , this principall street stretcheth to the West corner of Saint Andrews Church , and then the Ward turneth towards the North , by S. Mary street , on the East side , to S. Augustines Church in the Wall , and so by Buries marks againe , or about by the Wall to Ealdgate . The second way from Ealdgate , more towards the South , from the Pumpe aforesaid , is called Fen-Church street , and is of Ealdgate VVard , till yee come to Calver Alley , on the West side of Ironmongers Hall , where sometime was a lane , which went out of Fen-church street to the middest of Limestreet : but this lane was stopped up , for suspicion of Theeves that lurked there by night . Againe , to Ealdgate , ( out of the principall street , even by the gate , and wall of the Citie ) runneth a lane South , to Crossed or Cro●●●ed Friers , and then Woodroofe lane , to the Tower-hill , and out of this Lane West , a street called Hart-street , which of that ward stretcheth to Sydon-lane , by S. Olaves Church . One other lane more West from Ealdgate , goeth by Northumberland House toward the Crossed Friers : then have ye on the same side , the North end of Mart lane , and Blanch-axleton or Chappelton , where that Ward endeth . Thus much for the bounds : Now for Monuments , or places most ancient and notable . I am first to begin with the late dissolved Priory of the holy Trinity , called Christs-church , on the right hand within Ealdgate . This Prior●e was founded by Matilda , Queene , wife to Henry the first , in the same place where Siredus sometime beganne to erect a Church , in honour of that Crosse , and and of S. Mary Magdalen , of which the Deane and Chapter of Waltham were wont to receive thirty shillings . The Queene was to acquire her Church thereof , and in exchange gave unto them a Mill. King Henry her Husband confirmed her gift . This Church was given to Norman , the first Canon regular in all England . The said Queene also gave unto the same Church , and those that served God therin , the plot of Ealdgate , and the Soke thereunto belonging , with all customes , so free as she had held the same , and 25. l. Blanks , which she had of the Citie of Excesser , as appeareth by her Deed , wherein she nameth the house of Christs-church , and reporteth Ealdgate to be of her Demains , which she granteth , with two parts of the rent of the Citie of Excest . Norman took on him to be Prior of Christs-church , in the yeere of Christ , 1108. in the Parishes of S. Mary Magdalen , S. Michael , S. Katharine , and the blessed Trinity , which now was made but one Parish of the holy Trinity , and was ( in old time ) of the holy Crosse , or holy Rood parish . The Priorie was builded on a piece of ground in the parish of Saint Katharine , towards Ealdgate , which lyeth in length betwixt the Kings street , by the which men goe towards Ealdgate , neere to the Chappell of Saint Michael towards the North , and containeth in length eighty thee Elles ; halfe quarter , and halfe quartern of the Kings Iron Eln , and lyeth in bredth ; &c. The Soke and Ward of Ealdgate was then bounded , as I have before shewn : the Queen was a meane also , that the land and English Knighten Guild was given unto the Prior Norman , and the Honorable man Geffrey de Clinton was a great helper therein , and obtained , that the Canons might inclose the way betwixt their Church and the wall of the Citie , &c. This Priorie in processe of time became a very faire and large Church , rich in Lands and ornaments , and passed all the Priories in the Citie of London , or shire of Middlesex , the Prior whereof was an Alderman of London , to wit , of Portsoken Ward . I reade , that Eustacius , the eighth Prior , about the yeere 1264. because hee would not deale with temporall matters , instituted Theobald Fitz Iuonis , Alderman of Portsoken Ward under him , and that William Rising , Prior of Christs-Church , was sworne Alderman of the said Portsoken Ward , in the first of Richard the second . These Priors have sitten and ridden amongst the Aldermen of London , in Liverie like unto them , saving that his habit was in shape of a spirituall person , as I my selfe have seene in my child-hood : at which time , the Prior kept a most bountifull house of meat and drinke , both for rich and poore , aswell within the house , as at the gates , to all commers , according to their estates . These were the Monuments in this Church : Sir Robert Turke , and Dame Alice his wife . Iohn Tirell , Esquire . Simon Kempe , Esquire . Iames Manthrope , Esquire . Iohn Ascue , Esquire . Tho. Fauset of Salset , Esquire . Iohn Kempe , Gentleman . Robert Chirwide , Esquire . Sir Iohn Henningham , and Dame Isabel his wife . Dame Agnes , wife to Sir William Bardolph , and then to Sir Thomas Mortimer . Iohn Ashfield , Esquire . Sir Iohn Deddam , Knight . Sir Ambrose Charcam . Ioane , wife to Thomas Nucke , Gent. Iohn Husse , Esquire . Iohn Beringham , Esquire . Thomas Geodwine , Esquire . Ralfe Walles , Esquire . Dame Margaret , daughter to Sir Ralfe Cheny , wife to Sir Iohn Barkley , to Sir Thomas Barnes , and to Sir W. Bursire . William Roose . Simon Frances . Iohn Breton , Esquire . Helling , Esquire . Iohn Malwen and his wife . Anthony Wels , sonne to Iohn Wels. Nicholas de Avesey , and Margery his wife . Anthony , sonne to Iohn Milles. Baldwine , sonne to King Stephen , and Matilda , daughter to King Stephen , wife to the Earle of Mellen . Henry Fitzalwine , Maior of London , 1213. Geffrey Mandevile , 1215. And many other . But to conclude of this Priory : King Henry the eighth , minding to reward Sir Thomas Audley , Speaker of the Parliament against Cardinall Woolsey , as ye may read in Hall , sent for the Prior , commending him for his hospitality , promised him preferment , as a man worthy of a far greater dignity ; which promise surely hee performed , and compounded with him , though in what sort I never heard , so that the Priory , with the appurtenances , was surrendred to the King , in the moneth of Iuly , in the yeere 1531. the 23. of the said Kings reigne . The Canons were sent to other houses of the same order , and the Priorie , with the appurtenances , King Henry gave to Sir Thomas Audley , newly Knighted , and afterwards made Lord Chancelour . Sir Thomas Audley offered the great Church of this Priorie , with a ring of nine Bels well tuned ( wherof foure the greatest were since sold to the Parish of Stebunhith , and the five lesser to the parish of S. Stephen in Coleman-street ) to the parishioners of S. Katharine Christs-Church , in exchange for their small Parish Church , minding to have pulled it downe , and to have builded there towards the street : But the parishioners , having doubts in their heads of after-claps , refused the offer . Then was the Priory Church and steeple proffered to whomsoever would take it downe , and carry it from the ground ; but no man would undertake the offer . Whereupon , Sir Thomas Audley was faine to be at more charges , than could be made of the stones , timber , lead , iron , &c. For the workmen , with great labour , beginning at the toppe , loosed stone from stone , and threw them downe , whereby the most part of them were broken , and few remained whole , and those were sold very cheap : for all the buildings then made about the Citie , were of Bricke and Timber . At that time , any man in the Citie , might have a Cart-load of stone for paving , brought to his doore for 6. d. or 7. d. with the carriage . The said Thomas Lord Audley builded and dwelt on this Priorie during his life , and dyed there in the yeere 1544. since the which time , the said Priorie came ( by marriage of the Lord Audleys daughter and heire ) unto Thomas , late Duke of Norfolke , and was then called the Dukes Place . At this time the Inhabitants , dwelling and abiding in the said Dukes place , became utterly destitute of any Parish Church , for resorting to Gods Divine Service , and the administration of the blessed Sacraments , which in the time of their former blind zeale , the demolished Priory not onely seemed for their use , but infinite other thereto resorting . In which respect , the Parish Church of S. Katharine being so neere , and standing in the Coemitery or Church-yard of the late dissolved Priory of the Holy Trinity , whereby it was called Saint Katharine Christs Church : they resorted thither at the houres of Divine Service , and benefit of the blessed Sacraments ; whereby ( to speake rightly ) they became a burthen to the said Parish , yet well enough borne withall , in regard of the benefit ensuing by them . So that they carried the respect of equall Parishioners , exercising and accomplishing all duties there , even as if it had beene their owne proper Parish . The long continuance of them in this kinde , although some much misliked , and giadly would have compassed means for remedy therof : yet their power not stretching so far , nor the way ( as yet fiting for their purpose ; they remained contented against their wils , till time would fit them with more convenient opportunity . Ground they wanted not , for raising a sufficient Parish Church to themselves , neither did any good will faile in them for the effecting their purpose : but onely were curbed by the lacke of strength , how and which way to bring it about . At length , perceiving their ground ( intended for so good a use to themselves ) aimed at for buildings to private mens benefits , that so they might bee frustrate of any such helpe , when occasion should in better manner shine on them : Some of the best advised among them , by petition sollicited the Lord Archbishop of Canturbury , to make their desire and intention known to the Kings most excellent Majesty , which most graciously he did . And the King finding the case so truly honest and religious , for new erecting a Chur●h where such necessity required , and where superstition had so long time formerly beene harboured : not onely gave the Lord Archbishop and the sutors both thankes and commendation ; but also under his Hand and broad Seale , authorizable warrant for their proceeding . The Lord Maior and Senate of Aldermen having intelligence in the case , and perceiving what an honour would redound thereby , first to God , who inspired them thereto , next to the King for so Royally granting the suit , and then to the City for furthering it to effect : notwithstanding contrary opposition by them , who would have had them stil continue , as formerly they were , without benefit of a parish Church of their owne , it proceeded on with good and prosperous successe , to the no meane honour and commendation of the Lord Maior then being , Sir Edward Barkham by name , the Court of Aldermen , and state of this famous City , by whose good meanes it is made a very beautifull and ●●mely Parish Church , it being called in the time of re-edifying , Trinity Christs Church , raised out of the long decayed ruines , of Trinity Priory in the Dukes-place . On a faire Table hanging in the Chancell , are these Verses depicted : Ac David could h●● eyes no rest afford , Till he had found a place out to the Lord , To build an Altar : So this man of worth , The mirrour which these later dayes brings forth Barkham the Worthie , whose immortall name , Marble's too weake to hold , for this workes fame . He never ceast in industrie and care , From ruines to redeeme this House of Praier ; Following in this the holy Patriaks waies , That ready were him Altars still to raise , Where they receiv'd a blessing : So this Lord , Scarce warme in Honours seat , did first accord To this most pious worke , in which is showne , Gods blessing , and his thanks met both in one . The charge the honourable Citie beares , Whose bounty in ful Noblenesse appeares To acts of best condition , in such wise , That al things , bettering by their ruine , rise . Two noble faithfull Supervisors then , Amongst a Senate of religious men , Selected weare , to whom the care they gave , Generous Hamersley , and Cambell the grave , Each being a master-piece of zeale and care Towards Gods owne Temple , fit for truths affaire . Now at the blessed Foundresse I arrive , Matilda , whom Henry the first did wive , The Christendome she gave it held the same , Till James our Soveraigne gave it his owne name . And since I touch Antiquity so neere , Observe what notes remarkable appeare : An Alderman of London was at first Prime Prior of this Church . Falling to worst , It is now rais'd by encouragement and care Of a Lord Maior of London , which is rare , And worth observing . Then , as I began , I end best with the honour of the man. This Cities first Lord Maior lies buried here , Fitz-Alwine , of the Drapers Company , And the Lord Maior , whose fame now shines so cleere , Barkham , is of the same Society . By this time the worke is growne to such fulnesse and perfection , as now nothing wanteth but the windowes glazing , which was performed in this manner : The maine and great East light in the Chancell , Sir Edward Barkham himselfe undertooke , and effected it at his owne charge , as expressionitestifieth in the same window . The other sideling by it , but inclining more Southerly , the two Worshipfull Gentlemen , Master George Whitmore , and Master Nicholas Ranton , worthily performed . And the third , standing Northerly in the same Chancell ; Mr. Walter Leigh , who had beene a Serjeant at Armes to the Kings Majestie , and now Sword-bearer of London , did likewise at his owne charge performe . The two Westerne lights in the bottome of the Church , being ( indeed ) very faire lights ; the honourable Company of Drapers effected the one , and the Woodmongers worshipfull Society finished the other . Beside , the two Southerly windowes , the one done at the charge of Master Cornelius Fish , Chamberlaine of London , and the other by Mr. Waldron , then Marshall . So now ye have the Church of Saint Iames compleat . Onely there is a faire Monument in the East end of the Chancell , made in resemblance of a golden Sunne , with beames and rayes very ingeniously formed , charactering these Verses in and among them : The rising here of the cleere Gospels Sunne , Is through the Senates free donation . The Globe of that bright Sunne , the God of might , Christ Iesus is the rising and the light . The heat the blessed Spirit of Truth and Right : And as these three , the Globe , the light , the heat , Are all one Sunne , so Three One God compleat : Thrice Allelujah speakes about the rayes , That Three in One may onely have the praise . This Temple received Consecration the morrow after New-yeeres day , in the yeere 1622. The Right Honourable , Sir Peter Proby being then Lord Maior ; and the Right Worshipfull , Mr. Iohn Hodges , and Sir Humfrey Hanford , Knight , Sheriffes , and Aldermen . The names of all the rest of the Honourable Senators , all worthy Patrons of this pious worke , and then present at the consecration : Sir Iohn Garrard . Sir Thomas Bennet . Sir Thomas Lowe . Sir Thomas Middleton . Sir Iohn Leman . Sir William Cokayne . Mr. Martin Lumley . Mr. William Goare . Mr. Iohn Goare . Mr. Allen Cotton . Mr. Cuthbert Hacket . Mr. William Holliday . Mr. Robert Iohnson . Mr. Richard Hearne . Mr. Richard Deane . Mr. Robert Ducie . Aldermen . This Sacred Structure , which this Senate fames , Our King hath stil'd , The Temple of S. James . Nor could I have said so much of this new Church , but only by the firendly help and assistance of my honest well-willer , George Cooper , Clerke there , who under his own hand delivered the same to mee . The Parish Church of S. Katharine standeth in the Coemetorie of the late dissolved Priory of the holy Trinity , and is therefore called S. Katharine Christs-Church . This Church seemeth to bee very old ; since the building whereof , the high street hath beene so often raised by payements , that now men are faine to descend into the said Church by divers steps , seven in number . But the Steeple or Bell-tower thereof hath beene lately builded ; to wit , about the yeere 1504. For Sir Iohn Percivall , Merchant-taylor , then deceasing , gave money towards the building thereof . Now concerning this Parish Church of Saint Katharine Christs Church , commonly Cree-Church , as formerly hath been said , it had a descent downe into it by seven steps or stayres . But being now newly built , and made a very faire Church indeed : the ascenting into the Church is by foure or five degrees . Very gladly would I have delivered further satisfaction concerning the new structure thereof : but I was answered , they would admit no meddling therwith , untill they had new built the Sreeple , and other necessary occasions therto belonging . The Monuments formerly mentioned in my last Edition of this Booke , I finde ( by their report ) to remaine their still , with the Tombe of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton , and the rest there named ; but I finde no newer , to be spoken of . There be Monuments of Sir Thomas Flemming , Knight , of Rowles in Essex , and Margaret his wife , 1464. Roger Marshall , Esquire . Lane Horne , wife to Roger Marshall . Wil. Multon alias Burdeaux , Herald . Iohn Goad , Esquire , and Ioane his wife . Beatrix , daughter to William Browne . Thomas Malton , Esquire , sonne to Burdeaux , Herald . Iohn Chitcroft , Esquire . Iohn Wakefield , Esquire . William Criswicke . Anne , and Sewch , daughters to Ralfe Shirley , Esquire . Sir Iohn Rainsford , Knight , of Essex . Sir Nicholas Throkmorton , chiefe Butler of England , one of the Chamberlains of the Exchequer , Ambassadour , &c. 1570. who hath a faire Alabaster Tombe , in the South side of the Chancell . His figure lyeth therein in Armor , with this description ingraven by it : Here lyeth the body of Sir Nicholas Throkmorton , Knight , the fourth sonne of Sir George Throlemorton , Knight . The which Sir Nicholas was chiefe Butler of England , one of the Chambelaines of the Exchequer , and Ambassadour Lieger to the Queenes Majestie , Queene Elizabeth , in France . And after his returne into England , he was sent Ambassadour againe into France , and twice into Scotland . He married Anne Carew , daughter to Sir Nicholas Carew , Knight , and begate of her tenne sonnes and three daughters . He dyed the 12. day of February , Anno Dom. 1570. aged 57. yeeres . Here lyeth the buried the body of Frances Croke , the loved and beloved wife of Paulus Ambrosius Croke , of the inner Temple , Esquire . Shee was one of the daughters and heires of Francis Wellesborne , Esquire , of Hanny in the County of Berk , who deceased the 10. day of Iuly , Anno Domini , 1605. aged 22. yeeres . VVell borne she was , but better borne againe . Her first birth to the flesh did make her debtor , The latter , in the Spirit ( by Christ ) hath set her . Freed from Fleshes debts , Deaths first and latter gaine . Wives pay no debts , whose Husbands live and raigne . Here lyeth the body of Master Iohn Smith , Esquire , Citizen and Mercer of London , who had two wives , the first named Anne , the daughter of Fulke Mullert , in the County of Surrey , Esquire , which brought him one daughter , named Mary . His other wife was Mary , daughter to Sir Iames Hawes , Knight , and Lord Maior of London , by whom hee had no issue . Hee deceased the 24. day of December , Anno Domini , 1594. Aetatis suae , 63. Gods blessings to the poore of this Parish , by the gifts of Christian Benefactors . Mr. William Gilborne , Draper , by his last Will and Testament , gave foure Markes yeerely for ever , to be bestowed in one dozen of bread , and to be distributed on every Sabboth day to the poore of the said Parish : which said summe is yeerely paid out of the rent of his late dwelling house in the said Parish . Also hee gave twenty pounds more , towards the building of a Gallerie in the said Church . Mr. Iohn Smith , Mercer , in like manner , gave three pounds yeerely for ever , out of his late dwelling house in the said Parish , to be paid by the Church-wardens for the time being , to and amongst the poore of the said Parish , at every Christmas yeerely . Mr. George Lee , Sadler , gave twenty shillings yeerely for ever to the poore , out of his rent in the said Parish . Mistris Dane , Widdow , gave eight shillings yeerely for ever to the poore , payed by the Ironmongers to M. Deputie in a greater summe . Mistris Alice Bateman , appointed and gave in her life time , the summe of 42. pounds , 6. shillings , to the said Parish , the profits thereof to bee distributed yeerely to the poore for ever . Mr. Iohn Bedow , Gentleman , gave ten pounds , to be distributed in bread yeerely to the poore . Mr. George Hothersall , Merchant-taylor , gave foure and twenty shillings yeerely for ever out of his Land , to the poore of this Parish . Mr. Iohn Waddis , Cooke , borne in this Parish , gave to the poore thereof three pounds , to bee distributed among them in bread yeerely for ever . Stephen Roberts , Cooke , gave also foure and forty shillings yeerely for ever , to bee distributed in bread . The bounds and limits of this Parish are in this manner : From the Church into the Church-yard , to the corner westward , where turning East , they crosse the Church-yard thorow a great house , where sometime dwelt one Master Wilford , but bought since by Sir Henry Billingsley , and converted into divers tenements . So on into the street to the Pumpe , and westward on to the signe of the Rose , sometime the dwelling house of one Thomas Shepheard . There crossing the street to the Smiths house , his name Iohn Tatum , next to the signe of the Moore-fields Tavern : thence they goe backe East to the Pumpe , turning at the corner West , to Harts-horne Alley to the middest , to Homes his house and over against him , so backe to Billeter-lane , to the house of Iohn Lemote , crossing the street there , to the house of Peter Rutt , Taylor . And so back to the end of Billeter-lane , turning west to a Bricke house , sometime in the custody of Master Leese , but possessed now by Widdow Dewen . There crossing the street to the house next Master Leaning , they goe East to the Church lane , and then North , through a lane betweene Heneadge house and the Dukes Place , to Buries markes . Then West by Heneadge house , to the wall of Sir Iames Lancasters house , sometime belonging to Sir Francis Walsingham : where they goe backe , and crosse the way to London wall to the compast place , where stands the Cities Armes . Thence forward by the wall to the outer part of Ealdgate , and so South towards the Croched Friers , to the house of Master Peers , where a piece of an Iron Gun stands fixed in the ground . Then backe , crossing the street to the house of Mistris Smith , going forward to the Bell Taverne , and so up to the signe of the Rose , ending where Thomas Shepheard did dwell . My help here was by Master Stephen Denison , Minister , but more especially , by Iohn Beard , Clarke . At the North-West corner of this Ward in the said high street , standeth the faire and beautifull Parish Church of S. Andrew the Apostle , with an addition , to be knowne from other Churches of that name , of the Knape or Vndershaft , and so called S. Andrew Vndershaft , because that of old time , every yeere ( on May-day in the morning ) it was used , that an high or long shaft , or May-pole , was set up there , in the midst of the street , before the South doore of the said Church , which shaft when it was set on end , and fixed in the ground , was higher than the Church Steeple . Geffrey Chawcer , writing of a vaine boaster , hath these words , meaning of the said shaft . Right well aloft , and high ye beare your head , The Weather-cocke with flying , as ye would kill , When ye be stuffed , bet of wine , than bread , Then looke ye , when your wombe doth fill , As yee would beare . the great shaft of Corne-hill . Lord so merrily crowdeth then your croke , That all the street may heare your body cloke . This shaft was not raysed at any time since evill May day ( so called of an insurrection made by Prentises , and other young persons against Aliens , in the yeere 1517 ) but the said shaft was laid along over the doores , and under the Pentises of one rowe of houses , and Alley gate , called of the shaft , Shaft alley , ( being of the possessions of Rochester bridge ) in the ward of Limestreet . It was there , I say , hanged on iron hookes amny yeeres , till the third of King Edward the sixt , that one Sir Stephen , Curate of Saint Katherine Christs Church , preaching at Pauls Crosse , said there , that this shaft was made an Idoll , by naming the Church of Saint Andrew , with the addition of under that shaft : he perswaded therefore , that the names of Churches might be altered : Also , that the names of dayes in the weeke might be changed , the fish daies to be kept any daies , except Friday and Saturday , and the Lent any time , save onely betwixt Shrovetide and Easter . I have oft-times seene this man , forsaking the Pulpet of his said Parish Church , preach out of an high Elme tree in the middest of the Church-yard , and then entring the Church , forsaking the Altar , to have sung his high Masse in English , upon a Tombe of the dead towards the North. I heard his Sermon at Pauls Crosse , and I saw the effect that followed : for in the after-noone of that present Sunday , the neighbours , and Tenants to the said bridge , over whose doores the said Shaft had laine , after they had dined , to make themselves strong , gathered more helpe , and with great labour raising the Shaft from the hookes ( whereon it had rested two and thirty yeeres ) they sawed it in pieces , every man taking for his share , so much as had layne over his doore and stall , the length of his house , and they of the Alley , divided amongst them so much as had laine over their Alley gate . Thus was this Idoll ( as he tearmed it ) mangled , and after burned . Soone after was there a commotion of the commons in Norfolke , Suffolke , Essex , and other shires , by meanes whereof , streight orders being taken for the suppression of rumors , divers persons were apprehended , and executed by Marshall Law ; amongst the which , the Bayliffe of Rumford in Essex was one , a man very well beloved : he was early in the Morning of Mary Magdalens day ( then kept holy-day ) brought by the Sheriffes of London , and the Knight Marshall , to the Well within Ealdgate , there to be executed upon a Gibbet set up that morning , where being on the Ladder , he had words to this effect ; Good people , I am come hither to dye , but know not for what offence , except for words by me spoken yester night to Sir Stephen , Curat and Preacher of this Parish , which were these : He asked me what newes in the Country ? I answered , heavy newes . Why , quoth he ? It is said , quoth I , that many men be up in Essex , but thanks be to God all is in good quiet about us : and this was all , as God bee my Iudge , &c. Vpon these words of the Prisoner , Sir Stephen to avoid reproach of the people , left the City , and was never heard of sinceamongst them to my knowledge . I heard the words of the prisoner for he was executed upon the pavement of my dore , where I then kept house . Thus much by digression : now againe to the parish Church of Saint Andrew Vndershaft , for it still retaineth the name , which hath beene new builded by the Parishoners there , since the yeare 1520. every man putting to his helping hand , some with their purses , other , with their bodies . Stephen Iennings Marchant-Taylor , sometime Major of London , caused ( at his charges ) to be builded the whole North side of the great middle I le , both of the body and Quire , as appeareth by his Armes over everie piller graven , and also the North I le , which he roofed with timber and seeled : also the whole South side of the Church was glazed , and the Pewes in the South Chappell made of his costs , as appeareth in every Window , and upon the said Pewes . He deceased in the yeere 1524. and was buried in the Gray Fryers Church . Iohn Kirby Marchant-Taylor , sometime one of the Sheriffes , Iohn Garland , Merchant Taylor , and Nicholas Levison , Mercer , Executor to Garland , were great benefactors to this worke : which was finished ( to the glazing ) in the yeere 1529. and fully finished 1532. Buried in this Church , Philip Malpas , one of the Sheriffes , 1439. Sir Robert Dennie , Knight , and after him Thomas Dennie his son , in the yeere , 1421. Thomas Stokes , Gentleman , Grocer , 1496. In the New Church , Iohn Nichell , Merchant-Taylor , 1537. William Draper , Esquire , 1537. Isabel and Margaret his wives . Nicholas Levison , Mercer , one of the Sheriffes , 1534. Iohn Gerrard , Woolman , Merchant of the Staple , 1546. Stepten Kyrton , Merchant-Taylor , Alderman , 1553. David VVoodroffe , Haberdasher , one of the Sheriffes , 1554. Stephen VVoodroffe his sonne , gave 100. l. in money , for the which , the poore of that Parish receive two shillings in bread weekely for ever . Sir Thomas Offley , Merchant-Taylor , Maior , 1556. hee bequeathed the one halfe of all his goods to charitable actions , but the Parish received little benefit thereby . Thomas Starkey , Skinner , one of the Sheriffes , 1578. Hugh Offley , Letherseller , one of the Sheriffes , 1588. William Hanbury , Baker . These other Monuments I find there beside : Nicholai de Nate , Rag●sini caro hoc in tumulo repulverescit , spiritus ad Celum reversus reassumptionem carnis expectat . Obiit die 1. Ianuar. 1566. A nativitate vixit , An. 50. Mens . 7. dies 29. Augustinus amantissimo fratri moerens ponere curavit . Henry Man , Doctor of Divinity in the Vniversity of Oxenford , and sometime Bishop of Man. Which Henry departed this life the 19. day of October , An. Do. 1556. and lyeth buried under this stone . Memoriae Sacrum . Resurrectionem in Christo hic expectat Ioannes Stowe , Civis Londinensis : Qui in antiquis Monumentis eruendis accuratissima diligentia usus , Angliae Annales , & , Civitatis Londini synopsim bene de sua , bene de postera aetate meritus luculente s●ripsit , vitaeque studie pie & probe decurso . Obiit Aetatis Anno 80. die 5. Aprilis , 1605. Elizabetha Coniux , ut perpetuum sui amoris testimonium dolens . Neere to this place , lyeth buried the body of Simon Burton , Citizen & Wax-Chandler of London , a good Benefactor to the poore of this Parish . Who was three times Master of his Company , and one of the Governours of Saint Thomas Hospitall and of the Common Councel of this Ward 29. yeeres . He had two Wives , Elizabeth and Anne , and had issue by Elizabeth one sonne and foure daughters . He deceased the 23. day of May , Anno Dom. 1593. being aged 85. yeers : In whose remembrance , his loving Daughter Alice Coldocke erected this Monument . Neere unto this Monument , lyeth Alice Byng in a Vault with her Father , Simon Burton : shee had three husbands , all Batchelers and Stationers . Her first was Richard Waterson , by him she had a Sonne . Next him was Francis Coldock , by birth a Gentleman , he bare all the Offices in his Company , and had issue two daughters , Ioane and Anne , with whom she lived 40. yeeres . Lastly , Isaac Byng , Gent. who dyed Master of his Company . She dyed the 21. day of May Anno Dom. 1616. Aged 73. yeeres , 5. Moneths , and 25. dayes . Neere unto this Monument , lyeth buried the body of Dorothy Greswolde , the onely Daughter of Roger Greswolde , Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London : which Roger was the third Son of Richard Greswolde , of Solyhull , in the County of Warwicke , Esquire . She was first married to Iohn Weld , Citizen and Haberdasher of London , who was the second Sonne of Iohn Weld of Eaton , in the County of Chester , Gent. By whom shee had foure Children , viz. Iohn , Elizabeth , Ioane and Dorothy . After his decease , shee married Hugh Offley , Citizen and Alderman of London , and by him had only one Daughter , named Susanna . After his death shee lived a Widdow sixteene yeeres , and being of the age of 60. yeeres , dyed in the true faith of Christ , and hope of eternall happinesse , the 29. of Iune , 1610. Here before this place , lyeth buried the body of Margery , late the Wife of Humfrey Turner , Gent. who deceased the 10. day of December , 1607. being of the age of 56. yeeres . As also the body of her first husband , Master Isaac Sutton , late Citizen and Goldsmith of London : who deceased the 2. day of May , 1589. By which Husband she had issue , 6. Sons and 6. Daughters . All deceasing at the time of her death , onely Ioane excepted , daughter and heire of the said Isaac , married unto William Howpill , Gent. Tempus & Patientia . Death hath added to the ornaments of this place , the blessed memoriall of Edward Warner Esquire a worthy Citizen and Merchant of London , who departed this mortall life the 28. day of October , 1628. he was the second Sonne of Francis Warner , of Parham in the County of Suffolke Esquire , by Mary his second wife , Daughter and Coheire of Sir Edmund Rowse of the said County , Knight . Which Francis Warner was truely and lineally descended from the ancient and generous Family of the Warners , who possessed a place of their owne name at Warners Hall in great Waltham in the County of Essex . He dyed without issue , and made Francis Warner of Parham aforesaid Esquire , his Nephew and next heire in blood , the Executor of his Will , and principall heire to his estate , who out of duty and affection to the memory of his deare Vncle , hath dedicated this Monument . He had to his first wife Mary , daughter of Master Aylmer of Risden in Hartfordshire ; And to his second , Margaret , daughter of Master Iohn Cheynie . At entrance into the Quire , and before the Pulpet : Here lyeth buried Ioane Cartwright , the Wife of Abraham Cartwright , Citizen and Draper of London ; who had issue by him foure Sons and five daughters . And dyed the 24. of November , An. Dom. 1609. Gods blessings by Christian Benefactors , to the poore of this Parish . Master Stephen Woodroffe , Citizen and Haberdasher of London , by his last will and testament , bearing date the 20. of April , 1576. gave one hundred pound in money , to the use of the poore of this Parish : with which summe , and 20. l. 12. s. 4. d. more laid out by the said Parish , they purchased a house , called by the name of the White Horse in Holy-well street , in the Parish of S. Leonard in Shorditch , in the County of Middlesex . Out of which , is and hath been given to the poore of the said Parish , every Sabbath since his death , 2. s. in bread , and so shall continue for ever , 5. l. 4. s. per annum . Master Simon Burton , Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London , by his deed indented , dated the 14. of Ianuary , 1579. hath appointed 32. s. to be given yeerely for ever to eight poore Widdowes , or poore housholders of the said parish : to bee issuing out of all that Messuage or Tenement , set and being in the said parish , late in the tenure or occupation of Peter Hewes , and Edward Hide : to bee paid to the Church-wardens of the said parish , for the use of the poore aforesaid , every quarter 8. s. or within 40. dayes after every quarter for ever quarterly , to every of the said 8. persons , 12. d. a piece . Also , he gave unto S. Thomas Hospitall , two Closes of Land or Meadow ground , lying in the parish of Shorditch , upon condition , that the Governours of the said Hospitall , or their Assignes , shall give unto 30. poore persons of the said parish ( wherof the Minister , Clark and Sexton to be three of them ) on the 21. 22. or 23. dayes of December , yeerely for ever , the summe of 26. s. whereof 20. s. to bee paid amongst the 30. poore , by 8. d. apeece , and the other 6. s. for a Sermon yeerely to be made for ever in Lent. Master Hugh Offley Citizen and Alderman of London , by his last will and testament , dated the 2. day of October , 1594. and by an Indenture of the same date , explaining his minde ; gave to the Parson and Church-wardens of the said parish , and their successors for ever , an Annuity or rent charge of 4. l. to be issuing out of his Messuages or tenements in Limestreet , London , and within the said parish : then or lately in the severall tenures of Thomas Offley his sonne , Iohn Norman , Iames Boomer , Susanna Garret , Widdow , Thomas Blomefield , and Widdow Allison , or their assignes : To be paid yeerely at the Feast of the Birth of our Lord God , and the Nativity of S. Iohn Baptist , or within 14. daies next ensuing either the said Feasts , by even portions , with a distresse for non payment therof ▪ to the end & intent , that on the first Sunday in every month , monthly for ever , there shall be given to 12. of the poorest persons inhabiting in the said parish , to be named and appointed by the Parson and Church-wardens , for the time being , receiving the Communion in the said Church , if any be there celebrated , each of them 3. d. apeece in money and a penny loafe of bread . And to the Clarke monethly 4. d. in money , and to the Sexton 3. d. in money , and one penny loafe , being the advantage of the 12. d. Also , he gave 5. s. a yeere , for ever yeerely , to bee paid to such Parson or Curate , as shall monethly minister the Communion to the said poore people : and to a learned Preacher for foure severall Sermons , to bee made in the said parish Church at foure severall dayes yeerely for ever , five shillings for every Sermon . Master William Hanbury , Citizen and VVhite-Baker of London , by a surrender , bearing date the 11. day of August , 1595. did give unto his daughter , Mistris Elizabeth Spearing , wife of Master George Spearing Merchant , certaine coppy-hold land , lying and being in Stebunheath and Radcliffe , in the County of Middlesex . Vpon condition , that she , her heires or assignes , shall pay to the Parson and Church-wardens of the said parish , for the use of the poore people there , 52. s. yeerly for ever , at the Birth of our Lord God and the Purification of our Lady the Virgin : which ( by consent of the parish ) is bestowed among the poore abroad , on Wednesday weekly 12. d. Mistris Alice Hanbury , widdow , by her last will and testament , dated the 3. day of December , 1595. did give unto the said Master George Spearing , one tenement in the said parish , wherein William Bridges a Taylor then dwelled : upon condition , that the said George , his heires or assignes , shall pay to the Church-wardens of the said parish , and their successors , to the use of the poore and impotent people there , 13. s. 4. d. yeerely for ever , at the Feasts of the Annunciation of our Lady , and Saint Michael the Archangell , by even portions : Or else to assure to the said parish , the like value in some other place : which summe ( by consent of the parish ) is given in coales amongst the poore yeerely for ever at Christmas . Mr. Ralfe Carter , Citizen and Salter of London , by his Deed indented , dated the 22. day of October , 1576. hath given to divers Feoffees , between the Parishes of Alhallowes in Lumbard-street , and Saint Andrews Vndershaft , after the decease of Alice his wife , one Messuage , with a Garden , called the Halfe-moone in East-Smith-field , in the parish of Saint Buttolphs without Ealdgate , to the end that there should be distributed to the poore in either Parish , in bread every Sunday weekely for ever , twelve pence , and thirty shillings in Coales to eyther parish , betweene Midsummer and Christmasse for ever . Mistris Margaret Moore , widdow , late wife of William Moore , Citizen and Merchant-taylor of London , by her deed indented , dated the tenth day of May , 1583. hath given to divers Feoffees of the said parish , one messuage , which she had by the gift of her said husband , and situate in the same parish , now in the occupation of Thomas Fitall ; to the end that there should be distributed to the poore there yeerely for ever , 20. shillings , at the discretion of the Parson and Churchwardens : And to a Preacher to make foure Sermons quarterly , every yeere for ever 20. shillings . Dame Mary Ramsey , late wife to Sir Thomas Ramsey , Knight , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , by her Testament and last Will , dated the 19. of Jan. 1596. gave to the L. Maior , Communalty and Citizens of London , one messuage or tenement , situated in the Parish of Saint Peter the poore , in Broadstreet Ward , London , then or late in the occupation of Richard Hull , Citizen and Draper ; to the end that they should yeerely ( after her decease ) pay to the Parson and Churchwardens of this Parish , forty shillings , to be distributed among the poore of the said Parish , at the discretion of the Parson and the Churchwardens then being , and by direction and allowance of two of the chiefest Parishioners : And to the like use for ever , twenty shillings more yeerely for ever , after decease of one Elizabeth Worley , in the County of Northhampton , to be paid and distributed in the like manner . Mr. Iohn Hide , Citizen and Merchant Taylor of London , by his last Will and Testament , dated the 8. day of September , 1604. did give unto the Parson and Church-wardens of the said Parish and their successors , a yeerely rent of Coles , to be issuing out of all his Lands , Tenements and Hereditaments , in the Precinct of the Minories without Ealdgate , London , to be paid yeerely at the ●east of the Nativity of S. Iohn Baptist for ever , or within 30 daies next ensuing with distresse for non-payment thereof : To the intent that there should be bestowed yeerely in old clift Char-coles , 30. shillings thereof , and one other 12. d. yeerely given to some trusty body , to see the due measuring thereof : And the same coale to be delivered to the poore of the same Parish , alwaies two dayes before S. Michael the Archangel yeerly , by advice of the Parson and Church-wardens for the time being , and 3. or 4. Ancients of the said parish . Mr. Edmond Hill , Citizen and Draper of London , by his testament and last will , dated the 5. day of August , 1609. did give and bequeath to the Church-wardens and parishioners of this parish the summe of 52. pounds , to be imployed by the parishioners , as in a stocke for ever , and the benefit thereby arising , to bee given weekely to the poore in bread . Master Laurence Overton , Citizen and Mercer of London , by his testament and last will , dated the 3. day of Sept. 1612. did give and bequeath to the poore of the said parish ( whereof then he was a parishioner ) the summe of 20. pounds , to be distributed at the discretion of the Churchwardens for the time being , and his Executors . Their bounds and limits are thus : First they goe East , so far as the house of one Allen Barker , Grocer , over against Billeter lane end , and so North all the side of the high street , to Mr. Francis Philips house , over against the Kings-head Taverne , West . There , on the South side of the high street , beginning at the Italian Ordinary of Ieronymo di Soldi , they turne East to one Thomas Georges , two houses beyond the Pewter Pot. Then they turne backe into Limestreet , South , on both sides the way , so far as the house of Nicholas Hobland , Merchant stranger , on the one side , and William Ruddock , Taylor , on the other . Returning backe , they crosse the way into S. Mary Axe , all the West side throughout the whole street , with some certaine houses over against London wall towards Bishopsgate , the last whereof is the dwelling house of Griffin Martin , Trumpeter . So turning backe into S. Mary Axe , they goe upon the East side , from the house of Master Iohn Holding , commonly called Fletchers hall , and so on to Master George Sares , adjoyning to the Church , and there end . Master Henry Mason is Parson there , but my friendly furtherance was by Thomas Iohnson the Clarke . Now downe St. Mary street , by the West end of the Church towards the North , stand divers faire houses for Merchants , and other : namely , one faire great house builded by Sir William Pickering the father , possessed by Sir William his Sonne , and since by Sir Edward Wootton of Kent . North from this place is the Fletchers hall , and so downe to the corner of that street over against London wall ; and againe Eastwards to a faire house lately new builded , partly by Mr. Robert Beale , one of the Clerkes of the Councell . Then come you to the Papey , a proper house , wherein sometime was kept a Fraternity or brother-hood of S. Charity , and Saint Iohn Evangelist , called the Papey , or poore impotent Priests , ( for in some language , Priests are called Papes ) founded in the yeere , 1430. by William Oliver , William Barnabie and Iohn Stafford Chaplens , or Chauntry Priests in London , for a Master , two Wardens , &c. Chaplens , Chauntry Priests , Conducts , and other brethren and sisters , that should be admitted into the Church of Saint Augustine Papey in the wall . The brethren of this house becomming lame , or otherwise into great poverty , were here relieved , as to have Chambers , with certaine allowance of bread , drinke , and cole , and one old man and his wife to see them served and to keepe the house cleane . This brotherhood ( amongst others ) was suppressed in the reigne of Edward the sixt , since the which time , in this house hath been lodged Master Morris of Essex , Sir Francis Wal●ingham , principall Secretary to her Majesty , Master Barret of Essex , &c. Then next is one great house , large of roomes , faire courts and garden plots , sometime pertaining to the Bassets , since that , to the Abbots of Bury in Suffolke , and therefore called Buries markes , corruptly , Bevis markes , and since the dissolution of the Abby of Bury , to Thomas Heneage the father , and to Sir Thomas his sonne . Then next unto it , is the before spoken Priory of the holy Trinity , to wit , the West and North part thereof , which stretcheth up to Ealdgate , where we first begun . Now in the second way from Eald-gate , more toward the South , from the VVell or Pumpe aforesaid , lyeth Fenne-Church street , on the right hand whereof , somewhat west from the South end of Belzetters lane , is the Ironmongers hall : which company was incorporated in the third of Edward the fourth : Richard Fleming was their first Master , Nicholas Marshall and Richard Coxe were Custos or VVardens . And on the left hand or South side ( even by the gate and wall of the City ) runneth downe a lane to the Tower-hill the South part whereof is called Woodroffe lane , and out of this lane toward the VVest , a street called Hart-street . In this street , at the South-east corner thereof , sometime stood one house of Crouched or ( Crossed ) Fryers founded by Ralph Hosier ; and VVilliam Sabernes , about the yeere , 1298. Stephen the 10. Prior of the Holy Trinity in London , granted three tenements for 13. s. 8. d. by the yeere , unto the said Ralph Hosiar and VVilliam Sabernes , who afterwards became Fryers of S. Crosse : Adam was the first Prior of that house . These Fryers founded their house in the place of certaine tenements , purchased of Richard Wimblush , the 12. Prior of the Holy Trinity , in the yeere , 1319. which was confirmed by Edward the third , the seventeenth of his reigne , valued at 52. l. 13. s. 4. d. surrendred the 12. of November , the 30. of Henry the eighth . In this house was buried Master Iohn Tirres . Nicholas the son of VVilliam Kyriell , Esquire . Sir Thomas Mellington , Baron of VVemese , and Dame Elizabeth his VVife , daughter of Wil. Botear , Baron of Wome . R● . Mellington , Esquire , and Elizabeth his wife , daughter to Ferreis of Ousley . Henry Lovell , son to Wil. Lord Lovell . Dame Isabel , wife to William Edwards , Maior of London , 1471. Wil. Norborow , and Elizabeth his wife . Wil. Norborow , and Beatrix his wife . William Brosked , Esquire . William Bowes . Lionel Mollington , Esquire , sonne of Robert Mollington . Nicholas Couderow , and Elizabeth his wife . Sir Iohn Stratford , Knight . Sir Tho. Asseldey , Knight , Clerke of the Crowne , Submarshall of England , and Justice of the Shire of Middlesex . Iohn Rest , Grocer , Maior of Lond. 1516. Sir Iohn Skevington , Knight , Merchant-taylor , Sheriffe , 1520. Sir Iohn Milborne , Draper , Maior in the yeere 1521. was buried there , but removed since to S. Edmonds in Lumbard street . Sir Rice Griffith , beheaded on the Tower hill , 1531. In place of this Church is now a Carpenters yard , a Tennis-court , and such like : the Friers Hall was made a glasse-house , or house wherein was made glasse of divers sorts to drinke in ; which house in the yeere 1575. on the 4. of Septemb. burst out into a terrible fire , where being practised all meanes possible to quench it , notwithstanding , as the same house in a small time before , had consumed a great quantity of wood by making of glasses , now it selfe , having within it about 40000. billets of wood , was also consumed to the stone wals , which neverthelesse greatly hindred the fire from spreading any further . Adjoyning unto this Friers Church , by the East end therof in Woodroffe lane , towards the Tower hill , are certaine proper Almes-houses , 14. in number , builded of bricke & timber , founded by Sir Ioh. Milborn , Draper , sometime Maior , 1521. wherein be placed 13. aged poore men and their wives , if they have wives : these have their dwelling rent-free , and 2. s. 4. d. apiece , the first day of every moneth for ever . Whereas there is mention made by Mr. Stow ( in this his Survey ) of a monthly pension of 4. s. to belong to a foureteenth house , being one of the said alms-houses ; also of certaine bread & coales , to be delivered to the Parishes of S. Edmund in Lumbard street and S. Michael in Cornehill : and of divers messuages and garden-plots in the Parish of S. Olave in Hart-street , London , mentioned to be given to the Company of Drapers , for the performance thereof : Vpon a perfect view of the Will it selfe , by which the said Almes-houses were given to the Company of Drapers , and upon other writings touching the same ; And withall , upon diligent and painefull search touching that matter ; I find that Mr. Stowe was much deceived or mistaken in that matter ; and that there was no such bread and coales given to those Parishes , neither at any time had the Company and such houses or gardens , whereby to performe the same . But the Company , by the Will , had lands given them in other Parishes , ( which now they doe enjoy ) onely to maintaine the Almes-houses , and for payment of the pensions there , and to pay some small summes of money to the Officers and others of that Company , for the looking to the houses , and paines taking in paying the pensions , according as by the Will is limited , and for no other use or purpose . Next to these Almes-houses is the Lord Lumleyes house , builded in the time of King Henry the 8. by Sir Thomas Wiat the father , upon one plot of ground of late pertaining to the foresaid Crossed Friers , where part of their house stood : And this is the farthest part of Ealdgate Ward toward the South , and ioyneth to the Tower hill . The other side of that Lane , over against the Lord Lumleys house , on the wall side of the Citie , is now for the most part ( or altogether ) builded , even to Ealdgate . Then have ye on the South side of Fenne-Church street , over against the wall or Pumpe , amongst other faire and large-builded houses , one that sometime belonged to the Prior of Monte Ioves , or Monasterie Cornute , a Cell to Monte Ioves beyond the Seas . In Essex it was the Priors Inne , when he repaired to this Citie . Then a Lane that leadeth downe by Northumberland house , towards the Crossed Friers , as is aforeshewed . This Northumberland house , in the Parish of Saint Katharine Coleman , belonged to Henry Percy , Earle of Northumberland , in the 33. of Hen. the 6. but of late being left by the Earles , the gardens thereof were made into Bowling-alleys , and other parts into Dicing-houses , common to all commers for their money , there to bowle and hazard . But now of late , so many Bowling-Alleys , and other houses for unlawfull gaming , have beene raised in other parts of the Citie and the Suburbs , that this their ancient and onely patron of misrule , is left and forsaken of her Gamesters , and therefore turned into a number of great rents , small cottages , for strangers and others . At the East end of this lane , in the way from Ealdgate toward the Crossed Friers , of old time , were certaine tenements , called the Poore Iurie , of Iewes dwelling there . Next unto this Northumberland house , is the Parish Church of S. Katharine , called Coleman ; which addition of Coleman , was taken of a great Haw yard , or Garden , of old time called Coleman haw , in the parish of the Trinity , now called Christs-Church , and in the Parish of S. Katharine , and All Saines , called Coleman Church . Monuments in this Church , I finde none recorded by Mr. Stowe ; and upon my view , these were the most remarkable that I found there : Here lyeth the body of Henry Webbe , Esquire , Gentleman Vsher to King Henry the eighth . And here lyeth also Barbara his wife . She dyed the 5. day of Februarie , An. Dom. 1552. And he the last day of March , 1553. Here lyeth the body of Sir Henry Billingsley , Knight , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , who dyed the 22. day of November , An. Dom. 1606. And also the body of Elizabeth his first wife , who departed this life the 29. of Iuly , 1577. Here lyeth the body buried , of Elizabeth , late wife to Henry Billingsley , one of the Queenes Majesties Customers in the Port of London , who dyed the 29. day of Iuly , An. Dom. 1577. In obitum ejus . Stat sua cuique dies , atque ultima funeris hora , Cum Deus hinc & Mors insidiosa vocant . Nec tibi , vel pietas tua , velforma Elizabetha , Praesidium fate ne trahereris erat , Occidis exactis terris cum conjuge lustris , At septem vitae lustra fuêre tua . Fecerat & proles jam te numerosa parentem , Filiolae trinae caetera turba mores , Vndecimo in partu , quum Mors accessit & una Matrem te & Patrem sustulit undecimum , Scilicet ex mundo , ex terrena faece malisque Sustulit , at superis reddidit atque Deo , Est testis sincera fides , testis tua virtus . Grata viro virtus , grata fidesque Deo , Hic charitas dormit , nominata beata Beatrix , Atque Dei donum , quoniam fuit optima Conjux . Filia Georgii Cotton , Arm. Vxor Roberti Barners . Obiit 5. Novēb . Anno Dom. 1616. I had rather bee a Doore-keeper in the house of my God , than to dwell in the Palaces of Princes . An Epitaph on the death of the Noble , vertuous , and charitable Gentlewoman , Mistris Barners , whose body lyeth under the stone you tread on . IN ancient times , the friends surviving gave Some rich memoriall to the dead friends grave , Gold , Pearles or Gemmes , which custome did intend , Our riches ought to wait upon our friend , In life and death . O blessed Ages , when Men parted fortunes , and not fortunes men● But now perverted are our present ends , That ( for wealth ) sell the fame of living friends : The dead we live by , now can scant afford The rites and sacrifice of one good word : Of which , lest I be one , though I can bring ( For worthy Obsequie ) no precious thing ; My gratitude presents unto her Hearse , My teares for Balme● For Offering , my sad Verse . Give leave then , griefe , let my drown'd Muse declare What she that 's dead was , unto them that are . The Rule and Index to finde all the good That ever Heaven dealt upon woman-hood : For if we but anatomize her life , We find both a good woman , and good wife : First , she lov'd God , Not like the Pharisee , In ostentation and hypocrisie ; But even with all her heart , and all her soule : She secretly did raging sinne controule : For she ( for goodnesse sake ) was innocent , And not for glory , or feare of punishment . Next , to her neighbour did her love extend , Ready to helpe at need , and to befriend The poore , and those that never could repay , But with their prayers at the latter day : The remnant of her love she did bestow Vpon her Husband , not in outward show , Or else in feign'd adulterate flattery ; But in sound truth , and deepe sincerity . Thus did she live , divided in her love From this unworthy world : and Nature then , Which had but lent her , tooke her backe agen . Where let us live in peace , and let us try To live like her , that we like her may dye . Come hither , Women , leave your vanities , Your lust , your scornes , your pride , your fooleries ? For hither you must all . The Dust and grave All your adored braveries must have : And all those beauties that are now afraid Of Ayre , of Sunne , must in the ground be laid . Then decke your soules , unto whose quintessence , Nor time , nor death , nor grave can bring offence . For so you may ( for ever ) beautifie Your selves as Angels , in eternity . FINIS . Concerning Charity to the poore in this Parish , besides the Christian disposition of the parishioners themselves , I finde by information , that Sir Iames Deane hath given two shillings weekly in bread for ever , which is duely performed every Friday . And as much they themselves doe give in bread every Sunday . Sir Henry Billingsley ( by his will ) gave the sum of 200. l. for reliefe of the poor in this Parish ; but by not making his own eyes Overseers , and his hands his trustiest Executors , his good intent is injured , and the poore disappointed . The limits and bounds of this Parish need no relation , because they are contained within so small a compasse , and at every place where their marke is fixed , there is likewise a Katharine wheele of iron , not easie to be broken off or removed . Mr. Wright , the learned Parson here , gave me his gentle furtherance , shewing mee a glasse window in the South I le of the Church , where is figured the shape of an Alderman in Scarlet , kneeling on his knees , and the words set downe by him , doe expresse his name to be William White , Maior of this honourable Citie . Whereby his is perswaded , and I am likewise of his opinion , ( by divers opinions thereto inducing ) that all that I le was either of his building , or ( at least ) repairing , it appeareth so novell to the rest . Then have ye Blanch Apleton , whereof I read in the thirteenth of Edward the first , that a lane behind the same Blanch Apleton , was granted by the King to be inclosed and shut up . This Blanch Apleton was a Mannor , belonging to Sir Thomas Roos of Hamelake , Knight , the seventh of Richard the second , standing at the North-east corner of Mart lane , so called , of a priviledge sometime enjoyed to keepe a Mart there ; long since discontinued , and therefore forgotten , so as nothing remaineth for memory , but the name of Mart lane , and that not uncorruptly termed Marke lane . I read that in the third of Edward the fourth , all Baskert-makers , Wyer-drawers , and other Forrainers , were permitted to have shops in this Mannour of Blanch Apleton , and not else-where within this Citie , or suburbs thereof . And this also being the farthest West part of this Ward on that South-side , I leave it , with three Parish Churches ; Saint Katharine Christs-Church , S. Andrew Vndershaft , and S. Katharine Coleman ; and three Halls of Companies ; the Brick-layers Hall , the Fletchers Hall , and the Ironmongers Hall. It hath an Alderman , his Deputy , common Counsellours , six ; Constables , six ; Scavengers , nine ; VVard mote men for Inquest , eighteene , and a Beadle . It is taxed to the Fifteene in London , at five pounds . LIMESTREET VVARD . THe next is Limestreet VVard , and taketh the name of Limestreet , of making or selling of lime there ( as is supposed : ) the East side of this Limestreet , from the North corner therof , to the middest of Ealdgate Ward , as is aforesaid : the West side , for the most part , from the said North corner , southward , is of this Limestreet Ward : the South end on both sides is of Langbourn Ward : the body of this Limestreet Ward , is of the high street called Cornhill street , which stretcheth from Limestreet on the South side , to the West corner of Leaden-hall : and on the North side , from the South-west corner , to S. Mary street , to another corner over against Leaden-hall . Now for Saint Mary street , the west side thereof is this Limestreet Ward , and also the street which runneth by the North end of this S. Mary street , on both sides ; frō thence west to an house called the Wrestbers , a signe so called , almost to Bishopsgate . And these are the bounds of this small Ward . Monuments or places notable in this Ward , bee these : In Limestreet are divers faire houses for Merchants and others : there was sometime a mansion house of the Kings , called the Kings Artirce , whereof I finde record in the 14. of Edward the first , but now growne out of knowledge . I read also of another great house in the West side of Limestreet , having a Chappell on the South , and a Garden on the West , then belonging to the Lord Nevill , which Garden is now called the Greene yard of the Leaden hall . This house , in the ninth of Richard the second , pertained to Sir Simon Burley , and Sir Iohn Burley his brother : and of late the said house was taken downe , and the fore-front thereof new builded of timber , by Hugh Offley , Alderman . At the North-west corner of Limestreet , was ( of old time ) one great Messuage , called Benbridges Inne : Raph Holland , Draper , about the yeere 1452. gave it to Iohn Gill , Master , and to the Wardens and Fraternity of Taylors , and Linnen Armorers of Saint Iohn Baptist in London , and to their successors for ever . They did set up in place therof a faire large frame of Timber , containing in the high street one great house , and before it , to the corner of Limestreet , three other tenements , the corner house being the largest : and then downe Limestreet divers proper Tenements . All which the Merchant-taylors in the reigne of Edward the sixth , sold to Stephen Kirton , Merchant-taylor and Alderman : he gave with his daughter Grisild , to Nicholas Woodroffe , the said great house , with two tenements before it , in lieu of an hundred pounds , and made it up in money , three hundred sixty six pounds , thirteene shillings , foure pence . This worshipfull man , and the Gentlewoman his widdow after him , kept those houses downe Limestreet in good reparations , never put out but one Tenant , tooke no fines , nor raised rents for them , which was tenne shillings the piece yeerely : But whether that favour did over-live her Funerall , the Tenants now can best declare the contrary . Next unto this on the high street was the Lord Sowches messuage or tenement , and other . In place whereof , Richard Wethell , Merchant-Taylor , builded a faire house , with an high Tower , the second in number , the first of timber that ever I learned to have beene builded , to overlooke neighbours in this Citie . This Richard , then a yong man , became in short time so tormented with gouts in his joynts , of his hands and legs , that he could neither feed himselfe , nor goe further than he was led , much lesse was he able to climbe , and take the pleasure of the heighth of his Tower. Then is there another faire house , builded by Stephen Kirton , Alderman : Alderman Lee did then possesse it , and againe new builded it : but now it is in the custodie of Sir William Cravon . Then is there a faire house , of old time called the Greene-gate , by which name one Michael Pistoy , a Lumbard , held it , with a tenement and nine shops , in the reigne of Richard the second , who in the 15. of his reigne , gave it to Roger Corphull and Tho. Bromester , Esquires , by the name of the Greene-gate , in the Parish of S. Andrew upon Cornehill , in Limestreet Ward : since the which time , Philip Malpas , sometime Alderman , and one of the Sheriffes , dwelled therein , and was there robbed and spoiled of his goods , to a great value , by Iacke Cade , and other Rebels , in the yeere 1449. Afterwards , in the reigne of Henrie the seventh , it was seased into the Kings hands , and then granted first unto Iohn Alston , after that , unto William de la Rivers , and since by Henry the eighth , to Iohn Mutas , a Pickard , or Frenchman , who dwelled there , and harboured in his House many Frenchmen , that kalendred wolsteds , and did other things , contrary to the Franchises of the Citizens . Wherefore on evill May day , which was in the yeere 1517. the Prentises and other spoiled his house , and if they could have found Mutas , they would have stricken off his head . Sir Peter Mutas , sonne to the said Iohn Mutas , sold this house to David Woodroofe , Alderman , whose sonne , Sir Nicholas Woodroofe , Alderman , sold it over to Iohn Moore , Alderman , that then possessed it . Next is a house called the Leaden Porch , lately divided into two tenements , whereof one is a Taverne , and then one other house for a Merchant , likewise called the Leaden Porch , but now turned to a Cookes house . Next is a faire house and a large , wherein divers Maioralties have beene kept , whereof twaine in my remembrance ; to wit , Sir William Bowyer , and Sir Henry Huberthorne . The next is Leaden-Hall , of which I read , that in the yeere 1309. it belonged to Sir Hugh Nevill , Knight , and that the Lady Alice his wife , made a Feoffment thereof , by the name of Leaden Hall , with the advousions of S. Peter on Cornehill , & other Churches , to Rich. Earle of Arundell and Surrey , 1362. More , in the yeere 1380. Alice Nevil , widdow to Sir Iohn Nevill , Knight , of Essex , confirmed to Thomas Cogshall , and others , the said Mannor of Leaden Hall , and the advousions , &c. In the yeere 1384. Humfrey de Bohun , Earle of Hereford , had the said Mannor . And in the yeere 1408. Robert Rikeden of Essex , and Margaret his wife , confirmed to Richard Whittington , and other Citizens of London , the said Mannor of Leaden Hall , with the Appurtenances , the advousion of S. Peters Church , S. Margaret Pattens , &c. And in the yeere 1411. the said Whittington and other confirmed the same to the Maior and Communalty of London , whereby it came to the possession of the Citie . Then in the yeere 1443. the 21. of Henry the sixth , Iohn Hatherley , Maior , purchased licence of the said King to take up 200. fodder of Lead , for the building of water Conduits , a common Granarie , and the Crosse in West Cheape , more richly , for the honour of the Citie . In the yeere next following , the Parson and Parish of Saint Dunstane in the East of London , seeing the famous and mighty man ( for the words bee in the Grant ; Cum nobilis & potens vir , ) Simon Eyre , Citizen of London , among other his workes of Piety , effectually determined to erect and build a certain Granarie , upon the soile of the same Citie at Leaden-Hall , of his owne charges , for the common utility of the said Citie ; to the amplifying and inlarging of the said Granarie , granted to Henry Frowicke , then Maior , the Aldermen and Communalty and their successors for ever , all their tenements , with the appurtenances , sometime called the Horse-mill in Grasse-street , for the annuall rent of foure pounds , &c. Also , certaine Evidences of an Alley and Tenements pertaining to the Horse-mill , adjoyning to the said Leaden-Hall in Grasse-street , given by William Kingstone , Fishmonger , unto the parish Church of St. Peter upon Cornehill , doe specifie the said Granary , to be builded by the said honourable and famous Merchant , Simon Eyre , sometime an Vpholster , and then a Draper , in the yeere , 1419. He builded it of squared stone in forme as now it sheweth , with a faire and large Chappell in the East side of the Quadrant , over the porch of which hee caused to be written , Dextra Domini exaltavit me , The Lords right hand exalted me . Within the said Church , on the north wall was written , Honorandus famosus Mercator Simon Eyre , hujus operis , &c. In English thus : The honourable and famous Merchant Simon Eyre , founder of this worke , once Maior of this City , Citizen and Draper of the same , departed out of this life the 18. day of September , the yeere from the incarnation of Christ , 1459. and the 38. yeere of the reigne of King Henry the 6. He was buried in the Parish Church of St. Mary Wolnoth in Lumbard street : hee gave by his Testament , which I have read , to be distributed to all Prisons in London , or within a mile of that City , somewhat to relieve them . More , hee gave 2000. Markes upon a condition , which not performed , was then to be distributed to maids marriages , and other deeds of charity : he also gave 3000. Markes to the Drapers , upon condition , that they should within one yeere after his decease , establish perpetually a Master or Warden , five secular Priests , sixe Clarkes , and two Queristers , to sing daily Divine Service by note for ever , in his Chappell of the Leaden-Hall : Also , one Master , with an Vsher for Grammer , one Master for Writing , and the third for Song , with houses there newly builded for them for ever , the Master to have for his Salary , tenne pounds , and every other Priest 8. pounds , every other Clerke , 5-pounds , 6. shillings , 8. pence , and every other Chorister , five Markes . And if the Drapers refused this to doe , within one yeere after his decease ; then the three thousand Markes to remaine to the Prior and Covent of Christs-church in London , with condition to establish as is aforesaid , within two yeeres after his decease . And if they refused , then the three thousand Markes to bee disposed by his Executors , as they best could devise in workes of charity . Thus much for his Testament , not performed by establishing of divine service in his Chappell or Free Schooles for Scholars ; neither how the stocke of three thousand Markes ( or rather five thousand Markes ) was imployed by his Executors , could I ever learne : he left issue Thomas , who had issue Thomas , &c. True it is , that in the yeere 1464. the third of Edward the fourth , it was agreed by the Maior , Aldermen and Cōmunalty of London , that notwithstanding the King Letters patents , lately before granted unto them , touching the Tronage or weighing of Wares to be holden at the Leaden-Hall ; yet suit should be made to the King for new letters patents , to be granted to the Maior of the Staple , for the Tronage of Wools to bee holden there , and order to be taken by the discretion of Thomas Cooke , then Maior , the Counsell of the City , Geffrey Filding then Maior of the Staple at Westminster , and of the Kings Councell , what should be paid to the Maior and Aldermen of the City , for the laying and housing of the Wools there , that so they might be brought forth and weighed , &c. Touching the Chappell there , I find , that in the yeere 1466. by licence obtained of King Edward the fourth in the 6. of his reigne , a Fraternity of the Trinity of 60. Priests ( beside other brethren and sisters ) in the same Chappell , was founded by William Rouse , Iohn Risby , and Thomas Ashby Priests , some of the which 60. Priests , every Market-day in the fore-noone , did celebrate Divine Service there , to such Market people as repaired to prayer , and once every yeere they met all together , and had solemne Service , with Procession of all the Brethren and Sisters . This foundation was in the yeere 1512. by a common Councell confirmed to the 60. Trinity Priests and to their successors , at the will of the Maior and Communalty . In the yeere 1484. a great fire hapned upon the Leaden-Hall , by what casualty I know not , but much housing was there destroyed , with all the stocks for Guns , and other provision belonging to the City , which was a great losse , and no lesse charge to bee repaired by them . In the yeere 1503. the eighteenth of Henry the seventh , a request was made by the Commons of the City , concerning the usage of the said Leaden-hall , in forme as followeth : Please it the Lord Maior , Aldermen , and Common Councell , to enact , that all Frenchmen bringing Canvas , Linnen cloth , and other wares to be sold , and all Forreins bringing Wolsteds , Sayes , Stamins , Kiverings , Nayles , Iron worke , or any other wares , and also all manner Forreins , bringing Lead to the City to be sold ; Shall bring all such their wares aforesaid , to the open Market of the Leaden-Hall , and no where else to be shewed , sold , and uttered , like as of old time it hath been used , upon paine of forfeiture of all the said wares , shewed or sold in any other place than aforesaid : And the shew of the said wares to bee made three dayes in a weeke , that is to say , Munday , Tuesday , and Wednesday . It is also thought reasonable , that the common Beame be kept from henceforth in the Leaden-hall , and the Farmer to pay therefore reasonable rent to the Chamber : for better it is that the Chamber have advantage thereby , than a forraine person . And also the said Leaden-hall , which is more chargeable now by halfe than profitable , shall better beare out the charges thereof . Also the common Beame for Wool at Leadenhall , may pay yeerely a rent to the Chamber of London , toward the supportation and charges of the same place : for reason it is , that a common Office occupied upon a common ground , beare a charge to the use of the Communalty . Also that Forraines bringing Wools , Fels , or any other Merchandizes or wares to Leaden-hall , to be kept there for the sale and Market ; may pay more largely for keeping of their goods , than freemen . Thus much for the request of the Commons at that time . Now to set downe some proofe , that the said Hall hath been imployed and used as a Granary for Corne and graine ( as the same was first appointed ) leaving all former examples , this one may suffice : Roger Acheley Maior of London in the yeere 1512. the third of Henry the 8. when the said Maior entred the Maioralty , there was not found 100. quarters of Wheat in all the Garners of this City , either within the liberties , or neere adjoyning . Through the which scarcity , when the Carts of Stratford came laden with Bread to the City ( as they had been accustomed ) there was such presse about them , that one man was ready to destroy another , in striving to be served for their mony . But this scarcity lasted not long : for the Maior ( in short time ) made such provision for Wheat , that the Bakers both of London , and of Stratford , were weary of taking it up , and were forced to take much more than they would , and for the rest the Maior laid out the money and stored it up in Leaden-hall , and other Garners of the City . This Maior also kept the Market so well , that hee would be at the Leaden-hall , by foure a clocke in the Summers mornings , and from thence he went to other Markets , to the great comfort of the Citizens . I read also , that in the yeere , 1528. the 20. of Henry the 8. Surveyors were appointed to view the Garners of the City , namely , the Bridgehouse and the Leaden-hall , how they were stored of Graine for the service of the City . And because I have here before spoken of the bread Carts comming from Stratford at the Bow , ye shall understand , that of old time , the Bakers of bread at Stratford were allowed to bring daily ( except the Sabbath and principall Feasts ) divers long Carts laden with bread , the same being two ounces in the penny wheaten loafe heavier than the penny wheaten loafe baked in the City , the same to be sold in Cheape , three or foure Carts standing there , betweene Gutherans lane and Fausters lane end , one cart on Corne-hill , by the Conduit , and one other in Grasse-street . And I have read , that in the fourth yeere of Edward the second , Richard Reffeham being Maior , a Baker named Iohn of Stratford , for making Bread lesser than the Assise ; was with a fooles hood on his head , and loaves of bread about his necke , drawn on a Hurdle through the streets of this City . Moreover , in the 44. of Edward the third , Iohn Chichester being Maior of London , I read in the visions of Pierce Plowman , a Booke so called , as followeth . There was a carefull commune , when no Cart came to towne with Basket bread from Stratford : tho gan beggers weepe , and workemen were agast , a little this will bee thought long in the date of our Dirte , in a dry Averell a thousand and three hundred , twice thirty and ten , &c. I read also in the 20. of Henry the 8. Sir Iames Spencer being Maior ▪ sixe Bakers of Stratford were merced in the Guild-hall of London , for baking under the size appointed . These Bakers of Stratford left serving this City , I know not upon what occasion , above forty yeeres since . In the yeere 1519. a petition was exhibited by the Commons to the Common Councell , and was by them allowed , concerning the Leaden-hall , how they would have it used , viz. Meekely beseeching , sheweth unto your good Lordship , and Masterships , divers Citizens of this City , which ( under correction ) thinke , that the great place called the Leaden-hall , should nor ought not to be letten out to farme , to any person or persons , and in especiall , to any fellowship or company incorporate , to have and hold the same Hall for terme of yeeres , for such inconveniences as thereby may ensue , and come to the hurt of the Common weale of the said City in time to come , as somewhat more largely may appeare in the Articles following . First , if any assembly , or hasty gathering of the Commons of the said City , for suppressing or sub duing of misruled people within the said City , hereafter shall happen to be called or commanded by the Maior , Aldermen and other Governours and Counsellors of the said City for the time being ; there is none so convenient , meet and necessary a place to assemble them in , within the said City , as the said Leaden-hall , both for largenesse of roome , and for their sure defence in time of their counselling together about the premises . Also , in that place hath beene used the Artillery , Guns , and other Armors of the said City , to be safely kept in a readinesse , for the safeguard , wealth and defence of the said City , to be had and occupiedat times when need required . As also the store of timber , for the necessary reparations of the tenements belonging to the Chamber of the said City , there commonly hath beene kept . Item , if any Triumph or Noblenesse were to be done , or shewed by the Communalty of the City , for the honour of our Soveraigne Lord the King , and Realme , and for the worship of the said City : the said Leaden-hall is the most meet and convenient place , to prepare and order the said Triumph therein , and from thence to issue forth to the places thereof appointed . Item , at any largesse or do●e of any money , made unto the poore people of this City ; it hath been used , to bee done and given in the said Leaden-hall , for that the said place is most meet therefore . Item , the honourable Father , that was ma●●r of the said Hall , had a speciall will , intent and mind , that ( as it is cōmonly said ) the Market men and women , that came to the City with victuals and other things , should have their free standing within the said Leaden-hall in wet weather , to keepe themselves and their wares dry , and thereby to encourage them , and all other , to have the better will and desire , the more plentiously to resort to the said City , to victuall the same . And if the said Hall should bee letten to farme , the will of the said honourable Father should never be fulfilled , nor take effect . Item , if the said place , which is the chiefe fortresse and most necessary place within all the City , for the tuition and safegard of the same , should bee letten out to farme , out of the hands of the chiefe heads of the same City , and especially to any other body politike , it might at length ( by likelihood ) be an occasion of discord and debate betweene the said bodies politike , which God defend . For these and many other great and reasonable causes , which hereafter shall be shewed to this honouoable Court , your said beseechors thinke it much necessary , that the said Hall bee still in the hands of this City , and to be surely kept by sad and discreet Officers in such wise , that it might alway be ready to bee used and occupied , for the common weale of the said City when need shall require , and in no wise to be letten to any body politike . Thus much for the petition . About the yeere 1534. great meanes was made about the Leaden Hall , to have the same made a Burse for the Assembly of Merchants , as they had been accustomed in Lumbard-street : many Common Councels were called to that end but in the yeere 1535. Iohn Champneis being Maior , it was fully concluded , that the Burse should remaine in Lumbard-street , as afore , and Leaden Hall no more to be spoken of concerning that matter . The use of Leaden Hall in my youth was thus : In a part of the North Quadrant , on the East side of the North gate , were the common beames , for weighing of Wooll and other Wares , as had been accustomed : On the West side of the gate was the Scales to weigh meale : the other three sides were reserved ( for the most part ) to the making and resting of the Pageants shewed at Midsummer in the watch : the remnant of the sides & Quadrāts were imployed for the stowage of Woolsacks , but not closed up : the lofts above were partly used by the Painters , in working for the decking of Pageants and other devices , for beautifying of the Watch and Watch-men , the residue of the lofts were letten out to Merchants , the Wool-winders and Packers therein to winde and packe their Wools. And thus much for Leaden-hall may suffice . Now on the North of Limestreet Ward , in the high street are divers faire houses for Merchants , and proper tenements for Artificers , with an Alley also called Shaft Alley , of the Shaft or May-pole sometime resting over the gate thereof , as I have declared in Ealdgate Ward . In the yeere 1576. partly at the charges of the parish of S. Andrew , and partly at the charges of the Chamber of Lond. a water-Pumpe was raised in the high street of Limestreet Ward , neere unto Limestreet corner : for the placing of the which Pumpe , having broken up the ground , they were forced to digge more than two fadome deepe , before they came to any maine ground , where they found a Harth made of Britaine , or rather Roman Tile , every Tile halfe yard square , and about two inches thicke : they found Coale lying there also ( for that lying whole will never consume ) then digging one fadome in the maine , they found water sufficient , made their prall , and set up the Pumpe , which Pumpe , with o●● repairing and great charges to the parish , continued not 24. yeeres , but being rotted , was taken up , and a new set in the place , in the yeere 1600. Thus much for the high street . In Saint Mary street had yee ( of old time ) a parish Church of Saint Mary the Virgin , St. Vrsula , and the 11000. Virgins , which Church was commonly called Saint Mary at the Axe , of the signe of an Axe , over against the East end thereof , or Saint Mary Pellipar , of a plot of ground lying on the North side thereof , pertaining to the Skinners in London . This parish about the yeere , 1565. was united to the parish Church of Saint Andrew Vndershaft , and so was Saint Mary at the Axe suppressed , and letten out to be a warehouse for a Merchant . Against the East end of this Church , was sometime a faire wall , now turned to a pumpe . Also against the North end of this St. Mary street , was sometime one other parish Church of Saint Augustine , called Saint Augustine in the wall , for that it stood adjoyning to the wall of the City , and otherwise called Saint Augustines Papey , or the Poore , as I have read in the reigne of Edward the 3. About the yeere , 1430. in the reigne of Henry the sixt , the same Church was allowed to the brethren of the Papey , the house of poore Priests , wherof I have spoken in Ealdgate Ward . The Parishioners of this Church were appointed to the Parish Church of Alhallowes in the wall , which is in Broadstreet Ward : and this brotherhood called Papey , being suppressed , the Church of Saint Augustine was pulled downe , and in place thereof one Grey , Apothecary , builded a Stable , a Hay-loft , &c. It is now a dwelling house . Those two Parish Churches , both lying in the Ward of Limestreet , being thus suppressed , there is not any one parish Church or place for Divine Service in that Ward , but the inhabitants thereof repaire to Saint Peter in Corne-hill Ward , Saint Andrew in Ealdgate Ward , Alhallowes in the wall , in Broadstreet Ward , and some to Saint Dennis in Langbourne Ward . Now because of late there hath been some question , to what Ward this Church of S. Augustine Papey should of right belong ; for the same hath been challenged by them of Ealdgate Ward , and ( without reason ) taken into Bishopsgate Ward , from Limestreet VVard , I am somewhat to touch it . About thirty yeeres since , the Chamber of London granted a Lease of ground ( in these words ) Lying neere London Wall , in the Ward of Limestreet , from the West of the said Church or Chappell of Saint Augustine Papey , towards Bishopsgate , &c. On the which plot of ground , the Leasee builded three faire tenements , and placed Tenants there : these were charged to beare scot and lot , and someof them to beare office in Limestreet VVard : all which they did willingly without grudging . And when any suspected or disordered persons were by the Landlord placed there , the Officers of Limestreet VVard fetched them out of their houses , committed them to ward , procured their due punishments , and banished them from thence : wherby in short time that place was reformed , and brought into good order : which thing being noted by them of Ealdgate VVard , they moved their Alderman , Sir Thomas Offley , to call in those houses to be of his VVard . But I my selfe shewing a faire Ledgier booke , sometime pertaining to the late dissolved Priory of the holy Trinity within Ealdgate , wherein were set downe the just bounds of Ealdgate VVard , before Sir Thomas Offley , Sir Rowland Hayward , the Common Counsell , and VVard . mote Inquest of the said Limestreet VVard ; Sir Thomas Offley gave over his challenge , and so that matter rested in good quiet , untill the yeere 1579. that Sir Richard Pype ( being Maior , and Alderman of Bishopsgate VVard ) challenged those houses to be of his ward , whereunto ( without reason shewed ) Sir Rowland Hayward yeelded : and thus is that side of the street , from the North corner of S. Mary street , almost to Bishopsgate , ( wherein is one plot of ground , letten by the Chamberlaine of London , to the parish of S. Martins Oteswich , to be a Churchyard or burying-place for the dead of that Parish , &c. ) unjustly drawne and with-holden from the ward of Limestret . Dives other proofes I could set downe , but this one following may suffice . The Maior and Aldermen of London made a grant to the Fraternity of the Papey , in these words : Be it remembred , that where now of late the Master and Wardens of the Fraternity of the Papey , have made a bricke wall , closing in the Chappell of S. Augustine , called Papey Chappell , situate in the Parish of All Saints in the Wall , in the Ward of Limestreet of the City of London : from the South-east corner of the bricke wall , is a Scutcheon of 12. foot of assize from the said corner Eastward : And from the said Scutcheon there , to a Messuage of 55. foot and an halfe Westward : the said Scutcheon breaketh out of line right Southward , betwixt the measures aforesaid , three foot and five inches of assise , upon the common ground of the Citie aforesaid : Ralph Verney , Maior , and the Aldermen of the same Citie , the 22. day of October , the 6. yeere of Edward the 4. granted to John Hod , Priest , M. John Bolt , and Tho. Patchet , Priests , wardens of the Fraterniey of Papey aforesaid , and to their successors for ever , &c. yeelding 4. d. sterling yeerely at Michaelmas . And this is ( saith my booke ) inrolled in the Guild-hall of London : which is a sufficient proofe , the same plot of ground to be of Dimestreet ward , and never otherwise accounted or challenged . On the South side of this street , stretching west from Saint Mary street , towards Bishopsgate street , there was ( of old time ) one large Messuage builded of stone and timber , in the parish of S. Augustine in the wall , now in the parish of Alhallowes in the same wall , belonging to the Earle of Oxford ; ( for Rich. de Vere , Earle of Oxford , possessed it in the 4. of Henry the 5. ) but in processe of time , the Lands of the Earle fell to Females ; amongst the which , one being married to Wingfield of Suffolke , this house with the appurtenances , fell to his lot , and was by his heire , Sir Robert Wingfield , sold to Mr. Edward Cooke , at the time when this was written , the Queenes Attourney Generall . This house being greatly ruinated , of late time , for the most part hath beene let out to Poulters , for stabling of Horses and stowage of Poultrie , but now lately new builded into a number of small tenements , letten out to strangers , and other meane people . It was ordered by the Lord Maior and Aldermen , at a Court holden on Thursday , the 24. of April , in the 4. yeere of Edward the 6. That the Chamberlaine of London should yeerely pay unto the Scavenger of Limestreet ward , twenty shillings by even portions , out of the profit comming by the Butchers stalles in Leaden-hall , toward the clesing and sweet keeping of the same Ward . One note more of this Ward , and so an end : I finde of record , that in the yeere 1371. the 45. of Edward the 3. a great Subsidie of 100000. pounds was granted towards the Kings warres in France , whereof the Cleargie payed 50000. pounds , and the Laitie 50000. pounds , to bee levied in 39. shires of England , containing Parishes 8600. of every parish , 5. l. 16. s. the greater to helpe the lesser . This Citie ( as one of the Shires ) then containing 24. wards , and in them 110. was therfore assessed to 635. l. 12. s. whereof Limestreet Ward did beare 34. s. and no more ; so small a Ward it was , and so accounted , as having no one whole parish therein , but small portions onely , of two parishes in that Ward . This Ward hath an Alderman , his Deputy , common Counsellours , foure ; Constables , foure ; Seavengers , two ; VVard-mote Inquest , sixteene , and a Beadle . It is taxed to the Fifteene at 1. l. 19. s. 2. d. ob . q. BISHOPSGATE VVARD . THe next is Bishopsgate Ward , whereof a part is without the Gate , and of the Suburbs , from the Barres by S. Mary Spittle to Bishopsgate , and a part of Hounds-ditch , almost halfe thereof , also without the Wall , of the same Ward . Then within the Gate is Bishopsgate street , so called of the Gate , to a pumpe , where sometime was a faire Well with two buckets , by the East end of the parish Church of S. Martin Oteswich , and then winding by the west corner of Leaden Hall , downe Grasse-street , to the corner over against Grasse-Church : and these are the bounds of that Ward . Monuments most to bee noted , are these : The parish Church of Saint Buttolph without Bishopsgate , in a faire Church-yard , adjoyning to the Towne-Ditch , upon the very banke thereof , but of old time inclosed with a comely wall of bricke , lately repaired by Sir William Allen , Maior in the yeere 1571. because hee was borne in that parish , where also hee was buried . An Anchoresse ( by Bishopsgate ) received forty shillings the yeere of the Sheriffes of London . The Monuments that I observed in the Church of Saint Buttolph without Bishopsgate , were these : Johannes Threll Armig. Nobilli familia Sussexiae ortus , hic jacet . Vixit usque ad annum sexagesimum tertium : Mortuus est sexto die Octobris , Anno Domini , 1609. Sub hoc Marmore jacet corpus Johannis Redman , quondam hujus Ecclesiae Rectoris bene meriti : qui ab hac luce migravit tertio die Iulii , Anno Domini , 1523. Hic jacet Johannes Picking , Magister Artium , nuper Rector istius Ecclesiae , qui Obiit 6. die Septemb. An. Dom. 1490. Hereunder lyeth the body of Joane Wood , wife to Robert Wood , Citizen and Brewer of London , who had issue , two sonnes , and three daughters ; viz. Iohn , Richard , Ioane , Anne and Francis. She deceased the 25. day of November , An. Dom. 1600. She gave large gifts and legacies to this Parish , as hereunder is expressed : At her buriall she gave tenne pounds to the poore . She gave tenne shillings yeerely for a Sermon on Midsummer day . For a friendly meeting among the neighbours , forty shillings . In bread weekly to the poore for ever , two shillings . Also foure load of Char-coales yeerly to the poore for ever . To the Parson of the parish yeerely for ever , tenne shillings . To the Two Church-wardens , tenne shillings to each in like manner . To the Clerke 6. s. 8. d. and to the Sexton , 5. s. yeerely for ever . For a friendly meeting of the Parson and parishioners , accompanying him yeerely in walking the bounds of the parish , thirty shillings . To the poore of the parish , in money yeerely ( for ever ) to be distributed , eight pounds . And the remainder of the yeerly rents for the halfe Moone , and halfe Moone Alley , to remaine in the Church stocke , towards the repairing of the Church . Over and beside the memorable charity of this worthy Widdow , Mistris Wood , God hath raised divers other good Benefactors to the poore in the same Parish , as appeareth by this small recordation . Iohn Heyward , Citizen and Alderman of London , had his last Will and Testament enrolled in the Court of Hustings in the Guild-Hall of London , on munday next before the Feast of Saint Cuthbert the Bishop , in the thirteenth yeere of Edward the fourth , after the Conquest . Wherein hee gave to the poore people of this Parish , five and twenty Quarters of Char-coales , yeerely to be delivered by the Companie of Tallow-Chaundlers , betwixt the Feast of All Saints , and the Nativity of our blessed Saviour ; with a penalty of for-feiture of twenty shillings for the first Quarter , if they bee not delivered as aforesaid ; and forty shillings for the second Quarter ; foure pounds for the third Quarter ; and eight pounds for the whole yeere , if they bee not delivered : And so double still from Quarter to Quarter , if defect of payment herein be made . Iohn Bricket , Citizen and Tooth-drawer of London , ( by his last Will and Testament , dated the eleventh day of February , 1554. ) gave for ever at the Feast of Easter , twelve Sackes of Char-coales , to the poore of this Parish : out of two Tenements , the one now in the occupation of Andrew Partridge , Tallow-Chaundler ; the other late in occupation of Andrew Seywell , Bricklayer , both joyning together at the South side of Bell Alley gate in this Parish . We receive of the gift of Mistris Mary Wilkinson deceased , out of 2. faire houses in S. Mary Spittle , 4. load of coalés out of each house , 30. quarters being . 2. load : the first 30. quarters to be given to the poore of this parish , in the month of November for ever ; the next thirty quarters to bee likewise given to the poore of this parish , in December for ever : provided that out of each load , the Overseers of the Precinct of Norton Folgate shall have tenne Sacks , to be by them given to the poore of that Precinct . Likewise is paid yeerly by the Company of Ironmongers , the summe of thirty shillings per annum , of the gift of Sir William Allen , to bee distributed among the poore in bread . Also of the Company of Vintners , the summe of twenty shillings , yeerely for ever , of the gift of Sir Stephen Scudamore , Knight , and Alderman of London . Also of Mistris Wood , the Relict of Master Thomas Wood , late of Saint Buttolphs without Ealdgate , the summe of tenne shillings yeerely for ever , to bee received on Saint Thomas day , issuing out of certaine Tenements in Katharinwheele Alley , in this Parish , of the gift of Mary Webster , Widdow . Mistris Price , in the time of her widdow-hood , did at her owne charge new build the Pulpit , in the yeere of our Lord , 1614. and shortly after , did likewise send ( to furnish the same ) faire and rich Ornaments for the said Pulpit , as also for the Communion Table . For the Pulpit , a costly Cloth of Crimson Velvet , edged in the bottome with a deepe gold fringe , and laced about with a faire gold lace . Likewise , a Cushion sutable to the same , with a very faire Verge to adorne the upper part of the Pulpit , edged likewise with a deepe gold fringe . And for the Communion Table , a goodly large Carpet of Crimson Velvet , edged with a deepe gold fringe ; also a faire Table-cloth of fine Cambricke , to be used upon the Communion dayes , with a Cambricke Cloth laced , to cover the Bread upon the Table : Also a faire Surplice of Cambricke , for the Parsons use : all which were , with a new haire Brush , kept in a Sarsanet Case , to bee locked up in a new wainescot Chest , by her bought for the same purpose , and so carefully kept for their severall uses . To the which Chest was set two Locks ; the two severall Keyes wherof the one to be kept by the Parson of the parish , the other by the Church-warden of the same parish , for the safe keeping thereof . As for the Kings Armes imbroidred upon the said Pulpit Cloth ; it was made , set on and freely given by Humfrey Swan of this parish , Imbroiderer , in remembrance of Gods great mercy extended towards him , in the yeere of the great visitation , 1625. for in that yeere he had buried his wife , with divers of his family ; himselfe also , lying a long while under the Lords heavy hand , without all hope of recovery ; by Gods gracious providence hee was at the last restored to his former health . In regard whereof , and to expresse his further thankefulnesse to Almighty God , hee adorned the said Pulpit Cloth as now it is . Moreover , in the same Parish Church of Saint Buttolph , among other benevolences given thereto , may not be omitted the bountifull gift of Master William Hobby , Citizen and Ale-brewer of London , to wit , the Tenor Bell in the Steeple , bearing his owne name , and called Hobby , which hee caused to bee founded at his owne cost and charges : And afterwards to bee re-cast two severall times , onely to make it tunable with the other Bells in the Steeple ; which was performed accordingly , and they are now as perfect and pleasing a ring of Bels , as can be wished . When hee gave this Bell to the Parish , he enjoyned this condition , that at what time soever any man deceased , that had borne any place of eminence and office in the Parish , and afterward hapned ( by any crosse or misadventure ) to fall in decay : That yet hee should have the benefit of this Bels service freely bestowed on him at his buriall , not paying any costs or duties therefore to the Church . No doubt but this man had an honest meaning , and most charitable minde , both in the promise ( which was in merriment , and when he expected not place of degree or office to fall on him ) and likewise in the performance ; wherein he shewed himselfe no way slacke , but so forward as any man could bee . Let his worthy example incite on others ; to the like good inclination ( one way or other ) towards the Church . Mr. Ralph Pinder , Citizen and Draper of London , Aldermans Deputy of this Ward , who was buried the 28. of May , 1622. gave to the poore of this Parish in mony 60. l. for which is given to 13. poore people every Sunday in the yeere for ever 2. pence a peece in good wheaten bread . In the yeere , 1626. Nichlas Reive , Scrivener in Cornehill ( whose Father was Clerke of this Parish ) gave by his last will and testament , the summe of 406. l. 5. s. to the said parish , to buy so much land as the said monies will extend unto , and the rents and profits therof to bee given and distributed to the comfort of such people within this parish . With which monies was purchased certaine lands lying at Stratford Bow , now in the tenure of Henry Chester , the rent of which lands is 25. l. per annum . In the yeere , 1628. the 20. of Iune , William Earle of Devonshire dyed at Devonshire house without Bishopsgate , and gave 100. l. for ever , to the use of the poore of this parish , for which the Church-wardens doe give every Sunday in the yeere to 15. poore people of this parish 2. d. a peece in good wheaten bread . WHereas the sixth day of November last past , T. C. Citizen and Armorer of London , humbly petitioned unto the Court , that they would bee pleased to receive into the Chamber of London the summe of 100. l. presently to be paid , in allowing and paying therfore yeerly frō the Birth of our Lord God 1629. for ever to the releefe & comfort of 5. aged poore Widdowes of the Parish of Saint Buttolph without Bishopsgate , London , the summe of five pounds to be given and equally distributed to and amongst them , eighteene dayes before Christmas yeerely , as of the free gift and benevolence of him the the said T. C. at the oversight and direction of the Parson and Church-wardens , for the time being of that parish . whereupon in furtherance of that pious and charitable worke , this Court was pleased to accept of the said 100. l. and to grant performance of that his petition : As by an order in that behalfe made it may and doth appeare : which said 100. l. was the 13. day of the said moneth of November last , accordingly paid and delivered by the said T. C. into the said Chamber of London , to and for the intent and purpose aforesaid . Now the said T. C. in further declaration of his full minde and intent concerning the distribution of the said five pounds , yeerely and for ever , as aforesaid ; he hath expressed and declared , that the same shall bee done and performed in this manner , viz. tha● of and with the same five pounds yeerely and for ever , there shall bee bought and provided by the said T. C. during his life , and after his decease by the Parson and Church-wardens of the said parish of Saint Buttolph without Bishopsgate aforesaid for the time being and their successors , five Wastcoats and five Kirtles , ready made up of good Kersey or Cloth , the Kersey or Cloth of every Wastcoat and Kirtle to be worth fifteene shillings at the least , and five paire of Stockings and five paire of shooes , every paire of the same Stockings to be worth eighteene pence at the least , and every paire of the said shooes to be worth two shillings at the least . Which Wastcoats , Kirtles , Stockings and shooes , shall bee yeerely and for ever delivered on the Feast day of S. Thomas the Apostle , as the free gift of the said T. C. After in the parish Church of St. Buttolph without Bishopsgate aforesaid , unto five aged poore Widdowes within the same parish , being knowne or reputed to be of honest life and conversation , and past their labour ( that is to say ) to every of the same five poore Widdowes a Wastcoat and Kirtle , a paire of Stockings and a paire of Shooes . And that the same five ●oore Widdowes shall bee yeerely nominated and appointed by the said T. C. during his life , and after his decease the same five poore Widdowes shal be at the nomination and appointment of the Parson and Church-wardens of the said parish of S. Buttolph without Bishopsgate aforesaid , for the time being , and their successors yeerely and for ever . Wherein the meaning and desire of the said T. C. is , that those five poore Widdowes , or so many of them which shall bee living at the time of his decease , that shall bee nominated by him in his life time , for to have receive the gifts and benevolences aforesaid , shall and may every one of them yeerely , during their lives , respectively have and receive one Wastcoat and Kirtle , a paire of Stockings and a paire of Shooes , of the gift aforesaid ; provided that they and either of them bee of good life and conversation . Now without this Churchyard wall , was a Cawsey , leading to a Quadran● called Petty-France , of divers French-men dwelling there , and to other dwelling houses , lately builded on the banke of the said ditch by some Citizens of London , that more regarded their owne private gaine , than the common good of the Citie . For by meanes of this Cawsey raised on the banke , and soylage of houses , with other filthines cast into the ditch , the same became inforced to a narrow channell , and almost filled up with unsavoury things , to the danger of impoisoning the whole City . For prevention whereof , and in a worthy charitable disposition of so honourable a Citie ( in regard that this parish was greatly unprovided of the buriall for their dead ) that needlesse Cawsey or passage to Petty-France , was given by the Citie to the said Parish , for the same intent ; which they have ( since then ) made good and firme ground , walling it about with a good strong bricke wall , serving as a lower and supplying Church-yard by it selfe ; and towards the charges whereof , divers good Parishioners ( that desire to bee namelesse ) gave large and honest contribution . And because they would not shew themselves unthankfull to the Citie for so great a benefit , their expression standeth thus fixed over the Gate , at entrance into the said Church-yard . Coemeterium hoc inferius Civitate Londinensi huic Parochiae concessum , sumptib●s ejusdem Parochiae mure lateritio septum est . An. Dom. 1615. Stephano Gossono , Rectore , Thomo Johnsono & Johanne Hedicio , Ecclesiae Gardianis . This Churchyard being consecrated the 4. day of Iune , 1617. the first man buried therein chanced to be a Frenchman borne ; upon whose buriall , these Verses were written by my friend Mr. Th. Collins . A Frenchman borne , hight Martin de la Toure , Was the first man was buried in this ground , A Schoolemaster he was : And this a part of our Neere-neighbouring point , of Petty France small bound , So Martin of the Tower may well be said T' have dyed in England , yet in France was laid . August 10. 1626. In Petty France out of Christian buriall , was buried Hodges Shaughsware a Persian Merchant , who with his sonne came over with the Persian Ambassadour , and was buried by his owne Son , who read certaine prayers , and used other Ceremonies , according to the custome of their owne Country , Morning and Evening , for a whole moneth after the buriall : for whom is set up at the charge of his Sonne , a Tombe of stone with certain Persian Characters thereon ; the exposition thus , This Grave is made for Hodges Shaughsware , the chiefest servant to the King of Persia , for the space of 20. yeeres , who came from the King of Persia and dyed in his service . If any Persian commeth out of that Country , let him read this and a prayer ●er him , the Lord receive his soule , for here lyeth Maghmore Shanghsware , who was borne in the Towne of Novoy in Persia . The bounds of Saint Buttolphs Parish without Bishopsgate , London , are thus : From Bishopsgate ( under a part of which the Citie Ditch runneth ) Westward , close by the Ditch , they passe along by Petty France , into Moore-field : under the wall and Cawsey thereof ( towards Bethelem ; ) there did runne a ditch , and from the North part of the said Field , still doth , so farre as Hog lane , which is at the upper end of the Garden Alleys . Close to which ditch , the Parish extendeth all along on the inside , and taketh in one side of Hog-lane . Thence straight forth , it beginneth on the further side of Norton Folgate : thence into S. Mary Spittle , and thence into a part of Petticoat lane , so farre as Gravell-lane end : and so through divers Gardens on the backe side of Fishers-Folly , into Hounds-ditch , at the signe of the Hand and Still . So to the Ditch and Citie Wall : thence right opposite , on to Bishopsgate againe . My friendly furtherance here , was by the helpe of Mr. Richard Weoley , Parish Clerke there . Next unto the Parish Church of S. Buttolph , was a faire Inne for receipt of Travellours : then an Hospitall of Saint Mary of Bethlem , founded by Simon Fitz Mary , one of the Sheriffes of London , in the yeere 1246. He founded it to have beene a Priory of Canons , with Brethren and Sisters : and King Edward the third granted a Protection ( which I have seene ) for the brethren , Militiae beatae Mariae de Bethlem , within the Citie of London , the 14. yeere of his reigne . It was an Hospitall for distracted people . Stephen Gennings , Merchant-taylor , gave 40. l. toward purchase of the Patronage , by his Testament , 1523. The Maior and Communalty purchased the patronage thereof , with all the Lands and Tenements thereunto belonging , in the yeere 1546. The Copie of an ancient Deed of Gift , given to Bethlem or Bedlem , by Simon the sonne of Mary . TO all the children of our Mother holy Church , to whom this present writing shall come ; Simon the sonne of Mary sendeth greeting inour Lord. Where among other things , and before other Lauds , the high altitude of the heavenly Councells , marvelously wrought by some readier devotion , it ought to be more worshipped ; of which things the mortall sicknes ( after the fall of our first Father Adam ) hath taken the beginning of this new repayring : Therefore forsooth , it beseemeth worthy , that the place , in which the Sonne of God is become man , and hath proceeded from the Virgins wombe , which is increaser and beginner of mans redemption , namely ought to be with reverence worshipped , and with beneficiall portions to bee increased . Therefore it is , that the said Simon , sonne of Mary ; having speciall and singulor devotion to the Church of the glorious Virgin at Bethelem , where the same Virgin of her brought forth our Saviour incarnate , and lying in the Cratch , and with her own milke nourished ; and where the same Child to us there borne , the Chivalrie of the heavenly Company , sang the new Hymne , Gloria in excelsis Deo. The same time , the increaser of our health , ( as a King , and his Mother a Queene ) willed to bee worshipped of Kings : a new starre going before them at the honour and reverence of the same Child , and his most meeke Mother : And to the exaltation of my most Noble Lord , Henry , King of England ; whose wife and child the foresaid Mother of God , and her onely Son , have in their keeping and protection : And to the manifold increase of this Citie of London , in which I was borne : And also for the health of my soule , and the soules of my predecessors and successors , my Father , Mother , and my friends : And specially for the soules of Guy of Marlowe , John Durant , Ralph Ashwye , Maud , Margaret , and Dennis , women : Have given , granted , and by this my present Charter , here have confirmed to God , and to the Church of S. Mary of Bethelem , all my Lands which I have in the Parish of S. Burtolph without Bishopsgate of London ; that is to say , whatsoever I there now have , or had , or in time to come may have , in houses , gardens , pooles , ponds , ditches and pits , and all their appurtenances , as they be closed in by their bounds ; which now extend in length from the Kings high street East , to the great ditch in the West , the which is called Deepe ditch and in breadth , to the Lands of Raph Downing in the North : and to the Land of the Church of Saint Buttolph in the South . To have and to hold the foresaid Church of Bethelem in free and perpetuall Almes : And also to make there a Priorie , and to ordaine a Prior and Canons , Brothers and also Sisters , when Iesus Christ shall enlarge his grace upon it . And in the same place , the Rule and order of the said Church of Bethelem solemnly professing , which shall beare the token of a Starre openly in their Coapes and Mantles of profession , and for to say divine Service there for the soules aforesaid , and all Christian soules : And specially to receive there the Bishop of Bethelem , canons , Brothers and Messengers of the Church of Bethelem for evermore , as often as they shall come thither . And that a Church or Oratory there shall be builded , as soone as our Lord shall enlarge his grace : under such forme , that the order , institution of Priors , Canons , Brothers , Sisters of the visitation , correction and reformation of the said place , to the Bishop of Bethelem and his successors , and to the Charter of his Church , and of his Messengers , as often as they shall come thither , as shall seeme them expedient , no mans contradiction notwithstanding , shall pertaine for evermore : Saving alway the services of the chiefe Lords , as much as pertaineth to the said Land. And to the more surety of this thing , I have put my selfe out of this Land , and all mine : And Lord Godfrey , then chosen of the Nobles of the Citie of Rome , Bishop of Bethelem , and of the Pope confirmed then by his name in England , in his name , and of his successors , and of his Chapter of his Church of Bethelem , into bodily possession : I have indented and given to his possession , all the foresaid lands , which possession hee hath received , and entred in forme abovesaid . And in token of subjection and reverence , the said place in London without Bishopsgate , shall pay yeerely in the said Citie , a Marke sterling at Easter , to the Bishop of Bethelem , his Successors of his Messengers , in the name of a Pension . And if the faculties or goods of the said place ( our Lord granting ) happen to grow more , the said place shall pay more , in the name of pension , at the said terme , to the Mother Church of Bethelem . This ( forsooth ) gift and confirmation of my deed , and the putting to of my Scale for mee and mine heires , I have stedfastly made strong , the yeere of our Lord God , A thousand , two hundred , forty seven , the Wednesday after the Feast of S. Luke the Evangelist : These being witnesses , Peter the sonne of Allen , then Maior of London , Nicholas Bet , then Sheriffe of the said Citie , and Alderman of the said Ward ; Raph Sparling , Alderman ; Godfrey of Campes , Simon Comicent , Simon Ronner , Rob. of Woodford , Thomas of Woodford , Walter Pointell , Walter of Woodford , &c. The same yeere , King Henry the 8. gave this Hospitall unto the Cittie : the Church and Chappell whereof were taken downe in the reigne of Queene Elizabeth , and houses builded there , by the Governors of Christs Hospitall in London . In this place , people that be distraught in their wits , are ( by the suite of their friends ) received and kept as afore , but not without charges to their bringers in . At a Court of Aldermen , holden on Tuesday , the 20. of Ianuary , An. 4. Ed. 6. a Carre-roome was freely given to the inhabitants of Bishopsgate Ward , to the intent , that they should cause the utter parts of the said Ward without the gate to be kept cleane . Also , at a Court of Aldermen , holden on Tuesday the 7. of April , An. 5. Edw. 6. It was ordered that the inhabitants within the precinct of Bethlem should be ( from thenceforth ) united to the parish Church of Saint Buttolph without Bishopsgate , and so by the Parson and parishioners of the same parish accepted and taken ; and to bee allotted and charged with them , to all offices and charges ( Tithes and Clarkes wages excepted : ) In consideration whereof , the Parson of the said parish was to receive yeerely out of the Chamber of London 20 shillings , and the Parish Clarke 6. shillings 8. pence . In the yeere 1569. Sir Thomas Roe , Merchant-Taylor , Maior , caused to bee inclosed ( with a wall of brick ) about one Acre of ground , being part of the said Hospitall of Bethlem , to wit , on the bank of a deepe ditch so called , parting the said Hospitall of Bethlem from the Moore field : this he did for buriall , and ease of such parishes in London , as wanted ground convenient within their Parishes . The Lady his wife was there buried ( by whose perswasion hee inclosed it ) but himselfe borne in London , was buried in the Parish Church of Hackney . From this hospitall Northward upon the streets side , many houses have been builded with Allies backward , of late time too much pesterd with people ( a great cause of infection ) up to the Bars . The other side of this high streete from Bishopsgate and Hounds-ditch , the first building is , a large Inne for receit of travellers , and is called the Dolphin , of such a signe . In the yeere 1513. Margaret Ricroft Widdow , gave this house with the Gardens and appurtenances , unto William Gam , R. Glye , their wives , her daughters , and to their heires , with condition , they yeerely give to the Warden or Governour of the Gray Fryers Church within Newgate fortie shillings , to finde a Student of Divinity in the Vniversity for ever . Then is there a faire house of late builded by Iohn Powlet . Next to that , a farre more large and beautifull house , with Gardens of pleasure , howling allies , and such like , builded by Iasper Fisher , free of the Goldsmiths , late one of the sixe Clerkes of the Chancery , and a Iustice of peace . It hath since ( for a time ) beene the Earle of Oxfords place . The late Queene Elizabeth hath lodged there : It now belongeth to the Earle of Devonshire . This house being so large and sumptuously builded , by a man of no great calling , possessions or wealth , ( for hee was indebted to many ) was mockingly called Fishers folly , and a Rithme was made of it , and other the like , in this manner ; Kirbies Castle , and Fishers Folly , Spinilas pleasure , and Megses glory . And so of other like buildings about the Citie , by Citizens , men have not letted to speake their pleasure . From Fishers folly , up to the west end of Berwards lane , of old time so called , but now Hogge lane , because it meeteth with Hogge lane , which commeth from the Barres without Ealdgate , as is aforeshewed ; is a continuall building of tenements , with Allies of Cottages , pestered , &c. Then is there a large Close , called Tazell Close , sometime , for that there were Tazels planted for the use of Cloth-workers : since letten to the Crosse-bow makers , wherein they used to shoote for games at the Popingey . Now the same being inclosed with a Bricke wall , serveth to bee an Artillery yard , or Garden , whereunto the Gunners of the Tower weekely doe repaire ; namely , every Thursday , and there levelling certaine Brasse Pieces of great Artillery against a But of earth , made for that purpose , they discharged them for their exercise . Present use is made thereof , by divers worthy Cittizens , Gentlemen and Captaines , using Martiall Discipline , and where they meete ( well-neere ) weekely , to their great commendation in so worthy an exercise , wherof hereafter I will speake more at large . Then have ye the late dissolved Priory and Hospitall , commonly called , Saint Marie Spittle , founded by Walter Brune , and Rosia his wife , for Canons regular ; Walter , Archdeacon of London , laid the first stone in the yeere 1197. William of Saint Mary Church , then Bishop of London , dedicated it to the honour of Iesus Christ , and his Mother the perpetuall Virgin Mary by the name of Domus Dei , and Beatae Mariae , extra Bishopsgate , in the parish of S Buttolph , the bounds whereof , as appeareth by composition betwixt the Parson & Prior of the said Hospitall , concerning tithes , beginneth at Berwards lane toward the south & extendeth in breadth to the Parish of S. Leonard of Sores ditch towards the North , and in length , from the Kings streete on the West to the Bishops of Londons field , called Lollesworth on the East . The Prior of this Saint Mary Spittle , for the emortising and propriation of the Priory of Bikenacar in Essex , to his said house of S. Mary Spittle , gave to Henry the seventh 400. l. in the two and twentieth of his reigne . This Hospitall surrendred to Henry the eighth , was valued to dispend 478. l. wherein was found , besides ornaments of the Church , and other goods pertaining to the Hospitall , 180. beds well furnished , for receipt of the poore : for it was an Hospitall of great reliefe . Sir Henry Plesington , Knight , was buried there , 1452. In place of this Hospitall , and neere adjoyning , are now many faire houses builded , for receipt and lodging of worshipfull persons . A part of the large Church-yard pertaining to this Hospitall , and severed from the rest with a Brick wall , yet remaineth as of old time , with a Pulpit Crosse therein , somewhat like to that in Pauls Church-yard . And against the said Pulpit on the South side before the Charnell and Chappell of Saint Edmond the Bishop , and Mary Magdalen , which Chappell was founded about the yeere 1391. by W. Euesham , Citizen and Peperer of London , who was there buried ; remaineth also one faire builded house of two stories in height for the Maior , and other honorable persons , with the Aldermen and Sheriffes to sit in , there to heare the Sermons preached in the Easter holydayes . In the Loft over them stood the Bishop of London , and other Prelates ; but now the Ladies , and Aldermens Wives doe there stand at a faire Window , or sit at their pleasure . And here is to bee noted , that time out of minde , it hath beene a laudable custome , that on good Fryday in the after-noone , some especiall learned man , by appointment of the Prelates , hath preached a Sermon at Pauls Crosse , treating of Christs passion : and upon the three next Easter Holydayes , Munday , Tuesday , and Wednesday , the like learned men , by the like appointment , have used to preach on the forenoones at the said Spittle , to perswade the Article of Christs resurection : and then on Low Sunday , one other learned man at Pauls Crosse , to make rehearsall of those foure former Sermons , either commending or reproouing them , as to him ( by iudgement of the learned Divines ) was thought convenient . And that done , he was to make a Sermon of his owne studie , which in all were fiue Sermons in one . At these Sermons so severally preached , the Maior with his Brethren the Aldermen were accustomed to bee present in their Violets at Pauls on good Fryday , and in their Scarlets at the Spittle in the Holydaies , except Wednesday , in Violet , and the Maior with his Brethren on Low Sunday in Scarlet , at Pauls Crosse , continued untill this day . Touching the Antiquity of this Custome , I find that in the yeere 1398. King Richard having procured from Rome , confirmation of such statutes , and ordinances , as were made in the Parliament , begun at Westminster , and ended at Shrewsbury , he caused the same confirmation to be read and pronounced at Pauls Crosse and at Saint Mary Spittle , in the Sermons before all the people . Philip Malpas one of the Sheriffes in the yeere 1439. gave 20. shillings by the yeere to the three Preachers at the Spitle . Stephen Forstor Maior in the yeere 1594. gave forty pounds to the Preachers of Pauls Crosse and Spittle . I finde also , that the aforesaid house , wherein the Maior and Aldermen doe sit at the Spittle , was builded ( for that purpose ) or the goods , and by the executors of Rich. Rawson Alderman , and Isabel his wife , in the yeere 1488. In the yeere 1594. this Pulpit being old , was taken downe , and a new one set up , the Preachers face turned towards the South , which was before toward the West . Also a large house ( on the East side of the said Pulpit ) was then builded , for the Governours and Children of Christs Hospitall to sit in : and this was done of the goods of William Elkin Alderman , late deceased . But within the first yeere , the same house decaying , and like to have fallen , was againe ( with great ●ost ) repaired at the Cities charge . Here I may not omit an especiall matter , because in my remebrance , nor else ( in my reading ) I finde not the like . On Munday in Easter weeke , being April 21. 1617. our most Gracious Soveraigne King Iames , being gone on his Journey to Scotland : It pleased divers Lords and other of his Majesties most Honourable Privie Councell , to visit this place of Saint Mary Spittle , and there to remaine in company ( during the Sermon time ) with the Lord Maior , Sir Iohn Lemman , and his worthy Brethren the Aldermen of this City . The Sermon being ended , they rode home with the Lord Maior to his house neere Belingsgate , where they were lovingly and honourably both welcommed and entertained with a most liberall and bountifull Dinner , and all the Gentlemen attending on them . The Lords , were the right reverend Father in God , George Lord Archbishop of Canturbury , Sir Francis Bacon , Lord keeper of the great Seale of England ; the Earle of Worcester ; the Lord Lis●e , Lord Chamberlaine to her Majesty , the Lord Bishop of London ; the Lord Carew ; the Lord Knivet ; Sir Iulius Caesar ; Sir Thomas Edmonds ; Sir Iohn Digby , with divers other Knights and worthy Gentlemen , &c. And the Preacher that then preached , was Master Doctor Page , of Detford in Kent . On the East side of this Churchyard lyeth a large field , of old time called Lolesworth , now Spittle field , which about the yeere 1576. was broken up for Clay to make Bricke : in the digging thereof many earther pots called Vrnae , were found full of Ashes , and burnt bones of men , to wit of the Romans that inhabited here . For it was the custome of the Romans , to burne their dead , to put their Ashes in an Vrne , and then bury the same with certain Ceremonies , in some field appointed for that purpose neere unto their City . Every of these pots had in them ( with the Ashes of the dead ) one piece of Copper money , with the inscription of the Emperour then reigning : some of them were of Claudius , some of V●spasian , some of Nere , of Antoninus Pius , of Trajanus , and others . Besides those Vrnes , many other pots were found in the same place , made of a white earth , with long necks , and handles , like to our stone Jugs : these were empty , but seemed to be buried full of some liquid matter , long since consumed and soked through . For there were found divers Vials , and other fashioned Glasses , some most cunningly wrought , such as I have not seen the like , and some of Chrystall , all which had water in them , nothing differing in clearnesse , taste , or savour from common spring water ; whatsoever it was at the first . Some of these Glasses had Oyle in them very thick , and earthly in savour . Some were supposed to have Balme in them , but had lost the vertue : many of these pots and Glasses were broken in cutting of the Clay , so that few were taken up whole . There were also found divers Dishes and Cups , of a fine red coloured earth , which shewed outwardly such a shining smoothnesse , as if they had been of Currall . Those had ( in the bottomes ) Roman letters printed , there were also Lampes of white earth and red , artificially wrought with divers Antiques about them , some three or foure Images , made of white earth , about a span long each of them : one I remember was of Pallas , the rest I have forgotten . I my selfe have reserved ( amongst divers of those antiquities there ) one Vrne , with the Ashes and bones , and one pot of white earth very small , not exceeding the quantity of a quarter of a wine pint , made in shape of a Hare , squatted upon her legs , and betweene her eares is the mouth of the por . There hath also been found ( in the same field ) divers Coffins of stone , containing the bones of men : these I suppose to bee the burials of some speciall persons , in time of the Brittons , or Saxons , after that the Romans had left to governe here . Moreover , there were also found the scuis and bones of men , without Coffins , or rather whose Coffins ( being of great timber ) were consumed . Divers great Nayles of Iron were there found , such as are used in the Wheeles of shod Carts , being each of them as big as a mans finger , and a quarter of a yard long , the heads two inches over . Those Nayles were more wondred at than the rest of the things there sound , and many opinions of men were there uttered of them , namely , that the men there buried , were murthered by driving those Nayles into their heads ; a thing unlikely : for a smaller Nayle would more aptly serve to so bad a purpose , and a more secret place would lightly be employed for such buriall . But to set downe what I have observed concerning this matter , I there beheld the bones of a man lying ( as I noted ) the head North , the feet South , and round about him ( as thwart his head , along both his sides , and thwart his feet ) such Nayles were found . Wherfore I conjectured them to be the nayles of his Coffin , which had been a trough , cut out of some great tree , and the same covered with a planke of a great thicknesse , fastened with such Nayles , and therfore I caused some of the Nayles to be reached up to me ; and found under the broad heads of them , the old wood , skant turned into earth , but still retaining both the graine and proper colour . Of these Nayles ( with the wood under the head thereof ) I reserved one , as also the nether jaw-bone of the man , the teeth being great , sound , and fixed , which ( amongst many other Monuments there found ) I have yet to shew ; but the Nayle lying dry , is by scaling greatly wasted . And thus much for this part of Bishopsgate Ward , without the Gate : for I have in another place spoken of the Gate , and therefore I am to speake of that other part of this Ward , which lyeth within the Gate . And first to begin on the left hand of Bishopsgate street , from the Gate ye have certaine Tenements of old time pertaining to a brotherhood of St. Nicholas , granted to the Parish Clarkes of London for two Chaplens to bee kept in the Chappell of St. Mary Magdalen , neere unto the Guild hall of London , in the 27. of Henry the sixth . The first of these house towards the North , and against the Wall of the City , was sometime a large Inne or Court , called the Wrastlers of such a signe , and the last in the high street towards the South , was sometime also a faire Inne called the Angel , of such a signe . Amongst these said Tenements was ( on the same street side ) a faire Entry or Court to the common Hall of the said Parish Clarks , with proper Almes-houses , seven in number , adjoyning , for Parish Clarkes , and their Wives , their Widdowes , such as were in great yeeres not able to labour . One of these , by the said Brotherhood of Parish Clarkes , was allowed sixteene pence the weeke , the other sixe had each of them nine pence the weeke , according to the Patent thereof granted . This Brotherhood ( amongst other ) being suppressed : In the reigne of Edward the sixth , the said Hall with the other buildings there , was given to Sir Robert Chester , a Knight of Cambridge-shire , against whom the Parish Clarkes commencing sute , in the reigne of Queen Mary , and being like to have prevailed , the said Sir Robert Chester pulled down the Hall , sold the timber , stone and lead , and thereupon the sute was ended . The Almes-houses remained in the Queenes hands , and people were there placed , such as could make best friends . Some of them taking the pension appointed , have let forth their houses for great rent , giving occasion to the Parson of the Parish , to challenge tithes of the poore , &c. Next unto this is the small Parish Church of Saint Ethelburge , Virgin , and from thence some small distance is a large Court , called little S. Helens , because it pertained to the Nunnes of St. Helens , and was their house : there were seven Almes-roomes or houses for the poore , belonging to the Company of Leathersellers . Then somewhat more West is another Court with a winding lane , which commeth out against the West end of Saint Andrew Vndershafts Church . In this Court standeth the faire Church of Saint Helen , sometime a Priory of blacke Nunnes , and in the same a parish Church of S. Helen . This Priory was founded before the reigne of Henry the third . William Basing , Deane of Pauls was the first Founder , and was their buried , and William Basing , one of the Sheriffes of London , in the second yeere of Edward the second , was holden also to be a Founder , or rather an helper there . This Priory being value at 314. l. 2. s. 6. d. was surrendred the 25. of November , the 30. of Henry the 8. The whole Church , th●●rtition betwixt the Nuns Church and Parish Church being taken down , remaineth now to the Parish , and is a faire Parish Church , but wanteth such a steeple , as Sir Thomas Gresham promised to have builded , in recompence of ground in their Church filled up with his Monument . The Nuns Hall , and other housing thereto pertaining , was since purchased by the Company of Leather sellers , and is their common Hall : which Company was incorporate in the 21. yeere of Richard the second . In the Church of S. Hellen , have yee these Monuments of the dead : Thomas Langton , Chaplaine , buried in the Quire , 1350. Adam Francis , Maior 1354. Elizabeth Vennar , wife to William Vennar , Alderman , one of the Sheriffes of London , 1401. Ioane , daughter to Henry Seamer , wife to Richard , sonne and heire to Robert Lord Poynings , dyed a Virgin , 1420. Iohn Swinflat , 1420. Nicholas Marshall , Ironmonger , Alderman , 1474. Sir Iohn Crosby , Alderman , 1475. and Anne his wife . Thomas Williams , Gentleman , 1495. Ioane Cocken , wife to Iohn Cocken , Esquire , 1509. Mary Orrell , wife to Sir Lewes Orrell , Knight . Henry Sommer , and Katharine his wife . Walter Huntington , Esquire . John Langthrop , Esquire , 1510. John Gower , Steward of Saint Helens , 1512 Robert Rochester , Esquire , Serjeant of the Pantrie to Henry the eighth . Sir William Sanctlo , and Sir William Sanctlo , father and fonne . Elianor , daughter to Sir Thomas Butler , Lord Sudley . John Southworth . Nicholas Harpsfield , Esquire . Thomas Sanderford , or Sommerford , Alderman . Alexander Cheney . Walter Dawbeney . George Fastolph , fonne to Hugh Fastolph . Robert Liade . Thomas Benolt , alias Clarentiaulx , King at Armes , 1534. William Hollis , Maior , 1540. John Fauconbridge , Esquire , 1545. Hacket , Gentleman of the Kings Chappell . Sir Andrew Iud , Maior , 1551. Sir Thomas Gresham , Mercer , 1579. William Skegges , Serjeant Poulter . Richard Gresham , fonne to Sir Thomas Gresham , 1564. Quiescit hic Gulielmus Pickeringus , Pater , Equestris Ordinis vir , Miles Mariscallus . Qui obiit 19. die Maii , Anno Salutis a Christo , 1542. Iacet hic etiam Gulielmus Pickeringus , Films , Miles , corporis animique bonie in-signiter ornatus ; Literis excultus , & Religione Sincerus ; linguas exacte percalluit . Quatuor Principibus Summa cum laude inservivit : Henrico Scilicet octavo , Militari virtue : Edvardo sexto , Legatione Gallica : Regine Mariae , negotiatione Germanica : Elizabethae , Principi omnium illustrissimae , summis officiis devotissimus . Obiit Londini , in adibus Pickeringiis , Etate 58. Anno Gratie , 1574. Ianuarii quarto . Cujus Memorie , Thomas Henneagius , Miles , Camer & Regi & Thesaurarius ; Johannes Asteley , Armiger , Iocalium Magister ; Drugo Drureius , & Thomas Wotton Armig. Testamenti Sui Executores , Monumentum hoc posuere . Here lyeth the body of William Bond , Alderman , and sometime Sheriffe of London ; A Merchant Adventurer , and most famous ( in his age ) for this great adventures both by Sea and Land. Obiit 30. die Maii , 1576. Flos Mercatorum , quos terra britanna creavit , Ecce sub hoc tumulo Gulielmus Bondus humatur . Ille mari multum pass us per saxa per undas , Vitavit Patrias Peragrinis mercibus oras . Magnanimum Greci mirantur Iasona vates , Aurea de gelido retulit guiavellera Phasi . Grecia decta tace , Graii concedite vates , Hicjacet Argolico Mercator Iafone Major . Vellera multa tulit , magis aurea vellere phryxi , Etsreta multa Scidit magis ardua Phasidos undis : Hei mihi quod nullo morsest Superabilis auro , Fles Mercatorum , Gulielmus Bondus humatur . Hicsitus eft Ioannes Spencer , Eques Aurasus Civis & Senator Loadinenfis , ejufdem Civitatis Pretor , An. Dom. 1594. Lui ex Alicia Bromefeldia Vxore , unican reliquit Filiam Elizabeth , Gulielmo , Earoni Compton enuptam . Obit 30. die Martii , Anno falutis . M.D. C.IX. Socero bene merico Gulielmus Baro Compton gener pofuis . Within this monument lyeth the earthly parts of Iohn Robinson , Merchant of the Staple in England , free of the Merchant Taylors , and sometime Alderman of London : And Christian his wife , eldest daughter of Thomas Anderson , Grocer . They spent together in holy wedlocke 36. yeeres , and were happy ( besides other worldly blessings ) in nine Sonnes and Seven Daughters . Shee changed her mortall habitation for a heavenly , on the 24. day of April , An. Dom. 1592. Her Husband following her , on the 19. day of February , 1599. Both much beloved in their lives , and more lamented at their deaths ; especially by the poore , to whom their good deeds ( being alive ) begot many prayers , now ( being dead , many teares . The Glaffe of his life held 70. yeeres and then ranne out . To live long , and happy , is an honour ; but to dye happy , a greater glory : Both these aspired to both . Heaven ( no doubt ) bath their foules , and this house of stone their bodies , where they Sleepe in peace , till the summons of a glorious resurrection wakens them . Here lieth the body of William Kerwin , of this Citie , free Mason . Who departed this life the 26. day of Decemb. 1594. Aedibus Attalicis Londinum qui decoravi , Exiguum tribuunt hanc mihi fata domum . Me duce surgebant aliis regalia tecta , Me duce conficitur ossibus urna meis . Here also lyeth the body of Magdalen Kerwin , his wife , by whom he had issue , two sonnes and two daughters . She deceased the 23. day of August , 1592. Magdalena jacet virtus post fata superstes , Conjugiique fides , Religioque manen● . Corpus humo tectum , Christo veniente resurget , Vt mentis consors astra suprema colat . Christus mihi vita . Mors mihi lucrum . Nos quos certus amor primis conjunxit ab annis , Iunxit idem Tumulus , junxit idemque polus . There is a faire Grave-stone , engraven on the plaine stone , being there laid in memoriall of Mr. Abraham Orelius , a learned Preacher of the French Church ; it lyeth neere to Sir Iohn Spencers Tombe , in the South I le of the Chancell ; but none new else beside . A yong new-borne childe was taken up , betweene the great Ware-house and Sir Iohn Spencers backe gate , being ( by a most unnaturall mother ) there buried in a great dung-hill of Sea-coale ashes , with the face upward ; yet found alive by Richard Atkinson , who used to make cleane the passage there of the soyle , carrying it thence with his wheel-barrow . The child had not any ragge or cloth about it , but was all bloudied , by reason that the Navillstring was untyed , and the body meerely crusted over with the Sea-coale dust . Yet being made cleane by the poore mans wife , it was found to be a most goodly Man-child , strong and well featur'd , without any blemish or harm upon it : but strangled inwardly , by sucking in the noysome filth and ashes . It was christened , and named Iob clnere extractus ; Iob taken out of the ashes . It lived 3. dayes , and dying , lyes buried in the Churchyard , the 5. of September , 1612. Richard Ball , Minister ; William Robinson , and Richard Westney , Church-wardens ; Thomas Edwards and Abraham Gramer , Side-men ; Iohn Harvey , Clerke . The charity that I finde in this Parish given to the poore , is 2. s. every Sunday ( for ever ) in Bread , allowed by the gift of the fore-remembred Mr. Robinson . And 1. s. also in Bread every Sunday given by Mistris Scioll . The bounds and limits of S. Helens Parish , called Bishopsgate-street , the furthest house on the East side , wherein Thomas Childe now dwelleth , towards the South , abutteth upon the tenement now in the occupation of Iames Austen , in the Parish of Saint Martins Oteswich . The furthest house , wherein Edward Higges , Sadler , now dwelleth , towards the North , abutteth upon the Parsonage house of Saint Ethelburges Parish , enclosing ( withall ) little S. Helens Close , wherein the Leather-sellers Hall , other Tenements , and Almes-houses belonging to the said Company , doe stand . As also great Saint Helens Close ; wherein the Parish Church , with a thorow-fare to the backe-gate , leading into S. Mary at the Axe ; and the utmost house belonging to the said Parish , is next adjoyning to the said gate towards the South , and openeth into the street there , commonly called Saint Mary at Axe . On the West side of the street , called Bishopsgate-street , the furthest house , wherein Thomas Goodson now dwelleth , ( towards the South ) abutteth upon the gate , wherein Mr. Richard Foxe , Aldermans Deputy , 〈◊〉 dwelled , in the Parish of S. Martin Oteswich . And the furthest house , wherin Nathaniel Wright then also dwelled , towards the North , abutteth upon the messuage or Tenement Inue , called the Blacke Bull , in the said Parish of Saint Ethelburge . By me , Io. Warner , Parish-Clerke there . Then have ye one great house , called Crosbie Place , because the same was builded by Sir Iohn Crosbie , Gracer and Woollman , in place of certaine Tenements , with their appurtenances , letten to him by Alice Ashfeld , Prioresse of S. Helens , and the Covent , for ninety nine yeeres , from the yeere 1466. unto the yeere 1565. for the annuall rent of eleven pounds six shillings eight pence . This house hee builded of stone and timber , very large and beautifull , and the highest at that time in London : hee was one of the Sheriffes , and an Alderman in the yeere 1470. knighted by Edward the fourth , in the yeere 1471. and deceased in the yeere 1475. so short a time enjoyed he that his large and sumptuous building . He was buried in Saint Helens , the Parish Church , a faire Monument of him and his Lady is raised there : hee gave towards the reforming of that Church five hundred markes , which was bestowed with the better , as appeareth by his Armes , both in the stone-worke , roofe of Timber , and glasing . I hold it a fable said of him , to be named Crosbie , of being found by a crosse ; for I have reade of other to have that name of Crosbie before him ; namely , in the yeere 1406. the 7. of Henry the 4. the said King gave to his servant Iohn Crosbie , the wardship of Iohn , daughter and sole heire to Iohn Iordaine , Fishmonger , &c. This Crosbie might bee Father or Grandfather to Sir Iohn Crosbie . Richard Duke of Glocester , and Lord Protector , afterward King , by the name of Richard the third , was lodged in this house : since which time , among other , Anthony B●nvice , a rich Merchant of Italy , dwelled there ; after him Garmain Cioll . Then William Bond , Alderman , increased this house in heighth , with building a Turret on the top thereof : Hee deceased in the yeere 1576. and was buried in Saint Helens Church . Divers Ambassadours have beene lodged there ; namely , in the yeere 1586. Henry Ramelius , Chancellour of Denmarke , Ambassadour unto the Queens Majesty of England , from Frederick the second , King of Denmarke : An Ambassadour of France , &c. Sir Iohn Spencer , Alderman , lately purchased this house , made great reparations , kept his Maioralty there , and since builded a most large ware-house neere thereunto . From this Crosby place , up to Leaden Hall corner , and so downe Grasse-street , among other tenements , are divers faire and large-builded houses for Merchants and such like . Now for the other side of this Ward , namely the right hand , hard by within the Gate , is one faire water-Conduit , which Tho. Knesworth , Maior in the yeer 1505. founded , hee gave 60. pounds , the rest was furnished at the common charges of the Citie . This Conduit hath since beene taken downe , and new builded . David Woodroffe , Alderman , gave 20. pounds towards the conveyance of more water thereto . From this Conduit have ye ( amongst many faire tenements ) divers faire Innes , large for receit of travellers , and some houses for men of Worship ; namely , one most spacious of all other there about , builded of bricke and timber , by Sir Thomas Gresham , Knight , who deceased in the yeere 1579. and was buried in S. Helens Church , under a faire Monument , by him prepared in his life : hee appointed by his Testament , this house to be made a Colledge of Readers , as before is said in the Chapter of schools and houses of learning . Somewhat West from this house , is one other faire house , wherein Sir William Hollis kept his Maioralty , and was buried in the Parish Church of Saint Helen . Sir Andrew Iud also kept his Maioralty there , and was buried at S. Helens . He builded Almes-houses for six poore Almes-people , neere to the said Parish Church and gave Lands to the Skinners , out of which they are to give 4. shillings every weeke to the six poore Almes-people , 8. d. the peece , and 25. s. 4. d. the yeere in Coales amongst them for ever . Then in the very West corner , over against the East end of S. Martins Oteswich Church , ( from whence the street windeth towards the south , you had , of old time , a faire Well with two Buckets , so fastned , that the drawing up of the one let downe the other ; but now of late that Well is turned into a Pumpe . From this to the corner over against the Leaden Hall , and so downe Grasse-street , are many faire houses for Merchants and Artificers , and many faire Innes for travellours , even to the corner where that Ward endeth , over against Grasse-Church . Thus much for this Bishopsgate Ward shall suffice : which hath an Alderman , two Deputies , one without the Gate , another within ; Common Counsellors , 6. Constables , 7. Scavengers , 7. for Wardmore inquest , 13. and a Beadle : it is taxed to the Fifteene at 13. l. BROADSTREET VVARD . THe next is Broadstreet Ward , which beginneth within Bishopsgate , from the Water Conduit , Westward , on both sides of the street , by Alhallows Church , to an Iron grate on the channell , which runneth into the water-course of Walbrooke , before yee come to the Posterne called Mooregate : and this is the farthest West part of that Ward . Then have ye Broadstreet , whereof the Ward taketh name , which stretcheth out of the formerstreet , from the East corner of Alhallowes Church-yard , somewhat South , to the Parish Church of Saint Peter the poore , on both sides ; and then by the South gate of the Augustine Friers , West , downe Throkmorton street , by the Drapers hall , into Lothbury , to another grate of Iron over the channell there , whereby the water runneth into the course of Walbrooke , under the East end of S. Margarets Church ; certaine posts of timber are there set up : and this is also the farthest West part of this Ward , in the said street . Out of the which street , runneth up Bartholomew Lane , South , to the North side of the Exchange : then more East out of the former street , from over against the Friers Augustines Church South gate , runneth up another part of Broadstreet , south , to a Pump over against S. Bennets Church . Then have ye one other street , called Three Needle street , beginning at the VVell with two buckets , by S. Martins Oteswich Church wall . This street runneth downe on both sides to Finkes lane , and halfe way up that Lane , to a gate of a Merchants house on the West side , but not so farre on the East . Then the aforesaid street , from this Finkes lane , runneth downe by the Royall Exchange , to the Stockes , and to a place formerly called the Scalding house , or Scalding wicke , but now , Scalding Alley , by the west side whereof , under the Parish Church of Saint Mildred , runneth the course of Walbrooke : and these bee the bounds of this VVard . Especiall Monuments therein are these : First , the Parish . Church of Alhallowes in the wall ; so called of standing close to the wall of the Citie , in which have beene buried : Thomas Durrem , Esquire , and Margaret his wife . Robert Beale , Esquire , 1601. Deo Opt. Max. Sacrum & Memoriae . Nobilis viri Dominici ab Heila , ex antiqua apud Flandros Equestri familia , ob singularem sidem in Principem & Patriam , in Historiis subinde celebrata oriundi , qui cum Orthodoxae Religionis ergo , relicta Patria , cui cum laude diu inservierat ; in Angliam , ut tutum fidelium refugium , se recepisset , ibidem XXIV . Postremos senectutis annos in Diveni verbi jugi studio , pauperumque subventione potissimii transegisset , & diu ante , ut quotidie moriturus , de domo sua disposuisset . Dissolvi , & cum Christo esse cupieus : tandem satur dierum placidè in Deo Salvatore obdomivit , 28. Aprilis , An. Christi , M. D.CVIII . Aetatis , 82. Londini Anglorum . Item Memoriae . Nobilis Matronae , Gulielmae ab Heila , Conjugis ipsius , natae Patre Joanne Domino Haleme & Finae , prope Insulas Flandorum , ex Salopia Equaestri spud Artesios Familia .. Quae marito Patriam ob Religionem relinquenti , in utraque fortuna fida socia , & in educandis piè liberis , curandaque re domestica Materfamilias incomparabilis . Obiit in Christo , die ult . Maii. An. M.D.CV. Aetatis 70. Conjugii , LI. Huic utrique Parenti optimè de se merito , debiti Honoris & gratitudinis ergo , Petrus ab Heila , F. Serenissimi Electoris Palatini Consiliarius , H. M. Moest . P. Charities in this Parish are few or none , but ordinary benevolences from the parishioners themselves : except some slender moity , issuing from certaine Almes-houses , builded by London wall , neere to Bishopsgate , by Mr. Kempe , and in his life time , as I have beene informed . The bounds of the Parish are needlesse to be spoken of , because their circuit containeth no great extent of ground . Mr. Andrew Geneway , the Parson , used me here very kindly . On the otherside of the street , among many proper houses , ( possessed for the most part by Curriers ) is the Carpenters Hall , which Company was incorporated in the 17. yeere of Edward the fourth . Then East from the Curriers Row , is a long and high wall of stone , inclosing the North side of a large garden , adjoyning to as large an house , builded in the reignes of King Henry the eighth , and of Edward the sixth , by Sir William Powlet , Lord Treasurer of England . Thorow this Garden , which ( of old time ) consisted of divers parts , now united , was sometimes a faire foot way , leading by the west end of the Augustine Friers Church straight North , and opened somewhat VVest from Alhallowes Church against London wall , towards Mooregate , which foot-way had gates at either end , locked up every night ; but now the same way ( being taken into those Gardens ) the gates are closed up with stone , whereby the people are inforced to goe about by Saint Peters Church , and the East end of the said Friers Church , and all the said great place and Garden of Sir Wiliam Powlet to London wall , and so to Mooregate . This great house adjoyning to the Garden aforesaid , stretcheth to the North corner of Broadstreet , and then turneth up Broadstreet , all that side , to and beyond the East end of the said Friers Church . It was builded by the said Lord Treasurer , in place of Augustine Friers house , cloyster , and gardens , &c. The Friers Church hee pulled not downe , but the west end thereof , inclosed from the Steeple and Quire , was in the yeere 1550. granted to the Dutch Nation in London , to be their Preaching place . The other part , namely , the Steeple , Quire , and side Iles to the Quire adjoyning , he reserved to household uses , as for stowage of corne , coale , and other things ; his sonne and heire , Marquesse of Winchester , sold the Monuments of Noblemen ( there buried ) in great number , the paving stone , and whatsoever , ( which cost many thousands ) for one hundred pounds , and in place thereof made faire stabling for horses . He caused the lead to be taken from the roofes , and laid tile in place ; which exchange proved not so profitable as he looked for , but rather to his disadvantage . On the East side of this Broadstreet , amongst other buildings , on the backe part of Gresham house , which is in Bishopsgate street , he placed eight proper Almes-houses , builded of bricke and timber , by Sir Thomas Gresham , Knight , for eight Almes-men , which bee now there placed rent-free , and receive each of them by his gift , 6. l. 13. s. 4. d. yeerely for ever . Next unto Powlet house , is the Parish Church of S. Peter the poore ; so called for a difference from other of that name ; sometime ( peradventure ) a poore parish , but at this present there be many faire houses , possessed by rich Merchants , and others . Buried in this Church : Richard Fitzwilliams , Merchant-taylor , 1520. Sir William Roch , Maior , 1540. Robert Calthrope , Maior , 1588. Dominus Joannes Hales , à pueritia literis deditus , excellenti ingenio , docilitati , memoriae , studio & industria singulari , adjuncta Linguarum , disciplinarum juris antiquitatis-rerum di-vinarum , atque humanarum , magna & multiplici doctrina instructissimus , evasit innocentia , integritate , gravitate , constantia , fide , pietate , Religione , gravissimae etiam aegrotationis , & rerum difficilium diuturna perpessione , & in patientia ornatissimus fuit , vitae honestissime sanctissimeque actae , diem supremum quinto Cal. Ianuar. 1572. clausit anima excorporis ; reliquiae hoc loco sitae sunt . Expecto resurrectionem morta●●orum , & vitam aeternam . Two other Plates there are beneath in the same wall , the one of Iohn Quarles , Draper , and the other of Edward Catcher , Pewterer . Here under this stone , are buried the bodies of John Lucas , of S. Johns beside Colchester , Esquire , Master of the Requests to the most vertuous , Noble , and worthy Prince , King Edward the sixth . He departed this life the 26. day of Octeber , An. Dom. 1556. And his daughter Margaret , late wife to Thomas Pennie , Doctor of Physicke , here buried the 13. day of November , 1587. Here lyeth the body of the Worshipfull Mr. William Cockaine the elder , Citizen and Skinner of London , who departed this life the 18. day of November , 1599. Also here lyeth the body of Elizabeth Medcalfe , his first wife ; by whom hee had 7. sonnes and 4. daughters . All which daughters departed this life , before any of them accomplished the age of 10. yeeres . The 7. sonnes lived , and the yongest of them ( at his death ) was fully 28. yeeres of Age. which said Elizabeth departed this life , the 5. day of April , 1589. Here also lyeth the body of Katharine Wonton , his second wife , who dyed the 19. of September , 1596. by whom he had no issue . In the East end of the North I le , there is a faire and comely Monument , There raised and placed , in the remembrance of Sir William Garaway , Knight , and his wife . This Monument standeth highest of all , next to the doores entrance . Thomas Lowe , Eques Auratus , D. Majoris Civitatis London , Ann. Domini , 1604. Vir probus & prudens . Obiit 11. die Aprilis , An. 1623. Aetat . 78. Cui 28. die Ian. 1615. Aetatis suae 67. a●●essit Anna lectissima foemina ex eodem Thoma mater , 15. liberorum ; vixerum suavissima conjunctione , An. 48. The Charities given yeerely to the poore of this Parish , are these ensuing : The Lady Payton , deceased , hath given yeerely for ever , in bread and otherwise , the summe of 40. s. The Lady Ramsey , deceased , hath given the summe of 4. l. yeerely for ever . Mr. Iohn Quarles , Citizen and Draper of London , deceased , hath given the summe of 5. l. yeerely for ever . Mr. William May , Merchant-taylor , deceased , hath given yeerely for ever , 2. s. Other gifts have beene there bestowed , to the poores reliefe , as one of forty shillings , and another of twenty shillings yeerely : but being tyed to no certainty , I am the more willing to omit them . Then next have ye the Augustin friers Church and Churchyard , the entring thereunto , by a South gate , to the West Porch , a large Church , having a most fine spired steeple , small , high , and streight , I have not seene the like : founded by Humphry Bohun , Earle of Hereford and Essex , in the yeere 1253. Reginald Cobham gave his Messuage in London , to the inlarging therof , in the yeere 1344. Humphry Bohun , Earle of Hereford and Essex , re-edified this Church in the yeere 1354. whose body was there buried in the Quire. The small spired steeple of this Church was overthrowne by tempest of wind , in the yeere 1362. but was raised of new , as still it might have stood , had not private benefit ( the onely devourer of Antiquity ) pull'd it downe . Both that goodly Steeple , and all that East part of the Church , hath lately beene taken downe , and houses ( for one mans commodity ) raised in the place , whereby London hath lost so goodly an ornament , & times hereafter may more talke of it . This house was valued at 57. pound , and was surrendred the 12. of Novemb. the 13. of Henry the 8. There lie buried in this Friers Church , amongst others , Edmond , first sonne to Ioane , Mother to King Richard the second . ●uy Meri●●arle ●arle of S. Paul. Lucie , Countesse of Kent , and one the Heirs of Barnaby , Lord of Mill●● with an Epitaph . Dame Ide , wife to Sir Thomas ▪ Dame Margaret West . 〈◊〉 Steven Lindericle , Esquir●●● 〈◊〉 Humfrey Bohun , 〈…〉 and Essessex , Lord of Bre●●● 〈…〉 . Ric●●● 〈◊〉 great●rundell ●rundell , Surrey● 〈…〉 1397. Sir 〈…〉 Dame Elizabeth his wife . Sir Francis Atcourt , Earle of Pembroke , which married Alice , Sister to the Earle of Oxeford . Dame Lucie Knowles , of Kent . Sir Peter Garinsers of France . The Lord Iohn Vere , Earle of Oxford , beheaded on the Tower-hill , 1463. Aubery de Vere , son and heire to the Earle of Oxford . Sir Thomas Tudnam , Knight . William Bourser , Lord Fitz Warren . Sir Thomas de la Lande , Knight . Dame Ioane Norris , the Lady of Bedford . Anne , Daughter to Iohn , Viscount Welles . Walter Nevell , Esquire . Sir Iohn Manners , Knight . The Wife of Sir David Cradocke , Knight . The Mother to the Lord Spencers Wife . Sir Bartlemew Rodlegete . Iohn , sonne to Sir Iohn Wingfielde . Sir VValter Mewes . Robert Newenton , Esquire . Philip Spencer , son to Sir Hugh Spencer . Dame Isabell , daughter to Sir Hugh Spencer . The Lords Barons , slaine at Barnet field , buried there , 1471. In the body of the Church . Dame Iulian , Wife to Sir Richard Lacy. Sir Thomas Courtney , son to the Earle of Devonshire , and by him his sister , wedded to Cheverstone . The Daughter of the Lord Beaumont . Two sonnes of Sir Thomas Morley , to wit , VVilliam and Ralph . Sir William Talmage , Knight . Nicholas Blondell , Esquire . Sir Richard Chamberlaine . Iohn Halton , Gentleman . Sir Iohn Gifford , Knight . Thomas Manningham , Esquire . Sir William Kenuda , Knight . Sir William , sonne to Sir Thomas Terrill . Ioha Surill , Gentleman . In the East Wing , Margaret Barentine , Gentlewoman . Iohn Spicer , Esquire , and Lettis his wife . Iohn le Percers , Esquire . Roger Chibary , Esquire . Peter Morens , Esquire . Thomas , sonne to Sir William Beckland . Iames Cuthing , Esquire . Iohn Chornet , Esquire . William Kenely , Esquire . Margery , wife to Thomas Band , and daughter to Iohn Huch . The L. William , Marquesse of Barkeley , and Earle of Nottingham , and Dame Ioane his wife . In the West Wing , Sir Iohn Tirrell , and Dame Katharine his wife . Sir Walter of Powle , Knight . Sir Iohn Blanckwell and his wife . Dame Iane Sayne , daughter to Sir Iohn Lee. Sir Iohn Dawbeny , sonne and heire to Sir Giles Dawbeny . William , sonne to Sir Roger Scroope . Dame Ioane Dawbeny , wife to Sir William Dawbeny . Thomas Charles , Esquire . Sir Iohn Dawbeny , Knight , and his sonne Robert. Sir Iames Bell , Knight . Sir Oliver Manny Knight . Henry Deskie , Esquire . Sir Diones Mordaske . Sir Bernard Rollingcort . Sir Peter Kayor . Sir William Tirell , and Sir William his brother , Knights . William Collingborne , Esquire , beheaded , 1484. Sir Roger Clifford , Knight . Sir Thomas Coke , Maior in the yeere 1462. William Edward , Maior , 1471. Sir Iames Tirell , Sir Iohn VVindany , Knights , beheaded , 1502. Sir Iohn Dawtrie , Knight , 1519. Dame Margaret Rede , 1510. Edward , Duke of Buckingham , beheaded , 1521. Gwiscard , Earle of Huntington . On the South side , and at the West end of this Church , many faire houses are builded , namely in Throkmorton street , one very large and spacious , builded in the place of old and small tenements , by Thomas Cromwell , Master of the Kings Jewell-house ; after that , Master of the Rolls , then Lord Cromwell , Knight , Lord Privie Seale , Vicar generall , Earle of Essex , high Chamberlain of England , &c. This house being finished , and having some reasonable plot of ground left for a Garden , hee caused the pales of the Gardens adjoyning to the North part thereof , on a sudden to be taken downe , 22. foot to be measured forth-right into the North of every mans ground , a line there to be drawn , a trench to be cast , a foundation laid , and an high bricke wall to be builded . My Father had a Garden there , & there was a house standing close to his South pale : this house they loosed from the ground , and bare upon Rowlers into my Fathers Garden 22. foot , ere my Father heard thereof : no warning was given him , nor other answer , ( when he spake to the surveyers of that worke ) but that their Master , Sir Thomas , commanded them so to doe : no man durst goe to argue the matter , but each man lost his Land ; and my Father paid his whole rent , which was 6. shillings 8. pence the yeere , for that halfe which was left . Thus much of mine owne knowledge have I thought good to note , that the sudden rising of some men , causeth them to forget themselves . The Company of Drapers in London bought this house , and now the same is their common Hall. This Company obtained of King Henry the 6. in the seventeenth of his reigne , to bee incorporate ; Iohn Gedney was chosen to be their first Master ; and the 4. Wardens were , 1. VVotton , I. Darby , Robert Breton , and T. Cooke . The Armes granted to the said Company , by Sir VVilliam Bridges , Knight , first Garter King at Armes , in Blason are thus : Three Sun Beames , issuing out of three clouds of flame , crowned with three Crownes Imperials of gold , upon a shield Azure . From this Hall , on the same side , downe to the grates and course of VValbrooke , have ye divers faire houses for Merchants and other , from the which grates backe againe on the other side in Lotisbury ( so called in Record of Edward the third , the 38. yeere , and now corruptly called Lothbury ) are Candlestick-founders placed , till ye come to Bartholomew Lane , so called of Saint Bartholomews Church , at the South East corner thereof . In this Lane also are divers faire builded houses on both sides , and so likewise have ye in the other street , which stretcheth from the Friers Augustines South gate , to the corner over against Saint Bennets Church . In this street , amongst other faire buildings , the most ancient was ( of old time ) an house pertaining to the Abbot of Saint Albans . Iohn Catcher , Alderman ( after dwelled there . Then is the free schoole , pertaining to the late dissolved Hospitall of Saint Anthony , whereof more shall be shewed in another place , and so upto Three Needle street . On the South part of which street , beginning at the East , by the Well with two buckets , now turned to a Pumpe , is the Parish Church of S. Martin called Oteswitch , of Martin de Otestwich , Nicholas de Oteswich , William Oteswich , and Iohn Oteswich , founders thereof , and all buried there , as appeareth by their ancient Monument . There be Monuments in this Church , of VVilliam Constantine , Alderman , and Emme his wife . Katherine , wife to Benedict Augustine . Sir VVilliam Drifield , Knight . Iohn Oteswich and his wife , under a faire Monument on the South side . Iohn Churchman , one of the Sheriffes in the yeere 1385. Richard Naylor , Taylor , Alderman , 1483. Iames Falleron . Iohn Melchborne . Thomas Hay and Ellen his wife . VVilliam Clitherow and Margeret his wife . Oliver and VVilliam , sonnes to Iohn VVoodroofe , Esquire . Hugh Pemberton , Taylor , Alderman , 1500. and Katharine his wife . Matthew Pemberton , Merchant-Taylor , about 1514. he gave 50. l. to the repairing of S. Lawrence Chappell . Illustri ac Nobilissimo V. Domino Jacobo Falckio , Domino Zelandiae Thesaurario , summo Consiliario ordinum ejusdem Provinciae , post plurimas apud plerosque Europae Reges , ac Principes obitas Honorificè Legationes , & regendarum rerum infinitas , cum omnium laude , ac admiratione curas , in extremis Ecclesiae ac Patriae cum hostibus luctis defuncto , Legati munere communi Patriae totius Provinciarum Belgicarum foederatarii apud Serenissimum & potentissimū Jacobū 1. Angliae , Scotiae , Franciae & Hyberniae Regem : Hoc intestinorum receptaculum . Reliquum à funere totius molem , in Patria Zelandia pietati inter planctus posuit affinis ex Sorore Anthonius Taymon . Obiit 4. Nonas Iunii . 1603. Parte solo recubo peregrino , parte paterno , Hoc bene si didici vivere , & hocce mori . I. Murdisonius . Quae natat Oceano Zelandia corpus , Olympus Ipse animam , peregrè hoc viscera marmor habet . A. Hunterus . Viscera terra Britanna tegit , Zelandia corpus , Sic mea divisit funera parce mihi . I. Meursius . Here lyeth the body of Clemens Langley , late wife of Richard Langley , and Daughter to Thomas Whitton , Gent. And of Joane his first wife , daughter of Robert Cresset , Esquire : who yeelded her soule to her Redeemer , the last of April , 1603. Thyzealous care to serve thy God , thy constant love to Husband deare : Thy harmelesse heart to every one remaines alive , though corps lye here . Spes vermis & ego . R. L. Vivit post funera Virtus . C. L. Also the 19. day of March , 1612. Richard Langley her husband was here buried . Here resteth the body of the Worshipful M. Rich. Staper , elected Alderman of this Citie , 1594. He was the greatest Merchant in his time , the chiefest Actor in discovery of the Trades of Turkey and East India : A man humble in prosperity , painefull and ever ready in the affaires publike , and discreetly carefull of his private . A liberall house-keeper , bountifull to the poore : an upright dealer in the world , and a devout aspirer after the World to come . Much blest in his posterity , and happy in his and their alliances . He dyed the last day of Iune , An. Dom. 1608. Intravit ut exiret . Sir Henry Rowe allowed 5. l. yeerely for ever to the poore of this Parish , to be bestowed in bread and coales . And Mistris Sotherton yeerely for ever in bread , 50. s. The aforesaid Iohn Churchman , for William and Iohn Oteswich , ( by licence of H. the fourth , the sixth of his reigne ) gave the Advouson or Patronage of this Church , foure messuages and 17. shops with the appurtenances , in the Parish of S. Martins Oteswich , &c. to the Master and Wardens of Taylors and Linnen Armorers , keepers of the Guild and Fraternity of S. Iohn Baptist in London , and to their successors , in perpetuall Almes , to be imployed upon the poore Brethren and Sisters . Whereupon , adjoyning upon the West end of this Parish Church , the said Master and Wardens builded ( about a proper quadrant or squared Court ) seven Almes-houses , wherein they placed seven Almes-men of that Company , and their wives , ( if they had wives ) each of these seven , of old time , had 14. pence the weeke ; but now of later time , their stipend by the said Master and Wardens hath beene augmented to the summe of 26. shillings the quarter , which is 5. l. 4. s. the yeere to each of them , beside coales . More , to each of them 20. s. the yeere , by gift of Walter Fish , sometime Master of that Company , and Taylor to Her Majestie . Some small distance from thence is the Merchant-Taylors Hall , pertaining to the Guild and Fraternity of Saint Iohn Baptist , time out of mind called of Taylors and Linnen Armorers of London . For I finde that King Edward the first , in the 28. of his reigne , confirmed this Guild by the name of Taylors and Linnen Armorers , and also gave to the brethren thereof , authority every yeere at Midsummer to hold a Feast , and to choose unto them a Governour or Master , with Wardens : whereupon , the same yeere , 1300. on the Feast day of the Nativity of Saint Iohn Baptist , they chose Henry de Ryall to be their Pilgrim . For the Master of this Mystery ( as one that travelled for the whole Company ) was then so called , untill the 11. yeere of Richard the second : and the foure Wardens were then called Purveyors of Almes , ( now called Quartredge ) of the said fraternity . This Merchant-Taylors Hall , sometime pertaining to a Worshipful Gentleman , named Edmond Crepin , Dominus Creeping , after some Record : he , in the yeere of Christ , 1331. the sixth of Edward the third , for a certaine summe of money to him paid , made his grant thereof , by the name of his principall Messuage , in the Wards of Cornhill and Broadstreet , which Sir Oliver Ingham , Knight , did then hold ; to Iohn of Yakley , the Kings Pavilion-maker . This was called the New Hall , or Taylors Inne , for a difference from their old Hall , which was about the backe side of the Red Lion in Basing lane , and in the Ward of Cord-wayner street . The 21. of Edward the fourth , Thomas Holme , alias Clarentiaulx , King of Armes for the South part of England , granted by his Patents , to the said fraternity and Guild of Saint Iohn Baptist , of Tailors and Linnen Armorers , to beare in a Field Silver , a Pavilion betweene two Mantles Imperiall , purple , garnished with gold , in a chiefe Azure , a holy Lambe , set within a Sunne , the Creast upon the Helme , a Pavilion purple , garnished with gold , &c. After this , King Henry the 7. was himselfe a Brother of this Fraternity , or Guild of S. Iohn Baptist , of Tailors or Linnen Armorers , ( as divers others of his predecessours Kings had beene ) to wit , Richard the 3. Edward the 4. Henry the 6. Henry the 5. Henry the 4. and Richard the 2. And for that divers of that Fraternity had ( time out of minde ) bin great Merchants , and had frequented all sorts of merchandises into most parts of the world , to the honour of the Kings Realme , and to the great profit of his subjects , and of his Progenitors , and the men of the said mystery , ( during the time aforesaid ) had exercised the buying and selling of all wares and Merchandises ; especially , of woollen cloth , as well in grosse , as by retaile , throughout all this Realme of England , and chiefly within the said Citie : therefore he of his especiall grace , did change , transferre and translate the Guild aforesaid , and did incorporate them into the name of the Master and Wardens of the Merchant-Taylors , of the fraternity of S. Iohn Baptist , in the Citie of London . Some distance West from this the Merchant Taylors Hall , is Finkes-Lan ; so called of Robert Finke , and Robert Finke his sonne , Iames Finke , and Rosamond Finke . Robert Finke the elder , new builded the Parish Church of S. Bennet commonly called Finke , of the Founder ; his Tenements were both of S. Bennets Parish , and Saint Martins Oteswich parish : the one halfe of this Fink lane is of Broadstreet Ward ; to wit , on the West side , up to the great and principall house , wherein the said Finke dwelled : But on the other side , namely the East , not so much towards Cornehill . Then without this Lane , in the aforesaid Three Needle street , is the said Parish Church of S. Bennet , a proper Church , in which are these Monuments : Robert Simson , and Elizabeth his wife . Roger Strange , Esquire , Treresse . William Coolby . Iohn Frey . Thomas Briar , Plummer , 1410. &c. By this Pillar was buried the body of Dame Anne Awnsham , who dyed the 23. of December , 1613. being neere 12. yeeres the wife of Sir Gedeon Awnsham , of Istleworth in the County of Middlesex , Knight : And before the wife to William Barradaile , Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London , dwelling in this parish together some 30. yeeres . He dyed in March , 1600. who by his will gave 5. pounds to the poore of this parish , and 6. pounds , 13. shillings , 8. pence , toward the building a loft in the Church , besides his other Legacies to the poore in other places . And the said Dame Anne , besides her other good deeds to Istleworth , and other places , she also appointed five pound to the poore of this Parish , which the said Sir Gedeon paid . As they both ( thankes be to God ) lived godly and well : so they could not but dye well , by the onely mercy of Iesus Christ . Some distance West is the Royall Exchange , whereof more shall bee spoken in the Ward of Cornehill , and so downe to the little Conduit , called the Pissing Conduit , by the Stocks Market , and this is the South side of Three Needle street . On the North side of this streete , from overagainst the East corner of St. Martins Oteswich Church , have yee divers faire and large houses , til you come to the Hospitall of St. Anthony , sometime a Cell of Saint Anthonies of Vienna . For I read , that King Henry the third , granted to the Brotherhood of Saint Anthony of Vienna , a place amongst the Iewes , which was sometime their Synagogue , and had been builded by them , about the yeere 1231. But the Christians obtained of the King , that it should be dedicated to our blessed Lady , and since , an Hospitall being there builded , was called Saint Anthonies in London . It was founded in the Parish of Saint Bennet Finke , for a Master , two Priests , one Schoole-master , and twelve poore men : after which foundation , amongst other things , was given to this Hospitall one Message and Garden , whereon was builded the faire large free-school , and one other parcell of ground containing 37. foot in length , and 18. foot in bredth , whereon were builded the Almes-houses of hard stone and Timber , in the reigne of Henry the sixth , which said Henry the sixth , in the 20. of his reigne , gave unto Iohn Carpenter , Doctor of Divinity , and Master of S. Anthonies Hospitall , and to his brethren and their successors for ever , his Mannor of Poinington , with the appurtenances , with certaine pensions and portions of Milburn , Burneworth , Charlton , and Vp-wimburne , in the County of Southampton , towards the maintenance of five Scholars in the Vniversity of Oxford , to bee brought up in the faculty of Arts , after the rate of tenne pence the week for every Scholar : so that the said Scholars bee first instructed in the rudiments of Grammar , at the College of Eaton , founded by the said King. In the yeere 1474. Edward the fourth granted to William Say , Batcheler of Divinity , Master of the said Hospitall , to have Priests , Clerkes , Scholars , poore men , and brethren of the same , Clerks , or Lay men , Queristers , Proctors , Messengers , Servants in houshold , and other things whatsoever , like as the Prior , and Covent of Saint Anthonies of Vienna , &c. Hee also annexed , united , and appropriated the said Hospitall , unto the Collegiate of Saint George in VVindsor . The Protectors of this house were to collect the benevolence of charitable persons , towards the building and supporting thereof . And amongst other things observed in my youth , I remember , that the Officers ( charged with oversight of the Markets in this City ) did divers time take from the Market people , Pigs starved , or otherwise unwholsome for mans sustenance : these they did slit in the eare . One of the Proctors for St. Anthonies tyed a Bell about the necke , and let it feed on the Dunghils , no man would hurt , or take it up : but if any gave to them bread , or other feeding , such would they know , watch for , and daily follow , whining till they had somewhat given them : whereupon was raised a Proverbe , Such an one wil follow such an one , & whine as it were an Anthonie Pig : but if such a Pig grew to be fat , and came to good liking ( as oft times they did ) then the Proctor would take him up to the use of the Hospitall . In the yeere , 1499. Sir Iohn Tate , sometime Alebrewer , then a Mercer , caused his Brewhouse , called the Swan neere adjoyning to the said Free Chappell , College , or Hospitall of Saint Anthony , to bee taken for the enlarging of the Church , which was then newly builded ; toward the building whereof , the said Tate gave great summes of money , and finished it in the yeere 1501. Sir Iohn Tate deceased 1514. and was their buried , under a faire Monument by him prepared . Doctor Tayler Master of the Rolles and other . Walter Champion , Draper , one of the Sheriffes of London , 1529. was buried there , and gave to the Beadmen twenty pounds . The Lands by yeere of this Hospitall , were valued in the 37. yeere of Henry the 8. to be 55. pounds , 6. shillings , 8. pence . One Iohnson , ( a Schoolemaster of the famous Free-schoole there ) became a Prebend of Windsore , and then ( by little and little ) followed the spoile of this Hospitall : he first dissolved the Quire , conveyed away the Plate and Ornaments , then the Bels , and lastly put out the Almes-men from their houses , appointing them portions of 12. pence the weeke to each . But now I heare of no such matter performed ; for their houses , with other , bee letten out for rent , and the Church is a Preaching-place for the French Nation . This Schoole was commended in the reigne of Henry the sixth , and sithence commended above other ; but now decayed , and come to nothing , by taking that from it which thereunto belonged . Next it the Parish Church of Saint Bartholomew , at the end of Bartholomew lane . Thomas Pike , Alderman , with the assistance of Nicholas Yoo , one of the Sheriffes of London , about the yeere 1438. new builded this Church . Sir Iohn Fray , Knight , was buried there . Margery his daughter and heire , wife to Sir Iohn Lepington , Knight , founded there a Chauntry , the 21. of Edward the fourth . Alderban , a Gascoigne , was buried there . Sir W. Capell , Maior , 1509. aded unto this Church a proper Chappell , on the South side thereof , and was buried there . Giles Capell was also buried there . Iames Wilford , Taylor , one of the Sheriffes , 1499. appointed by his Testament , a Doctor of Divinity , every Good Friday for ever , to preach there a Sermon of Christs passion , from sixe of the clocke till eight before noone , in the said Church . Io. Wilford , Merchant-Taylor , Alderman , 1544. Sir Iames Wilford , 1550. Sir George Barne , Maior , 1552. Iohn Dent. Miles Coverdale , Bishop of Excester . Thomas Dancer , and Anne his wife . In Obitum Reverendissimi Patris , Milanis Coverdal , OGDOASTICON . HIc tandem requiemque ferens finemque laborum , Ossa Coverdali mortua Tumbus habet . Oxoniae qui Praesul erat dignissimus olim , Insignis vitae vir probitate suae . Octoginta annos grandevus vixit , & nullum Indigni passus saepius exilium . Sic dimitti variis jactabam casibus , ista Excepitur gremio terra benigna sua . Here lyeth buried the body of Richard Bowdler , Citizen and Draper of London , being one of the Society of Merchants Adventurers in England , for Moscovia and the East-Indiaes . Here lyeth also Anne his wife , by whom hee had issue , 7. children , 5. sonnes , and 2. daughters ; whereof three deceased , but the other foure were living at the time of his death . He dyed the 16. day of November , 1603. And shee , &c. Here lyeth the body of Iohn Dent , whilest he lived , Citizen and Merchant of London , borne at Halloughton in Leicester-shire , and free of the Salters Company , as also of the Spanish and Moscovia Companies : but his chiefe trading was to France . Hee was once chosen Sheriffe of London , and once Alderman , and fined for the same . His last fine was 1000. Markes , towards the repairing of Christs Hospitall in London . He married twise ; his first wife was Margaret , by whom hee had one sonne , who dyed , and the mother . The second wife was Alice , by whom he had 3. Daughters , Elizabeth , Mary , and Elizab. The first dyed in her Fathers life time , the rest with the Mother remained living . Hee beeing aged 63. yeeres , dyed the 10. of Decemb. 1595. Here lyeth the body of Master Thomas Church , Citizen and Draper of London . He was helpfull to many , hurtfull to none , and gave every one his due . In memory of whose love to them , and theirs to him , Mary Bagwell , his sister , William Bagwell , her sonne , his Executors , and Bernard Cooper , the second Husband to the said Mary Bagwell , caused this stone to be laid here , the 28. day of May , 1617. Hee departed this life in August the 26. day , 1616. being aged 55. yeeres . A good life hath the dayes numbred , but a good name endureth for ever . To Gods Glory . In pious Memory of the nobly-vertuous , and religions Matrone , Margarite , wife of Robert Hall , Doctor of Divinity , and Pastor of this Parish . HEre lyes a Margarite that the most excell'd , ( Her Father Wyts , Her Mother Lichterveld , Rematcht with Metkerke ) of remarke for birth , But much more gentle for her genuine worth : Wyts ( rarest ) Iewell , so her name bespeakes ) In pious , prudent , peacefull , praise-full life , Fitting a Sara and a Sacred's Wife , Such as Saravia , and ( her second ) Hill , Whose joy of life , Death in her death did kill . Quàm piè obiit , Puerpera , Die 29. Iunii , Anno Salutis , 1615. Anno Aetatis , 39. Pignus Amoris , Sigum Honoris , ac Moeroris , Posuit Rob. Hill. Composuit Io. Syl. Vxor Foelix . Loquitur post Funera Virtus . FRom my sad Cradle to my sable Chest , Poore Pilgrim , I did finde few moneths of rest . In Flanders , Holland , Zeland , England , all , To Parents , troubles ; and to me did fall . These made me pious , patient , modest , wise : And , though well borne , to shun the Gallants guise : But now I rest my soule , where rest is found , My body here , in a small piece of ground , And from my Hill , that Hill I have ascended , From whence ( for me ) my Saviour once descended . Live ye to learne that dye you must , And after come to Judgement just . Maritus moestissimus . Thy rest gives me a restlesse life , Because thou wert a matchlesse Wife ; But yet I rest in hope to see That day of Christ , and then see thee . MARGARITA , a Jewell . I , like a Iewell tost by Sea and Land , Am bought by him , who weares me on his hand . MARGARITA , MARGARETA . Margarita beat , sed Margareta beavit . O utinam possit dicier , ista beat . One night , two dreames , made two Propheticals , Thine of thy Coffin , mine of thy Fuuerals . If women all were like to thee , We men for wives should happy be . R. H. MARGARITA surreptus est , Mons exarvit . Then lower downe , towards the Stockes Market , is the Parish Church of Saint Christopher , but re-edified of new : for Richard Shore , one of the Sheriffes , 1506. gave money towards the building of the steeple . There lye buried , Richard Sherington , 1392. who gave Lands to that Church . The Lady Margaret Norford , 1406. Iohn Clavering , 1421. who gave lands thereunto . Iohn Godney , Draper , Maior , 1427. This Godney , in the yeere 1444. wedded the Widdow of Robert Large , late Maior , which Widdow had taken the Mantle and Ring , and the vow to live chaste to God terme of her life ; for the breach whereof , the marriage done , they were troubled by the Church , and put to penance both he and she . William Hampton , Maior , 1472. was a great benefactor , and glased some of the Church windowes . Sir William Martia , Maior , 1492. Roger Acheley , Maior , 1511. Hee dwelt in Cornhill Ward , in a house belonging to Cobham Colledge , rented by the yeere , 26. s. 8. d. Robert Thorne , Merchant-Taylor , a Batchelor , 1532. he gave by his Testament in charity , more than 4445. pounds . Iohn Norryholme . Raph Batte . Alice Percivall . Iane Drew . William Borresbie . Iohn Broke . Richard Sutton . William Batte . Iames Well . Henry Beecher , Alderman , 1570. Robertus cubat hic Thornus Mercator honestus , Qui sibi legitimas Arte paravit opes . Huic vitam dederat puero Bristollia quondam , Londinum hoc Tumulo clauserat ante diem . Ornavit studiis , patriam virtutibus auxit , Gymnasium exexit , sumptibus ipse suis . Lector quisquis ades , requiem cineri precor optes , Supplex et precibus numina flecte tuis . Obiit 1532. aetatis vero suae , Au. 40. Heere lye the bodies of Henry Beecher , Alderman , and late Sheriffe of London ; and of Alice his first wife , one of the daughters to Thomas Heron of Edgecomb , in the County of Surrey , Esquire , by who he had 10. children . After whose decease he married with Iane , the widdow of one Oliver Loveband , of London , Gent. with whom he lived three yeeres , and dyed the 15. day of Ianuary , Anno Dom. 1570. Here lyeth the body of Iohn Tryon , who departed this life at Paris in France , the 15. of August , and was here interred the 14. day of September , An. Dom. 1612. Having seene and observed the said Parish Church of S. Christopher , with all the Grave-stones and Monuments therein : and finding a faire Tombe of Touch , wherein lyeth the body of Robert Thorne , Merchant-Taylor , and a Batchelor buried , having given by his Testament in charity , 4445. pounds , and to pious uses . Then looking for some such memory , as might adorne and beautifie the name of another famous Batchelor , Mr. Iohn Kendrick ; and finding none , but onely his Hatchments and Banners , yet he being buried so long since ; I thought it fit to let his owne last Will and Testament speake his due and deserved praises , according , and as ( among other ) it came to my hands . The last Will and Testament of Mr. Iohn Kendrick , Citizen and Draper of London : Who departed this life the 30. day of December , Anno , 1624. IN the Name of God , Amen . The nine and twentieth of December , Anno Domini , 1624. And in the two and twentieth yeere of the reigne of our Soveraigne Lord King Iames , &c. I Iohn Kendrick , of the Citie of London , Draper , being sicke in body ; but of good and perfect memory , ( for which I give most humble and hearty thankes to Almighty God ) doe make , ordaine and declare this my last Will and Testament , in manner and forme following : That is to say : First , and before all things , I commend and commit my soule to Almighty God , my Creator ; trusting most assuredly to be saved by the death , passion and onely merits of Iesus Christ , my Saviour and Redeemer . And I will that my body be decently interred in Christian buriall , in the Parish Church of S. Christopher , where I dwell ; as mine Executor , hereafter named , shall order and appoint . Item , I give and bequeath to threescore poore men , to every of them a Gowne of broad-cloth , to weare on the day of my buriall : and twelve pence a piece in money , to pay for their dinners . The same poore men to bee such as my Executor shall appoint . Item , I give and bequeath blacke Gownes and Cloakes , to be worne at my buriall by my kindred , friends , and servants , as my Executor shall thinke meet : not exceeding the summe of sixe hundred pounds in the said Gownes and Cloakes , and the rest of the charges of my Funerall . Item , I give and bequeath the sum of threescore pounds , to bee bestowed upon a Dinner , to be provided for my friends , and the inhabitants of the Parish of Saint Christopher , where I now dwell , upon the day of my buriall , and in such place as my Executor shall thinke meet and convenient . Item , I give and bequeath to the Maior and Burgesses of the Towne of Reading , in the Country of Berkshire , ( I meane , to the body corporate , or Corporation of the said Towne of Reading , by whatsoever name or addition the same is made knowne ) the summe of seven thousand & five hundred pounds , upon especiall trust and confidence , that they shall therewith performe the uses following : That is to say : The said Maior and Burgesses shall buy and purchase unto them and their successors for ever , ( I say , to the body corporate of the said Towne of Reading , by whatsoever name or addition the same is made or knowne ) Lands and Here ditaments , of the cleere value of fifty pounds by the yeere , over and above all charges and reprises . Which summe of fifty pounds a yeere , my will and 〈◊〉 aning is , shall bee paid by the said Maior and Burgesses , and their successours , unto my Sister Anne Newman , yeerely during her naturall life . And after her decease , the same yeerely sum of fifty pounds , shall bee paid by the said Maior and Burgesses , and their successors , to the Overseers of the poore of the said Towne of Reading ( for the time being ) yeerely for ever : And by them the said Overseers ( for the time being ) shall be bestowed and distributed to and among the poore people of the said Towne for ever : To wit , the moity thereof every halfe yeere , in such sums , and to such persons , as the said Overseers ( for the time being ) shall thinke meet , according to the necessity and desert of the same severall persons . Provided alwayes , and my meaning is , that this my yeerely gift shall not any way abridge the said poore of the ordinary allowances , usually assessed and collected of the wealthier sort of the inhabitants of the said Towne , towards the reliefe of the said poore people : but shal be unto them as an additament , and cleere increase of reliefe yeerly for ever . And if this my gift and provision shall happen ( which I trust it shall not ) to be by the said Maior and Burgesses , or by the said Overseers for the time being , ordered and disposed contrary to my meaning thus declared ; or that my will and desire above expressed , touching the bestowing and distribution of the said summe of fifty pounds yeerely , bee omitted , neglected , or left unperformed by the space of one whole yeere , after it is by this my Will appointed to be distributed and bestowed as aforesaid : Then my will and meaning is , that the said summe and revenue of fifty pounds a yeere , shall be by the said Maior and Burgesses , and their successors for the time being for ever , paid unto the Treasurer of Christs Hospitall : and by the Governours of the same Hospitall , imployed and bestowed in the reliefe and education of the poore children , of the said Hospitall . Or else , that the said Maior and Burgesses for the time being ; shall by their Deed in Law , conveigh and make over the Lands and Hereditaments of the said yeerely value of fifty pounds , unto the Maior and Commonalty and Citizens of the Citie of London , and their successors for ever , unto the use of the said Hospitall , to be imployed as aforesaid . Provided alwaies , that the said fifty pounds a yeere , bee yeerely paid unto my said Sister Anna Newman , during her naturall life : And after her decease , to the charitable uses aforesaid . Moreover , my will and meaning is , as also my trust and confidence in the said Maior and Burgesses of the Towne of Reading is , that with another competent part of the said summe of seven thousand five hundred pounds , so byme devised as aforesaid ; they the said Maior and Burgesses shall buy and purchase unto them and their successors for ever , a faire plot of ground , within the said Towne of Reading , or the liberties thereof . And thereupon shall erect and build a strong house of Bricke , fit and commodious for setting the poore on worke therein : Or else shall buy and purchase such an house , being already built , if they can finde one already fitting , or that may with a reasonable sum be made fit for the said use . The same house to have a faire Garden adjoyning , and to bee from time to time kept in good and sufficient reparations , by the said Maior and Burgesses for the time being , for ever . Which house and Garden , my will is , shall be used and occupied by such as the said Maior and Burgesses , and their successors from time to time for ever shall appoint and ordaine , for the imploying and handling of the stocke of money , by mee hereby left and devised to that purpose . And my will and meaning is , that the said Lands and Hereditaments of the yeerely value of fifty pounds , and also the said house and Garden , being bought and purchased as aforesaid , with parcell of the said summe of seven thousand five hundred pounds : Then the whole residue and remainder of the same seven thousand and five hundred pounds , shall make and be a common stocke , to be imployed and bestowed in Trades of clothing ; either in making of coloured clothes , or whites , as the time shall require . And also in working of Wooll , Hemp , Flax , Iron , grinding of Brazill woods , and other stuffes for dying , or otherwise , as to the said Maior and Burgesses aforesaid , and their successors for ever shall seeme meet and convenient , for the imployment of poore people , and for the preservation and increase of the said common stock . And the said Maior and Burgesses , and their successors for ever , shall have the election , placing and ordering , as also the displacing ( if cause bee ) of all and every person and persons , to bee imployed in the handling and husbanding , of the common stock in the house aforesaid : according to their the said Maior and Burgesses good discretion , from time to time for ever . Wherein yet my desire is , that they shall prefer the poore of the said Town to the said worke and imployment ; before others of other places . And for the performance of these premisses , my will is , that the somme of seven thousand and five hundred pounds , before ( for this end ) by mee bequeathed to the said Maior and Burgesses , or their successors : shall be paid unto them or their successors , in man and forme following ; that is to say , Two thousand pounds thereof at the end of one yeere next after my decease : Other two thousand pounds thereof , at the end of two yeeres , next after the day of my decease . And the residue of the said whole sum , being three thousand and five hundred pounds , at the end of three yeeres next ensuing , after and from the day of my decease . But if it shall happen ( as my trust is it will not ) that the said Maior and Burgesses , or their successors , shall neglect , omit or faile to performe the premisses , according to my will and meaning above declared ; or shall misimploy the said stocke , contrary to the true intent and meaning of this my device and disposition , for the good of the poore , and their honest imployment and maintenance as aforesaid ; and that such their neglect shall continue at any time , by the space of one whole yeere together : Then my will and meaning is , that my said whole Legacy of seven thousand and five hundred pounds , and every part and parcell thereof , shall be thence utterly void , frustrate and of none effect , as to , for and concerning the said Maior and Burgesses and their successors ; and as to , for and concerning the uses therof before limited and expressed . And that the said whole common stocke , shall bee by them the said Maior and Burgesses , and their successors for the time being ; forthwith paid unto the Maior and Communalty and Citizens of the City of London , to the use of Christs Hospitall in London , according as I have above devised and disposed , touching the revenue of fifty pounds a yeere for ever , first bequeathed to the use and reliefe of the poore people of the Towne of Reading . As also my will and meaning is , that in this case of non-performance by the said Maior and Burgesses , the house and Garden to bee purchased in Reading , as aforesaid : Shal be by the said Maior and Burgesses , and their successors , conveyed and made over by their deed sufficient in Law , unto the said Maior and Communalty and Citizens of the City of London , and their successors for ever , to the like use of Christs Hospitall in London , as aforesaid . Item , I give and bequeath to the Maior , Aldermen and Burgesses of the Towne of Newbury in the County of Berks ( I meane the body corporate of the same Towne , ) the summe of foure thousand pounds , to buy and purchase therewith a commodious house , and Garden within the same Towne , or the liberties thereof ; to set the poore on worke . And with the residue of the same summe , to make a common stock , for the imployment of the poore in the said house ; according to the good discretion of the said Maior , Aldermen and Burgesses from time to time for ever . And according to my meaning before declared , in the devising of the summe of seven thousand and five hundred pounds , to the Maior and Burgesses of the Towne of Reading , to the like use . But my will and meaning is , that if it shall happen ( which I trust will not ) that the said Maior , Aldermen and Burgesses of the Towne of Newbury , or their successors , shall neglect or faile to performe my trust and meaning , hereby committed unto them , or shall misimploy the said stocke , contrary to my good intent to the poore before declared , by the space of one whole yeere ( at any time ) after my said Legacy shall be paid unto them : Then my will and meaning is , that my said whole Legacy of foure thousand pounds , and every part and parcell thereof , shall thenceforth be utterly void , and of none effect , as to , for and concerning the said Maior Aldermen and Burgesses of the Towne of Newbury , and their successors for ever . And that the said whole common stock , be by them the said Maior , Aldermen and Burgesses of Newbury , and their successors for the time being , forthwith paid over unto the Maior and Burgesses of the Towne of Reading in the same County . To be by them and their successors for ever imployed , bestowed and used in like manner , as I have by this my Will devised and appointed another stocke common for the poore in the same Town of Reading : as by my said devise and disposition ( before herein more at large expressed ) doth and may appeare . In the like manner also my will and meaning is , that in case of such non-performance of my will and intent , by the said Maior , Aldermen and Burgesses of the Towne of Newbury , the house and Garden by them so to bee purchased and built , as aforesaid : Shall be by said Maior , Aldermen and Burgesses of the Towne of Newbury , and their successors ; conveyed and made over by their deed sufficient in Law , unto the Maior and Burgesses of the said Towne of Reading , and their successors for ever ; to be by them sold and converted into money , and the same money to be used and imployed in their common stocke for the poore in the said Towne of Reading aforesaid , in such sort , as I have formerly hereby expressed . And for the performance of the said trust and uses , by the said Maior , Aldermen and Burgesses of the Towne of Newbury aforesaid , my will and meaning is : that the said summe of foure thousand pounds so to them bequeathed and devised as aforesaid ; shall be paid unto them , or their successors , in manner as followeth ; that is to say , One thousand pounds therof at the end of one yeere , next ensuing after the day of my decease : One other thousand pounds thereof , at the end of two yeers from and after my said decease . And the residue ( being two thousand l. ) shall be paid them , at the end of three yeeres next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to the Company of Drapers of the City of London ( of which Company I am free ) the summe of two thousand and foure hundred pounds , to purchase Lands and He●editaments , to the cleare yeerly value of one hundred pounds for ever : over and above all charges and reprises . And with the same to performe these good uses hereafter mentioned ; that is to say : The summe of twenty foure pounds thereof yeerely for ever , to be bestowed in the moneth of December , for the releasing of sixe poore prisoners , out of these Prisons in London , to wit , the two Compters , Ludgate , Newgate and the Fleet , by foure pounds for each in Prisoner . Or if such cannot bee found in the said Prisons , or some of them to be released for these sums : Then the same ( or the residue thereof ) to be bestowed in like releasing of other Prisoners , out of some of the Prisons neere London , and out of the liberties thereof ; as to the Wardens of the said Company ( for the time being ) shal seeme meet . More , twenty pounds yeerely for ever , to the Curate of the Parish of St. Christopher , wherein I now dwell : To read divine Service in the said Parish Church at sixe a clocke in the morning every day of the weeke for ever . In like manner as is now used in the Chappell , at the great North-gate of Saint Pauls Church in London . More , to the Clerke and Sexton of the said Parish of Saint Christopher , to each of them fifty shillings yeerely for ever : to doe their severall attendance and assistance at the time of Divine Service every morning . More , to the Church-wardens of the same Parish of Saint Christopher : five pounds yeerely for ever , for the maintenance of lights in the Winter time . More , three pounds yeerely for ever , to the poore of the said Parish of Saint Christopher . More , to the poore Prisoners in London ten pounds yeerely for ever : namely , to the Prisoners of the Compters in the Poultry and Woodstreet , and in Newgate ; to each of these Prisons forty shillings yeerely for ever . To the poore Prisoners in Ludgate and in the Fleet ; to each house thirty shillings for ever . And to the poore Prisoners in Bethlem , or Bedlem ; twenty shillings yeerely . More , to the Clerke of the Company of the Drapers , for the time being : for his paines herein , forty shillings for ever . More , to the Beadle of the said Company ; thirty shillings for ever . More , to the Beadle of the Yeomanry of the same Company ; ten shillings yeerely for ever . More , five and twenty pounds yeerely for ever to be distributed by the said Wardens , among poore and religious men and women in the City of London ; to some more and to some lesse , as the said Wardens shall find their necessity and desert to be : Wherein my desire is , that poore Clothworkers and their Widdowes shall bee first preferred ; and next , the poore of the Drapers Company . The residue of the said sum of one hundred pounds a yeere , being foure pounds yeerely for ever , I entreat the foure Wardens of the said Company , to accept for their paines , to bee equally divided between them by twenty shillings to each of them , for the time being for ever . And if the said Company of Drapers , doe either of purpose or negligence , omit and not performe the premisses ; but shall leave the same unperformed one whole yeere , after they shall have received this my Legacy of two thousand & foure hundred pounds ( which I will shall be paid them at the end of one yeer next after my decease : ) Then my will and minde is , that the Governours of Christs Hospitall in London , shall recover the whole two thousand and foure hundred pounds , before specified , or the Lands and the Hereditaments , that the said Company shall have bought with the same money : And keepe twenty pounds yeerely for ever of the same rent , for the maintenance of the poore Children in the said Hospitall , as if the same had been first given to them . And the Drapers Company to have nothing to doe with it , or the rest of the said hundred pounds yeerely for ever . And that in this case , the yeerely payment of eight pounds unto the Clerke , Beadles and Wardens of the said Company , as also twelve pounds , parcell of the said five and twenty l. a yeere before devised , to be paid and distributed by the said Company , among poore and religious men and women in the City of London , utterly and for ever to cease . But this twenty pounds a yeere , being so converted ( as aforesaid ) to the use of the Hospitall , the residue of the said yeerly rent of one hundred pounds a yeere , I will that the Governours of the said Hospitall , shall pay and distribute yeerely for ever , in manner and forme as the said Company of Drapers should have done . Item , I give and bequeath to the said Company of Drapers , one hundred pounds , to be paid within a yeere after my decease ; and by the Wardens of the said Company to be bestowed in Plate : such as they shall thinke good , for the use of their common Hall in London , at their meetings and dinners there . Item , I give and bequeath to the poore of Christs Hospitall in London , five hundred pounds , to be by the Governours thereof bestowed in Lands and Hereditaments , for and towards the yeerely maintenance of the Children of the said Hospitall for ever . This summe to bee paid to the said Governours , or the Treasurer of the said Hospitall , so soone as they shall have found out a fit purchase to bestow it , and a greed on the price of the same . Item , I give and bequeath towards the curing of sicke , fore and diseased persons in Saint Bartholomews Hospital in London , the summe of fifty pounds . Item , I give and bequeath towards the curing of sicke , sore and disea-sed persons in Saint Thomas Hospitall in Southwarke neere London , the summe of fifty pounds . Item , I give and bequeath towards the repayring of the Parish Church of Saint Christopher , where I now dwell , the summe of forty pounds : To be paid to the Church-wardens of the same Parish , within one yeere after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath towards the repayring of the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul in London , the summe of one thousand pounds : to be paid to the Chamberlaine of London , at such time as that worke of repayring the same Church , shall be ready to proceed with effect ; and to be disposed by the direction and appointment of the Lord Maior and Aldermen of the said City . Item , I give and bequeath to bee given at the marriages of poore Maids within the City of London , two hundred pounds : to be distributed by forty shillings a peece upon the dayes of their marriage ; to such as have served one Master or Mistresse , by the space of five yeeres together . Item , I give and bequeath to be given and distributed to poore Maids in Towne of Reading , in the County of Berks , and at their severall marriages , by forty shillings a peece , at the discretion of the Maior and Burgesses of that Towne ; the summe of one hundred pounds . Provided , none enjoy the benefit thereof , but such as have served Master , Mistris or Dame , by the space of seven yeeres together . This hundred pounds to bee paid to the said Maior and Burgesse ( for the use aforesaid ) within one yeere next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to the Maior , Aldermen and Burgesses of the Towne of Newbury in Barkeshire , the summe of fifty pounds : to be by them bestowed and distributed to twenty five Maids marriages , on their severall daies of their weddings in the same Towne . None to enjoy this gift ; but such as have well and honestly served with one Master , Mistris of Dame , by the space of seven yeeres at the least . And this fifty pounds to be paid to the said Maior Aldermen and Burgesses , within one yeere next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath towards the setting on worke of forty idle vagrant Boyes , such as goe up and downe the streets in the City of London , begging and pilfering , the summe of two hundred pounds : to be paid to the Treasurer for the time being , being of the house of correction , called Bridewell in London , in manner and forme following , that is to say , When any such Boy is taken up by my Executor or his Assignes , in any place within the liberties of this Citie of London , and by the Treasurer of the same House of Correction , and Governours there for the time being , placed and bound Apprentice with a Master , for the terme of seven yeeres at the least , with a Master or Art-masters , as Glovers , Pinners , Shoomakers , or any other occupation of Art , which they shall bee thought most fit for , to learne in the said house ; whereby ( in time ) they may prove good members , and live like honest men in the Common-wealth . I say , with every one of these Boyes shall be paid to the Treasurer and Governours for the time being ; the summe of five pounds , untill the said summe of two hundred pounds bee fully paid for that use . Item , I give and bequeath towards the finishing of the Pinacles of the Steeple of the Parish of Saint Maries in Reading , in Berkshire , fifty pounds ; to bee paid to the Churchwardens of the same Parish , within one moneth after the same Pinacles shall be finished . Item , I give and bequeath to the Maior and Burgesses of the Towne of Reading aforesaid , the summe of five hundred pounds , to be first lent to these parties , and in the summes hereafter named , for seven yeeres , gratis : That is , to Iames Winche , two hundred pounds : and to Walter Rye , Richard Stampe , and William Blacknall , Clothiers , one hundred pounds apiece : each of them giving Bond with two sufficient sureties , for repayment thereof to the said Maior and Burgesses , at the end of the said seven yeeres . And afterwards , the same five hundred pounds shall be lent to ten severall honest industrious poore Clothiers , free men of the same Towne , by fifty pounds apiece , gratis , for three yeeres , upon like good security : and no man to have the use of this money twise . But if there shal not be Clothiers enow found in the said Towne , to enjoy this loane in manner aforesaid : That then the said money shall bee lent also unto other Tradesmen , free of the said Town , by the summes and termes of yeeres last before appointed ; to such as set most poore people aworke , according to the discretion of the said Maior and Burgesses : And this said summe of five hundred pounds shall be paid to the said Maior and Burgesses , ( to the use aforesaid ) at the end of one yeere next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to the Maior , Aldermen and Burgesses of the Towne of Newbury , in the County of Berks , the sum of five hundred pounds , to be lent first for the terme of seven yeeres , gratis , unto these severall Clothiers here named ; that is to say , To Thomas Newman , one hundred pounds : to Richard Avery , one hundred pounds : to Martin Broaker , fifty pounds : to William Goodwin the elder , fifty pounds : to Timothy Avery , fifty pounds : to Robert Bacon , fifty pounds : and to Griffin Forster , fifty pounds . Every of the said severall parties entring into bond , with 2. sufficient sureties , for repayment of the said summes to the said Maior and Aldermen and Burgesses at the end of seven yeeres . And afterwards , the same five hundred pounds shall be lent to ten severall honest industrious poore Clothiers , free of the said Towne of Newburie , by fifty pounds apiece , gratis , for three yeeres : And after that in like manner , from three yeers to three yeeres for ever ; and no man to have the same money twise . But if there shall not bee Clothiers enow found in the same Towne of Newbury , to enjoy this loane in manner as aforesaid ; then the same money shall bee lent also unto other Tradesmen , free of the same Towne , by the summes and termes of yeeres last before appointed , to such as set most poore people on worke , according to the discretion of the said Maior , Aldermen and Burgesses ; to whom this said five hundred pounds shall bee paid , to the use aforesaid , at the end of one yeere after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to the Governour , Assistants , and fellowship of Merchant Adventures of England , the summe of nine hundred pounds , to bee lent by three hundred pounds in a parcell , for three yeeres , gratis , unto three honest , industrious and frugall young men , free of that Company , none of them being partners with each other ; and every of them giving Bond with two sufficient sureties , to be tryed and allowed by ballotting , and not otherwise , for repayment of the same money to the said Company . And so the same money to be lent out by the said Company in this manner , from three yeeres to three yeeres , for ever . And my will and desire is , that these my five present servants , shall be ( upon security as aforesaid ) first preferred to the enjoying of this loane ; to wit , William Powle , Thomas Newman , and Simon Gundy , the first three yeeres ; and Andrew Kendricke and Christopher Pack , the next two parcels that shall come in , and be received in , after they shall be freemen of that Company . And for performance hereof , the said nine hundred pounds shall be paid unto the Treasurer of the said Company in London , for the time being , at the end of one yeere next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to my brother William Kendrick of Reading in the County of Berks , Clothier , and to his Children now borne and living , the summe of two thousand pounds : wherof one third part for himselfe , and the other two parts for his said Children . The same two third parts of the said summe of two thousand pounds , to be equally divided to and amongst his said children , share and share like . And my will is , that the said two thousand pounds bee paid to my said brother , at the end of three yeeres next after my decease : and that he shall pay his said children their severall shares thereof before limited ; that is to say , to his Sonne his share and part , when he commeth to the age of twenty foure yeeres : And to his Daughter , her share and part , when she commeth to the age of one and twenty yeeres , or at the day of her marriage , which shall first happen . And if it fortune either of my said brothers children to dye or decease , before their respective Legacies aforesaid shall grow due , as above ; that then the part of such child so deceasing , shall accrue and be paid to the surviver of the said children , at the day and time before appointed . Item , I give and bequeath to my said brother William Kendrick , my gold Ring which was my Fathers ; with the Letters T. K. therein engraven , and a knot betweene the same Letters . Item , I give and bequeath to my Sister Anne Newman of Reading in the Country of Berks , the sum of one thousand Marks , to be paid unto her at the end of one yeere next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath unto the Children of my said Sister , Anne Newman , the sum of two thousand Markes ; to bee equally divided amongst them share and share like . And the shares of such as are already married ( if they be Daughters ) or are foure and twenty yeeres of age , to bee paid them at the end of one yeere after my decease . And the shares of the rest , to be paid to such as be Sonnes ; when they shall be foure and twenty yeeres of age . And to the Daughters , at their day of marriage ; or when they shall come to one and twenty yeeres of age respectively , which of these shall happen to bee first . And if it shall happen any of the said Children of my said Sister to dye , before the age and time so prefixed for payment , as aforesaid ( I meane , those that be yet under that age , and unmarried ) then my will is : That the share and part of such as shall so dye , shall accrue and bee paid unto the rest of the same Children then surviving , share and share like ; and at the dayes and times of payment before appointed , for their own severall shares and parts . But my will and meaning is , that Thomas Newman , son of my said Sister ; shall not have any part or share of this said Legacy of two thousand Markes : because I give him a large Legacy apart by this my will. Therefore the said two thousand Markes is to bee divided and shared among the rest of the Children of my said Sister , as aforesaid . Item , I doe hereby absolutely acquit and forgive my brother in law Thomas Newman , of Reading aforesaid , husband to my Sister Anne Newman ; the summe of one hundred Markes , which he oweth me by his bond , due the second day of November , An. Dom. 1623. being all that he oweth me at the date of this my will. Item , I give and bequeath to my Sister Alice Vigures of Excester , in the County of Devon , the summe of five hundred pounds ; to be paid her at the end of two yeeres next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to the children of my said Sister Alice Vigures the summe of one thousand pounds , to be equally divided among them share and share like . And if any of them being Sonnes ) bee of the age of foure and twenty yeeres ; or any of them ( being Daughters ) bee of the age of one and twenty yeeres , or married , then the share and parts of such respectively , shall bee paid at the end of two yeeres next after my decease . And the shares and parts of the rest , shall bee paid to such as are Sonnes , at the age of foure and twenty yeeres : and to such as bee Daughters , at their age of one and twenty yeeres , or at the dayes of their marriage , which of them shall first happen to come respectively . But my will and meaning is , that Simon Gandy , Sonne of my said Sister Alice Vigures , shall not have any part or share of this Legacy of one thousand pounds : because I give him a large Lecy apart by himselfe in this my Will. But my meaning is , that this said Legacy of one thousand pounds , so given as aforesaid , shall bee equally divided among the rest of the Children of my said Sister ; excluding the said Simon Gandy from all part and share of the same : And if it shall happen any of the said Children of my said Sister Alice Gandy , to dye before the age and time of payment appointed as aforesaid ( I meane , when they bee under that age , and unmarried : ) then my will and meaning is , that the share and part of such as shall so dye ; shall bee paid and accrue unto the rest of the same Children so surviving , to each of them equally , and share and share like : and at the dayes and times of payment before appointed , for their owne severall shares and parts . Item , I give and bequeath to my Brother Iames Winche of Parley in the County of Berks , and to his Children , the summe of one thousand pounds : whereof one third part for himselfe , the other two third parts for his said Children . The same two third parts to bee divided equally amongst the said Children of my said Brother , share and share like . And my will is , that this said summe of one thousand pounds , shall bee paid to my said Brother Iames Winche , at the end of one yeere next after my decease , and that hee shall pay forthwith unto such of this Children , as ( being sonnes , and of the age of foure and twenty yeeres , or married ) their severall shares and proportions of the said two third parts of this summe of one thousand pounds . The shares and parts of the rest of his Children , hee shall retaine in his owne hands , untill his said Children ( being Sonnes ) shall be of the age of foure and twenty yeeres : And being Daughters , shall bee of the age of one and twenty yeeres , or be married ; and then he shall pay every of them their severall shares and parts respectively . And if it shall happen any of the said younger Children to dye , before the time of payment so limited as aforesaid : Then my will and meaning is , that the part and share of such as shal so decease shall accrue unto the rest of the said Children of my said Brother , that shall then survive ; to bee equally divided amongst them share and sharelike , and to bee paid at the daies and times before appointed . Item , I give and bequeath to thirty of my poorest Kindred in the Towne of Reading in Barkshire , the summe of three hundred pounds , to bee paid unto my Brother William Kendrick , within three moneths after my decease . And by him to be distributed by ten pounds in every parcell , as hee in his discretion shall thinke good : wherein I pray him to be very carefull , to bestow the same where there is most need and best desert . Item , I give and bequeath to old Elizabeth Kendrick of Reading , Daughter to my Fathers Brother William Kendrick ( as I take it ) the summe of fifty pounds ; to be paid her within three moneths after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to my Kinseman Thomas Newman , now residing at Delft in Holland , the summe of one thousand pounds . To be paid him upon the five and twenty day of October which shall be in the yeere of our Lord God , 1626. when his time of service expireth . Provided , that he remaine with my partner Mr. Laurence Halstead , and serve him his said full time . Item , I give and bequeath to my kinsman and late servant , Simon Gandy , the summe of one thousand pounds , to be paid him within one yeere next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath unto Arthur Aynscombe , Merchant , now residing at Antwerp ; who hath a share with me in trade ; the summe of five hundred pounds , to be paid him within 2. yeeres after my decease . Provided that he goe forward in trade with Mr. Laurence Halstead , ( if he the said Master Halstead shall desire it ) unto the end of our Contract , which will be the five and twentieth day of October , Anno Dom. 1626. Item , I give and bequeath to Barney Reymer , Merchant , now residing at Delft , who hath also a share with me in trade ; the sum of five hundred pounds , to be paid him within two yeeres next after my decease . Provided that hee goe forward in trade with Mr. Laurence Halstead , ( if he the said Mr. Halstead shal desire it ) unto the end of our contract , which will bee the five and twentieth day of October , Anno Dom. 1626. as is above-said . Item , I give and bequeath to Master Iohn Quarles , who was my Master , the summe of five hundred pounds , to bee paid him within a yeere next after my decease . And my earnest request unto Mr. Laurence Halstead is , that unto the end of our contract of Partnership , ( which will be the five and twentieth day of October , Anno Domini 1626. ) the same Mr. Quarles may have his dyet , lodging and washing , in his the said Mr. Halsteads house , free , and without paying any thing therefore , as he now hath it with me . And my desire also is , that he may continue to keepe the bookes of our partable account , untill the aforesaid twenty fifth day of October , 1626. and be paid his wonted yeerely allowance of fifty pounds for the same . And I doe hereby freely and absolutely forgive the said Mr. Iohn Quarles , the summe of three hundred pounds , which he oweth me , payable at pleasure , being lent him the last of March , Anno 1615. and being all that he oweth me at the date of this my Will. Item , I give and bequeath to Master George Lowe , heretofore my partner , the summe of three hundred pounds , to bee paid him within one yeere next after my decease . And I doe hereby absolutely forgive him , all that is due unto me for his lodging , diet , firing and washing , which he hath had of me now six yeeres together . Item , I give and bequeath to Thomas Billingsley , sonne of Sir Henry Bilingsley , Knight , and Alderman of London , deceased , the sum of two hundred pounds , to be paid him within one yeere next after my decease . And I doe absolutely forgive him the summe of two hundred pounds , which hee oweth mee by his Bond , due the twentieth of December , Anno , 1625. and lent him the twentieth of this present Moneth , for a yeere . Item , I give and bequeath to the Executors of Thomas Iackson , of London , Merchant , deceased ( whom I take to be Miles Iackson , the sonne of the said Thomas ) the sum of three hundred pounds , to be paid at the end of one yeere next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to Lucas van Peenen of Middleburgh in Zealand , sonne of Roger van Peenen of that Town , deceased ; the summe of fifty pounds sterling , to be paid over by Exchange , within two moneths after my decease : Payable at Vsance to Iohn Mount-Stephen , now residing in that Towne , to be paid over to the said Lucas van Peenen , forthwith after he hath received it , in the full Flemmish summe which the same shall produce . Item , I give and bequeath to Iremias Poets , of the same Towne of Middle-burgh in Zealand , ( if he be the Executor of his brother Hance Poets , deceased ) the summe of twenty pounds sterling : to be made over by Exchange within two moneths after my decease . Payable at Vsance , to Iohn Mount-Stephen aforenamed ; and by him forthwith ( after his receipt thereof ) to be paid over to the said Ieremias Poets , in the full Flemmish summe which the same shall produce . Item , I give and bequeath to William Powle my covenant Servant , the summe of two hundred pounds : to bee paid him within sixe moneths after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to Andrew Kendricke my Apprentice , the summe of three hundred pounds : to bee paid him , when hee shall have served seven yeeres , from the commencement of the terme of his Indenture . Item , I give and bequeath to the said Andrew Kendricke , the summe of one hundred pounds more : in lieu of so much given mee with him by his Father Iohn Kendricke ; to bee paid him within three moneths next after my decease , upon acquittance to be given by his said Father therefore . Item , I give and bequeath to Christopher Packe mine Apprentice , the sum of one hundred pounds : to bee payed him within three months next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to Thomas Mayle my Horse-keeper , the summe of twenty pounds : to be paid him within two moneths next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to my Maid Dorothy , the summe of twenty pounds ; to bee paid her within two moneths next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to my Maid Margaret the summe of twenty pounds ; to bee paid her within two moneths next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath unto Iohn Hutwith my Drawer , the summe of fifty pounds ; to be paid him within three moneths after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to Walter Bird my Drawer , five and twenty pounds ; to bee paid him within three moneths after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to the present men servants of Iohn Hutwith my Drawer , the summe of twenty five pounds ; whereoften pounds to Charles , and the other fifteene pounds to bee equally divided amongst the rest , as well Apprentices as Journeymen ; to bee paid within two months next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to my twelve Clothworkers , that usually row and sheere my Clothes ; the summe of one hundred and thirty pounds : whereof twenty pounds to Owen Dobbins , and ten pounds a peece to the rest ; to bee payed within three moneths next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to William Bigge and William Salisbury , that usually presse and fold my Clothes ; the sum of twenty five pounds : whereof fifteen pounds to William Bigge , and ten pounds to William Salisbury , to bee paid them within three moneths next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to my Porters at the waterside , ten pounds , to be equally divided among them . And ten pounds to my Porters , that usually pack in my house ; to bee paid within two moneths next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to my Water-bearer three pounds : And to my Washer Anthony five pounds , to be paid them forthwith after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to William Beadle of Reading Clothier , the summe of fifty pounds , if he be yet living ; and if he be dead ; then to his Executors : to to be paid within three moneths next after my decease . And I doe hereby also forgive the said William Beadle the ten pounds he now oweth me . Item , I give and bequeath to the Executors of Mark Slye of Reading Clothier deceased , the summe of fifty pounds ; to be paid within three moneths next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to Thomas Newman of Newbury Clothier , the sum of one hundred pounds , to be paid him within three moneths after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to Iohn Skinner , Secretary to the Merchants Adventurers ; the summe of one hundred pounds , to bee paid within three moneths next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to the Widdow Harison and her Daughter , dwelling in the Alley next to my dwelling house , five pounds , to be paid within one moneth next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to Master Richard Bennet , who was heretofore my Partner , the summe of three hundred pounds , to bee paid at the end of one yeere next after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to Master William Towerson Skinner , Deputy of the Merchant Adventurers , five pounds to make him a Ring . And to Master Thomas Smith Skinner , five pounds to make him a Ring ; to bee paid them forthwith after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath unto Rafe Barnet , William Ellets and Iohn Southern Officers of the Merchant Adventurers , five pounds a peece ; to bee paid them forthwith after my decease . Item , I give and bequeath to the Maior and Burgesses of the Towne of Reading , in the County of Berks ; the sum of two hundred and fifty pounds ; to be paid them at the end of one yeere next after my decease : Therewith to purchase Lands and Hereditaments , to the cleare yeerely value of ten pounds for ever ; to maintaine Divine Service to be said in the Parish Church of St. Mary in that Towne , by the Parson or his Curate every morning of the week , at sixe of the clocke for ever . Item , I give and bequeath to the Maior , Aldermen and Burgesses of the Town of Newbury , in the County of Berks , the sum of two hundred and fifty pounds , to bee paid them at the end of one yeere next after my decease : Therwith to purchase Lands or Hereditaments , of the cleare yeerely value of ten pounds for ever ; to maintaine Divine Service to bee said in the Parish Church of that Towne by the Parson or his Curate , every morning of the week at sixe of the clocke , to continue for ever . Item , I give and bequeath to my Kinseman William Bye , dwelling neere the Allum Mines in Yorkeshire , the summe of one hundred pounds ; to bee paid him within three moneths after my decease . And I doe hereby forgive him the tenne pounds , which hee oweth me by his Bond , due long since . Item , I give and bequeath to the Company of Drapers in London , the summe of forty pounds , to be bestowed upon a dinner for the Livery of that Company , to be at their Hall upon the day of my buriall : This to bee paid forthwith after my decease . And my will and meaning is , that in case any of the persons aforenamed , to whom I have bequathed Legacies as aforesaid , and not especially disposed for case of their decease , shall happen to dye before the same Legacies grow due unto them . Then the Legacie or Legacies so by mee given to them as aforesaid , shall bee paid unto their Executors or Administrators , at such time as I have before severally appointed unto them my Legataries . And I doe make and ordaine my loving Friend and Partner , Master Laurence Halstead , my sole Executor , of this my last Will and Testament : Charging him , as hee will answer it before Almighty GOD at the last Day of Judgement , that hee truly and punctually ( in every particular ) performe this my said last VVill and Testament ; as I nothing doubt but hee will bee carefull to doe it . Hereby giving and bequeathing unto him my said Executor , all the residue and remainder of my estate ; my Legacies before bequeathed being first payed and discharged . In witnesse of the premisses , I have unto this my last Will and Testament , contained in eighteene severall sheets of Paper , put my hand and Seale . That is , my Seale once at the top , and my name under every severall sheete , the day and yeere first above written . John Kendricke . Sealed , pronounced and delivered by the said Iohn Kendricke , as his last Will and Testament , in the presence of us , Iohn Skinner . Andrew Kendricke . Thomas Singleton . West from this Church have yee Scolding Alley , of old time called Scalding house , or Scalding wicke , because that ground ( for the most part ) was then imployed by Poulterers , that dwelled in the high street , from the Stockes Market to the great Conduit . Their Poultrie which they sold at their stalles , were scalded there : the street doth yet beare the name of the Poultrie , and the Powlterers are but lately departed from thence into other streets , as into Grasse-street , and the ends of S. Nicholas flesh shambles . This Scalding wicke is the farthest part of Broadstreet Ward , and is ( by the water called Walbrooke ) parted from Cheap Ward . This Broadstreet Ward hath an Alderman , with his Deputy , Common Counsellors , ten , Constables , ten ; Scavengers , eight ; Wardmote inquest , thirteen , and a Beadle . It is taxed to the Fifteene in London , at seven and twenty pounds , and accounted in the Exchequer after twenty five pounds . CORNE HILL VVARD . THe next Ward towards the South , is Cornehill VVard : so called of a Corn-market , time out of mind there holden , and is a part of the principall high street , beginning at the West end of Leaden Hall , stretching downe West on both the sides , by the South end of Finkes lane on the right hand , and by the North end of Birchovers lane , on the left part ; of which lanes , to wit , to the middle of them , is of this Ward , and so downe to the Stockes Market ; and this is the bounds . The upper or East part of this Ward , and also a part of Limestreet Ward , hath beene ( as I said ) a Market-place , especially for corne , and since for all kinde of victuals , as is partly shewed in Lime-street Ward . It appeareth of record , that in the yeere 1522. the Rippiers of Rie and other places , sold their fresh Fish in Leaden Hall Market , upon Cornehill ; but forraigne Butchers were not admitted there to sell flesh , till the yeere 1533. And it was enacted , that Butchers should sell their Biefe not above a halfe penny the pound ; and Mutton , halfe penny , halfe farthing : which act being devised for the great commodity of the Realme , ( as it was then thought ) hath since proved farre otherwise : For before that time , a fat Oxe was sold at London , for 26. s. 8. d. at the most : a fat Weather for 3. s. 4. d. a fat Calfe the same price ; a fat Lambe for 12. d. pieces of Biefe weighed two pounds and a halfe at the least ; yea , three pound or better , for a penny , on every Butchers stall in this Citie ; and of those pieces of Biefe , thirteene or foureteen for twelve pence : fat Mutton for eight pence the quarter , and one hundred weight of Biefe for 4. s. 8. d. at the dearest . What the price is now , I neede not to set downe : many men thought the same act to rise in price , by reason that Grasiers knew or supposed what weight every their beasts contained , and so raising their price thereafter , the Butcher could be no gainer , but by likewise raising his price . The number of Butchers then in the Citie and Suburbs , was accounted sixe score , of which every one killed 6. Oxen a peece weekely : which is in 46. weekes , 33120. Oxen , or 720. Oxen weekely . The forraigne Butchers ( for a long time ) stood in the high street of Lime-street Ward , on the North side , twice every weeke ; viz. Wednesday and Saturday , and were some gaine to the Tenants , before whose doores they stood , and into whose houses they set their blockes and stalles : but that advantage being espied , they were taken into Leaden Hall , there to pay for their standing to the Chamber of London . Thus much for the Market upon Cornehill . The chiefe Ornaments in Cornehill Ward , are these : First , at the East end thereof , in the middle of the high street , and at the parting of foure wayes , have ye a water-standard , placed in the yeere 1582. in manner following : A certain German , named Peter Morris , having made an artificiall Forcier for that purpose , conveyed Thames water in pipes of lead , over the steeple of Saint Magnus Church , at the North end of London Bridge , and from thence into divers mens houses in Thames street , new Fish-street , and Grasse-street , up to the north-west corner of Leaden Hall , the highest ground of all the Citie , where the waste of the maine pipe rising into this Standard , ( provided at the charges of the Citie ) with foure spouts , did at every tyde run ( according to covenant ) foure wayes , plentifully serving to the commodity of the inhabitants neere adjoyning in their houses , and also cleansed the Chanels of the street toward Bishops-gate , Aldgate , the Bridge , and the Stocks Market ; but now no such matter , whose default I know not . Then have ye a faire Conduit , of sweet water , castellated in the midst of that Ward and street . This Conduit was first builded of stone , in the yeere 1282. by Henry Wallis , Maior of London , to be a prison for night-walkers , and other suspicious persons , and was called the Tunne upon Cornehill , because the same was builded somewhat in fashion of a Tunne , standing on the one end . To this prison , the night Watches of this Citie committed not onely night-walkers , but also other persons , as well spirituall as temporall , whom they suspected of incontinencie , and punished them according to the customes of this Citie : but complaint thereof being made , about the yeere of Christ , 1297. King Edward the first writeth to his Citizens thus : Edward by the grace of God , &c. whereas Richard Gravesend , Bishop of London , hath shewed unto us , that by the great Charter of England , the Church hath a priviledge , that no Clerke should be imprisoned by a Lay-man , without our commandement , and breach of peace ; which notwithstanding , some Citizens of London , upon meere spight , doe enter in their Watches into Clerks chambers , and then ( like Felons ) carry them to the Tunne , which Henry le Wallis , sometime Maior , built for night-walkers . Wherefore wee will that this our commandement be proclaimed in a full Hoystings , and that no Watch hereafter enter into any Clerks chamber , under the forfeit of 30. pound . Dated at Carlile , the 18. of March , the 25. of our Reigne . More , I read that about the yeere of Christ , 1299. the 27. of Edward the first , certaine principall Citizens of London ; to wit , T. Romane , Richard Gloucester , Nicholas Faringdon , Adam Helingbury , T. Saly , Iohn Dunstable , Richard Ashwy , Iohn Wade , and William Stortford , brake up this prison called the Tunne , and tooke out certaine prisoners , for the which they were sharply punished , by long imprisonment , and great fines . It cost the Citizens ( as some have written ) more than 20000. Markes , which they were amerced in , before William de March , Treasurer of the Kings Exchequer , to purchase the Kings favour , and the confirmation of their liberties . Also , that in the yeere 1383. the seventh of Richard the second , the Citizens of London taking upon them the rights that belonged to their Bishops , first imprisoned such women aswere taken in fornication or adultery , in the said Tunne ; and after , bringing them forth to the sight of the World , they caused their heads to be shaven , after the manner of Theeves , whom they named Appellators , and so to be led about the Citie , in sight of all the inhabitants , with Trumpets and Pipes sounding before them , that their persons might be the more largely knowne : Neither did they spare such kind of men a whit the more , but used them as hardly , saying ; They abhorred not only the negligence of their Prelates , but also detested their avarice , that studied for money , omitted the punishment limited by Law , and permitted those that were found guilty , to live favourably by their fines . Wherefore they would themselves , they said , purge their Citie from such filthinesse , lest through Gods venge●ance , either the Pestilence or Sword should happen to them , or that the Earth should swallow them . Last of all to be noted , I reade in the charge of the Wardmote inquest in every Ward in this Citie , these words : If there bee any Priest in service within the Ward , which before-time hath beene set in the Tunne in Cornehill for his dishonesty , and hath forsworne the Citie , all such shall bee presented . Thus much for the Tunne in Cornhill have I read . Now , for the punishment of Priests , in my youth , one note and no more . Iohn Atwod , Draper , dwelling in the Parish of Saint Michael upon Cornehill , directly against the Church , having a proper woman to his wife , such an one as seemed the holiest amongst a thousand , had also a lusty Chauntry Priest of the said Parish Church , repairing to his house , with the which Priest , the said Atwod would sometime after supper play a game at Tables for a pint of Ale. It chanced on a time , having haste of worke , and his game proving long , he left his wife to play it out , and went downe to his shop : but returning to fetch a pressing-iron , he found such play ( to his misliking ) that hee forced the Priest to leap out at a window , over the Penthouse into the street , and so to run to his lodging in the Church-yard . Atwod and his wife were soone reconciled , so that he would not suffer her to be called in question ; but the Priest being apprehended and committed , I saw his punishment to be thus : He was on three Market dayes conveyed thorow the high street and Markets of the Citie , with a paper on his head , wherein was written his trespasse . The first day hee rode in a Carry ; the second , on a horse , his face to the horse taile ; the third , led betwixt twaine , and every day rung with Basons , and proclamations made of his fact at every turning of the streets , and also before Iohn Atwods Stall , and the Church doore of his Service , where hee lost his Chauntry of twenty Nobles the yeere , and was banished the Citie for ever . By the West side of the foresaid prison , then called the Tun , was a faire Well of Spring water , curbed round with hard stone : but in the yeere 1401. the said Prison-house called the Tunne , was made a Cesterne for sweet water , conveyed by pipes of Lead from Tyborne , and was from thenceforth called the Conduit upon Cornehill . Then was the Well plancked over , and a strong prison made of Timber , called a Cage , with a paire of Stocks therein , set upon it ; and this was for night-walkers . On the top of which Cage was placed a Pillorie , for the punishment of Bakers , offending in the assise of bread ; for Millers stealing of Corne at the Mill ; for Bawds , Scolds , and other offenders . As in the yeere 1468. the 7. of Ed. 4. divers persons , being common Iurors , such as at Assises were forsworne for rewards , or favour of parties , were judged to ride from Newgate to the Pillorie in Cornhill , with Miters of paper on their heads , there to stand , and from thence againe to Newgate , and this Iudgement was given by the Maior of London . In the yeere 1509. the first of Henry the 8. Darby , Smith , and Simson , Ring-leaders of false inquests in London , rode about the Citie with their faces to the horses tailes , and papers on their heads , and were set on the Pillorie in Cornehill , and after brought againe to Newgate , where they dyed for very shame , saith Robert Fabian . A Ring-leader of Inquests , as I take it , is he , that making a gainefull occupation thereof , will appeare upon Nisi prius's ere hee be warned , or procure himselfe to be warned to come on by a Tallis . Hee will also procure himselfe to be Fore-man , when hee can , and take upon him to over-rule the rest to his opinion : such an one shall be laboured by plaintifes and defendants , not without promise of rewards ; and therefore to be suspected of a bad conscience . I would wish a more carefull choice of Iurors to bee had : for I have knowne a man carted , rung with Basons , and banished out of Bishopsgate Ward , and afterward , in Aldgate Ward admitted to be Constable , a grand Iurie-man , and Foreman of their Wardmote inquest . What I know of the like , or worse men , preferred to the like offices , I forbeare to write , but wish to be reformed . The foresaid Conduit upon Cornehill was in the yeer 1475. inlarged by Robert Drope , Draper , Maior , that thē dwelt in that Ward , he increased the Cestern of this Conduit with an east end of stone , and castellated it in comely manner . In the yeere 1546. Sir Martin Bowes , Maior , dwelling in Lumbard street , and having his back gate opening into Cornhill , against the said Conduit , minded to have inlarged the Cesterne thereof with a West end , like as Robert Drope before had done towards the East . View and measure of the plot was taken for this worke : but the Pillory and Cage beeing removed , they found the ground planked , and the Well aforesaid worne out of memory , which Well they renued and restored to use ; it is since made a Pumpe : they set the Pillorie somewhat west from the Well , and so this worke ceased . On the North side of this street , from the East unto the West , have ye divers faire houses for Merchants and others ; amongst the which , one large house is called the Wey house , where Merchandises brought from beyond the Seas , are to be weighed at the Kings beame . This House hath a Master , and under him foure Master Porters , with Porters under them ; they have a strong Cart , and foure great Horses , to draw and carry the wares from the Merchants houses to the Beame , and backe againe . Sir Tho. Lovell , Knight , builded this house , with a faire front of Tenements toward the Street , all which hee gave to the Grocers of London , himselfe being free of the Citie , and a Brother of that Company . Then have ye the said Finkes lane , the South end of which lane on both the sides , is in Cornehill Ward . Then next is the Royall Exchange , erected in the yeere 1566. after this order , viz. Certaine houses upon Cornehill , and the like upon the backe thereof , in the Ward of Broadstreet , with three Alleys ; the first called Swan Alley , opening into Cornehill ; the second , New Alley , passing thorow out of Cornehill into Broadstreet Ward , over against S. Bartholomew lane ; the third , S. Christophers Alley , opening into Broadstreet Ward , and into Saint Christophers Parish , containing in all 80. housholds ; were first purchased by the Citizens of London , for more than 3532. pounds , and were sold for 478. pounds , to such persons as should take them downe , and carry them thence ; also the ground or plot was made plaine at the charges of the Citie , and then possession thereof was by certaine Aldermen ( in name of the whole Citizens ) given to Sir Thomas Gresham , Knight , agent to the Queens Highnesse , there-upon to build a Burse , or place for Merchants to assemble in , at his owne proper charges : and hee , on the seventh of Iune , laying the first stone of the foundation , beeing Bricke , accompanied with some Aldermen , every of them laid a piece of gold , which the workemen tooke up , and forthwith followed upon the same such diligence , that by the moneth of November , in the yeere 1567. the same was covered with slate , and shortly after fully finished . In the yeere 1570. on the 23. of Ianuary , the Queenes Majestie , attended with her Nobility , came from her house at the Strand , called Sommerset House , and entred the Citie by Temple-Barre , through Fleet-street , Cheape , and so by the North side of the Burse , through Three-needle street , to Sir Thomas Greshams house in Bishopsgate street , where she dined . After dinner , her Majestie returning through Cornehill , entred the Burse on the South side , and after shee had viewed every part thereof above the ground ; especially the Pawne , which was richly furnished with all sorts of the finest wares in the Citie : she caused the same Burse , by an Herauld and a Trumpet , to be proclaimed the Royall Exchange , and so to bee called from thence-forth , and not otherwise . Next adjoyning to this Royall Exchange , remaineth one part of a large stone house , and is now called the Castle , of such a signe at a Taverne doore ; there is a passage thorow out of Cornehill into Three-needle street : the other part of the said stone house was taken downe , for enlarging the Royall Exchange . This stone house was said of some to have bin a Church , whereof it had no proportion . Of others , a Iewes house , as though none but Iewes had dwelt in stone houses : but that opinion is without warrant . For beside the strong building of stone houses , against invasion of theeves in the night , when no watches were kept : In the first yeere of Richard the first , ( to prevent the casualties of fire , which often had hapned in the Citie , when the houses were builded of timber , and covered with Reed or straw , Henry Fitz Alwine being Maior ) it was decreed , that from thenceforth , no man should build within the Citie , but of stone , untill a certaine heighth , and to cover the same building with slate , or burnt tile . This was the very cause of such stone buildings , whereof many have remained till our time , that for gaining of ground they have been taken down , and in place of some one of them , being low ( as but 2. stories above the ground ) many houses of 4. or 5. stories high are placed . From this stone house downe to the Stockes , are divers large houses , especially for height , for Merchants and Artificers . On the South side of this high street , is the Parish Church of Saint Peter upon Cornehill , which seemeth to be of an ancient building , but not so ancient as fame reporteth ; for it hath beene lately repaired , if not all new builded , except the steeple , which is ancient . The roofe of this Church , and glasing , was finished in the reigne of Edward the fourth , as appeareth by Armes of Noblemen , and Aldermen of London then living . There remaineth in this Church a Table , wherein it is written , I know not by what authority , but of no late hand ; that King Lucius founded the same Church , to bee an Archbishops Sea , Metropolitane and chiefe Church of his Kingdome , and that it so endured the space of foure hundred yeeres , unto the comming of Augustine the Monke . Now , because many have urged it very earnestly to me , to let them be further acquainted therewith : I have here inserted the same verbatim , as it is there recorded in the Table . A Copie taken out of the Table , fast chained in S. Peters Church on Cornehill . BE it knowne unto all men , that the yeeres of our Lord God , C. lxxix . Lucius , the first Christian King of this Land , then called Brytaine , founded the first Church in London , that is to say , the Church of Saint Peter upon Cornhill . And he founded there an Arch-bishops See , and made that Church the Metropolitane and chiefe Church of this Kingdome : and so endured the space of CCCC . yeeres , unto the comming of S. Austin , the Apostle of England , the which was sent into this Land by S. Gregory , the Doctor of the Church , in the time of King Ethelbert . And then was the Archbishops See and Pall removed from the foresaid Church of Saint Peter upon Cornehill , unto Dereberniam , that now is called Canturbury , and there remaineth to this day . And Millet , Monke , the which came into the Land with S. Austen , was made the first Bishop of London , & his See was made in Pauls Church . And this Lucius King , was the first founder of Saint Peters Church upon Cornehill . And he reigned in this Land after Brute , a M. C C. Xlv. yeeres . and the yeeres of our Lord God , a C. xxiiij . Lucius was crowned King , and the yeeres of his reigne were Lxxvij . yeeres . And hee was ( after some Chronicle ) buried at London : And ( after some Chronicle ) he was buried at Glowcester , in that place where the Order of S. Francis standeth now . Ioceline of Furneis writeth , that Thean or Theon , the first Archbishop of London in the reigne of Lucius , builded the said Church , by the aide of Ciran , chiefe Butler to King Lucius ; and also that Elvanus , the second Archbishop , builded a Library to the same adjoyning , and coverted many of the Druides , learned men in the Pagan law , to Christianity . William Harrison , discoursing hereon more at large , discoursing hereon more at large , hath these very words : There is a Controversie ( faith hee ) moved among our Historiographers , whether the Church that Lucius builded at London , stood at Westminster , or in Cornehill . For , there is some cause , why the Metropolitane Church should be thought to stand where Saint Peters now doth , by the space of foure hundred and odde yeeres , before it was removed to Canturbury by Austin the Monke , if a man would leane to one side , without any conference of the asseverations of the other . But herein ( as I take it ) there lurketh some scruple : for , beside that S. Peters Church stood in the East end of the Citie , and that of Apollo in the west , the word Cornehill , a denomination given of late ( to speake of ) to one street , may easily be mistaken for Thorney . For , as the word Thorney proceedeth from the Saxons , who called the West end of the Citied by that name , where Westminster now standeth , because of the wildernesse and bushinesse of the soile : so doe I not read of any street in London called Cornehill , before the Conquest of the Normans . Wherefore , I hold with them , which make Westminster to be the place , where Lucius builded his Church , upon the ruines of that * Flamine , 264. yeeres ( as Malmesbury saith ) before the comming of the Saxons , and 411. before the arrivall of Augustine . Read also his Appendix in lib. 4. Pontif. where he noteth the time of the Saxons in the 444. of Grace , and of Augustine in 596. of Christ , which is a manifest accompt , though some Copies have 499. for the one , but not without manifest corruption and error . And now to returne where we left : True it is , that a Library there was pertaining to this Parish Church , of old time builded of stone , and of late repaired with Bricke , by the Executors of Sir Iohn Crosby , Alderman , as his Armes on the South end doe witnesse . This Library hath bin ( of late time ) to wit , within these 70. yeeres , well furnished of Books , Iohn Leyland viewed and commended them ; but now those Bookes are gone , and the place is occupied by a Schoolemaster , and his Vsher , for a number of Scholars learning their Grammar rules , &c. Notwithstanding , before that time , a Grammar Schoole had beene kept in this Parish , as appeareth in the yeere , 1425. I read , that Iohn Whitby was Rector , and Iohn Steward Schoolemaster there : and in the 25. of Henry the sixth it was enacted by Parliament , that 4. Grammar Schooles in London , should bee maintained , viz. In the Parishes of Alhallowes in Thames street : Saint Andrew in Oldborne : Saint Peters upon Cornehill ; and Saint Thomas of Acres . Monuments of the dead in this Church defaced . I read that Hugh Waltham , Nicholas Pricot , Mercer , Alderman , Richard Manhall ; 1503. VVilliam Kingstone , Fishmonger , gave his Tenements called the Horse-mill in Grasse-street , to this Church , and was there buried , about the yeere , 1298. Iohn Vnisbrugh , Poulter , 1410. Iohn Law. Also , Peter Mason Taylor , gave to this Church seven pound starling yeerly for ever , out of his Tenements in Colechurch Parish , and deceased about the yeere , 1416. Iohn Foxton founded a Chauntry there . A Brotherhood of Saint Peter was in this Church established by Henry the fourth , the fourth of his reigne . VVilliam Brampton , and William Askham , Fishmongers and Aldermen , were chiefe procurers thereof , for the Fishmongers of late buried there Sir William Bowyer , Maior , 1543. Sir Henry Huberthorne , Maior , 1546. Sir Christopher Morice , Master Gunner of England to King Henry the eight . Edward Elrington , Esquire , chiefe Butler to Edward the sixth . Thomas Gardener , Grocer . Justice Smith , and other beside . In the yeere of Iesus Christ's Incarnation , One thousand , five hundred , forty and foure , The 22. day of April , by just computation ; In this place was buried with great honour , VVhich proved a man Meet to bee a Governour , For the Common-wealth of this high and famous Citie : Called Sir William Bowyer , Lord of the Maioralty , Which departed not with finding great calamity : And pray wee to GOD , to grant his Soule mercy . O London , if thou looke to the Lacedemonies , There to finde Lycurgus that noble and kinde King ; Or if thou seeke for Ciceroes men most of prize , Or if thou apply thee to have all the whole desiring Of Amphyon , Orpheus , or of Mecaenas demeaning a Seeke no further to finde , for here hee is buried , VVhich had all their properties for Londons good ordering . Bee wee then of his honourable degree well conceiving , For his acts for ever be registred in Londons meaning . Here lyeth Sir Henry Huberthorne , sometime Lord Maior and Merchant-taylor of this Citie of London , and Dame Elizabeth his Wife . Hee departed this life , &c. And the said Dame Elizabeth left this transitory life in Anno Domini , 1551. Hereunder lieth buried William Messe of this Citie , Whil'st he lived , free of the Grocers Company , And Julian his wife , to whom 24. yeeres married was he , By whom God sent him five sonnes and daughters three , And to Gods will his heart was alwaies bent , So did his death shew a life well spent . Here this is written , that other may remember , His godly departure from this world the 26. of September . In the same Vault with Sir William Bowyers body , is Mr. Alderman VValthals also laid , but no Monument as yet made for him , beside his Funerall Banners . The Charities of the Parish of Saint Peter upon Cornehill . Launcelot Tompson of London , Draper , was buried in this Parish Church , and gave 20. l. for the yeerely preaching of five Sermons , untill the money should be fully run out . Which Sermons were all preached by Doctor Ashbold , Parson there . Also he gave 100. l. to the Drapers Company , and they to allow 5. l. yeerely for ever , for Bread and Coales for the poore of the said parish . Boniface Tatam of London , Vintner , buried in the said Parish the third of February , 1606. gave 40. s. yeerely to the Parson , for preaching foure Sermons every yeere , so long as the Lease of the Marmaid in Cornehill , ( a Taverne so called ) shall endure . He gave also to the poore of the Parish thirteene penny loaves every Sunday , during the foresaid Leafe . Mr. William Walthal , late of London , Alderman , buried in the said Parish Church the second of September , 1606. gave twenty pound to the stocke of the Parish . Next , he gave forty Markes , for forty Sermons to be preached in the said Church . Also hee gave two hundred pounds , to bee imployed as followeth : Tenne young men , trading and dwelling in the Parish , with two sufficient sureties , each man , from foure yeeres to foure yeeres , to enjoy the benefit thereof . And every one of them , for the time being , having the usage of the said money , is to pay yeerely to the good of the poore of the said Parish , for bread and coales , the summe of thirteene shillings foure pence , which amounteth in the whole , to the summe of six pounds , thirteene shillings , foure pence . Hee hath also allowed to the Churchwardens and Overseers for the poore , five shillings yeerely among them , to see his good meaning effectually performed . Robert Warden , of London , Poulter , buried in the same Church the 18. of November , 1609. hath given out of one Messuage or Tenement , lying and being in Bishopsgate street , in the said Parish , the summe of three pounds twelve shillings , yeerely for ever , viz. 52. shillings in wheaten bread every Sunday , for the poore of the Parish , 10. s. a yeere for two Sermons , to bee preached to the Company of Poulters , 4. s. for the Clerks attendance at the said Sermons , and 2. s. a yeere for the Sexton , allowed by the said Company . Mr. Iohn Malin , Physician , buried in the said Church the 25. of May , 1613. gave to the poore of this Parish the sum of 40. l. to bee weekly bestowed on them , on Friday mornings for ever . Then have ye the Parish Church of S. Michael the Archangell : for the Antiquity thereof , I finde that Alnothus the Priest gave it to the Abbot and Covent of Covesham ; Reynold Abbot , and the Covent there , did grant the same to Sparling the Priest , in all measures , as he and his Predecessors before had held it : to the which Sparling also , they granted all their Lands which they there had , except certaine Lands which Orgar le Prowde held of them , and paid two shillings yeerely . For the which grant , the said Sparling should yeerely pay one Marke of rent to the said Abbot of Covesham , and finde him his lodging , salt , water , and fire , when hee came to London ; this was granted 1133. about the 34. of Henry the first . Thus much for antiquity . Of later time I finde , that Elizabeth Peake , Widdow , gave the Patronage or gift of this Benefice to the Drapers in London : shee lyeth buried in the Belfrey , 1518. her Monument yet remaineth . This hath beene a faire and beautifull Church , but of late yeeres , since the surrender of their lands to Edward the sixth , greatly blemished by the building of foure Tenements on the North side thereof , towards the high street , in place of a greene Church-yard , whereby the Church is darkened and other waies annoyed . The faire new Steeple or Bell-Tower of this Church , was begun to bee builded in the yeere , 1421. which being finished , and a faire ring of five Bels therein placed ; a sixth Bell was added , and given by Iohn VVhitwel , Isabel his wife , and VVilliam Rus , or Rous Alderman and Goldsmith , about the yeere , 1430. which Bell named Rus , ( nightly at eight of the clocke , and otherwise for Knels , and in Peales , rung by one man , by the space of 160. yeeres ) of late over-haled by foure or five at once , hath been thrice broken , and new cast , within the space of ten yeeres , to the charges of that Parish , more than 100. Markes . And here note of this Steeple , as I have oft heard my Father report . Vpon Saint Iames night , certaine men in the Loft next under the Bells , ringing of a Peale , a Tempest of Lightning and Thunder did arise , and an ugly shapen sight appeared to them , comming in at the South window , and lighted on the North , for feare whereof , they all fell downe , and lay as dead for the time , letting the Bels ring and cease of their own accord . When the Ringers came to themselves , they found certaine stones of the North window to bee razed and scrat , as if they had been so much Butter printed with a Lyons clawe : the same stones were fastned there againe , and so remaine till this day . I have seen them oft , and have put a feather or small stick into the holes , where the clawes had entred 3. or 4. inches deepe . At the same time , certain maine timber posts at Queene Hith , were scrat and cleft from the top to the bottome , and the Pulpit Crosse in Pauls Church-yard was likewise scrat , cleft , and overturned . One of the Ringers lived in my youth , whom I have oft heard to verifie the same to be true ; but to returne . William Rus was a speciall Benefactor to this Church , his Armes yet remaine in the Windowes . VVilliam Comerton , Simon Smith , Walter Belengham were buried there , and founded Chaunteries there . Iohn Grace , 1439. Robert Drope , Maior , buried on the North side the Quire , under a faire Tombe of Grey Marble , 1485. he gave to poore Maides marriages of that Parish twenty pound , to the poore of that Ward ten pound ; Shirts and smockes three hundred , and gownes of broad-cloth , one hundred , &c. Iane his wife , matching with Edward Gray , Vicount Lisle , was buried by her first husband 1500. She gave 90. pound in money to the beautifying of that Church , and her great Messuage with the appurtenance , which was by her Executors , W. Caple and other , 1517. the ninth of Henry the eighth assured to Iohn Wardroper , Parson , T. Clerke , W. Dixson , and Iohn Murdon , Wardens of the said Church , and their successors for ever , they to keepe yeerely for her an Obit , or Anniversary ; to be spent on the poore , and otherwise , in all three pounds , the rest of the profits to be imployed in reparation of the Church . In the 34. yeere of Henry the eighth , Edward Stephan , Parson , T. Spencer , P. Guntar , and E. Grouch , Churchwardens , granted to T. Lodge , a Leafe for threescore yeeres of the said great Messuage , with the appurtenances , which were called the Lady Lisles Lands , for the rent of eight pound , thirteene shillings , foure pence the yeere . The Parishioners since gave it up as Chauntry land , and wronged themselves ; also the said Robert Drope and Lady Lisle ( notwithstanding their liberality to that Church and Parish ) their Tombe is pulled down no Monument remaineth of them . Peter Houghton , late Alderman , is layd in their Vault , 1569. Robert Fabian Alderman , that wrote and published a Chronicle of England , and of France , was buried there , 1511. with this Epitaph . Like as the day his course doth consume , And the new morrow springeth again as fast , So man and woman by natures custome , This life to passe , at last in earth are cast , Injoy , & sorrow , which heretheirtime do wast Never in one state , but in course Transitory , So full of change , is of this world the glory . His Monument is gone : Richard Garnam , 1527. buried there . Edmond Trindle , and Robert Smith . William Dickson , and Margret his wife , buried in the Cloister under a faire Tombe now defaced . Thomas Stow my Grandfather , about the yeere , 1526. and Thomas Stow my Father , 1559. Iohn Tolus , Alderman , 1548. he gave to Iohn Willoby , Parson of that Church , to Thomas Lodge , G. Hind , P. Bolde , Church-wardens , and to their successors ( towards the reparation of that Church , and reliefe of the poore for ever ) his Tenement , with the appurtenances in the Parish of Saint Michael , which hee had lately purchased of Alvery Randalph , of Badlesmeere in Kent : but the Parish never had the gift , nor heard thereof , by the space of 40. yeeres after : such was the conscience of G. Barne , and other the Executors to conceale it to themselves , and such is the negligence of the Parishioners , that ( being informed thereof ) make no claime thereunto . Philip Gunter , that was Alderman for a time , and gave 400. pound to bee discharged thereof , was buried in the Cloyster , about the yeere 1582. and Anne his wife , &c. Thomas Haughton father to the said Peter Haughton . Francis Beneson , and William Towerson . Philip Gunter , Skinner , sometime Alderman of this City , departed this life the 15. day of February , 1582. and lyeth buried in the Cloyster of this Church : who married Anne , Daughter of Henry Barley , of Albery , in the County of Hereford , Esquire ; and had issue by her 11. Sonnes , and foure daughters . He left good maintenance for two Sermons yeerely for ever in this Church : the one on the 15. day of March , the other the 25. of December . Here lyeth buried the body of Peter Houghton , of London Alderman : he was free of the Grocers Company , a Merchant of the Staple in England , and a Merchant Adventurer . Hee was one of the Sheriffes of this City , in An. 1593. and dyed the last day of December , 1596. Hee gave to the foure Hospitals ( that is to say ) Saint Bartholomewes , Christ Church , St. Thomas and Bridewell , 600. pound , equally to bee divided betweene them . Hee gave also to the Grocers Company 400. pound to bee lent to eight young men of the same Company ( gratis ) from two yeeres , to two yeeres , for ever . Which 1000. pound was paid by Iohn Vernon , Merchant-Taylor , accordingly . He had to wife Mary Houghton , who sithence married with Sir Thomas Vavasor , Knight Marshall . Hee had children by her , two Sonnes , named Hatton , and Peter , who dyed young ; and two Daughters , Mary and Elizabeth . Mary was married to Sir Iames Scudamore , Knight , and Elizabeth to Sir Henry Bedingfield , Knight . Here lyeth buried ( by a desired promise made to Alderman Houghton while hee lived ) the body of Iohn Vernon , Merchant-Taylor : who was Master of the said Company , in An. 1609. And hee was also a Merchant of the Staple in England . He dyed the day of An. Dom. Nemo ante obitum felix . Here in the Vault lyeth buried the bodies of of Iohn Taylor , Citizen and Draper of London , and Constance his wife , one of the Daughters and Coheires of Reginald Wooddeson , of Alresford in Hampshire , Gent. They had issue between them three Sonnes , Iohn , who dyed young , Robert and Iohn . Hee departed this life the 4. day of April , 1597. being about the age of 63. yeeres : and she , being the age of 67. the 29. of October , 1614. Votum S. Pauli . Phil. 1. Adepti . In March ; 1588. was buried in this place , Alexander Every , Merchant but 40. yeeres of age , Whose godly gifts , by will , are warrants of Gods grace In him . By whom , thinke on thy selfe , and on the stage Thou stand'st , and measure it , and other worldly things : As streames that swiftly slide downe from their springs . An. Dom. 1570. primo Feb. Here lyeth Francis Benneson , a Citizen was hee , A Merchant Adventurer also , and of the Mystery Of Haberdashers Company . A man of honest name , Who here on earth to feare of God , his vit●ll dayes did frame . Two wives hee had , the first of them in Antwerpe borne she was ; The other hee a Widdow left , so God brought it to passe . His Soule ( no doubt ) doth now remaine with God among the rest Of other worthy Christians , who evermore are blest . Hereunder lyeth buried the body of the worshipfull , John Harby , Citizen and Skinner of London , and free of the Merchant Adventurers Company , for Muscovia , Spaine , and the East Iudiaes : who had two wives , Anne Mording , Widdow , by whom he had issue foure Sonnes , and one Daughter , viz. Thomas , Francis , John , William , and Emme . And lastly he married with Anne Saltonstal , Daughter to Sir Richard Saltonstall , Knight , sometime Lord Maior of this City : by whom hee had two Sonnes , Richard and Daniel ; which John Harby after 74. yeeres , departed this life the 15. day of April , 1610. Expecting a joyfull resurrection by Iesus Christ . Hic dormivit in Christo Joannes Cowper , Armiger ; Vxorem habuit Elizabeth Ironside ante se mortuam . Obiit 3. Iunii . An. Dom. 1609. There is a comely Monument , although of no great cost or charge , there placed for Master Laurence Caldwell , Citizen and Haberdasher of London , and Mary his wife . Great pitty it is , that it is no better kept and looked unto , for shortly the inscriptions engraven thereon , will not any way possibly be read , &c. This Parish Church hath on the south side thereof a proper Cloyster , and a faire Church-yard , with a Pulpit-crosse , not much unlike to that in Pauls Church yard . Sir Iohn Rudstone Maior , caused the same Pulpit-Crosse , in his life time to be builded , the Church-yard to bee enlarged , by ground purchased of the next Parish , and also proper houses to be raised , for lodging of Quire men , such as at that time were assistants to Divine Service , then daily sung by Note , in that Church . The said Io. Rudstone deceased , 1531. and was buried in a Vault under the Pulpit-Crosse : he appointed Sermons to bee preached there , not now performed . His Tombe before the Pulpit-Crosse is taken thence , with the Tombe of Richard Yaxley , Doctor of physicke to King Henry the eighth and other . The Quire of that Church being dissolved , the lodgings of the Quire men were ( by the grave Fathers of that time ) charitably appointed for receit of ancient decayed parishioners ; namely , widdowes , such as were not able to beare the charge of greater rents abroad , which blessed worke of harbouring the harbourlesse , is promised to be rewarded in the Kingdome of Heaven . Then have ye Birchover lane , so called of Birchover , the first builder and owner thereof , now corruptly called Birchin lane , the North halfe whereof is of the said Cornehill Ward , the other part is of Langborne Ward . This lane and the high street neere adjoyning , hath been inhabited ( for the most part ) with wealthy Drapers , from Birchovers lane on that side the street , downe to the Stockes . In the reigne of Henry the sixth , had yee ( for the most part ) dwelling there , Frippers or Vpholders , that sold apparell and old houshold stuffe . I have read of a Country man , that then having lost his hood in Westminster Hall , found the same in Cornhill , hanged out to be sold , which hee challenged , but was forced to buy , or goe without it : for their stall ( they said ) was their market . At that time also , the VVinedrawer of the Popes-head Taverne , ( standing without the doore in the high street ) took the same man by the sleeve , and said , Sir , will you drinke a Pint of VVine ? VVhereunto he answered , A penny spend I may : and so dranke his Pint : for bread nothing did he pay , for that was then allowed free . This Popes-head Taverne , with other houses adjoyning , strongly builded of stone , hath of old time beene all in one , pertaining to some great Estate , or rather to the King of this Realme , as may be supposed , both by largenesse thereof , and by the Armes ; to wit , 3. Leopards passant gardant , which was the whole Armes of England , before the reigne of Edward the third , that quartered them with the Armes of France , three Flower de Luces . These Armes of England , supported then betweene two Angels , are faire and largely graven in stone on the forefront towards the high street , over the doore or stall of one great house , lately ( for many yeeres ) possessed by Mr. Philip Gunter . The Popes-head Taverne is on the backe part thereof , towards the South , as also one other house , called the stone house in Lombard street . Some say this was King Iohn's house ; which might so be : for I finde in a written copie of Mathew Paris his Historie , that in the yeere 1232. Henry the third sent Hubert de Burgho , Earle of Kent , to Cornhill in London , there to answer all matters objected against him : where hee wisely acquitted himselfe . The Popes-head Taverne hath a foot-way through , from Cornehill into Lombard street . And downe lower on the high street of Cornhill , is there one other way thorow by the Cardinals Hat Taverne , into Lombard street . And so let this suffice for Cornehill VVard . In which be Governours , an Alderman , his Deputy , Common-Counsellours , foure , or sixe ; Constables , foure ; Scavengers , foure ; VVardmote inquest , 16. and a Beadle : it is charged to the Fifteene at 16. pounds . LANGBOVRNE VVARD , And Fenny about . LAngbourne Ward , so called , of a long Boorn of sweet water , which ( of old time ) breaking out into Fenne-Church-street , ranne downe the same street , and Lombard street , to the West end of S. Mary Woolnoths Church , where turning South , and breaking into small shares , rils or streams , it left the name of Shareborne lane , or Southborne lane , ( as I have read ) because it ranne South to the River of Thames . This Ward beginneth at the West end of Ealdgate Ward , in Fen-Church street , by the Ironmongers Hall , which is on the North side of that street , at a place called Culver Alley , where sometime was a lane , through the which men went into Limestreet ; but that being long since stopped up , for suspition of Theeves that lurked there by night , as is shewed in Limestreet Ward ; there is now in this said Alley a Tennis Court , &c. Fenne-Church street tooke that name of a Fenny or Moorish ground , so made by meanes of this Boorne , which passed thorow it ; and therefore ( untill this day ) in the Guild-hall of this Citie , that Ward is called by the name of Langborne , and Fenny about , and not otherwise : yet others be of opinion , that it tooke that name of Foenum , that is , Hay , sold there , as Grasse-street-tooke the name of Grasse or Herbes there sold . In the midst of this street standeth a small Parish Church , called S. Gabriel Fenne-Church , corruptly , Fan-Church . Helming Legget , Esquire , by licence of Edward the third , in the 49. of his reigne , gave one Tenement , with a curtelarge thereto belonging , and a garden with an entry thereto leading , unto Sir Iohn Hariot , Parson of Fen-Church , and to his successors for ever ; the house to be a Parsonage house ; the Garden to be a Church-yard , or burying place for the Parish . Then have ye Lombard street , so called of the Longobards , and other Merchants , strangers of divers Nations , assembling there twise every day , of what originall , or continuance , I have not read of record , more than that Edward the second , in the twelfth of his reigne , confirmed a Messuage sometime belonging to Robert Turke , abutting on Lombard street toward the South , and toward Cornehill on the North , for the Merchants of Florence : which proveth that street to have had the name of Lombard street before the reigne of Edward the second . The meeting of which Merchants and others there , continued untill the 22. of December , in the yeere 1568. on the which day , the said Merchants began to make their meetings at the Burse , a place then new builded for that purpose , in the ward of Cornehill , and was since by Her Majestie , Queene Elizabeth , named the Royall Exchange . On the North side of this Ward , is Limestreet , one halfe whereof ( on both sides ) is of this Langborne VVard , and therein on the west side , is the Pewterers Hall , which Company were admitted to be a Brotherhood , in the 13. of Edward the fourth . At the South-west corner of Limestreet , standeth a faire Parish Church of S. Dionis called Backe-Church , lately new builded in the reigne of Henry the sixth . Iohn Bugge , Esquire , was a great Benefactor to that worke , as appeareth by his Armes , three water-Budgets , and his Crest , a Morions head , graven in the stone-worke of the Quire , at the upper end , on the North side , where he was buried . Also Iohn Darby , Alderman , added thereunto a faire Ile or Chappell on the South side , and was there buried , about the yeere 1466. He gave ( besides sundry ornaments ) his dwelling house and others unto the said Church . The Lady wich , widdow to Hugh Wich , sometimes Maior of London , was there buried , and gave Lands for Sermons , &c. Iohn Master , Gent. was by his children buried there , 1444. Thomas Britaine . Henry Travers of Maidstone in Kent , Merchant , 1501. Iohn Bond , about 1504. Robert Paget , Merchant-Taylor , one of the Sheriffes 1536. Sir Tho. Curteis , Pewterer , then Fishmonger , Maior 1557. Sir Iames Harvie , Ironmonger , Maior , 1581. William Peterson , Esquire . William Sherington . Sir Edward Osborne , Cloth-worker , Maior , &c. Thomas Curticius sub Marmore conditus iste , Quem mundo eripuit Parca severa senem : Quemque suum Cives voluere augere Senatum , Iustitia & gravitas hunc meruere gradum . Purpuriens sic Praeturam gessit in urbe , Ferret ut hoc multum laudis ab officio . Animus huic Consul Sceptroque insignis & ense , Londinium vexit dexteritate bona . Thomam progenuit solumque moestis humanis , Vita adeo fragili sorte fugax●ue datur . Vnica neptis avo , est Anna haeres , filia Thomae , Dignaque neptus avo , dignaque nata patre . Stuclea haec nupsit Generoso stemmata certo , Fraeclaroque domi Militiaeque viro. Fumus & umbra sumus , quicquid mortale peribat , Sola manet pietas , quae sine fine viret . Neere unto it is a very goodly Monument , belonging to Sir Iames Harvey , but without any inscription or Epitaph . D. D. M. S. Emanuel de Meteren , Mercatori Antwerpiensi , atque inter ordinis ejusdem Belgas Londini , quondam Cos. Des. viro pio , viro docto . Qui rerum in Belgia gest . Historiam opus ●luculentum & fidei plenum posteris reliquit . Esther de Corput . conjux conjugi liberique ix . parenti optimo P. P. Obiit die 8. Aprilis , Anni CIC. ICC. XII . Cum vixisset An. lxxvj . Mens . 3. Animae super Aethera vivunt . Iacobo Colio G. F. Belgol . Regis Henrici 8. munere Angl. indignae Mercatori probo . Qui obiit Ann. Chri. CIC. IC . XCI . suo Lxxiix . Et Elizab. Orteliae , Qui obiit Anno Christi , CIC. IC . XC III. Connubio nuper nunc Tumulo junctis Iac. Colins parentibus pientiss . M. H. F. C. Christo duce , & ossa resurgent . This Tombe of Sir Edward Osborne , Knight , sometime Lord Maior of this Noble Citie , who was buried An. Dom. 1591. And of Dame Margaret his second wife , who married after with M. Baron Clarke , ( by whom this Tombe was erected ) and was buried , An. Dom. 1602. Mistresse Katharine VVoodward , widdow , having ( in her life time ) beene a godly , religious , and vertuous Matrone , charitable to the poore , and not sparing of her purse to pious uses : Two worthy Gentlemen ( her Executors ) have there raised a comely remembrance of her to all posterity . This Monument was erected for the Worshipfull M. John Hewet , Gent. Citizen and Merchant of London , and free of the Clothworkers Company : who in his life time was loving to all , and pittifull to the poore : witnesse the yeerely pension he hath given for ever , of five pounds to the poore of this Parish . He changed this mortall habitation the third day of Iuly , Anno Domini , 1602. This Charity , and 12. d. beside , given every Sunday in bread to the poore , is all that there I understand of . Then by the foure corners ( so called of Fen-church street in the East , Bridge-street on the South , Grasse-street on the North , and Lombard street on the west ) in Lombard street is one faire Parish Church , called Alhallowes Grasse-church in Lambard street . I doe so reade it in Evidences of Record , for that the Grasse-Market went downe that way , when that street was farre broader than now it is , being straightned by incrochments . This Church was lately new builded . Iohn Warner , Armorer , and then Grocer , Sheriffe , 1494. builded the South I le ; his sonne Robert Warner , Esquire , finished it , in the yeere 1516. The Pewterers were Benefactors towards the North I le , &c. The Sleeple or Bel-tower thereof was finished in the yeere 1544. about the thirty and sixth of Henry the eighth . The faire stone Porch of this Church , was brought from the late dissolved Priory of S. Iohn of Ierusalem by Smithfield , so was the frame of their Bels ; but the Bels being bought , were never brought thither , by reason that one old Warner Draper of that Parish deceasing , his son Mark Warner would not performe what his Father had begunne and appointed ; so that faire Steeple hath but one Bell , as Friers were wont to use . The Monuments of this Church bee these : the said Warners , and Iohn Walden , Draper . Memoriae Sacrum . Spe certa in Christo resurgendi , hic requiescit Christopherus Tolderney , Armiger , vir prudens , & optimis studiis innutritus : Atque Susanna Vxor , Filia Joannis Alnwici , Generos . Qui cum plures annos fide & amore conjugali concordissimè vixissent ; Obiit illa nono die Ianuarii , An. Domini , M. D. CXII . Ille Martii sequentis die 20. Quatuor liberis superstitibus , Christophero & Joanne , Iana , ( Roberto Darello de Calehill , Militi enupta ) & Elizabetha . Here under this stone resteth ( in assured hope of a joyfull resurrection ) the body of Rebecca Crispe , Daughter to Iohn Pake of Bromefield in Essex , Gent. and late wife to Nicholas Crispe of Lond. Merchant . She departed this life the 27. day of April , An. Dom. 1616. and in the 37. of her age : Giving to the world ( both in her life and death ) undoubted testimony of her faith in Christ Iesus : Having had issue 3. sonnes , and 8. daughters . Here lyeth buried the body of Simō Horsepoole , free of the Drapers Company : also free of the ancient Wooll-staple ; free of the Merchants Adventurers of the old Haunce and Moscovia . He was chosen sheriffe of London , in An. 1591. He married Elizabeth Smith , daughter to Iohn Smith of Cosham , in the County of Wiltshire , Gent. and sister to Thomas Smith , Customer of London . And by her he had issue 3. sons and 3. daughters , William , Simon and Thomas , Elizabeth married with Alexander King , one of the Queenes Majesties Auditors . Hawys married with Francis Dorington , Merchant of Tripolie . And Ioan , maried with Iohn Whitbrooke , Gent. He dwelt in Grasse-Church street in this Parish , 35. yeeres , and he appointed to this Parish of All Saints , foure pounds and foure shillings every yeere for ever : and also foure pounds and foure shillings to the Parish of Saint Christopher by Cornehill , where hee was borne , and where his Father Iohn Horsepoole ( also free of the Drapers Company , and borne in Leicestershire ) dwelt , and lyeth buried : That every Sunday after Morning Service , there bee given to twelve poore people of this Parish , to every one of them one penny loafe of wheaten bread ; and also every Sunday to twelve poore people of Saint Christophers Parish , to every one of them one penny loafe of wheaten bread ; and every yeere upon Saint Thomas the Apostles day , to every one of the said 24. poore people , twelve pence in money : and every yeere upon the said Saint Thomas his day , to the two Paris-Clerkes of the said Parises , to every of them for their paines , 13. s. 4. d. and to the two Sextons of the said Parishes , to every of them for their paines , 6. s. 8. d. In performance whereof , William Horsepoole , sonne of the said Simon Horsepoole , hath granted two severall annuities and Rents , charge of foure pounds and foure sillings apiece , out of an house in Corbets Alley in Grasse-Church street , in the Parish of Saint Peter , to certaine parishioners of the said Parishes respectively , and their heires in trust , to the foresaid uses for ever . Hee dyed the 14. day of Ianuary , 1601. Aged 75. yeeres . Vertue is not dead . The soule in Heaven , the body here of Izan lies , By her John Edwards good , and by her parents both : She deare to her all three , that living , still she cries , Lay me by them . for other Grave I loath . O God! that heard'st the cry of this thy creature , Make Izans many , in vertue , grace , and feature . As love ( in life ) eonjoyn'd us once , And God ( by death ) disjoyn'd us twaine : So love ( by death ) rejoyn'd our bones , And God ( in joy ) joyn'd us againe . Stand here firme ( God permitting ) ever , a patterne , a spurre to sacred vertue : In memory of a blessed Matrone heere buried : Rich in true piety , vertue , and reverend modesly , from her Cradle to her Cossin : an ornament ( of her sexe ) for true constancy in both fortunes : the onely mother and beauty of her race , in her time , named Izan Wright by her Father , Edwards by her first husband , both of this Parish , and also here buried . Her shining to the vaine world ( to whom Adversity is Vice , and Prosperity is Vertue ) was eclipsed by a second marriage , wherein she deceased the fifth day of March , An. Dom. 1613. Aged about 66. yeeres . Here under this place lyeth buried the body of Thomas Walker , Citizen and Vintner of London , who deceased the 25. day of Ianuary , 1599. Which said Thomas Walker had two wives , Joane and Mary . By Joane he had issue eight children , foure sonnes , and foure daughters . Joane his wife lyeth hereunder buried , who deceased the 29. day of August , 1592. Aetatis suae , 69. Mans life , betimes tryit who shall , Shall find no time in it to trust : Sometime to climbe , sometime to fall , Till life of man be brought to dust . Next is a common Osterie for travellours , called the George , of such a Signe , This is said to have pertained to the Earle Ferrers , and was his London lodging in Lombard street : And that to the yeere 1175. a brother of the said Earle , being there privily slaine in the night , was there throwne down into the dirty street , as I have afore shewed in the Chapter of Night-watches . Next is the Parish Church of S. Edmond the King and Martyr , in Lombard street , by the South corner of Birchover lane . This Church is also called . S. Edmond Grasse-Church , because the said Grassemarket came downe so low . The Monuments in this Church , are these : Sir Iohn Milborne , Draper , Maior , deceased , 1535. buried there by Dame Ioan and Dame Margaret his wives , under a Tombe of Touch. Humfrey Heyford , Goldsmith , Maior , 1477. Sir William Chester , Draper , Maior , 1560. with his wives , amongst his predecessors . Sir George Barne , Maior , 1586. D. Ioanni Milburno , vitrico , D. Ioanni Chestero , patri . D. Roberto Tempesto , genero . Gulielmus Chesterus , ●osuit . by Birchovers lane , ( the one halfe of which Lane is of this VVard ) and so downe , be divers faire houses ; namely , one with a faire fore-front towards the street , builded by Sir Martin Bowes , Goldsmith , since Maior of London : And then one other , sometime belonging to William de la Pole , Knight Baronet , and yet the Kings Merchant , in the 14. of Edward the third ; and after him , to Michael de la Pole , Earle of Suffolke , in the 24. of Richard the second , and was his Merchants house , and so downe toward the Stockes Market , lacking but some three houses thereof . The South side of this VVard beginneth in the East , at the chaine to bee drawne thwart Mart lane , up into Fen-Church street , and so west , by the North end of Mincheon lane , to Saint Margaret Pattens street , or Rood lane , and downe that street , to the mid-way towards S. Margarets Church : Then by Philpot lane , ( so called of Sir Iohn Philpot that dwelled there , and was owner thereof ) and downe that Lane , some six or eight houses on each side , is all of this VVard . Then by Grasse-Church corner , into Lombard-street , to S. Clements lane , and downe the same to S. Clements Church : then downe Saint Nicholas lane , and downe the same to S. Nicholas Church , and the same Church is of this VVard . Then to Abchurch lane , and downe some small portion thereof : then downe Sherborne lane , a part thereof , and a part of Beare-binder lane , be of this VVard : and then downe Lombard street to the signe of the Angell , almost to the corner over against the Stockes Market . On the South side of this VVard , somewhat within Mart lane , have yee the Parish Church of Alhallowes , commonly called Stane-Church , ( as may be supposed ) for a difference from other Churches of that name in this Citie , which ( of old time ) were builded of timber , and since were builded of stone . In this Church have beene divers faire Monuments of the dead ; namely , Iohn Costin , Girdler , a great benefactor : he deceased 1244. his name remaineth painted in the Church roofe : if it had beene set in brasse , it would have beene fetched downe . Hee gave out of certaine Tenements to the poore of that Parish , an hundred quarters of Charcoales yeerely for ever . Sir Iohn Test , Knight of the holy Sepulcher , and Dame Ioan his wife , about 1486. Robert Stone . Sir Iohn Stiward , and Dame Alice his wife . Iohn Bostocke , Esquire . Christopher Holt. Sir Richard Tate , Knight , Ambassadour to King Henry the eighth , buried there , 1554. His Monument remaineth yet ; the rest beeing all pulled downe , and swept out of the Church , the Church-wardens were forced to make a large account , twelve shillings that yeere for Broomes , beside the carriage away of stone and brasse , at their owne charge . And here I am to note , that being informed of the Writhsleys to bee buried there , I have since found them and other , to be buried at Saint Giles without Creplegate , where I mind to leave them . Our Holt ( alas ) hath stint his hold , by Death cal'd hence in haste , Whose Christen name being Christopher with Christ is better plac't . In Sawton borne of gentle race , in London spent his dayes , A Clerke that serv'd in Customehouse , in credit many wayes . So that we leese the losse of this so deare a Friend , Whose life well while he was here , hath gain'd a better end . Iohn Mun , Citizen and Mercer of London , who deceased the third day of Iune , 1615. gave towards the repairing of this Church , 100. l. Mary Benam , lying here buried , gave 10. l. 4. s. for ever yeerely to this Parish , and the Parish of Saint Olaves in Hartstreet , which is in money truely performed every Sunday , 2. s. in each place to the poore . By this Church somtime passed a lane called Craddockes lane , from Mart lane , winding by the North side of the said Church into Fenne-church street : the which Lane being straightned by incroachments , is now called Church-Alley . Then is the parish Church of Saint Nicholas Acon , or Hacon ( for so have I read it in Records ) in Lombard street . Sir Iohn Bridges Draper , Maior , 1520. newly repaired this Church , and imbattled it , and was there buried . Francis Bowyer , Grocer , one of the Sheriffes , was buried there , 1580. with other of the Bowyers . So was Iulian , wife to Iohn Lambard , Alderman . Here resteth in hope of a joyfull resurrection the body of Francis Bowyer , late Alderman of London , who was borne in Chichester , the Sonne of Robert Bowyer of Chichester , and Margaret his wife . He had Brethren , Robert eldest , William , Henry , and Peter : which Sonnes together with their Mother Margaret , doe rest in this Church . He married Elizabeth , daughter to William Tillesworth : with whom hee lived most lovingly and faithfully , the space of 27. yeeres : And by her had seven Sonnes and foure Daughters , of whom remained living at his death foure Sonnes , William , Robert , Francis , and John : And three Daughters , Joane , Margaret , and Elizabeth . Obiit 14. Iunii . An. Dom. 1581. Then is there ( in the high street ) a proper Parish Church of Saint Mary Wolnoth , of the Nativity , the reason of which name I have not yet learned . This Church is lately new builded . Sir Hugh Brice , Goldsmith , Maior in the first yeere of Henry the seventh , Keeper of the Kings Exchange at London , and one of the Governours of the Kings Mint in the Tower of London , under William Lord Hastings , the fifth of Edward the fourth deceased , 1496. Hee builded in this Church a Chappell , called the Charnel , as also part of the body of the Church and of the Steeple , and gave money toward the finishing thereof , besides the stone that he had prepared ; hee was buried in the body of the Church , and Guy Brice or Boys , was also buried there . Dame Ioane , Wife to Sir VVilliam Peach . Thomas Nocket , Draper , 1396 : hee founded a Chauntry there . Simon Eyre , 1459. hee gave the Taverne , called the Cardinals Hat in Lombard street , with a Tenement annexed on the East part of the Taverne , and a mansion behind the East Tenement , together with an Alley from Lombard street to Cornehill with the appurtenances , all which were by him new builded toward a Brotherhood of our Lady in Saint Mary Wolnoths Church . Iohn Mo●ger , Pewterer , and Emme his wife in S. Iohns Chappell . Sir Iohn Percivall , Merchant-Taylor , Maior , about 1504. Thomas Roch , and Andrew Michael , Vintners , and Ioane the Wife of them both . William Hilton , Merchant-Taylor , and Taylor to King Henry the eighth , was buried there , 1519. under the Chappel of Saint George , which Chappell was builded by George Lufken , sometime Taylor to the Prince . Robert Amades , Goldsmith , Master of the Kings Jewels . Sir Martin Bowes , Maior , buried about 1569. he gave Lands for the discharge of that Langborne Ward , of all Fifteenes to bee granted to the King by Parliament . George Hasken . Sir Thomas Ramsey , late Maior , &c. Sir Iohn Percivall , Knight , sometime Lord Maior of this City , and Dame Thomasine his Wife , worthy Benefactors to this parish , lye both here buried , &c. The severall wils made by them both in ancient writing , are ( to the parishes great commendation ) very carefully kept and preserved in this Church , in a goodly enclosure made for the purpose and to bee turned open like folding Tables : I have not seene the like in any other Church . Moreover I read ( concerning this man ) that hee was one of the Maior of Londons Officers , and was the Carver at the Maiors Table . And when the Maior ( as the custome of London is ) doth elect one of the Sheriffes of London for the yeere ensuing , by taking and drinking a cup of Wine to such a man as he pleaseth to name : The Maior at that time ( whose name was Sir Henry Collet , Knight , and free of the Mercers ) tooke the cup of VVine and dranke to the aforesaid Iohn Percival , his Carver , standing bare-headed waiting before him , and called him Sheriffe of Lond. for the yeere ensuing : forthwith the said Maior caused the same Percivall to sit downe at his owne Table , and to cover his head . And the same Percivall tooke upon him the office of Sherivalty , and afterward was Lord Maior of London , and made knight . Register of Maiors . Here lyeth buried the body of Sir Martin Bowes , Knight , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , and also free of the Goldsmiths Company : with Cicilie , Dame Anne and Dame Elizabeth , his wives . The which Sir Martin Bowes deceased the 4. day of August , An. Dom. 1566. His will also is there kept in a faire Table . Here lyeth interred the body of Sir Thomas Ramsey , Knight , a most worthy Citizen , and lately Lord Maior of London , being free of the Grovers Company , with whom ( by will ) he hath left a perpetuall reliefe for poore yong men , Retaylours of the said Company , which he saw performed in his lifetime . He was a most carefull Magistrate , walked in the feare of God , and loved peace . Hee lived 79. yeeres , and dyed ( without issue ) in the faith of Iesus Christ , the 19. day of May , Anno Dom. 1590. Whose godly end was a true testimony of his vertuous life . Here lyeth buried also Dame Alice , the first wife of the said Sir Thomas Ramsey , she being eldest daughter to Bevis Lea of Enfield in the County of Stafford , Gent. Vnto whom hee was married 37. yeeres : and having lived 85. yeeres , she departed this life the 18. day of Ianuary , An. Dom. 1577. Dame Mary , the second wife to the said Sir Thomas Ramsey , was eldest daughter to William Dale of Bristoll , Merchant , unto whom he was married 12. yeeres . In regard therefore of so worthy a Knight , and his two vertuous Ladies : This Monument is heere placed , by the Executors to the said Sir Thomas Ramsey , the 18. day of November , Anno Dom. 1596. Thus have yee seven Parish Churches in this Ward ; one Hall of a Company ; divers faire houses for Merchants ; and other Monuments none . It hath an Alderman , his Deputy ; Common-Counsellors , 8. Constables , 15. Scavengers , 9. Men of the Wardmote inquest , 17. and a Beadle . It is taxed to the Fifteene , in the Exchequer , at 20. l. 9. s. 8. d. BELINSGATE VVARD . BElinsgate Ward beginneth at the West end of Tower-street Ward in Thames street , about Smarts Key , & runneth downe along that street , on the South side , to Saint Magnus Church at the Bridge foot , and on the North side of the said Thames street , from over against Smarts Key , till over against the North-west corner of Saint Magnus Church aforesaid . On this North side of Thames street is S. Mary Hill lane , up to Saint Margarets Church , and then part of S. Margaret Pattens street , at the end of Saint Mary Hill Lane. Next out of Thames street is Lucas lane , and then Buttolph lane , and at the North end thereof Philpot lane : Then is there Rother lane , of old time so called , and thwart the same lane is Little Eastcheape : And these bee the bounds of Belinsgate Ward . Touching the principall Ornaments within this Ward : On the South side of Thames street , beginning at the East end thereof , there is first the said Smarts Key , so called , of one Smart , sometime owner thereof . The next is Belinsgate , whereof the whole Ward taketh name , the which ( leaving out of the fable thereof , faining it to be builded by King Belinus , a Britaine , long before the incarnation of Christ ) is at this present a large Water-gate , Port or Harborough for Ships and Boats , commonly arriving there with Fish , both fresh and salt , Shell-fishes , Salt , Oranges , Onions , and other Fruits and Roots ; Wheat , Rie , and Graine of divers sorts for service of the Citie , and the parts of this Realme adjoyning . This Gate is now more frequented than of old time , when the Queenes Hith was used , as being appointed by the Kings of this Realme , to be the speciall or onely Port for taking up of all such kind of Merchandises , brought to this Citie by strangers and Forrainers ; because the Draw-bridge of timber at London Bridge , was then to bee raised , and drawne up for passage of Ships with tops thither . Touching the ancient customes of Belinsgate ; in the Reigne of Edward the third , every great Ship landing there , paid for standage , two pence ; every little Ship with Orelockes , a penny ; the lesser Boat , called a Battle , a halfe-penny . Of two quarters of Corne measured , the King was to have one farthing ; of a Combe of Corne , a penny ; of every weight going out of the Citie , a halfe-penny ; of two quarters of Sea-coales measured , a farthing ; and of every Tun of Ale going out of England beyond the Seas , by the Merchants stranger , 4. pence ; of every thousand Herring , a farthing , except the Franchises , &c. Next to this is Sommers Key , which likewise tooke that name of one Sommer dwelling there , as did Lion Key of one Lion , owner thereof , and since of the signe of the Lion. Then is there a faire Wharfe or Key , called Buttolphs-gate , by that name so called in the time of William the Conquerour , and of Edward the Confessor , as I have shewed already in the description of the Gates . Next is the Parish Church of Saint Buttolph , a proper Church , and hath had many faire Monuments therein , now defaced and gone : notwithstanding , I finde by testimonies abroad , that these were buried there , to wit : Roger Cogger , 1348. Andrew Pikeman , and Ioane his wife , 1391. Nicholas Iames , Ironmonger , one of the Sheriffes , 1423. William Rainwell , Fishmonger , and Iohn Rainwell his sonne , Fishmonger , Maior , 1426. and deceasing , 1445. buried there , with this Epitaph : Citizens of London , call you to remembrance The famous Iohn Rainwell , sometime your Maior , Of the Staple of Callis , so was his chance . Here lyeth now his corps , his soule bright and faire , Is taken to heavens blisse , thereof is no despaire . His acts beare witnesse , by matters of accord , How charitable he was , and of what record : No man hath beene so beneficiall as he , Vnto the Citie in giving liberally , &c. He gave a stone house to be a Revestry to that Church for ever : More , hee gave Lands and Tenements to the use of the Communalty , that the Maior and Chamberlaine should satisfie , unto the discharge of all persons , inhabiting within the Wards of Belinsgate , Downegate , and Ealdgate , as oft as it shall happen any Fifteene , by Parliament of the King to be granted . Also to the Exchequer , in discharge of the Sheriffes , ten pounds yeerely , which the Sheriffes used to pay for the Farme of Southwarke , so that all men of the Realme , comming or passing with carriage , should be free quitted and discharged of all Toll and other payments , aforetime claimed by the Sheriffes . Further , that the Maior and Chamberlaine shall pay yeerely to the Sheriffes eight pounds , so that the Sheriffes take no manner Toll or money of any person of this Realme , for their Goods , Merchandises , Victuals and Carriages , for their passages at the great Gate of the Bridge of the Citie , nor at the Gate called the Draw-Bridge , &c. The over-plus of money comming of the said Lands and Tenements , divided into even portions , the one part to bee employed to instore the Grainaries of the Citie with Wheat , for the reliefe of the poore Communalty ; and the other moity to cleere and cleanse the shelves , and other stoppages of the River of Thames , &c. Stephen Forster , Fishmonger , Maior in the yeere 1454. and Dame Agnes his wife , lye buried there . William Bacon , Haberdasher , one of the Sheriffes , 1480. was there buried ; besides many other persons of good worship , whose Monuments are all destroyed by badde and greedy men of spoile . This Parish of S. Buttolph is no great thing ; notwithstanding divers Strangers are there harboured , as may appeare by a presentment , not many yeers since made , of Strangers inhabitants in the Ward of Belinsgate , in these words : In Belinsgate Ward were one and fiftie housholds of Strangers ; whereof thirty of these House-holders inhabited in the Parish of Saint Buttolph , in the chiefe and principal houses , where they give 20 pounds a yere for an house lately letten for foure Markes . The neerer they dwell to the water side , the more they give for houses , and within thirty yeeres before , there was not in the whole Ward above three Netherlanders , at which time , there was within the said Parish levied for the helpe of the poore , seven and twenty pounds by the yeere ; but since they came so plentifully thither , there cannot be gathered aboue eleven pounds : for the Stranger will not contribute to such charges as other Citizens doe . Thus much for that South side of this Ward . On the North side is Bosse Alley , so called of a Bosse of Spring water continually running , which standeth by Belinsgate , against this Alley , and was sometimes made by the Executors of Richard Whittington . Then is S. Mary Hill lane , which runneth up North from Belinsgate , to the end of S. Margaret Pattens , commonly called Rood lane , and the greatest halfe of that lane is also of Belinsgate Ward . In this S. Mary Hill lane , is the faire Parish Church of S. Mary , called , on the Hill , because of the ascent from Belinsgate . This Church hath beene lately builded , as may appeare by this that followeth . Richard Hackney , one of the Sheriffes in the yeere 1322. and Alice his wife , were there buried ; as Robert Fabian writeth , saying thus : In the yeere 1497. in the moneth of April , as labourers digged for the foundation of a wall , within the Church of Saint Mary Hill , neere unto Belinsgate , they found a Coffin of rotten timber , and therein the Corps of a woman , whole of skinne , and of bones undissevered , and the ioynts of her armes plyable , without breaking of the skin , upon whose Sepulcher this was engraven : Here lye the bodies of Richard Hackney , Fishmonger ; and Alice his wife : The which Richard was Sheriffe in the 15. of Edward the second . Her body was kept above ground 3. or foure dayes , without noyance ; but then it waxed unsavourie , and was againe buried . Iohn Mordant , Stock-fishmonger , was buried there , 1387. Nicholas Exton , Fishmonger , Maior , 1387. William Cambridge , Maior , 1420. Richard Goslin , Sheriffe , 1422. William Philip , Sergeant at Armes , 1473. Robert Revell , one of the Sheriffes , 1490. gave liberally toward the new building of this Church and steeple , and was there buried . William Remington , Maior , 1500. Sir Thomas Blanke , Maior , 1582. William Holstocke , Esquire , Controller of the Kings Ships . Sir Cuthbert Buckle , Maior , 1594. Here lyeth a Knight in London borne , Sir Thomas Blanke by name , Of honest birth , of Merchants trade , A man of worthy fame . Religious was his life to God , To men his dealing iust : The poore and Hospitals can tell That wealth was not his trust . With gentle heart , and spirit milde , And nature full of pitie , Both Sheriffe , Lord Maior and Alderman ; He ruled in this Citie . The Good Knight was his common name , So cal'd of many men : He lived long , and dyed of yeeres , Twice seven , and six times ten . Obiit 28. Octob. An. Dom. 1588. An Epitaph upon the death of Dame Margaret Blancke , who departed this life the second of February , An. Dom. 1596. DEath was deceiv'd , which thought these two to part : For though this Knight first left this mortall life , Yet till she dyed , he still liv'd in her heart . What happier husband , or more kinder wife ? Whom foure and forty changes of the Spring , In sacred wedlocke , mutuall love had linkt : The deare remembrance of so deare a thing , Was not by death in her chaste breast extinct . Building this Tombe not long before she dy'd , Her latest duty to his Funerall Rite , Crown'd with her vertues , like an honest Bride , Here lyes at rest by her beloved Knight . Though worthy Blancke her name it still endures , Yet , Traves , boast , her birth was onely yours . Beati qui moriuntur in Domino . Here lye intombed the bodies of Sir Robert Hampson , Knight , and Alderman of London ; who deceased the 2. day of May , 1607. in the 50. yeere of his age : And of Dame Katharine his wife , at whose charge this Monument is erected . They had issue , nine children , whereof foure are living . The said Dame Katharine deceased , &c. This Lane on both sides is furnished with many faire houses for Merchants , and hath at the North end thereof one other Lane , called S. Margaret Pattens , because of old time Pattens were usually there made and sold : but of latter time this is called Roode lane , of a Rood there placed , in the Churchyard of S. Margaret , whilest the old Church was taken downe , and againe new builded ; during which time , the oblations made to this Rood , were imployed towards building of the Church . But in the yeer 1538. about the 23. of May in the morning , the said Roode was found to have beene in the night preceding ( by people unknowne ) broken all to pieces , together with the Tabernacle , wherein it had beene placed . Also on the 27. of the same moneth , in the same Parish , amongst the Basket-makers , a great and sudden fire happned in the night season , which within the space of three houres , consumed more than a dozen houses , and nine persons were brent to death there . And thus ceased that worke of this Church , being at that time nigh finished to the steeple . The Monuments that I finde in this Parish Church , are these following : Here lyeth buried Mr. Reginald West , Batchelor in divinity , and late Parson of this Parish , who deceased the second day of October , Anno Domini , 1563. for whose sincere , pure and godly Doctrine , as also his vertuous end , the Lord be praised for evermore . Here-under lyeth buried Thomas Gelson , Citizen and Grocer of London , who deceased the 16. day of September , Anno Dom. 1563. And in the same Church also lyeth buried Jane his wife : for whose vertuous lives and godly departing , God be praised for ever . Here lyeth buried the body of Richard Glover , Citizen and Pewterer of London , who was twice Master of his Companie , and one of the Common Councell of this Citie : Having two wives , Elizabeth , and Mary ; and had issue by his first wife , three sonnes ; and by his second , hee had eight sonnes and foure daughters . He deceased the 16. day of August , An. Dom. 1615. being aged 59. yeeres . The Lane , on both sides beyond the same Church , to the mid-way towards Fen-church street , is of Belinsgate Ward . Then againe , out of Thames street , by the West end of S. Mary Hill Church , runneth up one other Lane , of old time called Rope Lane , since called Lucas lane , of one Lucas , owner of some part thereof , and now corruptly called Love lane ; it runneth up by the East end of Saint Andrew Hubbert , or S. Andrew in Eastcheape . This Church , and all the whole Lane called Lucas Lane , is of this Belinsgate Ward . Then have ye one other Lane out of Thames street , called Buttolph lane , because it riseth over against the Parish Church of S. Buttolph , and runneth up North by the East end of Saint Georges Church , to the West end of S. Andrews Church , and to the South end of Philpot lane . This Parish Church of S. George in Buttolph lane , is small , but the Monuments ( for two hundred yeeres past ) are well preserved from spoile . Whereof one is of Adam Bamme , Maior , 1397. Richard Bamme , Esquire his sonne , of Gillingham in Kent , 1452. Iohn Walton , Gentleman , 1401. Marpor , a Gentleman , 1400. Iohn Saint-Iohn , Merchant of Levant , and Agnes his wife , 1400. Hugh Spencer , Esquire , 1424. William Combes , Stocke-fishmonger , one of the Sheriffes , 1452. who gave forty pounds towards the Workes of that Church . Iohn Stocker , Draper , one of the Sheriffes , 1477. Richard Dryland , Esquire , and Katharine his wife , daughter to Morrice Brune , Knight of Southukenton in Essex , Steward of the houshold to Humphrey Duke of Glocester , 1487. Nicholas Partrich , one of the Sheriffs 1519. in the Churchyard . William Forman , Maior , 1538. Iames Mountford , Esquire , Surgeon to King Henry the eighth , buried , 1544. Thomas Gayle , Haberdasher , 1340. Nicholas Wilford , Merchant-Taylor , and Elizabeth his wife , about the yeere 1551. Edward Heyward , 1573. &c. Roger Delakere , founded a Chauntrie there . Then have ye one other Lane , called Rother lane , or Red Rose lane , of such a signe there ; now commonly called Pudding lane , because the Butchers of East - Cheape have their Scalding-house for Hogs there , and their Puddings , with other filth of Beasts , are voided downe that way to their dung-boats on the Thames . This Lane stretcheth from Thames street to little East-cheape , chiefely inhabited by Basket-makers , Turners , and Butchers , and is all of Belinsgate Ward . The Garland in Little East-cheape , sometime a Brewhouse , with a Garden on the backe-side , adjoyning to the Garden of Sir Iohn Philpot , was the chiefe House in this East-cheape : It is now divided into sundry small Tenements , &c. This Ward hath an Alderman and his Deputie ; Common Counsellors , 7. Constables , eleven ; Scavengers , sixe ; for the Ward-more Inquest , foureteen , and a Beadle , it is taxed to the Fifteene in London , at two and thirty pounds ; and in the Exchequer , at one and thirty pounds , tenne shillings . BRIDGE VVARD VVithin . BRidge Ward within , so called of London Bridge ; which Bridge is a principall part of that Ward , and beginneth at the stu●ps on the south end by Southwarke , runneth along the Bridge , and North up Bridge-street , commonly called ( of the Fish-market ) New Fish-street : from Fish street hill , up Grasse-street , to the North corner of Grasse-church . All the Bridge is replenished on both the sides , with large , faire and beautifull buildings , inhabitants for the most part rich Merchants , and other wealthy Citizens , Mercers and Haberdashers . In New Fish-street bee Fishmongers and faire Tavernes : on Fish-street Hill and Grasse-street , men of divers Trades , Grocers and Haberdashers . In Grasse-street have ye one faire Conduit of sweet water , castellated with crest and vent , made by the appointment of Thomas Hill , Maior , 1484. who gave by his Testament a hundred marks towards the conveyance of water to this place . It was begun by his Executors , in the yeere 1491. and finished of his goods whatsoever it cost . On the East side of this Bridge ward , have ye the faire Parish Church of S. Magnus , in the which Church have bin buried many men of good Worship , whose Monuments are now for the most part defaced . I finde , Iohn Blund , Maior , 1307. Henry Yeuele , Free Mason to Edward the third , Richard the second , and Henry the fourth , who deceased 1400. his Monument yet remaineth . William Brampton . Iohn Michell , Maior , 1436. Iohn French , Baker , Yeoman of the Crowne to Henry the seventh , 1510. Robert Clarke , Fishmonger , 1521. Richard Turke , one of the Sheriffes , 1546. William Steed , Alderman . Richard Morgan , Knight , chiefe Justice of the Common P●eas , 1556. Mauricius Griffith , Bishop of Rochechester , 1559. Robert Blanch , Girdler , 1567. Robert Belgrave Girdler . VVilliam Brame . Iohn Cooper , Fishmonger , Alderman , who was put by his turne of Maioralty , 1584. Sir VVilliam Garrard , Haberdasher , Maior 1555. a grave , sober , wise and discreet Citizen , equall with the best , and inferior to none of our time , deceased 1571. in the Parish of Saint Christopher , but was buried in this Church of Saint Magnus , as in the Parish where he was borne . A faire Monument is here raised on him . Robert Harding , Salter , one of the Sheriffes , 1568. Simon Low , Merchant-Taylor , Equire , &c. Then is the Parish Church of Saint Margarets on Fish-street Hill , a proper Church ; but Monuments it hath none ; onely one of no●e , and well worth the observation , being unknowne , and nor ●ound till very lately ; whereof Master VVood ( the reverend Parson of the Church , made mee acquainted by his Clerke , to have me come see it ; which I did very thankfully . Finding it to bee the figure of a man of good respect , lying upon his Tombe , according to the manner of persons of Antiquity . And this inscription he delivered me , written with his owne hand : Joannes de Coggeshall , Civis & Cordarius de Parochiae S. Margaretae de Bridgestreet , London . Anno 1384. An. Reg. Richardi Secundi , Octavo . Testamentum irrotulat . in Hustingo London , die Lunae in Festo S. Leonai di Abbatis . An. Reg. Richardi Secundi , 9. He lyeth buried in the said Church wall , under the Marble stone in the Window , next to S. Peters Altar on the North side of the Church . A foot-way passeth by the South side of this Church , from Fish-street hill into Rother-lane . Vp higher on this Hill , is the Parish Church of Saint Leonard Milke-Church , so termed of one VVilliam Melker , an especiall builder thereof , but commonly called Saint Leonards East-cheape , because it standeth at East-cheape corner . Monuments there be of the Doggets , namely ; VValter Dogget , Vintner , one of the Sheriffes , 1380. Iohn Dogget , Vintner , and Alice his wife , about 1456. This Iohn Dogget gave Lands to that Church . VVilliam Dogget , &c. And none else of note . This Church , and from thence into Little East-cheape , to the East end of the said Church , is of the Bridge Ward . Then higher in Grasse-street , is the Parish Church of Saint Bennet , called Grasse-Church , of the Herbe Market there kept : this Church also is of the Bridge Ward , and the farthest North end thereof . Some Monuments remaine there undefaced : As of Iohn Harding , Salter , 1576. Iohn Sturgeon , Haberdasher , Chamberlaine of London . Philip Cushen , or Corsine , a Florentine , and a famous Merchant , 1600. The Customes of Grasse-church Market , in the reigne of Edward the third , as I have read in a Booke of Customes , were these : Every forraigne Cart , laden with Corne , or Mault , comming thither to be sold , was to pay one halfe-penny . Every forraigne Cart bringing Cheese , two pence . Every Cart of Corn and Cheese together ( if the Cheese be more worth than the Corne ) two pence ; and if the Corne be more worth than the Cheese , it was to pay a halfe-penny . Of two horses laden with Corne or Mault , the Bailiffe had one farthing : the Cart of the Franchise of the Temple , and of S. Mary le Grand , paid a farthing : the Cart of the Hospitall of S. Iohn of Ierusalem , paid nothing of their proper goods : and if the corne were brought by Merchants to sell againe , the loade paid a halfe-penny , &c. On the West side of this Ward , at the North end of London Bridge , is a part of Thames street , which is also of this Ward ; to wit , so much as of old time was called Stock-fishmonger Row , of the Stock-fish-mongers dwelling there , downe West to a Water gate , of old time called Ebgate , since Ebgate lane , and now the Old Swan , which is a common staire on the Thames , but the passage is very narrow , by meanes of encrochments . On the South side of Thames street , about the mid-way betwixt the Bridge foot and Ebgate lane , standeth the Fishmongers Hall , and divers other faire houses for Merchants . These Fishmongers were sometimes of two severall Companies , to wit Stockfishmongers , and Salt-fishmongers , of whose antiquity I reade , that by the name of Fishmongers of London , they were for forestalling , &c. contrary to the Lawes and constitutions of the Citie , fined to the King at 500. Markes , the 18. of King Edward the first . More , that the said Fishmongers , hearing of the great victory obtained by the same King against the Scots , in the 26. of his reigne , made a triumphant and solemne shew thorow the Citie , with divers Pageants , and more than 1000. horsemen , &c. as in the Chapter of Sports and Pastimes . These two Companies of Stocke-fishmongers and Salt-fishmongers , of old time had their severall Halls , to wit , in Thames street twaine , in New Fish-street twaine , and in Old Fish-street twaine : in each place one for either Company ; in all six severall Hals , the Company was so great , as I have read , and can prove by Records . These Fishmongers have beene jolly Citizens , and sixe Maiors of their Company in 24. yeeres ; to wit , Walter Turke , 1350. Iohn Lofkin , 1359. Iohn Wroth , 1361. Iohn Pechie , 1362. Simon Morden , 1369. and William Walworth , 1374. It followed , that in the yeere 1382. through the counsel of Ioh. Northhampton , Draper , then being Maior , William Issex , Iohn More , Mercer , and Richard Northbury , the said Fishmongers were greatly troubled , hindred of their liberties , and almost destroyed , by congregations made against them : So that in a Parliament at London , the controversie depending betweene the Maior and Aldermen of London , and the Fishmongers there , Nic. Exton , Speaker for the Fishmongers , prayeth the King to receive him and his Company into his protection , for feare of corporall hurt . Whereupon it was commanded , either part to keepe the peace , upon paine of losing all they had . Hereupon a Fishmonger starting up , replyed , that the complaint brought against them by the moovers , &c. was but matter of malice ; for that the Fishmongers , in the reigne of Edward the third , being chiefe Officers of the City , had for their misdemeanors then done , committed the chiefe exhibitors of those petitions to prison . In this Parliament , the Fishmongers ( by the Kings Charter patents ) were restored to their Liberties . Notwithstanding , in the yeere next following , to wit , 1383. Iohn Cavendish , Fishmonger , craveth the peace against the Chancellour of England , which was granted , and hee put in sureties , the Earles of Stafford and Salisbury . Cavendish challengeth the Chancellour for taking a bribe of 10. l. for favour of his Case : which the Chancellour by oath upon the Sacrament avoideth . In further triall , it was found , that the Chancellours man ( without his Masters privitie ) had taken it . Whereupon Cavendish was adjudged to prison , and to pay the Chancellour 1000. Markes for slandering him . After this , many of the Nobles assembled at Reding , to suppresse the seditious stirres of the said Iohn Northampton , or Combarton , late Maior , that had attempted great and heinous enterprizes , of the which he was convict ; and when he stood mute , nor would utter one word , it was decreed , that he should be committed to perpetuall prison , his goods confiscate to the Kings use , and that he should not come within 100. miles of London during his life . He was therfore sent to the Castle of Tintegall , in the confines of Cornewall , and in the meane space the Kings servants spoiled his goods . Iohn More , Richard Northbury , and other , were likewise there convict , and condemned to perpetuall prison , and their goods confiscate , for certaine congregations by them made against the Fishmongers in the Citie of London , as is aforesaid ; but they obtained and had the Kings pardon , in the 14. of his reigne , as appeareth of Record : and thus were all these troubles quieted . Those Stock-fishmongers and Saltfishmongers were united in the yeere 1536. the 28. of Henry the 8. their Hall to bee but one , in the house given unto them by Sir Iohn Cornwall , Lord Fanhope , and of Ampthull , in the Parish of Saint Michael in Crooked-lane , in the reigne of Henry the sixth . Thus much have I thought good to note of the Fishmongers , men ignorant of their Antiquities , and not able to shew a reason why , or when they were joyned in amity with the Goldsmithes , doe give part of their Armes , &c. Neither to say ought of Sir William Walworth ( the glory of their Company ) more than that he slew Iack Straw , which is a meer fable : for the said Straw was after the overthrow of the Rebels , taken , and by judgement of the Maior beheaded ; whose confession at the Gallowes is extant in my Annales , where also is set downe the most valiant and praise-worthy act of Sir William Walworth , against the principall Rebell , Wat Tylar : as in reproofe of VValworth Monument in S. Michaels Church , I have declared , and wished to be reformed there , as in other places . On that South side of Thames street , have yee Drinke-water VVharfe , and Fish Wharfe , in the Parish of S. Magnus . On the North side of Thames street is S. Martins lane , a part of which lane is also of this Ward ; to wit , on the one side to a Well of water , and on the other side , as farre up as against the said Well . Then is S. Michaels Lane , part whereof is also of this Ward , up to a Well there , &c. Then at the upper end of New-Fish-street , is a Lane turning towards Saint Michaels Lane , and is called Crooked-lane , of the crooked windings thereof . Above this Lanes end , upon Fish-street Hill , is one great house , for the most part builded of stone , which pertained sometime to Edward the blacke Prince , sonne to Edward the third , who was in his life time lodged there . It is now altered to a common Hosterie , having the Blacke Bell for a signe . Above this house , at the top of Fish-street Hill , is a turning into Great East-cheape , and so to the corner of Lombard street , over against the North-west corner of Grasse-Church . And these be the whole bounds of this Bridge Ward within : The which hath an Alderman and his Deputy ; for the Common-Counsell , 16. Constable , 15. Scavengers , 6. for the Ward-more Inquest , sixteene , and a Beadle . It is is taxed to the Fifteene in London , at forty seven pounds . CANDLEWICKE STREET VVARD . CAndlewicke street , or Candlewright street VVard , beginneth at the East end of Great East-Cheape , it passeth West thorow East-Cheape to Candlewright street , and thorow the same downe to the North end of Suffolke lane , on the South side , and downe that Lane , by the west end of S. Laurence Church-yard , which is the farthese West part of that Ward . The street of Great East-Cheape , is so called of the Market there kept in the East part of the Citie , as West-Cheap is a Market so called , being in the West . This East-Cheape is now a flesh-Market of Butchers , there dwelling on both sides of the street ; it had sometime also Cookes mixed amongst the Butchers , and such other as sold victuals ready dressed of all sorts . For of old time , when friends did meet , and were disposed to be merry , they went not to dine and sup in Taverns , but to the Cookes , where they called for meat what them liked , which they alwayes found ready dressed , and at a reasonable rate , as I have before shewed . In the yeere 1410. the 11. of Henry the fourth , upon the Even of Saint Iohn Baptist , the Kings sonnes , Thomas and Iohn , being in East-Cheape at Supper , ( or rather at breakefast ; for it was after the Watch was broken up , betwixt two and three of the clocke after midnight ) a great debate hapned betweene their men , and other of the Court , which lasted one houre , till the Maior and Sheriffes with other Citizens appeased the same : for the which afterwards , the said Maior , Aldermen and Sheriffes , were called to answer before the King ; his sonnes and divers Lords being highly moved against the Citie . At which time , William Gascoigne , Chiefe Iustice , required the Maior and Aldermen , for the Citizens , to put them in the Kings grace : whereunto they answered , that they had not offended , but ( according to the Law ) had done their best in stinting debate , and maintaining of the peace : upon which answer the King remitted all his ire , and dismissed them . And to prove this East-Cheape to be a place replenished with Cookes , it may appeare by a Song , called London lickepenny , made by Lidgate a Monk of Bury , in the reigne of Henry the fifth , in the person of a Countrey-man comming to London , and travelling thorow the same . In West-Cheape ( saith the Song ) hee was called on to buy fine Lawne , Paris thread , Cotton Vmble , and other linnen clothes , and such like : ( he speaketh of no silkes ) In Cornehill , to buy old apparell , and household-stuffe , where he was forced to buy his owne Hood , which he had lost in Westminster Hall : In Candlewright street , Drapers profered him cheape Cloth : In East-Cheape , the Cookes cryed hot Ribs of Beefe rosted , Pies well baked , and other victuals : There was clattering of Pewter pots , Harpe , Pipe and Sawtrie ; yea by cocke , nay by cocke , for greater oathes were spared : some sang of Ienkin and Iulian , &c. all which melodie liked well the passenger , but he wanted money to abide by it , and therefore gat him into Gravesend Barge , and home into Kent . Candlewright ( so called in old Records of the Guild-hall of Saint Mary Overies , and other ) or Candlewicke street ; tooke that name ( as may be supposed ) either of Chandlers , or makers of Candles , both of Wax and Tallow : for Candlewright is a maker of Candles ; or of weeke , which is the Cotten or Yarne thereof : or otherwise Wike , which is the place where they used to worke them ; as Scalding-wike by the Stockes Market , was called of the Poulters dressing and scalding their Poultrie there . And in divers Countries , Dayrie-houses , or Cottages wherein they make Butter and Cheese , are usually called Wickes . There dwelled also of old time , divers Weavers of woollen Clothes , brought in by Edward the third . For I read that in the 44. of his reigne , the Weavers brought out of Flanders , were appointed their meetings to be in the Church-yard of S. Laurence Poultney , and the Weavers or Brabant in the Churchyard of S. Mary Sommerset . There were then in this Citie , Weavers of divers sorts , to wit , of Drapery or Tapery , and Napery . These Weavers of Candlewicke street , being in short time worne out , their place is now possessed by rich Drapers , sellers of wollen cloath , &c. On the North side of this Ward , at the West end of East-cheape , have ye S. Clements lane , a part whereof ( on both sides , is of Candlewicke street Ward ; to wit , somewhat North , beyond the Parish Church of S. Clement in East-cheap . This is a small Church , void of Monuments , other than of , Francis Barnam , Alderman , who deceased 1575. and of Benedict Barnam his sonne , Alderman also 1598. William Chartney and William Overie founded a Chauntery there . Francisci Barneham , Civis , Senatoris , Vicecomitis Londinensis : Aliciaeque Vxoris suae , è Bradbrigeorum Familia aeternae memoriae . Vixit Annos L X. Obiit X. Maii , 1576. Filios genuit Martinum . Stephanum . Antonium . Benedictum . Deo & Posteris . Benedictus Barneham , filius junior Francisci Barneham , Senatoris , & quondam Vicecomitis London , cum iisdem honoribus , quibus Pater summa cum laude in hac Vrbe functus fuisset . Et ex Dorothea Vxorae charissima , filia Ambrosii Smith , unius è filiis Ioannis Smith , de Wocock , in Com. Leicestriae , Armigeri ; Quinque filias , Elizabetham , Aliciam , Dorotheam , Bridgettam & Benedictam superstites & haeredes reliquisset : Quarii minor natu Benedicta , paulo post hunc erectum Tumulum diem obiit . Ipse quod à terra accepit , hîc terra commendavit . Quod verò è Coelo , laetus lubensque Christo reddidit , summumque sui desiderium omnibus bonis ob eximiam prudentiam , doctrinam , eloquentiam , & praeclara in hanc Vrbem merita reliquit . Vixit Annos 39. Obiit Aprilis die tertio , Anno Dom. 1598. Next is Saint Nicholas Lane , for the most part on both sides of this Ward , almost to S. Nicholas Church . Then is Abchurch lane , which is on both sides , almost wholly of this ward : the Parish Church there ( called of S. Mary Abchurch , Apechurch , or Vpchurch , as I have read it ) standeth somewhat neere unto the South end thereof , on a rising ground : It is a faire Church : Simon de Winchcombe founded a Chaunterie there , the 19. of Richard the second . Iohn Littleton founded another , and Thomas Hondon another : and hath the Monuments of , I. Long , Esquire , of Bedfordshire , 1442. William Wilkenson , Alderman , 1519. William Iawdrell , Taylor , 1440. Sir Iames Hawes , Maior , 1574. Sir Iohn Branch , Maior , 1580. Iohn Minors . William Kettle , &c. Joanni Branche , Equiti , hujus Vrbis olim Praetori , viro bono , & prudenti , 24. Iulii , Anno Dom. 1588. Aetatis suae 73. vita functo in Sepulchro Wilkinsoni Avi Materni humato : Daniel Dun , Legum Doctor , ipsius ex Sorore Nepos posuit . In felicem Memoriam , piae , pulchrae & pudicae feminae , Dominae Helenae Branch , filiae venerabilis Gulielmi Nicolson , olim Civis & Pennarii London : Quondam ( per quadraginta annos & eo amplius ) uxoris viri dignissimi , Ioannis Minors , Civis , acetiam Pannarii Londō : Cui peperit filium unum Rogerum , & filias tres , Iosnnam , Ripinam , & Margaretam , omnes sine prole defunctos ; nuper ( ad annum usque vigessimum ) uxoris venerabilissimi viri Ioannis Branch , militis Aurnati , Qnondam praeclarissimae Civitatis London H●rnoratissimi Majoris . Robertus Nicolson Generosus , exfratre Nepos , utriusque heres , & dictae Dominae solus Executor , suis sumptibus spontaneis hoc Monumentum posuit . Quam ter felicem , pietas , opulentia , forma Fecêre in terris , modo suffragante popello , Suff●agante Deo fidei , Constantia vivae , Aeternum in coelis , te nunc jubet esse beatā . Nonagenaria obiit 10. Aprilis , Anno Salutis , 1594. This Dame Helen Branch , Widdow to Sir Iohn Branch , Knight , Lord Maior of London , An. 1580. gave fifty pounds to be lent to two yong men of the Company of Drapers , from foure yeeres to foure yeeres for ever , 50. l. Which Lady , gave also to poore Maids marriages 10. l. And to the poore of Abchurch 10. l. To the poore Prisoners in and about London , 20. l. Besides , 26. Gownes to poore men and women , 26. l. And many other worthy Legacies to the Vniversities , &c. On the South side of this Ward , beginning againe at the East , is S. Michaels lane , which lane is almost wholly of this Ward , on both sides downe towards Thames street , to a Well or Pump there . On the East side of this lane is Crooked lane aforesaid , by St. Michaels Church , towards New-Fishstreet . One the most ancient house in this lane , is called the Leaden Porch , and belonged sometime to Sir Iohn Merston , Knight , the first of Edward the fourth : It is now called the Swanne in Crooked lane , possessed of strangers , and selling of Rhenish Wine . The Parish Church of this S. Michaels , was sometime but a small and homely thing , standing upon part of that ground , wherein now standeth the Parsonage house : and the ground thereabout was a filthy plot , by reason of the Butchers in East-cheap , who made the same their Laystall . W. de Burgo gave two Messuages to that Church in Candlewick street , 1317. Iohn Loveken Stock-fishmonger , foure times Maior , builded ( in the same ground ) this faire Church of S. Michael , and was there buried in the Quire , under a faire Tombe , with the Images of him and his wife in Alabaster : the said Church hath been since increased with a new Quire , and side Chappels by Sir W. Walworth , Stock-fishmonger , Maior , sometime servant to the said Iohn Loveken . Also the Tombe of Loveken was removed , and a flat stone of gray Marble , garnished with plates of Copper laid on him , as it yet remaineth in the body of the Church . This William Walworth is reported to have slaine Iacke Strawe : but Iack Straw being afterward taken , was first adjudged by the said Maior , and then executed by the losse of his head in Smithfield . True it is , that this William Walworth , being a man wise , learned , and of an incomparable manhood arrested VVat Tylar , a presumptuous Rebell , upon whom no man durst lay hand , whereby he delivered the King and Kingdome from most wicked tyranny of Traytors . The Maior arrested him on the head with a sound blow : whereupon Wat Tylar furiously strooke the Maior with his Dagger , but hurt him not , by reason he was well armed . The Maior having received his stroke , drew his Basiliard , and grievously wounded VVat in the necke , and withall , gave him a great blow on the head : in the which conflict , an Esquire of the Kings house , called Iohn Cavendish , drew his sword , and wounded VVat twice or thrice , even to the death : and VVat spurring his horse , cryed to the Commons to revenge him : the horse bare him about 80. foot from the place , and there he fell downe halfe dead : and by and by , they which attended on the King , environed him about , so as he was not seen of his Company : many of them thrust him in , in divers places of his body , and drew him into the Hospitall of Saint Bartholemew , from whence againe the Maior caused him to be drawn into Smithfield , and there to bee beheaded . In reward of this service ( the people being dispersed ) the King commanded the Maior to put a Basenet on his head : and the Maior requesting why he should so do , the King answered , hee being much bound unto him , would make him Knight . The Maior answered , that hee was neither worthy , nor able to take such an estate upon him ; for hee was but a Merchant , and had to live by his Merchandise onely . Notwithstanding , the King made him to put on his Basenet , and then with a sword in both his hands , he strongly strooke him on the necke , as the manner was then . And the same day he made 3. other Citizens Knights ( for his sake ) in the same place , to wit , Iohn Philpot , Nicholas Brember , and Robert Launde , Aldermen . The King gave to the Maior 100. pound land by yeere , and to each of the other 40. pound land yeerely , to them and their heires for ever . After this , in the same yeere , the said Sir William Walworth founded in the said Parish Church of Saint Michael , a Colledge , of a Master and nine Priests or Chaplens , and deceasing 1385. was there buried in the North Chappell by the Quire : but his Monument being ( amongst other by bad people ) defaced in the reigne of Edward the sixth , and againe since renued by the Fishmongers , for lacke of knowledge , whatsoever before had beene written in this Epitaph , they followed a fabulous Booke , and wrote Iacke Strawe , in stead of Wat Tylar : a great error , meet to be reformed there , and elsewhere ; and therefore have I the more at large discoursed of this matter . It hath also been , and is now growne to a common opinion , that in reward of this service done by the said VVilliam VValworth against the Rebell ; that King Richard added to the Armes of this City ( which was Argent , a plaine Crosse Gules ) a Sword , or Dagger , ( for so they terme it ) whereof I have read no such Record , but to the contrary . I finde , that in the fourth yeere of Richard the second , in a full assembly made in the upper Chamber of the Guildhall , summoned by this William Walworth , then Maior , as well of Aldermen , as of the Common Councell in every Ward , for certain affaires concerning the King ; it was there by common consent agreed and ordained , that the old Seale of the Office of the Maioraltie of the City , being very small , old , unapt , and uncomely for the honour of the City , should be broken , and one other new should bee had , Which the said Maior commanded to be made artificially , and honourable for the exercise of the said Office therafter in place of the other . In which new Seale , besides the Images of Peter and Paul , which of old were rudely engraven , there should bee under the feet of the said Images , a Shield of the Armes of the said City perfectly graven with two Lions supporting the same , and two Sergeants of Armes , in the other part , one , and two Tabernacles , in which , above , should stand two Angels between whom ( above the said Images of Peter and Paul ) should be set the glorious Virgin. This being done , the old Seale of the Office was delivered to Richard Odiham Chamberlain , who brake it , and in place thereof , was delivered the new Seale to the said Maior , to use in his Office of Maioralty , as occasion should require . This new Seale seemeth to be made before VVilliam VValworth was Knighted , for he is not there intituled Sir , as afterwards he was : and certaine it is , that the same new Seale then made , is now in use , and none other in that Office of the Maioralty . Which may suffice to answer the former Fable , without shewing of any evidence sealed with the old Seale which was the Crosse , and Sword of Saint Paul , and not the Dagger of VVilliam VValworth . Now , of other Monuments in that Church , Simon Mordon , Maior , 1368. was buried there . Iohn Olney , Maior , 1446. Robert March , Stocke-fishmonger , gave two peeces of ground to bee a Church-yard . Iohn Radwell , Stock-fishmonger , buried , 1415. George Gowre , Esquire , sonne to Edward Gowre Stock-fishmonger , Esquire , 1470. Alexander Purpoynt , Stock-fishmonger , 1373. Andrew Burel , Gentleman of Grayes Inne , 1487. Iohn Shrow , Stock-fishmonger , 1487. with this Epitaph . Farewell , my friends , the tide abideth no man , I am departed hence , and so shall yee . But in this passage , the best song that I can , Is Requiem aeternam , now Iesu grant it mee : When I have ended all mine adversity , Grant me in Paradise to have a mansion , That shedst thy blood for my redemption . Iohn Finkell , one of the Sheriffs , 1487. was Knighted , and gave 40. pound to this Church , the one halfe for his Monument . Iohn Pattesley , Maior , 1441. Thomas Ewen , Grocer , bare halfe the charges in building of the Steeple , and was buried , 1501. William Combes , Gent. of Stoke by Gilford in Surrey , 1502. Sir Iohn Brudge , Maior , 1530. gave 50. pound for a house , called the Colledge in Crooked lane : he lyeth buried in S. Nicholas Hacon . Walter Faireford , Robert Barre , Alexander Heyban , Iohn Motte , Iohn Gramstone , Iohn Brampton . Iohn Wood , Stock-fishmonger , 1531. Sir Henry Amcots , Maior , 1548. &c. Hic jacet Richardus Gurneyus , Civitatis London Aldermanus : Qui tam summis quam infimis viris gratus , charusque semper fuit , tum ob integritatem vitae ac humanitatem , tum propter curam Reipublicae singularem : vixit cum dulcissima uxore sua Anna Annos Suscepitque ex ea duodecim liberos , quorum septem superstites reliquit , cum summo omnium dolore excessit è vita quinto die Martii , Anno Domini 1596. Aetatis suae LXXII . Hic etiam uxor ejus Anna jacet , quae post viri obitum Annos tres , menses & septimanas totidem vidua vivens , tandem justè Aetatis morito , viro Nobili nupsit , qui etiamsi ab illa magna commoda , emolumenta , immo honores accepit , multa tamen illi contra spem , & merita amore juxta conjungali benevolentia defecit , hoc nomine sibi accelerato senio . Cum jam Annos duodecim , menses duos , & dies quinque illocum conjunxit , prae dolore ac angore , tricesmo primo Augusti , 1612. Annum agens septuagesimum , secundam vitam clausit . Relictis ex priore marito Richardo Gourneyo liberis quinque , justa e● solennia ( à marito superstite denegata per filium unicum suum ) Thoma Gourney piè peragebantur , sumptibus ejus propriis , & in vita ipsi eo nomine mandatis , vicesimo secundo Septemb. Anno Salutis humanae , Millesimo sexcentesimo duodecimo . Here-under lyeth the bodies of Sir Henry Amcores , Knight , Alderman and Lord Maior of London , and Dame Ioane his wife . Which Sir Henry Amcotes deceased the 5. day of September , Anno 1554 , And the said Dame Ioane deceased the 4. day of September , Anno Dom. 1573. Hard by this Saint Michaels Church , on the South side thereof , in the yeere 1560. on the fifth of Iuly , through the shooting of a Gunne , which brake into the house of one Adrian Arten , a Dutch man , and set fire on a Firkin and Barrell of Gunne-powder , foure houses were blowne up , and divers other sore shattered , eleven men and women were slaine , and sixteene so hurt and bruised , that they hardly escaped with life . West from this Saint Michaels Lane , is Saint Martins Orgar lane , by Candlewicke street , which Lane is on both sides downe to a Well , replenished with faire and large houses for Merchants , & it is of this Ward : one of which houses was sometime called Beauchamps Inne , as pertaining unto them of that family . Thomas Arundel , Archbishop of Canturbury , commonly for his time was lodged there . The Parish Church of Saint Martin Orgar is a small thing VVilliam Crowmer Maior , builded a proper Chappell on the South side thereof , and was buried there in an ancient Tombe , 1533. Iohn Matthew , Maior , 1490. Sir VVilliam Huit Maior , 1559. with his Lady and daughter , wife to Sir Edward Osburne . Relph Tabinham , Alderman . Alice , wife to Thomas Winslow . Thorndon , Benedicke Reading , Thomas Harding , Iames Smith . Richard Gainsford , Esquire . Iohn Bold , &c. An ancient Tombe in the East end of the North I le , of Robert Cosyn , Esquire ; Elizabeth his wife , and Robert his sonne , Gent. All there buried . Tumulus VValburgis Gretsiin , Georgii Stecher , P. M. viduae . Obiit An. 1597. 19. Iulii . Filiaeabque ; moerentes P. P. A Memoriall of John Franke , Esquire , and Cecilie his wife , who had issue 4. sonnes ; viz. John. a Souldier ; Peter , Gentleman-Vsher , and daily wayter to Queene Anne ; Robert , Gentleman Vsher , and Quarter-wayter to the said Queene : and Edward , a Souldier . And foure Daughters , viz. Elizabeth , Dorothie , Hester , and Iane. For remembrance of whom , the said Peter Franck , who lyeth interred neere unto this place , bestowed the charge of this Monument . And the said Robert ( being his Executor ) caused the same to be erected . And the which Peter dyed the 24. day of October , 1612. Then is there one other Lane , called S. Laurence , of the Parish Church there . This Lane , downe to the South side of the Churchyard , is of Candlewicke-street Ward . The Parish Church of Saint Laurence was increased with a Chappell of Iesus , by Thomas Cole , for a Master and Chaplaine : the which Chappell and Parish Church was made a Colledge of Iesus , and of Corpus Christi , for a Master and seven Chaplaines , by Iohn Poultney , Maior , and was confirmed by Edward the third , the twentieth of his reigne . Of him was this Church called S. Laurence Poultney in Candlewick street , which Colledge was valued at 79. l. 17. s. 11. d. and was surrendred in the reigne of Edward the sixth . Robert Radcliffe , Earle of Sussex , and Henry Radcliffe , Earle of Sussex , were buried there . Alderman Beswicke was buried there . Iohn Oliffe , Alderman . Robert Browne , and others . Here-under lyeth the body of William Beswyke , of Beswyke , Citizen , while he lived , and Draper , and sometime Alderman of London , who deceased the 5. day of May , An. Dom. 1567. Iohn Olyffe , Alderman , lying under this stone , dyed the 26. day of Iune , 1577. Aged 65. yeeres : He was married forty yeeres to Ioane his wife : Hee had seven children ; Anne , Iohn , Ioane , Iohn , Thomas , Matthew , and Edward , who dyed all without issue , save onely Ioane , who married Iohn Leigh , Esquire , and heire of Addington in Surrey , and had issue Olyffe Leigh , now living . EVery Christian heart seeketh to extoll The glory of the Lord , Our onely Redeemer : Wherefore Dame Fame must needs inroll Paul VVithypoll his childe , by love and Nature , Elizabeth , the wife of Emanuel Lucar , In whom was declared the goodnesse of the Lord , With many high vertues , which truely I will record . She wrought all Needle-workes 〈…〉 men exercise , With Pen ; Frame , or Stoole , all Pictures artificiall , Curious Knots or ●railes , what fancy would devise , Beasts , Birds , or Flowers , even as things naturall : Three manner hands could she write , them faire all . To speake of Algorisme , or accounts , in every fashion , Of women , 〈◊〉 like ( I thinke ) in all this Nation . Dame Cunning her gave a gift right excellent , The goodly practice of her Science Musicall , In divers tongues to sing , and play with Instrument , Both Viall and Lute , and also Virginall ; Not onely upon one , but excellent in all . For all other vertues belonging to Nature , God her appointed a very perfect creature . Latine and Spanish , and also Italian , She spake , writ , and read , with perfect utterance ; And for the English , she the Garland wan , In Dame Prudence Schoole , by Graces purveyance , which cloathed her with Vertues , from naked Ignorance : Reading the Scriptures , to judge light from darke , Directing her faith to Christ , the onely Marke . The said Elizabeth deceased the 29. day of October , An. Dom. 1537. Of yeeres not fully 27. This Stone , and all hereon contained , made at the cost of the said Emanuel , Merchant-Taylor . Thus much for this VVard , and the Antiquities thereof . It hath an Alderman and his Deputy ; common . Counsellours , eight ; Constables , eight , Scavengers , six ; Ward-mote Inquest men , twelve , and a Beadle . It is taxed to the Fifteene at sixteene pounds . WALBROOKE VVARD . WAlbrooke Ward beginneth at the west end of Candlewicke street Ward . It runneth down Candlewicke street , West toward Budge row . It hath on the North side thereof S. Swithens Lane , so called of S. Swithens , a Parish Church by London-stone . This Lane is replenished ( on both the sides ) with faire builded houses , and is wholly of Walbrooke Ward . The said Parish Church of S. Swithen standeth at the South-west corner of this lane . Licence was procured , to new build and increase the said Church and Steeple , in the yeere 1420. Sir Iohn Hend , Draper , Maior , was an especiall Benefactor thereunto , as appeareth by his Armes in the Glasse-windowes , even in the tops of them ; which is in a Field Argent , a chiefe Azure , a Lion passant Argent , a Cheveron Azure , three Escalops Argent . He lyeth buried in the body of this Church , with a faire stone laid on him , but the Plates and inscriptions are defaced . Roger Depham , Alderman . Thomas Aylesbourgh , William Neve , and Matilde Caxton , founded Chauntries , and were buried there . Iohn Butler , Draper , one of the Sheriffes , 1420. Ralph Iocoline , Maior , a Benefactor , buried in a faire Tombe . William White , Draper , one of the Sheriffes , 1482. and others . Stephanus Slanie , Miles , Senator , Vicecocomes et Praetor clementissimae istius Vrbis ; Cum summa fide , nec minore prudentia iis Honoribus functus fuisset , Et ex Margareta Conjuge , Filia Gaspari Phesant , Armig. quinque filios & sex filias suscepisset : Tandem satur annis , Aetatis 84. Salutis , 1608. Decembris 27. Animam Coelo , corpus humo reddidit . Stephanus , filior , natu maximus , superstite Anna unica filia ex Catharina , filia Walteri Aston , Militis . Obiit Gasparus & Thomas Coelibes , Richardus Biennis , Timotheus Bimestris obierunt . Maria primogenita superstes , nupta primum Richarde Broadgate , Mercatori , deinde Humphrey Weld , Militi , Maiori istius Civitatis : Alicia moritur , Elizabetha superstes nupta Samueli Lennard , Militi . Alicia obiit : Anna nupta Thomae Culpepper , Armig. cui cum tres liberos superstites peperisset , è vita migravit . Martha Coelebs expiravit . In Obitum viri verè Venerabilis , Domini Ioannis Hart , Equitis , olim hujus Civitatis Praetoris , & hujus Ecclesiae Patroni , Carmen Funebre . QVis laudes memorare tuas ? Quis facta valebit Nuper ad Aethereos Harte reverse polos ? Quis genium ingenium magnaeque capacia Curae Pectora , Londino pectora grata tuo ? Aspice qui dubitas , surgentia culmina Musis , Illa sub arctois qua jacet ora plagis , Nunc obiit . Cohibe lachrymas , nec credito Lector Vitam , quae fuerat non nisi sancta , brevem . Neere this place lyeth the body of the worshipfull , Randall Manning , Esquire , Merchant-Adventurer , Citizen and Skinner of London : who had to wife , Katharine , daughter of Nicholas Dewren , Citizen and Goldsmith of London : And had by her sundry children , whereof eight married , and sixe of them were living at his death . He departed this life at the age of 78. yeeres , on the nineteenth day of Ianuary , Anno Domini , 1611. Master Bartholomew Barnes , Citizen , Mercer , and Merchant-Adventurer , a worshipfull and wise Gentleman , and a worthy friend and favourer of Religion . He had fined both for Sheriffe and Alderman , and at last , being 61. yeeres old , sickned , died , and was buried at Bathe , October the first , 1606. and left behind him Margaret his wife ; by whom he had issue , Bartholomew , Margaret and Mary . Bartholomaeus adest tumulo Barnesius isti Nomen adest , non cum nomine corpus inest . Sexaginta nimis , quem sex donasse ministros Constat , erat tantus Religionis amor . Attigerat summes quos abnuit urbis honores , Subcomitis fasces , patriciamque togam . Iamque sui luctum desideriumque reliquit Nato & natabus cum genetrice tribus . In the middle I le lyeth the body of Walter Plummer , of this Citie and Parish , Merchant-taylor , who departed this life in March , 1607. Also of Elizabeth his Wife , daughter of Robert Delacre , who dyed in Anno 1595. And had together five sonnes , and one daughter , and left living three sonnes , John , Edward and Thomas . John Plummer of London , Esquire , one of those sonnes , dyed in September , 1603. and lyeth here buried : who had two sonnes , and one daughter , wherof John and Elizabeth were living at his death , and his wife with child of a third sonne . Discesserunt è vita Anno Aetatum suarum 78. & 58. No living creature lives so long , but once must needs give place , When dolefull Death , that Champion strong , arrests them with his Mace. Example take by me , which did my life enjoy The space of sixty yeeres , lacke three , which Death did then destroy . Like thee I was sometime , but now am turn'd to dust , As thou at length ( O earth and slime ) returne to ashes must . Of the Company of Clothworkers a brother I became , A long time in the Livery , I lived of the same . Then Death that deadly stroke did give , which now my joyes doth frame , In Christ I dyed , by Christ to live , John Rogers was my name . My loving wife and children two , my place behind supply , God grant them living so to doe , that they in him may dye . Hee departed the 5. day of August , An. Dom. 1576. And she then living , did also decease the , &c. Triste puer Carmen Patris posui Monumente , Hic lapis ut possit Carmina scripta loqui . This sorrowfull Verse , I silly sonne my Fathers Grave did give , That it might speake now he is dead , as though he still did live . On the North side of this Church and Church-yard , is one faire and large builded house , sometime pertaining to the Prior of Tortington in Sussex , since to the Earles of Oxford , lately to Sir Iohn Hart , Alderman , and now to Master Humphrey Smith , Alderman of this Citie : which house hath a faire Garden belonging thereunto , lying on the West side therof . On the backeside of two other houses in Walbrooke , in the reigne of King Henry the seventh , Sir Richard Empson , Knight , Chancellour of the Dutchie of Lancaster , dwelled in one of them , and Edmond Dudley , Esquire , in the other : either of them had a doore of entercourse into this Garden , wherin they met , and consulted on matters at their pleasures . In this Oxford Place Sir Ambrose Nicholas kept his Maioraltie : since him , the said Sir Iohn Hart ; and now the said Master Humphrey Smith dwelleth in it . On the South side of this high street , neere unto the channell , is pitched upright a great stone , called London-stone , fixed in the ground very deepe , fastned with barres of Iron , and otherwise so strongly set , that if Carts doe runne against it through negligence , the wheeles be broken , and the stone it selfe unshaken . The cause why this stone was there set , the time when , or other memory thereof is none ; but that the same hath long continued there , is manifest , namely , since ( or rather before ) the Conquest . For in the end of a faire written Gospell booke , given to Christs Church in Canturbury , by Ethelstane , King of the West Saxons , I finde noted of Lands or Rents in London belonging to the said Church , whereof one parcell is described to lye neere unto London-stone . Of later time we reade , that in the yeere of Christ , 1135. the first of King Stephen , a fire , which began in the house of one Aliward , neere unto London-stone , consumed all East to Ealdgate , in which fire the Priory of the holy Trinity was burnt , and West to S. Erkenwalds shrine in Pauls Church : and these be the eldest notes that I reade thereof . Some have said , this stone to be set there , as a marke in the middle of the Citie within the wall : but in truth it standeth farre neerer to the River of Thames , than to the wall of the Citie . Some others have said , the same to be set , for the tendering and making of payment by debtors to their creditors , at their appointed dayes and times , till of later time , payments were more usually made at the Font in Ponts Church , and now most commonly at the Royall Exchange . Some againe have imagined , the same to be set up by one Iohn or Thomas London-stone , dwelling there against it ; but more likely it is , that such men have taken name of the Stone , than the Stone of them ; as did Iohn at Noke , Thomas at Stile , William at Wall , or at Well , &c. Down west from this Parish Church , and from London-stone , have yee VValbrooke corner : from whence runneth up a street , North to the Stocks , called Walbrooke , because it standeth on the East side of the same Brooke , by the Banke thereof , and the whole Ward taketh name of that street . On the East side of this street , and at the North corner therof , is the Stockes Market , which had this beginning : About the yeere of Christ , 1282. Henry Wallis , Maior , caused divers houses in this Citie to be builded towards the maintenance of London Bridge ; namely , in one void place , neere unto the Parish Church , called Wooll-church , on the North side thereof , where sometime ( the way being very large & broad ) had stood a paire of stocks , for punishment of offenders . This building tooke name of those stocks , and was appointed ( by him ) to be a Market-place for fish and flesh in the midst of the Citie . Other houses be builded in other places , as by Patent of Edward the first it doth appeare , dated the tenth of his reigne . After this , in the yeere 1322. the 17. of Edw. 2. a decree was made by Hamond Chickwell , Maior , that none should sell fish or flesh out of the markets appointed , to wit , Bridge-street , East-cheap , Old fish-street , S. Nicholas shambles , and the said Stocks , on paine to forfeit such fish or flesh as were there sold , for the first time , and the second time to lose their freedome : which Act was made by commandement of the King , under his Letters Patents , dated at the Tower the 17. of his reigne : and then was this Stocks let to farme for 46. l. 13. s. 4. d. by yeere . This Stockes Market was againe begun to be builded , in the yeere 1410. in the 11. of Henry the 4. and was finished in the yeere next following . In the yeere 1507. the same was rented 56. l. 19. s. 10. d. And in the yeere 1543. Iohn Cotes being Maior , there was in this Stockes Market for Fishmongers , 25. boords or stalles , rented yeerely to thirty foure pounds , thirteene shillings , foure pence : there was for Butchers 18. boords or stalles , rented at one and forty pounds , sixteene shillings , foure pence ; and there were also Chambers above , sixteene , rented at five pounds thirteene shillings foure pence , in all , 82. l. 3. s. Next unto this Stockes is the Parish Church of S. Mary Wooll-Church , so called of a Beame placed in the Church-yard , which was thereof called Wooll-Church Haw , of the Tronage or weighing of Wooll there used . And to verifie this , I finde amongst the Customes of London , written in French , in the reign of Edward the second , a Chapter intituled , Les Customes de VVooll-Church Haw , wherein is set downe , what was there to bee paid for every parcell of Wooll weighed . This Tronage , or weighing of Wooll , till the sixth of Richard the second , was there continued : Iohn Churchman then builded the Custome-house upon VVooll Key , to serve for the said Tronage , as is before shewed in Tower-street Ward . This Church is reasonable faire and large , and was lately new builded , by Licence granted in the 20. of Henry the sixth , with condition to be builded 15. foot from the Stockes Market , for sparing of light to the said Stocks . The Parson of this Church is to have 4. markes the yeere , for tythe of the said Stockes , paid him by the Masters of the Bridge-house , by a speciall decree made the second of Henry the seventh . Iohn VVingar , Grocer , Maior 1504. was a great helper to the building of this Church , and was there buried , 1505. Hee gave unto it by his Testament , two large Basons of Silver , and 20. pounds in money . Also Richard Shore , Draper , one of the Sheriffes , 1505. was a great Benefactor in his life , and by his Testament , gave twenty pounds , to make a Porch at the West end thereof , and was there buried . Richard Hatfield of Steplemorden in Cambridge-shire , lyeth entombed there , 1467. Edward Deoly , Esquire , 1467. Iohn Hanford , Grocer , made the Font of that Church , very curiously wrought , painted and guilded , and was there buried . Iohn Archer , Fishmonger , 487. Anne Cawood founded a Chauntrie there , &c. In Sevenoke , into the world my Mother brought me , Hawlden House in Kent , with Armes ever honour'd me ; Westminster Hall ( thirty six yeeres after ) knew me . Then Seeking Heaven , Heaven from the world tooke me . VVhilome alive , Thomas Scot men called me : Now laid in Grave , Oblivion covereth me . From the Stockes Market , and this Parish Church , East up into Lombard street , some foure or five houses on a side , and also on the South side of Wool-Church , have ye Beare-binder lane , a part whereof is of this VValbrooke Ward . Then downe lower in the street called VValbrooke , is one other faire Church of S. Stephen , lately builded on the East side thereof : for the old Church stood on the West side , in place where now standeth the Parsonage House , and therfore so much neerer to the Brooke , even on the banke . Robert Chichly , Maior in the yeere 1428. the sixth of Henry the sixth , gave to this Parish of S. Stephen one plot of ground , containing 208. foot and a halfe in length , and 66. foot in breadth , thereupon to build their new Church , and for their Churchyard . And in the seventh of Henry the sixth , the said Robert ( one of the Founders ) said the first stone for himselfe , the second for VVilliam Stondon , Maior , with whose goods the ground that the Church standeth on , and the housing , with the ground of the Church-yard , was bought by the said Chichley for two hundred markes from the Grocers , which had been letten before for 26. markes the yeere . Robert Whittingham , Draper , laid the third stone . Henry Barton then Maior , &c. The said Chichler gave more 100. l. to the said Worke , and bare the charges of all the Timber-worke on the Procession way , and laid the Lead upon it of his owne cost . He also gave all the timber for the roofing of the two side Iles , and paid for the carriage thereof . This Church was finished in the yeere 1439. The breadth thereof is 67. foot , and length 125. foot ; the Church-yard 90. foot in length , and 37. in breadth , and more . Robert Whittingham ( made Knight of the Bath ) in the yeere 1432. purchased the patronage of this Church from Iohn , Duke of Bedford , Vncle to Henry the sixth , and Edward the fourth , in the second of his reigne , and gave it to Richard Lee , then Maior . There be Monuments in this Church of Thomas Southwell , first Parson of this new Church , who lyeth buried in the Quire. Iohn Dunstable , Master of Astronomie and Musicke , in the yeere 1453. Sir Richard Lee , Maior twice , who gave the said Parsonage to the Grocers . Rowland Hill , Maior , 1549. Sir Thomas Pope , first Treasurer of the Augmentations , with his Wife Dame Margaret . Sir Iohn Cootes , Maior , 1542. Sir Iohn Yorke , Knight , Merchant-Taylor , 1549. Edward Iackman , Sheriffe , 1564. Richard Acheley , Grocer . Doctor Owen , Physician to King Henry the 8. Iohn Kirkbie , Grocer , 1578. and others . A friend to Vertue , a lover of Learning , A foe to Vice , and vehement Corrector , A prudent person , all Truth supporting , A Citizen sage , and worthy Counsellor , A lover of VVisedome , of Iustice a furtherer : Loe , here his corps lyeth , Sir Rowland Hill by name , of London late Lord Maior , and Alderman of fame . Venerabili viro Rogero Fenton , Lancastriensi , Aulae Penbrochianae in Academia Cantabrigiensi olim socio , Sacrae Theologiae Doctori , viro insigniter docto , pio , dilecto , sed immatura nimis morte obrepto : Sancti Stephani sua ( dum viveret ) Parochia , ex justo sensu & sui & cōmunis damni ; hoc pii doloris testimonium cordibus prius impressum viventium , jamque lapide tantum expressum Monumentum , ut sacrum amoris sui memoriale , Cum perpetuae memoriae voto posuit . Qui obiit 16. Jan. An. Dom. 1615. Aetatis suae , 50. Clauditur hoc tumulo , qui Coelum pectore clausit Dunstaple 1. juris , Astrorum conscius illo Iudice novit hiramis abscondita pandere coeli . Hic vir erat tua laus , tua lux , tua musica princeps , Quique tuas dulces per mundum sperseratonus , Anno Mil. Equater , semel L. trius jungito Christi . Pridie natale sidus transmigrat ad astra , Suscipiant proprium civem coeli sibi cives . Musarum doctus pietatis fidus alumnus , Edwardus Monecroft corpus inane jacet : Spiritus Aetherea superest tamen arce receptis , Quo sibi dum vixit januit ante viam . Mens pia , larga manus parsim dispersit egenis , Divitias Coeli Divitiasque Soli. Within this Grave entombed lyes , a man of honest fame , A Grocer of this Noble Towne , Iohn Kirkbie was his name . He lived forty yeeres and nine , in credit with the best : He dyed such time as here you see , his soule in heaven doth rest . Obiit 17. die Iulii , An. Dom. 1578. Hic jacet Thomas Pope , primus Thesaurarius Augmentationum : Et domina Margareta uxor ejus : Quae quidem Margareta obiit 16. die Ianuarii , An. Dom. 1538. This life hath on earth no certaine while , Example by John , Mary , and Oliver Stile , Who under this stone lye buried in the dust , And putteth you in memory that dye all must . John Stile borne in An. 1582. the 22. of May , Dyed in An. 1583. of Iune the 25. day . Also the 5. of October , 1583. Mary Stile borne was , The 5. of August , 1585. out of this life did passe . Oliver Stile the 25. of February , 1584. this mortall life begun , And ended the same the 9. of August , 1585. his course then being run . Thus may you see , that as you are , so were we , And as we now be , even so shall ye . Yet none can tell the hower , nor whan , That gift was never given to man : Therefore while you have time and space , Pray unto God for mercy and grace . Lower downe from this Parish Church , be divers faire houses , namely one , wherein of late Sir Richard Baker , a Knight of Kent , was lodged , and wherin also dwelled Mr. Thomas Gore , a Merchant famous for Hospitality . On the West side of this Walbrooke street , over against the Stockes Market , is a part of the high street , called the Poultry , on the South-side west , till over against S. Mildreds Church , and the Scalding wike , is of this Ward . Then downe againe Walbrooke street , some small distance , is Buckles Bury , a street so called of Buckle , that sometime was owner thereof ; part of which street on both sides , three or foure houses , to the course of the Brook , is of this ward , and so downe Walbrooke street , to the South corner : from whence , West , downe Budge Row , some small distance , to an Alley , and thorow that Alley , South , by the West end of Saint Iohns Church upon Walbrooke , by the South side and East end of the same , againe to Walbrooke corner . This Parish Church is called S. Iohn upon Walbrooke , because the West end thereof is on the very banke of Walbrooke , by Horshooe Bridge , in Horshooe-Bridge street . This Church was also lately new builded : for about the yeere 1412. licence was granted by the Maior and Communalty , to the Parson and Parish , for the inlarging thereof , with a piece of ground on the North part of the Quire , one and twenty foot in length , seventeene foot in breadth , and three inches ; and on the South side of the Quire , one foot of the common soyle . There bee no Monuments in this Church of any account , onely these : William Combarton , Skinner , who gave Lands to that Church , was there buried 1410. Iohn Stone , Taylor , one of the Sheriffes , 1464. was likewise buried there . On the South side of Walbrook Ward , from Candlewicke street , in the mid-way betwixt London-stone and Walbrooke corner , is a little Lane , with a turnepike in the middest thereof , and in the same a proper Parish Church , called S. Mary Bothaw , or Boat-haw , by the Erbar . This Church being neere unto Downegate , on the River of Thames , hath the addition of Bothaw , or Boat-haw , of neere adjoyning to an Haw , or Yard , wherein ( of old time ) Boats were made , and landed from Downegate , to be mended , as may be supposed : for other reason I finde none , why it should be so called . Within this Church and the small Cloystrie adjoyning , divers Noblemen and persons of Worship have been buried , as appeareth by Armes in the windowes , the defaced Tombes , and print of plates , torne up and carried away : There remaine onely of Iohn West , Esquire , buried in the yeere 1408. Thomas Huytley , Esquire , 1539. but his Monumeut is defaced since . Lancelot Bathurst , &c. Here lyeth the body of Lancelot Bathurst , Citizen , Grocer , and chosen Alderman of this Honourable Citie : who deceased the 27. day of September , 1594. &c. But the most memorable Monument of all other there , was that of Sir Henry Fitz-Alwine , Draper , the first Lord Maior of London that ever was , and continued ( by several elections ) in the Maioraltie above 24. yeeres . His dwelling house remaineth yet in the Parish , divided now into two or three houses . His Monument can be proved to bee in that Church , as his Armes in the glasse windowes and Grave-stones doe sufficiently shew . Besides , those houses were his gift to the Drapers , and they pay a quit-rent in his name yeerely for ever . All which are sufficient to testifie that he was not buried in the Priorie of the holy Trinity within Ealdgate , ( now called the Dukes Place ) as formerly hath beene avowched by Mr. Stowe ; but that there his body resteth , in undoubted hope of a joyfull resurrection . Such as make any doubt hereof , may be further satisfied in the Drapers Hall. The Erbar is an ancient place so called , but not of Walbrooke Ward , and therefore out of that Lane , to Walbrooke corner , and then downe , till over against the South corner of Saint Iohns Church upon Walbrooke . And this is all that I can say of VValbrooke Ward . It hath an Alderman , and his Deputy ; Common-Counsellours , 11. Constables , 9. Scavengers , 6. for the Wardmote Inquest , 13. and a Beadle . It is taxed to the Fifteene in London , at 33. pounds , 5. shillings . DOWNEGATE VVARD . DOwnegate Ward beginne that the south end of VValbrooke Ward , over-against the East corner of Saint Iohns Church upon Walbrooke , and descendeth on both the sides to Downegate , on the Thames , and is so called , of that downe-going or descending therunto : and of this Downgate the Ward taketh name . This Ward turneth into Thames street VVestward , some ten houses on a side , to the course of Walbrooke , but East in Thames street ( on both sides ) to Ebgate lane , or Old Swanne , the land-side whereof hath many Lanes turning up , as shall be shewed when I come to them . But first to begin with the highstreet called Dowgate : at the upper end thereof is a faire Conduit of Thames water , castellated , and made in the yeere 1568. at charges of the Citizens , and is called the Conduit upon Downegate . The descent of this street is such , that in the yeere 1574. on the fourth of September in the afternoone , there fell a storme of raine , where-through the channels suddenly arose , and ranne with such a swift course towards the common shores , that a Lad of eighteene yeeres old , minding to have leapt over the channell , neere unto the said Conduit , was taken with the streame , and carried from thence towards the Thames with such a violence , that no man , with staves , or otherwise , could stay him , till hee came against a Cart-wheele , that stood in the said Water-gate , before which time he was drowned , and starke dead . On the West side of this street , is the Tallow-Chandlers Hal , a proper house , which Company was incorporated in the second yeere of Edward the fourth . Somewhat lower standeth the Skinners Hall , a faire house , which was somtime called Copped Hall , by Downegate , in the Parish of S. Iohn upon Walbrooke . In the 19 , yeere of Edward the second , Ralph Cobham possessed it , with five shoppes , &c. This Company of Skinners in London , was incorporate by Edward the 3. in the first of his reigne : they had two Brotherhoods of Corpus Christi , viz. one at St. Mary Spittle , the other at St. Mary Bethlem , without Bishopsgate . Richard the second , in the eighteenth of his reigne , granted them to make their two Brotherhoods one , by the name of the Fraternity of Corpus Christi of Skinners . Divers royall persons were named to bee Founders , and Brethren of this Fraternity , to wit ; Kings sixe , Dukes nine , Earles two , Lords one . Kings , Edward the third , Richard the second , Henry the fifth , Henry the sixth , and Edward the fourth . This Fraternity had also once every yeere , on Corpus Christi day , after noone a Procession , which passed through the principall streets of the City , wherein was borne more than one hundred Torches of VVaxe ( costly garnised ) burning light , and above two hundred Clerkes and Priests in Surpleffes and Coapes , singing . After the which , were the Sheriffes servants , the Clerkes of the Compters , Chaplaines for the Sheriffes , the Maiors Sergeants , the Councell of the City , the Maior and Aldermen in Scarlet , and then the Skinners in their best Liveries . Thus much to stop the tongues of unthankfull men , such as use to aske , VVhy have yee not noted this , or that , and give no thanks for what is done ? Then lower downe was a Colledge of Priests , called Iesus Commons , a house well furnished with Brasse , Pewter , Napery , Plate , &c. besides a faire Library well stored with Bookes , all which of old time were given to a number of Priests , that should keepe Commons there , and as one left his place ( by death or otherwise ) another should be admitted into this room ; but this order within this thirty yeers being discontinued , the said house was dissolved and turned to Tenements . Down lower have ye Elbow-lane , and at the corner thereof was one great stone house , called Old-hall : it is now taken downe , and divers faire houses of Timber placed there . This was sometime pertaining to William de pont le Arch , and by him given to the Priory of S. Mary Overy in Southwarke , in the reigne of Henry the first . In this Elbow-lane is the Inholders hall , and other faire houses : this lane runneth West , and suddenly turneth South into Thames street , and therefore ( of that bending ) is called Elbow-lane . On the East side of this Downegate street , is the great old house before spoken of , called the Erbar , neere to the Church of Saint Mary Bothaw ; Geffrey Scroope held it by the gift of Edward the third in the foureteenth of his reigne . It belonged since to Iohn Nevell , Lord of Raby , then to Richard Nevell , Earle of Warwicke ; Nevell , Earle of Salisbury was lodged there , 1457. Then it came to George Duke of Clarence , and his heires males , by the gift of Edward the fourth in the foureteene yeere of his reigne . It was lately builded by Sir Thomas Pullison Maior , and was afterward inhabited by Sir Francis Drake , that famous Navigator . Next to this great house , is a lane turning to Bush-lane , ( of old time called Carter-lane , of Carts , and Carmen having Stables there ) and now called Chequer-lane , or Chequer-Alley , of an Inne called the Chequer . In Thames street , on the Thames side West from Downgate , is Greenwitch-lane , of old time so called , and now Frier lane , of such a signe there set up . In this lane is the Joiners Hall , and other faire houses . Then is Granthams lane , so called of Iohn Grantham , sometime Maior and owner therof , whose house was very large and strong , builded of stone , as appeareth by gates arched yet remaining . Ralph Dodmer , first a Brewer , then a Mercer , Maior , 1529. dwelled there , and kept his Maioraltie in that house : it is now a Brewhouse , as it was before . Then is Downgate , whereof is spoken in another place . East from this Downgate , is Cosin lane , named of one William Cosin , that dwelled there , in the fourth of Richard the second , as divers his predecessors , Father , Grandfather , &c. had done before him . William Cosin was one of the Sheriffes in the yeere 1306. That house standeth at the South end of the lane , having an old and artificiall conveyance of Thames water into it , and is now a Dye-house , called Lambards Messuage . Adjoyning to that house , there was lately erected an engine , to convey Thames water unto Downegate Conduit aforesaid . Next to this lane , on the East , is the Steleyard ( as they terme it ) a place for Merchants of Almaine , that used to bring hither , as well Wheat , Rie , and other graine , as Cables , Ropes , Masts , Pitch , Tarre , Flaxe , Hempe , Linnen Cloth , Wainscots , Waxe , Steele , and other profitable Merchandizes . Vnto these Merchants , in the yeere , 1259. Henry the third , at the request of his Brother Richard , Earle of Cornwall , King of Almaine , granted , that all and singular the Merchants , having a house in the City of London , commonly called Guilda Aula Theutonicorum , should bee maintained and upholden through the whole Realme , by all such freedomes , and free usages or liberties , as by the King and his Noble Progenitors time they had and enjoyed , &c. Edward the first renued and confirmed that Charter of Liberties , granted by his Father . And in the tenth yeere of the same Edward , Henry Wallis being Maior , a great controversie did arise between the said Maior , and the Merchants of the Haunce of Almaine , about the reparations of Bishopsgate , then likely to fall , for that the said Merchants enjoyed divers priviledges , in respect of maintaining the said Gate , which they now denyed to repaire : for the appeasing of which controversie , the King sent his Writ to the Treasurer , and Barons of his Exchequer commanding , that they should make inquisition thereof : Before whom the Merchants being called , when they were not able to discharge themselves , sith they enjoyed the liberties to them granted for the same ; a Precept was sent to the Maior and Sheriffes , to distraine the said Merchants to make reparations , namely , Gerard Marbod , Alderman of the Haunce ; Ralph de Cussarde , a Citizen of Colen , Ludero de Denevar , a Burgesse of Trivar ; Iohn of Aras , a Burgesse of Trivon ; Bartram of Hamburgh ; Godestalke of Hundondale , a Burgesse of Trivon ; Iohn de Dele , a Burgesse of Munstar , then remaining in the said City of London , for themselves , and all other Merchants of the Haunce : and so they granted 210. Markes sterling to the Maior and Citizens , and undertooke , that they and their successors should ( from time to time ) repaire the said Gate , and beare the third part of the charges in mony , and men to defend it , when need were . And for this agreement , the said Maior and Citizens granted to the said Merchants their liberties , which till of late they have enjoyed , as namely , amongst other , that they might lay up their Graine , which they brought into this Realme , in Innes , and sell it in their Garners , by the space of forty dayes after they had laid it up ; except by the Maior and Citizens they were expressely forbidden , because of dearth , or other reasonable occasions . Also , they might have their Aldermen , as they had been accustomed , foreseen alwaies , that he were of the City , and presented to the Maior and Aldermen of the City , so oft as any should be chosen , and should take an oath before them , to maintaine Iustice in their Courts , and to behave themselves in their Office according to Law , and as it stood with the Customes of the City . Thus much for their Priviledges : Whereby it appeareth , that they were great Merchants of Corne , brought out of the East parts hither , insomuch , that the occupiers of husbandry in this Land were enforced to complaine of them , for bringing in such aboundance , when the Corne of this Realme was at an easie price . Whereupon it was ordained by Parliament , That no person should bring into any part of this Realme , by way of Merchandise , VVheat , Rye , or Barley , growing out of the said Realme , when the quarter of Wheat exceeded not the price of 6. s. 8. d. Rie 4. s. the Quarter , and Barley 3. shillings the Quarter , upon forfeiture the one halfe to the King , the other halfe to the seisor thereof . These Merchants of the Haunce had their Guild hall in Thames street , in place aforesaid , by the said Cosin lane . Their Hall is large , builded of Stone , with three arched Gates towards the street , the middlemost whereof is farre bigger than the other , and is seldome opened , the other two be mured up : the same is now called the Old Hall. Of later time , to wit , in the sixth of Richard the second , they hired one house next adjoyning to their old Hall , which sometime belonged to Richard Lions , a famous Lapidarie , one of the Sheriffes of Lond. in the 49. of Edward the third , and in the fourth of Richard the second , by the Rebels of Kent drawn out of that house , and beheaded in West Cheape . This also was a great house , with a large Wharfe on the Thames : and the way thereunto was called Windgoose , or Wild-goose lane , which is now called Windgoose Alley , for that the same Alley is ( for the most part ) builded on by the Stilyard Merchants . The Abbot of S. Albans had a Messuage here , with a Key given to him , in the 34. of Henry the sixth . Then is one other great house , which sometime pertained to Iohn Rainwell , Stock-fishmonger , Maior , and it was by him given to the Maior and Communalty , to the end , that the profits thereof should bee disposed in deeds of piety : which house in the 15. of Edward the fourth , was confirmed unto the said Merchants in manner following , viz. It is ordained by our Soveraigne Lord and his Parliament , that the said Merchants of Almaine , being of the Company called the Guildhall Theutonicorum , ( or the Flemish Geld ) that now be , or hereafter shall be , shall have , hold , and enjoy to them and their successors for ever , the said place , called the Steele-house , yeelding to the Maior and Communalty an annuall rent of threescore and tenne pounds , three shillings , foure pence , &c. In the yeere 1551. the fifth of Edward the sixth , through complaint of the English Merchants , the liberty of the Steelyard Merchants was seized into the Kings hands , and so it resteth . Then is Church lane , at the West end of Alhallowes Church , called Alhallowes the more in Thames streete , for a difference from Alhallowes the lesse , in the same street . It is also called Alhallowes ad foenum in the Roperie , because Hay was sold neere thereunto , at Hay Wharfe , and Ropes of old time made and sold in the high street . This is a faire Church , with a large Cloister on the South side thereof , about their Church-yard , but foulely defaced and ruinated . The Church also hath had many faire Monuments , but now defaced : There remaine in the Quire some Plates on Grave-stones , namely of William Lichfield , Doctor of Divinity , who deceased the yeere 1447. Hee was a great Student , and compiled many Bookes , both Morall and Divine , in Prose and Verse ; namely one , intituled , The complaint of God unto sinfull man. Hee made in his time 3083. Sermons , as appeared by his owne hand-writing , and were found when he was dead . One other Plate there is of Iohn Brickles , Draper , who deceased in the yeere 1451. Hee was a great Benefactor to that Church , and gave by his Testament certaine Tenements , to the reliefe of the poore . Nicholas Loven , and William Peston , founded Chauntries there . Willielmus dudum Lichfield quem mors fora pressit , Ista post ludum mundi sub rupe quiescit . In domum rure cultor , sator ac operosus , Dum preciat ture , pastor vigil , & studiosus . Hanc aedem rexit , ornavit & amplificavit , Pignora provexit , ac sacro dogmate pavit . Pauperibus carus , inopes in mente gerebat , Consilio gnarus dubitantibus esse solebat . Christe pugil forcis ejus dissolve reatus , Vt vivat mortis post morsum glorificatus . Luce bis X. quat ' I. migrat Octobris sine panno , Equat ' X. quat ' V. semel I. ter . I. M. Karus . Staprecor interne , qui transis aspice , cerne , Non nitidis pannis , sed olentibus oss'a Johannis Brickles , ista mei specus includit requiei , Taliter indutus tumulabere tu resolutus . Dormit in hac cella mea conjuge ac Isabella , Appollinaris quam vixit lux nece stratratus . Aequater X. ter V. semel I. bis & M. sociatis . At the East end of this Church goeth downe a Lane , called Hay-Wharfe lane , now lately a great Brew-house , builded there by one Pot ; Henry Campion , Esquire , a Beere-brewer , used it , and Abraham his sonne since possessed it . Then was there one other Lane , sometime called Woolseys gate , now out of use : for the lower part thereof , upon the banke of Thames , is builded by the late Earle of Shrewsbury , and the other end is builded on and stopped up by the Chamberlaine of London . Iohn Butler , Draper , one of the Sheriffes , in the yeere 1420. dwelled there : Hee appointed his house to be sold , and the price thereof to be given to the poore : it was of Alhallowes Parish the lesse . Then is there the said Parish Church of Alhallowes , called the lesse ; and by some , Alhallowes on the Cellers , for it standeth on Vaults : it is said to be builded by Sir Iohn Poultney , sometimes Maior . The Steeple and Quire of this Church , stand on an arched Gate , being the entrie to a great house , called Cold Harbrough : the Quire of late being falne downe , is now againe at length , in the yeere 1594. by the Parishioners new builded . Touching this Cold Harbrough , I find , that in the 13. of Edward the second , Sir Iohn Abel , Knight , demised or let unto Henry Stow , Draper , all that his capitall Messuage , called the Cold Harbrough , in the Parish of All Saints ad foenum , and all the purtenances within the Gate , with the Key which Robert Hartford , Citizen , sonne to William Hartford , had , and ought , and the foresaid Robert paid for it the rent of 33. shillings the yeere . This Robert Hartford being owner thereof , as also of other lands in Surrey ; deceasing without issue male , left two daughters his Coheires , to wit , Idonia , married to Sir Ralph Bigot , and Maude , married to Sir Stephen Cosenton , Knights , betweene whom the said house and lands were parted . After the which Iohn Bigot , Sonne to the said Sir Ralph and Sir Iohn Cosenton , did sell their moities of Cold Harbrough unto Iohn Poultney , sonne of Adam Poultney , the eighth of Edward the third . This Sir Iohn Poultney dwelling in this house , and being 4. times Maior , the said house tooke the name of Poultney's Inne . Notwithstanding , this Sir Iohn Poultney , the 21. of Edward the third , by his Charter gave and confirmed to Humfrey de Bohune , Earle of Hereford and Essex , his whole tenement , called Cold Harbrough , with all the Tenements and Key adjoyning , and appurtenances sometime pertaining to Robert de Herford , on the way called Hay-wharfe lane , &c. for one Rose at Midsummer , to him and his heires , for all services , if the same were demanded . This Sir Iohn Poultney deceased 1349. and left issue , by Margaret his wife , William Poultney , who dyed without issue : and Margaret his Mother was married to Sir Nicholas Lovel , Knight , &c. Philip S. Cleare gave two Messuages , pertaining to this Cold Harbrough , in the Roperie , towards the inlarging of the Parish Church and Church-yard of All-Saints , called the lesse , in the 20. of Richard the second . In the yeere 1397. the 21 of Richard the second , Iohn Holland , Earle of Huntington , was lodged there , and Richard the second his Brother dined with him : it was then counted a right faire and stately house . But in the next yeere following , I finde , that Edmond , Earle of Cambridge , was there lodged : notwithstanding , the said house still retained the name of Poultney's Inne , in the reigne of Henry the sixth , the 26. of his reigne . It belonged since to H. Holland Duke of Excester , and hee was lodged there in the yeere 1472. In the yeere 1485. Richard the third , by his Letters Patents granted and gave to Iohn Writh , alias Garter , principall King of Armes of English men , and to the rest of the Kings Heralds and Pursevants of Arms , all that Messuage with the appurtenances , called Cold Harber , in the Parish of All Saints the little in London , and their successors for ever . Dated at Westminster the second of March , Anno regni suiprimo , without fine or see . How the said Heralds departed , therewith , I have not read , but in the reigne of Henry the eighth , the Bishop of Durhams house , neere Charing Crosse , being taken into the Kings hand , Cuthbert Tunstal , Bishop of Durham , was lodged in this Cold Harber , since the which time it hath belonged to the Earles of Shrewsbury , by composition ( as is supposed ) from the said Cuthbert Tunstall . The last deceased Earle tooke it downe , and in place thereof builded a great number of small Tenements now letten out for great rents , to people of all sorts . Then is the Diers Hall , which Company was made a Brotherhood or Guild , in the fourth of Henry the sixth , and appointed to consist of a Gardian or Warden , and a Communalty the 12. of Edward the fourth . Then bee there divers large Brewhouses , and others , till you come to Ebgate lane , where that Ward endeth in the East . On the North side of Thames street bee divers lanes also , the first is at the South end of Elbow-lane before spoken of , west from Downegate , over-against Greenewitch lane : then bee divers faire houses for Merchants , and others all along that side . the next lane East from Downegate , is called Bush lane , which turneth up to Candlewicke street , and is of Down-gate Ward . Next is Suffolke lane , likewise turning up to Candlewicke street : in this lane is one notable Grammer Schoole , founded in the yeere 1561. by the Master , Wardens , and Assistants of the Merchant-taylors , in the Parish of S. Laurence Poultney ; Richard Hils , sometimes Master of that Company , having before given 500. l. toward the purchase of an house , called the Mannor of the Rose , sometime belonging to the Duke of Buckingham , wherein the said Schoole is kept . Then is there one other Lane , which turneth up to S. Laurence Hill , and to the Southwest corner of Saint Laurence Church-yard : then other Lane , called Poultney Lane , that goeth up , of this Ward to the South-east corner of S. Laurence Church-yard , and so downe againe , and to the West corner of Saint Martin Orgar lane , and over against Ebgate lane : and this is all of Downegate Ward , the 13. in number lying East from the water-course of VValbrooke , and hath not any one house on the west side of the said Brooke . It hath an Alderman , his Deputy ; Common-Counsellors , nine ; Constables , eight ; Seavengers , five ; for the Wardmote Inquest , foureteene , and a Beadle : it is taxed to the Fifteene at eight and twenty pounds . WARDS ON THE VVEST SIDE OF WALBROOKE : AND FIRST , OF VINTRIE VVARD . NOw I am to speak of the other Wards , 12. in number , all lying on the West side of the course of Walbrook : and first of the Vintry ward , so called of Vintners , and of the Vintrie , a part of the banke of the River of Thames , where the Merchants of Burdeaux , craned their Wines out of Lighters , and other Vessels , and there landed and made sale of them , within forty dayes after , untill the twenty eighth of Edward the first , at which time the said Merchants complained , that they could not sell their wines , paying poundage , neither hire houses or cellars to lay them in : and it was redressed by vertue of the Kings Writ , directed to the Maior and Sheriffes of London , dated at Carlaveroke , or Carlile . Since the which time , many faire and large houses ( with Vaults and Cellars for stowage of VVines , and lodging of Burdeaux Merchants ) have beene builded , in place where before time were Cooks houses : for Fitzstephen , in the reigne of Henry the second , writeth , that upon the Rivers side , betweene the VVine in Ships , and the VVine to be sold in Tavernes , was a common Cookes Row , &c. as in another place I have set down . wherby it apeares , that in those daies , ( and till of late time ) every man lived according to his owne professed Trade , not any one interrupting another . The Cookes dressed meat , and sold no wine ; and the Taverner sold wine , but dressed no meat for sale , &c. This VVard beginneth in the East , at the West end of Downegate Ward , at the water-course of Walbrooke , which parteth them , to wit , at Granthams lane , on the Thames side , and at Elbow lane , on the Land side : it runneth along in Thames street , West , some three houses beyond the Old Swan , a Brewhouse , and on the Land side , some three houses West , beyond Saint Iames at Garlicke hithe . In breadth , this VVard stretcheth from the Vintrie North , to the wall of the West gate of the Tower Royall : the other North part is of Cordwainer street Ward . Out of this Royall street by the South gate of Tower-Royall , runneth a small street , East to Saint Iohns upon Walbrooke , which street is called Horse-shoo-bridge , of such a bridge sometime over the brooke there , which is now vaulted over . Then from the South gate West , runneth one other street , called Knight-riders street , by Saint Thomas Apostles Church , on the North side , and Wringwren lane , by the said Church , at the West end thereof , and to the East end of the Trinity Church in the said Knight-riders street , where this Ward endeth on that South side the street : but on the North side , it runneth no farther than the corner against the new builded Taverne , and other houses , in a plot of ground where sometime stood Ormond place . Yet have yee one other lane lower downe in Royall streete , stretching forth from over against Saint Michaels Church , to and by the North side of Saint Iames Church by Garlicke hith , this is called Kerion lane : And thus much for the bounds of the Vintrie Ward . Now on the Thames side west from Granthams lane , have ye Herbert lane , or Brickles lane , so called of Iohn Brikles , sometimes owner thereof . Then is Simpsons lane , of one Simpson ; or Emperours-head lane , of such a signe : then the Three Cranes lane , so called , not onely of a signe of three Cranes at a Taverne doore , but rather of three strong Cranes of Timber , placed on the Vintrie wharfe by the Thames side , to crane up Wines there , as is afore shewed : this Lane was of old time , to wit , the 9. of Richard the second , called the Painted Taverne lane , of the Taverne being painted . Then next over against Saint Martins Church , is a large house builded of stone and timber , with vaults for the stowage of wines , and is called the Vintrie . There dwelled Iohn Gisers , Vintner , Maior of London , and Constable of the Tower , and then was Henry Picard , Vintner , Maior . In this house Henry Picard feasted foure Kings in one day ; as in my Summary I have shewed . Then next is Vannars lane , so called of one Vannar that was owner thereof , it is now called Church lane , of the comming up from S. Martins Church . Next is Broad lane , for that the same is broader for the passage of Carts from the Vintrie Wharfe , than be the other lanes . At the North-west corner of this lane is the Parish-Clerks Hall , lately by them purchased , since they lost their old Hall in Bishopsgate street . Next is Spittle lane , of old time so called ; since , Stodies lane , of the owner thereof , named Stodie . Sir Iohn Stodie , Vintner , Maior in the yeere 1357. gave it , with all the Quadrant wherein Vintners Hall now standeth , with the Tenements round about , unto the Vintners : the Vintners builded for themselves a faire Hall , and also 13. Almes-houses there , for 13. poore people , which are kept of charity , rent-free . The Vintners in London were ( of old time ) called Merchants Vintners of Gascoyne , and so I reade them in the records of Edward the 2. the 11. yeere , and Edward the 3. the ninth yeere , they were as well Englishmen , as strangers borne beyond the Seas , but then subjects to the King of England , great Burdeaux Merchants of Gascoyne and French wines ; divers of them were Maiors of this Citie ; namely , Ioh. Adrian , Vintner , Reignold at Conduit , Iohn Oxenford , Henry Picard , that feasted the Kings of England , France , Scotland , and Cypres : Iohn Stodie , that gave Stodies lane to the Vintners : which foure last named , were Maiors in the reign of Edward the third , and yet Gascoyne Wines were then to be sold at London , not above 4. pence , nor Rhenish Wines above 6. pence the Gallon . I reade of sweet Wines , that in the 50. of Edward the third , Iohn Peachie , Fishmonger , was accused , for that hee procured a Licence for the onely sale of them in London : which notwithstanding he justified by Law , he was imprisoned and fined . More I read , that in the 6. of Hen. 6. the Lombards corrupting their sweet Wines , when knowledge thereof came to Iohn Rainwell , Maior of London , hee ( in divers places of the Citie ) commanded the heads of the Buts and other vessels , in the open streets , to be broken , to the number of one hundred and fifty , so that the liquor running forth , passed thorow the Citie like a streame of raine water , in the sight of all the people ; from whence there issued a most loathsome savour . I read in the reigne of Henry the 7. that no sweet VVines were brought into this Realme , but Malmsies , by the Longobards , paying to the King for his Licence , 6. ● . 8. d. of every But , besides 12. d. for Bottell-large . I remember , within these 54. yeeres , Malmsey not to be sold above 1. d. ob . the pint . For proofe whereof , it appeareth in the Church-Booke of S. Andrew Vndershaft , that in the yeere 1547. I. G. and S. K. then Church-wardens , for 80. pints of Malmsey , spent in the Church , after 1. d. halfepenny the pint , paid at the yeeres end for the same tenne shillings . More I remember , that no Sackes were sold , but Rumney , and that for Medicine more than for drinke : but now many kindes of Sackes are knowne and used . And so much for Wines . For the Vintrie , to end therewith , I read , that in the reigne of Henry the 4. the yong Prince Henry , T. Duke of Clarence , I. Duke of Bedford , and Humfrey Duke of Glocester , the Kings sonnes , being at supper amongst the Merchants of London in the Vintrie , in the house of Lewes Iohn , Henry Scogan sent to them a Ballad , beginning thus : My Noble Sonnes , and oke my Lords deare , I your Father called unworthily , Send unto you this Ballad following here , Written with mine owne hand full rudely : Although it be , that I not reverently Have written to your Estates , I you pray , Mine uncunning take benignely , For Gods sake , and hearken what I say . Then follow in like Meeter , 23. staves , containing a perswasion from losing of time foolishly , in lust and vice , but to spend the same in vertue and godlines ; as ye may read in Geffrey Chawcer his Workes , lately printed . The successors of those Vintuers and Wine-drawers , that retayled by the Gallons , Pottell , Quart , and Pint , were all incorporated by the name of Wine-tunners , in the reigne of Edward the third , and confirmed the 15. of Henry the sixth . Next is Palmers Lane , now called Anchor Lane. The Plummers have their Hall there , but are Tenants to the Vintners . Then is Worcester House , sometimes belonging to the Earles of Worcester , now divided into many tenements . The Fruiterers have their Hall there . Then is the Old Swan , a great Brew-house . And this is all , on the Thames side , that I can note in this Ward . On the Land side , is the Royall street , and Pater noster Lane , I thinke of old time called Arches : for I read , that Robert de Suffolke gave to Walter Darford , his tenement with the appurtenance , in the Lane called Les Arches , in the parish of S. Michael de Pater noster Church , betweene the wall of the Field called Winchester field , on the East , and the same Lane on the West , &c. More I reade of a stone House , called Stoda de Winton , juxta Stodum bridge , which in that Lane was over Walbrooke water . Then is the faire Parish Church of S. Michael , called Pater noster Church in the Royall . This Church was new builded , and made a Colledge of S. Spirit , and S. Mary , founded by Richard Whittington , Mercer , foure times Maior , for a Master , foure Fellowes , Masters of Art , Clerkes , Conducts , Chorists , &c. and an Almes-house , called Gods house or Hospitall , for thirteene poore men , one of them to be Tutor , and to have 16 pence the weeke , the other twelve , each of them to have 14. pence the weeke for ever , with other necessary provision , an Hutch with three lockes , a common scale , &c. These were bound to pray for the good estate of Richard Whittington , and Alice his wife ; their Founders ; and for Sir William VVhittington , Knight , and Dame Ioan his wife ; and for Hugh Fitzwarren , and Dame Molde his wife , the Fathers and Mothers of the said Richard VVhittington , and Alice his wife ; for King Richard the second , and Thomas of Woodslocke , Duke of Glocester , speciall Lords and Promoters of the said Richard VVhittington , &c. The Licence for this foundation was granted by King Henry the fourth , the eleventh of his reign : and in the twelfth of the same Kings reigne , the Maior and Communalty of London , granted to Richard VVhittington a vacant peece of ground , thereon to build his Colledge in the Royall : all which was confirmed by Henry the 6. the third of his reigne , to Iohn Coventry , Ienkin Carpenter , and VVilliam Grove , Executors to Richard VVhittington . This foundation was againe confirmed by Parliament , the tenth of Henry the sixth , and was suppressed by the Statute of Edward the sixth . The Almes houses , with the poore men , doe remaine , and are paid by the Mercers . This Richard Whittington was ( in this Church ) three times buried : first , by his Executors , under a faire Monument : then , in the reigne of Edward the sixth , the Parson of that Church , thinking some great riches ( as he said ) to be buried with him , caused his Monument to be broken , his body to be spoiled of his Leaden sheet , and againe the second time to be buried . And in the reigne of Queene Mary , the Parishioners were forced to take him up , to lap him in Lead , as afore , to bury him the third time , and to place his Monument , or the like , over him againe , which remaineth , and so he resteth . Thomas Winford , Alderman , was buried in this Church , 1448. Arnold Macknam , Vintner a Merchant of Burdeaux , 1457. Sir Heere Tanke , or Hartancleux , Knight of the Garter , borne in Almaine , a noble Warrior in Henry the fifth and Henry the sixth's dayes . Sir Edmond Mulshew , Knight , neere to Thomas Cockham , Recorder of London . The Lady Kyme . Sir William Oldhall , Knight , 1460. William Barnocke . Sir Iohn Yong , Grocer , Maior 1466. Agnes , daughter to Sir Iohn Yong , first married to Robert Sherington , after to Robert Mulleneux , then to William Cheyney , Esquire . Iohn Having , Gentleman . William Roswell , Esquire . William Postar , Clerk of the Crowne , 1520. Sir William Bayly , Draper , Maior , 1533. with Dame Katharine his Wife , leaving sixteene children . Iohn Haydon , Mercer , Sheriffe , 1582. who gave Legacies to the 13. Almes-men , and otherwise for a Lecture . Vt fragrans Nardus , famâ fuit iste Ricardus , Albificans villam qui justè rexer at illam . Flos Mercatorum , fundator Presbyterorum , Sic & regonarum testis sit certus eorum . Omnibus exemplum barathrum vincendo morosum , Condidit hoc Templum Michaelis , quam speciosum ? Regia spes & pres : divinis res rata turbis . Pauperibus pr. & Maior qui fuit urbis , Martius hunc vicit , en Annos gens tibi dicit . Finiit ipse dies , sis sibi Christe quies . Ejus sponsa pia , Generosa , probata , sophia Iungitur , &c. Hic jacet Eduardus Lupton cognomine dictus , Occidit heu juvenis cum spes foret omnibus una . Pauperibus fuerat studiosis ille patronus , Mille & quingintos tersaevos vidit ademptos Moribus & studiis qui vivens claruit olim ; Spiritus iste Iesus mens à te suscipiatur . Quisquis ades plora fata dolenda viri , Hujus Collegii quique Magister erat ; Doctor , & in sacre Dogmate clarus erat ; Qui obiit Octobris & quoque nona fuit . Credere nuncfas est spiritus astra tenet : Spes me tua Iesus es , gratia , non opera . At the upper end of this Street , is the Tower Royall , whereof that street taketh name . This Tower and great place was so called , of pertaining to the Kings of this Realme : but by whom the same was first builded , or of what Antiquity continued , I have not read more , than that in the reigne of King Edward 1. second , fourth , and seventh yeeres , it was the tenement of Simon Beawmes . Also , that in the 36. of Edward the third , the same was called the Royall , in the Parish of S. Michael de Pater noster , and that in the three and fortieth of his Reigne , he gave it by the name of his Inne , called the Royall , in his Citie of London , in value twenty pounds by yeere , unto his Colledge of S. Stephen at Westminster . Notwithstanding , in the reigne of Richard the second , it was called The Queene Wardrobe , as appeareth by this that followeth : King Richard , having in Smithfield overcome and dispersed the Rebels , hee , his Lords and all his Company , entered the City of London , with great joy , and went to the Lady Princesse his Mother , who was then lodged in the Tower-Royall , called the Queenes Wardrope , where shee had remained three dayes and two nights , right sore abashed . But when shee saw the King her Sonne , she was greatly rejoyced and said , Ah Sonne , what great sorrow have I suffered for you this day ! The King answered and said ; Certainely , Madame , I know it well , but now rejoyce , and thanke God , for I have this day recovered mine heritage , and the Realme of England , which I had neere-hand lost . This Tower seemeth to have beene ( at that time ) of good defence , for when the Rebels had beset the Tower of London and got possession thereof , taking from thence whom they listed , as in my Annales I have shewed ; the Princesse being force to flye , came to this Tower Royall ▪ where shee was lodged , and remained safe as yee have heard , and it may bee also supposed , that the King himselfe was at that time lodged there . I reade , that in the yeere 1386. Ly●n King of Armony , being chased out of his Realme by the Tartarians , received innumerable gifts of the King and of his Nobles , the King then lying in the Royall , where hee also granted to the said King of Armony , a Charter of a thousand pounds by yeere during his life . This for proofe may suffice , that Kings of England have beene lodged in this Tower , though the same ( of later time ) hath been neglected , and turned into stabling for the Kings , horses , and now letten out to divers men , and divided into Tenements . In Horse-bridge street is the Cutlers Hall , Richard de Wilehale 1295. confirmed to Paul Butelor , this house and edifices , in the Parish of Saint Michael Pater noster Church , and Saint Iohns upon Walbrooke , which sometime Lawrence Gisors , and his son Peter Gisors did possesse , and afterward Hugonis de Hingham , and lyeth betweene the Tenement of the said Richard towards the South , and the lane called Hors-shoo bridge towards the North , and betweene the way called Pater noster Church on the West , and the course of Walbrooke on the East , paying yeerely one Clove of Gilliflowers at Easter , and to the poore and Covent of Saint Mary Overy , 6. s. this house sometime belonged to Simon Dolesly , Grocer , Maior , 1359. They of this Company were ( of old time ) three Arts , or sorts of Workmen , to wit , the first were Smiths , Forgers of Blades , and therefore called Bladers , and divers of them proved wealthy men , as namely , Walter Nele , Blader , one of the Sheriffes , the twelth of Edward the third deceased , 1352. and buried in S. Iames Garlicke hith . He left Lands to the mending of High-waies about London , betwixt Newgate and VVicombe , Ealdgate and Chelmesford , Bishopsgate and VVare , Southwarke and Rochester , &c. The second were makers of Hafts , and otherwise garnishers of Blades : The third sort were Sheathmakers for Swords , Daggers , and Knives . In the 10. of Henry the fourth certaine ordinances were made betwixt the Bladers , and the other Cutlers , and in the fourth of Henry the sixth , they were all three Companies drawne into one Fraternity or Brotherhood , by the name of Cutlers . Then is Knight riders street , so called ( as is supposed ) of Knights well armed and mounted at the Tower Royall , riding from thence through the street , West to Creed lane , and so out at Ludgate towards Smithfield , when they were : there to Turney , Just , or otherwise to shew activities before the King and States of the Realme . In this streete is the Parish Church of Saint Thomas Apostles , by Wring-wren lane , a proper Church , and in the yeere 1629. well repaired and finely garnished ; but Monuments of antiquity , I finde none beyond the reigne of Henry the eighth , except some Armes in the windowes , as also in the stone-worke , which some suppose to be of Iohn Barns Mercea , Maior of London , in the yeere 1371. a great builder thereof , H. Causton Merchant , was a Benefactor , and had a Chantry there about , 1396. T. Roman , Maior 1310. had also a Chantry there 1319. Fitz-Williams also a Benefactor , had a Chantry there . More , Sir VVilliam Littlesbury , alias Horne , ( for King Edward the fourth so named him ) because he was a most excellent blower in a Horne , hee was a Salter , and Merchant of the Staple , Maior of London in the yeere 1487. and was buried in this Church , having appointed ( by his Testament ) the Bels to be changed for foure new Bels of good time and found ; but that was not performed : he gave 500. Markers towards the repairing of high-wayes betweene London and Cambridge ; his dwelling house , with a Garden , and appurtenances in the said Parish , to be sold , and bestowed in charitable actions , as his Executors would answer before God. His house called the George in Breadstreet he gave to the Salters , they to finde a Priest in the said Church , to have six pounds , thirteene shillings , foure pence the yeere , to every Preacher at Pauls Crosse , and at the Spittle , 4. pence for ever ; to the Prisoners of Newgate , Ludgate , Marshalsey , and Kings Bench , in victuals tenne shillings at Christmas , and tenne shillings at Easter for ever ; which Legacies are not performed . William Shipton , William Champneis , and Iohn de Burford , had Chauntries there : Iohn Martin , Butcher , one of the Sheriffs , was buried there 1533. Those Monuments that be extant of these latter times , be these following : There lieth buried neere this Monument , Margaret one of the daughters of the Lord Broke , Chiefe Baron of the Exchequer , in the reigne of King Henry the eighth : who lineally descended of the House of Broke of in Cheshire ; which said Margaret was first married to William Whorwood , second son to John VVhorwood of Compton in the County of Stafford , Esquire , which said William dyed Atturney Generall to the said King Henry the 8. After whose death , shee tooke to her second Husband , William Sheldon of Beeley in the County of Worcester , Esquire ; who also dyed , leaving her a Widdow , and so she continued many yeeres after ; and then dyed , being about the age of 80. yeeres , and was buried in March , 1589. in the 32. yeere of Qu. Elizabeth . On the South side of the Chancell , a very fine , neat and well-contrived Monument , but without any date , whereon these Verses are insculpt : In mortem suam haec Carmina dum vixerat scripsit D. Katharina Killigreia . Dormio nunc Domino , Domini vitute resurgam ; Et 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meum carne videbo mea . Mortua ne dicar , fruitur pars altera Christo , Et surgar capiti , tempore , tota , meo . Elizabethae in Obitum Katharinae Sororis Epicaedia . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chara val●to Soror , in Caelo morte triumphas , Mors tua vita tibi , mors tamen illa tuis . Mens tua labe carens , pietas , doctrina , modesta Vita , lepos suavis digna fuere Deo. Vt junxit Sanguis , nos jungat in aethere Christus : Interea taceo mortua morte tua . Felicissimae & in Christo charissimae Memoriae Katharinae Kiligreiae , Robertus Massonus Formanus Pastor Ecclesiae Londino-Gallicae , his Versibus parentavit . Coelestem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conclusam pectore mentem Audivi , aspexi , saepius obstupui ; Caelicolam sancto seclusam corpore mentem , Quam colui carus , maestus ovansque cano . Quis non ereptas tot dotes lugeat ? & quis Coelo caelestes lividus invideat ? Cedere sed Patri gnatos , terrena supernis Est aequum , sequimur : tu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praei . Epitaphium praestant . Feminae , Katharinae Kiligreiae Autore Andrea Melvino . Palladis & Phoebi comes una , & Pieris una , Pieridumque Soror , Pieridumque Parens . Gratia , Suada , Lepos , Gravitas , Constantia , Candor , Relligio , Pietas , & Pudor & Probitas , Atque Palestinae , & Latiae , Graiaeque Camenae Clausit olim uno omnes pectore , nunc tumulo . Aliud Epitaphium Autore Guilielmo Charco . Hic Katharina jacet de stemmate nobilitato Cociadum , & claro Kiligreio nupta marito : Hoc satis est , Hospes : Rhodanus nam caetera novit , Et dives Rhenus celebrat , sic fama Sororem Musarum , & magnam magnae Pietatis Alumnam . Vnder the Communion Table , a stone ingraven . Here lyes interred the body of Mr. John FFoy , Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London , who departed this life 1. Decemb . 1625. and left issue 4. Sonnes , ( viz. ) John , George , Henry and Richard : Hee lived and dyed in the true faith of Christ Iesus , which he hath amply expressed , in a worthy annuall contribution towards the poore of this Parish . Then West from the said Church on the same side , was one great Messuage , sometime called Ipres Inne , of William of Ipres a Flemming , the first builder thereof . This William was called out of Flanders , with a number of Flemmings to the aide of King Stephen , against Maude the Empresse , in the yeere 1138. and grew in favour with the said King for his service , so farre , that he builded this house neere unto Tower-Royall , in the which Tower it seemeth the King was then lodged , as in the heart of the City , for his more safety . Robert Earle of Glocester , Brother to the Empresse , being taken , was committed to the custody of this William , to be kept in the Castle of Rochester , till King Stephen was also taken , and then the one was delivered in exchange for the other , and both set free : This William of Ipres gave Edredes Hith , now called Queenes Hith , to the Prior and Canons of the holy Trinity in London : he founded the Abbey of Borley in Kent , &c. In the first of Henry the second , the said William , with all the other Flemmings ( fearing the indignation of the new King ) departed the Land , but it seemeth that the said William was shortly called back againe , and restored both to the Kings favour , and to his old possessions here , so that the name and family continued long after in this Realme , as may appeare by this which followeth . In the yeere 1377. the 51. of Edward the third , the Citizens of London minding to have destroyed Iohn of Gaunt , Duke of Lancaster , and Henry Percy Marshall , ( for causes shewed in my Annals ) sought up and downe , and could not finde them , for they were that day to dine with Iohn of Ipres at his Inne , which the Londoners wist not of , but thought the Duke and Marshall had beene at the Savoy , and therefore poasted thither . But one of the Dukes Knights seeing these things , came in great haste to the place where the Duke was , and after that hee had knocked , and could not be let in , he said to Haveland the Porter , If thou love my Lord and thy life , open the Gate : with which words hee gat entry , and with great feare he tels the Duke , that without the gate were infinite numbers of armed men , and unlesse he tooke great heed , that day would bee his last . With which words the Duke leapt so hastily from his Oysters , that he hurt both his legs against the forme : VVine was offered , but hee could not drinke for haste , and so fled with his fellow Henry Percy out at a backe gate , and entring upon the Thames , never stayed rowing , untill they came to a house neere the Manor of Kennington , where at that time the Princesse lay , with Richard the young Prince ; before whom hee made his complaint , &c. On the other side , I read of a Messuage , called Ringed hall : King Henry the eighth the 32. of his reigne , gave the same ( with foure Tenements adjoyning ) unto Morgan Philip , alias Wolfe , in the Parish of St. Thomas Apostles in London , &c. Over-against Ipres Inne in Knight-riders street , at the corner towards Saint Iames at Garlicke hith , was sometime a great house builded of stone , and called Ormond place , for that it sometime belonged to the Earles of Ormond . King Edward the fourth in the fifth of his reigne , gave to Elizabeth his wife , the Manor of Greenwitch , with the Tower and Parke , in the County of Kent . Hee also gave this Tenement called Ormond place , with all the appurtenances to the same situate in the Parish of St. Trinity in Knight-riders street in London . This house is now lately taken downe , and divers faire Tenements are builded there , the corner house whereof is a Taverne . Then lower downe in Royall street , is Kerion lane , of one Kerion sometime dwelling there . In this lane bee divers faire houses for Merchants ; and amongst others , is the Glasiers Hall. At the South corner of Royall street , is the faire Parish Church of Saint Martin , called in the Vintrie , sometime called S. Martin de Beremand Church . This Church was new buided about the yeer 1399. by the Executors of Mathew Columbars , a stranger borne , a Burdeaux Merchant of Gascoine and French Wines : His Armes yet remaine yet in the East Window ; and is a Cheveron , betweene three Columbins . There lye buried in this Church , Sir Iohn Gisors , Maior , 1311. Henry Gisors , his sonne , 1343. and Iohn Gisors , his brother , 1350. He gave to his sonne T. his great Mansion house , called Gisors Hall , in the Parish of Saint Mildred in Breadstreet . This Thomas had issue , Iohn and Thomas : Iohn made a Feoffement , and sold Gisors hall , and other his Lands in London , about the yeere 1386. Thomas deceased 1395. Henry Vennar . Bartholomew de la Vauch . Thomas Cornwallis , one of the Sheriffes , 1384. Iohn Cornwallis Esquire , 1436. Iohn Mustrell , Vintner 1424. William Hodson . William Castleton . Iohn Gray . Robert Dalusse , Barber , in the reigne of Edward the fourth , with this Epitaph . As flowers in field , thus passeth life , Naked , then clothed , feeble in the end . It sheweth by Robert Dalusse , and Alison his Wife : Christ them save from the power of the Fiend . Hic jacet Petrus de la Genebra , filius & heres Ioannis de la Genebra , quondam Burgensis , & Mercatoris de Civitate Burdegali . Qui obiit 27. die Martii , An. Domini 1439. Civis animae propitietur Deus . Hic jacet Willielmus Stokesby , quondam Civis & Vintener London , & Iuliana uxor ejus . Qui obbiit 25. die Decemb. An. Dom. 1381. Cujus , &c. Hic jacet Thomas Cornwaleis , quondam Civis London . Qui obiit quarto die Ianuarii , Anno Domini 1384. Cujus , &c. Honorabilis viri Radulphi Astri Militis , nuper Maioris ac Aldermanni & Piscenarii Civitatis London : & praecarissimarum Dominae Margeria , ac Margareta uxorum ejus . Qui quidem Radulphus obiit 18. die Novembris , An. Dom. 1494. Et dicta Domina Margareta obiit die Ac praedicta Margeria ab hoc saeculo migravit 10. die Martii . An. Dom. 1492. Cujus , &c. Micolt , quondam Civis & vinitarius London , & Ioanna uxor ejus , ac pueri eorundem . Qui quidem Iohannes obiit 17. die Aprilis , An. Dom. 1424. Quorum animae per Dei immensam misericordiam in pace perpetua permaneant , ac requiem possideant . Es testis , Christe , quod non jacet hic lapis iste , Corpus ut ornatur , sed spiritus ut memoretur . Hunc tu qui tum sis magnus parvus puer ansis Pro me funde preces , quod sic mihi fit veniae spes . Radulphus Astry , Generos . unus filiorum Rad. Astry , Militis , quondam Maioris Civitatis London . Qui quidem Rad. filius in sua florida juventute , ab hoc saeculo migravit , 19. die mens . Septembris , Anno Domini , 1501. Henry Gisors gist yci , Dieu de sa ' Ame tien pittie , è Iohn le filz à mercy . Qui morust le veille de S. Katharine , En l' An de Grace , 1343. Martis Pascha tenes , Edward Rex luce tiburci Hunc del Foorll . Dominum , strage ruisse dolet . Is dabat Gascon , Anglus sum corde Ioannes , In Campis Barnet mortis amara tulit . Bis septingeno , decies sept . & simul uno , Mane resurgente obviat iste Iesu . Anglicus haec relegens , miserere tui Peregrini , Et pro te moriens , te sciat esse pium . Haec petra substrati Kirkman tegit ossa Roberti , Qui Rector fuerat istius Ecclesiae . M. D. deme quater septem Christi cadit Anno , Aprilis terna raptus ab orbe die . Artibus ille Magister erat , Ecclesia tandem , Tristia post fati gaudia dentur ei . Sir Ralph Austrie , or Astry , Fishmonger , Maior , new roofed this Church with Timber , covered it with Lead , and beautifully glased it . Hee deceased 1494. and was there buried , with his two wives . Ralph Austrie his son , Gent. William Austrie , and other of that name . Bertrand , wife to Grimond Descure , Esquire , a Gascione , and Merchant of Wines , 1494. Thomas Batson , Alice Fowler , daughter and heire to Iohn Howton , wife to Iohn Hulton . Iames Bartlet and Alice his wife . William Fennor , Roger Cotton , Robert Stocker , Iohn Pemberton , Philip de Plasse , Iohn Stapleton , Iohn Mortimer , William Lee , William Hamsteed , W. Stokesbie , and Gilbert March , had Chantries there . Then is the Parish Church of Saint Iames , called at Garlicke Hith , or Garlicke hive , for that ( of old time ) on the River of Thames , neere to this Church , Garlicke was usually sold . This is a proper Church , whereof Richard Rothing , one of the Sheriffes , 1326. is said to be the new builder , and lyeth buried in the same : so was Walter Nele , Blader , one of the Sheriffes , 1337. Iohn of Oxenford , Vintner , Maior , 1341. I read in the first of Edward the third , that this Iohn of Oxenford gave to the Priory of the holy Trinity , in London , two Tosts of Land , one Mill , fifty Acres of Land , two Acres of Wood , with the appurtenances , in Kentish Towne , in value twenty shillings and three pence by yeere . Richard Goodcheape , Iohn de Cressingham , and Iohn Whitthorne , and before them , Galfrid Moncley , 1281. founded a Chantry there . Monuments remaining there : Robert Gabeter , Esquire , Maior of Newcastle upon Tine , 1310. Iohn Gisors , William Tiligham , Iohn Stanley , L. Strange , eldest sonne to the Earle of Darby , 1503. Nicholas Staham . Robert de Luton , 1361. Richard Lions , a famous Merchant of VVines , and a Lapidary , sometime one of the Sheriffes , beheaded in Cheape by Wat Tylar , and other Rebels , in the yeere 1381. his picture on his Grave-stone very faire and large , is with his haire rounded by his eares , and curled , a little beard forked , a gowne girt to him , downe to his feet , of branched Damaske , wrought with the likenesse of flowers , a large Purse on his right side , hanging in a Belt from his left shoulder , a plain Hood about his neck , covering his shoulders , and hanging backe behind him . Sir Iohn Wrotch , Fishmonger , Maior , 1361. deceased 1407. Thomas Stonard of Oxfordshire . Iohn Bromer , Fishmonger , Alderman , 1474. The Lady Stanley , mother to the Lord Strange . The Countesse of Huntington , The Lady Herbert . Sir George Stanley . Gilbert Bovet , 1398. A Countesse of Worcester , and one of her children . William Venor , Grocer , Maior , 1389. William More , Vintner , Maior , 1395. Robert Chichley , Maior , 1421. Iames Spencer , Vintner , Maior , 1543. Richard Plat , Brewer , founded a free Schoole there , 1601. Rogerus Iones , Middletoni , in Comitatu Lancastrensi natus , vix puberta egressus , se Londinum contulit , ubi Civitate donatus , & Artem Tinctoriam exercens , Agnetem , Thomae Hacketti filiam , Matrimonio sibi junxit . Ex qua filios novem , quatuor verò filias Suscepit . Quarum una Patre adhuc superstite diem obiit . hic cum varia Civitatis munia laudabiliter obiisset , tandem in celebrem supremi ordinis Senatum , Aldermannorum scilicet , cooptatus est ; Mox Aeques abillustrissimo Rege Iacobo creatus est , & paulo post Vicecomes Civitatis London est designatus . Quo Magistratu nondum expleto , non sine magno bonorum luctu , vicesimo quinto die mensis Iulii , Anno Domini 1605. piè in Domino requiescit . Here lyeth buried the body of Richard Plat Brewer , and sometime chosen Sheriffe of London . The Founder of a free School , and sixe Almes-houses , in Aldenham , in the County of Hertford . Hee dyed the 28. of November , 1600. having taken to wife Alice Birtles , the daughter of John Birtles , Esquire , and having issue foure sons and one daughter . Here Edmund Chapman , clos'd in clay , undoubtedly doth rest , Who to his Neighbours ( while he liv'd ) the fruits of love exprest : Fine Pewes within this Church he made , and with his Armes support , The Table , and the Seats in Quire , hee set in comely sort . To Prisoners , and to Hospitals , hee living , was a friend , And ever sought , the innocent from danger to defend . Esquier-Ioyner to our Queene , hee in his life time was , And Yeoman of her Armory at Greenwitch , in like case : VVherein hee like a servant just , for duty duly done , Vnto himselfe of Prince and Peeres the love and favour wonne . Threescore seven yeeres hee lived here , in worship and good name , And left this life , to live with Christ , to his eternall fame . His Soule , the fourteenth day of May , did from his body fleet , Which he with cheerefull voyce did yeeld to Christ his Saviour sweet : And on the eighteenth of that moneth , by computation just , A thousand five hundred eighty eight , his body was laid in dust . But body and soule at last , be sure , through Gods abundant grace , Shall rise , and knit againe in one , and stand before his face : Where , with his Saints elect ( we hope ) hee shall receive a Crowne , And live for ever with sweet Christ , in glory and renowne . Thus , friends ( by this deare friend of ours ) let 's learne to live and dye , That after death wee may have 〈◊〉 above the starry skie . And thus an end of Vintrie Ward , which hath an Alderman , with a Deputy , common Counsellors 9. Constables 9. Scavengers 4. Ward-mote inquest 14. and a Beadle . It is taxed to the Fifteene , 6. pound , 13. shillings , 4. pence . CORDWAINER STREET VVard . THe next is Cordwainer street Ward , taking that name of Cordwainers , or Shoomakers , Curriers , and workers of Leather dwelling there : for it appeareth in the Records of Henry the 6. the ninth of his reign , that an order was taken then for Cordwainers and Curriers in Corney street , and Sopers lane . This Ward beginneth in the East , on the West side of VValbrooke , and runneth West thorow Budge row , ( a street so called of Budge , Furre , and of Skinners dwelling there : ) then up by Saint Anthonies Church , thorow Atheling ( or Noble-street ) as Leyland termeth it , commonly called VVathling-street , to the Red Lion , a place so called , of a great Lion of Timber placed there , at a gate entring a large Court , wherein are divers faire and large shops , well furnished with broad-cloathes , and other Draperies of all sorts to bee sold : and this is the farthest West part of this Ward . On the South side of this street from Budge row , lyeth a lane turning downe by the West gate of the Tower Royall , and to the South end of the stone Wall beyond the said gate , which is of this Ward , and is accounted a part of the Royall street . Against this West gate of the Tower Royall , is one other Lane , that runneth West to Cordwainer street , and this is called Turnebase lane : on the South side whereof is a piece of Wring-wren lane , to the North-west corner of Saint Thomas Church the Apostle . Then againe out of the high street called Watheling , is one other street which runneth thwart the same , and this is Cordwainer street , wherof the whole VVard taketh name . This street beginneth by West-Cheape , and Saint Mary Bow Church is the head thereof on the VVest side , and it runneth downe South , thorow that part , which of latter time was called Hosier lane , now Bow lane , and then by the west end of Aldermary Church , to the new-builded houses , in place of Ormond-House , and so to Garlickehill or hith , to S. Iames Church . The upper part of this street towards Cheape , was called Hosier lane , of Hosiers dwelling there in place of Shoomakers : but now those Hosiers beeing worne out by men of other trades , ( as the Hosiers had worne out the Shoomakers ) the same is called Bow lane , of Bow Church . On the west side of Cordwainer street , is Basing lane , right over against Turnebase lane . This Basing lane , west , to the backe gate of the Red Lion in Wathling street , is of this Cordwainer street VVard . Now againe on the North side of this high street , is Budge row : by the East end of Saint Anthonies Church , have ye Saint Sithes lane , so called of S. Sithes Church , ( which standeth against the North end of that Lane ) and this is wholly of Cordwainer street VVard : also the South side of Needlers lane , which reacheth from the North end of Saint Sithes lane , west to Sopers lane : then west from S. Anthonies Church , is the South end of Sopers lane , which lane tooke that name , not of Sope-making , as some have supposed , but of Alen le Sopar , in the ninth of Edward the second . I have not read of Sope-making in this Citie , till within this hundred yeeres , that Iohn Lambe , dwelling in Grasse-street , set up a boyling-house : for this Citie ( in former time ) was served of white Sope in hard cakes ( called Castle Sope , and other ) from beyond the Seas , and of gray Sope , speckled with white , very sweet and good , from Bristow , sold here for a penny the pound , and never above penny farthing , and blacke Sope for an halfe-penny the pound . Then in Bow lane ( as they now call it ) is Goose lane , by Bow Church . VVilliam Essex , Mercer , had tenements there , in the 26. of Edward the third . Then from the South end of Bow lane , up VVathling street , till over against the Red Lion : And these be the bounds of Cordwainer street Ward . Touching Monuments therein : first , you have the faire Parish Church of S. Anthonies in Budge row , more vulgarly knowne by the name of Saint Antlins , on the North side thereof . This Church was lately reedified by Thomas Knowles , Grocer , Maior , and by Thomas Knowles , his sonne , both buried there , with Epitaphs of the Father , thus : Here lyeth graven under this stone , Thomas Knowles , both flesh and bone , Grocer and Alderman yeeres forty , Sheriffe , and twice Maior truely . And for he should not lye alone , Here lyeth with him his good wife Joane : They were together sixty yeere , And nineteene children they had in feere , &c. Thomas Holland , Mercer , was there buried , 1456. Thomas VVindent , Mercer , Alderman , and Katharine his wife . Thomas Hind , Mercer , 1528. He was a Benefactor to this Church , to Aldermarie Church , and to Bow. Hugh Acton , Merchant-Taylor , buried 1520. He gave 36. pounds to the repairing of the Steeple of this Church . Simon Street , Grocer , lyeth in the Church wall toward the South : his Armes be three Colts , and his Epitaph thus : Such as I am , such shall you be : Grocer of London sometime was I , The Kings Weigher more than yeeres twenty : Simon Street called in my place , And good fellowship faine would trace : Therefore in Heaven , everlasting life Iesu send me , and Agnes my wife . Kerlie Merlie , my words were the , And Deo gratias I coupled thereto . I passed to God in the yeere of grace , A thousand foure hundred it was , &c. Henry Collet , Mercer , Maior , a great Benefactor to this Church . The pictures of him , his wife , ten sonnes , and ten daughters , remain in the glasse-window , on the North side of the Church : but the said Henry Collet was buried at Stebunhith . Henry Halton , Grocer , one of the Sheriffes , deceased 1415. Thomas Spight , Merchant-Taylor , 1533. Iohn Grantham and Nicholas Bull had Chauntries there . Here lyeth William Dauntesey , Mercer and Alderman of this Citie , and Merchant of the Staple of Callis ; and Agnes his wife : the which William deceased the 23. day of April , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1543. Vnto Sir Roger Martin , Knight , A Mercer and a Merchant late ; By wisedome , and by waies upright , That so both wealth and worship gate . Well fam'd , belov'd of each estate , Pleasant and sage in gravity , Rose by degrees in dignity . First Alderman elected here , Then Shrieve , and then Lord Maior he was : Pass'd all with praise . His faithfull Feere , Dame Elizabeth , erected has This Monument , in mind , that as With him a while in Tombe to stay , So afterward in blisse to joy alway . Ex D. Elizabeth octo prolum Parens . Obiit in Christo , die 20. Decemb. An. Dō . 1573. & regni Reg. Eliz. 16. Here lyes the Lady Martin eke , Of Grecia soyle , and Castlynes race , Both constant , vertuous , wise and meeke , That shewed her selfe in any place . And God endued her so with grace , That she both liv'd and dy'd with praise . Two husbands had she in her dayes , Whose corps are both inclosed here , Together with the foresaid Dame : Her love to them was aye so deare , Her cost and charge sustain'd the same : These three , their deeds will shew their fame : Who as she liv'd in amity , So here she sleepes in unity . Domina Elizab. cum Maritis . Credimus quod Redemptor noster vivit , & in novissimo die videbimus Deum Salvatorem nostrum , Iob 19. And Thomas Knowles is placed here , Whose bones from Bow were hither borne : His godly life did well appeare , In helping those that were forlorne , And vertue did him so adorne , That he beloved was of all : Mercer he was , when death did call , In prime of yeeres his life alway : Who dying like a worthy wight , Did hope in Christ , to live for aye . His wife him wailes in wofull plight , And for meere love , him here she pight , With her second Spouse to sleepe in peace ; And she with them , when life shall cease . Ex eadem Domina Elizab. trium prolum parens . Qui quidem Thomas obiit 11. die Iulii , An. à Messia nato , 1550. Over a little doore in the South side of the Quire , at the time of late new repairing the Church , was found an ancient figure of a man , clothed in Scarlet furred , holding open his hands , as in admiration ; having rings on the thumbe and fingers of his left hand , and two bookes before him , one closed , and the other lying open , with these words to be read : Recogitabo tibi omnes annos meos in amaritudine animae meae . Mercy and Grace , and for ever mercy , sweet Iesus , Ego rogo . Next on the South side of Budge row , by the West corner thereof , and on the East side of Cordwainer street , is one other faire Church , called Aldermarie Church , because the same was very old , and elder than any Church of Saint Mary in the Citie , till of late yeeres the foundation of a very faire new Church was laid there by Henry Keble , Grocer , Maior , who deceased 1518. and was there buried in a vault by him prepared , with a faire Monument raised over him on the North side of the Quire , now destroyed and gone . He gave by his Testament 1000. l. toward the building up of that Church ; and yet was not permitted a resting place for his bones there . Thomas Romane , Maior , 1310. had a Chauntrie there . Richard Chawcer , Vintner , gave to that Church his tenement and Taverne , with the appurtenances , in the Royall street , the corner of Kirion lane , and was there buried , 1348. Iohn Briton , Ralph Holland , Draper , one of the Sheriffs , deceased , 1452. William Taylor , Grocer , Maior , deceased , 1483. He discharged that Ward of Fifteenes to be paid by the poore . Thomas Hinde , Mercer , buried in S. Anthonies , gave 10. Fodder of Lead to the covering of the middle I le of this Aldermary Church . Charles Blount , Lord Montjoy , was buried there , about the yeere 1545. he made or glazed the East window , as appeareth by his Armes : his Epitaph made by him in his life time , thus : Willingly have I sought ; and willingly have I found The fatall end that wrought thither as duty bound : Discharged I am of that I ought , to my Country by honest wound , My soule departed Christ hath bought : the end of man , is ground . Sir William Laxton , Grocer , Maior , deceased 1556. and Thomas Lodge , Grocer , Maior , 1583. were buried in the Vault of Henry Keble , whose bones were unkindly cast out , and his Monument pulled downe , in place whereof Monuments are set up of the later buried . William Blount , Lord Montjoy , buried there , 1594. Here is fixt the Epitaph of Sir Henry Kebyl , Knight , Who was sometime of London Maior , a famous worthy wight , Which did this Aldermary Church erect and set upright . Though death prevaile with mortal wights ; and hasten every day , Yet vertue over-lives the Grave , her fame doth not decay : As memories doe shew reviv'd , of one that was alive , Who being dead , of vertuous fame , none should seeke to deprive ; Which so in life deserv'd renowne , for facts of his to seee , That may encourage other now , of like good mind to be . Sir Henry Keble , Knight , Lord Maior of London , here he sate , Of Grocers worthy Company , the chiefest in his state , Which in this Citie grew to wealth , and unto worship came , When Henry reign'd , who was the seventh of that redoubted name : But he to honour did atchieve the second golden yeere Of Henries reigne , so call'd the eighth , and made his fact appeare . When he this Aldermanry Church 'gan build with great expence , Twice thirty yeeres agon , no doubt , counting the time from hence : Which worke began the yeere of Christ , well knowne of Christen men , One thousand and five hundred just , if ye will adde but ten . But lo , when man purposeth most , God doth dispose the best , And so before this worke was done , God call'd this Knight to rest . This Church as then not fully built ; he dyed about the yeere , When Ill May day first tooke his name , which is downe fixed here : Whose workes became a Sepulcher , to shrowd him in that case : God tooke his soule , but corps of his was laid about this place . Who when he dyed , of this his worke so mindfull still he was , That he bequeath'd a thousand pounds to have it brought to passe . The execution of whose gift , or where the fault should be , The worke as yet unfinished shall shew you all for me ▪ VVhich Church stands there ; if any please to finish up the same , As he hath well begun , no doubt , and to his endlesse fame ; They shall not onely well bestow their Talent in this life , But after death , when bones be rot , their fame shall be most rife ; With thankfull praise and good report of our Parochians here , Which have of right Sir Henries fame , afresh renewed this yeere . God move the minds of wealthy men , their workes so to bestow As he hath done , that though they dye , their vertuous fame may flow . Inclita perpetuo durabit tempore Virtus , Et floret fato non violenda truci . Sir William Laxton lyes interr'd Within this hollow vault , That by good life had happy death , the end for which he sought . Of poore and rich he was belov'd , his dealings they were just , God hath his soule , his body here consumed is to dust . Here lives by fame , that lately died , Sir William Laxtons wife , That ever was a doer of good , and liv'd a vertuous life : A mindfull Matron of the poore , and to the learned sort , A true and faithfull Citizen , and dyed with good report . He dyed the 29. day of July , 1556. Here lyeth buried Sir Thomas Lodge , Knight , and Dame Anne his wife . Hee was L. Maior in the yeere of our Lord God , 1563. when God did visit this Citie with a great plague for our sinnes . For we are sure that our Redeemer liveth , and that we shall rise out of the earth in the latter day , &c. Job 19. At the upper end of Hosier lane , toward West-Cheape , is the faire Parish Church of S. Mary Bow. This Church in the reigne of William the Conquerour , being the first in this Citie builded on Arches of stone , was therefore called new Mary Church , of Saint Mary de Arcubus , or le Bow , in West Cheaping : As Stratford Bridge , being the first builded ( by Matilda , the Queene , wife to Henry the first ) with Arches of stone , was called Stratford le Bow , which names to the said Church and Bridge , remaine till this day . The Court of the Arches is kept in this Church , and taketh name of the place , not the place of the Court ; but of what antiquity or continuation that Court hath there continued , I cannot learne . This Church is of Cordwainer street Ward , and for divers accidents hapning there , hath bin made more famous than any other Parish Church of the whole Citie , or Suburbs . First we read , that in the yeere 1090. and the third of William Rufus , by tempest of wind , the roofe of the Church of Saint Mary Bow in Cheape was overturned , wherewith some persons were slaine , and foure of the rafters of sixe and twenty foot in length , with such violence were pitched in the ground of the high street , that scantly foure foot of them remained above ground , which were faine to bee cut even with the ground , because they could not be plucked out ; for the Citie of London was not then paved , but a moorish ground . In the yeere 1196. William Fitz Osbert , a seditious Traitor , tooke the steeple of Bow , and fortified it with munitions and victuals ; but it was assaulted , and William with his complices , were taken ( though without blood-shed ) for he was forced by fire and smoke to forsake the Church , and then being by the Iudges condemned , he was by the heels drawne to the Elmes in Smithfield , and there hanged with nine of his fellowes , where because his favoures came not to deliver him , he forsooke Maries Son , ( as he termed Christ our Saviour ) & called upon the Divell to help and deliver him . Such was the end of this deceiver , a man of an evill life , a secret murtherer , a filthy fornicator , a polluter of concubines , and ( amongst other his detestable facts ) a false accuser of his elder brother , who had ( in his youth ) brought him up in learning , and done many things for his preferment . In the yeere 1271. a great part of the Steeple of Bow fell downe , and slew many people , men and women . In the yeere 1284. the thirteenth of Edward the first , Laurence Ducket , Goldsmith , having grievously wounded one Ralph Crepin in West Cheape , fled into Bow Church , into the which ( in the night time ) entred certaine evill persons , friends unto the sayd Ralph , and slew the sayd Laurence lying in the Steeple , and then hanged him up , placing him so by the window , as if hee had hanged himselfe , and so was it found by inquisition . For the which fact , Lawrence Ducket being drawne by the feete , was buried in a ditch without the City . But shortly after ( by relation of a Boy , who lay with the sayd Lawrence at the time of his death , and had hid him there for feare ) the truth of the matter was disclosed . For the which cause , Iordan Good-cheape , Ralph Crepin , Gilbert Clarke , and Geffrey Clarke were attainted , and a certaine woman named Alice , that was chiefe causer of the sayd mischiefe , was burned , and to the number of sixteene men were drawne and hanged ; besides others , that being richer , after long imprisonment , were hanged by the purse . The Church was interdicted , the doores and windowes were stopped up with Thornes : but Lawrence was taken up , and honestly buried in the Church-yard . The Parish Church of Saint Mary Bow , by meanes of incroachment , and building of houses , wanting roome in their Church-yard for buriall of the dead , Iohn Rotham , or Rodham , Citizen and Taylor , by his Testament dated the yeare 1465. gave to the Parson and Church-wardens a certaine Garden in Hosier lane , to be a Church-yard : which so continued neere a hundred yeares , but now is builded on , and is a private mans house . The old Steeple of this Church was by little and little re-edified , and new builded up , at the least so much as was fallen downe ; many men giving summes of money to the furtherance thereof : So that at length , to wit , in the yeare 1469. it was ordained by a Common Councell , that the Bow Bell should bee nightly rung at nine of the clocke . Shortly after , Iohn Donne , Mercer , by his Testament dated 1472. according to the trust of Reginald Longdon , gave to the Parson & Church-wardens of Saint Mary Bow , two Tenements , with the appurtenances , since made into one , in Hosier lane , then so called , to the maintenance of Bow Bell , the same to bee rung as aforesayd , and other things to bee observed , as by the VVill appeareth . This Bel being usually rung somewhat late , as seemed to the young men Prentises , and other in Cheape , they made and set up a time against the Clerke , as followeth : Clarke of the Bow-Bell with the yellow lockes , For thy late ringing , thy head shall have knockes . Wherunto the Clerke replying , wrote : Children of Cheape , hold you all still , For you shall have the Bow-bell rung at your will. Robert Harding , Goldsmith , one of the Sheriffes 1478. gave to the new worke of that Steeple forty pound . Iohn Haw , Mercer , ten pound , Doctor Allen , foure pound , Thomas Baldry foure pound , and other gave other summes , so that the sayd worke of the Steeple was finished in the yeere 1512. The Arches or Bowes thereupon , with the Lanthornes five in number , to wit , one at each corner , and one on the top in the middle vpon the Arches , were also afterward finished of stone , brought from Cane in Normandy , delivered at the Customers Key for foure shillings eight pence the Tunne . William Copland Taylor , the Kings Merchant , and Andrew Fuller , Mercer , being Church-wardens 1515. and 1516. It is sayd that this Copland gave the great Bell , which made the fifth in the ring , to be rung nightly at nine of the clocke . This Bell was first rung ( as a knell ) at the buriall of the same Copland . It appeareth , that the Lanthornes on the top of this Steeple , were meant to have been glased , and lights in them placed nightly in the winter , whereby travellers to the City might have the better sight thereof , and not to misse of their wayes . In this Parish also was a Grammar Schoole , by commandement of King Henry the sixth , which Schoole was ( of old time ) kept in an house for that purpose prepared in the Church-yard ; but that Schoole being decayed , as others about this City , the Schoole-house was let out for rent , in the reign of Henry the eighth , for foure shillings the yeare , a Cellar for two shillings the yeere , and two Vaults under the Church for fifteene shillings both . The Monuments in this Church bee these , viz. of sir Iohn Coventry , Mercer , Maior , 1425. Nicholas Alwine , Mercer , Maior , 1499. Robert Harding , Goldsmith , one of the Sheriffes , 1478. Iohn Locke , one of the Sheriffes , 1461. Edward Bankes , Alderman , Haberdasher , 1566. Iohn Ward , William Pierson , Scriveuer , and Attourney in the common place . In a proper Chappell on the South side the Church , standeth a Tombe , eleuate and arched : Ade de Buke , Hatter , glased the Chappell , and most part of the Church , and was there buried . All other Monuments be defaced . Hauley and Sowtham had chauntries there . Here lyeth Richard Lambert , Grocer , late Alderman and Sheriffe of London , Merchant-Adventurer , & free of Muscovia and Russia , who deceased in the time of his Shrievalty , the fourth day of April , An. Dom. 1567. &c. Magnificus sed justificus , miseris sed amicus , Vir speciosus , vir generosus , virque pudicus . Et peramabilis , & venerabilis , atque piarum , Vis , dux , lex , lampas , flos Maior Londoniarum . In terrae ventre jacet hic Iohn rite Coventre Dictus , quem necuit veluti decuit lue plenus , Bis septingenus tricenus si trahis unum Martius in sole , triceno si trahis unum , Virginis à partu carnis modo mortuus artu , Vivus erit Coelis tuba clanxerit ut Gabrielis . Amen . Here lyeth the body of Humphrey Walcot , of Walcot , in the County of Salop , Esquire , Merchant-Adventurer , and of the company of Grocers in this City of London . He died the 28. day of August , 1616. being about the age of seventy one : Leaving behinde him his wife Alice , the daughter of Richard Halsy , Esquire : and by her he had ten children , five sonnes , and five daughters ; having had by her eight more , who dyed young . Without the North side of this Church of Saint Mary Bow , towards West Cheape , standeth one faire building of stone , called in Record Sidam , a shed which gratly darkeneth the sayd Church : for by meanes thereof , all the windowes and doores on that side are stopped up . King Edward the third , upon occasion , as shall be shewed in the VVard of Cheape , caused this sild or shed to bee made , and strongly to bee builded of stone for himselfe , the Queene , and other Estates to stand in , there to behold the Iustings , and other shewes at their pleasures . And this house ( for a long time after ) served to that use : namely , in the reigne of Edward the third , and Richard the second : but in the yeare 1410. Henry the fourth , in the twelfth of his reigne , confirmed the sayd shed or building to Stephen Spilman , William Marchford , and Iohn Wattle , Mercers , by the name of one new Sildam , shed or building , with shops , cellars , and edifices whatsoever apperataining , called Crounsilde or Tamersilde , situate in the Mercery in West Cheape , and in the Parish of Saint Mary de Arcubus in London , &c. Notwithstanding which grant , the Kings of England , and other great Estates , as well of forraine Countries repairing to this Realme , as inhabitants of the same , have usually repaired to this place , therein to behold the shewes of this City , passing through West Cheape ; namely , the great VVatches accustomed in the night , on the Even of Saint Iohn Baptist , and Saint Peter at Midsummer , the examples whereof were over-long to recite : wherefore let it suffice briefly to touch one . In the yeere 1510. on Saint Iohns Even at night , king Henry the eight came to this place , then called the Kings head in Cheape , in the livery of a Yeoman of the Guard , with an Halberd on his shoulder , and there beholding the VVatch , departed privily , when the VVatch was done , and was not knowne to any but whom it pleased him . But on Saint Peters night next following , he and the Queene came royally riding to the sayd place , and there with their Nobles beheld the VVatch of the City , and returned in the morning . This Church of Saint Mary , with the sayd shed of stone , all the housing in or about Bow Church-yard , and without , on that side the high streete of Cheape to the Standard , be of Corndwayner street Ward . These houses were ( of old time ) but sheds : for I reade of no housing otherwise on that side the streete , but of divers sheds , from Sopers lane to the Standard , &c. Amongst other , I reade of three shops or sheds by Sopers lane , pertaining to the Prior of the holy Trinity within Aldgate : the one was let out for twenty eight shillings , one other for twenty shillings , and the third for twelve shillings by the yeere . Moreover , that Richard Goodcheape , Mercer , and Margery his wife , sonne to Iordan Goodcheape , did let to Iohn Dalinges the younger , Mercer , their shed and chamber in West Cheape , in the Parish of Saint Mary de Arches , for three shillings foure pence by the yeare . Also the men of Breadstreete Ward contended with the men of Cordwainer streete Ward , for a sild or shed , opposite to the Standard on the South side , and it was found to bee of Cordwainer streete Ward , William Waldrone being then Maior , the 1. of Henry the sixth . Thus much for Cordwayner streete Ward : VVhich hath an Alderman , his Deputy , Common Counsellers eight , Constables eight , Scauengers eight , VVardmote in quest men fourteene , and a Beadle . It standeth taxed to the Fifteene in London , at fifty two pounds sixteene shillings , in the Exchequer at fifty two pounds sixe shillings . CHEAPE VVARD . NExt adjoyning is Cheape Ward , taking name of the Market there kept , called West Cheaping : which VVard , as a river that hath 3. heads , and running along to the uttermost of his bounds , issueth out on the sides into little streames : So this Ward , beginning on the course of Walbrooke , and is not the meanest of the Wards ( if for no other cause , yet because it is neerest to the heart of the City ) hath his beginning on the East from three places ; The high streete of the Poultry , The lower end of Buckles bury , and The neather part of the Venell or Entry into Scalding Alley ; and so running along , as farre as unto the North-east corner of Bow lane on the South side , & from thence into Bow lane on the East side , untill ye come to the channel over-against the cellar door under the Church ; and then , on the North side of Cheape , up to the Standard , stretching it selfe into divers Lanes and Peeces on the right hand , and on the left hand , as it commeth along . First , for the high streete of the Poultry ( which is the maine body of this Ward : ) On the South side thereof , toward the East , this Ward beginneth at the corner house , now in the tenure of one Robert Knight , in the way going downe to Saint Mary Wool-Church , anciently knowne by the signe of the Lion : the out-most part of which house , and of this Ward there ( the house being divided ) is at the crosse-channell over-against ( or very neere ) the great West doore of Wool-Church , and so it goeth along on the South side of the Poultry to the great Conduit , and so into Bow lane , as is aforesaid . Secondly , for Buckles bury , this Ward beginneth there toward the lower end : On the North side , at a Channell neere to the end of the house , bearing the signe of the Christopher , toward the East , now in the tenure of one Iohn Hodges : On the South side , it beginneth at the East end of the great new Frame of Building , over-against the said Christopher ; which is the Tenement on the East side , next to the blacke Bull ; and so it goeth into all the Barge . And then VVestward , it goeth on both sides the way , viz. on the North side , to the great Conduit , and so to Bow lane , as is aforesayd ; and on the South side , to the end of Saint Sythes lane . Then crossing over the Channell , to S. Bennet Shorhogs Church , it stretcheth all along through Needlers lane , by St. Pancrates Church , on the same side , untill yee come to a great Gate , which is in the nooke of a little passage or entry to the VVest , and is the backe gate of a house , standing in Bow lane , sometime the dwelling house of Master Paruis . Then againe it stretcheth from the Chaine in the middest of Sopers lane ( on both sides the Lane ) upward toward the North , into Cheape on the South side , and so into Bow lane , as is aforesayd . Thirdly , for the last place of this VVards beginning : On the North side of the high streete , neere unto the Stockes-Market , is an Alley or Lane , called Scalding Alley , not erroneously ( as some have published ) but truely , as neerest to the most ancient denomination thereof ; which was , Scalding-house , alias , Scalding-wike , and Scalding lane , as appeareth by good records extant of two hundred yeeres continuance . VVithin the Venell or entry of this Lane or Alley , neere unto the VVell , that standeth in a corner to the VVest , this VVard beginneth at the end of the stone wall , wherein is the doore leading unto the Parsonage house and Church of Saint Mildred ( of which , more anon ) and it runneth on that side the Channell along to the East corner of the said Church , and from thence on the North side of the streete , into the Compter , and Cony-hoope lane , and within Cony-hoope lane , into all Skinners Alley , and the Grocers Hall and Garden ; and then backe againe into the Old Iewry Lane , on the West side as farre as Alderman Welds house , and on the East side as farre as the dead stone Wall of the great house over-against it , sometime Alderman Andersons house . Then to returne to the west end of Old Iewry againe , this VVard stretcheth along on the North side by the Mercers Hall unto Iron-mongers lane , ( which all wholly on both sides is in this VVard ) and so into Catton streete . In Catton streete this Ward entreth , toward the East , at a house anciently knowne by the signe of the Talbot , on the South side , now in the tenure of Master Packhurst ; and over-against it , on the North side , at a deepe Channell , issuing out of a house , and so goeth up to the west on both sides , videlicet , on the South side of the way , beyond the end of Saint Lawrence lane , untill ye come to that middle part of the Church wall , which is beyond the Church Porch ; and on the North side , from that corner of the Church wall , it goeth on the East side of the Channell to the Church yard ; and from thence , on both sides the way , unto the outward gate leading unto Guild-hall yard , and adioyning to the Taverne of the three Tunnes . Then againe to come into Cheape , there , on the North side , is Saint Lawrence lane , all which is wholly of this VVard , and so is Hony lane above that ; and so it reacheth westward as farre as a shallow Channell , close beyond the Standard . And thus stand the bounds of Cheape Ward . Now , for Antiquities , and things worthy of memory in Cheape Ward . First , in the maine body of this VVard , that is , the Poultry , standeth the proper little Church , that beareth the name of Saint Mildred in the Poultry , the Virgin ; which name was given surely for distinction , not for superstition : For so was the custome of the Kingdome ( and yet is ) in building these thing for the service of God , that the Founders called them by the name of some Apostle , Saint , Martyr , or Confessor , as best liked their owne conceit at the present time , to distinguish them from others . VVho this Mildred was ; whether she was that eldest daughter of Merwaldus , King of VVest - Mercians , as some thinke , or that shee was daughter of Ethelbert , King of Kent , one of the Founders of Pauls Church ; I finde no Record to specifie , neither is it much materiall : but it is probable , that shee was some holy and devout Maide , which the people of that age held to bee a Saint afterward in heaven . In what yeeres this Church was first erected , or who was the first Founder of it , we finde not : But it appeareth by some ancient Evidences of the sayd Church , that from the beginning it had not so much spare ground about it , as to make a Church yard of ; untill in the yeere of our Lord God 1420. and the eighth of King Henry the fifth , Thomas Morsted , Esquire , and Chirurgeon to the Kings , Henry the fourth , Henry the fifth , and Henry the sixth , ( and afterward , in Anno Dom. 1436. was Sheriffe and Alderman of London ) gave unto the Church a parcell of ground , lying betweene his dwelling house and the sayd Church ( and adjoyning unto the sayd Church toward the North ) to make a Church yard of , for the buriall of their dead ; containing in length , from the course of Walbrooke , toward the west , forty five foote , and in breadth , from the Church toward the North , thirty five foote . Within short time after , some body , of religious and charitable disposition , erected upon the sides of the sayd Church yard , but upon Posts and Pillars , with Cloysters underneath , toward the west , a Parsonage house , or Mansion and free dwelling of the Ministers and Rectors of the sayd Church : and toward the East foure chambers , then called the Priests Chambers ; now converted into a Tenement or dwelling house , and demised for yeerly rent . But the Church yard is much abridged , and of late foulely defaced , and the lights of the said Parsonage hindered by additions of Peeces to the said ancient chambers , which ought not to be . After some yeeres expired , the Parson and Parishioners , as it seemeth , seeing the Church to bee very old , purposed to take it downe , and to build it new againe : Which they began to doe about the yeere of our Lord God , 1456. At what time Robet Snell and Iohn King were Church-wardens , and continued in the office till the end of the yeere 1467. Toward the which Building , as it may appeare by their Accompts , Iohn Saxton being Rector or Parson of the said Church , gave thirty two pounds ; and afterward Richard Bowyer being Parson , gave sixe pound and fifteene shillings . Of later dayes , to wit , Anno Domini 1594. and 35. of Queene Elizabeth , of blessed memory , this Church yard , and all the Buildings thereon , which had been thus long in the free possession of the Ministers and Parishioners of the said Church , were , through the information of an evill minded man , then Tenent in the chambers , sold for concealed land ; whereby the said Tenement , Church yard , and Cloysters , were like to bee lost from the possession of the Church , and the Ministers of the Church to bee charged with an yeerely rent of their Parsonage house for ever . But the Parson and Parishioners , by a Iudiciall proceeding then in her Majesties Court of Exchequer , cleared all the whole Soyle from that incombrance : the tryall whereof was held by Nisi prius in the Guild-hall of London , and the Record is kept in Master Fanshawes Office for the Exchequer . Richard Shore , Draper , one of the Sheriffes in the yeere 1505. gave fifteene pounds to the making of a Porch to this Church . In the great East window of this Church are the Armes of divers Gentlemen , as Benefactors : and namely , the Armes of Lovell and Pury , quartered , and the Armes of Richard Keston , single . All the rooffing of the Church is garnished with the Armes of one Thomas Ashehill , who had lent a great summe of money toward the new building of the said Church , and was one of the Church-wardens there , in the yeere 1474. and lyeth buried there in the South Chappell : His Armes also are to be seene in the same Chappell , in the window to the East . Besides this Thomas Ashehill are buried in this Church , as by their Monuments appeare , Iohn Saxton , of whom we heard before , with this Epitaph ; Hanc subter speciem corpus jacet eccè Iohannis , Saxton qui fuerat vocitatus ejus in Annis : Hunc qui plasmavit de terra , suppeditavit , Nunc Pater & Flamen sibi dent cum Prole locamen , Qui obiit die Mens . Anno 14 Cujus , &c. Others buried here , as appeareth by Monuments . Iohn Hildie , Poulter , 1416. Iohn Kendall , 1468. Iohn Garland , 1476. Robert Bois , 1485. and Simon Lee , Poulters , 1487. Thomas Lee , of Essex , Gentleman , William Harlingridge , Christopher Seliocke , 1494. Robert Draiton , Skinner , 1484. Iohn Christopherson Doctor of Physicke , 1524 William Turner , Skinner , 1536. Blase White , Grocer , 1558. Thomas Hobson , Haberdasher , 1559. William Hobson , Haberdasher , 1581. Thomas Tusser , 1580. with this Epitaph : Here Thomas Tusser , clad in earth , doth lie , That sometime made the points of Husbandrie : By him then learne thou maist ; here learne we must , When all is done , we sleepe , and turne to dust : And yet , through Christ , to Heaven we hope to goe ; Who reades his bookes , shall finde his faith was so . And last of all , Thomas Iken , Skinner , with this Epitaph : In Hodnet and London God blessed my life Till forty and sixe yeeres , with children and wife : And God will raise me up to life againe , Therefore have I thought my death no paine . Thomas Iken , qui obiit 10. die Martii , 1590. And there also lyeth buried Elizabeth his wife , and divers of their children : where , on a Pillar in the Chancell , toward the South , is this Monument : In this Chancell lyeth the body of Thomas Iken , Citizen and Skinner of London , who was borne in Hodnet in the County of Salope , and had to wife Elizabeth the daughter of Roger Smith of Newport-Pagnell in the County of Buckingham , by whom he had sixe sonnes and eight daughters : which Thomas departed this life the tenth day of March , Anno Dom. 1590. In the yeere 1594. Thomas Lane , Citizen and Serivener of London , by his last Will and Testament gave his small Tenement , over against London Wall , neere Bishopsgate , unto the Church towards the reparations thereof , and reliefe of the poore of the Parish . On the North side of the said Church yard , remaine two Tombes of Marble , but not knowne of whom , or otherwise than by tradition , it is said they were of Thomas Muschampe , and William Brothurs , about 1547 , &c. Some foure houses West from this Parish Church of Saint Mildred , is a Prison-house , pertaining to one of the Sheriffes of London , and is called the Counter in the Poultry . This hath been there kept and continued time out of minde ; for I have not read of the originall thereof . West from this Counter , was a proper Chappell , called of Corpus Christi , and Saint Mary at Cony hope lane end , in the Parish of Saint Mildred , founded by one named Ionnirunnes , a Citizen of London , in the raigne of Edward the third , in which Chappel was a Guild or Fraternity , that might dispend in Lands better than twenty pound by yeere : it was suppressed by Henry the eighth , and purchased by one Thomas Hobson , Haberdasher : hee turned this Chappell into a faire Ware-house and shops towards the streete , with lodgings over them . Then is Cony hope lane , of old time so called , of a signe of three Conies hanging over a Poulters stall at the Lanes end . Within this Lane standeth the Grocers Hall , which Company , being of old time called Pepperers , were first incorporated by the name of Grocers , in the yeere 1345. at which time they elected for Custos or Gardian of their Fraternity , Richard Oswin , and Laurence Hallwell , & twenty Brethren were then taken in , to be of their Society . In the yeere 1411. the Custos or Gardian , and the Brethren of this Company , purchased of the Lord Robert Fitzwaters , one plot of ground with the building thereupon in the said Cony hope lane , for 320. Markes , and then laid the foundation of their new common Hall. About the yeere 1429. the Grocers had licence to purchase 500. Markes land : since the which time , neere adjoyning unto the Grocers Hall , the said Company had builded seven proper houses for seven aged poore Almes people . Thomas Knowles , Grocer , Maior , gave his Tenement in Saint Anthonies Church yard to the Grocers , towards the reliefe of the poore Brethren in that Company . Also Henry Keble , Grocer , Maior , gave to the seven Almes people , sixe pence weekly for ever , which pension is now increased by the Masters , to some of them two shillings a peece weekly , and to some of them lesse , &c. Henry Ady , Grocer , 1563. gave a thousand Marks to the Grocers to purchase lands . And sir Henry Pechy , Knight Banneret , free of that Company , gave them five hundred pound to certaine uses : hee builded Almes-houses at Ludingstone in Kent , and was there buried . West from this Cony hope lane is the old Iury , whereof some portion is of Cheape Ward , as afore is shewed : at the South end of this Lane , is the Parish Church of S. Mary Cole-Church , named of one Cole that builded it : this Church is builded upon a vault above ground , so that men are forced to goe to ascend up therunto by certain steps . I find no Monuments of this Church more , than that Henry the fourth granted licence to William Marshall and others , to found a Brotherhood of Saint Katharine therein , because Thomas Becket and Saint Edmond the Archbishop were baptized there . More I reade of Bordhangly lane , to be of that Parish : and thus much for the North side of the Poultry . The South side of the said Poultry , beginning on the banke of the said brooke , over-against the Parish Church of Saint Mildred , passing up to the great Conduit , hath divers faire houses , which were sometimes inhabited by the Poulters , but now by Grocers , Haberdashers , and Vpholsters . Concerning other Antiquities there : first , is Buckles bury , so called of a Mannour and Tenements pertaining to one Buckle , who there dwelled , and kept his Courts . This Mannor is supposed to be the great stone-building , yet in part remaining on the South side of the streete , which of late time hath beene called the Old Barge , of such a signe hanged out , neere the gate thereof . This Mannour , or great House , hath of long time beene divided and letten out into many tenements : and it hath beene a common speech , that when Walbrooke did lye open , Barges were rowed out of the Thames , or towed up so farre : and therefore the place hath ever since been called the Old Barge . Also , on the North side of this street , directly over-gainst the said Buckles burie , was one ancient and strong Tower of stone the which Tower King Edward the third , in the eighteenth of his reign , by the name of the Kings house , called Cornet stoure in London , did appoint to be his Exchange of money , there to bee kept . In the 29. he granted it to Frydus Guynysane , and Landus Bardoile , Merchants of Luke , for twenty pound the yeere . And in the 32. he gave the same Tower to his Colledge , or free Chappel of Saint Stephen at Westminster , by the name of Cornet stoure at Buckles bury in London . This Tower , of late yeeres , was taken downe by one Buckle , a Grocer , meaning , in place thereof , to have set up and builded a goodly frame of Timber : but the said Buckle greedily labouring to pull downe the old Tower , a part thereof fell upon him , which so sore bruised him , that his life was thereby shortened : and another that married his widow , set up the new prepared frame of Timber , and finished the worke . This whole streete , called Buckles burie , on both the sides throughout , is possessed of Grocers and Apothecaries . Toward the west end thereof , on the South side , breaketh out one other short Lane , called in Records Peneritch street , it reacheth but to Saint Sythes lane , and Saint Sythes Church is the farthest part thereof ; for by the west end of the said Church , beginneth Needlers lane , which reacheth to Sopers lane , as is aforesaid . This small Parish Church of St. Syth , hath also an addition of Bennet shorne , ( or Shrog , or Shorehog ) for by all these names have I read it , but the ancientest is Shorne : wherefore it seemeth to take that name of one Benedict Shorne , sometime a Citizen and Stockefishmonger of London , a new builder , repairer , or benefactor thereof , in the yeere of Edward the second : so that Shorne is but corruptly called Shrog , and more corruptly Shorehog . There lye buried in this Church , Iohn Froysh , Mercer , Maior , 1394. Iohn Rochford , Rob. Rochford , Iohn Hold , Alderman , Hen. Frowike , Mercer , Maior , 1435. Edw. Warrington , Iohn Morrice , Iohn Huntley , Richard Lincolne , Felmonger , 1548. Sir Ralph Warren , Mercer , Maior , 1553. Sir Iohn Lion , Grocer , Maior , 1554. these two last have Monuments , the rest are all defaced . Edward Hall , Gentleman of Greyes Inne , common Sergeant of this City , and then Vnder-Sheriffe of the same , hee wrote the large Chronicles from Richard the second , till the end of Henry the eighth , was buried in this Church . Grace and Religion , with the best of Nature , All striving to excell , yet all agreeing To make one absolute and perfect creature : Would any see a sight , so worth the seeing ? He comes too late : here she lyes buried , With whom they lately liv'd , and now are dead . In the Vault there by , Lieth buried the body of Anne 〈◊〉 of Iohn Farrar , Gentleman , and Merchant Adventurer of this City , daughter of William Shepheard , of Great Rowlright , in the County of Oxenford , Esquire . She departed this life the 12. day of Iuly , An. Dom. 1613. being then about the age of 21. yeeres . To whose well-deserving memory , this Monument is by her said husband erected . Here was a Bud , beginning for her May : Before her Flower , Death tooke her hence away . But for what cause ? That friends might joy the more , Where their hope is , she flourisheth now before . She is not lost , but in those joyes remaine , Where friends may see , and joy in her againe . Here lyeth buried the right Worshipfull , Sir Ralph Warren , Knight , Alderman , and twice Lord Maior of this City of London , Mercer , Merchant of the Staple at Callis ; with his two wives , Dame Christian , and Dame Ioane : Which said Sir Ralph departed this life the 11. day of Iuly , An. Dom. 1553. Here lyeth Katharine Prettyman , a Mayde of seventeene yeeres , In Suffolke borne , in London bred , as by her death appeares . With Natures gifts she was adorn'd , of honest birth and kin , Her vertuous minde , with modest grace , did love of many win . But when she should with honest match have liv'd a wedded life , Stay there ( quoth Iove ) the world is naught , for she shall be my wife , And Death , since thou hast done thy due , lay nuptiall rites aside , And follow her unto the grave , that should have been your Bride : Whose honest life , and faithfull end , her patience therewithall , Doth plainly shew , that she with Christ now lives , and ever shall . She departed this life the 11. day of August , 1594. Quod mihi dilectissimus & memorabile pii , Donavit , breviter abstulit ecce Deus . Dulcis Ioannes artorum parvule-cultor Occidis heu pietas & lachrymosa dies . Affer opem quicunque pores medicabile vultu , Et aliud dederis si mihi sancte Deus . Obijt 3. die Aprilis , 1592. Then , in Needlers lane have yee the Parish Church of Saint Pancrate , a proper small Church , but divers rich Parishioners therein , and hath had , of old time , many liberall Benefactors : But of late , such as ( not regarding the order taken by Queene Elizabeth ) the least Bell in their Church being broken , have rather sold the same for halfe the value , than put the Parish to charge with new casting : late experience hath proved this to bee true , besides the spoyle of Monuments there . In this Church are buried Sir Aker , Iohn Aker , Iohn Barnes , Mercer , Maior , 1370. Iohn Beston , and his wife , Robert Rayland , Iohn Hamber , Iohn Gage , Iohn Rowley , Iohn Lambe , Iohn Hadley , Grocer , Maior , 1379. Richard Gardener , Mercer , Maior , 1478. Iohn Stockton , Mercer , Maior , 1470. Iohn Dane , Mercer , Iohn Parker , Robert Marshall , Alderman , 1439. Robert Corcheford , Robert Hatfield , and Robert Hatfield , Nicholas Wilfilde , and Thomas his sonne , the Monuments of all which bee defaced and gone . There doe remaine , of Robert Burley , 1360. Richard Wilson , 1525. Robert Packenton , Mercer , slaine with a Gunne , shot at him in a morning , as he was going to morrow Masse from his house in Cheape , to Saint Thomas of Acars , in the yeere 1536. The murderer was never discovered , but by his owne confession , made when hee came to the Gallowes at Banbury , to be hanged for Felony . T. Wardbury , Haberdasher , 1545. Iames Huysh , Grocer , 1590. Ambrose Smith , &c. Hereunder lyeth buried Iames Huysh , Citizen and Grocer of London , third son of Iohn Huysh , of Beuford , in the County of Somerset , Esquire : which Iames had to his first wife , Margaret Bourchier ; by whom hee had issue eleven children : And to his second wife , Mary Moffet , by whom he had issue , 18. children . He dyed the 20. day of August , Anno Dom. 1590. Hac defunctus Huysh tenui sub mole quiescit , Nec tamen hac totus mole quiescit Huysh . Corpus inest Tumulo , colit aurea spiritus astra , Scilicet hunc Coelum vendicat , illud humus . Londinensis erat Civis dum fata sinebant : Iam cum sydereo Millre Miles agit . Bis Thalami sociam duxit , prior edidit illi Vndenas proles , altera bisque novem . Munificam persaepe manum porrexit egenis , Virtutum fautor , Pieridumque fuit . Nil opus est plures illi contexere laudes , Sufficit in Coelo ▪ jam reperisse locum . Hoc qualecunque Monumentum , Rowlandus , dicti Iacobi haeres , posuit pietatis ergo . Here lies a Mary , mirror of her sexe For all that best their soules or body decks . Faith , forme , or fame , the miracle of youth , For zeale and knowledge of the sacred truth , For frequent reading the whole holy Writ . For fervent prayer , and for practice fit , For meditations , full of use and art , For humblenesse , in habit and in heart , For pious , prudent , peacefull , praisefull life , For all the duties of a Christian wife ; For patient bearing seven dead-bearing throwes , For one alive , which yet dead with her goes . From Travers her deare Spouse , her father Hayes , Lord Maior , more honoured in her vertuous praise . Quam piè obiit puerpera die octavo Martii , Anno Aetatis 29. Anno Salutis 1614. Then is a part of Sopers lane , turning up to Cheape . By the assent of Stephen Abunden , were admitted to sell all such Spices , and other Wares , as Grocers now use to sell , retaining the old name of Pepperers in Sopers lane ; till at length , in the reigne of Henry the sixth , the same Sopers lane was inhabited by Cordwainers and Curriers , after that the Pepperers or Grocers had seated themselves in a more open streete , to wit , in Buckles bury , where they yet remaine . Thus much for the South Wing of Cheape Ward . At the West end of this Poultry , and also of Buckles bury , beginneth the large street of West Cheaping , a Market place so called , which street stretcheth West , till yee come to the little Conduit by Pauls gate , but not all of Cheape Ward . In the East part of this streete standeth the Great Conduit , of sweete water , conveyed by pipes of Lead under ground from Paddington , for service of this City , castellated with stone , and cisterned in Lead , about the yeere 1285. and again new builded and enlarged by Thomas Ilam , one of the Sheriffes , 1479. About the middest of this street is the Standard in Cheape ; of what antiquity , the first foundation I have not read . But Henry the sixth , by his Patent dated at Windsore the 21. of his reigne , which Patent was confirmed by Parliament , 1442. granted licence to Thomas Knolles , Iohn Chichle , & other , executors to Iohn Wells , Grocer , sometime Maior of London , with his goods to make new the high-way , which leadeth from the Citie of London towards the Palace of Westminster , before and nigh the Mannour of Savoy , parcell of the Duchy of Lancaster ; a way then very ruinous , and the pavement broken , to the hurt and mischiefe of the subjects : Which old pavement , then remaining in that way , within the length of five hundred foote , and all the breadth of the same , before and nigh the site of the Mannour aforesaid , they to breake up , and with stone , gravell , and other stuffe , one other good & sufficient way there to make , for the commodity of the subjects . And further , that the Standard in Cheape , where divers executions of the Law before-time had beene performed , which Standard at that present was very ruinous with age , in which there was a Conduit should bee taken downe , and another competent Standard of stone , together with a Conduit in the same , of new , strongly to bee builded , for the commodity & honour of the City , with the goods of their said Testator , without interruption , &c. Of executions at the Standard in Cheape , we reade , that in the yeer 1293. three men had their right hands smitten off there , for rescuing of a prisoner , arrested by an Officer of the City . In the yeere 1326. the Burgesses of London caused Walter Stapleton , Bishop of Exceter , Treasurer to Edward the second , and other , to be beheaded at the Standard in Cheap ( but this was by Pauls Gate . ) In the yeere 1351. the 26. of Edward the third , two Fishmongers were beheaded at the Standard in Cheape , but I reade not of their offence . 1381. Wat Tyler beheaded Richard Lions and other there . In the yeere 1399. Henry the fourth caused the Blank Charters , made by Richard the second , to be burnt there . In the yeere 1450. Iacke Cade , Captain of the Kentish Rebels , beheaded the Lord Say there . In the yeere 1461. Iohn Davy had his hand stricken off there , because hee had stricken a man before the Iudges at Westminster , &c. Then next is the great Crosse in West Cheape : Which Crosse was there erected in the yeere 1290. by Edward the first , upon occasion thus : Queene Elianor his wife died at Hardeby ( a Towne neere unto the City of Lincolne ) her body was brought from thence to Westminster , and the King in memory of her , caused in every place where her body rested by the way , a stately Crosse of stone to be erected , with the Queenes Image and Armes upon it ; as at Grantham , Woborne , Northhampton , Stony-Stratford , Dunstable , S. Albones , Waltham , West Cheape , and at Charing , from whence shee was conveyed to Westminster , and there buried . This Crosse in West Cheap , being like to those other which remaine till this day , & being by length of time decaied ; Iohn Hatherley , Maior of London , procured in the yeer 1441. licence of K. Henry the sixth , to re-edifie the same in more beautifull manner , for the honour of the City : & had licence also to take up 200. fodder of Lead for the building thereof , of certain Conduits , & a cōmon Granary . This Crosse was then curiously wrought , at the charges of divers Citizens : Ioh. Fisher , Mercer , gave 600. Marks towards it , the same was begun to be set up , 1484. and finished 1486. the second of Henry the 7. It was after gilt over , in the yeere 1522. against the comming in of Charles the fifth Emperour , in the yeere 1553. against the Coronation of Queene Anne , new burnished against the Coronation of Edward the sixth , and againe new gilt 1554. against the comming in of King Philip : since the which time , the said Crosse having beene presented by divers Juries ( or Quests of Wardmote ) to stand in the high-way , to the let of carriages ( as they alledged ) but could not have it removed ; it followed , that in the yeer 1581. the twenty one of June , in the night , the lowest Images round about the said Crosse ( being of Christ his resurrection , of the Virgin Mary , King Edward the Confessor , and such like ) were broken , and defaced . Proclamation was made , that whoso would bewray the doers , should have forty Crownes ; but nothing came to light : the Image of the blessed Virgin , at that time was robbed of her Son , & her armes broken , by which shee staid him on her knees , her whole body was also haled with ropes , and left likely to fall : but in the yeere 1595. was again fastened & repaired , & in the yeer next following , a new mis-shapen Son , as born out of time , all naked , was laid in her armes , the other Images remaining broke as afore . But on the East side of the same Crosse , the steppes being taken thence under the Image of Christs resurrection defaced , was then set up a curious wrought Tabernacle of gray Marble , & in the same an Alabaster Image of Diana , & water conveyed from the Thames , prilling from her naked breast for a time , but now decayed . In the yeere 1599. the timber of the Crosse at the top being rotted within the lead , the arms therof bending , were feared to have fallen , to the harming of som people ; & therfore the whole body of the Crosse was scaffolded about , and the top thereof taken down , meaning in place therof to have set up a Pyramis ; but some of her Majesties honourable Counsellors directed their letters to sir Nicholas Mosley , then Maior , by her Highnes expresse commandement concerning the Crosse , forthwith to be repaired , and placed again as it formerly stood , &c. Notwithstanding , the said Cross stood headlesse more than a yeer after : whereupon the said Counsellors in greater number , meaning not any longer to permit the continuance of such a contempt , wrote to Wil. Rider , then Maior , requiring him by vertue of her Highnesse said former direction & commandement , without any further delay , to accomplish the same her Majesties most princely care therein , respecting especially the antiqity & continuance of that Monument , ancient Ensigne of Christianity , &c. dated the 24. of December , 1600. After this a crosse of timber was framed , set up , covered with lead , & gilded , the body of the Crosse downward cleansed of dust , the Scaffold carried thence . About 12. nights following , the Image of our Lady was again defaced , by plucking off her crown , & almost her head , taking from her her naked childe , and stabbing her in the breast , &c. Thus much for the Crosse in West Cheape . Then at the West end of West Cheape streete , was sometime a Crosse of stone , called the Old Crosse . Ralph Higden in his Polycronicon sait , that Walter Stapleton , Bishop of Exceter , Treasurer to Edward the 2. was by the Burgesses of London beheaded at this Crosse , then called the Standard , without the North doore of S. Pauls Church , and so is it noted in other writers , that then lived . This old Crosse stood and remained at the East end of the Parish Church , called S. Michael in the Corne by Pauls gate , neer to the North end of the Old-Exchange , till the yeere 1390. the 13. of Richard the 2. in place of which old Crosse then taken down , the said Church of S. Michael was enlarged , & also a faire water-Conduit builded about the 9. of Henry the sixth . In the reigne of Edward the 3. divers Iustings were made in this streete , betwixt Sopers lane & the great Crosse , namely , one in the yeer 1331. about the 21. of September , as I finde noted by divers writers of that time . In the middle of the City of London ( say they ) in a streete called Cheap , the stone pavement being couered with sand , that the horse might not slide , when they strongly set their feet to the ground , the King held a Tournament 3. daies together with the Nobility , valiant men of the Realme , & other , some strange Knights . And to the end the beholders might with the better ease see the same , there was a woodden Scaffold erected crosse the streete , like unto a Tower , wherein Queen Philip , & many other Ladies , richly attired and assembled from all parts of the Realme , did stand to behold the Justs : but the higher frame in which the Ladies were placed , brake in sunder , wherby they were ( with some shame ) forced to fall downe , by reason whereof the Knights and such as were underneath were grievously hurt : wherefore the Queen took great care to save the Carpenters from punishment , and through her praiers ( which she made upon her knees ) pacified the King & Councell , & therby purchased great love of the people . After which time the King caused a Shed to bee strongly made of stone for himselfe , the Queen , & other States to stand on , & there to behold the Justings , and other shewes at their pleasure , by the Church of S. Mary Bow , as is shewed in Cordwainer streete Ward . Thus much for the high streete of Cheape . Now let us returne to the South side of Cheape Ward : from the great Conduit west be many faire and large houses , for the most part possessed of Mercers , up to the corner of Cordwainer street , corruptly called Bow lane , which houses in former times were but sheds , or shops , with sollors over them , as of late one of them remained at Sopers lane end , wherein a woman sold seeds , roots , and herbes : but those sheds or shops , by incroachments on the high streete , are now largely builded on both sides outward , and also upward , some three , foure , or five stories high . Now of the North side of Cheape street and Ward , beginning at the great Conduit , and by S. Mary Cole Church , where we left . Next thereunto Westward is the Mercers Chappell , sometime an Hospitali , intituled of S. Thomas of Acon , or Acars , for a Master and Brethren , Militia hospitalis , &c. saith the Record of Edward the third , the 14. yeere , it was founded by Thomas Fitztheobald de Heili , & Agnes his wife . Sister to Thomas Becket , in the reigne of Henry the second . They gave to the Master and Brethren the lands with the appurtenances , that sometimes were Gilbert Beckets , father to the said Thomas , in the which he was borne , there to make a Church . There was a Charnell and a Chappell over it of S. Nicholas & S. Stephen . This Hospitall was valued to dispend 277. pounds , three shillings foure pence surrendred the 30. of Henry the eighth , the 21. of October , and was since purchased by the Mercers , by meanes of sir Richard Gresham , and was againe set open on the Eve of S. Michael , 1541. the 33. of Henry the 8. It is now called the Mercers Chappell , therein is kept a free Grammar Schoole , as of old time had bin accustomed , commanded by Parliament . Here bee many Monuments remaining , but more have been defaced : Iames Butler , Earle of Ormond , and Dame Ioane his Countesse , 1428. Iohn Norton Esquire , Stephen Cavendish , Draper , Maior , 1362. Thomas Cavendish , William Cavendish , Thomas Ganon called Pike , one of the Sheriffes , 1410. Hungate of Yorkshire , Ambrose Cresacre , Iohn Chester , Draper , Iohn Trusbut , Mercer , 1437. Thomas Norland , Sheriffe , 1483. Sir Edmond Sha , Goldsmith , Maior , 1482. Sir Thomas Hill , Maior , 1485. Thomas Ilam , Sheriffe , 1479. Lancelot Laken , Esquire , Ralph Tilne , Sheriffe , 1488. Garth , Esquire , Iohn Rich , Thomas Butler , Earle of Ormond , 1515. Sir W. Butler , Grocer , Maior , 1515. William Browne , Mercer , Maior , 1523. Iohn Locke , 1519. Sir Thomas Baldry , Mercer , Maior , 1523. Sir W. Locke , Mercer , Sheriffe , 1548. Sir I. Allen , Mercer , Maior , 1525. deceased 1544. Sir Thomas Leigh , Mercer , Maior , 1558. Sir Richard Malory , Mercer , Maior , 1564. Humfrey Baskervile , Mercer , Sheriffe , 1561. Sir George Bond , Maior , 1587 , &c. Before this Hospitall towards the street , was builded a faire and beautifull Chappell arched over with stone , and thereupon the Mercers Hall , a most curious peece of worke : Sir Iohn Allen , Mercer , being founder of that Chappell , was there buried , but since his Tombe is removed thence into the body of the Hospitall Church , & his body-roome divided into shops , are letten out for rēt . These Mercers were enabled to be a Company , & to purchase lands to the value of 20. li. the yeer , the 17. of Richard the 2. they had 3. messuages & shops in the Parish of St. Martin Oteswich , in the Ward of Bishops-gate , for the sustentation of the poore , & a Chantry , the 22. of Richard the second . Henry the fourth in the 12. of his reign , confirmed to Stephen Spilman , W. Marchford , & Iohn Whatile , Mercers , by the name of one new Seldam , shed , or building , with shops , ce●lers , and edifices whatsoever appertaining , called Crownsilde , situate in the Mercery in West Cheape , in the Parish of St. Mary de Arcubus in London , &c. to be holden in Burgage , as all the City of London is , & which were worth by yeere , in all issues according to the true value of them , 7. li. 13. s. 4. d. as was found by inquisition before Thomas Knolles , Maior , and Eschetor in the said City . Henry the sixth , in the 3. of his reigne , at the request of Iohn Coventry , Iohn Carpenter , and William Grove , granted to the Mercers to have a Chaplaine , & a Brotherhood , for reliefe of such of their Company , as came to decay by misfortune on the Sea. In the yeere , 1536. on Saint Peters night , King Henrie the eighth , and Queene Iane his wife , stood in this Mercers Hall , then new builded , and beheld the marching Watch of the City , most bravely set out , sir Iohn Allen , Mercer , one of the Kings Councell , being Maior . Next beyond the Mercers Chappell , and their Hall , is Ironmonger lane , so called of Ironmongers dwelling there , whereof I reade in the reigne of Edward the first , &c. In this Lane is the small Parish Church of St. Martin , called Pomary , upon what occasion I certainly know not . It is supposed to be of Apples growing , where now houses are lately builded : for my selfe have seene large voide places . Monuments in that Church none to be accounted of . Farther west , is St. Laurence lane , so called of St. Laurence Church , which standeth directly over-against the north end thereof . Antiquities in this Lane I find none other , than that among many faire houses , there is one large Inne for receit of Travellers , called Blossoms Inne , but corruptly Bosoms Inne , and hath to signe S. Laurence the Deacon , in a border of Blossomes or Flowers . Then neere to the Standard in Cheape , is Hony lane , so called , not of sweetnesse thereof , being very narrow , and somewhat dark , but rather , of often washing and sweeping , to keep it cleane . In this Lane is the small Parish Church , called Alhallowes in Hony lane : There bee no Monuments in this Church worth the nothing . I finde , that Iohn Norman , Draper , Maior , 1453. was buried there : He gave to the Drapers his Tenements on the North side the said Church , they to allow for the Beame light and Lampe , 13. shillings 4. pence yeerly , from this Lane to the Standard . And thus much for Cheape Ward , in the high streete of Cheape ; for it stretcheth no farther . Now , for the North Wing of Cheape Ward , have yee Catte-streete , corruptly called Catteten streete , which beginneth at the North end of Ironmonger lane , and runneth to the west end of St. Laurence Church , as is afore shewed . On the North side of this streete is the Guild-hall , wherein the Courts for the City be kept : namely , 1. The Court of Common Councell , 2. The court of the Lord Maior & his Brethren the Aldermen , 3. The court of Hustings , 4. The court of Orphanes , 5. The 2. courts of the Sheriffes , 6. The court of the Wardmote , 7. The court of Hallmote , 8. The court of Requests , commonly called the Court of Conscience , 9. The Chamberlaines court for Prentises , and making them free . This Guild-hall , saith Robert Fabian , was begun to be builded new in the yeere 1411. the twelfth of Henry the fourth , by Thomas Knoles , then Maior , & his Brethren the Aldermen : The same was made of a little cottage , a large and great house , as now it standeth ; towards the charges whereof , the Companies gave large benevolences . Also offences of men were pardoned for summes of money towards this Worke , extraordinary Fees were raised , Fines , Amercements , and other things imployed , during 7. yeeres , with a continuation there of 3. yeers more , all to be imployed to this building . The first yeere of Henry the sixth , Iohn Coventry and Iohn Carpentar , Executors to Richard Whitington , gave towards the paving of this great Hall twenty pound , and the next yeere fifteene pound more to the said Pavement with hard stone of Purbecke : They also glased some Windowes thereof , and of the Maiors Court , on every which Window , the Armes of Richard Whitington are placed . The foundation of the Maiors court was laid in the third yeere of the reigne of Henry the sixth ; and of the Porch , on the South side of the Maiors court , in the fourth of the said King. Then was builded the Maiors Chamber , and the Councell Chamber , with other roomes above the staires . Having here so just occasion , speaking of that former ancient Councell Chamber , which hath continued so ever since ; I cannot but account it expedient ( as in no place better fitting ) to remember the faire and goodly new Councell Chamber ; a worthy Act and Honour , whereby to renowne deservedly the City for ever . The said new Councell Chamber , with a faire Roome over the same , appointed for a Treasury , wherein to preserve the Bookes and Records belonging to the Citie ; and another roome also underneath the said Chamber , reserved for necessary use and imployment , began to be builded the first weeke after Easter , in the time of the Maioralty of Sir Thomas Middleton , Knight and Alderman ; in the yeere of our Lord , 1614. It was fully finished shortly after Michaeh●as , 1615. at the latter end of the Maioralty of Sir Thomas Hayes , Knight and Alderman . But the Lord Maior , and the Aldermen his brethren , kept their first Court in the said new Councell Chamber , on the seventh day of November , in the yeere of our Lord , 1615. Sir Iohn Iolles , Knight and Alderman , being then Lord Maior : By whose order and direction , the said building was performed , from the first beginning thereof , to the finall finishing of the same ; amounting to the charge of 1740. pounds : than which , no money ( in my mind ) could be better bestowed , nor more to the Cities credit and renowne . Last of all , a stately Porch , entring the great Hall , was erected , the front thereof towards the South , being beautified with Images of stone , such as is shewed by these verses following , made about some thirty yeeres since , by William Elderton , at that time an Atturney in the Sheriffes Courts there : Though most the Images be pulled downe , And none be thought remaine in Towne , I am sure there be in London yet Seven Images , such , and in such a place , As few or none , I thinke , will hit : Yet every day they shew their face , And thousands see them every yeere , But few , I thinke , can tell me where : Where Iesu Christ aloft doth stand , Law and Learning on either hand ; Discipline in the Divels necke , And hard by her are three direct ; There Iustice , Fortitude and Temperance stand , Where finde ye the like in all this Land ? Divers Aldermen glazed the great Hall , and other Courts , as appeareth by their Armes in each window . William Hariot , Draper , Maior , 1481. gave forty pound to the making of two Loovers in the said Guild-hall , and toward the glazing thereof . The Kitchens , and other houses of Office adjoyning to this Guild-hall , were builded of later time , to wit , about the yeere 1501. by procurement of Sir Iohn Sha , Goldsmith , Maior , ( who was the first that kept his Feast there ) towards the charges of which worke , the Maior had of the Fellowships of the Citie ( by their owne agreement ) certaine summes of money ; as , of the Mercers forty pounds ; the Grocers , twenty pounds ; the Drapers , thirty pounds ; and so of the other Fellowships thorow the Citie , as they were of power . Also Widdowes , and other wel-disposed persons , gave certaine summes of money : as , the Lady Hill , ten pounds ; the Ladie Austrie , ten pounds ; and so of many other , till the worke was finished . Since the which time , the Maiors Feasts have beene yeerely kept there , which before-time had beene kept in the Taylors Hall , and in the Grocers Hall. Nicholas Alwin , Grocer , Maior , 1499. deceased 1505. gave by his Testament , for a hanging of Tapestrie , to serve for principall dayes in the Guild-hall , 73. l. 6. s. 8. d. How this gift was performed , I have not heard : for Executors of our time , having no conscience , ( I speake of my own knowledge ) prove more Testaments than they performe . Now for the Chappell or Colledge of our Lady Mary Magdalen , and of All Saints by the Guild-Hall , called London Colledge : I read , that the same was builded about the yeere 1299. and that Peter Fanelore , Adam Frauncis , and Henry Frowicke Citizens , gave one Messuage with the appurtenances , in the Parish of S. Foster , to William Brampton , Custos of the Chauntry , by them founded in the said Chappell , with foure Chaplains , and on the other house in the Parish of S. Giles without Creplegate , in the 27. of Edward the third , was given to them . Moreover I finde , that Richard the 2. in the 20. of his reigne , granted to Stephen Spilman , Mercer , licence to give one messuage , three shops , and one garden , with the appurtenances , being in the Parish of S. Andrew Hubberd , to the Custos and Chaplaines of the said Chappell , and to their successors , for their better reliefe and maintenance for ever . King Henry the 6. in the eighth of his reigne , gave licence to Iohn Barnard , Custos , and the Chaplains , to build of new the said Chappell or Colledge of Guild Hall : and the same Henry the 6. in the 27. of his reigne , granted to the Paris-Clerks in London , a Guild of S. Nicholas , for two Chaplaines , by them to bee kept in the said Chappell of S. Mary Magdalen , neere unto the Guild-hall , and to keepe 7. Almes-people . Henry Barton , Skinner , Maior , founded a Chaplaine there : Roger Depham , Mercer , and Sir VVilliam Langford , Knight , had also Chaplaines there . This Chappell or Colledge had a Custos , 7. Chaplaines , 3. Clarkes , and 4. Quiresters . Monuments there have beene sundry , as appeareth by the Tombes of Marble yet remaining , seven in number , but all defaced . The uppermost in the Quire , on the South side thereof , above the Revestrie doore , was the Tombe of Iohn Welles , Grocer , Maior 1451. The likenesse of Wels are graven on the Tombe , on the Revestrie doore , and other places on that side the Quire. Also in the glasse window , is the likenesse of Welles , with hands elevated out of the same Wels , holding scrowles , wherein is written , Mercy : the writing in the East window ( being broken ) yet remaineth Welles . I found his Armes also in the South glasse window : all which doe shew , that the East end and South side of the Quire of this Chappell , and the Revestire , were by him both builded and glazed . On the North side of the Quire , the Tombe of Thomas Knesworth , Fishmonger , Maior 1505. who deceased 1505. who deceased 1515. was defaced , and within these 44. yeeres againe renewed by the Fishmongers . Two other Tombes lower there are , the one of a Draper , the other of a Haberdasher , their names not knowne : Richard Stomin is written in the window by the Haberdasher . Vnder flat stones doe lye divers Custos of the Chappell , Chaplaines and Officers to the Chamber . Amongst others , Iohn Clipstone , Priest , sometime Custos of the Library of the Guild-hall , 1457. Another of E. Alison , Priest , one of the Custos of the Library , 1510. &c. Sir Iohn Langley , Goldsmith , Maior , 1576. lyeth buried in the vault , under the Tombe of Iohn Welles before-named . This Chappell or Colledge , valued to dispend 12. l. 8. s. 9. d. by the yeere , was surrendred amongst other : the Chappell remaineth to the Maior and Communalty , wherein they have service weekely , as also at the election of the Maior , and at the Maiors Feast , &c. Adjoyning to this Chappell on the South side , was sometime a faire and large Library , furnished with Bookes , pertaining to the Guild-hall and Colledge . These Bookes ( as it is said ) were , in the reigne of Edward the 6. sent for by Edward Duke of Somerset , Lord Protector , with promise to be restored shortly : men laded from thence three Carries with them , but they were never returned . This Library was builded by the Executors of R. VVhitington , and by VV. Bury . The Armes of VVhitington are placed on the one side in the stone-worke : and two letters , to wit , W. and B. for William Bury , on the other side : it is now losted through , and made a store-house for Clothes . South-west from this Guild-hall , is the faire Parish Church of S. Laurence , called in the Iurie , because ( of old time ) many Iewes inhabited thereabout . This Church is faire and large , and hath some Monuments , as shall be shewed . I my selfe , more than 70. yeeres since , have seene in this Church the shanke bone of a man ( as it is taken ) and also a tooth of a very great bignesse , hanged up , for shew , in chaines of iron , upon a pillar of stone ; the tooth ( being about the bignesse of a mans fist ) is long since conveyed from thence : the thigh or shanke bone , of 25. inches in length by the Rule , remaineth yet fastned to a post of timber , and is not so much to be noted for the length , as for the thicknes , hardnesse and strength thereof ; for when it was hanged on the stone pillar , it fretted ( with moving ) the said pillar , and was not it selfe fretted , nor ( as seemeth ) is not yet lightned , by remaining dry : but where or when this bone was first found or discovered , I have not heard ; and therefore , rejecting the fables of some late Writers , I overpasse them . VValter Blundell had a Chauntry there , the 14. of Edward the second , There lye buried in this Church , Elizabeth , wife to Iohn Fortescue ; Katharine Stoketon , Iohn Stratton , Philip Albert , Iohn Fleming , Philip Agmondesham , William Skywith , Iohn Norlong , Iohn Baker , Thomas Alleyne , William Barton , Mercer , 1410. William Melrith , Mercer , one of the Sheriffes , 1425. Simon Barlet , Mercer , 1428. Walter Chartsey , Draper , one of the Sheriffes , 1430. Richard Rich , Esquire of London , the Father , and Richard Rich his sonne , Mercer , one of the Sheriffes , 1442. deceased , 1469. with this Epitaph : Respice quod opus est Praesentis temporis aevum , Omne quod est , mihil est , Praeter amare Deum . This Richard was Father to Iohn , buried in S. Thomas Acars , which Iohn was Father to Thomas , Father to Richard Lord Rich , &c. Iohn Pickering , honourable for service of his Prince , and for the English Merchants beyond the Seas , who deceased , 1448. Iohn Atkenson , Gentleman , Dame Mary S. Maure , Iohn Waltham , Roger Bonifant , Iohn Chayhee , Iohn Abbot , Iohn Marshall , Mercer , Maior , 1493. William Purchat , Maior 1498. Thomas Burgoyne , Gentleman , Mercer , 1517. A wife to a Master of Defence , servant to the Princes of Wales , Dutches of Cornewall , and Countesse of Chester . Sir Michel Dormer , Maior , 1541. Robert Charsey , one of the Sheriffes , 1548. Sir William Rowe , Ironmonger , Maior , 1593. Samuel Thornhill , 1597. Lo here the Lady Margaret North , in Tombe and earth doth lye ; Of husbands foure the faithfull Spouse , whose fame shall never dye . One Andrew Fraunces was the first , the second Robert hight , Sirnamed Chartsey , Alderman : Sir David Brooke , a Knight , Was third . But he that passed all , and was in number fourth , And for his vertue made a Lord , was call'd , Sir Edward North. These all together doe I wish a joyfull rising day : That of the Lord , and of his Christ , All honour they may say . Obiit 2. die Iunii , An. Dom. 1575. Hic jacet Simon Bennington , Civis & Pannarius London , Sustentatorum istius Capellae , ac unius Capellani , in eadem divina quotidie celebratis . Cujus animae Propitietur Deus . Hic incineratur corpus quondam Galfridi Bullayne , Civis , Merceri , & Maioris London , Qui ab hac — Ann. Dom. 1463. Cujus animae pax sit perpetua . Amen . The word ( Now thus ) 32. times dispersed in Brasse all over the Grave-stone . Hic jacet Thomas Boleyne , de Comitatu Norfolciae , Armiger : Qui obiit ultimo die Mensis Aprilis , An. Dom. 1571. Cujus , &c. Here lyeth Sir Richard Gresham , Knight , sometimes Lord Maior of London and Audrey his first wife , by whom hee had issue , Sir Iohn Gresham , and Sir Thomas Gresham , Knights , William and Margaret : which Sir Richard deceased the 20. day of February , An. Domini , 1548. And the third yeere of King Edward the sixth his reigne . And Adurey deceased the 28. day of December , An. Dom. 1522. Here lyeth the body of Geffrey Felding , sometime Maior of this Citie , and Angell his wife , and Thomas , Richard , and Iohn , sonnes of the said Geffrey , Ann. Dom. 1517. Hic jacet Iohannes Marshall , Civis & Mercerus Civitatis London . Qui quidem Iohannes obiit 4. die Januarii , An. Dom. 1498. Et Ioanna Vxor ejus : quae quidem Ioanna obiit 18. die Decembris , 1484. Quorum , &c. Hereunder lyeth buried the body of the Lady Alice Avenon , being one of the daughters and heires of Thomas Huchen , Citizen and Mercer of London , whose last husband was Sir Alexander Avenon , Alderman , and late L. Maior of this Citie of London . Her second husband , was Iohn Blundell , of London , Mercer , by whom she had issue one sonne , named Philip , deceased , and eight daughters , whereof five lived untill they were married , and they were coheires to their Father ; namely , Elizabeth , married unto Edmond Hogan , of London , Mercer ; Mary , unto Sir Gerard Crockar , of Oxfordshire , Knight ; Theodora , married first unto John Denton , of Oxfordshire , Gent. and after unto Justinian Champneis , of Kent , Esquire ; Anne , married to Thomas Cordel , of London , Mercer ; and Susanna , unto Richard Freston , of London , Gent. The which Alice Blundel , in the time of her widdowhood , left a foundation within the Mercers Hall in London , for thirteen penny Ioaves of good sweet bread , to be given ( in her name ) among thirteen poore folkes of this Parish of Saint Laurence in the Old Iewrie , every Sunday at Morning Prayer for ever , in the presence of the worshipfull of the same Parish . And her first husband was Hugh Methwold of London , Mercer , by whom shee had issue , William , her sonne and heyre , and a daughter named Anne , deceased . The which Dame Alice departed this world , the 21. day of November , Ann. Dom. 1574. unto whom God send ( through Iesus Christ ) a joyfull resurrection . Amen . Aetatis suae , 61. Qualis vita , finis ita . Hereunder resteth , in assured hope of the resurrection , the bodies of Iohn Fox , Citizen and Goldsmith of London , and Johanna his wife : whose lives as they were blamelesse and holy , so their end was full of peace . The said John was the Founder of the free Schoole of Deane , in the County of Cumberl . besides 18. d. weekly to an Almes-man , belonging to the Goldsmiths Hall. And other charitable deeds , to the poore prisoners , and Hospitals in the Citie of London : The memory of whose good deeds , God grant others to doe the like . The said John , being of the age of 78. fell on sleepe the 8. day of Iune , 1597. And Iohanna his wife , of the age of 87. departed this life the 9. of Februarie , 1600. Fiducia Christianorum , Resurrectio Mortuorum . Thus much for Cheape Ward , which hath an Alderman , his Deputy ; Common Counsellours , 11. Constables , 11. Scavengers , 9. for the Wardmote Inquest , 12. and a Beadle . It is taxed to the Fifteene , at 72. l. 16. s. and in the Exchequer , at 72. l. 11. s. COLEMAN STREET VVard . NExt to Cheape Ward , on the North side thereof , is Coleman street Ward , and beginneth also in the East , on the course of Walbrooke , in Lothbury , and runneth West , ( on the South side ) to the end of Ironmongers lane , and on the North side , to the West corner of Basings Hall street . On the South side of Lothbury , is the street called the Old Iewrie , the one halfe , and better , on both sides towards Cheape , is of this Ward . On the North side lyeth Coleman street , whereof the Ward taketh name , wholly on both sides North to London wall , and from that North end along by the Wall , and Mooregate , East , to the course of Walbrooke . And againe , from Coleman street , West , to the Iron grates : and these be the bounds of this Ward . Antiquities therein to be noted , are these : First , the street of Lothbery , Lathbery , or Loadbery , ( for by all these names have I read it ) tooke the name ( as it seemeth ) of a Bery , or Court of old time there kept , but by whom , it is growne out of memorie . This street is possessed ( for the most part ) by Founders , that cast Candlestickes , Chafingdishes , Spice Morters , and such like Copper or Laten works , and doe afterward turne them with the foot , and not with the wheele , to make them smooth and bright , with turning and scratting , ( as some doe terme it ) making a lothsome noise to the by-passers , that have not beene used to the like ; and therefore by them disdainedly called Lothburie . On the South side of this street , amongst the Founders , be some faire houses and large , for Merchants ; namely , one that of old time was the Iewes Synagogue , which was defaced by the Citizens of London , after that they had slaine 700. Iewes , and spoiled the residue of their goods , in the yeere 1262. the 47. of H. the 3. And not long after , in the yeere 1291. King Edward the first banished the remnant of the Iewes out of England , as is afore shewed . The said Synagogue being so suppressed , certaine Friers got possession thereof : For in the yeere 1257. ( saith Mathew Paris ) there were seene in London a new order of Friers , called De Poenitentia Iesu , or Fratres de Sacca , because they were apparelled in Sackcloth , who had their house in London , neere unto Aldersgate , without the gate , and had licence of Henry the third , in the 54. of his reigne , to remove from thence to any other place : and in the 56. hee gave unto them this Iewes Synagogue . After which time , Eleanor the Queene , wife to Edward the first , tooke into her protection , and warranted unto the Prior and brethren De poenitentia Iesu Christi of London , the said land and building in Cole-church street , in the parish of Saint Olave in the Iury , & S. Margaret in Lothburie , by her granted , with consent of Stephen de Fulborn , Vnder-warden of the Bridge-house , and other brethren of that house : for threescore Markes of Silver , which they had received of the said Prior and brethren of repentance , toward the building of the said Bridge . This order of Friers gathered many good scholars , and multiplyed in number exceedingly , untill the Councell at Lyons , by the which it was decreed , that ( from that time forth ) there should no more Orders of begging Friers be permitted , but onely the foure Orders ; to wit , the Dominicke or Preachers , the Minorites or gray Friers , the Carmelites or white Friers , and the Augustines : and so from that time the begging Friers decreased and fell to nothing . Now it followed , that in the yeere 1305. Robert Fitzwalter requested and obtained of the said King Edward the first , that the same Friers of the Sacke , might assigne to the said Robert their Chappell or Church , of old time called the Synagogne of the Iewes , neere adjoyning to the then mansion place of the same Robert , which was in place where now standeth the Grocers Hall : and the said Synagogue was at the North corner of the Old Iewry . Robert Large , Mercer , Maior , in the yeere 1439. kept his Maioraltie in this house , and dwelled there untill his dying day . This house standeth and is of two Parishes , as opening into Lothbury , of Saint Margarets Parish , and opening into the Old Iewry , of Saint Olaves Parish . The said Robert Large gave liberally to both these Parishes , but was buried at S. Olaves . Hugh Clopton , Mercer , Maior , 1492. dwelled in this house , and kept his Maioralty there . It is now a Taverne , and hath to signe a Wind-mill . And thus much for this house , sometime the Iewes Synagogue , since , an house of Friers , then a Noble-mans house , after that , a Merchants house , wherein Maioralties have beene kept , and now a Wine-Taverne . Then is the Old Iury , a street so called of Iewes sometime dwelling there , and neere adjoyning , in the Parishes of S. Olave , S. Michael Bassings Hall. S. Martin Ironmonger lane , S. Laurence , called the Iewrie , and so West to Woodstreete . William , D. of Normandy , first brought them from Rone to inhabit here . William Rufus favoured them so farre , that he sware by Lukes face , his common Oath , if they could overcome the Christians , hee would bee one of their Sect. Henry the second grievously punished them for corrupting his coyne . Richard the first forbade Iewes and women to be present at his Coronation , for feare of inchantments : for breaking of which commandement , many Iewes were slaine , who being assembled , to present the King with some gift , one of them was stricken by a Christian , which some unruly people perceiving , fell upon them , beat them to their houses , and brent them therein , or slew them at their comming out . Also the Iewes at Norwich , S. Edmondsbury , Lincolne , Stanford , and Lyn , were robbed and spoiled ; and at Yorke , to the number of 500. besides Women and children , entred a Tower of the Castle , proffered money to be in surety of their lives , but the Christians would not take it : whereupon they cut the throats of their owne wives and children , and cast them over the walles on the Christians heads , and then entring the Kings lodging , they burned both the house and themselves . King Iohn , in the eleventh of his reign , commanded all the Iewes , both men and women , to be imprisoned and grievously punished , because hee would have all their money : some of them gave all they had , and promised more , to escape so many kinds of torments ; for every one of them had one of their eyes at the least plucked out . Amongst whom there was one , which being tormented many wayes , would not ransome himselfe , till the King had caused ( every day ) one of his great teeth to be plucked out , by the space of seven daies , and then he gave the King tenne thousand Markes of silver , to the end they should pull out no more : the said King at that time spoiled the Iewes of sixty six thousand markes . The 17. of this King , the Barons brake into the Iewes houses , rifled their coffers , and with the stone of their houses , repaired the gates and wals of London . King Henry the third , in the eleventh of his reigne , granted to Semaine or Ballaster , the house of Benomye Mittun the Jew , in the Parish of S. Michael Bassing-hanghe , in which the said Benomye dwelt , with the fourth part of all his Land in that Parish , which William Elie held of the fee of Hugh Nevell , and all the land in Coleman street , belonging to the said Benomye , and the fourth part of the land in the Parish of S. Laurence , which was the fee of Thomas Buckerell , and were excheted to the King for the murther which the said Benomye committed in the Citie of London , to hold to the said Semaine , and his heires , of the King , praying at Easter a paire of gilt Spurres , and to doe the service thereof due unto the Lords Court. In like manner , and for like services , the King granted to Guso for his homage , the other part of the Lands of the said Benomye in S. Michaels Parish , which Law the Painter held , and was the Kings Exchete ; and the Lands of the said Benomye , in the said Parish , which Walter Turner held , and 15. foot of Land which Hugh Harman held , with 15. iron Ells of Land , and an halfe , in the front of Ironmonger lane , in the Parish of S. Martin , which were the said Benomyes , of the see of the Hospitall of S. Giles , and which Adam the Smith held , with 2. stone houses , which were Moses the Jew of Canturbury , in the Parish of S. Olave , and which are of the fee of Arnold le Reus , and are the Kings Exchetes , as aforesaid . The 16. of the said Henry , the Iewes in London builded a Synagogue , but the King commanded it should be dedicated to our blessed Lady , and after gave it to the Brethren of S. Anthonie of Vienna , and so was it called S. Anthonies Hospitall . This King Henry founded a Church and house for converted Iewes , in a new street by the Temple , whereby it came to passe , that ( in short time ) there was gathered a great number of Converts . The 20. of this King Henry , seven Iewes were brought from Norwich , which had stolne a Christned child , had circumcised , and minded to have crucified him at Easter , wherefore their bodies and goods were at the Kings pleasure . The 26. the Iewes were constrained to pay to the King 20000. Markes , at two termes in the yeere , or else to be kept in perpetuall prison . The 35. he taketh inestimable sums of money of all rich men ; namely , of Aaron , a Iew borne at Yorke , 14000. marks for himselfe , and tenne thousand marks for the Queene , and before , he had taken of the same Iew as much , as in all amounted to 30000. markes of silver , and two hundred markes of gold to the Queene . In the 40. yeere were brought up to Westminster 202. Iewes from Lincolne , for crucifying a child , named Hugh , 18. of them were hanged . The 43. a Iew at Tewkesburie fell into a Privie on the Saturday , and would not that day be taken out , for reverence of his Sabbath ; wherfore Richard Clare , Earle of Glocester , kept him there till Munday , that he was dead . The 47. the Barons slew of the Iewes at London , 700. the rest were spoiled , and their Synagogue defaced , because one Iew would have forced a Christian to have paid more than 2. s. for the lone of 20. s. a weeke . The third of Edward the first , in a Parliament at London , vsurie was forbidden to the Iewes : and that all Vsurers might be knowne , the King commanded that every Vsurer should weare a Table on his brest , the breath of a paveline , or else to avoid the Realm . The sixth of the said King Edward , a reformation was made for clipping of the Kings Coyne ; for which offence , 267. Iewes were drawne and hanged ; three were English Christians , and other were English Iewes . The same yeere the Iewes crucified a childe at Northampton , for the which fact , many Iewes at London were drawn at horse tayles and hanged . The eleventh of Edward the first , Iohn Perkham , Archbishop of Canturburie , commanded the Bishop of London to destroy all the Iewes Synagogues in his Dioces . The 16. of the said Edward , all the Iewes in England , were ( in one day ) apprehended by precept from the King , but they redeemed themselves for 12. thousand pounds of silver ; notwithstanding in the 19. of his reigne he banished them all out of England , giving them onely to beare their charge till they were out of his Realme : the number of Iewes then expulsed , were 15060. persons . The King made a mighty masse of money of their houses , which he sold , and yet the Commons of England had granted , and gave him a fifteenth of all their goods , to banish them . And thus much for the Iewes . In this street called the Old Iewrie , is a proper Parish Church of S. Olave Vpwell , so called in Record , 1320. Iohn Brian , Parson of Saint Olave Vpwell , in the Iewry , founded there a Chauntry , and gave two messuages to that Parish , the 16. of Edward the second , and was by the said King confirmed . In this Church , to the commendation of the Parsons and Parishioners , the Monuments of the dead remaine lesse defaced than in many other . First , of William Dikman , Fereno , or Ironmonger , one of the Sheriffes of London , 1367. Robert Havelocke , Ironmonger , 1390. Iohn Organ , Mercer , one of the Sheriffes , 1385. Iohn Forrest , Vicar of Saint Olaves , and of Saint Stephen , which at that time was as a Chappell annexed to S. Olave , 1399. Henry Friole , Taylor , 1400. Thomas Morsted , Esquire , Chirurgian to Henry the fourth , fifth , and sixth , one of the Sheriffes , 1436. He builded a faire new I le , to the inlargement of this Church , on the north side therof , wherein hee lyeth buried , 1450. Adam Breakspeare , Chaplaine , 1411. William Kirkbie , Mercer , 1465. Robert Large , Mercer , Maior , 1440. He gave to that Church 200. l' . Iohn Belwin , Founder , 1467. Gabriel Rave , Fuller , 1511. Wentworth , Esquire , 1510. Thomas Michell , Ironmonger , 1527. Giles Dewes , servant to Henry the seventh , and to Henry the eighth , Clerke of their Libraries , and Schoolemaster for the French tongue to Prince Arthur , and to the Lady Mary , 1535. Edmond Burlacy , 1583. Iohn Brian . Here lyeth under this Tombe , the body of Richard Chamberlaine , Ironmonger , Alderman and late Sheriffe of London , Merchant Adventurer , and free of Russia , who had two wives , Anne , the first of whom he had issue , 8. sonnes and 5. daughters . Of Margaret his last wife no issue , which Richard dyed the 19. day of November , An. Dom. 1566. To the poore he was liberall , and gave for Gods sake , But now his fame is plentifull , and he an heavenly Make , He was like one of us , according to our mould , But now he is unlike us , in heaven where he would . His time was short , in sicknes rare , as to all is knowne : But now his time shall long endure , and never be cast downe . Hic requiescit in Gratia & misericordia Dei , Robertus Large , quondam Mercerui & Maior istius Civitatis . Qui obiit 24. die Aprilis , 1441. Et Elizabeth uxor ejus , ac pueri eorundem . Cujus , &c. Humfrido Weld militi , & nuper Maiori Civitatis London , vire integerrimo , sanctissimo , summa in Deū pietate , in homines fide ac comitate praedito : Joanne Weld unicus filius & haeres , hoc Monumentum pietatis ergo moerens posuit . Habuit ex Anna uxore , primâ filiâ Nicholai wheler Armigeri , filios duos , Humfridum , olim defunctum , & Ioannem Maritum Franciscae filiae Gulielmi Whitmore Armig. & quinque filias , Ioannam , nuptam Roberte Brooke , de Cockfield , in Com. Suff. militi . Annam , nuptam Ricardo Corbet , de Stoke super Terne , in Com. Salop. Armigero , Mariam , Saram & Elizabetham , olim defunctas . Post cujus obitum , duxit uxorem secundam Mariam , filiam Stephani Slani Militis , adhuc superstitem . Obiit 29. die Novembris , An. Dom. 1610. Aetatis suae , 64. Quem tegit hoc marmor , Quem cassum lumine flemus , Abstulit una dies , Quantum si forte requiris , Weldus erat nomen , Maior celeberrimus urbis ; Justitiae splendor , verae pietatis Imago , Religionis amans , aevi prudentia nostri , Mens humilis , purusque animus , patiensque laborum , Frons hilaris , faciles aures , pectusque fidele , Os verax , mites oculi , gravitate refulgens Vultus ; Cor placidum studiosis , dextra benigna , Quos non instimulent nobis reticentibus ipsi , Incipient scopuli vivis sermonibus uti ; Iustè Welde minor si spes , si fama fuisset , De te Welde minor nostra querela foret . Thomas Cambell Eques , secundo Regis Iacobi , Civis London ejusdem Vrbis patricius & Praetor aequissimus & prudentissimus : domicilium sibi hoc in perpetuam memoriam dicatum habet : feliciter bis nuptus erat , & ex 1. conjugio filii nati sunt 6. filiae , 7. ex inde vero nepotes 39. quem cives privatim & publicè , honorificè omnes colebant . Annos autem 78. cum adimplesset , suorum & omnium honestorum cum luctu , fato concessit , 13. die Februarii , An. Dom. 1613. Transiit ad vivos è vivis Pacis alumnus , Iustitiae columen ; Qui decus inde suum Extulit egregiè : Pietatem caetera praeter Dilexit : cultus , Religione , side . Non patrem tantum proles , sine murmure luctus Percipit ; at vetuit mors superare modum : Vulnus opemque ferens , aequè . Quid plangitis ultra ? Angelus en factus ! nec minor ante fuit . Quae potuit cuiquam , optari Mors , vitaque honore Fulta : & amicitiis inclita ; prole , fide . Obtigit haec , Cambelle , tibi , utraque scilicet annis Maturis , meriti & plenus amoris obis . Digna viro tibi vita fuit , qui viveret ultra , Dignaque mors vitâ sed meliora frui . Terminus incertae mors vitae , & certa salutis Spes promissa rapit , non colit ima fides . Memoriae . Henrici Anderson , Equitis Aurati , Alderdermanni Civitatis London , & Elizabethae uxoris ejus , filiae Fran. Bowyer , Alderm . Lond. Qui 8. liberos habuêre , viz. 2. filios , Georg. defunct . & Rich. qui uxorem duxit Mariam , fil . primogenit . Rob. Spencer , Dom. Wormeleiton . Kath. nuptam Tho. Derham , de West Derham , in Com. Norff. Armig. Elizab. nupt . Tho. Cowley , Mercat . Lond. Francise . nupt . Rob. Nedeham , de Shaurigton , in Com. Salop. Armig. Saram & Mariam innupt . Qui obiêre : Haec Iul. 9. 1599. Ille 13. April . 1605. Pietatis ergo moerens posuit Rich. Anderson filius haeres . Edwinus Smith , filius Roberti Smith , Civis & Aromatarii Londinensis , apud Cantabrigiensis in Artibus Magister , ibidemque Collegii Iesus Socius praedilectus , propter summam ingenii ubertatem , memoriam , noticiam , pietatem , modestamque festivitatem , omnibus gratus : singulare sui generis ornamentum , & par decus Collegii ( non dicam Academiae ) futurus , diem obiit , horum omnium cum incredibili luctu , nono Calend , Septembris , qui festus D. Bartholomaeo fuit . Anno salutis , 1598. Aetatis suae , 23. Ecclesiast . 44. ver . 8. Reliquit nomen , narrantur laudes . From this Parish Church of S. Olave , to the North end of the Old Iewrie , and from thence West to the North end of Ironmonger lane , & from the said corner into Ironmonger lane , almost to the Parish Church of S. Martin , was ( of old time ) one large building of stone , very ancient , made in place of Jewes houses , but of what antiquity , or by whom the same was builded , or for what use , I have not learned , more than that King H. the 6. in the 16. of his reigne , gave the office of being Porter or keeper thereof , unto Iohn Stent , for terme of his life , by the name of his Principall Palace in the Old Iewry . This was ( in my youth ) called the Old Wardrobe : but of later time , the outward stone wall hath been by little and little taken downe , and divers faire houses builded thereupon , even round about . Now for the North side of this Lothburie , beginning againe at the East end thereof : Vpon the Water-course of Walbrooke , have yee a proper Parish Church , called S. Margaret , which seemeth to be newly re-edified and builded , about the yeere 1440. For Robert Large gave to the Quire of that Church one hundred shillings , and 20. pounds for Ornaments , more , to the vaulting over the water-course of Walbrooke by the said Church , for the enlarging therof , two hundred Markes . There be Monuments in this Church , of Reginald Coleman , Sonne to Robert Coleman , buried there , 1483. This said Robert Coleman may bee supposed the first builder or owner of Coleman street , and that Saint Stephens Church , then builded in Coleman street , was but a Chappell belonging to the Parish Church of S. Olave in the Iewry : for we read ( as afore ) that Iohn Forrest , Vicar of Saint Olaves , and of the Chappell annexed of S. Stephen , deceased in the yeere 1399. Hugh Clopton , Mercer , Maior , deceased , 1496. Anselme Becket , Iohn Iulian , William Ilford , Chanteries there , Sir Brian Tuke , Knight , Treasurer of the Chamber to King Henry the eighth , and Dame Grisilde his wife , that deceased after him , were there buried 1536. Iohn Fetiplace , Draper , Esquire , 1464. and Ioan his wife , Sir Hugh Witch , Mercer , Maior , sonne to Richard Witch , intombed there , 1466. He gave to his third wife three thousand pound , and to Maids marriages five hundred markes . Here lyeth buried Dame Grisilde Tuke , late wife of Sir Brian Tuke , Knight , Treasurer of the Chamber to King Henry the eighth . She dyed the 28. day of December , 1538. Vnder this stone lyeth George Beamon , Clerke , and Doctor in Divinity , who departed this life the 29. day of April , An. Dom. 1571. A man mercifull and good to the poore , and borne in Kinnegall in Cumberland : whose body and Soule God grant a joyfull resurrection . Se piu Si puote . No wealth , no praise , no bright renowne , no skill , No force , no fame , no Princes love , no toyle , Though forraine Lands by travels search you will , No faithfull service of thy Country foyle , Can life prolong one minute of an houre : But death at length will execute his power . For Sir Iohn Leigh , to sundry Countries knowne , A worthy Knight , well of his Prince esteem'd : By seeing much , to great experience growne : Though safe on seas , though sure on land he seem'd , Yet here he lyes , too soone by death opprest , His fame yet lives , his soule in heaven hath rest . Here lyeth Ioh. Dimock , sonne to Iohn Dimock , Esquire , sometimes Citizen & Draper of London : he married Anne his first wife , by whom he had one son : which Anne dyed the yeere of Christ , 1558. After whom he married his second wife Mary , by whom he had a daughter . He served the Princes of famous memory , King Henry the eighth , and King Edward the sixth . For his faithfull and good service he was well esteemed ; for his upright dealing he was well beloved of his equals ; for his benevolence to the poore , hee was both praised and prayed for . Hee lived 100. yeeres lacking 7. very commendably , and the 14. of Iuly , 1585. he dyed Christianly . Here lyeth the body of Christian Towerson , wife of William Towerson of London , Merchant , who lived together 21. yeeres and 6. moneths , and had issue 10. children . Leaving behind her Iohn , William , Robert , Elizab. and Mary . She left this life the 19. day of February , 1611. Here resteth in hope of a ioyfull resurrection , the body of Nicholas Style , late Alderman of London , who was borne at Langley , in the Parish of Beckingham , in the County of Kent : the son of Humfrey Stile , Knight , and of Dame Bridget his wife . He married Gertrude , the daughter of Thomas Bright of London , Ironmonger , with whom hee lived most lovingly and faithfully the space of forty yeeres , and by her had three sonnes and foure daughters ; of whom remained living at his decease , one sonne , Humfrey , and one daughter , Mary . He dyed the sixteenth day of November , An. Dom. 1615. By the West end of this Parish Church , have ye a faire Water-conduit , builded at the charges of the Citie , in the yeere 1546. Sir Martin Bowes being Maior , two Fifteenes were levied of the Citizens , toward the charges thereof : This water is conveyed ( in great abundance ) from divers springs , lying betwixt Hoxton and Iseldon . Next is the Founders Hall , a proper house : and so to the South-west corner of Bassings Hall street , have ye faire and large houses for Merchants ; namely , the corner house , at the end of Bassings Hall street , an old piece of worke , builded of stone , sometime belonging to a certaine Iew , named Mansere , the sonne of Aron , the sonne of Coke the Iew , the seventh of Edward the first : since , to Rahere de Sopars lane ; then , to Simon Francis. Thomas Bradbery , Mercer , kept his Maioralty there , deceased , 1509. Part of this house hath beene lately imployed as a Market-house , for the sale of woollen Bayes , Watmoles , Flanels , and such like . Alderman Bennet now possesseth it . On this North side , against the Old Iurie , is Coleman street , so called of Coleman , the first builder and owner thereof , as also of Cole-church , or Coleman-church , against the great Conduit in Cheape . This is a faire and large street , on both sides builded with divers faire houses , besides Alleys , with small tenements , in great number . On the East side of this street , almost at the North end thereof , is the Armourers Hall , which Company of Armourers were made a Fraternity or Guild of S. George , with a Chantry in the Chappell of S. Thomas , in Pauls Church , in the first of Henry the 6. Also on the same side is Kings Alley , and Love Lane , both containing many tenements . And on the west side , towards the South end , is the Parish Church of S. Stephen , wherein the Monuments are defaced : Notwithstanding , I finde , that William Crayhag founded a Chauntry there , in the reign of Edward the second , and was buried there . Also Iohn Essex , the 35. of Edward the third . Adam Goodman , the 37. of Edward the third . William King , Draper , sometime owne of Kings Alley , the 18. of Richard the second . Iohn Sokeling , the tenth of Henry the sixth . Iohn Arnold , Leather-seller , the seventeenth of Henry the sixth . Thomas Brudbery , Mercer , Maior , the first of Henry the eighth . His Tombe remaineth on the North side of the Quire. Richard Hamney , 1418. Kirnigham , 1468. Sir Iohn Garme , Richard Colsel , Edmond Harbeke , Currier : all these were Benefactors , and buried there . Here lyeth in peace the body of the Right Worshipfull , Sir William Glover , Knight , late Citizen and Alderman of London , who for the many good gifts , both in sincere Religion , wisedome , and gravity , wherewith he was very plentifully graced , was elected Sheriffe of London , and served the same , Anno Domini , 1601. He had lived in good name and fame fifty eight yeeres , and very blessedly departed this transitory life , the seventeenth day of Decemb. 1603. Leaving two sonnes , ( viz. ) Thomas and William ; and five daughters , viz. Anne , married to Barne Roberts , of Willesden , in the County of Middlesex , Esquire ; Susan , Elizabeth , Mary , and Alice , behinde him , to condole the want of so kinde and loving a Father . To whose dearest Memorie , the Lady Anne Glover , the most sorrowfull Widdow of the said Sir William , lamenting his death , and her owne unrecoverable losse ; at her owne charge erected this Monument , in testification both of her love and duty . Here lyeth the body of Barne Roberts , eldest son of Francis Roberts of Willesden , in the County of Middlesex , Esquire ; who tooke to wife Anne , eldest daughter of Sir William Glover , Knight , and Alderman of Lond. by whom he had issue , three sonnes , and five daughters . The said Barne Roberts dyed the 30. day of Ianuary , 1610. being of the age of 34. yeeres , and five moneths . In remembrance of whom , his said wife , ( of her very kind and loving affection ) at her owne proper cost and charges , hath caused this Monument to be made and erected , An. Dom. 1611. If humane worth could have preserv'd him still , He had beene much too strong for death to kill . Yet being conquer'd , he got by the strife , A better being , in a better life : So that great Victor over Nature , left him More happinesse ten fold than he bereft him . Gulielmo Danieli , Equiti Aurato , alteri è Iudicibus cōmunium Placitorum , qui Maii 19. Annos natus septuaginta tria , An. Do. 1610. diem ult . explevit , devotū Carmen . Qui Patriae Leges aequo moderamine flexit , Et Iudex populo gratus amansque fuit , Hoc decorat genio marmor placidoque pioque , Stabit in aeternum quod bona fama tegit . Gentem si quaeras ? erat ille Checestriensis , Overtabelio nobilis ortus agro . Vxores binas duxit , nec pignora desunt , Connubii duplicis pulchra , pudica , pia . Filius egregii nominis speciemque parentis , Qui celebrat primi munus amoris erat . Elizabetha illi soror est , ab utroque parente Onsyloi vivit quae sociata toro . Conjugii sed Martha decus non sola secundi , Coco Equiti nupta est , nec satiatur Hymen , Nam binas expectat adhuc sub matre sorores , Foelices thalamos utraque digna manet . Margareta & illis paulo est maturior annis , Nomine Iudithae sit tibi nota minor . Sic numero florens natorum , munere Iudex , Ordine Eques obiit , plenus honore senex . Anna defuncti Iudicis piissima vidua , in perpetuum amoris memoriaeque testimonium , lugubre hoc Monumentum extrui fecit . In this I le lye the bodies of George Golding , Esquire , buried the 27. day of November , 1584. and of Anne Bartelet , widdow , buried 12. day of Iune , 1596. and of Mary Golding , widdow , late wife of the said George , and daughter of the said Anne , buried the 29. of April , 1612. by her said husband and mother , according to her owne desire . She lived a widdow 28. yeeres , religiously to God , hospitably to her friends , and charitably to all , especially to poore widdowes : and deceased the 25. day of April , 1612. being then 79. yeeres of age . An honest heart , religiously affected , A zealous soule , a charitable mind , True dealing conscience , all untruth rejected ; All these in one are hard and far to find : Yet in the course , both time and truth have tryed , In youth and age , Iohn Taylor liv'd and dyed . His honest heart , his honest friends have found ; His zeale to God , God and the godly know ; His charity , His true reliefe may sound , That on the poore his bounty did bestow : His heavenly rest , upon this point resolved , To be with Christ , I wish to be dissolved . Here lyeth buried the body of Iohn Taylor , Esquire , Citizen and Haberdasher of London , who married Berseba , daughter of Edward Hall , late Citizen and Haberdasher of London , deceased , and had by her only one daughter , named Elizabeth ; first married to Francis Smith , Citizen and Mercer of London , deceased , by whom she had one son , named Francis Smith ; and since married to Thomas Freake , of Serne , in the County of Dorset , Esquire , by whom she hath five sons and daughters , now living . Hee hath given by his Will 200. pound in money , to be delivered and lent to young men of the Company of Haberdashers ; to distribute every Sunday ( weekly , for ever ) two shillings in bread and the advantage , to poore householders of this Parish . And also twenty pound more for a stocke , to be yeerly imployed for ever , in buying and providing of Fuell for the same poore . The blessed token of the Daughters love , Vnto the Fathers kinde and loving care , May to the world this Monument approve , How blessed Parents in their Children are : And blessed God , that so his love expresseth , Who thus both Parents and the Children blesseth . Sepelitur hic cor . Philippi Paskin , Qui obiit 12. Calend. Iunii , Anno Dom. 1580. Anno Aetat . 52. duos post se reliquit fil . Tho. & Ric. & unig . filiam Ioannam ex chariss . sibi Con. Anna. Here lyeth Dame Iane , daughter and sole heire of Iohn White , of this Parish , Esquire : First married to Samuel Thornehill , of Bromley , in the County of Kent , Esquire , by whom she had issue two sonnes , Timothy and Iohn , and one daughter , named Elizabeth . Shee secondly married Sir Richard Smith , Knight , son of Thomas Smith , of Oestenhanger , in the County of Kent , Esquire , and had issue by him but one daughter , named Mary . The said Dame Iane died the 13. of October , 1607. being about the age of 33. yeeres . In whose remembrance , her said husband caused this Monument to be made , 1608. Lady Bradvery gave 30. s. per annum in Charcoales to the poore of this Parish for ever from the worshipfull Company of Mercers . On the Southside of the Chancell is a faire grave-stone , with this Epitaph in brasse : Georgius heu quondam jacet hic Skeffingtonus humatus , Mercator Stapulae clarus in urbe fuit . Quae spes divitiis bona quam fallacia mundi , Quam subito pereunt quae valuere vide ? Ast qui terram olim vano fragilem pede pressit , Aeterna hic petiit firmior astra fide . Obiit An. Dom. 1581. die 1. Iulii . A. vero aetatis suae 43. On the lower end of the Chancell is a faire grave-stone with this Epitaph in brasse : Our life is all but death , time that insueth Is but the death of time that went before . Youth is the death of childhood , age of youth , Die once to God , and then thou diest no more . Agnes the wife of Leonard Darr , whose sight By sicknesse much impair'd , in heavenly light Looke , liv'd , and died , as dimnesse her were given , That her soules eies might better looke to heaven . Leonardus Darr nuper Maior ville de Totnes , posuit in mortem Agnetae charissimae conjugis suae . Obiit 29. Ianuarii 1596. Iohn White , Citizen and Haberdasher , 1585. gave 12. d. weekly in bread to the poore of this Parish for ever . William Man , Citizen and Merchant-taylor , 1585 , gave the remainder of a lease of yeeres to come in a lease of Tenements in Swanne alley , to the poore of this Parish , and the Towne of Buckingham , 2. l. 10. s. Stephen Scudamore , Citizen and Vintner , 1585. gave weekly 12. d. in bread to the poore of this Parish for ever . Iohn Taylor , Citizen and Haberdasher , gave in stocke 20. l. for Billets , Fagots , or Coales , for provision for the poore of this Parish for ever ; and 2. s. weekly in bread for ever to the poore householders , 1600. Dame Anne Glover gave a stocke of ten pounds for provision for the poor of this Parish , for wood or coale for ever , 1612. Mistresse Dane , widow , gave to the poore 10. s. per annum for ever , from the Company of Ironmongers , 1614. Henry Gibs , sometimes servant to Sir Maurice Abbot , Knight and Alderman of London , gave to the poore of this Parish 50. l. Dame Daniel , sometimes wife to Sir William Daniel , gave a stocke for the poore of this Parish 30. l. 1616. Hugh Cap , Citizen and Plasterer of London , gave 100. l. to purchase lands for the poore of this Parish for ever , 1616. Iohn Terry , stranger , gave in stocke to the poore of this Parish 10. l. for ever , 1617. Christopher Ayer , Merchant , Citizen , and Lether-seller of London , gave 240. pounds for the building of sixe Almes-houses , and 400. pounds to purchase lands towards the maintenance of sixe poore couple of this parish for ever , 1624. Sir Richard Smith , Knight , gave in stock for provision of Sea-coales for the poore of this Parish , one hundred pounds every yeere to bee returned for the use of the poore for ever , 1627. And another hundred pounds afterward for reliefe of the poore also . I obtained these instructions , by the helpe and assistance of my loving friend and brother , Thomas Price , Parish Clarke there . This Church was sometime a Synagogue of the Iewes , then a Parish Church , then a Chappell to St. Olaves in the Iewry , untill the seventh of Edward the fourth , and was then incorporated a Parish Church . By the East end of this Church is placed a Cocke of sweet water , taken out of the maine Pipe that goeth into Lothbery . Also , in London Wall , directly against the North end of Coleman streete , is a Conduit of water , made at the charges of Thomas Exmew , Goldsmith , Maior , 1517. And let here be the end of this Ward , which hath an Alderman , his Deputy , common Counsellors foure , Constables foure , Scavengers foure , of the Wardmote Inquest thirteene , and a Beadle . It is taxed to the Fifteene , fifteene pound , sixteene shillings , nine pence . BASSINGS HALL VVARD . THe next adjoyning to Coleman streete Ward , on the West side thereof , is Bassings Hall Ward , a small thing , and consisteth of one streete , called Bassings Hall streete , of Bassings Hall , the most principall house , whereof the Ward taketh name . It beginneth in the South , by the late spoken Market house , called the Bay Hall , which is the last of Coleman streete Ward . This streete runneth from thence North downe to London Wall , and some little distance both East and West , against the said Hall : And this is the bounds of Bassings Hall Ward . Monuments on the East side thereof , amongst divers faire houses for Merchants , have ye three Hals of Companies ; namely , the Masons Hall for the first ; but of what antiquity that Company is , I have not read . The next is the Weavers Hall : which Company hath been of great antiquity in this City , as appeareth by a Charter of Henry the second , in these words ; Rex omnibus ad quos , &c. to be englished thus : Henry , King of England , Duke of Normandy , and of Guian , Earle of Anjou , to the Bishop , Iustices , Sheriffes , Barons , Ministers , and all his true Lieges of London , sendeth greeting : Know ye , that we have granted to the Weavers in London their Guild , with all the Freedomes and Customes that they had in the time of King Henry my Grandfather : so that none but they intermit within the City of their Craft , but he be of their Guild ; neither in Southwarke , or other places pertaining to London , otherwise than it was done in the time of King Henry my Grandfather . wherefore I will and straightly command , that over all lawfully they may treat , and have all aforesaid , as well in peace , free , worshipfull , and wholly , as they had it , freer , better , worshipfullier , and whollier , than in the time of King Henry my Grandfather . So that they yeeld yeerly to mee two Markes of Gold , at the Eeast of Saint Michael . And I forbid , that any man to them doe any unright , or disease , upon paine of ten pound . Witnesse Thomas of Canterbury , Warwicke fili Gar , Chamberlaine , at Winchester . Also I reade , that the same Henry the second , in the 31. of his reigne , made a Confirmation to the Weavers , that had a Guild of Fraternity in London ; wherein it appeareth , that the said Weavers made woollen cloth , and that they had the correction thereof . But amongst other Articles in that Patent , it was decreed , That if any man made cloth of Spanish wooll , mixed with English wooll , the Portgrave or principall Magistrate of London ought to burne it , &c. Moreover , in the yeere 1197. King Richard the first , at the instance of Hubert , Archbishop of Canterbury , and Iusticiar of England , ordained , That the woollen clothes in every part of this Realme , should be in breadth two yards within the Lists , and as good in the middest as in the sides , &c. King Henry the third granted to the Citizens of London , that they should not bee vexed for the Burels , or Cloth-listed , according to the constitution made for breadth of cloth the 9. of his reigne , &c. Richard the 2. in the third of his reigne , granted an order of agreement between the Weavers of London , Englishmen , and Aliens or Strangers borne , brought in by Edward the third . Lower downe , is the Girdlers Hall : and this is all touching the East side of this Ward . On the VVest side , almost at the South end thereof , is Bakewell Hall , corruptly called Blackwell Hall. Concerning the originall whereof , I have heard divers opinions , which I over-passe as fables , without colour of truth : for though the same seemed a Building of great antiquity , yet ( in mine opinion ) the foundation thereof was first laid since the Conquest of William , Duke of Normandy : for the same was builded upon Vaults of stone , which stone was brought from Cane in Normandy . The like of that of Pauls Church , builded by Mauritius and his successors , Bishops of London . But that this house hath beene a Temple , or Iewish Synagogue ( as some have fantasied ) I allow not , seeing that it had no such forme of roundnesse , or other likenesse . Neither had it the forme of a Church , for the assembly of Christians , which are builded East and West : but contrariwise , the same was builded North and South , and in forme of a Noble mans house : and therefore the best opinion ( in my judgement ) is , that it was ( of old time ) belonging to the Family of the Bassings , which was in this Realme a name of great antiquity and renowne , and that it bare also the name of that Family , and was called therfore Bassings Haugh , or Hall. Whereunto I am the rather induced , for that the Armes of that Family were ( of old time ) so abundantly placed in sundry parts of that house , even in the stone-worke , but more especially on the wals of the Hall , which carried a continuall painting of them on every side so close together , as one Escocheon could bee placed by another , which I my selfe have often seene and noted , before the old Building was taken downe . These Arms were a Gerond of twelve points , Gold and Azure . Of the Bassings therefore , builders of this House , and owners of the ground neere adjoyning , that VVard taketh the name ; as Coleman streete Ward of Coleman , and Faringdon Ward of William and Nicholas Faringdon , men that were principall owners of those places . And of old time the most Noble persons that inhabited this City , were appointed to bee principall Magistrates thereas was Godfrey de Magun ( or Magnavilla ) Portgrave or Sheriffe , in the reigne of William the Conquerour , and of William Rufus ; Hugh de Buch , in the reigne of Henry the first ; Aubery de Vere , Earle of Oxford . After him , Gilbert Becket , in the reigne of King Stephen . After that , Godfrey de Magnavilla , the sonne of William , the sonne of Godfrey de Magnavilla , Earles of Essex , were Portgraves or Sheriffes of London and Middlesex . In the reign of Henry the second , Peter Fitzwalter : after him , Iohn Fitznigel , &c. So likewise in the reigne of King Iohn , the 16. of his reigne , a time of great troubles , in the yeere 1214. Salomon Bassing , and Hugh Bassing , Barons of this Realme , as may bee supposed , were Sheriffes ; and that the said Salomon Bassing was Maior in the yeer 1216. which was the first of Henry the third . Also Adam Bassing , son to Salomon ( as it seemeth ) was one of the Sheriffes , in the yeere 1243. the 28. of Henry the third . Vnto this Adam de Bassing , King Henry the third , in the 31. of his reign , gave and confirmed certaine Messuages in Aldermanbury , and in Milke streete ( places not farre from Bassings Hall ) and the advowson of the Church at Bassings Hall , with sundry liberties and priviledges . This than was afterwards Maior , in the yeere 1251. the 36. of Henry the third . Moreover , Thomas Bassing was one of the Sheriffes , 1269. Robert Bassing , Sheriffe , 1279. and William Bassing was Sheriffe , 1308 , &c. For more of the Bassings in this City I neede not note , only I reade of this Family of Bassings in Cambridge shire , called Bassing at the Bourne , and more shortly , Bassing-Bourne , and gave Armes , as is afore shewed , & was painted about this old Hall. But this Family is worne out , and hath left the name to the place where they dwelt . Thus much for this Bassings Hall. Now how Bakewell Hall tooke that name , is another question : For which I reade , that Thomas Bakewell dwelled in this house , in the 36. of Edward the third , and that in the 20. of Richard the second , the said King , for the summe of fifty pounds , which the Maior and the Cōmonalty had payed into the Hanapar , granted licence , so much as was in him , to Iohn Frosh , William Parker , and Stephen Spilman ( Citizens and Mercers ) that they , the said Messuage , called Bakewell Hall , and one Garden , with the appurtenances , in the Parish of St. Michael of Bassings Haugh , and of St. Laurence in the Iewry of London , and one Messuage , two Shops , and one Garden , in the said Parish of S. Michael , which they held of the King in Burgage , might give and assigne to the Maior and Commonalty for ever . This Bakewell Hall thus established , hath beene long since imployed , as a weekly Market place for all sorts of woollen clothes , broad and narrow , brought from all parts of this Realme there to bee sold . In the 21. of Richard the second , Richard Whitington , Maior ; and in the 22. Drew Barringtine being Maior , it was decreed , that no Forraine or Stranger should sell any woollen cloth , but in the Bakewell Hall , upon paine of forfeiture thereof . This house ( of late yeeres ) growing ruinous , & in danger of falling , Richard May , Merchant-Taylor , at his decease gave towards the new building of the outward part thereof , 300. pounds , upon condition that the same should bee performed within 3. yeeres after his decease . Whereupon the old Bakewell Hall was taken downe , and in the moneth of February next following , the foundation of a new , strong , and beautifull Store-house being laid , the work thereof was so diligently applyed , that within the space often moneths after , to the charges of 2500. pounds , the same was finished , in the yeere 1588. Next beyond this house , are placed divers faire houses for Merchants , and others , till ye come to the backe gate of Guild-Hall , which gate , and part of the building within the same , is of this Ward . Some small distance beyond this gate , the Coopers have their common Hall. Then is the Parish Church of Saint Michael , called St. Michael at Bassings Hall , a proper Church , lately re-edified or new builded : whereto Iohn Burton , Mercer , and Agnes his wife , were great Benefactors ; as appeareth by his mark , placed throughout the whole Roofe of the Quire , and middle I le of the Church . He deceased in the yeer 1460. and was buried in the Quire , with this Epitaph : Iohn Burton lieth under here , Sometimes of London Citizen & Mercer ; And Jenet his wife with their progenie , Beene turned to earth , as ye may see . Friends free , what so ye be , Pray for us , we you pray ; As you see us in this degree , So shall you be another day . Francis Cooke , Iohn Martin , Edward Bromflit , Esquire of Warwickshire , 1460. Richard Barnes , sir Roger Roe , Roger Velden , 1479. Sir Iames Yerforde , Mercer , Maior , deceased 1527. buried under a faire Tombe , with his Lady , in a speciall Chappell by him builded , on the north side of the Quire. Sir Iohn Gresham , Mercer , Maior , deceased , 1554. Sir Iohn Ailife , Chirurgeon , then a Grocer , one of the Sheriffes , 1548. Nicholas Bakhurst , one of the Sheriffes , 1577. Sir Wolston Dixi , Skinner , Maior , 1585. And sir Leonard Hallyday , Maior , 1605. but no Monuments were made for them , nor so much as any Grave-stone laid . Hereunder lieth buried the bodies of Sir Iames Yerforde , Knight , Mercer , and sometimes Lord Maior of this City of London ; and of Dame Elizabeth , his wife . The which Sir Iames deceased the 22. day of Iune , An. Dom. 1527. And the said Elizabeth deceased the 18. day of August , An. Dom. 1548. In Chirurgery brought up in youth , a Knight here lieth dead ; A Knight , and eke a Surgeon such , as England seld hath bred . For which so soveraigne gift of God , wherein he did excell , King Henry 8. call'd him to Court , who lov'd him dearly well . God gave the gift , the king gave goods , the gift of God t' enhance ; Where God & such a Prince do joyne , such man hath happy chance . King Edward for his service sake , bade him rise up a Knight ; A name of praise , and ever since , he Sir Iohn Ailife hight . Right Worshipful , in name and charge , in London liv'd he than ; In Blackwell Hall , the Merchant chiefe , first Sheriffe , then Alderman . The Hospitals bewaile his death , the Orphan children mone , Their chiefe Erector being dead , and Benefactor gone . Dame Isable , who liv'd with him , his faithfull Wife and Make , With him ( as dearest after death ) doth not her Knight forsake . The Knight , the 24. of October yeelded up his breath , And she soone after followed , to live with him in death . Here lyeth buried under this Tombe , the body of Sir Iohn Gresham , Knight ; sometime Alderman and Lord Maior of this City of London ; who had two wives , Dame Mary his first wife , by whom bee had issue five sonnes and sixe daughters : by Dame Katharine , his last wife , no issue . Which Sir Iohn deceased the 23. day of October , Anno Domini , 1556. And Dame Mary died the 21. day of September , 1538. Dame Katharine died , — His jacet Dom. Richard. Sarich , quondam Rector istius Eccles . Qui obiit 13. Novemb. An. Dom. 1359. Cujus animae propitieture Deus . Thus have you noted one Parish Church of St. Michael Blackwell Hall , a Market place for woollen clothes ; the Masons Hall , Weavers Hall , Girdlers Hall , and Coopers Hall. And thus I end this VVard , which hath an Alderman , his Deputy , for Common Counsell foure , Constables two , Scavengers two , for the VVardmote inquest seventeene , and a Beadle . Jt is taxed to the Fifteene in London 7. pounds , and likewise in the Exchequer at 7. pounds . CREPLEGATE VVARD . THe next Ward is called of Creplegate , and consisteth of divers streets & lanes , lying as well without the Gate and VVall of the City , as within . First , within the VVall on the East part thereof , towards the North , it runneth to the west side of Bassings Hall Ward : & towards the South , it joyneth to the Ward of Cheap , it beginneth at the west end of St. Laurence Church in the Iury , on the North side , and runneth west to a Pumpe , where sometime was a Well with 2. Buckets , at the South corner of Alderman bury street , which streete runneth down North to Gay-spur lane , & so to London Wall , which street and lane are wholly ( on both sides ) of this Ward , and so be some few houses ( on both the sides ) from Gay-spur lane , by and against the Wall of the City , East to the Grates , made for the water-course of the channels , and west to Creplegate . Now on the South side , from over-against the west end of Saint Laurence Church to the Pumpe , & then up Milk-street , South unto Cheape , which Milk-street is wholly ( on both the sides ) of Creplegate Ward , as also without the South end of Milkstreet , a part of West Cheape , to wit , from the Standard to the Crosse , is all of Creplegate Ward . Then downe great Woodstreete , which is wholly of this VVard on both the sides thereof ; so it little Woodstreete , which runneth downe to Creplegate . Out of this Woodstreete be divers lanes ; namely , on the East side is Lad lane , which runneth East to Milkstreete corner ; downe lower in Woodstreete is Love lane , which lyeth by the South side of S. Albans Church in Woodstreet , and runneth down to the Conduit in Aldermanbury streete . Lower downe in Woodstreete , is Addlestreete , out of the which runneth Philip lane downe to London VVall. These be the Lanes on the East side . On the west side of Woodstreete , is Huggen lane , by the South side of S. Michaels Church , and goeth thorow to Gutherous lane . Then lower is Maiden lane , which runneth VVest to the North end of Gutherons lane , and up the said Lane on the East side thereof , till against Kery lane , and backe againe : then the said Maiden Lane , on the North side , goeth up to Staining lane , and up a part thereof on the East side , to the farthest North part of Haberdashers Hall ; and backe againe to Woodstreete , and there lower downe is Silverstreete , which is of this VVard , till yee come to the East end of St. Olaves Church on the South side , and to Monkes-well streete on the North side ; then down the said Monkes-well streete on the East side thereof , and so to Creplegate , doe make the bounds of this VVard within the wals . Without Creplegate Forestreete runneth thwart before the Gate , from against the North side of Saint Giles Church , along to More lane end , and to a Posterne lane end , that runneth betwixt the Towne ditch on the South , and certaine Gardens on the North , almost to Moregate ; at the East end of which lane is a Pot-makers house , which house , with all other the Gardens , Houses , and Allies on that side to More-fields , till yee come to a Bridge and Cow-house , neere unto Fensbury Court , is all of Creplegate VVard . Of these More-fields you have formerly read , what a moorish rotten ground they were , unpassable , but for Cawswaies purposely made to that intent ; what they were also in our owne neerer times of memory , even till Sir Leonard Hallyday was Lord Maior of London , I am very well assured many doe perfectly remember : And what they are now at this instant , by the honourable cost and care of this City , and the industrious paines and diligence of that worthy Citizen , Master Leate , wee all ( to our continuall comfort ) doe evidently behold . M. Iohn Speed , my especiall kinde friend ; acquainted me with the draught of a Mappe , done after that true shape and modell , as at the first ( by the forenamed Gentleman ) they were intended , and laboured with the then Lord Maior , and Court of Aldermen , that the same might have bin accordingly effected . But how it was prevented , I know not , only I purposed to have beene at so much charge , as to have had that Map ( in some apt & convenient forme ) printed in this booke : but that I could not attaine thereto ; being promised , that at the next impression I shall have it . For the Walkes themselves , and continuall care of the City , to have them in that comely & worthy maner maintained : I am certainly perswaded , that our thankfulnesse to God being first truely performed , they are no meane cause of preserving health and wholesome ayre to the City , and such an eternall honour thereto , as no iniquity of time shall ever be able to deface . Then to turne backe againe through the said Posterne lane to More lane , which More lane , with all the Allies and buildings there , is of this Ward . After that is Grubstreete , more than halfe thereof to the streightning of the street , next is White-crosse street , up to the end of Beech lane ; and then Red-crosse street wholly , with a part of Golding lane , even to the Posts there placed , as a bounder . Then is Beech lane before spoken of , the East side of the Red-crosse , and the Barbican streete , more than halfe thereof , toward Aldersgate street , and so have you all the bounds of Creplegate VVard without the wals . Now for Antiquities and Ornaments in this Ward , to be noted : I finde , first at the meeting of the corners of the Old Iury , Milkstreet , Lad lane , and Alderman bury , there was ( of old time ) a faire Well with two Buckets , of late yeeres converted to a Pumpe . How Alderman bury streete took that name , many fables have been bruted , all which I overpasse , as not worthy the counting : but to bee short , I say , this streete tooke the name of Aldermans bury ( which is to say , a Court ) there kept in their Bery , or Court Hall , now called the Guild Hall , which Hall ( of old time ) stood on the East side of the same street , not far from the West end of Guild Hall now used . Touching the Antiquity of this old Aldermans bury or Court , I have not read other , than that Richard Renery , one of the Sheriffes of London , in the first of Richard the first , which was in the yeere of Christ , 1189. gave to the Church or Saint Mary at Osney by Oxford , certaine ground and rents in Alderman bury of London , as appeareth by the Register of that Church , as is also entred into the Hoistings of the Guild Hall in London . This old Bery , Court , or Hall continued , and the Courts of the Maior & Aldermen were continually holden there , untill the new Bery , Court , or Guild hall that now is , was builded & finished , which Hall was first begun to be founded in the yeere 1411. and was not fully finished in 20. yeers after . I my self have seene the ruines of the old Court Hall , in Alderman-bury streete , which of late hath beene imployed as a Carpenters yard , &c. In this Alderman-bury street be divers faire houses on both the sides , meete for Merchants or men of worship , & in the midst therof is a faire Conduit , made at the charges of W. Eastfield , sometime Maior , who took order as well for water to be conveyed from Teyborne , & for the building of this Conduit , not far distant from his dwelling house ; as also for a Standard of sweet water to be erected in Fleetstreet , all which was done by his Executors , as elsewhere is shewed . Then is the Parish Church of S. Mary Aldermanbury , a faire Church , with a Church-yard & Cloister adjoyning , in the which Cloister is hanged & fastned a shanke-bone of a man ( as is said ) very great , and larger by 3. inches & a halfe , than that which hangeth in S. Laurence Church in the Iurie ; for it is in length 28. inches and a halfe of assise , but not so hard and steely , like as the other , for the same is light , and somewhat pory and spongy . This bone is said to bee found amongst the bones of men removed from the Charnell house of Pauls , or rather from the Cloyster of Pauls Church : of both which reports I doubt , for that the late Reyne Wolfe , Stationer ( who payd for the carriage of those bones from the Charnell to the Morefields ) told mee of some thousands of Carre loads and more to bee conveyed , whereof he wondred ; but never told of any such bone in either place to bee found , neither would the same have bin easily gotten from him , if he had heard thereof , except he had reserved the like for himself , being the greatest preserver of antiquities in those parts for his time . True it is , that this bone ( from whence soever it came ) being of a man , as the forme sheweth ) must needes bee monstrous , and more than after the proportion of five shanke bones of any man now living amongst us . There lye buried in this Church Simon Winehcombe , Esquire , 1391. Robert Combarton , 1422. Iohn Wheatly , Mercer , 1428. Sir William Estfild , Knight of the Bath , Maior , 1438. a great Benefactor to that Church , under a faire Monument : he also builded their steeple , changed their old Bels into 5. tuneable Bels , and gave 100. l. to other workes of that Church . Moreover , he caused the Conduit in Aldermanbury , which he had begun , to be performed at his charges , and water to be conveyed by pipes of Lead , from Teyborne to Fleetstreete , as I have said . And also from High Bery , to the parish of S. Giles without Creplegate , where the Inhabitants of those parts incastellated the same in sufficient Cisternes . Iohn Middleton , Mercer , Maior , 1472. Iohn Tomes , Draper , 1486. William Bucke , Taylor , 1501. Sir William Browne , Maior , 1507. Dame Margaret Ienings , wife to Stephen Ienings , Maior , 1515. A Widow , named Starkey , sometime wife to Mody . Ralph Woodcocke , Grocer , one of the Sheriffes , 1586. Dame Mary Gresham , wife to Sir Iohn Gresham , 1528. Thomas Godfrey , Remembrancer of the Office of the First fruits . Thomas Digges , Esquire , sonne and heyre of Leonard Digges , of Wotton , in the County of Kent , Esquire , & of Bridget his wife , daughter to Thomas Wilford , Esquire , which Thomas deceased the 24. day of August , An. Dom. 1595. Agnes , wife to Thomas Digges , Esquire , daughter of Sir William Sentleger , Knight , and of Vrsula his wife , daughter of George Nevil , Lord of Aburgaveny , by whom the said Thomas had issue , Dudley , his sonne and heyre ; Leonard , his second son ; Margaret and Vrsula , now living , beside VVilliam and Mary , who died young . Deo Opt. Max. & memoriae . Hic resurrectionem mortuorum expectat Thomas Digsaeus , Armiger , ex Antiqua Digsaeorum in Cantia Familia oriundus , vir fide & pietate in Deum singulari , rei militaris admodum peritus , optimarum literarum studiosus , & scientiis Mathematicis ad miraculum ( ut ex libris editis constat ) eruditissimus : Quem Deus in Coelestem Patriam , Anno salutis , 1595. evocavit : charissimo Marito Vxor moestissima posuit . Here lieth in an assured hope to rise in Christ , Thomas Digges , Esquire , sometime Muster-Master of the English Army in the Low-Countries : A man zealously affected to true Religion , wise , discreete , courteous , faithfull to his friends , and of rare knowledge in Geometry , Astrologie , and other Mathematicall sciences : who finished this transitory life with a happy end , in Anno 1595. That the dead might live , Christ dyed . Here lieth buried , Elizabeth Norreis , daughter of the right Honourable Sir Henry Norreis , Knight , Lord Norreis of Ricot , who deceased the 18. day of April , 1574. Armig. hic Jon. Constantinus positus ; genetrici subjacet ; aeternè laetenur in arce polorum . Qui Februo cessit . Mil. 1. Cent. quatuor bis & octo . Here lieth entombed , Ralph Woodcock , Grocer and Alderman of London , who departed this life the first day of September , 1586. aged , 67. yeeres . Hee had foure wives , Helen Collier , by whom he had five sonne and three daughters . Good Bower , by whom he had ten sons and five daughters . Elenor Carew , by whom he had one daughter . And Mary Lovyson , by whom he had no issue . Elizabeth , whose husband Davy hight , Lyeth buried here till time the Trumpet blow : But sure the heavens possesse her sacred spright , Her vertuous life and godly end did show . And they that knew her pathes of perfect love , The sundry gifts that garnished her life , Can witnesse well , and by her end approve , There seldome hath been seene a better wife . Give God the praise for such her happy race : And pray , that we like vertues may embrace . She died the 12. day of August , 1569. Beneath this Church have ye Gay-spur lane , which runneth down to London Wall , as is afore shewed . In this lane , at the North end thereof , was ( of old time ) a house of Nuns , which house being in great decay , Wil. Elsing , Mercer , in the yeere of Christ , 1329. the 3. of Edward the 3. began in place thereof the foundation of an Hospitall , for sustentation of 100. blind men . Towards the erection whereof , he gave his 2. houses in the Parishes of S. Alphage , & our blessed Lady in Aldermanbury , neere Creplegate . This house was after called a Priory or Hospital of S. Mary the Virgin , founded in the yeere 1332. by W. Elsing , for Canons regular : the which W. became the first Prior there . Robert Elsing , son to the said W. gave to the said Hospitall , 12. l. by the yeere , for the finding of 3. Priests , he also gave 100. s. towards the inclosing of the new Church-yard without Ealdgate : and 100. s. to the inclosing of the new Church-yard without Aldersgate : to Tho. Elsing his son , 80. l. the rest of his goods to be sold , and given to the poore . This house valued , 193. l. 15. s. 5. d. was surrendred the eleventh of May , the 22. of Henry the 8. A briefe remembrance of SYON Colledge , in the Parish of Saint Alphage . IN the same place where the foresaid Elsing Spittle and Priory were formerly situated ; there is now newly erected a Colledge for the Clergy of London , and liberties thereof , called by the name of Syon Colledge : And Almes-houses for twenty poore people , ten men , and ten women . This was done by the especiall care and paines of M. Iohn Simson , Rector of S. Olaves Hartstreet London , one of the Executors of the last Will and Testament of M. Thomas White , Doctor in Divinity , Vicar of S. Dunstanes in the west , and one of the Canons Residentiary of S. Pauls Church London : which forenamed Thomas White ( besides sundry sums of mony , and great yeerly 〈…〉 by him to pious and charitable uses in divers places ) gave 3000. l. to purchase and build the foresaid Colledge for the use of the Clergy , and Almes-houses for the 20. poor people aforesaid . He also gave unto the said Colledge and Almes-houses 160. l. per annum for ever , whereof there is 120. l. yeerly allowed for the maintenance of the poore Almes-men & women . And 40. l. yeerly for 4. dinners for the Clergy , who are to have 4. Latine Sermons in the yeere ; one every quarter , and upon these daies are to dine together in the Colledge . In the same Colledge the aforenamed Iohn Simson did in his life time at his owne proper costs and charges build a very faire and spacious Library , containing 121. foote in length , within the wals , & above 25. foot in breadth . And hath furnished it with wainscot , stalls , deskes , seates , and other necessary and usefull ornaments befieting the place . He likewise at his cost and charges erected the new building adjoyning to the Library , all along the Southside of the Colledge Court , for lodging for the Governours , or others at their appointment . to this Library there have beene already divers bountfull and well disposed Benefactors , who have given large summes of money towards the furnishing of it with bookes . The right Honourable Paul , Lord Viscount Bayning , gave fifty pounds . The right Honourable Anne , Vicountesse Bayning , his wife , gave 50. l. Sir George Croke , Knight , one of his Majesties Iustices of his Pleas before him assigned to be holden , gave 100. l. Rebecca , Lady Rumney , widow to Sir William Rumney , late Alderman of London , gave 100. l. M. Thomas Gonnell , late Citizen and Merchant-Adventurer of London , gave by his Will 100. l. M. Iohn Greenough , late Citizen and Woolman of London , gave by his Will fifty pounds . M. Robert Parkhurst , Citizen and Alderman of London , gave fifty pounds . Besides divers others ; whose names , legacies , gifts , and bookes bought therewith : are ( by way of a gratefull memoriall ) registred in a faire Booke kept in the Library . The Monuments that were in this Church defaced , Thomas Cheney , son to William Cheney , Thomas , Iohn , and William Cheney , Iohn Northampton , Draper , Maior , 1381. Edmond Hungerford , Henrie Frowike , Ioane , daughter to Sir William Cheney , wife to William Stokes , Robert Edarbroke , Esquire , 1460. Dame Ioane Ratcliffe , William Fowler , William Kingston , Thomas Swineley , and Helen his wife , &c. The principall I le of this Church , towards the North , was pulled downe , & a frame of foure houses set up in place : the other part from the steeple upward , was converted into a Parish Church of S. Alphage , & the Parish Church which stood neere unto the VVall of the City by Creplegate , was pulled downe , the plot thereof made a Carpenters yard , with saw-pits . The Hospitall it selfe , the Prior , and Canons house , with other Lodgings , were made a dwelling house , the Church-yard is a Garden plot , and a faire Gallery on the Cloyster : the lodgings for the poore are translated into stabling for horses . In the yeere 1541. Sir Iohn Williams , Master of the Kings Jewels , dwelling in this house , on Christmas Even at night , about seven of the clocke , a great fire began in the Gallery thereof , which burned so sore , that the flame firing the whole house , and consuming it , was seene all the City over , and was hardly quenched ; whereby many of the Kings Iewels were burned , and more imbeselled ( as was said . ) Sir Rowland Hayward , Maior , dwelled in this Spittle , & was buried there , 1593. Richard Lee , alias , Clarenciaulx , King of Armes , 1597. Here lieth the body of Sir Rowland Hayward , Knight , twice Lord Maior of this City of London , and living an Alderman the space of 30. yeeres , and ( at his death ) the ancientest Alderman of the said City . He lived beloved of all good men , and died ( in great credit and reputation ) the fifth day of December , Ann. Dom. 1593. And the 36. yeere of the reigne of our Soveraigne Lady Queene Elizabeth . He had two vertuous wives , and by them many happy children . Ioane , daughter of William Tillesworth , Esquire , was the first wife to Sir Rowland Hayward , by whom he had issue , 3. sons and 5. daughters , which 3. sons , and 2. of the daughters died in their infancy . The eldest of the surviving daughters , named Elizabeth , was first married to Richard VVaren , Esquire , and ( after his decease ) to Thomas Knevet , Esquire , one of her Majesties Privie Chamber . Susanna , the second daughter , was married to Henry Townsend , Esquire . Ioane the third daughter , was married to Iohn Thinne , Esquire . Katharine , the second wife of Sir Rowland Hayward , was daughter to Thomas Smith , Esquire , by whom hee had likewise issue three sons and five daughters , whereof one sonne and one daughter died infants . The two sons and foure daughters yet living , are George , Iohn , Alice , Katharine , Mary , and Anne , all young , and unmarried at their fathers death . Decus vitae , est honorata Mors. This Tombe was erected by the appointment of Edward Pilsworth , and VVilliam Cotton , Citizens of London , and Executors of the said Sir Rowland . Here lieth buried under this stone the body of Robert Hodgson , Esquire , one of the Auditors of the Queenes Majesties Court of Exchequer , who died the 26. day of May , in the yeere of our Lord 1577. Now to returne to Milkestreet , so called of milke sold there , there bee many faire houses for wealthy Merchants and other : among the which I reade , that Gregory Rokesley , Maior of London , in the yeere 1275. dwelled in this Milkstreete , in an house belonging to the Priory of Lewes in Sussex , whereof he was Tenant at will , paying 20. s. by the yeere without other charge : such were the rents of those times . In this Milkestreete , is a small Parish Church of Saint Mary Magdalen , which hath of late yeeres been repaired : William Browne , Maior , 1513. gave to this Church forty pounds , and was buried there . Thomas Exmew , Maior , 1528. gave forty pounds , and was buried there : so was Iohn Milford , one of the Sheriffes , 1375. Iohn Olney , Maior , 1475. Richard Rawson , one of the Sheriffes , 1476. Henry Kelsey . Sir Iohn Browne , Maior , 1497. Thomas Muschampe , one of the Sheriffes , 1463. Sir William Cantilow , Knight , Mercer , 1462. Henry Cantilow , Mercer , Merchant of the Staple , who builded a Chappell , and was buried there , 1495. Iohn West , Alderman , 1517. Iohn Machel , Alderman , 1558. Thomas Skinner , Clothworker , Maior , 1596. Here lieth the corps of Thomas Skinner , late Citizen and Alderman of London , borne at Saffron Walden in Essex , who in the 63. yeere of his age , and on the 5. day of December , Anno Dom. 1596. being then Lord Maior of this City , departed this life , leaving behind him three sonnes , Iohn , Thomas , and Richard : and three daughters , Aunc , Iulian , and Elizabeth . Here lieth interred the body of Mistresse Mary Collet , wife of M. John Collet , Citizen and Salter of London , who deceased the 22. of December , An. Dom. 1613. being aged 35. yeeres . This Marble witnesse , dew-dropt with the eies Of grived Niobe , ●els thee , that here lies Her second husband joy , her first content , Her parents comfort , her friends ornament , Her neighbours welcome , her deare kinreds losse , Her owne health's foe , deeming all pleasure drosse , The world a layle , whence , through much paine we see Her soule at length hath purchast liberty ; And soar'd on high where here Redeemer lives : Who ( for her torment ) rest and glory gives . Here lie the bodies of Gerard Gore , Citizen , Merchant-Taylor , and Alderman of London , and of Helen his wife : who lived together married 57. yeeres . The said Gerard died the 11. day of December , 1607. in the 91. yeere of his age . And shee departed this life the 13. day of February , in the foresaid yeere , being 75. yeeres old . Here lyeth the body of Thom. Henshawe , Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London , who had to wife Flower Henshawe , and had issue by her 9. sons , and 4. daughters . He deceased the 11. day of Ianuary , 1611. aged , 76. yeeres : and she died the 6. of March , 1615. aged , about 60. yeeres . Here lieth the body of sir William Stone , Knight , free of the Clothworkers and Turkie Companies , sometime Alderman of this City . He was the sonne of Reynold Stone , Citizen and Fishmonger of London . The said Sir VVilliam departed this life the 14. of September , 1609. aged , 63. yeeres , &c. As the Earth , the Earth doth cover , So under this stone lyes another . Sir William Stone , who long deceased , Ere the worlds love him released , So much it lov'd him . For they say , He answered death before his day , But 't is not so : for he was sought Of one that both him made and bought . He remain'd the great Lords treasure , Who called for him at his pleasure , And receiv'd him . Yet be' it said , Earth griev'd that heaven so soone was paid . Here likewise lyes inhumed in one bed , Dame Barbara , the welbeloved wife Of this remembred Knight : whose soules are fled From this dimme Vale , to everlasting life . Where no more change , nor no more separation Shall make them flye from their blest habitation . Grasse of levitie , Span in brevity , Flowers felicity , Fire of misery , Winds stability Is mortality . Their Riches were like corne lent to the field , What it receiv'd it manifold did yeeld . Their bodies have a grave their vertues none , But shall with time grow greene , when they are gone . Stone walls , brasse Towers , decay as flowers : One gone , their good is , Lo , here they stood . So transitory is our glory . This Stone , this Verse , two Mountfords doe present , The corps of one , the others Monument : Two lovely brethren , by their vertues knowne , Whom Cambridge , and Kings Colledge cal'd their owne . Osbert and Richard , of which worthy paire , The first imployed by Sea in great affaire , Made Heaven his Haven , and at that Port , the other ( By land ) did overtake his elder Brother . So now the bones of both are laid asleepe , These in this Church , those in the Easterne Deepe : Till all the dead shall wake from Sea and Land , Before the Iudge of quicke and dead to stand . Amen . We sonne-lesse parents , yet not childlesse left , Bewaile ( as men ) our seed untimely reft . As Christians , we hope , and joy , and say ; Heaven is our home , and thither , Death the way . By Sea or Land , it skils not , so we minde The Faithfull Pilgrims narrow path to finde . Mort. Osbert , Mense Decemb. 1614. Mort. Richard , Mense Ian. 1615. Then next is Woodstreet , by what reason so called , I know not ; true it is , that ( of old time ) according to a Decree made in the reigne of Richard the first , the houses in London were builded of stone , for defence of fire , which kind of building was used for two hundred yeeres or more ; but of later time , for the winning of ground , taken downe , and houses of timber were set up in place . It seemeth therefore , that this street hath beene of the later building , all of timber , ( for not one house of stone hath beene knowne there ) and therefore called Woodstreet ; otherwise it might take the name of some builder or owner thereof . Tho. Wood , one of the Sheriffes , in the yeere 1491. dwelled there : he was an especiall Benefactor towards the building of S. Peters Church at Woodstreet end , which is called Gold-smiths 〈◊〉 , garnished with the likenesse of Wood-men : his predecessors might be the first builders , owners and namers of this street , after their owne name . On the East side of this street is one of the Prison houses , pertaining to the Sheriffes of London , and is called the Compter in Woodstreet , which was prepared to be a prison-house , in the yeere 1555. and on the Eve of S. Michael the Archangell , the prisoners that lay in the Compter in Breadstreet , were removed to this Compter in Woodstreet . Beneath this Compter is Lad Lane , or Ladle Hall ; for so I find it of Record , in the Parish of Saint Michael Woodstreet , and beneath that is Love Lane , so called of wantons . By this Lane is the ancient Parish Church of S. Albans . One note of the great antiquity of it , is the name : by which it was at first dedicated to Saint Albane , the first Martyr of England . Another character of the antiquity of it , is to be seene in the manner of the turning of the Arches in the windowes , and heads of the Pillars . A third note appeares in the Romane bricks , here and there inlayed amongst the stones of the building . Very probable it is , that this Church is at least of as ancient a standing , as King Adelstane the Saxon , who , as the Tradition sayes , had his house at the East end of this Church . This Kings house having a doore also into Adel-street , in this Parish , gave name , as 't is thought , unto the said Adel-street : which in all Evidences to this day , is written King-Adelstreet . One great square Tower of this Kings house seemes yet remaining : to be seene at the North corner of Love Lane , as you come from Alderman-bury : which Tower is of the very same stone and manner of building with S. Albanes Church . This Church , decayed with meere age , is this yeere beginning to be taken downe , and to be new builded . It hath the Monuments of Sir Rich. Illingworth , Baron of the Exchequer , Thomas Catworth , Grocer , Maior , 1443. Iohn Woodcocke , Maior , 1405. Iohn Collet and Alice his wife : Ralph Thomas , Ralph and Richard , sonnes of Ralph Illingworth , which was sonne to Richard Illingworth , Baron of the Exchequer . Thomas , sonne of Thomas Fitzwilliams ; Thomas Halton , Mercer , Maior , 1550. Thomas Ostrich , Haberdasher , 1483. Richard Swetenham Esquire ; and William Dunthorne , Town-Clerke of London , with this Epitaph : ●aelix prima dies postquam mortalibus aevi , Cesserit , hic morbus subit , atq , repentè senectus , Tum mors qua nostrum Dunthorn cecidisse Wile●mum , Haud cuiquam latuisse reor , dignissimus ( inquam , ) Artibus hic Doctor , necnon celeberrimus hujus Clericus Vrbis erat primus , nullique secundus , Moribus , ingenio , studio , nil dixeris illi , Quin dederit natura boni , pius ipse modestus , Longanimus , solis patiens , super omnia gratus , Quique sub immensas curas variosque labores , Anxius atteritur vitae , dum carpserit auras , Hoc tetro in tumulo , compostus pace quiescit . Simon Morsted , Thomas Pikehurst , Esquire , Richard Take , Robert Ashcombe , Thomas Lovet , Esquire , Sheriffe of Northamptonshire , 1491. Iohn Spoore , 1429. Katharine , daughter to Sir The Mirley , Knight , William Linchlade , Mercer , 1392. Iohn Penny , Mercer , 1450. Iohn Thomas , Mercer , 1485. Christopher Hawse , Mercer , one of the Sheriffes , 1503. William Sharborough , Vintner , Simon de Berching . Sir Iohn Cheke , Knight , Schoole-master to King Edward the 6. deceased , 1557. doth lye here . Hunc posuit Tumulum frater , superaddidit illi Triste Nepos Carmen ; dignus utroque fuit . Cur Tumulum ? justo ne funus honore careret . Cur Carmen ? laudes ne tegerentur humo . Vita pia , & foelix mors , vitam morte prehendunt , Et pensant-Coeli munere , damna soli . Here lyeth buried M. Albayne Hill , Doctor of Physicke , who dyed the 26. day of December , An. Dom. 1559. Here also lyeth buried Mistris Alice Hill , sometime wife to the said M. Dr. Hill : who dyed the last day of May , An. Dom. 1508. Ethelreda White , quondam uxor Henrici White , Armigeri , & unius filiarum & haeredum Roberti Frother , Aldermanni London . Quae quidem Ethelreda obiit in vigilia S. Iohan. Baptist . An. Regis Henrici 8. 26. An. Dom. 1534. The 13. day of September , 1557. Doctrinae tamen Chekus uterque Magister , Aurea naturae sabrica morre jacer . Non erat è multis unus , sed praestitir unus Omnibus & Patriae flos erat ille suae : Gemma Britanna fuit , tam magnum nulla tulerunt Tempora Thesaurum , tempora nulla ferent . Hic jacet Benedictus Trotter , nuper Civis , & Grocerus London , Mercator Stapulae villae Caliciae . Qui obiit ultimo die Mensis Octobris , 1496. Cujus , &c. Hic jacet Willielmus Hinchlade , quondam Civis & Mercerus London . Qui obiit 9. die Ianuarii , An. Dom. 1392. Et Alicia uxor ejus . Quorum , &c. Of William Wilson , Ioane his wife , and Alice their daughter deare , These lines be left to give report , these three lye buried here ; And Alice was Henry Decons wife , which Henry lives on earth , And is the Serjeant Plummer unto Queene ELIZABETH . With whom this Alice left issue here , her vertuous daughter Iane , To be his comfort every where , now joyfull Alice is gone . And for these three departed soules , gone up to joyfull blisse ; Th' Almighty praise be given to God , to whom the glory is . Alice dyed , the eleventh day of March , 1572. Ad sacros cineres , & piam memoriam Alleni Downer , Civis London , è libertate Potifica , & aetate & officio aliquando senioris , & Mariae Vxoris Parentum integritate quadrata , Thomas Filius unus , & uncus superstes , ultimum hoc pli & filialis amoris testamentum assert . Si vere dicunt monumenta monentia men●●● , Mille mihi monumenta pii posuēre parentes . Ingratus ne sim monumento hoc miile rependo . Vpon the Wall by the North doore , a faire Monument in stone , with these inscriptions : Misericordiam Dei per Jesum Christum obtinuimus . Here lye the bodies of Anne , the wife of Laurence Gibson , Gent. and of their three sonnes . She was a most faithfull and loving wife , and a right-religious , wise , vertuous and modest woman , and adorned with many other such excellent and commendable gifts and qualities , that she is worthy of perpetuall memory . She was of the ancient Family of the Bamfords in Lincolnshire : and the 29. day of December , 1611. she patiently and Christianly ended this mortall life . Spe resurgendi ad vitam aeternam requiescimus . Hoc moestissimus ejus maritus , in piam memoriam Vxoris suae , talis , tamque charissimae construi fecit : eundemque hic cum illa esse sepulturum sperat & exoptat . In Christo filii sumus Dei , & haeredes aeternae vicae . Mentis vis magna . What , is she dead ? doth he survive ? No : both are dead , and both alive . She lives , hee 's dead , by love , though grieving , In him , for her , yet dead , yet living . Both dead , and living ? then what is gone ? One halfe of both , not any one . One mind , one Faith , one hope , one Grave , In life , in death , they had , and still they have . Amor conjugalis aeternus . Hic jacet in requiem Woodcocke Iohn , vir Generosus , Maior Londiniae , Mercerus , valdè morosus . Hic jacet Tom Shot-hose , sine Tombe , sine Sheets , sine Riches , Qui vixit sine Gowne , sine Cloake , sine Shirt , sine Breeches . In the Vestrie South Window , there is the figure of Thomas Heritagh , in a red Mantle : Right before him in another pane is the Mercers Armes , of which Company ( it seemes ) he was free . This man was the builder of this Vestry-house . At the East end of the Chancell , on the right hand , is a faire Monument , with this inscription : To the sacred Memory of Thomas Shelly , eldest sonne and heire of Henry Shelly of Patcham in the Country of Sussex , Esquire , departed this life the second day of Decemb. 1620. being 23. yeeres of age : by his most sorrowfull wife , Mary Shelly , eldest daughter of Thomas Stephens of the middle Temple , Esquire , Atturney Generall to Prince Henry . If Youth , Religion , Vertue , and the rest Of Graces that in fraile Man are the best , Could have conser'd long life , this Funerall Verse Had not so soone beene offered at thy Herse By thy sad Widdow : whose Fate did allow Her onely three weeks happinesse , to know How good thou wert : and what remaines of life , To her yeelds sorrow : she was once a wife To such an husband , whose like 't were in vaine , And flattery to her griefe , to hope againe . But thou wert flesh , and that to earth must turne , Thy pure soule blest ; she onely left to mourne . Adjoyning to this on the right hand , is a faire Marble Monument in Ovall : Deo Trino & Vno opt . max. sacrum , ac Aeternae Memoriae ornatissimae & laudatissimae feminae , Annae Walleriae in Icenis oriundae , unius atque unicae parentum prolis ; Ingenio , Genio & Genere conspicuae : Guilielmi Waadi , Regii Consistorii sanctiorisque Concilii Serenissimae Heroinae , Dominae Elizabethae , Angliae , &c. Reginae , à secretis . Conjugis , Quae annos enata Xix. in puerperio , 10. Calendas Septembris , Anno Salutis Iesu merito restitutae , M. D.XIC . ex hac peritura ad perennam vitam emigravit . Cui Placidè in Christo gentis humanae sospitatore obdormienti , hoc mortale immortalis amoris Monumentum Conjux moestissimus posuit . On the South side of the Church , on the wall adjoyning to the Vestry , is an ancient Monument , in the memory of Christopher Hawes , Mercer and Alderman of London , who dyed the 25. of October , 1508. and is interred in a Vault under the foundation of the Church . Then is Adle street , in old Evidences written King-Adel-street ; and so called from King Adel stane the Saxon. At this present it is replenished with faire buildings on both fides : Amongst which , there was sometime the Pinners Hall : but that Company being decayed , it is now the Plaisterers Hall. Not farre from thence is the Brewers Hall , a faire house : which Company of Brewers was incorporated by King Henry the sixth , in the 16. of his reigne ; confirmed by the name of Saint Mary and Saint Thomas the Martyr , the 19. of Edward the fourth . From the West end of this Adle street , Little Woodstreet runneth downe to Creplegate : and somewhat East ( from the Sunne Taverne , against the wall of the Citie ) is the Curriers Hall. Now on the West side of Woodstreet have ye Huggen lane , so called of one Hugan , that of old time dwelled there . He was called Hugan in the Lane , as I have read in the 34. of Edward the first . This Lane runneth downe by the South side of S. Michaels Church in Woodstreet ; and so growing very narrow by meanes of late encrochments , to Guthurons lane . The Parish Church of Saint Michael in Woodstreet is a proper thing , and lately well repaired . Iohn Iue , Parson of this Church , Iohn Forster , Goldsmith , and Peter Fikeldon , Taylor , gave two Messuages and Shops , with Sollars , Cellars , and other Edifices , in the same Parish and street , and in Ladle Lane to the reparations of the Church , Chancell , and other workes of charity , the 16 of Richard the second . The Monuments here , be of William Bambrough , the son of Henry Bambrough of Shardborough , 1392. William Turner , Waxe-Chaundler , 1400. Iohn Peke , Goldsmith , 1441. VVilliam Taverner , Girdler , 1454. VVilliam Mancer , Ironmonger , 1465. Iohn Nash , 1466. with an Epitaph . Iohn Allen , Timber-monger , 1441. Robert Draper , 1500. Iohn Lambard , Draper , Alderman , one of the Sheriffes of London , who deceased 1554. and was father to William Lambard , Esquire , well knowne by sundry learned Bookes that he hath published . Iohn Medley , Chamberlaine of London . Iohn Marsh , Esquire , Mercer , and Common Sergeant of London , &c. Here lyeth Ioh. Blount , Citizen and Clothworker of Lond. eldest son of W. Blount of Mauggareffield , in the County of Glocest . Esquire , who had to wife Anne Layton , of whom he had issue , six sonnes and eight daughters , and lived together man and wife nine and twenty yeeres , in worshipfull and good reputation , and dyed at the age of threescore and three yeers , the first day of May , 1599. Here lyeth the body of Nicholas Waren , Citizen and Grocer of London , borne at Whitby in Yorkshire , who had to wife Margaret Crome , who lived together married two and twenty yeeres and eleven moneths . He dyed in joy and peace of a faithfull confession , the tenth day of April , 1614. being about the age of two and fifty yeeres . IOB 17. Vers . 5. My breath is corrupt , my dayes are cut off , the Grave for me . The body of William Harvie , Citizen and Grocer of London , and Deputy to the Alderman of this Ward of Creplegate within , was buried the twentieth day of March , Anno Domini , 1597. of the age of 68. yeeres . Maudlin , his first wife , by whom he had issue , foure sonnes and one daughter , was buried the 16. day of November , 1581. Margaret , his second wife , by whom he had issue , one son , was buried the 14. of Ianuary , 1593. Joane , his third wife , survived . Robert Harvie , his eldest sonne , Citizen and Grocer of London , was buried in his Fathers Grave the ninth of November , 1608. out of his house in the Old Iewry , being of the age of 47. yeeres , 5. moneths , and 10. dayes ; when he had served his Prince , Comptroller of the Custome-house , and Warden of the Grocers . Hee had to wife Sara Audley , of whom hee had issue , three sonnes and three daughters , &c. There is also ( but without any outward Monument ) the head of Iames , the fourth King of Scots of that name ; slaine at Flodden field , and buried here by this occasion : After the Battell , the body of the said King being found , was closed in Lead , and conveyed from thence to London , and so to the Monastery of Sheyne in Surrey , where it remained for a time , in what order I am not certaine . But since the dissolution of that house , in the reigne of Edward the sixth , Henry Gray , Duke of Suffolke , being lodged and keeping house there ; I have beene shewed the same body , so lapped in Lead , close to the head and body , throwne into a waste roome amougst the old Timber , Lead , and other rubble . Since the which time , workemen there ( for their foolish pleasure ) hewed off his head : And Launcelot Young , Master Glasier to Queene Elizabeth , feeling a sweet savour to come from thence , and seeing the same dryed from all moysture , and yet the forme remaining , with the haire of the head and beard red ; brought it to London , to his house in Woodstreet , where ( for a time ) he kept it for the sweetnesse : but in the end , caused the Sexton of that Church to burie it amongst other bones , taken out of their Charnell , &c. I reade in divers Records , of a house in Woodstreet , then called Blacke Hall ; but no man at this day can tell thereof . On the North side of this Saint Michaels Church , is Maiden lane , now so called , but ( of old time ) Ingenelane , or Inglane . In this Lane the Wax-Chandlers have their Common Hall , on the South side thereof : and the Haberdashers have their like Hall on the North side , at Stayning lane end . This Company of the Haberdashers , or Hurrers , of old time so called , were incorporated a Brotherhood of S. Katharine , the 26. of Henry the 6. and so confirmed by Henry the seventh , the 17. of his reigne ; the Cappers and Hat-merchants , or Hurrers , being one Company of Haberdashers . Downe lower in Woodstreet is Silver street , ( I thinke , of Silver-smiths dwelling there ) in which bee divers faire houses . And on the North side thereof is Monkes-well street , so called , of a Well at the North end thereof , where the Abbot of Garendon had an house or Cell , called Saint Iames in the Wall by Creplegate , and certaine Monkes of their house were the Chaplains there ; wherefore the Well ( belonging to that Cell or Hermitage ) was called Monkes-well , and the street of the Well , Monkes-well street . The East side of this street , down against London wall , and the south side thereof to Creplegate , bee of Creplegate Ward , as is afore shewed . In this street , by the corner of Monks-well street , is the Bowyers Hall. On the said East side of Monks-well street , be proper Almes-houses , twelve in number , founded by Sir Ambrose Nicholas , Salter , Maior , 1575. wherein be placed twelve poore and aged people rent-free , having each of them 7. pence the weeke , and once the yeere each of them five sackes of Charcoales , and one quarter of an hundred of Faggots , of his gift for ever . On the North side of the way , turning towards Creplegate , and even upon , or close to London Wall , ( as it were ) are certaine new-erected Almes-houses , six in number , of the cost and gift of Mr. Robert Rogers , Leather-seller , and very good maintenance allowed ( for ever ) to such people as are appointed to dwell in them . Then , in little VVoodstreet , bee seven proper Chambers in an Alley on the West side , founded for seven poore people , therein to dwell rent-free , by Henry Barton , Skinner , Maior , 1516. Thus much for the Monuments of this Ward within the Walles . Now without the Posteme of Creplegate , first is the Parish Church of Saint Giles , a very faire and large Church , lately repaired , after that the same was burned , in the yeere 1545. the 37. of Henry the eighth ; by which mischance , the Monuments of the dead in this Church are very few . Notwithstanding , I have read of these following : Alice , William and Iohn , wife and sons to T. Clarell . Agnes , daughter to Thomas Niter , Gentleman . William Atwell . Felix , daughter to Sir Thomas Gisors , and wife to Thomas Travars . Thomas Mason , Esquire . Edmond Wartar , Esquire . Ioan , wife to Iohn Chamberlaine , Esquire , daughter to Roger Lewkner , Esquire . William Frier . Iohn Hamberger , Esquire . Hugh Moresbye . Gilbert Prince , Alderman . Oliver Cherley , Gentleman . Sir Iohn Wright , or Writhesley , alias Garter , King at Armes . Ioan , wife to Thomas Writhesley , sonne to Sir Iohn Writhesley . Garter , daughter and heire to William Hall , Esquire . Iohn Writhesley the yonger , sonne to Sir Iohn Writhesley and Eleanor . Eleanor , second wife to Iohn Writhesley , daughter and heire to Thomas Arnold , sister and heire to Richard Arnold , Esquire . Iohn , her sonne and heire . Margaret , with her daughter . Iohn Brigget . Thomas Ruston , Gent. Iohn Talbot , Esquire , and Katharine his wife . Thomas Warfle , and Isabel his wife . Thomas Lucie , Gentleman , 1447. Ralph Rochford , Knight , 1409. Edmond Watar , Esquire . Elizabeth , wife to Richard Barnes , sister and heire to Richard Malgrave Esquire , of Essex . Richard Govere , and Iohn Govere , Esquires . Sir Henry Grey , Knight , son and heire to George Grey , Earle of Kent , 1562. Reginald Grey , Earle of Kent . Richard Choppin , Tallow-Chandler , one of the Sheriffes , 1530. Iohn Hamber , Esquire , 1573. Thomas Busbie , Cooper , who gave the Queenes head Taverne to the reliefe of the poore in the Parish , 1575. Iohn Wheler , Goldsmith , 1575. Richard Bolene , 1563. William Bolene , 1575. W. Bolene , Physician , 1587. Robert Crowley , Vicar there , all these foure under one old stone in the Quire. The learned Iohn Foxe , Writer of the Acts and Monuments of the English Church , 1587. The skilfull Robert Glover , alias Somerset , Herauld , 1588. Iohannis Hambei , Armigeri , caro hoc in Tumulo repulverescet , sicut & Ianae charissimae Conjugis . Qui dum vixit , Edovardo sexto , Mariae & Elizabethae Angliae Regibus , in variis calculorum & rationum generibus , tam praestitorum & exterorum , quam decimarum & primitiarum ratiocinator dignissimus extiterat . Obiit autem Iohannes 8. Calend. Aprilis , Anno Salutis à Christo , 1573. Quem Iana secundo post Mense insequuta est , 16. scilicet Calend. Iunii . Quorum spiritus ad Coelum reversi reassumptionem carnis expectant . Francisco Borono , Nobilissimi Mediolanensi , & Annae Baptistae Boroni uxori , necnon & filio ; Quorum ossa hoc clauduntur Tumulo . Idem Baptista Baronus , Francisci frater , ac Annae maritus , in eorum memoriam hanc posuit scriptionem . Obiit Franciscus Londinensis , 16. die Aprilis , Anno Domini , M.D.XXXIII . Aetatis suae , XXXI . Anna vero & filius , ultimo die Octobris , M.D.XLVI . Hic jacet Henricus Giffard , filius tertiogenitus Iohannis Giffard , nuper de North-hall , in Comitatu Middless . Armigeri . Qui cum corporis castitatem quadraginta trium annorum coelibatu comprobasset , Animam Sponso suo Iesu Christo piam sanctamque tradidit , 15. die Iulii , Anno Domini , 1602. Christo S. S. Iohanni Foxo , Ecclesiae Anglicanae Martyrologo fidelissimo , Antiquitatis Historicae Indagatori sagacissimo , Evangelicae veritatis propugnatori acerrimo , Thaumaturgo admirabili ; Qui Martyres Marianos , tanquam Phoenices , ex cineribus redivivos praestitit . Patri suo omni pietatis officio imprimis colendo , Samuel Foxus illius primogenitus , hoc Monumentum posuit , non sine lachrymis . Obiit die 18. Mens . April . An. Dom. 1587. jam septuagenarius . Vita vitae mortalis est , Spes vitae immortalis . Here lyeth the body of Robert Crowley , Clerke , late Vicar of this Parish ; who departed this life the 18. day of Iune , An. Dom. 1588. Sacra sub hoc saxo tria corpora mista quiescunt , Gulielmi Bullen Medici , Fratrisque Richardi , Ac Johannis Foxi : qui tres mihi crede fuerunt Doctrina clari , rari & pietatis alumni . Gulielmus Bullen Medicamina semper habebat , Aequè pauperibus danda , ac locupletibus aequè . Sicque Richardus erat benefacere & ipse paratus , Omnibus ex aequo quibus ipse prodesse valebat . At Foxus noster per multas hos parasangas , Vita praecurrit , studiisque accedimus omnes . Extant quae scripsit tormenta cruenta piorum , Extant perdoctè permulta volumina scripta , Quae scripsit Foxus : nulli fuit ipse secundus . Obiit An. Dom. 1587. April . 16. Here lyeth buried William Bullen , who dyed the seventh day of Ianuary , 1576. Vnder this stone sleepeth the body of Richard Bullen , a faithfull Servant and Preacher of Iesus Christ : And was buried the sixteenth day of October , Anno Domini , 1563. Here lieth the body of Richard Westerne , one of the sonnes of Richard Westerne , of London , Grocer , who being aged 25. yeeres , deceased the 15. day of December , Anno Domini , 1602. Christus mihi vita , Mors mihi lucrum . Heere lyeth buried Sir Henry Grey , Knight , sonne and heire to George , Lord Grey , of Ruthen , and Earle of Kent . The which Sir Henry Grey departed this life the 24. day of September , in the yeere of Christ , 1562. Anna Thomae Tumulo jacet hoc uxorcula Strangae , Quae quia bella fuit , placuitque marita marito , Marmore sic texit , dulci devictus amore . Obiit Anno Salutis , 1573. Aetatis suae , 19. Februarii vicessimo quarto . Tolerandum , Sperandum . Roberto Glovero , alias Somerset , Feciali celeberrimo : Heraldicae Scientiae , & veritatis antiquae , vindici acerrimo : summam laudem & benevolentiam ob praeclarum ingenium , per acre judicium ; ex multa veterum scriptorum ( labore indefesso ) perscrutatione ; ob morum facilitatem , vitaeque innocuae sanctimoniam , apud omnes consecuto ; Avunculo chariss . Thomas Milles Nepos , amoris hoc Monumentum moerens posuit . Robertus iste , natus Ashsordiae Cantii emporio , parentibus ingenuis , liberaliter educatus , in multis apprimè versatus , Heraldicae unicè peritissimus evasit . Fratrem unicum Gulielmum ex Tho. & Mildreda P. P. Sorores autem 5. habuit . ex Elizabetha Flower Conjuge , 5. tantum , superstites reliquit liberos , filios scilicet 3. filiasque 2. Tandem cum jam Patriae orbique post varia exantlata studia acuminis peritiae , & diligentiae stupendae gustum insignem praebere , atque Principi Sereniss . suis meritis gratissimus esse ceperit . 10. April . 1518. aetat . suae 45. vitam erumnosam cum morte piè & placidè , in uno Christo commutavit . Idque omnium cum doctissimorum tum optimorum undique pro tanto literar . pietatis & virtutis alumno dolore ac gemitu utpote ; Quem fata tantum terris ostendisse videantur , nec amplius esse sinant . R. G. moriens ut viverat , vixit ut moriturus . In the North I le of the Quire , hangeth vp the Ensignes of Armes belonging to Thomas Hawley , alias Clarentiaulx , King at Armes , buried 1573. but no other Monument there made for him . Roger Mason , of this Parish , Citizen and Vintner of London , gave to the poore of the freedome of this Parish , 200. pounds , wherewith an yeerely rent of 16. pounds or thereabout , is purchased for ever ; to be bestowed on ten Gownes of blacke Cloth lined , to bee distributed yeerely upon tenne poore men of the freedome of this Parish , upon All Saints day , at the discretion of the Vicar , and Church-wardens for the time being . He died the 3. day of Septemb. 1603. Aetat-suae , 37. Leaving his wife Iane , by whom he had three sons and three daughters ; whereof one onely now liveth , named Katharine . Which Iane truely paid the above mentioned two hundred pounds , and joyned the erection of this Monument , set up , An. Dom. 1606. May the 8. day : Iohn Buckeridge , Doctor of Divinity , being Vicar ; Edward Sikling , Richard May , David Iones , and Roger Webbe , then Churchwardens . William Day , Citizen and Vintner of London , the sonne of Thomas Day of Boseham , in Sussex , Gentleman , and Elizabeth his wife , gave to the poore of this Parish 80. pounds , which was payed by his brother George Day , wherewith an yeerely rent of sixe pounds , or thereabout , is purchased for ever : to be bestowed on twelve Coats of greene Cloth , to be distributed yeerely upon twelve poore Orphans , upon All Saints day ; at the discretion of the Vicar and Church-wardens for the time being . Hee lyeth buried in his Parish Church of S. Michael in Cornhill , and dyed the 22. day of September , 1603. Aetatis suae , 32. Set up Anno Domini , 1606. May the 8. day : Iohn Buckeridge , Doctor of Divinity , being Vicar , and the fore-remembred Church-wardens . Here lyeth the body of Edward Harvist , Citizen and Brewer of London , Aldermans Deputy of this Parish , and one of His Majesties Gunners ; and Anne his beloved wife . They were both very charitable persons : as in giving Land to this Parish perpetually , for the reliefe of poore Widdowes ; as also Land to the Company whereof he was free , for mending of the high way betweene Edgeworth and Paddington . He gave great Legacies to his poore kindred , and departed this life the foureteenth day of March , 1610. Shee departed this life the foure and twentieth day of May , Anno Domini , 1610. Expecting both a glorious resurrection in Iesus Christ . A Remembrance of Tho. Busbie , Citizen and Cooper of London , who departed this life in the yeere 1575. and was buried the 11. day of Iuly . This Busbie , willing to relieve the poore , with fire and with bread , Did give the house wherein he dwelt , then called the Queenes Head. Foure full Loads of the best Charcoales he would have bought each yeere , And forty dozen of Wheaten Bread , for poore Householders here . To see these things distributed , this Busbie put in trust The Vicar and Church-wardens , thinking them to be just . God grant that poore Householders here , may thankfull be for such ; So God will move the minds of more , to doe for them as much : And let this good example move such men as God hath blest , To doe the like , before they goe with Busbie to their rest . Within this Chappell , Busbies bones , in dust a while must stay , Till he that made them , raise them up , to live with Christ for aye . A Remembrance of Master Richard Roper , &c. If you on earth that live , did know what rest the dead possesse , You would not wish to wander here , in Vale of wretchednesse . Good Helen , wife to me that was , prepare thy selfe with speed , That thou and I , with this yong Maid , a Plant of both our Seed , May rest in one , and rise in three , by power of Godheads might , When we with Angels shall assemble , to everlasting light . Richard Roper lived 70. yeeres , and dyed the 28. day of Septemb. An. Dom. 1578. Helen Roper lived 65. yeeres . Ioane Roper lived the age of two yeeres . Within this I le lyeth buried the body of Charles Langley , sometime of this Parish , Ale-Brewer , who was buried the eighth day of Iune , An. Dom. 1602. And did give bountifully to the poore of this Parish . If Langleys life you list to know , read on , and take a view , Of faith and hope I will not speake , his workes shall shew them true : Who whilst he liv'd , with counsell grave , the better sort did guide ; A stay to weake , a staffe to poore , without back-bite or pride : And when he dyed , he gave his Mite , all that did him befall , For ever ( once a yeere ) to cloath S. Giles his poore withall . All Saints he pointed for the day , Gownes twenty ready made , with twenty Shirts , and twenty Smocks , as they may best be had . A Sermon eke he hath ordain'd , that God may have his praise , And other might be won thereby , to follow Langleys wayes . On Vicar and Church-wardens then , his trust he hath repos'd , As they will answer him one day , when all shall be disclos'd . Thus being dead , yet still he lives , lives , never for to dye , In Heavens blisse , in Worlds fame ; and so I trust shall I. Launcelot Andrewes , Vicar . Iohn Taylor , Wil. Hewet , Edw. Sickling , Rich. May , Churchwardens . Charities to the poore in the Parish of Saint Giles without Creplegate . Master Thomas Busby , Cooper , gave forty dozen of Wheaten Bread , and foure Loads of Charcoales , to be distributed yeerely for ever unto the poore of this Parish , in manner following : The weeke before Alhallontide , one load of Char-coales , and tenne dozen of bread ; the weeke before Christmas ; the weeke before the five and twentieth day of January ; and the weeke before Easter , the foresaid proportion of bread and Coales . Mr. Blighton , Butcher , gave 40. dozen of wheaten bread , and 2. load of Charcoales , to bee distributed at the same time , and in the same proportion . Master Charles Langley , Brewer , gave twenty Gownes for men and women , to be distributed , and twenty shirts for twenty other men , and twenty smocks for twenty other women yeerely for ever , at the Feast of All Saints : and a remainder of money to be given amongst the poore people the same day , and forty shillings also that day allowed for a Sermon . Master Roger Mason , Vintner , gave two hundred pounds in Money , with the which summe , tenne Gownes are likewise to be provided for tenne poore men or women , on the same Feast day of All Saints , for ever . Master William Day , Vintner , gave fourescore pounds : with the which sum are to be provided twelve Coates , for twelve poore mens Children , for ever yeerely , and to bee distributed at the said Feast of All Saints . Mistris Anne Harvist gave foure tenements in Monks-well street , neere Creplegate , amounting to the yeerely rent of twenty pounds , to bee distributed quarterly to twenty poore widdows , to each of them 5. shillings the quarter . Master Robert Smith hath given foure Bibles in Octavo , well buffed and bossed , to foure poore mens children , such as can best deserve them by reading , to be distributed yeerely for ever at Easter . And also two and fifty dozen of Wheaten bread , every weeke one dozen for ever . Master Richard Hanbury , and Master Richard Budd , have given six new Books of Common Prayer in Quarto , well buffed and bossed , to be given yeerely for ever at Easter , to sixe poore mens children , such as can best deserve them by reading . And also 52. dozen of wheaten bread , to be given every week for ever . Master Roger Bellow , Brewer , hath given the Lease of an house in Moore-lane , called the signe of the Cocke , the yeerely rent whereof is twenty pounds . Out of the which summe , tenne pounds is yeerely to be given to the poore , at the Feast of Christmas : And the remainder ( except twenty shillings , otherwise by his will disposed ) is yeerly to be reserved , for the purchasing of some parcell of Land , towards the reliefe of the poore . The circuit of the Parish of S. Giles without Creplegate . THe Parishioners , in their Perambulation , first strike downe the Alley ( which hath sometime beene part of their Church-yard ) close by S. Giles his Well , and crossing the Towne-ditch , keepe along by the Citie Wall , almost to Aldersgate , where they should crosse the Ditch againe , and take in certaine Garden-houses , which stand neere the Ditch , and so comming downe a little Garden Alley , ( through which sometime hath beene a way into Aldersgate street ) returne again by S. Giles his Well , the same way they went in . Then walking up the West side of Red-crosse street , and the South side of Barbican , till they come toward the farther end thereof , over against the signe of the Bores head , they set up their marks upon a great Post ( as it seemeth set there for the same purpose ) where they should crosse over to the North side , right over against the said bound , thorow certaine Garden Alleys , lying on the West side of Willoughby House : but by reason of some contention , that course is of late denyed them , so that they passe through Barbican , and turne up Goswell street , ( being part of S. Buttolphs Parish ) untill they come a little beyond the Barres , where they enter their owne bounds againe , and setting up their markes , passe along the right side of the Kings high way , leading to Islington , and leaving the Mount Mill upon their right hand , they proceed on , till they come within three roddes of a little Bridge , ( at the lower end of the Close next unto Islington , over which lyeth a foot-path toward Newington Greene , ) where they digge a way over the Ditch , and so keepe upon the top of the Ditch banke , all the breadth of the lower end of the said Close ; where they turne againe South-east , and taking in all the Lay-stalles , and low grounds , where bricke hath been made , strike over betweene those low grounds and the Brick-hils , that now are adjoyning to the foot-path , leading from the Pest-house to Islington , which they leave on the left side ; in the South end of which Brick-hill , there is a stone set , now almost digged downe : From the which stone , they come straight South , till they come over a Bridge , which is laid purposely for them , and after removed ; which as soone as they have past , they strike downe , by the said Ditch side Eastward , to the farthest Conduit head , where they give the Children Poynts . From whence they keepe a straight course into the Kings high way , to Dame Anne de Clare , upon the right side of which way they keepe , till they come to the Butts , where a planck is purposely laid for them , over which they passe into Holywell Close , and so keepe directly to the farthest of the sixe Milles , next unto Holywell , which they leave on their left hand , and so passing over the high way , keepe a straight course over the Walks , to the farthest Wall , South of the middle Walke , ( leaving the Butchers Close , and the lower Gardens , some three Roddes on the left hand ) in the which VVall there is a marke or Bound : From thence ( not entring the lowest Walke at all ) they turne full West , over the high way leading from Moregate , and comming into little Morefields , ( as we call it ) they keepe close to the Pales and Tentors ( for they have not passing eight or ten foot of ground from the Pales ) till they come to the Posterne , where they set up their mark ; and so through the Posterne they make their returne , &c. There was in this Church ( of old time ) a Fraternity or Brother-hood of our blessed Lady , or Corpus Christi and S. Giles , founded by Iohn Belancer , in the reigne of Edward the third , the 35. yeere of his reigne . Some small distance from the East end of this Church , is a water-conduit , brought in pipes of lead from Highbery , by Iohn Middleton , one of the Executors to Sir William East field , and of his goods . The inhabitants adjoyning , castellated it of their own coses and charges , about the yeere 148● There 〈◊〉 also a Bosse of cleere water in the Wall of the Church-yard , made at the charges of Richard Whitington , sometimes Maior , and was like to that of Belinsgate . Of late the same was turned into an evill Pumpe , and so is cleane decayed . There was also a faire Poole of cleere water , neere unto the Parsonage , on the west side thereof , which was filled up in the reigne of Henry the sixth . The Spring was cooped in , and arched over with hard stone , and staires of stone to goe downe to the Spring , on the banke of the Towne ditch . And this was also done of the goods , and by the Executors of Richard Whitington . In Whitecrosse-street , King Henry the fifth builded one faire House , and founded there a Brotherhood of S. Giles , to be kept : which House had sometime beene an Hospitall of the French Order , by the name of Saint Giles without Creplegate , in the reigne of Edward the first ; the King having the Jurisdiction , and pointing a Custos thereof , for the precinct of the Parish of Saint Giles , &c. Patent Rich. 2. the 15. yeere : Which Hospitall being suppressed , the Lands were given to the Brotherhood , for reliefe of the poore . One Alley , of divers Tenements , over against the North wall of S. Giles Church-yard , was appointed to bee Almes-houses for the poore , wherein they dwelled rent-free , and otherwise were relieved : but the said Brotherhood was suppressed by Henry the 8. since which time , Sir Iohn Gresham , Maior , purchased the Lands , and gave part thereof to the maintenance of a Free Schoole , which he had founded at Holt , a Market Towne in Norfolke . In Red crosse street , on the West side from S. Giles Church-yard , up to the said Crosse , be many faire houses builded outward , with divers Alleys , turning into a large plot of ground , of old time called the Iewes Garden , as being the onely place appointed them in England , wherein to bury their dead ; till the yeere 1177. the 24. of Henry the second , that it was permitted them ( after long suit to the King and Parliament at Oxford ) to have a speciall place assigned them in every quarter where they dwelled . This plot of ground remained to the said Iewes , till the time of their finall banishment out of England and is now turned into faire Garden-plots and Summer-houses for pleasure . On the East side of this Red-crosse street , be also divers faire houses , up to the Crosse . And there is Beech lane , peradventure so called of Nicholas de la Beech , Lieutenant of the Tower of London , put out of that Office in the 13. of Edward the third . This Lane stretcheth from Red-crosse street , to White-crosse street , replenished , not with Beech trees , but with beautifull houses of stone , bricke and timber . Amongst the which , was ( of old time ) a great house , pertaining to the Abbot of Ramsey for his lodging , when he repaired to the Citie : It is now called Drewrie House , of Sir Drew Drewrie , a worshipfull owner thereof . On the North side of this Beech lane , towards White-crosse street , the Drapers of London have lately builded 8. Almes-houses of bricke and timber , for eight poore Widdowes of their owne Company , whom they have placed there rent-free , according to the gift of the Lady Askew , Widdow to Sir Christopher Askew , sometime Draper , and Maior , 1533. Then in Golding lane , Richard Gallard , of Islington , Esquire , Citizen and Painter-stainer of London , founded 13. Almes-houses , for so many poore people placed in them rent-free . Hee gave to the poore of the same Almes-houses , 2. d. the piece weekly , & a load of Charcoales among thē yeerly for ever ; he left faire Lands about Islington , to maintain his foundation . T. Hayes , sometime Chamberlaine of London , in the latter time of H. the 8. married Elizabeth his daughter and heire ; which Hayes and Elizabeth had a daughter named Elizabeth , married to Iohn Iron-monger , of London , Mercer , who now hath the order of the Almes-people . On the West side of Red-crosse street is a street called the Barbican , because sometime there stood on the North side there of a Burghkenning , or VVatch-tower of the Citie , called in some language a Barbican , as a Bikening is called a Beacon . This Burgh-kenning , by the name of the Mannor of Base Court , was given by Edward the third , to Robert Vfford , Earle of Suffolke , and was lately pertaining to Peregrine Barty , Lord Willoughby of Ersby . Next adjoyning to this , is one other great house , called Garter Place , sometime builded by Sir Thomas Writhe , or Writhesley , Knight , alias , Garter , principall King of Armes , second son of Sir Iohn Writhe , Knight , alias Garter , and was Vncle to the first Thomas , Earle of Southampton , Knight of the Garter , and Chancelor of England : Hee built this house , and in the top therof a Chappel , which hee dedicated by the name of S. Trinitatis in Alto. Thus much for that part of Creplegate Ward without the VVall , whereof more shall be spoken in the Suburbe of that part . This VVard hath an Alderman & his Deputy within the gate . Common Councell , 8. Constables , 9. Scavengers , 12. for VVardmote Inquest , 15. and a Beadle . Without the gate , it hath also a Deputy , Common Councell , 2. Constables , 4. Scavengers , 4. VVardmote Inquest , 17. and a Beadle . It is taxed in London to the Fifteene , at 40. pounds . ALDERSGATE VVARD . THe next is Aldersgate Ward , taking name of that North Gate of the City ; this Ward also consisteth of divers Streetes and Lanes , lying as well within the Gate and Wall , as without ; and first , to speake of that part within the Gate , thus it is . The East part thereof joyneth unto the West part of Creplegate Ward in Engain lane or Maiden lane . It beginneth on the North side of that Lane , at Staining lane end , and runneth up from the Haberdashers Hall , to St. Mary Staining Church : and by the Church East winding almost to VVood-streete . And west through Oate lane , and then by the South side of Bacon house in Noble streete , backe againe by Lilipot lane , which is also of that VVard to Maiden lane , and so on that North side west to Saint Iohn Zacharies Church , and to Foster lane . Now on the South side of Engaine or Maiden lane , is the west side of Gutherons lane , to Kery lane , and Kery lane it selfe ( which is of this Ward ) and backe againe into Engaine lane , by the North side of the Goldsmiths Hall , to Foster lane , almost wholly of this Ward , which beginneth in the South toward Cheape , on the East side , by the North side of Saint Fosters Church , & runneth downe North-west by the west end of Engaine lane by Lilipot lane , and Oate lane , to Noble streete , and through that by Shelly house , ( of old time so called , as belonging to the Shellies ) Sir Thomas Shelley , Knight , was owner thereof in the first of Henry the fourth . It is now called Bacon house , because the same was new builded by Sir Nicholas Bacon , Lord Keeper of the great Seale . Downe on that side by Serjeant Fleetwoods house , Recorder of London , who also new builded it to Saint Olaves Church in Silverstreete , which is by the North-west end of this Noble streete . Then againe in Foster lane , this Ward beginneth on the west side therof , over-against the South-west corner of Saint Fosters Church , and runneth downe by Saint Leonards Church , by Pope lane end , and by Saint Annes lane end , which Lane is also of this Ward , North to the stone wall , by the wall of the City , over-against Bacon house , which stone wall , and so downe North to Creplegate on that side , is of Faringdon Ward . Then have yee the maine streete of this VVard , which is called Saint Martins lane , including Saint Martin on the East side thereof , and so downe on both the sides to Aldersgate . And these be the bounds of this VVard within the wall and gate . Now , before wee speake of that part of the wall without , let us say somewhat of the Gate it selfe . Aldersgate being very old , ruinous , and in danger of some further decay ; the Lord Maior & his Brethren , with the advice of the worthy Commoners , determined to have it taken downe , and builded again in beautifull manner . For the more hastening of which intention , a worthy Citizen , Master VVilliam Parker , ( of whose Christian and liberall charities , wee have in briefe manner spoken before ) out of his owne bountifull disposition , gave the sum of three thousand pounds , towards the furtherance of so good a worke , in new re-edifying and building the Gate , requiring & appointing ( by his VVill ) that it should bee new builded , within the space of three yeeres after his decease . And the mony to bee payd ( by his Executor ) to the Lord Maior of London , and the Alder men his Brethren ( for the time being ) for the said use of new building the said Gate , in manner and forme following . That is to say , 200. pounds thereof at the taking downe of the first Tile : Other 200. l. thereof , at the laying of the first stone , which was laid by the right Worshipfull , Sir William Cravon , Knight , and Alderman of the City of London , on Munday , the 26. day of May , 1617. Other 200. l. thereof , when the new building should bee a yard in height above the ground . Other 200. l. thereof , when the new building should be arched over the Gate . And the other 200. l. in full payment , when the said building shall be full finished . Master Richard Foxe , Citizen and Clothworker of London ( a most painfull and industrious Gentleman ) having the oversight , direction , and ordering of the said building . VVithout the Gate , the maine street called Aldersgate streete , runneth up North on the East side , to the west end of Hounds-ditch , or Barbican streete : A part of which streete is also of this Ward . And on the west side to Long lane , a part whereof is likewise of this VVard . Beyond the which Aldersgate , is Goswell streete up to the Barres . And on the west side of Aldersgate streete , by Saint Buttolphs Church , is Briton streete , which runneth west to a Pumpe , and then North to the Gate , which entreth the Church-yard , sometime pertaining to the Priory of Saint Bartholomew on the East side : and on the west side towards Saint Bartholomewes Spittle , to a paire of posts there fixed . And these bee the bounds of this Aldersgate VVard without . The Antiquities bee these : First , in Staining lane , of old time so called , as may bee supposed , of Painterstainers dwelling there . On the East side thereof , adjoyning to the Haberdashers Hall , be ten Almes-houses , pertaining to the Haberdashers , wherein bee placed ten Almes people of that Company , every of them having eight pence the peece every Friday for ever , by the gift of Thomas Huntlow , Haberdasher , one of the Sheriffes , in the yeere , 1539. More , Sir George Barne gave them ten pounds by the yeere for ever . Then is the small Parish Church of Saint Mary , called Staining , because it standeth at the North end of Staining lane . In the which Church , being but newly builded , there remaine no Monuments worth the noting , but one lately erected . Here lieth the body of George Smithes , Goldsmith and Alderman of London , who tooke to wife , Sarah , the daughter of Anthony Wolhouse , Citizen , and Haberdasher of London : by whom hee had issue foure sonnes and five daughters . He departed this life the eleventh day of Iuly , Anno Domini , 1615. being 52. yeeres of age . To whose memory , Sarah his wife , being sole Executrix of his last Will and Testament , at her own proper cost and charges , caused this Monument to be erected . Then is Engaine lane , or Maiden lane , and at the North-west corner thereof , the Parish Church of Saint Iohn Zacharie , a faire Church , with the Monuments well preserved , of Thomas Lichfield , who founded a Chauntry there , in the foureteenth of Edward the second , of Sir Nicholas Twiford , Goldsmith , Maior , 1388. and Dame Margery his wife : of whose goods the Church was made and new builded , with a Tombe for them , and others of their race , 1390. Drugo Barentine , Maior , 1398. He gave faire lands to the Goldsmiths : he dwelled right against the Goldsmiths Hall. Betweene the which Hall and his dwelling house , he builded a Gallory thwarting the streete , whereby he might goe from the one to the other , hee was buried in this Church , and Christian his wife , 1427. Iohn Adis , Goldsmith , 1400. and Margaret his wife . Iohn Francis , Goldsmith , Maior , 1400. and Elizabeth his wife , 1450. I. Sutton , Goldsmith , one of the Sheriffes , 1413. Bartholomew Seman , Gold-beater , Master of the Kings Mints , within the Tower of London , and the Towne of Calice , 1430. Iohn Hewet , Esquire , 1500. William Breakespeare , Goldsmith , 1461. Christopher Eliot , Goldsmith , 1505. Bartholomew Reade , Goldsmith , Maior , 1502. was buried in the Charter-house , and gave to this Parish 100. l. His wife was buried here with a faire Monument , her picture in habit of a widow . Thomas Keyton , Lorimar , 1522. William Potken , Esquire , 1537. Iohn Cornish with an Epitaph , 1470. Robert Fenrbuther , Goldsmith , one of the Sheriffes in the yeere , 1512. Hereunder lieth buried sir Nicholas Twiford , Knight , sometime Lord Maior of this City , and Dame Margery his wife ; of whose goods this Church was made a Tombe for themselves , and for many other more . He died in Anno Domini , 1390. Hic jacet Iohannes Adys , Civis , & Aurifaber London , & Margareta uxor ejus , Obiit ultimo die Februarii , 1461. Et Margareta , &c. Here lieth Iohn Hewet , of London , Esquire , the which Iohn deceased the first day of May , in the yeere of our Lord God 1510. and in the fifth yeere of the reigne of King Henry the seventh , &c. Here lieth the body of Iohn Sutton , Citizen , Goldsmith , and Alderman of London , who died the 6. day of Iuly , 1450. Here lieth buried before this place , the body of Iohn Strelley , Esquire , who deceased the ninth day of December , 1595. being about 86. yeeres of age . Here lieth buried within this I le , the bodies of Iohn Greenwood , Citizen , and Painter-Stainer of Lond. who descended of a younger house of Greenwood , of Greenwoodley in Yorekshire : And Elizabeth his wife , by whom hee had many children ; but at the time of their death , left onely one sonne and a daughter , Robert , and Ioane , which Robert , after many yeeres spent in this Parish , was laid by his father and mother the 23. of Iune , 1585. In memory of whom this Monument was erected by his sisters sonne , Samuel Thompson , the sixth of September , Anno 1602. Hic jacet Dominus Thomas Randolf , Capellanus . Qui obiit 29. die Novembris , Anno Domini , 1459. Cujus animae propitietur Deus . Hic jacet Ioannes Frances , Civis , & Aurifaber , & quondam Maior London . Qui obiit 13. die Decemb. An. Dom. 1405. Cujus , &c. Hic jacet Elizabeth ux . dict . Ioan. Qui obiit 11. Mensis Octobris , An. Dom. 1432. Cujus , &c. Hic jacet Drugo Barantine , Civis & Aurifaber , & quondam Maior London . Qui obiit 15. die Mensis Decemb . An. Dom. 1415. Cujus , &c. Hic jacet Christiana , ux . dict . Drugonis . Quae obiit 11. die Mensis Martii , An. Dom. 1427. Cujus , &c. This Monument is erected to the memory of Sir Iames Pemberton , Knight , who being Sheriffe of this City at the comming in of King IAMES , entertained neere 40. Earles and Barons in his house on the day of the Kings being proclaimed . Afterwards , Anno 1612. was elected Maior of this most honourable Citie of London . Hee erected a Free-schoole in the Parish of Ecleston in Lancashire , sixteene yeeres before his death , and gave fifty pounds by the yeere to the maintaining thereof for ever . Hee gave also five hundred pounds to Christs Hospitall , and two hundred pounds to the Company of Goldsmiths , besides many liberall gifts to the poore of his Kinred , and many other most charitable uses : He died the eighth day of September , 1613. aged , 68. yeeres . Marble nor Touch , nor Alabaster can Reveale the worth of the long buried man : For oft ( we see ) mens goods , when they are gone , Doe pious deeds , when they themselves did none . Mine ( while I liv'd ) no goodnesse did expresse , 'T is not Inscriptions make them more or lesse : In Christ I hope to rise amongst the Iust , Man is but grasse , all must to Wormes and Dust . Vertue and Death being both enamoured On worthy PEMBERTON , in heate of Love , To be possest of that each coveted , Thus did they dialogue , and thus they strove . Vertue . WHat Vertue challengeth , is but her right . Death . What Death layes claime to , who can contradict ? Vert. Vertue , whose power exceeds all other might . Dea. Where 's Vertues power , when Death makes all submit ? Vert. I gave him life ; and therefore he is mine . Dea. That life he held no longer than I list . Ver. J made him more than mortall , meere Divine . Dea. How hapt he could not then Deaths stroke resist ? Ver. Because ( by Nature ) all are borne to dye . Dea. Then thine owne tongue yeelds Death the victory . Ver. No , Death , thou art deceiv'd , thy envious stroke Hath given him life immortall , ' gainst thy will : Dea. VVhat life can be , but vanisheth as smoake ? Vert. A life that all thy darts can never kill . Dea. Have I not lockt his body in my grave ? Vert. That was but dust , and that I pray thee keepe . Dea. That is as much as I desire to have , His comely shape in my eternall sleepe . Vert. But wher 's his honourable life , renowne , and fame ? Dea. They are but breath , them I resigne to thee . Ver. Them I most covet . Dea. I preferre my claime , His body mine . Ver. Mine his Eternity . And so they ceast , Death triumphs o're his grave , Vertue o're that which Death can never have . And as faire Trophees , fit to beautifie His Hearse , Vertue hangs up these Ornaments : His Justice , VVisedome , and Integritie , His courage , dreadlesse of what are events , His upright soule in that high dignitie , VVhich London gives her chiefest Presidents . Free from compare with such as went before , Or should succeed . It was his sole desire Truth might report those actions lesse or more , Which honest thoughts did in his heart inspire . His care of learning and his liberall minde Vnto the poore , love to his Company , Kinred and Friends , to whom he was most kinde , And with whom he dealt truly bounteously : These graces better doe become his Grave , Than wastfull words of fruitlesse flattery , And their due merit ( doubtlesse ) he shall have , Among the blessed in Eternity . VVhereto faire Vertue now hath brought her son , Worthily honour'd , Sir Iames Pemberton . A. M. On the East side of this Foster lane , at Engaine lane end , is the Goldsmiths Hall , a proper house , but not large . And therefore to say that Bartholomew Read , Goldsmith , Maior in the yeere , 1502. kept such a feast in this Hall , as some have fabuled , is farre incredible , and altogether unpossible , considering the smalnesse of the Hall , and number of the guests , which as they say , were more than 100. persons of great estate . For the messes and dishes of meats to them served , the paled Parke in the same Hall , furnished with fruitfull trees , beasts of Venery , and other circumstances of that pretended feast well weighed , Westminster Hall would hardly have sufficed ; and therefore I will over-passe it , and note somewhat of principall Goldsmiths . First , J reade , that Leofstane , Goldsmith , was Provost of this City , in the reigne of Henry the first . Also , that Henry Fitz Alewin , Fitz Leafstane , Goldsmith , was Maior of London , in the first of Richard the first . Also , that Gregory Rocksly , chiefe Say-master of all the Kings Mints within England ( and therefore by my conjecture , a Goldsmith ) was Maior in the third of Edward the first , and continued Maior seven yeeres together . Then William Faringdon , Goldsmith , Alderman of Faringdon Ward , one of the Sheriffes , 1281. the ninth of Edward the first , who was a Goldsmith , as appeareth in record , and shall bee shewed in Faringdon Ward . Then Nicholas Faringdon his son , Goldsmith , Alderman of Faringdon Ward , foure times Maior in the reigne of Edward the second , &c. For the rest of later time are more manifestly knowne ; and therefore I leave them : the men of this mystery were incorporated or confirmed in the sixteenth of Richard the second . Then at the North end of Noble street is the Parish Church of Saint Olave in Silver streete , a small thing , and without any note-worthy Monuments , but these following . Here under this stone lieth buried the body of Iohn Darcy , second son to Iohn , Lord Darcy of Ehie , who died in An. 1593. aged , 33-yeeres . Here lieth Grisseild Windsore , daughter of Henry , Lord Windsore , and Lady Anne his wife , daughter and heyre of Sir Thomas Rivet , Knight , who departed this life the seven and twentieth day of Iune , and in the yeere of our Lord God , 1600. A Remembrance of Master IOHN BANESTER , Chirurgeon , and Licentiate in Physicke . GReat men that ne're did good in all their dayes , But at the very instant of their death , Finde yet no meane commenders of their praise , Although it lasts no longer than a-breath : Shall then good men , though lesser in degree , Finde none to give them right and equity ? If one shall say , The great mans life was such , So good , so full of hospitality : When God doth know , he ne're did halfe so much , Though thus he must be grac'd with flattery . Shall meane men , who such workes truly did , Be nothing spoken of ? Oh God forbid . Not then , as equalling with any Great , My fatherly good friend , Iohn Banester : No more but truth of thee let me repeate , A Sonnes Love-teares , thy body to interre . That such as knew thee better same than I : May say , Thy vertues did not with thee dye , Thy Skill and Practice , that it selfe commends , Some of the best have truely found the same , Not partially employed to wealthy friends , But even the poorest wretch , the sicke and lame Felt of the best . Some difference there might be : The rich payd somewhat , poore men had it free . Thy care and cost layd out for common good , In greater measure than came in againe : But that heavens blessing with thy bounty stood , Hardly had stretcht so many to sustaine . But it is true : The liberall heart God loves , And from him still all cause of lacke removes , Thy weekly charity given to the poore In Bread , beside , in money from thy Purse : Even in the hardest yeeres dealt at thy doore , When some repin'd that every day did worse ; Makes poore men say : Our good reliefe is gone , Let them goe to thy find-faults and have none . Poore maymed Souldiers , sore-sicke hearted men , That under miseries hard Crouch did bow , Were freely cur'd , me thinkes they cry : Lord , when , Where shall we finde our good Physician now ? I doubt not , but some others will as much : Yet ( in these dayes ) we finde not many such . Sleepe then , thou happy Soule , in endlesse rest , All good mens groanes be powred on thy grave : Live thou in Abrahams bosome with blest ; Where Faith and VVorkes due recompence shall have , My sight growes dimme , sighing my heart makes sore : Teares blot my paper , I can write no more . On the west side of Foster lane is the small Parish Church of S. Leonards , for them of St. Martins le graund . A number of Tenements being lately builded in place of the great Collegiate Church of Saint Martin , that Parish is mightily increased . In this Church remaine these Monuments : First , without the Church is graven in stone on the East end , Iohn Broke it well , an especiall re-edifier or new builder thereof . In the Quire graven in brasse , Ro. Purfet , Grocer , 1507. Robert Traps , Goldsmith , 1526. with this Epitaph : When the Bels be merrily rung , And the Masse devoutly sung : And the meate merrily eaten , Then shall Robert Traps his wife and children be forgotten . Sub hoc Marmore requiescit corpus Humfred . Barret , filli Iohannis Barret , Generosus . Qui obiit , An. Domini 1501. Live to Dye . All flesh is grasse , and needs must fade , To earth againe , whereof it was made . Felici , piae , & munificentissimae feminae , Iodocae Franckland viduatae , siliae Roberti & Ioannae Trappes Londinensium : Gratitudinis hoc officii & pietatis Monumentum adoptione filii Principalis & Scholares Collegii de Brasennose apud Oxoniensee exhibùûre . Dilecti cineres , non sic requiescitis urna In tenui , ut vobis sola haec monumenta parantur , Quae tandem vel sera dies pessundare possit : Aenea vos monumenta tegunt , vivumque Trophaeum ( Aeternum meruistis enim vivumque Trophaeum ) Vobis vestra dedit Iodoca , perenniùs aere , Nes etenim aeternumqne omnes , quos postera nobis Secla dabunt vobis sumus immortale Sepulchrum . Then in Pope lane , so called of one Pope that was owner thereof , on the North side is the Parish Church of Saint Anne in the willowes , so called , I know not upon what occasion : but some say , of willowes growing thereabouts : but now there is no such voide place for willowes to grow , more than the Church-yard , wherein doe grow some high Ash trees . This Church by causualty of fire , in the yeere 1548. was burnt , so farre as it was combustible ; but since being newly repaired , there remaine a few Monuments of antiquity , of Thomas Lekhimpton , Clarke of the Pipe , who was buried there , 1499. Ralph Caldwell , Gentleman of Greyes Inne , 1527. Iohn , Lord Sheffeld , Iohn Herenden , Mercer , Esquire , 1572. And these Verses are on an ancient Table , hanging in the Quire. Vt tibi praeceptis mens conformetur honestis , Sex animo semper , sunt repetenda tuo . Principio Deus est , noster servator & Author , Hostis in opposita stat regione Sathan . Tertia res praesens est , vita simillima ventis , Mors sequitur nobis , quae prope semper adest . Ordine sunt quinto , Coeli palatia summis , Tartara sunt sexto , constituenda loco . Haec animo tacitè secum , qui saepe revolvit , Miror in hoc vitij , siquid inesse potest . Gualterus Haddonus . A table in the North I le of the Chancell . Qu os an guis Tris ti deiro c um vul nere stra uit h os san guis Chris ti mi ro T um mu nere la uit Corda , manus , oculos , aures , animosque levemus , Et Domino , voces , sua sunt , & ei sua demus . Quos amor aeterno vivos in foedere junxit , Concordes tumulo mors sic conjunxit in uno . Non sors unanimes , nec mors disjungit amantes , Sed post fata vides inviolata amant . Here lieth buried the body of Edward Herenden , Esquire , Citizen and Mercer of London , and Millescent his wife , daughter of Richard Samond , of Ansley Woodhouse , in the County of Nottingham , Esquire : who had issue then living , Edmund , Henry , and Seymore their sonnes ; Frances , Martha , Magdalene , and Judith , their daughters : which Edward Herenden was sonne and heyre of Richard Herenden of West Farleige , in the County of Kent , Esquire , An. 1572. Memorare novissima , & in aeternum non peccabis . Eccles . 7. Here lieth the bodies of Edmund Herenden , Gentleman , sonne and heyre of Edward Herenden , Esquire , whose Monument next adjoyneth . Which Edmund had to his first wife , Helen , daughter of William Dunkeyn , Citizen , and Merchant-Taylor of London : And he had issue by her nine sonnes , and foure daughters . Hee had to his second wife , Helen , daughter of Iohn Bird , Citizen and Draper of London . Obiit 10. die Aprilis , 1590. Here-under this stone lieth the body of Stephen Brakynbury , Gent. Vsher to King Henry the 8. Edward the 6. Queene Mary , and Queen Elizabeth , and Ioan his wife : which Stephen died the 2. day of Febru . An. 1563. & Ioane died , &c. Orate devotè pro anima Magistri Ioannis Pemberton , utriusque Juris Baccalaurii , quond . Residentiar . Eccles . Cath. de Rippon , Ebor. Diocesis , hujusque alius Eccles . Rectoris . Qui obiit 12. die Septemb. An. Dom. 1499. Cujus , &c. William Gregory , Skinner , Maior of London in the yeere 1451. was there buried , and founded a Chauntry , but no Monument of him remaineth . Then in St. Martins lane was ( of old time ) a faire and large Colledge , of a Deane and secular Canons or Priests , and was called Saint Martins le graund , founded by Ingelricus , and Edwardus his brother , in the yeere of Christ , 1056. and confirmed by William the Conquerour , as appeareth by his Charter dated 1068. This Colledge claimed great priviledges of Sanctuary , and otherwise , as appeareth in a booke written by a Notary of that house , about the yeere 1442. the nineteenth of Henry the sixth , wherein amongst other things , is set downe and declared , that on the first of September , in the yeere aforesaid , a Souldier , prisoner in Newgate , as hee was led by an Officer towards the Guild hall of London , there came out of Panyer Alley five of his fellowship , and tooke him from the Officer , brought him into Sanctuary , at the West doore of Saint Martins Church , and tooke grithe of that place . But the same day Philip Malpas , and Robert Marshall , then Sheriffes of London , with many other entred the said Church , and forcibly tooke out with them the said five men thither fled ; led them fettred to the Compter , and from thence chained by the neckes to Newgate : of which violent taking , the Deane and Chapter in large manner complained to the King , and required him as their Patron , to defend their priviledges , like as his Predecessors had done , &c. All which complaint and sute , the Citizens by their councell , Markam , Serjeant at the Law , Iohn Carpenter , late Common Clarke of the City , and other , learnedly answered , offering to prove , that the said place of Saint Martin had no such immunity or liberty as was pretended ; namely , Carpenter offered to lose his live-lode , if that Church had more immunity than the least Church in London : notwithstanding , after long debating of this controversie , by the Kings commandement , and assent of his Councell in the Starre-Chamber , the Chancellour and Treasurer sent a Writ unto the Sheriffs of London , charging them to bring the said five persons , with the cause of their taking , and withholding afore the King in his Chancery , on the Vigill of Allhallowes . On which day , the said Sheriffes , with the Recorder and Councell of the City , brought and delivered them accordingly , afore the said Lords , whereas the Chancelor , after hee had declared the Kings commandement , sent them to Saint Martins , there to abide freely , as in a place having franchises , whiles them liked , &c. Thus much out of that Booke have I noted concerning the Priviledge of that place , challenged in those dayes ; since the which time , to wit , in the yeere 1457. the 36. of the said Henry the sixth , an Ordinance was made by the King and his Councell , concerning the said Sanctuary men in S. Martins le graund , whereof the Articles are set downe in the Booke of K. within the Chamber of the Guild hall , in the leafe 299. Henricus Dei gratia , Rex Angliae & Franciae , & Dominus Hyberniae : Omnibus ad quos presentes literae perventium , salutem . Inspeximus tenorem quondam ordinationis , concessionis , & stabilimenti certorum Articulorum infra Sanctuarin liberae Capellae nostrae , S. Martini infra Civitatem nostram London observandam & custodiendam , coram Nobis & Concilio nostro , 5. die Februarii ultimo praeterito , apud Westmon . in Camera Stellata , ordinatorum & stabilitorum , Nobis in Cancellar . nostram de mandato nostro missum factū in haec verba : THe fifth of Feverer , the yeere of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord , King Henry the 6. thirty fifth : at Westminster , in the Sterred Chamber , our said Soveraigne Lord , calling to his high remembrance , the good and blessed entent that his full Noble Pregenitours have at all times had , to the honour , worship , conservation and we le of the Free Chappell of Saint Martins , within the Citie of London , of the which the King our said Soveraigne Lord is founder and Patron : desiring to doe all that may serve to th' ease and restful roule of the same ; and conservation of the Sanctuary , Immunity , Privileges and Liberties , as appertaine to the said Chappell and place , willing that hereafter none occasion be yeven , to the breach or hurting of them . Remembring also the great complaints , grudging , and displeasure that his subjects have taken , and specially the Citizens and Commonalty of the said City of London , of the demeaning of misruled persons comming and abiding in the said place , under umbre and colour of the Sanctuary there , the which have at divers times issued out of the said Sanctuary , and committed many ryots , robberies , man-slaughters , and other mischiefes ; where-through the said Sanctuary hath be greatly dislaundered , and ( over that ) great inconvenience like to ensue . After great deliberation and communication had as well with Doctors of Divinity , as of Law Civill and Canonicall , called also thereto the Iudges of this our Land , and their advices had in that behalfe , other men also of great wisedome and experience for the weale and conservation of the said Sanctuary , and to eschew the said misgovernance and mischiefe , called also before our said Soveraigne Lord and his Councell the Maior and the Aldermen of the said City , and Master Richard Cawdre , Deane of the said place of Saint Martins . Our said Soveraigne Lord ( by the advice of his Councell above said ) Ordained , granted , and established certaine Articles under written , to bee kept and observed within the said Sanctuary , from this time forth , without any interruption of them . VVilling and ordaining , that the said Deane that now is promit by his oath the observance of the same for the time that hee shall bee Deane there . And that every Deane after him in his admission to the said Deanary , be sworne to keepe the said Articles in semblable wise , and make them to bee kept within the said Sanctuary : the which Articles beene such as follow : 1. First , That every person fugitive comming unto the said Sanctuary for tuition , and challenge to enjoy the immunities and priviledges thereof , at his entree , as soone as hee commodiously and reasonably shall now present himselfe unto the said Deane , his Commissarie , or Depute in that behalfe , and before him declare the cause of the feare moving him to come to the said Sanctuary , be it for treason , felony , surmised upon him , or for other causes , and that the said declaration and cause bee registred in the common Register , ordained therefore in the said Sanctuary , and the name of the said fugitive . 2. Item , That hee at his first entree present and deliver unto the said Deane , Commissary , or Depute , all manner of weapon and armour that hee bringeth with him as well invasive as defensive , and that he be not suffered to weare or use any such weapon or armour , or it to have in his keeping within the said Sanctuary in any wise , Except a reasonable knife , to kerve withall his meate , and that the said knife be pointlesse . 3. Item , That every ervaunt and open Theefe , Robber , Murderer , and Felon , notoriously noised by the common fame of the people , or if the said Deane , Commissary , or Depute bee credibly informed , or due proofe bee yoven or made , that hee is such one repairing to the said Sanctuary , to the intent that hee shall not ( under colour of the said Sanctuary ) intend to doe further mischiefe , finde sufficient seurte to bee made unto the King , as well by his owne obligation , as by the obligations of other , of his good bearing for the time of his abode ( within the said Sanctuary , and for a quarter of a yeere after his departing out of the same . And that hee bee kept in ward into the time hee have found and made the said seurte : And if it so bee , that it bee complained or shewed unto the Kings Highnesse , that the said seurte bee not sufficient , that then at the commandement of the said Councell ( if it bee thought necessary ) the said Deane , Commissary , or Depute shall take other and better securte , or else commit them to ward unto the time better securte bee sound . Foreseene alway that if the said fugitive will depart out of the said Sanctuary , that hee may so doe when hee will. 4. Item , That all the out gates , as well posternes , doores , as all other issues outward whatsoever they be of the said Sanctuary , bee surely closed and shut nightly at nine of the clocke . And so remaine shut from the same houre , unto sixe of the clocke in the morning , from the Feast of Alhallowes , unto the Feast of Candlemasse . And the remanent of the yeere nightly from the said houre of nine unto foure of the clocke in the morning , or unto the time that the first Masse beginneth within the said place : And that all those that been fled to the said Sanctuary for treason or felony , bee within the closure on nights time . 5. Item , If any such theefe , murderer , or felon resort to the said Sanctuary for tuition of the same , with any manner robbery , or stollen goods , if the party robbed make fresh sute therefore , and prove by open evidence , that the same felon hath brought into the said Sanctuary the said goods so stolne thence , the said Deane , Commissary , or Depute , shall put in true devoire , withouten any dissimulation , fraud , or malengyne , to make full restitution unto the party so grieved of the same stolne goods , if they can bee had . And semblably , if any Fugitive come to the said Sanctuary with other mens goods , merchandize , or things , intending there to live with the same : And the owner of the said goods , merchandize , or things , make proofe that they bee his , and verifie that they bee brought into the said Sanctuary , the said Deane , Commissary , or Depute shall put him in full devoire , to make restitution , to the party so proving , that the same goods , merchandizes , or things were his . And no Fugitive , nor none dwelling within the said Sanctuary shall receive , conceale , nor buy any such goods ; but that they bee brought to the said Deane , Commissary , or Depute , to the intent the owners may have the sooner knowledge of them . And if the said goods so stolne and brought to the said Sanctuary , be concealed from the said Deane , Commissary , or Depute , and bought by any dwelling in the said Sanctuary : that then the ouyer ( abiding there ) make restitution or satisfaction to the party grieved , proving the said goods so stolne to bee his , and so sold in the same Sanctuary . 6. Item , If any person having tuition of the said Sanctuary , from thence issue out by day or by night , and commit or doe any robbery , murder , treason , felony , or battery , without the said Sanctuary . And thereupon resort againe to the said Sanctuary for tuition ; the said Deane , Commissary , or Depure , shall upon credible information given unto him of the said robbery , murder , treason , felony , or battery so done ( withoutensorth ) commit the same misdoer to ward , there to remaine as long as he will abide in the said Sanctuary . And if so bee hee will depart from thence , he shall depart at an houre to be assigned unto him by day betwixt sunne and sunne . 7. Item , That subtle pickers of Lockes , counterfeitours of Keyes , contrivers of Sealx , forgers of false evidences , workers of counterfeit Chaines , Beades , Brouches , Ouches , Rings , Cups , Spoones silvered , and plates of Copper gilt , uttered for Gold , unto the common hurt of the people , be not suffered in the said Sanctuary . And if any being within the said Sanctuary be holden suspect of the things abovesaid , let him be committed to ward , till he find sufficient surety , as in the third Article abovesaid . 8. Item , That common Putuers , Strumpers , and Bawdes be not supported in the said Sanctuary : And if they claime the tuition of the said Sanctuary , that they bee set in open ward on day times , till shame cause them to depart , or to amend their vicious living . 9. Item , That deceitfull games , as playes at hazzard , the Dice , the Guek , the Kayelles , the Cloysh , and other such unleefull and reprovable games bee not used , supported , nor cherished within the said Sanctuary . 10. Item , That all Artificers dwelling within the said Sanctuary ( as well Barbours as other ) keepe holy the Sundayes and other great Festivall dayes without breach , or exercising of their craft , in such wise as done the Inhabitants of the said City of London . And if they doe the contrary , to bee committed to ward , till they finde sufficient surety , as in the third Article abovesaid , to use their crafts in manner and forme as doe the Inhabitants of the said City , and according to the ordinances of the same City . 11. Item , That every person comming to the said Sanctuary for immunity and tuition of the same , that hee at his admission to the said Sanctuary , bee sworne on a booke , to obey , keepe , and observe the Articles abovesaid , and every each of them with their pains and rules appertaining to the same . And the King by the advice abovesaid would , granted and ordained , that this Act be exemplified under his great Seale , and be enrolled in his Chancellary , to the intent that the ordinance abovesaid remaine of Record , and that his subjects may have knowledge thereof . Nos autem tenore praecedentium ad requisitinem dilecti & fidelis nostri Galfridi Baleyne , Maioris Civitatis nostrae London , & Aldemannorum ejusdem Civitatis , duximus exemplificandum per praesentes : In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus Patentes , Teste meipso apud Westmon . 24. die Novembris , Anno Regni nostri , 36. Examinatur per Clericos . Iohannem Fankes , & Thomam Ive . By the meanes and friendly helpe of Master William Williams , clarke of the Chamber of London , I prevailed to have the true copy of the said Articles : and therefore in this manner have here inserted them . This Colledge was surrendred to King Edward the sixth , the second of his reigne , the yeere of Christ , 1548. And the same yeere , the Colledge Church being pulled down , in the East part thereof a large VVine-Taverne was builded ; and withall , downe to the west , and throughout the whole precinct of that Colledge , many other houses were builded , and highly priced , letten to strangers , borne , and other such as there claimed benefit of priviledges , granted to the Canons , serving God day and night ( for so bee the words in the Charter of William the Conqueror ) which may hardly be wrested to artificers , buyers , and sellers , otherwise than is mentioned in the 21. of S. Matthewes Gospel . Lower downe , on the west side of Saint Martins lane , in the Parish of St. Anne , almost by Aldersgate , is one great house , commonly called Northumberland house : it belonged to Henry Percy . King Henry the fourth , in the seventh of his reigne gave this house , with the tenements thereunto appertaining , to Queene Iane his wife , and then it was called her VVardrope : it was afterward a Printing-house ; but now a Taverne . VVithout Aldersgate , on the East side of Aldersgate streete , is the Cooks Hall : Which Cookes ( or Pastelars ) were admitted to be a Company , and to have a Master and VVardens , in the two and twentienth of Edward the fourth . From thence , along unto Hounsditch , or Barbican streete , bee many faire houses . On the west side also be the like faire buildings , till yee come to Long lane , and so to Goswell streete . In Britaine streete , which tooke that name of the Dukes of Britaine lodging there , is one proper Parish Church of Saint Buttolph : In which Church was sometime a Brotherhood of Saint Fabian and Sebastian , founded in the yeere 1377. the 51. of Edward the third , and confirmed by Henry the fourth , in the sixth of his reigne . Then Henry the sixth , in the 24. of his reigne , to the honour of the Trinity , gave licence to Dame Ioane Astley , sometime his Nurse , to R. Cawood and T. Smith , to found the same a Fraternity , perpetually to have a Master and two Custos , with Brethren and Sisters , &c. This Brotherhood was indowed with Lands , more than thirty pounds by the yeere , & was suppressed by Edward the sixth . There lye buried , Iohn de Bath , Weaver , 1390. Philip at Vine , Capper , 1396. Benet Gerard , Brewer , 1403. Thomas Bilsington founded a Chauntry there , and gave to that Church an house , called the Helmet upon Cornhill . Iohn Bradmote , Chirurgeon , Margaret and Katharine his wives , 1411. Iohn Michael Serjeant at Armes , 1415. Allen Bret , Carpenter , 1425. Robert Malton , 1426. Iohn Trigilion , Brewer , 1417. Iohn Mason , Brewer , 1431. Rob. Cawood , Clerke of the Pope in the Kings Exchequer , 1466. Rich. Emmesey , Iohn Walpole . I. Hartshorne , Esquire , servant to the King , 1400. And other of that Family , great Benefactors to that Church . W. Marrow , Grocer , Maior , and Katharine his wife , were buried there , about 1468. The Lady Anne Packington , widdow , late wife to Iohn Packington , Knight , Chirographer of the Court of Common Pleas : she founded Almes houses neere unto the white Friers Church in Fleetstreet , the Clothworkers in London have oversight thereof . Here lye buried the bodies of Richard Downis , and Joane his wife . which Richard deceased the day of 1500. And the said Joane dyed the 13. day of Ianuary , 1519. Hic jacet Johannes Rukeby , nuper Civis & Atturnatus London , & Elizabetha uxor ejus . Qui quidem Ioh. obiit 1 die Mensis Septembris , 1427. The Corps of Iohn Milsam lyeth here , Who lived fourescore and one yeere . Free of the Notaries he was , a friendly Citizen ; And eke a long time in Guild-Hall , an Atturney hath been : Who willingly this mortall life did yeeld with constant mind , Inperfect hope through Christ his blood , th' immortall life to find : And now is gone the way before , that we also must wend ; For Death is due to every man , by it all things must end . Ianuary the 18. day , 1567. Out of this life he tooke the way . Domina Margareta & Lichtervelde filia Iohannis supremi Flandriae Praetoris , nuptum primum Nobili viro Johanni Wits , Topatchae Bouchardiriae , & Franconatus apud Flandros , Burghi Magistro : Peperit ei Ferdinandum , Jacobum , & Margaretam , D. Domino Adolpho à Meetkerck Equiti Aurato , & summo Flandriae , ex quo Mater facta est Edovardi , Elizabethae & Salomes . Matrona excellentissimo ingenio , ornatissimis moribus , insigni pietate , aliisque summis praedita virtutibus . Marito in utraque fortuna assidua comes , Exiliiq , postremi fida socia . Vixit Ann. 45. Mens . 7. dies 14. Piè in Deo obdormivit , Idus Novembris , M. D.XC.IIII . Londini Anglorum . His additus est tumulus Nobilis viri Pauli Knibbii , i. Ser. Daniae Regis , Consiliarii generei supradicti Adolphi à Meetkerck , qui dum apud Ser. Aug. Reginam dicti Regis Legatum agit Lond. Piè defunct . est , 8. Id. Octob. M.D.XII . Cinibus hosce suis posuit Van Heilus honores Digna horum meritis alii Monumenta reponent . Patience Vaincra . DEO . Here resteth the body of William Purde , Esquire , late Clerke of the Pipe and Privie Seale , which payed the generall tribute of Nature , divided from the mundane vexations by natural death , the 15 day of August , the 31. yeere , in the reigne of King Henry the eighth . Hic jacet Petrus Swift , de London , Generos . dum vixit Auditor Eccles . Cathedrali D. Pauli London . Qui obiit 2. die Septemb. An. Dom. 1562. Cujus , &c. Pars Terrestris . Joannis Coston , Registrarii sedis Archiepiscopalis Cantuar. Principalis , Almaeque Curiae Cant. de Arcubus Lond. Procuratorum generalium unius . Sexaginta annos cum multa pietate & probitate sub Polo praetergressus , 3. Iulii , 1614. animam efflavit . Relictis Simone & Anna , flio & filia unicis in sacros cineres redact . sub pedibus diem novum expectat . Heere lyeth Robert Greene , Gentleman , who departed this world on Thursday , the twelfth of November , and was buried in this Church , upon Saturday , the foureteenth day of the same Moneth , 1590. Here under this Tombe lyeth the body of Dame Anne Packington , widdow , late wife of Sir Iohn Packington , Knight , late Chirographer in the Court of Common Pleas : which Dame Anne deceased the 22. day of August , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1563. Iohannes Sotherton , Baro Scaccarii , sincera fretus in Deum pietate , studiosa in Principem fidelitate , spectata in omnes humanitate & benevolentia , annum aetatis ingress . octogesimum , placidè in Christo obdormivit , 26. Octob. Anno Domini , 1605. & una cum duabus conjugibus , Francisca & Maria castiss . feminis hic sepultus . Francisca , filia & haeres de Iohannes Smith de Cromer , Norff. Per quam habuit unum filium Christopherum , obiit Octob. 1563. Maria , filia Edovardi Woton , Medicinae Doctoris , per quam habuit alterum filium Iohannem , & unicam filiam Mariam . Obiit 10. Iunii . Iohan. primogenitus Franciscae , unigenitus Mariae privignus , non ingratus Christopherus Sotherton posuit . An. Dom. 1604. Martii 31. Obiit . Michael Crud , Divini Verbi Concionator , atque hujus Ecclesiae Past or fidelis , post vitam piè gestam , tam in partibus transmarinis , quam in natali solo , in Anno aetatis suae quinquagesimo , pacificè dormivit in Christo , atque juxta tumulatur impensis Margaretae ejus relictae , quae hoc fieri in foelicem Marici memoriam curavit . D. O. M. Gulielmo Mill , Armigero , fide , charitate , & in arduis constantia celeberrimo , Marito charissimo conjunx amantissima , in honoris perpetui tesseram Monumentum hoc lugubre moerens posuit . Gulielmus iste Croydoniae ( Surriae Comitatus emporio ) natus , Gulielmi Mill , & Hawisiae Harwell secundo genitus , ex antiqua Millorum de Horscombe ( Agri Governiensis ) familia oriundus , liberaliter educatus , Graiensis Hospitii Alumnus , in literis foeliciter versatus , Consilii Sanctioris in Camera quam Stellatam dictitant amanuensis prius per annos quinquaginta , deinde Clericus , & Actuarius summus , viginti plus minus ibidem suis meritis evasit . Fratres duos Nicholaum & Iohannem innuptos , Elizabetham , Franciscam , Milicentam , Margaretam atque Annam , uterinas , & Margaretam sororem habuit . Margaretam , Thomae Greeke , Fisci Regii Baronis , filiam , ( Gulielmi Butleri viduam ) in uxorē grandaevus duxit . Tandem Londini in Carthusianis 16. die Iulii , Anno Verbi incarnati , 1608. Aetatis suae 71. ( nulla suscepta prole ) vitam erumnosam ut Christo viveret , piè sed placidè commutavit . Non temerè sepimur , nec nos Fortuna gubernat , Sed Deus es vitae , Dux es & ipse via . Fraternae Pietatis Symbolum . Iohannis Mill , Gulielmi Patris Armigeri , de Croydon , filius secundò genitus , vita integerrima defunctus hic coelebs requiescit , corpore autem sub Marmore istic pulverescente ; Animus in Coelis secundam per Christum Iesum , repurgatae carnis assumptionem expectat . Obiit 27. die Mensis Augusti , An. Domini , 1595. Aetatis suae 57. Gulielmo Fratre primaevo atque unico ( sanctioris in Camera Stellata Consilii Clerico ) superstite . What Epitaph shall we afford this Shrine ? Words cannot-grace this Pyramid of thine : Thy sweet perfections , all summ'd up , were such , As Heavens ( I thinke ) for faith did thinke too much . Religious zeale did thy pure heart command , Pitty thine eye , and Charity thy hand : These Graces , joyn'd with more of like degree , Make each mans word an Epitaph for thee . Calme was thy death , well-ordered was thy life , A carefull Mother , and a loving wife . Aske any , how these Vertues in thee grew ? Thou wast a Spencer , and a Mountague . Katharina Mountague obiit 7. die Decembris , Anno Domini , 1612. Mortua Tamworthi spectas Monumenta viator ? Quin potius vivus , disce quis ille fuit . Si proavos quaeras , Generoso sanguine ductus , Vsque per innumeros invenietur Avos . Si mores , dicam mores ? nec amantior aequi , Nec Patriae quisquam , nec probitatis erat . Si quae conditio , ( si quid sit laudis in illa ) Vita sub illustri Principe clara fuit . Et si Principibus laus est placuisse probatis , Laudibus haec pars est annumeranda suis . Iam volucris sua Iustra novem transegerat aetas , Quum Mors hunc saeva falce cruenta metat . Haec satis hospes , abi , nec vivere differ in horas , Quae sua pars hodie , cras tua forsan erit . Obiit 19. die Aprilis , 1569. Iohanni Morlcio Armigero , & Elizabethae Wotton Conjugi , parentibus charissimis , Iohannes Morleius de Halnaker , in Comitatu Sussexiae , Miles , & Edwardus filii , pietatis & memoriae ergô hoc posuerunt . Vixerunt Conjuges annos 16. Ille obiit die 20. Novembris , 1587. Illa die 7. Novembris , 1603. Tres filios totidemque filias superstites reliquerunt : Iohannem , Edwardum , Willielmum Mariam , Elizabetham , & Magdalenam . Hereunder lyeth buried in the mercy of God , the body of Thomas Goodwin , Esquire , who married Anne the daughter of Thomas Peacocke , by whom hee had issue , one daughter , named Anne . which Thomas deceased the 27. day of ianuary , An. Dom. 1565. Hoc latet in Tumulo praestanti corpore Nympha Margareta quidem repsque parente sata . Censor erat genitor , Sponsus venerabilis extat , Woodhouse ; bis decies quinaque arista tulit . Siste pedes igitur sternis qui busta prophanus , Nam Christi cupiens , sic bonitatis erat . Vixit & illa piè , moriens & sancta vocatur , Exemplo simili vivere disce piè . Here lyeth buried the body of Frances , late wife of Iohn Sotherton , forraine Apposer of the Queenes Majesties Exchequer ; who departed this present life , in the true faith of Christ , the 20. of Octob. 1563. Barbara Bradburii simul & Marianna Someri , Progenies pariter Tumulo conduntur in isto , Vtraque Conjugio Thomae conjuncta Pagetto , Vna virum moriens septena in prole reliquit , Altera fuit sterilis parili quoque tempore conjux ; Ambarum pia vita fuit , pia morsque secuta est . Primae 24. Februarii , An. Dom. 1583. Alterae Decembris ultimo , Anno , 1598. Heere lyeth buried the body of Thomas Greeke , one of the Barons of the Queens Majesties Court of Exchequer ; who dyed the 18. day of November , in the 20. yeere of the reigne of our Soveraigne Lady , Queene Elizabeth . Hee lived 63. yeeres . Here under lyeth buried the body of Thomas Neale , the sonne of Francis Neale Esquire , one of her Majesties Auditors of the Exchequer ; who deceased the 8. day of December , 1597. Aetatis suae , 99. Here lyeth the body of Anne , daughter of John Branche , Citizen and Draper of London , by Ioane his wife , daughter and heire of Iohn Wilkinson , sometime Alderman of this Citie . She was married first to Robert Dunne , and ( after his death ) to Richard Stoneley , Esquire . By Dunne she had three sonnes ; Sir Daniel Dunne , Knight , and Doctor of Law , her eldest ; Samuel Dunne , and William Dunne , the yongest , Doctor of Physicke . And by Stoneley she had divers children , whereof two lived to be married , Dorothie , to William Dantrey , of Sussex ; Anne , to William Higham of Essex , Esquire . Her life was vertuous and godly , and so dyed the eleventh day of Ianuary , An. Dom. 1611. being of the age of fourescore and six yeers , having seene her childrens children , to the fourth generation : and lyes here buried betweene her husbands , and among some other of her children , according to her desire . Hic jacet Susanna , Andreae Lionis Patria Garnseyensis , unica filia , uxor Roberti Creswell , alias Blew-mantle , Prosecutoris ad Arma Serenissimae Elizabethae , Angliae Reginae . Quae modo fida Deo , quae vixit chara marito , Non invita animam Christo moribunda reliquit . — 23. Decemb. Anno Domini , 1590. And thus and end of this Ward , which hath an Alderman , his Deputy ; Common Counsellors , five ; Constables , eight ; Scavengers , nine ; for the Wardmote inquest , fourereene , and a Beadle . It is taxed to the Fifteene in London , seven pounds , and in the Exchequer , six pounds , nineteene shillings . FARINGDON VVARD Infra , or within . ON the South side of Aldersgate Ward , lyeth Faringdon Ward , called infra , or within , for a difference from another ward of that name , which lyeth without the wals of the Citie , and is therefore called Faringdon extra . These two Wards ( of old time ) were but one , and had also but one Alderman , till the 17. of Richard the second , at which time , the said Ward ( for the greatnesse thereof ) was divided into twaine , and by Parliament ordered to have two Aldermen , and so it continueth till this day . The whole great Ward of Faringdon , both infra and extra , took name of W. Farendon , Goldsmith , Alderman of that Ward , and one of the Sheriffes of London , in the yeere 1281. the 9. of Edward the first : He purchased the Aldermanrie of this Ward , as by the abstract of Deeds which I have read thereof , may appeare . Thomas de Arderne , sonne and heire to Sir Ralph Arderne , Knight , granted to Ralph le Feure , Citizen of London , one of the Sheriffes in the yeere 1277. all the Aldermanrie , with the appurtenances , within the Citie of London , and the Suburbs of the same , betweene Ludgate and New-gate , and also without the same Gates : which Aldermanrie , Ankerinus de Averne held during his life , by the Grant of the said Thomas de Arderne , to have and to hold to the said Ralph , and to his heires , freely without all challenge , yeelding therefore yeerely to the said Thomas and his heires , one Clove or Slip of Gilli flowers , at the Feast of Easter , for all secular service and customes , with warrantie unto the said Ralphle Feure , and his heires , against all people , Christians and Iewes , in consideration of twenty Markes , which the said Ralph de Feure did give before-hand , in name of a Gersum , or Fine , to the said Thomas , &c. Dated the fifth of Edward the first . Witnesse , G. de Rokesley , Maior , R. Arrar , one of the Shriffes . H. Wales , P. le Taylor , T. de Basing , I. Horne , N. Blackthorn , Aldermen of London . After this , Iohn le Feure , sonne and heyre to the said Ralph le Feure , granted to William Farendon , Citizen and Goldsmith of London , and to his heyres , the said Aldermanry , with the appurtenances , for the service thereunto belonging , in the seventh of Edward the first , in the yeere of Christ , 1279. This Aldermanry descended to Nicholas Farendon , sonne to the said William , and to his heyres : which Nicholas Farendon , also a Goldsmith , was foure times Maior , and lived many yeeres after ; for I have read divers Deeds , whereunto he was a witnesse , dated the yeere 1360. He made his Testament , 1361. which was fifty three yeeres after his first being Maior , and was buried in Saint Peters Church in Cheape . So this Ward continued under the governement of William Farendon the father , and Nicholas his sonne , by the space of fourescore and two yeeres , and retaineth their name untill this present day . VVhereas Master Stowe saith , That Thomas de Arderne , sonne and heire to Sir Ralph Arderne , Knight , granted to Ralph le Feure , Citizen of London , and one of the Sheriffes of the same Citie , in the yeere 1277. all the Aldermanrie , with the appurtenances within the Citie of London , and Suburbs of the same , betweene Ludgate and Newgate , and also without the same gates . Which Aldermanrie , Ankerinus de Averne held , during his life , by the Grant of Thomas de Arderne , to have and to hold to the said Ralph , and to his heires , freely without all challenge , yeelding therfore yeerely to the said Thomas and his heires , one Clove or Slip of Gilliflowers , at the Feast of Easter , for all secular service and customes , with warrantie to the said Ralph le Feure , and his heires against all people , Christians and Iewes , in consideration of 20. marks , which the said Ralph de Feure did give beforehand in name of a Gersum or Fine , to the said Thomas , &c. Dated the fifth of Edward the first . VVitnesse , G. de Rokesley , Maior , R. Arrar , one of the Sheriffes , H. Wales , P. le Taylor , T. de Basing , I. Horne , and N. Blackthorn , Aldermen . I finde ( to the contrary ) by an especiall Deed ( yet to be seene ) delivered me by that worthy favourer of Antiquities , Master Iohn Williams , Goldsmith , all the former Deed , verbatim , to bee granted by William de Farndon , Citizen and Alderman of London , ( of whom the VVard , both within and without the Gates fore-named , being then but one , and governed by one Alderman onely , tooke name ) to Nicholas , the sonne of Ralph de Feure , Citizen of London , in the very same manner and forme as hath beene recited , for a Clove or Slip of Gilliflowers , twenty pounds , and not Markes , given for a Gersum , or Fine , and the very same warrantie or defence against all people for ever . To which Deed , sealed with his own Seale , as he calleth it , being the very same of the Goldsmiths Armes , yet engraved about in this manner : Sigilli Willi. de Farndon ; he nameth as witnesses , Domino Ioh. le Bretonn , Milite , tune Custode London , Elia Russel , and Henry le Bole , tunc Vicecom . London ; Steph. Assewy , Ioh. de Bachkewelle , Roberts de Basing , Will. de Bettune , Rad. le Blund , Walt. de Finchingfeld , Ioh. de Blund , Thoma de Estanes , Richardo Assewy , & multis aliis . Anno Reg. Ed. fil . R. Hen. xxj . This VVard of Faringdon within the wals , is bounded thus : Beginning in the East , at the great Crosse in VVest Cheape , from whence it runneth VVest , On the North side , from the Parish Church of Saint Peter , which is at the South-west corner of Woodstreet , unto Guthurons lane , and downe that Lane , to Hugon lane on the East side , and to Kery lane on the West . Then againe into Cheape and to Foster lane , and downe that Lane on the East side , to the North side of Saint Fosters Church , and on the west , till over against the South-west corner of the said Church , from whence , downe Foster lane , and Noble street , is all of Aldersgate street Ward , till ye come to the stone wall in the west side of Noble street , as is afore shewed . Which said wall , down to Nevils Inne , or Windsore House , and downe Monkes-well street , on that west side , then by London wall , to Creplegate , and the west side of that same Gate , is all of Faringdon VVard . Then backe againe into Cheape , and from Foster lane end to Saint Martins lane end , and from thence through S. Nicholas Shambles , by Pentecost lane , and Butchers Alley , and by Stinking lane , through Newgate Market to Newgate : All which is in the North side of Faringdon VVard . On the South , from against the said great Crosse in Cheape , west to Fridaies street , and downe that streete on the East side , till over against the Northeast corner of Saint Matthews Church , and on the west side , till the South corner of the said Church . Then againe along Cheape to the Old Exchange , and downe that Lane , ( on the East side ) to the Parish Church of S. Augustine , which Church and one house next adjoyning in Watheling street , be of this Ward ; and on the west side of this Lane , to the East Arch or Gate by S. Augustines Church , which entreth the South Church-yard of Saint Pauls , which Arch or Gate was builded by Nicholas Farendon , about the yeer 1361. and within that Gate on the said north side , to the Gate that entreth the north Church-yard , and all the north Church-yard is of this Faringdon ward . Then againe into Cheape , and from the North end of the Old Exchange , west by the north gate of Pauls Church-yard up Pater noster Row , by the two lanes out of Pauls Church , and to the signe of the Golden Lyon , which is some twelve houses short of Ave Mary lane , the West side of which lane is of this Ward . Then at the South end of Ave Mary Lane , is Creed lane , the West side wherof is also of this Ward . Now betwixt the South end of Ave Mary lane , and the North end of Creed lane , is the cōming out of Pauls Church-yard , on the East , and the high street , called Bowyer Row , to Ludgate , on the West , which way to Ludgate is of this Ward . On the north side whereof is S. Martins Church : and on the South side a turning into the Blacke Friers . Now to turne up againe to the north end of Ave Marie lane , there is a short lane , which runneth West some small distance , and is there closed up with a gate into a great house : and this is called Amen lane . Then on the North side of Pater noster Row , beginning at the Conduit over against the Old Exchange lane end , and going west by Saint Michaels Church : at the West end of which Church , is a small passage thorow toward the north . And beyond this Church some small distance , is another passage , which is called Panier Alley , and commeth out against S. Martins lane end . Then further West in Pater noster Row , is Ivie lane , which runneth North to the West end of S. Nicholas Shambles : and then West Pater noster Row , till over against the Golden Lion , where the Ward endeth for that street . Then about some dozen houses , which is of Baynards Castle VVard , to Warwicke lane end : which Warwicke lane stretcheth North to the high street of Newgate Market . And the West side of Warwick lane is of this Foringdon VVard : For the East side of Warwicke lane , of Ave Mary lane , and of Creed lane , with the west end of Pater noster Row , are all of Baynards Castle VVard . Yet to begin againe at the said Conduit by the old Exchange , on the North side thereof is a large street , that runneth up to Newgate , as is aforesaid . The first part , or South-west side thereof , from the Conduit to the Shambles , is called Bladder street . Then on the backe side of the Shambles bee divers slaughter-houses , and such like , pertaining to the Shambles : and this is called Mount Godard street . Then is the Shambles it selfe , and then Newgate Market . And so the whole street on both sides up to Newgate , is of this VVard : and thus it is wholy bounded . Monuments in this VVard be these : First , the great Crosse in West Cheape street , but in the VVard of Faringdon , the which Crosse was first erected in that place by Edward the first , as before is shewed in West Cheape street . At the South-west corner of Woodstreet , is the Parish Church of S. Peter the Apostle , by the said Crosse , a proper Church , lately new builded . Iohn Sha , Goldsmith , Maior , deceased 1503. appointed by his Testament , the said Church and Steeple to be new builded of his goods , with a flat roofe . Notwithstanding , Tho. Wood , Goldsmith , one of the Sheriffes , 1491. is accounted a principall benefactor , because the roofe of the middle I le is supported by Images of VVoodmen . I finde to have beene buried in this Church , Nicholas Farendon , Maior , Richard Hadley , Grocer , 1592. Iohn Palmer , Fishmonger , 1500. Wil. Rous , Goldsmith , Sheriffe , 1429. Thomas Atkins , Esquire , 1400. Iohn Butler , Sheriffe , 1420. Henry Warley , Alderman , 1524. Sir Iohn Mund , Goldsmith , Maior , deceased , 1537. Augustine Hinde , Clothworker , one of the Sheriffes , in the yeere 1550. whose Monument doth yet remaine , with this inscription here-under , &c. the other being gone . Sir Alexander Avenon , Maior , 1579. Here-under this Stone lieth buried the body of Augustine Hinde , Clothworker , Alderman , and late Sheriffe of London : who deceased the tenth day of August , Anno Domini , 1554. Here also lieth Dame Elizabeth his wife , by whom hee had issue foure sons and two daughters : which Dame Elizabeth deceased the 12. day of Iuly , An. Dom. 1569. God grant us all such race to run : To end in Christ as they have done . The long Shop or Shed , incroching on the high street before this Church wall , was licensed to bee made in the yeere 1401. yeelding to the Chamber of London , 30. s. 4. d. yeerely for the time . Also the same Shop was letten by the Parish , for three pounds at the most , many yeeres since . Then is Guthuruns lane , so called of Guthurun , sometime owner thereoof : the inhabitāts of this lane ( of old time ) were Goldbeaters . as doth appeare by Records in the Exchequer . For the Easterling money was appointed to be made of fine silver , such as men made into foyle , and was commonly called silver of Guthuruns lane , &c. The Imbroiderers Hall is in this Lane. Iohn Trowstone Imbroiderer , then Goldsmith , Sheriffe , deceased 1519. gave 40. l. towards the purchase of this Hall. Hugon lane , on the East side , and Kery lane ( called of one Kery ) on the West . Then in the high street on the same North side , is the Sadlers Hall : and then Foster lane , so called , of Saint Fosters , a faire Church , lately new builded . Henry Coote , Goldsmith , one of the Sheriffes , deceased , 1509. builded S. Dunstanes Chappell there . Iohn Throwstone , one of the Sheriffes , gave to the building thereof 100. pounds by his Testament . Iohn Browne , Sergeant-Painter , Alderman , deceased 1532. was a great Benefactor , and was there buried . William Trist , Selerar to the King , 1425. Iohn Standelfe , Goldsmiths , lye buried there . Richard Galder , 1544. Agnes , wife to William Milborne , Chamberlaine of London , 1500. Hic jacet Dominus Thomas Baby , quondam Capellanus Aurifabrorum London . Qui obiit 3. die Mens . Novemb. An. Dom. 1452. Cujus , &c. Here lieth buried the body of John Lonyson , Esquire , Master of the Mint of England , Citizen and Goldsmith of London : who most joyfully changed this miserable and wearisome life , with the felicity and happinesse of Gods Kingdome , in good Religion and godly charitie , in true feare and stedfast faith , with a full perswasion of remission in the blood of Iesus Christ , the one and twentieth day of May , An. Dom. 1583. being about the 59. yeere of his age . Here lyeth interred the body of Christopher Wase , late Citizen and Godsmith of London , aged 66. yeeres , and dyed the 22. of September , 1605. who had to wife Anne the daughter of William Prettyman , and had by her three sonnes and three daughters . Reader , stay , and thou shalt know What he was that here doth sleepe : Lodg'd amidst the stones below , Stones that oft are seene to weepe . Gentile was his birth and breed , His carriage gentle , much contenting : His word accorded with his deed , Sweet his nature , soone relenting . From above he seem'd protected , Father dead before his birth , An Orphane , onely but neglected , Yet his branches spread on earth , Earth , that must his bones containe , Sleeping till Christs Trumpe shall wake them , Ioyning them to soule againe , And to blisse eternall take them . It is not this rude and little heape of stones , Can hold the fame , although't containes the bones . Light be the earth , and hallowed for thy sake , Resting in peace , peace that so oft didst make . Vnder the Stone right against this Monument , lye buried the bodies of Robert Marsh , Citizen and Grocer of London , and Florence his first wife , by whom he had issue seven Sonnes . By Elizabeth , his second wife , ( left living ) he had issue three sonnes and a daughter . He departed this life the 7. day of October , Anno Dom. 1602. after he had lived 65. yeeres and three dayes . Here-under lyeth buried the body of Mistris Martha Prescot , the wife of Alexander Prescot , Citizen and Alderman of London : whose soule the Lord tooke to his mercy the 26. day of Novemb. 1616. when she had lived a married wife just 23. yeeres that day , and 40. yeeres , 2. moneths , 3. weekes , and odde dayes , from the time of her birth . She had issue by her said Husband , 6. Sonnes , and 5. daughters , and her yongest of all , being a daughter , named Elizabeth , lyeth hereunder interred , in the same Grave , on the same day of buriall with her said mother . Lord , of thine infinite grave and pitie , Have mercy on me Agnes , sometime the wife Of William Milborne , Chamberlaine of this Citie , Which tooke my passage fro this wretched life , The yeere of Grace , one thousand , one hundred and five , The twelfth day of Iuly , no longer was my space , It pleased then my Lord to call me to his grace . Now ye that are living , and see this picture , Pray for me here while ye have time and space , That God of his goodnesse would me assure , In his everlasting mansion to have a place . Then downe Foster Lane , and Noble street , both of Aldersgate street Ward , till ye come to the stone wall , which incloseth a Garden-plot before the wall of the Citie , on the West side of Noble street , and is of this Faringdon Ward . This Garden-plot , containing 95. Elles in length , 9. Elles and an half in bredth , was by Adam de Burie , Maior , the Aldermen , and Citizens of London , letten to Iohn de Nevell , Lord of Raby , Radulph and Thomas , his sonnes , for threescore yeeres , paying 6. s. 8. d. the yeere . Dated the 48. of Edw. 3. having in a seale pendant on the one side , the figure of a walled Citie , and of S. Paul , a Sword in his right hand , and in the left a Banner ; 3. Leopards , about that Seale , on the same side written , Sigillum Baronium Londoniarum . On the other side , the like figure of a Citie , a Bishop sitting on an Arch , the inscription , Me : quae : ●e : peperi : ne : Cesses : Thoma : tueri . Thus much for the Barons of London , their common seale at that time . At the North end of this Garden-plot , is one great house builded of stone and timber , now called the Lord Winsors house , of old time belonging to the Nevels , as in the 19. of Rich. 2. it was found by inquisition of a Iurie , that Elizabeth Nevell dyed , seized of a great Messuage in the Parish of S. Olave in Monkes-well street in London , holden of the King in free Burgage , which shee held of the gift of Iohn Nevell of Raby , her husband , and that Iohn Latimer was next sonne and heire to the said Elizabeth . In this West side is the Barber Chirurgeons Hall. This Company was incorporated by meanes of Thomas Morestede , Esquire , one of the Sheriffes of London , 1436. Chirurgeon to the Kings of England , Henry the fourth , fifth , and sixth . He deceased 1450. Then Iaques Fries , Physician to Edw. the fourth , and William Hobbs , Physician and Chirurgeon for the same Kings body , continuing the suit the ful time of twenty yeers , Edward the fourth , in the second of his reigne , and Richard Duke of Glocester , became Founders of the same Corporation , in the Parish of Saint Cosme and Damiane . The first assembling of that Mysterie was by Roger Strippe , William Hobbs , Thomas Goddard , and Richard Kent , since the which time they builded their Hall in that street , &c. At the North corner of this street , on the same side , was sometime an Hermitage or Chappell of Saint Iames , called in the wall , neere Creplegate : it belonged to the Abbey and Covent of Garadon , as appeareth by a Record , the seven and twentieth of Edward the first : And also the 16. of Edward the third , William de Lions was Hermit there , and the Abbot & Covent of Garadon found two Chaplaines , Cestercian Monkes of their house : in this Hermitage one of them , for Aymor de Valence , Earle of Pembrooke , and Mary de Saint Paul , his Countesse . Of these Monkes , and of a Well pertaining to them , the street tooke that name , and is called Monkes-well street . This Hermitage with the appurtenances , was in the reigne of Edw. the 6. purchased from the said King , by W. Lambe , one of the Gentlemen of the Kings Chappell , Citizen and Cloth-worker of London : Hee deceased in the yeere 1577. and then gave it to the Cloth-workers of London , with other Tenements , to the value of fifty pounds the yeere , to the intent they shall hire a Minister to say divine Service there . Againe , to the high street of Cheape , from Foster Lane end to S. Martins , and by that Lane to the Shambles or Flesh-market , on the North side whereof is Pentecost lane , containing divers slaughter-houses for the Butchers . Then was there of old time a proper Parish Church of S. Nicholas , whereof the said Flesh-market tooke the name , and was called S. Nicholas Shambles . This Church , with the Tenements and Ornaments , was by Henry the eight given to the Maior and Communalty of the Citie , towards the maintenance of the new Parish Church , then to be erected in the late dissolved Church of the Gray Friers : so was this Church dissolved and pulled downe : in place whereof , and of the Church-yard , many faire houses are now builded , in a Court with a Well , in the middest whereof the Church stood . Then is Stinking lane , formerly so called , or Chick lane , at the East end of the Gray Friers Church : it is now kept clean and free from annoyance , and called by the name of Butchers-Hall Lane ; and there is the Butchers Hall. In the third of Richard the second , motion was made , that no Butcher should kill any flesh within London , but at Knightsbridge , or such like distant place from the wals of the Citie . Then the late dissolved Church of Gray Friers , the originall whereof was thus : In the yeere 1224. being the 8. yeere of the reigne of King Henry the third , there came out of Italy nine Friers of the Order of the Franciscans , or Frier Minors , five whereof were Priests , and the other foure Lay-men . The Priests placed themselves at Canturbury in Kent : but the other foure came to London , and were lodged ( for some short while ) among the preaching Friers , who lived then in Oldborne . Afterward , they obtained to be placed in Cornehill , London , in an house belonging to one Iohn Travars , who was then one of the Sheriffes of London , in the same yeere 1224. In which house they made themselves Celles , and inhabited there for a certaine time ; till their number so increased , and the Citizens devotion grew to be so great , that ( within few yeeres after ) they were thence removed , by the meanes of one Iohn Ewin , Mercer , who purchased a void plot of ground , neere to Saint Nicholas Shambles , where to erect an House for the said Friers . Divers Citizens seemed herein to joyne with the said Iohn Ewin , and erected there very beautifull buildings , upon the same ground so formerly purchased by Iohn Ewin , and a great part builded at his owne charge , which hee appropriated to the Communalty of London , and then entred into the same Order of Friers , as a Lay Brother . William Ioyner , Lord Maior of London , in the yeere 1239. builded them a Chappell , which cost him two hundred pounds Sterling , which Chappell made part of the Chancell , as it now standeth . Henry Walleis , who was likewise Lord Maior of London , builded them a body of a Church , which afterward was pulled downe , and made as now it is . Mr. Walter Porter , Alderman of London , builded a Chapter-house for them , and gave divers vessels of Brasse for the Kitchin service ; building places also for sicke persons , and other Offices beside . Thomas Felcham builded the Vestry house . Gregory Rokesley , Lord Maior of London , builded their Dorters and Chambers , and gave Beds to them . M. Bartholomew of the Castel , builded a faire house or Refectory for them . Mr. Peter de Helyland builded the Infirmitory , and divers places for diseased persons . Mr. Bevis Bond , Herald , and King at Armes , builded the studies . Margaret , Queene , second wife to Edward the first , began the Quire of their new Church , in the yeere 1306. to the building whereof , in her life time she gave 2000. marks , and 100. markes by her Testament . Iohn Britaine , Earle of Richmond , builded the body of the Church , to the charges of 300. pounds , and gave many rich Iewels and ornaments to be used in the same . Mary , Countesse of Pembrooke 70. l. Gilbart de Clare , Earle of Glocester , and bestowed 20. great beames out of his Forrest of Tunbridge , 20. l. starlings . Lady Helianor le Spencer , Lady Elizabeth de Burgh , Sister to Gilbert de Clare , gave summes of money , and so did divers Citizens , as Arnold de Tolinea , one hundred pounds . Robert Picae Lisle , who became a Frier there , 300. pounds . Bartholomew de Almaine , 50. pounds . Also Philippe , Queene , wife to Edward the third , gave 62. pounds . Isabel , Queene , Mother to Edward the third , gave threescore and tenne pounds . And so the worke was done within the space of 21. yeeres , 1537. This Church , thus furnished with windowes , made at the charges of divers persons ; the Lady Margaret Segrave , Countesse of Norfolke , bare the charges of making the Stalles in the Quire , to the value of 350. markes , about the yeere 1380. Richard Whitington , in the yeere 1429. founded the Library , which was in length , one hundred twenty and nine foot , and in breadth , thirty one ; all seeled with Wainscot , having 28. Desks , and eight double Settles of Wainscot . Which ( in the next yeere following ) was altogether finished in building , and within three yeeres after , furnished with Bookes , to the charges of five hundred fifty six pounds , tenne shillings , whereof Richard Whitington bare 400. pounds , the rest was borne by Doctor Thomas Winchelsey , a Frier there : and for the writing out of D. Nicholas de Lira his Workes , in two Volumes to be chained there , 100. Markes , &c. The ●eeling of the Quire at divers mens charges , 200. markes , and the painting at 50. markes : their Conduit head and water-course was given them by William Tayler , Taylor to Hen. 3. This whole Church contained in length 300. foot , of the feet of S. Paul , in breadth eighty nine foot , and in heighth from the ground to the roofe , 64. foot , and 2. inches , &c. It was consecrated , 1325. and at the generall suppression , was valued at 32. pound , 19. shillings , surrendred the 12. of November , 1533. the 30. of Hen. 8. the ornaments and goods being taken to the Kings use : the Church was shut up for a time , and used as a Store-house of goods taken prizes from the French : But in the yeere 1546. on the third of Ianuary , it was againe set open . On the which day preached at Pauls Crosse the Bishop of Rochester , where he declared the Kings gift thereof to the Citie , for the relieving of the poore , which gift was by Patents . S. Bartholomews Spittle in Smithfield , lately valued at 305. pounds , 6. shillings , 7. Pence , and surrendred to the King ; of the said Church of the Gray Friers , and of two Parish Churches , the one of Saint Nicholas in the Shambles , and the other of Saint Ewins in Newgate Market , they were to be made one Parish Church in the said Friers Church . In Lands he gave for maintenance of the said Church , with divine service , reparations , &c. 500. markes by yeere for ever . The 13. of Ianuary , the 38. of Henry the 8. an agreement was made betwixt the King and the Maior , and Communalty of London , dated the 27. of December : by which the said gift of the Gray Friers Church , with all the Edifices and ground , the Fratrie , the Library , the Dortar , and Chapter-house , the great Cloistrie and the lesser ; Tenements , Gardens and vacant grounds , Lead , Stone , Iron , &c. The Hospitall of Saint Bartholomew in West Smithfield , the Church of the same , the Lead , Bels , and Ornaments of the same Hospitall , with all the Messuages , Tenements and appurtenances . The Parishes of S. Nicholas and of S. Ewin , and so much of S. Pulchers Parish as is within Newgate , were made one Parish Church in the Gray Friers Church , ● and called Christs Church , founded by King H. the 8. The Vicar of Christs Church was to have 26. l. 13. s. 4. pence the yeere . The Vicar of S. Bartholomew 13. l. 6. s. 8. pence . The Visiter of Newgate ( being a Priest ) ten pounds . And other 5. Priests in Christs Church , all to be helping in divine Service , ministring the Sacraments and Sacramentals , the five Priests to have 8. pounds the piece . Two Clerks , 6. pounds to each . A Sexton , 4. pounds . Moreover , he gave them the Hospitall of Bethlem , with the Laver of Brasse in the Cloister , by estimation eighteene foot in length , and two foot and an halfe in depth , and the water-course of Lead to the said Frier-house belonging , containing by estimation in length , 18. Acres . In the yeere 1552. began the repairing of the Gray Friers House , for the poore fatherlesse children . And in the moneth of November the children were taken into the same , to the number of almost 400. On Christmas day in the afternoone , while the Lord Maior and Aldermen rode to Pauls , the children of Christs Hospitall stood , from Saint Laurence lane end in Cheape , towards Pauls , all in one Livery of Russet Cotton , three hundred and forty in number ; and at Easter next they were in Blue at the Spittle , and so have continued ever since . What further I have read and understood , concerning the first begining and erection of this famous Hospitall , followeth , according to the originall Copie , set downe by M. Richard Grafton . Mr. Doctor Ridley , then Bishop of London , came and preached before the Kings Majestie at Westminster . In which Sermon , he made a fruitfull and godly Exhortation to the rich , to be mercifull unto the poore : and also to move such as were in authority , to travaile by some charitable way and meanes , to comfort and relieve them . Wherupon , the Kings Majestie ( being a Prince of such towardnesse and vertue for his yeeres , as England before never brought forth , and being also so well retained and brought vp in all godly knowledge , as well by his deare Vncle the late * Protector , as also by his vertuous and learned Schoolmasters ) was so carefull of the good governement of the Realme , and chiefely to doe and prefer such things as most especially touched the honour of Almighty God. And understanding , that a great number of poore people did swarme in this Realme , and chiefly in the Citie of London , and that no good order was taken for them , did suddenly ( and of himselfe ) send to the said Bishop , as soone as his Sermon was ended , willing him not to depart , untill that he had spoken with him . And this that I now write , was the very report of the said Bishop Ridley , who ( according to the Kings command ) gave his attendance . And so soone as the Kings Majestie was at leasure he called for him , and caused him to come unto him in a great Gallery at Westminster , where ( to his knowledge , and the King likewise told him so ) there was present no more persons than they two ; and therefore made him sit downe in one Chayre , and hee himselfe in another , which ( as it seemed ) were before the comming of the Bishop there purposely set , and caused the Bishop , maugre his teeth ) to be covered , and then entred communication with him in this manner : First , giving him hearty thankes for his Sermon and good Exhortation : hee therein rehearsed such speciall things as he had noted , and that so many , that the Bishop said : Truely , truely ( for that commonly was his Oath ) I could never have thought that excellency to have beene in his Grace , but that I beheld , and heard it in him . At the last the Kings Majesty much commended him for his Exhortation , for the reliefe of the poore . But my Lord ( quoth he ) you willed such as are in authority to bee carefull thereof , and to devise some good order for their reliefe : Wherein , I thinke you meane mee , for I am in highest place ; and therefore am the first that must make answer unto God for my negligence , if I should not bee carefull therein , knowing it to bee the expresse Commandement of Almighty God , to have compassion of his poore and needy members , for whom wee must make an account unto him . And truly , my Lord , I am ( before all things else ) most willing to travaile that way , and I doubting nothing of your long and approved wisedome and learning , who having such good zeale , as wisheth helpe unto them ; but also that you have had some conference with others , what waies are best to be taken therein , the which I am desirous to understand : and therefore I pray you to say your minde . The Bishop thinking least of that matter , and being amazed , to heare the wisedome & earnest zeale of the King , was ( as hee said himselfe ) so astonied , that hee could not well tell what to say . But , after some pause , said , That hee thought ( at this present ) for some entrance to bee had , it were good to practise with the City of London , because the number of the poore there are very great , and the Citizens also are many and wise ; and hee doubted not but that they were also both pitifull and mercifull ; as the Maior and his Brethren , and other the Worshipfull of the said City . And that if it would please the Kings Majesty to direct his gracious Letters unto the Maior of London , willing him to call unto him such assistants as hee should thinke meete , to consult of this matter , for some order to bee taken therein ; hee doubted not but good would follow thereon . And hee himselfe promised the King to be one himselfe that should earnestly travaile therein . The King ( forth-with ) not onely granted his Letter , but made the Bishop tarry untill the same was written , and his hand and Signet set thereto : And commanded the Bishop not onely to deliver the said Letter himselfe ; but also to signifie unto the Maior , that it was the Kings especiall request and expresse commandement , that the Maior should therein travell ; and so soone as he might conveniently , give him knowledge how far he had proceeded therein . The Bishop was so joyous of the having of this Letter , and that now hee had an occasion to travell in so good a matter , wherein hee was marvellous zealous , that nothing could have more pleased and delighted him : wherefore the same night hee came to the Lord Maior of London , who was the Sir Richard Dobbs , Knight , and delivered the Kings Letter , and shewed his message with effect . The Lord Maior not only joyously received this Letter : but with all speede agreed to set forward the matter ; for he also favoured it very much . And the next day , being Munday , hee desired the Bishop of London to dine with him , and against that time the Maior promised to send for such men , as he thought meetest to talke of this matter , and so he did . He sent first for 2. Aldermen and 6. Commoners , and afterward more were appointed , to the number of 24. In the end , after sundry meetings ( for by the meanes and good diligence of the Bishop , it was well followed ) they agreed upon a Booke that they had devised , wherein first they considered on nine speciall kindes and sorts of poore people , and those they brought into these three Degrees : Three degrees of Poore . 1. The poore by impotency . 2. Poore by casualty . 3. Thriftlesse poore . 1. The Poore by Impotency are also divided into three kindes ; that is to say : 1. The fatherlesse poore mans childe . 2. The aged , blinde , and lame . 3. The diseased person by Leprosie , Dropsie , &c. 2. The Poore by Casualty are likewise of three kindes ; that is to say : 1. The wounded Souldier . 2. The decayed Hous-holder . 3. The visited with any grievous disease . 3. The Thristlesse Poore are 3. kindes in like manner ; that is to say : 1. The Riotour , that consumeth all . 2. The Vagabond , that will abide in no place . 3. The Idle person , as Strumpets and others . For these sorts of Poore , three severall houses were provided : First , for the Innocent and Fatherlesse , which is the Beggars childe , and is ( indeed ) the seed and breeder of beggary , they provided the house that was the late Gray Friers in London , and called it by the name of Christs Hospitall , where poore children are trained up in the knowledge of God , and some vertuous exercises , to the overthrow of beggary . For the second degree was provided the Hospitals of Saint Thomas in Southwarke , and Saint Bartholomew in VVest Smithfield , where are continually ( at least ) 200. diseased persons , which are not only there lodged and cured , but also sed and nourished . For the third degree they provided Bridewell , where the vagabond and idle Strumpet is chastifed , and compelled to labour , to the overthrow of the vicious life of idlenesse . They provided also for the honest decayed House-holder , that he should be relieved at home at his house , and in the Parish where hee dwelled , by a weekly reliefe and pension . And in like manner they provided for the Lazer , to keepe him out of the City , from clapping of dishes and ringing of Bels , to the great trouble of the Citizens , and also to the dangerous infection of maney ; that they should be relieved at home at their houses , by severall pensions . Now after this good order taken , and the Citizens ( by such meanes as were devised ) willing to further the same : the report thereof was made to the Kings Majesty , and his Grace ( for the advancement thereof ) was not only willing to grant such as should be Overseers and Governours of the said houses , a Corporation and authority for the government of them : but also required , that hee might bee accounted as the chiefe Founder and Patron thereof . And for the furtherance of the said worke , and continuall maintenance of the same ; hee of his me●● mercy and goodnesse granted , that whereas ( before ) certaine land● were given , to the maintaining of the ho●● of the Savoy , founded by King 〈…〉 ●●eventh , for the loding of 〈…〉 and Strangers , and that the same 〈◊〉 now made but a loding for Loy●●re● , Vagabonds , and Strumpets , that lay all day in the fields , and at night were harboured there , the which was rather the maintenance of beggary , than any reliefe to the poore : gave the same lands , being first surrendred by the Master and Fellowes there ( which lands were of the yeerly value of 600. pounds ) unto the City of London , for the maintenance of the foundation aforesaid . And for a further reliefe , a Petition being made to the Kings Majesty , for a licence to take in Mortmaine , or otherwise without licence , lands to a certaine yeerly value , and a space left in the Patent , for his Grace to put in what summe it would please him : Hee looking on the voide place , called for pen and inke , and with his own hand wrote this summe , in these words , 4000. Markes by the yeere , and then said in the hearing of his Councell , Lord , I yeeld thee most hearty thankes , that thouhast given me life thus long , to finish this worke to the glory of thy Name . After which foundation established , he lived not above two dayes : whose life would have been wished equall to the Patriarkes , if it had pleased GOD so to have prolonged it . By example of the charitable act of this vertuous young King , Sir W. Chester , Knight , and Alderman of London , and Io. Calthrop , Citizen and Draper of the same City , at their owne proper costs and charges , made the bricke wals and way on the backe side , which leadeth from the said new Hospitall , unto the Hospitall of Saint Bartholomew , and also covered and vaulted the Town-ditch , from Aldersgate to Newgate , which ( before ) was very noysome , and contagious to the said Hospitall . This Hospitall being thus erected , and put into good order , there was one Richard Castell , alias Casteller , Shoomaker , dwelling in Westminster , a man of great travaile and labour in his faculty with his owne hands , and such a one as was named , The Cocke of Westminster , because both Winter and Summer hee was at his worke before foure of the clocke in the morning . This man thus truely and painfully labouring for his living , God blessed and increased his labours so abundantly , that he purchased lands and tenements in Westminster , to the yeerly value of forty and foure pounds . And having no childe , with the consent of his wife ( who survived him , and was a vertuous good woman ) gave the same lands wholly to Christs Hospitall aforesaid , to the reliefe of the Innocent and Fatherlesse Children , and for the succour of the miserable , sore and sicke , harboured in the other Hospitals about London . Saint Bartholomews Hospitall is incorporated by the name of the Maior , Communalty , and Citizens of the Citie of London , Governours of the Hospitall for the poore , called Little Saint Bartholomews , neere to West Smithfield , of the Foundation of King Henry the 8. Christs Hospitall , Bridewell , and Saint Thomas the Apostle in Southwarke , are incorporated by the names of the Maior , Commonalty , and Citizens of the City of London , Governours of the Possessions , Revenues , and Goods of the Hospitals of Edward King of England , the sixth , of Christ , Bridewell , and Saint Thomas the Apostle , &c. The defaced Monuments in this Church were these : First , in the Quire , of the Lady Margaret , daughter to Philip , King of France , and wife to Edward the first , Foundress of this new Church , 1317. Of Isabel , Queene , wife to Edward the second , daughter to Philip , King of France , 1358. Ioane of the Tower , Queene of Scots , wife to David Bruise , daughter to Edward the second , dyed in Hartford Castle , and was buried by Isabel her mother , 1362. William Fitzwaren , Baron , and Isabel his wife , sometime Queene of the Isle of Man. Isabel , daughter to Edward the third , wedded to Lord Couse , of France , after created Earle of Bedford . Eleanor , wife to Iohn , Duke of Britaine . Beatrix , Duchesse of Britaine , daughter to Henry the third . Sir Robert Lisle , Baron , the Lady Lisle , & Margaret de Rivers , Countesse of Devon , all under one Stone . Roger Mortimer , Earle of March , beheaded , 1329. Patar , Bishop of Carbon in Hungary , 1331. Gregory Rocksley , Maior , 1282. Sir Iohn Devereux , Knight , 1385. Iohn Hastings , Earle of Pembroke , 1389. Margaret , daughter to Thomas Brotharton , Earle Marshall , shee was Duchesse of Northfolke , and Countesse Marshall , and Lady Segrave , 1389. Richard Havering , Knight , 1388. Robert Trisilian , Knight , Chiefe Justice , 1308. Geffrey Lucy , son to Geffrey Lucy . Iohn Aubry , son to Iohn Maior of Norwich , 1361. Iohn Philpot , Knight , Maior of London , and the Lady Lane Stamford his wife , 1384. Iohn , Duke of Burbon , and Angue , Earle of Claremond , Mountpencier , and Baron Beangen , who was taken prisoner at Agencourt , kept prisoner eighteene yeeres , and deceased 1433. Robert Chalons , Knight , 1439. Iohn Chalons . Margaret , daughter to Sir Iohn Philpot , first married to T. Santlor , Esquire , and after , to Iohn Neyband , Esquire . Sir Nicholas Brembar , Maior of London , buried 1386. Elizabeth Nevil , wife to Iohn , son and heyre to Ralph , Earle of Westmerland , & mother to Ralph Earle of Westmerland , and daughter to Thomas Holland , Earle of Kent , 1423. Edward Burnel , son to the Lord Burnel . In Alhallowes Chappell ; Iames Fines , Lord Say , 1450. and Helenor his wife , 1452. Iohn Smith , Bishop of Landaffe , 1478. Iohn , Baron Hilton . Iohn , Baron Clinton . Richard Hastings , Knight , Lord of Willoughby and Wells . Thomas Burder , Esquire , beheaded , 1477. Robert Lisle , sonne and heyre to the Lord Lisle . In our Lady Chappell : Iohn Gisors of London , Knight , and Lord Maior . Humfrey Stafford , Esquire , of Worcestershire , 1486. Robert Bartram , Baron of Bothell . Ralph Barons , Knight . William Apleton , Knight . Reynold de Cambrey , Knight . Thomas Beaumond , sonne and heyre to Henry Lord Beaumond . Iohn Butler , Knight . Adam de Howton , Knight , 1417. Bartholomew Caster , Knight of London . Reinfredo Arundel , Knight , 1460. Thomas Covil , Esquire , 1422. In the Apostles Chappell ; Walter Blunt , Knight of the Garter , and Lord Mountjoy , Treasure of England , sonne and heyre to T. Blunt , knight , Treasurer of Normandy , 1474. E. Blunt , Lord Mountjoy , 1475. Alice Blunt , Mountjoy , sometime wife to Wil. Browne , Maior of London , and daughter to H. Kebel , Maior , 1521. Anne Blunt , daughter to I. Blunt , knight , Lord Mountjoy , 1480. Sir Allen Cheiny , knight , and Sir T. Greene , knight . William Blunt , Esquire , son and heire to Walter Blunt , Captaine of Gwynes , 1492. Elizabeth Blunt , wife to Robert Curson , Knight , 1494. Bartholomew Burwash , and Iohn Burwash , his son , Iohn Blunt , Lord Mountjoy , Captaine of Gwynes and Hames , 1485. Iohn Dinham , Baron , sometime Treasurer of England , knight of the Garter , 1501. Eleanor , Duchesse of Buckingham , 1530. Iohn Blunt , knight , 1531. Rowl . Blunt , Esquire , 1509. Robert Bradbury , 1489. Nicholas Clifton , knight . Francis Chape . Two sonnes of Allayne , Lord Cheiny , and Iohn , sonne and heyre to the same Lord Allayne Cheiny ; knight . Iohn Robsart , knight of the Garter , 1450. Allayne Cheiny , knight . Thomas Malory , knight , 1470. Thomas Yong , a Justice of the Bench , 1476. Iohn Baldwin , Fellow of Grayes Inne , and Common Serjeant of London , 1469. Walter Wrotsley , knight , of Warwickshire , 1473. Sir Stephen Iennings , Maior , 1523. Thomas a Par , and Iohn Wiltwater , slaine at Barnet field , 1471. Nicholas Poynes , Esquire , 1512. Robert Elkenton , knight , 1460. Iohn Water , alias Yorke , Herald , 1520. Iohn More , alias Nory , King of Arms , 1491. George Hopton , knight , 1489. Betweene the Quire and the Altar , Ralph Spiganel , knight . Iohn Moyle , Gentleman of Grayes Inne , 1495. William Huddy , knight , 1501. Iohn Cobham , a Baron of Kent . Iohn Mortaine , knight . Iohn Deyncort , knight . Iohn Norbery , Esquire , high Treasurer of England . Henry Norbery his son , Esquire . Iohn Southlee , knight . Tho. Sakvile . Tho. Lucy , knight , 1525. Robert de la Rivar , son to Mauricius de la Rivar , Lord of Tormerton , 1457. Io. Malmaynas , Esquire , and Tho. Malmaynas , knight . Hugh Acton , Taylor , 1530. Nicholas Malmaynas . Hugh Parsal knight , 1490. Alexander Kirketon , knight , &c. In the body of the Church ; William Paulet , Esquire , of Somersetshire , 1482. Iohn Moyle , Gentleman , 1530. Peter Champion , Esquire , 1511. Io. Hart , Gentleman , 1449. Alice Lat. Hungerford , hanged at Tyborne for murdering her husband , 1523. Edward Hall , Gentleman of Grayes Iune , 1470. Ri. Churchyard , Gentleman , Fellow of Grayes Inne , 1498. Iohn Bramre , Gentleman of Grayes Inne , 1498. Iohn Mortimer , knight , beheaded , 1423. Henry Frowike , Alderman . Reynold Frowike . Philip Pats , 1518. William Porter , Serjeant at Armes , 1515. Tho. Grantham , Gentleman , 1511. Edmond Rotheley , Gentleman , 1470. Henry Roston , Gentleman of Grayes Inne , 1485. Nicholas Mountgomery , Gentleman , sonne to Io. Mountgomery of Northamptonshire , 1485. Sir Bartholomew Emfield , knight . Sir Barnard S. Peter , knight . Sir Ralph Sandwich , knight , Custos of London . Sir Andrew Sakevile , knight . Iohn Treszawall , Gentleman , and Taylor of London , 1520. All these , and five times so many more have beene buried there , whose Monuments are wholly defaced : for there were nine Tombes of Alabaster and Marble , invironed with strikes of Iron , in the Quire , and one Tombe in the body of the Church , also coped with Iron , all pulled downe , besides sevenscore Grave-stones of Marble , all sold for fifty pounds , or thereabouts by Sir Martin Bowes , Goldsmith and Alderman of London , of late time buried there . These two , Sir Christopher Edmonds , and , Dame Dorothy his wife , lived together 44. yeeres , in perfect love and society : both servants to one Prince ; and in great credit both in the Court and Country where they lived , both for their Religion , fidelity to their Soveraigne , and liberality to the Poore . This is the Monument of Sir Christopher Edmonds , Knight , who was a domesticall servant to the most sacred Queene ELIZABETH , both before her Coronation , and after , so long as he lived . He was of great credit and estimation in his Country , for his integrity of life , uprightnesse in justice , and hospitality , and gave to this Hospitall of Christs Church three hundred pounds , towards the maintenance of the poore children . Hee lived seventy and two yeeres , and died Anno Domini , 1596. This is the interrement of Dame Dorothy Edmonds , wife to the said Sir Christopher , and daughter to Christopher Litcot , Esquire ; who also served the most gracious Mayden-Queene , ELIZABETH , being ( ever since her Coronation , and before ) of her most Honourable Privy Chamber : who joyned with the said Sir Christopher , her husband , in the said gift of three hundred pounds to this Hospitall , being a Legacie ( onely spoken of by him ) and performed by her . Times Triumph on the death of Master Robert Rogers , who deceased Anno. 1601. in the manner of a Dialogue , between Time , Death , and Rogers . Death . STand fairely encountred both , Grave , Soveraigne Time ; Borne of Eternity , Ages Father : Prince of all Power ; all Powers on earth are thine , That doest my Ruines truest Records gather ; Lend thy consent , thy helping hand to mine ; And Death will make Times Soveraignty as great As the three Sisters , Ladies of sterne Fate . Time. Impartiall Death , Honours respectlesse foe , Grim , meager Caytife , wherefore doest thou come ? Must Vertues children to the slaughter goe , In thy bloud-yawning Cell to fill a roome ? Can none but they , quench thy bloudy thirst ? Death . No ; Rogers I come for : Time , thou canst not save him , This Dart must strike him , and grim Death will have him . Rogers . Death , welcome ; all by thee ( I know ) must end ; Nor doe I care for for longer life than this ; I thanke thee , thou hast stai'd so long ; ( kinde friend . ) Sweere Time , be patient , pardon mine amisse , If I have time mis-spent ; alas , we all offend . If , said I ? yes , 't is certaine , sure I have ; For which offence ( deare Time ) I pardon crave . Time. Death , grant me this ( sweet ) doe not kill him Till I returne but from the Destinies . Dea. I cannot stay a moment . Reg. Oh will him ( Grave Time ) to strike me then : I Death despise . Dea. There lye thou dead . Time. Thou canst not spill him : Time shall erect a Trophee of such fame , That while Time lives , dye shall not Rogers name . TIMES Epitaph . Give me an Adamantine Pen , and Leafe of Brasse , To character his name , whose like nere was . A single life he led , loving to all , The poore mans succour , the reliefe of thrall : Vertues example , guide to eternall life ; In carriage courteous , all devoid of strife . Here lyeth he interred , Rogers his name , Times onely Sonne , eternized by Fame . Ougly Detraction , flye , and blacke Oblivion , hence ; Whil'st Rogers dust lyes here , Time will his fame commence . Behold the Workes of God , done by his Servant , Dame MARY RAMSEY . SHe hath given a yeerly maintenance for two Fellowes , and foure Schoolers in Cambridge . More , two Livings of good value , when they shall become fit to supply them . More , towards certaine Sermons to be preached in this Church yeerly . More , in Christs Hospitall a free Writing-Schoole for poore mens children . More , in the Country a free Grammar-Schoole for the poorer sort . All which severall gifts before remembred , are to continue yeerly for ever . Forma , Decus , Mores , Sapientia , Res & Honores , Morte ruunt subita ; vivit post funera Fama . The rest of the godly Workes done by this good Lady . SHe hath given a worthy maintenance to the poore of Christs Hospitall . More , a bountifull gift for the healing of poore wounded Souldiers . More , a liberall maintenance for ten poore maimed Souldiers . More , a liberall maintenance for ten poore aged Widowes . More , a bountifull gift to release poore men out of prison . More , a bountifull gift to relieve poore men in prison . More , a yeerly Stipend to poore Maides Marriages . More , to the reliefe of the Poore of foure severall Parishes . All which severall gifts are for ever . Her faith hath wrought , her Tree was not barren . And yet an unprofitable Servant . 1596. Gamaliel Pye , under this Stone doth lye in peace and rest , Whose service to his Prince and Realm , well knowne not to be least : At Bullen , Muttrel , & each place else , where then the King had warres , Not any one that serv'd in Campe , lesse feared wounds and scarres . In age he liv'd in peace and love , abhorring worlds inconstancy , And chosen was eleven times the Warden of his Company . The poore , sicke , lame , abroad , at home , his bounty ever felt , But chiefly his owne Parishioners , where threescore yeers he dwelt . He held disdaine to brawle , or seeke what others had to doe ; And with his wife he liv'd full forty yeeres and two , He liv'd devout , and dy'd devout , the chiefest way to Heaven ; The complete date of this his life , was fourescore yeers and seven . Mole sub hac , si fortè roges quis ( Candide Lector ) Vel qualis recubat ? Gamaliel Pius est . Vita pium , nomenque pium , mors sancta piumque Exhibet , & vita est , nomine , morte Pius . S. Memoriae . Gualtero Haddono , Equestri loco nato Iurisconsulto , Oratori , Poetae celeberrimo , Graecae , Latinaeque eloquentiae sui temporis facilè principi , sapientia & sanctitate vitae , in id evecto , ut Reginae Elizabethae à supplicum libellis Magister esset : Destinareturque majoribus nisi fato immaturius cessisset : Interim in omni gradu viro longè eminentissimo , Coniugi suo optimo meritissimoque Anna Suttona , uxor eius 2. flens , moerens desiderii sui signum posuit . Obiit Anno Salut . hum . 1572. Aetatis 56. Within this Grave enclosed here , Anne Beaumont now doth rest , A loving and a faithfull wife , with many children blest . She served God with zeale of truth , and learn'd to flye from sinne ; And as she learn'd his holy will , so liv'd and dy'd therein . A friend to such as vertue sought , a foe unto no wight ; A helpe to those that feared God , with all her power and might . The poore shall oft bewaile her want , by whom they found reliefe ; VVhose minde with earnest care was bent , to ease them of their griefe . Thus happy she , that now is gone from hence , reward to finde ; Vnhappy yet for such her friends , as she hath left behinde : But thrice unhappy for his losse , that doth her praise rehearse ; A wofull praise unto her Sonne , who wrote this dolefull Verse . Anne , wife unto Nicholas Beaumont , of Coleoverton , in Leicesteshire , Esquire , and daughter unto VVilliam Saunders , of Welforde , in Northhamptonshire , Esquire , and halfe sister unto Walter Haddon , Master of the Requests , departed this life the 7. day of September , An. Dom. 1581. leaving behinde her sixe children . Hic jacent corpora Wil. Drewe , Armig . fil . Joh. Drewe , de Ken , in Com. Devon. Armig. & Eliz. ux . ejus . fil . & haered . Wil. Cecil . ac consang . & haered . Tho. Cecil . Armig. Quae quidem Elizab. obiit 10. die Novemb. Anno Dom. 1586. Et praedict . Wil. Drewe obiit , &c. We dye to live , that liv'd to dye , Through Jesus Christ , and so did I : Which Christ , as I have loved best , Among his Saints I trust to rest . Vnder this Stone lyeth buried the body of Robert Smith , Gentleman : who had to his first wife , Elizabeth Reycroft , by whom hee had issue three daughters , viz. Margaret , Iulian , and Ioane . And he had to his second wife , Margaret Larkin , by whom hee had no issue . The which Robert dyed the eighth day of December , Anno Domini 1581. whose soule resteth with God. Here lyeth buried Margaret , the wife of Lawrence Hussie , Doctor of Law , and daughter of sir Iohn White , Knight , for her vertuous life , worthy of memory : who dyed the third day of August , 1569. D. Opt. Max. Laus . Gulielmo Herberto , naturali F. Georgii Herberti de Swansey , Militis , Ioannes eiusdem Georgii ex filio Nepos , ac Sereniss . Elizabethae Angliae Reginae à supp . libellis . H. S. moesto animo P. K. Ianuar. 1590. Here lyeth the body of Iohn Tredwey , of Easton , in the County of Northampton , Gentleman ; who dyed the 10. day of May , An. Dom. 1610. Rodolpho Waddingtono , huius scholae per annos 48. Moderatori digniss . Qui postquam una cum uxore sine prole , anno 47. suavissimè degisset , An. aetatis 84. An. Dom. 1614. Aug. 24. in Domino placidè obdormivit . Ioanna uxor ejus moestiss . posuit . Hic Waddingtonus tenui requiescit in urna , Nestor verè annis , & gravitate Cato . Tullius eloquio , Damon sincerus amico , Et par praeceptis ( Quintiliane ) tibi . Dulcis , amoenus , amans , cultis , praestante , probata , Vir , Vates , Coniux , Moribus , Arte , Fide. Tales secla puto paucos antiqua dedissnet : Postera non multos secla datura pares . Vita . Angligenae hunc peperit Londinum gloria gentis , Aetona huic Artis semina prima dedit . Granta tulit segetem fructumque tumescere fecit , Londini Messes Orphana turba tulit . From this Church , West to Newgate , is of this Ward . Now for the South side of this Ward , beginning again at the Crosse in Cheap , from thence to Friday street , and downe that street , on the VVest side , till over-against the North-west corner of Saint Matthewes Church . And on the VVest side , to the South corner of the said Church , which is wholly in the VVard of Faringdon . This Church hath these few Monuments : Thomas Pole , Goldsmith , 1395. Rob Iohnson , Goldsmith , Alderman , Iohn Twiselton , Goldsmith , Alderman , 1525. Ralph Allen , Grocer , one of the Sheriffes , deceased 1546. Anthony Gamage , Ironmonger , one of the Sheriffes , deceased 1579. Iohn Mabbe , Chamberlaine of London , &c. Allen at Condit , and Thomas Warlingworth founded a Chauntry there . Sir Nicholas Twiford , Goldsmith , Maior , gave to that Church an House , with the appurtenances , called the Griffon on the Hope , in the same street . Anthony Cage entombed here , doth rest , Whose wisedome still prevail'd the Common-weale : A man with Gods good gifts so amply blest , That few , or none , his doings may impleale . A man unto the widow and the poore , A comfort and a succour evermore . Three wives he had , of credit and of fame : The first of them , Elizabeth , that hight ; VVho buried here , brought to this Cage by name , Seventeene young Plants , to give his Table light . The second wife ( for her part ) brought him none ; The third and last , no more but only one . He deceased the 24. day of Iune , Anno Domini , 1583. In the midst of this Quire lyeth the body of Gaius Newman , Citizen and Goldsmith of London , of the age of 66. yeers . Hee had issue by his wife Anne , the daughter of Nicholas Cullum , of London , Merchant-Taylor , 7. sonnes and 5. daughters , Gabriel , Gaius , Robert , Nicholas , Francis , Thomas , and Hugh ; Elizabeth , Mary , Anne , Sarah , and Iudith . He deceased the third day of March , 1613. Here lyeth buried the body of Iohn Perte , Citizen and Fishmonger of London ; who tooke to wife Elizabeth Eyre , the daughter of Henry Eyre , Citizen and Skinner of Lond. by whom he had issue one only daughter , named Mary . The said Iohn deceased the tenth day of October , Anno Domini 1604. being aged 51. yeeres . As Man liveth , so he dyeth ; As Tree falleth , so it lyeth : Anne Middleton , thy life well past , Doth argue restfull blisse at last . Obiit Anno à partu Virginis Mariae , 1596. Mens . Ianuar. die 11. Anno Reg. Reginae Elizabethae , 39. Aetatis suae , 54. From this Friday streete ; West to the Old Exchange , a streete so called , of the Kings Exchange there kept , which was for the receit of Bullion , to bee coyned . For Henry the third , in the sixth yeere of his reigne , wrote to the Scabines and men of Ipre , that hee and his Councell had given prohibition , that none , Englishmen , or other , should make change of Plate , or other Masse of Silver , but only in his Exchange at London , or at Canturbury . Andrew Bukerell then had to farme the Exchange of England , and was Maior of London in the reigne of Henry the third . Iohn Somercote had the keeping of the Kings Exchange over all England . In the eighth of Edward the first , Gregory Rocksly was keeper of the said Exchange for the King. In the fifth of Edward the second , William Hausted was keeper thereof . And in the 18. Roger de Frowicke , &c. These received the old Stamps , or Coyning-Irons , from time to time , as the same were worne , & delivered new to all the Mints in England , as more at large in another place I have noted . This streete beginneth by West Cheape in the North , and runneth downe South to Knight-Rider streete ; that part thereof which is called Old Fish-streete : But the very Housing and Office of the Exchange & coynage , was about the midst thereof , South from the East gate that entreth Pauls Church-yard , and on the VVest side , in Baynards Castle Ward . On the East side of this Lane , betwixt West Cheape and the Church of St. Augustine , Henry Walleis , Maior , ( by licence of Edward the first ) builded one row of houses , the profits rising of them , to be imploied on London Bridge . The Parish Church of St. Augustine , and one house next adjoyning , in Watheling streete , is of this Ward called Faringdon . This is a faire Church , and lately well repaired , wherein be Monuments remaining , of H. Reade , Armourer , one of the Sheriffes , 1450. Robert Bellesdon , Haberdasher , Maior , 1491. Sir Townley . Wil. Dere , one of the Sheriffes , 1450. Robert Raven , Haberdasher , 1500. Thomas Apleyard , Gentleman , 1515. William Moncaster , Merchant-Tailor , 1524. Wil. Holt , Merchant-Taylor , 1544. Hic jacet Magister Robertus Bursted , Baccalaurius Iuris civilis , & hujus Ecclesiae quondam Rector . Qui obiit 16. die mens . Augusti , An. Dom. 1417. Cujus , &c. Hic jacet Magister Iohannes Battaill , quondam Rector huius Ecclesiae . Qui obiit Anno Domini , 1426. sexto die Mensis Augusti , Cuius , &c. Ecce ut defuncti cineres mirere beates , Ecce in tantillo temporis quantus honor . Dudum vita mihi fuerat , quae patria mundus , Sed mihi jam Coelum Patria , vita Deus . Dudum mortis eram peccato victima , sed jam Iustiae Christo victima ; quantus honor ? Hic requiescit in pace corpus Roberti Brett , Civis & Mercatoris-Scissoris London , filii & haeredis Roberti Brett , de Whitstanton , in Com. Somerset , Armig. Qui uxorem duxit Elizabeth , filiam Reginaldi Highgati , Armig. Ex ea genuit 11. filios , & 3. filias , è quibus 4. filii & 1. silia superstites sunt . Idem Robertus & Elizabetha in sancto conjugii statu 31. An. vixerunt . Et obiit 9. Aprilis , An. Domini , 1586. Aetatis 63. Hunc Tumulum propriis sumptibus fieri fecit Elizabeth uxor ejus , 10. die Septemb. Anno Domini , 1596. Cum jam post obitum marti praedicti , decem annos viduam vixisset , atque hic etiam sepeliri decrevit , quando . cunque Deo placuerit ex hac naturali vita tollere . Here resteth the body of Edward VViat , late of Tillingham , in the County of Essex , Esquire , who deceased the 24. of August 1571. He had one onely wife , Mary , the daughter of Sir VVilliam Waldegrave , of Smalbridge , in the County of Suffolke , Knight , by whom hee had issue three sonnes and foure daughters ; but all his said children dyed young , except one sonne , named Edward , whom hee left behinde him alive , about the age of eleven yeeres . His said wife , his Executrix , caused this Monument to be made . Hic jacet Richardus Warner , dum vixit , Cives Civitatis London , ac quondam Magister Fraternitatis Sancti Joannis Baptistae , Scissor , in Civit. praedict . & Margareta uxor ejus . Qui quidem Richardus obiit 18. die Mens . Januarii , Anno Domini , 1476. Here lieth Richard Coxe , sometime Citizen and Skinner of London , which deceased the eight day of March , Anno Domini , 1467. And Agnes his wife ; the which deceased the 13. day of April , Anno Dom. 1472. Then in the North Church-yard of Pauls , in the which standeth the Cathedrall Church , first founded by Ethelbert King of Kent , about the yeere of Christ , 610. He gave thereto lands , as appeareth : Aethelbertus , Rex , Deo inspirante , pro animae suae remedio , dedit Episcopo Melito terram quae appell●tur Tillingeham , ad Monasterii sui solatium , scilicet , S. Pauli : & ego Rex Aethelbertus ita firmiter concedo tibi praesuli Melito potestatem ejus habendi & possidendi , ut in perpetuum in Monasterii utilitate permaneat ; &c. Athelstan , Edgar , Edward the Confessor , and others also , gave lands thereunto . William the Conquerour gave to the Church of Saint Paul , and to Mauricius , then Bishop , and his successors , the Castle of Stortford , with the appurtenances , &c. He also confirmed the gifts of his Predecessors , in these words : Omne 1. Rex Angl. Clamo quietas in perpetuum , 24. Hidas quas Rex Aethelbert dedit S. Paulo juxta murum London , &c. The Charter of King William the Conquerour , exemplified in the Tower , Englished thus : William , by the grace of God , King of Englishmen , to all his wel beloved French and English people , greeting . Know yee , that I doe give unto God and the Church of Saint Paul of London , and to the Rectors and Servitors of the same , in all their Lands which the Church hath , or shall have , within Borough , and without , Sack and Sock , Thole and The , Infangtheefe , and Grithbriche , and all free , Ships by Sea , and by Land , on Tide , and off Tide , and all the Rights that into them Christendome by rad and more speake , and on Buright hamed , and on Buright worke , afore all the Bishoprickes in mine Land , and on each other mans Land. For I will , that the Church in all things be as free , as I would my Soule to bee in the day of Iudgement . Witnesses , Osmond our Chancellour , Lanfrank the Archbishop of Canturbury , and T. Archbishop of Yorke , Roger , Earle of Shrewsbury , Alane the County , Geffrey de Magna villa , and Ralph Peverel . In the yeere 1087. this Church of S. Paul was burnt with fire , and therewith the most part of the Citie : which fire began at the entrie of the West gate , and consumed the East gate . Mauricius , then Bishop , began therefore the foundation of a new Church of S. Paul ; a worke , that men ( of that time ) judged would never have beene finished , it was to them so wonderfull , for length and breadth ; and also the same was builded upon Arches ( or Vaults ) of stone , for defence of fire ; which was a manner of worke ( before that time ) unknowne to the people of this Nation , and then brought in by the French : and the stone was fetcht from Cane in Normandy . This Mauricius deceased in the yeere , 1107. Richard Beaumor succeeded him in the Bishopricke , who did wonderfully increase the said Church , purchasing ( of his own cost ) the large Streets & Lanes about it , wherein were wont to dwell many Law-people ; which ground hee began to compasse about with a strong wall of stone , and gates . King Henry the first gave to the said Richard so much of the Mote ( or Wall ) of the Castle , on the Thames side , to the South , as should bee needfull to make the said Wall of the Church , and so much as should suffice to make a Wall without the way on the North side , &c. It should seeme , that this Richard inclosed but two sides of the said Church or Cemitory of Saint Paul , to wit , the South and North side : for King Edw. the second , in the 10. of his reigne , granted , that the said Church-yard should bee inclosed with a wall , where it wanted , for the Murthers and Robberies that were there committed . But the Citizens then claimed the East part of the Church-yard , to be the place of assembly to their Folke-motes ; and that the great Steeple , there situate , was to that use , their common Bell , which being there rung , all the Inhabitants of the City might heare and come together . They also claimed the West side , that they might there assemble themselves together , with the Lord of Baynards Castle , for view of their Armour , in defence of the City . This matter was in the Tower of London referred to Harvius de Stanton , and his fellow Iustices Itenerantes : but I finde not the decision or judgement of that controversie . True it is , that Edward the third , in the 17. of his reigne , gave commandement for the finishing of that VVall : which was then performed , and to this day it continueth ; although now on both the sides ( to wit , within and without ) it be hidden with dwelling houses . Richard Beaumor deceased in the yeere 1127. and his successors ( in processe of time ) performed the worke begun . The Steeple of this Church was builded and finished in the yeere 1222. The Crosse on the said Steeple fell downe , and a new was set up in the yeere 1314. The new worke of Pauls ( so called ) at the East end above the Quire , was begun in the yeer 1251. Henry Lacy , Earle of Lincolne , Constable of Chester , and Custos of England , in his time was a great Benefactor to this worke , and was there buried , in the yeere 1310. Also Ralph Baldocke , Bishop of London , in his life time gave 200. Markes to the building of the said new worke , and left much by his Testament towards the finishing thereof : hee deceased in the yeere 1313. and was buried in the Lady Chappell . Also the new worke of Pauls , to wit , the crosse Iles , were begun to be new builded in the yeere 1256. The first of February , in the yeere 1444. about two of the clocke in the afternoone , the Steeple of Pauls was fired by Lightning , in the midst of the Shaft or Spire , both on the West side , and on the South : but by labour of many well disposed people , the same ( to appearance ) quenched with Vineger ; so that all men withdrew themselves to their houses , praysing God. But between 8. and 9. of the clocke in the same night , the fire burst out againe more fervently than before , and did much hurt to the Lead and Timber , till by the great labour of the Maior and people that came thither , it was throughly quenched . This Steeple was repaired in the yeer 1462. and the Weather-cocke againe erected : Robert Godwin winding it up , the rope brake , and hee was destroyed on the Pinacles , and the Cocke was sore brused . But Burchwood ( the Kings Plummer ) set it up againe . Since the which time , needing reparation , it was both taken down , and set up in the yeer 1553. At which time it was found to bee of Copper , gilt over , and the length , from the bill to the taile , being 4. foote , and the breadth over the wings 3. foot and a halfe , it weighed 40. l. the Crosse , from the Bole , to the Eagle ( or Cock ) was 15. foote and 6. inches of assise ; the length thereof , overthwart , was 5. foot and 10. inches , and the compasse of the Bole was 9. foot and 1. inch . The inner body of this Crosse was Oake , the next cover was Lead , and the outermost was of Copper , red varnished . The Bole and Eagle , or Cocke , were of Copper , and gilt also . The height of the Steeple was 520. foot , whereof the stone-worke was 260. foot , and the Spire was likewise 260. foote . The length of the whole Church , is 240. Taylors yards , which make 720. foot . The breadth thereof is 130. foot : And the height of the body of that Churc , is 150. foot . This Church hath a Bishop , a Deane , a Presentor , Chancellour , Treasurer , and five Archdeacons , to wit , of London , Middlesex , Essex , Colchester , and Saint Albans : It hath Prebendaries thirty , Canons twelve , Vicars Corall sixe , &c. The Colledge of Petty Canons there , was founded by King Richard the second , in honour of Queene Anne his wife , and of her Progenitors , in the seventeenth of his reigne . Their Hall and Lands was then given unto them , as appeareth by the Patent , Master Robert Dokesworth then being Master thereof . In the yeere 1408. the Petty Canons then building their Colledge , the Maior and Communalty granted them their Water-courses , and other easements . There was also one great Cloyster , on the North side of this Church , invironing a plot of ground , of old time called Pardon Church-yard ; whereof Thomas More , Deane of Pauls , was eyther the first Builder , or a most especiall Benefactor , and was buried there . About this Cloyster , was artificially and richly painted the Dance of Machabray , or Dance of Death , commonly called the Dance of Pauls ; the like whereof was painted about S. Innocents Cloyster at Paris in France : the Meeters or Poesie of this Dance were translated out of French into English by Iohn Lidgate , Monke of Bury , the Picture of Death leading all estates ; at the dispence of Ienken Carpenter , in the reigne of Henry the sixth . In this Cloyster were buried many persons , some of Worship , and others of Honour : The Monuments of whom , in number and curious workmanship , passed all other that were in that Church . Over the East Quadrant of this Cloyster , was a faire Library , builded at the costs and charges of Walter Sherington , Chancellour of the Duchy of Lancaster , in the reigne of Henry the sixth : which hath beene well furnished with faire written bookes in Vellam ; but few of them now doe remaine there . In the midst of this Pardon Church-yard , was also a faire Chappell , first founded by Gilbert Becket , Portgrave , and principall Magistrate of this City , in the reigne of King Stephen , who was there buried . Thomas More , Deane of Pauls , before named , re-edified or new builded this Chappell , and founded three Chaplaines there , in the reigne of Henry the fifth . In the yeere 1549. on the tenth of April , the said Chappell , by commandement of the Duke of Somerset , was begun to bee pulled downe , with the whole Cloystrie , the Dance of Death , the Tombes and Monuments : so that nothing thereof was left , but the bare Plot of ground , which is since converted into a Garden for the Petty Canons . There was also a Chappell at the North doore of Pauls , founded by the same Walter Sherington , by licence of Henry the sixth , for two , three , or foure Chaplaines , indowed with 40. l. by the yeere . This Chappell also was pulled down in the reigne of Edw. the sixth , & in place thereof a faire house builded . There was furthermore a faire Chappell of the holy Ghost in Pauls Church , on the North side , founded in the yeere 1400. by Roger Holmes , Chancelor and Prebendary of Pauls , for Adam Bery , Alderman and Maior of London , 1364. Iohn Wingham and others , for seven Chaplaines , and called Holmes his Colledge . Their common Hall was in Pauls Church-yard on the South side , neere unto a Carpenters yard . This Colledge was with others suppressed in the reigne of Edward the sixth . Then under the Quire of Pauls is a large Chappell , first dedicated to the name of IESV , founded , or rather confirmed the 37. of Hen. the 6. as appeareth by his Patent therof , dated at Crowdowne to this effect : Many Liege-men and Christian people , having begun a Fraternity and Guila to the honour of the most glorious name of Iesu Christ our Saviour , in a place called the Crowds of the Cathedrall Church of Pauls in London , which hath continued long time peaceably , till now of late : whereupon they have made request , and we have taken upon us the name and charge of the foundation , to the laud of Almighty God , the Father , the Son , and the holy Ghost , and especially to the honour of Iesu , in whose honour the Fraternity was begun , &c. The King ordained William Say , then Deane of Pauls , to bee the Rector , and Richard Ford ( a Remembrancer in the Exchequer ) and Henry Bennis ( Clarke of his Privie Seale ) the Gardians of these Brothers & Sisters ; they and their successors to have a common seale , licence to purchase lands or tenements , to the value of 40. l. by the yeere , &c. This foundation was confirmed by Henry the seventh , the 22. of his reigne , to Doctor Collet , then Deane of Pauls , Rector there , &c. And by Henry the 8. the 27. of his reigne , to Richard Pace , then Deane of Pauls , &c. At the West end of this Iesus Chappell , under the Quire of Pauls , also was and is a Parish Church of S. Faith , commonly called Saint Faith under Pauls , which served ( as still it doth ) for the Stationers , and others dwelling in Pauls Church-yard , Pater noster Row , and the places neere adjoyning . The said Chappell of Iesus , being suppressed in the reigne of Edward the 6. the Parishioners of S. Faiths Church were removed into the same , as to a place more sufficient for largenesse and lightsomnesse , in the yeere 1551. and so it remaineth . The Monuments there are these : Here buried is Elizabeth , of honour worthy Dame , Her Husband erst Lord Shandoys was , her Sonne hath now like name : Her Father was of Wilton Lord , a Gray of puissant fame , Her Brother left with us behinde , now Lord is of the same . Her vertuous life yet still doth live , her honour shall remaine , Her corps , though it be growne to dust , her Soule the heavens containe , Quae obiit 29. die Decembris , Ann. Dom. 1559. Lo , Thomas Mond , Esquire by birth , doth under buried lye , To shew , that men ( by Natures Law ) are borne to live and dye : In Shropshire at the Mindtowne borne , the time we here prefixe , And dyed the seventh of February , in Anno , seventy sixe . Threescore and seven yeeres he saw , though body lye in Tombe : His soule ( immortall ) lives in heaven , by Gods eternall doome . Natus octavo Mensis Julii , 1510. Obiit septimo Februarii , 1576. Here under this stone resteth , in the mercy of God , the body of M. Thomas Dockwray , Notary , late one of the Proctors of the Arches , Citizen and Stationer of London , and Anne his wife . The which Thomas deceased the 23. day of Iune , An. Dom. 1559. &c. Cur Sacerdos eram , jam factus vile cadaver ? Et cito pulvis erit : Quaeso memento mei . Siste gradum qui me teris hic , & funde precatus Me Deus ut levet hinc , ducat ad usque Polum . William Babham , and Alice Butcon his wife , An. Dom. 1577. Lo here the certaine end of every mortall one , Behold , alive to day , to morrow dead and gone . Live well , so endlesse life ( by death ) you shall obtaine , Nought lose the good by death , since life thereby they gaine . Dum mihi persuasi me quaesivique salutem , En morior dixit , nam Deus esse diem : Non equidem invideo , peccati debita merces , Cum sit mors nostri , cum reus omnis homo , Cumque operum requires , & sit mihi vita perennis , In Christo morior , mors mihi gratus adest , Quem mors sic raputi ; Cujus sunt ista sepulchra Si quaeras , subsunt quae tibi cuncta notant . Lodovicus Nicols , Civis London , fililius tertius Thomae Nicols , Northhamptoniensis hic sepelitur . Obiit 22. Aprilis , 1592. Anno Aetatis suae , 28. Ad vocem Tubae resurgent mortui . Here lyeth the body of George Whitgift , Esquire , one of the naturall brothers of Iohn Whitgift , late Lord Archbishop of Canturbury : which George deceased the 19. day of April , An. Dom. 1611. William Lambe , so sometime was my name , Whiles I alive did run my mortall race , Serving a Prince of most immortall fame , Henry the eighth , who of his Princely grace , In his Chappell allowed me a place . By whose favour , from Gentleman t'Esquire , I was prefer'd , with worship for my hire . With wives three I joyned wedlocke band , Which ( all alive ) true lovers were to me : Ioane , Alice and Ioane , for so they came to hand , VVhat needeth praise , regarding their degrees ? In wively truth none stedfast more could be . VVho though in earth death's force did once dissever , Heaven yet ( I trust ) shall joyne us all together . O Lambe of God , which sinne didst take away , And ( as a Lambe ) wast offered up for sinne ; VVhere I ( poore Lambe ) went from thy flocke astray , Yet thou ( good Lord ) vouchfafe thy Lambe to winne Home to thy Fold , and hold thy Lambe therein ? That at the Day , when Lambes and Goats shall sever , Of thy choice Lambes , Lambe may be one for ever . Vnder which remembrance there are two Verses more added , containing both a petition , and an injunction of duety to the poore , who weekely receive their allowance , at the hands or appointment of the Worshipfull Company of Sationers : To whom he bearing great affection , and having also no small affiance in them , made them his disposers and Stewards in that behalfe . The Verses are these : I pray you all that receive bread and pence , To say the Lords Prayer before you goe hence . As for the Verses engraven upon the upper stone of the Tombe , they are these : As I was , so are ye , As I am , you shall be . That I had , that I gave , That I gave , that I have . Thus I end all my cost , That I left , that I lost . Then was there on the North side of this Church-yard , a large Charnell-house for the bones of the dead , and over it a Chappell of an old foundation , such as followeth : In the yeere 1282. the 10. of Edward the first , it was agreed , that Henry Walleis , Maior , and the Citizens , for the cause of shops by them builded , without the wall of the Church-yard , should assigne to God , and to the Church of S. Paul , tenne Markes of rent by the yeere for ever , towards the new building of a Chappell of the blessed Virgin Mary , and also to assigne five Markes of yeerely rent to a Chaplaine to celebrate there . Moreover , in the yeere 1430. the 8. of Henry the sixth , licence was granted to Ienken Carpenter ( Executor to Richard Whitington ) to establish upon the said Charnell , a Chaplaine , to have eight Markes by the yeere . Then was also in this Chappell two Brotherhoods . Robert Barton , Henry Barton , Maior , and Thomas Mirfin , Maior , all Skinners , were intombed , with their Images of Alabaster over them , grated or cooped about with iron , before the said Chappell ; all which was pulled down in the yeere 1549. The bones of the dead , couched up in a Charnell , under the Chappell , were conveyed from thence into Finsbury field , ( by report of him who paid for the carriage ) amounting to more than one thousand Cart loads , and there laid on a moorish ground , in short space after raised by soylage of the Citie upon them , to beare three Milles. The Chappell and Charnell were converted into dwelling houses , ware-houses , and Sheds before them , for Stationers in place of the Tombes . In the East part of this Church-yard standeth Pauls Schoole , lately new builded , and endowed in the yeere 1512. by Iohn Collet , Doctor of Divinity , and Deane of Pauls , for 153. poore mens children to be taught free in the same Schoole , for which he appointed a Master , a Surmaster or Vsher , and a Chaplaine , with large stipends for ever , committing the oversight thereof to the Masters , Wardens and Assistants of the Mercers in London , because hee was sonne to Henry Collet , Mercer , sometime Maior . He left to these Mercers Lands , to the yeerely value of 120. l. or better . Neere unto this Schoole , on the North side thereof , was ( of old time ) a great and high Clochier , or Bell-house , foure square , builded of stone , and in the same a most strong frame of timber , with foure Bels , the greatest that I have heard ; these were called Iesus Bels , and belonged to Iesus Chappell , but I know not by whose gift . The same had a great spire of timber , covered with Lead , with the Image of Saint Paul on the top , but was pulled downe by Sir Miles Partridge , Knight , in the reigne of Henry the eighth . The common speech then was , that hee did set one hundred pounds , upon a cast at Dice against it , and so wonne the said Clochier & Bels of the King : and then causing the Bels to be broken as they hung , the rest was pulled downe . This man was afterward executed on the Tower hill , for matters concerning the Duke of Summerset , the fifth of Edward the sixth . In place of this Clochier , of old time , the common Bell of the Citie was used to be rung , for the assembly of the Citizens to their Folke-motes , as I have before shewed . About the middest of this Church-yard , is a Pulpit-crosse of timber , mounted upon steps of stone , and covered with Lead , in which are Sermons preached by learned Divines , every Sunday in the fore-noone . The very antiquity of which Crosse is to me unknowne . I read , that in the yeere 1259. King Henry the third commanded a generall Assembly to be made at this Crosse , where he in proper person commanded the Maior , that on the next day following , he should cause to be sworne before the Aldermen , every Stripling , of 12. yeeres of age , or upward , to be true to the King and his heires , Kings of England . Also , in the yeere 1262. the same King caused to be read at Pauls Crosse , a Bull , obtained from Pope Vrban the fourth , as an absolution for him , and for all that were sworne to maintaine the Articles made in Parliament at Oxford . Also , in the yeere 1299. the Deane of Pauls accursed , at Pauls Crosse , all those which had searched in the Church of S. Martin in the field , for an hoord of gold , &c. This Pulpit-crosse was by tempest of lightning and thunder , defaced . Thomas Kempe , Bishop of London , new builded it , in forme as it now standeth . In the yeere 1561. the fourth of Iune , betwixt the houres of three and foure of the clocke in the afternoon , the great spire of the steeple of S. Pauls Church , was fired by lightning , which brake forth ( as it seemed ) two or three yards beneath the foot of the Crosse , and from thence it burnt downeward the spire to the battlements , stone-worke , and Bels , so furiously , that within the space of 4 ▪ houres , the same steeple , with all the roofes of the Church , were consumed , to the great sorrow and perpetuall remembrance of the beholders . After this mischance , the Queenes Majestie directed her Letters to the Maior , willing him to take order for speedy repairing of the same : And she , of her gracious disposition , for the furtherance thereof , did presently give and deliver in gold , one thousand Markes ; with a warrant for a thousand Loads of Timber , to be taken out of her Woods , or else-where . The Citizens also gave first a great benevolence , and after that three Fifteenes to be speedily paid . The Clergie of England , within the Province of Canturbury , granted the fortieth part of the value of their Benefices , charged with first fruits ; the thirtieth part of such as were not so charged ; but the Clergie of London Dioces , granted the thirtieth part of all that payed first fruits , and the twentieth part of such as had paid their fruits . Six Citizens of London , and two Petie Canons of Pauls Church , had charge to further and oversee the worke , wherin such expedition was used , that within one Moneth next following the burning thereof , the Church was covered with boords and lead , in manner of a false roofe against the weather , and before the end of the said yeere , all the said Iles of the Church were framed out of new timber , covered with lead , and fully finised . The same yeere also , the great roofes of the West and East ends were framed out of great timber in Yorkshire , brought thence to London by Sea , and set up , and covered with lead , the North and South ends were framed of timber , and covered with lead , before April , 1566. Concerning the Steeple , divers models were devised and made , but little else was done , through whose default God knoweth : it was said , that the money appointed for the new building of the Steeple , was collected . Monuments in this Church , be these : First , as I read of Erkenwalde , Bishop of London , buried in the old Church , about the yeere of Christ , 700. whose body was translated into the new work , in the yeere 1140. being richly shrined , above the Quire , behinde the high Altar . Sebba , or Seba , King of the East Saxons , was first buried in the old Church , afterward removed into the new , and laid in a coffin of stone , or gray Marble , having this Inscription hanging by it : Hic jacet Sebba , Rex orientalium Saxonū , qui conversus fuit ad fidem per Erkenwaldum , Londonens . Episcopum , Anno Christi , 677. Vir multum Deo devotus , actibus religiosis , crebris precibus , & piis Eleemosynarum fructibus plurimum intentus , vitam privatam & Monasticam cunctis Regni divitiis & honoribus praeferens . Qui cum regnasset Ann. 30. habitum Religiosum accepit , per benedictionem Waltheri Londinensis Antistitis , qui praefato Erkenwaldo successit . De quo Venerabilis Beda , in Historia Gentis Anglorum , &c. Ethelred , King of the West Saxons , was like wise buried in the old Church , and after removed , lying next unto King Sebba , and this Inscription fastned by him : Hic jacet Ethelredus , Anglorum Rex , filius Edgari Regis , cui in die consecrationis hic post impositam Coronam , fertur S. Dunstanus Cantuar. Archiepiscopus dira praedixisse his verbis : Quoniam aspirasti ad Regnum per mortem fratris tui , in cujus sanguine conspiraverunt Angli , cum ignominiosa Matre tui : Non deficiet Gladius de domo tua , saeviens in te omnibus vitae tuae , interficiens de semine tuo , quousque Regnum tuum transferatur in Regnum alienum , cujus ritum & linguam , gens cui praesides non novit ; nec expiabitur , nisi longa vindicta peccatum tuum , & peccatum Matris tuae , & peccata virorum , qui interfuêre consilio illius nequam . Quae sicut à viro sancto praedicta erant , evenerunt : Nam Ethelredus variis praeliis per Suanū Danorum Regem , filiumque suum Canutū fatigatus & fugatus , ac tandem Londini arcta obsidione conclusus , miserè diem obiit , Anno Dominicae Incarnationis , 1017. postquam Annis 36. in magna tribulatione regnasset . William Norman , Bishop of London , in the reignes of the Kings , Edward the Confessor , and William the Conqueror , deceased Anno 1070. and was after newly buried in the body of the Church , with this Epitaph or Memory : Gulielmo , viro sapientia & vitae sanctitate claro , qui primùm Edwardo Regi & Confessori familiaris , nuper in Episcopum Londinensem erectus ; nec multò pòst apud invictissimum Principem Guilielmū Angliae Regem ejus nominis primum : Ob prudentiam , fidemque singularem , in Concilium adhibitus ; Amplissima tunc urbi celeberrimae privilegia ab eodem impetravit : Senatus populusque Londinensis bene merenti posuit . Sedit Episcopus Annos 20. Decessit Anno à Christo nato , 1070. Haec tibi ( clare Pater ) posuerunt Marmora Cives , Praemia non meritis aequiparanda tuis . Namque sibi populus te Londoniensis amicum Sensit , & huic urbi non leve praesidium . Reddita libertas duce te , donataque multis : Te duce , res fuerat publica muneribus . Divitias , genus , & formam brevis opprimat hora , Haec tua sed pietas & benefacta manent . To Wiliam , a man famous in wisedome and holinesse of life , who first with S. Edward the King and Confessor being familiar , of late preferred to be Bishop of London , and not long after ( for his prudencie and sincere fidelity ) admitted to be of Councell with the most victorious Prince , William , King of England , of that name the first , who obtained of the same , great and large priviledges to this famous Citie . The Senate and Citizens of London , to him , having well deserved , have made this . Hee continued Bishop twenty yeeres , and dyed in the yeere after Christs Nativity , 1070. These Marble Monuments to thee thy Citizens assigne , Rewards ( O Father ) far unfit to those deserts of thine . Thee unto them a faithfull friend thy London people found , And to this Towne , of no small weight , a stay both sure and sound . Their Liberties restor'd to them , by meanes of thee have beene , Their Publike weale by meanes of thee , large gifts have felt and found . The Riches , Stocke , and beauty brave , one houre hath them supprest : Yet these thy vertues and good deeds , with us ( for ever ) rest . The Lord Maior of London , and the Aldermen his brethren , upon those solemne dayes of their resort to Pauls , have long time used to walke to the Grave-stone , where this Bishop lyeth buried , in remembrance of their former priviledges by him obtained . And now of late yeeres , there is an Inscription fastned to that Pillar which is next his Grave ; termed , The revivali of a most worthy Prela●es remembrance : There erected at the sole cost and charges of the Right Honourable and worthily affected , Sir Edward Barkham , Knight , Lord Maior of the Citie of London , Anno 1622. speaking thus to the walkers in Pauls : Walkers , whosoere ye be , If it prove you chance to see Vpon a solemne Scarlet day , The Citie-Senate passe this way , Their gratefull Memory for to show Which they the reverend ashes owe Of Bishop Norman , here inhum'd , By whom this Citie hath assum'd Large proviledges : Those obtain'd By him , when Conquerour William raign'd : This being by thankfull Barkham's minde renu'd , Call it The Monument of Gratitude . Hic jacet Magister Fulco Lovell , quondam Archidiaconus Colcestriae . Floruit sub Henrico 3. Rege . Hic requiescit in Domino Rogerus cognonomento Niger , quondam Canonicus hujus Ecclesiae S. Pauli : Ac deinde in Londinens . Episcopum consecratus Anno Salutis , 1228. vir in literatura profundus , moribus honestus ac per omnia laudabilis , Christianae Religionis amator , ac defensor strenuus . Qui cum pastorale Officium vigilanter & studiosè rexisset Annis 14. diem suum clausit extremum , apud Manerium suum de Stebunheath , 3. Calend. Octob. An. Christi , 1241. Regnante Rege Henrico 3. Contigit his diebus , dum Episcopus iste Rogerus in hac Ecclesia ante majus Altare staret infulatus ad celebrandum divina , quod tanta in aëre facta est nubium densitas , ut vix alterum discernere possit , quam confestim secuta est tonitrui horribilis concussio , cum tanta fulminis coruscatione , ac faetore intolerabili , ut omnes qui aderunt rapidè fugientes , nihil verius quàm mortem expectarent . Solus Episcopus cum uno Diacono remansit intrepidus . Aëre tandem purgato , Episcopus residuum rei divinae explevit . Epitaphium ejus super Tumulo . Ecclesiae quondam Praesul praesentis , in Anno M. bis C. quater X. jacet hic Rogerus humatus . Hujus erat manibus Domino locus iste dicatus : Christe suis precibus veniam des , tolle reatus . Hic infra jacet corpus Magistri Thomae de Evre , Legum Doctoris , istius Ecclesiae S. Pauli quondam Decani , qui die nono Mensis Octobris , Anno Domino Millesimo , quadringentesimo , & sui Decanatus Anno 12. diem suum clausit extremum . Cuius animae propitietur Deus , Amen . Hic in Domino obdormivit Iohannes Gandavensis , vulgò de Gaunt , à Gandavo Plandriae urbe loco natali , ita denominatus , Edwardi 3. Regis Angliae filius , à patre Comitis Richmondiae titulo ornatus . Tres sibi uxores in Matrimonio daxit : Primam , Blancham , filiam & haeredem Henrici , Ducis Lancastriae , per quem amplissimam adiit haereditatem : Nec solum Dux Lancastriae , sed etiam Leicestriae , Lincolniae , & Derbiae Comes effectus : E●cuius sobole Imperatores , Reges , Principes , & Proceres propagati sunt plurini . Alteram habuit uxorem Constantiam ( quae hic contumelatur ) filiam & haeredem Petri , Regis Castiliae & Legionis , cuius iure optimo titulo Regis Castiliae & Legionis usus est . Haec unicam illi peperit filiam Katharinam , ex qua ab Henrico Reges Hispaniae sunt propagati . Tertiam vero uxorem duxit Katharinā , ex Equestri Familia , & eximia pulchritudine foeminam , ex qua numerosam suscepit prolem : unde genus ex Matre duxit Henricus 7. Rex Angliae prudentissimus , cuius foe licissimo coniugio cum Edwardi 4. filia , è stirpe Eboracensi , Regiae illae Lancastriensium & Eboracensium Familiae , ad exoptatissimam Angliae pacem coaluerunt . Illustrissimus hic Princeps , cognomento Plantagenet , Rex Castiliae & Legionis , Dux Lancastriae , Comes Richmondiae , Leicestriae , Lincolniae & Derbiae , Locumtenens Aquitaniae , Magnus Senescallus Angliae , Obiit Anno 22. Regni Regis Richardi 2. Annoque Domini , 1399. Hic requiescit Simon Burley , Banerettus , Quinque Portuum Praefectus , Ordinis Garterii Miles , & Richardo 2. Consiliarius longè charissimus . Connubio sibi coniunctas habuit ex amplissimis Familiis duas uxores : alteram Staffordiae , alteram Baronis de Roos filiam . Ver● difficilimo illo tempore , cum inter Angliae proceres omnia sub iuvene Principe simultatibus agitarentur , in tantū nōnullorū odium incurrit , ut Parliamentaria authoritate capite plect●●etur , Anno Domini , 1388. Posteri autem eadem postea authoritate sub Rege Henrico quarto sunt restituti . Obiit Anno Salutis , 1398. Per versus patet hos , Anglorum qui jacet hic flos , Legum qui tuta dictavit vera statuta : Ex Hengham dictus , Radulphus vir benedictus . Anno 1308. In the North Walke , against the Quire , lye all these buried : Sir Iohn Poultney , Citizen , Draper , and Lord Maior of London , in the yeere 1348. lyeth buried in a faire Chappell , builded by himselfe , on the North side of Pauls Quire , wherein he founded 3. Chaplaines . Hamond Chickwell , six times L. Maior of London , 1328. Henry Guildford , Clarke , at the Altar of the Apostles , 1313. Richard Newport , Bishop of London , 1318. William Chatesleshunt , Canon in the New Worke , who had a Chauntrie there . Sir Nicholas Wokendon , Knight , at the Altar of S. Thomas , in the new Worke , 1323. Iohn Cheshul , Bishop of London , 1279. Robert Monden , and Iohn Monden , his brother , both Canons , in the New Worke , 1332. Richard de Plesseys lyeth in the North Walke , just before S. Georges Chappel , Anno 1361. William Melford , and Richard de Placito , both Archdeacons of Colchester , 1345. lye buried before Saint Thomas Chappell . Adam de Burie , Lord Maior of London in the yeere 1364. lyes buried in a Chappell of S. Mary Magdalen , or the Holy Ghost , called Holmes Colledge , because Roger Holmes , Chancellour and Prebend of Pauls , was there buried , in the yeere 1400. The Dutchesse of Bedford , Sister to Philip , Duke of Burgundy , Anno Dom. 1433. Robert Fitz-Hugh , Bishop of London , Anno , 1435. Perpetuae pietati Sacrum . Guil. Herberto , Pembrochiae Comiti , Equiti Aurato , praenobilis ordinis Anglici . Hen. 8. à Cubiculis : Edwardi 6. R. Equitum Magistro : Walliae Praesidi : Tumultu Occidentali cum Russello & Grayo Baronibus paribus auspiciis summae rerum praeposito : Maria Reginae contra perduelles ac expeditione ad Augustam Veromanduorum bis totius exercitus duci : bis summo in agro Caletum limitum Praefecto : Elizabethae Reginae Officiorum seu magno Regiae Magistro . Pariter & Dominae Annae ex vetustae Parorum gente oriundae , Sorori Katharinae Reginae , Hen. 8. R. sexto matrimonio conjunctae , ac Marchionis Northhamptionii , prudentissimae Feminae , pietatis , religionis , probitatis , omnisque Avitae virtutis retinentissimae fidis Comitis conjugi . Secunda conjuge superstite , Georgio Salopiae Comite genita , insigni praeter antiquum Nobilitatis Decus , uirtute femina . Liberis relictis ex prima Henrico Pembr Comiti . Edwardo Equiti Aurato . Domina Anna , Bar. Talbot nupta . Henr. F. ac Comes P. P. Chatis . sibi ac suis P. Obiit Aetatis , Salutis , Anno 63. 1569. Si quis erat prude●s unquam fidusque Senator , Si quis erat Patriae charus amansque suae , Si quis ad externas Legatus idoneus oras , Si cui justitiae cura bonique suit , Is Masonus erat , sit tota Britannia testis , Testis amor Procerum , sit populique favor , Tempore quinque suo , reguantes ordine vidit , Ho●●● à Consiliis quacuor ille fuit . Tres & sex decies vixit non amplius annos ; Hic tegitur corpus , spiritus astra tenet . Hunc Tumulum Conjux posuit dilecta marito , Quemque viro posuit , destinat ipsa sibi . Triste Nepos Carmen , quem fecit adoptio natum , Tum Patris inscripsit , tum Patrui Tumulo . Obiit Anno , 1566. Alexandro Nowello , Lancastriensi , prisca Nowellorum gente oriundo , Theologiae Doctori , Aedis S. Pauli Decano , ad exemplum hospitali , Rob. Nowelli , cujus hic cum suis miscentur cineres , Fratri , & opum quae sibi jure testamentario cesserunt , diribitori pientissimo . Marianis temporibus propter Christum exulanti : Reducum● . verae Religionis , contra Angliae Papistas duobus Libris assertori primae & ultimae quadragesimalis Concionis per an . 30. p. m. continuos ad S. Elizabetham , summa libertate Praeconi ; Scholae Middletonianae Patrono ; Coll. Aenei Nasi Oxonii , ubi ab anno aetatis 13. Annos 13. studuit , 13. studiosis & 200. Libris annuis opera , & impensis suis ampliati : Praesidi Scholae Paulinae plurimorum bonorum auctori : Pietatis frequentissimis Concionibus & triplici Catechismo propagatori : qui publicum se in utriusque Academiae , & Ecclesiarum exterarum testimonium , atque aeternorum Principum Edwardi 6. & Elizabethae judicum procerumque provocavit : Pauperum ( Literatorum praecipuè ) nutritori : afflictorum morbis corporis vel animi consolatori . Hoc Sepulchrum ob munificentiam & merita erga Remp. & optimum statum Ecclesiae suae ab eo pervigili administrat . redditum , Exec. O. D. S. M. Posuit . Quam speciosa Vestigia Evangelizantium pacem ! Exul quae amisit primaevo flore Nowellus , Foenore centena repperit aucta redux Dat Christus , reddit danti longaevus honores , Reddenti aeternos gratia dantis habet , Praeco , Auctor , Condus , Christo , Colit , Ampliat , ornat , Voce , Libris , Opibus , Sabbatha , Templa , Schola ; Dans , meditans , orans , Christi expiravit in ulnis , Sic oritur , floret , demoriturque Deo. Sedit B. R. P. & Ecclesiae P. M. 42. Nonagenarius , cum nec animi nec corporis occuli caligarent . Obiit , Anno Domini , 1601. Feb. 13. Virtuti & Honori Sacrum . Franciscus Walsinghamus , ortus Familia multis seculis illustri , claritatem generis Nobilitate , ingenii praestantibusque animi dotibus superavit . Puer , ingenuè domi educatus , generosis moribus artibusque optimis animum excoluit . Adolescens , peregrinatus in exteras Regiones , earum Instituta , Linguas , Policiam , ad civilem scientiam reique publicae usum didicit . Iuvenis , exilium Maria regnante subiit voluntarium Religionis ergo . Serenissimae Reginae Elizabethae , matura jam aetate , Orator fuit apud Gallum , turbulentissimo tempore , annis cōpluribus : rursum bis in Galliā , semel in Scotiam , semel in Belgiam , super gravissimis Principis negotiis Legatione functus est : eique annis sedecim ab intimis Conciliis & secretis fuit , ac triennium Cantellarius Ducatus Lancastriae . Quibus in muneribus tanta cum prudentia , abstinentia , munificentia , moderatione , pietate , industria & sollicitudine versatus est ; ut à multis periculis Patriam liberarit , servarit Rempublicam , conformarit pacem , juvare cunctos studuerit , imprimis quos doctrina aut bellica virtus commendarit , seipsum denique neglexerit , quo prodisset aliis , eosque valetudinis & facultatum suarum dispendio sublevaret . In Matrimonio habuit lectissimā feminam Vrsulam , è stirpe S. Barborum , antiquae Nobilivatis : E quq unicam filiam suscepit , Franciscam , Philippo Sydneio primùm nuptam : deinde honoratissimo Comiti Essexiae Obiit Apr. 6. 1590. Shall Honour , Fame , and Titles of renowne In clods of clay be thus inclosed still ? Rather will I , though wiser wits may frowne , For to inlarge his fame , extend my skill . Right gentle Reader , be it knowne to thee , A famous Knight doth here interred lye , Noble by birth , renown'd for policie , Confounding foes , which wrought our jeopardy . In forraine Countries their intents he knew , Such was his zeale to doe his Countrie good , When dangers would by enemies ensue , As well as they themselves he understood . Lanch forth ye Muses into streames of praise , Sing and sound forth praise-worthy harmony ; In England Death cut off his dismall dayes , Not wrong'd by death , but by false trechery . Grudge not at this unperfect Epitaph , Herein I have exprest my simple skill , As the first fruits proceeding from a graffe , Make then a better whosoever will. Disce quid es , quid eris , Memor esto quod morieris E. W. England , Netherland , the Heavens and the Arts , The Souldiers and the World have made sixe parts Of the Noble Sidney , for none will suppose , That a small heape of stones can Sidney inclose . His body hath England , for she it bred . Netherland his bloud , in her defence shed . The Heavens have his Soule , the Arts have his Fame ; All Souldiers the griefe : the VVorld his good Name . Hic jacet Robertus Benn , de Newport Cranley , in Comitatu Surrey , Generosus . Qui obiit decimo die mensis Februarii , Anno Verbi Incarnati , 1606. Cum ante annos triginta , in vigore scilicet aetatis suae , mortis non immemor , Sepulturae sibi locum in hac Ecclesia à Decano & Capitulo impetraverat . hanc novissimam & ultimam suam voluntatem , Elizabetha Benn , dilecta Conjux ejus executa est . Veniet iterum qui me in lucem reponet dies . Ioannes Wolleius , Eques Auratus , Reginae Elizabethae à Secretioribus Conciliis , Secretarius Linguae Latinae , Cancellarius Ordinis Periscelidis : Doctrina , Pietate , Fide , Gravitate clarissimus . Obiit Anno 1595. Wolleii , clarum nomen , Natusqüe Paterque , Ambo Equites , Natus Franciscus Patre Ioanne : Clarus , ut haeredem virtutis , amoris , honoris Praestaret , Monumenta sibi haec , & utrique Parenti Constituit , generis , qui nominis , unicus haeres : Tam citò claros est defecisse dolendum . Ille Pater , lumen literarum Nobile , sydus Oxoniae , ex meritis Reginae accitus Elizae , Vt qui à Secretis cum scriberat illa Latinè , Atque à Conciliis cum consultaret in Aula , At Periscelidis qui Cancellarius esset , Tantum illo ingenio voluir , tantum instat in illo . Non minùs omnimoda virtute illa inclyta Mater , Nobilibus Patre & Fratre illustrissima Moris ; Clara domo per se : sed Elizam ascivit Eliza Clarior ut fieret Wolleio ornata marito , Quo viduata , viro , quo non praeclarior alter , Nubat Egertono , repetat sed mortuae primum . Franciscus tandem , at nimium citò , utrumque sequutus , Hic jacet ante pedes Eques Illustrissimus , illis , Haec poni jussit , seque & tria nomina poni , Sic voluit , placuit Superis pia grata voluntas . Discite mortales , memores sic esse Parentum , Discite qui legitis , sic , sic petit aethera virtus . Inclyta Ioannes Londini gloria gentis , Is tibi qui Quondam Paule Decanus erat , Qui toties magno resonabat pectore Christum , Doctor & interpres fidus Evangelii : Qui mores hominum multum sermone diserta Formârat , vitae sed probitate magis . Quique Scholam struxit celebrem cognomine Iesu , Hac dormit tectus membra Coletus humo . Floruit sub Henrico 7. & Henrico 8. Reg. Obiit Anno Domini , 1519. Disce mori mundo , Vivere disce Deo. This Epitaph was made by William Lily , the first Schoolemaster of Pauls Schoole : which was founded by Iohn Colet , Doctor in Divinity , and Deane of Pauls : sonne to Sir Henry Colet , Mercer , twice Lord Maior of London . Memoriae S. Gulielmo Hewit , Armigero Roberti Hewit A. Killamarch , in Agro . Derbiensi Filio , secundo genito . Qui mortuo Fratre , Natu majore , Paternam crevit haereditatem , Posterisque transmittit : Nobilem Mercaturam exercuit . Vita integerrima fuit , & moribus suavissimis . Bonarum literarum studia promovit . Egenorum proventus largiter auxit . Liberalitate , Charitate , Insignis , Nec minor Pietate . Religionem , cum Ministris sacris , & coluit & fovit . Ita per omnia se ubique gessit , ut Probitatis , Comitatis , Candoris Vivum exemplar . Christum Redemptorem cogitans , Vitam ante mortem consummaverit . Filios genuit quatuor , Ioannem , Salomonem , Thomam , Gulielmum : Et Filias duas . Mariam , Elizabetham . Annum LXXVII . agens , XII . Iun. CIO . D. XCIX . ad patriam coelestem evocatus , Magnum sui desiderium reliquit Posteris , Qui hoc piè ac moeven . M. S. Gulielmus Cokainus Eques Auratus , Civis & Senator Bondinensis , septemque ab hinc annis Vrbis Praefectus : Antiquâ Cokainorum Derbiensium Familiâ oriundus . Qui bono publico vixit , & damno publico decessit , & gaudio publico , Regem Iacobum , ad decorem hujus domus Dei senescentis jam & corrugatae restituendum , solenniter huc venientem consulatu suo , magnificè excepit : Idcirco in Templo publico , ad aeternam rei memoriam Hîc situs est . At verò & Famae celebritas , quae viget in ore Hominum , & gloria Beatitudinis , quam migrando adeptus est , & splendor Sobolis , quam numerosam genuit , atque nobilèm reliquit , junctim efficiunt omnia , ne dicatur Hîc situs est . Vnà cum illo , tot homines mortui , quot in illo defunctae sunt virtutes ; simulque & acies ingenii , & popularis eloquii suada , & morum gravitas , & probitas vitae , & candor mentis , & animi constantia , & prudentia singularis , & veri Senatoris insignia Hîc sepulta sunt . Jam tuum est Lector , felicitatis ad culmen anhelare per ista vestigia laudis , & venerandi imitatione exempli curare , ne unquam virtutis sic semina , intereant , ut dicatur Hîc sepulta sunt . Obiit 20. Octob. An. Dom. 1626. Et Aetatis suae 66. Hic Nicolaum me Baconem conditum Existima illum , tam diu Britannici Regni secundum Columen , exitium Malis , Bonis Asylum , coeca quem non extulit Ad hunc honorem sors , sed equitas , fides , Doctrina , Pietas , unica & Prudentia , Neu morte reptum crede : qui unica brevi Vita perennes emeruit duas , agit Vitam secundam coelites inter animos , Fama implet orbem , vita quae illi tertia est . Hac positum in Ara est corpus , olim animi domus , Ara dicata sempiternae memoriae . Sacrum Memoriae . D. Chr. Hattoni , Guil. Fil. Io. Nepo . Antiquiss . Hattonorum Gente oriundi . Regiae Majestatis D. Elizabethae ex Nobilibus Stipatoribus : L. Vici : Sacratioris Camerae Generosorū unius , Praetorianorum Militum Ducis : Regii Pro-Camerarii : Sanctioris Concilii Senatoris , Summi Angliae ac Oxon. Acad. Cancellarii : Ordinis Nobiliss . San-Georgiani de Periscellide Equitis . Maximo Principis omnium que bonorum moerore ( cum 51. Annos coelebs vixisset ) 20. Novemb. Anno 1591. in Aedibus suis Holburnae piè fato functi . Guil. Hattonus , Eques Auratus , ejus ex Sorore , Nepos , adoptione Filius , ac haeres moestissimus , Pietatis ergô posuit . Quae vero , quae digna tuis virtutibus ( Heros ) Constituent Monumenta tui ? Si qualia debet , Posteritas , si quanta tibi prudentia justi Quantus amor , si quanta fuit facundia Linguae , Et docus & pulchro veniens in corpore virtus , Illaque munificae semper tibi copia dextrae ; Denique quanta fuit magna tibi gratia quondam Principis , Eque tuis quae creverat inclyta factis . Gloria tanta tibi statuant Monumenta Nepotes . Ipsa tuos caperet vix tota Britanuia Manes . Stay , and behold the mirror of a dead mans house , Whose lively person would have made thee stay and wonder ; Looke , and withall learne to know how to live and dye renowned ; For never can cleane life and famous Herses sunder . Hatton lyes here , whose name Hugh Lupus gave , Lupus the Silices , sonne of William Conqueror , For Nigel , his cleere servants sake , Worship and Laud : Lo , there the Spring ; looke here the Honor of his Ancestrie . When Nature moulded him , her thoughts were most on Mars ; And all the Heavens to make him goodly , were agreeing : Thence was he valiant , active , strong , and passing comely , And God did grace his minde and spirit with gifts excelling . Nature commends her workmanship to Fortunes charge ; Fortune presents him to the Court , and to the Queene : Queene Eliz. ( O Gods deare Handmaid ) his most Miracle , Now hearken , Reader , rarity not heard nor seene . This blessed Queene , Mirror of all that Albion rul'd , Gave favour to his faith , and precepts to his hopefull time ; First , train'd him in the stately band of Pentioners : Behold , how humble hearts make easie steps to climbe . High carriage , honest life , heart ever loyall , Diligence , delight in duty , God doth reward : So did this worthy Queene , in her just thoughts of him , And ( for her safety ) made him Captaine of her Guard. Now doth she prune this Vine , and from her sacred brest Lessons his life , makes wise his heart for her great Councels , And so Vice-Chamberlaine ; where forreine Princes eyes Might well admire her choice , wherein she most excels . So sweetly tempred was his soule with vertuous Balme ; Religious , just to God and Caesar in each thing ; That he aspired to the highest Subjects Seat , Lord Chancelor ( measure and conscience of an holy King. ) Robe , Coller , Garter , dead Figures of great Honor , Almes-deeds , with faith , honest in word , franke in dispence , The poore's friend , not popular , the Churches Pillar ; This Tombe shewes the one , the Heavens shrine all the other . Franciscus Florus ad memoriam Heri sui defuncti luctusque sui solatium posuit . Anno Domini , 1593. Thomas Heneage , Eques Auratus , ex antiqua Heneagiorum Familia , in Comitatu Lincolniensi oriundus ; Ingenii splendore , morum , elegantia , orationis facultate , & optimis studiis ornatissimus , Camerae Regiae Thesaurarius , Pro-Camerarius , Ducatus Lancastriae Cancellarius , & ab intimis Conciliis Elizabethae Reginae , cui privatae & principi , fide & fama integra maximis negotiis spectatus , summa cum gratia , Annis 38. inservivit : Hic secundum Christi Adventum in pace expectat . Vna cum Anna , uxore charissima , filia Nicolai Points , Equitis Aurati , ex Joanna , filia Thomae Baronis Berkley , femina lectissima , sanctissimis moribus , & à teneris ad mortem usque Elizabethae Reginae praedilecta Famula . Que illi unicum filiolum infantia praereptum , & unica enixa filiam , Haeredem Elizabetham , Moylo Finch , Equiti Aurato , enuptam . Obiit ille 17. Octob. An. Dom. 1594. Praeivit illa Novemb. An. Dom. 1592. Optimis & charissimis parentibus , Elizabethae Finch moestissima hoc posuit . Iohn Elmar , Bishop of London , buried in Anno , 1594. Richard Fletcher , Bishop of London , buried in Anno , 1596. These are the glories of a worthy praise , Which ( Noble Baskervile ) here now are read , In honour of thy life , and latter dayes , To number thee among the blessed dead . A pure regard to thy Immortall part , A spotlesse Minde , a Body prone to paine , A giving Hand , and an un-vanquisht Heart , And all these Vertues void of all disdaine . And all these Vertues yet not so unknowne , But Netherlands , Seas , Indiaes , Spaine , and France , Can witnesse that these Honors were thine owne ; Which they reserve , thy merit to advance : That Valour should not perish void of Fame , Nor Noble Deeds , but leave a Noble Name . Eustacius de Fauconbridge , Regis Iusticiarius , una atque altera Legatione perfunctus in Gallia , sub Ioanne & Henrico 3. Regibus : Quibus ab intimis Conciliis , & supremus Angliae Thesaurarius fuit : Post Concessionem Guil. de Sancta Maria huius Ecclesiae Antistitis , Electus est in Episcopum Londinensem , Anno Verbi Incarnati , 1221. Consecratus à Benedicto , Roffensi Episcopo , cum jam obesset Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis . Quumque sedisset Annos 7. Menses 6. obiit diem pridiè Cal. Novemb . Anno Salutis , 1228. Henricus de Wengham , Regi Henrico 3. à sacris , & Cancellarius , Decanus de Totenhale , & S. Martini London , Camerarius Gasconiae ; Vir ( ut inquit Florilogus ) curialis , discretus , & circumspectus . Electus Anno Christi 1259. Wintoniensis Episcopus , consentire noluit . Tandem , post mortem Fulconis Basset , hujus Ecclesiae Pontificis , eodem anno in Episc . Londin . consecratus fuit , sed vix tribus annis sedit . Obiit Anno Salutis 126● . Hoc in loco requiescit in Domino Erkenwaldus 3. post Anglo-Saxonum in Britannia ingressum Episcopus Londinensis . Cujus in Episcopatu & ante Episcopatum vita & conversatio fuit sanctissima ; ex Nobili Prosopia oriundus . Offae , Orientalium Saxonum Regis erat filius , ad fidem Christianam à Mellito primo London . Episcopo , Anno Domini 642. conversus . Is priusquam Episcopus factus esset , dua praeclara construxit Monasteria sumptibus suis , de bonis quae jure haereditario sibi obvenerunt : unum sibi in finibus Australium Saxonum loco , qui Certesey vocatur : Alterum Edelburgae Sorori suae feminae laudatiffimae , ad Berching in ditione Orientalium Saxonum . In Episcopatum vero Anno Salutis , 675. à Theodoro , Dorobernensium sive Cantuariae Archiepiscualia sacratus est . Sebbam , Orientalium Saxonum Regem ad Christi fidem convertit , & salutari Baptismatis unda suis manibus perfudit , qui statim mundo renuncians , se totum Deo addixit , & in hac ipsa Ecclesia Archa Marmorea ( quae ad nostra usque tempora permanet ) sepultus est . Idem Erkenwaldus celeberrimum hoc S. Pauli Templum novis aedificiis auxit , proventubus locupletavit , & eidem immunitates nonnullas à Regibus impetravit . Tandem , circiter Annum Domini 683. spiritum Deo reddidit , postquam Annis 11. in Pontificatu sedisset , & magnifico Sepulchro hic conditus est . quod nostra memoria circiter Annum Domini 1533. hoc loco visebatur . Michael Norborow , Bishop of London , 1361. Robert Brewer , Deane of Pauls , 1366. Adam de Bury , Lord Maior of London , 1390. Ralph Baldocke , Bishop of London , 1313. Robert Breybrooke , Canon of Lichfield , Bishop of London , & made Lord Chancellour in the sixth yeere of King Richard the second . Hee sate Bishop 20. yeeres , and deceased in Anno 1404. Iohn Stokesley , Bishop of London , Anno 1539. Henry Lacy , Earle of Lincolne , had a faire Monument erected for him with his picture in Armour , lying on it crosse-legged ( like a Knight Templer ) as one that professed his uttermost indeavour , for defence of the holy Land against the Infidels . He was buried in Anno 1310. and his Monument is greatly defaced . Some have noted that in digging the foundation of this new worke , namely , of a Chappel on the South side of Pauls Church , there were found more than an hundred scalpes of Oxen or Kine , in the yeere one thousand three hundred and sixteene , which thing ( say they ) confirmed greatly the opinion of those , which have reported , that ( of old time ) there had been a Temple of Iupiter , and that there was daily sacrifice of beasts . Othersome both wise and learned , have thought the Buckes head borne before the Procession of Pauls , on Saint Pauls day , to signifie the like . But true it is , I have read an ancient Deed to this effect : Sir William Baud , Knight , the third of Edward the first , in the yeere 1274. on Candlemas day , granted to Harvy de Borham , Deane of Pauls , and to the Chapter there , that in consideration of twenty two Acres of ground or land , by them granted within their Mannor of Westley in Essex , to bee inclosed into his Parke of Curingham ; hee would ( for ever ) upon the Feast day of the Conversion of Paul in VVinter give unto them a good Doe , seasonable and sweete , and upon the Feast of the Commemoration of Saint Paul in Summer , a good Buck , and offer the same at the high Altar , the same to bee spent amongst the Canons residents : the Doe to bee brought by one man at the houre of Procession , and thorow the Procession to the high Altar ; and the bringer to have nothing : the Bucke to be brought by all his meyney in like manner , and they to have payd unto them by the Chamberlaine of the Church twelve pence onely , and no more to be required . This Grant hee made , and for performance , bound the Lands of him and his heyres to bee distrained on : and if the Lands should bee evicted , that yet he and his heires should accomplish the gift . Witnesses , Richard Tilbery , William de Wockendon , Richard de Harlowe , Knights , Peter of Stanford , Thomas of Waldon , and some others . Sir Walter Baude , sonne to William , confirmed this gift , in the thirtieth of the said King ; and the witnesses thereunto , were Nicholas de Wockendon , Rich. de Rokeley , Thomas de Mandevile , Iohn de Rochford , Knights , Richard de Broniford , William de Markes , William de Fulham , and other . Thus much for the Grant. Now , what I have heard by report , and have partly seene , it followeth : On the Feast day of the Commemoration of Saint Paul , the Bucke being brought up to the steps of the high Altar in Pauls Church , at the houre of Procession , the Deane and Chapter being apparelled in Coapes and Vestments , with Garlands of Roses on their heads , they sent the body of the Bucke to baking , and had the head fixed on a Pole , borne before the Crosse in their Procession , untill they issued out of the VVest doore ; where the Keeper that brought it , blowed the death of the Bucke , and then the Horners that were about the City , presently answered him in like manner : For the which paines , they had each man of the Dean and Chapter , foure pence in mony , and their Dinner , and the Keeper that brought it , was allowed , during his abode there ( fore that service ) Meate , Drinke , and Lodging , at the Deane and Chapters , charges , and five shillings in money at his going away , together with a Loafe of bread , having the picture of Saint Paul upon it , &c. There was belonging to the Church of Saint Paul , for both the dayes , two speciall sutes of Vestments , the one embroidered with Buckes , the other with Does , both given by the said Bauds ( as I have heard . ) Thus much for that matter . Now to the residue of the Monuments which are beneath the staires , in the sides and body of the Church . Sir Iohn Beauchamp , Constable of Dover , Warden of the Cinque Ports , Knight of the Garter , the sonne of Sir Guy Beauchamp , Earle of Warwicke , and brother to Thomas Earle of Warwicke , lyeth buried in the body of the Church , on the South side , 1358. within a proper Chappell purposely made for him . This deceased Nobleman ( by ignorant people ) hath been erroneously mistermed , and said to bee Duke Humfrey , the good Duke of Glocester : who lyeth honourably buried at Saint Albans , in Hartfordshire , twenty miles from London . In idle and frivolous opinion of whom , some men ( of late times ) have made a solemne meeting at his Tombe , upon Saint Andrewes day in the morning ( before Christmasse ) and concluded on a breakfast or dinner , as assuring themselves to be servants , and to hold diversity of offices under the good Duke Humfrey . Likewise on May-day , Tankard-bearers , Watermen , and some other of like quality beside , would use to come to the same Tombe early in the morning , and ( according as the other ) have delivered serviceable presentation at the same Monument , by strewing herbes , and sprinkling faire water on it , as in the duty of servants , and according to their degrees and charges in Office. But as Master Stowe hath discreetly advised such as are so merrily disposed , or simply professe themselves to serve Duke Humfrey in Pauls : if punishment of losing their dinners daily there , bee not sufficient for them ; they should be sent to St. Albans , to answer there for their disobedience , and long absence from their so highly well-deserving Lord and Master , because in their merry disposition they please so to call him . Margaret , Countesse of Shrewsbury , in the Crowdes , or Iesus Chappell , as appeareth by an Inscription on a Pillar there . Here before the Image of IESVS , lyeth the Worshipfull and right Noble Lady Margaret , Countesse of Shrewsbury , late wife of the true and victorious Knight , and redoubtable Warriour , 1. Talbot , Earle of Shrewsbury ; which Worshipfull man dyed in Guien , for the right of this Land. Shee was the first daughter , and one of the heyres of the right famous and renowned Knight , Richard Beauchamp , late Earle of Warwicke ( which dyed in Roane ) and of Dame Elizabeth his wife ; the which Elizabeth was daughter and heyre to Thomas , late Lord Berkly , on his side , and on her mothers side , Lady Lisle , and Tyes . Which Countesse passed from this world the fourteenth day of Iune , in the yeere of our Lord 1468. On whose soule IESVS have mercy , Amen . Wenlocke , by his last Will , dated 1477. appointed , that there should be dispended upon a Monument , over the Lady of Shrewsbury , where shee is buried , afore Iesus , one hundred pounds . He left Sir Humfrey Talbot his Supervisor . This Sir Humfrey Talbot , Knight , Lord Marshall of the Towne of Callis , made his Will the yeere 1492. Hee was the younger sonne of Iohn Earle of Shrewsbury , and Margaret his wife . He appointed a Stone to be put in a Pillar , before the grave of his Lady Mother in Pauls , of his Portraiture and Armes , according to the Will of Iohn VVenlock : But for want of roome and lightsomenesse in that place , it was concluded , that the Image of Jesus should be curiously painted on the wall in Pauls Church , over the doore that entreth into the said Chappell of Iesus , and the Portraiture also of the said Lady Margaret , Countesse of Shrewsbury , kneeling in her mantle of Armes , with other of her Progeny ; all which was so performed , and remaineth till this day . In the Chappell of Jesus , Thomas Dowroy , William Lambe , 1578. and many other have beene interred . Iohn of London under the North Roode , 1266. Iohn Lovell , Clarke . Iohn Romane . Iohn of Saint Olave . Walter Bloxley . Sir Allen Boxhul , Knight of the Garter , Constable of the Tower , Custos of the Forrest and Parke of Clarendon , the Forrest of Brokholt , Grovell , and Melchet , buried beside S. Erkenwalds Shrine . Hic jacet Dominus Richardus de Piriton , quondam Archidiaconus Colcestriae , Canonicus & Stagiar , hujus Ecclesiae . Qui obiit 26. die Augusti , Anno Domini , 1387. Cujus animae propitietur Deus . Iohn Nevil , Lord Latymer , in Anno 1542. whose widow was the last wife unto King Henry the eighth , lyeth there interred ; but his Tombe is very much wronged and defaced . Thomas Lynacrus , Regis Henrici 8. Medicus , Vir & Graecè & Latinè atque in re Medica longè eruditissimus . Multos aetate sua languentes , & qui jam animam desponderant , vitae restituit : Multa Galeni opera Latina lingua mira & singulari facundia vertit . Egregium opus de emendata structura Latini sermonis , amicorum rogatu , paulò ante mortem edidit . Medicinae studiosis Oxoniae publicas lectiones duas , Cantabrigiae unam in perpetuum stabilivit . In hac Vrbe Collegium Medicorum fieri sua industria curavit , cujus & Praesidens proximus electus est : Fraudes dolosque mirè perosus , fidus amicis , omnibus ordinibus juxta charus : Aliquot annis antequam obierit Presbyter factus . Plenus annis , ex hac vita migravit multùm desideratus , Ann. Domini 1524. die 7. Octob. Vivat post Funera Virtus . Thomae Lynacro clarissimo Medico , Ioannes Caius posuit , Anno 1557. Memoriae Sacrum . Edwardo Stanhopo , Michaelis Stanhopiex ordine Equestri filio , Equiti Aurato , Legum Doctori , Episcopi L●ndinensis Cancellario , Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis Vicario Generali , in publicis Ecclesiae & Reipublicae negotiis versatissimo . Qui certa spe in Christo resurgendi , piè placideque animam Deo reddidit , die 16. Martii , 1608. Ioannes , Baro Stanhopus de Harington , & Michael Stanhopus , Eques Auratus , fratres moestissimi , Officiosae Pietatis ergo P. P. Thomas Kempe , Bishop of London , in a proper Chappell , termed of the Trinity , lyeth there buried in Anno 1489. As appeareth not onely by his name and Armes thereon in divers places ; but likewise by this ensuing inscription , engraven on a Plate , and fixed in the same Chappell . Infra Capellam istam requiescit corpus D. Thomae Kemp , quondam Episcopi London , fundatoris eiusdem , & unius Cantariae perpetuae in eadem . Qui multa bona tempore vitae suae Ecclesiae Sancti Pauli dedit , & stetit 39. Annis , 84. diebus Episcopus London . Ac obiit 28. die mensis Martii , An. Domini 1489. Cujus animae propitietur Deus . Amen . Richard Vaughan , likewise Bishop of London , lyeth buried in the said Chappell , 1607. Richard Fitz-Iames , Bishop of London , lyeth buried under a faire Tombe , and in Saint Pauls Chappell , builded of Timber , with stayres mounting up thereto , over his Tombe of gray Marble , in Anno 1521. But this Chappell was burned by fire falling from the steeple , and his Tombe taken thence . Gulielmo Lilio , Pauliae Scholae olim Praeceptori Primario , & Agnetae Conjugi , in sacratissimo hujus Templi Coemiterio hinc à tergo nunc destructo consepultis : Georgius Lilius , hujus Ecclesiae Canonicus , parentum memoriae piè consulens , Tabellam hanc ab amicis conservatam , hic reponendam curavit . Obiit ille G. L. An. Dom. 1522. Calend. Mart. Vixit An. 54. Memoriae Sacrum . Thomas Ravis , claris natalibus Mauldenae in Suthreia natus , Regius Alumnus in Schola VVestmonasteriensi educatus , in Academiam Oxoniensem adscitus , omnes Academicos honores consequutus , & Margistratibus perfunctus , Decanus Ecclesiae Christi ibidem constitutus , & bis Academiae Pro-Cancellarius . Vnde ob doctrinam , gravitatem , & spectatam prudentiam , à Rege Iacobo , primùm ad Episcopatum Glocestrensem provectus , deinde ad Londinensem translatus , & demum à Christo , dum Ecclesiae , Patriae , & Principi vigilaret , in Coelestem Patriam evocatus , placidè pieque emigravit , & quod mortale fuit , certa spe resurgendi hic deposuit , die 14. Decembris , An. Salutis 1609. Gulielmus Harington , Iurisconsultus , Protonotarius Apostolicus , D. Pauli Canonicus , ex illis quos Residentiarios dicunt : Patria Eboracensis natus , in pago qui Estryngton vocitatur , Patre Gulielmo Haringtono , viro claro , genere orto in pago Commerlandiae non ignobili , qui Neubyging nuncupatur ; & Matre Ioanna , Filia Gulielmi Haskae , aliter Balivi dicti , viri Generosi in eodem pago Estryngton nata : memor exitus vitae , qui omnibus horis impendet , hoc sibi Sepulchrum posuit . Anno Salutis humanae , 1523. Sixe Lines this Image shall delineate , Hight Croft , high-borne , in spirit and vertue high ; Approv'd , belov'd , a Knight , stout Mars his mate , Loves fire , Warres flame , in Heart , Head , Hand , and Eie : Which flame , Warres Comet , Grace now so resignes , That fixt in Heaven , in Heaven and Earth it shines . Prosopopeia . The Wombe and Tombe in Name be not so neere , As Life to Death , and Birth is to the Beere . Oh! then how soone to Beere are Captaines brought , That now doe live , and dye now with a thought ? Then , Captaines , stay and reade , still thinke on me , For , with a thought , what I am , you may be . As Mars neere Mors doth sound , So Mors neere Mars is found . 1. Da. of H. Hoc Saxo tegitur corpus Thomae Creke , L. Doctoris , & Almae Curiae Cantuar. de Arcubus Londini Advocatorum unius , viri utriusque Iuris tam Canonici quàm Civilis scientia non modo peritissimi , sed & eorundem usu & praxi longo tempore exercitatissimi . Cujus in Clientem causas defendendo , industria quanta fuit , quanta integritas , quanta fides , quanta denique si quid contra votum , & ( ut sibi videbatur ) aequitatem , accidebat solicitudo , & ii qui ejus usi sunt patrocinio optimè praedicare possunt , & celebris illius famae memoria nunquam moritura verissimè praedicavit . Honestè vixit , Neminem laesit , Suum cuique tribuit . Hic requiescit in Domino Gulielmus Dethick , Eques Auratus , filius & haeres Gilberti Dethick , Equitis Aurati . Qui ambo fuerunt Garterii Principales Reges Armorum Angliae . Cor. hic An. 1584. Aetatis suae 48. Ille Anno 1612. Aetatis suae 70. in Domino obdormierunt , expectantes resurrectionem per Jesum Christum Salvatorem nostrum . Domina Thomasina sup . 40. Annos uxor praedict . Williel . & filii Georgius , Gilbertus & Henricus pietatis ergo posuerunt . Hic jacet Robertus Hare , quondam Cler. Thesaur . & Scriptor Rotulorum de Recept . & exitu Thesaur . Scaccarii . Qui obiit senex die 2. Novemb. An. 1611. Now , to close up all these Memories , concerning this Cathedrall Church of Saint Pauls , London , we may not be unmindfull of a very bountifull Benevolence given thereto , by Master William Parker , whose worthy gifts deserve Volumes of Remembrance . By his last Will and Testament he hath given the summe of five hundred pounds , to bee imployed in the repairing of the VVindowes of Pauls Church , from the upper end of the Staires , from the first entring of the Quire , unto the upper end of the Church : By the order and direction of the Right Honourable the Lord Maior of the City of London , and the Right VVorshipfull the Aldermen , his Brethren , for the time being . So are the expresse words , set downe in the Codecill annexed to his Will. Without the North gate of Pauls Church , from the end of the Old Exchange , VVest up Pater noster Rowe , by the two Lanes out of Pauls Church , the first out of the Crosse Isle of Pauls , the other out of the body of the Church , about the midst thereof , and so VVest to the golden Lyon , bee all of this Ward , as is aforesaid . The houses in this Streete , from the first North Gate of Pauls Church-yard , unto the next Gate , were first builded without the Wall of the Church-yard , by Henry Walleis , Maior , in the yeere 1282. The Rents of those houses goe to the maintenance of London Bridge . This Streete is now called Pater noster Rowe , because of Stationers or Text-writers , that dwelled there , who wrote and sold all sorts of Bookes then in use , namely , A. B. C. with the Pater noster , Ave , Creed , Graces , &c. There dwelled also Turners of Beads , and they were called Pater noster makers , as I read in a Record of one Robert Nikke , Pater noster maker , and Citizen , in the reigne of Henry the fourth , and so of other . At the end of this Pater noster Rowe , is Ave Mary lane , so called upon the like occasion , of Text-writers and Bead-makers then dwelling there . And at the end of that Lane is likewise Creed lane , late so called , but sometime Spurrier Rowe , of Spurriers dwelling there . And Amen lane is added thereunto , betwixt the South end of Warwicke lane , and the North end of Ave Mary lane . At the North end of Ave Mary lane , is one great House , builded of stone and timber , of old time pertaining to Iohn Duke of Britaine , Earle of Richmond , as appeareth by the Records of Edward the second . Since that , it was called Pembrookes Inne , neere unto Ludgate , as belonging to the Earles of Pembrooke in the times of Richard the second , the 18. yeere , and of Henry the sixth , in the 14. yeere . It was after called Aburgaveny house , and belonged to Henry late Lord of Aburgaveny . But the VVorshipfull Company of Stationers have ( since then ) purchased it , and made it the Hall for the meeting of their Society , converting the stone-work into a new faire Frame of timber , and applying it to such serviceable use , as themselves have thought convenient . Betwixt the South end of Ave Mary lane , and the North end of Creede lane , is the comming out of Pauls Church-yard , on the East , and the high streete on the West , towards Ludgate , and this was called Bowyer Rowe , of Bowyers dwelling there in old time , now worne out by Mercers , and others . In this Streete , on the North side , is the Parish Church of Saint Martin , a proper Church , and lately new builded : for in the yeere 1437. Iohn Michael , Maior , and the Communalty , granted to William Downe , Parson of S. Martins at Ludgate , a parcell of ground , containing in length 28. foote , and in breadth 24. foote , to set and build their steeple upon , &c. The Monuments here have been of William Seven-oake , Maior , 1418. Henry Belwase , and Iohn Gest , 1458. William Taverner , Gentleman , 1466. Iohn Barton , Esquire , 1439. Stephen Peacocke , Maior , 1533. Sir Roger Cholmley . Gulielmo Huseo Coelebi , Almae Curiae Cantuariensis Registro , literarum scientia , vitae probitate , morumque urbanitate claro , notis E. amicis omnibus dilecto . Antonius & Katharina conjuges , Chari parentes orbati filio Monumentum hoc dolentes posuerunt . Obiit quinto Kalendas Novembris , Anno Dom. 1559. vixit annos 28. menses 3. dies 7. Obdormiat in Domino . Hic situs est Antonius Huse , Armiger , Londini natus , Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis , atque Capitulis de Pauli Londinen . Registrarius primarius . Qui aliquot annos Judicis causarum Maritimarum officio integrè functus , ac etiam in Magistratorum Curiae Cancellariae concessum cooptatus , vergente demum aetate ad Praefectum Collegiorum Mercatorum Angliae , tam apud Belgas , quàm apud Moscovitas , & Rhutenos commercia exercentium accitus , lingua facundus , memoria tenax , ingenio , prudentia , doctrinaque pollens , morum comitate & probitate gratiosus , Laurentio , Gulielmo , Gilberto , & Vrsula liberis , ex Katharina conjuge procreatis non infelix , sexagesimo tertio aetatis Anno è vita excessit , Kalendis Junii , An. Dom. 1560. Here lye the bodies of Florens Caldwell , Esquire , Citizen and Haberdasher of London , and Aldermans Deputy of the Ward of Faringdon without : And Mary Wilde , his first wife ; by whom hee had issue one daughter , named Mary , married to Thomas Gourney , Esquire . And Sibill Greene , his second wife . which Florens deceased the 〈◊〉 and Mary his wife the 19. day of Iune , An. Dom. 1590. &c. Earth goes to Earth treads on Earth as to Earth shall to Earth As Mold to Mold , Glittering in Gold , Return nère should , Goe ere he would . Earth upon Earth goes to Earth though on Earth shall from Earth Consider may , Naked away , Be stout and gay , Passe poore away . Be mercifull and charitable , Relieve the poore as thou art able , A Shrowd to thy grave , Is all thou shalt have . Thomas Cooke , Citizen and Haberdasher of London , of little Wolton , in the County of Lancaster , had to wife Ioyce Hanbury , with whom hee lived thirty yeeres , and had issue one sonne , and three daughters ; whereof two ( viz. Elizabeth , wife to Iohn Bourman , Mercer , and Mary , wife to Thomas Bayly , Skinner ) be yet living . Hee departed this life the 17. day of April , 1608. in the 55. yeere of his age . Shee ( his said wife , sole Executrix of his last Will and Testament ) yet surviving ( to the memorie of her deare husband ) erected this Monument , 1612. To God , his Country , and the Poore , he had A zealous soule , true heart , and liberall minde : His wife , his children , and his kindred sad , Lacke of his love , his care and kindnesse finde : Yet is their sorrow swaged , with the thought , He hath attain'd the Happinesse he sought . Dies mortis , aeternae vitae natalis est . To the Memory of William Yeardley , Gentleman , and Elizabeth his wife , sometime of this Parish . He died the 28. day of October , 1523. She died the 20. day of Iuly , 1593. William Yeardley , and Elizabeth his wife , Who lived on earth free from strife , Not farre from this , in earth doth lye , To shew , that all that live , must dye : Where they doe quietly expect , To rise againe , as Gods elect , They left foure daughters , and a sonne , Who left them this , when they were gone . Iaspero Cholmley , Armig. Wigorniensi , Clerico Recognitionum capiendi , sive recognosc . Virtute cujusdam statuti fact . & ordinati 23. Hen. 8. pro debit . recuperan . Iusticiario Pa. & Quor . Dom. Reginae in Com. Middl. Patri suo chariss . & amantiss . Ioannes Cholmley , hoc Monu . dolens posuit , decem liberos ex Margareta sua unica conjuge procreatos , viz. Ioannem , Thomam , Gulielmum , Hugonem , Franciscum , Mariam , Iulianam , Margaretam , Annam & Ianam tempore mortis superstites reliquit . Obiit ultimo die Octob. Anno a●tatis suae 48. & Salutis nostrae 1586. Here lieth the body of Thomas Antrobus , Esquire , who deceased the first day of May , 1611. Having issue by Elizabeth his late wife ( the daughter of Ralph Woodcocke , Citizen and Alderman of London ) three sonnes and two daughters , viz. Thomas , John , Richard , Elizabeth , and Margaret . Here-under lyeth buried Amy Edlyn , and her sonne with her , the daughter of Richard Edlyn , of Woodhau●e , in Middlesex , and the wife of Robert Gomersall , Citizen & Ironmonger of London , who departed this life the 2. day of September , 1586. and left behinde her one sonne and one daughter . On the South side of this Streete , is the turning into the Black Friers : which Order ( sometime ) had their houses in Old-borne , where they remained for the space of five and fifty yeeres ; and then , in the yeere 1276. Gregory Rocksley , Maior , and the Barons of this City , granted and gave to Robert Kilwarby , Archbishop of Canturbury , two Lanes or Wayes next the Streete of Baynards Castle , and also the Tower of Mountfitchit to bee destroyed ; in place of which , the said Robert builded the late new Church of the Blacke Friers , and placed them therein . King Edward the first and Eleanor his wife were great benefactors thereunto . This was a large Church , and richly furnished with Ornaments : wherein divers Parliaments , and other great meetings have beene holden : Namely , in the yeere 1450. the 28. of Henry the sixth , a Parliament was begun at Westminster , and adjourned to the Blacke Friers in London , and from thence to Leycester . In the yeere 1522. the Emperour Charles the fifth was lodged there . In the yeere 1524. the fifteenth of April , a Parliament was begun at the Blacke Friers , wherein was demanded a Subsidy of 800000. pounds , to bee raised of goods and lands , 4. s. in every pound , and in the end was granted 2. s. of the pound , of their goods and lands , that were worth 20. pounds , or might dispend 20. l. by the yeere , and so upward , to be payed in two yeeres . This Parliament was adjourned to Westminster , amongst the blacke Monks , and ended in the Kings Palace there the 14. of August , at nine of the clocke in the night , and was therefore called the Blacke Parliament . In the yeer 1529. Cardinall Campeius the Legate , with Cardinall Woolsey , sate at the said Blacke Friers , where before them , as Legates and Iudges , was brought in question the Kings marriage with Queene Katharine , as to be unlawfull , before whom the King and Queen were cited and summoned to appeare , &c. whereof reade more at large in my Annals , as I have touched it . The same yeere , in the moneth of October , began a Parliament in the Blacke Friers , in the which Cardinall Woolsey was condemned in the Premunire : this house valued at 104. l. 15. s. 5. d. was surrendred the 12. of November , the 30. of Henry the eighth . There were buried in the ancient Church , Margaret , Queene of Scots . Hubert de Brugh , Earle of Kent , translated from their old Church , by Old Bourne . Robert de Attabeto , Earle of Bellimon . Dame Isabel , wife to Sir Roger Bygot , Earle Marshall . William and Iame Huse , children to Dame Illis , Countesse of Arundell , and by them lieth Dame Illis , daughter to the Earle Warren , and after Countesse of Arundell . Dame Ide , wife to Sir Walter daughter to the Lord Ferrers of Chartley . Richard de Brewes . Richard Strange , son to Robert Strange . Elizabeth , daughter to Sir Bartholomew Badlesmere , wife to Sir William Behan , Earle of Northampton . Marsh , The Earles of March and Hereford , and Elizabeth , Countesse of Arundell . Dame Ioan , daughter to S. Io. Carne , first wife to Sir Gwide Brian . Hugh Clare , Knight , 1295. The heart of Queene Heleanor the Foundresse . The heart of Alfence her son . The hearts of Iohn and Margaret , children to William Valence . Sir William Thorpe , Iustice . The Lord Lioth , of Ireland . Maude , wife to Geffrey Say , daughter to the Earle of Warwicke . Dame Sible , daughter to Wil. Pattehulle , wife to Roger Beauchampe , and by her Sir Richard or Roger Beauchampe . The Lord S. Amand , and Dame Elizabeth his wife , daughter to the Duke of Lancaster . Sir Stephen Collington , Knight . Sir William Peter , Knight . The Countesse of Huntington . Duchesse of Exceter , 1425. Sir Iohn Cornwall . Lord Fanhope died at Ampthill in Bedfordshire , and was buried here , 1443. Sir Iohn Triptofte . Earle of Worcester , beheaded , 1470. and by him in his Chappell , Iames Turchet . Lord Audley , beheaded , 1497. William Paston , and Anne , daughter to Edmond Lancaster . The Lord Beaumond . Sir Edmond Cornewall , Baron of Burford . The Lady Nevil , wedded to the Lord Dowglas , daughter to the duke of Exceter Richard Scrope , Esquire . Dame Katharine Vaux , alias Cobham . Sir Thomas Browne , and Dame Elizabeth his wife . Iane Powell . Thomas Swinforth . Iohn Mawsley , Esquire , 1432. Iohn de la Bere , Nicholas Eare , Geffrey Spring , William Clifford , Esquires . Sir Thomas Brandon , Knight of the Garter , 1509. William Stalworth , Merchant-Taylor , 1518. William Courtney , Earle of Devonshire , nominate , but not created , the third of Henry the eighth , &c. There is a Parish of St. Anne , within the Precinct of the Blacke Friers , which was pulled downe with the Friers Church , by sir Thomas Corden : but in the reigne of Queene Mary , hee being forced to finde a Church to the Inhabitants , allowed them a lodging Chamber above a staire , which since that time , to wit , in the yeere 1597. fell downe , and was againe ( by collection therefore made ) new builded and enlarged in the same yeere , and was dedicated on the eleventh of December . Here I thought good to insert the Copy of an ancient Record , concerning the Priviledges and Liberties ( in elder times ) granted to the said Blacke Friers , which happened to my hands by friendly information , and the originall thereof brought mee , as here Verbatim it followeth : Notes and Articles for maintenance of the ancient Liberties and Priviledges of the late dissolved Black Friers , neere Ludgate in London . 1. FIrst , it appeareth , that on the 25. day of November , 1484. Iohn Alforde , Shoomaker , dwelling within the Blacke Friers in London , was apprehended and put to death at Tyborne for Felony , Thomas Newland , alias Norland , and William Martin then being Sheriffes of London , who sought to have had the goods of the said Felon ; but the Prior of the said Blacke Friers withstood them , and possessed the same goods to the use of the Lord of S. Iohns , of whom the same Friers was then holden . 2. Item , The Lord of St. Iohns hath usually made the Bridge at the Thames , adjoyning to the said Friers , and not the City of London , &c. 3. Item , The Prior and Covent were incorporated by Act of Parliament , in the time of K. Hen. the 6. whereby they might prescribe , and did alwaies use & keep the Liberty inviolately , and cleerly exempted from the Citizens . 4. Item , The Precinct hath alwaies bin of such liberties , as that no man hath bin arrested within the same , by any of the Sheriffes Officers . And if at any time any Officers of the City hath taken upon him to execute within the foure Gates , hee was rescued by the Friers and Inhabitants of Antiquitie . 5. Item , At all times there hath dwelt within the Precinct divers and many persons not free , and yet they have used their occupations there , without controulement of the City and Citizens . 6. Item , Alwaies at sundry times ( of long continuance ) divers and many Carpenters , Masons , and such like , have bin sent out of the Countrey , and have wrought within the Precinct aforesaid ; which is not sufferable within the Liberties of the City , by their owne customes and ordinances . 7. Item , Vpon the view of any person slaine , the Coroner of the Verge did alwaies make enquiry thereof . And the Deodand is due to the Lord of Saint Iohns , and not to the City ; but now to the Queenes Highnesse due by law , equity , and good conscience , whose right and lawfull title the owners and inhabitants of the said exempted place and Precinct , doe seeke with their bodies & goods to defend and maintaine against all pretended title and claime of the Citizens . Notwithstanding divers of the said Precinct & Liberty have bin greatly vexed and troubled with often imprisonments within the Compters of the City . 8. Item , The inhabitants within the said Precinct were never charged to watch or ward , or to be within the compasse of any imposition ; such as the Citizens are used and accustomed unto by their lawes . 9. Item , In the time of K. Edw. the 6. sir Andrew Iude then being Maior , there was a Riot committed in the Blacke Friers , in the house of one Master Lucas , by one Crouchman of the City , and other persons with him . The force whereof was soone overswayed by Sir Thomas Saunders , and Sir Henry Ierningham , Knights , Master William Moore , Esquire , with other Gentlemen inhabiting in the said Friers . And the parties by pursuit were twice endighted in the Marshalsea court holden in Southwark : Sir Nicholas Hare then being Steward , and sitting at the doing thereof . After which time , the said Crouchman ( with other Confederates with him ) sought to endight the said Gentleman by an especiall Sessions in the said City . For stay whereof the Lords of the Kings Privie Councell , understanding the lewd practices of the said Crouchman and other , and that the Lord Maior had nothing to doe within the said Precinct ; wrote their letters unto the said Sir Andrew Iude , then Maior , willing him not to disturbe the said Gentlemen for the said fact , to the infringing of the Liberties of the said Friers : The said Sir Thomas Saunders , and Master William Moore being bearers of the said Letters to the said Lord Maior ; who upon deliberation , made answer to the said bearers by word of mouth , That forasmuch as there was a complaint made to him of a Riot committed within the City ; hee must needes ( within one moneth after ) enquire by Sessions of the same , which he said could not be prejudiciall unto them , being out of the Jurisdiction of the City : for that the same should be Non coram Iudice , and yet they discharged of the perill of the Statute . And so they proceeded with the said Letters notwithstanding : Whereupon , the said Sir Thomas , and Master William Moore , making report of their successe with the Maior to the Lords of the Councell ; they wrote e●tsoones other Letters to the said Maior , but of such force touching the premisses , which were also carried and delivered by the said Sir Thomas and Master Moore : Whereupon , the said Maior stayed from any further proceeding therein , or any other , &c. 10. Item , In Queen Mary her time , the Councell of the City put a Bill into the Parliament house , seeking by the same to have the Liberties of the said Friers , which Bill , with all their surmises , were so utterly rejected , that their Bill never came to the question , but was so suppressed , by argument openly in the same house . 11. Item , The Liberties granted to Master Cawarden , by Letters Patents of King Edward the sixth , the goods of Felons therein not granted , and so due to the Queenes Majesty , whose right and title the City hath not had , nor can bee suffered to enjoy , according to their seeking ; by the onely resistance of the said owners and inhabitants within the said Liberty and Precinct , clearly exempted from the City , by metes and bounds on every side . 12. Item , The said Precinct hath alwayes been shut up and kept by Wals and Gates , so as there was no egresse that way , but by licence of the Porters , who were maintained and placed by the owners of the said Friers , and Liberties of the same , by especiall and generall words , granted by Letters Patents under the great Seale of England , to divers owners and Free-holders there of the Queenes Majesty . And in especiall above all other , to Sir Thomas Cawarden , Knight , deceased , in his Letters Patents dated the 12. day of May , in the fourth yeere of King Edward the sixth ; in as large , ample and full manner , and with as many pithy and effectuall words , as ever was read or seene in any Patent , made for grant of Liberties of any place exempted , as by the same Patent more largely appeareth : The true copy whereof is annexed to these Articles , by the delivery of Master Moore , true owner of the most part of the said liberties . 13. Item , That Iames Norrice , Curate of S. Peters in Cornehill , being sometime one of the Friers , and Brethren of the Black Friers aforesaid , neere Ludgate in London , saith and affirmeth , That one Robert Struddell , late Prior of the said Friers , was by order of Law constrained to pave the high street adjoyning round about the channell wals , from the Flower-de-Lize towards the hill at Creed lane end . And a Cage at that time standing on that side the street , adjoyning to the foresaid wall , within the Parish of Saint Andrew , which Cage was plucked down by the said Prior , and not since set up again ; the Prior aforesaid saying ; Seeing they of the City cause mee to pave all this side of the street next my wall , they shall have no Cage of others standing on my ground , against mine owne wall : And so the City never builded Cage on that side after . 14. Item , Moreover , the said Master Norrioe saith , That the Liberties of the Blacke Friers in the said Priors dayes were such , that the Lord Maior of the City of London , nor the Sheriffes did arrest any man within the said Liberty for any thing , as free , as hee well remembreth in all his time . 15. Item , Hee remembreth , that foure Gates were shut in during the Friers time , by the commandement of the Prior. And one Father Seagar , being then Porter , appointed by the said late Prior , Robert Struddell , with others after him , at the appointment of other Priors then succeeding : And not by the Maior of London , nor any other . The saying of Thomas Vlverston , alias Wolverston , of Garlicke Hithe , Officer to the Vintners of London , and sometime a Frier of the Blacke Friers : Taken before mee Sir Thomas Saunders , Knight , the 30. day of May , Anno Domini , 1562. 16. ITem , He saith , he hath heard say many times among the Friers and others , that Master Peacocke of London , and his Predecessours , had never doore into the Blacke Friers out of his house ; but by fine and agreement , made for the same with the Prior of Blacke Friers , long before his time of remembrance . 17. Item , He saith , that the Porters of the Friers alwayes kept their foure Gates ( time out of minde ) by the appointment of the Prior and Covent , cleere exempted from the City . And when the Porters perceived any suspected persons or malefactors within the limits of the Friers ; they declared it to the Prior , who forthwith commanded them , to take the ayde of the honest Inhabitants within the Friers , to make search and watch for the apprehension of such lewd persons : which so found , were alwayes examined by Sir William Kingston , Knight , and other good men there inhabiting within the Friers , at the Porters desire , and not otherwise . 18. Item , Hee never heard , nor did know in all his time , any search or watch to bee made within the Precinct of the Friers , by any Watchman or Constable of the City , who could never come within any of the Friers Gates , but by the Porters licence of the same Friers . 19. Item , He saith , that the Prior and Covent did once pave the Streetes ( by his time ) from the Friers Turne-gate , unto the Flower-de-Lize , along by the VVall , to the Channell of the same Streete . But as for pulling downe of any Cage , he doth not well remember . 20. Item , He saith , if any Vagabond , or any Drunkard , or misordered person , were taken culpable within the Precinct of the Friers , they were alwayes punished in the Friers Stockes against the Church doore , by the Priors commandement ; and not by the Lord Maiors , or Sheriffes of London . 21. Item , Sir Iohn Portenary , Knight , inhabiting within the late Blacke Friers , neere Ludgate in London , about 30. yeeres past , doth well remember , That after the suppression of the said Blacke Friers , the Lord Maior of London would have entred into the said Blacke Friers , and claimed the Liberties of the said Blacke Friers . For the which , the Lord Cobham , the Lord Zanche , Sir Thomas Cheyney , Sir William Kingston , Sir Francis Brian , Knights , with many other VVorshipfull Gentlemen , then being Inhabitants within the Liberties and Precinct of the said late Blacke Friers , denied the Lord Maior and Citizens entrance , and would not permit nor suffer them , or any of them , to enter within the same . And shortly after , Sir Francis Brian , and Sir Thomas Cheyney , moved the Kings Majesty , then being King Henry the eighth ; how the said Maior and Citizens would have entred into the said Friers . And then the Kings Majesty said unto them these words following : Are not Wee as able to keepe our Priviledges and Liberties , as the Friers did keepe their Priviledges alwayes before time , free from the City . Whereupon , they all ( by one consent and agreement ) sent the said Lord Maior word of the Kings Majesty his answer and pleasure therein . Whereupon the Lord Maior and Aldermen were satisfied , and would no further proceed upon the Kings right and title of Liberties ; as then they promised and affirmed by the mouth of the Recorder , being sent by the Maior to the Worshipfull of the said Friers . And the said Sir Iohn Portenary further saith , That after the said Friers were supprest , the Lord Cromwell , Vicar Generall , caused to bee delivered unto the said Sir Iohn Portenary , the keyes of all the said Friers , safely to keepe from the said City , and to provide , that all within the said Liberty should bee in safety and safegard . The which keyes were afterward delivered by the said Sir Iohn Portenary , to the hands of Doctor Layton , and Doctor Wendie , they being Visitors there . For the which , the said Sir Iohn Portenary had a certaine reward payed unto him by the Lord North , then being Chancellour of the Augmentation Court. All which matter the said Sir Iohn Portenary will depose to bee most certaine and true , as hee will answer at the dreadfull day of Iudgement upon his soule . 22. Bee it in remembrance perpetuall for infallible truth , that one Alexander Avenon , being Sheriffe of London , and one other , being Alderman of the VVard of Faringdon infra , came and entred very stoutly into the Liberty of the Blacke Friers neere Ludgate , the fifteenth day of May , 1562. to carry away all the Hosiers and Taylors , to come to the Guild-Hall in London , according to the Queenes new Proclamation . Which Hosiers and Taylors denied to goe with the said Sheriffe , affirming and saying , That they had put in Bonds ( before their comming ) to the Lord Cobham , and to Sir Thomas Saunders , Knight , two of the Queenes Iustices of the Peace within the said Liberty ( being within the Verge , and exempted from the City of London ) according to the Queenes Proclamation . And thereupon , one Iohn Bradford , being Constable of the same exempted place , and within the Liberty of the said Queenes Verge ; caused the foure Porters of the said Friers , to shut all the Gates ; which being perceived by the said Sheriffe and Alderman ; the said Sheriffe commanded the Gates to bee opened ; whereunto the said Constable of the Friers said , That they should not be opened , before the Iustices pleasures of the Friers were knowne . And then the Sheriffe of London said , That hee was of greater authority than the Iustices were . The Constable affirming him so to bee within the City of London , but not within the Precinct of the Liberty of the Black Friers . For the Constable said , that he had greater power & authority there than the Sheriffe had . Which being heard , and scant well digested by them ; fearing further inconvenience to arise thereupon ( as by sudden changing of the grieved countenance was plainly declared ) the said Sheriffe and Alderman ( with gentle language ) desired the Constable to open the Gates quietly , and suffer them to passe thence . VVhich hee did at their gentle request and entreaty : And so they departed out of the Liberty of the Blacke Friers , by the Porters commandement , and gave to the Porters for opening the Gates money . People of Saint Martins , as well Strangers as other ( in the open high Streete ) marvelling and wondering at the said Sheriffes and Aldermans inclosure within the said Friers Gates : On the morrow after , being the sixteenth day of May , 1562. one Hardford being Constable of Saint Martins Parish within Ludgate , in the high Streete there , tooke one Tretheru , a Hosier and Taylor , dwelling in the said Friers , and carried him to the Lord Maior of London . Who by and by ( without delay , or any further speech ) commanded the said Gilbert to the Counter in London . Whereupon , the said Sir Thomas Saunders , as one of the Iustices of the said Liberty , went to the Earle of Arundell , Lord Steward to the Queenes most honourable Houshold , declaring the whole circumstance of the said Sheriffe and Aldermans enterprise . And obtained a token to the Lord Maior , no further to enter the said Liberty within the Verge ; untill by Law , or the Privie Councels judgement , the question moved were determined , concerning the infringing of the said ancient Liberty . All this was spoken in the presence of Peter Baugh , Lewes Rawbone , and divers other Strangers . In witnesse and probatior whereof , the said Sir Thomas hath subscribed his name , with divers other here-under written , which were present . 23. Be it had in perpetuall memory , for a continuall perfect declaration of the truth , whereunto all matters of variance and controversie should be referred and advanced ; and not the sparkes of troth to be hidden ( as a Candle , bearing perfect light , under a Bushell ) and so washed away in the flowing waters of unmindfull oblivion , which ( amongst all good Christian men ) is at all times , and in all ages to be rejected , and not to be imbraced ; but rather to be buried in the bottome of the earth , never to rise againe . In consideration whereof , by these presents , it is for an infallible truth , to be holden with all men , which shall heare or see this present writing : That Robert Flower , Taylor and Hosier , dwelling within the Precinct and liberties of the late Blacke Friers , neere Ludgate in London ; was by order and commandement of the whole Bench or Aldermen , committed into one of the Compters of London , the 20. day of May , 1502. For that the same Robert Flower refused to be bound ( acording to order taken ) from the making of monstrous great Hosen , according to the Queens gracious Proclamation in that behalfe : Because the said Robert Flower had ( amongst other persons ) put in Bonds before the Honorable Warden of the Five Ports , and Sir Thomas Saunders , Knight , Justices within the Liberty of the Queenes Verge . After which reveiled and knowne to the Honourable Earle of Arundell , Lord Steward of the Queenes most Honourable Houshold , who caused the Knight Marshall to goe to the said Lord Maior , requiring the deliverance of the said prisoner . The Lord Maior ( being sickly ) made answer , that he knew nothing thereof ; but desired him to speake with Master Recorder : who made answer , that the said imprisonment was done by the whole Bench of Aldermen , and he ( as one particular person ) could not deliver the prisoner , untill the next Court day , which could not be till two dayes after , to the great charges and hinderance of the said prisoner . Whereupon the Lord Steward sent for Master Cholmeley , he being then Recorder of London , and commanded him to deliver the prisoner ; or else he would imprison the Maior of London , and the said Recorder , and the fattest Alderman in the Citie , which hee could get within the Verge : And declared , that the Queenes Liberties and Franchises should not bee overcome by the Lord Maior and Bench of Aldermen , so long as he was Officer : with many other words against the Citizens , which were too long to write . Adding further , that the Maior did not meddle with Saint Martins , being within the Citie , and a parcel of Westminster Deanry ; much lesse should he meddle with the said liberty of the Friers , bounded out by walls and gates from the City , being in the County of Middlesex , and not within the Citie . And so commanded the Recorder to send home the prisoner into the liberty presently : which was so done accordingly : Promising , that if the L. Maior could declare or shew any good Title , whereby to breake the Liberty , the Queenes learned Councell should answer him and them therein . And then the Recorder said , he never heard before that time , that the Lord Steward did claime the precinct of the said Black Friers , to be within the liberty of the Queenes Verge : Out of which Jurisdiction the Citie of London is exempted by the Statute of 32. Hen. 8. Cap. 2. Vnder colour of which Statute , the Maior would bring the said Friers to be in London ; which in all the Friers time was freely exempted . All the which matter was debated in the presence of Sir Thomas Saunders , Knight ; Master Robert Hopton , one of the Knight Marshals , and Mr. Bromeley , under Steward of the Marshalsea , the day and yeere above-written . 24. Item , That in Queene Maries time , or King Edwards time , her Brother , there was a man slaine within the said precinct of the Blacke Friers : and the goods of him that was supposed to doe the deed , were stayed within the said Friers , and an Inventory taken by the next Justice of Peace within the Verge , Roger Cholmeley , Knight , by the commandement of Sir Thomas Cheney , Knight ; and afterward one Master Garrard and the Recorder of London , came unto the said Sir Thomas Cheney's house within the same precinct , and would have made an Inventory of the goods of the partie offender aforesaid , now deceased . But the said Sir Thomas Cheyney would not permit nor suffer them so to doe ; for that hee had made stay of the same goods for the Queene before , if it were lawfully found that the said partie had slaine the man dead . Which afterward was otherwise found by a Quest of twelve men , sitting super visum corporis of the dead , by the Coroner of the Verge within the said Liberty : where the Maior of London and Bench of Aldermen have not to doe , nor intermit with the Inhabitants therein : Because the whole Friers liberties , and franchises of the same , were freely given unto King Henry the eighth , by Act of Parliament : whereby the Lord Maior of London , and Bench of Aldermen are cleerely barred and secluded from the Friers Liberties , and the inhabitants thereof franchised , and cleane exempted from all the Citizens , and their impositions or other taxations . The true Copie of the Vicar of Bromleys Letter in Kent , sent to Master Thomas Walsingham of Scadborough in the said County , Esquire : who sent the same Letter to Sir Tho. Saunders , Knight , he being also one of the Queenes Iustices of the Peace in the said Countie ; to examine the severall particulars therein , concerning the libertie of the said Friers , &c. RIght Worshipfull ; you shal understand that I have received your kinde Letter ; according whereunto , these are to satisfie your minde ; That I was dwelling in the Blacke Friers foure or five yeeres , and came thither from Oxford , where I had beene a Student of Divinity . I was also Curate of the Parish within the Blacke Friers , called Saint Agnes . Wee had within us a Porter , who did shut all the Gates every night ; at nine of the clocke in the Winter , and at ten of the clocke in the Summer . No Sheriffe , Bailiffe or Constable , nor yet the Maior of London , tooke interest there at any time , nor forreine porters had to doe within our Priviledge : And the Friers did pave both within the Turn-gate and without , unto Saint Andrews Church , downe by the great Garden wall : And without the Turne-gate there was a Cage , pulled downe by my time , which was set up by the Lord Maior of London . The inhabitants within the Friers never watched , neither the Constable of Saint Martins Parish warned any watch there , neither came within the Gates , after the houre appointed at any time . The Sheriffes of London had no Felons goods there , neither did arrest any person within the Precinct of the house . As for Bakers and Brewers that belonged to the house , they be dead . There is one Iames Norrice , Curate , alive , who was brought up in the house , and dwelling at Saint Michaels in Cornehill , he can give you further instructions : whether there be any more living , I know not . The fatall VESPER , or dismall EVENSONG , happening at the Blacke Friers on Sunday in the afternoone , it being the 26. day of October . 1623. THere were upon that day , being dedicated to the service of God , assembled together in the Black Friers neere the French Embassadours house in ordinary , above three hundred persons of sundry Nations , as English , Scottish , Welch , and Irish , to heare a Sermon , & after that to celebrate Evensong , according to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Romish Church . Of which number it is certainly knowne and confidently reported , that about the number of threescore of them , had that morning both confessed themselves , and received the Sacrament , according to the order of the Romish Church . Hee that was to supply that exercise for the present , was Father Drury , a Iesuite by profession , and by birth a Gentleman , being extracted out of the house of the Norfolcian Druries , and sonne unto Doctor Drury , late professor of the Civill Law , and practiser thereof in the Court of the Arches here in London . Hee was by those of the Romish religion reputed to bee a man of great learning , as having studied many yeeres beyond the Sea , with much approbation and allowance of his Superiours . And although he were opposite in point of faith and beliefe unto the Religion now professed in England , yet was he held by the generality of our Nation , both Protestants and Papists , who knew him , and could make a true estimate of his vertues and vices by the outward circumstance and appearance of his actions , to bee a man of a good moralllife , and of a plausible and laudable conversation . So that in respect of these indowments , there could nothing have been desired more by us of the Reformed Church , than that hee had not beene a Papist , but a member of our Church , Religion , and Profession . All the day before , which was the last that ever his eyes beheld , he was observed to be wondrous sad and pensive , contrary unto his wonted humour and disposition , hee being a man of a free , merry and affable conversation , as though that some spirit of prediction had foretold him of that fatall disaster , which was at hand . Thus wee reade of Caesar , that hee was possessed with a strange and unwonted sadnesse that morning when hee entred into the Senate house , where he was stabbed to death by the Senators . And so was that Assassine Cass●● much perplexed and troubled in minde before that mortall and bloudy battell of Pharsalia . By meanes of which affection , Father Drurie finding an indisposition in himselfe , hee would ( if with his reputation hee could ) have made a retraction of his promise , and a demurre of the intended exercise . But being prest on by divers of his friends , who told him that the Audience was great , and their expectation farre greater , hee did then againe resolve to goe forward with the enterprise . The place wherein this Congregation was assembled , was not the French Ambassadours Chappell , according as the first report went currant ; for that was reserved for the use of himselfe and his family , to celebrate their Even-song after their owne manner and custome , but it was a Chamber neere unto the gate , some three stories high , being some threescore foot long , and twenty foot broad , or thereabouts . The wals were not made of Lome , composed of Laths and Rafters , and covered over with Clay and Lime , as some at first reported : but were of Brick and Stone , which are held by all Architects to bee the strongest and the surest building . But howsoever , a Gentlewoman of a noble house , and of a quicke and judicious spirit , who was then present , and had taken a curious view of the pressing multitude of the people , which was at length their owne oppression , and of the unfitnesse and uncapacity of the place besides , told him , That shee thought it would prove an action full of danger , if he should offer to preach in that place respectively in respect of the premises . But he being led on by a divine and fatall necessity , which blinds the judgement of the wise men of this world , he told her that he did meane as then to preach , and to goe forward with the greatest expedition he could , with his intended Sermon . For the accomplishment of which designe , the Father predicant being clad in those robes and ornaments which are used by those of his Order , being a Iesuit , having a Surplice girt about his middle with a linnen girdle , a red Cap with a white one underneath , turned up about the brimmes of his Cap , and his other accoutrements belonging , which the Ignatian Orders have imposed upon them : and being placed in a Chaire about the middest of the roome , which Chaire was raised up something higher than the ordinary levell of the floore : hee crossing himselfe with the signe of the Crosse , and having ended some private prayers , accommodated himselfe to his Text , between three and foure of the clocke in the afternoone of the foresaid Sunday . The words of the Text were part of the Gospel appointed for the present day , according to the order and instruction of the Church of Rome , being their fifth of November , which account is thought to bee the truest by the Romane Catholikes , and begins ten dayes before that of England . The Gospel was written in the eighteenth Chapter of St. Matthewes Gospel , and delivered unto us by the holy Spirit , in these words : Therefore is the Kingdome of Heaven likened unto a certaine man that was a King , which would take account of his servants . And when hee had begun to reckon , one was brought unto him which ought him ten thousand Talents . But forasmuch as hee was not able to pay , his Lord commanded him to be sold , and his wife and children , and all that he had , and payment to be made . The servant fell downe and besought him , saying : Sir , have patience with mee and I will pay thee all . Then had the Lord pity of that servant , and loosed him , and forgave him the debt . So the same servant went out , and found one of his fellowes which ought him an hundred pence : And he laid hands on him , and tooke him by the throat , saying : Pay that thou owest . And his fellow fell downe and besought him , saying : Have patience with mee and I will pay thee all . And he would not , but he went out and cast him into prison , till hee should pay the debt . So when his fellowes went and saw what was done , they were very sorry , and came and told their Master all that happened . Then his Lord called him and sayd unto him : O thou ungracious servant , I forgave thee all that debt thou desiredst mee , shouldest not thou also have had compassion on thy fellow , even as I had pity on thee , & c ? The words which he insisted especially upon , were these : * O thou ungracious servant , I forgave thee all the debt thou oughtest mee , shouldest not thou also have had compassion on thy fellow , even as I had pity on thee ? Vpon which subject discoursing with much vehemency , and implying out of it the infinite mercy and goodnesse of God , whereby he doth not onely give us all that wee have , but forgives us all our trespasses and offences , bee they never so deeply stayned with the scarlet dye and tincture of our guiltinesse : which mercifull act of God is paraboliz'd unto us by a certain man that was a King , who tooke account of his servants , and after much intreaty and submission , forgave one ten thousand Talents , which he ought him . And also dilating by way of blame and reprehension of the ungratefull and unrelenting heart of man , who doth not forgive trespasses as God doth forgive him ; but out of his swelling and malignant humour , writes benefits in the sand , and injuries in marble , which uncharitablenesse of theirs is intimated in the Parable by the ungracious servant , who would not forgive his fellow a small debt , although his Master had forgiven him one of a farre greater value . Moreover , upon the application of these words , hee did inveigh with much bitternesse , as some give out ( but I know not how truly ) against the manners and doctrine of the Protestants . But having proceeded thus farre , loe what a sudden and unexpected accident fell out . The Sermon inclining towards the middest , and the day declining towards an end , it being almost foure of the clocke in the afternoone , the multitude and crowde of the assembly breaking downe with their over-bearing weight the beames and side-timbers wherewith this roome was supported , they fell downe into the next Chamber , the floore whereof being broken downe also with the descending weight of them and the ruines , they fell at last upon the lowest Chamber of the edifice , where some of them perished , some were hurted and maymed , othersome were free from all hurt and danger except of that which the present fright and terror did impose upon them , and those were they especially who fell not at all , but remained in one angle or corner of the Chamber , which was free from falling . Which persons beeing thought to be betweene twenty and thirty in number , as I heard by one , who was one of them , perplexed and frighted thus as they were , by consideration of that most fearefull danger , whereinto they had seene their fellowes and brethren to fall , who did lift up their hands for helpe , and beat their breasts for life , whereof they then were spectators ; and being doubtfull that they should be Actors with them presently in that Scene of their calamity ; the place being weake , tottering and unassured , for this cause feare and necessity giving motion and strength unto their armes , they opened with their Knives a Lome wall , which parted that roome and a Chamber belonging to the Ambassadours Lodging . By which meanes , after much difficulty and labour , they got their passage , and live as yet to glorifie God for their deliverance . Presently upon the report of the fall and cry , divers persons of all sorts resorted unto the place , some out of charity , to helpe those that were thus distressed ; for which cause they brought Spades , Pickaxes , and other instruments fit for that purpose ; others out of meere curiosity came thither , to see this wonderfull event , and this object so full of admiration . Where , after the guards were set upon all the Advenues and passages leading into the Blacke Friers , and from thence into the Ambassadours house , by the direction and command of Sergeant Finch , Recorder of the Citie , who was exceeding carefull that my Lord Ambassadour and his servants should not suffer any detriment in their goods or persons , being jealous in this point of the Kings , his owne , and the Cities honour : and matters being thus disposed for the safety and assurance of the strangers , after they had broken downe a wall , and opened some doores , they fell to worke upon the ruines it selfe , with all possible diligence and dexterity : where at the opening of every boord , planke , and peece of Timber , there were objects which presented themselves full of horrour and confusion . Here you might have seene a man shaking of his legges , and striving for life : There you might have seene another , putting forth his bloudy hands , and crying for helpe : Here you might have seene one like some spectre , thrusting out his head out of the grave : There you might have seene his fellow halfe dead and halfe living , intomb'd in that grave which he was not long to keepe . Here you might have seene the living thus pressed , as they were mourning for the dead ; and there the dead senselesse , as they were imbracing of the living . So that since the Sicilian Vespers , there was never an Evensong more dolorous vnto the French , nor more lamentable unto the Scots and English . The Count of Tillier , who was Ambassadour here in ordinary for the most Christian King , which place hee hath executed with great dignity and authority for many yeeres together , to the generall liking and applause of both Nations , although he was fortunate in this , that not one of his retinue perished , was much agreeved with this unluckie accident , with whom the Spanish Delegates did condole , as by mutuall reference feeling that griefe , which fellow-feeling had made their owne . Moreover , it was reported by one who had good intelligence in Elie house , that Don Carlos Colom's Steward should say , that his Master would not for a million of gold , this accident should have falne out in his or Exeter house . A report like enough to be beleeved of those , who know how strangely zealous this Nation is in their Religion , and how jealous they are besides of their owne , their Kings , and of their Countries honour . Neither were the sorrows meaner amongst the naturals of this Kingdome , and the inhabitants of the Citie of London . So that here some men lost their wives , women their husbands , parents their children , children their parents , masters their servants , and one friend lamented the losse of another . So that Rachel was weeping for her children because they were not . Iob was lamenting for his sonnes and daughters , because they were slaine together by the downefall of an house , whilest they were eating of their last banquet . Insomuch that the streets did eccho with their dolorous moanes , the wals and houses did resound with their cries and lamentations . The subsequent night was so full of horrour unto many , that it may bee truely said of it , as was said of another dismall night in the like kind : Quis cladem illius noct is , quis funera fando Explicit ? aut potis est lachrymis aequare dolorem ? When the bodies were drawn forth of those heapes of earth and timber , which taske of charity they were accomplishing all that night , and part of the next day following , they were found to be 95. persons , or therabout , of divers cōditions , besides those who were bruised , maim'd or wounded . Amongst whom were divers persons of worth and qualitie : as Father Drurie , who was the Preacher ; Father Redyate , in whose lodging this calamity befell ; the Lady Web , descended of the Family of the Treshams , and sister unto my La. Morley , & my La. Sturton , and many moe besides of that weaker sexe , who then and there were assembled at their accustomed devotions . Yet were there many who were in that unfortunate downefall , which escaped the danger strangely and wonderfully . Amongst whom was Mistris Lucie Penruddocke , extracted from a worthy and Noble Family , who fell betweene the Lady Webbe and her owne maid-servant , both of which perished , yet she was preserved alive , by meanes of a Chaire which fell hollow upon her , and sheltered her from further danger . So was yong Mistris Webbe , daughter to my Lady Webbe , who fell neere unto her mother , and Elenor Sanders , who was covered , with many others , whose lives were saved within the heapes of these blood-guilty ruines . There was also a Minister , whose name I cannot learne , and therefore although he survives this misfortune , it must be buried as yet in silence , who being present at the Sermon , as being invited by some Romish Catholike to that exercise ; who also gave him the conduct unto the place ; hee fell with the rest of the multitude assembled there together ; and being covered with the rubbish , boords , and other timbers , which fell upon him from the higher roomes , and prest with the weight of divers persons besides , whereof some were dead , and some were living : being in this agonie , which his present paine , and the feare of death , in his own judgement even hanging over his head , did impose ( and that not without just cause ) upon him ; being ( I say ) thus distressed , and striving under those heaps & ruines for life , the hope whereof , in respect of the premised impediments , had almost forsaken him ; one of the French Ambassadours Gentlemen , hearing the noise and report of this great and dismal fall , suddenly ( as hee could ) opened a doore , which gave entrance into that chamber , upon the floore whereof , the heapes and ruines , together with the oppressed multitude , as then lay . Who perceiving light by the doore then opened , the place before being covered over with darknesse , he strove with all the strength and agilicy he could , which in him was not meane , he being a man of a very strong and able body , and at last , after the losse of his cloke and renting of his clothes , hee recovered himselfe , without any further hurt . Which the Gentleman perceiving , came and demanded of him , whether or no hee were hurt , or that he stood in need of any thing that might doe him service , or procure him comfort . But he being almost exanimated and astonisht , could not at first apprehend those courteous proffers which were tendred unto him by this stranger , who presently went and brought him into a Chamber ; where after he had sate a while , and refreshed himselfe with wine , which was brought unto him ; and having thus recovered his strength and spirits , hee returned to the foresaid place againe , and used his best endevours for the releeving of others from that calamity , whereof but even now he was a fellow-sufferer . His man who attended on him , was recovered amongst the rest , hee being something bruised and hurt in the arme . Moreover , there was a yong girle , about the age of ten yeeres , as is supposed , ( when this Minister , out of his charitable and commiserating disposition , was labouring for the safety and preservation of them , whose necessities did then require it ) came crying unto him , and said , O my Mother , O my Sister , which are downe under the timber and rubbish . But he wisht her to be patient for a time , and by Gods grace they should get forth quickly . Vpon which speech the child replyed presently , that howsoever this accident would prove a great scandall to their Religion . A speech which is worth admiration in all men , as this Relator did truely admire it , that a childe of so tender yeeres , wherein amongst the most towardliest , there is scarce ability to discerne betweene good and evill , should next unto that griefe , which the danger of her mother and sister did inflict upon her , lament for nothing more than for the scandall which their cause was like to suffer by the disaster . It was reported also that many more were drawne out alive the next morning : but I will not stand too much upon the justification of this report , lest I should seeme to bee too credulous of those things , which are contrary to the rules of reason and nature . The day following , which was Munday , and the Eve of Simon and Iude , there was great care had for viewing the place , and for buriall of the dead . For this cause the Recorder and Sheriffes , about one of the clocke in the afternoone , met at the French Ambassadors house , having first shut up Ludgate , to prevent the throng and resort of the people , which was exceeding great and turbulent in those places : and then having doubled their guards upon every Port and passage , and given expresse charge unto the warders , upon paine of their displeasure and punishment , that no man should enter in without theirs , or the Coroners Warrant , they fell at length to consult about the businesse , and after mature consideration , concluded , that this dolefull accident fell out , not by any indirect practise or conspiracie ( as was by some maliciously reported ) but that those fourescore and odde persons fell by meanes of their owne weight , and the weaknesse of those timbers which did support the Chamber . The Iurie having thus brought in their verdict , they disposed presently for the buriall of the dead , some of whom were carried by their friends unto Churches , farre remote , there to receive their due obsequies ; others were buried in the same place , & those were of the meanest ranke , whereof some twenty , or thereabout , were laid in one Sepulcher , having a common grave , as they had a common death and downefall . The conjectures concerning this event were divers : For some gave out , that it was the just punishment and vengeance of God inflicted upon thē for their Idolatry . Moreover , there were divers doubting spirits amongst the Romane Catholikes , who thought that this was some conspiracie of the Protestants . But if the building had beene demolished and overthrown by their indirect & treacherous means , it must have been done either by blowing it up with Gunpowder , by sapping away the earth from the foundation , by undermining it , or by cutting off , or taking away those supporters and pillars , upon whom the frame and machine of the building was grounded . All which were found to bee false , upon most diligent search and inquirie made in that behalfe . But that which carried apparent appearance of truth , and that which the Protestants and Papists did allow , who were of the more milder , temperate , and sounder judgement , was thus : That this disaster hapned not by means of any divine miracle , or humane malice ; but by the defect and weaknes of the place , into which such a multitude were crowded and assembled together , the judgement of God concurring therewithall . The Society of the Jesuites did suffer much , in losing the persons of Father Drurie and Father Redyate . And divers persons of both Religions , but especially the Priests , who are men of as great care and vigilancie , but of a farre greater moderation , did taxe and blame them , for that they brought their flocke into a place of no greater safety or assurance ; and besides , because their conventicle and meeting was so publike , there being divers Protestants assembled at it , some of whom were reported to have a share in this calamity , and the times as yet not serving for such assemblies , the Kings pardon being not yet published , which was granted , as they say to all the Romane Catholikes of these Kingdomes . But whatsoever thou be , Protestant or Papist , that doth see this mournfull object , judge not , lest thou bee judged . Neither thinke thou , that those 18. men , upon whom the Tower of Silom fell , or those persons whose blood Pilate mingled with their sacrifice , were more grievous sinners than all the rest of the children of Israel ; or that these who perished thus together , were more notorious offenders than all the rest of their brethren and Religion : for assure thy selfe , that except thou repent , thou also shalt perish . And this repentance of thine must not be propter scandalum mundi , for the scandall and offence of the world , for so did Saul repent , when out of a foolish and State-spoiling pitie , he had spared Agag the cursed Tirant of Amalecke ; and but of a faire yet foule pretence , had spared the fairest of the Cattell for sacrifice : for being rebuked by the Prophet Samuel , he doth repent , and desires him to honour him in the sight of the Elders , and to turne unto him , and he would turne unto the Lord his God. Neither must it be propter poenam peccati , for their punishment , that is due unto sinne ; for so did Ahab repent , when hee was reprooved by Elias for killing of Naboth , and detaining of his Vineyard , he rent his clothes , and girded himselfe in sack-cloath , as the Text hath it : But after that the fright and terrour of Gods must terrible sentence was worne out of his minde , and the custome of sinne began to prevaile againe , he sold himselfe to commit such abominations , the like whereof were never committed in Israel . But our repentance must be propter reatum peccati , for the guilt of sinne , as sinne is a breach of the Law , and a transgression of Gods Commandement . Quae sic dolet commissa , ut non doleat committenda : Which repentance doth grieve for sinnes committed , as though it meant to commit no more ; and mourne for offences past , as though it did meane to passe over no more . We must take Repentance as Iob did , in dust and ashes . Being dust , we must take it in dust ; and being ashes , we must take it in ashes . Our transgressions in this Kingdome and in this Citie have beene most grievous , therefore our contrition should bee eminent and exemplar . Our pride hath made us , with Lucifer , to superbire & superire , to looke over our selves , not into our selves , and to esteeme our selves like unto God , when we are scarce men . Neither is this pride simplex peccatum , a single and simple sinne , but it drawes after it excesse and riot , as it were , with a cart-rope : unto which luxurie of ours , neither Persian nor Romane were equall . After which follow fornications and adulteries , which are so frequent in this place , that in vaine may we speake of the Bordellas of Rome , or the Stewes of Venice , since the Suburbs of this sinfull Citie , are as bad as the Suburraes of Rome or Venice . Moreover , our drunkennesse is such , that although our eyes looke red , and our hearts are as fat as brawn with drinking of Wine , yet , we rise up early to drinke strong drinke : which when it hath inflamed our blood and spirits , we are ready , with Lot , to fall into all pollution and uncleannesse . And last of all , wee are so uncharitable , so stony-hearted and close-fisted , that wee may bee fitly compared unto lumps of clay , tempered with blood , although we are statues of flint , without the blood or life of charity . For this cause , repent , ô England , repent , ô London ; repent Protestants , repent Papists , for your transgressions and offences : repent , repent ; for by these wonderfull signes and tokens , it doth appeare most cleerely , that the Kingdome of Heaven is at hand . A Note of such persons as were slaine , by the fall of the Roome wherein they were , in the Blacke Friers , at Father Druries Sermon , Octob. the 26. 1623. MAster Drurie the Priest . Mr. Redyate the Priest . Lady Webbe . Lady Blackstones Daughter . Thomas Webbe , her man. William Robinson , Taylor . Robert Smith , Master Hicks man the Apothecarie . Mr. Davisons Daughter . Anthony Hall his man. Anne Hobdin , Mary Hobdin , lodging in Mr. Davisons house . Iohn Galloway , Vintner . Mr. Peirson , his wife , two sonnes In Robin-hood Court in Shoo-lane . Mistris Vudall . Abigal her maid . Two more in her house . Iohn Netlan , a Taylor . Nathaniel Coales . Iohn Halifaxe . Mistris Rugbie in Holborne . Iohn Worrals sonne in Holborne . Master Becket , a Cornish man. Thomas Mersit , his wife and his sonne and maid , in Mountague Close . Mistris Summel , and Mary her Maid , in Blacke Friers . Andrew whites daughter in Holborn . Mr. Staker , Taylor in Salisbury court . Elizab. Sommers , in Grayes Inne lane . Mr. Westwood . Iudeth Bellowes . A man of Sir Lues Pembertons . Elizabeth Moore , widdow . Iohn Iames. Morris Beucresse , Apothecarie . Davie Vaughan . Anne Field . Mr. Ployden . Robert Heifime . One Medalfe . Mr. Maufield . Mr. Simons . Dorothy Simons . Thomas Simons , a Boy . Robert Pauerkes . Anne Davison . Anthony Hall. Mistris Morton and her Maid . Francis Downes . Edmond Shey . I●sua Perry . Iohn Tullye . Robert Drury . Thomas Draper . Iohn Staiggs . Thomas Elis. Michael Butler in Woodstreet . Edmund Rivals . Edmund Welsh . Bartholomew Bauin . Davie , an Irishman . Richard Price . Thomas Wood. Christopher Hobbs . Elizabeth Astime . Iohn Butler . Clarentia , a Maid . Iane Turner . Mistris Milbourne . Frithwith Anne . Mistris Elton . Mistris Walsteed . Margaret Barrom . Henry Becket . Sarah Watsonne . Iohn Bethoms . Master Harris . Mistris Tompson . Richard Fitguift . George Ceaustour . Master Grimes . One Barbaret , One Hucble , VValter Ward , Rigaret . enquired for . Iohn Brabant , a Painter in Little Brittaine . A man-servant of Master Buckets , a Painter in Aldersgate street . Now to turne againe to the Blacke Friers , through Bowyer Row , Ave Mary lane , and Pater noster Row , to the Church of Saint Michael ad Bladum , or at the Corne , ( corruptly , at the Querne ) so called , because in place thereof , was sometime a Corne-Market , stretching up West to the Shambles . It seemeth that this Church was new builded , about the reigne of Edward the third . Thomas Newton , first Parson there , was buried in the Quire , in the yeere 1461. At the East end of this Church stood a Crosse , called the Old Crosse in VVest Cheape , which was taken downe in the yeere 1390. since the which time , the said Parish Church was also taken downe ; but new builded and enlarged , in the yeere 1430. the eighth of Henry the 6. VVilliam Eastfield , Maior , and the Communalty , granted of the common ground of the Citie , three foot and an halfe in breadth on the North part , and foure foot in breadth toward the East , for the inlarging thereof . This is now a proper Church , and hath the Monuments of Thomas Newton , first Parson . Roger VVoodcocke , Harter , 1475. Thomas Russell , Brewer , 1473. Iohn Hulton , Stationer , 1475. Iohn Oxney . Roger North , Merchant , Haberdasher , 1509. Iohn Leyland , the famous Antiquary . Henry Prannell , Vintner , one of the Sheriffes , 1558. Wil. Elkin , one of the Sheriffs , 1586. Thomas Bankes , Barber-Chir●rgeon , 1598. Here lyeth buried the body of Henry Prannell , late Citizen and Alderman of London , and free of the Vintners , who deceased the 22. day of October , Ann. Dom. 1589. Anno aetatis suae , 58. He had to wife Anne , the daughter of Edmond Baxtar , and had issue by her , three sonnes and one daughter . Here lyeth the body of William Elkin , Mercer , late Citizen and Alderman of London , who deceased the last day of October , 1593. Anno aetatis suae , 70. who tooke to wife Alice Robinson , the Daughter of Thomas Wilkes , by whom he had issue one daughter , named Vrsula . Thomas Bankes , Barber Chirurgeon , Deputie of this Ward , who had to wife Joan Laurence , by whom he had issue seven sonnes and ten daughters . Iohn Mundham had a Chauntry there in the fourth of Edward the second . At the East end of this Church , in place of the old Crosse , is now a water-Conduit placed ; William Eastfield , Maior , the ninth of Henry the sixth , at the request of divers Common-Councels , granted it to be : whereupon , in the 19. of the same Henry , 1000. Markes was granted by a Common Councell , towards the workes of this Conduit , and the reparations of other : this is called the Little Conduit in West Cheap , by Pauls gate . At the West end of this Parish Church , is a small passage for people on foot thorow the same Church , and West from the said Church , some distance , is another passage out of Pater noster row , and is called ( of such a signe ) Panyer Alley , which commeth out into the North , over against Saint Martins Lane. Next is Ivie Lane , so called of Ivie growing on the walls of the Prebends houses , but now the Lane is replenished on both the sides with faire houses , and divers Offices have beene there kept , by Registers , namely , for the Prerogative Court of the Archbishop of Canturbury , the Probate of Wils , which is now removed into Warwicke lane , and also for the Lord Treasurers Remembrance of the Exchequer , &c. This Lane runneth North , to the West end of Saint Nicholas Shambles . Of old time there was one great house , sometimes belonging to the Earles of Britaine , since that , to the Lovels , and was called Lovels Inne : for Matild , wife to Iohn Lovell , held it in the first of Henry the sixth . Then is Eldenese Lane , which stretcheth North to the high street of Newgate Market , the same is now called Warwick lane , of an ancient house there builded by an Earle of Warwicke , and was since called Warwicke Inne . It is in Record called a Messuage in Eldenese Lane , in the Parish of S. Sepulchre , the 28. of Henry the sixth . Cicilie , Duchesse of Warwicke , possessed it . Now againe , from the Conduit by Pauls gate , on the North side is a large street , running West to Newgate , the first part whereof , from the Conduit to the Shambles , ( of selling Bladders there ) called Bladder street . Then behind the Butchers shops bee now divers slaughter-houses inward , and Tipling-houses outward . This is called Mount-goddard street , of the Tippling-houses there , and the Goddards mounting from the Tappe to the Table , from the Table to the mouth , and sometimes over the head . This street goeth up to the North end of Ivie lane . Before this Mount-goddard street , Stall-Boords were of old time set up by the Butchers , to shew and to sell their Flesh meat upon ; over the which Stall-Boords , they first builded sheds , to keepe off the weather : but since that ( incroching by little and little ) they have made their Stall-boords and Sheds , faire houses , meet for the principall Shambles . Next is Newgate market , first of Corne and Meale , and then of other Victuals , which stretcheth almost to Eldenese lane . A faire new and strong Frame of Timber , covered with Lead , was therefore set up at the charges of the Citie , neere to the West corner of S. Nicholas Shambles , for the Meale to bee weighed , in the first of Edward the sixth ; Sir Iohn Gresham being then Maior . On this side the north corner of Eldenese lane , stood sometime a proper Parish Church of S. Ewine , as is before said , given by Henry the eighth towards the erecting of Christs Church : It was taken downe , and in place thereof , a faire strong frame of Timber erected , wherein dwell men of divers Trades . And from this frame , to Newgate , is all of this Ward : and so an end thereof . It hath an Alderman , his Deputy , Common Counsell , twelve ; Constables , seventeene ; Scavengers , eighteen ; Wardmote Inquest , eighteene , and a Beadle : and is taxed to the Fifteene , fifty pounds . BREADSTREET VVARD . BReadstreet ward beginneth in the high street of West Cheape , to wit , on the South side , from the Standard to the great Crosse . Then is also a part of Watheling street of this Ward , to wit , from over against the Red Lion , on the North side , up almost to Pauls gate ; for it lacketh but one house of Saint Augustines Church . And on the South side , from the Red Lion Gate to the Old Exchange ; and downe the same Exchange , on the East side , by the West end of Maiden Lane , or Distar lane , to Knight-Riders street , or , as they call that part thereof , Old Fish-street . And all the North side of the said Old Fish-street , to the South end of Breadstreet , and by that , still in Knight-Riders street , till over against the Trinitie Church , and Trinitie Lane. Then is Breadstreet it selfe , so called , of Bread in old time there sold : for it appeareth by Records , that in the yeere 1302. which was the 30. of Edward the first , the Bakers of London were bounden to sell no bread in their shops or houses , but in the Market ; and that they should have foure Hall-motes in the yeere , at foure severall termes , to determine of enormities belonging to the said Company . This street , giving the name to the whole Ward , beginneth in West Cheape , almost by the Standard , and runneth downe South , through or thwart Watheling street , to Knight-Riders street aforesaid , where it endeth . This Breadstreet is wholly on both sides of this Ward . Out of the which street , on the East side , is Basing lane , a piece whereof , to wit , to and over against the backe gate of the Red Lion in Watheling street , is of this Breadstreet Ward . Then is Friday street , beginning also in West Cheape , and runneth downe South through Watheling street , to Knight Riders street , or Old Fish-street . This Friday street is of Breadstreet Ward , on the East side , from over against the North-east corner of Saint Matthewes Church , and on the West side , from the South corner of the said Church , downe as aforesaid . In this Friday street , on the West side thereof , is a Lane , commonly called Mayden Lane , or Distaffe Lane , corruptly for Distar Lane , which runneth West into the Old Exchange : and in this Lane is also one other lane , on the South side thereof , likewise called Distar Lane , which runneth downe to Knight-Riders street , or Old Fishe-street : And so bee the bounds of this whole Ward . Monuments to be noted here : first at Breadstreet corner , the North-east end 1595. of Thomas Tomlinson , causing in the high street of Cheape a Vault to bee digged and made , there was founde at fifteene foot deepe , a faire pavement , like unto that above ground ; and at the further end , at the Chanell , was found a Tree , sawed into five steppes , which was to steppe over some Brooke , running out of the West , towards Walbrooke : and upon the edge of the said Brooke , as it seemeth , there were found lying along , the bodies of two great Trees , the ends whereof were then sawed off , and firme Timber , as at the first when they fell ; part of the said Trees remaine yet in the ground undigged . It was all forced ground , untill they went past the Trees aforesaid , which was about seventeene foot deepe , or better ; thus much hath the ground of this Citie ( in that place ) beene raised from the maine . Next to be noted , the most beautifull Frame of faire houses and shops , that be within the Wals of London , or elsewhere in England , commonly called Goldsmiths Rowe , betwixt Breadstreete end and the Crosse in Cheape , but is within this Breadstreete Ward ; the same was builded by Thomas Wood , Goldsmith , one of the Sheriffes of London , in the yeere 1491. It containeth in number ten faire dwelling houses , and foureteene shops , all in one Frame , uniformely builded foure stories high , beautified towards the streete with the Goldsmiths Armes , and the likenesse of Wood-men , in memory of his name , riding on monstrous Beasts ; all which is cast in Lead , richly painted over , and gilt : these hee gave to the Goldsmiths , with stockes of money to bee lent to young men , having those shops , &c. This said Front was againe new painted and gilt over in the yeere 1594. Sir Richard Martin being then Maior , and keeping his Maioralty in one of them ; serving out the time of Cutbert Buckle , from the second of Iuly , till the 28. of October . Then for Watheling streete , which Leyland calleth Atheling or Noble street : but since hee sheweth no reason why , I rather take it to be so named , of the great high-way of the same calling . True it is , that at this present the inhabitants thereof are wealthy Drapers , retaylers of Woollen Clothes , both Broad and Narrow , of all sorts , more than in any one street of this City . Of the Old Exchange , I have noted in Faringdon Ward : VVherefore I passe downe to Knight-Riders street , whereof I have also spoken in Cordwainer streete Ward . But in this part of the said Knight-Riders street , is a Fish-Market kept , and therefore called Old Fishstreet , for a difference from New Fishstreet . In this Old Fishstreet is one Rowe of small houses , placed along in the middest of Knight-Riders street , which Rowe is also of Breadstreet Ward . These houses , now possessed by Fishmongers , were at the first but moveable Boords ( or Stals ) set out on Market daies , to shew their Fish , there to bee sold : but procuring licence to set up Sheds , they grew to Shops , and by little and little , to tall Houses , of three or foure stories in height , and now is called Fishstreete . Walcer Turke , Fishmonger , Maior , 1349. had two Shops in Old Fishstreet , over-against Saint Nicholas Church , the one rented five shillings the yeere , the other foure shillings . Breadstreet , so called of Bread sold there ( as I said ) is now wholly inhabited by rich Merchants , and divers faire Innes be there , for good receit of Carriers , and other Travellers to the City . On the East side of this street , at the corner of Watheling street , is the proper Church of Alhallowes in Breadstreete , wherein are the Monuments of Iames Thame , Goldsmith . Iohn Walpole , Goldsmith , 1349. Thomas Beaumont , Alderman , one of the Sheriffes , 1442. Robert Basset , Salter , Maior , 1476. Sir Richard Chaury , Salter , Maior , 1509. Sir Thomas Pargitar , Salter , Maior , 1530. Henry Sucley , Merchant-Taylor , one of the Sheriffes , 1541. Richard Reade , Alderman , that served and was taken prisoner in Scotland , 1542. Robert House , one of the Sheriffes , 1589. William Albany , Richard May , and Roger Abdy , Merchant-Taylors . Hic jacent Thomas Beaumond , Civis , Salter , & quondam Vicecomes Civitatis London , Alicia , & Alicia uxores ejus . Qui quidem Thomus obiit 14. die mensis Augusti , Anno Domini , 1457. Quorum animabus propetietur Deus . Es testis Christe , &c. Corporis ut Christi festum possit venerari , Hic magis instituit Salter iter Beaumond . Cui Deus uxoribus binis Coeleste solamen , Detque suis pueris : Sit benedictus . Amen . Here lieth buried the body of William Albany , Esquire , Citizen , and Merchant-Taylor of London , with his two wives , Thomasine , by whom hee had issue five sonnes , and foure daughters , who deceased the 15. of December , 1565. And Ioane , who dyed without issue , the 7. of Iuly , 1579. And the said William yeelded his soule to the Almighty the 18. day of February , 1589. being of the age of 82. yeeres : so rest they all here in the assured hope of a blessed resurrection . Respice & prospice finem . Here lieth Henry Suckley , late Sheriffe , Citizen , and Merchant-Taylor of London , which Henry deceased the one and twentieth day of Iuly , Anno Domini , 1564. And his foure wives , Anne Boughton , Elizabeth English , Alice Fletcher , and Agnes Cachemaide , &c. Here lieth Robert Mellishe , Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London , which deceased the thirtieth day of March , Anno Domini 1562. &c. Robert Hulson lyeth here , In his time well knowne to all ; He lived well , and died so , When God from hence did him call . In the three and twentieth of Henry the eighth , the seventeenth of August , two Priests of this Church fell at variance , that the one drew bloud of the other : Wherefore the same Church was suspended , and no Service sung or said therein for the space of one moneth after ; the Priests were committed to prison , and the fifteenth of October , being injoyned penance , went before a generall Procession , bare-headed , bare-footed , and bare-legged , before the Children , with Beades and Bookes in their hands , from Pauls , through Cheap , Cornhill , &c. More to bee noted of this Church , which had sometime a faire spired Steeple of stone . In the yeere 1559. the fifth of September , about mid-day , fell a great Tempest of Lightning , with a terrible clap of Thunder , which struck the said spire about 9. or 10. foot beneath the top ; out of the which place fell a stone , that slew a Dogge , and overthrew a man that was playing with the Dogge . The same Spire , being but little damnified thereby , was shortly after taken downe , for sparing the charges of reparation . On the same side is Salters Hall , with sixe Almes-houses in number , builded for poore decayed Brethren of that Company . This Hall was burned in the yeere 1539. and againe re-edified . Lower downe , on the same side , is the Parish Church of St. Mildred the Virgin. The Monuments in this Church be , of the Lord Trenchaunt , of Saint Albans , Knight , who was supposed to be either the new builder of this Church , or best Benefactor to the Workes thereof , about the yeere 1300. and certaine Cornish Gentlemen , 1312. William Palmer , Blader , a great Benefactor also , 1356. Iohn Chadworth , Maior , 1401. who gave the Parsonage house , a Revestry , and Church-yard to that Parish , in the yeere 1428. notwithstanding , his Monument is pulled downe . Stephen Budge , Gentleman ; his Armes be three Water-Budges , 1419. Henry Budge founded a Chauntry there , 1419. Roger Forde , Vintner , 1440. Thomas Barnwell , Fishmonger , one of the Sheriffes , 1424. Sir Iohn Hawlen , Clarke , Parson of that Church , who built the Parsonage house newly , after the same had beene burned to the ground , together with the Parson and his man also , burned in that fire , 1485. Iohn Parnell , 1510. William Hurstwaight , Pewterer to the King , 1526. Christopher Turner , Chirurgeon to King Henry the eighth , 1530. Ralph Simonds , Fishmonger , one of the Sheriffes , in the yeere 1527. Thomas Langham gave to the Poore of that Parish 4. Tenements , 1575. Thomas Hall , Salter , 1582. Thomas Collins , Salter , Alderman . Sir Ambrose Nicholas , Salter , Maior , 1575. was buried in sir Iohn Chadworths Vault . An Obite consecrated to the happy Memoriall of Sir JOHN CHADWORTH , or SHADWORTH , Knight , sometime Mercer , and Lord Maior of this City of London ; who gave a Vestry to this Church , an house for the Pastor to dwell in , and a Church-yard to the Parishioners , wherein to bury their dead . He deceased the 7. day of May , An. Dom. 1401. Here lieth a man , that Faith and Works did even ( Like fiery Chariots ) mount him up to Heaven : He did adorne this Church . When words were weake , And men forget , the living Stones will speake , He left us Land : This little Earth him keepes , These balcke words Mourners , and the Marble weepes . Here lieth the body of Thomas Copynger , the which deceased the 14. day of November , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1513. On whose soule , &c. Here lieth buried Thomas Clivelod , of Warmoster , in the County of VViltshire , Clothier ; who deceased the 24. day of Iune , An. Dom. 1558. Here lieth Sir Cuthbert Barne , Knight , who deceased the 16. day of October , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1521. On whose , &c. Here lieth Roger Forde , Vintner of London , with Ioane and Margaret his wives . The which Joane deceased the eighth day of August , Anno Domini , 1467. And Margaret deceased the eleventh day of Iune , Anno Domini . 1492. And the foresaid Roger deceased , &c. Here lye buried the bodies of Iohn Ireland , Citizen and Salter of London , and Elizabeth his wife , who were married together about nine and forty or fiftie yeeres : And hee had issue by her sixe sonnes and sixe daughters , and hee lived in this Parish sixty yeeres . He was Deputie of this VVard fifteene yeeres , and was the first Master of the Company of Salters . She deceased the second day of April , 1613. being of the age of seventy and five yeeres . And hee deceased the five and twentieth day of Iune , being aged 83. yeeres . So rest they both here in the bed of death , in hope of a joyfull resurrection . Respice & prospice finem . Out of this Breadstreet , on the same side , is Basing lane , a part whereof ( as is afore shewed ) is of this VVard , but how it tooke the name of Basing I have not read . In the twentieth yeere of Richard the second , the same was called the Bakehouse , whether meant for the Kings Bakehouse , or of Bakers dwelling there , and baking Bread to serve the Market in Breadstreet , where the Bread was sold , I know not : but sure I am , I have not read of Basing , or of Gerrard the Gyant , to have any thing there to doe . On the South side of this Lane is one great house , of old time builded upon arched Vaults , and with arched Gates of stone brought from Cane in Normandie . The same is now a common Ostrey for receit of Travellers , commonly and corruptly called Gerards Hall , of a Gyant said to have dwelled there . In the high rooffed Hall of this house sometime stood a large Firre-Pole , which reached to the roofe thereof , and was said to be one of the staves that Gerard the Gyant used in the warres to runne withall . There stood also a Ladder of the same length , which ( as they said ) served to ascend to the top of the staffe . Of later yeers this Hall is altred in building , and divers roomes are made in it . Notwithstanding , the Pole is removed to one corner of the Hall , and the Ladder hanged broken , upon a wall in the yard . The Hosteler of that house said to mee , the Pole lacked halfe a foote of forty in length . I measured the compasse thereof , and found it fifteene inches . Reason of the Pole could the Master of the Hostery give me none , but ●ade mee reade the great Chronicles ; for there he heard of it . Which answer seemed to me insufficient : for he meant the description of Britaine , for the most part drawne out of Iohn Leyland his Commentaries , ( borrowed of my selfe ) and placed before Reyne Wolfes Chronicle , as the labours of another ( who was forced to confesse , that he never travelled further than from London to the Vniversity of Oxford ) hee writing a Chapter of Gyants or monstrous men , hath set down more matter than troth , as partly ( against my will ) I am enforced here to touch . R. G. in his briefe Collection of Histories ( as he termeth it ) hath these words : I the writer hereof , did see the tenth day of March , in the yeere of our Lord , 1504. and had the same in my hand , the tooth of a man , which weighed ten ounces of Troy weight : and the scull of the same man is extant and to bee seene , which will hold five peckes of wheate ; and the shin-bone of the same man , is sixe foote in length , and of a marvellous greatnesse : this saw R. G. The errour thereof is thus : he affirmeth a stone to be the tooth of a man , which stone ( so proved ) having no shape of a tooth , had neither scull nor shin-bone . Notwithstanding , it is added in the said description , that by conjecturall symetry of those parts , the body to be twenty and eight foote long or more . From this he goeth to another like matter , of a man with a mouth sixteene foote wide , and so to Gerard the Gyant , and his staffe . But to leave these fables , and returne where I left , I will note what my selfe hath observed concerning that house . I reade , that Iohn Gisors , Maior of London , in the yeere 1245. was owner thereof , and that Sir Iohn Gisors , Knight , Maior of London , and Constable of the Tower 1311. and divers others of that name and family , since that time owed it . William Gisors was one of the Sheriffes , 1329. More , Iohn Gisors had issue , Henry and Iohn : which Iohn had issue , Thomas : Which Thomas deceasing in the yeere 1350. left unto his sonne Thomas his messuage , called Gisors Hall , in the Parish of Saint Mildred in Breadstreet : Iohn Gisors made a Feoffment thereof 1386. &c. So it appeareth , that this Gisors Hall of late time ( by corruption , hath been called Gerards Hall , for Gisors Hall , as Bosomes Inne , for Blossoms Iune , Bevis Markes , for Buries Markes , Marke lane , for Mart lane , Billiter lane , for Belzetters lane , Gutter lane , for Guthuruns lane , Cry Church , for Christs Church , Saint Michael in the Querne , for Saint Mihel at Corne , and such others . Out of this Gisors Hall , at the first building thereof , were made divers arched doores yet to be seen , which seem not sufficient for any great Monster , or other than men of common stature to passe thorow . The Pole in the Hall might bee used of old time ( as then the custome was in every Parish ) to bee set up in the Summer a May-Pole , before the principall house in the Parish or Streete , and to stand in the Hall before the Scrine , decked with Holme and Ivie , at the Feast of Christmas . The Ladder served for the decking of the May-Pole , and Roofe of the Hall. Thus much for Gisors Hall , and for that side of Breadstreet may suffice . Now on the West side of Breadstreet , amongst divers faire and large houses for Merchants , and faire Innes for passengers , had yee one Prison-house , pertaining to the Sheriffes of London , called the Compter in Breadstreet : but in the yeere 1555. the Prisoners were removed from thence , to one other new Compter in Woodstreet , provided by the Cities purchase , and builded for that purpose : the cause of which remove was this : Richard Husband , Pastelar , keeper of this Compter in Breadstreete , being a wilfull and head-strong man , dealt ( for his owne advantage ) hard with the prisoners under his change , having also servants , such as himselfe liked best for their bad usage , and would not for any complaint bee reformed : whereupon , in the yeere 1550. Sir Rowland Hill being Maior , by the assent of a Court of Aldermen , he was sent to the Goale of Newgate , for the cruell handling of his prisoners : and it was commanded to the Keeper , to set those Irons on his legges , which are called the Widowes almes . These he ware from Thursday , till Sunday in the afternoon , and being by a Court of Aldermen released on the Tuesday , was bound in an hundred Markes , to observe from thenceforth an Act made by the Common Councell , for the ordering of prisoners in the Compters : all which notwithstanding , hee continued as afore , whereof my selfe am partly a witnesse : For being on a Iurie , to enquire against a Sessions of Goale delivery , in the yeere 1552. wee found the prisoners hardly dealt withall for their achates and otherwise , as also that Theeves and Strumpets were there lodged for foure pence the night , whereby they might be safe from searches that were made abroad : for the which enormities , and other not needfull to be recited , hee was indighted at that Session , but did rubbe it out , and could not bee reformed , till this remove of the prisoners : for the house in Breadstreete was his owne by lease , or otherwise , so that he could not be put from it . Note that Iaylors , buying their offices , will deale hardly with pitifull prisoners . Now in Friday street , so called of Fishmongers dwelling there , and serving Fridayes Market , on the East side is a small Parish Church , commonly called Saint Iohn Evangelist . The Monuments therein , be of Iohn Dogget , Merchant-Taylor , one of the Sheriffes in the yeere 1509. Sir Christopher Askew , Draper , Maior , 1533. William de Avinger , Farrier , was buried there in the 34. of Edward the second . Then lower downe is one other Parish Church of S. Margaret Moyses , so called ( as seemeth ) of one Moyses , that was founder or new builder thereof . The Monuments there , be of Sir Richard Dobbes , Skinner , Maior , 1551. William Dane , Ironmonger , one of the Sheriffes , 1569. Sir Iohn Allot , Fishmonger , Maior , 1591. There was of elder time buried , Nicholas Stanes , and Nicholas Bray , they founded Chauntries there . Beati mortui qui in Domino moriuntur . APOC. 14. To William Dane that sometime was An Ironmonger ; where , each Degree He worthily ( with praise ) did passe . By wisedome , truth , and heed , was he Advanc'd an Alderman to be : Then , Sheriffe ; that , he with justice prest , And cost , performed with the best . In Almes franke , of Conscience cleare ; In grace with Prince , to People glad : His vertuous wife , his faithfull Phèere , Margaret , this Monument hath made : Meaning ( through God ) that as shee had With him ( in house ) long lived well ; Even so in Tombes blisse to dwell . Obierunt in Christo . Ille , Sabat . 5. Septemb. 1573. Aetatis 56. Haec vero 18. Novemb. An. 1579. April . 5. An. Domini , 1593. The Monument of the Right Honourable Sir Iohn Allot , Knight , late Lord Maior of this City of London , and Maior of the Staple of England ; who deceased the seventeenth day of September , Anno 1591. in the time of his Maioralty . Aetatis suae 66. Here lieth the body of Alice Daniel , the wife of Iohn Daniel , Esquire , and mother of Gerard Daniel , Fishmonger . Which Alice deceased the thirteenth day of October , Anno Domini 1481. On whose , &c. Ever doe well . On the West side of this Friday street is Mayden lane , so named of such a Signe , or Distaffe lane , for Distar lane , as I reade in Record of a Brew-house , called the Lambe in Distar lane , the sixteenth of Henry the sixth . In this Distar lane , on the North side thereof , is the Cordwayners or Shoomakers Hall ; which Company were made a Brotherhood or Fraternity , in the eleventh of Henry the fourth . Of these Cordwayners I reade , that since the fifth of Richard the second , ( when he tooke to wife Anne , daughter to Wenceslaus , King of Bohemia ) by her example the English people had used piked Shooes , tyed to their knees with Silken Laces , or Chaines of Silver and Gilt : Wherfore in the fourth of Edward the fourth it was ordained and proclaimed , that Beakes of Shin and Bootes should not passe the length of two inches , upon paine of cursing by the Clergie , and by Parliament to pay 20. s. for every paire . And every Cordwayner that shod any man or woman on the Sunday , to pay 30. s. On the South side of this Distar lane , is also one other Lane , called Distar lane ; which runneth downe to Knight-Riders street , or Old Fishstreet . And this is the end of Breadstreete Ward : Which hath and Alderman , his Deputy , Common Councell ten , Constables ten , Scavengers eight , Wardmote Inquest thirteene , and a Beadle . It standeth taxed to the Fifteene in London , at seven and thirty pounds , and in the Exchequer , at sixe & thirty pounds , eighteene shillings , two pence . QVEENE HITH VVARD . NExt unto Breadstreete VVard on the South side thereof , is Queene Hith Ward , so called of a Water-gate , or Harborow for Boates , Lighters , and Barges , and was ( of old time ) for Ships , at what time , the Timber Bridge of London was drawne up , for the passage of them to the said Hith , as to a principall stand for landing and unlading against the middest and heart of the City . This VVard beginneth in the East , in Knight-Riders street , on the South side thereof , at the East end of the Parish Church called the Holy Trinity , and runneth VVest on the South side , to a Lane called Lambart hill , which is the length of the VVard in Knight-Riders street . Out of the which street are divers Lanes , running South to Thames street , and are of this VVard . The first is Trinity lane , which runneth downe by the VVest end of Trinitie Church . Then is Spuren lane , or Spooners lane , now called Huggen lane . Then Breadstreet hill . Then St. Mary Mounthaunt : out of the which Lane , on the East side thereof , is one other Lane , turning East through S. Nicholas Olaves Church-yard , to Breadstreet hill . This Lane is called Finimore lane , or Five foot lane , because it is but five foot in breadth at the VVest end . In the middest of this Lane , runneth downe one other Lane broader , South to Thames street , I think the same to be called Desborne lane , for I reade of such a Lane to have beene in the Parish of S. Mary Summerset , in the 22. of Edward the third , where there is said to lye betweene the Tenement of Edward de Mountacute Knight , on the East part , and the Tenement sometime pertaining to William Gladwine , on the VVest , one plot of ground , containing in length towards Thames street twenty five foot , &c. Last of all , have you Lambart hill , so called of one Lambart owner thereof : and this is the farthest VVest part of this VVard . On the North side , comming downe from Knight-Riders street , the East side of Lambart hill is wholly of this Ward : and the VVest side from the North end of the Black-smiths Hall ( which is about the middest of this Lane ) unto Thames street . Then part of Thames street is of this VVard , to wit , from a Cooks house called the signe of King David , three houses west from the Old Swanne Brewhouse in the East , unto Huntington house , over-against Saint Peters Church in the West , neere unto Pauls Wharse : And on the Lane side , from a Cookes house called the Blue Boore , to the West end of Saint Peters Church , and up Saint Peters hill , two houses North above the said Church . And these bee the bounds of this VVard : in which are Parish Churches seven , Hals of Companies two , and other Ornaments , as shall be shewed . First , in Knight-Riders streete is the small Parish Church of the Holy Trinity , lately very old , & in danger of down falling : collections were made for the repairing thereof , but they would not stretch so farre , untill a generall meanes was made , as appeareth by a publike notice therof declared in the said Church . Iohn Brian , Alderman in the reigne of Henry the fifth , was a great benefactor : Iohn Chamber had a Chauntry there . Thomas Rishby , Esquire , and Alice his wife buried within the Chancell . Iohn Mirfin , Auditor of the Exchequer , 1471. Sir Richard Fowlar of Riches in Oxfordshire , 1528. George Cope , second sonne to Sir Iohn Cope of Copes-Ashby , in Northamptonshire , 1572. Towards the West end of Knight-Riders street , is the Parish Church of Saint Nicholas Cold Abbey , a proper Church , somewhat ancient , as appeareth by the waies raised thereabout , so that men are forced to descend into the body of the Church . It hath been called of many Colden Abbey , of some Cold Abbey , or Cold Bey , and so have the most ancient writings , as standing in a cold place , as Cold Harbor , and such like . The Steeple or tall Tower of this Church , with the South Isle , hath bin of later building , to wit , the first of Richard the second , when it was meant that the whole old Church should have been new builded , as appeareth by the Arching begunne on the East side the Steeple , under the which , in the stone worke , the Armes of one Buckland , Esquire , and his wife , daughter to Beaupere , are cut in stone , and also are in the Glasse windowes ; whereby it appeareth , he was the builder of the Steeple , and repairer of the residue . The sixe and twentieth of Edward the third , Andrew Aubery being Maior , Thomas Frere , Fishmonger , gave one peece of ground to the said Parish Church of Saint Nicholas , containing fourescore and sixe foot in length , and three and forty foot at one end , and foure and thirty at another , in breadth for a Cemitory or Church-yard . The twentieth of Richard the second ; Thomas Barnard , Castle Clerke . Iohn Sonderash , Clerke , and Iohn Nouncy , gave to the Parson and Church-wardens of the said Church and their successors , one Messuage and one Shop , with the appurtenances in Distaffe lane , and Old Fishstreet , for the reparation of the body of the late Church , the Belfrey or Steeple , and Ornaments . Buried in this Church , Iohn Calfe , and William Cogeshall , 1426. Walter Turke , Fishmonger , Maior , 1349. Richard Esgastone , Fishmonger , 1330. Nicholas Wolberge , Fishmonger , 1407. Thomas Padington , Fishmong . 1485. Robert Hary Fishmonger . Iohn Suring , 1490. Roger Darlington , Fishmonger , 1557. Rich. Lacy , Parion , under a faire tombe on the North side of the Quire , 1491. Richard Bradburge , 1497. William Clarke , 1501. Iames Pitman , 1507. Richard Farneford , 1525. Thomas Nicholas , Fishmonger , 1527. William Brade , Fishmonger , 1528. The 14. day of May , An. Dom. 1601. Leonard Smith , Fishmonger , ended his dayes , He feared the Lord , and walkt in his wayes : His body here in earth doth rest , His Soule with Christ in heaven is blest . Here lye buried the bodies of Dorothy Halye , late wife of Robert Halye , of Ipswitch , in the County of Suffolke , Merchant : And of William Wymer , son of William Wymer , and Mary his wife , daughter of the said Robert and Dorothy , which William the son deceased the 19. day of August ; and the said Dorothy the 20. day of September next following , An. Dom. 1601. Hic jacet Magister Wil. Sandhill , Canonicus Eccle. — magni London . Et huius Ecclesiae quondam Rector ; Qui obiit 26. die Mens . Augusti . An. Dom. 1445. Cuius animae , &c. Hic jacet in cossa , Putredo mortis & ossa , Cum mulieris quie in coelis vivit amoenè , Vt puto per vitam morum signis redimitam , Anno Millino qt . i. C. X. quae seno Bissque die deno cum perit en Elena , Cum quarto pleno , requiem tenet hic in ceno , Quo cuius Iane consternis corpus inane . On the North side of this Church , in the wall thereof , was of late builded a covenient Cesterne of Stone & Lead for receit of Thames water , conveighed in pipes of Lead to that place , for the ease & commodity of the Fishmongers ; and other inhabitants in and about Old Fishstreate . Barnard Randolph , Common Sergeant of the City of London , did ( in his life time ) deliver to the Company of Fishmongers , the summe of nine hundred pounds , to be imployed towards the conducting of the said Thames water , and cesterning the same , &c. In the Parishes of St. Mary Magdalen , and Saint Nicholas Cold Abbey , neere unto Fishstreet , seven hundred pounds , and other two hundred pounds to charitable deedes . Hee deceased 1583. and shortly after , this Conduit with the other was made and finished . In Trinity lane , on the VVest side thereof is the Painter-stainers Hall ; for so of old time were they called : but now that workmanship of staining is departed out of use in England . Lower downe in Trinity lane , on the East side thereof , was sometime a great Messuage , pertaining unto Iohn , Earle of Cornwall , in the 14. of Edward the third . On Breadstreet hill , downe to the Thames , on both sides , bee divers faire houses , inhabited by Fishmongers , Cheefemongers , and Merchants of divers Trades . On the VVest side whereof is the Parish Church of Saint Nicholas Olave , a convenient Church , having the Monuments of W. Newport , Fishmonger , one of the Sheriffes , 1375. Richard Welles , Parson , 1391. Richard Sturges , Fishmonger , 1470. Thomas Dewen , Ironmonger , one of the Sheriffes , 1537. who gave his Messuage ( with the appurtenances ) wherein he dwelt , with 14. Tenements in the said Parish of S. Nicholas , to be had , after the decease of Agnes his wife , to the Ironmongers , and they to give stipends , appointed to Almes-men , in five houses by them builded in the Church-yard of that Parish ; but now they are converted into foure . More to poore Scholars in Oxford and Cambridge , &c. Blitheman , an excellent Organist of the Queenes Chappell lyeth buried there , with an Epitaph , 1591. Hic jacet Richardus Sturges , Civis & Piscenarius London , & Katharina uxor ejus . Qui quidem Rich. obiit 3. die mensis Iulii , Anno. Dom. 1479. Et praedicta Katharina obiit , &c. Hic jacet Dominus Henricus Welleus , quondam Rector istius Ecclesiae . Qui obiit 4. die Maii , An. Domini 1391. Cujus animae . &c. Here Blitheman lias , a worthy wight , who feared God above , A friend to all , a foe to none , whom rich and poore did love . Of Princes Chappell , Gentleman , unto his dying day ; Whom all tooke great delighe to heare him on the Organs play . Whose passing skill in Mustokes Art , a Scholar left behinde ; Iohn Bull ( by name ) his Master veine expressing in each kinde . But nothing here continues long ; nor resting place can have ; His soule departed hence to Heaven , his body here in Grave . He died on Whitsunday , Anno Domini 1591. Here , before this place , lieth buried the bodie of Iohn Widnell ; Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London , sometime Master of that Company , and Deputy of this ward ; who deceased the 15. day of February , 1601. being of the age of 70. Here lie the bodies of Thomas Lewen , Ironmonger , and sometime Alderman of this City of London , and Agnes his wife . Which Thomas deceased the 29. day of Iune , Anno Domini 1555. And the said Agnes deceased the 26. day of October , An. Dom. 1562. The next is Old Fishstreet hill , a passage so called , which also runneth down to Thames street . In this Lane , on the East side thereof , is the one end of Finimbre , or Five foot lane . On the west side of this Old Fishstreet hill , is the Bishop of Herefords Inne , or Lodging ; an ancient House , and large Roomes , builded of Stone and Tiber , which sometime belonged to the Mounthaunts in Norfolke . Radulphius de Maydenstone , Bishop of Hereford , about 1234. bought it of the Mounthaunts , and gave it to the Bishops of Hereford , his successors ; Charles , both Bishop of Hereford , and Chancellour of the Marches , about the yeere 1517. repaired it : Since the which time , the same is greatly ruinated , and is now divided into many small Tenements : the Hall and principall roomes , are an house to make Suger-loaves , &c. Next adjoyning is the Parish Church of Saint Mary de Monte alto , or Mounthaunt , this is a very small Church , and at the first builded , to bee a Chappell for the said house of the Mounthaunts , and for Tenements thereunto belonging . The Bishop of Hereford is Patron thereof . Monuments in this Church of Iohn Glocester , Alderman , 1345. who gave Salt-wharfe , for two Chauntries there . Iohn Skip , Bishop of Hereford , 1539. sate 12. yeeres , dyed at London in time of Parliament , and was buried in this Church . There was sometime a faire house in the said Parish of Saint Mary Mounthaunt , belonging to Robert Belkenape , one of the Kings Iustices , but the said Belkenape being banished this Realme , King Richard the second , in the twelfth of his reigne , gave it to William Wickham , Bishop of Winchester . On the East side of this Old Fishstreet hill , is one great house , now letten out for rent , which house sometime was one of the Hals pertaining to the Company of Fishmongers , at such time as they had sixe Hall-motes or meeting places : namely , twaine in Bridgestreet , or New Fishstreet , twaine in Old Fish-street , whereof this was one , and twaine in Stockfishmonger Rowe , or Thames street , as appeareth by a Record the 22. of Richard the second . Next West-ward , is one other Lane , called Lambard hill , the East side whereof is wholly of this Ward , and but halfe the West side , to wit , from the North end of the Black-smiths Hall. Then in Thames street , of this Ward , and on the North side over-against the Queenes Hith , is the parish Church of S. Michael , a convenient Church , but all the Monuments therein are defaced . I finde that Stephen Spilman , Gentleman , of that Family in Norfolke , sometime Mercer , Chamberlaine of London , then one of the Sheriffes , and Alder-man , in the yeere 1404. deceasing without issue , gave his Lands to his Family the Spilmans , and his goods to the making or repairing of Bridges , and other like godly uses : and amongst others , in this Church hee founded a Chauntry , and was buried in the Quire. Also Richard Marlow , Ironmonger , Maior , 1409. gave twenty pounds to the poore of that Ward , and ten Marks to the Church . Richard Gray , Ironmonger , one of the Sheriffes , 1515. gave 40. l' . to that Church , and was there buried . At the West end of that Church , goeth up a Lane , called Pyellane . On the same North side , at the South end of S. Mary Mounthaunt lane , is the Parish Church of Saint Mary Summerset , over-against the Broken Wharfe : it is a proper Church , but the Monuments are all defaced , except a Grave-stone lately there layed , with this inscription : Here lieth buried the body of Master Richard Randall of this Parish , who had issue by Margaret his first wife foure sons and seven daughters , one only daughter surviving , named Ioyce . He was by freedome a Pewterer , by trade a Brewer , and one of the Governours of Christs Hospitall . Hee departed this life the 7. day of Iune , An. Domini 1616. being aged 75. yeeres . No cause to mourne , though here he lye , That gave to many cause to cry . For though his body turne to dust , His Soule doth live among the just . I thinke the same to bee of old time called Summers Hith , of some mans name , that was owner of the ground neere adjoyning , as Edreds Hith was so called of Edred , owner thereof , and since called Queene Hith , as pertaining to the Queene , &c. Then is a small Parish Churcch of St. Peter ; called Parva , or little , neere unto Pauls Wharfe : In this Church no Monuments doe remaine . At the West end thereof is a Lane , called St. Peters Hill : but two houses up that Lane , on the East side , is of this Ward , and the rest is of Castle Baynard VVard . On the South side of Thames streete , beginning againe in the East , among the Cookes ; the first in this VVard is the signe of David the King. Then is Townes-end lane , turning down to the Thames . Then is Queene Hith , a large Receptacle for Ships , Lighters , Barges , and such other Vessels . Touching the Antiquity and use of this Gate and Hith , first I finde , that the same belonged to one named Edred , & was then called Edreds Hith : which since falling to the hands of King Stephen , it was by his Charter confirmed to William de Ypre : the Farme thereof in Fee and in Heritage . William de Ypre gave it unto the Prior and Covent of the Holy Trinity within Ealdgate , as appeareth by this Charter . To Theobald , by the grace of God , Archbishop of Canturbury , Primate of England , and Legate Apostolike to the Bishop of London , and to all faithfull people , Clerkes and Lay-men , William de Ypre sendeth greeting : Know ye me to have given and granted to God , and to the Church of the Holy Trinity of London , to the Prior and Canons there , serving God , in perpetuall Almes , Edreds Hith , with the appurtenances , with such devotion , that they shall send every yeere twenty pounds , unto the maintenance of the Hospitall of Saint Katharines , which Hospitall they have in their hands , and an hundred shillings to the Monkes of Bermondsey , and threescore shillings to the Brethren of the Hospitall of Saint Giles , and that which remaineth , the said Prior and Canons shall enjoy to themselves . Witnesses , Richard de Luce , Ralph Bigot , &c. This Edreds Hith , after the aforesaid Grants , came again to the Kings hands , by what meanes I have not read : but it pertained unto the Queene ; and therefore was called Ripa Reginae , the Queens Banke , or Queenes Hith , and great profit thereof was made to her use , as may appeare by this which followeth . King Henry the third , in the ninth of his reigne , commanded the Constables of the Tower of London , to arrest the ships of the Cinque-Ports on the River of Thames , & to compell them to bring their Corne to no other place , but to the Queenes Hith only . In the eleventh of his reigne , he charged the said Constable , to distraine all Fish offered to be sold in any place of this City , but at the Queenes Hith . Moreover , in the 28. of his reigne , an Inquisition was made before William of Yorke , the Provost of Beverley , Henry of Bath , and Hierome of Caxton , Justices Itinerantes , sitting in the Tower of London , touching the Customes of Queene Hith , observed in the yeere last before the warres betweene the King and his father , and the Barons of England , and of old customes of other times , and what customes had beene changed , at what time the taxe and payment of all things comming thither , and betweene Woorepath , and Anede Hith , were found and seized , according to the old order , aswell Corne and Fish , as of other things . All which customes were as well to be observed in the part of Downegate , as in Queene Hith , for the Kings use . When also it was found , that the Corne arriving betweene the gate of the Guild Hall of the Merchants of Colleyne , and the Soke of the Archbishop of Canturbury ( for he had a house neere unto the Blacke Friers ) was not to be measured by any other quarter , than by that of the Queenes Soke . After this , the Bailiffes of the said Hith complained , that since the said Recognition , foureteene forraine Ships , laden with Fish , arrived at Belinsgate , which Ships should have arrived at the said Hith : And therefore it was ordered , that if any forraigne Ship laden with Fish , should in forme aforesaid arive else-where than at this Hith , it should be at the Kings pleasure to amerce them at 40. s. Notwithstanding , the Ships of the Citizens of London were at liberty , to arrive where the owners would appoint them . After this , the said Henry the third confirmed the Grant of Richard Earle of Cornewall , for the Farme of Queene Hith , unto Iohn Gisors , then Maior , and to the Communalty of London , and their successors for ever , as by this his Charter appeareth . Henry by the grace of God , King of England , Lord of Ireland , Duke of Guien , and Earle of Anjou , to all Archbishops , &c. Be it knowne , that Wee have seene the Covenant betweene our Brother Richard , Earle of Cornwall , of the one party , and the Maior and Communalty of London on the other party , which was in this sort . In the thirtieth yeere of Henry , the sonne of King Iohn , upon the Feast of the Translation of S. Edward at Westminster , this Covenant was made betweene the Honourable Lord Richard , Earle of Cornwall , and Iohn Gisors , then Maior of London ; and the Commons thereof , concerning certaine exactions and demands pertaining to the Queene Hith of London . The said Earle granted for himselfe and his heyres , that the said Maior , and all Maiors ensuing , and all the Commons of the City , should have and hold the Queene Hith , with all the Liberties , Customes , and other appurtenances , repaying yeerly to the said Earle , his heires and assignes , fifty pounds , at Clarken-well , at two severall termes ; to wit , the Sunday after Easter 25. pounds , and at Michaelmas 25. pounds . And for more surety hereof , the said Earle hath set thereunto his Seale , and left it with the Maior , and the Maior and Communalty have set to their Seale , and left it with the Earle . Wherefore We confirme and establish the said Covenant , for Vs and for our heires . Witnesses , Ralph Fitz-Nichol , Richard Gray , Iohn and Will. Brithem , Paulin Painter , Ralph Wancia , Iohn Cumband , and other : At Windsor , the 26. of February , the 31. of our reigne . The charge of this Queene Hith was then committed to the Sheriffes , and so hath continued ever since ; the profits whereof are sore diminished ; so that ( as writeth Robert Fabian ) it was worth ( in his time ) little above 20. Markes , or 15. pounds one yeere with another . Now , for Customes of this Queene Hith : In the yeere 1302. the thirtieth of Edward the first , 〈◊〉 was found by the oath of divers men , that Bakers , Brewers , and others , buying their Corne at Queen Hith , should pay for Measuring , Portage , and Carriage , for every Quarter of Corne whatsoever , from thence to West Cheape , to S. Anthonies Church , to Horse-shoo Bridge , and to Woolsey street , in the Parish of Alhallowes the lesse , and such like distances , one ob . q. to Fleetstreet , to Newgate , Creplegate , to Birchovers lane , to East-Cheape , and Billinsgate , one penny . Also , that the Measurer ( or the Meater ) ought to have eight chiefe Master Porters , every Master to have three Porters under him , and every one of them to finde one Horse , and seven Sackes , and hee that so did not , to loose his Office. This Hith was then so frequented with Vessels , bringing thither Corne ( besides Fish , Salt , Fuell , and other Merchandizes ) that all these men , to wit , the Meater , and Porters , thirty seven in number , for all their charge of Horses and Sackes , and small stipend , lived well of their labours : but now the Bakers of London , and other Citizens , travell into the Countries , and buy their Corne of the Farmers , after the Farmers price . King Edward the second , in the first of his reigne , gave to Margaret , wife to Peter de Gavestone , forty three pounds , twelve shillings , nine pence halfe penny farthing , out of the Rent of London , to be received of the Queenes Hith . Certaine impositions were set upon Ships and other Vessels comming thither , as upon Corne , Salt , and other things , toward the charge of cleansing Roomeland there , the 41. of Edward the third . The third of Edward the fourth , the Market at Queene Hith being hindered by the slacknesse of drawing up London Bridge , it was ordained , that all manner of Vessels , Ships , or Boates , great or small , resorting to the City with victuall , should be sold by retaile , and that if there came but one Vessell at a time , were it Salt , Wheate , Rie , or other Corne from beyond the Seas , or other Graines , Garlicke , Onions , Herrings , Sprats , Eeles , Whiting , Plaice , Cods , Mackarell , &c. then that one Vessell should come to Queene Hith , and there to make sale . But if two Vessels came , the one should come to Queene Hith , the other to Billinsgate : if three , two of them should come to Queene Hith , the third to Billinsgate , &c. alwaies the more to Queene Hith . If the Vessell being great , comming with Salt from the Bay , and could not come to these Keyes , then the same to be conveied by Lighters , as before is meant . One large house , for stowage of Corne , craned out of Lighters and Barges , is there lately builded . Sir Iohn Lion , Grocer , Maior 1554. by his Testament gave 100. l' . towards it : But since it hath beene increased and made larger , at the charges of the Citie , in the yeere 1565. Against this Queenes Hith , on the River of Thames , of late yeeres was placed a Corne-Mill , upon , or betwixt two Barges or Lighters , and there ground Corne , as Water-Mills in other places , to the wonder of many , that had not seene the like . But this lasted not long without decay : such as caused the same Barges and Mill to be removed and taken asunder , are soone forgotten . I read of the like to have been in former time , as thus : In the yeere 1525. the 16. of Henry the 8. Sir William Bayly being Maior , Iohn Cooke of Glocester , Mercer , gave to the Maior and Communalty of London , and theirs for ever , one great Barge , in the which two great Corne-mills were made and placed ; which Barge and Mills were set in and upon the streame of the River of Thames , within the jurisdiction and libertie of the said Citie of London . And also he gave to the Citie all such Timber , Boords , Stones , Iron , &c. provided for making , mending , and repairing of the said Barge and Mils : in reward whereof , the Maior gave him 50. l' . presently , and 50. l' . yeerely , during his life : and if the said Cooke deceased before Ioane his wife , then shee to have forty Markes the yeere during her life . Next adjoyning to this Queene Hith , on the West side thereof , is Salt Wharfe , named of Salt taken up , measured , and sold there . The next is Strew lane , of a Stew , or Hot-house there kept . After that is Timber Hith , or Timber street , so called , of Timber , or Boords , there taken up and wharfed : It is in the Parish of S. Mary Sonners-Hith , as I read in the 56. of Henry the third , and in the ninth of Edward the second . Then is Brookes Wharfe , and Broken Wharfe , a Water-gate or Key so called , of being broken , and falne downe into the Thames . By this Broken Wharfe remaineth one large old building of stone , with arched Gates ; which Message , as I find , in the reigne of Henry the third , the 43. yeere , pertained unto Hugh de Bygot ; and in the 11. of Edward the third , to Thomas Brothertun , the Kings Brother , Earle of Norfolke , Marshall of England . In the 11. of Henry the 6. to Iohn Mowbray , Duke of Norfolke , &c. Within the Gate of this House ( now belonging to the Citie of London ) is lately , to wit , in the yeere 1594. and 1595. builded one large house , of great height , called an Engine , made by Bevis Bulmar , Gentleman , for the conveying and forcing of Thames water , to serve in the middle and West parts of the Citie . The ancient great Hall of this Messuage is yet standing , and pertaining to a great Brew-house for Beere . West from this is Trigge lane , going downe to the Thames . Next is called Bosse lane , of a Bosse of water , like unto that of Belinsgate , there placed by the Executors of Richard Whitington . Then is one great Messuage , sometime belonging to the Abbots of Chartsey in Surrey , and was their Inne , wherin they were lodged when they repaired to the Citie : it is now called Sandie house , by what reason I have not heard : I thinke the Lord Sands hath been lodged there . And this is an end of this Queen Hith Ward ; which hath an Alderman , and his Deputy ; Common-Counsell , sixe ; Constables , nine ; Scavengers , eight ; Ward-mote Inquest , thirteene , and a Beadle . It is taxed to the Fifteene in London , twenty pounds , and in the Exchequer , at nineteene pounds , sixteene shillings , two pence . CASTLE BAYNARD VVard . THen next is Castle Baynard Ward , so named of an old Castle there . This Ward beginneth in the East , on the Thames side , at an House called Huntington House , and runneth West by Pauls Wharfe , by Baynards Castle , Puddle Wharfe , and by the South side of Blacke Friers . Then turning by the East wall of the said Friers , to the South-west end of Creed lane . Then on the North side of Thames street , over against Huntington House , by Saint Peters Church and lane , called Peter Hill , along till over against Puddle Wharfe ; and then North up by the great Wardrobe , to the West end of Carter lane . Then up Creed lane , Ave Mary lane , and a piece of Pater noster Row , to the signe of the Golden Lion , and backe againe up Warwicke lane , all the East side thereof , to the signe of the Crowne by Newgate Market : and this is the farthest North part of this Ward . Then out of Thames street bee Lanes ascending North to Knight-riders street : The first is Peter Hill Lane , all of that Ward , ( two houses excepted , adjoyning to S. Peters Church . ) The next is Pauls Wharfe Hill , which thwarting Knight-riders street and Carter lane , goeth up to the South Chain of Pauls Church-yard . Then is Adle street , over against the West part of Baynards Castle , going up by the West end of Knight-riders street , and to Carter lane . Thus much for Lanes out of Thames street . The one halfe of the West side of Lambard Hill lane being of this ward , at the North-west end thereof , on the South side , and at the West end of S. Mary Magdalens Church : on the North side , beginneth Knight-riders street to be of this Ward , and runneth West , on both sides , to the Parish Church of S. Andrew by the Wardrobe . Then at the said East end of Saint Mary Magdalens Church , goeth up the Old Exchange , all the West side whereof , up to the South-east gate of Pauls Churchyard , and by S. Austens Church , is of this Ward . About the midst of this Old Exchange , on the West side thereof , is Carter lane , which runneth West , to the East entry of the Black Friers , and the South end of Creed lane ; out of the which Carter lane descendeth a Lane , called Do little lane , and commeth into Knight-riders street , by the Bores-bead Taverne : and more West is Sermon lane , by an Inne called the Powle-head . Then out of Carter lane , on the North side thereof , the South Chaine of Pauls Church-yard , and the Church-yard it selfe , on that South side of Pauls Church , and the Church of Saint Gregorie , the Bishops Palace , and the Deanes lodging , bee all of this VVard : and such be the bounds thereof . The Ornaments in this VVard , be , Parish Churches , foure ; of old time , a Castle ; divers Noble-mens houses ; Halls of Companies , twaine ; and such others , as shall be shewed . In Thames streete , at the South-east end , is an ancient Messuage , of old time called Beaumonts Inne , as belonging to that Family of Noble-men of this Realme , in the fourth of Edward the 3. Edward the fourth , in the fifth of his reigne , gave it to W. Hastings , Lord Chamberlaine , Master of his Mints . It is now called Huntington house , as belonging to the Earles of Huntington . Next is Pauls Wharfe , a large landing-place , with a common Stayre upon the River of Thames , at the end of a Street called Pauls Wharfe Hill , which runneth downe from Pauls Chaine . Next is a great Messuage , called Scroopes Inne , sometimes belonging to the Scroopes , in the 31. of Henry the sixth . Then is one other great Messuage , sometime belonging to the Abbey of Fiscampe , beyond the Sea : and by reason of the Warres , it comming to the hands of King Edward the third , the same was given to Sir Simon Burley , Knight of the Garter , and therefore called Burley house in Thames street , betweene Baynards Castle & Pauls Wharfe . Then have you Baynards Castle , wherof this whole Ward taketh name . This Castle banketh on the River Thames , and was called Baynards Castle , of Baynard , a Nobleman , that came in with William the Conquerour : Of the which Castle , and of Baynard himselfe , I have spoken in another place . There was also another Tower by Baynards Castle , builded by King Edward the second , Edward the third , in the second of his reigne , gave it to William Duke of Hamelake , in the County of Yorke , and his heires , for one Rose yeerely to be paid for all service . The same Place ( as seemeth to me ) was since called Legates Inne , in the seventh of Edward the fourth , where bee now divers VVood-wharfes in place . Then is there a great Brew-house , and Puddle Wharfe , a VVater-gate into the Thames , where Horses use to be watered , and therefore being filled with their trampling , and made puddle-like , as also of one Puddle dwelling there , it is called Puddle Wharfe . Then is there a Lane betweene the Blacke Friers and the Thames , called in the 26. of Edward the 3. Castle lane . In this Lane also , is one great Messuage , of old time belonging to the Priorie of Okeborne in Wiltshire , and was the Priors lodging when hee repaired to London . This Prior being of the French Order , was suppressed by Henry the 5. and with other Lands and Tenements pertaining to the said Priorie , was by Henry the 6. given to his Colledge in Cambridge , called now the Kings Colledge . About this Castle Lane was sometime a Mill or Mils , belonging to the Templers of the New Temple , as appeareth of Record : for King Iohn , in the first yeere of his reigne , granted a place in the Fleet , neere unto Baynards Castle , to make a Mill , and the whole course of water of the Fleet , to serve the said Mill. I read also , that in the yeere 1274. the second of Edward the first , Rich. Raison and Atheline his wife , did give to Nicho. de Musely , Clerke , ten shillings of yeerely free and quiet rent , out of all his tenements , with the houses thereupon built , and their appurtenances , which they had of the demise of the Master and Brethren of Knights Templars in England , next unto their Mill of Fleet , over against the houses of Laurence de Brooke , in the Parish of Saint Andrew , next to Baynards Castle : which tenements lye betweene the way leading to the said Mill on the VVest part . Also in the Rights belonging to Robert Fitzwater , and to his heires , in the Citie of London , in the time of peace , it was declared in the yeere 1303. that the said Robert , Castillon of London , and Banner-bearer , had a Soke ( or VVard ) in the Citie , that was by the wall of S. Paul , as men goe downe the street before the Brewhouse of S. Paul , unto the Thames , and so to the side of the Mill , which is in the water that commeth downe from Fleet bridge , and goeth by London walls , betwixt the Friers Preachers Church and Ludgate ; and so that Ward turned backe by the House of the said Friers , unto the said common wall of the said Chanonrie of S. Paul : that is all of the Parish of S. Andrew ; which is the gift of his Ancestors by Seniority , as more I have shewed in the Castles . Now here is to bee noted , that the VVall of London , at that time , went straight South from Ludgate , downe to the River of Thames : But for building of the Blacke Friers Church , the said VVall in that place was by commandement taken downe , and a new VVall made , straight VVest from Ludgate to Fleet bridge , and then by the water of Fleet , to the River of Thames , &c. In the yeere 1307. the 35. of Edward the first , in a Parliament at Carlile , Henry Lacie , Earle of Lincolne , complained of annoyances done to the water of the Fleet ; whereupon it was granted , that the said Mill should bee removed and destroyed . This Ward ascendeth up by the East wall of the Blacke Friers , to the Southwest end of Creed lane , where it endeth on that side . Then to begin againe on the North side of Thames street , over against Huntington house , by Saint Peters Church and lane , called Peter Hill , and so to S. Bennet Hude ( or Hith ) over against Pauls Wharfe , is a proper Parish Church , which hath the Monuments of Sir William Cheyny , Knight , and Margaret his wife , 1442. buried there . Doctor Chadwell , Physician . Sir Gilbert Dethicke , alias Garter , King at Armes . Mariae Martin , Iohannis Roissei filiae , lectissimae feminae , uxori optimè meritae 4. liberorum incolumium Matri , ex longa infirmitate , quam ex puerperio contraxit , defunctae ad perpetuam federis nostri conjugalis memoriam , simul ut fidei , pietatis , & in omni vita probitatis ejus aliquod Monumentū extaret : Thomas Martinus Jurisconsultus moestissimus Conjunx posui . Obiit Calendas Maii , 1565. Vixit Annos 32. David Smith , Embroyderer to Queene Elizabeth , &c. deceased the tenth day of August , 1587. aged 63. yeeres , and lyeth here-under buried : whose honest , vertuous , and compassionate care for the needy , both in soule and body , is expressed by his benevolence that way extended , like a good Steward , making others partakers of his well-imployed Talent . Who had to wife Katharine , ( by whom he had eight sonnes and eight daughters ) at whose proper charges ( in memory of her said loving husband ) is erected this Monument , the 25. of March , in An. 1596. Who living his faithfull Widdow till the fourth day of February , 1607. aged 78. yeeres , lyeth also hereunder buried . The Tombe of Master James Austen , a good Benefactor of this Parish , who dyed Anno 1602. and of Joyce his wife , and of William their onely sonne : which Ioyce married after with Sir Robert Clarke , Knight , one of the Barons of the Kings Majesties Court of Exchequer , who caused this Tomb to be erected . Here lyeth the body of Ellis Hilton , Esquire , who deceased the 12. day of December , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1528. &c. Hic sepultus Griffinus LLoyd , Legum Doctor , Qui obiit in Christo , Novemb . 26. An. Dom. 1586. Hic discas morti dominari , spernere fatum . Diram morborum vim superare mori . Nam jacet hic legum Doctor virtutibus olim Insignis , verae Relligionis amans . Qui moriens docuit vivos benè vivere , vivus , Afflictos docuit pro pietate mori . Divitias justus cumulavit , dives amavit Iustitiam , voluit sic memor esse boni . Divitias moriens Musis donavit , ut illos Qui Musas colerent emoriendo juvat . Sic vivus moriensque fuit propensus ad omne Legis opus , voluit tam memor esse Dei. Relligio vigilem , Lex lumen , Cambria patrem , Oxonia eximium perdidit alma decus . Cum fera mors illum violento perdidit ictu , Quem nollet virtus inclita posse mori . Postquam per denos professor Regius annos Vixerat , hoc gelido condidit ossa thoro . Here lyeth buried the bodies of Iohn Par , and Mary his wife , who were married together 34. yeeres , and had issue one onely daughter betweene them , named Anne , who after married Thomas Gough , of the Inner Temple in London , Esquire , who had fruitfully borne him sixe sons and one daughter : which said Mr. Par was Embroyderer to our late Queene Elizabeth , and to the Kings Majestie that now is , 25. yeeres . He was a man of good respect in the Citie , liberall to the Company whereof hee was free , a good benefactor to the poore of this Parish , and bountifull to all men . He departed this life the 17. day of Iuly , 1607. being aged 72. yeeres and Mary his wife dyed a yeere and an halfe before him . This Tombe was erected and made by Thomas Gough , and Anne his wife , appointed by the last Will of Iohn Par , who made the said Anne his full Executrix : And it was finished the 29. day of Iune , 1611. West from this Church , by the South end of Adle street , almost against Puddle Wharfe , there is one ancient building of stone and timber , builded by the Lords of Barkley , and therefore called Barkleys Inne . This house is now all in ruine , and letten out in severall tenements , yet the Armes of the Lord Barkley remaine in the stone-worke of an arched gate , and is betweene a Cheveron , Crosses ten , three , three , and foure . Richard Beauchampe , Earle of Warwicke , was lodged in this house , then called Barkleys Inne , in the Parish of S. Andrew , in the reigne of Henry the 6. Then turning up towards the North , is the Parish Church of S. Andrew in the Wardrobe , a proper Church , but few Monuments hath it . Iohn Parnt founded a Chauntry there . Hic jacet Ioannes Ley , Armig. de Comitatu Wiltz . Qui obiit 7. die Iunii , An. Dom. 1604. Aetat . suae 54. Hic jacet Ioannes Barnard , nuper Civis & Sciffor Lond. ac Aelinora & Alicia , uxores ejus . Qui quidem Ioannes obiit 21. die Novemb. An. Dom. 1503. The 29. day of October , An. Dom. 1573. deceased Thomasine , the wife of Thomas Butler , of Bewsen , in the County of Lancaster , Esquire , and lyeth buried before this Pillar . Via omnis carnis : hodie mihi , cras tibi . Marmoreum decus hoc consortis munere grato , Non vita verum nomine , Longus habet . Here lyeth Henry Long of Shingay , Esquire , sonne and heire of Sir Richard Long , Knight , Gentleman of the Privie Chamber to King Henry the eighth , the third son of Sir Thomas Long , Knight , of Wiltshire : who married Dorothie , the daughter of Nicholas Clarke of Weston , Esquire , and Elizabeth Ramsey his wife , sole heire of Thomas Ramsey of Hicham , Esquire , her Father : By whom he had issue one sonne and three daughters : Hee dyed the 15. day of April , An. Dom. 1573. leaving alive at that time of his death , Elizabeth , his sole daughter and heire . Dorothea uxor , conjugis amore posuit . Nomine Longus , vita brevis , inclitus ortu , Ingenio praestans , & pietatis amans . Nere to this place lyeth interred the corps of William Nicholson , sometime of Walton , in the County of Buck , Gent. and Citizen and Draper of London . He had to wife Ioane , the eldest daughter , and one of the heires of William Company , Gent. By whom he had issue ( among divers other ) these which survived , namely , Helen , first the wife of Iohn Minor , of London , Draper , and afterward of Sir Iohn Branch , Knight , Lord Maior of London , An. Dom. 1580. And Beniamin , who deceased at Bramley , in the County of Surrey , where hee hath also left issue 2. sonnes , Robert and George . The said William Nicholson departed this life in September , An. Do. 1531. Being a benefactor to this Church , and to other charitable uses : whose soule ( we doubt not ) resteth with the Lord. Qui genere atque opibus quondam florebat honestis , Nicholson , jacet hac parvus in aede civis . Quod mortale fuit fluxit : sed fama perennis Mensque manet ; nihil hic funera juris habent . Spiritus in Coelis divino splendet honore , In terris memori nomen amore viget . Then is the Kings great Wardrobe . Sir Iohn Beauchamp , Knight of the Garter , Constable of Dover , Warden of the Cinque Ports , ( sonne to Guido de Beauchampe , Earle of Warwicke ) builded this house , was lodged there , deceased in the yeere 1359. and was buried on the South side of the middle I le of Pauls Church . His Executors sold the house to King Edward the third , unto whom the Parson of S. Andrews complaining , that the said Beauchampe had pulled downe divers houses , in their places to build the same house , whereby he was hindred of his accustomed Tithes paid by the Tenants of old time ; granted him 40. s. by the yeere out of that house for ever . King Richard the third was lodged there in the second of his reign . In this house of late yeeres was lodged Sir Iohn Fortescue , Knight , Master of the Wardrobe , Chancellour and under-Treasurer of the Exchequer , and one of her Majesties most Honourable Privie Councell . The secret Letters and writings , touching the estate of the Realme , were wont to be inrolled in the Kings Wardrobe , and not in the Chancerie , as appeareth by the Records . Claus . 18. E. 4. 1. Memb. 13. Claus . 33. E. 1. Memb. 3. Et liberat . 1. E. 2. Memb. 4. &c. From this Wardrobe , by the West end of Carter lane , then up Creed lane , Ave Mary lane , and a piece of Pater noster row , up Warwicke lane , all the East side , to the Brewhome called the Crowne , as I said , is of this Ward . Touching Lanes ascending out of Thames street , to Knight-riders street , the first is Peters Hill , wherein I finde no matter of note , more than certaine Almes-houses , lately founded on the West side thereof , by Dauid Smith Embroyderer , for sixe poore widdowes , whereof each to have 20. s. by the yeere . On the East side of this lane standeth a large house , of ancient building , sometime belonging to the Abbot of S. Mary in York , and was his abiding house when he came to London , Thomas Randolph Esquire hath lately augmented and repaired it . At the upper end of this Lane , towards the North , the corner houses there , be called Peter Key , but the reason thereof I have not heard . Then is Pauls Wharfe Hill , on the East side whereof is Wood-mongers Hall. And next adjoyning is Darby House , sometime belonging to the Stanleys , for Thomas Stanley , first Earle of Darby , of that name , who married the Lady Margaret , Countesse of Richmond , mother to Henry the seventh , in his time builded it . Queene Mary gave it to Gilbert Dethicke , then Garter , Principall King of Armes of Englishmen , Thomas Hauley Clarentieux , King of Armes of the South parts , William Harvy , alias Norroy , King of Armes of the North parts , and the other Heralds and Pursevants of Armes and to their successors , all the Capitall messuage or house , called Darby house , with the appurtenances , situate in the Parish of Saint Bennet , and Saint Peter , and then being in the tenure of Sir Richard Sackvile , Knight , and lately parcell of the Lands of Edward Earle of Darby , &c. to the end that the said Kings of Armes , Heraults , and Pursevaunts of Armes , and their successors might ( at their liking ) dwell together , and at meet times to congregate , speak , conferre , and agree among themselves , for the good government of their faculty , and their Records might bee more safely kept , &c. Dated the eighteenth day of Iuly 1555. Philip and Marie the first and third yeere . Then higher up , neere the South Chaine of Pauls Church-yard , is the Powle head Taverne , which house with the appurtenances , was ( of old time ) called Pauls Brewhouse , for that the same was so imployed , but being since left off , and letten out . On the VVest side of this streete is one other great house builded of stone , which belongeth to Pauls Church , and was sometime letten to the Blunts , Lord Mountjoy ; but of later time to a Colledge in Cambridge , and from them to the Doctors of the Civill Law and Arches , who keep a Commons there , and many of them being there lodged , it is called the Doctors Commons . Above this , on the same side , was one other great building over-against Pauls Brewhouse , and this was called Pauls Bakehouse , and was imployed in baking of Bread for the Church of Pauls . In Addle street or Lane I find no Monuments . In Lambart hill lane , on the West side thereof , is the Blacksmiths Hall , and adjoyning to the North side thereof have ye one plot of ground , inclosed with a Bricke wall for a Church-yard , or b●rying plot , for the dead of Saint Mary Magdalens by Old Fishstreet , which was given to that use by Iohn Iwarby , an Officer in the receit of the Exchequer , in the sixe and twentieth of King Henry the sixth , as appeareth by Patent . Iohn Iwarby , &c. gave a peece of Land lying voide in the Parish of Saint Mary Magdalen , nigh to Old Fishstreet , betweene the Tenement of John Phipot on the South , and the Tenement of Bartholomew Burwash on the West , and the Tenement per●aining to the Covent of the Holy VVell on the North , and the way upon Lambarts Hill , on the East , for a Church-yard to the Parson and Church-wardens , &c. Over-against the North-west end of this Lambart hill lane in Knight-riders street , is the Parish Church of St. Mary Magdalen , a small Church , having but few Monuments . Richard Woodroffe , Merchant-Taylor , 1519. Barnard Randalph , Esquire , 1583. Ioannes Sugar , Civis & Piscenarius London : Qui obiit 29. die D●cemb . An. Dom. 1455. & Margareta uxor ejus , quae obiit 13. die Novemb. An. Dom. 1485. Quorum animarum , &c. Here lieth buried the body of Barnard Randolph , Esquire , while hee lived , Commons Sergeant of this City of London . He died the seventh day of August , An. Dom. 1583. And of his liberality hath been beneficiall to the City , as formerly hath been declared . Here lieth buried the body of Herbert Randolph , of Wardis , in the County of Sussex , Esquire , Cousin and next heire to Barnard Randolph , Esquire , &c. He tooke to wife Judith , the eldest daughter of Anthony Shirley , of Freston , in the said County of Sussex , Esquire , and departed this life ( without issue ) on the 9. day of April , 1604. In Obitum lectissimae feminae Margaretae Serle , nuper uxoris Alexandri Serle , Reg. Majest . Procuratoris , &c. Quae obiit 8. die Mens . Martii , Anno Salutis humanae ( qua nunc beatissima fruitur ) iuxta stilum Angliae , 1605. Virgo decem & septem vixi intaminata per annos , Deme duos totidem tum pia nuptafui . Funera gnatorum vidi lugubria quinque , Deque nevem , reliqui his duo , nostra vident . Casta domi vixi , invigilans prolique larique , Sara viro , mundo Martha , Maria Deo. Memoriae Sacrum . Selectissimae feminae Ioannae , uxoris Gilberti Dethick , sil . 2. Domini Gulielmi Dethick , M t is filiae Alexandri Serle , Regiae Maiestatis Procuratoris Gen ti , & Margaretae uxoris suae . Quae quidem Ioanna 10. Martii , An. 1607 stilo Angliae , sub certa spe venturae in Christo Resurrectionis , Spiritum Deo , corpus terrae commendavit . Vt semel partu geminas eodem , Tristis , enixa est tacitas , sorores , Lang●ido tandem pi●cidè quievit . Quindecem virge pia vixit annos , Quindecem menses pia nupta facis Tum piè cedens , pia mens fit alti , Tabida Incola Coeli Virgo dum , spes haec & amorparentum , Nupta dum , lux haec & honor mariti , Vxor & virgo , decor haec , propinquis , Et decus omnes . George Coleman , Gent. a free-man of this City of London , was born in Richmonsh●re , and afterward inhabited at Callis , in the time of the first surprize thereof by the French , An. Dom. 1558. where he lost all his lands and substance ; and at the age of 95. yeers he died , the 16. of September , 1600. and lyeth interred on the North side of the Communion Table . By him is buried Alice his wife , the onely daughter of George Gainsford , Esquire , a younger sonne of Sir Iohn Gainsford of Crohurst , in the County of Surrey , Knight , and brother to the last Sir Iohn Gainsford , of the same place , Knight . Which Alice was sole heire to her Mother Elizabeth , daughter and coheire to Iohn Alphew , of Boare Place , in the County of Kent , Esquire . Shee dyed the fourth of March , Anno Domini , 1581. On the West side of this Church , by the Porch thereof , is placed a Conduit or Cesterne of Lead , castellated with Stone , for receit of Thames water , conveyed at the charges of the forenamed Barnard Randolph , Esquire . By the East end of Saint Mary Magdalens Church , runneth up the Old Exchange lane , by the West end of Carter lane , to the South-east gate or Chaine of Pauls Church yard , as is before shewed . And in this part was the Exchange kept , and Bullion was received for coynage , as is noted in Faringdon Ward within . In this Parish Church of Saint Mary Magdalen , out of Knight-riders street , up to Carter lane , be two small Lanes : the one of them called Do little Lane , as a place not inhabited by Artificers , or open Shop-keepers , but serving for a neere passage from Knight-riders street , to Carter lane . The other , corruptly called Sermon Lane , for Sheremoniers Lane. For I find it by that name recorded in the foureteenth of Edward the first : And in that Lane , a place to be called the Blacke Loft , ( or melting Silver , ) with foure Shops adjoyning . It may therefore bee well supposed , that lane to take name of Sheremoniers , such as cut and rounded the Pla●es , to bee coyned or stamped into Estarsing pence , for the place of Coyning was the Old Exchange , neere unto the said Sheremoniers lane . Also I finde , that in the thirteenth of Richard the second , VVilliam de la Pole had an House there . In Knight-riders street is the Colledge of Physicians , wherein was founded , in the yeere 1582. a publike Lecture in Surgerie , to be read twice every weeke , &c. as is shewed else-where . In the South Church-yard of Pauls , is the South side and West end of the said Church : In the which West end , be three stately Gates , or entries , curiously wrought of stone , namely the middle Gate , in the midst whereof is placed a massie pillar of Brasse , whereunto the Leaves of the said great Gate are closed , and fastened with Lockes , Bolts , and Barres of Iron : All which notwithstanding , on the 24. of December , in the yeere 1565. by a Tempest of Wind then rising from the West , these Gates were blowne open , the Barres , Bolts , and Lockes broken in sunder , or greatly bended . Also , on the fifth of Ianuary , in the yeere 1589. by a like tempest of Wind , then in the South-west , the lesser West Gate of the said Church , next to the Bishops Palace , was broken , both Bolts , Barres , and Lockes , so that the same was blowne over . At either corner of this West end , is also of ancient building , a strong Tower of stone , made for Bell-Towers : the one of them , to wit , next to the Palace is at this present to the use of the same Palace ; the other , towards the South , is called the Lollards Tower , and hath beene used as the Bishops Prison , for such as were detected for Opinions in Religion , contrary to the faith of the Church . The last prisoner which I have knowne committed thereto , was in the yeere 1573. one Peter Burcher , Gent. of the middle Temple , for having desperately wounded , and minding to have murdered a serviceable Gentleman , named Iohn Hawkins , Esquire , in the high street , neere unto the Strand , who being taken and examined , was found to hold certain Opinions erroneous , and therefore committed thither , and convicted : but in the end , by perswasion , he promised to abjure his Heresies ; and was , by commandement of the Councell , removed from thence to the Tower of London , &c. where he committed , as in my Annales I have expressed . Adjoyning to this Lowlards Tower , is the Parish Church of Saint Gregory , appointed to the Pettie Chanons of Pauls . Monuments of note , these I find there : Alcia Barwis , Relicta Iohannis Barwis , Civis ac Minutarii Londinensis , posuit defuncto . Debita peccati solvens terrestria linquo , Visurus patriam quam mihi Christe dabis . Da patriam , Rex Christe Iesu , spes unica vitae , Da feuti veniam Rex bone Christe Iesu . Virtus post Fata . Thomas Redman , Almae Curiae Cantuar. de Arcubus London Procuratorum generalium unus , qui officium Registrariatus principalis Sedis Archiepiscopalis Cantuar . per nonnullos Annos laudabiliter exercuit , hic inhumatur . In uxorem duxit Annam Miliner , quacum piè & amantissimè vixit . Ex ea unam sibi filiam nomine Elizabetham procreavit : mortem obiit 12. die Novemb. An. Dom. 1601. Aluredus Copeley , de Botley , in Com. Ebor. Armig. quondam Socius Lincolniensis Hospitii , Obiit 5. die Feb. An. Dom. 1598. & aetatis suae , 37. Memoriae Sacrum . Sanctissimae & chariffimae Conjugi , Alisonae Heriot , Iacobi Primrosii , Regiae Majestatis in sanctiori Concilio Regni Scotiae amanuensis filiae , feminae omnibus tum animi tum corporis dotibus , ac pio cultu instructissimae ; Moestissimus ipsius Maritus , Georgius Heriot , Armiger , Regis , Reginae , Principum Henrici & Caroli Gemmarius , bene merenti , non sine lachrymis hoc Monumentum piè posuit . Obiit Mensis Aprilis , die 16. Anno Salut . M. D. C. XII . aetatis 20. in ipso flore juventae , & mihi parentibus amicis tristissimum sui desiderium reliquit . Hic Alisis Primrosa jacet crudo obruta fato ▪ Intempestivas ut Rosa passa manus . Nondum bis denos annorum impleverat orbes , Pulchra , pudica , Patris delicium atque viri : Quum gravida , heu nunquam Mater , discessit in inde Cura dolorque Patri , cura dolorq viro : Non sublata tamen , tantum translata recessit , Nunc Rosa prima Poli quae fuit ante Soli. Here lyeth Martha Forthe , sometime wife to Robert Forthe , Doctor of Law , with whom she lived very comfortably in true marriage , a most faithfull and loving wife , the space of 24. yeeres and 5. moneths . She lived vertuously and modestly , and beloved of all that did know her , and dyed in sound faith , and in the feare of God , the 26. day of November , Ann. Dom. 1589. in the 45. yeere of her age , in constant hope of a joyfull resurrection , with the elect children of Almightie God. Memoriae Sacrum . Edwardo Baker , Armig. Regiae Majestatis ad causas Ecclesiasticas Registrario principali , viro eximia eruditione , prudentia singulari , moribus probatissimis , & in publicis negotiis plurimum versato . Qui longo morbo intabescens , certa spe in Christo resurgendi , piè placideque animam Deo reddidit , die 26. Maii , Anno Domini , M. D. C. II. Here lyeth intombed the body of Mary , late wife of Thomas Sandys , Esquire , and onely daughter to Sir Stephen Thornehurst , Knight , and Dame Sybill his wife : Whose soule departed this life unto Christ , the last day of Iuly , in the yeere of our Redemption , 1598. and in the one and twentieth yeere of her age . In remembrance of whose piety and singular vertues , the eternall love of her Husband hath caused this Monument to be erected . In Heaven her soule , In me her love , her body resteth here , Which is to God , Was to the World , to me her Husband , deare . Here-under resteth Arthur Medlycote , Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London , sonne of Richard Medlycote of Shrewsbury , Gentleman , with Elizabeth his wife , daughter of John Philips . The said Arthur , in assured hope to be with Christ , ended this transitory life the seven and twentieth day of Iuly , Anno Domini , 1605. And the said Elizabeth , the eighteenth day of October , 1605. Here lyeth Dorothie , Daughter of John Theobald , the elder , of Shepie , in the County of Kent , Esquire . She first married John Crooke , Doctor of Law ; by whom , shee had onely Dorothie , first wife to Robert Honywood , Esquire . Secondly , to Ralph Allen , Alderman of London . Thirdly , to that most Reverend , excellent , and lea●ed Iudge , Sir Roger Manwood , Knight , Lord chiefe Baron of the Exchequer ; by whom she had issue , Iohn and Thomas , who dyed young . Marg●rie , the first wife of Sir John Lewson , Knight ; and Anne , first wife to Sir Percivall Hart , Knight , and Sir Peter Manwood , Knight of the Bath . Shee dyed the fourteenth day of September , Anno Domini , 1575. To whose reverend Memory , the said Sir Peter Manwood hath dutifully erected this Monument , Anno Dom. 1606. Gulielmi Coci hoc Tumulo parvo ossa quiescunt , Illius ast virtus non ita parva cubit : Plura nam ut omittam , Civili Iure secundus Nulli , nec vera dexteritate fuit . Cui pia , ne merito careat post funera virtus , Hoc uxor Maria nobile struxit opus . Moritur 25. Augusti , Anno Domini 1558. & Mariae Reginae , 6. 12. Septemb. An. Dom. 1587. obiit . Ioanna , filia Nich. Wallron , relicta Thomae Yale , Legū Doctoris , Cancellarius Archiepiscopalis Sedis Catuarien . & sepelitur sub spe suturae Resurrectionis . The rest of that South side of Saint Pauls Church , with the Chapter-house , ( a beautifull piece of VVorke , builded about the reigne of Edward the third ) is now defaced , by meanes of Licences granted to Cutlers , Budget-makers , and other , first to build low Sheds , but now high houses , which doe hide that beautifull side of the Church , save onely the toppe and South gate . On the North-west side of this Church-yard , is the Bishops Palace , a large thing for Receit , wherein divers Kings have beene lodged , and great House-hold hath beene kept , as appeareth by the great Hall , which of late yeeres , since the rebatement of Bishops Livings , hath not beene furnished with House-hold Meynie and Guests , as was meant by the builders thereof , and was of old time used . The Deanes Lodging , on the other side , directly against the Palace , is a faire old House , and also divers large Houses are on the same side builded , which yet remaine , and ( of old time ) were the Lodgings of Prebendaries and Residenciaries , which kept great House-holds , and liberall Hospitalitie ; but now either decayed , or otherwise converted . Then was there the Stationers Hall , on the same side , lately builded for them , in the place of Peter Colledge : Where , in the yeere , one thousand , five hundred , forty , and nine , the fourth day of Ianuary , six men were slaine by the fall of Earth upon them , digging for a Well . And let this bee an end of Baynards Castle Ward : which hath an Alderman , his Deputy ; Common Counsell , nine ; Constable , tenne ; Scavengers , seven ; Wardmote Inquest , foureteene , and a Beadle : And to the Fifteene , it is taxed at twelve pounds , in the Exchequer , eleven pounds , thirteene shillings . THE WARD OF FARINGDON Extra , or without . THE farthest West Ward of this Citie , being the 25. Ward of London , but without the walls , is called Faringdon without , and was of old time part of the other Faringdon within , untill the 17. of Richard the second , that it was divided , and made twaine , by the names of Faringdon infra , and Faringdon extra , as is afore shewed . The bounds of which Ward , without Newgate and Ludgate , are these : First , on the East part thereof , is the whole Precinct of the late Priory of S. Bartholomew , and a part of Long lane , on the North , towards Aldersgate street , and Ducke lane , with the Hospitall of S. Bartholomew on the West , and all Smithfield , to the Barres in Saint Iohn street . Then out of Smithfield , Chicken lane , toward Turne-Mill Brooke , and over that Brooke , by a Bridge of Timber , into the Field : then backe againe by the Pennes ( or Folds ) in Smithfield , by Smithfield Pond , to Cow lane , which turneth toward Oldbourne ; and then Hosiar lane , out of Smithfield also toward Oldborne , till it meet with a part of Cow lane . Then Cocke lane , out of Smithfield , over against Pye corner : then also is Gilt-spurre street , out of Smithfield to Newgate : then from Newgate West by Saint Sepulchres Church , to Turne-againe lane , to Oldbourne Conduit , on Snor Hill , to Oldbourne Bridge , up Oldbourne Hill , to the Barres , on both sides . On the right hand , or North side , at the bottome of Oldbourne Hill , is Gold lane , sometime a filthy passage into the Fields , now both sides builded with small Tenements . Then higher is Lither lane , turning also to the Field , lately replenished with houses builded , and so to the Barres . Now , on the left hand or South side from Newgate , lyeth a street called the Old Bayly , or Court of the Chamberlaine of this Citie : this stretcheth down by the Wall of the Citie , unto Ludgate . On the West side of which street , breaketh out one other Lane , called Saint Georges Lane , till yee come unto the South end of Sea-coale Lane ; and then , turning towards Flect-street , it is called Fleet lane . Then next out of the high street , from Newgate , turning downe South , is called the Little Bayly , and runneth downe to the East of S. Georges lane . Then is Sea-coale lane , which turneth downe into Flect lane . Neere unto this Sea-coale lane , in the turning towards Oldbourne Conduit , is another lane , called in record Winde-againe lane , it turneth downe to Turnmill Brooke , and from thence backe againe , for there is no way over . Then beyond Oldbourne Bridge , to Shoo lane , which runneth out of Oldborne unto the Conduit in Fleetstreet . Then also is Fewtars lane , which likewise stretcheth South into Fleet street , by the East end of S. Dunstanes Church : And from this Lane to the Barres , bee the bounds without Newgate . Now , without Ludgate , this VVard runneth up from the said gate to Temple barre , and hath on the right hand , or North side , the South end of the Old Bayly : then downe Ludgate hill , to the Fleet lane over Feeet bridge , and by Shoo lane , and Fewtars lane , and so to New street ( or Chancery lane ) and up that Lane , to the House of the Rolles , which House is also of this Ward ; and on the other side , to a Lane over-against the Rolles , which entreth Ficquets field . Then , hard by the Barre , is one other Lane , called Shire lane , because it divideth the City from the Shire , and this turneth into Ficquets field . From Ludgate againe , on the left hand , or South side , to Fleet bridge , to Bridge lane , which runneth South by Bridewell ; then to Water lane , which runneth downe to the Thames . Then by the White Friers , and by the Temple , evern to the Barre aforesaid , bee the bounds of this Faringdon Ward without . Touching Ornaments and Antiquities in this VVard , first , betwixt the said Newgate , and the Parish of Saint Sepulchers , is a way towards Smithfield , called Gilt Spurre , or Knight-Riders streete , of the Knights and other riding that way into Smithfield , replenished with building on both sides up to Pie corner , a place so called of such a signe , sometimes a faire Inne for receit of Travellers ; but now divided into Tenements , and over-against the said Pie corner , lyeth Cocke lane , which runneth downe to Oldbourne Conduit . Beyond this Pie corner , lyeth VVest Smithfield , compassed about with buildings , as first on the South side , following the right hand , standeth the large Hospitall of Saint Bartholomew , founded by Rahere , the first Prior of St. Bartholomewes , thereto neere adjoyning , in the yeere 1102. Alfune , that had not long before builded the Parish Church of Saint Giles without Creplegate , became the first Hospitelar , or Protector for the poore of this house , and went himselfe daily to the Shambles and other Markets , where he begged the charity of devout people for their reliefe , promising to the liberall givers ( and that by alledging testimonies of the holy Scripture ) reward at the hands of God. Henry the third granted to Katharine , late wife to William Hardell , twenty foote of Land in length and breadth in Smithfield , next to the Chappell of Saint Bartholomew , to build her a Recluse or Ankorage , commanding the Maior and Sheriffes of London , to assigne the said twenty foot to the said Katharine , Charta 11. of Henry the third . The foundation of this Hospitall for the poore and diseased , and their speciall sstentation , was confirmed by Edward the third , the 26. of his reigne . It was governed by a Master , and eight Brethren being Priests , for the Church ; and foure Sisters , to see the poore served . The Executors of Richard Whitington , sometime Maior of London , of his goods repaired this Hospitall , about the yeere 1423. Sir Iohn Wakering , Priest . Master of this House , in the yeere 1463. amongst other Bookes , gave to their common Library the fairest Bible that I have seene , written in large Vellam , by a Brother of that House , named Iohn Coke , at the age of 68. yeeres , when hee had beene Priest 43. yeeres . Since the spoile of that Library , I have seene this Booke in the custody of my Worshipfull friend , Master Walter Cope . Monuments in this Church of the dead , Benefactors thereunto , be these : Elizabeth , wife to Adam Hone , Gentleman . Bartholomew Bildington . Iane , wife to Iohn Cooke . Dame Alice , wife to Sir Rich. Isham . Alice , wife to Nicholas Bayly . Iohn woodhouse , Esquire . Robert Palmar , Gentleman . Idona , wife to Iohn Walden , lying by her husband on the North side , late new builded , 1424. Sir Thomas Malifant , or Nanfant , Baron of Winnow , Lord Saint-George , in Glamorgan , and Lord Ockeneton and Pile , in the County of Pembroke , 1438. Dame Margaret his wife , daughter to Thomas Astley , Esquire , with Edmond and Henry his children . William Markeby , Gentleman , 1438. Richard Shepley , and Alice his wife . Thomas Savill , Sergeant at Armes . Edward Beastby , Gentleman , and Margaret his wife . Walter Ingham , and Eleanor his wife . Robert Warnar , and Alice , Lady Carne . Robert Caldset , Iohan and Agnes his wives . Sir Robert Danvars , and Dame Agnes his wife , daughter to Sir Richard Delabar . William Brookes , Esquire . Iohn Shirley , Esquire , and Margaret his wife , having their Pictures of Brasse , in the habit of Pilgrims , on a faire flat Stone , with an Epitaph thus : Behold , how ended is our poore Pilgrimage , Of Iohn Shirley , Esquire , with Margaret his wife , That twelve children had together in marriage , Eight sonnes , and foure daughters , withouten strife , That in honour , nurture , and labour , flowed in fame : His pen reporteth his lives Occupation , Since Pier his life time , Iohn Shirley by name , Of his degree , that was in Brutes Albion ; That in the yeere of Grace deceased from hen , Foureteene hundred Winters , and sixe and fifty ; In the yeere of his age , fourescore and ten , Of October moneth , the day one and twenty . This Gentleman , a great Traveller in divers Countries , amongst other his Labours , painfully collected the Works of Geffrey Chawcer , Iohn Lidgate , and other learned VVriters ; which Workes he wrote in sundry Volumes , to remain for posterity : I have seene them , and partly doe professe them . Iane , Lady Clinton , gave ten pounds to the poore of this House , and was there buried , 1458. Agnes , daughter to Sir VVilliam Saint-George . Iohn Rogerbrooke , Esquire . Richard Sturgeon . Thomas Burgan , Gentleman . Elizabeth , wife to Henry Skinard , daughter to Chincroft , Esquire . William Mackley , Gentleman , and Alice his wife . William Fitzwater , Gentleman , 1466. Here Robert Balthorp lies intomb'd , to Elizabeth our Queene , Who Sergeant of the Chirurgeons sworne , neere thirty yeeres hath beene . He died at sixty nine of yeeres , December ninth the day , The yeere of Grace eight hundred twice , deducting nine away . Let here his rotten bones repose , till Angels Trumpet sound , To warne the world of present change , and raise the dead from ground . Vivit post funera Virtus . Thomas Bodleius , Eques Auratus , fecit Annae Conjugi piissimae , atque omnibus exemplis bene de se meritae , cum qua dulciter vixit Annos 24. Iohn vir honoratus jacet his Nedham tumulatus , Qui prudens , gratus , justus fuit & moderatus . Fratribus ille suis fuerat prae quatuor Annis Quem mors crudelis 29 . q ; Decembris M. C. quater Domini septem simul X. numerandi , Cujus spiritui sint Coeli gardia regni . The foureteenth yeere of our Lord seventy , Passed Sir William Knight to God Almighty , The 15. day of Iuly , Master of this place : Iesus for his mercy receive him into grace . Hic jacet Dominus Ioannes Byry , quondam Magister istius Hospitall . Qui obiit 28. die Septemb. An. Domini , 1417. Cujus , &c. Ecce sub hoc Tumulo Gulielmus conditur Honus , Vir justus , verbis integer , atque Deum Corde timens . Qui cum Guilda sit functus in Aula , Cumque palam in Templo bis legerat Anglica jura , Cunctorum sanè non sine laude virum , Mors hominem accersens supremum ( dixit ) adi●o . Sic moritur , corpus terrae , vermique relinquens , Scandit at excelsis sidera mente poli . Hoc posuit Conjunx dilecta Iocosa Sepulchrum , Dicta locosa licet plena dolore tamen . Sub praesenti marmore requiescunt corpora Walter Ingham Generosi , ac Aelianorae consortis suae . Qui quidem Walterus ingressus est viam universae carnis 7. die Mensis Martii , Anno Domini 1464. Et praedicta Aelianora , uxor sua terrenae mortis deg●stavic pecula 15. die Septemb. An. Dom. 1466. Quorum , &c. Hic vir pacificus Shipley Richardus humatur , Verus Catholicus domus haec hoc testificatur . Esurientes ac sitientes namque fovebat , Pace fruentes , justa petentes corde gerebat . C. quater & Mille , X. & M. V. cadit ille Luce Maii deca ter que monas fit humus sibi mater , Co●lux postque sua finivit Alicia flamen , Q●os manus tua salvet precor O Deus . Amen . Hic vir Catholicus bonus ecce Richardus humatur Sturgeon pacificus , quem mors rapuisse probatur . Armi ger hic Regis fuit , & vir Nobilitatis , Mandatum legis servans , celsis probitatis . Annis trigenis fit Clericus ipse Coronae Et quivis plenè hunc cape Christe bone . Mille , quater contum semel L. sex tempore Christi . Dat fundamentum quindena Martius isti , Vxor eius quem bona iungitur ecce Ioanna , Vt capiant dona Coelorum Iesus Hosanna . Here lyeth now dead , which late was quick , The comely Corps of Anne Westwick ; Who died in Child-bed , of her first , Vpon the fifth day of August : Whose soule ( doubtlesse ) is long ere this , In Heaven with Christ , in joy and blisse ; But yet , for order of Charity , Vpon her soule say , Jesu have mercy . Anno Domini , 1556. Hic jacet Dominus Richardus Lye , quondam Abbas Salopiae , qui sua industria , sumptibus magnis & suis laboribus ( Deo suadente ) recuperavit libertates suae Ecclesiae Salopiae praedict . & postea obiit die Martii , tempore Parliamenti , Anno Domini 1512. Cuius , &c. This Hospitall was valued at the suppression , in the yeere 1539. the 31. of Henry the eighth , to five and thirty pounds , sixe shillings , seven pence , yeerly . The Church remaineth a Parish Church to the Tenents dwelling in the Precinct of the Hospitall : But in the yeere 1546. on the thirteenth of Ianuary , the Bishop of Rochester , preaching at Pauls Crosse , declared the gift of the said King to the Citizens , for relieving of the Poore , which contained the Church of the Gray Friers , the Church of Saint Bartholomew , with the Hospitall , the Messuages , and appurtenances in Gilt Spurre , alias Knight Riders street , Briton street , Peter Kay , in the Parish of Saint Mary Magdalen , in Old Fish street , and in the Parish of St. Benet Huda , Lymehurst , or Limehost , in the Parish of Stebunbeth , &c. Then also were Orders devised for reliefe of the Poore : the inhabitants were all called to their Parish Churches ; where , by Sir Richard Dobbes , then Maior , their severall Aldermen , or other grave Citizens , they were by eloquent Orations perswaded , how great and how many commodities would ensue unto them and their City , if the poore of divers sorts , which they named , were taken from out their Streets , Lanes , and Allies , and were bestowed and provided for in Hospitals abroad , &c. Therefore was every man moved , liberally to grant ( what they would impart ) towards the preparing and furnishing of such Hospitals , and also , what they would contribute weekly towards their maintenance for a time , which ( they said ) should not bee past one yeere , or twaine , untill they were better furnished of Endowment . To make short , every man granted liberally , according to his ability : Books were drawne of the Reliefe in every VVard of the City , towards the new Hospitals , and were delivered by the Maior to the Kings Commissioners , on the seventeenth of February ; and order was taken therein , so as the sixe and twentieth of Iuly , in the yeere 1552. the repairing of the Gray Friers house , for poore fatherlesse children , was taken in hand ; and also , in the later end of the same moneth , began the repairing of this Hospitall of Saint Bartholomew , and was of new endowed , and furnished at the charges of the Citizens . On the East side of this Hospitall lyeth Ducke lane , which runneth out of Smithfield South , to the North end of Little Britaine street . On the East side of this Ducke lane , and also of Smithfield , lieth the late dissolved Priory of St. Bartholomew , founded also by Rahere , a pleasant witted Gentleman ; and therefore in his time called the Kings Minstrell , about the yeere of Christ , 1102. He founded it in a part of the oft before named Moorish ground , which was therefore a common Lay-stall o●●ll filth , that was to be voided out of the City . He placed Canons there ; himselfe became their first Prior , & so continued till his dying day , and was there buried in a faire Monument , of late renewed by Prior Bolton . Amongst other memorable matters touching this Priory , one is of an Archbishops Visitation , which Matthew Paris hath thus : Boniface ( saith hee ) Archbishop of Canturbury , in his Visitation came to this Priory ; where , being received with Procession in the most solemne wise , he said , That hee passed not upon the honour , but came to visit them ; to whom the Canons answered , That they having a learned Bishop , ought not , in contempt of him , to be visited by any other : which answer so much offended the Archbishop , that hee forthwith fell on the Sub-Prior , and smote him on the face , saying ; Indeed , indeed , doth it became you English Traytors so to answer mee ? Thus raging , with oathes not to bee recited , hee rent in peeces the rich Cope of the Sub-Prior , and trode it under his feete , and thrust him against a Pillar of the Chancell with such violence , that hee had almost killed him . But the Canons seeing their Sub-Prior thus almost slaine , came and plucked off the Archbishop with such force , that they overthrew him backwards ; whereby they might see , that he was armed , and prepared to fight . The Archbishops men seeing their Master downe , being all strangers , and their Masters Countrimen borne at Province , fell upon the Canons , beat them , tare them , and trode them under foot . At length , the Canons getting away as well as they could , ran bloudy , miry , rent and torne to the Bishop of London to complaine , who bade them goe to the King at Westminster , and tell him thereof : whereupon foure of them went thither , the rest were not able , they were so sore hurt . But when they came to Westminster , the King would neither heare nor see them ; so they returned without redresse . In the meane season the City was in an uproare , and ready to have rung the common Bell , and to have hewed the Archbishop into small peeces , who was secretly crept to Lambhith , where they sought him , and not knowing him by sight , said to themselves ; where is this Ruffian , that cruell smiter ? Hee is no winner of soules , but an exactor of money , whom neither God , nor any lawfull or free election did bring to this promotion : but the King did unlawfully intrude him , being unlearned , a stranger borne , and having a wife , &c. But the Archbishop conveighed himselfe over , and went to the King with a great complaint against the Canons , whereas himselfe was guilty . This Priory of Saint Bartholomew was againe new builded in the yeere 1410. Bolton was the last Prior of this house , a great builder there : for hee repaired the Priory Church , with the Parish Church adjoyning , the offices and lodgings to the said Priory belonging and neere adjoyning : he builded of new the Mannor of Canonbury at Islington , which belonged to the Canons of this house , and is situate in a low ground , somewhat North from the Parish Church there . But he builded no house at Harrow on the hill , as Edward Hall hath written , following a fable then on foote . The people ( saith hee ) being feared by Prognostications , which declared that in the yeere of Christ , 1524. there should bee such Ecli●ses in watry signes , and such conjunctions , that by waters and flouds many people should perish : people victualled themselues , and went to high grounds for feare of drowning , and especially one Bolton , which was Prior of Saint Bartholomewes in Smithfield , builded him an house upon Harrow on the hill , onely for feare of this floud : thither he went and made provision of all things necessary within him , for the space of two moneths , &c. But this was not so indeed , as I have been credibly informed : true it is , that this Bolton was also Parson of Harrow , and therefore bestowed some small reparations on the Parsonage house , and builded nothing there more than a Dovehouse , to serve him when hee had forgone his Priory . To this Priory King Henry the second granted the priviledge of a Faire to bee kept yeerly at Bartholomewtide , for three daies , to wit , the Eve , the Day , and the next morrow , to the which the Clothiers of England , and Drapers of London repaired , and had their Boothes and standings within the Church-yard of this Priory , closed in with VVals and Gates locked every night , and watched for safety of mens goods and wares ; a Court of Piepowders was daily during the Faire holden , for debts and contracts . But notwithstanding all Proclamations of the Prince , and also the Act of Parliament , in place of Booths within this Church-yard ( only letten out in the Faire time , and closed up all the yeere after ) bee many large houses builded , and the North VVall towards Long lane , taken downe , a number of Tenements are there erected , for such as will give great rents . Monuments of the dead in this Priory , these are , of Rahere , the first founder . Roger VValden , Bishop of London , 1406. Iohn Warton , Gentleman , and Elizabeth his wife , daughter to William Scot , Esquire . Iohn Louth , Gentleman . Robert Shikeld , Gentleman . Sir Bacon , Knight . Iohn Ludlow , and Alice his wife . W. Thirlewall , Esquire . Richard Lancaster , Herald at Armes . Thomas Torald . Iohn Royston . Iohn Watford . Iohn Carleton . Robert , son to Sir Robert Willowby . Gilbert Halstocke . Eleanor , wife to Sir Hugh Fen , mother to Margaret , Lady Aburgaveny . William Essex , Esquire . Richard Vancke , Baron of the Exchequer , and Margaret his wife , daughter to William de la River . Iohn Winderhall . Iohn Duram , Esquire , and Elizabeth his wife . Iohn Malwine . Alice , wife to Balstred , daughter to Kniffe . William Scarlet , Esquire . Iohn Golding . Hugh Walter , Gentleman , and the late Sir Walter Mildmay , Knight , Chancellor of the Exchequer . Vana salus hominis . Memor esto , quoniam mors non tardat , & restamentum inferorum , quia demonstratum est tibi : testamentum enim hujus mundi morte morieris . Omnia suo proveniunt tempore atque transeunt . Ante mortem , ne laudes hominem quenquam , quoniam in filiis suis agnoscitur vir . Percinalus Samlpace , Armiger , obiit secundo die Februarii , Anno Dom. 1568. R. Elizabetha regnante : Cujus quidem corpus juxta hunc Tumulum humatum existit . Agnes uxor ejus , & filia Ioannis Tebowld , Armigeri , obiit 3. die Septemb. An. Dom. 1588. R. Elizabetha regnante . Liberi inter eos Michael & Thomas , adhuc viventes , qui in religiosa memoria optimorum parentum , hoc monumentum posuerunt . Behold your selves by us , such once were we as you , And you in time shall be even dust as we are now . Mors nobis lucrum . Hic jacet Gualterus Mildmay , miles , & Maria uxor ejus . Ipse obiit ultimo die Maii , 1589. Ipsa 16. die Martii 1576. Reliquerunt duos filios , & tres filias . Fundavit Collegium Emanuelis Cantabridgiae , moritur Cancellarius & Sub-thesaurarius Scaccarii , & Regiae Majestati à Consiliis . This Pric●y , at the late surrender , the 30. of Henry the eighth , was valued at 653. l. 15. s. by the yeere . This Church having in the Bell-Tower sixe bels in a tune , those bels were sold to the Parish of Saint Sepulchres , and then the Church being pulled downe to the Quire , the Quire was by the Kings order annexed , for the enlarging of the old Parish Church there to adjoyning , and so was used till the reigne of Queene Mary , who gave the remnant of the Priory Church to the Friers preachers , or Blacke Friers , and was used as their Coventuall Church , untill the first of our Soveraigne Lady Queene Elizabeth : then those Friers were put out , and all the said Church , with the old parish Church , was wholly as it stood , in the last yeere of Edward the sixth , given by Parliament , to remaine for ever a parish Church to the Inhabitants within the Close , called great Saint Bartholomewes . Since the which time , the old parish Church is pulled downe , except the Steeple of rotten Timber , ready to fall of it selfe . I have oft heard it reported , that a new Steeple should bee builded with the Stone , Lead and Timber of the old parish Church , but no such thing was performed . The parish have lately repaired the old woodden Steeple , to serve their turne . On the North side of this Priory , is the Lane truly called Long , which reacheth from Smithfield to Aldersgate street . This Lane is now lately builded on both the sides with Tenements for Brokers , Tiplers , and such like : the rest of Smithfield from Long lane end to the Barres , is inclosed with Innes , Brew-houses , and large Tenements ; on the VVest side is Chicken lane , downe to Cowbridge . Then be the pens or folds , so called of sheepe there parted , and penned up to be sold on the Market dayes . Then is Smithfield Pond , which of ( old time ) in Records was called Horse-Poole , for that men watered Horses there , and was a great water . In the sixth of Henry the fifth , a new building was made in the VVest part of Smithfield , betwixt the said Poole and the River of the Wels , or Turnemill-brooke , in a place then called the Elmes , for that there grew many Elme trees , and this had been the place of execution for Offenders : since the which time , the building there hath been so increased , that now remaineth not one tree growing . Amongst these new buildings is Cowbridge street , or Cow lane ; which turneth toward Oldbourne , in which Lane the Prior of Semperingham had his Inne , or London lodging . The rest of that West side of Smithfield hath divers faire Innes , and other comely buildings , up to Hosier lane , which also turneth downe to Oldbourne , till it meet with Cowbridge street . From this Lane to Cocke lane , over-against Pie-corner . And thus much for incroachments and inclosure of this Smithfield , whereby remaineth but a small portion for the old uses , to wit , for markets of horses , and cattell , neither for Military exercises , as Iustings , Turnings , and great Triumphs , which have beene there performed before the Princes and Nobility , both of this Realme and sorraine Countries . For example to note : In the yeere 1357. the 31. of Edward the third , great and royall Iusts were then holden in Smithfield , there being present the Kings of England , France , and Scotland , with many other Nobles , and great Estates of divers lands . In the yeere 1362. the 36. of Edward the 3. on the first five daies of May , in Smithfield were Iusts holden , the King and Queene being present , with the most part of the Chivalry of England , and of France , and of other Nations , to the which came Spaniards , Cyprians , and Armenians , Knightly requesting ayde of the King of England , against the Pagans that invaded their confines . The 48. of Edw. the third , Dame Alice Perrers , or Pierce ( the kings Concubine ) as Lady of the Sunne , rode from the Tower of London , through Cheape , accompanied of many Lords and Ladies , every Lady leading a Lord by his horse bridle , till they came into West Smithfield , and then began a great Just , which endured seven daies after . Also the 9. of Richard the 2. was the like great riding from the Tower to Westminster , and every Lord led a Ladies horse bridle , and on the morrow began the Iusts in Smithfield , which lasted two dayes : there bare them well , Henry of Darby , the Duke of Lancasters sonne , the Lord Beaumont , Sir Simon Burley , and Sir Paris Countney . In the 14. of Richard the second , after Froisard , royall Iusts and Turnements were proclaimed to be done in Smithfield , to begin on Sunday next after the feast of Saint Michael ; many strangers came forth of other countries : namely , Valariam , Earle of S. Paul , that had married king Richards sister , the Lady Maud Courtney , and William the young Earle of Ostarvant , son to Albret of Baviere , Earle of Holland and Henault . At the day appointed , there issued forth of the Tower , about the third houre of the day 60. Coursers , apparrelled for the Iusts , and upon every one an Esquire of honour riding a soft pace : then came forth 60. Ladies of honour mounted upon Palfraies , riding on the one side richly apparrelled , and every Lady led a Knight with a chain of gold , those Knights being on the Kings party , had their armour & apparell garnished with white Harts , and crownes of gold about the Harts neckes , and so they came riding through the streets of London to Smithfield , with a great number of Trumpets , and other instruments of Musicke before them . The King and Queene , who were lodged in the Bishops Palace of London , were come from thence , with many great Estates , and placed in chambers to see the Iusts : the Ladies that led the knights , were taken downe from their Palfraies , and went up to chambers prepared for them . Then alighted the Esquires of Honour from their Coursers , and the knights in good order mounted upon them ; and after their Helmets were set on their heads , and being ready in all points , Proclamation made by the Heralds , the Iusts began , and many commendable courses were runne , to the great pleasure of the beholders : this Iusts continued many dayes with great feasting , as ye may reade in Froisard . In the yeere 1393. the 17. of Richard the 2. certaine Lords of Scotland came into England to get worship , by force of Armes , the Earle of Marre challenged the Earle of Notingham , to Iust with him , and so they rode together certaine courses , but not the full challenge , for the Earle of Marre was cast both horse and man , and two of his ribbes broken with the fall , so that he was conveighed out of Smithfield , and so towards Scotland , but dyed by the way at Yorke . Sir Wil. Darell , knight , the Kings Banner-bearer of Scotland , challenged Sir Percy Courtney , knight , the Kings Banner-bearer of England , and when they had runne certaine courses , gave over without conclusion of victory . Then Cookborne , Esquire of Scotland , challenged Sir Nicholas Hawberke , knight , and rode five courses , but Cookborne was borne over horse and man , &c. In the yeere 1409. the tenth of Henry the fourth , a great Play was played at Skinners Well , which lasted eight dayes , where were to see the same , the most part of the Nobles and Gentles in England : and forthwith began a royall Justing in Smithfield , between the Earle of Somerset , and the Seneshall of Henalt , Sir Io. Cornwall , Sir Richard Arundell , and the sonne of Sir Iohn Cheyney , against certaine French men . And the same yeere a battell was fought in Smithfield , between two Esquires , the one called Glaucester Appellant , and the other Arthure Defendant , they fought valiantly , but the King tooke up the quarrell into his hands , and pardoned them both . In the yeere 1430. the eighth of Henry the sixth , the fourteenth of Ianuary , a battell was done in Smithfield , within the Lists , before the King , between two men of Feversham in Kent , Iohn Vpton , Notary , Appellant , and Iohn Downe , Gentleman , Defendant : Iohn Vpton put upon Iohn Downe , that he and his Compiers should imagine the Kings death upon the day of his Coronation . When these had fought long , the King took up the matter , & forgave both the parties . In the yeere 1442. the 20. of Henry the sixth , the 30. of Ianuary , a Challenge was done in Smithfield , within the Lists , before the King , there being Sir Philip la Beaufe , of Aragon , Knight , the other an Esquire of the Kings house , called Iohn Ansley , or Anstley ; they came to the field all armed , the Knight with his sword drawne , and the Esquire with his Speare , which Speare hee cast against the Knight , but the Knight avoided it with his sword , and cast it to the ground . then the Esquire tooke his Axe , and smote many blowes on the Knight , and made him let fall his Axe , and brake up his Vmber three times , & would have smit him on the face with his dagger , for to have slaine him ; but then the King cried hold , and so they were parted : the King made Iohn Ansley Knight , and the Knight of Aragon offered his Harnesse at Windsor . In the yeer 1446. the 24. of Hen. the 6. Iohn David appeached his Master William Cater of treason : and a day being assigned them to fight in Smithfield , the Master being well beloved , was so cherished by his friends , and plied with wine , that being therewith overcome , was also unluckily slaine by his servant . But that false servant ( for he falsly accused his Master ) lived not long unpunished ; for he was after hanged at Teyborn for felony . Let all such false accusers note this for example , and looke for no better end , without speedy repentance . The same yeere , Thomas Fiiz-Thomas , Prior of Kilmaine , appeached Sir Iames Butler , Earle of Ormond , of treasons : which had a day assigned them to fight in Smithfield , the Lists were made , and the field prepared : but when it came to the point , the King commanded they should not fight , and tooke the quarrell into his hands . In the yeere 1467. the seventh of Edward the fourth , the Bastard of Burgoigne challenged the Lord Scales , brother to the Queene , to fight with him , both on horse-back and on foot : the King therefore caused Lists to bee prepared in Smithfield , the length of 120. Taylors yards , and ten foote , and in breadth 80. yards , and 20. foot , double barred , five foot betweene the barres , the timber worke whereof cost 200. Marks , besides the faire and costly Galleries prepared for the Ladies and other : at the which Martiall enterprise , the King and Nobility were present . The first day they ranne together with Speares , and departed with equall honour . The next day they turneyed on horsebacke , the Lord Scales horse having on his Chafron a long speare pike of steele , and as the two Champions coaped together , the same horse thrust his pike into the nostrils of the Bastards horse , so that for very paine , he mounted so high that he fell on the one side with his Master , and the Lord Scales rode about him with his sword drawne , till the King commanded the Marshall to helpe up the Bastard , who said ; I cannot hold by the clouds ; for though my horse faile me , I will not faile an incounter companion : but the King would not suffer them to doe any more that day . The next morrow they came into the Lists on foot , with two Pole-Axes , and fought valiantly , but at the last the point of the Pole-Axe of the Lord Scales entred into the side of the Bastards Helm ; and by force might have placed him on his knees : But the King cast downe his warder , and the Marshall severed them . The Bastard required that hee might performe his enterprise : but the King gave Judgement , as the Bastard relinguished his challenge , &c. And this may suffice for Iusts in Smithfield . But yet we may not part with Smithfield so : for , as it hath beene a place for such honourable Iusts and Triumphs , by reason it was a soft ground , and unpaved : so was it a Market place for Cattell , Hay , Straw , and other necessary provisions , and likewise ( once in the yeere ) at Bartholomewtide a generall Faire , commonly called Bartholomew Faire , hath usually beene kept in that place . But in regard that it was continually subject to the iniquity of weather , and being a place of such goodly extendure , deserved to be much better respected ; it pleased the Kings Majesty , with the advice of his honourable Lords of the Councell , to w●ite graciously to the Lord Maior and the Aldermen his Brethren , that Smithfield might be sufficiently paved , which would bee the onely meanes , whereby to have it kept in far cleaner condition . And as no motion ( to any good end and intent ) can be made to the City , but they as gladly embrace and willingly pursue it : even so this honourable motion found as acceptable entertainment , and it was very speedily proceeded withall . Some voluntary contribution in the severall Parishes ( what each man willingly would give ) was bestowed on the worke ; but ( indeed ) hardly deserving any report . Notwithstanding , on the fourth day of February , in An. 1614. the City began the intended labour , and before Bartholomewtide then next ensuing , to the credit and honour of the City for ever , it was fully finished , and Bartholomew Faire there kept , without breaking any of the paved ground , but the Boothes discreetly ordered , to stand fast upon the pavement . The Citizens charge thereof ( as I have been credibly told by Master Arthur Strangwaies ) amounting well neere to sixteene hundred pounds . Now to returne through Gilt-spurre street by Newgate , where I first began , there standeth the faire parish Church , called S. Sepulchers in the Bayly , or by Chamberlaine gate , in a faire Church-yard , though not so large as of old time ; for the same is letten out for buildings , and a Garden plot . This Church was newly re-edified or builded , about the reigne , of Henry the sixth , or of Edward the fourth , one of the Pophames was a great builder there : namely , of one faire Chappell on the South side of the Quire , as appeareth by his Armes , and other Monuments in the Glasse windowes thereof , and also the faire Porch of the same Church towards the South : his Image faire graven in stone , was fixed over the said Porch , but defaced and beaten downe , his titles were these , by offices : Chancellour of Normandy , Captaine of Vernoyle , Pearch , Susan , and Bayon , and Treasurer of the Kings Houshold ; hee dyed rich , leaving great treasure of strange coynes , and was buried in the Charter-house Church , by West Smithfield . The first Nobilitating of these Pophames , was by Matilda the Empresse , daughter to Henry the first , and by Henry her son : one Popham , a Gentleman of very faire lands in Southampton shire , dyed without issue Male , about Henry the sixth , and leaving foure daughters , they were married to Fostar , Barentine , Wodham , and Hamden . Popham Deane ( distant three miles from Clarendon , and three miles from Mortisham ) was sometime the chiefe Lordship or Mannour house of those Pophames . There lie buried in this Church , William Andrew , Stephen Clamparde , Laurence Warcam , Iohn Dagworth , William Porter , Robert Scarlet , Esquires . Here-under lieth buried the body of the vertuous Lady , the Lady Elenor Sentleger , wife to Sir Anthony Sentleger , Knight , Master of the Rolles of the Chancery of the Realme of Ireland , and one of her Majesties Privie Councell of the same Realme ; the daughter of Richard Markham of Seggebrooke , in the County of Lincolne , Esquire , deceased ; who died the second day of February , 1598. being of the age of 52. yeeres , and Moneths odde . Here lieth Dame Elizabeth Langton , late wife of Sir Thomas Langton , Knight , Baron of Newton , in the Countie of Lancaster : one of the daughters of Sir Edward Stanley , Knight , Lord Mounteagle , which deceased the 17. day of Iune , An. Dom. 1533. Here lieth buried the body of Richard Snelling of West Greensted in the County of Sussex , Esquire , who died the 25. day of August , An. Dom. 1611. He married Margery May , the eldest daughter of George May , in the County aforesaid , Esquire : By whom hee had issue 2. sons and 3. daughters ; which said Margery was living in An. 1612. and caused this Monument to bee laid , desiring to be interred here-under . Elionora praehonorabilis viri , Iohannis Fortescue , Equitis Aurati , Ducatus Lancastriae Cancellarii , à sanctioribus Regiae Majestatis Conciliis , filia Edvardi Hubbard Armig. defuncti , aliquando Conjux perquam dilecta , sub hoc Marmore jacet sepulta . Vixit annos 36. piè , justè , sobriè , quoad Deum , mundum , seipsam , gestos in fide , pace , spe Christi , conscientiae , gloriae . Obiit 10. die Mensis Iulii , An. Regni Regis Jacobi , Angliae , &c. 3. Anno Domini 1605. Qualis vita , finis ita . Here-under lyes the wonder of her kinde , The Quintessence of Nature and of Grace , Wit , Beauty , Bounty , and ( in Noble race The rarest Iewell ) a right humble minde ; Here lyes her body , but her soule refin'd Above th' Empyreall , hath imperiall place , In blisse so boundlesse , as no words embrace , Nor Art can seigne , nor mortall heart can find . Her fame remaines a Monument of honour , Built by her vertue gilt with purest gold , With Lilly-flowers and Roses strewed upon her , Her Epitaph Vrania thus enrol'd : Milde childe , chaste mayden , and religious wife : The Even crownes the day , Ioane Essex death her life . Piè obiit die Martis Martii 15. Ann. aetat . suae 26. Salutis nostrae , 1607. A Dorcas milde , a Mary full of grace , A Virgin chaste , and of rare education , Entombed lyeth here underneath this place . Whose life and name deserved commendation . But in the blooming Month of pleasant May , Vntimely Death hath stolne her life away . Yet spight of Death , her vertue still remaineth ; And in the heaven a better life she gaineth : Vpon whose Tombe I consecrate this Verse , In stead of flowers . to decke her Funerall Hearse . Nemo ante obitum foelix . In Ioannem Brewster Armigerum , in obitum D. Elizabethae Deane , uxoris ejus . Obiit 24. die Octob. 1609. MAde generous by birth and kept that fount , From times pollution , striving still to rise , Above the earth , high in the worlds account For outward and in-bred courtesies . Her actions , almes , her life , faith , hope , and love , A suffering spirit , rendring right for wrong : Her heart a Spheare , where all good thoughts did move , Whose influence was dispersed by the tongne . Religion was her Compasse , Truth her Starre , In sundry Seas of worlds prosperity . Wealth her bad angell , flesh and bloud her warre , Yet wisedome made this discord Harmony . Then Marble keepe to all posterity Her lives deare memory , upon whose urne And to her obsequies ( O , obsequiously ) In loves sweet Odours hearts shall ever burne . And let each Christian heart joyne with my pen , T' imbalme her vertues in the hearts of men . Thou bed of rest , reserve for him a roome , Who lives a man divorc't from his deare wife : And as they were one heart , so this one Tombe May hold them neere in death , as linckt in life . Shee 's gone before , and after comes her head ; To sleepe with her among the blessed dead . Here is buried the body of Henry Cotton , Gentleman , eldest son of Thomas Cotton , of Connington , in the County of Huntingdon , Esquire , by Dorothy Tamworth , his second wife . Hee living honestly , died the 11. day of Iune , 1614. And made his Elcecutors , Sir Edward Montagu , Knight of the Bath , married to Frances his second sister , and William Mulsho , Esquire , married to Rebecca his third sister ; who in requitall of his kindnesse to them , erected this remembrance for him . Barckly sublatus , jacet hic sub marmore stratus , Qui pueros docuit multos veluti bene sciunt . Quem rapuit Dominus , sed vivit spiritus ejus , Inter seculas quo ' obierunt qui bene formas Annis millenis quingentenis simul oct● , Quod Domini migrat qui non cursum sibi pigrat . Mense Decembre fero de quo non plus majus edo Binas uxores habuit senas quoque proies . Quarum tres nati , natae tres atque fuere , Quos nece truncavit Christus quicunque creavit . Next to this Church is a faire and large Inne for receit of Travellers , and hath to signe the Sarasens head . There lyeth a streete from Newgate West , to the end of Turne-againe lane , and winding North to Oldbourne Conduit . This Conduit by Oldbourne Crosse was first builded 1498. Thomasin , widow to Iohn Percival , Maior , gave to the second making thereof 20. Markes , Richard Shore ten pounds , Thomas Knesworth , and others also did give towards it . But of late , a new Conduit was there builded in place of the old , namely , in the yeere 1577. by William Lambe , sometime a Gentleman of the Chappell to King Henry the eighth , and afterward a Citizen and Clothworker of London , the water thereof he caused to bee conveighed in Lead , from divers Springs to one head , and from thence to the said Conduit , and waste of one Cocke at Oldbourne bridge , more than 2000. yards in length , all which was by him performed at his owne charges , amounting to the summe of 1500. l. From the West side of this Conduit is the high way , there called Snor hill , stretching out by Oldbourne bridge over the oft named water of Turnmill Brook , and so up to Oldbourne hill , all replenished with faire building . Without Oldbourne bridge , on the right hand , is Gold lane , as is before shewed : up higher on the hill be certain Innes , & other faire buildings , amongst the which ( of old time ) was a Messuage called Scroopes Inne ; for so I finde the same recorded in the 37. of Henry the 6. This house was sometime letten out to Sergeants at the Law , as appeareth , and was found by Inquisition taken in the Guild-hall of London , before William Purchase , Maior , and Escheator for King Henry the seventh , in the 14. of his reigne , after the death of Iohn Lord Scroope , that he dyed deceased in his demesne of fee , by the feoffement of Guy Fairfaix , Knight , one of the Kings Iustices , made in the 9. of the same King , unto an Esquire , the said Io. Scroop , Knight , Lord Scroope of Bolton , and Robert Wingfield , of one house or tenement late called Sergeants Inne , situate against the Church of St. Andrew in Oldbourne in the City of London , with two Gardens , and two Messuages to the same Tenement belonging in the said City , to hold in burgage , valued by the yeere in all reprises 10. s. Then is the Bishop of Elies Inne , so called of belonging and pertaining to the Bishops of Ely. William de Luda , Bishop of Ely , deceased 1297. and gave this house , by the name of his Mannour with the appurtenances in Oldbourne , to his successors , with condition , that his next successour should pay a thousand Markes towards the finding of three Chaplains in the Chappell there . More , Iohn Hotham , Bishop of Ely , did give by the name of sixe Messuages , two Cellars , and forty Acres of land in the Suburbs of London , in the Parish of Saint Andrew in Oldbourne , to the Prior and Covent of Ely , as appeareth by Patent the ninth of Edward the third : this man was Bisop of Ely 20. yeeres , and deceased 1336. Thomas Arundell , Bishop of Ely , beautifully builded of new his Palace at Ely , and likewise his Mannours in divers places , especially this in Oldbourne , which he did not only repaire , but rather new builded , and augmented it with a large Port , Gate-house , or Front towards the street , or high-way : his Armes are yet to bee discerned in the stone worke thereof : he fate Bishop of Ely fourteene yeeres , and was translated to Yorke . In this house , for the large and commodious roomes thereof , divers great and solemne feasts have bin kept , especially by the Sergeants at the Law , whereof twaine are to bee noted for posterity . The first in the yeer 1464. the fourth of Edward the fourth , in Michaelmas Terme , the Sergeants at Law held their feast in this house , to the which amongst other Estates , Matthew Philip , Maior of London , with the Aldermen , Sheriffes , & Commons of divers crafts being invited , did repaire : but when the Maior looked to keep the State in the Hall , as it had been used in all places within the City and Liberties ( out of the Kings presence ) the Lord Gray of Ruthen , then Lord Treasurer of England , unwitting the Sergeants , and against their wils ( as they said ) was first placed : whereupon the Maior , Aldermen , and Commons departed home , and the Maior made the Aldermen to dine with him : howbeit , hee and all the Citizens were wonderfully displeased , that hee was so dealt with , and the new Sergeants and others were right sorry therefore , and had rather than much good ( as they said ) it had not so happened . One other feast was likewise there kept , in the yeere 1531. the 23. of King Henry the eighth . The Sergeants then made were in number eleven : namely , Thomas Audeley , Walter Luke , 1. Bawldwine , 1. Hinde , Christopher Ienny , Iohn Dowsell , Edward Mervine , Edmond Knightley , Roger Chomley , Edward Montague , and Robert Yorke . These also held their feast in this Ely house for five dayes , to wit , Friday the tenth of November , Saterday , Sunday , Munday , and Tuesday . On Munday ( which was their principall day ) King Henry and Queene Katharine dined there ( but in two chambers ) and the forraine Ambassadors in a third chamber . In the Hall at the high table , sate Sir Nicholas Lambard , Maior of London , the Iudges , the Barons of the Exchequer , with certaine Aldermen of the City : At the board on the South side sate the Master of the Rowles , the Master of the Chancery , and worshipfull Citizens : On the North side of the Hall certaine Aldermen began the board , and then followed Merchants of the City : In the Cloystry , Chappell and Gallery , Knights , Esquires , and Gentlemen were placed : In the Hals the Crafts of London : the Sergeants of Law and their Wives kept in their owne chambers . It were tedious to set downe the preparation of fish , fles , and other victuals spent in this feast , and would seeme almost incredible , and ( as to mee it seemeth ) wanted little of a feast at a Coronation : Neverthelesse a little I will touch , for declaration of the change of prices . There were brought to the slaughter house foure and twenty great Beefes , at 26. s. 8. d. the peece from the Shambles , one carkasse of an Oxe , at 24. s. an hundred fat Muttons , 2. s. 10. d. the peece , fifty one great Veales , at 4. s. 8. d. the peece , thirty foure Porkes , 3. s. 8. d. the peece , ninety one Pigs , 6 d. the peece , Capons of Grece of one Poulter ( for they had three ) ten dozens , at twenty pence the peece : Capons of Kent , nine dozen and sixe , at twelve pence the peece : Capons course nineteene dozen , at sixe pence the peece . Cocks of grose , seven dozen and nine , at eight pence the peece : Cockes course , fourteen dozen and eight , at three pence the peece : Pullets the best , 2. d. ob . other Pulle●s , two pence : Pigeons , thirty seven dozen , at ten pence the dozen : Swans , foureteene dozen : Larkes , 340. dozen , at five pence the dozen , &c. Edward Nevill was Seneshall or Steward , Thomas Ratcliffe Controwier , Thomas Wildon Clerke of the Kitchin. Next , beyond this Mannour of Ely house , is Lither lane , turning into the field . Then is Furnivals Inne , now an Inne of Chancery , but sometime belongging to Sir William Furnival , Knight , and Thomasin his wife , who had in Oldbourne two Messuages , and 13. Shops , as appeareth by Record of Richard the second in the sixth of his reigne . Then is the Earle of Bathes Inne , now called , Bathe Place , of late ( for the most part ) new builded , and so to the Barres . Now againe from Newgate , on the left hand or South side , lyeth the Old Bayly , which runneth down by the wall upon the ditch of the City , called Hounds Ditch to Ludgate : I have not read how this street tooke that name , but it is like to have risen of some Court of old time there kept : and I finde , that in the yeere 1356. the 34. of Edward the third , the tenement and ground upon Hounds Ditch , betweene Ludgate on the South , and Newgate on the North , was appointed to Iohn Cambridge , Fishmonger , Chamberlaine of London , whereby it seemeth , that the Chamberlaines of London have there kept their Courts , as now they doe in the Guild hall , and till this day , the Maior and Justices of this City kept their Sessions in a part thereof , now called the Sessions hall , both for the City of London , and Shire of Middlesex . Over-against the which house , on the right hand , turneth downe Saint Georges lane , towards Ficet lane . In this St. Georges lane , on the North side thereof , remaineth yet an old wall of stone , inclosing a peece of ground up Seacole lane , wherein ( by report ) sometime stood an Inne of Chancery : which house being greatly decayed , and standing remote from other houses of that profession , the Company removed to a common Hostery , called of the signe , our Lady Inne , not farre from Clements Inne , which they procured from Sir Iohn Fineox , Lord chiefe Iustice of the Kings Bench , and since have held it of the Owners , by the name of the New Inne , paying therefore sixe pounds rent by the yeere , as renants at their owne will : for more ( as is said ) cannot be gotten of them ; and much lesse will they be put from it . Beneath this Saint Georges lane , the Lane called Fleet lane , winding South by the prison of the Fleet , into Fleetstreet , by Fleet Bridge . Lower down into the Old Bayly , is at this present a Standard of Timber , with a Cocke , or Cockes , delivering faire Spring water to the inhabitants , and is the waste of the water , serving the Prisoners in Ludgate . Next , out of the high street turneth downe a Lane , called the Little Bayly , which runneth down to the East end of Saint Georges lane . The next is Sea-coale lane , I thinke , called Lime burners lane , of burning Lime there with Sea-coale . For I reade in Record of such a Lane , to have bin in the Parish of Saint Sepuld●re , and there yet remaineth in this Lane an Alley , called Lime-burners Alley . Neere unto this Sea-coale lane , in the turning towards Oldbourne Conduit , is Turnë-againe lane , or rather , as in a Record of the fifth of Edward the third , Wind-againe lane , for that it goeth downe VVest to Fleet Dike , from whence , men must turne againe the same way they came ; for there it is stopped . Then the high street turneth downe Snor hill , to Oldbourne Conduit , and from thence to Oldbourne Bridge ; beyond the which Bridge , on the left hand , is Shooe lane , by the which men passe from Oldbourne to Fleetstreet , by the Conduit there . In this Shooe lane , on the left hand , is one old House , called Oldbourne Hall ; it is now letten out into divers Tenements . On the other side , at the very corner , standeth the Parish Church of St. Andrew ; in the which Church , or neere thereunto , was sometime kept a Grammar Schoole , as appeareth in another place by a Patent , made ( as I have shewed ) for the erection of Schooles . There be Monuments in this Church of Thomas , Lord Wriothesley , Earle of Southampton , buried 1550. Ralph Rokeby , of Lincolnes Inne , Esquire , Master of Saint Katharines , and one of the Masters of Requests to Queene Elizabeth , who deceased the 14. of Iune , 1596. He gave by his Testament to Christs Hospitall in London , an hundred pounds . To the Colledge of the Poore of Queene Elizabeth , in East Greenwitch , an hundred pounds . To the poore Scholars in Cambridge , an hundred pounds . To the poore Scholars in Oxford , an hundred pounds . To the Prisoners in the two Compters in London , two hundred pounds . To the prisoners in the Fleet , an hundred pounds . To the prisoners in Ludgate , an hundred pounds . To the prisoners in Newgate , an hundred pounds . To the prisoners in the Kings Bench , an hundred pounds . To the prisoners in the Marshalsey , an hundred pounds . To the prisoners in the White Lion , twenty pounds . To the poore of S. Katharines , twenty pounds ; and to every Brother and Sister there , forty shillings . Wil. Sydnam founded a chauntry there . There was also of old time ( as I have read in the third of Henry the fifth ) an Hospitall for the poore , which was a Cell to the house of Cluny in France , and was therefore suppressed among the Priories Aliens . Here resteth the body of Margery Parkinson , late wife of Iohn Parkinson , of the City of Chester , Gentleman , the daughter of William Dimmocke , of the same City , Gentleman , who died in the faith of Christ on the fourth day of February , Anno Domini 1610. She left behinde unto her said husband these children at her death , Gerrard , VVilliam , Iohn , Edward , and Katharine Parkinson ; which Gerraid died at Brazen-nose Colledge in Oxford , the 4. day of Ianuary , Anno Domini 1611. Iohn Parkinson , her sorrowfull husband , caused this Monument to be here erected , for a memoriall of her vertue , and of their mutuall love . Here lieth buried William Tipper , Esquire of the body to our Soveraign Lord King Iames , who departed this world the first day of September , An. Domini 1613. being aged 71. yeeres . Hec was the sonne of Henry Tipper , of London , Citizen and Grocer , and of Helen his wife , daughter of Randall Dodd of Cheshire . This VVilliam Tipper married Mary , daughter of Io. Clarke , of London , Goldsmith , and had issue Robert Tipper . Memoriae Sacrum . Michael Lewes , of Collyweston , in the County of Northampton , Esquire , zealous in Gods truth , and vertuous in conversation , did learnedly reade in the Common Law of Grayes Inne , Anno 1584. Aetatis suae 45. whose body lieth here buried , but his soule is with Christ , at the right hand of God , expecting the glorious resurrection of the faithfull . Vincemus mundi Praelia pace Dei. Reginaldus Biens , ortu clarus , virtue Militari clarior , terris multùm jactatus & undis : huic tandem libens , ac laetus appulit portui . An. Dom. 1611. Aetatis 49. En fuit , en non est hic qui sepelitur in umbris ; En fuit , en non est umbra , cadaver , homo . Vixit sua tempora nosque sequemur . Monumentum Roberti Coke de Milleham in Comitatu Norfolciae Armig. Illustrissimi Hospitii Lincolniensis quondam Socii Primarii . Qui ex Winefrida uxore sua , Gulimi Knightly filia , hos suscepit liberos : Edwardum Coke , filium , Majestatis Regiae Attornatum Generalem . Winefridam , Miloni Mingay , Generos . Dorotheam , Gulielmo Francklyn , Generos . Elizabetham , Richardo Osborne , Generos . Vrsulam , Georgio Ledys , Generos . Annam , Francisco Stubbe , Generos . Margaretam , Roberto Barker , Armig. Ethelredam , Nicholae Bohun , Armig. Obiit in Hospitio praedicto 15. die Novemb. An. Domini , 1561. Elizab. 4. Aetat . suae 48. Ioannes Corbettus , à Chri. bene mot . Hic jacet spe novissimae tubae Jo. Corb. Armig. fil . Milonis Corbetti , Militis , natus quintus mortuus 2. unus Clericorum Serenissimi Iacobi à secretioribus Conciliis . Occubuit 9. Decembris , 1611. Si totus parvam promeretur frater in urnam Flerem , sed pars est vilior ista sui Quam Tumulo clausam , pars altera vidit Olympo Redditam , ut invidiam semodo flere velim . Elizabethae Ferreriae unicae filiol . Ioan. Ferrerius Galvidamus Carnutensis , & Francisca Iuberta , moesti . par . P. P. Anno CIC. IC . LXX . Octavo Kalend. Sextil . Here lie the bodies of Richard Aldworth , Gentleman , and Elizabeth his wife , who had issue sixe sonnes and three daughters : which Elizabeth deceased the 24. day of August , 1603. And the said Richard , &c. My Turtle gone , all joy is gone from me , I le mourne awhile , and after flee : For Time brings youthfull Youths to Age , And Age brings Death , our Heritage . They lived married together foure and forty yeeres . Their race is runne , and Heaven is wonne . Non illo melior quisquam , nec amantior aequi . Radulpho Rokeby , à Marthamla ( Oppido Richmondiensis agri ) oriundo , Lincolniensis Hospitii Socio Primario . Xenodochii diuae Catharinae prope Arcem Londinensem Magitro ; Augustissimaeque Anglorum Reginae Elizabethae à libellis supplicibus , non minus domi ac foris , quam pace bellóque de Principe , ac patria benè merito . Caelibi septuagenario , fatisquea demum 14. Iunii . Anno post natum Messiam , 1596. feliciter functo : Heredes in Testamento scripti piae grataeque memoriae gratia posuerunt . Here lyeth the body of Henry Topham , Esquire , one of the Readers of Grayes Inne : who dyed the first day of May , An. Dom. 1612. Hic jacet corpus Saintmontis Welles , Generos . de Grayes Inne , qui coelebs obiit 18. Februarii , 1612. Here lyeth the body of Thomas Thorney , late Citizen and Barber-Chirurgion of London , who dyed the 4. of Iune , 1614. and lived 71. yeeres , being twice Master of his Company , and one of the Common Councell of this City : who gave to the poore of this Parish of St. Andrew , 10. pounds to be distributed on the day of his funerall , and ten pounds a yeere afterward to ten poore Pentioners of this Parish for ever . And twenty shillings to the poore people of Acton for ever ; who dyed without issue of his body , and made Peter Thorney , Citizen and Barber-Chirurgion of London ( his brothers sonne ) his heire and sole Executor : who kneeleth with him in this module , being finished and set up in the month of December , An. Dom. 1614. and at the onely cost and charges of the said Peter Thorney , in memory of so worthy a member , who lived in good credit , name and fame all the dayes of his life , and did many good offices , and memorable acts in this Parish . George Harison Gentleman , lyeth here , and Elizabeth his wife , Which in this Parish many a yeere did live a gracious life : And he at her departure gave to the poore of Parishes twaine , Saint Giles in the Field , and this , Annuity to remaine , For six and forty yeeres to come , to give the poorest soules , One yeere six and twenty Gownes , and two good loads of Coales . Next yeere as many shirts and smocks , and as many Coales agen , Till six and forty yeeres run out , to women and to men . To Prisoners and to many more great gifts she gave beside , And in the faith of Iesus Christ , they both assured dy'd . Quid superbis terra & cinis ? Huc oculos , Lector , versa , de corpore caeso I am cineres praeter quod superest , nihil est . Crede mihi de quo laetaris corpore , digent , Iam cineres praeter quod superest , nihil est . Georgio Egeock , de Salford prioris in agro varvicensi , Armigero , viro omni virtutum genere instructo : integerrimae fidei cum erga Deum tum erga homines , illaesae probitatis , illibati nominis , de Patria , Conjuge , amiciss . omnibus optimè merito . Dorothea ( origine S. Iohn ) relicta moestissimi officii & desiderii , conjugalis triste argumentum , adjumentum memoriae , Monumentum posteris & nonnullum moeroris ac viduitatis lenamentum posuit . Obdormivit in Domino fideliter ac feliciter An. Salutis hum . 1601. Eliz. Reg. 43. Aetatis suae circa 40. nexus Conjug . 11. Mens . Martii 19. die Veneris , 1606. Here rest the bodies of Francis Ienner , sometime of little Walsingham in the County of Norfolke , Esquire , and sometime Fellow of Grayes Inne , and Margaret his wife ( daughter to William Hamon of Acris in the County of Kent , Esquire ) who had issue one onely daughter and Heire , named Frances Ienner , yet living . The said Margaret deceased in October , Anno 1603. From this Church to Saint Andrew up Oldbourne Hill , be divers faire builded houses , amongst the which , on the left hand , there standeth three Innes of Chauncery , whereof the first , adioyning unto Crookehorne Alley , is called Thavies Inne , and standeth opposite to Ely House . Then is Fewter lane , which stretcheth South into Fleetstreet , by the East end of Saint Dunstanes Church , and is so called of Fewters ( or idle people ) lying there , as in a way leading to Gardens ; but the same is now oflater yeeres on both sides builded thorow with many faire houses . Beyond this Fewters lane is Barnards Inne , alias Mackworths Inne , which is of the Chancery , belonging to the Deane and Chapter of Lincolne , as saith the Record of Hen. the 6. the 32. of his reigne , and was founded by Inquisition in the Guild-hall of London , before I. Norman , Maior , the Kings Exchetre . The Iury said , that it was not hurtfull for the King to licence Thomas Atkins , Citizen of London , and one of the Executors of Iohn Mackworth , Deane of Lincolne , to give one Messuage in Oldbourne in London , with the appurtenances , called Mackworths Inne ( but now commonly knowne by the name of Barnards Inne ) to the Deane and Chapter of Lincolne , to finde one sufficient Chaplaine , to celebrate divine Service in the Chappell of S. George , in the Cathedrall Church of Lincolne , where the body of the said Iohn is buried , to have and to hold the said messuage to the said Deane and Chapter , and to their successors for ever , in part of satisfaction of twenty pound Lands and Rents , which Edward the third licenced the said Deane and Chapter to purchase to their owne use , either of their owne fee , or tenure , or of any other , so the Lands were not holden of the King in Capite . Then is Staple Inne also , of Chancery but whereof so named , I am ignorant ; the same of late is ( for a great part therof ) faire builded , and not a little augmented : And then at the Barres endeth this Ward without Newgate . Without Ludgate , on the right hand or North side , from the said Gate , lyeth the Old Bayly , as I said : Then the high street , called Ludgate Hill , downe to Fleet lane ; in which lane standeth the Fleet , a Prison-house , so called of the Fleet or Water running by it , and sometime flowing about it , but now vaulted over . I read , that Richard the first , in the first yeere of his reigne , confirmed to Osbere ( brother to William Longshampe , Chancelor of England , and elect of Ely ) and to his heires for ever , the custody of his House , or Palace at Westminster , with the keeping of his Gaole of the Fleet at London . Also King Iohn by his Patent dated the third of his reigne , gave to the Arch-deacon of Welles , the custody of the said Kings House at Westminster , and of his Gaole of the Fleet , together with the VVardship of the daughter and heire of Ro. Leveland , &c. Then is Fleet bridge , pitched over the said Water , whereof I have spoken in another place . Then also , against the South end of Shoo lane , standeth a faire Water-Conduit ; whereof William Eastfield , sometime Maior , was Founder : For the Maior and Communalty of London being possessed of a Conduit Head , with divers Springs of water gathered thereinto , in the Parish of Padington , and the water conveyed from thence by Pipes of Lead towards London unto Teyborne , where it had layne by the space of sixe yeeres , and more ; the Executors of Sir William Eastfield obtained licence of the Maior and Communalty , for them , in the yeere 1453. with the goods of Sir William , to convey the said waters , first , in Pipes of Lead , into a Pipe begun to be laid besides the great Conduit Head at Maribone , which stretcheth from thence unto a Separall , late before made against the Chappell of Rounsevall , by Charing Crosse , and no further ; and then from thence to convey the said water into the City , and there to make Receit or Receits for the same , unto the Common-weale of the Communalty , to wit , the poore to drinke , the rich to dresse their meats : which water was by them brought thus into Fleetstreet , to a Standard , which they had made and finished 1471. The inhabitants of Fleetstreet , in the yeere 1478. obtained licence of the Maior , Aldermen , and Communalty , to make ( at their owne charges ) two Cesternes , the one to bee set at the said Standard , the other at Fleet bridge , for the receit of the waste water . This Cesterne at the Standard they builded , and on the same , a faire Tower of Stone , garnished with Images of Saint Christopher on the top , and Angels round about , lower downe , with sweet sounding Bells before them , whereupon , by an Engine placed in the Tower , they divers houres of the day and night , chymed such an Hymne as was appointed . This Conduit , or Standard , was againe new builded , with a larger Cesterne , at the charges of the Citie , in the yeere 1582. From this Conduit , up to Fewters lane , and further , is the Parish Church of Saint Dunstane , called in the West , ( for difference from St. Dunstan in the East ) where lyeth buried T. Duke , Skinner , in Saint Katharines Chappell , by him builded , 1421. Nicholas Coningston , Iohn Knape , and other , founded Chantries there . Ralph Bane , Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield , 1559. and other , lye there buried . O bone Protector animae , miserere Iohannis Hor sepoole , qui Rector Auerham fuit ejus in annis . Cancellariae fuerat vivendo Magister , Sis sibi fons veniae cujus fuit ipse Magister . Morte die decimo nono Iu●ii ruit anne , M. C. quater nono seciato bis sibi de●e , Hic jacet Richardus Nordon , Civis & Scissor , ac quondam Vicecomes Londini , & Ioanna uxor ejus : Qui quidem Richardus obiit 23. die Martii , Anno Domini 1460. Ac etiam dicta Ioanna obiit 21. die Novembris , Anno 1459. Hic jacet Gulielmus Chapman , nuper Civis & Scissor , ac Vicecomes Civitatis London , & Alicia uxor ejus . Qui Guliel . pro uno Capellano hic perpetuò celebraturo , ac pro uno Cereo coram venerabili Sacramento ad summum Altare hujus Ecclesiae continuè ardente , neonon prosuo Anniversario in perpetuum fiendo feliciter ordinavit . Et idem Guliel . obiit primo die Mensis Iulii , An. Dom. 1446. Hic jacet Rogerus Horton , quondam unus Justiciariorum de Banco Domini Regis . Qui obiit ultimo die Aprilis , An. 1423. Cujus , &c. Iesu animae famuli tui Laurentii Bartlot nuper Registrarii Episcop . Lincoln . Qui obiit die Octobris , Anno 1470. Dona requiem , &c. Quisquis ades vultumque vides , sta , perlege , plora , Iudicii memor esto mei , tua nam venit hora. Sum quod eris , fueramque quod es , tua posteriora Commemorans , miseris miserans , pro me precor ora . Here Edward Cordell , Squire , lyes ; who when hee life possest , Had place among the learn'd and wife , and credit with the best . Abigail Heningham , his wife , this Monument prepared , For love to him , who in his life , to love her well declared . God hath his soule , this Earth his Earth , her heart his love shall keepes ; The ods 'twixt you and him , is breath ; which gone , all flesh thus sleepes . In obitum Thomae Valentis , Lincolniensis Hospitii Socii . Qui obiit 23. die Decemb. Anno 1601. Aetatis 78. Hoc Tumulo Thomae requiescunt ossa Valentis , Et parvum corpus parvula terra tegit : Sed mens , quae melior pars est , expresque Sepulchri , Infima despiciens sidera celsa colit . Here-under lyeth the body of Thomas Powle , Esquire , Clerke of the Crowne , and one of the sixe Clerkes of the High court of Chancery , Controller of the Hamper , Clerke of the Forrest of Waltham , and High Steward to the late Queene Elizabeth , of all her Mannors within the County of Essex . Hee had by his wife Iane Tate ( descended from the Line of honourable Ances●ors ) five sonnes and one daughter ; who likewise is here with him buried . Both lived in the feare of God , and dyed in his favour : Shee , in the 57. yeere of her age , the 24. day of November , 1577. And hee , in the 88. yeere of his age , the 26. day of Iune , Anno 1601. Stephen Powle , Esquire , their onely surviving sonne , and successor to his father in the Office of one of the sixe Clerks of the Chancery ; in dutifull pietie , consecrated to lasting memory this holy Monument . Corpus foetidum carcer , Mors libertas , Vita mare procellosum , Sepulchrum perortus , Mundus vaga peregrinatio , Coelum Patria . Disce ergo mori , dedisce vivere . In God is onely my Trust : God is my Defender . My friend , whoso this place of mine thou be that shalt behold , With petience pawse , and heare a friend his minde to thee unfold , Seeke not with heapes of worldly toyes to furnish thy delight ; Nor let him fancy high degree , that hopes to live aright . If thou have wealth supply their want that languish and decay , And linger not thy good intent , untill the later day . If poverty oppresse thy minde , let patience be thy guide ; Let rigour faile to false thy faith , what hap so thee betide : For , as from death no way there is , whereby thee to defend ; So , happy may no creature be , before his finall end . Wherefore , of God his mercy crave , who hath of mercy sto●e , And unto him commend my soule : ( my friend ) I crave no more . Here before , lieth buried in the Vault , Robert Witchcotte , of Lyons Inne , Gentleman , the sonne of Thomas Witchcotte , Esquire , who deceased the 9. day of August , in An. Dom. 1557. Here lieth the body of Sir Roger Cholmeley , Knight for the body to King Henry the eighth : which Sir Roger deceased the 28. day of April , An. Dom. 1538. Ranulphus Cholmeley clara hîc cum conjuge dormit . Binaque Connubii corpora juncta fide , Haec brevis urna tenet veros disjungere amantes Nec potuit mortis vis truculenta nimis . Justitia in signis nulli pietate secundus , Ranulphus clara stirpe creatus erat . Non deerant Artes Generoso pectore dignae , Doctus & Anglorum Iure peritus erat . Ille Recordator Londini huic extitit urbis , Et miseris semper mite levamen erat . Hujus acerba viri Londinum funera deflet , Dicens , justitiae vive perennis honor . Obiit 25. die Aprilis , An. 1563. Mors mihi lucrum . Neere to this place lieth buried the body of Elizab. North , wife to Roger North , Esquire , and one of the daughters and coheires of Sir Iohn Gilbert , Knight , of great Finborow , in Suffolke . Shee had issue , two sonnes and one daughter , Henry North , Dudley North , and Mary North. On the 29. of November in Anno 1612. ( she being about the age of 22. yeers ) ended this life : Leaving behind her many of the gravest , that may justly imitate her vertues and godly course of life . Anno Domini 1556. Hic jacet humatus Williel . Portman , Miles , Serviens inclitissimae Principis H. 8. ad Legem , & illo tempore unus Iustic . suorum ad placitum coram ipso Rege tenend . ac postea temp . illustriss . Principum , Phil. & Mariae Regis & Reginae Angliae Capitalis iusticiarius hujus Regni Angliae , eoque officio summa aequitate ita perfunctus erat , ut in Deum in primis sanctus & pius , in Patriam ac Principem fidus & morigerus , in omnes denique semper aequabil . fuit & perseveravit . Ab hac autem luce in coelestem Praetorum coetum 5. die Februarii , Anno Regni praefat . Regis & Reginae 3. & 4. emigravit . Here lieth Thomas Browke , Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of Lond. and somtime Master of his Company , and Alice his wife : which Thomas deceased the first day of November , An. Dom. 1546. And the said Alice deceased , &c. Gerardi Legh , Generosi , & clari viri interioris Templi Socii Tumulus . Civis & Hospes Interloquutores . C. Hospes fiste pedem , Tumulum nec temne , Gerardus Legh jacet hac humili contumulatus humo . H. Vnde genus duxit ? C. Generoso è sanguine natum , Antiquae stirpis en Monumenta docent . Nec Generosus erat vir sola ex parre caduca , Sed virtute magis , mens Generosa fuit . Religio summa splendebat mentis in arce , Et sedes Verae pectus amicitiae . Ingenio ac raro morum candore refulcit , Mens violare fidem credidit esse nefas . H. Quod studium vivo placuit ? C. Scrutare solebat Vivens clarorum magna Trophaea virûm . Abdita naturae & rerum cognoscere vires Occultas , vivo maxima cura fuit . H. Talibus imbutum studiis reor esse beatum , Sed lethi causam tu mihi quaeso refer ? C. Vrbe ista passim dum faevit lucida pestis , Occldit heu relo pestis acuta tuo . H. O durum fatum ! sed sculptum cur stat in urna Numen Amicitiae Civis amice refer ? C. Numen Amicitiae quo magni haec machina Mundi Constat , divina quae fabricata manu , Hujus acerba viri deplorat funera , dicens , Vives , O verae cultor Amicitiae , Donec summa dies nostros dissolverit artus , Corruat & summa mundus ab arce poli . H. Mercurius nitidis cur star caducifer alis Hic 〈◊〉 lug●t magnus sunera & ista Deus ? C. Nuncius ille Deúm plangens sua pectora palma , Inc●●ans Parcas talia verba re●ert : Crudeles Parcae nostrum rapuistis Alumnum , Artibus ornatum , muneribusque meis In terris , cujus docti Monumenta laboris Extant , & nullo sunt peritura die . Obiit An. 1563. Octob. 13. Ardum vitis non deserit ulmum . The memoriall of William Crowche , Citizen and Mercer of London , and one of the Common Councell of this City ; who gave by his VVill ten shillings a yeere for a Sermon on his Funerall day , and forty shillings yeerly for a Dinner to be made on that day , for the Common Councell , the Church-wardens , and twelve free-men of this Parish , at the election of his Executors . And he also gave ten pounds a yeere for ever to be distributed yeerly among sixe and thirty poore people of honest life , dwelling in this Parish . Hee was buried neere to this place the sixteenth day of April , Anno Domini 1606. Loe , thus he dyed , for vaine and fraile is flesh ; Yet lives his sould ( by faith ) in endlesse blisse , By faith in Christ ; whose grace was so enlarged , That by his blond , mans sinne he hath discharged . Here lieth George Harington , of Salby , Esquire , who died the ninth day of October , 1556. Here lieth Laurence Dalton , Esquire , late Norroy , King of Armes ; who deceased on Saturday the thirteenth of December , 1561. And Dorothy his wife , daughter to Richard Breame , late of London , Esquire . Henry Leigh , sometime Citizen and Draper of London , a man borne of a good Family , whose life and conversation was pleasing to God and man , departed out of this life the ninth day of April , Anno Dom. 1568. And lieth buried in the Church-yard by his two wives , Isabel and Elizabeth , both very vertuous , good to their neighbours , and therefore right heartily beloved . Here lieth buried Colborne , Esquire , late Yorke , Herald of Armes : who deceased on Saturday , the thirteenth of September , 1567. and was buried on Munday , the 15. of the same moneth . Memoriae Sacrum . Hic jacet Cutbertus Fethestone , Generos . nuper Optiarius & Proclamator Dom. Regis , in Curia ipsius Regis coram ipso Rege ubicunque fuerat in Anglia . Functus est hoc munere , Ann. 35. Obiit 10. Decembris , 1615. Aetatis 78. Quem saepe transcit casus , aliquando invent . Next beyond this Church is Cliffords Inne , sometimes belonging to Robert Clifford , by gift of Edward the second , in these words : The King granteth to Robert Clifford that messuage , with the appurtenances next the Church of S. Dunstane in the West , in the Suburbs of London , which messuage was sometime Malculines de Herley , and came to the hands of Edw. the 1. by reason of certaine debts , which the said Malculine was bound at the time of his death to our said Father , from the time that he was Escheator on this side Trent : which house , Iohn , Earle of Richmond , did hold at our pleasure , and is now in our possession , Patent the third of Edward the second . After the death of this Robert Clifford , Isabel his wife let the same Messuage to Students of the Law , as by the Record following may appeare : Isabel , quae fuit uxor Roberti Clifford , Messuagium unipartium , quod Robertus Clifford habuit in Parochia S. Dunstani , West . in Suburbio Londini , &c. tenuit , & illud dimisit post mortem dict . Roberti Apprenticiis de Banco , pro 10. l. Annuatim , &c. Anno 18. Edvardi tertii , inquisitis post mortem Roberti Clifford . This house hath since fallen into the Kings hands , as I have heard , but returned againe to the Cliffords , and is now letten to the said Students for foure pounds by the yeere . Somewhat beyond this Cliffords Inne is the South end of New street ( or Chancelar lane ) on the right hand , whereof is Sergeants Inne called , in Chancery lane . And then next was sometime the house of the Converted Iewes , founded by K. Henry the third , in place of a Iewes house to him forfeited , in the yeere 1233. and the 17. of his reigne , who builded there for them a faire Church , now used , and called the Chappell , for the custody of Rolles and Records of Chancery . It standeth not far from the old Temple , but in the mid-way between the Old Temple and the New : in the which house , all such Iewes and Infidels as were converted to the Christian Faith , were ordained and appointed ( under an honest rule of life ) sufficient maintenance ; whereby it came to passe , that in short time there were gathered a great number of Converts , which were baptized , instructed in the Doctrine of Christ , and there lived under a learned Christian , appointed to governe them . Since the which time , to wit , in the yeere 1290. all the Iewes in England were banished out of the Realme , wherby the number of Converts in this place was decayed : and therefore in the yeere 1377. this House was annexed by Patent to William Burstall , Clerke , Custos Rotulorum , or Keeper of the Rolles of the Chancery , by Edward the third , in the fifty one yeere of his reigne ; and this first Master of the Rolles was sworn in Westminster Hall , at the Table of Marble stone : since the which time , that House hath been commonly called the Rolles in Chancery lane . Notwithstanding , such of the Iewes , or other Insidels , as have in this Realme beene converted to Christianity , and baptized , have beene relieved there : for I finde in Record , that one William Piers , a Jew , that became a Christian , was baptized in the fifth of Richard the second , and had two pence the day allowed him , during his life , by the said King. On the West side , sometime was an house pertaining to the Prior of Necton Parke , a house of Canons in Lincolnshire : this was commonly called Hereflete Inne , and was a Brewhouse , but now faire builded for the sixe Clerkes of the Chancery , and standeth over-against the said house , called the Rolles , and neere unto the Lane which now entreth Fickets Croft , or Fickets field . Then is Shere lane , opening also into Fickets field , hard by the Barres . On this North side of Fleetstreet , in the yeer of Christ , 1595. I observed , that when the Labourers had broken up the pavement from against Chancery lanes end , up towards Saint Dunstans Church , and had digged foure foot deep , they found one other pavement of hard stone , more sufficient than the first ; and therefore harder to bee broken , under the which they found in the made ground piles of Timber , driven very thicke , and almost close together , the same being as blacke as pitch or coale , and many of them rotten as earth , which proveth that the ground there ( as sundry other places of the City ) have been a Marish or full of Springs . On the South side from Ludgate , before the wall of the City , bee faire builded houses to Fleet bridge , on the which bridge , a Cesterne for receit of Spring water was made by the men of Fleet-street , but the water-course is decayed , and not restored . Next , is Bride lane , and therein Bridewell , of old time the Kings house : for the Kings of this Realem have beene there lodged , and till the ninth of Henry the third , the Courts were kept in the Kings house wheresoever hee was lodged , as may appeare by ancient Records , where of I have seene many , and for example have set forth one in the Chapter or Towers and Castles . King Henry the eighth builded there a stately and beautiful house of new , for receit of the Emperour Charles the fifth , who in the yeere of Christ 1522. was lodged himselfe at the Blacke Friers ; but his Nobles in this new builded Bridewell , a Gallery being made out of the house over the water , and thorow the wall of the City , into the Emperours lodging at the Blacke Friers , King Henry himselfe oftentimes lodged there also , as namely , in the yeere 1525. a Parliament being then holden in the Blacke Friers , hee created States of Nobility there ; to wit : Henry Fitz Roy , a child ( which he had by Elizabeth Blunt ) to bee Earle of Nottingham , Duke of Richmond , & of Somerset , Lievtenant Generall from Trent northward , Warden of the east middle , and west Marches for anenst Scotland . Henry Courtney , Earle of Devonshire , Cousin-German to the king , to be Marquesse of Excester . Henry Brandon , a childe of two yeers old , son to the Earle of Suffolke , to bee Earle of Lincolne . Sir Thomas Manners , Lord Rosse , to be Earle of Rutland . Sir Henry Clifford to be Earle of Cumberland . Sir Robert Ratcliffe to bee Vicount Fitzwater . Sir Thomas Boloine , Treasurer of the Kings Houshold , to be Vicount Rochford In the yeere 1528. Cardinall Campeius was brought to the Kings presence , being then at Bridewell , whither hee had called all his Nobility , Judges and Councellers , &c. And there the eighth of November , in his great Chamber , he made unto them an Oration touching his marriage with Queene Katharine , as ye may reade in Edward Hall. In the yeere 1529. the same K. Henry and Queene Katharine were lodged there , whilest the question of their marriage was argued in the Blacke Friers , &c. But now you shall heare how this house became a house of correction . In the yeere 1553. the seventh of Edward the sixth , the tenth of April , Sir George Barne , being Maior of this City , was sent for to the Court at White Hall , and there at that time the King gave unto him , for the Communalty and Citizens to be a Work-house for the poore and idle persons of the City , his house of Bridewell , and seven hundred Markes land , late of the possessions of the house of the Savoy , and all the Bedding and other furniture of the said Hospitall of the Savoy , towards the maintenance of the said Worke-house of Bridewell , and the Hospitall of Saint Thomas in South-warke . This gift King Edward confirmed by his Charter , dated the 26. of Iune , next following . And in the yeere 1555. in the moneth of February , Sir William Gerard , Maior , and the Aldermen , entred Bridewell , and tooke possession thereof , according to the gift of the said King Edward , the same being confirmed by Queene Mary . The Bishop of S. Davids had his Inne over-against the North side of this Bridewell , as I have said . Then is the Parish Church of Saint Bridges , or Bride , of old time a small thing , which now remaineth to bee the Quire , but since increased with a large Body , and side Iles , towards the West , at the charges of William Venor , Esquire , Warden of the Fleet , about the yeere 1480. all which he caused to be brought about in the stone , in the figure of a Vine , with Grapes and Leaves , &c. The partition betwixt the old VVorke and the new , somtime prepared as a Screne , to be set up in the Hall of the Duke of Somersets house at Strand , was bought for eightscore pounds , and set up in the yeere 1557. One wilfull body began to spoyle and breake the same , in the yeere 1596. but was ( by the high Commissioners ) forced to make it up againe , and so it resteth . Iohn Vlsthorpe , William Evesham , Iohn Wigan , and other founded Chauntries there . Here lieth Edward Trussell , Citizen and Clothworker of London , son of Avery Trussell , of Bilseley , in the County of Warwicke , Esquire , with Anne his wife , daughter of Iames Philpot. which Anne departed this life An. Dō . 1586. And hee having lived 38. yeeres in this Parish , departed in the Lord the nineteenth day of Iune , Anno Dom. 1613. Aetatis 67. He left behind three sons by the said Anne , and one daughter by Elizabeth , his second wife . Iacobus , filius natu maximus pietatis ergo posuit . Here lieth Iames Kinnon , a Gent. of Lentilo in Monmouthshire , a Citizen , and Cannoniere , and a Souldier . He dyed aged 67. yeeres , over-heating his bloud in preparing of 40. Chambers , at the entertainment of the Prince in the Artillery Garden ; to the which Society he gave 40. Chambers , and five Markes in mony . To the poore of this Parish hee gave 10. l. per annum for one and twenty yeers , and to the poore of Lentilo the like summe , and five pounds present . He had one wife and one sonne . Obiit 19. die Decemb. An. Dom. 1615. It ever was his wish to dye in Field , Or else at Sea. Fates halfe his wish did yeeld . A Prince and Army stood about him round : Yet age ( o're-wearied ) tooke the mortall wound . Arts Mathematicke he both lov'd and knew , In which his skill increast , as his yeeres grew . Wales gave him breath , faire was his birth and name , And though death stole his life , he left him fame . The next is Salisbury Court , a place so called , for that it belonged to the Bishop of Salisbury , and was their Inne or London house , at such time as they were summoned to come to the Parliament , or came for other businesse . It hath of late time been the dwelling , first of Sir Richard Sackvile , and after of Sir Thomas Sackvile his sonne , ●aron of Buckhurst , Lord Treasurer , who very greatly enlarged it with stately buildings . Then is Water lane , running downe by the West side of a house , called the Hanging Sword , to the Thames . Then was the White Friers Church , called Fratres beatae Mariae de monte Carmeli , first founded ( saith Iohn Bale , by sir Kich . Gray , knight , Ancester to the Lord Gray of Codnor , in the yeere 1241. King Edward the first gave to the Prior and Brethren of that house , a plot of ground in Fleetstreet , whereupon to build their house , which was since re-edified or new builded by Hugh Courtney , Earle of Devonshire , about the yeere 1350. the 24 of Edward the third . Iohn Lufken , Maior of London , and the Communalty of the City , granted a Lane , called Crockers lane , reaching from Fleetstreet to the Thames , to build in the VVest end of that Church . Sir Robert Knoles , Knight , was a great builder there also , in the reigne of Richard the second , and of Henry the fourth : hee deceased at his Mannour of Scone Thorpe , in Norfolke , in the yeere 1407. and was brought to London , and honourably buried by the Lady Constance his wife , in the body of the said White Friers Church , which he had newly builded . Robert Marshall , Bishop of Hereford , builded the Quire , Presbytery steeple , and many other parts , and was there buried about the yeere 1420. There were buried also in the new Quire , sir Iohn Mowbray , Earle of Nottingham , 1398. Sir Edward Courteny . Sir Hugh Mongomery , and sir Iohn his brother . Iohn Wolle , son to sir Iohn VVolle . Thomas Bayholt , Esquire . Elizabeth , Countesse of Athole . Dame Iohan , wife to sir Thomas Say of Alden . Sir Pence Castle , Baron . I. Lord Gray , sonne to Reginald , Lord Gray of VVilton , 1418. Sir Iohn Ludlow , knight . Sir Richard Derois , knight . Richard Gray , knight . Iohn Ashley , knight . Robert Bristow , Esquire . Thomas Perry , Esquire . Robert Tempest , Esquire . William Call. William Neddow . In the old Quire were buried Dame Margaret , &c. Elianor Gristles . Sir Iohn Browne , knight , and Iohn his sonne and heire . Sir Simon de Berford , knight . Peter VVigus , Esquire . Robert Matthew . Esquire . Sir Iohn Skargell , knight . Sir Iohn Norice , knight . Sir Geffrey Roose , knight . Matthew Hadocke , Esquire . William Clarell , Esquire . Iohn Aprichard , Esquire . William Wentworth , Esquire . Thomas VVicham , Esquire . Sir Terwit , knight . Sir Stephen Popham , knight . Bastard de Scales . Henry Blunt , Esquire . Elizabeth Blunt. Io. Swan , Esquire . Alice Foster , one of the heires of sir Stephen Popham . Sir Robert Brocket , knight . Iohn Drayton , Esquire . Iohn , son to Robert Chanlowes , and his daughter Katharine . Iohn Salvin , VVilliam Hompton , Iohn Bampton , Iohn Winter , Edmond Oldhall , Wil. Appleyard , Thomas Dabby , Esquires . Sir Hugh Courtney , knight . Iohn Drury , son to Robert Drury . Elizabeth Gemersey , Gentle woman . Sir Thomas Townsend , knight . Sir Richard Greene , knight . VVilliam Scot , Esquire . Thomas Federinghey . Iohn Fulforde , Esquire . Edward Eldsmere , Gentleman . William Hart , Gentleman . Dame Mary Senclare , daughter to sir Thomas Talbot , knight . Ancher , Esquire . Sir William Moris , knight , and Dame Christian his wife . Sir Peter de Mota , knight . Richard Hewton , Esquire . Sir Iohn Heron , knight . Richard Eton , Esquire . Hugh Stapleton , Gentleman . William Copley , Gentleman . Sir Ralph Saintowen , knight . Sir Hugh Bromeflete , knight . Lord Vessey , principall Founder of that order , the 6. of Edw. the fourth , &c. This house was valued at 26. pounds , seven shillings , and three pence , and was surrendred the tenth of November , the 30. of Henry the eighth . In place of this Friers Church , bee now many faire houses builded , lodgings for Noblemen and other . Then is the Sergeants Inne , so called , for that divers Iudges and Sergeants at the Law keepe a Commons , and are lodged there in Terme time . Next , is the New Temple , so called , because the Templers before the building of this house , had their Temple in Oldbourne . This house was founded by the knights Templers in England , in the reigne of Henry the second , and the same was dedicated to God and our blessed Lady , by Heraclius , Patriarke of the Church , called the holy Resurrection in Ierusalem , in the yeere of Christ , 1185. These knights Templers tooke their beginning about the yeere 1118. in maner following : Certaine Noblemen , horse-men , religiously bent , bound by vow themselves in the hands of the Patriarke of Ierusalem , to serve Christ after the manner of Regular Canons , in chastity and obedience , and to renounce their owne proper wils for ever : the first of which order were Hugh Paganus , and Geffrey de S. Andromare . And wheras at the first they had no certaine habitation , Baldwin , King of Ierusalem , granted unto them a dwelling place in his Palace by the Temple , and the Cannons of the same Temple , gave them the street , thereby to build therein their houses of office , and the Patriarke , the King , the Nobles , and the Prelates , gave unto them certaine revenues out of their Lordships . Their first profession was for safegard of the Pilgrimes , comming to visit the Sepulchre , and to keepe the high waies against the lying in wait of theeves , &c. About ten yeeres after , they had a rule appointed unto them , and a white Habite , by Honorius the second , then Pope ; and whereas they had but nine in number , they began to increase greatly . Afterward in Pope Eugenius time , they bare crosse of red cloth on their uppermost garments , to be knowne from others : and in short time , because they had their first mansion hard by the Temple of our Lord in Ierusalem , they were called Knights of the Temple . Many Noblemen in all parts of Christendome , became Brethren of this order , and builded for themselves Temples in every City or great Towne in England , but this at London was their chefe house , which they builded after the forme of the Temple neere to the Sepulchre of our Lord at Ierusalem . They had also other Temples in Cambridge , Bristow , Canturbury , Dover , Warwicke . This Temple in London was often made a Store-house of mens Treasure , I meane such as feared the spoyle there of in other places . Mathew Paris noteth , that in the yeere 1232. Hubert de Burgh , Earle of Kent , being Prisoner in the Tower of London , the King was enformed that he had much treasure laid up in this New Temple , under the custody of the Templers : whereupon hee sent for the Master of the Temple , and examined him straightly , who confessed , that money being delivered unto him and his Brethren , to bee kept , hee knew not how much there was of it : The King demanded to have the same delivered : but it was answered , that the money being cōmitted unto their trust , could not be delivered , without the licence of him that committed it to Ecclesiasticall protection ; whereupon the King sent his Treasurer and Iusticier of the Exchequer unto Hubert , to require him to resigne the mony wholly into his hands : who answered that hee would gladly submit himselfe and all his unto the Kings pleasure , and thereupon desired the Knights of the Temple ( in his behalfe ) to present all the Keyes unto the King to doe his pleasure with the goods which hee had committed unto them . Then the King commanded the money to bee faithfully told , and laid up in his Treasure by Inventory , wherein was found ( besides ready money ) vessels of Gold , and Silver unpraiseable , and many precious Stones , which would make all men wonder , if they knew the worth of them . This Temple was againe dedicated 1240. belike also newly re-edified then . These Templers at this time were in so great glory , that they entertained the Nobility , forraine Ambassadours , and the Prince himselfe very often , insomuch that Mathew Paris cryeth out on them for their pride , who being at the first so poore , as they had but one horse to serve two of them , in token whereof they gave in their Seale , two men riding on one horse ; yet suddenly they waxed so insolent , that they disdained other orders , and sorted themselves with Noblemen . King Edward the first , in the yeere 1283. taking with him Robert Waleran and other , came to the Temple , where calling for the keeper of the Treasure-house , as if he meant to see his Mothers Iewels , that were laid up there to bee safely kept , hee entred into the house , breaking the Coffers of certaine persons , that had likewise brought their mony thither , and he tooke away from thence to the value of 1000. l. Many Parliaments and great Councels have been there kept , as may appeare by our Histories . In the yeere 1308. all the Templers in England , as also in other parts of Christendome , were apprehended and committed to divers prisons . In 1310. a Provinciall Councell was holden at London against the Templers in England , upon heresie , and other Articles whereof they were accused , but denyed all except one or two of them : Notwithstanding , they all did confesse , that they could not purge themselves fully , as faultlesse , and so they were condemned to perpetuall penance , in severall Monasteries , where they behaved themselves modestly . Philip , King of France , procured their over-throw through-out the whole world , and caused them to be condemned by a generall Councell to his advantage , as he thought , for hee beleeved to have had all their Lands in France , and therefore seizing the same in his hands , ( as I have read ) caused the Templers , to the number of 54. or after Fabian , threescore , to be burnt at Paris . Edward the second , in the yeere 1313. gave unto Aimer de la Valence Earle of Pembrooke , the whole place and houses called the New Temple at London , with the ground called Fiquetes Croft , and all the Tenements and Rents , with the appurtenances that belonged to the Templers in the City of London , and Suburbs thereof . After Aimer de Valence ( saith some ) Hugh Spencer ( usurping the same ) held it during his life . By whose death it fell againe to the hands of Edward the third , but in the meane time , to wit , 1234. by a Councell holden at Vienna , all the Lands of the Templers ( lest the same should bee put to prophane uses ) were given to the Knights Hospitalers of the order of Saint Iohn Baptist , called S. Iohn of Ierusalem , which Knights had put the Turkes out of the I le of Rhodes , and after wan upon the said Turke dayly for a long time . The said Edward the third therefore granted the same to the said Knights , who possessed it , and in the eighteenth yeere of the said Kings reigne , were forced to repaire the Bridge of the said Temple . These Knights had their head house for England by West Smithfield , and they , in the reigne of the same Edward the third , granted ( for a certaine rent of tenne pounds by the yeere ) the said Temple , with the appurtenances thereunto adjoyning , to the Students of the Common Lawes of England : in whose possession the same hath ever sithence remained , and is now divided into two houses of severall Students , by the name of Innes of Court , to wit , the Inner Temple , and the Middle Temple ; who kept two severall Halls . But they resort all to the said Temple Church : in the round Walke whereof ( which is the West part , without the Quire ) there remaine Monuments of Noblemen buried , to the number of eleven : eight of them are Images of Armed Knights ; five lying crosse-legged , as men vowed to the Holy Land , against the Infidels and unbeleeving Iewes ; the other three straight-legged : The rest are coaped stones , all of gray Marble . The first of the crosse-legged , was W. Marshall the elder , Earle of Pembrooke , who dyed 1219. Wil. Marshall , his sonne , Earle of Pembrooke , was the second ; he dyed 1231. And Gilbert Marshall , his brother Earle of Pembrooke , slaine in a Turnament at Hartford , besides Ware , in the yeere 1241. After this , Robert Rose , otherwise called Fursan , being made a Templer in the yeere 1245. dyed , and was buried there . And these are all that I can remember to have read of . Sir Nicholas Hare , Master of the Rolles , was buried there , in the yeere 1557. In the yeere 1381. the Rebels of Essex and of Kent destroyed and plucked downe the Houses and Lodgings of this Temple , tooke out of the Church the Bookes and Records that were in Hutches of the Apprentices of the Law , carried them into the streets , and burnt them : the house they spoyled and burnt for wrath that they bare Sir Robert Hales Lord Prior of Saint Iohns in Smithfield . But it was since againe at divers times repayred ; namely the Gate-house of the Middle Temple , in the reigne of Henry the 8. by Sir Amias Paulet , Knight , upon occasion , as in my Annals I have shewed . The great Hall of the Middle Temple was newly builded in the yeere 1572. in the reigne of Queen Elizabeth . This Temple Church had a Master , and foure stipendary Priests , with a Clerke : These , for the ministration of divine Service there , have stipends allowed unto them , out of the possessions and Revenues of the late Hospitall and House of S. Iohns of Ierusalem in England , as it had beene in the reigne of Edward the sixth . And thus much for the said New Temple , the farthest West part of this Ward , and also of this Citie , for the Liberties thereof : which Ward hath an Alderman , and his Deputies three . In S. Sepulchres Parish , common Councell , six ; Constables , foure ; Scavengers , 4. Wardmote Inquest , twelve . In S. Bridgets Parish , common Councellors , 8. Constables , eight ; Scavengers , eight ; Wardmote Inquest , twenty . In S. Andrews , common Councell , two ; Constables , two ; Scavengers , three , Wardmote Inquest , twelve . It is taxed to the Fifteene at 35. pounds , one shilling . BRIDGE WARD WITHOVT , The 26. in number , consisting of the Borough of Southwarke , in the County of Surrey . HAving treated of Wards in London , on the North side the Thames ( in number five and twenty ) I am now to crosse over the said River , into the Borough of Southwarke , which is also a Ward of London without the walls , on the South side thereof , as is Portsoken on the East , and Faringdon extra on the West . But before I come to the particular description of this Ward , it will not be impertinent to declare , when , and by what meanes the Borough of South●●rk now called Bridge Ward without , was made one of the six and twenty Wards , belonging to the City of London ; which was in this manner : After the dissolution of the Monasteries , Abbeys , Priories , and other religious Houses , in this Realme of England : The Maior , Communalty , and Citizens of this City of London taking into their considerations , how commodious and convenient it would be unto the City , to have the Borough of Southwarke annexed thereunto , and that the same Borough was in the Kings hands wholly ; they became humble suiters unto King Henry eighth , and to the Lords of his Highnesse Privie Councell , for the obtaining of the same . Which suit not being granted unto them ; after the decease of King Henry the eighth , they renewed their suit unto his Sonne and next successor , King Edward the sixth , and to the Lords of his Privie Councell for the obtaining of the same Borough . At the length , after long suit , and much labour , it pleased King Edward the sixth , by his Letters Patents , sealed with the great Seale of England , bearing date at Westminster the three and twentieth day April , in the fourth yeere of his reigne , as well in consideration of the summe of sixe hundred forty seven pounds , two shillings , and a penny , of lawfull money of England , paid to his Highnesse use , by the Maior , Communalty , and Citizens of London , as for divers other considerations him thereunto moving ; To give and grant unto the said Maior and Communalty , and Citizens of London , divers Messuages , lands & Tenements , lying in or neere the said Borough of Southwark , in the said Letters Patents particularly expressed , which were sometimes the Lands of Charles , then late Duke of Suffolke , and of whom King Henry the eighth did buy and purchase the same . But there was excepted out of the said Grant , and reserved unto the said King Edward the sixth , his Heires and successors , all that his Capitall Messuage , or Mansion House , called Southwarke Place , late of the said Duke of Suffolke , and all Gardens and Land to the same adjoyning : And all that his Parke in Southwarke : And all that his Messuage , and all Edifices and ground , called the Antilope there . And the said King Edward the sixth did by his said Letters Patents give and grant to the said Maior , Communalty , and Citizens , and their successors , all that his Lordship and Mannor of Southwarke , with all and singular the Rights , Members , and appurtenances thereof , in the said County of Surrey , then late belonging to the late Monastery of Bermondsey , in the same County : And also all that his Mannor and Borough of Southwarke , with all and singular the Rights , Members , and appurtenances thereof , in the said County of Surrey , then late parcell of the Possessions of the Archbishop and Archbishoprickes of Canturbury , Together with divers yeerly rents , issuing out of divers Messuages or Tenements , in the said Letters Patents particularly expressed . And also the said King Edward the sixth , by his said Letters Patents , as well for the above-mentioned considerations , as also for the summe of five hundred Markes , paid to his use , by the said Maior , Communalty , and Citizens of the said City of London , did give and grant to the said Maior , Communalty , and Citizens of the said City , and to their successors , in and through the whole Borough and Towne of Southwarke , and in and through the whole Parish of ▪ Saint Saviors , Saint Olaves , and Saint George in Southwarke , and in and through the whole Parish , then late called Saint Thomas Hospitall , and then called the Kings Hospitall in Southwark , and elsewhere whersoever , in the Town and Borough of Southwarke , and in Kentish street and Blackman street , in the Parish of Newington , All Wayffes , Estrays , Treasure-trove , Goods and Chattels of Traytors , Felo●s , Fugitives , Out-lawes , Condemned persons , Convict persons , and Felons defamed , and of such as bee put in Exigent of Outlawry , Felons of themselves , and Deodands , and of such as refuse the Lawes of the Land : And all Goods disclaimed , found , or being within the said Borough , Towne , Parishes and Precincts : And all mannor of Escheats and Forfeitures . And that the said Maior , Communalty , and Citizens , by themselves , or their Deputy , or Officer or Officers , should have in the Towne , Borough , Parishes , and Precincts aforesaid , the Taste and Assize of Bread , Wine , Ale , and Beere , and of all other Victuals , and things whatsoever , sold in the same Towne . And whatsoever should or might appertaine to the Office of the Clarke of the Market of his Majesties House-hold . And the correction and punishment of all persons there selling Bread , Wine , Beere , and Ale , and other Victuals ; and of others there inhabiting , or using any Arts whatsoever . And all Forfeitures , Fines , and Amerciaments , to be forfeited to the King , or his Heires or Successors . And that they should have the execution of the Kings Writs , and of all other Writs , Commandements , Precepts , Extracts , and Warrants , with the returnes thereof , by such their Minister or Deputy as they should chuse . And that they should have , keepe , and hold there , every yeere , yeerely , one Faire , to endure for three dayes , viz. the seventh , eighth , and ninth daies of September . And that during the said three dayes , they should hold there by their Minister or Deputy , from day to day , from houre to houre , and from time to time , all Actions , Plaints , and Pleas of the Court of Pipowder , with al Summons , Attachments , Arrests , Issues , Fines , Redemptions , Commodities , and other Rights whatsoever , to the Court of Pipowder by any meanes belonging . And also , that they should have throughout the whole Precinct aforesaid , View of Franke-pledge , with all Sommons , Attachments , Arrests , Issues , Amerciaments , Fines , Redemptions , Profits , Commodities , and other things , which thereof to the King , his Heires , or Successors , should appertaine . And also , that the said Maior , Communalty , and Citizens , and their successors , by themselves , or by their Officers or Deputies , may take and arrest in the Borough , Towne , Parish , and Precincts aforesaid , all Theeves , Felons , and other Malefactors , and may carry them to the Gaole of Newgate . And that the said Maior , Communalty , and Citizens , and their successors , should for ever have in the said Borough , Town parishes , and Precincts , all such Liberties , priviledges , Franchises , Discharges , and Customes , which the King or his Heires should have had , if the said Borough had remained in the Kings hands . And also he granted to the said Maior , Communalty , and Citizens of London , and to their successors , that they should for ever hold and keepe , all manner of Pleas , Actions , Plaints , and personall Suites , and all manner of causes , Matters , Contracts , and Demands whatsoever , happening in the Precincts aforesaid , before the Maior and Aldermen of London , and before the Sheriffes of London , for the time being , or any of them , in the Guild hall and Hustings of the said City : and the like Actions , Bills , Plaints , Proces , Arrests , Iudgements , Executions , and other things whatsoever , and the same dayes and times , and in such like maner , as the like Pleas happening in the said City , before the Maior , Aldermen and Sheriffes , or any of them , in the said Courts , or any of them , time out of minde , have been taken , holden , prosecuted , or executed . And that the Serjeants at Mace , and other Officers of London , using to serve Proces , might from thenceforth , for ever , serve and execute all manner of Proces in the said Borough , Towne , Parishes and Precincts , concerning such Pleas and executions of the same , as time out of mind hath been used in the City of London . And that the Inhabitants of the same Borough , Parishes , and Precincts , for Causes and Matters there growing , may implead or bee impleaded in the said City , in forme aforesaid , and in the said Courts . And that if the Iuries impanelled , and so moved to try such Issues , shall not appeare before the said Maior and Aldermen , or Sheriffes , in the said Courts in London , they shall bee amerced in like manner , and forfeit such Issues , as Iuries in London , making default of appearance , have used to forfeit . And that the Issues so forfeited , shall bee to the use of the Maior , Communalty , and Citizens of London , and their successors for ever . And also , that the said Maior and Communalty , and Citizens , and their successors for ever , should have the Cognizance of all manner of Pleas , Plaints , and personall Actions , out of all the Kings Courts , before the King , or before any of his Iustices , for any thing happening in the said Borough , or Precincts , before the said Maior and Aldermen , and Sheriffs , or any of them , in the Courts of the said City . And that the Issues taken upon the said suits , shall be tryed in the said Courts , before the Maior and Aldermen and Sheriffes , by men of the said Borough , as Issues in London are tryed . And that the said Maior , Communalty , and Citizens , and their successors , should for ever chuse , according to the Law , every yeere , or as often as they should thinke meet , two Coroners in the said Borough : And that the said Coroners , and either of them so chosen , should in the Precincts aforesaid , have and use like authority , as any Coroners in England ought to have and execute : and that no other of the Kings Coroners should in any wise presume to execute any thing belonging to the Office of a Coroner , in the Precincts aforesaid . And that the Maior of London , for the time being , should be Escheator in the Precincts aforesaid , and have power to direct Precepts to the Sheriffe of the County of Surrey for the time being , and to do all other things , which to the Office of Escheator in any of the Counties of England appertaineth : and that no other Escheator shall enter there , or intermeddle with any thing belonging to the Office of Escheator : and that the Maior of London , for the time being , shall be the Kings Clarke of the Market within the Precincts aforesaid , and may doe all things there appertaining to the Office of Clarke of the Market , and that the Clarke of the Market of the Kings Household shall not there intermeddle with any thing . And that the said Maior , Communalty , and Citizens , and their successors for ever , should have , hold , use , and enjoy , in the Precincts aforesaid , as well all the Liberties and Franchises aforesaid , as the Toll , Tallage , Picage , and all other the said Kings Iurisdictions , Franchises , and Priviledges , which any Archbishop of Canturbury , Charles D. of Suffolke , or any the M. Brother and Sisters of the then late Hospitall of St. Thomas in Southwarke , or any Abbot of the then late Monastery of S. Saviors of Bermondsey , neere Southwarke ; or any Prior or Covent of the then late Priory of Saint Mary Overy , or any of them ever had , then had , or ought to have had in the premises , in any of the places aforesaid ; or which the said King Edward the sixth then lately held and enjoyed , or ought to have had & enjoy , & in as ample manner as King Henry the 8. had and enjoyed , or ought to have had , and enjoy the same : So that none of the Kings Sheriffes , or any other of his Officers should intermeddle in any thing in the said Borough and Precincts aforesaid . And the said King Edward the sixt did by his said Letters Patents further grant , that all the Inhabitants of the said Precincts should be within the ordinance , governance and correction of the Maior and Officers of London and their Deputies , as the Citizens and Inhabitants of London ought to be ; by reason of any Charter formerly granted by any of the said Kings Progenitors , to the Maior , Communalty and Citizens of London . And that the said Maior , Communalty and Citizens , and their Successors for ever should haue , enjoy , and use such Lawes , Iurisdictions , Liberties , Franchises and Priviledges whatsoever in the Borough , and Precincts aforesaid , as fully and freely as they then used , or ought to have used and enjoyed the same in London , by vertue of any grant to them made by any of the said Kings Progenitors . And that the Maior of London for the time being , and the Recorder of London for the time being , after they have borne the Office of Maioraltie of London , should be Iustices of the Kings Peace in Southwarke , and the Precincts aforesaid , so long as they should stand Aldermen of the said Citty , and should in the said Borough and Precincts aforesaid doe and execute all things which other Iustices of the Peace might doe in the County of Surrey , according to the Lawes and Statutes of England . And also , that the said Maior , Communaltie & Citizens , & their Successors should have every weeke , on Munday , Wednesday , Friday and Satterday in the said Borough and Towne of Southwarke , one Market or Markets there to bee kept , and all things to Markets appertaining : All which Mannor , Lands , Tenements , Rents , Liberties , Priviledges , Franchises , and other the premises granted by the said Letters Patents , did extend to the cleere yeerely value of 35. li. 14. s. 4. d. And were granted to bee holden to the said Maior , Communalty and Citizens of London , and their Successors for ever , of the said King , his Heires and Successors , as of his Mannor of East Greenwitch , in the County of Kent , by Fealty onely in Free Socage ( and not in Capite ) for all manner of services and demands whatsoever . But there was excepted and reserved out of the said Grant , to the said King Edward the sixt , his Heires and Successors , all his Rights , Iurisdictions , Liberties & Franchises whatsoever , within the Walke , Circuit , and Precinct of his Capitall Messuage , Gardens , and Parke in Southwarke , and in all Gardens , Curtilages , and Lands , to the said Mansion House , Gardens , and Parke belonging . Also , there was excepted and reserved out of the said Graunt , the House , Messuage , or Lodging there , called the Kings Bench , and the Gardens to the same belonging , so long as it should be used as a Prison for Prisoners , as it was then used . Also , there was excepted and reserved out of the said Graunt , the House , Messuage , or Lodging there , called the Marshalsey , and the Gardens to the same belonging , so long as it should be used as a Prison for Prisoners , as it was then used . Also it was provided , that the said Letters Patents should not be prejudiciall to the Offices of the Great Master or Steward of the Kings Household , within the Borough and Precincts aforesaid , to be executed while the same Borough and Precincts should be within the Verge : Nor to Ioh. Gates , Knight , one of the Gentlemen of the Kings Privie Chamber , concerning any Lands , Tenements , Offices , Profits , Franchises , or Liberties to him granted during his life , by the said King Edward the sixth , or by his Father King Henry the eight . About the space of a moneth after the said Borough of Southwarke was so granted by King Edward the sixt to the Maior , Communaltie , and Citizens of London , and that they by force of the said Letters Patents stood charged with the Ordering , Survev , and Government of the same Borough , and of al the Kings subjects inhabiting therein , and repayring thither : At a Court holden before Sir Rowland Hill , Knight , then Lord Maior of London , and the Aldermen of the same Citie , in the Guild-Hall of London , on Tuesday the eight and twentieth of May , in the said fourth yeere of the raigne of King Edward the sixth , the said Towne or Borough was named and called the Ward of Bridge Ward without . And Sir Iohn Ayliffe , Knight , Citizen and Barber-Surgeon of London , was then also named , elected , and chosen by the same Court , to be Alderman of the same Ward , albeit that before that time there neyther was any such Ward nor Alderman . And it was then also ordered , That the said Sir Iohn Ayliffe , by that name of Alderman of Bridge Ward without , and all other that from thenceforth should be Alderman of the same Ward , should have the Rule , Survey , and Government , not onely of the Inhabitants of the said Towne & Borough of Southwarke , and other the Kings people repayring to the same , but also of all the Liberties , Franchises , and Priviledges within the said Towne and Borough , then formerly granted by the King and his Progenitors to the said Maior , Communaltie , and Citizens of London . And for the due execution of which Office , the said Sir Iohn Ayliffe was then presently sworne and admitted . Not long after , videlicet , at a Court of Common Councell , holden in the Guild-Hall of London , on the last day of Iuly , in the said fourth yeere of the raigne of King Edward the sixth , and in the time of the Maioraltie of the said Sir Rowland Hill , it was enacted , That besides the then ancient accustomed number of five and twentie Aldermen , there should be one Alderman more elected , to have the Rule , Charge , and Governance of the said Borough and Towne . And that foure discreet persons , or more , being Freemen of London , and dwelling within the said Cittie , or the Borough of Southwarke , or in other the Liberties of the said Citie , sould from thenceforth , as often as the case should require , be from time to time nominated , appointed , and chosen by the Inhabitants of the said Borough for the time being , before the Lord Maior of London for the time being , sitting in the said Borough for that purpose , in such sort and order , as the Aldermen of London were in those dayes commonly elected . And that the said Lord Maior for the time being should ( at the next Court of Aldermen to be holden at the Guild-Hall of the said Citie , next after such election ) present the names and surnames of all such persons as so should be named before him , and put in the said election . And that the said Lord Maior & Aldermen for the time being , should of those foure persons , or mo , so presented , elect and chuse one , by way of Scrutinie , to be an Alderman of the said Citie , and to have the peculiar Ordering , Rule and Governance of the said Borough and Towne of Southwarke , and of the Inhabitants thereof , and of all other the Kings liege people , repayring to the same . And that the said Alderman so especially elect and chosen , and from time to time , as the cause sould require thenceforth , to be elect and chosen for the Survey and Government of the said Borough , and the Inhabitants and other remayning in and to the same , should alwayes be named and called the Alderman of Bridge Ward without , and by none other Name , for or concerning that Office , or Roome , and should have the Cure and Charge of the good Ordering and Government of the said Borough and Towne of Southwarke , and of the Inhabitants and People of and in the same , and of none other Place within the said Citie , by reason or colour of the said Roome , as long as he should remaine and stand Alderman of the said Ward , but as the residue of the said Aldermen of the said Citie be commonly charged : And therein to doe and use himselfe , as other Aldermen within the Liberties of the said Citie were accustomed and used to doe , in as much as the Lawes and Statutes of this Realme would permit and suffer . Yet neverthelesse it was prouided , & by the said Cōmon Councell further ordained and enacted , That the said Sir Iohn Ayliffe , Knight , should then be Alderman of the said Ward : And that as well the same Sir Iohn Ayliffe , as also all and every person and persons , that thenceforth should fortune to be Alderman of the same Ward , should have and enjoy like prerogative , liberty , and benefit , to change and remove from the same Ward , and to accept and take at his and their free will and pleasure any such other Ward or Wards within the said City , as it should fortune him , or them , or any of them , to be thenceforth duely elect and chosen unto by the Inhabitants of the same other VVard , or VVards , or any of them in like manner and forme , as the other Aldermen of the said City lawfully might , and commonly use to doe : Any thing in the said recited Act to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . Neverthelesse , at a Court of Aldermen holden on Tuesday , the second of September , in the said fourth yeere of the reigne of king Edward the sixth , and in the time of the Maioralty of the said Sir Rowland Hill , it was ordered , That the Aldermen of Bridge Ward without , for the time being , should stand and remaine Alderman of the same VVard three whole yeeres next after his election , before hee should bee permitted to bee removed to the governance of any other VVard : Notwithstanding any former Law , Vsage , or Custome . But afterwards it seemeth , upon better advice , that another order should be taken in the election of the Alderman of the same Ward : For at a Common Councell holden in the Guild-Hall in London , on the 16. day of Iune , in the fourth and fifth yeeres of King Philip and Queene Mary , and in the time of the Maioralty of Sir Thomas Curtis , Knight , the said former Act , made on the last day of Iuly , in the fourth yeere of King Edward the sixth , for so much thereof as did concerne the forme and order of the election of the Alderman of the said VVard of Bridge Ward without , was utterly repealed . And then it was enacted , That from thenceforth the Alderman of the same Ward should alwaies , at the time of vacation , or lack of an Alderman thereof , be elected and chosen by the Lord Maior and Aldermen of London , for the time being , at a full Court of Aldermen , by them to be holden in the Inner Chamber of the Guild-Hall of the same City in this manner , viz. That the Lord Maior and Aldermen should at their said full Court , amongst themselves , nominate foure discreet and meet Citizens , being Freemen of London , either resiant within the said Borough , or in London , or the Liberties thereof , to be put in election of Alderman of that Ward . And of the said foure persons so nominated , the said Lord Maior and Aldermen should by Scrutiny , according to their accustomed manner , elect one to bee Alderman of the same VVard : VVhich Alderman , so by them elected and sworne , should use and behave himselfe in all things , as by the residue of the former Act of Common Councell , made the last day of Iuly , in the fourth yeere of King Edward the sixth was ordained and appointed . Thus having declared , by what means and at what time the said Borough of Southwarke was made and named one of the sixe and twenty VVards , now belonging to the City of London ; I intend to proceed to the description of the severall particular places of the same VVard , and likewise of such Monuments of Antiquity , as are to bee found therein . This Borough being in the County of Surrey , consisteth of divers streetes , waies , and winding lanes , all full of buildings inhabited : and first , to begin at the West part thereof , over-against the West Suburbe of the City . On the banke of the River Thames , there is now a continuall building of Thenements , about halfe a mile in length to the Bridge . Then South a continuall street called Long Southwarke , builded on both sides with divers Lanes and Allies up to St. Georges Church , and beyond it thorow Blackman street , towards Newtowne ( or Newington ) the liberties of which Borough extend almost to the Parish Church of Newtowne aforesaid , distant one mile from London bridge , and also Southwest a continuall building , almost to Lambith , more than one mile from the said Bridge . Then from the Bridge along by the Thames Eastward , is S. Olaves street , having continuall building on both the sides , with lanes and Alleyes up to Battle bridge , to Horse-downe , and towards Rother-hith : also some good halfe mile in length from London bridge . So that I account the whole continuall buildings on the Banke of the said River , from the West towards the East , to be more than a large mile in length . Then have yee from the entring towards the said Horsedowne , one other continuall street , called Barmondes eye strees , which stretcheth South , likewise furnished with buildings on both sides , almost halfe a mile in length , up to the late dissolved Monastery of S. Saviour , called Bermondsey . And from thence is one long lane ( so called of the length ) turning West to Saint Georges Church afore-named . Out of the which lane mentioned Long lane , breaketh one other street towards the South and by East , and this is called Kentish street , for that it is the way leading into that Country : and so have you the bounds of this Borough . The Antiquities most notable in this Borough are these : first , for Ecclesiasticall , there was Bermondsey , an Abbey of blacke Monkes , Saint Mary Overies , a Priory of Canons Regular , Saint Thomas a Colledge or Hospitall for the poore , and the Loke , a Lazar-house in Kent street . Parish Churches there have been sixe , whereof five doe remaine , ( viz. ) Saint Mary Magdalen , in the Priory of Saint Mary Overy : now the same Saint Mary Overy is the Parish Church for the said Mary Magdalen , and for Saint Margaret on the Hill , and is called St. Saviour . Saint Margaret on the Hill being put downe , is now a Court for Iustice . S. Thomas in the Hospitall serveth for a Parish Church , as afore , Saint George a Parish Church , as before it did : So doth Saint Olave , and Saint Mary Magdalen , by the Abby of Bermondsey . There be also these five Prisons , or Gaoles . The Clinke , on the Banke . The Compter , in the late Parish ▪ Church of S. Margaret . The Marshalsey . The Kings Bench. And the White Lion ; all in Long Southwarke . Houses most notable , be these . The Bishop of Winchesters House . The Bishop of Rochesters House . The Duke of Suffolkes . House , or Southwarke Place . The Tabard , an Hostery , or Inne . The Abbot of Hyde his House . The Prior of Lewis his House , The Abbot of S. Augustine his house . The Bridge-house . The Abbot of Battaile his House . Battaile-Bridge . The Stewes on the Banke of Thames . And the Beare-Gardens there . Now to returne to the West Banke : there were two Beare-Gardens , the Old and New , Places wherein were kept Beares , Buls , and other Beasts , to be bayted : As also Mastives , in severall kenels , nourished to baite them . These Beares , and other Beasts are there baited in plots of ground , scaffolded about , for the beholders to stand safe . Next , on this Banke , was sometime the Bordello or Stewes , a place so called , of certaine Stew-houses priviledged there , for the repaire of incontinent men to the like women ; of the which Priviledge I have read thus : In a Parliament holden at Westminster , the eighth of Henry the second , it was ordained by the Commons , and confirmed by the King and Lords , That divers Constitutions for ever should be kept within that Lordship , or Franchise , according to the old Customes , that had beene there used time time of minde : Amongst the which , these following were some : videlicet . That no Stew-holder , or his wife , should let or stay any single woman to goe and come freely at all times , when they listed . No Stew-holder to keepe any woman to boord , but she to boord abroad at her pleasure . To take no more for the womans chamber in the Weeke , than foureteene pence . Not to keepe open his doores upon the Holy-dayes . Not to keepe any single woman in his house on the Holy-dayes , but the Bayliffe to see them voyded out of the Lordship . No single woman to bee kept against her will , that would leave her sinne . No Stew-holder receive any woman of Religion , or any mans wife . No single woman to take mony to lye with any man , except she lye with him all night , till the morrow . No man to be drawne or enticed into any Stew-house . The Constables , Bayliffe , and others , every weeke to search every Stew-house . No Stew-holder to keepe any woman , that hath the perillous infirmity of Burning ; nor to sell Bread , Ale , Flesh , Fish , Wood , Coale , or any Victuals , &c. These and many more Orders were to bee observed , upon great paine and punishment . I have also seene divers Patents of confirmation , namely , one dated 1345. the ninetenth of Edward the third . Also I finde , that in the fourth of Richard the second , these Stew-houses belonging to William Walworth , then Maior of London , were farmed by Froes of Flaunders , and spoyled by Walter Tylar , and other Rebels of Kent : notwithstanding , I finde that ordinances for the same place , and houses , were againe confirmed in the reigne of Henry the sixth , and to be continued as before . Also Robert Fabian writeth , that in the yeere 1506. the one and twentieth of Henry the seventh , the said Stew-houses in Southwarke were ( for a season ) inhabited , and the doores closed up : but it was not long ( saith he ) ere the houses there were set open againe , so many as were permitted , for ( as it was said ) whereas before were eighteen houses , from thenceforth were appointed to be used but twelve onely . These allowed Stew-houses had signes on their fronts , towards the Thames , not hanged out , but painted on the wals as a Boares head , the Crosse keyes , the Gunne , the Castle , the Crane , the Cardinals Hat , the Bell , the Swanne , &c. I have heard ancient men of good credit report , that these single women were forbidden the rights of the Church , so long as they continued that sinnefull life , and were excluded from Christian buriall , if they were not reconciled before their death . And therfore there was a plot of ground , called the Single womens Churchyard , appointed for them , far from the Parish Church . In the yeere of Christ , a thousand five hundred forty sixe , the seven and thirtieth of Henry the eighth , this row of Stewes in Southwarke was put downe by the Kings commandement , which was proclaimed by sound of Trumpet no more to be priviledged , and used as a common Brothel ; but the inhabitants of the same to keepe good and honest rule , as in other places of this Realm , &c. Then next is the Clinke , a Gaole or Prison for the Trespassers in those parts ; namely , in old time for such as should brabble , fray , or breake the peace on the said Banke , or in the Brothell houses , they were by the inhabitants thereabout apprehended and committed to this Gaole , where they were straightly imprisoned . Next is the Bishop of Winchesters house , or lodging when he commeth to this City : which house was first builded by William Gifford , Bishop of Winchester , about the yeere one thousand , one hundred and seven , the seventh of Henry the first , upon a plot of ground pertaining to the Prior of Bermondsey , as appeareth by a Writ directed unto the Barons of the Exchequer , in the yeere 1366. the one and fortieth of Edward the third ( the Bishops Sea being void ) for 8. pounds due to the Monkes of Bermondsey , for the Bishop of Winchesters lodging in Southwarke . This is a very faire house wel repayred , and hath a large Wharfe , and a landing place called the Bishop of Winchesters staires . Adjoyning to this on the South side thereof , is the Bishop of Rochesters Inne or lodging , by whom first erected I doe not now remember me to have read , but well I wot , the same of long time hath not beene frequented by any Bishop , and lyeth ruinous for lacke of reparations . The Abbot of Naverley had a house there . East from the Bishop of Winchesters house , directly over-against it standeth a faire Church , called S. Mary over the Rie , or Overy , that is , over the water . This Church , or some other in place thereof , was ( of old time long before the Conquest ) an house of Sisters , founded by a Maiden , named Mary , unto the which house and Sisters she left ( as was left to her by her Parents ) the over-sight and profits of a Crosse Ferrie , or traverse Ferry over the Thames , there kept before that any Bridge was builded . This house of Sisters was after by Swithen a noble Lady , converted unto a Colledge of Priests , who in place of the Ferrie , builded a Bridge of Timber , and from time to time kept the same in good reparations ; but lastly the same Bridge was builded of Stone , and then in the yeere 1106. was this Church againe founded for Canons Regular , by William Pont de le Arch , and William Dauncy , Knights Normans . William Gifford , Bishop of Winchester , was a good Benefactor also , for hee ( as some have noted ) builded the body of that Church , in the yeere one thousand , one hundred and sixe , the seventh of Henry the first . The Canons first entred the said Church , then Algodus was the first Prior. King Henry the first , by his Charter gave them the Church of Saint Margaret in Southwarke . King Stephen confirmeth the gift of King Henry , and also gave the Stone House , which was William de Ponte le Arche , by Downgate . This Priory was burned about the yeere 1207. wherefore the Canons did found an Hospitall neere unto their Priory , where they celebrated untill the Priory was repayred : which Hospitall was after ( by consent of Peter de la Roch , Bishop of Winchester ) removed into the land of Anicins , Archdeacon of Surrey , in the yeere 1228. a place where the water was more plentifull , and the ayre more wholsome , and was dedicated to S. Thomas . This Peter de Rupibus , or de la Roch , founded a large Chappell of Saint Mary Magdalen , in the said Church of St. Mary Overy , which chappell was afterward appointed to be the Parish Church for the inhabitants neere adjoyning . This Church was again newly builded in the reigne of Richard the second and King Henry the fourth . Iohn Gower , Esquire , a famous Poet , was then an especialll Benefactor to that worke , and was there buried on the North side of the said Church , in the Chappell of Saint Iohn , where he founded a Chantry , hee lyeth under a Tombe of Stone , with his Image also of Stone over him . The haire of his head aburne , long to his shoulders , but curling up , and a small forked beard ; on his head a Chaplet , like a coronet of foure Roses , an habite of Purple , damasked downe to his seet , a Collar of Esses of gold about his necke , under his feet the likenesse of three Bookes , which hee compiled . The first , named Speculum Meditantis , written in French : The second , Vox Clamantis , penned in Latine : The third , Confessi● Amantis , written in English , and this last is printed . Vox Clamantis , with his Cronica Tripartita , and other both in Latine and French , never printed , I have and doe poffesse , but Speculum Meditantis , I never saw , though heard thereof to bee in Kent ; Beside on the wall where he lyeth , there was painted 3. Virgins crowned , one of the which was named Charity , holding this divice : En toy qui es Fitz de Dieu le Pere , Savue soit , qui gist sours cest Pierre . The second writing Mercy , with this device . O bone lesu fait ta mercy , Al'ame , dont le corps gift icy . The third writing Pitty , with this device . Pour ta pite Iesu regar'de , Et met cest a me en savue garde . His Armes , in a Field Argent , on a Cheveron Azure , three Leopards heads Gold , their tongues Gules , two Angels Supporters ; on the Crest a Talbot . His Epitaph , Armigeri Scutum nihil a modo fert sibi tutum , Reddidit immolutum morti generale tributum , Spiritus exutum se gaudeat esse solutum , Est ubi virtutum Regnum siue labe statutum . The roofe of the middle waste I le sell downe in the yeere 1469. This Priory was surrendered to Henry the eighth , the one and thirtieth of his reigne , the seven and twentieth of October , the yeere of Christ 1539. valued at sixe hundred , twenty foure pounds , six shillings , sixe pence , by the yeere . About Christmas next following , the Church of the said Priory was purchased of the King by the inhabitants of the Borough . Doctor Stephen Gardener , Bishop of Winchester , putting to his helping hand , they made thereof a Parish Church for the Parish Church of S. Mary Magdalen , on the South side of the said Quire , out of Saint Margaret on the hill , which were made one Parish of S. Saviour . There be Monuments in this Church of Robert Liliard , or Hilliard , Esquire . Margaret , Daughter to the Lady Audley , wife to Sir Thomas Audley . William Grevill , Esquire , and Margaret his wife , one of the heires of William Spershut , Esquire . Dame Katharine , wife to Iohn Stoke , Alderman . Robert Merfin , Esquire . William Vndall , Esquire . Lord Ospay Ferar. Sir George Brewes , Knight . Iohn Browne . Lady Brandon , Wife to Sir Thomas Brandon . William Lord Scales . William Earle Warren . Dame Maude , wife to Sir Iohn Peach . Lewknor . Dame Margaret Elrington , one of the heires of Sir Thomas Elrington . Iohn Bowden Esquire . Robert Saint Magil . Iohn Standhurst . Iohn Gower . Iohn Duncell , Merchant-Taylor , 1516. Iohn Sturton , Esquire . Robert Rouse . Thomas Tong , first Norroy , and after Clarenciaulx , King of Armes . William Wickham , translated from the Sea of Lincolne , to the Bishopricke of Winchester , in the moneth of March , 1595. deceased the 11. day of Iune next following and was buried here . Thomas Cure , Esquire , Sadler to King Edward the sixth , Queene Mary and Queene Elizabeth , deceased the 24. day of May , 1598. Hic jacet Ioannes Gower , Armiger , Anglorum Poeta celeberrimus , ac huic sacro Aedificio benefactor insignis , vixit temporibus Ed. 3. & Rich. 3. Noviter constructum impensis Parochiae , An. Dom. 1615. Epics●ion Thomae Cure , Southwarchiensis Armigeri . Elizabetha tibi Princeps servivit Equorum A sellis Curus , quem lapis iste regit . Servivit Edvardo Regi , Mariaeque Sorori , Principibus magna est laus placuisse tribus . Convixit cunctis charus Respublica Curae Semper erat Curo , commoda plebis erant : Dum vixit tribui senibus curavit alendis , Nummorum in sumptus annua dona domos . Obiit 24. die Maii , An. Dom. 1588. An Epitaph upon John Trehearne , Gentleman Porter to King James the first . Had Kings a power to lend their Subjects breath , ●rehearne , thou shouldst not be cast downe by death : Thy Royall Master still would keepe thee then ; But length of dayes are beyond reach of men . Nor wealth , nor strength , nor great mens love can ease The wound Deaths Arrowes make , for thou hast these . In thy Kings Court good place to thee is given : Whence thou shalt goe to the Kings Court of Heaven . Peter Humble , Gentleman , dedicates this Monument to the pious memory of Richard Humble , Alderman of London , and Margaret his first wife , daughter to Iohn Pierson of Nathing , in the County of Essex , Gentleman . By whom he had issue two sonnes , Iohn , who died young , and the above-named Peter , now living . Also foure daughter , Katharine , Weltham , Margaret , and Elizabeth , who survived the other three , and was interred the same day with her Father , being the 30. of April 1616. Richard left Isabel his second wife , widow , who was the daughter of Robert Kitchinman , of Hemsley , in the County of Yorke , Gentleman , bequeathing to the poore of this Parish five pounds , foure shillings yeerly for ever , out of a Tenement adjoyning to the Southside of the three Crownes gate in Southwarke . Gulielmus Wickham , translat . à sede Lincoln . & Mense Martii , 1595. existen Episcopus Winton . Obiit 11. Iunii , prox . sequent . Reliquit uxorem laudatiff . quae sepelit in Awkenbery , Com. Hunt. Doctrina Antistes praestans & moribus aequis , Eloquio & pietate gravis , mensaque manuque . Non parcus , justi neglectus honore sepulchri , Hic jacet . O seculum insipiens , verum aequior illi , Dum moritur , Deus Aligeros dat cernere , missos , Qui migrantem animam Coeli ad sublimina ferrent . F. M. posuit 10. Iunii , Anno Domini 1600. The Monument of Bishop Andrewes is in a Chappell at the East end of the Church , and his body lyeth within the Monument . Lector , Si Christianus es , siste : Morae pretium erit , Non nescire te , qui vir hîc situs sit : Ejusdem tecum Catholicae Ecclesiae membru , Sub eadem felicis Resurrectionis spe , Eandem D. Iesu praestolans Epiphaniam , Sacratiss . Antistes Lancelotus Andrews , Londini oriundus , educatus Cantabrigiae , Aulae Pembroch . Alumnor . Socior . Praefector . Vnus , & nemini secundus : Linguarum , Artium , Scientiarum , Humanorum , Divinorum , Omnium Infinitus Thesaurus , Stupendum Oraculū : Orthodoxae Christi Ecclesiae , Dictis , scriptis , precibus , Exemplo Incomparabile propugnaculum : Reginae Elizabethae à sacris , D. Pauli London . Residentiarius , D. Petri Westmonast . Decanus : Episcopus Cicestrensis , Eliensis , Wintoniensis , Regique Iacobo tum ab Eleemosynis , Tum ab utriusque Regni Consiliis , Decanus denique Secelli Regii : Idem ex Indefessa opera in studiis , Summa sapientia in rebus , Assidua pietate in Deum , Profusa largitate in Egenos , Rara amoenitate in suos , Spectata probitate in omnes , Aeternum admirandus . Annorum pariter & publicae famae satur , Sed bonorū passim omnium cum luctu denatus , Coelebs hinc migravit ad aureolam coelestem , Anno Regis Caroli 11o. Aetatis S. LXXIo. Christi MDCXXVIo. Tantum est ( Lector ) quod te moerentes posteri Nunc volebant , atque vt voto tuo valeas , dicto Sit Deo gloria . There is a Monument of Iohn Bingham , Esquire , Sadler to Queene Elizabeth and King Iames. Who was a worthy benefactor to the Parish , and to the Free-Schoole there : who departed this life in the yeere of our Lord , 1625. There is a Monument for VVilliam Emerson , who departed this life the 27. of Iune , An. Dom. 1575. in the yeere of his age 92. Arvum hoc Sepulchrale . Exuviarum opt . matris Iocosae dominae Clerke . Sui ipsius lectissimaeque uxoris consitioni destinatum , Gulielmus Augustinus Armiger vivus sacravit . Anna Conjux charissima primo . inseritur . Quae post decimū partum ( An MDCXXIII . Ian. XXI . Marito , ac liberis quinque superstitibus ) Tricenaria valedicens : In restorescendi dic & spem ; Hac terra tegitur . Sequimur caeteri : Sati corruptibiles , Suscitandi incorruptibiles . The Monument with this inscription standeth on the South side of the Quire. Monumentum viri justi . In memory of Iohn Symons , Citizen and White-Baker of London ; who departed this life the 10. of August , in the yeere of our Lord 1625. and was a good Benefactor unto this Parish : who gave unto the poore the summe of eight pounds Per Annum for ever , to be distributed on the Feast day of St. Thomas before Christmas . And unto Saint Georges Parish in Southwarke the summe of ten pounds per Annum , for ever . And unto the Parish of Saint Mary Newington in Surrey , the summe of five pounds per Annum , for ever . These summes to come unto the said Parish , after the decease of his father Samuel Symons , who yet liveth , in the yeere 1631. The Monument standeth in the South side of the Church , with this Epitaph : His flesh interr'd here once contain'd a spirit , Who ( by Gods mercy and his Saviours merit ) Departed in that constant hope of trust , To reigne eternally amongst the just : To live and dye well was his whole endeavor , And in ( assurance ) dyed to live for ever . In the South side of the Church by the Quire there standeth the Monument of William Austin , Esquire , very faire and beautifull ; the invention thus : Over the head of the Angell is a Sunne , and in it written Sol Iustitiae . There standeth an Angell upon a Rocke , with a Sickle in the left hand , and the right hand erected towards heaven , with these words written on the Rocke : Petra erat Christus ; and under the Rocke is a field of ripe wheate , and in it written : Si non moriatur , non reviviscit . And under that these words : Nos sevit , fovit , lavit , cogit , renovabit . Vpon the right hand of this Angell are written these words : Vos estis Dei. And on the left this : Agricultura . On each side of this Angell sitteth two other Angels , leaning on their armes ; the one with a Forke , and under written Messores . The other with a Rack , and under written : Congregabunt . Vnder all this is the forme of a winnowing Fanne , and words written in it . The Lady Clarke , mother to Master William Austin , gave a very faire Communion Table railed about , where 60. may kneele to receive the Sacrament , with a faire Carpet for it , and the railes hung about with the same embroidered . Master William Austin gave a faire Silver Chalice , and a Dish for the Bread , to the value of almost forty pounds . And his wife that now is , who was the Relict of Iohn Bingham , Esquire , gave two very faire Silver Flagons of the like value . Ex Registro Curiae Praerogativae Cant. extracto . Master Sampsons Will. Item , I give and bequeath these Annuities ensuing to be issuing out of certaine Tenements of mine , viz. twenty shillings yeerly for ever to the Master and Society of Peter house in Cambridge , towards the maintenance of the Library there : and twenty shillings yeerly for ever to the Church-wardens of Saint Olaves in Southwarke , for the use of the poore of the Parish . And ten shilligs yeerly for ever to the Church-wardens of the Parish of St. Saviours , for the poore in the precinct of old Parish Garden , Master Smith hath given unto the said Parish of S. Saviours the summe of twenty eight pounds per Annum , for ever unto the poore of this Parish . Master Randall Carter , Citizen and Tallow Chandler of London , hath given seven pounds per Annum , for ever unto a poore Scholar that shall bee elected out of the Free Schoole to either of the Vniversities ; and this seven pounds he is to enjoy for sixe yeeres , and his time expired to another : and so forward . Master Edward Hulit , Gentleman , hath given forty pounds per Annum , to the poore of the same Parish for ever , to bee received out of certaine Tenements , situate in the Borough of Southwarke . Hugh Brooker , Esquire , hath given unto the Free Schoole the summe of five pounds per Annum , for ever . And likewise unto the poore of the same Parish five pounds per Annum , for ever : and lyeth buried in Saint Saviours Church in the North I le by the Quire. Thomas Marshall gave an hundred pounds for ever to the Parish , for to clothe sixe poore boyes every Christmasse , who dyed in the yeere 1625. Now passing through Saint Mary Overies Close ( in possession of the Lord Mountacute ) and Pepper Alley , into Long Southwarke , on the right hand thereof , the Market hill , where the Leather is fold , there stood the late named Parish Church of Saint Margaret , given to Saint Mary Overies by Henry the first , put downe and joyned with the Parish Church of Saint Mary Magdalen , and united to the late dissolved Priory Church of S. Mary Overy . A part of this Parish Church of St. Margaret is now a Court , wherein the Assises and Sessions bee kept , and the Court of Admiralty is also there kept . One other part of the same Church is now a Prison , called the Compter in Southwarke , &c. Farther up on that side , almost directly over-against St. Georges Church , was sometime a large and most sumptuous house , builded by Charles Brandon , late Duke of Suffolke , in the reigne of Henry the eighth , which was called Suffolke house ; but comming afterwards into the Kings hands , the same was called Southwarke Place , and a Mint of Coynage was there kept for the King. To this place came King Edward the sixth , in the second of his reigne , from Hampton Court , and dined in it . He at that time made Iohn Yorke , one of the Sheriffes of London , Knight , and then rode through the City to Westminster . Queene Mary gave this house to Nicholas Heth , Archbishop of Yorke , and to his successors for ever , to bee their Inne or lodging for their repaire to London , in recompence of York house , neere to Westminster , which King Henry her father had taken from Cardinall Woolsey , and from the Sea of Yorke . Archbishop Heth sold the same house to a Merchant , or to Merchants , that pulled it downe , sold the Lead , Stone , Iron , &c. and in place thereof builded many small Cottages of great rents , to the increasing of beggars in that Borough . The Archbishop bought Norwich House , or Suffolke Place , neere unto Charing-Crosse , because it was neere unto the Court , and left it to his succssors . Now on the South side , to returne backe again towards the Bridge . Over-against this Suffolke Place , is the Parish Church of Saint George , sometime pertaining to the Priory of Bermondsey , by the gift of Thomas Arderne , and Thomas his son , in the yeere 1122. There lye buried in this Church William Kirton , Esquire , and his wives , 1464. Loe , Master William Evans he whose body lieth here , Bequeathed hath by his last will , for ever by the yeere Ten pounds , eight shillings to the poore , which is a blessed stay , And must be given them in bread , on every Sabbath day . One halfe to Crekederus poore , his native soile so deare : The other moity to the poore of this our Parish here . See now all ye that love the poore , how God did guide his wayes , Ten score and eight are serv'd with bread in two and fifty daies , More than many would have done , to yeelded any share . Praise God , ye poore , who gave to him so provident a care . He was free of the right Worshipfull Company of the Merchant-Taylors , and deceased the nine and twentieth of Iuly 1590. in the two and thirtieth yeer of the most prosperous reigne of our Soveraigne Lady Queene Elizabeth . Aetatis 67. Behold , Iames Savage graciously hath done a godly deed To the poore of this Parish , for to relieve their need , Five pounds a yeere for evermore , by will he hath bequeath'd , Which must out of the Angell rents , quarterly be receiv'd , By the Church-wardens of this Church , whom he hath put in trust , As Fathers in the poores behalfe , to be upright and just . Which men I doubt not but our God , who seeth all things , shall finde True in dispersing of the same , according to his minde . Ye poore , thanke Christ for Savage still , extoil Gods name with praise , That he to follow his good art , in time may many raise . Anno Domini 1588. Then is the White Lion , a Gaole so called , for that the same was a common Hostery for the receit of Travellers by that signe . This house was first used as a Gaole within this threescore yeeres last , since the which time the Prisoners were once removed thence to an house in Newtowne , where they remained for a short time , and were returned backe againe to the aforesaid White Lion , there to remaine , as the appointed Gaole for the County of Surrey . Next , is the Gaole or Prison of the Kings Bench , but of what antiquity the same is , I know not . For I have read , that the Courts of the Kings Bench and Chancery , have oft times been removed from London to other places , and so hath likewise the other Gaoles that serve those Courts , as in the yeere 1304. Edward the first commanded the Courts of the Kings Bench and the Exchequer , which had remained seven yeeres at Yorke , to be removed to their old places at London . And in the yeere 1387. the eleventh of Richard the second , Robert Trisilian chiefe Iustice , came to the Citie of Coventry , and there sate by the space of a moneth , as Iustice of the Kings Benche , and caused to be indited in that Court , about the number of 2000. persons of that Country , &c. It seemeth therefore , that for that time , the Prison or Gaole of that Court was not far off . Also , in the yeere 1392. the sixteenth of the same Richard , the Archbishop of Yorke being Lord Chancellor , for good will that he bare to his City , caused the Kings Bench and Chancery to bee removed from London to Yorke , but ere long they were returned to London . Then is the Marshalsey another Gaole or Prison , so called , as pertaining to the Marshals of England . Of what continuance kept in Southwarke , I have not learned : but like it is , that the same hath been removeable , at the pleasure of the Marshals . For I finde , that in the yeere 1376. the 50. of Edward the third , Henry Percy ( being Marshall ) kept his prisoners in the City of London , where having committed one Iohn Prendargest , of Norwich , contrary to the liberties of the City of London , the Citizens , by perswasion of the Lord Fitzwalter , their Standard-bearer , tooke armour , and ranne with great rage to the Marshals Inne , brake up the gates , brought out the prisoner , and conveighed him away , minding to have burnt the stockes in the middest of their City ; but they first sought for Sir Henry Percy , to have punished him , as I have noted in my Annals . More , about the Feast of Easter next following , Iohn Duke of Lancaster , having caused all the whole Navie of England to be gathered together at London , it chanced a certaine Esquire to kill one of the Mariners , which act the other Mariners taking in ill part , they brought their suit into the Kings Court of the Marshalsey , which then as chanced ( saith mine Author ) was kept in Southwarke : but when they perceived that Court to be so favourable to the murderer ; and further , that the Kings Warrant was also gotten for his pardon ; they in great ●ury ranne to the house , wherein the murderer was imprisoned , brake into it , and brought forth the prisoner with his Gives on his legges , they thrust a kni●e to his heart , and sticked him , as if hee had beene a Hogge : after this they tyed a rope to his Gives , and drew him to the Gallowes , where when they had hanged him , as though they had done a great act , they caused the Trumpets to bee sounded before them to their ships , and there in great triumph they spent the rest of the day . Also the Rebels of Kent , in the yeere 1381. brake downe the houses of the Marshalsey and Kings Bench in Southwarke , tooke from thence the prisoners , brake downe the house of Sir Iohn Immorth , then Marshall of the Marshalsey , and Kings Bench , &c. After this , in the yeere 1387. the eleventh of Richard the second , the morrow after Bartholomew day , the King kept a great Councell in the Castle of Nottingham , and the Marshalsey of the King was then kept at Lughborow , by the space of sixe daies or more . In the yeere 1443. Sir Walter Many , was Marshall of the Marshalsey , the two and twentieth of Henry the sixth . William Brandon , Esquire , was Marshall in the eighth of Edward the fourth . In the yeere 1504. the prisoners of the Marshalsey then in Southwark brake out , and many of them being taken were executed , especially such as had beene committed for Felony or Treason . From thence towards London bridge , on the same side , bee many faire Innes , for receit of travellers , by these signes , the Spurre , Christopher , Bull , Queens head , Tabard , George , Hart , Kings head , &c. Amongst the which , the most ancient is the Tabard , so called of the signe , which as wee now terme it , is of a lacket or sleevelesse coate , whole before , open on both sides , with a square collar , winged at the shoulders : a stately garment , of old time commonly worne of Noblemen and others , both at home and abroad in the wars ; but then ( to wit , in the warres ) their Armes embroidered , or otherwise depict upon them , that every man by his Coate of Armes might bee knowne from others : But now these Tabards are onely worne by the Heralds , and bee called their Coates of Armes in Service . For the Inne of the Tabard , Geffrey Chaucer , Esquire , the most famous Poet of England , in commendation thereof , writeth thus : It befell in that season , on a day , In Southwarke , at the Tabert , as I ●ay , Ready to wend on my Pilgrimage To Canturbury , with full devout courage ; That night was comen into the Hostery Well nine and twenty in a company , Of sundry folke , by adventure yfall , In fellowship and Pilgrims were they all , That toward Canturbury woulden ride : The Stables and Chambers werenwide , And well we were eased at the best , &c. Within this Inne was also the Lodging of the Abbot of Hide ( by the City of Winchester ) a faire house for him and his Traine , when hee came to the City to Parliament , &c. And then Theeves lane , by St. Thomas Hospitall . The Hospitall of St. Thomas first founded by Richard , Prior of Bermendsey , in the Sellerers ground , against the wall of the Monastery , in the yeere 1213. Hee named it the Almery , or House of Almes , for Converts and poore Children ; for the which ground the Prior ordained , that the A●moner should pay ten shillings foure pence yeerly to the Sellerer at Michaelmas . But Peter de Rupibus , Bishop of Winchester , in the yeere 1215. founded the same againe more fully for Canons Regular , in place of the first Hospitall : He increased the rent thereof to three hundred forty foure pounds by the yeere . Thus was this Hospitall holden of the Prior and Abbot of Bermondsey , till the yeere 1428. at which time a composition was made between Thomas Thetford , Abbot of Bermondsey , & Nicholas Buckland , Master of the said Hospitall of Saint Thomas , for all the Lands and Tenements , which were holden of the said Abbot and Covent in Southwarke , or elsewhere , for the old rent to bee paid unto the said Abbot . There bee the Monuments in this Hospitall Church , of Sir Robert Chamber , Knight , William Fines , Lord Say , Richard Chaucer , Iohn Gloucester , Adam Atwood , Iohn Ward , Michael Cambridge , William West , Iohn Golding , Esquires . Iohn Benham , George Kirkes , Thomas Knighton , Thomas Baker , Gentlemen . Robert , Sonne to Sir Thomas Fleming . Agnes , wife to Sir Walter Dennis , Knight , Daughter and one of the heires of Sir Robert Danver , Iohn Evarey , Gentlemen , &c. This Hospitall was by the Visitors , in the yeere 1538. valued at 266. l. 17. s. 6. d. and was surrendred to Henry the 8. in the 30. of his raigne . In the yeere 1552. the Citizens of London , having purchased the voyd suppressed Hospitall of Saint Thomas in Southwarke , in the Month of Iuly , bebegan the reparations therof , for poore , impotent , lame , and diseased people , so that in the Moneth of November next following , the sicke and poore people were taken in . And in the yeere 1553. on the 10. of April , King Edward the sixt in the seventh of his raigne , gave to the Maior , Communaltie , and Citizens of London , to bee a workehouse for the poore and idle persons of the Citie , his house of Bridewell , and seven hundred Marks Lands of the Savoy Rents , which Hospitall he had suppressed , with all the beds , bedding , and other furniture belonging to the same , towards the maintenance of the said workehouse of Bridewell , and of this Hospitall of Saint Thomas in Southwarke . This gift , the King confirmed by his Charter , dated the 26. of June next following , and willed it to be called the Kings Hospitall in Southwarke . The Church of this Hospitall , which of old time served for the Tenements neere adjoyning and pertaining to the said Hospitall , remaineth as a Parish Church . But now to come to S. Olaves street : on the banke of the river of Thames is the Parish Church of Saint Olave , a faire and meetely large Church , but a far larger Parish , especially of Aliens or strangers , and poore people ; in which Church , there lyeth intombed Sir Iohn Bur●ettur , Knight , 1466. Here th' earthly pare of William Benson lyes , Whom Robert Benson had by Mary Lyle , The Heavenly mounted is above the Skies With wings of Faith , dissolv'd but for a while : The Linnen which he sold was nere so white , As is the Robe wherein the Soule is dight : Yes Thomas mourns in blacke , his onely Sonne , And Richard ( of whole blood ) his eldest Brother : But Londons reverend Bishop this hath done , Which was by Ravis borne of the same Mother : And William Lyle , first cousin to them all , Long live his Verse , penn'd this Memoriall . He departed in the 56. yeere of his age . An. Dom. 1603. Februar . 1579. To you that live possest , great troubles do befall , Where we that sleep by death , do feele no harme at all : An honest life doth bring , a joyfull death at last , And life againe begins , when death is over-past . Death is the path to life , and way to endlesse wealth , The doore whereby we passe to everlasting health . These threescore yeere and six have passed here my life , And thirty seven yeeres thereof , thou Helen wert my wife , A Citizen also , and of the Cutler 's free , And Warden of the same , so worthy thought to be . My loving wife farewell , God guide thee with his grace . Prepare thy selfe to come , and I will give thee place : Acquaintance all farewell , and be assur'd of this , You shall be brought to dust , as Thomas Malledge is . Hic jacet corpus Ioannis Thomas , nuper Civis & Groceri Civitatis London . Qui obiit die Mercurii , vid. 23. Augusti , Anno Domini 1564. Hic tres uxores habuit , vid. Christianam , Matildam , & Ioannam . Ex Christiana suscepit hos liberos , Rogerum , Ioannem , seu willielmum , Ioannem inter Richardum , Lambertum , Henricum , Beatricem , & Petrum . Ex Matilda , Aliciam , Agnetem , & Susannam . Ex Ioanna , Thomam , Martham , Margaretam , Annam , Richardum & Saram . Hic jacet corpus Richardi Philip , Civis & Groceri London . Qui obiit 10. die Mensis Aprilis , Anno Domini 1412. & Isabella uxor ejus : Quae obiit , &c. Quorum , &c. Here resteth , in the mercie of God , the body of Iohn Eston , Esquire , late Iustice of the Peace , and of Southwarke Steward , leaving behind him Margaret his wife . Which Iohn died the eight day of May , Anno Domini 1565. How rich be they certaine , That Heavenly Kingdome gaine ? No tongue can well expresse Their joyes , that be endlesse . Hic jacent Robertus Faireford , quondam Serviens excellentiss . Principis Henrici Reg. Angliae Quarti , ac nuper Coronator Curiae Marescalciae Hospitii Metuendissimorum Princip . Henrici Regis Angliae Quinti , & Henrici Sexti . Qui obiit 21. die Augusti , Anno Domini , 1456. &c. Et Agnet . ux . — Quae obiit — Over-against this Parish Church , on the South side the street , was sometime one great House , builded of Stone , with arched Gates , which pertained to the Prior of Lewis in Sussex , and was his Lodging when hee came to London : It is now a common Hostery for Travellers , and hath to Signe , the Walnut-tree . Then East from the said Parish Church of Saint Olave , is a Key . In the yeere 1330. by the licence of Simon Swanlond , Maior of London , it was builded by Isabell , widow to Hamond Goodcheape . And next thereunto was then a great house of stone and timber , belonging to the Abbot of S. Augustin , without the wals of Canturbury , which was an ancient piece of work , & seemeth to be one of the first builded houses on that side the River , over-against the City : It was called the Abbots Inne of Saint Augustine in Southwarke , and was sometime holden of the Earles of Warren and Surrey , as appeareth by a deede , made 1281. which I have read , and may bee Englished thus : To all to whom this present writing shall come , Iohn , Earle Warren , sendeth greeting . Know ye , that we have altogether remised and quite claimed for us and our heires for ever , to Nicholas , Abbot of Saint Augustines of Canturbury , and the Covent of the same , and their successors , suit to our Court of Southwarke , which they owe unto us , for all that Messuage and houses thereon builded , and all their appurtenances , which they have of our fee in Southwarke , situate upon the Thames , betweene the Bridgehouse , and Church of Saint Olave . And the said Messuage with the buildings thereon builded , and all their appurtenances to them and their successors , we have granted in perpetuall Almes to hold of us , and our heires for the same : saving the service due to any other persons , if any such be , then to us . And for this remit and grant , the said Abbot and Covent have given unto us five shillings of rent yeerely in Southwarke , and have received us and our heires in all Benefices , which shall be in their Church for ever . This sute of Court one William Craspeis was bound to doe to the said Earle , for the said Messuage : and heretofore to acquit in all things , the Church of Saint Augustine , against the said Earle . This house of late time belonged to Sir Anthony Sentleger , then to Warham Sentleger , &c. And now is called Sentleger house , but divided into sundry Tenements . Next is the Bridgehouse , so called , as being a store-house , for Stone , Timber , or whatsouer pertaining to the building or repairing of London bridge . This house seemeth to have taken beginning , with the first founding of the Bridge ; either of stone or timber : it is a large plot of ground on the banke of the river Thames , containing divers large buildings , for stowage of things necessary , towards reparation of the said Bridge . There are also divers Garners , for laying up of Wheate , and other Grayners for service of the City , as need requireth . Moreover , there bee certaine Ovens builded , in number ten : of which sixe bee very large , the other foure being but halfe so bigge . These were purposely made to bake out the bread-corne of the said Grayners , to the best advantage , for reliefe of the poore Citizens , when neede should require . Sir I. Throstone , Knight , sometime an Imbroderer , then Goldsmith , one of the Sheriffes , 1516. gave ( by his Testament ) towards the making of these Ovens two hundred pounds , which thing was performed by his Executors : Sir Iohn Munday , Goldsmith , then being Maior . There was of late , for the enlarging of the said Bridge-house , taken in an old Brew-house , called Goldings , which was given to the Citie by George Monox , sometime Maior , and in place thereof , is now a faire brew-house builded , for service of the Citie with Beere . Next , was the Abbot of Battailes Inne , betwixt the Bridge-house and Battaile bridge , likewise on the banke of the river of Thames ; the walkes and gardens thereunto appertaining , on the other side of the way , before the gate of the said house , was called the Maze : there is now an Inne , called the Flower de luce , for that the signe is three Flower de luces . Much other buildings of smal tenements are thereon builded replenished with strangers and other , for the most part poore people . Then is Battaile bridge , so called of Battaile Abbey , for that it standeth on the ground , and over a water-course ( flowing out of Thames ) pertaining to that Abbey , & was therfore both builded and repaired by the Abbots of that house as being hard adjoyning to the Abbots lodging . Beyond this Bridge is Bermondsey streete , turning South , in the South end whereof was sometime a Priory or Abbey , of S. Sauioyr , called Bermonds eye in Southwarke , founded by Ailewin Childe , a Citizen of London , in the yeere 1081. Peter , Richard , Obstert , and Vmbalde , Monkes de Charitate , came to Bermondsey , the yeere 1089. and Peter was made first Prior there , by appointment of the Prior of the house , called Charitie in France : by which meanes this Priory of Bermondsey ( being a Cell to that in France ) was accounted a Priory of Aliens . In the yeere 1094. deceased Ailewin Childe , founder of this house . Then William Rufus gave to the Monks , his Mannor of Bermondsey , with the appurtenances , and builded for them there a new great Church . Robert Blewit , Bishop of Lincolne ( King Williams Chancelor ) gave them the Mannor of Charleton , with the appurtenances . Also Geffrey Martell , by the grant of Geffrey Magnaville , gave them the Land of Halingbury , and the tithe of Alferton , &c. More in the yeere Thomas of Arderne 1122. and Thomas his Son , gave to the Monkes of Bermonds Eye , the Church of Saint George in Southwarke . In the yeere 1165. King Henry the second confirmed to them the Hide or territorie of Southwarke , and Laygham , Waddam , with the land of Coleman , &c. In the yeere one thousand , three hundred , seventy one , the Priories of Aliens ( throughout England ) being seized into the Kings hands , Richard Denten an Englishman , was made Prior of Bermondsey : to whom was committed the custody of the said Priory , by the letters patents of King Edward the third , saving to the King the advowsons of Churches . In the yeare 1380. the fourth of Richard the second , this Priory was made a Denizen ( or free English ) for the fine of 200. Markes , payd to the Kings Hanaper in the Chancery . In the yeare 1399. Attelborough , Prior of Bermondsey , was made the first Abbot of that house , by Pope Boniface the ninth , at the suit of King Richard the second . In the yeere 1417. Thomas Thetford , Abbot of Bermondsey , held a Plea in Chauncery against the King , for the Mannors of Preston , Bermondsey , and Stone , in the County of Summerset , in the which sute the Abbot prevailed , and recovered against the King. In the yeere 1539. this Abbey was valued to dispend by the yeere 474. l. 14. s. 4. d. ob . and was surrendred to Henry the eighth , the 31. of his reigne : the Abbey Church was then pulled downe by Sir Thomas Pope , Knight , and in place thereof , a goodly house builded of stone and timber , since pertaining to the Earles of Sussex . There are buried in that Church Loufstone Provost , Shrive or Domesman of London , 1115. Sir William Bowes , Knight , and Dame Elizabeth his wife . Sir Thomas Pikeworth , Knight . Dame Anne Audley . George , sonne to Iohn , Lord Audley . Iohn Winkefield ; Esquire . Sir Nicholas Blonket , Knight . Dame Bridget , wife to Wil. Trussell . Holgrave , Baron of the Exchequer , &c. Next unto this Abbey Church standeth a proper Church of Saint Mary Magdalen , builded by the Priors of Bermondsey , serving for resort of the inhabitants ( tenants to the Prior or Abbots neere adjoyning ) there to have their divine Service : this Church remaineth and serveth as afore , and is called a Parish Church . Then in Kentstreet is a Lazar house for Leprous people , called the Loke in Southwarke : the foundation whereof I finde not . Now having touched divers principall parts of this Borough , I am to speak somewhat of government , and so to end . This Borough at a Subsidy to the King , yeeldeth about 1000. Markes , or 800. l. which is more than any one City in England payeth , except the City of London . And also the Muster of men in this Borough doth like wise in number surpasse all other Cities , except London . And thus much for the Borough of Southwarke , one of the 26. Wards of London , which hath an Alderman , Deputies three , and a Bayliffe . Common Councell none . Constables 16. Scavengers 6. Wardmote Inquest 20. And is taxed to the Fifteene , at 17. pounds , 17. shillings , 8. pence . THE SVBVRBS WITHOVT THE Wals of the said City , briefly touched . As also , without the Liberties , more at large described . HAving spoken of this Citie , the originall , and increase by degrees : The wals , gates , ditch , castles , towers , bridges , schooles and houses of learning : Of the orders and customes , sports and pastimes : Of the honour of Citizens and worthinesse of men : And last of all , how the same City is divided into parts and Wards : And how the same are bounded . And what Monuments of Antiquity , or Ornaments of building be in every of them , as also in the Borough of Southwarke : I am next to speake briefly of the Suburbs , as well without the Gates and Wals , as without the Liberties , and of the Monuments in them . Concerning the estate of the Suburbs of this City , in the reigne of Henry the second , Fitz-Stephen hath these words : Vpwards on the West ( saith hee ) is the Kings Palace , which is an incomparable building , rising with a Vawmure and Bulwarke , aloft upon the River , two miles from the Wall of the City , but yet conjoyned with a continuall Suburbe . On all sides , without the houses of the Suburbs , are the Citizens Gardens and Orchards , planted with Trees , both large , sightly , and adjoyning together . On the North side are Pastures and plaine Medowes , with Brookes running thorow them , turning Water-mils , with a pleasant noise . Not farre off is a great Fortest , a well woodded Chase , having good Covert for Harts , Buches , Does , Bores , and wilde Buls . The Corn● fields are not of a hungry sandy mould ; but as the fruitfull fields of Asia , yeelding plentifull increase , and filling the Barnes with Corne. There are neere London , on the North side , especiall Wels in the Suburbs , sweete , wholesome , and cleare . Amongst which , Holywell , Clarkenwell , and Saint Clements well are most famous , and most frequented by Scholars and Youths of the City in Summer evenings , when they walke forth to take the ayre . Thus far out of Fitz-Stephen , for the Suburbs of that time . The second of Henry the third , the Forrest of Middlesex , and the Warren of Stanes were disaforested : since the which time , the Suburbs about London have bin also mightily increased with buildings : for first , to begin the East , by the Tower of London , is the Hospitall of S. Katharine , founded by Matilde , the Queen , wife to King Stephen , as is afore shewed in Portsoken Ward . From this Precinct of S. Katharine , to Wapping in the East , the usuall place of execution for hanging of Pirats and Sea-Rovers , at the low water marke , there to remaine till three tides had overflowed them , was never a house standing within these 50. yeeres : but since ( the Gallowes being after removed farther off ) a continuall streete , or filthy straight passage , with Alleyes of small Tenements or Cottages is builded , inhabited by Saylors and Victuallers , along by the River of Thames , almost to Radcliffe , a good mile from the Tower. The new Chappell in Wapping Hambler , in the Parish of Whitechappell , was builded in the yeere 1617. the charge being about 1600. l. was gathered some part of it of the severall Inhabitants in the same Hamblet ; the rest ( being the greater part ) was gathered by Letters Patents for collections in severall Counties : the Citizens of London , being worthy Benefactors toward it , procured by the principall care of Master Rowland Catmore , Robert Bourne , and Robert Mott , and others of the same Parish : Master Richard Sedgwicke being the first Minister in that Chappell , and so continueth to this yeere 1631. Written upon a high beame in the middest of the Chappell . This Chappell was dedicated to Almightie God , and consecrated to the honour and glory of his great and wonderfull Name , the seventh day of Iuly , 1617. by the right reverend father in God , Iohn King , then Lord Bishop of London . A faire Gallery built on the South side of the Chappell , with part of the benevolence that was given for the use of the Chappell by the Mariners that went to the East Indies , Anno 1616. in the Royall Iames , under the command of Captaine Martin Pringe , procured by the care of Master Rowland Catmore , then Master of the said ship , and now at the building , hereof Warden of the Chappell , 1622. Master Richard Gardner being at that time of building of the Chappe , Rector of Whitechappell , who had to continued 47. yeeres , being 77. yeeres of age , as it was found in a glasse window made at his owne charge at the upper end of the Chancell . Richardus Gardenerus Whitechappell 〈◊〉 1617. An. Resident . suae 47. Aetatissaae 77. 1617. A weekly Lecture maintained in the same Chappell by Master who hath given ten pounds yeerly for ever toward it . Friday the 24. of Iuly 1629. King Charles having hunted a Stragge or Hart from wansted in Essex , kild him in Nightingale lane , in the Hamblee of Wapping , in a garden belonging to one who had some damage among his herbes , by reason the multitude of people there assembled suddenly . In the Hamlet of VVapping , in the Parish of VVhitechappell , was builded in Anno 1626. a large house of timber by Master William Turner , Gentleman , Master George Lowe , Gentleman , and Thomas Iones , Gentleman , and others , for the making of Allome , which grew to such an inconvenience through the annoyance that was with ●oyling of Vrine and other materials , by reason of the ill savour of it , and the excrement of it being found to be annoyance to the river of Thames , that upon the complaint of the Inhabitants to the King and Councell , it was proceeded withall , as appeareth : The sixteenth of Iuly 1627. being Munday , and the tide being neere a low water , about eight of the cloke in the evening of the same day , there was a Lighter of Allome grease lying in the Hermitage Docke , which was taken out of a ship , lying there overthwart the mouth of the Docke . And upon the emptying of the water ( out of the Lighter ) which issued from the grease , there did arise a most noysome stinking scum of a frothy substance , and did spread all about the mouth of the Docke , and run downe into the Thames : and there was a Vessell caused to be filled with it , and it did so stinke , that wee were not able to endure the sent of it , insomuch that endangered all the Wels and Ponds thereabouts : This was seene and done in the presence of these under written . Master Cornelius Godfrey , Merchant . M. George Freeman . M. Ioseph Iaques . M. Leonard Leonard . M. Michael Leech . M. Fulke Wormleighton , M. Iohn Byrkes . Thomas Pope . Henry Chandler . Thomas Davies . Thomas Knight . Thomas Iones . Augustine Cope . Thomas Powell . Nicholas Bugden . Tobias Greene. George Raymond . VVilliam Cooke . VVilliam Curteis . Iohn Cope . To the right worshipfull his Majesties Iustices of the Peace for the County of Meddlesex , and Commissioners for annoyances , and to all other his Majesties Officiars , whom in this case it shall concerne . WEe his Majesties loving Subjects inhabiting within the Parish of Whitechappell , in the County of Middlesex , and St. Buttolphs without Ealdgate London , and in the Hamblets of Stepney , VVapping , East Smithfield , and Saint Katharines neere the Tower of London , finding and being continually choaked and poysoned up with the daily and continuall stinke and most noysome infectious smell that is lately begun amongst us , by a worke-house for making of Allome ( as is reported ) by Master VVilliam Turner , Master George Lowe , and Master Thomas Iones , and others , erected at the VVest end of Wapping ; adjoyning upon the River of Thames , & neere unto the Tower of London , and to his Majesties Store-house on Tower hill , where the provision for his Highnesse shipping is daily provided , doe humbly shew , that wee findo , that the noysome smell that commeth of the making of the said Allome ( which we suppose to be Vrine and such other infectious materials ) being long kept , and then boyled for the use aforesaid , doe breed and make such an infectious and most noysome smell amongst us , that wee are not able to live in our houses , nor to keepe our families at worke about us , the detestable stinke thereof is so infectious and intolerable now this Winter time ( much more will it be in the heate of Summer : ) So that if speedy redresse thereof bee not had , we shall not be able to continue our habirations there , wherein wee have long time lived . And it is generally thought , it will be a decay & dangerous infection to all inhabitants both on this side and the other side the water , within two miles compasse of the place it standeth ; for the stinke thereof ( as the wind standeth ) is further smelled , both by land and water : and daily complaint made thereof . And now there is begun but two or three Furnaces , but shortly there wil be many more Furnaces made there , to the further great damage and annoyance of his Majesties Subjects , which wee humbly referre to your Worships grave consideration , humbly desiring your speedy aide and reformation herein , otherwise we shall be compelled to leave our houses & dwellings to our utter undoings : for the noysome smell is so dangerous , that no man will dwell thereabouts , if he might have his house rent-free : And wee as bound , shall daily pray for your Worships : Richard Maine . Fulke Wormleighton . Thomas Clarke . Thomas Champion . VVilliam Mott. Iames Ruddam . Iames Coulyn . Andrew Fursland . Iohn Parsons . Henry Munter . Henry Bludder . George Preston . Peter Leover . William Winson Hoof● . Iohn Harrington . Romboult Iacobson . Iohn Wessels . Richard Rolfe . Iohn VVeekes . Richard Pountis . Ienkin Ellis . Robert Haddocke . Richard Studder . Iohn Vandeford . Robert Thomas . Austin Reinolds . Ieffrey Farmer . VVilliam Parsons . Reinold Thompson . Iohn Greene. William Plasse . VVilliam Popular . Thomas VVarton . VVilliam Peacocke . Iohn Broocker . Matthew Fallen . George Flood . Thomas Gray . William VVelch . Cornelius Godfrey . Thomas Cobb . Iohn Dearsley . Ioseph Iaques . VVilliam Rayniborowe . Peter March. Richard Cooper . Arion Williams . VVilliam Foxe . Iohn Note . Thomas VVhite . William Speering . Michael Vngle . Richard Cray . Thomas Bercher . Osmond Colchester . VVilliam Webbe . William Bundrocke . William Evans . Michael Leech . Iohn Cope . Tobias Greene. Iohn Birke . Iohn Harris . Iohn Teabye . Robert Merret . William Clarke . To the Kings most excellent Maiesty . The humble Petition of your Majesties Liege-people and Subjects , being in number many thousands , inhabiting within one mile compasse of your Majesties Tower of London , within Middlesex and Surrey , and the Borough of Southwarke . Most humbly sheweth , THat whereas of late divers Roomes have beene newly erected in the Parish of St. Mary Matfellon , commonly called White chappell , in the County of Middlesex , by VVilliam Turner , Gentleman , George Lowe , Gentleman , and Thomas Iones , Gentleman , and others , neere unto many great Brewhouses , which breweth Beere for the use and service of your Majesties Navie , and for divers within London and Middlesex , which said Roomes have been ever since their first erection imployed for boyling of Vrine for making of Allome , which hath and doth daily cast so noysome a savour and evill ayre to all the parts thereabouts , and to all passengers that way , or by the River of Thames , that they are in no sort able to endure the same , nor their dwelling houses by reason thereof , and the same hath already cast many of them into extremity of great sicknesses and diseases , by which evill and unwholesome savour , of late many Fishes in the Thames there neere unto , have beene found ready to die , and dead , supposed to be poysoned by some ill substance issuing into the River of Thames : and all the Inhabitants thereabouts are much annoyed , and all the pasture ground lying neere thereabouts is tainted and spoiled in such manner , that the Cattell doe refuse to feed on the same . And they further humbly shew , that they having preferred their grievances unto your Majesties Commissioners of annoyances , and having caused the same to bee presented unto them by Indictment , by severall Iurors , sworne upon oath before your Majesties Iustices of the Peace , in their generall Sessions for Middlesex , upon due proofe and the testimony of witnesses there also sworne and examined , upon which Evidences the said Iurors have given up severall verdicts , and presented upon their oathes the same annoyance to be exceeding great and intolerable to all inhabitants dwelling thereabouts , and to all other passengers by the same , or upon the River of Thames : Yet your Petitioners having no redresse thereby , are compelled by extreme necessity to complaine unto your Majesty , and with much griefe , and with all humility beseech your Majesty to take to consideration the speedy redresse in that behalfe , the same annoyance being so great and unsavoury , that otherwise your poore Subjects , being many thousands in number , shall be compelled to forsake their houses , and abandon their dwellings , to the losse of their trades and lives , and the utter undoing of them and their families : Wherefore they Most humbly beseech your Majesty to cōmit the examination thereof unto the right Honourable Thomas Earle of Cleveland , Sir Allen Apsley , Knight , Lievtenant of the Tower , Sir Henry Spiller , Knight , Thomas Sanderson , and George Long , Esquires , or any three or two of them , or any others , being Justices and Commissioners of annoyances within the said County of Middlesex , who by your Majesties gracious reference being thereunto required , may examine and heare the Allegations on all parts , and that upon the Certificate of their opinions therein , your Majesty will bee pleased to vouchsafe your poore Subjects such reliefe as the case requireth . And the Petitioners , according to their bounden duties and legiance , shall daily pray for your Majesties long and prosperous reigne over us . At White-Hall the 25. of Iuly , 1627. Present , Lord Keeper . Lord Treasurer . Earle of Dorset . Earle of Bridgewater . Master Secretary Cooke . M. of the Rolles . M. Chancelor of the Duchy . WHereas upon a complaint formerly made by divers Aldermen of the City of London , on the behalfe of the Inhabitants of the Parishes of St. Buttolphs Ealdgate , and divers other Parishes thereabouts , concerning a great annoyance unto the said Inhabitants , caused by certaine Allome workes , erected thereabouts by his Majesties Farmers of the said works : It was by an order of the twentieth of this present moneth ordered , that the President of the Colledge of Physicians , accompanied with sixe other Doctors of Physicke of that Society , as likewise , that some of the Aldermen should upon view of the said workes , and such observations by them made as fals within their experience , returne Certificate to the Boord , of their opinions touching the same : Forasmuch as those whose names are here under-written , did this day accordingly make their Certificate in writing to the Boord , as followeth ; In haec verba : May it please your Lordships , according to an order of this Honourable Boord of the twentieth of Iuly last ; Wee have viewed and observed the Allome works at Saint Katharines , and considered the materials therein used and imployed . And thereupon doe humbly certifie unto your Lordships , and are of opinion , that the workes standing in that place , must necessarily breed great annoyances both to the neere Inhabitants , and by the spreading vapours from thence issuing to many places more remote , and to all such passengers as either by land or by water have occasion to frequent those parts , not onely by their continuall noysome savours to make all their habitations grievous and unpleasant , but also by their putrid quality to endanger their healths : And so we humbly rest at your Lordships commands , Iuly the 24. An. 1627. Signed , Iohn Argent , Pref. Iohn Gifford , William Harvey , William Clement , Robert Fludd , Samuel Baskernite , Ottnell Moverell , and by Hugh Hamersley . Their Lordships upon consideration had thereof , did resolve , that the said Allome works in and about the City , were fit to bee supprest . Neverthelesse , for that a Petition was now presented to the Boord by the Farmers of the said Allome workes , shewing that it was not possible for them to erect and finish any new workes in the Country before our Lady day next , and that if they should be restrained from working here in the meane time , the Kingdome would be unserved of Allome , of which there is great use , and they likewise disabled to pay his Maiesties rent . And therefore besought the Boord that they might have leave to proceed in their making of Allome here untill our Lady day next as aforesaid . It was thereupon thought fit & ordered that they should be at liberty to make Allome in those places where their works are already erected untill our Lady day next only and no longer ; and that in the meane time they presume not to erect any other works in any places in or about this cittie ; Provided neverthelesse that they suffer not the dreggs and excrement proceeding from the boyling and making of the said Allom to be cast or fall into any places leading into the River of Thames , but that they cause the same from time to time to be either buried in the night time in the grounds where their works now are , or otherwise to be carried and buried in the night time in some other convenient place , where the same may breed no infection or annoyance to any his Majesties subjects . At White Hall the 12. of September , Anno 1627. Present , Lord President . Earle of Holland . Earle of Kellie . Master Secretarie Cooke . Master Chanch . of the Exchequer . Chanc. of the Duchie . WHereas an humble Petitiō was this day exhibited to the boord in the name of the inhabitants of the Parishes of S. Buttolphs neere Ealdgate , S. Katharine , White-Chappell , Stepney , Reddriffe , S. Olaves , and others adjacent and neere his Majesties Tower of London . Shewing that whereas it had pleased the boord ( on the 27. of Iuly last , after divers hearings and reports made by six Doctors of the Colledge of Physitions of London ) to order that the Farmer of his Majesties Allome works ( who had transported themselves out of the Northerne parts of the Kingdome neere unto his Majesties Royall chamber and Citty of London ) should not presume to erect any other worke in or about , nor suffer the dreggs or excrement of the boiling of Allom to be cast or fall into the river of Thames , but bury the same in the night time in some convenient place where it might not breed any infection or annoyance , yet neverthelesse that sithence the making of the said order , and especially on the 16. of August last the said Farmers , their deputies or assignes , have in contempt of the order , powred or caused the said filth , dreggs or excremēts to fall into the Ponds or ditches leading to the Thames , wherby some of the Petitioners have found their wells of water appointed for brewing so tainted with the tast & savour of Allom excremēt , as that within a very short space the Fish have been poisoned , and the water altogether unwholesome , for brewing or any other use , as by certificate under divers of the said Petitioners hands the chiefe officers and inhabitants of the Tower appeared , and therfore humbly prayed redresse of the growing mischiefe and dangerous contagion proceeding from the said Allom works , seconded with a presumptuous cōtempt of the said order of the Boord , to the end that by a sudden reformation the Petitioners may enjoy the benefit of the aire , and not be suffocated with the horrid and putrid savours occasioned by the said Allom works . The Boord taking this complaint into their due and serious consideration and finding that the former order of the boord was not observed , as is before mentioned and that the annoyance caused hereby , extendeth it selfe to the extreme parts of the Citty , and even so farre as his Majesties Court when the wind sitteth that way ( which cannot but be of dangerous consequence by corrupting of both the aire and the water , whereof beere is made for his Majesties service & otherwise : ) thought fit and ordered that the said Allom workes : should be presently suppressed from working , and utterly removed by the Farmers or others whom it may concerne within a convenient time , notwithstanding the former order ( which on their parts have not been observed ) and that some one of the Messengers of his Majesties Chamber shal be sent with a transcript of this their Lordships order , to the Farmers or deputies of the said worke , and see the same duely executed , and of the performance thereof to give accompt to their Lordships within ten or twelve dayes after the date hereof . And of this their Lordships order as well the said Farmers & the Messenger , as others whom it may concerne , are to take notice , and to regulate themselves accordingly , as they will answere the contrary . To the right Honorable Lords , and others of his Majesties most Honorable Privie Councell : The humble petition of the Inhabitants of S. Buttolphs Ealdgate , S. Katharines , White-Chappell , Stepney , Redriffe , S. Olaves , and others adjacent and neere his Majesties Tower of London . WHereas it pleased this honorable Boord the 27. of Iuly last , after divers hearings and a report made by six Doctors being of the Colledge of Physitians London , to order that the Farmers of his Majesties Allom workes ( who had transplanted themselves out of the North parts neere unto his Majesties Royall Chamber and Citty of London ) should not presume to erect any other works in or about the same , nor suffer the dreggs or excrement proceeding of the boiling of Allom to be cast or fall into the River of Thames , but to bury the same in the night time where it might not breed any infection or annoyance . But so it is right Honourable , that divers times sithence the order of this honorable Boord , but especially upon the 16. of this instant August , the said Farmers , their deputy or assignes , have in Contempt of the said order , powred or caused the said filth , dreggs or excrement to fall into the Ponds or ditches leading to the Thames , whereby some of your Petitioners have found their wells of water appointed for brewing so tainted and grownered with the tast and savour of Allom excrement , as that within three houres after about 40. Fishes were apparently found poisoned , as by the annexed Certificate appeareth . For redresse of which growing mischiefe and dangerous Contagion , seconded with a presumptuous Contempt of your honourable order , as formerly the Petitioners flye to this honourable Boord , beseeching a sodaine reformation : To the end that your petitioners may enjoy the benefit of the aire , and not be suffocated with the horrid and putrid savours proceeding from the said Allome works . And the petitioners shal be ( as ever ) bound to pray for your honours , 1627. Wee his Majesties Subject● whose Names are subscribed doe for a truth certifie and wil be ready to depose , that sithence the 25. day of Iuly last , the Allome farmers or their assignes , have erected new erections at or neere Wapping , where there Allome works are : And that upon the 16. day of this instant moneth of August , by meanes of the excrement or filth falling or being cast and washed out of the said Allome works , by the flowing of the River of Thames was carried into wells belonging to Brewers thereabouts ; and where divers poore people for their meanes , doe resort , and from thence doe carry water to divers houses , and to dresse their meate and diet for their families : As by example , at that time into one well or pond of one Ioseph Iaques , a Brewer neere thereunto , where Ecles , and other fishes to the number of 40. and upwards , which within three houres after , therein were suffocated and poisoned , in the presence of these certificats . Witnesse our hands hereunto put the day of August , 1627. At White Hall the 12. of December , Anno 1627. President , Lord Keeper . Lord Treasurer . Lord President . Lord Admirall . Earle of Suff. Earle of Dorset . Earle of Salisbury . Earle of Exeter . Earle of Bridgwater . Earle of Carlile . Earle of Holland . Earle of Banbury . Lord Vis . Grandison . Lord Bishop of Duresme . Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells . Master Treasurer . Master Comptroller . Master of the Wards . Master Secretary Coke . Master Chanc. of the Exchequer . Master Chanc. of the Dutchy . VVHereas by an Order of this Boord , made in Iuly last , for reasons in the said order mentioned , the Allome works were suffered to be in those places neere London , where they were then erected , untill our Lady day next only and no longer . And afterwards the 12. of September last for contempts , in not pursuing the said order of the 25. of Iuly , and for prevention of growing mischiefe that might come by sufferance of the said Allome works ; it was ordered that the said Allome works should be presently suppressed , & removed ; which being not as yet done , although the Farmers of the said works have sought out other places , whither to remove the said works . Now the Boord upon the petition of the Company of Diers , being informed that in these times of warrs , and danger , the Dyers and other Artificers using Allome cannot be furnished with that commodity , from any other persons , or places , but onely from the Farmers aforesaid , and their Magazines . And that the said artificers , for want thereof shall be forced to give over their Trades to the great dammage of the Commonweale . And the said Farmers informing that by reason of some Shipwracks , and the danger of passages from out of the North hither , they have failed , nor cannot bring their Alloms hither to London , as they were wont . In consideration of all which ; and for that their Lordships doe conceive that the said works will be lesse offensive to the Inhabitants dwelling in those parts in this winter season , the Boord hath thought fit and ordered , that the said Farmers , their Deputies , and Assignes , shall be permitted , untill our Lady day next according to the permission given by the former order of the 25. of Iuly , to convert the Materialls now upon their hands into Allome , at their house in S. Katharines , erected for that purpose , and to sell the same , for the use of his Majesties subjects : And presently upon our Lady day next to remove the said works to some other place more remote from the Citty of London , and the Suburbs thereof . And it is ordered , that in the meane while the said Farmers , their Deputies and Assignes , or some of them shall seeke , and find out some convenient place for their said works , & signifie unto the Boord of what place they have made choice , to the end they may have their Lordships allowance and approbation , for their Settlement in the same , whereof all persons whom it may concerne , are to take knowledge , and accordingly to governe themselves , as they and every of them will answere the contrary at their perills . Provided always , and it is hereby willed and commanded , that all things else required and set downe to be done by the said Farmers , in either of the said Orders , before mentioned , concerning the excrement of the Allome , & otherwise whatsoever , be duly observed and performed by the said Farmers of the said Allome works . On the East side , and by North of the Tower , lieth East-Smithfield , Hogs streete , and Tower hill , and East from them both , was the new Abbey called Grace , founded by Edward the third . From thence Radeliffe , up East Smithfield , by Nightingall lane , ( which runneth South to the Hermitage , a Brew-house so called of an Hermite sometime being there , ) beyond this lane to the Mannor of Bramley ( called in Record of Richard the second , Villa East Smithfield , and Villa de Bramley ) and to the Mannor of Shadwell , belonging to the Deane of Pauls , there hath been of late , in place of Elme trees , many small Tenements raised , towards Radcliffe : And Radcliffe it self hath been also encreased in building Eastward ( in place where I have knowne a large high-way , with faire Elme trees on both the sides ) that the same hath now taken hold of Lime-Hurst , Lime-Host , corruptly called Limehouse , sometime distant a mile from Radcliffe . Having said thus much for building , at Wapping , East Smithfield , Bramley , and Shadwell , all on the South side of the high-way to Radcliffe ; now one note on the North side also , concerning Pyrates : I reade , that in the yeere 1440. in the Lent season , certaine persons , with sixe shippes brought from beyond the Seas fish , to victuall the Citie of London ; which fish when they had delivered , and were returning homeward , a number of Sea-theeves in a Barge , in the night came upon them , when they were asleepe in their Vessels , riding at anchor on the River Thames , and slew them , cut their throats , east them over-boord , tooke their money , and drowned their ships , for that no man should espy or accuse them . Two of these theeves were after taken and hanged in chaines upon a gallowes set upon a raised Hill , for the purpose made , in the field beyond East Smithfield , so that they might be seene farre into the River Thames . The first building at Radcliffe in my youth ( not to be forgotten ) was a faire Free Schoole , and Almes-houses , founded by Avice Gibson , wife to Nich. Gibson , Grocer , as before I have noted . But of late yeeres , Ship-wrights , and ( for the most part ) other Marine men , have builded many large and strong houses for themselves , and smaller for Smylers , from thence almost to Poplar , and so to Blacke well . Now for Tower hill , the plaine there is likewise greatly diminished by Merchants , for building of small tenements : from thence towards Ealdgate , was the Minories , whereof I have spoken . From Ealdgate East againe lieth a large street , replenished with buildings , to wit , on the North side the Parish Church of Saint Buttolph , and so other building to Hoglane , and to the barres on both sides . Also , without the Barres , both the sides of the Street be pestered with Cottages and Allies , even up to White Chappell Church ; and almost halfe a mile beyond it , into the common field : all which ought to lye open and free for all men . But this common field ( I say ) being sometime the beauty of this Citie on that part , is so incroched upon , by building of filthie Cottages , and with other Purprestures , Inclosures , and Laystalls , that ( notwithstanding all Proclamations and Acts of Parliament made to the contrarie ) in some places it scarce remaineth a sufficient high-way for the meeting of Cariages and Droves of Cattell , much lesse is there any faire , pleasant , or wholesome way , for people to walke on foot : which is no small blemish to so famous a Citie , to have so unsavourie and unseemely an entrie or passage thereunto . Now of White Chappell Church somewhat and then back againe to Ealdgate . This Church is as it were a Chappell of ease to the Parish of Stebunhith , and the Parson of Stebunhith hath the Gift thereof : which being first dedicated to the name of God , and the Blessed Virgin , is now called Saint Mary Matfellon , About the yeere 1428. in the sixt of King henry the sixt , a devout widow of that Parish had long time cherished and brought up , of Almes , a certaine Frenchman , or Briton borne , which most unkindly and cruelly in a night murthered the said widow sleeping in her bed , and after fled with such Iewels and other stuffe of hers , as he might carsie . But he was so freshly pursved ; that ( for feare ) he tooke the Church of Saint George in Southwarke , and challenged Priviledge of Sanctuarie there , and so abjured the Kings Land. Then the Constables ( having charge of him ) brought him into London , intending to have conveyed him Eastward : but so soone as he was come into the Parish , where before he had committed the Murther ; the wives cast upon him so must filth and ordure of the streete , that ( notwithstanding the best resistance made by the Constables ) they slew him out of hand : And for this feat it hath beene said , that Parish to have purchased that name of Saint Mary Matfellon ; but I finde in Record , the same to be called Villa beatae Mariae de Matfellon , in the 21. of Richard the second . More , we reade , that in the yeere 1336. the 10. of Edward the third , the Bishop of Alba , Cardinall and Parson of Stebunhith , Procurator generall in England , presented a Clerke to be Parson in the Church of blessed Mary , called Matfellon , without Ealdgate of London , &c. Now againe from Ealdgate Northwest to Bishopsgate , lyeth Hounds-ditch , and so to Bishopsgate . North and by East from Bishopsgate , lyeth a large street , or high-way , having on the West side thereof , the Parish Church of S. Buttolph . Then is the Hospitall of S. Mary of Bethelem , founded by a Citizen of London , and as before is shewed , up to the Barres , without the which , is Norton fall gate , a libertie so called , belonging to the Deane of Pauls . Thence up to the late dissolved Priorie of S. Iohn Baptist , called Holywell , a House of Nunnes , of old time founded by a Bishop of London . Stephen Gravesend , Bishop of London , about the yeere 1318. was a Benefactor thereunto , reedified by Sir Thomas Lovel , Knight of the Garter , who builded much there , in the reignes of Henry the seventh , and of Henry the eight . Hee endowed this House with faire Lands , and was there buried in a large Chappell by him builded for that purpose . This Priorie was ualued , at the suppression , to have of Lands two hundred ninetie three pound by yeere , and was surrendred 1539. the one & thirtieth of Henry the eight . The Church thereof being pulled downe , many houses have beene build●d for the Lodgings of Noblemen , of Strangers borne , and other . From Holywell , in the high Street , is a continuall building of Tenements to Sewers ditch , having one small side of a field already made a Garden Plot. Ouer-against the North corner of this Field , betweene it & the Church of S. Leonara in Shore-ditch , sometime stood a Crosse , now a Smiths Forge , dividing three Waies : Forthright the high-way is builded upon either side , more than a good flight shoot towards Kings land , Newington , Totenham , &c. On the left hand is Ealdestreet , which reacheth West to a stone Crosse , over-against the North end of Golding lane , and so to the end of Goswell street . On the right hand of this Ealdestreet not farre from Shores-ditch , but on the North side thereof is Hoxton , a large street with houses on both sides , and is a Prebend belonging to Pauls Church in London , but of Shores-ditch Parish . On the right hand beyond Shores-ditch Church , toward Hackney , are some late builded houses upon the common soile , for it was Lay-stall , but those houses belong to the Parish of Stebunhith . On the other side of the high-way , from Bishopsgate and Hounds-ditch , is the the Dolphin , a common Inne for receipt of Travellers , then a house builded by the L. Iohn Powlet , afterward called Fishers-Folly , and so up to the West end of Berwardes Lane , is a continuall building of small cottages , then the Hospitall called Saint Mary Spittle , hard within the Barres , whereof I have spoken in Bishopsgate Ward . From the which Bars towards Shores-ditch on that side , was all along , a continuall building of small and base Tenements , for the most part lately erected . Amongst the which ( I meane of the ancient'st building ) was one row of proper small houses , with Gardens for poore decayed people , there placed by the Prior of the said Hospitall : every one Tenant whereof payd one pennie rent by the yeere at Christmas , and dined with the Prior on Christmas day . But after the suppression of the Hospitall , these houses for want of reparations in few yeers were so decayed , that it was called Rotten Rowe , & the poor worne out ( for there came no new in their place ) the houses ( for a smal portion of money ) were sold from Goddard to Russell a Draper , who new builded them , & let them out for rent enough , taking also large Fines of the Tenants , neere as much as the houses cost him purchase and building : for he made his bargaines so hardly with all men , that both Carpenter , Bricke-layer , & Plaisterer , were by that Worke undone . And yet in honour of his name , it is now called Russels Row. Now for the Parish Church of Saint Leonards in Shoresditch , the Arch-deacon of London is alwayes Parson thereof , and the Cure is served by a Vicar . In this Church have been divers honourable persons buried , as appeareth by Monuments yet remaining . Sir Iohn Elrington , with Margaret his wife , daughter & heire to Thomas Lord Itchingham , widow to William Blount , sonne & heire to Walter Blount , the first Lord Mountjoy : which Margaret died , 1481. Orate pro animabus Humfredi Starky , Militis , nuper Capitalis Baronius de Scaccario Domini Regis Hen. 7. & Isabella uxoris ejus , & omnium , &c. This Monument is erected in memorie , that within this Church doe lye buried the bodies of the right Honourable & Noble Ladies , Lady Katharine Stafford , daughter to Edward Duke of Buckinghā , & wife to Ralph , Earle of Westmerland , who dyed 1553. Lady Elianor , daughter to Sir William Paston , Knight , and wife to the right honourable Lord Thomas , Earle of Rutland , buried 1551. Lady Margaret Nevell , daughter to Ralph , Earle of Westmerland , & wife to Henry , Earle of Rutland , who died 1560. And the Lady Katharine Nevell , wife to Sir John Constable of Holdernes , Knight , and daughter to Henry , Earle of Westmerland . And Lady Anne Manners , daughter to Thomas , Earle of Rutland : which Katharine died the seven and twentieth day of March , Anno Domini 1591. And that here doe lye also the bodies of two right worthie Gentlemen , honourably descended ; namely , of Sir Thomas Manners , Knight , and Oliver Manners , Esquire , Brethren , being the fourth & fifth sonnes of the aforesaid Thomas , Earle of Rutland . The first died about his age of 50. in Iune , 1591. after many valiant Services performed by him for his Prince and Countrey , both in Ireland and in Scotland , where he was Knighted ; and witnessed by sundrie great wounds he therein received . The second died in his younger yeeres , 1563. about his age of twentie , yet not before good proofe made of his valour and forwardnesse , in the Service of New-haven , against the French ; where hee tooke the sicknesse , whereof hee died shortly after , in Shores-ditch . Founded by the Lady Adeline Neuell , at the direction of the said Lady Katharine Constable , deceased , her Sister , in February , 1591. Theodosia Vavasour . Oleum effusum nomen tuum , Ideo Adolescentulae dilexerunt te . Cant. 1. Fallax est gratia , & vana pul . chritudo : mulier timens Deum , ipsa laudabitur . Pro. 11. Hac tuleris quicunque gradum sta , perlege , plora , Hic decor , hic pietas , Nobilitasque jacet . Virgo annis animisque Dei ( Theodosia ) donum Qua meritis certat fama , decore pudor . Sed famam meritis superavit , moribus annos , Ingenio sexum , Religione genus . Quam neque Nobilitas tumidam , nec forma procacem ▪ Fecerat , una humilis , clara , pudica , decens . Flos aevi , florem dixi ? dixi ergo dolorem Vt matura brevi est , heu ita rapta brevi est . Rapta sed Aethereis Rosa transplantanda viretis , Laeta ubi perpetui tempora veris aget . Inter & aeternas Agni comes Agna choreas Ignotum casto succinet ore melos . Candida virginei tumulo date Lilia coetus , Virginis O partus , virginis esto memor . Ereptam Domino sociat lux ultima faelix . O faelix virgo quod cupit usque tenet . Anno Domini 1616. Martii 17. Here lyeth buried Elizabeth , the wife of the late Reverend Father in God , Iohn Skory , late Bishop of Hereford . The said Reverend Father , in the reigne of King Edward the sixt , was Bishop of Rochester , & translated from thēce to Chichester . Hee departed this life at Whitborne , in the Countie of Hereford , the 26. day of Iune , Anno Domini 1585. And the said Elizabeth deceased in Holywell , in this Parish , the 8. day of March , 1592. Beati mortui qui Domino moriuntur . Her Corps heere lyes in Chest , Her Soule in Heaven now lives ; And she enjoyes that Rest , Which God to his Saints gives : For in Christ did she trust , That he will her restore Againe out of the dust , To live for evermore . Heere lyeth the body of Sir Thomas Seymer , Knight , late Alderman and Lord Maior of London , and Dame Mary his wife . The which Sir Thomas deceased the eleventh day of December , Anno Domini 1532. Heere-under lye the ashes and the bones Of Sir Thomas Leigh , that good and learned Knight ; Whose hastie death ( alas ) the godly still bemones , Though his soule alwayes rejoyce in Gods sight . Great was his wisedome , and greater was his wit , His visage comely , with no sad change dismayed : A man in all affaires , a King to serve most fit , Had not death so soone his mortall life betrayed . He died the 25. day of November , Anno Domini , 1545. A table made at the costs and charge of Henry Hodge , Citizen and Brewer of London , containing the names of the Benefactours to the Church , and the poore of the Parish of S. Leonards in Shore-ditch . Which table hangeth up in the Chancell neere the Communion table ; set up there , Anno Domini 1623. William Thornton of this Parish Tailour , gave the Vestry house with a roome under for the Minister to dwell in , and a renement by 〈◊〉 to this parish for ever : He likewise 〈◊〉 the Gallery at the comming in 〈◊〉 the great doore in the Church , and 〈◊〉 the ●●ricke wall on the West side of 〈◊〉 Church-yard at his owne charge , Anno Domini 1581. Iohn Fuller of Bishops-●●ll Esquire , gave a summe of money for the building of 12. Almes-houses , for 12. poore widdowes of this parish ; which poore women doe receive during the life of the Lady his late wife , and after wife to Sir Thomas Mansfield the summe of 8. l. per annum . And after the Ladies decease there is to come 50. l. per annum to the said poore almes women for ever . The Lady being dead they doe now receive it . William Peake of this Parish Esquire , gave to be dealt in bread unto the poore of this Parish weekely the summe of 2. s' . on every Sunday for ever . Robert Brainforth , of this parish Gentleman gave yeerely 8. l. for ever unto the poore of this Parish , viz. upon every S. Thomas day before Christmas to 60. poore persons 3. l. and upon every Good Friday unto 30. poore persons the summe of 50. s' . and upon every Sunday for ever the summe of 12. d' . in bread to the poore of this Parish . This money is to be paid accordingly out of the Hospitall of S. Thomas in Southwarke for ever . He hath also given a greene Carpet of broad cloth for the Communion table . Thomas Russell of London Draper , hath given to the poore of this Parish the summe of 12. d' . weekely to be distributed to the poore of the Parish for ever , to be paid by the companie of the Drapers in London . George Clarke Citizen and Vintner of London , gave unto the use of the poore of this Parish the summe of 100. marks in money . Simon Burton of London Wax-chandler , gave to 30. poore widdowes of this parish the summe of 30. groats yeerely for ever , to be distributed every S. Thomas day . George Palin of London Girdler , hath given 10. l. in money to the use of the poore of this parish for ever . Robert Spence of London Fishmonger , gave 50. s' . a yeere to the poore of this Parish for ever , to be paid by the company of Fishmongers . Thomas Scriven Esquire , hath given 10. l. in money to the use of the poore of this Parish for ever . Robert Rogers of London Leather seller , gave the summe of 30. pound in money for a stocke for the poore of this parish to buy sea-coles , which is to be laid out at best time for the benefit of the said poore for ever , reserving the stocke whole . Steven 〈◊〉 of London Vintner , gave the summe of 26. every yeere for ever , to be given in sagots to the poor of this Parish about Michaelmasse . This is to be paid by the company of Vintners in London . Iohn Eomans , alias Tice of this parish tuftafata-weaver , gave to the use of the poor of this parish the summe of 10. l. in money , to be distributed to the 12. poor Almes women in one chaldron of sea-coles yeerely for ever among thē . Cicely , late wife of the said Iohn Eomans , & after wife to Master Iohn Heath , gave to the use of the poore , the summe of 20. pound in money , for a stock to buy sea-coles for the poor of this parish for ever . Likewise she gave 20. pound to buy a flagon of silver for wine for the Communion . Likewise she gave 20. pound in money , for the maintenance of two sermons yeerely for ever , viz. one vpon the Lady day , in harvest , and the other upon the Lady day , in Lent. Anne Smith widdow late wife of William Nisam deceased , gave weekly to be dealt in bread to the poore of this parish upon every Sunday 2. s' . for ever , to be paid out of the company of Drapers in London . Likewise she gave a pulpit cloth and cushion to this Church . Nicolas Wilkinson , alias Tooly , Gentlemen deceased , late of this parish , gave the summe of 80. pound in money , to remaine a stocke that upon every Sunday after morning praier , there should be distributed to 32. poore people 32. wheaten loaves for ever . And the Vicar , Church-wardens and Vestry-men out of their provident care , have made a purchase of a rent-charge yeerely , issuing out of the George in Holywell streete , for the true performance thereof for ever . Besides these benefactours in the table , since we have had these M. Zachary Elmer , Officiall to the Archdeacon of London , together with his brother M. Edmond Elmer , gave a flagon of silver for the wine in the communion ; And William Badger gardiner in Shore-ditch gave another ; And a parishioner unknowne gave also another , every one cost 20. l. a peece . Also Iohn Leavis Weaver , gave a chalice , in which the communion wine is delivered ; and Isabell Iackson widdow , late wise to William Iackson Grocer , living in this parish , gave a plate of silver to cary the bread in the communion . William Wood Gardiner in this parish , gave a chalice to the communion table and foure pewter flaggons for the wine . Ioane Smales widdow of this Parish & formerly wife to Iohn Cooke of this Parish , gave allowance for 4. sermons every yeere on foure Holy dayes : Namely , the feast day of S. Iohn Baptist , S. Michael , S. Stephen , and the Purification of the Virgin Mary ; and she bequeathed also 40. l. yeerly to be given to the poore of our Parish . On the North side of the Church a gallery was made at the cost of well disposed parishioners , in the yeere 1617. William Badger , and Iohn Clarke , being Church-wardens . And another on the South part by Iames Slade , Captaine & servant to the East Indian company , was set up in the yeere 1630. And a long seate betweene , reaching from one galto the other , for the catechising of youth out of the pulpit , according to the order then given , Iohn Squire being Vicar , Thomas Crowther , and Henry Empson , Church-wardens . Vnder this gallery is set , Not every one that saith unto me Lord , Lord , shall enter into the Kingdome of Heaven , but he that doth the will of my Father which is in Heaven , Matth. 7. 24. He loveth our nation and hath built us a Synagogue , Luc. 7. 5. Virgo annis animisque Dei ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) donum , Aethereis rosa transplantanda viretis . A Tombe on the South side of the chancell . Iane the wife of Ralfe Hansby Esquire , daughter to William Vavasour Esquire , Grandchild to Thomas Manners Knight , died the 22. day of Iuly , in the yeere of our Lord 1617. and of her age the 23. To whose blessed memory her her deare husband hath dedicated this sad monument to signifie that with her his joy lies here interred . Si genus & virtus , & moribus aucta figura Pulchra bonis , pietas si quid honoris habent ; Hunc Ianae tumulum spectans venerare Viator , Cum qua tot bona tam bella sepulta jacent . Nec minor his aderat victrix patientia victae , Nec spolium mortis sed pudor illa fuit . If birth , if vertue , if faire feature deckt With gifts of minde , if piety breeds respect ; Her tombe then view , and grace kinde Passenger , With whom so many graces buried were : Conquered , By patience yet she overcame , Nor was her youth deaths triumph but his shame . In the middle chancell this inscription in brasse is placed upon a grave stone . Georgius Gips , Generosus , fide subjectus , spe erectus , charitate Deo unitus , vitam mortalem mutavit pro immortali , 12. Iulii 1611. Quatuor genuit filios , filiasque undecim . Quorum Richardus , Georgius , Thomas , Anna , Maria , & Martha , Patris clauserunt , reliquorum ipse clausit lumina . A little below in the same chancell is set upon a grave stone . May 22. 1618. Richard Leigh , Merchant and Citizen of London , placed this stone in memoriall of his deare wife Anne Leigh ; Who lyeth heere interred by the body of Richard Brattuph her first husband , and of her 3. children , Richard , Sara , and Iohn , which she bare to the said Richard Brattuph . In some , sad sicknesse paine , and paine impatience , In thee a patient penitence it wrought , Thy sicknesse joy , thy tribulation hope , The bodies death gave life unto thy soule . Thus for his lambes the Lord can hony draw , From th'all devouring cruell lions jaw . Vbi tua , O mors , victoria ? Vbi tuus , O sepulchra , tumulus ? And over against this tombe in the wall on the South side of the chancell in a monument of brasse . Here lieth Katharine Liveley , wife of Edward Liveley Gentlemen , and daughter of Henry Hodge Citizen and Brewer of London , and Ioice his wife , who after she had runne a vertuous and religious course of life 21. yeeres , finished the same the 15. day of Iuly , Anno Domini , 1623. Proverbs 10. 7. The memory of the just is blessed . Furthermore , ( of late time ) one Vicar there , for covetousnesse of the Brasse , which hee converted into coyned Silver , plucked up many Plates fixed on the Graves , and left no memorie of such as had beene buried under them . A great injurie both to the living and the dead , forbidden by publike Proclamation , in the reigne of our Soveraigne Lady Queene Elizabeth , but not forborne by many , that either of a preposterous zeale , or of a greedie minde , spare not to satisfie themselves by so wicked a meanes . One note of Shores-ditch , and so an end of that Suburbe . I reade , that in the yeere 1440. the eighteenth of Henry the sixt , a Fuller of Shores-ditch appeached of Treason many worthie Esquires and Gentlemen of Kent : but he being proved false , was attainted , condemned , and had judgement to be drawne , hanged , and quartered ; which was done , his head set on London Bridge , and his Quarters on the Gates . This Iustice was done , according to the sixteenth of Deuteronomie , The Iudges shall make diligent inquisition , and if the witnesse be found false , and to have given false witnesse against his brother , then shall they doe unto him , as he had thought to doe unto his brother , &c. I reade of the Kings Mannor , called Shores-ditch Place , in the Parish of Hackney : But how it tooke that name , I know not ; and therefore I will turne backe from Shores-ditch Crosse to Bethelem Crosse , and so passe through that Hospitall into the Moore-field , which lyeth without the Posterne called Moore-gate . This Field ( of old time ) was called the Moore ; as appeareth by the Charter of William the Conquerour to the Colledge of Saint Martin , declaring a running Water to passe into the Citie from the same Moore . Also Fitz-Stephen writeth of this Moore , saying thus : When the great Fenne , or Moore , which watereth the Walls on the North side , is frozen , &c. This Fenne , or Moore-field , stretching from the Wall of the City , betwixt Bishops-gate and the Posterne called Cripplegate , to Finsbery , and to Holywell , continued a waste and unprofitable ground a long time , so that the same was all letten for foure markes the yeare , in the raigne of Edward the second . But in the yeare 1415. the third of Henry the fifth , Thomas Fawconer , Maior , as I have shewed , caused the wall of the City to bee broken toward the said Moore , and builded the Posterne called Mooregate , for ease of the Citizens to walke that way upon Causies towards Iseldon and Hoxton . Moreover , hee caused the Ditches of the Citie , and other the Ditches from Shores ditch to Deepe ditch , by Bethelem into the Moore ditch , to be newly cast and cleansed , by meanes whereof the said Fenne or Moore was greatly dreined or dryed . But shortly after , to wit , in 1477. Ralph Ioceline , Maior , for repairing of the Wall of the City , caused the said Moore to be searched for Clay & Bricke to be burnt there , &c. by which meanes this field was made the worse for a long time . In the yeere 1498. all the Gardens which had continued time out of mind , without Mooregate , to wit , about and beyong the Lordship of Finsbury , were destroyed ; And of them was made a plaine field for Archers to shoote in . And in the yeere 1512. Roger Atchley , Maior , caused divers dikes to be cast , and made to drein the waters of the said Moorefields , with Bridges arched over them , and the grounds about to be leveled , whereby the said field was made somewhat more commodious , but yet it stood full of noisome waters . Whereupon , in the yeere 1527. Sir Thomas Seyuor , Maior , caused divers Sluces to be made to convey the said waters over the Towne Ditch , into the course of Walbrooke , and so into the Thames : and by these degrees was this Fenne or Moore at length made maine and hard ground , which before being overgrowne with Flagges , Sedges and Rushes , served to no use , Since the which time also , the farther grounds beyond Finsbury Court , have beene so everheightned with Laystalls of dung , that now divers Wind-mills are thereon set , the Ditches be filled up , and the Bridges ouer-whelmed . And now concerning the inclosures of common grounds about this City , whereof I mind not much to argue ; Edward Hall setteth downe a note of his time , to wit , in the fift or rather 6. of H. the 8. Before this time ( saith he ) the Inhabitants of the Townes about London , as Iseldone , Hoxton , Shores-ditch and others , had so inclosed the cōmon fields with hedges , and ditches , that neither the young men of the City might shoot , nor the ancient persons walke for their pleasures in those fields ; but that either their bowes and arrowes were taken away or broken , or the honest persons arrested or indighted , saying : That no Londoner ought to goe out of the City , but in the High-wayes . This saying so grieved the Londoners , that suddainly this yeere , a great number of the City assembled themselves in a morning , and a Turner in a fooles coate came crying thorow the City , shovels and spades , shovels and spades . So many of the people followed , that it was wonder to behold ; and ( within a short space ) all the hedges about the City were cast downe , and the ditches filled up , and every thing made plaine ; such was the diligence of those worke-men . The Kings Councell hearing of this assembly , came to the Gray Fryers , and sent for the Maior and Councell of the Citie , to know the cause , who declared to them the injurie & annoying done to the Citizens , & to their Liberties , which though they would not seeke disorderly to redresse , yet the Communalty and young persons could not be stayed thus to remedy the same . When the Kings Councell had heard their answere , they dissimuled the matter , and commanded the Maior to see that no other thing were attempted , but that they should forth-with call home the younger sort : who having speedily atchieved their desire , returned home before the Kings Councell , and the Maior departed without more harme : after which time ( sayth Hall ) those fields were never hedged . But afterward wee saw the thing in worse case than ever , by meanes of inclosure for Gardens , wherein are builded many faire Summer houses , and as in other places of the suburbes , some of them like Midsummer Pageants , with Towers , Turrets , and Chimney tops , not so much for use or profit , as for shew and pleasure , and bewraying the vanity of mens mindes , much unlike to the disposition of the ancient Citizens , who delighted in the building of Hospitals , and Almes-houses for the poore , and therein both imployed their wits , and spent their wealths in preferment of the common commoditie of this our City . But now to come backe againe to Moregate , and from thence West through a narrow passage , called the Posterne , because it hath at either end a doore to shut in the night season , betwixt the More-ditch inclosed with Brick for Tenteryardes , and the Gardens of the said Morefield , to Morelane : a part of the Suburbe without Cripplegate , without this posterne called Cripplegate , also lay a part of the said More , even to the River of Wels , as in an other place I have shewed , and no houses were there builded , till the latter end of the raigne of William the Conqueror , and his Sonne William Rufus , about which times , some few houses were there builded along East and West , thwart before the said Gate . One Alfune builded for the inhabitants a Parish Church which is of S. Giles , somewhat West from the said Gate , and is now on the banke of the Towne ditch , and so was there a street since called Forestreet , as standing before the Gate . This Alfune in the raigne of Henry the first , became the first Hospiteler of Saint Bartholomewes Hospitall in Smithfield , as in another place I have noted . And this Parish Church of S. Giles , being at the first a small thing , stood in place where now standeth the Vicarage house , but hath beene since ( at divers times ) much enlarged , according as the Parish hath increased , & was at the length newly builded in place where now it standeth . But the same new Church being large , strongly builded , & richly furnished with Ornamēts , was in the yeere 1545. by casualty of fire sore burnt and consumed : not withstanding , it was againe ( within short space of time ) repaired as now it sheweth . Some little distance from the East end of this Church , standeth a faire Conduit castellated in Forestreet . Then had yee a Bosse of sweet water in the wall of the Church-yard , lately made a Pumpe , but already decayed . Then had yee a faire Poole of sweet water neare to the Church of S. Giles , wherein Anne of Lodbery was drowned as I have before declared . In the East end of Forestreet is More lane : then next is Grub street , of late yeares inhabited ( for the most part ) by Bowyers , Fletchers , Bow-string makers and such like , now little occupied ; Archery giving place to a number of bowling Allies , and Dicing houses , which in all places are increased , and too much frequented . This street stretcheth North Everades Well street , which thwarteth it to White Crosse street : the next from Forestreet North is White Crosse street , likewise extending it selfe up to the West end of Everades Well street , and from the end there of to Ealdestreet . From the West end of Forestreet lyeth Red Crosse street , from the which Crosse , on the right hand East lyeth Beech lane , and reacheth to the White Crosse street . From Red Crosse North lyeth Golding lane , which stretcheth up to a Crosse in Ealde street , which Golding lane ( on both the sides ) is replenished with many Tenements of poore people . On the left hand , and West of the Red Crosse lyeth a street , of old time called Hounds-ditch , & of later time named Barbican , of such cause as I have before noted . And thus have you all the Suburbe without Cripplegate , being almost altogether in the Parish of Saint Giles , which hath more than 1800. Housholders , and above 4000. Communicants . Without Aldersgate , on the left hand , is the Parish Church of S. Buttolph , on the North side of the which Church lyeth a way , called Little Britaine street , towards the Priory of Saint Bartholomew in Smithfield ; but the high-way without Aldersgate , runneth straight North from the said gate unto Hounsditch , or Barbican streete on the right hand , and Long lane on the left hand , which runneth into Smithfield . Then from the farther end of Aldersgate street , straight North to the Barre , is called Goswell street , replenished with small Tenements , Cottages , and Allies , Gardens , Banqueting houses and bowling places . Beyond these Barres , leaving the Charter-house on the left hand , or the West side of the way , stretcheth up towards Iseldon , & on the right hand or East side ( at a red Crosse ) turneth into Ealde-street , so called , for that it was the old high-way from Aldersgate streete , for the North-east parts of England , before Bishopsgate was builded , which streete runneth East to a Smiths Forge , sometime a Crosse before Shores-ditch Church , from whence the Passengers & Carriages were to turne North to Kings-land , Totenham , Waltham , Ware , &c. There was sometime in this Suburbe without Aldersgate , an Hospitall for the poore ; but an Alien of Cluny , a French order , and therefore suppressed by King Henry the fift , who gave the house with lands and goods , to the Parish of Saint Buttolph , and a Brother-hood of the Trinity was there founded , which was afterward suppressed by Henry the 8. or Edward the 6. There is ( at the farthest North corner of this Suburbe ) a Wind-mill , which was sometime by a tempest of wind overthrowne , and in place thereof a Chappell was builded by Queene Katharine ( first wife to Henry the eight ) who named it the Mount of Calvary because it was of Christs Passion , and was in the end of Henry 8. pulled downe , and a Windmill newly see up as afore . Without Newgate li●●h the West and by North Suburb , on the right hand or North side whereof ( betwixt the said gate , and the Parish of S. Sepulchre ) turneth away towards West Smithfield , called , Giltspurre street , or Knight riders street ; then is Smithfield it selfe , compassed about with buildings , as I have before declared in Faringdon Ward without . And without the Bars of West Smith field , lieth a large street or way , called of the house of S. Iohn there S. Iohns street , & stretcheth toward Is●ldō : On the right hand whereof stood the late dissolved Monastery , called the Charter-house , founded by Sir Walter Manny , Knight , a stranger borne , Lord of the Towne of Manny in the Diocesse of Cambrey , beyond the Seas , who for service done to King Edward the third , was made Knight of the Garter . This house he founded upon this occasion : A great Pestilence entring this Iland , began first in Dorsetshire , then proceeded into Devonshire , Somersetshire , Glocestershire , and Oxfordshire , and at length came to London , and overspread all England , so wasting the people , that scarce the tenth person of all sorts was left alive , and Church-yards were not sufficient to receive the dead , but men were forced to chuse out certaine fields for burials : whereupon Ralph Stratford , Bishop of London , in the yeere 1348. bought a piece of ground , called No mans land , which he inclosed with a wall of Bricke , and dedicated for buriall of the dead , builded thereupon a proper Chappell , which is now enlarged , and made a dwelling house : and this burying plot is become a faire Garden , retaining the old name of Pardon Church-yard . About this time , in the yeere 1349. the said Sir Walter Manny , in respect of danger that might befall in this time of so great a plague and infection , purchased 13. Acres and a Rod of ground , adjoyning to the said Nomans land , and lying in a place called Spittle Croft , because it belonged to Saint Bartholomews Hospitall , since that called the New Church Haw , and caused it to bee consecrated by the said Bishop of London to the use of burials . In this plot of ground , there was ( in that yeere ) more than 50000. persons buried , as I have read in the Charters of Edward the third . Also I have seene and read an Inscription fixed on a stone Crosse , sometime standing in the same Church-yard and having these words : Anno Domini , 1349. Regnante magna pestilentia , consecratum fuit hoc Coemiterium , in quo & infra septa praesentis Monasterii , sepulta fuerunt mortuorum corpora , plusquam quinquaginta millia , praeter alia multa abhinc usque ad praesens , quorum animabus propitietur Deus , Amen . In consideration of the number of Christian people here buried , the said Sir Walter Manny caused first a Chappell to be builded , where ( for the space of twenty three yeares ) offerings were made : and it is to be noted , that above 100000. bodies of Christian people had in that Church-yard beene buried , for the said Knight had purchased that place for the buriall of poore people , Travailers , and other that were diseased , to remaine for ever ; whereupon , an order was taken , for the avoyding of contention betweene the Parsons of Churches and that house , to wit , that the bodies should bee had unto the Church where they were Parishioners , or dyed , and after the funerall service done , had to the place where they should be buried . And the yeere 1371. he caused there to bee founded an house of Carthusian Monkes , which he willed to be called the Salutation , and that one of the Monkes should be called Prior , and he gave them the sayd place of 13. Acres and a Rod of land , with the Chappel , and houses there builded for their habitation . He also gave them the three Acres of land , lying without the wals on the North part , betwixt the lands of the Abbot of Westminster , and the lands of the Prior of Saint Iohn ; which three Acres being purchased , inclosed , and dedicated by Ralph Stratford , Bishop of London , as is aforeshewed , remained till our time , by the name of Pardon Church-yard , & served for burying of such as desperately ended their lives , or were executed for Felonies , who were fetched thither usually in a close cart , bayled over and covered with blacke , having a plaine white crosse thwarting , and at the fore-end a S. Iohns Crosse without , and within a Bell ringing by shaking of the Cart , wherby the same might be heard when it passed , & this was called the Fryery Cart , which belonged to S. Iohns , and had the priviledge of Sanctuary . In this Charter-house were the Monuments of the said Sir Walter Manny , and Margaret his wife , Marmaduke Lumley , Laurence Bromley , Knight , Sir Edward Hederset , Knight , Sir William Manny , Knight , Dame Iohan Borough , Iohn Dore , want Water , Knight , Robert Olney , Esquire , Katharine , daughter Sir William Babington , Knight , Blanch , daughter to Hugh Waterton , Katharine , wife to Iohn at Poot , daughter and heire to Richard Lacie , William Rawlin , Sir Iohn Lenthaine , and Dame Margaret his wife , daughter to Iohn Fray , Iohn Peake Esquire , William Baron , and William Baron , Esquires , Sir Thomas Thawites Knight , Philip Morgan , Bishop of Ely , 1434. In the Cloystrie , Bartholomew Rede , Knight , Maior of London , buried 1505. Sir Iohn Popham , &c. This Monastery , at the suppression in the 29. of Henry the 8. was valued at 642. l. 4. d. halfe penny yeerely . Here now I find fit time , to commend to all succeeding posterity , the duely deserved praises of that truely worthy ( & never to be forgotten ) Gentleman , Master Thomas Sutton , the right Phoenix of Charity in our times . This late dissolved Charter-house , by West Smithfield , belonging then to the Right Honorable Thomas Earle of Suffolke , after Lord Treasurer of England , is sufficiently knowne to bee a very large and goodly Mansion , beautified with spacious Gardens , Walkes , Orchards and other pleasures , enriched with divers dependencies of Lands and Tenements therto belonging , and very aptly seated for wholesome ayre , and many other commodities . All which commodiousnesse of situation , and largenesse of circuit , gave occasion to this well-minded Gentleman Master Sutton , to affect that house , as the onely place , whereon to build the foundation of his Religious purpose . For , among other his Christian determinations , hee had formerly intended to build an house at Hallingbury Bouchers in Essex , to be an Hospitall for such poore men and Children as he himselfe ( in his life time , or future Governors for the same to bee deputed ) should thinke fit to bee lodged and relieved there : Also , for a Schoole-master and Vsher , to teach Children to reade and write , and instruct them in the Latine and Greeke Grammar : with a Learned Divine likewise to preach the Word of God to them all , and a Master beside , to governe all those people belonging to that house . To this blessed end and purpose , hee had procured ( by earnest suit ) power by an Act of Parliament , to build such an Hospitall in the Towne of Hallingbury Bouchers , and that the same should be named , The Hospitall of King Iames , founded in Hallingbury in the Countie of Essex , at the humble Petition , and at the onely costs and charges of Thomas Sutton , Esquire : Appointing also such Honourable , Reverend and Worthy persons , as by the said Act of Parliament were nominated and appointed , to bee the first and instant Governors of the Lands , Possessions , Goods and Reveneues of the said Hospitall . But afterward , upon more grounded deliberation , and finding this goodly house of the Charter-house , to bee much more convenient for the purpose , than that to be builded at Hallingbury could be : hee became an earnest suiter to the Earle of Suffolke , to purchase that house of him , acquianting his Honor with the alteration of his minde concerning Hallingbury , and his earnest desire to make the Charter-house his Hospitall . The Earle being honourably enclined to so godly a motion , the matter sustained the lesse debating between them : but the price being concluded on , the bargaine and sale was assured . The summe disbursed for this purpose , amounted to 13000 , l. which was paid downe in hand , before the ensealing of the Conveyance . Then he became suiter againe to his Majestie , to performe all that at the Charter-house , which he had formerly intended at Hallingbury : whereto the King readily yeelded , being graciously affected to so charitable a Worke , and granted his Letters Patents to the same effect . And the right Reverend Father in God , George , Archbishop of Canturburie , Thomas Lord Ellesmere , Lord Chancelor of England ; Robert Lord high Treasurer of England ; Iohn the elect Bishop of London ; Lancelot Bishop of Ely ; Sir Edward Coke , Knight , chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas ; Sir Thomas Foster , Knight , one of his Majesties Iustices of the Common Pleas ; Sir Henry Hobard , Knight and Baronet , Attourney generall ; Iohn Overall , Deane of Pauls in London ; George Mountaine , Deane of Westminster ; Henry Thursby , Esquire , one of the Masters of the Chancerie ; Geffrey Nightingale , Esquire ; Richard Sutton , Esquire ; Iohn Law Gentleman ; Thomas Browne , Gentleman ; and the Master of the Hospitall of King Iames , founded in the Charter-house , within the Country of Middlesex , at the humble petition , and the onely costs and charges of Thomas Sutton , Esquire , were elected , nominated and ordained by the Kings most excellent Majestie in his Letters Patents granted , to bee the first Governors of the Lands , Possessions , Revenues and goods of the fore-said Hospitall , and continuall maintenance thereof in forme following . All his Mannors and Lordships of Southminster , Norton , Little Hallingbury , alias Hallingbury Bouchers , and Much-Stanbridge , in the County of Essex . All those his Mannors and Lordships of Bastingthorpe , alias , Bustingthorpe and Dunnesby in the County of Lincolne . All those his Mannors and Lordships of Salthorp , alias , Saltrop , alias , Haltrop , Ch●lton and Blackgrove , in the County of Wilts . And also all those his Lands & pasture-grounds , called Black-grove , contayning by estimation 200. Acres of pasture , with the appurtenances in Balckgrove and Wroughton , in the said County of Wilts . And also in that his Mannor of Missenden , otherwise called the Mannor of Missunden , in the Parishes of Wroughton , Lydierde and Tregose , in the said County . All that his Mannor of Elcombe , and a Parke , called Elcombe Parke , in the said County . All that his Mannor of Watelescote , alias Wiglescete , alias Wigleskete , in the said County of Wilts . All that his Mannor of Westcote , alias , Westcete , with the appurtenances in the said County of Wilts . And also all those his Lands and Pastures , containing by estimation 100. Acres of Land , and 60. Acres of pasture , with the appurtenances in Wiglescote and Wroughton , in the said County of Wilts . And all that his Mannor of Vffcote with the appurtenances . And also those his two Messuages , and 1000. Acres of Land , 2000. Acres of Pasture , 300. Acres of Meddowe , and 300. Acres of Wood , with the appurtenances , in Brodehinton , in the said County of Wilts . All those the Mannors & Lordships of Camps , alias , Campes Castell , otherwise called Castle Campes , with the appurtenances situate , lying , being , and extending in the Counties of Cambridge and Essex , or in either of them , or elsewhere within the Realme of England . His Mannor of Balsham , in the County of Cambridge . And all his Messuages and Lands which are in the Parishes of Hackney & Totenham in the County of Middlesex , or in either of them . And all and singuler the Mannors , Lordships , Messuages , Lands , Tenements , Reversions , Services , Meddowes , Pastures , Woods , Advowsons , Patronages of Churches , and Hereditaments of the said Thomas Sutton whatsoever , situate , lying or being within the said County of Essex , Lincolne , Wilts , Cambridge and Middlesex , or in any of them , with all and every of their rights , members and appurtenances whatsoever . Except all his Mannors or Lordships of Littlebury and Haddestocke , with their appurtenances in the Countie of Essex . Beside all this bountie of his Hospitall , behold what Legacies he hath given to charitable uses . To the poore people in Barwicke , 100. Markes . To the poore of Stoke-Newington . 10. li. To the poor Fishermen of the Towne of Oastend in the Low-Countries . 100. li. To the mending of the High-wayes betweene Islington and Newington , in the County of Middlesex , 40. Markes . To the mending of the High-wayes betweene Ashden and Walden , called Walden lane , in the Countie of Essex , 100. li. To the mending of the High-wayes , betweene great Lynton , in the Countie of Cambridge , and the said Towne of Wolden , 60. li. 13. s. 4. d. Towards the mending of Horseth lane . 60. li. To the mending of the Bridges and ordinary High-wayes , betweene Southminster and Malden in Essex , 100. li. To the Chamber of London , 1000. li. to be yeerely lent to ten young Merchants , not having any great stockes of their owne . And those tenne men to be appointed by the Lord Maior and Aldermen of the City for the time being , and the Deane of Pauls : They are not to pay any use for the money , nor any to enjoy it above the space of one yeere . To the poore people of Hadstocke , 20. li. To the poore of Littlebury and Balsham , 40. li. To the Parson and Church-wardens of Balsham , for the time being , towards the buying a Bell , to be hanged up in the Steeple , to amend the Ring there , 20. li. To the poore of Southminster , 20. li. To the poore of Little Hallenbury , 20. li. To the poore of Dunsby Com. Lincoln . 20. li. To the poore prisoners in the prisons of Ludgate , Newgate , the two Compters in London , the Kings-Bench , and the Marshalsey , 200. li. to be paid and divided among the same Prisoners by even and equall portions . To the Master , Fellowes and Schollers of the Corporation of Iesus Colledge in Cambridge , 500. Markes . To the Master , Fellowes and Schollers of the Corporation of Magdalen Colledge in Cambridge , 500. li. Towards the building of his intended Hospitall , Chappell and Schoole-house five thousand pounds , if he lived not to see it performed in his life time . Beside , hee hath given into the Treasury or Store-house of the same intended Hospitall , to begin their stocke with , & to defend the rights of the house 1000. l. To every one of his Feoffees , put in trust about his intended Hospital , 26. l. 13. s. 4. d. To the Poore of Beverley , a Close in Cottingham . To the Poore of Lincolne , a remainder of yeeres in the Rectory of Glentham , Com. Lincolne . To Master Hutton , Vicar of Littlebury , 20. l. To the Poore of Camps Castell , 10. l. To the Poore of Elcombe , 10. l. To M. Floud , Parson of Newington , 13. l. 6. s. 8. d. To the Poore of the Parish of Hackney . 10. pounds . His Hospitall consisting of a Master , Governor , a Preacher , a Free-Schoole , with a Master and Vsher , 80. poore people , and 40. Schollers , maintained with sufficient cloathing , meat , drinke , lodging and wages : beside Officers and ministers to attend on them , and the number to increase , according as the Revenues upon the expiration of the Leases is increased . This famous Hospitall of King Iames , with the value of the Lands layd unto it , the purchase of the House , stocke layd in , & allowance towards the building : Also , the remainder of his goods unbequeathed , his large gifts and Legacies to divers Honourable and worthy friends , beside , great store of farre more inferiour account , surpassing my capacity to number , and the residue of 20000. pound left to the discretion of his Executors , may well and worthily be said to be the very greatest and most bountifull gift , that ever at any time was given in England , no Abbey ( at the first foundation thereof ) excepted , or therewith to be compared , being the gift of one man onely . But alas , what perpetuity is there to be expected in this life , where there is no other certainty than of change ? While all eyes stand gazing on this hopefull intention , and every eare listening to heare when it would come to effect : that enemy to infinite good and godly purposes , Death , takes away the worthy Master-workeman , yet , not unprovided , as too many are ; for hee had his needfull occasions , befitting provision for so long a journey , readily sealed up in the peace of a good Conscience , & that which the tyrant Death had bereft him of , he left to the performance of his faithful Executors , Master Richard Sutton , and Master Iohn Lawe , men of religious and upright soules , and ( God be thanked ) the worke is accomplished . And on the Munday after Michaelmas day , being the third day of October , An. Dom. 1614. the Captaines & Gentlemen entred into their famous prepared Hospital ; to the glory of God , honour of the Kings most Royall Majestie , credit of the Governors , comfort of them appointed to it , and joy of all good minds to behold it . Thus , though no tongue or penne can either so amply expresse , or sufficiently set downe the great deserts of this so good and worthy a man : yet death having given a period to his life , and layd him in a goodly Tombe , in the Chappell of his owne Hospitall ; there we must now leave him , with this Inscription thereon engraven . Sacred to the Glory of God , in gratefull memory of Thomas Sutton , Esquire . HEere lyeth buried the body of Thomas Sutton , late of Castell Camps , in the County of Cambridge , Esquire : at whose onely costs and charges this Hospital was founded , and endued with large possessions , for the reliefe of poore men and children . Hee was a Gentleman , borne at Knayth , in the County of Lincolne , of worthy and honest parentage . He lived to the age of 79. yeers , and deceased the 12. day of December , An. Dom. 1611. Master Hutton was the first Master of this Hospitall , according to the minde of M. Sutton . M. Pearne was the second . M. Hooker the third , who dyed there in his Mastership , and lyeth buried in the Chappell . M. Iohn Lawe , one of M. Suttons Executors , lyeth also there buried in the Chappell , and hath a Monument or remembrance of him , fixed in the East wall of the said Chappell . An Epitaph written by a Friend to Goodnesse . WHen bad men dye , the memory remaines Of their corruptions and ungodly wayes : As merit to their mis-applyed paines , Out of ill actions forming as ill prayse . For Vertue wounded by their deepe disgrace , Leav's Shame to their Posterity and Race . When good men dye , the memory remaines Of their true Vertue , and most Christian wayes ; As a due guerdon to their godly paines , Out of good actions forming as good praise : For Vertue cherished by their deeds of grace , Leaves Fame to their posterity and Race . Among those good ( if goodnesse may be said To be among the seede of mortall men ) In upright ballance of true merit weigh'd , Needs must we reckon famous Sutton then . In whom , as in a mirror doth appeare . That faith with works did shine in him most cleere . And let us not , as is a common use , Measure him by a many other more ; In death , to cover their bad lifes abuse , To lanch out then some bounty of their store . No , Sutton was none such , his Hospitall , And much more else beside , speakes him to all . For as God blest him with abundant wealth , Like to a carefull Steward he imploy'd , it , And ordered all things in his best of health , As glad to leave it , as when he enjoyed it . And being prepared every houre to dye , Disposed all his gifts most Christianly . In Abrahams bosome sleeps he with the blest , His workes , they follow him , his worth survives , Good Angels guide him to eternall rest , Where is no date of time , for yeeres or lives . You that are rich , doe you as he hath done , And so assure the Crowne that hee hath won . FINIS . A little without the Barres of West Smithfield , is Charterhouse lane , so called , for that it leadeth to the said plot of the late dissolved Monastery , in place wherof , first the Lord North , but since , Thomas Howard , late Duke of Norfolke , have made large and sumptuous buildings , both for lodging and pleasure . At the gate of this Charter-house is a faire water-conduit , with two Cockes , serving the use of the neighbours to their great commodity . Saint Iohns street , from the entring this lane , is also ( on both sides ) replenished with buildings , up to Clarken well . On the left hand of which street , lyeth a lane called Cow Crosse , of a Crosse sometime standing there , which lane turneth downe to another lane called Turne-Mill streete , which stretcheth up to the West side of Clarken well , and was called Turne-Mill streete , for such cause as is afore declared . One other lane there is , called Saint Peters lane , which turneth from Saint Iohns street to Cow-Crosse . On the left hand also stood the late dissolved Priory of Saint Iohn of Ierusalem in England , founded about the yeere of Christ 1100. by Iorden Briset , Baron , & Muriel his wife neere unto Clarkes well , besides West Smithfield , which Briset , having first founded the the Priory of Nunnes at Clarkes Well , bought of them ten Acres of Land , giving them in exchange ten Acres of Land in his Lordship of Welling Hall , in the County of Kent . Saint Iohns Church was dedicated by Heraclius , Patriarke of the holy Resurrection of Christ at Ierusalem , in the yeare 1185. & was the chiefe seat in England of the Religious Knights of S. Iohn of Ierusalem . Whose profession was ( besides their dayly service of God ) to defend Christians against Pagans , and to fight for the Church ; using for their habite a blacke upper garment , with a white Crosse on the forepart thereof , and for their good service was so highly esteemed , that when the order of Templers was dissolved , their Lands and possessions were ( by Parliament ) granted unto these , who after the losse of Ierusalem , recovered the I le of Rhodes , from the Turke , and there placed themselves , being called thereof ( for many yeeres ) Knights of the Rhodes , but after the losse thereof 1523. removed to the I le of Malta , manfully opposing themselves against the Turkish invasions . The Rebels of Essex and of Kent 1381. set fire on this house , causing it to burne by the space of 7. dayes together , not suffering any to quenchit : since the which time , the Princes of that house have new builded both church & houses thereunto appertaining , which Church was finished by Thomas Docwray , late Lord Prior there , about the yeere 1504. as appeareth by the inscription over the Gate-house , yet remaining . This house at the suppression in the 32. of Hen. the 8. was valued to dispend in lands 3385. l. 19. s. 8. d. yeerely . Sir W. Weston being then Lord Prior , died on the same 7. of May , on which the house was suppressed , so that great yeerely pensions being granted to the Knights by the King , and namely to the Lord Prior , during his life 1000. l. but he never received penny : The King tooke into his hands all the lands that belonged to that house , & to that order wheresoever in England and Ireland , for the augmentation of his Crowne . This Priory , Church and house of S. Iohn was preserved from spoyle or downe pulling , so long as King Henry the eight reaigned , and was imployed as a Store-house for the Kings Toyles and Tents for Hunting , & for the wars , &c. But in the third of King Edward the sixth , the Church for the most part , to wit , the body and side Iles , with the great Bell-tower , ( a most curious piece of workemanship , graven , gilt , and inameled , to the great beautifying of the City , and passing all other that I have seene ) was undermined and blowne up with Gun-powder , the stone thereof was imployed in building of the Lord Protectors house at the Strand . That part of the Quire which remaineth , with some side Chappels , was by Cardinall Poole ( in the raigne of Queene Mary ) closed up at the West end , and otherwise repaired , and Sir Thomas Tresham , Knight , was then made Lord Prior there , with restitution of some Lands ; but the same was againe suppressed in the first yeere of Queene Elizabeth . There was buried in this Church , Brethren of that house , and Knights of that order , Iohn Botell , William Bagecore , Richard Barrow , Iohn Vauclay ; Thomas Launcelin , Iohn Mallory , William Turney , William Hulles , Hils or Hayles , Iohn Wesion , Redington , William Longstrother , Iohn , Longstrother , William Tong , Iohn Wakeline . Then of other ; Thomas Thornburgh , Gentleman , William West , Gent. Iohn Fulling , & Adam Gill , Esquires , Sir Iohn Mortimor , and Dame Eleaner his wife , Nicholas Silverston , William Plompton , Esquire , Margaret Tong , and Isabell Tong , Walter Bellingham , alias , Ireland , K. of Armes of Ireland , Thomas Bedle , Gent. Katharine daughter of William Plompton , Esquire , Richard Turpin , Gent. Ione wife to Alexander Dikes , Iohn Bottell and Richard Bottle , Esquires , Rowland Darcy , Richard Sutton , Gent. Richard Bottill , Gent. Sir W. Harpden , Knight , Robert Kingston , Esquire , and Margery his wife , Iohn Roch , Richard Cednor , Gent. Simon Mallory , 1442. William Mallory , Robert Longstrother , Ralph Astely , William Marshall , Robert Savage , Robert Gondall , Esquire , & Margery his wife , William Babthorpe , Baron of the Exchequer 1442. North from the house of S. Iohns was the Priory of ClarkenWell , so called of Clarkes well adjoyning , which Priory was also founded about the yeere 1100. by Iorden Briset , Baron , the sonne of Ralph , the sonne of Brian Briset : who gave to Robert a Priest , foureteen Acres of land , lying in the field next adjoining to the said Clarkes VVell , thereupon to build an house of Religious persons , which he founded to the honor of God , and the Assumption of our Lady , and placed therein blacke Nuns . This Iorden Briset , gave also to that house one piece of ground , thereby to build a Windmill upon , &c. Hee and Muriell his wife were buried in the Chapter-house there . More buried in this Church , Iohn VVikes , Esquire , and Isabel his wife , Dame Agnes Clifford , Ralph Thimbleby , Esquire , Dame Iahan , Baronnesse of Greystocke , Dame Iahan Lady Ferrar. And of later time in the Parish Church , Constantius Bennet , a Greeke borne , he gave two houses , the one in Saint Iohns street , the other in Turnemill street , the rents of them to be distributed in Coales every yeere against Christmas , to the poore of that Parish . Heereunder lyeth buried Francis White , the 14. Sonne of Sir Thomas White of Southwerborne , Knight , deceased , and of Lady Anne his wife : who dyed at his age of sixteene , the last day of February , Anno Domini , 1566. he being their nineteenth Childe . Hic jacet Isabella Sackuill , quae fuit Priorissa nuper Prioratus de Clarkenwell , tempore dissolutionis ejusdem Prioratus , quae fuit 21. Octobris , Anno Domini , Millesimo Quingentesimo Septuagesimo , & An. Reg. Elizab. Dei gratia , &c. duodecimo . Vnder this Stone lyeth the body of the good , charitable , and vertuous Gentlewoman , Mistris Anne Blunt , daughter unto Walter Blunt , of Blunt Hall in the Country of Stafford Esquire , and Sister unto the right VVorshipfull , the Lady Paulet , deceased and to the Lady Sidenham , now living . VVhich Anne died the 24. day of April , An. Domini , 1504. Contegit hoc marmor Doctorem nomine Bellum , Qui bene tum rexit Praesulis officiū . Moribus , ingenio , vitae pietate vigebat , Laudatus cunctis , cultus & eloquio . Anno Domini , 1556. die August . 11. There is an ancient Marble Tombe in the North wall of the Chancell , with the figure of a dead man by in his shrowd : and all the plates are stolen away , only one piece remaining , containing these words : Hospitalitate inclytus , genere praeclarus : There an Armes , Hanc urna officii causu . Here lyeth the body of the Lady Elizabeth Ascough , sometime the wife of William Dallyson , and one of the Iustices of the Kings Bench : And afterward wife to Sir Francis Ascough , Knight . The which Lady departed this life the 6. day of December , Anno Domini , 1570. And here also lyeth William Dallison , Esquire , eldest son to the said William and Elizabeth , which William the Sonne deceased the 9. day of November , Anno Domini , 1585. Heere lyeth the body of Francis Butler , fourth Sonne of Sir Iohn Butler , of Hatfield Woodhall in the County of Kent , Knight . Obiit 4. Martii , 1615. The Lady Elizabeth Barckley of the Queenes Majesties Bed-Chamber , and second wife to Sir Maurice Barckley , Knight , deceased ( Standard-bearer to her Majestie , to her Father , and to her Brother ) departed this life in this Parish , the 16. day of Iune , An. Dom. 1585. ( being 52. yeeres old ) in the faith of Iesus Christ , and was buried in the floore under this Tombe . This Lady was the daughter of Anthony Sonds , Esquire . She had children , two sonnes and one daughter , Robert , Margaret and Iohn . Rogero Wood Armigero , Servienti ad Arma , tam Serenissimo Regi , quam honoratissimo conventui Parliamenti . Rosa Conjunx hoc posuit amoris pii , momoriae perpetuae , observantiae debitae , Sacrum Monumentum . Qui legis , qui luges , Rogerum Wood Ne perisse putes , superesse scias , Extinctus extat , peremptus perennis est , Vivit in suorum desideriis , in bonorum Praeconiis , in Coelrum gaudiis . Obiit 18. Martii , 1609. Aetatis suae 46. Iohn Palmer of Clarkenwell , Esquire , was buried here the 18. day of February , An. Dom. 1585. He married Panclin , the daughter of Anthony Sondes of Kent , Esquire : she was also buried in this Chancell : By whom he had issue Anthony Palmer , Elizabeth Cheiney , Iane Thursby , and Mary Palmer . Iane Thursby had also one of her daughters here buried , named Elizabeth . In obitum Generosissimae , charissimaeque Elizabethae Croftes , nuper uxoris Caroli Croftes , Armigeri : Christoph . Brooke devotissimus , hoc memoriae pignus posuit . Obiit 20. Decemb. 1597. GEntle beholder of these dolefull lines , With carefull mutes and mournfull accents sounding , Resolve to teares , viewing these sad designes Of driery sorrow , and hearts deepest wounding . Consuming Time , abridging worlds desire , Insulting death , feareful , prodigious , strange , Eclipsing , waxing heat of Natures fire , With wayning forc'd , and necessarie change : Since you have done your worst to date her dayes , Whilome the worlds , now heavens gratious ghest : I , this sad memory of her liues praise Presume to write , in skilfull Arts the least . She was descended of right gentle blood , Kinde , courteous , affable and milde by nature , Modest her thoughts , her disposition good , Her mind Exchequers store to everie creature , Her Conscience spotles , her Religion pure , Her life sincere , her studie contemplation : Her hope was heaven , with life aye to endure , Her faith was constant in her soules salvation . Her vertuous care her children to direct , Conform'd to reason in her husbands will : Her bounty to her servants , friends respect , Desire to helpe , and wish no neighbour ill . Thrice happy then ( breath-lesse ) in Tombe that lyest : Earth hath but earth , thy better part survives : From worldly warfare , summon'd to the highest , Whose death from life , a second life derives . Death life confirmes , Heaven earth unites in one : Her life in death , and blisse when world is done . Here lieth the body of Thomas Bedingfield , Esquire , second sonne unto Sir Henry Beding field , Knight , late of the County of Norf. and one of the privy Councell to Queene Mary . Also this Thomas Bedingfield , was one of the honorable band of Gentlemen Pensioners unto the late famous Queene Eli. & Master of the Tents & Pavilions unto the most mighty King IAMES , Monarch of Great Britaine . He departed this life the 11. day of August , An. Dom. 1613. This Monument was made and placed here , at the cost and charges of Iohn Skillicorne , Esquire , being his Executor . William Herne , a Master of defence , and yeoman of the Guard , 1580. gave Lands and Tenements to the Clothworkers in London , they to pay yeerely for ever , 14. pound to the Church wardens of Clarken Well , and 14. l. on the Churchwardens of S. Sepulchres , towards reparation of these Churches , and reliefe of the poore men . More hee gave after the death of one man , then living , 8. l. the yeare for ever , to the mending of High-wayes . Thomas Sackeford , Esquire , one of the Masters of Requests , gave to the poore of that Parish 40. s. the yeere for ever , out of his Almes-house at Woodbridge in Suffolke , where he is buried . Henry Stoke , Gardener , buried there , gave 20. s. the yeere for ever towards reparation of that Church . This Priory was valued to dispend 262. l. 9. s. by yeere , and was surrendred the 30. of H. the 8. Many faire houses are now builded about the Priorie , namely , by the high-way towards Iseldon . So much of the Church which remaineth : for one great I le thereof , which fell downe , serveth now as a Parish Church of S. Iames , not onely for the Tenements and neere Inhabitants , but also ( as is aforesaid ) for all up to Highgate , Moswell , &c. Neere unto this Church , besides Clarkes Well lane , were divers other Wels , namely , Skinners Well , Fags Well , Tode Well , Loders Well , Rede Well , &c. now damned up . Now to returne to Giltspurre streete , where I first began with this Suburb , there standeth the Parish Church of S. Sepulchre in the Bayly , as is before shewed , from this streete to Turneagaine lane by Hosier lane , Cow lane , and Oldboorne Conduit , downe Snore hill , to Oldboorne bridge , and up Oldboorne hill , by Gold lane on the right hand , and Lither lane beyond it , to the Barres ; beyond the which Barres on the same side is Port Poole , or Grayes Inne lane , so called of the Inne of Court , named Grayes Inne , a goodly house there situate : by whom builded or first begun I have not yet learned , but it seemeth to be since Edward the 3. time , and is a Prebend to Pauls Church in London . This lane is furnished with faire buildings , and many tenements on both the sides , leading to the fields towards Highgate and Hamsted . On the high street have ye many faire houses builded , and lodgings for Gentlemen , Innes for Travellers , and such like , up almost ( for it lacketh but little ) to S. Giles in the fields : amongst the which buildings , for the most part being very new , one passeth the rest in largenesse of roomes , lately builded by a Widow , sometime wife to Richard Alington , Esquire , which Rich. Alington deceased in the yeare 1561. And thus much for that North side of Oldboorne . Now from Newgate on the left hand or South side , lyeth the Old Bayly , & so downe by Seacoale lane end to Oldboorne bridge , up Oldboorne hill , by Shoo lane , and Fewters lane , to the Barres . Beyond the Barres had ye ( in old time ) a Temple , builded by the Templers , whose order first began in the yeere of Christ 1118. the 19. of Henry the first . This Temple was left , and fell to rune since the yeere 1184. when the Templers had builded them a new Temple in Fleetstreet , neere to the River of Thames . A great part of this old Temple was pulled downe but of late , in the yeere 1595. Adjoyning to this old Temple , was sometime the Bishop of Lincolnes Inne , wherein he lodged when he repaired to this City . Robert de Curars , Bishop of L. builded it about the yeere 1147. I. Russel , Bishop of Lincolne , Chancelor of England , in the raigne of Richard the third , was lodged there . It hath of late yeeres belonged to the Earles of South-hampton , and therefore called South-hampton house . Agaster Roper hath of late builded much there , by means whereof , part of the ruines of the old Temple was seene to remaine , builded of Cane stone , round in forme as the New Temple by Temple Barre , and other Temples in England . Beyond this old Temple and the Bishop of Lincolnes house , is New-streete , so called in the raigne of Henry the third , when he ( of a Iewes house ) founded the house of Converts betwixt the old Temple and the new . The same streete hath since been called Chancery lane , by reason that King Edward the third annexed the house of Converts by Patent , to the office of Custos Rotulorum , or Master of the Rolles , in the 15. of his raigne . In this streete , the first faire building to be noted on the East side , is called the Cursitors Office , builded with divers faire lodgings for Gentlemen , all of Bricke and Timber , by Sir Nicolas Bacon , late Lord Keeper of the great Seale . Neere unto this Cursitors Office , be divers faire houses and large Gardens , builded and made in a ground , sometime belonging to one great house on the other side the street , there made by Ralph Nevill , Bishop of Chichester . This ground he had by the gift of Henry the third , as appeareth . The King granted to Ralph , Bishop of Chichester , Chauncelor , that place , with the Garden which Iohn ●erlirum forfeited in that street , called Newstreet , over-against the land of the said Bishop , in the same streete , which place , with the Garden and appurtenance , was the Kings Exchete , by the libertie of the Citie of London , as it was acknowledged before the King , in his Court of the Tower of London , in the last Pleas of the Crowne of that City , Cart. 11. H. 3. Then was the house of Converts , wherein now the Rolles of Chancery be kept . Then the Serieants Inne , &c. On the West side of Newstreete , towards the North end thereof , was ( of old time ) the Church , and house of the preaching Friers : the which house I find that in the yeere of Christ 1221. the Fryers Preachers , 13. in number , came into England , and having to their Prior one named Gilbert de Fraxineto , in company of Peter de la Roch , Bishop of Winchester , came to Canturburie , where presenting themselves before the Archbishop Steven , he commanded the said Prior to preach , whose Sermon he liked so well , that ever after hee loved that Order . These Fryers came to London , and had their first house without the Wall of the City by Oldboorne , neere unto the old Temple . Hubert de Burgo , Earle of Kent , was a great benefactor unto these Fryers , and deceasing at his Mannor of Bansted in Surrey , or after some writers , at his Castell of Barkamsted in Hartfordshire , in the yeere 1242. was buried in their Church , unto the which Church he had given his place at Westminster , which the said Fryers afterward sold to Walter Gray , Archbishop of Yorke , and hee left it to his successors in that Sea , for ever to be their house , when they should repaire to the City of London . And therfore the same was called Yorke-place , which name so continued , untill the yeere , 1529. that King Henry the eight tooke it from Thomas Woolsey , Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke , and then gave it to name , White-Hall . Margaret , Sister to the King of Scots , Widdow to Geffrey , Earle Marshall , deceased 1244. and was buried in this Church . In the yeere 1250. the Fryers of this Order of Preachers , thorough Christendome , and from Ierusalem , were by a Convocation assembled together , at this their house by Old-boorne , to entreat of their estate , to the number of 400. having meate and drinke found them of Almes , because they had no possessions of their owne . The first day the King came to their Chapter , found them meate and drinke , and dined with them . Another day the Queene found them meat and drinke : afterward the Bishop of London , then the Abbot of Westminster , of S. Albons , Waltham , and others . In the yeere 1276. Gregory Rokesley , Maior , and the Barons of London , granted and gave to Robert Kilwarby , Archbishop of Canturburie , two lanes or wayes next the street of Baynards Castell , and the Tower of Mountfichet , to be destroyed . On the which place the said Robert builded the late new Church , with the rest of the Stones that were left of the said Tower. And thus the Black-Fryers left their Church and house by Oldboorne , and departed to their new . This old Frier-house , ( juxta Holboorn saith the Patent ) was by King Edward the first in the sixteenth of his raigne , given to Henry Lacy , Earle of Lincolne . Next to this house of Fryers , was one other great House , sometime belonging to the Bishop of Chichester , whereof Mathew Paris writeth thus : Ralph de nova villa , or Nevill , Bishop of Chichester , and Chancelor of England , sometime builded a noble house , even from the ground , not farre from the New Temple and house of Converts , in the which place he deceased , in the yeere 1244. In this place after the decease of the said Bishop , and in place of the house of Blacke-Fryers before spoken of , Henry Lacy Earle of Lincolne , Constable of Chester , and Custos of England , builded his Inne , and for the most part was lodged there : hee deceased in this house in the yeere , 1310. and was buried in the new worke ( whereunto he had been a great benefactor ) of Saint Pauls Church , betwixt our Lady Chappell , and Saint Dunstanes Chappell . This Lincolnes Inne , sometime pertaining to the Bishops of Chichester , as a part of the said great house , is now an Inne of Court , retaining the name of Lincolnes Inne , as afore , but now lately encreased with faire buildings , and replenished with Gentlemen , studious in the Common Lawes . In the raigne of Henry the eight Sir Thomas Lovell was a great builder there , especially he builded the Gate-house and forefront towards the East , placing theron aswell the Lacies Armes , as his owne . He caused the Lacies Armes to be cast and wrought in Lead , on the Lover of the Hall of that house , which was in the 3. Escutcheons a Lyon Rampant for Lacie , 7. Mascules voyded for Quincie , and 3. Wheat sheaves for Chester . This Lover being of late repayred , the said Escutcheons were left out . The rest of that side , even to Fleetstreet , is replenishd with faire buildings . Now the high Oldborne streete , from the North end of New-streete stretcheth on the left hand ( in building lately framed ) up to S. Giles in the field , which was an Hospitall , founded by Matilda the Queene , wife to Henry the first , about the yeere 1117. This Hospitall , saith the Record of Edward the third , the nineteenth yeere , was founded without the Barre , Veteris Templi London & Conversorum . This Hospitall was founded , as a Cell to Burton Lagar of Ierusalem , as may appeare by a deede dated the foure and twentieth of Henry the seventh in these words : Thomas Norton , Knight , Master of Burton Lagar of Ierusalem in England , and the Brethren of the same place , keepers of the Hospitall of Saint Giles , without the Barres of the Old Temple of London , have sold to Geffrey Kent , Citizen and Draper of London , a messuage or house , with two sollars above edified in the Parish of Alhallowes Hony lane , in West Cheape , adjoyning to the West part of a Tenement , called the Goate on the Hope , pertaining to the Drapers of London , for 31. l. At this Hospitall , the Prisoners , conveyed from the City of London towards Teyborne , there to be executed for Treasons , Felonies , or other trespasses , were presented with a great Bowle of Ale , thereof to drinke at their pleasure , as to be their last refreshing in this life . Now without Ludgate , lyeth the South end of the Old Baily , then downe Ludgate hill by Fleet lane , over Fleet bridge , up Fleet street , by Shoo lane , Fewters lane , Newstreet , or Chancerie lane , and to Shire lane by the Barre on the right hand . And from Ludgate , on the left hand or South side , by Bridge-lane , Water-lane , Crokers-lane Serjeants Inne , and the New Temple by the Barre , all which is of Faringdon Ward , as is aforesaid shewed . LIBERTIES OF THE DVTCHIE OF LANCASTER . NExt without the Barre the New Temple , and Liberties of the Citie of London , in the Suburbs , is a Liberty pertaining to the Dutchie of Lancaster , which beginneth in the East , on the South side or left hand by the River Thames , and stretcheth West to Ivie-bridge , where it endeth . And againe , on the North side or right hand , some small distance without Temple-barre in the high street , from a payre of Stocks there standing , stretcheth one large middle row or troope of small Tenements , partly opening to the South , partly towards the North , up West to a Stone Crosse , now headlesse , over-against the Strand , and this is the bounds of that Libertie ; which sometime belonged to Brian Lisle , since to Peter of Savoy , and then to the house of Lancaster , as shall be shewed . Henry the third , in the 30. yeere of his raigne , did grant to his Vncle , Peter of Savoy , all those houses upon the Thames , which sometimes pertained to Brain de Insula , or Lisle , without the Walls of his Citie of London , in the way or street called the Strand , to hold to him and to his heires , yeelding yeerely in the Exchequer , at the feast of Saint Michael th' Archangell , three barbed Arrowes for all services . Dated at Reding , &c. This Peter of Savoy , builded the Savoy . But first amongst other buildings , memorable for greatnesse on the River of Thames , Excester house , so called , for that the same belonged to the Bishops of Excester , and was their Inne or London lodging . Who was first builder thereof , I have not read ; but that Walter Stapleton , was a great builder there , in the raigne of Edward the second is manifest : for the Citizens of London , when they had beheaded him in Cheape , neere unto the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul , they buried him in a heape of Sand or rubbiso , in his owne house without Temple barre , where hee had made great building . Edmond Lacy , Bishop of Excester , builded the great Hall in the raigne of Henry the sixth , &c. The same hath since been called Paget house , because William Lord Paget enlarged and possessed it . Then Leicester house , because Robert Dudley , Earle of Leicester , of late new builded there and then Essex house , of the Earle of Essex lodging there . Then West , was a Chappell dedicated to the Holy Ghost , called S. Spirit , upon what occasion founded I have not read . Next is Milford lane downe to the Thames : but why so called , I have not read as yet . Then was the Bishop of Bathes Inne , lately new builded ( for a great part thereof ) by the Lord Thomas Seamer , Admirall , which house came sithence to be possessed by the Earle of Arundell , and thereof called Arundell house . Next beyond the which , on the street side , was sometime a faire Cemitorie , or Church-yard , and in the same a Parish Church , called of the Nativitie of our Lady , and the Innocents of the Strand ; and of some , by meane of a Brotherhood kept there , called of S. Vrsula at the Strand . And neere adjoyning to the said Church , betwixt it and the River of Thames , was an Inne of Chancery , commonly called Chesters Inne , ( because it belonged to the Bishop of Chester , ) by others named of the situation , Strand Inne . Then was there an house belonging to the Bishop of Landaffe : for I find in Record , the 4. of Edward the second , that a vacant place , lying neere the Church of our Lady at Strand , the said Bishop procured it of Thomas Earle of Lancaster , for the enlarging of this house . Then had yee in the high street a faire bridge , called Strand Bridge , and under it a lane or way , downe to the landing place on the banke of Thames . Then was the Bishop of Chester ( commonly called of Lichfield and Coventrie ) his Inne , or London lodging , this house was first builded by Walter Langton , Bishop of Chester , Treasurer of England , in the raigne of Edward the first . And next unto it adjoyning , was the Bishop of VVorcesters Inne : all which , to wit , the Parish of Saint Mary at Strand , Strand Inne , Strand Bridge , with the lane under it , the Bishop of Chesters Inne , the Bishop of VVorcesters Inne , with all the Tenements adjoining , were by commandement of Edward , Duke of Sommerset , Vncle to Edward the sixth , and Lord Protector , pulled downe , & made levell ground , in the yeere 1549. In place wherof , he builded that large and goodly house , now called Sommerset house . In the high street neere unto the Strand , sometime stood a Crosse of Stone , against the Bishop of Coventrie or Chester his house , whereof I read , that in the yeere 1294. and divers other times , the Iustices Itinerants sate without London , at the Stone Crosse over-against the Bishop of Coventries house , and sometime they sate in the Bishops house , which was hard by the Strand , as is aforesaid . Then next is the Savoy , so called of Peter , Earle of Savoy and Richmond , Son to Thomas Earle of Savoy , Brother to Boniface , Archbishop of Canturbury , and Vncle unto Heleanor , wife to King Henry the third . Hee first builded this house , in the yeere 1245. And heere is occasion offered me , for satisfying of some deniers thereof , to prove that this Peter of Savoy was also Earle of Savoy . Wherefore , out of a Booke of the Genealogies of all the whole house of Savoy , compiled by Phillebert Pingonio , Baron of Guzani , remaining in the hands of William Smith , alias , Rouge dragon , Officer of Armes , I have gathered this . Thomas , Earle of Savoy , had issue by Beatrix , daughter to Aimon , Earle of Geneva , 9. Sonnes , and 3. Daughters : Amadis his first Sonne , succeeded Earle of Savoy in the yeere 1253. Peter his second Sonne , Earle of Savoy and of Richmond , in 1298. Philip his third Sonne , Earle of Savoy and Burgundy , 1284. Thomas the fourth , Earle of Flaunders , and Prince of Piemont . Boniface the eighth Archbishop of Canturbury . Beatrix his Daughter , married to Reymond Beringarius of Aragon , Earle of Province and Narbone , had issue , and was Mother to five Queenes . The first , Margaret , wife to Lewis King of France ; the second , Eleanor , wife to Henry the third , King of England ; the third , Sanctia , wife to Richard , King of Romans ; the fourth , Beatrix , wife to Charles , King of Naples ; the fift , Iohanna , wife to Philip King of Navarre . To returne againe to the house of Savoy : Queene Eleanor , wife to King Henry the third , purchased this place afterwards of the Fraternity or Brethren of Mountjoy , unto whom Peter of Savoy ( as it seemeth ) had given it , for her sonne Edmond , Earle of Lancaster , as Master Camden hath noted out of a Register booke of the Dukes of Lancaster . Henry Duke of Lancaster repaired , or rather new builded it , with the charges of 52000. Markes , which money he had gathered together at the Towne of Bridgerike . Iohn the French King was lodged there , in the yeere , 1357. and also , in the yeere 1363. for it was ( at that time ) the fairest Mannor in England . In the yeere , 1381. the Rebels of Kent and Essex burnt this house , unto the which there was none in the Realme to be compared in beauty and starelinesse , ( saith mine Author . ) They set fire on it round about , and made proclamation , that none , on paine to lose his head , should convert to his own use any thing that there was ; but that they should breake such plate and vessell of Gold & Silver , as was found in that house , ( which was in great plenty ) into small peeces , and threw the same into the River of Thames . Precious Stones they should bruise in mortars , that the same might be to no use , and so it was done by them : One of their companions they burned in the fire , because hee minded to have reserved one goodly peece of Plate . They found there certaine barrels of Gun-powder , which they thought had been Gold or Silver , & throwing them into the fire , more suddenly than they thought , the Hall was blowne up , the houses destroyed , and themselves very hardly escaped away . This house being thus defaced , and almost overthrowne by these Rebels , for malice they bare to Iohn of Gaunt , Duke of Lancaster , of later time came to the Kings hands , and was againe raised and beautifully builded , for an Hospital of S. Iohn Baptist , by King Henry the seventh , about the yeere 1509. For the which Hospitall , retaining still the old name of Savoy , he purchased Lands , to be imployed upon the releeving of an hundred poore people . This Hospitall being valued to dispend 529. pound , fifteene shillings , &c. by yeere , was suppressed the tenth of Iune , the seventh of Edward the sixt : the beds , bedding , and other furniture belonging thereunto , with seven hundred Markes of the said lands by yeere , he gave to the Citizens of London , with his house of Bridewell , to the furnishing thereof , to bee a Worke-house for the poore and idle persons , & towards the furnishing of the Hospitall of Saint Thomas in Southwarke , lately suppressed . This Hospitall of Savoy was againe new founded , erected , corporated and endowed with Lands by Queene Mary , the third of November : In the fourth of her raigne , one Iackson tooke possession , and was made Master thereof in the same Moneth of November . The Ladies of the Court , and Maidens of Honor ( a thing not to be forgotten ) stored the same of new with beddes , bedding , and other furniture , in very ample manner , &c. and it was by Patent so confirmed at Westminster , the 9. of May , the 4. and 5. of Philip and Mary . The Chappell of this Hospitall serveth now as a Parish Church to the Tenements thereof neere adjoyning , and others . The next was sometime the Bishop of Carliles Inne , which now belongeth to the Earle of Bedford , & is called Russell or Bedford house . It stretcheth from the Hospitall of Savoy , West to Ivie Bridge ; where Sir Robert Cecill , principall Secretarie to Queen Elizabeth , did then raise a large and stately house of Bricke and Timber , as also levelled and paved the high-way neere adjoyning , to the great beautifying of that street , and commodity of passengers . Richard the 2. in the 8. of his reigne , granted licence to pave with stone the high-way , called Strand street , from Temple Barre to the Savoy , and Tole to bee taken towards the charges : and againe the like was granted in the 42. of Henry the 6. Ivie Bridge in the high street , which had a way under it , leading downe to the Thames , the like as sometime had the Strand bridge , is now taken downe , but the lane remaineth as afore , or better , and parteth the Liberty of the Dutchie , and the Citie of Westminster on that South side . Now to begin againe at Temple Barre over-against it . In the high street , as is afore shewed , is one large Middle Rowe of houses and small Tenements builded , partly opening to the South , partlie towards the North. Amongst the which standeth the Parish Church of S. Clement Danes , so called , because Harolde a Danish King , and other Danes were buried there . This Harolde , whom King Canutus had by a concubine , reigned 3. yeeres , and was buried at Westminster , but afterward , Hardicanutus , the lawfull sonne of Canutus , in revenge of a displeasure done to his mother , by expelling her out of the Realme , and the murder of his brother Alured , commanded the body of Harolde to be digged out of the earth , and to bee throwne into the Thames , where it was by a Fisherman taken up and buried in this Church-yard . But out of a faire Leager Booke , sometime belonging to the Abbey of Chartsey , in the County of Surrey is noted , as in Francis thin , after this sort : In the reigne of King Ethelred , the Monasterie of Chartsey was destroyed , 90. Monks of that house were slaine by the Danes , whose bodies were buried in a place neere to the old Monasterie . William Malmesburie saith : They burnt the Church , together with the Monks and Abbot ; but the Danes continuing in their furie ( throughout the whole lana ) desirous , at the length , to returne home into Denmarke , were ( by the just judgement of God ) all slaine at London , in a place which is called the Church of the Danes . This said middle rowe of houses , stretching West to a Stone Crosse now headlesse , by or against the Strand , including the said Parish Church of Saint Clement , is also wholly of the liberty and Dutchy of Lancaster . Thus much for the bounds and antiquities of this libertie , wherein I have noted Parish Churches twaine , sometime 3. houses of name 6. to wit , the Savoy , or Lancaster house , now an Hospitall , Sommerset house , Essex house , Arundell house , Bedford or Russell house , and Sir Robert Cecils house ; besides of Chesters Inne , or Strand Inne , sometime an Inne of Chancery , &c. This liberty is governed by the Chancelor of that Dutchy at this present , Sir Iohn Deckam , Knight , and one of his Majesties most honorable Privy Councellors . There is under him a Steward , that keepeth Court and Leete for the King , he giveth the charge , and taketh the oathes of every under Officer . Then is there 4. Burgesses , and 4. Assistants to take up controversies , a Bayliffe , which hath two or three under-Bailiffes , that make arrests within that libertie , foure Constables , foure Wardens , that keepe the lands and Stocke for the poore , foure Wardens for high-wayes , a Iury or Inquest of 14. or 16. to present defaults , foure Alecunners , which looke to the Affise of weights and measures , &c. foure Scavengers and a Beadle , and their common Prison is Newgate . There is in this liberty 50. men , which are alwaies to bee at an houres warning , with all necessarie furniture , to serve the King , as occasion shall require . Their charge at a Fifteene is 13. s. 4. d. Thus much for the Suburbe in the libertie of the Dutchie of Lancaster . THE CITIE OF VVESTMINSTER , VVith the Antiquities , Bounds , and Liberties thereof . NOw touching the Citie of Westminster , I will begin at Temple Barre , on the right hand or North side , and so passe up West , through a backe lane or street , wherein doe stand three Innes of Chancery : the first called Clements Inne , because it standeth neere to S. Clements Church , but neerer to the faire fountaine , called Clements Well . The second , New Inne , so called as latelier made of a common Hostery , and the signe of our Lady , an Inne of Chancery for Students then the other ; namely , about the beginning of the reigne of Henry the seventh , and not so ancient as some have supposed , to wit , at the pulling downe of Strand Inne , in the reigne of King Edward the sixt , for I read , that Sir Thomas More , somtime Lord Chancellor , was Student in this New Inne , and went from thence to Lincolnes Inne , &c. The third is Lyons Inne , and Inne of Chancery also . This street stretcheth up unto Drury lane , so called , for that there is a house belonging to the Family of the Druries . This lane turneth North toward S. Giles in the field . From the South end of this lane in the high-street , are divers faire buildings , Hosteries , & houses for Gentlemen , and men of honor , amongst the which Cecil house is one , which sometime belonged to the Parson of Saint Martins in the field , and by composition came to Sir Thomas Palmer , Knight , in the reigne of Edward the sixt , who began to build the same of bricke , and Timber , very large and spacious . But of later time , it hath bin farre more beautifully increased by the late Sir William Cecill , Baron of Burghley , Lord Treasurer , and great Counsellor of the Estate . From thence is now a continuall new building of divers faire houses , even up to the Earle of Bedfords house , lately builded nigh to Ivie bridge , and so on the North side , to a lane that turneth to the Parish Church of Saint Martins in the field , in the liberty of Westminster . Then had yee one house , wherein sometime were distraught and lunatike people , of what antiquity founded , or by whom I have not read , neither of the suppression : but it was said , that sometime a King of England , not liking such a kind of people to remaine so neere his Palace , caused them to be removed farther off , to Bethlem without Bishops gate of London , and to that Hospitall the said house by Charing Crosse doth yet remaine . Then is the Mewse , so called of the Kings Faulcons there kept by the Kings Faulconer , which of old time was an office of great account , as appeareth by a Record of Richard the 2. in the first yeere of his raigne . Sir Simon Burley , Knight , was made Constable for the Castles of Windsore , Wigmore , and Gilford , and of the Mannor of Kenington , and also Master of the Kings Faulcons at the Mewse , neere unto Charing crosse by Westminster : but in the yeere of Christ 1534. the 28. of Henry the 8. the King having faire stabling at Lomsbury ( a Mannor in the farthest west part of Oldboorne ) the same was fired and burnt , with many great horses , and great store of Hay . After which time the forenamed house , called the Mewse by Charing crosse , was new builded ▪ and prepared for stabling of the Kings horses , in the raigne of Edward the sixt and Queene Mary , and so remaineth to that use : and this is the farthest building West on the North side of that high streete . On the South side of the which streete , in the liberties of Westminster ( beginning at Ivie bridge ) first is Durham house , builded by Thomas Hatfield , Bishop of Durham , who was made Bishop of that Sea , in the yeere 1545. and late Bishop there 36. yeeres . Amongst matters memorable concerning this house , this is one : In the yeere of Christ 1340. the 32. of Henry the 8. on May day , a great and triumphant Iusting was holden at Westminster , which had been formerly proclaimed in France , Flanders , Scotland and Spaine , for all commers that would undertake the Challengers of England , which were Sir Iohn dudley , Sir Thomas Seymer , Sir Thomas Poynings , and Sir George Carew , Knights , and Anthony Kingston , and Richard Cromwel , Esquires . All which came into the Lists that day richly apparelled , and their horses trapped all in white velvet ; there came against them the said day 46. Defendants , or Vndertakers , viz. the Earle of Surrey formost , Lord William Howard , Lord Clinton , and Lord Cromwell , sonne and heire to Thomas Cromwell , Earle of Essex , and Chamberlaine of England , with other ; and that day , after the Iusts were performed , the Challengers rode unto this Durham house , where they kept open household , and feasted the King , and Queene , with her Ladies and all the Court. The 2. day Anthony Kingston , and Richard Cromwel were made Knights there . The third day of May , the said Challengers did Tourney on horseback with swords , & against them 49. Defendants : Sir Iohn Dudley and the Earle of Surrey running first , which at the first course lost their Gauntlets , and that day Sir Richard Cromwell overthrew Master Palmer and his horse in the field , to the great honour of the Challengers . The fifth of May , the Challengers fought on foote at the Barriers , and against thē came 50. Defendants , which fought valiantly : but Sir Richard Cromwell overthrew that day at the Barriers , Master Culpepper in the field ; and the 6. day the Challengers brake up their household . In this time of their house-keeping , they had not only feasted the King , Queen , Ladies and all the Court , as is afore shewed : but also they cheered all the Knights & Burgesses of the common house in the Parliament , & entertained the Maior of London , with the Aldermen and their wives at a dinner , &c. The King gave to every of the said Challengers , and their heires for ever , in reward of their valiant activity 100. marks , and a house to dwell in of yeerely 〈◊〉 , out of the lands pertaining to the Hospitall of S. Iohn of Ierusalem . Now to speake somwhat of later time : concerning this Durham house , it was wel knowne and observed , for how many yeers , I know not , that the outward ●art belonging thereto , and standing North from the houses , was but a low row of Stables , old , ruinous , ready to fall , and very unsightly , in so publike a passage to the Court & to Westminster . Vpon which consideration , or some more especiall respect in the mind of the right honorable , Robert , Earle of Salisbury , Lord high Treasurer of England : it pleased him to take such order in the matter , that ( at his owne costs and charges ) that deformed row of Stabling was quite altered , by the erection of a very goodly & beautifull building in stead therof , and in the very same place . Some shape of the modelling , though not in all respects alike , was after the fashion of the Royall Exchange in London , with Sellers underneath , a walke fairely paved above it , & Rowes of Shops above , as also one beneath answerable in manner to the other and intended for the like trades and mysteries . This worke was not long in taking down , nor in the erection againe ; for the first Stone was laid on the 10. day of Iune , 1608. and also was fully finished in the next ensuing November after . Also on Tuesday , being the 10. day of April following , divers of the upper shops were adorned in rich and beautifull manner , with wares most curious to please the eye ; so ordered against his Majesties comming thither , to give a name to so good a building . On the day following , it pleased his highnesse , with the Queene , Prince , the Duke of Yorke , & the Lady Elizabeth , to come thither , attended on by many great Lords , and choise Ladies . Concerning their entertainment there , though I was no eye-witnesse thereof ; yet I knew the ingenuity and mind of the Nobleman to be such , as nothing should want to welcome so great an expectation . And therfore , what variety of devices , pleasing speeches , rich gifts and presents as then flew bountifully abroad , I will rather referre to your imagination , than any way come short of , by an imperfect narration . Only this I adde , that it then pleased his most excellent Majestie , because the worke wanted a name before , to entitle it Britaines Bursse or Busse . Next beyond this Durham house , is another great house , sometime belonging to the Bishop of Norwich , and was his London lodging , which now pertaineth to the Arch-bishop of Yorke , by this occasion : In the yeere 1529. when Cardinall Wolsey , Archbishop of Yorke , was indited in the Premunire , wherby King Henry the 8. was entitled to his goods and possessions : hee also seazed into his hands the said Arch-bishops house , commonly called Yorke Place , and changed the name thereof into White Hall : wherby , the Arch-bishops of Yorke being dispossed , and having no house of repaire about London , Queene Mary gave unto Nicolas Heth , then Arch-Bishop of Yorke , and to his successors , Suffolke house in Southwarke , lately builded by Charles Brandon , Duke of Suffolke , as I have shewed elsewhere . This house the said Arch-bishop sold , and bought the aforesaid house , of old time belonging to the Bishops of Norwich , which ( of the last purchase ) is now called Yorke house ; the L. Chancelors or L. Keepers of the great Seale of England , have been lately there lodged . Then was there an Hospitall of S. Mary Rouncivall , by Charing Crosse ( a Cell to the Priory and Covent of Rouncivall in Navar , in Pampelone Dioces ) where a Fraternity was foūded in the fifteenth of Edward the fourth , but now the same is suppressed , and turned into Tenements . Neere unto this Hospitall was an Hermitage , with a chappell of S. Katharine , overagainst Charing Crosse , which Crosse builded of stone , was of old time a faire piece of work , there made by commandment of Edward the first , in the 21. yeere of his reigne , in memory of Eleanor his deceased Queene , as is before declared . West from this Crosse , stood sometime an Hospitall of S. Iames , consisting of two hides of land , with the appurtenances , in the Parish of S. Margaret in Westminster , and founded by the Citizens of London , before the time of any mans memorie , for 14. Sisters , Maydens , that were leprous , living chastly and honestly in divine Service . Afterwards , divers Citizens of London gave 56. l. rent thereunto , and then were adjoined 8. Brethren to minister divine Service there . After this also , sundry devout men of London gave to this Hospitall , foure Hides of land in the field of Westminster ; and in Hendon , Calcote , & Hamsted , eight Acres of land and Wood , &c. King Edward the first confirmed those gifts , and granted a Faire to be kept on the Eve of S. Iames , the day , the morrow , & foure dayes following , in the eighteenth of his reigne . This Hospitall was surrendred to Henry the 8. the 23. of his reigne : the Sisters being compounded with , were allowed Pensions for terme of their lives , and the King builded there a goodly Mannor , annexing thereunto a Park , closed about with a wall of brick , now called S. Iames Parke , serving indifferently to the said Mannor , and to the Mannor or Palace of VVhite Hall. South from Charing Crosse , on the right hand , are divers faire houses , lately builded before the Parke : then a large Tilt-yard for Noble-men and other , to exercise themselves in Iusting , Turneying , and fighting at Barriers . On the left hand from Charing Crosse , be also divers faire tenements lately builded , till ye come to a large plot of ground inclosed with bricke , and is called Scotland , where great buildings have bin for receipt of the Kings of Scotland , and other estates of that Countrey . For , Margaret Q. of Scots , and Sister to King Henry the 8. had her abiding there , when she came into England , after the death of her husband , as the K. of Scotland hand in former times , when they came to the Parliament of England . Then is the said White Hall , sometime belonging to Hubert de Burgh , Earle of Kent , and Iusticier of England , who gave it to the blacke Fryers in Oldboorne , as I have before noted , King Henry the 8. ordained it to be called an Honor , and builded there a sumptuous Gallerie , and a beautifull Gatehouse , thwart the high street , to S. Iames Parke . &c. In this Gallerie , the Princes , with their Nobilitie , use to stand , or sit , and at Windowes to behold all triumphant Iustings , and other Militarie Exercises . Beyond this Gallerie , on the left hand is the Garden or Orchard belonging to the said White Hall. On the right hand be divers faire Tennis Courts , Bowling Alleyes , and a Cocke-pit , all built by King Henry the eight : and then one other arched Gate , with a way over it , thwarting the street , frō the Kings Gardens to the said Parke . From this Gate , up Kings street , to a Bridge over Longditch ( so called , for that the same almost insulateth the City of Westminster ) neere which Bridge , is a way leading to Canon Row , so called , for that the same belonged to the Deane & Canons of S. Stephens Chappell , who were there lodged , as now divers Noblemen and Gentlemen be : whereof , one is belonging to Sir Edw. Hobbey , one other to Ioh. Thin , Esquire , once stately builded by Anne Stanhop , Dutchesse of Somerset , Mother to the Earle of Hart-ford , who now enjoyeth that House . Next , a stately House , then in building by William Earle of Darby ; over-against the which , is a faire House , builded by Henry Clinton , Earle of Lincolne . From this way , up to the Wooll-Staple , and to the high Tower , or Gate , which entreth the Palace Court , all is replenished with Buildings and Inhabitants . Touching this Wooll-Staple , I reade , that in the raigne of Edward the first , the Staple being at Westminster , the Parishioners of S. Margaret , and Merchants of the Staple , builded of new the said Church , the great Chancell excepted , which was lately before new builded by the Abbot of Westminster . Moreover , that Edward the third , in the 17. of his raigne , decreed , that no Silver be carried out of the Realme , on paine of death : And that whosoever transported Wooll , should bring over , for every Sacke , foure Nobles of Silver Bullion . In the 25. of his raigne , he appointed the Staple of Wooll to be kept onely at Canturbury , for the honour of S. Thomas . But in the 27. of the same King Edward , the Staple of Wooll , before kept at Bruges in Flanders , was ordained ( by Parliament ) to be kept in divers places of England , Wales , and Ireland ; as at New-Castle , Yorke , Lincolne , Canturburie , Norwich , Westminster , Chichester , Winchester , Excester , Bristow , Caermarden , &c. to the great benefit of the King , and losse unto strangers & Merchants . For there grew unto the King by this meanes ( as it was said ) the summe of a thousand , an hundred & two pounds by the yeere , more than any his predecessors before had received : The Staple at Westminster , at that time , began on the next morrow after the feast of S. Peter ad Vincula . The next yeere was granted to the King by Parliament , towards the recoverie of his Title in France , 50. shillings of every Sacke of Wooll , transported over Seas , for the space of six yeere next ensuing : by meanes whereof , the King might dispend dayly , during those yeeres , more than a thousand Markes starling : For by the common opinion , there were more than an hundred thousand Sacks of Wooll yeerely transported into forraine Lands ; so that during six yeeres , the said grant extended to fifteen hundred thousand pound starling . In the 37. of Edward the third , it was granted unto him for two yeers , to take sixe and twentie shillings eight pence upon every Sack of Wooll transported : and the same yeere , the Staple of Wooll ( notwithstanding the Kings Oath , and other great Estates ) was ordained to be kept at Callis , and sixe and twenty Merchāts , the best & wealthiest of all England , to be Farmers there , both of the Town & Staple , for three yeeres , every Merchant to have sixe men of Armes , and foure Archers , at the Kings cost . He ordained there also two Maiors , one for the Towne , and one for the Staple , and he took for Mala capta , commonly called Maltorth , 20. shillings . and of the said Merchants ; Guardians of the Towne , fortie pence upon every Sacke of Wooll . In the 44. of Edward the third , Quinborough , Kingston upon Hull , and Boston , were made Staples of Wooll : which matter so much offended some , that in the fifty of his raigne , in a Parliament at London , it was complained , that the Staple of Wooll was so removed from Callis , to divers Townes in England , contrarie to the Statute , appointing , that Citizens and Merchants should keepe it there , and that the King might have the Profits and Customes , with the exchāge of Gold & Silver that was there made , by all the Merchants in Christendome ( esteemed to amount to eight thousand pound by yeere ) the exchange onely : And the Citizens and Merchants so ordered the matter , that the King spent nothing upon Souldiers ; neither upon defence of the Towne against the Enemies , whereas now he spent eight thousand pound by yeere . In the fifty one of Edward the third , when the Staple was setled at Callis , the Major of the Staple did furnish the Captaine of the Towne , upon any Rode , with an hundred Bill-men , two hundred Arcers , of Merchants and their servants , without any wages . In the yeere 1388. the twelfth of Richard the second , in a Parliament at Cambridge , it was ordained , that the Staple of Woolls should be brought from Middleborough in Holland to Callis . In the foureteenth of his raigne , there was granted fortie shillings upon euery Sacke of Wooll : and in the one and twentieth , was granted fiftie shillings upon every Sacke transported by English-men , and three pounds by Strangers , &c. It seemeth , that the Merchants of this Staple be the most ancient Merchants of this Realme , and that all commodities of the Realme are Staple Merchandizes by Law and Charter , as Woolls , Leather , Wooll-fells , Lead , Tynne , Cloth , &c. King Henry the sixt had six Wooll-houses within the Staple at Westminster : those he granted to the Deane and Canons of S. Stephen at Westminster , & cōfirmed it the 21. of his raigne . Thus much for the Staple have I shortly noted . And now to passe to the famous Monasterie of Westminster at the very entrance of the Close thereof , is a lane that leadeth toward the West , called Theeving lane , for that theeves were led that way to the Gatehouse , while the Sanctuary continued in force . This Monasterie was founded and builded by Sebert , King of the East Saxons , upon the perswasion of Ethelbert King of Kent , who having imbraced Christianity , and being baptized by Melitus , Bishop of London , immediately ( to shew himselfe a Christian indeede ) built a Church to the honor of God and Saint Peter , on the West side of the City of London , in a place ( which because it was over-grown with thornes , and environed with water ) the Saxons called Thorney , and now of the Monasterie and West situation thereof , is called Westminster . What further I reade , concerning the first foundation of this Church , followeth in this manner : When the Church of God first began to grow in Great Brittaine , at such time ( saith Sulcardus ) as Antoninus Pius , was Emperour of Rome , the Temple of Apollo , which was then seated on the West side of the City of London , where now Westminster standeth , fell downe by the violence of an Earthquake . Of the ruines wherof , Lucius ( who was King of the Britaines , and reigned heere by permission of the Romans ) built a small Church to the honor of Christ , in the yeere of our Lord 170. which afterward was utterly defaced , when the heat of persecution ( under Dioclesian ) wasted Britaine . This place afterward ( for a long time ) lay altogether neglected , and not regarded , but became all overgrowne with thornes and bushes : in so much as the English Saxons named it Thornez or Thorney ; untill Sebert King of the East Saxons ( or of Essex and Middlesex ) who was the first that subscribed to the worship of Christ , built in that place a Monasterie to Christ and Saint Peter , in the yeere of Christ 605. whereupon , partly from the situation to the West , and partly , from the Monasterie or Minster , it began to take the name of Westminster : But afterward when this Monasterie was destroyed in the furious warres of the Danes , Dunstane , Archbishop of Canturbury ( by the favor of King Edgar ) repaired it , and granted , and gave it to a small company of Monks . Afterward King Edward , surnamed the Confessor , with the Tenthes of all his revenewes , built it a-new , to be a place for his own Sepulcher , and a Monasterie for the Monks of S. Bennets order , and endowed it with revenewes lying ( here and there ) in all places of England , and it is an ancient Fabricke & very stately . Since which time this Monastarie hath bin ( and yet is ) very famous , for the consecration and Coronation of the King of England , and the buriall of many of them and other great Personages , and for the custodie of the Regalia for the Coronation . But 160. yeeres after , King Henry the third pulled downe that ancient Fabrick of King Edward , and ( with 50. yeeres worke ) built a Church of a most goodly frame , with a multitude of Marble pillars , set in comely order : wherof he himselfe layed the first stone , and covered the roofe with Lead , in An. 1220. which Church ( afterward ) the Abbots did much inlarge to the Westward : And K. Henry the 7. in the yeere 1502. bestowed 14000. pounds on the East side , where he built a Chappell of admirable beauty ( which Leland calls the Miracle of the World : for any man that sees it , may well say , that all elegancy of worship & matter , is couched in it ) to be a place of Sepulture for himselfe , and all his posterity : wherein ( at this day ) is to be seene his owne Tombe , most gorgeous and great , made all of solid Brasse . Afterward , when the Monkes were expelled by K. Henry the eight , it was eftsoones converted to divers governements . First , it had a Deane and Prebendaries : Anon after , a Bishop , and that onely one , named Thomas Thurlbey , in Anno 1541. when the revenues of the Church were abridged , he departed , and left it to be governed by a Deane . Within short time after , Queen Mary brought in the Monks againe , with their Abbat , who not long after , being expulsed by Act of Parliament , Queene Elizabeth ( of blessed memory ) converted it unto a Collegiate Church , or rather a Nurserie for the Church , in the yeere 1560. For there she ordained ( to the glorie of God , and the propagation of true Religion and good Literature ) a Deane , twelve Prebendaries , an upper Master , and an Vsher for the Schoole , forty Schollers , tearmed the Queenes or Kings Schollers ; who ( at their due times ) are preferred to both the Vniversities : besides Ministers , Singers , and Organists , tenne Quiristers , and twelve poore Souldiers , &c. The first Deane then of that Foundation , was Master William Bill ; who being taken away within two yeeres , had for his successor , Master Gabriel Goodman , Doctor of Divinitie : who , when he had governed this Collegiate Church ( with great commendation ) the space of forty yeeres , died in the yeere of our Lord God , 160● . And then Master Lancelot Andrewes , Doctor also in Divinitie , succeeded him : next , Doctor Neale ; and after him , Doctor Mountaine . Sebert was buried in this Church , with his wife Athelgoda ; whose bodies , many yeeres after , to wit , in the raigne of Richard the second ( saith Walsingham ) were translated from the old Church to the new , and there interred . Edgar , King of the West - Saxons , repaired this Monasterie about the yeere of Christ , 958. Edward , the Confessor builded it of new ; whereupon T. Clifford writeth thus : Without the Walls of London ( saith he ) upon the River of Thames , there was in times passed a little Monasterie , builded to the honour of God and S. Peter , with a few Benedictine Monks in it , under an Abbot , serving Christ : very poor they were , & little was given them for their reliefe . Heere the King intended ( for that it was neere to the famous Citie of London , and the River of Thames , that brought in all kind of Merchandizes from all parts of the world ) to make his Sepulcher : He commanded therefore , that of the tenthes of all his Rents , the Worke should be begun , in such sort , as should become the Prince of the Apostles . At this his commandement , the Worke was nobly begun , even from the foundation , and happily proceeded , till the same was finished : The charges bestowed , or to be bestowed are not regarded . He grāted to this Church great priviledges , above all the Churches in this Land , as partly appeareth by this his Charter . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Edward , King , greetes William Bishop , and Leosstane and Aeliffe Portreeves , and all my Burgesses of London , friendly : and I tell you , that I have this given and granted to Christ and S. Peter , the holy Apostle at Westminster , full freedome over all the land that belongeth to that holy place , &c. He also caused the Parish Church of Saint Margaret to bee newly builded , without the Abbey Church of Westminster , for the ease and commoditie of the Monkes , because ( before that time ) the Parish Church stood within the old Abbey Church in the South I le , somewhat to their annoyance . King Henry the third , in the yeere of Christ , 1220. and in the fift of his reigne , began the new worke of our Ladies Chappell , whereof he laid the first stone in the foundation , and in the yeere 1245. the wals and steeple of the old Church ( builded by King Edward ) were taken down , & inlarging the same Church , caused them to bee made more comely . For the furtherance whereof , in the yeere 1246. the same King ( devising how to extort money from the Citizens of London towards the charges ) appointed a Mart to bee kept at Westminster , the same to last fifteene dayes , and in the meane space all trade of Merchandize to cease in the Citie , which thing the Citizens were faine to redeeme with two thousand pound of silver . The worke of this Church , with the houses of office , was finished to the end of the Quire , in the yeere 1285. the 14. of Edward the first . All which labour of 66. yeeres , was in the yeer 1299. defaced by a fire , kindled in the lesser Hall of the Kings Palace , at Westminster , the same with many other houses adjoyning , and with the Queenes Chamber were all consumed , the flame thereof also ( being driven with the wind ) fired the Monastery , which was also consumed with the Palace consumed . Then was the Monastery againe repaired by the Abbots of that Church , King Edward the first and his successours , putting to their helping hands . Edward the second appropriated unto this Church , the Patronages of the Churches of Kelueden and Sabritswarth in Essex , in the Diocesse of London . Simon Langham Abbot ( having beene a great builder there in the yeere 1362. gave foure hundred pound to the building of the body of the Church : but ( amongst others ) Abbot Islip was ( in his time ) a great builder there , as may appeare in the stone worke , and glasse-windowes of the Church . Since whose decease , that worke hath stayed as hee left it , unperfected , the Church and Steeple being all of one height . King Henry the seventh , about the yeere of Christ 1502. caused the Chappell of our Lady builded by Henry the third , with a Taverne also called the White Rose neere adjoyning , to bee taken downe : in which plot of ground on the 24. of Ianuary , the first stone of the new Chappell , was layd by the hands of Abbot Islip , Sir Reginald Bray , knight of the Garter , Doctor Barnes , Master of the Rolles , Doctor Wall , Chaplen to the King , Master Hugh Aldham , Chaplen to the Countesse of Darby and Richmond ( the Kings Mother ) Sir Edward Stanhop , knight , and divers other : upon the which stone was engraven the same day and yeere , &c. The charges in building this Chappell amounted to the summe of 14000. pound . The stone for this worke ( as I have beene informed ) was brought from Huddlestone Quarry in Yorkeshire . The Altar and Sepulchre of the same King Henry the seventh , wherein his body resteth in this his new Chappel , was made and finished in the yeere 1519. by one Peter a Painter of Florence : for which hee received 1000. pound sterling , for the whole stuffe and workemanship , at the hands of the Kings executors Richard , Bishop of Winchester , Richard , Bishop of London , Thomas , Bishop of Durham , Iohn , Bishop of Rochester , Thomas , Duke of Norfolke , Treasurer of England , Charles , Earle of Worcester , the Kings Chamberlaine , Iohn Fineaux , Knight , chiefe Iustice of the Kings Bench , Robert Reade , Knight , chiefe Iustice of the Common pleas . This Monasterie being valued to dispended by the yeere 3470. pounds , &c. was surrendred to Henry the eight in the yeere 1539. Benson then Abbot , was made the first Deane : and not long after , it was advanced to a Bishops Sea , in the yeere 1541. Thomas Thurleby , being both the first & last Bishop there , who , when he had impoverished the Church , was translated to Norwich , in the yeere 1550. the fourth of Edward the sixt , and from thence to Ely , in the yeere 1554. the second of Queene Mary . Richard Cox , Doctor in Divinity ( late Schoole-master to King Edward the 6. ) was made Deane of Westminster , whom Queene Mary put out , and made Doctor Weston Deane , untill the yeere 1556. and then he being removed from thence on the 21. of November , Iohn Feckenham ( late Deane of Pauls ) was made Abbot of Westminster , and tooke possession of the same , being installed , and 14. Monks more received the habite with him that day , of the order of S. Benedict : but the said Iohn Feckenham , with his Monkes , enjoyed not that place fully three yeers : for in the yeere 1559. in the Moneth of Iuly , they were all put out , and Queene Elizabeth made the said Monasterie a Colledge , instituting there a Deane , twelve Prebends , a Schoolemaster , and Vsher , 40. Schollers called commonly the Q Schollers , 12. Almes men , and so it was called the Collegiat Church of Westminster , founded by Queene Elizabeth , who placed Doctor Bill , first Deane of that new erection , after whom succeeded Doctor Gabriel Goodman , who governed that Church fortie yeeres , and after him Doctor L. Andrewes . Kings and Queenes crowned in this Church . William , surnamed Conqueror , and Matilda his wife , were the first , and since them all other Kings and Queenes of this Realme , have been there crowned . Kings and Queenes buried in this Church in order following , are these : Sebert of the East Saxons , and Middle Saxons , that is , Essex and Middlesex , King , the Sonne of Sledde , by Ricula , Sister to Ethelbert , King of Kent , first King of the East Saxons : by the perswasions of Ethelbert , received and embraced the Christian faith , and the Church of Westminster , which then was tearmed Thorney ; erected to blessed Saint Peter , wherein , with his wife Athelgoda he lyeth buried . Hee dyed the last day of Iuly , in the yeere of our Redemption , 616. And 691. yeeres after , to wit , 1307. The Monks of Westminster translated his body out of the old Church into the new Kings Chappell , and placed it therein a Sepulcher of Stone , at the South part of the Lords Table , with this Epitaph : Labilitas , brevitas mundanae prosperitatis , Coelica , praemia , gloria , gaudia danda beatis Sebertum ceytum jure dedêre satis . Hic Rex Christicola verax fuit hac regione , Qui nunc coecolica gaudet mercede coronae : Rex humilis , docilis , scius , & pius , inclytus iste Sollicitè , nitidè , tacitè , placidè ( bone Christe ) Vult servire tibi perficiendo sibi . Ornat mores , spernit flores , lucis avarae Gliscens multum , Christi cultum laetificare , Ecclesiam nimiam nimio studio sabricavit , Haec illaesa manus quae fundamenta locavit . Hic sepringentis annis terra cumulatus , Christi clementis instinctibus inde levatus , Isto sub lapide nunc jacet ipse , vide . Atque domum Christo , quia mundo fecit in isto , Nunc pro mercede coeli requiescit in aede . Respice mortalis , promisso sit tibi talis : Accipies si des , nil capies nisi des ; Es Christo qualis , Christus erit tibi talis . Dapsilis esto sibi , largus eritque tibi . Effectus non affectus , si reddere possis , Debet censeri ; si nihil reddere possis , Tunc bonus affectus pro facto debet haberi . Sicut de lignis per aquam depellitur ignis ; Sic mala commissa fiunt donando remissa . Reddet ad usuram quod quis dat nomine Christi , Nam vitam puram pro parvo dat Deus isti . The fore-named King Sebert died the last day of Iuly , Anno Domini , 619. Whose wife , named Aetheloda , closed up her latest day of life before the said Sebert . viz. the 13. day of September , Anno Domini , 615. And with her husband Sebert ( as already wee have said ) lyeth in this Church , which himself founded , in a Tombe of Lead honourably buried . Vpon the wall by this Tombe , are these Verses painted : Hic Rex Seberte plausus , mihi condita per te Haec loca lustravi , demùm lustrando dicavi . Edward , King of England , for his singular piety numbred among the Confessors , was the Sonne of King Aetheldred . The annuall pension of foure thousand pound , called Dangelt , hee remitted to the English Legates ( as Matth. West . writeth ) He sent to Rome to Pope Damasus , to be absolved of a Vow which hee had promised by a journey to Rome , if he obtained his Paternall Kingdome . which Pope absolving his said Vow , wrote backe unto him , That the Expences prepared for his travaile , hee should bestow upon the poore ; and a Monasterie ( in the honour of Saint Peter ) hee should either newly build , or repaire some old one . The Legates being returned , Vlfinus , sometime a Monke , perswading , and all the Councell of the Kingdome approving , hee repaired Westminster againe . He died Anno 1066. and there lyeth honourably interred in a Marble Tombe , checquered with varietie of beautifull colours , in the middest of the Chappell , with these Verses : Omnibus insignis virtutum laudibus haeres , Sanctus Edwardus Confessor , Rex venerandus , Quinto die Iani moriens Iuper aethera scandit . Sursum Corda . Obiit , Anno Dom. 1065. Editha , Queene of England , Daughter to Goodwine Earle of Kent , and wife to S. Edward , King and Confesser , a woman of singular pietie and modestie , Edward her husband ( as Matthew Westm . avoucheth ) did not move this Edith by marriage rites , to know the manners of men , but whether in hatred to her father , or love to Chastitie hee did it , it remaineth uncertaine . Some doe affirme , that this holy King was not willing to beget any heires , that should succeed him out of a treacherous race . Matilda , Queene of England , Daughter to Malcolme , King of Scots , and wife to King Henry the first , brought unto him children , William , Richard , and Mary , which perished by shipwracke , and Maude Empresse , who was wife to Henry the fift , Caesar Augustus , and Mother to King Henry the second . This Queene ( as Wil. Malmesbury avoweth ) every day in the Lent time went to Westminster , bare-foot and bare-legd , and wearing a garment of haire . She died 1118. and lieth without any Tombe . Henry the third , King of England , &c. Sonne of King Iohn , by Isabell , Daughter to the Earle of Angolesme , a very pious Prince , and most hightly commended for his vertues . In An. 1220. hee began the new worke of the Chappell of our blessed Lady at Westminster , and himselfe layd the first Stone . And in An. 1245. after , the Conventuall Church of B. Peter the greater , he pulled down , and new builded it , and on the day of the Apostles Peter and Paul , he caused it to be fully and decently built and enlarged . He gave also to the said Church very Royall gifts , of Copes , Iewels and rich vessels , that it might equall in riches all the Cisalpine Churches . Hee died , An. 1273. 11. Kalend . Decem. when he had reigned fifty sixe yeares , and eighteene dayes : upon his Tombe are these verses , Tertius Henricus jacet hic , pietatis amicus , Ecclesiam stravit istam , quam post renovavit , Reddet ei munus qui regnat trinus & unus , Tertius Henricus est Templi conditor hujus . Dulce Bellum inexpertis . The Friend of pitie and Almes-deed , Henry the third , whilome of England King , Who this Church brake , and after his meed , Againe renewed into this faire building ; Now resteth here which did so great a thing . He yeelded his meed that Lord of Deity , That as one Godreignes in Persons three . Edward the first , King of England , Duke of Normandy , and Aquitaine , Lord of Ireland , Sonne to King Henry the third , by Eleanor daughter to the Earle of Provence . Hee tooke to wife Eleanor , daughter to Ferdinand the third , King of Castile , and Lyons . He warred with the Scots , won Barwicke , &c. Hee dyed in Anno 1308. and hath this Epitaph on his Tomb. Mors est moesta nimis , magnos quae jungit in imis , Maxima mors minimis , conjungens ultima primis : Nullus in Orbe fuit homo vivens , nec valet esse , Qui non morte ruit ; est hinc exire necesse . Nobilis & fortis , tibi tu confidere noli , Omnia sunt mortis , sibi subdit singula soli . De mundi medio magnum mors impia movit , Anglia prae tedio satis anxia plangere novit : Corruit Edwardus vario veneratus honore , Rex nuper ut Nardus fragrans virtutis odore , Corde Leopardus , invictus & absque pavore , Ad rixam tardus , discretus & eucharis ore , Viribus Armorum quasi Gigas ardua gessit , Colla superborum Prudens per praelia pressit , Inter Flandrenses fortuna sibi bene favit , Vt quoque Wallenses & Scotos suppeditavit , Rex bonus absque pari strenuè sua regna regebat : Quod na tura dare potuit bonitatis habebat , Actio justitiae , pax regni , sanctio legis , Et fuga nequitiae premunt praecordia Regis , Gloria tota ruit , Rege capit haec modo fossa , Rex quandoque fuit , nunc nil nisi pulvis & ossa : Filius ipse Dei quem corde colebat , & ore , Gaudia fecit ei nullo permista dolore . Dum vixit Rex & valuit sua magna potestas , Fraus latuit , Pax magna fuit , regnavit Honestas . Edwardus primus Scotorum malleus hic est . Pactum serva . Death is too dolefull , which doth joyne The highest estate full low ; Which coupleth greatest things with least , And last with first also . No man hath bin in world alive , Nor any may there be ; Which can escape the dint of Death , Needs hence depart must we . O Noble and victorious man , Trust not unto thy strengh ; For all are subject unto Death , And all must hence at length . Most cruell Fate from worldly Stage Hath wrest a worthy wight ; For whom all England mourned lowd . To see his dolefull plight . Edward is dead , which was adorn'd With divers graces here : A King , or fragrant Nardus hight A gracious Princely Peere . In heart the which was Leopard like , Right puissant , voyd of feare . Most slow to strife , discreet and wise , And gracious every where . In Armes , a Gyant fierce and fell , Attempting famous facts : Most prudent , did subdue the proud By feate of Martiall acts : In Flanders , Fortune gave to him , By lot , right good successe : In Wales he wanne ; the Scottish rout With Armes he did suppresse . This King without his like alive Did firmely guide his Land : And what good nature could conceive , He had it plight at hand . He was in Justice , and in Peace Excelling : Laws tooke place , Desire to chase all wicked workes , Did hold this Kings good Grace . He now doth lye entombed here , Which furthered each good thing : Now , nought he is but dust and bones , Which was a worthy King. The very SONNE of GOD , whom erst This King did love right deere : Hath given to him immortall blisse , For his good living here . Otherwise : Whil'st liv'd this King , by him all things Were in most goodly plight : Fraud lay hid , great Peace was kept , And Honestie had might . Eleanor , Queene of England , first wife of Edward the first , the onely daughter to Ferdinand the third , K. of Castile and Lyons , by Ioane his second wife , Heire to Guydo , Earle of Ponthieu . This Earledome of Ponthieu , by right , became devolved to the Kings of England , by the mother to Edward the second , Shee departed this life Anno Domini , 1298. and lyeth at the feete of Henry the third , in a Marble Tombe , having these Verse : Nobilis Hispani jacet hic soror inclyta Regis , Eximii consors Eleanora thori , Edwardi primi Wallorum Principis uxor , Cui Pater Henricus tertius Anglus erat . Hanc ille uxorem gnato petit : omnie Princeps Legati munus suscepit ipse bono . Alfonso fratri placuit felix Hymenaeus , Germanam Edwardo nec sine dote dedit , Dos praeclara fuit , nec tali indigna marito , Pontino Princeps munere dives erat . Femina consilio prudens , pia , prole beata , Auxit amicitiis , auxit honore virum . Disce mori . Queene Eleanor is here interr'd , A worthy Noble Dame : Sister unto the Spanish King , Of Royall bloud and fame . King Edwards wife , first of that name , And Prince of Wales by right ; Whose father Henry , just the third , Was sure an English Wight ; Who crav'd her wife unto his Sonne : The Prince himselfe did goe On that embassage luckily , As chiefe with many moe . This knot of linked marriage , Her brother Alphonse lik'd , And so'tweene Sister and this Prince , The marriage up was strik'd : The Dowry rich and Royall was , For such a Prince most meet ; For Pontine was the marriage gift , A Dowrie rich and great . A Woman both in Counsell wise , Religious , fruitfull , meeke : Who did increase her husbands friends , And larg'd his honour eke . Learne to Dye . Edward the third , King of England , &c. Sonne to Edward the second , by Isabell , daughter to Philip the faire , King of France , a most Martiall man. When the brother by her Mother dyed , no Heires Males being left , and the French pretended their Salique Law , which admitted much lesse the Female Issue to succeed : He denounced warre against them , which very sharpely hee pursued . Callis hee conquered , recovering Aquitaine and Normandy by his forces . Iohn King of France , and David King of Scots hee tooke in warre , and kept them prisoners . The Armes the Title of France hee added to his owne : and when ( like a Triumphant Monarch ) hee had reigned fifty yeares , hee yeelded to the stroke of Death in Ann. 1377. And these verses are annexed by the Tombe . Hic decus Anglorum , flos praeteritorum , Forma futurorum , Rex clemens , pax populorum , Tertius Edwardus : regni complens Iubilaeum , Invictus Pardus , pollens bellis Machabeus ; Prosperè dum vixit regnum pietate revixit , Armipotens rexit : jam Coelo Coelice Rex sit . Tertius Edwardus fama super aethera notus . Pugna pro Patria . In every part of this Tombe , are all the Sonnes and Daughters of this Kings expressed in solid Brasse . On the right side , Edward Prince of Wales ; Ioane of the Tower , given in marriage to the King of Spaine ; Lionel , Duke of Clarence ; Edmund , Duke of Yorke ; Mary , Duchesse of Britaine ; and William of Hatfield . On the left side , Isabell , Lady of Coucy ; William of Windsor ; Iohn Duke of Lancaster ; Blanch , of the Tower of London ; Margaret Countesse of Pembrooke ; and Thomas Duke of Glecester . Of English Kings here lyes the beautifull flower , Of all before passed , and a mirror to them shall shew ; A mercifull King , of peace conservatour ; The third Edward , the death of whom may rue All English men ; for he by Knighthood due Was Libard invict , and by feat Martiall : To worthy Macabe in vertue perregall . The Sword , which this most Potent and warrelike King Edward the third used in warre , is to bee seene by his Tombe , weighing eighteene pound , and seven foote in length . Philip , Queene of England , wife to Edward the third , daughter to William of Bavaria , Earle of Henault , a woman of singular Piety , and a Mother of most Noble Children , dyed Anno Domini , 1369. And lyeth at the feet of Edward her husband , and these Verses annexed : Gulielmi Hannonis soboles posterma Philippa , Hic Roseo quondam pulchra decore jacet . Tertius Edwardus Rex ista conjuge laetus Materno suasu Nobiliumque fuit : Frater Iohannes Comes Mavortius Heros , Huic illam voluit consociare viro. Haec junxit Flandors conjunctio sanguinis Anglis : In Francos venit hinc Gallica dira leus . Dotibus haec raris viguit Regina Philippa , Forma praestanti , Religione , Fide. Foecunda nata est proles numerosa parenti , Insignes peperit magnanimosque Duces , Oxonii posuit studiosis optima Nutrix Regineas aedes , Palladiamque Scholam . Conjux Edwardi jacet Regina Philippa . Disce Vivere . Faire Philip , William Henaults child , And youngest daughter deere ; Of Roseate hue , and beautie bright , In Tombe lyes hilled heere . Edward the third , through Mothers will , And Nobles good consent , Tooke her to wife , and joyfully With her his time he spent . His Brother Iohn , a Martiall man , And eke a valiant Knight , Did linke this woman to this King In bonds of Marriage rite . This Match and Mariage thus in bloud , Did binde the Flemings sure To Englishmen , by which they did The Frenchmens wracke procure . This Philip flowr'd in gifts full rare , And treasures of the mind ; In Beautie bright , Religion , Faith , To all and each most kind . A fruitfull Mother , Philip was Full many a Sonne shee bred : And brought forth many a worthy knight , Hardy , and full of dread : A carefull Nurse to Students all ; At Oxford shee did found Queenes Colledge ; she , Dame Pallas Schoole , That did her fame resound . Learne to live . About this Tombe are round placed the Images of these Princes , and their Armes to expresse them , as in an old Manuscript Booke they were found . At the feet , the King of Navarre , the King of Bohemia , the King of Scotland , the King of Sicily , and the King of Spaine . At the head , Willia Earle of Henault , father to the said Queene ; Iohn , King of France ; Edward the third , King of England , and her Husband , Lodowicke , the Emperor ; and Edward , Prince of Wales , her first begotten Sonne . On the left side of the Tombe , Ione , Queene of Scotland , Iohn of Eltham , Earle of Cornewall ; Ione , Princesse of Wales ; Lionel , Duke of Clarence ; Isabel , Countesse of Bedford ; Iohn , Duke of Lancaster ; Ione , Duchasse of Clarence ; Edmurd , Earle of Cambridge ; Ione , Duchesse of Lancaster , Thomas , Earle of Buckingham . On the right side , the Empresse , mother to the said Queene ; her Brother also , Marcus Duke of Gelderland , Eleanora , Duchesse of Gelderland ; Iohn , Earle of Henault ; Mary Duchesse of Britaine , Lodowicke , Duke of Bavaria ; the Countesse of Prembrooke ; Chorles , Sonne to the King of France , Duke of Brabant . Henry the fifth , King of England , Sonne of Henry the fourth , vanquished the French in many battels , and at length was created Regent of France . He tooke to wife Katharine , daughter to Charles the sixth . He dyed , Anno Dom. 1422. And these verses are fixed there in memory of him . Gallorum mastix jacet hic Henricus in urna . Domat omnia Virtus Pulchrum virumque suum sociat tandem Katharina . O mercifull God , what a Prince was this , Which his short time in martiall Acts spent In honour of conquest , that wonder to me it is , How he might compasse such deeds excellent . And yet for that his minde nothing deten●t , All ghostly counsell for his Soule to provide , Out of this world , ere he fatally should slide . So though I had Tully his eloquence , Or of Seneca the grave moralitie , Or of Salmon the perfect Sapience , Or the sweet Ditties of Dame Calliope ; Yet might I not in Prose or other dittie , Accordingly advance this Prince his fame , Or with due honour to enhaunce the same . Considering his acts , whereof parcell appeare In this rude worke , with many more left out : The time also was lesse than ten yeare , That he so shortly brought all things about , By Divine grace furthered no doubt : That mighty Lord he holpe his ghostly Knight ; With grace and honour to passe this worlds fight . And to have reward double and condigne , And first for Martiall acts by him done . To be advanc'd amongst the worthies nine , And for his vertue us'd by him eftsoone , With many good deeds which he on earth had done . Above the Hierarchies , he is ( I trust ) now stall'd , That was in earth the King of Kings call'd . katharine Valois , Daughter to Charles the sixth , King of France , and wife to Henry the fifth , who ( hee being dead ) tooke in marriage Owen Teudor , borne in Wales , his race descending from King Cadwallader . Of her he begot Edmund Earle of Richmund , Iasper , Duke of Bedford , and another that tooke on him a Monasticall habite at Westminster . She dyed in An. 1437. and was buried by K. Henry 5. Hic Katharina jacet , Francorum filia Regis Haeres & Regni ( Carole Sexte ) tui , Henrici Quinti thalamo bis laeta jugali , Nam sic vir duplici clarus honore fuit : Iure suo Anglorum , Katharinae jure triumphans Francorum obtinuit jus , decus imperii . Grata venit laetis felix Regina Britannis , Perque dies celebrant quatuor ore Deum . Edidit Henricum gemibunda puerpera Regem , Cujus in imperio Francus & Anglus erat , Non sibi nec Regno felici sidere natum , Sed patri & matri Religione parem . Post ex Owneo Tiddero tertia proles , Nobilis Edmundus te Katharina beat : Septimus Henricus quo non praestantior alter , Filius Edmundi , Gemma Britanna fuit : Felix uxor ergo , mater , ter filia felix , Ast Avia haec felix terque quaeterque fuit . Otium fuge . Here lyes Queene Katharine clos'd in grave , The French Kings Daughter faire , And of thy Kingdome ( Charles the sixth , The true undoubted Heire . Twice joyfull wife in marriage matcht To Henry fifth by name : Because , through her , hee nobled was , And shin'd in double Fame . The King of England by descent , And by Queene Katharins right : The Realme of France he did enjoy , Triumphant King of might . A happy Queene to English-men , Shee came right gratefull here : And foure dayes space they honoured God , With mouth and reverend feare . Henry the sixth this Queene brought forth In painefull labour plight : In whose Empire a French-man was , And eke an English wight . Vnder no lucky Planet borne Vnto himselfe nor Throne : But equall with his Parents both , In pure Religion . Of Owen Tedder after this , The next Sonne Edmund was , O Katharine , a renowned Prince , That did in glory passe . Henry the seventh , a Britaine Pearle , A Gemme of Englands joy : A peerelesse Prince was Edmunds Sonne A good and gratious Roy : Therefore a happy wife this was , A happy mother pure : Thrice happy Child , but Grandame she , More than thrice happy sure . RICHARD the second , of England and France King , Lord of Ireland , Sonne to Edward Prince of Wales , by Ioane Daughter to the Earle of Kent . Hee made new the hall at Westminster , and when hee had reigned 22. years , Anno dom . 1399. he was bereaved of his kingdome , by Henry of Lancaster ( and not long after ) murdered , and buried at Langley among the Dominicans . Afterward , An. 1414. ( as Thomas Walsingham saith ) his body was brought to Westminster , and layd in a Royal Tombe , builded of gilded brasse , at the great charges of King Henry the fift , with theseverses added : Prudens & mundus Richardus , jure Secundus , Per Fatum victus , jacet his sub marmore pictus , Verax sermone fuit & plenus ratione : Corpore procerus , animo prudens ut Homerus : Ecclesiae favit , elatos suppeditavit , Quemvis prostravit regalia qui violavit . Obruit haereticos , & eorum stravit amicos : o clemens Christe , tibi devotus fuit iste , Votis Baptistae salves quem protulit iste . His jacet immiti consumptus morte Richardus . Fuisse Felicem miserrimum . Perfect and prrudent Richard , by right the second , Vanquished by Fortune , Iyes here now graven in stone : True of his word , and thereto well resound , Seemely in person , and like to Homer , as one , In worldly prudence , and ever the Church in one Vpheld and favoured , and casting the proud to ground , And all that would his royall estate confound . Anne , Queene of England , first wife to Richard the Second , Daughter to Wenceslaus , King of Bohemia , and Emperor of the Germanes , dyed in Anno 1394. and at Westminster is buricd , having this Epitaph . Sub petralata nunc Anna jacet tumulata , Dum vixit mundo Richardo nupta secundo , Christo devota fuit haec , facilis bene nota , Pauperibus prona semper sua reddere dona . Iurgia sedavit , & praegnantes relevavit . Corpore formosa , vultu miti speciosa , Praebens solamen , viduis , aegris medicamen . Anno milleno , ter centum quarto nonageno , Iulii septeno mensis migravit amoeno . Hoc jacet Anna loco Britonum redimita corona , Cui vir Richardus jure secundus erat : Cui pater illustris , gnata , generó que superbus , Romaeter felix , induperator erat . Winceslaus illam magna comitante caterva , Londinum misit laetus euānsque pater : Cujus in adventu ludi , spectacula fiunt , Regali pompa regia virgo venit . Sed bona sunt hominum tenni pendentia filo Reges , Reginas mors capit , omne rapit . Haec Regina fuit magna de stripe Quiritum , Omnibus illa fuit femina chara viris . Larga , coloratis virtutum splendida gemmis : Nunquam laeta parens , nam sine prole jacet . Forma fragilis . Queene Anne , Richard the Seconds wife , Lyeth buried in this place : Adorned with the Britaines Crowne , With whom shee found much grace . Whose Noble Sire , of Daughter proud , Of Sonne in Law , full glad : Of Rome , thrice happy Emperour was And that large Empire had . Winceslaus so call'd by name , Who thus in joyfull plight , Sent her to London , guarded well , With valiant men of might . Against whose comming Playes were made , And sights and shewes were seene : With Princely pompe to gratifie This Noble Virgin Queene . But all mens treasures last not long , They hang but on a twine Or slender threed : Death , Kings and Queenes Doth all catch up in fine . This Queene was of the Royall race Of Romans by descent : Of all belov'd , most deare to most , In honour relucent . Full liberall and bountifull , Adorn'd with vertues rare : No child shee had , but issuelesse , She lyes without such care . Margaret , daughter and fifth child to Edward the fourth , King of England , and France , and Lord of Ireland , and Lady Elizabeth his royall Queene and wife , was borne the 19. day of April , Anno Dom. 1472. and dyed the 11. day of December . Nobibitas & forma , decorque , tenella juventus In simul hîc ista mortis sunt condita cistâ , Vt genus & nomen , sexum , tempus quoque mortis Noscas , cuncta tibi manefestat margo sepulchri . Thomas of Woodstocke , Duke of Glocester , sixth Sonne to King Edward the third , a man of great Nobility and authority ; whom King Richard the second , his Nephew , suddenly and forcibly tooke and sent to Callis , where endighted upon a capitall cause , hee was beheaded , Anno Dom. 1397. Ecce , nunc in pulvere dormio . Henry , sonne to Richard , King of the Romans , and Earle of Cornewall , returning from the Holy Land , while he was hearing Masse at Viterbium in Italy , by Simon and Guydo , sonnes to Simon Mountfort , Earle of Leicester : He was slaine in Anno 1269. His body lyes buried in the Monasterie of Hailes : Math. Westmonast . Elizabeth , daughter to King Henry the seventh , is buried in a Tombe of blacke Marble , having also this Inscription . Elizabetha , illustrissimi Regis Angliae , Franciae , & Hiberniae , Henrici Septimi , & Dominae Elizabethae Reginae serenissimae confortis suae filia & secunda proles , quae nata fuit secundo die mensis Iulii , Anno Dom. 1492. & obiit decimo quarto die mensis Novembris , An. Dom. 1495. Cujus animae propitietur Deus . Hîc post fata jacet proles Regalis in isto Sarcophago , juvenis , Nobilis Elizabeth , Princeps illustris , Henr. Sept. filia Regis , Qui bini Regni florida Sceptra tenet . Atropos hanc rapuit saevissima nunci a mortis , Sit super in Coelo vita perennis ei . The Chaire of the Kings of Scotland . King Edward the first , having subdued the Scots in An. 1297. triumphantly returned , with the Scepter and Crowne of the Kings of Scots , as also the Chaire , wherein those Kings used to be crowned , bringing it into the Church of Westminster : which Chaire as yet remaineth in the Royall Chappell , with Iacobs Stone , as they callit , placed in it . Siquid habent veri vel Chronica cana fidusve , Clauditur hac cathedra nobilis ecce lapis . Ad caput eximius Iacob cuondam Patriarcha , Quem posuit cernens numina mira poli ; Quem tulit ex Scotis spolium quasi victor honoris , Edwardus primus , Mars velut armipotens , Scotorum domitor , noster validissimus Hector , Anglorum decus , & gloria Militiae . In the great and Kingly Chappell of King HENRY the seventh . Henry the seventh , King of England , France , and Lord of Ireland , the first begotten Sonne of Edmund , Earle of Richmund , by Margaret , daughter and heire to Iohn , Duke of Somerset : When hee had justly deprived ( both of Crowne and life ) Richard the third at Bosworth : Hee was enstalled in the Kingdome in An. 1485. and before hee was 23. yeeres aged , hee qualified the loud and grievous garboyles , betweene the Families of Lancaster and Yorke , resting in the Lord , Anno 1509. And in this magnificent Chappell , which hee himselfe builded , with Elizabeth his Queene and wife : Hee lyeth in a most glorious Tombe of solid Brasse , compossed about with these verses : Septimus Henricus Tumulo requiescit in isto , Qui Regum splendor , lumen & orbis erat . Rex vigil , & sapiens , comis , virtutis amator , Egregius formae , strenous atque potens . Qui peperit pacem regno , qui bella peregit Plurima , qui victor semper ab hoste redit . Qui naras binis conjunxit Regibus ambas , Regibus & cunctis foedere junctus erat . Qui sacrum hoc struxit Templum , statuitque sepulchrum , Pro se , próque sua conjuge , prole , domo . Lustra decem , atque annos tres plus compleverat annis , Nam tribus octenis Regia Sceptra tulit . Quindecies Domini centenus fluxerat annus , Currebat nonus , cùm venit atra dies . Septim●●termensis lux t● cot● . fulgebat Aprilis , Cum claūlit summum tanta corona diem . Nulla dedêre prius tantum tibi saecula Regem Anglia , vix similem posteriora dabunt . On the other side , under the Queenes Image . Hic jacet Regina Elizabetha , Edwardi Quarti quondam Regis filia ; Edwardi Quinti Regis quondam nominati Soror ; Henrici Septimi olim Regis Conjux ; atque Henrici octavi Regis mater inclyta . Obiit autem suum diem in Turre Londoniarum die 11. Feb. Anno Domini , 1502. 37. Annorum aetate functa . Edward the sixt , King of England , France , and Ireland , &c. Sonne to King Henry the eight by Iane Seymour , was crowned King the 28. day of Ianuary , 1546. Hee dyed ( over-soone ) in his younger yeeres the 6. day of Iuly , 1553. and lyeth under the Brasse richly gilded Altar , most curiously wrought with good workemanship . Mary , Queen of England , France and Ireland , Daughter to King Henry the eighth , by Katharine , Daughter to Ferdinand , King of Spaine , suceeded her Brother Edward , An. 1553. The Romish Religion , which her Father and Brother had expelled , she againe restored , marrying with Philip , King of Spaine : And died when she had reigned 5. yeeres , 1558. Elizabeth , Queen of England , France and Ireland , Daughter to King Henry the eight , by his second wife Anne Bullen , and Sister to Mary ; succeeded her in Anno 1558. She was a most potent Princesse , and ( for all vertues ) to bee compared with the greatest Kings or Queenes whatsoever . Having reigned 44. yeeres , foure Moneths , and eight dayes in highest glory ( to forraigne admiration , and love of her owne people , England , acknowledging her rather a Mother than a commander ) she yeelded her Soule to Christ both piously and contentedly , the 24. day of March , Anno Domini . 1602. Memoriae Sacrum . Religione ad primaeuam sinceritatem restaurata , Pace fundata , Moneta ad justum volorem reducta , Rebellione domestica vindicata , Gallia malis intestinis praecipiti sublevata , Belgio sustentato , Hispanica classe profligata , Hibernia pulsis Hispanis , & Rebellibus ad deditionem coactis pacata , Redditibus utriusque Academiae lege annonaria plurimum adauctib . Tota denique Anglia Ditata , Prudentissimèque annos XLV . administrata ; Elizabetha Regina victrix , triumphatrix , pietatis studiosissima , felicissima , placida morte septuagenaria soluta , mortales reliquias dum Christo jubente resurgant immortales , in hac Ecclesia celeberrima ab ipsa conservata , & denuò fundata , deposuio . Obiit 24. Martii , Anno salutis , MDCII . Regni XLV . Aetatis LXX . Vpon the remove of her body from Richmond ( where she dyed ) to White Hall , by water , these lines were written . The Queene was brought by water to White Hall , At every stroke the Oares teares let fall . More clung about the Barge , Bish under water Wept out their eyes of Pearle , and swom blind after : I thinke the Barge-men might with easier thighes , Have row'd her thither in her peoples eyes , For howsoever , thus much my thoughts have scann'd , Sh 'ad come by water , had she come by land . Sophia , daughter to IAMES , King of great Britaine , borne at Greenwich , the 22. day of Iune , 1606. the 3. day after ended her life , and is buried in the same Chappell , where the Queenes , Mary and Elizabeth do rest in the Lord. Margaret , Countesse of Richmond and Darby , daughter , and only Heyre to Iohn , Duke of Somerset , by Margaret , daughter to the Lord Bellocampe , or Beauchampe of Powicke : first married to Edmund the Son of Owen Tedder , who begate Henry the 7. King of England ; and afterward , to Thomas Stanley , Earle of Darby : Two Colledges ( namely , of Christ , and Saint Iohn Baptist ) she erected for Students in Cambridge . She instituted also two divinity Lectures , one at Cambridge , and the other at Oxford , &c. This Epitaph was made for her . Aspirate meis Elegis pia turma sororum , Et Margaretam collacrimate piam . Haec sub mole latet Regis celeberrima mater Henrici magni , quem locus iste fovet , Quem locus iste sacer celebri celebrat Polyandro , Illius ingenitrix hac tumulatur humo . Cui cedat Tanaquil ( Titus hanc super astra reportet ) Cedat Penelope charus Vlyssis amor ; Haec Abigail , velut Hester erat pietate secunda , En tres jam proceres nobilitate pares : Pro Domina precor implora , pro Principe tanta Flecte Deum precibus qui legis hos aspices . Plura referre piget , calamus corpore rigescit , Dormit Moecenas , negligitur probitas : Nec juvat aut modicum prodest nunc ultima versu Fata recensere ( mortua mors reor est ) Quaeris quid decus est ? decus est modo dicier hircus : Cedit honos hirco , cedit honorque capro . Falleris ipse Charon , iterum surrexit Abyron , Et Stygios remos despicit ille tuos . 〈◊〉 Vivitur ex voto , mentis praecordia tangunt Nulla sepulchra Ducum , nec monumenta patrum , Non Regum , non ulla hominum labentia fato Tempora , nec toties mortua turba ruens . Hinc statuo certè periturae parcere chartae , Seu Iuvenalis ovat eximius Satyrus . Margaret , Countesse , of Levenox , daughter to Archibald Dowglasse , Earle of Angus , by Margaret , Queen Dowager of Scotland , daughter to Henry the seventh , King of England ; wife also to Mathew Stuart , Earle of Levenox , to whom she brought Henry , Lord of Darnly , father to Iames the sixth , King of Scotland , Charles , Earle of Levenox , and other children that died in their younger yeers . Shee departed this life the 10. day of March , Anno Domini , 1577. and hath this Epitaph : Heere lyeth the Noble Lady Margaret , Countesse of Levenox , daughter and sole heire of Archibald , Earle of Angus , by Margaret Queene of Scots his wife , that was eldest daughter to K. Henry the 7. who bare unto Mathew , Earle of Levenox her husband , foure sons , and foure daughters . This Lady had to her great Grandfather , King Edward the fourth ; to her Grandfather , King Henry the seventh ; to her Vncle , King Henry the eight ; to her Cousin Germane , King Edward the sixt , to her Brother King Iames , of Scotland the fifth , to her Sonne , King Henry the first ; and to her Grandchild , King Iames the sixth . Having to her great Grandmother , and Grandmother , two Queens , both named Elizabeth ; to her Mother , Margaret Queene of Scots ; to her Aunt , Mary , the French Queene ; to her Cousins Germanes , Mary and Elizabeth , Queenes of England ; to her Niece and Daughter in law , Mary , Queene of Scots . Henry , second sonne to this Lady , was King of Scots , and father to Iames the sixth , now King. This Henry was murdered at the age of 21. yeeres : Charles her youngest Sonne , was Earle of Levenox , father to the Lady Arbella , hee dyed at the age of 21. yeeres , and is here entombed . Charles his Sonne , and Earle of Levenox , who tooke in marriage the daughter of William Cavendish , Knight , and had Arbella to his onely daughter , dyed in Anno 1576. Henry , first Sonne to King Henry the 8. by Queene Katharine of Spaine , lyeth buried at the doore of the Royall Chappell . Queene Anne , wife to King Richard the third , daughter to Richard Nevil , Earle of Warwicke , dyed in Anno Domini , 1484. not without suspicion of poysoning . Anne of Cleve , Sister to William , Duke of Cleve , and Gulich , whom King Henry the eighth repudiated , when he tooke to wife Katharine Howard , died in Anno 1557. and lyeth buried at the head of King Sebert . Anne of Somerset , wife to the most Noble Prince Edward , Duke of Somerset , and the daughter to Sir Edward Stanhop , Knight , by his wife Elizabeth , daughter to Fulke Bourchier , Lord Fitzwaren , died the 16. of the Calends of May , Anno 1580. &c. with this inscription on her Tombe : Heere lyeth intombed the Noble Duchesse of Somerset , Anne , Spouse unto that renowned Prince Edward , Duke of Somerset , Earle of Hertford , Vicount Beauchamp , and Baron Seymour , Companion of the most famous Knightly Order of the Garter , vncle to King Edward the sixth , Governour of his Royall Person , and most worthy Protector of all his Realmes , Dominions , and Subjects ; Lieutenant Generall of all his Armies , Treasurer and Earle Marshall of England , Governour and Captaine of the Isles of Garnesey & Iersey . Vnder whose prosperous Conduct , glorious Victorie hath beene so often and so fortunately obtained at Edenborough , Leith , and Muscleborough field . A Princesse descended of Noble Linage , being daughter to the worthie Knight , Sir Edward Stanhop , by Elizabeth his wife , that was daughter to Sir Foulke Bourchier , Lord Fitzwaren , from whom our Moderne Earles of Bathe are sprung . Sonne hee was to William , Lord Fitzwaren , that was Brother to Henry Earle of Essex , and Iohn Lord Berners , whom William their Sire ( sometime Earle of Ewe in Normandie ) begate on Anne , the sole heire of Thomas of Woodstocke , Duke of Glocester , younger Sonne to the mightie Prince , King Edward the third , and of his Wife Eleanora , coheire unto the tenth Humphrey de Bohun , that was Earle of Hereford , Essex , and Northampton , High Constable of England . Many children bare this Lady unto her Lord of either sort , to wit , Edward Earle of Hertford , Henry , and younger Edward ; Anne , Countesse of Warwicke , Margaret , Iane , Mary , Katharine , and Elizabeth : And with firme faith in Christ , and in a most mild manner , rendred she this life at 90. yeeres of age , on Easter day , the 16. of April , Anno , 1587. The Earle of Hertford , Edward , her eldest sonne , in this dolefull dutie carefull and diligent , doth consecrate this Monument to his deare Parent : not for her Honour , wherewith ( living ) she did abound , and now departed , flourisheth ; but , for the dutifull love he beareth her , and for his last testification thereof . Lady Wenefrid , Marchionesse of Winchester , sprung of the worthy Family of Bruges , who first married with Richard Sacvile , Knight , and Chancellor of the Exchequer : by her he had Thomas , Lord Buckhurst , and the Lady Dacres of the South , beside other children . Afterward , she married with Iohn Powlet , Marquesse of Winchester , and at length , well in yeeres , and a Widdow , died , Anno Domini , 1586. Hic jacet in tumulo clarissima femina , primùm Fortunata bonis clarisque Parentibus : illi Sollicitè aetatem tenerae flexêre puellae Ad studium verae virtutis , & optima facta , Externo addentes internum lumen honori , Pòst adolescentis feliciter extitit aetas : Cum matura , viro veteri de stemmate nupsit , Qui genus à proavis longè ante Trophaea Guilielmi Normanasque acies , patria de gente trahebat : Quocum jucundè transegit tempora vitae , Donec mors illum rapuit : post fata mariti Moesta diu vitam tenebris luctuque trahebat . Sed melior tandem viduam fortuna revisit , Nobilitate potens ubi Marchio amabilis illam Connubio accepit firmo propriaroque dicavit : At nunc ter felix transcendit spiritus astra , Cumque suo regnat , coluit quem ante omnia , Christo . Anne , Countesse of Oxenford , Daughter to William Cecill , Baron of Bourghley , with Mildred her Mother , in one Sepulcher , with Magnificent Collumnes of Porphyrie and let Stone , 24. foot in height , lie buried together , which the said Baron of Bourghley caused to be there erected . Elizabeth Cecill , Daughter of William Brooke , Baron Cobham , the wife dearely affected of Robert Cecill , Knight , one of the Privie Councell to the illustrious Queene Elizabeth , upon her Tombe hath these Dialogue Verses : 1591. Vxor. Regina a Cameris , Baronis filia , chari Fida Equitis conjux Elizabetha fui : Vnus amor nobis , una indivulsa voluntas , Cor unum , una fides inviolata fuit : Ille mei si quando potest deponere curam , Ille potest animae non memor esse suae . Maritus . Si lachrimis constaret amor ( charissima conjux ) Prosequere lachrimis funera saepe tua . Nam mihi quàm fueris redamata , tuum pia sponsa Testatur meritum , conscius ipse mihi : Sed nec amor patitur socia regnante dolere , Et Christi major te sibi strinxit amor . Ergo tuo dilecta bono cum pace fruare : Spero mihi tecum portio pacis erit . A Brooke by name , the Baron Cobhams child , A Newton was she by her Mothers side : Cecill her husband this for her did build , To prove his love did after death abide : Which tels unto the world that after come , The worlds conceit whilst heere she held a roome : How nature made her wise and well beseeming , Wit and condition , silent , true and chaste : Her vertues rare wan her much esteeming , In Court with Soveraigne still with favour grac'd . Earth could not yeeld more pleasing earthly blisse , Blest with two Babes , the third brought her to this . William of Windsore , Sonne of King Edward the third , so called , because he was borne at Windsore with his Sister , named Blanch of the Tower , because in the Tower of London her Mother was delivered of her , lye both together under a Marble Tombe . Iohn of Eltham , Earle of Cornewall , second Sonne to King Edward the second , by Isabel , daughter to Philip le Bel , King of France : his Tombe of Alabaster is on the left hand the dore , without any inscription . Frances , Dutchesse of Suffolke , daughter to Charles Brandon , Duke of Suffolke , and Mary , Queene of France , daughter to King Henry the seventh . She was first married to Henry Gray , Marquesse Dorset , who was created Duke of Suffolke by King Edward the sixth : And after to Adrian Stokes , Esquire , who raised this Alabaster Monument to her living remembrance . Anno. 1563. Nil decus aut splendor , nil regia nomina prosunt , Splendida divitiis nil juvat ampla domus . Omnia fluxerunt , virtutis sola remansit Gloria , Tartareis non abolenda rogis : Nupta Duci priùs est , uxor pòst Armigeri Stokes , Funere nunc valeas consociata Deo. The noble Lady Iane Seimour , daughter to the renowned Prince Edward , Duke of Sommerset , Earle of Hertford , Vicount Beauchamp , Baron Seymour ; And to the right noble Lady Anne , Duchesse of Sommerset his wife , departed this life in her Virginitie , at the age of 19. yeeres , the 19. of March , Anno. 1560. in the second yeere of the most happy reigne of Queene Elizabeth-Edward , Earle of Hertford , and Baron Beauchampe , her deare brother , caused this Monument to be made in her memorie : Ingenio praestans , & vultu Iana decore , Nobilis arte fuit vocis , & arte manus . Hinc Venus & Pallas certant utra debet babere : Vult Venus esse suam , Pallas & esse suam : Mors vero in virgineo figens in pectore telum : Neutrius ( inquit ) erït , sed mihi praeda jacet . Corpore Iana jacet , tellurem terra subibit , Sed pius in Coeli spiritus arce sedet . The Right Honourable Lady Katharine Knowles , chiefe Lady of the Queenes Majesties Bed-chamber , and wife to Sir Francis Knowles , Knight , Treasurer of her Highnesse houshold , departed this life the 15. day of Ianuary , 1568. at Hampton Court , and was honorably buried in the floore of this Chappell . This Lady Knowles , and the Lord Hunsdon her brother , were the children of William Carey , Esquire , & of the Lady Mary his wife , one of the Daughters and heires of Thomas Bullen , Earle of Wiltshire and Ormond : which Lady Mary was Sister to Anne , Queen of England , wife to King , Henry the eight , Father and Mother to Elizabeth , Queene of England . Quae Francisce fuit tibi conjux en Katharina , Mortua sub gelido marmore Knolle jacet . Excidet ex animo tibi mortua , sat scio nunquam , Viva tibi vivo semper amata fuit . Illa tibi proles sex & bis quinque Marito Protulit , aequalis foemina masque fuit , Haec tecum multos utinam vixisset in annos , Et tua nunc conjux facta fuisset anus : Noluit at Deus , hoc voluit sed sponsa maritum In Coelis maneas , ô Katharina , tuum . Heere lyeth entombed the noble Frances , Countesse of Hertford , deare spouse unto the noble Edward , Earle of Hertford , and Baron Beauchampe , Sonne of the renowned Prince Edward , Duke of Sommerset , Earle of Hertford , Vicount Beauchampe , and Baron Seymour . A Lady descended of right noble linage , being daughter of the noble Lord William , Baron Howard of Effingham , companion of the most famous order of the Garter , High Admirall to Queene Mary , and Lord Chamberlaine of the houshold , and Lord Privie Seale to Queene Elizabeth . Sonne was hee to the right noble Prince Thomas , Duke of Norfolke , and Earle of Surrey , Earle Marshall of England , &c. This Lady , highly Renowned for her many vertuous gifts and graces both of mind and body , greatly favoured by her gracious Soveraigne , and dearely beloved of her Lord , after long sickenes , in firme faith in Christ , and constant patience , departed this life at 44. yeeres of age , the 24. day of May , An. 1598. in the 40. yeere of the most happy reigne of our most gracious Soveraigne Lady Queene Elizabeth . To whose memory , the said Earle her loving Lord and husband , much lamenting her death , in testification of his great love towards her , and of his carefull diligence in this dolefull dutie , doth consecrate this Monument . Foy Pour Devoir . Desir N'a Repos . Heere lyeth the most honorable Lady Frances , sometimes Countesse of Sussex , daughter to Sir William Sidney of Pensehurst , Knight , wife and Widdow to that most noble , most wise , and most Martiall Gent. Thomas Ratcliffe , Earle of Sussex . A woman while she lived , adorned with many and most rare gifts , both of mind and body ; towards God truely and zealously religious , to her friends and kinsfolkes most liberall ; to the poore prisoners , to the Ministers of the Word of God alwayes most charitable . By her last will and Testament , shee instituted a Divinitie Lecture , to bee read in this Collegiate Church . And by the same her testament , gave also 5000. pound , towards the building of a new Colledge in the Vniversitie of Cambridge , with sufficient yeerely revenue , for the continuall maintenance of one Master , tenne Fellowes , and 20. Schollers , either in the same Colledge , or else in another house in the said Vniversitie already builded , commonly called Clare Hall. She lived 58. yeeres , and died the ninth of March , and was buried the 15. day of April , 1589. Misericordia & Charitate . Beati mortui qui Domino moriuntur . Omnia plena malis , fert Deus unus opem , Veni Domine Iesu , veni cite . Pietate & Prudentia . Fide conjugali . Henry Carey , Baron of Hunsdon , Lord Chamberlaine of the houshold to Q. Elizabeth , and allied to her in blood , Lord Governor , or Commander of the Towne of Barwicke , Knight of the noble Order of the Garter , and one of her Majesties most Honorable Privie Councell , died in Anno , 1596. Sepulturae familiae de Hunsdon Consecratum . In Domine hîc obdormit Henricus Carey , Baro de Hunsdon , villae Berwici limitisque tam orientalis quàm medii versus Scotiam olim Praefectus : Pentionarorum Generosorum Capitaneus ; Forestarum cis Trentam Iusticiarius summus ; Garteriani ordinis Eques Auratus ; Dominae Reginae Camerarius ; a sacris Consiliis , eidemque consobrinus . Vnà cum illo conditur uxor charissima , filia Thomae Morgan Equitis aurati , quae plures illi liberos peperit , è quibus sunt superstites , Georgius , Iohannes , Edmundus , Robertus , equites aurati : Catharina , Comitissa Nottinghamiae , Philadelphe , Baronissa Scroope , & Margareta , Domina Hoby . Obiit 23. Iulii , 1596. Aetatis LXXI . Patri optimo Georgius Carey filius , Baro de Hunsdon , ordinis Garterii Socius , Vectae Insulae Praefectus , Reginae Elizabethae Camerarius , & à sacris consiliis : Maritoque charissimo Anna uxor , honoris & memoriae ergô sibique & suis mortalitatis memores posuerunt . In Australi plaga Ecclesiae . Galfridus Chaucer , Poëta celeberrimus , qui primus Anglicam Poësin ita illustravit , ut Anglicus Homerus habeatur . Obiit 1400. Anno vero 1555. Nicholaus Brigham , Musarum nomine hujus ossa transtulit , & illi novum tumulum ex marmore , his versibus inscriptis posuit : Qui fuit Anglorum Vates ter maximus olim , Galfridus Chaucer , conditur hoc tumulo . Annum si quaeras Domini , si tempora mortis ; Ecce notae subsunt , quae tibi cuncta notant . 25. Octobris , 1400. Aerumnarum requies , Mors. N. Brigham hos fecit Musarum nomine sumptus . Si rogitas quis fueram , forsan te fama docebit : Quod si fama neget , mundi quia gloria transit , Haec Monumenta lege . The works of this famous Poet Geffrey Chaucer , were partly published in Print by VVilliam Caxton , Mercer , that first brought the incomparable Art of Printing into England ; which was in the reigne of King , Henry the sixt : Afterward , increased by Master VVilliam Thinne , Esquire , in the reigne of King Henry the eight . Since then , corrected and twice encreased through mine own painefull labours , in the reigne of Queene Elizabeth , to wit , in the yeere , 1561. And againe , beautified with divers ample notes , by mee collected out of sundry Records and Monuments , which I delivered to my loving and learned friend , Master Thomas Speight . And he ( having drawne them into a good forme and methode , as also , explained most of the old and obscure words ) published the same worke againe , in Anno , 1597. Edmundus Spencer , Londinensis , Anglicorum Poetarum nostri saeculi facilè Princeps , quod ejus Poemata , faventibus Musis , & victuro genio conscripta comprobant . Obiit immatura morte , Anno salutis , 1598. & prope Galfridum Chaucerum conditur , qui felicissimè poesin Anglicis literis primus illustravit . In quem haec scripta sunt Epitaphia . Hic prope Chaucerum situs est Spenserius , illi Proximus ingenio , proximus ut tumulo . Hic prope Chaucerum Spensere Poeta poetam Conderis , & versu , quàm tumulo proprior , Anglica te vivo vixit , plausitque Poesis ; Nunc moritura timet , te moriente , mori . Mary , Queene of Scots , and Dowager of France , her body was translated from Peterborough to Westminster , and on her Tombe are these inscriptions : D. O. M. Mariae Stuartae , Scotorum Reginae , Franciae Dotariae , Iacobi V. Scotorum Regis Filiae , & haeredis unicae Henrici VII . Ang. Regis ex Margareta majori natu filia ( Iacobo IIII. Regi Scotorum matrimonio copulata ) proneptis , Edwardi IIII. Angliae Regis ex Elizabetha filiarum natu maxima abneptis , Francisci II. Gallorum Regis conjugis , Cornae Angliae , dum vixit , certae & indubitatae haeredis , & Iacobi Magnae Britanniae Monarchae potentissimi Matris . Stripe verè regia & antiquissima prognata erat , maximis totius Europe Principibus agnatione & cognatione conjuncta , & exquisitissimis animi & corporis dotibus & ornamentis cumulatissima . Verùm ut sunt variae rerum humanarum vices , postquam annos plus minus viginti in custodia detenta , fortiter & strenuè ( sed frustrà cum malevolorum obtrectationibus , timidorum suspicionibus ▪ & inimicorum capitalium insidiis conflictata esset , tandem inaudito & infesto Regibus exemplo securi percutitur . Et contempto mundo , devicta morte , lassato carnifice , Christo Servatori animae salutem , Iacobo filio spem regni & posteritatis , & universis caedis infaustae spectatoribus exemplum patientiae cōmendans , piè , & intrepidè cervicem Regiam securi maledictae subjecit , & vitae caducae sortem cum coelestis regni perennitate commutavit . Vlt. Idus Februaril . Anno Christi , MDLXXXVII . Aetatis , XXXXVI . Obruta frugifero sensim sic cespice surgunt Semnia , per multos quae latuere dies . Sanguine sancivit foedus cum plebe Iehova , Sanguine placabant numina sancta patres : Sanguine conspersi quos praeterit ira Penates ; Sanguine signata est quae modò credit humus . Parce Deus , satis est , infandos siste dolores , Inter funestos pervolet illa dies . Sit Reges mactare nefas , ut sanguine posthac Purpureo nunquam terra Britanna fluat . Exemplum pereat caesae cum vulnere Christae ; Inque malum praeceps author & actor eat . Si meliore sui post mortem parte triumphet , Carnifices sileant , tormina , claustra , cruces . Quem dederant cursum superi Regina peregit : Tempora laeta Deus , tempora dura dedit . Edidit eximium fato properante Iacobum ; Quem Pallas , Musae , Delia fata colunt . Magna viro , major natu , sed maxima partu , Conditur hic regum filia , sponsa , parens . Det Deus ut nati & qui nascentur ab illa Aeternos videant hinc sine nube dies . Although that famous and worthie HENRY , eldest Sonne to our deare Soveraigne Lord King IAMES , hath ( as yet ) no Tombe or Monument made for him there in Westminster , but liveth still in the love and memory of all true English hearts : yet this excellent Epitaph was purposely made for him . Reader , wonder thinke it none , To heare me sp●ake , that am a Stone . Heere is shrin'd Celestiall dust , And I keepe it but in trust ; Should I not my Treasure tell , VVonder then thou might'st as well , How this stone could chuse but breake , If it had not learn'd to speake . Hence amaz'd , and aske not me , VVhos 's these Sacred Ashes be . Purposely it is conceal'd , For , if that should be reveal'd , All that reade , would by and by Melt themselves to teares and dye . Another . Within this Marble Casket lyes , A matchlesse Iewell of rich price , Which Nature ( in the worlds disdaine ) But shew'd , and then shut up againe . This Church hath had great priviledge of Sanctuarie within the precinct thereof ; to wit , the Church , Church-yard and Close , &c. from whence it hath not beene lawfull for any Prince or other , to take any person that fled thither for any cause . Which priviledge was first granted by Sebert , King of the East Saxons ; since increased by Edgar , King of the West Saxons ; renewed and confirmed by King Edward the Confessor , as appeareth by this his Charter following : Edward , by the grace of God , King of Englishmen : I make it to bee knowne to all generations of the world after me , that by especiall commandement of our holy Father Pope Leo , I have renewed , and honoured the holy Church of the blessed Apostle , Saint Peter of Westminster , and I order and establish for ever , that what person , of what condition or estate soever he be , from whencesoever he come , or for what offence or cause it bee , either for his refuge into the said holy place , he be assured of his life , liberty and limbs . And over this , I forbid ( under the paine of everlasting damnation ) that no Minister of mine , or of my Successors , intermeddle them with any the goods , lands or possessions of the said persons , taking the said Sanctuary : for I have taken their goods and livelode into my speciall protection ; and therfore I grant to every each of thē ( in as much as my terrestriall power may suffice ) all manner freedome of joyous liberty , & whosoever presumes or doth contrary to this my grant ; I will he lose his name , worship , dignity and power , & that with the great traytor Iudas , that betrayed our Saviour , he be in the everlasting fire of hell . And I will and ordaine , that this my grant endure as long , as there remayneth in England either love or dread of Christian name . More of this Sanctuary ye may read in our Histories , and also in the Statute of Henry the eighth the 32. yeere . The Parish Church of Saint Margaret , sometime within the Abbey , was by Edward the Confessor removed , and builded without , for ease of the Monks . This Church continued till the dayes of Edward the first , at what time the Merchants of the Staple , and Parishioners of Westminster builded it all of new , the great Chancell excepted , which was builded by the Abbots of Westminster , and this remaineth now a faire Parish Church , though sometime in danger of downe pulling . In the South I le of this Church , is a faire Marble Monument of Dame Mary Billing , the heyre of Robert Nesenham of Conington , in Huntington shire , first married to William Coton , to whose Issue her inheritance alone descended , remaining with Robert Cot●o at this day , heyre of her & her first husbands family . Her second husband was Sir Thomas Billing , Chiefe Iustice of England ; and her last , whom likewise she buried , was Thomas Lacy , erecting this Monument to the memorie of her three husbands , with whose Armes shee hath garnished it , and for her owne buriall , wherein she was interred in the yeere 1499. Next to this famous Monastery , is the Kings principall Palace , of what Antiquity it is uncertaine : but Edward the Confessor held his Court there , as may appeare by the testimonie of sundry ; and namely , of Ingulphus , as I have before told you . The said King had his Palace , and for the most remained there : where hee also ended his life , and was buried in the Monastery which he had builded . It is not to be doubted , but that K. William the first , as he was crowned there , so he builded much at this Palace , for he found it farre inferiour to the building of Princely Palaces in France . And it is manifest by the testimonie of many Authors , that William Rufus , builded the great Hall there , about the yeere of Christ , 1097. Amongst others , Roger of Windover and Mathew Paris , doe write , that K. VVilliam ( being returned out of Normandy into England ) kept his feast of Whitsontide very royally at Westminster in the new hall which he had lately builded , the length whereof ( say some ) was 270. foote , and seventy foure foot in bredth . And when he heard men say , that this Hall was too great , hee answered and said : This Hall is not bigge enough by the one halfe , and is but a Bedde-chamber , in comparison of that I meane to make . A diligent searcher ( saith Mathew Paris ) might find out the foundation of the Hall , which he had supposed to have builded , stretching from the river of Thames , to the common high way . This Palace was repaired about the yeere , 1163. by Thomas Becket , Chancellor of England , with exceeding great celerity and speed , which before was ready to have fallen downe . This hath been the pricipall seate and Palace of all the Kings of England , since the Conquest : for here have they in the great Hall kept their Feasts , of Coronation especially , and other solemne Feasts as at Christmas and such like most commonly . For proofe whereof , I find recorded , that in the yeere , 1236. and the twentieth of Henry the third , on the 29. of December , William de Haverhull , the Kings Treasurer , was commanded , that upon the day of the Circumcision of our Lord , he should cause 6000. poore people to be fed at Westminster , for the state of the King , the Queene , and their children . The weake and aged to bee placed in the great Hall , and in the lesser those were more strong and in reasonable plight : In the Kings Chamber the children , and in the Queeues : and when the King knew the charge , hee gladly allowed it in the accounts . In the yeere 1238. the same King Henry kept his Feast of Christmas at Westminster in the great Hall , so did hee in the yeere 1241. where he placed the Legate in the most honorable place of the table ; to wit , in the middest , which the Noblemen tooke in evill part . The King sate on the right hand , and the Archbishop on the left , and then all the Prelates and Nobles , according to their estates : for the King himselfe did set the guests . The yeere 1242. hee likewise kept his Christmas in the Hall , &c. Also , in the yeere 1243. Richard , Earle of Cornewall , the Kings brother , married Cincia , daughter to Beatrice , Countesse of Provence , & kept his marriage Feast in the great Hall at Westminster , with great royalty and company of Noble men : in so much , that there were told ( triginta millia ) 30000. dishes of meats at that dinner . In the yeere 1256. King Henry sate in the Exchequer of this Hall , and there set downe order for the appearance of Sheriffes , and bringing in of their accounts : there was 5. Marks set on every Sheriffes head for a fine , because they had not distrained every person , that might dispend 15. l. land by the yeere , to receive the order of Knighthood , according as the same Sheriffes were commanded . Also , the Maior , Aldermen and Sheriffes of London , being accused of oppression & wrongs done by them , and submitting themselves in this place before the King , sitting then in judgment upon that matter ; they were condemned to pay their fines for their offences committed , and further , every one of them discharged of assise and ward . In the yeeres 1268. and 1269. the same King kept his Christmas Feasts at Westminster , as before : and also in the same yeere 1269. he translated ( with great solemnitie ) the body of King Edward the Confessor , into a new Chappell , at the back of the high Altar : which Chappell he had prepared of a marvailous workemanship , bestowing a new Tombe or Shrine of gold . And on the day of his translation , he kept a Royall Feast in the great Hall of the Palace : Thus much for the Feasts of old time in this Hall. We read also , that in the yeere , 1236. the River of Thames overflowing the bankes , caused the Marshes about Woolwitch to bee all on a Sea , wherein Boats and other Vessels were carried with the streame , so that besides cattell , the greatest number of men , women & children , Inhabitants there , were drowned . In the great Palace of Westminster , men did row with Wherries in the middest of the Hall , being forced to ride to their chambers . Moreover , in the yeere 1242. the Thames overflowing the bankes about Lambith , drowned houses and fields , by the space of 6. miles , so that in the great Hall at Westminster , men tooke their horses , because the water ran over all . This Palace was ( in the yeere 1299. the 27. of Edward the first ) burnt by a vehement fire , kindled in the lesser Hall of the Kings house , the same with many other houses adjoining , and with the Queenes Chamber , were consumed , but after that repaired . In the yeere , 1313. the 31. of Edward the first , the Kings treasurie at Westminster was robbed , for the which Walter , Abbot of Westminster , with 49. of his Brethren , and 32. other were throwne into the Tower of London , and indighted of the robbery of an hundred thousand pound : but they affirming themselves to be cleare of the fact , and desiring the King of speedy justice , a Commission was directed for inquiry of the truth , and they were freed . In the yeere 1316. Edward the second did solemnize his Feast of Pentecost at Westminster , in the great Hall , where sitting Royally at the table , with his Peeres about him , there entred a woman adorned like a Minstrell , sitting on a great horse , trapped as Minstrels then used , who rode round about the tables , shewing pastime , and at length came up to the Kings table , and layd before him a Letter , and forthwith turning her horse , saluted every one , and departed . The Letter being opened , had these contents . Our Soveraigne Lord the King , hath nothing courteously respected his Knights , that in his Fathers time , and also in his owne have put forth their persons to divers perils , and have utterly lost , or greatly diminished their substance , for honor of the said King , and he hath inriched abundantly such as have not borne the weight ( as yet ) of the businesse , &c. This great Hall was begunne to be repaired in the yeere 1397. by Richard the second , who caused the wals , windowes and roofe , to be taken downe , and new made , with a stately porch , and divers lodgings of a marvailous worke , and with great costs . All which hee levied of Strangers banished , or flying out of their Countries , who obtained licence to remaine in this Land by the Kings Charters , which they had purchased with great summes of money , Iohn Boterell being then Clarke of the works . This Hall being finished in the yeere 1399. the same King kept a most royall Christmas there , with daily Iustings , and runnings at Tilt , whereunto resorted such a number of people , that there was every day spent twenty eight , or twenty sixe Oxen , and three hundred sheepe , beside fowle without number . He caused a Gowne for himselfe to bee made of Gold , garnished with Pearle and precious Stones , to the value of three thousand Markes . He was garded by Cheshire-men , and had about him commonly thirteene Bishops , besides Barons , Knights , Esquires , and other more than needed : in so much , that to the household came every day to meate , ten thousand people ; as appeareth by the messes told out from the Kitchin to three hundred Servitors . Thus was this great Hall , for the honour of the Prince , oftentimes furnished with ghests , not onely in this Kings time ( a prodigall Prince ) but in the time of other also , both before and since , though not so usaully noted . For when it is said , the King held his Feast of Christmas , or such a Feast at Westminster ; it may well bee supposed to bee kept in this great Hall , as most sufficient to such a purpose . I find noted by Robert Fabian ( sometime an Alderman of London ) that King Henry the seventh , in the ninth of his reigne , ( holding his Royall Feast of Christmas at Westminster ) on the twelfth day , feasted Ralph Austry , then Maior of London , and his brethren the Aldermen , with other Commoners in great number , and after dinner , dubbed the Maior , Knight , caused him with his brethren , to stay and behold the disguisings and other disports in the night following shewed in the great Hall , which was richly hanged with Atras , and staged about on both sides . Which disports being ended , in the morning , the King , the Queene , the Ambassadors , and other Estates , being set at a table of stone , 60. Knights and Esquires served 60. dishes to the Kings Messe , and as many to the Queenes ( neigher flesh nor fish ) & served the Maior with 24. dishes to his Messe , of the same manner , with sundry wines in most plenteous wife . And finally , the King and Queene being conveyed with great lights into the Palace ; the Maior with his Company in Barges , returned and came to London , by breake of the next day . Thus much for building of this great Hall , and feasting therein . It moreover appeareth , that many Parliaments have been kept there : for I find noted , that in the yeere 1397. the great Hall at Westminster , being out of reparations ; and therefore , as it were , new builded by Richard the second ( as is afore shewed ) the same Richard in the meane time having occasion to hold a Parliament , caused ( for that purpose ) a large house to be builded in the middest of the Palace Court , betwixt the clocke-Tower , and the gate of the old great Hall. This house was very large and long , made of Timber , covered with Tyle , open on both the sides , and at both the ends , that all men might see and heare what was both said and done . The Kings Archers ( in number 4000. Cheshire men ) compassed the house about with their bowes bent , and Arrowes nocked in their hands , alwayes ready to shoote : they had Bouch of Court ( to wit , meate and drinke ) and great wages , of six pence by the day . The old great Hall being new builded , Parliaments were againe there kept as before : namely , one in the yeere 1399. for the deposing of Richard the second . A great part of this Palace at Westminster was once againe burnt in the yeere , 1512. the fourth of Henry the eight ; since the which time , it hath not beene reedified : onely the great Hall , with the offices neere adjoining , are kept in good reparations , and serveth as afore , for Feasts at Coronations , Arraignements of great persons charged with treasons , keeping of the Courts of Iustice , &c. But the Princes have beene lodged in other places about the City , as at Baynards-Castell , at Bridewell , and White-hall , sometime called Yorke place , and sometime at S. Iames. This great Hall hath beene the usuall place of pleadings , and ministration of Iustice , whereof some what shortly I will note . In times past , the Courts & Benches followed the King , wheresoever hee went , as well since the Conquest , as before , which thing at length being thought cumbersome , painefull , and chargeable to the people ; it was in the yeere 1224. the 9. of Henry the third agreed , that there should be a standing place appointed , where matters should be heard and judged , which was in the great Hall at Westminster . In this Hall he ordained three judgement seates , to wit , at the entry on the right hand , the Common Pleas , where civill matters are to bee pleaded , specially such as touch Lands or contracts . At the upper end of the Hall , on the right hand , or South East corner , the Kings Bench , where Pleas of the Crowne have their hearing : And on the left hand or Southwest corner , sitteth the Lord Chancellor , accompanied with the Master of the Rolls , and other men , learned for the most part in the Civill law , and called Masters of the Chancery , which have the Kings fee. The times of pleading in these Courts are foure in the yeere , which are called Tearmes . The first is Hilarie Tearme , which beginneth the three and twentieth of Ianuary , if it be not Sunday , and endeth the twelfth of February . The second is Easter Tearme , and beginneth seventeene dayes after Easter-day , and endeth foure dayes after Ascension day . The third Tearme beginneth six or seven dayes after Trinitie Sunday , and endeth the Wednesday fortnight after . The fourth is Michaelmas Tearme , which beginneth the ninth of October , if it be not Sunday , and endeth the 28. of November . And heere is to bee noted , that the Kings of this Realme have used sometimes to sit in person in the Kings Bench : namely , King Edward the fourth , in the yeere , 1462. in Michaelmas Tearme , sate in the Kings Bench three dayes together , in the open Court , to understand how his lawes were ministred and executed . Within the Port , or entry into the Hall , on either side are ascendings up into large Chambers , without the Hall adjoining thereunto , wherein certaine Courts be kept , namely , on the right hand , is the Court of the Exchequer , a place of account , for the revenewes of the Crowne : the hearers of the account have Auditors under them ; but they which are the chiefe for accounts of the Prince , are called Barons of the Exchequer , whereof one is called the Chiefe Baron . The greatest officer of all , is called the High Treasurer . In this Court be heard those that are delators , or informers , in popular and penall actions , having thereby part of the profit by the law assigned unto them . In this Court , if any question bee , it is determined after the order of the Common Law of England by twelve men , and all Subsidies , Taxes and Customes , by account : for in this office , the Sheriffes of the Shire doe attend upon the execution of the commandements of the Iudges , which the Earle should do , if he were not attending upon the Prince in the warres , or otherwise about him . For , the Chiefe Office of the Earle was , to see the Kings Iustice to have course , and to bee well executed in the Shire , and the Princes Revenewes to bee well answered , and brought into the Treasurie . If any Fines or Amerciaments bee extracted out of any of the said Courts upon any man , or any Arrerages of accounts of such things as is of Customes , Taxes , and Subsidies , or other such like occasions ; the same the Sheriffe of the Shire doth gather , and is answerable therefore in the Exchequer . As for other ordinary Rents of Patrimoniall Lands , and most commonly of Taxes , Customes and Subsidies , there be particular Receivers and Collectors , which doe answere it into the Exchequer . This Court of the Exchequer hath of old time , and as I thinke , since the Conquest , beene kept at Westminster , notwithstanding , sometimes remooved thence by commandement of the King , and after restored againe ; as namely , in the yeere , one thousand two hundred and nine , King Iohn commanded the Exchequer to bee remooved from West-minster to Northhampton , &c. On the left hand above the staire , is the Dutchie Chamber , wherein is kept the Court for the Dutchie of Lancaster , by a Chancellor of that Dutchie , and other ther Officers under him . Then is there in another Chamber , the Office of the receits of the Queenes Revenewes for the Crowne . Then is there also the Starre-Chamber , where , in the Tearme time , every weeke once at the least , which is commonly on Fridaies and Wednesdaies , and on the next day after the Tearme endeth , the Lord Chancellor and the Lords , and other of the Privie-Councell , and the chiefe Iustices of England , from Nine of the Clocke , till it bee Eleven , doe sit . This place is called the Starre-Chamber , because the Roofe thereof is decked with the likenesse of Starres gilt : there be plaints heard , of Ryots , Rowts , and other misdemeanours , which if they be found by the Kings Councell , the party offender shall be censured by these persons , which speake one after another , and he shall bee both fined and commanded to prison . Then at the upper end of the great Hall by the Kings Bench , is a going up to a great Chamber , called the White-Hall , wherein is now kept the Court of Wards and Liveries , and adjoining thereunto is the Court of Requests . Then is S. Stephens Chappell , of old time founded by King Stephen , King Iohn in the seventh of his reigne , granted to Baldwinus de London , Clarke of his Exchequer , the Chappleship of Saint Stephens at Westminster , &c. This Chappell was againe since ( of a farre more curious workemanship ) new builded by King Edward the third , in the yeere 1347. for thirty eight persons in that Church to serve God , to wit , a Deane , twelve secular Canons , thirteene Vicars , foure Clarks , sixe Chorists , two Servitors , to wit , a Verger , and a keeper of the Chappell . He builded it for them from the house of receit , along nigh to the Thames , within the same Palace , there to inhabite : and since that , there were also buildings for them , betwixt the Clock-house , and the Wool-staple , called the Wey-house . Hee also builded to the use of this Chappell ( though out of the Palace Court ) some distance West , in the little Sanctuarie , a strong Clochard of Stone and Timber , covered with Lead , and placed therein three great Bels , since usually rung at Coronations , Triumphs , Funerals of Princes , and their Obits . Of those Bels men fabuled , that their ringing sowred all the drinke in the Towne . More , that about the biggest Bell was written : King Edward made mee thirtie thousand and three , Take me downe and weigh mee , and more shall ye find mee . But these Bels being taken down indeed , were found all three not to weigh twenty thousand . True it is , that in the Citie of Roane , in Normandy , there is one great Bell , that hath such an Inscription as followeth : Ie suis George d'Ambois , Qui trente cinq mille pois : Mes lui me pesera , Trente six mill me trovera . I am George of Ambois , Thirtie five thousand in pois : But he that shall weigh me , Thirtie six thousand shall find me . The said King Edward endowed this Chappell with lands to the yearly value of five hundred pound . Doctor Iohn Chambers , the Kings Physitian , the last Deane of this Colledge , builded thereunto a Cloyster , of curious workemanship , to the charges of eleven thousand Markes . This Chappell , or Colledge , at the suppression , was valued to dispend in lands by the yeere one thousand eighty five pound , ten shillings five pence , and was surrendred to Edward the sixth : since the which time , the same Chappell hath served as a Parliament House . By this Chappell of S. Stephen , was sometime one other smaler Chappell , called our Lady of the Piew ; to the which Lady , great Offerings were used to be made : Amongst other things I have read , that Richard the second , after the overthrow of Wat Tilar , and other the Rebels , in the fourth of his raigne , went to Westminster , and there giving thankes to God for his victory , made his Offering in this Chappell . But as divers have noted , namely , Iohn Pigot , in the yeare 1252. on the seventeenth of February , by negligence of a Scholler , appointed by his Schoolemaster to put forth the Lights of this Chappell , the Image of our Lady richly decked with Iewels , precious Stones , Pearles , and Rings , more than any Ieweller could judge the price , for so saith mine author ; was with all this Apparell , Ornaments , and Chappell it selfe , burnt : but since againe reedified by Anthony , Earle Rivers , Lord Scales , and of the Isle of Wight , Vncle and Governor to the Prince of Wales , that should have beene King Edward the fifth , &c. The said Palace , before the entry thereunto , hath a large Court , and in the same a Tower of Stone , containing a Clocke , which striketh every houre on a great Bell , to bee heard into the Hall in sitting time of the Courts , or otherwise : for the same Clocke , in a calme , will bee heard into the City of London . King Henry the sixth gave the keeping of this Clock with the Tower , called the Clock-house , and the appurtenances , unto William Walsby , Deane of Saint Stephens , with the wages of sixe pence the day out of his Exchequer . By this Tower standeth a fountaine , which at Coronations , and great Triumphs is made to runne with Wine out of divers spouts . On the East side of this Court , is an Arched Gate to the River of Thames , with a faire Bridge and landing place for all men that have occasion . On the North side , is the South end of Saint Stephens Alley , or Canon-Row , and also a way into the old Wooll staple : and on the West side is a very faire Gate , begun by Richard the 3. in the yeere 1484. and was by him builded a great height , and many faire lodgings in it , but left unfinished , and is called the high Tower at Westminster . Thus much for the Monasterie and Palace may suffice . And now will I speake of the Gate-house , and of Totehill-streete , stretching from the West part of the Close . The Gate-house is so called of two Gates , the one out of the Colledge Court toward the North , on the East side whereof was the Bishop of Londons Prison , for Clerkes convict , and the other Gate adjoyning to the first ; but towards the West , is a Gaole or Prison for offenders thither committed . Walter Warfield , Celerer to the Monasterie , caused both these Gates ( with the appurtenances ) to be builded in the reigne of Edward the third . On the South side of this Gate , King Henry the seventh , founded an Almes-house for thirteene poore men : one of them to bee a Priest , aged five and forty yeeres , a good Grammarian , the other twelve to bee aged fiftie yeeres , without wives , every Saturday the Priest to receive of the Abbot , or Prior , foure pence by the day , and each other two pence halfe penny by the day for ever , for their sustenance , and every yeere to each one a Gowne and a Hood ready made . And to three women that dressed their meat , and kept them in their sicknesse , each to have every Saturday sixteene pence , and every yeere a Gowne ready made . More to the thirteene poore men yeerely fourescore quarters of Coales , and one thousand of good Fagots to their use : In the Hall and Kitchin of their Mansion , a discreet Monke to bee over-seer of them , and hee to have forty shillings by the yeere , &c. and herunto was every Abbot and Prior sworne . Neere unto this house Westward , was an old Chappell of Saint Anne , over against the which , the Lady Margaret , Mother to King Henry the seventh erected an Almes-house for poore women , which is now turned into lodgings , for the singing men of the Colledge : the place wherein this Chappell and Almes-house standeth , was called the Eleemosinary or Almory , now corruptly the Ambry , for that the Almes of the Abbey were there distributed to the poore . And therein I slip , Abbot of Westminster , erected the first Presse of Book Printing that ever was in England , about the yeere of Christ , 1471. W. Caxton , Citizen of London , Mercer , brought it into England , and was the first that practised it in the said Abbey ; after which time , the like was practised in the Abbeys of S. Augustin at Cant. S. Albans , and other Monasteries . From the West gate runneth along Totehill street , wherein is a house of the Lord Gray of Wilton , and on the other side , at the entry into Totehill field , Stourton house , which Giles , the last Lord Dacre of the South , purchased and built new , whose Lady and wife Anne sister to T. the Lord Backhurst , left money to her Executors , to build an Hospitall for twenty poore women , and so many children to be brought up under them , for whose maintenance shee assigned lands , to the value of one hundred pounds by the yeere , which Hospitall , her Executours have since begunne in the field adjoyning . From the entry into Totehill field , the streete is called Pettie France , in which , and upon S. Hermits hill , on the South side thereof , Cornelius van Dun ( a Brabander borne , Yeoman of the Guard to King Henry the eighth , King Edward the sixth , Queene Mary , and Queene Elizabeth ) built twenty Houses , for poore women to dwell rent-free : And neere hereunto was a Chappell of Mary Magdalen , now wholly ruinated . In the yeare of Christ 1256. the 40. of Henry the third , Iohn Mansell , the Kings Counsellor , and a Priest , did invite to a stately Dinner , the Kings and Queenes of England and Scotland , Edward the Kings sonne , Earles , Barons and Knights , the Bishop of London , and Divers Citizens : whereby his guests did grow to such a number , that his house at Totehill could not receive them , but that hee was forced to set up Tents and Pavillions , to receive his guests ; whereof there was such a multitude , that seven hundred Messe of Meat did not serve for the first Dinner . The Citie of Westminster , for Civill Government , is divided into twelve severall Wards , for the which , the Deane of the Collegiate Church of Westminster , or the high Steward , doe elect twelve Burgesses , and as many Assistants , that is , one Burgesse and one Assistant for every Ward : out of the which twelve Burgesses , two are nominated yeerely , upon Thursday in Easter weeke ; for chiefe Burgesses , to continue for one yeere next following , who have authority given them by the Act of Parliament , 27. Elizabeth , to heare , examine , determine , and punish , according to the Lawes of the Realme , and lawfull Customes of the Citie of London , matters of Incontinencie , common Scolds , Inmates , and common Annoyances , and likewise to commit such persons as shall offend against the Peace , and thereof to give knowledge within foure and twenty houres , to some Iustice of Peace , in the County of Middlesex . Not farre from Westminster , by the River , there is erected a goodly Building , not yet finished , for Students in Divinity commonly knowne by the name of Chelsey Colledge , whereof I thought fit to make mention , because I finde an Act of Parliament made in the seventh yeere of King , Iames , in the behalfe of the same Colledge , as also a Declaration published by Authority in the yeere 1616. containing the Reasons that moved his Majesty and the State to erect the same which here followeth . WHereas his Majesty , of his most Royall and zealous care for the defence of true Religion now established within this Realme of England , and for the refuting or Errors and Heresies repugnant unto the same , hath been graciously pleased , by his Letters Patents under the great Seale of England , to found a Colledge at Chelsey , neere London , and therein to place certaine learned Divines , and to incorporate the same by the name of the Provost and Fellowes of the Colledge of King Iames in Chelsey , neere London , of the foundation of the same Iames King of England , and hath of his most gracious bounty and goodnesse , not onely endowed the same with certaine Lands , Priviledges , and Immunities , but hath also for their further maintenance and sustentation , given unto them a capacity and ability to receive and take from his Majesty , or any of his loving Subjects , any Lands , Tenements , Hereditaments , Gifts , Benefits , and Profits whatsoever , not exceeding in the whole the yeerely value 〈◊〉 three thousand pounds , as in and by 〈…〉 Letters Patents doth more at large appeare . And whereas also it is manifest and evident , that the bringing in of fresh streames of running water into the City of London , is very convenient , necessary , and profitable , as well for the private use of such as shall rent the same , as a helpe for cleansing the said City in the time of sicknesse , and preserving the same against all sodaine adventures of fire : It is therefore enacted , &c. that it shall and may be lawfull to the said Provost and Fellowes , their Successors , Deputies , and Assignes , at all and every such place and places in the open Fields or Marshes lying betweene the Bridge called Lock-Bridge , in or neere the Parish or Hackney , in the County of Middlesix , and the Bridge called Bow-Bridge , at Stratfort-Bow in the Parish of Stepney , in the said County , ( As by the said Provost and Fellowes , their Successors , Deputies or Assignes , by and with the consent and allowance of the occupiers and owners of the soile in the said place or places , and in default of such assent and allowance , by such composition first to be made with the said occupiers and owners of the said soile , as by the Commissioners , by vertue of this Act to be in this behalfe appointed , shall be thought fit and convenient ) to dig or cut from and out of the maine River of Lee , on that side or banke of the same River which is next unto the City of London , a ditch or trench not exceeding in breadth ten foot , or to scoure , cleanse , or enlarge unto the breadth aforesaid , any old ditch or trench there already made : and the same ditch or trench either old or new , so to be made or to be cleansed , to convey by and thorow the said Fields and Marshes , in all places convenient , in such sort as the same may againe bee returned , and made to open it selfe into the maine River , within some such convenient distance from the mouth thereof , as to the said Commissioners shall ( for the intents and purposes hereafter expressed ) be thought fit : Vpon which ditch or trench , or places neere adjoyning thereunto , it shall and may be lawfull to the said Provost and Fellowes , their Successors , Deputies , or Assignes , to erect or cause to bee erected , certaine Engines , Waterworkes , or Waterwheeles , as also houses or couerings requisite for the same , where by the assent of the said Commissioners , the same shall be agreed upon , to be no let or hinderance to the ordinary passage of Barges , Boats , or other such Vessels upon the said River of Lee , and by and through the sayd ditch or trench , to carry and convey so much of the water of the said maine River , as by the said Provost and Fellowes , their Successors , Deputies , or Assignes , shall bee thought requisite and necessary to bee used for the working or motion of the said Engines or Waterwheeles , and shall also by the said Commissioners be thought to be no prejudice or hinderance to the ordinary passage of Barges , Boats , or such other Vessels upon the same River . And that it shall and may bee lawfull to and for the said Provost and Fellowes , their Successors , Deputies , and Assignes ( in all places apt and conuenient , within a convenient distance of the said Engines or Waterworkes ) to dig for the taking and further opening of Springs of fresh water there found , or to bee found on the West side of the said River next unto the City of London , and the water of the said Springs to carry and convey by and through certaine little Gutters or Trenches , or Pots or Pipes under the ground , into one Pit , Pond , or head of convenient largenesse , to bee made by the said Provost and Fellowes , their Successors , Deputies , or Assignes , in some places apt for the same . And that it shall and may bee lawfull to and for the said Provost and Fellowes , their Successors , Deputies , and Assignes , having by Art and sleight of Engines and Waterworkes , or by any other meanes or devise raised the water of the said Springs , and so much of the water there running in the said Ditch or Trench as shall be thought necessary , to such height , and into such place , Pond , Head , or recept , ( as to them shall seeme in that behalfe requisite ) to convey and carry the same in close Pipes under the ground from the said Waterworkes , and the said other places of receipt , unto the City of London and the Suburbes thereof , for the perpetuall maintenance and sustentation of the said Provost and Fellowes , and their successors by the rent to be made of the said waters conveyed as aforesaid . And that for the convenience of the said water , it shall and may be lawfull to and for the said Provost and Fellowes , their Successors , Deputies and Assignes , ( in all places convenient betweene the said Waterworkes and the said City of London ) to digge , cut , and open the ground , to such depth and breadth as shall be convenient for the laying in of the said Pipes or Pots , thorow which the said water shall passe , and for making little Conduit heads for vents unto the same , for the better passage of the said waters , and the same ground so opened for the purpose aforesaid , ( after the said Pipes or Pots are layed in and placed ) the said Provost and Fellowes , their Successors , Deputies and Assignes , shall with Turfe , Earth , Gravell , and other materials , againe fill up and cover . And be it , &c. that it shall and may be lawfull to and for the said Provost and Fellowes , their Successors , Deputies , and Assignes , from time to time , and at all times convenient , with their men , horses , carts , or other carriages , to have free entry and passage , by , over , and through any ground or land , in places , and at times meet and convenient , for the doing and performing of any thing requisite , for the making of the said severall passages of waters , or for the doing of any other act or thing concerning the same , authorized by this Act , as also for the continuall preservation and reparation of the said workes , as often as need shall require . And be it , &c. that the Lord Chancellour , or Lord Keeper of the great Seale of England for the time being , by Commission under the great Seale of England , at the request and charges of the said Provost and Fellowes , their Successors , Substitutes and Deputies , or upon the complaint or petition of any person or persons whom it may concerne , shall nominate , appoint , and authorize by Commission or Commissions , under the great Seale of England , seven discreet and sufficient persons , whereof two shall bee lustices of Peace of the County of Middlesex , and two of the City of London , and three others at the choyce and appointment of the said Lord Chancellour or Lord Keeper , every of the said persons having Lands and Tenements , of the cleere yeerely value of xl . li. at the least , which said seven persons , or any foure , or more of them , shall have power to order and set downe what rate or rates , summe or summes of money shall be payed by the said Provost and Fellowes , as well for satisfaction and recompence of damages , in making the fore-recited workes , or any thing belonging to the same , as also for any manner of damages to be sustained , in the mending or reparation thereof , from time to time , or any other costs or charges sustained by reason of the same , to the Lords , owners , and occupiers of the ground and soile , or to others interessed in the said River or Waters , for which , composition is to be made by the intent of this Act , if the parties cannot of themselves agree , and in what manner the same shall bee paid . And that for the recovery of such money , as shall bee so ordered and set downe by the said Commissioners , or any foure , or more of them , the party or parties to whom the same money shall be due and payable , by the true intent of the said Order , shall or may recover the same , together with the reasonable costs and dammages for the forbearance thereof , against the said Provost and Fellowes , by action of Debt , Bill , or Plaint , in any his Majesties Courts at Westminster , wherein no Essoine or Protection shall be allowed . Provided alwayes , and it is further enacted , &c. that the said water shall not bee conveyed thorow the House , Garden , or Orchard of any person or persons , or thorow any part thereof , or thorow any Corne-fields , while the Corne is growing or standing in the same , without the consent first had of the owners and occupiers of the said Houses , Gardens , Orchards , and Corne-fields . Anno 7. Iac. cap. 9. A briefe Declaration of the reasons that moved his MAIESTIE and the STATE to erect a Colledge of Divines , and other Learned men , at CHELSEY , together with the Copy of his Majesties Letters in favouring the same ; and an addition of some Motives forcible to excite good Christians zeale to a voluntary and liberall contribution . VNderstanding by experience , that want of information hath much hindred mens devotion in contributing toward the erection and dotation of Chelsey Colledge , we have thought it very fit , together with his Majesties Letters , seconded by my Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , to declare the reasons that caused this worke to bee undertaken , and to adde such Motives , as wee have supposed may be most effectuall to give satisfaction to his Majesties desire , and perfection to this honourable designe . First it was considered , that the Popes Agents travelled Sea and Land , wrote bookes in favour of their faction , devised lies and slanders , to bring Religion and the Professors thereof into hatred , and not sparing any standing in their way , by falshood and trechery oppugned Kings and Princes , that could not endure the Popes tyrannicall government . And for this end , men of ready wits , good speech , long experience , and competent learning , have beene maintained in Colledges , furnished with Bookes , holpen with Counsell and directions , bound with Lawes and Oathes , to uphold the Papall Hierarchie and Heresie , and which moveth much , encouraged with great promises and large rewards . Whereunto albeit private men piously affected have from time to time opposed themselves , yet because they wanted encouragement to undertake so great a labour , counsell of their Ancients to direct them , Bookes and Libraries to instruct them , formes of proceeding to keepe them in compasse , and rewards to maintaine them , those excepted that are due for Ecclesiasticall cures , it was further advised , that to make a sufficient defence for the truth of Religion , and honour of the State , and a strong and continuall opposition against the continued lies , slanders , errors , heresies , sects , idolatries , and blasphemies of our Adversaries , it was necessary to unite our forces , and to appoint speciall men , that without other distraction might attend the cause of Religion and the State , being furnished with Directions , Instructions , Counsell , Bookes , Presses , competent maintenance , and other necessaries . This then was the reason why this Colledge by his Majesty and the State was first designed , and a corporation granted with large privileges , viz. That a select number of Divines and others should bee gathered together into one body , and united with one forme of Lawes , and there maintained , who being furnished with Bookes , and directed by men of experience and action , might alwaies bee ready to maintaine our Christian faith , to answer the Adversaries Calumniations as well against Religion as the State , to defend the Majesty of Kings and Princes , against the vsurpation of Popes , the liberty of Christians , against the yoke of Superstition , to supply the defect of teaching where Appropriations have devoured the Ministery , by teaching and conference to convince the obstinate Papists and Atheist , and by all lawfull meanes to maintaine truth , and discover falshood . This is the Colledge commended by his Majesty , and intended by the State , and easily to bee perfected if it please all true Christians to further it with their helpe and favour , according to some proportion of their means . His Majesties Letters directed to my Lord of Canterbury , follow in these words : Right trusty and well-beloved Councellour , we greet you well . WHereas the enemies of the Gospell have ever beene forward to write , and publish bookes for confirming of erronious doctrine , and impugning the truth , and now of late seeme more carefull then before to send daily into our Realmes such their writings , whereby our loving Subjects , though otherwise well disposed might be seduced , unlesse some remedy thereof should bee provided . We by the advise of our Councell , have lately granted a corporation , and given our allowance for erecting a Colledge at Chelsey , for learned Divines to be imployed to write as occasion shall require for maintaining the Religion professed in our Kingdomes , and confuting the impugners thereof . Whereupon Doctor Suteliffe designed Provost of the said Colledge , hath now humbly signified unto us , that vpon divers promises of helpe and assistance towards the erecting and endowing the said Colledge , he hath at his owne charge begunne , and well proceeded in the building , as doth sufficiently appeare by a good part thereof already set up in the place appointed for the same . We therefore being willing to favour and further so religious a worke , will and require you to write your Letters to the Bishops of your Province , signifying unto them in our Name , that our pleasure is , they deale with the Clergie , and other of their Diocesse , to give their charitable benevolence for the perfecting of this good work so well begunne . And for the better performance of our desire , wee have given order to the said Provost and his Associates to attend you and others unto whom it may appertaine , and to certifie us from time to time of their proceding . Therford the 5. of May 1616. These Letters my Lord Archbishop of Canterbury sendeth abroad to the Bishops of his Province , and secondeth them in these termes : NOw because it is so pious and religious a worke , conducing both to Gods glory , and the saving of many a soule within this Kingdome , I cannot but wish that all devout and well affected persons should by your selfe and the Preachers in your Diocesse , as well publikely as otherwise , be excited to contribute in some measure to so holy an intendment now will beganne . And although these and the like motions have beene frequent in these latter times , yet let not those whom God hath blessed with any wealth bee weary of well-doing , that it may not be said that the idolatrous and superstitious Papists bee more forward to advance their falshoods , then we are to maintaine Gods Truth . Whatsoever is collected , I pray you Lordship may be carefully brought unto me ; partly that it passe not thorow any difrauding hand , and partly that his Majesty may bee acquainted what is done in this behalfe . Your Lordships very loving Brother G. Canterb. The like Letters are written to my Lord Chancellour , and my Lord Maior of London . By these Letters it may appeare , that this Colledge is not an idle project of any private man , but a pious worke projected by the King & State , and that all that professe Religion , and desire the continuance and advancement thereof , yea , all that honour his Majesty , and wish the prosperity of the State , and desire the increase of learning , have interest therein , and I hope shall receive contentment , and good satisfaction by the same . Being then a worke of piety for the maintenance of true Religion , who can be accounted truly pious and religious , and yet yeeld no helpe to advance it ? being a project to maintaine the honour of the State , what good Subject will not contribute to set forward this project ? but to touch onely the point of Gods honour , let us remember the words of the Wise man , Prov. 3. Honour the Lord with thy substance . Let us also consider what the Lord himselfe saith , 1 Sam. 2. Them that honour me , I will honour ; and they that despise mee , shall be despised . Now who can say , hee honoureth God that suffereth him by idolatry , superstition , and blasphemy to be dishonoured , and will give nothing to suppresse Baals Priests , and is content that the Pope be worshipped like the Idoll Bell ? can Gods honour stand with the superstition , heresie , idolatry , and blasphemy of Papists , prophannesse of Atheists , fanaticall doctrine of Schismatickes , and idle Novelists ? It is not sufficient for true Christians to professe true Religion , but they must with zeale maintaine it , and with heart abhorre , and with hand suppresse idolatry and superstition , Who will rise up with me against the wicked , saith the Prophet , Psal . 94. And Psal . 139. he saith , Hee hated those that hated the Lord with an unfained hatred . The Law Deut. 13. is direct against such as intice us to serve other gods , our eye may not pity them , nor may we shew mercy unto them , no although they bee our brothers , or our wives that lie in our bosome . An odious thing also it is , either to suffer truth to bee suppressed , or lies to be received . Saint Augustine in Epist . ad Casulanum , saith , It is a fault to hide truth , as well as to tell lies ; Vterque reus est , & qui veritatem occultat , & qui mendacium dicit . Chrysostome Homil. 25. in Math. doth charge him to be a Traytor unto Truth , that dare not boldly utter it or defend it ; Non ille solum est proditor veritatis qui veritatem transgrediens pro veritate mendacium loquitur , sed etiam qui non liberè veritatem pronuntiat quam pronuntiare tenetur , aut non liberè veritatem defendit quam liberè defendere convenit . Some suppose that Christianity and Popery may stand together , and themselves as Newters stand betweene both , or as Mediators would reconcile both . But can Christ bee reconciled to Anti-christ ? there is no concord betwixt Christ and Belial , saith the Apostle , 2 Cor. 6. Elias told us there is no halting betweene two Religions : no man that honoureth any Creature can say he truly honoureth God , for God giveth not his honour to Creatures , As● 1 King. 15. was a good King , yet it is imputed to him that hee tooke not downe the high places . The Bishop of the Church of Pergamus , Apocal. 2. is reproved for suffering them that taught the doctrine of Balaam ; and the Bishop of Thyatira , for permitting Iesabel to teach and deceive the people ; and shall the Church of England any longer suffer the Romish Balamites , and the false Priests of Baal maintained by the Romish Iesabel and her Consorts to seduce Gods people ? The false Priests of Bel used all art and cunning practices to deceive , and now will not suffer any Religion but that of their god Bel , the Pope ; and shall not true Christians use equall diligence to maintaine truth , and suppresse Popery , and all other idolatrous and false Religion ? Ingemui fateor ( saith Hierome ) minus nobis inesse voluntatis ad propugnandam veritasem , quam inest illis cupiditatis ad inculcandum mendacium : I sighed ( saith he ) seeing lesse desire in us to defend truth , then in our adversaries to maintaine lies . This Colledge then being erected for maintenance of truth and Gods true service , and a resoiute opposition against errors and false worship of God , it cannot but please God and content godly men . The same will also bee a meanes to increase learning , and to supply the defects of places haunted with the spirits of Antichrist , the Jesuits , and Masse-priests , and therefore cannot chuse but be well approved of all , that either desire a learned Ministery , or love learning . Finally , seeing the Church hath received no greater dishonour by any , then by unsufficient and unlearned Churchmen , I hope this may bee a meanes to recover some part of their lost honour . Wherefore , whether we regard the service of God , or the honour we owe to our King , or the love wee beare to our Country and the State , let us not shew our selves sparing or backward in yeelding our ayd to set forward a worke so religious and profitable for the Church , so honourable for the State , so necessary in regard of the malice of our adversaries , and the defects and discouragement of our owne forces . Other collections have beene either for private persons or strangers , or places remote , or matters concerning some particular occasions . This concerneth a generall good , and toucheth every man both in conscience and honour . Heretofore wee have endevoured to maintaine Religion , and favour others abroad , let us not therefore neglect our selves , and our owne honour , profit , and necessary service at home . Neither let any man thinke it strange , that a worke of such greatnesse should be advanced by this weake meanes , or that a project so necessary should proceed so slowly . Almighty God , albeit all-sufficient , yet would have his owne Tabernable built by the voluntary offerings of his people . Speake , saith God to Moyses , Exod. 25. to the children of Israel , that they receive an offering for me of every man whose heart giveth it freely . And Exod. 36. it followeth , and they brought still unto Moyses free gifts every morning , and they ceased not untill they were stayed from offering . King Solomon likewise was greatly holpen in the building of the Temple by the contribution of his Subjects , as appeareth by the words of Scriptures , 1 King. 9. 19. further , by voluntary offerings and contributions , the Temple was repaired by Ioash , 2 King. 12. and by Iosiah , 2 Chron. 34. and this hath beene the use and practice of ancient times in building , and endowing most famous Churches , Colledges , Schooles , and other Monuments of Religion and Learning , both in our owne and other Countries . Our Adversaries by this course have had meanes to build many Monasteries and Colledges , and Schooles for Jesuites and Friers , as it were propugnacles of Superstition , Heresie , Idolatry , and Antichrists tyranny , to uphold and make good their owne corruptions in Religion , and usurpations upon the Magistrates government , and every Christian mans liberty . And this have they done not onely in Europe , but also in the Indies , and not one in every Kingdome , but in the same State divers , and almost in every great City one . And shall not this flourishing Kingdome build and endow one Colledge for the maintenance of Gods true service , and the honour of the whole State ? It were a dishonour to our Nation , and the whole Church and State to thinke contrary . The worke we confesse hath hitherto proceeded slowly : And no marvell , seeing great workes are not easily atchieved . Noes Arke , Gods Tabernacle and Temple , and famous Schooles and Colledges , albeit founded by Kings and great men , were long in building , and doe we wonder that this College is not yet finished ? further it pleased God to deprive us of Prince Henry our principall hope , and the chiefe Author of this designe . Lastly , who knoweth whether God hath appointed these weake meanes to set forward a great worke , that his power in our weaknes might have the whole glory ? Let us therefore , good Country-men and Christians , hearken willingly to his Majesties motion , and readily follow his example . Let it appeare by our bounty how zealous wee are to maintaine his everlasting Truth , and root out error and idolatry . Let us by effects declare how studious we are to doe good workes , and to advance our Countries honour . They that have much may give of their abundance : the rest according to the measure of their meanes . God as well accepteth the Widowes mite , and poore mans good will , as the rich mans treasure . If wee honour God with our substance , he will honour us and encrease our substance . If we build a house for the maintenance of his truth , that it may continue to our posterity , God will uphold our houses , restore to us , and double it to our posterity . Abraham by offering his 〈◊〉 , was made a father of many sonnes , yea of Nations . And Salomon that shewed his Royall magnificence in building God a Temple , in honour and riches passed all other Kings . How then can wee excuse our selves , if wee deny God a small offring , that daily offereth to us many graces , and giveth us all the good things we possesse . Our soules and bodies are a sacrifice due to him : and therefore no Christian may deny to him an offring out of his wordly goods , if Gods service require it . As for those that draw backe in this service , and refuse to concurre in promoting Gods honour , let them marke the words of our Saviour , Matth. 12. He that is not with me is against me . And the curse of the Angell upon the people of Meros , Iudg. 5. Curse ye Meros , saith the Angell , for they came not up to helpe the Lord. But we hope we shall not need many words to move them , that already are so well perswaded , nor to perswade men , that in Religion and devotion are so forward . It is the duty of good Christians to advance Gods honour , and represse Superstition , Heresie , Idolatry , Blasphemy . It is the office of good subjects to defend the honour of the State , against the sycophancies of English Fugitives , and the secret practices of fortaine enemies their adherents . The adversaries using all their skill , and joyning their forces against Religion and the State , it behoveth us likewise to unite our forces , and to joyne in consultation how to resist them . This common businesse requireth common helpe , the practices of the Adversaries provoke us to use speed , the quality of the worke being for defence of Religion and the State , will move any whose heart is not hardened , cheerefully to give . Whosoever shall willingly give , shall receive of God a full reward in this life , and when they dye , their workes shall follow them , and then whatsoever they have given to God on earth , they shall assuredly finde in Heaven . Wherefore recommending the Colledge of Chelsey to every religious Christians devout thoughts , we cease further to presse them . Only for satisfaction of those that desire to know why this Colledge is erected at Chelsey , and not in one of the Vniversities , this we thought fit to adde , that this place was thought most fit to receive directions from our Superious , to consult with men of best experience , to obtaine intelligence from forraigne parts , to print Bookes , and to disperse them ; And lastly , to obtaine the favour of the State and City . Further hereby , as all emulation may bee avoyded , so the helpe of both Vniversities may as well be had by entercourse of our Agents , as if the Colledge stood in either of the Vniversities . Thus all things now stand . God blesse the proceeding of this worke , and give honour to his owne name , and a happy issue to this holy designe . Amen . GOVERNORS OF THE CITIE OF LONDON . And first of Ecclesiasticall Bishops ; and other Ministers there . HAving thus runne through the description of these Cities of London and West-minster , aswell in their originall foundations , as in their increases of buildings and ornaments , together with such incidents of sundry sorts , as are before , both generally and particularly discoursed . It remaineth that somewhat bee noted by mee , touching the Policie and Government , both Ecclesiasticall and Civill , of London , as I have already done for West-minster , the order whereof is appointed by the late Statute , even as that of London is maintained by the Customes thereof , most laudably used before all the time of memory . And first to begin with the Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction . I read , that the Christian Faith was first preached in this Iland ( then called Britaine ) by Ioseph of Arimathea , and his brethren , Disciples of Christ , in the time of Arviragus , then Governor heere , under the Romane Emperour . After which time , Lucius , King of the Britaines , sent his Ambassadors , Elvanus and Meduvanus , two men learned in the Scriptures , with Letters to Eleutherius , Bishop of Rome , desiring him to send some devout and Learned men , by whose instruction , hee and his people might hee taught the Faith and Religion of Christ . Eleutherius baptized those Messengers , making Elvanus a Bishop , and Meduvanus a Teacher , and sent over with them into Britaine , two other famous Clerks , Faganus and Deruvianus , by whose diligence , Lucius and his people of Britaine , were instructed in the Faith of Christ , and baptized , the Temples of Idols were converted into Cathedrall Churches , & Bishops were placed , where Flamines before had bin : at London , Yorke and Carleon upon Vske , were placed Archbishops , saith some . The said Epistle ( to us sent by Eleutherius ) to King Lucius , for the establishing of the faith , yee may read in my Annales , Summaries and Chronicles , truely translated and set downe , as mine Author hath i● , for some have curtalled and corrupted it , and then fathered it , upon Reverend Bede , who never wrote word thereof , or otherwise to that effect , more than this as followeth : In the yeere 156. Marcus Aurelius Verus , the 14. Emperor after Augustus , governed the Empire , with his brother Aurelius Cōmodus . In whose time , Eleutherius , a Holy man , being Pope of the Church of Rome , Lucius King of Britaines wrote unto him , desiring that by his commandement , he might bee made a Christian : which his request was granted him ; whereby the Britaines receiving then the Faith , kept it sound and undefiled in rest and peace , untill Dioclesian the Emperours time . Thus far Bede , which may suffice to prove the Christian Faith then to bee received here . And now of the London Bishops , according as I find them registred . There remaineth in the Parish Church of Saint Peter upon Cornehill in London , a table wherein is written that Lucius founded the same Church to bee an Archbishops See , and Metropolitane & chiefe Church of his Kingdome , and that it so endured the space of foure hundred yeeres , untill the comming of Augustine the Monke , and others from Rome , in the reigne of the Saxons . The Archbishops names I find only to bee set downe by Ioceline of Furnes , in his booke of Brittish Bishops , and not else where . Theanus ( saith hee ) was the first Archbishop of London in the time of Lucius , who builded the said Church of Saint Peter , in a place called Cornehill in London , by the ayd of Ciran , chiefe Butler to King Lucius . 2 Elvanus was the second , & hee builded a Library to the same Church adjoyning , and converted many of the Druides ( learned men in the Pagan law ) to the Christian Faith. 3 Cadar was the third : then followed , 4 Obinus . 5 Conan . 6 Paludius . 7 Stephen . 8 Iltute . 9 Dedwin , or Theodwin . 10 Theodred . 11 Hillary . 12 Restitutus . 13 Guidelium , or Guiteline . 14 Fastidius . 15 Vodimus , slaine by the Saxons . 16 Theonw , the sixteenth , fled with the Brittaines into Wales , about the yeere of Christ , 587. Thus much out of Ioceline of the Archbishops : the credit whereof I leave to the judgement of the learned . For , I reade of a Bishop of London ( heere also named ) in the yeere of Christ 326. to be present at the second Councell , holden at Arles , in the time of Constantine the great , who subscribed thereunto in these words : Ex Provincia Britanniae Civitate Londinensi Restitutus Episcopus , as plainely appeareth in the first Tome of the Councels . Hee writeth not himselfe Archbishop , and therfore maketh the matter of Archbishops doubtfull , or rather overthroweth that opinion . The Saxons being Pagans , having chased the Britaines with the Christian Preachers into the Mountaines of Wales and Cornewall , and having divided this Kingdome of the Britaine 's amongst thēselves ; at the length , to wit , in the yeere 596. Pope Gregory , moved of a godly instinction ( saith Bede ) in the 147. yeere , after the Angles or Saxons in Britaine , sent Augustine , Melitus , Iustus and Iohn , with other Monkes , to preach the Gospell to the said Nation of the Angles . These landed in the I le of Thanet , and were first received by Ethelbert , King of Kent , whom they converted to the faith of Christ , with divers other of his people , in the 34. yeere of his reigne , which Ethelbert gave unto Augustine the City of Canturbury . The Metropolitane See being established at Canturbury , these that follow , were successively Bishops of London , to this present time . This Augustine in the yeere of Christ 604. consecrated Melitus and Iustus Bishops , appointing Melitus to preach unto the East Saxons , whose chiefe Citie was London : and their King Sebert , Nephew to Ethelbert , by preaching of Melitus , received the Word of Life . And then Ethelbert , King of Kent , builded in the Citie of London Saint Pauls Church , wherein Melitus began to be Bishop , in the yeere 619. and sate five yeeres . Ethelbert by his Charter gave Lands to this Church of Saint Paul : so did other Kings after him . King Sebert , through the good life , and like preaching of Melitus , having received Baptisme , to shew himselfe a Christian , builded a Church to the honor of God and S. Peter , on the West side of London , which Church is called Westminster : but the successors of Sebert , being Pagans , expelled Melitus out of their Kingdomes . Iustus the second , Bishop for a time , and then Melitus againe : after whose decease , the seate was void for a time . At length Sigebert , Sonne to Sigebert , brother to Sebert , ruled in Essex : hee became a Christian , and tooke to him a holy man , named C●dda , or Chadda , who wan many by preaching and good life , to the Christian Religion . Ceadda , or Chadda , was ( by Finan ) consecrated Bishop of the East Saxons , and he ordred Priests and Deacons in all the parts of Essex , but especially at Ithancaster , and Tilberie . This City of Ithancaster ( saith Ralph Cogshall ) stood on the banke of the River Pante , that runneth by Maldun in the hundred of Danesey ; but now is drowned in Pante , so that nothing remaineth , but the ruine of the Citie in the River . Tilberie ( both the West and East ) standeth on the Thames side , nigh over against Gravesend . Wina , expelled from the Church of Winchester by Cenewalche the King , was adopted to be the fourth Bishop of London , in the reigne of Wolferus , King of Mercia , and sate nine yeeres . Erkenwald , borne in the Castell or Towne of Stallingborough in Lindsey , first Abbot of Crotesey , was by Theodore , Archbishop of Canturbury , appointed to be Bishop of the East Saxons , in the Citie of London . This Erkenwald in the yeer of Christ , 677. before he was made Bishop , had builded two Monasteries , one for himselfe , being a Monke in the Isle of Crote in Surrey , by the River of Thames and another for his Sister Edilburga , being a Nun , in a certaine place called Berching in Essex : he deceased at Berching , in the yeere , 697. and was then buried in Pauls Church , and translated into the new Church of S. Paul , in the yeere , one thousand , one hundred forty eight . Waldhere , or Walthere , was Bishop of London : Sebba , King of the east Saxons , at his hands received the habite of Monke : for at that time there were Monks in Pauls Church , as writeth Radulphus Dedicato , and others . To this Bishop he brought a great summe of money , to be bestowed and given to the poore , reserving nothing to himselfe ; but rather desired to remaine poore in goods , as in Spirit , for the Kingdome of Heaven . When he had reigned thirty yeeres , hee deceased at Pauls , and was there buried , and lieth now in a Coffin of Stone , on the North side of the Isle next the Quire. Ingwaldus , Bishop of London , was at the consecration of Tatwine , Archbishop of Canturbury ; hee confirmed the foundation of Crowland , in the yeere , seven hundred and sixteene , ( saith Ingulfus ) and deceased in the yeere 744. as saith Hoveden . 746 Engulfe , called also Egwolfe , or Egnaldus , Bishop of London . 754 Wighead , or Wigherus , Bishop of London . 761 Eadbrightus , or Edbrithe , Bishop of London . 768 Eadgar , or Eadgarus , Bishop of London . 773 Kenewalth , Bishop of London . 784 Eadbaldus , Bishop of London . 795 Hedbert , or Hethobert , Bishop of London , deceased 802. saith Hoveden . 813 Osmund , or Oswin , Bishop of London , hee was witnesse to a Charter made to Crowland , in the yeere 833. saith Engulfus . 835 Ethelmothe , Bishop of London . 838 Ceolbert , or Celbertus , B. of London . 841 Renulfe , or Ceorulfe , Bishop of London . 850 Swithulfus , Bishop of London , he likewise was witnesse to a Charter of Crowland , 851. 860 Edstanus , Bishop of London , witnesse to a Charter of Crowland , 860. 870 Wulfius , or Wolfius , Bishop of London . 878 Ethelwardus , Bishop of London . 886 Elstanus , Bishop of London , died in the yeere 900. saith Asser , & all these , saith the Author of Flores Historiarum , were buried in the old Church of S. Paul , but there remaineth now no memorie of them . 900 Theodricus , Bishop of London : this man confirmed King Edreds Charter , made to Winchester , in the yeere , 947. whereby it seemeth , that he was Bishop of London of a later time than he is heere placed . 922 Wulstanus , Bishop of London . 941 Brithelme , Bishop of London . 958 Dunstanus , Abbot of Glastenburie : then Bishop of Worchester , and in time Bishop of London , he was afterward translated to Canturbury , 960. 960 Ealfstanus , Bishop of London : the 28. in number . 981 Edgare , Bishop of London , he confirmed the grants made to Winchester , and to Crowland , 966. and againe to Crowland , 970. the Charter of Etheldred , concerning Vlfrunhampton , 996. 1004 Elphinus , Bishop of London . 1010 Alwinus , Bishop of London . 1012 Alfhune , Bishop of London : he was sent into Normandy in the yeere 1013. saith Asser . 1044. Robert , a Monke of Gemerisius in Normandy , Bishop of London . 7. yeers . afterward translated from London to Canturbury . 1050 Spe●gasius elected , but rejected by the King. 1051 William , a Norman , Chaplain to Edward the Confessor , was made Bishop of London , 1051. fare 17. yeeres , and deceased 1070. He obtained of William the Conqueror , the Charter of Liberties for the City of London , as I have set downe in my Summary , and appeareth by his Epitaph in Pauls Church . 1070 Hugh de Orwell , or Orivall , Bishop of London : he died of a Leprosie , when he had sitten fifteene yeeres . 1085 Mauricius , Bishop of London , in whose time , to wit , in the yeere 1089. the Church of S. Paul was burnt , with the most part of this Citie , and therefore he laid the foundation of a new large Church , and having sitten 22. yeeres , hee deceased , 1107. saith Mathew Paris . 1108 Richard Beame , or Beamor , called by some Richard Bearvis , Bishop of London , did wonderfully increase the worke of this Church begun , purchasing the streets and lanes ( adjoining ) of his owne money : and he founded the Monastery of S. Osyth in Essex , he sate Bishop 19. yeeres , and deceased 1127. 1127 Gilbertus Vniversalis , a Canon of Lyons , elected by Henry the first , he deceased 1141. when he had sitten fourteene yeeres . 1142 Robertus de Sigillo , a Monke of Reading , whom Maud the Empresse made Bishop of London , where he sate eleven yeeres . Geffrey de Magnavile tooke him prisoner at Fulham , and he deceased 1152. 1153 Richard Beames , Archdeacon of Essex , Bishop of London ten yeeres , who deceased 1162. 1163 Gilbert Foliot , Bishop of Hereford , from whence translated to London , sate three and twenty yeeres , and deceased , 1186. 1189 Richard Fitz Neale , the Kings Treasurer , Archdeacon of Essex , elected of London , at Pipwell , 1189. Hee sate nine yeeres and deceased , 1198. This man also tooke great paines about the building of Pauls Church , and raised many other goodly buildings in his Diocesse . 1199 William S. Mary Church , commonly called , William de Sancta Maria , a Norman , Bishop of London , who was one of the three Bishops , that by the Popes commandement executed his interdiction or curse upon the whole Realme of England ; but hee was forced ( with the other Bishops ) to flie the Realme in 1208. & his Castell at Stratford in Essex was by commandement of K. Iohn overthrowne , 1210. This William , in cōpany of the Archbishop of Canturbury , and of the Bishop of Ely , went to Rome , and there complained against the King , 1212. and returned , so as in the yeere 1215. King Iohn in the Church of S. Paul , at the hands of this William , tooke upon him the Crosse for the Holy Land. He resigned his Bishopricke of his owne voluntary , in the yeere 1221. saith Cogshall . 1221 Eustachius de Faulconbridge , Treasurer of the Exchequer ( saith Mathew Paris ) Chancelor of the Exchequer ( saith Textor , and Cogshall ) Bishop of London , 1223. Whilst at Chelmesford he was giving holy Orders , a great tempest of wind and raine annoyed so many as came thither , whereof it was gathered , how highly God was displeased with such as came to receive Orders , to the end , they might live a more easie life , of the Stipend appointed to the Church-men , giving themselves to banketting , and so with uncleane and filthy bodies , ( but more uncleane soules ) persume to minister unto God , the Author of purity and cleanesse . Falcatius de Brent was delivered to his custody in the yeere , 1224. This Eustachius deceased in the yeere 1228. and was buried in Pauls Church , in the South side , without or above the Quire. 1229 Rogerus Niger , Archdeacon of Colchester , made Bishop of London . In the yeere 1230. ( saith Mathew Paris ) upon the feast day of the Conversion of S. Paul , whē he was at Masse in the Cathedrall Church of S. Paul , a great multitude of people being there present suddenly the weather waxed dark , so as one could scantly see another , and an horrible thunderclap lighted on the church , which so shook it , that it was like to hay●fallen . And there withall out of a 〈◊〉 croud proceeded a flash of lightning , that all the Church seemed to bee on fire ; whereupon such a strench ensued , that all men though they should have dyed : thousands of men and women ran out of the Church , and being astonied , fell upon the ground , voyd of all sense and understanding . None of all the multitude traied in the Church , save the Bishop and one Deacon , which stood still before the high Altar , awaiting the will of God : when the Aire was cleansed , the multitude returned into the Church , and the Bishop ended the Service . This Reger Niger is commended to have been a man of worthy life , excellently well learned , a notable Preacher , pleasant in talke , midle of countenance , & liberall at his Table . He admonished the Vsurers of his time , to leave such enormities , as they rendred the salvation of their soules , and to doe penance for that they had committed : but when he saw they laughed him to scorne , and also threatned him , the Bishop generally excommunicated and accursed all such , & commanded strictly that such Vsurers should depart further from the Citie of London , which hitherto had beene ignorant of such mischiefe and wickednesse , lest his Dioces should be infected therewithall . He fell sicke , and dyed at his Mannor of Bishops Hall , in the Lordship and Parish of Stebunheth , in the yeere 1241. and was buried in Pauls Church , on the North side of the Presbytery , in a faire Tombe coped , of gray Marble . 1241 Fulco Bosset , Deane of Yorke , by the death of Gilbert Basset , possessed his lands , & was then made B. of London , deceased on the 21. day of May , in the yeere 1259. as saith Iohn Tex●or , and was buried in Pauls Church . 1259 〈◊〉 de Wingham , Chancelor of England , made Bishop of London , deceased in the yeere 1262. saith Textor , and was buried in Pauls Church , on the South side without , or above the Quire , 〈◊〉 Marble Monument , close at the head of Faulconbridge . 1262 Richard Taloot , Bishop of London , straightwayes after his consecration deceased , saith Eversden . 1262 Henry Sandwich , Bishop of London , deceased in the yeere 1273. as the same Author affirmeth . 12●3 Iohn de Chishull , Deane of Pauls , Treasurer of the Exchequer , & Keeper of the great Seale , was Bishop of London , and deceased in the yeere 1279. saith Eversden . 1280 Ful●o Loved , Archdeacon of Colchoster , elected Bishop of London , but refused the place . 1280 Richard de Grave●send , Archdeacon of Northampton , Bishop of London . It appeareth by the Charter warren granted to this Bishop , that ( in his time ) there were two Woods in the Parish of Stebunheth , pertaining to the said Bishop : I have ( since I kept house for my selfe ) knowne the one of them by Bishops Hall , but now they are both made plaine of wood , and not to be discerned from other grounds . Some have fabuled , that this Richard Gravesend , Bishop of London , in the yeere 1392. the 16. of Richard the second , purchased the Charter of liberties to this City ; which thing hath no possibility of truth , as I have proved , for he deceased in the yeere 2303. almost ninety yeeres before that time . 1307 Ralph de Baldocke , Deane of Pauls , Bishop of London , consecrated at Lyons by Peter , Bishop of Alba , in the yeere 1307. He was a great furtherer of the new worke of Pauls , to wit , the East end , called our Lady Chappell , and other adjoyning : this Ralph deceased in the yeere 1313. and was buried in the said Lady Chappell , under a flat stone . 1313 Gilbert Segrave was consecrated Bishop of London , & sate three yeers . 1317 Richard Newport , Bishop of London , sate two yeeres , and was buried in Pauls Church . 1318 Stephen Gravesend , Bishop of London , sate twentie yeeres . 1338 Richard Bintworth , or Wentworth , Bishop of London , and Chancelor of England , deceased the yeere 1339. 1339 Ralph Stratford , Bishop of London : he purchased the piece of ground called No mans land , beside , Smithfield , and dedicated it to the use of buriall , as before hath appeared : hee was borne at Stratford upon Avon , and therefore builded a Chappell to S. Thomas there : he sate 14. yeeres , and deceased at Stebunhith . 1354 Michael Northbroke , Bishop of London , deceased in the yeere 1361. saith Merimouth , sate 7. yeeres . 1362 Simon Sudbery , Bishop of London , sate 13. yeeres , translated to be Archbishop of Canturbury , in the yeere 1375. 1375 William Conrtney , translated from Hereford to the Bishopricke of London , and after translated from thence to the Archbishopricke of Canturbury , in the yeere , 1381. 1381 Robert Breybrooke , Canon of Lichfield , bishop of London , made Chancellour in the 6. of Richard the second sate Bishop 20. yeeres , and deceased in the yeere 1404. he was buried in the said Lady Chappell at Pauls . 1405 Roger Walden , Treasurer of the Exchequer , Archbishop of Canturbury , was deposed , and after made bishop of London : he deceased in the yeere 1406. and was buried in Pauls Church , by Alhallowes Altar . 1406 Nicholas Bubwith , bishop of London , Treasurer of the Exchequer , translated to Salisbury , & from thence to Bathe , and lyeth buried at Wells . 1407 Richard Clifford , removed from Worcester to London , deceased 1422. as saith Thomas Walsingham , and was buried in Pauls . 1422 Iohn Kempe , Fellow of Martin Colledge in Oxford , was made bishop of Rochester , from whence removed to Chichester , and thence to London : hee was made the Kings Chancellor in the yeere 1425. the fourth of Henry the sixth , & was removed from London to Yorke , in the yeere ●26 . He sate Archbishop there 25. yeeres , and was translated to Canturbury ; he was afterwards made Cardinall in the yeere 1452. In the bishop of Londons house at Fulham he received the Crosse , and the next day the Pall , at the hands of Thomas Kempe bishop of London : he deceased in the yere 1454. 1426 William Gray , Deane of Yorke , consecrated Bishop of London , who founded a Colledge at Thele in Hartfordshire , for a Master and foure Canons , and made it a Cell to Elsing Spittle in London . It had of old time been a Colledge decayed , and therefore newly founded : hee was translated to Lincolne 1431. 1432 Robery Fitz-Hugh , Archdeacon of Northampton , consecrated Bishop of London , sate 5. yeeres ; he deceased in the yeere 1435. and was buried on the South side of the Quire of Pauls . 1435 Robert Gilbert , Doctor of Divinity , Deane of Yorke , consecrated Bishop of London , sate twelve yeeres , deceased 1448. 1449 Thomas Kempe , Archdeacon of Richmond , consecrated Bishop of London , at Yorke house , ( now White Hall ) by the hands of his Vncle , Iohn Kempe , Archbishop of Yorke , the eighth of February , 1449. Hee founded a Chappell of the Trinity in the body of Saint Pauls Church on the North side ; he sate Bishop of London 39. yeeres , and 48. dayes , and then deceasing in the yere 1489. was there buried . 1489 Iohn Marshall Bishop of London , deceased in the yeere 1493. 1493 Richard Hill , Bishop of London , deceased 1495. and was buried in the body of S. Pauls Church . 1496 Thomas Savage , first Bishop of Rochester , then Bishop of London 5. yeeres , was translated to Yorke 1510. where he sate Archbishop 7. yeeres , and was there buried in the yeere , 1507. 1502 William Warkham , Bishop of London , made Keeper of the great Seale , sate two yeeres , was translated to Canturbury . 1504 William Barnes , Bishop of London , sate 10. Moneths and 11. dayes , deceased in the yeere 1505. 2505 Richard Fitz-Iames , Fellow of Martin Colledge in Oxford , in the reigne of Henry the 6. was made Bishop of Rochester , after Bishop of Chichester , and then Bishop of London : he deceased 1521. and lyeth buryed hard beneath the North west pillar of the Steeple in Pauls , under a faire Tombe of Marble , over the which was builded a faire Chappell of Timber , with stayres mounting thereunto : this Chappell was burned with fire from the Steeple 1561. and the Tombe was taken downe . 1521 Cuthbert Tunstall , Doctor of Law , Master of the Rowies , Lord Privy Seale , and Bishop of London , was thence translated to the Bishopricke of Durham , in the yeere 1529. 1529 Iohn Stokesley , Bishop of London , sate 13. yeeres , deceased in the yeere 1539. and was buried in the Lady Chappell in Pauls . 1539 Edmund Bonner , Doctor of the Civill Law , Archdeacon of Leicester , then Bishop of Hereford , was elected to London , in the yeere 1539. whilest he was beyond the Seas , Ambassador for King Henry the eighth . On the first of September 1549. hee preached at Pauls Crosse , for the which Sermon , hee was charged before the Councell of King Edward the sixth by William Latimer , Parson of S. Lawrence Poultney , and Iohn Hooper , sometime a white Monke : and being convented before certaine Commissioners at Lambith , was for his disobedience to the Kings order , on the 20. day of the same Moneth , sent to the Marshalsey , and deprived from his Bishopricke . 1550 Nicholas Ridley , Bishop of Rochester , elected Bishop of London , was installed in Pauls Church on the twelfth of April . This man by his deed dated the 12. day after Christmas , in the 4. yeere of Edward the sixth , gave to the King the Mannors of Branketry and Southminster , and the Patronage of the Church of Cogshall in Essex , the Mannors of Stebunheth , and Hackney , in the County of Middlesex , and the Marsh of Stebunheth , with all the singular Messuages , Lands and Tenements to the said Mannors belonging , and also the Advowson of the Vicarage of the Parish Church of Cogshall in Essex aforesaid : which grant was confirmed by the Deane and Chapter of Pauls , Stebunheth and Hackney , as only pertained to them . The said King Edward by his Letters Patents , dated the sixteenth of April , in the said fourth yeere of his reigne granted to Sir Tho. Wentworth , Lord Wentworth , Lord Chamberlaine of the Kings houshold , for and in consideration of his good and faithfull service before done , a part of the late received gift , to wit , the Lordships of Stebunheth and Hackney , with all the members and appurtenances thereto belonging in Stebunheth , Hackney way , Shorditch , Holiwell street , White Chappell , Stratford at Bowe , Poplar , North-street , Li●ehouse , Ratcliffe , Cleve street , Brocke street , Mile end , Bleten Hall greene , Old Foord , Westheth , Kingsland , Shakelwel , Newington street , alias Hackney street , Clopton , Church street , Well street , Humbarton , Grove street , Gunston street , alias , More streete , in the County of Middlesex , together with the Marsh of Stebunheth , &c. The Mannor of Hackney was valued at 41. l. 9. s. 4. d. by yeere : and the Mannor of Stebunheth at 140. l. 8. s. 11. d. ob . by yeere , to bee holden in chiefe , by the service of the twentith part of a Kinghts fee. This Bishop , Nicholas Ridley , for preaching a Sermon at Pauls Crosse , on the 16. of Iuly in the yeere 1553. was committed to the Tower of London , where hee remained prisoner till the 10. of April , in the yeere 1554. and was thence sent to Oxford , there to dispute with the Divines and learned men of the contrary opinion , and on the 16. of October 1555. he was burned at Oxford , for opinion against the Romish order of Sacraments , &c. 1553 Edmund Bonner aforesaid , being released out of the Marshalsey , was restored to the Bishopricke of London , by Queene Mary , on the fifth of August , in the yeere 1553. and againe deposed by Queene Elizabeth , in the Moneth of Iuly , Anno 1559. and was eftsoones , committed to the Marshalsey , where hee dyed on the 5. of Septembr 1569. and was at midnight buried amongst other prisoners in St. Georges Church-yard . 1559 Edmund Grindull , Bishop of London , being consecrated the 21. of December 1559. was translated to York , in the yeere 1570. and from thence removed to Canterbury , in the yeere 1575. he dyed blind 1583. on the 6. of Iuly , and was buried at Crodowne in Surrey . 1570 Edwine Sandys , being translated from Worcester to the Bishopricke of London , in the yeere , 1570. was thence translated to Yorke , in the yeere 1576. and dyed in the yeere 1588. 1576 Iohn Elmere , Bishop of London , deceased in the yeere 1594. on the 3. of Iune at Fulham , and was buried in Pauls Church , before Saint Thomas Chappell . 1594 Richard Fletcher , Bishop of Worcester , was on the 30. of December in Pauls Church elected Bishop of London , and deceased on the 15. of Iune 1596. he was buried in Pauls Church without any solemne funerall . 1597 Richard Bancroft , Doctor of Divinity , brought up first in Christs Colledge , and afterward in Iesus Colledge in Cambridge , was consecrated Bishop of London , at Lambith , on Sunday , being the 8. day of May , 1597. and translated to Canterbury in December 1604. 1604 Richard Vaughan , Doctor of Divinity , & Bishop first of Bangor , next of Chester , was translated to London in Ianuary 1604. and dyed in March 1607. 1607 Thomas Ravis , Doctor of Divinity , and Deane of Christs Church in Oxford , was first Bishop of Glocester , and then removed to London , the 19. of May , 1607. and dyed the 14. of December 1609. 1609 George Abbot , Doctor of Divinity , having beene little above one moneth Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield , was called to London , towards the latter end of Ianuary 1609. and removed to Canterbury in Anno 1611. 1611 Iohn King , Doctor of Divinity , and Deane of Christs Church in Oxford , where he was brought up , and Archdeaeon of Nottingham , was consecrated Bishop of London , the eighth day of September , 1611. and worthily remained long in the same dignity . His Grandfather was Brother unto Robert King , sometime Bishop of Oxford . George Mountaine , Doctor of Divinity , Lecturer in Greshams Colledge , afterward Master of the Savoy , & Deane of Westminster , then Bishop of Lincolne , and thence removed to bee Lord Bishop of London , and Almoner to his Majesty , last of all removed againe , to be Lord Archbishop of Yorke . William Laud , Doctor in Divinity , President of St. Iohn Baptists Colledge in Oxford , Deane of Glocester , next Bishop of St. Davids , next Bishop of Bath and Welles , next Bishop of London , and Deane of his Majesties Chappell Royall , and now Archbishop of Canterbury , and one of his Highnesse most Honourable Privy Councell . William Iuxon , Doctor in Divinity , President of St. Iohn Baptists Colledge in Oxford , Deane of Worcester , next Clarke of the Closset to his Majesty , next Bishop elect of Hereford , next Deane of his Majesties Chappell Royall , and Bishop of London . Thus much for the succession of the Bishops of London , whose Dioces containeth the City of London , the whole Shires of Middlesex and Essex , and a part of Hartfordshire . These Bishops have for Assistants in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul , a Deane , a Chaunter , a Chancelor , a Treasurer , five Archdeacons , to wit , London , Middlesex , Essex , Colchester , and S. Albans , and 30. Prebendaries . There appertaineth also to the said Church for furniture of the Quire in Divine Service , and administration of the Sacraments , a Colledge of 12. Pety Canons , sixe Vicars , Chorall , and Queristers , &c. This Dioces is divided into Parishes , every Parish having his Parson , or Vicar at the least , learned men for the most part , and sufficient Preachers to instruct the people . There were in this City , and within the Suburbs thereof in the reigne of Henry the second ( as writeth Fitz-Stephens ) thirteene great Conventuall Churches , besides the lesser sort , called Parish Churches , to the number of 126. all which Conventuall Churches , and some others since that time founded , are now suppressed and gone , except the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul in London , and the Colledge of Saint Peter at Westminster . THE TEMPORALL GOVERNMENT OF THIS CITY , SOMEWHAT Discoursed in briefe manner . THIS City of London being under the government of the Britaines , Romans , and Saxons , the most ancient and famous City of the whole Realme , was at length destroyed by the Danes , and left desolate , as may appeare by our Histories . But Aelfred King of the West Saxons , having brought this whole Realme ( from many parts ) into one Monarchie , honorably repaired this City , and made it againe habitable , and then committed the custody thereof to his Sonne in law Adhered , Earle of Mercia . After whose decease , the Citie , with all other possessions pertaining to the said Earle , returned to King Edward , sirnamed the Elder , &c. And so remained in the Kings hands , being governed under him by Portgraves ( or Portreves ) which name is compounded of the two Saxon words , Porte and Gerefe or Reve-Porte betokeneth a Towne , and Gerefe signifieth a Gardian , Ruler or Keeper of the Towne . These Governors of old time ( saith Robert Fabian ) with the lawes and customes then used within this Citie , were registred in a Booke , called the Doomes-day Booke , written in the Saxon Tongue : but of later dayes , when the lawes and customes were changed , and for that also the said Booke was of a small hand , sore defaced , and hard to be read or understood ; it was lesse set by , so that it was imbezeled and lost . Thus farre Fabian . Notwithstanding , I have found by search of divers old Registers and other Records abroad ; namely , in a Booke sometime appertaining to the Monastery of Saint Albans , of the Portgraves , and other Governours of this City , as followeth . First , that in the reigne of King Edward the last , before the conquest , Wolfegare was Portgrave , as may appeare by the Charter of the same King , in these words : Edward , King , greeteth Alfward Bishop , and Wolfgar my Portgrave , and all the Burgesses of London . And afterward , that in another Charter , King Edward greeteth William , Bishop , and Swetman my Portgrave . And after that , in another Charter to the Abbey of Chertsey : To William , Bishop , and Leofstane and Alffy Portgraves . In the reigne of William Conqueror , William , Bishop of London , procured of the said Conqueror his Charter of Liberties , to the same William , Bishop , & Godfrey , Portgrave , in the Saxon tongue , and turned into English , thus : William , King , greeteth William , Bishop , and Godfrey , Portgrave , and all the Burgesses within London , French , and English : And I grant that they be all their law worth , that they were in Edward dayes the King. And I will that each child bee his Fathers heire . And I will not suffer that any man doe you wrong : and God you keepe . And then in the reigne of the said Conquerour , and of William Rufus , Godfrey de Magnavile was Portgrave , ( or Sheriffe ) as may appeare by their Charters , and Richard de Par was Provost . In the reigne of King Henry the first , Hugh Buche was Portgrave , and Leofstanus , Goldsmith , Provost , buried at Bermondsey . After them , Aubery de Vere was Portgrave and Robert Bar Querel , Provost . This Aubery de Vere was slaine in the reigne of King Stephen . It is to bee noted also , that King Henry the first granted to the Citizens of London , the Shirifwicke thereof , and of Middlesex , as in another place is shewed . In the reigne of King Stephen , Gilbert Becket was Portgrave , and Andrew Buchevet , Provost . After him , Godfrey Magnavile , the Sonne of VVilliam , the Sonne of Godfrey Magnavile , by the gift of Maud the Empresse , was Portgrave or Sheriffe of London and Middlesex , for the yeerely farme of three hundred pound , as appeareth by the Charter . In the time of King Henry the second , Peter Fitz Walter was Portgrave ; after him Iohn Fitz Nigel was Portgrave , after him , Ernulfus Buchel became Portgrave ; and after him VVilliam Fitz Isable . These Portgraves are also in divers Records called , Vicecomites , Vicounties , or Sheriffes , as being under an Earle ; for that they then , as since , used that office as the Sheriffes of London doe till this day . Some Authors do call them Doomes-men , Eldermen , or Iudges of the Kings Court. VVilliam Fitz Stephen , noting the estate of this City , & Government thereof in his time , under the reigne of King Stephen , and of Henry the second , hath these words : This Citie ( faith he ) even as Rome , is divided into VVards , it hath yeerely Sheriffes in stead of Consuls , it hath the dignity of Senators and Aldermen , it hath Vnder-officers , and according to the qualitie of Lawes , it hath severall Courts , and generall Assemblies upon appointed dayes . Thus much for the antiquity of Sheriffes , and also of Aldermen in severall Wards of this Citie may suffice : and now for the name of Bayliffes , and after that , of Maiors as followeth . In the first yeere of King Richard the first , the Citizens of London obtained to bee governed by two Bailiffes , which Bailiffes are in divers ancient dceds called Sheriffes , according to the speech of the Law , which called the Shire Balliva , for that they ( like as the Portgraves ) used the same office of Shrivewicke , for the which the City paid to fee-farme , 300. l. yeerely as before , since the reigne of Henry the first , which also is yet paid by the City into the Exchequer untill this day . They also obtained to have a Maior , to bee their principall Governour and Lieutenant of the City , as of the Kings Chamber . 1189 The names of the first Bailiffes or Officers , entring into their office at the Feast of S. Michael the Archangell , in the yeere of Christ 1189. were named Henry Cornehill , and Richard Reynere , Bailiffes or Sheriffes . Their first Maior was Henry Fitz-Alwin , Draper , appointed by the said King , and continued Maior from the first of Richard the first , untill the 15. of King Iohn , which was 24. yeeres and somewhat more . 1190 The second of Richard the first , Sheriffes Iohn Herlion , Roger Duke : Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . 1191 The third Sheriffes , VVilliam Haverell , Iohn Buckmote : Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . 1192 The fourth , Nicholas Duke , Peter Newelye : Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . 1193 The fifth , Roger Duke , Richard Fitz-Alwin . Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . 1194 The sixth , VVilliam Fitz-Isabel , — VVilliam Fitz-Arnold : — Sheiffes . Maior , Henry Fitz Alwin . An. Dom. 1195 The seventh Robert Besaunt , — Ioke de Iosue : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . An. Dom. 1196 The eighth Gerard de Antiloche , — Robert Durant : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . An. Dom. 1197 The ninth Roger Blunt , — Nicholas Ducket : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . An. Dom. 1198 The tenth Constantine Fitz-Arnold , — Robert le Beau : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . King Iohn began his reigne the sixth of April 1199. An. Dom. 1199 The first of King Iohn , Arnold Fitz-Arnold , — Richard Fitz Bartholomew : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . King Iohn granted the Sheriffe-wicke of London , and Middlesex , to the Citizens thereof , as King Henry the first before had done , for the summe of 300. l. yeerely . Also he gave them authority to chuse and deprive their Sheriffs at their pleasure . An. Dom. 1200 The second Roger Dorset , — Iames Bartholemew : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . An. Dom. 1201 The third VValter Fitz-Alice , — Simon de Aldermanbury : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Alwin . An. Dom. 1202 The fourth Norman Blondel , — Iohn de Ely : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . An. Dom. 1203 The fifth VValter Browne , — VV. Chamberlaine : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . VValter Brune , and Rosia his wife , founded the Hospitall of Saint Mary without Bishopsgate , commonly called , Saint Mary Spittle . An. Dom. 1204 The sixth Thomas Haverel , — Hamond Brond : — Sheriffes . Maior Henry Fitz-Alwin . An. Dom. 1205 The seventh Iohn VValgrave , — Richard de VVinchester : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . An. Dom. 1206 The eighth Iohn Holyland , — Edmund Fitz-Gerard : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . An. Dom. 1207 The ninth Roger VVinchester , — Edmund Hard Le : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Firz-Alwin . An. Dom. 1208 The tenth Peter Duke , — Thomas Neale : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . The King by his Letters Patents granted to the Citizens of London liberty and authority , yeerely to chuse themselves a Maior . An. Dom. 1209 The eleventh Peter le Iosue , — William Blound : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . An. Dom. 1210 The twelfth Adam VVhitley , — Stephen le Grasse : — Sheriffes , Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . An. Dom. 1211. The thirteenth Iohn Fitz-Peter , — Iohn Garland : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . An. Dom. 1212 The foureteenth Randolph Eyland , — Constantine Iosue : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwin . This Henry Fitz-Alwin deceased , and was buried in the Parish Church of S. Mary Bothaw , neere to London Stone , where he dwelt . An. Dom. 1213. the fifteenth Martin Fitz-Alice , — Peter Bate : — Sheriffes . Maior , Roger Fitz-Alwin . This yeere the Ditch about London was begun to bee made , of 204. foote broad , by the Londoners . 1214 The sixteenth Salomon Basing , — Hugh Basing : — Sheriffes . Maior , Serle , Mercer . Roger Fitz-Alwin , saith Grafton . 1215 The seventeenth Iohn Travers , — Andrew Newland : — Sheriffes . Maior , VVilliam Hardel . King Henry the third began his reigne the 19. of October , 1216. 1216 The first Benet Seinturer , — William Bluntivers : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iames Alderman for part , and Salomon Basing for part . 1217 The second Thomas Boker● , — Ralph Holyland : — Sheriffes . Maior , Serle , Mercer , Robert Serle , saith Grafton . 1218 The third Iohn Wayle , or Veil , — Iohn le Spicer : — Sheriffes . Maior , Robert Serle , Mercer . The Forest of Middlesex , and the Warren of Stanes , were this yeere disaforested . 1219 The fourth Richard Wimbledon , — Iohn Wayle , or Veil : — Sheriffes . Maior , Robert Serle , Mercer . 1220 The fifth Richard Renger , — Iohn Veil : — Sheriffes . Maior , Robert Serle , Mercer . 1221 The sixth Richard Renger , — Thomas Lambart : — Sheriffes . Maior , Robert Serle , Mercer . 1222 The seventh Richard Renger , — Thomas Lambart : — Sheriffes . Maior , Robert Serle , Mercer . Constantine Fitz-Arnulph raysed great troubles in this Citie , and was hanged with his Nephew and other . 1223 The eighth Iohn Travars , — Andrew Bokerel : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Renger . 1224 The ninth Iohn Travars , — Andrew Bokerel : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Renger . The King granted to the Comminaltie of London , to have a common Scale . 1225 The tenth Roger Duke , — Martin Fitz-William : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Renger . 1226 The eleventh Roger Duke , — Martin Fitz William : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Renger . This yeere the King confirmed to the Citizens of London free Warren , or libertie to hunt a certaine circuite about the Citie , in the Warren of Stanes , &c. And also , that the Citizens of London should passe tol-free throughout all England , and that the Keddles , or Weres in the River of Thames , and Midway , should be plucked up and destroyed for ever , &c. Patent 11. Henry 3. 1227 The twelfth Stephen Bokerel , — Henry Cecham : — Sheriffes . Maior , Roger Duke . The liberties and Franchises of London were ratified , and the King granted , that either Sheriffe should have two Clerkes , and two Serjeants : also , that the Citizens should have a common Seale . 1228 The thirteenth Stephen Bokerel , — Henry Cocham : — Sheriffes . Maior , Roger Duke . 1229 The foureteenth William Winchester , — Robert Fitz Iohn : — Sheriffes Maior , Roger Duke . 1230 The fifteenth Richard VValter , — Iohn de VVoborne : — Sheriffes . Maior , Roger Duke . 1231 The sixteenth Michael of S. Helen , — VValter de Enfield : — Sheriffes . Maior , Andrew Bokerel , Pepperer . 1232 The seventeenth Henry de Edmonton , — Gerard Bat : — Sheriffes . Maior , Andrew Bokerel , Pepperer . 1233 The eighteenth Simon Fitz Mary , — Roger Blunt : — Sheriffes . Maior , Andrew Bokerel , Pepperer . 1234 The nineteenth Ralph Ashwy , — Iohn Norman : — Sheriffes . Maior , Andrew Bokerel , Pepperer . 1235 The twentith Gerard Bat , — Richard or Robert Hardle : Sheriffes . Maior , Andrew Bokerel , Pepperer . 1236 The one and twentith Henry Cobham , — Iordan of Coventry : — Sheriffes . Maior , Andrew Bokerel , Pepperer . 1237 The two and twentith Iohn Toloson , — Gervais the Cordwainer : Sheriffes . Maior , Andrew Bokerel , Pepperer . 1238 The three and twentith Iohn Codra● , — Iohn VVilhall : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Renger . 1239 The foure and twentith Reymond Bongy , — Ralph Ashwy : — Sheriffes . Maior , VVilliam Ioyner . This VVilliam Ioyner , builded the Quire of the Gray Friers Church in London , and became a Lay brother of that house . 1240 The five and twentieth Iohn Gisors , — Michael Tony : — Sheriffes . Maior , Gerard Bat. This yeere Aldermen of London were chosen , and changed yeerely , but that order lasted not long . Gerard Bat was againe elected Maior for that yeere to come , but the King would not admit him , being charged with taking money of the Victuallers in the precedent yeere . 1241 The six and twentieth Thomas Duresme , — Iohn Voyle : — Sheriffes . Maior , Reymond Bongey . 1242 The seven and twentieth Iohn Fitz-Iohn , — Ralph Ashwy : — Sheriffes . Maior , Reymond Bongey . 1243 The eight and twentieth Hugh Blunt , — Adam Basing : — Sheriffes . Maior , Ralph Ashwy . 1244 The nine and twentieth Ralph Foster , — Nicholas Bat : — Sheriffes . Maior , Michael Tony. 1245 The thirtieth Robert of Cornehil , — Adam of Bewley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Gisors Pepperer . 1246 The one and thirtieth Simon Fitz-Mary , — Lawrence Frowicke : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Gisors . Simon Fitz-Mary , founded the Hospitall of Mary , called Bethelem without Bishopsgate . Queene Hith was now let to farme to the Citizens of London . 1247 The two and thirtieth Iohn Voyle , — Nicholas Bat : — Sheriffes . Maior , Peter Fitz-Alwin . 1248 The three and thirtieth Nicholas Fitz Iosue , — Geffrey VVinchester : — Sheriffes . Maior , Michael Tony. 1249 The foure and thirtie Richard Hardell , — Iohn Tolason : — Sheriffes . Maior , Roger Fitz-Roger . 1250 The five and thirtieth Humfrey Bat , — VVilliam Fitz-Richard : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Gisors , Pepperer . The King now granted , that the Maior should be presented to the Barons of the Exchequer , and they should admit him . 1251 The six and thirtieth Lawrence Frowicke , — Nicholas Bat : — Sheriffes . Maior , Adam Basing . 1252 The seven and thirtieth VVilliam Durham , — Thomas VVimborne : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Tolason , Draper . The Liberties of this City were seized , and the Maior charged , that he looked not to the Assise of bread . 1253 The eighth and thirtieth Iohn Northampton , — Richard Picard : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Hardell , Draper . 1254 The nine and thirtieth Ralph Ashwy , — Robert of Limon : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Hardell , Draper . 1255 The fortieth Stephen Doe , — Henry Walmond : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Hardell , Draper . The Maior , divers Aldermen , and the Sheriffes of London were deprived , and other placed in their roomes . 1256 The one and fortieth Michael Bockerell , — Iohn the Minor : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Hardell , Draper . 1257 The two and fortieth Richard Otwel , — William Ashwy : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Hardell ; Draper . The King caused the walles of this Citie to bee repaired , and made with Bulwarkes . 1258 The three and fortieth Robert Cornhill , — Iohn Adrian : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Hardell , Draper . 1259 The foure and fortieth Iohn Adrian , — Robert Cornhill : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Gisors , Pepperer . 1260 The five and fortieth Adam Browning , — Henry Coventrie : — Sheriffes . Maior , William Fitz-Richard . 1261 The six and fortieth Iohn Northhampton , — Richard Picard : — Sheriffes . Maior , William Fitz-Richard . 1262 The seven and fortieth Iohn Tailor — Richard Walbrooke : Sheriffes . Maior , Thomas Fitz-Richard . 1263 The eight and fortieth Robert de Mountpiter , — Osbert de Suffolke : — Sheriffes . Maior , Thomas Fitz-Richard . The Citizens of London fortified the Citie with iron Chaines , drawn rhwart over their streets . 1264 The nine and fortieth Gregory Rockesley , — Thomas de De●ford : — Sheriffes . Maior , Thomas Fitz-Thomas Fitz-Richard . 1265 The fiftieth Edward Blund , — Peter Anger : — Sheriffes . Maior , Thomas Fitz-Thomas Fitz-Richard . The Chaines and Posts in London were plucked up , the Maior and principall Citizens committed to Ward , and Otho Constable of the Tower , was made Custos of the Citie , &c. 1266 The one and fiftieth Iohn Hind , — Iohn Walraven : — Sheriffes . Maior , William Richards . The Earle of Gloucester entred the Citie with an Army , and therein builded Bulwarkes , cast Trenches , &c. 1267 The two and fiftieth Iohn Adrian , — Lucas de Batencourt : — Sheriffes . Custos , Alen de la Souch . This Alen de la Souch , being a Baron of this Realme , and also chiefe Iustice , was in the yeere 1270. slaine in Westminster Hall , by Iohn warren Earle of Surrey . Thomas Fitz-Th●obald , and Agnes his wife , this yeere founded the Hospitall of Saint Thomas of Acon in Westcheape . 1268 The three and fiftieth ▪ Walter Harvy , — William Dur●sme : — Sheriffes . T. Wimborn ; Custos , Sir Stephen Edward . A variance fell in London betweene the Goldsmiths and the Taylors , wherthrough many men were slaine . 1269 The foure and fiftieth Thomas Basing , — Robert Cornehill : — Sheriffes . Hugh Fitz-Ottonis , Custos of London , and Constable of the Tower. 1270 The five and fiftieth Walter Potter , — Philip Tailor : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Adrian Vintner . 1271 The six and fiftieth Gregory Rokesly , — Henry Walleys : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Adrian Vintner . The steeple of Bow Church in Cheape fell downe , and slew many people . 1272 The seven and fiftieth Richard Paris , — Iohn de Wodeley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Walter Harvy , Custos , H. Frowike , Pepperer , for part that yeere . King Edward the first beganne his reigne the sixteenth of November , 1272. 1273 The first Iohn Horne , — Walter Potter : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Walter Harvy , Knight . 1274 The second Nicholas Winchester , — Henry Coventry : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Walleis . 1275 The third Lucas Ba●encourte , — Henry Frowicke : — Sheriffes . Maior , Gregory Rokesley ; chiefe Say-master of all the Kings Mints throughout all England , and keeper of the Kings Exchange at London . 1276 The fourth Iohn Horne , — Ralph Blunt : — Sheriffes . Maior , Gregory Rokesley . 1277 The fifth Robert de Arar , — Ralph L. Fewre : — Sheriffes . Maior , Gregory Rokesley . 1278 The sixth Iohn Adrian , — Walter Langley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Gregory Rokesley . 1279 The seventh Robert Basing , — William le Meyre : — Sheriffes . Maior , Gregory Rokesley . 1280 The eighth Thomas Fox , or Box , — Ralph Delamere , or Moore : Sheriffes . Maior , Gregory Rokesley . 1281 The ninth William Farendon , — Nicholas Winchester : — Sheriffes . Maior , Gregory Rakesley . This William Farendon , Goldsmith , one of the Sheriffes was Father to Nicholas Farendon : Of these two Faringden Ward tooke that name . 1282 The tenth W. le Meyre , — Richard Chigwel : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Walleis . This Henry Walleis builded the Tun upon Cornehill , to bee a Prison , and the Stockes to be a Market-house . 1283 The eleventh Ralph Blunt , — Ankerin de Betavil , or Hawkin Betuell : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Walleis . 1284. The twelfth Iordan Goodcheape , — Martin Box : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Walleis . Lawrence Ducket , Goldsmith , murdered in Bow-Church , and the murtherers hanged . 1285 The thirteenth Stephen Cornehill , — Roberts Rokesley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Gregory Rokesley ; Custos , Ralph Sandwitch , and Iohn Briton . It was ordained , that Millers should have but one halfe-penny for a quarter of Wheat grinding : and the great water Conduit in Cheape was now begun to be made . 1286 The foureteenth Walter Blunt , — Iohn Wade : — Sheriffes . Custos , Ralph Sandwitch . Wheate was now sold at London for sixteene pence , and for twelve pence the quarter . 1287 The fifteenth Thomas Crosse , — Walter Hawteyne : — Sheriffes . Custos , Ralph Sandwitch . 1288 The sixteenth W. Hereford , — Thomas Stanes : — Sheriffes . Custos , Ralph Sandwitch . 1289 The seventeenth W. Betaine , — Iohn of Canturbury : — Sheriffes . Custos , Ralph Sandwitch , Ralph Barnavars , and Sir Iohn Briton . This yeere a Subsidie was granted , for the reparations of London-bridge . 1290 The eighteenth Fulke of S. Edmond , — Salomon Langford , or Le Setel : — Sheriffes . Custos , Sir Iohn Briton , Knight . 1291 The nineteenth Thomas Romain , — W. de Leyre : — Sheriffes . Custos , Sir Iohn Briton , Knight , Ralph Sandwitch . 1292 The twentieth Ralph blunt , — Hamond Box : — Sheriffes . Custos , Ralph Sandwitch . 1293 The one and twentieth Henry Bell , or Bole , — Elias Russell : — Sheriffes . Custos , Ralph Sandwitch . Three men had their right hands cut off at the Standard in Cheape , for re●cuing of a prisoner , arrested by a Sergeant of London . 1294 The two and twentieth Robert Rokesley the yonger , Martin Aubery , or Amersbery : — Sheriffes . Custos , Ralph Sandwitch . 1295 The three and twentieth Henry Box , — Richard Gloucester : — Sheriffes . Custos , Sir Ralph Sandwitch . 1296 The foure and twentieth Iohn 〈◊〉 , — 〈…〉 : — Sheriffes . Custos , Sir Iohn Briton . This yeere all the Liberties of the City were restored , the Mairalty excepted . 1297 The five and twentieth Thomas of Suffolke , — ●●dam of Falham : — Sheriffes . Custos , Sir Iohn Briton . 1298 The six and twentith Richard Re●●a●● , — Thomas ●ely : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Walleis . Certaine Citizens of London brake up the Tunne upon Cornehill , and tooke out prisoners , for the which they were grievously punished . 1299 The seven and twentieth Iohn Armenter , — Henry ●ingene , or Fingrith : Sheriffes . Maior , Elias Russell . 1300 The eighth and twentieth Lucas de Havering , — Richard Champnes : — Sheriffes . Maior , Elias Russell . 1301 The nine and twentieth Robert Callor , or Callet , — Peter de Besenho : — Sheriffes . Custos , Sir Iohn Blunt , Knight . 1302 The thirtieth Hugh Pourte , — Simon Paris : — Sheriffes . Custos , Sir Iohn Blunt. 1303 The one and thirtieth W. Combmartin , — Iohn de Burford : — Sheriffes . Custos , Sir Iohn Blunt. 1304 The two and thirtieth Roger Paris , — Iohn de Lincolne : — Sheriffes . Custos , Sir Iohn Blunt. Geffrey Hertel●pole , Alderman , was elected to bee Recorder of London , and tooke his oath , and was appointed to weare his apparell as an Alderman . 1305 The three and thirtieth William Cawson , — Reginald Thunderley : — Sheriffes . Custos , Sir Iohn Blunt. 1306 The foure and thirtieth Geffrey at the Conduit , — Simon Billet : — Sheriffes . Custos , Sir Iohn Blunt. Seacoale was forbidden to bee burned in London , Southwarke , &c. Edward the second began his reigne the seventh of Iuly , the yeere of Christ , Anno , 1307. 1307 The first Nicholas Pigot , — Nigellus Drury : — Sheriffes . Custos , Sir Iohn Blunt. 1308 The second ▪ W. Basing , — Iames Butt●ler : — Sheriffes . Maior , Nicholas Faringdon , Goldsmith . 1309 The third Roger le Palmer , — Iames of S. Edmond : — Sheriffes . Maior , Thomas Romaine . 1310 The fourth Simon Cooper , — Peter Blackney : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Reffam , Mercer . The King commanded the Maior and communaltie to make the Wall of London , from Ludgate to Fleetbridge , and from thence to the Thames . 1311 The fifth Simon Metwod , — Richard Wilford : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Gisors , Pepperer . Order was taken that Merchant-strangers should sell their wares within forty dayes after their arrivall , or else the same to be forfeited . 1312 The sixth Iohn Lambin , — Adam Lutkin : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Gisors , Pepperer . 1313 The seventh Robert Gurden , or Burdeint , Hugh Garton : — Sheriffes . Maior , Nicholas Faringdon , Goldsmith . Prices set on victuals : a fat stalled Oxe , 24. shillings , a fat Mutton , 20. pence , a fat Goose , two pence halfe penny , a fat Capon , two pence ; a fat Hen , one penny ; two Chickens , one penny ; three Pigeons , one penny ; 24. egges one penny , &c. 1314 The eighth Stephen Abingdon , — Hamond Chickwell , or Chigwell : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Gisors , Pepperer . Famine and mortality of people , so that the quicke might unneath bury the dead , horse flesh , and dogs flesh was good meate . 1315 The ninth Hamond Goodchape , — William Bodeleigh : — Sheriffes . Maior , Stephen de Abingdon . 1316 The tenth William Caston , — Ralph Balancer : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Wingrave . An earely Harvest : a Bushell of Wheate that had beene sold for tenne shillings , was now sold for tenne pence , &c. 1317 The eleventh Iohn Prior , — W. Furneux , or Furneis : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Wingrave . Such a murren of Kin● , that Dogs and Ravens that sed on them were poisoned . 1318 The twelfth Iohn Pointell , — Iohn Dalling : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Wingrave . 1319 The thirteenth Simon de Abingdon , — I. Preston : — Sheriffes . Maior , Hamond Chickwell , Pepperer . Iohn Gisors , late Maior of London , and many other Citizens fled the City , for things layd to their charge . 1320 The foureteenth Renauld at the Conduit , — W. Prodham , or Produn : — Sheriffes . Maior , Nicholas Farengdon , Goldsmith . 1321 The fifteenth Richard Constantine , — Richard de Hackney : — Sheriffes . Maior , Hamond Chickwell , Pepperer . 1222 The sixteenth Iohn Grantham , — Richard de Ely : — Sheriffes . Maior , Hamond Chickwell , Pepperer . Fish and Flesh market established at the Stockes , in the midst of the Citie . 1323 The seventeenth Adam of Salisbury , — Iohn of Oxford : — Sheriffes . Maior , Nicholas Farengdon , Goldsmith . Of this Nicholas Farengdon , and of William Farengdon his father , read more in Farengdon Ward . 1324 The eighteenth Benet of Fulham , — Iohn Cawson : — Sheriffes . Maior , Hamond Chickwell , Pepperer . 1325 The nineteenth Gilbert Mordon , — Iohn Causton , or Cotton : — Sheriffes . Maior , Hamond Chickwell , Pepperer . The Citizens of London tooke the Bishop of Excester , and cut off his head at the Standard in Cheape . 1326 The twentieth Richard Rothing , — Roger Chaunteclere : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Britaine , Goldsmith . This Richard Rothing is said to new build the Parish Church of S. Iames at Garlicke-Hith . Edward the third began his reigne the 25. of Ianuary , the yeere of Christ , Anno , 1326. This King Edward granted , that the Maior should be Iustice for the Gaole delivery at Newgate , that the Citizens of London should not be constrained to go out of the City of London to any Warre . More hee granted , that the Liberties & Franchises of the City should not , after this time ( for any cause ) bee taken into the Kings hands , &c. More he granted by his Letters Patents , dated the sixth of March , that no Escheter should bee in the Citie , but the Maior for his time only . 1327 The first Henry Darcy , — Iohn Hawton , or Haughton : Sheriffes . Maior , Hamond Chickwell , Pepperer . This yeere the Walls of London were ●●payred . 1328 The second Simon Frances , — Henry Combmartin : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Grantham , Grocer . 1329 The third Richard Lazar , William Gisors : Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Swandland . This yeere the King kept a great Iousting in Cheape , betwixt Sopars-lane and the great Crosse . 1330 The fourth Robert of Elie , — Thomas Whorwode : Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Pountney , or Pultney , Draper . 1331 The fifth Iohn Mocking , — Andrew Aubery : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Pultney , Draper . 1332 The sixth Nicholas Pike , — Iohn Husband : — Sheriffes . Iohn Preston , Draper , This yeere was founded Elsing Spittle , by W. Elsing , Mercer , that became first Prior of that Hospitall . 1333 The seventh Iohn Hamond , — William Hansard : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Puleney , Drapes . 1334 The eighth Iohn Kingstone , or Kington , Walter Turke : — Sheriffes . Maior , Reginald at the Conduit , Vintner . 1335 The ninth Walter Mordon , — Richard Vpton : — Sheriffes . Maior , Nicholas Wotton , Reignold at the Conduit , saith Grafton . 1330 The tenth Iohn Clarke , — W. Curtes : Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Pultney , Draper . This Sir Iohn Pultney founded a Colledge in the Parish Church of S. Lawrence Pountney , by Candlewicke streete . 1337 The eleventh Walter Neale , — Nicholas Crane : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Darcy . Walter Neale , Bladesmith , gave lands to the repairing of the high-wayes about London . 1338 The twelfth William de Pomfret , — Hugh Marbeler , or Marberoll : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Darcy . The King granted , that the Sergeants of the Maior and Sheriffes of London , should beare Maces of Silver and gilt , with the Kings Armes engraven on them . 1339 The thirteenth William Thorney , — Roger Frosham : — Sheriffes . Andrew Aubery , Grocer , 1340 The foureteenth Adam Lucas , — Bartlemew Moris : — Sheriffes . Maior , Andrew Aubery , Grocer . 1341 The fifteenth Richard de Barking , — Iohn de Rokesley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn of Oxenford , Vintner . 1342 The sixteenth Iohn Loufkin , — Richard Killingbery : — Sheriffes . Maior , Simon Francis , Mercer . The price of Gascoyn Wines at London , fourepence , and Renish Wine six pence the Galon . 1343 The seventeenth Iohn Steward , — Iohn Aylesham : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn H●mond . 1344 The eighteenth Geffrey Witchingham , — Thomas Leg : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Hamond . 1345 The ninteenth Edmund Hemenhall , — Iohn of Gloucester : Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Leget , Richard Lazar faith Grofton . 1346 The twentieth Iohn Croyden , — William Clopton : Sheriffes . Maior , Geffrey Witchingham . 1347 The one and twentieth Adam Brapson , — Richard Fas , or Bas : — Sheriffes . Maior , Thomas Leggy , Skinner . King Edward now won Callis from the French. 1348 The two and twentieth Henry Picard , — Simon Dolseby : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Loufkin Fishmonger . A great Pest . Sir Walter Manny , knight , now founded the Charter-house by Smithfield , to bee a buriall for the dead . 1349 The three and twentieth Adam of Bury , — Ralph of Lynne : — Sheriffes . Maior , Walter Turke , Fishmonger . 1350 The foure and twentieth Iohn Notte , — William of Worcester : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Killingbury . 1351 The five and twentieth Iohn Wroth , — Gilbert of Stenineshorp : — Sheriffes . Maior , Andrew Aubery . 1352 The six and twentieth Iohn Peache , — Iohn Stotley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Adam Francis , Mercer . This Maior procured an Act of Parliament , that no knowne whore should weare any hood , or attire on her head , except reyed , or striped cloth of divers colours , &c. 1353 The seven and twentieth William Wolde , or Wilde , — Iohn Little : — Sheriffes . Maior , Adam Francis , Mercer . This Adam Francis was one of the Founders of the Colledge in Guild-Hal Chappell , &c. H. Prowicke was the other . 1354 The eight and twentieth William Notingham , — Richard Smelt : — Sheriffes . Maior , Thomas Leggy , or Legget Skinner . Aldermen of London were used to be changed yeerely , but now it was ordained , that they should not be removed , without some speciall cause . 1355 The nine and twentieth Walter , or Thomas 〈◊〉 , Thomas Brandon : — Sheriffes . Maior , Simon Francis , Mercer . 1356 The thirtieth Richard Notingham , — Thomas Dolssel : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Picard , Vintner . This Henry Picard feasted the Kings of England , of France , Cypres , and Scots , with other great Estates , all in one day . 1357 The one and thirtieth Stephen Candish , — Bartholmew Prostling : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Stody , Vintner . This Iohn Stody gave tenements to the Vintners in London , for reliefe of the poore of that Company . 1358 The two and thirtieth Iohn Barnes , — Iohn B●●is : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Loufkin , Stockfishmonger . 1359 The three and thirtieth Simon of Benington , — Iohn of Chichester : — Sheriffes . Maior , Simou Dolseby , Grocer . 1360 The foure and thirtieth Iohn Dennis , — Walter Berny : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Wroth , Fishmonger . 1361 The five and thirtieth William Holbech , — Iames Tame : Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Peche , Fishmonger . 1362 The six and thirtieth Iohn of S. Albones , — Iames Andrew : — Sheriffes . Maior , Stephen Candish , Draper . 1363 The seven and thirtieth Richard of Croyen , — Iohn Hiltoft : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Not , Grocer . 1364 The three and fortieth Iohn de Metford , — Simon de Mordon : — Sheriffes . Maior , Adam of Bury , Skinner . 1365 The nine and thirtieth Iohn Bukylsworth , — Iohn or Thomas Ireland : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Loufkin , Fishmonger , and Adam of Bury , Skinner . 1366 The fortieth Iohn Ward , — Thomas of Lee , or at the Lee. — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Loufkin , Fishmonger . This Iohn Loufkin builded the Parish Church of S. Michael in Crooked-lane . 1367 The one and fortieth Iohn Turngold , or Torgold , — William Dickeman : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iames Andrew , Draper . 1368 The two and fortieth Robert Girdeler , — Adam Wimondham : — Sheriffes . Maior Simon Mordon , Stockfishmonger . This yeere Wheat was sold for two shillings six pence the bushell . 1369 The three and fortieth Iohn Piel , — Hugh Holdich : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Chichester , Goldsmith . 1370 The foure and fortieth William Walworth , — Robert Gayton : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Barnes , Mercer . 1371 The five and fortieth Adam Staple , — Robert Hatfield : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Barnes , Mercer . This Iohn Barnes gave a chest with three locks , and one thousand Markes , to be lent to poore men . 1372 The six and fortieth Iohn Philpot , — Nicholas Brembar : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Piel , Mercer . 1373 The seven and fortieth Iohn Aubery , — Iohn Fished : Sheriffes . Maior , Adam of Bury , Skinner . 1374 The eight and fortieth Richard Lions , — William Woodhouse : — Sheriffes . Maior , William Walworth , Fishmonger . 1375 The nine and fortieth Iohn Hadley , — William Newport : Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Ward , Grocer . 1376 The fiftieth Iohn Northampton , — Robert Laund : — Sheriffes . Maior , Adam Staple , Mercer . The Londoners meant to have slaine Iohn , Duke of Lancaster : Adam Staple , Maior , put downe , and Nicholas Brembar elected . Also the Aldermen were deposed and other set in their places . Richard the second began his reigne the one and twentieth of Iune , in the yeere 1377. 1377 The first Nicholas Twiford , — Andrew Pikeman : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Nicholas Brembar , Grocer . Iohn Philpot , a Citizen of London , sent Ships to the Sea and scoured it of Pirats , taking many of them prisoners . 1378 The second Iohn Boseham , — Thomas Cornwalis : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Philpot , Grocer . This Iohn Philpot gave to the City lands , for the finding of thirteen poore people for ever . 1379 The third Iohn Helisdon , — William Barrat : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Hadley , Grocer . 1380 The fourth Walter Doget , or Docket , — William Knighthode : — Sheriffes . Maior , William Walworth , Fishmonger . This William walworth arrested Wat Tiler , the Rebell , and this yeere was Knighted . Hee increased the Parish Church of Saint Michael in Crooked-lane , and founded there a Colledge . Other Aldermen were also then Knighted with him , for their service in the field . 1381 The fifth Iohn Rota , — Iohn Hynde : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Northampton , Draper . 1382 The sixth Adam Bamme , — Iohn Sely : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Northampton , Draper , or rather Skinner , as I find in some Record . 1383 The seventh Simon Winchcombe , — Iohn More : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Nicholas Brembar , Grocer . Iohn Northampton , late Maior of London , was committed to perpetuall prison and his goods confiscated . 1384 The eighth Nicholas Exton , — Iohn French : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Nicholas Brembar , Grocer , Knighted with William Walworth . 1385 The ninth Iohn Organ , — Iohn Churchman : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Nicholas Brembar , Grocer . The foresaid Iohn Churchman now builded the Custome-house , neere to the Tower of London , and did many other workes for the commodity of this Citie . 1386 The tenth W. Stondon , — W. More : — Sheriffes . Maior , Nicholas Exton , Fishmonger . This yeere the Citizens of London , fearing the French , pulled downe houses neere about their Citie , repaired their Wals , and cleansed their ditches , &c. 1387 The eleventh William Venor , or Vinor , — Hugh Falstalfe : — Sheriffes . Maior , Nicholas Exton , Fishmonger . Sir Nicholas Brembar , late Maior of London was this yeere beheaded . 1388 The twelfth Thomas Austen , — Adam Carlehul : — Sheriffes . Maior , Nicholas Twiford , Goldsmith , Knighted with William Walworth . 1389 The thirteenth Iohn Walcot , — Iohn Love : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Vinor , or Venour , Grocer . 1390 The fourteenth Iohn Francis , — Thomas Vivent : — Sheriffes . Maior , Adam Bamme , Goldsmith . This Adam Bamme provided from beyond the Seas , Corne in great abundance , so that the City was well able to serve the Countrey . 1391 The fifteenth Iohn Shadworth , or Chadworth , — Henry Vamere : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Hind , Draper . This Maior was , for displeasure taken , sent to Windsor Castle , and the King made a Custos or Warden of the City . 1392 The sixteenth Gilbert Mafield , — Thomas Newington : — Sheriffes . Maior , William Stondon , Grocer . 1393 The seventeenth Drew Barentin , — Richard Whitington : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Hardley , Grocer . Faringdon Ward was now by Parliament appointed to bee divided into two Wards , to wit , infra , & extra . 1394 The eighteenth William Bramston , — Thomas Knoles : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Froyshe , Mercer . 1395 The nineteenth Roger Ellis , — William Sevenoke : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William More , Vintner . 1396 The twentieth Thomas Wilford , — William Parker : — Sheriffes . Maior , Adam Browne , Goldsmith . 1397 The one and twentieth Iohn Woodcocke , — William Ascham : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Richard Whitington , Mercer . 1398 The two and twentieth Iohn Wade , — Iohn Warnar : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Drew Barentin , Goldsmith . King Henry the fourth began his reigne the twentie ninth of September , in the yeere , 1399. 1399 The first William Waldern , — William Hende or Hide : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Knoles , Grocer . 1400 The second Iohn Wakel , — William Ebot : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Francis , Goldsmith . 1401 The third William Venor , — Iohn Fremingham : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Shadworth , or Chadworth , Mercer . The Conduit upon Cornehill was this yeere made , being before an old prison house , called the Tunne . 1403 The fourth Richard Marlow , — Robert Chicheley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Walcote , Draper . 1403 The fifth Thomas Falconer , — Thomas Poole : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Ascham , Fish-monger , 1404 The sixth William Louth , — Stephen Spilman : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Hind , Draper . This Iohn Hynd was a new builder of the Parish of Saint Swithen , by London-Stone . 1405 The seventh Henry Barton , — William Cromer : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Woodcocke , Mercer . This Maior caused all the Weres in the River of Thames , from Stanes to the River of Medwey , to bee destroyed , and the Trinkes to be burned , &c. 1406 The eighth Nicholas Wotton , — Geffrey Brooke : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Richard Whitington , Mercer . This yeere a great Pestilence in London tooke away more than 30000. people . 1407 The ninth Henry Pontfract , — Henry Halton : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Stondon , Grocer . 1408 The tenth Thomas Ducke , — William Norton : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Drew Barentine , Goldsmith . This Drew Barentine builded a part of Goldsmiths Hall , and gave them lands . 1409 The eleveth Iohn Law , — William Chichley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Marlow , Ironmonger . A great play at Skinners well , which lasted eight dayes , and was of matter from the creation of the World : the most part of all the great Estates of England were there to behold it . 1410 The twelfth Iohn Penne , — Thomas Pike : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Knowles , Grocer . This Thomas Knowles began a new to build the Guild-Hall in London , &c. 1411 The thirteeth Iohn Rainwell , — William Cotton : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Robert Chichley , Grocer . 1412 The foureteenth Ralph Lovenham , — William Sevenoke : — Sheriffes . Maior , William Waldren , Mercer . Henry the fifth beganne his reigne the twentieth of March , the yeere 1412. 1413 The first Iohn Sutton , — Iohn Michaell : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Cromar , Draper . Sir Iohn Oldcastle assembled a great power in Fickets field in London , which power was overcome and taken by the King and his power . 1414 The second Iohn Michaell , — Thomas Alen : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Falconer , Mercer . This Maior caused the Posterne called Moregate to be builded , and he lent to the King 10000. markes upon Iewels , &c. 1415 The third William Cambridge , — Allen Everard , — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Nicholas Wotton , Draper . 1416 The fourth Robert Whitigton , or Widington , — Iohn Coventrie : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Henry Barton , Skinner . This Henry Barton ordained Lanthornes with Lights , to bee hanged out on the Winter evenings , betwixt Hallontide and Candlemasse . 1417 The fifth Henry Read , — Iohn Gedney : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Richard Marlow , Ironmonger . 1418 The sixth Iohn Brian , — Ralph Barton , — Iohn Paruesse : Sheriffes . Maior , VVilliam Sevenoke . This Willam Sevenoke , sonne to William Rumsched of Sevenoke in Kent , was by his Father bound an apprentice with Hugh de Bois a Citizen and Ferrer of London , for a tearme of yeares , which being expired in the yeere 1394. the eighteenth of Richard the second , Iohn Hadley being Maior of London , and Stephen Spilman , Chamberlaine of the Guild-Hall : hee alledged , that his master had used the trade or mystery of a Grocer , and not of a Ferrer , and therefore required to bee made free of the Grocers Company , which was granted . This William Sevenoke , founded in the towne of Sevenoke in Kent , a free . Schoole , and Almes-houses for the poore . 1419 The seventh Robert Whitington , — Iohn Butler : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Richard Whitington , Mercer . This Maior founded Whitington Colledge . 1420 The eighth Iohn Butler , — Iohn Welles : — Sheriffes . Maior , William Cambridge , Grocer . 1421 The ninth Richard Gosseline , — William Weston : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Robert Chichley , Grocer . This Maior gave one plot of ground thereunto , to build the Parish Church of Saint Stephen upon Walbrooke . Henry the sixth began his reigne the one and thirtieth day of August , in the yeere , 1422. 1422 The first William Eastfield , — Robert Tatarsal : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Walderne , Mercer , sonne of Geffrey Walderne , of the Parish of Walderne in Sussex . 1423 The second Nicholas Iames , — Thomas Watford , or Wind-ford : — Sheriffes . Maior , William Cromar , Draper , sonne of Iohn Cromar of Aldernham in Hertford-shire . 1424 The third Simon Seman , — Iohn Bywater : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Michell , Stockfishmon●●●●ne of Iohn Michell of Ekelingham in Suffolke . 1425 The fourth William Milred , or Milreth , Iohn Brokle : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Coventrie , Mercer ; sonne of William Coventrie , of the City of Coventrie in Warwick-shire . 1426 The fifth Iohn Arnold , — Iohn Higham : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Rainewell , Fishmonger , sonne of Robert Rainewell , Citizen , and Haberdasher of London . 1427 The sixth Henry Frowick , — Robert Otely . — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Gedney , Draper , sonne of William Gedney , of Saint Edes , in Cambridge-shire . 1428 The seventh Thomas Duffhouse , or Defe-house , — Iohn Abbot : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Henry Barton , Skinner , sonne of Henry Barton , of Myldenhall in Suffolke . 1429 The eighth William Russe , — Ralph Holland : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William East-field , Mercer , sonne of William East field , of Tickel in Yorkeshire . Ralph Holland the Sheriffe gave to impotent poor on hundred and twenty pounds , to prisoners fourescore pounds , to hospitals fortie pounds , &c. 1430 The ninth Walter Chertsey , — Robert Large : — Sheriffes . Maior , Nicholas Wotton , Draper , sonne of Thomas Wotton of London , Gentleman . Walter Chertsey , Draper , gave to the poore , one hundred pounds , beside twentie pounds , to the Hospitals , &c. 1431 The tenth Iohn Aderley , — Stephen Browne : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn de Welles , Grocer , sonne of Iohn de Welles , of the City of Norwich . This Iohn de Welles was a great benefactor towards the new building of the Chappell 〈◊〉 the Guild-hall : besides he builded the South I le of the Quire at Saint Antlins Church , as by his picture , ( strangely there found ) his Motto and Armes doth yet plainely appeare . 1432 The eleventh Iohn Olney , — Iohn Paddesley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Parveis , Fishmonger , sonne to Iohn Parveis of Ersgeston in Barkesh●●e . 1433 The twelfth Thomas Chalton , — Iohn King : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Brokle , Draper . sonne to William Brokle , of Newport Pannel in Buckinghamshire . 1434 The thirteenth Thomas Barnewell , — Simon Eyre : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Roger Oteley , Grocer , sonne to VVilliam Oteley of Vfford in Suffolke . 1435 The fourteenth Thomas Catworth , — Robert Clopton : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Henry Frowicke , Mercer , sonne to Henry Frowicke of Middlesex . 1436 The fifteenth Thomas Morsted , — William Gregorie : — Sheriffes . Maior againe , Sir Iohn Michell , Stock-fishmonger . 1437 The sixteenth William Hales , — William Chapman : — Sheriffes . Maior againe , Sir William Easfield , and then made a Knight of the Ba●h . 1438 The seventeenth Hugh Dyker , — Nicholas ●owe : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Stephen Brown , Grocer , son to Iohn Browne of Newcastle upon Time. Wheat was then sold for three shillings the Bushell ; but this Maior sent into Prusia , and caused to bee brought from thence , certaine Ships laden with Rie , which caused great reliefe in so extreame a necessity . 1439 The eighteenth Philip Malpas , — Robert Marshall : — Sheriffes . Maior , Robert Large , Mercer , sonne of Thomas Large , Borne in London . Philip Malpas , at his decease , gave one hundred and twentie pounds to poore Prisoners : and every yeere , for five yeere , foure hundred and three shirts and smockes , fortie paire of sheets , and one hundred and fiftie gownes of good frize , to poore people . To poore maids marriages , one hundred markes . To repairing high wayes , one hundred markes : And to five hundred poore people in London , every one six shillings eight pence , &c. 1440 The nineteenth Iohn Sutton , — William Welinhale : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Paddesley , Goldsmith , sonne to Simon Paddesley , of Bury Saint Edmond in Suffolke . 1441 The twentieth William Combis , or Combes , Richard Rich : — Sheriffes . Maior , Robert Clopton , Draper , sonne of Thomas Clopton , of Clopton in Cambridge shire . 1442 The one and twentieth Thomas Beaumont , — Richard Nordon : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Alderley , Ironmonger , sonne of Iohn Aderley or Hatherley , of the City of Bristoll . 1443 The two and twentieth Nicholas Wyfold , — Iohn Norman : — Sheriffes . Maior , Thomas Catworth , Grocer , sonne of Iohn Catworth of Rushton in Northumberland . 1444 The three and twentieth Stephen Foster , — Hugh Witch : — Sheriffes . Maior , againe Sir Henry Frowicke , son to Henry Frowicke of Totenham in Middlesex Gounty . 1445 The foure and twentieth Iohn Darby , — Godfrey Fielding : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Simon Eyre , Draper , sonne to Iohn Eyre , of Brandon in Suffol●e . This Simon Eyre builded 〈◊〉 Hall in London , to be a Common Carner for the Citie . 1446 The five and twentieth Robert Horne , — Godfrey Bullen : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Olney , Mercer , sonne of of Iohn Olney of the City of Coventrie . 1447 The six and twentieth William Abraham , — Thomas Scot : — Sheriffes . Maior againe , Sir Iohn Gedney , Draper . 1448 The seven and twentieth William Cotlow , or Catlow , — William Marrow : — Sheriffes . Maior againe , Sir Stephen Browne , Grocer . 1449 The eight and twentieth William Hulin , — Thomas Canning : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir 〈…〉 sonne to Thomas 〈…〉 in Redfordshire . 1450 The nine and twentieth . Iohn 〈◊〉 — William Deare : — Sheriffes . Maior , Nicholas Wilford , but more truely Wyfold , Grocer , sonne to Thomas Wyfold of Hertley in Barkeshire . 1451 The thirtieth Mathew Philip , — Christopher Wharton : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Gregory , Skinner , sonne of Roger Gregory of Milden-hall in Suffolke . 1452 The one and thirtieth Richard Zee , — Richard Alley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Geffrey Fielding , Mercer , sonne to William Fielding of Litterworth in Leicestershire . This Lord Maior was made of the Councell to King Henry the sixth and King Edward the fourth . 1453 The two and thirtieth Iohn Walden , or Waldron , — Thomas Cooke : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Norman , Draper , son to Io. Norman of Banbury in Oxfordshire . This I. Norman was the first Maior that was rowed by water to Westminster , to take his Oath : he caused a Barge to be made at his owne charge , and every Company had severall Barges , well decked & trimmed , to passe along with him . For joy whereof , the Watermen made a Song in his prayse beginning . Row thy Boate , Norman , &c. 1454 The three and thirtieth Iohn Field , — William Taylor : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Stephen Foster , Fishmonger , sonne of Robert Foster of London , Stock-fishmonger . This man enlarged Ludgate , for ease of the prisoners there . 1455 The foure and thirtieth Iohn Yong , — Thomas Oldgrave : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Marrow , Mercer , sonne to Stephen Marrow , of Stebunheath , in Middlesex . 1456 The five and thirtieth Iohn Styward . — Ralph Verney : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Canning , Grocer , sonne to Iohn Canning , of the City of Bristoll . 1457 The six and thirtieth William Edwards , — Thomas Reyner : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir , Godfrey Bullen , sonne to Geffrey Bullen of Salle in Norfolke . 1458 The seven and thirtieth Ralph Ioceline , — Richard Medham : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Scot , Draper , sonne to Robert Scot of Dorney in Buckinghamshire . 1459 The eight and thirtieth Iohn Plummer , — Iohn Stocker : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Hulin , Fishmonger , sonne to Nicholas Hulin of Fulham in Middlesex . 1460 The nine and thirtieth Richard Fleming , — Iohn Lambert : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Richard Leo , Grocer , sonne to Simon Lee , of the Citie of Worcester . King Edward the fourth began his reigne the fourth of March , in the yeere 1460. after the account of the Church of England . 1461 The first George Ireland , — Iohn Locke : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Hugh Witch , Mercer , son of Richard Witch , of Wice Malbano in Cheshire . 1462 The second William Hampton , — Bartholomew Iames : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Cooke , Draper , son of Robert Cooke of Lavenham in Suffolke . This Maior was made Knight of the Bath , and had great troubles after . 1463 The third Robert Basset , — Thomas Muschamp : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Mathew Philip , Goldsmith , sonne to Arnold Philip of the Citie of Norwich . 1464 The fourth Iohn Tate , — Iohn Stone : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Ralph Ioceline , Draper , sonne to Geffrey Ioceline , of Sabridgeworth in Hertfordshire . 1465 The fifth Henry Weaver , — William Constantine : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Ralph Varney , Mercer , son to Ralph Varney , borne in the Citie of London . 1466 The sixth Iohn Browne , — Henry Brice , — Iohn Darby : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Yong , Grocer , sonne of Thomas Young of the City of Bristoll . This Maior was made Knight in the field : and this yeere began the troubles of Sir Thomas Cooke , and of other Aldermen , as you may read more at large in my Summarie . 1467 The seventh Thomas Stalbrooke , — Humfrey Hoyford : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Oldgrave , Skinner ; sonne of William Oldgrave , of Knottysford in Cheshire . 1468 The eighth Simon Smith , — William Harriot : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Taylor , Grocer , sonne to Iohn Taylor of Ecclestone in Staffordshire . 1469 The nint Richard Gardner , — Robert Drope : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Richard a Lee , sonne to Iohn a Lee , of the City of Worcester . This yeere , the Tower of London being delivered the Lord Maior , and his brethren the Aldermen , they deliverd , King Henry the sixt , who was kept there Prisoner . 1470 The tenth Iohn Crosby , — Iohn Ward : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Stockton , Mercer , sonne to Richard Stockton , of Bratoft in Lincolneshire . Thomas Nevil , the Bastard Falconbridge , with a riotous company , did this yeere set upon this Citie , at Aldgate , Bishops-gate , the Bridge , &c. And twelve Aldermen , with the Recorder were Knighted in the field , by Edw. the fourth , to wit , Iohn Stockton , Maior ; Ralph Veruey , late Maior ; Iohn Yong , late Maior ; William Taylor , late Maior ; Richard a Lee , late Maior ; Mathew Philips , late Maior , George Ireland ; William Stocker ; William Hampton ; Thomas Stalbrooke ; Iohn Crosby ; Bartholomew Iames ; and Thomas Vrswike , Recorder . 1471 The eleventh Iohn Alen , — Iohn Shelley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Edwards , Grocer , sonne to William Edwards of the Parish of Hoton in Essex . The water-Conduit in Aldermanbury , and the Standard in Fleetstreete were this yeere finished . 1472 The twelfth Iohn Browne , — Thomas Bledlow : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Hampton , Fishmonger , sonne to Iohn Hampton of Minchen-hampton in Glocestershire . This Maior punished Strumpets , and caused stockes to be set up in every Ward , to punish Vagabonds . 1473 The thirteenth Sir William Stocker , — Robert Belisdon : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Tate , Mercer , sonne of Iohn Tate , borne in the Citie of London . This yeere the Sheriffes of London were appointed ( each of them ) to have sixteene Serjeants , & every Serjeant to have his Yeoman . Also six Clerkes , a Secondary , a Clerke of the Papers , and foure other Clerkes , besides the Vndersheriffes Clerkes . 1474 The fourteenth Edmond Shaa , or Shawe , — Thomas Hill : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Robert Drope , Draper , sonne to Iohn Drope of Saint Edes in Huntingdonshire . 1475 The fifteenth Hugh Brice , — Robert Colwich : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Robert Basset , Salter , son to Robert Basset of Billerykey in Essex . 1476 The sixteenth Richard Rawson , — William Horne : — Sheriffes . Maior againe , Sir Ralph Ioceline , Draper , Knight of the Bath , by whose diligence the wals of the Citie were repaired . 1477 The seventeenth Henry Collet , — Iohn Stocker : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Humfrey Heyford , Goldsmith , sonne to Roger Heyford of Stratford Bowe neere London . 1478 The eighteenth Robert Harding , — Robert Bifield : — Sheriffes . Maior , Richard Gardener , Mercer , sonne of Iohn Gardener of Exning in Suffolke . 1479 The nineteenth Thomas Ilam , — Iohn Ward : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Bartholomew Iames , Draper , sonne to Edward Iames of London , Vpholder . 1480 The twentieth Thomas , or William Daniel , William Bacon : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Browne , otherwise called Iohn de Werks , Mercer , sonne of Iohn Browne of Okeham in Rutland-shire . 1481 The one and twentieth Robert Ta●e , — Richard Chawrey , — William Wiking : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Heriot , or Harriot , Draper , sonne to Iohn Heriot late of Segrave in the County of Leicester . 1482 The two and twentieth William White , — Iohn Mathew : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Edmond Shaa , or Shaw , Goldsmith , sonne to Iohn Shaa , late of Donkenfield , in the County of Chester . This Sir Edmond Shaa , caused the Posterne called Creplegate to bee newly builded . King Edward the fift began his reigne the ninth of April , in the yeere 1483. Richard the third began his reigne the two and twentieth of Iune in the yeere 1483. 1483 The first Thomas Newland , — William Martia : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Robert Billesdon , Haberdasher , sonne to Alexander Billesdon , of Queeningborough in the County of Leicester . 1484 The second Richard Chester , — Thomas Britaine , — Ralph Astrie : — Sheriffs . Maior , Sir Thomas Hill , Grocer : Sir William Stocker , Draper , and Iohn Ward , Grocer . Thomas Hill was sonne to William Hill of Hilston in the County of Kent . William Stoker was sonne to Thomas Stocker of Eaton in the County of Bedford : and Iohn Ward was sonne to Richard Ward of Howdon in the Countie of Yorke . Thomas Hill appointed by his Testament , the water Conduit in Grasse-street to be builded this yeere . Henry the seventh began his reigne the two and twentieth of August in the yeere 1485. 1485 The first Iohn Tate , — Iohn Swan , or Swans : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Hugh Brice , Goldsmith , sonne to Richard Brice of Dublin in Ireland . This Hugh Brice was keeper of the Kings Mints at London . 1486 The second Iohn Percivol , — Hugh Clopton : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Henry Collet , Mercer , son to Robert Collet of Wendover in the County of Buckingham . This yeere the Crosse in West Cheape was new builded in beautifull manner . 1487 The third Iohn Fenkel , — William Remington : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Florne , Saiter , sonne to Thomas Horne of Snaysewell in the County of Cambridge . This William was made Knight , in the field , by King Henry the seventh , and gave to the repairing of high wayes betwixt London and Cambridge , five hundred Markes , and bountifully to the Preachers at Pauls Crosse . 1488 The fourth William Isaac , — Ralph Tinley or Tilney : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Robert Tate , Mercer , sonne to Thomas Tate of the Citie of Coventr●y . 1489 The fifth William Capell , — Iohn Brooke : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William White , Draper , sonne to Williamwhite of Tickhill in the County of Yorke . 1490 The sixth Henry Cote , or Coote , — Robert Revell , — Hugh Pemberton : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Mathew , Mercer , being first a Linnen Draper , and translated to the Mercers . He was sonne to Thomas Mathew of Sherington in the County of Buckingham , 1491 The seventh Thomas Wood , — VVilliam Browne : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Hugh Clopton , Mercer , sonne to Iohn Clopton of Stratford upon Avon in the County of Warwicke , where the said Hugh builded the goodly stone Bridge . 1492 The eighth William Purchase , — William Welbeck : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Martin , Skinner , sonne to Walter Martin of the County of Hertford . This yeere there was a ryot made upon the Easterlings , by the Mercers servants and others . d others . 1493 The ninth Robert Fabian , — Iohn Winger : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Ralph Ostrich , or Astrie , Fishmonger , sonne to Geffrey Ostrich , or Astrie , of Hitchin in the County of Hertford . Robert Fabian , Alderman , made Fabians Chronicle , a very painefull labour , to the great honour of the City , and the whole Realme . 1494 The tenth Nicholas Alwin , — Iohn Warner : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Richard Chawrie , Salter , sonne to William Chawrie , of Westram in Kent . 1495 The eleventh Thomas Kneesworth , — Henry Sommer : — Sheriffes . Maior againe , Sir Henry Collet Mercer . This yeere was much trouble , about the entercourse betweene England and Flanders . 1496 The twelfth Iohn Shaa , — Richard Haddon : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Tate the yonger , sonne to Thomas Tate of Coventrie , and brother to Robert Tate , Maior before named . The King made this Maior , Robert Shifield , Recorder , and both the Sheriffes Knights , for their service against the Rebels at Blacke-Heath Field . 1497 The thirteenth Barthelomew Rede , — Thomas Windew or Windout : Sheriffes . Maior , William Purchase , Mercer , son to Iohn Purchase of Gamelinghey in the County of Cambridge . This yeere all the Gardens in More-fields were destroyed , and made plaine ground . 1498 The fourteenth Thomas Bradbury , — Stephen 〈◊〉 — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Percivall , Merchant-Taylor , sonne to Roger Percivall of London . 1499 The fifteenth Iames Wilford , — Thomas , or Richard Brond : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Nicholas Aldwine , Mercer , sonne to Richard Aldwine of Spalding in Lincolneshire . Hee gave twelve pence a peece to three thousand poore people in London , and the like to as many more in and about Spalding . 1500 The sixteenth Iohn Hawes , — William Steed : — Sheriffes . Maior , William Rennington , Fishmonger , sonne to Robert Rennington of Bostone in Lincolneshire . 1501 The seventeenth Lawrence Aylmer , — Henry Hede : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Shaa , Goldsmith , son to I. Shaa of Rochford in Essex . This Maior was made Knight in the field by the King , and he caused his Brethren the Aldermen to ride from the Guild-hall to the waters side , when he tooke Barge to Westminster , where he was sworne by the Kings Councell . Hee first kept Court in his owne house , and called and redressed all matters comming before him . 1502 The eighteenth Henry Kebble , — Nicholas Nives : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Bartholomew Rede , Goldsmith , sonne to Robert Rede of Crowmer in Norfolke . Thomas Granger . 1503 The nineteenth Christopher Hawes , — Robert Wats : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Capell , Draper , sonne of Iohn Capell of Stoke-Neyland , in the County of Suffolke . This Maior first caused Cages to be set up in every Ward , for the punishment of Rogues and Vagabonds . 1504 The twentieth Roger Acheley , — William Browne : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Winger , Grocer , sonne to William Winger of Leicester . 1505 The one and twentieth Richard Shoare , — Roger Grove : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Kneisworth , Fishmonger , sonne to Iohn Kneisworth , of Kneisworth in Cambridgeshire . This Thomas Kneisworth appointed the water-Conduit at Bishops-gate to be builded . 1506 The two and twentieth William Copinger , — Thomas Iohnson , — William Fitz-Williams : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Richard Haddon , Mercer , sonne of William Haddon , Citizen and Mercer of London . 1507 The three and twentieth William Butler , — Iohn Kerkby : — Sheriffes . Maior , VVilliam Browne , Mercer , son of Iohn Browne , Citizen and Mercer of London , for part of the yeere ; and Lawrence Aylmer , Draper sonne of Thomas Aylmer , of Ellesnam in Essex for the other part . 1508 The foure and twentieth Thomas Exmewe , — Richard Smith : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Stephen Iennings , Merchant-Taylor , sonne to William Iennings of Woolnerhampton , in Staffordshire , where he builded a Free-School , which is still worthily maintained by the Company of Merchant-Taylors of London . King Henry the eighth began his reigne the two and twentieth of April , in the yeere 1509. 1509 The first George Monox , — Iohn Doget : — Sheriffes . Maior , Thomas Bradbury , Mercer , sonne to William Bradbury of Branghin in Hertfordshire , for part of the yeere , and Sir William Capell for the rest . 1510 The second Iohn Milborne , — Iohn Rest : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Henry Kebble , Grocer , sonne to George Kebble , Citizen and Grocer of London . He new builded the Parish Church of Aldermary by Watling-streete . 1511 The third Nicholas Shelton , — Thomas Mirsine : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Roger Acheley , Draper , son to Thomas Acheley , of Stanwardine in Shropshire . This Roger Acheley provided Corne for service of this Citie in great plenty , and caused the same to be stowed up in Leaden Hall , being called the Common Garner . 1512 The fourth Robert Holdernes , or Aldernes ; — Robert Fenrother : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Copinger , Fishmonger , sonne to Walter Copinger , of Buckfeill in Suffolke for part of the yeere , and Sir Richard Haddon for the rest . 1513 The fifth Iohn Dawes , — Iohn Bruges , — Roger Basford : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Browne , Mercer , sonne to Iohn Browne , Citizen and Mercer of London . Iohn Tate Mercer , this yeere builded the Church of Saint Anthonies Hospitall in London . 1514 The sixth Iames Yarford , — Iohn Mundy : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir George Monox , Draper , borne in London , but his fathers name not remembred . 1515 The seventh Henry Warley , — Richard Grey , — William Baily : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Butler , Grocer , sonne to Richard Butler , of Bindenham in Bedfordshire . 1516 The eighth Thomas Seymer , — Iohn , or Richard Thurstone : Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Rest , Grocer , sonne to William Rest of Peterborough in Northhamptonshire . 1517 The ninth Thomas Baldrie , — Ralph , or Richard Simons : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Exmewe , Goldsmith , sonne to Richard Exmewe , of Ruthin in Flintshire . 1518 The tenth Iohn Allen , — Iames Spencer : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Mirfine , Skinner , sonne to George Mirfine of Ely in Cambridgeshire . 1519 The eleventh Iohn Wilkinson , — Nicholas Partrich : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iames Yardford , Mercer , sonne to William Yardford of Kidwelley in Wales . From this time onward , the Maiors of London ( for the most part ) were Knighted by courtesie of the Kings , and not otherwise . 1520 The twelfth Iohn Skevington , — Iohn Kyme , alias Keble : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Brug , or Bruges , Draper , sonne to Thomas Brug , or Bruges , of Dymmocke in Glocestershire . 1521 The thirteenth Iohn Breton , or Britaine , — Thomas Pargitor : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Milborne , Draper , sonne to Iohn Milborne of Long Melford in Suffolke . 1522 The fourteenth Iohn Rudstone , — Iohn Champneis : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Mundy , Goldsmith , sonne to William Mundy of Wycombe in Buckinghamshire . 1523 The fifteenth Michaell English , — Nicholas Iennings : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Baldrie , Mercer , sonne to Richard Baldrie of S●ow market in Suffol●● . 1524 The sixteenth Ralph Dodmere , — William Roche : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Ba●ly , Draper , sonne to Iohn Baily of Thacksted in Essex . 1525 The seventeenth Iohn Caunton , or Calton , — Christopher Askew : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Allen , Mercer , sonne to Richard Allen of Thacksted in Essex . 1526 The eighteenth Stephen Peacocke , — Nicholas Lambert : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Seymer , Mercer , sonne to Iohn Seymer of London , Fishmonger , who was sonne to Robert Seymer of Walden in Essex . 1527 The nineteenth Iohn Hardy , — William Holleis : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iames Spencer , Vintner , sonne to Robert Spencer of Congleton in Cheshire . 1528 The twentieth Ralph Warren , — Iohn Long : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Rudstone , Draper , sonne to Robert Rudstone of 〈◊〉 Yorkeshire . 1529 The one and twentieth Michaell Dermer — Walter Champion : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Ralph Dodmer , Mercer , sonne to Henry Dodmer , of Pickering-Leigh in Yorkeshire . This yeere it was decreed that no man should be Maior of London more than one yeere . 1530 The two and twentieth William Dauntesey , or Dancy , — Richard Champion : Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Pargitor , Salter , sonne to Iohn Pargitor , of Chippingnorton in Oxfordshire . 1531 The three and twentieth Richard Gresham , — Edward Altham : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Nicholas Lambert , Grocer , sonne to Edward Lambert of Wilton in Wiltshire . 1532 The foure and twentieth Richard Reynolds , — Iohn Martin , — Nicholas Pinchon , — Iohn Priest : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Stephen Peacock , Haberdasher , sonne to Stephen Peacock of the City of Dublin in Ireland . 1533 The five and twentieth William Forman , — Thomas Kitson : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Christopher Askew , Draper , sonne to Iohn Askew of Edmonton in Middlesex . 1534 The six and twentieth Nicholas Leveson , — William Denham : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Champneis , Skinner , sonne to Robert Champneis , of Chew in Sommersetshire . 1535 The seven and twentieth Humfrey Monmouth , — Iohn Cotes : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Allen , Mercer , and made a Privie Counsellor to the King , for his great wisedome . The forenamed Sheriffes , Monmouth and Cotes , did put away twelve Sergeants & twelve Yeomen ; but by a Court of Cōmon Councell , they were enforced to take them againe . 1536 The eight and twentieth Robert , or Richard Paget , — William Bowyer : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Ralph Warren , Mercer , sonne to Thomas Warren Fuller , who was sonne to William Warren , of Fering in Essex . 1537 The nine and twentieth Iohn Gresham , — Thomas Lewin : Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Richard Gresham , Mercer , sonne to Iohn Gresham of Holt , in Norfolke . 1538 The thirtieth William Wilkinson , — Nicholas Gibson : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Forman , Haberdasher , son to William Forman , of Gainsborough in Lincolneshire . 1539 The one and thirtieth Thomas Ferrer , — Thomas Huntlow : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Holleis , sonne to William Holleis , Citizen and Baker of London . 1540 The two and thirtieth William Laxstone , — Martin Bowes : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William R●che , Draper , sonne to Iohn Roche of Wixley in Yorkeshire . 1541 The three and thirtieth Rowland Hill , — Henry Suckley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Michael Dormer , Mercer , sonne to Geffrey Dormer of Tame in Oxfordshire . 1542 The foure and thirtieth Henry Hobberthorne , — Henry Amcoates : — Sheriffes . Maior , Iohn Cotes , Salter , sonne to Thomas Cotes of Bearton in Buckinghamshire . 1543 The five and thirtieth Iohn Tholouse , — Richard Dobbes : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Bowyer , sonne to William Bowyer of Harston in Cambridgeshire for one part , and Sir Ralph Warren Mercer , for the rest . 1544 The six and thirtieth Iohn Wilford , — Andrew Iud : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Laxton , Grocer , sonne to Iohn Laxton of Yongdell in Northamptonshire . 1545 The seven and thirtieth George Barne , — Ralph Allen , or Alley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Martin Bowes , Goldsmith , sonne to Thomas Bowes , an Inhabitant of the Citie of Yorke for many yeeres . 1546 The eight and thirtieth Richard Iarveis , — Thomas Curteis : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Henry Hobberthorne , Merchant-Taylor , sonne to Christopher Hobberthorne of Waddingworth in Lincolneshire . King EDVVARD the sixth began his reigne the eight and twentieth day of Ianuary , in the yeere , 1546. 1547 The first Thomas White , — Robert Chertsey : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Gresham , Mercer , sonne to Iohn Gresham of Holt in Norfolke , and Brother to Sir Richard Gresham , formerly Lord Maior . 1548 The second William Lock , — Sir Iohn Ayleph : — Sheriffes . Maior , Henry Amcoates , Fishmonger , sonne to William Amcoats , of Astrap in Lincolnshire . 1549 The third Iohn Yorke , — Richard Turke : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Rowland Hill , Mercer , sonne to Thomas Hill of Hodnet in Shropshire . 1550 The fourth Augustine Hind , — Iohn Lion : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir andrew Iud , Skinner , sonne to Iohn Iud of Tonebridge in Kent . 1551 The fifth Iohn Lambert , — Iohn Cowper : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Richard Dobbes , Skinner , sonne to Robert Dobbes of Baitby in Yorkeshire . 1552 The sixth William Garret , or Gerrard , Iohn Mainard : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir George Barne , Haberdasher , sonne to George Barne , Citizen and Haberdasher of London . Queene Marie began her reigne the sixth day of Iuly in the yeere 1553. 1553 The first Thomas Offley , — William Hewet : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas White , Merchant-Taylor , sonne to Thomas White of Rickmansworth in Hertfordshire . This Sir Thomas White founded Saint Iohn Baptists Colledge in Oxford , and gave two thousand pound to the Citie of Bristol to purchase one hundred and twentie pound land yeerely . 1554 The second David Woodroffe , — William Chester : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Lyon , Grocer , sonne to Thomas Lyon of Peryfare in Middlesex . 1555 The third Thomas Lee , or Leigh , — Iohn Machel : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Garret or Garrard , Haberdasher , sonne to Iohn Garret , Citizen and Grocer of London , who was sonne to William Garret of Seddingbourne in Kent . 1556 The fourth William Harper , — Iohn White : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Offley , Merchant-Taylor , sonne to William Offley of the City of Chester . 1557 The fifth Richard Mallory , — Iames Altham : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Curteis , Fishmonger , sonne to Iohn Curteis of Enfield in Middlese● . Hee was free of the Pewterers , and translated to the Fishmongers . 1558 The sixth Iohn Halsey , — Richard Champion : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Lee , or Leigh , Mercer , sonne to Roger Lee of Willington in Shropshire . Queene ELIZABETH began her reigne , the seventeenth of November , in the yeere , 1558. 1559 The first Thomas Lodge , — Roger Martin : Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William H●wet , Cloth-worker , worker , sonne to Edmund Hewet of Wales in Yorkeshire . 1560 The second Christopher Draper , — Thomas Rowe : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Chester , Draper , sonne to John Chester , Citizen and Draper of London . This yeere the Merchant-Taylors founded their notable Free-Schoole for poore mens children , &c. 1561 The third Alexander Avenon , — Humfrey Baskervile : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Harper , Merchant-Taylor , sonne to William Harper of the Towne of Bedford . 1562 The fourth William Allen , — Richard Chamberlaine , — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Lodge , Grocer , sonne to William Lodge of Cresset in Shropshire . 1563 The fifth Edward Bankes , — Rowland Heyward : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn White , Grocer , sonne to Robert White of Farneham in Surrey . 1564 The sixth Edward Iackman , — Lionel Ducket : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Richard Mallory , Mercer , sonne to Anthony Mallory of Papworthamus in Cambridgeshire . 1565 The seventh Iohn Rivers , — Iames Hawes : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Richard Champion , Draper , sonne to Richard Champion of Godilming in Surrey . 1566 The eighth Richard Lambert , — Ambrose Nicholas , — Iohn Langley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Christopher Draper , Ironmonger , sonne to Iohn Draper of Melton Mowbray in Leicestershire . 1567 The ninth Thomas Ramsey , — Iohn Bond : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Roger Martin , Mercer , son to Lawrence Martin of Melford in Suffolke . 1568 The tenth Iohn Oleph , — Robert Harding , — Iames Bacon : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Rowe , Merchant-Taylor , sonne to Robert Rowe Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London , who was sonne to Reynald Rowe of Lee in Kent . This yeere Sir Thomas Row enclosed a piece of ground by Moore-fields , with a Bricke wall , to be a place for buriall of the dead , to such Parishes in London as wanted Churchyards . 1569 The eleventh Henry Beecher , — William Dane : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Alexander Avenon , Ironmonger , sonne to Robert Avenon , or Avenand of Kings-Norton in Worcestershire . 1570 The twelfth Francis Barneham , — William Boxe : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Rowland Heyward Clothworker , son to George Heyward of Bridge north in Shropshire . 1571 The thirteenth Henry Milles , — Iohn Branche : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Allen , Mercer , sonne to William Allen , Citizen and Pasteller of London , who was sonne to Richard Allen of Stondon in Hertfordshire . 1572 The fourteenth Richard Pipe , — Nicholas Woodroffe : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Lionell Ducket , Mercer . 1573 The fifteenth Iames Harvey , — Tho. Pulloccell or Pullison : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Rivers , Grocer , sonne to Richard Rivers of pensehurst in Kent . 1574 The sixteenth Thomas Blancke , — Anthony Gamage : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iames Hawes , Clothworker , sonne to Thomas Hawes , Citizen and Merchant of London , who was son to Iohn Hawes of Stoke-Newington in Middlesex . 1575 The seventeenth Edward Osborne , — Wolstane Dixie : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Ambrose Nicholas , Salter , sonne to Iohn Nicholas of Nedingworth in Huntingdonshire . 1576 The eighteenth William Kempton , — George Barne : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Langley , Goldsmith , sonne to Robert Langley of Althrope in Lincolneshire . 1577 The nineteenth Nicholas Backhouse , — Francis Bowyer : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Ramsey , Grocer , sonne to Iohn Ramsey of Flenbridge in Kent . 1578 The fourteenth George Bond , — Thomas Star●le : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Richard Pipe , Draper , son to Richard Pipe of Woolverhampton , in Staffordshire . He was free of the Leathersellers , and from them translated to the Drapers . 1579 The one and twentieth Martin Calthrope , — Iohn Hart : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Nicholas Woodroffe , Haberdasher , sonne to David Woodroffe , Citizen and Haberdasher of London , who was sonne to Iohn Woodroffe , or Woodrove , of the Parish of Vscombe , in Devonshire . 1580 The two twentieth Ralph Woodcocke , — John Allot : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Branche , Draper , sonne to Iohn Branche , Citizen and Draper of London , who was sonne to Iohn Branche of Laynham in Suffolke . 1581 The three and twentieth Richard Martin , — William Webbe : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iames Harvey , Irohmonger , sonne to William Harvey , of Cotwalton in Staffordshire . 1582 The foure and twentieth William Rowe , — Iohn Haydon , deceased , — Cuthbert Buckle succeeded : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Blanke , Haberdasher , sonne to Thomas Blanke , Citizen and Haberdasher of London , who was sonne to Thomas Blanke of Gilford in Surrey . 1583 The five and twentieth William Masham , — Iohn Spencer : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Edward Osborne , Clothworker worker , son to Richard Osborne , of Ashford in Kent . 1584 The six and twentieth Stephen Slany , — Henry Billingsley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Pulloccill , or Pullyson , Draper , sonne to William Pulloccill , of Footescray in Kent . 1585 The seven and twentieth Anthony Ratcliffe , — Henry Pranell : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Wolstane Dixie , Skinner , sonne to Thomas Dixie , of Catworth in Huntingdonshire . 1586 The eight and twentieth Robert House , — William Elkin : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir George Barne , Haberdasher , sonne to Sir George Barne , Knight , Citizen , Haberdasher , and Lord Maior of London ; who was son also to George Barne , Citizen and Haberdasher of London . 1587 The nine and twentieth Thomas Skinner , — Iohn Catcher : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir George Bond , Haberdasher , sonne to Robert Bond , of Trull in Sommersetshire . 1588 The thirtieth Hugh Offley , — Richard Saltonstall : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Martin Calthrop , Draper , sonne to Martin Calthrop , Citizen and Draper of London : He served one part of the yeere , and Sir Richard Martin , Goldsmith , the other . 1589 The one and thirtieth Richard Gurney , — Stephen Some : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Hart , Grocer , sonne to Ralph Hart , of Sproston-Court in Yorkshire . 1590 The two and thirtieth Nicholas Mosley , — Robert Brooke : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Allot , Fishmonger , sonne to Richard Allot of Limbergh in Lincolnshire : He served one part of the yeere , and Sir Rowland Heyward the other . 1591 The three and thirtieth William Rider , — Benet , or Benedict Barnham — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Webbe , Salter , sonne to Iohn Webbe , of Reading in Barkshire . 1592 The foure and thirtieth — Robert Taylor : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Rowe , Ironmonger , sonne to Thomas Rowe of Penschurst in Kent . 1593 The five and thirtieth Paul Banning , — Peter Haughton : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Cuthbert Buckle , Vintner , sonne to Christopher Buckle , of Bourgh , in Westmerland : Hee served one part of the yeere , and Sir Richard Martin , Goldsmith , the other ; which Sir Richard Martin was sonne to Thomas Martin , of Saffron Walden in Essex . 1594 The six and thirtieth Robert Lee , — Thomas Bennet : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Spencer , Clothworker , sonne to Richard Spencer of Waldingfield in Suffolke . 1595 The seven and thirtieth Thomas Lowe , — Leonard Hallyday : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Stephen Slany , Skinner , sonne to Iohn Slany , of Mitton , in Staffordshire . 1596 The eight and thirtieth Iohn Wats , — Richard Godard : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir , Thomas Skinner , Clothworker , sonne to Iohn Skinner , of Walden in Essex . Hee served the one part of the yeere , and Sir Henry Billingsley , Haberdasher the other . This Sir Henry Billingsley was sonne to Roger Billingsley , of the City of Canterbury , in Kent . 1597 The nine and thirtieth Henry Row , — Iohn More : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Richard Saltonstall , Skinner , sonne to Gilbert Saltonstall , of Hallyfax in Yorkshire . 1598 The fortieth Edward Holmedon , — Robert Hampson : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Stephen Some , Grocer , sonne to Thomas Some , of Bradley in Suffolke . Hee was free of the Girdlers , and from them translated to the Grocers . 1599 The one and fortieth Humphrey Welde , — Roger Clerke : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Nicholas Mosley , Clothworker , sonne to Edward Mosley , of Hough in Lancashire . 1600 The two and fortieth Thomas Smith , — Thomas Cambell , — William Craven : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Rider , Haberdasher , sonne to Thomas Rider of Mucklestone in Staffordshire . 1601 The three and fortieth Henry Anderson , — William Glover : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Garret , or Garrard , Haberdasher , son to Sir , William Garret , or Garrard , Knight , Lord Maior and Haberdasher of London , son to Iohn Garret or Garrard , Citizen and Grocer of London , who was sonne to William Garret , or Garrard , of Seddingborne , in Kent . 1602 The foure and fortieth Iames Pemberton , — Iohn Swinnerton : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Robert Lee , Merchant-Ta●ler , sonne to Humphrey Lee of Bridge-North in Shropshire . King IAMES began his reigne the foure and twentieth of March in the yeere , 1602. 1603 The first Sir William Rumney , — Sir Thomas Middleton : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Bennet , Mercer , sonne to Thomas Bennet , of Willingford in Barkeshire . 1604 The second Sir Thomas Hayes , Knight , Sir Roger Iones Knight : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Low , Haberdasher , sonne to Simon Low , Citizen and Merchant-Tayler of London , who was sonne to Ralph Low , of London . 1605 The third Clement Scudamor , Knight , Sir Iohn Folles , Knight : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Leonard Hollyday , Marchant-Tayler , sonne to William Hollyday of Redborough in Glocestershire . 1606 The fourth William Walthall , — Iohn Lemon : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Wats , Clothworker , sonne to Thomas Wats of Buntingford in Hertfordshire . 1607 The fifth Geffrey Elwes , — Nicholas Style : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Henry Rowe , Mercer , sonne to Sir Thomas Rowe , Knight , Lord Maior , Citizen and Merchant-Tayler of London . 1608 The sixth George Bolles , — Richard Farrington : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Humfrey Weld , Grocer , sonne to Iohn Weld of Eaton in Cheshire . 1609 The seventh Sebastian Harvey , — William Cockaine : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Cambell , Jronmonger , sonne to Robert Cambell , of Fulsam in Norfolke . 1610 The eighth Richard Pyat , — Francis Iones : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Cravon , Merchant-Tayler , sonne to William Craven of Appletreewick in Yorkeshire . 1611 The ninth Edward Barkham , — George Smithes : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iames Pemberton , Goldsmith , sonne to Iames Premberton , of Ecclestone in Lancashire . 1612 The tenth Edward Rotherham , — Alexander Prescot : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Swinnerton , Merchant-Tayler , sonne to Thomas Swinnerton , Citizen and Merchant-Tayler of London , who was sonne to Richard Swinnerton , of Oswestrey in Shropshire . 1613 The eleventh Thomas Bennet , — Henry Iaye : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Middleton , Grocer , sonne to Richard Middleton , of Denbigh , in the County of Denbigh . 1614 The twelfth Peter Proby , — Martin Lumley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Thomas Hayes , Draper , sonne to Thomas Hayes of the City of Westminster . 1615 The thirteenth William Goare , — Iohn Goare : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Iolles Draper , sonne to Thomas Ielles of Stratford-Bow in Middlesex . 1616 The fourteenth Allen Cotten , — Cuthbert Hacket : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Leman , Fishmonger , sonne to Iohn Leman of Gillingham in Norfolke . 1617 The fifteenth William Hollyday , — Robert Iohnson : — Sheriffes . Maior , the right Honorable , George Bolles , Grocer , sonne of Thomas Bolles , of Newbold in the County of Leicester . 1618 The sixteenth Richard Hearne , — Hugh Hamersley : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Sebastian Harvey , Iro● monger , he was sonne to Sir Iames H●●vey , Knight , Lord Maior of London , which was sonne to William Harvey , of Cot●ton in Staffordshire . 1619 The seventeenth Richard Deane , — Iames Cambell : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir William Cockaine , Skinner , he was sonne to William Cockaine , sonne of Roger Cockaine of Baddesley in Warwickeshire . 1620 The eighteenth Edward Allen , — Robert Ducie : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Francis Iones , Haberdasher , he was the sonne of Iohn Iones of Claverley in the County of Saloppe . 1621 The ninteenth George Whitmore , — Nicholas Rainton : — Sheriffes . Sir Edward Barkham , Draper , 〈…〉 sonne of Edward Barkham , 〈…〉 in the County of 〈…〉 1622 The twentieth Iohn Hodges , — Humfrey Hanford Knight : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Peter Proby , Grocer , commonly in the Countrey called Peter ap-Robin , his fathers name is not recorded , but is sayd to be borne neere Whitchurch in Shropshire . 1623 The one and twentieth Ralph Freeman , — Thomas Moulson : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Martin Lumley , Draper , he was the sonne of Iames Lumley , of London . 1624 The two and twentieth Rowland Heilin , — Robert Parkhurst : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iohn Goare , Merchant-Taylor , hee was the sonne of Gerrard Goare , who was the sonne of Iohn Goare of London . King Charles began his reigne the seven and twentieth of March , in the yeere , 1625. 1625 The first Thomas Westwray , — Ellis Crispe , — Iohn Poole , — Christopher Cletherowe : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Allen Cotton , Draper , hee was sonne to Ralph Cotton , of Whitchurch in the County of Salop. 1626 The second Edward Bromfield , — Richard Fenne : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Cuthbert Aket , alias Hacket , Draper , hee was sonne of Thomas Aket , or Hacket , who was the sonne of Thomas Aket , or Hacket , of Dertford in Kent . 1627 The third Maurice Abbot , — Henry Garway : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Hugh Hammersley , Haberdasher , he was the sonne of Hugh Hammersley , who was the sonne of Richard Hammersley , of the Towne and County of Stafford . 1628 The fourth Rowland Backhouse , — William Acton , Knight and Baronet : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Richard Deane , Skinner , he was sonne of George Deane , of Muchdunmowe in Essex . 1629 The fifth Humfrey Smith , — Edmund Wright : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Iames Cambell , Ironmonger , hee was the sonne of Thomas Cambell , who was sonne of Robert Cambel , of Fulsam in the County of Norfolke . 1630 The sixth Arthur Abdy , — Robert Cambell : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Robert Ducy , Merchant-Taylor , he was the sonne of Henry Ducy of London . 1631 The seventh Samuel Cranmer , — Henry Prat : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir George Whitmore , Haberdasher , hee was the sonne of William Whitmore , who was son to Richard Whitmore , of the Parish of Charely in the County of Salop. 1632 The eighth Hugh Perry , — Henry Andrewes : — Sheriffes . Maior , Sir Nicholas Raynton , Haberdasher , he was the son of Robert Raynton of Highinton in the County of Lincolne . 1633 The ninth Gilbert Harrison , — Richard Gurney : — Sheriffes . Maior , the right Honourable , Ralph Freeman , Clothworker , sonne of William Freeman of the Towne and County of Northampton . Thus much for the chiefe and principall Governours of this famous City ; of whose publike Government , with the assistance of other inferiour Officers , their charges for preserving the Peace , service of the Prince , and Honour of this City , much might have beene said , and shall be hereafter discoursed more at large , when I have more spacious ground to walke in , and other helpes ( thereto belonging ) can more conveniently be had . OF THE TWELVE HONOVRABLE COMPANIES OF THIS ANCIENT AND Famous Citie ; out of which the Lord Maior is to be chosen yeerely , because those of inferiour rancke , are not capable of such dignitie . MERCERS . THe Mercers were enabled to be a Company , and to purchase Lands , to the value of twenty pounds by the yeere , the seventeenth yeare of King Richard the second , Anno Dom. 1393. GROCERS . GOD GRANT GRACE The Company of Grocers , in elder times called Pepperers : were first incorporated by the name of Grocers , in the twentieth yeere of King Edward the third , Anno Dom. 1345. The Armes antient , and supporters granted by Thomas Benote , Clarencieux , in the time of King Henry the eight , Helme and Crest , by William Harvey , Clarencieux , Anno Dom. 1562. DRAPERS . VNTO GOD ONLY BE HONER & GLORY . THe Company of Drapers were incorporated in the seventeenth yeere of King Henry the sixt , Anno Dom. 1430. The Armes first granted by Garter King of Armes : Crest and Supporters by William Harvy , Clarencieux , Anno Dom. 1561. FISHMONGERS AL WORSHIP BE TO GOD ONLY THe Fishmongers were ( at the first ) two Companies , namely , Stockfishmongers , and Saltfishmongers ; which Saltfishmongers , in the beginning of the Reigne of King Henry the eighth , Anno Dom. 1509. did beare their Armes as here is set downe . But lastly , in the 28. yeere of the same King , Anno Dom. 1536. the said Companies were vnited in one , and then their Armes more fully granted . GOLDSMITHS . TO GOD ONLY . BE ALL GLORY THe Goldsmiths , were incorporated and confirmed in the sixteenth yeere of King Richard the second , the Crest and Supporters were granted by Robert Cooke , Clarencieux , Anno Dom. 1571. SKINNERS . TO GOD ONLY . BE ALL GLORY . THe Company of Skinners were incorporated in the first yeere of King Edward the third , Anno Dom. 1327. And made a Brotherhood in the eighteenth yeere of King Richard the second . The Crest and Supporters were granted by William Haruy , who was free of the same Company , Anno Dom. 1561. MERCHANT-TAILORS . CONCORDIA PARVA RES CRESCVNT . THe first Patent of these Armes , were granted by Sir Thomas Holne Knight , Clarencieux , King of Armes to the Company of Tailors and Linnen Armourers , in the one and twentieth yeere of King Edward the fourth , Anno Dom. 1480. And since then incorporated by King Henry the seventh , by the name of Merchant-Tailors , in the seventeenth yeere of his reigne , Anno Dom. 1501. The Crest and Supporters being granted by Robert Cooke , Clarencieux , Anno Dom. 1585. HABERDASHERS . SERVE AND OBEY The Haberdashers , or Hurrers , ( of old time so called ) were incorporated a Brotherhood of Saint Katharine , in the six and twentieth yeere of King Henry the sixth Anno Dom ▪ 1447. And they were confirmed in the seventeenth yeere of King Henry the seventh , and named Merchant-Haberdashers . The Crest and Supportters were granted by Robert Cooke , Clarencioux , King of Armes . Anno Dom. 1571. SALTERS . SAL SAPIT OMNIA THe Company of the Salters had their Armes first granted to them in the two and twentieth yeare of King Henry the eight , Anno Dom. 1530. by Thomas Benolt , Clarencieux . The Crest and Supporters by Robert Cooke , Clarencieux In the nine and twentieth yeere of Queene Elizabeth , Anno Dom. 1587. IRONMONGERS . THe Ironmongers were incorporated , in the third yeere of King Edward the fourth , Anno Dom. 1462. And their Armes first granted by Lancaster , King of Armes , Marshall to Clarencieux , King of Armes , Anno Dom. 1455. And the foure and thirtieth yeere of the reigne of King Henry the sixth . VINTONNERS . THe Vintonners were incorporated in the Reigne of King Edward the third , by the name of Wine-Tonners , and confirmed in the fifteenth yeere of King Henry the sixt , Anno Dom. 1436. The Armes first granted by Clarencieux , in the sixth yeere of King Henry the sixt , Anno Dom. 1427. CLOTHWORKERS MY TRVST IS IN GOD ALONE THe Clothworkers had their Armes first granted by Thomas Benolt , Clarencieux , in the two and twentieth yeere of King Henry the eighth , Anno Dom. 1530. The Crest and Supporters granted by Robert Cooke , Clarencieux , King of Armes , Anno Dom. 1587. NOW FOLLOW THE COMPANIES OF Merchants , and their seuerall Armes , so many as I could attaine vnto . MERCHANTS Of the Staple . GOD BE OVR FRIEND THe Company of Merchants , called of the Staple , incorporated by King Edward the third : in whose time they had their Staple of Wools at Callis . Merchants Adventures . GOD BE OVR FRIEND THe Company of Merchants , called Merchants Adventures , were incorporated by King Edward the fourth : And had their Priviledges confirmed and enlarged by Queene Elizabeth . Merchants of Russia . GOD BE OVR GOOD GVIDE THe Company of Merchants of Russia , who were incorporated by King Edward the sixth : and againe confirmed and augmented by Queene Elizabeth . Merchants of Elbing . THe Company of Merchants of Elbing , they became incorporated by Queene Elizabeth . Merchants of Levant , or Turkie Merchants . THe Company of Merchants of Levant , or ( more commonly ) termed Turkie Merchants , being first incorporated by Queene Elizabeth , were afterward confirmed and enlarged by our Soveraigne Lord King Iames. Merchants of Spaine . THe Company of Merchants of Spaine , or more usually called Spanish Merchants , were incorporated by Queene Elizabeth . Merchants of East-India . DEVS-INDICAT DEO DVCENTE , NIL NOCET . THe Company of Merchants , called Merchants of East-India , were incorporated by Queene Elizabeth , Anno Dom. 1600. New French Merchants Adventurers . REDDITE CVIQVE SVVM . A New Company of Merchant Adventures , but of their incorporating I am able to say nothing : but the Coat and Crest of their Armes were given and granted by Sir William Seger , Garter , and Master William Camden , Clarencieux , Kings of Armes , the thirteenth day of November , in the 14. yeere of King Iames , 1616. The Company of French Merchants . THe Company now called of French Merchants : of their creating , incorporating , and Patents granting , no intelligence hath beene given me , and therefore I am the lesse able to speake of them : onely I heare them to be a Company of worthy Gentlemen ; and let that honest title at this time suffice them . Merchants of Virginia . EN DAY VIRGINIA QVINTAM . THe Company of Merchants , called Merchants of Virginia , Bermudas , or Summer-I●ands , for ( as I heare ) all these additions are given them . I know not the time of their incorporating , neither by whom their Armes , Supporters , and Crest were granted , and therefore am compelled to leaue them abruptly . THE OTHER COMPANIES following the Twelve . DYERS . KIng Henry the sixt , late King of England , of famous memory , by his Highnesse Letters-Patents , or Charter of Incorporation , bearing date the sixteenth day of February , in the nine and fortieth yeere from the beginning of his Reigne ; and in the first yeere of the redemption of his Royall power , did incorporate the Company of the Dyers in London , and so they have ever since continued . BREWERS . THe Charter of the Brewers was granted by King Henry the sixth , and his Letters-Patents dated at Windsor , the two and twentieth of February , in the sixth yeere of his Reigne . Moreover , it was reconfirmed at Greenewich , Iuly the 13. and second yeere of Queene Elizabeth of blessed memory . LETHER SELLERS . THe Lethersellers being formerly a Society , or Brotherhood of long time , became incorporated in the sixth yeere of King Richard the second , and when Whittington was Lord Maior of London . PEWTERERS . THe Pewterers were a Company , or Meeting of friendly and neighbourly men , in the time of King Edward the fourth ; and in the thirteenth yeere of this King became incorporated , Ianuary the 20. And from this King they have beene still confirmed by all Princes since : lastly , by King Iames. Barbers-Chirurgions . THe Barbers-Chirurgions , being a Company of no meane credit and estate , became a Brotherhood and Fellowship , incorporated by the Charter of King Edward the fourth ; afterward by the Henries , the seventh and eighth , Philip and Mary , and Queene Elizabeth : last of all they were againe confirmed by King Iames , with other additions also : and all those former Charters have bin reconfirmed ( with larger additions ) by our most gracious King Charles . ARMOVRERS THe Society or Company of the Armourers , have beene a Brotherhood of ancient continuance , and became incorporated in the beginning of the reigne of King Henry the sixth : the King being pleased to stile himselfe a Brother of their Society . WHITE-BAKERS . THe Company of White-Bakers are of great Antiquity , as appeareth by their Records , and divers other things of Antiquity , extant in their common Hall. They were a Company of this City in the first yeere of Edward the second , and had a new Charter granted unto them in the first yeere of Henry the seventh ; the which Charter was confirmed unto them by Henry the eighth , Edward the sixth , Queene Mary , Queene Elizabeth , and King Iames. VVax-Chandlers . THe Company of Wax-Chandlers , having beene a Brotherhood of very ancient standing , and much used in the times of superstition , became yet to be incorporated in Anno , 1484. it being the second yeere of King Richard the third . Tallovv-Chandlers . THe company of the Tallow-Chandlers , were a Society of great antiquity , living in good formality among men , and loving agreement with themselves : they became to be incorporated in the second yeere of King Edward the fourth , and from him successively to King Iames. CVTLERS . COncerning this Company of Cutlers , I finde them to be of great antiquity , and that they were incorporated in the beginning of the Reigne of King Henry the fifth , and afterward confirmed by King Henry the sixth , King Henry the eighth , King Philip and Queene Mary , famous Queene Elizabeth ; and King Iames in his fifth yeere , the eighth day of February , fully confirmed all . GIRDLERS . I Finde the Company of the Girdlers not to be much behind-hand ( with others ) for eminency and antiquity , because they have held good correspondency with the world and with themselves : they became to bee incorporated the sixth day of August , in the seven and twentieth yeere of the Reigne of King Henry the sixth . BVTCHERS . THe Butchers were incorporated by King Iames , under his Letters-Patents , bearing date the sixteenth day of September , in the third yeere of his Reigne of England , and of Scotland the nine and twentieth : they were incorporated by the name of Master , Wardens , and Comminalty of the Art or mystery of Butchers of the City of London , the Fraternity being very ancient . SADLERS . THe Company of Sadlers questionlesse declare themselves to be of great antiquity , as shewing their beginning in the times of these Kings following : Edward the first , Rich. the second , Henry the fourth , Edw. the second , Edw. the third , Henry the fifth , Henry the sixth , Edw. the fourth , rich . the third , Henry the seventh , Henry the eighth , Edw. the sixth , and since the first King above named , the Craft of the Sadlers hath given Livery , and so have continued in their Livery by the space of 300 yeeres and more . What all the precedent Princes gave and granted , King Iames confirmed . CARPENTERS . THe Company of the Carpenters , being a Society of ancient standing , were incorporated by Letters-Patents , bearing date the seventh day of Iuly , in the seventeenth yeere of the Reigne of King Edward the fourth ; by the name of Master , Wardens , and Comminalty of the mystery of Freemen of the Carpentry of the City of London . CORDWAINERS . THe Company of Shoomakers or Cordwainers , as they stile themselves , have beene of long continuance , and were first incorporated in the seventeenth yeere of King Henry the sixth ; being afterward confirmed by Philip and Queene Mary , in the fourth and fifth yeeres of their Reigne : then againe re-confirmed by Queene Elizabeth , in the fourth yeere of her Reigne : and lastly , by King Iames. PAINTERS . THe Company of the Painters , having the addition of Painters-Stainers , for their skill and cunning in divers mysterious workes , have beene a Society of great antiquity from time to time , and were incorporated in Anno Dom. 1580. it being the three and twentieth yeere of Queene Elizabeth , &c. CVRRIERS . THe Company of Curryers , a Company of long continuance , and of good community amongst themselves , became incorporated in the third yeere of King Iames , the twelfth day of Iune . MASONS . THe Company of Masons , being otherwise termed Free-Masons , of ancient standing and good reckoning , by meanes of affable and kinde meetings divers times , and as a loving Brotherhood should use to doe , did frequent this mutuall assembly in the time of King Henry the fourth , in the twelfth yeere of his most gracious Reigne . PLVMBERS . THe Company of Plumbers , of large and very memorable antiquity , remaining a Fellowship or Brotherhood by the name of Plumbers . At length they attained to be incorporated by Letters-Patents , the eleventh or twelfth day of Aprill , in the ninth yeere of King IAMES of England , and of Scotland the foure and fortieth , &c. INHOLDERS . THe Company of the Inholders , having beene a Community or Society of honest friendly men , by their often meeting and conversing together , as in those dayes it was a matter much observed : became to be incorporated in the sixth yeere of King Henry the eighth , and so renued from time to time . FOVNDERS . THe Company of Founders , no doubt of antiquity and long continuance in Brotherhood and Fellowship together , were incorporated the eighteenth day of September , in the twelfth yeere of the Reigne of King IAMES . EMBROIDERERS . THe Company of the Embroiderers can make appeare by their worthy and famous pieces of Art , that they have beene of ancient use and eminence , as is to be seene in divers places at this day : but for the matter of their incorporating , it hath relation to the fourth yeere of Queene Elizabeth , &c. POVLTERS . THe Company of the Poulters were incorporated in the nineteenth yeere of King Henry the seventh , the three and twentieth day of Ianuary , and renued againe in the thirtieth yeere of the Reigne of Queene Elizabeth , February the two and twentieth . COOKES . THe Company of the Cookes , having beene a Fellowship or Brotherhood of antiquity , became to be incorporated in the twelfth yeere of the Reigne of King Edward the fourth , the eleventh day of Iuly : re-confirmed againe by Queene Elizabeth : and afterward by King Iames , in the thirteenth yeere of his Reigne , May the nineteenth day . COOPERS . THe Company of the Coopers , became to bee incorporated in the sixteenth yeere of the Reigne of King Henry the seventh , by the name of Master , Wardens , or Keepers of the Comminalty of the Freemen of the mystery of Coopers in London , and the Suburbes of the same City . Brick-layers and Tylers . THe Company of Tylers and Brick-layers , or Brick-layers and Tylers , notwithstanding their antiquity , were first incorporated in the tenth yeere of the Reigne of Queene Elizabeth , and confirmed againe in the second yeere of the Reigne of King Iames. BOWYERS . THe Company of Bowyers , in regard that the use of the long Bow hath added no meane honour to this Realme of England , making it famous in farre remote nations : they may well stand on a great priviledge of antiquity , yet their incorporating speakes but of the one and twentieth yeere of the Reigne of King Iames. FLETCHERS . ALthough there is small reason of sundering Bowes from Arrowes , or Arrowes from Bowes , yet because they have divided themselves into two severall Companies , let the fault be on their owne heads : for as I finde them , so I leave them . BLACK-SMITHES . THe Company of Smithes , or Black-Smithes , by which title you please to tearme them , being a very ancient Brotherhood or Fraternity of the City of London , were first incorporated by Queene Elizabeth , in the twentieth yeere of her Reigne , their Charter bearing ●ate the fifteenth of Aprill , &c. Afterward it was reconfirmed by King Iames , in the second yeere of his Reigne , the one and twentieth day of March. IOYNERS . THe Company of the Ioyners , called also Ioyners and Seelers , of ancient standing , and reputed to be a loving Society , were incorporated by Queene Elizabeth , in the thirteenth yeere of her Reigne . PLAISTERERS . THe Company of the Plaisterers , of larger antiquity then leasure will admit to be delivered , of good and mutuall agreement among themselves , like affable and loving Brethren , were incorporated in the time of King Henry the sevent , &c. WEAVERS . THe Company of Weavers ( not meaning them which are now called Silke-Weavers ) were of very ancient note indeed ; as having three severall Societies of themselves , the Woollen-Cloth-Weavers , the Arras-Weavers , and the Linnen-Weavers : all which I referre to a further relation . FRVITERERS . THe Company of the Fruiterers , being a very ancient Brotherhood , and of long continuance , became to be first incorporated in the third yeere of the Reigne of King Iames , &c. SCRIVENERS . THe Company of the Scriveners , an ancient and long continued Society , were incorporated the eight and twentieth day of Ianuary , in the fourteenth yeere of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord , King Iames. Bottle-makers and Horners . AS for Bottle-makers and Horne-makers , the precedent times have remembred them to be of Antiquity , and two distinct Companies combined in one : But I finde no Record that they were at any time incorporated . STATIONERS . THe Company of the Stationers , of great antiquity , before the famous Art of Printing was invented or brought hither , as ( for the most part ) their then dwelling in Pater-noster Row , and the adjoyning parts can testifie . Their Charter of incorporation was granted the fourth day of May , in the third and fourth yeeres of King Philip and Queene Mary . MARBLERS . THe Company called by the name of Marblers , for their excellent knowledge and skill in the Art of Insulpting personages for Tombes , Grave-stones , and Monuments in Churches , and elsewhere in Religious places : their antiquity and what respect they have carried , is unknowne to me ; nor can I finde them to bee incorporated , but hold some friendship with the Masons , and are thought to be esteemed among them in Fellowship . WOOLL-PACKERS . THe Company of Wooll-packers I know not what to say of them , because it seemes that there were such men in the Haunse dayes , when the Wooll-Staple flourished , and that our Wooll-Merchants had their eminency . Further , I cannot speake of them , but leave them and their Armes to your consideration . FARRIERS . THe Company of the Farriers . My relation concerning them , must needs be answerable to their owne allegation . Henry de Ferraris , or Ferrers , a Norman borne , came over with William the Conquerour , who gave vnto the said Henry de Ferraris ( as being his Farrier , or Master of his horse ) the Honor of Tutbury , in the County of Stafford , which was the first Honor given to the Ferrars in England . PAVIOVRS . THe Company of the Paviours , no doubt have beene a Company of antiquity , and maintained a Community or Brotherhood among themselves ; but for incorporation , no Record doth testifie it to me , and therefore I have the lesse to say of them . LORINORS . THe Company of the Lorinors , or Lorimers , which they please to accept , I have received a note from themselves , that the second day of October , and fourth yeere of King Henry the seventh , the Wardens of the Art of Lorimers came into the Court of our Lord the King , in the Chamber of Guild-hall , in the City of London , before Sir William Horne Knight , then Lord Maior , and Aldermen of the said City , preferring then and there a Bill or Supplication to the Maior and Aldermen . And this is all that I can finde remembred of them . BROWN-BAKERS . THe Company of the Brown-Bakers , a Society of long standing and continuance , prevailed to have their incorporating granted the ninth day of Iune , in the nineteenth yeere of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord King Iames. WOOD-MONGERS . THe Company of the Wood-mongers , being a very ancient Fellowship , and of good and amiable agreement together for long time , became to be incorporated the nine and twentieth day of August , in the third yeere of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord King Iames. VPHOLSTERS . THe Company of the Vpholsters , or Vpholders , were in elder times of good reckoning and esteeme , and had a Brotherhood or Fellowship among themselves , but concerning their incorporating I finde it not recorded . TVRNERS . THe Company of the Turners had long continued a loving Fellowship or Brotherhood among themselves , to the good president and example of others : they became incorporated in the second yeere of King Iames. GLASIERS . THe Company called of the Glasiers , have beene a Society of ancient memory , and maintained a league of Brotherly affection together ; but because I am able to say nothing of their incorporating , I am the more willing to passe them over . CLEARKES . THe Company of the Clearkes , commonly tearmed Parish-Clearkes , I finde to bee very ancient in continuance , and stand registred in the Bookes of Guild-hall ; they became first to bee incorporated in the seventeenth yeere of King Henry the third , and followed on still in all the Princes Reignes , to the ninth yeere of our Soveraigne Lord King Iames. WATERMEN . THe Company of the Watermen , that have their maintenance by rowing in Boats on the River of Thames , being a Brotherhood under the power and command of the Lord Maior of London , I leave them for this time . APOTHECARIES . THe Company of the Apothecaries , that have divided themselves from the Ancient Society of Grocers , grew so highly favoured by our Soveraigne Lord , King Iames , that ( as I have heard ) he called them his Company ; and granted them order for incorporation the sixth day of December , in the fifteenth yeere of his Highnesse Reigne . SILKE-THROVVERS . THis Company of Silke-throwers , having gained their Trade of Silke-throwing from the Strangers , since Anno quinto of Queene Elizabeth , and being for the most part Free men of this City , were made a Fellowship of this City 4. die Iunii , Anno 19. of King Iames , Sir Francis Iones , Knight , being then Lord Maior . And 23. die Aprilis Anne quinte Caroli Regis , they were incorporated by the name of the Master , Wardens , Assistants and Commonalty of the Trade , Art , or Mystery of Silke-throwers of the City of London . LONDON . DOMINE DIRIGE NOS THus our most Noble , Ancient , and famous Mother , LONDON , ( the Queene or Empresse of all Cities in this West part of the World ) having , like an Amazonian Virago , led forth her warlike City-Sonnes into their Fields of Honour , without her Walls , to take an ample view of her Armes , Furniture , and other warlike Embellishments , such as beseemed their worth , and her dignity ; like a valiant Captaine , that takes it to be his honour , of abiding last in the field , and marshalling them home before her into her walled City , followes after them her selfe , in her owne Armes and brave Accoutrements . The names of the Wards , and their Aldermen , as they now are . THere are in this City ( according to the number of the Wards ) six and twenty Aldermen : wherof , yeerely on the Feast of Saint Michael the Arch-angell , one of those Aldermen is elected to bee Maior for the yeere following : He is to begin and take place on the eight and twentieth day of October then next following . The other Aldermen his Brethren are to him Assistants in Councels and Courts , &c. As the Wards are formerly set downe , according to the order of their beginning Eastward : so I thought it fet to set downe those Aldermens names that have the instant government and direction of them : wherein let no exception be taken , although Aldermen ( not knighted ) are named as their Wards successively follow , because this observation is done but onely for orders sake . Wards on the East side of VValbrooke . WARDS . ALDERMEN . 1 Portsoken . Alderman Parkhurst . 2 Aldgate . Alderman Rainton . 3 Tower-streete . Sir Hugh Hammersley . 4 Limestreet . Sir Iames Cambell . 5 Bishopsgate . Alderman Bacchus . 6 Broadstreet . Alderman Moulson . 7 Cornehill . Alderman Freeman . 8 Langborne . Sir George Whitmore . 9 Billingsgate . Alderman Cletherow . 10 Bridge within . Alderman Poole . 11 Candlewickstreet . Sir Richard Deane . 12 Walbrooke . Sir Iohn Goare . 13 Downegate . Alderman Bromfield . 14 Vintry . Alderman Garaway . 15 Cordwainerstreet . Alderman Wright . 16 Cheape . Sir Edward Barkham . 17 Colemanstreet . Sir Maurice Abbot . 18 Basing-Hall . Sir Robert Ducie . 19 Creplegate . Alderman Cranmer . 20 Aldersgate . Sir William Acton . 21 Faringdon within . Alderman Smith . 22 Breadstreet . Sir Martin Lumley . 23 Queene Hithe . Alderman Perry . 24 Castle Baynard . Alderman Venne , 25 Faringdon without . Alderman Cambell . 26 Bridge without . Alderman Abdy . Thus these Wards have ( from time to time ) held , and still doe their severall Aldermen , till either death , or occasion of remove , do make an alteration of them in their Aldermen . As for an example , since the last Impression of this Booke , which is within the compasse of fifteene yeeres , of all the Aldermen that then were living , there remaine no more then three at this instant . MOre , there is a Recorder of London , a grave and learned Lawyer , skilfull in the Customes of this City , also assistant to the Lord Maior : hee taketh place in Councels and in Courts before any man that hath not beene Maior , and learnedly delivereth the Sentence of the whole Court. THe Sheriffes of London ( of old time ) chosen out of the Comminalty , Commoners , and oftentimes never came to bee Aldermen ; as many Aldermen were never Sheriffes , and yet advanced to be Maiors . But of later time , ( by occasion ) the Sheriffes have beene made Aldermen , before , or presently after their Election . Nicholas Faringdon was never Sheriffe , yet foure times Maior of this City , and so of other ; which reprooveth a by-word , Such a one will be Maior , before he be Sheriffe , &c. These Gentlemen beare Offices of especiall respect in the City . MAster Chamberlain of London , Master Common Sergeant . Master Town-Clarke , or Common Clarke . The Coroner of London . Officers belonging to the Lord Maiors house , according as they were first published by Master STOWE . SWord-bearer . Common Hunt. Common Crier . Water-Bayliffe . Esquires 4. Coroner of London . Sergeant Carvers . 3. Sergeants of the Chamber . 3. Sergeant of the Chanell . Yeoman of the Chanell . Yeomen of the water side . 4. Vnder-Water-Bayliffe . Yeomen of the Chamber . 2. Meale-weighers . 3. Yeomen of the Wood-wharfes . 2. The Sword-bearers man. Common Hunts men . 2. Common Criers man. Water-Bayliffes men . 2. The Carvers man. Gentlemens men , seven . Whereof nine of these have Liveries of the L. Maior , viz. The Sword-bearer and his man , the three Carvers , and the foure Yeomen of the Water-side . All the rest have their Liveries from the Chamber of London . Thus farre after my notes delivered by an Officer of the Lord Maiors house , but unperfect : for I remember a Crowner , an Vnder-Chamberlaine , and foure Clarkes of the Maiors Court , and others . According to a TABLE hanging in the ancient Councell Chamber , and their dayes of waiting . MAster Sword-bearer , to waite dayly . Master Common Hunt , to wait Mundaies , Wednesdays , Frydayes and Saturdayes . Master Common Crier , to wait Tuesdayes , Thursdayes , Frydayes , and Saturdayes . Master Water-Bayliffe , to wait Mundayes , Tuesdayes , Wednesdayes and Thursdayes . The three Sergeant Carvers , to wait weekly , all excuses set apart . The three Sergeants of the Chamber likewise , to wait weekely , without any excuse . The Sergeant of the Chanell , to wait dayly . The two Yeomen of the Chamber , one of them to wait dayly at dinner , to Vsher the Hall. The foure Yeomen of the Waters side , two of them to wait weekely , and not to be absent . The Yeomen of the Chanell , to wait dayly . The Vnder-Water-Bayliffe , to wait on Holydayes and Court dayes , if hee goe not up the River . The six young men , to wait dayly . The three Meale-Weighers , to wait on Holydayes , and Court dayes . The two Yeomen of the Wood-Wharfe , to wait on generall dayes . The Forraigne-Taker , to wait likewise on generall dayes . The Sheriffes of London , their Officers . THe Sheriffes of London , in the yeere 1471. were appointed each of them to have sixteene Sergeants , every Sergeant to have his Yeoman . And six Clarkes , to wit , a Secondary , a Clarke of the Papers , and foure other Clarkes , besides the Vnder-Sheriffes Clarkes , their Stewards , Butlers , Porters , and other in houshold many . Of the Maiors and Sheriffes Liveries somewhat . TO follow president of former time , the Clarks of Companies were to enquire for them of their Companies , that would have the Maiors Livery , their money ( as a benevolence given ) which must be twenty shillings at the least put in a purse , with their names that gave it , and the Wardens to deliver it to the Maior by the first of December . For the which , every man had then sent him foure yards of broad Cloth , rowed or striped thwart with a different colour , to make him a Gowne , and these were called Rey Gownes , which was then the Livery of the Maior , and also of the Sheriffes ; but each differing from others in the colours . Of older times I read , that the Officers of this City ware Gownes of party colours , as the right side of one colour , and the left side of another : as for example ; I reade in Bookes of accounts in the Guild-Hall , that in the nineteenth yeere of Henry the sixth , there was bought for an Officers Gown two yards of Cloth , coloured Mustard-villars ( a colour now out of use ) and two yards of Cloth coloured blue , price two shillings the yard , in all eight shillings . More , payed to Iohn Pope , Draper , for two Gowne clothes , eight yards of two colours eux ambo deux de Rouge ( or red ) Medley Brune and Porre ( or Purple ) colour , price , the yard two shillings . These Gownes were for Piers Rider , and Iohn Buckles , Clarkes of the Chamber . More , I reade , that in the yeere 1516. in the 7. of Henry the 8. it was agreed by a Common Councell in the Guild-Hall , that the Sheriffes of London should ( as they had beene accustomed ) give yeerely Reyed Gownes to the Recorder , Chamberlaine , Common Sergeant , and Common Clarke , the Sword-bearer , Common Hunt , Water-Bayly , Common Cryer , like as to their owne Officers , &c. 1525. More , in the sixteenth of Henry the eighth , Sir William Bayly then being Maior , made a request , for that clothes of Ray ( as hee alleaged ) were evill wrought , his Officers might bee permitted ( contrary to custome ) for that yeere to weare Gownes of one colour , to the which ( in a common Councell ) one answered and said , Yea , it might be permitted : and no man said nay , and so it passed . Thus much for party-coloured , and Ray Gownes have I read . But for benevolence to the Maior , I finde that of later time , each man giving forty shillings towards his charges , received foure yards of broad Cloth to make him a Gowne : for Sir Thomas White performed it in the first yeere of Queene Mary , but Sir Thomas Lodge gave ( in stead of foure yards of broad Cloth ) three yards of Satten to make them Dubblets , and since that , the three yards of Satten is now turned into a silver Spoone , and so it hath held . The order observed by the Lord Maior , the Aldermen , and Sheriffes for their meetings , and wearing of their Apparell throughout the whole yeere . Vpon Midsummer day , for the election of the Sheriffes of LONDON , &c. THe Lord Maior and the Aldermen ( with the Sheriffes ) meet at the Guild-Hall , at eight of the clocke in the morning , apparelled in their violet coloured Gownes lined , and their Cloakes of Scarlet lined , but without their horses . And when they have beene together in the Councell Chamber a certaine time , concerning the nomination of certaine persons to bee elected : the Lord Maior and the Aldermen come forth , and put on their Cloakes in the Orphanes Court , and then goe downe in order to the Hustings Court , where being set , Master Recorder ariseth , and standing forth before the Bench and Companies , for the same cause there assembled ; having done his obeisance first to the Court , and then to them all : he declareth unto them , the reason why they are thus there assembled together : Shewing unto them , that it is for the election of one of the Sheriffs of London , and the Sheriffe of Middlesex for the yeere next ensuing : As also the confirmation of the other Sheriffe , nominated by the Lord Maior according to his prerogative . Then afterward , is the choice and election of Master Chamberlaine of London , and of other Officers . But first , the Lord Maior and Aldermen go up into the Lord Maiors Court , and there remaine , untill the Sheriffe be named and chosen , the doore being fast shut to them all the while . Then the Sheriffes , Master Chamberlaine , Master Common Sergeant , Master Towne-Clarke , and the Councellors of the City , and other Officers , continue still in the Hustings Court , to take and receive the name of him , that shall seeme ( by their judgements ) freely , and without consent to be nominated and elected , and justly tryed out , not only by voyce , but also by hands , to be Sheriffe for the yeere following . Then the Commons goe to the election of Master Chamberlaine ; the two Bridge-Masters ; the Auditors of the City and Bridge-house accounts ; and the Surveyors for Beere and Ale , according to the accustomed manner . That done , the Sheriffes , Master Chamberlaine , Master Common Sergeant , Master Towne-Clarke , the Councellors of the City , the two Secondaries of the Compters , and the Wardens of the head or chiefe Companies ( Master Common Cryer going before them , bearing his Mace ) thus they carry up the report to the Lord Maior and Aldermen , concerning what they have done in their election . Which report being received , the Lord Maior and Aldermen came down againe to the Hustings Court. And there being in order set and placed , Master Recorder standeth up againe , as he did before , and maketh rehearsall of the names of those persons , whom they have nominated and chosen . Then hee demandeth of them , whether it bee their free election , yea or no ? Which they confirming to be their free choice , Master Recorder giueth them thankes : And so they arise , and all depart thence home . On BARTHOLOMEVV Eve , for the Fayre in Smithfield . THE Aldermen meete the Lord Maior and the Sheriffes at the Guild-hall Chappell , at two of the clocke after dinner , having on their violet Gownes lined , and their horses , but without their cloakes , and there they heare Evening Prayer . Which being done , they mount on their horses , and riding to Newgate , passe forth of the Gate . Then entring into the Cloth-Fayre , there they make a Proclamation , which Proclamation being ended , they ride thorow the Cloth-Fayre , and so returne backe againe thorow the Church-yard of great Saint Bartholomewes to Aldersgate : And then ride home againe to the Lord Maiors House . On BARTHOLOMEVV day , for the Wrastling . SO many Aldermen as doe dine with the Lord Maior , and the Sheriffes , are apparelled in their Scarlet Gownes lined ; and after dinner , their horses are brought to them where they dined . And those Aldermen which dine with the Sheriffes , ride with them to the Lord Maiors house for accompanying him to the Wrastling . When as the Wrastling is done , they mount their horses , and ride backe againe thorow the Fayre , and so in at Aldersgate , and then home againe to the Lord Maiors house . The next day ( if it be not Sunday ) is appointed for the Shooting , and the service performed as upon Bartholomew day : but if it bee Sunday , the Sabbath day , it is referred to the Munday then following . For the day of our LADY Fayre in Southwarke . THE Lord Maior and the Sheriffes ride to S. Magnus Church in their Scarlet Gownes lined , without their cloaks , after dinner at two of the clocke ; and there the Aldermen meet the L. Maior : when evening Prayer is ended , they ride thorow the Faire , till they come unto St. Grorges Church , and then ride further to Newington Bridge , or to St. Thomas of Waterings to the Stones that point out the Liberties of the City ( if it bee so their pleasures ) and they then returne backe againe unto the Bridge-house , where they refresh themselves with a Banquet . Then returning over the Bridge , the Aldermen take their leave of the Lord Maior , and depart the next way every one unto his own house . After all this is done , & the Lord Maior brought home : his Officers have a supper provided for them by the Bridge-Masters . For swearing the Sheriffes upon Michaelmas Eve. WHat day soever it falleth on , so many of the Aldermen as are bidden to dinner at either of the Sheriffes houses , come thither first to breakefast , or else to drinke , at eight of the clocke in the morning , in their violet coloured Gownes furred , and their violet cloaks , which are brought with them , without their horses . But if the Sheriffe bee an Alderman ; then they must put on their Cloakes , and the Sheriffe likewise his Cloake : and so hee goes on to the Guild-Hall , betweene two Aldermen wearing their gray Cloakes . But if the Sheriffe be no Alderman : then hee is to come thither betweene two of the Aldermen without Cloakes , and the Sheriffe wearing his Livery Gowne and Hood . After he is sworne , then he is to put on his violet Gown and Cloak and his Chaine thereon . All which being done , the Aldermen are to bring him home to his dwelling place to dinner , wearing their cloakes : and after dinner , they may take their pleasure . Vpon Michaelmas day , for the election of the Lord Maior . ALL the Aldermen meet the Lord Maior and the Sheriffes , at eight of the clocke in the morning at the Guild-Hall , wearing their Scarlet Gownes and Cloakes furred , riding on their horses . And after they have beene a certaine time together in the Councell Chamber ; they come forth into the Orphans Court , where putting on their Cloakes , they goe in order to the Chappell , there to heare Service and a Sermon : where also the Lord Maior ( with certaine Aldermen ) receive the Communion . After that the Communion is ended , and they have delivered their Offrings , they returne backe into the Councell Chamber , and pausing there a while , they come to the place where the court of Hustings is kept . Being there set in 〈…〉 Recorder ariseth up , and making his obeisance first to the Lord 〈…〉 after to the Commons , he 〈◊〉 unto them , that the manner 〈…〉 custome is well knowne 〈…〉 as also the reason of their 〈…〉 and thus meeting together of 〈…〉 Companies in London , which is , for the election of the Lord Maior for the yeere ensuing : declaring unto them divers grants from the Kings ●rogenitors , for this their election from time to time . That done , the Lord Maior and the Aldermen goe up again into the Lord Maiors Court : and there remain ( the doors fast shut unto them ) untill the election shall be brought unto them . Then standeth up Master Common Sergeant , having the Sheriffes standing on either side of him ; and by the Sheriffes , Master Chamberlaine , Master Towne-Clarke , the two Secondaries of the Compters , and the Councellors of the Citty , in the said Hustings Court before the Commons . At that time , the said Common Sergeant maketh a briefe rehearsall of those former presidents which Master Recorder had before delivered to them , saying ; There remained no more now for him to say , but onely to put them in remembrance in what order and sort they should carry themselves in their election . As namely , how they are to nominate and chuse two : of the which two , the Lord Maior and the Aldermen must confirm one . Those two being nominated , elected and chosen ; Master Common Sergeant , the Sheriffes ( with the rest before-named ) and certain of the prime Wardens of the chiefe Companies , go up to the Lord Maior and Aldermen , and there present the names of those two men , which the Commons have nominated in their election . Then the Lord Maior and the Aldermen proceed by Scrutiny , to elect one of those two persons , which the said Commons had before nominated . Then commeth downe the Lord Maior againe to the Hustings Court , and hee ( whom they have chosen ) goeth on his left hand ; and so the Lord Maior and Aldermen sit downe againe in order . But hee who is chosen , sitteth next unto the Lord Maior on his left hand . Then standeth up Master Recorder , and readeth unto them the names of such persons whom they have nominated and chosen . Of which , the Lord Maior and the Aldermen have admitted one , whose name is N. demanding of them , whether it be their free election , or no. Then the Commons affirming it to bee their free choice : the Sword-bearer steppeth to him , and taketh off his Tippet , which he hath for his labour , and putteth on his Chaine . And the Maior so lately elected , standing upon the Hustings Court , given them thankes , &c. which being done , the old Maior doth likewise give them thankes , &c. Then they arise up , putting off their cloakes , and the Lord Maior hath the Lord Elect riding with him , to the eldest Sheriffes to dinner . For presenting the Lord Maior Elect to the Lord Chancellor , or Keeper . THen after dinner , the Lord Elect goeth to the Lord Chancellor , if he be at home at his place or neere unto it , attended with five or sixe of the Aldermen , and Master Recorder also with him , they wearing their violet Gownes , passing either by land or by water , according as fitteth with conueniencie of the Lord Chancellors dwelling place . The Common Hunt , with the extraordinary Officers , and those that be at liberty , doe also attend on him . The morrow after Michaelmas day , for the new Sheriffes going to Westminster to bee sworne there . ALL the Aldermen are to meet at the two new Sheriffes houses in the morning at eight of the clocke , wearing their violet Gownes furred , without their cloakes , yet having their horses there ready . But the Lord Maior , Master Recorder , and the two Sheriffes , must weare their Scarlet Gownes furred , and their cloakes carried with them to Westminster . First , they ride to them Guild-Hall , and from thence to the Vinetree , and there taking Barge , land at Westminster-Bridge , and in the Hall they put on their cloakes ; then goe they up into the Exchequer , where the two new Sheriffs be presented , and the old sworne to their account . Then they put off their cloakes , and take Barge , landing againe at the Vine-tree , where they mount their horses . And the Lord Maior rideth to the eldest Sheriffes to dinner ; Master Recorder & the Sheriffes riding next to the Lord Maior . The two Sheriffes carrying two white rods in their hands , and their Hench-men going after them . The ancient Order for the day of Simon and Iude. THe old Lord Maior is to have so many of the Aldermen , as are appointed to dine with him that day , come to his house by eight of the clock in the morning , wearing their violet Gownes furred , with their violet cloakes furred , and their horses attending . Then the Sheriffes come to fetch him and them to the Guild-Hall , and there abide in the Councell Chamber , untill the comming of the new Lord Maior , and the rest of the Aldermen , with the Companies of either the Lords old and new going before them . After they haue continued in the Councell Chamber a certaine space of time , they come forth into the Orphanes Court , where they put on their furred cloakes , and then goe downe to the Hustings Court , where being set in order , the common Cryer maketh Proclamation , commanding every man to keep silence . Then Master Towne-Clarke giveth the new elected Lord his Oath , which when he hath taken , the old Lord Maior ariseth , and giveth the new Lord his place , the old Lord sitting downe where the new Lord was placed . Then Master Chamberlaine first delivereth to him the Scepter , next the Keyes of the common Seale ; and lastly , the Seale of the office of the Maioralty . Afterward , Master Sword-bearer giveth him the Sword. And then they arise , put off their Cloakes , and the old Lord rideth home with the new Lord to his place , and there leaveth him , and so many of the Aldermen as dine with him . The old Lord ( with the rest of the Aldermen ) ride home to his house , the Sword being carried before him . And so after dinner , the Aldermen depart home at their pleasure . On the morrow after the day of Simon and Iude , for the new Lord Maior his going to take his Oath at Westminster . ALL the Aldermen and the Sheriffes meet at the new Lords house , by eight a clocke in the morning , wearing their Scarlet Gowns furred , and their Cloakes , and their Horses there attending on them ; from thence they ride to the Guild-Hall , with the Batchelers and Livery , as also the Gentlemen Vshers of the new Lords Company , going in decent order before him . But before this , the old Lord rideth alone from his owne place to the Guild-Hall , having no Officers to wait upon him , except the Common Hunt , as a Gentleman Vsher going before him , and those Officers that are at liberty , as also the Common Hunts man ( with his owne men following him ) and so he tarrieth at the Hall. And after they be all come together , they mount on their horses , riding on to the Vine-tree , where they take Barge to Westminster Bridge , where when they are landed , the Lord Maior and Aldermen put on their Cloakes within the Palace , and then goe round about the Hall , where they performe many courtefies , going vp afterward into the the Exchequer Chamber to be sworne . When the Oath is taken in the Exchequer , they returne downe againe , and goe first to the Kings Bench , then to the Common-Pleas , and so putting off their Cloakes , walke about the Kings Tombes in Westminster Abbey , and then returne to take Barge againe . Being landed at London , all the severall Companies of the City , who had honoured him in their Barges to Westminster and backe againe , doe likewise performe their attending service , as he ( with the Aldermen ) ride on to the Guild-Hall to dinner . Full well may this be called a Feast , and ranked next in Honour to Saint Georges Feast : For the Honourable Lords of his Highnesse Privie Councell , other Lords , Barons , Iudges , Ladies , Gentlemen , and Gentlewomen , with forraigne Ambassadors and Strangers , dine there as invited Guests . And therefore it is desertfully termed , The Lord Maiors Feast . At their comming into the Hall , the new Lord Maior , with two of the ancientest Aldermen , Master Recorder , and the Sheriffes , goe vp to the Lords Table to bid them welcome , as they doe the like to all the other guests , Lords , Ladies , and other . From thence they goe to the Lady Maioresse her Table , the Gentlewomens , and the Iudges ; and then the said new Lord Maior ( and they with him ) goe into the Chamberlaines Office , where he dineth . Concerning the old Lord Maior , so soone as they come into the Hall , hee goeth vp to the high Table in the Hustings , and there keepeth the State for that Feast . When the Hall is served with the seconds , then the new Lord Maior goeth with Master Recorder , and those Aldermen that dined with him , to bid the old Lord , and all the Companies or Guests in the Hall welcome . Then after dinner he rideth with the Aldermen to Pauls , the Companies waiting , and standing in their due places for his comming . For going to PAVLS on All-Saints day , Christmas day , Twelfe day , and Candlemas day . ALL the Aldermen and the Sheriffes come to the Lord Maiors house , in their Scarlet Gownes furred , and their Cloakes , as also their Horses brought thither with them . From thence they ride to the Guild-Hall , the Company belonging to the Lord Maior , and the band of Batchelers , with their Gentlemen Vshers walking orderly before him ; and there they heare Evening Prayer . When Prayer is ended , then they ride thence to Pauls Church , where both the new Lord Maior and the old put on their Cloakes , and goe vp into the Quire , where they sit to heare the Sermon . Which being done , the● 〈◊〉 about the Church , and 〈…〉 Cloakes where they did put them on . Then they mount on their Horses againe , and the Aldermen , with the Companies and Batchelours bring the Lord Maior home to his house : where they have Spice-bread and Hypocrasse , and so take leave of the Lord Maior . Here is further to be vnderstood , that All-Saints day is the last day of the old Lords riding with the new in this manner . On Saint Thomas day . THe Lord Maior , and every Alderman likewise , is to sit in the Ward belonging to him , about such businesse as is then necessarily required to be done . Each of them is to weare his Violet Gowne and Cloake furred . For the CHRISTMAS Holydayes . FOr the Christmas holydayes , vntill Twelfe day , if the Lord Maior and Aldermen go abroad to any publike meeting , they are to weare Scarlet . But on the working dayes , within compasse of the Twelve dayes , if the Lord Maior goe to the Guild-Hall , Markets , or Streets , then he and they weare blacke . On INNOCENTS day . VPon Innocents day , the Aldermen dine at the Lord Maiors and the Sheriffes , wearing Scarlet : but the Ladies weare blacke . For Munday after Twelfe day . THe Lord Maior and the Aldermen meet at the Guild-Hall by eight of the clocke in the morning , wearing their furred Scarlet Gownes , and their furred Cloakes , but using no Horses . Then and there they receive of their severall Wards , their sealed Indentures of the Wardmote Enquests : And take the Oathes of the Constables and Scavengers . For GOOD-FRYDAY . THe Lord Maior and the Aldermen meet at Pauls Crosse at one of the clocke in the afternoone , to heare the Sermon for that day appointed : they then wearing their Pewke Gownes , and without their Chaines and Tippets . For Munday and Tuesday in Easter weeke . ALL the Aldermen and Sheriffs come unto the Lord Maiors dwelling house , before eight of the clock in the morning , to breakfast , wearing their Scarlet Gownes furred , and their cloakes , as also their horses attending . When breakefast is ended , they mount on their horses , and ride to the Spittle , the Sword and Mace borne before the Lord Maior . Being come thither , there they put on their Cloakes , and then sit downe in order to heare the Sermon . Which being done , they ride thence homeward in due order , till they come to the Pumpe within Bishopsgate ; and there , so many of the Aldermen as doe dine with the Sheriffes , take their leave of the Lord Maior , and the rest go home with him . For Wednesday in Easter weeke . LIke as before on the other two dayes : onely reserved , that the Lord Maior and the Aldermen must then weare their violet Gownes , and sutable Cloakes : But the Ladies ( on the two former daies ) wearing their Scarlet , on this day are attired in blacke . For Lowe Sunday . ALL the Aldermen meete the Lord Maior and the Sheriffes at Pauls Schoole , wearing their Scarlet Gownes furred ( yet without their Cloakes or horses ) and there stay to heare the Sermon . For Whitsunday . VPon Whitsunday , all the Aldermen use to meet the Lord Maior and the Sheriffes at the new Church-yard by Moore-fields : wearing their Scarlet Gownes lined , without Cloakes , to heare the Sermon there appointed for that day , which being ended , they depart thence againe . For Munday and Tuesday in Whitsun weeke . ALL the Aldermen are to meete the Lord Maior and the Sheriffs at Pauls ; wearing their Scarlet Gownes , without Cloakes , to heare the Sermon at the Crosse . For the day of the Lord Maiors Knighthood . ALL the Aldermen doe meet the Lord Maior , either at the three Cranes ( if the King then bee at Westminster ) or at Saint Mary Hill ( if the King be then at Greenewitch ) by seven of the clocke in the morning ; wearing their Scarlet Gownes ; and their Cloakes carryed with them . After morning Prayer is ended , they take Barge to the King his place , and there they give attendance , untill that the Ceremony bee finished : and then returne home with the Lord Maior to dinner . For going to Pauls the first Sunday of every Terme . ALL the Aldermen doe meet the Lord Maior and the Sheriffes at Pauls , wearing their Scarlet Gownes , either furred or lined , according as the time of the yeere requireth : but without Cloakes or Horses , when the Terme beginneth . For Election of Knights and Burgesses of the Parliament . ALL the Aldermen doe meet the Lord Maior and the Sheriffes at Guild-Hall , by nine of the clocke in the morning , wearing their Violet Gownes and their Cloakes , either furred or lined , according as the time of the yeere requireth when they are to be chosen , and they sit in the Hustings Court , vntill the Commons doe make choice of them . The order hath beene observed , that they chuse Master Recorder for one of their Knights , and one Gray Cloake for the other , and two Commoners for the Burgesses : which being done , they depart thence . For the LORDS of the Councell , when they come about the Subsidies . WHen the Lords and Commissioners come downe for assesment of the Subsidies , the Lord Maior and the Aldermen doe weare their blacke Gownes , as they use at other times . And the Commissioners are to be warned by the Officers , which doe belong to both the Sheriffes . For Election of Master Chamberlaine , and the Bridge-Masters , if any of them depart within the yeere . THe Lord Maior and the Aldermen , wearing their violet Gowns without their Cloakes , being seated in the Hustings Court , doe there continue their sitting , and not remove thence , untill such time as the Election bee made . At such time as a King is to bee Crowned . ALL the Aldermen doe meet the Lord Maior and the Sheriffes at the three Cranes in the Vinetree , according to the houre of their summons appointed . The Lord Maior ( for that time of service & attendance ) weareth a Crimosin Velvet Gowne , a Coller of Esses and Scepter , but no Cloake . The Aldermen weare their Scarlet Gownes , and their Cloaks carried with them , either furred or lined , according as the season of the yeere requireth . There taking Barge , they land at Westminster , and there they give attendance in the Exchequer Chamber ( being served with Cakes and Wine ) vntill they be called by the Heraulds : and then they put on their Cloakes . At what times the Lord Maior weareth his Cloake . FRom Michaelmas to Whitsontide , Violet furred : and from Whitsontide to Michaelmas , Scarlet lined . The Lord Maior , and those Knights that have borne the office of the Maioralty , ought to have their Cloakes furred with Gray Amis . And those Aldermen that have not beene Maiors , are to have their Cloakes furred with Calabre . And likewise , such as have been Maiors , are to have their Cloaks lined with changeable Taffata : and the rest are to have their Cloakes lined with greene Taffata . For the first day of every Quarter Sessions . THe first day of every Quarter Sessions ( in the forenoone only ) the Lord Maior and the Sheriffes weare their violet Gownes and Cloakes furred . But at Midsummer Quarter Sessions , the first day , they weare Violet Gownes and Scarlet Cloakes : and on the other dayes Black. For the buriall of Aldermen . THe Aldermen are to weare their Violet Gownes , except such as have ( of their friends allowance ) blacke Gownes , or mourning . When an Alderman dieth , Master Sword-bearer is to have a blacke Gowne , or three and thirty shillings and foure pence in money . And if the Alderman deceased doe give the Lord Maior mourning , then Master Sword-bearer is to have mourning also , or forty shillings in money , as the value thereof , and so to carry the Sword in blacke before the Lord Maior . Master Chamberlaine is not to weare his Tipper , but when the Lord Maior or Aldermen doe weare their Scarlet or Violet . At the Nomination of an Alderman . FOr the Nomination of an Alderman , the Lord Maior weareth his black Gowne , and violet Cloake , and both the Sheriffes their blacke Gownes . For the Orphanes Court. THe Lord Maior and the Aldermen doe meet at the Guild-Hall , wearing their Violet Gownes without Cloakes : but the Lord Maior ought to weare his Cloake . The Common Cryer is the Warner of this Court. Orders taken and enacted for Orphans and their Portions . Anno 1580. AD Commune Concilium , tentum in Guildhaldia Civitatis Londini , xiij . die Octob. Anno Regni Edvardi sexti , Dei gratia Angliae , Franciae , & Hiberniae Regis , fidei defensoris , & in terra Ecclesiae Anglicanae , & Hibernicae supremi capitis , quinto : coram Andrea Iudde Milite , tunc Maiore , & Aldermannis Civitatis illius , ordinata sunt inter alia , inactitata , concessa & stabilita , omnia & singula subsequentia . FOr as much as the City of London is of late yeeres sore decayed , and dayly is like to decay more and more : A great cause and occasion wherof , among other , hath beene , for that freemens children ( Orphans of the said City ) sometimes in the lives of their Parents , and sometimes after their deceases , being left wealthy and rich , doe bestow themselves in ungodly Marriages , for the most part in their young age , at their owne wills and pleasures , without the consent , and against the mindes of their friends , saying and affirming , that the Law and Custome of the said City giveth unto them their portions , whether they marry by the assent of their friends or not , and so doe dayly cast away and undoe themselves , in trust to have their said Portions , whether their parents or friends will or will not . And thereby doe they bestow themselves upon simple and light persons , having neither cunning , knowledge , substance , nor good or honest conditions . By reason whereof , such Orphans , inordinately , and insolently , doe spend and consume their patrimony and portions in short time , not onely to the undoing of themselves , and to the great ignomy and shame of their friends , but also to the great slander of the Lord Maior and Aldermen of this City ( who been reputed and taken as Fathers and Protectors of the same Orphanes ) and to the great losse and hindrance of the said City . And for as much as the said Lord Maior and Citizens , have by their lawes , and customes , power and authority to make lawes and ordinances , by their Common Councel , for redresse of the same : It is therefore now ( to the intent to reduce the same to a more godly , more profitable and decent order and conformity ) by the said Lord Maior , & Comminalty , and Citizens , in this present Common Councell assembled , and by authority of the said Common Councell , enacted , ordained , authorized , and established for a law perpetually to bee observed and kept within the said City : That if any Orphane , or child of any free man or free woman of the said City , doe offend in any the things hereafter expressed , and bee thereof lawfully convicted , afore the Lord Maior and the Aldermen or else where , that then they and every of them , shall to all entents , purposes , constructions and meanings , be unabled and barred to demand and claime their portion or portions , and also shall lose and forgoe and bee barred for euer , of all and every his , her or their part or parts , and portions to him or them belonging , by and after the death of his or their said father or mother , of the goods and cattals , of every such father and mother , by reason of any law , custome , ordinance , usage , franches , priviledge , act of Common Councell , or other thing , heretofore had or used , within the said City : The same Law , Custome , Ordinance , or other thing whatsoe're , heretofore had , made , ordained , allowed , and put in ure , to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . That is to wit : First , if any man-child , or woman-child , shall maliciously goe about or attempt to doe , or cause to be done , any bodily harme , death , or destruction to his or their Father or Mother : Or if any man-child doe hereafter marry or contract marriage in the life of his father or mother ( by whom he will claime any portion ) under the age of one and twenty yeeres , without the consent of his said Father , or Mother , by whom he will claime any portion : Or if any woman-child doe hereafter marry or contract marriage , in the life of her father , or other parent , by whom she shall claime any portion , before the age of eighteene yeeres , without the consent of her father , or such other parent by whom shee shall or may claime any portion : Or if any man-child be a Theefe , or a Fellon , or a common whore-hanter ; a common Diser , or a common player at unlawfull games notoriously known : Or if any woman-child shal hereafter commit any whoredome , or bee a common Picker , that then every of the persons so offending , shall be barred and excluded to have , or demand any portion . Provided alwaies , that it shall bee lawfull for the father , or mother of any such child , or children , to give and bequeath in Legacy , to such child or children , as much as the portion of such childe so offending shall amount unto , by the custome of the said City , & then such child therby to be enabled to have and demand the same , as portion , this Act notwithstanding , so that the same Legacy bee contained in his or their restament in writing , and not otherwise . And that then , and from thenceforth his said child or children , to be admitted and restored to claime such legacy , or legacies , in such sort , manner and forme , as if there had beene never any such offence done , or committed by any such childe . Item , it is further ordained , enacted , authorized and established , by the authority aforesaid , that if any woman-child , being an Orphane , and under the age of one and twenty yeeres , at any time hereafter , after the death of her Father , doe ensure or contract her selfe in marriage , or else according to the Ecclesiasticall lawes of this Realme , doe perfitly solemnize or consummate Marriage , with any free man of this City , the consent and agreement of the Lord Maior and Aldermen of this said City of London for the time being , not obtained and had , that then for every such default and offence committed or done by any Orphane , or Orphanes , of the said City , the same being confessed , or sufficiently proved by two witnesses ; or otherwise before the said Lord Maior and Aldermen of this said City of London , for the time being , at and in a Court of Aldermen , she or they that so happen to behave her or themselves , as is aforesaid , shall forfeit , forgoe and lose two pence of and for every pound , so due or to bee due unto her , or them , by reason of any such Orphanage , the summe of twelve pence of every pound , to goe , or to be to the use of the Chamber of the said City , according to the ancient custome before this time , in such case used . And if the said contract or marriage of the said Orphane or Orphanes , bee made with any forreine , not being free of this City , at the time of any such contract or marriage made , that then the said Orphan or Orphans , and every of them shall forfeit and lose three shillings of every pound , or to be due unto her or them , by vertue of any Orphanage or custome had and used within the said City . The one shilling of the said three shillings of every pound , to goe , or to be , to the use of the Chamber of the said City , in such manner and forme as is aforesaid . And the other two shillings so forfeited of every pound , to goe to the use of such other Orphane , or Orphanes , as then shall remaine unmarried . Or else for default of such Orphans , or Orphan , to remaine to the next of the kindred of the Orphane so offending . Also , be it further ordained , enacted , and established by authority aforesaid , for , & in eschewing of divers variances , contentions , and suits , that daily heretofore have , and hereafter may ensue : that if any free mans child , man or woman fortune to bee married hereafter , in the life time of his , or their father , by his consent , and not fully advanced of , and to his , or her full part , or portion of his or her said Fathers goods , as he shall be worth at the time of his decease , according to the ancient lawes and customes of this said City : that then every such free mans child , so being married in the life time of his , or her Father , shall bee to all intents and purposes , disabled to demand any further part or portion of his or her fathers goods , after the decease of his , or her father , but shall be adjudged , reputed , and taken to be fully advanced , according as the law and custome of this City hath beene long time out of minde , except his or her said father doe mention certainely in his last Will or Testament , or by other writing signed with his owne proper name , or marke the certainety of the summe or summes of money , goods and cattels , and the value of them that the Father gave , payed or departed withall , or otherwise assured , or hereafter shall give , pay , depart withall , or otherwise make assurance of unto him , or her , before , at or after the marriage of him or her , or otherwise in his life time , for and towards their advancements , in the name of his , or her part , or portion . And then every such Orphane , or child , which after the decease of his or her said father , can bring forth the said Testament , or other writing signed or marked with the fathers hand or mark , wherein the certainety of such money , goods , or cattels , as they have or shall have received of their said Father , or by the same Father , assured by especialty , or otherwise , shall have asmuch of the ready money , goods , cattels , and debts of the said Father , as ( with that which he or they shall have received towards their advancements , in the life of their said Father ) shall make up a full childs part , of his goods and cattels , as he shall bee worth at the time of his decease . The same to be demanded , asked , and claimed , or sued for against the executor , or executors , administrator , or administrators , of the goods , and cattels of the said Father , by bill Originall , to be commenced to our Soveraigne Lord the Kings Court , holden in the vtter Chamber of the Guild-Hall of the said City , before the said L. Maior and Aldermen of the same City for the time being , any Law or Custome heretofore made or used to the contrary notwithstanding . In which action , no wager of Law , or Essoine , shall bee admitted or allowed . Provided alway , and it is further enacted , that if any freee mans sonne , being of full age ( which shall hereafter be married with the consent of his Father , or any other person , being of full age , which shall hereafter marry any free mans daughter ) doe at the time of the Espousals , or any time after , confesse themselves by writing fully satisfied , of his or their portion , or doe otherwise acquit and discharge the Father of such free mans sonnes or daughters , of all their part and portion due , or to be due , by the Law and Custome of the City ; that then every such person , so confessing , acquitting , or otherwise discharging , shall be reputed and taken as fully advanced of his or their whole part or portion , and shall not be enabled to demand any further or greater part of the substance , goods , and cattels of his or her Father : this Law , or any other Law or Custome heretofore had , made , or used to the contrary notwithstanding . And further , for as much as it is thought very prejudiciall and hurtfull to the fatherlesse children & Orphans , when the mother , or mother in Law , being Executrix of the last Will and Testament of her late husband , by whom , and after whose death , the Orphanes are intituled to an Orphanage , ( according to the said laudable Customes of this City ) doe divers times marry , or contract Matrimony , some with Forriners , and persons unknowne , and some with Free men , or ever a just Inventory of the Goods , Cattels , Plate , Iewels , ready Money of the Testators , be by them brought in : By reason wherof , many times they ( either for feare or affection of their husbands , or for some other sinister cause ) doe bring in very suspicious Inventories , omitting therein either ready Money , Plate , Iewels , or Debts , or some other thing or things , whereby some benefit should redound to the fatherlesse children , to the great losse and hinderance of the Orphanes , and sometimes slander to the Lord Maior and Aldermen of the City , notwithstanding their great care and travaile that they take for the good ordering , and true answering of the said Orphanes : It is therefore , by like authority , ordained , established , and enacted , that if after the first day of November next ensuing , any Widow , which is , or shall be made Executrix of the Testament & last Will of her late Husband ( being a free man ) or shall take upon her the administration of the Goods and Cattels of her late Husband ( being a free man ) doe not upon her Oath bring in and exhibit , or cause to be brought in and exhibited before the Lord Maior and Aldermen of this said City for the time being , at and in a Court of Aldermen , a just and perfect Inventory ( to their knowledge ) of all the Goods , Cattels , Plate , and Jewels , ready Money , and Debts , as were her said Husbands at the time of his death , appraysed according to the Law of the said City , before she do ensure her selfe in marriage , or contract marriage , or else according to the Lawes of the Realme , doe perfectly solemnize or consummate marriage with any person before such time as aforesaid , that then every person so offending , shall forfait and lose eight shillings of every pound , of her Portion , of the goods of her late Husband , due to her by the laudable Custome of the said City , the same to goe to the use of such Orphane , or Orphanes , as then shall bee intituled to have or demand any Orphanage or Portion , after the death of his or her late Father ▪ the same to be demanded , asked , claimed , or sued for , against such Executrix , or Administratrix , by Bill originall of debt , to bee commenced in our Soveraigne Lord the Kings Court , holden in the vtter Chamber of the Guild-Hall of the said City , before the Lord Maior and Aldermen of the same City for the time being , any Law , &c. In which action no wager , &c. For the election of Governours at Christs Hospitall , &c. FOr the election of Governours belonging to the severall Hospitals : the Lord Maior and the Aldermen do weare their blacke Gownes . A Note of Observation . THe foure Pleaders , the Chamberlaine , Towne-Clarke , Common Sergeant , two Judges of the Sheriffes Court , the Secondaries , the Vnder-Chamberlaine , and Bridge-masters , are to attend the Lord Maior at his house , before his going abroad on all Festivall times , and generall dayes . Courts of Aldermen . COurts of Aldermen in ordinary , are kept at the Guild-Hall , every Tuesday and Thursday thorow the whole yeere ; except Holydayes , the moneth of August , untill Bartholomew day bee past , the weeke before Christmas , Shrove-Tuesday , and the weeke before Easter . The Lavves of the Market . FIrst , in all the Markets of this City , no Victuall shall bee sold , but by the price set by the Maior of this City . 2 No man shall forestall any Victuall comming to the Market , as for to buy in any Inne or other privy place , or yet comming to the Market , whether it be found in the hands of the buyer or of the seller , under paine of forfeiture of the same : and no Inne-holder shall suffer nothing to bee sold in his house , vpon paine of forfeiture of forty shillings . 3 No man shall regrate any Victuall which is in the Market , or buy any Victuall to ingrate in the Market , so that the Commons can or may have any part of such Victuall , as in especiall , such as be knowne for Hucksters , or other people , occupying their living by such Victuall as they would so ingrosse , under paine of forfeiture of such Victuall so regrated : Provided alwayes , that any Steward for any noble Feast , may buy or ingrate such Victuall as is convenient for the same Feast . 4 No Butter shall be sold , but according to the waight , for the time of the yeere allowed . 5 No Poulters shall deceiveably occupy the Market , to sell any stale Victuall , or such as bee Poulters of this City , for to stand in strange cloathing so to doe , under paine of forty shillings , and the forfeiture of such Victuall , forty shillings . 6 No Hucksters shall stand or sit in the Market , but in the lower place , and the ends of the Market , to the intent they may be perfectly knowne , and the Stranger-market-people have the preeminence of the Market , under paine of three shillings foure pence , if the Hucksters disobey the same . 7 No unwholsome or stale Victuall shall be sold under paine of xi . s. and forfeiture of the same Victuall . THE STATVTES OF THE STREETS OF THIS CITY , against Annoiances . FIrst , no man shall sweepe the filth of the Street into the Chancell of the City , in the time of any raine , or at any other time , under paine of six shillings eight pence . 2 No man shall cast , or lay in the Streets , Dogs , Cats , or other Carren , or any noysome thing contagious of Aire . Nor no Inholder shall lay out dung out of his house , but if the Cart bee ready to carry the same away incontinently , under paine of forty shillings . 3 No Brewer shall cast wilfully dregs or drosse of Ale or Beere into the Chanell , under paine of two shillings . 4 No man shall encumber the streets with Timber , Stones , Carts , or such like , under paine of forfeiture of the same thing that so encumbreth the streets , which is twenty shillings fine , if hee remove it not at the warning of the Sergeant of the Market . 5 Euery builder of houses ought to come to the Maior , Aldermen , and Chamberlaine , for a speciall licence for hourd of , by him to bee made in the high Street , and no builder to encumber the Streets with any manner of thing , taking downe for the preparing of his new building , under paine of forty shillings , except hee make a hourd of forty shillings . 6 No man shall set any Carts in the Streets by night time , under the paine of twelve pence , and recompence to such persons as shall bee hurt thereby , if any such be , twelve pence . 7 No Budge-man shall leade but two horse● , and hee shall not let them goe vnled , under paine of two shillings . 8 No man shall ride , or drive his Car or Cart atrot in the Street , but patiently , under paine of two shillings . 9 No man shall gallop his horse in the Street , under paine of two shillings . 10 No man shall shoot in the Street , for Wager or otherwise , under like paine of two shillings . 11 No man shall bowle , or cash any stone in the Street , for wager , or gaine , or such like , under paine of two shillings . 12 No man shall dig any hole in the Street for any matter , except hee stop it up againe , under paine of two shillings , and recompence to any person hurt thereby , two shillings . 13 No man shall bury any dung , or goung , within the Liberties of this City , under paine of forty shillings . 14 No Goungfermour shall carry any Ordure till after nine of the Clocke in the night , under paine of thirteene shillings foure pence . 15 No Goungfermour shall spill any Ordure in the Street , under paine of thirteene shillings foure pence . 16 No man shall bait Bull , Beare , or Horse in the open street , under paine of twenty shillings . 17 No man shall have any Kine , Goats , Hogs , Pigs , Hens , Cocks , Capons , or Ducks in the open Street , under paine of forfeiture of the same . 18 No man shall maintaine any biting Curs , or mad Dogs , in the streets , under paine of two shillings , and recompence unto every party hurt therewith , two shillings . 19 No Carts that shall be shod with Spig-naile , that shall come upon the streets of this City , under paine of three shillings foure pence . 20 No Carts using daily carriage within this City , nor Car shall have Wheeles shod with any Iron , but bare , under paine of six shillings . 21 No man shall burne any Straw , Rushes , or other thing , Linnen or Wollen in the streets , by night or by day , under paine of three shillings foure pence . 22 No man shall blow any Horne in the night within this City , or Whistle after the houre of nine of the clocke in the night , under pain of imprisonment . 23 No man shall use to goe with Vizards , or disguised by night , under like paine of imprisonment . 24 That Night-walkers , and Eves-droppers endure like punishment . 25 No Hammer-man , as a Smith , a Pewterer , a Founder , and all Artificers , making great sound , shall not worke after the houre of nine in the night , nor afore the houre of foure in the morning , under paine of three shil . foure pence . 26 No man shall cast into the Ditches of this City , or the Sewers of this City , without the walls , or into the walls , Grates , or Gullets of this City , any manner of Carren , stinking Flesh , rotten Fish , or any Rubbish , Dung , Sand , Gravell , Weeds , Stones , or any other thing to stop the course of the same , under paine of cleansing them at his own cost and charge , under paine of imprisonment . 27 No man shall make any Widrawtes in any of the Towne-Ditches , or the Towne-Gullets , under paine of twenty shillings . 28 No man shall build nigh the Walls of this City , without licence of the Lord Maior , Aldermen , & Chamberlaine , under paine of throwing down the same , and no licence may be granted , except that the Chamberlain freely at all times have convenient and needfull ingresse , and entry , going out , and cleare recourse . 29 No man shall goe in the streets by night or by day with Bow bent , or Arrowes under his Girdle , nor with Sword unscabberd , under paine of imprisonment ; or with Hand-Gun , having therewith Powder and Match , except it bee in an usuall May-game or Sight . 30 No man shall after the houre of nine at the Night , keep any rule whereby any such sudden out-cry be made in the still of the night , as making any Affray , or beating his Wife , or Servant , or Singing , or Reve●ing in his house , to the disturbance of his neighbors , under paine of 3. shil . 4. pence . 31 No man shall make any Affray , upon any Officer , which with good demeanour doth his message by commandement of my Lord Maior , or any Alderman , or M. Sheriffes , or M. Chamberlaine , or misbehave himselfe in any rayling upon any Judge of this City , or their Officers , which by commandement are sent to bring any breaker of this Law and Custome to Ward , or to distresse , or such like , upon paine of Imprisonment of forty dayes , and forfeiture of the double penalty : for the offences asseasing , railing upon any Alderman , or Maior in his office , is judgement of the Pillory : railing upon Master Chamberlaine in his office , forty dayes imprisonment : beating , threatning , and railing of an Officer , is imprisonment , after as the trespasse is . 32 Memorandum , That every offence found in this City , it is accustomed that the Officer , a Free man , finding it , which is called primus Inventor , hath halfe the penalty by the grace of the Court. 33 Also , every Free man may finde any offence , but hee hath no power to bring the party before any Judge of this City without an Officer , except the party will come to his answer by free will. 34 No man hath power to Arrest , Attach , or make distresse of any goods forfeitable , or offences , except the Constable or Sergeant of the Mace. 35 No Butcher , or his servant shall not use to drive any Oxe or Oxen , atrot in the streets , but peaceably : and ifan Oxe happen to be let goe when he is prepared to slaughter , the Butcher shall forfeit two shil . besides recompence , if any person be hurt thereby . 36 No Butcher shall scald Hogs , but in the common scalding house , upon paine of six shillings eight pence . 37 No Butcher shall sell any Measell Hog , or unwholsome flesh , under paine of ten pounds . 38 No Butcher shall sell any old stale Victuall : that is to say , above the slaughter of three dayes in the Winter , and two in the Summer , under paine of ten pounds . 39 None unreasonable Victuall for all manner of Victuals . 40 No Victualer of this City shall give any rude or unsetting language , or make any clamour upon any man or woman in the open Market , for cheapning of Victuall , under paine of three shillings foure pence . 41 No Butcher shall cast the inwards of Beasts into the streets , cleaves of Beasts feet , Bones , Hornes of Sheepe , or other such like , under paine of two shillings . 42 The Pudding-cart of the Shambles shall not go afore the houre of nine in the night , or after the houre of five in the morning , under paine of six shillings eight pence . 43 No man shall cast any Vrineboles , or Ordure-boles into the streets by day or night , afore the houre of nine in the night : And also hee shall not cast it out , but bring it downe , and lay it in the Chanell , under the paine of three shillings foure pence . And if he doe cast it upon any persons head , the party to have a lawfull recompence , if he have hurt thereby . 44 No man shall hurt , cut , or destroy any Pipes , Sesperals , or Windvents pertaining to the Conduit , under paine of imprisonment , and making satisfaction , though hee doth it out of the City , if hee may bee taken within the City . 45 No man within this City may make any Quill , and breake any Pipe of the Conduit , comming thorow his house , or nigh his ground , under paine of the Pillory , or take any water privily unto his house . 46 Casting any corrupt thing , appoysoning the water , is Lourgulary and Felony . 47 Whosoever destroy or perish any Cocks of the Conduit , must have imprisonment , and make satisfaction . Old Lawes and Customes of this City . 48 NO man shall set up shop , or occupy as a Free-man , afore he be sworne in the Chamber of London , and admitted by the Chamberlaine , under paine of ▪ 49 No man shall set over his Apprentice to any other person , but by license of Master Chamberlaine , and there to be set over , under paine of ▪ 50 No man which is a Forraine , shall not buy nor sell within the liberties of this City with another Forraine , under paine of forfeiture of the goods so forraine bought and sold . 51 No Free-man shall be disobedient for to come at Master Chamberlaines commandement , to any summons to him given by any officer of the Chamber , under paine of imprisonment . 52 Master Chamberlaine hath power to send a free man to Ward , so that he incontinently after send to the Lord Maior , the cause why that he is punished , so that the Lord Maior release him not , but by the Chamberlaines assent : and if he be a great Commoner , and disobeying to the Chamberlaine , Master Chamberlaine may referre it to a Court of Aldermen . Master Chamberlaine hath authority for to send or command any Apoprentice to the Counter for their offences : and if their offences bee great , as in defiling their Masters houses by vicious living , or offending his Master by theft , or disslander , or such like , then to command him to Newgate . Apprentice Enrolled , his Master payeth two shillings six pence . Apprentice set over , hee that receiveth , two shillings . Apprentice made Free , hee payeth foure shillings . Apprentice never Enrolled , and made free , his Master payeth thirteene shillings two pence . A man made Free by his Fathers Copy , payeth eighteene pence . A Proclamation made in the time of the Maioralty of Sir Michael Dormer , Knight . An Act of Common Councell , made in the Even of Saint Michael , Anno Regis Henrici Octavi xxxj . That no person should lay any Wares in the Street , or beyond the edge of their Stall , upon paine of forfeiture the first time six shillings eight pence : the second time thirteene shillings foure pence : and the third time , the Ware so laid . AN ACT FOR THE REFORMATION OF DIVERS ABVSES VSED IN the Wardmote Inquest : Together with the Articles of the charge of the said Inquest . By the Maior . To the Alderman of the Ward . Wardmote Inquest for a yeere . WEE charge and command you , that upon Saint Thomas day the Apostle next comming , you doe hold your Wardmote , and that you have afore us at our generall Court of Aldermen to be holden in the Guild-Hall , the Munday next after the Feast of the Epiphany next comming , all the defaults that shall bee presented afore you by Inquest in the said Wardmote , and the said Inquest shall have full power and authority by one whole yeere , to enquire and present all such defaults as shall be found within your said Ward , as oftentimes as shal be thought to you expedient and needfull , which we will , shall bee once every moneth at the least . Inquest dying . AND if it happen any of your said Inquest to dye , or depart out of your said Ward within the said yeere , that then in place of him or them so dying , or departing out of your said Ward , you cause to be chosen one able person to inquire and present with the other in manner and forme aforesaid . Non appearance . AND that at the said generall Court , you give afore us the names and sur-names of al them of your said Ward , that come not to your said Wardmote , if they be duely warned , so that due redresse and punishment of them may bee had , as the case shall require , according to the Law. Watch , Light , Vizard . AND that ye doe provide , that at all times convenient , covenable Watch bee kept : and that Lanthornes with light by Nightertaile in old manner accustomed , be hanged forth , and that no man goe by nightertaile without light , nor with Vizard , on the perill that belongeth thereto . Common Councell . AND also that you doe cause to be chosen men of the most sufficient , honest , and discreet men of your said Ward , to be for your said Ward of the Common Councell of this City for the yeere ensuing , according to the custome in that behalfe yeerely used . And also that you doe cause the said men so to be chosen to be of the Common Councell , to be sworn before you and in your presence , according to the oath for them used , and of old time accustomed , the Tenor of which oath hereafter ensueth . The Oath . YE shall sweare , that ye shal bee true to our Soveraigne Lord the King that now is , and to his heires and successors Kings of England , and readily yee shall come when ye be summonned to the Common Councell of this City , but if yee be reasonably excused , and good and true counsell ye shall give in all things , touching the Common-wealth of this City , after your wit and cunning : and that for favour of any person ye shall maintaine no singular profit against the common profit of this City , and after that you be come to the Common Councell , you shall not from thence depart , untill the Common Councell be ended , without reasonable cause , or else by the Lord Maiors License . And also any secret things that be spoken on said in the Common Councell , which ought to be kept secret , in no wise you shall disclose , as God you helpe . Constables , Scavengers , Beadle , Raker . AND that also in the said Wardmote you cause to be chosen certaine other honest persons to bee Constables , and Scavengers , and a common Beadle , and a Raker to make cleane the streets and lanes of all your said Ward , according to the custome yeerly used in that behalfe , which Constables have , and shall have full power and authority to distraine for the ●a●●ary and quarterage of the said Beadle and Raker , as oftentimes as it shall bee behinde unpaid . Roll of names . ALso , that you keepe a Roll of the names , sur-names , dwelling places , professions and trades of all persons dwelling within your Ward and within what Constables precinct they dwell , wherein the place is to bee specially noted by the street , lane , alley , or signe . Constable . Roll. ALso that you cause every Constable from time to time , to certifie unto you , the name , surname , dwelling place , profession , and trade of every person , who shall newly come to dwell within his Precinct , whereby you may make and keepe your Roll perfect : and that you cause every Constable for his Precinct to that purpose to make and keepe a perfect Roll in like manner . Inholder , Lodger , Sojourner . ALso that you give speciall charge that every Inholder , and other person within your Ward , who shall receive any person to lodge or sojourne in his house above two dayes , shall before the third day after his comming thither , give knowledge to the Constable of the Precinct where hee shall be so received , of the name , surname , dwelling place , profession , and trade of life , or place of service of such person , and for what cause hee shall come to reside there : and that the said Constable give present notice thereof to you : and that the said Inholder lodge no suspected person , or men or women of evill name . Search . New commers . ALso that you cause every Constable within his Precinct , once every moneth at the farthest , and oftner , if need require , to make diligent search and inquiry , what persons bee newly come into his Precinct to dwell , sojourne , or lodge : and that you give speciall charge , that no Inholder or other person shall resist or deny any Constable , in making such search or inquiry , but shall doe his best endeavour to aide and assist him therein . Franke pledge . ANd for that of late there is more resort to the City of persons evill affected in Religion , and otherwise than in former times have bin : You shall diligently inquire if any man bee received to dwell or abide within your Ward , that is not put under frank pledge , as he ought to be by the custome of the City , and whether any person hath continued in the said Ward by the space of one yeere , being above the age of twelve yeeres , and not sworne to bee faithfull and loyall to the Kings Majesty , in such sort as by the Law and custome of the City he ought to be . Beadle . TO all these purposes the Beadle of every Ward shall employ his diligence , and give his best furtherance . Fire . ALso that you have speciall regard that from time to time , there be convenient provisiō for Hooks , Ladders , and Buckets , in meet places within the severall Parishes of your Ward , for avoiding the perill of fire . Streets . ALso that the Streets and lanes of this City , be from time to time kept clean before every Church , house , shop , ware-house , doore , dead wall , and in all other common passages and streets of the said Ward . Hucksters of Ale and Beere . AND where by divers acts of Common Councell , afore time made and established for the Common-weale of this City , amongst other things it is ordained and enacted , as hereafter ensueth : Also it is ordained and enacted , That from henceforth no Huckster of Ale or Beere , be within any Ward of the City of London , but honest persons , and of good name and fame , and so taken and admitted by the Alderman of the Ward for the time being , and that the same Hucksters doe find sufficient surety afore the Maior and Aldermen for the time being , to bee of good guiding and rule : and that the same Hucksters shall keepe no bawdry , nor suffer no letchery , dice-playing , carding , or any other unlawfull games , to be done , exercised , or used within their houses : and to shut in their doores at nine of the clocke in the night from Michaelmas to Easter , and from Easter to Michaelmas , at tenne of the clocke in the night , and after that houre sell none Ale or Beere . And if any Huckster of Beere or Ale , after this act published and proclaimed , sell any Ale or Beere within any Ward of the City of London , and bee not admitted by the Alderman of the same Ward so to doe , or finde not sufficient surety as it is above rehearsed , the same Huckster to have imprisonment , and make fine and ransome for his contempt , after the discretion of the Maior and Aldermen : and also that the said Hucksters suffer no manner of common eating and drinking within their Cellars or Vaults contrary to the ordinance thereof ordained and provided , as in the said act more plainely appeareth at large : wee charge you that you doe put the same in due execution accordingly . Measures sealed . AND also that ye see all Tiplers and other sellers of Ale or Beere as well of privy Osteries , as Brewers and Inholders within your Ward , not selling by lawfull measures sealed and marked with the letter C. crowned , according as in that behalfe it is ordained and purveighed , bee presented , and their names in your said Indentures bee expressed , with their defaults , so that the Chamberlain may be lawfully answer'd of their amersements . Stranger borne . ANd also that you suffer no stranger borne out of the Realme , to bee of the Common Councell , nor to exercise or use any other Office within this City , nor receive or accept any person into your Watch , privie or open , but Englishmen borne : and if any stranger borne out of this Realme , made Denizen by the Kings Letters Patents , or any other after his course and lot be appointed to any watch , that then ye command and compell him or them to find in his stead and place one Englishman to supply the same . Billets and fire-wood . AND also that you cause an abstract of the Assize appointed by act of Parliament , for Billers and other fire-wood , to bee faire written in Parchment , and to bee fixed or hanged up in a Table in some fit and convenient place in every Parish within your Ward , where the common people may best see the same . Streets . Paine 40. s. AND furthermore we charge and command you , that you cause such provision to be had in your said Ward , that all the streets and lanes within the same Ward be from time to time cleansed and clearely voided of ordure , dung , mire , rubbish , and other filthy things whatsoever they be , to the anoyance of the Kings Majesties subjects . Vagarants . AND also that at all times , as you shall thinke necessary , you doe cause search to bee made within your said Ward , for all vagarant Beggers , suspicious and idle people , and such as cannot shew how to live , and such as shall bee found within your said Ward , that you cause to be punished and dealt with according to the law and the statute in such case ordained and provided . Iury-men . AND also wee will and charge you the said Alderman , that your selfe certifie and present before us , at the same generall Court to be holden the foresaid munday next after the Feast of Epiphany , all the names and sur-names truely written of such persons within your said Ward , as bee able to passe in a grand Iury by themselves : and also all the names and sur-names truly written of such persons , being and dwelling within your said Ward , as be able to passe in a petty Iury , and not able to passe in a grand Iury by themselves , that is to say , every grand Iury man to be worth in goods an hundred Markes , and every petty Jury man forty Markes , according to an Act in that case made and provided : and the same you shall indorce on the backeside of your Indenture . Harlots . ITem , for divers reasonable and urgent considerations , vs especially moving , wee straightly charge and command you on the King our Soveraigne Lords behalfe , that you diligently provide and foresee , that no manner of person or persons within your said Ward , of what condition or degree soever he or they be of , keeping any Taverne or Ale-house , Ale-seller or victualling house , or place of common resort to eate and drinke in , within the same Ward , permit or suffer at any time hereafter , any common women of their bodies , or Harlors to resort and come into their said house , or other the places aforesaid to eat or drinke , or otherwise to bee conversant or abide , or thither to haunt or frequent , upon paine of imprisonment , as well of the occupier and keeper of every such house or houses , and all other the places afore remembred , as of the said common women or Harlots . Articles . ALso that you doe give in charge to the Wardmote Inquest of your Ward , all the Articles delivered to you herewith . An Act for the Reformation of divers abuses , used in the Wardmote Inquest . Commons , Dinners , Banquetings . ITEM , Where the Wardmote Inquests within the severall Wards of this City , for the maintenance of Honesty , Vertue , & good Living ; and for the abolishment , exiling , and suppressing of all kinde of Vice , evill Rule , and Iniquity , according to the ancient laudable Lawes and Customs of the said City , are yeerely severally charged and sworne , upon the day of S. Thomas the Apostle , before the Aldermen of the said Wards , chiefely and principally to the end and intent , that they with all diligence should truly and duly inquire and present all such Enormities , Nusances , Misorder , and Offences , as are , or at any time within the space of one whole yeere then next ensuing , shal be severally used , committed , or done within the said Wards , and have day yeerely to make their said Presentments , untill the Munday next after the Feast of the Epiphany : The said Inquests heretofore little or nothing at all regarding ( as it is very manifest and not unknown , the more is the pity ) their said Oathes , or yet the great commodities , Vtility , Quietnesse , Honour , and Worship , that might or should grow and insue to the said City , and inhabitants of the same , through their good , industrious , and indifferent proceedings , for the advancement of Vertue , and repressing of Vices , have drawne it in a manner into a very ordinary course and common Custome , to consume and spend a great part of their said time , that they have yerely given unto them , when they receive their said charge ; partly in setting up among themselves a certaine Commons , and making and keeping many costly and sumptuous Dinners , Suppers , and Banquets , inviting and calling to the same at sundry times , in a manner , all the Inhabitants of the said severall Wards , to the no little charges of the same Inhabitants , and partly in passing and occupying much part of the same time in playing at Dice , Tables , Cards , and such other unlawfull Games both to the great costs , charges , and expences of the said Inquests ( whereof the greater part most commonly are but poore men ) and also to the very lewd , pernitious , and evill example of all such as have any accesse or recourse unto the same Inquests . And where also the said Inquests have of late usurped to dispense with such persons , as they by their search , and otherwise , have founden to offend and transgresse the Lawes , in using and occupying of unlawfull Weights and Measures , taking of the said Offenders certaine Fines ( as it is said ) the said Inquests have commonly used to imploy toward the maintenance of their said Feasting and Banqueting , directly against the due order of our Soveraigne Lord the Kings Lawes , and the publike wealth of all his Highnesse Subiects within the said City , and much to the reproch and dishonour of the same City . For remedy and Reformation thereof , be it Ordained Enacted , & Established by the Lord Maior , Aldermen , and Commons , in this present Common Councell assembled , and by authority of the same , That all and every the Wardmote Inquests of the said City , from henceforth to be yeerely charged & sworne within the severall Wards at the time afore rehearsed , shall at all times and places meet and convenient for the due execution of their said charge , meet and assemble themselves together , and that they and every of them after their said meetings , inquisition , and treating of their said necessary matters , shall goe home to their owne severall houses to Breakefast , Dinner , and Supper , during all the said accustomed time of their charge and Session abovesaid : And that none of the said Inquests shal from henceforward set up any manner of Commons , or keepe or maintaine any manner of Dinners , Suppers , or Banquets among themselves , or use at their said Assemblies and Sessions , any of the Games above mentioned , or any other whatsoever unlawfull Games or Playes at any time , before the giving up of the said Presentments at the time above remembred . Or shall take or receive any maner of Fine or Fines , for the concealement and discharging of any of the Offences afore recited : but truly present the same Offences , and every of them , according to their Oaths , upon paine of imprisonment by the discretion of the Lord Maior and Aldermen of the said City for the time being . Fire and Candle , &c. Recreation . PRovided alway , and bee it enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That it shall bee lawfull for all the every of the said Inquests , to take and receive towards the charges of their Fire and Candles , and other necessaries during the time of their said Session , all and every such summes of money , as any honest person or persons of their free will and benevolent minde , will give or offer unto them : and when they have made their said Presentments , to goe and assemble themselves together for their Recreation and solace , where they shall thinke it good : and there not onely to bestow and spend the twenty shillings , which every Alderman within his Ward , according to a certaine order lately taken , shall yeerely give unto them at the time of the delivery of the said Presentments , towards their said charges in this behalfe , but also the residue of the said money received and gathered , as it is aforesaid , of the benevolence of their said loving friends , if any such residue shall fortune to remaine . Any Clause or Article in this present Act contained to the contrary notwithstanding . Not fayling hereof , as ye tender the Common weale of this City , and advancement of good Iustice , and as ye will answer for the contrary at your vttermost perill . The Articles of the charge of the Wardmote Inquest . Peace . YEE shall sweare , that yee shall truly enquire if the Peace of the King our Soveraigne Lord bee not kept as it ought to be , and in whose default , and by whom it is broken or disturbed . Franke pledge . ALso if any man be received within this Ward , but if he be under Free pledge , that is to say , bee sworn after the Alderman at his Court , or else afore the said Alderman , between this & the Munday next after the Feast of the Epiphany next comming . Outlawes , Traitors , Fellons , &c. ALso if there dwell any man within the Ward , that is outlawed or indited of Treason or Fellony , or bee any receiver of Traitors or Fellons . Thames . ALso yee shall enquire , and truly present all the offences and defaults done by any person or persons within the River of Thames , according to the intent and purport of an Act made by our late Lord King Edward the sixth , in his high Court of Parliament , and also of divers other things ordained by Act of Common Councell of this City , for the redresse and amendment of the said River , which as now is in great decay and ruine , and will bee in short time past all remedy , if high and substantiall provision and great helpe be not had with all speed and diligence possible : as more plainely appeareth in the said Act of Parliament , and the said Act of Common Councell of this City . Congregations . ALso if any maner of person make Congregation , or be receiver or gatherer of evill companies . Riotor , Barrator . ALso if any man be a common Riotor , or a Barrator , walking by nightertaile without light , against the rule & custome of this City . Peace , hue and cry . ALso if there be any man within this Ward , that will not helpe , aide , nor succour the Constables , Beadle , and other ministers of this City in keeping of the peace , and arrest the evill doers with rearing of hue and cry . Hucksters , receivers of Apprentices Artificers , &c. ALso if there be any Huckster of Ale and Beere , that commonly useth to receive any Apprentices , servants , Artificers or Labourers , that commonly use to play at the Dice , Cards , or Tables , contrary to the form of the statute in that case ordained and provided . Inholder , Taverner , Victualer . ALso if there bee any Inholder , Taverner , Brewer , Huckster , or other Victualer , that hold open their houses after the houre limited by the Maior . Curfue . ALso if any Parish Clarke doe ring the Bell , called the Curfue Bell , after Curfue rungen at the Churches of Bow , Barking Chruch , and Saint Giles without Creplegate . Bawds , maintainers of quarrels . ALso yee shall enquire if any Putour , that is to say , man-Bawd , or woman-Bawd , common hazerdours , contectour , maintainer of quarrels , champartours , or embracers of Inquests , or other common mis-doers bee dwelling within this Ward , and present their names . Strumpet , Adulterer , Witch , Scold . ALso if any Baud , common strumpet , common Adulterer , Witch or common Scold bee dwelling within this Ward . Hot-house . ALso if there be any house , wherein is kept and holden any hot-house , or sweating-house , for ease and health of men , to the which be resorting or conversant any strumpets , or women of evill name or fame , or if there be any hot-house or sweating ordained for women , to the which is any common recourse of young men , or of other persons of evill fame and suspect conditions . Also , if there bee any such persons that keepe or hold any such hot-houses , either for men or women , and have found no surety to the Chamberlaine for their good and honest behaviour , according to the Lawes of this City , and lodge any manner of person by night , contrary to the ordinance therof made , by the which he or they shall forfeit twenty pounds to the Chamber , if they doe the contrary . Thames , ditches , streets , &c. ALso if any manner of person cast or lay dung , ordure , rubbish , seacole dust , rushes , or any other thing noyant , in the River of Thames , Walbrooke , Fleet , or other ditches of this City , or in the open streets , waies , or lanes within this City . Chanell . ALso if any person after a great rain falleth , or at any other time sweepe any dung , ordure , rubbish , rushes , Seacole dust , or any other thing noyant , downe into the chanell of any street or lane , whereby the common course there is let , and the same things noyant driven downe into the said water of Thames . Hogs , Kine , Oxen , Ducks . ALso if any manner of person nourish Hogs , Oxen , Kine , Ducks , or any beasts within this Ward , to the grievance and disease of their Neighbours . Vsury . ALSO if any Vsurers or false chevesancers be dwelling within this Ward . Persons indited in one Ward , flying into another . ALso where afore this time it is ordained and enacted as hereafter followeth . Item , for to eschew the evils of misgoverned persons that daily when they be indited in one Ward , flye into another : It is ordained by the Maior and Aldermen , that as soone as a man or woman suspect , first doe come to dwell within any house , in any Ward within the City , the Constables , Beadles , or other Officers of the same , shall bee charged by their Oathes , at the generall Court , to enquire and espy from whence they come . And if they finde by their owne confession , or by the record of any of the Bookes of any Alderman of the City , that they be indited or cast of evill and noyous life , and will not finde surety for their good abearing and honest governance to the Alderman for the time being , that then they shall not dwell there from thenceforth , but shall bee warned to avoid within three or foure dayes , or more or lesse , after , as it shall bee seene to the Alderman of the Ward for the time being , and that the Landlord that letteth the house , or his attourney , shall bee also warned to make them to avoid out of his house aforesaid , within the said time limited by the Alderman : and if they bee found there after the time , that then not onely the said dishonest persons shal have imprisonmēt of their bodies after the discretion of the Maior and Aldermen , but also the said Landlords , letters of the said houses , shall forfeit to the Guild-hall , as much as they should have had for letting of the said house , or should be paid by the yeere , if the said persons or others had dwelled in the said house . Colouring forraine goods . ALso if any Freeman against his Oath made , conceale , cover , or colour the goods of Forrains , by the which the King may in any wise lose , or the franchises of this City bee imblemished . Forraine buying and selling . ALso if any Forraine buy and sell with any other Forraine within this City or the Suburbs thereof any goods or Merchandises , the same goods or Merchandises bee forthwith forfeit , to the use of the Comminalty of this City . Freemen not resident . ALso if every Freeman , which receiveth or taketh the benefit , and enjoyeth the franchises of this City , bee continually dwelling out of the City , and hath not , nor will not ( after his oath made ) bee at scot and lot , nor partner to the charges of this City , for the worship of the same City , when hee is duely required . Orphans , Wards , Marriages . ALSO if any man conceale the goods of Orphanes of this City , of whom the Ward and marriage of right belongeth to the Maior and Aldermen of this City . Officers . AND if any Officer by colour of his Office , doe extortion unto any man , or bee maintainer of quarrels against right , or take carriage , or arrest victuall unduely . Boatman , Ferriour . ALso if any Boatman or Ferriour be dwelling in the Ward , that taketh more for Boatmanage or ferriage , than is ordained . Purprestures . ALso if any man make Purprestures , that is to say , encroach , or take of the common ground of this City , by land or by water , as in walls , pales , stoopes , grieces , or doores , or cellers , or in any other like within the Ward ; or if any porch , pent-house , or jetty bee too low , in letting of men that ride beside , or carts that goe thereforth . Pent-houses , Ietties , Stalls , &c. ALso that Pentises and Ietties be at the least the height of nine foot , and that the stalls bee not but of two foot and a halfe in breadth , and to be flexible or moveable , that is to say , to hang by Iemewes or garners , so that they may bee taken up and let downe . Way , Watercourse . ALso if any common way or common course of water be foreclosed or letted , that it may not have his course as it was wont , to the noyance of the Ward , and by whom it is done . Pavements . ALso if any pavement bee defective , or too high in one place , and too low in another , to the disturbance of riders and goers therby , and carts that goe thereupon . Regrators , Forestallers . ALso if any Regrator or Forestaller of victuall , or of any other Merchandizes which should come to this City to be sold , bee dwelling in this Ward : a Regrator is as much to lay , as hee that buyeth up all the victual , or Merchandizes , or the most part thereof , when it is come to the City or the Suburbs of the same at a low price , and then afterwards selleth it at his owne pleasure , at a high and excessive price : a Forestaller is he that goeth out of the City , and meeteth with the victual or Merchandize by the way , comming unto the City to be sold , and there buyeth it , both these bee called in the Law , Inimici publici patriae , which is to say , open enemies to a Country . Price of victuall . ALso if any Butcher , Fishmonger , Poulter , Vintner , Hostler , Cook , or seller of Victuall , doe sell Victuall at unreasonable prices . Hay . ALso if any Hostler sell Hay , Oats or Provender at excessive prices , taking greater gain therby then is reasonable and lawfull . Victuall unwholsome . Price . ALso if any Victualer sell any Victuals not covenable , or unwholsome for mans body , or else dearer than is proclaimed by the Maior . Measures unsealed . YE shall diligently make search and inquiry , whether there bee any Vintner , Inholder , Alehouse-keeper , or any other person or persons whatsoever within your Ward , that doe use or keepe in his or their house or houses , any Cans , Stone pots , or other measures which be unsealed , & by Law not allowed to sell Beere or Ale thereby , and whether they doe sell any of their best Beere and Ale above a penny the quart , or any small Ale or Beere above a halfe penny the quart , & whether any of them doe sell by any measure not sealed . If there bee any such , you shall seize them , and send them to the Guild-Hall to the Chamberlaines Office , & present their names and faults by Indenture , so oft as there shall be any occasion so to doe . Weights and Measures . YE shall also make search in the Shops and Houses of all the Chandlers , and of all others which sell by Weight or Measure , dwelling within your Ward , and see that their Scales bee not one heavier then another , and that their Measures , as well Bushels as lesser Measures , as well those that sell Sea-coales by ( which ought to bee heaped ) that they bee in bredth according to the new Standard , sealed as all others ; and that all Yards and Ells be their just lengths & sealed , that the poore and other his Majesties subjects be not deceived . And further , if any doe buy by one Weight or Measure , and sell by others : and if in your search you finde any false Weights , Measures , or Scales , ye shall seize them and send them unto the Guild-Hall to the Chamberlaine : and you shall also doe the like , if you shall finde any that doe sell any thing by Venice Weights , contrary to the Law , and his Majesties Proclamations , present their names and faults . Inholder , Browne-Baker . ALso if any Inholder bake any Bread to sell within his house : and if any Baker of sowre Bread bake white Bread to sell , or marke not his Bread , or else take more for the baking then three pence for a Bushell . House , Tyle . ALso yee shall enquire , if any house bee covered otherwise , then with Tile , Stone , Lead , for perill of fire . Leper , Begger . ALso if any Leper , Faitour , or mighty Begger bee dwelling within this Ward . Bakers , Brewers . ALso if any Baker or Brewer bake or brew with Straw , of any other thing which is perillous for fire . Painted Vizage . ALso if any man goe with painted Vizage . Candle-light . ALso if there be any man that hangeth not out a Lanthorne with a Candle therein burning after the Vsage , according to the commandement thereupon given . Tall-wood , Billets , Faggots . ALso if any person bring or cause to be brought to this City or the Liberties thereof , to be sold , or sell , offer or put to sale , any Tall-wood , Billets , Faggots , or other fire-wood , not being of the full assize which the same ought to hold . Wood , Country . ALso if any Free man of this City , use to resort into the Countries neere to this City , and there to ingrosse and buy up much Billet , Tallwood , Faggot , Tofard , or other Fire-wood , and convey the same by water unto this City , and there lay it upon their Wharfes and other places , and so keepe it till they may sell it at high and excessive prices at their owne wills . Also if any Wood-monger , or any other , sell any Billets or other Fire-wood above the price set by the Lord Maior . Cheese , Butter . ALso if any Citizen of this City , by himselfe , or any other person for him or to his use , use to resort into the Country , and there buy and ingrosse great quantitie of Cheese and Butter , as well barrelled as otherwise , and after conveigh it by water or otherwise to this City to be sold at deare and excessive prices . Freemen to shew their Copies . ALso forasmuch as it is thought that divers and many persons dwelling within the Liberties of this City , dayly occupy as Freemen , whereas indeed they bee none , nor never were admitted into the Liberties of this City , ye shall therefore require every such person dwelling within this Ward , whom ye shall suspect of the same , to shew you the Copy of his Freedome , under the Seale of the Office of the Chamberlaine of the said City ; and such as yee shall finde without their Copies , or deny to shew their Copies , ye shall write and present their names in your Indentures . Melting Tallow . ALso you shall inquire and truly present all such persons as use melting of Tallow , contrary to an Act of Common Councell in that case made and provided . Fire-Presses . ALso you shall truly present all persons which have or use any Fire-Presses within the said City or Liberties of the same , for pressing or dressing of Nether-stockes , Wollen-clothes , or other things . Also you shall enquire of all Armorers 〈◊〉 other Artificers , 〈◊〉 to work 〈◊〉 which have or 〈◊〉 Reardor●● , or any other places dangerous or peri●●ous for fire . Appraysers . ALso if any have appraised any goods of any Free-man deceased , leaving behind him any Orphan or Orphanes , and the Appraisers not sworne before the Lord Maior or the Alderman of the Ward . Beames . ALso if any Free-man buy any Wares or Merchandizes unweighed , which ought to bee weighed at the Kings Beame , of any stranger or forreigne free of the Liberties of this City , contrary to the Act of Common Councell in that case made and provided . Clothes . ALso if any buy or sell any Cloth or Clothes in the house , shop , ware-house , or other place of any Cloth-worker , or other person against any Ordinance or Custome of this City , or if any Cloth-worker or other doe receive or harbour any Clothes , before the same be brought to Blackwell-Hall , contrary to the ordinance made in that behalfe . Carmen . ALso if any Carman take any money for carriage of any Goods , Wares , and Merchandizes , above the rates ordained . Buildings , divided Houses , Inmates . ALso if any make or cause to bee made any new Building or Buildings , or divide or cause to bee divided any House or Houses , or receive any Inmate or Inmates contrary to the Kings Majesties Proclamation , or contrary to Law , or any Statute of this Realme . Hawkers . ALso if any bee dwelling within this Ward , which doe offer or put to sale any Wares or Merchandizes in the open Streets or Lane of this City , or goe from house to house to sell the same , commonly called Hawkers , contrary to an Act made in that behalfe . Freedome . ALso if any have covenously , fraudently , or unduly obtained the freedome of this City . Collectors . ALso if any Collector of Fifteenes or other duties for the publike service of the King or of this City , doe retaine in his hands any part of the money collected to his owne use . Women receivers of Servants . YE shall also enquire if there bee dwelling within your Ward any Woman-broker , such as refort unto mens houses , demanding of their Maid-servants if they doe like of their services : if not , then they will tell them they will helpe them to a better service , and so allure them to come from their Masters to their houses , where they abide as Boorders untill they bee provided for . In which time it falleth out , that by lewd young men that resort to those houses , they be oftentimes made Harlots to their undoing , and the great hurt of the Common-wealth : wherefore if any such be , you shall present them , that order may be taken for reformation . Privies . ALso if any have or use any common Privie , having issue into any common Sewer of the Citie . Vagabonds . ALso if any Constable , Beadle , or other Officer , be negligent or remisse in discharging his duty touching the execution of the Statute made for punishment of Rogues , Vagabonds , and sturdy Beggers , or otherwise , and wherein the default is . Poore . ALso if any to whom the execution of the Statute made for reliefe of the poore doth appertaine , be remisse in discharging his duty touching the execution of the same Statute , and wherein the default is . Legacies . ALso if any Executor or other person retaine in his hands any Legacy , summe of money , or other thing given to any charitable use . Drunkard , Whoremonger , Sabbath-breaker , Iesuite , Seminary Priest , Secular Priest , popish Recusant , Coozeners , &c. YEE shall inquire whether there be within your Ward any common Drunkard , Whoremonger , Blasphemer of Gods holy Name , Prophaner of the Sabbath , Iesuite , Seminary or Secular Priest , or any Receiver , Releever , or Maintainer of any of them , or any Popish Recusant , Coozener , or swaggering idle Companion , such as cannot give account how they live ; if there bee any such , you shall present them and the names of those that lodge them or aid them . Masse . YEE shall also enquire , whether any person or persons doe or shall say or sing Masse within your Ward , or bee persent at any Masse . Roman Catholike Religion . ALso if any person or persons within your Ward being evill affected , doe or shall extoll the Roman Catholike Religion above the Religion professed and established by the Kings Majesties authority in England , or doe or shall deprave the Religion now professed in this Realme by authority as above , which may breed discord in the City , and dissension in the Common-wealth , ye shall carefully present the same persons and their offences . Stable-Dung . ALso if any person or persons that keepeth Horses in their houses , doe lay his or their Stable dung , or such kinde of stinking filth in any Streets or Lanes of this City , to the great annoyance of the people passing that way , and doe not leade his Dung-Cart to his Stable doore as he ought to doe . Assembly monthly . YOu shall assemble your selves once every moneth , or oftner if need require , so long as you shall continue of this Inquest , and present the defaults which you shall finde to bee committed concerning any of the Articles of your charge , to the end due remedy may bee speedily supplied , and the offenders punished as occasion shall require . Here end the Articles . AN ACT OF PARLIAMENT FOR THE PRESERVATION OF the River of Thames , made in the 27. yeere of the raigne of our most dread Soveraigne Lord , King HENRY the eighth . WHere before this time the River of Thames , among all other Rivers within this Realme , hath beene accepted and taken , and as it is indeed most commodious and profitable unto all the Kings liege people : and chiefly of all other frequented and used , and as well by the Kings Highnesse , his Estates , and Nobles , Merchants , and other repairing to the City of London , and other places , Shires and Counties adjoyning to the same : which River of Thames is , and hath been most meet and convenient of all other , for the safegard and ordering of the Kings Navy , conveighance of Merchandizes , and other necessaries , to , and for the Kings most Honourable houshold , and otherwise , to the great relief and comfort of all persons within this Realme , till now of late divers evil-disposed persons , partly by misordering of the said River , by casting in of dung and other filth , laid nigh to the bankes of the said River , digging & undermining of the said banks and walls next adjoyning to the same River , carrying and conveighing away of way-shides , shore-piles , boords , timber-worke , ballast for ships , and other things from the said bankes and walles in sundry places : by reason whereof , great shelfs and risings haue of late beene made and growne in the farway of the said Riuer , and such grounds as lye within the levell of the said water marke , by occasion thereof haue bin surrounded and ouerflowne by rage of the said water , and many great breaches haue ensued and followed thereupon , and daily are like to doe , and the said River of Thames to be utterly destroyed for euer , if conuenient and speedy remedy bee not sooner provided in that behalfe . For reformation whereof , be it enacted , established , and ordained by the King , our Soueraigne Lord , and by the assent of the Lords spirituall and temporall , and the Commons in this present Parliament assembled , and by the authority of the same , That if any person or persons hereafter , doe or procure any thing to be done in the annoying of the streame of the said River of Thames , making of shelfs by any manner of meanes , by mining , digging , casting of dung , or rubbish ; or other thing in the same Riuer , or take , plucke , or conueigh away any boords , stakes , piles , Timberworke , or other thing from the said bankes or walls , except it bee to amend , and the same to repaire againe , or dig or undermine any bankes or walls on the water side of Thames aforesaid , to the hurt , impairing or dammage of any the said walls and bankes , then the same person or persons , and euery of them , shall forfeit and pay for euery time so offending , one hundred shillings : the one moity thereof to be to the King our Soueraigne Lord , and the other moity thereof to the Maior and Comminalty of London for the time being , the same to be recouered and obtained by the Maior and Comminalty of London , by Bill or plaint , writ of debt or information seuerally against euery offender in any of the Kings Courts , in which actions and suits , or any of them , the party defendant shall not be essoined or wage his law , or any protection to be allowed in the same . And it is further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that if complaint shal happen to be made to the Lord Chancellor of England , Lord Treasurer , Lord President of the Kings Councell , Lord Priuie Seale , or to any of them by any person or persons or body politick , that Sir Thomas Spert Knight , now hauing the Office and ordering , of , and for ballasting of Ships , or any other that hereafter shall haue the Office and order of ballasting of Ships , doe take any ballast for Ships neere the said Riuer of Thames , and do not take for parcell of the said ballasting , the grauel and sand of the shelfs betweene Greenhyth and Richmond within the said Riuer of Thames , or in any place or places , that is or shall bee unto the dammage or annoyance of the said Riuer of Thames , or in any part thereof , that then upon euery such complaint , the said Lord Chancelor , Lord Treasurer , Lord President of the Kings most honourable Councell , Lord Priuie seale , and euery of them , calling both the chiefe Iustices of either bench , or one of them , shall haue power and authority from time to time , to heare and finally determine euery such complaint by their discretion , and to put such order therein , for the taking of ballast for ships upon euery such complaint , as by their discretions shall seeme most conuenient for the preseruation of the said Riuer of Thames , and the parties offending such order , shall suffer imprisonment , and make no lesse fine than 5. pound to the Kings use for euery time offending or breaking the same . Prouided alwaies , and be it enacted , that it shall be lawfull to euery person and persons , to dig , carry , and take away sand , grauell or other rubbish , earth , or thing lying or being in , or upon any shelfe or shelfs within the said Riuer of Thames , without let or interruption of any person or persons , or paying any thing for the same , any thing contained in this present Act to the contrary notwithstanding . AN ACT OF COMMON COVNCELL , CONCERNING the Conservation and Cleansing of the River of THAMES , made the 28. of September , in the thirtieth yeere of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord King Henry the 8. WHere by the Statute made in the 27. yeere of the Reigne of our Soveraigne LORD , King HENRY the eighth , among other , for reformation of the mis-ordering of the River of Thames , by casting in dung and other filth , many great shelves and other risings have beene of late growne and made within the same River : By reason whereof many great Breaches have ensued by occasion thereof , which of like shall be the occasion of the utter destruction of the said River , unlesse that the same Law bee put in due execution according to the true intent and meaning thereof . Wherefore for a further reformation of the same , and to the intent that the said good and wholsome Statute may bee put in more execution , and better knowledge of the people : It is enacted by the authority of this Common Councell , that Proclamation may be made within this said City , and the same to be put in writing , and Tables thereof made and set up in divers places of this City , that it shall be lawfull to every person or persons , to dig , carry away , and take away Sand , Gravell , or any Rubbish , Earth , or any thing lying or being in any Shelfe or Shelves within the said River of Thames , without let or interruption of any person or persons , and without any thing paying for the same , and after that to sell the same away , or otherwise occupy or dispose the said Gravell , Sand , or other thing at their free liberty and pleasure . And that all Paviours , Brick-layers , Tilers , Masons , and all other that shall occupy Sand or Gravell , shall endevour themselves with all their diligence , to occupy the said Sand or Gravell , and none other , paying for the same reasonably , as they should & ought to pay for other Sand or Gravell digged out of other mens grounds about the said City , which after is filled againe with much filthy things , to the great infection of the inhabitants of the said City , and all other repairing unto the same . And that further , humble suit may bee made to the Kings Highnesse , that all persons having lands or tenements along the said River side , upon certaine paine by his Highnesse , and the Lords of his Honourable Councell to bee limited , shall well and sufficiently repaire and maintaine all the Walls and Bankes adioyning unto their said Lands , that so the Water may not , nor shal break in upon the same : and the same to bee continued till the time that the said noble River be brought againe to his old course and former estate . And that strong grates of iron along the said water side , and also by the street side , where any Water-course is had into the said Thames be made by the inhabitants of every Ward so along the said Water , as of old time hath beene accustomed . And that every grate be in height foure and twenty inches at the least , or more , as the place shall neede , and in breadth one from another one inch ; and the same to bee done with all expedition and speed . And if the occupiers of the said Lands and Tenements make default contrary to the Ordinance aforesaid : or else if any person or persons in great Raines and other times , sweepe their Soylage , or filth of their houses into the Chanell , and the same after is conveyed into the Thames , every person so offending , shall forfeit for every such default twenty pence , and that upon complaint to bee made to any Constable , next adioyning to the said place where any such default shall bee found , it shall be lawfull for the said Constable , or his sufficient Deputy for the time being , from time to time to distraine for the same offence : and to retaine the same irreplegiable , and like Law to be observed and kept . And like penalty to bee paid for every person that burnes Rushes and Straw in their houses , or wash in the common streets or lanes , and to bee recoverd as aforesaid , and the one moity thereof to be to the Maior and Comminalty , and the other moity to bee divided betweene the said Constable that taketh paine , and the party finder of the said default . And if the Constable or his Deputy , refuse to doe his duty according to the true meaning of this Act , that then the Constable or his Deputy , which shal so refuse to do his duty as aforesaid , shall forfeit and pay for every time so offending , three shillings foure pence . And the same penalty of the said Constable to be recovered and obtained by distresse irreplegiable , to bee taken by any of the Officers of the Chamber of London , to the use of the Maior and Comminalty of London . And further , that no person or persons having any Wharfe or House by the said Water side , make not their Lay-stalls nigh to the River aforesaid , except onely the common Lay-stalls , where the common Rakers of this City use to repose , and lay all their soylage , to bee carried a way by them with their Dung-boats . And that the said Rakers shall lay their said Dung , carried in their Dung-boats , to such convenient place or places as shall bee appointed by the Lord Maior of LONDON , for the time being , with the advice of his brethren , the Aldermen of the same , and to no other place or places , upon paine to forfeit for every such default five pounds , to bee recovered in any of the Kings Courts within the City of LONDON , by Bill , Plaint , moity of Debt , or information by any person that will or shall pursue for the same : the one moity thereof to bee unto the Maior and Comminalty of London , and the other moity to him or them that will or shall pursue for the same ; in which actions or suits , no wager of Law nor essoigne shall be allowed . The Oath of the Constables within the City of LONDON . YE shall sweare , that ye keep the Peace of our Soveraigne Lord the King , well and lawfully after your power . And yee shall arrest all them that make , contect , Riot , Debate , or afray , in breaking of the said Peace , and leade them to the house or Compter of one of the Sheriffes . And if ye bee withstood by strength of misdoers , ye shall reare on them an Out-cry , and pursue them from street to street , and from Ward to Ward , till they be arrested : and ye shall search at all times , when ye bee required by the Scavengers or Beadles , the common noysance of your Ward . And the Beadle and Raker yee shall helpe to reare , and gather their Sallary and Quarter age , if yee bee thereunto by them required . And if any thing bee done within your Ward against the Ordinance of this City , such defaults as ye shall find there done , ye shall them present to the Maior and Ministers of this City : and if ye bee letted by any person or persons , that yee may not duly doe your office , yee shall certifie the Maior and Councell of the City , of the name or names of him or them that so let 〈◊〉 . Yee shall also sweare , that during the time that yee shall stand in the Office , and occupy the roome of a Constable , yee shall , once at the least every moneth , certifie and shew to one of the Clarkes of the Maiors Court , and in the same Court , as well the names as surnames of all Free-men , which yee shall know to bee deceased within the moneth , in the Parish wherein yee bee inhabited , as also the names and surnames of all the Children of the said Freemen so deceased , being Orphanes of this City . And thus ye shall not leave to doe , as God you helpe , &c. God save the King. The Oath of the Scavengers . YEE shall sweare , that yee shall diligently oversee that the Pavements within your Ward , bee well and sufficiently repaired , and not made too high in noysance of your Neighbours : and that the Wayes , Streets , and Lanes bee cleansed of Dung and all manner of fil●b for the honesty of this City . And that all the Chimnies , Furnaces , and Reredoes be of stone sufficiently and defensively made against perill of fire . And if yee finde any the contrary , ye shall shew it to the Alderman of the Ward , so that the Alderman may ordaine for the amendment thereof . And thus yee shall doe , as God you helpe . God save the King. Instructions for the Apprentices in the City of LONDON . YOV shall constantly and devoutly , on your knees every day , serve God Morning and Evening , and make conscience in the due hearing of the Word preached , and endevour the right practice thereof in your life and conversation : You shall doe diligent and faithfull service to your Master for the time of your Apprentiship , & deale truly in what you shall be trusted : You shall often reade over the Coveants of your Indenture , and see and endevour your selfe to performe the same to the vttermost of your power : You shall auoid all evill Company , and all occasions which may tend , or draw you to the same , and make speedy returne when you shall be sent of your Masters or Mistresse errands : You shall avoid idlenesse , and be ever imployed either for Gods service , or in your Masters businesse : You shall be of faire , gentle , and lowly speech and behaviour to all men , and especially to all your Governours . And according to your carriage , expect your reward , for good or ill , from God and your friends . God save the King. The Oath of every Free-man of this City of LONDON . YEE shall sweare , that yee shall be good and true to our Soveraigne Lord , King CHARLES , and to the Heires of our said Soveraigne Lord the King. Obeysant and obedient yee shall bee to the Maior and Ministers of this City , the Franchises and Customes thereof yee shall maintaine , and this City keep harmlesse in that which in you is . Yee shall bee contributory to all manner of charges within this City , as Summons , Watches , Contributions , Taxes , Tallages , Lot and Scot , and to all other charges , bearing your part as a freeman ought to doe . Yee shall colour no Forraines goods , under , or in your name , whereby the King or this City might or may lose their Customes or Advantages . Yee shall know no Forraigne to buy or sell any Merchandize with any other Forraigne within this City or Franchise thereof , but yee shall warne the Chamberlaine thereof , or some Minister of the Chamber . Yee shall implead or sue no Freeman out of this City , whiles ye may have right and Law within the same City . Ye shall take none Apprentice , but if hee be free borne ( that is to say ) no bond-mans Sonne , nor the Sonne of any Alien , and for no lesse tearme then for seven yeeres , without fraud or deceit : and within the first yeere yee shall cause him to be enrolled , or else pay such Fine as shall bee reasonably imposed upon you for omitting the same : and after his tearmes end , within convenient time ( being required ) ye shall make him free of this City , if hee have well and truly served you . Yee shall also keepe the Kings Peace in your owne person . Ye shall know no Gatherings , Conventicles , or Conspiracies made against the Kings Peace , but ye shall warne the Maior thereof , or let it to your power . All these points and Articles ye shall well and truly keepe , according to the Lawes and Customes of this City to your power . So God you helpe . God save the King. Commune Concilium tentum die Veneris primo die Iunii , An. Regni Regis Henrici octavi , &c. decimo octavo , in praesentia Iohannis Allen Maioris , Gulielmi Butler Militis , Iohannis Milbourne Militis , Iohannis Mundi Militis , Thomae Baldri Militis , Gulielmi Bayly Militis , Thomae Semer Militis , Iacobi Spencer Militis , Iohannis Rudstone , Radulphi Dodmer , Iohannis Browne , Nicholai Lambert , Stephani Peacocke , Iohannis Harding , Nicho. Iennings , Hen. Dacres , Iohan. Canulen , & Christopheri Askew , viz. AT this Common Councell , it is agreed , granted , ordained , & enacted , That if hereafter any Free man or Free woman of this City , take any Apprentice , and within the terme of seven yeeres suffer the same Apprentice to goe at his large liberty and pleasure : and within , or after the said terme , agree with his said Apprentice for a certaine summe of money , or otherwise for his said service , and within or after the end of the said tearme , the said Free man present the said Apprentice to the Chamberlaine of the City , and by good deliberation , and upon his Oath made to the same City , the same Free man or Free woman assureth and affirmeth to the said Chamberlain , that the said Apprentice hath fully served his said tearme as Apprentice : Or if any Free man or Free woman of this City , take any apprentice , which at the time of the said taking hath any Wife : Or if any Free man or Free woman of this City , give any wages to his or her Apprentice , or suffer the said Apprentices to take any part of their owne getting or gaines : Or if any Free man or Free woman of this City hereafter colour any Forraines goods , or from henceforth buy or sell for any person or persons , or with or to any person or persons , being Forraine , or Forrainers , Clothes , Silks , Wine , Oyles , or any other goods or merchandize whatsoever they bee ; whether hee take any thing or things for his or their wages or labour , or not : Or if any person or persons being free of this City , by any colour or deceitfull meanes from henceforth , doe buy , sell , or receive of any Apprentice within this City , any Money , Goods , Merchandize , or Wares , without the assent or licence of his Master or Mistresse : & upon examination duly proved before the Chamberlaine of the said City for the time being : And the same reported by the mouth of the said Chamberlaine at a Court to bee holden by the Maior and the Aldermen of the same City in their Councel Chamber : That as well the said Master as the said Apprentice , shall for evermore bee dis-franchised . God save the King. A DISCOVRSE OF THE NAMES AND FIRST CAVSES OF THE INSTITVTION of Cities and peopled Townes : And of the commodities that doe grow by the same : and namely , of the City of LONDON . Written by way of an Apology ( or defence ) against the opinion of some men , which thinke that the greatnesse of that City standeth not with the profit and security of this Realme . CIties and well peopled places be called Oppida in Latine , either ab ope danda , or ab opibus , or ab opponendo se hostibus . They bee named also Civitates a coëundo , and ( urbes ) either of the word urbare , because the first inclosure of them was described with the draught of a Plow , or else ab orbe , for the round compasse that they at the first had . In the Greek a City is tearmed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , either of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , multus , or of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , habitare , alere , gubernare . In the Saxon ( or old English ) sometimes Tun , which we now call Towne , derived of the word Tynan , to enclose or tyne , as some yet speake . But for as much as that word was proper to every Village , and inclosed dwelling , therefore our Ancestors called their walled Townes , Bu●h or Bi●i● , and we now Bury and Borow , of the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as I thinke ) which signifieth a Tower or a high building . The walls of these Townes had their name of vallum , because at the first they were but of that earth which was cast out of the trench , or ditch wherewith they were environed . But afterward , being made of matter more fit for defence , they were named A muniendo maenia . By the Etymologie of these names it may appeare , that Common Weales , Cities and Townes were at first invented , to the end that men might lead a civill life amongst themselves , and be saved harmelesse against their enemies : Whereupon Plato saith , Civitates ab initio utilitatis causa constitutae sunt . Aristotle , 1. Politicorum 2. saith , Civitas à natura profecta est : homo enim animal aptum est ad coetus , & proinde civitatis origo ad vivendum , institutio ad bene vivendum refertur . And Cicero , lib. primo de inventione , in the beginning saith , Fuit quoddam tempus cùm in agris homines passim bestiarum more vagabantur , &c. quo quidem tempore , quidam ( magnus viz. vir & sapiens ) dispersos homines in agris , & tectis silvestribus abditos , ratione quadam compulit in unum locum , atque eos in unamquamque rem induxit utilem & honestam . Vrbibus vero constitutis fidem colere , & justitiam retinere discebant , & aliis parere sua voluntate consuescebant , &c. The same man discourseth notably to the same effect , in his Oration Pro Sestio , a little after the middest thereof , shewing that in the life of men dispersed , vis , beareth all the sway : but in the civill life and society , ars , is better maintained , &c. This thing well saw King William the Conqueror , who in his lawes , folio 125. saith , Burgi & Civitates fundata , & edificata sunt , ad tuitionem gentium & populorum Regni , & idcirco observari debent cum omni libertate , integritate & ratione . And his Predecessors , King Ethelstane , and King Canutus in their Lawes , fol. 62. and 106. had commanded thus : Oppida instaurantur , &c. Seeing therefore that as Cicero , 2. officior . saith , Proxime & secundum Deos , homines hominibus maxime utiles esse possunt . And that men are congregated into Cities and Common-wealths , for honesty and utilities sake , these shortly be the commodities that doe come by Cities , Cōminalties , and Corporations . First , men by this neerenesse of conversation , are withdrawne from barbarous ferity and force , to a certaine mildnesse of manners and to humanity and justice : whereby they are contented to give and take right , to and from their equals and inferiors , and to heare and obey their heads and superiors . Also the Doctrine of God is more fitly delivered , and the discipline thereof more aptly to be executed , in peopled Towns than abroad , by reason of the facility of common and often assembling . And consequently , such inhabitants bee better managed in order , and better instructed in wisedome : whereof it came to passe that at the first , they that excelled others this way , were called Astuti , of the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth a City , although the terme bee now declined to the worst part , and doe betoken evill , even as Tyrannus Sophista , and some such other originally good words are fallen : And hereof also good behavior is yet called Vrbanitas , because it is rather found in Cities , than elsewhere . In some , by often hearing , men be better perswaded in Religion , and for that they live in the eye of others , they bee by example the more easily trained to justice , and by shamefastnesse restrained from injury . And whereas Commonwealths and Kingdomes cannot have , next after God , any surer foundation , than the love and good will of one man towards another , that also is closely bred and maintained in Cities , where men by mutuall society and companying together , doe grow to alliances , Comminalties and Corporations . The liberall sciences and learnings of all sorts , which bee Iumina reipublicae , doe flourish onely in peopled Townes , without the which a Realme is in no better case than a man that lacketh both his eyes . Manual Arts or handy crafts , as they have for the most part been invented in Townes and Cities , so they cannot any where else bee either maintained or amended . The like is to bee said of Merchandize , under which name I comprehend all manner of buying , selling , bartering , exchanging , communicating of things that men need to and fro . Wealth and riches , which are truely called , Subsidia belli , & ornamenta pacis , are increased chifely in Townes and Cities , both to the Prince and people . The necessity of the poore and needy is in such places both sooner to be espied , and hath meanes to be more charitably relieved . The places themselves be surer refuges , in all extremities of forrain invasion , and the inhabitants be a ready hand and strength of men with munition to oppresse intestine sedition . Moreover , for as much as the force of the warres of our time consisteth chiefly in shot , all other Souldiers being either horse-men or footmen , armed on land , or Mariners at the Sea : It seemeth to me , that Citizens and Townesmen be as fit to bee imploied in any of these services , that on horse backe onely excepted , as the inhabitants that bee drawne out of the Country . Furthermore , even as these societies and assemblies of men in Cities and great Townes , are a continuall bridle against tyranny , which was the cause that Tarquin , Nero , Di●nisius , and such others have alwaies sought to weaken them . So , being well tempered , they are a strong fort and Bulwarke not only in the Aristocritie , but also in the Lawfull Kingdome or just royalty . At once propagation of the Religiō , the execution of good policy , the exercise of charity , and the defence of the countrey , is best performed by Townes and Citties : and this civill life approacheth neerest to the shape of that mysticall body whereof Christ is the head , and men be the members : whereupon both at the first , that man of God Moses , in the common wealth of the Israelites , and the Governours of all Countries in all ages sithence , have continually maintained the same . And to change it , were nothing else but to Metamorphose the world , and to make wilde beasts of reasonable men . To stand longer upon this , it were in re non dubia , uti oratione non necessaria ; and therefore I will come to London . The Singularities of the City of LONDON . WHatsoever is said of Cities generally , maketh also for LONDON specially : Howbei t these things are particularly for our purpose to bee considered in it . The situation ; the former estimation that it hath had ; the service that it hath done ; the present estate and government of it , and such benefits as doe grow to the Realme by the maintenance thereof . This Realme hath onely three principall Rivers , whereon a Royall City may well bee situated : Trent in the North , Severne in the South-West , and Thames in the South-East : of the which , Thames , both for the strait course in length , reacheth furthest into the belly of the land ; and for the breadth and stilnesse of the water , is most navigable up and downe the streame : by reason whereof , London standing almost in the middle of that course , is more commodiously served with provision of necessaries , then any Towne standing upon the other two Rivers can be , and doth also more easily communicate to the rest of the Realme , the commodities of her owne entercourse and trafficke . This River openeth indifferently upon France and Flanders , our mightiest neighbours , to whose doings we ought to have a bent eye and speciall regard : and this City standeth thereon in such convenient distance from the Sea , as it is not onely neere enough for intelligence of the affaires of those Princes , and for the resistance of their attempts : but also sufficiently removed from the feare of any sudden dangers that may be offered by them : whereas for the Prince of this Realme to dwell upon Trent , were to turne his backe , or blind side , to his most dangerous borderers : and for him to rest and dwell upon Severne , were to be shut up in a cumbersome corner , which openeth but upon Ireland only , a place of much lesse importance . Neither could London be pitched so commodiously upon any other part of the same River of Thames , as where it now standeth . For if it were removed more to the West , it should lose the benefit of the ebbing and flowing : and if it were seated more towards the East , it should bee neerer to danger of the enemy , and further both from the good Ayre , and from doing good to the inner parts of the Realme : neither may I omit , that none other place is so plentifully watered with springs , as London is . And whereas amongst other things , Corne and Cattell , Hay and Fuell bee of great necessity : of the which , Cattell may bee driven from afarre , and Corne may easily be transported . But Hay and Fuell , being of greater bulke and burthen , must be had at hand : only London , by the benefit of this situation and River , may bee sufficiently served therewith . In which respect and Alderman of London reasonably ( as mee thought ) affirmed , that although London received great nourishment by the residence of the Prince , the repaire of the Parliament , and Courts of Iustice , yet it stood principally by the advantage of the situation upon the River : for when as on a time it was told him by a Courtier , that Queene Mary , in her displeasure against London , had appointed to remove with the Parliament and Terme to Oxford ; this plaine man demanded , Whether shee meant also to divert the River of Thames from London , or no ? And when the Gentleman had answered , No ; Then quoth the Alderman , by Gods grace we shall doe well enough at London , whatsoever become of the Terme and Parliament . I my selfe being then a young Scholler at Oxford , did see great preparation made towards that Tearme and Parliament , and doe well remember that the common opinion and voyce was , that they were not holden there , because provision of Hay could not be made in all the Country to serve for ten whole dayes together , and yet is that quarter plentifully stored with Hay for the proportion of the shire it selfe . For proofe of the ancient estimation of London , I will not use the authority of the British Historie , nor of such as follow it ( although some hold it credible enough that London was first Trinobantum civitas , or Troia nova , that famous City in our Histories , and then Luds Towne , and by corruption London , as they report ) because they be not of sufficient force to draw the gain-sayers . Neither will I stand much upon that honourable Testimony which Gervas . Tilberiens . giveth to London in his booke De otiis Imperialibus , saying thus , concerning the blessing of God towards it . In Vrbe London , exceptione habet divulgatum id per omnes aequè gentes Lucani Proverbium . Invida fatorum series summisque negatum Stare diu : Name ea annis 354. ante Romam condita , nunquam amisit principatum , nec bello consumpta est . But I will rather use the credit of one or two ancient forrain Writers , & then descend to latter Histories . Cornel. Tacitus , lib. 4. Annal. saith , Londinum copia negociatorum , & comeatu maximè celebris ; and Herodian in the life of Severus the Emperour , saith , Londinum urbs magna & opulenta ; Beda lib. Ecclesiastic . 10. chap. 29. sheweth that Pope Gregory appointed two Archbishops Sees in England , the one at London , the other at Yorke . King Ethelstane in his Lawes appointing how many Mint-Masters should be in each City , allotteth eight to London , and not so many to any other City . The Penner of those Lawes that are said to be made by Edward the Confessor , and confirmed by William the Conquerour , saith , London est caput Regni , & Legum . King Henry the first , in the third Chapter of his Lawes , commandeth that no Citizen of London should bee amerced above an hundred shillings for any pecuniary paine . The great Chapter of England , that Helena , for which there was so long and so great warre and contention , in the ninth Chapter saith , Civitas London habeat omnes suas Libertates antiquas , &c. About the time of King Iohn , London was reputed , Regni firmata Columna , as Alex. Necham writeth : And in the beginning of the Raigne of King Richard the second , it was called Camera Regis , as Thomas Walsingham reporteth . I passe over the recitall of the Saxon Charter of King William the Conquerour ; or the Latine Charters of Henry the first and second ; of Richard the first ; of Iohn ; and of Edward the first ; all which gave unto the Citizens of London great Priviledges , and of Edward the third , who reciting all the grants of his Predecessors , not onely confirmed , but also increased the same : and of the latter Kings , who have likewise added many things thereunto . Onely I wish to bee noted by them , that during all this time , all those wife and politike Princes have thought it fit , not onely to maintaine London in such plight as they found it , but also to adorne , increase , and amplifie it with singular tokens of their liberall favour and good liking . And whether there bee not now the same or greater causes to draw the like or better estimation and cherishing , let any man be judge , that will take the paines to compare the present estate of London , yet still growing to better , with the former condition of the same . It were too much to recite particularly the Martiall services that this City hath done from time to time : neither doe I thinke that they be all committed to writing ; only for a taste , as it were , I will note these few following . Almost threescore yeeres before the Conquest , a huge Army of the Danes , ( where of King Sweyne was the Leader ) besieged King Etheldred in London ( then the which , as the story saith , then hee had none other refuge ) but they were manfully repulsed , and a great number of them slaine . After the death of this Sweyne , his sonne Canutus ( afterward King of England ) besieged London , both by land and by water : but after much labour , finding it impregnable , he departed : and in the same yeere repairing his forces , hee girded it with a new siege , in the which the Citizens so defended themselves , and offended him , that in the end he went away with shame . In the dissnsion that arose between King Edward the Confessor , and his Father in law Earle Goodwin ( which was the mightiest subject within this Land that ever I have read of ) The Earle with a great Army came to London , and was , for all that , by the countenance of the Citizens resisted , till such time as the Nobility made reconciliation betweene them . About seventy yeeres after the Conquest , Maude the Empresse made warre upon King Stephen for the right of the Crowne , and had taken his person prisoner , but by the strength and assistance of the Londoners and Kentishmen , Maude was put to flight at Winchester , and her Brother Robert then Earle of Glocester , was taken in exchange , for whom King Stephen was delivered ; I dispute not whose right was better , but I avouch the service , seeing Stephen was in possession . The History of William Walworth the Maior of London , is well knowne , by whose manhood and policy , the person of Richard the second was rescued , the City saved , Wat Tyler killed , and all his stragglers discomfited , in reward of which service , the Maior and other Aldermen were Knighted . Iacke Cade also having discomfited the Kings Army , that was sent against him , came to London and was there manfully and with long fight resisted , until that by the good policy of the Citizens , his Company was dispersed . Finally , in the tenth yeere of the raign of King Edward the fourth , and not many dayes before the death of Henry the sixth , Tho. Nevill , commonly called the Bastard of Fauconbridge , armed a great Company against the King , and being denied passage thorow London , hee assaulted it on divers parts : but hee was repulsed by the Citizens , and chased as farre as Stratford , with the losse of a great many . Thus much of certaine their principall , and personall services , in warre only : for it were infinite to repeat the particular aides of men and money which London hath ministred : and I had rather to leave it to be conjectured at , by comparison to bee made betweene it , and other Cities , whereof I will give you this one note for an example . In the twelfth yeere of the raigne of King Edward the second , it was ordered by Parliament , that every City of the Realme should make out Souldiers against the Scots : at which time London was appointed to send two hundred men , and Canterbury , being then one of our best Cities , forty , and no more . And this proportion of five to one , is now in our age encreased , at the least five to one , both in Souldiers and subsidy . As for the other services that London hath done in times of peace , they are to bee measured by consideration of the commodities , whereof I will speake anon . In the meane season let the estate and government of this City be considred , to the end that it may appeare that it standeth well with the policy of the Realme . Caesar in his Commentaries is witnesse , that in his time the Cities of Britaine had large Teritories annexed unto them , and were severall estates of themselves , governed by particular Kings or Potentates , as in Italy and Germany yet be : and that Mandubratius was King of the Trinobants , whose chiefe City London is taken to have beene . And I finde not that this government was altered , either by Caesar , or his successors , notwithstanding that the Country became to bee tributary unto them : but that it continued , untill at length the Britaines themselves reduced all their peoples into one Monarchy , howbeit that lasted not any long season : for upon Vortiger their King , came the Saxons our Ancestors , and they drave the Britains into Wales , Cornwall , and Britain in France , and in processe of warre divided the Country amongst themselves into an Eptarchy , or seven Kingdomes , of the which one was called the Kingdome of the East Saxons , which having in manner the same limits that the Bishopricke of London now enjoyeth , contained Essex , Middlesex , and a part of Hertfordshire , and so included London . Againe it appeareth , that in course of time , and about 1800. yeeres after Christ , Egbert ( then King of the West Saxons ) Vt pisces saepe minutos magnus comest , overcame the rest of the Kings , and once more erected a Monarchy , the which till the comming in of the Normanes , and from thence even hitherto hath continued . Now I doubt not ( whatsoever London was in the time of Caesar ) but that under the Eptarchy and Monarchy it hath been a subject , and no free City , though happily endowed with some large priviledges : for King William the Conquerour found a Portreeve there , whose name was Godfrey ( by which name hee greeteth him in his Saxon Chre ) and his office was none other than the charge of a Bayliffe , or Reeve , as by the selfe-same name continuing yet in Gravesend , and certaine other places may well appeare . But the Frenchmen using their owne language , called him sometime a Provost , and sometime a Bayliffe ; whatsoever his name and Office were , he was Perpetuus Magistratus , given by the Prince , and not chosen by the Citizens , as it seemeth , for what time King Richard the first needed mony towards his expedition in the Holy Land , they first purchased of him the liberty to choose yeerely from amongst themselves two Bailiffes : and King Iohn his successor , at their like suit changed their Bayliffes into a Maior , and two Sheriffes . To these Henry the third added Aldermen ; at the first elegible yeerely , but afterward by King Edward the third made perpetuall Magistrates , and Justices of the peace within their Wards , in which plight of governement it presently standeth . This shortly as I could , is the Historicall and outward estate of London : now come I to the inward pith and substance . The estate of this City is to be examined by the quantity , and by the qualitie . The quantity therefore consisteth in the number of the Citizens , which is very great , and farre exceedeth proportion of Hippodamus , which appointed 10000. and of others which haue set downe other numbers , as meete stints in their opinions to be well gouerned ; but yet seeing both reason and experience have f●eed us from the law of any definite number , so that other things be observed , let that be admitted : neither is London , I feare mee , so great as populous : for well saith one , Non idem est magna Civitas & frequens , magna est enim quae multos habet qui arma ferre possunt : Whatsoever the number bee , it breedeth no feare of sedition : for as much as the same consisteth not in the extremes , but in a very mediocrity of wealth and riches , as it shall better appeare anon . And if the causes of English Rebellions bee searched out , they shall bee found in effect to bee these twaine , Ambition and Covetousnesse , of which the first raigneth in the minds of high and noble personages , or of such others , as seeke tobee gracious and popular , and have robbed the hearts of the multitude , whereas in London if any where in the world , Honos verè onus est , and every man rather shunneth than seeketh the Maiorality , which is the best marke amongst them , neither hath there been any strong faction , nor any man more popular than the rest , for as much as the government is by a Patern , as it were , and alwaies the same , how often soever they change their Magistrate . Covetousnesse , that other Syre of sedition , possesseth the miserable and needy sort , and such as bee naughtypackes , unthrifts , which although it cannot be chosen , but that in a frequent City as London is , there shall be found many , yet beare they not any great sway seeing the multitude and most part there is of a competent wealth , and earnestly bent to honest labour . I confesse that London is a mighty arme and instrument to bring any great desire to effect , if it may be won to a mans devotion : whereof also there want not examples in the English Historie . But for as much as the same is by the like reason serviceable and meet to impeach any disloyall attempt , let it rather bee well governed then evill liked therefore ; for it shall appeare anon , that as London hath adhered to some rebellions , so hath it resisted many , and was never the Author of any one . The quality of this City consisteth either in the Law and government thereof : or in the degrees and condition of the Citizens , or in their strength and riches . It is besides the purpose to dispute , whether the estate of the government here be a Democratie , or Aristocratie , for whatsoever it bee , being considered in it selfe , certaine it is , that in respect of the whole Realme , London is but a Citizen , and no City ; a subject , and no free estate ; an obedienciary , and no place endowed with any distinct or absolute power : for it is governed by the same Law that the rest of the Realme is , both in causes Criminall and Civill , a few customes onely excepted , which also are to bee adjudged , or forjudged by the common Law. And in the assembly of the estates of our Realme ( which we call Parliament ) they are but a member of the Comminalty , and send two Burgesses for their City , as every poore Borough doth , and two Knights for their County , as every other Shire doth , and are as straightly bound by such Lawes , as any part of the Realme is : for if contribution in subsidy of money to the Prince be decreed , the Londoners have none exemption , no not so much as to assesse themselves : for the Prince doth appoint the Commissioners . If Souldiers must be mustered , Londoners have no Law to keepe themselves at home ; if provision for the Princes houshold be to be made , their goods are not priviledged . In summe therefore , the government of London differeth not in substance , but in ceremony from the rest of the Realme , as namely , in the names and choice of their Officers , and in their Guildes and Fraternities , established for the maintenance of Handicrafts and Labourers , and for equity and good order , to bee kept in buying and selling . And yet in these also are they to bee controlled by the generall Law : for by the Statutes of 28. Edward the third , chap. 10. and of the first of Henry the fourth , chap. 15. the points of their misgovernment are inquirable by the inhabitants of the forren Shires adjoyning , and punishable by such Iusticiars as the Prince shall thereunto depute : to conclude therefore , the estate of London for government , is so agreeable a Symphony with the rest , that there is no feare of dangerous discord to ensue thereby . The multitude ( or whole body ) of this populous City is two wayes to bee considered , generally , & specially : generally , they bee naturall Subjects , a part of the Commons of this Realme , and are by birth for the most part a mixture of all Countries of the same , by blood Gentlemen , Yeomen , and of the basest sort without distinction ; and by profession busie Bees , and travellers for their living in the hive of this Common-wealth ; but specially considered , they consist of these three parts , Merchants , Handicrafts-men , and Labourers . Merchandise is also divided into these three sorts ; Navigation , by the which , Merchandizes are brought , and carried in and out over the Seas : Invection , by the which , commodities are gathered into the City , and dispersed from thence into the Country by land : and Negotiation , which I may call the keeping of a retayling or standing Shop . In common speech , they of the first sort bee called Merchants , and both the other Retaylers . Handicrafts-men bee those which doe exercise such Arts as require both labour and cunning , as Goldsmithes , Taylors , and Haberdashers , Skinners , &c. Labourers and Hirelings , I call those Quorum operae non artes emuntur , as Tully saith , of which sort bee Porters , Carmen , Watermen , &c. Againe , these three sorts may be considered , either in respect of their wealth , or number : in wealth , Merchants , and some of the chiefe Retaylers have the first place : the most part of Retaylers , and all Artificers , the second or meane place : and Hirelings , the lowest roome : But in number , they of the middle place bee first , and doe farre exceed both the rest : Hirelings be next , and Merchants bee the last . Now out of this , that the estate of London , in the persons of the Citizens , is so friendly interlaced , and knit in league with the rest of the Realme , not onely at their beginning by birth and blood ( as I have shewed ) but also very commonly at their ending by life and conversation ( for that Merchants & rich men being satisfied with gaine , doe for the most part ) marry their children into the Countrey , and convey themselves after Ciceroes counsell , Veluti-ex pontu in agros & possessiones : I doe referre , that there is not onely no danger towards the common quiet thereby , but also great occasion and cause of good love and amity . Out of this , that they be generally bent to travell , and doe flie poverty , Per mare , per saxa , per ignes , as the Poet saith ▪ I draw hope , that they shall escape the note of many vices , which idle people doe fall into . And out of this , that they be a great multitude , and that yet the greatest part of them bee neither too rich nor too poore , but doe live in the mediocritie : I conclude with Aristotle , that the Prince needeth not to feare sedition by them , for thus saith he , Magnae vrbes , magis sunt à seditione liberae , quod in eis dominetur mediocritas , nam in parvis nihil medium est , sunt enim omnes vel pauperes vel opulenti . I am now to come to the strength and power of this City , which consisteth partly in the number of the Citizens themselves , whereof I have spoken before , partly in their riches , and in their warlike furniture : for as touching the strength of the peece it selfe , that is apparent to the eye , and therfore is not to be treated of . The wealth and warlike furniture of London , is either publike or private , and no doubt the common treasure cannot be much there , seeing that the revenue which they have , hardly sufficeth to maintaine their Bridge , and Conduits , and to pay their officers and servants . Their Toll doth not any more then pay their Fee-Farme that they pay to the Prince . Their Issues for default of appearances bee never levied , and the profits of their Courts of Iustice doe goe to particular mens hands . Arguments hereof bee these two , one , that they can doe nothing of extraordinary charge , without a generall contribution : another , that they have suffered such as have borne the chiefe office amongst them , and were become Bankrupt , to depart the City without reliefe , which I thinke they neither would nor could have done , it the common Treasure had sufficed to cover their shame ; hereof therefore we need not bee afraid . The publike Armour and munition of this City remaineth in the Halls of the Companies , as it doth thorow out the whole Realme , for a great part , in the Parish Churches ; neither is that kept together , but onely for obedience to the Law , which commandeth it ; and therefore if that threaten danger to the State , it may by another law bee taken from them , and committed to a more safe Armory . The private riches of London , resteth chiefly in the hands of the Merchants & Retaylers ; for Artificers have not much to spare ; and Labourers had need that it were given unto them . Now , how necessary and serviceable the estate of Merchandise is to this Realme , it may partly appeare by the practice of that peaceable , politike , and rich Prince , King Henry the seventh , of whom Polidore ( writing his life ) saith thus , Mercatores Ille saepenumero pecunia multa data gratuite ●uvabat , ut mercatura ars una omnium cunctis aequè mortalibus tum commoda , tum necessariae , in suo Regno copiosior esset . But chiefly by the inestimable cōmodities that grow thereby : for who knoweth not that we have extreme need of many things , whereof forraine Countries have great store , and that we may spare many things whereof they have need ? or who is ignorant of this , that we have no Mines of Silver or Gold within our Realme , so that the increase of our Coine and Bulloine commeth from elsewhere , & yet neverthelesse , we be both fed , clad , and otherwise served with forraine commodities & delights , as plentifull as with our domesticall ? which thing commeth to passe by the meanes of Merchandise onely , which importeth necessaries from other countries , and exporteth the superfluities of our owne . For seeing we have no way to increase our Treasure , by Mines of Gold or Silver at home , and can have nothing without Money or Ware from other Countries abroad , it followeth necessarily , that if we follow the Counsell of that good old Husband Marcus Cato , saying , Oportet patremfamilias vendacem esse , non emacem , and doe carry more commodities in value over the Seas , than we bring hither from thence : that then the Realme shall receive that overplus in mony : but if we bring from beyond the Seas Merchandize of more value , than that which we doe send over may countervaile , then the Realme payeth for that overplus in ready mony , and consequently is a loser by that ill husbandry : and therefore in this part great and heedfull regard must be had , that Symmetria and due proportion bee kept , lest otherwise either the Realme bee defrauded of her treasure , or the Subjects corrupted in vanity , by excessive importation of superfluous and needlesse Merchandize , or else that we feele penurie , even in our greatest plenty and store , by immoderate exportation of our owne needfull commodities . Other the benefits that Merchandize bringeth , shall hereafter appeare in the generall recitall of the commodities that come by London , and therefore it resteth that I speake a word of Retaylors , and finally shew that much good groweth by them both . The chiefe part of Retayling , is but a hand-maid to Merchandize , dispersing by piece-meale that which the Merchant bringeth in grosse : of which trade be Mercers , Grocers , Vinteners , Haberdashers , Ironmongers , Millayners , and all such as ●ell wares growing or made beyond the Seas , and therefore so long as Merchandize it selfe shall be profitable , and such proportion kept , as neither we lose our treasure thereby , nor be cloyed with unnecessary forraine wares , this kind of Retayiing is to be retained also . Now , that Merchants and Retaylors of London be very rich and great , it is so farre from any harme , that it is a thing both praise-worthy and profitable : for Mercatura ( saith Cicero ) si tenuis est , sordida putanda est , sin magna est & copiosa , non est vituperanda . And truely Merchants and Retaylers doe not altogether intus Canere , and profit themselves only : for the Prince and Realme both are inriched by their riches : the Realme winneth treasure , if their Trade bee so moderated by authority , that it breake not proportion , and they besides beare a good fleece , which the Prince may sheare when he seeth good . But here before I conclude this part , I have shortly to answer the accusation of those men , which charge London with the losse and decay of many ( or most ) of the ancient Cities , corporate Townes and Markets within this Realme , by drawing from them to her selfe alone , say they , both all trade of trafficke by Sea , and the Retayling of Wares , and exercise of Manuali Arts also . Touching Navigation , which I must confesse , is apparantly decayed in many port Townes , and flourisheth onely or chiefly at London , I impute that partly to the fall of the Staple , the which being long since a great Trade , and bestowed sometimes at one Town , and sometimes at another within the Realme , did much enrich the place where it was , and being now not onely diminished in force , but also translated over the Seas , cannot but bring some decay with it , partly , to the impayring of Havens , which in many places have impoverisht those Towns , whose estate doth ebbe and flow with them , and partly , to the dissolution of Religious houses , by whose wealth and haunt , many of those places were chiefly fed and nourished . I meane not to rehearse particular examples of euery sort : for the thing it selfe speaketh , and I haste to an end . As for Retaylors thereof , and Handicrafts-men , it is no marvell if they abandon Countrey Townes , and resort to London : for not onely the Court , which is now adayes much greater , and more gallant than in former times , and which was wont to bee contented to remaine with a small company , sometimes at an Abbey or Priory , sometimes at a Bishops house , and sometimes at some meane Mannor of the Kings owne , is now for the most part either abiding at London , or else so neer unto it , that the provision of things most fit for it , may easily bee setched from thence : but also by occasion therof , the Gentlemen of all shires doe flye , and flocke to this City , the yonger sort of them to see and shew vanity , and the elder to save the cost and charge of hospitality , and house-keeping . For hereby it commeth to passe , that the Gentlemen being either for a good portion of the yeere out of the Countrey , or playing the Farmers , Grasiers , Brewers , or such like , more than Gentlemen were wont to doe within the Country , Retaylers and Artificers , at the least of such things as pertaine to the backe or belly , doe leave the Country Townes , where there is no vent , and doe flie to London , where they be sure to finde ready and quicke Market . And yet I wish that even as many Townes in the Low-Countries of King Philips doe stand some by one handy Art , and some by another : so also that it might bee provided here , that the making of some things , might ( by discreet dispensation ) be allotted to some speciall Townes , to the end , that although the daintinesse of men cannot be restrained , which will needs seeke those things at London , yet other places also might bee relieved at the least by the Workemanshippe of them . Thus much then of the estate of London , in the government thereof , in the condition of the Cittizens , and in their power and riches . Now follow the enumeration of such benefits , as redound to the Prince and this Realme by this City : In which doing , I professe not to rehearse all , but onely to recite and run over the chiefe and principall of them . Besides the commodities of the furtherance of Religion , and Justice : The propagation of Learning : The maintenance of Arts : The increase of riches , and the defence of Countries ( all which are before shewed to grow generally by Cities , and be common to London with them ) London bringeth singularly these good things following . By advantage of the situation , it disperseth forrain Wares , ( as the stomack doth meat ) to all the members most commodiously . By the benefit of the River of Thames and great Trade of Merchandize , it is the chiefe maker of Mariners , and Nurse of our Navy and Ships , which ( as men know ) bee the woodden walls for defence of our Realme . It maintaineth in flourishing estate , the Countries of Norfolk , Suffolke , Essex , Kent , and Sussex , which as they lye in the face of our most puissant neighbor , so ought they above others , to bee conserved in the greatest strength and riches : and these , as it is well knowne , stand not so much by the benefit of their owne soile , as by the neighbourhood and neerenesse which they have to London . It relieveth plentifully , and with good policy , not onely her owne poore people , a thing which scarcely any other Town or Shire doth , but also the poore that from each quarter of the Realme doe flocke unto it , and it imparteth liberally to the necessity of the Vniversities besides . It is an ornament to the Realme by the beauty thereof , and a terror to other Countries by reason of the great wealth and frequency . It spreadeth the honour of our Country farre abroad by her long Navigations , and maketh our power feared , even of barbarous Princes . It onely is stored with rich Merchants , which sort onely is tolerable : for beggerly Merchants doe bite too neere , and will doe more harme than good to the Realme . It onely of any place in this Realme , is able to furnish the sudden necessity with a strong Army . It availeth the Prince in Tronage , Poundage and other his customes , much more than all the rest of the Realme . It yeeldeth a greater Subsidy than any one part of the Realm , I mean not for the proportion of the value of the goods onely , but also for the faithfull service there used , in making the assesse ; for no where else bee men taxed so neere to their just value as in London : yea many are found there , that for their countenance and credit sake , refuse not to bee rated above their ability , which thing never hapneth abroad in the country . I omit that in ancient time , the Inhabitants of London and other Cities , were accustomably taxed after the tenth of their goods , when the Country was assessed at the fifteenth , and rated at the eighth , when the Country was set at the twelfth : for that were to awake a sleeping dog , and I should be thought dicenda , tacenda , locutus , as the Poet said . It onely doth , and is able to make the Prince a ready prest or loane of mony . It onely is found fit and able to entertaine strangers honourably , and to receive the Prince of the Realme worthily . Almighty God ( qui nisi custodiat Civitatem , frustrà vigilat custos ) grant , that his Majesty evermore rightly esteeme and rule this City , and He give grace , that the Citizens may answer duty , aswell towards God and his Majesty , as towards this whole Realme and Country , Amen . An Appendix containing the examination of such causes , as have heretofore moved the Princes , either to fine and ransome the Citizens of LONDON , or to seize the Liberties of the City it selfe . THese all may be reduced to these few heads : for either the Citizens have adhered in aid or armes , to such as have warred upon the Prince , or they have made tumult , and broken the common peace at home : or they have misbehaved themselves in point of government and justice : or finally , and to speak the plaine truth , the Princes have taken hold of small matters , and coyned good summes of money out of them . To the first head I will referre whatsoever they have done , either in those warres that happened betweene King Stephen and Maud the Empresse , being competitors of the Crown : or between King Iohn and his Nobles assisting Lewes the French Kings sonne when hee invaded the Realme : for it is apparent by all Histories , that the Londoners were not the movers of these wars , but were onely used as instruments to maintaine them . The like is to bee said of all the offences that King Henry the third , whose whole raigne was a continuall warfare , conceived against this City , concerning the bearing of Armour against him : for the first part of his reign was spent in the continuation of those warres that his Father had begun with Lewes . And the rest of his life hee bestowed in that contention , which was commonly called The Barons wars . In which Tragedy London , as it could not be otherwise , had now and then a part , and had many a snub at the Kings hand for it . But in the end , when he had triumphed over Simon Mountford at Evesham , London felt it most tragicall : for then he both seized their Liberties , and sucked themselves dry : and yet Edictum Kenelworth , made shortly after , hath an honourable testimony for London , saying , Te London laudamus , &c. As for the other offences that he tooke against the Londoners , they pertaine to the other parts of my division . Next after this , against whom the Londoners did put on armes , followeth King Edward the second , who in the end was deprived of his Kingdome , not by their meanes , but by a generall defection , both of his owne wife and sonne , and almost of the whole Nobility and Realme besides . In which trouble , that furious assault & slaughter , committed by them upon the Bishop of Excester , then Treasurer of the Realme , is to bee imputed , partly to the sway of the time wherewith they were carried , and partly to a private displeasure which they had to the Bishop . Finally , commeth to hand King Richard the second : for these three onely in all the Catalogue of our Kings , have beene heavy Lords to London , who also had much contention with his Nobility , and was in the end deposed . But whatsoever countenance and aide the City of London brought to the warres and uprores of that time , it is notoriously true , that London never led the Dance , but ever followed the Pipe of the Nobility . To cloze up this first part therefore I affirme , that in all the troublesome actions during the reigne of these three Kings , as also in all that heaving in , and hurling out , that afterward happened betweene King Henry the sixth , and King Edward the fourth , the City of London was many times a friend and fautor , but never the first motive or author of any intestine warre or sedition . In the second roome I place a couple of tumultuous affraies , that chanced in the daies of King Richard the first : The one upon the day of his Coronation against the Jewes , which , contrary to the Kings owne Proclamation , would needs enter the Church to see him sacred , and were therefore ctuelly handled by the common people . The other was caused by William with the long beard , who after that hee had inflamed the poore people against the richer sort , and was called to answer for his fault , took Bow Church for Sanctuary , and kept it Castle-like , till he was fired out . Here is a place also for the stoning to death of a Gentleman , servant to the halfe Brother of King Henry the third , which had before provoked the Citizens to fury , by wounding divers of them without any cause 1257. for the riotous fray between the servants of the Goldsmiths and the Taylors , 1268. for the hurly burly and bloodshed between the Londoners and the men of Westminster , moved by the Youngmen upon an occasion of a wrestling on Saint Iames day , 1221. and made worse by one Constantine an ancient Citizen : for the brawle and businesse that arose about a Bakers loafe at Salisbury place 1391. for the which and some other misdemeanors , King Richard the second was so incensed by evill counsell against the Londoners , that he determined to destroy them , and raze their City , and for the fight that was betweene the Citizens and Sanctuary men of Saint Martins 1454. under King Henry the sixth . And finally , for the misrule on evill May day 1519. and for such other like if there have beene any . To the third head may bee referred the seizer of their liberties , for a false judgement given against a poore widdow , called Margaret Viel , 1246. The two severall seizers in one yeere 1258. for false packing in collections of money and other enormities : And finally , the seizer made by King Edward the first , for taking of bribes of the Bakers 1285. But all this security in seizing and resuming of the liberties , which was in old time the onely ordinary punishment was at length mitigated by King Edward the third , and King Henry the fourth , in their statutes before remembred . In the last-place it and those offences , which I repute rather taken than given , and doe fall within the measure of the Adage , Vt canē caedas , citò invenias baculum : for King Iohn in the tenth of his reigne deposed the Bailiffes of London , because they had bought up the wheate in the Market , so that there was not to serve his Purveyors . King Henry the third his sonne compelled the Londoners to pay him 5000. pound , because they had lent to Lewes the French the like summe , of a good mind to dispatch him out of their City and the Realme , at such time as the Protectour and the whole Nobility fell to composition with him for his departure . And the same King fined them at three thousand markes , for the escape of a prisoner out of Newgate , of whom they took no charge : for he was a Clarke , prisoner to the Bishop of London , under the custody of his owne servants ; and as for the place , it was onely borrowed of the Londoners to serve that turne . Hitherto of these things to this end , that whatsoever misdemeanor shall bee objected out of History against London , the same may herein appeare , both in his true place , and proper colour . The Author to the Reader . BEcause amongst other mine Authors I have oftentimes alleaged Fitz-Stephens , as one more choice then other , namely , for the ancient estate of this City , more then foure hundred yeeres since : and also the said Author being rare , I have in this place thought good by impression to impart the same to my loving friends , the learned Antiquaries , as the Author wrote it in the Latine tongue . And first to note in effect , what Master Bale in commendation of the said Author writeth . William Stephanides , or Fitz-Stephen , a Monke of Canterbury , borne of worshipfull Parents in the City of London , well brought up at the first under good Masters , did more and more increase in honest condicions and learning : for ever in his young yeeres there appeared in him a certaine light of a Gentleman-like disposition , which promised many good things , afterward by him performed . Such time as others spent in brawles and idle talke , hee imployed in wholsome exercises for the honour of his Country , following therein the example of Plato : and was very studious both in humanity and divinity . The City of London , his birth place , the most Noble of all other Cities of this Land , and the Princes Seate , situated in the South part of this Iland , hee loved above all the other , so that at length he wrote most elegantly in Latine of the site , and rites of the same . Leland in divers of his Bookes commendeth him for an excellent Writer . He lived in the Raigne of King Stephen , wrote in the Raigne of Henry the second , and deceased in the yeere of Christ , 1191. in the Raigne of Richard the first . DESCRIPTIO NOBILILISSIMAE Civitatis LONDONIAE . De Situ ejusdem . INter nobiles Vrbes orbis , quas fama celebrat , civitas Londonia , Regni Anglorum sedes una est , quae famam sui latiùs diffundit , opes & merces longiùs transmittit , caput altiùs extollit . Foelix est aëris salubritate , Christiana Religione , firmitate munitionum , natura situs , honore civium , pudicitia matronali , ludis etiam , quàm iucunda , & Nobilium faecunda virorum : quae singula semotim libet inspicere . De Clementia aëris . IBi siquidem emollit animos hominum clementia Coeli , non ut sint in venerem putres , ut ne feri sint & bestiales , potius benigni & liberales . De Religione . ESt ibi in Ecclesia beati Pauli Episcopalis sedes , quondam fuit Metropolitana , & adhuc futura creditur , si remeaverint cives in Insulam : nisi forte Beati Thomae Martyris titulus Archiepiscopalis , & praesentia corporalis , dignitatem illam Cantuariae ( ubi nunc est ) conservet perpetuam . Sed cum utramque urbium harum Sanctus Thomas illustraverit , Londoniam ortu , Cantuariam occasu : ipsius sancti intuitu , cum iustitiae accessu , habet altera adversus alteram , quod amplius alleget . Sunt etiam ( quod ad Christianae fidei cultum pertinet ) tum in Londonia , tum in suburbano , 13. maiores Ecclesiae conventuum , praeter minores parochianas , 126. De Firmitate Vrbis . HAbet ab Oriente arcem Palatinam , maximam & fortissimam , cuius & area , & muri à fundamento profundissimo exurgunt : cemento cum sanguine animalium temperato . Ab occidente duo castella munitissima : muro urbis alto & magno , duplatis Heptapylae portis intercontinuante , turrito ab Aquilone per intercapedines , Similiterque ab Austro Londonia murata & turrita fuit : sed fluvius maximus piscosus Thamensis , mari influo refluoque qui illac allabitur , maenia illa tractu temporis alluit , labefactavit , deieci● . Item sursùm ab occidente Palatium Regium eminet super fluvium eundem , aedificium incomparabile , cum autemurali , & propugnaculis , duobus millibus ab urbe ; suburbano frequenti continuante . De Hortis . VNdique extra domos suburbanorum Horti civium arboribus consiti , spatiosi , & speciosi , contigui habentur . De Pascuis & Sationalibus . ITem à Borea suno agri paseui , & pratorum grata planities , aquis fluvialibus interfluis : ad quas molinorum versatiles rotae citantur cum murmure iocoso . Proximè patet foresta ingens , salcus nemorosi ferarum , latebrae cervorum , damarum , aprorum , & taurorum sylvestrium : Agri urbis sationales non sunt teiunae glareae , sed pingues Asiae campi qui faciunt laetas segetes , & suorum cultorum repleant horrea cerealis ingere culmi . De Fontibus . SVnt & circa Londoniam ab Aquilone suburbani fontes praecipui aqua dulci , salubri , perspicua , & per claros rivo trepidante lapilles . Inter quos Fons Sacer , Fons Clericorum , Fons Sancti Clementis nominatiores habentur , & adeuntur celebriori accessu , & maiori frequentia scholarum & vrbanae iuventutis in scrotinis aestivis ad auram exeuniis . Vrbs sanè bona , cùm bonum habeat Dominum . De honore Civium . VRbs ista viris est honoratae , armis decorata , multo habitatore populosae , ut tempore bellicae cladis sub rege Stephano bello apti , ex ea exeuntes ostentatui , haberentur 20000. armatorum equitum , 60. mille peditum aestimarentur . Cives Londoniae ubicunque locorum prae omnibus aliis civibus ornatu morum , vestium & mensae , locutione , spectabiles & noti habentur . De Matronis . Vrbis Matronae ipsae Sabinae sunt . De Scholis . IN Londonia tres principales ecclesiae Scholas celebres habent de privilegio & antiquae dignitate . Plerunque tamen favore personae al●●●us , vel aliquorum doctorum , qui secundum Philosophiam noti & praeclari habentur , & aliae ibi sunt Scholae de gratia & permissione . Diebus festis ad ecclesias festivas magistri coventus celebrantur . Disputant scholares , quidam demonstrativè , Dialecticè alii : alii recitant enthymematae : hi meliùs perfectis utuntur Syllogismis . Quidam ad estemationem exercentur disputatione , quae est inter colluctantes . Alii ad veritatem , ea quae est perfectionis gratia : sophisiae simulatores agmine & inundatione verborum beati iudicantur . Alii paralogizantur : Oratores aliqui quandoque orationibus Rhetoricis aliquid dicunt apposiiè ad persuadendum , curantes artis praecepta servare , & ex contingentibus nihil omittere . Fueri diversarum scholarum versibus inter se conrixantur : & de principiis artis Grammaticae , regulis praeteritorum vel futurorum contendunt : Sunt alii qui epigriimatibus , rithmis & metris utuntur , vetere illa triviali dicacitate , licentia Fescennina socios suppressis nominibus liberiùs lacerant , Laedorias inculantur & scommata , salibus Socraticis sociorum , vel fortè maiorum vitia tangunt , vel mordacius dente rodunt Theonino . Auditores muliùm , ridere parali ingemidant tremulos naso crispante cachinnos . De dispositione Vrbis . SIngulorum officiorum exercitores , singularum rerum venditores , singularism operarum suarum locatores , quotidiano mane per s . sunt locis distincti omnes , ut officiis . Praetereà est in Londonia supra ripam fluminis inter vina in navibus , & cellis vinariis venalia , publica coquina : ibi quotidiè pro tempore est invenire cibaria fercula , assa , frixa , elixa , pisces , pisciculos , carnes grossiores pauperibus , delicatiores divitibus , venationum , avium , avicularum . Si subitò veniant ad aliquem civium amici fatigati ex itinere , nec libeat ieiunis expectare , ut novi cibi emantur , cequantur , dant famuli manibus limphas panesque , interim adripam curritur , ibi presso sunt omnia desiderabilia . Quantal bet militum vel perigrinorum infinitas intrat urbem , qualibet dici vel noctis hora , vel ab urbe extitura , ne vel hi nimium ieiunent , vel alii impransi exeant , illuc si placeat divertunt , & se promodo suo singuli reficiunt : qui se curare volunt molliter , accipenserem vel aliam avem vel attagen Ionicum non quaerant , appositis quae ibi inveniuntur deliciis : Haec equidem publica , coquina est & civitati plurimum expediens , & ad Civitatem pertinens : Hinc est quod legitur in Georgia Platonis , juxtae medicinam esse coquorum officium , simulantium & adulationem quartae particulae civilitatis . Est ibi extra unam portarum statim in suburbio quidam planus campus re & nomine . Omni sexta feria , nisi sit major festivitas prae ceptae solemnitatis , est ihi celebre spectaculorum nobilium equorum venalium . Spectaturi vel empturi veniunt , qui in urbe adsunt , comites , harones , milites , cives plurimi . Iuvat videre gradarios succussatura nitente suaviter ambulantes : pedibus later aliter simul erectis , quasi à subalternis , & demissis : Hinc equos , qui armigeris magis conveniunt , durius incedentes , sed expeditè tamen , qui quasi à contra dictoribus pedes simul elevant & deponunt : Hinc nobiles pullos juniores , qui nondum fraeno bene assueti , altius incedunt , & mollia crura reponunt : Hinc summarios membris validis & vegetis . Hinc dextrarios precioses , elegantis formae , staturae honestae , micantes auribus , cervicibus arduis , clunibus obesis . In horum incessu spectant emptores , primo passum suaviorem , postea motum citatiorem , qui est quasi à contrariis pedibus anterioribus simul solo amotis & admotis , & posterioribus similiter . Cum talium soni pedum cursus imminet , & aliorum fortè qui similiter sunt in genere suo ad vecturam validi , ad cursuram vegeti : clamor attollitur , vulgares equos in partem ire praecipitur : Sessores alipidum pueri tres simul , aliquando bini ex condicto & bini certamini sepraeparant docti equis imperitare , indomitorum lupatis temperant fraen●s ora : hoc maximè praecavent , ne alteralteri concursum praeripiat . Et qui similiter pro modo suo ad certamen cursus illius attollunt ; tremunt artus , morae impatientes , stare loco nesciunt , facto signo membra extendunt , cursum rapiunt , agilitate pervicaci feruntur : certant c●ssores laudis amore , spe victoriae , equis admissis subdere calcaria , & nec minus urgere eos virgis & ciere clamoribus . Putares omnia in motu esse , secundum Heraclitum , & falsam omnino Zenonis sententiam , dicentis , quoniam , non continget moveri , neque stadium pertransire . Parte alia stant serosim rusticorum peculia , agrorum instrumenta , sues longis lateribus , vaccae distentis vberibus , corpora magna boum , lanigerumque pecus : stant ibi aptae aratris , trahis & bigis equae : quarundam ventres foetibus tument : alias editi foetus obeunt pulli lasciviores , sequela inseparabilis . Ad hanc urbē ex omni natione quae sub coelo est , navalia gaudent institores habere commercia . Aurum mittit Arabs , species & thura Sabaeus , Arma Scythes , oleum palmarum divite silva . Pingue solum Babylon , Nilus lapides preciosos . Seres purpureas vestes . Norwegi , Russi , varium , grisium , sabelinas : Galli sua vina . Vrbe Roma secundum Chronicorum fidem satis antiquior est . Ab eisdem quippe patribus Trojanis haec prius à Bruto condita est , quàm a Remo & Romulo . Vnde & adhuc antiquis eisdem utuntur legibus communibus institutis . Haec similiter illi regionibus est distincta : habet annuos pro consulibus vicecomites : habet senatoriam dignitatem & magistratus minores : Eluviones & aquaeductus in vicis : Ad genera causarum deliberativae , demonstrativae , judicialis loca sua , fora singula : habet sua diebus statutis comitia . Non puto urbem esse , in qua sint probabiliores consuetudines , in ecclesiis visitandis , ordinatis Dei honorandis , festis feriandis , eleemosynis dandis , in hospitibus suscipiendis , in desponsationibus firmandis , matrimoniis contrahendis , nuptiis celebrandis , conviviis ornandis , conivis hilarandis , etiam in exequiis curandis & cadaveribus humandis . Solae pestes Londini sunt , immoderata stultorum potatio , & frequens incendium . Ad haec omnes ferè Episcopi , Abbates , & Magnates Angliae , quasicives & municipes sunt urbis Londoniae : sui ibi habentes aedifi●ia praeclara , vbi se recipiunt , ubi divites impensas faciunt , ad consilia , ad conventus celebres in urbem evocati , a Domino rege , vel Metropolitano suo , seu propiis tracti negotiis . De Ludis . AMplius & ad ludos urbis veniamus , quoniam non expedit utilem tantum & seriam urbem esse , nisi dulcis etiam sit , & iucunda . Vnde & in sigillis summorum Pontificum , usque ad tempor a Leonis Papae , ex altera parte Bullae , sculpto per impressionem piscatore Petro , & supra eum clave quasimanu Dei de coelis ei porrecta & circa eum versu , Tu pro me navem liquisti , suscipe clavem . Ex altera parte impressa erat urbs , & Scriptura ista , Aurea Roma . Item ad laudem Caesaris Augusti , & Romae dictum est : Nocte pluit tota , redueunt spectacula mane , Divisum imperium cum Iove Caesar habes . Londonia pro spectaculis theatralibus , pro ludis scenicis , ludos habet sanctiores , repraesentationes miraculorum , quae sancti Confessores operati sunt , sea repraesentationes passionum , quibus claruit constantia Martyrum . Praeterea quotannis die , quae dicitur Carnivale , ut à puerorum ludis incipiamus ( omnes enim pueri fuimus ) scholarum singuli pueri suos apportans magistro suo gallos gallinaceos pugnatores , & totum illud antemeridianum datur ludo puerorum vacantium , spectare in scholis suorum pugnas gallorum . Post Prandium exit in campos omnis iuventus vrbis ad lusum pilae celebrem . Singulorum stud●orum scholares suam habent pilam : singulorum officiorum urbis exercitores suam singuli pilam in manibus . Majores natu patres & divites urbis , in equis spectatum veniunt certamina juniorum , & modo suo inveniuntur cum juvenibus , & excitari videtur in eis motus caloris naturalis , contemplatione tanti motus & participatione gaudiorum adolescentiae liberioris . Singulis diebus dominicis in Quadragesima post prandia , exit in campos juvenum recens examen in equis bellicosis : in equis certamine primis : quorum quisque aptus & in gyros currere doctus equus . Erumpunt à portis catervatim filii civium laici , instructi lanceis & scutis militaribus , juniores hastalibus ferro dempto praefurcatis , simulachra belli cient & agonisticam exercent militarem . Adveniunt & plurimi Aulici , Rege in vicino posito , & de familiis Consulum & Baronum ephebi : nondum cingulo donati militiae gratia concertandi . Accendit singulos spes victoriae : equi feri adhinniunt , tremunt artus , fraenos mandunt , impatientes morae stare loco nesciunt . Cum tandem , Sonipedum rapit ungula cursum , sessores adolescentes divisis agminibus , hi praecedentibus instant , nec assequuntur hi socios dejiciunt & praetervolant . In feriis Paschalibus ludunt quasi praelia navalia : in arbore ●iquidem mediamna scuto fortior innexo , navicula remo & raptu fluminis cita , in prora stantem habet juvenem , scutum illud lancea percussurum : qui si scuto illi Linceamillidens frangat eam , & immotus persistat , habet propositum , voti compos est : si vero lancea integra fortiter percusserit , in profluentem amnem dijicitur : Navis motu suo acta praeterit . Sunt tamen hinc inde secus scutum duae naves stationariae , & in eis juvenes plurimi , ut eripiant percussorem flumine abscorptum cum primo emersus comparet , vel summa rursus cum bullit in unda . Supra pontem & in solariis suprae fluvium , sunt qui talia spectent , multum rideri parati . In festis tota aestate juvenes ludentes exercentur , in saliendo in arcu , in lucta , jactu lapidum , amentatis missilibus ultra metam expediendis , parmis duellionum . Puellarum Cytherae● ducit choros , & pede libero pulsatur tellus , usque imminente Luna . In hyeme singulis fere festis ante prandium , vel apri Spumantes pugnant pro capitibus , & verres falmineis accincti dentibus addendi Succidiae , vel pingues tauri Cornupetae , seu ursi immanes cum objectis depugnant canibus . Cùm est congelata palus illa magna quae maenia urbis aquilonalia alluit , exeunt lusum super glaciem densae juvenum turmae : Hi ex cursu motu captato citatiore , distantia pedum posita , magnum spatium latere altero praetenso perlabuntur . Alii qu●si magnos lapides molares de glacie sedes sibi taciunt : sessorem unum trabunt plurimi p●aecurrentes , manibus se tenentes : in tanta citatione motus aliquando pedibus lapsi cadunt omnes proni . Sunt alii super glaciem ludere doctiores , singuli pedibus suis aptantes , & sub talaribus suis alligantes ossa , tibias scilicet animalium , & palos ferro acuto superposito tenentes in manibus , quos aliquando glaciei allidunt : tanta rapacitate feruntur , quanta avis volans , vel pilum balistae . Interdum autem permagna procul distantia ex condicto , duo aliqui ita ab oppositis veniunt , concurritur : palos erigunt , se invicem percutiunt : vel alter , vel ambo cadunt , non sine laesione corporali , cùm post casum etiam vi motus feruntur ab invicem procul : & qua parte glacies caput tangit , totum radit , totum decorticat . Plerumque tibia cadentis , vel brachium , si super illud ceciderit , confringitur . Sed aetas avida gloriae , juventus cupida victoriae , ut in veris praeliis fortius se habeant , ita in simulatis exercentur . Plurimi civium delectantur , ludentes in avibus coeli , Nisis , accipitribus , & hujusmodi , & in canibus milit antibus in silvis . Habentque cives suum jus venandi , in Middlesexia , Hertfordscira , & to a Chiltra , & in Cantia usque ad aquam Graiae . Lundonienses tunc Trinovantes dicti , Caium Iulium Caesarem , qui nullas nisi sanguine fuso vias habere gaudebat , repulerunt . Vnde Lucanus , Territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis . Civitas Londonia reperit aliquos , qui regna plurima , & Romanum sibi subdiderunt imperium : & plurimos alios , quos mundi Dominos virtus euixit ad Deos , ut fuerat in Apollinis oraculo Bruto promissum : Brute sub occasu solis , trans Gallica Regna , Insula in Oceano est undique clausa mari : Hanc pete : namque tibi sedes erit illa pe●ernis , Haec fiet natis altera Troja tuis . Hic de stripe tua reges nascentur , & ipsis Totius terrae subditus orbis erit . In temporibus Christianis nobil●m illum edidit imperatorem Constantinum , qui urbem Romam , & imperialia insignia omnia Deo donavit , & beato Petro & Silvestro Papae , cui & stratoris exhibuit officium , & se non amplius Imperatorem , sed Sanctae Ecclesiae Romanae defensorem gavisus est vocari : & ne pax Domini Papae occasione praesentiae ejus secularis strepitus tumultu concuteretur , ipse ab urbe Domino Papae collata discessit , & sibi civitatem Bizantium edificavit . Lundonia & modernis temporibus , reges illustres magnificosque peperit . Imperatricem Matildem , Henricum regem tertium , & beatum Thomam Archiepiscopum Christi Martyrem gloriosum , quali non candidiorem tulit , nec quo fuerit devinctior alter omnibus bonis totius orbis Latini . A DESCRIPTION OF THE MOST HONOVRABLE CITY OF LONDON . The Situation thereof . AMong the Noble Cities of the World , honoured by fame , the City of LONDON is one , the chiefe Seate of the Kingdome of England , whose renowne is spred abroad farre and neere , but transporteth her wares and commodities much further , and so advanceth her greatnesse . It is happy by reason of the Aires wholsomnesse , by Christian Religion , her munition also and strength , the nature of the situation , the honour of the Citizens , the chastity of grave Matrones . Very pleasant also with sports and pastimes , and replenished with Honourable Personages . All which I thinke meet severally to consider . The temperatenesse of the Aire . IN this place , the calmnesse of the Aire doth mollifie mens minds , not corrupting them with venereall lusts , but preserving them from savage and rude behaviour , and seasons their inclinations with a more ingenious temper . Of Religion . THere is in the Church of Saint Paula Bishops See : It was formerly Metropolitane , and as it is thought , shall recover the said dignity againe , if the Citizens shall returne backe into the Iland , except perhaps the Archepiscopall title of Saint Thomas the Martyr , and his bodily presence , doe perpetuate this honour to Canterbury , where now his Reliques are . But seeing Saint Thomas hath graced both these Cities , namely , London with his birth , and Canterbury with his death ; one place may alleage much against the other for the beholding of that Saint , and further additions to their holinesse . Now , concerning the worship of God in the Christian faith : There are in London and in the Suburbs 13. Churches belonging to Covents , besides 126. lesser Parish Churches . Of the strength of the City . IT hath on the East part a Tower Palatine large and strong , whose Court and Walls are secured with a very deepe foundation , the morter is tempered with the blood of beasts . On the West side are two Castles well fenced . The Wall of the City is high and spacious , with seven gates , which are made double every way , and on the North side distinguished with Turrets . Likewise on the South side , London hath beene inclosed with Walls and Towers , but the large River of Thames being well stored with Fish , and in which the Tide ebbes and flowes , by continuance of time hath washed and worne away those walls . Further , above in the West part , the Kings Palace is eminently seated upon the same River , an incomparable building , having a Wall before it , and some Bullwarks ; it is two miles from the City , and a continuall Subvrbs doth lye betweene . Of the Gardens . NEere to the houses of the Sub-vrbs , the Citizens have Gardens and Orchards planted with trees , large , beautifull , and one joyning to another . Of Pasture and Tillage . ON the North side are Fields for Pasture , and open Meadowes , very pleasant , into which the River-waters doe flow , and Mills are turned about with a delightfull noise . Next , lieth a great Forest , in which are wooddy places , and Beasts for game . In the Coverts whereof doe lurke the Stag , the Bucke , the wilde Bore , and the Bull. The arable Lands are no hungry pieces of gravell ground , but like the rich fields of Asia , which bring plentifull Corne , and fill the Barnes of the owners with a dainty crop of the fruits of Ceres . Of their Wells . THere are on the North part of London principall Fountaines of water , sweet , wholsome , and cleare , streaming forth among the glistering pebble stones : In this number Holy-well , Clerken-well , and Saint Clements well , are of most note and frequented above the rest , when Schollers and the youth of the City take the Aire abroad in the Summer evenings . Certainly the City is good , seeing it hath a good Lord. Of the Citizens honour . THe Honour of this City consists in proper Men , brave Armour , and multitude of Inhabitants . In the fatall warres under King Steven , there went out to a Master , men fit for warre , esteemed to the number of 20000. horsemen armed , and 60000. footmen . The Citizens of London are knowne in all places , and respected above all others , by their civill Demeanour , their good Apparell , their Table , and their Discourse . Of their Matrones . THe Matrones here may be paralleld with the Sabine women . Of their Schooles . IN London three famous Schooles are kept at three principall Churches , which they retaine by priviledge and ancient dignity . Notwithstanding by favour of some persons , or Teachers , who are knowne and well reputed for their Philosophie ; there are other Schooles upon good will and sufferance . Vpon the Holydayes , assemblies flocke together about the Church , where the Master hath his abode . There the Schollers dispute ; some use demonstrations , others topicall and probable arguments : Some practise Enthimems , others are better at perfect Syllogismes : Some for a shew dispute , and for exercising themselves , & strive like adversaries : Others for truth , which is the grace of perfection . The dissembling Sophisters turne Verbalists , and are magnified when they overflow in speech ; some also are intrapt with deceitfull arguments . Sometime certaine Oratours , with Rhotoricall Orations , speake handsomly to perswade , being carefull to observe the precepts of Art , who omit no matter contingent . The Boyes of divers Schooles wrangle together in versifying , and canvase the principles of Grammar , as the rules of the Preterperfect and Future Tenses . Someafter an old custome of prating , vse Rimes & Epigram : these can freely quip their fellowes , suppressing their names with a festinine and railing liberty : these cast out most abusive jests , and with Socraticall witnesses either they give a touch at the vices of Superiours , or fall upon them with a Satyricall bitternesse . The hearers prepare for laughter , and make themselves merry in the meane time . How the Affaires of the City are disposed . SEverall Craftmen , and sellers of Wares , and Workemen for hire , all are distinguished every morning by themselves , both in their places and imploiments . Besides , there is in London upon the Rivers banke , a publike place of Cookery , betweene the Ships laden with Wine , and the Wines laid up in Cellers to bee sold : there ye may call for any dish of meat , rost , fried , or sodden , Fish both small and great , ordinary flesh for the poorer sort , and more dainty for the rich , as Venison and Fowle . If friends come upon a sudden , wearied with travell , to a Citizens house , and they be loth to wait for curious preparations , and dressings of fresh meat , the servants give them Water to wash , and Bread to stay their stomacke , and in the meane time goe to the water side , where all things are at hand answerable to their desire . Whatsoever multitude , either of Souldiers or other strangers , enter into the City at any houre , day or night , or elle are about to depart , they may turne in , bait there , and refresh themselves to their content , and so avoid long fasting , and not goe away without their dinner . If any desire to fit their dainty tooth , they need not to long for the Accipenser , or any other Bird ; no not the rare Godwit of I●nia . This publike victualing place is very convenient , and belongs to the City . Hereupon we reade in Platoes Gorgias , that the office of Cookes is neere to Physicke , and the ●latrery of dissemblers is the fourth part of civility . Without one of the gates is a certaine field , plaine both in name and situation . Every Fryday , except some Festivall come in the way there is a great market of horses : some come out of the City to buy or looke on , Earles , Barons , Knights , and many Citizens resort thither . It is a pleasant sight there to behold the Nags to jog on with an ambling pace , and their feet on either side up and downe together by turnes , or else cro●●ing horses which are more convenient for men that beare armes ; these although they set a little harder , goe away readily , and lite up and set downe together the contrary feet on either side . Here are also young Colts of a good breed , that have not beene well accustomed to the bridle ; these fling about , and by mounting bravely , shew their mettle . Here are principall horses , strong and well-limmed . Here also are brest horses , fit to bee joyned by couples , very faire and handsome , and sleeke about the eares , carrying their necks aloft , being well flesht , and round about the buttocks . The buyers at first looke at their soft and slow pace , and after cause them to put on with more speed , and behold them in their gallop . When these Coursers are ready to runne their race , and perhaps some others , which in their kinde are both good for carriage and strong for travaile : The people give a shout , and the common Hackneys are commanded to go aside The boyes that ride , make matches among themselves , two and two together , being expert in governing their horses , which they rule and curbe with a sharpe bridle , labouring by all meanes that one get not before the other . And the very beasts , after their fashion , doe not cease to strive , while their joynts tremble , and impatient of delay , endure not standing still in a place . When the token is given , they stretch out their bodies and runne speedily away , the Riders spurring them on for the love of praise , or hope of victory . You would thinke every thing were in motion with Heraclitus , and Zenoes opinion to bee false , saying that nothing moves from place to place . In another part stand the country people with Cattell , and commodities of the field , large Swine , and Kine with their Vdders strutting out , faire bodied Oxen and Sheepe . There are also Cart-horses fit for the Dray , or the Plough , and some Mares big with Foale , together with others that have their wanton Colts following them close at their side . To this City Merchants bring in Wares frō every Nation under heaven : The Arabian sends his Gold ; the Sabean his Frankincense & other Drugs ; the Scythian his provision frō the plentifull wood of Date trees ; Babylon bestowes the fruits of a fertile soile ; and Nylus his precious stones ; the Seres send Purple garments ; they of Norway and Russia , Trowts , Furs , and Sables . According to the report of Chronicles , it is more ancient then the City of Rome : for both being descended from the same Trojan stocke , Brute builded this , before Remus and Romulus the other . Whereupon it comes to passe , that their ancient Lawes doe so agree : For this our City is distinguished by Wards and severall limits ; it hath Sheriffes every yeere , answerable to their Consuls ; it hath Aldermen , enjoying the dignity of Senators , besides inferiour Magistrates ; it hath also Conduits and conveyances for water in the streets . Concerning causes in question ; there are severall places and Courts for matters Deliberative , Demonstrative , and Judiciall : upon set dayes also they have their Common Councell and great Assemblies . I thinke there is no City that hath more approved Customes , for frequenting the Churches , for honouring Gods Ordinances observing of Holy-dayes , giving Almes , entertaining Strangers , confirmation of Contracts , making up and celebrating of Marriages , setting out of Feasts , welcomming the Guests ; and moreover , in funerall rites , and burying of the dead . The only plagues of London are immoderate drinking of idle fellowes , and often fires . Moreover , almost all Bishops , Abbots , and Noble men of England , are as it were , Citizens and Free-men of London ; there they have faire dwellings , and thither they doe often resort , and are called into the City to Consultations and solemne meetings , either by the King , or their Metropolitane , or drawne by the peoples affaires . Of Exercise and Pastimes . LEt us also come at last to their Sports and Exercises ; for it is expedient that a City bee not onely commodious for gaine , and serious , but also pleasant and delightfull . Therefore to the time of Pope Leo , the Popes gave in their Seales , on one side of their Bull , Saint Peter like a Fisherman , and over him a Key reached forth to him as it were from Heaven by the hand of God , and this verse about it : For me thy Ship thou didst forsake , Therefore the Key of Heaven take . On the other part was stamped a City with this Inscription , Golden Rome . Also this was written to the praise of Caesar Augustus , and Rome : All night the Sky distils downe watry showeres , The morning cleeres againe to shew the play . Great Iove and Caesar have their severall houres , And in this Vniverse by turnes beare sway . London , in stead of common Enterludes belonging to the Theatre , hath plaies of a more holy subject , representations of those miracles which the holy Confessors wrought , or of the sufferings wherein the glorious constancy of Martyrs did appeare . Besides that , wee may beginne with the Schooles of youth , seeing once wee were all children ; Yeerely at Shrovetide the Boyes of every Schoole bring fighting Cocks to their Masters , and all the forenoone is spent at Schoole , to see these Cockes fight together . After dinner , all the youth of the City goeth to play at the Ball in the fields , the Schollers of every Schoole have their Balls . The teachers also that traine up others in seats and exercises , have every one their Ball in their hands . The ancient and wealthy Citizens come on horsebacke to see these yongsters contending at their sport , with whom in a manner they participate by motion , stirring their owne naturall heat in the view of youth , with whose mirth and liberty they seeme to communicate . Every Sunday in Lent , after dinner , a company of young men ride out into the fields on horses which are fit for warre , and principall runners : every horse among them is taught to run his rounds . The Citizens sonnes issue out thorow the gates by troupes , furnished with Lances and warlike Shields : the yonger sort have their Pikes not headed with yron , where they make a representation of battell : There resort to this exercise many Courtiers , when the King lies neere-hand , and young striplings out of the families of Barons and great persons , which have not yet attained to the warlike Girdle , doe traine and skirmish . Hope of victory inflames every one : the neighing and fierce horses bestir their joynts , and chew their bridles , and cannot indure to stand still ; at last they beginne their race , and then the yong men divide their troupes ; some labour to outstrip their leaders , and cannot reach them ; others fling downe their fellowes , and get beyond them . In Easter Holy-dayes they counterfeit a Sea-sight : a Pole is set up in the middle of the River , with a Target well fastened thereon , and a yong man stands in a Boat which is rowed with Oares , and driven on with the tide , who with his Speare hits the Target in his passage ; with which blow , if he breake the Speare , and stand vpright , so that hee hold footing , hee hath his desire : but if his Speare continue unbroken by the blow , hee is tumbled into the water , and his Boat passeth cleere away : but on either side this Target , two Ships stand in Ward , with many yong men ready to tak him up after he is sunke : assoone as he appeareth againe on the top of the water ; the spectators stand upon the Bridge , and other convenient places about the River to behold these things , being prepared for laughter . Vpon the Holy-dayes , the youth is exercised all Summer , in Leaping , Shooting , Wrestling , casting of Stones , and throwing of Javelins fitted with loopes for the purpose , which they strive to fling beyond the marke ; they also use Bucklers , like fighting men . As for the Maidens , they have their exercise of Dancing . In Winter , almost every Holy-day before dinner , the foaming Bores fight for their heads , and prepare with deadly Tushes to bee made Bacon ; or else some lusty Bulls , or huge Beares , are baited with Dogs . When that great Moorish Lake at the North part of the City wall is frozen over , great companies of young men goe to sport upon th yee , then fetching a runne , and setting their feet at a distance , and placing their bodies sidewise , they slide a great way . Others take heapes of yee , as if it were great Mil-stones , and make seats : many going before , draw him that sits thereon , holding one another by the hand ; in going so fast , sometime they all fall downe together : some are better practised to the yee , and binde to their shooes , Bones , as the legs of some beasts , and hold Stakes in their hands , headed with sharpe yron , which sometimes they strike against the yee ; and these men goe on with such speed , as doth a Bird in the Aire , or Darts shot from some warlike Engine : sometime two men set themselves at a distance , and runne one against another , as it were at tilt , with these Stakes , wherewith one or both parties are throwne downe , not without some hurt to their bodies ; and after their fall , by reason of the violent motion , are carried a good distance one from another : and wheresoever the yee doth touch their head , it rubs off the skin and bruiseth it : and if one fall upon his leg or his arme , it is usually broken : But young men being greedy of honour , and desirous of victory , doe thus exercise themselves in counterfeit battels , that they may beare the brunt more strongly , when they come to it in good earnest . Many Citizens take delight in Birds , as Spar-hawkes , Gosse-hawkes , and such like , and in Dogs to hunt in the wooddy ground . The Citizens have authority to hunt in Middlesex , Hertfordshire , all the Chilterns , and in Kent , as farre as Gray-water . The Londoners , once called Trinovants , repulsed C. Iulius Caesar , who commonly paved his way with blood : whereupon Lucan ; He was afraid , and foil'd by Britons hand , That first presumed to invade their land . The City of London can bring out some who subdued many Kingdomes , and the Empire of Rome , and many others who ( being great Lords heires ) were deified in another world : as Apolloes Oracle did promise Brute : Brute , thou shalt finde an Iland in the West , Beyond the Gaules , environ'd with the maine ; Direct thy journey thither for thy rest , And there a second Troy shall rise againe . Kings from thy Hieres , and Conquerours shall spring . Who will the world into subjection bring . In the times of Christianity , it brought forth the Noble Emperour Constantine , who gave the City of Rome , and all the Imperiall Armes to God , and to Saint Peter , and Silvester the Pope , whose Stirrop hee refused not to hold , and pleased rather to be called , Defendour of the holy Romane Church , than Emperour any more . And lest the peace of our Lord the Pope should suffer any disturbance , by the noise of secular affaires , he left the City , and bestowed it on the Pope , and founded the City of Constantinople for his owne habitation . London also in these latter times hath brought forth famous and magnificent Governours ; Maud the Empresse , Henry the third , King , and Thomas the Archbishop , a glorious Martyr of Christ , then whom no man was more innocent , or more devoted to the generall good of the Latine world . AN ABSTRACT OR BRIEFE RELATION OF THE TVVO MANNORS OR Lordships of Stebunheath , alias , Stepney ; and Hackney , in the County of Middlesex ; with the free customes , benefits , and priviledges to them belonging ; and how they are holden by the Copy-hold Tenants , of the right Honourable , Thomas Lord Wentworth : with some other especiall and remarkeable notes , both of reverend Antiquity , and moderne memory . Concerning the Indenture of Covenants , &c. WHereas ( of late ) differences have arisen betweene the right Honorable Thomas L. Wentworth , Lord of the Mannors of Stepney and Hackney , and his Lordships Copy-hold Tenants of the said Mannors , for and concerning some of the customes , benefits , and priviledges of the said Tenants : It hath now pleased the said Thomas Lord Wentworth , in consideration of three thousand pounds , of lawfull money of England , in the thirtieth yeere of the Reigne of our late Soveraigne Lady Queene Elizabeth , by the Copy-holders of the said Mannors , unto the right Honourable Henry Lord Wentworth ( his Lordships Father ) then satisfied and paid : As also of other three thousand and 5. hundred pounds more , to him the said Thomas Lord Wentworth now paid , by Indenture bearing date the 20. day of Iune , in the 15. yeere of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord King Iames of England , France , and Ireland , and of Scotland the 50. made betweene him the said Thomas Lord Wentworth , Lord of the said Mannors on the one part , and Sir Iohn Iolles Knight , and Alderman of London , and divers other of the Copy-hold Tenants of the said Mannors ( whose names are particularly in the said Indenture recited ) on the other part : for the appeasing and finall end of the said differences , and for prevention of the like , and all other which ( in time to come ) might happen , arise or grow , betwixt the said Lord his heires or assignes , Lords of the said Mannors , and the said Copy-hold Tenants , their heires or assignes , to covenant , grant , conclude , and fully agree to the effect following , that is to say : Imprimis , that the said Thomas Lord Wentworth is , and untill a perfect Act of Parliament shall bee had and made , whereby all the liberties , priviledges , benefits , customes , immunities , discharges , additions , alterations , enlargements , matters and things , in the Scedules to the said Indenture annexed , mentioned ; shall be for ever confirmed , shall be and continue seized of a good , absolute and indefeazeable estate of Inheritance in fee-simple to him and his heires for ever in possession , of , & in the said Mannors , and either of them , and of the Copy-hold Lands , Tenements and Hereditaments of the said Copy-hold Tenants before mentioned , parties to the said Indenture . And that hee now hath , and then shall have full power and lawfull authority , to ratifie , confirme , establish and make good , all and singuler the covenants , articles , alterations , enlargements , free-customes , immunities , discharges and agreements contained in the said Indenture and Scedules , or either of them , to the said Copy-hold Tenants respectively , and to their severall and respective heires and assignes , of and in the severall and respective Messuages , Lands , Tenements , and Hereditaments , whereof they are seized of any estate by Copy of Court-Roule . And that the said Thomas Lord Wentworth , his heires , assignes , and all other Lords of the said Mannors , shall for ever hereafter observe , performe , fulfill , allow , ratifie , make good and keepe all the said Articles , certainty of fines , usages , customes , priviledges , benefits , immunities , discharges , compositions and agreements in the said Indenture and Scedules contained : And shall not at any time hereafter leavy , take , require , or demand any other fines , suites , customes , workes or services , or in any other manner , than in the said Scedules are specified : And the rents which for the said Copy-hold Tenements , by the space of two yeeres now last past , have beene yeelded and paid by the Copy-hold Tenants thereof . And also that the said Tenants , their heires and assignes , shall for ever hereafter peaceably and quietly have , hold , maintaine , and enjoy their severall and respective Copy-holds , with their appurtenances , according to the severall grants thereof to them made ; and under the severall rents for the same respectively , now due and payable according to the true meaning of the said Indenture and Scedules , without let , suit , or hindrance , interruption , alteration , question , or contradiction whatsoever of him the said Lord Wentworth , his heires or assignes , or under any other claiming any estate , right , title , use , interest , office , profit , charge , or demand , under his Lordship , his heires or assignes , or under the said Henry Lord Wentworth deceased . And that the said Thomas Lord Wentworth , his heires or assignes hath not , nor hereafter shall grant or conuey , severed from the Mannor thereof , the same is now holden ; any of the Messuages , Cottages , Lands , Tenements , or Hereditaments of the said Copy-holders , for any other estate or terme , other than by Copy of Court-Roule , according to the custome of the said Mannors , except the free-hold to bee severed , at the desire of such person , as then shall bee Copy-holder thereof respectively : And that the certainty of sines , free customes , immunities , liberties , priviledges , articles , discharges , and agreements in the said Scedules contained , for and concerning the severall Messuages , Cottages , Lands , Tenements , and Hereditaments , whereof the said parties to the said Indenture are Copy-holders ; shall ( for ever ) be , and bee had , used , accounted , adjudged , taken and enjoyed , as the true customes , usuages , priviledges , immunities , discharges , and liberties , of and within the said Mannors , and either of them not to be violated , altered , changed , or denied by the Lord or Lords of the said Mannors , or either of them now or hereafter , at any time or times in any wise being . Item , that for the better ratifying , establishing , confirming , strengthening ; perfecting , and making good of all and singuler the said Articles , covenants , agreements , certainty of fines , usuages , customes , enlargements , and alterations of usuages and customes , compositions , liberties , priviledges , freedomes , immunities , discharges , matters and things in the said Indenture and Scedules contained , and for the setting forth of what estate the said Thomas Lord Wentworth is now , and then shall be seized of the said Mannors and premisses , upon a Bill of complaint against his Lordship , in his Majesties Court of Chancery to be exhibited : his Lordship will appeare , and make such answer , and further such proceedings , that thereupon a perfect decree ( with the free consent and agreement of his Lordship ) may bee had , and there enrouled against his Lordship , his heires and assignes . By which the said Articles , covenants , agreements , certainty of fines , usuages and customes , and all the compositions , liberties , priviledges , freedomes , immunities , discharges , matters and things in the said Indenture and Scedules , or any of them contained ; shall bee decreed , ratified , established and made good , and put in ure , used and enjoyed for ever . That he the said Thomas Lord Wentworth , his heires and assignes , at his and their own proper costs and charges , will procure at the first Session of the next Parliament of our Soveraine Lord the Kings Majesty , his heires or successors , one Statute or Act of Parliament , by force whereof the said Articles , covenants , agreements , certainty of fines , usuages , customes , compositions , enlargements , and alterations of usuages , customes , compositions , liberties , priviledges , benefits , freedomes , immunities , discharges , matters and things in the said Indenture and Scedules , or either of them expressed ; shall be established , ratified , enacted and confirmed to be , and to continue for ever of force , and to be put in ure and used for ever hereafter , in such state , manner and forme , quality , condition and degree , as the same are in the said Indenture or Scedules , or any of them expressed , for and concerning the Lands , Tenements , and Hereditaments , wherof they now are Copy-holders , or reputed Copy-holders . Towards the charges of procuring of which the said Act of Parliament , the said Tenants are to pay unto the said Thomas Lord Wentworth , his heires or executors , within one moneth next after the obtaining and passing thereof , the sum of twenty pounds . That he the said Thomas L. Wentworth , his heires and assignes , at any time within five yeeres next ensuing the date of the said Indenture , before such Act of Parliament , as aforesaid , had and obtained , at the costs in the law of the said Copy-hold Tenants , or some of them , upon request made unto him the said Thomas Lord Wentworth , his heires or assignes , by the said Sir Iohn Iolles , Knight and Alderman of London , William Gough , Edmund Barber , Iohn Eglesfield , Isaack Cotton , Thomas Best , Richard Hoskins , George Saris , Henry Dethicke , Iohn Howland , Thomas Yardly , Iohn Lowden , Richard Cheyney , Gresham Hoogan , William Palmer , Nicholas Dickens , Nicholas Diggins , Peter Summer , Iohn Bennet , Richard Edwards , Michael Bonner , & Nicholas Hollam , or any ten of them , or any ten of the Heires or Assigues of them , shall and will make , doe , acknowledge , execute and suffer all and every such further acts , deeds and assurances , for better setling , assuring and confirming of the usuages , customes , benefits , liberties , priviledges , immunities , discharges , certainty of fines , compositions , agreements , matters and things in the said Indenture and Scedules contained , as by them , or any ten of them shal be reasonably devised , advised and required . That every one of the said Copy-hold Tenants , their heires and assignes , shall and may freely hereafter from time to time , grant , lease or demise by deed or otherwise ( without licence or Copy of Court Roule ) such or so much of their said Lands , Tenements , and Hereditaments , to such person and persons , and for such tearme and estate , not exceeding one and thirty yeeres and foure moneths , in possession from the time of the making of any such grant or demise ; as to them , and every , or any of them respectively , shall bee thought fit or necessary , without any forfeit of estate , seizure , claime , disturbance , deniall or impeachment of his Lordship , his heires or assignes , or any of his or their Officers . So alwaies , that such grant , lease and leases so to bee made , be at the first or second generall Court , ( for the Mannor whereof , the Lands or Tenements so happening to be granted , leased or demised are parcell ) to be holden next after the making thereof , be published in open Court of that Mannor , before the homage there , and a remembrance thereof to bee required to bee made in the Roules of the said Court , for the date , tearme and quantity of Lands , Cottages , or Tenements so granted , leased or demised . Which remembrance , the said Thomas Lord Wentworth convenanteth and granteth for him , his heires and assignes ; to and with the said Sir Iohn Iolles , and the rest of the said Copy-hold Tenants , upon the tender of a certainty thereof in writing , to the Steward , or Deputy Steward that Mannour for the time then being , together with sixe pence in money , for the entring thereof , shall be in the Court Roules of that Mannor duely , and in convenient time , and without delay enrolled , and a note thereof delivered by the Steward , or his Deputy , to the party so leasing , or any for him , without any other consideration , see or reward , to bee given or paid for the same . That whereas the said Thomas Lord Wentworth , by his Highnesse Letters Patents under the great Seale of England , dated the nineteenth day of Iuly , in the thirteenth yeere of his Majesties reign of England , and forty eighth of Scotland , Hath obtained license to grant to such of his Majesties liege people as he shall thinke fit , Messuages , Cottages , Lands , Tenements , and Hereditaments , parcell , or reputed parcell of the said Mannors : To hold to them , their heires and assignes ( in free and common Socage ) respectively , of his said Mannors of Stepney and Hackney , by such and the same rents and services , and other profits , as in the conveyances thereof shall be expressed , and not to hold of the King in Capite , nor of any of his Majesties Honours , or Mannors in Knights service , as by the said Letters Patents more at large may appeare . Now if the said Thomas Lord Wentworth shall not at the first Session of the next Parliament procure such an Act of Parliament , to bee good and effectuall in law for the purposes aforesaid : Then his Lordship will at all times , after the end of the said first Session of the said next Paliament , upon reasonable requests , and at the costs of the Tenants ( whom it shall concerne ) their heires or assignes , make , doe and execute such reasonable acts , devices , and assurances in Law ; whereby the said Copy-holders , their heires or assignes respectively , shall hold and enjoy their , and every of their said Copy-holds , Messuages , Houses , Lands , Cottages and Hereditaments , with the like wayes , easements , commons and commodities , as are thereto now belonging , or now therewith used or enjoyed . And the free-hold and inheritance thereof respectively to them and to their respective heires and assignes for ever , to be holden of such of the same Mannors , whereof the same is now holden in free and common Socage , for and under the severall & respective yeerely rents for all services and demands , as they or any of them doe now severally and respectively pay for the same , as by them , or their Councel learned , shall bee reasonably devised and required . That the said Copy-hold Tenants , their heires and assignes respectively , shall and may for ever hereafter , without any let , impediment , interruption , deniall or contradiction of his Lordship , his heires or assignes , or any claiming under the said Lord Henry Wentworth deceased , not onely during the time they shall be Copy-holders , but also afterwards , when they have obtained the free-hold and inheritance of their severall and respective Copy-holds ; peaceably hold and enjoy such and the like Commons of pasture , and in such manner , in all the Commons , wastes and common able places of the said Mannors , as they or any of them hertofore have had , used , held , taken , or enjoyed , or might lawfully have taken or enjoyed . Neverthelesse , it is agreed , that neither the said Indenture and Scedules , nor any covenant therein contained , shall in any wise extend or enure , to the benefit or advantage of any other Copy-hold Tenants of the said Mannors , other than the Copy-hold Tenants , named parties to the said Indentures , their heires and assignes , and that for such and the same Lands , Tenements , Cottages , and Hereditaments , with the appurtenances onely , as they or any of them now hold , or claime to hold , by Copy of Court-Roule of the said Mannors , or one of them , as by the said Indenture ( whereunto relation be had ) more plainly and at large appeareth . Memorandum , that the said Indenture of the twentieth of Iune , together with a duplicity thereof , were acknowledged by the said Thomas Lord Wentworth the 21. day of Iuly 1617. before Sir Mathew Carew Knight , to bee enrolled , and is enrolled in the Chancery accordingly . The one part of which Indentures , is left in the custody of the Company of Goldsmiths in the City of London , and the other in the custody of the Brethren of the Trinity house at Radcliffe : In trust , and to the use of the said Copy-hold Tenants , named parties to the said Indentures . The ninth day of Iuly 1617. in the said fifteenth yeere of his Majesties Reigne , the said Thomas Lord Wentworth acknowledged a statute of the summe of twelve thousand pounds of lawfull money of England , unto Alexander Prescot and Iohn Gore , Aldermen of London , Thomas Iones common Serjeant of London , Francis Fulner and George Whitmore Esquires , and Robert Mildmay Grocer ; In trust for , and to the use of the Copy-holders named in the Indentures , and thereof is a defeasance by Indenture , dated the same day to this effect ( viz. ) That if the said Thomas Lord Wentworth doe performe the covenants and agreements , contained in the aforesaid Indenture of the twentieth of Iune : Then the same Statute to bee void , and that the said Conusees shall deliver up the same Statute to the said Thomas Lord Wentworth , his heires , executors , administrators or assignes , so soone as the said Act of Parliament shall be procured , according to the intent and true meaning of the said recited Indenture . To this end , the said Statute and defeasance are left in the Chamber of the City of London , to bee kept in such sort , as that the said Conusees may have the same to bee delivered according to their Covenant . And the Chamberlain of the said City hath charged himselfe with the receit thereof , by order of the Court of the Lord Maior and Aldermen 1617. Sir Iohn Leman being then Maior , and Master Cornelius Fish Chamberlaine . In Trinity Tearme , in the said fifteenth yeere of his Majesties Reigne , to a Bill of complaint was by the Copy-holders , named parties to the said Indenture of the twentieth of Iune , exhibited against the said Thomas Lord Wentworth in his Majesties high Court of Chancery ; whereto the said Thomas Lord Wentworth did appeare , and by his answer confessed the contents of the said Bill to bee true . Whereupon , a perfect Decree ( with the free consent and agreement of the said Thomas Lord Wentworth , bearing date the two and twentieth day of July , in the said fifteenth yeere of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord King Iames ) was obtained . And by the same , the said free customes , orders , immunities , &c. and all and whatsoever contained in the said Indenture of the twntieth of June , and the Scedules unto the same Indenture annexed , are for ever established and confirmed . The said Decree is likewise there enrolled . The true Copy of the said Scedules followeth . The Scedules , containing the free Customes , Orders , Immunities , Discharges , Benefits , and Priviledges of the Mannors of Stepney , alias , Stebunheath and Hackney , in the County of Middlesex : Agreed vnto , approved , allowed , and ratified , as well by the Right Honourable , Thomas , Lord Wentworth , Lord of the said Mannors ; as also by his Lordships Copy-hold , or Customary Tenants , or reputed Copy-hold , or Customary Tenants of the said Mannors , or of either of them , named parties to the said Indenture , where vnto those Scedules are annexed . By which , all and every the same Copy-holders or Customary Tenants , their , and every of their Heires and Assignes , are to hold , vse , and enjoy , inherit , alien , demise , or dispose all and every , or any the said Lands , Messuages , Tenements , Cottages , and Hereditaments , which they , every , or any of them respectively doe hold , claime , or enjoy , byforce , or pretext of any grant heretofore made by the Copy of Court Roll of the said Mannors , or either of them , the day of the date of the said Indentures : That is to say , the twentieth day of Iune , in the yeeres of the Raigne of our Soveraigne Lord IAMES , by the grace of God of England , France , and Ireland King , Defender of the Faith , &c. the fifteenth , and of Scotland the fiftieth . These Copy-holds are of inheritance , held of the Lord by the Rod , according to the custome . IMprimis , by the Customs of the said Mannors , and either of them , all the Copy-hold Lands , Tenements , & Hereditaments , which the particular persons ( named parties to the Indentures , whereunto these Scedules are annexed ) doe hold or enjoy , and ( time whereof the contrary hath not beene within the memory of man ) have been Copy-hold and customary Lands , Tenements , and Hereditaments of inheritance , demised and demiseable by Copy of Court Roll of the Mannors aforesaid , or one of them respectively , according to the Customes of the Mannor whereof the same are holden . And all Copies of Court Rolls of the same Mannors , and either of them , by all the time aforesaid , for the same Lands , Tenements , and Hereditaments , have beene made , and ought to be made , to hold of the Lord by the Rod , according to the Custome of the Mannor whereof the same is holden , by the Rents and services therefore due and accustomed . And all the said Lands , Tenements , and Hereditaments have beene passed , and are to passe and goe from such persons , as ( according to the contents of these Scedules ) have power , and are enabled to make Surrenders to any other person or persons by way of Surrender , to bee made to the hands of the Lord , by the acceptance of the Steward of the Mannor , or his Deputy for the time being , in Court or out of Court ; or by the acceptance of the Reeve of the Mannor , whereof the same are holden , or by his Deputy within the same Mannor , or elsewhere , in presence of sixe Customary Tenants ; or by any Headborough of some Township or Hamlet within that Mannor , in presence of sixe customary Tenants , in or out of the same Mannors . Which Surrender or Surrenders have beene , and shall , and may bee to the use of any person or persons , and their Heires for ever in Fee-taile , or for life or lives , with Remainders or without Remainders , as Lands may be assured by the course of the common Lawes of this Realme , or else to the use of the last Will and Testament of the Surrenderers , or of any other persons , according to the intent and limitation of such last Will and Testament . Quit-rents are to be paid yeerely at Michaelmas . ITem , the Rents of all the Tenants , both Free-holders and Copy-holders , which hold any Messuages , Cottages , Lands , Tenements , or Hereditaments of the said Mannors , or of either of them , are yeerely payable only at the Feast of Saint Michael the Arch-Angell , to the Lord and his Heires : the same to be collected by the Reeves of the said Mannors ( severally and respectively to be yeerely chosen , as hereafter is expressed ) or their Deputies . And all and every the said customary Copy-hold Tenants , to pay the severall yeerely Rents , now yeerely due & payable for their severall Copy-holds . And if any of the said Copy-holds , for which any intire Quit-rent is now paid , shall hereafter come into severall hands , the Rent thereof shall then bee apportioned by the Homage , at the Court of the Mannor whereof the same are holden ; and so much only as by the Homage shall bee appointed to be paid ( pro rata ) shall be paid to the Lord for the time being . At what Courts Tenants are bound to appeare . ITem , all and every Copy-hold Tenant of the said Mannors , or either of them , which now be , or hereafter for the time being shall bee , ought to appeare yeerely at two severall generall Courts holden for the Mannor , whereof his Lands or Tenements are holden , upon warning , as hereafter followeth . And also so many of them , at all other set or appointed Courts , set , appointed , and kept for the said Mannor whereof their Lands are holden , under the number of eighteene , as shall be ( for that purpose ) especially warned thereunto by the Reeve , or his sufficient Deputy for the time being . And the said Tenants shall doe their suits and services according to their tenures ; except they bee essoined , licensed , or have some other lawfull excuse , upon the paine hereafter following . Which two generall Courts have beene commonly kept ( and are to be kept yeerely ) the one of them on Tuesday , the ninth day after Easter day ; and the other , about the Feast of Saint Andrew the Apostle , upon reasonable warning : That is to say , in the Churches and Chappels within the said Mannors , openly upon the Sunday sevennight , or Sunday fortnight , before the day of such Courts to be holden . Tenants failing to appeare , and not essoined , or reasonable excuse , shall be amended . ITem , if any of the Copy-hold , or Customary Tenants of the said Mannors , or of either of them , doe or shall make default of their appearance at any of the said two generall Ceuris , to which their suits shall bee due ; Or if such Copy-hold Tenants , as shall be especially and lawfully warned to appeare at any of the said Courts ( in forme aforesaid ) yeerely to be holden , doe make default ( to which the said suit is or shall bee due ) and warning openly given ( as aforesaid ) of the day and place of the holding of the same general Courts , and upon speciall and lawfull warning to be given for the said set or purchased Courts : That then they that shall so make default ( except they be essoined , or have some other lawfull or reasonable excuse ) shall be amerced by the Homage of the said Court , to bee taxed and afferred by two Afferrors of the said Court : that is to say , by two Tenants of the Homage , or of either of them for the time being , hath alwayes vsed to chuse , and shall chuse one for the Lord , and the residue of the Homage have chosen , and hereafter shall chuse the other . What the Tenants are to be allowed at set Courts . ITem , if any Tenant bee summoned to appeare at any set Court , or Courts to bee holden within the said Mannors , or in any of them , and doth appeare upon the said summons , he ought , and is to have for his paines foure pence , and his dinner , or eight pence and no dinner ; which ought and is to be paid ( by the said custome ) by such person or persons , who shall bee the cause that any such Tenants doe appeare for his or their matter : So it bee not any matter or cause that concerneth an enquiry or presentment to be made , only for the Lord for the time being , his Heiros and Assignes . The like allowance for view , partitions , and other summons . ITem , the Copy-hold Tenants of the said Mannors , and of either of them , ought to have every of them like allowance , upon every view by them to bee made , and upon every partition by them to bee made , or upon other summon to appeare betwixt Tenant and Tenant , when they be appointed thereunto by precept from the Steward of the said Mannors , or of either of them for the time being , or by his sufficient Deputy . How Tenants way be righted against Encroachments , Annoyances , &c. THe Homage of the Court of the said Mannors , or of any of them , may appoint six or seven Tenants , upon any complaint to them made , by any person or persons , being Tenants of the said Mannors , or of either of them in open Court : that hee or they bee wronged by any Incroachment , or any other Annoyance to their Copy-hold Tenements , which Tenants shall ( after the said Court ) view the same Incroachment , Annoyance , and Impediment , or place whereof any such complaint shall be made . And thereupon , to present or notifie the same by a day to the Steward , or to the Homage at the next generall Court ; that there may be set a paine or amerciament , or both , for the same , by the Homage at the said next Court , according to the quality of the offence . The Homage at every generall Court , is to present deceased Tenants . ITem , the Homage of either of the said Mannors , are to make presentment at every generall Court to be holden for the said Manors , or of either of them , of all the Customary or Copy-hold Tenants , that they shall know shall be deceased after the Court then last past , or at any time before the said Court , whose deaths were not then found and presented , and that held any Copy-hold , or Customary , or reputed Copy-hold or Customary Lands or Tenements of the said Mannors , or of either of them . And also ( as neere as they can ) present what Lands every of them died seized of , and of what estate , and when he died , and who is the next Heire or Heires to the same person or persons so dying seized , and of what age or ages the said Heire or Heires shall then be of , as neere as they can . Also they must present the deaths of Free-holders , &c. ITem , the Homage likewise ought to present the deaths of the Free-holders , and when they dyed , and who be their next heire or heires , and the ages of their heires , which held any Lands or Tenements of the said Mannors , or of either of them , and the nature of their tenures , so neer as they can : To the intent the Lord may have his reliefe , which is but the value of one yeeres quit-rent , of the Tenements holden of the said Mannors , or of either of them by Socage tenure . What shall bee done , if the next heire bee not knowne . IF the Homage at any of the said Courts of either of the said Mannors , shall not know who is next heire or heires to any of the said customary Tenants so dying seized , when they shall make their presentments ; that then they shall make their presentment so accordingly , and then upon the said presentment at the next generall Court then after , the Steward of the said Mannors of either of them , or his Deputy for the time being , within the said presentment shall so bee made , shall cause a Proclamation to bee made in open Court , to the intent every such heire or heires may have knowledge to come , and take up the Lands and Tenements of his or their Ancestours , and so the Steward or his Deputy shall cause a Proclamation to be made , from generall Court to generall Court , untill three open and publike Proclamations be made in full Court , at three generall Courts : which generall Courts ( by the said custome ) are used to be holden commonly one halfe yeere after another , or thereabout : So that from the presentment made by the said homage , of the dying seized of the said last Tenant , unto the last Proclamation , shall be fully two yeeres . And if there shall come no heire of the said Lands or Tenements , nor any for him or them , before the end of the Court next after the Court , whereat the last of the said three Proclamations shall bee made , to male his or their claime , and prove himselfe , or themselves to the Homage of the Court , in such sort as they or the greater part of them shall allow of , to be the next heire or heires of the whole blood to the said Tenant deceased , or to have title to the Lands and Tenements , nor to shew and prove , as aforesaid , who is or ought to be next heire or heires of the whole blood to the said Tenant deceased , or next heire or heires expectant , upon any estate determined : Then the Lord of the Mannor , whereof the same Land is holden for the time being ; shall and may after the next Court , next after the said three Proclamations so to be made , seize the Lands and Tenements , which were the said persons so dying seized , whose next heire or heires , or such as shall have title thereunto cannot bee found , or shall not come and make his or their claime and proofe as aforesaid . And the same L. then to take the issues and profits thereof to his owne use , untill such person or persons come , that shall prove him or them next heire or heires to the said person or persons so dying seized . And if none shall come in within three yeeres next after the third and last Proclamation made as aforesaid , that shall and can convey and prove him or them to be next heire or heires of the whole blood , or shew or prove , who is or ought to be next heire or heires , or to have title as next in Remainder or or Reversion as aforesaid ; that the said Lands and Tenements be forfeited , or shall escheat unto the Lord of the said Mannor or Mannors for the time being . Except , that if the said Land and Tenements shall or ought immediately to descend , remaine , revert , come to any woman Covert , or Infant within the age of one and twenty yeeres , or to any person or persons being in prison , or any person or persons not of Sanae memoriae , or that shall not be within the Realme at the time of the death of the said last Tenant dying so seized , or at the time of the first , second or third Proclamation to be made as aforesaid , that there , in every such case , the Lord ( for the time being ) shall have but the profits of the said Lands and Tenements , untill such persons , or his , her or their heire or heires shall come and make their claime : So that the said claime be made by the said woman , or her heires , within five yeeres next after the death of her said husband , or by her husband and her selfe during the time of her Coverture : And by such person being within age , or his heires , before he shall or should accomplish his full age of one and twenty yeeres : And by the person of Non sanae memoriae , within five yeeres , next after he shall recover , and be of Sanae memoriae ; and by the heire of such person of Non sanae memoriae , within five yeeres next after the death of his said Ancestor , or before : And by the said person that shall so be out of the Realme , or his heires , within five yeeres after he shall returne ; or if he shall not returne , within five yeeres after his death : And by the said person or persons in prison , within one whole yeere next after his or their enlargement from such imprisonment . No dower for women , nor courtesie of England for men . ITem , in the said Mannors , or either of them , women ought not to have dowers of any customary Lands or Tenements within the Mannors aforesaid , nor any of them : Nor men to have any estate as Tenants , by the courtesie of England . Estates of inheritance shall descend according to Gavelkind . ITem , if any shall bee seized of any customary Lands or Tenements , holden of the said Mannors , or of either of them , of an estate of Inheritance and shall have two sonnes , or three sonnes , or more : Or having no sonnes , shall have divers daughters : Or having neither sonnes nor daughters , shall have divers Collaterall heires in one neernesse of blood ; or that are to make their resort , from those that were of the same neerenesse of blood to the Tenant dying : They shall bee all co-heires to their said Father , Mother , or other Ancestor , touching the said customary Lands and Tenements , according to the custome of Gavelkind . Touching descents where the Tenant left issue . ITem , if any man or woman die seized ( as aforesaid ) of any customary lands or Tenements of any state of Inheritance , holden of the said Mannors , or of any of them , and shall have issue two or three sonnes , or more , whereof one or two or more of them shall be married , and have issue in the life of their Father or mother , and shall dye before his or their Father or Mother : Or having no sons , shall have divers daughters , whereof one or more shall be married and have issue , and dye in the life of the Father or Mother : that then the said issue shall inherit , and be co-heire with the said sonne or sonnes , daughter or daughters that shall survive his , her , or their said Father or Mother , that so shall dye seized as is aforesaid ; whether the said issue bee male or female , according to the custome of Gavelkind . How Lands shall descend to those of the whole blood , where the Tenant left no issue . ITem , if any person or persons dye seized as aforesaid , and shall leave behind him neither son nor daughter ; then the next of his or their kinne ( being of the whole blood ) shall be heire or heires to the said person or persons so dying seized : That is to say , his , her , or their brother or brothers , brother or brothers children , or childrens children , according to the custome of Gavelkind : & so forth , as long as any of that issue shall be alive , being of the whole blood . And in default of such issue , the sisters and sisters children , according to the custome of Gavelkind : and so forth so long as any issue shall be alive , and of the whole blood . And for lacke of such issue ; the Vncles and their issues , being of the whole blood , so long as any issue shall be living . And in default of such issue ; the Aunts and their children , so long as any shall be living of the whole blood . And for lacke of such issue , the next of kin of the whole blood , according to the custome of Gavelkind . Males and Females of one wombe , cannot joyne to be co-heires . ITem , if any person so dying seized as aforesaid , without issue of his body , and having divers Brothers of the whole blood , whereof the one or some of them shall have beene married , and shall have issue , and after issue had , shall dye , before the said Brother dying seized , as aforesaid ; that then the issues of the said Brother or Brothers , so dying before him that died seized , as aforesaid , shall joyne and bee co-heire with his Brother or Brothers , that surviveth the Brother that so dyed seized , as aforesaid , whether the said issue bee males or females . But males and females of one belly or womb , canot joyn to be co-heires together : So that the course of descents is to be observed by the said custome , according to the custome and nature of Lands in Gavelkinde . Touching Descents . ITem , likewise shall the issue of the daughter , that shall dye in the life of the Father or Mother , bee co-heire with the Aunt that liveth , being of the whole blood . Descents . ITem , likewise shall the Vncles , and the Vncles Brothers children ( being of the whole blood ) be co-heires together as aforesaid . Descents . ITem , likewise shall the Aunts , & the Aunts Sisters children joyne and be co-heires as aforesaid , and so forth of all other further degrees , of all Collaterall heires , being of the whole blood , which may convey themselves to be any Cousins , and heires of the whole blood to any person or persons , dying seized of any of the aforesaid customary Lands or Tenements , according to the custome of Gavelkind . How Copy-holders of inheritance may surrender . ITem , by the custome of the said severall Mannors , every Copy-holder of inheritance in fee-simple , may surrender his said Copy-hold Lands and Tenements , or any part or parcell therof unto the Lord , to the use of any person or persons , and to his and their heires for ever , or to his or their heires of his or their bodies , or any otherwise in taile , or for life or lives , or yeeres , or to any person or persons , and his or their heires : To the intent the said Copy-hold Tenant may declare his last Will and Testament upon the same Lands and Tenements , or to any other use or uses , unlesse it be to any corporation or corporations , or bodies politicke or corporate . And every Copy-holder in taile , or for life , lives or yeeres , of either of the said Mannors , may in like manner ( by the customes of the said Mannors and of either of them ) surrender their Copy-hold Lands , Tenements or Hereditaments , or any part thereof , according to the nature of their estates : so the same Surrender be made according to the custome concerning Surrenders , as afore in these presents is specified , or hereafter ensueth . And all the same persons , to whose use every Surrender shall bee made , are to have their Copies made to hold of the Lord by the Rod , according to the custome of the Mannor , whereof they have beene holden by the Rents and services therefore due and accustomed . Vpon every of which Surrender , the Fine and Fines for the same hereafter expressed , is by the said custome to bee paid , and to be entred into the severall Copies , or the Margents of them . Surrenders taken by the Headborough or Reeve , inpresence of sixe Tenants . ITem , by the custome of the said Mannors , and of either of them ; every Surrender taken out of the Court by the Headborough or Reeve , or his Deputy , and in the presence of sixe Customary Tenants of the Mannor , of which the said Lands or Tenements surrendered shall be parcell , witnessing the same Surrender of any person or persons , of his or their customary Lands or Tenements , holden of the said Mannors , or of either of them . And being of the full age of one and twenty yeeres , or upwards ( except women Covert-baron , and such as are not of perfect minde ) to the use of any person or persons ; are , and ought to bee as good , as if it were taken in open Court by the said Steward of the Mannors , or of either of them ; so that such Surrender bee by the Homage presented , as hereafter followeth . Surrender of women Covert-Baron , in extremity of sicknesse . ITem , the Surrender by a woman Covert-baron , being of the age of one and twenty yeeres , made together with her husband , of the Lands , Tenements , or Hereditaments , whereof she is seized or estated ; is , and shall bee a good Surrender of her Lands , Tenements , and Hereditaments , whereof she is seized and estated : and shall bee a good Surrender of her Lands , Tenements , and Hereditaments , holden of the said Mannors , or of either of the same : the same Surrender being made in her extremity of sicknesse , or likelihood of death , by the acceptance of the Reeve of the Mannor , whereof the Lands and Tenements so surrendered , are parcell , and his Deputy , or either of them , in the presence of sixe customary Tenants , or by the acceptance of the Headborough , in the presence of sixe customary Tenants . But if any such woman Covert-baron , so surrendering , doe after that recover her health , and doe not at the next generall Court then following ratifie and confirme the same , before the Steward or his Deputy , in the presence of the Homage , then the same Surrender is and shall be void . And all other Surrenders made by any woman Covert-baron , except before the Steward of the Mannor , or his Deputy , where she shal be solely examined , or in extremity of sicknesse , as is aforesaid , are and shall be void . All Surrenders taken by the Reeve or Headborough , must be presented at the first or second next generall Court. ITem , all Surrenders taken of women , as aforesaid , or of men by the Reeve , or his Deputy , or by a Headborow for the time being , and in the presence of six Customary Tenants , as aforesaid ; shall be , and ought to be , by the Homage presented , at the first or second next generall Court , holden for the Mannor whereof the same is holden , after the taking thereof ; or within one yeere and a day next after the taking of the same Surrender , if any such generall Court bee holden within a yeere and a day next after the same Surrender so taken . Or else if no such generall Court bee holden within a yeere and a day ; then to be by the Homage presented at the next generall Court to be holden for the same Mannor , next after the same yeere and day ; is and shall be a good Surrender , as if the same had beene taken by the Steward or his Deputy of that Mannor ; or woman examined , as foresaid , in open Court , or otherwise . All Surrenders taken by the Reeve or his Deputy , or by a Headborough , and in the presence of six Tenants , and not presented by the said Homage in manner and forme aforesaid , are and shall be void . But when any Surrender shall be made by any person , to the use of his or her last Will and Testament , to the intent that hee or shee may thereby , or thereupon , make and declare his or her last Will and Testament : that Surrender is to be presented at the first or second Court generall of that Mannor , hapning next after the decease of the party so surrendring perfectly knowne , and not before . But if the same be not at the first or second Court ( next after the death of the same party ) presented ; or if the same party hath before ( in his life time ) made any other Surrender of the same Lands or Tenements , and the same to bee presented : Then the said Surrender , to the use of such last Will and Testament , is , and shall be void . The Homage must write Billa Vera upon their Presentments and good Surrenders . ITem , the Homage must write Billa Vera , upon every Surrender by them presented , when they finde the same Surrenders agreeable to the custome . And also upon every other of their Presentments , shall make Billa Vera , when they be agreeable to the said custome . Or else , if the said Homage receive any Surrender , or other Bills to them exhibited , which be doubtfull or repugnant to the custome of the Mannor whereof the Land is holden , upon euery such Surrender or Bill , Ignoramus shall be made , or the like Superscription , to the intent it may bee knowne to bee doubtfull or naught : or else returne the same naughty Surrenders or Bills backe againe , to the parties that exhibited the same . What Women Covert-baron may doe . ITem , every Woman being Covert-baron , of the age of one and twenty yeres or upwards , having any customary Lands or Tenements to her or her Heires , for life , lives , or yeeres , and holden of the said Mannors , or of either of them ; may together with her Husband ( by the hands of the said Steward , or his sufficient Deputy ) surrender all her said Lands and Tenements , Interest , and terme of yeeres , to the use of her said Husband , or to any other person or persons at their will and pleasure ; so as she be solely and secretly examined before the Steward , or his sufficient Deputy . Surrenders taken out of Court by the Steward or his Deputy . ITem , all Surrenders taken out of the Court by the Steward of the said Mannors , or of any of them , or his sufficient Deputy , of any person or persons , being of the full age of one and twenty yeeres or more , and of Sanae memoriae , of any of their customary Lands and Tenements holden of the said Mannors , or of either of them , be good by the customes of the said Mannors , and of either of them ; and the same ought to bee published and notified to the Homage at the next generall Court , or else those Surrenders are also void . The Fines are certaine , and not arbitrary . ITem , all the Fines upon admittances for any the now Lands , Tenements , or Hereditaments , of all and every the persons , named parties to the said Indenture , holden by Copy of Court Roll , are and ought to bee certaine , and not arbitrary , or at the will of the Lord. And the Lord or Lords of the said Mannors , or of either of them , ought to have and take Fines upon admittances , as hereafter followeth , and not other , or greater : That is to say , upon the admission of the Heire or Heires after a descent , for every Acre of land ( of what nature and kind soever ) sixteen pence , and so after that rate , for greater or lesser quantities of land . And upon admission of one person only , after any Surrender , the like summe of sixteene pence for every Acre ; and so after that rate , for every greater or lesser quantity of land . But if more then one person bee admitted after or upon any Surrender : then every of the same persons are to pay halfe so much as one person ought to pay , and not more . Likewise upon admission of the Heires of Heire , after a descent for every messuage Customary , with the Courts , Yards , Easements , Orchards , and Gardens thereunto belonging , for a Fine , the summe of thirteene shillings foure pence , and not more . And for a dwelling house , called a Tenement , with the Courts , Yards , Orchards , Easements , and Gardens thereunto belonging , the summe of ten shillings , and not more . And for a Cottage , used for a dwelling , with Easements and Gardens thereunto belonging , or without Garden , and not demised for more then three pounds by the yeere , the summe of twenty pence . But for a building , not used for a dwelling house , so much onely as according to the quantity of the land , after the rate of sixteene pence the Acre . And for greater Cottages used for dwelling , & which shal be let for above three pounds by the yeere , with the Courts , Yards , Orchards , and Easements thereunto belonging , the summe of ten shillings . And the like is of Messuages , Tenements , and Cottages hereafter to bee built . And upon or after any Surrender , at the admission , the like Fines are to bee paid for one person . But if any Surrender be made by any person or persons , to a man and his wife , then a whole Fine is to be paid for the Husband , and halfe a Fine is to bee paid for the wife . And if more persons bee admitted upon one Surrender ; then every of the same persons are to pay for Fine , halfe so much as one person ought to pay , and not more . All Acres are to bee accounted , according to the Statute or Ordinance , De terris mensurandis , and Orchards and Gardens not belonging to such Messuages , Tenements , or Cottages are to pay as Lands according to the quantity thereof , according to the rate aforesaid . And parts of Messuages , parts of Tenements , and parts of Cottages , are to pay for Fines respectively ( in regard of the whole ) according to the rate of the whole . And all Fines paid , are to bee set downe and expressed in the Copy of the Court Roll therof , or in the margent of the same Copy . And if any question or doubt shall hereafter arise , about the discerning and true estimation what , or which be , or ought to be accounted a Messuage ; and what , or which , a dwelling house , called a Tenement ; and what , or which , a Cottage : the same is to bee referred to the Homage of the Mannor at the next generall Court , and by the same to bee tried , ordered , determined , and presented , and according to such presentments , Fines are to bee paid . If the Lord refuse to admit , then , &c. ITem , if the Lord or Lords of the said Mannors , or either of them , or his or their Steward ( for the time being ) shall refuse to admit any person or persons , to whom or to whose use such Surrender ( as in the precedent Article is expressed ) shall bee made , or shall refuse to admit such person or persons , to whom any of the said Copy-hold , or Customary , or reputed Copy-hold , or Customary Lands , Tenements , or Hereditaments shall descend , according to the custome of the said Mannors , and true meaning of these Scedules : then the person so not admitted , paying or tendering to the Lord or his Reeve , Fine or Fines for the same ( according to the true meaning of these Scedules ) shal and may into such Lands , Tenements , or Hereditaments , so surrendered or descended , respectively enter ; and the same quietly have , hold , and enjoy as freely , and in such sort , as if hee or they had beene thereunto lawfully admitted , and not otherwise . Surrender to make the Wife a Ioynture . ITem , if any man make a Surrender , onely to the intent to make his wife a Jointure , or to assure it to his wife for tearme of her life , or during her widow-hood , not alterning the estate of the inheritance ; then for the fine of the same , or any admittance thereupon ; there shall bee paid but halfe a fine for the same things so surrendred : That is to say , halfe so much as one person should pay upon admittance , according to the true meaning of these Scedules . And the like is to be used , where the Husband , and Wife make a Surrender of the Lands of the Wife ; to the end onely , to make an estate thereof to the Husband ioyntly with his Wife , or to the Husband for terme of his life in possession or remainder . And likewise ( by the said custom ) for every Tenant that shall not bee admitted in Reversion or Remainder expectant , upon the estate of any particular Tenant for life , in taile or for yeeres , granted by the Copy ; the same is but halfe so much as it is upon other admittances , upon alienations , surrenders , or dying seized as aforesaid . Duties to the Homage and Tenants for Bills and Surrenders . ITem , every person that exhibiteth or delivereth any Surrender , or Bill to the Homage , ought to give and pay to the same Homage , for every such surrender or Bill , foure pence , and every of the said sixe Tenants , and also the Headborought or Reeve ( which shall be at the taking of any Surrenders as aforesaid ) ought to have foure pence apiece of the parties that make the Surrender , if the same Surrender be taken within the said Mannors , or in either of them . But if they goe out of the said Mannors , or either of them , for the taking of the same , then to have eight pence apiece , and their charges , if they shall goe further off . And the party that procureth the said Surrender , ought to give to the said Tenants foure pence , beside the said sees ; which foure pence is to be delivered with the said Surrender ; or else he that bringeth in the said Surrender , without the said foure pence shall pay it of his owne 〈◊〉 to the Homage . Though an heire be admitted , yet upon a new claime , the Homage shall enquire , &c. for a Co-heire . ITem , if it chance at any time , upon the death of any Copy-holder , or customary Tenant , that there is an heire or heires found , and presented by the Homage , and after , is or are admitted to the Lands or Tenements of the said Copy-holder , and at that time no other heires shall be knowne . And after it shall chance that one or other commeth , and claimeth to be Co-heire with the said Heire that is admitted ; then the Homage ought thereof to enquire ; and if they finde his claime true , they ought to present the same . And then he or they so claiming , shall bee likewise admitted , and pay his fine , and have his part of the premisses , notwithstanding the former admission . Where Tenants are admitted , and after that another claimeth the whole : the Homage is not bound to enquire , but he is driven to his suit . ITem , if any man bee admitted to any possession , or to any Reversion or Remainder of any Lands or Tenements , whether they bee to him descended as shall be supposed , or to him surrendred by any other person , and after that commeth another person or persons , who pretendeth a title to the whole premisses , or any part thereof , and desireth that the Homage may enquire thereof : In this case the said Homage is not bound thereof to enquire : but he or they are driven to his or their suit or plaint , whether his or their title be right or wrong : Except in such case , where any person or persons shall claim as in the next precedent Article . And yet if any shall require the homage , to finde whether hee or they were the son or daughter , or sonnes or daughters of such a one or no , and the homage knowing , or well enformed of the truth , that he or they shall be the sonne , or sonnes or daughters of him or her , that dyed seized of the Lands then in question The Homage ought therein to present the truth : But not to present , whether he or they ought to have the premisses , or any part thereof , to the which another person is already presented . But in such case , he or they shall be driven to his or their suit or plaint , as aforesaid ; for recovery of their said right , if any right they have . Except in such case , where any person or persons shall claime , as in the next precedent Article . How Lands descended are to bee taken up . ITem , after the death of every person , being a Ccustomary Tenant of the said Mannors , or of either of them ; the next heire or heires ought to come and take up the Lands and Tenements , whereof his or their Ancestors so shall dye seized , of what age soever he bee . And if he or they be of the age of foureteene yeeres or upwards ; hee is to bee admitted in his owne person , within a convenient time after he or they shall be presented . Or else if he or they bee under the age of foureteene yeeres ; then to come and take it up by his Gardian , untill hee bee of the age of foureteene yeeres , as aforesaid , and to pay for his fine , according to the rates expressed in these Scedules ; and the Gardian to pay but three shillings and foure pence at the most for his fine for the Gardianship , or lesse , as the Steward or his Deputy shall thinke fit . And for Lands descended from the part of the Father ; the next Cousien of the part on the Mother , not able to inherit those Lands , ought to be Gardian . And if the Lands came from the part of the Mother ; then the like Cousien of the part of the Father ought to be Gardian , if that person will accept thereof . And upon their refusall , or not praying to be admitted Gardian , at the first or second Court after that Infant ought to be admitted ; then may the Steward admit any other of the kindred of the Infant ( to whom his Lands cannot descend ) to bee Gardian . And if none of the kindred will accept of the Gardianship ; then may another bee admitted . And every Gardian shall account to the heire of the profits , and repaire the Copy-hold Tenements of him whose Gardian he is : And upon admittance shall be bound to the Lord for the time being , with condition for performance thereof , in such summe as the Homage of the said Court , or the greater part thereof shall like of . And of the Lands of every Infant under foureteene yeeres of age , that shall bee a purchaser ; a Gardian shall be admitted , and shall so demeane himselfe in such manner , as for the Gardian of an Infant ( having Lands by descent ) is limited and appointed . They to whose use Lands are surrendred , ought within three yeeres after the presentment take them up . ITem , every person , to whose use any of the said Lands ot Tenements shal be surrendred , ought to come within three yeeres after the same bee presented , and take up the same by himselfe , if he be of age , and to bee admitted as aforesaid , and to pay his fine , or else by his Gardian , as is aforesaid . The Lord may distrain for the Fines ; or by default of distresse , seize the Lands . ITem , if any of the said Heires , Alienees or Gardians , doe not pay their fines within one moneth after the same fines bee extracted , and the extracts delivered to the Reeve or his Deputy for the gathering thereof , and by them or either of them demanded ; then it shall be lawfull for the Lord or Lords of the said Mannor or Mannors for the time being , or his or their Officers to distraine , and avow as for rents : And for want of distresse , to seize the Lands and Tenements , for the which the said Fine or Fines are to be paid , and to enjoy the same to his or their owne use , untill he or they shall bee fully satisfied , and paid the said Fine or Fines , to bee paid by him or them that so ought to pay the same . The like he may doe for non payment of the Quit-rent . ITem , if any Customary or Copy-hold Tenant of the said Mannors , or of either of them , shall not pay his Rents for his Copy-hold , for which the same is due , and demanded by the said Reeve or his Deputy , then it shall bee lawfull for the Lord or Lords of the said Mannor or Mannors for the time being , or his or their Officers to distraine and avow . And for want of sufficient distresse , to seize the Lands and Tenements out of the which the same ought to be paid , and to take and enjoy the Rents , Issues , and profits of the same to his or their owne use , untill hee or they shall bee fully satisfied and paid the same Rents by him or them that so ought to pay the same . Who shall be the Gardian . ITem , that when any Tenant dieth seized leaving his Heire under the age of fourteene yeeres , the next of the kin ( to whom the said Lands and Tenements cannot descend ) shall have , if hee shall require it , the custody of the Heire , and of his Lands and Tenements , committed unto him for the use of the Heire , untill he come to the age of fourteene yeeres , as is aforesaid , and then hee to chuse his owne Gardian , And the former Gardian at any time after ( upon reasonable request ) to yeeld account to the Heire , of the profits of his Lands received . Tenants may let Leases for 31. yeeres and foure moneths , without any Licence or Fine . ITem , if any person or persons bee disposed to let his or their customary Lands or Tenements to any other person or persons , and to their Executors and Assignes , for the terme of one and thirty yeeres , or lesse ; the same person or persons have and shall have full power and authority , to set or let to farme his or their Copy-hold Lands , or Tenements to any person or persons , their Heires , Executors , and Assignes , for the terme of one and thirty yeeres and foure moneths , or lesse , in possession from the time of the making thereof in writing , without any Licence to him or them to bee granted , and without paying Fine to the Lord , or incurring any forfeiture or seizure of or for the same : So as the same Lease doe not exceed one and thirty yeeres and foure moneths , from the time of the making thereof . But such Lease is and ought to be presented to the Homage of the Mannor , whereof the Lands or Tenements so leased are held , within one yeere after the making thereof : or else the same Lease so made , and not presented as aforesaid , shall bee void and of none effect . Either Mannor is vpon every change of Lord , to pay five pounds for Recognition money . ITem , the custome of the Mannor is , to give to the Lord of every of the said Mannors , upon the change of every Lord , at the next Court after the first entry , bona fide , ten pounds of lawfull money of England ; that is to say , out of each Mannor five pounds , for the recognition and acknowledgeing the services , which is to be levied and collected by the Reeve for the time being ; amongst all the said Copy-holders of the said Mannors , respectively , according to the rates they shall be taxed at , by the Homage at the next Court to bee holden , after the comming of the new Lord. How the Reeve of either Mannor is to bee chosen . ITem , the homage of every of the said Mannors ought yeerely ( at the generall Court to be holden next after Michaelmas ) to elect & chuse severall Reeves for every of the said Mannors ; that is to say , to elect and chuse two Customary Tenants , either of the said persons named parties to the said presents , their Heires or Assignes , or of others not named , to beare the Office of the Reeve for each of the said Mannors : namely , he that was before in election ( if he bee alive ) and one other : or if he be dead , two other , to the intent the Lord of the said Mannors , or of either of them , or his Steward , may appoint the one of them so elected for one whole yeere ; that is , one to serve for each of the said Mannors ; so he be appointed within that Mannor of which he is a Tenant , and for which he shal be so chosen . Which Reeve being so appointed , ought to take upon him the said Office for one whole yeere then next ensuing , to execute the same by himselfe or his Deputy , for whom hee shall answer , and to be subject to account and answer for the same , as in the said presents is set downe . And if a Copy-holder shall bee duly chosen , and appointed by the Homage , to bee the Lords Reeve , as aforesaid , and ( according to his turne ) presented by the Homage , and shall refuse to serve the said Office by himselfe or his Deputy : then every such person so refusing , within the said Mannor of Hackney , shall pay for a Fine , sixe pounds thirteene shillings and fourepence . And every such person so refusing , within the said Mannor of Stebunheath or Stepney , shall pay for a Fine , ten pounds to the Lord of the Mannor , whereof his Lands are holden . And the Homage of the same Mannor shall bee charged from time to time to chuse another Reeve in the place of him that shall so refuse , untill such time as ( for the same Mannor ) one be chosen that shall and will serve the said Office. And every Copy-holder that shall bee chosen and appointed to the said Office as aforesaid , and shall refuse to serve the same Office , shall pay the Fine aforesaid to the Lord of that Mannor for his refusall . The one halfe of all which Fines or Fine , of Tenant or Tenants so refusing to accept and execute the said Office of Reeveship , according to the true meaning of these Scedules , the Lord or Lords of the said Mannors , or either of them , of whom such Tenant or Tenants so refusing shall hold , ought , and shall from time to time allow unto such person or persons , as being chosen and appointed to bee Reeve as aforesaid ; And shall and will , next after the refusall of any one or more of the said Tenants so chosen , accept and serve the said Office ; the moity of the said Fine or Fines , respectively to bee by him defaulked and retained in his account . And by the Lord of that Mannor , upon the same Reeves account ( whensoever hee shall account for the same ) to be duly and justly allowed . In what cases the Lord may seize the Reeves Lands . ITem , if any Copy-holder , that shall accept , and execute the said Office of Reeve , shall refuse to satisfie and pay unto the Lord , the yeerely quit-rents and fines for admittances upon Alienations or Descents , wherewith such Reeve shall or may bee lawfully charged , by and according to the true meaning of these presents ; or shall refuse to account with the Lord , within two moneths next yeerely after Michaelmas , having had the Rentall and Estracts of Fines upon admittances , as aforesaid , for that yeere , by the space of two moneths : Every such Reeves Lands & Tenements , that shal so refuse to account , and pay the said Rents and Fines which he shall or may have collected , as aforesaid , shall bee seized into the Lords hands , and the Lord shall and may take to his owne use the issues and profits of his said Lands and Tenements , untill he shall pay unto the Lord the Rents and Fines aforesaid : And untill hee hath also satisfied and paid for his said offence ( viz. ) being Reeve of Hackney , six pounds thirteene shillings foure pence : And being Reeve of Stepney , ten pounds . Neverthelesse , the Reeve ought not , nor shall be charged or chargeable to answer any Quit-rents , contained in any Rentall or Estracts , unlesse it appeare unto him by the Rentall of the former Reeve , or otherwise bee made knowne unto him by some of the Lords Officers , who is the Tenant , or where the Land lyeth ; for and in respect of which , the same Quit-rents ought to be paid . No Reeves within this composition , shall be charged with the Leet , or Court Baron , otherwise then in Article 45. Nor provide for any dinners , except , &c. ITem , no Copy-holder of the said Mannors , or of either of them , being named parties to the said Indenture , nor their Heires or Assignes , ought or shall ( at any time ) bee charged to collect or gather any of the Amerciaments , Fines , or other Issues or Profits of the Courts-Leets , or Courts-Baron , holden within the said Manors , or of either of them , otherwise then in the last precedent Article is mentioned : nor to provide or allow for any Dinners , either on the day or daies the Court-Leet shall be holden upon , or on the day or dayes of the two generall Courts : but are and shall bee thereof for ever freed and discharged ; except that such Tenant , or his Heires , shall hereafter purchase or have other customary Lands then those that the said persons , named parties to the said Indenture , or some one of them the said persons doe now hold , which shall be worth to be sold ( at the least ) two hundred pounds of lawfull money of England , or shall bee of the cleere yeerely value of twenty pounds of like money . What Tenants may be chosen Reeves . ITem , every one of the said Customary Tenants , named parties to the said Indenture , whose Lands , Tenements , and Hereditaments , holden by Copy of Court-Roll of either of the said Mannors , are worth sixteene pounds of like money , as aforesaid , by the yeere to be let , or two hundred pounds to be sold , by the estimation and presentment of the Homage of the same Mannor , shall beare the Office of Reeve , of and for such of the said Mannors wherof hee shall bee a Tenant by Copy of Court-Roll , and for which he shall bee chosen and appointed Reeve , as aforesaid , when his or their time and course doth come . What allowances the Reeve is to have of the Lord. ITem , every of the said Reeves , is to bee allowed of the said Lords or Lord , for the executing of the said Office for one yeere , as followeth , viz. The Reeve of Stebunheath , three pounds sixe shillings and eight pence : and sixe shillings eight pence more , for and in respect of an allowance of a Coat-cloth to the said Reeve : And the Reeve of Hackney , fifty three shillings and foure pence : and sixe shillings eight pence more , for and in respect of an allowance of a Coat-cloth to the same Reeve : And all other commodities due and incident to the said Office , for either of them , or used heretofore to be paid to the said Reeve , by any of the Tenants of the said Mannors respectively . The Reeve to deliver the Rentall to his Successour . ITem , the Reeves of the said Mannors , and of either of them , shall at the next generall Court , after his yeere of service expired , deliver the Rentall by which he made his account , to the Reeve that shall next succeed him , upon paine to be amerced , or fined by the Homage , if he shall not so doe . What the Copy-holders may freely doe without forfeiture . ITem , all the Customary Tenants of the said Mannors , & of either of thē , may break and dig their Copy-hold grounds , holden of the said Mannors , and of either of them , at his or their will & pleasure ; and fell , and cut down their timber and woods growing , or that shall grow upon the same , and convert it to their best use and profit : and may also suffer their Copy-hold Tenements and houses to decay , without incurring any seizure or forfeiture of their estates therefore , or other paine : and may take and pull downe their said Tenements , and erect or set them up againe , either where they stood before , or upon any other Lands , holden by Copy of Court-Roll of the said Mannors , or of either of them . But they may not , or shall not take or pull them downe , to set them ( or any part of them ) upon their owne Free-holds , or upon the Free-holds of any other . Copy-holders may lop Trees growing upon the waste before their houses . ITem , every of the said Copy-holders , or reputed Copy-holders , named parties to the said Indenture , may lop and shred all such Trees as grow before their houses or Tenements , upon the waste ground , and convert the same to their owne use , without any offence , so the said Trees stand for the defence of their Houses , Yards , or Gardens : And also they may dig Gravell , Sand , Clay , and Lome upon the said waste grounds , to build or repaire any of their Copy-hold Tenements within the said Mannors , or in either of them without any licence ; so alwaies , as every of the said Copy-holders doe fill up so much as shall bee digged by him or them . Letting of Lands for more then 31. yeeres and foure moneths , is a forfeiture . ITem , if any person or persons , being Tenant Customary , shall ( without Licence by Indenture , or other writing , or otherwise ) let his said Customary Lands or Tenements for more then one and thirty yeeres and foure moneths , it shall be a forfeiture of his estate , by the custome of the said Mannors , and of either of them , being found and presented by the Homage , or else otherwise lawfully and sufficiently proved . For what offences these Copy-holders may forfeit their estates . ITem , for Treason or Felony whatsoever , that shall bee committed by any Copy-holder of the said Mannors , or of any of them , for which hee shall be lawfully attainted , he shall forfeit his Copy-hold Lands and Tenements to the Lord of the said Mannor . And for all other offence or offences , act or acts whatsoever , for which a Free-holder ought ( by the common Lawes of the Land ) to forfeit his Free-hold Lands and Tenements : There a Copy-holder of the said Mannors , or of either of them , shall forfeit as a Free-holder ought to forfeit in like case his Free-hold . But if a Copy-holder be out-lawed for any cause , saving Felony or Treason , the Lord shall not have the issues or profits of his Lands . And if a Copy-holder make a Feoffement of his Copy-hold , Gift in taile , or Lease for life or lives , by deed , or without deed , by livery and seizin thereupon : or shall suffer a recovery at the Common Law , levy a Fine , or wilfully refuse or deny to pay , doe or performe his Rents , Fines , Suits , Customes and Services , at any time due to the Lord or Lords of the said Mannors , or of either of them for the said Copy-holds : The same wilfull refusall being presented to the Homage , by the oathes of three Customary Tenants , with the Reeve or his Deputy ( the said Tenants or Reeve , nor his Deputy , being none of the Lords servants ) and being found and presented by the Homage , the same shall be holden and reputed a forfeiture of his estate , whatsoever hee shall have by Copy of Court-Roll , at the time of any such act committed or done ; in so much of his or their Copy-hold Lands and Tenements , as he shall have committed any such act : and only for so much of his Lands and Tenements , out of the which the said Quit-rent , and other duties is demanded , and shall be due , and wilfully denied by the said Tenant or Tenants , as aforesaid . Or if any Copy-holder shall in the Lords Court , or elsewhere in any court of Record , disclaime to hold his said Copy-hold Lands and Tenements of the Lord of the Mannor , whereof his Lands and Tenements are holden ; or shall ( by pleading in the Lords Court , or other Court of Record ) wilfully claime their Copy-holds to bee Free-holds ; or willingly and wittingly plead in any Reall action at the Common law in chiefe as a Free-hold Tenant ; or shall willingly and wittingly doe any other act , or things , in or concerning his now Lands and Tenements , which shall be a disseisin or dis-inheritance of the Lord or Lords of the said Mannors , or of either of them , their heires or assignes ( other than such acts , as in these Articles are especially mentioned , ( or dispensed withall ) that then hee shall forfeit his and their estate , of and in the same Lands and Tenements so disclaimed , to be holden or claimed to be free-hold ; or for which he shall plead in chiefe , or do any such other act or thing as is aforesaid . Finally , the Lord of the said Mannors , or of either of them , shall have all such other Forfeitures , Issues , Profits , and Advantages of the said Copy-holds , as shall grow due to him by any Statute Lawes of this Realme , being not against and contrary to these Articles and Customes here expressely set downe . The Act or Neglect of Tenant for lives or yeeres , shall not prejudice those in remainder . ITem , if any person or persons , having any estate of any Copy-hold Lands or Tenements , holden of the said Mannors , or of either of them , for terme of life or lives , or for terme of yeeres , or ( in the right of their wives ) of any estate , although he , she , or they , shall doe or suffer , or neglect to doe any act or acts during the time aforesaid , in or upon the said Copy-hold Lands and Tenements , which may or shall be contrary to the custome of the said mannors , or of either of them . The same act or acts so being done , shall not prejudice or bee hurtfull unto the next person or persons to whom the said Customary Lands or Tenements should or ought to remaine , revert , or come , nor to the said Wife or her Heires , not being party in Court , or consenting in Court to the said act or forfeiture . Nor that the Lord of the said Mannors , or of either of them , shall take any longer Advantage , Issues , or Profits of the same Copy-hold Lands or Tenements , then during the time of such estates as aforesaid , of the party committing , doing , or assenting to such act or acts . So that after his or their decease , or estates determined , the said Lands and Tenements shall remaine , revert , or come to the next person or persons , or to such person or persons to whom the same should have come or remained , or goe or revert immediatly after such estate or estates ended or determined ; as though there had bin no such act or acts done , contrary to the tenor or true meaning of these presents , by any such person or persons . Private Acts of Tenants , hurt not the customes of the rest . ITem , the particular or private act or acts of any customary Tenant or Tenants of any of the said Mannors , which shall happen to be done by , or betweene them , or any of them , and the Lord or Lords of the said Mannors , or either of them , and his or their Reeve , or of either of them , contrary to the Articles and true meaning of these presents , neither doth nor shall extend to be construed to be a breach of the ancient customes of the said Mannors , or of either of them , to the hurt or prejudice of the rest of the Customary Tenants , but of themselves only , doing the said particular act . Tenant for life or yeeres , making waste , shall be fined by the Homage . ITem , that if any Tenant for terme of life , or lives onely , or for terme of yeeres of Customary Lands , shall make any waste , then he shall bee fined by the Homage ; the third part of which Fine shall bee to the Lord , and the other two parts shall come to him in the reversion or remainder of the said Copy-hold . The Lord may distraine , but not seize . ITem , the Lord , for non payment of Amerciaments , may distraine his said Tenants , parties to these presents , and avow for the same as for Rents : But hee cannot seize any of his or their Customary Lands or Tenements , parties to these Presents , for non payment thereof , vntill hee bee payed . How partition is to be made betweene Co-heires , Ioynt-Tenants , or Tenants in common . ITem , upon the admission of any Coheires , Ioynt-Tenants , or Tenants in common , if they cannot agree to occupy their Lands and Tenements , or to make partition among themselves : then hee or they that bee grieved , may ( by the custome of either of the said Mannors ) have a Precept from the Steward , directed to seven Customary Tenants , or more , of the said Mannors within which the said Lands and Tenements doe lye , and they shall make partition thereof , and the same returne to the Steward of the said Mannors againe , to bee enrolled in the Court Rolls of the said Mannor , whereof the said Lands and Tenements bee holden . Whereupon the said Heires shall goe to the said Steward of the said Mannor , within which the said Lands or Tenements shall lye : and then elect and chuse their parts in forme following : That is to say , The youngest Sonne to chuse first , and then hee that is next to the youngest to chuse next , and so after that rate unto the eldest ( how many soever ) which eldest shall chuse last . And likewise the same order is to be observed amongst daughters , if there bee no sonnes , and amongst all other degrees of Heires , touching the Customary Lands and Tenements holden of the said Mannors , or either of them . And upon every such partition , they shall pay for a Fine to the Lord , two shillings and six pence , or lesse , at the discretion of the Steward , according to the quantity of the Lands or Tenements so parted betweene Tenants in common and Ioynt-Tenants ; for the like Fine the said division to bee by the said Tenants , without election of the parties themselves , but by casting of Lots , if they cannot otherwise agree . Copy-holders shall pay but a penny for poundage . ITem , if any Customary or Free Tenants Cattell , or the Cattell of their Farmers , bee brought to the Lords Pound , the said Tenant , or his Farmer shall pay for all his Cattell ( if they bee a hundred heads , or upward or under ) for the poundage therof , but one penny . And hee that is no Tenant , shall pay for every distresse of Cattell so pounded , foure pence . Cattell impounded to be delivered by two Copy-holders . ITem , if any Cattell be impounded within the Lords Pound , by any person or persons , being a Customary Tenant or Tenants of the said Mannors , or of either of them , for any trespasse committed or done within the said Mannors , or in either of them , upon their Copy-holds : that all such Cattell being so impounded , may by two of the said Customary Tenants , of such of the said Mannors , or of either of them , wherein the said trespasse shall be committed , which will answer for such damages and costs as shall bee recovered in the said Court , against the owners of the same Cattell for the said trespasse , bee delivered out of the said Pound , unto the owner of the said Cattell , by the custome of the same Mannors , and of either of them . No Suits for title of Copy-holds out of the Lords Court , without licence . ITem , no Customary Tenant shall sue , vexe , or trouble any other Customary Tenant , for any title of Lands or Tenements , lying and being within the said Mannors , or in either of them , being Copy-hold Lands or Tenements of the said Mannors , or of either of them , out of the Lords Court , without the speciall Licence first had and obtained of the L. of the said Mannors , or of either of them , or of his Steward for the time being ; if any person do the contrary , he shall have his Lands or Tenements seized into the Lords hands , untill he pay a Fine to the L. for the same offence , viz. such Fine as shall be ceassed by the Homage at the next generall Court of the said Mannor . Cattell offending , shall bee driven to the Lords Pound . ITem , that no Customary Tenants of the said Mannors , or of either of them , for any offence to be done by any mans Cattell , within the said Mannors , or in either of them , shal drive the same Cattell to any forraigne Pounds , but to the Lords Pounds , being within the said Mannors , or in either of them : if any man doe the contrary , to be amerced at the next generall Court by the Homage . So alwaies as there be a sufficient Pound of the Lords there . How Stakes , Markes , and Meares , betweene Tenant and Tenant ought to bee set . ITem , that no Tenant , or any other person shall set any Stake , Marke , or Meare , betweene Tenant and Tenant , or betweene Tenant and any other person that lieth next to him , without the parties doe thereunto agree , unlesse an order be appointed by the Homage , or the greatest part of them , that it may bee first viewed by twelve Tenants of the said Mannors , or of either of them , where the Stake or Meare is to bee set , and there to set the Stake or Meare ( indifferently ) betweene both the said parties , & so to continue it , upon paine of amercement by the Homage . Drivers of Commons , when to be chosen . ITem , the Homage doe , and shall yerely use at the next general Court , holden upon the Tuesday , the ninth day next after Easter day , to elect and chuse out of the Hamlets within every of the said Mannors , certaine customary Tenants , to be Drivers and Viewers of the Wasts and Commons of the said Mannors , and of either of them , for one whole yeere . Which Tenants so elected , have authority ( by the said custome ) to drive the Commons at any time when they finde it surcharged , and to impound the Cattell by them so taken : and no other to drive the said Common , then the persons that were so chosen as aforesaid . How surcharging the Commons is to be remedied . ITem , If by their driving , the surcharging cannot be remedied , then they ought to informe the Homage therof at the next Court , that they may amerce the offenders , whether the offenders be Tenants or no Tenants . And also to put a 〈◊〉 amerciament upō their heads , that they shall not likewise offend . The Drivers shall account to the Homage . ITem , if the said Drivers receive by the said poundages , any more mony then they spend in travaile , the rest shal be imployed to the scowring of the common Sewers , which bee upon the said waste ground and Commons , and laying of Bridges over the said common Sewers ; and shall make their account ( in that behalfe ) to the Homage at the generall Court , when the yeere ( for which they were chosen ) shall expire . The Homage may make by-Lawes , which shall binde the Tenants . ITem , the Copy-hold and customary Tenants , may make by-lawes at their generall Courts , when need shall require , which custome shall be so continued . And the said by-lawes so by them made , shall binde all the Copy-hold Tenants of the said Mannors , or of either of them : so the same be not contrary to the true meaning of these Articles . Recoveries may be suffered to barre Entailes . ITem , by the custome of the said Mannors , and of either of them , Tenants in taile of customary Lands and Tenements , may suffer common recoveries within the said severall Mannors , with single or double vouchers ; or ( by agreement ) forfeit the said Lands and Tenements into the Lords hands , for the cutting off the estate taile : which custome ( by these Articles ) shall have still continuance , and such recoveries and forfeitures , are and shall be good to barre the said Entaile . Tenants not appearing a● set Courts , shall not be amerced above 4. pence . ITem , whensoever there shall be any Court , or Courts Baron ( or other then the said two generall Courts ) kept within the said Mannors , or either of them ; no Copy-holder ought or shall be amerced above the summe of foure pence , for any default of his appearance at any the same Court or Courts , except the said two generall Courts : Neither shall incurre any forfeiture , or seizure of his Copy-hold Lands or Tenements , or any other damage for any such default . And the said amerciament to be taxed by the Assurers Tenants of that Court. The Stewards Fees. ITem , the Steward or his Deputy is to have such Fees and allowances , as hereafter is expressed , viz. for every Surrender taken out of the Court five shillings , and nothing for any Surrender taken in Court. For every woman covert-Baron , that shall be examined , sixe shillings eight pence ; for every admittance of every person , two shillings ; for entring every Surrender , and making the Copy of Court Roll thereupon , sixe shillings eight pence ; for every Precept for a view of partition , and entring the same , and the returne thereof upon the Court Roll , and the Copy thereof , two shillings six pence ; and if it exceed two sheets of paper , then for every sheet over and above two sheets , twelve pence more . For searching the Court Rols for every yeere , foure pence . For every purchased Court , thirteene shillings foure pence . For entring a note of a Leafe , granted of any Lands or Tenements , containing the date , quantity of Lands or Tenements , and certainty of terme , and to whom the same shal be granted , & for a note thereof to the party , sixe pence . For these things before expressed , the Steward shall have only such Fees as before is declared ; and for all other things , he shall have as formerly hath anciently bin used , and no more . Buildings to bee erected , shall pay Fines , as those already built . ITem , all Messuages , Tenements , and Cottages , that shall hereafter bee built upon any the copy-hold Lands , wherof the customes are hereby meant to be declared ; shall be held and enjoyed by the Copy-hold Tenants thereof , under the same Customes and Articles herein declared , as the Lands whereon they shall bee built are holden and enjoyed ; but shall pay such Fines therefore , as is before expressed or declared for Messuages , Tenements , and Cottages , that shall be new built . The Lord shall not sever from the Mannor any of these Copy-holders , to any persons in Fee-simple , or other estate of Free-hold . ITem , the Lord of the said Mannors , or of either of them , their Heires or Assignes , shall not at any time hereafter grant , or convey ( severed from the Manor wherof the same is now holden , or ought to be holden , any of the Messuages , Cottages , Lands , Tenements , or Hereditaments , whereof any of the said persons , named parties to the said Indenture hereunto annexed , is now copy-holder or customary Tenant , to any person or persons in Fee-simple , Fee-taile , or for terme of life , or other estate of Free-hold , or for any estate or terme , otherby Copy of Court Roll , according to the customes of the said Mannors , and true meaning of these presents , and the Indenture whereunto the same are annexed ; except the Free-hold to be granted or severed , at the petition and desire of such person or persons as then shall be Copy-holder thereof , according to the true meaning of these presents . And if the Lord hath granted away the Free-hold of any the Copy-hold Lands or Tenements , whereof the Custome is hereby meant to bee declared : he shall get and take the same backe againe ; and the same shall ( notwithstanding such grant or alienation ) be annexed to the Mannor whereof it was , or is held , and shall be held and enioyed by the Tenant , his Heires and Assignes thereof , by Copy of Court Roll of the same Mannor , under the Rents , Services , and Customes in these Articles expressed , & not otherwise : and also , that the Lord shall admit by his Steward or his Deputy , all such Tenant & Tenants that ought of right to be admitted upon the presentment of the Homage . HERE FOLLOVVETH THE COPY OF THE CHARTER OF London , of the first grant , and of the confirmation of divers Kings after . HEnricus Dei gratia Rex Anglie , Dominus Hibernie , Dux Normandie & Aquitanie com . anegëarchîepiscopis Episcopis , &c. Salutem . Sciatis nos concescisse & hac presenti carta mea confirmasse Baronibut nostric de Civitate nostra London quod eligant sibi Mayer dese ipsis singulic annis qui nobis sit fidelis discretus & idoneus ad Regimen Civitatis . Ita quod electus fuerit nobis vel justiciis nostris si presenter nō faimus presentetur & nobis juret fidelitatem . & liceat omnes ipsum in fine anni ammovere & aliqui subtinere si voluerint vel eundem retinere . Ita tn̄ quod nobis ostendatur idem vel Iustice nostris si presenter non fuerimus . Concessimus & eisdem baronibus nostris & hac carta nostra confirmavimus quod habeant bene & in pace libere & quiete & integre omnes libertatès suas quibus hactenus ubi sunt tam in Civitate London quam extra & tam in aequis quam in terris & omnibus aliis locis salva nobis camberlengeria nostra . Quare volimus & firmiter recipimus quod praedicti Barones nostre Civitatis London eligant sibi singulis annis de seipsis predeō mō . Et quod habeant omnes predictas libertates bn̄ & in pace integre & plenarie cū omnibus ad hujus libertatis pertin̄ . Secundum cartam domini patris nostri Iohannis illustris Rex Anglorum quam Inspeximus raecionabiliter testamur . Testis dominus Episcopus London Episcop . &c. Apud Westm . 18. die mensis Februarii . Anno Regni nostri 11. A Statute for the Hustings in the time of Saint Edward to be holden in London . SIcut continetur in lege Sancti Edwardi Capitulo 46. quod debet in London quae caput Regni est & legum & semper curia domini Regis singulis Septim . die Lune Hastings sedere et tenere fundata enim erat olim & edi ficata ad instar magne troie & ad modum & in memoria in se continet in quae fuit super fuit ardua compota & ambigua p●cta corone & cor . domini regis tocius regni pred . quia usus & consuetudines suas una semper inviolabilitate conservat ubique ubicunque ipse Rex fuerit sive in expeditione sive alibi propter fatigaciones gencium & populorii regni juxta veteres consuetudines bonorum prim . & predecessorum & omnium principium & procerum & sapientum seniorum tocius regni predict . &c. The Charter of London grant by William Conquerour and of his Sonne . WIllm̄ . kyng greit William bysshop and Godfregis porterē and eall the borough waren byndē London franchisce & engliste & ichkyd eth that Ick yill the grete bē ealbra yeara laga yee die ye gret yer an en Edwardis dage kinge end ick yill yet sulke childe be his fader yrfnū achter his fader dage & ick nel geyolyan that enynge man ethe doīg yrang bede god ye be helde . Hoc est trāscriptū carte regis Willē cōquestorē frē ciuibus loudō que ad modum p̄scriptū in vera lingua Saxonica in angliā mirabiliter cōuertā ad modernā scripturam que totaliter nunc scribitur videl . An. dom . M. iii. C. xiiii . & nota quod ista littera . y. ī antiqua li tera ●onitur pro. w. & ista littera . y. pr●●d liquid computatur i. y. WIlliam kynge grete William bisshop and godfrey porters and al the burgeis within London French and English . and I graunte yow that I wyll that yee be all your lawe worth that ye were in Edwardis dayes the kyng ¶ And I wyl that ich childe be his faders eyer and I nyl suffur . that ony man you any wrongys beed . and god you kepe . Hoc est transcriptum in latinum . WIllm . rex salutat Willm . episcopum & godfridū portegrinum & omnem bovighwr . infra london francisces & anglices amicabiliter . Ego vobis facio quod ●go volo quod vos sitis omni lege illa digni qua fuistis diebus Edwardi regis . Et volo quod omnis puaer sit patris sui heres post diem svi patris . Et ego nolo pati quod aliquit homo aliquam injuriam vobis inferat . Deus vos salvet . The Ordinance for the Assise and Weight of Bread in the City of London . The price of a quarter Wheate . iii. s. THe ferthing simnell poise . xv . vuncis & di . q ter . The q whyt loof coket poise . xvii . vuncis di . & ob . The ob . whet loof poise . xxxv . vuncis & a peny . The ob . whet loof poise lii . vuncis di . & peny ob . The peny whet loof poise . Cv vuncis & di . q & ob . The ob . whet loof of al graynes poise lxx vuncis & ii d. The quarter Wheat at iii. s. vi . d. The ferthing simnell poise . xix . vuncis di . q ter . & quat . The q whit loof coket poise . xvi . vuncis & half peny . The ob . whit loof poise . xxxii . vuncis id . ob . The ob . whete loof poise . xlviii vuncis ii . d. q . The peny whet loof poise . xcvi . vuncis & di . a q & ii d. weight . The ob . loof of all graynis poise . lxiiii . vunics & iii. d. The quarter whete at iiii . s. The q simnell poise . xii vuncis q iii d. The q whit loof coket poise . xiiii . vuncis iii. q . i. d. The ob . whit loof poise . xxix . vunces di . ii . d. The ob . whete loof poise . xliiii . vuncis q ter . di . & ob . The i. d whete loof poise . lxxxviiii . vuncis iii. q . i. d. The ob . loof of all graynis poise . lix . vuncis & a q i. d. ob . The quarter Wheat at iiij . s. vj. d. The q simnel poise . xj . vuncis q ter & ij . d. The q whyt loof coket poise . xiij . vuncis di . and iij. q ter . The ob . whyte loof poise . xxvij . vuncis and halfe . The ob . whete loof poise . xij . vuncis and a q ter . The peny whete loof poise . lxxxij . vuncis and halfe . The ob . loof of all graynis poise . lv . vuncis . The quarter Wheat at v. s. The q simnell poise . x. vuncis . q ter . di . j. d. ob . The q whyt loof coket poise . xij . vuncis . iij. q ter . & ij . d. The ob . whyt loof poise . xxv . vuncis . di . & half q j. d. ob . The ob . whete loof poise . xxxviij . vuncis . di . & j. d. The peny whete loof poise . lxxvij . vuncis ij . d. di . & ob . The ob . loof of all graynis poise . lj . vuncis . q ter . di . & ob . The quarter Wheat at v. s. vj. d. The q simnell poise . ix . vuncis . di . di . q ter . j. d. 〈◊〉 vunc . The q whyt loof coket poise . xij . vuncis . j. d. ob . The ob . whyt loof poise . xxiiij . vuncis . di . q . & ij . d. The ob . whete loof poise . xxxvj . vuncis . di . q ter . & ob . The peny whete loof poise . lxxij . vuncis . q . di . j. d. ob . The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xlviij . vuncis . q ter . & j. d. The quarter Wheat at vj. s. The q simnell poise . ix . vuncis . The q whyt loof coket poise . xj . vuncis . q ter . & di . ob . The ob . whyt loof poise . xxij . vuncis . iij. q ter . j. d. The halfpeny whete loof poise . xxxiiij . vuncis . di . q ter . & ob . The peny wheat loof poise . lxviij . vuncis . q ter . di . & ob . The ob . loof of all graynis poise . lxv . vuncis . di . ij . d. weight . The quarter Wheat at vj. s. vj. d. The q simnell poise . viij . vuncis . q ter . & di . & ob . The q whyte loof coket poise . x. vuncis . iij. q ter . & 〈◊〉 . j. d. The ob . whyte loof poise . xxj . vuncis . di . & ij . d. The ob . whete loof poise . xxxij . vuncis . q ter . di . & ob . The peny whete loof poise . lxiiij . vuncis . iij. q ter . & j. d. The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xliij . vuncis . di . q ter . j. d. ob . The quarter Wheat at vij . s. The q simnell poise . vij . vuncis . iij. q ter . ij . d. q . The q whyt loof coket poise . x. vuncis . q ter . and q . The ob . whyt loof poise . xxj . vuncis . di . ob . weight . The ob . whete loof poise . xxx . vuncis . iij. q & ob . q . The peny whete loof poise . lxj . vuncis . & half . j. d. ob . The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xlj . vuncis . j. d. The quarter Wheat at vij . s. vj. d. The q simnell poise . vij . vuncis q ter di . & q . The q whyt loof coket poise . ix . vuncis . iij. q ter . ob . q . The ob . whyt loof poise . xix . vuncis . & di . & j. d. ob . The ob . where loof poise . xxix vuncis . q ter . ij d. q . The peny where loof poise . lviij . vuncis . & di . & di . q ter . ij . d. The ob . loof of all graynis . poise . xxxix . vuncis . di . q ter . & ob . The quarter Wheat at viij . s. The q simnell poise . vj. vuncis . iij. q ter . di . j. d. ob . q . The q whyt loof coket poise . ix . vuncis q ter . ij . d. q . The ob . whyt loof poise . xviij . vuncis . di . q ter . ij . d. The ob . whete loof poise . xxviij . vuncis . i. d. ob . q . The peny whete loof poise . lvj . vuncis . di . & q ter . i. d. The ob . loofe poise . of all graynis xxxvij . vuncis . q ter . di . j. d. ob . The quarter Wheat at viij . s. vj. d. The q simnell poise . vj. vuncis . di . & j. d. ob . The q whyt loof coket poise . viij . vuncis . iij. q ter . di . ij . d. The ob . whyt loof poise . xvij . vuncis . iij. q ter . di . j. d. ob . The ob . whete loof poise . xxvj . vuncis , iij. q ter . di . j. d. The peny whete loof poise . liij . vuncis . iij. q ● . ij . d. The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xxxv . vuncis . iij. q ter . di . ob . The quarter Wheat at ix . s. The q simnell poise . vj. vuncis . & di . q ter . j. d. q . The q whyt loof cocket poise . viij . vuncis . & di . ij . d. q . The ob . whyt loof poise . xvij . vuncis . di . q ter . ij . d. The halfe peny whete loof poise . xxv . vuncis . iij. q ter . j. d. ob . q . The peny whete loof poise . lj . vuncis . di . & half quar . j. d. The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xxxiiij . vuncis . q ter . & j. d. ob . The quarter Wheat at ix . s. vj. d. The q simnel poise . v. vuncis . iii. q ter . ʒ . q . The q whyt loof coket poise . viii . vuncis q ter . q . The ob . whyt loof poise . xvi . vuncis , ʒ . & j. d. The ob . whete loof poise . xxiiii . vuncis . iii. q ter . ii . d. q . The peny where loof poise . xlix . vuncis . ʒ . & di . q ter . ii . d. The ob . loof of all graynis . poise . xxxiii . vuncis . di . q ter . & ob . The quarter Wheat at x. s. The q simnell poise . v. vuncis . ʒ . & ii . d. in weight . The q whyt loof coket poise . viii . vuncis . The ob . whyt loof poise . xvi . vuncis . The ob . whete loof poise . xxiiii . vuncis . The peny whete loof poise . xlviii . vuncis . The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xxxii . vuncis . The q simnell poise . v. vuncis . q . & j. d. ob . weight . The q whyt loof coket poise . vij . vuncis . di . & q ter . ij . d. The ob . whyt loof poise . xv . vuncis q ter . ʒ . j. d. ob . The ob . whete loof poise . xxiij . vuncis . half q ter . j d. The peny whete loofe poise . xlvj . vuncis & t. ij . d. The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xxx . vuncis iii. q ter . ob . The quarter Wheat at xj . s. The q simnell poise . vj. vuncis . j. d. ob . weyght . The q whyt loof coket poise . vij . vuncis . q ter . & ʒ ij . d. The ob . whyt loof poise . xiiij . vuncis . iii. q ter . x j. d. ob . The ob . whete loof poise . xxij vuncis . q ʒ i. d. The peny whete loofe poise . xxij . vuncis . q ter . 11. d. The ob loof of all graynis poise . xxix . vuncis . iij. q ter . ij . d. The quarter what at xj . s. vj. d. The q sinmnell poise . iiij . vuncis . iij. q ter . ʒ & ob . The q whyt loof coket poise . vii . vuncis . q ter . The ob . whyt loof poise . xiii . vuncis . ʒ . The ob . whete loof poise . xxj . vuncis . iiij . q ter . The peny whete loof poise . xliij . vuncis . ʒ . The ob . loof of all grynis poise . xxix . vuncis . The quarter Wheat at xij . s. The q simnell poise . iiij . vuncis . ʒ & half q ter . The q whyt loof coket poise . vij . vuncis . & ob . The ob . whyt loof poise . xiiii . vuncis . & i. d. The ob . whete loof poise . xxj . vuncis . j. d. ob . The peny whete loof poise . xlii . vuncis ʒ & half q . i. d. The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xxviii . vuncis . ii . d. weyghr . The quarter Wheat at xij . s. vj. d. The q simnell poise . iiij . vuncis . q ter . ʒ & j. d. The q whyt loof coket poise . vj. vuncis . iij. q ter . i. d. ob . The ob . whyt loof poise . xiij . vuncis . ʒ & di . q ter . ob . The halfe peny whete loof poise . xx . vuncis . q . ʒ & ij . d. The peny whete loof poise . xl . vuncis . iij. q ter . ʒ . j. d. ob . The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xxvij . vuncis . q ter . j. d. The quarter Wheat at xiij . s. The q simnell poise . iiii . vuncis . & di q ter . ij . d. q . The q whyt loof coket poise . vi . vuncis ʒ & d. q . q ter . The ob . whyt loof poise . xiii . vuncis , q ter . & ob . The ob . whete loof poise . xix . vuncis . iii. q ter . ʒ . ob . The peny whete loof poise . xxxix . vuncis . iii. q ter . i d. ob . The ob . loof of all graynis . poise . xxvi . vuncis . q ter . ʒ & i. d. The quarter Wheat at xiij . s. vj. d. The q simnell poise . iiii . vuncis . & i. d. q ter . The q whyt loof coket poise . vj. vuncis . q ter . ʒ j. d. ob . q . The ob . whyt loof poise . xij . vuncis . iii. q ter . ʒ j. d. The ob . whete loof poise . xix . vuncis . q ter . ʒ q . The peny whete loof poise . xxxvj . vuncis . iij. q ter . ij . i. d. The ob . loof of all graynis . poise . xxv . vuncis . iii. q ter . ii . i. d. The quarter Wheat at xiiij . s. The q simnell poise . iij. vuncis . iij. q ter . ʒ & ob . The q whyt loof coket poise . vj. vuncis . q ter . & j. d. The ob . whyt loof poise . xiij . vuncis . iii. ʒ & ij . d. The ob . whete loof poise . xviij . vuncis . iii. q ʒ & ob . The peny whete loof poise . xxxvij . vuncis . iii q ter . & i. d. The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xxv . vuncis . & di . q . j. d. ob . The quarter Wheat at xiiij . s. vj. d. The q simnell poise . iij. vuncis . iij. q ter . The q whyt loof coket poise . vj. vuncis . & di . q ter . & ob . The ob . whyt loof poise . xii . vuncis . q ter . & i. d. The ob . whete loof poise . xviij . vuncis . q ter . ʒ i. d. ob . The peny whete loof poise . xxxvi . vuncis . iii. q . ʒ & ob . The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xxiiii . vuncis . ʒ & ii . d. The quarter Wheat at xv . s. The q simnell poise . iij. vuncis . ʒ & ii . d. The q whyt loof coket poise . vi . vuncis . in weyght . The ob . whyt loof poise . xii . vuncis . The ob . whete loof poise . xviij . vuncis . The peny whete loof poise . xxxvi . vuncis . The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xxiiij . vuncis . The quarter Wheat at xv . s. vj. d. The q simnell poise . iij. vuncis . q ter . ʒ & j. d. ob . q ter . The q whyt loof coket poise . v. vuncis . iij. q ter . ii . d. The ob . whyt loof poise . xj . vuncis . ʒ & di . q ter . & ij . d. The halfe peny whete loof poise . xvij . vuncis . ʒ & j. d. ob . q . The peny whete loof poise . xxxv . vuncis . & di . q . & j. d. The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xxiii . vuncis . q ter . ʒ & j. d. ob . The quarter Wheat at xvj . s. The q simnell poise . iii. vuncis . q ter . & j. d. q ter . The q whyt loof coket poise . v. vun . & half & di . q . ob . iii. d. q The ob . whyt loof poise . xi . vuncis . q ter . ʒ & ii . d. The ob . whete loof poise . xvii . vuncis . & di . q ter . i. d. ob . q . The peny whete loof poise . xxxiiii . vuncis . q ter . ʒ & i. d. The ob . loof of all graynis . poise . xxii . vuncis . q ter . ʒ & i. d. ob . The quarter Wheat at xvj . s. vj. d. The q simnel poise . iij. vuncis . & half q ter . i. d. q . ob . The q whyt loof poise . coket v. vuncis . & ʒ & ij . d. qua . The ob . whyte loof poise . xj . vuncis . & half q . ij . d. The ob . whete loof poise . xvj . vuncis . iij. q ter . j. d. ob . q . The peny whete loof poise . xxxiij . vuncis . ʒ & half q ter . j. d. The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xxij . vuncis . q ter . ʒ i. d. ob . The quarter Wheat at xvij . s. The q simnell poise . iij. vuncis . ij . d. wyght . The q whyt loof coket poise . v. vuncis . & half . The ob . whyt loof poise . xj . vuncis . The ob . whete loof poise . xvj . vuncis . & half . The peny whete loof poise . xxiij . vuncis . The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xxij . vuncis . The quarter Wheat at xvij . s. vj. d. The q simnell poise . ii . vuncis . ii● . q ter . ʒ ij . d. q . The q whyt loof coket poise . v. vuncis . q ter . ʒ & q . The ob . whyt loof poise . x. vuncis . iij. q ter . & ob . The ob . whete loof poise . xvj . vuncis . & di . q ter . ob . q . The peny whete loof poise . xxxij . vuncis . q ter . & j. d. ob . The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xxj . vuncis . & half . j. d. The quarter Wheat at xviij . s. The q simnell poise . ij . vuncis . iij. q ter . ʒ & q . The q whyt loof coket poise . v. vuncis . & q ter . ob . q . The ob . whyt loof poise . x. vuncis . ʒ & j. d. The half peny whete loof poise . xv . vuncis . iij. q ter . ij . d. q . The peny wheat loof poise . xxxj . vuncis . ʒ & di . q ter . ij . d. The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xxj . vuncis . & di . j. d. The quarter Wheat at xviij . s. vj. d. The q simnell poise . ij . vuncis . iij. quar . ob . q . The q whyte loof coket poise . v. vuncis . & di . quar . j. d. q . The ob . whyte loof poise . x. vuncis . quar . & di . The ob . whete loof poise . xv . vuncis . di . & j. d. q . The peny whete loof poise . xxxj . vuncis . & di . q . The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xx . vuncis . iij. quarter . The quarter Wheat at xix . s. The q simnell poise . ij . vuncis . ʒ & di . quar . & j. d. q . The q whyt loof coket poise . v. vuncis . & j. d. ob . q . The ob . whyt loof poise . x. vuncis . & di . q ter . & j. d. The ob . whete loof poise . xv . vuncis . q ter . & q . The peny whete loof poise . xxx . vuncis . ʒ & ob . The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xx . vuncis . quar . & ij . d. The price of a quarter Wheat at xix . s. vi . d. The q simnell poise . ij . vuncis ʒ & ij . d. weyght The q whit loof coket poise . v. vuncis . The ob . whit loof poise . x. vuncis . The ob . whete loof poise . xv . vuncis . The peny whet loof poise . xxx . vuncis . The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xx . vuncis . The quarter Wheat at xx . s. The q simnell poise . ij vuncis . ʒ & a q ter . The q whit loof coket poise . iiij . vuncis . iii. q ter . ʒ ob . q ter . The ob . whit loof poise . ix . vunces . iij. q ter . j. d. ob . The ob . whete loof poise . xiiij . vuncis . & di . q ter . ij . d. q . The peny whete loof poise . xxix . vuncis . quart . ʒ ij . d. The ob . loof of all graynis poise . xix . vuncis . ʒ & di q . ob . ¶ Item , the half peny loof whyt of Stratford must wey ij . vuncis more than the half peny whyt loof of London . ¶ Item , the half peny whete loof of Stratford must wey iij. vuncis more than the half peny whete loof of London . ¶ Item , the peny whete loof of Stratford must weye vj. vuncis more than the peny whete loof of London . ¶ Item , iij. half peny whyt loofes of Stratford must weye as much as the peny whete loof . ¶ Item , the loof of all graynes , that is to say , the whete loof must weye as much as the peny whete loof and the halfe peny whyt loof . The Copy of the Bull for the Offerings to the Curates of the Parishes of the City of LONDON in Latine and English , and of the composition of the same . Chap. LXXXVI . NIcholaus Episcopus servus servorum Dei ad perpetuam rei memoriam , &c. The Copy of the Bull of Pope Nicholas for the same matter . OVr holy fader pope Nicolas , for perpetuall memori wylleth to sequester & avoyed all doughtis , by the whiche stryues dyscordes and grete loffys that is feryd to happen to Curatis and their Perysshens , lest that if it be not remedyid , grete hurt might happen bothe to the curatis and perysshens , as well in things temporall as spyrituall . So it is that now of late , after that the right honourable Thomas Archibishop of Canterbury , had shewed that he had found as he Rode in his visitation , that one Roger , byishop of London , had made a constytucyon upon offryngis on hooly dayes and solemp and doble festis , and namely of the appl'es whoo 's vygyls ben fasted by the inhabitants of houses , hostryes , and shops howsoever they be occupyed within the cite of london : that is to say , that all inhabitants and every of them , occupyenge the sayd houses , hostryes , or shoppis , and pay for the yerly rent of them ten s. shall offer a q And yf his rente be twenty s. ob . and so upward as it hath ben used to bee payd by the sayd peryshes tyme out of mynde of man. And that the same constytucyon was good and laufull , it appereth by that , that divers of the predecessours of Archbisshops of Canterbury ; by theyr Letters patents , hath it confirmed and approuyd , and whan some evyll dysposed of the perysshens wolde labour and study to construe this constytucyon to other sensys than it was made for : They made explanacions of the same , and ordained that the Mayre and Aldyrmen of the said Cite , and all the inhabytants that wolde bee rebell therto , sholde stonde a cursyd by the same dede , and many other things than expressed , ordayned our holy fader and predecessour Innocentius vii . ratefyenge and confermynge the letters of the said Thomas Archbysshop , addinge and amendynge defaultys if ony were , as more plainely apperyth by the lytters of the foresaide Innocent , wherin be contayned the lytters of the forsaid Thomas . And after as it hath been shewed vs of diuers credible persones that thought the Mayre , Sherefs , Aldyrmen , the Citezens , and the inhabytantes aforesaid , of the more part of them , after the olde and laudable custume in their offryngys on Sondayes and other folempne and double festys of the Appostles , namely whose euyns be fastyd yet within foure yeres or there aboute , Diuers hauyng litell regard to the well of their soules , and vnkinde to their moder the holy Chyrche , couetinge be litell and litell to minishe and take away the foresayd offryngys : ( The which yf they were deuoute , they sholde encrease and freely giue ) refuse to offyre but onely on Sondayes and on the solempne festys of the Appostles , whoo 's Euens been fastyd . And as for other solempne dayes , whiche be many ; they sayd that it was not expressed in the lytters of Roger Bysshop , nor in they said constitucyon , that they ought to offyre on them : nother in the lytters of Innocent , nor Thomas Bysshop , there was no parsight sense ; wherefore they thought the were but voyde . And also where we vnderstonde that iii. sentensys have been giuen agaynst one Robert Wryght , that is to say , one in this partyes , & in the court of Rome ; for as moche as refused to offer accordinge to the rate as aforesaid ; as on Sondayes , festis of the Appostles , whos vygyls ben fastyd : but as for thes thre Natiuities , of Saint Stephen , Saint Iohan , and in the Innocentis , he vrterly refused , and as many dayes in Ester , and in many dayes in Witsontide , and the Circumcision , Epiphanye , and Ascencion of our Lorde , and Corpus Christy , and foure vygyles of our Lady , Philip and Iacob , and the translacion of Saint Edmonde . And for as moche as it were painfull to all Curatys , if they sholde sue for euery particular cause , if their parisshens wolde bee frowarde . And for as much as we understonde that our welbelouyd Herry King of England , wolde that all stryfs and dewte touchinge the said offryngys sholde be auoyded . We will , and by our poure Appostolick conforme the lytters of the foresaide Innocent predecessour , and Thomas Archbishop , contayninge the constiucyon of the said Robert to bee observed and kepte for euer . And ouer that by this presentys , We will and ordaine that all inhabitantys houses , hostryes , shoppys ; foure yeres paste , and that aftyr this shall inhabit , paye their offryngys according to the rate aforesaid in the thre Natiuites of Saint Stephen , Saint Iohan , and the Innocentis , and as many daies in Ester and Witsontide , Circumcision , Epiphanye , and Ascencion of our Lorde , Corpus Christi , foure of our Lady , and Philip and Iacob , and euery dedicacion daye , and euery Sonday , and the festys of the Appostles whoo 's vygyls ben fasyd , and other double and solempne festys . And more plainely apperyth in the lytters of Innocent and Thomas archbisshops aforesaide , and in all dayes they have vsed to offere foure yeres passe to the parishe Chyrche . Within the bondys whereof the foresaid houses , hostrys or shoppes ben sette vpon the paine of excommunicacion , contained in the lytters of the said archbisshop , and of the which the shall not be asso●●d , out if hee satyfie the said offrings , or elles friendly agree with his Curat , but if it be in the point of dethe . So that if it hapned him to live , or his eyers make dew satisfaction . And also we giue power to the Ordinarijs of the said Chyrches where such offryngys be not paid , that the may without citacion summarily enquere of the said offryngys ; and if the finde that be vnpaide , to accurse the offenders , and them to punish according to this ordinance ; ony maner Bulle graunted writing generall or speciall ; now knowen or herafter to bee knowen ; not with standinge . The Letters of Innocent Bishop . THerfore for the parte , the Curatys of the cite of London , a peticion was made to vs , that a constituction the which was made by one Roger Bisshop of London , for the well both of the parisshens and the Curatys , the whiche was vsed the time out of minde , yet some vsed to constrew the said constitucion otherwise than it ought to be after their forward mind , and the which constitucion the saide Thomas Archbisshop of Canterbury , and in ony his predcessours hath approued and confirmed , that the same constitucion by vs sholde be confirmed . I inclined by their peticion , conferme all the said constitucion by the autorite appostolik ; and fulfille all defautis , if ony by the tenor of the said letters followeth . Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury , Primate of England , to the Mayer , Sheriffes , Aldermen , and Citizens of London , greetings . ALmighty God to whom belongeth therto and all that is therin , commaundithe that tenthis sholde be giuen him , and wolde be honoured spiritually with offrings ; and therfore the reuernde fader , Roger Nyger , late Bisshop of London , made a constitucion , as we finde in our vistacion , upon offring on Sondaies and solempne and doubly festis , and nambly of the Appostils , whoe 's vigils ben fastid , by the inhabitantis of houses , hostries , and Shoppis within the Cite of London : that is to say , that all and euery inhabitantes houses , hostries or Shoppes ; for an house , hostrie , or shoppes , whoo 's pension is x. s. by yere , a ferthing : and so forth , if it assende to xl . s. a peny . Some yet hauing littell regarde to their soules , construed that if the said pension neuer so moch excedid xl . s. that hee shall pay but one peny . We therfore willing that all alteracion as touching that sholde be remoued , will by the autorite of this letters , that if the said pension excede xl . s. by x. s. that he shall pay one peny ferthing , and for euery x. s. a stending q̄ter . and for as moche as we will not hereafter onely forward exposicion of this confirmation to be had , we will that all the that hereafter will not obey and follow this our exposicion , stonde acursed by the gret sentence by the same dede , and for as moche as no man shall excuse himselfe by cause of ingnorunce , wee will and ordaine that all Curatis within the said Cite iiij . times in the yere in the Masse time , publisshe and expowne : and moreouer , wee ordaine and giue power to all Persones and Vicars of the said Cite , to cite all the offenders of the said constitucion to apere before vs or our officiall , that there to obbey the law as reson will , to the whiche officiall by this presentis we giue our power , in witnesse wherof , &c. Let no man therfore offende this ordinaunce , for if he doe it , he shall ronne in the indignacion of God and his holy Appostolis , Peter and Powle . Giuen at Rome at Saint Peters , the xvj . kalendas of May. Maister William Freston officiall to the Deane of Powles , after that he had by grete deliberacion examined a cause of witholding of thentis . By me Robert Wright , of the parisshe of Saint Edmond in Lumberstret in the solempne and double festis , and the festis of Saint Stheuen , Iohn , and Innocents , after Christmes , Circumcision , Epiphanie of our Lord , iij. holy daies in Estirweke , iij. holy daies in Witsoweke , Corpus Christi , ascencion of our Lord , Phelip and Iacob , and v. sestis of our Lady , and every dedicacion day by his sentence condempned the said Robert Wright , the which appealed to Rome , where the same sentence in all thing was affirmed by one William of Fundera , Bisshop of Olern , and Commissary to the Pope ; saue that hee sholde haue said in three festis of our Lady and not in fiue , and therin the sentence was reuersed , and for that cause the said Robert was not condempned in the expensis . And after the same Robert appellyde to the Pope himselfe , the which affirmed in euery thing the sentence of the said William de Fundera , and condempned the defendant in expencis in the last apppelle . The composition of all Offrings within the City of London , and Suburbs of the same . FIrst , that every persone dweller and inhabitant in ony houses in London , or suburbis of the same , hired and occupied as for the full rente and pension of x. s. yerely , shall offer to God and to the Chyrche , in whoo 's parisshe suche place standeth , one q euery day in the festis that following , that is to say , in euery Sonday in the yere , Christmas day , Circumcision , Ephiphanie , Purificacion of our Lady , Mathei Appostle , Annunciacion of our Lady , the Assencion of our Lorde , Corpus Christi , Saint Mathewe Appostle , Simon and Iude , Alhalowen , Andrew Appostle , Concepcion of our Lady , Thomas Appostle , Iohn Baptist , Peter and Powle , Iames Appostle , Bartilmew Appostle , Assumpcion and Natiuity of our Lady , Dedication day , whiche from the day forward shall be through all London , and for the paris Chirches in London that be halowid the iij. day of Octobre , also one day of the principall festis of the Patron of euery Chirch through London , the suburbis of the same , yerely without contradiction , and if such inhabited houses be leten for xx . s. ob . and if for xxx . s. ob . q . and if for xl . s. i. d. and if for l. s. i. d. q. and so euery assending and dissending by x. s. into what summe that euer it bee , shall alwaie offer ferthing after the rate of x. s. in the festis abouesaid ; and if such dwellings , occupied and inhabited houses be not leten , but perauenter that owner that dwelle therin , or frely let , or otherwise occupied as for a dwellingis , that than the offringis shal be as it was leten before , or else after a common value ; and dowt thereof , that rent to be extemyd by the Chirch wardeins for the time being ; and if a man dwell and inhabite diuers places & houses within the said Cite , in one or diuers parisshes , he than shall after the rate & daies aforesaid , offer euery house to the Chirch in whoo 's paris the stonde , prouided alway that when ii . of the festis aforesaid fall vpon one day , than the offring shal be for one day . Item , where ony dwelled in the said Cite , inhabited or occupied a dwelling place an howse , vnder the price , rent , or pension of vj. s. viij . d. that than he shal be bound to offer iiij . daies in the yere , in the iiij . principall festis of the Chirch there as he is parishen , of and if such pension or rente extende to the full summe of vj. s. viij . d. or aboue , and not fully to the summe of x. s. that than them inhabitant for euery s. shall pay to the Chirch j. d. ob . onis in the yere . Prouided alway that if the said dweller come before his Curate , and say vpon his faith and trouthe , that he may not pay his said money according to the ordinaunce aforesaid beneth x. s. that then the said Curate shall holden him content with such as he will giue him , aught or naught , and the dweller thereupon shall be quite . Also and the pension of rent of such inhabitant houses , extend aboue the summe of x. s. and not fully to the summe of xxx . s. and so to any summe being betweene x. and x. than the Inhabitant shall pay ones a yere to the Curate for euery s. of the said summe being betweene x. and x. j. d. ob . yerely . Item , where as a dwelling house is hired of gret , and after leten out by parties to sondry folkes , that than the hirer in grete , if that he dwelle in the principall parte of the same house , shall offer to God and to the Chirch in the daies aforsaid , for the rent of all the holy rent , if the said house bee inhabited and occupied , as dwelling places , and ellis after the rule that followeth : and if the said hirer in gret dwelle not in ony parte therof , but lete it out againe , that then hee that dwelleth in the principall parte shall offer all , and the remenunt iiij . d. by yere . Item , all tho in the said Cite or suburbis , or that occupied houses not inhabited , as Shoppis , Celars , Shaddis , Ware houses , Stables , Wharfes , Kranes , Timbre hawes , Teinter places for Fullers , or other places , Gardeins , shall ones in the yere for euery pounde that they be leten fore , if they be hired , or after a common value , if they be not hired , giue vnto the Curate of the Chirch there as such houses bin , vj. d. without ony other offrings for the said houses , affendingis and diffendingis after the rate of vj. d. of the pounde , and for x. s. iij. d. and so after the rate affendingis and deffendingis , without more charge of offring for it . Item , that all apprentices , seruants , and hired men within the said Cite , not shargede with such rent and housings , which shall be houselder at Ester or about Ester , shall iiij . times in the yere , at iiij . principall festis offer to God and to the Chirch . Also as for personall tythes , the parisshens by this ordinance shall neither be charged nor dissharged , sauing that hereafter shall no Curat vex , trouble , sue , ordaine Sacraments or Seruice for no payment of the same , but leue them to good deuocion , and conscience of the parisshens . Item , all offryngs vndone before this day , or ony other attempted contrary beside , or against this present Wryting , by ony person or persons , shall stonde quite , and not be remembred as vnto ony suit or stryf , but all such things before this day done , shall cleane be remet , and forgiuen on boothe perties . BE it in mynde , that this bonde and arbitrement is made the xvii . day of Decembre , the yeere of the incarnacion of our Lord , M. iiij . C. L. vij . by Maister Laurence Bothe , Maister William Radclyf , Master Lucas Lancok , Maister Iohn Aleyn , Master Iohn Lyleford , Geffrey Felding , William Taylor , Master Robert Kent , arbitratour , chosen vpon the Premisse , as in the tenor of the compremisse thereupon made openly made it may appeare . In this Chapter is shewed the Patrones of all the Benefices in London . ANne on the Towrehill , and Abbey of white Monkes . Anne within Aldrichgate , diocis London , Patron Deane of Saint Martyn the graunde . The desine . Augustin in Bradstretward , the Priour of friers August . Anthonius in Bradstretward , a College , the Kinge Patron . Augustin by London wall , Priour of Crichirche in London Patron . Augustin in Watlingstrete by Poules gate , Patrone . Antelyne in bogerowe , diocis London , Patrone Deane and Chapitur of Poules . The decins xx . s. Albon in Woodstret , diocis London , Provost of Eaton Patron , Decins xx . s. Alphey within Criplegate , diocis London , Patrone Deane of Saint Martin the graunte . The sine . Alborought without Bishopsgate . Alhalwyn in Bredstrete , diocis Canterbury , Patrone Bisshop of Canterbury . Alhalwin Lumberstret , diocis Canterbury , Patrone Priour of Crichirch in Canterbury . The desine . Alhalwin by London wall , diocis London , Patrone Priour of Crichirche in London . The desine . Alhalwin the more , diocis London , the Kinge Patrone . The decis xiii . s. iiii . d. Alhalwin the lesse , diocis London , Patrone the Master of Laurence Pulteney . The sine . Alhalwin Brekinge Chirche , diocis London , Patron Abbot of Breking . The desine x. s. viii . d. Alhalwin Staynings , diocis London Patron the Abbot of Tourhill . The decis xvii . s. iiii . d. Alhalwin in Honilane London , Patron the Wardeins of Grocers . The decis xvii . s. iiii . d. Andrew in Cornehill , diocis London , Parone Bisshop of London . The decis xvii . s. iiii . d. Andrew Hubert in Eastchepe , diocis London , Erle of Shrewisbury Patrone . The decis xvii . s. iiii . d. Andrew at Baynard Castle , diocis London , Patrone Bishop of London . The desine xx . s. Andrew in Holborne , diocis London , Patrone Abbot of Bermonsey . The decis xiii . s. iiii . d. BOtulfe by Billings gate , diocis London , Patron Deane and Chapitur of Poules . The decis x. s. iiii . d. Botulfe without Algate , diocis London , Patrone the Priour of Crichirche in London . The dicis . Botulfe without Bishoppisgate , diocis London , Patron the Bishop of London . The decis xvii . iiii . d. Botulfe without Aldrichgate , diocis London , Patron Deane of Saint Martins graunt . The decis . Benet at Greshirche , diocis London , Patrone Deane and Chapiter of Pouls . The decis xxiiii . s. Benet at Poules wharf , diocis London , Deane and Chapiter of Poules Patrone . The decis xvii . s. iiii . d. Benet Sherehog , called Saint Sithes , diocis London , Patrone Priour of Saint Mary onirthere . Decis xx . s. Benet Fynke , diocis London , Patrone the Master of Saint Anthony . The decis xvii . s. iiii . d. Bride in Fleetstreet , diocis London , Patrons the King and the Abbot of Westminster . Decis xx . s. Barthilmew the little , diocis London , Patrone the Abbot on the Towre-hill . The decis xvii . s. iiii . d. Barthilmew in Smithfield Prioury , Temperalties lxxxx . li. xiiii . s. iiii . d. Desine viii . li. xvii . s. q. Barthilmew in Smithfield spytell , a Master and a Colege . CLement beside Estchep , diocis London , Patrone Abbot of Westminster . Decis xx . s. Clement without Temple barre , diocis London , Patron the Bishop of Excester . Decis . Clare Systers , Minores without Algate , in the suburbs of London . Christofer by the Stokkys , diocis London , Patrone the Bishop of London . The decis xxix . s. viii . d. Dominick Frier Pryechers of London at Ludgate Dunstan in the Est , diocis Canterbury , Patrone Prior of Crichirche in Canterbury . The Decis . Dunstan the West , diocis London , Patrone the Abbot of Alnewik . The decis xx . s. Deonise in Fanchirche stret , diocis Canterbury , Patrone the Bishop of Canterbury , and the Priour of Crichirche of Canterbury . Decis . EEdmond without Newgate , called Saint Sepulcre , diocis London , Patron Priour of Saint Barthilmewes . Decis x. s. Edmond in Lombardys strete , diocis London , Patron Priour of Chrichirche in London . Decis xx . s. Ethelborugh within Bisshopsgate , diocis London , Patron Priouresse of Saint Helyne . The decis . FAith within Powles , diocis London , Patrons Deane and Chapiter of London . The decis xx . s. Foster in Fosterlane , diocis Cant. Patron Bishop of Canterbury . The decis . Fraunces within Newgate Freers . GRegory by Powles , diocis London , apropred to the pety Chanons of Poules . The decins xx . s. Giles without Crepilgate . diocis London , Patrons Deane and Chapiter of Powles . The decins xx . s. George in Pudding lane , diocis London , Patron Abbot of Bermonsey . The decins . George in Southwerke , diocis Winchester , Patron Abbot of Bermonsey . The desine . Gilis , an Hospitall beyonde Holborne . HEleyne , Prioury of Nunnes within Bishopsgate . The decin xvii . s. iiii . d. Heleyne paryschyrche within Bisshopsgate , diocis London , the Prioures of Saint Heleyn Parson . Heleyne beside Martlane , a Prioury of crossed Freers . IOhns , an Hospitall beside west Smithfield of London . Iohn Zachary , diocis London , Patrons Deane and Chapiter of Poules . The decin xx . s. Iohn Euangelist in Fryday stret , diocis Canterbury , Patrone Priour of Crichirche of Canterbury . The decis . Iohns in Walbroke , diocis London , Patrone Prioures of Saint Helene . The decis x. s. viii . d. Iames at Garlykhith , diocis London , Patron Abbot of Westminster . The decins ix . s. iiii . d. Iames an Hermitage within Crepilgate . Iames an Hospitale beside Charing-crosse . Iames parish Chirche within the Prioury of Halywell . Iohns of Halywell without Bishopsgate , a Pryoures of Nonnes . KAterine on the Towrehill , Maister and Colege , the Kinge Patrone . Katerine Chapell beside Charing-crosse , an Hermitage . Katerine Chirch within Algate , diocis London , Patrone Priour of Crichirch in London . The decis . Katerine Colman within Algate . LEonard in Estchep , diocis Canterbury , Patrone the Priour of Crichirche in Canterbury . The decis . Leonard in Fosterlane , diocis London , Patrone Deane of Saint Martins graunt . The decis xvii . s. iiii . d. Leonard in Shordich , diocis London , belonging to the Archdeken of London . The decis . Laurence Pultendy , diocis London , Patrone Duke of Suffolke . The decis xx . s. Laurence in the Iury , diocis London , Patron Bayly Colege of Oxford . The decis . MAry at Bowe , diocis Canterbury , Patron Bisshop of Canterbury . Decis . Mary Aldirmary Chirch in Watlingstrete , diocis Canterbury , Patrone Bisshop of Canterbury . The decins . Mary Bothhawe by the Erber , diocis Canterbury , Patrone Priour of Crichirch of Canterbury . The decins . Mary Colchirche , diocis London , Patrone Maister of Saint Thomas of Acres . The decins . Mary Staininglane , diocis London , Patrone Prioures of Clerkenwell . Mary in Aldermanbury , diocis London , Patron Priour of Elsinge spitell . Decis xvii . s. iiii . d. Mary Wolnothe in Lumbardstrete , diocis London , Patrone Priours of S. Heleyn . The decis xxiiii . s. Mary Abchirche , diocis London , Patron Maister of Saint Laurence Pulteney . The decins v. s. iiii . d. Mary Wulchirche , diocis London , the Abbot of Saint Iohns Colchester Patron . The decins xxiiii . s. Mary Foundchirche , diocis London , Priour of Crichirche Patrone in London . The decins xvii . s. iiii . d. Mary Somerset , diocis London , Patron Deane and Chapiter of Poules . The decis . Mary on the Hill , diocis London , Patron Page of Dortford in Kent , Gentleman . The decins xxiiii . s. Mary at Ax , diocis London , Patron Prioures of Saint Helyns . Dec. Mary Mounthawe , diocis London , Patron the Bisshop of Herford . The dec . Mary Matfelow , diocis London , Patron Bisshop of London . The decis . Mary at the Stronde crosse , diocis London , Patron Bisshop of Wurceter . The deocis . Mary in Fletstrete , a priory of white Freers . Mary Chapell by Berking chirche . Mary de grace , an Abbey of Monkes by the Towre of London . Mary Priory of Elsingspitell within Crepelgate . Mary the newe Hospitall without Bisshopsgate . Mary salutacion Chartyrhous , by West Smitfelde in London . Mary Hospitall of Bedleem without Bisshopsgate . Mary ouer the ree in Southwerke , a Priory of Chanons . Mary , called S. Mary Spitell , without Bisshopsgate . Mary Magdalenen in Milkstreete , diocis London , Patrone Deane and Chapiter of Poules . The decis xx . s. Mary Magdalenen in old Fishstrete , diocis London , Patrone Deane and Chapiter of Poules . Dec. xiii . s. iiii . d. Mary Magdalenen by Bermonsey , diocis Winchester , Patron Abbot of Bermonsey . Mary Magdalenen by Saint Mary ouer the Ree , diocis Winchester , Patrone the Prior of Saint Mary ouer the Ree . The decis . Mary Magdalenen at Tuthill , called Lawlesse . Martin Otyrwich , diocis London , Patrons Wardens of Taylours . The decis xvii . s. iiii . d. Martin Pomers in Irmonger lane , diocis London , Patron Priour of Saint Bartilmews . The decis xvii . s. iiii . d. Martin in the Vintre , diocis London , Patron the Abbot of Glouceter . The decis xxvi . s. viii . d. Martyn by Ludgat , diocis London , Patron Abbot of Westminster . Decis xxvi . s. viii . d. Martyn Orgar in Candilwykstrete , diocis london , Patron Deane and Chapiter of Powles . The decis xvii . s. iiii . d. Martyn in the felde beside Charing-crosse . Magnes by london bridge , diocis london , patron the Abbot of Westminster and Bermonsey . The decis xxv . s. viii . d. Mathew in Frydaystrete , diocis london , patron the Abbot of Westminster . The decis xx . s. Margret in Lothbury , diocis london , patrones Abbeys of Berkinge in Essex . The dec . Margret in Brydgstrete , diocis london , patrone Abbot of Winchester . The dec . Margret Moyses in Friday strete , diocis london , the Kinge patrone . The decis xxvi . s. viii . d. Margret patens , diocis london , patrone Maior and Aldermen of london . The dec . Margret in Southwerk , diocis Winchester , patron the priour of Saint Mary ouer the ree . The desine . Margret at Westminster . Mildredys in bredstrete , diocis london , patrone the priour of Saint Mary ouer the ree . The decins xvii . s. iiii . d. Mildrede in the pultry , diocis london , patrone priour of Saint Mary ouer the Ree . The decis xvii . s. iiii . d. Mihell in Cornehyll , diocis london , patrone Abbot of Eyuesham . The decins liii . s. iiii . d. Michell in Bassingys hawe , diocis london , patrone Deane and Chapytur of powles . The decins xiii . s. iiii . d. Mighell by Quenehyth , diocis london , patrone Deane and Chapitur of powles . The decis xx . s. Michell Querene by powles gate , diocis london , partone Deane and Chapitur of powles . The decis . Michell in Woodstrete , diocis london . Michell in Crokedlane , diocis Canter . patrone bysshop of Canter . Decins . Michell pater noster Whittyngton College , diocis Canter . patrones Wardens of Mercers . The decins . NIcholas Colde Abbey , diocis london . Nicholas Oluf in bredstrete , diocis london , patrone Deane and Chapitur of powles . The decis xvii . s. iiii . d. Nicholas Acon by Lumbardstrete , diocis london , patrone Abbot of Malmesbury . The decis xx . s. Nicholas in Fleshhamels , diocis london , patrons the King and the Abbot of Westminster . The decis xl . s. OLuf in Silverstrete , diocis london . Oluf in the Olde Iury , diocis london , patrone priour of bottle in suffolke . The decis . x. s. Oluf by the crossed Fryers , diocis london , patrone Cely in Martlane . The decis xx . s. Oluf in Southwarke , diocis Winchester , patron priour of Lews in Southsex . The decis . Owyn within Newgate , diocis london , patrone lord of Saint Iones Ierl . The decis . Powles the Cathedrall Chyrche of london , Deane and Residences . Peter in Cornehill , diocis london , Patrons Maior and Aldermen of london . The decis xxvi . s. viii . d. Peter in West Chepe , diocis london Patrone Abbot of Saint Albons . The decis xx . s. Peter the Poore , diocis london . Peter the lytell at Powles wharfe diocis london , Patrons Deane and Chapitur of Powlis . The decis xvii . s. iiii . d. Pancrasse in Nedeler lane , diocis Canter . Patrone bisshop of Canter . decis Pancrasse in the felde . Peter within the Towr of london . Peter of Westminster , Abbey of blacke Monkys . STephan in Walbrok , diocis london , Mayster Lee of the same Parishe Patrone . The decis xiii . s. iiii . d. Stephan in Colmanstret , diocis london , Patron Priour of botle in Sulfelde . The decis x. s. Stephan a College and the Kings Chapell at Westmonster . Stephan in Candilwikstrete , diocis London , Patrone Priour of Cottington . The decis xx . s. Saluator of Bermonsey , an Abbey of blacke Monkes . TRinite called Crichirch , within Algate of London , a Priory . Trinite in Knight riders strete , diocis London , Patrone Deane and Chapitur of Powles . The decis xx . s. Thomas of Acres , a College in west chepe . Thomas Appostell , parish Chirch in the Ryall . Thomas , a Spitall in Southwerke . Thomas Martyr , a Chapell on London bridge . Corpus Cristi Chapell , in the Pultry of London . Corpus Cristi Chapell , in the College of Saint Laurence Pulteney . Trinite Chapell vpon the Charnehill , in the Chirch hawe of Saint Michell in Crokedlane . The Chapell vpon the Charnehill in the Chirch hawe of Saint Powles in London . The Chapell of Saint Thomas in pardon Chirch haw , London . The Chapell vpon the Charnell in the Chirche hawe of Saint Dunstan in the Este . The Chapell of the Guilde hall in London , called Saint Nichans . The Chapell vpon the Charnell , at Mary Spitall without Bisshopsgate . The litell Chapell of Bedlem without Bisshopsgate . The litell Chapell vpon the Charnell , in the Chirch hawe of Saint Thomas in Southwerke . The Chapell in the Chirche hawe at Chartirhous . The frary Chapell beside Saint Iohns Ierusalem , called Vrsula . The Chapell without Temple bare , called Saint Spirite . The Chap. of our Lady at Rounceuale . The Chapell within Barthelmew Spitell . THE REMAINES OR REMNANTS OF DIVERS WORTHY THINGS , which should have had their due place and honour in this Worke , if promising friends had kept their words . But they failing , and part of them comming to my hands by other good meanes , they are here inserted , to accompany my Perambulation foure miles about London . LONDON , Printed by Elizabeth Purslow , and are to bee sold by Nicholas Bourne , at his Shop , at the South Entrance of the ROYALL EXCHANGE . 1633. The Colledge of Gods-Gift , at Dulwich , in the County of Surry : founded , raised , and builded , at the cost and charges of Master EDWARD ALLEYNE , Esquire , in Anno Dom. 1614. THe thirteenth day of September , being Munday , Anno 1619. the Colledge of Gods-gift in Dulwich , consisting of one Master , one Warden , and foure Fellowes ; three of which are persons Ecclesiasticall , and the fourth a skilfull Organist . Moreover , twelve aged poore people , and twelve poore children ; Master Edward Aileyne , publikely and audibly , in the Chappell of the said College , did reade and publish one Writing Quadrupartite in Parchment , bearing date the day and yeere forementioned . Whereby he did make , create , erect , found , and establish the said Colledge , according to the power and liberty given him by his Majesties Letters Patents , under his great Seale , bearing date at Westminster the 21. of Iune , in the yeere abovesaid . When he had read and published the said Writing , he subscribed it with his name , and then fixed his Scale to every part of the Quadrupartite writing , in the presence and hearing of these witnesses : Frances Lord Verulam , Lord Chancellour of England , and one of his Majesties Privy Councell . Thomas Earle of Arundell , Knight of the Garter , Earle Marshall of England , and one of his Majesties Privy Councell . Sir Edward Cecill , Knight , alias Generall Cecill , second Sonne to Thomas Excester . Sir Iohn Howland , Knight , and high Sheriffe of the Counties of Sussex and Surry . Sir Edmund Bowyer of Cammerwell , Knight . Sir Tho. Grymes of Peckham , Knight . Sir Iohn Bodly of Stretham , Knight . Sir Iohn Tonstal of Cashaulten , Knight . And divers other persons of great and worthy respect . The foure Quadrupartite Writings forenamed , were ordered to foure severall Parishes . viz. Saint Betolphs without Bishopsgate . Saint Giles without Cripplegate . Saint Saviours in Southwarke . And the Parish of Cammerwell . A briefe recitall of the particulars . Recitall of King Iames his Letters Patents . Recitall of the Founders deed Quadrupartite . Ordination of the Master , Warden , &c. Ordination of the assistant members , &c. The Master and Warden to bee unmarried , &c. The Master and Warden to bee one and twenty yeeres of age at the least . Of what degrees the Fellowes ought to bee . Of what condition the poore Brothers and Sisters ought to be . Of what condition the poore Schollers ought to be . Of what Parishes ought the Assistants to be . Of what Parishes the poore are to be taken , and members of the Colledge . The forme of their election . The Warden to supply , when the Masters place is void . The election of the Warden . The Warden to be bound by Recognizance . The Warden to provide a dinner at his election of his owne charges . The manner of investing the Fellowes . The manner of electing the Schollers . Election of the poore of Cammerwell . The Master and Wardens Oath . The Fellowes Oath . The poore Brothers & Sisters Oath . The Assistants Oath . The pronunciation of admission . The Masters Office. The Wardens Office. The Fellowes Office. The poore Brothers & Sisters Office The Matron of the poore Schollers . The Porters Office. The Office of the thirty members . Of Residency . Orders for the poore , and their goods Of obedience . Orders for the Chappell and buriall . Orders for the Schoole and Schollers , and placing of poore Schollers forth . Order of Diet. The Schollers Surplices and Coats . Time for viewing Expences . Publike Audit , and private sitting dayes . Audit and Treasure Chamber . Of Lodgings . Orders for the Lands and Woods . The Master and Warden allowed diet for one man apiece ; and what Servants for the Colledge , and their wages . Disposition and division of the Revenues . Disposition of the Rent of the blue house . The poore to be taken out of any other Parish or County , in case none be found capable in the Parishes prescribed . The disposition of forfeitures . The Statutes to be read over foure severall times in the yeere . The disposition of certaine Tenements in Saint Saviours Parish , and Southwarke . A briefe Remembrance of such Noble and Charitable deeds , as have beene done by the late Right Honourable , Baptist Lord Hicks , Viscount Campden , as well in his life as at his death : Recorded to the glory of God , his owne honour , and good example of others . Good deeds done to the Towne of Campden , in the County of Gloucester . HE built an Almes-house or Hospitall for sixe poore men , and sixe poore women , which cost 1000. li. Since the yeere of the foundation of the said Almes-house , to wit , 1612. he hath allowed the said twelve poore people weekely maintenance , to the value of 1300. li. And at his death , he hath settled 140. li. per annum , ( for ever ) upon the said Almes-house , allowing to each of the said poore Pentioners three shillings foure pence weekely ; and yeerely , a Gowne , a Hat , and a Tunne of Coales . Hee built a commodious Market-house in the said Towne , which cost 90. li. By his last Will , he gave to the said Towne , for the setting of the poore to worke , a Stocke of 500. li. To the Church of Campden . He gave a Bell which cost threescore and sixe pounds . He caused a Pulpit to be made , and gave a Cloth and Cushion thereto , which cost two and twenty pounds . He built a Gallery there , which cost eight pounds . Hee made a Window , which cost thirteene pounds . He gave a brasse Faulcon , which cost sixe and twenty pounds . Hee gave two Communion Cups , which cost one and twenty pounds . He built the Roofe of the Chancell , and new leaded it , which cost 200. li. He repaired the Chappell by the said Chauncell , supplied and new cast the Leads , which cost 20. li. He round walled the Church-yard , which cost 150. li. Within the County of Middlesex . He built a Sessions house for the Iustices of Middlesex , to keepe their Sessions in , which cost 600. li. He repaired and adorned the Chappell of Hampsted , which cost threescore and sixteene pounds . He caused a Window to be set up in the Chancell of Kensington , and beautified it , which cost 30. li. He hath given by his last Will to the said Towne of Kensington , to be imployed for the benefit of the poore , the sum of 200. li. In the City of London . Hee hath given by his last Will to Saint Bartholmewes Hospitall , 100. li. To Christs Church Hospitall , 50. li. To Newgate , Ludgate , and the two other prisons of the Counters , 40. li. He erected a Window in Saint Laurence Church in the Old Iewry , and gaue a Pulpit Cloth , and a Cushion also , which cost 30. li. Impropriations purchased , and bestowed upon the Church . One in Pembrokeshire , to be given to the Towne of Tewkesbury in Gloucestershire ; whereof one moity goeth to the Preacher , and the other moity to the poore , which cost 460. li. Another in Northumberland ; whereof one moity is to be given towards the maintenance of an able Preacher in Hampsted , the other moity to Saint Pauls Schoole in London , towards the maintenance of certaine Schollers in Trinitie Colledge in Cambridge , which cost 760. li. One in the Bishopricke of Durham , to bee bestowed on such Churches as shall have most need thereof ; according to the disposition of the Supervisers , which cost 366. li. Another in Dorsetshire , to bee bestowed in the like manner , which cost 760. li. Certaine Chauntry Lands also in Lincolneshiere , which cost 240. li. He hath also given to two Ministers , to bee chosen out of Iesus Colledge in Oxenford , to serve in their severall places , 40. li. each man per annum , which cost 80. li. He hath bequeathed Legacies to severall Ministers , the summe of 140. li. Hee hath given to Master A. E. during his life , yeerely the summe of 100. li. He hath given among his houshold servants the summe of 300. li. An Epitaph made in his Memoriall . Reader , know , who-ere thou be , Here lies Faith , Hope , and Charity , Faith true , Hope firme , Charity free , Baptist , Lord Campden , was these three . Faith in God , Charity to Brother , Hope for himselfe , what ought he other ? Faith is no more , Charity is crown'd , T is onely Hope is under ground . Vpon a Tombe in the Temple Church in London . Here lieth the body of Anne Littleton , Wife of Edward Littleton , of the Inner Temple , Esquire , sonne and heire of Sir Edward Littleton of Henley , in the County of Salop , Knight ; daughter of Iohn Littleton of Franckley , in the County of Worcester , Esquire , by Meriel , the daughter of Sir Thomas Bomley , Knight , Lord Chancellor of England . She died the vj. day of February 1623. on whom was made this Epitaph : Here she lies , whose spotlesse fame invites a stone to learne her name . The rigid Spartan , that deny'd an Epitaph to all that dy'd , Vnlesse for Warre or Chastity ; would here vouchsafe an Elegy . Shee did a Wife , but yet her minde ( beyond Virginity refinde ) From lawlesse fire remain'd as free , as now from heat her as●es be . Her husband ( yet without a sinne ) was not a stranger , but her kin , That her chaste Love might seeme no other , vnto a husband then a brother . Keepe well this pawne , thou marble chest , till it be cal'd for , let it rest : For while this Iewell here is set , The grave is but a Cabinet . Vpon a Tombe in the Chancell in Saint Botolphs Aldersgate . She died a Virgin on Whitsunday , Anno Domini 1622. about eighteene yeeres of age , and having at her death a spirituall combat with Satan about her Salvation , wherein shee prevailing most cheerefully , departed from Earth to Heaven , to bee married to Christ Jesus the Lord of both . At the bottome . The Monument of Mistres Iudeth Plat , the onely Daughter of Sir Hugh Plat , Knight , with the matches of her Ancestours , and neere Allies on her Father and Mothers side ; as also her lineall Descent from the ancient Earles of Surry , Huntingdon , Arundell and Chester , and her spirituall conquest at her death against Satan . This Tombe is in Saint Brides Church . Here resteth the body of Sir George Curzon , of Croxall , in the County of Derby , descended from ancient Gentry , and of long continuance in that place ; who , like the Race from whence he came , was a man of upright life , religious and hospitable ; He tooke to Wife Mary , the daughter of Sir Richard Leveson , of Lelleshull , in the County of Salop , Knight , by whom he had Walter , who died young , and Mary , then his onely Daughter and Heire , who was married to Edward Sackvill , Earle of Dorset , Knight of the Honourable Order of the Garter ; which Lady caused this Monument to be here infixed , to the sacred memory of her deare Father . He departed this life the 17. of November , 1622. This Tombe stands in Saint Giles Cripplegate Church . Memoriae Sacrum . Here lieth the body of Matthew Palmer , Esquire , who died the 18. of May , 1605. together with Anne his Wife , who died the last day of Iune , 1630. by whom hee had foure Sons and one Daughter , viz. Thomas Palmer , his eldest Sonne , deceased the fifth of May , 1631. and here also buried : Elizabeth , Edward , Andrew , and Ralfe , who when as it so pleaseth God , desire this place for the custody of their bodies likewise , till their assured and glorious Resurrection . This Monument stands in St. Andrewes Church in Holborne . Antiquo Stemate Nobilis , avitis suis virtutibus clarius ; hic jacet Iohannes Ashburnham , nuper de Ashburnham miles , qui obijt in festo Sancti Petri , 1620. Aetatis 49. Relictis conjuges charissimis Iohanne , Gulielmo ; Elizabeth , Francisca , Anna , & Catherina . Domina Eliz. Ashburnham . Vidua F. Thomae Beamount de Staughton in Com. Leicestr . Milit. Hoc amori & officio consulens , meritissimo viri lugubris posuit , 1621. This Tombe was made 1629. and stands in the Temple Church . Memoriae Sacrum . Here resteth the body of Clement Coke , of Langford , in the County of Derby , Esquire , youngest Sonne of Sir Edward Coke , Knight , late chiefe Justice of England ; and of Bridget his Wife , Daughter and Co-heire of Iohn Paston of Paston , in the County of Norfolke , Esquire : this Clement married Sara , Daughter and Co-heire of Alexander Rediche of Rediche , in the County of Lancaster , Esquire , and of Katherine his Wife , sole daughter & Heire of Humphrey Dethick of Newal , in the County of Derby , Esquire , and had issue by the said Sara , living at his death , Edward Robert , Bridget , and Avise : hee in the Inner Temple being a Fellow of the same , Christianly and comfortably in his flourishing age , yeelded up his soule to the Almighty , the three and twentieth of May , Anno Dom. 1629. This Monument stands in Christs Church , and was made 1627. Neere unto this place lyeth buried the body of Nicholas Beamount , of Cole-Overton , in the County of Leicester , Esquire , and Anne his Wife , the Daughter of William Saunders , of Welfard , in the County of Northamton , Esquire , by whom he had issue foure Sonnes and two Daughters , viz. Henry , Francis , Thomas , and Hunting , Dorothy , and Katherine ; the said Nicholas died the fourth of November , 1598. His Wife died the tenth of February , 1591. In remembrance of whom , this Monument was erected at the care and cost of Elizabeth Lady Ashburnham , Widdow , late Wife of Sir Iohn Ashburnham , Knight , Daughter to Sir Thomas Beamount of Staughton , in the County aforesaid ; their third sonne , at the appointment of her Vnkle , Master Francis Beamount , Esquire , their second Sonne , to whom the Erector hereof was Executrix . This Tombe was made 1631. and stands neere the South doore in Westminster . Michael Draiton , Esquire , a memorable Poet of this age , exchanged his Laurell for a Crowne of glory , Anno Dom. 1631. Doe pious Marble , let thy Readers know , What they , and what their children owe To Draitons name , whose sacred dust We recommend unto thy trust : Protect his Memory , and preserve his Story , Remaine a lasting Monument of his glory : And when thy Ruines shall disclaime , To be the Treasurer of his Name : His Name that cannot fade , shall be An everlasting Monument to thee . The Foundation of the Armory of that remarkable Nurcery of Military Discipline , called the Artillery Garden London , was begun to be erected the first day of May , An. Dom. 1622. and was finished the last day of November then next following , Colonell Hugh Hammersley being then President , Edward Pierce Treasurer , Henry Petowe Marshall , and Iohn Bingham Esquire , Captaine , and one of the Councell of warre for this Kingdome . Vpon which Monument these Lines following were composed . Londons Honour , and her Citizens approved Love , exercising Armes in the Artillery Garden London . The Fabricke . THis Architecture , Phoenix of our age , ( All Europe cannot shew her Equipage ) Is Mars his Mistresse , which retaines the store Of Mars his Armes , being Mars his Paramore , This Fabricke was by Mars his Souldiers fram'd , And Mars his Armory's this Building nam'd . The Souldiers Honuor . It holds five hundred Armes to furnish those , That love their Soveraigne , and will daunt His foes , They spend their time , and doe not spare for cost , To learne the use of Armes , there 's nothing lost ; Both time and coyne to doe their Country good , They 'l spend it freely , and will lose their blood . The Aldermans Love. Our City London is a Royall thing , For it is call'd the Chamber of our King ; Whose worthy Senate we must not forget , Their Grant and our Request together met , They cherrish us , and wee doe honour them ; Where Souldiers finde true love , they 'l love agen . The Ground . The Ground whereon this building now doth stand , The Teasell ground hath heretofore beene nam'd . The Donor of the ground . And William , Pryor of the Hospitall , Then of our blessed Lady , which wee call Saint Mary Spittle without Bishopsgate , Did passe it by Indeuture , bearing date , Ianuaries third day , in Henry's time , The eighth of that name , the Covent did conjoyne . The Vse . Vnto the Guyle of all Artillery , Crosse-bowes , Hand-guns , and of Archery , The terme of yeeres . For full three hundred yeeres excepting three , The time remaining wee shall never see . The Councels confirmation . Now have the Noble Councell of our King , Confirm'd the same , and under Charles his wing , We now doe exercise , and of that little Teasell ground , we inlarg'd Saint Mary Spittle , Trees we cut down , and Gardens added to it , Thankes to the Lords that gave us leave to doe it . A loyall Subjects desire . Long may this worke endure , and ne'r decay , But be supported till the latest day . All loyall Subjects to the King and State , Will say Amen , mauger Spleene or Hate . Mariscallus Petowe composuit . On a Tombe in the South wall of Saint Botolphs Church without Aldersgate , London . Neere to this place lyeth buried the body of Pierce Edgcombe , in the County of Devon , Gentleman , who deceased the 8. day of Iuly , 1628. in assured hope of a ioyfull Resurrection . Behold the end of Dust and Clay , O thou which livest with living eye , Yet doth his soule for ever raigne With Christ , which he by faith did gaine : In Learning he his time did spend , And Vertue was the only end ; So long before his glasse was runne , With World and Vanity he had done . A. E. Frater ejus . In Saint Botolphs Church , on a Tombe there . Here lyeth the body of Christopher Tamworth , of Grayes-Inne , in Holborne , in the County of Middlesex , Esquire , third Sonne of Christopher Tamworth of Halsted , in the County of Leicester , Esquire , who died the 19 of September , 1624. being of the age of threescore and ten yeeres . HE having dealt kindly and liberally with his Wife , and many of his kindred & friends , and to the poore of divers Parishes , hath also by his Will given xx . li. of currant money of England , to the Deane and Prebends of the Colledge of Saint Peters of the City of Westminster , in the County of Middlesex , to bee imployed by them about the reparations of the said Colledge Church of Saint Peters . And 400. markes , to the intent that with that mony , there should be twenty markes worth of Lands of inheritance of yeerely rent to be purchased , whereby there may be one in holy Orders maintained , to say Divine Service , such as the Church of England shall allow of , every worke day in the yeere , twice perpetually , viz. at or about nine of the clocke in the morning , and at or about three of the clocke in the afternoone , in the Parish Church of Saint Botolphs without Aldersgate , London . And 400. li. to the end and intent that there should be 20. li. of lands of annuall Revenew , of inheritance by the yeere bought with it , to allow perpetually to sixe poore men , and foure poore Widdowes past labour , dwelling and inhabiting within the Parish of Saint Botolph aforesaid , 40. shillings a yeere apeece , to be paid quarterly , with this limitation , that the said poore people shall bee bound to repaire every worke day in the yeere twice a day , to heare Divine Service in the Parish Church aforesaid , at the houres and tearmes aforesaid . And 200. markes more to purchase Lands of inheritance of the annuall value by the yeere of 6. li. 3. s. 4. d. for the maintenance of one within holy Orders , to say divine Service as aforesaid , every worke day in the weeke twice , thorow the whole yeere perpetually , in the Parish Church of Saint Martins in Leicester , in the County of Leicester aforesaid , at the hourses and times afore mentioned . All which said summes of money he willed should be actually and really delivered into the hands and possession of the Deane and Prebends of Westminster aforesaid , within xx . dayes next immediatly after his death , for the performance and use afore mentioned , within the space and time of two yeeres at the vttermost , after his death . And having made Audrey , one of the Daughters of Charles Allayne of the Mote , in the County of Kent , Esquire , Sonne and Heire of Sir Christopher Allayne , Knight , his deare and loving Wife , his full Executrix , she faithfully performed the same , according to the trust reposed on her by her Husbands Will : and in remembrance of him , hath at her owne cost and charges erected this Monument . The Gift of Sir Paul Pinder to Saint Pauls Church in London . SIR Paul Pinder Knight , in the time of King Iames , his Majesties Embassadour many yeeres , resident at Constantinople with the great Turke , hath of sate , to the glory of God , to the delight and content of all good Protestants , and for the better expression of his love and zeale to true Religion , beautifully and bountifully with great costs and charges , repaired the old decayed stone worke of the Westfront of the Chancell in Saint Pauls Church in London , adorning the outside thereof with many faire polished pillers of blacke Marble , and with curious carved Statues of Kings and Bishops , the first Founders and Benefactors of the whole Fabricke , and also graced the inside thereof with divers Angels and other ornaments ; he hath likewise amended and repaired all the decayes and defects of the Wainscot worke of the Quier , and hath further beautified the same with a faire rayle of Wainscot , and a great number of Cherubins artificially carved : all which work he hath caused to be sumptuously gilded and painted with rich colours in Oyle ; hee hath also magnificently clothed the whole Quier , and the upper part of the Presbytery , with faire and chargeable Tapestry-Hangings : Whose godly and pious example , will ( I hope ) excite and stirre up other Religious and well-minde Gentlemen , and Citizens , to performe some acts of piety and bounty towards the reparation of the same Church . Of the ancient Court of the Hustings . I Finde it diversly written in Latine , Hustingum , Hustingus , Hustingia , and sometimes ( but falsely ) Hustangus . It is the ancientest and the highest Court of Justice , of the famous City of London . The name it takes from the place of keeping that Court ( as Prytaneum did at Athens ) for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( hus ) among the old Saxons , signified an house , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dhing or thing , a Cause or Plea ; so that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Husthing , signified the house of Causes or Pleadings : whereupon in the Saxon tongue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Thingere , Thingarius , signified an Advocate or Lawyer : which others would perchance derive rather from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thung , or gedhung , which signified Honourable , for that the most honorable Magistrates of the City , held their Court there ; like as the Lord Maior and Sheriffes , and in absence of the Sheriffes , sixe of the Aldermen at this day doe . The Antiquity of this famous Court of Hustings , is much magnified by the Compiler of King Edwards Lawes , cap. 35. in these words : There ought alwayes in the City of London , which is the head City of the Kingdome and of the Lawes , to bee held upon every a Munday weekely , a Court of our Soveraigne Lord the King , at the Huststings . This Court was founded and built of old , after the fashion and manner , yea and in the memory of the ancient City of Troy : and even unto this day containes it within it selfe the Lawes , and rights , and dignities , liberties , and customes Royall of that ancient and great Troy. There be handled the intricatest b accounts and the doubtfull Pleas of the Crowne , and of the Court of our Lord the King , of the whole Kingdome aforesaid : and this Court hath even to this day preserved her owne ancient Customes most inviolably . Thus farre my Author , who ( by his leave ) smels too rankly of that Fabler , Geffery of Munmouth . And yet something there is in the Hustings , which might give countenance to this comparison of old Troy , namely , that the well-knowne weight used for Gold and Silver , called Troy-weight , was in time of the Saxons called , The Hustings weight of London , and kept there in the Hustings . So an ancient Record in the booke of Ramsey , Sect. 32 and 127. I Aethelgina Countesse , &c. bequeath two silver Cups of twelve markes of the Hustings weight of London . The former Law of the said King Edward the Confessor , commands the Hustings Court to be held every Munday , though at this day it be held upon the Tuesday : which that it may not be perceived by the Monuments and Rolls of the Court , to have differed too much from the first Institution , is yet said and written , to be holden upon the Munday . It is as it were distinguished into two Courts : for one weeke the Iudges sit upon Pleas meerely reall , and the next weeke upon Actions mixt , or of any other nature whatsoever . Out of the same Booke of Ramsey Abbey , Sect. 268. will I here set down the ancient forme of purchasing and giving of possession used in the Hustings : which is farre different from the fashion used at this day . Be it knowne unto all the sonnes of holy Church , that Wlfnoth of Walebroc , London , have sold unto Reynold , Abbot of Ramsey , a certaine piece of land which hee had * in Walebroc , whence he was called Wlfnoth of Walbroc . As also a certaine house of stone , and a Shop which hee had built upon that land , with doores of yron , and windowes above and beneath , &c. Which said Wlfnoth hath sold that Land unto the Abbot of Ramsey , and hath given him seisin of it , by delivery of a certaine staffe , and hath * quite claimed unto it to all encumbrance : quiet , and void of all encumbrance : both he , and Mahald his Wife and his first wives Daughter : and Mahald his second Wife , and Henry his sonne by his second wife , and Christine her daughter , before the whole Husting of London , in the house of Alfwine , sonne of Leofstan : to bee held from this day forth for ever by the Church of Ramsey , in consideration of ten pounds of pence , which hee gave unto him in presence of the whole Court of Hustings ; of which ten pounds , he the said Wolfnoth gave forty shillings unto Maud his daughter for her * good will , because he had the Land by her Mother . And the Abbot for his part gave her halfe a marke of silver ; and unto Wlfnoths Wife , and other two children , for their good wills , he gave five shillings . Of this bargaine and sale , be on the part of the Hustings these witnesses , William of Einesford , Sheriffe of London , and Iohn his Vnder-Sheriffe , and Gervase his Clarke ; Andrew Bucuint , and Ralfe his sonne , and Ralfe his cousin ; Gilbert Proudfoot , William Bukerell , and many others . This deed hath no date mentioned , but I finde this Reinold to have beene made Abbot of Ramsey , by King Henry the first as his Charter shewes , Sect. 214. The Successor to this Reinold was one Walter but what yeere he was made Abbot in , I finde not ; but I finde that he flourished Anno , 1149. that is , the fourteenth yeere of King Stephen . By this may you judge of the antiquity of the deed , though the precise day be not dated . By this passage it cleerely appeareth , that London was honoured with her Sheriffes Office , even in the age of King Henry the * first , although our Chroniclers affirme the Sheriffes to be made first by King Richard * the first , at his comming to the Crowne : from whose time our said Chroniclers begin to reckon the first Maior and Sheriffes , that is , from the yere of our Lord 1189. But that the Sheriffes were granted unto the City , together with the County of Middlesex , plainely appeares by the said Kings Charter concerning the liberties of London , given in the beginning of his Raigne : nor doe the Maior and Sheriffes much differ from those former Magistrates of the City , the Portreve , and Provost , as might bee proved . Moreover , the Cities , of Yorke , Winchester , Lincolne , the I le of Shepey , with other Burroughs and Cities , are also said to have had their Hustings . See Fleta . Lib. 2. cap. 55. A briefe Collection how the Court of Request , commonly called the Court of Conscience , in London , hath beene established and continued for many yeeres past , for the reliefe of poore Debtors in London , and the Liberties thereof , viz. FIrst , I finde that primo February , Anno 9. H. 8. an Act of Common Councell was made , that the Lord Maior and Aldermen of the same City for the time being , should monethly assigne and appoint two Aldermen , and foure discreet Commoners to be Commissioners to sit in the same Court twice a weeke , viz. Wednesday , and Saterday , there to heare and determine all matters brought before them betweene party and party , ( being Citizens and Freemen of London ) in all cases where the due debt or damage did not exceed forty shillings . This Act was to continue but for two yeeres then next ensuing : But being found charitable and profitable for the reliefe of such poore Debtors as were not able to make present payment of their debts ; and to restraine malicious persons , from proceeding in their wilfull Suits : and also to bee a great ease and helpe to such poore persons as had small debts owing to them , and were not able to prosecute Suits in Law for the same elsewhere : The same Act hath sithence bin continued by divers other Acts of Common Councell : and hereby ( besides the said two Aldermen monthly assigned ) the number of Commissioners were increased , from foure to twelve . And so by that Authority , the same Court continued till the end of the Raigne of Queene Elizabeth , &c. And then divers people , being Citizens and Freemen of London ( contrary to their Oathes formerly taken ) repining at the authority of the same court , and not regarding the expence of any charges how great soever , so they might have their desires upon their poore Debtors , and being often animated thereunto by divers Attorneys and Solicitors ( for their owne particular gaine ) did dayly commence Suits , for such petty debts and causes against poore men ( Citizens and Freemen of London ) in the high Courts at Westminster , or else-where out of the said Court of Requests , to avoid the jurisdiction of the same Court , and to barre the said Commissioners from staying such Suits , and examining the said causes , and thereby caused the said poore men many times to pay sixe times as much charges as their principall debts or damage did amount unto , to the undoing of such poore men , their wives and children , and also to the filling of the Prisons with the poore so sued : where otherwise they might have got their Debts in the said Court of Requests , for very small charge and little trouble . For remedy whereof , & for the strengthening & establishing the said Court , an Act of Parliament was then made in Anno primo Iacobi Regis , that every Citizen and Freeman of London , that had , or should have any Debts owing to him , not amounting to forty shillings , by any Debtors ( Citizens and Free men of London ) inhabiting in London or the liberties thereof , should or might cause such Debtors to be warned to appeare before the Commissioners of the said Court ; and that the said Commissioner , or the greater number of them , should from time to time set downe such orders betweene such parties , Plantiffe and Defendant , Creditor and Debtor , touching such debts not exceeding forty shillings , as they should finde to stand with equity and good conscience . But sithence the making of that Act , divers persons ( intending to subvert the good and charitable intent of the same ) have taken hold of some doubtfull and ambiguous words therein , and have wrested the same for their owne lucre and gaine , to the avoiding the jurisdiction of the same Court , contrary to the godly meaning of the said Act. For remedy whereof , and to the intent that some more full and ample provision might bee made for the further establishing and strengthening of the said Court , and for the better reliefe of such poore Debtors ; another Act of Parliament was made , Anno 3. Ias. whereby the authority of the said Commissioners were much inlarged , viz. that every Citizen and Freeman of London , [ and every other person and persons inhabiting , or that shall inhabit within the City of London , or the liberties thereof , being a Tradesman , Victualer , or Labouring man , ] which have or shall have any debts owing to him or them , not amounting to forty shillings , by any Citizen or Freeman [ or by any other person or persons ( being a Victualer , Tradesman , or Labouring man ) inhabiting within the said City , or the Liberties thereof ] should or might cause such Debtors to be warned to appeare before the said Commissioners of the said Court of Requests . And the said Commissioners , or any three , or more of them , shall have power to set downe such Orders betweene Plaintiffe and Defendant , Creditor and Debtor , touching such debts not amounting to forty shillings , as they shall finde to stand with equity and good conscience . Also the said Commissioners , or any three , or more of them , have power ( by the said Act ) to minister an Oath to the Creditor or Debtor , and to such Witnesses as shall bee produced on each part : And also to commit to prison in one of the Counters , such Creditor or Debtor , as shall not appeare upon lawfull Summons , or not performe such order as the said Commissioners , or any three , or more of them shall set downe . And by this last Act , the said Court of Requests is established & continued to this day ; and God grant it may so long continue to the reliefe of the poore , &c. Collected by Thomas Griffins , sometimes a Clarke of the same Court , &c. This Tombe stands in St. Giles Cripplegate Church . P. M. S. Virtute , Prudentia , Generis Nobilitate Inclytus , Clarus , Illustris , Hic Iacet . HENRICVS STAPLETONVS E. Dioecesi Eboracensi , Acri Wighilnencis Olim Dominus , Aetatis Suae An. 56. ab Incarnato Verbo . 1630. Decimo Sexto die menfis Feb. V●tam morte mortem Immortali gloria Commutavit , atque Stipante Amicorum Syrmate collacrymantis , Patriae Cerentium vices , in hac aede elatus D. Andreae Terrae mandatus est . MARIA , Iohannis Fosteri Equitis Aurati , mediorum Angliae finium borialium Custodis , Filia , Moestissima hoc Junere vidua , tanti conjugij memor , Artemisianae pietatis aemula non magnificentia , hoc perpetuum tam meritorum ejus , quam Superstitis amoris sui , Monumentum Erigit , Consecrat , Dicat . By his Honourer and Kinsman , Robert Stapleton . There are thirteene Scutchions of Armes . Vpon a Tombe in Grace Church , being at the corner as you goe into Fen-Church street , with this Inscription . To the memory of Iames Bun●e , Esquire , sometime Burgesse of the Parliament for this City , married Mary , daughter of George Holmeden of Kent , Gentleman , by whom hee had seven children , whereof living at the time of his decease , Iames his eldest son , who married Sarah , daughter of Thomas Gipps , Esquire , Mathew , and Mary , wife of Master Iohn Langham , of this City Merchant ; he departed this life the 26. of Ianuary , Anno 1631. aged 68. When death cuts off a branch from earths worne stem , Faith , hope , transports the soule to heavens Di●dem . On a Grave-stone there . Here lyeth Iames Bun●e , Esquire , that departed this life the 26. of Ianuary , Anno 1631. and Mary his wife , that died the second of October , 1612. Vpon a Gravestone in St. Fosters Church in Faringdon Ward within , with this Inscription on it . Heere lyeth the bodyes of Lawrence Hawes , Citizen and Fishmonger of London , about 63. yeeres of age , and of Vrs●la his Wife , the daughter of Iohn Hericke , of Leicester Esquire , 82. yeeres of age ; they had issue together five Sonnes and two Daughters , Edward , George , Humfrey , Iohn , Dorothy , and Thomasin ; he deceased the ●inth of Aprill , 1588. and shee died the 24. of November , 1614. This Monument stands in Saint Margarets Church in Westminster , and hath this Inscription . Annae , vxori suae a mantissimae & optimae , Filiae Willielmi Barlowi , Episcopi Cicestrensis , & Agathae Welsborne , generosae conjugis ejus , diem suum quinto idus Decembris , Anno Domini 1597. obeunti Westmonasterij , quo virum ad Parliamentum comitabatur ; Harbartus Westfalingus , Episcopus Herefordiensis , susceptis ex ipsa quinque liberis ; Harbarto , qui duxit Franciscam Rudhall generosam ; Anna quae Gulielmo Ieffereys Ar. Margareta , quae Richardo Eedes wigorniae Decano ; Elizabetha , quae Roberto Walweyne generso ; & Francisca , quae Francisco Ienkes generoso nupta est . In memoriam virtutis , & amoris ipsius posuit . In the same Church is a new Monument lately erected , in the North I le , and this Inscription on it . In expectation of a joyfull Resurrection , neere this place resteth the body of Robert Golding , Gentleman , borne in this City of Westminster , and sometime chiefe Burgesse thereof : His Honesty , and Charitable life , gained good esteeme ; his Age , due and deserved respect of all . And in the house where he tooke beginning in his infancy , hee most peaceably and piously ended his dayes on the 22. of November , 1629. Being alwaies carefull of his wayes , charitable to the poore , and very judicious and ready in discharging of all Offices incident to the civill Governement of this City , wherein he fully proceeded long before his death . He lived to see the change of foure Kings and Queenes , and yet in assured hope of never changing blisse , by the meritorious passion of his only Mediator , Christ Jesus : Hee never altered or changed from the now truly professed Religion , wherein he most constantly died in the 78. of his age ▪ leaving behinde him two sons and three daughters . To whose pious memory William Golding , his eldest sonne , and sole Executor , hath at his owne charge erected this Monument , Iune 1631. This Monument stands in Westminster Abbey , and hath this Inscription . Here ●es expecting the second comming of our Lord Iesus Christ , the body of Edmond Spencer , the Prince of Poets in his time , whose divine Spirit needs no other witnesse , then the workes which hee left behind him : He was borne in London , in the yeere and died in the yeere 1596. This Monument stands in Westminster Abbey with this Inscription . Deo Optim . Maxim. Hic in Domino requiescit Richardus Cox de Porters , eques Aurat : Filius Tertius Thomae Cox , de Beymonds Comit. Harford . Armigeri , In hospitio Regio per multos annos Oeconomicus , Fidelitate , Diligentia , Et Prudentia probatus , Reginae Eliz. à Dietis , Item & R●gi Iacobo , cui tandem factus est Magister Hospitij Digniss . Vir Religionis Cultu , Morum Comitate , Corporis Castitate Affectuum temperantia , Imprimiss spectatus Erga Bene-meritos Amore , suos Beneficentia , Pauperes Caritate , omnes Aequitate , Clarus . Anno Aetatis 69. Coelebs , postquam se vitae Meliori , multâ vigilantiâ , & Devotione praepar âsset , Deo placidè Animam r●ddidit , 13. Decemb. 1623. Ioannes Cox de Beymonds Armiger , Frater secundus Fratri è Testamento Haeres , Amoris hoc Monumentum posuit . Deus non est Mortuorum sed viventium . This Monument of Master Camden is in Westminster Abbey , where hee holds a Booke with Britannia on it . There followes this Inscription . Qui fide Antiqua , & opera assidita , Britanicam Antiquitatem Indagavit , Simplicitatem Innatam Honest●s Studijs excoluit , Animi Solertiam Cando●e illustravit , Guliemus Camdenus , ab Elizabetha R●ad Regis Armorum ( CLrentij Titulo ) Dignitatem evucatus , Hic spe certa Resurgendi in Christo . S. E. Q. Obijt Anno Domini 1623. 9. Novembris . Aetatis suae , 74. IOHN KING Bishop of London , descended from the Ancient KINGS of Devonshire by his Father , and from the CONQVESTS of Haughton Conqnest , in Bedfordshire , by his Mother , lyes buried in the South I le of Saint Pauls , behind the Bishops Seat , having onely a plaine Marble over him , and RESVRGAM written on it for his Epitaph ; as himselfe directed in his Will. These Verses hang by in a Table . IOANNIS KING Episcopi Londinensis , quicquid mortale est in hoc pulvere componitur . HICIACET , nisi quis calumnietur , Mendax Transliberinus Ambulator , Transferri Cineres , Fidemque Romam . Et migrâsse semel , simulque utrumque ; Praesul Catholicus , sed Orthodoxus . Non partis studiosus , evagari per divortia multa opinionum , Aut Sectas didicit novas creare : Quod si qui fuerint notae prioris , Quos vulgus facit & colit Magistros , His tantâ levitate non adhaesit , Vt persona fide magis placeret : Magna nomina , sed minora semper Isthaec omnia , Veritate duxit . Tantum-non fuit Ille de Locustis , Aut rasis Monachis , pijs que nequam , Vrbem qui gravidâre Septicollem : Qui circum Capitolium strepentes Romanum , velut Anseres sonori , Cygnaeas temerare cantilenas Audent , per modulamen inficetum : Et pro vocibus ultimis Oloris , Commendare suas , & Anserinas . Sed , quod nec Calami , nec Ora centum : Nec Perjuria mille de Duaco ; Nec Satan Decumanus ille mendax ; Nec tandem Legio Diabolorum , Extorquere suis strophis valebunt : Vnus si Deus est , Fides & vna ▪ Huic vni immoriens , & Anglicanae . Quod si quis Logodaedalus profanus , Aut Famae Plagiarius Scelestus , Quicquam Sacrilego reponat ore : Si Vafer Fidei 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Qui vult de similâ Deum creare , Et Christum jubet innatare vino : Et sic Hereticos & Orthodoxos Confundit , facit utque symbolizent Plus quam Pythagorae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Seductum crepat hunc Apostatâsse : Tam ventosa Fides videtur illis ; Tam ventosus & Ille Christianus ; Vt post tot , docilis Senex , aristas , Accessisse putetur imparatus , Infansque , ad Documenta Lessian● . Non plures libet , Arbitros citare , Quam Conscire suum : quod apprecares Testem , Carnificamque , Iudicemque , Illi , quisquis erat Sacer Poeta ; An plus crediderit suae Legendae , Quam vulgi pius ille fascinator , Autor plumbeus Aureae Legendae . Quin si jurat idem sat impudenter , Lingua peierat ; at quid inde ? Mentem Injuratus habet ; Scioque habebit . T is si credideris secus VIATOR , Nugis , Impliciti necessitate Assensus , bibulam fidem recludens , Si quis Ser aphicus propinet Autor ; Veternum excutias : & absque tandem Susceptore , tuum pares Adultus Examen , tibi teque cognitorem Ponas , & sapias monente Amico . Sin sis Credulitatis obstinatae , Conclamatus es : ILICET . Deinceps Te Stultum jubeo libenter esse . In Diem Obitus . Quem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Domini fecerat Sacriū Diem , Et Mors coronis integri Certaminis : Hunc aeque Amicum Numen indulsit diem . Desider ando , quod prope hic , Capiti , lacet , Quo solveretur Vita vitalis parum . Dolorum utrumque dixeris recte Virum ; Hic Saxeam , Ille Ligneam sensit Crucem , Hic intus , Ille bajulans Extra suam : Dolorum , utrique Lux posuit una & modii . Quin ipsa Lux haec masculum robur dedi● , Vt nil tremendum Mortis , incuteret metus ; Sed Pascha verum , Transitus potius foret , Aeternitati Prodromus . Marmor loquax Spirat RESVRGAM , Mysticis cand●es Notis : Nec ipse Sadducaeus apparet Lapis . Conditque tantum , non Premit Corpus : grave Spes ista superat pondus , & Summum petit ; Nec detine bit mole Depositum suâ ; Sed sponte ruptus Exitum tandem dabit . Cum Triduanum dormierit . Ipsus tulit Hanc , Christus Olim , Tertiae Lucis moram . ( Nec mille Saecla Triduum excedunt Dei. ) Sic tota demum , juncta Primitijs , Seges Egerminabit . Haec Via ad Patriam , Mori . Cal●ata Mors est ; Surget ad Patriam vigil . Hanc spē fovebat Ille : quod sculptii hic legis , Sed Corde fixum fuerat , & Coeloratum . Anagram : Nominis , & Chronogr : Aetatis 62. currentis . IOANNES KINGVS PRAELATVS . EN APERTVS IONAS ANGLIKVS . Chronogramma Anni Domini 1621. ●CCE CV●IO DISSOLVI , AC CHRISTO ADGLVTINA●L Philip. 1. 23. Pauli hoc dissolvi , repeti non desiit , ante Quam , quae protulerat , Lingua soluta fuit . EPITAPHIVM . Non hic Pyramides ; non sculpta Panegyris ambit Hos Cineres ; lapidum nec pretiosa strues . Quod fr●gale magis , Tibi Te cōmittimus unū : Si jaceas aliter , vilior Vmbra fores . Nam Tibi qui similis vivit , moriturque , Sepulcrū Ille sibi vivax , & sibi Marmor erit . SE QVENTVR QVI NNONDVM PRAECESSERE . Valentine Cary , sometimes Deane of Saint Pauls Church , and after Bishop of Excester , lyes buried on the South side of the Quire , vnder a plaine Stone , with this Inscription about it . Hic jacet Valentinus Carey , Sacrae Theologiae Doctor , olim Decaenus hujus Ecclesiae , qui obijt Episcopus Exon : Cujus Monumentum , ibidem , erectum patet . 1626. In the South side of the Quire of Saint Pauls Church stands a white Marble Statue on an Vrne , with this Inscription over it . Ioannes Donne Sac. Theol. profess . Post varia studia , Quibus ab Annis Tenerrimis Fideliter , nec infaeliciter incubuit , Instinctu , & Impulsu Spir. Sancti , Monitu , & Hortatu Regis Iacobi . Anno sui Iesu , 1614. & suae Aetat . 42. Decanatu hujus Eccles . indutus 27. Novemb. 1621. Exutus morte ultimo die Martii . An. 1631. Hic licet in Occiduo Cinere , Aspicit eum Cujus Nomen , est Oriens . Vpon a faire Monument standing in the South I le of Saint Pauls Church this is written . W. S. Gulielmus Cokaynus , Eques Auratus , Civis & Senator Londinenfis : Septemque abhine Annis , vrbis praefectus , Antiqua Cokaynorum Derbiensium Familia oriundus , Quia Bono publico vixit , & damno publico decessit , & Gaudio publico , Regem Iacobum , ad decorum hujus domus Dei , senescentis jam , & Corrugatae Restitudinem , solemnitèr , huc venientem , Consulatu suo , Magnificê excepit , id circo , in Templo publico , ad Aeternam Rei Memoriam , Hîc situs est . At verò , & Famae Celebritas , Quae viget in ore Hominum , & Gloria Beatitudinis , Quam Migrando adeptus est , & splendor Sobolis , quam Numerosam Genuit , atque Nobilem Reliquit , Iunctim Efficiunt omnia , ne dicatur , Hîc situs est . Vnà cum illo , tot Homines mortui , quot in illo defunctae sunt virtutes ; simul que & acies Ingenij , & popularis eloquij suada , & Morum gravitas , & probitas vitae , & Candor Mentis , & Animi Constantia , & prudentia singularis , & veri senatoris Insignia , Hîc sepulta sunt . Iam tuum est , Lector , Felicitatis ad Culmen Anhelare , per ista vestigia laudis , & venerandi imitatione Exempli , curare , ne unquam virtutis sic semina intereant , vt dicatur , Hîc sepulta sunt . Obijt 20. Octob Anno Dom. 1626. Et Aetatis suae 66. Vpon another faire Monument standing by it is this Inscription . Memoriae S. Gulielmo Hewyr Armigero , Roberti Hewyt A. Killamarch in Agro Derbiensi , Filio secundo Genito , Qui , mortuo Fratre Natu Maiore , Paternam crevit Haereditatem , Posterisque Transmisit . Nobilem Mercaturam exercuit . Vita integerrima fuit , & Moribus suavissimis . Bonarum literarum studia promovit , Egenorum proventus Largiter Auxit , Liberalitate , Charitate , Insignis , Nec minor pietate . Religionem , cum Ministris sacris , & Coluit , & Fovit , Ita , per omnia , se ubique gessit , ut Probitatis , Comitatis , Candoris , Vivum Exemplar , Christum Redemptorem Cogitans Vitam ante Mortem Consummaverit . Filios Genuit Quatuor , Ioannem , Salomonem , Thomam , Gulielmum , Et Filias duas , Mariam , Elizabetham . Annum , Lxxvij . Agens , xij . Iunij . M.D.XCIX . ad patriam Coelestem evocatus , Magnum sui desiderium Reliquit Posteris , Qui Hoc pie ac Maeren . P. P. The Monument upon which this Inscription is set , stands in our Ladies Chapell , in S. Pauls Church : at the foure corners of this faire Monument stand foure Iet Pillars , upon each the figure of an Angell , on the one side of it is the representation of Sir Iohn Wolley and his Lady ; on the other , of their sonne Sir Francis , at the head and foot of it , all in blacke ( as Mourners ) the curious and artfull shadowes of his two Executors , Sir Arthur Mannering , and Master Iohn Minterne . The Inscription . WOllei clarum nomen , natusque paterque , Ambo Equites , Natus Franciscus patre Ioanne , Clarus vt Haeredem virtutis , amoris , Honoris Praestaret , Monumenta sibi haec , & utrique Parenti Constituit , Generis qui nominis unicus Haeres , Tam cito , tam Claros , est defecisse dolendum . Ille Pator , Lumen , literarum Nobile sydus , Oxoniae ex Meritis , Reginae accitus Elizae , Vt qui a secret is cum scriberet illa Latine , Atque a consiliis cum consultaret in Aula , Atque Periscelidis , qui Cancellarius esset , Tantum ille ingenio valuit , tantum instar in illo . Non minus omnimoda virtute illa inclyta Mater , Nobilibus Patre & Fratre illustrissima moris , Clara domi per se : sed Elisam ascivit Elisa , Clarior ut fieret , Wollei ornata Marite . Quo viduata , vire quo non praeclarior alter Nubat Egertono , Repetat sed mortua primum . Franciscus tandem , at nimium cîto utrumque sequutus , Hic jacet ante pedes eques illustrissimus , illis Haecponi jussit , seque & tria nomina Poni : Sic voluit , placuit , superis pia grata voluntas . Discite mortales , Memores sic esse Parentum , Dicite qui legitis , sic sic petit Aethera virtus . The Stone bearing this Inscription , is in the middle I le of this Church , not farre from the steps to the Chancell . Spe Resurgendi Hic jacet Thomas Raymond Sacrae Theologiae Professor , Sancti Albani Archidiaconus , Hujusque Ecclesiae Canonicus . Obijt 4. die Novembris . Anno Aetatis 47. Salutis 1631. Not farre from this , a Stone with these words about it . Hic jacet Gulielmus Bonham , nuper Civis , & Vinitarius London , Filius Thomae Bonham de Stanway in Comitatu Essex Arm. Qui obijt duodecimo Februarij . Anno Dom. 1628. Not farre from the other . Over against the little North doore , in the same I le , under a faire marble stone , without any Inscription upon it , lyeth buried the body of Doctor houson , late Bishop of Durham . This Monument is in Saint Giles Cripplegate Church , on the South side the Chancell , and hath this Inscription . Piae Memoriae Charissimorum Parentum . Iohannis Speed , Civis Londinensis , Mercatorum Scissorum Fratris , servi fidelissimi Regiarum Majestatum Eliz . Iacobi , & Caroli nunc superstitis . Terrarum nostrarum Geographi acurati , & fidi antiquitatis Britannicae Historiographi , Genealogiae sacrae Elegantissimi delineatoris . Qui postquam Annos 77. superaverat , non tam morbo confectus , quam mortalitatis taedio lassatus , Corpore se levavit , Iulij 28. 1629. & jucundissimo Redemptoris sui desiderio sursū elatus , carnem hîc in custodiā posuit , denuò cum Christus venerit , Recepturus . On the other side of him . Susannae suae suavissimae , quae postquam duodecim illi Filios , & sex Filias peperat , quinquaginta septem junctis utriusque solatijs cum illo vixerat , LIberos , gravi & frequenti Hortamine , ad Dei cultum sollicitaverat , pietatis , & Charitatis opere quotidiano praeluxerat , emori demum erudiit suo exemplo . Quae septuagenaria placidè in Christo obdormivit , & Fidei suae mercedem habuit , Martij vigessimo octavo , Anno domini Millessimo sexcentessimo vigessimo octavo . Another Monument on the North side the Quire , with this Inscription . Memoriae Sacrum . Hic jacet Robertus Cage Armiger , omnium literarum Homo , Vita integer , morte Christianus , nec dum mortuus , nam in memoria aeterna erit justus . Solus Christus , Mihi sola salus . Anno Domini 1625. Another Monument neere to this last , with this Inscription on it . Here lies the body of Matthew Palmer , Esquire , who died the 18. of May 1605. together with Anne his wife , who died the last day of Iune , 1630. by whom he had foure sons and one daughter , viz. Thomas Palmer , his eldest sonne , deceased the 5. of May , 1631. and is also buried . Elizabeth , Edward , Andrew , and Ralphe , who when it so pleaseth God , desire this place for the custody of theìr bodies likewise , till their assured and glorious Resutrection . Another Monument on the South side of the Quire , with this Inscription . To the Memory Of Constance Whitney , eldest daughter to Sir Robert Whitney , of Whitney , the proper possession of him and his Ancestors , in Herefordshire , for above 500. yeeres past . Her Mother was the fourth daughter of Sir Thomas Lucy . of Charlecoite in Warwickshire , by Constance Kingsmell , daughter and Heire of Richard Kingsmell , Surveyor of the Court of Wards . This Lady Lucy , her Grandmother , so bred her since she was eight yeeres old , Thus farre written upon the figure or resemblance of a Coffin . As she excel'd in all noble qualities , becomming a Virgin of so sweet propertion of beauty and harmony of parts , she had all sweetnesse of maners answerable : A delightfull sharpnesse of wit ; An offencelesse modesty of conversation ; A singular respect and piety to her Parents ; but Religious even to example . She departed this life most Christianly , at seventeene ; dying , the griefe of all ; but to her Grandmother an unrecoverable losse , save in her expectation , shee shall not stay long after her , and the comfort of knowing whose she is , and where in the Resurrection to meet her . This Table is on the South side of the Quire in Saint Sepulchers , with this Inscription . To the living Memory of his deceased Friend , Captaine IOHN SMITH , who departed this mortall life on the 21. day of Iune , 1631. with his Armes , and this Motto , Accordamus , vincere est vivere . HEre lies one conquer'd that hath conquer'd Kings , Subdu'd large Territories , and done things Which to the World impossible would see me , But that the truth is held in more esteeme . Shall I report his former service done In honour of his God and Christendome : How that he did divide from Pagans three , Their Heads and Lives , Types of his Chivalry : For which great service in that Climate done , Brave Sigismundus ( King of Hungarion ) Did give him as a Coat of Armes to weare , Those conquer'd heads got by his Sword and Speare ? Or shall I tell of his adventures since , Done in Virginia , that large Continence : How that he subdu'd Kings unto his yoke , And made those Heathen flie , as wind doth smoke ; And made their Land , being of so large a Station , A habitation for our Christian Nation : Where God is glorifi'd , their wants suppli'd , Which else for necessaries might have di'd ? But what availes his Conquest , now he lyes Inter'd in earth , a prey for Wormes and Flies ? O may his soule in sweet Elizium sleepe , Vntill the Keeper that all soules doth keepe , Returne to Iudgement , and that after thence , With Angels he may have his recompence . Captaine Iohn Smith , sometime Governour of Virginia , and Admirall of New England . Coya Shawsware . THis Monument , or that of which this is a shadow , with their Characters ingraven about it , stands in Petty France , at the West end of the lower Churchyard of Saint Botolphes Bishopsgate ( not within , but without the walls , the bounds of our consecrated ground ) and was erected to the memory of one Coya Shawsware , a Persian Merchant , and a principall servant and Secretary to the Persian Ambassadour , with whom he and his sonne came over . He was aged 44. and buried the tenth of August , 1626. The Ambassadour himselfe , young Shawsware his sonne , and many other Persians , ( with many expressions of their infinite love and sorrow ) following him to the ground betweene eight and nine of the clocke in the morning . The rites and ceremonies that ( with them ) are due to the dead , were chiefly performed by his sonne , who sitting crosse-legged at the North end of the grave , ( for his Tombe stands North and South ) did one while Reade , another while Sing ; his Reading and Singing intermixt with sighing and weeping . And this , with other things that were done in the Grave in private ( to prevent with the sight the relation ) continued about halfe an houre . But this was but this dayes businesse : for , as this had not beene enough to performe to their friend departed , to this place and to this end ( that is , Prayer , and other funerall devotions ) some of them came every morning and evening at sixe and sixe , for the space of a moneth together . And had come ( as it was then imagined ) the whole time of their abode here in England , had not the rudenesse of our people disturbed and prevented their purpose . Camera Dianae . VPon Pauls wharfe Hill , within a great gate , and belonging to that gate next to the Doctors Commons , are many faire Tenements , which in their Lea●es made from the Deane and Chapter , goe by the name or title of Camera Dianae ; so denominated from aspacious and specious building , that in the time of Henry the second , stood where they now are standing . In this Camera , or arch'd and vaulted Structure ( full of intricate wayes and windings ) this H. the second ( as sometime he did at Woodstocke ) did keepe , or was supposed to have kept , that Iewell of his heart , faire Rosamond ; she whom there he called Rosa Mundi ; and here , by the name of Diana ; and from hence had this house that title . To this day are remaines , and some evident testifications of tedious turnings and windings ; as also of a passage under ground , from this house to Caste-Baynard , which was no doubt the Kings way from thence to his Camera Dianae , or the Chamber of his brightest Diana . Of the three Brethen appointed to preach at Saint Maires Spittle at Easter 1632. HAving renued the memory of this , from a time so long before us , let us remember and endevour to maintaine to posterity , among many memorable things of our owne time , that of those three worthy Brethren , Doctor Samuel Wincope , Master Thomas Wincope , and Master Iohn Wincope , learned and reverend Divines , that upon Munday , Tuesday , and Wednesday , in Easter weeke , 1632. preached at Saint Maries Spittle . Three Brothers , such a thing ( as but in these ) is not knowne to any man living , nor recorded to any mans reading . Yet to this let me adde this more , being called to this place to prech , from places divided by many miles one from another other , they met not so happily here to preach , as in the matter upon which they did preach : for though their Texts were severall , their subject was one and the same , this is worthy our observation ; yet to make it worth admiration , and a perpetuall memory , wee are to take notice , how upon that one and the same subject , they did precede and succeed one the other like the linkes in a golden chaine , the second beginning where the first ended , and the third where the second ended ; the last absolutely concluding what the two former had so absolutely induced to , with their admirable ends and uses . A briefe relation of the six children drowned at the Ducking pond , Ianuary 19. 1633. VPon Saterday the 19. of Ianuary , 1633. sixe pretty young Lads , going to sport themselves upon the frozen Ducking-pond , neere to Clearken well , the Ice too weake to support them , fell into the water , concluding their pastime with the lamentable losse of their lives : to the great griefe of many that saw them dying , many more that afterward saw them dead , with the in-expressible griefe of their Parents . A briefe Relation of that lamentable Fire , that hapned on London Bridge , the 13. of February 1633. FRom this let us turne , our eyes upon that lamentable Fire upon London bridge , that upon Monday the 13. of February , 1633. betweene eleven and twelve towards midnight gave us ashes in stead of Beauty : the ashes , into which the third part of the Bridge was consum'd , for the beautifull Frames so consumed . The number of the houses then burnt on both sides the Bridge , from the Church called Saint Magnus , to the first open place , were two and forty ; all which ( with a great part of their wares , the goods , and rich furniture in them ) were devoured to the ground ( though many hands , much labour , with a great deale of feare and danger , were carefully employed to prevent it ) before eight of the clocke the next morning . Thus suddenly they were burnt to the ground , all above ground quencht and extinguisht , but beneath in their Vaults and Cellars , the fire remained glowing and burning for the space of a whole weeke after . The house in which it began was the house of one Master Brigs ( at the hither end of the Bridge ) a Needle-maker : but now it beganne , because divesly spoken by many , I would not set downe from any . The losse was great and sudden , presenting ( as a glasse ) the length of a lease or of life , when such a sad chance shall betide us . Though getting a long lease of our lands , we presume of a lease of our lives , of a long and secure possession ; like those in the 4. of Iames , that say , To day or to morrow we will goe into such a City , and continue there for a yeere , and buy , and sell , and get money . They will goe , they will stay , they will get , such losses as these never thought on ; though the same Prophet ( in the same place ) tell them , They know not what the morrow may bring with it . A PERAMBVLATION OR , CIRCVIT-VVALKE foure miles about LONDON : And what Memorable matters and Monuments wee have found and met withall in our Iourney . In the Church at Fulham are these ensuing Monuments . This Monument is at the upper end of the Chancell , and hath this Inscription . HIc situs est Gulielmus Biliesby , Eques Auratus , Fisci Regij ostiarius , cum Anna vxore , è Familia Brogravia , quae illi peperit duas Filias , Franciscam , & Margaretam , totidemque Eilîos , qui infantes objerunt . Obijt ille 25. Martij 1607. Illa 27. Maij 1608. Francisca Filia primogenita , primum n●●pta Ioanni Madocks Armigero , postea Thomae Walker Armigero , Fisci Regij ostiario . Obijt die 6. Novembris 1607. & hic parentibus tumulatur . Margar. altera Flia enupta Hugoni Parlor , de Plumsted Armigero . Obijt & in Ecclesia Sanct. Margaretae Westmonasterij Requiescit . Another Monument on the South side the Quire , with this Inscription . D. O. M. Thomae Smitho Equiti Aurato , Regij Majestati , à supplicum libellis , & ab Epistolis Latinis , viro doctrina , prudentiaque singulari , Francisca Guil. Baronis Chandos filia , optimo Marito Conjux Moestiss . plorans posuit . Obijt 28. die Novemb. 1609. Another Monument on the South side the Quire , with this Inscription . Epitaphium D. Gulielmi Brutij Equitis Aurati , & Medici Regis Henrici octavi , qui obiis An. Dom. 1545. Novem. 17. Quid Medicina valet ? quid Honos ? quid Gratia Regum ? Quid popularis Amor , Mors ubi saeva venit ? Sola valet pietas , quae structa est , Auspice Christo Sola in morte valet , caetera cuncta fluunt . Ergo mihi in vita fuerit quando omnia Christus , Mors mihi nunc lucrum , vitaque Christus erit . Epitaphium hoc primitus inscriptum pariete , & situ jam penè exesum , sic demum restituit Leonardus Butts Armiger Norfolciensis . Oct. 30. 1627. Amoris ergo . Another Monument neere to this last , with this Inscription on it . At Earth in Cornwall was my first beginning , From Bonds and Corringtons , as it may appeare : Now to Earth in Fulham , God disposed my ending , In March the thousand and six hundred yeere Of Christ , in whom my body here doth rest , Till both in body and soule I shall be fully blest . Thomas Bond. Obijt Anno Aetatis suae 68. In the Church at Putney are these ensuing Monuments . This Monument is in the Chancell on the North side , and hath this Inscription . Memoriae Sacrum . HEre lyeth the body of Richard Lusher of Putney , in the County of Surrey Esquire : who married Mary , the second Daughter of George Scot of Staplefoord Taune , in the County of Essex , Esquire . He departed this life the 27. of September , Anno 1615. Aetatis sua 30. What tongue can speake the vertues of this creature , Whose Body faire , whose Soule of rarer feature ? He liv'd a Saint , he di'd a holy Wight , In Heaven , on earth , a joyfull heavy sight . Body Soule united , agree'd in one , Like strings well tuned in an Vni-sone . No discord harsh this Navell could untie , 'T was Heaven , the Earth , this Musicke did envy . Wherefore may well be said . He lived well ; And being dead , the world his vertues tell . Though Richard Lusher sleepeth in the dust , He sleepes in hope , and hopes to live againe : His soule in Heaven is waking with the just , And wakes in joy , being free'd from sense of paine , Bones take your rest , your soule in Heaven attends , The blest re-union of two loving friends . Marito dilectissimo , Maria Lusher conjux Moestissima , in perpetuum Amoris Testimonium , hoc Monumentum plorans posuit . Mary , by her first match , Lusher , daughter of George Scot , Esquire , descended from Iohn Scot , Lord chiefe Justice of England , in the raigne of King Edward the third , and after wife to Thomas Knivet , descended from Iohn Knivet Knight , Lord chiefe Justice in the same Kings raigne , and Lord Chancellour of England . To Thomas Knivet . That you have laid my body here , By that first side I lov'd so deere , I thanke you Husband : That the poore Are still your care , I thanke you more . These last I charg'd you with alive , Being done , I rest , while you survive . But yet I have another Boone , When Fate shall come ( as come full soone It will , and will not be deni'd ) That you would close my other side . Y 'ave thought it worthy to bee read You once were second to my bed ; Why may you not like title have , To this my second bed , the Grave ? This Stone will cover us all three , And under it we shall be free From Love , or Hate , or least distrust Of Jealousie to vexe our dust : For here our bodies doe but wait The summons for their glorious state . On the same Monument is this Inscription . Quam Diu Domine . Siste Siste Hospes : Quod Reliqui est Lectissimae Foeminae Te Rogitat , Etiam ego , superstes Maritus , superstes ipse Funeri meo . Nam in Conjuge , Conjunx vixi , et cum illa Elatus sum . Maria , mea Maria , Dulcissima Maria Hic sita est . Cor Gratiarum , flos venustatis Merus , Sedes amorum , Castitatis exemplar Tanti erga me affectus Talisque . Morum ac vitae perpetuae Sanctimoniae , ut vivens , Moriensque , Singulari Praeluxerit Face omoibus Vel ordinis sui , vel sexus . Heu qualem amisi Ex puerperio Raptam ? Et cum ea , spem Posteritatis . Sic me relinquis ? Sic Terras deseris ? O Christianae perfectionis Imago , Injuriarum contemptrix Facilis , Doloribus Ferendis Fortis : Omnes in te certabant virtutes sed vicit Pie●as . Fulges etiam in ipsa mortis umbra , Divini amoris d●m vixisti Flamma Et Postquam vixisti Astrum . Vale , Vale Maria : Nullum de te dolorem Nisi ex Acerbissima tua morte Accepi . At ( Cara Conjunx ) non ego te desinam Lugere , donec vi doloris obrutus Meis & ipse liquero luctum parem . M. S. Mariae Pientissimae Mariae Cui lucis ortum Staplefordia dedit , Genusque Scottorum Familia vetus , Georgiae Filiae & Cohaeredi : Primis Nuptijs Richardo Lushero junctae , Nicholai Equitis Aurati Filio ; Proximis mihi Thomae Knivetto , Maritorum Moestissimo . Obijt xxvij . Aug. CIO . IOC. xxiij . Aetatis 35. In the Church at Chelsey , are these ensuing Monuments . In the South side of the North Ile is this inscription . In obitum illustrissimi viri , Domini Arthuri Gorges , Equitis Aurati , Epicedium . Transtulit Lucanum Te deflent Nati , Natae , Celeberima Conjux ; Te dolet argutae , magna Caterva scholae ; At Lucanus ait , se vivo , non Moriturum Arthurum Gorges , Transtulit ipse decus , Aethereas Cupiens Arthurus adire per Auras , Et nonus ex ejus Nomine Natus adest . Domin ? Arth. Gorg. Equ . Aurat . Filius eius Natu Maximus . In the same I le on the South side is this inscription . Here ●ieth the right Noble and Excellent Princesse , Lady Iane Guilford , late Dutchesse of Northumber land ; Daughter and sole Heire unto the right Honourable , Sir Edward Guilford , Knight , Lord Warden of the five Ports . The which Sir Edward , was sonne to the right Honourable , Sir Richard Guilford , sometimes Knight , and Companion of the most Noble Order of the Garter . And the said Dutchesse was wife to the right High and Mighty Prince , Iohn Dudley , late Duke of Northumberland ; by whom she had issue 13. children , that is to wit , eight sonnes and five daughters : and after shee had lived 46. yeeres , she departed this transitory world at her Mannor of Chelsey , the 22. day of January , in the second yeere of the raigne of our Soveraigne Lady , Q. Mary the first , An. 1555. on whose soule Jesus have mercy . Another on the South side , thus inscribed . In obitum Nobilissimorum Conjugum Gregorij D. Dacres , & Annae uxoris . Quos ardens copulavit Amor , Iuvenilibus annis , Abstulit atra dies , mors inopina rapit ; Ille prior Fatis , Dacrorum Nobile Germen Occidit , In Morbum , at incidit illa prius . Quae languescendo , Miserae praetedia vitae Sensit , tam dulci conjuga Cassa su● . Vt teneri cordis concordia junxerat ambos , Sic idem Amborum contegit ossa locus . Quos jungit tumulus , conjungunt coelica Tecta , Vt teneant Coelum , qui tenuere fidem . Nobilis iste Vir obijt , Septem . 25. 1594. Nobilis ista Mulilier obijt , Maij 14. 1595. Nobilis Anna Iaces , prudens Sackvillia proles Viva tui defles funera Moesta viri . Nil mortale placet , Coelum tua pectora spirant , Postquam Parca viri , conscidit Atra , diem Foeminei lux Clara chori , pia , casta , pudica , Aegris subsidium , Pauperibusque decus . Fida deo , perchara tuis , constansque diserta , Vt patiens M●rbi , sic pietatis amans . O quoties manibus passis , ad culmina Coeli , Hanc Animam dixti , suscipe quaeso Deus Menspia , Coelestis patriae pervenit ad Arcem , Hic tumulus corpus , mentis inane tenet . Another Monument on the North side the Chancell , and hath this inscribed . O Lord , in thee have I trusted , Let me never be confounded . Here lieth the body of Thomas Hungerford of Chilsey in the County of Middlesex Esquire ; the second sonne of Robert Hungerford the elder , of Cadname in the County of Wilth Esquire ; who hath served King Henry the 8. in the roomth of a Gentleman Pentioner , and was with his Majesty at the winning of Boloine ; and King Edward the sixth at Mussleborough field ; besides Queene Mary and Queene Elizabeth , in their affaires , being of the age of 70. yeeres , who had to Wife Vrsula Matdenhead , the Daughter of the Lady Sands . Anno Domini 1581. Another on the North side with this inscription . The yeeres wherein I liv'd were fifty foure , October twenty eight did end my life : Children five of eleven God left in store , Sole comfort to their mother , and my wife . The world can say what I have beene before , What I am now , examples still are rife : Thus Thomas Laurence speakes to times ensuing , That Death is sure , and Time is past renuing . Obijt . 1593. On the South side a Monument of Sir Thomas Moore , dated Anno Domini . 1532.   Another Monument in the same Church , with this inscription . Sacrum Memoriae Gulielmi Plumbe Armigeri & Elizabethae Vxoris ejusdem . Guilielmus Plumbe , Filius & Haeres Ioannis Plumbe , de Eltham Armigeri . Duas Vxores duxit ; priorem Magaretam , Filiam , & unicam Haeredem Thomae Nevill Equitis , quam Robertus Southwell Eques viduam Reliquerat , Ex qua nullam prolem Genuit . Alteram Elizabetham , ex qua unicus filius n●tus est , Franciscus Plumbe . Elizabetha , unica Filia & Haeres Edvardi Dormer de Fulham Armigeri , Filij natu minimi Galfridi Dormer de Thame Armigeri . Priorem conjugem habuit Iohannem Gresham , de Mayfield , in Comitatu Sussexiae Armigerum , & secundum filium Iohannis Gresham Equitis ( quondam Majoris London ) cui tres peperit filios , Thomam , Guilielmum , & Edvardum Gresham , eo defuncto Guilielmum Plumbe praedictum conjugem accepit . Guilielmus Plumbe , obijt 9. die Febr. Anno 1593. Aetatis suae 60. In the Church at Stepney are these ensuing Monuments . On a Monument in the Chancell is this Inscription . ONe ancient Monument of Sir Henry Collet , Knight , twice Lord Maior of London , and free of the Mercers , and Father to Doctor Iohn Collet sometimes Deane of Saint Pauls , refreshed by the Company of Mercers in the yeere 1605. on the North side . In the upper end of the Chancell . In the upper end is a faire Monument of Elizabeth Startute , erected by Captaine Michael Miriall , and Clare his Wife , sometime Daughter to the said Elizabeth Startute . On the North side of the Chancell , as followeth . Here resteth the body of Robert Clarke Esquire , sonne of Roger Clarke Esquire , late Alderman of the City of London , a man humble in prosperity , & a liberall distributer to the poore , courteous and affable to all , an upright and a just dealer in this world , and a most religious seeker of the world to come . Hee had to wife Margaretta , daughter to Iohn Langton Esquire , sometimes Governour of the English Company in Sprucia , under the King of Polonia , who lived together in great love and integrity almost sixe yeeres , he had by her one onely Daughter , named Frances , who lived one yeere three quarters , and here lies interred with her most deare and loving Father . In whose memory the said Margaretta , to expresse her true love and affection , hath caused this Monument to be erected ; he died the xxx . day of May , Anno Dom. 1610. having lived xxxvj . yeeres . A little Monument on the South side in the Chancell , and hath this Inscription . Genero suo Guilielmo Dawtrey , quondam Lincolniensis Hospitij socio , Willielmi Dawtrey Sussexiae Armigeri , Filio & Haeredi , viro ingenij acumine , mentis acie , & non vulgari Municipalium Angliae legum scientia praecellenti , Richardus Stonley Armiger , hoc Amoris , & pietatis simbolum posuit . Obijt 16. Octobris 1589. This Monument is at the upper end of the Chancell , and hath this Inscription . Sacrae Memoriae . Ianae Nevillae Dominae Dethicke Matronae Religiosissimae , Modestissimae , omnibus qua corporis , qua Animi ( dum vixit ) dotibus ornatissimae : Iesu Christi servae devotissimae ; conjugi suae fidelissimae , amantissimae . Quae cum viginti fere duos Annos felicissime transegerat . Alexander Nevillus Armiger , hoc nunquam intermorituri amoris sui Monumentum fieri Testamento curavit . Postquam Annos ferè sexaginta novem vixerat vicessimo nono Novembris 1606. placidissimè in Domino obdormivit . Tobiah Worthington , Alexandro Nevillo , ex Testamento solus Executor , ipsius mandato , hoc Monumentum posuit . On a little brasse Monument in the South side of the Chancell is thus written . Here under lieth buried Nicholas Gibson , Citizen and Grocer of London , and Avis his wife , who were Founders of the Free-Schoole at Ratcliffe ; and after she married with Sir Anthony Knevit , Knight , which lyeth here buried also . Which Nicholas died the xxiij . of September , Anno 1510. And the said Lady Avis died the third day of October , 1554. whose soules Jesu pardon . In that Chancell likewise this is written . D. O. M. Here under was laid up the body of Sir Thomas Spert , Knight , sometime Controuler of the Navy to King Henry the eighth , and both the first Founder and Master of the worthy Society or Corporation of the Trinity-house . He lived enobled by his owne worth , and died the eighth of September , in the yeere 1541. To whose pious memory the said Corporation hath gratefully erected this Memoriall . Not that he needed Monument of stone , For his well gotten fame to rest upon , But this was rear'd , to testifie that he Lives in their loves , that yet surviving be . For unto vertue , who first rais'd his name , He left the preservation of the same : And to postery remaine it shall , When Brasse and Marble Monuments doe fall . Learne for to die while thou hast breath , So shalt thou live after thy death . Anno Domini 1622. by the Company of the Trinity-house , this Monument was erected 81. yeeres after the decease of their Founder . Another Monument in the same Chancell . Here lieth also in the same Chancell , under the Communion Table , the body of Henry Steward , Lord Darley , of the age of three quarters of a yere , Sonne and Heire of Matthew Steward Earle of Lenox , and Lady Margaret his Wife , which Henry , deceased the 28. day of November , in the yeere 1545. whose soule Iesu pardon . In Stratford-Bow , and Bromley , are these ensuing Monuments . This Monument is in the South side of the Chancell , with this Inscription . Abrahamus Iacob Armiger , Maria Conjux Superst , maestis . Obijt 6. Maij. A. D. 1629. Aetatis suae 56. Hic tumulus PArentes optimi cum prole numerosâ , non vestrae virtutis , sed Doloris mei Monumentum esto . Quam uterque erga Deum Pius , quam Regi suo obsequens , & commodus ; quam amicis Fidus , quam Patriae utilis , quam pauperibus benignus , aliorum esto effari , meum imitari , pij Lectoris supplere , quod Filialis modestia Retinuit . Valete Posteri . Sic in Christo & vivite , & morimini . Ioh. Iacob . F. Parentibus maerens merentibus P. As Nurses strive their Babes in bed to hie , When they too liberally the wantons play : So to prevent his future grievous crimes , Nature his Nurse got him to bed betimes . On another Monument in the same Church is thus written . Here lies the body of William Ferrars , the onely Sonne and Heire of William Ferrars Esquire , late Citizen and Mercer of London , who tooke to wife Iane , one of the Daughters of Sir Peter Van-lore of London , Knight , by whom he had one Childe , his Wife and Childe died both before him , and he departed this life a moneth before his Father . He was a Gentle-man of a religious soule towards God , and a sweet behaviour towards men , and his death was by his Kindred , and generally by all much lamented . Hee died the 25. of August , 1625. and left his Vnkle Thomas Ferrars his Executor , who to the memory of him hath erected this small Monument . In this most pure and blessed shade , ( Such by the sacred ashes made , That here inhabit must ) do's lye The man , whose vertues cannot dye . His Almes , his Prayers , his Piety , Have sent his soule above the skie . Nature full well had taught his Wife , To summe her hourses in plous life ; To God , to Friend , to poore , to all , She was as good as we dare call Fraile flesh ; good passenger give praise To them who liv'd such happy dayes . Anno Domini 1625. In the same Church this is written . This Bread is given to the poore for the honour of God , and to the memory of William Ferrars the younger , by Thomas Ferrars his Executor . In the Church at Lambeth are these insuing Monuments . On the North side on a Marble Tombe as followeth . HEre under this Tombe lyeth buried the body of Thomas Clere Esquire , sonne of Robert Clerc in the County of Norfolke , Knight , which Thomas deceased the 14. day of April , Anno Domini 1545. on whose soule , and all Christian soules , Jesus have mercy . In the Chancell on the North side is an old Tombe of Marble , thus written on . Sub pedibus ubi statis , jacet corpus Magistri Hugonis Peyntwin , Legum Doctoris , nuper Archi. Cant. Reveredissimorum Patrum Dō . Ioannis Morton Cardinalis , Henrici Dene , & William Warham Cant. Archiepiscop . Audien . Causar . Auditoris . Qui obijt vj. die Augusti , Anno Dom. M. D. iiij . cujus Animae Propicietur Deus . Amen . On a flat Stone there is thus written . Volente Deo. Hic jacet Richardus Bancroft , S. Theologiae Professor , Episcopus Londinensis Primo , deinde Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus , & Regi Iacobo à Secretioribus Consiliis . Obiit secundo Novembris , Anno Dom. 1610. aetatis suae 67. Volente Deo. On another flat Stone thus is written . Here Lieth the Lady Elizabeth Howard , sometimes Countesse of Wiltshire . On the South side Lieth the body of Sir Nowell Caroone , Ledger Ambassadour for the States of Holland , with his Armes and Hatchments , as namely his Crest , Helmet , Armes , Sword , Gantlet , and Spurres . In the South Chapell is a faire Monument of Marble , ingraven as followeth . Here lieth Sir Iohn Legh Knight of the Bath , sonne of Ralph Legh Esquire , Lord of the Mannors of Stockwell and Levehurst , and Dame Isabel his wife , Daughter of Otwell Worsley , which Sir Iohn deceased the 17. day of August , Anno Dom. M. D. xxiij . and the same dame Isabel deceased the 18. day of Aprill . On the upper end on the wall , a Monument as followeth . Here lieth the body of Iohn Arundell of Gwarnicke , in the County of Cornwall , Esquire , Sonne and Heire of Roger Arundell , of the said County , Esquire , of an Ancient , Honourable , and faire descended Family , who died the 25. of May , 1613. without issue , and in the 56. yeere of his age . Sape & praevale . On the North side of the Quire is this Inscription . Neere to this place , lyeth interred , the body of Robert Scot Esquire , descended of the ancient Barons of Bawery in Scotland . Hee bent himselfe to travell , and study much , &c. And amongst many other things , he einvented the Leather Ordinance , and carried to the King of Sweden 200. men ; who after two yeeres service , for his worth and valour , was preferred to the office of Quarter Master generall of his Majesties Army ; which he possessed three yeeres . Frō thence , with his favour , he went into Denmarke ( where he was advanced to be Generall of that Kings Artillery . ) There being advised to render his service to his owne Prince , which hee doing , his Majesty willingly accepted and prefer'd him to be one of the Gentlemen of his most Honourable Privy Chamber , and rewarded him with a Pension of 600. li. per annum . This deserving Spirit , adorn'd with all Indowments befiting a Gentleman ; in the prime of his flourishing age , surrendred his soule to his Redeemer , 1631. Of his great worth to knew who seeketh more , Must mount to Heaven , where he is gone before . In France hee tooke to wife Anne Scot , for whose remembrance she lovingly erected this Memoriall . This Monument is neere unto the other , and hath this Inscription . Epitaphium Thomae Clarear , qui fato functus est , 1545. Auctore Henrico Howard , Comite Surrey , in cujus foelicis ingenij specimen , & singularis Facundiae argumentum , appensa fuit haec Tabula per W. Howard Filium Tho. nuper Ducis Norff. Filij ejusdem Henrici Comitis . Norfolke sprung thee , Lambeth holds thee dead : Clere , of the Count of Cleremont thou hight : Within the wombe of Ormonds race thou bred , And sawest thy Cosin crowned in thy sight . Shelton for love , Surrey for Lord thou chase ; Aye me , while life did last , that league was tender , Tracing whose steps , thou sawest Kelsall blase , Laundersey burnt , and batter'd Bulleyn's render , At Muttrell gates , hopelesse of all recure , Thine Earle halfe dead , gave in thy hand his will , Which cause did thee this pining death procure , Ere Summers foure times seven thou couldst fulfill . Aye Clere , if love had booted , care or cost , Heaven had not wonne . nor Earth so timely lost . Over against the other in the same I le , lieth the body of Elizabeth Bayly , late wife of Iohn Bayly . Obijt 24. of Iune , Aetatis suae 25. Reader tread soft , under thy foot doth lye , A mother buried with her progeny : Two Females and a Male , the last a sonne , Who with his life , his Mothers thred hath spun ; His breath her death procur'd ( unhappy sinne , That thus our joy with sorrow vshers in . ) Yet he being loth to leaue so kinde a Mother , Changes this life to meet her in another . The daughters first were rob'd of vitall breath , The Mother next in strength of yeeres met death , The Fathers onely joy , a hopefull Sonne , Did lose his life when life was scarce begun . If harmlesse Innocence , if loyall truth , Found in a constant wife combin'd with youth , If a kind Husbands prayers , or Fathers teares Could have prevail'd , they had liv'd many yeeres . But these all fayling , here rak'd up in dust , They wait the resurrection of the just . A Husbands love , a Fathers piety , Dedicates this unto their memory : And when he hath his debt to Nature pai'd , In the same Grave himselfe will ●hen be lai'd , That altogether , when the Trumpe shall sound , Husband , Wife , Children , may in Christ be found . Another Monument on the South side the Quire , with this Inscription . Here lieth foure foot distant from this wall , the body of William Suthes , Gent. a man adorned with the gifts of Grace , Art , and Nature : by Grace hee was Religious and Charitable ; by Art he was in Masonry exquisite ; and by Nature he was humane and affable . He , by Gods appointment , changed his mortall life of misery for glorious immortality on the fifth of October 1625. His sorrowfull and gratefull Wife , Mistresse Anne Suthes , as a loyall Testimony of her love to her deceased Husband , caused this Monument to be erected for an exemplary of his worthinesse , and her affection . He was Master Mason of Windsor Castle ; he was a Citizen and Goldsmith of London , and an Assistant of the said Worshipfull Company . He left three sonnes towardly and hopefull , to bee each of them the imitators of their Fathers vertues , Iohn , Iames , and Matthew . And herein the Reader may see exprest the goodnesse of the deceased Husband , and the thankfulnesse of a surviving Wife . He now sings praise amongst the heavenly Host , To God the Father , Sonne , and holy Ghost . In the Church at Newington , on the North side , is this Monument . Deo viventium . Pietati sacrum . SIr Hugh Brawne , Knight , the Founder and Adorner of this I le , and for the space of 22. yeeres , the whole ornament of this Parish ; Religious towards God , and respectfull of the poore , determining to provide for the day of his death , desires here to repose his body , in a happy hope of a glorious Resurrection . Reader it pleas'd th' Almighty to infuse , Sense of his goodnesse in my blessed heart , Faith quickned Loue , and did this Churchworke choose , Both ioyntly here doe shew themselves in part : His be the glory , Peace , ( soule saving ) mine , Prayer , Thanksgiving use , example thine . 1614. Vivens posui . Anno Aetatis 77. In Saint Georges Church in Southwarke , on the North side are these Monuments thus written on . LOe , Master William Evans , he whose body lieth here , Bequeathed hath by his last will , for ever by the yeere Ten pound eight shillings to the poore , which is a blessed stay , And must be given them in bread , on every Sabbath day : One halfe to Creekens poore , his native soile so deare , The other moity to the poore of this our Parish here . See now all ye that love the poore , how God did guide his wayes ; Tenscore & eight are serv'd with bread , in two and fifty dayes , More then money would have done , to yeelded any share : Praise God , ye poore , who gave to him so provident a care . Hee was of the Right Worshipfull Company of the Merchant-Taylors , and deceased the 29. of Iuly , Anno 1590. in the 32. yeere of the most prosperous raigne of our Soveraigne Lady , Queene Elizabeth . Aetatis suae 67. Another Monument on the North side , having this Inscription . Behold , Iames Savage , graciously Hath done a godly deed ; To the poore of this Parish , For to releeve their need , Five pounds a yeere for evermore , By will he hath bequeath'd , Which must out of the Angell rents Quarterly be received , By the Churchwardens of this Church Whom he hath put in trust , As Fathers in the poores behalfe , To be vpright and just . Which men , I doubt not , but our God Who seeth all things shall finde , True in dispensing of the same According to his minde . Ye poore , thanke Christ for Savage still , Extoll Gods Name with praise , That he , to follow his good Act , In time may many raise . Anno 1588. In the Church at Wansworth , are these insuing Monuments . In the North side of the Chancell is thus written . Vnder a Stone , within this place , doth lie Iohn Powel , who for the space Of thirty yeeres before Her death , did serve the Queene Elizabeth : And to King Iames of worthy fame , for nine yeres more he did the same : And when the yeeres of seventy foure , were now come to an end , Into the hands of God above , his soule he did commend . Obijt 26. die Iunij . Anno Dom. 1611. At the upper end of that Chancell , is thus written . Here lyeth the body of Henry Smith , Esquire , sometime Citizen and Alderman of London , who departed this life the 30. day of Ianuary , An. Dom. 1627. being then neere the age of 79. yeeres , who while he lived , gave unto these severall Townes in Surry following , one thousand pounds a piece , to buy Lands for perpetuity for the reliefe and setting the poore people on worke in the said Townes , viz. To the towne of Croydon , one thousand pounds ; To the towne of Kingstone , one thousand pounds ; To the towne of Guilford , one thousand pounds ; To the towne of Darkin , one thousand pounds ; To the towne of Farneham , one thousand pounds . And by his last Will and Testament did further give and devise , to buy lands for perpetuity for the reliefe and setting their poore on worke , unto the towne of Rigate one thousand pounds . And unto this towne of Wandsworth , wherein he was borne , the summe of 500. pounds , for the same uses as before . And did further will and bequeath one thousand pounds to buy land for perpetuity , to redeem poore Captives and Prisoners from the Turkish tyranny . And not here stinting his charity and bounty , did also give and bequeath the most part of his estate , being to a great value , for the purchasing lands of inheritance for ever for the reliefe of the poore , and setting them on worke . A patterne worthy the imitation of those whom God hath blessed with the abundance of the goods of this life to follow him herein . Another Monument on the South side the Quire , with this Inscription . Here lieth the body of Edward Snow of Chicksands , in the County of Bedford , Esquire : in memory of whom , Em his Wife , daughter to William Byne , in the County of Sussex , Esquire , erected this Monument ; he had issue Elizabeth , Alice , and Sarah . He deceased at the Mannor of Alfarthing , Anno Dom. 1587. At the upper end of this Chancell is this Inscription . Susanna Powell , late of Wandsworth Widow , Daughter of Thomas Hayward of Wandsworth , Yeoman of the Guard unto King Henry the 8. King Edward the 6. to Queene Mary , and to Queene Elizabeth ( of ever precious memory ) and wife unto Iohn Powell of Wandsworth , Gentleman , who was servant to Queene Elizabeth . This Susanna Powell was a gracious Benefactor unto this Towne of Wandsworth . She lived a Window the space ( almost ) of twenty yeeres , deceased the 19. day of February , 1630. & at her death bequeathed by her Will unto 24. poore Widowes of this Towne of Wandsworth for ever , foure pence in bread and foure pence in mony , to be distributed every Lords day , 12. on one Sabbath , and 12. another for ever , at the North doore of the Church at Wandsworth . She also bequeathed 40. shillings every yeere for ever , to put forth a poore man child an Apprentice , with divers other loving Remembrances unto her good friends and neighbours . These foresaid Donations are to issue out of the benefits and profits of the Rectory of Wandsworth . This was desired to be recorded , that God might be glorified , the memoriall of the Iust might bee blessed , and the living stirred up to such like good workes of Piety and Compassion . More , To this Church , for the Communion Table , two Flagon pots of Silver , price xx . li. and upwards . To release poore Prisoners out of prison , on the day of her buriall , xx . li. To the poore of the parish of Putney , long before she deceased , 50. li. To the poore Housholders of Wandsworth , for many yeeres before her death , toward payment of their Rent , per annum , 5. li. In the Church at Battersey , are these ensuing Monuments . On the North side of the Quire is this Inscription . Deo Trino & Vni Sacrum . OLivero , Nicolai Sanct. Iohn de Lydeard , Filio secundo , Equiti Aurato , Antiquissimis , & illustribus de Belle Campo , de Blestoe Grandisonis , & Tregoziae Familiis oriundo . Terra Marique , Domi Forisque , Belli pacisque , Artibus egregio , Diu Elizabethae è Nobilissima Pensionariorum cohorte , suis inde meritis , & singulari Divi lacobi gratia , in Hibernia instrumentis Bellicis praefecto , Conaciae propraeside questori summo , & Regis Vicario , procomiti de Grandisonis , & Trigoziae de Hyworth in Anglia Baroni , Eidem divo Iacobo , & Filio ejus pijssimo à secretioribus & Sanctioribus Consiliis , Postquam is Annos Honoribus Aequaverat , & Tranquillissimè senuerat somnienti similiter extincto , Iohannes de Sanct. Iohn , Eques & Baronettus , ex Fratre Nepos & Haeres Auunculo Moerentissime . Moestissimus P. in Ecclesia de Battersey . Vixit Annos 70. Mor. 29. Decembris 1630. This Monument is in the South side of the Chancell , with this Inscription . Memoriae Sacrum . Elizabethae , Filiae Christophori Toldervey Armigeri , quae vivens moriensque fuit conjux dilecta Danielis Caldwall , Filij Laurentij Caldwall Armigeri , per quatuor annos , Filiorum par Enixa ac vnicam Filiolam , ipsa Mater , virgo prius Casta , Vxor dein fida , Morum suavitate vitae integritate , Religionis Conscientia insignis , fideliter obijt , & in domino foeliciter obdormivit die Iunij 20. Aetatis suae Anno 23. 1620. Moerens ejus Maritus , hoc Qualecunque Monumentum , Epitaphium , Amoris verè conjugalis ergo , posuit , composuit . D. G. This stone doth tell , the Children and the Mother , That liu'd and dy'd all in one yeere together : The children first Death did deprive of life , Yet stai'd not there , but tooke away the Wife . Insatiate Death , not with the Fruit content ▪ But thy last malice on the Tree hast spent . Her vertuous life it needlesse were to praise , That 's still the glosse to cover vicious wayes : I le say but this , that all who knew her well , For life , for death , will say she did excell . Another Monument in the same Chancell with this Inscription . To Henry Hussy Esquire , his loving Wife Iudeth Paget hath erected this Monument : He was borne at Slinkfold in Sussex , he was Clarke of the Spicery to Queene Elizabeth and King Iames , and lived in the Court 35. yeeres . He delivered his soule to God the 23. of May 1611. in the 64. yeere of his age , his body lyeth buried here , waiting for a joyfull esurrection . In the Church at Hackney are these ensuing Monuments . A Monument made for Sir Henry Row , with this Inscription . HEre under sime of Adams first defection , Rests in the hope of happy Resurrection , Sir Henry Row ( Sonne of Sir Thomas Row ) And of Dame Mary his deare yoke-fellow ) Knight , and right worthy ( as his Father late ) Lord Maior of London with his vertuous Mate . Dame Susan his ( twice fifteene yeeres & seven ) Their issue five ( surviving of eleven ) Foure named here in these foure names forepast , The fifth is found , if Eccho sound the last : Sad Orphanes all , but most their Heire ( most debtor ) Who built them this , but in 〈…〉 a better . Quam pie obijt , 〈◊〉 ●lutis 1612. die Novemb. 〈◊〉 ●atis 68. This Monument is neere unto the other , and hath this Inscription . Memoriae Sacrum . What needs an Epitaph to found our praise , Our wealth , our greatnes forth , or length of dayes ; When briefly on this Marble we may reade , The glory of the living and the dead . A modest , chaste , religious loving Wife Lies here at rest , patient in death and life ; Even all the graces which ' mongst many were Divided , sweetly flow'd and met in her . And though death did his worst , thinking in rage , To leave no patterne for succeeding age , Yet lives her vertues , and this memory Tells what she was , and what her Sex should be . Erected by Iohn Bennet , in memory of Elizabeth his beloved wife , who departed this life the 18. of November , 1625. An ancient plaine Monument in the Chancell , with this Inscription . Christopher Vrswyke , Rector . Misericordiam . Another Monument there also , with this Inscription . Here under lyeth the body of Henry Thoresby , of Thoresby , in the County of Yorke , Esquire , late Councellor in the Law , Bencher and Reader of Lincolnes Inne , Iustice of Peace , and of the Quorum , one of the Masters of the most Honourable Court of Chancery , and one of the sixteene Governours of King Iames Hospitall , elected at the first foundation thereof by Iohn Sutton Esquire the only Founder : which Henry Thoresby passed his pilgrimage in this life , in all godlinesse and Christian piety , and so constantly did continue unto his last breath , which hee yeelded up to the Almighty in this Towne of Hackney , on the eleventh day of May , 1615. Heere under lyeth the body of Iane , late wife to the said Henry Thoresby Esquire , Daughter to Iohn Palmer of Clarkenwell , in the County of Midalesex , Esquire , and Paulina his wife , daughter to Anthony Sands of Throwly in the County of Kent , Esquire , which Iane lived with the said Henry in wedlocke 30. yeeres and more , and had issue by him two Daughters , viz. Iane , who died in her infancy about six yeeres of age , and Elinor Lady Hardresse , the now wife of Sir Thomas Hardresse , of great Hardresse , in the County of Kent , Knight , by whom she had issue foure Sonnes and one Daughter . Which said Iane overlived her said husband , Henry Thoresby , and died in all Christian piety on the 18. day of August , 1616. An Epitaph upon the death of the vertuous & worthy Gentleman , Edward Saunders Esquire , Obijt vltimo die Novembris Anno 1599. His name , his place , the gentry of his birth , And credit held unto his dying dayes , Were things that gave him favour here on earth , But gave him not the greatest of his praise . His greatest glory was his godly life , The bounty of his house and open doore , His Countries love , his kindnesse to his wife , Faith to his friend , and pitty to the poore . His vertue , valour , and all good desires , His zeale and life agreeing to the same , And last the death that such a life requires , These be the true records of lasting fame . These wright him blessed in the Heavens above , And leave him in the world good will and love . On the North side of the Chancell , as followeth . A memory of the right Honourable , the Lady Lucy Latimer . Such as shee is , such surely shall ye be , Such as she was , such if ye be , be glad ; Faire in her youth , though fat in age she grew , Vertuous in both , whose glosse did neuer fade , Though long alone she lead a widowes life , Yet never Lady liv'd a truer wife . From Wales she sprang , a branch of Worsers race , Graft in a stocke of Brownes her mother side ; In Court she held a maid of Honors place , Whilst youth in her , and she in Court did bide : To Iohn Lord Latimer then became she wife , Foure Daughters had they breathing yet in life . Earle of Northumberland tooke the first to wife , The next the heire of Baron Burleigh chose , Cornwallis hap the third for terme of life ; And Sir Iohn Davers pluckt the youngest Rose . Their Fathers heires , mothers all she saw , Pray or praise her , make your list the Law. Made by Sir Will. Cornewallis , Knight , this Ladies sonne in law . A Monument of Sir Thomas Rowe , who lieth buried in this Church , and hath this Inscription . Anno Domini 1570. September 2. day . Sir Thomas Rowe lies buried here , Of London Knight and Alderman Who late was Maior , & rule did beare , To right the cause of every man : A Merchant venturer was he , Of Merchant-Taylors Company : A Citizen by birth also , And eke his Wife dame Mary Rowe . In wedlocke one and thirty yeere , They did continue man and wife , Eleven children she did beare , But five of them have left this life , And sixe alive doe yet remaine , Foure of them sons , & daughters twain , His soule with God we hope is blest , And doth remaine in Abrahams brest . In the Church at Islington , are these ensuing Monuments . In the South side of the Chancell is this inscription . Vnder the hope of the Resurrection . HEre lyeth the body of Alice Owen Widow , the Daughter of Thomas Wilkes , she was first married to Henry Robinson , by whom she had sixe sonnes , Iohn , William , Henry , Iohn , Thomas , and Henry , which said Henry the younger , was married unto Mary , the daughter of Sir William Glover , Knight , Alderman of London ; and five Daughters , Margaret married to Sir Iohn Bret of Edmonton , in the County of Middlesex Knight , Susan , Anne , and Anne the younger maried Sir Robert Rich , of Horndon on the Hill , in the County of Essex Esquire ; and Alice married to Iohn Washborne of Withingfoord in the County of Worcester , Esquire . The second Husband was William Elkin Esquire , Alderman of the City of London , by whom she had issue , only Vrsula Elkin , married to Sir Roger Owen of Condover , in the County of Salop , Knight . The third Husband was Thomas Owen , one of the Iudges of the Court of Common Pleas to Queene Elizabeth . On a faire Stone in the Chancell is this Inscription . Hinc Sperat Resurrectionem ( Filius Harbottelli Grimeston , Militis & Baronetti Natu Tertius . ) Henricus Grimeston . Anagramma . En Christi Regno sum . Qui moritur , vivit , Christo , huic , Mors semita , Ductor Angelus , ad vitam Ianua Christus erit . Hac itur ad superos , calcane vestigia Lethi , Intrabam Christi Regia , Templa Dei. 12. die Mensis Iulij . An. Dom. 1627. In the North side of the Chancell is thus written . Here lieth buried the body of Sir Nicholas Kempe , Knight , one of his Majesties Justices of the Peace , and an Honourable Member of the high Commission Court , &c. who had to his first wife Cicely , with whom he lived in blessed amity neere forty yeeres , together with Sarah his second wife sixe yeeres : and having past , with much Prosperity , Love , and Credit , the reverend yeeres of 72. he changed this terrestriall condition for that everlasting state of blessednesse , the third of September 1624. Wife , Loving Liberall , Religious , lust ; Those graces fil'd the soule of him , whose dust Lies here in Tombe ; all that praise can bring forth , There are not words enough to expresse his worth : For his good workes , this stone cannot comprise Half the particulars of his Pieties : What goodnesse ever was , is , and to come , In mortall man , that makes up his just summe . Another Monument on the North side the Chancell , and hath this inscribed . Vivit post funera virtus . Here lyeth the body of William Riethorne , late of Canonbury Esquire , which William married with Anne , the Daughter of Iohn Quarles of London , Merchant , and died without issue , the 18. day of November . In the yeere of our Lord God 1582. and in the 54. yeere of his age . A Monument in the South I le , with this inscription . To the sacred Memory of Anne late wife of Henry Chitting , Esquire , Chester Herauld at Armes , eldest Daughter of William Bennet , Gentleman , by Ioice , widow of Richard Ioselin , of Newhall Ioselins in Essex , Esquire , and Daughter of Robert Atkinson of Stowell , in the County of Glocester , Esquire , shee had foure children , whereof three are living , Thomas , Ioyce , and Henry , of which last she died in Child-bed , the 8. of May 1632. in the 27. of her age , and 4. yeere of her marriage . Mors mihi vita . Life is Deaths roade , and Death Heavens gate must be , Heaven is Christs Throne , and Christ is life to me . The Angels of the Lord protect All those that are his owne Elect. Vivit post funera virtus . In the Church at Kenzington , is this ensuing Monumeat . An Epitaph in memory of Sir William Blake , Knight , who deceased the 30. day of Oct. An. Dom. 1630. STay Reader , gaze , admire , and passe not sleightly ore , The Casket of his corpes imbalmed in this flore : Let his industrious hand , patterne of patternes be , And blazon forth his worth to all posterity . Let his ost foot-steps vnto this sacred place , Be pious . Clues to guide thee to like holy trace . Let him in peace rest here in peace , Till God of Peace returne , And give him peace that loued peace , And call him from his Vrne . Vnto the worldly wise , Death doth Apologize . Suspend thy by-thoughts , his thoughts did ever aime at good , Had I forborne , they had at full beene better understood . The figure of Death lying under these lines . In Saint Giles Church in the Fields , are these ensuing Monuments . On the North side of the Quire is this Inscription . M. S. CHarissimae Matris Alliciae , vxoris venerabilis olim viri Alexandri Sheppard , Legum Doctoris , Nec non suavissimae nuper conjugis Annae , ex Antiquâ Daunteseyorum Familia in Agro Wilton oriundae , Pietatis , & Amoris ergô posuit , Thomas Sheppard hic loci , juxta quem ( si Deo videbitur ) mortales suas exuvias Humandas designavit , providus . Anno Dom. 1631. Another Monument on the North side , having this Inscription . Here before lyeth buried the body of William Styddulfe , third Sonne of Iohn Styddulfe , of Mickleham in the County of Surrey , Esquire ; hee had issue by his wife Elizabeth , Daughter of Iohn Fox , of Saint Iohns in London , Gentleman , William , Iane , Mary , Thomas , and Elizabeth . Hee departed this life at the age of 55. being the last of December , Anno Domini 1600. Here also before resteth the body of the aboue named Elizabeth , who departed this life at the age of 60. yeeres . 10. of February 1623. In Saint Martins Church in the Fields , are these ensuing Monuments . On the South side is a faire Monument , with this Inscription . Arthur Gregory married Christian . HEre lyes buried William Downes , whom God hath taken to his mercy , who beleeved that he should rise at the last day , and see the glorious Majesty of God , and receive life everlasting . Who while he lived here had two Wives , Margaret Ward & Elizabeth Rolfe ; who had by his first wife one Son and one Daughter , and by his second wife two Sons and foure Daughters , who died the 26. of September 1589. Otho Maudit married Elizabeth . Iohn Thorpe married Margaret . William Bret married Mary . Another Monument there also , with this Inscription . Here lieth the body of Thomas Fouler , Esquire , borne in Wicam , in the County of Lancaster , who was Controuler and Pay-master of the works to Queene Mary , and to our Soveraigne Lady , Queene Elizabeth , by the space of ten yeeres . He was very charitable to the poore in his life time , and at his death hee gave by Will out of his dwelling house , a perpetuall annuity of 40. s. by the yeere , to be given to 20. poore hous-holders of this Parish at Christmas for ever . He had in marriage three wives , Ellen , Margaret , and Elizabeth , which also lyeth here intombed . He surviving them , having no childe at his death , made three of his old servants , namely Henry Bludder , Matthew Switzer , and William Humphrey , his Executors , who in remembrance of him , have caused this Monument to be made . Another on the South side , thus inscribed . Expectans Gloriam . Iuxta hoc requiescit Iohn Bembow , Arm. deputatus clerici Coronae in curia Cancellaria D. Regis . In quo officio , per spacium 40. An. Industriam praestitit , — expiravit die Veneris 7. Octob. An. 1625. Termino sexaginta Anno. Aetatis suae finito . Tres habuit vxores , Dorotheam Prowde , & Katherinam Sparkes , eodem tumulo sepultas , Per quas genuit liberos etiam perfunctos , Et Elizabetham Hodges modo extantem , quae sibi duos peperit filios , Gulielmum Bembowe , Aetatis 4. & 6. mens : & Iohannem Bembowe posthumum , Tres tantum Hebdomadas viventem , cum patre humatum . This Monument is neere unto the other , and hath this Inscription . Here lieth the Corpes of Iohn Worsley , Gentleman , who was Messenger to Queene Elizabeth , by 20. yeeres space . Hee died the 25. of March , 1595. in the 37. yeere of her raigne , being aged 40. yeeres . He gave to be paid yeerely vpon each Christmas day , during the space of 21. yeeres , as well 15. shillings to the poore of Saint Martins Parish in the Fields , where he was a Parishoner , as also 10. shillings to the poore of the Parish of Whichurch , in Salop. In the same I le on the South side is this inscription . To the memory of Sir Carew Keynell , Knight , late Gentleman Pentioner to Queene Elizabeth , and Gentleman Vsher of the Privy-Chamber to King Iames. Hee died the 7. of December 1624. in the 61. yeere of his age . Another Monument on the same side , with this Inscription . Hic jacet Thomas Heron Armiger , Filius Thomae Heronis de Edgecombe , in proviciae Surrey Armigeri scaccarij Mareschallus . Vxorem cepit olivam , Thomae Britton generosi de Felmingham Norfolciae filiam . Cum qua viginti novem annos vixit ; atque ex ea unico dotatus Filio Edoardo . Diem obijt martij 1590. Marito plurimum dilecto , praedicta conjux Amantissima , Moerore , & lachrimis perfusa , Monumentum hoc Amoris & Fidei Conjugalis ergo , Posuit & sacravit . On the same side is another Monument , with this Inscription . Hic jacet Maria , vxor Thomae Clopton Armig. filia Domini Willi. Waldgrave Militis , vtrisque tam Mariti , quam patris illustrata Familiis . Obijt 19. Decemb. 1599. de qua sunt superstites 4. Liberi , Willielmus , Gualterus , Elizabetha & Maria. Cloptoni jacet hic Conjux , Waldgravia proles , Vxor digna viro , Filia digna Patre : Alter in alterius splendet virtutibus , vt lux Sitque viro , & Patri , virque paterque sibi . This Monument is in the South side of the Chancell , with this Inscription . Hic sita est Eliza. Dutton filia primogenita Thomae Egerton , equitis aurati filij primogeniti Tho. Egerton , Equit. Aurat . Dom. magnis sigilli Angliae custodis , qui nunc honorem summi Angliae Cancellarij & Baronis de Elesmere gerit . Nupta fuit Iohan. Dutton ex antiquissima familia Duttonorum in Comitatu Cestriae , sed vxorem viduam & Virginem ab avo pie educatam , venustate pietate & modestia prestantissimā praematura mors ad loca excelsa & beatissima ( quo omnes tendimus ) non 〈◊〉 meltorum lacrimis praemisit . Obijt die secundo Octobris 1611 vixit annos 16. M. iiij D. XXI . Idem nobilissimus baro de Elesmere , Angliae Concellarius avus indulgentissimus moestissimusque nepoti charissimae amoris ergo posuit . Another Monument in the same Church , with this inscription . To the worthy , learned , and godly Gentleman , William Cooke , Esquire , her deare Husband , Sonne to the Right Worshipfull , Sir Anth. Cooke , Knight , Frances his most loving wife , Daughter to that most noble Gentleman , the Lord Iohn Gray , brother to the sometime high and mighty Prince , Henry Gray , the last Duke of Suffolke , hath dedicated this Monument in memory of his vertue and her love , died the 14. day of May , and in the yeere of his age 56. This Tombe for her deare Spouse , hath noble Frances placed , Lamenting much , with greater gifts this Tombe should not be graced , And grives as much companion-like , this Tombe should not containe Their wills in earth , since both on earth one will they did retaine . On the North side of the Chancell is this Inscription . Honoratissimo patri Dauncio Pouleto equiti aurato , insulae Ierseae praefecto , apud Christianissimum regem quondam legato , nobilissimi ordinis Garterij Cancelario & serenissimae principis Elizabethae Consiliario , Antonius Pouletus filius , hoc pietatis Monumentum Moerens posuit . Gardez la foy . Quod verbo servare fidem ( Poulete ) solebas , Quam bene conveniunt haec tria verba tibi : Quod gladio servare fidem Poulete solebas , Quam bene conveniunt haec tria signa tibi . Patria te sensit , sensit Regina fidelem , Sic fidus Civis , sicque senator eras . Te fidum Christus , te fidum Ecclesia sensit , Sic servat inter multa pericla fidem , Ergo quod servo princeps , Ecclesia nato , Patria quod fide cive sit orba dolet , Interea Christus defuncti facta coronat , A quo servatam viderat esse fidem . Margareta Poulet hoc Epitaphium moetoris simul & amoris sui perpetuum testem amicio conjugi suo charissimo clarissimoque dicavit . Conjugis est ( testante Deo ) pars altera conjunx , Vir caput est , vnum corpus uterque refert , Vna caro , mens una , thoro sociata jugali , Solamen vitae praesidiumque suae : Ergo meo luctus quis par queat esse dolori Cui vitae pars est altera dempta meae . Sed quid flere juvat , non sic revocabere conjux , Namque tibi pietas stravit ad astra viam : Haec spes sola juvat : qui nos conjunxit in vnum , Hunc sibi postremo jungere velle die . Another Monument in the same Church , with this Inscription . Hic jacet Maria Da. Cheake , filia R. Hill Armig. foemina pia & prudens , & quae fuit vsque ad obitum una dominarum in privata Camera Reginae Elizabethae ( quae fuit tunc dignitas in praecipuo honore ) nupta fuit primo Iohanni Cheake , Magist . principali Secretario Regis Edwardi 6. viro-optimo & eruditissimo , cui peperit Henricum haeredem paternae virtutis , & Regiae Majestatis à Secretis in Consilio Eboracensi , Iohan. Cheake virum egregium & magnanimum , Edwardum Cheake . Vixit circa 84. Anno obijt Novemb. 30. 1616. Secundo nupta Henrico Mackwillims Arm. viro ex Nobilis . Familia Hibernorum cui peperit Henricum qui sine prole obijt , & Margaretam seniorem filiam nuptam viro honor . Iohanni Domino Stanhop , Baroni de Harrington , Vicecamerario Reginae Eliza. & R. Iacobi thesaurario camerae & Magistro cursarum Rigiō . Susannam nuptam Edwardo Sandeys Arm. deinde Gothardo Pemberton Mil. & vltimo Thomae Ireland Mil. Ambrosiam nuptam Willielmo Kingswell Mil. Cassandra Georgio Cotton Mil. & Ceciliam nuptam Thomae Dom. Ridgway , Dom. thesaurario Regio in Hibernia . On a flat Stone in the Chancell , is this written . Hem viator , Infans te paucis vult Carolus Blown● , Honoratis . Dom. Mountjoy , Comitis de Newport , & lectiss . Dom. Annae è nobili Bottelorum in agro Herfordiensi familia oriundae . Filius natu secundus bimulus hic praematurae posuit mortalitatis exuvias : tantum est . Vivus nil poteram fari , quin mortuus infans , Ecce loquar mortis sis memor atque vale . In the Church at Greenewich , are these ensuing Monuments . In the Chancell , on the South side , this is written . Dilectissimae Conjugi sacrae Hettonae Franciscus Hettonus viduus Moestus , non sine Lachrimis , posuit OMea sacra oculis multo mihi Charior ipsis , Deseris ( Heu ) viduum cur ita sacra virum ? Tu secura manes , portu requiescis Amoeno Non tibifraus , Moribus nec mala obesse valent . Tu pace Aeterna frueris , tu vivis ovasque , Quippe tibi est Terris , gratior Aula Dei , Conjux ipse tuus mance vivoque superfles , Moestificis plenus solicitudinibus , Spero tamen tempusque brevi , ( mea sacra ) futurum est Cum te visurus sim , vel in Arce poli . Cuncta tibi scio salva manent , vereque Beata es , Cui mors vita fuit , vitaque morte viret . Eheu quam nostrae est evanida gloria vitae , Certa dies nobis nulla , nec hora datur : Stare decet vigiles ergo , semper que paratos , Ne mors incautos nos inopina premat . Ecce rei testis , sacra hic Blomera , jugali Francisco Hettono Consociate Thoro. Annos octodecim , placuitque Marita Marito , Nulla magis potuit , nec placuisse magis . Filiolos illi peperit , ter quinque utriusque Pignora : & ex illis , octo fuere Mares . Quadraginta Hyemes , binos si dempseris annos Vixit , & octodecim , suasilis vxor erat . Obijt 13. Iul. Anno Dom. 1600. Another Monument on the South side the Quire , with this Inscription . D. O. M. Et salvatori . I. C. S. In Memoriam . Gulielmi Hattecliffe , ex Antiqua Hatteclifforum , de Hattecliffe , in Agro Lincolniensi Familia oriundi . Qui cum summa in Deum Pietate , In pauperes Benignitate , in amicos humanitate , in omnes bonitate , Annos plus minus quinquaginta septem Coelebs in terris vitam egisset tranquillam , Tandem 17. nempe die Maij , Anno 1620. Deo Animam Reddidit Grenovici , & hic situs in pace quiescit . On a Monument on the North side of the Chancell is this Inscription . In piam Memoriam Dilectissimae suae conjugis . Dorotheae Lok Filiae Iacobi Brampton , de Brampto , in Comitatu Norfolciae Generosi , & Mariae vxoris ejus , Filiae Claclarissimi viri Edwardi Bulein militis , & Annae Tempestiae vxoris ejus , &c. Quae post Annos triginta sex , in hac peregrinatione terrena peractos ( Annosque pene Trinos , in fideli , Castissimoque Matrimonio perimpletos ) in vera Fidei Christianae confessione , & Ardentissima Dei omnipotentis invocatione , pie ex hac vita decessit 24. die Februarij 1596. Cujus corpus juxta inhumatur , in medio hujus Chori , Adjacente à sinistra corpore Henrici Lok filii sui . Zacharias Lok Amoris & officii ergo Monumentum hoc poni fecit 24. die Octobris 1597. In an I le on the North side is this Inscription . Egregio viro , Roberto Adams , operum Regiarum Supervisori , Architecturae peritissimo ; Religione , & moribus Integerrimo . Qui piè obiit Anno suae Aetatis 1595. Simon Basil operationum Regiarum Controtultor hoc posuit Monumentum 1601. Next to the other is this Inscription . Spiritus in Caelis , fax hic Clementis Adami , Cui ex tredecim , septem pignora viva Manent , Regius ille diu vixit , Moriturque scholarca , Tumque ubi bis septem lustra peregit , obit Anno Dom. 1586. Ian. 9. Et lateri conjuncta jacet suavissima conjux , Quindenis Annis qua fuit ille minor . Anno Dom. 1588. Maîj 11. Next to the other is this Inscription . Neere to this place lyeth interred , the body of Mistresse Mary Ward , late wife of Richard Ward , Esquire , Serjeant at Armes vnto King Iames , and King Charles , Father and Mother of Captaine Caesar Ward , who died in the service of his King and Country in October 1627. She died in February following , in the foresaid yeere . Which three moneths time with sighs Her grieved life did spend , Her Sonnes untimely death Hastned her end . In the Church at Detford , or West Greenwich , are these ensuing Monuments . This Monument is at the upper end of the Chancell , and hath this Inscription . M. S. H. S. E. Rogerus Boyle , Richardi Comitis Corcagiensis Filius Primogentius , qui in Hibernia natus , in Cantio solo Patris Natali denatus , Dum hic ingenij cultum capessit . Puer eximiae indolis , praecocitatem ingenij funere luit immaturo . Sic luculenti , sed terreni Patrimonij factus exhaeres , coelestem crevit Haereditatem . Decessit A. D. 1615. iv . eid . viii . Bris. Death . Richardus , praenobilis Comes Corcagiensis Vxoris suae Patruo . B. M. P. Memoriae perenni Edwardi Fenton , Reginae Elizabethae , olim pro corpore Armigeri , Iano O-Neal , ac post eum , Comite Desmoniae , in Hibernia Turbantibus , Fortissimi Taxiarchi , qui post lustratum improbo ausu , septentrionalis Plagae Apochryphum Mare , & excussas variis Peregrinationibus inertis Naturae la●●bras , Anno 1588. in celebri contrae Hispanos Naumachia , meruit Navis Praetoriae Navarchus . Obijt Anno Domini 1603. Cognatos Cineres , & Amicam Manibus umbram , O Fentone , tuis , excipias Tumulo . Vsuram Tumuli victure Marmore Pensat , Et reddit gratus , pro Tumulo Titulum . At the upper end of that Chancell , on the North side , is thus written . Sacrae perpetuaeque Memoriae Gulielmi Haukyns , de Plimouth Armigeri . Qui verae Religionis verus cultor , Pauperibus praecipuè Navicularijs Munificus , Rerum Nauticarum studiossissimus , longinquas instituit saepè Navigationes ; Arbiter in causis difficilimis Aequissimus , Fide , Probitate & Prudentia singulari . Duas duxit Vxores , è quarum una 4. ex altera 7. suscepit liberos . Iohannes Haukyns Eques Auratus , Classis Regiae Quaestor , Frater Moestissimus posuit . Obijt specerta Resurgendi 7. die mensis Octobris , An. Dom. 1589. In the upper end of the Chancell . There lyeth buried neere this place the body of Iane Edisbury , Widow , Mother of Kenrick Edisbury , Gentleman , Pay-master of the Kings Majesties Navy , under Sir William Russell , Knight , Treasurer . She died on the 16. day of March , 1618. On the North side of this Quire , a worthy Memoriall of Sir Sackevile Crow , for Seeling and beautifying of that North I le . In the Church at Roderith , are these ensuing Monuments . In the South I le , on the wall , is this written . Post tenebras , spero Lucem . NExt without this Wall , are buried Brian , Richard , and Marke , Alize , and Elizabeth , the three Sons and two Daughters of Nicholas Reynolds , Citizen and Goldsmith of London , and of Elizabeth his wife . The forenamed Elizabeth , their younger Daughter , was married to Robert Wheatley , Salter , the 20. day of August , 1593. and died the 18. of September , in the same yeere . These Blossomes yong and tender , loe , Blowne downe by deadly wind , May vrge the riper sort to know , Like blast shall them out find . For Flesh , as grasse , away doth wither , No age can it eschew , The young and old decay together , When death shall them pursue . No Parents , Friends , or Advocate , Can him intreat to spare , The Faire , the Fine , or Delicate , For threats he doth not care . Let that most certaine Statute made , By God our heavenly King , All men assure , and eke perswade , Death shall them equall bring . Post Mortem , Vitam Aeternam . In the middle I le of this Church is thus written . Trinitas in vnitate . Here lies buried the body of Richard Hills , Mariner , one of the eldest Brothers and Assistants of the Company of the Trinity , and his two wives ; who while hee lived in this place , gave liberally to the poore , and spent bountifully in his house : and after many great troubles , being of the age of 80. yeeres and upward , departed this life without issue , upon the 16. of February , 1614. This was made at the charge of Robert Bell. Though Hills be dead , Hills Will and Act survives , His Free-Schoole , and his Pension for the poore ; Thought on by him , performed by his Heire , For eight poore Sea-mens children , and no more . 1627. On the outside of the North Wall is a Monument , bearing the figure of a Ship at Sea ; under it the portraiture of him for whom it was erected , with his Wife , six Sons , and foure Daughters ; the living and the dead distinguished by Deaths-heads , which the buried seeme to beare in their hands , and under them this Inscription . Here beneath lyeth interred , the body of Captaine Anthony Wood , who departed this life the 24. of August , 1625. being the 40. yeere of his age , and had issue by his wife Martha Wood , sixe Sonnes and foure Daughters . In Saint Margarets Church at Westminster , are these ensuing Monuments . On a very ancient Monument in Brasse , at the upper end of the North I le , is thus written . Sacrum doloris . SHall teares , the silent Messengers of death , Dissolve their streames into a Sea of moane ? No , no , in vaine you sacrifice reliefe , Over his Tombe , with eyes , with voyce , with groane , For Cole assign'd by God , the poore to pity , The widowes comfort , and eke the Orphans Sire , Who tun'd each string of hate to loves sweet ditty , Is dead : aye me , will death the best desire ? Remorselesse death , thy wrath in him is ended , Maugre thy darts , his praises cannot dye , Thou hast his body , but his soule ascended Into the place of joyes eternity , And though his corps inter'd lye dead in grave , Yet still his vertues life and being have . An. Dom. 1597. In Parliament , a Burgesse , Cole was placed , In Westminster the like for many yeeres , But now with Saints above his soule is graced , And lives a Burgesse with Heavens royall Peeres . Oblessed change , from earth , where Death is King , To be united there where Angels sing . Ejusdem in eundem . Terra tegit Corpus , mens scandit ad Aethera Coeli , Fama virens floret , Caetera mors rapuit . Thus in English . The Grave my body , Heaven my soule doth keepe , The World my fame , the rest in death doth sleepe . Margaretta Cole posuit . In another columne of the same Table . This Monument unites two constant Lovers , He that is dead , and her that lives in death : His Body she , his Spouse , in honour covers , Wishing her dayes were shortned with his death . But she must live , yet living shall be mated , With him in death , while death her life hath dated . Full twenty yeeres and odde their league was firme , Witnesse the world , their children , and their love , Nothing but death , by death should give the tearme Of farewell to their faith , by false remove . Of breach of concord no tongue can accuse them , Vnlesse base envy by her Saints abuse them . O envy not the dead , but die to sinne , Expect the harvest of this dead mans blisse , Desire the Crowne which envy cannot winne , Amend in you , not others , what 's amisse . Sad death shall be your Herauld to procure Rest to your soules with Christ for to endure . Marget in woe , distill those teares to comfort , And in thy childrens love addresse thy anguish : Three live with thee , then love their living consort , No longer in thy Husbands sorrow languish . But imitate thy Cole in Vertues lawes , That thou maist live where Vertue pleads his cause . This Monument is in the North I le , and hath this Inscription . Here lyeth the Lady Dorothy Stafford , Wife and Widdow to Sir William Stafford , Knight , Daughter to Henry Lord Stafford , the onely Sonne of Edward , the last Duke of Buckingham : her Mother was Vrsula , Daughter to the Countesse of Salisbury , the onely Daughter to George Duke of Clarence , Brother to King Edward the fourth . Shee continued a true Widdow , from the age of 27. till her death . She served Queene Elizabeth 40. yeeres , lying in the Bed-chamber , esteemed of her , loved of all , doing good all she could to every body , never hurted any ; a continuall remembrancer of the suites of the poore . As shee lived a religious life , in great reputation of honour and vertue in the world , so she ended in continuall fervent meditation and hearty prayer to God. At which instant ( as all her life ) so after her death shee gave liberally to the poore , and died aged 78. the 22. of September 1604. In whose remembrance , Sir Edward Stafford her Sonne hath caused this memoriall of her to be , in the same forme and place as she her selfe long since required him . On a Monument on the North side of the Chancell is this Inscription . To the memory of Rob. Peeter , Esquire , Auditor of the Receipt , her first Husband , who gave to the use of the poore of this Parish one hundred pound : and of Edward English , her second Husband , a Gentleman , kinde , courteous , and of great Hospitality , who gave twelve pounds in Annuity for ever to the same use . Margaret their loving wife , Daughter of Sir Iohn Tyrill of Gipping , Knight , who likewike hath bequeathed one hundred pounds for the purchasing of one yeerely Annuity of twenty nobles for ever to the foresaid poore , Lamenting their death , and for testification of her dutifull love hath erected this Monument . Another Monument in the same I le , with this Inscription . Here lyeth the body of Thomas Arneway , buried the 8. of September , Anno Dom. 1603. And Margaret Arneway his Wife , who was buried the 9. of August , Anno Dom. 1596. Neere unto the other , in a faire Plate , is this following Epitaph . A memoriall on the death of Iohn Varnam Gardiner , who deceased the xj . of December , 1586. Aetatis suae 46. O mortall man that lives on earth , consider well thy end , Remember that thou must depart , when God for thee doth send . This life is but a pilgrimage , so soone it doth decay , And all the riches of this world shall fade and passe away : As by example daily shew'd , before our eyes we see , That rich & poore to earth are brought for their iniquity . Let us that live on earth behind , to God for mercy call , With wofull heart & wringing hands , and he will blesse us all . And now to speake of this good man , Iohn Varnam cal'd by name , Who in his life he lived well , by labour , travaile , and paine , In helping of the fatherlesse , and widowes very poore , And setting ever them on worke which went from doore to doore . A Gardiner by Art he was , great skill he had therein , And prosper'd well in all his life , with every living thing That he at all times tooke in hand : To God be given all praise , That did increase this honest man with riches many wayes . The poore they had great work of him , by weeding of his ground , And he to them was well content , to leave assurance ●ound , Of land and living to releeve the fatherlesse in need , So he confirmed this his minde , by will it was decree'd . Agnes Varnam left behind , his loving wife most sure , By her he had foure sonnes , likewise foure daughters , Virgins pure : Who all being dead , and none alive , but Elizabeth by name , And in remembrance of his life , they have set up this same . He willingly did yeeld himselfe , in God was all his trust , And in the last houre of his death , he shew'd his faith most just , To leave this world most cheerefully , desirous to depart , Asking forgivenesse of the world , and forgiving with his heart To those which he at any time in deed or word offended : Most joyfully his soule was then vnto the Lord commended . And thus he left his life , in briefe to tell you plaine , Hoping in Heaven to be receiv'd , for ever to remaine . In the same I le , in the body of the Church , is this Inscription . Cornelius Vandun lieth here , borne at Breda in R●abant , Souldier with King Henry at Turney , Yeoman of the Guard , and Vsher to King Henry , King Edward , Queene Mary , and Queene Elizabeth : of honest and vertuous life , a carefull man for poore folke , who in the end of this towne did build for poore widowes twenty houses of his owne cost . Round about his figure wrought as in his Guards Coa● , these words . Obijt Anno Dom. 1577. buried the 4. of September . Aetatis suae 94. At the upper end of the South I le in the Chancell , as followeth . Frances Haughton , in token of her love to her Husband , caused this Monument to be erected . Here resteth in assured hope to rise in Christ , the body of Hugh Haughton , the fourth sonne of Thomas Haughton of Haughton , in the County of Chester , Gentleman , who married Frances , Daughter of William Coothe of Sherbourne , in the County of Dorset , Gentleman , and by her had issue two Daughters , Elizabeth and Frances : He departed this life the 17. day of October , 1616. aged 50. yeeres , and Elizabeth departed this life the 28. of August , 1615. aged seven yeeres , and lieth here also interred . On an ancient brasse Monument close by the other , is thus written . Give thankes to God for Edward Courtney Esquire , Sonne and Heire to Sir Peter Courtney of Devonshire , Knight , who living a life agreeable to his estate and stocke , ended the same like a fithfull Christian , the 27. day of November 1566. and is buried before this stone . On another neere to that is thus written . Here lyeth the body of Alexander Tomkins , the fifth sonne to Richard Tomkins of Momington upon Wye , in the County of Hereford , Esquire , who was buried in August , in the yeere of our Lord God 1615. On another neere to that is thus written . Vnderneath lieth the body of Iames Tomkins , second sonne to Iames Tomkins , of Momington upon Wye , in the County of Hereford , Esquire , buried in December , in the yeere of our Lord God 1613. Close to this a very faire Monument in the South wall of the Chancell , thus written on . Here under is intombed Blanch Parry , Daughter to Henry Parry of New-Court , within the County of Hereford , Esquire , chiefe Gentlewoman of Queene Elizabeths most honourable privy Chamber , and Keeper of her Majesties Jewels , whom she faithfully served from her Highnesse birth ; beneficiall to her Kinsfolke and Countrimen , charitable to the poore , insomuch that shee gave to the poore of Bacton and Newton in Herefordshire , sevenscore bushels of Wheat and Rye yeerely for ever , with divers summes of money to Westminster and other places for good uses . She died a Maid in the 82. yeere of her age , the 12. of February 1589. Another faire Monument in the fame I le , in the Chancell , thus written on . Here under resteth in expectation of a glorious Resurrection , the body of Thomas Bond Gentleman , sometimes a Burgesse of this City of Westminster ; and also the bodies of Ellin his wife , of Thomas Bond their Sonne , and of Ellen their Daughter . To the memory of whose Christian vertues , their dutifull Sonne , and loving Brother Iohn Bond , hath erected this Monument . A Father , Mother , Sonne , and Daughter deere , Cover'd with earth , their corps be buried here ; Two aged died , and two in prime of strength ; To teach that death will conquer all at length : A vertuous life they liv'd , made Christian ends , And now a Crowne of glory them attends . At the foure corners of this Monument are these inscriptions . Thomas Bond the Father died the 7. of Aprill 1616. Ellin Bond the Mother died the 31. of May 1628. Thomas Bond the Sonne died the 26. of May 1627. Ellin Butts the Daughter died the 12. of August 1625. On a faire Stone in the middle of the Chancell is this written . Here resteth in God the body of Anna Ebbis , borne in Denmarke , who served our gracious Queene Anna , in her Bed-chamber , was married to Master Thomas Seringe , her Majesties Chaplaine , the 28. of Aprill , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1598. and died at Westminster the 26. of February 1608. unto whom God Almighty give a joyfull Resurrection . Moerentis musa Mariti . Astra tuam foveant Animam , bona fama sepultae Restet in his terris , capiat tandem omnia Coelum . Iohannes Seringius , Thuringius . A faire Monument at the lower end of the North I le in the wall , thus written on . Here lieth interred the body of Edward Reynolds , Esquire , late Clearke of his Majesties privy Seale , and Register of the Court of Requests , who departed this life the 18. day of December Anno Dom. 1623. by him also lieth the body of his Brother , Master Owen Reynolds , who deceased the 16. of Aprill 1610. To whose memories Edward and Launcelet Reynolds , Gentlemen , have here placed these ensuing Verses , made by the said Edward Reynolds in his life time . Gloria , Vita , Decor , Thesaurus , Fanta , Voluptas Vana , brevis , fragilis , fluxus , temeraria , mollis , Fumus , Bulla , Iris , Fax Viatus , Dulce venenū , Vanescit , perit , arescit , ●quefit , fugit , angit . Orbe nihil toto stabile est , citò corruet orbis , Et vasti in nihilum vanescet fabrica Mundi . Sola fides firmam parit , aesern amque Coronam , So●● fides Christi meritis , sunt ●etera Nugae . Haec vixi , hac morior side , mihi Christus in vitae , & morte lucrum . In the middle of the same I le , in the wall , is a faire Monument , thus written on . M. S. Hîc sepultus jacet Iohannes Corbettus de Sprowslon , in Com. Norf. Baroncttus , qui vxorem duxit piissimam Annam , filiam Arthuri Capel de Ha●ham , in Com. Hareford Militis , ex qua suscepit Filios ties , totiden que Filiae , Vitam vixit integerrimam , Rei assertor publicae , Christianae columen , Mecaenas literariae , hinc migrans , Anno Dom. Millesimo , sexcentesimo vigesimo septimo ( Aetatis trigesimo septimo ) die decimo nono Ianuarij . Abunde illud supplevit , in quo Marmor deficit , famam & memoriam indeptus terris diutius , at Caele in aeternum victuram . Iohannes Corbettus miles . Sanctusue is homo & liber ? Et sanctus isle homo liber . Sir Iohn Corbett Baronet . Another in the same wall , thus inscribed . D. M. M. S. Ioannes Makeulio de Merton D N. Scoto-Britannus , Magni Hetruriae ducis Archiater quondam , Nec non In sapientia illustris , Pisis Cathedrae Doctor , Dein Magnae Britanniae Regis Medicus , Medicorum sui seculi Aesculapius , Therapeutices ; promus-condus , conditumque prodigium , Mortales , huic Cippo , in spem Resurrectionis , vitaeque melioris Reliquit exuvias Reparatae salutis 1622. Aetatis suae 46. Mense . Nascentes morimur , finisque ab origine pendet . On the same Wall , in a Table , is this Epitaph . In memory of the late deceased Virgin , Mistris Elizabeth Hereicke . Sweet Virgin , that I doe not set Thy Grave-verse up in mournfinll Jet Or dapl'd Marble , let thy shade Not wrathful seeme , or fright the maid , Who hither at her weeping howres , Shall come to strew thy earth with flowres : No , know blest soule , when there 's not one Remainder left of brasse or stone , Thy living Epitaph shall be Though lost in them yet found in me : Deare , in thy bed of Roses then , Till this world shall dissolve ( as men ) Sleepe , while we hide thee from the light , Drawing thy Curtains round — Good night . On a Table hanging at the upper end of the South Ile is this written . In memory of the right vertuous and beautifull Gentlewoman , Mistris Margaret Radcliffe , Daughter to Sir Iohn Radcliffe Knight , one of the Maids of Honour to Queene Elizabeth , who deceased at Richmond the 10. of November , and was here buried with solemnity the 22. of the same , Anno Dom. 1599. An. Reg. Eliz. 41. Tell thou my wailing verse , and mourning show , What beauteous frame lies here interr'd below . Here underneath entomb'd a Dazie lies , The pride of nature , with perfection fil'd ; O woe , whom Zephyres blasts can ne'r make rise , Being by Deaths blacke storms untimely kild . Ratcliffe's thy name , the glory of the Court , Vertue and Beauty strove t' adorne thee most , Though here inclos'd , yet fame shall still report Thy Vertues praise , thy graces time shall boast , Thou di'dst a Virgin pure , and spotlesse liver , Griefe caus'd thy death , death makes thee live for ever . If any aske , who sigh'd this sad complaint , Say one that liv'd , that lov'd , that ioyed , now faint . Another faire Monument at the vpper end of the Chancell , thus inscribed . Epitaphium Religiosissimi , spectatissimique viri , Francisci Egioke , de Egioke in Comitatu Vigorniae Equitis Aurati , vitae Famaeque integerrimae , Musarum , Militum , Pauperumque Fautoris Meritissimi , Qui à Londino , Vigorniam versia proficiscens , in Vxbrigia vita defunctus est 21. die Novemb. 1622. Hic vero repositus habet Cineres . Dilectissima , Moessissimaque vxor ejus Elinor , Filia Fra. Ding●ey Armigeri , in eodem Vigor●iae Co●itatus , Lugubre Hoc , Pij Amoris & obsequii , Monumentum posuit . Ad Tumulum niflere libet , discedito Lector , Qui legis haec , Fletu , prodigus esto pio . Cum Musis omnes flerent , in●pumque Catervis , Illis Patronus , His Benefactor erat . Arma virumque canit , Mors imperiosa , triumphans , Quod miles strenuus sic spoliatus obit . Vana quid insultas ? te jam tua praedafefellit ; Artes , arma , preces , hunc periisse vetant . Hunc ( Mors ) insequeris frustra , cui militat aether , Nec tibi , sed superis , praeda beata jacet . Quid quoditer carpens Cecidit ? Moriturque viator ? Quae supra terram est noverat ; hîc Patriam . Quo tendens , proprios Lares , Terrasque relinquit , Et Coelum media possidet ille via . This Monument is neere unto the other , having this Inscription . Here lyeth entombed Mary Lady Dudley , Daughter of William Lord Howard of Effingham , in his time Lord high Admirall of ENGLAND , Lord Chamberlaine , and Lord Privy Seale . Shee was Grand-childe to Thomas Duke of Norfolke , the second of that Sir-name , and Sister to Charles Howard Earle of Nottingham , Lord High Admirall of England , by whose prosperous direction , through the goodnesse of God , in defending his Handmaid , Queen Elizabeth , the whole Fleet of Spaine was defeated and discomfited . She was first married to Edward Sutton , Lord Dudley , and after to Richard Mountpesson Esquire , who in the Memory of her Vertues , and l●st Testimony of his love , erected this Monument . Shee slept in Christ Iesus , in the yeere of our Lord 1600. the 21. of August , attending the joyfull day of her Resurrection . A faire Monument at the upper end of the North I le , with this inscription . Here in peace resteth the body of Thomas Seymour , second sonne to the Right Honourable , Edward Earle of Hartford , and Isabel his VVife , eldest Daughter to Edward Meley of Katesby , in the County of Northampton , Esquire , which said Thomas departed this life the 3. day of August , 1600. And the said Isabel the 20. day of August 1619. in the true faith of Iesus Christ , and in the blessed hope of a joyfull Resurrection . On a faire Marble in the Chancell is thus written . Depositum Mariae Filiae unicae Thomae Egerton Militis Ba●onis de ●llesinere Ca●cella●ij A●glis . Francisci Leigh Militis fidelissimae , optime meritae , ac unice ●llectae conjugis , quae tertio die Aprilis , An. Dom. M. DCXII. Aetatis suae 36. post partum Filliorum 4. Filiarum 5. inpuerperio Filiae 6. Spiritum Deo , Corpus sepulchro liquit , in Christo obdormiens , Cui fide , spe & Charitate , Constantissimè vixit . Pudicitiae , Pietatis , & Venustatis Rarissimum decus . Non obijt sed abijt . In Westminster Abbey are these ensuing Monuments . In Obitum Serenissimae Principis & omnium virtutum genere Cumulatissimae Annae Dei gratia Magnae Britaniae , Franciae & Hiberniae Reginae , Dominaeque suae longè gratiosissimae , carmen funebre . Ad Potentissimum Serenissimae Annae Maritum Iacobum , Dei gratia , Magnae Britanniae Regem fidei defensorem &c. Annus & Anna in se redit , hic novus , illa perennis : Cujus vir pa●er & frater Rex , Regia proles , In Coelo Aeternos Regina est Anna per Annos . Floreat illa suis in prole aeterna Britannis , Inque suo vigeat feliciter Anna Iacobo . Inclite Rex Britonum , veniam da vera loquenti . Iacobus caret Anna , & non caret Anna Iacobo : Maxime Rex Regum , Regem solare Iacobum . Ad Invictissimum Christianum Quartum Dei Gratia Daniae , Norwegiae , Gothorum , Vandolorumque Regem , &c. Pondere pressa , suo sub pondere , Palma Resurgit : Marmore pressa soror tua , Fertur ad Aethera victrix . Sanguinolenta olim , inter Danos atque Britannos , Pugna , nihil potuit , nostro conjuncta Iacobo , Absque cruore , omnes vicit Dana Anna Britannos , Aeterneque suis conjunxit Foedere Danis . Orbis , Danorum Pacis , Britonumque sit idem Terminus , & Reges Rex protegat orbis utrosque . Ad Foelicissimam Iacobi & Annae prolem Carolum Walliae Principem , Elizabetham , Frederici Electoris Comitis Palatini Vxorem , Regalemque eorum Progeniem quae nunc est , vel Dei gratia erit in Posterum . Indiae Phoenix , volucris per annos Vna sexcentos deciesque senos , Dicitur foelix superesse , dirae Nescia Mortis . Quod tibi Parcae dederant sorores Fila correptae breviora vitae , Anna , dicaris Mulier , sed esto Caetera Phoenix . Igne solari , moriens Crematur Mortuo-Vivos Cineres in albos , Sic , ut ex illis rediviva surgat Altera Phoenix . Anna , eui nunquā similem videbit Phoebus , expiras ? moriare sic , ut In tua semper vigennt Beati Prole Britanni . Hinc , illinc , ubicunque , cadem est , & ubique Beata . Obijt in Domino Anno Domini 1618. quarto Nonarum Martij , Annos nata 44. Menses 4. & dies 18. Ad sereuissimae Reginae familiam Moerore obrutam . Vos canite , O socij , funebria Carmina mecum ; Nos relevet Dominus , perdidimus Dominam . Responsio Familiae . Non sunt canendo , talibus pressi malis , Sed nec loquendo , quos habet talis dolor : Nostris adhaerent fiucibus linguae graves . Loquantur alij , dum luctus nostri stupent . Edidit Serenissimae Reginae Moestissimus Capellanus , Guliclmus Swadonus , Collegij Wickamici Alumnus , Sacrae Theologiae Doctor , & Archidiaconus Wigorniae . Vpon a very rich and stately Monument in the same Church is thus written . Depositum Illustrissimi & Excellentissimi Principis Ludovici Stuarti Esmei Leviniae Ducis Filij Ioannis Propatrui Seren : Regis , acobi Nepotis , Richmondiae & Leviniae Dacis , Novi Castelli ad Tinam & Darnliae Comitis , &c. Magni Scotiae Camerarij & Thalassiarchae Hereditariè . Sacri Palatij Iacobi Regis Seneschalli , Cubiculariorumque principalium primi , Regi à Sanctitribus Consilijs . San-Georgiani ordinis Eq. Scoticorumque per Gallias Cataphractorum praefecti . Viri excelsi ad omnia Magna & bona nati , ad meliora defuncti , vixit Annos 49. Menses 4. Dies 17. 2 Sam. 3. 38. Chronog : AN IGNORATIS , QVIA PRINCEPS ET VIR MAGNVS OBIIT HODIE . 16. Febr. primo generalium Regni Comitiorum designato . On the other side of the same Monument is thus written . Illustrissima & Excellentissima Princeps , Francisca Richmondiae & Leviniae Ducissa , Domini Thomae Howardi Dindoniae Filia , Thomae Howardi Norfolciae Ducis , ex Elizabethâ Edovardi Ducis Buckinghamiae Filiâ Neptis , Lodovici Stuarti Richmondiae & Leviniae Ducis Vxor , Chariss●●vi conjugij nunquam non memor , conjugi optimè merito sibique posuit hoc Monumentum . Obijt Die mensis An. Dom. On a Table in the same Quire , is this following Inscription . P. M. S. Vanae multitudinis Improperium hic jacet cuius tamen Hispania Prudentiam . Gallia Fortitudinem . Belgia Industriam . Toto Europa Mirata est Magnanimitatem . Quem Daniae & Reges Integerrimum . Sweciae Germaniae Transilvaniae & Princip . Ingenuum . Nassauviae Veneta Respublica Philobasilia . Subaudiae & Lotharingiae Duces Politicum . Palatinus Comes Fidelem . Imperator Pacificum . Turca Christianum . Papa Protestantem . Experti sunt . Quem Anglia Archithalassum Cantabrigia Cancellarium Buckinghamia Ducem habuit . Verum siste viator , & quid ipsa Invidia sugillare nequit audi . Hic est Ille Calamitosae virtutis Buckinghamius . Maritus redamatus , Pater amans , Filius obsequens . Frater amicissimus , Affinis Beneficus , Amicus perpetuus , Dominus Beniguus & Optimus omnium servus . Quem Reges adamarunt , optimates honorarunt , Ecclesia deflevit , Vulgus oderunt . Quem Iacobus & Carolus Regum perspicacissimi , intimum habuerunt . A quibus Honoribus auctus , & Negotijs onustus , Fato succubuit Antequam par animo periculum Invenit . Quid jam Peregrine ? Aenigma mundi moritur ; Omnia fuit , nec quidquam habuit , Patriae Parens & Hostis audiit . Deliciae idem & querela Parlamenti . Qui dum Papistis Bellum infert , insimulatur Papista , Dum Protestantium partibus consulit , occiditur à Protestante . Tesseram specta Rerum Humanarum , At non est quod serio triumphet malitia , Interimere potuit , laedere non potuit . Scilicet has Preces fundens expiravit . Tuo ego sanguine Potiar ( mi Iesu ) dum mali pascuntur meo . This Monument is in a Chappell on the North side of the high Altar . Georgio Holles Eq. Anglo-Brit . Clariss . Penatib . oriundo , rerum Militar . sic à pueritia dedito ut Castror . Alumnus nasci videretur , Qui postquam cuncta quae decerent Nobilem , stipendia in Belg●a Fecerat ordin . Ductor suae gentis , supremus vulgo Sergiant Major Generalis , Declaratus est . Augustaeq . Trinobantum Pacifice excessurus hic propter Franc. Verum Imper. suum & Consanguin . Cui tamen Periculis quam sanguine Conjunctior , Ambitu Honestiss . Componi voluit . Ioannes FN . Comes de Clare FR. Merentissimo Moerentissimus P. vixit A. L. M. iij. D. iiij . ob xiiii . Kal. Iun. Anno Dom. M. DC . XXVI . This Monument is in a Chappell on the South side of the high Altar . What so thou hast of Nature or of Arts , Youth , Beauty , Strength , or what excelling parts Of Mind and Body , Letters , Armes , and worth , His eighteene yeeres , beyond his yeeres , brought forth , Then stand and reade thy selfe within this glasse , How soone these perish , and thy selfe may passe . Mans life is measur'd by the worke , not dayes , No aged sloth , but active youth hath praise . Francisco Holles juveni fortissimo qui ab exercitu è Belgia aeger regress 〈◊〉 obiit Prid. Id. 〈◊〉 Anno Dominicae Aetatis M. DC . XXII . suae XVIII . Iohannes Comes de Clare , Filio natis 3. & merentissimo moerentissimus pater posuit . This Monument is in another Chappell on the South side the high Altar . Bonae Memoriae Georgio Villerio Equiti Aurato Marito B. M. Iuxta se P. Clarissima conjux Maria Cometissa Buckingamiae . S. P. I. T. D. O. M. OSSA Mariae de Bello Monte Cometissae 〈◊〉 kingamiae E quinque Potentissimor●● totius Europiae Regnorum regibus , 〈◊〉 que per totidem Immediatos Descensus oriunde Vix Ann. Lxij . M. xj . D. xix . Ho● Mon. V. I. C. On a Pillar on the North side of the high Altar is this Inscription . Iuliana Crem Virgo Pientissima Charissima & vnica filia Ranulphi de Creme , Equitis Aurati , Regii Tribunalis capitalis Iusticiarij , ex Iuliana de Cleppesby conjuge , vetustae familiae de Cleppesby in agro Norfolciensi Cohaerede suscepta , Redemptoris adventum hic expectat , vernante Aetate , in patriam abijt xxij . April . M. DC . XXI . In the Abbey , in the North I le , about the middle of the I le , is thus written . Mors mihi Solus Christus Lucrum mihi sola salus . Spe Resurgendi ▪ Hic jacet Iana Stotevill , Filia Thomae Stotevill de Brinckley , in Comitatu Cantabrig . Armigeri , uxor primo Edvardi Ellis de Chesterton , in Comitatu Cantabrig . Armigeri , Cui peperit 6. Filios , & 3. Filias , vxor deinde Othewelli Hill Doctoris in Iare Civil , & Cancellarij Dioces . Lincoln . Cujus Relicta obijt 27. die Aprilis Anno Dom. 1631. Aetatis suae 78. Vivit post funera virtus . In another Chappell on the South side the high Altar , is this Inscription . Hic jacet Anna Garrard Filia ( & Cohaeres cum Fransisca ) Georgio Garrard , & Margaretae Dacris , Parentibus , Nobilium , & antiquorum stemmatum , Vxor Dudleio Baroni Carleton de Imbercourt . Cui cum Filium vnicum pepererit in infantia expirantem , eique legationibus ad Remp. Venetam , Subaudiam , & unitas Belgiae Provincias per Sedecem annorum spatium indivisa comes adhaeserit , dum iter illuc demo meditatur , rapta est morbo Apoplectico è molestis hujus Aevi laboribus in requiem aeternam 18. Aprilis , Anno Dom. 1627. Aetatis suae 42. à conjugio 20. Memoriam Posteritati faciens probae , & Religiosae Foeminae , Vxoris conjunctissimae , oculatae Matrisfam : cui hoc Monumentum sacravit Gemibundus conjux , Testimonium Amoris integri , ob eamque amissam intimi cruciatus , dum visum fuerit Deo Op. Ma. & illum etiam deducere in hoc idem Dormitorium , cui ipse vivens se mortuum designavit . A RETVRNE TO LONDON : In which most of the Parish Churches have of late yeeres beene Rebuilded , Repaired , or at least Beautified . A Catalogue whereof here followeth , wherein not only the yeere in which , but the meanes likewise by which , each Worke was perfected are set downe , as also all the Monuments of Queene Elizabeth , as they are in every Church . S. Albanes Woodstreet . I Am sorry , that , but now beginning to speake of Building , repairing , and Beautifying of all the Parish Churches in this famous City of London , I must in the very Front of the Alphabet ( for that is the rule I goe by ) speake of the pulling downe , Demolishment , and Ruines of a Church , and one of the most ancient among them ; Saint Albanes in Woodstreet . This Church , being wonderfully decayed and perished , was by these Gentlemen , Sir Henry Spiller , Enigo Iones , Esquire , Captaine Leake , and Captaine Williams surveyed , to see what repaire might helpe it . But by these Gentlemen , and Workemen appointed with them , it was found to be too farre gone for Repaire ; neither would any Workeman put himselfe into hazard upon it : affirming it to be in every part of it , so spent , decayed , and enfeebled , that they must suddenly plucke it downe , or it would suddenly prevent that labour , and fall to the ground of it selfe : which the Fallings every day encreasing ( and more and more growing and appearing ) did most evidently seeme to threaten . For this cause , many of the Parishoners refused to goe to it , many that went , went unwillingly , but all with much feare , where they sate with more ; their danger all the time much troubling and disturbing their Devotion . This great necessity inforcing , it was the last yeere 1632. betwixt Easter and Midsummer pul'd downe , and yet Iuly , 1633. ( a sad object ) so lies in its pitifull ruines . Many of the ablest sort of this Parish , to shew they would doe what they could towards the recovery of this great losse , have joyned certaine monies ( their free and voluntary gifts ) together , which they have againe disbursed in Stone , and some other Materials . But this many , being but few , to the number of those that in this kind , can doe little or nothing , and their good wills falling extremely short of that great summe that must beginne and finish so great a Worke as this , they were constrained to petition his Highnesse for his Letters Patents , for the helpe of a collection for it . Their Petition graciously received , his Majesty was pleased ( as a cause of all other his Piety especially favours ) to send his Letter to the Lord Bishop of London , for the forwarding and effecting their desires . Yet notwithstanding this faire degree to their wish , they are for a time put off , by reason ( as I am informed ) of the great Collection for the repaire of the famous Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul , but they hope it will not be long . In which hope they have many Partners , as also in their Prayers , for all the good meanes that may be , to the speedy rebuilding of it ; till which time , the Church appointed unto them for the Sabbath . Exercises , Marriage , Burying , Churching , and the Sacraments , is the Parish Church of Saint Alphage neere Cripplegate . And thus much of this Church , Saint Albanes . Alhallowes Barking . THis Church was repaired and beautified in the yeere of our Lord God , 1613. and within some few yeeres before and after ( in their severall times ) other wants were supplied and furnished , viz. A very faire new Pulpit set up , many faire Pewes , a faire Communion table , with other gracefull Ornaments to it . This Table was the gift of one Master Iohn Burnell , all the rest the charge of the Parish : Also in the South I le , over the entry into the Church , in the yeere of our Lord 1627. there was a very handsome Gallery erected , at the cost and charge of the Parish . Thomas Covell Iohn Shaw Churchwardens . In the South wall is a Monument with this Inscription . In the I le against this place , lyeth the body of Francis Covell , Citizen and Skinner of London , he lived in this Parish 52. yeeres , was married to his wife Margery 42. yeeres , had Issue by her Thomas his onely sonne . He had borne Office in his Company , and this Ward , with good reputation , was in his life Religious , Peaceable , and Charitable , and at his death gave Clothing to the poore of this Parish yeerely for ever . Hee lived 69. yeeres , and rendred his soule in peace to God , September 7. 1625. Alhallowes Bredstreet . THis Church , in the many decayed places of it , was repaired , and in every part of it richly and very worthily beautified , at the proper cost and charges of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God 1625. Samuel Tucker William Hunt Churchwardens . On the South side of the Chancell , in a little part of this Church , called The Saltars Chappell , is a very faire Window , with the Portraiture or Figure of him that gave it , very curiously wrought upon it , with this Inscription : Thomas Beamont Salter , the Founder of this Chapell , and a worthy Benefactor to the Company of the Salters . 1629. This Window being then erected . In the midst of this little Chappell , in a faire Marble Tombe , this man with his two wives lies interred . The words round about this Tombe , with the Verses , you may reade in page 391. To the sacred Memory ▪ Of that worthy and faithfull Minister of Christ , Master Richard Stocke , who after 32. yeeres spent in the Ministery , wherein by his learned Labours , joyn'd with Wisdome , and a most holy life , Gods glory was much advanced , his Church edified , Piety increased , and the true honour of a Pastors place maintained , deceased Aprill , 20. 1626. Some of his loving Parishoners have consecrated this Monument of their never-dying love , Ian. 28. 1628. His situs exanimis Stocki sub pulvere Truncus , Quem quondam agnovit Pastorem Ecclesia Fidum : Istae suum nunc Sancta tenent Habitacula Sanctum , Quo Magn Vs Pan DV Cit oVes oVi Vmque magIstros . Thy livelesse Trunke ( O Reverend Stocke ) Like Aarons Rod sprouts out againe , And after two full Winters past , Yeelds Blossomes and ripe fruit amaine . For why , this worke of Piety , Performed by some of thy Flocke , To thy dead Corps and sacred Vrne , Is but the fruit of this old Stocke . A faire new Monument in the South I le , on the wall , almost at the upper end . This Monument was erected at the cost of this Parish , in memoriall of Master Iohn Dunster , Citizen and Cothworker of London , who lieth buried neere this place , and gave amongst other charitable gifts , 200. pounds towards the late building of this Church , and 200. pounds , which hath purchased 12. pounds a yeere for ever , towards the reparation of the same . He departed this life the 14. of October , 1625. being of the age of 58. yeeres . Queene Elizabeths Monument . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , I have kept the faith , and henceforth is laid up for me a Crowne of Righteousnesse , &c. Alhallowes the great . THis Church , with much cost bestowed on the Steeple , was in many parts of it Repaired , and thorowout richly and worthily beautified , at the proper cost & charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God 1627. and 1629. Iames Ashby Henry Clinket and Christopher Robotham William Pagen Churchwardens . There was at this time a faire Gallery built at the West end of the Church , and in the North I le a new doore made , almost at the upper end . The last yeere 1632. all the Iles , to the Chancell , were raised a foot and a halfe , and the Pewes a foot above that ; A worke much gracing the Church , but especially done for a ready and more easie hearing . The charge of these times rising to 600. pounds and upwards . Queene Elizabeths Monument . If Royall Vertues ever crown'd a Crowne , If ever Mildnesse shin'd in Majesty , If ever Honour honour'd true Renowne , If ever Courage dwelt with Clemency , If ever Princesse put all Princes downe , For Temperance , prowesse , prudence , equity , This , this was she , that in despight of death , Lives still admir'd , ador'd , ELIZABETH . Many Daughters have done vertuously , but thou excellest them all . In the figure of a Booke over Her , these words . They that trust in the Lord , shall bee as Mount Sion , which shall not be removed for ever . Psal . 125. On the one side . Spaines rod , Romes ruine , Netherlands reliefe , Heavens Iem , Earths Ioy , World wonder , Natures chiefe . On the other side . Britaines blessing , Englands splendor . Religions Nurse , the Faiths Defendor . Vnder her . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , &c. Alhallowes Honylane . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the proper cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord 1625. Francis Waterhouse Edward Powell Churchwardens . The charge of this repaire amounting unto 55. pounds and upwards . Alhallowes the lesse . THis Church was repaired and beautified within and without , at the cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord 1616. In the yeere 1613. two faire Dormers were made on the South side of this Church to enlighten it , before being very darke : the one at the cost of Sir Thomas Glover , Knight , the other at the cost of Master Thomas Iones Gentleman . In the yeere 1633. a faire large Gallery built on the North side of the Church , and within nine or ten yeeres past , two other Galleries , which both in their cost and ends , but especially the last , much commend their religious Founders . Queene Elizabeths Monument . I have fought a good fight , &c. 2. Tim. 7 , 8. Alhallowes Lumberstreet . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the proper cost of the Parishioners , in the yeeres of our Lord God 1622. and 1623. The charge of this repaire amounting to the summe of 171. pounds , and nine shillings . William Skelton Henry Collinson Churchwardens . Alhallowes Stayning . THis Church was repaired in many parts of it , and very nearly and decently beautified , at the cost of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord 1630. Simon Parrat Robert Stileman Churchwardens . In the South wall of this Church is a Monument with this Inscription on it . Before this place lieth the body of Em Charleton , wife to Robert Charleton Citizen and Fishmonger of London , by whom shee had Issue three Sons and foure Daughters , and died in Childbed the 23. or Iune , 1623. having beene married ten yeeres , ten moneths , and thirteene dayes , and lived 31. yeeres , 4. moneths , and odde dayes . She was the youngest childe of Thomas Harby of Adston , in the County of Northampton Esquire , by his last Wife Katharine Throgmorton , Daughter of Clement Throgmorton of Hasdley in the County of Warwicke Esquire , and of Katherine Nevill , sister to the then Lord Aburgavenie . Et genus , & nomen nôsti , Nomenque Mariti , Progeniem atque dies , sic obitum & tumulum , Te latet ipsa tamen , licet haec externa tueris , Nobilia interius , Nobiliora latent . Nobilitas vera est sanctis virtutibus orta , Hanc teneris annis , huic dedit omnisator . Nam cum lacte simul Materno Religionem Imbibit , assidue Matre docente pia . Posteaque ut vires Crescebam crevit in illa Vera Dei veri cognitio , atque fides . Nec sine fruge fides , fuit Alma , Pudica , Benigna , Compatiens , humilis , mitis , amica , Bona. Sic veram verâ cum justitia piecatem , & Facta bonis verbis junxerat illa bona . Vt Mater , Natam , Matris sic nata Nepotes Imbuit imprimis cognitione Dei. Non specie tantum , sed verè Religiosa , Et virgo , & conjux , & domina & Genitrix . Principio finis similis : sic vltima primae Linea conformis : mortua viva simul . Alhallowes at the Wall. THis Church was repaired and beautified at the charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord 1613. Iohn Streame Robert Priest Churchwardens . It was againe repaired , richly and very worthily beautified at the cost of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord 1627. Robert Hanch Harman Brockard Churchwardens . The charge of the last repaire , accounting to the summe of 200. and 20. pounds . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Reade but her Reigne , this Princesse might have beene For wisdome called Nicaulis , Sheba's Queene , Against Spaines Holifernes , Iudeth shee . Dauntlesse gain'd many a glorious victory : Not Deborah did her in fame excell , She was a Mother in our Israel . An Hester , who her person did ingage , To save her people from thé publike strage ; Chaste Patronesse of true Religion , In Court a Saint , in Field an Amazon , Glorious in life , deplored in her death , Such was unparallel'd ELIZABETH . Borne Anno 1534. Crowned Anno 1558. Ian. 15. Reigned yeeres 44. mon. 4. dayes 17. Died Anno 1602. March 24. S. Alphage . THis Church ( the decayes in divers parts of it , calling upon the Parishioners for it ) began to be repaired in the yeere of our Lord God 1624. the repaire continuing 25. and 26. in which time , the Masons worke amounted to 400. pounds . The farther repaire , in 27. and 28. in the last of which it was beautifully finished , arising to 100. pounds more ; The sole cost and charge of the Parish . William Syddon Iohn Laurence Churchwardens . In the South I le , upon a faire Marble stone is this Inscription . Hic jacet Willielmus Phillip● , Ar. 〈◊〉 Rever . Patris Dom. Epi. London . suae Cur. Commisariatus London , & qui 80. Annorum pie transactis in Dom. placide obdormivit 4. die Mens . Septembris , An. Dom. 1625. Relinquens post se 6. ex 18. liberis . On another faire stone in the same I le . In Christ alone I onely trust , To rise in number of the just . Here under lyeth buried the body of Katharine Edwards , sometime beloved wife of Iohn Edwards , of this Parish of Saint Alphage ; she departed this transitory life on the sixth day of Ianuary , 1628. and in the 45. yeere of her age , having had issue by her said Husband five Sonnes and seven Daughters . My body here in dust doth rest , Sin caus'd that earth claimes it as due , My soule 's in Heaven for ever blest , Yet both in one Christ will renew . Andrew Hubbard . THis Church was repaird and richly beautified at the cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God 1630. Enoch Lynd William Clobery Churchwardens . The charge of it amounting to sixe hundred pounds and above . Andrew Vndershaft . THis Church was repaired and laudably trimmed and beautified , at the cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God 1627. William Bargins Simon Farewell Churchwardens . Then ( I say ) trimmed and beautified , although for some few yeeres before and since , to this present yeere 1633. The care and cost of the Parishioners have beene still imployed in the supplying and furnishing of it with such things , as either for necessity or beauty , their love to Gods house , should finde wanting . Among other things these , viz. They have new raised their Chancell , adding to that cost a Communion Table , with a very faire frame about it , they have made many new Pewes , a faire Alabaster Font , and a Clocke : a necessary thing , that in the memory of man this Parish hath not had , nor the eldest Parishioner ever heard of . They have also in this Church ( much commending the Founders & Continuers of it ) at the lower end of the North I le , a faire Wainscot Presse full of good Bookes , the workes of many learned and reverend Divines , offering ( at seasonable and convenient times ) the benefit of reading , to any that shall bee as ready to embrace it , as they and their Maintainers to impart it . A faire Monument in the middle of the wall of the South I le , with this Inscription . Death hath added to the ornament of this place the blessed memoriall of Edward Warner Esquire , a worthy Citizen and Merchant of London , who departed this mortall life the 28. of October 1628. He was the second sonne of Francis Warner of Parham , in the County of Suffolke , Esquire , by Mary his second Wife , ● Daughter & Co-heire of Sir Edmond Rowse of the said County , Knight , which Francis Warner was truly and lineally descended from the ancient and generous Family of the Warners , who possessed a place of their owne name , at Warners hall in great Waltham , in the County of Essex . Hee died without Issue , and made Francis Warner of Parham aforesaid , Esquire , his Nephew , and next Heire in blood , the Executor of his last Will , and principall Heire to his estate ; who out of his duty and affection to the memory of his deare Vncle , hath dedicated this Monument . Hee had to his first Wife , Mary , the Daughter of Master Ailmer , of Risden in Hartfordshire ; and to his second , Margaret , Daughter of Master Iohn Cheyney . On a faire Grave-stone lying in the same I le , is thus written . I. H. S. Mors Christi , mihi vita . The memoriall of Mistresse Elizabeth Turnor , whose body resteth here in expectation of her Saviour . Shee lived the sorrowfull Widdow of three Husbands , Andrew White , Cutbert Burby , and Humphry Turnor , Gentleman , and the most deare Mother of seven children , being the Issue onely of her second : three of them buried her , Edward Burby , Cutbert , and Ioane , which inherit her sorrow to bewaile their losse . Her dissolution hapned in her great Clymactericall , being on the tenth Calends of August , in the yeere after her Saviour , 1630. Resurgam . Andrew Wardrope . THis Church was repaired , and worthily beautified at the cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1627. A very faire Window on the South side of this Church , with this Inscription . This Window was glased at the charge of Peter Leonarts the elder , of East-Sm●●-field Brewer , Anno Domini 1627. In the South I le , at the lower end of the Church , is this Epitaph . When God was pleas'd , ( the world unwilling yet ) Helias Iames , to Nature paid his debt , And here reposes : As he liv'd , he died , The saying strongly in him verified , Such life , such death : then a knowne truth to tell , He liv'd a godly life , and died as well . Anne Aldersgate . THis Church was repaired richly , and very worthily beautified in the yeere of our Lord God 1624. In the yeeres 1629. and 1630. the Steeple decayed and perished , with great care and much cost was repaired , a new Turret made for the Saints-Bell . Also the walls of the two Church-yards ( the greater and the lesse ) were raised , two faire Arched doores made in the middle of them , with a very faire Arched Entrance to the Church on the South side of it ; and the Alley , or passage from Saint Annes lane into Noble Street , raised , levelled , and ( with free Stone ) very neatly and handsomly paved . Gabriel Butcher Robert Dimpleton Churchwardens . An Epitaph in the Chancell , with this Inscription . Here lyeth the body of Francis Spencer , eldest sonne of Richard Spencer , Esquire , who departed this life the 20. of Iune 1629. Mortis memor sis , me Ridebat Horula Natum , Renatum , Mortuum . Anne Black-Fryers . THe ancient Church belonging to the Black-Fryers , London , was ( before the dissolution of Religious Houses by Henry the 8. ) one of the most spacious and faire Churches in London : but the Friers being put out , the Church ( together with other faire buildings ) was utterly demolished . Therefore the Inhabitants of the said Black-Fryers , London , fitted an upper Roome , of 50. foot in length , and 30. foot in breadth , for a publike place of Divine worship . The charges of purchasing and fitting the said Roome for a Church , appeareth not in any Record that we can finde . In Anno 1597. when the Church was empty , and no body in it , a great part of the Roofe thereof fell downe , whereupon the then Inhabitants being about to repaire their said Church , obtained of Sir George Moore Knight , so much ground as enlarged their Church with an I le on the West , 50. foot in length and 15. foot in breadth : for which ground they built at their owne cost a faire Ware-house under the said I le for the use of Sir Ierome Bows , Knight , who then had the said ground in lease , and also gave him 133. li. The new building of their said Church and Ile ( beside the foresaid 133. li. given to Sir Ierom Bows ) cost 300. li. 18. shillings . In Iune 1607. the Inhabitants of the said Black-Fryers paid 120. li. to Sir George Moore , for the purchase of their Preachers house , their Church-yard , their Church , and the Porch appertaining thereunto , together with the right of Patronage of , in , and to the said Church . In Anno 1613. the Inhabitants of the said Black-Fryers , purchased on the South of their Church , so much housing as enlarged their Church aforesaid 36. foot in length and 54. foot in bredth , the purchase whereof , together with the Vault for burying , and other Roomes under that part of the Church , and the new building of all , and making new Pewes , and Pulpit , cost 1546. li. 6. shillings . In Anno 1632. the Inhabitants of the said Black-Fryers , purchased the Roomes directly under the above mentioned upper Roome converted to a Church , which said under Roomes they purchased to repaire the Foundation & Walls whereon the Church stood , which Walls were very much decayed . The Purchase whereof , and repaire of Decayes , cost 500. li. The summe of all bestowed upon Black-Fryers Church , since the reformation of Religion in England , amounteth to 2600. pounds 4. shillings . A faire Monument at the South end of this Church , with this Inscription . P. M. Iohannis Bill Mercatoris Librarij , qui Nationibus ab exteris supellectilem litterariam in hoc Regnum per plusculos Annos Importavit . Vt Librorum Thesaurus , Bibliothecarum Parens , Academiarum Mercurius Merito dici possit . Typographi etiam Regij Iacobo & Carolo R. R. Serenissimis , per Annos XIII . fidele in hoc opere ministerium praestantis . De Republica Librariâ bene , desuis optime Merentis . Non sine luctu & Moerore Amicorum , Anno Aetatis suae LVI . publicae vero salutis M. DC . XXX . Defuncti . Qui interim duas Vxores pudicas duxerat , Annam Filiam Tho. Montfort Theologiae Doctoris , Quae sine liberis obijt , & Ianan Henrici Francklin Filiam , quae liberis quinque ▪ Familiam auxit . Hoc Monumentum Fidei & Amoris ergo Iana Vxor Moestissima P. Quueene Elizabeths Monument . Sacred unto Memory : Religion to its primitive sincerity restored , Peace thorougly setled , Coine to the true value refined , Rebellion at home extinguished , France neere ruine by intestine mischiefes relieved , Netherland supported , Spaines Armado vanquished , Ireland with Spaniards expulsion , and Traitors correction quieted , both Vniversities Revenues , by a Law of Provision , exceedingly augmented , Finally , all England enriched , and 45. yeres most prudently governed , Elizabeth , a Queene , a Conqueresse , Triumpher , the most devoted to Piety , the most happy , after 70. yeeres of her life , quietly by death departed . On the other side of the Monument . For an eternall Memoriall ▪ Vnto Elizabeth Queene of England , France , and Ireland , Daughter of King Henry the eighth , Grandchild to King Henry the seventh , great Grandchilde to King Edward the fourth , the Mother of this her Country , the Nurse of Religion and Learning : For perfect skill in very many Languages , for glorious Endowments , as well of minde as body , and for Regall Vertues beyond her Sex. She began ended her raigne 17 No. 1558. 24 Mar. 1602 Vnder her Monument . I have fought a good fight , &c. S. Antholines . THis Church was repaired and beautified in the yeere of our Lord 1616. towards which the Gentlemen here under named , were free and very bountious Benefactors , Sir William Craven , Alderman , Master Henry Iay , Alderman , Master Adrian Moore , Master Thomas Boothby , Master Francis Dorrington , Master William Parker , Master Cleophas Smith , Citizen and Draper of London . Richard Dight Thomas Browne Churchwardens . To this was added a very rich and beautifull Gallery , every Pane or division of it ( the number of them 52. ) fil'd with the Armes of Kings , Queens , and Princes of this Kingdome , beginning with Edward the Confessor , and ending with the Badge or Simboll of Fredericke Count Palatine of the Rhine , Duke of Bavere and Prince Elector , &c. Begunne in the yeere 1623. Francis Bickely William Stacy Churchwardens . And fully built and finished in the yeere 1624. William Stacy Edward Banbury Churchwardens . The charge of the foresaid Reparation , 1616. as I was informed by some Officers in the Church , amounting to the summe of nine hundred pounds and upwards . S. Austin . THis Church was in part Rebuilded , Leaded , and in every part of it richly and very worthily beautified , at the proper cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeeres of our Lord God , 1630. and 1631. Ralph Tonstell Daniel Hallingworth Samuel Langham Churchwardens . The charge of this great and costly Repaire , amounting to the summe of 1200. pounds . Bartholomew Exchange . THis Church was repaired and beautified , at the proper cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord 1620. William Drew La●ncelot Iohnson Churchwardens . At the West doore is a very faire Screene , with this Inscription . Ex dono Richardi Croshawe , Civis & Aurifabri Londinensis 1631. Monument in the South side of the Chancell thus written on . Here lieth Richard Croshawe , sometimes Master of the Company of Goldsmithes , and Deputy of this Ward . Hee was very liberall to the poore , and in the time of the great Plague 1625. neglecting of his owne safety , he abode constantly in this City to provide for their reliefe , he did many charitable acts in his time , and by his Will he left above 4000. li. to the maintaining of Lectures , reliefe of the poore , and other pious uses . He dwelt in this Parish 31. yeeres , and being 70. yeeres old , hee died the the 2. of Iune , 1621. In the same Church , and the same I le , upon a faire stone , is this Inscription . Heere lieth interred the body of William Drew , Citizen and Grocer of London , who departed this life the 29. day of August , 1631. being of the age of 56. yeeres , expecting a blessed and joyfull Resurrection at the comming of Christ . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Eliza Beata , Spaines rod , Romes ruine , Netherlands reliefe , Earth's joy , Englands jem , Worlds wonder , Natures chiefe . I have fought a good fight , &c. Regni 45. Aetatis 70. obijt 24. Martij , Anno salutis 1602. Close by the word Eliza , is the figure of three Crownes , and these words by them . Manet ultima Coele . Bennet Fynck . THis Church is now repayring , they began in March last 1633. and by Michaelmas at the farthest , doe make account ( God willing ) it will be finished : and so compleatly and absolutely , with all things befitting furnished , that wee may for that time say of this as of the rest . This Church was repaired and ( at the cost and charge of the Parishioners ) richly and very worthily beautified , in the yeere of our Lord God 1633. The charge of this repaire and beautifying , by what they have done , and what they have to doe , very probably imagined , amounting to foure hundred pounds and upwards . Edward Barcocke Robert Claxon Churchwardens . Bennet Grace-Church . THere hath beene bestowed on this Parish-Church within the passage of 20. yeeres , severall charges , amounting to the summe of 700. pounds . But the greatest part of this in the last repaire , which was in the yeere of our Lord 1630. in which as it was very carefully repaired , so richly and very worthily beautified . Some usefull , necessary , and most needfull things in ( and since added to ) this worthy repaire , were these ; A new Clocke , a new Diall , new Chimes , and now 1633. a very faire Turret for the Steeple . The Churchwardens in the time of this repaire 1630. Iohn Cudney , and Iohn Offeley . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Elizabeth Queene of England , France , and Ireland , Daughter of King Henry the eighth , by Queene Anne Bullen his Wife . She died at Richmond the 24. of March , 1602. being 69. yeeres , sixe moneths , and seventeene dayes old , when shee had reigned 44. yeeres , 4. moneths , and 7. dayes . As in the figure of a Booke . They that put their trust in the Lord , are even as the Mount of Sion , which may not be removed , but standeth firme for ever . On the one side . Britaines blessing , Englands splendor , Religions Nurse , the Faiths defendor . On the other side . Spaines rod , Romes ruine , Netherlands reliefe , Heavens Iem , Earths joy , Worlds wonder , Natures chiefe . Vnder her . If Royall Vertues ever crown'd a Crowne , If ever Mildnesse shin'd in Majesty , If ever honour honour'd true Renowne , If ever Courage dwelt with Clemency , If ever Princesse put all Princes downe , For temperance , prowesse , prudence , equity , This , this was she , that in despight of death , Lives still admir'd , ador'd , ELIZABETH . Bennet Pauls-Wharfe . THis Church hath had no repaire or beauty bestowed upon it for many yeeres ; but now standing in great need of both , it is shortly ( as I am informed ) to be ( as the rest ) repaired , richly and very worthily beautified . A faire Monument at the upper end of the South I le , standing under and adjoyned to the Monument of his Father , Master David Smith , Imbroytherer to Queene Elizabeth , with this inscription . William Smith his seventh sonne , a willing Imitator of his Parents vertues , who deceased the third of October , Anno 1632. aged 68. He was the only survyving sonne and Heire to his Father , Aldermans Deputy of the Ward for the space of fifteene yeeres . He maried Sarah the Daughter of William Feake of London , Goldsmith , by whom hee had Issue Katharine his only Daughter and Heire , who was married unto Samuel Owfield of Gatton , in the County of Surrey , Esquire . Bennet Sherehog . THis Church being very much decayed and perished , was amply repaired and beautified at the cost of the Parishoners , in the yeere of our Lord God 1628. Divers faire Marble stones , that formerly lay hid under the Pewes , then removed and placed in the body of the Church , to adde ( as most fit ) to its further grace and beauty . Iohn Reyner William Parker Churchwardens . Botolph Billingsgate . THis Church was repaired , and very worthily beautified , at the cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God 1624. Robert Dowley Robert Lemman Churchwardens . A very faire Monument in the wall of the South I le , with this Inscription . Anna Saris , nuper Vxor Iohannis Saris Armigeri , Filia Gulielmi Meggs Armigeri , quam suscepit ex conjuge secunda Dorothea , filia venerabilis Dominae Annae Cambel adhuc superstitis , Ex hac vita Migravit , Febru . 21. Anno Dom. 1622. Aetatis 29. Conjugij 8. Haec pietate Deo , casta virtute Marito , Decessu sanctis , Matri conjuncta sepulcro est . Moestissimus conjux , Meritissimae conjugi , hoc Monumentum , Amoris & Reminiscentiae ergo posuit . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Eliza Beata , Spaines Rod , Romes ruine , Netherlands reliefe , Heavens Iem , Earths joy , Worlds wonder , Natures chiefe . Vnder the figure of three Crownes . Vltimum manet in Coelo . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , &c. This Table was the gift of William Wigmore , being Churchwarden 1625. Christs Church . THis Church , within some few yeeres past hath had many repaires and charges ; but wee especially here remember the faire and spacious Gallery , that ( at the cost of the Parishoners ) was erected in the North I le , in the yeere of our Lord God 1628. The charge of it amounting to 149. pounds 10. shillings . A worke very worthily supplying a necessity , and adding to this Church a great deale of grace and beauty . Matthew Nelson Samuel Savin Churchwardens . A Table of Armes for the Lady Digby , of all her quarterd Coats , which by the right of Heires generall are involved into the Noble Family of her Fathers . Insig . praeclariss . Dominae D. Venetiae Digby , è Familia Stanleyorum Com. Darbiae exparte Patris , & Perciorum Com. Northumbriae Materno jure , aliisque quamplurimis Christian . orbis principibus oriundae . Hard by the other this , and thus written on . Memoriae Sacrum . Neere to this place lyeth buried the body of Nicholas Beamount of Cole-Overton in the County of Leicester Esquire , and Anne his Wife , the Daughter of William Saunders of Welford in the County of Northampton , Esquire , by whom he left Issue foure Sonnes and two Daughters , viz. Henry , Francis , Thomas , and Huntington , Dorothy and Katherine . The said Nicholas died the 24. of November , Anno Dom. 1585. His wife died the tenth of February , 1581. In remembrance of whom this Monument was erected , by the care and cost of Elizabeth Lady Ashburnham Widdow , late Wife of Sir Iohn Ashburnham Knight , daughter to Sir Thomas Beamount of Stawton , in the County aforesaid , Knight , their third sonne , at the appointof her Vncle , Master Francis Beamont , Esquire , their second sonne , to whom the Erector hereof was Executrix . Vpon a faire Stone in the North I le , is this Inscription . Spe Resurgendi hîc jacet Corpus , Ioannae Vxoris Edmundi Philipps Londini Armigeri , quae cum solo & Amantissimo Marito , in dilecto matrimonio vixit per annos 48. Hec doloris Amphitheatrum Reliquit , mensis Aprilis , die 12. Anno salutis 1632. Aetatis suae 72. Vpon a faire stone at the entrance into the upper Church , with this Inscription . Lodovicus Williams , venedocus Hic jacet . Nuper Civis & Haberd . Lond. Vna cum Elizabetha , vxore ejus , Qui objerunt Anno Dom. M. DC . IX . Octob. ij . Hîc optat Cineres suos jacere Mauritius W nis . in M na . Dr. defunctorum F. vnicus superstes . A very faire Armes over it . Vpon a faire stone in the middle I le , is this Inscription . Here lyeth buried the body of Elizabeth Draper , the Wife of Robert Draper of this Parish , borne the third day of December , 1581. and died the third of December , 1613. All those that knew her , lov'd her ; for her life , Chaste , Pure , and Pions , was of all approv'd ; ( A rich possession's such a vertuous Wife ) All ill she hated , and all good she lov'd : Be this his comfort then bewailes her most , In Heaven shee 's found , that here on Earth is lost . In a Table in the Quire , hanging upon the Organs , is this written . Memoriae Sacrum . Neere this lyeth the body of Ioaxe , Daughter and sole Heire of Edmond Bigs , Gentleman , and late Wife to Clement Goldsmith of Graies Inne , Esquire , who was in this Church Baptized the third of March , 1564. and interred the 17. of February , 1631. Close by this small Remembrance , you may finde That which apparel'd est an honest minde , A body there In-urn'd , where once did rest A charitable soule that was its guest . But see what sicknesse , age , and death hath done , These have they parted , yet the day shall come , When they shall meet , and re-unite againe , And be assum'd above the Heavens to raigne : Vntill which time may this poore Monument , To Reader , shew a sad sonnes true intent . But if this perish , yet her vertue shall ( Shee dead ) preserve her blest Memoriall . These two Stones lie close together , and close to the Communion Table . In which place also lyeth buried the body of that learned and worthy Divine , Doctor Sampson Price . Fui Claphamus , pater Istius Iohannis nuper defuncti , Et hìc sepulti , Qui obiit septimo die Feb. Anno Dom. 1621. Fui Claphamus , pater Istius Iohannis subter hunc ●●pidem sepulti . Here lyeth buried the body of Iohn Clapham , Esquire , one of the sixe Clearkes of the Chancery , who died the sixth day of December , Anno 1618. his Father Luke Clapham then living . S. Christophers . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the proper cost of the Parish , in the yeere of our Lord 1621. But is now very shortly to be repaired and beautified againe , with a great deale of cost intended . In the same Church is this following Epitaph . Siste viator , leviter preme , Iacet hîc juxta , Quod mortale fuit , C. V. Thomae Harrioti . Hic fuit Doctissimus ille Harriotus de Syon ad Flumen Thamesin , Patria & educatione Oxoniensis , Qui omnes scientias Calluit , Qui in omnibus excelluit , Mathematicis , Philosophicis , Theologicis . Veritatis indagator studiosissimus , Dei Trini-unius cultor piissimus , Sexagenarius , aut eo circiter , Mortalitati valedixit , Non vitae , Anno Christi M. DC . XXI . Iulii 2. Clements Eastcheape . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the cost & charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1632. Iohn Stoner Thomas Priestman Churchwardens . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Monumentum Elizabethae . In the figure of a Booke . Psal . 125. They that trust in the Lord , shall bee as Mount Sion , which cannot be removed , but remaineth for ever . On the one side . Spaines rod , Romes ruine , Netherlands reliefe , Heavens jem , Earth's joy , Worlds wonder , Natures chiefe . On the other side . Britaines Blessing , Englands Splendor , Religions Nurse , The Faiths Defendor . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , &c. Dionis Back-Church . THe middle I le of this Church was new layed in the yeere of our Lord 1629. The Steeple was repaired , a new Turret built , new Frames were made for the Bells , and this Church very decently beautified , in the yeere of our Lord , 1632. A Monument in the North I le , with this Inscription . Cur quod partu obeas lachrimis Rigat ora Maritus , Et quasitu pereas se macerat per eas ? Dum cedis domino , discedis ab orbe scelesto , Parendo & praeis , non pariendo peris . Hic jaceo Triplici Monumento à Morte beata , Marmoris hoc , Moesto vir mihi corde dedit ; Virtus , Nobilitas , Pietas , Patientia nostra , Dant alium , hoc vero vincit honore prius : At Ternum Aeternum est coeloque locatus , & illud Nec vir , nec virtus , sed dedit ipse Deus . In obitum Foeminae Generosissimae Dom. Mariae Stanley , Vxoris Tho. Stanley Armigeri , Filiae Rogeri Apleton , Militis & Baronetti , Quae cum viro suo Tres Filios peperisset ( quorum duo hîc jacent sepulti ) ultimi partus , qui nunc superest , laboribus extincta fuit . 4. die Iunii 1609. Anno Aetatis suae 23. S. Dunstans in the East . THis Church began to be repaired in the yeere of our Lord God 1631. And was fully repaired , richly and very worthily beautified , in the yeere of our Lord 1633. Christopher Vincent Iohn Dines Churchwardens . I might here dilate and enlarge my selfe , by spreading this generall into its particulars , but for that this shall suffice : The decayes of it were many and great , and consequently the repaires . The many and great parts of it , almost making up the whole , which may easily be beleeved by the summe of this sumptuous repaire ; the charge of it amounting to two thousand foure hundred pounds and upwards . To the making up of which , many of the worthy Parishioners have lent to the Lord , in giving to this poore decayed Church very large summes : And of such Givers , thus the Lord saith , He that giveth to the poore , lendeth to the Lord , &c. A faire Monument in the North I le of the Chancell , with this inscription . Heere lieth the body of Richard Wyche , Merchant and Citizen of London , free of the Company of Skinners , amongst whom having borne all Offices , his life and carriage was exemplary . Hee married Elizabeth , the Daughter of Sir William Salting stall , Knight , sometimes Alderman and Maior of this Honourable City of London , by whom he had issue , 12. Sonnes and 6. Daughters , viz. Richard , Thomas , Susan , Daniel , George , Saemuel , Peter , Elizabeth , Iames , Mary , Anne , Edward , Iulius , William , Henry , Abigaile , Nathaniell , Rebecca . Sonnes 4 8 deceased . living . Daughters 2 4 deceased . living . Hee yeelded his soule in peace to his Maker the 20. of November , after 67. yeeres pilgrimage here amongst men , whose latter yeeres were bestowed in expectation of his end , exprest in setling of his estate here on earth , and in preparation of his soule for Heaven , where it now remaines in peace and happinesse . Edmonds Lumbardstreet . THis Church was repaired , and very worthily beautified at the proper cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God 1631. and 1632. In the first yeere Humphrey Gravenor Anthony Bradshaw Churchwardens . In the last Robert Smith Edward Hooke Churchwardens . The cost of it arising to two hundred eight and forty pounds . S. Ethelborough . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord 1612. In the yeere 1620. the Steeple greatly decayed was repaired . And in the yeere 1630. a Gallery built in the South I le , at the proper cost of Owen Santpeere of this Parish . William Mefflin Peter Gaile Churchwardens . S. Faith. WEE cannot in this place keep our ordinary course , in speaking of decayes and repairing , for ( as it is anciently said of this Church ) This Church needs no Repaire at all , Saint Faith's defended by Saint Paul. And for beauty it hath sufficient , being still supplied and furnished with whatsoever the vertuous and religious Guardians of it know fit , either for use or ornament . Which while we speake of , we cannot forget that especiall addition of beauty , Light ; that Light , that by pulling downe those houses that stood before it , is plenteously descended into it : Nor ( with that ) the cost of the Parishioners , ( having gained such a long wanted benefit ) in trimming and new glasing their Windowes . At that time also 1632. they purchased at the lower end of the South Ile ( going up thorow the Entry into Pauls ) a convenient place for a Vestry , upon which ( having none before ) they have bestowed a great deale of cost and beauty . William Aspeley Ioh Gill Churchwardens . A very faire Marble stone in the Chancell under the Communion Table , with these words . About it . Vnder this Stone lie buried the bodies of Iohn and Francis Astley , the Sonnes of Sir Iohn Astley of Allington Castle in the County of Kent , Master of the Revels , and a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber in Ordinary to Charles the first . Vpon it . In obitum immaturum Ioh. & Fr. Astley , Filiorum Domini Ioh. Astley , Equitis Aurati , quorum hic undecem , Alter Duo de viginti Annos Natus , ad superos Migravit . Vtrique vero sub eodem Marmore Tumulantur . Sic Rebar , solum spes tanta invida Fata Ostendisse viris , & Rapuisse simul . Aut pater omnipotens , & qui dedit , abstulit , aptes Vidit quippe Astris , asseruitque sibi . Illi autem Humanis exempti Rebus , Olympum Nunc habitant , ubi pax , & sine fine quies . Vno hoc Felices ; quod cum unus venter utrosque Foverat , una etiam nunc capit urna duos . A faire Monument on the North side of the Chancell , with this Inscripion . M. S. Hic juxta situs est Richardus Ironside , vir summa prudentia , industria , vstaeque integritate , vna cum 2. Lectiss . vxorib quarum posteriorem , morum suavitate , Elegantia , & Amore Conjunctam , Fato sibi Raptam , non ita multo post sequutus est . Quibus hoc Monumentum in opprobrium mortis , Quae has tampias Animas eripuit à 13. liberis , qui se ipsos poene quaerunt in illarum desiderio , Consecravit E. I. Filius & Haeres . 1627. A faire Monument at the upper end of the Chancell , with this inscription . Here lieth buried the body Katherine , ( third Daughter of Edward Lord Nevill , Baron of Abergaveny ) Wife of Sir Stephen Lessieur , of Chiswicke , in the County of Middlesex , Knight , She was brought from her said house to this Parish , in hope to recover her bodily health , by the helpe of God and Physicians . But the same God knowing , and having ordained that which was best for her pious soule , hath beene pleased to take her from the miseries of this vaine world , and to receive her soule with his Saints in Heaven . As she did professe in all the time that she lived in the state of a Maid , and of a Wife , to bee a true and obedient child of God ; even so shee did behave her selfe in her sicknesse , bearing her affliction with a true Christian Patience , much delighting to Reade , or to heare the Word of God read unto her , hoping and trusting to be saved by the onely Merits and Passion of our Saviour Jesus Christ : And recommending her Spirit into the hands of Almighty God , shee exchanged her mortall life for the Immortall , the 4. of August 1630. Revel . 14. 13. Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord , yea saith the Spirit , that they rest from their labours , and their workes follow them . Quid aliud est Mors vitae hujus mortalis , quam finis mortis hujus vitalis , & Ianua vitae immortalis ? Ergo Vive diu , sed vive Deo , nam vivere Mundo Mortis opus : viva est vivere vita Deo. A very faire Table hanging about the middle of the South I le of Saint Faiths Church . Anno Dom. 1630. Benefactors , and their Gifts to the Poore of this Parish . Yeeres . Names . Gifts . 1586 David Smith Embroiderer , gave 20. shillings a yeere for ever . 1592 The Lady Allington gave 5. pounds to be distributed . 1598 Iohn Payne , Esquire , gave 12. pence a weeke in Bread for ever . 1600 Iustinian Kidd , Gentleman , gave 10. pounds to be imployed for ever . 1605 Francis Lamplow , Clothworker , gave 10. pounds to bee imployed for ever . 1610 George Bishop , Stationer , Alderman , gave 10. pounds to bee distributed . 1611 William Evans , Tallow-Chandler , gave 40. pound to be imployed for ever . 1612 Iohn Norton , Stationer , Alderman , gave 150. pounds for 12. poore people to receive three pence a piece every Wednesday weekely for ever . 1613 Mary Bishop , the Wife of George Bishop , gave 10. pounds to be distributed . 1614 Iohn Law , Proctor of the Arches , gave 10. pounds to bee imployed . 1620 Thomas Adams , Stationer , gave 10. pounds to bee distributed . 1623 Iasper Vnderwood , Vintener , gave 10. pounds to bee distributed . 1624 Iohn Sanderson , Draper , gave 150. pounds for 12. poore men to receive three pence a weeke , every Sunday weekely , for ever . 1625 Elizabeth Vnderwood , Widdow , gave 10. pounds to be distributed , and 60. pounds towards a Lecture for ever . 1626 Iohn Beliall Silkeman , gave 10. pounds to be distributed . 1628 Ally Mercer , gave 5. pounds to be distributed . 1629 Iohn Speed , Merchantaylor , gave 5. pounds to be distributed . Ex dono Iacobi Trussell . S. Fosters . THis Church was repaired , the Gravestones new squared and layed , the Pewes new made , a Window in the North I le enlarged , the rest new glased , and the whole thorowout trimmed and beautified , in the yeere of our Lord 1614. Iohn Drake Iohn Hall Churchwardens . To this Church at the Chancell end , the breadth being 20. yards and above , was added 20. foot of ground , which ground so to eng●●en the Church , was given unto the Parish on t of a faire Court then belonging to the Sadlers Hall. Gabriel Fen-Church . THis Church was enlarged in length nine foot , richly and very worthily beautified , at the proper cost and charge of the Parish , in the yeeres of our Lord God 163● and 1632. Thomas Colt George Godscall Churchwardens . The cost of it aruing to 537. pounds 7. shillings and 10. pence . A very faire figure of the Kings Armes in Glasse in the Chancell Window , was the free gift of Thomas Clarke of this Parish , G●asier . Over the head , Touch not mine anointed . Vnder them , Qui leo de Iuda est , & flos de Iesse Lyristae , Carmina qui sacro psallere sacra dedit , Dulsisonam ô faciat Citharam , fortesque Leones , Foecundet Florem Carole magne tuum . George Botolph-lane . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the cost and charge of the Parish , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1627. Walter Carter Iohn Delabar Churchwardens . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Regni 45. Aetatis 70. obijt 24. Martij , Anno salutis 1602. I have fought a good fight , &c. Gregories by Pauls . THis Church was repaired , and within , without , and in every part of it , richly and very worthily beautified , at the proper cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeeres of our Lord God , 1631. and 1632. In the first , William Weston , Citizen and Merchanraylor of London , and Iohn Hart , Gentleman , and Proctor of the Arches , Churchwardens . In the ●ast , the said Iohn Hart and Thomas Brandwood , Churchwardens . I have not here named any great particulars , as Roofe , Wall , Arch , Porch , or the like ; but the greatnesse of them , of their cost , and the love of the worthy Bestowers , may be read in the summe of this sumptuous repaire , which is two thousand pounds and upwards . S. Hellens . THis Church was begunne to bee repaired in the yeere of our Lord 1631. and was fully repaired , and in every part of it richly and very worthily beautified , at the cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord 1633. William Hurt Thomas Aldridge Churchwardens . If this briefe shall bee thought too little for so great a repaire and beauty , I desire the Reader to enlarge the commendations from that , among the rest , that most shall make to that purpose . The charge of this great repaire , the summe of one thousand three hundred pounds , and upward . In the South I le of this Church , is a very faire Window with this inscription . This Window was glazed at the charges of Ioyce Featly , Daughter to William Kerwyn , Esquire , and Wife to Daniel Featly , D. D. Anno Domini 1632. This Window is beautified with three rich Coates , her Fathers , her first , and her second Husbands . Over against this Window , towards the middle I le , is a Monument erected to the memory of her worthy Father , the aforenamed William Kerwyn , Esquire , dated 1594. the time of his death and buriall . Also of Mistresse Magdalen Kerwyn her Mother , buried in the yeere of our Lord 1592. Of Benjamine Kerwyn her Brother , buried the 27. of Iuly , Anno 1621. who had Issue seven sonnes and five daughters , five of those children deceast , and here ( with them all that are before named ) interred . This Monument in this passage of 39. yeeres , somewhat defaced and withered , was raised , repaired , beautified , and encompast with iron Barres , in a faire and gracefull manner , at the charge of this loving Daughter , the aforenamed , Mistresse Ioyce Featley , 1632. About this Tombe these words . Here lyeth the body of William Kerwyn , of this City of London Free Mason , who departed this life the 26. of December 1594. And here also lyeth the body of Magdaline Kerwyn his Wife , by whom he had Issue three Sonnes and two daughters ; she deceased the 23. of August , 1592. On the one side these Verses . Aedibus Attalicis Londinum qui decoravi , Exiguam tribuunt hanc mihi fata domum● Me duce surgebant aliis regalia tecta , Me duce conficitur ossibus urna meis . On the other side these Verses . Magdalena jacet , virtus post fata superstes , Conjugiique fides , Relligioque manent . Corpus humo tectum Christo veniente resurget , Vt Mentis consors astra suprema colat . Christus mihi vita , Mors mihi lucrum . Nos quos certus amor primis conjunxit ab annis , Iunxit idem Tumulus , junxit idemque polus . About the bottome these words . Benjamin Kerwyn , the sonne of William Kerwyn , deceased the 27. of Iuly , 1621. who had Issue seven sonnes and five daughters ; five of these children being buried in this Vault . Iames Dukes-place . OF this Church , from the beginning to the finishing , and of every particular in it , you may reade in page 146 , 147. James Garlick-hithe . THe North I le of this Church was new built , and the whole Church repaired and beautified at the charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord 1624. William Gunnell Robert Boydell Churchwardens . The charge of it amounting to seven hundred pounds and upwards . John Baptist . REaedificatum & ornatum fuit hoc . Templum , Anno Millesimo sexcentesimo vicesimo primo Roberto Peterson Rectore . Rogere Price , & Iohanne Smith , tunc Gardianis ejusdem Ecclesiae . Queene Elizabeths Monument . If Royall Vertues ever crown'd a Crowne , If ever Mildnesse shin'd in Majesty , If ever Honour honour'd true Renowne , If ever Courage dwelt with Clemency , If ever Princesse put all Princes downe , For temperance , prowesse , prudence , equity , This , this was she , that in despight of death , Lives still admir'd , ador'd , ELIZABETH . Vertue liveth after death , So doth Queene Elizabeth . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , &c. Iohn Evangelist . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the sole and onely cost of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord 1626. Iames Barnard Richard Malbone Churchwardens . In the same yeere a Gallery new built and beautified , at the onely cost of Thomas Goodyeare , Citizen and Draper of London , and here a Parishioner . S. John Zachary . THis Church within the time of 12. yeeres past hath had these many Repaires and charges . The last , in the yeere 1631. the charge 27. li. 10. s. 8. d. William Young Iohn Devoreaux Churchwardens . In the yeere 1629. the charge 76. pounds 10. shillings . Clement Carter Henry Tyler Churchwardens . In the yeere 1625. the charge 30. pounds . Richard Morrell Iohn Reynolds Churchwardens . In the yeere 1619. the charge 32. pounds 3. shillings 8. pence . William Young Patrick Chambers Churchwardens . In the yeere 1616. the charge 44. pounds 6. shillings 8. pence . William Raine Oliver Burnwood Churchwardens . The whole cost of these Repaires , 120. pounds 11. shillings . A faire Monument in the South I le , with this Inscription . Here under lieth interred the body of Philip Strelley , late of London Goldsmith , who gave to the poore of this Parish 40. s. a yeere for ever , out of the Revenues of the Manor of Vlkerthorpe , lying in the Parish of South-winfield , in the County of Derby , to be paid to them by the hands of the Warden and Rentors of the Worshipfull Company of Goldsmiths , whom he left in trust , to see it and other gifts disposed , as may appeare by his Will , dated September the 6. Anno Dom. 1603. though this Monument was erected but 1630. Katherin Coleman . THis Church was repaired and beautified in the yeere of our Lord 1620. In the yeere 1624. their Vestry was built , and a Gallery new made for the poore of the Parish to sit in . Katherine Cree-Church . THe foundation of this now famously finished House of God , was begun to be laid upon the 23. day of Iune , in the yeere of our Lord God 1628. The first Bricke , as also the first Stone in this Foundation , was laid by Master Martin Bond , of this Parish Aldermans Deputy of the Ward , and one of our City Captaines . The Bricke was laid ( as is aforesaid ) the 23. of Iune , and the Stone ( a principall corner Stone ) the 28. of Iuly following . Many of the Parishioners ( following this worthy Leader ) laid every man his Stone , with which they layd something else , which the Workemen tooke up very thankfully . On the backside of the North wall of the old Church was a Cloister , the breadth of it seven foot and above , which Cloister , by the taking downe of that wall , being taken into the Church , gave it all its breadth to enlarge it . In digging under this wall , there was found the figure of halfe the face of a man , cast in Lead , the Mould setting likewise upon it this word , Comes . Digging under the South Row of Pillers , they found the scull of a man , the thicknesse of which was three quarters of an inch and better , measured by many , and admired by all that have seene it . At the West end of this Church adjoyning to the Steeple , stands a Pillar of the old Church , as it stood and was there erected : This Piller ( from the Basis or foot , to the Chapiter or head , upon which the old Arch was raised ) being eighteene foot high , and but three to bee seene above ground , shewes the measure or height to which the flore of this new Church hath beene raised above that of the old , which is , the hidden part of the Piller , or the 15. foot of it buried . This Structure , not of Bricke , but built from the ground with the choisest Freestone might be got , without , within , and in every part of it supplyed , furnished , and inriched , with whatsoever might adde to its greatest grace and lustre , was finished in the yeere of our Lord God , 1630. In this yeere ( accounting from March to March ) upon the 16. day of Ianuary , it was consecrated by the right Reverend Father in God , Wil. Lord Bishop of London , and upon the same day ( as on such it is usuall with us ) were the Sacraments of the Lords Supper , and the Sacrament of Baptisme administred . In this Church the Pulpit and Communion Table are pure Cedar and ( both ) the gift of Master Iohn Dyke , a Merchant , living in this Parish . A very faire Gate built at the East end of the South wall , was the gift of William Avenen , Citizen and Goldsmith of London , who died in December 1631. Queene Elizabeths Monument . Spaines Rod , Romes ruine , Netherlands reliefe , Heavens Iem , Earths joy , Worlds wonder , Natures chiefe . Britaines blessing , Englands splendor , Religions Nurse , the Faiths defender . Many Daughters have done vertuously , but thou excellest them all . I have fought a good fight , &c. If Royall Vertues ever crown'd a Crowne , If ever Mildness shin'd in Majesty , If ever Honour honour'd true Renowne , If ever Courage dwelt with Clemency , If ever Princesse put all Princes downe , For Temperance prowesse , prudence , equity , This , this was she , that in despight of death , Lives still admir'd , ador'd , ELIZABETH . This Table of Queene Elizabeth , one of the fairest that I have seene in this City , was the gift of one that is a stranger to this Parish , at least to any to be the bestower of it , he is yet conceal'd , and still is desirous to be so . That of that great number of great and magnificent Benefactors , that joyned to the making up of this great , and ( in our time ) unparalleld piece of worke , I have onely touched upon these , may ( no doubt ) seeme strange ; there being none in this number , whose liberall hand and heart deserves not a golden Character . I confesse it . To all that may bee said , my answer is ( briefly ) this : Being doubtfull of getting all , or all of those I might get , and loth of great things to speake to little purpose , I onely tooke these ( that offered themselves ) by the way , leaving the rest to the Register of the Giver of their meanes to give : with whom all good deeds are recorded , and ( undoubtedly ) shall be rewarded . Lawrence Jurie . This Church was repaired , richly and worthily beautified at the charge of the Inhabitants of this Parish , in the yeere of our Lord 1618. Thomas Dalby Edmond White Churchwardens . To this , in the yeere 1631. they added the cost of a new and very curious Pulpit ; then also setting off their Font , and the place in which it stands , with a great deale of cost and beauty . In this yeere 1618. the time of this Repaire , all the Windowes in this Church were glazed by so many good Benefactors , the Armes of the Company of every one of them in them . Vnder the middle window in the Chancell , a very rich and costly one , is thus written . Sir William Eastfield Knight , and Alderman of this Honourable City , and free of the Worshipfull Company of the Mercers , glazed this Window at his owne proper cost and charges , in the yeere of our Lord 1442. And it was afterward repaired , and the story supplyed at the charge of the said Company , in the yeere of our Lord , 1618. A faire Window on the North side of it . Glazed at the cost and charges of Sir Baptist Hickes , Knight , in the yeere of our Lord 1619. A faire Window on the South side of it . Glazed at the charges of Richard Pyot , Grocer , and Alderman of this City of London , Anno Dom. 1618. A faire Window next to this , at the upper end of the South I le . Glazed at the charges of Thomas Morley , Merchant , and free of the Worshipfull Company of the Lethersellers , a Parishioner here , Anno Dom. 1618. A faire Window downeward next to this . Glazed at the charges of Edmond White , Citizen and Haberdasher of London , and Parishioner , Anno Dom. 1618. A faire Window next to this downeward . Glazed at the charges of Thomas Dalby , Mercer , Anno Dom. 1618. A faire Window next to this downeward . Glazed at the charges of Rowland Wilson , Citizen and Vintner of London , Anno Dom. 1618. A faire Window , the lowest on this side . Glazed at the charges of Robert Ducy , Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London , Anno Dom. 1618. At the Westend of this I le , a faire Window . Glazed at the charges of William Pyot , Citizen and Grocer of London , Anno Dom. 1618. On the North side , the lowest Window . Glazedat the charges of Henry Hopkins , Citizen and Vintner of London , Anno Dom. 1618. A faire Window next to this upward , the resemblance of a blazing Starre on it . Glazed at the charges of Hugh Ley , Citizen and Skinner of London , and a Parishioner here , Anno Dom. 1618. At the bottome of this Window thus . Forget you not the Blazing Starre , This yeere to us is showne ; Make use thereof both neere and farre , The like hath not beene knowne . Anno. Dom. 1618. The next Window upward . Glazed at the charges of Barbara Burnell , Widow , late wife of Iohn Burnell , Merchant , and free of the Clothworkers , Anno Dom. 1618. The next Window upward . Glazed at the charges of the Lady Elizabeth Ihones , Wife to Sir Francis Ihones , Knight , and Alderman of this City , and Daughter to Master Henry Rolffe , of this Parish , deceased Iuly 1618. The next Window upward . This Window was Glazed at the charge of Cicilia Cleyton , late Widow to Master Richard Cleyton , Citizen and Salter , but free of the Worshipfull Company of Dyers of London , and deceased the 23. of October 1602. Glazed in October 1618. The uppermost Window on the North side . This Window was Glazed at the charge of Edmond Wright , Grocer , 1618. A faire Monument in the Chancell , on the North side , with this Inscription . Deo O. M. Memoriae & posteris sacrum . Hic in Choro intra Cancellos , sub medio sacrae Mensae , Franciscae Filiae Tho. walker , de Beconfield Armig. Dilectissimae Conjugis Gulielmi Bosweli , hujus Ecclesiae Vicarij , sub spe gloriosae Resurrectionis , Cineres & exuviae Reponuntur . Lectissima Foemina , vultu , Moribus . Gestu , incessu , vestitu , venusta , Modestissima ; Lingua pauciloqua , Ma●edica nunquam ; sacrae lectioni , lachrymis & precibus assidua ; Deo devotissima , Marito fidelissima , Amicis gratissima ; In re familiari , & libera & provida ; Pauperibus ( quoad Facultatulas ) indulgentissima ; Bonis chara , Malis invisa , omnibus Aequa ; post piè & sine strepitu pacificè transactam vitam , circa medium Aetatis , Anno salutis 1630. ult . Oct. Dominico Requievit in Domino . Benè dixit , & benè tacuit , Benè vixit , & benè latuit . Moestissimus Maritus ( cujus per latera transfixa jacet ) L. M. Q. serò tandem , sed & seriò posuit . Quicunque hanc Tabulam temeraris malae Conscientiae Reus esto . Ipse post illam vixit , sed vitam vix vitalem , Annum nec integrum , demumque moriens , Octob. 3. Anno 1631. Hîc juxta cum illa sepultus jacet . Natus fuit Bristolae , ubi primis litteris institutus , posteâ Oxonii in Artibus Magistratum , & in Theologia Bacchalaureatum Adeptus est , Baliolensis Collegii Socius , unde cum Domine Iohanne Digbeio , Comite Bristol . in Hispaniam , legato Regio , profectus , Per An. 5. plus minus illi à sacris ibidem inservivit , tandemque Reversus à Collegio Baliol. hujus Ecclesiae Vicaria , & à Domino Digbeio , Rectoria Ecclesiae de Horton juxta Colbrooke , in Com. Buck. donatus , postquam diû cum infirmo Corpore , mens vegeta colluctata fuisset , postremum hî in Domo Vicariatus hujus , placide & piè in Christo obdormivit . Anno Aetat . 50. sobole Relicta nulla . Ingenium floridum , Mores ingenui , Manus larga , pectus Apertum . Gulielmus Bosvelus , hujus Ecclesiae Vicarius per An. 15. Qui obiit Octob. 3. Anno 1631. Et Vxor ejus , Octob. ult . 1630. This is written upon his Graveston in the Chancell , under the Communion Table . A very faire Monument over against it , on the South side of the Chancell . Christi quibus obierunt Anni Isthinc Numerantur . 1619. Apocalyps . cap. 14. vers . 13. BeatI qVi In DoMIno qVIesCVnt . 1624. Prima ad Corinth . cap. 15. vers . 57. Deo sIt gratIa qVI trIbV●t NobIs ( fatI ) VICtorIaM . At the lower end of this rich Tombe this . Memoriae Sacrum ▪ Richardi Pyot , nuper Civis , & Celeberrimae hujus Civitatis Adermani venerabilis , Nec non Margeriae Pyot Vxoris suae ut Fidelissimae , ita & Religiosissimae , qui quum in prospero rerum afflatu tranquille vitam Transegissent , tandem Annorum pleni , Pythagorico liberorum numero beati denario , omnium denique Bonorum suffragiis , laudibusque honorati , vitam auspicat● initam , Feliciter Actam , fine quoque beato ( carnis soluti ergastule ) clauserunt . Hic quidem 19. die mensis Ianuarii , Anno Dom. 1619. Illa vero mensis Februarii , vicesimo octavo ; Anno Dom. 1624. Et hic Beatam manent Resurrectionem . Quos connexît Amor verus , Castum que cubile , Queis longi dantur Nestoriique dies ; Vna quibus Regio natalis , Dives , opima , Vnum quique Dei Templum adiêre duo , Per totam tenuit nos una Paraecia vitam , Sors rerum nobis una eademque fuit : Denique ( lector amans ) quoniam convenimus ambo , Nos mens una Duos , nos rogus unus habet . On the North side of the Chancell , a very faire Monument , with this Inscription . M. S. Prudens senator Mercimonii Indici , Vigil Magister integrae famae & Rei , Domi Beatus conjug● atque liberis , Poterat videri seculo felix suo , Nisi lapidasset tot bona infestus silex , Silex latentes cuspide lanians sinus , Sed Christianus id mali vertit bene Virtute adaucta : Fluxanam fastidiens , Mercator A●dax Avidus ●niri Deo , Hac unione Reliqua mutavit libens . Sub hoc Marmore expectat Resurrectionem Gulielmus Haliday ex Antiqua Halidaiorum Familia in Comitatu Glocestr . Civis & Senator Londinensis , singulare , Integritatis , Prudentiae & Pietatis , exemplar : Is postquam VII . Annos inter purpuratos Patres urbis Rebus cum magna Aequitatis & Sapientiae laude vacasset , Indicae societati prope Biennium , quantum per Aegritudinem licebat , summa cura praefuisset . Longis ex calculo doloribus fractus , Mente semper intacta , inter suorum Amplexus & lacrymas , bonis desideratus , Placide Animam suo Creatori Reposuit . Anno Aetatis 58. Febr. 14. Anno Dom. 1623. Marito dilectissimo Susanna Henrici Roe Equitis , quondam praetoris urbani Filia , Amisso compare suavissimo . M. P. Parenti dulcissimo Anna Vxor Henrici Mildmaei aequitis , ex Nobilis . Mildmaeor umprosapia , in comitatu Essexiae . Margareta nupta Edwardo Hungerford , militi ex illustri Hungerfordiorum domo in comitatu Wiltoniae . M. M. P. P. A very faire Stone in the South I le , with this inscription about it . Here lyeth the body of Anne Barker , the Wife of Iohn Barker , of London , Merchant , the Daughter of Thomas Westrow , Alderman of London ; She deceased the 2. of August 1629. In the middle of the Stone , with their Armes at the foure corners of it , these words . Though we are dead , yet our lives are hid in Christ with God. Christ is to mee both in life and death advantage . Though my flesh fayleth , and my heart also , yet God is the strength of my heart , and my portion for ever . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Here lies her Type , who was of late , The prop of Belgia , stay of France , Spaines foile , Faiths shield , and Queene of State , Of Armes , of Learning , Fate , and Chance : In briefe , of Women ne're was seene , So great a Prince , so good a Queene . Sith Vertues Her immortall made , Death ( envying all that cannot dye ) Her earthy parts did so invade , As in it wrackt selfe Majesty . But so her Spirit inspir'd her Parts , That she still lives in loyall hearts . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , &c. Obiit 24. die Martii 1602. Anno Regni 45. Aetatis suae 70. Lawrence Pountney . THe Steeple of this Church was new Leaded , five new Bells were hung , and the Frames they hang in new made , all the Iles were new raised and levelled , and the whole Church within and without worthily repaired and beautified , at the cost and charge of the Parish , in the yeeres of our Lord God 1631. and 1632. George Downes Robert Meade Churchwardens . A Monument at upper end of the North I le , with this Inscription . Hoc est nescire , sine Christo , plurima scire , Si Christum bene scis , satis est , si caetera nescis . This Monument ▪ Was erected Anno Dom. 1620. by the Lady Anne Bromley , late Wife vnto Sir Henry Bromley , of Holt , in the County of Worcester , Knight , Daughter of William Beswicke of London , Alderman , in remembrance of her first Husband , William Offley , of London , Merchant , who being free of the Merchant-Taylors , fined both for Sheriffe and Alderman . He had issue by the said Anne 15. children , whereof five are living , viz. William , Elizabeth , Margaret , Robert , and Mary , the rest died Infants . Leonard Eastcheape . IN the yeere of our Lord 1618. this Church by a casualty of fire , hapning by whiting of Baskets , in the house of one Ierome Baynton a Turner , ( situate in Little Eastcheape , on the North side of the said Church , whose house was burned downe , and in the place thereof another built with Bricke ) was fired in the Steeple thereof , being a Spire covered with Lead ; it was quenched , but not without great paines and much danger to some persons ( who were not unrewarded by the Parish ) before any great hurt was done to it by the fire , more then the defacing of it , and other parts of the Church ; but for the said Steeple was very old , much ruined and decayed in the stone worke thereof , to prevent further danger , it was pulled downe , and all the West end of the Church thereto adjoyning , a new Foundation laid , inlarged three foot toward the East , and new built , not without great charge to the Inhabitants of the Parish , who were all willing and ready to contribute towards the Rebuilding , Repairing , and Beautifying of the house of God ; and the better to set forward the worke , the Inhabitants of the Parish did taxe themselves toward the charge at 198. li. 6. s. 4. d. but for that the Parish is but small , and the greater part of the Inhabitants poore , they were inforced by their Petition to seeke help from his Majesty , who was graciously pleased to grant them his Letters Patents ( for their reliefe ) to collect and gather in severall Counties within this Kingdome towards the charge of the Rebuilding the Steeple , and the Repairing of the Church . The Steeple being finished as it now standeth , the South wall toward the Churchyard being much decayed , was also taken downe and new built , and the Church in other parts repaired , the charge thereof amounting to above 850. pounds , of which the Parish received by way of collection ( toward their charge ) in London , and other places , the summe of 170. li. 1. s. 9. d. and of other Benefactors , 10. li. 15. s. they having one Patent for sixe Shires also , the partie that was imployed to lay the Briefes , and gather the Collections , went away with all , and brought to the Parish neither Briefe nor Peny . The Steeple of this Church , and the wall on the South side ( toward the Churchyard ) was builded , and the Church in other parts repaired and beautified , in the yeeres 1618 , 1619 , 1620 , 1621. Abraham Colfe Rector . Edwin Fisher Richard Foster Richard Bourne Henry Gulstone Churchwardens . Leonards Fosterlane . INcurvate Domino , in decore Sanctitatis , Chron. 6. cap. 9. Psal . 29. v. 2. Domine dilexi decorem Domus tuae . Psalm . 26. 8. Haec Dei Domus , Auctior est facta , & Augustior , Opere , & Impensis Parochianorum Sancti Leonardi Faust-lane , London . Guardianis Ecclesiae tunc temporis existentibus , Francisco Ash , Cive & Aurifabro , una cum Richardo Stephano Martiniensi , 1631. Vnus huic operi suppetias fecit Majeres Iohannes Trot , Civis & Mercator , Pro singulari suo in Ecclesiam amore , hanc imprimis , quia Patria . A very faire Window at the upper end of the Chancell , 1633. The charge of this amounting to the summe of five hundred pounds and upwards . S. Magnus . THis Church , in the yeeres of our Lord God 1623 , 1624 , and 1625. in many parts of it , had many Repaires and Charges , the summes of them amounting to the summe of 500. pounds and upward . Also in the yeere of our Lord 1629. it was richly and very worthily beautified . Iohn Langley Iohn Broome Churchwardens . This , as the former , being the sole cost and charge of the Parishioners . A very faire Monument in the South I le of the Chancell , with this inscription . Here lyeth interred the bodies of Sir Iohn Garrard , Knight , and Dame Iane his Wife , who was Daughter to Richard Partridge , Citizen and Haberdasher of London , by whom he had 13. Children , five whereof died young : they lived comfortably together 43. yeeres . He was Lord Maior of London in the yeere of our Lord God 1601. She departed this life the 24. of Ianuary 1616. And hee left this world the 7. of May , 1625. being 79. yeeres old , leaving only two sonnes and sixe daughters behind him . This Monument was erected at the charges of Benedict Garrard , Gentleman , his youngest Son , Anno 1629. Margaret Lothbury . THis Church was repaired and thorowout very worthily beautified , at the cost and charge of the Parishiones , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1621. Francis Haddon Iohn Walker Churchwardens . A faire Monument in the South I le , at the upper end , with this Inscription . Quid Diurnare Magnos invides Parea ? Heis Robertus Ierminorum à Rushbrooke Nobile Germen , Hîc situs est , Plos Iuvenum , sub Aevi flore Raptus , Qui virtutum utriusque Aetatis Apicibus Potitus , Ingenio & Indole Iuventutis , Nec non senili pietate ac prudentia Infra se turbam Coaetaneam Reliquit , Impubes senex : Et quod negavit saeculo , Coelo dedit . Sic sapere ante annos nocuit , nam maxima virtus , Persuasit morti , ut Crederet esse senem . Margaret Moses . THis Church was very worthily repaired and beautified , at the proper cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1627. Symon Price Iohn Whitcombe Churchwardens . A very faire Monument on the South side , with this inscription . Here lyeth the bodies of Iohn Harper , Citizen and Fishmonger , Treasuror of Christs Hospitall , and Aldermans Deputy of Breadstreet Ward , London : and Francis his Wife , Daughter to Iames Smith , of Great Limber , in the County of Lincolne , Gentleman , by whom he had issue five Children , but at the time of their death left onely a sonne Iohn , and a daughter Anne , married to Iohn Whitcombe of London . He died the 27. of November 1632. in the 79. yeere of his age . And shee departed this life the 30. day of October 1630. being 72. yeeres old . Credimus quod Redemptor noster vivit , & Novissimo die videbimus deum salvatorem nostrum . Margaret New-fishstreet . THis Church , not having any cost , or but little in a long time bestowed upon it , is now very suddenly to be repaired , and ( as wee speake of the rest ) very worthily trimmed and beautified . Margaret Pattons . THis Church was repaired and beautified , at the cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1614. Master Godwin Master Peate Churchwardens . The charge of it then amounting to the summe of 71. li. 15. s. 6. d. But since that time , as necessity hath called upon these honest and carefull Parishioners , for a supply either of strength or beauty , it hath had many repaires & charges , the whole summe of them all , from 1614. arising to the yere of our Lord 1632. to 275. li. 5. s. 6. d. Master Shalcrosse Master Milksoppe Churchwardens . A pretty fine Monument on a Pillar in the Chancell , on the North , with this inscription . In the middle part of this Chancell , lieth interred the body of Mistresse Elizabeth Freeman , Wife to Master Thomas Freeman , of this Parish , Merchant , to whom shee was espoused sixteene yeeres , two moneths , and eight dayes , by whom she had issue sixe Sonnes and three Daughters living , and died in Childbed of the last Sonne . She descended of worshipfull Parents , and as shee was vertuously bred , so lived and died , full of Faith , Hope , and Charity , as knowne to many that had made use thereof , to their great comfort in time of necessity ; for her only study was , to serve God , and doe good to others ; shee was of the age of 35. yeeres , and departed this life to a better the 21. of February 1631. On a faire Marble in the Chancell is this inscription . Here lieth buried Mistresse Anne Elkington , the beloved Wife of Master Thomas Elkington , Merchant , shee was the Daughter of Master Iohn Goodwin , Merchant , likewise of this City . Shee lived and died in the feare of God , and in the faith of our Lord Iesus . Shee exchanged this life for a better the 27. day of September 1632. in the 23. yeere of her age , and in the third yeere of her marriage , leaving behind her Anne her only daughter , her only son is not . She shall rise againe . Mary Abchurch . THis Church was repaired and beautified , at the proper cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1611. William Stanly Iohn Cornish Churchwardens . A faire Monument in the Chancell , at the upper end , with this inscription . An Epitaph Vpon the departure of the Illustrious President of bounty and pious industry , Master Roger Montague , Esquire . In life and death , thy workes did well pursue The honourable name of Montague , Nobility of birth ran in thy blood , Nobility of Action made that good . Thy Charity , the top of all thy fame , The figure that thy Monument may claime With Justice , t is thine owne , fit to enroule Thy memory ( here ) as Heaven adornes thy soule . Summe up all Vertues , in man ever knowne , And set them to thy actions , th' are thine owne : That 's the neer'st way to make for thy worth roome , Particular praises would o'respread the Tombe : Here 's all , in briefe , who shall henceforth indite A good mans Epitaph , let him but write The Copy of thy life , it stands for all , That ever made mans praise , or ever shall . Mary Aldermanbury . THis Church , for the space of 4. yeeres past , hath in one decayed part or another beene repairing ; as the Steeple , Bels , Battlements , many decayed places of the Walls , two faire Galleries built , many of the Pewes new made , the rest being all in hand , it can be no great offence to account them already done ; which granted , and the Church in this yeere finished , we may conclude as we beganne with the rest of these Churches , thus : This Church was repaired , richly and very worthily beautified at the cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord 1633. Bartholomew Edwards Abraham Nuns . Churchwardens A very beautifull Tombe at the upper end on the South side of the Chancell , with this inscription . Mary Brigs , the Daughter of Thomas Crofts , deceased the 8. day of August , Anno Dom. 1610. being of the age of 31. yeeres . William , out of a dutifull respect to his deare Parents , consecrated this Monument . Ioyning with this in the same Monument . David Brigs , Citizen and Skinner of London , who had two Wives , Mary the Daughter of Thomas Crofts , Draper , by whom hee had two sonnes and foure Daughters ; and Rebekah , the Daughter of Humphrey Street , Merchant-Taylor , by whom he had no Issue ; who deceased the 17. day of Iune , Anno Dom. 1626. being of the age of 57. yeeres , lyeth here intombed in hope of a glorious Resurrection . A very faire Monument in the Chancell , over against the other , with this inscription . Here lyeth the body of Master Robert Offley , Gentleman , sonne of Hugh Offley , Alderman of this City , who tooke to Wife Elizabeth , the daughter of Humphrey Street , by whom he had issue seven Sons and six Daughters ; he died at the age of 64. yeeres , on the 4. day of November 1631. A very faire Monument on the North side of the Chancell , with this Inscription . Deo Trino & Vai-sacrum . Thomas Hayes , Eques Auratus , secundum Christi Adventum , sub hoc Tumulo expectat . Qui cùm ab Adolescentio , per magnam Europae partem Mercaturam exercuisset , ita industria , & judicio claruit , nt unanimi omnium consensu , Major hujus Civitatis cooptatus fuerit , & cum hoc summum summi Magistratus officium , non solum singulari integritate , sed & excellenti verae Religionis promulgandae cura , & pietate exequutus fulsset , tandem septuagesimo Aetatis Anno , Deo bonisque Charus , piè & placidè in Domino obdormivit 27. Septem . Anno salutis 1617. Martha Vxor Moestissima viro suo optimo , Officiosae pietatis , & memoriae ergo , hoc Monumentum posuit . Mary Aldermary . THis Church was repaired , richly and very worthily beautified , at the cost and charge of the Parish , in the yeere of our Lord 1632. Iohn Edwards Thomas Archer Churchwardens . But while wee speake the love and liberality of the living , wee must not forget the dead , whose bounties ( thogh they be dust ) are as fresh in this good worke , as theirs that have seene it finisht . And first , of Master William Rodoway , one borne and buried in this Parish , though from his youth to his end he lived and died in another , Michael Bassishaw , who at the time of his death ( which was in the yeere of our Lord 1626 ) gave towards the Re-building of the Steeple of this Church , then greatly decayed and perished , the summe of 300. li. In this Parish , in the same yeere also , there died one Master Richard Pierson , who towards the better and more beautifull building of this Steeple , gave the summe of 200. Markes , with this condition , with those with whom he intrusted this mony , that this Steeple ( thus to be built ) should follow its ancient paterne , and goe forward and be finished , according to the foundation of it , laid 120. yeeres since , by the Founder of this Church , a Knight , one Sir Henry Kibbell , which within three yeeres after was so finished , the cost of it amounting to a thousand pounds : of which all , above the cost of these two very worthy Benefactors ( beside the charge before named ) being the cost and charge of the Parish . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Monumentum Elizabethae Angliae Reginae . In the figure of a Booke . Psal . 112. The Righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance . On the one side . Spaines rod , Romes ruine , Netherlands reliefe , Heavens jem , Earth's joy , Worlds wonder , Natures chiefe . On the other side . Britaines Blessing , Englands Splendor , Religions Nurse , The Faiths Defendor . Vnder her Monument . Many Daughters have done well , but thou excellest them all . Mary le Bow. THis Chancell was raised , the Church new Pewed , and thorowout repaired and beautified , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1620. William Parnell William Wallis Churchwardens . In a little Chappell on the South side of the Church , is a Monument thus written on . Per fidem introitus . Robertus Blankworth Scriptor peritus , justus , ac sapiens , qui desideratus vixit , obiitque una cum Bina conjuge , Sarah fideli ac pia , Elizabetha prudente ac sobria , & duabus filiis , Deborah patiente ac Religiosa , Martha Innocente Puellula . Non Carni sed Carnem hîc seminantes , gloriesam expectant Resurrectionem . Robertus Blankworth , filius Roberti ac Sarae unigenitus , unicè dilectus , qui memoriale istud , in honorem patris ac paternae sortis extrui fecit , in hac valle Lachrymarum pacificam expetit dissolutionem . Istos Cista capit , Lachrymarum hunc orbe , utrosque pacifici gloria parta manet . Hac spe vivo . Dignitas ejus in ipso incipit , tua & is . A faire Monument in the Chancell , with this Inscription . Here lyeth interred the body of Edmond Criche , Esquire , late Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London , and Master of the said Worshipfull Company , Annis 1624. and 1625. who married Thomasin , the Daughter of Simon Henden of Beneden , in the County of Kent , Gentleman , and lived with her in conjugall love 40. yeeres , and had issue 12. children , and left at his decease 5. sonnes , viz. Iohn , Edward , Nathan , Samuel , Peter , and 3. Daughters , Elizabeth , Thomasine , and Margaret ; and among them eleven Grand-children . Obiit 23. Decemb. Anno 1627. Aetatis suae 73. Iohannes Criche filius suus primogenitus , ex officio , & amore suo , Moestissimus hoc posuit . Edward Criche , eldest sonne to the said Iohn Criche , lieth here interred by his Grandfather . Obiit 25. Febru . 1628. Aetatis suae 50. Queene Elizabeths Monument . In the Table onely this . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , I have kept the faith . From henceforth is laid up for me a Crowne of Righteousnesse , which the Lord , the righteous Iudge shall give mee at that day ; and not me onely , but to them also that love his appearing , 2 Tim. 4. 7 , 8. Vpon the Wall , on either side of this Table , these lines . A representation of the Monument erected by King Iames ( sacred unto Memory , and for an eternall Memoriall ) for Elizabeth Queene of England , France , and Ireland , &c. Daughter of King Henry the eighth , by Queene Anne Bullen , Grandchild to King Henry the seventh , great Grandchild to King Edward the fourth , and Sister to King Edward the sixth and Queene Mary ; who restored Religion to its primitive sincerity ; setled Peace thorowly ; reduced Coine to the old Standards ; extinguished Rebellion at home ; relieved France , neere ruine by intestine mischiefes ; supported the Netherlands ; vanquished Spaines Armado ; quieted Ireland , with Spaniards expulsion , and Traytors coercion ; augmented exceedingly both Vniversities Revenewes , by a Law of Provision , and enricht all England : Was The Mother of this her Country ; the Nurse of Religion and Learning ; and for perfect skill of very many Languages ; for glorious Indowments , as well of Minde as Body ; and for Regall Vertues beyond her Sex ; A Prince Incomparable . And in the 45. yeeres most prudent and happy Governement , she died ; in the 70. yeere of her age , and of our Redemption 1602. Whose Corps is interred in the famous Collegiate Church of Westminster , under the aforesaid Magnificent Monument . On the other side . Fame blow aloud , and to the world proclame , There never ruled such a Royall Dame. The Word of God was ever her delight , In it she meditated day and night . Spaines rod , Romes ruine , Netherlands reliefe , Earths joy , Englands ●em , Worlds wonder , Natures chiefe . She was , and is , what can there more be said ? On Earth the Chiefe , in Heaven the second Maid . In a booke held over her by an Angell these words . Verbum Dei. Mary Bothaw . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1621. Iohn Bennet Thomas Dight Churchwardens . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Elizabeth Queene of England , France , and Ireland , &c. Daughter to King Henry the eighth , and Grandchild to King Henry the seventh , by Elizabeth , ●ldest Daughter of Edward the fourth , Having restored true Religion , reduced Coyne to the just value , assisted France and the Low-Countries , and overcame the Spanish invincible Navy , enriched all England , and administred most prudently the Imperiall State thereof 45. yeeres in true piety , In the 70. yeere of her age , in most happy and peaceable manner she departed this life , leaving her mortall parts interred in the famous Church at Westminster . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , &c. Mary Colechurch . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the charge of the Parishioners , February 1623. William Shamrocke Thomas Pulcher Churchwardens . Mary Hill. THis Church , in the many decayed parts and places of it , was repaired , richly and very worthily beautified , at the cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1616. To the continuing of which , the carefull overseers of it , every third or fourth yeere ever since , have bestowed a new trimming upon it : No sooner ( as I am informed ) finding any defect , fayling , or declining of it , than applying their care to revive , refresh , and restore it , which appeares in its present beauty . Mary Mounthaw . THis Church was in part new built , and very much inlarged and beautified , in the yeere of our Lord 1609. Robert Ploncker Marke Bateman Churchwardens . Benefactors towards this building : Robert Bennet , Bishop of Hereford , Sir William Craven , Sir Thomas Middleton , and Doctor Edwold . In the yeere 1610. this Church was wholly Glazed at the cost and charges of Thomas Tyler , Haberdasher , and Richard Tichburne , Skinner . In the South I le of this Church hangs a very faire Picture of King IAMES , with the figures of Peace and Plenty on either side of him ; Peace with her Olive Branch , and Plenty with her Sheafe of Wheat in her hands . The gift of the aforenamed Robert Ploncker , then Churchwarden . Mary Summerset . THis Church was repaired and beautified , in the yeere of our Lord , 1624. Robert Violet Thomas Cumbers Churchwardens . In a Table hanging close by the Pulpit are these words . Dictum Thomae Burtoni , Rectoris Ecclesiae , tempore Reparationis , & exornationis hujus Aedificii . Dominus Petra mea , & Arx mea , & Liberator meus , Deus meus , Adjutor meus , Sperabe in cum . Psal . 18. 2. Queene Elizabeths Monument . Psal . 112. The righteous shall bee had in everlasting remembrance . Prov. 6. The memoriall of the just shall bee blessed , but the name of the wicked shall rot . 2 Tim. 4. 7 , 8. I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , &c. Mary Staynings . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the cost of the Parish , in the yeere of our Lord , 1630. August 23. Charles Medowes Thomas Francis Churchwardens . The Armoriall Atchievements of Sir Arthur Savage , Knight . In the Vault underneath , lyeth the body of the honourable Sir Arthur Savage , Knighted at Cadez in Spaine , 1596. Generall of her Majesties forces in the Kingdome of France , at the siege of Amyaunce , the 39. of Queene Elizabeth : Colonell , Vice-Treasurer , Receiver generall , and Councellor of estate in Ireland : He had Issue by his second Wife , Sarah Daughter of Anthony Woolhouse , of Clapwell , in the County of Darby ( Widow of George Smithes , Sheriffe and Alderman of London 1611 ) one onely Daughter named Iune . Hee died the 13. of March , 1632. Mary Woollchurch . THis Church was richly repaired and beautified , at the charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord 1629. Francis Browne Robert New Churchwardens . A very faire Screene at the middle West doore of this Church , was the gift of Capitaine Edward Dichfeyld , at the time of his going out of the Office of Churchwarden , in the yeere 1620. Queene Elizabeths Monument . Elizabeth Queene of England , France , and Ireland , &c. second Daughter to Henry the eighth , begotten of the Lady Anne Bullen his second Wife , and Grandchild to K. Henry the seventh , and Elizabeth , eldest Daughter to Edward the fourth , borne at Greenewich the 17. of September , 1534. Shee succeeded her Sister Queene Mary , as Queene of England , restoring true Religion , reduced Coine to the just Value , assisted France , and the Low Countries , overcame the Spanish invicible Armies , and was for Prudence , Justice , and Piety , not onely the Patron of her Sex , but a Patterne for all Princes of Christendome . She died at Richmond the 24. of March , 1602. being 69. yeeres , sixe moneths , and seventeene dayes old , when shee had reigned 44. yeeres , 4. moneths , and 7. dayes . If Royall Vertues ever crown'd a Crowne , If ever Mildnesse shin'd in Majesty , If ever Honour honour'd true Renowne , If ever Courage dwelt with Clemency , If ever Princesse put all Princes downe , For Temperance , prowesse , prudence , equity , This , this was she , that in despight of death , Lives still admir'd , ador'd , ELIZABETH . As in a Booke . They that trust in the Lord , shall bee as Mount Sion , which cannot be removed , but remaineth for ever . Spaines Rod , Romes ruine , Netherlands reliefe , Heavens Iem , Earths joy , Worlds wonder , Naturos chiefe . Vnder her . Th' admired Princesse through the world applauded , For supreme Vertues rarest imitation ; Whose Scepters rule , Fames loud voic'd Trump hath lauded , Vnto the eares of every forraigne Nation , Canopied under powerfull Angels wings , To her immortall praise sweet Science sings . Mary Woollnoth . IT is so long since this Church was repaired and beautified , that wee now rather looke upon what it is , than what it was ; and forward to a repaire to come , then backward to that that is gone . Wee see it seemes to call upon the Parishioners for it , and heare it is shortly to have it : for ( as I am informed ) it is promised and preparing ; the preparation likewise promising a great deale of cost and beauty . Martins Ironmonger lane . THis Church was repaired and beautified , at the cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord 1629. A very faire Screene at the entrance into this Church , with this Inscription : Me fieri fecerunt Hamletus Clarke , Generosus , & Radulphus Latham , Armiger , 20. Martii 1629. In the yeere 1627. a great part of the North wall of this Church , being very much decayed and perished , was at the cost of the Parish rebuilded : but in it a very faire Window , with these words : This Window was new built and finished , at the sole cost of Iohn and Humphrey Slany , 1627. The Armes of these Gentlemen over it , with this Motto : Deo Duce , Comite Industria . A faire Monument at the upper end of the Chancell , on the North side , with this Inscription . Here under lyeth buried Eleanor , Wife of Hamlet Clarke , free of the Worshipfull Company of Fishmongers London , and one of the foure Clerkes of the Lord Maiors Court , London , aforesaid . She died on Sunday the 14. of Ianuary , 1626. and was buried on Fryday the 19. of the same , after they had beene married 33. yeeres and about two moneths . And they had issue onely Mary , married to Ralph Latham of Vpminster , in the County of Essex , Esquire , Common Sergeant at Law of this Honourable City . And the said Eleanor , had also Elizabeth , another Daughter , by Charles Barnard , a former Husband , married to Thomas Latham of Stilford in Essex , Gentleman . A very faire Stone in the North I le , with this inscription about it . Here lyeth interred the body of Randoll Pickering , late Citizen and Haberdasher of London , borne at Turvine in the County of Chester , who put off this mortality , March 10. 1629. And Alice his Wife , daughter of William Madox , and borne in this Parish , who departed this life the 20. of Iune , 1618. By her hee had Issue three Sonnes and three Daughters , William , Randoll , Anne , and Elizabeth surviving , Iohn and Mary deceased . Martins Ludgate . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the cost & charge of the Parish , in the yeere of our Lord God 1623. Henry Iohnson William Liod Churchwardens . A very handsome Monument in the Wall , at the upper end of the Chancell , with this Inscription . M. S. Here lieth the body of Thomas Allen , of London , Gentleman , who died the 22. day of October 1630. divers of whose Ancestors have beene interred in this Church . No Epitaph need make the just man fam'd , The good are prais'd , when they are onely nam'd . Martins Orgars . IN the yeere 1630. the Steeple of this Church was repaired , the East Window in the Chancell , and three great South Windowes , were new Glazed , which with the Plumbers worke and Tiling , amounted to the summe of 122. li. 6. s. 6. d. Richard Tomes Iames Pickering Churchwardens . A rich and very beautifull Monument in the Chancell , with this Inscription . M. S. Sir Allen Cotton , Knight , and Alderman of London , sometime Lord Maior of this Honourable City , son of Ralph Cotton of Alkington , in the Parish of Whitchurch , in the County of Salop , Gentleman , was espoused unto Ellinor , the Daughter of Edmond Moore , Citizen and Draper of London , by whom he had Issue seven Sons and seven Daughters , and lived unto the age of 70. yeeres , generally beloved , and died the 24. of December , 1628. being the Eve of the celebration of our blessed Saviours Nativity , which sell out by Gods providence , to bee the day of his second birth , and convoy to eternall blisse . He left behind him three Sonnes , Edmond , Iohn , and William , and two Daughters ; which sonnes , in a filiall expression of their duties , have caused this Monument to be erected , in memory of their deare deceased Father . When he left Earth , rich Bounty d●'d , Mild Courtesie gave place to 〈◊〉 Soft Mercy to bright Iustice said , O , Sister , we are both betraid ; White Innocence lay on the ground By Truth , and wept at eithers wound . The sonnes of Levi did lament , Their Lamps wentout , their Oyle was spent ; Heaven hath his soule , and onely we Spinne out our lives in misery . So Death , thou missest of thy ends , And kilst not him , but kilst his friends . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Here lies her Type , who was of late , The prop of Belgia , stay of France . ( State , Spaines foile , Faiths shield , and Queene of Of A●mes , of Learning , Fate , and Chance : In briefe , of Women ne're was seene , So great a Prince , so good a Queene . Sith Vertue Her immortall made , Death ( envying all that cannot dye ) Her earthy parts did so invade , As in it wrackt selfe Majesty . But so her Spirit inspir'd her Parts , That she still lives in loyall hearts . Prov. 31. 29. Many Daughters have done vertuously , but thou surmountest them all . She is is not dead , But sleepeth . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , &c. Martin Outwitch . IT is since this Church was repaired and beautified 39. yeeres , in the passage of which time , that repaire and beauty being lost , it is ( as I am informed , by some that belong to the Church ) to bee repaired againe very shortly , with a great deale of cost and beauty . Martins Vintrey . THis Church was in part Re-edified , and in many parts Repaipaired and beautified , at the cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the second yeere of the reigne of our Soveraigne Lord King Iames , King of great Britaine , France , and Ireland . Iohn Woodbridge William Barnaby Churchwardens . The charge then amounting to the summe of foure hundred sixty and odde pounds . It was againe repaired , richly and very worthily beautified , in the yeere of our Lord 1632. as before , at the cost of the Parish . Iohn Norton Richard Travers Churchwardens . In this Church , at the upper end of the South I le , lyeth buried the body of Sir Cutberd Hacket , sometime Lord Maior of this City ; his Coat , Streamers , and other Adornments , hanging over his Grave , but no other Monument . Queene Elizabeths Monument . To the eternall memory of Elizabeth , Queene of England , France , and Ireland : Daughter to King Henry the eighth , Neece to King Henry the seventh , by the Daughter of King Edward the fourth ; a Mother to her Country , a Nurse to Religion , and all good Arts , being of incomparable Knowledge in very many Languages , and indued with rare Ornaments of Body and Minde , in all Princely Vertues above the Sex of Women . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , &c. Matthew Frydaystreet . THis Church was repaired and very worthily beautified , at the cost of the Parishioners , in the yeeres of our Lord , 1632. and 1633. Richard Clay Ioseph Stacy Churchwardens . The charge 140. pounds . Maudlin Milkestreet . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the charge of the Parish , in the yeere of our Lord God 1619. Gilbert Ward Thomas Smith Churchwardens . All the Chancell Window was built at the proper cost of Master Benjamin Henshaw , Merchant-Taylor , and one of our City Captaines , the charge of it arising to 60. pounds and upwards . In the yeere 1633. there was added to this , a faire Communion Table , with a faire Frame about it , which with some other things then done to the further beautifying of the Church , amounted to the summe of 30. pounds . Iohn Rundell Iohn Clutterbucke Churchwardens . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Obiit 24. die Martii 1602. Anno Regni 45. Aetatis suae 70. In the figure of a Booke over Her , these words . Verbum Dei , manet in Aeternum . Vnder her . I have fought a good fight , &c. On the one side . Elizabeth Queene of England , France , and Ireland , &c. Daughter to King Henry the eighth , and Grandchild of King Henry the seventh , by Elizabeth , eldest Daughter of Edward the fourth , Having restored true Religion , reduced Coyne to the just value , assisted France and the Low-Countries , and overcame the Spanish invincible Navy , enriched all England , and administred most prudently the Imperiall State thereof 45. yeeres in true piety , In the 70. yeere of her age , in most happy and peaceable manner departed this life , leaving her mortall parts interred in the famous Church of Westminster , till the second comming of Christ . On the other side . Monumentum Elizabethae Reginae . If Royall Vertues ever crown'd a Crowne , If ever Mildnesse shin'd in Majesty , If ever Honour honour'd true Renowne , If ever Courage dwelt with Clemency , If ever Princesse put all Princes downe , For temperance , prowesse , prudence , equity , This , this was she , that in despight of death , Lives still admir'd , ador'd , ELIZABETH . Spaines rod , Romes ruine , Netherlands reliefe , Heavens Iem , Earths Ioy , Worlds wonder , Natures chiefe . Maudlins Oldfishstreet . THis Church was repaired and beautified , at the charge of the Parish , in the yeere of our Lord , 1630. Richard Hubbard Iohn Blew Churchwardens . The charge of it amounting to the summe of 140. pounds . A very Monument in the same Church with this Inscription . Epitaphium . 1622. Clarissimi viri Gulielmi Druraei , ex Antiqua & Illustri Druraeorum Familiâ oriundi , Iuris Caesarii Doctoris , & Amplissimae Curiae praerogativae in Angliâ Dignissimi Iudicis , jam olim defuncti , Recenter verò Mariae Vxoris ejus Foeminae laudatissimae , ex spendidissimo Southwellorum genere prognatae . Hâc Gulielmus humo Terdenis dormiit Annis , Nunc subiit tumulum juncta Maria viro. Iustitiae fuit hic cultor , jurisque Magister , Haec quoque Magnanimâ Nobilitata fide . Senâ prole ferax , virtutum exempla futuris , Aeternanda Aevis liquit uterque Parens , Felices nimium utrâque , & Funere sponsos , Dant quibus haec unum Cor , Humus , Astra , Locum . Charissimis suis Patri & Matrihoc Carmine Parentavit Gulielmus Druraeus . Hoc Monumentum in memoriam de functorum Amicorum poni curavit Tho. Cotton , A. R. Queene Elizabeths Monument . Here lies her Type , who was of late , The prop of Belgia , stay of France . Spaines foile , Faiths shield , and Queene of State , Of Armes , of Learning , Fate , and Chance : In briefe , of Women ne re was seene , So great a Prince 〈◊〉 good a Queene . Sith Vertue Her immortall made , Death ( envying all that cannot dye ) Her earthy parts did so invade , As in it wrackt selfe Majesty . But so her Spirit inspir'd her Parts , That she still lives in loyall hearts . Many Daughters have done vertuously but thou excellest them all . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , &c. Michael Bassishaw . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the cost and charge of this Parish , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1630. Thomas Barnie Christopher Price Churchwardens . Michael Cornehill . HEre a Repaire followes a Repaire so close , that while I speake of the one I must not forget the other , the former being in the yeeres of our Lord God , 1618 , 1619 , and 1620. at the finishing . William Stannard George Hill Francis Mosse Churchwardens . Of the beauty conceive by the cost , the charge of it amounting to 644. li. The other in this present yeere of our Lord , 1633. in which the Roofe over the Chancell was new trim'd , the Chancell likewise inriched with a faire and very curious Table of the Commandements , the Windowes about it were new Glazed , the Stones thorow the whole body of the Church taken up , new layed and levelled , and in a word , every part of it at the cost and charge of the Parishioners , was well and very worthily beautified . Iohn Collison Richard Norton Francis Middleton Churchwardens . The charge of this arising to 300. li. and upward . A very faire Monument on the Wall , in the North I le , with this Inscription . Memoriae Sacrum Laurentio , & Mariae Caldwall Conjugibus , sacro Foedare Iunctis , & Duodenae prolis Parentibus ; Quorum Vxor , & Mater Maria obiit Octobris xx . Anno Dom. 1621. Maritus , & Pater Laurentius , Novemb. xxj . 1625. Septuagenariis utrisque ; Liberalibus & suis , & de suis ; Hoc sepulcrum posuere , parentalis Haeredes bonitatis , Filii eorum observantissimi , quos defunctos , & Deus habet , & pauperes Carendo lugent . As it were in a Scroll , held by an Angell . Omnia ossa justi custodit Dominus . Vnder this upon the figure of a Tombe . Heere is lodg'd a loving paire , Sleeping rest they free from care ; Though their journey , from their birth , Hath beene tedious long on earth , He that freed them from their sinne , Sent them to this holy Inne , Ioyfull Requiems for to sing , Hallelujahs to their King , Till the summons , till the day , Till the Trumpe sound , Rise , Away . Michael Crookedlane . THis Church was repaired and beautified , in the yeere of our Lord God 1610. In the yeere 1621. the whole Roofe of it found to bee greatly decayed and perished was taken downe , with strong and sufficient Timber re-builded , and with the Lead new cast Re-covered . The charge of it amounting to 500. pounds . Not long after this , two Windowes at the East end of the Church , very much defaced and decayed , were repaired ; the charge of it 40. li. A rich and very beautifull Monument on the South side the Chancell , this I le called The Fish-mongers Chappell . S. S. Nec non piae Memoriae Ioanni Lemanni . ViriClariss . civis , ac Senatoris integerrimi , Equitis Aurat . olim hui Vrbis Praetoris . Qui se , in suo munere , laudatissime Gessit , Pietatis Cultor , Iustitiae vindex . Suis in Coelibatu perpetuo vixit parens . Et suis plus quam pater munifice mortuus . Hî R. Exp. Sallinghamiae ex Agro Norfolciensi oriundus Probitate , Simplicitate , Nixus . Anno salut . Hu. CIC. ICC. XXxij . Et suo octagesimo octavo , die Mart. 26. Reg. Coeleste , Certa Fide Praestolatur . Vpon a Marble stone in the Chancell is this Inscription . Sub hoc Marmore Requiescit , in spe resurrectionis ad Gloriam , Maria , fidelis Vxor Iohannis More Mercatoris , Filia Edwardi whorwood , Grocer . Obijt 10. Decemb. Anno Christi 1632. Aetatis 35. The figure of a Deaths head . Memento Mori . Hîc Mitis , Amans , Humilis , Pia , pulchra , pudica , Modesta , Grata Deo , sponso Chara , Maria jaces . I. M. Queene Elizabeths Monument . The Righteous shall bee had in remembrance . Queene Elizabeth both was , and is alive , what then more can be said In Heaven a Saint , in Earth a blessed Maid . She ruled England yeeres 44. and more , and then return'd to God , At the age of 70. yeeres , and somewhat od . Christ is to me life , Death is to me advantage . Phil. 1. 21. I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , &c. Michael Queenehithe . THis Church was repaired and beautified , great cost bestowed on the Roofe , the East and West Windowes new built and glazed , with other Repaires about it , at the cost and charge of the Parish , in the yeere of our Lord 1615. Miles Gunthorpe Stephen Scot Churchwardens . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Many Daughters have done vertuously , but thou excellest them all . She is not dead , But sleepeth . On the one side . Here lies her Type , who was of late , The prop of Belgia , stay of France , Spaines foile , Faiths shield , and Queene of State , Of Armes , of Learning , Fate and Chance : In briefe , of Women ne're was seene , So great a Prince , so good a Queene . On the other side . Sith Vertue her immortall made , Death ( envying all that cannot dye ) Her earthy parts did so invade , As in it wrackt selfe Majesty . But so her Spirits inspir'd her Parts , That she still lives in loyall hearts . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , &c. Michael Querne . THis Church was repaired , and with all things , either for use or beauty richly supplied and furnished , at the sole cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord 1617. A faire Monument in the North I le , with this Inscription . Iohn Bankes , Mercer , and Esquire , whose body lyeth here interred , the Sonne of Thomas Bankes , free of the Barber-Surgeans ; this Iohn was aged 59. and expired the ninth of September , Anno 1630. His first Wife was Martha , a Widow , by whom he had one onely Sonne deceased : his second Wife was Anne Hasell , who left unto him one Daughter and Heire , called Anna , since married unto Edmond Wallers , of Berkensfield in Buckinghamshiere , Esquire . He gave by his last Will and Testament ( written with his owne hand ) to unbenificed Ministers ; to decayed Housekeepers ; to the poore of many Parishes ; to all ( or the most ) of the Prisons , Bridewells , and Hospitalls , in and about London ; to young Beginners to set up their Trades ; to the Artillery Garden , and towards the maintenance thereof , for ever , very bountifully ; to his owne Company , both in Lands and Money ; to his Friends , in tokens of remembrance ; to divers of his Kindred ; and to other charitable and pious uses , the summe of 6000. li. notwithstanding Noble and sufficient Dower to his Daughter reserved . And all these severall Legacies , by his carefull Executor Robert Tichbourne , and his overseers , punctually observed , and fully discharged . Inbalm'd in pious Arts , wrapt in a shroud Of white in nocuous Charity , who vow'd , Having enough , the world should understand No deed of mercy might escape his hand , Bankes here is laid to sleepe , this place did breed him , A president to all that shall succeed him . Note both his life and immitable end , Know he th'unrighteous Mammon made his Friend , Expressing by his Talents rich Increase , Service that gain'd him praise and lasting Peace . Much was to him committed , much he gave , Entring his treasure there , whence all shall have Returne with use : what to the poore is given , Claimes a just promise of Reward in Heaven : Even such a Banke , Bankes left behind at last , Riches stor'd up , which Age nor Time can waste . A faire Monument in the South I le , with this Inscription . Piae Memoriae Sacrum , Gilberto Erington , de Wolsington Armigero , ex antiqua Eringtonorum Familia , de Denton in Comitatu Northumbriae orto . Qui ex Dorothea Vxore Chrarissima una filiarum Iohannis de Lavale , de Seaton de Lavale , in dicto Com. Militis , tres filios Marcum , Robertum & Cuthbertum , & sex Filias Annam , Margaretam , Katherinam , Elizab. Dorotheam , & Graciam , suscepit . Ex agro Nativo huc in hanc Civitatem profectus , morboque correptus , obiit xviij . die Iunii , Anno Domini 1578 Aetatis suae 63. Patri optimo & Charissimo , efficiosae pietatis , & Memoriae perpetuum restem , novissimum hoc parentale Munusculum persolvit , posuit , praestitit Marcus Erington filius Maerens xx . die Feb. 1618. In te Domine speravi , non confundar in Aeternum , Psal . 31. Vita bonos sed poena malos , aeterna capescit , Vita bonis , sed poena malis , per secula crescit . His mors , his vita , perpetuatur ita . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Here lies her Type , who was of late , The prop of Belgia , stay of France , Spaines foile , Faiths shield , and Queene of State , Of Armes , of Learning , Fate , and Chance : In briefe , of Women ne're was seene , So great a Prince , so good a Queene . Sith Vertue Her immortall made , Death ( envying all that cannot dye ) Her earthy parts did so invade , As in it wrackt selfe Majesty . But so her Spirit inspir'd her Parts , That she still lives in loyall hearts . Monumentum Reginae Elizabethae . Many Daughters have done well , but thou surmountest them all . She is not dead , But sleepeth . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , &c. Michael Royall . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the proper cost of the Parish , in the yeere of our Lord , 1630. Richard Mills William Hawes Churchwardens . The charge of it amounting to 120. li. 9. s. Michael Woodstreet . THis Church was repaired , and thus beautified in the yeere of our Lord God , 1620. at the charge of the Parishioners . Thomas Wilson Humphry Michael Churchwardens . In the yeere 1627. the Parishioners made a new doore to this Church , through the head of the North Ile ( being the Chancell end ) into Woodstreet ; where till then it had onely one doore in the middle of the South I le , standing in Huggin lane . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Here lies her Type , who was of late , The prop of Belgia , stay of France , Spaines foile , Faiths shield , and Queene of State , Of Armes , of Learning , Fate and Chance : In briefe , of Women ne're was seene , So great a Prince , so good a Queene . Sith Vertue her immortall made , Death ( envying all that cannot dye ) Her earthy parts did so invade , As in it wrackt selfe Majesty . But so her Spirits inspir'd her Parts , That she still lives in loyall hearts . Mildred Breadstreet . THis Church was repaired and very worthily beautified , in the yeere of our Lord 1628. The greatest part of the North wall was new built , the Arches in the middle of the Church , foure faire Windowes over them , and a very faire Gallery , at the cost and charge of the Parish . M. Nicholas Crispe M. Ralph King Churchwardens . This for a generall charge , somewhat of particular bounties . At the upper end of this Church , on the South side , is a faire Window with this Inscription . This Window was glazed at the charge of Hester Crispe , late Wife of Ellis Crispe , Citizen and Alderman of London , who lieth fixt in a Vault at the bottome of this Window 1629. At the upper end of the Church , on the North side , another with this Inscription . This Window was glazed at the charge of Samuel Crispe , Citizen and Salter of London , 1630. Betweene these two , at the upper end of the Chancell , is a faire Window full of cost and beauty , which being divided into five parts , carries in the first of them a very artfull and curious representation of the Spaniards great Armado , and the battell in 1588. In the second , of the Monument of Queen Elizabeth . In the third , of the Gunpouder plot . In the fourth , of the lamentable time of infection 1625. And in the fifth and last , the view and lively Portraitures of that worthy Gentleman , Captaine Nicholas Crispe , at whose sole cost ( among other ) this beautifull piece of worke was erected , as also the figures of his vertuous Wife and Children , with the Armes belonging unto them : The Verses to every Story are these : The Story of Eighty eight . Starre-gazing Wizards sate upon this yeere , Matter of wonder , and did threaten feare Towards us , in so much that Rome and Spaine , This Land accounted their assured gaine . But marke how God did quite their hopes confound , Both Ships and men we did see flee and drown'd . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Marvell not why we doe erect this Shrine , Since dedicated t is to Worth divine ; Religion , Arts , with Policy and Armes , Did all concurre in her most happy Raigne , To keepe Gods Church and us from plotted harmes , Contriv'd by Romish wits , and force of Spaine . The Powder Plot. 1605. When force could not prevaile , nor plots abroad Could have successe , finne now invents new fraud : Guy Vaux is sent Ambassador to Styx , And thence returning , furnisheth with trickes His damned Crew , who forth withall conclude , To blow up King , the State , and Multitude . The great Plague 1625. The Stories past , Gods blessings to the State Doe clearely shew ; But sure we were ingrate , For now , behold , in stead of sweet protection , Thousands are swept away by foule Infection . But marke Gods mercy , in midst of greatest cryes , He sheath'd his sword , and wip't teares from our eyes . The Founders figure , with his Wife , Children , and their Armes . These Ensignes which you see , and Monument , Are not so much to represent The Founders Person , as his zealous care T' expresse Gods love , and mercies rare To this his Vineyard ; for to that sole end Did he these Stories thus commend To after ages , that in their distresse , They might Gods goodnesse still expresse . With this , this Gentleman gave towards the repaire of this Church , among the Parishioners , above his share as a Parishioner 75. li. Also for the Communion Table , two great Flag on Pots , to the value of 57. li. Also very faire Font , in which a Childe of his owne was first Christened . His Brother , Master Samuel Crispe , beside his Window , above his ordinary share as a Parishioner , gave to this faire Reparation 25. li. The Mother of these worthy Gentlemen the aforenamed Hester Crispe , the late Wife of Ellis Crispe , Citizen and Alderman of London , now ( by a second , and thrice happy Nuptialls ) the Lady Pie , beside her Window , gave to this faire Reparation 20. li. though at that time out of the Parish , and removed from thence to Christ-Church . A faire Stone in the South side of the Chancell . This Stone openeth upon the Staires of a Vault , made by Captaine Nicholas Crispe , Anno 1628. wherein lyeth buried his Grandfather , Master Iohn Ireland , late Deputy of this Ward , he was buried the 29. day of Iune , 1614. And Mistresse Elizabeth Ireland his Wife , buried the 13. day of Aprill , 1613. And his Father Ellis Crispe , late Alderman , and died Sheriffe , he was buried the 10. day of November 1625. And his Sonne Nicholas . Crispe , who was buried the 23. day of Ianuary 1626. Nicholas Elizabeth Iohn Children of Captaine Nicholas Crispe , buried Anno Dom. 1632. A faire Monument belonging to this Stone standing over it , with this Inscription . Ere his worth was fully knowne , London lost him , once her owne ; Let that yeere lye buried here , In which London two did gaine , Sheriffes good , and lost againe . City , Church , Wife , Children , weepe , Reason good , though he but sleepe . Ill can London not lament , Spoil'd of one chiefe Ornament , Pity Death had him oregrowne , Ere his worth was fully knowne . Mildred Poultrey . THis Church was repaired and beautified , at the proper cost of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God 1626. George Besse Thomas Brownell Churchwardens . The charge of it amounting to the summe of 183. li. and upwards . A Monument on the wall in the North I le , with this inscription . In this I le lyeth buried the body of Susan Lewin , Daughter of Thomas Lewin , of Broxborne , in the County of Hartford , who had first to Husband , Iohn Palmer , having Issue only one sonne , which Husband deceased Anno 1589. And after some yeeres , the said Susan married with Iohn Kirby , Citizen and Merchant-Taylor , of this Parish , by whom she had foure Sonnes and eight Daughters , who departed this life after 30. yeeres living , the 30. of September 1624. Queene Elizabeths Monument . Elizabeth Queene of England , France , and Ireland , &c. Daughter to King Henry the eighth , and Grandchild of King Henry the seventh , by Elizabeth , eldest Daughter of Edward the fourth , Having restored true Religion , reduced Coyne to the just value , assisted France and the Low-Countries , and overcame the Spanish invincible Navy , enriched all England , and administred most prudently the Imperiall State thereof 45. yeeres in true piety , In the 70. yeere of her age , in most happy and peaceable manner departed this life , leaving her mortall parts interred in the famous Church of Westminster , till the second comming of Christ . If Royall Vertues ever crown'd a Crowne , If ever Mildnesse shin'd in Majesty , If ever Honour honour'd true Renowne , If ever Courage dwelt with Clemency , If ever Princesse put all Princes downe , For temperance , prowesse , prudence , equity , This , this was she , that in despight of death , Lives still admir'd , ador'd , ELIZABETH . On the other side of the top of the Monument . If prayers or teares of subjects had prevail'd , To save a Princesse through the world esteem'd , Then Atropos in cutting here had fail'd , And had not cut her thred , but beene redeem'd , But pale fac'd Death , and cruell churlish Fate , To Prince and people brings the latest date . Yet spite of Death and Fate , Fame will display Her gracious Vertues through the world for aye . Spaines rod , Romes ruine , Netherlands reliefe , Heavens Iem , Earths Ioy , Worlds wonder , Natures chiefe . On the other side . Britaines blessing , Englands splendor , Religious Nurse , the Faiths defendor . In the figure of a Booke over Her , these words . They that trust in the Lord , shall bee as Mount Sion , which cannot be removed , but remaineth for ever . Psal . 125. Vnder her . Th' admired Empresse through the world applauded , For supreme Vertues , rarest Imitation , Whose Scepters Rule , Fames loud voyc'd Tumpet lauded , Vnto the eares of every forraine Nation . Canopied under powerfull Angels wings , To her immortall praise sweet Science sings . Nicholas Acons . THis Church was repaired and beautified in the yeere of our Lord God 1615. at the cost and charge of the Parishioners . Robert Old Nathaniel Buckcock Churchwardens . A handsome Monument on the South side of the Chancell , with this Inscription . This Picture is for others , not for me , For in my breast I weare thy memory . It is here plac'd , that passengers may know , Within thy ground no weeds , but Corne , did grow . That there did flow within thy vitall blood , All that could make one honest , just , and good . Heere is no Elbow roome to write of more , An Epitaph yeelds taste , but seldome store . Thy troope of Vertues grac'd thee amongst men , And now attend thee at the Court in Heaven . Thy worth , sweet Charles , deserves the rarest wit , Thy Iane , for such a taske , is most unfit . Corpus Caroli Haukins , Civis & Aromatarii Londinensis , in hoc Tumulo depositum est . Erat Deo devotus , Charitatis plenus & virtutis ; adeo studiosus , ut vitam laudabilem , fixemque optimum peregerit . Iana Vxor ejus , filia Iohannis Reeve Armigeri natu minima , postea nupta fuit Iohanni Suckling Equiti Aurato , Regiae Majestati à supplicum libellis , praedicti Caroli & Ianae insignes Dotes tanti Aestimavit , ut Monumentum hoc , sumptibus propriis , in honorem defuncti pie posuerit , Anno Dom. 1621. Over these lines , as in a Booke in the hands of this Gentleman , these words : Beatus vir , cui Dominus non imputavit peccatum , & in cujus Spiritu , non est Dolus . A Monument on the North side the Chancell , with this Inscription . In God is all my hope . All men are borne to dye . In Christi is my Redemption . Iohn Hall , Draper , of the age of 90. yeeres , a Housholder in this Parish 58. yeeres , and in that time , by the providence of God , the Father of 27. Children , all borne here . These great mercies , I doe confesse in my heart , not to be of my deserts , but of God his good grace only , shewed unto mee more abundantly , than unto many thousands in my time , wherefore with heart and tongue , I yeeld all honour and praise unto thee , O God. Here under lyeth interred the body of Iohn Hall , once Master of the Worshipfull Company of the Drapers , and 25. yeeres one of the Bridge-masters of the City of London , who deceased the 19. day of November , 1618. aged 93. yeeres . And also the body of Anne Browne , Daughter of Master Iohn Browne , Gentleman , being his third Wife , by whom he had 23. Children : she died the 17. of December 1619. being aged 73. yeeres . Nicholaes Coleabby . THis Church was repaired and beautified , at the cost of the Parish , in the yeere of our Lord 1630. Robert Bromly Henry Hewes Churchwardens . In the yeere 1626. new Frames were made for their Bells . And in the yeere 1628. new Battlements added to the Steeple . Nicholas Olaves . THis Church was repaired and beautified in the yeere of our Lord God 1623. Edward Whitwell Alexander Colsen Churchwardens . The cost of it 24. pounds . Since that , in the yeere 1628. the South I le , that like a Cottage before , was onely Tyled ( and in that unseemly and unbefitting manner so left ) was Seiled , and in that decently and very gracefully beautified , which with some cost bestowed on the Steeple , did arise to the summe of 22. li. This , as the former , being the sole cost and charge of the Parish . An ancient Monument on the North wall , revived and beautified with the Church , with this Inscription hanging by it . This Monument of Thomas Lewya , and Agnis his Wife , was newly revived and beautified at the charge of the Right Worshipfull Company of the Ironmongers , whereof hee was free , the 29. of May , Anno Dom. 1623. Olaves Hartstreet . THis Church in the many decayed places of it ( which indeed were many and great ) was repaired richly , and very worthly supplyed with whatsoever it wanted , and furnished with whatsoever might further decke and adorne it ( at the proper cost and charge of the Parishioners ) in the yeeres of our Lord God , 1632. and 1633. In the first Thomas Redding and Roger Dreyton , Churchwardens ; in the next , Roger Dreyton and Christopher Wigley . The charge of this repaire amounting to the summe of 437. pounds and upwards . Some especiall particulars ( leaving the Steeple , Walls , and Battlements ) within the Church , were these : The Roofe in the middle Ile decayed , to the danger of falling , was with new Timber rebuilt , new Leaded , and the inside very worthily garnished . The Stonework of all the Windowes greatly defaced and perished ; were new wrought , and all the Windowes new Glazed . And within some few yeeres before this , two very faire Galleries at the lower end of the Church , one on the North side , the other on the South were erected . A very faire Monument on the North side of the Chancell , with this Inscription . Paul Bayning , Esquire , sometimes Sheriffe and Alderman of London , lived to the age of 77. yeeres , and died the 30. of September , Anno Dom. 1616. Consecrated to the Memory of Paul and Andrew Bayning , Esquires . If all great Cities prosperously confesse , That he by whom their Trafficke doth increase Deserves well of them , then th' Adventure 's worth Of these two , who were Brothers both by birth , And Office , prove , that they have thankfull bin , For the Honours which this City plac'd them in . And dying old , they by a blest consent This Legacy bequeath'd , Their Monument . The happy summe and end of their Affaires , Provided well both for their Soules and Heires . This Monument of his Brother adjoyning to this . Andrew Bayning , sometimes Alderman of London , lived to the age of 67. yeeres , and died the 21. of December , Anno Dom. 1610. Over the Tombe of Paul Bayning , Esquire , hang the Ensignes of Honour , as his Coat , Streamers , and the like of the Lord Bayning , Vicount Sudbury , his Sonne , there buried in the Monument of his Father . Next to that of Paul Bayning , Esquire , is this , having this Inscription . Eave sis Gradum pergas Viator , piusquam haec perlegeris . In certam beatae Resurrectionis spem , Terrae sequestratum , Hic est exanime Corpus , praeclarae quondam Mentis Hospitium , viri juvenis Domini Ludolphi de Werder , Anhaltini , praenobili ac Antiquâ werderorum Familiâ Orti : Cujus summam in Deum pictatem , inclyti Generis seriem , Amplas eruditi pectoris Dotes , cum tam angusto Marmoris non Comprehendantur , sacro silentio meritò obsignamus . Generosus hîc vir Mxām partem , primum Germaniam lustravit , in quâ Famigerabilium aliquot Academiarum , puta Lipsien . Ienev . Gissen . non Degenerem Incolam , diu egit , magnis literarum numinibus mirum quantum carus . Deinde in Belgiam concessit , ubi veram Nobilitatem , decentibus studiis Quadrien . Leidae Combussit . Tandem in Angliam perveniens hîc Londini sesquiannum phthisi solito vehementius laboravit ; cujus malignâ obstinatione , etiam Factum est , ut die 26. Decemb. Anno 1628. Natus Annos 29. Rebus humanis valere , suis verô plangere , dixerit , Animâ suâ , Creatori suo , unde tam nobile depositum acceperat , Magnâ in Christum Fide Redonatâ . Monumentum hoece Agnati , quibus accerbum sui desiderium Reliquit , pio ducti Affectu erigi Curarunt . Lectori . Quisquis adhuc vitam vivis , sic vivito vitam , Linquere eam quovis tempore rite queas . Neere unto the other this , having this Inscription . D. O. M. S. Viator Commorare , Rimare , Mirare . Christophorus Iacobus Elssenhaimer , ab Elssehaim in preprum Iunior , Welsinsis Austrius Generis splendore , verâ in Deum Religione , pietate in parentes , observantia in superiores , Charitate & Comitate in quosvis , verè Nobilissimus juvenis , Nobile Familiae Columen , Iuventutis exemplar , Artium & Linguarum Cognitionem infignem , pro divinis ingenii sui dotibus , in Ratisponensium Gymnasio Poetico Altorfiana Argentinensi , Basiliensi , Leidensi Academiis acquisitam peregrinationibus adaucturus , hîc in Anglia , ad Angelorum Sanctorum Coelum avocatus , Animam suā Christo Redemptori reddidit , corpus verò huic solo commisit , Desiderium sui tristissimum omnibus bonis relinquens , Imprimis parentibus Christophoro Iacobo Elssenbaimero ab Elssenham in Preprunn Seniori , & Dorotheae ex Nobili Haendeliorum Familia prosatae , Qui Filio unicè unisoli senectutis portui extremum hoc quod sibi ab illo desideravere animitus Amoris Monumentum inter Candissimas Lacrymas statuerunt . Obiit Anno Aetatis 21. Men. ix . die . 28. Anno Christi M. D. C. XVIII . die vj. August . Nemo nostrum sibi vivit , & nemo sibi moritur , sive enim vivimus , Domino vivimus , sive morimur Domino morimur ; sive ergo vivimus , sive morimur , Domini sumus . Paul ad Rom. cap. 14. vers . 17. Fili ad Parent . Vivo fruor tandem veris , ne flete parentes , Deliciis , Coelo posteritate Deo. On a faire Stone in the middle I le , with these words about it . Here lyeth the body of Alice Hull , the Wife of Walter Hull of London , Gentleman , who was buried the 16. day of November , Anno Dom. 1627. In the middle of the Stone , with their Armes over it , these words . Though we are dead , yet our lives are hid in Christ with God. Christ is to me both in life and death advantage . Though my flesh faileth , and my heart also , yet God is the strength of my heart , and my portion for ever . Olaves Jewrie . THis Church was repaired in the yeere 1608. and againe repaired and beautified in the yeere of our Lord God , 1628. A faire Monument in the same Church with this Inscription . Memoriae Sacrum , Roberti Bowyer , Mercatoris London , ex Antiqua Familia Bouyes : De Knipperslay , in Com. Staffordiae oriundi , secundi filii Francisci Bowyer . Ar. Quondam Aldermani hujus Civitatis , Honorabilis Societatis Grocerum London , olint pro tempore praefecti . Margaretam unum Filiarum Thomae Cordall , quondam etiam Mercator London , ac Honorabilis Societatis Mercerum , ejusdem Societatis prefecti , in Vxor : ducentis amplissimam suscipientis prolem quinque Filios , viz. Thomam , Robertum , Williclmum , & Henricum , modo Coelebes , superstites existentes , & Iohannem defunctum , & secundum Christi adventum hîc expectantem . Margareta Vxor , Thomas , & Robertus filii ejus , a ultimi Testamenti Executores , pietatis , & observantiae ergo , Moerentes posuerunt . Vnder this Tombe , the sacred Ashes hold , The drossie part of more Celestiall gold ; The body of a Man , a Man of men , Whose worth to write at large , would loose my Pen. Then doe thy worst , Death , glut thy selfe with Dust , The precious Soule is mounted to the Just . Yet Reader , when thou read'st , both reade and weepe , That men so good , so grave , so wise , doe sleepe . N. S. Moerens Posuit . Olaves Silverstreet . THis Church , being greatly decayed and perished , was in the yeere of our Lord God 1609. new built , and enlarged in the breadth seven foot and above . In the yeere of our Lord , 1619. it was againe repaired and beautified . And in the yeere of our Lord , 1632. inrched with a very faire Gallery , with this Inscription in the severall panes or parts thus : Deo Patri Filio Spiritu Sancto Trino & uni Gloria in aeternum . Richardus Turner , & Iohannes Morrell , Hanc porticum suis sumptibus erexerunt . Pancras Soperlane . THis Church was repaired and beautified , in the yeere of our Lord 1621. towards which Reparation , Sir Thomas Bennet , Alderman , Dame Anne Soame , and Master Thomas Chapman , were free and bountifull Benefactors . The last of these , Master Thomas Chapman , having in the yeere 1617. given a faire and very costly Table , bearing the figure of the Monument of that ever famous after death , as in her life , Queene Elizabeth . In the yeere 1624. the Sonne of this worthy Gentleman , Master Thomas Chapman the younger , to the further beautifying of this Church , in the more gracefull entrance into it , built a very faire Porch , at his owne proper cost and charges . Also a faire Communion Table , with some other repaires in the South Wall , was the cost of Master William Doricke , Citizen and Grocer of London . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Mors mihi lucrum Spiritus Astra petat . To the most happy , blessed , and precious Memory , of the late famous , renowned , aud never to bee forgotten Monarch , Q. Elizabeth . The Restorer of true Religion , A tender nursing Mother of the Church of God , A powerfull Protector ( under Almighty God ) of her owne Dominions , A ready helper of her neighbouring Princes , A hearty and unfeyned Lover , and beloved of her Subjects ; who lived gloriously full of dayes , and whom the eternall Iehovah blest with the longest life of any Prince of England since the Conquest . By way of due thankefulnesse to the most holy , sacred , and individuall Trinity , and her ever honoured Royall Vertues , this Memoriall of hers was here erected , set up , and Consecrated , the 17. of November , 1617. Terram Terra Tegat . Peters Cheape . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the charge of the Parishioners , in the yeeres of our Lord , 1616. and 1617. Iames Ridgeard Walter Eldred Churchwardens . The charge of it amounting to 314. pounds . Peters Cornehill . THis Church is yet in repaire ; the Steeple beganne to be repaired in the yeere of our Lord , 1628. and was finished 1629. The Church it selfe was begunne to be repaired in March , 1632. and is ( as they make account ) about All Saints day , in this present yeere 1633. to be finished , and ( at the sole cost & charge of the Parishioners ) without , within , in all and every part of it , richly and very worthily beautified . The certaine charge cannot yet bee knowne , but as I have heard ( probably imagined by what is done and to doe ) it is about 1400. pounds . The Churchwardens this yeere of finishing , Thomas Birket and Theophilus Boulton . In a Vault in the Chancell , upon the 18. day of December , in the yeere of our Lord 1625. was buried the body of Thomas Westrow , Alderman and Sheriffe of London , the sonne of Timothy Westrow , sometime Citizen and Grocer , in this Parish . His Hatchments , and such Ensignes as were to his name and degree , hanging over him . Neere to this in the Chancell , about a faire Marble stone is this inscription . Here lyeth buried the body of Iudith Fowler , with her new borne sonne , deceased the 22. of November , Anno Dom. 1613. Stilo Angliae . Vpon it thus : She was borne in Antwerpe , the daughter of Iohn Schine , Merchant ( stranger ) of Middlebroche , and Wife of Iaspar Fowler , Citizen and Mercer of London ; she died in Childbed in the faith and love of God. Shee left behind her living , one onely sonne , and one daughter , Richard and Cornelia . Peters Pauls Wharfe . THis Church was repaired and beautified , at the cost and charge of the Parish , in the yeere of our our Lord 1625. and in the first yeere of the raigne of our Soveraigne Lord King CHARLES . Thomas Finch William Stanfoy Churchwardens . There is a very faire Table of the Commandements at the upper end of the Chancell , dated 1619. for then it was set up , standing so long as to the aforenamed date to shrinke , and was then finished . Queene Elizabeths Monument . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , I have kept the faith . From henceforth is laid up for me a Crowne of Righteousnesse , which the Lord , the righteous Iudge shall give mee at that day ; and not me onely , but to them also that love his appearing , 2 Tim. 4. 7 , 8. Peters Poore . THere hath beene in this Church since the beginning of the yeere 1615. to the yeere 1630. many costly repaires and charges . In the yeere 1615. this Church was on the West side inlarged in the breadth eight foot and better , by the taking downe of the North wall , and over a slip of ground that formerly lay behind it so farre outward , erecting another . Vpon the foundation of the old wall were erected new Pillars and Arches , and from them to the new , a faire Roofe . This empty uselesse and rude piece of ground , being turned to this use and beauty ( with the very faire Windowes in it ) at the sole cost and charge of Sir William Garway , Knight , who at the East end of this wall , in a Vault ( made likewise at his owne cost ) lyes under his faire Monument interred . The charge of this I le was 400. pounds . In the yeere 1616. this new I le , and the whole Church was new pewed , and the great Window in the Chancell enlarged . In the yeere 1617. the Roofe , and the inside of the Church thorowout , was richly and very worthily beautified . In the yeeres 1629. and 1630. the Steeple , and a very costly Gallery at the West end of the Church , were new built and beautified , and the Bells new cast and hung . The charge of all this amounting to the summe of 1587. pounds and upwards , all which , deducting the 400. pounds cost of the I le , was the cost and charge of the Parish . A very faire Monument at the upper end of the North I le in the Chancell , with this Inscription . Hic vivit Gulielmus Garway , Eques Auratus , Civis Londinensis , qui Annos egit . 54. cum Elizabetha Vxore integerrima , Filia Thomae Anderson , Civis etiam Londinensis , beatitudine Lecti fructifera , Pater erat 17. liberorum , illustre probitatis , & pietatis exemplar , Industria singulari , universalem expectavit Mercaturam . Feliciter magis quam avare , bis ad Senatoriam dignitatem vocatus , qui Purpuram recusavit , nunc triumphat in Albis . Tandem postquam Alam hujus Templi sinistram construxisset , placide corpus suo operi , Animam suo opifici reposuit . Anno Aetatis suae 88. Domini 1625. Septemb. 26. Templa Dei in terris duo sunt , Ecclesia , Corpus , Vna Domus carnis , cultus domus altera , & Ambo Conveniunt tumulo , parvo coeuntque socello . Non quaeras igitur Cineres sub cespite Lector , Est templum in templo clausum , non essa sepulchre . Marmore sublato , subsellia , porta , columnae , Ala haec , & paries , spatium totum , atque Fenestrae , Omnia structorem monstrant , resonantque patronum , Sic tenet immortalem , & mortalem locus idem . Conditur in Templo quod condidit , & Monumentum Hoc unum vitae , & mortis commune Relinquit . In the North I le , upon a faire Marble Stone is this Inscription . As in a Sheafe of Arrowes . Vis unita Fortior . The band of love , The unitor of brethren . Here lyeth the body of Thomas Harvy , of London , Merchant , Who departed this life the 2. of Feb. Anno Dom. 1622. With his first Wife Elizabeth , ( the Daughter of Nic. Exton , of London , Merchant ) she died the first of Ianuary Anno 1618. He was a faithfull man , and feared God above many , Ier. 7. 2. A faire Monument at the upper end of the Chancell , with this Inscription . Anno 1624. Aetatis 54. A Memoriall Of the Worshipfull Master Robert Wadson , late Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London . Epitaphium . So fraile and brittle is the life of man , That who lives longest liveth but a span ; In yout and age all dye , God hath so doom'd , That Earth returnes to Earth to be intomb'd . Wadson , who of that substance was compos'd , Lies in his Mothers Center here inclos'd , A sheet doth hide his face , but not his fame , The Grave containes his corps , not his good name : For his good name outlives ( O blessed man ) When others good names dye before they can . The sixt of Ianuary ( that fatall day ) Sixteene hundred twenty foure , he did pay The debt to Nature , which all men doe know , He was no sooner borne but he did owe. If Vertues could have staied the hand of Death , Then Wadson still had drawne his vitall breath . His soule above , his worths doe here remaine , Till Christ shall come to raise him up againe : Thus he enjoyes Heav'ns immortality , And here on Earth , Earths happy memory . Post varios vitae casus , dabit urna quietem . Stevens Colemanstreet . THis Church was ( in many parts of it ) carefully repaired , and thorowout fairely and commendably beautified at the proper cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1622. Francis Wheeler Thomas Newton Churchwardens . And further inriched and beautified with a very faire Gallery in the South I le , in the yeere 1629. Robert Kay Robert Daukes Churchwardens . In the Chancell lyeth buried the body of Master Samuel Aldersey , Merchant , Citizen and Haberdasher of London , Iuly 25. 1633. His Hatchments and Ensignes proper to his Name and estate hanging over him . To the memory Of that ancient Servant to the City , with his Pen , in divers imployments , especially the Survey of London , Master Anthony Munday , Citizen and Draper of London . He that hath many an ancient Tombstone read , ( i th labour seeming , more among the dead To live , than with the living ) that survaid Obstruse Antiquities , and ore them laid Such vive and beauteous colours with his Pen , That ( spite of time ) those old are new agen , Vnder this Marble lies inter'd : His Tombe , Clayming ( as worthily it may ) this roome , Among those many Monuments his Quill Has so reviv'd , helping now to fill A place ( with those ) in his Survay : in which He has a Monument , more faire , more rich , Than polisht Stones could make him , where he lies Though dead , still living , and in That , nere dyes . Obiit Anno Aetatis suae 80. Domini 1633. Augusti 10. Queene Elizabeths Monument . Elizabeth Queene of England , France , and Ireland , &c. Daugter to King Henry the eighth , and Grandchild of King Henry the seventh , by Elizabeth , eldest Daughter of Edward the fourth , Having restored true Religion , reduced Coyne to the just value , assisted France and the Low-Countries , and overcame the Spanish invincible Navy , enriched all England ; and administered most prudently the Imperiall State thereof 45. yeeres in true piety , In the 70. yeere of her age , in most happy and peaceable manner departed this life , leaving her mortall parts interred in the famous Church of Westminster , till the second comming of Christ . If Royall Vertues ever crown'd a Crowne , If ever Mildnesse shin'd in Majesty , If ever Honour honour'd true Renowne , If ever Courage dwelt with Clemency , If ever Princesse put all Princes downe , For temperance , prowesse , prudence , equity , This , this was she , that in despight of death , Lives still admir'd , ador'd , ELIZABETH . I have fought a good fight , &c. 2 Tim. 7 , 8. Stevens Walbrooke . THis Church within the time of 12. yeeres past , hath had these many and costly repaires . As first , in the yeere 1622. all the Chancell , and the two side Iles , as farre as the Chancell , repaired ; the Pulpit , Pewes , and Communion Table new . The charge of all this amounting to the summe of 126. li. 15. s. 6. d. Tobias Massie Affable Fairecloughe Churchwardens . In the yeere 1623. in the North side of this Church two Windowes new made , and certaine other Windowes repaired , the charge of this amounting to the summe of 16. li. and upwards . Tobias Massie Griffith Morgan Churchwardens . In the yeere 1626. the whole body of the Church was new Pewed , the charge of it amounting to 333. li. and upwards . Iohn Warner Ellis Southerton Churchwardens . In the yeere 1632. the repaire of the Steeple , the North side of the Church , the Tower on the South side , with other repaires and mendings , amounted to the summe of 35. li. Iohn Booker Richard Winston Churchwardens . The whole cost of these Repaires 510. li. 15. s. 6. d. S. Swithins . THis Church hath had no repaire since the yeeres of our Lord 1607. and 1608. In the first of which it was begunne to be repaired , Richard Glover and Thomas Wood Churchwardens : and in the last fully beautified and finished at the cost and charge of the Parishioners . Thomas Wood Richard Hewit Churchwardens . A very faire Monument on the South side of the Chancell , with this inscription . This Monument Was erected at the sole cost and charges of Ione , Lady Bolles , in memory of her late deare and worthy Husband , the Right Worshipfull , Sir George Bolles , Knight , sometimes Lord Maior of the City of London , a Gentleman worthily descended , of an ancient and unblamed Family , seated in Lincolnshire , which Lady Ione was the eldest Daughter of that worthy & famous deceased Knight , Sir Iohn Hart , sometimes likewise Lord Maior of the said City of London , and both Brothers of the Right Worshipfull Fraternity of the Grocers . Two branches of that vertuous Stem now flourishing : his Son Iohn Bolles , Esquire , now living at Skampton in Lincolnshire , and his eldest Daughter Anne , the Wife of Captaine Humphry Smith , of London , Grocer , who deceased the first of September 1621. being aged 83. yeeres . Epitaph . Honour , In●●grity , Compassion , Those three fil'd up the life time of this man : Of Honour , the grave Praetorship he bare , Which he discharg'd with Conscience , Truth , and Care , He posses'd Earth , as he might Heaven possesse , Wise to doe right , but never to oppresse . His Charity was better felt than knowne , For when he gave , there was no Trumpet blown . What more can be compriz'd in one mans fame , To crowne a soule , and leave a living name ? All his just praise in her life may be read , The true Wife of his worth as of his bed . Over against the other , in the same I le , is a faire Monument , with this Inscription . Epitaphium Generosi , & summae spei juvenis , Georgii Bolles Armigeri , Domini Iohannis Bolles , Baronetti , de Skampton in Comitatu Lincolniensi , & Dominae Katharinae Vxoris Filii primogeniti , qui cùm ageret Annum Aetatis vicessimum , exiit ex hac vita , Anno Dom. 1632. Nil opus hos cineres , florum decorare corollis : Flos , hîc compositus qui jacet ipse fuit . Moribus , Ingenio , Naturâ suavis , aperto Pectore , cui niveus nilnisi Candor , erat . Quem Sidneiani spatiis , umbraque lycei , Artibus excoluit Granta diserta suis . Bis denos vitae , nondum numer averat Annos , Cum brevis extremum clauderet hora diem . O quantos gemit usque suis luctusque reliquit , Tam properè Angelices dum sitit ire domos . Euge Beate , tuo cum Christo sorte fruaris , Sentiat & similem , qui legit ista sitim . Ri. Dugard , Moerens composuit . Thomas Apostle . THis Church was repaired , and very worthily beautified at the cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1630. Henry Whaley Robert Perkins Churchwardes . The charge of it amounting to neere 300. pounds . Queene Elizabeths Monument . If Royall Vertues ever crown'd a Crowne , If ever Mildnesse shin'd in Majesty , If ever Honour honour'd true Renowne , If ever Courage dwelt with Clemency , If ever Princesse put all Princes downe , For Temperance , prowesse , prudence , equity , This , this was she , that in despight of death , Lives stilladmir'd , ador'd , ELIZABETH . If prayers or teares of subjects had prevail'd , To save a Princesse through the world esteem'd , Then Atropos in cutting here had fail'd , And had not cut her thred , but beene redeem'd , But pale fac'd Death , and cruell churlish Fate , To Prince and people brings the latest date . Yet spite of Death and Fate , Fame will display Her gracious Vertues through the world for aye . Monumentum Elizabethae Angliae Reginae . As in a Booke . Psal . 112. The righteous shall bee had in everlasting remembrance . On the one side . Spaines rod , Romes ruine , Netherlands reliefe , Heavens Iem , Earths Ioy , Worlds wonder , Natures chiefe . On the other side . Britaines Blessing , Englands Splendor , Religions Nurse , The Faiths Desendor . Vnder her Monument . Many Daughters have done well , but thou excellest them all . Trinity Parish . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the cost & charge of the Parish , in the yeere of our Lord 1626. Nicholas Salbye Thomas Allam Churchwardens . This Church , in the yeere 1606. was so lamentably decayed and perished , that ( in that great necessity of it ) they were constrained to pull it downe to the ground , and from thence , with what speed they could , with much care and cost to rebuild it , which in the yeeres of 1607. and 1608. was finished . In the South I le in the wall , hang two large Tables , the one shewing the Contributions of all her owne Parishioners ; the other the Contributions of all the Parishes within and without London , towards the rebuilding of it ; the particular summes of every man in the first , and of every Parish in the last , there fairely set downe before them . Richard Owfall George Haeffeld then Churchwardens . To this pious worke also , the worshipfull Companies of the Merchant-Taylors and Vinteners were very free and bounteous Benefactors . As also these Aldermen : Sir Thomas Cambell . Sir Iohn Swinnerton . Sir Iohn Gore . Sir William Craven . Sir Thomas Middleton . Their Names and Armes standing in a faire Window at the upper end of the Chancell . A Review also of the sixteene Parishes without the Walls of this City . Andrew Holborne . THis Church hath had no repaire or cost bestowed upon it ( worthy any record or memory ) for the space of many yeeres ; indeed so many , that the many decayed parts & places of it , call rather for a Rebuilding , than a Repairing . Which is ( as I am told ) now providing for ; the Parishioners purposing very shortly to pull it all downe , and rebuild , enlarge , and enrich it , with that beauty that becomes so great a worke , and the House of the great God Almighty . What I have heard , I relate , and beleeve , both for the truth and speed : which when it begins , in the progression and finishing , the blessing of God goe with it . A very comely Monument upon a Pillar in the South I le , with this Inscription . Aspice , Respice , Prespice . Neere to this place lyeth buried the body of Elizabeth Ade , late the wife of Iohn Ade , of Doddington , in the County of Kent , Gentleman : and eldest daughter of Thomas Waller , of Beckonfield , in the County of Buckingham , Esquire , who in her time was the Mirror of her Sex , repleat with all the gifts that Grace or Nature could affoord : Religious towards God , and charitable towards men ; loving and faithfull to her Husband , beloved of all , hated of none . This world not worthy of her , she was translated to a better , the third of May , 1619. and about the 32. yeere of her age , leaving by her death a most infortunate Husband , three Sonnes , Iohn , Edward , and Nicholas , and foure Daughters , Dorothy , Elizabeth , Mary and Francis. Whosoever thou art , that passest by , Learne here to live , and here to dye . On the South side of the Quire , upon a faire Marble stone , is this Inscription . Here lies buried the body of Christopher Sherland , Esquire , Reader of Greyes Inne , who died the 27. day of Ianuary , Anno Dom. 1631. On a stone neere unto the other , is this Inscription . Here lyeth the Body of Henry Topham , Esquire , one of the Readers of Greyes Inne , who died the first day of May , Anno 1612. Vpon a Brasse plate , neere the North doore , is this Inscription . Here lies a Maid , for Heaven by her pure life So fit , she could not stay to be a Wife ; And with her , halfe a man lies buried , That is but halfe himselfe , now she is dead : His other halfe lives but in hope to be Inclosed in this Vrne , as well as she . In losing her , the Lovets lost a Iemme , A Margarite , too rich ( indeed ) for Them , But not for Him , to whom she went from hence , Vsher'd by Faith , Hope , Love , and Innocence . Then you that are her friends , your Griefe forget , In Heaven your Margarite is richly set . Obiit 4. die Februarii , Anno Domini , 1631. Bartholomew the Great . OF this Church we are certainly informed , that from the yeere of our Lord , 1622. to this present 1633. there hath not beene a yeere in the passage of which , there hath not beene ( in one part or another of it ) a great deale of money expended . What was done in every particular yeere , I doe not certainly know , but what I could learne take thus : In the yeere of our Lord 1620. the Porch at the West end of the Church was new built , which in the yere 1632. was againe repaired and beautified . In the yeere 1622. the inside of the Church was new painted , richly and very worthily beautified . In the yeere 1624. the Gallery at the lower end of the Church , was rebuilded , very much enlarged , and beautified . In the yeeres of our Lord 1625. and 1626. great cost was bestowed in Lead , and in the Plumbers labour . In the yeere 1628. the Steeple of this Church , being formerly part of Stone , and part of Timber , the upper part especially Timber , being all ruined and decayed , was pulled downe to the very foundation , and a new re-builded of Bricke and Free-stone , very richly and fairely finished . Also the East I le , and some other parts of this Church ( very defective ) were repaired and beautified at the cost and charge of the Parishioners . The charge of this yeere amounting to 698. pounds and upward . Richard Glover Richard Toppin Churchwardens . A Monument in the North I le in the Chancell , with this Inscription . Sacred to the memory of that worthy and learned , Francis Anthony , Doctor in Physicke . There needs no Verse to beautifie thy praise , Or keepe in memory thy spotlesse Name , Religion , Vertue , and thy skill did raise A threefold pillar to thy lasting fame : Though poysonous envy ever sought to blame , Or hide the fruits of thy intention ; Yet shall all they commend that high designe , Of purest Gold to make a Medicine , That feele thy helpe by that thy rare invention . Hee died the 26. of May 1623. his age 74. His loving Sonne , Iohn Anthony , Doctor in Physicke , left this remembrance of his sorrow . Another Monument neere the Pulpit , with this Inscription . Roberto R. F. Chamberlanio , Iacobi Magno-Britanici , Francici , Hibernici , Pii Foelicis semper Augusti Inauguratione Nobiliss . De Balneo ordinis Militi , Castelli de Sherburne in Agro Oxoniensi Domino , ab Antiquiss . Tankevillae in Normandia Comitib . longa Majerum serie demisso . Quantecunque fortunae capaci Animo Magna nato , nec vir●utibus Minorib . Quas dum sibi , suisque fovet , exteras Nationes complurimas lustravit , Morum Calidus Linguarumque . Terram postremo sanctam , & sepulcrum domini venerandus adiit , sumque ( Heufata ) quale , aut ubi incomperto Reperiit , littore siquidem solvens , Anno Virginei partus , 161● . Tripolim inter Cyprumque ( quantum Conjici fas est ) fatorum an hominum inclementia , Coelebs à suis procul periit . Tam dulcis olim contubernii memor , tantoque dolori & desiderio impar , Amico Amicus merenti Moerens . P. Vixit Annos circiter 30. Coelo tegitur qui non habet urnam . A faire Monument in the South I le , close by the Vestry doore . Here lyeth interred the body of Elizabeth Freshwater , late Wife of Thomas Freshwater of Heubridge , in the County of Essex , Esquire , eldest Daughter of Iohn Orme , of this Parish , Gentleman , and Mary his wife . She died the 16. day of May , Anno Domini , 1617. being of the age of 26. yeeres . Mors properans , quali tinxisti tela veneno , Vt sic trina uno vulnere praeda cadat : Vnam saeva feris , sed & uno hoc occidit Ictu , Vxor dulcis , Amans filia , Chara soror . Here also lieth the body of the said Iohn Orme , who died the 12. of Ianuary , Anno Dom. 1617. And the body of the said Mary Orme , who died the 16. of Aprill , 1618. Vpon a faire Marble Stone close by the last Monument , is this Inscription . Hîc jacet Nicholas Orme , de Hospitio Lincolniensi Armiger , qui postquam Annos 28. explevisset 4. die Februarii , Anno salutis 1628. expiravit ; & jam placidè requiescit unà cum utroque parente , duobus fratribus , unâ sorore , & duobus sobrinis , ex Thoma Gundroy Generose oriundis , qui quod motale in illis fuit , hoc in pulvere prius deposuerunt . Vpon a faire Stone close to the other is this Inscription . In the figure of a Rose . Oritur & Moritur . Here lyeth the body of Abigall Coult , the Daughter of Maximilian Coult , who departed this life the 19. day of March , 1629. in the 16. yeere of her Virginity . Bartholomew the Lesse . OF this Church I can say but little ; receiving in my enquiry of it , touching its repaire and beauty , so little and so sleight an answer ; for all that I could get , of those that might best have informed mee , was , that either for Monument or cost , there was nothing they thought , worth the Recording . My carefull inquiry and entreats , for the knowledge of that that was , prevailing no farther with them : If any man seeme offended , that I speake neither more or better , hee sees where to place his displeasure . Notwithstanding all this , though I cannot point upon the yeere , yet I must tell you , that within these few yeeres , it hath had some repaire and beauty , though in respect of many other Churches , the cost was but sleight and easie : yet such as is worth remembrance , and such as in that , it yet remaines decent and comely . S. Brides . THis Church was repaired , and every part of it richly and very worthily beautified , at the proper cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeeres of our Lord God , 1630. 1631. and 1632. In the last Thomas Lee Thomas Turner Churchwardens . Some memorable particulars ( though included in the general commends ) are these : The Battlements were new built , the middle Roofe , and a very faire Gallery on the North side of this Church , answerable to that on the South , which was erected in the yeere of our Lord , 1607. A very faire Monument standing in the South I le , in the Chancell , with this Inscription . In this Chancell lyeth buried Frances Trevor , Wife of Sir Thomas Trevor , Knight , Solicitor Generall to the Prince , at the time of her death , and now one of the Barons of the Exchequer ; shee was Daughter and Heire of Daniel Bleverhasset of Norfolke , Esquire . Shee died the 6. of Ianuary , 1624. In whose memory her said Husband , Haec piè posuit . They had a Daughter buried neere unto her . In this Chancell also was buried , the sixth of Ianuary 1614. Prudence Trevor , Daughter of Henry Butler , and former Wife to the said Sir Thomas , who bate him a Sonne , named Thomas , now living , Also Iohn Trevor of Trevallyn , in Comitatu Denbighe , Esquire , Father to the said Sir Thomas , died the 15. of Iuly , 1589. and lieth buried here . Randulph Trevor , Brother to the said Sir Thomas , died the 21. of Iuly , 1590. and is buried here . Margarite , Neece to the said Sir Thomas , and Daughter of Sir Richard Trevor , of Trevallyn , Knight , was married to Iohn Griffith , of Lyn , in Comitatu Carnarvon , Esquire , and left many children , and was buried here the 19. of March , 1624. In the same I le , at the upper end of this Church , on a faire Monument , in this Inscription . Here resteth the body of Sir George Curzon , of Croxall , in the Country of Derby , Knight , descended from ancient Gentry , and of long continuance in that place , who , like the Race from whence hee came , was a Man ofuprightlife , religious , and Hospitable . Hee tooke to Wife Mary , the Daughter of Sir Richard Levison , of Lolleshull , in the Country of Salop , Knight , by whom hee had Walter , who dyed young , and Mary then his onely Daughter and Heire , who was married to Edward Sackvile , Earle of Dorset , Knight Sackvile , Earle of Dorset , Knight of the Honourable Order of the Garter . Which Lady caused this Monument to bee here infixed , to the sacred memory of her deare Father . He departed this life the 17. of NoVember , 1622. Bridewell Precinct . THis Chappell was enlarged and beautified , at the proper cost and charge of the Governours and Inhabitants of this Precinct , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1620. Sir Thomas Middleton being then President , and Master Thomas Iohnson Treasurer of this Hospitall . This enlargement was by the taking in of a large Roome , that ( before the date above named ) joyned upon the head of the Chappell . This ground adding to the length of it ( all the full breadth going with it ) 24. foote and better . This Roome thus taken in , trim'd , beautified , and consecrated , is now a beautifull Chappell , it being before a Roome empty , vast , rude , and unsightly : though then , in the use , deserving a faire commendation . For then , that ground that is now a Chancell to the Prisoners of the house , was a Chappell , into which every Sabbath ( through a bye or backward passage ) they were brought from their severall Lodgings , to heare divine Service and Sermons . So that then , and now , in that worthy use , and this worthy alteration and beauty , we may see the Pious and Religious care of these worthy and right Worshipfull Governours , continually imployed , and applyed to things of this excellent nature . Close by the Pulpit hangs the Picture of King EDVVARD the sixt , with these lines under it . This Edward of faire memory , the sixt . In whom with greatnesse goodnesse was commixt , Gave this Bridewell , a Palace in old times , For a chastising house of vagrant crimes . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Here lies her Type , who was of late , The prop of Belgia , stay of France , Spaines foile , Faiths shield , and Queene of State , Of Armes , of Learning , Fate and Chance : In briefe , of Women ne're was seene , So great a Prince , so good a Queene . Sith Vertue her immortall made , Death ( envying all that cannot dye ) Her earthy parts did so invade , As in it wrackt selfe Majesty . But so her Spirits inspir'd her Parts , That she still lives in loyall hearts . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , &c. Obiit 24. die Martii 1602. Anno Regni 45. Aetatis suae 70. Botolph Aldersgate . THough I cannot here speake of a generall repaire and beauty , yet I may say for this Church , that the eye of the yeerely Gardians of it is so continualy watchfull over it , that whensoever any part of it stands in need of either or both , they carefully and suddenly bestow it . An instance of this thus followes : The Steeple of this Church , being very much decayed and perished , was ( so farre as they found it needfull ) pulled downe , and rebuilded with Portland stone , beautified with new Battlements , and a Turret ; some part of the Church repaired , and many of the Pewes were new made ; as also a new Clocke and Diall ( at the cost and charge of the Parishioners ) in the yeere of our Lord God 1627. Iohn Wooton Anthony Ierman Churchwardens . The charge of all this 415. li. And but three yeeres before ( in the yeere 1624. ) was a very faire new Pulpit set up , the cost of that ( that likewise being the charge of the Parish ) 35. li. William Wells George Graves Churchwardens . The whole cost of these times 450. li. A very faire Monument on the South wall of the Chancell , with this Inscription . Vicessimum tertium aetatis Annum Ingressui obiit , vicessimo quarto die Novembris , 1616. Vnder this in an Ovall , these words . Percivallo Smalpage , Michaelis filio Percivalli Pronepoti , ex Antiquis Baronum Familiis Hooe Wells & Engane oriundo , optimae spei Adolescenti , Immaturae Morte surrepto , fratri suo Charissimo , Moestissima soror Anna Monumentum hoc Amoris & gratitudinis ergo posuit . Vpon a Stone in the Chancell , is this Inscription . Hic jacet Iana , Filia Arthuri Ducke , L. L. L. Doctoris , obiit 1. Aprilis 1633. Hi sequuntur Agnum quocunqueierit . On a Stone neere to the other , is this Inscription . Here lyeth the body of Thomas Gillet , Gentleman , who deceased the 18. of October , 1624. A very handsome Monument on a Pillar on the South side of the Chancell , thus inscribed . Pars Terrestris Ioannis Coston Registarii sedis Archiepiscopalis Cantuarien . Principalis . Almaeque Curiae Cant. de Arcubus Lond. Procuratorum generalium unius . Sexaginta octo annos , cum multa pietate & probitate sub polo praetergressus , 3. Iulii 1614. Animam efflavit , Relictis simone , & Anna , filio & filia unicis , in sacros Cineres Redact . sub pedibus diem Novum expectat . A very faire Table full of rich Coats of Armes , hanging on a Pillar in the middle I le , over against the Pulpit , with these severall Inscriptions in it . 1. Francis Beaumont , 2. daughter , married to Sir Woolston Dyccy , of the County of Leicester , Knight . 2. Farnham Beaumont , 2. sonne , married Luce Dawes , of Dawson , in the County of Leicester . 3. Sir Henry Beaumont , Knight , eldest sonne , married Elizabeth , daughter of Sir William Turpin of Knaptoft , in the County of Leicester , Knight . 4. Thomas Bcaumont , 3. sonne , lives unmarried . 5. Anne Beaumont , third daughter , married to Sir Iohn Dillon , of Northamptonshire . 6. Iane Beaumont , 6. daughter , married to William Temple , of London , Merchant . 7. Elinor Beaumont , 4. daughter , lives unmarried . 8. Elizabeth Beaument , eldest daughter , married to Sir Iohn Ashbornham , of Ashbornham , in Sussex , Knight . 9. Isabel Beaumont , 5. daughter , married to Hugh Snasell , of the County of Yorke . 10. Mary Beaumont , 7. daughter , married to Richard paramoure , Esquire . In memory of the religious and vertuous Lady , Katharine Beaumont , late Widow of Sir Thomas Beaumont , of Stoughton , in the County of Leicester , Knight , Daughter and sole Heire of Thomas Farnham of Stoughton aforesaid , Esquire , who deceased on Ascention day , Anno 1621. leaving Issue then alive , as above written , three sonnes and seven daughters . This Table was set up out of the love and true affection of Elizabeth , Lady Ashbornham , Widdow , her eldest Daughter , Anno 1622. And Mary , one of the Daughters of the aforesaid Lady Ashboruham , was likewise buried in this Church , November 25. 1619. Botolph Algate . THis Church was repaired and beautified in the yeere of our Lord God , 1621. In the yeere of our Lord , 1633. all the ground through the Church , was new laid and levelled . In the doing of which , where before from the lower end of the Church to the upper end , it was all but one even floore , without any ascent or rising , they have made a faire ascent at the beginning of the Chancell ; and in that againe , at the place where they give the Communion : further gracing and inriching it with a faire new Table , and the whole Chancell with new Pewes , very decently wrought and disposed . A faire Monument upon a Pillar on the South side of the Chancell , over against the Pulpit the figure of the Gentleman for whom it was erected leaning upon a Deaths head . A Memoriall erected by the Right Worshipfull , the Company of Merchantaylors , for Robert Dove , Esquire , Citizen and Merchantaylor of London , Master of the same Company , and one of the Customers in the Port of London . Who gave in his life time 3528. li. 10. s. 8. d. to performe divers charitable deeds for ever , to divers poore Brethren of the same Company , and other uses for the said Company , viz. To Christs Hospitall . To Saint Sepulchers Parish . To the two Compters . To Ludgate , and Newgate . To the poore of this Parish . To Saint Iohn Baptists Colledge in Oxford , and to Queene Elizabeths Hospitall at Bristoll , 2958. li. 10. s. 8. d. To the Company . 320. li. To Christ-Church Hospitall . 50. li. To Saint Sepulchers . 100. li. To Saint Iohns Colledge in Oxford . 100. li. To the City of Bristoll . He lived vertuously all his life time , and died in the true faith of our Lord Iesus , the second day of May , An. Dom. 1612. being full of dayes , at the age of 90. yeeres . His armes under him , Three Doves . Vpon a Marble Stone ( in the middle of this Church ) under the figure of a Deaths-head is this Inscription . Vnder this Marble stone , resteth in hope of a joyfull Resurrection , the bodies of two Sisters ; Elizabeth Roe , Wife to Iohn Roe , Mariner , who died the 16. day of Iuly 1625. And Sarah Stevens , Wife unto Iohn Stevens , Citizen and Cooke of London , who died the third of August , in the same yeere of our Lord , 1625. Botolph Bishopsgate . THe North wall of this Church , with the Roofe thereof , and the middle Roofe likewise were new built , and the Church begun to be repaired in the yeere of our Lord , 1617. Master Stephen Gosson , being then Parson . William Whitwell Dominicke Lomlie Churchwardens . The repaire of it , in pewing the Church thorowout , in painting , altering , adding , and ordering , to its greater conveniency and beauty , continued to the yeere 1620. in which it was fully finished . Samuel Fond Iohn Day Churchwardens . The charge of it amounting to 600. li. and upward . A Monument on the South side of the middle I le , with this Inscription . Hugo Wicksteed , Filius Hugonis Wicksteed , nuper Civis & Mercatoris Scissoris London , & Aliciae Vxoris ejus , hoc Monumentum , & lapidem inferius positum , Parentibus suis , & sibi ipsi dicatum , ultimo Testamento suo curavit fieri : Fuit Iuvenis egregiae indolis , Mira suavitate morum preditus , erga deum & parentes summè pius , Flore Iuventutis suae Arreptus , magnum dolorem amicis Reliquit . Quis non , qui novit juvenem , sua funera deflet ? Terra tegit corpus , Spiritus astra tenet . Obiit vicesimo septimo die Augusti , Anno Dem. 1625. & aetatis suae , vicesimo primo . Gualterus Stonus hanc Inscriptionem amici sui dilectissimi Memoriae consecravit . Dunstans West . IT is since this Church was repaired 20. yeeres , yet though so long , it hath more of that beauty still , and still remaines fresher and fairer than many other Churches , that halfe so much time hath not wrought upon . And yet , as I am informed ( which is more to the businesse in hand ) It is shortly againe to bee repaired , richly and very worthily beautified . A faire Table in Glasse , upon a Pallar in the middle I le , thus written on . The comfortable farewell of a young Infant , sighed out in his dying sicknesse , to his mournefull Parents . Let not my Father greeve , or Mother moane , That I this wretched world have soone forgone , Better I dye before I doe amisse , Than live to sinne , and be berest of blisse ; All I can now be charg'd with at the Tribunall Throne , Is sinne originall , for actuall I have none : And that I know my Saviour with his blood Hath washt away , and made my badnesse good . And cause I know ( though knowledge I have small ) That Iesus Christ did dye to save us all , I passe with joy , in Heaven to meet my King , With Angels and Archangels there to sing . Then Father mourne , and Mother weepe no more , I now dye rich , that might have liv'd but poore ; For had I progrest unto mans estate , It is not certaine what would be my sate : Whether a Crosse , or Blessing I should prove , Or merit Parents direfull hate , or love . For oft you see , how youths rebellious prankes Make sonnes ingrate , to those they owe most thankes : And might not I have beene amongst the number , Of those that doe their Parents states incumber ? Yes , yes , I might perhaps have beene a slave , And kil'd your hearts with care , and dig'd your grave . But now my silly Dove-like soule doth part , In peace of God , and love of Parents heart ; Sweet Innocence , my shield , I beare in hand , To guard me towards that most holy Land , Where Parents both , and Sister I shall see , In Gods appointed time triumphantly . Till when Adieu , sweet Parents , Jehovah calls away , My name is * Simon , and I must obey . Epitaphium . Young Simon up to Sion is ascended , His best life is begunne , his worst being ended . A faire Albaster Monument at the upper end of the South I le , with this Inscription . Hîc requiescunt ossa Roberti Houghton , Militis , unius Iusticiariorum Dom. Iacobi nuper Regis ad placita coram Dom. Rege tenenda Asig . Qui natus est apud Gunthorpe , in Comitatu Norfolciae tertio die Augusti , Anno Dom. 1548. & ex hac vita Migravit infra hanc parochiam sexto die Februarii , Anno Dom. 1623. ex Maria Vxore Filia Roberti Rychers de Woortham , in Comitatu Cantiae Armigeri , tres suscepit Filios , totidemque Filias , ex quibus ( Roberto & Susanna in vita ejus extinctis ) Franciscus , Iohannes , Elizabetha , & Maria , tempore mortis suae , dei favore fucre superstites . A very faire Monument on the North side of the South I le , at the upper end , with this Inscription . M. S. Nicholai Hare ▪ Viri morum suavitate & elegantia , animi candore & magnitudine , ingenii denique Acumine & judicii gravitate Incomparabilis : Disciplinarum & Linguarum , tam quae ad Artes , quam quae ad Aulas spectant cognitione ornatissimi , cujus Egregias & Raras Animi dotes , Anglia , Belgia , Gallia , ipsaque Italia jamdudum suspexêre & stupuêre : Qui desiderio sui apud amicos , omnesque bonos relicto obiit , Eheu nondum quadragenarius , Anno M. DC . XXI . Iohannes Harvy , Amico dulciss● . & B. M. in perpetuam grati animi memoriam P. Magnificentius positurus si ei suam ipsius pietatem magis quam amici voluntatem exequi licuisset . Vale anima candidissima , vale tuorum quos dolore & luctu conficis Aeternum desiderium , vale Patriae & seculi summum ornamentum . A faire Monument in the South I le , on the wall , under the Monument of one Cuthbert Fetherstone . Before this Pew doore , next to the body of the above named Cuthbert Fetherstone , lyeth his beloved Wife , Katharine Fetherstone , who as they piously lived in Wedlocke forty odde yeeres together , so at their deaths they desired to bee interred together , not doubting at the generall Resurrection , through Christs merits , to rise together , and for ever in Heaven to live together . Obiit Novemb. 1622. Aetatis 85. And this in part they doe attaine , Who by their deaths new lives doe gaine . Corpus moritur per poenam , resurgit per gloriam , Anima moritur per culpam , resurgit per gratiam . A Table with a faire Coat Armes , encompast with a Wreath of Lawrell , upon a Pillar in the Chancell , over against the Vestrey , thus inscribed . In this faire fragrant maiden moneth of May , When earth her Flowre . embroydery doth display , Iane Watson , one of Vertues flowers most faire , For Beauty , Wit , and Worth , a Primrose rare , Adorn'd this Earth , changing earths marriage bed , To joyne her Virgin soule to Christ her head . A faire Monument over the Vestrey doore in the Chancell , with this Inscription . In memory of the Honourable , and Vertuous , Margaret Talbot , Widdow , who deceased the 31. of March , 1620. By this small Statue ( Reader ) is but showne , That she was buried here , but hadst thou knowne The Piety , and Vertues of her minde , Thou wouldst have said , Why was she not enshri'nd ? Both Veres and Windsors best blood fil'd her veines , She matcht with Talbot , yet their noble straines Were farre below her Vertue , in whose breast , God had infus'd his graces 'bove the rest , Of all her Sex , whose sacred course of life , Both in the State of Widow , Maid , and Wife For each she had beene , though her latter dayes Chaste widow-hood crown'd , to her immortall praise , Was so immaculate , she deserves to be The Crystall mirrour to posterity . More honour hast thou by her buriall here , Dunston , than to thee chanc'd this many a yeere ; Earth from her Coffin heave thy ponderous stones , And for thy sacredst relique keepe her bones : Since , spite of envy , it cannot be deni'd , Saint-like she liv'd , and like a Saint she di'd . A Table hanging upon a Pillar , in the middle row of Pewes , with this Inscription . On the death of the Discreet and Vertuous , Mistresse Mary Davies , daughter of Thomas Croft , of Okley-Parke , in the County of Salop , Esquire , and Wife of Iohn Davies of Hereford , she died on New-yeeres day , 1612. Here lies her dust , who in a span of life , Compast the vertue of the worthiest Wife : If oddes therebe ( well measur'd ) t will be found , She more acquir'd ; so her bright stocke renown'd : And to those Wives that glory most doe gaine , She was a mirrour that no breath could staine . Though she a Female were , her judgement was , To truest Masculines a truer Glasse : For she by Nature , Grace , and Wisdome too , Shew'd by a Woman , what best men should doe In their best actions : for she acted nought That came not from a grave and gracious thought . But Nature ( though familiar , yet most strange , Shewing how much she doth delight in change , In thousand fashions doth her selfe array ) Permits nought heere to stand at constant stay . And Time and Death with her therein conspire , Else had these Ashes still held vitall fire . But these just lines , in Time and Deaths despight , Shall leade all times to doe her vertue right . A good name is better than a good Oyntment , and the day of death , than the day that one is borne , Eccles . 7. 3. Queene Elizabeths Monument . Here lies her Type , who was of late , The prop of Belgia , stay of France . Spaines foile , Faiths shield , and Queene of Of Armes , of Learning , Fate , and Chance : In briefe , of Women ne re was seene , So great a Prince , so good a Queene . Sith Vertue Her immortall made , Death ( envying all that cannot dye ) Her earthy parts did so invade , As in it wrackt selfe Majesty . But so her Spirit inspir'd her Parts , That she still lives in loyall hearts . Many Daughters have done well , but thou excellest them all . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , I have kept the faith . From henceforth is laid up for me a Crowne of Righteousnesse , which the Lord , the righteous Iudge shall give mee at that day ; and not me onely , but to them also that love his appearing , 2 Tim. 4. 7 , 8. George Southwarke . A Very faire Window in the North I le , with the Armes and summes of all such Companies as were bountifull Benefactors towards the great repaire of this faire Parish Church of Saint George . Mercers 20. li. Grocers 15. li. Drapers 10. li. Fishmongers 26. li. 13. s. 4. d. Goldsmithes 3. li. Skinners 6. li. 13. s. 4. d. Merchantaylors 15. li. Haberdashers 10. li. Salters 5. li. Ironmongers 6. li. 13. s. 4. d. Vintners 5. li. Clothworkers 13. li. Dyers 2. li. Brewers 5. li. Leathersellers 5. li. Pewterers 3. li. Wax-Chandlers 4. li. Tallow-Chandlers 2. li. Girdlers 2. li. 10. s. Sadlers 2. li. Cordwainers 5. li. The summe is 166. li. 10. s. Vnder these this Inscription . This Church , Steeple , and Gallery , was repaired , new Pewed , and beautified , and the South I le inlarged by the Parishioners , with the assistance of these , and other good Benefactors , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1629. Twigden Masters Thomas Cooke Launcelot Hobson Churchwardens . The enlargement of the South Ile ( above named ) is above halfe the length of the I le . The ground of it , from that small part of an I le to which it was then adjoyned ( downeward ) taken out of the Churchyard , making a compleat I le , and adding to the Church , as a great deale of roome , so a great deale of grace and beauty . In a Window next to this downeward , is the Armes of one Master Thomas Stone , at whose charge it was glazed . The upper Window of the South I le , is thus inscribed : The Armes of Iohn Wyndell , Citizen and Fishmonger of London , a good Benefactor to this Parish . There adjoynes to this Window , the Armes of the Worshipfull Company of the Fishmongers , very artfully carved in Wood , and under them a very faire large Pew , with two long Seats , one for the Men , the other for the Women-Almes-folke of Saint Peters Hospitall , the Fishmongers Hospitall , or Almes-house at Newington , situate and being in this Parish . Next to this downeward , is a Window with a very faire Coate , but no name , the Motto , Sed Sanguine . Next to this another , with the Armes of one Master Robert Shaw , to this Church a good Benefactor . Next to this another , with the Armes of one Master Lionell Bennet , to this Church a good Benefactor . A very faire Table , with a rich Coate Armes , hanging on the South side of the Chancell , with this Inscription . Here lyeth the body of Elizabeth , the Daughter of Walter Spendelew , Gentleman , and Ione Trussell his Wife ; she departed this life in the faith of Christ the 7. of November , Anno 1625. Vpon a Marble Stone in the Chancell , neere the Communion Table , is this Inscription . Here under lyeth the body of Etheldred Reynell , Daughter and sole Heire to Sir Edward Peacocke , of Finchley , Knight , Wife to Sir George Reynell , Marshall of the Kings Bench , by whom he had Issue three sonnes and three daughters : She departed the 11. day of September 1618. in the 34. yeere of her age . Modest , Humble , Godly , Wife , Pity ever in her eyes , Patience ever in her breast , Great in Good , in Evill least , Loving Wife , and Mother deare , Such she was that now lies heare . Vpon another Stone close to the former , is this Inscription . Sub hoc lapide , inhumatur corpus Iohannis Iones , qui migravit è vita quinto die Februarii , Anno 1600. Hîc genitor situs es , consumpto corpore letho , At Coelis puro mente manente Deo. Giles Cripplegate . HOw this Church , any thing in or about it ( either for necessity or beauty ) hath from time to time beene kept , supplyed , and maintained , all men that know it know ; to the perpetuall credit and commends of those worthy Gentlemen , to whom , in their severall times and succession , the charge of it hath beene committed . But to leave this generall commends , and come to some particulars , with their times , but a little time past , wee begin with the yeere 1623. In which all the Roofe over the Chancell , was on the outside repaired , and in the inside very curiously clouded . To the further grace and ornament of this Chancell , there was added in the same yeere , the cost of a very faire Table of the Commandements , and with these the Church ( then ) was thorowout very worthily beautified . In the yeeres of our Lord God , 1624. and 1626. the two side Galleries were built , both very faire and spacious . In the yeere of our Lord , 1629. the Steeple very much decayed , was repaired , all the foure Spires ( standing in foure Towers at the corners of it ) taken downe , with new and very substantiall Timber-worke re-built , and with the Lead new cast new covered ; every one of these Spires inlarged somewhat in the compasse , a great deale in height , but most in their stately , eminent , and gracefull appearance . In the midst of these , where there was none before ( gracing and being graced by them ) was a very faire Turret erected ; the head of it ( which much overpeeres those Spires ) covered with Lead , as also the props that support it : This , and the Spires , having every one a Crosse , with very faire Vanes upon them . The charge of all this I could not certainly get , and would not uncertainly speake it : But the greanesse of the things speake the cost to be great , all being the sole charge of the Parishioners . A very faire Table , with a rich Coat Armes hanging upon a Pillar in the middle I le , about it this Inscription . The sacred corps of Sarah , Wife of Henry Goodericke , daughter of William Bodenham , Knight , was interred at the South end of this seat , towards the Pulpit . Within it thus : Buried the 6. of Iune , Anno 1616. The Bearers sorrow , sable Lions shew , Like to that Lion which did overthrow The man of God : And charg'd alike , doe stand , Grand Guardants here , to checke the upheav'd hand , Vnweeting wights , or ignorant , shall lay Vpon her hallowed corps , that here did pray . A sacred Temple 't was , wherein did shine Her Makers glory , Humane and Divine : Sweet commerce sanctified with zeale , mov'd there In Beauties Fabricke , it s owne proper spheare , For which it towers above the sight of eye , Gods Temples must lie low that tower so high . Vnder two hands joyn'd , one out of a Cloud , the other out of a Globe , these words : Till then , Farewell . Vpon a very faire Marble Stone , in the South I le , is this Inscription . Here lyeth buried the body of Ellen Monyns , who died the 29. of Aprill , in the yeere of our Lord 1632. Here also lyeth buried the body of her Sister , Mistresse Frances Monyns , who died the 17. of Iune in the same yeere . They were the Daughters of Sir William Monyns , of Waldershaw , in the County of Kent , Baronet , and of the Lady Iane his Wife , the Daughter of Roger Twisden , of Roydon Hall , in the same County , Esquire . They lived Religious and Vertuous lives , and in their youths departed this life in the true faith of Iesus Christ . Olaves Southwarke . THis Church was repaired and beautified at the cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1617. Edward Candish Benjamin Fry William Hundman Richard Clearke Churchwardens . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Monumentum Elizabethae . I have fought a good fight , I have finished my course , I have kept the faith . From henceforth is laid up for me a Crowne of Righteousnesse , which the Lord , the righteous Iudge shall give mee at that day ; and not me onely , but to them also that love his appearing , 2 Tim. 4. 7 , 8. All the Monuments here being very ancient , are to bee turned to before , in the Church as it stands in its Ward , which you may finde at folio 457. Saviours Southwarke . VPon this spacious and specious Church ( for well it deserves those Epithites ) we look backward twenty yeeres or thereupon , at which time it was in many parts of it repaired , and within thorowout richly and very worthily beautified . About two or three yeeres after , that Gallery that is over that part of the Church that is called Saint PETERS Chappell , and that that is over against it , as also that Gallery that crosses the middle I le , over the entrance into the Chancell ( much gracing the Church , and supplying a great necessity ) were worthily contrived and erected . In the yeeres of our Lord God , 1621. and 1622. it was againe in many parts of it repaired ; all the North side of it ( at once ) strengthened and beautified , with a substantiall and very artificiall Rough-cast , the other side Plaistered and Whited . Among many rich and beautifull things that have beene added to this Church at divers times , and to severall parts and places , some of a generall cost , and some of particular bounties ( for some reserved causes omitted ) we here only remember that extraordinary faire and curious Table of the Commandements , and the Screene at the West doore , set up in the yeere of our Lord God , 1618. But passing all these , somewhat now of that part of this Church above the Chancell , that in former times was called , Our Ladies Chappell . It is now called , The new Chappell ; and indeed , though very old , it now may be cal'd a new one , because newly redeemed from such use and imployment , as in respect of that it was built to , Divine and Religious duties , may very well be branded , with the stile of wretched , base , and unworthy , for that that before this abuse , was ( and is now ) a faire & beautifull Chappell , by those that were then the Corporation ( which is a body consisting of 30. Vestry men , sixe of those thirty , Churchwardens ) was leased and let out , and this House of God made a Bake-house . Two very faire doores , that from the two side Iles of the Chancell of this Church , and two that thorow the head of the Chancell ( as at this day they doe againe ) went into it , were lath't , daub'd , and dam d up : the faire Pillars were ordinary posts , against which they piled Billets and Bavens ; in this place they had their Ovens , in that a Bolting-place , in that their Kneading-trough , in another ( I have heard ) a Hogs-trough ; for the words that were given mee were these , This place have I knowne a Hog-stie , in another a Store-house , to store up their hoorded Meale : and in all of it , something of this sordid kind & condition . It was first let by the Corporation afore named , to one 〈…〉 Wyat , after him to one 〈…〉 Peacocke , after him to one 〈…〉 Cleybrooke , and last to one 〈…〉 Wilson ; all Bakers , and this Chappell still imployed in the way of their Trade , a Bake-house , though some part of this Bake-house was sometime turned into a Starch-house . The time of the continuance of it in this kind , from the first letting of it to Wyat , to the restoring of it againe to the Church , was threescore and some odde yeeres , in the yeere of our Lord God 1624. for in this yeere the ruines and blasted estate that the old Corporation sold it to , were by the Corporation of this time , repaired , renewed , well , and very worthily beautified : the charge of it for that yeere , with many things done to it since , arising to two hundred pounds . This , as all the former Repaires , being the sole cost and charge of the Parishioners . One I le in this Chappell , was paved at the onely cost of one Master Iohn Hayman , Taylor , and Merchantaylor , in the yeere 1625. A faire Monument on the North wall of the new Chappell , with this Inscription . Donec redeat Dominus Iesus Christus Subest quod Reliquum Iohannis Morton , in Artibus Magistri , qui cum singulare cum pietatis , tum eruditionis exhibuerat specimen , Literatam juventutis Ambitionem Gemens , unicique salvatoris Iesu Christi adventum anhelans , expiravit die 17. Septem . Anno salutis 1631. Annum aetatis agens 25. V. M. Graecis Musis lugentibus . In the same Chappell and I le , upon à Grave-stone is thus written . Not twice ten yeeres of age , a weary breath , Have I exchanged for a happy death ; My course so short , the longer is my rest , God takes them soonest whom he loveth best : For he that 's borne to day , and dies to morrow , Loseth some dayes of rest , but more of sorrow . Here lies buried the body of Iohn Buckland , Glover , 1625. Who deceased the 16. of August . Vpon a faire stone close to this , under the Grocers Armes , is this Inscription . Garret , some cal'd him , but that was too hye , His name is Garrard , who now here doth lye ; He in his youth was toss'd with many a wave , But now at Port ariv'd , rests in his grave . The Church he did frequent while he had breath , And wisht to lye therein after his death . Weepe not for him , since he is gone before To Heaven , where Grocers there are many more . In the same I le , upon a faire Marble stone , with the Merchantaylors Armes at the head of it , is this Inscription . This Stone was laid , and this I le was paved , by Iohn Hayman , Taylor , and Merchantaylor , the 28. of October , 1625. Next to this , upon a brasse plate , is this Inscription . Here lyeth the body of Alice Dudson , the Wife of Thomas Dudson , who departed this life the 14. of October , 1626. who sometime did dwell in this Parish , but died in Saint Georges Parish . All these , with that rich and cosly Monument of the right Reverend Father in God , Launcelot Bishop of Winchester , are in this Chappell . Queene Elizabeths Monument . Elizabetha Regina . Saint Peters Church at Westminster , Her sacred body doth interre ; Her glorious soule with Angels sings , Her deeds live patternes here for Kings : Her love in every heart hath roome , This onely shadowes forth her Toome . Sepulchres Parish . Anno 1624. THere was expended this yeere extraordinary , about the new Vestry Window , in Masons worke , Glasiers worke , Iron worke , and other charge extraordinary , besides the usuall charges of repaires , 30. li. Anno 1625. In this yeere the ten North Church-Windowes were new built , and repaired , the charge whereof amounted to 86. li. 14. s. 7. d. Anno 1626. In this yeere the sixe Windowes on the East end , and South side of the Church , with the Water-tables , Battlements , and Buttresses , were new made and repaired , the Windowes new glazed , and the Walls pointed downe , which with some Plumbers worke and Pew worke , cost 105. li. 3. s. 10. d. Anno 1627. The charge of repaire of the Church Windowes at the West end , & South side of the Church and Porch , with the Battlements , Water-table , and Buttresses , and pointing downe the Walls , and other repaires this yeere within the Church , appeare by the accounts to have beene 169. li. 2. s. 8. d. Anno 1628. In making new Pewes in the Church , and Plumbers worke upon the Church , and in Glazing worke this yeere , expended extraordinary , besides other ordinary repaires , 40. li. Anno 1629. The new Pewes this yeere made in the Church and Chancell , the cleering of the Churchyard , and other reparations there , 55. li. 16. s. Anno 1630. The charge of taking downe , and new building of one of the great Pinacles of the Steeple this yeere , appeareth by the accounts and Bills examined , to be 139. li. 19. s. 4. d. Other Repaires done about the Church this yeere , in Plumbers worke upon the Steeple , and new Leading the Vestry , and making of new Pewes in the Church , 75. li. Anno 1631. The new casting of the fifth Bell , with the charge of Iron and Timber-worke , to the Bell-Founder , Bell-hanger , and Smith , paid 40. li. The Plumbers worke , and Carpenters worke , in strengthening and new Leading the Roofe over Saint Stephens Chappell , and other Repaires of the Church this yeere , appeareth by the accounts to be above 100. li. Annis 1632. & 1633. The three great Pinacles of the Steeple of the Church , with the Battlements , and Water-tables round about the same , repaired , built , and made up with vent and crest , in manner , forme , height , thicknesse , and all other respects answerable to that Pinacle which was there lately new made , with the taking and cutting out of the decayed stones , putting in new stone , working and pointing them downe , putting in new top stones , and three Vanes , answerable to the former Vane on the other Pinacle : the Masons work by composition , 140. li. the Vanes , Iron , and Lead-worke , 13. li. 6. s. 8. d. The new Leading and strengthening the Roofe in the North side of the Church thorowout with Lead and Timber worke , 115. li. Summa totalis expensarum Annis praedict . 1110. li. 3. s. 1. d. Thomas Southwarke . THE Steeple of this Church greatly decayed , was repaired , new Leaded ; from the ground to the top coated with a beautifull Rough-cast ; and inriched with a very faire Turret , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1663. At the same time the Parishioners bestowed upon the entrance into the Church , a new bricke Wall , with a doore in the middle of it , fit for so worthy passage . About foure or five yeeres since , some cost was bestowed upon the East Window ; and in the yeere of our Lord 1618. ( at the lower end of the Church ) a very handsome Gallery builded . A Table with this Inscription . 1632. The yeerely gift of foure pounds , given by Master Henry Smith , Esquire , to this Parish of Saint Thomas , hath beene dispended on the poore this yeere past in manner and forme following . In witnesse whereof , wee the Minister , Churchwardens , and Over-seers , have subscribed our names . Widdow stringfeyld , aged 95. yeeres , a Coat , with letters , cost xviij . s. 1. d. Dorochy Burket , aged 82. yeeres , a Coat , with letters , cost xviij . s. iiij . d. Thomas Wingfield , aged 61. yeeres , a Coat , with letters , cost xvij . s. x. d. Nicholas Leeke , aged 70. yeeres , a Coat , with letters , cost vij . s. x. d. Ellen Gray , Innocent , aged 34. yeeres , a Coat , with letters , cost xviij . s. The summe 4. li. Benjamin Spencer , Minister . William Phife Nicholas Eliot Churchwardens . Iohn Berry Gamaliel Voyce Sidemen . Trinity Minories . THis Church greatly decayed in the Roofe , ( the Timber repaired and mended ) was new Tiled in the yeere of our Lord God , 1618. In the yeere 1620. the Steeple , that before ( as the Church ) was covered with Tyles , was untyled , and ( the Timber repaired and strengthened ) was covered againe with Lead . In the yeere 1628. all the inside of the Church was well and very commendably beautified . Also in the yeere 1623. the Church-yard , that before was onely paled in with Boords , was ( to the better defence and grace of it ) encompast about with Bricke , with a very handsome entrance into it . This , as all the Repaires before named , being the sole cost and charge of the Parishioners . A handsome Monument on the North wall of the Chancell , with these following lines . Death first did strike Sir Iohn , here tomb'd in Clay , And then inforc'd his sonne to follow fast ; Of Pelhams line , this Knight was chiefe and stay : By this behold , all flesh must die at last . But Bletsow Lord , thy Sister most may mone , Both Mate and Sonne hath left her here alone . Sir Iohn Pelham died the 13. of October , 1580. Oliver Pelham his sonne , died the 19. of Ianuary , 1584. About a faire Marble stone in the Chancell , close by the Communion Table , are these words . Constantia Lucy , D. Thomae Lucy Iunioris , Militis Aurati , & D. Constantiae Vxoris Foeminae Filia , Natu maxima , Annum agens plus minus undecimum , pridie Idus Februarii in Domino , quam Foelicissimè , hîc posita , fato fungitur , Anno Dom. 1596. Vpon it these : Nascimur & Morimur , non exorabile fatum , Vita fugax , fragilis , lubrica , vana , brevis . Ocyus in Campis , flos Formosissimus aret : Optima praetereunt , deteriora manent . Rapta immaturo fato , Constantia Lucy , Nunc jacet : & quondam Lucida , luce caret . Ante annos Constans , humilis , mansueta , modesta , Dixeris , & Paphia membra polita manu . In vere aetatis , persensit frigora Brumae : Sic sic praepro●erè praeoquapoma cadunt . On another Stone , neerè unto the last , is this Inscription . Hîc jacet corpus Irausis Mar●un . Generosi , qui obiit 14. die Septemh . Anno Dom. 1606. Haec verba soepissime in ore illius viventis : O Domine secundum merit a mea , Noli me judicare . Deprecor Majestatem tuam ut misericorditer deleas iniquitates meas . Credo videre hona Domini , in Terra viventium . In the body of the Church , is a Monument with this Inscription . Vivere Cornices multos dicuntur in Annos : Cur nos Angusta conditione sumus . The figure of a Child . Henricus Nowelus , Filius D. Iohannis Noweli Doctoris Medici , optimae indolis puerulus , unicum patris solatium , Natus 23. Iulii , 1598. & mortuus ex Atrophia 4. Augusti , 1599. Hîc sepultusjacet . Melioribus utere fatis . A Review also of the nine out Parishes in Middlesex and Surrey . Clement Danes . THe care of those that by an Annual succession , have the charge and over-sight of this Church , hath continually beene such , as upon the least defect or failing , either in strength or beauty , it hath instantly beene imployed , both in Repaires and Adornment . And first we beginne with that great costly repaire in the yeere of our Lord God , 1608. at which time , upon sixe and twenty foot of the Churchyard in length , and twenty foot in breadth ( taken in at the East end of the Church ) they built up a very faire Chancell . The charge of this building and repairing , amounting to the summe of 1000. pounds , and upward . In the yeere of our Lord , 1616. there was laid out upon the Steeple , in repairing and inlarging of it , with some other needfull things in the Church , the summe of 496. li. In the yeere of our Lord God , 1631. some parts of this Church were againe repaired , and the whole body covered with a faire and beautifull Rough-cast , the charge of it 40. li. In the yeere 1632. and this present yeere 1633. this Church was within , thorowout richly and very worthily beautified . The charge of it 50. li. The summe of all these Repaires , all being the sole cost of the Parishioners , 1586. li. A faire Monument in the Chancell , on the North side , at the upper end , with this Incription . Georgii Roberti Wilelmi Christopheri Annae More de Lothesley Equit : Aurat : Filiae . Soror : Nept : Pronep : Foeminae Lectissimae , Dilectissimaeque , Conjugi Charissimae Castissimaeque , Matri Piissimae Indulgentissimaeque , XV. Annis in Conjugio Transactis , VII . post XII . partum ( quorum VII . superstant ) dies Immani Febre Correptae ( Quod hoc saxum Fari jussit , ●pse prae dolore infans ) Maritus ( miserrimum dictu ) olim Charae Charus Cineribus Cineres spondet suos , Novo Matrimonio ( Annuat deus ) Hoc loco sociandos , Ioannes Donne , Sacr. Theolog. Profess . Secessit , Anno XXIII . Aetat . suae & sui Iesu CIO . DC . XVII . Aug. XV. A faire Monument over against this , on the South side , with this Inscription . Viro praeclaris : Animi Corporisque dotibus ornate . Qui in Angelicani juris studio Foeliciss . versatus , Iuriscons . munere , quod Iure optimo obtinuit , intermisso , Officiis in Curia Cancellariae , cum examinatoris , per integros 17. annos , tum sex Clericorum unius , per menses quosdam fatales integerrimè perfunctus est : vitâ Londini in hoc vico ( ubi & natus ) Majori expartetransactâ , die Apr. 26. Anno Dem. 1610. Aetatis 51. defuncto , scil . Animâ Christo , Corpore hîc humo traditis , relictoque sui desiderio , non sine multis multorum lachrymis . Maria ipsi superstes vidua Thomae Oneli Filia , de Charleton , in Northantonensi quondam Agro Armigeri , Fidissima conjux Charissimo Marito , Quî cum ad Annos ferè 25. Conjunctissime vizerat , Amoris inviolati perpetuum posteris Testimonium , nec sibi minus lugubre , hoc posuit Monumentum . A very faire Monument neere unto the other , with this Inscription . Memoriae Sacrum . Here lieth the body of Hippocrates de Otthen , Nobly descended from the Noble Family of the Otthens , out of Holsatia , Doctor of Physicke in the Vniversity of Monutpelliers , in France , and most worthily incorporated in the Vniversity of Oxford . After his first comming into England with his Father ( who was the Emperours Physician , and sent for over by Queene Elizabeth ) he was desired by the Earle of Lecester himselfe , to pertaine unto him , in whose service ( for many yeeres , both at home , and abroad in the Low-countries , with his Lord ) he performed such worthy parts , as well in his owne faculty , as being imployed in other laudable services , that her Majesty and the State tooke especiall note of his worth . After the decease of the Earle , hee was in the same esteeme and regard with the Earle of Essex , and by her Majesty commanded to attend upon him in the wars of France , and afterwards in his prosperous Voyage to Cadiz . Returning home ( hoping to retire himselfe to his owne Practice , and a more private life ) hee was againe commanded to goe ( as Physician in service into Ireland ) with the Lord Montjoy ( afterwards Earle of Devonshire ) her Majesties Leiutenant in that Kingdome . But returning againe into England with his Lord , in the beginning of his Majesties Reigne , he continued not long , but went as Physician with the Earle of Hartford , his Majesties Ambassadour unto the Arch-Duke of Austria and Burgundi , in that Honourable imployment : And so returning againe into England , hee spent the residue of his yeeres with his deare and most vertuous Wife , Mistresse Dorothy Drew , daughter to Master Roger Drew , of Densworth , in Sussex , Esquire , in great blisse and happinesse : And being a most zealous and penitent Christian , full of yeeres , and ( unto his last gaspe ) of perfect Memory , hee ended his pilgrimage here on earth , and with alacrity of spirit surrendred his soule into the hands of his Creator , the 13. of November 1611. For whose love and memory , his late Wife ( the now Lady and Wife unto Sir Stephen Thorneburst of Kent , the most worthy and valerous Knight ) hath caused this Monument to bee erected , Amoris ergo P. P. Next to this another handsome small Monument , with this Inscription . Anne , the Daughter of Francis Cary , Wife of Hugh Prust of Devon , 17. yeeres , aged 40. havig by him 9. Children , was buried here the 13. of February 1627. In Life and Death , most strict in right accord , She liv'd , she di'd true Servant of the Lord. A faire Monument on the South side of the Chancell , with this Inscription . By the Churchwardens and Feofees of this Parish , this Monument was set up , the 20. of Ianuary , 1603. Here lieth buried the bodies of Richard Bedoe , Gentleman , and Anne his first Wife , one of the ancientest of this Parish , and a Feosee of the poore , who ended his life with a charitable disposition , the first day of September 1603. Annoque Regni Regis Iacobi , &c. primo . Being when he died of the age of 56. yeeres , and was borne in the Parish of Ricken , in Salop , who of their Charity , have given so many of their Tenements within the Dukes place in Cree-Church , alias Christs-Church , neere Algate , London , as do now go for 20. li. per Annum , to the maintenance and use of the poore of this Parish for ever . And also 110. li. to be lent gratis to 50. poore Housholders , and young beginners of the same Parish , for two yeeres a piece , putting in good security for the same : With condition , that this Stone , by the Churchwardens and Feofees of the same Parish for the time being , shall from time to time for ever be maintained ; and foure Sermons yeerely for ever to bee made , on the Feast-dayes of All-Saints , the Purification of our Lady , the Ascension of our Lord God , and Saint Iohn Baptist , to remember and give God thankes for the Givers thereof . God increase Charity unfeyned . Margaret Bedoe , last Wife of Richard Bedoe , gave by her last Will , in the yeere 1633. the summe of twenty pounds to bee added to her Husbands gift of a hundred pounds , and so to bee imployed and disposed of , as her Husbands now is , the Preacher foure times a yeere , mentioning her gift with his , according to her Will , or else her gift to be void . A very faire Monument on the North side of the Chancell , with this Inscription . M. S. Nobilissimo juveni Wolfgango Balthâsari à Crailsheim , ex Antiqua & clara Familia in Franconia , cum in Sereniss . Frederici V. Electoris Palatini Comitatu huc in Angliam profectus & morbo Correptus , piè diem obiisset 29. Ian. Anni 1612. Hoc Monumentum positum fuit . A faire Monument at the upper end of the South I le , with this Inscription . Vnto the Memory of Richard Iacob , late Vintener , deceased , who after 66. yeres of his life , whereof he spent more than halfe in this Parish , wherein he had with good credit passed through all Offices , both in the Parish , as also in his Company , and for his Fidelity was elected one of the Governours of Bridewell , and likewise done many charitable Acts , both to the Parish , to his Hall , to the Hospitall of Bridewell , Christs-Church , Saint Bartholomewes , and Saint Thomas in Southwarke , to divers persons in London , and Southwarke , and many other places , comfortably gave up his soule to his Redeemer , the 13. of October 1612. Sibil his mournefull Wife , hath caused this Monument to be erected . On the same wall downeward , another faire Monument , with this Inscription . This Monument was made at the only charges of Katharine Metcalfe of Bedale , in the County of Yorke , Widdow , Mother to the hereunder named Thomas and Nicholas , and Executrix to the said Nicholas , the 28. of May , Anno Dom. 1583. Memento Mori . Here against this place lyeth buried the body of Thomas Metcalfe , late of Bellerby , in the County of Yorke , Gentleman , who died the 18. day of May , 1575. And also the body of Nicholas Metcalfe , Esquire , late one of the six Clerkes of the Chancery , and Brother to the said Thomas , who died the 8. day of September , Anno Dom. 1581. To whom God granta joyfull Resurrection , Amen . A faire Table in Glasse , hanging close by the Pulpit , with this Inscription . S. Memoriae Virg. Helenae Moseley ex equestri Moseleyorum Familia oriundae , cujus Annos nubiles summa virtus at modestia merito Coronarunt , Correptae praematurâ morte , heu dies 17. Feb. Anno Christi , 1607. Supremus diluxit . Amoris ergo Moest . P. Q. A. A faire Monument on the North side , with this Inscription . Iussus Iohannes Painus concedere Fate , Paruit , & Moriens constitit ipse sibi : Nam cum animas Caelo deberi , corpora Terrae Sciret , utrique suum reddidit ipse lubens . Hinc animam ipsius sedes Aeterna beavit , Foelici jussam conditione frui . Corporis haec Domus est , Terreni Terrea moles ; Illa Dei , haec Fidi cura Nepotis erat . Anno Domini 1573. Aprilis 25. A very faire Monument in the same wall , neere unto the other , with this Inscription . Secundum Christi Redemptoris Adventum , hoc in tumulo , expectat Rogerus Houghton , antiqua Houghtonorum Familia , in Agro Lancastriensi oriundus , Qui quum illustrissimi viri Dom. Roberti Cecill Salisburiae Comitis & Angliae Magni Thesaurii per annos 42. Summa cum Fide & Industria Familia praefuissit , in Patriam Coelestem evocatus , placide pieque emigravit , Anno Dom. 1617. Aetatis 64. Charissimo viro Anna Conjux , filia Iohannis Little , Moestissima , hoc Monumentum in memoriam ejus & Filiolae , ac Mortuae , posuit . Vpon a faire Marble Stone in the middle I le , is this Inscription . Quam facit incertos humani temporis annos Addidit exemplo mors inimica novo . En Gulielmus erat teneris cui nomen ab annis Hac Saint albonus membra sepultus humo . Cujus non minimum mores meruere favorem , Regia in hoc plenus curia testis erit . Virtutis causa , comes Arundellius illum Qui summo studio persequeretur erat . Mitto quod assiduus fuerat virtutis amator , Quodque erat ex ortu stirps generosa suo . Membra sepulerali conduntur frigida lecto , Spiritus aethereis aestra petivit equis . William Saintalbone sleepes in rest , Within this Marble Stone , Whose corps in Clay , and soule well Deserves dispraise of none . He had such feats , so full of fruits , So prompt with word and pen , So skilfull in his courtly suits , So deare a friend to men . So ripe to rule the workes of fame , So tempering hot and cold , His deeds deserve that his good name Were siphered here in gold . Vpon a Stone in the middle I le , is this Inscription . Memoriae sacrum , & Deo opt . max. Sacrum . Secundum Christi Redemptoris adventum hoc in Tumulo expectat Rogerus Houghton , Antiqua Houghtonorum Familia in Agro Lancastrensi oriundus . Qui quum illustrissimi viri Domini Roberti Cecilii Sarisburiae Comitis , & Angliae Magni Thesaurarii , per annos 42. summa cum Fide & Industria familia praefuisset , in Patriam Coelestem evocatus , placide pieque emigravit . Anno Dom. 1617. Charissimo viro conjux Moestissimae Monumentum hoc , Amoris & observantiae causa posuit . On another Stone neere to the former is this Inscription . Here lieth buried the body of Elizabeth , late Wife of George Dalton , Esquire , who died the 2. day of Ianuary , 1605. and hath left Issue of her body to her Husband , Maximilian , and Thomas . Yea , though I should walke thorow the valley of the shadow of death , I will feare no evill , for thou art with me , the Rod and thy Staffe they comfort me . Iesus Christ is my light and my salvation , whom then shall I feare ? God is the strength of my life , of whom then shall I be afraid ? A faire Stone in the middle I le , neere the Chancell , having this Inscription . Bartinus Hes●rigg Armiger , Capitaneus Militiae Leicestrensis , hic sepultus est , qui obiit 4. Maii , Anno Dom. 1630. Aetatis suae 24. Another in the same I le , with this Inscription . Hic jacet Edmundus Arnold , postremus Aprilis Vlcere quem rapuit tristis atroxque dies , Istius Ecclesiae Rector Meritissimus olim , Et summus medica Doctor in Arte fuit , Non Ipocrate minor erat hic , non Peone , Doctor , Non opifex mirum vincis Apollo virum . M. D. deme ter X. semel V. Christi cadit Anno , Cui vitam Medicus det sine fine Deus . A handsome Monument on the Wall , in the South I le , with this Inscription . Here by lyeth buried the body of Edward Price , Gentleman , and of Edward his onely Sonne , who for the space of 24. yeeres , lived in this Parish , wherein God so blessed him , that of his good and charitable devotion , he hath given three pounds a yeere for ever out of his free Land , called the Blew Lyon in the said Parish , to be bestowed in Sea-coales , and to bee distributed freely to the poore by the Churchwardens . And also twenty pounds for ever to bee lent to two poore young Housholders gratis , from two yeeres to two yeeres , ten pounds apiece . He departed this life the 8. of March , 1605. On the same Tombe , under that above , is this written . This Tombe was erected at the charge of Elizabeth , the Wife of Henry Baten , Esquire , one of his Majesties Sergeants at Armes , and late Wife of Edward Price , deceased , who of her godly disposition , hath given 20. s. a yeere for ever to the Preacher of this Parish , to be paid out of her house called the three Cups , next adjoyning on the West side of the same Blew Lyon , onely that he shall make recitall hereof at two severall Sermons yeerely ; one on the Sunday before Christmas day , and the other on the Sunday before Midsummer day . And the said Elizabeth also , of her godly love and zeale to the Church , hath given a Flagon-Pot , silver and guilt , weighing 38. ounces and an halfe , for the service of the Communion Table , to remaine for ever ; and three pounds to the poore , to be distributed at her Funerall , and five pounds to the poore of Kniton in Derbyshore , where shee was borne . Shee departed the 10. of November , Anno 1616. A very faire Glasse Table , hanging on a Pillar in the South I le , in which there is the figure of a Gentlewoman all in blacke , with a guilt booke in her hand , laid as upon her Tombe : Over her head an Angell , over her at the feet , Death with a Dart and Houre-glasse . Over her , adjoyning to a very faire Coat , encompast with a Lawrell wreath , these words : Filius Ararhnes Cyllenii , Factor paterque Tanaquillae . Vnder her . Memoriae Sacrum Katherinae Brydges ( filiae & Haeredis Roberti Essington generosi , unius olim Guardianorum pontis London ) triplici jugo junctae : Primò Thomae Gwyn de London generoso , filio secundo Gulielmi Vaughan de Berain in Com. Denbighe , Armigeri , & Margaretae Gwin , Vxoris ejus , defunctorum , Cui unicum Foetum edidit ( Nimirum Edwardum Guyn , adhuc vitales Carpentem auras ) Secundo Gulielmo Forset Armigero : Postremo Guilielmo Bridges , interioris Templi London Armigero : Vitae sua virtute Clara , omnibusque naturae dotibus eximiè praedita . Cui ( post laudabilis vitae stadium , nitentemque in aulam migrationem ) E. G. defunctae proles , officiosa pietate ( ut decet ) Novissimum hoc Parentale Munusculums exolvit . Obiit 16. Maii , Anno a partu Virginis salutifero 1598. Annoque Aetatis suae 45. Giles in the Fields . BEfore I speake of this new Church , I must briefly say of the old , that indeed it was very old : and in the antiquity of it , stood now still in danger of falling : that some part of it did fall , foretelling the rest to follow , if not speedily prevented , by pulling it downe to Re-build it , which after a diligent search , the necessity found , was done . For this new Church , it beganne to be raised in the yeere of our Lord God , 1623. was finished 1625. and encompast with a faire bricke Wall in the yeere 1631. Which take more amply , in that absolute delivery of it , that I finde engraven over the doore on the North side of this Church , the words are these : Quod felix bonumque sit Posteris , Hoc Templum loco veteris ex Annosâ vetustate Collapsi , Mole & Splendore Auctum Multo paraecorum Charitas Instauravit , In quibus pientissimae Heroinae D. Aliciae Duddeley Munisicentia gratum marmoris hujus meretur eloquium . Huc etiam accessit aliorum quorundam pictas , Quibus provisae in Coelo sunt grates . Opus Surgere Coepit Ad umbilicos deductum Muro undiquaque vallatum Anno 1623 1625 1631 Heus Viator , an effaetum est bonis operibus hoc seculum ? To the raising , finishing , and ( in every part of it ) richly , and very excellently beautifying of this great worke , there were many good and great Benefactors : The names of all , with their particular gifts , my time gave not leave to compasse : neither for many of them , could any enquiry get them , they desiring to bee conceald , and by vertue of what they have done , obliging those that know them , not to divulge or reveale them . For the rich and costly Glazing of this Church , the Worke and Workemasters thus follow . A very rich and beautifull Window in the head of the Chancell , of foure severall Panes or Parts : In the first , the figure of Abraham sacrificing his Sonne : in the second , Moses with the Table of the Commandements : in the third , the figure of the holy Prophet David : in the fourth and last , Salomon . The inscription to the first is this : Credidit Abraham Deo , & reputatum est illi ad Iustitiam . Anno Dom. 1628. Of the second is this : Erat vir Moyses Mitissimus super omnes homines qui morabantur in terra . 1628. Of the third this : Solum medium tutum . 1627. Of the fourth this : Dum Spiro Spero . 1628. The first of these , was the charge of Abraham Speckart , Esquire . The second , of Hamo Claxton , Esquire . The third , of Sir Iohn Fenner , Knight . The fourth , of Frauncis Lord Mount-Norris . A very faire Window on the South side of the Chancell . At the top of it , Iehovah . Vnder the figures in it , Shelbery 1617. Shelbery and Wrothe . Domine misere nostri . A very faire Window on the North side of the Chancell : two faire Figures in it ; the one of the Virgin Mary , with Christ in her armes ; the other of Mary Magdalen . Vnder this Window lyeth buried , the body of Mary Pill , of this Parish ; which Window was set up at the charges of Mary Maudit , her daughter and Heire , 1629. Vnder the first thefe Verses : From Maries teares to Maries joy , This Mary is translated : And after threescore yeeres annoy , In Heaven she is instated . With this , she chose the better part , Never to be repented ; And held her Saviour in herart , Thus are her joyes augmented . Vnder the other these : This , sought her Saviour at his Tombe , His feet with Teares bedewed , That , bore our Saviour in her wombe , Whereby our joyes renewed . Then happy soule , thrice happy this , Happily interessed ; In Maries Teares , and Maries blisse , Rest thou for ever blessed . A very faire Window , with the Kings Armes in it , over the entrance into the Chancell , Glazed at the charge of Sir William Segar , Knight , alias Garter principall King of Armes , Anno Dom. 1626. A very faire Window at the upper end of the South I le , Glazed at the charges of Marmaduke Rawdon , Citizen and Clothworker of London , Anno Dom. 1625. Another next to this downeward , Glazed at the charge of Robert Rawdon , Citizen and Fishmonger of London , Anno Dom. 1625. Another next to this downeward , bearing the figure of a Lyon in the Wildernesse , Glazed at the charge of M. Iohn Iohnson , Inne-keeper , in High-Holborne , 1625. Another next to this downeward , having the Figures of Saint Iohn , Saint Philip , and Saint Matthew , Glazed at the cost and charges of Philip Parker . Next to this downeward , a very faire Window , Glazed at the charges of Katherine Best , Widdow , late Wife of Iohn Best , deceased , who gave order in his life time for the glazing of this Window and was buried there under , the 7. day of Aprill , 1625. And there lie also his Son Iames , and his Daughter Dorothy . Next to this downeward , a very faire Window , Glazed at the charges of Alice Hodges , Widdow , late Wife to Thomas Hodges , Baker , deceased , who was buried under this Window , the 6. day of October , 1625. And here lye also his three children . A faire Window next to this , the lowest in the South wall , Glazed at the cost of William Perkins , of London Merchantaylor , 1626. At the lower end of this I le , over the Southwest doore , a very faire Window , bearing in it ( very curiously done ) the Figure of our Saviour . Over his head , as in a garland supported by two Angels , these letters : I·H ✚ ·S· Round about him Clouds full of Cherubins . On one side of him this , I am the doore , by mee if any man enter in , he shall be saved , Ioh. 10. 9. On the other side , Come unto me all yee that labour and are heavy laden , and I will give you rest , Matth. 11. 28. Beckinghamus Boteler Armiger fieri fecis . Anno Domini 1627. Over the great West doore , is a faire Window , with the Carpenters Armes , and a faire Coat Armes close by it . This Window hath no name , or other Inscription ; It was ( as I was told ) the gift of a Stranger . One , that upon a day that they made a Collection for it , being there , was ( among the rest ) desired to bestow his good will , hee answered , Hee had no Money , but if the glasing of a Window , if they had any yet undisposed of , wouldbe accepted of , he would bee at the charge to doe it . The Collectors giving him thankes , and shewing this Window , he suddenly set a Glasier on worke , and what he had promised hee performed . A very faire Window at the head of the North I le , bearing the figure of Christ crucified as also ( one on the one side , the other on the other ) of the two Maries . On the right side of him this , Woman , Behold thy Sonne . On the left , Behold thy Mother . Glazed at the cost of Thomas Esto , Cooke , of this Parish , Anno Dom. 1625. Another next to this downeward , Glazed at the charges of Iohn Beacon , of the City of Westminster , Yeoman , 1625. Another next to this downeward , Glazed at the charges of Robert Iohnson , free of the Company of the Ioyners , 1625. A faire Window over the doore in the middle of the North I le , bearing a worthy Coat Armes , with these words : Whitaker & Egerton . This Window is divided into three parts , under the first this , Ego sum ostium , per me si quis introierit , servabitur , & ingredietur , & egredietur , & pascua inveniet . Ioh. 10. 9. Vnder the second thus : In tuo lumine ( Domine Iesu ) lumen Ae●ernum videre sperantes , vitreum hoc luminare fabricari fecerunt Laurentius & Margareta Whitaker , Anno salutis humanae 1625. Vnder the third thus : Eligo frequentare limen in domo Dei mei magis quam habitare in Tentoriis Improbitatis . Psal . 84. 11. A faire Window next to this downeward , bearing a very faire Coat Armes , with these words : Cope & Aston . Glazed at the charges of the Lady Katherine Cope , Widdow , late Wife to Sir Ed. Cope , of this Parish , 1625. A very rich Window next downward , divided into three parts , bearing the curious Figures of the three Theologicall Vertues , under them , Fides , Spes , Chaeritas . Vnder Faith this : Faith Root , Hope Stocke , the branch is Charity ; Faith sees , Hope lookes , for Charity is free ; Faith knits to God , to Heaven hope , Love to men ; Faith gets , Hope keepes , and Love poures out agen . 1626. Mandatum novum do vobis , ut diligatis unus alium , Ioh. 13. 34. Vnder Hope this : Tres Elohim : pater est primus qui procreat , inde Filius est , ex his Spiritus almus adest . Sunt Tria dona Dei : sit prima Fides pia Mater , Filia Spes , ex his ●ertius ortus Amor. 1626. Nam Speservati sumus , Spes autem si cernatur non est Spes : quod enim quis cernit , cur speret ? Rom. 8. 24. Vnder Charity this : Now remaine these three , Faith , Hope , Charity , but the greatest of these is Charity , 1 Cor. 13. 13. Scriptum est , Iustus ex Fide vivet , Rom. 1. 17. Next unto this downeward , the last of this North I le , is a plaine Window , without either colour or Inscription . Vpon a faire Grave-stone in the middle I le , is this Inscription . Here lyeth buried the body of Elizabeth , late Wife of Richard Maunsell , Esquire , one of the Daughters and Heires of Roger Wingfield , of great Dunham , in the County of Norfolke , Esquire . She departed this life upon the sixt of October , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1620. Vpon a faire Stone neere to the other , it this Inscription . Inter'd , the Corps of Baron Birch lies here , Of Greyes Inne sometime , by degree , Esquire ; In Chequer 18. yeeres a Iudge he was , Till soule from aged body his did passe . Alive his Wife Eliza doth remaine , Of Stydfolke stocke , one Sonne and Daughters twaine , She bare by him : the eldest in his life , He gave to Thomas Boyer for his Wife . His body sleepes till Angels Trumpe shall sound , God grant we all may ready then be found . Iohannes Birch , Obiit Anno Dom. 1581. Maii 30. Aetatis suae 66. On another Stone neere to the former , is this Inscription . Here lyeth buried the body of Elizabeth Byrche , Widdow , late Wife of Iohn Byrche , Esquire , and one of the Barons of her Majesties Court of the Exchequer , Daughter of Iohn Stydfolke , Esquire , who deceased the third day of December , 1588. Close by the former Lyeth buried the body of Iohn Densill , sometime Serjeant at Law , and Mary his Wife . In the same I le is a very faire Stone , which hath beene beautified with many faire Figures in Brasse : but much of it being gone , all we can see now of it is this : Here lieth George Carew , the fourth son of Sir Edmund Carew , &c. 1583. In the South Ile Eyes buried the body of Alexander Barnes , Vinter , sometime Church-warden of this Parrish , &c. Hee deceased the 4. of November , 1614. being of the age of 57. yeeres . Alexander Barnes here doth lye , Glory bee to God on high , For he on earth hath finished his dayes , And now liveth in Heaven to give God praise . And now having done with the Chruch , we beginne in the Church-yard with this Inscription , standing in the middle of the South wall . Laus Deo. In cujus , & Christianae Sepulturae , honorem , nimis arcti olim Coemeterii fines , novi hujus , 128. pedes longi , & 17. lati , Donatione , Abrahamus Speckart , Arm. & Dorothea Vxor ejus Ampliarunt , Anno Dom. 1630. A very faire Tombe-stone in the Church-yard , about it these Verses . Thornton of Thornton , in Yorkeshire bred , Where lives the fame of Thorntons being dead : Full South this stone foure foot doth lye , His Father Iohn , and Grandsire Henry . Vpon it . Iohannes Thornton , in Memoria Charissimae Vxoris Margaretae , Filiae Georgii Collins , hujus parochiae sancti Aegidii in Campis , hoc Monumentum posuit . Vnder this sad Marble sleepes , Shee , for whom even Marble weepes : Her praise lives still , though here she lies Seeming dead that never dyes : Religion , Love , in suffering Breast , Her Charity , Mildnesse , and the rest , Hath crown's her soule ; all mourne with fame , Her Husbands losse , and Midwives blame . She died in Childbed , seventy times blest and seven , Her child and she deliver'd , both in Heaven . Obiit octavo die Ianuarii , Anno Dom. 1611. Aetatis suae 16. On a faire Stone in the Church-yard , is this Inscription . I·H ✚ ·S· Here under lyeth buried the body of Ioane Barker , late Wife of Richard Barker , 17. yeeres of this Parish , who deceased the last day of Iuly , Anno Dom. 1626. whom the Lord send a joyfull Resurrection . Expecta donec veniat . Vpon it thus : Honesta mors initium vitae . Turne againe then unto thy rest , O my soule , for the Lord hath rewarded thee ; and why ? thou hast delivered my soule from death , mine eyes from teares , and my feer from falling . I will walke before the Lord , in the land of the living . Psal . 116. This Stone was laid by her Husband Richard Barker , one of the Yeomen of the Guard to Queene Elizabeth and King Iames 30. yeeres , and now to King Charles . And was married to his late deceased Wife 20. yeeres and one moneth , and had seven children , wherof five live , Horatio , Anne , Elizabeth , Katherine , and Mary . Close by this lies buried the body of William Howe , Aprill 3. 1626. Also the body of Elizabeth Mason , Wife of Amos Mason , Curate of the Temple , Iuly 18. 1632. Of Iohn Cartwrite , Gentleman , August 13. 1620. Of Richard Bestibitch , sonne of Daniel Bestbitch . James at Clarkenwell . 1623. THere hath beene within these few yeeres a great sum of mony expended upon this Chruch , by the sad and lamentable accidents of twice the fall of the Steeple . Speaking of which , I should say , the first in such a yeere , such a moneth , such a day ; and as of that for the second : but my Information ( though given mee by a very good friend ) could by no meanes make me so punctuall . Howsoever , it was about the time afore dated ; and the second , within a little time after . The first falling of this Steeple ( or part of it ) was through the antiquity , or length of time it had stood , without any repaire or mending ; for ( as I have beene certified ) it hath had no cost , in that kinde , bestowed upon it , within the memory of any Parishioner living : neither among their Records can they finde any such thing mentioned . The second fall ( as some have suspected ) was either by the ignorance or dishonesty of the principall Workman , that for a certaine summe of money ( from the ruines of the first ) had undertaken to raise and rebuild it . Ignorance in not looking into the strength of that , upon which hee was to reare such a burthen ; Or dishonesty , in sleightly passing over ( for the speedier dispatch of his Taske ) a weaknesse upon which he knew ( or might suspect ) such an eminent danger to follow . How just the suspicion , I know not , but in the Re-building of this Steeple , before it was fully finished ( although almost upon the end of that labour ) it fell , with the Bells , their Carriages and Frames , beating a great part of the Roofe downe before them : the weight of all these together , bearing to the ground two large Pillars of the South I le , a faire Gallery over against the Pulpit , the Pulpit , all the Pewes , and whatsoever was under or neere it . But now ( as of all the rest ) let us speake of building , repairing , and beautifying , which briefly for this Chruch we doe thus : All those decayes and losses ( excepting the want of the Steeple which ( at the lower end of the South Ile ) is begun , and from the ground raised as high as the roofe of the Church ) are recovered and made whole againe : all the Walls of it firme and faire ; in the South wall a faire new doore : The Chruch , in the place of the old , furnished with all things new , and is without and within ( notwithstanding there is much still to doe ) well and very worthily beautified . The cost of all this amounting to ( or much upon ) 1400. pounds . It was thus finished in the yeere of our Lord , 1627. Vpon my very worthy Friend , Master Iohn Weaver , a learned Antiquary . Weaver , who laboured in a learned straine , To make men long since dead to live againe , And with expence of Oyle , and Inke , did watch , From the Wormes mouth the sleeping Course to snatch , Hath by his industry begot a way , Death ( who insidiates all things ) to betray , Redeeming freely by his care and cost , Many a sad Herse , which time long since gave lost ; And to forgotten dust such spirit did give , To make it in our memories to live . Where Death destroy'd when he had power to save , In that he did not seeke to rob the Grave , For where so e're a ruin'd Tombe he found , His Pen hath built it new out of the ground . 'Twixt Earth and Him this interchange we finde , Shee hath to him , he bin to her like kinde , Shee was his Mother , he ( agratefull Child ) Made her his Theme , in a large worke compil'd Of Funerall Reliques , and brave Structures rear'd , On such as seem'd unto her most indear'd . Alternately a Grave to him she lent , O're which his Booke remaines a Monument . Master Weaver upon himselfe . Lankashire gave me breath , And Cambridge education , Middlesex gave me death , And this Church my humation , And Christ to me hath given A place with him in Heaven . Obiit Anno Aetat . suae 56. For the ancient Monuments of this Church , turne to folio 484 , 485. Katherines Tower. THis Church was repaired , and within thorowout trimmed , and very commendably beautified , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1618. A very faire Gallery at the lower end of the Church , built in the yeere 1613. was ( with a great addition in the breadth of it ) inlarged in the yeere 1621. The Walls & outside of this Church was againe in many decayed places of it repaired , and all over cloathed in a faire and very beautifull Rough-cast , at the sole cost and charge of Sir Iulius Caesar , Knight , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1629. His charge being ( taken to be done by the great ) 250. li. About the same time , there was a very faire Clocke-house built at the West end of the Chruch , and some other things done . All before named , except that of Sir Iulius Caesar , being the proper cost and charge of the Inhabitants . Vpon the South wall in the Chancell , is this inscribed . The gift of Master Steven Scudamore , late Citizen and Vintener of London , deceased , 20 s. per Annum , to be bestowed in Fewell amongst the poore of this Precinct , at the discretion of the Collectors for the time being , Beganne the 20. day of December , Anno Dom. 1606. to bee continued unto them for ever . Neere unto the former is another Inscription , as followeth . The gift of Master Iohn Bourne , late Citizen and White-baker of London , being 5. li. per Annum , to be bestowed in Bread amongst the poore of this Precinct , Beganne the 10. day of May , Anno Dom. 1609. to be continued unto them for 40. yeeres following . On the same South Wall , this Monument done at the charges of William Beereblocke , Goldsmith , one of his Executors . Here dead in part , whose best part never dieth , A Benefactor , William Cutting lyeth : Not dead , if good deeds could keepe men alive , Nor all dead , since good deeds doe men revive . Gunvile and Kaies , his good deeds may record , And will , no doubt , him praise therefore afford : Saint Katherines eke , neere London , can it tell , Goldsmiths , & Merchantaylors , know it well : Two Country Townes his civill bounty blest , East Derham , and Norton-Fitzwarren West . More did he than this Table can unfold , The world his fame , this earth his earth doth hold . Leonards Shorditch . FOr the Repaires of this Church , Monuments , and Gifts , with the names of the bountifull Givers , and the like , turne to page 471 , 472 , and 473. Martins in the Fields . THe enlargement of this Church was begunne in the yeere of our Lord God , 1607. being the fifth yeere of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord King Iames , of England , France , and Ireland , and of Scotland the 41. and it was finished in the yeere 1608. To the which enlargement , our said Soveraigne Lord King Iames , and our most Noble Prince Henry , were most gracious Benefactors ; the rest of the charges were borne by the Inhabitants of this Parish . Randall Hopkins , and Andrew Hacket , being the first yeere Churchwardens . And in the second yeere , Andrew Hacket , and Richard Stile . This inlargement was onely that ground , that at the East end of this Church ( taken out of the Churchyard ) was then made a beautifull Chancell . A very faire Table fastened to a Pillar neere the Pulpit ; in which is curiously drawne the figure of an Angell , holding the Coat of the Gentry , of the living Husband , and dead Wife , for whom it was there set up ; Also of a Deaths-head , with an Houre-glasse upon it : The border of the Table filled ( excellent in proportion and colours ) with Deaths-heads , braches of Palme , and other fresh and beautifull Flowers . Nascendo Morimur . Quid Cranii sibi forma novi vult ista ? Quid Hora ? Quidque super Cranio , lumen nova nata , segesque ? Nempe dies mortis , vitae fit origo perennis ; Quae moritur mundo , Nascitur illa Deo. What doth this Scull ? what doth this Houre-glasse show ? The Corne and Palme , that on the Scull doth grow ? It meaneth this , that Death the end of strife , Is the beginning to eternall life : Death is the doore to immortality , Shee 's borne to God , that to the world doth dye . The burning Taper to his end doth waste , Whilst life and death to meet each other haste ; Then happy she , that did her life apply , Here and above to live eternally . To the permanent honour and remembrance of the Pious and All-vertuous Gentlewoman , Mistresse Susan Price , Daughter to the Honourable Baronet , Sir Paul Tracy , of Stanway , in Glocester ; and the late dearely beloved Wife of the Religious , Learned , and truly Vertuous Gentleman , William Price , of Winchester , Esquire , one of his Majesties most honourable Privy Chamber . She died the 13. of March , 1632. Ye holy Angels , and ye Powers of light , The glad injoyers of Gods glorious sight ; You that in faithfull Abrahams bosome rest , You have receiv'd your sanctified Guest . Faire Susan Price hath blessed Heaven obtain'd , And for her well run Race , Gods glory gain'd , Shining in Robes of Immortality , Contemnes the earth and worldly vanity . True Christian faith indued her constant minde , And unto her the promise was assign'd . Most honour'd be her memory , outwasting All Genealogies , and everlasting . Whilst therebe Elements , Stars , Orbes , or Spheares , Dayes Sunne , or Nights Moone , to direct the yeeres , The Heavens possesse her soule , the World her Fame , And faire example , her Vertues , Worth , and Name : What Nature , Goodnesse , Institution , Fact , Could heape to a perfection , was her Act. The Angels sing her glory , who did call Her sweet soule home to its originall , And now shee s gone hence for to passe the time She ought her Husband , in a better Clime . There shall her Harvest and her Summer be , Where she shall never any Winter see . Then Price grieve you no more , she lives in joy , Wipe you your teares , her teares are wip'd away . The Epitaph . Stay ere you passe , lament , and fix your eyes Vpon a worthy Consorts obsequies . Susan here lies , for beauty , worth , and life , Admir'd , the worthy William Prices Wife . Never was after death one more desir'd , Nor ever living was one more admir'd . A file of lasting praises crownes her name , Perpetuall glories doe attend her fame : Rich in all joyes , she now hath chang'd her bed , Ioyned in marryage unto Christ her head . Come , whosoever would enjoy like state , Endevour all her worth to imitate . Over the figure of Death : Ibimus omnes . Ladies , when you your purest beauties see , Thinke them but Tenants to mortalitie : Ther 's no content on earth , Ioyes soone are fled , Healthfull to day we live , to morrow dead : I was as you are now , young , faire , and cleere , And you shall once be as you see me heere . Mors mihi lucrum . Moriendo Nascimur . Vpon her Tomb-stone , at the foot of this Monument . Mistresse Susanna Price , the wife of William Price , Esquire , one of the Groomes of his Majesties most Honourable Privy Chamber , Daughter of Sir Paul Tracy , Baronet , departed this life the 13. of March , 1632. before shee had beene married full 14. weekes . She was so full of Vertue and of Goodnesse , few might compare with her , none could excell her . Her body is here interred , here is her body , her soule is in Heaven with her Saviour . A faire Tomb-stone in the Chancell , with this Inscription . Here lieth buried the body of Mistresse Dorothy Hervy , that Honourable matchlesse Virgin , the Daughter of the Right Honourable , William Lord Hervy , Baron of Kidbrooke , and of the Religious Lady his Wife , the Lady Cordelia Hervy , Daughter and Heire to Master Brian Ansley , Esquire , of Lee , in Kent , who departed this transitory life the 19. of February , Anno 1632. Glorious Dorothy here intombed lies , Lord Hervies Daughter , and faire Vertues prize . Modell of Honour , Graces Paragon , In whose great losse her Parents Ioyes are gone . Her life was such as well may be deni'd , That she did ever ill , but when she dy'd ▪ Pity so soone so rare a Virgin must Stoope to Corruption , and be cloath'd in dust . Heaven and the world being Sutors , who should have her , To end the strife , she went to him that gave her . Nascendo Morimur . A very faire Table , with a rich Coat Armes , hanging on the North side of the Chancell , with this Inscription . Hae sunt Antiqua Moraviorum Insigniae , in memoriam Patricii Moravii , Domino Carolo Regi à poculis , nuper defuncti hîc posita . Mary Whitechappell . THis Church , in the many ( and greatly ) decayed parts of it , was repaired ; and within , without , and in every part of it richly and very worthily beautified , at the cost and charge of the Parishioners , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1633. For Whitechappell side . Thomas Farrar Iohn Wood Iohn Mannering Churchwardens . For Wapping side . Captaine Hatch Master Allen Churchwardens . The cost of this Repaire , 300. li. and upwards . To shew the never-dying love of these Parishioners , to their deceased Pastor , Master William Crashaw , take this Inscription from a very faire Gallery in the South I le . To the honour of God , the advancement of Religion , and in thankfulnesse to God for the safe returne of our hopefull and gracious Prince Charles from the dangers of his Spanish Iourney , this Gallery was erected at the charge of this Parish , Anno 1623. and the seventh yeere of Master Crashawes Residence . His Name , as in this , in many other places remembred . The ground of this South Ile was added to the Church , and the I le new built in the yeere of our Lord , 1591. And in the foure and thirtieth of the Reigne of Queene Elizabeth , Master Richard Gardner Parson . A faire Monument on the North wall of the Chancell , with this Inscription . Christo optimo maxime , pietati & posteritati , Sacrum , Elizabethae Conjugis dulcissimae , Foeminae Lectissimae è Claris. Skinneriana , & Emersoniana Familiis oriundae , In qua ( Rara Felicitate ) Pietas cum Pulchritudine , Ingenium cum Virtute , Forma cum pudicitia , Mirifice conveniebant , Quae in primo puerperio , in ipso enixu , Animam Deo , Memoriam Mundo , Vitam Naturae , Carnem terrae , Patri puerulum , Amicis luctum , Conjugi Moerorem ineffabilem , Omnibus ingens sui ipsius desiderium moriendo Reliquit , W. Crashaius , hujus Ecclesiae Rector , Conjux longe Moestissimus multis cum Lachrymis Lugens Lubens Invitus Posuit . I know that my Redeemer liveth , Iob 19. 25. To the honour of Christ Jesus , to the praise of Piety , to the example of Posterity , and for the preservation of the godly memory of Elizabeth , his most worthily beloved Wife , in whom ( by a rare Conjunction ) Godlinesse with Comlinesse , Wisdome with Vertue , Beauty with Chastity , Youth with Discretion , and Discretion with Devotion , were most sweetely combined ; who in the prime of her yeeres , upon her first Childe , yeelded up , by untimely death , as her selfe often had foretold , her soule to God , her life to Nature , her body to the Earth , her memory to the World , and left to the pensive Earth a deare bought Sonne , to her friends heavinesse , hard to be removed , to her Husband sorrow , not to be expected , and to all that knew her , a longing desire after her , William Crashaw , her most sad and sorrowfull Husband , Pastor of this Church , most unwilling to part with her , but most willing to honour her with many sighes and teares , dedicated this Monument in assurance of her glorious Resurrection . She died October 8. in the 24. yeere of her age . A handsome Tombe , encompast with Iron grates in the Churchyard , hath this Inscription . To the Memory of Alice Shelton , daughter of Sir Ralph Shelton , of Shelton-Hall , in Norfolke , Knight , who had Issue by her first Husband , Thomas Waller , Esquire , 9. Sonnes , and 9. Daughters ; and by her second Husband , William Wrove , of London , Merchantaylor , had Issue two Sonnes and one Daughter ; but had no Issue by her third and last Husband , Tobias Wilkinson . 1630. Another close by the former , with this Inscription . Favour is deceitfull , and beauty is vanity , but a woman that feareth the Lord , she shall be praised . Here lieth buried that vertuous Thamozin , that gracious young Woman , the faithfull Wife of Master William Eeles , of Limehouse , Marriner ; this mirrour of young Women , departed this life on the 10. of Iuly , 1620. Shee being of the age of 25. yeeres , and was Mother of a Sonne and a Daughter ; but Thamozin the Daughter , departed this life on the 18. of December , 1621. being of the age of 6. yeeres , and lieth here buried . Every wise Woman buildeth her house , but the foolish pluketh it downe with her hands . The memory of the Iust is blessed , but the name of the wicked shall rot . Remember , As you are now , so was she ; As she is now , so you must be . William Eeles . Magdalens Bermondsey . THis Church was inlarged by the addition of all that ground that is now the South I le , taken out of their spacious Churchyard ; this I le was begunne to be built in the yeere of our Lord God , 1608. Christopher Robinson Thomas Freeman Churchwardens . The Worke going on , and continuing to the yeere 1610. in which it was very worthily and compleatly finished . The charge of it amounting to 860. li. In the yeere 1619. on the top of the Steeple , was a very faire Turret erected . The charge of it , 33. li. 16. s. In the same yeere a new Clocke made , 7. li. The Steeple was againe repaired , and the inside of the Church trimmed and very commedably beautified , in the yeere 1621. The cost of this last ( though I could not set downe the summe ) as of all the former severall Repaires and Building , the sole cost and charge of the Parishioners . A very faire Brasse Branch in this Church , was the gift of Ralph Alder , of this Parish , 1613. Savoy Parish . WE have not in the collection of all these Churches , looked so far backe upon any Repaire as this : but as wee finde it we present it . The repairing and trimming of this Church ( which was at that time performed with great cost and beauty ) was in the yeere of our Lord God 1600. at the sole cost and charge of the Parishioners . Iames Houson Thomas Martin Churchwardens . In the yeere 1618. there was a faire Gallery built at the lower end of this Church . Rowland Hodges Daniell Hall Churchwardens . A very faire Monument at the upper end of the Church , having this Inscription . Ecce pudicitia , & pietas , Coeli utraque proles Accingunt , Dextra haec , haec tibi levae latus , Iure , salo coluere , Polo Rapuere , nec usquam Te neque jam tumulum destituere tuum . Da. Humius Theag. Non Delendae Amicitiae sempiternum Monumentum . M. N. M. S. Siste paululum quisquis es , & paucis quid Marmor hocce te volet scies . Hîc sacrum Beatissimae Animae depositum , & felicissimae quiescunt exûviae Nicolaae Moraviae , ex clarissima Moraviorum , cum Tilibardinorum , tum Abircarniorum Gente , per utrumque parentem ortae , & Roberti Duglassii , equitis Aurati , conjugis Lectissimae , Quae incredibili ingenio , rarissimo Iudicio , Summa pietate , singulari prudentiae , omnique virtutis genere , imprimis modestia , pudicitia , & suavissimis moribus ornatissima , cum omnem propè Aetatem , contempt is mundi hujus Foecib . in Rerum divinarum speculatione , & assidua meditatione consumpsisset , in Theologicis porrò ad miraculum usque docta doctissimos quosque Theologos in admirationem sui & stuporem Rapuisset , Nihilque unquam , per universam vitam quam Christum sperasset , ad eundemque tota jam adspirarat , primo partu longissimis , & Acerrimis doloribus divexata , ubi Moestissimum conjugem , & circumfusos amicos ad vitae hujus fluxae ac caducae contemptum , & ad certissimam immortalitis spem erexisset prolixissimâ etiam & suavissimâ oratione , ipsam se suosque omnes , maximè vero conjugem Deo commendasset , gratissimam Christo Animam reddidit , & extincto Foetu , in summo omnium Moerore expiravit . Abi jam quisquis es , & non dissimilem vitae exitum ipsi tibi opta & vale . Obiit die Novemb. Anno 1612. Aetatis suae A faire Monument on the West side , close to the former , with this Inscription . Morieris . Resurges . Ianua vitae sepulchrum . Here lyeth Nazareth Coppin , Wife to George Coppin of London , Gentleman , Daughter to Thomas Thwaits of Hardington , in the County of Norfolke , Esquire , who being of the age of 24. yeeres , in the prime of her youth and beauty , as she lived most vertuously , so she died most godly , the 22. of Iune 1592. in the 34. yeere of the most happy reigne of Queene Elizabeth . Mors certa , inevitabilis , incertae . On either side of her these lines . Morti praedajaces , potuit nec plurima formae Gratia , nec mentis vincere fata pudor : Et tamen in terris ultra spes figitur ? alto Quaerenda est merces non peritura pole . Peregrinatio est vita . Vivis & aeternum victa de morte triumphas , Exuvias tantum possidet illa tui : Omnia sic patrias sedes unde orta revisunt , Redditur & Coelo mens pia , corpus humo , Mors meta laborum . Next to the other is a very Ancient Monument , with this Inscription . Pray for the soules of Sir Richard Rokeby , Knight , and Dame Iane his wife , whose bones rest here under this Tombe , which Sir Richard deceased the 27. of Aprill , 1523. and the said Dame Iane deceased the 15. On whose soules Iesu have mercy . Over the Vestry doore in the Chancell , is a very faire Tombe with these words . Hîc jacet Alicia , Filia Simonis Steward , de la Kingheth , Suff. Obiit 18. Iunii , Humanae salutis , 1573. Virtutis praemium virtus . Vpon a faire Marble Stone in the Chancell , is this Inscription . Here lies interred the bodies of Peter Lilly , Doctor of Divinity , one of the Brothers of the Savoy , Prebend of Paules , and Archdeacon of Tanton , who died at the Savoy , Anno Dom. 1614. And of Dorothy Lilly , his vertuous Wife , who also died at the Savoy , the 1. of Iune , Anno Dom. 1627. and of Mary Lilly , their onely Daughter , who departed this life at Fulham , the 10. of October , 1625. Close to the other this : Here under lyeth the body of Frances Bulbecke , late of Clevedon , in the County of Somerset , Esquire , the 8. sonne of Iohn Bulbecke , of the same place and County , Esquire , deceased , which said Frances died , being never married , the 9. of November , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1585. Close to the other this : Here lyeth buried Peter Richardson , Goldsmith and Ieweller , borne in Holland , in the parts beyond the Seas , servant to the most famous King , Henry the 8. and King Edward the the 6. to Queene Mary , and to our most dread Soveraigne Lady , Queene Elizabeth : which Peter having married Anne , the Daughter of Robert Wilson , lived to the age of 84. yeeres , and died a faithfull Christian , the 24. of March , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1586. There is also in this Chancell buried , the body of one David Bedo , Batchelour of the Law , and Steward to the Lord of Carleil , &c. 1541. Close by the former Lieth buried the body of Humphrey Lovell , Esquire , with his two Wives and five Children . He died the 16. of November 1585. Close to the other is this . Hîc jacet Dominus Richardus Ellis , quondam Hospitularius hujus Hospitalis . Qui obiit 3. die Augusti 1550. quadragessimo 5. Cujus animae propitietur Deus . Amen . At the upper end of the Chancell , in the East corner , is a very ancient Monument , with this Inscription . Wilielmus Chaworth , secundus filius Iohannis Chaworth , de Wynerton , in Comitatu Notingham , Militis , hic in suo Coelibatu repulverescit , cujus spiritus in Coelis , carnis reassumptionem expectat . Obiit 24. die Martii , Anno salutis à Christo 1582. & suae Nativitatis 28. Necessitudinis Symbolum . A very faire Table with a rich Coat Armes , on the East wall , toward the lower end of the Church . Over it these words : So good a Father and Mother are never to be forgotten . Vnder it these : Here lieth the body of Rebecca Burton , Wife to Captaine Nicholas Burton , and Daughter to Henry Somaster of Painesford in Devonshire , Esquire ; who departed this life the 28. of February , Anno Dom. 1632. In the wall on the West side of the Church , is this ancient Memoriall . The first sepulted in this place after they it sacrated , Was Humphrey Summerset , Deacon , which here doth lye , Batchelour in the Arts , whom cruell Death oppressed , The sixteen hundred & fifteenth yeere of God Almighty , The fifteenth day of Aprill , which Humphrey doth call and cry , With lamentable escrikes , and good devotion , All devout Christen men and women , that passe hereby , Pray for my dolorous soule for Christs bitter passion . On an ancient Plate close to the formes , is this Inscription . Here by this wall side buried is William Vevian , Sonne and Heire unto Michael Vevian , of Cornewall , Esquire , which William was servant unto the Right Noble ; Charles Sommerset , Earle of Worcester , the Kings Chamberlaine , and by mis-fortune drowned in the Thames , on Passion Sunday at afternoone , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1520. For whose soule pray of your Charity , as you would be prayed for . In the body of the Church , upon a brasse plate on the ground , is this Inscription . Here lyeth Humfrey Gosling , of London Vintener , of the White Hart of this Parish , a Neighbour of vertuous behaviour , a very good Archer , and of honest mirth , a good Company-keeper , So well inclin'd to poore and rich , God send more Goslings to bee sich . He was servant to the Right Honourable , the Lord Hunsden , Lord Chamberlaine , and deceased the 22. of Iuly , 1586. Close by the other lyes buried the body of George Skoowith , 1525. Also the body of Iohn Danson , 1577. A very faire Stone , with a faire Picture of the party buried wrought in Brasse , having these severall Inscriptions . Over his head two brasse Circles . In the one thus : Credo quod Redemptor meus vivit , & in novissimo die , de terra surrecturus sum . In the other thus : Et in Carne mea videbo Deum salvatorem meum . In a Circle upon his brest thus : Repesita est haec spes mea , in sinu meo . Vnder him thus : Situs hic est pietatis , ac Religionis cultor Ioannes Floid , Artis Muscae Bacchalaureus , qui dum vixit , Regis Henrici octavi in sacello cecinit , & Christi Sepulcrum invisit Ierosolimis . Obiit Anno Dom. 1523. Mens . Aprilis die tertio . Neere unto the other is this Inscription . Here resteth the body of the Lady Eleanor Kempe , Widdow , late Wife of Sir William Kempe , Knight , and Daughter and Heire unto Robert Browne , Esquire , which Lady Eleanor , deceased the 26. of September , in the yeere of our Lord God , 1559. Neere vnto the former is this Inscription . Orate pro anima Domini Iohannis Sampull , quondam unius Vicariorum Collegii Regii Sancti Steph. Westmonasterii , & in sua aetate in Cantaria Delinwood , Celebrans in Bassa Capella Sanctae Mariae D. Collegii . Qui obiit Anno Dom. 1510. Neere unto the other is this Inscription . Hic jacet Anna Pynta , Ispaniae , quae obiit 8. die Martii , Anno Dom. 1523. cujus animae propitietur Deus , Amen . On a faire Stone close to the other , is this Inscription . Orate pro anima Iohannis Brime , Sacerdotis , qui obiit 13. die mensis Martii 1525. cujus animae , &c. Neere to the other . Lyeth buried the body of Iohn Borwet , Esquire , sometime Sergeant Plumber to King Henry the 7. and to King Henry the 8. deceased the 7. of December 1525. Next unto the other is this Inscription . Of your Charity , pray for the soule of Humphrey Cooke , Citizen and Carpenter of London , and Master Carpenter of all the workes to our Soveraigne Lord , King Henry the 8. and Master Carpenter at the building of this Hospitall , called The Savoy : the which Humphrey deceased the 13. day of March , in the yeere of our Lord God 1530. and lyeth under this Stone . On the next unto the other , is this Inscription . Pray for the soule of Newell Loveday , Gentleman , late Groome for the moneth in the office of the Cellar , to the most excellent Prince , King Henry the 8. who died the 18. day of May , Anno Dom. 1523. A Table , or Memoriall of all such Benefactors as have given any summes of Money or Legacies , to the value of five pounds and upwards , to this Parish of Saint Mary Strand , alias Savoy , for the use of the poore , or to other pious uses within this Parish ; beginning from the yeere of our Lord God 1597. And as touching all other Legacies and summes of Money under five pounds , given by Benefactors in this kinde , since the time aforesaid , they are registred in a Booke kept for that purpose . Anno Dom. 1622. Richard Denham Iames Bradford Churchwardens . Ralph Abnet of this Parish , died in the yeere of our Lord God 1597. and gave unto the use of the poore of this Parish the summe of twenty pounds , and five pounds more for the advancement of 5. poore Maid-servants of this Parish in marriage . Richard Iacob , of the Parish of Saint Clement Danes , Vintener , died in the yeere of our Lord God 1612. and gave unto the poore of this Parish , forty shillings per annum , for 32. yeeres , to be paid out of the Rent of the Cheaquer Taverne , in the Parish aforesaid . Meredith Thomas , of the Parish of Saint Clement Danes , Taylor , dyed in the yeere of our Lord God 1620. and gave the summe of sixe pounds to this Parish for ever , to bee lent unto two poore men of this Parish , either of them three pounds a piece for three yeeres , without interest ; they giving good security to the Church-wardens for the time being , to repay the said sixe pounds at the three yeeres end . Francis Smith , of this Parish , Grocer , died in the yeere of our Lord God , 1621. and gave the summe of twenty pounds , whereof ten pounds to the poore of this Parish , and the other ten pounds for the maintenance of a Sermon to bee yearely preached upon Midsummer day in this Church for ever . Dame Margaree Walter , Wife of Sir Iohn Walter , Knight , of this Parish , died in the yeere of our Lord God 1622. and gave unto the poore of this Parish , the summe of five pounds . Iohn Bennet , Baker , of this Parish , died in the yeere of our Lord God 1625. and gave unto the poore of this Parish , the summe of ten pounds for ever . Iane Lane , Widdow , Daughter of Iames Howson , of this Parish , died in the yeere of our Lord God 1625. and gave unto the poore of this Parish the summe of five pounds . There is given unto this Parish , the sixe and twentieth day of March , 1628. by the summe of five pounds , for the maintenance of two Sermons to bee preached yeerely , on Easter Monday , and Whitson Monday , by some sufficient and able Minister . A second Memoriall . of this Parish , Widdow , in the yeere 1629. gave unto this Parish the summe of six pounds to buy a second Pulpit Cloth , to remaine to the Church for ever ▪ Sir Iohn Walter , Knight , Lord chiefe Baron , died in the yeere 1630. and gave to the use of the poore of this Parish for ever , the summe of twenty pounds . Iames Howson the elder , of this Parish , died in the yeere 1631. and gave unto the poore of this Parish the summe of five pounds . To the Reader . WE are here to give you notice ( gentle Reader ) that the Monuments , Epitaphs , and Inscriptions , that in this collection of Churches ( Builded , Repaired , and Beautified ) are here ( with their Churches ) inserted , are onely such as as have beene raised , composed , and added , since the last imprinting of this Booke , called The Survey of London , that Impression being in the yeere 1617. those of greater times and antiquity , are to be turned to as they stand before in their severall Wards and Parishes . A Schedule indented , Containing a Survey taken the xxx . day of December , Anno Dom. 1567. and the tenth of Queene Elizabeth , of the Mannor of Finsbury , in the County of Middlesex , belonging to the Prebend of Hallywell and Finsbury , in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul , London . Wherein are particularly specified , as well the capitall Messuage and Scite of the said Mannor , and all other Messuages , Houses , Gardens , Orchards , Lands , Tenements , Medowes , Pastures , Leasures , and other Grounds , being of the Demaynes of the said Mannor ; with the Butts and Bounds thereof . As also the Rents and Services belonging to the said Mannor : and the names of the Tenements by whom the same are to be paid . With mention also , for what Lands the same Rents and Services are due : with the Butts and Bounds thereof . The Demayne Lands . THe Mannor house , commonly called Finsbury Farme ; a great Barne , a Gatehouse , and Stables : A Court and Orchard belonging to the said Mannor house . Sixe Gardens , whereof one in the tenure of William Chivall , Draper ; the other five severally held by Master Lionel Ducket , Alderman ; Iohn Bull , Grocer ; William Fulwood , Grocer ; Iohn Hewet , Clothworker ; and William Leonard , Mercer . All which lye together adjoyning to the said Mannor upon the North ; and the Moore Field and Lane there , leading betweene the said Gardens , and other Teintors and Gardens , belonging to the Prebend of the Moore : and now in the Tenure of the Merchant-Taylors , upon the South . And a Garden now divided into more parcels , also belonging to the said Lordship , in the Tenure of Iohn God Merchant-Taylor , on the West , and the Ditch and way there , leading from London towards Finsbury Field , and Hallywell , on the party East . A Lodge , and certaine Gardens and Teinter ground , in the Tenure of Iohn God Merchant-Taylor , inclosed on the North towards Chiswell street , with a bricke wall ; and upon a Tenement and Garden belonging to Richard Marten , Goldsmith ; and others upon the West . And upon a Way lying betweene the same , and certaine Gardens and Tenters belonging to the Prebend , called the Moore , in the Tenure of the Merchant-Taylors of London , on the South . And the great Garden and Orchard belonging to the said Mannor , now in the Tenure of Iohn Gresham , Mercer , and other Gardens belonging to the said Lordship , on the party East . A Tenement , a Lodge , a Loft over a Gate , and five Gardens , now in the Tenure of William Erdiswick , Merchant Taylor , whereof foure abutting upon Finsbury Field on the East , and Chiswell street on the South ; and the Lands of late belonging to Iohn Coningsbye , now the Lands of William East , Gentleman , in the right of his Wife , one of the Daughters of William Wakefield : and late in the Tenure of Iohn Hillyard , Gold-smith , on the North party . And upon a Gate-way , leading from Chiswell street , as well toward the said Gardens , as towards a little Barne there , in the Tenure of Alban Chisselton , Bowyer , on the West . And the fifth Garden East , upon the said great way ; and South , upon the said Barne , in part ; and West in part , upon a Tenement and Garden in the Tenure of Thomas Lee , Fletcher , being parcell of the said Demaine Lands , and the said Tenement , Lodge , and Loft , over the said gate , abutting on Chiswell street towards the South . Another Tenement , a Garden , and the said old Barne , in the Tenure of Alban Chisselton , Bowyer , butting upon the South side of Chiswell street , and next adjoyning to the said Tenement , now in the Tenure of the said Thomas Lee , on the party East . A Tenement and a Garden in the Tenure of Hugh Greene , Fletcher , next adjoyning to the said Alban Chisselton on the East , and upon Chiswell street on the South . A Cottage and certaine Gardens , in the Tenure of Iohn Mansbridge , Merchant Taylor , lying in Chiswell street on the South , containing in length from South to North , stretching alongst a Bricke wall , belonging to the Lands sometimes Iohn Wishes , Founder , on the West party , thirteene Rods and eight foot of Assise ; and in breadth at the North end , butting upon the ground or Garden plots , sometimes Iohn Conisbies , Gentleman , and now in the Tenure of William East , Gentleman , from the East to the West fifteene Rods and three foot of Assise ; and in length from the North to the South , towards the East , running towards certaine Gardens belonging to the said Mannor , now in the Tenure of the said Erdiswick , fifteene Rods and sixe foot of Assise ; and in breadth , at the end towards the South , from the East to the West , butting upon Chiswell street aforesaid , foureteene Rods and five foot of Assise . A peece of ground converted into certaine Gardens , now in the Tenure of Iohn Medcalfe , Skinner , lying neere Whitecrosse street , betweene the Pasture ground belonging to the said Mannor of Finsbury , called Bonhill Field , or Finsbury Fields , on the East , and the ground of Iohn Conisbye , Gentleman , now in the Tenure of Iohn Hillyard , Goldsmith , on the West & South , and the grounds of late belonging to the Priors of Hally-well , now belonging to the said Iohn Medcalfe , on the party North. A Garden plot , in the occupation of William Gill , stretching from Whitecrosse street on the East , Westward 165. foot of Assise ; on the South side of the said ground , and on the North side from the said street , stretching Westward , 180. foot of Assise ; and at the West end of the same , stretching North and South 62. foot of Assise ; in breadth , right Line and Plummet , from limit to limit , and butting South upon the Lands late belonging to the Parish Clearkes of London , and the Lands of the said William Gill , ( late Ralfe Symonds's ) on the party North and West , and the said Whitecrosse street on the party East . And eleven Tenements lying on the West side of Grubstreet , with eleven Gardens to the same belonging , in the severall Tenures of David a Powell , Iohn Gilham , Nicholas Hunt , Iohn Wildbore , Iohn Hayes , Iohn Tompson , Iohn Andrewes , Iohn Ap Rice , Henry Everton , Iohn Reeve , and George Fuller , lying in the said Lordship , and County of Middlesex , and adjoyning to a corner Tenement , being in the Liberties of the City of London , in the Tenure of William Franklin , Fletcher , belonging to Henry Southcot , Mercer , and the Lands of the said Henry Southcot , in the Tenu●e . of William Bullen , and a Garden ground in the Tenure of Philip Garland , Cloth-worker , on the South , and extendeth in length upon the said South side , from Grubstreet , aforesaid , unto certaine Gardens upon the West , belonging to Iohn Whitehorne , and others there , 199. foote of Assise ; and in breadth , at the West end of the said Gardens , from the said South side , stretching unto Chiswell street on the North , 183. foot of Assise , and extendeth in length at the North side upon Chiswell street , 205. foot and a halfe of Assise . The Field called Bonhill Field , belonging to the said Mannor of Finsbury , butting South upon the high way there , called Chiswell street , and extending North upon the high way that leadeth from Wenlocks Barne , to the Well called Dame Agnes the cleere . The high way leading from the Mannor of Finsbury aforesaid , towards Hollywell , on the East party , and the Gardens and grounds late belonging to the Priors of Hollywell , now in the Tenure of Iohn Medcalfe , Skinner , William Gill , Gardiner , and other the Lands belonging to Iohn Hillyard , Goldsmith , and certaine Gardens belonging to the said Mannor of Finsbury , now in the Tenure of the said Medcalfe ; the Lands of late of Iohn Coningsby , Gentleman , now in the Tenure of William East , Gentleman : And also foure Gardens , now in the Tenure of William Erdiswick , also belonging to the said Mannor of Finsbury , on the party West : and the same Field , with halfe the Ditches measured with the same , East , West , North , and South , containeth 23. Acres , one Rod , and sixe Pole. Whereof , foure Acres and a halfe , being at the South end of the said Field , butting upon Chiswell street , beginning at the Ditch on the party West , extendeth towards the ground and Pond there ( belonging to the said Mannor ) on the party East , in breadth sixttene Pole : and extendeth from Chiswell street on the South , unto Bonhill on the North : in length 45. Pole , and from the East side , at the North end against the Bonhill , to the midst of the said Ditch on the West party , 16. Pole ; and from the North end upon the West side , stretching to Finsbury Bridge , to Chiswell street there South , in length 45. Pole , every Pole containing sixteene foot and a halfe . And also there is one other Acre claimed for the lands late Iohn Coningsbys's , Gentleman , supposed to lye in the said Field , beyond the said Bonhill ( as it is said ) but it hath beene occupied as parcell of the Demaines of the said Mannor , by the space of 40. yeeres last passed . The Field called the Mallow Field , butting upon the Railes next to the Moore Field South , the high way leading from the Bricke Bridge there towards the Wind-mils , belonging to the said Mannor of Finsbury on the party West , the high way leading from the said Wind-mils towards Norton-Folgate , on the North , and the Lands belonging to Iohn Worsop , Merchant-taylor , and Iohn Nichols , Girdler , on the party East , containing with the halfe Ditch , in measure on the sides , East , West , and North , 12. Acres and a halfe , and 12. Pole. The Field called the High Field , or Medow ground , where the three Windmils stand , commonly called Finsbury Field , butting upon the high way that leadeth unto Norton-Folgate , on the party South ; the high way that leadeth to Hollywell , and the lands belonging to the Earle of Rutland on the party East ; the lands belonging to the Heires of Mascall Brewer , and the high way leading from the Mannor of Wenlocks Barne , to the Well called Dame Agnes the cleere , upon the Bonhill Field on the party West : all which Field containes in measure 45. Acres , with the halfe Ditches that enclose the said Field on the party South , East , and North , in the said measure . Where of Iohn Worsop hath on the East side of the said Field , butting upon the high way leading to Norton-Folgate on the party South , the Windmils and ground of the said Mannor on the party West , and the Medow and Pasture ground belonging to the said Mannor on the party North and East , six Acres and a halfe . More adjoyning to the said high way on the party South , and next the said Worsops Land there on the party East , one Acre and three Rods of Medow or Pasture ground , belonging to Iohn Nichols , Girdler . The summe of the Acres of the said three Fields , are 80. Arcres , 3. Rods , and 18. Poles , by the measure aforesaid . Whereof belongeth to the said Iohn Worsop , in the High Field aforesaid , sixe Acres and a halfe . To the said Iohn Nichols , in the same Field , one Acre and three Rods. To the Maior , Commonalty , and Citizens aforesaid , in Bonhill field aforesaid , foure Acres and a halfe . Summe 12. Acres and 3. Rods. So remaineth 68. Acres , and 18. Poles . Golding lane . The Free Tenants Of Henry Edon , Esquire , out of certaine Tenements and Gardens at the North end of Golding lane , sometimes Master Ponds , and of late Richard Callerds , and since Elizabeth Hayes , daughter and Heire of the said Richard Callerd , butting on the West side of the said Lane ; and on the South side upon the Lands late of Henry Cletheroe , now in the Tenure of Iohn Hillyard , 13. s. 4. d. Of the said Henry Edon , out of a Tenement called the Swanne , and other Tenements thereunto adjoyning ; in the Tenure of Iohn Collins , Gardiner , abutting on the East side of the Lane , late the said Callerds , and since as aforesaid , 3. d. ob . Of William Hall , out of certaine Tenements there adjoyning to the signe of the Swanne in the said Lane , now in the Tenure of Richard Drake , Gardiner , 3. d. ob . Of the Master and Governours of Saint Bartholomewes Hospitall in West Smithfield , the hands of Thomas Hallway their Farmour , out of certaine Tenements and Gardens late Robert Melli ; hes , Merchantaylor , of the West side of Golding lane , at the signe of the Leg , butting upon the Lands of the aforesaid Henry Edon , and upon the South of the Lands of William Wakefield , late in the Tenure of Dionise Wilson , 3. s. Of Richard Roper , Baker , out of certaine Tenements and Gardens at the signe of the George , on the East side of Golding lane , and the Lands now of William Gill , Gardiner , Thomas Langham , Fishmonger , on the North , and th'eirs of Gregory Nicholas on the South , 2. s. 2. d. Of th'eirs of Iohn Willoughby , since Peter Dove , in the right of Ioane his Wife , out of certaine Lands and Tenements on the East side of Golding lane , now in the Tenure of Ioice Austen , Widdow , butting upon the Lands belonging to Gregory Nicholas , now Thomas Walton , Esquire , North and South , 2. s. 4. d. Of the Dutchesse of Suffolke , out of a Messuage and nine Tenements on the West side of Golding lane , butting upon the Lands of William Wakefield on the North : and the Tenements late belonging to the Parish of Aldermary in London , now in the Tenure of Walter Cooper , Tyler , on the South , 1 , li. Of Richard Atkinson , in the right of his Wife , out of a Cottage and Garden in the said Lane , butting upon the Lands of Richard Buckland , Haberdasher , late Sir Michael Fishers , Knight , North and West , and on the South , butting upon the Lands of Henry Keene , upon Golding lane on the East , 1. s. 4. d. Of Henry Kneene aforesaid , Tenant by the courtessie , in the right of Agnes his Wife , Daughter and Heire of Henry Warner , deceased , out of the Tenement Chequer , and other Cottages and Gardens on the West party of Golding lane , butting South upon the lands belonging to the Hospitall of Saint Bartholomewes aforesaid , late the said Robert Mellishes , now in the Tenure of Thomas Hallyway ; and North , as well upon the land of Richard Atkinson , as also upon the Lands , now the said Richard Bucklands , late the aforesaid Sir Michael Fishers , Knight , on the party West , 1. s. 1. d. Of Thomas Wilkinson , out of certaine Tenements at the signe of the Cocke , at the North end of Golding lane , belonging to Armiger Wade , Esquire , 1. s. Of Thomas Walton , Esquire , out of certaine Tenements and Gardens lying on the East side of Golding lane , late called Armitage Aley , late Gregory Nichola's , & before that Richard Yongs , butting upon the Lands late Peter Doves , who married Ioane the Daughter and Heire of Iohn Willoughby , on the North side , and the Lands of the said Gregory Nicholas on the South , 2. s. Of the said Thomas Walton , out of certaine Tenements and Gardens at the signe of the Windmill , late the aforesaid Gregory Nicholasses , at the East side of Golding lane , sometimes Iohn Mores , and before that William Wigmorepoles , abutting upon the Lands late the said Peter Doves , as is aforesaid , on the South : and the Lands belonging to Saint Bartholomewes Hospitall , late Robert Mellishes aforesaid , and now in the Tenure of the said Richard Roper on the North , 2. s. 2. d. Of Iohn Hillyard , Goldsmith , out of the Tenement Flower-de-luce , and a Garden on the West side of Golding lane , now in the Tenure of Iohn Bankes , Brewer , butting upon the Tenement of Iohn Leese , Carpenter , on the South , and the Tenements belonging to the said Hospitall of Saint Bartholomewes , late the said Robert Mellishes , and in the Tenure of Walter Cooper , Tyler , on the North , 7. d. ob . Beech lane . Of the Vicar of Saint Giles Cripplegate , out of the corner Tenement at the West end of Beech lane , on the South side of the said lane , in the Tenure of Martine Capons , Barber-Surgeon , and openeth upon Red-crosse street on the West side , 8. d. White-crosse street . Of William Blighton , Butcher , out of two Tenements on the West side of White-crosse street , late Edmond Godwins , butting upon the Lands late belonging to the Parish Clerkes of London , on the North , and a corner Tenement belonging to the said Blighton , on the South , 9. d. Of Thomas Perkins , Butcher , Tenant of certaine Lands and Tenements of late belonging to the said Parish Clerkes , now belonging to 〈…〉 How , Gentleman , on the West side of White-crosse street , butting upon the Lands of William Blighton aforesaid , on the South party ; and the Lands of Richard Lister , late Iohn Cores ; in the Tenure of Thomas Verey , Brewer , on the North , 1. li. 4. s. 4. d. Of Richard Lister , Clothworker , out of certaine Tenements and Gardens on the West side of Whitecrosse street , late belonging to Iohn Core , Grocer , and since that Nicholas Carew's , and since that Adam Hutchinsons , butting upon the said Lands and Tenements of late belonging to the said Parish Clerkes , North and South , 4. s. 1. d. Of the said William Gill , out of a Cottage and Gardens at the West side of Whitecrosse street , of late Ralfe Simonds's , and after Thomas Langhams , Fishmonger ; and abutting upon a Garden belonging to the said Mannor of Finsbury , on the South side , and on the North part , of the Lands belonging unto Iohn Worsop , 1. s. 10. d. Of Iohn Travies , in the right of his Wife , out of a Cottage and Garden on the West side of Whitecrosse street , late belonging to Iohn Worsop , Scrivener , and before that to Lettice Ireland , and late Thomas Popplewell , adjoyning to the said Gill on the South , 9. d. Of the said Travies , out of a little parcell of ground there , on the North side of the said Gill , whereupon sometimes stood a Mill , late the said Worshops , and late the said Popplewels , 3. d. Of Iohn Barnes , Mercer , out of two Tenements and a Garden , on the North side of Chiswell street , now in the Tenure of Thomas Mountaine , abutting to the Gardens belonging to the Mannor of Finsbury aforesaid , on the East side , and the Tenements of Robert Traps , Goldsmith , late Thomas Barnes's , and before that , Iohn Wishes's , Founder , on the West side , 1. s. 4. d. Finsbury Field . Of Iohn Worsop , Merchantaylor , for sixe Acres and a halfe of Medow and Pasture , lying in Finsbury Field . in the Parish of Saint Leonards in Shoreditch , towards the Windmills ; abutting upon the Windmill next Norton Folgate , in the Tenure of Thomas Pullson on the party West , the high way leading towards Norton-Folgate aforesaid , on the party South ; and Medow and Pasture grounds , parcell of the Demaines , belonging to the said Lordship on the party North and East , now or late in the Tenure of Iohn Popebolle , 4. s. 10. d. The said Iohn Worsop , for ten Acres and three Rods of Land , lying in the said Field called the Moore , butting upon the Lands aforesaid of the said Nichols , now being Gardens , on the party South ; and the said Mallow Field West : the high way leading from the said Farme of Finsbury , towards Norton-Folgate , on the party North , and the Lands and Gardens , late Sir Martin Bowes , East , 7. s. ob . One Annuall Rent of 20. s. issuing and going out of certaine Tenements without Ludgate , adjoyning to the said gate , in the Parish of Saint Martin within Ludgate , of London , sometimes in the Tenure of Iohn Benson , Haberdasher , and now in the Tenure of Christopher Harbottell , Citizen and Haberdashet of London , 1. li. Memorandum , that this Survey was copied out of the Survey annexed to the last Lease granted to the Lord Mayor , Commonalty , and Citizens of London , of the said Prebend , Mar. 15. 1582. Reg. Elizabetha 25. Additions out of severall Charters of Kings , &c. concerning the ancient Liberties , bounds and privileges , of Saint Martins le grand in Aldersgate Ward ; to bee inserted Page 330. in the second Columne , betwixt the words Gospell and lower downe . An Abstract out of King William the Conquerors Charter , mentioned Page 327. of this Booke . Willimus Conquester per chartam suam corroborat et conconfirmat , Deo & Ecclèsiae Beati Martini infra muros London Sitae ; qùod sit qui eta ab omni exactione & inquietudine Episcoporum , Arohidiaconorum , &c. Et possessiones suas ab omni regali jurisdictione liberas , & ab exercitus expeditione , pontis restauratione , munitione & castelli auxilio , quietas , habeat ; Secuam Sacam , & Toll , & Team , & Infangthefe , Blodwite , Mundbrice , Burghbrice , Meskenning , Seawing , Alcesting , Frithsorne , Fleamina , Firnithe , Wergeldtheofe , Vthleap , Forfeng , Fyhfeng , Firdwyte , Firthwit , Weardwite , Hengwite , Hamsokne , Forsteal , & si quas alias libertates , & Consuetudines , aliqua Ecclesiarum regni mei Angliae meliores habeat . Si quis verò hoc in aliud quam concessimus , transferre praesumpserit , cum Iuda proditore Dei luat poenas . Dat. Anno Domini 1068. Annoque Regni mei secundo , die natalis Domini . Et postmodum , in die Pentecostes confirmat : quando Matilda conjunx mea in Basilica Sancti Petri Westmonasterii , in Reginam divino nutu est consecrata . Subscript . per ipsum Regem , Reginam , * Richardum filium Regis , ambos Archiepiscopos , & diversos alios . Notes out of King Henry the third his Charter , Anno Regni 50. HEE grants to Saint Martins , Secuam , Sak , Thol , & Theam , & Infangentheof : cum omnibm libertatibus , consuetudinibus & quietanciis suis , in bosco & in plano , in viis & in semitis , in pratis , pascuis & pasturis ; in aquis molendinis & vinariis , in stagnis & piscariis , in moris & maressis , in grangiis & virgultis , infra burgum , & extra , infra civitatem & extra , infra villam & extra : & in omnibus aliis locis & rebus , ad ipsum Decanum & memoratam ecclesiam Sancti Martini pertinentibus . Et quod omnes terrae , tenementa , & omnes homines praedicti Ecclesiae Sancti Martini , sint quieti de Shiris , hundredis , & de sect . Shirarum & hundredarum & Wapentakarum : & de pecunia danda pro forisfactum ; & de murdro & latrocinio , & geldis & danegeldis , hidagiis , assisis , & de operationibus Castellorum & murorum , fossarum , parkarum , pontium , calcearum ; & de gualtis , regardis , & de essariis & placitis forestae : & de ferdwyta & hengwyta ; & de flemenssir the & hainsoka , & de blodwyta & frithwyta , & de leirwyta , & de hundred spenny & de wardpenny & de haverpenny , & de vigiliis faciendis , & de pont agio , passagio , lastagio , tallagio , stallagio , thelonio , scutagio , & omni secua , examinatione , servitio , & servili opere ; & omnibus placitis & querelis & occasionibus & consuetudinibus Sem : All this was confirmed in the second yeere of the reigne of King Edward the second , with this addition . Et prohibemus , ne de aliquo ponantur in placitum extra curiam suam ; nisi coram nobis vel capitulari Iusticiario nostro : quia concessimus eisdem curiam suam , de omnibus hominibus tenentiis suis . Me teste . King Henry the 3. directs his Writ Vicecomitibus London , ne ingrediantur seu levent amerciamenta infra libertates Sancti Martini , pro transgressionibus & aliis contractibus , Regi debitis . The like was sent by King Edward the first , Iuly 10. in the eighth yeere of his reigne . Out of a Charter of King Henry the sixth , Data per manum nostram apud Westmonasterium 13. Martii Anno Regni 20. Per ipsum Regem , ac de dat . praedict . authoritate Parliamenti : pro decem marcis solutis in Hanaperio . Concedimus & confirmamus , quod praedicti nunc Decanus & Capitulum & successores sui , virtute & praetextu dictarum chartarum praedictorum Progenitorum nostrorū , & verborum in iisdem contentorum , ac vice & nomine eorum quae in dictis verbis generalibus & obscuris continentur ; in perpetuum habeant curias suas & usum franciplegii retornas omnium brevium , praeceptorum et mandatorum et billarum nostrorum , ac praeceptorum Iusticiariorum nostrorum et haeredum nostrorum itinerantium , tam ad placita forestae , quam ad communia placita , & placita coronae , & aliorum Iusticiariorum quorumcunque : necnon attachimenta tam placitorum coronae , quam aliorum placitorum quorumcunque ; de & in omnibus terris , tenementis , et feodis dictorum nunc Decani & Capituli & successorum suorum ; qui per se & per Ballivos et ministros suos , habeant in iisdem tenementis , terris , & feodis , executiones eorundem brevium , praeceptorum , & mandatorum , & billarum . Ita quod nullus Vicecomes , Ballivus , vel minister noster aut haeredum nostrorum , tenementa , terras , & feoda praedicta , pro aliqua executione Brevium , praeceptorum , mandatorū & billarum praedictorum : seu aliquas alias res hujusmodi executionem tangentes facienda , ingrediatur : nisi in defectu ipsorum Decani & Capituli & successorum suorum , seu ministrorum suorum . Item , quod habeant bona & catalla forisfacta , ex causa quacunque ; tam utlegata pro proditione , &c. felonia de se , & bona forisfacta coram quibuscunque Iusticiariis & ministris Regis . Item exitus , amerciamenta & forisfacta quaecunque , ratione cujuscunque statuti . Item quod dicti Decanus & Capitulum & Canonici , & sucessores sui , & tenentes , & alii residentes , in perpetuum sint quieti de thelonio , pontagio , passagio , & stallagio , & carriagio , & picagio , & terragio , in omnibus locis per totum regnum nostrum , tam per terram quam per aquam . Fines & forisfacta quaecunque ; quascunque forisfacturas , annum diem & estreppamentum ; & quicquid ad nos vel haeredes nostros partinere poterit , de anno , die , vasto , & estreppamento . Nec Seneschallus , marischallus neque Coronator Curiae Marischalciae hospitii nostri vel haeredum nostrorum ; nec eorum aliquis minister , serviens , vel officiarius in praesentia nostra vel haeredum nostrorum , in feoda & terras dictorum Decani & Capituli & successorum suorum , ad aliqua eorum officia facienda , ingrediantur : sine speciali licentia dictorum Decani & Capituli & successorum suorum . Quod nullus emptor nec provisor noster vel haeredum nostrorum , de ipsis nunc Decano & Capitulo aut successoribus suis , aut de aliquibus tenentibus eorundem ; contra voluntatem suam quicquid capiat in futurum . By the said Ligier-Booke it likewise appeareth , that the said Deanry of Saint Martins had also priviledge of Sanctuary , in the time of the said King Henry the sixth ; see folio 78. and 79. There be diverse Presentations also and Probates of Wills ; from Page 81. to the end of the of the said Ligier-Booke . For the exposition of the words of priviledge , occurring in the Charters aforesaid ; I have added these following observations . Sok , est Secta de hominibus in curia vestra ( Sancti Martini ) secundum consuetudinem regni . Sak , est placitum et Emenda de transgressionibus hominum in curia vestra . Sok , idem pre quele acheson : et Sak dicitur pur forfet . Tol , est quod vos & homines vestri , de toto homagio vestro sit is quieti , in omnibus mercatis , de toto tolneto , de rebus emptis & venditis . Tem , est quod habeatis totam generationem villanorum vestrorum , cum eorum sectis & catallis , ubi cunque in Anglia fuerint inventi . Excepto , quodsi aliquis nativus , quietus per unum annum et unum diem , in aliqua villa privilegiata manserit ; ita quod in eorum communitatem et guildam , tanquam unus eorum receptus fuerit : eo ipso a villenagio liberatus est . Infangtheof , est quod latrones capti in Dominico vel feodo vestro , & de suo latrocinio convicti ; in curia vestra judicentur . Hangewyte , est quietus de latrone suspenso ; sine judicio , vel extra custodiam vestram evaso . Vtfangtheof , est quod latrones de terra veslra , vel de feodo vestro , extra terram vestram vel feodum vestrum capti cum latrocinio ; ad curiaem vestram revertantur , & ibi judicentur . Hamsoken , est quietum esse de amerciamento promagistro hospitiorum , violenter et sine licentia , & contrae pacem : & quod teneatis placita de hujusmodi transgressionibus factis , in curia vestra , & in terra vestra . Grithbrech , et pax Domini Regis fracta . Blodwite , est quietum esse de amerciamento pro medlets : et quod teneatis placita in curia vestra : et quod habeatis amer ciamenta inde provenientiae . Flistwite , est quietum esse de contentione et conviciis : & quod habeatis inde placitum in curia vestra : & quod habeatis inde amerciamenta . Fledwite , & quietum effe de amerciamento , cum quis utlegatus fugitivus venerit ad pacem domini Regis , sponte vel licentiatus . Flemenefith , quod habeatis catalla sive amerciamentae hominis vestri fugitivi . Letherwyte , est quod capiatis emendationem ab ipso qui corrupit nativam vestram , sine licentia vestra . Childwyte , est quod capiatis ger●●mam de nativa vestra corrupta & pregnata sine licentia vestra . Forstatt , & quietum esse de amerciamento de cattallis arrestatis , infra terram vestram : & habeatis amerciamenta inde provenientia . Scot , est esse quietum de quadam consuetudine ; sicut de tallagio facto ad opus Vice comitis , vel Ballivorum ejus . Geld , est quietum esse de consuetudinibus servilibus , quae quondam dari consueverunt , & adhuc dantur . Sicut Hornegeld , & de alijs similibus . Hidage , & quietum esse si Dominus Rex talliaverit totam terram per Hidam . Caruage , si Dominus Rex talliaverit terram per Carucas . Danegeld , est quietum esse de quadam consuetudine , sive solutione ; quam quidem Dani levaverunt primum in Anglia . Hornegeld , est quietum esse per totam terram de quadam consuetudine exactam per talliam : sicut de quasunque bestia cornuta . Lesteage , est quietum esse de quadam consuetudine exactam in nundinis & mercatis , pro rebus cariandis , ut homo vult . Stallage , est quietum esse de quadam consuetudine exactam proploceis captis vel assignatis in nundinis vel mercatis . * Chewyng , est quietum esse de aettachiamento in aliqua curia , & coram quibuscunque ; de querelis ostensis , & non advocat . Miskennyng , est quietum esse de amerciamento pro querela , coram quibuscunque ; in transumptione prolata . Burgbruch , est quietum esse de transgressione facta in Civitate vel Burgo , contra pacem . Wardwyte , est quietum esse de denario dando pro Ward facienda . Hundred , est quietum esse de denario , vel consuetudine facienda Praepossto & Hundredae . Bordhalepeney , est quietum esse de quadam consuetudine exactionis , pro tabula levatae . Brigbote , est quietum esse de auxilio dando ad reficiendos pontes . Burgbote , est quietum esse de auxilio dando ad reficiendum burgum , castrum , civitatem , vel muros prostratos . Haverpeney , est quietum esse de denariis dandis Averagio Domini Regis ; cum similibus . For a larger and more accurate exposition of these old words , I referre the Reader to that most elaborate and diligent Glossary of Sir Henry Spelman , Knight , the learnedest Antiquary of our Nation ; yea ( and in this kind ) of all Europe . This Deanry , together with the Sanctuary and Priviledges , was after put to the Abbey of Saint Peters in Westminster : as appeareth by what next followeth . A Declaration of William Abbot of the Monastery of St. Peter of Westminster , concerning his title to the Privilege and Sanctuary of St. Martins le grand in London : with the precincts , Circuit , and Bounds of the same . FIrst the said Abbot saith , That the free Chappell of St. Martins le grand in London , and the Precincts of Saint Martins aforesaid , is a place priviledged : and was founded and endowed long time before the Conquest , aswell of possessions , as of immunities , franchises , and liberties : and corroborate and inlarged by King VVilliam the Conquerour , like as it appeareth as well by the Charter of the said King VVilliam the Conquerour ; as by divers other Charters , Writings , and Records . Item , the said King William the Conquerour granted by his Charter to the same place of Saint Martins , divers liberties and franchises , by speciall and generall words , aswell in the Latine tongue as Saxon. And over that granted to the said place of Saint Martins , all other liberties , immunities , and customes , which any Church of this Realme , best had . Which grant importeth and includeth in himselfe as great priviledges , franchises , and immunities , as VVestminster , Beverlay , or any other place priviledged , hath within the Realme . And also the said words in Saxon , importeth such sentence . That the said place should bee a Sanctuary franchised , priviledged , and have tuition and immunities of all those persons , which for treason , felonies , trespasses , or any other cause , should flee to the same or abide therein . Which franchises , priviledge , tuition , and immunities , the said place hath alway peaceably had and enjoyed , from the said Conquerours dayes unto this present time . Item , the said franchises , immunities , and priviledges , of Saint Martins , have beene corroborate , confirmed , allowed and enlarged , by King Henry the first , King Stephen , Henry the second , King Iohn , King Henry the third , King Edward the second , King Edward the third , Richard the second , Henry the fifth , Henry the sixth , and in all other Kings times sithence the Conquest : as by divers Charters and Allowances before Justices of Oyer and Determiner , Writings and Records , more plainely at large is shewed , and may appeare . Item , it appeareth by divers Returnes made by the Sheriffes of London , aswell in the Kings Bench , the Common Pleas , and all other the Kings Courts , that the said place of Saint Martins , is a place priviledged , and Sanctuary : as by the same Returnes remaining of Record , more plainely may appeare . Item , the said Abbot saith , That the Precinct , Circuit , and Bounds of the priviledge and Sanctuary aforesaid , be and extend , as hereafter followeth . Imprimis , beginning at a wall lying directly against a Poast that standeth in the midst of one Roger VVrights a Grocers house , which standeth of the East side of the south gate of St. Martins : and from the wall in the said Grocers house , with the halfe-deale of the street unto the chancell of the same side that house standeth upon , Sanctuary . And so forth from the East Westward unto the middest of Saint Martins lane next to the Chappell of Saint Martins , against the Tenement of the Bulls head , which Tenement lieth at the south end of the said lane on the West part . Item , halfe part of the streete of St. Martins lane , Sanctuary , from the south unto the North , as farre forth as the houses appertaining to the Bull-head do extend Northwards . Item , from the said place of the Buls head , then the whole lane of St. Martins , Sanctuary on both sides , unto a Post or Stoope that standeth of the North side or end of the two Tenements , standing by the great gate next going into the Deanes Court. Item , from the said Saint Martins Lane , at the aforesaid Buls head , turning by a wall that divideth the said Tenement of the Bulls head , and Saint Martins ground : Which wall turneth and extendeth from the East Westwards , unto a backe wall that closeth in Saint Martins ground of the West side : all within the said Wall , Sanctuary . Item , along by the same backe wall , that closeth in the West part of Saint Martins ground , from the South end of the said wall into the North , unto a wall that divideth my Lord of Northumberlands ground , and Saint Martins ground from the South end ; all within the aforesaid Walls , Sanctuary : and so forth from the South side into the North my Lord of Northumberlands ground , Sanctuary ; along by a backe wall of the Grey Fryars : which backe wall closeth in my Lord of Northumberlands ground of the West part , unto the North part of Angell Alley , abutting Northwards upon the South side of Robert Bowmans house , into the Streetwards . And so Sanctuary still , from the said backe wall of Grey Fryars , along by the Angell Alley , and by the South part of the said Robert Bowmans house , from the West unto the East , untill you come to a Post or Stoope standing on the North part of the two Tenements next lying on the North side of a great gate entring into the Deanes Court. Item , from the same Post or Stoope before rehearsed , standing North from the great gate of the said Deanes Court directly Eastwards , by the North part of a Tenement , with the same Tenement inclosed ( as by the wall there it sheweth ) Sanctuary : which Tenement is now in the hands of one Hugh Payne . Item , from the aforesaid wall , along from the North , Southward unto Hugh Paynes dwelling house ; and from thence by the North side of the said Hugh Paynes Garden , Sanctuary still ; from the West unto the East part thereof . Item , againe from the North side of the above rehearsed Hugh Paynes Garden Southward , unto the Deanes Garden , Sanctuary . Item , along by the wall on the North side of the Deanes Garden , from the West into the East thereof , Sanctuary . Item , from the North unto the South , of the East part of the aforesaid Deanes Garden , with Saint Leonards Church , Sanctuary , as by a wall it there sheweth . Item , from the East end of Saint Leonards Church , Westwards of the South of Saint Martins , unto the Bell-Alley , Sanctuary , as appeareth also thereby another wall . Item , from the Bell-Alley Southwards , unto the wall spoken of at the beginning , which is within the Grocers house , against the Post that standeth within the middest of the same house . And so forth directly againe unto the Chanell of the high street , that lyeth afore the South gate of Saint Martins : all within the bounds rehersed , Sanctuary . Item , by a Statute made in the yeere of King Edward the third , it is affirmed , The said place of Saint Martins to bee a place franchised and priviledged , having tuition and immunity , in manner and forme as is above rehearsed . And in speciall , and for them that come in thither for Debt , Treason , and Felony . In proofe whereof , the Iudge that sitteth there for the King , as in a place not of the City , but by priviledge seperate , ( the Maior not called thereto , as he is to the deliverance of Newgate , and other such Acts in the City ) to have knowledge there in a case of Treason or Felony , hath ever , from time that no minde is , sitten in the gate of the said Sanctuary . And the person appeached or endited of Treason or Felony , hath beene kept by the Officers on the further side of the street afore him , to the intent that he come not of the other side of the Chanell towards the Sanctuary there , to claime the liberty and Franchises of the same . Item , wheras divers Kings of this land , for causes such as moved them , have seazed into their hands the Franchises and Liberties that the City of London had , by reason whereof they were not suffered to use or enjoy the said Franchises , for as long as it hath liked unto the said Kings : yet the said Chappell of Saint Martins le grand , in the said City of London , with the Precinct of the same , at the said times of such seasing of the aforesaid Franchises ; was afore and since alwayes a place priviledged , without any disturbance , diminishing , or taking away by the said Kings , or by their Ministers : and peaceably used and enjoyed their Franchises , Liberties , and immunities , within the Sanctuary and Precinct of Saint Martins , as in a place excepted and priviledged , and no wayes pertaining unto the said City , ne parcell thereof , though it be set within the same . And moreover , the said Abbot saith , that the said Church or Chappell of Saint Martins , within the said Sanctuary and Precinct of the same ; were of late by the late King of famous memory , King Henry the seventh , lawfully annexed and given to the said Monastery of Saint Peter of Westminster ; at which time , and times without mind of man before that , the said Chappell , and Precinct , circuit and bounds of the said Sanctuary , comprized within the Limits above rehearsed , were used , allowed , and taken , and yet be , as Sanctuary . Thus farre the Abbot of Westminsters declaration , at which time ( as it appeareth ) there fell out so much contestation , concerning the Precincts of this Sanctuary , that the matter was faine to be tried by ancient sworne men deposed in Court as Witnesses . Some of their Depositions are come to my hands , which I here give you : the rest ( and the beginning ) have miscarried . Item , the said Henry Williamson deposeth for the claimed bounds , and also for the priviledge of Sanctuary men , in the halfe Street and Lane next to Saint Martins ; and for the setting up of the Gallowes on Evill May day ; and for the removing thereof , as others therein before have deposed . Item , Ralfe Twyn deposeth , all wholly the claimed bounds to be Sanctuary ; and also the setting up of the Gallowes , and removing of the same , and the Pavement , to bee done by the Abbot : and that he knew one Bland privileged both for Treason and Murther , ever used to walke in the street claimed as Sanctuary , without any disturbance . Item , William Bayley deposeth , all the claimed bounds , and also the sitting of the Iustices in the South gate : and that he heard the Iustices say , that halfe the street against the said gate was Sanctuary : and that there was persons then arraigned , and others therein deposed : and that he knew the said Bland priviledged for Treason and Fellony , to dwell in Angell Alley : and that the Abbot ought to make the Pavement , as others have deposed there . Item , Iohn Smith , Clerke , deposeth for all the claimed bounds : and further saith , that hee knew Doctor Morton , and also the Cardinall Morton to lye there , one in Roger Wrights house , and the other in Angell Alley , they both being priviledged for Treason . And also he supposeth both Angell Alley and Bland Alley , to be holden of Saint Martins by certaine Rent , as parcell of the Earle of Northumberlands Tenements . And also for the Pavement , as others before have deposed . At this time ( I suppose ) was there a Survey or Plat of the Precinct , exhibited into the Court of Chancery , where it appeareth these Witnesses to have beene deposed . The figure of which Plat we here exhibite unto you . The Grey W. Fryars . All this is Shoomakers houses , which pay Rents to the Abbots of Westminster . Aldersgate The Chanell . Sanctuary ever used . The Chanell . No Sanctuary . S. Martins lane , and Sanctuary on both sides . A New Window broken out by Francis Godlike . The West Church doore . The Deanes gate . The Post . Hugh Paines Garden . The Deanes Garden . S. Leonards Church . All the Bounds and Limits about this Plat mentioned , beene contained in the Abbots claime : and is well proved to be good Sanctuary , by divers Witnesses sworne in the Chancery , as well Free-men of the City , as other credible persons . A stone Wall. Good Sanctuary ever used . The South Gate . Good Sanctuary ever used . The Chanell on the South side . Foster E. lane . The Post in Roger Wrights house . It seemes that there hath beene some latter differences about a new doore into the Liberties of the Freedome ; whereupon a Court being called , December 20. 1625. this Order was given out , to bee enquired upon and certified . It is ordered by the Court , that the Foreman of the Enquest , with others of the same Enquest , shall view the South gate and Entry leading from Bladder street into this Liberty : and also a doore made by Thomas Rodes in the East side of the same Entrey ; and make their reports under their bands in writing , on Monday next after the Epiphany . ACcording to the direction of the Order abovesaid , we whose names are under written , being all of the Enquest sworne for this yeere , having viewed the Gate and Entry , doe find , and accordingly certifie , that Thomas Rodes , a Linnen-Draper , dwelling in a house next adjoyning to the said Entry , on the East side thereof , ( in part of which house Roger Wright did sometimes dwell ) hath of late , without the privity or knowledge of most of the Inhabitants of this Liberty , taken downe , or caused to bee taken downe and carried away , a paire of strong , sufficient , and serviceable gates , in the night time ; which were , and time out of mind have bin , the common South gate of this Liberty . And in stead therof , hath set up a new gate of Deale , opening all one way , viz. towards the West side ; whereas the former paire of Gates or Leaves did fall open , the one towards the East side , and the other towards the West side of the said Entry . Also the said Thomas Rodes hath broken downe the partition wall on the East side of the said Entry ; against which , one Leafe of the said old Gate did fall open , as aforesaid : and hath there made a new doore ( where never any was before , in the memory of man ) of almost an Ell in breadth , out of the said Shop , into the said Entry or common passage into this Liberty . Wherby a free and open passage is made out of the City of London , thorow the shop of the said Rodes into this Liberty ; to the great prejudice of the Lords of the same Liberty , and to the great hinderance and damage of the Tenants and Inhabitants within the same . In witnesse whereof wee have hereunto subscribed our names , dated the 9. day of Ianuary , Anno Dom. 1625. Mathew Iumpar William Hewes William Hewes Richard Mattock Anthony Iohnson Timothy Smart Edward Napper Thomas Speare Henry Kuevet William Hunt Philip Richard William Purse . A very ancient Deed , to prove Lambs-Chappell to have anciently beene in the Parish of Saint Olaves Silverstreet . KNow all men , present and to come , that I Laurence de Frowik have granted and dimissed , and by this present Charter of mine have confirmed , unto Richard of Clerkenwell , Chaplaine , all that Land of mine , with the houses , buildings , and appurtenances which I have in London , in Muckwell street , in the Parish of S. Olaves ; lying betweene that Land which William Throtegos held of mee , towards the South , and the Land of the Fryars of the new Hostell , towards the North ; and which extendeth it selfe in length , from the Kings high-way , even unto the wall of the City towards the West , &c. he paying me twenty shillings a yeere , &c. and giving unto the Church of Saint Olaves aforesaid , one Waxe Candle of a pound weight , at the Feast of Saint Thomas the Apostle yeerely : and unto the Chappell ( de inclusorio ) in the Close or Cloister , within Criplegate , at the upper end of Muckwell street towards the North , one other Waxe Taper of three quarters weight , upon the Feast of Saint Iames yeerely , &c. Witnesses , Nicholas Bat , then Maior of London , Iohn of Northampton , and Richard Pycard then Sheriffes , &c. Notes upon this Deed. These were Maior and Sheriffes , Anno 1253. which was the thirty eighth yeere of Henry the third . Out of this so ancient a Deed , may wee observe , first , That by the bounding of this Land , betwixt the streete and the City wall , towards the West ; that this was that ground which is now Lambes Chappell yard . Secondly , by the assigning the latter Candle to bee paid to the Chappell , upon Saint Iames his day ; that it was meant to this Lambes Chappell : which was anciently called , The Chappell of Saint Iames in the wall . Vpon whose Festivall , this Chappell seemes to have beene dedicated : and to honour the solemnity of which Wake , the Gentleman directed this Candle to be yeerely paid . The Originall of this Deed in Latin , is in the hands of that most Learned Antiquary of our dayes Sir Henry Spelman Knight . The Circuit of the Hospitall or Free Chappell of Saint Katharine neere the Tower of London . FRom the East gate of the said Tower by the Thames , unto the Bancke beyond Saint Katharines Docke , Eastward : and from thence through all the Lane which leadeth from the said Docke , and in and by every part of the said Lane , unto the Kings high way , Northward : which way , lyeth between the Abby of Grace and the said Hospitall or Free Chappell ; and leadeth from the City of London , unto Radcliffe . And also from the said way , against the same Lane , unto the Tower Ditch , Westward ; and from thence to the River of Thames , Southward . An Ancient Record concerning East Smithfield to bee inserted Page 268. IN the times of King Kno wt ( or Kanutus ) the Dane , were there thirteene Knights very well beloved both of King and Kingdome . These begged of the Kings Grace , a certaine piece of Land in the East part of London ; which the Inhabitants had lately forsaken , by reason of the hardship * and service they there stood charged withall . The Knights suit for to have this Land granted unto them for ever , with the liberty of a Guild upon it , the King upon this condition granted : Namely , that every one of them should performe three combats upon the land , and in the water ; and come off with victory : and also , that upon a day appointed , they should runne at Tilt against all commers , in the field which is now called East Smithfield . This they having performed gloriously , the King gave them the field , and the same day named it K●ytte-guilden ; appointing these Boundaries unto it . First , that it should reach from Ealdgate to the place where the Barres now are , Eastward on both sides the Towne . He extended it another way toward Bishopsgate , as farre as the house of William the Priest . To the Southward , the liberties of this Guild reached so farre into the water of the Thames , as a horseman riding into the River at a dead low water , could dart his horsemans staffe from him . So that all East Smithfield , with part of the right hand way , which stretcheth , by Doddings pond into the Thames ; and also the Hospitall of Saint Katharines , with the Mills , ( which Hospitall was founded in the reigne of King Stephen ) together with the outer stone wall , and the new Ditch of the Tower , stand and are within the Fee aforesaid . For the said Wall and Ditch , were not as yet made ; but were afterwards , in the very time that King Richard the first was at Ierusalem . Which was done by the Bishop of Ely , the Kings Justice over all the Kingdome . The occasion was , a difference betwixt Earle Iohn the Kings Brother , and the chiefe Iustice . By the digging of this Ditch in the ground of East Smithfield , did the Church of the Holy Trinity in London lose half a Marke a yeere revenue ; and the Mill which belonged unto the poore Brotherhood of the Hispitall of Saint Katharines , and unto the Churches of Saint Katharines , and of the Holy Trinity altogether , was faine to be removed , to their no little hindrance . A Garden also which the King had hired of the Brotherhood aforesaid , at the rent of sixe Markes a yeere , was for the most part destroyed also by the said Ditch . Recompence was often sued for , but not made very speedily , though promised faithfully . Afterwards , King Edward gave five Markes and an halfe unto the poore Brotherhood , for that part of their Garden which the Ditch had destroyed , and that part which it had not , hee restored unto them againe , which they hold unto this day . As for their Rent of five Markes and a halfe , hee gave them his Charter , by which they receive it very duly either out of the Exchequer or the Hanaper , even untill this present . This Guild was by divers Kings afterwards confirmed . And first by Edward the Confessor , then by King William Rufus ; of whose Charter , I here give you this Abstract . William King of England , &c. to Bishop M. G de Magu , and R de Boare , and to his faithfull * Liege-people of London , sendeth greeting . Know ye that I have confirmed unto the men of Cnittengilda , their Guild and Lands pertaining unto it , with all their customes , entire ; even as they enjoyed them in the time of King Edward , and of my Father : Witnesse Henry de Both at Rethyng . Of King Henry the first his Charter this is the Abstract . Henry King of England , &c. to Bishop M. to the * Sheriffe of London , and to all his Barons and faithfull people of London , aswell French as English , sendeth greeting . Know yee that I have granted unto all the men of the Cnyttengilda , their Guild , and lands pertaining unto it ; together with all their customes after the best manner , even as they enjoyed the same in the times of King Edward and my Father , and as the King my Brother by his Charter and Seale confirmed them . And I free it from any forfeiture that might accrue unto my selfe , forbidding all men , that upon pretence hereof , they presume not to offer them any molestation . Witnesses , R. de Momford , R. de Bigot , and H. de Booth , at Westminster . More concerning the Liberties and extent of the said Guild . Know yee , that the Soken of Knyttengilda , reaches from Aldgate with the lands on both sides the streete , even unto the outer Barre . On the South side it reaches towards the Thames ; joyning with the Soken within the Barre , 66. foot of Saint Paul. On the North it goes within the Barre 16. foot of St. Paul. The Soken also extendeth towards Bishopsgate , even unto the house belonging sometimes unto William the Priest , and after unto Geffrey Tannar , together with all Smithfield , and so farre into the Thames as a horseman at low water riding upon his * Destrier into the River could dart his Lance from him ; together with the right hand part of the streete , which goes by Doddings pond to the Thames . But as for that on the left hand , it is not of that Soken ; but yet in the Parish of Saint Botolphs . More , concerning the Tower Ditch before mentioned ; and of the enclosing the whole City of London with a Ditch . Whilest King Richard in his returne from Ierusalem , was kept prisoner by the Emperor of Almayne , there sell out a dissension betwixt Earle Iohn the Kings Brother , and the Bishop of Ely , Lord Chiefe Iustice of England : whereupon , the Bishop thought good to fortifie the Kings * Castle , which the Earle at that time provided to beleager . It seemed good to the Bishop therefore , to encompasse in the whole Bulwarke , with a wall of a most wonderfull thicknesse , and to make a broad and deepe Ditch about that , which the Thames flowing into , the whole Tower might both be encompassed and fortified by it . Vpon occasion therefore of this Ditch , which was then made in Smithfield ; and by reason of that other Ditch , which the Citizens for the same cause then beganne to make round about their City : did the Church of the Holy Trinity lose halfe a Marke of yearely revenew ; and the Mill also belonging unto the poore of the Hospitall of Aldgate was taken away . Whereupon there accrewed no small damage both unto * us , and to those poore people : for which , though recompence hath beene often promised , yet have we hitherto received no satisfaction . More concerning this matter , out of a french Record in Booke H. folio 199. and in Booke Dunthorne , folio 88. Which is a desire of the Master of Saint Katherines Hospitall , to have leave of the City to enclose a certaine peece of ground neere the Tower of London . It was told unto the Maior , Aldermen , and Commonalty , how that Iohn Hermesthorpe , Master of Saint Katherines Hospitall , by the Tower of London , had a certaine peece of Land , which had somewhile beene a portion of the Garden of his Hospitall ; which portion King Edward , sonne to King Henry , had purchased of those of the said Hospitall , for the enlargement of the Tower Ditch ; for which hee paid unto the Master , Brothers , and Sisters of the said Hospitall , 3. li. 13. s. 4. d. yeerely for ever : and that the said Hospitall had received the said Rent ever since the time of the Purchase . This place indeed , had heretofore laine void and waste , and had beene of no profit to any ; serving onely for a resort or meeting place of Rogues and Women of ill conversation . For the restraining of which naughtinesse and pilferies , the said Iohn had againe purchased it of King Edward the third , of whom he had received licence to enclose the said void peece for the benefit of his Hospitall : he paying to the King and his Heires , into their Exchequer , vj. s. viij . d. for ever . By vertue of which Licence , the said Master had already begunne to enclose the said void Plat of ground . This the Maior , &c. hearing of , sent to forbid the enclosure of ; affirming , that the said Plat belonged unto the Commonalty of the City of London : whereupon the Master forbare to proceede further for sixe or eight yeeres together . At the end of this terme , the said Master made sure unto the Maior and Commonalty , that they would please to give him leave to enclose the said place , were it but onely to prevent and take away the Villanies which he affirmed to be there committed : for which courtesie he then promised , that himselfe , and all the Brothers and Sisters of the said Hospitall , would particularly , and in especiall manner , pray for the good estate of the City ; and be willing moreover to pay some small yeerely Rent unto the Chamber of Guihald , London , for ever . To this suit the Maior , Aldermen , and Commonalty consented : and further made choice of some certaine Aldermen and Commoners , who should take a view of this , and other void places belonging to the City , and make report to them , &c. To prove that the Hospitall of Saint Katherines , with the Mils , and all that belong to it , together with the Tower Ditch , all East-Smithfield without the Posterne , before the Abbey of Grace , with the right hand part of the street leading along by Duddings Pond , are , and time out of minde have beene within the Liberty of the City of London , and parcell of Portsoken Ward without Algate , in the Suburbes . The Maior and Commonalty of the City of London affirme , that in the time of the Conquerour , and long before , the said Ward of Portsoken , was called the Ward of Anglish Knightgilden . And that afterwards , about the eighth of King Henry the first , Ralfe the sonne of Algode , Wolfard le Deverish , Otgar le Prude , with divers other substantiall Citizens of London , descended of the ancient race of the English Knights , being Lords of the Liberty of the said Guild , in the Soken aforesaid , and were seazed of all the Lands in the said Soken ( as by the Charter of the said King Henry it appeareth ) did bequeath the said Soken and Lands , unto the Church and Canons of the Holy Tinity , within Algate , London . Which gift the said K. Henry , by his Charter ( which the Maior and Commonalty have here to shew ) also confirmed . Vpon pretext of which Gift and Confirmation , Norman , at that time Prior , and the Covent of the Church aforesaid , as also their Successors , stood a long time possessed . Afterwards , among other things , Ralfe the Prior , with the Canons of the said Church , did grant unto Maud Queene of England , Wife to King Stephen , a certaine parcell of Land in the said Soken ( the very same , namely , upon which the said Hospitall of Saint Katherines is now founded ) together with all the Mill there in the * Shambles , in lieu of sixe yard land in the Mannor of Bracching , in the County of Hertford : even as by two Patents of the said King and Queene made upon that occasion , it manifestly is declared . Moreover they affirme , That whereas the Lord Edward the first , sometimes King of England , had not any piece of ground of his owne proper Lands neere enough unto his Tower of London , whereupon to build up his Wall , and to make his Ditch about the Tower , which he purposed to doe a new ; hee purchased of the Master , Brethren , and Sisters of the Hospitall of Saint Katherines by the Tower aforesaid , a certaine Plat of ground with the appurtenances in East Smithfield , adjoyning unto the Tower , both for the laying of the Sand , Gravell , and Marle , which should be digged out of the Ditch , and that which should serve for the repairing of the Wall aforesaid . And that he paid unto the Master , Brothers , and Sisters aforesaid , five Markes , sixe shillings and nine pence , both for the purchase of the said Plat , and the recompence of their losse long since sustained , by the enlargement of the Ditch , and reparation of the Wall aforesaid : which hee caused for himselfe and his Successors to be yeerely payable out of the Exchequer . Which five Markes sixe shillings nine pence , the Masters , Brothers , and Sisters ( for the time being ) of the said Hospitall , have ever since the said Grant received , and doe actually at this present receive it by vertue of the said Patent , which they now have by them , &c. the Copy whereof was entered upon Record in the Chamber of * Guildhall ; and acknowledged by them before Nicholas Brembre , then Maior , and the Aldermen . They affirme also , that in the fourteenth yeere of King Edward the second , at such time as he held Assises in the said Tower ; it was proved , that the said Ward of Portsoken , ( heretofore called English Knightgeld ) was in and of the Liberties of London ; and that , so often as any Taxe was to bee raised for the King , or to bee assessed for the Commonalty of London , upon the Commoners of the said City , or that any other Assessement was to bee made by the said Commonalty , either for the raising of some Wall , making of any enclosure , or for the defence of the City : that all the people inhabiting the said Ward , were accustomed to pay the said Taxes , like other Freemen of the City ; and the said Assessements were wont to bee levied upon them , as upon other Freemen of the City , like as by the Transcript of the Rolls of the said * Assizes of the Kings , now remaining in the Treasury of the Guildhall of the same City , most clearely it appeareth . They further affirme , that the Lord Edward the third , late King of England , Progenitor of our Lord the King that now is , in the seventeenth yeere of his Reigne , directed by his * Letter unto Iohn Hamond , at that time Maior of his City of London , and his Majesties Escheator in the same : in which Letters he made rehearsall of all the former businesse concerning the Wall and Ditch of the Tower , made in his Grandfathers time . Hee rehearsed also , how Ralfe of Sandwich , and Iohn de Weston , late Constables of the Tower , did let out the same place by parcels unto divers men , without leave or licence had therefore , either from the Kings his Grand-father , Fathers , or Himselfe ; and that the said place was then builded upon , and rented out for 40. s. a yeere , and that himselfe had given out Commissions to enquire upon the reasons , manner , right , and valew of every thing , &c. And that the said Iohn Hamond making enquiry hereupon , made returne of all into the Chancery , &c. They affirme moreover , that all the Lands and Tenents , upon the foresaid right hand of the way by Duddings Pond , and about the said places of East Smithfield , Tower-hill , and Romeland , circularly situated , were and have beene in the time of the holding the Assises of the said King , impleaded and sued within the said City , and not elsewhere ; as by the evidences of the said Lands and Tenents , upon Record enrolled in the Guildhall , &c. appeareth . They further say , That in the times of all the former Kings and Assizes ( time out of minde ) so often as any mis-hap or casualty , such as Murther , Drowning , or other indirect death of any person , in any of the places forementioned , hath fallen out , upon which there was any enquiry to be taken , or any Summons , Attachment , or Execution to bee made in any of the said places : yea , and which more is , even within the Tower it selfe , and at such time as the King ( now and then ) hath beene present , have the Sheriffes , Coroners , and other Officers of the said City of London for the time being , and no other , used to make such Quests of Enquiry , Summons , Attachments , and Executions , and had right so to doe : as it is most manifestly to be proved by divers Rolls of the Crowne , and other Records of the times aforesaid , now being in the sayd Treasury . They say moreover , that amongst other Liberties granted by the Kings Predecessors unto the Citizens of London , and ratified in divers Parliaments , this expressely is one , That no Arrest , Attachment , or Execution , bee made by any Officers of the Kings within the said Liberty , either by Writ or without Writ , but onely by the Officers of the City . By all which Charters , Letters , Patents , Bills , Acts of Assize , Writs , Enquests , Returnes , Rolls of the Escheators , and Crowne Office , Assizes , Pleadings , Enrollments , Freedomes , and most plentifull other kinds of Records and Proofes , it may easily and undoubtedly be concluded , That the said Hospitall of Saint Katherines , with the Mills and other its appurtenances , as also the whole Tower Ditch , with all the Lands of East Smithfield without the Posterne , before the Abby of Grace , together with the right side of the street going by Duddings Pond , as also the whole Ditch and Plaine without the Tower , within the Posterne , called Romeland , with all the Houses and Gardens round about them , have all the time aforesaid , bin within the compasse of the Liberty of the City . The selfe same Copy of what is last above , is something differently recorded also in Booke Dunthorne , fol. 84. the different poynts whereof , not mentioned in this former , I have transcribed . That the Hospitall , Ditch , and the Tower hill , are of the Parish of Saint Botolphs Algate , and parcell of Portsoken Ward . That another part , by Romeland and the Thames , towards the Posterne , by Saint Katherines Hospitall , were of the Parish of Alhallowes Berking , and of the Ward of the Tower of London . That Queene Maud was the Foundresse of Trinity Church within Algate ; that the Ditch begunne by the Citizens in Richard the firsts time , was for the defence of the City . That there is another Soken within the Walls of the City , called the Inner Soken , which reacheth from Algate , even unto that gate of the Tower called * Cinigate ; which Soken is within the Liberties of the City , as by some Records kept by the Prior doth appeare . That the Inhabitants of Portsoken and the Tower , are to be impleaded onely in the Courts of the City , for all Matters , Causes , and Contracts howsoever arising . That the Tower hath no proper Court of its owne , but onely the Court of the Baron , which is no Court of Record ; as by Records exemplified in the Kings Bench it appeareth . That when any murther or drowning hath beene within the said Hospitall or Tower , the City Officers have attached the Malefactors within the Tower , notwithstanding that the King himselfe sometimes hapned to be present within the said Tower , and have carried the said men so arrested into some of the Kings Prisons within the City . That when the Iustices Itinerant have used to come to keepe Assizes in the Tower , the Officers of the City have had the keeping both of the inner and outer Gates of the said Tower ; and that nothing was executed within the Tower , which pertained to the office of a * servant , but by the servants of the City . That the Sheriffe of London hath had the charge of all the Prisons in the Tower , so often as the said Iustices itinerant have comne thither : as appeares in many Rolls of Pleas of the Crowne , and of the said Itinerant Iustices . By another short Record in the said Dunthorne , fol. 85. it is specified , That if any were murthered within the Tower , or drowned in the Tower Ditch , or in the Gate , called The Water Gate , that notwithstanding the King himselfe were there present , yet have the City Sheriffe and Coroner sitten upon the dead body , and empanelled their Iuries . The Letter or Commission of King Edward , unto Iohn Hamond Maior of London , before mentioned , is to bee seene in Dunthorne , fol. 87. T is dated at Westminst . Octo. 21. in the 17. yeere of his Reigne over England , and over France the 4. The L. Maiors returne of the Inquisition is also there recorded . Of the founding of Trinity Church within Aldgate , and of the beginning of the Canons Regular , and Augustine Fryers in ENGLAND . Insert this in page 145. IN the yeere of Christ 1108. and in the eighth yeere of King Henry , was the Church of the holy Trinity , within Aldgate , London , founded by the Venerable Lady , Maud , Wife unto the said King , by the perswasion of Archbishop Anselme . It was given unto Norman , who became the first Prior not onely there , and first Canon Regular of the whole Kingdome . For by him was all England ( saith my Record ) adorned with the Rule of Saint Augustine , and the Canonicall habit of that Order . Which Order , by the gathering together of many Fryers into that Church , was the number of those that praised God day and night so much increased , that the whole City was much delighted with the sight of it . Insomuch , that in the yeere of our Lord , 1125. certaine Burgesses of the City , descended of the ancient race of the English Knights ; by name , Ralfe the sonne of Algode , Wolsard le Deverish , Orgar le Prude , Edward Vp●●●●hill , Blacstan , and his Cosin Alwin , Alwis and Robert his brother , sonnes of Leostan , Leostan the Goldsmith , and Wyz● his sonne , Hugh the sonne of Wolgare , Algar Secusenne , Orgar the sonne of Dereman , Osbert Drinchepyn , and Adelardus Hornpite , meeting together in the Chapter of the Church of Christ , which is situated within the Walls of the City neere Aldgate , freely gave unto the said Church , and unto the Canons serving God , all that Land and Soken , which was called Anglish Cnithgilda , which lies by the wall of the City without Aldgate , and reaches into the Thames . They gave it , I say , themselves becomming Fryars , and partaking of the benefits of that place , by the hand of Norman the Prior , who received them into the Society , as he had done others before them ; by an oath taken upon the Text of the Gospell . And to the intent that this gift of theirs might stand firme and unchangable ; they surrendred up ( among other Writings which they had for it ) the Charter of St. Edward . After which , they gave the Prior seisin and possession of the said Land , by * the Church of Saint Botolph which had beene builded upon the same , and was the head of it . All this was done before these Witnesses , Bernard , Prior of Dunstaple , Iohn Prior of Landa , and divers others French and English people . The said Donors hereupon , sent one of their owne Company ( Ordgar le Prude by name ) unto King Henry , with their petition , that hee would bee pleased to give his consent and confirmation to their said gift ; Whereupon , the King very willingly allowed the said Land and Soken unto the Church ; and to be free and acquitted from all service to himself , as franck Almes ought to be : which he thus confirmed by his Charter . Henry King of England , to R. Bishop of London , and to the Sheriffe * and Provost , and to all the Barons , and to his Liege people both French and English , both of London and Middlesex greeting . Know yee that I have granted and confirmed unto the Church and Canons of the Holy Trinity , London , the Soken of the English Cnittengilda , with the Lands which belong unto it , and the Church of Saint Botolphs , even as the * Lords of the same Guild have given and granted it . And I will , and firmely doe command , that they may well and honourably * and freely hold it ; together with Sak and Sok , and Toll , and Thea , and Infangtheof , and all other their old customes ; like as the men of it in the best manner did , in the times of King Edward , and like as King William my Father , and my Brother , by their Charters granted it unto them . Witnesse A. the Queene , and Geffrey the Chancelor , and Geffrey de Clinton , and William de Clinton , at Wdestocke . The King also sent his Sheriffes ; namely , Albric de Veer , and Roger Nephew of * Herbert ; which , for his part , should invest the Church in the said possession . More , concerning the same matter ; and of the restoring to the Church of a little piece of Land , encroached upon by the Constables of the Tower. Stephen King of England , to the Bishop of London , and to the Iustices , Sheriffes , Barons , Officers , & all his * Liege people of London , French and English , greeting . Know yee , that I have restored and new granted unto God and the Church of the Holy Trinity , London , and to the Canons Regulars serving God there , for the soule of King Henry , and for the salvation of my selfe and Queen Maud my wife , and Eustace my Sonne , and of other my Children , and for ever doe restore and grant , that Land of theirs in * Smithfield , which Earle Geffrey had in his occupation for the making of his Vineyard . Wherefore I will , and hereby firmely doe command ; that they shall well and peaceably , freely , quietly and honourably , have and hold the Land aforesaid : even as after the best manner they did freely and quietly enjoy other their Lands : and even as King Henry had before granted , and by his Charter confirmed it unto them . Witnesse Maud the Queene , Thomas my Chaplaine , William de Ipra , and Richard de Lucye , at London . At the same time did Earle Geffrey resigne up his possession , as by this his Deed appeareth . Geffrey Earle of Essex , principall Constable of the Tower , &c. to the Bishop of London , * and all that hold of holy Church , greeting . Know yee that I have restored unto the Church of Christ in London , and to the Fryars there , their Mills neere unto the Tower , and all their land without the Tower ; belonging sometimes unto the English Cnittengilda ; with Smithfield , and the * tenants , and all other things belonging thereunto . I also restore unto them halfe a hide of land * of Brebelegia , with the Land and medowes and pastures , and all other things , liberties and customes ; as William Widois sometimes gave it unto them , when as he tooke the habit of a Canon Regular upon him . And I will and command , that they hold the said Lands from mee and from mine heires , free , cleered , and acquitted , from all claime and secular service . That is to say , in such manner as it shall never bee lawfull either for me or for mine heires to do them any injury or contumely in consideration of the Lands aforesaid . Witnesse , R. * the Countesse my wife , Gregory Draper , Payn of the Temple , &c. And I also give unto them one Mark of silver , out of the service of Edward de Sekegeford . Witnesse those above-named , and William Archdeacon of London . King Stephen also restored something unto the said Church ; as by this following Charter appeareth ; which the Constables of the Tower had encreached . This was done after the lands were proved by oath to belong to the Church , before the Kings Chiefe Iustice . Stephen King of England , to the Bishop of London , the Iustices , Sheriffes , Barons , Officers , and all his Liege people , both French and English , of the County of Hertford , greeting . Know yee that I have given & granted unto the Church of the Holy Trinity , and to the Canons serving God there , T. S. of Land in the Manor of Bracking in perpetual almes ; for the rest of the soules , that is to say , of Baldwin my sonne , and Maud my Daughter , which lye buried there . I have further also given and granted unto the said Church and Canons sixe yeards of Land in the same Mannor of Bracking ; for the * exchange of their Mil and that plat of their ground , which they heretofore granted unto Queene Maud my wife , neere unto the Tower of London ; upon which she hath now founded an Hospitall * for the poore . Those sixe yeards of Land , I meane , which I still kept in mine owne * demaines , after I had made partition of the other parcels of the said Mannor : that is to say , that part upon which the Church is founded , and unto which , the Market belongeth . Wherefore I will , and firmly hereby command , that the said Church and Canons shall wel , peaceably , freely , and honourably for ever possesse the said Lands , acquitted from all secular exaction , as it becommeth free Almes . That is to say , my demaines with Sak , and Sok , and Toll , and Thea , and Infangtheof , with all such other customes , as they now hold other their possessions . Witnesse Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury , Robert B. of London , Robert B. of Hereford , and Robert B. of Excester , and I●ard B. of Chichester , and William B. of Norwich , and Maud my Queene , and Earle Eustace my sonne , and William 〈…〉 , and Robert de Veer , and William Mart , Henry de Essex , and Richard de Lucye . Then next followes Queene Mands confirmation of the Kings gift ; dated at London , under the same Witnesses , where the same things are repeated . Other things given by Queene Maud , to the same Church . Maud by the grace of God Queene of English , to Robert Bishop of London , and to all that hold on holy Church , greeting . Know yee that 〈…〉 the counsell of the Archbishop Anse●me , and by the grant and confirmation of my Lord King Henry , I have given and confirmed the Church of Christ within the Walls of London , to be free and acquitted from all subjection , as well of the Church of * Waltham , as of all other Churches , excepting the Church of S. Paul , and of the Bishop of London ; together with all the appurtenances , unto the honour of God and to the Canons Regular there serving God with Norman the Prior , for ever ; and that for the redemption of our soules , and the soules of our Parents . In like manner have I given unto them , the gate called Aldgate , with the Soken thereunto belonging , which was mine owne demaines ; and two parts of the revenues of the City of Excester . And I will and command that the said Canons shall well , peaceably , freely , and honourably possesse those Lands and all belonging unto their Church ; together with those customes and liberties , which my Lord King Henry hath by his Charter confirmed unto them ; so that no injury or reproach bee therefore done unto them . Witnesse William Bishop of Winchester , Roger Bishop of Sarum , Robert Bishop of Lincolne , &c. Dated at Westminster . Notes upon the foresaid Charters . First , observe the time of the building of Saint Botolphs Church without Aldgate , which was about the age of the Conquerour . So much wee know by this ; that it was builded betwixt the time of Canutus , and Henry the firs ; t. Adde this to page 118. Secondly , whereas the Kings write to the Barons of London ; know what Mathew Paris in his Henry the third sayes , that the Citizens of London , both for their antiquity and the honour of the City , were called Barons . But they were onely the principall Citizens that had this title . The chiefe men of the City , whom we now call Barons , were heretofore stiled Captaines . They were the Kings Free Tenants , priviledged all over England . Sometimes the Kings Writs were directed to the Sheriffe and Barons of London . The Church also had its Barons or Free Tenants ; and divers other Cities of England . See for this word , in Sir Henry Spelmans Glossary . Thirdly , observe London and Middlesex to be in those dayes joyned together , as in King Henries Charter . Of the setting up of the Stone Conduit by the Stockes . To be inserted pag. 244. after the fifth line . AT a Common Councell held on Tuesday , November 27. in the first yeere of King Henry the 8. was this patition preferred , and granted . To the Right Honourable Lord the Maior , and his Brethren the Aldermen , and to the discreet persons of the Common Councell of this City of London . Beseeching your good Lordship and Masterships , the Inhabitants dwelling about the Stockes , that by the space of five or sixe yeeres past , a vent of water hath runne by a Pipe of Lead beside the Stockes ; which pipe of Lead by reason that it is not closed , is daily hurt with Horses and Carts . It may therefore please your good Lordship and Masterships , and all our Masters of the Common Councell , to grant and give licence unto the said Inhabitants , upon their owne proper costs and charges to make or cause to bee made , a little Posterne of Stone with a Cesterne of lead therein : so that the said water shall bee therein preserved and conveyed : and so to bee drawne out by Cocks , to the Common weale of all the said Inhabitants thereabout dwelling . Thus at the reverence of God , and in the way of charity . This is the Posterne now presently there standing over against the South-East . A Note concerning Bretaske lane in Downegate Ward . To be inserted page 253. Col. second , after , Edward the fourth . AT a Common Councell holden December 11. Anno 3. of Henry the 8. A Bill was exhibited at this Court by the Wardens of the Dyers Company ; whereby they claimed a lane in the Ward of Downegate , called Bretaske lane , to bee their severall ground . For this , a search was made in the Bookes and Records of the City ; by which it appeared , that the said lane was the common Lane of the City , and not severall to them . And so they were answered by the Court. Concerning Blackwell Hall ; An Act of Common Councell held August the first , in the 8. of Henry 8. To be inserted Page 129. Col. 1. after these words : This house ( of late yeeres ) WHereas by an Act of Common Councell , in the 22. yere of the reigne of King Richard the second , it was ordained and established , that no manner of person should bring or conveigh any Woollen Clothes to the said City to bee sold , except they were first brought , harboured , and discharged at the Common Market of Blackwell hall , therefore ordained and provided , and of old time accustomed , upon paine of forfeiture of all the said Clothes so harboured and laid , contrary to the said Ordinance ; which Act and Ordinance , was by another Act of Common Councell holden at the Guild hall aforesaid , the day and yeere abovesaid , ratified , approved , and confirmed . And over that , it is now at this present ordained , established , and enacted , that no manner of person being Freeman of this City , after the Feast of the Nativity of our Lady next comming , suffer any manner of person whatsoever , bee hee free or forraigne , to buy or sell any manner of Woollen Clothes harboured or lodged contrary to the said Ordinance : As broad Clothes , Carsies , Cottons , Bridgewater Frizes , Dosseins , or any other manner of Cloth made of Wooll , within his Shop , Chamber , or other place within his house , unlesse the said Clothes were first brought to Blackwell hall aforesaid , and there bought and sold . Or else the said Freeman , the said Clothes lawfully bought in the Country out of the said City , upon paine to forfeit and to pay to the use of the Commonalty of this City ; for his first offence , for every Broad-Cloth so sold , harboured , or lodged , contrary to the said Ordinance , vj. s. viij . d. for every Carsie iij. s. iiij . d. for every Dosseine , Bridgewaters , and other pieces of Cloth made of Wooll , xx . d. And for the second offence , the said pains to be doubled : and for the third offence , the party so offending to be disfranchised and deprived cleerely from the Liberties of this City for ever . Of the enlargement of the Crossed Fryars Church . AT the Common Councell , the day and yeere above mentioned , was there an Act passed for the grant unto the Prior and Covent of the Crossed Fryars , besides the Tower of London ( to the intent that they should pray for the good estate of the City ) of the common ground of the said City , for the enlargement of their Church , viz. in breadth from the East end of their Church , from the maine Wall thereof on the North part , into the high street there , five foot of Assise ; and at the West end of their Church , in breadth foure foot and a halfe , stretching in length from the East part to the West part , seven score and eight foot and an halfe . Afterwards , at a Common Councell holden on Tuesday , September 25. Anno 12. of Henry 8. the said Prior and Covent petitioned for succour towards the edifying and maintenance of their new Church , and to take upon them and the whole City to be their second Founders . Whereupon it was agreed , that severall exhortations should bee made in Writing to every Fellowship in London , to see what they would doe of their devotions towards the same ; and such summes to be certified to the Maior and Aldermen , to the intent it may be knowne to what it will amount . Of the Conduit of Saint Giles Creplegate . To be inserted pag. 319. AT a Common Councell held Aprill , the same yeere , it was agreed , that the Chamberlaine should , at the costs of the Chamber , cause the common Well and Spring at Saint Giles , to bee covered with a house of Bricke . Something to be added to page 281. concerning Saint Thomas of Acons in West-Cheape . TVesday , Aprill 27. Anno 10. of Henry the 8. it was granted unto the Master and his Brethren of the Hospitall of Saint Thomas of Acon , in West-Cheape , where * Saint Thomas the Martyr was borne , because they wanted roome in the said Hospitall , that for their more ease they might make a Gallery in convenient height and bredth , from their said house overthwart the street in the Old Iury , into a certaine Garden and Buildings , which the Master and Brethren had then lately purchased . So as the said Gallery should bee of such height , as should not annoy Man , Horse , nor Cart. And to make a Window on either side of the said Gallery , and therein yeerely in the Winter to have a sufficient Light for the comfort of them that passe that way . Of Leaden Hall. To be inserted page 206. Columne 2. after Chamber of London . AT a Common Councell , holden September 28. Anno 10. Henry 8. was there a Petition exhibited , to the Right Honourable the Maior , and his Worshipfull Brethren the Aldermen , and to the discreet Commoners in this Common Councell assembled . Meekely beseeching and shewing unto your Lordship and Masterships , divers and many Citizens of this City , which with your favours under correction thinke , that the great place called Leaden Hall , should nor ought not to be letten to farme to any person or person ; and in especiall , to any Fellowship or Company incorporate , to have and to hold the same Hall for terme of yeeres ; for such inconveniences as may thereby insue and come , to the hurt of the Common weale of the same City in time to come . As somewhat more largely may appeare in the Articles hereafter following . 1 If any Assembly or hasty gathering of the Commons of the said City , for oppressing or subduing of mis-ruled people within the said City , hereafter shall happen to bee called or commanded by the Maior , &c. there is none so convenient , meet , and necessary place to assemble them in within the said City , as the said Leaden Hall ; both for largenesse of roome , and for their City defence in time of their counselling together about the Premises . Also in that place hath beene used the Artillery , Gunnes , and other common Armors of the said City , safely to be kept in a readinesse for the safegard , wealth , and defence of the City , to be had and occupied at times when need required . And also , the Store of Timber for the necessary reparations of the Tenements belonging to the Chamber of the said City , there commonly hath beene kept . 2 Item , if any Triumph or Noblesse were to bee done or shewed by the Commonalty of this City for the honour of our Soveraigne Lord the King , or Realme , and for the Worship of the said City , the same Leaden Hall is a most meet place to prepare and order the same Triumph therein , and from thence to issue forth to the places thereto appointed . 3 Item , at every Largesse or Dole of Money made unto the poore people of this City , by or after the death of any Worshipfull person within the said City , it hath beene used to bee done and given in the said Leaden hall , for that the said place is most meete therefore . 4 Item , the honourable Father that was maker of the said Hall , had a speciall intent , will , and minde ( as it is commonly said ) that the Market men and women that came to the City with Victuall and other things , should have their free standing within the said Leaden hall in wet weather , to keepe themselves and their Wares dry , and thereby to encourage them and all other to have the better will and desire , the more plenteously to resort to the said City to Victuale the same . And if the said Hall should be letten to farme , the Will of the said Honourable Father should never be fulfilled nor take effect . 5 Item , if the said place ( which is the chiefe Fortresse , and most necessary place within all this City , for the tuition and safegard of the same ) should be letten to farme out of the hands of the chiefe heads of the same City , and especially to another body politike , it might at length ( by likelihood ) be the occasion of discord and debate , betweene the said bodies politicke , which God defend , &c. For these and many other great and reasonable causes , which hereafter shall be shewed to this honourable Court , your said beseechers thinke much necessary , that the said Hall be still in the hands of the City , and to be surely kept by discreet & sad Officers : in such wise that it may alwayes be ready to be used and occupied for the common Weale of the said City , when need shall require , and in no case to bee letten out to any body Politicke . This Petition was granted . Of the new Seale of the Bridge-house . AT a Common Councell , Iuly 14. Anno 33. Henry 8. It was ordered that the Seale of the Bridge-house should bee changed , because the Image of Thomas Becket , sometimes Archbishop of Canterbury was graven therein . And a new Seale to be made , to bee devised by Master Hall , to whom the old Seale was delivered . Note , This was occasioned by a Proclamation , which commanded the names of the Pope and Thomas of Becket to be put out of all Bookes and Monuments ; which is the reason that you shall see them so blotted out , in all old Chronicles , Legends , Primers , and Service bookes printed before those times . Of the priviledge of Saint Bartholomewes Hospitall . To be inserted , Pag. 345. AT a Common Councell , Tuesday Iuly 19. 33. Henry 8. The most gracious Letters Patents of King Edward the second , made and granted to S. Bartholomewes Hospitall in Smithfield , were allowed ; for and concerning such Priviledges as they doe claime thereby at this present time . Which is , that none of the Officers or Ministers of the City , should doe or execute any Arrest within the Precinct of the said Hospitall , and that the Arrest made by Vnderhill ( one of my Lord Maiors Servants ) upon Alice Browne , shall be discharged , &c. Also at a Common Councell , August 1. the sixth of Edward the sixth , it was enacted , that the Lord Maior and Aldermen should have leave to breake downe a piece of the City Wall behind Christ Church , for the making of a doore or passage thorow the said Wall , for the Governours of the house of the poore , of the Foundation of King Henry the 8. in West Smithfield , and other Citizens , to goe to and from the same house , unto and from the house ordained by the City for the reliefe of the poore , called The house of Worke , and Law , &c. notwithstanding . Against abuses offered to Pauls . To bee inserted Page 371. Col. 2. after To his Will. AT an Act of Common Councell , August 1. Anno 1. and 2. of Philip and Mary . Forasmuch as the Materiall Temples of God were first ordained for the lawfull and devout assembly of people , there to lift up their hearts , and to laud and praise Almighty God , and to heare his Divine Service , and most holy Word and Gospell , sincerely said , sung , and taught , and not to bee used as Markets , or other prophane places or thorowfares , with carriage of things . And for that ( now of late yeeres ) many of the Inhabitants of the City of London , and other people repairing thither , have ( and yet doe ) commonly use and accustome themselves very unseemely and unreverently ( the more the pity ) to make their common carriage of great Vessels full of Ale and Beere , great Baskets full of Bread , Fish , Flesh , and Fruit , and such other things , Fardels of stuffe , and other grosse Wares and things , thorow the Cathedrall Church of Saint Pauls : and some in leading Moyles , Horses , and other Beasts thorow the same unreverently , to the great dishonour and displeasure of Almighty God , and the great griefe also and offence of all good people . Bee it therefore for remedy and reformation thereof , ordained , enacted , and established , &c. that no person , either free or forraigne , of what estate or condition soever , doe at any time from henceforth carry or convey , or cause to be carried or conveyed thorow the said Cathedrall , any manner of great Vessell or Basket with Bread , Ale , Beere , Fish , Flesh , &c. or any other like thing or things , upon paine of forfeiture or losing for every such his or their first offence , 3. s. 4. d. for the second 6. s. 8. d. for the third x. s. and for every other offence after such third time , to forfeit x. s. and to suffer two dayes and two nights imprisonment , without Baile or Mainprise . The one moity of all which paines and penalties shall be to Christs Hospitall within Newgate , and the other halfe to him that will sue for the same in any Court of Record within the City , by Bill , originall plaint , or Information , to be commenced or sued in the name of the Chamberlaine of the said City for the time being ; wherein none Essoine or wager of Law for the Defendant , shall be admitted or allowed . The Abstract of an Act of Common Councell , held September 19. in the third and fourth yeeres of Philip and Mary , for the removing of the Compter Prison out of Breadstreet into great Woodstreet . To bee inserted pag. 312. or pag. 395. Col. 1. after Pitifull Prisoners . BY reason of divers hinderances , injuries , extremities and displeasures done unto the poore Prisoners in Breadstreet Compter , by the Keepers of the same , who hiring the house of the Goldsmiths Company , would not ( many times ) suffer the Sheriffes of London ( who stand charged with the Prisoners ) to use them so well as they had purposed : whereby the City hath beene slandered , Law and good orders broken , and poore Prisoners too much abused . Therefore was the Prison removed to a house belonging to the City , situate in great Woodstreet , where the Sheriffe and his Officers were to keepe their Courts , &c. as they had before used in Breadstreet . At which time it was also enacted ; that the said Compter in Woodstreet should never hereafter for any cause whatsoever , be letten out to any other use or person , &c. The Abstract of an Act of Common Councell , the last of February , the second and third of Philip and Mary , concerning Bridewell . To be inserted Page 436. Col. 2. after By Queene Mary . FOr as much as King Edward the sixth had given his house of Bridewell unto the City , partly for the setting of idle & lewd people to work , and partly for the lodging and harbouring of the poore , sicke , weake , and sore people of the City , and of poore wayfaring people repairing to the same ; and had for this last purpose , given the bedding and furniture of the Savoy to that purpose . Therefore in consideration that very great charges would be required to the fitting of the said house , and the buying of Tooles and bedding , the money was ordered to be gotten up among the rich people of the Companies of London , &c. Leystow by Baynards Castle removed . To be inserted page 405. AT a Common Councell , August 7. the third and fourth of Philip and Mary , it was agreed at the request of the Earle of Pembroke , that the Cities Leystow adjoyning to his Lordships house , and being noysome to the same , should be removed . Vpon condition , that hee should give the City , towards the making of a new Leystow in another place , 2000. foot of hard stone , to make the Vault and Wharfe thereof , or else forty Markes in ready Money , to buy the same stone withall . Something about Ludgate . LVdgate Prison , to pay Tithes , Clerkes wages , and Church duties , to Saint Martins Church within Ludgate . Agreed upon by Common Councell , March 21. in the second yeere of Queen ELIZABETH . Adde this to page 372. before these words , The Monuments here . Something about Broken wharfe . To be inserted page 403. AT a Common Councell , Iuly 23. the second of Queene Elizabeth , order was taken , that out of a certaine void space of ground at Broken Wharfe , there should bee 33. foot inclosed and laid to the Cities Brewhouse ; which was to have a substantiall pale about it , to keepe the Cities Fewell , and other goods , &c. Of the opening of a Lane in Downegate Ward . VVHereas certaine private persons had wrongfully set up a doore at the end of 〈…〉 Lane , in Downegate Ward , and had converted it to their private use , it was order May 28. Anno fourth of Elizabeth , that the City Chamberlaine should take downe the doore , and leave the Lane common , like other streets in the City . Something to be inserted page 217. Col. 2. after Royall Exchange . BEfore the building of the Exchange , it was by divers Common Councells , about the 26. yeere of Henry the 8. consulted upon , whether there should bee a Bursle or convenient place of meeting , for Merchants to treat of their feat of Merchandize . The same yeere , the King sent his Letters to the City , for the making of a new Bursse at Leaden Hall. Whereupon it being put to hands , whether the new Bursse should be removed out of Lumbardstreet : it was agreed , that it should not . So that the Merchants meeting continued there , till the Royall Exchange was builded . Something of Queenhith . To be inserted page 402. Col. 2. after Edward the third . THese were the impositions , and the occasions of them . This Romeland , being annoyed with Dung , Filth , &c. so as the Sellers of Corne and Victuall there , could not stand to sell their commodities as formerly they had done : it was ordered by a Common Councell , Anno 41. of King Edward 3. That the place should forthwith be made cleane and paved . And that from thenceforth towards the perpetuall cleansing and reparation thereof , there should be taken for every quarter of Corne of what kinde soever , there sold or comming , a Farthing ; for every quarter of Salt , a Farthing ; for every Vessell called a Battell , bringing Rushes , foure pence ; for every Vessell called a Shout , bringing Corne or Malt , two pence ; for every Shippe bringing other Victuall , two pence ; and of every person daying Soile there , two shillings ; and the Seller of Rushes to pay for every boat of Rushes , foure pence . Something concerning the Iurisdiction of the River of Thames . To be inserted page 26. Col. 2. after these words , And the like Sessions kept there for the same purpose . To my Honorable Friend Sir HENRY MARTEN , Knight , Iudge of the High Court of the Admiralty . SIR , his Majesty understanding that there is a second Edition of Stowes Survey of the City of London , new put to sale , wherein there are some passages prejudiciall to his Majesties right in his Admiralty and Derogatory to the just power belonging thereunto . He doth therefore require you his Iudge in that High Court to examine the said Booke , and to cause the said passages inserted in prejudice of the Admirall Iurisdiction , and in support of any other pretence against the same to be left out , or else to prohibit the publishing and sale of the said Booke . And for so doing this signification of his Majesties pleasure may be your sufficient Warrant . So I rest Garlicke Hith 21. December , 1633. Your assured Friend to serve you Iohn Coke . Further execution of the Letter above-mentioned could not bee made , for that it came after the impression was finished and published . Henry Marten . To the Master and Wardens of the Company of Stationers . YOu may understand by the contents of the Letter above-mentioned , directed unto me what is required at my hands to performe . I am therefore to require you upon your receipt hereof , forthwith to cause the Booke to be brought unto you , and to take order that all the words together with the copy of the Letter , and my answer thereunto , as above made for this impression to be imprinted page 939. Col. prima , verbatim in all the said Bookes , aswell sold as hereafter to be sold , before any further sale of the said Bookes bee made ; and this shall be your Warrant in this behalfe . Doct. Commons `24 . December , 1633. Henry Marten . FINIS . The first Table Containing all the Ancient and Memorable places , Charitable and Noble Acts of Citizens , and most Honourable and Worthy Monuments recorded in this Booke ; Alphabetically digested : Wherein the Figures referre to the Page , the Letters to the Columne , and the Asteriskcs * to the top of both Page and Columne . † to the middle of both Page and Columne . ¶ to the bottom of both Page and Columne . A For false Accusation , a Fuller of Shoresditch hanged & quarted . 474 b ¶ Adelstreet tooke name of King Adelstanes house , standing there . 308 a ¶ Admiralty Court. 454 a ¶ Adultery and Fornication , how punished . 207 b * S. Alban , the first Martyr in England . 308 a * Abbot of Saint Albans Inne . 187 b * Aldermanbury street , whence so named . 302 b † Aldermanry purchased . 335 a ¶ Aldermen Knighted . 237 a * Seven Aldermen died in lesse than ten moneths . 585 a * Aldersgate . 34 b 320 b † Aldersgate street . 321 a * Aldgate . 31 b ¶ 121 a ¶ Vide Ealdgate . Alhallowes Church in breadstreet suspended . 92 a ¶ The charitable Almes of the Lord Cromwell , &c. 74 a * Of Thomas Sutton . 481 b Of Baptist , Lord Hicks , Viscount Combden . 960 Of Christopher Tamworth . 766 a ¶ Of Sir Paul Pinder . 767 a † Of Henry Smith . 794 a † 887 b ¶ Of Susanna Powell . 794 b † Henry the second fed 10000. poore people , and Henry the third 6000. every day for a certain time , 74 b ¶ Vide Actions of worthy Citizens . 86. &c. An Almory at Westminster . 525 a ¶ The Widdow Allingtons buildings . 480 b * The Allome house at Wapping , with the proceeding against it . 462. b † Amen lane 371 b ¶ Anchor lane , anciently called Palmers . 256. a ¶ An Anchorage by little Saint Bartholomewes . 415 b † Anne Queene of England , Wife to Richard the second , her Monument . 508 b ¶ Anne wife to Richard the third , her Monument . 513 a ¶ Anne of Cleve , her Monument . 513 a ¶ Anne Wife to King Iames , her Monument . 814 Anne Wife to Edward Duke of Sommerset , her Monument . 513 b † Anne Countesse of Oxford , her Monument . 514 b † Anthonies Pigs . 65 a 190 b * The Apologie of the City of London . 691 Instructions for the Apprentices of the City of London . 688 An Archbishops See at London . 528 a † The Court of Arches kept in Bow Church . 268 b † Three Arch-Flamines in England at London York Cacrleon 211 a † Coat - Armors , Ar●●es of England supported with Angles . 216 a † Armes of the City of London what they bee , with the Sword of Saint Paul in the first quarter . 237 a b 646 Seale and Armes of the Baron of London . 339 b † The Armes of the twelve preceding Companies of London 598 The Armes of the ten Companies of Merchants , 611. and of the other Companies following the twelve . 621 Artilery yard . 175 b * The Artilery Garden founded , Anno 1622. 764 The Kings Artirce in Limestreet . 161 a ¶ Arundell house . 489 b ¶ Ave-Mary lane . 371 b ¶ Church of S. Augustine in the wall , now quite lost . 166 b * Of Augustine Fryers . 185 b * Their beginning . 930 Church of Saint Mary Axe , whence so called . 166 B BAiliffes of London . 536 a ¶ Bakewell , or Blackwell hall sometimes the mansion house of the Bassings . 298 a † b ¶ A Market place for woollen Cloth , 299 a † See more concerning this 934 Rich. Bancroft , Archbishop of Canterbury , his Monument . 790 b * The Banner of S. Paul. 57 b ¶ The Banner-bearer of the City of London . 57 b Banqueting houses , like Bankerouts , bearing great shew and little worth . 476 a † Banquetings . 673 a ¶ Barbican or Burghkenning . 318 b ¶ Barkley house . 407 a * Barnards Inne . 430 b ¶ Barons of London . 359 b † 933 The Barons slaine at Barnet , buried . 486 a ¶ Barrators . 676 a * Bartholomew lane . 183 a ¶ Saint Bartholomewes Hospitall , 415 a b. Suppressed , 417 b ¶ The privileges thereof , 936 b ¶ Priory , 418. Suppressed , 420 a ¶ The Archbishop visits the Priory of S. Bartholomewes with stripes , 418. Bolton the last Prior there , 419 a † Bartholomew Faire , 419 a ¶ 423 a † How the Lord Maior goes to it , 651 b * The order of Wrastling on S. Bartholomewes day . 651 b ¶ Bassingborne in Cambridge shire 298 b ¶ Basing lane , or Turnebase lane , 264. or the Backhouse . 393 b † Bassings-Hall street . 293 Bathe place . 427 a * Battaile Bridge in Southwarke . 459 a ¶ Bay Hall. 293 a * Baynards Castle , 56. Rob. Fitzwater , Lord thereof , banished by King Iohn , and recalled ; by place Banner-bearer to the City of London , 57 Burnt , 59 a ¶ King Edw. 4. and Rich. 3. crowned there , 60. Henry 7. lodged there , ibid. A Soke or Court belonging thereto , 405 b † The Leystow neere to it removed . 938 a † The Normans ware no Beards . 45 a † Bearehinder lane . 244 b * Beare lane . 137 b ¶ Beauchamps Inne . 238 b ¶ Beauments Inne . 405. A Monument of the Beauments . 877 b † Thomas Becket first a Sheriffes Clerke , afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury , & Chancellor of England . 86 a ¶ Bedford house , anciently the Bishop of Carliles Inne . 491 Bedlem , 173 a ¶ When founded . 542 a † Beech lane , and the Abbot of Ramseys Inne there . 318 b † Belins Vrne of Brasse set over Belinsgate . 39 b * Belinsgate , with the Customes thereof , 225. The Bosse of Belinsgate . 226 b ¶ The great Bells at Westminster , 524 a † Bow - Bell , 269 a ¶ The best ring of sixe Bells in England . 213 a * Bellman when first ordained . 585 a ¶ Belzetters lane . 144 a ¶ Benbridges Inne . 161 b † Bermondsey street , with the Priory of S. Saviours , called Bermonds Eye , in Southwarke . 459 a † Berwards lane . 175 b * Bevis markes : See Buries . Sir William Billesby his Monument . 783 a ¶ Billitar lane : See Belzetter . Birchin , or rather Birchovers lane . 215 b ¶ Bishopsgate . 33 A Catalogue of the Bishops of London , 367 a * A lineall succession of them , 528 b * The Bishop of London his Palace . 412 b † Blacke Fryers , the originall of them , 375 b * A Parliament holden in the Black-Friers , 374 a † The liberties and privileges of the Black-Friers , 375. A Riot committed therein , ibid. The fatall Vesper , or fall at Black-Friers , 381. b ¶ The names of those that were slaine thereby , 386 b ¶ Black-Friers church in Holborne , 487 a ¶ Their convocation and removall . ibid. b ¶ Bladder street . 337 b † 388 b * Blanch Apleton . 160 a † Blodwyte , what . 919 a ¶ Bornes : Oldborne , Langborne , Shareborne . 10 b Bordhalepeney , what . 919 b ¶ Bosomes Inne , or Blossomes Inne 282 a * Bosse alley . 226 b ¶ Bosse lane . 403 b ¶ Bow Bell not suffered to be rung late . 269 a ¶ Bow lane : See Cordwainer street . Bowyer-row , from Pauls to Ludgate . 372 a * Breadstreet . 390 a ¶ The Maior charged for not looking to the assize of Bread , 542 b ¶ The Ordinance for the Assize & weight of Bread , 740. Bread-carts of Stratford at the Bow. 164 b * Bretaske lane in Downgate . 933 Brickles lane . 255 a † Bridewell , King Henry the 8. his house , 62 a † How from a Kings Palace , it came to bee an house of correction . 436. 937 b ¶ Bridewell Precinct , 312. The Chappell there . 876 a † Bridges , 27. London Bridge first of Timber , ibid. Men went dry-shod under it , 28 a † Founded of stone , 28 b † A Subsidie granted for the repaire of it , 546 b † Burnt , 28 a ¶ 29 a ¶ 782 ¶ Famous actions done on it , 29 The description of it , 30 a * The Bridgehouse , 459 a † The Seale thereof made new , 936 b † Westminster Bridge 524 b ¶ Fleet Bridge , Old-borne Bridge , Cow Bridge , Horse-●ho●e Bridge . 30 Brigbote , what . 919 b ¶ Britaine 's , the first Inhabitants in London , 1. b. What their ancient Cities were of old , 2 b * Given to gluttony and drunkennesse , 5 a † Invaded by the Scots and Picts , 4 a * by the Saxons . 5 a * Britaine 's Burse . 464 b ¶ Briton street . 321 a * 330 b * Broad lane . 255 a ¶ Broad street . 183 Broken wharfe . 403 b † 938 b * Brokers in Houndsditch , called Aetatis at ramentum , and Baptizati Iudaei . 122 b ¶ Brookes wharfe . 403 b † Sir William Bruce , Henry the 8. his Physician , his Monument . 784 a † Bucks head : See Procession at Pauls . The Duke of Buckinghams Monument . 116 b † 817 b ¶ Buckles-bury . 246 a ¶ 276 a * Budge row . 264 a * The cause of Stone Building in London . 209 b ¶ Burgbote , what . 919 b ¶ Burgebruch , what . 919 b ¶ The Citizens of London first called Burgesses , 535 b † Ancient Burgesses of this City became Fryers . 930 Burhkenings , or Watch-towers . 62 b † Burley house . 405 a * A Persian buried without Christian Buriall . 173 a † 780 ¶ Whittingtons body thrice Buried . 256 a ¶ Buries markes . 144 b ¶ 156 b † A motion that Butchers should kill no meat within London , 340 a ¶ Butchers-hall lane , or Stinking lane , or Chick-lane . 340 a ¶ Buttolph lane , 228 b * The Church of Saint Buttolph without Aldgate when built 933 a † C IAcke Cade entred the City by London bridge . 29 b ¶ When Callice was won from the French , 552 a ¶ When lost . 585 b † Master Camden Clarenciaux , his Monument . 774 ¶ Camera Dianae , neere Doctors Commons . 781 * Candlewicke street , whence so called . 235 a † Henry Carey , Baron of Hunsdon , his Monument . 416 b ¶ Val. Carey , Bishop of Exeter , his Monument . 776 a ¶ A Monument of the Lord Carletons . 818 Sir Nowell Caroone , Ambassador for the States of Holland , his Monument . 790 b ¶ Caruage , what . 619 b † Castle , a Shoomaker , called the Cocke in Westminster . 344 b ¶ The Castle Taverne in Cornehill . 209 b * Catteten street . 282 a ¶ Cecill house , 493 a ¶ Elizabeth Cecill , her Monument , 514 b † The Chaire of the Kings of Scotland , brought in by Edward the first , kept in Westminster . 510 b † Chancelar , or Chancery lane . 435 a ¶ 487 a † Change of the King in Bucklesbury . 44 b ¶ The Old-Change , 46 a. See Exchange . Charing Crosse . 495 b † In whose Maioraltie K. Charles began his reigne . 597 a † Charles Earle of Lenox his Monument . 513 a * Ancient Charters concerning the Priory of the holy Trinity . 931 a * The Charter of London confirmed by divers Kings . 739 Charterhouse , the first foundation , 477 b The Monuments there , 478 b † Afterwards bought by M. Sutton , and made an Hospitall . 479 , &c. Gessery Chaucer , his Monument . 517 a * The Cheapnesse of Flesmeat in former times . 206 a ¶ 548 a ¶ Cheapeside a Market place . 278 b ¶ The Standard in Cheapside , 278. Executions done there , 279 a * The Crosse in Cheapside indicted , & the Images broken , 279 b. Iusts and Tournaments in Cheape-side , 280 b * A faire paved way found fifteen foot deep in Cheapside , 390 b ¶ Goldsmiths Row there , 391 a * Chelsey College , the true reason of the first foundation , with many worthy m●tives to stir up the charity of good Christians towards it . 527 Chequer Alley , anciently Bash-lane . 249 a ¶ Chewying , what . 919 b * Chicke lane . 130 b ¶ Chicken lane . 420 b 〈◊〉 Childwyte what . 919 a ¶ Christs Church , anciently the Gray Fryers , with the annexion of S. Bartholomewes Hospitall , and the revenues of the Officers : The Maior of London Parson thereof . 341 b ¶ Christs Hospitall , the erection thereof , and charity of King Edward the sixth thereto . 342 a ¶ Church lane . 138 a ¶ 251 a † Cities whence so cald , 691 a * why built , ib. b * The commodities that come by them 692 a * Honourable and worthy actions of Citizens of London , 86. &c. The honour of Citizens , 710 b † Their riches , 6. 8 b * Three kinds of Citizens : 1 Merchants , 2 Handicraftsmen , 3 Labourers . 697 b * Clarkenwell , a Priory . 484 a † Where the Clarkes Hall was anciently . 178 a ¶ Clements Inne and Well . 493 a † S. Clements lane . 222 a * 235 a * The Church without Temple-barre , why called Clement Danes . 491 a ¶ Clergie men forbidden by the King to be punished of the Laity . 207 a ¶ Cliffords Inne . 435 a * The Clinke . 449 b * Clocke house at Westminster . 524 b * Northerne Russet Cloth , sold for 4. d. the yard . 71 b * Poore Clothiers relieved by the bounty of Sir Thomas White . 91. Many others , 93 a ¶ M. Kenrick . 199 a ¶ Coat-Armorus : See Armorus . Cobhams Inne . 143 a † Sir William Cockaine his Monument . 776 b ¶ Cocke lane . 415 a * Cold Harbrough . 251 b ¶ Coleman street . 293 Iohn Collet Founder of Pauls Schoole , his Monument made by W. Lily . 363 b ¶ Court of Common Pleas. 522 b † Common Councell men , and their Oath . 670 a Doctors Comment . 409 a † Conduits , 11 b * The water Conduit at Aldgate , 121 a † By Leaden Hall 206 b ¶ In Cornehill , 208 a ¶ By the Stocks , 244. 933 a ¶ By Saint Stephens , 296 b ¶ In Grasse street 230 a ¶ Vpon Downegate , 248 a * In Lothbery 293 a † In West Cheape , 278 b ¶ At London wall , 296 b ¶ In Aldermanbury , 303 a ¶ Without Creplegate , and a Bosse , 317 b ¶ 935 a † By Pauls gate , 388 a † By Saint Nicholas Coleabby , 398 b ¶ By Magdalenes Old-fishstreet , 410 a * In Oldborne 425 b † In Fleetstreet , 431 a ¶ In Forestreet , 476 b † Pissing - Conduit . 190 a † Court of Conscience in London : See Request . Constables Oath . 687 Cony-hope lane . 275 b † The incorporation of the Company of Cookes . 330 b * A publike place of Cookery , where all manner of provision might be bought at any time . 711 a * 234 a * A Monument of the Corbets . 811 b * Cordwainer street . 264 b † Corne not to be brought from beyond Sea , 250 a ¶ The custome therof : See Queenhith and Leaden Hall. No street call'd Cornehill before the Conquest , 211 a † Vpholders , sellers of old stuffe in Cornhill . 215 b ¶ 234 a ¶ Cornets Tower in Buckles-bury . 276 a ¶ Cosin lane . 249 b † The Counter in the Poultry , 275 a ¶ In Woodstreet , 308 a † Formerly in Breadstreet , 394 b * Why and when removed , 937 b † In Southwarke . 454 a ¶ The cause of decay in the Country . 699 b † A remedy to people Country Townes againe . 700 a † Ancient Coynes and manner of payment used in England , 44 b * The penny Easterling , 45. Numi and Denarii whence so called , 45 b * Of Halfe-pence and Farthings , 45 b ¶ Groat & halfe Groat 46 a ¶ Rose Nobles , 46 b ¶ Coynes of Gold enhanced , allayed , ibidem . Halfe-faced Groats , 47 a. Crownes and halfe Crownes of silver Coyned , ibid. Leather Money used in France . 47 b * Cowbridge Pens and Street , so called . 420 b Cow-crosse . 483 b ¶ Sir Richard Cox his Monument 774 * Cradocks lane . 222 b ¶ Three Cranes , or painted Tavernes lane . 255 a * The malice of cruell Creditors . 469 b † Creed lane . 371 b ¶ Creplegate , a prison for Trespassers . 34 a ¶ A Monument of the Crew 's . 818 Crooked lane . 233 a † 236 a ¶ Crookehorne Alley . 430 b * Crosbie place . 181 b † Old Crosse in Cheape , 280 b † The Crosse in Cheapside commanded to be repaired , as being an Ensigne of Christianity . 280 a ¶ Crossed , or Crowched Friers , 144 b ¶ 156 b ¶ The Church there inlarged . 934 b * Crownesilde , a shed or standing in Bow Church for the King , 270 b † 280 b ¶ 281 b ¶ Culver Alley . 144 b ¶ Curfew Bell. 83 a * 676 b † Curriers Row. 184 a * Cursitors Office in Chancery lane . 487 a † Custome-house . 142 a † Customes and Orders . 67 ¶ Ancient Lawes and Customes of London . 668 a † Bladers , Ha●●makers , Sheath-makers , drawne all three into one Fraternity of Cutlers . 158 b † D A Monument of the Dacres . 786 b † The addition of a Dagger in the Armes of the City of London . 54 a † 237 b * Dance of death , called the dance of Pauls . 88 a ¶ Dainegeld , what . 919 b * Bishop of Saint Davids house . 436 b ¶ If ye call mee so , I will call you Davy , A Proverbe whence . 422 a ¶ The Deane of Pauls his lodging . 412 b ¶ Reliefe of poore Debters . 769 Desborne lane . 397 a ¶ Distaffe lane , 395. See Maiden lane . The Towne - Ditch about the Wall of the City . 26 * Divine Service to be read continually at 9 and 3 of the clock . 766 b * Doctors Commons . 409 a † Doe-little lane . 410 a ¶ Iohn Donne Deane of Pauls his Monument . 776 b † Anne Donne his wife her Monument . 889 b * Downegate . 248 A Lad of 18 yeeres old drownd in the channell at Downegate . 248 a ¶ Drink-water Wharfe . 232 b ¶ Drury lane . 493 a ¶ Laurence Ducket hang'd in Bow-steeple . 269 a † Ducke lane . 418 a ¶ Sixe Children drown'd in the Ducking-pond . 782 † A Monument of the Dudley's . 813 b ¶ Duke Humphrey's servants . 368 b ¶ The Dukes place . 146 b * Dulwich College in the County of Surrey , founded by Edward Alleyne E●quire . 759 A new-borne Child buried in a Dung-hill of Sea-coale ashes . ●80 b ¶ S. Dunstanes curse against King Ethelred . 358 a ¶ Durham House , a great Feast there , 494 a † A row of Stables there made a Royall Exchange . 494 b * The Dutch Church , anciently Sir W. Powlets house . 184 a ¶ The Dutchy Court. 523 a ¶ E EAldgate , 144. See Aldgate . East-cheap a Cooks Row ; The Kings Sons beaten there 234 a * East-Smithfield a Vineyard 41 a † See Smithfield . Ebgate lane . 231 b * Editha Queene of England , her Monument . 501 b * Edward the Confessors Monument in Westminster . 501 a ¶ Edward 1. reigned 34 yeeres ; Maiors in his time , 545 a * His Monument . 502 a ¶ Edward 2. reigned 20. yeeres ; Maiors in his time . 547 b ¶ Edward 3. reigned 50. yeeres ; Maiors in his time , 549 b ¶ His Monument . 504 b ¶ Edward the Blacke Prince his house , now the Blacke Bell. 233 b † Edward 4. elected in St. Iohns field , took on him the Crown in Baynards Castle , 59 b * Hee reigned 22 yeeres ; Maiors in his time . 568 a ¶ Edward 5. when hee began his reigne . 572 a ¶ Edward 6 his vertuous and godly Speech to Bishop Ridley , concerning reliefe of the poore , 342 344 b * He was chiefe Founder of the Hospitals in London , 344 a ¶ He reign'd 6 yeeres ; Maiors in his time , 583 b † His picture in the Chappell at Bridewell , 876 a ¶ His Monument . 511 a ¶ Elbow lane . 246 a † Eleanor , Queene of England her Monument . 503 b ¶ Elizabeth Daughter to Henry 4 and wife to Henry 7 her Monument 511 a ¶ Elizabeth Daughter to Henry 7 her Monument . 510 a * Queene Elizabeth reigned 44 yeeres ; Maiors in her time , 385. Her Monument in 34 Churches , Westminster , 511 b † Alhallowes Breadstreet , 821 b † Alhallowes the great 821 b ¶ Alhallowes the lesse , 822 a ¶ Alhallowes on the Wall , 823 b † Anne Black-Fryers , 826 b ¶ Bartholomew Exchange , 828 a * Bennet Grace-Church , 828 b ¶ Botolph Belinsgate , 930 a † Clements Eastcheape , 832 a * George Botolph Lane , 836 b † Iohn Baptist , 838 a * Katherine Cree-church , 839 b ¶ Laurence Iewry , 843 a * Mary Aldermary , 848 a ¶ Mary le Bow , 849 a * Mary Bothaw , 849 b ¶ Mary Summerset , 850 b ¶ Mary wool-Church , 851 a ¶ Martins Orgars , 853 b * Martins Vintry , 854 a * Maudlins Milkestreet , 854 b * Maudlins Old Fish-street , 855 b * Michael Querne , 858 b ¶ Michael Woodstreet , 859 a ¶ Mildred Breadstreet , 859 b * Mildred Poultry , 861 b † Peters Pauls wharfe 867 a ¶ Stephens Coleman-street , 869 b ¶ Thomas Apostle , 871 b † Bridewell Precinct , 876 b † Dunstans west 881 b ¶ Olaves Southwarke 884 b * Saviours Southwarke . 886 b † The Erbar . 247 b † 249 a * Erkenwald Bishop of London , buried in S. Pauls , An. Dom. 700. 358 a * 367 a † Essex house , anciently cal'd Exceter house . 489 a ¶ Ethelred King of West Saxons his Monument in Pauls , whereon is engraven Saint Dunstanes curse against him . 358 a ¶ Everards well street . 476 b ¶ Saint Ewins Church now decayed . 389 a † The Duke of Exeters daughter what . 60 a * The Royall Exchange , so called by Queene Elizabeth , when and where founded , 209 a. b A place of Merchants meeting . 938 b ¶ Cornets Tower in Bucklesbury , anciently the Kings Exchange . 276 a ¶ The Old Exchange . 351 a † The Office of Kings Exchanger . 46 a † Court of Exchequer . 522 b ¶ F FAbian , an Alderman , wrote the Chronicle , call'd Fabians Chronicle . 574 b † This Iland received the Christian Faith in the time of K. Lucius . 527 a ¶ Faringdon Ward , whence so called . 335 The Lord Fawconbridge , with his Rebels , set upon Ealdgate , 32 b † When that Insurrection was . 570 a † Great Feasts in Westminster Hall. 520 , 521 Sir Iohn Sha kept the first Maiors Feast in Guildhall , 283 b † The order at the Maiors Feast , 656 b No Maiors Feast , by reason of a great plague , 586 b * The Sergeants Feast at Ely house , whereto invited , came Henry the 8. and Queene Katharine , 426 a ¶ Seven hundred messe of meat at one dinner at Totehill . 527 b ¶ Fenchurch street . 144 b ¶ 217 a ¶ Fewtars , or Fetter lane . 430 b * Fickets croft , now part of Lincolnes-Inne Fields . 435 b ¶ Fifteenes : See the end of every Ward . Certaine Wards discharged of all Fifteenes . 226 a * Finimore , or Fivefoot lane . 397 a ¶ Finkes lane . 183 a ¶ 189 b * A Survey of the Mannor of Finsbury ( belonging to a Prebend of Pauls . ) 911 Finsbury Fields . 472 a * Fire in Rood-lane , 228 a * At London Stone , 243 a * On London Bridge . 782 Fishwharfe . 233 a † Fishers Folly , now the Earle of Devonshires house . 175 a ¶ Antiquity of the Company of Fishmongers , 231 b ¶ Sixe Hall-motes belonging to them , 400 a ¶ A controversie betweene the Lord Maior and them . 232 a † Old Fishstreet . 391 a ¶ Fitz-Osbert , a seditious Traytor hanged in Smithfield , renounced his Saviour , 268 b * Fitz-Stephen , his birth and parentage , 703. His description of London . 704 Fledwite , what . 919 a ¶ The Fleet , a Gaole in Richard the seconds time . 431 a * Flemenefith , what . 919 a ¶ Flistwite , what . 919 a ¶ The Flower-de-luce , an Inne in Southwarke , anciently the Abbot of Battailes Inne . 459 a ¶ Forrenners , 677. A tumult in London about Forrenners & Strangers . 80 a ¶ Forstat , what . 919 b † Foster lane . 338 a * Fowle lane . 138 a ¶ Petty France . 172 b † 525 b * Frances Dutchesse of Suffolke , her Monument . 515 a ¶ Frances Countesse of Hertford , her Monument . 516 a † Frances Countesse of Sussex , her Monument . 516 b † French King Prisoner in the Tower. 47 b * The French Church , where S. Anthonies Hospitall was . 191 a † Freemen non-resident , 678 a † Every Freeman his Oath , 689 An Act concerning them . 690 Fryers , Austin , 185. 930 a ¶ Crossed or Crowched , 144. Gray , 340. Blacke , 373. White , 437 b ¶ A Fraternity of begging Fryers , 287 b * Ancient Burgesses of this City turn'd Fryers , 930 b ¶ The Friery Cart at Saint Iohns . 478 a ¶ Furnivals Inne . 427 a * G GAlley-Key . 142 a † Galley-Row . 138 a ¶ Ancient Games : See Sports . A Game at Westminster on Lammas day , cause of a great tumult . 77 a. b The Garland in little Eastcheape , 229 b A Garner for Corne , at Leaden Hall , 164 b † And Queenehithe . 403 a * Garter place . 319 a † Gates in the Wall of this City , 31 † 709 b ¶ At first but 4. afterwards 7. and more , 31 a * The Posternes and Gates as they now are , bee these : 1 Posterne by the Tower. 31 a ¶ 2 Ealdgate . 31 b ¶ 3 Bishopsgate . 33 a 4 Posterne of Mooregate , 33 b 5 Posterne of Creplegate . 34 a 6 Aldersgate . 34 b 7 Posterne out of Christs Hospitall . 35 a 8 Newgate . 35 * 9 Ludgate . 36 b Many Watergates now turned to wharfes . 38 * Bridge-gate now destroyed . 39 * Buttolphs gate . 39 a ¶ Belinsgate . 39 b The Gatehouse at Westminster . 524 b ¶ Gayspur lane . 304 a * Geld , what . 919 b † Saint Georges lane , an Inne of Chancery there . 427 b † The George Inne in Lombard street . 220 b * Gerards Hall , and the Giant Gerards Staffe , forty inches long , and fifteene inches about , 393 b ¶ All the Story of the Giant and his Hall overthrowne . 394 a ¶ Saint Giles in the field , anciently an Hospitall , 488 b † St. Giles his bowle . 488 b * Giltspur street . 415 a * Gisors Hall , corruptly called Gerards . 261 a ¶ 394 a * A Glasse-house in Crossed Friers Hall. 157 a * Mount Goddard street . 337 b † 388 b * Gold lane . 414. 425 b ¶ Golding lane . 318 b * Goldsmiths Row in Cheape , 391 a † The first Maior and principall men of this City Goldsmiths . 324 a † Sir Arthur Gorges , his Monument . 786 a † Earle Goodwin , the mightiest Subject that ever was in England . 695 a * Goose lane . 265 a † Goslins Monument . 908 a † Goswell street . 321 London Governed by Barons , 339 b † 933. By a Custos , 544 a † By Maiors , 546 b † By Portgraves , 535 a * 696 a b By Provosts . 535 b ¶ Government of this City . 695 b Ecclesiasticall . 527 Temporall . 535 What kinde of Governement therein , 697 a † It differs but in ceremony , not substance , from the Lawes of this Realme . 697 a ¶ Iohn Gower , his Monument , in Saint Mary Overies Priory . 450 b † Granthams lane . 249 a ¶ Customes of Grasse street Market . 231 Grayes Inne , a Prebend to Pauls . 486 b † Gray Friers , how it became a Friery , by the charity of well disposed people ; their Library , &c. 340 , 341 Greengate . 162 a * Greenwich lane , or Frier lane , 249 a ¶ Greenyard of Leaden hall . 161 a ¶ Gristes house . 137 b * Grithbrech , what . 919 a ¶ The Pole - Groat ( or the GropeGroat ) granted to Richard the second , cause of the Kentish tumult under Wat Tylar , 48 a * Grub-street . 467 b * The Guild Hall , antiquity therof , and number of Courts kept therein , 282 b. The Councell Chamber there new builded , 282 b. Verses on the Images over the gate , 283 a ¶ Kitchins by it for the Maiors Feasts , ibid. The Chappell there new built , 283 b ¶ Monuments therein , 284 a ¶ The Library at Guild Hall. 284 b * The Lady Iane Guilford , her Monument . 786 a ¶ Houses in Crooked lane blown up with Gunpowder . 238 b * Guthuruns lane . 338 a † H HAberdashers Almes-houses . 321 a ¶ The body of Alice Hackney found incorrupted more than 150. yeeres after she was buried . 227 a † The Customes of the Mannor of Hackney . 715 Halliwell : See Finsbury . Hamsoken , what . 919 a * Hangewyte , what . 919 a * Where the Hanse-Merchants landed their Corne. 38 b * Harpe lane . 138 a † Hart-horne Alley . 144 a * Hart lane . 138 a † Hart street . 145 a † Sir Christopher Hattons Monument . 365 a * Haverpeney , what . 919 b ¶ Little Saint Helens . 178 b ¶ Henry the first , made the first Parke in England . 42 a ¶ Henry the third reigned seven and fifty yeeres ; Maiors in his time , 538 b ¶ His Orchard by the Tower , 42 a * His Monument . 501 b ¶ Henry the fourth reigned fourteene yeeres ; Maiors in his time . 559 a † Henry the fifth reigned nine yeeres ; Maiors in his time , 561 a † His Monument . 506 b * Henry the sixth reigned nine and thirty yeeres ; Maiors in his time . 562 b * Henry the seventh reigned foure and twenty yeeres ; Maiors in his time , 572 b ¶ He and the Knights of the Garter rode from the Tower to Pauls Church , 60 b ¶ His Monument . 510 b ¶ Henry the eight reigned eight and thirty yeeres ; Maiors in his time . 577 a * Henry sonne of Richard King of Romans , his Monument . 510 a * Henry son to Henry the eighth , his Monument . 513 a ¶ Prince Henry , sonne to King Iames , his Epitaph . 518 b * Haywharfe lane . 251 b * The Heart of Queene Eleanor and others , buried in Black-Friers . 374 b † Heralds . 408 b * Bishop of Herefords Inne . 399 b ¶ An Hermitage of Saint Iames in the wall ; 339 b ¶ Another in Nightingall lane , 468 b ¶ Another with a Chappell of Saint Katharines . 495 a ¶ William Hewit , his Monument . 777 a * The charitable Almes of Baptist Lord Hicks , Viscount Cambden , as well in his life as at his death , 760 a ¶ His Epitaph . 761 b ¶ Hidage , what . 919 b † The Highest ground of the City of London . 207 a † Holborne : See Oldborne . Holles his Monument . 817 a ¶ Hog lane . 120 b ¶ Holy-well , anciently the Priory of Saint Iohn Baptist , 470 a * See Finsbury . Hony lane . 282 a * Hornegeld , what . 919 b * Horners Key . 141 b ¶ Horse-market , what it was ancienty . 711 b † Horse-mill in Grasse street . 163 Horse-shoo-bridge street . 246 b † 254 b † Hosier lane , in Cordwainer street , 264 b † In Smithfield . 420 b ¶ The Hospitall of S. Katharines , 117 a † For Lunatikes , 142 b ¶ Called the Papey , 156 a * Of Bethelem , 173 a ¶ Of Saint Mary Spittle , 175 b * Of Saint Anthonies , 190 a * Of Saint Thomas of Acons , 281 a * 935 a * Called Elsing Spittle , 304 a * Of the French order , 318 a * Called Christs Hospitall , 342 a * Of Saint Bartholomewes , 415 a. Of Bridewell , 456 a. In Oldborne , 428 a ¶ Of Saint Thomas in Southwarke , 456 b * Of King Iames , called Charterhouse , 479 Of Saint Mary Rouncivall , 495 a ¶ Of Saint Iames , 495 b † The beginning and true end of the severall Hospitals now being in the City of London . 343 b ¶ Hucksters of Ale and Beere , 671 b * Huggen lane . 311 a † Duke Humphrey not buried in Pauls . 368 b * Hundred , what . 919 b ¶ Liberty of Hunting confirmed to the City of London , 539 b ¶ The ancient Court of Hustings in London . 767 I THe confession of Iacke Straw , to the Lord Maior of London . 54 b Iames the fourth , King of Scots , slaine at Flodden field , his head buried in Saint Michaels Church in Woodstreet . 311 b ¶ King Iames reigned two and twenty yeeres ; Maiors in his time , 593 a * In whose Maioralty he was borne , 586 b ¶ His Picture in Mary Mounthaw Church . 850 b † Saint Iames's Faire , S. Iames's his Parke . 495 b * Lady Iane Seymor , her Monument . 515 b † Iesus Commons . 249 a † Iewes of Norwitch hanged for Circumcising a Christian Childe , 35 b ¶ 289 a. Iewes houses spoiled , 37 a † The Iewes Synagogue , now the Wind-mill Taverne , 287 b † 296 b ¶ Where they inhabited , and what Kings favoured , what punished and banished them , 288 , 289. Their burying place , 318 a. The house of converted Iewes , now the Rolls . 435 b † The old Iewrie . 287 b ¶ 288 a ¶ The Kings Palace there , 291 b ¶ The poore Iewrie . 258 a * The Inclosure of common grounds . 475 b † Infangtheof , what . 919 a * The Incorporation of the company of Inne-holders . 249 a * 670 b ¶ Innes of Court and Chancery , their names and situation . 66 * Chesters Inne , or Strand Inne , where Summerset house new stands . 66 a ¶ Iohn of Gaunts Tombe in Pauls . 360 a * Iohn of Eltham , Earle of Cornwall , and sonne to Edward the second , his Monument . 515 a * Priory of Saint Iohn of Ierusalem , with the Monuments . 483 a † King Iohn reigned seventeene yeeres ; Maiors in his time . 537 a * A Monument of the Saint-Iohns 795 a * Ipres Inne . 260 a ¶ Ironmonger lane . 282 a † Ivie lane . 388 a ¶ Ivie bridge . 491 b * The comming of Iulius Caesar into England , and his conquest over the Britons . 1 b ¶ Iury men . 672 b ¶ False Iurors , their course and punishment . 208 Courts of Iustice kept in Westminster Hall. 522 a † Iustings or Tournaments ; In Cheapside , 280 b * In Smithfield , with the manner how . 420 b ¶ Iusting-Feast at Durham house . 494 a † K SAint Katharines Hospitall , 117 a † The circuit thereof , 925 a ¶ Monuments therein . 117 a ¶ 901 a † Katharine Knowles , her Monument . 415 b * Katharine Valois , Queene of England , that married Owen Tudor , her Monument . 507 a ¶ Master Iohn Kendricks Will. 193 b * Kerion lane . 255 a † 261 a * Kery lane 338 a * When the King of England was first called Supreme head . 580 b ¶ Kings of this Realme have sate on the Kings Bench in Westminster Hall. 522 b ¶ Kings Alley . 293 a ¶ Prior of Okebornes house , now Kings Colledge . 405 a ¶ Bishop Kings Monument . 775 Order of making a Knight for service in the field . 237 a † Knighten-Guild , 115 a * 925 b * Given to the Priory of the holy Trinity within Aldgate . 930 * Knight-riders street . 254 , 258 b * Knights Templers : See Temple . L LAd or Ladle lane . 308 a * Alice Perrers rode from the Tower to Smithfield , as Lady of the Sun. 421 Chappell of our Lady in the Piew , at Westminster . 524 a ¶ Lambes Chappell proved to have anciently beene of the Parish of Saint Olaves in Silverstreet . 924 b ¶ Lamborne hill . 397 b † Liberties of the Dutchy of Lancaster , 489. Governement thereof . 492 b † When Lanthorne● with lights began to bee hung out in Winter , and by whom . 561 b * Saint Laurence lane . 252 a † 282 a * A monstrous Shanke-bone of a man reserved for a monument in the Church of Saint Lawrence Iewrie . 285 a † Leaden Porch , 162 a ¶ In Crooked lane . 236 a ¶ Leaden Hall , at first a Mannor , 162 b † A Chappell therein , 163 a * Burnt , 164 a † First used as a Garner , 164 b † Meant to have beene made a Burse for Merchants , 166 a † A Flesh-market there , 206 a ¶ The necessary uses thereof . 935 b ¶ Love to Learning . 86 , &c. Lectures in London ; Of Chirurgery , Of Mathematikes , Of the seven Liberall Sciences , founded by Sir Thomas Gresham , Anno Dom. 1596. 65 b * Legates Inne . 405 a ¶ The Duke of Lennox , his Monument . 816 The Earle of Lennox , his Monument . 513 a * The Arch-Deacon of London , Parson of S. Leonard Shoreditch . 471 a † A Bishop of London died of a Leprosie . 530 a † Lesteage , what . 919 b * Letherwyte , what . 919 a ¶ Library at Sion College 304 b ¶ At Guild Hall , 284 b * At Pauls . 354 a William Lily , his Monument . 370 a ¶ Limehouse . 469 a † Limestreet . 161 Linacer , his Monument . 369 b * Lincolnes Inne . 488 a * Lion Key . 225 b ¶ Lions , where kept at first . 42 a ¶ Lions Inne of Chancery . 493 a ¶ Lither lane . 427 a * The Liveries of the Maiors and Sheriffes . 652 a † Lodgers . 670 b ¶ The Lok a Lazarhouse in Southwarke . 460 b † Lollards Tower , the last Prisoner there . 410 b ¶ Lollesworth field . 177 a ¶ Lombard street . 217 b * LONDON , the Originall , &c. 1 a. Thought founded by Brute , 1. a b. a * Repaired and increased by King Lud , 2 b. Called Trinobantum , 3 a † How by ancient Writers , the old Britaines , Strangers , and Inhabitants , 5 b † Famous for Merchants , 3 a ¶ Walled , 3 b ¶ Situation , 6 a † 693 b * 709 a * Antiquity , 6 a ¶ 694 a * Martiall Services done by it , 695. How watered , 8 a ¶ How divided , 113. Happy in temperatenesse of Ayre , Religion , Strength , 709. Happy in Gardens , Pasture and Tillage , Wells , Honor of Citizens , Matrons , Schooles , 710. Affaires well disposed , 711. Exercise and Pastimes , 712. The Charter of London confirmed by divers Kings , 739. The description of London ( both in Latine and English ) written by Fitz-Stephen , in the Reigne of Henry the second , 704. The cause of increase of Inhabitants in it , 699 b ¶ Freed from imputation of decaying other Cities and Markets in this Realme , 699 b † Of London the quantity or populousnesse , 696 b † Quality or profession , 697. Power , consisting in her Riches , and warlike furniture , 698. Benefits and honour that comes to the Realme by it , 700 a ¶ It was never the Author of any Rebellion , 697 a † 701. Liberties confirmed by Edward the third , 549 b ¶ Why at any time seized by the Prince , 701. Officers , 648 , 649. Manner of electing Knights and Burgesses , 659 a * An Archbishop of London , 528. Two Plagues of London , Quassing and casualty by Fire , 69 b * Barons of London , 359 b † A song called , London-licke-peny , made by Lidgate the Monke , 234 b * London . Stone . 243 a † Long lane . 420 b † Long ditch at Westminster . 496 Lothbury . 187 b † 287 a ¶ Love lane . 293 a ¶ 308 a * See Lucas . Lovels Inne . 388 b † Lucas lane , or Rope lane . 228 b * Ludgate , 36 b. A free Prison , or for Freemen , 37 a ¶ To pay Tithes , &c. to S. Martins . 938 b ¶ Lord Lumleyes house . 157 b ¶ An Hospitall for Lunatike persons . 142 b ¶ The Monument of the Lushers at Putney . 784 b † M THE principall Magistrates of London , were Noble persons Inhabitants , 298 a ¶ Cal'd Barons of London . 339 b † 933 a * Maiden lane or Distar lane . 312 a ¶ 395 b * Mother Mampudding . 142 b * Saint Margarets Church on the H●ll in Southwarke , made a Court of Justice . 454 a ¶ Margaret , Daughter to Edward the fourth , her Monument . 509 Margaret Countesse of Richmond , her Monument . 512 a * Margaret , Countesse of Lennox her Monument . 512 b ¶ The Lawes of the Market . 664 Marriage-Money for poore Maids . 94 a ¶ 95 b ¶ A Mart at Westminster . 499 a ¶ Mart lane . 137 a * Martins lane . 233 a † S. Martin Orgars lane . 238 b ¶ College of S. Martins le grand , 327 a † Privilege of Sanctuary there , 330. Severall Charters of Kings , &c. concerning the ancient Liberties , Bounds , and Privileges thereof , 917 Surrendred 330 a ¶ The first Martyr , See Alban . S. Mary lane . 226 b ¶ S. Mary street . 144 b ¶ Parish Church of Saint Mary the Virgin , Saint Vrsula , and 11000. Virgins , commonly called S. Mary Axe . 166 b † The Antiquity of St. Mary le Bow Church , together with the fall of the Steeple , and overturning the roofe of the Church , 268. The Church interdicted and encroached upon . 269 a * The Bishop of Hereford Patron of Saint Mary Mounthaw . 400 a * S. Mary Church in the Strand , either lost , 489 b ¶ Or changed to the Savoy . 909 Queene Mary reign'd 6. yeeres ; Maiors in her time , 584. Her Monument . 511 a ¶ Mary Queen of Scots , her Monument . 517 b ¶ Bennet a Monke brought Masons first into this Land. 5 a ¶ Matilda Queene of England , her Monument . 501 b ¶ Evill May-day . 81 a † May-games . 79 b * The first Lord Maior , Henry Fitz-Alwine ; when obtained , continued from the first of Richard the 1. to the 15. of King Iohn , 536 b † Where buried , 247 a † 538 a ¶ Liberty granted by King Iohn to chuse a Maior , 538 a ¶ A Maior denyed to bee admitted by the King , 541 a * The Barons of the Exchequer to admit him , 542 b † The first Lord Maior that went by water , 567 a * The first Batchelor Maior , 573 b. When the Maiors beganne to be Knighted by the courtesie of the King , 579 a † A Maior made of the Privy Councell to two Kings , 567 a † 581 b * Three Maiors in a yeere 572 b ¶ Two sonnes of one man Maiors , each after other , 583 b ¶ An order for the Lord Maior and Aldermen their meeting , 652 b ¶ The Lord Maiors Election , 652 b * The Officers of the Lord Maior , 649. An Order of all things on ( Simon and Iude , or ) the Lord Maiors day , 656. The manner of Lord Maiors going to Pauls on solemne Festivals , 657. The Lord Maiors attendance and attire at the Kings Coronation , 659 b * A Maior feasted foure Kings in one day , 255 , 553 b † The Maioralty shun'd alwaies because Onus , 696 b * The City governed by a Custes in Henry 3. his time . 544 a † Measures sealing . 672 a * 679 a * Mercers Chappell sometimes an Hospitall of S. Thomas of Acon , 281 a † Monuments therin , 281 a ¶ That Company incorporated . 281 b * Noblemen of this Realme ( of old as well as of later yeeres ) have dealt in Merchandise , 222 a † The commodity of Merchandise to this Realme , 698 b * Three sorts of Merchandise , Navigation , Invection , Negotiation . 697 b * Merchants of all Nations traded in this City , 68 a. 69 a 712 a * Of Italy , 142 b † Of the Han●e-Townes , 38 b * Of Almaine , 249 b * Their privileges , 250 a * Of Burdeaux . 254 a † Staple Merchants the most ancientest in this Realme . 497 a ¶ The Armes and Names of the ten Companies of the Merchants . 611 , &c. Beggerly Merchants hurt a Kingdome . 700 b * Merchant-Taylors Company , 188 b ¶ Their Schoole . 252 b ¶ The Mewes by Charing-crosse . 493 b ¶ A Pulpit-crosse in the Church-yard of S. Michaels in Cornhill . 215 b † Iames the fourth King of Scots , his head buried in S. Michaels Woodstreet . 311 b ¶ A passage thorow St. Michaels at the Que●ne . 388 a Midsummer day meeting of the Lord Maior and Aldermen . 650 b ¶ The Antiquity of St. Mildred the Virgins Church , with the Church yard and Parsonage house . 273 Milford lane . 489 b ¶ Molkestreet . 306 a † A Mill by Baynards Castle . 405 b † Corne Mills on the Thames , set betwixt a Lighter and a Barge . 403 a * When Millers had but an half penny for grinding a quarter of Wheat . 546 a * Mincheon lane . 137 a ¶ The Minories , anciently the Abbey of S. Clare Nunnes . 118 a * Mint in the Tower , 44 b In Southwarke , 454 b † Other Mints in England . 46 a The body of King Edmund the Martyr , brought thorow Creplegate , wrought Miracles . 34 a † Miskennyng what . 919 b ¶ Monkeswell-street . 312 a ¶ 340 a † A Monument of Sir Thomas Moore . 787 b † Moore-fields a meere marish ground . 33 b ¶ 301 a ¶ 475 Mooregate . 33 b A great famine and Mortality of people . 548 b * Mount Calvary , now a Wind-Mill . 477 a ¶ Mountfiquit Tower. 61 a ¶ A widdow Murther'd . 469 b ¶ N NEedlers lane . 264 b ¶ Ill Newes quickly spreds 48 b Newgate first builded , and the cause why . 35 a b Newgate Market . 388 b ¶ New Inne the Originall of it . 727 b † 493 a † The New River brought from Chadwell and Amwell to the City of London , by Sir Hugh Middleton . 12 b † Nicholas Cold-Abbey , why so called . 398 a † A Prison for Night-walkers . 207 a † Nightingall lane in Wapping , 468 b ¶ A Stagge hunted thither by King Charles . 462 a ¶ No-mans Land. 477 b ¶ William Norman Bishop of London his Monument in Pauls . 358 b ¶ Why the Maior and Aldermen walke about his Tombe on solemne daies 359 a ¶ land-house . 158 a † 330 b † O THE Offerings of Parishes to the Curates in London . 747 Old-Bayly , 427 a ¶ The Chamberlaine of London kept Court there . 427 a ¶ Oldborne , 10 b The Conduit by Oldborne-crosse , 425 b † Oldborne Hall. 428 a † Sir Iohn Oldcastle's rebellion & overthrow . 361 a * Ormond place in S. Thomas Apostles . 261 a † The Orphans Court , with an Act Common Councel concerning them . 660 b * 678 a * A Monument of Hippocrates de Ott●en , a famous Physician . 890 a * S. Mary Overies a Priory . 450 a † The scalpes of Oxen digged up by Pauls . 367 b * Oxford Place neere London-stone . 242 b ¶ P Robert Parkenton slaine with a Gun going to Masse . 277 b ¶ Panyer Alley . 388 a ¶ The Papey , 156 a * Church of S. Augustine Papey in Limestreet . 166 b * Pardon Church-yard . 477 b ¶ The first Park in England made by Henry the first . 42 a ¶ Parliaments kept in Westminster Hall , 522 a † The black Parliament , 374 a † Parliament House . 524 a ¶ Passekes Wharfe . 141 b ¶ Pater-noster lane , 256 a ¶ Pater noster Row , so called of Pater noster makers . 371 b * Cathedrall Church of S. Paul founded by Aethelbert Mauricius , 352. The Church burnt , 113 b † 352 b * Fir'd by lightning , 353 a ¶ The steeple built repair'd with a Weathercocke , 353. The steeple burnt and repaired , 357 b * The height and length of both Church and steeple 353 b ¶ Governors of the Church , 353. The great Cloystry , Dance , and Library , 354. Chappels , in Pardon Church yard , at the North doore of the Holy Ghost of Iesus , 354. The Charnell house and Schoole 356 b The Bell-house and Pulpit-crosse , 357 a The Gates of the Church , 410 b * The Monuments , 358 a * 725. Contribution to the repaire of Pauls Church , 198 b † Master Parkers gift to the glazing of the windowes 371 b † The Quire beautified and adorned by Sir Paul Pinder , 767 a † An Act against abuses offered to the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul , against carriage thorow , &c. 937 a † Pauls thought to have beene the Temple of Iupiter , 367 b * A Buckes head borne before the Procession at Pauls , 368 a † Pauls Pigeons , 65 a * Pauls Wharfe . 405 a † The Earle of Pembrokes Monument . 361 a * Peneritch street . 276 b † The Penny Easterling . 44 , 45 Pentecost lane . 340 a * Penthouses . 678 a † Pepper alley in Southwark , 454 a * Pepperers in Sopers lane . 278 b * Coia Shawsware , a Persian , his Monument . 780 * King Lucius founded St. Peters Church in Cornehill . 210 Peters hill lane , and Peters Key . 408 Petty Wales . 142 a † Philip Queene of England , her Monument . 505 b † Philosophy Schooles in London . 63 a. 710 b ¶ Philpot lane . 222 a * A counterfeit Physician had his head set on the Tower of London . 55 a ¶ Pickering house . 156 a * Piepowders Court. 419 a ¶ Master Suttons gift to the Charter house , the greatest gift was ever given to Pious uses . 481 a ¶ The Company of Pinners now decayed . 510 b ¶ The Plantagents Monument in Pauls . 360 a ¶ Perillous Pond . 11 a ¶ Nine kinds or degrees of Poore people , 343 b * Releefe of the Poore , 86 , 87 , &c. See the Benefactors to every Parish in London . Pope lane . 325 b ¶ The name of Pope blotted out in all old Bookes , why . 936 b * Popes-head Taverne in Cornehill , sometime a Kings house . 216 a * The Populousnesse of this City . 696. &c. Porters lane , or Porters Key . 142 a † The Governours of the City of London , called Portgraves , 535 a * Or Portreeves . 696 a * Portpoole lane . 486 b † Portsoken , whence . 115 Pot , a Brewer . 251 b * Poultney lane . 253 a † The Powlehead Taverne , anciently Pauls Brewhouse . 408 b ¶ A remarkable punishment of Pride in high buildings . 161 b ¶ Printing of Bookes at Westminster , the first in England . 525 a ¶ The Priory of the Trinity without Aldgate , 116. 145. Of S. Iohns of Ierusalem , 483 a † Of S. Bartholomewes , 418. Of Clarkenwell , 484 a † Of S. Mary Overies . 450 a † Reliefe of poore Prisoners , 94 a ¶ &c. See the Benefactors to every Parish Church , and Master Kendricks Will , 197 a † 428 a † The Prisoners going to bee executed at Teyborne , were presented with a great Bowle of Ale , thereof to drinke as their last refreshing in this life . 488 b ¶ Pophams , builders of Saint Sepulchers Church . 423 Prisons ; the Tun on Cornehill , now changed , 207 a † At Ludgate , 37 a ¶ At Newgate , 35. The Counters in the Poultrey , 275 a ¶ In Woodstreet , 308 a † In Southwarke , 454 a ¶ Lollards Tower , 410 b ¶ The Fleet , 431 a * The Clink , 449 b * The white Lion , 455 a ¶ The Kings Bench , 455 a ¶ The Marshalsea , 455 b * The Gatehouse at Westminster . 524 b ¶ The Keepers of Prisons indited for using their Prisoners hardly . 395 a † Procession of Pauls . 367 b ¶ Provosts Governours of London . 535 b ¶ Pudding lane . 229 a † Puddle wharse . 405 a ¶ Pulpit-Crosse at Pauls , 357 a At Michael Cornehill , 215 b † At Spittle . 176 Punishments of Sabbath-breaking , 394 a † Of Adultery , 207 b * Of Slander , 232 a ¶ The Pillory for Bakers , Millers , &c. 208 a ¶ Sir Stephen , an haire-brain'd Puritan . 151 a ¶ Pyel lane . 400 b * Q BEatrix , Sister to Peter of Savoy , Mother to five Queenes . 490 b † Queene hithe , or Edreds hithe , the antiquity , liberties , and customes thereof , 401. &c. When let to Farme to the City of London , 542 a † An Act of Common Councell concerning it . 939 a † R THe Racke in the Tower called the Duke of Exceters Daughter . 60 a * Radcliffe . 469 a † Thomas Raymond , Archdeacon of Saint Albans , his Monument . 778 a ¶ Ambition and Covetousnesse , the two causes of English Rebellions . 696 b * London never the Author of any Rebellion . 701 The Rebellion of the Commons under Wat Tylar , 48 a * Of Sir Iohn Oldcastle , 561 a * Of Lord Fawconbridge , 32 b † An Alderman made Recorder of London . 547 b * Red●rosse street . 318 a * 476 b ¶ Reding , why so called . 15 a ¶ Redriffe : See Roderith . Redrose , or Rother lane . 229 a † Ree , or Rhe , what it signifies . 15 a ¶ Regrators . 678 b ¶ Repaire of Churches : See the Churches . Court of Request , or Conscience , in London , for reliefe of poore Debtors . 769 When three men had their hands cut off for Rescuing a Prisoner arrested by a Sergeant . 546 b ¶ Retayling , an handmaid to Merchandize . 699 a ¶ Richard the first reigned ten yeeres ; Maiors in his time . 336 b † Richard the second reigned 22. yeeres ; Maiors in his time , 556 a † He in danger by the Rebels of Kent , 49 b ¶ He lodged in Tower-Royall , 258 a * His Monument , 508 a ¶ Richard the third reigned three yeeres ; Maiors in his time , 572 a ¶ Hee tooke on him the Crowne at Baynards Castle : See Baynards Castle . Ringed Hall in Saint Thomas Apostles . 261 a † Three principall Rivers in this Kingdome to build a Royall City on , 693 a ¶ Navigable Rivers are as Via Regia , 25 b ¶ The new River , 12 b † The River of Thames . 14 * 693 a ¶ Robin Hood and his men shot before the King. 79 b ¶ Rochester house . 449 b ¶ The Rolls in Chancery lane . 435 b † Rood lane . 228 a † Ralph Rookeby , his charitable bounty . 428 a † Faire Rosamond , where kept by Henry the second . 781 Rotten Row , or Russell Row. 470 b ¶ S THe names of Saints given to Churches , not for superstition , but for distinction sake . 273 a ¶ Salisbury Court , anciently the Bishop of Salisburies house . 437 b * Sak , what . 919 a † Salt wharfe . 403 a ¶ A Sanctuary for offenders at S. Martins , with the privileges and articles thereto belonging , 327. &c. 917. A Sanctuary at Westminster . 519 a † Sandy house . 403 b ¶ The Savoy lands given unto Christs Hospitall , 344 b † The Savoy built by Peter Earle of Savoy and Richmond , 490 a ¶ Burnt by the Rebels and built againe for an Hospitall . 491 a * Scalding Alley . 183 a † 204 b ¶ 272 b ¶ Scavengers , 670 b † Their Oath 688. Schooles of Philosophy in London , 63 a. 710 b ¶ Every Cathedrall Church had a Schoole , 63 b. A free Schoole at Saint Pauls , 63 b * 356 b ¶ Westminster , 63 b ¶ Saint Anthonies , 190 a * S. Peters on Cornehill , 211 a * In Bow Church yard , 269 b ¶ In the Hospitall of S. Thomas of Acons , now Mercers Chappell , 281 a ¶ Christs Church , 64 b † S. Saviours , 64 a † Merchant-Taylors , 64 b * 252 b ¶ Meetings of Schoole-masters , and disputations of Schollers . 64 b * Scoggans Ballad sent to King Henry the fourth his sonnes . 256 a † Robert Scot , Quarter Master Generall to the King of Swedens Army , his Monument . 791 a ¶ Scot , what . 919 b † Scotland yard . 495 b ¶ Scroopes Inne , sometimes Serjeants Inne in Oldborne . 425 b ¶ S●acole lane , 427 b ¶ When Seacoles were forbidden in London . 547 b * Sebba King of the East-Saxons , his Monument in Pauls . 358 a ¶ Hee became a Monke of Pauls . 529 a * Sebert King of East-Saxons , his Monument . 500 b † Sentlegers house in Southwarke . 458 b † Sergeants Inne , 435 a ¶ 438 b ¶ The Sergeants Feast , and manner of it , with the provision . 426 a Sermon lane , or rather Sheremoniers . 410 a ¶ Sessions Hall. 427 a ¶ A Shankebone of a man 25. inches long , 285 a † Another 28. inches and an halfe long . 302 b ¶ Shareborne , or South-borne lane . 217 a * Shere lane . 435 b ¶ The Sheriffe-wicke granted to the City , 537 a ¶ The first Sheriffes , or Bailiffes thereof , when obtained , 536 a † The Sheriffes election , 650 b ¶ Their Officers , 649 b ¶ Their swearing on Michaelmas day , 652 , 655. Sheriffes in London in Henry the first his time , almost 100. yeeres before our Chronicles set downe , 768 b ¶ The Sheriffes of London Prisoners in the Tower. 36 a † Shoo-lane . 428 a † Long piked Shooes tied to the knees , in use amongst English men . 395 b ¶ A penalty on Shoomakers , for Shooing men on the Sunday . 394 a † The Shops under Saint Peters in Cheape . 338 a † Tom Shorthose , his Monument . 310 a * Margaret Countesse of Shrewsbury , her Monument . 369 a † Side-Saddles first in use . 70 a ¶ Sir Philip Sidney , his Monument . 363 a † Silver street . 312 a ¶ Saint Sithes lane , 264 b ¶ Saint Sithes Church : See Bennet Sherehog . Simpsons lane , or Emperours head lane . 255 a † Single women that plaid the Whores in the Stewes were forbidden the rights of the Church , and therefore had a Churchyard proper to them for buriall . 449 b † The Six-Clerkes office , anciently a Brewhouse . 435 b ¶ The Incorporation of the Company of Skinners , 248 b † Six Kings brethren of that Company . 248 b † Slander punished in a Fine of 1000. Markes . 232 a ¶ William Foxley Slept in the Tower of London 14. dayes and more , without waking . 55 b ¶ Smarts Key . 225 a * Sir Thomas Smith , Master of Requests , his Monument . 783 b ¶ Captaine Iohn Smith , his Monument . 779 b ¶ East - Smithfield , 41 a † First builded upon , 931 a † Somtimes a Monastery called New Abbey , 117 a ¶ An ancient record concerning it . 925 b † West Smithfield ; the Pond there and Elmes , a place of Execution , 420 b ¶ Horse-market there , 420 b ¶ 711 b † Iustings there , 421 a † Paved . 423 a † Snore hill . 425 b * Sojourners . 670 b ¶ Sok , what . 918 b ¶ Inner Soken . 931 Sommers Key . 225 b ¶ Sommerset house . 490 a † Gray Sope made in London , dearer than bought from Bristow . 265 a † Sopers lane . 264 b ¶ Sophia daughter to King Iames , her Monument . 512 a † Southampton house , sometimes the Bishop of Lincolnes Inne . 486 b ¶ The Borough of Southwarke , how it became one of the 26. Wards in London , 442 a * Sir Iohn Ayliffe , the first Alderman there , 446 a * The Lord Maiors comming thither to our Lady faire . 652 a * Iohn Speed his Monument . 778 b ¶ Edmond Speneer , his Monument . 517 b * 774 b ¶ Chappell of S. Spirit , now lost . 489 b ¶ The Spittle , 175 b ¶ When founded , 537 b ¶ The Pulpit-Crosse there , and anci-custome of Sermons at Easter , 176. Three Brethren preached there , on Monday , Tuesday , and Wednesday in Easter weeke , 1632. 781 ¶ Sports and Pastimes used in this City , 75. Stage-playes , Tennis-play , running at Quinten . 76. &c. 712 b * Sprinkle Alley . 144 a † A Monument of the Staffords . 808 a * Stallage , what . 919 b * Staple Inne . 431 a † Starling money whence so cal'd 45 b ¶ The Starr-chamber Court. 523 b † Stationers Hall , sometimes the Duke of Britaines house . 372 a † Stayning lane . 321 a ¶ Customes , Priviledges , &c. of the Mannor of Stebunheath , or Stepney , and Hackney , &c. 715 The Steel-yard a place for Merchants of Almaine . 249 b * S. Stephens Alley in Westminster . 496 a * S. Stephens Chappell in Westminster . 523 b ¶ Stew lane . 403 a ¶ The Stewes on the Banke side kept onely by the Froes of Flanders , 449 a * Put down 449 b † Constitutions to be observed by the keepers of them . 448 b ¶ Master Stocke his Monument . 821 a † Stocke-fishmonger row . 231 b * Stockes Market , the midst of the City , 113 a ¶ The antiquity and beginning thereof . 243 b † Stodies lane . 255 a ¶ A Monument of the Stotevils . 818 b * Strand Inne an Inne of Chancery , 490. Strand Bridge and Stone-crosse there . 490 The number of Strangers misliked in London , 80 a ¶ 226 b * Strangers borne . 872 a ¶ The Statutes of the Streets of London against annoyances 665 , &c. 672 b † Studenes in the Common Law , their preferment . 66 , 67 The Suburbs without the City of London and liberties therof . 461 Simon Sudbury , Archbishop of Canturbury , slaine by Wat Tylar and the Kentish Rebels . 50 a * Suffolke house in Southwarke . 454 b † Suffolke lane . 252 b ¶ Summers Hithe , now Queene Hithe . 400 b ¶ Thomas Suttons Will , together with the erection of the Charter house , 479 b * His Monument . 482 b ¶ Old Swan 231 b * See Ebgate lane . 256 a ¶ Sweating sicknesses ; the first 572 b ¶ the second , 584 a ¶ the third . 588 b ¶ Sydon lane . 134 b ¶ Fyon College for the Clergy of London built by Doctor White together with the Library , and Benefactors thereto . 304 , 305 T THe Tabard , an Inne in Southwarke , 456 a ¶ Atwods Wife plaid so long at Tables , that she bore a man , the Priest , who was justly punished for his letchery . 207 b ¶ The pious and memorable charity of Christopher Tamworth of Grayes Inne , Esquire . 766 a ¶ A Popes head Tavern in Cornhill ; a pint of wine was sold for a penny , 216 a † Cardinals Hat Taverne in Lombard street . 216 b † A grievous Taxe and Tallage granted to King Richard the second , cause of a great rebellion . 47 b ¶ Tazell Close . 175 * Tem what . 919 a † Tempests of lightning and thunder , 79 b † A Tempest drove all the people from Divine Service at Pauls , but Roger surnamed Niger , Bishop of London , 359 b ¶ 530 b ¶ The Spire of Alhallowes Steeple Thunder-stricken 392 a ¶ S. Michaels Steeple fired in a Tempest . 213 a * The new Temple ; the originall of the Knights Templers , their Profession , Seale , and dissolution , 438. &c. Their house granted to the Students of the Common Law , 440 b † Monuments in their Church 762 a † 763 a ¶ Why the Images of Knights buried in the Temple , are laid crosse-legged , 440 b * The old Temple in Holborne . 486 b ¶ Foure Termes or times of pleading : Hilary . Easter . Trinity . Michaelmas . 522 b. Thames street . 231 b * Thames River , 14 * 675 b ¶ The head of it , 14 b ¶ The course , 15 a. Commodities , Length , Plenty of Fish , 16. Constant Tides , 17 a † number of Boats and Watermen , 18 a. Iurisdiction of the Lord Maior over it , 18 * 20 , 21. &c. Acts for the conservation thereof , 683. 685. An Engine to enforce Thames water . 403 b * Thavies Inne . 430 b † Theeving lane in Southwarke , 456 b * In Westminster . 497 b ¶ Saint Thomas of Acons Hospitall . 281 a * 935 Thomas of Woodstock , his Monument . 510 a † Three-needle street . 183 a ¶ Throckmorton street . 183 a * 187 a † Tiltyard at Westminster . 495 b ¶ Timber hithe . 403 a ¶ Tinckermen in the River of Thames . 18 b The Popes Bull , for the offerings of the Parishes to the Curates in London by way of Tithes , 747. The ancient composition for them . 749 b ¶ Toll , what . 919 a † Tom Shorthose , his Epitaph . 310 a * Totehill street and Fields . 525 b † The Tower of London , first built by William the Conqueror , 40. Constables thereof , 41 a † Compassed with a Wall & Ditch , 41 a ¶ 926. Lyons kept in it , 42 a ¶ Scaffold first set on Tower hill , 42 b Gates of the Tower , 42. See Gates . Famous actions done there , 43 a † Mint there , 44 b * Vse of the Tower to defend the City , 56 a. Liberties thereof , 125 b ¶ The controversie betwixt the Lord Maior and the Lievtenant of the Tower about privileges . 126. 932 Two Towers on London-bridge . 56 Tower hill . 117 b ¶ 125 a * Tower street . 130 b ¶ Tower-Royall , 62 b ¶ The antiquity and honour thereof , 257 b * King Richard the second lodged there , 258 a * King Stephen lodged there . 260 a ¶ Townesend lane . 401 Men of Trades in distant places , 67 a ¶ Change of place and Tradesmen , 68 b. Tradesmen lived of their owne Trades , without medling with others . 254 a ¶ Trigge lane . 403 b ¶ Trinity Priory in the Dukes place , 145 a ¶ The first founding thereof , 930 * Ancient Charters of divers Kings concerning it , 931. Monuments therein . 145 b ¶ Trinity lane . 397 a * Triumphs and shewes , as Mummeries , Maskings , Lord of Mis-rule , May-games . 78 a * Tunne in Cornehill , a Prison . 207 a † Turne-againe lane . 414 b ¶ 427 b ¶ Turne-mill street , now called Turne-bold street . 483 b ¶ V VAgrants . 672 b * Vanners lane . 255 a * The fatall Vesper , at the Black-Friers . 381 b ¶ All manner of Victuals to bee bought anciently at all times in a certaine place called the Cookery . 711 a * The Incorporation of the Company of Vintners . 255 a ¶ The Vintrie , 225 a * King Henry the fourth his sonnes supped there . 256 a † Virginity ( by Matilda the faire ) defended with the losse of life . 57 Vsurers . 677 a ¶ Vsury forbidden by King Edward the first . 289 b * Vtfangtheof , what . 919 a * W WAll about the City of London , 4 a. When and why the Wall of the City was broken thorow Saint Bartholomewes Hospitall . 936 b ¶ The Brooke called Walbrooke , 10 a * 113 b * Walbrooke street , 243 b † Vaulted over & paved with stone , 30 b ¶ Barges towed up Walbrooke into Bucklesbury . 276 a * Lodgings for the Prince of Wales . 142 a ¶ The Walnut-tree , an Inne in Southwarke . 458 a ¶ Sir Frances Walsinghams Monument . 362 a ¶ Walworth , Lord Maior , did not slay Iacke Straw , 232 b ¶ 236 b * His Monument defaced in St. Michael Crooked lane , and since falsified . 237 a * Wapping , 461 b ¶ The new Chappell there . 462 a † The names of their Aldermen , as they are this yeere , 1633. 647 Court of Wards . 523 b * An Act for reformation of abuses in the Wardmote Inquest . 669 , 673 a ¶ The Kings Wardrobe . 408 a † Warwicke , or Eldnese lane . 388 b * Wardwyte , what . 919 b ¶ Wat Tylars outragious rebellion , 48 , &c. His demand of the King , 51. Slaine by William Walworth . 53 a. 236 b * Watches , the originall and manner , 83. &c. King Henry the eighth came to the Kings-head in Cheape , to behold the Watch. 270 b ¶ Water-gate . 141 b ¶ Water lane . 437 b * Watheling street . 391 a * The Incorporation of the Company of Weavers . 297 a ¶ Wels River , decay thereof , 9 a * Holy-Well , Clements Well , 10 b ¶ 710 a ¶ Clarkes Well 11 a † 710 a ¶ Skinners Wel , Fags Well 11 a * A Well cal'd Dame Annis the Cleere , 11. A Well of great depth at Aldersgate , 34 b A Well under the East end of St. Olaves Church in the Iewry . 290 a † Weights ; the Kings beame upon Corne-hill , 209 a † Tronage of Wools at Custome-house , 141 b ¶ Tronage of Wooll at St. Mary Wooll-Church . 244 a † Wenefrid , Marchionesse of Winchester , her Monument . 514 a † The City of Westminster , 493. Foundation of the Abbey , 497 b † The burning thereof 499 a ¶ King Henry the seventh his Chappell the miracle of the World , 498 a * A Bishop of Westminster , 498 a ¶ 500 a † The first Deane there , 498 b † Monuments 500 b † 763 , 774 , 814. The Palace , 519 b * The great Hall , 519 b ¶ The use therof , to feed poore people ; a Feast there , and Wherries rowing , 560. Parliaments kept there , and Courts of Iustice , 522. Government of the City of Westminster . 525 When Wheat was sold for 16. and 12. pence a quarter . 546 A Widdow in White-chappell murthered by a French man whom she brought up , 469 b ¶ The Parson of Stepney Patron of White-chappell , 469 b * White-crosse street . 318 a † 476 b ¶ White Friers the antiquity therof with the Monuments . 437 b ¶ White-Hall heretofore call'd York-Place . 487 b † 496 a † The White Lion in Southwark a Gaole for the County of Surrey . 455 a ¶ Whittington College . 256 b † Whores , 673 a † 676 b. See Stewes . All knowne Whores were to weare striped coloured cloth on their heads by an Act of Parliament . 553 a † Wildgoose , or Windgoose lane . 250 b * William of Windsor , sonne of Edward the third , his Monument . 515 a * Winchester house , 449 b † Bishops of Winchester , Wickam , and Andrewes , their Monuments . 452 Samuel , Thomas , and Iohn Wincope , three Brethren . 781 ¶ A Pint of Wine sold for a peny , and Bread given into the bargaine , 216 a * 551 b * Malmsey Wine sold for three halfe pence a pint , 255 b ¶ Rumney Sacke sold for Medicines only . ibid. Reyne Wolfe , Stationer , collected Holensheads Chronicle . 303 Sir Iohn Wolley , his Monument . 777 b † Famous and honourable Women . 107 b † Woodroffe lane . 156 b * Woodstreet . 307 b ¶ Wooll-wharfe , 141 b ¶ Wooll-staple at Westminster , 496 a ¶ See Weights . Wolseyes lane . 251 b ¶ Worster house . 256 a ¶ Wrestlings , and other exercises used on Bartholomew day , now left , and worse taken up . 85 b ¶ Wringwren lane . 258 b * Y YOng beginners , provision for them . 91 b 94 b ¶ 95 a ¶ See Kendricks Will. Yorke place , now Whitehall . 487 b † Yorke house . 495 a * Z ALlen dela Zouch , Custos of the City of London , slaine in Westminster Hall , by Iohn Warren Earle of Surrey . 544 a ¶ The end of the first Table . The second Table Containing the Sirnames of all those , whom Honorable Dignities , Memorable Benefactions , Remarkeable Actions , and Venerable Monuments , have made worthy to be recorded in this Worke ; Alphabetically digested : Wherein the Figures referre to the Page , the Letters to the Columne , and the Asteriskes * to the top of both Page and Columne . † to the middle of both Page and Columne . ¶ to the bottome of both Page and Columne . A ABbot . 134 b * 285 a ¶ 534 a ¶ B. 563 a ¶ 597 a ¶ Abdy . 391 b * 598 a † Abingdon . 548 b † M. Abraham . 566 a ¶ Acheley . 193 a † 245 a ¶ 576 a ¶ 577 b * M. Acton . 265 b † 346 b * 598 b * Adams . 804 b * Ade . 872 b ¶ Aderley . 563 b ¶ 565 b † M. Adrian . 543 a ¶ M. Adys . 322 a † Agmondesham . 285 a * Ailofe . 199 a ¶ 583 b ¶ Albany . 391 b ¶ Albert. 285 a * Alderban . 191 a ¶ Aldersey . 96 b ¶ 869 a * Aldworth . 429 a ¶ Alison . 284 b † Allen or Alley . 90 b † 170 b † 281 b † 285 a * 311 a ¶ 350 a ¶ 561 a * M. 578 b ¶ 580 a † M. 581 b * M. 583 a ¶ 586 a ¶ 852 b ¶ 566 b ¶ 587 b ¶ . M. Allot . 106 b * 395 b * 589 a ¶ 59● a † M. Altham . 580 b ¶ 585 a ¶ Alwine , or Alewine . 270 a † 574 b † 575 a ¶ M. Amades . 223 b * Amcotes . 283 b * 58● b ¶ 583 b ¶ M. Anderson . 105 a ¶ 291 a ¶ 592 b ¶ Andrew , or Andrewes . 554 a * M. 132 b † 452 a ¶ Anger . 544 a † Anthony . 873 b ¶ Antiloche . 537 a * Antrobus . 373 b † Apleyard . 351 b † Appleton . 346 a † Archer . 244 a ¶ Arderne . 335 a ¶ Armenter . 547 a * Armorer . 131 b † 134 a † Arneway . 808 b * Arnold . 293 b † 563 a * 893 b ¶ Arundell . 186 a * 346 a † 791 b * Ascham . 558 b * M. Ascough . 484 b * Ascue . 145 b ¶ 395 a * 579 b ¶ 581 a ¶ M. Ashburnham . 763 a * Ashcombe . 308 b ¶ Ashehill . 274 a ¶ Ashfield . 145 b ¶ Ashwy . 540 b † M. Askham . 211 b † Asseldey . 157 a † Astly . 834 a † Astry . 261 b * 572 b * Atcourt . 186 a * Atkins . 337 b * Atkinson . 96 a ¶ 285 a ¶ Atwell . 312 b ¶ Atwood . 207 b ¶ Aubry . 345 b † 546 b ¶ 551 a ¶ M. Audley . 146 a ¶ 460 a * Avenon . 286 a * 337 b ¶ 586 a * 587 b * M. Avesey . 146 a † Avinger . 395 a * Austen . 406 b † 452 b ¶ 453 a ¶ 557 b † Aunsham . 189 b ¶ Ayer . 296 a ¶ Aylesbrough . 241 a ¶ Aylesham . 551 a ¶ Aylmer . 153 b * 573 b ¶ B BAbalius . 135 b † Babham . 355 b † Baby . 338 a ¶ Backehouse . 588 b ¶ 597 b † Bacon . 133 a * 364 b ¶ 571 b ¶ 226 b † 138 b * 139 b ¶ 587 a ¶ Bainham . 108 a * Baker . 285 a * 411 b ¶ Bakhurst . 299 b * Balamer . 548 b ¶ Baldocke . 365 b † 531 b ¶ B. Baldry . 269 b * 281 b † 578 b * 570 b * M. Baldwin . 346 a ¶ Balgay . 120 a ¶ Balthorp . 416 a † Bambrough . 311 a ¶ Banne . 87 b ¶ 228 b * 556 b ¶ 557 b ¶ M. Bancroft . 534 a * B. 790 b * Band. 186 b * Bane . 431 b ¶ Banester . 324 b † Bankes . 270 a † 388 a * 586 b † 857 b ¶ Banning , or Bayning . 101 a * 105 a * 305 a † 591 b † 863 a ¶ Bardolph . 145 b ¶ Barentine . 186 b † 322 b † 558 a ¶ M. Barker . 843 a † 898 b ¶ Barkham . 594 b † 596 a ¶ M. Barkley . 425 a ¶ 484 b ¶ Barnard . 398 a ¶ 407 a ¶ Barne , or Barnes . 87 a ¶ 191 a ¶ 220 b ¶ 242 a † 258 b ¶ 299 b † 583 a * 395 a ¶ 532 b ¶ B. 553 b ¶ M. 584 b † 588 b * 590 a ¶ M. 898 a ¶ Barneham . 105 a * 235 a ¶ 587 b * 591 a * Barners . 158 b ¶ Barnocke . 257 a * Barnwell . 392 b * 564 a ¶ Barons . 145 b ¶ Barradaile . 189 b ¶ Barre . 238 a * Barret . 325 b * 556 b † Barry . 138 b † Bartholomew . 340 b ¶ 537 b † Bartlet . 285 a * 432 a * Barton 285 a * 312 b * 356 b * 372 a ¶ 561 b * M. 560 a † Bartram . 345 b ¶ Barwis . 411 a † Bas. 552 a * Basford . 578 a † Baskervile . 281 b † 366 b * 586 a * Basset . 391 b * 531 a ¶ B. 568 b ¶ 571 a † M. Bassing . 178 b ¶ 298 a ¶ 538 b † 542 b † M. Bat. 540 a ¶ M. Bate . 538 a ¶ Bateman . 150 a ¶ Batencourt . 545 a ¶ Bath . 330 b ¶ Bathurst . 246 b ¶ Battail . 351 a * Batte . 193 a * Baude . 368 a * Bayly . 257 a ¶ 415 b ¶ 578 a ¶ 579 b ¶ M. 792 a † Beale . 183 b * Beame . 530 a * B. Beard . 151 a † Beastby . 415 b ¶ Bean. 537 a * Beauchampe . 368 b † Beaumond , or Beamont , 292 a ¶ 349 a ¶ 391 b ¶ 763 b † 565 b † 820 b ¶ 830 a ¶ 877 b † Becket . 86 a ¶ 292 a * Beckingham . 136 a ¶ Bedingfield . 485 b ¶ Bedoe or Bedow . 150 a ¶ 891 a † 907 a * Beecher . 193 a ¶ 587 a † Bell. 186 b ¶ 484 b † 546 b * Belengham . 273 b * Belgrave . 230 b * Belknape . 406 a * Bellesdon . 351 b † 570 b * Bellow . 316 b ¶ Belwase . 372 a ¶ Belwin . 290 a † Bembow . 801 a * Ben. 363 a * Benalias . 133 a ¶ Benam . 222 b ¶ Benneson . 215 a † Bennet . 148 b ¶ 561 b † 593 a ¶ M. 796 a ¶ Bennington . 285 b * Benolt . 179 a † Benson . 457 b † Berching . 308 a ¶ Beringham . 146 a † Berry . 554 a † Berryman . 100 b * Besaunt . 597 a † Bestbitch . 899 a ¶ Beswike . 239 b † Betaine . 546 a ¶ Betwell . 545 b ¶ Bieus . 428 b ¶ Bifield . 571 a ¶ Bildington . 415 b ¶ Bill . 826 b † Billesby . 783 a ¶ Billet . 547 b * Billesdon . 572 b † M. Billing . 519 b † Billingsley . 139 b † 158 a ¶ 159 b ¶ 590 a † M. Bilsington . 330 b ¶ Bingham . 452 a ¶ Bintworth . 531 b ¶ B. Birch . 897 b ¶ Bishop . 96 b † Blackney . 548 a † Blake . 799 b ¶ Blakynbury . 326 b ¶ Blanch. 230 b * Blanke . 227 a ¶ 588 a ¶ 589 b ¶ M. Blankwell . 186 a * Blankworth . 848 b * Bledlow . 138 b * 579 a ¶ Blighton . 316 a ¶ Blitheman . 399 b † Blondell , or Blundell . 95 b * 186 a ¶ 285 a * 537 b † Blonket . 460 a * Blound , or Bland . 230 a ¶ 538 a * Blount , or Blunt. 267 a * 311 a ¶ 346 a * 484 a ¶ 537 a * 540 b † 547 a ¶ M. 803 a ¶ Bloxley . 369 b † Bluntivers . 538 b ¶ Boaley , or Bodeleigh . 416 b * 548 b * Bohun . 186 a † Bois . 274 b * Bokerell . 539 a † M. Bold . 239 a † Bolen , or Boleyne . 313 a ¶ 285 b * Bolles . 595 b * M. 870 b † Bond. 121 a ¶ 218 a * 179 b ¶ 132 b * 281 b † 341 a † 587 a * 589 a † 590 b † M. 784 a ¶ 810 b * Bongey . 540 a ¶ Bonham 778 b † Bonnet . 533 a † B. Bonpfant . 285 a ¶ Boron . 313 b † Borresby . 193 a * Borwet . 908 b ¶ Boseham . 556 a ¶ Bostock . 222 b † Boswell . 841 b † Bovel . 262 b ¶ Bourne . 901 a † Bourser . 186 a * Bowden . 451 a ¶ Bowler . 191 b * Bowes . 157 a † 223 b * 460 a * 582 a ¶ 583 a ¶ Bowyer . 105 b ¶ 211 b * 223 a † 581 b * 583 a † M. 588 b ¶ 865 b † Box. 546 a † 587 b * Boxhull . 369 b † Boyle . 805 a * Bradbery . 293 b † 346 a * 575 a * 577 a ¶ M. Bradburge . 398 b † Brade . 398 b † Bradmote . 330 b ¶ Brainforth . 472 b † Brame . 250 b * Brampton . 211 b † 230 b † 238 a * Bramre . 346 b ¶ Bramston . 558 a ¶ Branch . 235 b ¶ 334 a † 587 b ¶ 589 a ¶ M. Brandon . 451 a * 553 a ¶ Brapson . 552 a * Brawne . 792 b ¶ Bray . 395 a ¶ Breakspeare . 290 a * 321 b ¶ Brembar . 345 b * 555 b † M. Bremisgrave . 132 a † Bret 330 b ¶ 351 b * Brewer . 367 b † Brewes . 451 a ¶ Brewster . 424 b * Breybrook . 367 b † 532 a * B. Brian . 397 b ¶ 561 b ¶ Briar . 189 b ¶ Brice . 223 a ¶ 569 a * 573 a † M. Bricket . 170 a ¶ Brickles . 251 a ¶ b † Bridges . 223 a † 894 a ¶ Brigs . 847 a ¶ Brime . 908 b ¶ Bristow . 123 b * Britaine , or Breton . 146 a † 218 a * 267 a * 341 a † 546 a * M. 549 b * M. 572 b * 579 a ¶ Broke . 193 a * 259 a * Broke-it-well . 327 b † Brokle . 563 a † M. Brome . 138 b † Bromer . 262 b ¶ Bromfield . 597 a * Bromflit . 299 b † Bromley . 843 b * Broud . 527 b ¶ 575 a. Brook. 505 a † 416 a † 573 b * 560 a * 591 a † Brooker . 454 a * Brosked . 157 a † Browke . 433 b ¶ Browne . 88 b * 103 a † 131 a ¶ 239 b † 281 b † 303 a ¶ 306 a * 338 a * 451 a * 537 b * 563 b ¶ M. 569 a * 571 b ¶ M. 576 b ¶ M. 578 a † M. 558 b † M. Browning . 543 a ¶ Brudge . 238 b * Bruges . 578 a † 579 a * M. Brune . 86 b † 175 b ¶ 537 a * Bubwith . 532 a * Bucke . 303 a ¶ Buckland . 886 a † Buckle . 227 a ¶ 589 b * 591 b * M. Buckmote . 536 b ¶ Budd . 316 b ¶ Budge . 392 b * Bugge . 218 a † Buke . 270 a * Bukysworth . 554 b † Bulbeck . 907 a † Bullen , or Bullein . 89 a † 313 b ¶ 566 a † 567 b ¶ M. Bunce . 773 a † Burder . 345 b ¶ Burel . 237 b ¶ Burgan , or Burgaine . 285 a ¶ 416 b ¶ Buris . 553 b ¶ Burley . 161 b † 277 b ¶ 360 b † Burnell . 133 a † 135 a † 345 b ¶ Bursted . 351 b † Burton . 152 b ¶ 154 a † 299 a ¶ 472 b ¶ 850 b * 907 b † Burwash . 346 a * Bury . 376 b † Busby . 313 a ¶ 315 b † 316 a ¶ Butler . 100 b ¶ 179 a ¶ 241 a ¶ 281 a ¶ b † 337 b * 346 a † 407 b † 484 b ¶ 547 b ¶ 562 a † 576 b ¶ 578 a ¶ M. Byng . 153 a † Byrch . 135 b † Byry . 416 b ¶ Bywater . 562 b ¶ C CAge . 350 b † 779 a † Caldset . 416 a † Caldwell . 97 a * 215 b † 326 a † 372 b * 795 a ¶ 856 a ¶ Calfe . 398 a ¶ Callet . 547 a ¶ Calthrop . 184 b ¶ 344 b * 589 a * 590 b * M. Calton . 579 b ¶ Calverley . 87 a ¶ Cambell . 107 a † 291 a † 592 b * 394 a ¶ 597 b ¶ M. Cambery . 346 a † Cambridge . 227 a * 561 a ¶ M. Camden . 774 a ¶ Campe. 102 a † Candish , or Cavendish . 281 a ¶ 553 b † M. Canning . 566 a ¶ M. Cantilow . 306 a ¶ Capell . 191 a ¶ 573 b * 576 a * M. Caponig . 136 b † Cappe . 101 a * 296 a ¶ Carew , or Carey . 149 b * 776 a ¶ 898 a * Carleshull . 557 b † Caroon . 790 b ¶ Carpenter . 88 a ¶ Carre . 98 b ¶ Carter . 154 b ¶ 454 a † Cartwright . 153 b * 899 a ¶ Castell . 344 b ¶ Castleton . 261 a ¶ Caston . 548 b * Castor . 346 a † Catcher . 185 a † 590 b † Catworth . 308 a ¶ 564 b † M. Causton . 258 b ¶ Cawood . 244 b † 331 a † Cawson . 547 b * Caxton . 241 a ¶ Cayfi . 132 a † Cely. 134 b ¶ Chadwell . 406 a * Chadworth . 393 a † 557 b ¶ 559 b † M. Chalons . 345 b † Chalton . 564 a * 566 b † M. Chamber . 397 b ¶ Chamberlaine . 101 a † 290 a ¶ 537 b * 586 a ¶ 874 a * Champion . 106 a † 139 a * 191 a † 346 b ¶ 580 b ¶ 585 b * 586 b ¶ M. Champnies . 137 b * 547 a ¶ 579 b † 581 a † M. Chape . 346 a ¶ Chapman . 98 b ¶ 221 b * 263 a ¶ 432 a † 564 b * Chapone . 135 a † Chartam . 146 a † Charles . 186 b * Charleton . 822 b ¶ Chartney . 235 a ¶ Chartsey . 285 a * 563 a * 583 b * Chatesteshunt . 360 b ¶ Chaunticlere . 549 b * Chaury . 391 b * 571 b ¶ 574 b * M. Chawcer . 267 a † Chaworth . 907 a ¶ Chayhee . 285 a ¶ Cheeke . 309 a * 803 a * Cherry . 133 a ¶ Cheshull , or Chishull . 360 b ¶ 531 b † B. Chester . 118 b ¶ 178 b * 220 b ¶ 281 b † 344 b * 572 b * 584 b ¶ 586 a * M. Cheyney . 153 b * 179 b † 346 a * 406 a * Chibary . 186 b * Chichester . 555 a * M. Chickley . 88 b † 244 b * 263 a † 562 b † M. 559 b * Chickwell , or Chigwell . 360 b ¶ 545 b ¶ 548 b † M. Chirwide . 145 b ¶ Chitcroft . 149 b † Chitting . 799 a ¶ Cholmley . 372 a ¶ 433 a * Choppin . 313 a ¶ Chornet . 186 b * Christopherson . 274 a * Church . 101 a † 138 a † 192 a † Churchman . 87 b ¶ 187 b ¶ 557 a † Churchyard . 346 b ¶ Clapham . 831 b † Clare . 341 a * Clarell . 312 b ¶ Clarke . 120 a ¶ 123 b ¶ 230 b † 398 b † 472 b ¶ 551 a † 592 b † 788 a * 852 a ¶ Clavering . 193 a † Clay . 134 b † Clere. 790 a ¶ 791 b ¶ Clifford . 186 b ¶ 532 a ¶ B. Clifton . 346 a ¶ Clixston . 284 b † Clitherow . 187 b ¶ 597 a † Clivelod . 393 a ¶ Clopton . 89 a ¶ 292 a * 552 a † 564 a † 573 a † 574 a † M. 801 b ¶ Clun . 100 a ¶ Cobham . 346 b * 540 b * Cocham . 540 a † Cockain , or Cocken . 148 b ¶ 179 a ¶ 185 a * 364 b † 595 a † M. 776 b ¶ Cockes . 120 a † Codras . 540 b ¶ Cogger . 226 a † Coggeshall . 231 a † 398 a ¶ Coke . or Cooke . 186 b ¶ 299 a † 372 b ¶ 412 b † 415 b ¶ 429 a † 560 b * M. 567 a † 763 a * 802 a ¶ 909 a † Colborne . 435 a † Coldock . 153 a † Cole . 239 a ¶ 807 a † Coleman . 292 a * 410 a † Collet . 89 b ¶ 265 b ¶ 306 a ¶ 308 a ¶ 571 a * 573 a ¶ 787 b ¶ Collingborne . 186 b ¶ Collins . 218 b * 392 b ¶ Colsell . 293 b † Columbars . 261 a ¶ Colwich . 571 a † Combarton . 246 b * 303 a * Combes . 228 b ¶ 238 b * 565 a ¶ Combmartin . 547 b † Comerton . 213 b * Comin , alias Chilcot . 96 a † Coningston . 431 b ¶ Constable . 108 b † Constantine . 549 a * 569 a † Coolby . 189 b ¶ Cooper , or Cowper . 149 a † 215 a ¶ 230 b * 548 a † 584 a ¶ Cootes , or Cotes . 245 a * 338 a * 573 b ¶ 581 a † 582 b ¶ Cope . 397 b ¶ Copinger . 393 a * 576 b * 577 b ¶ M. Copland . 269 b ¶ Coppin . 906 a ¶ Corbet . 429 a * 811 b * Cordell . 432 a ¶ Cornhill . 536 b † 543 a ¶ Cornewallis . 261 a ¶ 556 a ¶ Cornish . 322 a † Costin , or Coston . 222 a ¶ 331 b ¶ 877 a ¶ Cosyn . 239 a † 249 b † Cotlow . 566 a ¶ Cotton . 148 b ¶ 425 a * 560 b ¶ 597 a * 853 a * Covel . 134 b † 346 a † 820 b † Coventry . 270 a * 543 a ¶ 561 b † M. Coverdale . 191 b † Coult. 874 b ¶ Courtney . 186 a ¶ 532 a † B. 810 a † Cowch . 99 a † Cowdorow . 157 a † Coxe . 352 a * 774 b * Cradock . 186 a * Crane . 551 a † Cranmer . 598 a * Crashaw . 904 a * Cravon . 592 a ¶ 594 b † M. Crayhag . 293 b † Creke . 371 a † Cresacre . 281 b † Creswell . 334 b † Crew . 818 a † Criche . 848 b ¶ Crisp . 219 b * 597 a † 856 b ¶ Criswick . 149 b † Crofts . 370 b ¶ 485 a ¶ Croke . 149 b ¶ 305 a † Croles . 119 b ¶ 123 b * 131 b † Cromar , Cromer , or Crowmer . 238 b ¶ 560 a † 561 a * M. Cromwell . 187 a * Crosby . 179 a ¶ 181 b † 469 b ¶ Croshaw . 827 b ¶ Crosse . 546 a ¶ Crow . 805 b ¶ Crowch . 434 b † Crowley . 313 a ¶ Crowner . 238 b ¶ Croydon . 552 a † Crud . 332 a ¶ Culverwell . 96 b * Cure. 96 a ¶ 451 b † Curteis . 218 a * 551 a † 583 a ¶ Curzon . 762 b * Cushen . 231 a ¶ Cuthing . 186 b * Cutting . 901 a * D DAcres . 786 b † Dalling . 549 a † Dallison . 484 b * Dalton . 434 b ¶ 893 a ¶ Dalusse . 261 b † Dancer . 191 b † Dane . 150 a ¶ 395 a ¶ 587 b † Daniel . 294 a * 395 b * 571 b ¶ Danne . 108 a † Danson . 908 a * Danvers . 416 a † Darby . 218 a † 565 b ¶ 569 a ¶ Darcy . 117 b ¶ 118 b ¶ 119 a † 324 a ¶ 549 b ¶ M. Darling . 132 a † Darlington . 398 a ¶ Darr . 295 b * Davies . 881 a ¶ Dauntesey . 295 b ¶ 580 b ¶ Davy . 304 a † Dawbeney . 176 b † 186 b * Dawes . 578 a † Dawtrey . 186 b ¶ 788 a ¶ Day . 315 a † 316 b † Deane . 105 b ¶ 136 a * 146 a † 597 b * M. Deare , or Dere . 351 b † 566 b † Deddam . 145 b ¶ Delakere . 229 a † Delamere . 545 b * Denham . 131 a ¶ 581 a ¶ Dennie . 152 a ¶ Dennis . 131 a ¶ 133 b † 554 a † Dennison . 151 a † Densill . 898 a † Dent. 191 b † Deoly . 244 a ¶ Depham . 241 a ¶ Deskie . 186 b ¶ Dethick . 371 a ¶ 406 a * 409 b ¶ 788 b † Devereux . 131 a ¶ 345 b † Dewes . 290 a ¶ Deyncourt . 346 b * Dickman . 290 a † 554 b ¶ Dickson . 214 a * Digby . 830 a ¶ Digges . 303 a ¶ Dimock . 292 b * Dinham . 346 a * Dixie . 106 a * 139 b † 299 b * 588 b † 590 a * M. Dobber . 395 a ¶ 582 b ¶ 584 a ¶ M. Dockwray . 355 a ¶ Dodmere . 579 b * 580 b * M. Dogget . 231 a * 395 a * 556 b † 577 a ¶ Dolseby . 552 a ¶ M. Dolssell . 553 a ¶ Donne , or Dunn● . 137 b * 269 a ¶ 776 b † Dormer . 285 a ¶ 580 b † 582 b * M. 787 b * Dorset . 537 b † Dove . 102 a † 119 b * 878 a ¶ Downer . 309 b † Downes , or Downis . 331 a * 800 b † Downham . 103 b ¶ Draper . 106 a † 139 a ¶ 152 a ¶ 311 a ¶ 586 a † 587 a † M. 831 a † Drayton . 274 b * 763 b ¶ Drew . 193 a * 349 b † 828 a * Drifield . 187 a ¶ Drope . 213 b * 569 b * 570 b ¶ M. Drury . 547 b ¶ Dryland . 228 b ¶ Ducy . 149 a † 598 a † M. Ducke . 560 a ¶ 877 a * Ducket . 106 a † 537 a * 586 b * 588 a † Dudley . 242 a ¶ 813 a ¶ Dudson . 886 a ¶ Duffehouse . 563 a ¶ Duffield . 123 b * Duke . 431 b ¶ 536 b * 540 a † M. Dummer . 100 a ¶ Duncell . 451 a ¶ Dunstable . 245 a † b † 547 a † Dunster . 821 a ¶ Dunthorne . 308 b † Durant . 537 a * Duresme . 541 a ¶ Durham . 542 b * Durrem . 183 b * Dutcon . 802 a † Dyker . 564 b * E EAstfield . 88 b * 303 a * 387 b ¶ 562 b * M. Ebot . 559 a ¶ Edgecombe . 766 a † Edisbury . 805 b ¶ Edlyn . 773 b * Edmonds . 347 a † Edwards . 157 a † 186 b ¶ 220 a * 567 a ¶ 570 a * M. 824 a † Eeles . 905 a † Egeock , or Egioke . 430 a ¶ 812 b ¶ Eliot . 321 b ¶ Elkenton . 346 b † Elkin . 104 b ¶ 388 a † Ellis . 558 b † 907 a ¶ Elmer . 98 a * 366 b † 473 a ¶ 534 a † B. Elrington . 211 b * 451 a ¶ 471 a † Elsing . 86 b ¶ Elwes . 105 b * 107 a ¶ 594 a † Emerson . 452 b ¶ Emfield . 347 a † Empson . 242 a ¶ English . 579 b † 808 b † Eomans . 473 a † Erington . 858 a † Esgastone . 398 a ¶ Essex . 293 b † 419 b * 424 a * Eston . 458 a * Evans . 454 b ¶ 793 a ¶ Evenger . 131 b † Everard . 561 a ¶ Every . 215 a † Evington . 100 b ¶ Eure. 360 a † Ewin . 238 b * 340 b * Exmew 306 a * 577 a † 518 b * M. Exton . 227 a * 557 a † M. Eyland . 538 a ¶ Eyre . 89 a † 163 a * 223 b † 564 a ¶ 566 a † M. F FAbian . 89 a ¶ 214 a † 574 a ¶ Fairford . 238 a * 458 a ¶ Falckins . 188 a † Falconer . 88 a † 561 a ¶ M. 559 b * Falleron . 187 b ¶ Falstaffe . 557 a ¶ Faringdon . 105 b † 335 a * 337 b * 545 b * M Farnford . 398 b † Farrer . 277 a † Farrington . 594 a * Fastolph . 179 b † Fauconbridge . 179 b † 366 b ¶ 530 b * M. Fauset . 145 b ¶ Featly . 837 a † Felcham . 340 b ¶ Felding . 285 b ¶ Fen. 419 b * 597 a * Fenkell , or Finkill . 238 b * 573 a ¶ Fenrother . 577 b ¶ Fenton . 245 a ¶ 805 a ¶ Ferrers . 429 a ¶ 582 a ¶ 789 b ¶ Fetherstone . 435 a † 880 b * Fetiplace . 292 a * Ffoy . 260 a * Field . 567 a ¶ Fielding . 565 b ¶ 567 a † M. Fikeldon . 311 a * Filpot . 87 a ¶ Fines . 345 b * Finke . 186 b * Fingrith . 547 a * Fished . 555 b * Fisher . 96 b ¶ 97 a † Fitz-Alwine . 146 a * 245 a † 536 b * M. Fitz-Arnold . 537 a † Fitz-Hugh . 532 b † B. Fitz-Iames . 370 a ¶ 532 b ¶ B. Fitz-Isabel . 537 a † Fitz-Mary . 86 b * 544 a † Fitz-Richard . 543 b † M. Fitz-Roger . 542 a ¶ M. Fitz-Water . 416 b † Fitz-William . 89 b ¶ 184 b ¶ 308 b † . &c. Flemming . 149 a ¶ 285 a * 568 a * Fletcher . 366 b † 534 a † B. Floid . 908 b † Foliot . 530 a ¶ B. Ford. 393 a ¶ Forman . 108 a * 228 b ¶ 581 a ¶ 582 a * M. Forrest . 290 a † Forster , or Foster . 226 b † 107 b * 311 a * 541 b * 567 a ¶ M. Fortescue . 285 a * 424 a † Forthe . 411 b * Fowler . 397 b ¶ 800 b ¶ 867 a † Fox . 101 a ¶ 288 b † 313 a ¶ b * 545 b * Foxton . 211 b † Frances . 146 a † 179 a * 322 b † 550 a † M. 557 b ¶ 559 a ¶ M. Franckland . 325 b ¶ Franke. 123 b * 239 a * Fray. 191 a ¶ Freemen . 596 b * 846 a * Fremingham . 559 b ¶ French. 230 b † 557 a † Frere . 398 a * Freshwater . 874 a ¶ Friole . 290 a † Frosham . 551 a ¶ Frostling . 553 b † Frowike . 346 b ¶ 542 a † 562 a ¶ M. Froyshe . 558 b † Fuller . 97 b ¶ 269 b ¶ 472 a ¶ Furneis . 548 b ¶ G GAbeter . 262 b * Gainsford . 239 a † Galder . 338 a ¶ Gale. 99 b ¶ Gamage . 350 a ¶ 588 a ¶ Ganon . 281 a ¶ Garaway . 185 a ¶ 597 a ¶ 868 a † Gardener . 211 b * 462 a ¶ 569 b * 571 b † M. Garinsers . 186 a * Garland . 152 a * 274 b * 538 a ¶ Garman . 214 a * Garme . 293 b † Garrard , or Gerrard . 148 b ¶ 152 a ¶ 230 b ¶ 330 b ¶ 584 b † 585 a * 591 a ¶ 593 a † M. 818 b † 844 b ¶ 886 a * Garth . 281 b † Garton . 548 a ¶ Gayle . 228 b ¶ Gedney . 561 b ¶ M. Gelson . 228 a ¶ Gennings . 89 b † Gest 372 a ¶ Gibs . 296 a * Gibson . 107 b ¶ 309 b * 582 a † 788 b ¶ Gifford . 186 b † 313 b * Gilbert . 107 ¶ 131 a ¶ Gilborne . 150 a * Gillet . 877 a * Gips. 474 a * Girdler . 554 b ¶ Gisors . 255 a * 261 a ¶ 345 b ¶ 541 a † M. Glocester . 406 a † 546 b ¶ Glover . 105 a ¶ 228 a ¶ 293 b * 314 b † Goad . 249 b † Goare , or Gore . 148 b ¶ 246 a * 306 b † 595 a ¶ 596 b ¶ Goddard . 105 a * 592 a † Godfrey . 303 a ¶ Godney . 193 a † Golding . 294 b * 419 b ¶ 773 b ¶ Goldsmith . 831 a ¶ Gonnel . 305 Goodcheape . 546 a † Goodman . 293 b † Goodrick . 883 b ¶ Goodwin . 146 a † 333 b † Gorges . 786 a † Goslin , or Gosling , or Gosseline . 227 a * 562 a ¶ 908 a † Govere . 313 a * Gower . 179 a ¶ 237 b ¶ Grace . 213 b † Gramstone . 238 b * Granado . 138 b * Grantham . 265 b ¶ 346 b ¶ 549 a ¶ M. Grasse . 538 a * Gravesend . 531 b * B. Gray . 261 a ¶ 400 b † 552 a ¶ B. 578 a ¶ Greek . 333 b ¶ Green. 331 b ¶ Greenough . 305 a † Greenway . 138 b * Greenwood . 322 a ¶ Gregory . 326 b ¶ 564 b † 566 b ¶ M. Gresham . 90 b * 92 b * 179 b † 182 a † 184 b * 285 b ¶ 299 b † 303 a ¶ 580 b ¶ 581 b ¶ 582 a † M. 583 b * M. 787 b ¶ Greswold . 152 a * Gretsim . 239 a † Grevill . 451 a * Grey . 313 a † Griffith . 157 a * 230 b * Grimeston . 798 b * Grindall . 533 b ¶ B. Grove . 576 b * Guilford . 360 b ¶ 786 b ¶ Gunter . 214 a ¶ Gurden . 548 a ¶ Gurney . 104 b ¶ 238 b ¶ 590 b ¶ H HAcket . 148 b ¶ 179 a † 595 a † 597 a ¶ 854 a * Hackney . 227 a † Haddon . 135 a † 326 a * 349 a † 574 b † 576 b * M. Hadley . 337 b * 555 b ¶ M. Haines . 134 a * Hales . 148 b ¶ 564 b * Hall. 92 a ¶ 100 b ¶ 276 b ¶ 346 b ¶ 392 b ¶ 862 b ¶ Halsey . 585 b † Halstock . 419 b † Hallyday . 299 b * 591 b ¶ 842 b * Halton . 180 b † 308 b † 560 a ¶ Halye . 398 b * Hamber . 313 a * ¶ Hamersley . 595 b ¶ 597 b † M. Hammond . 550 b * M. Hamney . 293 b † Hampson , or Hampton . 105 a ¶ 193 a * 227 b ¶ 568 b † 570 b † 592 a ¶ Hanbury . 152 b † 154 b * 316 a ¶ Hanford . 148 b ¶ 244 a ¶ 596 b † Hansard . 550 b * Hansby . 473 b ¶ Harbeck . 293 b † Harby . 215 a ¶ Hardell . 154 b † 538 b ¶ M. Harding . 230 b ¶ 231 a ¶ 239 b † 571 a ¶ 587 a ¶ Hardy . 580 a * Hardley . 558 a ¶ M. Hare . 371 a ¶ 880 a ¶ Harington . 370 b * 434 b ¶ Hariot . 138 b * 569 b † 572 a † 831 b ¶ Harlingridge . 274 b * Harper . 92 b * 585 a ¶ 586 a * M. 845 b † Harp●field . 179 a ¶ Harrison . 430 a † Hart. 106 b † 117 b ¶ 241 b ¶ 346 b ¶ 589 a * 590 b ¶ Hartford . 252 a * Hartshorne . 331 a † Harvey . 218 a * 311 a * 545 a † M. 588 a * 589 b † M. 595 b ¶ M. 868 a ¶ 903 a ¶ Harvist . 103 a † 315 a ¶ 316 b * Hary . 338 a ¶ Hasken . 223 b ¶ Hastings . 345 b ¶ Hatcliffe . 804 a * Hatfield . 244 a ¶ 555 a ¶ Havelock . 290 a † Haverell . 536 b * 537 b ¶ Havering . 245 b † Haughton , or Hawton . 549 b ¶ 591 b † 809 b ¶ Having . 257 a * Hawes . 150 a † 235 b ¶ 269 b * 308 a ¶ 310 b ¶ 575 b † 586 b ¶ 588 a ¶ M. 773 a ¶ Hawkins . 139 b ¶ 805 b * 862 a ¶ Hawlen . 392 b ¶ Hawteine . 546 a ¶ Hay , or Hayes . 187 b ¶ 593 b † M. 595 a * M. 847 b * Haydon . 95 a † 257 a ¶ 584 b * Hayman . 886 a ¶ Heardson . 139 a † Hearn . 149 a † 595 b ¶ Hede. 575 b † Heila . 183 b ¶ Heilin . 596 b ¶ Heliland , or Holiland . 537 b ¶ 341 a † Helisdon . 556 b † Hemenhall . 552 a † Hend . 241 a ¶ Henneage . 179 b ¶ 366 a * Henningham . 145 b ¶ Henshaw . 306 b * Herbert . 349 b ¶ Hereford . 546 a ¶ Hereick . 812 Herenden . 326 b † Heriot . 411 a ¶ Heretagh . 310 a * Herlion . 536 b * Heron. 801 b * Hertelepole . 547 b * Heselrigg . 893 a ¶ Hetton . 803 b * Hewet , or Hewyt . 219 a † 322 a * 364 a † 777 a * Heyban . 238 a * Heyford . 220 b ¶ 569 a † 571 a ¶ Heyward . 226 b ¶ 305 b † 586 b † M. 587 b ¶ M. 591 a † M. Heywood . 170 a † Hicks . 760 a ¶ Hide . 155 a ¶ 559 a * Higham . 563 a * High-lord . 136 b ¶ Hildie . 274 b * Hill or Hils . 89 a ¶ 90 b ¶ 92 b † 155 b * 192 a * 245 a * 281 b † 309 a † 532 b * B. 570 b ¶ 572 b * M. 582 b † 584 a * M. 806 a ¶ Hilliard . 451 a * Hiltoft . 554 ¶ Hilton . 101 a ¶ 223 b * 406 a † Hinchlade . 309 a ¶ Hinde . 88 a † 265 a ¶ 267 a * 337 b ¶ 544 a † 556 b ¶ M. a * Hobby . 171 a * Hobson . 274 a * Hodge , or Hodges . 148 b ¶ 472 a ¶ 596 a † 558 a † M. Hodgson , or Hodson . 261 a ¶ 306 a † Holbech . 554 a † Holdernesse . 577 b * Holdich . 555 a † Holgrave , or Holigrave . 123 b ¶ 460 a ¶ Holland . 265 a ¶ 267 a * 563 b † Holliday . 149 a † 593 b * M. Hollis . 179 b † 580 a ¶ 582 a ¶ M. Holmedon . 592 a ¶ Holmes . 96 a ¶ Holstocke . 227 a ¶ Holt. 222 b * 351 b ¶ Hondon . 235 b ¶ Hone. 416 b ¶ Hopton . 346 a † Horne . 245 a † 571 a * 573 a ¶ M. Hosepoole . 219 b * 431 b ¶ Horton . 432 a † Hothersall . 150 a ¶ Houghton , or Howton . 214 a † b † 346 a † 880 a * 892 b † House . 391 b ¶ 590 a. Howard . 131 a ¶ 790 b ¶ Howe . 899 a * Howpill . 153 a † Huberthorne . 211 b † 212 a † 582 b ¶ 583 b † M. Huddy . 346 b † Huit . 238 b ¶ Hulin . 566 a ¶ 568 468 a * M. Hulit . 454 a † Hull . 865 a ¶ Hulson , or Hulton . 387 b ¶ 392 a * Humble . 452 a † Hunnes . 905 b ¶ Hungate . 281 a ¶ Hungerford . 346 b ¶ 787 a † Hunt. 107 a ¶ 108 a ¶ Huntington . 179 a ¶ Huntlow . 582 a ¶ Hurstwaight . 392 b ¶ Husband . 550 b † Huse , Husse , or Hussie . 146 a † 349 b ¶ 372 a ¶ 795 b ¶ Huysh . 278 a † Huytley . 246 b ¶ I IAckman . 245 a * 586 b * Iacob . 99 b † 789 b * 891 b * Iaie . 221 b † 595 a † Iames. 132 b * 138 b ¶ 226 a † 562 b * 568 b † 571 b * M. 825 a ¶ Iarveis . 583 a ¶ Iawdrell . 235 b ¶ Ienkins . 101 a † Ienner . 430 b † Iennings . 95 b * 152 a * 303 a ¶ 346 b † 575 a * 577 a † M. 579 b † Iermin . 845 a ¶ Iken . 274 a ¶ Ilam . 89 a * 281 b † 571 a * Illingworth . 308 a ¶ Ingham . 417 a † Ioceline . 241 a ¶ 567 b ¶ 569 a † M. Iohnson . 149 a † 191 a † 350 a ¶ 576 b * 595 b * Iolles . 593 b * 595 a ¶ M. Iones . 103 a ¶ 105 b † 593 b † 596 a * 883 a ¶ Iorden . 118 b ¶ 123 b ¶ Iosue . 537 a † 538 a * Ioyner . 340 b ¶ 541 a † M. Ireland . 100 b ¶ 393 a ¶ 554 b * 568 a ¶ Ironside . 834 a ¶ Isaac . 138 b † 573 b † Isham . 415 b ¶ Islip . 138 a ¶ Iud. 90 b ¶ 179 b † 182 b † 583 a * 584 a * M. Ive . 311 a * K KAyor . 186 b ¶ Keble . 89 b * 276 a ¶ 575 b ¶ 577 b † M. Kelsey . 306 a * Kempe . 145 b ¶ 370 a † 532 a ¶ B. 798 b ¶ 908 b † Kempton . 588 b * Kendall . 274 b * Kendricke . 193 b * Kenly . 186 b * Kennington . 138 a ¶ Kenuda . 186 b † Kerkby , or Kirby . 152 a * 245 b ¶ 290 a * 576 b ¶ Kerveyn , or Kervin . 180 b † 837 a * Keston . 274 a ¶ Kettle . 235 b ¶ Keynell . 801 b † Keyton . 322 a † Kiligreie . 259 b † Killingbery . 557 b † M. King. 293 b † 534 a ¶ B. 564 a * 775 Kingston . 211 a ¶ 550 b * Kinnon . 437 a ¶ Kirketon . 346 b * Kirkman . 262 a * Kirton . 454 b ¶ Kiryoll , or Kyriell . 138 a ¶ 156 b ¶ Kitriell . 138 a † Kitson . 581 a ¶ Knape . 431 b ¶ Knesworth . 182 a * 284 a ¶ 574 b * 576 b † M Knight . 416 b ¶ Knighthode . 556 b † Knowles . 87 b * 86 a † 265 a ¶ 266 b † 558 a ¶ M. Kyme . 257 a * 579 a * Kyrton . 152 a ¶ L LAcy . 186 a ¶ 367 b * 398 a ¶ Laken . 281 b † Lambard , or Lambert . 92 b † 223 a † 311 a ¶ 270 a * 537 a ¶ 568 a * 580 a † 581 a † Lambe . 93 a * 355 b ¶ Lambin . 548 a ¶ Lancaster . 419 b * Land. 136 b † 186 a * Lane. 275 a * Langford . 546 b † Langham . 392 b ¶ Langly . 188 a ¶ 284 b † 315 a ¶ 545 b * 587 a † 588 b * M. Langthrop . 179 a ¶ Langton . 179 a * 423 b. Large . 88 b ¶ 290 b † 563 b * 565 a † M. Latimer . 797 b * Laud. 534 b † B. Laund . 555 b ¶ Laurence . 787 a ¶ Law. 211 a ¶ 560 a ¶ Laxton . 90 b * 267 a ¶ 268 a * 582 a ¶ 583 a * Lazar. 550 a * Lee , Legh , or Leigh . 106 b ¶ 150 a ¶ 245 a * 274 b * 281 b † 292 b † 433 b ¶ 407 a ¶ 434 b ¶ 566 b ¶ 568 a * M. 569 b ¶ 585 a † b * M. 591 a * 593 a * M. 472 a * 474 a ¶ 790 a ¶ 813 b ¶ Leg. 551 b ¶ Legget , or Leggy . 217 a ¶ 551 a † M. 552 a ¶ M. Lekhimpton . 326 a † Lemman . 148 b ¶ 593 b ¶ 595 b † M. 856 b ¶ Lepington . 191 a ¶ Lessieur . 834 b * Levison . 152 a * 581 a ¶ Lewen . 399 b ¶ 581 b ¶ 861 a ¶ Lewes . 428 b ¶ Lewknor . 451 a ¶ Leyland . 387 b ¶ Liade . 179 b † Lichfield . 321 b * 251 a * Lichterveld . 331 a ¶ Lily . 370 a ¶ 906 b ¶ Linacer . 369 b * Lindericle . 186 a † Lions . 105 b ¶ 250 b * 262 b * 555 b * 584 a * 585 a † Lisle . 341 a * 345 a ¶ Little. 553 a † Littlesbury . 258 b ¶ Littleton . 235 b ¶ 762 a † Liveley . 474 b † Lloyd . 406 b * Lock . 270 a † 281 b † 568 a ¶ 583 b ¶ 581 b † Lodge . 268 a ¶ 585 b ¶ 586 a ¶ M. Lofken , or Loveken . 87 a * 236 b † 551 b * M. Lok . 804 a ¶ Long. 235 b ¶ 407 b † 580 a ¶ Lonyson . 338 a ¶ Love. 557 a * Loveday . 909 a * Lovel . 157 a † 274 a ¶ 359 b * 531 b † B. 907 a ¶ Lovenham . 560 b ¶ Lover . 308 b ¶ 873 a. Louth . 419 b * 559 b ¶ Low. 148 b ¶ 185 a ¶ 230 b ¶ 591 b ¶ 593 b † M. Lowen . 221 b † Lucas . 185 a † 551 a ¶ Lucy . 345 b † 346 b * 888 b * Ludlow . 419 b * Lumley . 148 b ¶ 134 a ¶ 595 a * M. Lupton . 257 b † Lusher . 784 b † Lutkin . 584 a ¶ Lye. 417 b * M MAbbe . 350 a ¶ Machel . 306 a * 585 a * Mackley . 416 b † Mackman . 257 a * Mafield . 558 a † Mainard . 584 b † Malifant . 415 b ¶ Malin . 212 b ¶ Malledge . 457 b ¶ Malmaynas . 346 b * Malory . 281 b † 336 a ¶ 585 a ¶ 586 b * M Malpas . 88 b ¶ 152 a ¶ 162 a * 564 b ¶ 565 a † Malton . 331 a † Malwen . 146 a † Man. 152 b * 295 b ¶ Mancer . 311 a ¶ Mandevile . 146 a * Manhall . 211 a ¶ Manners . 186 a. 471 a. Manning . 101 a * 242 a † Manningham . 186 b † Manny . 186 b ¶ Manthrop . 145 b ¶ Marbeler . 551 a * March. 237 b ¶ Markby . 415 b ¶ Marlow . 400 b † 561 b ¶ M. 559 b † M. Marpor . 228 b * Marrow . 331 , 566 a ¶ 567 b † M. Marsh . 311 a ¶ 338 b. Marshall . 149 b † 179 a * 286 a † 454 a * 532 b * B. 564 b ¶ Martin . 105 b * 193 a † 259 a * 265 b ¶ 299 b † 406 a * 572 a ¶ 574 a * M. 581 a † 585 b ¶ 587 a * M. 589 b † Mascall . 99 a ¶ Masham . 104 b * 589 b ¶ Mason . 211 a † 314 b ¶ 316 b † 331 a † 361 b † 899 a * Master . 218 a * Matthew . 238 b ¶ 572 a † 573 b ¶ M. Maunsell . 897 b * S. Maure . 285 a ¶ May. 98 b * 185 b * 391 b ¶ Medham . 567 b ¶ Medly . 311 a ¶ Medlycote . 412 a * Melchborne . 187 b ¶ Melford 361 a † Mellington . 156 b ¶ Mellishe . 392 a * Melrith . 285 a * Merick . 186 a † Messe . 212 a † Metcalfe . 891 b ¶ Meteren . 219 b † Metwood . 548 a ¶ Mewes . 186 a ¶ Michael . 223 b † 330 b ¶ 372 a ¶ 561 a † Michell . 230 b * 290 a ¶ 562 b ¶ M. Micell . 261 b * Middleton . 148 b ¶ 303 a ¶ 566 b * 593 a * M. Milborne . 90 a ¶ 157 a * 220 b ¶ 339 a * 577 a ¶ 579 a ¶ M. Mildmay . 420 a * Milford . 306 a * Mill. 332 a ¶ Milred . 563 a † Mils . 146 a * 587 b ¶ Milsam . 331 a * Minors . 235 b ¶ Mirfin . 356 b * 397 b ¶ 451 a * 577 b * 578 b ¶ M. Mirley . 308 b ¶ Moager . 223 b † Mocking . 550 a ¶ Mollington . 157 a † Moncaster . 351 b † Mond , or Mund. 337 b ¶ 355 a ¶ Monden . 360 b ¶ Monmouth . 131 a ¶ 581 b † Monox . 90 a ¶ 577 a ¶ 578 a ¶ M. Montague . 846 b † Monyns . 884 a ¶ Mordant . 227 a * Mordaske . 186. b. ¶ Mordon . 237 b ¶ 549 b † M. Morens . 186 b * Moré , or Moore . 155 a † 263 a † 346 b * 556 b ¶ 557 a * 558 b * M. 592 a * 787 b † 857 a * Morgan . 230 b * Morley . 135 a † 186 a ¶ 333 a ¶ Morris . 206 b ¶ 211 b † 551 a ¶ Mortain . 346 b † Mortimer . 145 b ¶ 345 a ¶ Morsted . 273 b * 290 a * 308 a ¶ 339 b * 564 b † Morton . 825 b ¶ Mosley . 591 a † M. 892 a * Motte . 238 a * Mountfort . 228 b ¶ 307 a ¶ 510 a * Mountgomery . 346 b ¶ Moyle . 346 b † Munday , or Mundy . 578 a * 579 b † M. 869 a ¶ Mullert . 150 a † Mulshew . 257 a * Multon . 149 b † Mun. 222 b ¶ Murray . 905 b ¶ Muschamp . 306 a * 568 b ¶ Mustell . 261 a ¶ Mutas . 162 a ¶ N NAle . 152 b * Nash . 311 a ¶ Naylor . 187 b ¶ Neale , or Nele . 258 b * 333 b ¶ 530 a ¶ B. 551 a † Nedham . 416 b * Nelson . 98 a * Neve . 241 a ¶ Nevel . 186 a * 336 b * 345 b * 369 b * 788 b * Newbery . 98 a ¶ Newenton , or Newington . 186 a ¶ 558 a † Newland . 538 b † 572 a ¶ Newley . 536 b ¶ Newman . 98 b † Newport . 360 b ¶ 399 a ¶ 531 b ¶ B. 555 b ¶ Newton . 123 b † 387 b ¶ Nicholas . 93 a † 312 b † 392 b ¶ 398 b † 587 a † 588 b † M. Nicols . 355 b * Nicolson . 236 a † 407 b ¶ Niger . 530 b ¶ B. Nives . 573 b ¶ Norbery , or Norborow . 157 a † 346 b * 367 b † Nordon . 432 a † 565 b † Norford . 192 b ¶ Norlong . 285 a * Norland . 281 b † Norman . 282 a ¶ 548 b † 565 b * 567 a † M. Norris . 186 a * 303 b ¶ North. 285 b † 433 b † Northampton . 542 b ¶ M. 556 b ¶ Northbroke . 532 a † B. Norton . 96 b * 281 a ¶ Norwich . 138 b † Notte . 552 b * M. Nottingham . 553 a ¶ Nouncy . 398 a ¶ Nowell . 361 b * 889 a † O OFfley . 94 b † 96 b ¶ 105 a † 152 b † 153 a * 154 a ¶ 584 b * 585 a ¶ M. 590 b * 843 b * 847 b † Oldgrave . 567 b † 569 a † M. Oldhall . 257 a * Oleph . 587 a ¶ Olney . 237 b ¶ 306 a * 564 a † 566 a * M. Olyffe . 239 b † Organ . 136 a * 290 a † 557 a † Orme . 874 b * Orrell . 179 a ¶ 180 b ¶ Orwell . 530 a † B. Osborne . 218 a * b ¶ 588 b † 589 b ¶ M. Ostrich . 308 b † 574 a ¶ M. Otely . 563 a ¶ M. Otwell . 543 a ¶ Overton . 155 b ¶ Overye . 235 a ¶ Owen . 245 a * 798 a ¶ Owfield . 100 b † P PAckenton . 277 b ¶ 332 a † Paddesley . 564 a † 565 a * Paget . 218 a * 333 b * Paine . 892 a ¶ Palin . 101 b † 124 a † 472 b ¶ Palmer . 337 b * 392 b * 485 a * 548 a † 762 b ¶ 779 a ¶ Par. 407 a † Pargitar . 391 b * 579 a ¶ 580 b ¶ M. Paris . 545 a † Parker . 100 a ¶ 101 a ¶ 320 b ¶ 371 b † 558 b * Parkhurst . 305 a † 596 b ¶ Parkinson . 428 a ¶ Parnell . 392 b ¶ Parrie . 135 b * 810 a ¶ Parsall . 346 b * Partrich . 228 b ¶ 579 Parveffe . 561 b ¶ M Paskim . 295 a ¶ Pats . 346 b ¶ Patten . 92 b * Pattesly . 238 a * Paulet . 346 b ¶ Payton . 185 b † Peach . 223 a ¶ 552 b ¶ M Peacocke . 372 a ¶ 580 a † 581 a * M. Peake , or Peke . 311 a ¶ 472 b † Pelham . 888 a ¶ Pemberton . 107 a † 187 b ¶ 322 b * 326 b ¶ 573 b ¶ 593 a * M. Penne. 560 b * Pepper . 138 b † Percers . 186 b * Percivall . 89 a ¶ 193 a * 223 b † 573 a † 575 a * M. Perry . 87 a ¶ Pert. 350 b ¶ Peter . 88 a ¶ Peterson . 218 a * Peyntwin . 790 b † Philip , or Philips . 227 a * 458 a * 566 b ¶ 568 b ¶ M. 823 b ¶ 130 b * Philpot. 345 b † 555 b † M Picard . 87 a † 255 a * 542 b ¶ 552 a ¶ M. Pickering . 179 b * 285 a ¶ 852 b * Picking . 169 b † Piel . 555 a † M. Pierson . 270 a † Pigot . 547 b ¶ Pike . 131 b † 191 a * 550 b † 560 b * Pikehurst . 308 b ¶ Pikeman . 226 556 a * Pikeworth 460 a * Pinchenon . 581 a † Pinder . 171 a ¶ 767 a † Pipe. 588 a † 589 a. M Piriton . 369 b † Plat. 263 a ¶ 762 b † Plesseis . 369 b ¶ Plumbe . 787 b * Plummer . 242 a ¶ 568 a † Pointell . 549 a † Pole. 350 a ¶ Pontfract . 560 a ¶ Poole . 559 b * 597 a † Pope . 245 a * b ¶ Porter . 103 a † 134 b † 340 b ¶ 346 b ¶ Portman . 433 b † Poster . 275 a ¶ Potter . 544 b † Poulsted . 132 b ¶ Poultney . 86 b ¶ 239 a ¶ 252 a * 360 b ¶ 550 a ¶ M Pourt . 547 b † Powel , or Powle . 186 b * 432 b † 793 a ¶ 794 b ¶ Powlet . 184 a * 82 b † Poynes . 346 b † Prannell . 104 ¶ 387 b ¶ 590 a † Prat. 598 a † Prescot . 339 a † 594 b ¶ Preston . 549 a † M. Price . 170 b * 831 b † 893 b ¶ 901 a ¶ Pricot . 211 a ¶ Priest . 581 a † Prince . 313 a † Prior. 548 b ¶ Proby . 148 b ¶ 595 a * 596 b † M. Prodham . 549 a * Provost . 460 a † Prust . 890 b ¶ Pullison . 588 a * 590 a * M. Purchase . 574 a * 575 a † M. Purchat . 285 a ¶ Purde . 331 b * Purfet . 325 b † Purpoint . 237 b ¶ Puty . 274 a ¶ Pye. 348 b ¶ Pyel . 594 a ¶ 842 a ¶ Q QVarles . 100 a * 185 a † b † R RAdcliffe . 135 a † 239 a ¶ 812 b † Radwell . 237 b ¶ Rainsford . 148 q † Rainton . 596 a ¶ 528 b † M. Rainwell . 88 b † 226 a † 563 a * M. 560 b. Ramsey . 106 a * 155 a * 223 b * 224 a ¶ 348 a ¶ 587 a † 588 b ¶ M. Randall . 101 a ¶ 103 a * 400 b * Randulph . 94 b * 322 a ¶ 409 a ¶ Ratcliffe . 590 a * Rave . 290 a * Raven . 351 b † Ravis . 370 b † 534 a ¶ B. Rawson . 89 a * 306 a * 133 b ¶ 391 b * Raymond . 778 a ¶ Read , or Rede . 186 b ¶ 321 b ¶ 351 a ¶ 561 a ¶ 575 a † 576 a † M. Redman . 167 b † 411 a * Rosham . 547 a ¶ M. Reinere . 536 b † Reive . 171 b † Remington . 227 a ¶ 573 a ¶ Renger . 539 a ¶ M. Rennington . 575 b † M. Rest. 577 a ¶ 578 b † M. Revell . 227 a ¶ 573 b ¶ Reynell . 883 a * Reyner . 567 b ¶ Reynolds . 581 a † 806 a † 811 a ¶ Rich. 89 b † 281 b † 285 a * 565 a ¶ Richards . 544 a * Richardson . 907 a † Ricroft . 138 b † 175 a ¶ Ricthorne . 799 a * Rider . 591 a * M. Ridge . 94 b ¶ Ridley . 533 a * B. Ripton . 123 b * Rishby . 397 b ¶ River . 346 b * 586 b ¶ 588 a ¶ M. Roberts . 133 b * 150 b † 293 b ¶ Robinson . 131 b † 133 b ¶ 180 a * Robsart . 346 a ¶ Roch. 184 b ¶ 223 b † 579 b ¶ 582 b † M. Rochester . 179 a ¶ Rochford . 313 a * Rodlegete . 186 a * Roc. 299 b † 878 b * Rogerbrooke . 416 a ¶ Rogers . 97 a ¶ 124 a † 242 b * 347 b † 412 b ¶ 312 b * Rois. 221 b * Roiston . 419 b * Rokeby . 331 a * 428 a † 429 b † 966 b * Rokesby . 306 a † 340 b ¶ 345 b † 543 b ¶ M. Rallingcourt . 186 b ¶ Roman , Romaine , or Romany . 118 b ¶ 258 b ¶ 267 a * 546 b * 548 a † M. Roose . 146 a † Roper . 315 b ¶ Roston . 346 b ¶ Roswell . 257 a * Rotham . 269 a * Rocheley . 346 b † Rotherham . 594 b ¶ Rothing . 549 a * Rowe . 92 b ¶ 98 a ¶ 106 b ¶ 107 a ¶ 188 b † 285 b † 586 a † 587 b ¶ M. 589 b * 591 a ¶ M. 594 a † 796 a † 798 a * Rowse . 153 b † 337 b * 451 a ¶ Rudston . 215 a † 579 b † 580 b † M. Rumney . 105 b † 107 a ¶ 305 a † 593 a ¶ Rus. 213 b * 563 b † Russell . 99 b * 133 b ¶ 221 b ¶ 387 b ¶ 472 b ¶ M. 546 b ¶ 806 a ¶ S SAckford . 486 a * Sackvile . 346 b * 484 a ¶ Saint Albane . 892 b ¶ Saint Iohn . 228 b * Salter . 134 a ¶ Saltonstall . 215 a ¶ 590 b * 592 a * M. Sampson . 453 b ¶ Sampull . 908 b * Sandhill . 398 b ¶ Sanderford . 179 b † Sandwich . 347 a † 531 b † B. 546 a * M. Sandys . 412 a † 534 a † B. Sarich . 300 b † Saris. 829 b ¶ Savage . 455 a † 532 b ¶ B. 273 b † 851 a. Savill . 415 b ¶ Saunders . 297 a ¶ Saxton . 274 b † Scarlet . 419 b ¶ Schrader . 135 a ¶ Scot. 99 a ¶ 244 b † 566 a ¶ M. 791 a ¶ Scriven . 472 b ¶ Scroop . 186 b * Scudamore . 124 a † 170 b † 296 a † 473 a † 593 b * 900 b ¶ Seamer . 179 a * Segrave . 531 b ¶ B. Seinturer . 538 b ¶ Seliock . 274 b * Sely. 547 a † 556 b ¶ 562 b ¶ Seman . 321 b ¶ Sentleger . 423 b ¶ Seringe . 811 a † Serle . 409 b † 538 b * M. Sevenock . 88 a * 372 a ¶ 561 b ¶ M. 558 b † Seyle . 594 a † Seymer . 472 a † 578 b † 580 a † M. 813 b * Sha , or Shaw. 89 a ¶ 281 b † 283 b † 337 b * 570 b ¶ 572 a * M. 575 b ¶ Shandoys . 355 a * Sharborough . 308 b ¶ Sheldon , or Shelton . 259 a ¶ 577 b * 904 b ¶ Shelley . 138 b † 310 a ¶ 570 a * Shepley . 417 a * Sheppard . 800 a * Shere . 192 b ¶ Sherington . 192 b ¶ 218 a * Seerland . 873 a † Shirley . 416 a † Shore . 244 a ¶ 274 a ¶ 576 b. Shorthose . 310 a * Shrow . 238 a † Shute . 221 b † Simonds . 392 b ¶ 453 a † 578 b * Skales . 138 b † Skevington . 157 a * 297 b † 579 a * Skidmore . 99 a ¶ Skinner . 106 b ¶ 306 a ¶ 590 b † 592 a † M. Skip . 400 a * Skoowith . 908 a * Slany . 106 b * 241 a ¶ 590 a † M. Smales . 473 b † Smalpace . 419 b ¶ 877 a † Smithes . 105 b ¶ 321 b † 594 b † Smith . 99 a * 134 a * 150 a † 213 b * 214 a * 291 b † 296 b † 316 b * 349 b ¶ 398 b † 406 a ¶ 453 b ¶ 473 a * 569 b * 597 b ¶ 779 b ¶ 783 b ¶ 794 a † 829 a ¶ Snelling . 424 a † Snow . 794 a ¶ Sokeling . 293 b † Some . 590 b ¶ 592 a ¶ M. Sommer . 179 a ¶ 574 b * Sotherton . 332 a † Southlee . 346 b * Southwell . 245 a † Southworth . 179 a ¶ Speare . 308 b ¶ Spence . 472 b ¶ Spencer . 180 a † 186 a * 228 b ¶ 341 a * 578 b ¶ 580 a ¶ 589 b ¶ 591 b * M. 774 b † 825 b ¶ Spendelew . 883 a † Spert . 789 a † Spicer . 186 b † 539 a * Spilman . 400 a ¶ 559 b ¶ Stafford . 345 b ¶ 471 a * 808 a * Staham . 262 b * Stalbrook . 569 b † Standelfe . 338 a ¶ Standhurst . 451 a ¶ Stanes . 395 a ¶ 546 a. Stanhope . 369 b ¶ Stanley . 262 b ¶ 832 b † Staper . 188 b † Staple . 555 a ¶ M. Stapleton . 770 b † Starkey . 152 b † Startute . 788 a † Steed . 230 b * 575 b † Steward . 211 a ¶ 551 b ¶ 789 a ¶ 906 b ¶ Stile . 98 a ¶ 105 b † 131 a ¶ 246 a † 292 b ¶ Stiward . 222 b † 567 b * Stocke . 821 a † Stocker . 228 b ¶ 568 a † 570 b † Stoddard . 100 a ¶ 135 a † Stoder . 99 a ¶ Stody . 87 a † 553 b. M Stokes . 152 a ¶ 486 a * Stokesby . 261 b † 367 b † 533 a † B. Stonard . 262 b ¶ Stondon . 557 a * M. Stone . 107 a ¶ 222 b † 246 b * 306 a ¶ 568 b ¶ Storyt 471 b ¶ Stotevil . 818 a * Stotley . 552 b ¶ Stow. 152 b ¶ 214 a * Strange . 314 a ¶ Stratford 157 a * 531 b ¶ B. Street . 265 b † Strelley . 322 a * 838 b ¶ Studinham . 131 a ¶ Sturgeon . 231 a ¶ 417 a ¶ Sturges . 399 a ¶ Suckley . 392 a † 582 b Sudbery . 532 a † B. Sugar . 409 a ¶ Summerset . 907 b ¶ Suthes . 792 b ¶ Sutton . 153 a ¶ 193 a * 322 b † 479 a † 561 a † Swan . 171 a † 572 b ¶ Swandland . 550 a * M. Swetenham . 308 b † Swift . 331 b ¶ Swinflat . 179 a * Swinnerton . 107 a * 793 a * 594 b ¶ M. Sydnam . 428 a ¶ T TAbinham . 239 a † Talbat . 313 a * 531 b † B. 881 a † Talmage . 186 a ¶ Tame . 554 a † Tamworth . 333 a * 766 Tatam . 212 a ¶ Tatarsali . 562 b * Tate . 90 a * 138 b ¶ 190 b ¶ 222 b † 568 b ¶ 570 b * M. 574 b ¶ Taverner . 311 a ¶ 372 a ¶ Taylor . 105 a * 119 a ¶ 190 b ¶ 214 b ¶ 267 a * 294 b ¶ 543 b † 567 a ¶ 569 b * M. 591 a ¶ Tempest . 220 b ¶ Terry . 296 a ¶ Test . 222 b † Thame . 391 a † Thinne . 131 a ¶ 132 a ¶ Thirlewall . 419 b * Tholouse . 582 b ¶ Thomas . 308 a ¶ 458 a Thompson . 212 a * Thoresby . 796 b ¶ Thorn. 90 a ¶ 193 a † Thorney . 100 b ¶ 429 b ¶ 551 a ¶ Thornhill . 285 b † 295 a ¶ Thernix . 132 b ¶ Thornton . 472 a ¶ 898 b † Throckmorton . 149 a ¶ b * Throwstone , or Thurston 338 a * 578 b † Thunderley . 547 b * Tiligham . 262 b ¶ Tilne , or Tilney . 281 b † 573 b † Tipper . 428 b * Tirrell . 124 a * 145 b ¶ 186 b ¶ Tirres . 156 b ¶ Tolason . 540 b * M. Tolderney . 219 a ¶ Tolus . 214 a * Tomes . 303 a ¶ Tomkins . 810 a * Tony. 541 a † M. Topham . 429 b * 873 Torald . 419 b * Torkington . 221 b * Towerson . 292 b ¶ Townley . 351 b † Traps . 325 b † Travers . 218 a * 278 a ¶ 538 b ¶ Tredway . 349 b ¶ Trehearne . 451 b ¶ Treszawall . 347 a † Trever . 875 a ¶ Trindle . 214 a * Trisilian . 345 b * Trist . 338 a * Trotter . 309 a ¶ Trusbut . 281 b † Trussell 437 a * Tryon . 193 b † Tudnam . 186 a * Tuke . 292 a ¶ Tunstall . 533 a † B. Turke . 145 b ¶ 230 b † 398 a ¶ 550 b * M. 584 a † Turner . 135 b ¶ 153 a ¶ 274 b * 311 a ¶ 392 b ¶ 825 a † Turngold . 554 b ¶ Tusser . 274 b ¶ Twiford . 322 a † 350 b † 556 a * 557 b † M Twiselton . 350 a ¶ Tylar . 48 a * Tilling . 132 a * V VAle . 132 a * Valens . 432 a ¶ Vamere . 557 b. Vancke . 419 b ¶ Vandun . 809 b † Varnam . 808 b ¶ Varney . 569 a * M Vavasor . 471 b † Vaughan . 135 a † 370 a ¶ 534 a * B. Vennar , or Venor . 179 a * 261 a ¶ 263 a † ●57 a ¶ M. Vere . 186 a * Verney . 567 b * Vernon . 102 b ¶ 214 b. Vev●●n . 907 b ¶ Vine . 330 b ¶ Vivent . 557 b ¶ Vnd●ll . 451 a * Voyle . 541 a ¶ Vpton . 550 b ¶ Vrswyke . 796 b ¶ Vyrby . 131 b ¶ W WAddington . 349 b ¶ Waddis . 150 b † Wade . 546 a ¶ 559 a † Wadson . 868 b * Wai●● . 539 a * Wakefield . 149 b † Wakering . 415 b * Wake● . 559 a ¶ Walbrooke . 543 b † Walcot . 102 b ¶ 270 a ¶ 557 b * 559 b. M. Walden . 419 b † 532 a * B. 567 a † Walderne . 562 b * M. 559 a * M. Walgrave . 537 b ¶ Walker . 220 b † Waller . 310 b * Walles , or Wallis . 86 b ¶ 146 a † 340 b ¶ 544 b ¶ M. Walmond . 543 a † Walpole . 391 b † Walraven . 544 a † Walsingham . 134 a ¶ Walter . 95 b † 419 b ¶ 540 a * Walthall . 105 a * 212 a ¶ 503 b ¶ Waltham . 211 a ¶ 285 a ¶ Watton . 228 b * Walworth . 87 b † 232 b ¶ 236 b * 555 b * M. Ward . 554 b * M. 569 b ¶ 804 b ¶ Warden . 212 b * Workham . 532 b ¶ B. Warley . 337 b ¶ 578 a. Warner . 352 a † 416 a † 574 b † Warren . 277 a ¶ 311 b † 580 a ¶ 581 b. M. Warton , or Wharton . 419 b † 566 b ¶ Wase . 338 b † Waters . 138 b † Watford . 419 b * 562 b. Wats . 106 b ¶ 139 b † 576 a † 592 a † M. Watson . 221 b ¶ 880 b. Weaver . 569 a † 900 a † Webbe . 106 b * 158 a ¶ 589 b † 591 a * M. Welbeck . 574 a † Weld . 106 b ¶ 153 a * 290 b † 592 b † 594 a * M. Welinhale . 567 a * Wels. 88 b † 146 a * 193 a * 284 a ¶ 399 b † 429 b ¶ 562 a ¶ M. Wengham . 367 a † Wentworth . 290 a ¶ West . 186 a † 228 a * 246 b ¶ 306 a * 〈…〉 314 a * Westfaling . 773 a † Weston . 562 a ¶ Westwick . 417 b † Westwray , or Westrow . 597 a † 867 a † Wheatly . 303 a ¶ Whitby . 211 a ¶ White . 91 a † 160 a † 241 a ¶ 274 b * 295 b ¶ 394 b * 309 a ¶ 484 a ¶ 572 a † 573 b ¶ M. 583 b * 584 b * M. 586 a * M. Whirgift . 355 b ¶ Whithall . 103 a ¶ Whitley . 538 a * Whitmore . 96 b * 596 a ¶ M. Whitney . 779 a ¶ Whittington . 88 a * 244 b ¶ 256 b † 915 b † 561 b * M. 558 a * M. Whorwood . 259 a ¶ 550 a * Wiat. 351 b ¶ Wich , or Whyche . 218 a † 292 a * 565 b ¶ 568 b † 833 a * Wic●am . 452 a † Wicksteed . 879 a † Widnell . 399 b * Wiking . 571 b ¶ Wilford , or Wyfold . 191 a ¶ 228 b ¶ 548 a ¶ 565 b * 566 b * M. 583 a † 558 b * Wilhall . 540 b ¶ Wilde . 553 a * Wilkinson . 233 b ¶ 134 a ¶ 473 a ¶ 579 a † 582 a † Williams . 179 a ¶ 830 b ¶ Williamson . 123 b ¶ Wilson . 277 b ¶ 309 a. Wimbledon . 539 a * 542 a ¶ Wimborne . 542 b * M. Wimondham . 554 b ¶ Winchcombe . 235 b * 303 a * 556 b ¶ Windany . 186 b ¶ Windent . 265 b ¶ Winderhall . 419 b ¶ Windsor . 324 a ¶ Winford . 257 a * Wingar . 244 a ¶ 574 a ¶ 576 a ¶ Wingfield . 186 a * 460 a * Wingham . 531 a ¶ B. Wingrave . 548 b ¶ M. Witchcote . 433 a † Witchingham . 551 b M. Withypoll . 239 b * Wokendon . 360 b † Wolley , or Woolley . 102 b * 363 a ¶ 777 b * Wood. 123 b ¶ 169 b * 230 b ¶ 238 a ¶ 307 a ¶ 337 b * 485 a † 574 a † 806 b ¶ Woodcock . 303 b ¶ 308 a ¶ 387 b ¶ 558 b ¶ 560 a † M. 589 a ¶ Woodhouse . 333 b † 415 b 555 b * Woodroffe . 152 a ¶ b † 153 b ¶ 187 b ¶ 409 a ¶ 584 b ¶ 588 a † 589 a * M. Woodstock . 87 a ¶ Woodward . 218 b ¶ Woolaston . 102 b ¶ VVorsley . 801 a ¶ VVotton . 550 b ¶ M. 560 a * VVright . 160 a † 597 b ¶ VVrithesley . 313 a † 428 a † VVroth . 262 b ¶ 552 b ¶ M. VVrotsley . 346 a ¶ Y YAle . 412 a * Yaxley . 215 b * Yeardley . 373 Yerford . 299 b * 578 a * 579 a * M. Yevcle . 230 a ¶ Yong. 257 a * 346 a ¶ 451 a ¶ 567 b † 569 a ¶ M. Yorke . 245 a * 584 a † Yowe . 191 a * ●64 b * Z ZAmbon . 131 ● * Zouch . 135 a † 544 a ¶ M. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A13053-e290 M. D. C●mbd . in Brit. Math. Paris . Geffery Monm . Will , Malmes . Pol ▪ Virgil. W. W. Witnesse Garrards . Bar●es . Rowe● . Branch , &c. Witnesse Barnhams , Father and Son. Notes for div A13053-e8080 Trinobantū hath the written copie . Livi● . Caire Lud , the Citie of Lud , but Luds-towne is a Saxon word . Caesars cōmentaries , lib. 5. The River of Thames to be passed afoot in Caesars time . The policie of Cassibelan upon his ill successe . His advātage against the Romane horsemen . Trinobants Citizens of London . Mandubrace and the Trinobants yeeld to Caesar , and he defended them . Cassibelans Towne west from London , for Caesar saith , 80. miles from the Sea. Cities of the Britains were cumbersome woods fortified . Britaine ses●ed to pay a yeerely tribute to Rome . Trinobant , new Londō . Cities of the Britains not artificially builded with houses , nor walled with stone Strabo . Pomponius Mela. Tacitus . Dion . London most famous for merchants and entercourse . The Britaines had no houses , but cottages . The Britaines wen● naked , their bodies painted . Richborrow in Kent . Verulamiū . Cilcester . Wroxcester . Kencester . Leyland . Of the wal about London . Notes for div A13053-e10400 Simeon of Durham . The Romanes left to govern in Britaine . The Scots and Picts invade this Land. Britaines unskilfull of building with stone . Witchendus . Wall of stone builded by the Romanes , betwixt the Britains and Scots . Malmesb. Bede . The Britains given to gluttony , drunkennesse , pride , and contention . The Brītaines Plagued for their sinful life . Witchendus . Bede . The Saxons Sent for to defend the Britaines , but they drave thē into the Mountaines . Saxons unskilfull of building with stone . Bennet , a Monke , brought in Masons . Woodden churches , and goldē priests . Monasteries of rotten timber Camden in his Britannia concerning the name of London . Of British Townes and Cities London received nama frō Ships and shipping . Dinas Brit. Dinum Lat. * Po●● . How many cities have derived their names frō Ships . The situation of London . The benefit of the Thames ebbing and flowing , & also of the shipping . Concerning the first founder of London . Brute supposed to bee the builder . Antiquity of London . London no free Citie , nor Colonie in the Romanes time . London a Praefectura , governed by Officers yeerely sent to it from Rome . London flourished equall with any other place . Suetonius Paulinus , Lieutenant for Rome . The Citie of London destroyed by the Danes and againe repaired . The Citie of London lay waste , & not inhabited for the space of almost 50 yeeres . W. Malmesbury . Assur . Marianu● . Florentius . W. Fitzstephen . The Citie of London walled round about by the River of Thames . Wals of London repaired . Roger of Randover . Mat. Paris . Ranul . Co●shal . Mat. Paris . Patent . Bishopsgate new builded . Circuit of the Wall from the East to the West , and accordingly to every gate . Notes for div A13053-e13920 River of Thames . Wherries on the Thames . River of Wels. D●cay of the River of the Wels. Parliament Record . River of Wels bare Ships . Patent Record . Milles by Baynards Castle , made in the first of K. Iohn . River so called in the yeere 1307. Turnemill Brooke . Fleet-Dike promised to be clensed , the mony collected , and the Citizens deceived . Walbrooke vaulted and paved over . Langborne . Shareborne Lane. Langborne Ward . Oldborne . Fitzstephen . Holy Well , Clements Well . Clarks Well . Playes by the Parish Clarks at Clarks Well . Playes at the Skinners well . Skinners well . Wrestling place . Fags well . Poole without Creplegate . Patent , 1236. Water conveyed from Teyborne . Andr. Horn. Great Conduit in west Cheape . Water coēveyed frō Teyborne to London . Tonne upon Cornhill . Bosse of Belinsgate , and other Bosses . Thames water conveyed into mens houses in the east part of the City . Conduits in old Fishstreet . Thames water conveyed into the west part of the Citie . Malignant enemies to all honest and commendable actions . In or about the 10. yeere of her reigne . VVhen the River began at the first , and finished in 5. yeeres . The ingenious conveying of the River in some places . The Lord Maior and Aldermen rode to see the Cisterne . The workmen in the Cisterne . All this he readeth in the Clarks Booke . At the letting open of the Sluce . Benefactors towards the Water-Conduits . Notes for div A13053-e18620 The River of Thames a chife honour to the whole Land , and especially to the Citie of London . The head or beginning of the Thames out of the side of an Hill in Cotswold , neete to Tetbury . Isis , or the Ouse . The Cirne called corinium . Creekelade . Lechlade . Radcotebridge . Newbridge . Evesham . Oxford or Ouseford , so called of the River Charwell . Abbandune or Abbington . Some write that the maine streamè was brought thither , which ran before betweene Andredes● & Culingham . Cair Dour , Dorchester . Ousenie at Oxford . Thamesis at Thame , and so forward Reding sometime Pontium . S. Maryover Rhee . Sudrijc the South Kingdom . ( REO ) Reding , to overflow . The Saxon name to water-courses & over-flowes . All is on a Rhee , All is now a River . S. Mary Auderies , S. Mary over Isis or Ise . Reding . Kenet . Thetis , cōming from Thetisford . Sudlington . Maidenhead Windleshore . Eaton . Chertsey . Stanes . Cole . Colebrooke . Kingstone . Shene . Sion . Brentford , Bregētford . Brane , Brene . Mortlach . Putney . Fulham . Battersey . Chelsey . Lambeth . London . Tham●s beyond London , eastward . Brome on Kent side . Lewsham . Wolwich . Lee or Luie on Essex side . Darwent on Kent side . The Wany Iles. Commodities of this noble River . The lēgth of the Thames , frō the head to the fall into the Sea. An honorable affirmation of the River of Thames . Position in lib. 8. Epist . Epist . ● . The great plenty of fat & sweet Salmons taken in the Thames daily . The spoile and havok of covetous Fishermen . Carps a Fish late brought into England , and later into the Thames . The River choaked up with sands and shelves in many places , a matter much pitttied , and requiring redresse . The River ebbeth & floweth every 12. houres , for the length of seventy miles . The alteration and difference of the tides . The just distance between one tide & another . The extraordinary rising of the tides , and how caused . The streame oftētimes checkt in her entrance into the Land. Two severall times of the Moone , the waters finde their true course The error of Polydore Virgil. Land-floods doe much staine the streames finenesse . Thames water as cleere as that of the Sea. The objection of Aristotle answered . Two thousand boats upon the Thames , and 3000. pooremen maintained by the same , whole gaines come in most in the Terme time . The extēt of the River of Thames under the jurisdiction of the L. Maior , Communalty and Citizens of London . Acts of Parliamēt for the Cities prerogative on the River . The Lord Maior of London his title and authority over the River , and to inflict punishmēt on all offenders . The water Bailiffe of London , his power on the River under the L. Maior . Tinckermen mighty destroyers of the Frie of Fish . Waste and spoile very providently prevented and cut off . Timbers in the Thames at Tilbury hope no meane hurt to the River . The benefit ensuing by taking up those annoying Timbers out of the streame . The clearing and clensing of the River westward of stops & hatches . Some things seeming hurtfull , may be beneficiall as they are used . Tinckermen , Hebbermen , Petermen , Trawlermē , All great abusers of Gods blessings in the River . Care had of the River of Thames in former times . The end of controversie concerning the Thames and Medway . Courts kept for the yeerely preservation of the River . A late and honorable testimony what care the Citie hath for the Rivers conservation . Notes for div A13053-e22150 What Aldermen & other went with the L. Maior in the journey . A Iury of Freeholders of the said countrey . The effect of Mr. Cōmon Serjeants charge to the Iury. The extēdure of the Citie of Londons Iurisdictiō in the River of Thames . To cut off all controversies in times to come . Ex Lib. vocat . Dunthorn . The Cities go●●vernment of the River . Kidels removed by the Shiriffe of London , sent by the Maior and Aldermen . The Cities Iurisdiction on the River , approved before King Hen. 3. In the 37-yeere of King Hen. 3. The Citizens not to be troubled in their liberties . The Cities Iurisdiction on the River , called in question . The Constable of the Tower indicted by the Wards of London . K. Richard the first his Charter . K. Iohn his Charter . The Charter of K. Hen. 3. as it is recorded in the ancient Booke called the Customes of London . Authority of the Citizens for punishmēt . The Constable of the Tower to make no prices of victuals . Anno 11. Hen. 3. Anno 7. Ed. 3. Against taking of Salmons . Punishment of offenders . Anno 13. Ric. 2● . Nets cal'd Stalkers . Iustices of peace conservators for destruction of the Frie & brood . Appointment of under-conservators , and their charge . Power of the Lord Maior of London , in breaches and creeks ▪ Against Nets , Weeles , and other Engines , for the destroying of Fish . For killing of Salmons and Trow●s out of season . Length of Pike , Pickerel , Salmon , Trowt , Barbel , &c. Order for fishing with Nets and Tramels . An Exception . Penalty for offenders . The Mayor of London his power for enquirie , &c. For the paines & forfeitures . Inquisitions at Raynam & at Gravesend , before the Lord Maior of London , Conservator , &c. The long conservation of the River of Thames exhibited to the Councell of K. Hen. 4. Abusers of the subconservator of the River . A Grant to the Earle of Pembrooke for building of a Weare in the Thames cancelled afterward . The conservacy of the Thames to the Lord Maior , without interruption . For measuring of Coales , and other things on the River of Thames , a controversie . A Quo Warranto brought against the Citie for the Rivers conservacie . Times & manner of fishing . Removing of all unlawfull Engines for fishing . Punishment of offenders . Precept for the recurning of Iuries . Accompts of the Chamberlaine of London . Commission for execution of Acts of Parliament . A stay moved for matters in question , by letters from my Lord Admirall . An order for stay of Inquests . The Cities authority to pull downe weares in the River . Determination of the Cities jurisdictiō . Obediēce commanded to the Water-Bayliffe . Committees appointed about the controversie . Committees for the jurisdiction of the River . For the same cause . The Cities right to the conservacy . The Cities liberty in the River . The Cities title Eastward . The Conservacy below the Bridge . Sessions for the conservacy Eastward . Aldermen about the cōservacy . Aldermen againe appointed about the Cities right . The kings letters patents to the City . Concerning the extent of the word cōservacy . Navigable Rivers are as Via Regia . Due seasons for taking fish Enquirie for the streame , Weares , Kidels , Engines , &c. in the Rivers for hindring passage . For encrochmēts on the River and bankes . For fishing at undue seasons , & with unlawfull nets , &c. Articles for more particular instructiō . Notes for div A13053-e26550 Lib. Dunstable . Ditch about London 200. foot broad Lib. Trin. Ditch of the Citie overflowed the banke , into the Tower Ditch . Plenty of good fish in the Towne ditch . Notes for div A13053-e27010 London Bridge first of ●imber . A Ferry over the Thames betweene London Bridge & Southwark . W. Malmes . Men went dry-shod under London bridge . Lib. Bermond . Henry 1. Lib. Berm . Lib. Trin. London Bridge brent . London Bridge of Timber new built . London Bridge of stone founded . Lib. Waverley . London Bridge 33. yeeres in building . Chappell on the Bridge , on the East side . Gifts givē to London Bridge , in a table noted for posterity . Actions on London Bridge to be noted . Liber Dunmew . Gua●t . Covent . W. Packētō . London Bridge perished by fire . Five arches of London Bridge borne downe . Patent the 14. of Edw. the 2. Nine persons crowded to death on London Bridge . Tower on London Bridge builded . Iacke Cade entred the Citie by the Bridge Bastard Fawconbridge besieged the Bridge . An house of the Bridge fell downe . Sir Thomas Wyat lay in Southwarke at the Bridge foot . The draw-bridge cùt downe . The bridge described . Fleet bridge . Oldborne bridge . Cowbridge . Bridges over the Towne-Ditch . Bridges over the course of Walbrooke . Horshooe bridge . Walbrooke vaulted over , and paved with stone Notes for div A13053-e29750 Gates of London , 4. East , West , North , & South . Seven double gates in the wall of this Citie . Other gates builded beside . Posterne by the Tower. Wall embattelled about the Tower of London . Ditch about the Tower. Posterne sell downe . Ealdgate . Lib. Trinit . Soke or Court. Mat. Paris . Radul . co●sh . Ealdgate new builded . W. Dunthorne . Thomas L. Fawconbridge set upon Ealdgate . Suburbs burnt . Rebels wanne the Bulwarks of Ealdgate . Lieutenāt of the Tower assisted the Citizens against the Rebels . Bishopsgate . A further way winding about . Lib. Trim. Charter . Bishopsgate street without . Record . Reparations of Bishopsgate . Bishopsgate repaired by the merchants of the Haunce . Bishopsgate new builded . Bishopsgate provided to have been new builded . Posterne called Mooregate . The Fiold a meere marish ground . Posterne of Creplegate . Abba Floriacensis . Burchard . Martin le grand . Liber S. Barlilmew . Creplagate a prison for trespassers Record . Creplegate new builded . Aldersgate . In a booke called , Bew●re the C●t . A Well of great depth at Aldersgate . 〈◊〉 postern out of Christs Hospitall . Newgate . Pauls Church in London new builded . Newgate first builded , and the cause why . Close Roll. Newgate a Gaole or prison-house . The King repaired it The Sheriffes of London prisoners in the Tower , for escape of a prisosoner out of Newgate The Kings Chancellour prisoner in Newgate . Newgate new builded . VVater conveyed to Newgate & Ludgate . Prisoners of Ludgate removed to Newgate L. Egremond and others , brake prison out of Newgate . Ludgate . Roger Windover . Mat. Paris . Ludgate new built . Iewes houses spoiled . Patent . Iudgate againe new builded . Ludgate inlarged in the reigne of Queen Elizabeth . Ludgate a free prison . Record Guildhall . Memory of worthy wodan . Articles for reliefe of the poore prisoners in Ludgate . The lēgth , bredth , & largenesse of the quadrant . At Ludgate engraved on a Copper plate . A breach in the Wall against Bridewell . Watergates . Black Friers . Puddle wharfe . Paules wharfe . Broken wharfe . Queen Hith A Lad of 18 yeeres old drowned in a Channell at Downegate . An inquisition concerning Dewnegate . Merchants of the Hanse , landed their corn betwixt their house and the Black Friers . Wolfes gate in the Ropary . Lib. Horne . Lib. S. Albane . Ebgate . Lib. Trinitat . Lib. S. Albane . Record E. 3. Oystergate . Bridge-Gate . The Bridg-Gate often times repaired by divers good Benefactors . W. Dunthorne . Gate at the Bridge foot burned . Buttolphs Gate . K. William the Conquerour his gift of the Gate . Belinsgate . Geffery Monmouth . Belins Vrne of Brasse . Watergate by the Custome house . Watergate by the Tower . Wharfes and keyes . Mat. Paris . Gates of London to be kept & watcht . Notes for div A13053-e37150 The Tower of London . In my Annales . Edmund de Hadenham . Tower of London built by W. Cōquerour , namely the white Tower. 〈◊〉 . Huntington . W. Malmes . Mat. Paris . Ioh. London . Castle by the Tower builded . First Constables of the Tower Eastsmith field a Vineyard . Ex Charta . Geffrey Magnaville Earle of Essex , Constable of the Tower and Sheriffe of London . Richard de Lucy Custos of the Tower. Roger Windover . Iohn Bever . The Tower of London compassed about with a wall and a ditch . S. Katherins Mill stood where is now the Iron gate of the Tower. Mat. Paris . Bulwarkes of the Tower builded . West gate and Bulwarkes of the Tower fell downe Wall and Bulwarkes againe fall downe , and new builded . Ditch made about the Bulwarke , without the West gate of the Tower. H. 3. his Orchard by the Tower. First Parke in England . Lions in Woodstocke Parke . Lions sent to Hen. 3. and kept in the Tower. Edw. the 4. builded bulwarks without the Tower ▪ Seaffold and Gallowes first set on Tower Hill. Rich. 3. repaired the Tower. White Tower repaired by Hen. 8. A bulwark of the Tower blown up . Gates and Posterne● of the Tower. Actions of the Tower Iustices sate in the Tower. Patent the 15. of King Iohn . Mat. Paris . Plees of the crown pleaded in the Towers Mat. Paris . Constantine Fitz Aelulfe hang'd Griffith of Wales fell from the Tower. Sheriffes of London prisoners in the Tower. K. Henrie lodged in the Tower and held his Parliament there . Citizens of London despised the Qu. Wife to Hen. 3. Leoline , Prince of Wales , his head set on the Tower. Iustices of the bench sent to the Tower. Adam Meri . chro . Dun. Rad. Bald. Sca. Chro. Io. Rouse . Iustices sate in the Tower. Mortimer made an escape out of the Tower. Citizens of London wrested the keyes of the Tower from the Constable . Mortimer drawne from the Tower to the Elmes , and there hanged . A Mint in the Tower , Florences of gold coyned there . The Kings exchange in Buckles bury . Round plates , called blanks , delivered by weighr , Argent . and Pecunia , after called Easterling . IV. Conquerour did weare no beard . IV. Malmesbury . R. Hoveden . Weight of starling pence 32. graines of wheat . The penny Easterling how it tooke the name . H. 2. made a new coyne in the third of his reigne . Starling money , when it tooke beginning in this Land. Of halfe pence and farthings . The Old Change. Mints in England . Patent 9. John. Diminishing of coyne . Starling mony forbidden to be transported . Thom. Wals . First groats and halfe coyned . Coyns of gold enhaunced . More plēty of coyn in gold than in silver . Coines of gold allayed , and also raised in value . Rose Nobles . Halfe faced groats . Gold and silver enhaunced . Base monies coyned and currant in England . Crownes and halfe Crownes of silver coyned . Starling monies hoorded up , 21. c. currant , given for an Angell of gold . Philip Comin . Leather mony in France . French K. prisoner in the Tower. A grievous taxe and tallage granted to the King , which caused a great rebellion in England . The people misused in very base manner . The Kentish men arise in a tumult , for there the mischiefe began . The pole groat called ( by some ) the groape groat . The husband commeth home hastily from his worke . The Collector slaine by the Tylar . The Commons flocke together in the Tylars defence . An oath exacted by the Rebels on all passengers . Evill news do alwaies quickly spread themselves . Iustice , Lawyers , and Iurors beheaded . Bondmen of Essex joyne with them of Kent . Ex Chron. Dun. Insolent fury is easily moved . The Palace of the Archbishop at Lambeth spoiled . The Commons of London hartned on by the Rebels . The poorer Citizens joyn with the Rebels , and burne the Savoy , the Duke of Lancasters house . The Rebels would have nothing to any private mans use . Ex Hen. Kniton . The Rebels burne one of these fellowes . Two and thirty Rebels mured up in a Celler . The new Temple of London burnt , in anger to Sir Robert Hales . The Rebels murther one another . The Priory of Saint Iohn beyond Smithfield burnt . The Manor of Highbury burnt . The Rebels divided into 3. bands . The Rebels command the King , and hee goeth to them to the Miles-end . The Rebels entred into the Tower of London , and their impudent behaviour there . Their bold insolence to the Kings Mother . The Rebels sought for the Archbishop of Canturbury . The Archbishop dreadlesse of the Rebels cruelty , and his speeches with them . The Archbishop is fetcht out of the Tower , and dragged to the Tower hil . The Archbishops words to the Rebels on Tower hill . The Archbishop of Canturbury most cruelly beheaded by the Rebels . The inhumanity to his body after hee was dead A further relation concerning this worthy Archbishop , and his religious actions . The Wals of Canturbury re-edified by this Archbishop . The Lord Prior of Saint Iohns beheaded with the Archbishop . Many beheaded both Flemmings and English to fulfill the head-strong cruelty of the commons . The villaines made a pastime of putting men to death . The first Article . The second Article . The third Article . The fourth Article . Reprehension of the Kings government . A hard extreamity for a king . The Essex men returned home . The King goeth to Westminster . The King sendeth to the Kentish men . Walter Hilliard , alias , Tylar their chiere Captaine . The wicked and bloody intent of the Rebels in the night time . The King sendeth Sir Iohn Newton to Wat Tylar about his owne demands . One of Wat Tylars arrogant demands made to the King. A hold brag of a Rebell . Iohn Tickle the Doubblet maker his comming to Wat Tylar , and what answer he made him . Wat Tylar his comming to the King , and his audacious words to him . A lamentable case when a King should bee in such distresse . Wat Tylars words to Sir Iohn Newton who did heare the Kings sword . The Knight commanded to alight on foot before the Rebell . The comming of William Walworth L. Maior of London to checking and his worthy words to him . William Walworth Lord Maior of Lond. arrested VVat Tylar and felled him to the ground . VVat Tylar the Rebell slaine in Smithfield . The kings kinde words to the rude multitude They followed the King into the field . Another worthy action performed by the Lord Maior . A Noble and loyall forwardnesse in true-hearted Citizens , for the succor of their king , being in great distresse . A wonderfull alteratiō among the Rebels Great wisdome and discretion in the king being so yong . VV VValworth , L. Maior of London knighted in the field and other Aldermen with him . The comfortable words of the King to his mother . The Arms or London augmented by addition of a Dagger . Concerning vulgar mistaking the Captaines name of the Rebels The name of the chiefe Captaines and ringleaders in the rebellion . The rebellion had extended it selfe into many places . The Lord Maior sate in judgement on the Rebels , and his words that he used to Iack Straw . What they intended to doe at Black heath . Their intent for keeping the King. The killing of all Noblemen . Killing the King & all that had any possessions . Lawes devised by thēselves . Creation of kings among thē . Their malice to the Archbishop . Their intent to burue London . Richard the 2. prisoner in the Tower. Porter of the Tower beheaded . A counter , feit Physician his head set on the Tower of London . lusting in the tower . Henry the 6 murthered in the Tower. Duke of Clarence drowned in the Tower. Edward the 5. murthered in the Tower. Pacent 1. of Henry the 7. Iuste and turneying in the Tower. VVilliam Foxley slept in the Tower 14. dayes and more without waking . Vse of the Tower to defend the Citie . Tower at the north end of the Draw-bridge . Tower at the south end of the bridge . W. Dunthorne . The fourth gate on London bridge burned . Baynards Castle . Fitzstephen . Gervas . Tilbery . Lib. Dunmow . Robert Fitzwater banished . Baynards Castell destroyed . Virginity defended with the losse of worldly goods and life of the body , for life of the soule . King Iohns oath . Robert Fitzwater restored to the Kings favour . Baynards Castell again builded . The keeping of Hertford Castell belonged to Robert Fitzwater . Robert Fitzwater , Castilian and Banner bearer of London . Banner of S. Paul. Rights belonging to Robert Fitzwater in the time of peace . A Court to bee granted Robert Fitzwater for his Sokeman . Iudgemēt for diversity of offence● . Baynards Castle perished by fire . Humfrey , Duke of Gloucester , new builded it . Richard , Duke of Yorke , owner of Baynards Castle . Edward the 4 elected in S. Iohns field . Edward the 4. took on him the Crownein Baynards Castle . Ex lib. Erswick . Treason surmised against many men Divers Aldermen unjustly charged with treason . The reason of Sir Thomas Cooke his troubles . The Brake or Racke in the Tower , usually called the Duke of Excesters Daughter An Oyer determiner for the tryall of Sir Thomas Cooke . Sir Thomas Cooke acquitted by the Iury. When men are in distresse much spoil is made of them . Sir Iohn Markham Lord chiefe Iustice lust his Office for doing Iustice . Richard the third took on him the Crown in Baynards Castle . Of Baynards Castle . Henry the lodged in Baynards Castle . Henry the seventh and Knights of the Garter rode in then habits from the Tower to Pault Church . The counsell assembled at Baynards Castle , & proclaimed Queene Mary . A Tower by Baynards Castle builded by Edward the second . Tower of Mountfiquit . Cant. Récord ex Charta . The preaching Friers Church founded by Baynards Castle ; before which time their Church was in Oldborne . Tower on the Thames Tower or Castle on the west of London by Saint Brides Church . In vita Arkenwald . The kings house by S. Brides in Flceistreet . Lib. Barton super Trent . Mat. Paris Manuscrip . Parliament at S. Brides . Bridewell builded by King Henry the eighth . Barbican or Burhkenning The destruction of the Barbicun . Tower Royall . Iob. Frosard Lib. S. in Eborum . The King of Ermonie came into England . Richard 2. lodged in the Tower Royall . Sernes Tower in Bucklersbery . Notes for div A13053-e52220 Famous schooles of Philosophy by priviledge in London . Solemne meetings and disputing of scholars Logically and demonstratively . Grammar schooles & scholers their exercises . Mat. Paris . Every Cathedrall Church had his schoole for poore scholars . Free schoole at Westminster in the reigne of Edward the Confessor . Priories Aliens . Henry the sixth appointed Grammar Schooles . Grammar schooles appointed by Parliament . Pauls Schoole new builded . Free schools in Christs Hospitall . Free schooles founded by the Merchant Taylors . Scholars disputed in S. Bartholomews Church-yard . Disputation of scholars in Christs Hospitall . Anthonies Pigs . Pigeons of Pauls . Lecture in Chirurgerie . Mathematicall Lecture read . Sir Thomas Gresham . Lectures to be read in London . Names of the 7. first Lecturers . Notes for div A13053-e54240 An Vniversity of Students in and about this Citie . Houses of Students of the Cōmon Law , & Iudges . Of every of these Innes , ye may reade more in their severall places where the stand A Sergeants Inne in Oldborne Chesters Inne , or Strand Inne , in place whereas standeth Sommerset House . Houses of Court , what they be . Some students cōming from the Vniversities . The preferment of students according to their deserving . Readers in every Inne of Court. Apprentises at Law. Serjeants & Iudges . Notes for div A13053-e55220 Men of all Trades in dictinct places . Wine in Ships , and Wine in Taverns . Cookes row in Thames street . Smithfield for a plain smooth ground , is called smeth and smothie . Market for horses and other cattell . Merchants of all Nations traded at this City , and had their severall keyes and wharfes . The Authors opinion of this City , the antiquity therof . This City divided into Wards more than 400. yeers since , and also had then both Aldermen and Sheriffes . Customes of London . Casualties of fires when houses were covered with church . Change of place and tradesmen . Stockfish monger row , old Fish street , and new Fish street . Merchāts of all nations . Tho. Clifford . W. Malmesb . Plagues of London , immoderate quaffing , and casualties by fire . Lib. Constit . Lib. Horne . Lib. Clarkēwell . Purprestur in and about this City . W. Paucns . Carts and Drayes not well governed in this City dangerous . L. S. Mary Aborum . Riding in Whirlicotes . Riding on side Saddles , that were wont to ride a stride . Riding in Coaches . W. Fitstephen . The causes of greater shewes and musters in this City of old time , more than of late . Great families of old time kept . Tho. Earle of Lancaster , his housekeeping and charge thereof for one yeere . Record of Pontfract , as I could obtaine of M. Cudnor . 159. Cloths in Liveries against Christmas . 104. cloths in Liveries in summer . Northern Russt halfe yard and halfe quarter broad , I have seen sold for foure pence the yard , and was good cloth of a mingled colour . Record Tower. Hugh Spencer the elder , his provision for house-keeping , which sheweth a great family to be kept in houshold . Rob. Fabian manuscript . Nevell Earle of Warwicke his house keeping . Richard Redman Bishop of Ely. The worthy house keeping of Thomas Woolsey Lord Archbishop of Yorke . Officers for the Hall kitchin . Master-Cookes and other . For the Privy kitchin . Scalding house , Pantry , Buttry . Chandery . Wafary . Wardrobe of beds . Laundery . Bakehouse VVood-yard . Barne . Garden . Barge . Stable . Porters . The order of his Chappell . The rich furniture of his Chappell . Crosse-bearers & pillar-bearers . His privie chamber . Gentlemē waiters . Lords and their attendants . For the privie and great chamber . Daily attendāts on his Table . Officers of the Chancerie . His Footmen . A Herald and Serjeant at Armes . Surveyor of Yorke , & Clerke of the Greene-cloth . Yong Lords and Gentlemē Attendāts allowed in the house . Lib. Ely. West , Bishop of Ely Edward , Earle of Darby . Thomas Lord Audley . Every Livery coat had three yards of bread cloth . Tho. Lord Cromwell . Duke of Sommerset . Earle of Oxford . Almes given at the Lord Cromwels gate . Bishop of Winchester his saying touching the reliefe 〈◊〉 the poore . Bishop of Norwich sold his plate . Archbishop of Canturbury his charity Pater de Ioh●● . Tenne thousand poore people daily fed and sustained by Henry the third . Record of the Tower Hen. 3. fed 6000. poore people in one day . Richard de Berry , Bishop of Durham . Duke of Gloucesters Almes dish contained a great quantity of silver . Tho. Cromwell at the great Muster . Notes for div A13053-e60210 Of sports and pastimes in this Citie . Every thing hath his time , a time to weepe , a time to laugh , a time to mourne , & a time to dance . Eccles . 3. Stage-playes . Cocke-fighting . Ball-play . Exercises of warlike feats on horseback with disarmed Lances . Battell on the water . Fighting of Bores , baiting of Beares & Buls . Hawking & hunting A stage-play that continued 3. dayes , A stage-play that lasted 8. dayes . Theater & Curten for Comedies and othe● shewes , The Ball at Tennis play . The kings servants deriding the Citizens , were fore beatē , but the Citizens were fined by the King. Quinten upon Cornhill . Running with staves on the Thames . Leaping , dancing , shooting , wrestling . Mat. Paris . A game at VVestminster on Lammas day . The advice of 〈◊〉 L. Maior . The bad counsel of Constantine Fitz Arnulit as bad followed . Cl●on . Don. The Abbot of VVestminst . put to his shifts . The Lord chiefe Iustice entred the Citie of London with an Army . Constantine and other hanged . Gamos of defence . Playing at the Bucklers . Dancing for Garlands in the streets Beare and Bull baiting . Mal. Paris . Shewes for triumphs . The Citizens rode . Imbroidered garments . Fishmongers Procession for triumph of victory , more than 1000. horsmen . A shew by Torch-light , being a Mummery of more than 100 : men on horseback The Prince did win three Iewels of the Maskers . Lord of Misrule at Christmas Tempests of lightning and thunder fired Pauls steeple , overthrew the standard at Leaden hall , and threw stones of the payement into mens houses . Twisted trees ●et from the woods . May games Edward Hall. Robin Hood and his men shot before the King. Bishops Wood. Bishops Hall by Ble●henhall green . The pleasāt month of May commended . The number of strangers in London misliked . Iohn Lincolne a Broker beginner of the insurrection A bill offered by Lincolne to Doctor Standish . Doctor Be●●●dertooke to read Lincolns bill in the Pulpit . The bill contained much seditious matter . Pugna pro Patria . Quarela urged to strangers as they were in the streets Evil May-day . A meeting of the L. Maior and his brethren at Guildhall . The Recorder & Sir Thomas More sent to the Cardinall . An Alderman resisted , and put to flight . Sir Thomas More labored to pacifie the rude multitude . 〈◊〉 Den●● , a Serjeant 〈◊〉 ●●mes sore hurt . Mewtas a Piccard . The strangers houses broken up at Blanchapleton . The King sendeth to know the state of the City . The Lords came with power to London . Doctor Bell sent to the Tower for his Sermon . The Duke of Norfolke entred London with 1300 men . Ten paire of Gallowes set up in divers streets of London . Iohn Lincolne the Broker executed , but the rest respited by the King. The prisoners were brought before the King at Westminster Hall. The King graciously pardoned all the prisoners . Evill May-day . Notes for div A13053-e64290 Curfe● Bel at 8. of the clocke commanded fire & candle to be quenched . Roger Hoveden manuscript . Nightwalkers murthered all they met . Rich theeves most worthy to bee hanged . The judgment of fire and water called Ordalii , was condemned by Pope Innocent the third 1205. Decretal . lib. 5. Cause why watches in the night were commanded and when . Bonefires and banqueting in the streets Marching watch at Midsummer . Garnishing of mens doores , & furnishing them out . Almost 1000. cressets light , for the watch at Midsummer . More than 240. Constables in London , the one halfe of them each night went in the marching watch , the otherhalfe kept their standing watch in every street and lane . A great Muster at London . Iohn Moūtgomery . Commodities of the watch at Midsūmer , in the time of peace . Wrestling at ●kinners we●● , ne●re unto Clerks wel before the Maior . Shooting the standard , broad arrow and flight before the Maior . Shooting in the long bow suppressed Bowling-alleys erected and frequēted . Notes for div A13053-e65200 The modest Matrons that have bin , & ought to be . Worthinesse of men , Citizens of London . Constatine the Emperour borne in London . A Sheriffs Clerke of London became chancelor of England , and Archbishop of Canturbury . Honorable actions done by the worthy citizens of London . Hospitall of S. James in the fields . VValter Brune . Simon Fitzmary . Henry VVallis , VVilliam Elsing , Sir Iohn Poultney . 〈…〉 . Henry Picard . Iob. Lofken . Joh. Barnes . Ioh. Filpot . William Walworth● valianey . Ro. Knowles . Iohn Churchman . Adam Bamme . Thomas K●●●les . Iohn Hinde . Thomas Falconer . VVilliam Sevenock . Richard VVhittington . Iohn Carpenter . Dance of death , called the dance of Pauls . Ro. Chichley . Ioh. Rainwell . Ioh. VVels . VVilliam Eastfield . Stephen Browne . Philip Malpas . Robert Large . Richard Rich. Simon Eyre . Godfrey Bullein . Richard Rawson . Tho. Ilam . Edw. Shaw. Tho. Hill. Hugh Clopton . Robert Fabian . Iohn Percivall . Rich. Carew . Stephen Gennings . Hen. Keble . Ioh. Collet . William Fitzwilliam A just and royall disposition in the King. The liberall and bountifull minde of this Fitz-William . His death . Iohn Tate . George Monnox . Iohn Milborne . Robert Thorne . Sir Iohn Allen. Sir William Laxton . Sir Iohn Gresham . Sir Rowland Hill. Sir Andrew Iud. The famous memory of Sir Thomas White . Glocester Hall in Oxenford . The building of S. Iohn Baptist Colledge in Oxenford . Other Schooles by him builded & maintained . His great bounty to the City of Bristow . Provision of Corne for the poore . His order out of his gift to Bristow . An hundred and 4. pounds brought to Merchant Taylors Hall alwaies on Bartholomew day . The order of the yeerely lending . The hundred and foure pounds is yeerely delivered at the Merchant Taylors Hall. Passing still in order from place to place . His liberal bounty to the City of Coventry , it being then in great distresse . Twelve poore aged Inhabitants of Coventry yeerely . Foure poore yong men of the same City . Northampton . Leicester . Nottingham VVarwicke . Edward Hall. Richard Hils . W. Lambert . Sir VVilliam Harper . Sir Thomas Gresham . VV. Patten . Sir Thomas Rowe his worthy liberality . Ten poore men to be maintained for ever . Clothworkers . Armorers . Carpēters . Tylars . Plaisterers Ambrose Nicholas . VVilliam Lambe Citizen and Clothworker of London . A free Grammar Schoole at Sutton Valens in Kent . Almes-houses at Sutton for the poore . Free Schoole at Maidstone . His reliefe to poore Clothiers in divers places . His building of the Conduit neere to Oldborn , and the Standard at Oldborn bridge . Poore women benefited by the Conduit . His gift to the worshipfull Company of Clothworkers . Allowance for foure yeerely Sermons . Every pooreman and poore woman , a shirt , a smock and a gowne , and a payre of shooes , &c. S Giles without Creplegate . His gift to the Company of Stationers . His gift to Christs Hospitall . His gift to S. Thomas Hospitall . His intent to the Savoy . His reliefe for poore prisoners . Marriage money for poore maids . His love and liberality to his servants . Sir Thomas Offley bequeathed much to the poore . Bernard Randolph , Common Serjeant of London , his liberall bounty . For conveying of Thames water . For a poor Scholar . For mending high wayes . For the poore in divers parishes . Master Tho. Ridge . Benefit of yong beginners . Love to Religion . Care of poore tradesmen Master Iohn Haydon his bountifull charity . To the poore in gownes . Benefit of young beginners . Love to Religion . Care for young beginners and the poore . To severall Cities for the benefit of young beginners and the poore prisoners . Remembrance of his Company and of his servants . Richard Walter . VVilliam Norton his benevolence . Thomas Iennings his love to the poore . Peter Blundell his most liberall charity . To Hospitals in and about London . For the reliefe of poore prisoners . To poore maides marriages To helpe poore Artificers . To a free Schoole and Officers thereto belonging . For Apprentises . His love to Learning and Schollers . Robert Chilcot a worthy servant to so good a Master . Reliefe of poore prisoners . His love to learning and the poore . To the Schoole and the attending Officers . For the poore . Repairining the Church . Iohn Holms . Thomas Atkinson . Thomas Cure his hospitall in Southwarke . George Bishop his memorable charity . Richard Culverwell . William VVhitmore Iohn Norton mindfull of the poore , and of his Company . Henry Fisher his love to learning . Thomas Aldersey his love to religion and the poore . Robert Offley his liberall charity . Reliefe for two poore scholars yeerely . Tho. Fisher his love to learning , and respect of the poore . Florence Caldwell his charity The love of divers Citizens to learning . The Christian and charitable works of Robert Rogers A speciall note of a godly disposition . Care of Religion . His care for poore decayed brethren . His provident care for the poore in divers places and Parishes . His love and liberality to Learning . Iohn Fuller his Almes-houses and charity . For poore aged widdowes . Feoffees put in trust to see his will performed . Care for the reliefe and discharge of poore prisoners . Edward Elmer . William Nelson his love to learning . Rafe Newbery . Robert Row a savourer of learning . Edmond Stile his charity . Iohn Stockley his charity and love to learning . Gaius Newman his charity . Iohn Newman his charity . Richard May his love-tokē to London , and charity to the poore . Peter Chapman his charity , & love to learning . Iohn Carre his care for learning , and the poore . Henry Cowche his charity . David Smith his care of the poore . Iohn Scot his charity to the poore . William Stoder his charity . William Mascall his charity . Stephen Skidmore his love & charity to the poore . Richard Iacob his charity to hospitals & prisons . A time of honest & large continuance . Iohn Russell his charitable deeds . His especiall respect of the poore . His love to religiō and learning . Rob. Gale his love to learning , and respect of the poore . Iohn Quarles his charity . William Dummer his charity . W. Parker his charity Owen Clun his charity Iames Stoddard his loue to Learning . Iohn Skeete his respect of the poore , and his love to learning . Roger Owfield , his love to learning . Iohn Berryman his respect of the poore . Iohn Ireland his charity Thomas Thorney his charity . Francis Evington his charity & love to learning . Henry Butler his charity . Peter Hall his charity Roger Ienkins his love to Learning . George Chāberlaine his charity Tho. Church his charity Andrew Banning his love to learning . Randall Manning His love to Learning . Hugh Cappe his liberall charity . Lewes Randall his charity . A strāgers charity . Hufrey Fox his charity . William Parker his bountifull charity . George Palin his boūtifull charity . Those Almes-houses are builded neere to Creplaegate . His care & love to Learning . His care for prisoners , and the poore . His zeale to learning . The fruits of a Christian faith His care of poore people in the coūtry Laurence Campe his love to learning . The worthy charitable gifts of Master Robert Dove This charity extēdeth only to poore brethren of the same company . His love to learning . A notable and moste Christian care for poor condemned persons , and their going to their death . Randulph Wolley his love to learning , and care for the poore . Henry Walcot , his charity . Henry VVoolaston his charity . Iohn Vernō his charity . Edward Harvist his charity . Iohn Brown his charity . Iohn Porter his charity . Lewis Randall his charity . His love to the children . Iohn VVhithall his charity . VVilliam Iones his bountifull charity . His Christian care for Religion in his country . His care for the maintenance of Learning . His providence for the poore and needy people in Monmouth . Still his Piety and Christian Charity walk hand in hand together . His care for poore decayed brethren of the Company . His maintaining of a Preacher in the City of London for ever . His love to poore Preachers . His charity to Hospitals and poore people beyond the Seas . His love to his own Company What care and diligence the worthy Company have taken in the execution of his will , according to the times and severall appointed places . Divers men yet living , have been and still are most bountifull benefactors to the poore , and many other religious uses The testimony of a good and godly conscience indeed . William Masham his love to Learning . Henry Prannel his charity . William Elkin his bountifull charity . Richard Gurney his charity . Hugh Offley his love to learning and care for the poor . Robert Brook his charity . Benedict Barnham , his charity . Robert Taylor his charity . Paul Banning his charity . Sir Richard Goddard . VVilliam VValthall his charitable benevolence Care for young beginners . Sir Robert Hampson , his charity . Henry Anderson , his love to learning . VVilliam Glover his charity . VVillia , Rumney his charity . Roger Jones his charity . Richard Faringdon his charity . Nicholas Stile , his charity , and care for poore Sea-men . Ieffrey Edwes his charity . Cuthbert Martin his charity . Iames Dean his charity . George Smithes his charity . VVilliam Bowyer , his charity . Sir Iohn Lion his charity . Sir Richard Champion his charity for reliefe of the poore . Sir Christopher Draper his charity . Sir Lionel Ducket his charity . Sir Thomas Ramsey his charity . Sir VVolstane Dixie his charitable benevolence His bounty to Prisons in divers places . Out of his love to learning . To poore Merchants . To Hospitals and poore maids marriages , &c. To the Pesthouse . Sir Iohn Hart his care of Learning , and respect of the poore . Sir Iohn Allot his charity . Sir William VVebbe his charity . Sir Stephen Slanie , his charity . Thomas Skinner his charity . Sir Robert Lee his charity . Sir Iohn VVats , his charity . Sir Henry Rowe his charity . Sir Humfrey VVeld his charity . Sir Thomas Cambell his charity . Sir Iames Pemberton his love to learning and to the poore . Sir Iohn Swinnerton his charity . Sir Henry Rowe his love to learning . Sir Thomas Hunt his charity . William Rumney his love to learning . William Stone his charity . Ieffrey Elwes his love to learning . Agnes Foster . Avice Gibson founded a Chappell , a Free-schoole , and Almes houses at Radcliffe . Cursed is hee that removeth his neighbours marke , have I read . Margaret Danne . The Lady Baineham her charity . The Lady Forman her charity . The Lady Barne her charity . The Lady Saunders her charity . The Lady Hunt her charity . The Lady Ierningham her charity . The Countesse of Sussex her charity . The Lady Constable her charity . The Lady VVeb her charity . The Lady Gresham her charity , The Christian and bountifull charity of the Lady Ramsey . Her love to learning . Her care of the poore . Her charity to the poore prisoners . To parishes in London . Care for poore maimed Souldiers . Her care for poore beginners in the world . Her charity to divers Parishes in the countrey . The Lady Billingsley her love to learning . The Lady Iones her love to learning . The Lady Spencer her charity . The Lady Glover her charity . The Lady Stone her charity . Mistris Walter her love to learning . Mistris Barnham her love to learning . Mistris Scot , her love to learning . Mistris Garway her love to learning . Mistris Hawes her love to learning . Mistris Hill her charity . Mistris Packingten her charity . Mistris Packington her charity . Mistris Smith her charity . Mistris Electon her charity . Mistris Simcotes her charity . Mistris Search her charity . Mistris Allington her charity . Mistris Baker her charity . Mistris Sambach her charity . Mistris Venables her charity . Mistris Clarke her love to Learning . Mistris Doxie her charity . Mistris Bakhouse her love to learning . Mistris Woodward her charity . Mistris Baker her love to learning . Mistris Iacob her charity . Mistris Philips her charity . Mistris Whitmore her liberal charity . Mistris Awdley her charity . The worthy charity of Mistris Alice Owen . The manifest testimony of her affection to learning . Her care of the poore . A token of her love to the Countrey . Her providence for the poore in her almes-houses . All these things were done in her life time . Gifts appointed by her will. A worthy example , and well deserving imitation . A great danger she escaped in her childhood . The reasō of erecting her Almes-houses . Iohn Lidgate , in praise of Londoners of his time . The Citie of London divided from East to west , into a South halfe and a North halfe . The Stocks market the midst of the Citie . S. Pauls Church burned in the Conquerour time . The Citie divided frō north to south , into an east halfe & a west halfe . The course of Walbrooke , and reason of the name . The course of VValbrooke arched over . This City divided intowards Fitzstephen . Wards in London 24. Patent Record . Wards in London 25. VVards in London and the Borough of Southwarke , 26. Names of wards in London . Notes for div A13053-e90110 Portsoken ward . Lib. Trinit . Knighten Guild . Bounds of Knighten Guild , or Portsoken ward . Lib. Trinit . Priory of the Trinity within Ealdgate . Knighten Guild givē the Canōs of the holy Trinity . Cōstables of the Tower. Part of Knighten Guild with-held by the Cōstables of the Tower. Prior of the Trinity an Alderman of London . Hospitall of Saint Katharines . A second Foundres . New Abby on East-smithfield . Buriall for the dead prepared in time of pestilence . * Causing it to bee named Eastminster . The Kings Store-house . Towerhill . Merchant-Taylors Almes-houses at the Tower hill . Abby of S. Clare Nuns called the Minories . Store-house for Armour . Parish Church of S. Trinity . A farme by the Minories , wherein hath been sold three pints of milke for one halfe-penny , in memory of men living . Ditch of the City lay open and was cleansed , but now filled up . Parish Church of S. Buttolph . Hog-lane . Water-Conduit at Aldgate . The two pieces of Coyne were of Traionus & Dioclesianus Emperors ▪ Begun to be taken downe in An. 1606. and finished in An. 1609. Hounds-ditch . Bedred people in Hounds-ditch . Brasse ordnance 〈◊〉 in Hounds-ditch . A matter greatly deserving reformation in Hounds-ditch . The unconscionable broking Vsurers their living . The Iewes were never any such gripple Extortioners . Such gaines are the greedy Vsurers glory . A publike stocke would doe well for the poore in every Parish . For relief of the poore in the Parish of S. Buttolphs without Aldgate . The limits of Fortsoken VVard , and of the whole Parish , which extendeth a great way further than the VVard doth . Notes for div A13053-e95490 Towerstreet Ward . Tower hill . This pretended Priviledge is directly against the Lawes of the Realm , as hereunder is resolved by the Iudges . Tur. Lond. Tur. Lond. Notes for div A13053-e96250 Ex Relatione Hum. Dyson Notaris Pub. Notes for div A13053-e97230 Chicke lane . Tower-street Alhallowes Barking a Parish Church . Barking Chappell of our Lady . The Kings Chapell of Barking . Iohn Rowse . All these Mounments are in the Chancell on the ground neere to one another as they are here set downe . In the North I le of the Qeire . In the South I le o● the Q●●re . Sydon-lane . Parish Church of S. Olave in Hart-street . In the Chancell . On the ground . In the Northside of the Quire. Mart-lane , of a Mart kept about Blanch Chappelton , or Appleton . Mincheon lane . Galley-men dwelled there . Cloth. workers Hall. Gristes house . Iohn Champneis , Alderman blind . Sporiar lane or VVater-lane , or Hart-lane . Harpe-lane . Bakers Hall. Galley Row. Church lane . by East . Church lane in the West . Fowle lane . Parish Church of S. Dunstane in the East . In the Chancell . In the South I le of the Quire. Notes for div A13053-e106390 Passekes VVharffe , and Horners Key . Wool-wharffe by Customers Key . Water-gate by VVool Key . Custome house . Tronage of Wools. Custome house . Porters Key or Porters lane . Galley Key . Petty-Wales . Princes of Wales their lodging . The Merchants of Italy their lodging by their Gallies . No Gallies landed here in memory of men living . A strange kind of building by the Shippe-wrights or Galley-men . An Hospitall for lunaticke or phrensie people . Cobhams Inne . Notes for div A13053-e107560 Ealdgate ward . Hart-horne Alley . Bricklayers Hall. Sprinkle Alley . Belzetters Lane. Wall , gate and windowes of stone 〈◊〉 under ground . S. Mary street Culver Alley . Hartstreet . Priory of the Trinity of Canons regular . Prior of Christs-Church an Alderman of London . Priory of the holy Trinity surrendred and suppressed The Duke Place . The inhabitants the Duke place 〈◊〉 themselves Parishionem of St. Katharine Cree 〈◊〉 by lacked a Church of their owne . The time of such continuance , did meerely make a custome of it in opinion . The Archbishop moved King Iames in the justice of the suit . The 〈◊〉 , decayed ruines of 〈◊〉 Christ-Church in the Dukes place . Norman , the first Prior , was made an Alderman of London , and rode with them on solemn dayes , but in an Ecclesiastical habit . This is mistaken by Mr. Stowe . The windowes glazed , and by whom . These two Gentlemē were Sheriffes then An artificiall Sun , and the ingenious forming of it . Parish Church of S. Katharin Christs-Church , commonly called Cree-church The new building of S. Katharin Cree-Church . In the South side of the Chancell . A faire Tombe in the midst of the Chancel . A faire stone plated in the North I le of the Quare . Parish Church of S. Andrew Vndershaft . A shaft or May-pole higher than the Church Steeple . Chawcer chance of dice. As hath bin at large before declared . Shaft or Maypole preached against at Pauls Crosse . The said Elm tree his preaching place is lately taken down . Shaft or Maypole saved in pieces and burnt . Bayliffe of Rumford executed within Ealdgate for words spoken to the priest of the parish . Parish Church of Saint Andrew Vndershaft new builded . Stephen Woodroffe the best Benefactor to the poore in that Parish . On a faire plated Stone in the Chancell . Before the doore within the Chancell . At the upper end of the North I le in the Quire. A faire guilded plate in the wall . In the wal close by the other . A handsome small Monument in the wall , South in the Quire. In the I le beneath the Quire and on the same side , a comely Monument in the wall . In the lower part of the Monument . A faire Grave-stone , with the persons of him and her engraven in brasse . S. Mary street . Pickering house . Fletchers Hall. Papey a brother hood or Hospitall for poore Priests . The Abbot of Bury his Inne . Bevis markes . Fenne Church street . Ironmongers hall . Woodroffe lane by the wall of the Tower hil● . Crossed F●●ers Church . The glasse house burned . Almes houses by Crossed Friers . Testamōt of Sir Iohn Milborne . L. Lumleys house . Prior of Horne-Church in Essex . Northumb. house . The poore Jurie . Parish Church of S. Katharine Coleman . In the Northeast end of the Chancell , an ancient Tombe . A faire stone on the groūd by the Cōmunion Table . A small Alabaster Monumēt fixed in the wall . At the doore 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 Cha●●● a very 〈◊〉 faire 〈◊〉 on the ● gro●● In the north 〈◊〉 just against the Grave-stone . Notes for div A13053-e120330 Mannor of Blanch Apleton . Mart lane . Basket-makers at Blanch Apleton , Notes for div A13053-e120670 Limestreet Ward Limestreet . High street of Cornehill . An house in Limestreet , called the Kings Artirce . Benbridges Inne . Messuage of the L. Sowch . Messuage called the Green-gate . Philip Malpas robbed Mutas house spoiled . Leaden Porch . Mannor of Leaden Hall. Licence to take up Lead to the building of a common granary . Horse-mill in Grasse-street . Simon Eyre sometime an Vpholster , then by changing of his Copy a Draper . Leaden-hall new builded to bee a common Garner . A Chappell builded in Leaden hall . Legacies given by Simon Eyre . Daily Service by note , &c. and three free schooles in the Leaden Hall. Liber albus . Beame for Tronage of wools at Leaden-hall . A brotherhood of 60 Priests in the Chappell of Leaden hall . Leaden-hall burned . Rich. Arol . A request of the Citizens to the Maior and Aldermen . Leaden hall Market for Canvas and linnen cloth . Common Beame to be kept in Leaden hall . Leaden hall pertaining to the Communalty . Wools , Fels , and other Merchandizes to be sold in Leaden-hall . Leaden hall used as a Garner . Roger Achley Maior made good provision for the City . Bread Carts of Stratford the Bow. Liber . D. A Baker of Stratford punished in London for baking bread under the Assize . Iohn Malverne . Bread Carts frō Stratford missed in this City in time of scarcity . A Petition of the Commons concerning the use of the Leaden hall . 〈…〉 the people to stand drie . Leaden Hall , meant to have been made a Burse for Merchants . A Pumpe in the high street of Lime-street Ward . Cornchill street in some place raised two fadome higher than of old time , as appeared by buildines found so deepe . St. Mary street Parish Church of Mary , St. Vrsula , and 11000. Virgins , called at the Axe , letten out of a warehouse . Parish Church of S. Augustine in the wall , made a Chappel to the Papey , and since pulled downe and made a stable . Houses by London wall in the ward of Limestreet . A part of Limestreet ward unjustly withheld by Bishopsgate ward . Lib. Papey . Patent . Oxford Place . Hum. Dyson Subsidy of parishes , Limestreet ward , in the yeere 1371. Notes for div A13053-e125220 Bishopsgate Ward . Parish Church of S. Buttolph without Bishopsgate . Faire plared stones lying one by another on the ground in the Chancell . At the entrance into the Quite , in the middle I le . This gift is performed by the Company of Tallow-Chandlers yeerely . The mirrour of this Age for a matchiefe woman . Nor did she this worthy service to God here onely , but in other Parishes beside , as at Pauls , Christs-Church , &c. The thankfull gratitude to God of Humfrey Swanne Imbroide , rer . M. Pinder gift of three ●core pounds . The benevolence of Nicholas Reive a Scrivener in Cornehill The charity of the Eearle of Devonshire . Petty-France , neere to the Town ditch . A new place of buriall , made by the other Church-yard . The memory of a Persian buried out of the Church-yard . This was thus Englished by his interpreter . Hospitall of Bethelem . Anno 39. Hen. 3. H●m . 〈◊〉 H●m . Diso● Buriall for the dead prepared . Deepe ditch by Bethlem . Dolphin without Bishopsgate . Fishers folly . Berwards lane . Tazell Close . Artillary yard . Walter Brune Mercer , one of the Sheriffes of London , 1203. Berwards lane . Soreditch so called more than 400. yeers since . Pulpit Crosse at the Spittle . Charnell and Chappell of S. Edmond and of Mary Magdalen . Sermons in the Easter holydayes at the Spittle . House in S. Mary Spittle Church-yard builded for the Maior and Aldermen Pulpit Crosse in Spittle Church-yard new builded . A house in Spittle Church-yard builded for the Governers and Children of Christs Hospitall . On Munday in Easter week , An. Dom. 1617. A Saint Mary Spittle . Lolesworth field . Buriall of the Romans in Spittle field . Old Monuments of the Romanes found . Troughs of Stone found in the Spittle field . Great Nayles of Irō found in the field and fond opinions of men . Clarkes Hall and their alms-houses in Bishopsgate street . Parish Church of S. Ethelbiage . Priory of S. Helens and almes-houses . Parish Church of S. Helen . Leather-sellers Hall. A comely Alabaster Tombe , standing in the midst of the Church below . A printed memory hanging up in a Table , at the entranced to the Church doore . Of 〈◊〉 place , and of Sir Iohn 〈◊〉 Water-conduit at Bishopsgate . Sir Thomas Greshams house builded . Sir Andrew Iud his Almes houses . Notes for div A13053-e132870 Broadstreet Ward . Three Needle street . Parish Church of Alhallowes in the wall . A faire Menumēt in the wall close by the Pulpit , on the west side thereof . Carpenters Hall. Curriers Row. Lane stopped up . Sir William Powlet , L. Treasurers house in Broad-street . Sir Tho. Gresams Almes-houses . Parish Church of S. Peter the poore . On a faire ancient place , in the wall North the Quire. A faire plated stone on the groūd in the Chancell . A comely Monumēt fixed in the wall , at the east end of the Chancell . A beautifull Monument in the North I le . Too mean a remembrance ( in my mind ) for a man so deserving . Friers Augustines Church , part wherof is the Dutch Church . What persons of note and name . 〈◊〉 bu●●ed in the ●ugustine 〈…〉 . Throkmorton street . T. Cromwell his house . The Drapers hall . The Drapers Armes . Lotisbury or Lothbury . Abbot of S. Albans his Inne . S. Anthonies school ▪ Three Needle street . S. Martins Oteswitch . A faire engraven stone on the South side of the Communiō Table . A faire stone , on the other side of the Table . A very goodly Tombe erected in the wal on the South side of the Church . Tailors & Linnen Armorers their alms houses in Broadstreets Ward : looke more in Portsoke●● ward . Taylors & Linnen Armerers Hall. Antiquity of the Tailors feast by authority . Taylors purchase their Hall. Taylors Hall. The Merchant-tailors Arms. Taylors & Linnen Armorers incorporated Merchant Taylors . Finke lane . Parish Church of S. Bennet Finke . Hospitall of Saint Anthony sometime a Synagogue of the Iewes . Patent record . Free Schoole of S Anthonies builded . Almes-houses of S. Anthonie builded . Gift of Henry the sixth to Saint Anthonies . Saint Anthonies Pigs fed on the dunghils . Schoolemaster of S. Anthonies made Prebend of Windsor , spoiled the school and hospitall . Parish Church of S. Bartholomew . A faire plated stone on the groūd in the Chancell . Severall faire plated stones in the Chancell . A faire Monumēt in the North wal or the Chancell . Parish Church of Saint Christopher . An Alderman of London put to penance by the Cleargie , for wedding a widdow professed to chastitie . A very faire Tombe of pure Touch , in the South side of the Quire. Robert Thorne , a bountifull Batchelour , buried in the same Parish of S. Christopher . Present at thi● godly worke , Io. Skinner , Andrew Kendrick , Tho. Singleton , &c. Disposition of his soule to God. For burial of his body . For poore mourners . For kindred , friends , & servants mourners . A Dinner for his friends , and the Parish inhabitants . His gift to the Maior & Burgesses of Reading . The uses intended for the said sum . Care of his Sister . The usuall benevolence of the rich is not to bee hindred by this gift . For negligence in the distribution of this gift . How to be bestowed upon their negligence . Payment to his Sister during her naturall life . A house to be purchased for setting the poore to worke . The house is to have a Garden thereto adjoyning . Imploying and using the stocke of money . How the remainder of the money is is to bee imployed for a common stock For handling and husbanding the common stocke in the house . In what manner the 7500. pounds is to be paid . For misimploying the stocke contrary to the Doners will. His intent for London upon their fayling . Concerning the house and Garden at Reading devised . For purchasing a house and Garden at Newbery to set the poore on worke . For neglect and misimployment of the stock committed unto their trust . Returned over to Reading and imployed to the use of the poore there . For non performance of the T●●tors wil and intent in the Towne of Newbury In what manner the four thousand pounds is to be paid to the Towne of Newbury Two thousand foure hundred pounds given to the Company of Drapers London . For the yeerely releasing of sixe poore Prisoners . For releasing Prisoners in other Prisons , &c. To the Curate of the Parish Church of S. Christophers . To the Clerke and Sexton of S. Christopher . To the poore of the Parish To the Compters and Newgate . To Ludgate and the Fleet. To Bedlem . To the Clerke of the Drapers . To the Beadles of the Livery and Yeomanry . For poore Clothworkers and their widdowes . A remembrance to the foure Wardens . If the Drapers omit performance of this Legacy of two thousand and foure hundred pounds . A restraint of the other Legacies given and bequeathed to the Company . Concerning the residue of the yeerely rent . An hundred pounds to be bestowed in Plate . Five hundred pounds given to Christs Hospitall in London . Fifty pounds to S. Bartholomews Hospitall . To the poore of S. Thomas Hospitall . Repairing of S. Christophers Church . Repairing S. Pauls Church in London . To poore Maids marriages in London . To poore Maids marriages in the Towne of Reading . To twenty five poore Maids marriages in the Towne of Newbury . For setting poore vagrant Boyes on worke in Bridewell . 50. pound for S. Maries in Reading . Five hundred pounds to be lent to severall parties in Reading . For lacke of Clothiers , the same money lent to other Tradesmen of the same Towne . Other five hundred pounds to Clothiers of Newbury lent freely To tenne other poore Clothiers the same money lent afterwards . Nine hundred pounds given to the Merchant Adventurers . His servants first preferred to the benefit of the loane . To his Brother William Kendrick and his children . Payment of the two thousand pounds to his Brother and children , and how . For mortality in either of the children . The gift of his gold Ring . A thousand Markes given to his sister . Two thousand Markes given to his Sisters children , and in what manner . In case of mortality or death happening among the children . Thomas Newman excepted from this Legacy . A Bond forgiven to his Sisters husband . Five hundred pounds given to his Sister Alice Vigures . A thousand pounds given to his said Sisters Children , and in what manner . Simon Gandy excluded from this thousand pounds and the intent of this distribution . In case of mortality and death of the Children . To his Brother Iames VVinche , and his Children . The payment of this thousand pounds to his Brother and Children . In case of death and mortality of the younger Children . Three hundred pounds to his poorest Kindred in Reading . Fifty pounds to old Elizabeth Kendricke of Reading . To Thomas Newman of Delft in Holland . One thousand pounds to Simon Gandy . Five hundred pounds to Arthur Aynscombe . Five hundred pounds to Barney Reymer . Five hundred pounds to his Master Io. Quarles , living in the house . Three hundred pounds to Mr. George Lowe . Two hundred li. to Thomas Bilingsley . 300. li. to Thomas Iacksons Executors ▪ 50. li. to Lucas van Peenen . 20. pound 10 Ieremias Poets of Middle-burgh . Two hundred pounds to his servant William Powle . Three hundred pounds to his Apprentice Andrew Kendricke . One hundred pounds more to the same person . To Christopher Pack his Apprentice one hundred pounds . Twenty pounds to his Horse-keeper . Twenty pounds to his Maid Dorothy , Twenty pounds to his Maid Margaret . To his Drawer Hutwith fifty pounds . To his Drawer Bird five and twenty pounds . Among the servants of Hutwith twenty five pound ▪ To his twelve Clothworkers , 130. pounds . To Bigge and Salisbury 25. pounds . To his Porters twenty pounds . Tenne pounds to his Water-bearer and Washer . To VVilliam Beadle of Reading 50. pounds . To Slye of Readings Executors 50. li. 100. li. to Newman of Newbury . 100. li. to John Skinner . To Widdow Harison and her daughter five pounds . To Master Bennet 300. li. Tenne pounds to make two Rings . To three men five pound a peece . For Service by six a clocke every morning at Reading . For the like Divine Service every morning at Newbury . To his Kinseman Bye 100. li. Forty pounds for his funerall dinner at Drapers Hall. Disposition of the Legacies , if any studye in the meane time . Appointment of his Executor . The 〈◊〉 of his estates to his Executor . Notes for div A13053-e148720 Scalding house of Scalding wicke . Notes for div A13053-e148900 Cornehill Ward . Flesh Market at Leaden hall , and alteration of prises in short time . Standard of Thames water by Leaden hall The highest ground of the Citie of London . The Tun upon Cornehill a prison-house for night-walkers . Temporal men punish spirituall persons for incontinency . The Bishop complaineth . The King forbids the Laity for punishing the Clergy men . Citizens of London breake up the Tun upō Cornhil Tho Walsingham . Citizens of London punished fornicatiō and adultery in Priests and other , without partiality . Priests punished in the Tnn upō Cornhil forced to forsweare this City . A Priest punished for lecherie . A faire Well in Cornhill . The Tun upon Cornhill made a Conduit of sweet water . Cage , stocks and pillory in Cornhill . Bakers , Millers , Bauds , Scolds , & common Iurors for rewards , punished on the pillory . Ring-leaders of inquests will pr●ffer their service , and bend every way for gaine . Carefull choice of Iurors in to be had● a man derected , & that had sworne foolishly against his brother , is not to bee admitted a cōmon Iuror , ne●ther Butcher not Surgeon is to be admitted . Conduit on Cornehill inlarged . The wey-house or Kings beame upon Cornhill . The Burse upon Cornhill , or the Royall Exchange . Swan Alley . New Alley . S. Christophers Alley . Housholders displaced for building of the Burse . The Citie charged with buildings of the Burse . Queene Elizabeth came to the Burse . The Burse called the Royall Exchange . The cause of stone houses builded in London . Parish Church of S. Peter upon Cornhill . Library 〈◊〉 S. 〈◊〉 upon 〈◊〉 , now a Gram●●● schoole . Out of the descriptiō of ●●taine , written by VVilliam Harrison . No street in London called Cornhill , before the Normans Conquest . * There were three Archflamines , 1. at London , the 2. at Yorke , the 3. at Caerlbeon upon the River Vske , builded by Belinus , and called Glamorgantia , now Chester , all destroyed by Lucius , because they were erected to Apollo , Mars and Minerva : hee builded 3. other Churches in their stead . Io. Leyland . Grammar Schooles commanded by Parliament . A falte ancient Tombe for Sir VVilliam Bowyer in the south I le of the Quire. A faire Marble stone under the Communion Table , plated about . A faire plated stone , neere to the other . The Parish Church of S. Michael on Cornhill . This was accounted the best Ring of 6. Bels to be rung by 6. men that was in England for harmonie , sweetnesse of sound and tune . Lightning and thunder , with ugly shaps seen in S. Michaels Steeple . The print of clawes to be seen in hard stone . Pulpit-Crosse in Pauls Church-yard overturned . Iohn Tolus his gift to the church not performed but concealed . A hansome Monument in the wall of the Chancell , the south side . A very faire Monument richly gu●ded , in the Chancell wall on the Nor●● side . His Picture standeth alo●● on the other Monument . In the South I le of the Quire a hansome Monumēts in the wa● . In the same wall lower , a hansome small Monument . A plated stone in the same I le on the ground . A faire small Monument on a Pillar right against the Pulpit . A faire Tombe in the Cloyster South . In the wall on the North side of the Chancell . Pulpit-Crosse in S. Michael Church-yard . Mat. 2. 5. Birchovers lane . Vpholders sellers of old stuffe in Cornhill . Popes head Taverne on Cornhil . Wine one pint for a penny , & bread given free . The Kings house in Cornhill . Armes of England supported by Angels Hubert de Burgho , Earle of Kent , sent into Cornhill . The Cardinals Hat Taverne . Notes for div A13053-e156630 Langbourne Ward , and Fenny about Shareborne or South borne lane . Culver Alley . Lane stopped up . Fen-church street . Parish Church of S. Mary & S. Gabriel . Lombard street so called before Ed. 2. Limestreet . Pewterers Hall. An ancient Marble Tomb in the North I le of the Quire , upper-most Eastward . A small Monumēt in the wal on the same side . On a pillar in the midst of the Chancell . A goodly Monument in the South I le of the Quire. In the west end of the Church , but on the south side . The foure corners , a place so called , of 4. wayes meeting . Parish Church of Alhallowes in Lambard street . Lib. Trin. A faire Monument in the wall , at the East end of the North I le of the Quire. A very goodly stone plated , on the ground in the same I le . In the Chancell a faire stone plated , against his Pew dore . Yet living , and of whom I received these instructions . A faire plated stone lying by the other . A faire Monumēt erected in the South I le of the Quire for the same person . A come●y samll Monumeat in the South 〈◊〉 of the Quire , East . Parish Church of S. 〈…〉 Noblemē of this Realme , of old time , as also of late yeers , have dealt in Merchandises . Philpot lane . S Clements lane . Parish Church of Alhallowes Stane Church . Of late it is fixed there in better manner than ever it was before . A faire Marble Tombe is the South wall of the Quire. A small Monu●●● in the 〈◊〉 wall . Beneath in the lower part of the Church , 〈◊〉 faire plated stone . Craddocks lane . Parish Church of S. Nicholas Hacon . Parish Church of S. Mary VVolnoth . Langborne Ward discharged of Fifteenes . A faire Tombe in the Chancell . An observation out of Richard Grafton . Iohn Percivall , Carver to the Lord Maior or chosen Sheriffe of London . A goodly Marble close Tombe under the Communion Table . A very goodly Monument in the East end of the Chancell . Notes for div A13053-e162490 Belinsgate Ward . Smarts Key Belinsgate . Customes of Belinsgate . Sommer Key , Lion Key . Buttolph VVharfe . Parish Church of S. Buttolph . Iohn Rainwell His Epitaph . Belinsgate Ward , Downegate Word , and Ealdgate VVard discharged of all Fifteens . The nu●ber of stranger lately to created in this 〈◊〉 . Bosse Alley and the Bosse of Belinsgate . S. Mary Hill lane . Alice Hackney found uncorrupted , more than 150. yeers after she was buried . A faire Tombe in the east end of the Chancell . On the other side of the Tombe , southward ▪ A very faire Monumēt in the South wall of the Quire. S. Margaret Pattens lane . Parish Church of S. Margaret Pattens . Fire in Reod lane . In the midst of the Chancell , under the Communion Table a faire plated stone . The like stone , and neere to the other . A very faire stone well plated by the other twaine . Rope lane Lucas . Parish Church 〈◊〉 S. Andrew Hubbert . Parish Church S. George Buttolph lane . Rother lane , or Red-Rose lane . Notes for div A13053-e166160 Bridge Ward within . VVater Conduit in Grasse-street . Parish Church of S. Magnus . This Monument 〈◊〉 lately reedified , 〈◊〉 new fenced by Sir Iohn 〈◊〉 , his sonne , & L. Maior 1602. Parish Church of S. Leonards Milke-Church Grasse-Church of S. Bennet Grasse-church . Customes of Grasse-street Market . Thames street . Stockfishmongers Row. Ebgate lane Fishmongers Hall. Antiquities of the Fishmongers , 1290 A triumphant shew made by the Fishmongers for the victory of the King ▪ Fishmongers had 6. Hals in London . Fishmongers , 6. of them Maiors in 24. yeeres . Fishmongers for their greetings envied of the other companies . Nicholas Exton for the Fishmongers craved the Kings protection . Fishmongers by Parliamēt restored to their liberties . Iohn Cavendish craved the peace againg the Chancellor , challenged him of taking a bribe . Principal adversaries to the Fishemongers condemnted to perpetuall prison . Paten● Stock-fishmongers and Salt-fishmongers united . Sir Ioh. Cornwall created Baron 〈◊〉 the 6. of Edw. 6. Fishmongers joyned in amity with the Goldsmiths . VV. VValworth slandred by a fable of Iack Straw , T. VVal●●● H. Knight● Lib. Eb●● . Drink water VVharfe . Fish wharfe Crooked lane . Edward the blacke Prince . Notes for div A13053-e168620 Candlewick street , or Candle-wrightstreet Ward . Great East-cheape . East-cheape a Cookes row . The kings sons beaten in East Cheape . There was no Tavern then in East-cheape ▪ In West-Cheap linnen cloth sold , but no silkes spoken 〈◊〉 Fripparia Vpholders upon Conhill , sellers of old apprrell and houshold-stuffe . East-cheape . Candle-wright or Candlewick street is a working place . VVeavers in Candlewick street . Weavers brought out of Flanders & Brabant . S. Clements lane . Parish Church of S. Clement in East-cheape . A faire Tombe on the North side of the Quire , made into the wall . Another beautifull Tombe on the South side of the Quire. Abchurch lane . The Parish Church of S. Mary Abchurch . A comely Monumēt in the South wall of the Quire. A faire Tombe in the wall at the East end of the Church . S. Michaels lane . Crooked lane . Leaden Porch in Crooked lane . Parish Church of S. Michael in Crooked lane . Fable of VV Walworth and Iack Straw● reproved . Praise of VV. VValworth for his manhood in arresting of VVat Tylar . The Maior was well armed , and had on his head a Basenet . T. Wal●●●g , H. Knight●● Li. S. Ma●y Aborum . Maior made Knight , and otherwise rewarded . Order of making a Knight for service in the field . Aldermen Knighted . S. Michaels Crooked lane . Monumēt of Sir VV. VValworth defaced and since falsified , and so remaineth . Dunthorne . Old Seale of the Maioralty broken , and a new Seale made . The Arms of this City were not altered , but remaine afore : to wit , Argent , a plaine Crosse Gules , a Sword of S. Paul in the first quarter , and no Dagger of VV. VValworth , as is fabuled . Colledge-house in Crookedlane . A comely small Monument in the East end of the South I le . A goodly ancient Tombe within the Southgrated Chappell . Houses in Crookedlane . blowne up with Gun-powder . S. Martins Orgar lane and Parish Church . Parish Church of S. Martin Orgar . A faire Monumēt in the wal of the Chancell , East . Parish Church of S. Laurence Poultney , made a Colledge . An anci● Monumēt in the North I le , Eastward . A faire stone on the groūd in the same I le . A very faire stone and fairly plated , in the South Ile and body of the Church . Notes for div A13053-e173580 VValbrooke Ward . Parish Church of S. Swithen . A faire Tombe in the East end of the North I le . A goodly Tombe , East , in the upper end of the South I le , A faire Monumēt in the South wal of the Church . A small Memorie on a pillar in the middle Ile In the middle I le upon a pillar . A faire plated stone in the middle I le . Prior of Tortington his Inne . Oxford Place by Londonsi●nt . Empson and Dudley . London stone . Lib. Trint . Antiquity of London stone . Read Mr. Iohn Speed , what he saith therof , and of the like stones . VValbrooke street . Stockes Market . The midst of the Citie . Ro. Fabian . Parish Church of S. Mary Wooll Church . Tronage or weighing of wooll , caused the Church to be called VVooll-Church Haw . A faire stone at the Chancell doore within . Beare-binder lane . Parish Church of S. Stephen by VValbrooke . In the South I le on the ground , a faire stone Vnder the Communion Table . Two faire plated stones in the Chancell , each by other . Another faire stone close by it . In the Chancell aside . An ancient Tomb in the North I le of the Quire. A faire Grave-stone in the North Cloyster . Buckles Bury . S. Iohn upō VValbrooke Horshooe Bridge in Horshooe Bridge street . Parish Church of S. Mary Bothaw . The first Lord Maior of London , Sir Henry Fitz-Alwine , buried there . Notes for div A13053-e178830 Downegate Ward . Conduit upon Downegate . A Lad of 18. yeeres old drowned in the Channell . Tallow-Chandlers Hall. Copped Hall , now Skinners Hall. Sixe Kings Brethren with the Skinners Company in 〈◊〉 . Their pompous Procession . Elbow-lane . William de pont le Arch his house . Inholders Hall. The Erbar S. Mary Bothaw . Greenwitch lane , or Fryer lane . Ioyners Hall. Granthams lane . Cosin lane . A Ginne to convey Thames water to Downegate Conduit . Steleyard for Merchants of Almaine . Guilda Aula Theutonicorum . Merchants of the Haunce , of Almaine , licenced to lay up their corn in Garners , but to sell it within 40. dayes after . Act of Parliamēt forbidding Corne to be brought from beyond Se● . Windgoose lane . Patent . Steelyard put down . Church lane . Parish Church of Alhallowes the more . A faire plated stone under the Communion Table . Another faire stone lying by it ▪ Hay-wharfe Lane. VVoolseys Lane. Parish Church of Alhallowes the lesse . Cold Harbrough . The Diers Hall. Bush-lane . Suffolke lane . Merchant Taylor Schoole . The Manner of the Rose . S. Laurence Lane. Poultney Lane. 13. Wards on the east side of VValbrook , not having one house on the west of the said Brooke . Notes for div A13053-e182820 Wards on the VVest side of Walbrooke , and first , of Vintrie VVard . Every man lived by his severall professed trade . Horshoo-bridge street Knight-riders street . Kerion lane . Brickles lane . Simpsons lane . Painted Taverne , or three Cranes lane . The Vintry Record . Vanners Lane. Broad lane . Parish Clerks Hall. Stodies lane Vintners Hall. Almes-houses of the Vintners . The Kings sonnes supped in the Vintrie H●n . Scogan Chawcer fol. 334 & 33● . Wine-tunners incorporated the 15. of Hen. 6. Palmers lane , or Ancho● lane . Plumers Hall. Worcester House . F●uiterers Hall. Old Swan . Pater noster Lane , 〈◊〉 . S. Ma●● Ov●●●● . Parish Church of S. Michael 〈…〉 , a Colledge , one Almes-house or Hospit●●● . R. VVhittington , ●●n to Sir VV. VVhittington Knight . Richard Whittington thrice buried . A goodly plaine Marble Tombe in the Chancell , with new Banners to adorne it , very lately hung up . A faire plated stone before the Communion Table . Tower-Royall builded about Henry the 1. as may bee supposed . King Stephen was lodged there . Frisard . The Lady Princesse lodged in the Tower Royall . King Richard lodged in the Tower-Royall . Culters Hall. Bladers or Blade-Smiths . Haft-makers . Sheathmakers . Knight riders street . Wring-wren lane , Parish Church of S. Thomas the Apostle . George in Breadstreet given to the Salters upon conditions not performed . On the North side of the Chancell . Vnder the Cōmunion Table . Ipres Inne . King Stephen lodged in the Tower-Royall . Kennington besides Lambeth . Ormond place . Kerion lane . Glasiers Hall. Parish Church of S. Martin in the Vintrie . Li. Trinitate London . Gisors Hall , corruptly called Gerards Hall. Epitaph . A faire Stone beyond the Pulpit . A very faire plated Stone under the Communion Table . Another close by it . A very goodly plated Stone at the entrance into the Quire. An ancient Marble Tombe in the Chancell . Another faire stone close by the other . All these stones , fairely plated , are in the body of the Church . Parish Church of St. Iames Garlicke Hith . A faire Tombe in the East end of the Chancels South I le . A comely Monumēt in the wall of the South I le . In the same wall a comely Monumēt . Notes for div A13053-e191550 Cordwainer street ward . Budge Row. VVathling street . Turnebase Lane. Cordwainer street . Hosier lane in Cordwainer street . Basing lane . S. Sithes lane . Needlers lane . Sopers lane . Gray Sope made in London , dearer than bought from Bristow . Goose lane . Parish Church of S. Anthonies . Epitaph of Tho. Knowles . Simon Street his Epitaph . An ancient Tomb in the South side A very goodly Tombe in the Chancell . At the west end of the same Tombe . This is said to be the true portraiture of Iohn Wells , whose Executors builded the Standard in West-d cap. On one leafe . On the other . Richard Chawcer , Father to Geffrey Chawcer the Poet , as may be supposed . On the out-side of the folding Tables which hang in the uppe● end of the Chancell . 1516. A faire Tombe in the Chancell . A small Monumēt laid on the groūd by the Tombe , within the iron grate New Mary Church , or S. Mary Bow in West Cheaping . L. Colchester Roofe of Bow Church overturned by tempest . Bow steeple fortified . A false accuser of his elder brother , in the end was hanged . Bow steeple fell downe . Bow Church interdicted . Bow Bell to bee rung nightly at nine of the clock . Bow or Arches on Bow steeple . Grammar schoole in Bow Church-yard . Vaults under Bow Church . An ancient Marble tombe in the Chancell , plated about on the North side . The like ancient Marble Tombe on the North side of the Quire. A faire grave-stone in the Chancell . A shed or standing for the King called Crowne Silde . Crounsilde . K. Henry the eight came in the likenesse of a Yeoman of his Guard , to the Kings head in Cheape . Notes for div A13053-e198030 Cheape Ward . S. Mildreds Church . The Church yard given . The Parsonage house and chambers . Church taken downe and new built . Church yard and Buildings supposed to be concealed . Counter in the Poultry . Chappell of Corpus Christi . Cony hope lane . Grocers Hall purchased & builded . Almes-houses by the Grocers hall . Parish Church of S. Mary Cole-Church . Buckles bury of one Buckle . Barges towed up Walbrook unto Buckles bury . Cornet stoure in Buckles bury the Kings Exchange . Exchequer . Peneritch streete . Parish Church of S. Sythe Benet Shrog . Needlers lane . A faire Monumēt in the East wall of the Chancell . A small gilt engraven Plate fastened under the Monument . A faire ancient Marble Tombe in the Chancell . A faire plated stone in the midst of the Chancell . A plated stone in the North I le . Parish Chruch of S. Pancrate . Iustices charged to punish such as sell Bels from their Churches , Eliz. 14. A faire Monumēt in the North wall of the Quire. Pepperers in Sopers lane . West Cheap a large Market place . Great Conduit in West Cheape . The old Standard in Cheape , with a Conduit therein , taken downe , and new-builded . Executions at the Standard in Cheape . Great Crosse in West Cheape first builded . Crosse in Cheap new builded . Crosse in Cheape indighted , the Images broken . Image of Diana let upon the Crosse in Cheape . Socrat. li. 1. cap. 13. Top of the crosse being feared to fall , was taken downe . Crosse in Cheape commanded to be repaired . Cōmand again sent for repairing the Crosse in Cheape , it being an ancient Ensigne of Christianity . Iustings and Tournament in West Cheape . Edward the 3. held Tournament or Iusts in West Cheap 3. daies together . Queene Philip and her ladies fell from a Scaffold in Cheape . A shed or standing made for the King to behold the shews in Cheape . Southside of Cheape street so fat as Cheape Ward reacheth . North side of Cheape Ward . Hospitall of S. Tho. of Acars . Mercers Chappell . A free Schoole in the Hospitall of S. Thom. of Acars . Locke his Armes in the windowes . Crownsilde , under Bow Church . Ironmonger lane . Parish Church of S. Martins Pomary . S. Laurence lane . Blossoms Inne . Hony lane . Parish Church of Alhallowes Hony lane . Catte-street . The Guild-Hall , and Courts kept . Lib. Fle●●● . The new Councell Chamber at the Guild-Hall , and the building therof . The first Court kepe in the new Councell Chamber . Verses made on the Images over the Guild-hall gate . Names of Images . Kitchens by the Guild-hall . Chappell or Colledge at Guild-hall . Patent . Chappell or Colledge at Guildhall new builded . Iohn Welles a principall benefactor to Guild hall Colledge . Library at Guild-hall . Parish Church of S. Laurence , in the Iurie . The tooth of some monstrous Fish as I take it . A shanke bone of 25. inches long , of a man , as is said , but might be of an Elephant . An ancient Tomb in the Chancell . An ancient Tomb in the South wall ▪ A grave-stone on the groūd , well plated . An ancient Tomb East in the wall . A grave-stone plated before the Tomb. An ancient Marble Tomb in the North side of the Quire. A faire Monumēt in the North wall of the Quire. A small Monumēt on a pillar in the North I le . Notes for div A13053-e208780 Lothbery . The Iewes Synagogue . Fratres de Saccae , or de poenitentia . Cole-church street , or Old Iew●●e . Ro. Fitzwalter his house . The Wind mill Taverne in the old Iurie . The Old Iurie . The Iewes brought from Rone by William Duke of Normandy . W. Rufus favoured them . Hen. the 1. punished them . Rich. the 3. forbade them to come to his coronation . King Iohn tormented the Iewes . The Barons rifled the Iewes . 〈◊〉 . of Hen. 3. Hen 3. excheted the lands and goods of the Iewes . The Iews builded them a Synagogue in London . Hen. the 3. founded an house for converted Iewes . Iews stale a child and circūcised him , and minded to have crucified him . Hen. 3. exacteth money of the Iewes . Iewes hanged for crucifying of a child . 700. Iewes slaine at London . Vsury forbidden . English Iewes hanged . Iews hanged at London , for crucifying a child at Northampton . All the Iewes in England apprehēded & redeemed for money . All the Iewes banished this Realme . Parish Church of S. Olave Vpwell in the Iewrie . A Well was under the East end of this Church , late turned to a Pump , but decayed . An anciēt Marble Tombe in the East end of the Quite . A placed stone on the groūd in the South I le . A goodly Tombe is the South I le . A very faire and costly Tombe in the East end of the Chancell . A very faire Monument in the nether part of the Church . An engraven plate , in the South wall of the Quire. Kings Palace in the Old Iewrie . A faire ancient Tombe in the North I le of the Quire. A plated stone by the Communion Table . A goodly ancient Tombe in the Chancell . A faire plated stone before the ascending to the Cōmunion Table . A faire Pyramide erected against the South wall of the Quire. A small Monumēt newly erected in the East end of the Quire. Conduit in Lothbery . The Foūders Hall. Bay Hall , Coleman street . Armourers Hall. Kings Alley-Love lane . A faire Monument in the Chancell . Another close by the greater . A faire Tombe in the East end of the South I le . A hans●● small Monument is the wall by the other . A faire Monumēt in the South wall of the Quite . A grave stone in the same I le . A comely Monumēt on a Pillar in the Quire. Parish Church of S. Stephen , sometime a Synagogue of the Iewes . Cocked water ▪ St Streets Church Co●● at 〈◊〉 Wall. Notes for div A13053-e216700 Bassings Hall Ward . Masons Hall. Weavers Hall. Patent of Henry 2. Henry 1. Patent . Mathew Paris . Girdlers Hall. Bakewall Hall. Bassings Hall. Armes of the Bassings . How Bassings Hall Ward took that name Salomon Bassing and other of that name Bassing Bourne . Bakewell Hall given to the Citie . Bakewell Hall a Market place for woollen clothes . Bakewell Hall new builded . Coopers Hall. Parish Church of S. Michael . An ancient Monument in the North I le of the Quire. An ancient Marble 〈◊〉 in the Chancell Blakewell Hall was his dwelling house 1548. An ancient Marble tombe in the South I le of the Quire. Vnder the Communion Table . Notes for div A13053-e219320 Creplegate Ward . From the Standard to the Crosse in Cheape , on the North side , is of Creplegate Ward . Philip lane . An. 1477. Rose Ioccline then being L. Maior . A Pumpe at the corner of Alderman-bury street . 〈…〉 Alderman bury Hall by Alderman bury Church . Parish Church of S. Mary Aldermanbury . Shanke-bone of a man 28. inches & a halfe long . Reyne Wolfe a grave Antiquary , collected the great Chronicles , increased , & published by his Executors , under the name of Ralph Holenshead . Conduit in Aldermanbury . A faire Tombe in the North side of the Chancell . A plated stone by the Communion Table . A marvellous ancient plated stone . A very faire Tombe in the South side of the Quire. A faire plated stone by the Communion Table . Gay-spur lane . Priory or Hospitall called , Elsing Spittle . Charter-house Church-yard without Aldosgate , and one other the like without Ealdgate . A Colledge for the Clergy of London . Doctor White of S. Dunstanes in the West . An hundred and threescore pounds yeerly allowed . A faire & goodly Library in Syon Colledge . A new building joyned to the Library . Liberall Benefactors to the Library , & their gift . Parish Church of S. Alphage . Elsing Spittle burned . A very goodly Monumēt in the wall of the Quire on the South side . A Grave-stone at the entrance into the Quire doore . Gregory Rokesley , Maior of London , his house rent 20. shillings the yeere . Parish Church of St. Mary Magdalen . A comely Monumēt in the South I le of the Quire. A faire Stone in the same I le before the Monument forenamed . A comely 〈◊〉 the Chancell , by another much more ancient Tombe of Henry Cantilowe . A faire Stone at the entrance into the Quire. A very faire Monument in the Chancell on the North side . A comely Monumēt in the east end of the South I le . Woodstreet . 〈…〉 . Ladle lane , corruptly called Lad lane . Love lane . Parish Church of S. Alban . A Monument in the East end of the Chancell . A monument in the South wall of the Chappell . An anciēt plate fixed in the wall of the North Chappell . A faire plated Grave-stone in the North Chappell of the Quire. A grave-stone in same Chappell . A faire plated stone by the Communion Table . A faire plated stone in the body of the Church . A small Monumēt on a pillar in the middle I le . An Ancient Tomb in the Chancell , lately intruded on with new Pewes . Adle street . Pinners Hall , now the Plaisterers Hall. Brewers Hall. Curriers Hall. Huggen lane Parish Church of S. Michael in Woodstreet . A comely small Monument in the East end of the North Quire , in the wall . A smaller Monumēt in the same I le and wall . A comely Monumēt in the same wall & Ile . A Memory on the same Monument . Iames , the 4. King of Scots , his head buried in S. Michaels Church in Woodstreet . Blacke Hall in Woodstreet , in S. Michaels Parish . Ingene lane , or Maiden lane . Wax-Chandlers Hall. Haberdashers Hall. Record in the Rolles Silver street Monks-well street . Bowyers Hall. Almes . houses in Monks-well street . Almes . Chambers in little Woodstreet . Parish Church of S. Giles without Creplegate ▪ An anciēt Marble Tombe on the North side of the Chancell . Another faire Marble Tomb close adjoyning . A small Monumēt at the South wal of the Chancell . A very faire Marble stone set up on end in the same wall . A faire plated stone on the groūd in the Chancell . A Plate engraven on a faire stone neer to the other . On the same stone . Another plated stone in the Chancell . A faire Tombe in the South I le of the Quire. A faire plated stone in the same I le . A comely Monumēt in the South wal of the Quire. Another small Monument in the wall of the same I le in the Quire. A very faire Monument in the North wal of this I le . A comely Monumēt by the other . An engraven Plate fixed in the wall . A comely Monumēt in the wall beneath the Quire Thomas Busby his gift to the poore . Mr. Blighton his gift . Charles Langley his gift . Roger Mason his gift . William Day his gift . Anne Harvist her gift . Rob. Smith his gift . Rich. Hanbury and Richard Budd their gift . Roger Bellow his gift . Brother-hood in S. Giles Church . Water-Conduit without Creplegate . Bosse in the Wall of S. Giles Church-yard . Poole of Spring water . White-crosse-street . Hospitall of the French Order . Red-crosse streete . Liber . S. Butto●ph . The Iewes Garden , or place to bury their dead . Beech lane . The Abbot of Ramsey his Inne . Almes-houses in Beech lane . Golding lane . Almes people there . Burgh-kenning , or Barbican . Garter Place . Notes for div A13053-e235340 Aldersgate Ward . Oate lane . Noble street Noble street Shelleyes house , now Bacon house . S. Martins lane . M. William Parker , Citizen and Merchāt-Taylor of london , gave three thousand pounds towards the new building of Aldersgate . The manner and forme of paying the said mony . The first Tile was taken downe the last day of March , 1617. Aldersgate street . Goswell street . Briton street . Staining lane . Almes-houses there . Parish Church of St. Mary Staining . A goodly Monument in South wall of the Chancell . Parish Church of Saint Iohn Zachary . These words are engraven on an anciēt place in the Chancell . A faire plated in the South I le of the Quire. The like stone close by it . The like stone and in the same I le . A small Plate with his Armes in the South wall . A comely Monumēt in the East end of the South I le . A faire stone within the Chancell doore . A very faire plated stone by the Communion Table . The like faire plated stone close by the other . A very goodly Monument in the East end in the Chancell . Notes for div A13053-e239020 The Goldsmiths Hall. R. Grafton . The first Maior of London was a Goldsmith . Principall men of the City , Goldsmiths . Parish Church of S. Olave in Silver street A faire plated stone in the Chancell . Another stone neer to it . Parish Church of St. Leonard in Foster lane . A stone at the entring into the Quire A faire stone in the Chancel , namelesse . A faire Monument in the North wall of the Chancell . Pope lane . Parish Church of S. Anne in the willowes . Deus . Diabolus . Vita . Mors. Coelum . Inferuum . A handsome smal Monumēt in the North wal of the Quire. A smaller Monumēt by the other . A faire plated stone under the Communion table . Another stone by the Communion Table . Colledge of Saint Martins le graund . Lib. S. Martin . Argument against priviledge challenged by the Deane of S. Martins . Set downe according to the English then used , and as it standeth in the Record . Offence taken by the City , against the indirect courses used in the Sanctuary . Order from the King and his Councell to the Deane of the Sanctuary . For fugitives claiming benefit of the Sanctuary , & the causes moving th●●● thereto . Against armour & weapons in the Sanctuary For theeves , felons , murderers , and infamous persons . Concerning security for good behaviour to be given . For close keeping the gates and posternes of the Sanctuary nightly . For bringing stolne goods into the Sanctuary ▪ For restitution or amends making to the owners . For offences committed by Sanctuary persons . For Picklockes , counterfeiters of divers notorious crimes . For strumpets , bawdes , & other foule livers . Against unlawfull games . For Artificers dwelling in the Sanctuary . For such as come to live in the Sanctuary , to take an oath . Matth. 21. Cookes Hall. Britaine street . Parish Church of S. Buttolph . An anciēt Tombe in the South I le of the Quire. In the South I le a plated Grave-stone . A grave-stone in the South I le of the Quire. In the same I le upon a painted Table . A grave-stone in the same South I le . A grave-stone in the same I le : A small Monument on a pillar in the same I le . An ancient Tomb in the East end of the Chancell . A small Monumēt in the East end of the Chancell . A small Monumēt in the East end of the Chancell . A comly Monument in the End of the Chancell . A small Monument on a pillar in the Chancell . A faire Pyramides erected against a pillar . A faire Tombe of white stone in the Chancell . Another beautifull Pitamides directly opposite to the other . A faire plated stone under the Communion Table . A faire Grave-stone by the said Table . Another stone , by the said Table . Another . A grave-stone in the North I le of the Quire. Another in the same I le . A faire Garvestone in the same North I le . A small Monument in the South wall in the body of the Church . Notes for div A13053-e246390 Faringdon Ward within . Faringdon extra . and Faringdon infra , all one Ward , and then divided into 2 by Parliamēt . Faringdon Ward tooke that name of W. Farendon . Sir Ralph Arderne , Knight , Alderman of that ward , now called Faringdon , in the reigne of Hen. 3. Iohn le Feure , Alderman . W. Farendon Alderman and one of the Sheriffes of London . Nicholas Farendon Alderman and Maior . Nicholas Farendon lived 53. yeers after he had bin once Maior . Either Mr. Stowe was much wronged in information , or else it was no true Deed which he saw at that time . M. Iohn Speed can testifie this to be true ● for I brought the sealed Deed to him , and to divers other beside , who can beare me witnesse , that herein I doe no way deprave Mr. Stowe , but set downe the truth , as I received it . Amen lane . Panier lane . Ivie Lane. Bladder street . Mount Godard street . Parish Church of S. Peter in Cheape . Long shop in Cheape . Guthuruns Lane. Imbroiderers Hall. Hugon lane . Kery lane . Sadlers Hall. Foster lane . Parish Church of S. Fosters . A faire Stone in the Chancell . A faire stone by the Communion Table . A Monument in the wall , South of the Quire. A small Monumēt in the wall with a gilt plate . A faire plated stone under the Communion Table . A faire plated Grave-stone in the middle I le . Barons of London their seale . Barber Chirurgeons their Hall. Hermitage of S. Iames in the wall . Pentecost Lane. Parish Church of S. Nicholas . Stinking Lane , or Chicke lane . Gray Friers Church . How the Gray Friers house became first to a Friery , collected out of an anciēt Manuscript delivered to me by a friend . The building of a Chappell for them . The body of a Church . Their Chapter-house builded . The Vestry house . The Dorters and Chambers . The Hall or Refectory . Library of the Gray Friers . Length & breadth of Gray Friers Church . Gray Friers Church made a Parish Church . The Maior and Communalty of London Parsons of Christs Church , the Vicar to be at their appointmēt . Christs Hospitall . Ex R. Grafton . Doct Ridley preached before King Edw. 6. Mercy & Charity . * Edw. S●imer Duke of Somerset A most vertuous and noble saying of King Edw. to Bishop Ridley . The Citizens of London moved to be assistants in this charitable action . The kings letter sent by the Bishop to the Lord , Maior of London . The readinesse of the Lord Maior to preferre this good deede . 9. Sorts of poore people distinguished into 3. degrees . The first beginning of Hospitals . The first beginning of S. Thom. and S. Bartholm . Hospitals . The first beginning of Bridewell , Reliefe for decayed house-holders & Lazers . The king acquainted with the Cities furtherance . K. Edward . the sixth Founder of the Hospitals in London . The 〈◊〉 land for rendred to the King , and given to the City of London . The words of a blessed King. Sir William Chester , and Io. Calthrop , Draper . Rich. Castel , Shoomaker , The Cocke of Westminster The incorporation of St. Bartholomews Hospitall in West Smithfield . The incorporation of the Hospitals of King Edward the sixth . Monuments in Christs Church . 4. Queens buried In this Church . A faire Monumēt in the South wal of the Quire. A faire Monumēt close by , in the same wall . Vpon a Monumēt on a Pillar by the Tombe . First , on the one Table . Secondly , on the other Table . A faire plated stone in the Quire ▪ A faire Monumēt in the wal , at the upper end of the Chancell . A faire plated stone by the Communion Table . Another plated stone on the other side of the Table . A faire plated stone in the South fide of the Quire. A faire plated stone in the South I le . A plated stone at entring into the Quire. A Grave-stone in the North Chappell of the Quire. A small Monumēt erected in the Schoole wal , in the Cloyster , where ( according to his desire ) he lyeth buried . Parish Church of S. Matthew in Friday street . A comely Monumēt in the wall , on the Chancels South side . A faire Monumēt in the North wal of the Chancell . Another Monumēt in the same wall . A Plate in the South wal of the Chancell . Old Change. Parish Church of S. Augustine ▪ A plated stone under the Communion Table . The like stone by the other . A small Monumēt in the East end of the Quires South I le . A faire plated stone at the entrance into the Quire. One faire stone for both these , in the body of the Church . Cathedral Church of S. Paul. Doctoris Gentium . S. Pauls Church burnt . Foundation of the new Church of S. Paul builded . Stone brought from Cane in Normandy . Wall about Pauls Church-yard . The common Bell in Pauls Church-yard , rung for the calling together of the Citizens to their Folke-motes . Pauls steeple . The new worke of Paul in the East . Pauls steeple fired by Lightning . Pauls steeple repaired . Weather-cocke of Pauls steeple . Height of the steeple . Length of Pauls Church . Governors of this Church . Petty Canons of Pauls . Great Cloystry of Pauls . Dance of Pauls . Library of Pauls . Chappell in Pardon Church-yard Chappell at the North doore of Pauls . Holmes Colledge . Iesus chappell . Parish Church of S. Faith. A fair plated stone over a Vault in the East end of the Church . A faire plated stone neere to the former Another stone close adjoyning This stone is covered with a Pew , that nothing can bee seene but these verses . In the middle I le a faire plated stone . A faire plated stone in the Chancell . Another stone in the Chancell . Vpon a brasse plate fixed on a Pill● by the Tombe in the open Church beneath The benevolence is given every Friday ordinarily through-out the yeere . Charnell-house with a Chappel ▪ Reyne Wolfe . Pauls Schoole . Clochier in Pauls Church-yard . Common Bell of the City . Pulpit-crosse in Pauls Church-yard . Pauls steeple and Church newly burne . Speedy repairing of Pauls Church . The Queenes gift . Benevolence . Monuments in Pauls Church . At the entrance of the north side or I le of the Quire. In another coffin of gray Marble by the other . Etbelred , sirnamed the unready . Being first buried in the Quire , & afterward removed into the body of the Church , at the Citizens earnest suit , and upon good oc●casion . This man is termed by some Richard de Gravesend . Right against the little South doorein the lower Church . Set up at the Lord Maiors cost and charges . An inscription in the wall . In the midst of Quire , neere to the place where they stand to heare Sermons . At the entring the middle doore of the Quire , a faire plated stone . A very goodly Tombe , curiously framed of white stone , having his Lance & Target hanging by it . Vnder a faire Monument in the North Walke against the Quire. Within the North wall buried . Holmes Colledge . In the Quire. A very beautifull Tombe , wherein he lyeth buried with his wife . Right over against the F●●le of Pembrokes Tombe , in the same I le . A faire Monumēt in the wall above Iohn of Caunts Tombe . There is neither Tomb , or any other Monument , but only this Inscription . These Verses , called Acrosticks are also there hanged up . A Table hung upon the same Pillar by the other of Sir Francis Walsongham , without any other Monumēt for each of them . A very goodly Tombe , erected betweene the Chappels of St. George , and our Lady , enclosing the bodies of Sir Iohn Wolley , his wife , and Sir Francis Wolley , his son , buried in Anno 1611. A comely Tombe , at entring into the South I le of the Quire. Next above this Tombe in the same South I le . Adjoyning to the other in that Ile ▪ A faire Tombe in the midst of the Chancell , in the same I le . A very faire and goodly Tombe out of the Chancell , above it . These ses are inscribed on the other side of the Tombe . Vpon a Monumēt fixed on a Pillar by the Tomb ▪ First , she made him one of her Moble Pentioners . Next , Captaine of her guard . Next , Vice Chamberlaine , and of the Councell . Lastly , L. Chancellor of England . A very goodly Tombe Eastward behind the high Altar . Both these lye before S. Georges Chappell without Monuments . Buried in the South I le above the Quire within the wall . He lies also buried in the same South I le above the Quire. Hee also lyeth buried there At the East end behinde the high Altar . Episcopi . 1. Mellitus . 2. Wina . 3. Erkenwaldus . 4. Walcherus . 5. Ingualdus 6. Egulplnes . 7. Wigherus . 8. Edbrithus . 9. Edgarus . 10. K●ewalchus . 11. Edbaldus . 12. Edbertus . 13. Osmondus . 14. Ethehtothus . 15. Celbertus . 16. Rebulpbus . 17. Swithulphus . 18. Eadsinus . 19. Wilsiue . 20. Ethelwardus . 21. Eadstanus . Isli Episcopi in Margine notati , post Erkenwaldum , seriatim in Cathedra Londinens . usque in tempora Edwardi senioris Anglorum Regis successerunt . Quorum omnium adeo obsolevit memoria , ut nec eorum acta , nec mausolea s●●an●ur . In the new workes of S. Dunstanes Chappell . In our Lady Chappell , at the East end of the Quire. R. Baldocke was Founder of that Chappell . In the new work of Pauls betweene our Lady Chappell and Saint Dunslanes . Wil. Paston . Chappell on the South I le of Pauls builded ▪ Scalps of Oxen found in digging the foundation . A Bucks head ●orn before the Processiō at Pauls . In a comely Chappell in the body of the Church , on the South side . Divers fond peoples opinion concerning Duke Humfrey , buried in Pauls Church . A due and fit Penāce for fond Duke Humfreyes idle servants . Margaret Countesse of Shrewsbury , her Monumēt painted over the entry of Iesus chappell . An Inscription in brasse , by sir Iohn Beauchamps Tombe . In Saint Thomas Chappell , neere the North doore . A brasse Plate above in the wall , neere the North doore . A Monument erected in the wall , neere to the staires going up into the North Quire. A comely Chappell founded by himself on the north side the body of the Church . In the same Chappell . Beneath the north-west Pillar , that supports Pauls steeple , in a Chappell builded by himselfe . A Brasse plate fixed in the wall , by the great North doore . A faire Tombe in the wall , at the upper end of the North I le , below . In S. 〈◊〉 Chappell , neere to the great South doore . A Table hanging on a Pillar , in the South I le . Somwhat neere to the Convocation staires , a faire plated stone upon the ground . In the body of the Church , on the South side , a faire stone , thus inscribed . A faire plated stone in the West end of the middle I le . Five hundred pounds given by M. William Parker , towards the glasing of Pauls windowes . Pater noster Rowe . Pater noster makers . Ave Mary lane . Creed lane . Amen lane . Duke of Britaines house , since Pembrookes Inne , then Aburgaveny house , and now Stationers Hall. Bowyer Rowe . Parish Church of S. Martin by Ludgate . ● comely Monuments , each by other , in the East end of the Quire. Another sightly Monumēt in the same wall . A very faire new Monumēt in the same wall . A Table hanging on a pillar in the Chancell . A comely Monumēt in the same wall , but on the quires South side . A new faire Monument in the same wall . A small Monumēt in the same wall . The Black Friers . Maior & Barons of this City . Parliamēt at the Blacke Friers , called the Blacke Parliament . Parish Church of S. Anne new builded in the Blacke Friers . Iob. Alforde executed at Tyborne . The Bridge at the Blacke Friers . Incorporating of the Prior & Covent ▪ No arrest within the Friers Precinct . Forrainers traded in the Precinct freely . Craftsmen come out of the countries . The inquiry after the death of any one slaine , by the Coroner of the Verge . Freedome from watching , warding , &c. A Riot committed in the Blacke Friers . Letters from the Councell to the Lo. Maior . A Bill put into the Parliamēt house . Cawardens Letters Patents . Wals and gates belonging to the Precinct . The Curate of S. Peters in Cornehill his affirmation . The Liberties of the Precinct in the Priors dayes . Foure Gates belonging to the Friers and Porters . Of other mens doores into the Blacke Friers . How the Porters of the Friers kept their foure Gates . No search or watch within the Precinct , &c. Paving the street by the Prior and Covent . For punishing disordered persons . Against claiming the Liberties of Blacke Friers . Two Aldermens● entring into the Liberties of the Blacke Friers . What ensued upon this businesse in the Blacke Friers . A further testimony concerning one Robert Flower , Tailor and Hosier in the same precinct of Blacke Friers . A man slaine in the liberty of the Blacke Friers . The Vicar of Bromley dwelt formerly in the Blacke Friers . The same man spoken of before . * Note that this Text was divided into three partes ; whereof the first part treated of Gods mercie , the second of mans ingratitude , the third of the Remedies which man might use for the procuring of Gods mercie , and cure himselfe from this contagicus disease of his ingratitude . Which first part onely in part he handled . Corne-market by Pater noster Row. Parish Church of S. Michael ad bladum . Old crosse in West-Cheape . Roger North ▪ A comely Monumēt in the South side of the Chancell . Another like Monument in the same wall . A smaller Monumēt in the same wall . Water-Conduit by Pauls gate . Passage thorow S. Michaels Church . Panyer Alley . Ivie lane . Lovels Inne . Eldenese or Warwicke Lane. Warwicke Inne . Bladder street . Mountgoddard street . Newgate Market . Parish Church of S. Ewine . Notes for div A13053-e286910 Breadstreet Ward . Breadstreet . Friday street . A faire paved way found , 15. foot deep , in Cheape street . Goldsmiths Rowe in Cheape . Watheling street . Knight-Riders street . Fish-Market , called Old Fish-street . Breadstreet . Parish Church of Alhallowes in Breadstreet . An anciēt gray Marble tomb , as in a Chappell by it selfe . All these have faire plate● 〈…〉 other . A white stone by it self , neere to the Tombe . Church suspended . Spire of A●hallowes , steeple smitten by Tempest . Salters Hall. Parish Church of S. Mildred in Breadstreet . Parson of S. Mildred & his man burned . A very ancient Tombe in the North side of the Chancell . A faire inscription on the wall . A plated stone before the Communion table ▪ The like stone by the other . One faire stone plated , for both these , by the Communion table . A faire plated stone in the South Quire. Basing lane called the Bakehouse . A Pole of 40. foot long and 15. inches about , ●abuled to be the justing staffe of Gerard a Gyant . R. G. saw a stone , and said the same to be a tooth , but being by my self proved a stone , there failed both scull and shank-bone , and followed a cluster of lies together , yet since increased by other . Gerards Hall restored to his old name . Gerards Hall overthrowne with Gerard the 〈…〉 great Speare . Every mans house of old time was decked with Holly and Ivie in the Winter , especially at Christmas . Compter in Breadstreet . Prisoners removed from the Compter in Breadstreet to a new Copter in Woodstreet ▪ Keeper of the Compter sent to Newgate . Quest of inquiry indight the Keepers of the Goals for dealing hardly with their prisoners . They indighted the Bowling-Al●ies , &c. Friday street . Parish Church of S. Iohn Evangelist , sometime of S. We●bridge . Parish Church of S. Margaret Moyses . A Monument in the South wall of the Chancell . A faire Monumēt in the North wal of the Chancell . A faire plated stone under the Communion table Mayden lane , or Disiar lane . Cordwayners Hall. Long piked shoos , tied to the knees . Piked shooes forbidden . Notes for div A13053-e291460 Queene Hith Ward Knight Riders street . Trinity lane . Spuren lane , or Huggen lane . Finimore , or Five foot lane . Desborne lane . Lambart hill . Parish Church of the Trinity . Parish Church of S. Nicholas Cold Abbey . A faire plated stone in the East end of the chancell . A faire plated stone by the Communion table . A faire plated stone under the Communion table . A faire plated stone in the middle Isle . Water Conduit . Painter stainers Hall. Earle of Cornwall his house . Parish Church of S. Nicholas Olave . An anciēt Tombe in the South wal of the Quire. A faire plated stone under the Communion table . An engraven plate in the North wall of the Chancell . A small Monumēt in the North wall of the Chancell . An anciēt Tombe in the North Isle of the body of the Church : Old Fish-street hill . Bishop of Herefords house . Parish Church of S. Mary Monte alto . Robert Belkenape his house given to VV. Wickham . One old Hall of the Fishmongers . Fishmonger Hall-motes , six in number . Patents . Lambard Hill. Black-smiths Hall. Parish Church of S. Michael at Queene Hith . His Monument yet remaineth . Pyellane . Parish Church of S. Mary Summerset . A faire plated stone in the chancell by the Commmunion Table . Summer Hith . Parish Church of S. Peter Parva by Pauls VVharfe . Townes-end Lane. Eldreds Hith or Queene Hith . Lib. Trinit●t●e . 〈◊〉 . Ships of the Ports arrested , and forced to bring their Corne to Queene Hith . Liberty of the Queens Hith from the Steele-yard to the Blacke Friers . Soke is Court. Queene Hith let to farme to the Maior and Communalty of London . Lib. Trinit . Lon. Rob. Fabian Lib. Constit . Custome of Queene Hith . A Corne-Meater , 8 Master Porters , and 24. Porters under them , at Queene Hith . Lib. 〈◊〉 . Roomeland at Queene Hith . Queene Hith to be more frequented of Ships & Boates than Billinsgate . Garner for Corne at Queene Hith . A Corne Mill upon Barges or Lighters on the Thames . Two corne Mils in one Barge given to this City , 1525. Salt Wharfe Stew lane . Timber Hith . Brookes Wharfe . Broken Wharfe . Bygots house by Broken Wharfe . An Engine for enforcing of Thames water . Trigge lane . Bosse lane . Notes for div A13053-e297420 Castle Baynard Ward Adle street . Do little lane . Beaumonts Inne . Pauls Wharfe . Scroopes Inne . Burley house . Baynards Castle . Legates Inne . Puddle Wharfe . Prior of Okebornes house . A Mill or Mils by Baynards Castle . Soke , Court or Ward belonging to Robert Fitzwater . Mill by Baynards Castle destroyed . Parish Church of S. Bennet by Pauls Wharfe . A comely Monument in the South I le of the Quire. Another faire Monument in the same wall . A faire grave-stone in the Chancell . A very faire plated stone by the Communion Table . A faire Monumēt in the South wall of the Quire. Barklies Inne . Parish Church of S. Andrew in the Wardrobe . A plated stone under the Communion Table . The like stone ●●ing by the other . A faire plated ingraven plate with Armes on a pillar in the Chancell . A 〈◊〉 Monument in the East end of the Chancell . Peters Hill. Almes-houses for ●poore viddowes . Peter Key . Pauls Wharfe Hill. Wood-mongers Hall. Darby House . I have the Copie of the said Patent delivered me by Hum. Dyson . Pauls Brew-house , or Powle head Taverne . Doctors Commons . Pauls Bakehouse . Addle street Lambart hill . Blacke-smiths Hall. Church-yard of S. Mary Magdalen . Parish Church of S. Mary Magdalen . A very ancient Tombe in the North I le of the Quire. A faire Monumēt in the east end of the Chanc●●● . A comely Monumēt in the South I le of the Quire. A Monument neere to the other . Another Monumēt beneath the former . A comely Monumēt with arms in the same South I le . Conduit of Thames water . Doe little lane . Sheremoniers lane . Blacke Loft of Silver melting . Colledge of Physicians . Lecture in Ch●●urgery to be read . West gates of Pauls Church . Gates of Pauls Church blowne open . For Lollards Tower reade M. Foxe . Pet. Burcher . Parish Church of S. Gregory . A plated stone by the Communion Table . The like Stone lying by the other . Another Stone in the Chancell . A very goodly Monument in the South I le of the Quire , vppermost . A faire Monument close by the other in the same end of the Church . Another Monument close adjoyning A faire Monumēt in the South wal of the Chancell . A faire Monument in the East end of the Chancell . A comely Monument in the East end of the Chancell . A comely small Monument by the other . A faire plated stone in the South I le . The Bishops Palace . The Stationers Hall in former dayes , but now it is in Amen lane , at the end of Pater noster Row. Notes for div A13053-e304780 The Ward of Faringdon without Gold lane . Lither lane . Old Bayly . Lin●e barners lane , or Sea-coale lane . Winde-againe lane . Shoo lane . Fewtars lane . Shire lane . Gilt Spurre , or Knight-Riders street Cocke lane . West smithfield . Hospitall of S. Bartholomewes . The first M. or Procter of the Hospitall of S. Bartholomew . A recluse or Ankorage by S. Bartholomewes Hospitall . A comely Monumēt in the South wal of the Chancell . A Monument in the North wall of the Chancell . A faire plated stone by the Communion table . Vnder the Communion table By the same table An anciēt Tombe in the North wall , beneath the Quire. At the entring into the Quire in the middle Ile A faire Stone lying close by the other . A faire plated stone close by the Pilgrim and his Wife . At the foot of the same Stone . A faire plated Stone in the South I le . Hospitall of S. Bartholomew suppressed . Priory of Saint Bartholomew . Archbishop of Canturbury visiteth S. Bartholomews Priory with stripes . Words of the Archbishop to the Prior and Canons . Sub-Priors Cope rent and trodden under foot , and himselfe almost slaine . The Archbishop armed , and ouerthrowne . The Canons beaten and trod under foot . The Canons complained but could not bee heard . The whole City is an uproare against the Archbishop . Bolton last Prior of Saint Bartholomew a great builder there . Canonbury . Edward Hall. Bartholomew Faire . The Fortainers were licensed for 3. daies , the free men so long as they would , which was sixe or seven daies . Court of Piepowders . A comely Monumēt in the East end of the Chancell . A very faire Tombe in the Chancell . Long lane . Chicken lane . Cowbridge . Pens in Smithfield . Smithfield Pond sometime a poole . The Elms in Smithfield a place wherein trespassers were executed . Hosier lane . Cocke lane . Iustings in Smithfield . Fabian . Alice Perrers rode from the Tower to Smithfield , as Lady of the Sun. Tower Royall . Iohn David a false accuser of his master : of him was raised the by-word , If ye serve me so , I will call you Davy . Smithfield being continually subject to extremity of weather by an honourable motion made , it was paved all over in An. 1614. Bartholo-Faire kept in much better manner , than ever formerly it hath beene . Io. Leyland . Pophames builders of St. Sepulchers Church . A faire plated stone in the Chancell . A faire stone close by the other . A faire plated stone in the same Chancell . A very faire plated stone in the Chancell . A faire stone by the Communion Table , richly done with Armes . Vnder the Communion Table , a faire plated stone . A very faire Monument in the Chancell . A Monument on a Pillar in the body of the Church . A Grave-stone at the North Ile entring into the Quire ▪ Oldbourne Conduit by Oldbourne Crosse . Scroopes Inne , sometime Sergeants Inne , in Oldbourne . Ely place in Oldbourne . Sergeants feast in Ely house . K. Henry the 8. and Queene Katharine dined at the Sergeants feasts . Lither lane . Furnivals Inne , an Inne of Chancery ▪ The Earle of Bathes Inne . Hounds Ditch . The Chamberlaines house and Court in the Old Beyly . The Sessions hall . S. Georges lane , and Inne of Chancery there . Originall of New Inne . An Inne of Chancery . P. standard of Spring water in the Old Beyly . Sea-coale lane , or Lime-burners lane , sometime so called . Wind-againe lane . Snore lane . Shoo lane . Oldbourne hall . Parish Church of S. Andrew in Oldbourne . Grammar schoole in Oldbourne . Hospitall in Oldbourne . A Monument in the North wall of the Chancell . A faire stone before the doore of the Vestre ▪ A small Monumēt in the wal at the east end of the Chancell . A comely small Monument in the wal in the Chancell . A faire Monumēt in the same wall . A comely Monumēt in the South wal of the Chancell . A small Monumēt under the other . A gilt Plate in the South wall of the Quire. A comely Monumēt in the same wall of the Quire. Two faire Grav●-stones in South I le of the Quire. A comely Monumēt in the South I le of the Church in the wall . A comely Monumēt in the North wall of the Quire. A comely Monument on a pillar in the Quire A Grave at the Chancell doore . Crookehorn Alley , Thavies Inne . Fewters lane . Barnards Inne . Pat. Hen. 3. 32. 1. Staple Inne . Ludgate hill . The Fleet , or Gaole , in the reigne of Richard the first . Conduit in Fleetstreet . Conduit at Fleet bridge . Parish Church of S. Dunstane . A faire plated stone under the Communion Table . Another faire stone close by the other . Another faire stone lying by it ▪ A faire stone , hard by . A faire stone by the Communion Table . A comely Monumēt at entring into the Vestry . A small Monumēt in the east end of the Chancell , North. A faire Monumēt in the South wall of the Chancell , at the east end . A Brazen Plate on a Pillar in the Chancell . An anciēt Marble Tombe in the South I le of the Quire. Another like Tombe close adjoyning . Another Tombe by it , in the wall . A faire Monumēt in the east end of the North Quire. An anciēt Monumēt in the South end of the Quire. A small ancient Monumēt in the east end of the South Quire. A comely Monumēt in the East end of the North Quire. A small Table . Monumēt on a pallar in the North I le of the Quire. On the same Pillar . On the same Pillar . On the same Pillar . On the same Pillar . A comely Monumēt in the wall of the South I le . Cliffords Inne . New street . or Chancelar lane . House of Converts . Rolles in Chancery lane . Prior of Necton Parke , his Inne or house of the sixe Clerkes . Fickets croft Shere lane . Conduit at Fleet bridge . Bridewell the Kings house . States created at Bridewell . Bridewell given to the City of London to be a Worke-house for the poore . The Bishop of S. Davids house . Parish Church of S. Bridges , or Bride . A comely small Monument in the South wal of the Quire. A faire Monumēt in the same Quire , in the East corner of the wall . The Bishop of Salisbury his house . Water lane . White Friers ▪ Iohn Baconthorpe . Crockers lane . Sergeants Inne in Fleetstreet . New Temple . Originall of the Templers . Profession of the Templers . Mat. Paris . Hubert Earle of Kent his Treasure in the new Temple . Mat. Paris . Seale of the Templers . 30. Dunmow . Parliament at the new Temple . The order of Templers condemned . Templers burned . Rob. Fabian . Patent . The Temple given to Aimer de Valence . Temple given to the Hospitalers of Saint Iohn of Ierusalem . Patent 2 ▪ E. 3. Clase , 18. E. 3. The Temple gran-to the Students of the Law and made an Inne of Court. Monuments in the Temple . Images of Knights buried crosse-legged , the cause why . Records of the Temple destroyed . Gate-house of the Temple new builded . Great Hall of the Temple new builded . Order for Divine Service in the Temple . Notes for div A13053-e328490 Bridge Ward without . Ex Hum●r . Dys●n . How the Borough of Southwarke became at the first to be one of the 26. Wards of London . The Mint of Coynage in Southwarke . The kings Hospitall in Southwarke . The power of the Maior , Communalty , and Citizens of London in Southwarke . The Faire to be kept in Southwarke . Felons in Southwarke committed to Newgate in London . Pleas , Actions , Plaints , and personall Suits . Inhabitants of the Borough to implead , and be impleaded in London . Issues taken upon Suits tryed before the Maior and Aldermen . Two Coroners for the Borough . The Maior of London Escheat●r in Southwarke and Clark of the Market there also . Toll , Tallage , Picage , &c. The inhabitants to be within the governance and correction of the Maior , &c. Iustices of London in the like Office in Southwark . 3. Market & Markets in Southwarke . Exceptions and reservations to the King. The ordering suruey , and gouernment of the Borough , &c. The Ward of Bridge Ward without ; and Sir Iohn Ayliffe first Alderman thereof . Sir Iohn Ayliffe sworne & admitted in the Maioralitie of Sir Rowland Hill. Election of an Alderman by Scrutiaie . The Alderman of Bridge Ward without . The Alderman to change from that Ward , as occasion served . The Alderman of Bridge Ward without to continue so for the space of 3 ▪ yeeres , without removing . 4. Another order for electing the Alderman of Bridge Ward without , in the time of K. Philip & Queen Mary . S. Olaves street . The Beare Gardens ▪ Liber Manuscript . The Stewes on the Bank-side . Li. S. Mary Eborum . English people disdayned to bee Bawds . Froes of Flaunders were women for that purpose . Rob. Fabian . Stew houses put downe by Henry the 7. for a time . Signes on the Stew-houses . Single women forbidden rights of the Church . Stew-houses put downe . Winchester house . Rochester house . Saint Mary Overies a Priory , and now a Parish Church . Lib. Rufen . Liber Bermondsey . S. Thomas Hospitall . Parish Church of S. Mary Magdalen . Iohn Gower was no Knight , neither had he any Garland of lvie and Roses , but a Chaplet of foure Roses only . Priory of S. Mary Overy made a Parish Church . A very faire Tombe in the North Il● of the Church . A faire Tombe in the North wall of the Quire. A very Monumēt close by the other . A very faire Tombe in the chancell . A very faire stone by the Communion table . This Monument standeth in the South I le . 16. Septem . 1619. S. Mary Overies Close . Pepper Alley . S. Margaret on the hill made a Court of Iustice . Court of Admiraltie . Compter in Southwarke . Suffolke house , a Mint in Southwark . Parish Church of S. George . A faire Monumēt in the South wal of the Chancell . A faire grave-stone under the Communion table . White Lion a Goale for Surrey . Kings Bench. H. Knighton ▪ Marshalsey in Southwarke . Saylers brake up the Marshalsey . Rebels of Kent brake up the Marshalsey . The Tabard in Southwark . Geffery Chaucer . The Abbot of Hide his Lodging . Hospitall of Saint Thomas . Li. S. Mary Overy . S. Thomas Hospitall the second time founded . The third foundation of S. Thomas Hospitall by the Citizens of London . Gift of E. the sixt to the Mospitall of S. Thomas in Southwarke . S. Thomas Parish Church . S. Olaves street and Parish Church . A small Monumēt in the North wall of the Chancell . A graven Plate in the end of the Quire. A plated Stone by the Communion Table . Another like Stone by it . The like Stone on the other side of the Table . An ancient Marble Tombe in the Chancell . Prior of Lewis his Inne . Abbot of Augustines Inne . W. Thomas . Sentleger house . Garners for Come in the Bridge-house . Ovens in the Bridge-house . A Brew-house builded in the Bridge-house . Abbot of Battaile his Inne . Battaile bridge . Bermondsey streete . Hide of Southwark to the Monkes of Bermondsey . Abbot of Bermondsey held a Plea against the King , and prevailed . Iohns Baev●w . Parish Church of S. Mary Magdalen . The Loke a Lazar-house in Kent street . Muster of men in Southwark . Notes for div A13053-e341800 Fitz-Stephen . Liber Albo. Suburbe without the Posterne by the Tower of London . Wapping in the East . These will be ready to testifie the truth hereof upon oath ▪ Nightingall lane . East Smithfield . Bramley . Lime Hurst . Free Schoole & Almes-houses at Radisse . Tower hill without the walls . Suburbe without Ealdgate , Of white Chappell . St. Mary Matfellon . A devout widow murdered . Suburb without Bishopsgate . Norton fall gate . Priorie of S. Iohn Baptist , at Holywell . A Crosse at Shores-ditch , now a Smiths Forge . Hoxton . Shores-ditch so called more than 400. yeeres since , as I can prove by record . Almes-houses in Shores-ditch . Rotten Rowe or Russell Rowe . Parish Church of S. Leonards at Shoresditch . An anciēt Marble Tombe in the Quire. A very faire Tombe in the upper end of the Quire. A comely Monumēt in the wal , neere to the Tōbe . A faire Tombe in the Chancell . An anciēt Marble Tombe in the Chancell . An engrauen Place in the Northwall of the Quire. A Fuller of Shores-ditch , for falsely accusing , hāged and quartered . Deut. 16. The reward of a false brother . Bethelem Crosse . Finsbery fields and More-fields an unprofitable ground . Gardens without M●regate , destroyed and made plaine ground Ditches cast to drein the the More-field . Sluce to convey the standing water out of the Moore . Moorefields raised and wind-Mils set thereon . Edward Hall. Hedges pulled downe & ditches filled up . Banqueting houses like Banquerouts , bearing great shew and little worth . Suburbe without Cripplegate . Parish Church of S. Giles . Grub street . Everades Well street . Golding lane . Suburb without Aldersgate . Eald street . Hospitall without Aldersgate . The Mount. Suburbe without Newgate . S. Iohns streete . Charter house . Charter-house . No mans land . Pardon Church-yard by the Charter-house . Bull of Pope Clement . Charter-house . Churchyard prepared of the poore of poore , so to remaine for ever . Vse for the Fryery Cart. The worthie remēbrance of M. Thomas Sutton . I have truely set downe all this , as it was delivered mee in writing by a Gentleman of good worth and credit . His first purpose at Hallingburie in Essex How hee intended to t●●rme the Hospitall . The Charter house more necessary for an Hospital than Hallingbury The first Governors appointed by Letters Patents , of King James his Hospitall , founded in the Charter-house . The lands made over by Master Sutton for the maintenance of the said Hospitall for ever , in the County of Essex . In the County of Lincolne . In the County of Wilts . Lands & Pasture grounds in Wilts . In the Counties of Cambridge , Essex and Middlesex ▪ A briefe Rehearsall of the former grants . Exceptions . Legacies given to charitable uses . All these works to be done , and the monies payd within a yeere after his decease . To ten poore Merchants . Legades to the poore in sundry Tonnes . The poore Prisoners . His love to Learning . To his Hospitall . The whole number in the house , with the attendāte , in 180. The greatest and most commendable that ever was given in England by one man , and to pious uses . M. Sutton died before hee could see his hopes take their effect . The Executors to M. Sutton . A very costly and beautifull Tombe in the West side of the Quire. Masters that have beene of the Hospitall . Intended to bee hung in a faire Table by the Tombe . Notes for div A13053-e356240 Charter-house lane . Conduit by the Charter-house . Cow-Crosse . Prioty of S. Iohn of Ierusalem . Priory of Clarken-Well , called S. Iames at ClarkenWel . An engraven Plate in the South wall of the Chancell . A faire plated Stone in the Chancell . The like stone close by it . A faire Stone by the Communion Table . A tombe seeming of great Antiquity . A faire plated Stone by the Communiō Table . A plated stone in the Chancell . A faire Tombe in the North wall of the Chancell . A comely Monumēt in the same North wall . A faire Monumēt in the South wall of the Cahncel . A Table hanging on the wall over her grave . A faire plated Stone in a comely Chappell by the Pulpi● . Port poole , or Grayes Inne lane an Inne of Court. Widow Alington her building . South side of Oldboorne . Old Temple . The Bishop of Lincolnes Inne . Southampton house . New streete . New streete or Chancery lane . Cursitors Office in Chauncery lane . Blacke Fryers Church by Oldboorne . Earle of Kent burled in the Blacke Fryers . Convocation of Blacke Fryers by Oldboorne . Bishop of Chichesters Inne . Lincolns Inne . Lincolns Inne an Inne of Court. Hospitall of S. Giles founded . Burton Lagar an Hospitall in Leicester shire . S. Giles bowle . Suburbe without Ludgate . Notes for div A13053-e361690 Liberties of the Dutchie without Temple barre , the bounds thereof . Strand street . Rotum cartar . Petri Sabaud . Monuments of Strand street . Excesser house , since Paget house , Lester house and Essex house . Chappell of the Holy Ghost . Mildford lane . Bishop of Bathes Inne , or Arundel house . Parish Church of S. Mary at the Strand . Chesters Inne , or Strand Inne , an Inne of Chancery . The Bishop of Landaffe his Inne . Strand bridge . Bishop of● Chester his Inne . Sommerset house Stone Crosse at Strand . Savoy house , first builded by Peter , Earle of Savoy and Richmond . Thomas Earle of Savoy , his Pedegree by occasiō . Beatrix , sister to Peter , Earle of Savoy , Mother to five Queenes . Fratrèes de Monte Iovis , or Priory de Cornuto by Have ring at the Bowre . Henry Knighton . Henry Knighton . Rebels more malicious than covetons , spoyle all before them . Liber Manuscript . French. Savoy builded for an Hospitall . Hospitall of Savoy , suppressed . Hospitall of Savoy , a new foundation thereof . Parish Church of S. Iohn in the Savoy . Bishop of Carlile his Inne , or Bedford house . Parish Church of S. Clement Danes . Liber Chartsey . W. Malmes-Danes slaine at S. Clement Danes . Headlesse Crosse by the Strand . Chancelor of the Dutchie of Lancaster . Notes for div A13053-e365030 Clements lane of Chancery . Clements VVell . New Inne of Chancery . Lyons Inne of Chancery . Drury lane . Cecil house . Bedford house . Parish Church of S. Martin in the field . An house belonging to Bethlem . The Mewse by Charing Crosse . The Mewse now builded for stabling of the Kings horses . The Bishop of Durham house . Iusting feast at Durham house . Pensioners . A row of old Stables belonging to Durham house . The shape of the new ordered worke , like the Royall Exchange . This goodly building erected in a small space of time . The King , Queene , &c. come to name it Britaines Bursse . The Bishop of Norwich his house . Hospitall of S. Mary Rouncivall . Hermitage with a Chappell of S. Katharine . Charing Crosse . Hospitall of S. Iames. S. Iames faire for 7. dayes . S. Iames Parke . Tilt-yard at Westminster . Scotland , a plot of ground so called . White Hall. Tennis courts , Bowling Alleyes , and Cock-pit . Long-ditch . S. Stephens Alley . T. Clifford . Record . No Silver to be trāsported . Wooll-Staple at VV. slminster . Robert de Amesbury . Staple at Callis let to farme . Record . Manuscript . Frenth . Wooll-Staples at Middleborough . Staple-Merchants the most ancientst of this Realme . The eving lane . Foundation of VVestminster by Sebert a Christian King not only in word , but in deede . Ex Sulcard . The Temple of Apollo overthrown by an Earth-quake . King Sebert built a Monastery in the place where the Church stood . The Monastery destroyed by the Danes , and repaired by S. Dunstan . The Monastery rebuilded by K. Edward the Confessor . A new Church builded in most goodly and beautifull manner . King Henry the 7. his Chappell the Miracle of the world . The alteration in the time of Henry eight . A Bishop of Westminster . A Nurserie for the collegiate Church of Westminster , instituted by Queen Elizabeth . The first Deane , according to the foundation . Walsingham . T. Clifford . Parish Church of Saint Margaret . Mathew Paris . A Mart at Westminster . Westminster with the Palace burned . New Chappell at Westminster . VVestminster a Bishops Sea. VVestminster made a Collegiat Church . Kings and Queenes crowned at VVestminster . Buried in the Chappell appointed for Kings . He lyeth also buried in the said Chappell , appointed for Kings . She lyeth buried at the North side of S. Edwards Tombe , in the same Chappell ▪ Shee is buried at the South side S. Edwards Tombe in the same Chappell . He is buried in the South side of the Chappell in a goodly Tombe , brought out of France by his Sonne Edward . He lyeth in a Marble Tomb at his Fathers head in the same Chappell . Her image lyeth on the Tombe in Brasse richly gilded in the same Chappell . He lyeth buried in the South part of the Kingly Chappell , with his figure in Brasse richly gilded . The Sons and daughters of K. Edward the third . She hath a beautifull Tomb and her Figure in Alablaster upon it . Royall ornaments there placed , to illustrate the beautie of the Tombe . He lyeth in the uppermost part of that Kingly Chappell , with a Statue of gilt Plates . Her body now lyeth in a smal place by her husband unburied . His owne and his wives figures are in gilt Brasse curiously done upon the Tombe . She lyeth in the same Tombe with the King het Husband . She lyeth also in the Royall Chappell of Kings . He lyeth under Marble , adorned with Brasse in the pavement by his Father His heart is buried in the Coffin with S. Edward . She lyeth at the feet of King Henry the third . In a Table hanging by are these verses set downe . He lyeth in a small Chappell made all of richly gilded Brasse . This Queene died in the Tower of London . He lieth at the head of his Grandfather , K. Henry the seventh . She Hath buried in the North part of the great Royall Chappell . Vpon her gloriou . & goodly Tombe made by King Iames is this ensuing inscription . In the great and Royall Chappell of King Henry the seventh . This young Infant lived not above 3. or 4. dayes . Shee is buried in the South part of the Chappell in a goodly Monument . She lyes buried in a goodly tombe of Alabaster in the same Chappell . He lyeth buried in the vault with his mother . A childe of two moneths old . She lyeth in the South part of the vestry . She lyeth in a Tombe as yet not finished . She lyeth in a goodly Tombe in S. Nicholas Chappell , the Tombe being 24. foote in height . She lyeth in a faire Tombe of of Alabaster in S. Nicholas Chappell . They lye buried in S. Nicholas Chappell , in a goodly Tombe . Shee lyeth at the doore of the same Chappell . They lye buried in Saint Edmund Chappell . Buried also in the same Chappell . She lieth buried also in the same Chappell . She was honorably buried in the floore of the Chappell . She lyeth also buried in the floore of the same Chappell . A goodly Monumēt is made where she is buried in the Chappell of S. Benedict . She lieth in a goodly Tombe of Alabaster , and various Marbles polished , in the Chappell of S. Paul. He lyeth buried in the midst of S. Iohn Baptists Chappell , with a goodly Monumēt . He lyeth buried in the South part of the Church . He lieth also buried in the same South part of the Church . A Magnificent Monument made by our most Royall Soveraigne K. Iames , for his Mother . A Monument all of pure gold were too little for a Prince of such high hope and merit . Sanctuary at VVestminster . Parish Church of S. Margaret . In the reigne of Edward the sixth . Great Hall at VVestminster . Mathew Paris . Liber Woodbridge . Palace repaired . IV. Fitzslepho● . Record Tow. The use of the great Hall was to feed the poore . Mathew Paris great feasts in VVestmister Hall. Henry the 3. sate in the Exchequer , and amerced the Sheriffes . Translatiō of Edward the Confessor , Marshes about VVoolwitch drowned . Wherries rowed in VVestminster Hall. T. Walsingh . Palace at Westminster burne . The Kings treasury at Westminster robbed . The Abbot and Monkes sent to the Tower. Edward the 2. keeping his feasts at Westminster hall , was presented with a complaint of not rewarding Souldiers . Great Hall at Westminster repaired . Great feasts at Westminster Hall. Ro. Iuelefe . Ro. Fabian . King Henry the 7. feasted the Maior of London , &c. Parliaments kept in VVestminster Hall. I find of Record the 50. of Ed. the 3. that the Chapter-house of the Abbot of VVestm . was then the usuall house for the Commons in Parliamēt . Bouch of Court. Magna Charta . Common pleas in VVestminster Hall. T. Smith . Court of the Chancerie . Kings of this Realme have sate on the Kings Bench in VVestminster Hall. Court of the Exchequer . Informers . Dutchy court . Office of Receit . Starre Chamber . The court of Wards and Liveries . Court of Requests . S. Stephens Chappell . Little Sanctuary . Cloyster of Saint Stephens Chappell builded . Parliamēt House . Chappell of our Ladie in the Piew . Clocke-house at VVestminster . Fountaine in the Palace Court. VVestminster Bridge or common landing place ▪ High Tower at VVestminster . Gate-house at VVestminster . Almes-houses of Henry the seventh . Chappell of Saint Anne . Almes-house founded by Lady Margaret . Almory at VVestminster . Printing of Bookes at VVestm . the first in England . Totehill-street . Hospitall founded by Lady Anne Dacre . Pettie France . Almes-houses for poore women . Chappell of Mary Magdalen . Matthew Paris . Seven hundred Messe of Meat at one Dinner in Totehill . Governement of VVestminster City . Notes for div A13053-e394390 The cause of the erection of the Colledge there . The name of that corporation . The ability thereof to receive 〈◊〉 The Provest , &c. may dig a trench out of the River Lee. Of what quantity . They may erect engines , &c. They may open Springs , &c. They may convey Pipes under ground . They may dig and open ground to make conduit heads . They may hare free passage to make , and after to preserve the things rade . What recompence the owners of the ground shall have . How they may recever it . What grounds may not be digged ▪ Notes for div A13053-e395640 VV. Malmesberie . Antiquities of Glaste . Lib. confii . Eleutherius died in the yeere 186. when he had sitten Bishop 15. yeeres . Liber Custom . Bede . This is before set downe in Cornehil VVard . Ioceline of Furnes . 1. Tome . com . S. Pauls Church in London first founded . 1. Melitus first Bishop of London , 619. 2. Iustus , 624. 3. Cedda , B. of London , 658. Ithancaster , and Tilberie . Ralph Cogshall . 4 Wina , 666. 5. Erkenwald , 680. Crotese , or Charlesey . 6 Waldhere , 697. King Sebba became a Monke in Pauls Church . 7. Ingwaldus , 716. 〈◊〉 - Parish . Fable of Richard Gravesend reproved . Notes for div A13053-e403860 P●●ent . Aserius Menevem . Florencius Wigor . Marianus Scot●●● . Portgraves . Lib. 〈◊〉 . Alb●ni . Rob. Fabian . Citizens of London called Burgesses . Charter of William Conqueror . Provost . I. Leyland . Sheriffes . Portgraves , since called Sheriffes , and Iudges of the Kings Court , & have therfore Vnder-Sheriffes , men learned in the law , to sit in their Courts . Doomes-men , or Iudges of the Kings Court. Bailiffes of London . First Maior of London . Newgate this yeere builded by the Executours of Richard Whitington . Three Wards in London discharged from Fifteenes by this Maior . A Charitable Sheriffe . He builded the Standard in Cheape●●●● . A great Frost of 14. weekes long . This Maior a great 〈…〉 to the 〈◊〉 Conduits . A great dearth Bread made of Fitches , Pease , Beanes , & Fear●e 〈◊〉 . Bountifull Charity . Hee was master of the money in the Tower of London . Pauls Steeple was fired with lightening and hardly quenched . 〈…〉 . A great Fray was this yeere at the westling . The Aldermen ( before ) rode by land on hourseback to West 〈◊〉 . This Maior gave 1000 〈◊〉 poore housholders in London . Now were the wofull battailes of Blorebeath , Northhampton , Wakefield , Saint Albanes , & Mortiners Crosse each ofter other . This Maior was knight of the Bath and after Knighted in the field by the King. Sir Ralph Ioceline , Knight of the Bath in the field . Henry Weaver , knight of the Bath being Sheriffe , Surmistedly charged with Treason . King Henrie the sixt delivered out of the Tower. The insurrection of the Bastard Faulconbridge and his complices . The most of these Knights were afterward made Maiors . Mychenhampton . Punishmēt inflicted on strumpets and Vagabonds . Serjeants and their yeomen appointed to the Sheriffes . This Maior increased the Water-Conduit in Corne-hill . He corrected the Bakers & Victualers of this Citie . Robert Bifield gave 50. li. towards the water Cōduits . Tomas Ilam newely builded the great Conduit in Cheape side . New building of Creplegate . 3 Lord Maiors , & three Sheriffes in one yeere , by reason of a sweating sickenesse . This was father to him that builded Pauls Schoole . This man lived and dyed a Batchelor and never was Batchelour Maior before . This Maior was made Knight by King Henry the seventh . One man twice Lord Maior . The levelling of More-fields . Made Knight in the field by the King. A good Maior for the poor● . The Lord Maiors first riding from the Guild hell to take Barge for Westminster . Hee was Knighted by Henry the seventh . This Fitz-William , Merchant-Taylor , was after of councel to King Henry the eighth , He builded also the greater part of the Parish Church of Saint Andrew Vnder●●aft In London . He gave also 1000. li. to finish up his Parish church of Aldermary , with a steeple , not yet performed ▪ A carefull Magistrate for Corne. This Copinger gave halfe of his goods to his wife and the other hal● to the poore that had most need ▪ He made the water Conduit at London wall by Moregate . Maiors Knighted by courtefie of the Kings . He builded the Almeshouses by Tower hill ▪ Not thirteen thousand Parishes in England . then approved . This yeere was the great sweating sickenesse . Testament in English translated by 〈…〉 . This Maior was translated frō the Brewers to the Mercers . The King first called Supreame head . This yeere was queen Elizabet's borne at Greenwich . Oath taken to the succession . The Popes power expelled out of England . Serieants and their Yeomen put away by the Sheriffes . The River of Thames over-frozen . The great Bible printed in English printed . Suppression of Abbies and religious houses . 〈…〉 in every 〈◊〉 Church . The great Plague at London . Bu●●en besieged and yeelded . The death of King Henry the Eight . 2 Sonnes of one man Maiors of London each after other . A great death in London . Booke of Common Prayer in English . The second great Sweating Sicknesse . The death of King Edward the sixth . The bounty of Sir Thomas White . 〈◊〉 , his rising and suppressing . Lady Iane beheaded ▪ Seven Aldermen in London dyed in lesse than 10 Months ▪ First ordaining of the night Belman . Callis lost to the French. Death of Queene Mary . Common Prayer in English , & Images pulled downe . Pauls steeple burned Iune 4. 1561. New-Haven yeelded to the French. The great Plague : No Maiors Feast by reason of the Plague The great frost and Thames over-frozen ▪ The Bursse builded by Sir Thomas 〈◊〉 The birth of our Royal Soveraigne King 〈◊〉 Iune 9. 1566. Downegate Conduit builded . The great Lottery at Pauls and the New Church-yard builded neere Bethlehem . Rebellion of the Earles in the North. Queene Elizabeth her comming to the Royall Exchange . Duke of Norfolke beheaded , Iune 2. 1572. M. Saunders murdered : his wife , Browne , Mistris Drewry , & trusty Roger executed . Oldbourne . Conduit builded by by Master Lambe . Strange sicknesse at Oxenford death of the Iudges . The blazing Star. The great deepe Snow . The great and generall Earthquake , on Wednsday in Easter weeke the fir● of April , 1580. The bla●ing starre 〈…〉 two ●one the ●ightly . Mouesiers comming into England , and his return . Standard at Leaden-Hall for Thames-water . Desmonds head set on London-bridge . Arden and Somerviles Treason . W. Parries treason . E. of Northumberl . murdered himselfe in the Tower. Sir Philip Sidney his honourable Funerall , Febr. 16. 1586. Ludgate new builded by the Cities charge . The 〈…〉 . Queene Elizabeth her comming to Pauls Sermon . Death of 〈…〉 . The Thomas almost empty of water for two daies space . No Bartholomew Fayre at London . Doctor Lopez executed at Teyborne . Vnrely youth executed on Tower-hill . A Provost Marshall for London . Lectures reading in Greshams College . Earle of Essex his going towards Ireland . Earle of Essex returned , & L. 〈◊〉 sent into Ireland . Earle of Essex his rising , troubles , and death . Spaniards and Irish overcome in Ireland . This yeere died good Queene Elizabeth . Tearme 〈…〉 , and 〈◊〉 plague at London . The most happy discovery and prevention of the Gunpowder Treasons . This yeere Aldgate was fully finished . The Lord Maiors ●hews long left off , were now revived againe by order from the King. This yeere died the Royall Prince Henry . Marriage of the 〈…〉 to the Lady Elizabeth . The new River brought to London frō Amwell . This yeere two brethen Sheriffes and the younger first chosen . The Kings great iourney to Scotland , and happy returne . This Maior was the second Batchelor . Doctor Abbot Lord Bishop of London , translated and enstalled Archbishop of Canterbury Aprill 9. The new River brought from Amwell , was finished the twentininth of September . Prince Charles having been in Spaine arrived in England the sixt of October . Our gracious queen Mary landed at Dover the 12. of Iune . King Iames died at Theobalds the 27. day of March. The Duke of Buckingham made his voyage to the Isle of Ree neer R●●hell . The death of Lambe called by divers Doctor Lambe . The draw-bridge also newly repaired . Iohn Felton for killing the Duke of Buckingham , executed and hanged in chaines . The birth of Royall Prince Charles , May the 29 at S. Iames's neere Charing Crosse . Mervin Lord Audley , and ●arle of ●●●●●haven beheaded on Tower-hill , May 14. The houses joining to the Cathedrall Church of St. Paul began to be pulled downe . The third part of London-Bridge burned . Notes for div A13053-e471540 Their morning meeting at the Guild-Hall . What is done in the Hustings Court after the Speech of Master Recorder . The naming and chusing of the Sheriffe by voyce and hands . The election of Master Chamberlaine . and other Officers . The certifying of the Sheriffes choice . Their comming downe againe to confirme the Election . Meeting at the Guild-Hall Chappell . A Proclamation in the Cloth-Fayre . The meeting at the Lord Maiors house on Bartholomew day . The Shooting day . The Lord Maior weareth his Collar of Esses , without Hood , and the Sword beater weareth the embroiderd Cap , and carryeth the Pearle Sword. Their meting at the Sheriffes houses . If the Sheriffe be an Alderman , or not . Their meeting at Guild-Hall in the morning by eight of the clocke . The manner of proceeding to the election of the L. Maior . From the time of King Richard the first , to this instant yeere . Advice given them what they are to doe in their election . One of the two nominated persons is elected by Scrutiny . The freedome of the parties election . The breaking up of the Court. How the Lord Elect goeth attended to his presenting . Meeting at the two new Sheriffes houses in the morning . The swearing of the new Sheriffes , and the old ones delivering their account . The fetching of the old Lord Maior from his owne house . The new Lord Maior taketh his Oath in the Hustings Court , and the ceremonies there done . Meeting at the new Lord Maiors house . The new Lord weareth a velvet Hood and the rich Coller : the Sword bearer the Cap of Maintenance . The old Lord rideth alone to the Guild-Hall , but weareth his velvet Hood . The orders and ceremonies performed at Westminster . The service done to him at London , after his landing . The Lord Maiors Feast . What order is observed at the Guild-Hall in welcomming the Guests . Order observed after dinner , and for going to Pauls . The new and old Lords weare both of them their blacke velvet Hoods , and the Sword-bearer the Hat of Maintenance . An ancient custome observed in Pauls Church . If it bee not Sunday . No Cloak to bee worne with their Scarlet . No State is observed . Indentures of the Wardmote Enquests . Pauls-Crosse Sermon on Good-Fryday : The Black Sword. A Hood for the L. Maior . The Cap or Hat of Maintenance . The last Sermon at the Spittle ▪ The Rehearsall Sermon . Sermon at the New Church-yard . If his pleasure be to goe . Preparation for either place of the Kings then being . Notes for div A13053-e473550 The Maior and Sheriffes only ride . Notes for div A13053-e473600 Knights and Burgesses for sitting in Parliament . Notes for div A13053-e473660 Commissioners for assessing the Subsidies . Notes for div A13053-e473700 Vpon death , or removing . Notes for div A13053-e473750 How the L. Maior and Aldermen are apparelled for such a solemnity . Notes for div A13053-e473810 Beginning upon Michaelmas Even . A very necessary observation . Notes for div A13053-e473910 The last love , duty , and ceremony one to another . Notes for div A13053-e473960 Nominating an Alderman ▪ Notes for div A13053-e474000 On the day , and at the houre appointed . At time and place appointed . Festivall times and generall dayes . Court dayes , and of exception . Notes for div A13053-e484540 The cause of the now compounding . Thè consideration given for it . The Deed of Covenants . The Lord Thomas is seized in Fee. And hath power to confirme the following Articles . That these Articles for ever be observed . That hereafter none of these Lands shal be severed from the Mannor . That a decree shall be had in the Chancery , to confirme the now agreements ▪ That an Act of Parliament shall be procured , to confirme the same for ever . The Tenants must pay twenty pounds towards the charges of it . For better assurance within five yeeres . The names cōtained in the Indenture . That leases may be let for thirty one yeeres and foure meneths without licence . Recitall of the Letters Patents from the King to my L. concerning the Free-hold . If the Act of Parliament bee not procured , thē the Tenants ( upon request ) shal be made Free holders . For enjoying the Common . The Tenants not compounding , are excepted from all benefit hereby . The enrolling of the Deed , and where it is left . A Statute of 12000. pounds for performance of Covenants . The defeasance . Where the Statute and Defeasance are kept . The proceedings in the Chancery . The Decree . Notes for div A13053-e485810 How Surrenders are to be made . See further in the 19. Article . An intire Quit-rent come into severall hands , shall be apportioned . The two generall Courts yee rely held . The manner of amercing . Three Proclamations shall bee made in two yeeres space , for the heire to take knowledge , &c. If no heire or heires appeare , the Lord may then seize the Land. The Lord may keepe it , untill a an heire doe come . If no heire come with in three yeeres after the 3. Proclamation , then the Land shall escheat to the Lord. 1. Except women covert baron . 2. Infants within age ▪ 3. Prisoners . 4. Persons Non sanae memoriae . 5. Persons out of the Realme . Five yeers limitation to make the claime in . 〈…〉 See more in the first Article , and in the 20. and 21. Articles , &c. The Fines must be entred into the Copies : See Article 29. Concerning the womans recovery of her health . All other Surrenders by women Covert-baron . Or else they shall be void . When Surrenders , to the use of the last will , must be presented , or else void . Solely examined before the Steward or his Deputy . Must bee presented , at the next generall Court. What Fines are due . If more then one Person be admitted , then &c. What Fine for a building , not used for a dwelling house . Admission of man and wife , a whole Fine . The Fines must bee entred in the margent of the Copies : See Article 19. Concerning Tenants not admitted , &c. Taking Surrenders out of the Mannors . How farre the Homage are to present , and what not . At foureteen yeers he is to be presented and admitted in his owne person . Vnder 14. yeeres by a Gardian . Gardian three shillings foure pence . Who shall be Gardian . See Article 37. The kindred refusing to be Gardian . And shall be bound to the L. for performance . See Article 33. See the Abstract of the Indenture . If such Leases be not presented to the Homage within one yeere after the making , they shall be void . Hee shall serve one whole yeere . For refusing the Office , and what Fine to be paid in Hackney . The Fine for Stepney . The Homage shall chuse another , untill one do accept and serve . The halfe of Fines paid by refusers , shall be allowed him who next shall serve . And be by him retained at his accounting . What he is to pay for his offence in both the Mannors . Hee is not to answer any Quit-rent , unlesse hee know the Tenant , or where the Land lyeth . To bee amerced . No houses may bee pulled downe , to set them upon free-hold land . They may dig Gravell , &c. upon the waste . Outlawry except for Treason or Felony , shall be no forfeiture . How a man may make a further forfeiture of his estate severall waies . Denying to pay Rents , Fines , &c. Disclaiming to hold of the Lord , and claiming their Copy-holds to be free-holds . Pleading wittingly in a reall action at Common Law , in chiefe as a Free-hold . What other forfeitures the Lord shall haue . Concerning the Wife and her heires . The m●nner of electing and chusing their parts , either in sons or daughters . Fine upon every such partition . What the Lord is disabled of doing . Notes for div A13053-e498290 How the Colledge was confirmed & established by the Founder himselfe . The disposing of the foure Writings . Notes for div A13053-e503110 a This is altered unto Tuesday , because of the Sheriffes intending of the Markets : which being kept upō Munday , would hinder their sitting in the Hustings . b Compta perchance the word signifies Measures rather thā Accounts : for Compotus ager , is a field surveighed , whose quantities were set downe in the Land marke or Terrier : and here perchance was kept a generall surveigh of all the Lands of the Kingdome , as now in the Domes-day Booke in the Exchequer . The forme whereof , the Conquerour perchance tooke from the Hustings . * Super Walbroc . * Et clamavit solam & quietam , & absque omni calumpnia . * Propter concessum suum . For giving up her right in it , perchance . * Which was above 500. yeers since . * Which was almost 100. yeeres after . Anno 9. H. 8. The first begining of the said Court. The reasons why the said Court hath had continuation . Other Acts made since to the same purpose . The malicious proceeding of cruell Creditors against poore men that claimed the benefit of the Court. An. 1. Ian. An Act of Parliament for confirming the power of the Court. An. 3. l●● . An other Act of Parliament concerning all debts under the summe of forty shillings . Power of administring an Oath . Notes for div A13053-e510500 Fulham . Putney . Chelsey . Stepney . Stratford-Bow and Bromley . Lambeth . Newington . S. Georges . Wansworth . Ba●●ersey . Hackney . Islington . Kenzington . Saint Giles ▪ S. Martins . Greenewich ▪ Notes for div A13053-e525990 De●ford . Notes for div A13053-e526380 Roderith . Notes for div A13053-e526990 S. Margarets at Westminster . Notes for div A13053-e532450 Westminster Abbey . Notes for div A13053-e545080 * Simon signifies obedience . Notes for div A13053-e596560 Pare of this Field is the medow where they usually shoot at twelve score , and where the Wrestling is usually . Saint Giles Parish . Sure of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. Sute of Court. In the Parish of S. Leonards Sho●●dit●h . S. Martins within Ludgate . Notes for div A13053-e600680 * Forte Robertum . Ligier fol. 69. Fol. 70. Ibid. Fol. 71. Fol. 71. Ibid. * Seawing . Saint Martins le grand ▪ Out of Book Danthorne in Guildhall folio 78. * Pro nimiâ servitute . These were English Knights ; and therefore in some writings it is called Anglish K●ytte-guilden . The Tower Ditch first made . Out of the Booke C. fol. 134. * Fidelibus . By which perchance both in this and other Kings Charters of those times , are meant , such as were the Kings Tenants or held lands of him , & had sworn fealty for them , to him . * Vice●omiti London . Out of Booke H. in fol. 48. * Super dextrarium his Horse of service , or great Horse . Out of Booke Dunthorn fol. 82. * The Tower . * This is a Character of the antiquity of this writing , and also that it was done either by the Parson , or some of the Parishioners of Trinity Parish . I finde two severall Copies of this : one in Booke Dunthorne , fol. 80. & another in Booke K. fol. 56. * In Escambio . * This is severall times written Gin●ald . * In 〈◊〉 . * Per 〈◊〉 suum . East Smithfield builded upon . Inner Soken ▪ * Cuninggate , perchance , or the Kings gate . * Sergeant perchance Refer all this concerning the priviledge or the City within the Tower , unto page 125. Notes for div A13053-e606820 Out of Booke C. in Guild-hall folio 135. and Dunthorne , fol. 79. * That is , by giving him entrance & possession into the Church of St. Botolphs ; which was the head , or ( as it were ) the Capita● Messuage of the Mannor . * Et Vice. comiti & Praeposito . * Homines . * Honorisice * Or Hubert . * Fidelibus . * East Smithfield . * Fidelibus Ecclesiae . * Hominibus . * Hidam de terrae de Brebelegia . * In the Transcript taken out of the Originall , which I used : I finde her written Rosha , with a dash , ignorantly ; so that I know not what to make of 〈◊〉 . * Pro escaembio . * St. Katharines . * Dominico meo . Out of Booke , C. fol. 136. * To understand this , see pag. 145. Not●s of Survey taken out of Acts of Common Councell , holden in the City . Notes for div A13053-e609440 * Thomas Becket . The uses of Leaden-Hall .